The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-22 00:00:00

beg 0 2 0 ' crof t L2'7o terl r tioo 0r 0 0 th d , tild , ,; inistration of justice, and who adopted a course which he should not condescend to designate as it de „„„served to be d es i gnate d . — ( Ch eers.) The text step i n the Proceedings was when the bills were found, on or about Bth November. The bi!ls of indictment having bee „ n brou g h t d own, the defendants required copies of "'era ; and, under the 60th of George the Third, they l'ere entitled to them free of expense. Fortunately for ana (Mr. Smith), the first step of the defendants in the P r eceedings had p pout him un his guard, and he antici- P 4 tted th at every attempt at delay would be made ; and tae he Proceeded h o wou ld prove to t h e H ouse h ow d e - . nninedly this intention had been carried out.— (he ara.) The defend an t s a ppli e d f or e i g ht co t,es to their surprise, if not to their annoy tii'ee, the e i g h t copies were ready prepared for 4tn•—(Cheers.) But they were intitled to certified pies, and the slightest clerical error might have been eductive of the greatest evil. The consequences had ueen foreseen, and the greatest portion of the enactment tsCnearly all of it—had been printed, and, fortunately, :eight copies turned out perfeAly correct. The next ,!•el 3 of the defendants was to give nine notices of mo :lett, the object being to avoid being forced during the nu to plead the general issue, and thus again to c .,,,ase some more delay.— (Hear, hear.) Next ;re the application to the Court on the ground of the i n ' e l l i l "aes names not being indorsed on the back of the mctinent, chnent, and the application of three of the parties anply for a copy of the names of the witnesses—the il !** being thus varied by the traversers in order the it better to ensure delay.—(Hear, hear.) He considered ttZessary, knowing as he did well, the motive for k J? Proceedings, to oppose vigorously all these did thus brought before the Court, and he e n s o successfully, the whole Court being ,„,a,ainiously in his favour. Another application was Zoe on the same day to set aside the rule to plead, be- Zse k _the cap t i on of the indictment was not annexed to eatended again was he successful in his opposition. All tended for was to abide in these, as in other pro f(ZaCa, by what, as he thought, had been the uni- Practice of the Court. Here and here alone the .„, — "as not una n i mous in his f a vo ur . Mr. Justice pr -'''n took a different view of the law and the th: ct ien to what he (Mr. Smith) did, but the Tee others coincided with him.—(Loud cheers.) n ext step t a k e n t o crea t e d e l a y, was t o t en d e r Q i etts in abatement to the indictment. This was on ga sh the 14th of November. Then they tried to sti e indictment because the witnesses whose evi 'AZ was to support it had not been sworn in Court. def end two matters he resisted, and successfully. The whrldants had taken five days to prepare their pleas, to h e ,,eh he put in a demurrer, and on the 20th of liovem for' he (Mr. Smith) applied to have the demurrer fixed igi si ltPitient on the following morning. When he ap , ti ts or this, he was encountered by the argument that Ipl e metendant s were entitled to another four day's rule. i t the case was argued on the 21st of November, and i a ' t : L as decid e d unan i mous l y b y t h e C ourt . t h at t h e p l eas en l ate nient were invalid, and that the demurrers taken eli s : e Part of the Crown must be allowed.—(Leud ‘,„ 4 .) S o th at, at l engt h , af ter ever e ff ort for delay, fro % ev ery plan had been resorted to, he had extorted k w the defendants a plea that they were not guilty. kg be wish e d t h e H ouse to reco ll ect t h at h e was a , t ? officer ; th a t i n a ll th a t h e did h ere i n h e tio as vat Performin g punctually and faithfully the func- As t i ' t ttached t o his public situation ; and he protested tmoti,,, 4 thus resisting the successive and never-ending for delay, he was actuated by no personal feel toswhaterer, but solely by a sense of public duty.— ey t h Notice of the time for trial being given lirs t, Trown, the defendants opposed it on two grounds sot t i„,at, from the magnitude of the cause, they had airy to prepare for trial ; secondly, that the special lli st '" f E, for the year 1849, contained only 388 names— llotas°l;til!ese names between fifty and sixty only were *ere `-'atholics ; and that of these fifty or sixty there ;`,? about twenty-five that could be made avail ' fi t that they could not have a fair and impartial tl te lf.it were to take place, as originally intended, on ofof of December. He had enforced a plea '2% ;" and he could have rejected 4134 r e guilty for a trial by another jury list, o ughtproper.—(Hear, hear.) He had been ; 4 ,, L "Y the Hon. and Learned Member for Worces 'lefc,co desiring to procure a conviction per far aut , tl 4at sv, ll °*, he believed the ground on which the re f% `"at the trial might he postponed until the jury e Ito ° 1 1 844 was prepared—he said he looked upon it ;!te l eP a sonable Vti - What became, then, of the heavy and aeitii:ns'aPutiitions which the Honourable and Learned a, had cast upon him.--(Loud Ministerial - ~" I he trial h av i ng then, with his consent, been :A,'111, 4 7 to the 15th o f J anuar y, w h a t did the tr ave rsers s ought to have it again deferred until the Ist ett.) but to that he would not consent.—(Hear, s'pied. . " 11 the 29th o f D ecem b er , th e li s t s h av i ng been s e ,.. s a e t . o the j urors ' b oo k b y. the Clerk of the Peace, i• • handed t o the Sheriff. His duty then was, at. ten d ays, to make out a special jurors' 1% the 3d of January the Sheriff waited 4 4, . N P9er officer with the jury list for 4 th a , e,ot the charges brought against the Crown, :steLivir. Mahoney, or one of his assistants, Viejt ot , - "A that he had applied to the Crown ? that the clerk of the peace should give copies igath a .l7 list both to the traversers and the Crown, t li s Remmis would not consent. The reason h e t, t i l l this. He was in total ignm'ance of the jury t he * lle o'clock of the night of the 3d January ; ,ti,e_reklensidered they were not complete until they l i ;sY It ot 7e , sheriff' s hands. Had they consented to this have .. , consented to give a copy of a jury the tu fact, had no existencein point of law. V s : .. sli nt 4 of. November, it was agreed upon that the be tried by the jury-list as revised the . What was the nature of that revision ? had been served by the attorneys for led — exaers on all those citizens who were qua , L ., se 11 , 43 as jurors, and who were Re 'time e /Intl :tut:id before the Recorder. At the same tpg hostile ' Re le Was served by the same party on every 44, no, appea r in hertzonseive who was considered as . likely ela f to them that if they wa s court to Support their claim, although application_ would be treeneto.have their names striick off. This was the act ttsi of those p.erfeevt733. evrs,:htde, ing ' l3o llt th wb9 declaimed so much about liberty, mealy ohj ec i e Purity of the administration of justice. %ette was to pick and cram the jury box with l ts a L iste r i ai Tint repeal opinions.—(Hear, hear, from the Ved) e " ene hes.) He (the Attorney-General for hey rib) t o nsented to the revision of the jury, in order bpisd li r "fraers might have no excuse for saying hi as haet,neen fairly and impartially dealt with ; and I: oh : 1 44 (4d i 'een stated by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, 41 0 7(ltie lsg ,"Ifiti 8 to obtain a conviction. What was the 1 84 ,S Noe ' - v re the new revision. In 1833, only 188 Ca ,* talent Qualified to appear on the jury lists. In il L ;; I !,s of e"ave Roman Catholics were so qualified.— conkilear, hear," from the same quarter.) No th t :u by oe entertai ne d b ut t h e traversers ha d bane jevision of the se list s , an d i n th e manner of th, and the c i rcumstances attac hi ng to it, as s en ,,tlea t tu `:ers of the Crown were concerned, he . felt lieglttea r ,:;,at a British public would refurn a verdict of de irsithstanding the numerous charges that had pee l ON „ gainst them. The copy of the special jury %% It qllPPlied to the attorneys for the traversers the t he th W ," ready. Mr. Kemmis had made an a ' t o • „CI)), p or nine o ' clock on the night of 'me 4 th e January the Crown had not seen a ~,'sCwees „ ,,,,s P ecial Jury lists. The attorneys for 4 11 04 -4 to dr — ' , Messrs. Cantwell and Ford, pro tq aw 48 names from the list so framed. ~.enty„fe`Ltviere drawn, and then an adjournment t he I;''' (leek' hours took place to allow each party e what names they should strike off from t, , ff s `ei wi th gt'eat deal of misapprehension had been bQ ° C and re sPect to challenging the . jury. In . . point leu'ata a . i n Point 141,6 e by b o of fact, he denied that striking off me at.. (ni _u Parties was in the nature of a chal ilit, B „nelr it ` t r e ers.) The Legislature never eontem roet„..e. t h ing when it passed the Act of Parlia tt w itt Oat trt names were drawn from the list of 'ssad t h i !se, each party had to strike off twelve. th the st 2 Intention of the Legislature, when it cede tin t ,r o l al Jury Act, that the parties who struck 114 0 , 141. 4 04 stofrona the special jury list should be tt s t a i l l i eerin . state their reasons for so doing.— ntl y g from the Ministerial benches.) b" s erted, in the presence of the members s are th .: l r, that it never was the intention of the tt i llsorend . i n ;" l;Freons, in striking off the names from tc, 4 the lv ,_hteh should be called upon to state the 104 a!iei ste " .nenced them in so doing.—(Cheers 1 - ‘ ,7 sid e. „.21,,P benches.) It was a privilege given it 'lve 4*cutie hao (11 r ,y ( e,a;_ hear.) The traversers in the had the privilege of striking off Ara thf , he el . , 44 d„,, they availed themselves of th - .ee n re m , why, then, should they claim to ) 4 : 12 t t i nti stai_which influenced the persons for the pant of j a „ rl ''ing off the other twelve names ? On `' z tt t ' n ' ua rY a notice of motion was served by loZe t t on 3 l: l s l l .,a_sh the special jury panel, on ae tt:Y•qsletnbet. issue of certain names. The Hon. and 1 at t nerat I °l . Worcester said that, if the At- Itoelo4 Quash England had been called upon to t e,,,_ t ea , • le tad to for ,".JurY panel, he would have had a sOmNI, to h e r nis honourand his character to have ;) se )4 ' 4 '7 e y e (Cheers, and counter '4l444.-„,tn to Olt Smith thouht that he had de b ant "'lleer e 7Plain a the Hon. and Learned Gen treiee eft, r ea ptle s e s e . o ' d The Hon, and earned Gentleman P anel h tell the House what was to be 4 0 - ‘l4 t :tcl been quashed.— (Loud cheers al- to h en ehes ) Now he (Mr Smith) ld t e llou st ate e one SG an. eountry what would t e this of of that proceeding. He t 4 trite 4 eetl eo "dentl f although and 11 ° *4 Ne t , ertian, ee _ z, or the Hon. J,kai n;haste confi ne iueci to think that all honour and wow.] too the English law-officers of the he ll that \Oti s , - --(Q h re le a , se Hon. and Learned Gen- Mi tt theta.) lIQ touch honour and honesty in p f°lll1 anFl 4 !' e _ would now explain to the C o if ineonv.!na Learned Member for Wor- NsaPeth- tt nid n ot h: ra e,nt to explain. The special 4 ;lt . i ‘ t e speti _v i e been quashed except upon the °, mus t ae Hon. special list for the year 1844 was i 4 l 'd(3,ri ed !ena en:kh Z l O , Learned Member for Wor of i re r art u d that there were other cases / 4 , 1 44 4 Wh et .• (Cheers esides that of the Queen 1 4 weak weal, he was s _f r om the Ministerial benches.) li e sst ts ltrned •O t tapi tants 'Y f lng would not meet the views SIN t ister fl e nTher f ol l ir ,t;ffice with whom the Hon. ypa would y s mighttea ever eer, y onegossipp r hs 4t it wouldll ; but th* Yv son n b aeint :ll I It e(i lt j i ."se to th t° she LY have awnedat he could not legally or Ie wri listt hbw:::4BolBl9thtaeerdre t 0 s . e addition of one year 1 844. bead he con- Iv have and i affecting ever . y . other case o .^o s • n the f or k e th s 4 4 'led th e • Ju kN s tw e i, e Panel of jury Panel, then he must have ;) 8 ,, Months last year, or postponed the t tli k r t tt a k e mPPos e h e *ah,eers from the Ministerial be en hat of sheeted the former course, peensaid by Ron. preceding year, what Gentlemen opposite, seeing that in that year the proportion of Roman Catho lics was much smaller in the list than this year ?—(Hear.) Now, what was the nature of the imputation which had been cast upon the persons conducting the prosecutions in Ireland ? It was founded upon an affidavit of Mr. Mahoney, which had been adverted to by the Hon. and Learned Member for Worcester, which affidavit was of so extraordinary a character, that he (Mr. Smith) ventured to assert that no Court in Westminster Hall, and he spoke in the presence of his Hon. and Learned Friends the Law Officers of the Crown—no Court in Westminster Hall would have acted upon a statement which imputed fraud, but which failed to state how, and by whom, that fraud had been committed. The affidavit stated that in the belief of the deponent, a wilful and corrupt sup pression of the names of persons qualified to be on the special jury list had been made. Now the singularity of this swearing was, that it did not assert by whom this fraud had been committed. Might not, then, the imputation just as well attach to those persons who were connected with the defence ?—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) What was the course pursued by Mr. M'Grath, the deputy clerk of the peace, who was himself a Roman Catholic? What was the course be had pursued ? Why he had actually furnished Mr. Mahoney with the revised lists of the special jurors, while he re fused the same indulgence to the persons conducting the prosecutions, although frequently applied to. This had been stated in an affidavit by Mr. Kemmis. Mr. SHElL—There was no such affidavit made. Mr. SMITH could confidently assert, on his own knowledge, that such was the fact. Mr. Keimnis had told him over and over again that he was unable to get any information from Mr. M'Grath. Mr. SHEIL—He did not swear it. Mr. SMITH continued—He held that it would have been inconsistent with his duty to the country for him to have consented to the quashing of the jury panel, whereby a postponement of the trial would have resulted. Con - sidering the state of Ireland, it was impossible for him, consistently with his duty, to consent to anything which would lead to a postponement. He contended that most of the grounds upon which the affidavits of the attorney for the traversers :rested were only derived from mere hearsay, and he (the Attorney-General for Ireland) thought that such evidence was not worth one farthing. That affidavit mentioned the names of only two individuals out of the eleven who were stated to be the excluded Catholics but he had documents which would prove that most, if not all, of those persons, were members of the Repeal Association, and had taken an active part in that agitation, and some of whom had attended at and signed the requisition, calling the great Mullaghmaat and others of the monster meetings.— (Cries of " Name.") He should not enable the opposite party to place their fingers upon him.—(Tory cheers.) Mr. Kemmis had Sled au affidavit, stating that lie believed the names of about ten Catholics only had been omitted, and he had good reason to know that all those were attached to the Repeal Association. He would ask whether he was to blame, under those circumstances, for not quashing a panel, and thereby causing con siderable delay in those trials.—(Tory cheers.) He could assert that, in a particular case in this country, when parties were tried for rioting, several jurors had been set aside, on the ground of their belonging to the disturbed district ; and he contended that the Crown had a legitimate right to challenge those who were connected with the Repeal Association. The Hon. and Learned Member for Worcester had charged him with not selecting a common jury, for if he had done so, he dared not to have set aside the ju rors as he had done ; but this he (the Attorney-General for Ireland) denied, and would state to the Hon. and Learned Member, that shortly after his appointment, to his present office, he had, without the slightest recom mendation from the Government, written circulars to the different crown solicitors, on the mode of forming com mon juries, giving them directions in accordance with the directions of Chief Baron O'Grady, and those direc tions had been also issued by the Hon. and Learned Member for Clonmel, who had held the same office which he He should now allude to the conduct of those who: bad criticised his conduct. He was pre sent on the occasion to which he was about to allude — he was present, and certainly a more extraordinary proceeding he had never witnessed. A regiment of soldiers marched into the town of Carrick- on-Suir, in the county of Tipperary, and an altercation ensued between them and another detachment of soldiers stationed there, The townspeople took part with one body of the mili tary, and Mr. Pearse, the chief constable, a gentleman of high character, finding the riot becoming most alarm ing, ordered the picket to fire, when a boy was shot. The Right Hon. and Learned Member for Dungarvon prosecuted Mr. Pearce in that case, who was indicted for wilful murder. What was the course pursued by the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman ? He set aside 36 jurors, and of the first 30 so challenged 29 were Pro testants.--(Tory cheers.) He (the Attorney-General for Ireland) would ask, was not that something very much resembling a packed jury?—(Renewed cheers) — and those were the parties who set upon him, and said he dared not set aside the jurors from a common jury. A charge had been brought against him by the Honourable Member for Cork during this debate, and he felt sure that Honourable and Learned Gen tleman would retract it when ho knew the facts. He had said that he (the Attorney-General for Ireland) had been in the habit of compelling the attendance of the traversers every day in court. He would state what he did ; and what he would do again under similar circum stances. He believed that, with the exception of the day on which Mr. O'Connell stated his case to the jury, and that on which the Right Hon. Member for Dungar von also addressed the jury, Mr. O'Connell was not in the court, on an average, any day for more than ten minutes ; and he (the Attorney-General for Ireland) never inquired whether he was or was not, and would have thought it unnecessarily harsh and ungenerous if he had done so. Again, with respect to Mr. Duffy, when that gentleman was unwell, he was informed that he might suit his own convenience as to his hours of attendance. What the Hon. and Learned Mem ber for Cork had stated, in one instance, with respect to the trial being stopped to com pel the attendance of the traversers, was true. They were present at the swearing in of the jury, in order to prevent any legal technicality from being raised by counsel. On another occasion, where the Hon. Member for Limerick took the chair at the Repeal Association, where the subject of discussion was avowedly the State trials then pending, Mr. O'Connell left the Court for the purpose of being present there, and he (the Attorney-General) would appeal to English practice, ifs traverser would be allowed to leave the Court to attend at the meeting of an Association which formed one of the principal features in the indictment?—(Tory cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member for Wore ester had complained that the Government had not sooner put down this agitation, and said that the Government had been laying a trap to ensnare the traversers, But in her Majesty's speech in the House of Lords on the 24th of August, the repeal agitation and the state of Ireland was the subject of strong remark ; and, he would ask, was this a sufficient intimation of the intentions of her Ma- Majesty's Government, given many months before the Clontarf meeting? How was the determination received by the repeal party when it reached Dublin ? Why, there was a meeting of the Association, and a kind of counter-speech emanated from that body, and the people were told that they had no one to depend upon except themselves, and that they had nothing to expect from the Imperial Parliament. Monster meetings were held, and the people were told that the Government were about to go to law with them, that they bid the Government defiance, and that " old birds were not to be caught with chaff."—(Hear, and laughter.) They set the law at defiance, and carried on the agitation in the very teeth of the speech from the Throne; and yet he was told that the Government de layed giving en intimation of the course they would pursue. The Hon. and Learned Member for Worcester had :alluded to the indictment being one for misde meanour and not for treason, and wondered that this in dictment had not been framed in a similar manner to that against Lord George Gordon; that then Lord George Gordon had gone to the door of the House to overawe the Legislature by his personal intimida tion, at the very door of the House, and that con sequently his crime deserved to be indicted in a different manner. He (the Attorney-General) thought the Honourable and Learned Member's law would not meet with much approbation in Westminster Hall. It was of no consequence whether those monster meetings were held in Palace-yard or 60 miles from the House of Commons. Some of the most eminent Judges of the English Courts had decided this point The Hon. and Learned Member had also alluded to the count of the indictment charging the traversers with conspiracy, but he (the Attorney-General) would tell him where he found that count. Why, he got it from Mr. Maule of the Home-office, and it was the one framed by the law officer of the late Government in the trial of' Frost and Edwards in Wales—(Laughter from the Tory benches) — and he had the original document in his possession now, if the Hon. and Learned Member wished to see it. Now, he (the Attorney-General for Ireland) was charged with straining the law, because he adopted a line of policy which he considered to be bad, and that was copying everything which had emanated from the Hon. and Learned Member for Worcester.—(Cheers, and laughter.) It was rather too bad to accuse him of straining the law, when it was nothing more than a transcript from a Whig straining of the law. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman attempted to convey the imputation that the Irish Government had sought to prosecute the press, and that they made a point of doing so. They did no such thing. But he held, and would continue to hold, the opinion that those connected with the press should not be exempted from punishment, merely because they were so connected. Dr. Gray and Mr. Barrett, proprietors of the Freeman's Journal and Pilot newspapers, had attended a variety of meetings, and took an active part in them. With respect to the reading of newspapers on the trial, and their ad missibility as evidence, he contended that the newspaper evidence tendered on the trial was perfectly legal and proper, and the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Solicitor-General for England, whom he consulted, was entirely of his opinion. Those news papers had been identified as having been circulated by the Repeal Association—by the printer for that body, who swore to the printed regulations of the Repeal Association—a copy of which was produced on the trial. W ith a view to carrying out the organization in every city, town and village, the repeal wardens were directed to circulate the evening Freeman and Pilot newspapers through every district which had subscribed 201., and it was further the duty of those repeal wardens to circulate the Nation, a weekly newspaper, in every district which had subscribed 101. It was the duty of those repeal wardens to take care that the papers were circulated in such a manner that every person in the neighbourhood might have an opportunity of reading them. Every man thus became a publisher of repeal opinions, and by the circulation of the most inflammatory articles, the minds of the Irish people were poisoned, and rendered hostile to the people of this country. The system of sedition had been mainly I worked out by the instrumentality of newspapers. Two of the editors were in the constant habit of attending these monster meetings, and was he to be told that the editors of newspapers were to be exempted from the consequences of the commission of crime? With respect to an absent and respected individual, whom he held, and would always continue to hold, in the greatest respect, but who had been treated in a very harsh manner, he must say a few words—the Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench in Ireland had, in common with the Crown lawyers and the jury, been maligned in the grossest manner. The Lord Chief Justice had the concurrence of his brethren on the bench in the manner in which he laid down the law to the jury. It should be recollected that one of his coadjutors was Mr. Justice Perrin, who had been Attorney-General under the Whig Government. —(Hear, hear.) But he, too, agreed in the manner in which the law had been laid down by the Lord Chief Justice ; and if he differed from that exposition, he would have been guilty of a gross dereliction of duty if he did not state why he so differed. The Hon. and Learned Member had alluded to the manner in which the Solicitor-General had sent the documents to the jury. He said they were disjointed scraps, here and there pasted on pieces of paper, and that the whole documents had not been sent. He (Mr. Smith) most emphatically de nied this. The newspapers from• which the extracts were made were sent up, except, indeed, in the case of the leading articles, which had been printed together, for the greater convenience of the Crown lawyers. With respect to the charge of the Lord Chief Justice, he ad mitted that it was not the habit of persons tried for offences to be in love with the Judge's charge.—(A laugh, and cries of " Hear, hear.") The accused often thought that material portions of their defence had been omitted by the Judge, and no person in Court thought so but themselves. In the course of the trial the tra versers had called a mass of evidence for the defence which; properly speaking, was wholly inadmissible. For instance, the speeches of Mr. O'Connell in 1800 and 1810, which had nothing whatever to do with the trial, but were yet not objected to by the Crown. Mr. SHEIL—You objected to them. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—I did not. Mr. SHEIL—You did. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—(in a warm and ex cited manner repeated that he had not done so)—He positively stated that he did not. Charges had been brought against him personally, which he did not think he deserved. Ho had abstained from going into the merits of the case, because it could not be said to have been yet concluded, as it must receive some future con sideration in the Courts in Ireland ; but what he wished to refer to was of a personal nature. A complaint had been made against him, and he thought with justice, of an act committed in the course of the proceedings ; he had been misled by feelings of irritation, which he ought not to have yielded to. The Court having adjourned, he permitted himself, after language of a very irritating nature, to take a step which he deeply regretted.—(Cheers, from both sides of the House.) He was sure there was not a gentleman in that House who would not make allowance for his feelings under the circumstances. — (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He did not wish to say a word about Mr. Fitzgibbon—he was absent, and he be lieved the language which had escaped from him, and which had irritated him (the Attorney-General for Ire- land) had escaped from him inadvertently. Enter taining these views, he should not say a single word to inculpate him—he thought it would be base and un generous to do so. He (the Attorney-General for Ire land) considered that he had received a gross insult— that personal dishonour had been imputed to him— whether right or wrong he would not then determine. Those who knew him would say that he had always main tained a character for honour and honesty. In a moment of excitation the occurrence took place, and had it not been that the Court unfortunately adjourned, it would not have happened, for he would have had time to cool.— (A laugh.) He did not urge it as a justification, but he was willing to go the whole length, and say that he acted with impropriety. He thought that a generous and manly allowance would be made for such feelings under such circumstances. He had explained this matter the more fully, lest it might be thought he was unwilling to admit he had been in the wrong. A charge had been made against him by the Hon. Member for Dungarvon in Ireland—that he had at one time made a speech containing language very offensive to Roman Catho lics. Now, he (the Attorney-General for Ireland) went to Mr. Millikin's, the bookseller's, in Dublin, who had published his speech in a pamphlet form, and by much the fullest report of it; and in that speech, though there was strong language regarding the appro priation clause, he did not believe anything could be found offensive to Roman Catholics. If, however, there was any sentiment which gave pain to individuals of that persuasion, all he could say was, that he sincerely regretted it. The Right Hon. Gentleman knew that he (the Attorney-General for Ireland) had been friendly to the claims of the Irish Roman Catholics ; at a period when it was not fashionable to be so, he had been fa vourable to Catholic emancipation. He would not longer detain the House. He felt that he had intruded a great deal upon their patience —(Hear.) He must own that he had hitherto felt somewhat awkward, and that he did not feel so much at home as when addressing a court of law ; but the kind manner in which he had been received by both sides of the House would relieve him in future trom much of that embarrassment in addressing them, though he would not trespass so grie vously on their patience as he felt constrained to do upon that night.—(Loud and long continued cheering from the Ministerial benches.) Mr. DILLON BROWNE moved the adjournment of the debate, amid loud cries of " Sheil, Sheil."—The adjournment was agreed to. A few orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Ten minutes to Twelve o'Clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedsngs of the House of Commons.) WEDNESDAY, FED. 21. HORSE RACING PENALTIES BILL. (IN THE COMMITTEE.) Amendment proposed to the Preamble, to leave out the words " not intending to offend, nor being aware that they were offending against the said recited provisions of the said Acts, or any or either of them :"—Question put, " That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Preamble :" The Comm►ttee divided : MINORITY—AYES, 27. Barnard, E. (3. Hindle', Charles Powell, Caleb Bellew, ft. M. Hume, Joseph Rous, Captain Bel nal, Captai a Kemble, Henry Tancred, H. W Brotheiton, Joseph Langston, J. H. Thornely, Thomas Bustleld, W. Maher, Nicht las Wall, Charles B. Butler, Colonel Muntz, G. F. Williams, W. Butler, P. S. O'Connell, Maurice Yorke, Hon. E. T. Colvile, C. R. Pechell, Captain TELLE es Easthope, Sir John Peel, Jonathan Duncombe, T. S. Feilden, J. Phillpotts, J. Watson, W. H THE, SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVE-NliNiG, - FEBRUARY 222zi GRAND WEEKLY ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE MEETING AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTION OF MR. O'CONNELL The usual weekly meeting of the Anti-Corn-law League was held last evening, at Covent-garden Theatre, and never, since first the League commenced holding these metropolitan gather ings, do we remember any meeting which could be at all com pared with the meeting of last night, either for the members congregated together or for theenthusiasm exhibited. As early as five o'clock in the afternoon Bow-street and hart street, were crowded to excess, and as soon as the doors were opened the ru s h w as t err ifi c — b oxes; p i t, ga ll ery, o r c h es t r a , and stage were crammed to suffocation within five minutes after the doors were opened, while the crowd in the street did not seem in the least iirainishea. It was •inown that Mr. O'Crmuell would visit the meeting . thiring the course of the evening, and in spite of the - unfavourable state of the weather (the bight was cold and rainy), th e streets leading to the theatre continued to be crowded, notwithstanding the announcement by plaeard that the theatre was full, and that no one could be admitted.• The -majority of the persons who thus waited to show their respect for, and sym pathy with, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, were evidently, from their appearance, a respectable class in society, and nothing could exceed the propriety and peaceableness of their conduct. • Shortly before seven o'clock, James Harmer, Esq. (the late Alderman), entered the theatre, and took his seat at the table. He was loudly cheered by the audience.. James Pattison, Esq., M. P. for the City of London, next made his appear ance, and was greeted with repeated rounds of applause. Dr. Bowring, M.P., General Sir .De Lacy Evans, Colonel Peron net Thompson, IL Cobden, Esq., M.P., J. Bright,"Esq., 11. P., and W. J. Fox, Esq., followed Mr. Pattison, and wore all loudly applauded. There were also present—Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M.P., Han. Charles Pelham Villiers, M.P., John O'Connell, Esq., M.P., William Ord, Esq., M.P., Sir David Roche, Bart., M.P., Lord Charles Fitzroy, M.P., W. Williams, Esq., M.P., Edmund Burke Roche, Esq., M.P., Lord Duncannon, Edward Ellice, Esq., jun., M.P., Hon. E. P. Bouverie, Joseph flume, Esq., M.P., W. D. Christie, Esq., M.P., T. Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P., Sharman Crawford, Esq., M.P., Edward Horsman, Esq., M.P., Sir Valentine Blake, Bart., Thomas Wakley, Esq., M.P., John Evans i Esq., John Travers, Esq., C. T. Crowley, Esq., Sampayo, Esq., Rev. Dr. Jenkyn, Christopher Temple, Esq., Q. C., D. C. Moylau, Esq., Summers Harford, Esq., J. Wynn, Esq., the Very Rev. Dr. Magee, Dr. Sheridan, Dr. Edwin Lawkester, Chas. Cross, Esq.,G. Barrett, Esq. ( Southampton ),Wy nne Ellis, Esq.:M. P., C. F. Tagart, Esq., W. A. Maybury, Esq., R. J. Hampton, Esq., Henry Fenner, Esq., William Edgar, Esq., W. H. Hobhouse, Esq., George Crawford Heath, Esq., Capt. Ridout, C. J. Spurrier, Esq., Dr. Nugent, John M'Leod, Esq., J. Cox, Esq., William Joseph Amherst, Esq., Wm. Thomson, Esq., P. H. Le Breton, Esq., Robert Hope, Esq., George Vaughan, Esq., Alexander Bell, Esq., M. Chauvet (Paris), Samuel Coleby, Esq., George Ridout, Esq., Samuel Ch.rke, Esq., John Hunter, Esq., John Bickers, Esq , Martin Thackeray, Dr. Blandford, Punchard, Esq., W. Drew, Esq., Henry Askworth, Esq. (Bolton), William Evans, Esq. (Manchester), Thomas Harbottle, Esq. (Manchester), W. J. Scott, Esq. (Manchester), C. 0. Boyse, Esq., Henry Jervis, Esq. (Exeter), Thomas Latimer, Esq. (Wheathampstead), R. Bothwell, Esq., W. Thornborrow, Esq., E. T. Granger, Gaural Bayard (United States), James Harmer, Esq., William Loaf, Esq., and Robert Carrick, Esq. (Carlisle). G. WILSON, Esq , Chairman of the League, took the Chair at seven o'clock, amidst loud cheers. The SECRETARY read the minutes of the proceedings of the last meeting, which, on the motion of Mr. Cobden, se conded by Mr. Bright, were confirmed. The CHAIRMAN then proceeded to address the meeting as follows ;—I have seen many great meetings of the National Anti-Corn-law League both here and in the Free-Trade Hall in Manchester, the only two places in the kingdom which are sufficiently large to accommodate even a small portion of our friends, but I never before saw any meeting which equalled in number, in respectability, and in intelligence that which is assembled here this evening.—(Loud cheers.) This is as it should be.—(Cheers.) We are here for no party object—(Cheers)—for no political ohject—( Loud cheers)—and we seek no party triumph—(Loud cheers) and we desire to accomplish no party victory.—(Cheers.) We desire to secure the union and eo-operation of men of every shade of political opinion on behalf of this movement, the greatest that has ever enlisted the sympathies of the people of this country. It is right that we should meet in such numbers if it were only for the purpose of contrasting our meetings with the small meetings which the monopolists are holding in the agricultural districts—(Cheers) --and in some holes and corners in London. —( Cheers.) I could tell you much about those meetings. We know much more of the nature of those meet ings than you could possibly collect front the reports in the monopolist journals. I could tell you of meetings of two hundred, held in little smoky rooms, whieh when full could not possibly accommodate fifty—(Cheers)—of eloquent speeches which have never been spoken, although they have been reported—(Cheers)—of resolutions, which have been passed without ever having been proposed—(Cheers)—and of subscriptions put down, which have never been promised and will never be paid.—(Cheers and laughter.) At one of these meetings a Noble Earl, whose station would induce us to ex pect from him at least an equal amount of good breeding with that which was exhibited by the members of the League—a Noble Earl at one of these meetings is reported to have de signated the Anti-Corn-law League as one of the most bloody, revolutionary, and unconstitutional associations,. that had. ever disgraced the country.—(Name, name.) You ask for his name—it is the Earl of Winchilsea.—( Cries of " Oh, oh," laughter, groans, and hisses.) I will state, for the in formation of the Noble Earl, that the League is not unconstitu tional.—( Cheers.) It is not opposed in the slightest degree to the Constitution of the country.—( Cheers.) We admire the provisions made by that Constitution in order to procure for the country the services of such pre-eminent individuals as th Noble Earl, by securing to them a seat in the higher Howe of the Legislature.—( Loud laughter.) We repudiate the term bloody.—(Clfeers.) It belongs pot to us. --(Cheers.) We seek for an alteration in the corn-laws by peaceable and consti tutional means alone.—(Cheers.) The corn-laws were im posed amidst the sacrifice of human life--(Cheers)—and they will be repealed amidst the rejoicings of millions of our fellow countrymen, who are watching the struggle in which we are engaged with an interest superior even to that which we our selves feel.—(Loud cheers.) It would be unbecoming in me to waste your time by making any lengthened address to you. I will, therefore, at once proceed to the business of the even ing, and call upon James Wilson, Esq., of London, to address you. —( Cheers.) Mr. JAMES WILSON then came f orwar d, and said that he thought all present wou ld b e rea dy t o allow that if ever any individual had st oo d i n nee d o f the thoseindul goneneeoeccoufpying the whom tio situ h a e was whabicoh he uttodiadddthreasts,niigt night,— (Cheers.) He had to address an audience labouring; under peculiar excitement, derived perhaps front the expected visit of the illustrious man—(lmmense cheer ing)—whom he hoped soon to see amongst them — (Continued cheering) —as a witness of their determina tion to support those doctrines which were held not by the manufacturing and commercial body only, but by a consi derable portion of the agricultural body also. They were assembled for the purpose of discussing questions of great national importance —to consider whether a nation, with a population which was increasing at the rate of 1,000 a-day, which was equal to 365,000 a-year, should be restricted in its food and in its trade. — (Cheers.) He besought them, therefore, to subdue somewhat of their enthusiasm, as he was desirous that the present occasion should be made, one, not only of interest, but of instruction.—(Cheers.) The Chairman had told them most properly that they were , met for no party purpose—they were met to promote a cause in which all were generally and equally interested. —(Cheers.) They were met to advocate freedom of industry and of intellect as applied to the industrial pur suits of the country.—(Here Mr. Wakley entered the theatre, and was much cheered.) They were met to dis cuss whether it was better for the interests of the country —whether the efforts of her sons could be best brought out by competition, or by protection—delusive protection. He called the principle of protection delusive, for it was impossible for an Act of Parliament to add wealth to any one class, without abstracting it from some other class.—(Cheers.) All that these Acts of Parliament, imposing protective duties, could do, was to rob one por tion of the community in order to protect another. He had attentively watched the proceedings at the late agricultural meetings, and ho had not seen a single argument put forward to prove that the corn-laws were not injurious to the country — (Cheers)—and as elucidating that part of the subject, he would allude to an argument which had recently been made use of by a Noble Lord at a meeting in Scotland, who had endea voured to prove that, as the corn laws had been made more stringent, commerce and manufactures had in creased in prosperity, by showing that since 1815 the exports of the country had regularly increased.— (Hear, hear.) That Noble Lord had stated that in the year 1815, the value of the exports amounted to only forty-two millions, and that they had gone on gra dually increasing., until now they amounted to 100 mil lions annually. Now that Noble Lord had either for gotten or had never been aware of the fact, that goods entered for exportation at the Custom -house were declared according to their official value, and also according to their real value. Now, the difference between the official and the real value was this : the official value of goods was calculated upon a certain fixed rule, which had been in existence for 50 years, and consequently it gave what would have been the value of the goods 50 y ears ago, while the real value represented the actual value of the goods at the present moment. Now, it so happened that in the year 1815 the official value of the goods exported amounted to forty-two millions, while the real value of those goods was fifty-one millions. On the other hand, in the year 1842 the official value of the goods exported amounted to 100 millions, while the real or declared value, which amounted to 51 mil lions in 1815, amounted to only 47 millions in 1842. (Cheers.) Now from this it appeared that while more than double the quantity of manufactured goods ex ported in 1815 had been exported in 1842, yet the value of those manufactures, and that labour of which those manufactures had been produced, had been reduced in value by one half, since 1815. Did he complain of that ? No I He should say that it ought to be considered as one of the proudest boasts of this country that she was enabled, by her intellect and by her industry, and by competition, so to reduce the cast of goods as to be able to secure to herself the mar • kets of the world, and give employment to her own people.. 2 —(Cheers.) Now how could she give employ ' 'tent to her own people, except by increasing her manufactures ?—(Loud che er i ng .) I t s h ou ld h e re collected that not a single additional pair of hands had been employed in agriculture. It was in manufactures alone that the increased population could be employed.—(Cheers.) At another meeting which had been held last week, an agriculturist had said that he 'could see no reason for their complaining of the - corn'-laws, because at the present time corn was not higher in price than it had been at the commencement of the present century. But it should be recollected that while the price of corn had continued the sane, the price of manufactured goods had been lowered one half. Then let them inquire what became of the fund produced by -this difference between the relative value of agricultural and 'manufacturing produce. Was the state of tise labourer improved? Certainly not. His wages at that time were 125., 165., or 18s. a week. They were now Bs.; 95., or perhaps - 10 s. Were the farmers more prosperous than they had been ? On the contrary, they were ruined: It they found that the farmers were ruined, and the' wages of labourers lessened, what had become - of the residue ?—(Cheers.) Why, it simply re solved itself into rent.—(Cheers.) It was obvious, therefore, that the landlord possessed two pro-eminent vantages ; in the first place it was increasing his rent ; and in the second place he was profiting by the dimin ished price of all the commodities which he had to pur chase.—(Cheers.) The labouring population were un der two disadvantages ; their 'wages were diminished, while the agriculturist claimed to - fix for theni the price 'of the necessaries of life.—(Cheers.) What he con .-tended for was, that if agriculture were exposed to the same principle as manufactures- 7 if it : were exposed to fair and open competitionthey . would see the same improvement taking place in. agriculture which had already taken place in manufactures.— '(Cheers.) He contended that without free competition they could never have that improvement in agriculture which they had a right to expect ; and it was only by adopting theprinciple Of free exchange and open compe ' tition that they could over hope for a complete deve lopment of the resources of that country.—(Cheers.) It was most fallacious to contend that an increased import of food would not be attended by an increased export of manufactured articles, the product of the indus-, ty of the people. What would they be the better, It was asked, for importing their food, if they could not' sell their labour ? Governments of other countries, it had been said, had met us with hostile tariffs, and such would continue to. be 'the case, even were the importa tion 'of food from other countries permitted. Now he contended that it was impossible for us to deal with any country without that country dealing with us. Here the speaker was interrupted for some minutes by the shouts of the people without, announcing the ap proach of Mr. O'Connell. The cheering, which lasted some minutes, was distinctly heard within the theatre. The audience caught the enthusiasm, and commenced cheering, when The CHAIRMAN came forward and said—l have to announce that Mr. O'Connell will be here a little before eight o'clock. Mr. J. WILSON then continued his address. They were told that if they did import food from foreign countries, those countries would not take their produce in return. Now, the facts which had occurred during the last five years completely disproved this as sertion. We had relaxed many of the heavy duties which had previously been imposed on French produce, while France had continued to maintain the most stringent tariff with regard to the produce of England. We had greatly modified our tariff with regard to French goods. We had lowered the duties on silks, we had permitted the importation of raw silk, duty free, we had placed the wines of France on the same footinc , as the wines of Portugal, and yet, in spite of the hostile tariff of France, our exports to that country had in creased daring the last twelve years from half— a-million annually to five millions, while our exports to all the rest of the world had diminished. Then, on the other hand, let them look at the Brazils ; we had with that country a most favourable treaty of commerce—a one-sided treaty, in fact—and yet while our exports to France had increased, in spite of the hostile tariff, our extorts to Brazil had diminished, notwith standing the favourable treaty. Our exports to Brazil had diminished one-half ; and why ? Because we re fused to take the produce of Brazil in exchange—that produce being the article next to corn the mist necessary to the comfort of the labouring classes—he meant sugar. The supply of sugar was the same now that it was in 1811, while our population had increased. While the im portation of tea had increased by twenty-two millions of pounds annually, while the importation of coffee had in creased by twenty-four millions of pounds annually, the supply of sugar was the same as it had been in 1811. It was singular enough that the merchants of London and Liverpool, the persons who upheld the sugar monopoly, should at this moment be petitioning the Parlia ment to reduce the duties upon tea—(Hear, hear) — in order to increase the consumption of it. Did they wish the people to drink their tea without sugar, or did they suppose the ingenuity of the ladies was to have no end ?—(Cheers.) Their ingenuity had already been sufficiently taxed ; and he would advise the gentlemen of Mincing-lane and Liverpool, before they petitioned the Government to reduce the duty on tea, to pass a re solution thatit would heals° expedient to adopt measures to secure an additional supply of sugar.—(Cheers.) It was necessary for two purposes,—to procure for us a supply of sugar—to our manufacturing industry, the largest and the best market in the world. The excuse made by the Government for the exclusion of sugar was singular. That party which, during fifty years, while the whole philanthropy of the corn-growers was engaged in efforts to shake of the shackles of the slave, had uniformly opposed those eftbrts—(Cheers)—that party, at length, when anti-slavery could be made the excuse for mono poly, raised the anti-slavery cry.—(Cheers.) He did not contend that any man was precluded from changing his opinion.(Cheers.) He had looked over the re cords of the House of Commons, and had found that the present Premier of the country had uni formly recorded his vote in favour of slavery.—(Cheers.) If the Right Hon. Baronet chose to change his opinio n , he (Mr. Wilson) could have no objection ; but when those changes became so frequent, he could not con sider the opinion of the Right Hon. Gentleman as enti tled to be considered of, much value.—(Cheers.) When he considered this subject he could not but feel disgusted at the delusive hypocrisy which had been practised on it. But, after all, we did purchase the Brazil sugar. We had sent out 114 ships to Brazils last year; 21 of them had returned with cargoes to this country; the others had taken cargoes of cheap sugar and cheap coffee to foreign countries. English ships, loaded with cheap Brazilian sugar and c h ea p Brazilian coffee had arrived at Trieste, at Antwerp, at St. Petersburgh, and other neutral markets, thus supplying cheap produce to the labourers of those countries who were to come into competition with our own. If it was a sin to buy the sugar of the Brazils, it was equally a sin to supply them with the means of selling it. It was equally a sin to refine it, to bring it to London and Li verpool and Bristol, to keep it there in bond, and to re export it to other parts of the world. But coffee was equally a product of slavery, and yet they had reduced the duty on coffee by the tariff. They had also reduced the duty on copper ore; that was also a product of slavery, and nothing could exceed the cruelties which were practised in Cuba on the slaves employed in the coppe r mines. At this moment Mr. O'Connell entered the theatre, and never did the walls of Covent-garden re-echo to such an enthusiastic cheering as that which greeted the lion, and Learned Gentleman the instant he made his appearance. The whole house rose en masse, and, amidst the waving of hats and handkerchiefs, commenced cheering. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman, who looked exceedingly well, came forward and bowed re peatedly. After the lapse, perhaps, of five minutes, he took his seat. The cheering, however, continued as enthu siastically as ever from every part of the house. Nearly a quarter of an hour had elapsed, and still the cheering continued, when, at length— The CHAIRMAN then announced that, on the conclu • sion of Mr. Wilson's speech, Mr. O'Connell would address them.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. WILSON then continued.—He would detain them only a few moments longer. He would only impress on them the huge importance of the subject they were that night met to discuss.--(Hear, hear.) lie only wished to crave their attention once more to the efforts that were making to introduce these great principles into the legislation of this country. - Unfortunately for this country, they had hitherto found that its trading and commercial interests had not been al together agreeable to the bulk of those to whom the legislation of this country was entrusted. In many other countries the pursuit of commerce was considered an honourable calling ; in other countries, not only princes and rulers, but nobles, fostered trade, commerce, and manufactures ; here, and perhaps it was lucky for them that it was so, trade and commerce had been left to foster themselves.--(Hear, hear.) Had trade and commerce been agreeable to the Legislature, it would have been difficult to have found among 658 men, any who would have supported any Prime Mi nister in any proposition so absurd as that relative to the Brazilian trade, which they had just con sidered.—(Hear, hear.) It would be difficult to conceive that so many men should have been elected to Parlia ment as the fittest for it, who could have supported such a proposition. He should not be able to find a better illustration of the position he had stated, than by tracing the history of a pound of that little, pure, white plant, which was held by the owners of land in this country in such contempt, from its growth to its final destination. Though it was nurtured and plucked by the - hands of slaves—a circumstance he was sure every individual present would as much regret as the Right Hon. Premier himself—yet the uses to which it was turned were not the less on that ac count a series of benefits to the great human family. When they considered in the first instance the magnifi cent navy employed in conveying it across the ocean ; next the "merchant princes" engaged in disposing of it here ' • then the number of persons it employed in its manufacture, casting comfort around the hearths of millions, till again converted into rags, and again into paper, they must confess its importance. That paper again stamped by the hand of intellect with the cha racters of religion and civilisation, was again by the aid of ships and commerce diffused over the whole world. The CHAIRMAN said, before the lion. and Learned Member for Cork addressed the meeting, they would permit him to say that the appearance of that Hon. Gentleman among them was by no means a new feature on the platform of the Anti- Corn-law League.—(Cheers.) They had never held an a ggrega t e mee ti ng o f th e League at Manchester at which Mr. O'Connell was not present. —(Cheers.) They had occasion to thank him for the consistent support he gave in the house of Commons to Mr. Villiers' motion every session that it was brought forward ; and they had further to thank him, because, whilst he occupied the first municipal chair of Dublin— (Cheers) —a deputation from the Auti-Corn-Law League, M r consisting of . Bright, Mr. George Thompson—who he was glad to see was then iwesent—(Loud cheers)— anti Mr. Moore, went to Dublin for the purpose of holding an anti-corn-law meeting; and that meeting heink held, Mr. O'Connell, then the Lord Mayor of Dablin, presided over it.—(Cheers.) He begged, in the name of the League, to thank him for his consistent sapport of the principles Of free-trade, and had now the pleasure of introducing him to them.—(Cheers.) Mr. O'CONNELL, M.P., came forward. His appear ance at the table was the signal for a burst of enthusiasm w•e never saw approached, much less equalled. The whole audience rose, and, standing, continued to cheer for several minutes. Haring at last obtained silence he said—lt was my intention when I came here to-night to have made a very eloquent speech, but I find that that part of the oratory belongs to another. I there fore begin my speech by presenting to the League, from a friend of mine who wishes to subscribe him self " A lover of justice"—one hundred pounds.—(lm• mense cheering, again and again renewed.) There is sterling eloquence in that, and if you only get nine hundred and ninety-nine others to do the same, there is your hundred thousand pounds at once.—(Loud cheers.) With giving the money I am afraid my oratory ceases. —(Cheers and laughter.) For how is any human tongue to give utterance to the sentiments of gratitude and thankfulness with which my heart and soul are filled at the present moment ?-(Loud cheers.) It is said that my native Irish abounds 'will endearing phrases that best express . the sentiment of gratitude, but it would be impossible for the language even of the most seraphic affection to detail or describe the pride—the exultation and pride— with which I witness my reception here to-night.— (Cheers ) It is a generous thing, and therefore yoU have done it.—(Cheers.) If I have ever felt proud in my life I feel truly proud of such' a reception. There are circumstances at the present period, which, without alluding further to them, I may say enhance my gratifieation.—(Great cheering.) I have come here resolved strictly to observe that neutrality in politics which belongs to this struggle.—(Hear.) `But I may be perthitted to say, because it relates to the corn-laws, that the Duke of Buckingham and the Duke of Richmond have begun to suspect that they may be conspirators too.—(Cheers and laughter.) The Noble Dukes, have been to consult a sort of " white witch" in the Temple t Mr. Platt, they call him, saying—" Good Sir, pray tell us, are we conspirators or not ?" (Laughter and cheers.) "No," says Mr. Platt, "you are not."—(Laughter.) And I will tell you why they are not ; they are not conspirators, because conspirators always have a leaning to the popular party, and they are protection men.—(Hear, hear.) " No," says Mr. Platt, "you are not conspirators."—(Laughter.) I would not advise them to try that question on the other side of the Channel.—(Great cheering and laughter.) Yes ; lam truly delighted with the recep tion I have met with— " My bosom's lord sits lightly on his throne"— and my heart exults at seeing such sympathy manifested between the English and the Irish. I have told you that I am delighted with your generosity towards me ; and if there be one natural quality which excels the manly generosity of Englishmen, it is to be found only in Irish gratitude.—(Great cheer ing.) I compare the depth of one to the noble manli ness of the other. Your highly respected Chairman has been good enough to introduce me to you by a short reference, and he did me but justice in saying that I have been the perpetual friend of the Anti-Corn-law League. I am a friend to it, not from preju dice or mere predilection—but from a thorough and conscientious conviction that it is for the good of the people. I was elected to the present Parliament by two-counties in Ireland, containing 1,100,000 inhabi tants—the counties of Meath and Cork. I represent in Parliament 750,000 of an agricultural population. Now I had no means of purchasing their votes—l had no power of intimidating them—l had no landlord interest to overawe their consciences. My election cost me not a shilling ; and yet 1,100,000 people returned me to Parliament.—(Cheers.) They all knew my senti men:s with respect to the corn-laws. They all knew I was the determined enemy of the heavy tax on the bread of the people.—(Loud cheers.) Knowing I have not only announced such to be my opinion, but that I have given my reasons for it so often, so convinced are all these people of the truth of that opinion that this has been the result. They have not attempted to hold a single corn-law meeting in Ireland.—(Cheers.) Yes, they did attempt one meet- _ .. ing, and they were defeated.—(Cheers.) Lord Mount cashel was there, poor gentleman—he was there, and really he made out a most piteous case of it. He said "We, the nobility, owe debts—we owe moneys—we have mortgages on our estates—we:owe family charges." Well, one of the crowd said, " Why don't you pay them ?" (Cheers and laughter.) What was his answer ? Why, " No, I thank you"—(Great laughter)—" I will not pay them, but the working-classes of Englishmen shall: will maintain protection, and get a higher price for my corn. lam disposed to be a good landlord, it I could afford it ; but as I ewe money I must keep up my rents, and sell my corn where it must be bought at my own price ; and by the high price thus extorted from the working-classes, I'll pay my debts—when I choose." There was only one proposition in his speech perfectly certain—that he ;soukd extort the highest price for his corn ; the other, the payment of his debts, remained what the scholars call a paulo post futurum—a thing that might happen at some time or other.—(Cheers and laughter.) But, no later than yesterday, out comes the Duke of Northumberland, and he says, in a proclamation —(Laughter)—to his tenants, you must get up leagues in favour of the corn-laws; for, says he, those exceed ingly conspiring wretches of the Anti-Corn-law League tell you that if the corn-laws are abolished, you will have cheap bread. Don't believe a word that they say. Now, I don't believe him—(Cheers and laughter)— and more, I think I can prove that he don't believe him self.—(Cheers and laughter.) And would it not be a mighty pretty thing to see a Noble Duke put upon the table, and obliged to say he did not believe a word of what he said himself ?—(Cheers.) And I will show you he does not. He wants protection for corn—what is the meaning of that ? Protection means the addition of 6d. to the price of every loaf—that is the Irish of it.— (Cheers and laughter.) If he had not protection for the loaf that sells at ls., it might be bought for 6 d.—(Loud cheers.) Protection, then, is the English for sixpence. —(Great laughter, and cheers.) But it is worse than this—it is the English for an ex torted sixpence. The real meaning of protection there fore is rubbery.—(Great cheers.) It is a robbery by the rich of the poor, for what signifies the quantity of loaves that may be consumed in the Duke of Northum berland's establishment ; to be sure he pays the addi tional sixpence ; but not a thousandth part of the Duke of Northumberland's expenditure consists of bread. But the working man with a family of children, or the widow, pay nine-tenths of their means for bread. They pay tenpence for every sixpence expended by him; and he pockets the difference.—(Hear, hear.) But then he is one of the mighty aristocracy of the land. He is an exceeding great man—one whose shadow scarcely dares to follow him.—(Laughter and cheers.) But there might come another Leaguer—a man of a League for making bread dear—another protection man—another robbery man, and he says, " Oh, don't make bread cheap—that would be horrible. It would causo less em- pluyment, and that would cause less wages." Well, let us see how that is? If we had bread cheap we would get it cheaper by getting corn from foreign countries, where it is grown at a less rate. That corn cannot be imported now. If it could be imported, for every pound's worth of corn imported a pound's worth of manu factured goods would be sent to pay for it, and those nations who had not the means of taking our manufactured goods, then would have the means of purchasing them. Thus, instead of lessening wages, free-trade would in crease employment, and whenever you increase that, it is as plain as that two and two make four, that it must increase wages. The argument then totally fails. I speak, as a representative of Ireland; if the corn-law is of use anywhere it would be of use in Ireland, the agri cultural country—if it raised wages anywhere it would raise them in Ireland, which is a purely agricultural country. Are wages raised in Ireland ? Unhappily you can get a man to work there for 4d. a-day.—(Hear, hear, and shame.) He thinks him a beautiful benefactor who pays 6d. a-day.—(Hear, hear.) He is delighted if he gets Bd.—(Hear, hear.) There is a corn law for you. It is in full force in Ireland. It is doing all that it can do for any country in Ireland ; and such is the rate of wages, and what is worse, there is even very little employment at that. Ireland, therefore, will not throw any impediment in your way in this parti cular. 'With Ireland you will have no difficulty. You have Ireland heart and soul at your side—(lmmense cheering, the whole of the audience rising, and continu ing the applause for some time)—and. have I not another example I can adduce to you at the present moment ? We have present the Honourable Member for Rochdale, Mr. Sharman Crawford, a very considerable Irish landed proprietor, who, before he re presented an English borough, represented part of his native country, and who was a thorough Anti-Corn-law Leaguer long before he was in Parliament at all. You have, therefore the good sense and the spirit of Ireland with you, and it will feel no small share of my gratitude when it hears how you have received me to-night.— (Immense cheering.) The sound of that shout will not die away within these walls—(Cheers)—it will sound throughout this metropolis—it will be conveyed upon the easterly wind to the coast of Ireland—(Cheers) — it will be heard re-echoing along the sunny banks of the Shannon, the Nore, and the :Stair ; they will respond to your affectionate kindness, and all Ireland will declare that the people of England shall not be starved by the law of the aristocracy. I declare here that .I am overcome with . a horror and loathing I am unable to, describe of the injustice and iniquity of that aristocracy. Why, if no corn-law were in existence, no Ministry would dare bring forward a tax upon the people's bread. If, as was done in some countries, they placed a man at the door of every baker's shop to insist on one-third of the price of every loaf as it came out, is there a man in the country, who would endure a tax of such a kind ? 7 -(" No, no," and cheers.) If the Minister said he wanted it for his financial purposes—that he could not maintain thelublic faith without it, .John Bull would roar out an universal—No. Tax anything , else, but you shall not tax bread. Yet, by a swindling scheme of protection, they ,do the very 'same thing. Not for the good of the State, in_ which you would all participate— not for protection against foreign enemies, or the pre servation of domestic peace—but for the benefit of one particular class—the rest of the community is taxed ; not for the benefit of the pnblic, but to go into the, private pockets of private individuals.—(Lopd cheers.) Why, really, it is too bad that you should be called a sensible people if you submit to it. Of course I mean you no disrespect, but there is a thick-headedness about it I cannot understand. —(Cheers and laughter.) Duke of Northumberland, you are not my King, I owe you no allegiance—l will pay you no tax.—(Cheers.) Duke of Richmond—to be sure there haie been Richmonds before you, and you may be connected with Royalty, but you are not King yet—l owe you no allegiance ; I will pay you no tax.— (Cheers.) Take you all, we owe you no allegiance ; and against them we are bound to stand together, peaceable in conduct, but strong in determination —in tranquility—but • with firmness to tell them we will not be cheated, we will not be robbed, we will not •be hunabugged.—(Cheers and laughter.) Oh, I should like to see one of these great Dukes 'levying his tax in kind. I should like to see him going into one of the lanes of one of our manufacturing towns, entering the house 3f some poor and wretched fanaily, the father of which, after his day's fatigue, is affecting not to have an appetitt, in order to leave a few more mouthfuls of bread for his children ; when the wretched mother, while endeavouring to give nourishment to one babe, leaves another screaming by her side for want of food.—(Hear, hear.) I should like to see a Noble Duke, hung round with his stars and garters, lay hold of the biggest hunch of the loaf, levying his tax in that manner. If he were so to levy it the tax would be in tolerable. Yet that is precisely what he does in another shape. I should have expected better from the ancient nobility of England. I should have expected something higher than this from them—for they are not conspira- tors—they are not combined together, for that crime is punished only in the poor—than their meeting toge ther and determining that any one shall pay more money than otherwise he should have to give for food. I repeat it in the identical terms, for I want to impress on every man the nature of this plunder and robbery. I tell you, do not mind their pretences, their assertions, that these laws increase wages. Ireland is an instance of how they increase wages. If I chose to open the books of political eco nomy, and to give the dates and calculations you have' had before from others, I could show you that, when ever bread was cheap, wages were higher, and doubly higher, because of the comparative value that money bore to provisions, and, therefore, doubly useful to the labourers themselves. Yes, and I dwell upon this, be cause it is as clear as the sun at noon day, that though you are opposed by ani mals with two legs, and apparently no head., as they certainly have no hearts—this must be put en end to. Why, was not the Parliament itself packed by these bread-taxers, who sent into the House two thirds of the whole body, by means of their Chandos clause, and their purchase in the counties? Two sessions ago, I heard both from one side of the House and the other, that there never had been so much bribery in Parliament as at the last election. Mr. Roebuck affirmed it on one side, and Sir Robert Peel confirmed it on the other. They disagreed on everything else, but they concurred as to the enormity of the bribery.— (Cheers.) Yet they are your models of virtue and piety— men who are advocates of church establishments, who are ready to fine the poor wretch who on the Sabbath may not stray from the high road, if he were not going to some place of worship, while they enjoy their own car riage-drives unscathed and free. Yes, these great examples for the morality of the country, turn up the whites of their eyes to Heaven at the enormity of ether men's ini quities, while they, at the same time, are putting their hands into the pocket of the poor wretch to rob him of the pence that would feed his family.—(Cheering.) It is too bad. It ough to be proclaimed.—(Loud cheers.) It is just wkat ought to be proclaimed throughout the country. The good and the wise ought to congregate to brand it with suspicion and distrust —aye, with dis gust. If these men will stand by the poor and humble, may every blessing Heaven has in store be poured upon them ; but if they make the poor man poorer—if they make the wretched suffer more—if they make destitu tion augment and poverty increase by the means of this ,tax on human food, I say, shame upon them for prat._ tising such misconduct, and shame upon those who do not lift up their voices, till the human voice sounds like thunder, and affright the culprits, and set the land and the people free !—(Great cheering.) Yes, you are mustering well, and I am convinced that their attempts to counteract the exertions of the League will have the directly contrary effect. We are ready to argue with them, for bring them once to reasoning, and you have them surely defeated. We are ready to meet them foot to foot, and point to point, in debate with them; and the more they bring forward at these meet ings the greater chance is there that truth will spread- The intellect of the farmer class can no longer be de luded. If they had the interest of that class at heart, would they notmake leases, and enable them to live and to feed their labourers, and to assist in any charitable act in their neighbourhood? But no. They must overawe everybody. Their name is Behemoth. They must swallow all. You are engaged in a glorious struggle, and I am proud to be allowed to take part in it.—(Cheers.) It is a de light to me to lend my talents, feeble as they are, and the sound of my voice, which ought to be pretty nearly worn out by this time ; but such as they are I lend them heartily to your sacred cause.--(Cheers.) I may venture to say for myself that I have been found upon the side of liberty on every question which has been agi tated since I entered public life.—(Cheers.) I care not of what creed, or caste, or colour, any human being i s , _ . I claim for him the rights of a man—l claim for him the privileges of a man—the suffraie of a man, and the protection due to a man ; not the pro tection of robbery and spoliation, but protection against every iniquity, however high its position.—(cheers.) I come therefore, humble as I am, to cheer you on what ever be my own fate—whether it be a dungeon or even the scaffold. (Here the vast assemblage—pit, boxes, and galleries —rose, and the theatre rang again with cries of "No, no, never," and when the excitement had. somewhat abated, the cheers and epics of "Never.'" burst forth anew and were continued, accompanied by the waving of handkerchiefs from the ladies, for several minutes, till hands and lungs at length became at rest from exhaustion.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman proceeded. lam quite convinced, if it were left to your: votes, how you would decide it. But whatever my fate, it is no reason why the natural merriment of my temper —(Here the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was inter rupted by an exclamation from the boxes, the purport of which we were unable to catch. Mr. O'Connell re plied " I hope you're honest."—He then went on.) It gratifies me that I am engaged in this struggle with you. I know all the bearings of the question. I know all its value. I know how its success would increase your commerce, by giving you consumers that are unable to buy from you—it would increase your comforts by giving you employment on the one hand, and food on the other.—(Hear, hear.) I know how it would take down the iniquity of class-legislation.—(Hear, hear 4 For the great and weighty reason why class-legislation exists to the prejudice of the poor and humble int this country is this very corn-law. It is the ground of all the evil, and stimulates its adherents to every iniquity. They know the injustice of their position, and they want to fence it round with all the formalities of the law and the powers of the Legislature. But it won't do. —(Cheers.) The public eyes are becoming open—the pnblic mind is aroused. and England never willed and willed in vain. —(Cheers.) She had the folly to go extraordinary lengths formerly in working out her will. She brought to the scaffold the head of a foolish monarch. That was a foolish as well as a wicked thing,. for it scared away the mild disposition of the law, an& resulted in violence, which ended, as violence always does.. injuriously to freedom. That man's son outraged the' rights and liberties of the people of England, but the people of England got wiser, and did not cut off his head, but they sent him abread.—(Hoar, hear.) It is a. folly, therefore, to trespass upon the rights of English=- men. Those violent remedies are no longer necessary ; they are not suited to the times. But public, open com bination is necessary—the electricity of men's opinions -4 yes , th a t electricity of opinion shall spread through all Scotland as well as England. The manufacturing classes are already all arrayed, and the labourite classes find that their interest is identified with the question.. The farmers understand the chicanery of the great pro prietors, and the great proprietors are making that kind of bustling noise which rata make when the otack is. MAJORITY-NOES, 81. Arundel, Lord °sake% J. M. O'Connell, M. J. Baillie, Colonel Gibson, T. M. Packe, C. Wm. Baring, W. B. Gill, Thomas Pakington, John S. Baring, F. T. Gisborne, Thomas Peel, Hon. Sir it Barrington, Viscount Goulburn, Henry Pollock, F. Bernal, R. Graham, Sir James Pringle, Alexander Blackbulne,pareland Orimeditch, T. Rice, E. R. Borthwick, Peter Hawes, B. Richards, Richard Bruce, C. L. C. Hayter, W. G. Roebuck J. A. Buckley, Edmund Hinde, J. H. Round, John Chetw ode, Sir John Hodgson, Richard Rumbold, C. E. Christie, W. D. Hope, Charles Rushbrooke, Colonel Darby, George Horsman, E. Russell, Lord Julia Davies, D. A. S. Houldsworth, T. Eeymeur ' Lord Denison, John Evelyn Howard, E. G. Smith, T. B. C. Dickinson, F. H. Humpheey, J. Smith, B. Douglas, Sir C. Ilussey Thomas Somers, J. P. Duncombe A. Inglis, Sir It. H. Staunton, Sir G. T. Dundas, F . Jones, Captain Stuart, W. Villiers Ebrington, Viscount Knatchbull, Sir E. Sutton, Hon. H. M. Eliot, Lord Lincoln, Earl of Trotter, John Elphinstone, Howard Lockhart, William Walker, R. e-vans, W. Manners, Lord J. Walsh, Sir John Flower, Sir James Marjoribanks, S. Wellesley, Lord C. Follett, Sir W. W. Maraland, H Wood, Colonel Forester, G. C. W. Martin, C. Wykeham TELLERS. Fremantle Sir 'l'. Morris, David Mackenzie, W. F. Fuller, A. E. O'Brien, A. S Wortley, J. Stuart LITERATURE. TRIAL of PEDRO DE. ZUL UETA, on a CHARGE OF SLAVE-TRADING. Wood, London, 1844. In this thick, closely printed octavo volume, we have a full and circumstantial account of a trial which took place some months since, and occasioned no slight public sensation. The trial was that of M. Zulueta, an eminent Spanish merchant, who was charged with trafficing in slaves, and, after a length ened investigation, was acquitted by the jury, at the October session of the Central Criminal Court, Old Bailey. The report of this trial is taken from the short. hand notes of Mr. Gurney, and is, therefore, strictly authentic in its details. WHITEFRIARS. 3 Vols. Colburn, London, 1844. There is considerable talent in this novel, which treats of an exciting period in English history—the Popish plot and its unprincipled manufacturers, Oates and Dangerfield—and brings us into the company of Charles the Second and his merry, profligate Court, the patriotic Sidney, the wily Shaftesbury, and many of the most celebrated charaeters of that inglorious age. The hero of the story is a young orphan named Mervyn, who is afterwards discovered to be the son of a nobleman of high rank and influence. Many of the scenes in which he is engaged are pourtrayed with singular spirit; and among them we may men tion his first interview and subsequent connexion with the notorious Titus Oates—of whom Scott, it may be remembered, has given us such a striking sketch in " Peveril of the Peak"—his introduction toColonel Blood, and to Charles the Second,and Roches ter, and Buckingham, while carousing in disguise at a low public-house in Whitefriars ; and his connexion with the notorious highwayman, Claude Duval, who cuts no unimportant figure in the narrative. The author excels in description, and nowhere is this fa culty turned to better account than in his details of the great fire of London. [ADVERTISEMENT.I—A WONDERFUL CURE Or :A BAD LEG BY HOLLOWAY'S PILLS AND OINTMENT !--I, Ed ward Turner, by trade a carpenter, and residing at Ex mouth, do solemnly declare that for a very long period I was fearfully afflicted with a bad leg.and foot, accompanied with seven dreadfhl ulcers and much inflammation ; indeed my case was so desperate that for weeks I could not even put Inv feet to the ground. I lastly declare, that after every utter means failed, I was radically curedin a short space of time by the use alone of Holloway's Pills and Ointment. Dated Exmouth, 30th October, 1843.—501 d at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand (where advice may be had gratis); and by almost all respectable venders of medi cine throughout the civilised world. In Pots and Boxes, at 11d., 2s. 9d., 48. 6d., 115.,_ 225., and 335. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, FEB. 19. —There has been a very brisk market to-day, and pieces have met with ready sale at last week's prices. 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