The Sun. — London, England, 1836-05-06 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIA ME? T. HOUSE OF LORDS, MAT 5. ':he Earl of BURLINGTON presented several petitions -from certain congregations of Wesleyan Methodists, in favour of a Bill for the better observance of the Sabbath. Another NOBLE LORD presented a similar petition. Lord DENMAN presented a petition from the Mayor and Town-Council and others of Leicster (as we understood), praying the House not to sanction Any measure for the amend ment or revision of the Criminal Laws, which did not the punishment of death in all ca=es except murder. On the motion o the Duke of RICHMOND, an address was agreed to, praying for a return of the number and de scription of oaths dispensed with by the Lords of the Trea sury sine'.l the passing of the Oaths Abolition Act. The Earl of DEVON presented a petition for the better obss• vance of the Sabbath. Lord HOLLAND presented a petition from the aldermen and town-council of Boston, praying the House to pass the Municipal Corporations (Ireland) Bill in the form in which it ePme up to them from the House of Commons; also a peti tion from Bradford in favour of any Bill which might be "brought in for the removal of the Duty on Newspapers. The report of the Stafford Disfranchisement (Witnesses' Indemnity) Bill, with amendments, was agreed to. The Earl of BUTE presented a petition for the better ob servance of the Sabbath. The Earl of CAMPEI DOWN, after presenting a petition in favour o► the Arbroath and Forfar Railway Bill, moved that that Bill be read a third time.—Read a third time and passed. IRISH MAGISTRATES. The Marquis of LONDONDE RRY rose to ask the Noble Viscount opposite at the head of his Majesty's Admi. uistration, for some information relative to the case of Mr. Gale Jones, a stipendiary magistrate, %%Ito, after having grossly insulted the magistrates of Londonderry, bad been re removed from his situation there, and appointed to a similar one in the county Down. He hoped the Noble Viscount would have no objection to produce the correspondence rela tiveto this appointr.tent. Viscount 111J4i3OURNR at this moment really did not know whether the gentleman referred to had been so ap pointed or not. - The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said if the Noble Viscount would refer to the papers in the Irish office, he would find all the particulars of this transaction. After a few words from Lord DUNCANNON across the table to the Marquis of Londonderry, which were wholly inau diFte to us, The Marquis of LONDONDERRY repeated his asser tion that Mr. Gale Jones had grossly misconducted himself, and added that it was very extraordinary conduct of the Lord Lieutenant to re-appoint him. His Lordship then gave no tice that he would, to-morrow, move for the production of the correspondence in this case. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MAY 5. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Ten Minutes to Four o'clock. There were only twenty-five Members present at that time, but they continued to drop in one by one, until just at four o'clock, when the House should adjourn if forty Members were not in attendance, the requisite number was made up. SOUTHAMPTON DOCKS, On the motion of Mr. BARLOW HOY the Southampton Docks Company Bill was read a third time and passed. DUBLIN AND DROGHEDA RAILWAY. Mr. MONTAGU CHAPMAN presented a petition from an indivilual, complaining of the promoters of the Dublin and Drogheda Railway Bill ; and complaining that he had, as we understood the Hon. Member, been deceived by them, as be now discovered, if it passed through his property. The Hon. Member moved that the Bill be referred back to the Standing Orders Committee. The . 1)E AK ER said it was irregular to present a petition for the purpose of having a Bill referred back to the Standing Orders Committee, after it had been read a second time. Lord STANLEY said it appeared to him that the peti tioner was not aware in due time that the line was to pass through his property. Sir JAMES GRAHAM suggested, as the petition was in formal, that the Hon. Member had better withdraw it. The petition was then withdrawn. Dr. 130 WRING presented a petition from the magistrates of Dunbarton, against certain clauses of the Clyde Navigation Bill. And one to the same effect from the Glasgow Water Works Company. Colonel SEALE brought up the report from the Com mittee on the Modbury Road Bill. Mr. ANGERSTEIN presented a petition from the free-. bolders of Greenwich, praying that no railway might be allowed to pass through that town ; and one to the same effect from 300 inhabitant householders of Greenwich. Captain ALSAGER presented a petition from Thomas Miller, of Croydon, against certain clauses of the South Eastern Railway. Sir J. GRAHAM brought up the report of the Committee on the Carlisle Dock Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from the Dublin Steam Company, praying for leave to bring in a Bill for their regulation. Sir M. S. STEWART would oppose the motion, for it was for leave to bring in a Bill in place of one which 'sad been thrown out on the third reading. He must throw himself upon the House and the Spe a k er , f or h e was b oun d to give every opposition to the motion in hispower. The SPEAKER said that the petition was in order. Leave had been given for its presentation. Sir M. S. STEWART wished to know whether he ought to oppose the reception of the petition. Mr. O'CONNEL said the motion was not to the effect stated. There had been a petition presented before, and leave given to present one. Mr. ROBINSON had voted for the third reading of the Bill, but still he thought the rule was against the bringing in of a Bill after one similar had been thrown out. Mr. O'CONNELL—If gentlemen would only take the trouble of inquiring into the present proceedings they would find that what bad been done was regular. The merits of the Bill would be discussed hereafter. A petition had been presented by the Company for leave to petition, and that had been referred to a Committee, which had reported that leave should be given, and the present petition had been presented in consequence of such leave. The petition would be referred to another Committee, which would report whether the Bill ought to be introduced or not. Colonel SEALE presented a petition from Stockton pray ing for the alteration of the law with respect to Marine In surances. Mr. KEMP presented a petition from Rye, praying for the total repeal of the Stamp Duties on Newspapers. VOTE BY BALLOT. Lord C. LENNOX presented a petition from Lewes in favour of the Vote by Ballot. Mr. KEMP supported the prayer of the petition, which was then laid on the table. STAMP DUTIES. The LORD ADVOCATE presented a petition from the legal practitioners of Inverness, praying for the repeal of the duties upon the annual certificates of attornies; also a petition from the Chamber of Commerce of Edinburgh, praying for the - repeal of the duties upon goods sold by auction, and the du'cies upon fire insurance'. M. ROBBINSON had four petitions praying for the repeal or reduction of the duties upon marine insurances—one from Beaumaris, two from Carnarvon, and the fourth from 900 of the merchants, underwriters, and insurance brokers of London. He would say a few words on these petitions, particularly on the last, which was one of great importance. He would only state a few facts to show that in the proposed alteration of the Stamp Duties, it was impossible that the Chancellor of the Exchequer could with justice decline to admit some reduction of the Stamp Duties upon marine insurances. The whole tax did not produce more than 200,0001.,'which was a very small proportion, consi dering the magnitude of the transactions over which the stamps were spread, and the very injurious consequences of them to the trade and commerce of the country. In the year 1822, when the exports and imports did not ex ceed 88,000,000/., sterling, the stamp duties on insurances yielded to the revenue only 300,0001. ; and in the. year 1833, when the exports and imports of the rr venue had advanced from 88,000,000/. sterling to 120,000,000 L, and when, in the same ratio, the revenue for stamps should have increased from 300,0001. to 400,000/., it had absolutely diminished to 200,0001. That fact alunc. proved the impolicy of the tax ; and he had always under",tood on the true principles of finance, that a better test of the impolicy of a tax could not be at r . .-.-.sent produced, tha n that which he had now vent'...red to allude to. —( Hear.) The SPEAKER here inter. rutted the Hon. Member, and stated that, for the sake of *jtie 'eule which had been laid down, the Ho.i. Memb:_v had bettor abstain from making any obser vations upon the petiticra, Mr. ROBINSON `•could not trespass much longer on the time of the House. But he wished to state a reason why the revenue had fal,ier. off, and that was that foreigners who other wise would ; .nsr.re their property in this country, were deterred from doin4 1,0, because they did not like to contribute to the rcv•,nue by paying the tax. It would be his duty to pro, pose r., reduction of the tax if the Chancellor of the Exchequer shc•ald not do so, and then he should venture to make those c'oservations which he knew he could not make then without infringiu" on the rules of the House. DIOCESE OF DURHAM. Alderman THOMPSON presented a petition from a place in the diocese of Durham, praying that in any Bill passed for the reguir.cion of the affairs of the diocese of Durham, due regard sho - Ad be had to the education of the people ; also a Petition ;or the better observance of the Sabbath. PeGtions in favour of the better observance of the Lord's day; Were presented by Sir NV. RAE and Major HANDLEY. THE BALLOT. General PALME R presented a petition from Bath in favour , of vot e by b a ll o t, an d o ne for the repeal of the duties on Newspape rs ; also a petition from the attornies practising in that city, p ray i ng for a remission of the duties on taking out their certific a t es : On the motion of an HoN. MEMBER, the House was counted, and only t wenty - 20VCR Members being present, t h e H o use ad journed till to-morrow. DUBLIN ELECTION COMMITTEE. At the sitting of the Committee yesterday, Mr. WRANG HAM proceeded at considerable length to argue in support of t h elli oaa li " ~ he vote of Pat r i c k Bil ton, on account of ar- AL , r. ~. f.•t tax. al.sw . tCiiiififit-e •ecided, that a s it appeared a presentment :-..1,,,A1thg CirdaJuries of the county, and county of the • ,i public( for taster and Michael mas T erms of 1834, at , " — roe of 15. in the - pound of Ministers money, and in pur g9t 41 , . ?1 • , nc ttliteof, the Treasurer had issued his warrants asses s i ng ' -- No 17 Sycamore-alley, for the sum o f 2 s . 4d. ...-. Q,. 4 , ,•,--, ~,- - ~ ..,.0 TILE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY. MAY 6, i;.436 for each term for which the voter (Patrick Biltori) being the sole occupier, was liable, and both sums appearing to have been due rt the time of the election, the vote must be struck off the poll. Mr. Hutton said there was another objection to striking► off this vote, but the Committee decided that it could not then be entertained. Mr. WRA NMI they objected to the vote of Matthew CMS hie, on the ground of an arrear of wide-street cess. This vote was struck off the poll by consent. The next vote impeached by the petitioners was that of Henry Fox, of Taaffe's-row. After a great deal of discussion among the councel, the Committee decided, " That at the time of the election, the wide-street cess for Easter and Michaelmas Terms, 1834, was due by the occupier of the premises, 1, Taaffe's-row." By this decision the parties were placed in an equality upon the pull. Mr. Balfour announced, with the concurrence of the other members of the Committee, that they would content them selves with reading the evidence rs to the remaining eases tif bribery, without hearing any arguments from counsel- The result of this day's proceedings is unfavourable to the sitting member, three of whose voters were removed from the poll. The chance of the petitioners' ultimate success is there fore somewhat increased. - DUBLIN and DROGHEDA RAILWAY. (COAST LINE.) • The Committee met yesterday at twelve o'clock. Mr. O' C ONNELL in the Chair. Mr. MORE O'FERRALL begged, before the proceedings com menced, to state that he was interested in the case before the the Committee, being opposed to the Bill. Mr. R. PLUNKETT said he was also interested, haring taken shares in the Coast Line Railway. Mr. O'CONNELL suggested that both gentlemen might re main on the Committee, and abstain from voting in case of a division. Mr. Joy, Counsel for Robert Sheppard, and other peti tioners against the Bill, urged a preliminary objection, that the Standing Orders had not been complied with, inasmuch as there was a variance betwee❑ the names attached to the contracts, and those in the original list furnished on the presentation of the petition. The objection was overruled. Mr. °TANLox took another objection to the form of the contracts, which was also overruled. Mr. HattatsoN then opened the case for the supporters of the Bill, and enumerated the great advantages which the coast line possessed over any inland project. There were a number of small towns, from which communications could be made, and it would be found that the population along the line (which was considered by Parlia ment a matter of the greatest consequence) was considerably greater than on the inland line. The quantity of agricul tural produce for public conveyance was also greater on this line ; and what was also a matter of no small consequence, fish caught along the coast could in a short space of time be transmitted to the markets of the Irish metropolis. In the case of the Eastern Counties and the South Eastern, the Committee attached great importance to this circumstance. It was intended to make a branch line to Armagh, which would connect the important town of Belfast with the city of Dublin. The turning of the line was in the very heart of the City of Dublin. The Learned Counsel then read a letter addressed by Mr. Thomas Brodigan to Lord Killeen, in order to show that the parties connected with the coast-line proposed' to submit to the arbitration of the Board of Works in Ireland the question which of the two lines was more likely to benefit the public. He also read the answer of the Noble Lord, which expressed his approval of the proposition ; but that the parties connected with the inland line refused to accede to it. Some deviations had been made from the original plan which were specified in the map, and the consent of the landholders through whose lands these deviations were to pass had been obtained. At the conclusion of the Learned Gentleman's address, COUNSEL on the same side called upon the promoters of the inland line to deliver in a map of their plan. Mr. O'HANLON declined to comply, as he was not bound to do so by the standing order. Mr. O'CONNELL thought in fairness the map should be fur nished. Mr. O'HANLON hoped the Committee would a v ow them till to-morrow to consider of their answer. The Committee decided in favour of the application: Mr. Kinnepeek, Assistant-Secretary to the Compwry, was then examined, who stated that the shares in the Company amounted to 6,0001. total capital, 600,0001. Of this 3-14,000/. was subscribed by-persons having property on the line; 360 in number; 272,0001. was subscribed by Merchan's resident in Manchester, who were connected with the trade of both Dublin and Drogheda. The Committee, which was composed of 27 persons, had taken shares to the amount of 82,000/. A deposit of 2/. 10s. a sharo had been paid, which amounted to 14,575/. The witness was cross-examined by Mr. o'l-IANLori, after which the Committee adjourned. NEW POOR LAWS.—The parish of Urchfont pre sents an e:cellent proof of the beneficial effects of the New Poor Law. Urchfont was considered by Colonel A'Court to be one of the very few parishes that possessed a redundant po pulation; and at this season of the year, it was not uncommon for 80 or 100 persons to be entirely dependent on the parish for support : there are now not more than 12 or 14 partaking of parish relief. A great change has also taken place in the social cendition of the labourers; they are already better ser vants and better men—more contented and more happy. Since the working of the New Poor Law, a large number have left the parish, most of whom hate obtained regular employ. A family consisting of ten persons, about a fortnight since emi grated to Yorkshire, where, through the assistance of the Poor Law Commissioners, they are engaged at double the wages procured at Urchfont. Another family is about to follow. On Tuesday last, four families, consisting of 17 persons, pro ceeded to Bristol, where they are to embark for Canada. Wherever the New Poor Law system has been brought into operation, the general opinion is, that it works well both for the labourer and the farmer. In the same paper (the Devizes Gazette) the following paragraph, illustrative of partial evil connected with the New Poor Law, appears :—" On Sunday last, a shoemaker of Salisbury, named Adams, drowned himself at Stratford. The unfortumate man was a few months ago bereaved of his wife and left with four small children. He had been an out patient of the Salisbury Infirmary ; and a day or two previous to his decease he went to his parish to obtain re lief, but was refused, unless he went into the poor house, with his family. This he would not eonscnt to do. Distress, therefore urged him to the commission of the rash act." The Kent Herald describes the satisfaction of the poor there as being pretty general. A petition from the labourers of Eastry, a place in that county, was recently presented to the House, in which the petitioners complain of the operation of the New Poor Laws. No measure which human wisdom can devise will excuse individual hardship. One day in the berrinning of last week, some of the workmen employed in the erection of the new buildings, on Weensland-haugh, in the course of their operations, came upon a live trout enclosed in the solid rock. It was of the par kind, and measured about seven inches long. Th e wr i ter o f t hi s paragraph saw it in less than an hour after it was discovered, in the possession of Walter Wilson, Esq. Its spine was unluckily broken a little above the great dorsal in the process of exlapi dation, and it lived only a few seconds afterwards. It had much the appearance of trout of the same species to whiell the writer thinks it belonged. If there was any peculiarity, it seemed to him to be in its great transparency. —Kelso Chronicle. WEDDING MISTAKE.—The following embarras ing state of things occurred a few days since to a young couple about to be united at the altar of one of the Marylebone churches in the New-road :—At the appointed hour the bride and her friends arrived in one or more carriages at Marylebone Church. Considerably more than an hour elapsed of breath less expectation, but no gentleman appeared. At length the lady exclaimed, " Why, this is Trinity Church, Marylebone, is it not ?" which was immediately replied to in the negative ; 11 hen she found to her dismay that the coachman had driven to the wrong church. Away the party immediately drove to the right one, where they found the bridegroom in a not less ago nising state of suspense. Happily there was still time to " tic the happy knot." CEIARAC TER OF TIIE SPANIARDS.-The Spa niards still possess many of the qualities for which their ances tors were so highly distinguished. Of the upper classes it may be observed that, grave and dignified in their deportment, and usually entertaing the most elevated notions of honour, they seldom fail in commanding respect. Of the lower orders I regret to speak in an unfavourable manner; but it is acknow ledged that they are generally noted for malice and depravity, which vices must, however, in a great measure, be attributed to the wretched education they have received. These remarks ag ply rhiefly to those who reside in cities and towns ; for among the peasantry numerous instances of the most exalted probity may be met with. The Spaniards have ever been eminent for bravery, and their noble defence of the liberties of their country against the unjust attacks of the French, entitles them to the esteem and admiration of every patriotic mind. It must, how ever, be confessed that their bravery has too frequently been tinctured with a degree of ferocity at which humanity shudders. The Spaniards, excepting the Valencians; Catalonians, and Galicians, have been represented as a most indolent nation, but this defect is more to be ascribed to the heat of their climate than to natural laziness. " See," says a British officer, " the descendants of the industrious Englishman at Madras or Jamaica; or of the more industrious Dutchman, at Batavia or Surinam, and tell me whether they are more inclined to active exertions than the Spaniards." The people of Valencia differ in many respects from the inhabitants of other provinces of Spain. Favoured with an extremely mild climate, they are remarkable for their industrious habits, and the cleanliness of their houses and neatness of attire arc no less conspicuous. Notwithstanding the defects in the character of the Spaniards, they are religious, loyal, hospitable, patient in adversity, and by no means devoid of wit. They have been much admired by foreigners for their courteous manners and noble frankness of disposition, and, generally speaking, may be characterised as one of the most abstemious of nations.—(From a M. S. on Spain, by the Marquis Champernon de Hawkins.) THE EXILED BOURBO NS ,.-...' he German. Journal of Frankfort contains the following from Prague of the 21st ult. :—" It is not yet known whether Charles X. will con tinue to reside in Bohemia ; his stay there is still the subject of negotiation. . The Royal Family is to go to Scheel ibrunn in the month of May. Part of the suite of the Duchess cf Berry has already arrived at Brandeip, and the Princess herself is shortly expected." According to the Quotidienne's advices from Prague, Charles the Tenth and his family are to proceed in the course of the present month to Schcenbrunn. The Auasburg Gozette, on the authority of a letter from Vienna, contradicts the report of Charles lii. having purchasers th e domain of Papa, in Hungary. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Irish Corrtabulary Bill is to come again under the notice of the House of Peers to-night. Mly we hope their Lordships will not—for the sake of a .mise rable consistency, or through an unworthy fueling of . hostility towards his Majesty's Ministers, or in order to please such politicians as the Lords Londonderry and Roden—resist those changes which we pointed at yesterday as essential to the well-working of themea sure, when it becomes a portion of our statute law ? There are, we know, evil-minded men, who care not a jot for decency or common sense, to whom there is no pastime so agreeable as mischief-making ; and there are also journals base enough to halloo these enemies of peace and good order in their mad career. Will the House of Lords disgrace itself, by following the suicidal advice of such monitors ? And deeply disgraced it will be, should a measure framed for public benefit, and not obnoxious to the charge of fa vouring party objects, be ruined by a pertinacious ad herence to an ill-judged and mischievous resolution. While upon this subject, it may not be amiss to point out another instance of the infamy in which the Times rolls itself in order to begrime the Adminis tration. In a short paragraph that journal has con trived to insert a batch of falsehoods, which it attempts to sustain by a parade of figures. We shall quote the passage, and contrast it with the wording of the ori ginal Bill, to demonstrate the liberal mendacity of the writer. " The Bill gave power to tho Lord-lieutenant to appoint 42 county inspectors, who might have had salaries of 5001. each £21,000 The amendment creates four only such officers Gavin , . -£19,000 42 paymasters at salaries of 1001. each £4,200 The amendment creates ten such officers • 1,000 Saving £3,200 In these two heads saving 22,2001." The impression intended to be produced upon the reader's mind by this paragraph is, that the Consta bulary Bill imperatively enacted the appointment of of 42 county inspectors, at an annual aggregate sa ,lary of 21,0001. What said the sth clause of the Bill—that which authorized the appointment of county inspectors ? It said that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland might appoint two county inspectors for each of the counties of Cork, Galway, and Tipperary— these being very large and populous districts—and one county inspector for each of the other counties and counties of cities and towns in Ireland, the city of Dublin excepted:—" Provided always (we pray at tention to the proviso) that the same person or per sons may be appointed such county inspector or in spectorsfor any county at large, and for any county of a city or county of a town locally situate within the same or adjoining thereto." That this proviso was deliberately introduced for a particular purpose— [or the purpose, in truth, of enabling the Viceroy of Ireland to limit the number of county inspectors to thirty-five—will appear by a glance at the subse quent clauses, authorizing the appointment of paymas ters and sub-inspectors for counties at large, and counties of cities and towns, from which this proviso is omitted. The Times was well aware of the existence of. the proviso in the fifth clause, and of its absence from clauses six and seven—it was not so stupid as to overlook its import ; and with full cognizance of the exact state of the case, that journal calumniated Mi nisters, and insulted its own readers, if they possess an atom of honour in their composition, by that meanest of all processes—the suggestio falsi ; in fact, false hood is suggested, and the truth suppressed, in the extract we have quoted. Instead of 21,0001. a year, as alleged by the Times, the contemplated ex penses of county inspectors, as provided for by the original Bill, would amount to only 17,5001. There will be six such inspectors at 3,0001. a year. The saving to the country will, therefore, be 14,5001. a year, or 6,5001. a year less than has been stated by the Times. In the other item that journal has been more correct ; but we have no doubt that the amended clauses, which refer to the paymasters, will be so improved still, as to lop off from the savings specu lated upon in Printing-house-square the 3,201. about which the immaculate journal published there has been making a clatter.—Morning Chronicle. We have hitherto taken no part in the war which a few of our Contemporaries have been for some time waging with the Chancellor of the Exchequer on ac count of double sheets. That the Right Hon. Gen tleman was induced to fix a maximum for the dimen sions of a newspaper, and to impose a tax on any sup plementary sheet, with a view to favour the Morning Chronicle, no unprejudiced man will for a moment believe. It appears to us that when it was deemed advisable to substitute for postage a small stamp duty on newspapers, nothing could be fairer than to im pose a slight addition for every supplemental sheet. The same reason which justifies a stamp duty in lieu of postage on one sheet, justifies an additional duty on a double sheet. The Chancellor of the Exche quer has shown no niggardliness with regard to the maximum for a single sheet ; but if the stamp is a substitute for postage, there must be limits to what can be covered by a single duty, and having once fixed the maximum, nothing can he more just than that when the limits are exceeded, an addition should be made to the duty. The Times, which tells us that it " publishes more double sheets than any other paper," and which is consequently more interested than any other paper in obtaining an ex emption from the duty on the supplimental sheet, has, day after day, been raising a loud outcry against the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as if his proposal, when carried into effect, would be felt as a calamity by the ' whole United Kingdom. But what is the fact? The double sheet is not only undesirable, but unquestionably injurious, to advertisers. Who need be told that the general practice of reader;, is to separate the sheet con taining the advertisements from that containing the news ? Is it not equally obvious that a person who wishes to discover any particular advertisement must often be wearied by wading through such a mass as is contained, for instance, as in a double sheet of the Times ? Many persons send their advertisements to a newspaper in the hope that they may find their way into a single sheet number ; and the Times knows that many persons also refuse to ad vertise except on the condition that their advertise ments shall not be inserted in a double sheet. It would not be so easy to collect the opinions of miscellaneous advertisers ; but we call on the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, if he have any doubts on this subject, to consult particular classes of advertisers, and he will find them unanimous in condemning double sheets. Let him consult auctioneers, for instance, or booksellers, classes of men jealous of each other, and he will find them on this subject unanimous. They feel, and frequently declare, that they might nearly as well throw their money into the Thames as bestow it for advertisements which appear in a double sheet. The public, therefore, have no interest in the continuance of a double sheet, and the Chancellor of the Exche quer would actually benefit them by a supplemental duty. We trust, therefore, the Right Honourable Gentleman will not be deterred, by the silly jests of the Times, from adhering to his plan, when no other grounds of opposition to it can be found than such as have been advanced by that journal. We are convinced that the object of the Times is to embarrass the Chancellor of the Ex ceequer, and really to drive him into an aban donment of his projected reduction of duty ; but being unable to effect that object directly, it seeks to accom plish it by low abuse and ribaldry. The Times knew well when it charged the Right Hon. Gentleman with favouring the Morning Chronicle, that the charge was utterly unfounded ; but it conjectured that the im putation of interested motives might in some way for ward its views. We trust that he will show himself as unwilling to be deterred by low abuse from adhering to a determination founded on a principle of justice to wards the public, as he was incapable of deviating from his duty to favour a journal supporting his politi cal principles. The Right Hon. Gentleman has had some experience of the world, and he must know that weakness is shown as much in departing from what is just, because political adherents may thereby be bene fit:ld, as in being influenced by political adherents to promote their objects at the expense of opponents. We trust that he will not be influenced either by fear or favour—that he will consult only the public in terest, despising low abuse and paltry insinuations, and throwing himself boldly on the country. " Do justice, and fear not," is the maxim which a Chan cellor of the Exchequer ought constantly to have pre sent to his mind. The policy based on this maxim will be found the safest in the long run. The public are seldom long disposed to bestow their approbation on the factitious candour which seeks to conciliate op • position by abandoning what is just and honourable. We conjure all those who have really at heart a reduc tion of the Newspaper Stamp-duties to abandon minor differences and frivolous objections, and carefully to abstain from co-operating with the Times in its vexa tious opposition to the measure of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, by which it is manifest that it seeks covertly to defeat the reduction.—Morning Chronicle. We return to the subject of the debate on Lord Brudenell's appointment, or rather to that for which the name of Lord Brudenell served as a text and motto. Had the real object and character of Sir W. Molesworth's motion been confined, as was die origi nal notice of the Hon. Baronet, to the individual case or merits of that Noble officer, we might have felt it necessary to re-enter upon the history of the Court martial upon Captain Wathen, and upon the incidental and extrajudicial opinion of the Court, with regard to the evidence which bore against one portion of the pro secutor's (Lord Brudenell's) regimental proceedings. We shoUld in that case have had no scruple about re asserting so much of our former sentiments as might have been applicable to the proposition raised by the Honourable Baronet —nor, on the other hand, should we have shriink from modifying them, so far as justice would have warranted, upon a full conside ration of those facts and circumstances which were communicated in the course of Tuesday night, and which must have conspired with the recol lection of the punishment already incurred by the Noble Lord to swell that enormous and overwhelming majority,which condemned alike an unnecessary recur rence to the professional position of Lord Brudenell, and an oblique and unfair involution with it of a far more comprehensive question. But the motion of the Hon. Baronet, as Mr. Joseph Hume acknowledged, was meant for nothing more than a peg whereon to hang an attack upon the conduct of the Commander in-Chief—a censure upon his military administration— an extinction or suspension of his important office— and an absorption of all its powers and functions by some Whig jobbers in the Cabinet, or who hope to be . there. Mr. Joseph Hume's " undertaking" was to prove before the Committee—should such a fulcrum for his machinery be granted to him—" other instances of gross partiality and oppression on the part of the Com mander-in-Chief." Coupled with this threat, there was, on the part of Joseph, an allegation that "we ought not to have a Commander-in-Chief whom nobody knows" (!) and "that the Secretary at War (Lord Howick) ought to be responsible to the House for appointments like the present." Here, then, we have plainly traced out for us the foundation of a scheme which has long been meditated by two descriptions of persons calling themselves Reformers. What Mr. Joseph flume was the first to broach against the ex isting constitution of the Military Department, soon afterwards received the sanction of that unsullied per sonage, Mr. Edward Ellice—contrary to the wish or challenge of Lord Howick, who had invited a direct motion upon the general subject of the army. His Lordship's conscientious, and cautious relative depre cated any such occurrence. He thought it much better to "leave the subject in the hands of Government, whose duty it was to see it fairly adjusted," and ac cordingly, he " entreated the House to deal with it as tenderly as possible." He told the House that a Committee had for a long time been sitting to consoli date as far as possible the several military " depart ments under one head, and that the whole army was suffering from the want of the protection of the high authority of his Majesty's Councils ! !" Now, what is the meaning of all this verbose lamentation ? We will, at no great length, but in intelligible terms, explain. That Mr. Joseph Hume should desire to break down the army, and every other establishment instituted for the defence of the State, is neither surprising nor new, nor in any manner interesting. He is a gentleman whose taste for fractions rarely tempts him to revolu tionize by halves ; and when he " undertakes" to prove a string of accusations against Lord Hill, he means no more than that he will persist in them, as he did in his foul charges against a Middlesex magistrate, "until forced to retract them—as in the instance of Sir J. Gibbons he has done within these three or four days. So enough for him who will ere long be ex-Member for the County of Middlesex. Next as to Mr. Ellice. He wishes not to break down the army, any further than may be requisite for making it a source of Whig-Minis terial influence—a field of corrupt patronage—a normal school of multifarious and immeasurable jobbing. We tell you, Mr. Edward Ellice, that your public charac ter is too well known—that your crooked, manoeuvring, intriguing habits, make whatever proposal or even whatever intimation falls from you, suspected of some sinister purpose. We state this broadly, without eva sion or circumlocution—and add that there is nothing more imprudent than for such persons as we have just described, to lend themselves with any appearance of zeal or impetuosity to schemes for the success of which they are really anxious. They betray every thing— the cloven foot is taken for granted, be it ever so dili gently concealed. When the Member for Coventry, therefore, moralizes about the King's Ministers, as suming the " protection of the whole army," there is not an apprentice in 'Change-alley who does not dis sect the humbug, and parody the plausibility of the Coventry cabinet-maker, as follows :—" Lord Hill gives Ministers no votes in the House of Com mons ; Lord Hill is not a politician, and certainly not a Whig politician—the army under his admi nistration is fairly and healthfully governed ; there are Ensigncies to give away every year—yet they bring no grist to our mill : we will, therefore, turn out this plain-dealing veteran soldier ; and I, Edward Ellice, am ready any day in the week, as Se cretary at War, or any other Secretary, to dispose of commissions, instead of him." Well, the plot ripens, the Commander-in-Chief is sent about his business, Ellice and Co. take possession of the Horse Guards. They give away everything—no, not quite Rive—but they fill up all vacancies with the meritorious objects of their well-weighed choice ; and then they " pro tect" the army, which they have themselves created, consisting in every sense of their own creatures. Does any Englishmen, then, flatter himself that an army in the hands of a sordid and insidious faction would be ruled or administered with reference to any other inte-. rests than those of the same factiorf? Does any one suppose that the greedy and selfish supporters of the Minister in the House of Commons would, or could, be refused their respective jobs, however profligate or disgraceful ? What was the condition of the British army from the close of the American war to the open ing of that against France ? Why, it was brave indeed, because it was British; but it was also an ill-composed, untrained, demoralized, unserviceable body. For many years after the great struggle of the French re volutionary war began, the army of England was the laughing-stock of Europe? And why ?—because it was one filled partly by dependents on the Minister, partly by those on whose patrons the Minister depended. It was an army over which the Secretary at War was lord paramount. There was no Commander-in- Chief. We are told the present Commander-ill-Chief is " not responsible." What ? Cannot Lord Hill be impeached for corrupt practices ? And would lie not in a moment, on the slightest real provocation ? What party has he in the House of Commons to protect him ? Was not the Duke of York, the King's favourite son, responsible ; ay, and punished for im puted faults in the administration of his office. But what sort of responsibility affects a Minister of the Crown, with a factious or corrupt majority to support him ? He is charged, and on full nroof of the fact, 'with having perpetrated some palpable and flagitious jobs. He has put Whig or Radical nondescripts, on the urgent solicitation of Whig or Radical M em b ers , over the heads of officers of known ability and distin guished service. The charge is brought forward in a Parliament of which the greater number are Radicals and Whigs. Then tell us, can any pretence be more absurd arid ludicrous than that such a Minister is re sponsible to the Legislature for abuse of patronage or any other mal-administration ? No, Mr. Edward Ellice, we have damped your powder for you. This infernal machine of yours will miss fire, at least for the pre sent. Your Committee, which you tell us has been so long a sitting, has under it no better than an addled egg. You may devise the plausible expedient of a board—a paid but powerless board of General Cacers, to issue ostensibly the arbitrary orders of the War office. The piny*, however, will sea through this anti constittitional aria criminal expedient fer tindermining the foundations of his iliforte i and usurphig the royal authority. His Majesty will faddlleet tlic prompt te- , solution with which his venerable filth* defeated the snare laid for him by a former unprincipled 4kealition, when one Whig Minister grasped at the whole Pr! , tronage of India, as another now meditates the appro priation of the army, under pretence that it ought to he wielded by '' responsible' rulers. His Majesty will further turn back to the period of 1640, and the subsequent years ; he will there behold, in the forcible transfer of troops and garrisons to a Parliamontary majority of '' responsible" rebels, the fate of one who was not the worst of his predecessors, and the speedy, though- temporary downfall of the British monarchy. No, no ; job, if you can, gentlemen, the courts of law and cquity—job the church of England—job the corporations—job the magistracy—fill the Treasury with tricksters, and the House of Commons with ad ventures, but leave his Majesty thes word, or wrest from him at once the sceptre.—Times. It has ever been the unhappy fate of Ireland, that while questions of contending parties—mere polemical disquisitions connected with its state—have received more than their due share of attention, the matters which concern the practical condition of the people have been treated with cold neglect. There can be no doubt that this is principally the fault of the Irish themselves, or of those among them who have aspired. to the rank of public men. Their patriotism has too often expended itself more in showing off the patriot than in pursuing any substantial good for the people. The glory of being a great Agitator has been more sought after than the less glaring reputation of having been a useful man. The wrongs of the people have been used rather as a theme for declamation than an object for redress, and, while not only Great Britain, but all Europe, has rung with the discussions of politi cal or theological points, which, whether one way or the other determined, could only affect the ambition or the public usefulness of a few, the mass of the population has been left to increase and multiply in circumstances of the grossest neglect, and in almost hopeless degradation. Nor has experience made much change for the better in these discreditable anomalies. Even now we find almost the whole interest of Irish politicians devoted to debateable principles, which are held highly im portant by the comparatively few who take the lead on either side, while the misery—the shocking un paralleled misery—of the many remains unredressed. Even now we find a large attendance in the Houses of Parliament, and powerful speeches delivered, where the matter in debate is whether an extreme party or an authority which ought to be independent of party, shall possess the local government of Irish towns. But when the question concerns the millions of des titute Irish poor, the benches of the House of Com mons are deserted. Even Mr. O'Connell, who calls himself, or allows himself to be called,. the Repre sentative of all Ireland does not attend in his place. We allude to the motion of Mr. P. Scrope, on Wed nesday evening, founded upon the report of the Go vernment Commission of Inquiry into the state of the Irish poor. That motion proceeded to resolve that the Commissioners, having made their final re port, and having stated, among other important facts, the following, viz:- 1. That " a great portion of the labouring population of Ireland are insufficiently provided with the common ne cessaries of life ; that not less than 2,885,000 persons of that class are in distress, and require relief for 30 weeks in the year, owing to want of work." 2. That " the wives and children of many are obliged reluctantly, and with shame, to beg." 3. That " mendicancy is likewise the sole resource of the aged and impotent of the poorer classes in general; whereby encouragement is given to idleness, imposture, and general crime." " And the Commissioners having recommended se veral Legislative measures for the cure of these appall ing evils, " This House is of opinion that no time should be lost in taking such steps as may tend to relieve this large por tion of his Majesty's subjects from so calamitous a con dition." A stranger to the modes of procedure in our House of Commons would naturally suppose that a subject of such magnitude could not fail to excite the deepest and most general attention, and that the proposition that no time should be lost in taking steps which might tend to remedy such a state of things, could not meet with a dissentient voice. But it was not so. The resolution was opposed by the Secre tary of State for Ireland, on the ground that Go vernment intended to undertake a. measure for the relief of the Irish poor, upon its own responsibility, but was not as yet prepared to do anything upon the subject. It does not exactly appear how this state of affairs should make the proposed resolution objection able or inexpedient. Hitherto the Government has done nothing but cause an inquiry to be made, which, when made, it has suffered to remain unnoticed. If Ministers have felt it so extremely difficult to make up their minds as to what should be proposed, and considering the magnitude of the subject, we do not wonder that they should—what can be better than that they should at least testify their anxiety to do what is right, by acceding to such a motion as that proposed to the House of Commons ? It would have been to their credit had they not waited for such a proposition on the part of an unofficial Member of the House, but had themselves come forward to do all that the circumstances of the case admitted—to have given hope to the suffering and a prospect of relief, as soon as the many difficulties attendant upon the subject had re ceived the necessary examination. As it is, they can not remove the public impression, that they have been unwillingly forced into a notice of the subject, and that they are not desirous to enter upon the settlement of it. We believe that they are not, for it is not a question upon which Mr. O'Connell urges them. He has objects in view more pleasing to himself than an at tempt .to elevate millions of his fellow-creatures in Ireland from a state of wretchedness, compared with which the state of unrelieved paupers in England is comfort. Such an attempt will neither flatter his vanity, nor fill his purse. It will have an effect un favourable to him, by showing what arc the objects to which a really honest Irish patriot would have devoted himself, but which he has always neglected or shuffled off, that he might more effectually serve him self and his party associates. The Government de grades itself to his level, by following his example. It cannot be pretended that the state of the Irish poor is a new discovery, to which the thoughts of states men are now, for the first time, directed. It is true that the facts have been set forth, by the late Report of the Commissioners, in all their dreadful enormity, and with more accuracy of detail than had previously been arrived at, but the broad and general conclu sion of the abject state of an immense body of the Irish peasantry is no new thing, nor is it a political discovery of very recent date, that to this state, which makes the peasant feel he has nothing to lose—this condition of reckless and despairing distress ought to be attributed (along with the wicked industry of sel fish agitators) the lawless and dangerous condition of Ireland, which disturbs the peace of the empire and exhausts the Treasury, in the expenses of keeping mi litary possession of the country. His Majesty's Mi nisters ought, long ago, to have applied themselves to this question : and we agree with Mr. William Smith O'Brien, that if th e Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had held a different tone upon the subject, they would have done so. But the selfishness of Irish landlords in.the Cabinet has made them but too happy to avail themselve s of the respite which Mr. O'Con nell's selfishness, as a patriot, allowed them. The reply of Lord Morpeth to the motion was feeble and trifling —quite unworthy of so important a subject. He complained that the observations which had ! been made wer e no t' di ctate d by a " conciliatory spirit, as if the manner of bringing forward the subject— the absence of holyday and lady terms to sweeten the appeal to justice and humanity, were the proper topics for animadversion at such a time. What right have Ministers to expect conciliatory language when they are called in question for neglect of a duty which, not only as Statesmen, but as Christians, they ought to have been eager to discharge ? But Lord Morpeth seems to think it enough if he admits " the hideous ----, _—_-------- - his Majesty's Government wi11, , , at their own c ! nature of the evils," and promises that the Mena This oas all pleasure, take them into consideration ! It ussek 1 1 that lie could promise ; and when Lord John . , satisfaction o i 1 1' 1 t s o ta j t , i • additional came into the House, he could only give tin. ~ lief of the Irish poor. After this, Me'nt'ors of : I li Parliament highly who brought forward the resolution, said he was so ~ e e t r i t i a is in v ly ea ii r o fo m r e t a h s e ur ; gratified with what Lord Morpetb had said, that n b • t for would withdraw his motion. It is very convenien a the Government to be called upon in question by Mr. Poulett Scrope, would Cliontleman so easily oratified—so pliable an has much -, of ino as iVIr. Poulett grope. The Irish poor He will often President of the Board of Trade. nerd a more earnest advocate than the brother of theh e quite FatisfieJ, when their hunger is no-.—Norning Herald. Two very important and interesting rtotiees of m o o n ; tiong were on the notice list of the House last week. They are brought forward by t o di . e ..tr. Members of Parliament, Mr. Mackinnon and .1 7 a . I3uckingham ; but they exhibit features of comninn, • h the Te rn" terest, and are both closely connected with , , ~,,, motion of a common abuse. The abuse to t he __ A refer springs Out of the present law of co py rig ht'f and out of the present law of patents. We boast 0 ._ of Conffunrent schoolmaster being abroad, and of knowledge bein g stY l e ru pwer ; but wherever we turn we discover ills i lin o ks of the feudal chain which has so long been eel" ployed to fetter the operations of the m ;tie o ind, r i nd to f close the flood-gates against the au g menting t, _te knowledge. We consider the time mo st fortrintl, for both motions, now that the C hancellor of ti::, Exchequer has given notice of his removing one of the most onerous rest( ial h s e upon the diffusion of political knowledge by The reduction of the ' Stamp up o n N rs ewspape - forting two motions to which we began by re f ' same must be considered as great auxiliaries to the mar philanthropic and popular cause, involving a oi.r in 0 , augmentation of social comfort as of commercial rP ei s fit. The motion of Mr. Mackinnon is for a intenion.; ding Committee to consider the expediency of am en d er , the present system of granting patents, and of ren e°ile in more easy and expeditious, and also les s " P. to and less liable to litigation, the manner of securing , individuals the benefit of their inventions. T he gw o f tion of Mr. Buckingham is for a repeal of so nitlieb er y the Copyright Act as enjoins the gratuitous dela Asti of every published work to eleven of the public in tutions, colleges, and libraries of different towns t o f the kingdom. The abuse comprehended in the firs of these preambles of motions arising out of the la w i t copyright is so outrageous, that it is wonderful h°/1 Wre has been been allowed to subsist so long as it has. 1 A the for to the extortion—for a milder word does not befit • eel' fact—of eleven copies of every work by various grne fled public institutions, colleges, and libraries. W e ~ its an instance of one work, where the tax laid tIV°-net publication by this obnoxious statute amounts t° do g less than 2,0001. This is the way the intellectu al o de have been treated by the exclusive class, and '... — for helots—hewers of wood and drawers of wa ter .,," bile labour. t t h h e u y s those who have profitted by their information+, ;heir d t e hw f e r e a r u ee d u p e l d ii ek se t l h ye e ft m o u bes o e f f u t ld h e e uv ro I t l e a vd r a z t s oa t b 1 te c b r aot i b " oidro lis have extortedl f et sirable object, the diffusion of knowledge, set?Apie, might be said in favour of the general r ii,Thi. although we might regret the injustice of its co. cular application. But the inquiries alresaY o bi C menced or pursued with regard to some of Du!, Peon' frustrate such hope. The British - 1011— f io. for instance, demonstrates that a private wrong' e 0 of lating all the principles of common equity, and eye a o r ate Ann common honesty, is not productive of any propor, are public advantage. The books thus claime d at ic either deposited within the musty precincts of m°ll9 or institutions, inaccessible to the common studetit'4oo as in the case of the British Museum, the contrib u Z e ir of these books is delayed beyond the period of t'',...„ transient interest by the bookselling, proprietorsothe naturally indignant at so gross a violation .4 1 rights of property, and unwilling to have their g extorted from them by the inquisitorial thumb-`are b' this . pernicious feudal law. With reference to Nat o ject, we may here parenthetically observe that hos i ng J liamentary motion was made last year for purc the right of the College of Aberdeen •- f book' to copies o uose by Government, with a view to the exchange of ti n e, books for French and foreign works of simila r ' l „'" e st and the deficiency of which is one of th e ) 2 0 grievances of our scientific institutions and Pubut libraries. We like the principle of the e xchang e ' h i c h we dislike the transfer of a claim to Government w te ll ought to be abolished as inequitable. We hatre Is Erie discussed the subject of the law of paten t s , at the Se time giving an analysis of the present Solicitor:uses neral's measure for getting rid of many of the ° P o e of the old law. We on that occasion stated ctirojer neon both of the merits and the inadequacies of the cer sure—of what it did, and of what it left u ndone. oin is' tainly, much was left undone by that measure- 4 °a is , sion which the useful motion of Mr. 3faelLia% not we doubt not, calculated to remedy. We ir e The ' I say that we wish him full success in his objet' , r oll operations and discoveries of the mind ought Ittefeil principle of common sense to be left equallComeruweoal as the operations of trade or the results of won adventure. The implements of the mind ill ;7,, pre ought to be considered as sacred—and equttl r the tested as the implements o the manufactur es, f ' being instruments of the artisan. The certainty °, e d bf able to enjoy unmolestedly the property acstPrece of industry, is the very corner-stone of the evste steno society ; and a wholesome state of the law cf P w hile would protect the results of the mind's labo ur ' is 0 0 e it fostered and stimulated its industry. Th ere 0 ' ; , tha t IA greater wear and tear in any labour than .1-1 ought the mind. There is none, therefore, wh i" al to be more sedulously sheltered by a p eon- • ~ pss io.• sagacious Government from inroad or eggi en gth The public, we are happy to say, are a i t ., n thei awaking to a more correct apprehension t" a e hav e have hitherto entertained of the fact whic h vv bnr ious; stated—viz., that mental industry is equally I ; e /D ora% if not more laborious, than physical ; but ti to sa results of the first are inappreciable in their e % o iat I, P compared with the last. We may with triuniP t fit to the steam-engine as one proof of our arginne_notether the advantages of the labours of the mind, whole fa the discoverer be ill or well rewarded, --the I ar e. • blv ' inily of mankind must ultimately and inerita d e rs, l a bour The debt of gratitude to the intellectual tha n t° therefore, ought to be proportionately g reater se lfish those whose industry is based upon a nicr e _ tion e is principle of profit, and whose sphere of 0pe . 7 ..e fi t ,..-- restricted to a more limited circuit of social D ", Morning Advertiser. J wa s _----- ----=------"'! h there . _ At Orleans, on the morning of the 30t 'for the vlae• ice, and snow fell. Apprehensions are entertained b oo dles,: LIBEL Law.—ln an action against th • 1 " Said the ter Guardian, the Judge, in charging the Jari: a s ,, a u sst.t g ° seems to me sufficient if in substance, the chargv,tl ilbr: plaintff is proved. It is, that he, in confederacY ' - cl s without Viet Jones, entered into a scheme for obtaining g - ro°vesd, J thiflgo. intention of paying for them. If that is P or nma c bo will be sufficient." 'We hail this decision as th,e .., da ring t mode 0 ' - 1 " ' a mcnt of a reformed and more rational sufficiency of justification in actions of libel. , Ross nit , l At the last Inverness Circuit Court, Pete ited job James Mackenzie were indicted for having ssa: atb jout, Banks, a maniac residing at Invergordon, and thro broug h P O the sca. The poor idiot, William Ross who w as d w ith t at the Circuit Court here, on Saturday, charg e , „ cs te . rd% murder of another idiot, in Ross-shire, died in g°' l ,,f ) , said. tit morning. He was about 50 years of age. He m ay suf ficle d, have died of cold and starvation, as he would not tatiy clothe food for his support, or suffer himself to be proP c ~ —lnverness Courier. ...... :ay 11 ,, COMMITTAL OF TWO WITCHES. Fi b ed M e bo th g . zabeth Callaghan and Mary Smith were e xamie the f o llosi; - t i Mayor and Borough Magistrates of Newcastle on 403 ep_! , other accomPle. Int° charge :—The prisoners, b amongst d peer, °, n int' profess a knowledge of tiling the planets, an ableo ''" n ee futurity. Under this pretence they have been en..ros. iu F. f gr• pose upon many simple and credulous peopre. house ° daps of their vocation the impostors went to . to _, a fo __ Ridley, draper, Painter-hough-stairs, in this lao w,t„il s IT?: ago, where they saw the maid-servant. The t„ " t ' o "ir her l '7 an assurance from the women that they coin? eg partic.uorl. name al t er future husband, with other interestnid Pettic°' e 0 thl a C henliSe i f a " Char/ 13 ' d by was . induced to give up a gown, ie .n ; au . In a short time the women returned. • had a rent i I a lotla aliii said, would not work, as the govin. o ff the r e-° Ore' • . . 3 ing 0.. - d t he ll this trick they succeeded in can . rove , cote pleton's Sunday dress. These facts being y_ ,rant Act, „ rea mancers were, under the provisions of the va- . - do l for l'" ' of the trea mitted to the salutary exercise months.—Newcastle Journal.