The Sun. — London, England, 1839-02-06 00:00:00

rn ar„ • icy. Ildl he' THE SUN, LONDON, 'WEDNESDAY, FEBRUAR' 6, 1838: .44 lie°l state Hod that over d aain; and the former leader use had assen an ted over to it g more than once. Indeed it - etas notorious that Lord Althorp maintained that it was %la a very moderate measure. He limited to know whelv euippect had b een entere d i nto —i n what hole and t oiler it had been concluded ? end . where was the re tee; ti of it ?—(lRar, hear.) Bet even granting that trap! tl'n' es such a n arrangement, he di d not yet despa i r a r d bri . "ging the N o bl e L or d roun d to the conclusion he ennie to.—( A l aug h .) If be wanted a precedent for it, let them look at the appropriation clause of last 19'r• --(Much langhter.) Year after year, for three years, 41 they not before the notion swear allegieeee to what htlie,y beepedcall that great principle ?—( Hear, bear.) . They: Proub 41 told that it was a great principle, and it eras a sight to see ;Meat men struggling thy it. They all th ew the fate of that greet principle. He need not remind e Reuse of it It was too disgraceful and too painful.— e.‘ll''',, It After . that, let them not talk to him of f o'?' ciaepeet entered into with regard to the finality of lit measure. , Her Maieete's Ministers could not deny that `'Y bed stated that ri:pre'..sentetion, and not nomination, as sn object of the% Hilt lie challenged any t Gentle te ri se in that ILueo end deity that noniinatioil I,, i n tl exist. Tha t many Met - doers were not returned t ..ei t tiliyidisals . who ' were Members of the ether House, 'at the sam e ,system vies not continued as under the t lee, e ' tol oglimongerin e , system. If tid e euuld not be deni▪ ed, rt:l Let the Noble Lord's audio' ity for saying that this 1 11 ili final measure ? The N o b le Lord, in a speech 1 11 4 . re 1 " 1832 (i t .was , to b e sure, on an occasion when they a 143 a sort of doubt, a ft er E ar l G re y resign e d, who ' eat th° Tories would not accept the Government and „iititeet the Reform Act) when of course be was taunted ebie,wneensisteney, and when he was reminded of a wo r k td , „ a he had written on the British Constitution, and lie °las only for partial disfranchisernent—( Hear, kf t , ) , e 7o that occasion the Noble Lord said that if the that then granted did not prevent- direct nomination iu li r 'IOUs; th e seeds of further reasonable and neces ezr°furni would be sown. He asked if there was riot t nomination in that House ? if it was _denied, he tea t . l .Prove it at the bar of the House, and there were 'tyiei°listituencies 'who would rather be -.without the frau fee'St'au 1 '; as they felt themselves, degraded in having 11 sieie "atehise used as it was by Members of the other la t , • 'le did not complain of that alone, they must not only kr - e at:Alter Schedule A. but also an equalization of the t ie w l ail lit s ' 4e nev• This was not the time for e nt er i ng i n t o an y " figu-es upon the subject.—(Hear, hear, fr om te J• Russ ell: He had taken six large boroughs and r 444 , 1° "e5• The ten small ones returned twenty Mem ti an ' the six large ones only 12. They were West t. L-st°, Liverpool, Finsbury, Tower Hamlets, Marylehone, West it 11,470'3"ebester, and the population of these boroughs was a k ' 479 , and t h ey paid 1,178,7001. of assessed taxes—the e`l'4ll boroughs, namely, Harwich, Bedford, Chippen e -,,' Abi ngdon Totness, Scarborough, Tavistocla Hunt slid tee oth , re (the names of which we did notcatch) z iesi e ?, ° Pillation of 35,160, and they paid 13,0201. of as- Nee Hear, hear.) When the p eo pl e saw state fire ?rtes that sort, was it likely that they ought to be saris_ th e ( Cries of " H ear , h ear .") H e b e li eve d , h owever, If se ;; tin aation did not preponderate at that side of the to f ; but it would be invidious, at the present moment, iha a er to Pa rticulare and he would therefore refrain from koe s° . Wh et be the new arguments against his see lie w as at a lois to know. When his Hon. Friend tlaeast°league proposed his amendment to the Address on (leeasion, i appeal was made to the gallantry and 'i r . ''4 , 4° ° of the House, and not without avail, as being ' o al l l -° ` Perliament of the new Queen, but that appeal 111 57 Serve either Ministers or Reformers now. Unless h ey to be told that, dining the present reign, the R e e s e oannons was never to approach the Throne, "s the measured terms of Ministerial adulation, now iteeti proper time.—( Hear, bear.) Where the old tiareel 'rlimentary pretence of this not being a seasonable thz t it't, might be revived he knew not, but he contended "c 4 n ever out of season to do justice. The people las just as well as that House, that to put things off to a ittieureble seiwon" in Parliamentary language, meant fi and de . insiou —(Cheers and laughter.) They th `rell-w in coin ' ith the Crown, and there is mitineation , 4 ft: ell ' win they ought not to do Justice to tne people Ke e !of that evening's debate would be an index to the er e s - e ° ` 4 ho were their friends—who were real, and who 41staC'in R eformers—who evere finality, and who were 14 4 2 ;- 114 Y men.—( Laughter.) Ho did not ask them to 14-4; themsoives to any details.—( Loud cries of e7e c re - e' t le tr.") He asked them merely to acknowledge ~°llld r ake d manifold grievances of the people ; and he t itter s ~, the liberty of warning her Majesty's f',Nee !h at the present might be the last hour of their e y a t ' te et:be country would know after to-night whether caret t Lined to a d vance or resist Reform—whether they ( cetite te ° govern the country by force or affection. Sir, t e i way ee 'fil' the lion. Member), they may increase their 1 7 1 4 1 t e ir t Y ll May overrun the country 'with their police— " 4 ,5e Ype . ern that by such ens these, althou tey otle a temporary quie m a t, they as will not restore gh to the th, either the confidence or the affections of the people. . 1 4; 4 ; 1 %) I would beg to remind Hon. Gentlemen of an r e. '"g, that " nothing is more certain than death ;" ae n wottld say that nothing is more uncertain than te 4 1 k of our lives. In the changes and unsettled th '"os Parties and politics, gentlemen may be called .et „e t . 'eau they expected to the hustings to account for . 1 4; 4 ewardship and their votes.—( L aug h ter , and cries of "It th;:,, hear.") Let me therefore entreat them, not only ac i rawn account, but as they value the rights of-pro ae-e4114 as they value the institutions of this c o u n t r y, t o Iheytime and by their firmness and indepe n de nce lin ee g prove to the country that the people are wrong Zals ' describe you not only as s the mere insignificant ,Itti t e e 4 Court, - but the hirelings of the present Adman,▪ - ej -- , (Hear, hear.) I would say to the Government, tee m ; twe entreat y ou to assent to th i s amendment which 11° t alt ` : " t to Propose, and prove to the p eop l e t h at you are tal 'tether d ea f to their cries or i n diff erent to t h e i r j ust L the, g o ie b. Liable demands.—( Hear, bear.) I thank Tead 'le for the patience with which they have k k I" ' w hile I have performed . a painful task. of A d i t that this motion should be considered apart from the only repose to add these words! at the end th hasa3t paragraplip: " And to assure her Majesty that k 3 2 e ndinent of the repreaentative system enacted in 4'411 (113aPpointed her Atlajesty's pele, and as that ure 13 not and cannot be final, her , Majesty's , . faithful re po will take into their early consideration, the fur "est, h e ta of the Commons House of Parliament"— l? t ' 11 % • ere `d, else V el therk rose t o second the motion of his Hon. k rae ber for Finsbury.---( In Consequence of . a . ?beer ttet ee , of Members leaving the House, it was with lase oll 4Y we heard the Honourable Member's eee t i a *) He expressed his sense of the obligation he n ire et i to the House for allowing them to bring at tit nportant subject under their attention, and t ilt b`9° absolute necessity of such a motion stelae • n absolute Made at the commencement of the present ail Prj e l d Pariliament. The terms . in which his Honour '44 the tune ao made the motion were most appropriate, 3 lite t i o he had selected for making it was the. most 1 1 ' 0 h ad h'tt had he could have selected.—( Hear, hear.) 'into' P s i 4 , 41 on the Treasury Bench a cheer when his ~oui Frie nd stated that it was not his intention to enter rant d 11 04 w hy, if he had entered into details, he Is t Prei tid j een told from the very same quarter, that he 1 11 e, 4 4, 11 5 the question, and his principle would have . itself tik g's -" on the supposed difference of details. ti tti t o °llourable Friend called on the House to pledge tet r ,l nc Ple, and they had selected for doing so a th-a'taPnropriate for laying down those principles. 4 ti c i Who Were Many obj ect i ons h a d b een ra i se d b y Gentle ekt4 he b od not d es i rous of taking part in the discussion, Wag a l Lito thebeien told by some Hon. Members since he et~xcel! ' Oll5O , that th e motion of his Hon. • Friend ti 4 40 e, too etnt motion o f i tse lf, b ut was wrong i n poi▪ nt t ae h tl loti en ' t hat it o ug h t to have been made a substan licrrtiee' w hich they would then have great pleasure in h• d th 4 ea a nd heard a comparison drawn between Oth that introduced by another Hon. Friend of Membe r for Finsbury, at the commencement t:).74a, per, ss i°n• Now he would beg -to remind the °t tee''lenlerly his side of the House, for he did not ~hetc as l ' h th 'r side would ps • much attention to it, that - 0 sort of ch it - as, es . a nalogy between the two motions. eece t i o 'is lion. Friend had very properly said on we a , te4 t o t e l e a ,dh , POSl•tiol l to avoid division upon the first 4t Nos e° "c Queen on her accession to the throne. There its ast Cr,v a feeling that her Majesty's Ministers wore t,he e4 sd from what they had always represented theß4ter)-"lrnels a hostile Court—(Hear, hear, and te ti r3 N'"od it was thought that they appeared before N e t hat t ° .. ' , lll heri 1837, for the first time as free agents, ose is te r r i f e " tl i . et they would lay before them . d e proposed or d t hat erse ce lcl " policy, before anything like dictation eth i se e , 4B Were attempted. That time bad gone e...- , 444 0 t1 1t th 0 existed no longer. The course of policy N e e l lik e " Govern ment intended to pursue had been !.le"te Lord distinctly as words could announce it, by the An 41 " Who in- t h at H o u se re p, ozentoc t t h e feelings-Ir tif They knew what they had to expect. They frearieletiPhat they had to deal with ; and the Commons W h 4, th e - " e 'Toro now called upon to assent to, or dissent kelt ve t ," ° L liee which the 'Government had laid down. oe Le st l"t Policy ? What was tile declaration f . th th s i , Y i l it W at the commencement `all the last Session? ~ 4 1 11p3 n 0 3 a declaration against all further organic the w 33 a declaration against all those changes fro ki 4r ed Tajority of the supporters of Reform h ad t o whi ch ott essentially necessary—it was . a po li cy__ in atwtr. he stated nothing should induce him % t h 4a Member of the Cabinet ; and they must t ; 1 ) Noble Lord still adhered to it. It appeared ' i4 e 44 ,,° 1 th e c) - 73 the meeting of another Parliament, the Refer of her present Majesty, and the seventh the eiore e • d' Na to Ho tee 13111 teas carried, that it was incumbent of , o . i tO I 'aY whether they adhered or not to_ those at i t' d ueY which the Noble Lord had declared be Addr e l :re In the Reform Parliament the mo v ing wer e thOlnsortertit'lad always been considered as the legiti- I N t here 1)1ii 14,11 N 0 f or enterin,g into such a discussion lay 'natter what the alleged grievance t i s a'OUlll d WIC alssny s found in that Ho would stand by their principles, tC4* Wn br l 'l4 t i r , h tli the, , " 11 5' in the face of the country, and ' h 'atei citi t h • at te o - 113 ` 0 ° a, division, itnecessa . ry. He was aware ',cry different doctrines had been pro (if t tli at :"eY had always heard of the great unanimity hsk i3 lei 4 1. ° Prevail in'.voting an address to the Crown, t l ,) () like dissension in their a.he ei° d they 1 sunoroi themselves to be bound tei l r . t th e phrin‘;eibl!t,iet.. They had never dared honestly . ty th eit tlert ed elsi Lt.! in that House which they had um % the votes thesewhere.. and had never dared to support r e caoi e , e sentiments which recommended them it ti pr?se et.l coriatituencies whom they professed 1;i) , qelic acieB “ l the unreformed Parliament there were le , whil e or that kiud, there was no talk of unani icl'ilie„Nierabl'iislatlimitY was impos 3 ll 3 l o ,___( Hear, hear.) i '4l F t 7' 4hetii were bound to support their individual rh o for e' s ", Ought to thank the Hon. Member for e hi .i 0 e9triead ••ierinc gey ee t h a• os einitv of record. tb, ° Pulioas h °- f manner e c on _ e t e most soiemn anu . sn•ma L I N had ta:,‘"tution allowed. In his opinion his Hon. thin,, B "" ilia Proper course to put an end to a otq told °,_xtremely discreditable to the Liberal party. , 41 s el t th e t ueni to distinguish between an Address re trVY 41aQht to th of the Treasury Bench and an tbt i 1 `dat ablecontaining, as he said, some eeet,ieeetl:uths, acceptation out of doors, His Hon. l'i lend had very properly abstained from alluding to any of those paragraphs in the Speech on which there might be any difference of opinion relative to foreign policy, and had directed himself entirely to the home policy of the ( 4 evernment—to that policy to which their attention was tailed by the paragraph in the Speech which alluded to the pace of the manufacturing districts, and which called on the Howse to support the Crown in the attempt to counter act certain movements. He admitted the justice of the ap peal, but he would ask the House whether it was prepared to deal with them without inquiring into the causes from n !dell those movements had originated. Whit were those causes ? He could ascribe the agitation which existed to nothing else but disappointment—to a deep disappointment of the working of the Reform Bill—and to those expecte liens held out by the Government on which his Hon. Friend liad rested the propriety of his motion._(Hear.) It was a feeling which, if they looked to the whole course of their Legielatton, they will find to be natural, necessary, and just. `That had been the course of that Legislation? What lied they done for the poorer classes of their fellow-citizens since the carrying of the Reform Bill in 1832 ? Had they . von them cheap justice, or cheap education ?—( Hear.) (lad they attempted to interfere with the laws which now centrolled and prevented the exchange of their labour ler the food which other countries had a right to export ? I le did not believe it was now in the power of the landlords to give the full relief. the people required. It is to the want of sympathy for the people by this House that a great per tioa of tho agitation which now pervaded the country may be.attributeS; look at the present state of the empire, did not this civilized country find itself in such a state cf disorganization as made . us shudder ? Did there not exist in England and Scotland a most formidable agitation ? The reason was that the great bulk of the population had net that preponderance in the reptesentation which they ought. Have we not within one hundred yards of us a Convention of National Delegates ? Have we net a national press? All these matters prevent us front saying in our Address that we can assist her Majesty in the way which we propose. The only way to remedy these evils is, by probing to the root those bad measures which has caused them, this grew. evil can be traced to the speech of the Noble Lord (J. Russell), at the beginning of the last session.---( Hear, pee r, from the upper end, of the Treasury benches. ) It was that declaration that gave force and influence to this agitation. By putting 1 under the ban of political exclusion those who have every right to enjoy the advantages of our constitution, lie has drawn the people to their present state of agitetion. \Vi re are those halcyon days which the Noble Lord ertid we now enjoy in his address to the electors of Stroud ? Look at ' Ireland also, where is the tranquillity which last }ear's Tithe Bill was said would give that country. My Hon. Friend, the Member for Dublin, although when the Tithe BM was passing, said he should he quiet for three years, yet he wee only landed on the shore of his native land, when he unfurled the standard of agitation, and lisle now to support him a large body of Precursors. This is the policy of which the House of Commons are called on to pronounce an ap prove'. You have given too much to stop. You -must go on ; we are now in a state of transition. I have always deprecated the use of force in obtaining any benefit for t he community . I have ever endeavoured to separate what is form from what is substantial. Before I sit down I still call on these Hon. Members who sit on the same side of the House to reflect on the votes they may give on this amendment. The SPEAKER said that if the resolution proposed by Mr. Duncombe was intended to be attached to the Address it could not be proposed, he thought as an amendment. Lord EUSTON, as Member for one of the smell com munities, . agreed that the Reform Bill should not be thought a final measure. He opposed the Reform Bill. It was successful because a much smaller measure of re form had been refused. He regretted that there was no mention in the Speech of any of those blessings which they bed obtained from Providence, in giving them a harvest, without which the people of the country would be in a starving condition.—( Cheers. ) Mr. HANDLE Y said the motion of the Hon. Member fos Finsbury would have his most decided and determined oppositiou.—( Cheers. )' He would not express any opinion -as to the finality of the Reform Bill, but lie could not but think the motion had been administered by the Hon. Mem ber fir Finsbury as an anodyne, to allay some of the evil spirits of the borough of Finsbury.—( Cheers.) He con sidered it as a Finsbury farce, and as such totally useless.— ( Ci eers.) While he was upon his legs, he would take the opportunity of adverting to a subject of great importance to his constituents. The Hon. Members who had moved and seconded the Address had alluded to no mention being made in the Speech with respect to the Corn-laws, and had ex pressed a hope that the subject would be introduced in the course of the Session. He should have been surprised if the subject had been introduced in the Speech from the Throne after the opinion expressed by the Noble Lord at the head of le r Majesty's Government, and after the letter written by the Noble Lord at the head of the Home Office, to his constituents at Stroud.—( Cheers.) He wished that his Honourable Friend who had given them such an able eluci dation of th'e prosperous state of the manufacturing inte r' sts—(Cheers)—who had made a speech that had been heard with satisfaction by both sides of the House— ( Cheers)—he wished that he had made that speech to the Chamber of Commerce, at Manchester, as it would have afforded very cogent argument, that the agitation was not as- its 1815, to be found in the labourers and operatives because they bad found by better experience that cheap bread meant no wages.—( Cheers.) He was, therefore, glad that Ministers had not alluded to the question of the monopoly of the Corn-laws in the Speech. In his opinion the Corn-laws were only defensible upon the ground that they led to the prosperity of the many, and it was his firm opinion that the present laws, in principle and practice, were the best that could be devised.—( Hear.) Mr. H LIME was glad that the lion. Gentleman who had spoken last had admitted that the Corn-laws were a mono poly. Against whom was it a monopoly ? Why, the whole netion.—(Cheers.) In whose favour was it ? The land lords.—( Cheers.) It was because it was a monopoly that he for one had protested against it—(lean ) He thought the statements of the Hon. Member who had seconded the motion were to be taken in a very different light to the construction put upon them by the Hone Member who had last addressed the House. The country had become impo verished by the monopoly of the Corn- laws, and the House ought not to allow such a state of things to continue.— ( Chrers.) What was the state of the labourers employed by the manufacturers ? Why, in consequence of the pliee of food in the country, they were pressed down aid deprived of the fair profits of their labour, and were made the greatest slaves upon the earth,—( Cheers.) The people were famishing by thousands.—(Cries rif " Oh 1 oh I') He asserted that such was the fact. He knew it from his own observation.—(Cheers.) They might eon ceel it if they pleased, but lie would -fearlessly assert that the high price of corn, without an adequate rise in wages, bad been the cause of such disastrous circumstances. _ ( Cheers.) Yet such was the state the Hon. Member who had just sat down was desirous of continuing,— ( Hear, hear, hear.) He (Mr Hume) was no finality man, nor was the Noble Lord, because he had stated that the Ballot and Universal Suffrage must be left , to future times. It was most important for the country to know whether they had a Ministry that would correct abuses or allow them to exist.—(Hear.) The people now saw that those who had brought forward the Reform Bill had not the courage to go through with it; and it was to test those oho had hitherto supported Ministers, and to ascertain those w ho wished to stand still,t hat the present motion was brought torward.—( Hear.) Noteithstanding all that had been seid to the contrary, be considered the time chosen by his frieed for bringing his amendment forward roost opportune, because one of the paragraphs in the Speech called the at test:ion of the House to the discontent in the country, and the other paragraph called upon the House to increase the civil power, in order to maintain the law. Such being the ease, he thought it was the duty of the House to know what was. the existing cause of that discontent. The great cause of that discontent was, that the House had passed laws favourable to the Aristocracy and against the people.—(Hear.) The people had suffered long with greet patience, and now they had crime forward to demand their rights. —( Hear.) The people of England were little better than slaves, fur they bad tio voice in the formation of the laws ?—( Hear.) Was that no ground for discon tent? On that ground it was that he thought his Hon. Friend was perfectly right in the motion he had made. Ile was one who thought that the laws were not equal— that they were made for one class, the few and not the many. It was, therefore, right that the House should de clare; whether they were prepared to go on, or to adopt the doctrine of the Noble Lord who led that House. Indeed, he thought he had shown great judgment in not pressing on the public those matters of which every man would ad mit. the truth. 11-, therefore, concurred with- the motion of the Hon. Member as far as regarded the amendment of his Hon. Friend. Ile did rot object to the Addreze, be- 1 cause he felt they were not bound by any of the allege floes it contained. He had not heard it, and he wished to ask whether any clause was introduced, assuring her Ma jesty that this House would take into consideration the - Cern- taws. There Was Ito rfteeetisfee - is.-lets - opierienr o con neetcd with the welfare of the nation of more importance than that. It Via; ridiculous to suppose that the land alone formed the wealth of the country. England was a manufactuting country. A great stress had been laid on the twoßillilst repealrelative tttoohe open n Aus'ria and Turkey, o it was argued tbut hat they were why trot likely v a n d channels then , of commerce; C o r n e l a ws world would be thrown open. Let the Corn-laws be re biet,allanntditt he —let a in l a a s nd c e h d ea pealed ; let the ingress of food of all kinds, not simply of obtain eern t u or ca li n e should be worse off than lie p p ro ns prie e was now. He thought it would lead to a due regulation of the market ; it would place the Englishman on the footing of men in other countries. Was it not known that they made an EnglisliMan labour 14 hours. to obtain his food. He thought that the change would take place without injury to any class, but the landed propri etor he was certain would be henefitted,•and the whole of the working classes benefittcd Let the impediment he withdrawn—let American corn find its way to seek British manufactures, and they would find a double profit ; let any man read the late accounts from Norway and Sweden; such is the state of those countries, they would actually take corn from this country and send us timber in return— in short, there were many openings: We only wanted WIC remedy and one law —let the Corn-laws be repealed. With respect to Belgium he did not expect to find in this age her Majesty's Ministers should have shown such a great want of attention to the wishes of mankind to think that individuals are to be transferred like flocks of sheep from one country to another. Before her Majesty's Mi nisters should have given their sanction to the Treaty, these matters, in his opinion, should have been discussed. Hole laud had taken six years to consider of it. Why, if Hol land gave her tardy consent, is it necessary that England should step in to sanction the transferring of hunian beings like beasts from one country to another? He was sure when her Majesty came to consider the effect of that Speech—the violation of human and divine laws—(Laughter)—he said human and divine laws, it never . was intended that men should be thus handed over; , if, therefore, the House gave their sanction to that paragraph of the Address, he must tender his rotest. If the conduct of the Govern ment towards Poland had been disgraceful, what might it not be considered in this instance ; the Speech directed the House to the p resen t state o f C ana d a ; did t h e H ouse Iknow the present state of Canada ? Military laws inter : fered to try civil offences; three Judges had been sus pended because they offered protection to those who sought their shelter. He was satisfied that there was not a man in that House who would agree in sanctioning such proceedings .unless extraordinary circumstances author ised them ; he hoped the people would not have to learn that after twenty-three years of peace the tfttes were to be heavier than they had been ; on the whole he thought they would act wisely to sanction this motion, because it was the only test that this Howe would take into consideration such laws as would give satisfaction to the nation. MR. B ROT H ERTON said, with regard to the amend ment, he would only state one fact, that in a population of twenty-five millions only one million were franchised; the people complain that the laws are partial, his motive for rising was to prevent the House from being led away by the statements they had heard. They were told that bread had been doubled within the last year: An Hon. Member had said, that wages had been increased ; the manufacturers said, that they had no profits—if they had they were taken from the pockets of the labourer. Tho Hon. Member may say that our exports have increased ; the ex portation of machinery has increased very largely, and it would be found that our exports had not increased in those articles on which much labour was employed. He had no hesitation in saying that the manufactures of this country were by no means in a favourable state. He should be glad to see them improving, but even if they were, it would not authorise the Legislature to legislate for one class to the prejudice of another. It was his opinion, that unless there were a change in the Corn-laws the interests of the country would be impaired. He merely thought it his duty to enter his protest against the statement of the Hon. Gentleman. Mr. HE ATHCOTE said that after the Hon. Member for Kendal had gone into a dissertation on the Corn-laws it hardlybehoved him to be silent : and here he would notice the oft repeated and refuted arguments which had been brought forward by the Hon. Members for Kendal and for Salford, that a repeal of the Corn-laws would be not only for the benefit of the manufacturers, but of the landholders also ; but that such was the opinion in that part of the country with which he was more particularly connected, he begged most positively and decidedly to deny. He could assure Hon. Gentlemen that he had never seen anything like the feeling on this point. He had been connected with his county for nineteen years, and he never caw a feeling so strong and so unanimous as the one on this subject. Ile contrasted this unanimity with the differences of opinion, and the violence of expression, which had been manifested at meetings held elsewhere on the subject. There was an equal difference with that to which he had alluded, between the lion. Member for Kendal and the Member for Salford. It had been represented this was a question merely tetween the landholders on one side, and the country on the other, but this was not the case. The feeling in favour of the Corn laws was not only common to all parties in politics, but to all classes. Not only landholders, but farmers—not ciirly farmers, but tradesmen—( Hear, hear)e—not only tradesmen, but labourers—shared in this feeling. Petitions would be presented to this House from every parish in Lin colnshire in favour of the Corn-laws, and the great hulk of the signatures would be of the class he had alluded to. Gentlemen always argue this question as if it had reference solely to landowners ; now the fact is, that there are none so much interested as the small proprietors. It is useless to talk to them of a reduction of rent. As they cultivate their own ground, the question should be considered. with reference to them ; and if he was proud of the confidence of the great landowners, he was prouder still of their con fidence, and all their wish is, to be let alone.—( Hesr, hear, and laughter.) Not only )vas he for no surrender, but he was for no compromise. He was decidedly against a fixed duty. lie considered a fixed duty as a lower protection a hen prices were low, and as none at all when prices were high. He was quite convinced no compromise could take place; but have no other classes monopoly besides the landowners ? have not manufacturers ?—( Cries of " No, no.") —have not woollen manufacturers—manufacturers of silk—no mo poly ?—(Cries of " No, no.") Did not one of, those classes of manufacturers send up two petitions to that House—one praying for greater protection fir their own industry, and the other praying for a repeal of the Corn laws, and this is the one-handed justice of these Gentlemen ; but the fact is that if we have a free trade we must not only have a free trade in corn, but in every thing else.— ( Loud cheers.) Every one wishes for a monopoly for themselves, and free trade for every one else. The sea ports reject a free trade—the manufacturing towns reject a free trade ; therefore we may cheer after the next election. Many members have lost their seats on the free trade ques tion, and many more will. It was with great pleasure that he perceived that the Corn-laws had not been alluded to in the address; he supposed it was the intention of her Mejesty's Government to profess neutrality ; on that subject he hoped it would be a fair neutrality, and then when Hon. Gentle men on the other side intended to vote in favour of the Corn-laws, no obstacle would be thrown in their way, because such conduct would be resented in such a way as would do them great in jury. Mr. JAMES said he was for progressive reform, and no one could regret more than he did the declaration of the Noble Lord on the finality of the Reform Bill. When measures should be brought forward for the extension of the suffrage, for the shortening of Parliaments, and for the introduction of the Vote by Ballot, they should have his support, but he could not approve of the Amendment to the Address. The moving of this Amendment showed a want of respect to her Majesty. He considered that if this Amendment passed it would be a vote of censure on the Ministry, and they would consequently go out of office, a catastrophe in which he should be sorry to take pert. He should vote for the Address.—(The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cries of " Question ") Mr. O'CONNEL L rose amidst loud cries of "'Ques tion," which continued for some moments. Ile merely wished to make a few observations. The amendment was no question on the Address, it was merely an addition to it; so far they were all agreed ; it asserts what is strictly true, that the Reform Bill is not satisfactory, and if' the ;To pic are dissatisfied with it, it should he taken into considera tion. Hon. Gentlemen thould recollect that the grounds of the opposition to which they had alluded as having taken place at the late Corn-law meetings were, that the people desired an extension of the suffrage, so that if it affected the question of the `Corn-laws adversely, it affected the other proposition affirmatively. Having voted against an similar amendment last year, he expressed his determina tion to vote in favour of this —(Laughter.) Last year he did apprehend that the amendment might disturb existing relations—( A laugh)--this year he had no such apprehensions, circumstances have happened in the interval which) justified this course; 'the popular will has been loudly expressed, and he should vote in accordance with the popu lar will. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then alluded to the subject of Belgium, and expressed a wish that the Treaty would not be enforced, and the people of Luxetri burgh and Limburgh compelled to succumb teethe Dutch Government. What right have you-to compel them to go back to the Treaty of Vienna ? What was done when Nicholas violated that treaty ; with' regard to Poland ? It was never enforced in:favoureaf the Poles. Nothing could be more dangerous to thb ;monarchical principle than the conduct pursued by the Quintruple Alliance, The King of Prussia had created a vast deal of disaffection in his do minions. It was stated that these measures were for avoiding a war.—( Hear, hear.) Let them take care that instead of avoiding, they were not sowing the seeds of many a future war. With regard to Canada, we were originally in the wrong. Out of economy we took many Members from the 'Canadian Parliament ; what is that economy now ? Haman blood has been shed at the gallows ; he protested against this. In this country hu manity had succeeded iu almost abolishing the penalty of death, and why should not this humanity g o across die At lantic? True, the invaders of Upper Canada were banditti; but of all other punishments, were there none other more effective than death? The prisoners were fried by Courts martial; why were they not tried by Juries? Why mention d'e loyalty of the Canadians in your Address ? It they will acquit unjustly, they are not loyal; but, the Jury will acquit meats that the Court-martial will not—this bespeaks a foregone' conclusion. He could insagiue nothing more galling to the feelings of the gallant officers commanding the army than to be fighting with these unfortunate people one day and trying and hanging them the next. Why try by Court-martial men not taken in arms? Three of the Judges were superseded by the military; and we must make some efforts that our officers in Canada should not rival the Cabreras of Spain. He protested against the con duct that had been pursued towards Belgium, and he trusted that Belgium would not submit to have her liberty voted away. Sir R. PEEL—I do not intend to advert to any of the subjects introduced into the amendment, or to any of the speeches in support of it, or to die Address. Whatever questions they embrace, we must feel that we are met under. circumstances of more importance. The state of Belgium, the state of France, the state of India, all great subjects, were of :such vital consequence as: demanded our earnest consideration. First, indeed, I must say of our diplomatic relations in the Turkish Treaty, I cannot:conceive how those who completed that treaty were entitled to the great praise that was bestowed on them, when it must be recollected that it is only a repetition of the Treaty of 1829, perfected by my Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen; and although so much panegyric was given to it—panegyric which, I think, it is not entitled to, wo must not forget that it is the same in principle as the former one; but allowing it to merit all the praise that it receives, it must be confessed that it is not a sufficient guarantee against the encroach ments of Russia. It was entered into by the Turks and Austrians as a means only ,of raising an impediment to the too easy transport of articles of commerce which had escaped paying duty by raising the impost from 3 to 12 per cent. (Here Mr. spring Rice said that the rise was not so much, it was only from 3 to 5 per cent.) I now must advert to a subject, which I am sorry to say, has not been taken up wi:h that consideration which it ought—that is the Bri tish interest in India. When I contemplate what our re lations are with that interesting portion of the empire, I cannot refrain from expressing my dissent from the line of proceedings adopted by the Chief- Governor of th a t country . I however hope, that all means will be taken to give every satisfaction to the public on every subject connected with this important division of the empire—if Persia is, instead of being our friend, made our enemy, and the friend of Russia. Your attention has not been sufficiently turned to our foreign relations. We have been squabbling about matters connected with our domestic interests, and these great con. t erns, on which hang the questions of peace and war, on which the fate of the nation depend, have hitherto escaped us.—(Hear, hear.) You learn from the Speech from the Throne, that in the relations between England and Persia, differences which have arisen have occasioned the retirement of our Minister from the Court of Tehe ran, that is, from the Court of Persia, and her Majesty indulges a hope that a satisfactory adjustment of those differences may have taken place. Is it this which has induced the Governor-General to enter into en gagements, and is it on this account that his preparations are made ?—( Hear, hear.) If these preparations are made'for the purpose of resisting the ag gressions of Russia, they might be politic. He knew what had been said in the British Parliament of confining our empire in India within proper limits, and that it was pru dent to avoid making conquests ; but he could not find in any public document presented to them a justification of the proclamation issued by the Governor-General, nor could he find any connection between that proclamation and the Speech from the Throne. Lord Auckland's, declaration of war against the people of Cabul was a dangerous pro ceeding, and his guaranteeing the restoration of Shah Soojah to the throne of his ancestors was entering into an engagement so extensive as to comprehend the friends and enemies of the King of Cabul, and that the friends and enemies of the Sehah are to bo considered as the friends and enemies of England; that he is to be supported by a British army, and when he is restored to the Throne that the British army i.?.; to be withdrawn. On all these subjects a satisfactory explanation was required. This Shah Shoojah, it seems, was deposed in 1809, and afterwards endeavoured to recover his possessions, and raised an army of 20,000 men for that purpose. The Governor-General had entered into a guarantee that this person should be replaced upon the Throne. This was in principle, he con tended, precisely the same as if England were to have under taken the restoration of Charles the Tenth.—( Hear.) In 1831 an experienced officer had been sent to report upon the state of that Country; he alluded to Captain Burnes, and this was the account which Captain Burnes had given. The Shah was deposed, not by enemies, but by the hostility of his own subjects. Captain Burnes says that it was entirely on account of his pride and arrogance, and that he might have regained his position but for his rash attempts before he was fixed on his throne to exercise his power; and that it was evident the restoration of Shoojah was a most impro bable event. This was the account given by Captain Burnes in 1832 or 1833. There was the statement of their own officer that the restoration of the Shah wasalext to impossible, for that the wealth and feeling of the country were entirely against him, and yet they now had the proclamation of the Governor. General to say that it should be done. It did appear to him that this matter requited an explanation which had not been_ given, and which must be of a very different character from that which had been given. Persia, in his opinion, stood in a very different position, and the conduct pursued with regard to that country might be perfectly right. The next subject of the Speech was necessarily of the utmost importance. He alluded to the subject of Canada, and he must say, though he had - nothing to object to the general purport of the Speech that he did wish that stronger terms had been made use of in ee pressing our sympathy with the sufferings and troubles of the people of that country—( Hear)—of a people exposed to every species of injury, and of whom ho could not express his admiration in terms sufficiently strong. They were not actuated by any cold calculations of pecuniary interest— they were influenced to their Noble conduct by their expe rience of the benefit of our monarchical system of Govern molt ever the democratic form of the neighbouring State; they u ere actuated by their noble desire to share in the fortunes of Great Britain ; their conduct was noble in the highest degree ; and I much wish that during the last Session of Parliament they had experienced the sympathy of the Legislature. It is probably not too late even now, and I trust that they will be assured of the sympathy and support of the British Legislature. Her Majesty in her Speech calls upon us to support and maintain the authority of the Crown. By this declaration her Majesty gives us to understand that she will maintain the authority of the Crown, that she intends to maintain her authority over the whole of her North American possessions.—(Cheers.) -The honour of the country demands that we should assist her Majesty to maintain such sovereignty. We are called upon by every principle of h onour an d of humanity to aid those gillanz men, who have proved th , .rnselves to be worthy of our. suirport, who have proved that they are worthy of their connection with England. I presume that it is now a po sitive intention that her Majesty's sovereignty over those possessions will be maintained at every risk. I consider that lisr Majesty, by saying— " I have to acquaint you with deep concm that the province of Lower Canada has again- been disturbed by insurrection, and that hostile incursions have been made into Upper Canada by certain lawless inhabitant, of the United States of North America. These violati,ns of the public peace have been promptly suppressed by the valour of my forces and the loyalty of my-Canadian subjects. The President of the United States 'has called upon the citizens of the Union to abstain from proceedings so incompatible with the friendly relations which subsist between Great Britain and the United States." By saying so, I presume her Majesty has made a declara tion in the face of the world to the people of Canada— a declaration in the face of those who had made so many attempts to molest as brave and loyal a po pulation as is in connection with England, that she will, with the whole force of the country, maintain her s wereignty over all those Provinces in North America. I consider it is a declaration of immense importance —it is of much importance, in order to cheer up that gallant population, who may now be drooping at the thought of our supineness—to cheer up the hearts of those who have been subject to the most annoying series of insults and wrongs. It is of importance that the declaration should be so understood by the aggressor—that they should know that her Majesty's sovereignty will be supported with all the power of England. It is of importance that it should be so understood by the misguided subjects of the United States. During the whole of my political career, I have never spoken of the United States with any other feeling than that of deprecating any animosity between two countries of a common origin. I have al ways felt that it is of much importance that a good feeling should exist between countries so similar, and so intimately connected; but that feeling will not deter me from express ing ray feelings of the conduct of any of her sons. I will condemn it if I think their conduct justifies me. By the papers laid before us it appears that her Majesty communi cated to the President of the United States what took place, and we arc told that he issued a Proclamation, call ing upon the people to abstain from such attempts of ag gression upon unoffending men in a peaceful neighbouring country. Naw, Sir, I cannot be satisfied with this, if it is all that he had done.—( Hear.) I cannot conceive a greater grievance than that to which the people of Canada have bean subjected: —no grievance can be more in tolerabli: than that the inhabitants on the frontier of one country shall be liable to be shot or have their property de stroyed—always kept in a state of excitement and doubt by the itiltehitants of another. Nothing, Sir, in my opinion can be more dangerous than the allowing of such a course to be pursued. Good God, what a state of society we should live in if such things were allowed, that the inhabi tants of a country arc allowed to be kept in a state of alarm—that they are to be shot or burned, and that the only reparation we shall receive shall be that we, upon complaint, shall be told, " Oh, our l aws arc too weak to prevent these practices, but we will call upon our subjecti to be quiet." What steps did America take upon a similar occasion ? Why she set an example to all other nations.—( Hear, hoar.-) When the' Seminole Indians attacked their frontier, what was the conduct of Gen r,! Jackson ? Did he complain to the Spanish Go vernment, and call upon them to issue a proclamation to She ludians, calling upon .them to remain quiet ? No : his conduct was very different. Ho at once entered the count: r', and seized upon the forts. .:When the Spanish Gove usnent complained, was General Jackson reproved ? -No: but the American Ambassador said, " If you cannot maintaiu order in your own province, we Loud cheers.) Mr. Adams further said to Spain, " You must either send a force into the province sufficient to maintain order on our frontier, or cede it to us, for peace we must have."—( Loud cheers.) It is necessary that the example of America should be followed, in order to avert the inevitable consequences of such a series of such grave annoyances. A people exposed to such repeated sufferings, might take the raw into their own hands, and the consequences it was impossible to foresee. Most undoubt edly it they arc not put down a war is inevitable, and to avert that it is justifiable to use the whole power of the country. For the general peace of all nations it is abso lutely necessary that so great a crime should be adequately punished. See what an expense these attempts have al ready caused to this country : but the injury is deeper, for if 200 persons can go into a _peaceable and neighbouring country, and burn or plunder a village, what is to hinder a larger farce from penetrating further and committing such depre.Ltions as must render a war inevitable._ I appeal to public justice that more ought to be done than issuii:g a mere proclamation calling upon the people to refrain from such practices. What has been the punishment inflicted upon the persons who broke open the arsenals of the United States, and stole the arms of the United States to be used against the inoffensiv e Canadians ? I am not aware of any other topic noticed in the Address, and am very stilling to admit the opinion of the Hon. Members who do not consider themselves bound by its allegations. I now come to the topics which were not adverted to. The speeches we have heard arc a sort of hint to the Government that the most important topic of all, was the one they bad omit te d . I speak of the Corn laws. I thank the Hon. Gentleman for a brief, but certainly the ablest speech in defence of the existing sys tem, that it has been my good fortune to hear. His Hon. Friezels near me know that when they were exulting in his arguments, and called on me for my approbation, I said " No ;" fully persuaded that he intended to proceed to the demolition of his own premises : and when he sat down I never was so much relieved in all my life, becatise I never heard a speech go so far to confirm you in your adherence to the present system.--( Applause, and laughter.) If he had said—" I will give you quantities ; I will prove to you that there has been an increase in the exports of England." If ho had said—" I will give you the official value," then there would have been a loud demand on us for the declared value. But for us all, he said—" I will give you the declared value; I will take the years 1834, 35, 36, and 37'; 1 will:not take quantities or official value ; I will compare the last year with four other years, and will show you that the progressive increase on shall disturb r o b f manufactures is seven per cent. on the whole quantity. I was myself prepared to show there wasan increase. In 1829 the ex ports of cotton yarn amounted to 57 millions , in 1 838 to 148 millions. There was more than double the quantity of cotton thread exported in 1838 tha n in 1835. B ut he went further than the manufacturing system —he went to the shipping trade. Sir, I only say that these ar e facts we should consider the present system. the Address. It refers " to the p erseverin g effo rts made w h e n w i e now discuss co m e t o the last w e paragraph h in sumo parts of the country to excite m y subjects to illegal practices." I do not hesitate to affirm t h at whetherall I must cordially participate in that ex p ression. I do hope that the high authority of her M a j est y warnin g her subjects against the violation of the law , w ill have its eff ect. I do find certainly that the languag e used durin g that time was most exciting. I improper and care not by wh eel it War used w h e ther against the Poor-laws or the Corn-laws, but I say it was most detestable language, considering the station of life of those who used it. It was language tending to encourage the for mation of combinations, and dangerous to the peace of the country. I wish that the Noble Lord when h e , as Se cretary of State, thought fit to advert to the subject as it appeared in the public press, had not used language which would have been incapable of perversion or misrepresenta tion. I shall not state the grounds on which my impres sions are founded. I find that in the month of September a public meeting was held in London, and one of the ' t • speakers at that meeting used language to this effect, speaking of the people in the North They are all armed. +I have seen the arms hanging over their mantle pieces. The national petition has come most oppor tunely, and we must insist upon having Universal Suffrage. He defied the power of any Government or any armed Bourbon police to put them down. They intended to hold a great aggregate meeting at Manchester, at which 300,000 persons would be present, and two-thirds at least of these would be armed." Dr. Wade, another speaker, observed that " he would say a weird as to the Convention. One advantage would be that they would have an executive power to watch the Government." Mr. O'Connor, for merly a Member of this House, had said "that they had got a taste of physical force in the neighbourhood of the Haus • ; they had some evidence of the power of the people whom the Whigs had deprived of their rights, all for the purpose of putting power into the hands of the three devils of Somerset House.—( Laughter.) Mr. Steoens, I believe a Rev. Gentleman, made use of these words on the 26th of September—" If the Magistrates and the local authorities of the district had not given the police into the command of the Marshals of this meeting, I a;sure you no civil demonstration could have been made; then I would have brought 10,000 armed men to this meeting, and I would have moved, if necessary, an adjournment of the people of South Lancashire until this day month, when !could have collected every man capable of bearing arms to flock to my standard, and fight the battle of the Constitution."— ( Hear, hear.) I think the Noble Lord, when speaking of these meetings sub3equently, although I do not doubt the Noble Lord's intention of animadverting upon them as he ought, yet F must say that his sentiments, as put forward to the public, were capable of being grossly misunderstood and misrepresented. These meetings were still in pro gress. This language—this abominable language—had been used ; and the Noble Lord, according to this report of his address which appeared in every paper, and has hitherto passed without contradiction, in alluding to the public meetings held in various'parts of the . country, obs erve d, " S ome p e rhaps thought that they ought to be put down, but such was not his opinion, or that of the Government with which he acted. Ho thought the people had a right to meet—free discussion elicited truth—( Cheers from the Tory benches)—but if there were no real griev ances, common sense would speedily come to the rescue."-- ( Vehement cheering from the Ministerial benches.) Sir, there arc many truths which cannot be at all times put forward withom qualification, but if in- times of public excitement-- Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I aided a qualification:—(Hear.) Sir ROBERT PEEL—Then ;the Noble Lord admits the ne cessity of a qualification ? In the event of a fire taking place and a mill bring burnt down, instead of rendering assistance to the, mill-owner, it was said you have duties also to perform..— (Loud cheering from the Opposition benches, which pre vented our hearing the• close of the sentence.) Although the sentiment may be just, and although no man may call it in question, although it may be a truism, the unseasonable admission" of truth in times of great public excitement, may be extremely dangerous.—(Cries of " Oh.") I regret that the Noble Lord did add a qualification, it was most unfortunate in the excitable state of the public mind at that period, that the qualification had not equal publicity.—(Loud cries of " Hear,_ hear.") Now, as to the amend ment of the Honourable Member for Finsbury, the Honourable Gentleman anticipates that it would be impossible for this side of the House to assent to it, and I certainly for one will give a cordial vote against it. But with respect to the first portion of the amend ment—that the measure of 1832 had disappointed the expectations of her Majesty's people—as the Hon. Gentleman and others on that side of the House are such good judges of the disappointment that has taken place, I will defer to that authority most readily—(Cheers) —and as 1 prophesied that disappointment would be the result, I cer tainly do not dissent from that part of the amendment. I did dissent from the measure ; I told — you all the English people in the mass were not deceived—that they did not place too much confidence on the legislative power .of a new Parliament to redress their griev. ances—l told you that you overrated the extent to which " Many a gem of purest ray serene The dark unfathomed eaves" of the reformed Parliament would turn up.—(Great laughter.) I did not suppoze that " a phalanx of able and eloquent men," who had been hitherto languishing in obscurity would be brought before the public.—(Hear, hear.) Supposing I had prophesied in 1830, when you drove me from power—when you made me responsible for every fire that took place—when you teed me that public discontent could not exist without there being evident indications of mist government—that the people would not complain without good reason, and that the existence of dissatisfaction, and the prevalence of crime, were proofs of the bad legislation of those who held the reins of power.—(Hear, hear.) Suppose I had said at that time,— " Yes, but you have not two Conventions sitting then as there now are."—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Suppose I had raid. " You will have the same fires and the same • outrages in 1838, making every allowance fur the excitement in France." I do not consider., as regards the prevalence of excitements, you are at the present moment in a better condition. If I had said that this measure you are clamouring for—of the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill—if I had said, you that arc calling for this, and who will neither permit abatement nor addition to it—if, whatever you may think of its finality now, you then hold it to be. the second charter of public liberty—if I had said, in 183,8 you will be cla. mourous for a reform of this measure as you now are, and that it disappoints the public expectation, and that you must be dragged upon the wheels of 'that which is ever to be stationary—(Laughter) it would not have been received with the good-humoured laughter with which you now greet it; hut with a scowl of indignation, at throwing any doubt upon the introduction of more popular opinions into the British Constitution.—(Hear.) I should have been de nounced as a false prophet. I should be told that there would be nothing but perfect satisfaction under the new Parliament—under the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It would have been said, these arc the preju. diced . views of a Tory, who clings to ancient abuses, and who will not look on the bright day that is new approaching.— (Hear, hear.) It may be asked, why then do yolf support this Bill, which according to you is deserving of reprobation, and has been productive of disappointment ? Because I take warning from expe rience, and because I find it has not produced satisfaction—because I know that a demand for further Reform in the expectation of producing satisfaction or finality, would be only. aggravating the disappointment, and that in five years more, after hav ing extended the Suffrage to four millions of people, you would come again and say you have only given us Household Suffrage, when you should have given us Universal Suffrage.— (Tory cheers.) You will argue, it is quite clear that whoever con tributes by his labour to taxation, is entitled to a vote. lam so con fident, according to the Hon. Geutletnan's own showing, that if all men are slaves who are not en!itled to exercise the electivo franchise _-(Hear, hear, from Mr. Duncombe)—that nothing short of Universal Suffrage in its most unlimited degree will satisfy you. Why should it be limited to the age of twenty-one ? _ Why have any limitation as to age, as in the case of the militia ? Thus you will go infusing popular principles into the Constitution until it ceases to be a Monarchy, and then, when you were suffering under the bitter experiences of the change, you will perhaps tell me that "you were not a false prophet. Would to God that we had continued under the old standard of our ancient institutions I"—(Loud cheers.) Mr. VI LLI ERS said nothing could be mqie satisfactory to the party called the Chartists than • the course which the debate had taken from the mover of the Address down to the close of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech—nothing could be more disheartening to those who recommended moderation to the Chartists, and implored them to wait and sec what the Legislature would do. He regretted to find that the landed aristocracy had, early in the debate, declared their intention of maintaining the monopoly, and that the Right Hon: Baronet, seeing the intensity - of feeling throughont the country concerning .that 'monstrous monopoly of the Corn-laws, had, as the leeder of the other side of the House, again re newed his opinions on that subject.—(Hear, bear.) He confessed he , had been much disappointed at the Right Hon. Baronet's address. He thought there would have been some allusion to the topics which were now agitating the country. Instead of that they had had a long disquisition respecting the rights and interests of Runjeet Singh, and Shah Shooja, and Kam Ram.—(Laughter.) And then a little further on we have had a lecture, because. the country has not sympathised with the party who represents the British people in Upper Canada; and when at last they hail expected to.hear the Right Hon. Baronet's opinions upon the domestic concerns of the country, there could be but one feeling of astonishment and dis approbatimi. Next, when they found that he had taken up the miserable and fallaciaus statements of the Hon. Member for Kendal. — Laughter, and loud cheering from the Opposition benches) —he could not help thinking that such a course was unworthy the Right Hon. Bart. The Right Hon. Gentleman must have seen through the fallacy of thoso statements.—(Much laughter.) Those very statements had been so frequently refuted that it was not considered worth the while of any person to argue against them. The allusion made by the Hon. Member to the state of our experts would lead k ersops to conclude that our trade was flourishing. These arguments seemed to have been put forward by parties who wished to deny the fact, that in consequence of the injurious operation of the Corn-laws our foreign trade was in danger. The statement, as put for ward by the Hon. Member, certainly tended to produco that effect 'upon the other side of the House. He heard that cheer, and he saw by the manner in which it was received, that that was the effect produced.—(Loud cheering from the Opposition Benches.) Honourable Gentlemen still appeared confident that such was the effect of the Honourable Member's statements ; the fact was, that their trade was injured in the foreign market, in consequence of the difference of price of provipions in the case of all articles requiring manual labour; they were gradually losing their trade in these articles, but in those produced by machinery they still retained their superiority; and although the export of such articles might have increased, those produced by manual labour had I,een gradually decreasing for some years past.—(Hear.) It was farther well known that their machinery was being exported, and, in consequence of the advantage held out by the difference in the cost of living, that artizans were leaving the country, and be coming their competitors in a foreign market —(Hear, hear.) He assured Hon- Members that these statements were well worthy the consideration of the House, and there was nothing ,inconsistent in them with the statements, made by the Hon. Member of a trifling excess of the exports (ascertained from documents not yet before them) over the average of the last four years. The Hon. Member did not tell them, however, what increase there was in the goods which this country had formerly exclusively supplied to the fo. reign market, nor had he pointed out the increase in the population of the Colonies and of Europe within the same period. It was a fact that the markets formerly supplied by England were now sup plying themselves—they were making gradual progress in these manufactures—they were producing these articles cheaper than us, and they would beat us in the foreign market. He contended that the Hon. Member for Kendal should have stated those facts fairly instead of putting them forward in such a way'as to produce the very opposite effect.—(Hear, hear.) He was glad to see that effect produced, because it favoured the motion of which he had given notice, that evidence should be heard at the bar of the House.—(Cheers.) He owned that seeing the disposition of the House upon that great and interesting subject, and after having heard he must say the latter uncalled for declaration of the two. Honour. able Members for Lincoln, he was disposed to vote for the amendment of the Honourable Member for Finsbury. Al though he had some doubt as to the expediency of bringing forward the question at the present time, yet seeing the disposition of the present House, and the speeches and unqualified declarations that had been made.upon this question, he felt no hesitation in voting for the amendment of the Hon. Gentleman.—(Cheers.) Mr. G. W. WOOD after the very pointed" llusion that had bean made to him by the Hon. Baronet opposite, and after the allusion that had been made to his statements by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampten, hoped he would be allowed to explain. There was nothing inconsistent in his statements with the propriety and ;tem sity of a great change in the Corn-laws.—(Cries of " Oh.") Lord J. RUSSELL.—With reference to the many important topics in the Speech of her Majesty, and the important question brought forward tonight, which do not form part of that Speech, I feel that I shall have so many occasions of addressing myself to these subjects when they are brought under the consideration of the House, that I do not deem it necessary to do more than give that explanation, which may be fairly called for in respect of some points. touched on by the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite and the other Hon. Members who have spoken upon the Speech from the Throne. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, in allud ing to the affairs of Belgium, seems to suppose that a great oppression and injustice was about to be committdd by the great Powers of Europe, because something which had been held for a few years by the King of the Belgians, was proposed to form part of the territory of the Netherlands ; but, according to the laws of Europe, these territo ries did form a portion of the Netherlands, and when it was proposed to constitute the kingdom of Belgium, the King of the Belgians and the King of the Netherlands consented to an arrangement by which one portion should form part of the Netherlands and the other a part of the German Confederation. He could not therefore think that there was any injustice to the inhabitants of those territories, whom he did not believe to be in a state of hostility to the Government of the King of the Netherlands. I'must say, however, on the other hand, that if by the intervention of the great Powers of Europe the revolution in Belgium, which at first threatened the dissolution of the alliances of Europe, and the abrupt termination of the Treaty of Vienna, was put. a stop to, there/ is much upon which this country has to congratulate itself. The Right Honourable Gentleman at the commence ment alluded to the affairs of India—a subject which is pecu liarly difficult to treat on the subject of an Address; but with respect to that I must say that the Right Honourable Gentle man did not give a correct view of the case when ho stated that extension of empire was the object the Indian Government had in view. The differences that had arisen had taken place, in conse. quence of the acts of the Sovereign of Persia, and the course that has been proposed was not with any wish to extend the territories of this country, but to protect those from aggressions who were en titled to that protection. The passage in the Speech is completely in accordance with the proclamation of the Governor-General of India, and if our decision in that respect is wrong, Fhave only to say that it was not come to without great discussion and deliberation.— (Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Gentleman has alluded to the affairs of Canada, and I am very glad that be has laid great stress upon that part, in which her Majesty declare s that she would main tain the authority of her Crown.—(Hea r, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet stated that the Address in answer to the Speech was to be looked to as amounting to nothing. It is true that upon certain topics it was not expected that the House would express any opinion, but upon a question like the present, whether the House was prepared to maintain the authority of her Majesty in7Canada, I think we have a right to expect a declaration of the opinion of the House, in accordance with the Address we propoie. ft is a subject with respect to which the House cannot be taken by surPrise. It if a question upon which the mind of every one must have been extt cised for the last two years. It is a question whether it is prudent or wise, or honourable and right, to stand by those subjects in Canada who have hitherto, at their own cost, defended the authority of her Majesty, or whether we should abanion them. I think upon, this question we are entitled to ask the opinion of the House, and upon this we say, the honour, no less than the interests of the Crown, require that we should defend those possessions, against all encroachment and aggression. The expense of that defence, great or small, we, the Ministers of the Crown, are ready to incur, rather than do that which we think would be injurious to this country as an empire, sink her character in the scale_ of nations, and be a posi. tive dishonour to the Crosse of England. - The Right Honourable Gentleman has commented upon that part of the Speech which alludes to the conduct of the President of the United States. I should have been glad if we could have advised her Majesty that the exertions of that Officer had been attended with success, and that his call upon the people of that country to prevent aggression had been responded to; but 1 think it is impossible, re ferring to the account with respect to Canada, and referring to the accounts given by the officers of the United States themselves, it is impossible to say that the efforts of the President have been attended with the effects which they have deserved. I believe that every thing has been done by the President of the United States that could be, but the people of that country are so jealous of put. ting authority in the hands of the Executive, that they will run any risk sooner than do so. I certainly think it would be desirable that the authority of the President should be increased in that respect. The Right Hon. Gentleman has alluded to the latter part of the Address, and also to certain speeches purporting to have been delivered in dif ferent parts of the country, and deprecated the latitude we have given to discussions of that mature.— (Cries of " hear.") It always has been the policy of the present Government not to check free discussion, because we believe in doing so, no violation of the law would be committed. Free discussion, in my opinion, ought to be enjoyed by every one, and I thought with respect to the Poor-laws, as they were incapable of being misrepre sented, that the utmost latitude ought to be given with respect to their discussion. But, Sir, when attempts were made to abuse that liberty, by - exciting the people to use physical vio. knee, and to employ arms in order to injure those who were obeying the laws, I no sooner found that was the case than I consulted the Law Officers of the Crown with respect to the proceedings, and I certainly should have considered myself very imprudent if I had acted contrary to the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown. In all the steps I have taken, whether in forbearing to prosecute, or in instituting prosecutions, I have acted after consulting them, and in compliance with their advice. Sir, thereare topics not con nected with the Speech from the Throne, which have been the subject of discussion to-night, I will allude very shortly indeed to one of them. I mean the subject of the Corn-laws. I certainly was of opinion in 1828, that a moderate fixed duty would be better than ' the fluctuating scale then adopted, but I did see. that the law then adopted was a great improvement on the one that before existed, and, therefore, I very readily gave it - my assent.—(Hear, hear.) I do certainly think it is time to consider whether that law has answered :ts object, and whether any change wi❑ be generally beneficial to the country ?-- (Cheers.) I stn not prepared now to enter into the discussion, but I think that much is due 'to those re spectable parties who have been advocates for a change in the law (I will nut say by taking evidence at the bar of the House), that this House should give the most patient attention to all the facts they can bring forward, and not let it be said that this House Iris . decided against an alteration in the law regarding inter e sts that concern the people at large.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, there is another subject which has been made the topic of amendment—a subject which was introduced in the same manlier last year by the colleague of the Hon. Member who now proposes it. The Hon. Gentleman proposes a great change in our constitution, similar to that proposed last year although I must say his colleague did not introduce that acrimony into his speech which he has thought fit to introduce this night. But, Sir, I do not think it necessary either to follow him through the different arguments he urged, nor do I think it necessary to urge at large the proposals he makos. I did cheer the Honourable Gentleman when he said he did not think it right to bring forward details, because I thought that word details was a singular word to use with regard to the course lie was adopting. It was not that I wished to ask the Hon. Gentleman to go into a lengthened detail of the different provisions Of the mea sures he proposed, but that he should give some notion of the nature of it—whether we are to have Household Suffrage, or something be yond Household Suffrage, or the Charter and Universal Suffrage— that he should give us some hint of what his proposal was, would be no more, I think, than a reasonable request.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers) But as he has not done that, I can only say, that if he or any other Hon. Member will propose the repealing of the Reform Bill, with a view to substitute a different kind of representation of his own, I will then enter • into the whole subject of the Reform Act. I will then state the grounds and the principles on which it rested, and the grounds on which I think it should rest now, not merely from a dislike of change, (although a dislike of perpetual change is a natural ground of objec tion), but because I am ready to maintain the principles of that Act—(lleer, hear.) Why, Sir, it seems a surprise to many Gentlemen, and it gives. some triumph to Honourable Gentlemen op posite, that Honourable Members should dislike the Reform Act; but to me it is not either surprise or disappointment, because, in fact, that was the opinion they entertained at the time the Reform Bill was brought forward. There were those who proposed the Reform Bill, as my Lord Grey and my Lord Spencer did, as a permanent settlement of the question—they repeated over and over again in the other House and in this House of Parliament, that they wished to have a permanent settlement of that great question. There were those ivho opposed it as a dangerous innovation; but there was a third class who said, " We accept this, but we accept it only as an instalment.—(Cheers.) s " Others m consider it as is great measure, we do not consider it goes far enough, and thererore we will support it, bet with the view of afterwards introducing further changes in the representation."— (Hear, hear.) Why, Sir, is it any matter of surprise, or any matter of disappointment to any one, that those persons should now come forward and say they wish for further alteration. I admit it is quite consistent for them to do so-1 admit that I should be blameable myself if I were to take that course; but they did not conceal at the time their wish for a greater change, and I do not find fault with them for now proposing it, for I do say the friends and movers of the Reform Bill can feel neither surprise nor disappointment, and they can by no means say that they themselves are now disappointed when eight years ago they were determined they would be disappointed.—(Hear, hear, hear) Even .nay Hon. Friend the Member for Thetford introduced a motion relating to Universal Suffrage, and the llon. Member for Dublin supported the motion. Can I be surprised that those who then entertained such opinions, should now entertain opinions of the same kind. But the Hon. Gentleman gets rid of many of the difficulties of the question by only asking for a change, and not telling us what change he wishes. Does he propose to divide the country into dis tricts, and that each district shall return one Member ? I think Met is the plan the Chartists have put forward. The Ho nourable Member speaks of nomination now, but I think he would have more cause to speak of 'domination then. It might be sold that a Member was returned solely by the influence of some great proprietor in the neighbourhood; and does not every one know that that might be the case ? And do we not see, theretbre, that those who propose these vast changes look to changes in the property of the country also?—(Loud cheers.) They seek to divide the property of the country into smaller divi. sions, that there may be ncrpretext for saying certain persons have the predominating influence, but they do look forward for other changes. Sir, I have been blamed I know both in this house and out of this House for the declaration I made last year, I must beg to call to the recollection of the Ifeuse the circumstances under whirls that decla ration was made. I beg pardon for troubling the House on this sub ject, but really that speech and my conduct has been the subject of attack during the whole of the recess, and I have had no means of giving an answer to it. Perhaps I may now be permitted to advert to that subject. The Hon. Member for Kilkenny called for some declaration of the 'Government. He said—See what was done by the Right Hon. Member for Tatnworth when he was in office. He told you how far he would go. He said he would adopt certain reforms, he told us how far he would go, and, said the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, can't you tell us how far you mean to go, and where you mean to stop. In order to answer that call, I made the deslara. hots that has so often been alluded to; and was it an uncalled-for declaration, when such were the opinions expressed by the sup porters of Ministers. Should I not have done wrong if I had given any one reason to suppose we were about to propose or support mea. sures to which we were adverse, and to which we meant to give our opposition ? and let me ask if I had then said, even as the Hon. Member for Kilkenny proposed, that we meant to support the Ballot, does any one believe that the support of the Ballot alone, without the support of those farther measures of what are called a transition state, and progressive reform, and alterations of franchise, would have been satisfactory to those who are the friends of reform ? and if that was not satisfactory do you think I should have given satis faction if I hail sa'd the Ballot was to be an open question ?—(Hear, and cheers.) I)oes anybody think that would have been a wise and just course for the Government to pursue ? For my own part I believe it would not have given content to those who wish for further change. I think, Sir, whatever dissatisfaction may have been caused by that declaration of mine, that it was for the better to make that declaration—(Hear, hear)—.and to let it be understood what the policy of the Government was, than to let it be supposed that weshould give half support to the Ballot, sotne encouragement to the Extension of the Franchise, and some hope of a change in the duration of Par liaments, and thus In some degree tend to unsettle all that had been settled, without proposing any new and rational plan on the subject. Therefore, Sir, whatever dissatisfaction may have been caused by that declaration, I do not, I confess, regret having made that declaration., There are some expressions in that speech which have been misrepresented in a way not only iejurious to myself, but in some respects injurious to the House. For instance, I am represented to have said it was the intention of the Reform Bill to give the landed interest a preponderance in this House. Now, what I refer to is a few words uttered 'at the end of the discussion on the Reform Bile After the continual attacks made on that Bill, I said that, so far from its being my opinion that it would be the destruction of the landed interest, on the con trary it would give the preponderance to that interest. — (Hear, hear) But was the Bill in that state when it was going up on the third reading to the House of Lords, or the second time it had been introduced into that House? \Vas it the same Bill we had originally introduced ?—(Hear.) Had not some great alterations beets made in it, particularly one by which all the 501. tenants at will were introduced into the constituency of the counties ?- a (llear.) Lord Althorp, at that time, warned the House of the consequences. He said they were persons whose votes would generally be at the disposition of the landlord; and that the measure would give immense power to the proprietors of the land. In spite ' of that objection of Lord Althorp, the House adopted that proposition by a very large majority—(Hear)—and amongst those who supported it were many Reformers, and if I am'not mis. taken the Hon. Member for Kilkenny himself voted for it.—(Hear, hear.) Because I, seeing the effect of that proposition, amongst others, declared my opinion that the Reform Bill would give the landed interest the preponderance, the Honourable Gentleman wrote a public letter to his constituents, to accuse me of declaring it was originally the intention of the Reform Bill to give this prepon derance. Mr. HUME—If I said so, it was from the declaration of the Noble Lord last year. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—It is very difficult to explain anything to the Honourable Gentleman.—(Loud laughter.) He is con tinually making misrepresentations, bat it is very observable that they are not intentional.—(Cheers and laughter.) I wish the Hon. Gentlemen to understand there is a great difference between seeing that the Reform Bill at the third reading in the House would give a preponderance to the landed interest, from saying that it was origi nally the intention of the Reform Bill to give that preponderance. —(Hear, hear) I know not if the Hon. Gentleman understands me now.--(Laughter.) With respect to the orginal intention of the Reform Bill, I am speaking now in the presence of the men who in. troduced that Bill, and who were present at its formation, and I think I should be corrected by them if it were not so, when I say that the intention was to give a fair representation to all classes of the community. There was no wish to give any undue preponderance to one party rather than another. I more than once stated to the House that we had taken a cer tain number of counties and an equal number of commercial and manufacturing towns. I have thought. it necessary to state this, because, although it was explained by my Hon. Friend the Under Secretary of State shortly afterwards, this has been the stock in trade of a great many who have attacked me on the declaration made at the commencement of the last Session. I really do think it is a proof that the declaration which I then made was not, after all, at variance with the general sentiments of the country; it was my opinion at the time I made that declaration that the opinion of the majority of the people of this country would be against what is called this progressive Reform of the Representationby leaving it un certain. It is my opinion that the general sense of the country went with me when I made that declaration— that they would rather (I do not say they would agree with me in my conviction of the benefit of the Reform Bill generally, or that greater 'may not be obtained by some other sort of representation) but I do believe, oy 7 h t ha ta i d n wo g ,onobtained lwould mn oet fresh ee sbhe thatchangen e fo fi r c m i a t o too f m representation of of u h thn a e t . d i c t oaut l i s not nrnotcountry cg ea w nue i o s rt e ah t le i l r alteration, and all to end, as appears in a plan 'for Universal Sufftage. My Hon. Friend, the Member for Sheffield, when speaking to his constituents, said that he would go three. fourths of the way for Universal Su &age. This was a great concession and one of his constituents said, if you wiil go three.fixarths of the way, why not have a settlement, and admit the other fourth ? I ant of the opinion of that interrogator—if I could lead my inind t go three-foufths of the way, I would say, Let us have the Charter dt on ec—let us give Universal Suffra g e at once ; for w hat e ver Its petlb or dangers , i t would be better than uncertainty and change and fluctuation. In these opinions lam convinced the ttountrs, coincides with me. The Government of this day thick it r ight to stand by the declaration of Nord Grey and Lord Althorp. We are not ashamed of being the followers of such men, and by they jr prin ciples we are contented to abide.—(Cheers.) Mr. C. BULLER rose amidst loud cries of " Divide, ." and " Question." He could _not u l w et the present opportunity • pan without making a remark et hat he deemed a si itlect of peculiar interest. Th e most cautious abstinence that th ey exhibited to.night respecting t he affairs of Canada.—(Cries of" ( th.r,l He thanked the House, not only on public but on private grei, a d s : be laid upea th because nothing was more beco min g gentlemen of honour and kir_ nem than to wait until the information should table which would vindicate those Whose conduct must come um le e r the examination of the House. He di 3 not shrink t ea a t t te he could inquiry he had done no act which he was not p re : ,ared to defend—he courts inquiry, and wished the moment for it to coke as —(Cries of " Oh" from the Tories.) All he wiblicd to call th 1. Lion of the House to, was this fact , tha t his arle Friend and Go vernor. General and High Commissioner--(Laui;.ter, and cries of " Oh, oh," from the Tory side of the House)—he mtls.' say that could not understand the courtesy or propriety of G entlemen interrupting him in that way. 'What he mettft , t° bay was, that his Noble Friend had discharged his duty ify ;nro: posing what he believed a beneficial and satisfactory settlettea.• of the affairs 'of Canada. That had been proposed in the Report presented to her Majesty's Ministers, and all he wished to call the attention of the House to was, that there had been no negligence on the part of his Noble Friend, and to ex_ press his hope that the . Government would not long delay giving the public an opportunity of judging %mon s :the smatter. He begged leave to say that the Government of the United St.."‘tca had done as much as a Government could possibly do. That Go vernment had passed a neutral' law, and they had done more to enforce it than we had done to enforce our neutral law. Ne w he thought we should not say that a State that had done this had stone notbing but issue unmeaning words. The Government of the United States was a free Government—it had the virtnes and the vices of a free Government. Now he supposed the Right Hon. Baronet did not wish to upset that Govern.. !tent ; if he slid not go that length, was it not their duty to get the good opinion of the American people with us.—(Cries of " Hear.") it had been exhibited in a most satisfactory manner that the sympathy manifested last year had entirely ceased, that those people who had invaded the Canadas had been a set of maurau ders, over whom no Government could have possibly a control. The Right Hon. Baronet's Government had a good.feeling for Don Miguel, but did they with all their good intentions prevent two vessels being sent from England laden with arms and men to invade Portugal; nor did they reach them until they had nearly gained their destination. Now be must say that they ought not rashly to blame America for the affairs of Canada. He would ray that the conduct of the United States under the circumstances ought to be generously acknowledged, and that those who disapproved of it should not provoke their prejudice.—(Cries of " Question.") He would say a few words on the motion of his Hon. Friend. He was averse to supporting the amendment on an Address of a Govern ment to which he was not hostile. It was impossible for him. He could not be supposed of taking an opportunity of opposing the Government The principle is of great importance, whether the Reform Bill shall go no farther. That the proposition of the amendment, was not as stated by Lord John Russell, for the purpose of cutting up the country into squares that would give a preponderance in the elections as bad as the system followed before the passing of the Reform Act. This was not at all shown by th e amendment of his Hon. Friend. His Hon. Friend only said that the Reform Bill remained yet to be carried out, an opinion with which he agreed. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. when there appeared— For the Motion 1 '2 6' For the Amendment Sd Majority —34a The House then adjourned. The House divided, CHARLES EDWARD STUART. _ . The following graphic description regarding the pe r .. sonal appearance, education, attachment, and bigotted. obstinacy of this unfortunate Prince, is from Lord Mahon's " History of England, from the Place of Utrecht to the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle." The vita racter altogether is drawn with much impartiality, aw l exhibits in a strong light the faults and virtues of the man who by his winning conversation, generosity, an d bravery, "so deeply stamped his image on the hearts of the Scottish nation, that even thirty or forty years after his departure his name always awakened the most ardent praises from all who had known him—the most rugg e d hearts were seen to melt at his remembran6e, and tears to steal down the furrowed checks of the veteran." With the exception of the attachment of the French army to Bonaparte, there is, perhaps, no instance of such devotion to a leader as that exemplified by the Scots to the descendant of James VI., and even the case of Bo naparte can hardly be called an exception. The Prince landed in the wilds of Moidart with only seven men, and in a few months was all but master of the kingdom. " The person of Charles (says Lord Mahon) was tall and well formcd, his limbs athletic and active ; he excelled in all manly exercises, and was inured to every kind of toil, especially long marches on foot, having applied himself to field sports in Italy, and became an excellent walker. His face was strikingly handsome, of a perfect oval, and a fair complexion ; his eyes light and blue, his features high and noble." With respect to his education, his Lordship says that his tutor, Sir Thomas Sheridan, had certainly left him uninstructed in the most common elements of knoiv ledge. His letters, found among the Stuart Papers, are— " Written in a large, rude, rambling hand, like a school.. boy's. In spelling they arc still more deficient; with him, humour,' for example, becomes LINER ; the weapon be knew so well how to wield is a SORE. ; and even his father's name appears under the alias of Gasis. Nor are these errors confined to a single language: who, to give another misno mcr of his French, would recognize a hunting knife in cool.° Da CHAS. I can, therefore, readily believe, as Dr. King assures ns, he knew very very little of the history or Con stitution of England." ghat a contrast the following description affords to the conduct of the blaod-thirsty Pretender to the Spanish throne, in this civilized age 1 . " He could never be persuaded or provoked into adopting any harsh measures of retaliation ; his extreme lenity to Ins prisoners, even to such as had attempted his life, was, it seems, a common matter of complaint among his troops; and, even when encouragement had been given to his ass sination, and a price put upon his head, he continued most earnestly to urge that in no possible case should the Elec tor,' as he called his rival, suffer any personal injury or insult. This anxiety was always present in his mind. Mr. Forsyth, a gentleman whose description of Italy is far the best that has appeared, and whose scrupulous accuracy and superior means of information will be acknowledged by all travellers, relates how, only a few years after the Scottish expedition, Charles, relying on the faith of a single adherent, set out for London in a humble disguise, and under the name of Smith. On arriving there, he was introduced at midnight into a room full of conspirators, whom he had never previously seen. Here,' said his conductor, is the perscn you want,' and left him locked up in the mysterious assembly. These were men who imagined themselves equal, at the time, to treat. with him for the throne of England. Dispose of me, Gen_ tlemen, as you please,' said Charles;' my life is in your power,. and I. therefore, can stipulate for nothing. Yet give me, L entreat, one solemn promise, that if the design should sue. ceed, the present family shall be sent safely at &honourably home.'" Notwithstanding all that the female sex had done a nt i suffered for him, he appears to have had no favour.. able opinion of them, and in that resembles his ances tor, the Royal schoolmaster : " Nevertheless, in 1772, at the age of fifty-two,- Charles espoused a Roman Catholic, and a girl of twenty, Princess Louisa of Stolberg. This union proved as unhappy asi was ill assorted. Charles treated his young wife with very little kindness. He appears, in fact, to have contracted a dis.. paraging opinion of her sex in general; and I have found, in a paper of his writing about this period, As for men,l have studied them closely ; and were I to live till :fourscore,ffflpoerurgitnotti I could scarcely know them better than now ; but as f or women, I have thought it useless, they being so mu c h more wicked and impenetrable.' Ungenerous and un grateful. words ! Surely, as he wrote them, the image of Flo ra Mac donald shou aoe l nd(ling affecting haver debauchery, ec r be i a s eeuacncft after en n ergr yt , histhe et ot heart hrbythe battle t restrainedtdalieinisodpourfsoav cndeushe i siiotodfen suffering s pen int ion t 'T w i l i e i n a c t ib t l h lw friends he had left in Scotland : " As a very young man, he determined that he would . sooner submit to personal privation than embarrass his friends by contracting debts. On returning from Scotland be told the French Minister, d'A rgenson , thathewou ld never ask any thing for himself, but was ready to go down on his knees to obtain favours for his brother exiles. Once, after 1 meriting some divisions and misconduct amongst his servant;,, he declared that, nevertheless, an honest man is so highly -- 7 c c; be prized that, unless your Majesty orders me; i ir part with them with a sore heart.' Nay, more, as it appears to me, this warm feeling of Charles for his unfortunate friends survived almost alone, when, in his decline of nearly every other noble quality bad been dimmed and de faced from his mind. In 1783, Mr. Greatbed, a th p e e n r , so t n h a e l. friend of Mr. Fox, succeeded in ob tainin g an interview with him at Rome. Being alone with him for sometime, the English traveller studiously led the conversation to his en.. terprise in Scotland. The Prince showed some reluctance to enter upon the subject, and see med to suffer much pain at the remembrance ; but Mr. Gre athed, with more of curiosity than of discretion, still persevered. A him his i a li p s pe c a y r e ed br t i o gb e t h e i n k ed, e whichohffistlifeacleoadatsslmngetd, h oppressed animation ; and be began the na rrative of his Scottish cam... paigns with a vehement energy of manner, recounting his marches, his battles, his victories, and his defeat, his hair. breadth escapes, and the inviolable and devoted attachment of his Highland followers, and at length proceeding to the dreadful penalties which so many of them had subsequently undergone. But the recital of their sufferings appeared to wound him far more deeply than his own : then, and not till then, his fortitude forsook him, his voice faltered, his ey e became fixed, and he fell to the floor in convulsions. At the noise, in rushed the Duchess of Albany, his illegitimate daughter, who happened to be in the next apartment, „, Sir,' she exclaimed to Mr. Greathed , ' What is this ? - you most have been speaking to my father about Scotland and the Highlanders ? No one dares to mention these Bu b. j:cts in his presence." ' If this singular personage had received a proper ed u , cation, cast off the trammels of Jesuits and Priests, an d consulted the general feelings of the British nation m ore than his own high sense of prerogative, where mi g h t have been the House of Brunswick now ? BELL'S LIFE IN LONDON. —The pugilistic con,. cat between Burke and Bendigo is fixed for Tuesday Feb. 12. The full particulars will appear in Bell's Li f e in London of the following Sunday. The publication3t Beli's Life in London commences at 12 o'clock on Saturday noon, at the Office, No. 170, Strand, by which early , p u b . lication the Papers can be sent off by the Two o'clock Saturday Afternoon Birmingham Railway train. T he price of Bell's Life in London is Fivepence only. To avoid disappointment, Papers should be previously orderej, through the newspaper agents. NATIONAL RENT.--At a meeting of the Committee appointed to collect tho above fund in this tow n _ held yesterday, they resolved to transmit the sum of /w ent pounds to Messrs. Grote, the Bankers, as the first i nstals moot of the amount contributed by the working roerw Brighton. —Brighton Patriot. of ou. ip of eat