The Sun. — London, England, 1844-01-18 00:00:00

IRELAND. STATE. TRIALS. (BY EXPRESS.) (PROM OUR OWN REPORTERS.) DUBLIN, TUESDAY, JAN. 16. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH. Ta t . QUEEN U. DANIEL O'CONNELL AND OTHERS. T he proceedings of yesterday did not advance the c a se at all ; it was a repe titi on o f th e preliminary oraiishing that has already given such active occu l/ation to the Crown lawyers. It was, however, fully ex it, , ete(l that to-day th e case would be fairly commenced e swearing in of the jury, and the immediate p Peni eg address of the Attorney-General. The assembled at 10 o'clock, and there was a very f4ll a ttendance withi n the building ; but outside eze/'our Co ur t s th ere was muc h less of bustle and itement than on the previous day. The arrange tf6A,,e, were , precisely the same, and proved equally i n securing order. ~e-lceir Lordships having taken their seats, the tra /leA were called in the usual manner. Mr. I,e°l,llllell answered to his name, but Mr. Barrett and T he were absent. t ak e names of th e j ur y w ere then called over to e zt e th eir appearances ; they all answered with the li o e P t ion of Mr. Stephen Parker. Captain Edward z ke Pe k r applied for an exemption on the ground of i:6l, l ', e big 72 ; and Mr. Benjamin Eaton on the score e h :" acalth. Both the applicants were told by the t ( V ' tTostic e to wait. q . 11 the names of Mr. Barrett and Mr. Duffy being gain call A/ • ed, !. Gartl an d, so li c it or , sa id th a t Mr. Duffy had h ee , e re .obliged to quit the Court on the preceding d 4i ni egi from severe illness, and applied for an in - gene ' of a few minutes for his appearance. ;'al.• `-/ 4 r , ANTwE LL (for Mr. Barrett) said that this etl eman could not appear for a short time, and askedN if the case might not proceed in his absence, he Cantwell) appearing as his attorney ? a The A.TrottNEy- GENERAL said it was requisite in ii t j e of thi s ki n d t h at ever ything should be con. 4 'ed with the utmost regularity and order. If ilietraverser were absent for ten minutes on absent rst day of the trial he might be °n another day for a longer period. wit hout be very i nconven i en t t o i n di v id u als, but tot 'Jut the consent of the Crown, a traverser could a ppear in i n thi s case b y a tt orne y. If he appKied tirlerat t o , rney in an ear ly p e ri o d of the proceeilings, tifght be some difficul i ty at a later stage in den atil‘tl th em. It had been decided in England that a cc ess t he consent of the Crown was given, parties in ) s ,t e of this kind could not appear by attorney. v irs r. O'Conn e ll sa id h e did n ot think that the tra kriber,s C ould be considered as included in those di e't in the indictment as persons unknown.— a ughter.) Thevrthe C ourt waited a few minutes, when ikt eak C HIEF JUSTICE said it was now twenty e Yond the h our t o w hi c h th e Court adjourned. 4 u see CA.NryvELL said Mr. Barrett resided four or 4 ela t in , i A les f romtown, and, probably, might have be en by some accident. was The CHIEF JUSTICE said the indulgence as to time k e no not i n t h e power of the C our t t o grant. 1 04 T. CANTIvELL then asked for only five minutes D er, which the Court granted. bir tiri ng the i n t erva l M r . H enn , the counsel for ofte ioarrett, ent er ed t h e C our t, an d made the same al e On beh a lf of his client, that had b een prev i o usly p r de by Mr. Cant we ll— name ly, th a t the case should th, l ""d in hi s a b sence. I n a case o f m i s d e meanour I r e h enUld be no objection to this. had CHIEF JUSTICE said the •Attorney-General be already signified that he could not allow this to b e d on e, on the ground of the difficulty there might me identifyi ng t h e traversers . It was th e Attorney -11 C ueral wh o h ad to be satisf i ed on t h e po i nt , no t th e °art. En The ATTORNEY...GENERAL said had the application iTaeappear by att orne y b een p rev i ous ly made, he should . been prepared t o s h ow th a t th e t raversers h a d sight to appear by attorney. All the parties a rued in the indictment were bound under recog izances to appear in person, and during the present tr ial he should b e un d er t h e necess i ty o f insisting on th eir personal appearance every day. kr. O'Connell said, that would subject them to a ` t ies of accidents that might detain them two hours tv er T he CHIEF day JUSTICE said that was not likely to 'lPen. 1 14 : file name of Mr. Barrett was again called, and he not arrived. Th e Clerk of the Court then ordered Timothy P et , 11 ! Esq., and James Rooney, Esq. (Mr. Bar -1)(it s bail) to be called, and required " to produce the 3 ' of Richard Barrett." eo'reeisely at this moment Mr. Barrett entered the tt il ,, rt, and his ex cee di ng l y o pp or t u ne arrival excited 'at laughter. it a 4 t • Larr e tt apo l og i sed f or hi s a b sence, stating that forss° from his r es idi ng a t some di s tance from town. Calm' JUSTICE said that was no reasontl' at all uch a thi n not attending the hour s of the Court. to 4,(l`eurred again the Court would be compelled rti, °t Pl the recogn i zance% first s e ' 4 ' ) nur then p rocee d e d to swear the jury. The C a -we ll') was Mr. James Hamilton. Qair„Ptain Edward R o p er was called, and then again hatir h is exemption on the ground of age, and Th eti i 4 an affidavit settin g forth his age. k r WIFE JUSTICE—Pass him over for the present. of Il erix objected to the withdrawal of thebeen name ite Per. The pl ea o f age should h the R ecor d ers ' Court ; he submitted av that it l eogl4 ll not b e entertained here. o , o o ° affidavit was handed across the table, and Mr. el4 raT iell ha ving read it, said that it was only a de -4rt.°/11) of a ge, n of an affidavit of any incapacity. on at)p e r said it. was six years since he had served age. Y J a rY, and he thought he was exempt from Th e c bad e taken the proper steps in October last. Rro4 A CDONOUGII objected to the exemption, and del' "et " his ar gumen t aga i nst i t on t h e j udgment ev:,, v ; ee d by M r . J ust i ce C rampton on the previous 1 40 -41 g. Th a t d ec i s i on asserte d, i n t h e strongest an d s e t c , , ei nPhatic manner, the finality of the hex e r s list. One ot` the qualifications for the g' on that list, was being of a certain age c ; ' th e p 'qeeorder h a d a dj u d ge d on that qual ifi cat i on, an that s : °1111 had its e lf asser t e d, i n emp h at i c l anguage, trib h a ell adjudic a t ion cou ld not b e reverse d b y any th st l i al; Mr. J ust i ce Crampton had expressly said A ir Co uld not b e i nqu i re d i nto. t eed r • J ustice C RAMPTON sa id t h e C ourt di d not in %wit° Pass over th e name o f M r. R oper. M r. H enn not ad also per m it hi m to say that h i s argument was th Q 4 item . His judgm e nt was given on th e array t e Wholeag jury panel, and h e had giv e n no op i n i on Tl i th e qualification of any particular juro r . had be C said the name of Mr. R o p e r ulp J USTICE f k , eel"' returned, and he was now on the list ;so TC" Aet of P arl i ament had b een complied with. t0 11 "t question was, whether Mr. Roper was enti cto be pa sse d by. As far as he had yet gone he R 0 44 1% h ard nothing to induce him to say that Mr. per had established an excuse. He rather thought Co 4t il li° Such suffi c i ent reason had b een s h own to the and he was o f op i n i on t h at t h e j uror oug ht t o he 'worn. Stepp kro per was th en sworn as one o f t h e j ury. medicn Park er was then called, and handed ina luabiliatlyeteertificate from S urgeon Ki r by, st a ti ng his kr attend. 4 Wo r ,, a ncel a li cent i ate apothecary was called and it e ". He s a id he knew and attended Mr. Parker. eite: as laboluing at present under great nervous / S elit'--(Laughter.) In his (witness's) opinion, he tbc,u riot in state to attend to the present case. lie had gilt it would be fatal to him to attend. He had `ier?°l)lexy twice. ,B,B"examined by Mr. MACDONOUGII—IS of opi qttte 'll o at Air. P arker could not attend. He was in a ' .g re at excit ement. I heard him called yester diterei went hom e w i th him, and I saw him after kr. m erit Acnor;ouon—Was he hi a state of excite- The.A," ? (Laughter.) It/14 tardtI e T°It"Ir"GENERAL said he did no t thi n k th ere r for -laughter or ridicule in the case at ill. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORNING, JANUAR v 18, 1F144.- But, though their clay be far away Beyond the Atlantic foam— In true men, like you, men, Their spitit's still at home. The dust of some is Irish earth; Among their own they rest; And the same land that gave them birth Has caught them to her breast; And we will pray that from their clay Full many a race may start Of true men, like you, men, # To act as brave a part. They rose in dark and evil days To right their native land; They kindled here a living blaze That nothing shall withstand. Alas ! that Might can vanquish Right— They fell and pass'd away; But true men, like you, men, Are plenty here to-day. Then here's their memory—may it be For us a guiding light, To cheer our strife for liberty, And teach us to unite. Through good and ill, be Ireland's still, Though sad as theirs your fate; And true men be you, men, Like those of Ninety-Eight. These were the publications, continued the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, by which it was intended to poison the minds of the people ; this was one single specimen of this volume. He had examined the publications of 1797, and in the Press, a paper published at that period, he had found nothing more exciting. On the 29th of April an article appeared, called " Something is Coming." The Learned Gentleman then read the article at length. It contained allusions to sympathy from France and America, and it exhorted the people to watchfulness, patience, and courage. It said that Eng land was crippled, and her finances were declining, but called on the people not to be premature. It then referred to the meeting of 300,000 persons, which it said would baffle the foe. In the same publication there was an article headed " Our Nationality," which stated that they had no foes but the Saxons, and they ought not to de spair. Tipperary had exhibited itself in peaceful array, and that 20,000 Tipperary men, who would as soon be called on to pay their blood as their subscriptions, would not form a bad national guard for Ireland. He had stated what Ns as the opinion of the late Govern ment with respect to the repeal of the union, and he would now read the declaration made by Sir R. Peel in the House of Commons on the 9th of May. The Learned Gentleman then quoted the words used by Sir Peel on that occasion, in which he said that a repeal of the union meant a dismemberment of the empire, and every prerogative of the Crown and the Executive would be used to put it down. A similar declaration was made by the Duke of Wellington in the House of Lords. Within five days after that declaration the meeting at Mullingar took place. At that meeting Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Steele, Dr. Gray, and Mr. Barrett, were present. There was a great display of banners at it, and the bands of the Temperance Societies, which he believed were formed with no political motive by the Rev. Gentleman who was at the head of them, were present, and as in the year 1797 sobriety was recommended by the United Irishmen, so it was also recommended at present. On one of the banners was inscribed the motto, " That a na- tion of 9,000,000 was too great to be dragged at the tail of another nation." Mr. Barrett spoke at the dinner after that meeting, and said that they would crouch, but crouch like the tiger, ready to spring forward on those who would touch their independence. The Learned Gentleman then described the meetings which took place in Cork and other places, and the language which had been used at them by Mr. O'Connell, the Right Rev. Dr. Cant well, Dr. Higgins, and other speakers, which has been before the public before. The next meeting took place at Longford, on the 28th of May. At this meeting Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Steele were present, at which between 60,000 and 200,000 persons were said to be present. Persons from the diocese of Ardagh, which extended to seven counties, were present. Parties from the several counties came attended by bands. No less than eight bands were present. The platform was sur mounted with the motto, "Ireland for the Irish, and the Irish for Ireland." On one of the banners it was, that a nation of 9,000,000 was too great to be dragged at the tail of another nation. At that meeting Mr. O'Connell spoke, and asked whether France and America would sit quietly by while they saw Ireland trampled under foot. From this it was clear that it was the interference of France and other Powers which was to right Ireland, and not any constitutional means. He also said that if they were at tacked he would, in their name, set those who attacked them at defiance. At the dinner, which took place in the evening, and at which Dr. Gray was present, Mr. O'Connell used language similar to what he used at Cork. In the Pilot of the 31st May Mr. O'Con nell corrected that portion of his reported speech, in which he called the British army " a ruffian soldiery," and he deelared that he never applied the term " ruffian" to the army, for if he had done so it would be false. The object of his now referring to that correction of the traverser's speech would be seen presently. The next meeting to which he would advert was one held at Drogheda on the sth of June, at which Mr. Barrett, Dr. Gray, and the Rev. Mr. Tyrrell, since deceased, were present, and there was also a dinner in the evening, at which Mr. Steele and Mr. Barrett made speeches in which were passages alluding to what the speakers would be desirous of doing in case the people of Ireland were driven to resistance. On the Bth of June there were also a meeting and dinner at Kil kenny, when Mr. O'Connell, speaking of the sergeants of the British army, expressed a hope that they would soon be in a position to become commissioned officers. Two days after that meeting an article appeared in the newspaper of one of the travereers, headed The Mora lity of War ;" it should rather be headed " The Morality of Rebellion." In that article the writer pointed out what he conceived the circumstances under which war was justifiable. That article showed the parity of design which existed between the conspirators. At Mallow the next meeting was held, and at it there were said to be present between 300,000 and 400,000, and at which Mr. O'Connell said " that they (the Irish people) might soon b e p u t to the alter native of living as slaves, or dying as freemen." At those meetings temperance bands attended, and the people marched so as to show the organisation that had been effected among the Repealers. In Dundalk the next meeting was held on the 29 t h o f J une, w h en similar organisation was display e d, that he felt sometimes tempt e d to w i s h t h at the Govern ment would attack them ( t h e R epea l ers ) , b ut that was a wild and improper wish, and where Mr. O'Connell said that he never indulged in it. At that meeting the traverser, Mr. O'Connell, like wise pointed out his plan for reviving the Irish Parlia ment, which he stated could be done by means of the prerogative of the Crown, and without applying to the British Parliament at all. Could it be that a lawyer, eminent in his profession as the traverser, Mr. O'Connell, was, spoke as he believed when he laid down such a doc trine in the face of the 3d article of the Act of Union ? No ; it was laid down for the purpose of lulling the apprehensions of the authorities. The object was to crouch, but it was the crouch of the tiger to clutch its foe in its grasp. At the next meeting, which was held in Donnybrook on the 3d of July, Mr. O'Connell inculcated, as at other similar assemblies, peace and order—the absence of riot and tumult, and that they should have the country shortly to themselves. The object of that exhortation to the observance of peace and quiet, was to carry the designs of the conspirators ; for if the peace were not kept until the conspiracy was matured its purpose would be frustrated. At that meet ing, also, the traverser told his hearers that the Asso ciation would meet on the morrow, when he would hand in 1,1251. from America ; and he asked, what would Wellington and Peer think of that ? In the course, too, of his observations he cited the often-quoted words of Mr. Saurin, Lord Chief Justice Bushe, and Lord Plun ket, in which those celebrated men opposed the usingpn of the Act of Union, in order to show t hat, opinion of these high authorities, the Act of Union was void. He (the Attorney-General) denied that the Act of Union was void, or that by the prerogative of the Crown the Irish Parliament could be revived. He denied that the opinions of the high legal authorities on the Act of Union were such as they were pretended to be by the traverser. On the 19th of July there was a meeting at Tullamore, at which the same large num bers were present, and the same organisation exhibited as at the other meetings to which he had adverted. Mr. O'Connell spoke at the meeting, and told them that he would now announce to them that the repeal was certain. He asked them if he could not call them together at any time and at any day in the week. A voice then cried out, " The sooner you want us the better." This was not the only meeting at which a similar question was put and answered. He said that no General ever was surrounded by such soldiers, because they were the bravest and most moral people in the world. He then spoke with regard to some repealers who had voted for a Tory, and he advised the people not to associate with such persons. Such was the system by which persons were forced into the repeal movement. This was the freedom that was so muc h talked of. Did not such freedom always lead to t y rann y ? The ne xt meeting took place at the Associat ion, in which he be lieved that branch of the conspiracy w hich related to th e appoint ment of arbitrators was first broached. Mr. O'Connell, in making a speech upon the subject, said that the credit of originating the idea belonged to Dr. Gray, whom he e ato to r month called on to second it. Th e next m eeting took place in Tuam on the 24th of Jul y , a t which Messrs. O'Connell, Mr. Steele, and Mr. Barr ett , were present. ythe language of The meeting was composed o f the u sual number, and bands were present at it. Mr. O'Connell, o n th a t oc castiohne, same description.dressedthepeopulee no in inflammatory in of August ; but as it would not be possible for him to conclude that night, and as the jury must naturally be distressed, he would, if the Court had no objection postpone the remainder of his statement till to-morrow. The CHIEF JUSTICE said he would not press his pro ceeding with the case if the jury felt at all distressed. But ho wished to kilow from the Attorney-Genera whether he had taken it into his consideration what was to be done with the jury in the meantime ? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he believed the matter rested with the Court altogether ; but his own opinion was that the jury ought not to be allowed to separate. They could be accommodated in some hotel, and the Sheriff would see that no communication would be per mitted them. Tile CHIEF ejcsTICE asked Mr. Moore if he had cm sidered the subject Mr. MOORE replied in the negative, Mr, Hamilton, the foreman, said it would be attended with serious consequences to their businesses if they were locked up for a month or two.—(Laughter.) The CHIEF JUSTICE—I hope there is no danger of what you anticipate. Captain Roper said it would be a serious injury to them if they were not allowed to go home at night 40 to give some COUSldentioll to their affairs. ' greater portion of that extraordinary case, he would now proceed to open the facts of it. It might first, however, be convenient to advert to the position of the repeal question at the time of the constitution of the Repeal Association. The Right Hon. Gentleman here gave a short history of the various societies, their names, objects, &c., which had been formed by Mr. O'Connell, from the period of Catholic Emanci pation in 1829 down to the formation of the present Repeal Association early in the year 1840. That Association had changed its name twice, and in July , 1840, it received the name of the Loyal National Repeal Association of Ireland, which name it still retained. The general nature of the constitution was that it consisted of associates, members, and volun teers. The bond of union between those various parties was with the view that some such as the asso ciaties should be liable to a very small subscription, in order that the organisation might be effected among the poorer classes. Accordingly the associates paid ls. on obtaining his card of admission. Those cards, one of which he now held in his hand, an swered all the purposes, without coming within the express words of the Act against passports or signs. Parties holding them would by exhibiting them show who were connected with the Association, and to what extent the organisation was effected. At the top of this card was a shamrock, with the words— " Roman Catholic, Protestant, Dissenter." Near the bottom was the date 1782, also a view of the present Bank of Ireland, with the words, " It was, it shall be." The next class consisted of " members" who sub scribed 20s. An " associate" also, who collected ant paid in 205., was entitled to a member's card. On one corner of this card was the word " Clontarf," with the date 23d of April, 1014 ; on the opposite side the words " Benburb, sth of June, 1645 ;" at the bottom an Irish word, which, being translated, signified " The mouth of the Yellow Ford," 12th of April, 1598 ; also the word " Limerick," August, 1692. These names and dates were those of places and times at which the Irish were successful in battle either over the Danes or the English, or, as they were now called, the " Saxon foreigner." Such were the cards of an association which, in peace and tranquillity, never, forsooth, meditated exciting dis content and difference between different classes of her Majesty's subjects. Those cards were formed and engraved thus with the view of endeavouring to rake up transactions of centuries past, and thereby exciting hatred against the " Saxon foreigner." The battle of Clontarf was fought against the Danes by the Irish under Brian Boru.—(Laughter.) He could not see what it was that excited laughter. Before those trials were concluded it would be seen that there was anything but cause for laughter. The Learned Gentleman here went at great length into the history of the battles referred to, and then went on to show that one of the chief means of spreading the doctrines of the Association was the transmission of repeal newspapers to districts according to the amount of rent collected in each, and contended that the press was the most powerful means of dissemi nating the seditious doctrines which he attributed to the Association throughout the country, and referred to the effects produced in France during the Revolu tion by the newspaper L' Ami du People, and in Ireland, about the year 1798, by the well-known newspaper called the Press. He would next call attention to an address to the repeal-war dens, which had been published in the Nation news paper. The Right Hon. Gentleman having read the address, proceeded to show that the perfect organisa tion of the repeal-wardens had-its origin in that docu ment. They had all heard of the Jacobin Club of France and its affiliated societies. No one ever con templated the consequences that flowed from that Society. Yet it overthrew the Government of the time, and was succeeded by a despotism that swayed the country for many years. Having further pointed out the evils of this organisation, he said he should now come to the first meeting of the Repeal Associa tion, which was held on the 4th of Feb., 1843. Three of the traversers were present, Mr. Ray, Mr. O'Con nell, and Mr. Duffy. A statement of accounts, &c., was read by Mr. Ray, many of them consisting of the distribution of these very newspapers he had alluded to. At that meeting was also produced what was now judiciously called a diploma. It was a hand somely engraved document, and by it it would appear that it was considered possible that the repeal-•wardens might have other duties than their ostensible ones. They would hear one of the traversers inquiring why the people could not follow a repeal-warden as well as if he was called by the name of a sergeant. The Right Hon. Gentleman also quoted a very long extract from the speech of Mr. O'Connell at the same meeting, in which he spoke of the relation of England with foreign Powers, of the internal distress of England, of her apparent strength and real weakness, and asking if that was not the time for Ireland. He also alluded to the mistake made by Napoleon in not sending an army to Ireland instead of to Egypt, to the martial character of the Irish people, to the military advantages of the country, and concluding with expressing his conviction that if Russia were to pour out her vast strength upon the soil of Ire land, the people might, if they were true to themselves, drive the invaders into the sea. He (the Attorney- General) contended that though Russia was named, it was England that was intended, she being frequently spoken of as the oppressor of Ireland. He would now bring under their notice a publication, of which Mr. Barrett, one of the traversers, was the editor, called the Pilot, ono of the papers which the Re peal Association so industriously circulated through out the country. Mr. Barrett had taken a part in all these proceedings, and had endeavoured, as far as he could, by means of his newspaper, to excite dissatisfaction. The publication he should quote was dated the 10th of March, 1843, and contained a report of a repeal meeting held at Washington, United States. At that meeting Mr. Tyler, the son of the President of the United States, was present, and he should read them an extract from his speech on that occasion. The Hon. And Learned Gentleman then read the passage, which is the well-known one concluding with these words—" The libation of freedom must sometimes be quaffed in blood." He further read the remarks contained in a leading article on the subject of the same meeting. The speech of Mr. Tyler was called " a bold and statesman-like speech." These were the publications which the persons connected with this Association thought they were jus tified in circulating, so that they might be read by as many persons as possible ; this was the poison which was infused into the minds of the Irish people, naturally obedient to the laws if they were permitted to be so by these mischievous agitators, who, for the sake of work ing out their own purposes, deluded an unthinking people. This was one of the means by which, what one of the late Ministers of the Crown called a revolution in the empire was to be established, which would lead to the forming of a republic in Ireland, of which Mr. O'Connell would be the chief. He used the language of one of the late Ministers of the Crown. The next step in the conspi racy to which he should call their attention, was the meet ing of large bodies of persons from great distances, upon orders issued to them, that they might become accus tomed to assemble in these great bodies, not with arms in their hands, because everything was to be kept quiet and tranquil till the organisation was complete ; but when that time arrived—when that organisation was complete—when the hour of England's infirmity might have arrived, then would the people have acquired the habit of meeting and marching at the word of command in military array. There was nothing new in this; it would be found, that for every stage of this conspiracy there was precedent. The same course was adopted in 1797, before the Rebellion. This was a matter of his tory. lie then quoted a passage from the Report of the Committee of Secresy, appointed by the House of Com mons to inquire into the causes of the Rebellion, in which the assembling of the people in this manner, under various pretences, was described. The first monster meeting was held at Trim, on the 16th of March, 1843. Three of the traversers, Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Barrett, and Mr. Steele, were present. A dinner was given the same day, at which Mr. Barrett returned thanks for the toast of " the people." He urged the people to be tranquil, to be well organised, and when they were so, Ireland had oHly to stamp its foot to be free. At the same dinner Mr. O'Connell spoke. He quoted a long extract from the speech then made, which contained the declaration that nothing could be hoped for Ireland from an English Parliament. It was a remarkable fact, that during the whole of last session not a single petition was presented from Ireland in favour of the much loved repeal. This was not to be wondered at, when at these meetings the people were told that nothing but injustice was to be expected from it. But now they were told that, since these prosecutions, there had sprung up a great demand for parchments. These meetings could not well be held without some pretext, and it was to be pretended that they were held for the consti tutional purpose of petitioning. He then al luded to the establishment of the paper which they were aware was called the Nation, the proprietor of which was Mr. Duffy. This was also one of the papers circulated by the Association. Now he believed the saying had passed into a proverb, " I will give you the making of the laws of the country if you will give me the making of its ballads." It was singular that the writing of seditious poetry, as a principle, was not car ried out for the first time in this country. The same circumstance was mentioned in the Report of the Com mittee of Secresy, already alluded to, and it was now again thought advisable to poison the minds of the people by such seditious songs. This poetry had been pub lished in a small volume, entitled the " Spirit of the Nation," and from this work he should read one extract, it being the song called the " Memory of the Dead." The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then read it as fol lows : Who fears to speak of Ninety-Eight ? Who blushes at the name ? When cowards mock the patriots' fate, Who hangs his head for shame ? He's all a knave, or half a slave, Who slights his country thus; But a true man, like you, man, Will fill your glass with us. We drink the memory of the brave, The faithful and the few— , Some lie far off beyond the wave, Some sleep in Ireland, too; All—all are gone—but still lives on The fame of those who died; All true men, like you, men, Remember them with pride. Some on the shores of distant lands Their weary hearts have laid, And by the stranger's heedless hands Their IQueJy gravel were wade; Mr. MACDONOUGII--Many things occur in this Court which are matter for ridicule. The CHIEF JusTicE—We must excuse Mr. Parker. Dimond Clarke was next called and sworn. Benjamin Heaton, architect and builder, was the next juror called. He begged to be excused, in con sequence of incapacity to serve, from severe bodily pain with which he was affected, by reason of a hurt he received in falling from a scaffold, during the pur suit of his business. He had a certificate from Sur geon Hart, stating his inability to serve, and he was sworn to that effect. Ile was excused. Francis Faulkner was next called and sworn. John Cook was next called and sworn. Henry Flynn was called and sworn. Henry Thompson was called and sworn. Anson Floyd was called and sworn. John Rigby was next called. He asked the Court to excuse him, as he had been summoned as John Rigby, his name being John Jason Rigby. A few questions were put to him, which identified him as being the proper person, and he was accordingly sworn. Robert Hanna was called and sworn. William Longfield was called and sworn. William Ord was the last person called and sworn. The following persons were then called over and answered to their names :—James Hamilton, Upper Ormond-quay, Foreman ; Capt. Edward Roper, Upper Eccles-street; Edward Clarke; Francis Faulkner, Grafton-street ; John Croker, North Great Georges-street; Henry Flynn, William-street; Henry Thompson, Eustace-street ; Anson Floyd, Wellington Quay ; John Rigby, Great Brunswick street ; Robert Hanna, Henry-street ; William Long field, Harcourt-street ; William Ord, Cork-street. The names of the several traversers, Daniel O'Con nell, John O'Connell, Thos. Steele, C. G. Duffy, Rich. Barrett, John Gray, and the Rev. Mr. Tierney were then called over and placed upon their trial. Mr. NAPIER then opened the pleadings, setting forth the nature of the case as stated in the opening of the Attorney-General. here were eleven counts in the indktment, to which the traversers pleaded not guilty. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL then rose and addressed the Court and jury. He commenced by saying, that the jury had been impannelled on the present occasion to perform the duty of deciding on the guilt or innocence of the several traversers, and it would not be necessary for him to impress on their minds the necessity of giving their anxious and undivided attention to such a mo mentous cause. Mr. Napier had told them the nature of the charge against the several traversers, but to L.,press it on their minds, and that they might be able to understand the cause as it proceeded, he would call their attention to it again. The traversers stood indicted fur havir p conspired together and confederated to create discontent and disaffection among her Majesty's subjects, and to excite them to hatred and contempt oftlie Government and Constitution of the realm as by law established, and to stir up hatred and be tween the different classes of her Majesty's subjects, particularly in Ireland ; to excite discontent and dis affection in the army ; and to cause large numbers of persons to meet together at ' different times and places for the unlawful purpose of obtain ing, by means of the intimidation thereby created, and by the exhibition of great physical force, changes and alterations in the law and Constitution of the realm as by law established, and particularly by these means, to bring about a dissolution of the Legislative Union ; and by means of seditious ad dresses, publications, and by intimidating Parliament, to bring about changes in the law of the realm, and to bring into contempt and hatred the tribunals for the administration of justice, and to diminish the confidence of the Queen's subjects in the admi nistration of the law therein, and to assume the pre rogative of the Crown with regard to the administra tion of justice. Having thus brought under the no tice of the jury the charges upon which the defendants stood indicted, it would be convenient and proper for him to make a few observations with regard to the law of conspiracy. The law, however, they would take from the Court and not from him. Conspiracy was a crime created when persons combined or agreed to do some illegal act, or conspired to do a legal act by unlawful means. Such was the law laid down by Lord Denman, Mr. Justice Parke, and Mr. Justice Pattison in the 4th volume of Barnewall and Alder son, page 349. The same principle was laid down in this Court in the case of Forbes, reported by Mr. Greaves. The same doctrine was laid down in the case of the Queen v. Murphy, in the 9th volume of Carrington and Payne, page 310, by Mr. Justice Coleridge. If they believed that the several defendants had been engaged in a common design to obtain the objects they had in view by the means pointed out in the indictment, in that case the acts and words of any one became evidence against the others, though they had not committed those acts or spoken the words themselves. The Learned Counsel quoted 6th Term Reports, page 527, Watson's case, reported in the se cond volume of Howard's State Trials in support of this position. In the case reported in 9th Carrington and Payne, page 275, a case not unlike the present, two defendants were found guilty. The same view was held in the case of the King v. Redhead, otherwise Yorke, reported in the 25th volume of the State Trials, page 1,004. There was a very important case in the 3d volume of Starkie's Nisi Prius, page 76, namely the case of Redford v. Burley, to which he wished particularly to call the attention of the Court awl Jury. It was an action of trespass brought against some persons who dispersed a meeting in Manchester. The trial took place before Mr. Justice Holroyd, and a verdict was given for the defendants, thereby esta blishing the illegality of the meeting. The case was then brought by motion before the full Court, consist ing of Lord Tenterden, Mr. Justice Bayley, Mr. Justice Holroyd, and the present Lord Wyn ford. They refused the motion, and established the law as laid down at the trial by Mr. Justice Holroyd. In the course of their judgment they gave their opinions with regard to unlawful assemblies. (The Learned Gentleman then read the opinions of Mr. Justice Holroyd and Mr. Justice Bayley relative to what was an unlawful assembly.) On a motion being made for a new trial in the same case, in banco, Lord Tenterden, in giving judgment, said the cir cumstance of the professed object of the meeting being peaceable, was not to be taken into account, for unless that was its professed object the meeting could not be held. The real object of the meeting was the matter to be regarded. Again, said his Lordship, others might go to the meeting intending mischief at some fu ture period, when those who had been drilled up to that time without arms had arrived at a further stage of military discipline. They would be told in the course of the defence that those meetings had ended peace ably. Why the intention was that they should dis perse peaceably. That was one of the most danger ous purposes of those meetings. If they had not done so, the conspiracy would have been broken up earlier. Besides, the hour of action had not yet arrived. As one of the traversers had said, the hour of England's infirmity was Ireland's opportunity. The time to call upon them had not yet come. The part of the con spiracy was to effect a complete organisation from north to south, from east to west, before the signal for action was given. Therefore it was that the meetings had dispersed peaceably. Others might go to these meetings, too, as Lord Tenterden had said, intending mischief at some future period, when those who had been up to that time drilled without arms had arrived at a further stage of military discipline. But he (the Attorney-General) denied that these meetings were peaceable, or any thing like peaceable, since they were assembled under the control of one man; who might give them one order or another order, as he chose. Such assemblies were, he would show by high legal authority from the Bench, inconsistent with the law of the land. Lord Wynford, in giving his judgment, said it ap peared to him that the meeting was not innocent, and if it were not, what, his Lordship said, was it ? They had, he said, the key to it in the evidence of one of the witnesses; their object was, by exhibiting their numbers, to induce others to join them, that they might thus be able to overcome the Government. Now, such he would prove was the course adopted with re,ipect to the meetings now in question. There was another case, which he would cite, as applicable in the present instance; it was the case of the Queen v. Holland, and Carrington v. Payne p. 460, an indict ment for seditious libel. The subject of it was on a resolution to the effect that the people of Birmingham were the best judges of their own right to meet in the Bull-ring, and were the best judges of their own power and resources to obtain justice. Justice Little dale, in summing up, said it was no sedition to say that they were the best judges of their right to meet in the Bull-ring or anywhere else, but that the words " the best judges of their own power and resources to obtain justice," were seditious. There was one remaining authority which he would lay before the Court, it was that laid down in 4 Alderson, p. 178, in the case of the Queen v. Burdett, and it illustrated strongly the principle which he .(the Attorney-General) had al ready laid down, viz., that the act of one conspirator was, in point of law, the act of all. The Right Hon. Gentleman having read the case went on to say that haring called attention to the law applicable to the Mr. Rigby, another of the jury, said that he was him self a person of active habits, and during the last two days he had sat longer than for the last six months — (Laughter)—he was accustomed to be on foot for nine or ten hours a day, and he was already beginning to feel the effects of sitting so long. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, that if the Court con sented to allow the jury to go home, he hoped they would take measures to allow no communication to be made to them. In saying this, he did not mean to cast the least imputation on the traversers or their attorneys; but it might be done by persons who were not in the least concerned in the cause. Mr. Rigby said, that if any person interfered with him, he should feel it his duty to communicate it imme diately to the Court. The other jurors made similar declarations. Mr. MoonE said, that as it appeared to be the desire of the Court to afford every convenience possible to the jury, and as the Attorney-General seemed to assent to the jury going home at night, he, on the part of all the traversers, begged to state that he had no objection to the jury being allowed every possible convenience; and he hoped that no party whatever would interfere with any of the jury. The CHIEF JusTicE then said, that if any interference were made with any of the jurors, he hoped they would reject it, and inform the Court of it. They could now retire to theirhomes, and attend to-morrow at ten o'clock. The Court then adjourned. REPEAL ASSOCIATION. The following letter was read on Monday by Mr. Crean : " Merrion-square, Festival of the Holy Name, 1844. " Dear Sir,—As I shall be of course confined by my attend ance at the trial to-morrow, and thereby unable to be person ally present at the Association, I inclose you 11., and beg of you to get proposed as a member of the Association my twenty sixth grandchild, Miss Eliza O'Connell, who had hardly a right to u.e the name as yet. " I hope and believe that in the necessary absence of many of the leading members of the Association not one word of an irritating nature will be uttered, but that, on the contrary, the people throughout the country, and the repeal wafdens in par ticular, will once again have it authentically declared unto them that the success of the repeal agitation depends altogether upon the most perfect peace, order, and tranquillity being pre served throughout. If they wish to gratify me and their other friends they will preserve the most perfect peace, order, and tranquillity. I repeat this advice so frequently that every man throughout Ireland might understand the deep conviction I entertain, that whoever disturbs the public peace in the slightest degree is a traitor to the sacred cause of repeal. " The next point to which I wish to call the attention of all the members of the Association is the great Catholic move ment which is now being made in order to endeavour to obtain for the Catholics of Ireland some legal guarantee for the enjoy ment of the rights intended to be secured to them by the Emancipation Bill—it being perfectly clear that the conduct of the Attorney-General is, on the other hand, a practical repeal of the most valuable right intended to be secured by that Bill. I do not at all deny that the Attorney-General had legal autho rity to make the use he has done of the royal prerogative, by the exclusion of Catholics from that jury. The moral pro priety of so using that prerogative is quite another question ; but this is perfectly certain, that it is absolutely necessary for the Catholics of Ireland, for the preservation of their lives, liberties, and properties, to continue the Catholic agita tion until a legal guarantee shall be obtained against a :similar exercise of the Royal prerogative in future. The Catholics have two things to complain of—first, of the striking off of every single Catholic, eleven in number, from the bal loted panel. This is sought to be accounted for by an idle ex. cuse that these eleven were all Repealers. The allegation, however, is unfounded, the fact being distinctly otherwise; but even if they were all Repealers the excuse would be a bad one, and would serve as a precedent for any other idle excuse that may be given by a future Attorney-General. I would particularly press the folly of yielding to excuses of that kind to mitigate a prominent and undoubted fact, namely the exclu sion of all the Catholics from the balloted panel. " Another cause of complaint which the Catholics have is, that there have disappeared from the jury panel—nobody can tell us exactly how—but by some manoeuvre or misfortune, about sixty-three individuals, thirty-five of whom were Catho lics of respectability, several of whom took no part whatsoever in the Repeal agitation, and about twenty-eight Protestants, most of them, it is said, of Liberal politics. This is what Judge Perrin is reported to have called a matter of deep suspi cion. That seems a very moderate way , of expressing it; but however it be expressed, and especially if it be true that the jury panel was transmitted, as has been alleged, by some of the clerks in the office, to England, it is perfectly clear that the Catholics should apply to the Legislature for some mode of legal remedy against the occurrence in future of a similar fatality. As the thing stands at present, the Catholics of Ireland are clearly deprived of any legal guarantee for the most valuable of the rights we thought we had acquired, namely, a fair and unsectarian trial by jury. " I scorn to complain that this practical repeal of the Eman cipation Act has occurred in my case. I was one of the most prominent in obtaining what we considered Emancipation, and it is quite fit that the discovery should be made in my person, that such Emancipation may be practically repealed. It im poses a sacred duty to continue Catholic agitation again—it renders itself doubly incumbent u pon me to exert myself once again, as a Catholic, to make the Emancipation Act, in reality, what it was in spirit intended to be. " My object in submitting these reflections to the Associa tion is simply this :—To convince the members of the Asso ciation that they ought not to interfere, as Repealers, with this distinct and Catholic agitation. It should be a distinct and separate agitation—totally unconnected with the question of repeal. '1 he repeal should not, if possible, even be mentioned at any of the meetings held for the purpose of petitioning to have the Emancipation Act rendered perfect. There are many Catholics non-Repealers or anti-Repealers, who feel with ' us the absolute necessity of a better protection for their lives, liberties, and properties. Let us, then, cheerfully follow, assist, and support those persons ; and I trust that every person in Ireland will, as speedily as may be convenient, send petitions to Parliament, and an address to the Queen, praying for relief and protection. " It is quite true that those addresses to the Queen must go through the hands of Sir James Graham, who was distinctly understood in the last session to have more than insinuated a charge of perjury against the Catholics ; he was, however, in duced to retract or disavow any such charge, but it is to be apprehended that his retractation was merely verbal, whilst his real opinion may by recent events be practically illustrated. Upon the whole, therefore, I have to implore of the. Re pealers— " First, to observe perfect peace and tranquillity all over Ireland. " Secondly, not to mix up the Repeal agitation with the Catholic agitation for the better security of trial by jury. Thirdly, to continue, in every other respect, their peace ful, legal, loyal, and constitutional exertions for the restoration of our domestic legislature, in the person of our respected and loved Sovereign the Queen, in the Irish House of Lords and Irish House of Commons. " I am, dear Sir, your faithful servant, " To Martin Crean, Esq., "DANIEL O'CONNELL." ALARMING FIRE AT IPSWICH. Yesterday morning, between the hours of twelve and one, the inhabitants of Ipswich were aroused from their slumbers by loud and continuous cries of "Fire!" and most urgent appeals for help. Bells and knockers were suddenly and violently sounded to give the alarm, while a lurid flame lighted up the atmo sphere, and painfully added weight to the cry— " The White H ar t is in flames !—for God's sake get up and help us !" On proceeding to the spot, at about a quarter to one o clock, we found a range of stabling, running parallel with the back of the dwelling house, and nearly eighty feet in length, rapidly being consumed by the fiery ele ment. At this time one engine only (the Tower) was playing. Contiguous to the north end of the stabling are Mr. Ray's extensive premises, built in this place of slight lath and plaster—these were soon burnt through in several places ; at the south end the stabling joined Mr. Hooker's (chemist) warehouse, containing large quantities of inflammable materials ; Mr. Smith's premises and others, closely surrounded the burning mass ; and the all but cer tainty of there being a fearfully extensive conflagra tion stared everbody in the face. Shortly after two other engines arrived, the Suffolk Fire-office and the St. Clement's. The hose of the former was taken through Mr. Ray's private passage way, in Tavern street, and most effectively hemmed in the flames ; the St. Clement's engine also powerfully co-operated with it, by playing principally on the gable end of Mr. Ray's premises, while the Tower engine was em ployed in preventing the ignition of Messrs. Smith s, Hooker's, and Conder's premises. Providentially there was scarcely any wind at the time, and after about two hours persevering exertion all fear of further calamity was removed. The authorities of the town, and many of its most influential inhabitants, were early at the scene of danger, and assisted materially in check ing the progress of the flames—indeed all present, from the Mayor to the humblest artisan, lent their aid with such earnestness and hearty good-will, in their different stations, as to do credit to their hearts. Thanks to them that a much more widely extended conflagration—of the extent of which it is fearful to contemplate—has not visited our town. We are sorry to state that 16 coombs of corn, 2 tons of straw, chaff engine, &c., were consumed. The cattle and harness were happily saved. Mr. Boby, landlord of the White Hart, is fully insured. The building destroyed was the property of J. Cobbold, Esq. Many of the inhabitants of the endangered premises hurriedly sought safety in the neighbouring houses; a great quantity of goods was also removed into St. Lawrence Church, and other places of safety. The fire was first discovered by Mr. Brownsmith, a person living on the premises, who, on entering the yard, perceived some straw on the ground floor to be in flames, which immediately set fire to the lofts above. It has not been ascertained by what means the straw became ignited. In the hurry and excitement some rather severe falls occurred. Mr. Franks, master of the Blue School, sustained sonie injury ; but there was no casualty of a serious character. We cannot close this notice without an expression of regret that the authorities of St. Mary Tower do, not keep the hose of that engine in a better state of repair. A very consi derable time elapsed before anything could be done with it, it being necessary to bind it with list, and have other contrivances, before the engine could be brought into work. The other engines, particularly the Suffolk Fire Office, were immediately ready for powerful action.—lpswich Express. A SENSIBLE FARMER.—A few days ago, a farmer, resident not far from this city, was spoken to by his land lord, on the necessity of supporting Sir Robert Peel and the corn-laws. "Ne, ne," said Mr. Hodge, "no corn hUnilbug for me ; the corn-law means high rents, and high rates, and just such prices as I can get, whioh happen to be always low after har vest. I would rather have low rents and low rates, and then I will take my chance as to prices." In the course of further conversation, it appeared, that in his grandfather's time, the farm in question was just one third the present rent, and though not protected by a corn-law, prices averaged equal to the range of the last three years ; and taxation was less, for w*l had not to par the penalty QV ,Vpattch wal.—Chefter Chronicle. THE FRENCH BUDGET. (From tlie Quotidienne.) M. Lacave Laplagae is certainly an able financier, but he will not easily create a belief in the equilibrium of his budget for 1845. It will be in vain for him to classify and arrange his figures in ranks ; he will never conceal the deficit so completely as not to be found out by the tax-payers and by the treasury itself. The Minister, to establish his equilibrium, has entrenched himself behind an old and worn-out fiction—the distinction between the ordinary budget and the extraordinary budget—a subtle distinction, but which does not make it less necessary to dip into the same purse to meet ex penses so happily distinguished. Expenses are paid by receipts, and, when these are insufficient, there is a de ficit. This truism needs no demonstration ; but we will, nevertheless, take the trouble of proving to M. Lacave Laplagne that his equilibrium is a pure illusion, and that the budget fur 1845 is in deficit, like all budgets since 1830. BUDGET OF EXPENSES. F. . 96,431,344 Ordinary Extraordinary Total 1,372,538,141 Budget of receipts E This of expenses over rece i p t s is the true state of the accouut, and no arithmeti cal artifice can alter it. At present, therefore, the budget of 1845 presents a deficit of nearly ninety six millions. When the inevitable supplementary cre dits, those satellites of the budget, leave been realised, this deficit will be still greater. M. Lacave Laplagne has divided the extraordinary budget into two por tions. The first is of 62,431,344 f., which will be paid out of the loan of 450,000,000 f. The second is of 34,000,000 E, which is carried to the charge of the float ing debt. This is the chapter of railroads. The loan takes its rise from the deficit ; for if there were no deficit there would be no loan. The floating debt, a for tiori, constitutes a deficit. It is true that M. Lacave Laplagne calls this extraordinary resources. We will ad mit him to do so, for words are as nothing against facts ; but still it remains that all the expenses which exceed the amount of the produce of the State domains, the duties and the taxes, leave a deficit which must be co vered by extraordinary resources, that is to say, by mak ing loans and consolidating Treasury bonds. This opera tion, from 1837 to 1853, the period assigned for the com pletion of the extraordinary public works, will have loaded the annual budget with 66,000,000 f. rentes. This clearly appears to be in our eyes a deficit, and the Com mittee on the budget for 1844 was of the same opi nion. Such aro the effects of what are called extraordi nary resources, and which NI. Lacave Laplagne has attempted to dissimulate in his speech on presentinir the budget for 1845. The Minister of Finances has not only occupied himself with the future, he has thought it necessary to give the accounts of the past, and has dressed them up by the same process as that by which he concocted the budget for 1845. lie has cut off with out any hesitation hundreds of millions from the side of the expenditure. We have looked into the actual state of our finances, and found that, at the end of 1843, there was a deficit on the budget of ordinary expenses, to the amount of 540 millions. This was composed of a deficit prior to 1840 of 256 millions of the deficits of 1841, 1842, and 1843, and finally of supplementary credits and extraordinary charges carried to this last year's account. M. Lacave Laplagne, to simplify the statement, does not trouble himself with the deficit anterior to 1840, and finds it to suit his purpose better to stop at the end of 1844, in order to embody in his ways and means the reserve of the sinking-fund. By this stratagem, and by bringing into the account some attenuations of credits, and an increase in the produce of the indirect taxes, he reduces the deficit of the ordi nary budgets at the end of 1844 to 151,000,000 f. As the Minister was in such a good train, it would have cost hies but little more to have reduced the deficit down to zero. M. Lacave Laplagne knows, how ever, that the Chamber, notwithstanding its habitual complaisance, and above all, in voting the budget, will not be deluded by such a phantasmagoria of figures. In fact, the Committee on the Budget for 1844, in its report, page 12, established the deficit previous to that year at 504,000,000 f. If tht re be added to this sum the supple mentary credits decreed since the closing of the session, we arrive at the sum we have already given. The Minister of the Finances cannot dispute the cor rectness of this amount. It has been reduced, it is true, by some annulments of credits, and, as we have before said, by an increase in the produce of the taxes. But these two circumstances do not make any sen sible alteration in the total, and much less, as we have not yet come to the end of the supple mentary credits for 1843. Thus there is a deficit of about 500,000,000 f. in the ordinary budget on Ist January, 1544, and 96,000,000 f, left uncovered in that for 1845. This will be our real situation on the Ist of January, 1846, without mentioning the engagements en • tered into for extraordinary public works." PARIS GAIETIES.—The Count de Rambuteau, Pre feet of the Seine, gave, on Saturday evening, his first ball for the season, at the Hotel de Ville. The gildings and paintings of its splendid saloons seemed to be augmented in number and beauty ; and the dazzling brilliancy of the lights, playing upon the jewellery and rich dresses of the finest and most elegant women of Paris, made this, as they have ever, done the fetes given at the Hotel de Ville, the most agreeable in France. Fo reigners of distinction never leave Paris without having gained admittance to the halls of the Count de Rambuteau. Among those present on this occasion we remarked her Royal High ness the Duchess of Braganza, the Duke d'Ossuna, the Prince and Princess d'Anglona, the Duke San Teodoro, the Duke and Duchess de Gagliera, the Austrian Ambassador and the Countess d'Appony, the Sardinian Ambassador, the Countess of Luxburg and daughter, and the Bavarian and Danish Ministers. Among the numerous French visitors were the Baroness de 31ackau, General and Baroness Athalin, and several Peers of France and Deputies, with their ladies. The supper-rooms were thrown open at twelve o'clock, and the tables were spread with every luxury. The dancing, animated by an excellent orchestra, was kept up to a very late hour.— Galignani. TIPPERARY TRANQUILLITY.—I have been just speaking to a gentleman residing in the neighbourhood of Lit tleton, which is but four miles front Thurles. and has a police station in it. Having asked him about the state of the neigh bourhood—whether he was afraid of being molested, and what precautions he took from being surprised and murdered like poor Mr. Waller'a family and others? To which his reply was simple and laconic enough. ". In the first place," said he, " not afraid, and that's the grand secret ; in the next, I have all my doors locked at an early hour, and with the keys in my pocket, &c. I cannot be easily surprised, even by the treachery of servants, who are all shut out from my own apartments by a cross door ; and though last, not least, we never sit down to dinner without examining our arms, and placing a double-barrelled gun and a case of pistols at each side of the fire-place, not forgetting to put the poker in the fire at the same time, where it is left for the night, in order to have something hot and comfortable for our friends, should they favour us with a visit."— Tipperary Conatitutivi. EASTERN UNION RAILWAY.—WO may nowicon gratulate the public on the certainty of there being a direct line of railway between Ipswich and London. The rival line has been abandoned. The Eastern Counties Railway express their wish to see the Ipswich line car ried out ; and still better than all, the money to furm the railway has been fully subscribed. The shares have, we understand, been all taken up, and we have no doubt that the railway will be not only a benefit to the town and neighbourhood, but a safe investment for capital. These gratifying results are to be attributed to the energy and public spirit manifested by the inhabitants of Ipswich, to which we have frequently had the satisfac tion of giving expression ; and it would be injustice if we did not add that it was in a high degree owing to the vigilance aad indomitable resolution of Mr. J. C. Cob, bold, whose zeal in this matter deserves the thanks of his fellow-townsmen.--Ipswich Express. AN EDITOR'S SALARY.—At a conference of dele gates of the coal miners, held in Manchester a few days ago, the subject of the amount of salary to be paid to the editor of the Miner's Advocate, a fortnightly publication recently esta blished in this town, it was, after some discussion, agreed that twenty-one shillings per week be the amount of the editor's sa lary ! with an allowance of twenty shillings per annum, as a subscription to a news-room, to enable him to see the papers I Tyne Mercury. We have heard that the Monopolists in this neigh bourhood are raising, not " heaven and earth," as the saying goes, but earth and the nether regions, to get up an Anti- League meeting. When such a monster as Monopoly dies, we must expect a struggle or two; but we doubt if its friends here, with all their tine hatred to the good cause, will be able to effect anything in the way of staying Monopoly's progress to perdition. The cause is here, as everywhere else, hopeless.— ' Cambridge Advertiser. PLOUGHING lIATCII BETWEEN Two FARMERS.— On Thursday last, there was an interesting exhibition of rural skill at Terling, when two farmers of the neigh bourhood, Mr. Balls, of that parish, and Mr. Warren, of Hatfield, each of them being quite positive in his own mind that he could best " draw the clean furrow and the level line," came forward to try their prowess in the plough-field. The stakes were an even 5/. aside ; though if the adage holds good in husbandry, that " practice makes perfect," Mr. Balls had somewhat the advantage, inasmuch as he is often in the habit of holding the handle of " the good old plough," while Mr. Warren does not so frequently have a share in the matter. The match took place on the farm of Mr. Greenwood, and the competitors travelled over two stetches in very re spectable style ; but the judges, Mr. Speakman, of Fair sted Hall, and Mr. Ellis, of Hatfield, awarded the a and the palm of victory to Mr. Balls. The parties then retired to the White Hart, at Terling, and over a flowing and a friendly glass, the health of the winner and suc cess to the plough, were given with the heartiness of the Essex yeoman. The affair has awakened a spirit of emulation in the parish, and Mr. John Cousins and his six sons, will plough against any other farmer and his six sons in the county for 1001.—Essex Herald. WASTE LANDS.—ENCLOSURE ACT.-011 the motion of Lord Worsley, a very long return was made in June last " of the true or estimated quantity in statute mea sure of all common or waste lands not being held in severalty, in every parish or tithe commutation district, so far as the same can bo ascertained from the schedules to the agreements or awards, or from the apportionments received by the Tithe Commissioners," and also " A Re turn of all Acts passed since the year 1800 for the En closure of Common or Waste Lands in England and Wales, not being held in severalty, distinguishing the parishes and counties in which the same were situated, together with the estimated number of Acts passed from 1800 to 1810, from 1810 to 1820, from 1820 to 1830, and from 1830 to 1840." The summary of England shows that in the forty counties the total quantity of land amounts to 6,718,523 acres, of which the quantity of common or waste land is stated to be 1,358,419 acres. In Middlesex alone there are 1,321 acres of waste land. The largest quantity of waste land is in the North Riding of Yorkshire, there being no less than 132,815 acres of common or waste land out of a total of 1,897,592 acres, making a total of waste land in England and Wales of 1,860,232 out of the total of 8,616,115. By the second return it appears that from 1800 to 1810 the number of Enclosure Acts passed was 905, from 1810 to 1840 the number was 741, from 1820 to 1830 the num ber was 192, and from 1830 to 1840 the number of En closure Acts was 125. FRANCE. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—SITTING OE JAN. 15. IitEREYER'S DEFENCE OF TUE OLD ROYALISTS. The President took the chair at a Quarter to Two o'Clock. The attendance of Deputies was unusually great, and the appearance of the Chamber was particularly animated. M. Thiers, M. Odillon 13arrot, and M. Berryer were present. After some preliminary busi ness, silence was called, and amidst marks of general interest, M. Berryer s*cended the tribune. He had, he said, asked for permission to address the Chamber first, because he felt it necessary to speak on the journey. to London, previously to the discussion on the Ad dress. He could remain present for one single mo ment at the discussion --- A voice from the seat reserved to the Peers (said to be General Excelmans) here cried out, " Oh, that's evident." _ - - - - Great confusion arose, loud cries of " Order. order," proceeding from all parts of the Chamber ; The President, after some minutes confusion, called on the Chamber, on so important a conjuncture, to hear all persons with calmness and attention. M. Berryer proceeded to say that it was not gene rous or fair towards them, to brand the party to which he belonged by such a paragraph as appeared in the address. What was their conduct for the last few years ? Was it not well known that he, and the other gentlemen of his way of thinking, were • the representatives of the legitimist party ? Their sincerity was well known to their political opponents; but their loyalty and honour had never been called in question before the present time. In 1830 a treat struggle had come to an end, after it had continued for a great length of time. Men strongly imbued with particular ide as o pp ose d t o th e Government then existing had prevailed. He and the persons thinking with him had not on that account thought it necessary to quit France—they had thought that, though in a minority, which might even remain one eternally, they ought to remain in the midst of their country and watch over her interests. They had done this, with the full knowledge of the whole world as to their opinions—they had discussed laws since then in the Chamber, fulfilled- their duties as legislators and citizens, and all this with honour and loyalty. They had trusted to the spread of intelligence to have the country come round to better opinions. With that idea had they remained faithful to their oaths, and with that idea only had they gone to England. It was because those sentiments were generally appreciated that so many persons had gone to London. M. Berryer then referred to what had taken place in London, and declared that it was ridi culous to suppose that any attempt had been made to treat the princely visitor there as a sovereign. The Legitimists had gone to pay their respects to the Duke de Bordeaux as the representative of their ancient re membrances, but for no other purpose whatever. Was France, so powerful a nation, to be alarmed at the proceedings of a few loyal gentlemen ? He pro tested strongly against the paragraph, and declared formally that there was no conspiracy— no intention to act against the existing Government in France— nothing beyond the natural desire of the Legitimist party to pay honour to the head of their opinions.— (Loud marks of dissent arose here, and continued for some time. In the midst of the noise the Hon. Deputy made two or three attempts to speak, but ineffecta ally.) When order was restored, he declared that u the Chamber would not give him a hearing, he felt himself obliged to desist.—(He then descended from the tribune, amidst very general marks of disap• pointment.) The Minister of Foreign Affairs remarked that he regretted that the Hon. Gentleman had ceased speak ing. The Chamber had listened to him, if not pa tiently at least attentively, and he called on him to continue his discourse, as he might be assured that he should be fairly attended to.—(Hear, hear.) M. Berryer then resumed, and, with great anima tion, declared that the only conspiracy of London was a wish, on the part of the Legitimist party, to be useful to their country in every possible way. No Deputy had betrayed his loyalty and faith in England more than any person then listening to him. Their principles might be opposed or rejected, but he could guarantee the good faith and loyalty of every Member of the Chamber who had visited London. Referring to the sanctity of the oaths, which had been frequently alluded to, the Hon. Deputy declared that he—and ha could also say the other Legitimists of the Chamber —had never done any thing to lead any one to sup pose that they had been or ever would be violated.— (Loud cheers from the Legitimist party.) The Minister of Foreign Affairs rose to address the Chamber. He was well pleased that M. Berryer had spoken with full liberty, were it only for the honour and character of the Chamber. With respect to the paragraph of the address, the facts that had taken . place were abetter reason for its insertion than anything he could say. The meetings at London had been held with the utmost seriousness and pomp, and it was even deemed requisite to have the three orders of the king dom present.—(Hear, hear.) The parties thus meet ing had been actuated by very different motives from those which had set in movement the various Cabinets since 1830. The watchword of the men of the Revo lution was liberty and public order; whilst that of the Legitimists was a tight which they-said was greater than all others--the divine right of Kings. The Hon. Member then drew a striking picture of the difference which was always perceptible i• the conduct of the present and former dynasties. He referred briefly to the shock given to the nation and the Government by the death of the heir to the throne, and the mea sures taken to obviate all inconveniences from that event. He then observed that in order to attack a Government some grievances ought to be observable. What one could the Legitimists find under the present order of things ? All was transacted with moderation; and unless a decided intention was felt to act against the Government, the conduct of the party that as sembled at London was inexplicable. The Govern. ment had always acted graciously towards the Le gitimists, though well assured that such conduct would not be attended with much effect. But that party need not deceive themselves—their designs were known ; and it was the duty of the Chamber to brand them, in the commencement, with the seal of national dishonour.—(Loud applause followed this phrase.) Such was the intention of the Committee : and he could declare that ho considered their insertion of the paragraph was fully called for.—(Loud cries of " llear, hear," and applause from the Centre.) M. Berryer again ascended the tribune, but it was some minutes before silence could be restored. He knew, he said, that when he addressed the Chamber his position was a difficult one. Ho was aware of the situation of the minority. He had no intention of endeavouring to place his principles in opposition to those of others. lie merely wanted, as a member of the Chamber, to maintain his honour and dignity. He should never have spoken, had he not been of opinion that the Chamber was not bound to follow blindly in the path pointed out by the Committee. lie had al ready elected—both he and all who thought with him— that they should always proceed in the career sug gested by national sentiments. The accusation made against his party was unworthy and unjust.—(Cries of " No, no.") He and his friends protested against the sentiments attributed to them. They had gone over to London to pay their personal respects. What ever else was alleged against them, he there declared, in the most unreserved and formal manner, to be false. He and his friends would never act in any way against the honour, the institutions, or liberty of France.—(Loud marks of disbelief from the Ministe rial ranks followed this declaration, with applause from the extreme right.) M. Dupin followed. lie declared that the Legiti mist party was still what it had always been, impru dent and headstrong. From 1789 to 1830 it had al ways been tending towards the same point, and no warnings or examples had been sufficient to turn them from the faults that seemed inherent in its constitution. The Hon. Member then spoke for some time against the late manifestation in London, and concluded by main taining the necessity of inserting the paragraph in the address which referred to the Legitimist party. The Duke of Valmy next addressed the Chamber. He felt convinced, he observed, that in what he was about to say he should speak the sentiments of the na tion.—(Strong marks of dissent.) He denied that the legitimacy was near its termination, as was alleged. The Minister of Foreign Af fairs had spoken of the Government having been ge nerous towards the Legitimate party. They dis dained such generosity.—(Oh, oh.) lie maintained that it was a mere farce to propose to the Chaml ers to brand a minority with reprobation. The majority only abused its strength in acting so. He rejected with indignation the allegations of disloyalty, and protested against the insertion of the paragraph. M. Bethmont, an opposition deputy, then ad dressed the Chamber, and entered into explanations relative to his share in inserting the paragraph. He denied that the address, in its totality, met with his approbation. M. de Saint-Marc Girardin, the reporter of the Committee and drawer of the address, declared that there had been the utmost unanimity amongst the members of the Committee on every point that might seem to refer to the question at issue. M. Beth moat had not made the slightest objection to the pa ragraph which he then seemed inclined to oppoee. Every care had been taken to obtain information on the journey to London, and it was only after consider ' ing the Legitimists as culpable in their proceedings that they had determined to insert thepnie r : They could not undoubtedly say how t ho would look on the matter, b u t they had thoug ht it that the con safer to insert the paragrap h, de" Tto g the principles duct of the Legitimis ts was oppose of the revolution of 1 dp. Legitimist deputy, entered en oa te t r h ed t i a r e o n an in ex aminationth Chamber, and declared that he considered himself to A itrog act correctly and faithfully as far as it was conceived, if he obeyed Ow laws of the country.