The Sun. — London, England, 1844-03-23 00:00:00

witil ' till ). Grin. C Lora C. 14 0 ' f.. 1, s ''N e e . a r To . o f Ca la i bj e ' U t he ?ti i n th it ster_ yt liej ;0 0 ,. 0a er 0 : 1 ll tt o uld n or ioi heck are 11.. • g 1"1 aih!! ' ; ‘ , n 1 r Lnk' o of the k:\ SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS FROM Till: MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. TIMES.—S:r James Graham came before the House last night to demand the reversal of a deliberate decision four days old. It could h ar dl y be expected that he should do this w i th success, nor did he succeed. We regret, however, to say that his defeat has not been accompanied with a corresponding triumph on the side of justice and humanity ; for, strange to say, both the Ten Hours' Bill and its opponents have for the present suffered defeat. We re ally do not know what pretence Sir James Graham has had for offering this affront to the Legislature. He could not suppose it to have been taken by surprise- There had been two nights' long debate, including two long speeches by Sir James himself; and Previous to that there had been discussion without end, both in doors and out of doors. He could not suppose that any of Lord Ashley's supporters on the division of last Monday would come to his terms when they found Ministers in earnest. There is too Much self.respect in the House of Commons to expect so base a s Ubrnission. As for the power of importunity, it is great, especi ally the golden importunity of the powerful; but Sir James had roost incontinently wasted that plea. Could a third speech eon. yen those who listened to two already with increasing antipathy P W as it expected that a fresh display of Ministerial earnestness would accelerate and secure the decisions of those who had been previously deterred by the difficulties of the question? But there are few who like to be evoked out of mental inde. vision or indifference to assist in political emergencies. It is not respectable to be a mere brute addition to the Ministerial sca le. This is not, forsooth, a Ministerial question. It would not look well—it would cut rather a sorry figure in history --- -that Ministers had resigned in favour of twelve hours' daily work for women and young persons. But .sre we to suppose they mean a gentle intimation that the country runs some little risk of losing their services? We must take care what we are about. If we don't let Sir James Graham keep these people to their work, W hy then —we may possibly lose not only two hours' labour a Jay, but her Majesty's Ministers into the bargain; and if the former loss is ruinous, how much more the latter ? Cutting off the two hours will only shut up the milts; but it Sir James Graham re signs, the Constitution is at an end. How nimbly and cheerfully with what renewed heart and strength—will the poor creatures run from spindle to spindle after six o'clock on a bright summer's evening, when they know that they are paying the price of Sir ' l imes Graham's multifarious services in the Ilt me-otlice ! On the other hand, supposing for a moment such a calamity, imagine the factories closed at six o'clock, and Sir James Gralia,ii spendiug the spring of 1845 in unofficial though dignified leisure, what a da mp would that national bereavement cast on the amusements or cle cupations of those two or three hundred thousand factory idlers I Surely Sir James Graham cannot mean such a threat! Then, why h ark without biting ? That long list of flight Honourable. in the minority every Minister—every underling —makes i t look like a Ministerial measure. Let there be no mistake in the matter. Is it a Ministerial question, or l a it nut ? For the benefit of those who are not familiar with P arliamentary forms, it is as well to explain the particular mode of procedure by which the House was asked to stultify itself. In t he second, or interpretation clause of the Factory Bill, the word hifiht was defined as the period from eight o'clock in the evening to six o'clock on the following morning. Lord Ashley thereupon moved that " the word night' shall be taken to mean from six o'clock in the evening to six o'clock in the following morning; ti t'l the word 'meal.t:me' shall be taken to mean an interval of c essation from work for the purpose of rest and refreshment, at the rate of two hours a.clay, with a view to effect a limitation of the hours of labour to ten in the day." The division of last Monday ni ght was in favour of this amendment. The Bill was thus left i nconsistent with itself. The above amendment, compared with t he clause forbidding young persons and all females to work in Me 7°1 014 rendered the Bill a Ten Hours' Bill, as far as those clauses were concerned. But the eighth clause implicitly allowed them twelve hours' daily labour. It enacted, "that no young person, a nti no female of any age, shall be emp oyed in a fae. I 'aq in any one day more than twelve hours, or after th e expiration of twelve hours from the time when a nY child or young person in the factory first begins to work in the morning, over and above the time given for meal. li ntel, save in the cases hereinafter excepted." The alteration, therefore in the second clause entailed the necessity of altering th e eighth clause, i. e. the word," twelve" to " ten ;" and if Mi. maters had resigned themselves to the vote of last Monday, they W ould have made this substitution as a matter of course. This "'eV would not do. Hence the debata of last night, which was n othing but the old fight over again. This being, then, nothing else than a third night of the debate, and the chief speakers hay. l eft already exhausted themselves and the subject, much novelty u r interest was not to be expected. The day after the feast is the he st Part of the feast, some people say ! but it is not so in a Par. ,' ' l arsentary debate. Speakers thrust out in the brisk competition of the first nights now have elbow room. Odds and ends of state. went and argument are now produced. Remainders are disposed e f• and f orgets remem b ere d . P eop l e w h o d e li g h t i n t h e pecu li a . ri t, . rather than in the obviousness of their views, now find a pla ce which they could not in the broad field of the earlier discus - .' ° n• The most prominent and the most rational senliment of the eve ning was the impropriety of asking the House to convict itself 4'. i ndiscretion, and perpetuate a burden which it had just pro_ ',41 need to be intolerable. What can be more odious than to de. w _" l, a suffering class to be free, and immediately withdraw the ord of freedom ? PosT.--This morning witnessed one of those unaccountable anomalies which we should perhaps look for in vain, except in the British House of Commons, Sir James Graham, having moved th at the blank in the eighth clause of the Factory Bill should be — th ile d op with the words " twelve " hours, was left in a minority of . t ee. In consequence of this division, the blank of course still i tt nained ; snd Lord Ashley then moved the insertion of the words t en" hours. The House divided ; and the same men who had, i. 4 . 1Y a few minutes before, voted against the Government, now con ed a similar compliment on Lord Ashley, and negatived, by a majority of seven, the identical motion which, on Monday last, he Y nad affirmed by one of nine votes. After all the debating that La i taken place on the subject, therefore, the blank in the clause ma ts precisely as it did when the Bill first went into Committee. " though nothing has been done in the House, something very „.. learned has, we fear, been effected out of it. The countr y has that tho decisions of the House of Commons are based upon 4o More fixed principle than the caprice of the moment , and that , for anything we can see, the pressing interests of humanity might k -4 „, * 'II be entrusted to "the hazard of the die" a s to a Parliamentar y tt 7 e . What may be the effect of this morning's proceedings, when Cy become known in the manufacturing districts, it is melan. ch Y to anticipate. Sir James Graham has taken till Monday to earn estly what he and his colleagues may d et e rmin e to do , and we hope that, among the other topics to which their attention how L._ost,/ be tu, they will not forget the labourers in our fac sus__ e have rned been now, for four days, excited into joyfulness by the ih ell,/ that ii the House of Commons had agreed upon ten hours as rnit of their daily tail. Will these poor people be able to corn. : he nd the Parliamentary game of chance, by which they have been t h ri ved of the bo on ? Will it be an easy task to convince them what was just and humane on tint Monday, became unfitting aqd i mpolitic on the Saturday of the same week ? POST-OFFICE NOTICE. at. T : folloing notice appeared to.day at the General Poit.ofnee, s• !ztin's w .le-Grand Qt ' e a to the Public, and Instructions to all Postmasters, Sub- Postmasters, and Letter Receivers, " General Postscffice, March, 1844. 4 1 ;! 314 and from the Ist of April next, letters may be sent unpaid, „"ance, to the following countries and places, or the postage ~b 7 Paid to destination viz. :—The Austrian dominions, the ke ' e ' lt y of Cracow, Molda v ia, Wallachia, Turkey in Europe, to e ire with the town of Scutari, in Asia. kktter s may also be sent through France unpaid to the follow. Itu. D si "itices and governments of Southern P o land and Southern a. viz. mierltt VOLAND.—The provinces of Cracow, Lublin, and Sando. •, satabßUssta.—The Governments of Abkhas , A strakhan, Bes. the I t :. Caucasus, Circassia, Cossacks of the Black Sea, Cossacks of ko, n , Daughistan, Ekaterinoslav:, Georgia, Imeretia, Kiew, 14, , s it Mingrelia, Nieolaei, Podolia, Poltonia , Schirwan, mjehernigow, tichraine, Volhynia, Vowney ; or t he p osta g e ay t e Paid as far as Pod once in the one case, or as far as Brod y he ' other, g c'tt , h e combined British and Foreign rate of postage t o be taken of th 'ollle letter, weighing less than a quarter of an ounce, for any t bove.mentioned countries, will be as follows :—To the tel an dominions, Is. 5d.; Free City of Cracow, Is. sd. ; City of !ago 4l ; is. sd. ; Moldavia and Wallachia, Is. 9d. ; Turkey in "Qtl-, (Belgrade except) and Scutari in Asia, Is. I Id.; lexceedingandand Sout hern ' Russia, is. 6d.. the weight before.mentiened will be charged "I : tih r _ Lee TP tllt r e i ri n o ciple adopted with French letters. Natirtters addressed to Greece , the Archipelago, and the lonian of 4, Which hitherto could only be paid to the extreme frontier k 't ad ci nce . may in future be paid as far as Trieste, and those which p, re "ed to the Two Sicilies, the Papal States, Modena, Parma *ay ' k entia, will not be sent in future through Sardinia, but by tb-wll, c 4 aaal, F,ustertengor, San Benedetto, to which frontier t iZtti gi C i Le postage may be paid. The combined British and dap ate of postage to be taken on a single letter, weighing less "I)s sl . l4 arter of an ounce, to these countries will be Is. 3d. If it "11 5 : 1 e 1 • 1 the British rate (only 5 d.) may be pai d . irjab ee e option of paying the postage to the extreme frontier of 'c ° n letters addressed to fiwitzerland , Ba d en , Bavaria, or k , A T , ntr ies served through the office of Tour and Taxis is with. I , 4 th r hote letters which are directed to the Ger man and 4 14 ``( l States, to be „ forwarded through the office of Tour and °t posted unpaid, must in future be paid to destination. BY command, " W. L. MABERLY, Secretary." 17 %tem , tob, tt S E OF EXCHA.I ...... CF l2 si sicht l2 4} 4 1 1 11 1a r e , t( L' i ln ......2 U l2 7 4 1 '4 1 11: 1, 4)4, gh ...... M.B l4 0 ell ; a I,tto 3 1:14 Y 8' sight 25 75 k tb ,illes (IQ a ••• • ktil t f:x f t te! a b„t oil Maine l2l r 44 70, 3u s 36 9 58 36i 1 ,41, 0. . • 41•410.: 'vtilh, 44 • ......... TGE.—(YESTERDAY.) Gibraltar Leghorn 3O 65 Genoa 26 5 Milan — Venice 47 Naples 3Bl Palermo, per oz ll7 Lisbon 53 Oporto 53 Rio Janeiro 23 Bahia 2B Buenos Ayres — NewYork,2ldyssight Philadelphia — PRICES OF MILLION, PER OZ. Foreign Gold, bare,. 17 9 Portugal Gold Coin 3 17 5 New Doubloons-- 0 0 0 New Dollars 0 4 98 Silver in Bars 0 4 Ili ti 8 which h e htoes eidready Iki t , Of the r itENIX STEAmEn.—The Lords Cobmmfitisted t,,, g N u . -.. Admiralty have ordered propeller, bi.. ' its iei ntuan's submarine wort 'war tried in her Majesty ' s steamers Bee and and engine' of V ' hce • wit h new fitted by the e rse power. Admiralty 44 n 'z it the first war-steamer llti a g ' i t f ere *. if we except the ki ,°' ex.. : (200 horse power), St inman's dis b_t• is _ • -r anents, and has been p ILa c t e tl d e rat bit. e surpassed in speed ust oy`.nsideration of his propeller having ; 111 0 , De in the late trials , conducted by the '464 ' Mr. Smith (" the Archimedean screw") and d n the Bee. "'tit : , - "Uted • when is the greatest r r . .. ' 4 les e . (l°f the Dwarf tried with this Admiralty , samep tal Mile was 12,139 miles, which propeller at Ai ne d hY a wa s Il k Ile, c • • A u Jettyi. erito commences her en ains to town till te tti tt‘ ....Theatre in the month of May, And rem IsresaN of Or September and October she is . engag engaged by the lin. gagement at her il :Dle.,,° the Pergola at Florence, after which she proceeds , to k . 4 +e ke ;" 115tiVe city, to enjoy some repose there, The fair t '.it oh , ', subsequently engaged for lour.and-twenty performances kir i ; and f ' e t t by z or twenty representations at , `4,rl4)ntlasieaiji• It i i r• Lumley for next season. that the Postmaster-General, now Earl tilt s . intend s to relinquish his office so soon as arrange. tl t : t 4 rt be made for the appointment of his successor. k:ket:liunderstood that one of the Admiralty steam- Coati to: otderekto be in readiness on Wednesday or Thursday I. 4 . 4 tin e ,,, ° "eY his Royal Highness Prince Albert and suite toth "vii t he °ll a visit of condolence, it is understood, to their H i g h s til, k ,!'ecit,,,: ei gnthg Duke and Duchess and Duchess Dowager o 4,,,,"/' iiileeig,_9otha. His ItoyAl Highness has not visited Ger- . ki 4 Lig , t , " 1, Marriage with the Sovereign, in February, 1840, :" t tni g b! e hee on the present occasion is not expected to exceed te t ,_ ; or three weeks, during which period the Court is ex trrixiiiita IOP Lori 1, li,k; etnain in town. D oL — Captain Fisher, R.N. the ir,!rk the ,irbour-master, a few days ago received orders lotto yo re 11 , L -layor fur the removal of the Atlas and Reso -4 tk ves t -e ", Which had been sunk in the lower part of Ivi gat iti Re ach, and form dangerous obstructions to the 414:13,14:n4g of the river. He has received instructions to adopt 4,l l Vitli f ac complishing the object, either by blowing I)..vitiablrilPevrder or by lohing, he ma most ' e Aaritti' an Q he is now engugaged a n makin g the consider necessary on 3. sit THE SUN, LONDON,. SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 2 31 1844 COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday in the royal gardens of Buckingham Palace. His Royal Highness Prince Albert, rode out on horseback, yesterday, attended by Sir Edward Bowater, Equerry in Waiting. The Royal Family were taken airings yesterday in the royal gardens.' His Royal Highness Prince Albert presided yester- . day afternoon at a meeting of the Commission for pro moting and encouraging the Fine Arts, in the re building the Palace of Westminster. The Commissioners present were, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord John Russell, Viscount Palmerston, Lord Colborne, Sir Ro bert Harry Inglis, Mr. Orally Knight, Mr. Henry Hallam, and Mr. George Vivian. The meeting was held at Gwydyr House, Whitehall, at half-past two o'clock, and sat until a quarter past four o'clock, when Prince Albert, attended by Sir Edward Bowater, went to the new Palace of Westminster, and after inspecting the new Houses of Parliament returned to Buckingham Palace. The Royal dinner party at Buckingham Palace yes terday evening included her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, Lady Anna Maria Dawson, and the Duke of Wellington. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester took an airing yesterday in a carriage. The Ecclesiastical Commission for England held a meeting yesterday at the office in Whitehall-place. The Commissioners present were the Bishop of Exeter, the Bishop of gereford, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl of Besborough, and the Right Hon. Sir George Grey. Sir James Graham, Lord Stanley, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, had an interview with Sir Robert Peel yesterday. The Countess of Uxbridge, we regret to state, expired yesterday afternoon, at her residence in York-street, St. James's. Her Ladyship was the daughter of the late Right Hon. Sir Charles . Begot. lIAMIATRGH MAIL. . , FRANKFORT, MARCH 10.—The accounts from Greece are melancholy ; to be brief, persons who in general judge correctly, expect to see KingiOtho shortly in Ger many. The chief point in question is said to be, whether his brother will think fit t o acce pt th e Th rone f Greece. SWEDEN AND NORWAY. STOCKHOLM, MARCH 12.—0 n Saturday, .at 9 o'clock in the forenoon, the heralds, accompanied by a detach ment of the Horse-guards, read, in the principal market place of the city, the following proclamation:— " We, Oscar, by the grace of God, King of Norway and Sweden, and of the Goths and Vandals, announce by these presents :—lt having pleased the Almighty, yesterday afternoon, at half-past 3 o'clock, to call away, by a tranquil and happy death, his Majesty Charles John XIV., King of Sweden and Norway, and of the Goths and Vandals, we have, therefore, by virtue of the Constitution, entered on the government of the kingdom, as King of Norway, Sweden, &c., and we are assured that , all the inhabitants of the kingdom will, with all loyalty, obedience, and zeal, obey us as their rightful King, and faithfully perform all their duties as subjects. "OSCAR " Palace at Stockholm, 9th March, 1844." After the reading was finished, the people loudly cried " God save the King." At two o'clock in the afternoon the garrison assembled in front of the palace and the King, with the Duke of Upland, appeared on horseback. The King took from each regiment the oath of fidelity. He addressed the soldiers, who loudly cheered him. Wherever his Majesty appeared, he was received by the people with the most unequivocal marks of affection and attachment. The marine has also taken the oath of allegiance. The opposition papers themselves attest that the pub lic have the greatest confidence in our new King, and that a perfect calm is happily manifest among all classes. It has also been observed with satisfaction, that no such extraordinary precautions are taken as at the death of King Charles XIII., when chains were drawn before the palace, the Custom-house shut up, &c. On the con trary, the people passed to and fro through the palace court-yard till night. when the gates are usually closed. The Kin. , has made a declaration in the Swedi s h Council of State, in which he solemnly promises to govern the kingdom according to the strict letter of the Constitution, and to do his utmost to promote the good of the kingdom and of each of its inhabitants. His Ma jesty afterwards made the same declaration in the Nor wegian Council of State. It is said that his Majesty has not left any will. CHRISTIANA, MARCH 12.—T0-day we received the afflicting news of the death of the King. In the pro clamation announcing the accession of King Oscar 1., which was read to-day by the herald, he styles himself King of Norway and Sweden (not Sweden and Norway); and it is added that, as the reasons which prevented the late King from making this alteration no longer exist for his successor, the King's title in all Norwegian documents shall be as in the proclamation.—Humburgh Papers, March 19. LAW INTELLIGENCE. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 22. The House sat to-day to hear appeals. The Peers present were Lord Brougham, Lord Cottenham, and Lord Campbell. MURRAY V. MURRAY. The arguments in this appeal were resumed to-day, but not having concluded at four o'clock, the further consideration of the case was adjourned till Thursday. COURT OF CHANCERY, March 22. The Lord Chancellor took unopposed causes and Lunatic petitions to-day. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (YESTERDAY.) MANSION-HOUSE. George Gumm, the young man who was some days ago brought up on suspicion of having been concerned in the robbery of the City of Bolougne steam-vessel, belonging to the Commercial Steam•packet Company, was put to the bar, in the custody of Daniel Forrester, for re-exa mination. A great quantity of gold, and a number of bank-notes, had been placed in the charge of Captain Tune, who commanded the vessel, and several bags were missed upon the arrival of the vessel at the Custom house. The Captain was brought, soon after the rob bery was discovered, to the Mansion-house, but, after a very minute investigation, the Lord Mayor (Alderman liumphery) dismissed the case, being decidedly of opi nion that Captain Tune, who had always been most highly respected, knew nothing of the circum stances. After the last examination, a 101. note, which proved to be one of the notes that had been stolen out of the vessel, was traced to the prisoner. Mr. Child appeared for the prosecution, and a solici tor appeared for the prisoner. A cashier in the Bank of England produced a 5/. note, No. 52,944, and dated 12th January, 1843, and a 51. note, No. 14,673, and dated 12th June, 1843. These notes had been paid in at the Bank. Mr. Joseph Robinson, of St. Martin's-lane, deposed that the notes produced were of those which had been stolen on board the City of Boulogne steamer. Henry Goldby, assistant to Mr. Plews, a shopkeeper, stated that on Saturday the 10th of February, the pri soner called at the shop and paid to him the 51. note, No. 52,944, and wrote upon it before he received the change the name and address of " G. Green, Board-road, K ensington." Frederick Baker, of No. 207, Fleet-street, tobacconist, stated that the prisoner called at the shop on the sth of March, and bought tobacco to the amount of 7s. 2d., and presented the note No. 14,673, having written upon the back of it " T. Thomas, Church-lane, Kensington." In answer to a question from Mr. Child, Daniel For rester said he thought it probable that other notes be longing to the parcels which had been stolen would in a few days be produced. The prisoner was remanded till Wednesday. Alderman HUMPHERY took occasion to say that the suspicion which had at first existed against Captain Tune was altogether groundless. A gentleman sent 2/. 2s. to the Mansion-house poor box, the contribution of a witness who had been subpoenaed in a case which had come on for trial. He begged that it might be mentioned in the newspapers that the contribution was the amount of his subpoena and attendance, and that he expiessed a wish that gen tlemen receiving money in a similar manner might be induced to appropriate it to the poor. CLERKENWELL. William Sands, a little urchin, apparently not more than twelve years of age, was charged with the following daring street robbery : On Thursday evening Miss Wright, an elderly lady, was passing along Charles-street, Hatton-garden, where she resides. It was broad daylight, and the street was full of people, when the prisoner ran up to her, and, seiz ing her reticule, which hung from her arm, pulled it violently. He did not break the string by the first jerk, but with a second, more violent, became possessed of it and ran away. The reticule contained some silver and copper coin, and some other trifling articles. The pri soner was arrested on the following morning by a City officer. Although so young, the police described him as an old and dexterous thief. He was committed for trial. Ellen Sullivan was charged with deserting her infant child, by John Leary, the father of it. It appeared the prisoner had been married, and that she left her husband in Ireland, to earn her bread by servitude in this country. She was in a situation in this City when the prosecutor, who had known her in Ireland, induced her to leave it, and they cohabited for a while together, and lived in Spitalfields. A child, born about six months ago, was the result of the adulterous inter course, and this child, or its:mother, the prosecutor refused to contribute a farthing towards the support of. She a ccordingly left the child i n th e prosecutor's residence in Daddy . 's-rents, Islington,, and was running away when given into custody. The case was referred to the authorities of Spital fields parish. A lad, named Mountstevens, an apprentice to Mr. Fribben, a bruslimaker, residing in Coppice-row, Clerk enwell, and John Wilson, a painter, were charged with stealing a quantity of brushes, value 15s , the property of Mr. Fribben. Mr. buncombe app eared for the p rosecution, and Mr. H um v d h e r n i : s e for wa thes adducedpriso ner wh i chM ou n leftts t e v n e no doubt of thes . E guilt of the prisoners. Wilson he been painting on the prosecutor's premises when the brushes were stolen, but it did not clearly appear whether or not Mountstevens gave him the brushes on the premises, or at a distance from them. Upon this, Mr. GREENWOOD observed that there was a great de fect in the law in this respect. If a party were indicted for stealing goods, and it turned out they were given to him 100 yards from the premises, he would be acquitted i on the ground of having been a receiver , for which he should have been indicted, and the prisoner, however 1 guilty, would escape, for he could not be indicted a second time for the same offence.—The prisoners were com mitted for trial IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, March 22. ROYAL ASSENT. The Royal Assent was given to-day, at a quarter be fore Five o'Clock, to the Three-and-a-Half per Cent. Annuity Reduction Bill ; the Three-and-a-Half per Cent. (1818) Annuity Reduction Bill ; the Consolidated Fund (8,000,000 L) Bill ; the Gaming Transactions Witness's Indemnity Bill, and the Teachers of Schools' (Ireland) Bill. The Lords Commissioners were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, and the Duke of Buccieuch. Their Lordships then adjourned during pleasure. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack shortly after Five o'Clock. Messengers from the Commons brought up the Ramsay Inclosure Bill and other Bills. The Duke of BUCCLEUC H presented petitions from Rye, against any alteration in the corn laws. Lord PRUI)HOE presented similar petitions from Shillbottle, in Northumberland. The Earl of RADNOR took that opportunity to explaia that on a former occasion, when he referred to .a meet ing which had been held in Yorkshire, respecting the corn-laws, he had not alluded to Lord Feversham, but Lord Harewood. After a few words from the Duke of RICHMOND and the Duke of BUCCLEUCH, the matter dropped. The Bishop of EXETER gave notice that he would move for copies of any communications which had been made between the Government and the Poor law authorities, respecting the case of Mary Miller, the unfortunate female who committed suicide in a work • house a short time ago. The Marquis of NORMANBY presented a petition complaining of the operation of the Act under which the Lambeth Water-works was established. The Earl of RADNOR said the Noble Earl to whom he had alluded on a former occasion (the . Earl of Hare wood) had stated a fact at the meeting in Yorkshire, and from that fact he drew an inference, which was that the Anti-Corn-law League incited to incendiarism. lle (the Earl of Radnor) had called the attention of the Noble Earl to the paragraph in the newspaper in which the meeting was reported, and the Noble Earl admitted that it was correct. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH said, that within the last four days he had seen Lord Harewood, aid the conversa tion turned on this very subject. The Noble Earl ad mitted that the report in the newspapers of what he had stated was correct, but he did not admit that the infer ence which was drawn in the leading article of that pa per was correct. The Noble Earl never imputed to the Anti-Corn-law League any attempt to incite to incen diarism. The Earl of RADNOR said, the fact the Noble Earl (Harewood) had stated was, that a farmer had attended a pro-corn-law meeting in Norfolk, and the same night his stacks were burnt. The inference the Noble Earl meant to draw from that was, that the stacks had been burnt through the agency of the Anti-Corn-law League. Lord WHARNCLIFFE denied that such an infer ence could be drawn from the words of the Noble Earl. Lord BEAUMONT said, he was at the elbow of the Noble Earl (Harewood) when he made the speech to which the Noble Earl (Rad nor) had alluded, and he was sure that no person at the meeting supposed fora moment that the Noble Earl intended to impute to the Anti-Corn law League any intention to incite to incendiarism. The Marquis of NORMANBY said he was neither a pro-corn-law man nor an " anti-corn-law man," but he thou ht it was to bereitetted that Noble Lords should makes peeches from which objectionable inferences might be drawn. The Duke of RICHMOND presented several petitions from parishes in Norfolk, complaining of the Anti-Corn law League. He took that opportunity of observing that he did not know why Lord Harewood did not answer the letter of the Noble Earl opposite ; yet he was not surprised that his Noble Friend did not think the House of Lords ought to be a court of appeal for what passed at public meetings. He was not sorry ,for the explanations that had passed, and he hoped that they would induce the League to be more guarded in future. The Noble Earl (Radnor) said that a gentleman advised the country people at an anti-league meeting to throw the leaguers over the bridge if they came to Lin coln. He did not approve of such advice, for he always was opposed to violence ; but if the gentleman alluded to had said so, he would recommend the leaguers not to go to Lincoln.—(Great laughter on the Tory side.) THE SILK WEAVERS. Lord LILFORD presented a petition from the opera tive silk weavers of the township of Leigh, graying for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into their case ; and also to move for the appointment of a Select Committee thereupon. The petition was signed by upwards of 5,000 persons. He did not intend to go into the general question affecting the grievances of which the petitioners complained. He knew their Lordships were jealous—and properly jealous of the statements of petitions. He should confine himself merely to the allegations of that petition. They stated the causes of their distress to be low wages, unjustifiable abatement of those wages, want of employment, and home competition. From all the investigation he had been able to make on this subject, he was satis fied that their allegations were well founded ; and if their Lordships would give him the opportunity, t he would confirm those statements by evidence on oath. The Arbitration Act had been found to be very ineffec- Live in reconciling the differences of masters and men ; for a recourse to them was attended with expense, loss of time, and seldom was attended with any satisfaction, (The Noble Lord then read extracts from letters received by him from magistrates, confirming the statements of the petitioners as to the inefficiency of the arbitrators, and that the wages of the workmen were abated frequently in an arbitrary manner, and without any justification.) He trusted their Lordships would consider this matter coolly and dispassionately, and look at all the bearings of the case, for by so doing it would be holding out a hope to those people, and prove to them that their Lord ships were most anxious to do all they could to alleviate their distress. He should not, under all the circum stances of the case, at present move for the appointment of a Select Committee; but he, nevertheless, hoped that the matter would not be allowed to rest where it now was. Lord DALHOUSIE felt great satisfaction in hearing his Noble Friend announce his intention of not applying for a Committee, because it would have a tendency to mislead the public mind. The subjects mentioned in this matter were many and varied, and in many instances so totally beyond the control of Parliament, that it would be almost impossible to legislate for them. Such being the case, he thought it would be only exciting the public mind without doing any practical good, and tend to increase the difficulties by which the matter was al ready surrounded. He could not agree with his Noble Friend on the propriety of the alteration which he proposed in the law relating to this subject. He did not wish, as an individual, to pledge her Majesty's Government to the adoption of any particular course, but still he would say that there should be no loss of time in their endea vour to amend the existing law. After a few words from Lord KENYON, the subject dropped. The Marquis of CLANRICRADE presented a peti tion from a place in Ireland, praying for the repeal of the legislative union. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from Harefield, Middlesex, against the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill. The House then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 22. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. The following Bills were read a second time, namely, the Eastern Counties' Union Railway, the Newcastle and Darlington Junction Railway and Tyne Bridge Bill, the Pontop and South Shields Railway Bill, and the Edinburgh, Leith, and Granton Railway Bill. The Birmingham Canal Navigation BiAwas read a third time and passed. FACTORIES BILL. Sir JOHN EASTHOPE presented a petition from Leicester, signed by a large number of manufacturers, expressing in strong terms the disapprobation of the amendment introduced by the Noble Lord, the Member for Dorset. THE SILK MANUFACTURE. Lord F. EGERTON presented a petition signed by 5,000 persons connected with the silk-weaving trade, complaining of the many disadvantages which pressed so heavily on them, and praying that Parliament would appoint a Committee to inquire into the matter. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented a petition from the managers of the poor in the several townships of the parish of Rochdale. The petitioners stated their objections to the bastardyclauses of the Poor-law Bill, and prayed that they may be amended before the Bill be passed into law'; also, a petition from Braintree in Essex, praying for a full and fair representation of the people ; and a petition from J. B. Harvey, of Col chester, against certain clauses in the Great Western Railway Bill. IRELAND. Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from St. John's, Newfoundland, praying that justice might be done to Ireland, and that recourse might not be had to measures of coercion ; also several petitions from dif ferent places in Ireland, complaining of the mal -admi nistration of justice ; also petitions from different parts of Ireland, signed by upwards of 180,000 persons, com plaining of the effects produced upon Ireland by the legislative union, and praying for its repeaL Lord J. RUSSELL presented a petition against the ten hours' Clause of the Factories Bill. Sir R. IL INGLIS presented a petition from the mem bers of the Bath Church of England Lay Association, complaining of the conduct of Dissenters, and praying the House to resist all attempts to deprive the Church of England of the full amount and benefit of her esta blished rights.—(lronical cheers from the Opposition.) NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. FITZSTEPHEN FRENCH gave notice that on Tuesday he should move for certain returns on the sub ject of the working of the Tithe Commutation Act in Ireland. Mr. EWART gave notice that he would take the earliest opportunity, upon the House going into a Com mittee of Supply, of moving for the abolition of the duties on raw materials, and for a reduction of those duties which tend to encourage smuggling. ROYAL COMMISSION. Sir A. Clifford, Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the table, and summoned the House to the House of Lords to hear the Royal Assent, given by Commission, to several Bills. The SPEAKER, accompanied by several Members, then proceeded to the other House. On his return, The SPEAKER announced that the Royal Assent had been given to several Bills, (for which see Lords' report). Dr. BOWRING withdrew the motion which he had on the paper for the 2d of April, relative to our treaty o commerce with the Ottoman empire. COlOllBl WOOD gave notice that, on going into Com-, mittee on the Commons Inclosure Bill, he would move the adoption of resolutions to the effect, that it was ex pedient to have a Board consisting of a superintendent and two vice-superintendents, to whom (as we under stood) the subject should be referred. WRECKS OF THE NERBUDDA AND ANN. Dr. BOWRING put the question, of which ho had given notice—Whether any reply has been received from the Government of Pekin, in answer to the application made for the punishment of the authorities of the Island of Formosa, who ordered the murder of the crews of the Nerbudda and Ann ? Two hundred of the crews of these vessels fell into the hands of the natives, and were treated with great cruelty by them, the greater proportion of them being subsequently murdered. He wished to know whether any redress had been obtained or promised for this outrage. It was understood that the na tive authorities had been advanced in rank by the Emperor of China ; he wished to know if any punish ment was likely to be inflicted on them for this violation of the laws of nations and humanity. Sir R. PEEL said he believed the statement of the Hon. Gentleman was substantially correct. Two Bri tish vessels were wrecked on, the coast of Formosa, and after the sailors and passengers had been detained a consider able time, and suffered. great privations, many of them were put to death. Sir H. Pottinger made a representation to the Emperor of China, stating that the British Government viewed the transaction with great regret, and trusted that signal punishment Would be inflicted on the authorities of the island. He must -say that he thought the statement of the Emperor in reply to him was a very satisfactory one, and worthy of a ruler- of a great country. A proclamation was inserted in the Pekin Gazette, of which Sir Henry Pottin;er spoke in high terms. He stated he had seen with great pleasure the d. cree•of the Em peror on the subject of the British subjects who were put to death on the island of Formosa, and he 'was sure it would be received with great satisfaction by his Government. That proclamation he (Sir .Robert Peel) thought exhibited as great a desire to do justice as he had ever seen on the part of a civi lised State. The Emperor alleged in the proclamation that he had been entirely deceived by the Chinese authorities of Formosa, who stated that the crews of the ships landed with arms in their hands, and were taken as prisoners of war. He had ordered an inquiry into their conduct, and finding that they had deceived him, he - .had ordered all who had obtained a promotion of rank by their false representations to be degraded from it, and to be handed over to the Board of Punishment, The Emperor had therefore disgraced all the parties concerned, and had caused them to be removed for the purpose of being tried by the regular authorities, and having such further punish ment inflicted upon them as their crime served. Now he really thought, upon the whole, this proclamation was all that could be expected. They there saw the advantage of increased intercourse between ' civilised countries. INCENDIARY FIRES. Colonel FOX begged to ask the Right Hon. Gentle man the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whether any steps had been taken by the Government in consequence of the numerous incendiary fires which had recently taken place in Suffolk. It was well known that several such fires had taken place. The Hon. Gentle man then read an extract from an address delivered by the Chairman of Quarter Sessions, in which he expressed his astonishment that the rural police had not been able to detect any of the offenders. Sir J. Gil &HAM said it was undoubtedly true that several incendiary fires had taken place in Suffolk within a recent period, and that, though every attempt had been made, no offender had as yet been discovered. Although the crime might be frequent, it was still difficult of detection. He had thought it necessary to send some assistance to the rural police from the me • tropolitan force, but he was sorry to say that, up to the present time no detection had taken place. Lord HENNIKER rose amidst loud cries of " Order, order," but was at length allowed to proceed. He said the fires in the county which he had the honour to represent—namely, Suffolk—were so fre quent, that it was matter of wonder when there were none.—(Hear, hear.) He himself had been called up at two o'clock in the morning, and had witnessed a most awful conflagration. He believed that one fire had taken place yesterday ; but it was quite true that, up to that moment, not one of the offenders had been detected. INDIA. Mr. MANGLES gave notice that he would move for a return of the letters to the Board of Control from the late Lord Hastings, dated the 19th December' 1809, and the Ist of March, 1810, or extracts therefrom' Sir ROBERT PEEL was understood to say that he had no objection to the return of the letters, but if the Hon. Member moved for extracts, that would be a matter of discretion. PREVENTION OF SMOKE. Mr. HINDLEY begged to ask the Hon. Member for Lymington (Mr. Mackinnon), as Chairman of the Com mittee appointed to inquire respecting the nuisance of smoke in towns, whether it was intended to found any measure upon the Report of that Committee? Mr. MACKINNON said that the Committee's Report recommended that a Bill should be passed on the subject, but the Government declined to introduce such a mea sure; and, therefore, he, as Chairman of the Committee, would feel it his duty to propose a Bill. THE ARRESTS IN THE 76TH REGIMENT. Mr. GILL rose, pursuant to notice, with a view to ob viate an erroneous impression produced by the state ment of the Secretary-at-War on the 12th instant, to call the attention of the House to the detention of Captain Brewster of the 76th regiment, under arrest for eight months, without any charge being made against him, and to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman whether he had any ob jection to communicate to the House the order from the Horse Guards for that officer's relief and admonition? On a former occasion the Right Hon. and Gallant Offict r (Sir H. Hardinge) was reported to have said as these officers had violated their duty they had been put under arrest, and they would be kept under arrest for a short time longer. That statement was incorrect ; but he was sure the inaccuracy did not attach to the Gallant Officer (Sir Henry Hardinge), whom everybody in that House, and out of it, knew to be incapable of stating anything but what was fully borne out by facts. The effect of such inaccuracy might, however, be injurious to the character of Captain Brewster, and he (Mr. Gill) therefore mentioned the sub ject, that, should any imputation rest upon him, it might be removed. The two officers referred to were or dered under arrest by another officer, who was present at some proceeding which had taken place, and who had subsequently communicated to the commanding officer what had taken place. Now he (Mr. Gill) found, by the articles of war, that no officer was liable to arrest, except for an offence committed, and that it was the duty of the party putting an officer under arrest immediately to take steps for instituting an inquiry. When he stated to the House that Captain Brewster had not been guilty of any offence whatever, he thought he was not asking too much when he tried to have an imputation removed from his cha racter. After being five months under arrest, Captain Brewster wrote a letter to his commanding officer, begging it might be forwarded to the Major-General in command of the district, and which intreated to know under what charge he was labouring, and stated that if any offence had been committed by him, he would cheerfully submit to such punishment as the Commander-in-Chief might think fit. Subsequently two letters were written by General Brewster—one of them to his Grace the Duke of Wellington, and the other to Lord Fitzroy Somerset. The Noble Duke, in his reply to General Brewster, said he was aware his son was under arrest, and as certain regulations were being pre pared on the subject of duelling, it was intended that these officers should be made subject to them when completed. Notwithstanding these letters, these two officers were continued under arrest three months longer. He complained, on the part of these gentlemen, of their having suffered the long arrest they had done, and that arrest without some explanation from the Right Hon. Baronet might injure the character of Captain Brewster. Although the articles of war stated -that no officer should be kept under arrest for more than eight days before he was tried, that course had not been adopted in the present case. He thought the House would ag ree with him , that this severe punishment was uncalled for. He wished to know whether the Right Hon. Baronet had any objection to communicate to the House a copy of the order of the Horse Guards for the liberation of these gentlemen, and the admonition given to them ? Sir H. HARDINGE had a strong objection to produce the papers—first, because it would form a bad precedent ; and secondly, because the proceedings took place under a private warrant. Captain Brewster had violated mi litary discipline, by immediately accepting a challenge from a young and inexperienced officer. He would frankly confess, as to the other point, that there was no imputation on the character of Captain Brewster. DROPPED ORDERS. The dropped Orders of yesterday weie then disposed of. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. On the Order of the Day for the Hous e reso l v i ng it se lf into Committee on the Factories Bill being read, Lord JOHN RUSSELL suggested the propriety of entering on the paper the Orders of the Day which were to have precedence. Sir R. PEEL agreed with the suggestion of the Noble Lord, and would take care that it should be at tended to. FACTORIES BILL. On the Order of the Day being read for the House resolving itself into Committee on the Factories Bill, p ea d rdwith the utmost alarm firms of Preston. s t a ti ng that Mr. WILSON FATTEN presented a petiti on s i gne d by twenty-twothe petitioners of th e that the House had come to a resolution limiting the hours of labour to ten, and praying the House not to hadpr principal c h i consent to such an enactment _ Lord ASHLEY presented ninety-one petitions from various districts in the West Riding of Yorkshire, in favour of a ten hours' clause. Mr. FIELDEN presented a petition in favour of limiting the hours of labour. The SPEAKER then left the Chair, and the House re solved itself into Committee on the Bill. --.. --- On clause 2.- being proposed, Lord ASHLEY said that he would postpone the amendment of which he had given notice on this clause, and would raise the discussion on the Bth clause, as it would be more convenient. Mr. T. EGERTON then rose to move the omission of the word " silk " from line 31. He 'said that those who were engaged in the silk m anufact ure did not de sire to be exempt from legislat ion on the subject, but they did not wish to have their interests huddled up in the legislation which affected others. He read various tabular statements of the condition of the silk trade, and endeavoured to show that it would be necessary to establish the relay system in this branch of manufacture, as there was not a sufficient number of children in some places to supply the de man d o f th e s ilk trade. With respect to education, he was happy to say that there existed throughout the various districts a great disposition, on the part of the masters, to afford facili. ties for education, and an equally great desire on the 1846, the hours of labour for females and young per part of the children and their parents, to avail them- sons shall be eleven. The Noble Lord said he would selves of those facilities. 1 not fatigue the House, which had been already so in- Sir J. GRAHAM said he could assure his Hon. dulgent to him, by going into det ai l s . H e would quote Friend that the cauti on w hi c h h e h a d en j o i ne d w i t h th e op i n i on of Mr. Homer, as stated in his report. He respect to dealing with these great manufacturing in- said that in factories a restraint ought to be put upon the terests, was a caution which, as far as he was labour of females, and of children, because where there concerned, was altogether unnecessary ; for he was such a redundancy of labour, there could be no such was anxious to give the best consideration to thing as practical freedom. Women in the manufac the subject under discussion. He admitted that turing districts were not free agents, they were obliged in past legislation silk had been treated differently from to toil, and they were not able to bear fatigue to the any other branch of the staple manufactures. The mo- same extent as men. The experience and knowledge of tion of his Honourable Friend, as it now stood, would, all medical men was against their being employed in the if carried, take silk altogether out of the operation manner they were at present. And, in his report of of the present Bill. It was necessary to call the atten- December, 1841, Mr. Horner further stated that there tion of his Hon. Friend to the portion of the children could be little doubt but that working ten hours a day employed in the silk manufacture. lie thought that would be less prejudicial to health than working for that if' any portion of this legislation was more de- twelve ; but without entering into the question of health Tensible than another, it was that which referred to the I at all, such . an entire absorption of the labour and time children engaged in this manufacture. The po- of the working classes, was in a moral point of view, verty of the parents, notwithstanding their natural most objectionable. He (Lord Ashley) thought the affections, led them to overwork their children, in order House had, to a great extent, to consider whether it was to obtain the largest possible amount from their labour. better to have a moral population, with smaller wages The legislation on this subject at the commencement of or a depraved people, with greater?—(Hear.) But he the present session was first confined to apprentices, but was not by any means prepared to admit, at least to the was afterwards extended to young children. At extent supposed by Honourable Gentleman opposite, the present moment, in the silk trade generally, there that a diminution of the hours of labour would cause was no limitation whatever with respect to the age at such a reduction of wages. In 1833 the hours of which children might be employed. They might be labour of children in factories had been reduced employed as early as five, six, or seven years of age. considerably ; yet when he (Lord Ashley) visited There was a limitation with respect to time ; they could the manufacturing districts in 1836 he found that chil not be employed above ten hours, between the time dren had just as much wages then for eight hours' work when they first entered the factories and thirteen years as they had previously for ten or twelve. In 1818 a pe of age. There was another distinction, that the children tition to that House was presented by Sir Robert Peel, employed in silk did not require the certificate of father of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her education which was necessary in other cases. Majesty's Government, from the cotton-spinners of He thought it of great importance, with respect to both Manchester, praying for a reduction in the hours of la these points, that the children e mpl o yed in hour, and the Hon. Baronet on that occasion, in urging the silk trade should be brought under the ge- the prayer of the petitioners, said they (the petitioners) neral operation of the Act, and this Is as the were most anxious that the Legislature would interfere, opinion formed by the Committee which sat in 1841. and that they would prefer a diminution in the comforts He (Sir J. Graham) would now briefly state the course of life they were then enjoying to their present intoler he proposed to adopt with the portions of the Bill affect- able toil. In combatting his (Lord Ashley's) arguments ing this portion of our industry. He must resist the the Hon. Member for Durham and the Hon. Member for motion of his Hon. Friend, which would take the silk Manchester spoke in very high terms of the comfort of trade entirely out of the operation of the Bill. In the the operatives, and of the wages those employed in the 75th clause were provisions which dealt particularly with factories could earn. Why, he thought that that argu the silk trade. In legislating upon this subject, they must ment was rather in favour of his (Lord Ashley's) bear in mind the large proportion which the children proposition, for if they earned such large wages employed bore to the adults employed—it was no less they could the better bear a diminution of them. than as four to one. He should propose to omit certain He held in his hand certain returns, which would show parts in the clause referred to, and then to enact that no that the operative population would not be injured by children from eight to eleven years old should be employed any reduction in their wages, arising out of the limita • in the silk manufacture more than six hours and a half ; tion to ten hours a-day of their labour. He took, in the but that from eleven to thirteen they might be employed first place, the case of a single woman; he would sup for ten hours in winding and throwing ; and then at the pose that her earnings from work in the factory age of thirteen, they should return under amounted to 9s. per week. Now it must be recollected the general provisions of the Bill as it now by the House that there were many things to be done stood. By the arrangement which lie proposed at her home which might be done by herself, but owing to the House, they would, for the first time, impose a to the length of time she was, under the present limit in regard to children, an d w hi c h h e (Si r J. Gm- system, engaged in th e factory, he was compelled to ham) certainly thought to be necessary. At the hire another person to do that work for her. The ex present moment there was no such limit. In penses of her washing, which, under a system of ten this manner he was willing to hope the hours' labour, she would be enabled to do herself ; just demands of the people engaged in the the loss arising from her meals being carried silk trade would be met. When they came to the 75th to the factory, and other little matters, would amount to clause of the Bill h e s h ou ld propose to rem i t t h e l im i- about Is. 51d. per week. If she had to work but ten tation as to children under 11 years of age, and intro- hours in the day she would save these expenses; and duce words to carry out the arrangement he now sub- supposing her wages to be reduced one-sixth in conse mitted, which he sincerely trusted would, upon the quence of the reduction in the number of hours of whole, be considered satisfactory to the various lute- labour, it would be seen that she would not be a loser rests involved in this great and important branch of by the change. He would take the case of a family of our trade. five persons, three of whom worked in a factory twelve Mr. LABOUCHERE said that he observed, with hours a day. The mother obtained 10s. a-week, the some apprehension, the Bill which had been in- eldest child 4s. per week, and the second child 35., troduced by her Majesty's Government on the making in all 17s. per week. The expenses of washing, subject of factories, because he believed that it mangling, &c , would amount to 2s. per week. A woman was the first time that the silk manufacturers had would be required occasionally to assist the husband at been put on the same footing as cotton manufacturers. home in the domestic work, and that would take another These considerations operated so strongly upon the late shilling. He would then put down another shilling for Government, that they brought in two Bills—one with the loss which would arise from the meals being carried to respect to silk, and the other with respect to the factory, by which great waste was caused, inasmuch cotton manufactures—and he confessed upon the whole as when several persons dined together, anything that was that he thought it would facilitate the progress of the left might be put by towards another meal. A loss would Bill if the Government adopted a similar course. He arise from the husband cooking the meals, for scarcely thought, however, after what the Ri g ht H onoura bl e any man, whether Frenchman or Englishman, could Baronet had stated that the objection urged by the silk cook so economically as a woman.—(Laughter.) This manufacturers had been fairly met ; and he believed loss lie estimated at another shilling, and these expenses that his proposition would be satisfactory to the trade. together would amount to 55., which left 12s. for the He hoped, therefore, that no obstacle would be thrown purchase of provisions, clothing, and other expenses. in the-way of the Government. It was not his wish to Now that was the estimate under the system of twelve see the silk trade excluded from the operation of a Fac- hours' labour. He would now state the amount of the tory Bill. The silk manufacturers had the largest expenses for the same family, under a system of ten amount of children employed in their factories. hours' labour. Supposing that the wages, in conse- Mr. GRIMSDITCII thought that upon the whole the quence of the reduction of the number of hours of la plan of the Government would be satisfactory. hour, were to be reduced one-sixth, the wages of this Sir G. STRICKLAND said that, in answer to those family would amount to 14s. 2d. Undera system of ten who contended that it was impossible to carry on the hours' labour the woman would have time to do the silk-manufacture if the hours of labour were limited, he washing of her own family at an expense of about one would observe that the same argument had been used shilling. A woman would be required occasionally to when it had been proposed to limit the hours of labour assist in cleaning the house, and that would take another in the cotton manufactories. Experience, however, had sixpence, making one shilling and sixpence to be de taught them a different lesson. The hours of infant ducted from the 14s. 2d, reducing the wages to 12s. labour had been limited, and none of the inconveniences Bd. per week. It would be seen, therefore, that rather which had been foretold had occurred. The general than the family losing by any reduction in the amount impression among the Members of the Committee of of their wages, they would be gainers by the change. 1841 was, that the silk-manufacturers had made out no These were the statements made by the operatives case for exemption from the operation of the Bill. The re themselves. He held in his hand a note, from a person were more children employed in the manufacture of silk who was on the spot, respecting the expenses of a than in any other branch of manufactures, and, there- family—he took the case of a family of four fore, they stood in need of greater protection. The persons working in a factory, all of whom were rooms in which they worked were hot, an d th e na t ure o f engage d i n different kinds of labour. Each of those the labour was the same as the labour in the cotton four persons had separate teas, and consequently four manufacture. Those children were standing on their journeys were made in conveying the meals to the legs for fourteen hours a day, and many of them walked factory. Under the present system of twelve hours' twenty miles in the course of the day. He could not but labour, the full amount of victuals sent out was either recollect the evidence of a surgeon, who was against any consumed, or destroyed, and great waste often took restrictions on labour ; he stated that he considered the place. Now, under a system of ten hours' labour, only exercise they took was healthy. He was asked if he three meals a day would be required. Under the present had children of his own? He answered, yes. He was s) stem, such was the great exhaustion to which the then asked if he forced his own children to take such labourer was subjected, that it was absolutely necessary exercise? His answer was that they were not labourers. he should have at least four meals a day. Und( r a Why no human being could say that a child of fourteen system of ten hours' labour, therefore, one meal a day years of age ought to be forced toperform such herculean would be saved, besides the advantage of having the labour, and he was sorry that the Right Hon. Baronet meals at home. The writer of the note he held in his had consented to do as he had done. He was sorry hand said that, when he worked ten hours a day, that he confined the relays to children between the ages in 1842, he never had more than three meals of six and eleven. This was departing from the prin- a day ; but that, when he was working twelve ciple of the Bill. He strongly urged the Committee not hours a day, in the same mill, he was abso hastily to make a distinction between silk, and cotton, lately obliged to have what were called " extras." and other manufactures. These consisted of little delicacies, such as ham and Mr. BANKES said if the Hon. Member for Cheshire other things, to enable him to go through the hours of persisted in his amendment he would support it. The his daily labour. There was another point to be con persons engaged in the manufacture of silk claimed no sidered, and that was, that it required one child to carry exemption from the protection given to those engaged meals from the home to the factory. Now, under a in other branches. But they said that the work in the system of ten hours the labour of this child might be silk factories was so different from that in the cotton employed more advantageously and profitably to its and woollen mills, that the regulations that applied Sto parents. But the most unportant consideration of all others would not apply to them. is as, that it was generally believed amongst the opera- Mr. STRUTT said he did not think the Hon Ba- tives themselves, that if the hours of labour were to be ronet could have much refreshed his memory by read- reduced from ten to twelve, it would have the effect of ing the report before he spoke on the subject, so coin- prolonging for at least three years the term of their pletely had he misrepresented the evidence.—(Hear, working life ; many went as far as to say that it would hear.) With regard to the temperature in the silk prolong. their working life as much as five y e ars. H e factories, so far from its being the case that it was very had only one other fact, which was a very remarkable high in them, the fact was, that the work could not be one, with reference to this subject which he would trouble carried on if the temperature was not kept cool.— the House with, and that was a table showing the num (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Baronet then alluded to what ber of criminal offences committed in England and had been said of a surgeon, who happened to be a con- Wales in the year 1841. From that the House might stituent of his (Mr. Strutt's) own. It was true that he judge of the condition, or rather the moral character, of had stated that the children ran from fifteen to twenty the females in the manufacturing districts. The pro. miles. But this occurred in the case of working at portion of females committed for offences was much sowing silk—a process in which there was no machinery greater in the manufacturing and commercial counties whatever, and which was something lik e th a t o f rope - t h an i n the agricultural counties. He took 13 mann making.-4Hear, hear.) This was not a case which facturing, and 13 agricultural counties ; and in 1841 the could be reached by legislation.—(Hear, hear.) The number of females committed in the agricultural districts Hon. Baronet then said that the children worked for was one to six males, and in the manufacturing and thirteen or fourteen hours; but in the town of Derby commercial counties one to three males. Now he would there was not a single mill which worked more than ten appeal to the House to consider the position in which hours.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that, on the whole, this question was placed. He would tell her Majesty's some of the silk manufacturers would prefer being left Government that it was not a new matter—it was not out of the Bill altogether. But he thought they would now propounded for the first time—for the last twelve be satisfied with the suggestion of the Right Hon. Ba- years it had been gradually growing Op. Let the Go ronet, and he therefore hoped his Hon. Friend would vernment bear in mind what was the position of the not press his amendment. question now, after a majority of that House had affirmed Mr. 'l'. EGERTON said that, after the suggestion of it—a majority involving the representatives of the the Right Honourable Baronet, he would not press his greatest of the commercial constituencies in the kingdom amendment. —(Cheers)—and supported by the fervid and undy- The amendment was then withdrawn, and the clause ing sympathy of this country.—(Cheers.) Did they agreed to. think it wise—did they think it just, to reverse such a Clauses 3,4, 5, and 6, were agreed to without discus- nighty decision by the simple exercise of official autho sion. On clause 7 being proposed, . rity?—(Cheers.) He appealed to the House whether, Mr. ALDAM said that the woollen manufacturers after having excited such bright hopes and expectations, objected to the seventh clause. they would now destroy that hope which had been called Mr. SHEPHERD said he wished to correct a nsis- into life amongst the great body of our manufacturing representation which had occurred in reference to what population—he called upon them not to do so—from the he had said the other night. He wished now to state bottom of his heart he called upon them to do justice to that in the town of Frome, children were altogether ex- the sympathy which had been evinced by the whole eluded from the factories. The men and women and country on this subject—to do justice to their own cha young persons usually worked twelve hours, and it meter, and not turn round upon their decision and de would be very injurious to their interests if they were stroy its effect. He called upon them to have regard prevented from so doing. for the character they occupied in the country, and to Mr. VERNON SMITH said the whole argument the character they occupied iu the minds of all the really turned upon the words "no female of any age," nations of the world. Did they think that the and to these words, and to the principle embodied in feeling which had been excited amongst the people them, he entirely objected. He thought it was a very would ever rest until they arrived at that con dangerous principle to introduce that of restricting the summation which was so much desired ? He could labour of adult males or females in manufactories. The assure the Government that if they succeeeded House had, on one or two o cc a s i ons , decid e d on inter- that night--he did not believe they would—but he could fering with the labour of the helpless. They had inter- assure them, that if they succeeded that night, it would fered between the parent and the child, but that was only be to give additional vigour and additional determi because the parents ma de use o f th e l a b our o f their nation to those who had so long maintained the principle children in a manner to seriously injure their health, he was then advocating. If they succeeded that night, and sometimes even to destroy lif e . B u t he had heard their success would have the effect of prolonging the no argument brought forward why men and women sufferings and the evils which he had described. But above the age of twenty-one years should not be allowed they might depend upon it that the sympathy of man to work as at present in factories. He had given his kind and the feeling of the country would compel them vote with great pleasure to the proposition of his Noble ultimately to surrender, and they would surrender at Friend opposite (Lord Ashley), but they were now lay- last, when the boon would have lost all its grace, and he ing down a very important principle—interfering with, feared would be of little remedial power. The Noble and restraining the labour of adults in factories, and Lord concluded by moving that the labour in factories which, if carried into operation might very seriously be ten hours instead of tw e l ve , i nt i mat i ng t h at i f t hi s prejudice the best interests of this country. If it were motion should be carried, he should then move a proviso persevered in, he should certainly divide the House on that it should not come into operation until 1846. the subject.—(Hear, hear.) Sir WILLIAM CLAY said it that was his intention to Sir JAMES GRAHAM must frankly express Iris oppose the motion of the Noble Lord ; but while he did concurrence in what had fallen from the Right Hon. so he would give the Noble Lord full credit for the Gentleman who had just sat down, regarding the im- humane and exalted sentiments he had expressed. He portance of the wor d s o f th e c l a use alluded to by him; could not, however, think that the Noble Lord had made and he further agreed with him in bel eying that the out a case sufficiently strong to justify the Government present was the first time that restraint was sought to be in adopting his proposaL He did not think that the imposed on adult labour in factories. But he was under remedy proposed by the Noble Lord would have the the impression that female labour, under peculiar cir- effect of removing the evils of which the Noble Lord cumstances, required restraint. For instance, married complained. He thought, on the contrary, that the women, under the control of their husbands ; children proposal of the Noble Lord would aggravate rather under the control of their parents ; and women in a de- than diminish the evil. He did not think that the labour licete condition. At present there were frequent in- performed in factories was so severe as to call for le stances, he believed, where the class of persons he had gislative interference. In the opinion expressed by enumerated worked in a manner inconsistent with their medical men, as to the effect of factory labour, there health, and it was necessary the Legislature should in-' were great discrepancies. It was a remarkable fact, that terfere. He hoped the House would accede to the those medical men who were of opinion that factory proposition. labour was injurious to health, were persons not per- After a few words f rom Sir W. CLAY, which were sonally conversant with the subject. Medical men not audible, the clause was agreed to. resident on the spot, in the midst of the factory popu- On clause 8 being proposed, lation, were decidedly of a contrary opinion. If the House Lord ASHLEY rose to move as an amendment, were to refer to the sanatory reports, they would find that the word e tee b e su bstituted for the th a t t h e average duration of life amongst the labouring word 6 , twelve," a nd i n th e ev ent of this amendment population of the manufacturing districts was greater being carried, to add a proviso, to the effect that the than amongst persons of a similar class in the large restriction of the hours of labour to ten in the day shall towns. For instance, the mean duration of life of persons only take effect on the Ist of October, 1846 ; and that, employed in factories in Manchester ss as not less than f rom th e l e t of October next until the Ist of October, the mean duration of life amongst persons in a similar - 1. ;" k i r )‘;'' PU ?if _ fl7r4 , . , ,*•4,, , • 62 . 14 4217 1 •17'11-"e,,i 'any station of life in Liverpool. He , —members of his own constiti were much worse off than the o; He dreaded that this measure stead of realising all the benefits i tq at i t *M t V would tend t o aggravate a great of those evils. He (Sir. W. Clay) could only say that he had bestowed considerable attention upon the matter, and he w,,eld bear his share of the responsibility, by expressing his coincidence of opinion with the Right Hon. Baronet op posite, that the reduction of the amount of the opera tives' wag es would be nearly 25 per cent., instead of what the Noble Lord had stated. It had been said that if there were no manufacturers in other countries, pi ices would rise, but that was not the case; they were running a race with various foreign nations,and had to combat against a very strong and powerful competition. They could not have two separate prices for the heme and the fo reign markets, for that of the home market must always be regulated by the foreign one. The principle sought to be laid down might do very well for the large manu facturers, who exported to the amount of thirty or forty millions, but it would certainly tend to produce a cor responding diminution of labour ; and he would entreat the House to reflect well upon the vvoful effects which follow, and had followed, the dearth of emplovim nt which the manufacturing districts suffered under some time ago, and to consider if the objects proposed would compensate for the enormous defalcation of employment. The Hon. Member for Ashton, when alluding to the report of 1834, proposed a remedy for this st a t e o f things. The Ho n . M em b er proposed that the country should endeavour to persuade foreign nations to adopt a. similar course of legislation with this country. But he (Sir W. Clay) was afraid the House could not see the likelihood of succeeding in effecting this object. He confessed that the Noble Lord seemed to him (Sir W. Clay) to have imbibed some peculiar opinion that the profits of the manufacturer were so enormously large that they could afford so far to sacrifice their income-; as to pay the operatives for working only ten hours the same sum which they did for twelve hours' work.-- (Hear, hear.) In the present superabundant state of the money market he did not see how the Noble Lord could form such an opinion, The large capitalists would not suffer so much, it was true ; but it would press most severely on all the lower class of persons engaged in manufacture ; for if a bur den was imposed upon the master, it must, most as suredly, fall upon the operative ; and in the speech of the Noble Lord, he laid particular stress upon the medical evidence, which stated a female in a state of pregnancy ought not to be compelled or permitted to work for twelve hours a day. Now he (Sir W. Clay) would ask the Nohlo Lord ono question, which he thought would show that this was not so good a point as the Noble Lord seemed to imagine. The question he would ask the Noble Lord was, if it was fit that a female should, when in such a condition, be allowed to work for ten hours—the time contemplated by the Noble Lord's Bill ? He conceded that the Bill afforded facilities for the de tection of fraud ; it also prevented women and children from working in factories from night till morning. In these respects he agreed with it. But he would ask the Noble Lord whether he might not direct his benevolent efforts to other departments of labour ? There was scarcely any department of labour in which the efforts of the Noble Lord were not more wanted. The Noble Lord had shown that highest of human qualities, enthu siasm in well-doing, without which nothing great could be accomplished. He entreated him, therefore, to direct his attention to other branches of industry more requiring his care ; and then, instead of having a narrow majority in that House—(Hear, hear)—he would be supported by its unanimous voice and the universal approbation of the community. Mr. MONCKTON MILNES said, as a Member con nected with the great manufacturing district of the West Riding of Yorkshire, in which this question excited so much interest, he hoped he should be excused from shortly addressing the House on this question. He rose under a conviction that it would be his duty to oppose the Government, with which he usually acted ; he felt a conviction that the course the Government had taken on this question was attended neither with ben: fit to the country nor dignity to themselves.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) In the course of last session, the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department brought forward another Factory They all knew how it was met, and how it was foiled. He did think that, in yielding to the agitation mani fested, the Right Hon. Baronet took a course as little dignified then, as his persisting i n hi s p resen t course was now.—(Cheers.) Had the Right Hon. Ba ronet then persevered, he for one would have been ready to have risked his seat to have supported him. Untl.r what a different aspect the question came before them at present, to what it did last year. The agitation which the Right Hon. Baronet now met, and so stre nuously opposed, was one that had lasted ten years, which excited the most vivid attention and the deepest interest among a large portion of the people, and which was now confirmed by a solemn decision of that House. —(Hear,.hear.) They were now asked to come d , wrt on so rare an occasion to rescind the solemn resolution of that House, come to after an adjourned debate of three days, without any pretence of casualty or haste, be cause the Government wished to take advantage of any chance or contingency that might enable it to reverse the former decision.—(Hear, he.aa) The Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets who had pre ceded him had undertaken the difficult task of showing that the whole matter was a dream of philanthropic enthusiasm on the part of the Noble Lord ; he held outt, the state of the factory children and women as so satis factory that it was almost impertinent in that House to interfere with them. He had hoped that that question. had been settled for ever. He had hoped that they all knew that thousands and thousands of children Ist the manufacturing districts were being brought up in a eon-. dition more degraded than that of a slave population, (Oh, oh)—that thousands perished annually On. the threshold of manhood, physically and morally unable to meet the difficulties of life.---;Hear, hear.) In the presi at year, as in the last, the Government had come down to the House with a Bill interfering with labour. lle considered the speech of the Right Honourable Rano at the head of the Government against this propo sition, applied with much greater force against the prin ciple of any interference at all, than against the modifi cation of it, which was proposed by the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire. All that the Noble Lord had proposed was, that the children, after passing the age of 13, should not be put at once to the dreadful toil oftwelve hours a day. The Hon. Baronet, the Member fur the Tower Hamlets, had tried to make out that twelv e hours' labour a day was extremely light; and such as h e himself would not mind undertaking. He said This on the authority of Mr. Senior; but he believed if the Hon. Baronet and Mr. Senior had but a week's expe rience of it themselves they would come to a very dif ferent opinion on that subject.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Milnes) attached more weight to the opinions of Dr. Hawkins and the medical men of Man chester, than the statement of Mr. Senior, who from his villa at Knightsbridge paid the manufac turing districts only a flying visit. But there was an other part of this question to which he wished to refer —that was the effect of this proposition on the wages of the operatives. Wherever the principle of wages had been scientifically laid down, he had always understood that there were four elements by which the amount cif wages was regulated ; these were population, capita?, the fluctuations in the price of produce, and the standard of living. Neither of these, taken separately and insu lated from the rest, could have any effect on wages— they all depended on each other. He could not believe,. therefore, that a small reduction in the manufacturer's: profit could have such an effect in reducing wages as; seemed to be apprehended. He would solemnly' ask the Committee to look well at wi they n ere doing before they rescinded the former decision of the House. He asked them to consider under what a different aspect the question came before them now. Let them remember that it had gone forth to every village and hamlet in the manufacturing districts that there was now a majority of the representatives or the people who had declared it to be their opinion that children ought not to be worked more than ten tears a-day. At that moment the people were speaking of it to one another, telling each other that the n o bl e exertions of the Noble Lord had at last accom plished the object for which he had contended, by ten years of unwearied exertion on his part, and of unceasing hope on theirs. Could the Go vernment suppose that a decision of the House, re-- versing the former vote, obtained by any means they might command, would have the effect of turning back the river from its course, or make the people of England forget the decision of the former night ? They would not forget it ; and if they were likely to do so, his Noble Friend would take care that they did not. But he thought it comparatively of small importance what might be the result of the vote of that evening ; the fate of the measure was settb.d. The Ten Hours' Bill was as much at that moment the law of the land, as any other part of the interfering 13111 of the Government. He sincerely and heartily grieved that the Government had set itself against the opinions,. the sympathy, the good feeling, and religious sense of s t large porti on o f t h e peop l e of England; and he wortalli sit down by humbly imploring the Committee to ms-ist the dangerous course the Government was pursuing, and not, by so persisting, drive his Noble Friend to sonic, desperate extremity (Cheers and laughter) taking a step in which, he believed, he would be sup ported by a majority of that House—that of laying at the feet of her Majesty herself the prayer of the people, imploring the interference of her benevolence and noble feelings against the short-sightedness, or rather the blindness, of the Government.—(Ckeers.) Mr. VERNON SMITH said he felt called on to vote for a Ten Hours' Bill. The whole argument of the oponents of the ten hours' system rested, the other even ing, on the ground that they ought not to interfere whit labour at all. But he found that the Governinfait had interfered in - the Bill with the freedom of labour. —(Hear, hear.), But it might be said that children and unmarried females were not free agents. That, he was sorry to say, was the case with regard to a great portion of the male population of the country ; and it was not exclusively applicable to females that they were not free to dispose of their labour. It was more in the power of the master to say to the labourer " you shall work," . than is the power of the labourer to say "I : will not work. They interfered with labour on the! ground of the helplessness of the children, and because the system was tending to unhinge society altogether; Perhaps there might be some doubt as to the propriety of interfering with labour at' all, for in 1833 the pres sure was found to be so great that persons of all parth s were determined upon interfering on behalf of children. The question now proposed to him was, whether he thought a child was capable of working twelve or ten hours?—(Hear, hear.) He had no hesitation in answelr•- ing such a question, and saying that he was decidedly in favour of ten hours as the proper limit--(Hear, hear.) He believed ho person would say that the children could work twelve hours a day without injuring their moral and physical constitution.—(Hear, hear.) The real argument against the ten hours came from the Right lion, Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home 1e- S U N 1 i I