The Sun. — London, England, 1845-06-05 00:00:00

and ha . .,ght that that was the beet way of bringing the people ot country back to a sense of their duty as members of an empire of whieh they formiel a part. Nothing for this could ted earpt by coimiliation, and he should, there fore, W i t the Bill as part of a great experiment for giving contentment to the people of Ireland, without any danger to the established tratitutio-ns of the country. The Earl of HA RDWICKE said that he wished to explain hit:well:ion a point Willa Noble Friend who hail just sat down, winch seemed to give him much anxiety. The supposition which the Noble Duke entertained that he wished to appro priate the revenues of the Irish Church to the support of the Roman Catholic clergy was erroneous. What he had said was, that if the Roman Catholic Church was to be endowed he did not know where the endowment was to come from, as it could not come out of the Consolidated Fund. He had further as serted,. that if there was, as was asserted, a church without a congregation, without a soul to go into it, nor any probetility of there being any, that the endowment of that church might, with safety and wisdom, be taken from the Protestant Church, and applied to the support of the ministers of the Roman Ca tholic faith. He had yet another point to touch upon, and in that case he should give a very short answer to a very long re mark. For his opinions he was solely and entirely responsible. That was the answer to his Noble Friend. Earl SPENCER said he wished to say a few words on this question, not because he could so far flatter himself that any thing which fell from him was at all likely to influence their Lordships, or that he could adduce anything new upon the subject on this the third night of the debate, which be trusted would be the last. —(Hear, hear.) He thought that her Ma jesty's Government was entitled to high credit for the line they had taken, and he thought that those who had takes any part in the promotion of this measure, as was the case with the friends with whom he had acted all the days of his life, should share in the obloquy and clamour which had been raised throughout the country. With respect to the speech of the Noble Duke, in which he made an attack on the Noble Earl op posite, he might remind the House that the very same imputa tions had been thrown out on the passing of the Catholic Eman cipation Bill ; and with regard to this being an isolated measure he thought that it was one of the very best features of the measure that it was not an isolated Bill, but was the pre cursor of other measures which would be of essential service to the country. On principle he was sincerely attached to a Church establishment. He thought that it was one of the highest duties of the State to provide for the temporal and spiritual interests of the people, but it was a still higher duty to provide for the spiritual interests of those under their care, and for this reason he should always support the Church establishment of the country. The Right Rev. Prelates who spoke against the Bill gave no reason for their opposition to it, but shoso Prelates who came from Ireland did give a reason. They stated that the Church of Rome was an antagonist Church, and yet the laity of our own Church and the clergy also, but certainly a great majority of the clergy, believed that there was some secret value in their ordi nation, some peculiar value in the authority which they derived from their apostolic succession, and yet this virtue was derived through the Roman Catholic clergy, in some of the worst and most corrupted ages of that church. There was, it was true, some difference of opinion between the two churches. But was the Roman Catholic church to be called an antago nist church ? lie was personally opposed to that church, be cause he believed that nothing ought to be held as true which could not be proved by, or inferred from, the Holy Scriptures, anti the Roman Catholic church derived part of her faith from other souroes. But they believed in the same Saviour—they inculcated the same morality, and were equally energetic and suocessfel with any Protestant in giving religious instruction to the whole of the people. He did not see anything, then, to prevent him from giving his assent to this Bill; and the more so, as there was iw the Catholic faith nothing that was con trary to religion. And if the objectors to the measure would only look around they would see that, as the Noble Earl had stated. there was no :reentry in Europe in which the Roman Catholic subjects, whether they lived under Protestant or Roman Catholic sovereigns, were not loyal and orderly in their deportment. But it had been said that the doctrines of the Roman Catholic church were the same they were in ,the days of error anti persecution.—( Hear.) But was that the ease? No one could say that it was.—(Hear.) He would oak if Noble Lords who marls use of the statement that the °mitotic religion had chanced, believed it ? He must use *striae, words in what he stated—the Boman Catholic reli gion had *over changed, because those who were members of that tali rasa interpreted some pnrtious Cf Scripture as placing it under the direct influence of the Holy Spire. Yet if it had changed b was but human. Let them look at 'the course of the lioisin Catholic religion. In ancient times crimes of the most violent nature were perpetrated by those professing that faith, while, for upwards of a century, such occurrences had not taken place. • There was another objection which would be of mare importance if it were applicable to the case. Quota tions were male to the sff.'et that the dissatisfaction and discontent existing among the Catholics of Ire land were caused by the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, and in order to prove these quotations, a Noble Deke went through a catabigue of the assizes to show the connexion between the doctrines taught to youth and the crimes; set forth in it. How had England treated the pepttla tioa of Ireland ? They began by exterminating them—they degraded them by penal laws, an i therefore made them bad subjects. Ireland could not endure the panel code which was in foiee —they resisted it, and it was modided. They asked the people of Ireland to assist them in carrying their union with that country ; it was earrted by their assistance. But they broke the promise which they made to them, and, after a esn teriticn of nirie-and-twenty years. that promise was performed, and the Catholic Earancipstion Bill was ceeicel—not on the ground on which they all sta'ed they were actuated in supporting it (Hear)— hot on the greunis of justice truth ( Hear) (because they had no right to deprive people eho differed with them in religion el' certain rights) but because they could not resist it any longer.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that the meastue tefore their Lordships would not be an isolated one, and if they pursued the policy they had commenced they would not only confirm their union `with Ireland, bet render that country, by a steady system of impartiality and concession, the strongest instead of the weelest part of the empire.—( Hear, hear. )- The Noble Earl who moved the arnereimeet (Earl Rodeo) said that the Protestant religion had not had fair play. He ( Earl Spencer) must et tirely agreed with the Noble Earl. Ile thought Protestantism had not had fair pliy, for *hen they had irritate I the great body of the Roman Catholics, and had broken the promises which they had made to them, and when they were under the influence of penal laws, they presented them with the Pro testant religion. Nothing could be more unwise or :nose likely to engender a feeling of hoitility to the Protestant religion, and to prevent it from having fair play. Presbyterian Scot land was in a constant state of anarchy and contusion until they gave her the Presbyterian form of Church Government, when prosperity - and peace fuliowed.—( Hear, hear.) Ireland was in this state of confusion, anti the only way was to adopt a similar policy towards Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) As a first step in that direction, he should give the measure his brat support. Several Noble Lords ruse, but after some conversation they gave way to The Bishop of NORWICII,who said he was anxiens to state to their Lordship why he intended to give his vote sincerely to the measure before the House. Ile was going to make an apology for rising to address their Lordships, but he did not think it was necessary. No apology was necessary from a man who gave his: opinions honestly. But he thought that, from the situation in which he was placed, the ought to give some explanation why he chose to give his vote in favour of the measure. He did so because they could be little aware of she obloquy which every individual, more especially those of his profeesion, was exposed who dared to come forward in a case of toleration and of mercy towards those who differed from them. lie heard from a Noble Lord some harsh expressions towards those ecclesiastics who were about to vote in favour of the measure. He insinuated that they were like faithless shepherds abandoning their flocks. That was like other lan guage which he had heard. Ho was shown a pamphlet last week, which was written, ho was sorry to say, by a clergyman of the Church of England, and addressed to those Bishops who were prepared to vote in favour of the grant to Maynooth, and in which they were accused of falsehood. Stronger language was used, which he would not insult their Lordships by repeating. It accused them of being heretics, and infidels, and as anti-Christian, and that they were apostates from their holy religion. A Right Hoe. Baroaet in another place wag called by another Rev. Orator—he trusted, for the honour of the Church of England, that he was a Dissenter—he was denounced before a large amitotic* that be was an anti-Christ. He (the Bishop of Norwich) was Protestant in his feelings altogether —nay, more, ho had maxi to believe that he was opposed to the opinions, part and parcel, of the Romish creed, which opinions were upheld and supported by many who had signed anti-May nooth petitions. He declared that he was averse to Popery in whatever form or shape it appeared—he was especially averse to that Popery which entered into Protestant denominations. he was everse to it in every shape or way. Every denomina tion was anxious to cull for itself a maximum of toleration, and to give others a minimum. He would say a few words with respect to the petitions presented to the House. That they had been numerous beyond all precedent he would not deny, but that they represenied the feelings of the people of Eng land, he wasinclined from close investigation rather to deny. He had taken some pains to analyse those petitions, and he was prepared to say that they were not the result of a spon taneous feeling, but were couched in the same language, and in the same words, and were issued from an office in London, • and disseminated in various parts of the country, for the purpose of being signed, and for the purpose of collecting subscriptions. H e knew a town with a population of 9, 000 persons, from which ten petitions had emanated. They were scattered over the town, and in every ward, and the number of signatures was only 220. With respect to the memberi of his own profession, he believed that a very large proportion were in favour of the measure. Of eleven pamphlets which he had seen on the subject, three were written by clergymen against it, and three by laymen in favour of it. He thought ff their Lordships had taken the same pains to analyse the petitions as he had, they would have corroborated the testimony he had given. He was ready to allow that the Dissenters had sent petitions, but they were opposed:to the grant on the ground that they were opposed to all endowments. Ile would read a circular addressed to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, which was adopted at a meeting of Dissenters held in London in the course of last month. The Right Rev. Prelate then read portions of the circular which sympathised with the griev ances. of the Catholics of Ireland, and specified them as most tiniest and oppressive, and attributed the grievances inflicted on them to the Anglican Church in Ireland, and that they,would use their utmost exertions to remove the grievances under which they laboured. The Earl of WINCIHLSEA asked from what body of Dis senters the address emanated. The Bishop of NORWICH said it emanated from a confe rence;i of Prot es t ant Di:senters, held in Crosby-hall,. London. petitiens to which he h a d a ll u d e d did not enter i nto a com bat_o° with large prin c ipl es , b ut d eta il s. But it was their duty Danish erroneous doctrines, and to combat error wherever they found it ;it was their duty—it it was the duty of every man, no matter what station he error which ceunteractoV,l. filled, to do his hest to combat any the religion of fhe Gospel —every man, more or less, believed, therefore, that it not to countenance error. He in Christendom_tbatit contained Church of England was the best other church, and at tih contained better elements than any church, free as it was, the same time ho must say that the Ifrar, bear.) Yet h was altogether destitute of error.— e could sae in its —a fearful oscillation —from Calvinism elements an oscillation gates of Popery on the other. ii on the one side to the e.-rors in all human off sirs, and iT(wa .?, hear.) There were to remove them by the hest moons in s theirtl ei duty to contribute duct of England tewarde Roman Catholic.r power. The eon ralleled in the history of any denominatin it v end was unpa treated with asperity, and their doctrines hanil b — e t e h n ey had been ° 1 intolerance and unchristian cond uc t. A nd how har P t i hey "ed t . i by Cf4iglesi ? They had altogether f a il e d i n acro mplothit 5 1 "- they intended. The Roman Catholi c popu l at i on of Ireland Ir( w ea ' n a d t was 6,500,003. There were 1,500,000 of Protestant 4 which not more than one-half , ere members of th e Established Church. Church. Ten years ago, before the Ecclesiastical Commis • sioners sulelivided the diocese of Norwich into (Efferent sees, one Bishop, for 3,090/. to 4,0001. a year, had a greater number of persons under his spiritual care than the whole eighteen Protestant Bishops of Ireland. There might be consolidated unions in Ireland, but that argu ment equally well applied to his own diocese; and when they spoke of entoes and consolidations, he thought that the less they spid upon the subject the better. iut again they were ansivinteki that the Roman Catholics of Ireland were worse than any Roman Catholics on the face of the earth—more un manageable, more intractable. They might be so. Put, he woo', ask; why Isere they so? He would (no matter what his own opinions were), for the sake of argument, admit that they were so; he would allow , that'they were more unmanage- Ole, more intractable; but was it not they—they, tW Pro- tostante, that made them so T He would not follow the speech ' of the Noble Earl who had just sat down, and point out how the Roman Catholics of Ireland had been treated by the Pro testants of England. They had heard it said th v the Roman Catholic religion was patronised and upheld is Canada be cause it was a conquered country. But Ire'and was also conquered by Henry the Second, and it ha I been treated as a conquered province from that time to this. Could they, then, be surprised, after knowing how they had been treated, that they should look at our religion, beautiful at d mild as it is, through the glass of party, with suspicion and distrust. An other argument had been touched on by the Noble Lord who had just sat down, namely, their unchangeableness. Most true, their principles were unchangeable. They were un changed. But in practice they were most ductile, and they would change yet more and more, as fellow-subjects and fellow-Christians. Ho would appeal to what he had himself seen in the Grand Duchy of Baden. There were numbers col lected of Church of England members in the episcopal town of the duchy, and what did the Roman Catholic Bishop do ? Did he crush the Lutherans and persecute the Church of England men ? No. He sent for one of the Church rectors of the town, and said " There are a number of Lutherans who have no place in which to perform their religious rites. There are a number of Church of England members who have no church to meet in, I command you, therefore—(their Lordships would observe that it was not a request, but a command)—that the rector should open his church, and that in the morning the Roman Catholic form of worship should be performed a little earlier. The Lutherans then to have it for their own peculiar worship, and the church again to be open twice a day, morning and evening, for the members of the Church of England." lie did not say that the same could be done in this country, but at the same time he thought they might cultivate a closer friend ship with the Roman Catholics, by approximating to a similar liberality. It had been said, and said most truly, that the Roman Catholic priesthood educated at Maynooth were so ig norant that they were not fit to be associated with clergymen of other persuasions. They were now about to try a great ex periment for their benefit, and he would ask should they allow things to remain in their present stagnant position? Was it nothing that they could by such measures as this advance the progress of education and produce a better understanding be tween the two countries? He should only trespass on the attention of the House on one other point. Let them suppose that in Ireland things were re versed, that affairs were altered, and that instead of six and a half millions of Roman Catholics, and net quite a million of the supporters of the Church of England, and other Protestants—not in all a million and a half? Supposing that they had a Roman Catholic Government, and that that Go vernment had in a moment of kindness and benevolence, prof fered such a measure, and that the six and a half million of Roman Catholics had opposed it. What should they, the Pro testants, have said then ? Why they would have denounced them most properly as bigoted and intolerant. He (the Bishop of Norwich) would have headed the cry, and denouncd the Roman Catholics in the strongest language. Why then should Protestants denounce a Bill, which if they bad been in the place of the Roman Catholics they would have hailed as a measure of the noblest Christianity. lie would trespass on their Lordships' time no longer. It was his intention to vote for this measure, because he considered it a religious question, inasmuch as it was associated with justice and benevolence and ' love. He would vote for it, because he considered it a Christian measure, inasmuch as it partook of, and put in practice that nsble and permanent featureof the Saviour's Gospel—" do unto othe►s as ye would that they should do unto you." He should vote for it as an experiment in the right direction— ( theers)—as an experiment in favour of education, and education under any form must elicit truth, and as truth was elicited—and here he hoped Noble Lords of the Roman Catholic faith would not think that he spoke harshly—he spoke as a Protestant Bishop, and he said that as education advanced truth was elicited; and he trusted that in she very same proportion vs truth was elicited, the Roman Catholic persuasion would be erased from the minds and hearts of the Irish people. It would then be found that this measure, which was now so much denounced, world be in an aftertime, and by a future generation, esteemed one of the most wise, most beneficial, and most useful passed in the I9lh century.— (Cheers.) He rejoiced to find that her Majesty's Government had brought this measure forward, and he only regretted that when Noble Lords on the n?posite side of the House were pre pared to bring forth a measure similar in character, they did not receive that supooet from the Members of the present Go vernnient which they so truly deserved. But be said he re joiced, and he del so sincerely, that past differences were for gotten, and that bosh parties came now forward in a bo:'y to support the Government; and he would also give them his cordial and hearty support in this measure of justrca to the Ro man Catholics of Ireland.—( Cheers. ) The Earl of AIORNINGTOS said that be was aware that many Noble Lords of greater abili•y than himself were anxious to aldress the House ; but he could not allow the measure to pass without making one or two observations upon the subject. The reasons which !sad actuated the illustrious William Pitt in she foundation of this instiiutis,n, had been a desire to efuette the Irish priesthood at home, in order that they might escape the demoralising influence which a reshlenee in Frame would occasion. He would, with the permission of their Lordship•, quote some evidence taken before that !louse at the period when that minister—the greatest England had ever known—was about to found the College. The Noble Lord then quoted evi• dente taken before the linear relative to the power of the Pope to absolves subjects from the allegiance due to their sovereigns, and the degree cf civil authority which it was as sumed he had the right a exercising in this country. Ihe Act of 18:29 had given emancipation, and though it bad not carried out so its legitimate extent the spirit of justice and rest iuition, was that a reason why the Legislature should now hesitate to complete it ? When it was said that oppor tunilies for education should not be accorded the Roman Ca tholics, it was tacitly declaring that members o f that cemsnu- nion were not tit to be entrusted with political po,ver ; for more extended and liberal education was but the earnest and forerunner, if not the essential principle of political influence. If the system of teaching adopted at Maynoeth be bad, by giving the students the means of getting superior, they would be the first to seek sounder education for themselvec.— ( Hear, hear.) The Catholic religion, when impressed on ignorant minds, was pernicious, but when instilled on educated and erudite minds it was sublime in principle and beneficial in its effects, and that man of the Anglican Church who could not entertain respect for tenets of the Galiie—not the ultra-mentaine or jesuitical—Church, was not liberal or wiee. A mistake had been made by his Noble rela tive, and other Lords who had adopted the same course of argument, in asserting that the Roman Catholic religion was imbued with principles dangerous to the Constitution, and sub versive of civil liberty. Such might have been originally the tendency of thou: tenets; but was it fair, was it true, to assert that their consequences were still' so fatal ?—(hear, hear.) That argument, however, had been plausibly suporteil by an appeal to the nature of the concordats of the Pope. But what influence or authority had in reality those concordats? Lord CLANCAIITY—None at all.—( Hear, hear.) The Eail of MORNINGTON—I thank the Noble Lord for that reply ; it is the very ono I desired. It establishes my position, and, as the lawyers say, puts the Noble Earl out of the record.—(Loud laughter.) The Noble Lord, in continuation, observed, that the Papal concordats were founded on the principle of the peace of Europe, as settled in the year 1649, and ratified susequently in 1815. Uut the authority of the Pope was now virtually a nullity. He could not translate Bishops, and his power over the minds of the priests was less than the Archbishop of Canterbury pos sessed over the English Church, independent of the Crown. The Pope had objected last year to the agitation for repeal in Ireland. Ho had expressed his approval of the Bequests Act, but his opinion was disregarded, and even his authority received a check. In Germany, however conflicting the reli gious tenets of the people, Lutheran, Calvinist, and Catholic lived together in harmony and brotherly love; and that, not because they compromised their principles, but that they tolerated other and dissenting creeds. Let sueh a creditable course of unity and charity be adopted between the Roman and Anglican Churches in this kingdom, and let the spirit which pervaded and dictated the present measure be car ried to its fullest extent, and the consequence would be the suppression of error, the promotion of religion, the happiness of the people, and the glory of the United Kingdom.—( Hear.) Lord COLCHESTER, feeling as he did the strongest ob jection to the 13ill, and intending therefore to give it his de cided opposition, wished to offer a few remarks, if perchance they might induce that House to pause before it sanctioned a measure so fraught with evil. The feeling that dictated the petitions against the Bill, emanating not only from Dissenters, though he remembered the time when the opinions of Dissen ters were respected by the Noble Lords opposite, but from the United Assembly of the Church of Scotland, from the great body, both lay and clerical, of the Church of England, from the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge— Lord BROUGHAM—No, no. No petitions have been pre sented from either of those Universities. Lord COLCHESTER believed that petitions had been laid on the table of the other House from influential individuals, if not from the Corporations of both Universities. Lord BROUGHAM again dissented. Lord COLCHESTER would not argue that question, but the feeling that dictated such universal protests against the measure, would not die ; whether the Bill was carried or not, the spirit of the country would still remain as decided and un compromisingly against it. As to the contract originally urged as entered into at the Union, he could discern no such understanding whatever. Mr. Grattan, indeed, in his address upon that occasion, had alluded to a compact for educating the Irish people, but nothing was mentioned either directly or re motely of a permanent endowment of the College of Maynooth. The principle then reeognised was that an institution should be endowed by the country and from the funds of Charitable parties, but it comprehended' , no such system as State endowment, whether temporary or permanent.—(Hear.) It appeared to him, therefore, that . the grant was only an an nual one, in aid of private contributions, and was not intended to be permanent. If it were intended to be permanent, why should the Government think it necessary to limit the grant to twenty years ? He did not think that the College of May nonth had any especial or particular claims to the favour of Parliament. Ho read extracts from the books taught in May nooth to show that the system of education, and the discipline adopted in that college, were such as a Protestant Government ought not to encourage, and much loss ought to endow. He did not think that the effect of the proposed grant would be any more than to give an increased salary to the yrofessors, without at all improving the education of the pupils. With every consideration which he had been able to give the subject; he came to the conclusion that the measure would give as much dissatisfaction in England as it would tend to encourage disaf fection in Ireland. He wished for the fullest toleration to the Boman Catholic religion in Ireland. He was in favour of the Bills for the institution of colleges in Ireland for the better education of young men preparatory to their ecclesiastical in duction to the priesthood. He assured the House that it was with no hostility to the Roman Catholic portion of his fellow subjects be felt bound to oppose this Bill. Lord MON TEAGLE said that he rejoiced in the expression of opinion which this discussion had elicited. He rejoiced that all parties in both Houses had shown on the part of the United Parliament that there was no occasion for the severance of the empire, and that there was a sincere desire upon the part of Whigs and Tories, English, Irish, and Scotch—(Cheers)—to de every justiee to the people of Ireland.—( Cheers.) Not withstanding what they had beard on that subject he should ' state what he considered the peculiar importance of the sill. He thought that it was the most important measure that had been presented to Parliament, he would almost say, since the union—but he should say unquestionably since the relief Bill, In its practical effect on the popula tion of Ireland he thought that it ought to be considered more important.. If their Lordships looked back to the history of Ireland, disfigured as it was, confused as it may be, by perpetual civil commotions, they would find that all their contentions during latter years had reso!ved itself into one great severance—not a severance of nations, but a se ats ti e other. side of the sup:.osed line, si te , r t a,ce of religion, which unfortunately had placed the Pro an:t the Catholics Whe n his Noble Fiend had stated that the the st;oornent because Bhoe fb:r.liaezZeesti;cautfiit9gw Protestant Church was not a e s h t t e ch n , m h e e t . tolerant church that exitited. he could z judge, the wisest and ino:t. enlightened men were in tl thought that the governing Church of England. He with a degree o f a , tute n Irela n d was i ntolerant, d which the annals of the world had never surpassed. They the and they persecuted their preericuntetiTthe priests of of King William in Ireland was the cor:igm'eneemehr:'t loerslature lation of injustice, and a violation of faith. What did t a h l e e y i with respect to education? In the height of 'ilie d i t ; baseness they made it criminal on the part of a Roman Catholic to get education at home, and they made it criminal if they went in quest of it abroad.—( Hear, hear.) Tney had been active instruments in carrying out their own wicked legis lation. But he thought that those days were gone by, and he rtiE SUN, LONDON, TriITRSDAV wished that their Lordships would not imagine that he referred to those matters for the purpose of making any exaggeration or creating excitement. • He used those 'arguments in favour of the present Bill, and to show that the curse. of the Legislature was, that they created a separation between themselves and the great majority of the people of Ireland—between themselves and their religious instructors, and between themselves and those who used the greatest influence amongst that people. And that was almost the first time in which the Parliament of the United Kingdom bad touched that sore place with a view of healing it. They were now disposed to deal with that religion as one which was preferred by the body of the people. He took the liberty of moving for a return which was now on the table of the House and he wished to call the attention of their Lordships to it, in order to show the falsity of the idea that they were now called upon to do something new, that they were now unprotestant-' ising England, and that they were unchristianising the king dom. Nothing could be more false ; and it was more flatter ing to those who made statements to that effect, to suppose that they were ignorant of the facts, than that they were guilty of flagrant misrepresentations. The return which he alluded to showed the conduct of this country with respect to the religions instruction of the colonies. The return showed that which ought always to be the case—that in the discharge of their colonial duties they considered that there were moral and re ligions responsibilities engaged, and how these duties had been performed had been shown on the face of the returns. They showed that 163,0001. were appropriated in one ear to the Church of England; 29,0001. for the Church o f Scot land. Wesleyans, and the various denominations of Protes tant Dissenters, were allowed 46,0001., and they appropriated to that very Church of Rome, for the actual instruction of the people of the Church of Rome, for paying their priests and their Bishops, the sum of 26,0001.—That was not the intro duction of the present day, it was not the act of his Nohle Friend, but it was the act of their predecessors in office. One of the latest of these colonial establishments which had been founded, and which he would cite to illustrate the principle be had laid down. He alluded to the proceedings with respect to New South Wales. In this colony the voluntary principle was not laid down—a principle which he disliked as much as any Noble Lord opposite, for ho did not like to see religion treated as an immaterial thing left to shift for itself. He thought it was the duty of te State to protect religion as much as any material interest. But he must tell their Lordships what principles had been acted on. There all religions wore protected—all religions were endowed in proportion to their number, and the result was in New South Wales most satis factory. He would ask any Member of the Right Reverend bench whether there was any colonial establishment under the dominion of the Crown in which the Church of Eng land had been more successful —in which its prin ciples had taken a deeper root—more prosperous in any way whatever than it was there, under this system of endow ment? The Right Rev. Prelate must be aware of what his had stated regarding this colony from the reports which reached their Missionary Society. But his object in referring to this was not to show that Parliament had endowed error, for if they went upon that principle they must disavow all past legislation lea these subjects. Oh. but some might say these were but colonies, then would their Lordships say to the people of Ireland, we will do more for the remotest, the most insignifi cant colony that exists, than we will do for you. We pay the Roman Catholic priests in Australia—we pay them in Van Dieman's Land, but to the priests in Ireland, for their educa tion we consider it would be sinful to contribute.—( Hear, hear.) As to the argument of the increased sum proposed, it was preposterous, for if the argument was worth a straw it would go for the withdrawal of all grants.—(Hear, hear. ) The only alternative then was to make the grant avail able for the proposed intention.—( Hear, hear.) Were they prepared to say to the people of Ireland—" we will regard the religion of Roman Catholics wherever the flag of England waves, we will consider the claims of Catholicism wherever it is tube found, except en Irish soil, but when we come there we will tell you that the book called Secundus Secundi stands between us and the discharge of our duty.— ( Hear, hear.) The Irish Roman Catholic peasant wished to have their priests educated—the Roman Catholic Bishops wished their pastors educated in a manner that would be crcditahle to the Church, but what do you tell them ? " You admire Thomas A quinas—you have Maldonatua on your shelves, and we cannot therefore assist you." My Lords, that would not be satisfactory.—( Hear, hear.) It would be as illogical in point of fact as unsatisfactory to the Irish people.—( Hear. ) But the case clidnot rest there. They were not to encourage error it was said—it was a national sin to do so—the religions world were invited to join in this op. position. Exeter-hall sent forth its petitions, and its walls re•eehoed its d bates. Ile bad shown then that they supported Catholicism elsewhere—that they had sanc tioned instruction in Catholicism from the scar 179) in Ireland, but they had gone farther. Ile held in his hand the report of the affairs of the East India Company. He found, in respect to Bengal, they supported there a Mahometan College at Calcutta—that they supported another at Benares, ama just let them hear the reason. The Noble Lord then read an ex tr2et, the substance of which was as follows, from the report : "'f he Calcutta, or Mahomedan, College was founded at the request of several distinguished Iflahomedans. There have been grattts of money ; inspection and inquiry ; a course of science was taught there, comprisicg natural philosophy, law, astronomy, geology, oratory, rhetoric, &e. The salaries were there fixed." In Lke manner, at Benares, there was a Sanscrit College, founded "for the preservation and cultivation of the lass, literature, aid religion of the Bintioos, and more parti , cultrly of the laws of the scent el city." Were they, after this, disposed to go back to Ireland, anti say, " We have founded the sacrel city of Benares—we have provided for the instruction of the Mahometans, we have provided for the ILnitoos, but from those who are near to u;, nod ought (and 1 believe are) dear to us, we will withhold this grant, and argue against the grant, on the ground that wo will cot condescend to increase error." Ho was of opinion that the Christian religion, in ally modification, or in any sense of the words, was not error. Let them prove to him that that religion was error as compared With that of I3indoos add Mahomedan, and then, indeed, they would be justified on this ground in withholding the grant to the people of Ireland; hut whilst they patronised the re ligion of the Hindoos—whilst they supported the sacred city of Benares, he did not see how they could refuse the people of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Ono word more; they had built a Roman Catholic church at Surat, and Roman Catholic churches in ether parts ofthe Presidency of Bombay. The argument was suggested to him by his Noble and Learned Friend on the Woolsack (Lord Brougham) —who did not advert to it because Le wished at much so posslblo to impress the subject ; and what had foreign countries done ? Did they treat the religion of the people adversely because it differed front that of the m2jority, and would this be used as an argument for treat ing the Roman Catholics of Ireland in the manner they had done? No such thing. Let them laok to France. Lock to other countries where there were differences of religious opinions, and see whether this would be a safe lesson to read t o the people of Ireland. We might tell them that foreign coun tries showed more respect and deference to the religion of Protestants in foreign countries than England showed to the people of Ireland. He was perfectly warranted in saying that this question presented at least one peculiar characteristic. Then no ono had suggested any alternative, any proposal, or remedy, in case the present grant wore removed. The Noble Earl (Roden) did not say his motion was an alternative, but, with the frankness and honesty which characterised him, said that he did not propose the motion in any serious light, but purely as an objection to tho Bill. But what were they to do? Were they to pass the Bill or leave the law as it now stood—or were they to repeal that law ? Those who argued against the present state of things in May nooth could not vote for the continuance of the present grant-- by their own account they could nee e permit the present state of things to continue. A snair.44'oii' had been made in the other House for the removal of the grant, but nobody was found to support that proposal. Surely those on the other side who would oppose any grant, could not be favourabl e to the Irish Roman Catholic prieshood receiving a foreign education. Would not tho arguments of ultramontane doctrines and fo reign influence be stronger than at present, and Mr. Lord, a high authority on these matters, slid, referring to the College of Rome, " What can we expect to get from Rome but foreign influences, bigotry, and superstition." This, upon the Noble Earl's own showing, would apear more objectionable. In the course of the Noble Earl's opening speech, in moving the amendment, he referred to a great and high name—damns et venerabile nomen one which must excite the sympathy and command the respect of the people of England. Ile meant Mr. Wilberforce.—( Hear, hear.) From the manner in which his name had been intro duced, those who were unaequantcd with his character and Parliamentary conduct might suppose that Mr. Wilberforce was against the Roman Catholic religion, arid especially against the grant to Maynooth. In the words which Mr. Wilberforce used in 1808, he could see no such expression.-( Hear, hear, hear.) The que s tion a t th a t ti me wasether under the peculiar circumstances of the case the• Percival Government was or was not justified in continuing the in creased grant made by their predecessors in office ; but what did he say on that occasion ? He called attention to that because the name and authority of Wilberforce were high, and must have the greatest influence on the minds of persons op posed to the grant. The Noble Duke the Secretary for Ire land observed that he would not object to the grant on prin ciple ; he had never said he would object to the grant on principle. The Noble Duke, referring to Par liamentary documents, stated distinctly that he objected to the increase, because there was already a sufficient number of priests for the population. Mr. Wilberforce, in place of objecting to the Maynooth grant—instead of saying anything condemnatory, said, " I am for toleration—we not only tolerate but lend encouragement to the Roman Catholic re ligion." Mr. Wilberforce did not condemn that—if he bad condemned it he would have voted against the small_vote as against the large ; but he spoke in approval of it contrast ing the conduct of the people of England with the conduct of other countries, in which they regarded toleration as the dis charge of a national duty, that they not only tolerated--that was they had not only ceased to persecute and withdraw disa bilities, but they had done an act of grace and favour like that of founding Maynooth. Another name bad been,used Which had great influence—he meant the name of Alexander Knox. A more pious, respectable and respected man could not be named, and the best pro of could give of it was the fact that he was the intimate friend of Bishop Jebb. Well, then, he (Lord Monteagla) Would now show their Lordships that the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Roden) was mistaken when he stated that Mr. Knox was opposed to the Maynooth grant. The Earl of RODEN said his statement was, that Mr. Knox was opposed to the proceedings in May nooth, not to the grant to it—quite the contrary. Lord MONTEAGLE—WeII, then, ho would show the House that Mr. Knox was not only not opposed to the grant, or felt unfavOurably towards Maynooth, but that he had, in fact, always beerOavourable to it. It appeared by an authority he had now before him, that Mr. Knox was at one time made the medium of Communication between the Government and May nooth. Ho; was examined before a Committee in 1826, after he had been. twenty years in the appointment he (Lord Mont eagle) had mentioned, and his evidence was to the effect that ho applied far an increase of the grant to Maynooth and got it; therefore, it= was quite clear that Mr. Knox could not have taken a salary for twenty years in that situation if he did not give his ; entiro approval to Maynooth.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Noble Lord opposite hat made a speech on this subject, which.certsinly had made a great inipres con on the -HOLM particularly in reference to what he had stated about the occurrence in Dingle ; but he (Lord Mont eagle) would say that all these statements should not he taken for granted or 'ilia:, at least, some allowance should be made for the state: of feelings of the different parties.—( Hear, hear.) Ile (Lord i%lonteagle) had also heard something said about the Catholic people not keeping their oaths, and he would have a word or twn'to say about that presently ; but in reference to the Dingle c ise, the parties charged were tried by a mixed jury of their omit, countrymen, and a verdict of guilty returned against them . ! Now, he believed they had all heard of certain proceedings that had taken llac.? iri the island of Ach:le. Ile ( Lord Illont.,i;lc) had heard a statement of the psalm] .rs from an eye. um nesso. barrister and a rel3tive of his own, and its (Lord MontAigle) could not but say that these proceedings were such ea would be sufficient to hear down all human restraint before it._( Hear, hear.) The circumstances of the occurrence 'were these— certain missionaries went to the island Achile, and a certain person2ge, of whom they all had heard a great deal;, l namely, Dr. Machale, upon hearing of this arrival, proceeded to the island to offer up the solemn sacrifice of the msss.\\ All the Catholic people of the island had assembled round their clergy on the occasion, and their form of worship wa offered up in the usual form of ecclesiastical pomp an d so le mn i ty; but while the Roman Catholic people k' werere thus engaged in pr a y er , th ose m i ss i onar i es came amongst the they ea lleel a h.e m, and, kddi ng up in the midst of that large crowd " consecrated wafer " asked the p eop l e was that what the t their G od? In consequence o f thi s there was a rush forward made'by the people, and he (Lord Mont ' eagle) would say, that he knew not what people in any country would not have.done the sarne.under the same circum. stances.—(Hear, hear.) This stet of those missionaries was what some Noble Lords might call indiscreet ; but he (Lord Monteagle) would call it a most intolerant act. However, upon that occasion the Roman Catholio priests came forward, and rescued those missionaries, and protected and defended them, and thus through the means of those very men whose ministers 'iad been so go grossly and wantonly insulted, the public peace had been preserved. —(Hear, hear.) Under such circumstances he would ask their Lordships would they be sur prised to hear that the public peace had been violated; he would say that if the people had remained passive at the time of that occasion they would have shown themselves not men, but less than men to have done so.--( Hear, hear.) The Protestants of Ireland, it had been said, bad expressed themselves as hos tile to this measure ; some persons who had arrogated that title had sent in petitions certainly, but he denied that they were the Protestants of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He was a Protestant, and as such he should say that more in jury than service was done that establishment by such facts as that there were some parishes in Ireland with rich emoluments but no parishioners ; while in others there were parishioners but clerical inefficiency.—(Hear, hear.) Yet he wotild never be the man to consent to the endowment of the Catholic Church out of the revenues of the Protestant Church.— (Cheers.) Ho had heard the Noble Duke say, that the Ro man Catholics were there, and what was to be done with them?, He was glad to hear that admission, for there was a period in Ireland—the year 1759—when it was declared from the judi cial bench, that it was assumed that there was ne such thing in the country as a Roman Catholic.—( Hear, hear.) He be lieved the Catholics of Ireland felt the sanctity of an oath as much as any Protestant, and it never could bo said that they had over violated their oath of allegiance to the Crown. Such being the case, why was it to be said that those who voted for this grant were those who assented to violate the oath of allegiance 1 He had ever found the Ca tholic priests denounce the violation of the law, and he bad known them not only encotieter risk, but even death, in sup port of thelaw—( Hear, hear)—and as an example of that, be might mention the Rev. Mr. M.Queeny, who was shot in so laudable a work.--( Hear, hear.) In . Clare the Catholic ' priests had even been refused access to their own chapel, in consequence of their efforts to uphold the law. While he said this he must admit that many of the priests were politically excited, and there might have been foolish, and indiscreet songs sung on St. Patrick's day at the College of Maynooth, but while he said this he must at the same time ad mit that he should be sorry to hold himself responsible or any man for the songs that had been sung at Trinity College. It was said that there was great evidence of the opposition of this country to the Bill in the petitions that had been presented. He objected to those petitions being considered as any evidence againstthe grant to Maynooth. Many of them were presented by Dissenters, and what did their petitions amount to? Were they againit Maynooth? No, but against any Church en dowment at all. He rejected them, therefore, altogether as bear ing upon the qeestion. The politics of the last ten years he believed had caused the great excitement on this subject. He was sorry to say that Ireland had been the battle-field of party ; every thing Irish or Roman Catholic, both in Parlia ment and out of doors, was held up in a way to cause excite ment, and those parties had conjured up a cry for which they were now suffering. He did not recur to the past with any feeling or desire to be reproachful. It had been said in the, other House of Parliament, that, in reference to this Bill, the Government of the Noble Duke opposite was entitled to the deepest gratitude of the people of Ireland; and, as an individual member of that country, he sincerely tendered them his most unqualified thanks.—( Hear, hear.) A wiser, and a better, and a more conciliatory measure than the present could not have beer, proposed, and were lie disposed to apply the magnifying eye to all the circumstances of the case, it would be impossible for him to find anything to lead him to think that Government had been actuated by any other motive than that of doing good in intro ducing this ( Cheers. ) They must have known, from their past experience aed from past occurrences, that the measure would he objected to by many of their supporters, while, on the other hand, they were doubtful whether it would be acceptable to those whom it would most and immecliate:y affect. At the same time the Government must have felt it to be a just and right measure, and having introduced it he trusted their Lordships would pass i . And he would here retnerk that the majority upon this mea• ure was a majority which would fall not merely on the question of May - wroth, but also upon the question of repeal. It would prove the most signal defeat to those who had endeavoured to raise the cry that from the Imperial Parliament no justice, no conciliation, and no kindness to Ireland was to be expected.—( Hear, hear. ) Why, it was palpable that the contrary was the fact. Let them look throueh the annals of past times, and they would find that the Irish Parliament refused all inquiry into the question of tithes, while the Imperial Parliament removed the abuse of tithes altogether. 'the Iri,h Parliament adopted the most vexatious and most odious system of taxation, reaching the pockets of the bushiest of the people, and this abominable syst em th e ' Imperial Parliament had destroyed.— (Ilea r, hear.) The Irish Parliament passed the Penal Acts, but the Imperial Parliament abolished them. He said, then, the Imperial Parliament had a claim upon the consideration and respect and affection of Ireland. Whatever might be told to the people of Ireland, their feelings, (heir interests, axle he could say their religion, were respected and regarded much more, and much better by the Imperial Parliament than they could be by a Parliament of their own. —(Cheers. ) The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S said it was not the peculiar nature of this measure as connegted with the interests of reli gion, nor was it the want of unanimity on this subject observ able on the bench of which he was an oceupant, that made him desirous to trespass upon their Lordships, but there was another consideration he had in view in rising to address their Lord shipe. After the differences of opinion which had been exhibited on this matter he was extremely anxious not to give a silent vote on this occasion. He respected the opposition out of doors against this measure, and the turn it had taken was such as absolutely prevented him giving a silent vote. He be lieved unfair means had been taken to abuse the public opinion upon the subject, and, moreover, although the opposition presented a very compact and united front, it was impos sible for their Lordships to conceal from themselves the fact, that that front covered as great a difference and repugnance of opinion as existed between those who supported and de fended the measure.—( Hear, hear.) And that observation, applied no less forcibly to those who contended for the volun tary principle, for some wero in favour of religions voluntary principle, while others advocated a political voluntary principle, and the two were as wide and as far assunder as the poles. It had been amatter of doubt with. some, whether any principle was involved in the Bill, and on the whole he was inclined to think that the Bill touched upon little that could be called principle. He could perfectly well understand that those who objected to the annual grant, could object still more strongly to the increase, and he could just as easily understand that those who assented to the annual grant might not be sa tisfied with the policy or the wisdom of the present measure, but he really could not see how those parties could dissent from the Bill on the ground of anything like principle.—( Hear. ) The principal object which he had in addressing their Lord ships was, that he might have an opportunity of explaining the principles on which he supported the present measure; but he could not do so until he had cleared the way by removing some of those objections which had so powerfully influenced the public mind, and until he had shown why those objections had not affected his opinion in voting against the proposed grant. He would briefly notice one objection with respect to the pre sent subject. It had been assumed that this measure was essentially a sacrifice of principle to expediency, and we had been assured it was right to do evil that good might come. That principle was not right it was evident; but he would wish their Lordships to remember that the dictum was totally inapplicable to the present ease. The cases to which it might be appropriately applied were those only . in which there was unmixed good and unmixed evil, or unmixed truth and unmixed error. If the maxim were to be applied to the present measure, it must be expressed in very different terms. The question was not will you do good in order that evil may come, but will you do good with a slight admixture of evil, or will you refuse to convey truth, if it be a truth, amalgamated with the smallest quan tity of error. This objection would apply to all the arguments that had been raised against the present measure, and all the fallacies that had been brought forward to compete it would be completely answered, if it was inquired had anything better been proposed as a substitute than that which was now offered. He would say, do all the good you can when you cannot do all the good you wish. He would now proceed to another point, which embraced many considerations within its ephere, but he would confine his observations to only:, one. The present measure had been stigre at iqc 4'l as a measure that sanctioned idolatry and superstitioe. They had been told by the Noble Earl that idolatry and entierstition Were very hard names and harsh terms, but they were not oily harsh terms but also very loose and indefinite terms, and they conveyed a general idea of some kind of religious error, while, at the same time, they suggested feelings of contempt and hatred, but they performed the latter part of their office more effectually than they did the other. Ho would wish their Lordships for one moment to consider the state of religion among the most savage, degraded, and uncivilized races that were ,known of either in ancient or modern times. Think of the votaries of Jugger naut, and of the miserable idolatry of Iceland and the South Seas, and then say what stronger terms could be applied to them than the epithets of idolaters and superstition.—( Hear. ) Ho would ask if they had now for the first time to form the coronation oath, would it not admit of a lair and reasonable doubt that it was necessary or expedient to put words into the mouth of :the sovereign of this realm, to testify his ad herence to tho epithets that would stigmatise many of his subjects as idolaters and superstitious. It was doubtless, however, that these terms would be objected to if they were taken in the fullest meaning. Those words were not intended to be made the subject of a discussion, such as had been heard from the Noble Duke on the cross benches. He would say that in public documents it would be better to avoid language which must necessarily give birth to angry and unpleasant feelings on every point. There was a solemnity annually performed by the Church of England which was a thanksgiving for deliverance from great danger, and ha hoped that that solemnity would never be abolished, but ho feared it was made use of for the purpose of re-creating religious animosities, and it was in his opinion a matter of congratulation from their Lordships that they were dis cussing the present measure on the 4th of Jima, and not on the eve of the bth of November. As to the coronation oath, which might contain the words superstitious and idolatrous, it was absurd to suppose that the Sovereign of this realm could ever be bound to set himself in opposition to the constitutional interests and wishes of his people. He was only speaking as to what superstition and idolatry were. There was, however, another point. We were told that the present was a measure in which idolatry and superstition would be sanctioned. If there were no error in it, he would freely admit there was no gainsaying it.—( Hear, hear. ) He would illustrate his view of the subject by reference to the fact that in the Government of Saxony —a country where the great mass of the people were Protestants-20,000 dollars had been granted to relieve the Roman Catholics when they were placed in difficulties. He could not see that in doing this the Ro man Catholic religion hed b een recognised. If that was so, as lie stated it, then he would a s k did the present measure sanction the of calculation Roman C Catholic which olicreligi ;e n rs - ionnsanoyfoa greattherwayv?arielttywaost opinionsa question might join in supporting, without its bolding in any way to the sanctioning of religious error, more than in the other ease which he had given. lie believed that this grant would neither strengthen or perpetuate the Roma-a Catholic religion. —( Hear, hear.) There was one other matter to which ho would refer before proceeding to state, as succinctly as he could, hisreasons Ler supporting the Bill. It was a point containingy, the essence of the qaestion. He did not see there was an sufficient ground for the amendment of the Noble Earl pro posing a Select Committee to ingnire into the character and doctrines of the College of Maynooth. The inqniry proposed by the Neble Earl either went too for, or did not go far eneugh. For his part, lie agreed with the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, and with a Right Reverend Prelate who had already spoken on the question, both of whom said that such an inquiry was altogether unnecessary. But, admit ting that it was necessary, it was not sufficient to take the Col lege of Maynooth—they must take a much wider range. They must not only ascertain the present condition of that college at the present mement, but also what it was at a former time, when the:professors of that establishment were loyal and true in their attachment to• Anti-Jacobin principles. They should not only do this, • but they should cscertain the class-books and course of education in other Roman Catholic colleges in England, Scotland, and Ireland ; and also learn the kind of books employed in the colleges on the Conti nent—at Rome, Lisbon, Palermo, and other cities, where Roman Catholic students would have to be educated, suppos.. ing the College of Maynooth was abolished. He fully admitted the existence of the passages which had been taken from the class-books used at that institution, and which had been so often employed against this measure—passages selected with the most anxious and jealous scrutiny to make agaiiist the Roman Catholics. And how stood the case ? The most flagrant injustice had been inflicted on the Roman Catholic religion by the course taken. It was represented that the . doctrines taught would have the effect of poisoning the source of domestic morals, and inculcating persecuting, unconstitutional, and de grading doctrines. He had read those books from whence those conclusions were purported to be drawn, and he could see no difference in the general scope or tendency of what they taught: and the books of the most eminent Christian writers. As an evidence of the spirit of the Roman Catholic books, about which so mach noise had been made, he would refer to a work of the highest authority in the Roman- Catho lic Church, which so far from inculcating doctrines dangerous to morality, gave the most correct and liberal interpretation of the Confessional. It stated that it would be impossible and improper to use the Confessional in any instance in which the passions could be excited, or the purity of the parties con fessing should be violated. The Right Rev. Prelate here read an extract from the work, the name of which did not transpire, to the foregoing effect, and also to the effect that the doctrines of passive submission were taught. As a practical illustration of the effect of the Roman Catholic) religion, he might further refer to Ireland, the poorer class of which, in morality, would bear comparison with the people of any other country in the world. But he would not found any argument on the difference of opinion between those Roman Catholic writers and any Protestant moralist. What had been the influence of such works, after all ? Did any of them believe that • Roman Catholic was less aware of the sanctity of an oath than a Pro testant? There was one other point which he wished to refer to with reference to this subject—he meant the accusa tions that had been raised againstthe instruction adopted in the College of Maynooth. It was said that the doctrines inculcated were dangerous to political principles—that they adopted ultra montane doctrines with regard to the supremacy of the Pope. He admitted that such principles were asserted in their works, but ho was prepared to ,say that they had not had evidence to prove that such doctrines were taught, whether they were ultra montane, or whether they were the doctrines of the Gallican church. He ventured to assert, that so far from having rea son to apprehend with fear the extension of the Papal power, they had, in a political point of view, every reason to wish that the Pope had far greater influence in Ireland than ho now had.—( Hear. hear.) The Pope was the ally of' despotic Governments. Ho was not the ally of Espartero but of Don Carlos ; he had no sympathy with Louis Philippe, but with the exiled family of the Bourbons—not with the reign ing family of this country, but with the exiled Pretender. So far, then, from there being any connexion between the Pope and Irish agitation, there must - always be the greatest variance between them.—( Hear.) The Pope was well aware that the agitation in Ireland proceeded , from persons who held precisely the same principles as those entertained by the democratic party for whpm the Pope en tertained the greatest dread, with respect to their influence and his power at home. There could therefore be no alliance. The doctrines taught in the College of Maynooth would not de pend on the words or professions contained in their books, :but 'on the spirit and disposition of the teachers. This opinion was entertained by a great body of the Catholics in that country. Whenever they accomplished such a state of things as would render the Irish people happy and contented, he would venture to say, that they would hear nothing more about agitation among the Irish priests, for it was the natural tendency of their religion to suc cumb to those in authority. He was borne out in that testis •ony by history. If they did not adopt the Bill they would commit a great national sin ; by adopting it they would go a great way to efface the guilt of that oppressive Government which they had for so many centuries inflicted on Ireland.— ( Hear, hear.) That ought to weigh upon the consciences of this nation, and he called upon them to avert that retri bution and that guilt by adopting the measure before the House. In the second place this was a measure of policy. It was part of a large and liberal policy.—(Great cheering.) It was neces sary that this measure should be passed for the safety of the kingdom. it was a system and course of policy absolutely necessary for the welfare of the empire. This was the basis on which the whole interest of the country rested, and if they at tempted to put. it on any narrower basis, they would so far un dermine property as to render- it perfectly unsafe. Their Lordships were now simply invited to give to the, Roman Ca tholic Clergy in Ireland in this respect i n the same condition as those who ere engaged as Boman Catholic ministers in the colonial dependencies. If they thought that they were not to regard expediency, but principle, he perfectly agreed with them; but that in no way affected the question at issue ; sod he thought that this was a matter of principle, and he was quite satisfied with his own conduct in giving his adhe sion to the grant which they were that night called on to make. In the third place, they were now called upon to make good one of the promises they had made at the union. At that time an engagement was made that in the event of the union being effected that Ireland shoutd enjoy the same advantages as she possessed in the enjoyment of a do mestic legislation, and he believed that if that promise were not kept iewould be at the risk of a disruption of the union and a dismemberment of the empire. lie had stated that this mea sure considered in itself, or as a part of the policy now pursued with regard to Ireland, was a measure of conciliation. But they were asked where were ,the signs of conciliation? Had it really conciliated the Irish people? He admitted that it might have very imperfectly effected that object, but what were the reasons? It could not be expected that a century of misrule could be immediately and in stantaneonsly remedied—( le:ye—and they . were now paying the penalty of their former errors. Even the opposition now offered neutralised and prevented the beneficial results of that measure. This was the effect of their own conduct, and yet they were the very persons who used the argument in this case, that Ireland evinced no appearance of being con eiliated.—eChcers. ) He would only say that the effect of this cppcsition of their Lordships would be, if successful, most dan gerous to the peace of that country. One of the arguments used by the opponents of this measure was, that the present State allowance far the purpose of educating the Roman Catholic priesthood would eventually lead to the giving of an endowment to the Roman Catholic Church itself. Ho coubi foresee no such result. He was glad to observe, too, that one of the Right R e ve ren d Prelates (the Bishop of Exeter) who had addressed the House in opposition to the Bill, had made reference to Dr. Arnold, for he trusted that that prelate would nosy study the works of that divine, and in that study he would at once mee t hi s (th e Bishop of St. David's) encouragement. Dr. Arnold had made the following declaration :—" Good prelates and worse Christians have talked so long about the beast and Antichrist, that the question of charity, as regarded their duty to their fellow-Christians, had been neglected as if by common consent." But what need had they of such testimony, how ever high ? Had they not that of "the present Chief Minister of the French kingdom? Had they not that of the distinguished Nobleman, who had just left the British shore, after effecting a treaty which, he trusted, would preserve peace between the two countries? And had they not the testimony of one of the first authorities in Russia to the advantages arising to any kingdom from the mitigation of religious rancour, and the al layment of all animosities between contending creeds? lie was very sorry for so long occupying their Lordsips, but he had felt it to be his duty to state to the House the grounds upon which ho supported the Bill. —( Hear, hear. ) There were then load cries of " Divide, divide," which, however, gave way to— The Earl of CHARLEVILLE, who assured their Lord ships that he had great unwillingness to oppose any measure which was calculated to give satisfaction to his Roman Catho lic countrymen. He lived amongst them, and he loved them .—( Hear, bear)—and it was painful to him to be compelled to say anything which could wound their religious feelings. After the observation of the Right Rev. Prelate, for whom he enter tained every personal respect possible, he hoped that he would not be offended with him (Lord Charleville) when he stated that he listened to his speech with extreme regret. He would wish to call the attention of their Lordships to the point whether there was a new principle involved in the measure proposed by her Majesty's Government, and as to this being an endowment for the first time. The Act of 1795 was an endowment of the College of Maynooth, and the trustees were appointed for the purpose of establishing, endowing, and main taining the College of Maynooth. It was then intended to remove some of the disabilities, pains, and penalties under which the Roman Catholics labotired. %( Here the Noble Lord made a long pause, and took a written .aper from his pocket, which he looked at—the re w e r e 1 ries of " Hear," and great laughter. The Noble Lord: Ispcd the paper and re of Lammed, but again stopped.' The same impatience ,vas manifested, upon which the Noble Lord ;said he was suffering from grea t p a i n , an d h av i ng said so, referred to the paper again, and wont on, but with great hesitation.) A question was raised whether the class-books at Maynooth taught a different system from that of Maldonakus and St. Thomas Aquinas. In the canons sanctioned by the Pope, and published in 1839, it was stated that ecclesiastics were not bound by the oath of allegi ance to their Prince, but that they might resist even Princes when the rights and honours of their Church were at stake, even for their own advantage. Kingly power was subject to, and bound to obey the Church. This was written by Jesuits, and he thought it would not be difficult to show that the Col lege of Maynooth was jesuitical. Whether his Noble Friend opposite denied or admitted this fact, he should, at all events, vote for inquiry. The Noble Baron (Lord Clifford) last night asked of the Right Reverend Prelate if he had read the report of the Commissioners of Education, and the evidence of the Reverend Peter Kenny, a 'Jesuit. He need not more particularly call the attention of their Lordships to the letter of Dr. Kenny. But this he would say, that that Rev. Gentleman was educated at the Jesuit College of Palermo, where the form was gone through of asking certain questions in reference to the religious feelings of the candidate for admission , as well as the country of his nativity. When Dr. Kenny left college he became Vice-President of the College of Maynooth, on the recommendation of the Rev. Dr. Murray, who gave him the highest character. as an accomplished divine, which he ( Lord Charleville) could not of course say he did not deserve. Dr. Kenny left that college soon after for Cluges, and while there, it appeared by his own letters, that he had admitted at Maynooth no fewer than 200 of the pupils to the fraternity of the Sodality of the Sacred heart of Jesus. Now, let him call attention to the words of the Noble Duko near him, is April, 1829, when the Emancipation Bill was introduced to their Lordship' House. Upon that occasion, the Noble Duke gave it as his decided opinion that monastic institutions should not be permitted to increase in Ireland. He would now call their Lordships' atten tion to the 34th clause of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, and by that their Lordships would see whether or not the provisions of that clause had not b een carried out, in reference to monastic institutions in Ireland. The Noble Earl then read the 34th clause of the Emancipation Act, which enacted that any person hemming a Jesuit was guilty of a misdemeanor, and subject to banishment for life. Now, if they proved that persons in Maynooth were admitted to take up that order, he did not see how a Committee could be refused to them. He had no reason to believe that the Roman Catholics of Ireland had any interest in this question. They considered it as valueless. He could not understand what good was to be derived from the measure. If this Bill was to lead to ulterior measures, he could easily conceive a strong desire on the part of the Roman Catholics to have the Rill passed, and he thought the House ought to know distinctly from Government, before - they sanctioned. this Bill, if they intended to follow .it up with other measures of a more extensive character. He was surprised that the Noble Duke should admit his igno ranee of what was going forward in Ireland at the time he spoke on the question the other night. He had himself re ceived newspapers on Friday morning last from Ireland, and it was extraordinary that her Majesty's Government should be so blind to what was being enacted in the Irish capital at that period, as not to inquire into the result either on Saturday or Sunday. For the particular' information of the Government, he woul I road an extritetfrom two letters he had received on Mon day. He referred to the levee recently held in the City of Dublin. The Noble Lord hereread the extract, which described the im- Posing appearance of tits - , procession, and the proceedings that subsequently took place in Conciliation-hall, with the address of Mr. O'Connell, and the oath taken on the occasion. ,The oath was a pledge binding all those who took it to, make - every exertion to achieve legislatiVe independence far Ireland by all moral, loyal, and constitutional rneans.--( Hear, hear.) It was a dangerous and deplorable state of things for a country to de .petri for the preservation of its peace upon the exertions of one man, who could thus, at any moment, call together such hundreds of thousands of 'individuals. He thought the Go. vernment might have taken other steps for the good of Ireland, than the bringing in a measure ofehis kind, if they wished_ to p secure the eace and welfar e o f flit people of Ireland. Lord STANLEY Raid s whatever regret he or her Majesty's Government might have felt, he could assure the Noble Earl who had just sat down that regret was sincere. He should regret if they lost the support of the Noble Earl, or of other Noble Lords who considered . that the Government were un worthy of the cotfideace reposed in them by proposing the measure before the House. He still repeated that in the per formance of the duties which they owed to the country, and which had guided the Ministers of this great empire in discharging the functions with which they had been trusted, they had acted consistently, and with a desire to pro mote the peace and the prosperity of the country ; 'and he knew not what were the measures which the Noble Earl sup posed they ought to have adopted. Ho (Lord Stanley) knew not what those steps were which ought to have been taken in consequence of the proceedings which he said had taken place—but this he would say, that that department of her Majesty's Government to which the peace of the country more especially belonged had got the earliest information of what had taken place, or what was likely to take place in Dublin. They did not hear of a demonstration which was likely to disturb the public peace, or that in those proceedings there was any viola tion of the law of the land, and if that result should be upon an occasion intended to celebrate the anniversary of the conviction which was subsequently set aside by ajudgment of their Lord ships' House on technical points of law—if the crowds who went to pay their respects to Mr. O'C onne ll, an d t o ex p ress th e i r opinions—if a much larger proportion of the population of Dublin, as his Noble Friend bad stated, in boats and ships came with flags to see the precession—if all these things took; place, and if no interruption of the peace took place—that no violation of the law took place—that in the opinion of the officers of the law there was nothing in the proceedings of that day that made any man amenable to the law. He ( Lord Stanley) himself thought it was the duty of the Government to watch that there was no interruption of the public peace, and that they w ere n o t called upon by such an occasion to come forward and see that the proceedings:were not beyond or above the law. He could not think that great part of the Noble Earl's speech was pecu liarly applicable to the subject-matter ; neither did he pre cisely understand why the Noble Earl drew a distinction be tween the proceedings of some days in Dublin and of others. He did not think the Noble Lord (Lord Roden) was serious in proposing the amendment which he had brought forward. He distinctly stated that he brought it forward—not because he had the smallest idea that it would lead to an inquiry not that it would affect his vote, but to stop and defeat the measure that had been brought for ward by her Majesty's Government..—( Hear, hear.) He brought forward his amendment for the purpose of an inquiry into the doctrines taught in the College of Maynooth, and of the discipline of the College. And why ? Because he could prove that since the passing of the Catholic Relief Act, certain young men in that College had been admitted into the society of the Jesuits. The Noble Earl said he was prepared to prove what he had stated. If such a thing had happened— in opposition to the Act of 1829, any young men hal been introduced from that college into the Society of Jesuits. he was liable to be banished for a misdemeanor. If, therefore, the Noble Earl, or any one else, was desirous to proceed, the law was open to them. He (Lord Stan ley) understood that the amendment was not to be a sub stantial measure, and the question was, would they accept or reject the measure proposed by her Majesty's Government. He conceived that such an inquiry as that proposed by the Noble Earl would , be entirely useless. He would admit, nay, he would say, that if the inquiry were to be instituted according to the motion of the Noble Earl, it should be made with a view to elicit the practice of the officers rather than proving from the books of the College the exploded doctrines which night be gathered from the text-books, but which were utterly repudiated by the professors of Maynooth. At the best, such an inquiry must prove most unsatisfactory and unprofitable. They had no right to institute an inquiry into the doctrines taught at Maynooth, but they hada right to inquire into, the manner in which the professors and the pupils had acted in the exercise of these principles. Into this they had a right to inquire. But this was the course that had been pursaed by the professors of that College. In 1798, when there had been great suspicion of the feelings and allegiance of the denizens of Maynooth, and when the doc trines taught there had come into question, an inquiry had been instituted into the doctrines taught at that establishment, and of their effects on its pupils, and what was the re sult ? They had found, on inquiry, that there was cause for suspicion, and they acted accordiegly. About that .time a. number of pupils. had been to Maynooth, and the first thing that was presented to them was the offer of the oath of supree macy. Many of them had, doubtless, availed themselves of the kissing the thumb instead of the book, and all those little means of equivocation which were so well known, and well ap preciated by those who wished to take an 'undue and im proper advantage of it. In this instance the oath of supremacy and allegiance had been tendered and accepted, and when the test was tried it was found that both the students and-the profes sors were equally anxious to support the character of all in the establishment. With such a fact before them, were they to slander away the character of those who had the guidance of the College of Maynooth ? What was the character of the oath which was prescribed to the students on entering the Col lege? It contained provisions for the whole of those duties, which, as members of a social community, they were bound to fulfil. That was the declaration of the time, and it was fully borne out by the politics and proceedings of Maynooth ; and when, in 1798, the inquiry of -whi c h h e h a d s p o k en had been instituted, it had led to the expulsion of several students from the College.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to th e d oc t r i nes taught at Maynooth, , it was very true that Dr. Crotty and Dr. AP Hale differed in opinion as to the doctrines taught at Maynooth, yet they kill both agreed in the principle that they were opposed to the ultra-montane prinsi pies which had been so feared by certain professors of the Roman Catholic doctrines in that College. It was true that the feelings of the country had been represented as being op posed to the Roman Catholic religion; but if he could under- stand the country right, he was right in asserting that the opi nion of the country was gathered from the petitions made to the IIouse; but the fact was, that those were the petitions of sectarians, and not of the body of the people. Now he found that a great majority of the petitions which had been presented to that House, had proceeded from Dissenting congre gations, who held that no religious denominations ought to be maintained by an endowment from the State. It was a matter of principle, and they ' prayed that not M a y noo th a l one , but that no other establish ment connected with the Church should receivean endowment. To the Noble Lord who bad spoken that evening, he would say that neither from Oxford or Cambridge had any petition been presented in opposition to the measure before their Lordships. A NOBLE LORD—Nor from Dublin. Lord STANLEY, in continuation—Nor from Dublin, and if Noble Lords would carefully examine the signatures ap pended to those petitions, they would find that of the Members of 04ird and Cambridge, who had signed those petitions—( Hear, h ear )— a preponderating number were in favour of this measure . But of the petitions emanating from dissenting congregations, he would say, that they were founded on a supposition altogether erroneous—they were founded on an apprehension that the measure tended to the in jury of the Protestant Church, and to the promotion of the Roman Catholic faith. Now, he could assure their Lordships that if he thought that that measure would tend in the slightest degree to the injury of the Protestant Church, if he thought that it tended to injure them in their temporal, or still more, to injure them in their spiritual in terests, he (Lord Stanley) would be the first to refuse his sanction to such a measure, he would be the very first to denounce that measure, and he would continue his op position to it to its very latest stage. He was afraid that the distinction was not sufficiently marked between those measures which, while they benefited the Roman Catholic Church, in j nred not the Protestant Establishment. And heiwas one who did not think it necessary to injure the one in order to advantage the other. He did not think that the benefit conferred on the one must necessarily injure the other. That was no new opi nion of his, and without pretending to any bastard consistency, he could inform the House that in all times there had been no change in his opinion, on the subject under dies cession; there had been no alteration in his votes. He could well imagine that manrof their Lordships, who, pre vious to 1829, would have been d es i rous of witholding poli tical power from Roman Catholics, and who were opposed to the present measure on the ground of argument, that if they entrusted political power to a people ignorant, they would pervert it, to them he would say, it was better to en trust. that political power to an educated than to an unedu cated people. In the year 1824 he had strenuously resisted a proposition which he believed to be inimical to the interests of the country, but that did not prevent him in 1825 from voting for a measure of larger compass than the present measure, brought forward not for an annual endowment only to the College of Maynooth, but for the relief of the whole body of the Roman Catholics. He had been asked whether it was not a necessary consequence that this endowment of the Col lege of Maynooth would not lead to the endowment of the Ro man Catholic Church. He saw no such necessary conse quence—he saw no such probable consequence. They had for fifty years given a constant annual aid to the College of Maynooth, and he could not seo that its perma nent endowment necessarily led to an endow ment of the Church, any more than that an annual endowment for the one, should lead to the annual endowment of the other. He saw obstructions in the opinions and in the prejudices of the people of this country ; he saw obstructions and objeCtions in the Roman Catholic clergy themselves ; he saw many and great objections in the way of this endowment, but he would say that if any such objections existed in his own mind, religious scruples would not prevent him from supporting the motion. Where was the injury to the Protestant Church? Was it an injury to their temporal or to their spiritual interests? He knew none such, but it did appear to him, that if an in. jury to their temporal interests were to be apprehended, that was still more strongly to be apprehended from an unendowed than from an endowed establishment—from a body of men who had been refused every thing, than from a body of men who had been themselves endowed for the promotion of reli gion. If they looked to the spiritual interests of the Church, or the influence which the education of the Col lege of Maynooth would have upon the morals of the youth, he would say that such a danger might be appre hended, if Catholics and Protestants received the same educa tion from Roman Catholic teachers ; but that not being the case, he could conceive no such danger. There were some who indulged in the dream that, at some future period, in consequence of some indefinite or un defined legislation, the whole of the Rom in Catholics of Ireland would be within the pale of Protestantism. No one could wish to see such a consummation more than he did ; but, looking at the experience of the past, and the pro bability of the future, he confessed that ke regarded such a vision as wholly Utopian. Confessions from the Roman Catholic religion could not be impeded by this measure, be cause if the measure should have any effect upon Roman Catholics at all it would not be to make them worse, but rather to make them less and better.— ( Hear, hear.) He was deeply sensible of the many errors and failings of the Roman Catholic Church, and as strongly con vinced of the superior purity of his own Church, and the truth and doctrines of his own Church ; yet if he were en. trusted with the care of a being whom he loved best in the world, say for instance, a child of his own, he should much rather prefer bringing it up in the profession of the Roman Catholic religion than leaving it wholly destitute of religious instruction.—( Hear, hear.) But thin was not a parallel case with Ireland, for a large proportion of the people of Ireland were Catholics. They would be Catholics and must be Catholics, and the question for them now to consider was, whether they should he instructed Catholics or riot.—(Bear, hear.) Whether they would suffer their priests to be ignorant, illiterate and unlettered on the one hand, or well educated and well instructed on the other.—( Hear, hear.) Then, again, looking at the matter in a religious point of view, ho was far from thinking that he was doing anything hostile or at variance with his religious professions, and he said as a Chris tian, not less than as a politician, that it was right, and wise, and good, that they should give their Roman Catholic fellow -subjects the best possible religious education in the form of worship they preferred to receive it in. —(Hear, hear.) He would not go over the ground of argument which had been followed by his Noble Friend, who was connected with the county of Lime rick, with regard to the question of principle, so far as the same measure might apply to the colonies—( Hear, hear)--but he would simply simply content himself by which Malta, anyprincipl e,countriestomightd that s ibnnuCnad or attached by treaties or otherwise, Roman . Cathol:c institu tions were endowed and supported out of the public funds.— ( Hear, hear.) He had carefully examined all the authorities in favour of the endowment of Maynooth and against it, and from a full comparison of a ll t h at he had heard,- and of all that he had read, he could come to no other conclpsion, than that by .....—sseesses•— es ,4„ a superior education of the Catholic pries ts in Ireland lin reli e vation of the character of the people would be attainesh 0., Noble Lord then read at length extracts from speeche o f i s le(' Grattan, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Burko„in which those distill . the statesmen expressed themselves as favourable to 8e 0 0 endowment of the Catholic priests in Irelanoarn_ net believed that the opinions of those great men were b c !„ . 7 0 / by the facts, and that a great improvement in the chars elowleot the priesthood in Ireland had followed from the arranf tb .the which connected the education of the priesthood 151 „ t he Government of the country. He did n ot wish to oPP e t s c e , to statements of his Noble Friend opposite (Lord Beaumones„, the interpretation which might be put u p on certain r IST obligations. Lord BEAUMONT explained. e etf iv Lord STANLEY said that he bad fully accepted the sa e nation of the Noble Lord, and he was btppy to have 0 . 1! Le o occasion of arguing with Hear.) The N o °, l " Ber Se, then read at great length from the speech essf Grattan 2 01 :_ sho s. in favour of the linedenowment of a Catholic College 11 1 .' 3 ; 0 00 _ Their general of pelicy now was to afford educatioos .4i, people of Ireland, and to add to the improvement t ; ere clergy. In the measures which they had taken, they , to not prescribing the . course of study which wa 80 11 be adopted at Maynooth they were s , oro making a bettei provision for their comfort, er tlee lS taking care to do away with the filth and indecency.,r. sole say, to which the students were now exposed. tn`2,,ises taking into consideration the maintenaece, and wet heir pan to give them the same station which the clergy of And th' ee . rsuasion were placed in. ((Hear, bear.) I ' ve it ell l wished that the students of that college would not lea n ~..e BO. a feeling of disgust at the . inconvenience and 1 "'''' ratitudo to which they were exposed, but with a feeling lot With h o f e t h mh e iergn G ehne o s v ort e fd r c n ithao m si gste.hhnet Why, oil w iefyen h ,st i s c i, ofhrtdshtieihdtye w as a s look ed said thatfor get e i s t or e f iceo l for the sum of 1201. per wanteda t n h n e m f t. o V ro bt n t e a d asl itenort r. h e ' l e li as t g b:l ! eumstances did they expect these professors .weniing ? all their energies to the duties of their they s ere The sum voted was trifling, and the sum which i''? o ef called upon to pay in comparison to the magnitude o . l!e t t bu t s was trifling. There was no new principle cn ntestint at , e , be did new system. Some were afraid of ulti e r x io P t• not deny that he wished this measure to be co which the induction of the design, temper, and spirit in ;101;...." ee • itmeant r to f ili a administer tion a t u h d e f Government i t wa s sa i d that th e measure s but :ri t e: cl a a d r eb p d in e rt . i c e e r : e e:o e a r i tt d: o. : have been extorted from their fears, but the Noble ss „ s et 1 13 s th ai e d p s o o we a r t s t o b f e tshaemelatwimteo put t i d t o te w d u that the Go!er tt , l 7, in th' i same year that they acted rigorously for the the peace of the country that they passed the or o w f and iwhen there was no indication of foreign war tu ,tice disturbances.—( Hear. ) Where, then, was extorted (Oat' user).- that the measure had been PeelV' did 0 , ° 3 their fears. His Right Hon. Friend, Sir It threaten ' e t say in the other House he was influenced by tbe exes se, l ,l ) , hostility of America, in bringing forward thi s ; „t to s( l ' t he what he did say vi as, that it was a happy ti d l * - ' bofer'j'is message of peace to Ireland, on the very g se esi' e i se American news arrived. The measure would cr fes its s ,,,, Ireland with gratitude and satisfaction, for wkate;ateful. 1,00 Irish people might have, at least they were r g the Chatr itr measure might not conciliate such firebrands 0 - as a it h sl ll af i t s it h shf o ca p ycteioxn H pe ig e g tbe i y n d s t , haatl n i or those whose trad e bailed i r:ar .) lion, but it would, he repeated, 1 , 3 e sses ..--("" s er ducing a feeling Irish people, he feared they -- üb( s nu o cet m hror e evi 0 f immediate this sensible r measureat bear enerrgsc t . w o i )am m i u s in he th d e opr soi t o o te a rti ,'lo o , e t f a o a r u m s g r t ea h , ih t l iy b n g y f e o v.a r a ,it, n l_, least, theti,r'elt they p er ever y, which - , e go c ol , g eo ll i t ae......( be Hecaalrl,ehdeari , a re P e i ifeer ) •S -tress to the Irish m p i v i. and.iowtuuodi Would d l o b y e a i t b with what them study to remove that feeling by a constant by thi S ill or overcome h: e o f a v r n i i tl d t b hb u i hystogoodtnlholy e lle , a l a i l ia n u i 11::e;teeheaaeoSIOtgrgt;oill'ibe3let 1 t ws: ore t he g o/ . and by this means alone, could they hone te ; : e tbsir he t a ::Sitr ch s in all its spiritual and temporal rights tude of the Irish people, and secure a plac e e. ovse l e ve t ' s sroug ro a t thy , s oil (Hear.) Let this country firmly uphold o'l o e the , s tee and breadth of the land in Ireland • but let h , the,„lusliYi time take the Roman Catholic ' le, kindlY ," 8 1 s o i ',7o Ita", taebsi n ( i tni iry o l l a: i dtpit f e h, e shiw a dre a t r ui ehh r ss . t s ) liem:ehi oar fearful. hra r aue s y h siL t tw i cti t o s ohehorr it eeeude h ol e sgerd e nt : show them that ynu mean to treat them uP ee ;" r s ban""' f ' try that it had never been introduced, t" - best. strong ',.„ t passing of this measure they would secur e o f t tilt'var 8 .n)gratttu course 0 elo a result of the de a t h at , Strangers were then ordered to svithatiw',..tle„ divided upon the amendthere anr c-1‘ l''' amendment, when ' ~...• se Not Contents ...... .• ... ~ se Contents ...................... ...." •------ scbeij ... • set, Majority against the amendment ..: . al 0 ., 0 0 The House again divided upon the orig in Not r o o t x c i e o s there appeared— etbirimjlesi iet a 'u e p eaeot t e g serdy e rste u a . ,wiui ; e tlowtl ° intilauacaallsoetn(tfdlfsn,dCtftowbhatirwliryihileesPaliistl°)nßee such tl'oittiwihthtgf ßill, reoeh better would s a i:t t :ude e i u'l. ce step l'IT: e b:a el . 15 r ''ll e t 4 1' ,: fee : i e' tbP° l . e 6 o '' I. an 1 1. thel y : cit et el: their t:lb I' : i e reference ll il tij s o el3 c ict ::::: t t l . I it Contents, present ............. •••••• 8%! :tents, present_ ................................ --15,,r6 ' ee , Proxies - -' is, t , s-- - ,eloe' Majority for the second reading •• - 1 ... .I: o e r i. ' tbere The House then adjourned at a Quarter P a ' being only thirty-three S 'I l wh e° et l " r U ty S_ threemenerspresen E OF COMMON , A, u ry The SreersEß took the Chair at Four o'el ° a sdi' the li eu ' __-- COURT CI RC U 14 ' 4 ;7 5 IScrety teal, iite sTisgelh Belgians" nit travelled c o sl y tieea Boulogne dam il to. i pa g tat h oew n hk e anel s tfb s - e yits:atshtFe specialeoik an d I'' l e s 0 5 r ° c 1 d , s e s ell ,; attended bLa Baronire de Finguerlin ands '' t ellaY '-, of t ',', and wore conveyed across the channel in the it loyllf00) railway, received by the Marquis of Ormsnde, Lord ' 0 ,.„ 'n I'''' t tie'd Queen, and Captain Francis Seymour, r°.- I f t ile 9 1' ,11.' t Prince Albert. The illustrious party entered twe, b ° , est: ci ve t 1 carriages and four, which were in readiness at t_ axe proceeded to Buckingham Palace, vvhcre th 4 . 00 4 is twenty minutes past two o'clock. t on a l g di The Royal Duke and Duchess were recciyreo'B' 5 5,_ 1 ',, 3 00 , from their carriage by the Countess of Gainsbomxijs of P r ioc t : Waiting ; the Hon. Misses Murray and Kerr , e ine ° slog e t in Waiting ; Lord George Lennox, Lord in Wo. Or , ' to 11 Albert ; Colonel Berkeley Drummend,Grelgalustri ilhe the Queen ; and the Hon. Colonel G rey , visit t° Majesty. . 0a ° 0 , Her Royal Highness the Duchess:of he P a va iece• A i f , illustriovs visitors soon after their arrival at the h sas seheseee The Queen and Prince Albert rode out on '',, d die • , Nor AP . ve , ' terday morning, attended by theflon. Miss Ate s i afsrss s ries in Waiting. the s dei , 04 Her Majesty the Queen.DOMlger, etended bY /e ste ber g s of Ormond, Lady in Waiting visited the ag„e el ! c e A l 0 partook of a dejeune with he; Majesty and roll the frisk Or the Prince of Leiningen. n 'ed bY i O r s $ t The Queen and Prince Albert, ace/OV ° f G I n i it' 'l el f of iseiningen, and attended by the Countess o_ oit es •Sh and the Hon. Colonel Grey, visited the FloT ors iog m e, 4 , the gardens in the Regent's-park yestersleY,lucsobrZsl ' Royal Highnesses the Deke and Duchess 0 ' t he 0 • et a 1 01 companied ,by the Princess Mary, also vis l is the hibition. e rdal r isi The Royal Family were taken airings Ye' t es te 4 1 included i' heßhop s lae e Yie r t iS Gardens of Buckinham Palace. Royal Highness the c „„ rno ure, sc i 4 ,, Highnesses the Duke and Duchess de IN. j,o , o r es Maria Dawson, La Baronne de FinguerlicBl de ~, her l Dinner party at( Bunckuinhgeboareofl4..eBl,l,thoedioesiorelo , op r ~,,g Pi ee Lennox, Colonel Sir George Couper, AA. and Captain Francis Seymour. , d oes The Band of the Grenadier Guards attendeu itti bser• and performed the f o ll o wing pieces ,-- W e lts' Pot Pourri " Der Reiss ID e rch die Polonoise—Lindpaintner. PWoallkzae,r,,,,‘Etieesßtinheeinn.,Lautidieirm"a--r.u,7etri.ra . tr. e r• o l i f : ai 3tri sir. reJ ;" 3 0° re His Royal Highness Prince Albert L1°014130 o o tet , ti' de , Callcott with an interview at Buckinghou l' a ,, a nd 3r ,,te ot 0 when several of the new patent transposidocej,(ro theulbstidoto ~ Di e Fahnen Wacht , _ s Her Royal 1113 gllrtvotycicaiohlu,Hsbiyiygihhaniesaeßssesodbyytaollll4!;Arhenseseb, i,5, es,oroprood ? , A ft, named the Royal Albert Pianoforte. a i r ing in 00 Her Majesty the Queen Dowager took an nsch • a the ' yesterday in a landau. ; s ite 0 j bi Her Royal Highness the Duchess Highness the Duchess of gen t 1 , tO O4 A t he of Gloucester yesterday at Gloucester Hous e 'i t ige, s o o o ' st Lady Augusta Cadogan and Baron gnefieb;inetier Y,tcrt° Theth- -mi Quickpnitsrttiernducmteo, ,wShntaitess: 4 of Carahr u, h oo ter oy ti , e 3 l A ,e rchbishop of York with her company Itt is Gra ce.' (l ose r residence in Grosvenor-square- , II ; n t 10 05 ` c iir• 'fie ( with t t h h Noblee wAaidttheeep, ui ut deputation Chancelloror e Gn c er t r o oo r r s gme o o tff Carr,l the iteh e, Ca:oakin:c4-oehfrile tigiorrue.feiN:As rnyi n ities c , so , it e rt E : g to I go t o e: tp : 001, ,: ( A i 0, 1 (ri e 0 t t residence in Downing-street. vi§h o P joy, WO' The Right Rev. Dr. Fleming Catholic '' ,ter .. land), had an interview with Lord StanleY, the WI: o ,ich Colonial-office. The Rev. Dr. Collier an" este rclar ieet ofi ce ham had also interviews with his Lordships 30 i n tol o p A deputation from the Dublin Bank ha, si doca , o so ' Sir Robert Peel yesterday, at his official re hf or i; , s , ing-street. so t he f 1 l The Governor of the Bank of Engl,t_nancellor °f O 1 of the Excise had interviews with the 1,14 " Ser chequer yesterday. 11 tt PK TIIR HISTORY str S ec i o r t, t7 N Ot o : h h nevoi eier has left big residers / cor 0 01 , '0 ---------- CAT 4.)‹ cri (Second and Cheaper Edition, with ,earn{ a sc ot s( ~ 0 o ! are not at all surprised (says tbe -L'arse all? t to; r ecl Gazette) that this work should, in the c° • one ° qii. tli ° This is ms • 1 ha • N e reached a second edition. .-, . fe d i nt , eo l, , jp , or MATlGAJETioustratiiO3-jfihel„,o stirring narratives of facts in domestic 11 „ le , in"„ e A , 1 e 3 for many years. Most of the in ns rL, 'oo ~ • cidel 3ts ' , t li Vl' V e' ti vivid recollection of hundrecLs of Pet' s % g tfiCt / ttie fr otl. wich and its neighbourhood. Til° llg er fal t", i iie b lieO fact, the adventures related arc so p.ovf,,rest is ‘,..oo o et' is worth a hundred romances. Its 1 0 7 s ole o c i i rPf lee enhanced by the names a the characte_;yaret Ca , t oli t, 0 000 !) I still living, being correctly given. Mat rq . Cob u tec t, o s, I ' some time in the service of Dlr. and er dcs er .ver tk e tts; o 4 wich, by.whose kindness she was i n t ev r ector °f I vhi cil ,ll' er their sons, the Rev. Richard Cohho.,-, --01,005,,s te int Suffolk, is the author or editor of these 1,. in bill laic very ably produced from original papers . Possession. 0+ :-.- - I , o oi' . 13.1RTHS• r OOP ,ii 3 ' On the Ist inst ,at the Willows, re' 0 0 ` 1 'l l William Woodhouse Secretan,_of a sol;i3lo,teat , On the Ist most., at Heath Lodge , 0 ° David Powell, Esq., of a daughter. .. s iCl i o ',o l. arlififilE/Atn,_353),, Br its' ; On the 28th ult., at the British 11-: 11 . daeo n Rev. C. R. Bradley, M.A., to Serab , , late J. Friend, Esq., Denmark -hill, SurreY• t . - 04 6 Col' ltlisi S e°' L IEN. On the 4th inst., at his house at l'airfi'lea; 6 , Vl' ° Charles Haultain R.N K•Il &c. author CI , I Il ii .- Cal ) . t ' ll , o l,o ,-- „ (fe tt t to BENesaB:vtnnryaotLtlhfctieol,set.3"lst ult.,' at"Yar.m.o.ntb Pw/orroli" i's 08' Tt = lPman, tate. of the 2d Ceylon Regiment, 1:1,000 dot On the 31st 1 'lee W ~ iihyoi.upat.r,k,aatgl:trio7ntague-p .. i of the ot lote • Itte r pa loefttih'nestl.4,tShalr.aolottßoVercr 4: widow, Mr. J . Ist inst., at Great Marlosr, Sault./ th° J. Cheshire, of Newington, SurreY• __________ Lo .,: n T d o on , l 'of 'o ols ' --- „riptbo 1 an- al :Prin . t.cd and Pnoll..b;-licdl‘ s -` o `; Ottic e '6 oo ' q , ~.. 112, Strand. Printer, at T/ , 0 t oo ' “ande in the Precinct di the SeYoil Middlesex, Thursday , June 5, 1154% EVENING, JUNE 5, 1845;