The Sun. — London, England, 1821-02-20 00:00:00

tide at the paper was, the 19th of January. It professed to be in answer to a circular issued by the three Courts of Russia, Prussia, and 'Austria. It was in answer to a public paper from these Courts, expressing sentiments not for the first time expressed, and acted upon. It was some what strange that at this period of time, repre sentation and remonstrance should have done so little, that it should be necessary so late as the 19th of January, 1821, to send forth this public declaration of the sentiments of the British Cabinet. It was still more strange that this public declaration should not be made till when it was of no use to the weaker party. The last time that there had been a conversation in this House on this subject, he remembered that he ventured to recommend that the exchange of sentiments be tween this Government and the Austrian Cabinet should be carried on in the form of dialogues, and he also ventured in a manner rather disre spectful to Austria, to observe, that she might take a hint from Tom Thumb. He now - thought that these parties had adopted a dialogue from another quarter of a similar nature.- He now thought that one of these parties appeared very like Sir Christopher Hatton, in " The Critic," who said—" I have a question to ask which I have never asked before—what means all these ar maments, this preparation, &c:" A stander-by satisfies his curiosity, but asks—" Why did Put Sir Christopher ask this before, and why was h e not told ?" The answer to that is—" 'What, task it before the play began ?—he knew it well ; but the audience did not know it."-- (Laughter.) —So it was the case 'with his Majes- Vs Go vernment and the Court of Austria. .1103' understood each other well enough; but Naples did not.' Parliament too was about to meet ; the curtain was about to draw up.— (A laugh.) —This was another suspicious circum stance for that paper. Another suspicious circum- Stance was a passage in that paper, which said, we took the earliest opportunity of expressing our opi nion of the mode and circumstances in which that Revolution toots place. They were at liberty, as the Noble Lord opposite said, to express their senti ments whenever they pleased ; but, if the Noble "Ail was that lover of peace and neutrality which lie professed himself and his Colleagues to be, he 'would have told these sentiments to the party . most concerned to know them before. Did they et?rnmunicate their sentiments on the subject to the Neapolitans ? No ; It was only to that Power Which was most likely to make an aggression Upon them on the strength of it. The Noble Earl tilted of his being a friend "to neutrality, and had often boasted of this Government being one or the great Constables and K e epers of the P eace of Europe. To illustrat e thi s , be would ',tit a case. Suppose h e were acqua i n t e d w ith a Itie person, weak in body, and timid in dispo sltinn ; and suppose he were also acquainted 'with a great bulky fellow, of great corporeal . tre ngth, and of a most quarrelsome, overbear finrq, jealous temper, a neighbour of his little sh e "' Suppose the littl e man . were to do some to his garden, or to some part of his abode, th e (Lord ell he o lland) knew would call forth friend,sr" and disapprobation of his great bulky a n d ' a nd h e were t o go t o hi s b u lky f r i en d . aI Y" . " See what this fellow has been doing! " 3 come with as much haste as I could make, ,° tell you that I hi g hly di sa pp rove o f it, an d soat no man eats do mor e than I do ;" at the ame time, that he should give orders to his Porter not to admit the little man to the house, and make a resolution himself that he would I lever go near him, lest he gave a sails- Tactory explanation of his conduct. What .., 1 1 431 11(1 be thought of his partiality, he should 41 .,.ke to know, under such circumstances fi"atlghter.) Still more so, when having eard that the bulky man had beat the weaker one with a great cu d gel, he shoul d take an early ZllPortunity to declare his anxiety not to prejudge wil e , C ase, at th e s ame ti me , ma ki ng a speec h, i n L ell he sh ou ld te ll a ll t h at he knew to the dis rocedit of hi s li tt l e f r i en d , since the commence. 14" of their ac q uai n t ances hi p .— ( L aug h ter. )— tnaintained that th e s e were susp i c i ons c i rcum sta ne". What occasion w a s th ere f or th e ' Mini ster in that Rouse to get up and talk about ab truect Gov ernment '? Why did he take that 4 _ 413 1e fo r the bene fi t of Austria,? The King of n ot is had pretty plainly told them, that he did iiiiiciTaut learning nor learned men. " I want," liS Majest 46 good subjects, not learned et " And See r this paper, concocted at the Foreign eeret ary s O ffi ce, was drawn up with all its learn . ,6011E11th all its characteristic beauty of language, Pose 1 its clearness and precision,for the sole par uppoZftePleashig such men as this ! The Noble Earl vole t : sa id, that he did not disapprove of a re ilut b ecause an army had taken part in, it. satti, he did disapprove of it if it originated ar t t o ad, oit y. Il e s a id, t o o, th a t h e wa s ready Pro v i d l L) if achie ve d by com p e t en t authority ; "! e ri t 4 grievanc e to b e r e medi e d b e complain ' his d o 4(lr etriedied try ere competent Authority. ap peared etsi 'IQ of the Noble Earl, he must confess, . / 'as th e a° ,,rnewliat unintelligible to him. What PtLrify th e "IPet of all political revolutions? To duce, G overnment ; and what was the griev -"ll3lailied of in all revolutions, if it was vt3t th Its tt e "" °7e rurnent or the competent authorities . ley were ? Did the Noble Earl, then, Zeal? to s ay the competent Authorities were ae _c u ' l s t th emselv es forth as a grievance, and revolt l otio n thems e l ves ? :vie hoped that the late Revo-, Harchs would op erate as a warn i ng t o Mo -1,0104 and if it did not, lie hoped it e nd °Perate as an example to their soldiers maxi sub jects. That w a s a f ee ling which every tic tlel ca !p ivlio ch er i s h ed liberty in his heart must par ate i n. lie could not help remarking on the cy of th e N oble Earl opposite, who was so hnxious n o t to prejudge the case, at the same time ' ad "' Ito th rew away .the . reasons which A u st r i a assigned for its conduct, and'suggested a new "e• Il e _ refer re d to t h at part of the Noble s speech which alluded to Sicily. What Was th e situation of Sicily when the House of urban was restored to Naples ? The King tame o from Sicily with a Constitution which he had sworn to and_ sanctioned, and of which. he I rltrl derived all the advantage he could ; and one °f his first acts was to break that Constitution.— Lord 4 lie Noble opposite, in the course of his Speech, had touched upon the Carbonari. He said he did not like the origin of the Carbonari. He said that secret societies were tint Sufficient 60 noinine to justify interference ; but if they were not confined to one nation, but existed in other nation then that would be a fit subject to interfere with the affairs of another country in which a Revolution had been accomplished by these Secret Societies. He would take leave to point out one fallacy in this position of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord had confounded all through that which gave a right to forcible inter ference, with that which gave a right to remons trance. And one charge against Austria through out the whole of these proceedings was, that she had never told the people of Naples what griev ance it was she complained of, nor never asked her to redress it. So far then she was the ag gressor in the rupture with Naples. The Noble Earl, however, in the course of his speech, made the circumstance of the, Carbonari having taken an active part in the Neapolitan Re, volution to be the distinguishing feature be tween it and the Spanish Revolution. Now he (Lord Holland), had heard that the revo lution of the Spanish army was brought about by the Carbonari. He did not pretend to have such good information as the Noble Earl, but he had heard this. The Noble Earl said, that if the spirit pervaded all countries, that was a proof of its illegality, He had perhaps forgotten, when he made that sweeping declaration, that the Protestant Religion was brought about by means of secret associations throughout different parts of Europe. In stating this circumstance with re spect to the Spanish Revolution, he did not mean to say it in disparagement of it. On the con trary, he ,thought the seeds and principles of liberty were so deeply seated in it, that it was impossible for any.loyer of liberty, or the wel fare and happiness of his fellow creatures, not to be well disposed towards it. And although . the Neapolitans might not have had those oppor tunities which this nation had possessed, of being acquainted with that Constitution, and of knowing its 'beauties, still in adopting it they were equally unacquainted with any other. In adverting to the subject of the merits or demerits of the Nehpolitan Revolution, he could not help alluding to the Manifesto of RUssia on that subject. It was a strong objection, he thought, tesa good Constitution, and to power well exerted, that it depended upon the manner in. which it was attained. It was more strange Wl;.n it was considered from whose mouth it came; when it was remembered that it came from the mouth of a man,who sat upon a throne reeking-4W' the blood of his father ; andwhose Throne, from generation to generation, had been inherited by a succession of murderers ! It was well for him to talk of Constitutions, and the way in which they were got, who obtained his power from the murder of his father, justifiable perhaps— Lord ILiattowni(rose to order. lie said, the language of the Noble Baron was highly dis orderly, and that it really called for animadver sion. To speak' in such terms of any Foreign Power, with whom we were on terms of amity, ought not to be endured in that House ; but, whether at peace or war, such expressions respect ing Foreign Powers were equally opposite to the Orders of the. House tmd the decency of its pro ceedings—(Hear, hear !). Lord HOLLAND resumed. He was glad tohear that speaking to the moral guilt of any one, pecially of a Sovereign, was so indecent: He must say, that when he was talking of a band of individuals, who were taking .means directly subversive of the fundamental laws of this coun try, to keep down. the liberty of the world, he thought it strange for the Lord President of the Council to call to order in that House a Peer who was expressing his opinion of the conduct of one of that band, the Czar of the Muscovites.— If any part of that league do by its pusillanimity, Or by its temporising conduct, admit of the controul of arbitrary power where it has no just right, then he would not be surprised to see it one of the Standing Orders of that House, that the conduct of the great Monarch of the North of Europe must not be touched upon. lie was. sorry to:discompose the Noble Earl, but he must state, that the accession of the present Emperor of Russia was owing to the murder of his 'father, and .he must say that not one since Peter the 'Great had descended from that Throne without violence being committed on his. person. fie did, therefore, say, that when he found such a Government not content with expressing its dis approbation, but chusing to read lectures to the rest of Europe, it must at least allow others to speak freely on the subject of its poWer. lie should .like to know what was the vicinity of .Russia or of Prussia to Naples that this coun try was not equally concerned in it. It might be contrary to the orders.of that Hotise, but the feeling:pervaded the breast of every Englishman. Another objection he had to their proceedings arose from a retrospective contemplation of what took place at the commencement of a more bloody and more disastrous struggle for liberty ,than ever before: had evinced itself in the world. He al luded* to . the French Revolution, at the com mencement of which they saw the same disposi tion to disclaim interference displayed. A letter of the same nature as the declaration of the Fo reign Secretary' was written to the Empress of Russia; The , Speech from the Throne at that period breathed the same anxiety to maintain peace ; there was a recommendation for a partial reduction of the army, and the same manifesta tion of a permanent peace. But in what did it end ? In taking eventually a part, such as we had .not thecottrage, or rather the audacity to avow. Naples was different from France ; but unless the voice of the people, as well as of that )louse, expressed their sentiments,, it might not eventually turn out ,to be so. A Noble Baron, who was somewhat variable. in the part he took in that House, had put a very ingenious question to him the other day.. It 'was, whether he was prepared to go to war ? Observing, that if he were not, he could 'not propose to take any part in the contest between the Belligerent Powers. He confessed there was much logical acuteness) in this way of settling the question, and perhaps it might accord with the notion of Lord. Castle• repel/ what lee had spread throughout Europe -7 that what they had on paper, they had in truth ; but was there nothing between Man ad man ? No 'one could doubt that one great ,poitit,in the Ways and .Means of Austria *as, that he had Great Britain in her pocket. , He Could conceive some Minister of smite German POwer, wlia had received this paper of the Foreign seCie - tary, calCulated to - inspire so great a reverence for his talents, before it was published.- He could fancy that he saw that pleasant.Gerrnan face ,with a smile on it, whilst periisiflg this Unintelligible stuff, and deriving new odnifOrt when he found by that able composition that there still a ," moral strength" and a " physical power" in the Holy' Alliance. In alluding to our For eign politics, he could assure the House that he did not Moan to disparage, especially in the presence of the Noble Duke opposite (the .Duke of 'Wel lington), the feats achieved by our armies abroad. Never, , he believed, (lid any sol diers contribute so much to the glory of a great country ! Money arid character were necessary to maintain our ascendancy in the Continent Of Europe. Character and influence had been at work to that effect ever since the reign of Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth. Queen Elizabeth, who for her extraordinary wisdom and,perception to her own interests, made her the greatest woman that ever interfered in politics, saw the use of keeping up her influence on Continent, which she accomplished by making herself the rallying post of the Protestant religion. 'The Carbonari, who had been instru mental in the late Revolution, had their origin in the policy and measures of the Governments op posed to France. They had their origin in secret societies established in most countries for the purpose of shaking of the yoke of - France. They were encouraged in Italy, he believed, for that express purpose—and he believed, with the exception of Austria, there was not a Power, in cluding the Czar of Russia himself, that was not desirous to give his subjects a free Con ititution. He admitted that care had been taken not to let the sufferers- imagine that the Government of England interested itself too much in their affairs. Throughout Italy, so far from its being supposed that the Government or England interested itself for the people, it was generally believed (he hoped the idea was a false one), that it was opposed to their wishes, and quoted (he spoke from what he knew), as most inimical to its own subjects, and to those of every other country. He would ask the Noble Lord what induced Austria to interfere on the occasion? He would ask if any man, who kneW any thing of the proceedings of that power, could have the least doubt that the motives which swayed it on this occasion sprung from an apprehension that the establishment of a free government in the vi cinity Of her territory would be likely to endan ger her dominions, from the aversion it was calculated to inspire, for the yoke under which her subjects in Italy now groaned. That there was reason for such an alarm he would not deny. The principle on which the Austrian Govern ment acted, though in his opinion an infernal and a diaboliCal principle, he must still admit to be consistent and rational. This was his sin cere opinion, for unless Austria changed The sys tem of her Government in Italy, he, in the event of a free Government being established in Naples, would not'give five years' purchaSe for the peace of her dominions. As a spectator and a citizen of the world he rejoiced in this pros pect. But he would say to Austria, "avert the impeding evil, by improving the condition of your own people, ,and not. by making that of others worse than it would otherwise be." What principle could be more diabolical than that to which he now opposed himself. Yet that thatfwhich he had ascribed to Austria was correctly ascrib ed to her, he was confident no man in the lobby of that House would lay his band upon his heart and deny. He had been called to . order for the manlier in which he had spoken with respect to the present Emperor of Russia. He was unwill ing to transgress the rules of that House, but an .such a subject he could not much regret that he had spoken with warmth. He st . ould give his vote for the production of the papers, and let the imprecation light where it might, it was his hope that any , man who employed power to stem the tide of public feeling, and oppose the spirit of improvement, would himself be overwhelmed iu the current, and fall an example to all succeed ing tyrants who might be disposed to war against the liberties of the people. Lord ELLtxuo ROUGH said, if-he could take the same view of the case under consideration as was taken by the Noble Baron, he would be disposed to use language equally indignant against the circular which had been sent to the Continental Governments, and equally strong iu condemna tion of the Ministers of this country. But tak ing into his consideration the statements which had been made by the Noble Earl, and look ing at what appeared to have been the conduct of the Government, he could not, avoid corn ing to a conclusion very different from that come to by the Noble Baron ; he could not but be of opinion that the course that had been pursued was that which. was most' conform able to sound policy under the present diffi cult circumstances of Europe. The Noble Baron had complained that Ministers had ex pressed strong disapprobation of the mode and circumstances by which the Revolution in Naples had been brought about. He thought not only that Ministers were justified in express ing disapprobation of those circumstances, but that the expression of. that disapprobation might produce very beneficial consequences even to the parties against whose proceedings it was directed. He renTetted,that the Noble Earl who brought forward the motion, had that night given the great, and justly great authority of his name, in favour of a revolution brought, about by the rniii tarv. It was for the interest of mankind that suchrevolutions should be oppOsed; as they were more frequently effected for the purpose of de stroying, than for that of establishing the liberties of the people. They should be discountenanced, as there was no security for the continuance 'of a state of things founded on the will of the soldiery, as those that made a Constitution one day, should destroy it on. another, and their feelings were generally diffs/rent from those of the great body or their telio‘ir subjects. it was tterefore- Com mon in the course of A very short period 3 to find those who were cdriSldered tire Savionrl of their country • rti . gtitded za iti destroyers--to finis the establishers Of a Constittition its rnhverterS; and to find' those ?who had Commenced . by limiting the Kingly prerogative, eftei a inne engaged in extending the powers of thlCSovereign, with a view to . the - establishment df some individual object of their own. These Considerations led him to think that Government had .done no more than its deity in protesting•against the reivlution ary proceedirt4s in Naples. The 'revolution there had been brought about under circum stances which were not 'calculated' ;to Pro mote the happiness. of the people. It was rented against a Government, respecting whoui no charge had been brought for some' years. Ile did not defend tire principle of the old Govern ment ; ho man could be less disposed to •do so than himself. (for he had seen it in action) ; but, for years, all the regard that should • be shewn for a people, under a Government so constituted; had been manifested. There were several fea tures in the case which deserved .particular obser yation. He would ask, if there was nothing ex traordinary in the coincidence seen in the:break ing out of the Revolution; • and the Return sent at that- period'of the Heir Apparent, who is now placed at the . -Head of tire Government. Look ing at that return ; and what had since occurred, was it not fair to conclude that the object. of the Revolutionists was to overthrow the Sovereign 4! and place the next Heir to the Crown •on the -Throne ? Under such -circumstances, he thought the protest of the English Government likely to be productive of beneficial. consequences to the Government of Naples. It Would tend to make them feel the necessity of adopting a mode rate line 'Of conduct towards foreign Govern 4 merits, and towards persons who might be ob-" noxious to them ; and, .in fine, of acting so as to convince. those who were dissatisfied with thy means by which the Revolution had been effect ed, • that however impure the source from which their power sprung, it was their determination not to use it unworthily, but to prove themselves capable of sustaining the relations of peace and amity between State and State, and subject to Treaty and Alliance. The Noble Earl had com plained -of the appearance of an English fleet in the Bay of Naples. When he' considered the circumstances of the Revolution, he thought the Nohle Earl must feel that the presence of an English fleet there was necessary for the•protec tion of British interests. On the part of the Allies a most odious and despicable principle had been put forth. It came to this, that Govern morits existed not for the benefit of the people governed, but for the pleasure and gratification of the party go-perning. Had the Protest Made by this Government done nothing toward over throwing that principle ? He was of opinion that it had in a wanner destroyed the confe deracy, and .deprived it of half its power, at the very commencement of its operation's. What had • been done precluded Austria from seeking its own aggrandizement in its war against Naples. If the march of the AuStr:an troops - 1 could be justified on any principle, it was this; that the Government•of Naples had fallen into the hands of ,a particular sect, whose success would be incompatible with the .safety of all Governments. The proceedings' of the Austrians ought to be limited by the original necessity of the case.• They ought only to require•security that, the Government of Naples should nut -be lodged in -the hands of that sect. Having gained that object, their triumph ought to be reg►►rded as complete. The Noble Baron had thought this Country ought to have remonstrated against the proceedings of Aus tria. lie (Lord Ellenborough) was of opinion that England had belt one of 'two courses to pur sue. The first was that of silent neutrality— the other that of war. The intermediate line recom►ended by the Noble Baron, he was of opinion could not be adopted with advantage. The Noble Baron might compose a beautiful moral lecture—he might produce a fine form of words, a perfect and elaborate composition; but this, however excellent, would be useless. If it were not written with the sword, it would pro duce no effect. No man regretted more than he did, the pressure of distress now experienced in this country—no man . regretted more than he did, the advantages taken of those 'distresses— but when they were told that all these sprung from the errors of Governments, in which the people had no concern—when they were told that all their !tapes must depend upon► the continuance of peace, was it to be supposed that Foreign Powers were ignorant of these things, or igno rant of the temper of the people, or of the tem per of Parliament? These things must be known, and when it was seen that our force was diminished from motives of economy, it was not to be expected that we should possess all the influence which belonged to us while our army was entire, and not a shot in Europe could be fired without our permission. To him then it appeared, that unless the Noble Earl and the Noble Baron were prepared to propose that we should depart from the line which we had - taken, which appeared to him to be that of stria neu trality, to take' that course which would lead to direct hoitility, they ought not to wish it deviated from at all. The danger of putting forth a re monstrance he strongly urged, and shewed that doing this and not enforcing it would be but to expose the state of our tinances—our impaired fortunes, and our broken spirit. It was his most anxious wish to avoid this, to place the Parlia ment in harmony with the people, and to revive that mutual '•onfidence which ought to subsist between the Government and the governed, and which constituted the real strength or the nation. Without that it would' be la vain to read a moral kct.u; (3 to the Govern Mews of the Continent, and the effect of doing so would only be to lower the character of the country and expose its weak ness to the worhl. lie hoped the Noble Earl would, on reflection, be disposed to withdraw his motion. Lord CAr.TuonP thought the language of the circular any thug blit sati,flaory. lie complain" ed alit both for what it implied and what it ex pressed. if 4e sacrifices math: by this country to • • . obtain the objects of tire war, folded as We *ea at its close with the fruits of war, ought to have procdred for us a seetire guarantee for the enjoy.; nierit of the blessings of peaCe: The disavowal of the Principles put fdith by tlfe Allies, which afiL:' peared hi the circular, proifed that sufficient care had not been taken in the riegiiCiation 'tb accorn pliih that object. The conduct of Austria was, his opinion, stick as wotild justify interferenee on ' the part df this country to enderivOur to 'persuade . her to refraid front ptirsuing her present 'line of policy. Earl GREY replied: fie was riot satisfied - Willi the explanation given by the Neble Earl. Had -a strict neutrality been observed, .he Would not ' so much hive complained, but in expressing tlia:; approbation of the IteVolution;at a moment when the ell't-tt of that was to strengthen and &icor'. rage the Allies to proceed - against the country they threatened, was departing from the strilit neutrality which Ministers professed it was 'their intention to observe. If fair neutrality was tended, the usual friendly intercourse ought t 4 halve b'eri maintained. This, iroWever;appeared to . have ceased. He would now ask . whether Sir Wm. A'Court was otir accredited Minister' to the Government of Naples. But if this were so, more waS still Wanting ; it was necessary that en accredited Minister from Naples shotild be here: The Noble Earl said Count Rudolph was an ac. credited MinisterfrOm Naples. He wished toa4 . - , dress the Crown to Communicate information on this subject. Ile would ask if it were not tieltti.J rictus that Coma Rudolph had been recalled by the present Government of Naples, and that the Prince Cimitelle, sent to England 'as an at- , credited Minister from the NeW Government, had not been received at this Court ? This was a breach of friendly intercourse, which if Naples. were not a weak state, would be resented as an insult on her character and independence. lie" wished. if this country were to be neutral, that an equal measure of her regard shotild be dealt . out to both countries. He then adverted to the difference of Naples and 'Sicily, and with' re ference to them remarked, the utmost the Allies could have a right to do was, to take part with' Sielly :against Naples._ If the CarbOnari were found actively spreading mischief and endingeri44 the Governments of other - countries, the utmost the Allies could in reason demand would be security against the continuance of these-practices. The sects described under this name had probably , sprung up during a period of general oppression ; it was, however, little likely • that they corres ponded with the malcontents of other countries after the circumstances which called them into • existence bad 'ceased; and still less likely was it that they were encouraged by the Government,. which was the only case that could prove a right to interfere on the part of the Allies. Minister; had said they were not called upon to interfere, and they wished not to prejudge the question. He would ask, if this was not a, question closely C , Mt.• nected with the law of nations and those prin;:i pies on which the peace of Europe must depen.l ? If, then, Ministers would not now pre2,ulge the ciiestion, when were they ever to judge of it et all ? He would say, that when the question first came before them, that was the time when they ought to have judged of it.— When were they to judge of it now ? After Aus tria had overrun Naples ? After the violation of public law had been committed ? After all 15 1 .19 over, then they were to judge•what was prep::r to be done, instead of cowing forward in the first instance to prevent a scandalous violation of public law, as the Noble Earl admitted it woull be, if unaccompanied by those ctrcumstance3 which seemed to justify it in the present cas-t, nere, however, the Noble Earl, not to prejud,e the question, was to sit still with his hands b-- hind him till all the mischief was done. This wls the picture of the miserable policy by which this country was to be degraded. With •respect to the change of Government at Naples, it was to be remembered that the Government had co-t -tinned to be administered in the name of th.t Sovereign, and therefore the change did not dis qualify us from continuing a friendly intercoursr.. If he recollected right, it was England that 11. d first set the example of placing the Vicar-Gena ral in the 'place of the King when a Constitutio was given to Sicily from this country by Lor W. Bentinck. The King of Naples -at' that tim objected to the Constitution proposed, and so. the Vicar-General was named in his place to- gee over the difficulty. If these exceptions were, to be taken, it was but fitting- that they should,be taken fairly. lie was prepared to admit; that when a Government like that of England re monstrated with Foreign Powers, it ought to b.; prepared in possible cases to support its remon strances by force of arms. It was .for those who were for ever talking of the successful ter mination of the late war—who contended that the country never stood so high as at - present-- who told them every day, that through • the policy Ministers had pursued,- the inifillence of England was more universally acknowledged in *every Court of Europe than,eoer. it had been be fore ; it was for those who held-this language, to explain how it was that our power. had decline:l till we were so miserably, reduced, that we had no longer the ability to support with arms the remonstrances; we might feel . it our duty to make. Unhappily, even since the commencement of this debate, he -had learnt from a' quarter to which. he could' not but give credit, that the turn things . would take was no longer doubt ,ful, but that the die was-Cast.' He- had it on the authority to which he had' . referred, that the Austrian army had advanced in three columns--that the King of Naples - sad issued a Proclamation, • dissolving the. Parlia-, rent, and calling on his sUbjects --to receive the Austrians a 3 friends. This was the Act of a Sovereign, who had been called a, captive while among his people ) but, of course; was free netv that he was surrounded, by the etiemieg of li:A country. Naples would now be oecu.pied by Austria, and he would ask any matt) looking at the history of Europe, and at the character of the Iloase of Austria, if •it-might not be inferrA, thaetheconsequences of this step,,, trould, sooner or later, involve Europe , in war. What then would be gained by our present acquie:;eenee Why ; the reputatioti of ~ p•:lpillauitoity. Ivou!,1 tie