The Sun. — London, England, 1844-05-16 00:00:00

I thei that ;o re- 7 - Ise In of they niting When on of Y told W l° Price but b e g ey id th the afford l - bee,l wow. make up this deficiency from Cuba, the Brazils, and the m ar k e t s o f S out h A mer i ca ; so that our refusing to take sugar, the produce of those countries, would not at all diminish the production of sugar in the slave States of South America. The effect would be this, that sugar, the produce of slave-labour, which Was not allowed to he consumed in England, would be shipped for Holland and Germany from the Brazils and Cuba in English ships, would be paid for in English goods—would be even imported into England to be refined here, and re-exported, and yet the English consumer would not be per mitted to use it. But he contended that by carrying it in English ships and paying for it in English pro duce, we should he just as much encouraging slave labour as if we consumed it in England.—(Cheers.) The West Indian planters had been paid a compensa tion of twenty millions for the abolition of slavery. The protection whieh was still continued to them Was considered small in comparison with that which they had hitherto enjoyed, but still it was enormous. Twenty millions had been granted them as compen sation for the abolition of slavery. Now, the pro tection which was granted to them on their sugar amounted to three millions and a half more per annum. They had received infinitely more than the amount granted to them as compensation in the shape of pro tection —and it would have been cheaper to have granted the one hundred millions at once than to have continued these protective duties.—(Cheers.) They Would have been already several millions in pocket if they had adopted such a course.—(Cheers.) He would now b r i e fl y allude to a quest i on w hi c h h a d re cently occupied a great deal of the public mind—he meant the currency question. He would only make a„ few brief remarks on the subject, and that only as ictirstaselyit was connected with the subject more imme ritesti. Ti before the meeting. He did not intend to "cuss the currency question ; but inasmuch as the of the currency was intimately connected the the " Le question of free trade, and the abolition of liake eorn4 aws, he thought it not inappropriate to ru jaeeltew remarks on the subject.—(Cheers.) tliegseabt• dem had been said by the Prime Minister on and cf the important question of the currency; treewthether the theory of the Prime Minister was corr subject or not, there could be no doubt but the present moment_ attention of the public mind at s th u e t would endeavour to follow example of the Prime Minister in treating this d„ and to treat it i n a popular manner. Now feet, the last ten years the Bank of England had messed the power of regulating th e currency. hey professed to con t ract t h e currency when the d„eroand for bulli on f rom a b roa d com p e lled the export tohreebrullion, and to ex p an d it w hen the importation of bullion enabled th em to do so. Thus, when was a disposition for bullion to flow out t hey contr ac t e d t h e currenc y so as to induce bullion t° flow back again into their coffers, and by contract log the issues they lowered the price of cotton, of cali coes, of all articles of manufactures and produce, 110 as to i n d uce f o reigners to send back the bullion to for country, by giving a greater amount of produce it than they had previously been enabled to pro cure. This was what the Bank had professed to do, but which it had not been enabled altogether to ac eeMPlish. It had not been sufficiently powerful to accomplish this object, and what the Government 110 W intended to do. was this: it was intended to create a body that should be powerful enough to carry that out this prin c ipl e t o th e m os t ri g id extent. So , whenever the exchanges turned against us, as they Wo uld immediat e ly—if th ey l os t a mi lli o n of bullion they would immediately take two millions of notes ay to contract the currency. Now it was almost impossible t h at they could ever have any very im r!rtant dera ngement o f t h e currency f or any l eng th 0 t ime, except f rom a deficient harvest. The reason J this was that the necessity for bread was greater than the necessity for any other article, and in order to obtain i t every sacrifice must be made. If the exchanges were to turn against this country, in con oquence of too great an importation of silk, or wool, cotton, or other such articles, it would be very easY to contract our consump ti on , an d by that means the • bad would very soon become rectified. But, if b t c l ia rrests should come, a great amount of the I °l l would of nec ess ity go out of the country, and Zresponding sacrifice in the exchanges and upon thtem er edect Inhamt,odities would ensue. Therefore, he con if there was a tendency upon the part of sit e exchanges to turn against us, it must, of neces 0/, arise from bad harvests, for there were no means po t guarding against such calamities. He was sup• f re rted in this opinion by all experience, for there had yei:litently been similar derangements. In 1838 there h a s a deficient harvest, succeeded by another deficient ll' e tes e at in 1839. I n 1839 th e B an k h a d 9,000,000/. ,ftaoulrion in its coffers. D ur i ng th e whole of that alter they were obliged to import corn. They had no N ative • they were compelled, necessitated to do so, o f ' ,aud before the end of the year not a particle an d the was left in the coffers of the Bank, of b ei _ the Y found themselves in a position of France. oblied to borrow 2,500,000/. from the Bank therefaoliree.—t- NOW porting corn (Gheer Regulations in the currency, of i s , e ' .ne contended, depended upon the necessity that when they had a deficient harvest. this• the m easure which Sir R. Peel proposed was ago' that upon a turn in the exchanges, the currency im mediate)y be contracted, to suspend the s of bullion, in order to make goods go out in ' „ Nov, by this arrangement, the commercial its ni n , - ,A n itY would have to sacrifice their interests just Ito o e ,_" as under the old system. Let it be under sh. that he was not complaining of the measure of Peel. It proceeded on a just principle, as far root Went ; but what he said was, it did not go to the he (1 ( , ) ,f the evil, which it pretended to cure. Now rn4 c lr. Wilson) wished to call the attention of the far ge nt and the broker of Liverpool at this particu factii ° Merit, and the merchant in London, the manu fari_q_rer, shopkeeper, and trader of every class—the p ep 7 i r, the landlords themselves, and the labouring queneaetion above all, to what must be the cense in ti lt , of this law, if s tri n gently carried into effect de6 e f ea se of a deficient harvest. Now, suppose a 183 8 eat harvest was to take place, as in the year p o se - Ch as no one could say that it would not—sup corn, eY were obliged to import a quantity of foreign e e „ rit r as to cause the exchanges to turn against this fael_anYisit Bank of England would be called upon of bullion, and then would arise a neces• 4 es• ier "Iltracting the currency by two millions of Would .The Bank w ou ld cease to discount bills ; they tw o out their securities until they got in the mil measu re of notes ; and the consequence of that vermin unity would he, that the commercial portion of the veri en unit Y would be anxious to effect sales of their ''h er e-. c°lll rnodities, and no buyers would be found. pecei at o uld he an immediate, rapid, and sudden de % sud d ie n in the value of property. There would be tures en depreci a ti on i n th e va l ue o f a ll the manufac vallic of count ry , an d a su dd en d e p rec iation in the tom e e ` row materials. Ruin, in consequence, would cott en u P °ll the mercha n t, who, expecting a cargo of ec a _ e from America, had accepted bills to the full be end amount of the cargo. What would wi th ch situation o f the merchant connected frosts 13 t o e , East Indies, who, expecting a cargo a mount rev aY, had accepted bills to the full W u a _ when he found that the cargo, on its arrival, A de"7_l3reciated in value upwards of 25 per cent.? oeneeereeciation in the value of manufactures also must Woul d ss ltY ensue, and that depreciation in value totm ultimately reach agricultural produce. He did eff ect e a f tl to ea -- , y that this would be the immediate Sir Robert measure which had been brought forward 0 , now , nert Peel. He would, however, say this, he nse Minister propounding a measure, which hQ ho 13 , a would cure fluctuations—a measure which, A ctu s — s , "' would secure the interests of trade, menu trevee'ts' and the working population—which would ow a es a. sudden depression and a sudden crisis— sure orttiiiister of this country could propose a men the all e li c at kind with such an object, and retain Toe all g .- scale, and the corn-law at the bottom c o un t could not imagine.—(Loud cheers.) While there could never be in a prosperous state w as le . r e was no regular trade in corn.—(Cheers.) trade i n oe eause they h a d no t a regu l ar an d un if orm e hetincive ed. eeecuorrrnthat frequent derangements of the cur- The greatest amount of corn that Was v • er been at one ti me i n stock i n th i s country eiA t s a l l ay bs s u , Refired quarters only, about sufficient for oditi es co Yossumption. Th e d ea l ers i n o th e r co gadin uld not carry on their business unless they n D r n tent for ten o r t we l ve mont h s ' consumpt i on ne doubt warehouses.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he had Si r R.ir. that i n t h e first week that the measure of wee • r eel which came into operat i on—he meant t h e fi rst e . Vould Its operation would be felt—which cossityshloPuribably, in two years time, when a ne !eney i n _aris e for a counteraction of the cur that firs_ had not the least doubt that in Li e t week the merchants of London and hue erpeei sa t m would lose more largely than the n p t u i - r C p o o s r e n 0 - yuetalirsacuoelli:lcited,thfoer th A e n w :ict th tli th is e l f a d w o i Leagueasy ay the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) It it°evuoPdels:ellef?re_tohfe merchant to look to this—aye, ,to it. T he ' s v iii li for the landlords themselves to look :e of Richmond had complained of his Noble DUsing 2 uke Y e ar on his salmon fisheries. That attributed ie the loss to the tariff. It arose from no power s of ll cause, but from the diminished jarif f, ab consumption in the people, for, under i__ out 2001bs only Per cent. Navin al they hear of fifteen and twenty "'Porte& w h of foreign salmon had been farm -rents ? been returned last year upon the power of The simple reason was, that the consumption in the people had que-- This was not, therefore, a merchant's h.:ne'"on only. si l e t st w i as a landowner's question as well r chant's t o o n, for the two interests were Lin d indissolubl tha t if theel;a.ndlorYds themselves were to consider the gether. And he had no doubt 'would see calm) 'would question the ed lawhiotuhrsoutofprtehjuedAicue,ti-tchoartut-hlsey to, Le r : astroicare only directed towards the general inw ii" Wholl The CHAIRMAN then introduced to the meeting Mr. Turner, one of those tenant-farmers who had attended at the agricultural meeting lately held in Bridgewater, in Somersetahire, at which a resolution in favour of a total repeal of the corn-laws was passed, Mr. Turner, a farmer holding between 300 and 400 acres of land, being one of the most intelligent of hid order, seconding the resolution.—(Cheers.) Mr. TURNER then came forward, and was received with loud cheering. He thought an apology was due from him, for venturing to address so magnificent an audience as that which he then saw before him. He thought he might, however, ask for some indulgence and forbearance, seeing that, with the exception of having proposed a vote of thanks to the Anti-Corn law League, at a county meeting, that was the first time he had ever attempted to address a public meet ing on any subject whatever. He could assure them that he was a bona fide tenant-farmer.—(Cheers.) He was one of those whose every farthing was invested in the cultivation of the soil, and it, therefore, might be easily imagined that in advocating free trade prin ciples he did not wish to injure the tenant-farmers of the country. He must acknowledge that he was placed in some difficulty in having to follow such eloquent speakers as those who had that evening pre ceded him, but he came forward on that occasion in the hope, that by his example others •of his order would be induced to come forward in support of the principle he was there to advocate.—(Cheers.) There was a great difficulty in finding anything novel upon this subject. The preceding speakers had re marked upon this ; and how much more should he feel a difficulty. There was one great objection to the corn-laws, that they prevented those improve ments being made which would undoubtedly take place under a lengthened tenure. In the present un certain state of the law farmers were unwilling to take leases at the existing high rents, even if land lords were disposed to make them.—(Hear, hear.) But landlords were not so disposed, and why ? They must he aware of the reason—to advance political purposes. The circumstance of being compelled to pay high rents induced the farmer to regard the price of the article more than the produce of the land. To illustrate what he meant, he would suppose an ara ble farm which averaged2o bushels of wheat per acre. The wheat sold under present prices at Bs. per bushel. Now if the produce of that farm could be increased to 40 bushels per acre, would it not be better for the farmer to sell the grain at 6s. a bushel ? Why the thing was manifest. Notwithstanding what was called the low price, he would be a gainer of 2s. a bushel. Now this appeared to him so convincing a fact, that he wondered the landlords and tenant farmers had not before perceived it. They were all aware that the corn-laws had a tendency to create fluctuations in price, so that, as he had before re marked, even where the landlords were disposed to grant a lease of seven years, the farmers were in many instances afraid to accept it. He (Mr. T.) was one of those who held a farm on a seven years' tenure, and he knew well that the landlords were afraid of parting with the least portion of the power they now possessed over their tenantry, and which they so disreputably employed.—(Loud cries of Hear, hear.) The gentleman who had just preceded him had so indisputably demonstrated that the corn-laws restricted trade, that they were injurious to commerce and manufactures, that the one could not thrive where the other did not prosper, nor the one be depressed but at the expense of the other, that it was altogether needless for him to recapitulate those arguments. Now, it must also be admitted, that fluctuation in price prevented what was so de sirable—an adjustment of rent; so that the old pro verb of " Live and let live" could not well be car ried into operation.—(Loud cheers.) Suppose that the land agent calculated on an average of the prices of wheat for six years, in order to fix a rent, which the tenant should pay for an arable farm. Did not that seem fair and equitable ?—(Hear, hear.) Yet it was not so. And why ? Because in nine cases out of ten the crops of the tenant-farmer did not reach the average price. The generality of farmers, he was sorry to say, were needy. They had nothing to fall back upon. They must sell at all risks to meet pre sent emergencies. In short, the corn must be sold as soon as thrashed. The consequence of this gene ral necessity was, that between Michaelmas and Christmas there was a glut of corn in the market. In these three months the prices were lowered; then in the six months which intervened between Christmas and the period at which the harvest arrived at maturity, only those farmers who had capital enough to meet the pressing emergencies of the harvest season were enabled to keep their corn over for high prices.—(Hear, hear.) There were some farmers in the neighbourhood in which he re sided (but they were not numerous) whose means enabled them to keep the wheat produce of their farms over from one year to the other. But these men had assured him that such was the uncertainty and fluctuation of the corn market, that somehow or another they had been generally losers, and fared worse than those who had been obliged to sell their corn within the year. The po sition of the landlords was by no means enviable. It was the natural desire of mankind to maintain a cre ditable character with their fellow-creatures, but he was sorry to say the proceedings of this body did not entitle them to be regarded in a very favourable point of view, and the day would come when they would look back upon their conduct with feelings of shame.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") Again, he felt hound to say, and he said it with equal regret and sincerity, that the corn-laws had been productive of most calamitous results.—(Hear.) At the present mo ment the great bulk of the farmers were paying rack-rents. Those who had capital were paying those rents out of it, and those who had not, were in a de plorable condition. These were facts that might be relied upon. His knowledge of them was derived from sad experience. Those farmers who had not the command of capital were, as had been told them by Mr. Summers, in a condition bordering upon insol vency. Mr. Summers' speech had been received with astonishment in the neighbourhood from where he (Mr. Turner) came, but he now came forward to cor roborate the statement of Mr. Summers.—(Hear.) The farm labourers, too, were in a most depressed condition ; they were in the most abject misery that it was possible for man to conceive. To picture to them faithfully and truly the condition of these men, would be a task as painful to his own feelings as it would be harrowing to the feelings of those who heard them. He was sure those who listened to him, notwithstanding all that had been said about the national dislike entertained by artisans towards agricultural labourers, would sym pathise deeply in the condition of those unhappy men. He had been frequently asked by his brother farmers if free trade would benefit them, and if there was any probability of free trade benefiting their condition. He had always told them that he believed free trade would benefit their condition ; and he felt convinced that it would do so. These men were now suffering under severe privations, and he could not conceive how, by any possibility, they could be placed in a worse condition than they were.—(Hear, hear.) The fact was, these tenant-farmers were, for the most part, uneducated men. They had been unaccustomed to habits of thinking, and looked only to present circumstances and their immediate results.— (Hear, hear.) But the Anti-Corn-law League had done much towards disseminating knowledge among them, and through the tracts circulated by that useful body, they now began to believe that they were in a position to compete with any of the corn growers of any other country in the world.--(Hear, hear.) The first question he had to consider was, whether there were more mouths to eat than there was corn to he had in this country ? Whether the pro duce of this country was equal to the consumption of its inhabitants? It was apparent that such was not the case. Then was it not necessary to import corn from abroad ? How was the surplus to be produced ? Must it not come from foreign countries ? Some of the farmers who opposed the repeal of the corn-laws thought that if there were a free trade in corn it would flow into this country like water in the river, without obstruction, and superabundant. These people seemed to forget that, in this country at least, there was an expense of 61. or 71. in cultivating an acre of wheat. They did not calculate that it would cost anything at all abroad. They appeared to be lieve that corn grew in foreign countries sponta neously, and that it could be picked up on the banks of the rivers, without cultivation. If these men read and considered for themselves, they would soon think differently. In the report made by Mr. Meek, in 1841, as to the capacities of the different corn-growing countries, the only country in which the cultivation of the soil was particularly cheap, and from which competition might be most dreaded, was Polish Prussia, and in Polish Prussia there were bad roads, no canals, no railroads, and, in short, the expenses of carriage, and the freight and other expenses of transmission to this country, would leave the English farmer little to dread. Now in the Channel Islands, free trade prin ciples had been tested. In these places corn had been imported free of duty, yet home-grown corn had averaged 475. per quarter for the last seven years, which circumstance clearly proved that corn would not descend to so low a price as had been anticipated. Then there was another great argument in favour of free trade principles—reciprocity of dealings, mutual intercourse, and extended connexion—he would not say with foreigners, he disliked the word "foreigners," but with their neighbours abroad.—(Loud and pro tracted cheering.) He felt perfectly convinced that if we imported their corn, they would import our mer chandise. In fact, Mr. Gladstone had already ad mitted so much in the debate upon the tariff. When the question of importation of cattle was in troduced, the answer to that proposition by the country gentlemen was that an exceeding loss would be inflicted upon the farmers. Now he (Mr. Turner) said that, if we were to import cattle from abroad, we should export manufactures in proportion. This appeared to him to be an established, an admitted f act. He would not' hay* tqfpeood Araog them that night, had it not been for the earnest desire of his brother farmers, who had requested him to speak his and their sentiments before the citizens of London. All that he was anxious for was to elicit the truth, and when the truth was elicited, to see it acted upon. The truth must out. There was no neutral ground to stand upon, for there must be either free traders or anti-free traders.—(Cheers.) There could be no doubt that lengthened tenure would be beneficial to the farmer, and lengthened tenure was what free trade would give. - What they required was security for the investment of capital in land. He had lately been at some pro tection meetings, and the speakers there most cau tiously shunned the discussion of that subject—the instability of the present corn-law. He had been to one of those protection meetings, where the talking was all on one side—on the side of protection, of course, for they refused to allow any discussion whatever as to the benefits offree trade. The Morning Post had, in one of its recent articles commented in very sarcastic terms upon the ungrammatical language used by the tenant-farmers who spoke at the meetings of the Anti-Corn-law League. Why, it was not to be won dered at, if these men were deficient in learning, considering the slight opportunities of improving themselves which they possessed, and the manner in which they were ground down and oppressed by their landlords. The wonder was that they ever possessed so much information as they did.—(Hear.) It was a matter of great doubt to him whether, if the present corn-laws were persevered in, the farmer would be able to give his children any education at all. The Anti-Corn-law League had very much en lightened the tenant-farmers in his neighbourhood, and their tracts were eagerly sought after by the farmers of Somersetshire. They were anxious to be informed on a subject which had been so much dis cussed, and upon which their interests so much de pended. The farm labourers were at present in a most depressed condition, and many of them threw the blame upon the farmers ; but upon a perusal of these well-digested pamphlets, they would see that it was not the fault of the farmers that their wages were so low, and their condition so had, but of the landlords, who kept up high rents. These poor labourers would see that the wages which should go into their pockets went into the coffers of the landlords ; but if the farmers would stand forward, and, in a bold and independent manner, avow their opinions, and their determination to act upon them, the landlords would cease to exercise the tyranny they at present practised. Another very erroneous opinion prevailed among these farmers, that the manufac turers were their enemies. He was disposed to look upon no man as his enemy, but he regarded the manufacturers as his best friends, because they were working out that for them which they could not accomplish for themselves.—(Cheers.) Without the manufacturing population, it was impossible for the farmer to thrive. They were the home consumers, that furnished the best market for agricultural pro duce. They were, in short, their best friends. He thanked the meeting heartily for the kindness with which they had heard him ; and, as the advocate of truth, would conclude in the words of the poet : " To seize on truth, where'er 'tis found, Among our friends, among our foes — On Christian or on Heathen ground— A flower divine, where'er it grows." The Rev. Mr. BURNETT then came forward, and was received with great cheering. He said that it was exceedingly gratifying to the free traders of London to see such numbers of the tenant-farmers come forward to advocate the "principles of common sense." The landlords said the repeal of the corn laws would be ruinous to the farmers. The farmers said it would be serviceable to them. Now which were they to believe, the landlords or the farmers— those who felt or those who spoke ? Were they to believe those who had no experience whatever in preference to those who had a great deal of ex perience ? "Ohl but," said the landlords, " the farmers are ignorant men." Then why should they blame them for being ignorant when the pressure of high rents was the cause ? The gentleman who had just sat doWn had, with great propriety and feeling, alluded to the mode by which the landlords contrived to extend their political influ ence, not only at the expense of the farmer's pocket, but of his conscience also. Why should the British farmer be the slave of the British landlord ?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Was he not a freeman, and should he not possess the dearest privilege of a freeman—voting according to his conscience? Bat at present he was obliged to act like a slave. The farmer, like a mercantile man, entered into a contract with the landlord for a certain number of acres at a certain rent, and when he fulfilled that contract, the landlord should have no further claim upon him. He could not conceive a more degraded position than that of a landlord who forced a tenant to vote against his conscience in support of a system which was injurious to both.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He cared not whether they wore a ducal coronet or any other badge of high distinction. An accident might have thrown that coronet in his way, or he might have been born to it, and, therefore, have not gained it by any merit of his own—(Cheers)—or it might happen that amongst his ancestry there might have been sycophants who courted Royal favour by bowing and cringing, or, perhaps, by deeds of their own they might have shown that high talent which elevated their family, and with honour ; but then they hurled themselves one and all from this high pinnacle the moment they attempted to fetter the minds, opinions, and convictions of the peo ple.—(Cheers.) It had been shown that the land lords were deeply interested in the maintenance of the present system. It was possible that reasons might be adduced to prove that it would be against their in terest if this country were to become a manufacturing community ; and that reason was, the aristocracy and squirearchy could not wield the franchise of the manu facturers as they did that of the farmers; they could not drive the former to the poll, as they did the latter. Neither had they that threat to hold over them in terrorem of granting no leases, serving ejectments, or driving them from their houses if they opposed them at an election. If the landlords could just as well drive one class to the hustings as the other, he doubted much whether they would set themselves so strongly against the manufacturers, or retain their at tachment so exclusively in favour of the farmers. The manufacturers were rather an unwieldy political material, and the country gentlemen, well knowing this fact, were unwilling to run the risk of letting go their political grasp upon the farmers, because they and the monopolists the m well manufacturers.—(Loud llaknuerwerts.hLloud cheers.)eycouldn not regain regain it upon The landlords were interested in this change, but not withstanding the system could not go on. They all had seen many changes during the last century. They had also seen some changes within the last two or three years, during which they found certain gen tlemen—Tories, and Ministers, too—coming forward peopleto pl ea d o f t e En c g a l u a s n e d of set the ftier i oor n b l s a p c i k t e moafn them,, w h whom the in veigh against the system of slavery in general. Those charitable gentlemen said, if you set the slaves free the consequence will be that they all must perish. No person could have any idea of the mis chief which would be likely to ensue if the slaves were to be emancipated. And therefore those gen tlemen at that time resisted every attempt to set the slaves free. Now, they were still connected by the most kindly feeling towards them, and were anxious that nothing should occur which would be likely to improve them, and consequently they took them up, as they had taken up the farmers, and would allow no sugar to come in, except that grown by free blacks.—(Laughter.) Query—was this kindness at all manifested on account of the West Indian inte rests ?—(Cheers.) Well then, after the voice of the country and humanity had been elevated so often and loudly against the vile system of slavery, those philanthropic gentlemen became at length convinced that it was the voice of God and nature, and they ceded the freedom of the slave—by purchase. After yielding to all those circumstances—circumstances forced upon them—they have found those very same gentlemen coming forward to take up the part of the freemen. But what were they to say to such hypo crisy as this ? After the Niger expedition, at a public meeting he (silenced to be sitting next to Sir R. Peel—a strange coincidence—(Laughter)—but still no secrets passed between them—.(Renewed laughter)—so therefore he had no ministerial secrets to reveal to the meeting. But the. Right Hon. Ba ronet got up upon that occasion ; and to show that a sense of shame was sometimes inherent in all minds, began by saying that it was incumbent upon those who were not in the field before to come forward and speak on behalf of the injured African. There must have been a twitch of conscience which affected the Right Hon. Gentleman. Now he (the Rev. Mr. Burnett) believed that if there was any one monopolising interest concerned in this Niger ex pedition, it would have kept that wily gentleman away from speaking one word in favour of the African. He would tell the meeting, therefore, to take comfort from this : they had one who was sensible to the in fluence of shame, and who, although steeled against many things, was not yet made of steel, and this showed they, by perseverance, would be crowned with ' success. What did the aristocracy mean by pressing their opposition so long ? Did they intend to set the different classes of society at variance with each other, and tell them that if one prospered the other must necessarily decay ? Did they mean to tell their respected Chairman, that if he succeeded, Mr. Turner, who favoured them with his enlightened views upon the operation of the corn-laws that even ing, must be reduced to poverty ? Did those pro phets mean to assert, that if the one class were to succeed the other should go down ? Such an asser tion was most ridiculous. If those persons meant to say that manufactures were to go down, he (the Rev. Mr. Burnett) would tell them that he would rather see the whole face of England L covered with manufacturing shops, without an acre of tillage, and England supplying 00 world THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 16, 1844., with the result of her industry, than that manufactures should be stopped for one year.—(Cheers.) In say ing this he should also state that he should like to see the farmers prospering, because he knew that the interests of both classes of the community were mu • tually dependent on each other. The course of events showed that if the farmers and agricultural population did not join the League in their efforts for free trade they would become the laughing stock of all civilised nation s.—(llear, hear.) If any one entered the mansions of the aristocracy would they not find all the luxuries and comforts which were the production of manufacturing ingenuity and indus try ? But what evidence was there of the slightest aid, so far as the surrounding objects went, of agricul ture ? But they said they did not want independence of manufactures; what they wanted was' protection for agriculture. Why, protection for agriculture meant nothing more nor less than protection for the landlords. Was corn the only thing that would not find its level ? Through all parts of the coun try did Heaven bestow equal blessings; the light shone, and the rain fell, equally for the just and the unjust ; but if the food was to be sluiced up like the waters, and prevented from a free current, he thought the landlords of England would be answer able for the evil consequences. He would say to the meeting that by their attendance there that night they had manifested their determination to carry this great measure, and shown an example to all the nations of the earth. They should not tire in the truly great and good work, the consumation of which would open the prairies of America to England as a granary, and make the poor happy and the indepen dent more so. People were each day becoming more enlightened; mind met mind ; a new world of ideas had been created, and the consequent religious, poli tical, and historical power would be found sufficiently strong to put down all the monopolies which now pre vailed. The present was not the time when rude masses of uncultivated and ignorant men would rise together, influenced by passion and violence, to commit inju ries upon their fellow men,_ involving combina tions in crime. —(Cheers.) For his own part, he would not address such an assembly—the present was not such an assembly.—(Cheers.) But men wanted to be taught, and these meetings were held for the purpose of teaching them.—(Cheers.) Let it be remembered that those who wanted to maintain the corn-laws had lost the monster monopoly of know ledge.—(Great cheering.) They had lost also the monopoly of the knowledge of moral power ; and having lost that, they had lost the only monopoly which would have secured in perpetuity all other monopolies.—(Cheers.) The days when wily politicians could wield the condition of a nation had gone by—the days of heroes, of warriors, and fights had gone by—the days of the quarrels of nations had gone by—(Cheers)—the days of peace had come—(Cheers) —and the nations of the civilised world looked to each other. France looked to England— (Cheers) —England looked to France; and even Spain was beginning to see that evils were evils, and good was good.—(Cheers.) They were looking to the beneficial results of good government, and not to those transactions which had been a scourge to countries, and only enabled those who scourged them to prey upon the ruins they had made.--(Great cheering, amid which the Rev. Gen tleman retired.) The CHAIRMAN then announced that another meeting of the League would take place there next Wednesday. 'lt might, also, be as well that he should state that it was not likely these meetings would be continued for a much longer period, in consequence of the necessity of commencing the arrangements for the bazaar that was to be held in that building.—(Cheers.) The vast assemblage then dissolved after giving nine cheers for the League. SOUTH LANCASHIRE ELECTION. MANCHESTER, TUESDAY norm —Duri ng the day both parties have been hard at work canvassing, and on the part of the free traders, every hour brings with it news of men who have consented to separate themselves from party, and to look at the contest only as one affecting the interests of trade. As regards the " ways and means," the free traders have evinced a spirit to-day, that shows them sanguine of the result, for the guarantee fund has already reached 13,0001., and that for the Manchester district o f t h e county a l one Since we wrote yesterday, giving an account of Mr. Entwistle's visit to his Committee here and at Newton, we have learned that he went forward yesterday afternoon to Liverpool, and met his Committee there. It was the intention of his friends to introduce him on 'Change, at Liverpool ; but the Com mittee reported an adverse wind in that quarter, and he re turned to Manchester without suffering the honour. To-day his friends have also forborne to introduce him on 'Change here, and there is a whisper that it is still the intention of his party to wi.hdraw him from the contest, if they can substi tute a fitter man. At seven o'clock this evening there was a splendid meeting of the friends of Mr. Brown, the free-trade candidate, at the Free-trade Hall, of which we subjoin a report! MEETING IN THE FREE-TRADE HALL. MANCHESTER, TUESDAY NIGHT.—This evening, at seven o'clock, a great meeting was assembled at the Free-trade Hall of the electors resident in the Manchester district of South Lancashire, to receive a deputation from the League. Amongst the gentlemen present, in addition to the deputa tion from the League, consisting of Richard Cobden, Esq., Mr. Alderman Brooks, and others, we observed Mr. Alderman Kershaw, Mr. Rawson, Mr. Woodward, Mr. Harvey (of the firm of Harvey and Tysse), Mr. Atkinson (of the firm of At kinson and Saunders), Mr. Alderman Hopkins, Mr. Alderman Walker, and many of the leading freeholders. The chair was taken by Mr. GEORGE Wusoss, who, in opening the proceedings, said—Gentlemen, we have con vened this meeting of the electors residing in and near Manchester, irrespective of all political party feeling, in order that you may have an opportunity of meeting a deputation from the League, and hear stated those reasons which they think ought to influence you materially in giving your vote for the free-trade candidate in the contest for this county. We have called this meeting of electors of all parties. The Free-trade Hall is neutral ground.—(Cheers.) It was not built, it was not erected, for party purposes. We meet here to discuss the evils of the giant monopolies under which this country suffers.—(Loud cheers.) We ask you to pause well before you give a vote in favour of the perpetuation or con tinuance, for one hour, of these monopolies.—(Applause.) I have a number of letters from gentlemen compelled to be ab sent unwillingly, because engaged in canvassmg.—(Cheers.) But I will not occupy your time by reading them ; I will at once proceed to business by introducing Mr. Cobden, who will Mr. COBDEN, address you on behalf o f t h e League.— ( Cheers. ) M.P., was received with most enthusiastic and prolonged ch eer i ng. He spoke as follows :—Mr. Chair man and Gentlemen,—lf you were met here for party objects I should not b e amongst you. I have never, s i nce I have appeared in public, taken any part in mere party squabbles; and, so far as I may be considered to speak the sentiments of the Anti-Corn-law League, I challenge all who have had the opportunity of observing my public conduct, to point to a single instance in which my proceedings have been influenced by any regard to any political party, or any individuals connected with party.—(Applause) We have met here, as the chairman very properly says, irrespective of parties. I cannot point to any existingpolitical party which takes its stand upon the ground that the free traders and the Anti-Corn-law League now occupy. We have two sections of politicians ; one disposed to profess free trade in the ab stract, and to carry out free trade little by little ; we have another party taking its stand upon fixed duties and protec tion ; but there is no political party that seeks at once to ob tain the object we have in view—that of practical and per fect free trade.—(Hear, hear.) This is a question that is re ferred back to the electors of this county ; and to no portion of the electoral body can it come with so strong a claim to their attention as to the electors of South Lancashire.— (Applause.) Gentlemen, we are not solely a manufacturing community in South Lancashire ; there is a large rural dis trict in this county. W e h ave f armers as well as manufac turers. I have made go o d th e groun d o f free trade on farming ground as well as man u f ac t ur i ng groun d ; and if there be one stronger ground than another, it is that upon which Lord Ducie and Lord Spencer have taken up the question—that is, as to the benefit which free trade will confer upon agri culture itself.—(Hear, hear.) But, unfortunately, the manu facturers of this country, whilst they generally admit that free trade would be good for themselves, have hitherto not come to consider this question of free trade apart and alto gether away from a political partizanship. If we could only lay aside our old animosities and predilections—if we could only come to a common ground, and consider this question of the corn- laws apart from all views of Whig and Tory, I verily believe there would not be two opinions amongst the manufacturing classes in South Lancashire.—(Loud ap plause.) Now, Gentlemen, I am glad to say, that on this occasion we have evidences of our coming soon, if we have not already arrived at, that happy point, when we shall be ' no longer blinded to our true interests, nor the interests of the country, by such absurd delusions as these mere Whig and Tory distinctions in politics. lam happy to announce to you that we hear from all quarters—not merely in Man chester, not merely in Liverpool—but in all the surrounding districts, we hear of numerous instances of most intelligent and influential men who have on this occasion declared that they will no longer vote as Tories or as Whigs; that the question before the country is free trade or monopoly, and that they will vote for free trade.—(Loud applause.) It would be invidious to name these gentlemen, and besides that it would be very partial and unjust ; for I_ really believe we are only beginning our conversion, and that before the contest is over we shall see such a change manifested in South Lancashire among the manufacturing classes, as even the most sanguine of us has not expected. This is the last contest for South Lancashire in which any party will come before the electors of this important district, and profess to be an upholder of monopoly in any shape.—(Applause.) And, Gentlemen, if anything could prove this, it is the terms in which Mr. Entwistle has put forward his address to the electors of this county.—(llear, hear.) That address is, at all events, a tribute paid to the triumph of free trade opinions in this country; for although it does not agree in professing to carry out the principles of free trade, it is full of compliments to those principles so far as they have been applied ; it speaks of the paramount importance of ma nufactures and commerce ; and it proposes, very intelligibly, to go on carrying out free trade as fast as somebody else, who shall be nameless, perhaps in Londo n , w ill give the cue for doing so.—(Loud applause and laughter.) Now, I think we in Lancashire are too old birds to be can ht with chaff like this on the present occasion. — (Laughter.l We midst not be deluded or mystified with plausibilities. Ye want free trade —not in the abstract ; we don't want it ten or twenty years hence, we want it now; and if we can get it we will have it now.—(L ou d applause.) But lam told that some of Mr. Entwistle s canvassers are canvassing for him as a free trader. Now, I don't set myself up here as a casuist to settle matters of conscience ; but surely, if gentlemen go and obtain pro mises on false pretences, they don't expect those promises to be binding.—(Applause.) I should be sorry to lead the electors into any mistakes, but I warn you, add, through the press, I beg to warn the constituency of this county that Mr. Entwistle is not a free trader, though' his address tries, all that words can do, to make it appear that he is.—(Cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, we have another candidate in the person of Wm. Brown, Esq., of Liverpool.—(Loud applause.) Mr. the kingdom the man that would be properly sele cted for the Brown, -as a commercial man, I should say, is of all ot hers in high honour of representing this county in Parliament. — (Applause.) I say as a commercial man, because I won't did, for he Would not disguise it from you himbelf , that if we you, and Mr. Brown would not thank me if I disguise from could, by deferring to the tone of public opinion in counties, have found just the right man connected with the agricul tural interest, and even connected with an aristocratic family in South Lancashire, Mr. Brown would have been the first man to say, " Take him in preference to me, and you will be most likely to conciliate the greatest amount of support." — (A . pplause.) And I may tell you, what lam sure Mr. Brown himself will very readily tell you, that we did apply to a gentleman in London—Mr. Pascoe Grenfell, the brother-in law of Earl Sefton—and had he not been at the time we called upon him under the hands of his medical attendant, and confined to his house by a very painful disease, he would have been inspirited to enter the breach on this occasion ; for a more ardent repealer, and one more thoroughly devoted to the principles of the League, I never found in all my travelslin England.—(Applause.) Under those circumstances we chose —1 speak of the electors who took a part in it, for I was not in Lancashire at the time—the electors chose the first com mercial man in Lancashire.—(Applause.) He is a man who, if you want to test what he is, will answer to the question which Napoleon used to put when anybody talked to him of a man as a great man, a distinguished man, or a man of vast superiority ; Napoleon always put the question, " What has he done. ?"—(Hear.) Nov, Mr. Wm. Brown has built up one of the most gigantic commercial establishments that ever existed in this or any other country—(Hear)—and he has in the various ramifications of his bus:ness probably contributed more to the facilities of commerce, to the interchange of the productions of this district, than any other merchant, or pro bably any other half-dozen merchants, in England.—(Ap plause.) Next to the reverence we have for aristocratic origin, is probably the homage which in England we, wisely or unwisely, pay to wealth. On the score of wealth, Mr. Brown must be acceptable to the most money-loving among us. If great riches give a guarantee, in the estimation of timid men, that the possessor of those riches is not likely to be a destructive in politics, why then Mr. Brown has given you that guarantee, and will commend himself to the most timid amongst us. I know of no objection that has been alleged to Mr. Brown as a candidate for our suffrages, unless it be one which has originated in idle gossip, in the absence of anything really tangible to oppose it. It has been alleged that Mr. Brown is not a British-born subject. lam happy to tell you, from the highest authority, that Mr. Brown was born in the county of Kilkenny, in Ireland—(Applause)— thathis family were extensively connected with the linen trade there; that Mr. Brown came to England, and was educated ; that lie left England in MOO, and went to America ; that he returned from America in 1808, since which time he has been a resident in Liverpool.—(Applause.) And as the owner of large estates in this country, he has given that proof of his naturalization which will both be a satisfaction to our oppo nents, on the score of his citizenship, and will also recom mend him as being an extensive landowner.—(Applause.) There has been, also, I believe, (I don't know whether there has or not), some other allusion made to Mr. Brown—but we really don't talk about religious subjects here—but Mr. Brown, I may tell you in brief, is a Churchman; and if he had been anything else he would have been equally unex ceptionable in this Free Trade Hall, for we do not meet here to entertain theological questions.—(Applause.) This is the description of a candidate which is presented to you, the elec tors of the southern division of Lancashire. If any of you know the weight of a bale of cotton, you are only one remove from a near acquaintance with Mr. Brown, who has in his hands one-sixth part of the trade between this country and the United States.—(Loud applause.) There is hardly a breeze can blow, or a tide can roll into the Mersey, that does not bring a ship freighted with cotton, or some other costly commodity destined to fill the warehouses of Mr. Brown ; and there is scarcely a railway or a canal in the kingdom that does not bear some of his produce on its way to be shipped to China, or some other part of the world.—(Loud applause.) Now, Gentlemen, short of being himself one of the landed proprietors of Lancashire, Mr. Brown is more deeply interested in the land of Lancashire than any other man can be. lie is not one of the aristocratic families of the county; but a gentleman having the important concerns in Liverpool to which I have alluded, and being, as he is, so intimately bound up with every transaction in which you are engaged in Lancashire—l say that, second only to the ownership of as enormous estate in this county, Mr. Brown may be considered most securely anchored amongst you, and he has given the greatest possible pledges, by interest and identity, that he is bound to regard and foster the welfare of this county.—(Applause.) Mr. Brown does not appear before this county as a party politician. He has not been known either in Liverpool or elsewhere as a party politician. If he has mixed with parties at all, it has been to moderate the party feeling; and, I will venture to say now, in his name, that Mr. Brown would deeply regret if this contest were carried on upon any other ground whatever, than that of strict principle, and that there is nothing which he would de plore more than if his friends should narrow the ground on which he seeks your support.—(Applause.) Mr. Brown, much to his honour, has taken a prominent part in Liverpool in aiding the labours of the Anti-Monopoly Society there. — (Applause.) His adhesion to that Society was an event about as important to that movement in Liverpool, as the ad hesion of Mr. Samuel Jones Loyd was to the proceedings of the League in London.—(Applause.) And this step was taken, not in anticipation of any such honour as you are now striving to place in his hands; but it was done from a con viction of the baneful tendency of monopolies in general, and from a desire to aid his utmost, by the influenceof his great example in Liverpool, in putting an end to a system so de structive to commerce. And, I may tell you that Mr. Brown is not an anti-monopolist of yesterday ; for there is one fact to be stated so highly to the honour of Mr. Brown, and so strongly proving his disinterestedness, and his willingness to assail monopolies, even when he himself was supposed to be interested in them, that I cannot help mentioning them. During the time of the monopoly of the China market by the East India Company, Mr. Brown was one of those in England who had the monopoly of the private trade with China, which was carried on through American houses. No English private trader could trade with those countries; but the Americans took up the trade in an indirect way, and Mr. Brown was the agent of that commerce, and it was a very important branch of his business. When the proposal was made to abolish the monopoly of the East India Com pany in the China trade, Mr. Brown went to London. and gave evidence, before a Committee, in favour of an open trade with China, though it was depriving himself of the monopoly which he had before enjoyed.—(Loud applause.) This then, Gentlemen, is the candidate you have before you ; he is a free-trader in corn ; but as a proof that he does not consider a free trade in corn would be injurious to land, he has invested largely in the land of this country; and 1 know that, at this moment, he is prepared as wilhngly to invest money in land with a prospect of the repeal of the corn-laws to-morrow, as he would be if the corn-laws were likely to be perpetual.—(Applause.) And let me remind you that Mr. Brown's possessions in land may be quite as extensive as those of many of the landowners who make so great a talk upon this monopoly in corn, and who in appearance may have a much wider expanse of surface in their possession ; for, when a merchant invests his accumul ated gains in land, the land is his ; but those men who are making the greatest outcry for this in corn, and who are the most prominent in opposing the League, are merely the nominal possessors of those broad acres.—(Great cheering.) Gentlemen, I have stated who Mr. Brown is, and what he is ; a nd now what is his opponent ; I'll not deal in persona lities b y alluding to Mr. Entwistle, in any other way than a s re g ards his public career ; but putting the test which Napoleon put, when a man was spoken of, I ask you, what has Mr. Entwistle done in public or in private to entitle him to the honour of representing you in parliament?—(Hear.) We are not opposed on this occasion to one who, owing to h i g h aristocratic connections or exalted descent, is considered in this lord-loving country of ours as entitled to a sort of presumptive right to represent a county. —(Hear, hear, and laug hter. ) That claim, at all events, does not stand before us. We know Mr. Entwistle as a private gentleman, of respectable character, and we know him as po n othing else.—(Applause.) I have not had the oprtunity myself of listening to his speeches or hearing his views ; but there is a part of what he stated the other day to his Com mittee, with regard to the operation of the corn-laws, which certainly does go far to convince me that Mr. Enfwistle can not have given the slightest attention to the subject of the corn-laws. Gentlemen, we don't hear such fallacies as those of Mr. Entwistle even in the House of Commons now ; they are ashamed of them there.—(Applause.) I can assure you that if Mr. Entwistle comes to the House of Commons, he will have to learn his lesson before he speaks there, or he will be laughed at as soon as he opens his mouth.—(Ap plause.) I suppose, brother electors, we shall have an oppor tunity of hearing Mr. Entwistle's views on this subject ; but as he has decidedly declared himself for a sliding-scale as against a fixed duty, I must confess I have been astonished to see the name of one gentleman prominently connected with his supporters—l mean the name of Mr. Hugh Birley; for I very well remember four or five years ago, when we were met at the Town-hall for a total repeal of the corn laws, that gentleman met us with an amendment, declaring that nothing but a moderate fixed duty would restore the commerce of this country; but that, as the Whigs were then in power, in whom he had no confidence , he was determined not to petition Parliament for a fixed duty. And now it seems, if one may believe the newspapers, that Mr. Hugh Birley has been one of the principal men in bringing for ward Mr. Entwistle to stand on the principle of the sliding -scale.—(Hear, hear.) Now, really, I don't understand this kind of inconsistency. It is perfectly incomprehen sible in this Free-trade Hall.—(Applause and laughter.) There is one question to which I would more especially like to call their attention, and that is the great excitement ! which has been created against the long hours of work in this district. I have watched very attentively the pro ceedings in Parliament upon Lord Ashley's motion on the Short-time Bill ; and I have heard it admitted by the leading men on both sides of the House, that the corn-laws and the the other monopolies were the cause of the long hours of work in this district.—(Loud applause.) I was walking down Parliament-street one day, just when Lord Ashley had brought forward his first motion, and I was mentioning the subject of the Ten Hours' Bill to a gentle man who was with me, a shrewd man, and one of few words, and he shook his head and said, " It will be quite impossible for the working classes to support the aristocracy with ten hours' work a day."—(Loud cheers.) But I did not expect to hear such specific admissions from the leading men on both sides of'the House as I did hear upon this subject. After Lord Ashley had carried his first motion by a majority, Sir James Graham was speaking against it with a view to reverse that decision ; he tried every kind of argument, and at last, at the conclusion of his speech, he turned round very significantly indeed, with a look which he can so well put on, to the squires behind him, and he said, " Let Honourable Gentlemen beware what they do ; this restrictive system of ours is an artificial system—(Hear, hear)—it is like a house of cards—if you touch one, the rest will fall." — (Cheers and laughter.') I was sitting behind a rabid protectionist, a Member for a rural district, and tapping him on the shoulder, said "Do you understand that ?" " Yes, I do." — (Applause and laughter.) Translated into plain common sense and plain English, what did Sir J. Graham's admis sion amount to ? This—if you pass a Ten Hours' Bill, the corn-laws, and the sugar-laws, and the coffee-laws cannot be maintained. But why ? lie did not see, whilst lie was ranking this appeal to the 'squires behind him, or he seemed to forget that there was a Leaguer present, and that we should interpretate his argument, and carry it out in the Free-trade Hall. For it amounted to an admission by the Home Se cretary that the working classes were working two hours day to maintain the monopolists.--(Loud applause. Al , when Lord John Russell and Lord H ow i c k rose on the other side of the House, they declared that a ' Bill could be passed with perfect sa fet y , provided the corn laws, and the sugar, and coffee, and o t h er monopolies were removed. (Now this is very important in more senses than eople after ; one ; it shows us that we are the real tours all ; and certainly the attempt to . make e p t that the impudent Leaguers are long hour men, will be the most and audacious argument that ever was used . o a s . fterthis ad- ' 1 mission.—(Hear.) But does not that admission by Sr I i James Graham and his leading opponents involve a sacred . duty on the part of the employers of this district,. to unite together to remove that unjust law which compels the people in their employ to work two hours a day to maintain ' the monopolists? I would appeal to employers of every party in this country, and ask them, in the first place, from a sense of justice to those they employ (for I would not put it upon any lower motive), will they lend themselves to a sys tem which is crushing down the men, women, aye, and the children, who are living around them and are dependent on them; or will they now take advantage'of thi s o pp or t un ity, w hen they, as the constituency of South Lancashire, have v otes in their hands, and the working classes have no votes at all, to put down by a right use of those votes, a system which thus oppresses those who arc dependent upon them ? —(Loud applause.) If I wanted to appeal to a lower motive Ulan a raere Ouse of,juatioe, I mould ask thew to look at the time, which has been manifested not only in the House of Commons, but in the public prints, upon the subject of the long hours of labour in this country. It is quite evident—it is no use denying it, that there is a demand, by public opi nion, in favour of less intense labour on the part of the people of this country.—(Hear, hear.) I join in that appeal. —( Applause.) I will not say a word about legislatinon this matter—that is not our business ; but If I see that there are laws and monopolies, which, by the admission bath of the Ministers of the day, and of their pre decessors, which compel the working classes to work two hours a day for the support of these monopolies—l say, as an employer, should not be doing my duty, when a vote is thrown into my hands as it is now, unless I voted for the re moval of those burdens which thus grind down and overwork the people.—(Loud applause.) And let not the employers of this district suppose, whatever was the decision of the House of Commons last night, that this question will be allowed to rest; for Lord Ashley has declared that he will pursue it to the death. Does it not, then, become the master manufac turers and millowners of this district to see if there be not a way of meeting the requirements of public opinion, by re moving these monopolies, which I firmly believe, as I stated in the House of Commons, prevent the working people of this country from having as good remuneration, and the masters from having as good profits, as they would have without the intervention of us law makers (and I would ad vise you to have as little to do with us as possible.)—(Ap plause.) I believe that by voluntary arrangements we might all be doing as well upon ten hours a day as we are nowdoing upon twelve ; for I am firmly convinced that if the people of this country had the full benefit of their natural advan tages they would be able to do as much, nay, more, in ten hours as any people on the continent of Europe can do in twelve.—(Loud applause.) Gentlemen, Ido hope that on this occasion we who have the franchise will endeavour to use it for the benefit of a class—not for the benefit of the richest class—but for the benefit of those who are imme diately dependent upon us. The employers of labour in this country are charged in the London prints—and the charge is widely disseminated through the country—with not having give due consideration to the interests of those em ployed by them. I do not stand here either to make the charge or to vindicate the employers ; but with these facts before us, and with this admission from the highest autho rity patent to all the world, I say the employers who lend themselves to a system which grinds the people down to the dust, and compels them to labour for others without any re turn for their toil, will be justly amenable to this charge.— (Applause.) I hope that on this occasion we shall not merely manifest a desire to benefit those around us, but to promote the best interests of the country at large. It is not merely your operatives here who will 'be benefited by free trade— you form but a comparativelysinall section of the commu nity—but if you go to the agricultural districts, where, if they do not work so bard as you do here, their work is as disagreeable and as painful, and not so well requited ; and if free trade in sugar, coffee, and cocoa will bring plenty to the houses of the workpeople in Lancashire, it will also carry comfort into the thatched cottages of Dorsetshire and Devonshire—(Applause)---and give to the peasants a com fortable meal of wholesome bread, who are now often stary • big upon meal and potatoes—(Loud applause.) Gentlemen, these are the objects we have in view in supporting the free trade candidate upon this occasion. One word upon the sub ject of the duty which devolves upon us during the next fort night.—(Hear, hear.) Vain is all the talking we hare had in this Free-trade Hall—vain is all our lecturing—vain the million of tracts we have been distributing, unless we now buckle on our armour, and work, work, and work until the day of election.—(Loud cheers) The basis of all chance of success at a contest: is a due attention to the registration lists. The registration lists of this county have been diligently at tended to during the last three years, to my knowledge ; and there is upon the cards the fairest prospect of success, if the friends of free trade only exert themselves during the next fortnight.—(Applause.) It is true we have in this, as in every county, a large number—three' or four] thousand—tenants at-will, occupying 50/. tenanteies, but fur whom we should have a large majority of the real bona fide freeholders of the county. Of that we are quite sure,:without going to a poll. But as many of these 50/. tenants are not allowed to choose for themselves, it devolves on the freeholders in the towns and the country districts to counterbalance the undue influ ence of the landlords by increased efforts amongst those who are independent and can vote as they please.—(Applause.) If due diligence be used, I have no doubt this battle will be won.—(Great applause.) It depends on the labours of the free traders and leaguers of Lancashire, upon their individual a nd personal exertions in their several districts, whether we are to triumph at the coming poll.—(Hear, hear.) It is im possible to overrate the importance of this contest. Do not say, as some of our enemies, and our false friends, too, have said, that if we lose the League may shut up shop. No, the League will never shut up shop till the corn-laws are abolished.—(Great cheering, which lasted several minutes.) But this I do know, if we carry this election for South Lan cashire, it will be taken as a sign of the times to those who live in high quarters, and it will save us a great deal of labour andexpense in carrying our questionlhereatter. But do not let them deceive themselves by supposing that if they over whelm us now with their 50/. tenants-at-will we are going to give up this contest.—(Applause.) No • I have no hesita tion in telling them that if the y were to beat us now it would only be the signal for a larger gathering in this Free-trade Hall than was ever held before, to devise the means of beat ing them at another contest.—(Loud cheers.) But when we talk of beating them we seek no triumph over any one ; we seek to benefit every one. We seek not to injure or triumph over those manufacturers or: millowners who are canvassing for another arty;p our triumph is one of principle, a prin ciple in which our opponents, whom we believe to be mis taken, are as much interested as any one in this hall.—(Ap plause.) A large number of our neighbours are br in g i ng themselves to this conviction; and on that belief alone I en tertain strong hopes that this contest may be won by a large majority.—(Applause.) After the last four or five years of ntense suffering and disaster I cannot believe that the men of Bolton, Stockport, Rochdale, and Bury, who have found their property wasting away on their hands, their houses empty, and not even paying chief rent, will have passed through this season of tuition without its leaving the fruits of conviction behind it. I believe there is a vast amount of conviction on the side of free trade amongst those who have opposed us formerly on the mere ground of Whig and Tory, and that there is a still larger amount on the side of their opponents of doubt.—(Hear, hear.) I ask those who have now come to the conviction that free trade is good for all, to do that which several of the most eminent of their party have already done, both here and in Liverpool—to throw aside party and come out manfully to maintain their opinions ; and I ask those who have been brought to doubt not to record their opinions while they have doubts on their minds, but to abstain from a contest in which they do not see their way clearly, and to leave it till another contest to decide whether they will take the ground of free trade, or resume their own party colours.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, it is be cause I have sufficient confidence in the common (sense and sense of justice of my neighbours here and in other towns, that I cannot doubt, if we work as we ought during the next fortnight, that this contest will be won.—(Loud applause.) And when it is won we will meet here again, not to triumph over any one, for we seek no victory, but to congratulate ' ourselves upon the victory when free trade comes, as come it will, spite of what may be the issue of the election.— (Loud applause.) It may be retarded, but truth is invin cible, it cannot be put down ; but come when it will, I shall hail as gladly the benefits free trade will confer upon my po litical opponents, as any it can confer upon myself and those most nearly connected with me in politics.—(Cheers.) The cheers which followed Mr. Cobden's address having subsided, Mr. Alderman KERSHAW moved a resolution pledging the meeting to support Mr. Brown, the free-trade candidate, in the coming contest ; and the resolution having been seconded by Mr. John Potter, was supported by Mr. Alderman Brooks and Mr. R. R. Moore, The resolution was carried with three times three cheers, and the meeting separated at twenty-five minutes past nine o'clock. PROMISSORY NOTES. TO THE EDI7'OR OF THE SUN. Siii,—The hostility that is manifested in various quarters to the promissory notes of country bankers is really unac countable; one might suppose that they formed the only peccant part of our monetary system, and that to get rid Of them would be to create universal order and harmony ; this opinion is certainly not entertained by persons who . make use of them, and who observe their operation in the districts where they circulate. Let it be observed that Bank of England notes are the circulation in all the great mercantile and manufacturing towns in the empire, so that bankers' notes are at least guilt less of the speculations and adventures that are carried on in these places; in many of the agricultural districts, where the largest amount of promissory notes is kept in circulation, a bill of exchange is rarely seen. It would be worth while for . Sir R. Peel to inquire what amount of bills is discounted an nually by ten of the banks returning the largest circulation; if I were to form a conjecture, I should say that a larger amount is discounted in one week in Liverpool, than in one year by an agricultural note issuing bank. How, then, are these notes put into circulation? They have been called into action long ago, and they pass to and fro in the ordinary transactions of business, circulating the various commodities which the population require; the amount is adjusted to the wants of the people, and in every such district a much larger sum is deposited with the banker than is issued by him in the form of promissory notes; he has received from his neighbours their savings, and he has returned to them a part of the sum in his own notes, with which to carry on their operations. Now such a circulation, whatever theorists may say to the contrary, is based upon sound principles—princi ples as sound as any deduced from the state of the foreign exchanges. If the customer of such a bank, having 1,000/. deposited, chooses to draw it out and build himself a, house, does it make any difference whether the bricks are paid for in Bank of England notes or in the banker's own notes; in either case the circulation is increased without any regard to the foreign exchanges; but Sir R. Peel complains that the notes of country bankers fluctuate with prices. No doubt if 1,000 quarters of wheat are sold at £3os. it will take one-third more money to transfer them than if they had been sold at 60s. ; but is any body to blame for this? Sir R. Peel is moving on towards one bank of issue; and the sort of objec tions that are urged against the pr esent s y stem may teach us what we are to expect under the new one.. Of on m u f f we may be certain, that the practice of allowing deposits will undergo . some alteration, and as 11 b i C an han k ze a ll n o d r of the Exchequer is circumscribing the . savings ' fraermduceirnsgmtuhsetir find dte uouftinantemreest,uttrerwfonrykesintgmchelnastss,esasanbad bankers cannot afford to allow two-andfiae-lhaarglfeaanmdutunrteeufpcaershoceuwnrtho.,:ihti they are not to issue notes. they must keep by them to meet the daily demands will se riously curtail their profits, more especially where they are at some distance front the place of supply.—l am, dient servant, - BATQuo . Newcastle, May 8, 1844. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —A CURE THAT MUST ASTONISH THE WORLD, BY HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.--Mrs, Lee, keep ing a small shop in Brick-lane, Spitalfields, had for fire years suffered from piles, but more particularly from a general and fearful bearing down of the body, her health was conceived to be completely ruined, she was brought almost to beggary, by doctors' bills ; when she first com menced the use of these miraculous pills, her friends con sidered her past cure, but in two months by their means, she was made as sound and as strong a woman as ever she was in her life. Sold (also Holloway's Ointment) at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, (where advice may be had gratis), and by almost all respect able Vendors of Medicines throughout the civilised world. THE MEDITERRANEAN AND INDIA. MAILS.—TIie following notice is put up at the General Post-office:— " The next mails for Malta, Greece, and the lonian Islands, via Southampton, will be dispatched hence on the morning of the 16th instant (this day) ; and the mails for Egypt, India, &e., via S ou thampton, on the morning of the Ist of June ; the mails for India via Marseilles (if not detained) will be dispatched on the 4th of June. The Dee will take out the mails for the British and foreign possessions in the West Indies, on the arrival of the morning mail of the 17th instant, atSouthampton. The Caledonia, for the American mails of the 18th in stant, on their arrival at Liverpool. The Garland Grove will take out the Sydney wails of the 31st ipstant." N THE CURRENCY QUESTION AFFECTED BY THE PROPOSED MEXSUR" A TO TILE EDITOR OF THE 511.x. ) t. ,1 " V( Stn,—As the pros and cons of this question are very imper fectly understood,_ and it is one of very great importance to the commercial, manufacturing, and industrious classes gene rally, the following summary has been attempted of the lead ing propositions contended for on each side. We are now entering on a career of legislation which will leave lasting traces upon our monetary system, and become the prelude to still greater changes. Are the principles proposed for adoption sound, or are they not? The reader must determine fur himself. PRINCIPLES PROPOUNDED BY THE ADVOCATES OF NON-INTER:. FERENCE WITH THE MORI' OF IS.SUE AND OF FREE 4 TRADE IN DA NEINC. . The right to issue paper 1. Coin and Bank-notes bare money belongs solely to the two totally different bases of Government, as in the case value; the former passes cur of coin. rent from its intrinsic value, _ TUE GOVERNMENT. and the latter, like all forms of paper credit, from the credit given to the issuer of his ability to redeem it, in gold, when required. To assert that the - Government has a right to issue notes, to be paid or re deemed, not by itself, but by •ther persons, is, on the face of it, an untenable proposition. This right, if it exist, can apply, only, to inconvertible aPer 2. The profits arising from P 2. The banker is as much a paper issue belong to the entitled to the profit arising Government alone. from the use of his credit, as the professional man to the results of his skill. Practi cally, the assertion of such a right by the Government will merely lead to an extra charge to customers of the bank. 3. Bankers' notes are not 3. In principle they are en like other forms of paper tirely identical. The endorse credit, such as bills of ex- ments on a bill merely add to change, protniesory notes, the number of its credits, and &a do not necessarily add to its -glue. r^- al, value, nor can they Alter its character. All these instru ments are based on credit, with the quality, or property, of being convertible into gold, or Bank of England notes. 4. The Bank of England may over issue, because it has extraordinary facilities for get ting out its notes, but pro vincial issuers cannot over issue, their notes being con stantly returnable by the prac tice of exchange between bankers and the demand of the holders for gold. Free trade in banking never existed in Ame rica; their banks are chartered banks, with limited liability ; there was no practice of pe riodical exchange between them ; and there are many other differences. Scotland, on the other hand, may well be referred to as au example of unlimited right of issue, with out excess. No case of over issue - has been established against the -private and joint stock banks. 5. A drain of gold, from whatever cause, is a fact which no banker will overlook. He will be guided by this, without any necessity for the imposi tion of an abstract rule. The supposed difficulty about ex changes (i. e. the want of unity of action on this subject be tween the Bank of England and other banks of issue) is the effect of that monopoly which constitutes the former the great depository of gold. All provincial issuers assert that they cannot regulate their issues by the exchanges, and that there is no necessity for their doing so, except so far as they may, indirectly, affect them. If there were no Bank of England notes, but their own notes were redeemable in gold only, the action of the exchanges would be more readily felt by them than it now is. The proposed altera tion will not make them con form to this rule. 6. It is expedient to put a 6. If banks (with the ex .imit m the amount of note ception of the Bank of England) circulation cannot and do not over issue, this is unnecessary, and will, ul • timately, be injurious to the in dustrious classes. The chief use of a bank is to afford pe cuniary accommodation when most required ; any artificial limit which interferes unne cessarily with their ability to do so should be avoided. Acts of Parliament for this purpose have all the vices of class legislation, they increase the wealth of the rich and the poverty of the poor. It may be desirable to limit the circu lation of the Bank of England, because it is not subject to the same checks as other issuers are. 4. The practise of private or unrestrained issue leads to over issue. This has been proved to be the case in the example of the banks of the United States. 3. Isamu must be regu lated by the .foreign ex changes. 7. The issue of notes should 7. This is a subject of in be managed by a separate de- ternal arrangement of little partnient in the Bank of importance to the public. England. S. The limitation in the 8. The mismanagement of amount of note circulation banks proceeds from over is the only direct interference trading, i. e. an abuse of real which should be practised by and bowl fide capital by loans, the Government to prevent over-drawn accounts, &c., and banking mismanagement. drawing or accepting bills of large amount, and not from any over issue of notes. The London banks and Manchester joint-stock banks which have failed (the latter most egregiously) did not liana their own notes, but those of the Bank of England. Overtrading should be checked by en forcing proper rules of management. Such, for exam ple, as the following, viz.:—The banks should be com pelled to hold capital in reserve (i. e. gold, Bank of England notes, Exchequer Bills, or Government Stock) equal to the extent of their whole circulation, and of one-fifth plait of the amount of the deposits and average balances.* The observance of this rule, the state of their overdrawn accounts, &c., should be ascertained, from time to time, by a system of inspection by officers elected by, but not otherwise dependent upon, themselves, or appointed by the Government. With some check of this kind, and others relating to the formation of new banks, uniformity of management, amount of paid-up capital, auditing of accounts, and the like, a free trade in banking might be safely allowed; except that a revival of U. notes may not now be desirable. The case of what may be termed the respondents has been stated much more fully, because, it was, in a great measure, necessary, and because it is placed at a dis advantage from its opposition to the great authority of the Government.—l am Sir, Your obedient servant, P. " Remarks on Prevailing Errors Respecting Currency and Banking," by Robert Cockburn, Esq. It is not intended to assert that there is anything like unanimity amongst the opponents of the Government scheme in their views of the checks on mismanagement, or that all admit that any are necessary. Probably many would prefer the Government plan to the rule above propounded. It is only put as an example of a check - that might be created. The true question is, is over issue the real evil ? If it is, the disease and cure have been rightly apprehended, if it is not, it is an example of straining at gnats and swallowing camels. PROMISSORY NOTES. The Banking Returns of the Circulation of Notes in in England, Scotland, and Ireland, are for the four weeks ending the ?7th ult., and exhibit the following results:— ZNGLAND. Bank of England, Now Last time . . 20,842,000 Increase Private Banks, Now Last time, 987,000 5,295,239 4,983,646 Increase __ (). • 1 .... , 3 1 Tit 1 • 311,593 Joint-Stock Banks, No Last time 3,752,867 3,502,363 Increase 250,504 SCOTLAND. Chartered, Private, and Joint-St oc k B an k s, Now Last time Increase IRELAND. 3,625,945 3,573,100 103,915 Bank of Ireead , Nov Last time . Increase Private and Joint-Stock Banks, Last time Now 52,925 2,424,079 2,357,446 Decrease ~.. 66,626 Bullion in Bank of England, Last time 16,322,000 - _ Now 15,844,000 Decrease ...• ........ £47L000 New instructions from the Admiralty, dated the p f o c n y_a t r h e e nearly ciausa thel t instant,s a ute as have those issuedbeofenlB3fit wittl is rescinded which authorises the ca p tain of the g uard shi p to take charge of the dockyard , and perform the duties of the isthwisee et ce They superintendent during the absenc e of thatfunctio n a yy . Thos e duties will now temporarily d evolve, on such occasions,. u p o n the master attendant , who must of necessit y be hetter-ec quainted with their routin e than the Ca p tain of the Ad . m iralty, whose regular employment is afloat. The se new instructions enjoin that no ship or vessel of war, haying powder or live shell on board, beallowed to. enter the har bour at any port, on any account, without the permission of the Commander-in-Chief, or the senior officer, at *lnch port. That when a salute is to be tired, the guns, if loaded, are to be drawn, wormed, sponged, and reloaded ; that it un loaded, they are to be wormed, sponged, anal loaded ; that wads are never to be used in salutes ; that port-tires are not to be used in tiring salutes, but that the guns are to be tired, either with salamanders, or with percussion tubes and hammers ; that. although the gunner may have reason to believe that all the foregoing precautions have been taken, he is nevertheless to lay the guns so as to prevent - the possi bility of mischief, in the event of a shot or wad being left la any of the guns.— Lkitcel Soria Gook: