The Sun. — London, England, 1821-06-22 00:00:00

• Government had to ask themselves was, whether they left it in such a state . ' that . it might, at a fu ture time, rise to their view, a terrifying spectre to warn them of their. misconduct ;- or whether - they did not fulfil, as far as could be done, con sistently with Sound principle, all they had en gaged to perform.? He thought they were right in saving the point of honour, though, generally speaking, it was not so Safe a principle as that of no . n-interf erence, except for self protection. No thing b ' l t an evident course of oppressive conduct cquldhaVenot justified 'th e i r interference. It Was enol to say, that a single individual had ) 1 ~,i ,njustly or barsfilY treated ; and there be- Jag no complaint except from au individual (Cap tain ,Itorneo,) . the natural conclusion was, that there was no grOUnd ror'it. He had therefore n° reproach to make to his own conscience for the line of policy ' , adopted. He thought there Arts no ground in former transactions• for the in terference of the. Noble Lord, and even if there were it was now too late. . Sir J. MACKINTOSH thought that no question called for further explanation than one connected 'with the conduct and good faith of this Govern- In ent with the Government of Foreign States.— , -rt Was with this feeling thathe rose to support •themolion of the Noble Lord. Ile would argue ..the question on the 'grounds - which the Noble •Marquis had stated were these on which it ought to be' a rgue d , not ta ki ng a very m i nute or micros 'eopic View of the subject, but supporting the motion because it apPeared, to him that this Go-, Yernt - nent had deviated from the principles laid, down in its dispatches and - public papers, and had - .neglected thOse duties to the Sicilians which it had solemnly bound itself to perform. He ex- Pressed sur p r i se a t h ear i ng the union of these three kingdoms compared with the annexation of s'icily to Naples, and - sheaved that the cases were . ...4ifierent. He maintained that the Noble Lord was justified in-bringing forward his motion now and not before, as it was - but recently that he had become ,acquainted with the pledge given by this country to maintain the ancient condition 9f.. : Sicily. The instructions produced had not been sent out to Sir William A.'Court till eighteen :months after the change had taken place in the .GoernMent: Ile could..wish to see the original • i nstructions. sent out to Sir W. A'CoUrt, as he ,thought it ahnost impoSsible that ,instructions should not 'have been sent out at an earlier pe riod.; and he thought it 'probable that a Curious discordance would be found betiveen the tone held during the war in 1814,... and that assumed witen the Allies had triumphed:iolSl6. The -Noble Lnrd ,had. applied hitnelf. to shew,'first, that individuals had not suffered'from their con , nection with 'England ; and, ,Secondly, that the .S icilianshad not complained of -our not interfer ing in their behalf. With respect to the first, it has ,said that hot, a single, complaint had been ° lade but that of. Captain Romeo. Could 'this sil 'nee arise from the universal satisfaction . r• had been inspired by the - conduct °I. the Government ? No !—the universality of silence proved to him the existence diStrust, fear, and despair—a dread of ke resentment of their own Government, if they made a complaint, and a fear that nothing that would do could console them under the I" 3 eetttiOn to which, acting such a part, they w uald themselves. That'Sort of assurance . expose ' ll.. which the Noble Lord relied, we might ob .from Algiers, Morocco, or Siberia. When . saw themselves abandoned 'by the 'ngltsh and handed over -to their former tnas: - t rs, it was clear to him that they had no hope of ` r ` - 4 1 ef from British interference, and to 'this he - 4 rit)ed. the absence of complaint. The Noble n'Tarquis had called his Noble • Friend, " -the • 'l‘lftie nit of the SiCilian." He. hoped that title t r. 54 -kl.remain to him. When such a title had 4) ."0 bestowed as a mark - of contumely, it was t ut to.be supposed that the complaints of the wouldeasily find.their way to the ear of the Noble Marquis. He .would argue the ques ' 1011 on ,three groUnds—first, he would inquire • Whether_ there was any evidence. before the House, '. 4) r before Eur Ope, to prove that it was. imprac `•-ti(ble to reform the Constitution established. un tlerthe auspices of the Noble Lord. Secondly, • . i s f ,clay ther e was , w h e th er th e anc ien t C onst i tut i on o f which was to have been restored; had not ' ) "en destroyed; and, thirdly, whether the change Il° W made by the King..of Naples, Which had re • b Pened the question, was not a departure for the I '°rse fro m th e syst em of Government established inn i 816: in which this country had a c qu i es c e d - ""o on all these. points he would contend that the 'notion. ,of the Noble Lord was entitled to the su Pport of the House. In the first,place,.he was surprised that the Noble Marquis should treat the reverential attempt which had b" . " ll .lnatle t o imitat e the f orms o f th e B r iti s h Con sttution, by a people new to legislation.. He l o * f i ntl:to know where the AddresS to the King t ,'„ ic ity to devise a new form of GovernMent was s i ,?,Q, found. He had 'read. the proceedings Of the all - d I L L 'n Parliament but. ound nothing of the kind, • b e understood that many -of the leading Mem -I.ers Sere of opinion that no such measure was • w ' ee essary, and .were satisfied that the 'Parliament ! Is Capable of reforming itself. The Marquess 4 cello -and Sir William A'Court did indeed ' c f.eitk..of th e difficulty of effecting any sal u t ar y a us la nge in the' old. Constitution. But how did "eY Speak of it ? It was. merely alluded, to in parenthesis, whereas it ought to have been so clear that nothing could be more satisfactory to man's conscience and understanding. Never . "as a resoluti on effected with so littl e delibera - tion,, or . with such an entire absence of necessity this execution of the P ar li ament of Sicily-. He . believed the only difficulty of effecting a re %reflation m-as.the objection of the Parliament to • Submit to-an -absolute. monarchy. tie believed • that they- possessed . some sense of _duty towards their constituents, and some love towards their. Country ; and possessing these, they thought that an introduction of an absolute monarchy_ was' not th e roost likely way to restore the natural vigour of a limited Government, and a Representa-:' ConStitution. The Ministers of the King' of Naples thought. otherwise. They were anxious to . bring into operation the political • , Enaxirns upon which their Own -despotic Go-. , Ternm.ent.Mas founded ;_and. it was very natu . • ~• ral that they should feel. such an anxiety. Puring all - our negotiations with the Court of Naples ) the treaty which she had entered into with the other tyrannical powers of Ettrope had been : kept.entirely out of, our sight. It had been concealed by her, even from her closest Ally, and not even the Noble Lord; or Sir Wm. A'Court, were aware of its existence. Bound; as she was, by that nefarious article, to establish a despotism throughout all the states of the King of Naples, it was easy to account for her eagerness to rivet the chains of the Sicilians. When he said a despo, tism, he did not mean to say that it was a Go vernment of tyranny - and oppression, but he used the word in the sense which was attached to it by our forefathers, who applied it to any absolute monarchy. Were they then to take the evidence of this Government, determined and bound as it thus was to destroy the very Constitution which it denied the possibility of reforming, and after it had descended so far as to deceive its own most intimate Ally ?; The Noble Lord said that they found many conspiracies on foot, and . that that was a reason for dismembering the Ancient Constitution. He wished to tread lightly upon the ashes. of . the dead, and to . speak with the strictest delicacy where the female name and fame were implicated. But he would call upon the Noble Lord to say, whether it was in the Par liament of the Two Sicilies, or whether it was not in the Capital, in the Court, in the family of the King of Naples ? The people of Sicily clung fast in their veneration and love to this . country, because it was. the ancient seat, the classic ground of liberty. He looked to it as the model upon which all nations were to reform their institutions and to mark out their independence. They look ed to England, not because she was England, but because she was a free country. They never expected that an English Minister would declare the practical abolition of their Parliament as a trifling matter, and which required a micros copic eye to determine whether or not there was.a violation of constitutional principle. The English Government had bound itself not only.to restore the ancient Government of Sicily, but at the same time to protect= the growth of new in stitutions and -of improved principles of legisla tion. The Noble Lord said he could draw no comparison between the two Governments. The fact was, that the present was as simple as any Government could be=-it-was, as he had before stated, what our forefathers called a simple des, potism. With - respect to the revenue, the old Parliament never granted the supplies for more than four years, which compelled the King to hold a Parliament quartennially. By the Treaty of 181.6 however, this bulwark of the people's rights was taken away. It was said, indeed, that no legislative measures -could now be effected without the 'consent of Parliament. The consent of what.Parliarnent ? Why,of that which never . was to assemble again but at the pleasure of the King. To the King was given the right, if-he chose to exert it, of altering the taxes, by taking off some, 'and imposi ng - o th ers i n - th e i r s t ea d.' Supposing, by the exercise- of this power, the takes of the people were to be raised to treble their original amount. What was to detect such practices, if- the people were left without a Par liament to controul the supply granted to the King ? Where was the -budget ? And where was their Hon. Member for Aberdeen to detect. its fallacies, and to point out and curb its extra. vagance ? It was said that the. Sicilians were not lit.for political liberty, and that personal liberty and protection to their lives and property, were all that they were formed to enjoy. He won. dared that they - were not quite to be reduced to an Asiatic sublimity .of liberty. But he would challenge any of these sublime philosophers to show in what period of history, in what region of the world civil liberty was ever long in exist ence without political liberty to support it ? In England, if they looked .three .centuries backwards, and saw the King, Lords, and Com mons of, this country divided against each other, how much. pretext would there have been for their saying also that the people of England were not fit to enjoy political liberty ? The cases were the same, and no distinction could be drawn be twixt them. This Government in Sicily was tried, but for two years, and then it was decided that an absolute monarchy alone could govern the people. If the English Constit u tiO n h a d been tried in a. similar manner . at many periods during its infancy, it must have met the same fate. He called upon that House, which had arisen from small beginnings to be the greatest Representative Assembly that the world. ever saw, : to examine into the circumstances which Could justify the abolition of a free Government after a trial of two years. This Government had been abolish ed by the union of the two Kingdoms, because it gave the King the power of raising his revenue without the consent of Parliament, which in con sequence was never likely to be called together. 'The only tie which we held in this country upon the for the assembling of Parliament, was the necessity of having the Supplies voted. This must be done yearly, and. Par liament was accordingly compelled to assemble once during every year. Under the ohl Go vernment of Sicily the Supplies were granted (as he had before said) quartennially,'and this formed a guarantee for corresponding meetings of that Parliament. But although Sir W. A'Court had formally guarded against abrogating the Parliament altogether,. yet by taking away this check, they had in fact abrogated the rights and liberties of the people.. The. Councils which were now established did not go to transfer the rights of the old Parliament so winch as to destroy them altogether. These Councils were ,not neces sarily composed of the Nobl e s o f Si c ily, nor of Members of learned and respectable professions. The most obscure proprietor in the islands was eligible, and they were most likely to be com posed of such persons ; they being the descrip tion of men chosen as the obsequious slaves of a despotic' Government. The time was now ar rived when this despotism mast be established. 'They heard of troubles in Sicily, -and 10,000. troops were said to be on the point to. debark upon the shores of that .unhappy country, to .bring with them the scourge of tyranny which accompanied the footsteps of - their employ ers. all. over the Continent. These mercena, ries fete to torte an upstart despotism not three weeks old upon the miserable people who had been promised the protection of this country. There was a passage in the Decree of this new GoVernment of Naples, which, even in private, had excited in his mind the deepest in dignation. When he saw this despotism of three weeks growth, threatening to - send amongst a people longing to be free, 10,000 mercenary troops, and telling that people, according to the language of the decree, that they had as much independence as was good for them, although de based from the enjoyment of the rights of Euro pean citizens, almost to the s condition of Asiatic slaves, he could not but be filled with wonder, indignation, and abhorrence.----(Hear, hear !) The House then divided--L- For the Motion Against it Majority against it - LAYBACH CIRCULAR. - - - - - - 69 - -34 On our return to the gallery, we found Mr. S, WORTLEY on his legs, addressing the House rela tive to the Circular lately issued by the Allied Sovereigns at Laybach. The Hon. Member pro ceeded to say, that their conduct was such as to make England an outlaw at the least. He had the utmost confidence in the conduct and general councils of his Noble Friend, and his late letter shewed evidently that that confidence was not misplaced. A Circular Dispatch appeared in the Papers, from Austria, Russia, and Prussia, to their Ambassadors at Foreigri Courts, stating. their having met to oppose the recent revolutions, and reprobating the disposition to change which had appeared in certain quarters ; and this Cir cular expressed the views of these Sovereigns as to all future changes in different _Governments.— The Sovereigns' Dispatch went on to say what measure of reform they would allow, and added, that they would only tolerate that which pro ceeded from those who were " answerable to God" for the use of power. But all this came to the point, that no reform, except that .which originated with the Sovereigns themselves, was to be henceforth permitted. If such, how ever, were the law of England, would the English House of Commons be now able to act as became them ? On the contrary, every one knew that most of our liberties were wrested from our Sovereigns by the sword.— (ifear.)—lf those Allied Sovereigns had confined their principles to their own states, perhaps he would not have interfered with this question ; but when the principle was so wide, he could not avoid saying'it never ought and never would ex tend to England. With respect to the change in Naples, although the majority there did not effect it, still he objected to the interference of Austria, because the principle on which he acted was, that no people should interfere in effecting any. change contrary to the will of the Sovereign. With re spect also to the Revolution in Piedmont, it was' effected by a very few and not by the peOple ; and the fault with the Congress of Laybach was, that that they did not say, you are asserting your liberties against the good and general will of the state, and therefore we must put you down.— They said, however, in place of this, you are op posing your Sovereign, and therefore you must be put down. But if those Monarchs were allowed such a power, could England escape Could Spain escape ? No ; and with respect to Spain, if it were not for the interference of France, the Allied Armies would have over-run her territory ; and whatever of liberty the Spa niards now had would be alto g ether denied to thetn.—(llear, hear, hear !)—He said no thing harshly of these Monarchs, with respect to their personal capacity ; but if they erect ed themselves into a court against the liber ties of Europe, they must expect to hear English men speak their minds.—(Cries of hear !)—lf in the crusade they undertook, they invaded the general principles of liberty, this House, as the guardian of the world's liberty, was bound to re sist such dangerous doctrines.—(Hear, hear !) All he now wished to do was, to move for the production of the authentic documents of those declarations to which he had alluded, in order at a future period, if necessary, to found some fur ther resolution upon them., If, however, his Noble Friend stated any good reasons for op posing their production, he should certainly not feel it his duty to press for the declaration con tained in those papers. Ills duty obliged him to make the few observations he uttered, and he should now leave it to the House. The Marquess of LONDONDERRY said, as be agreed with the general opinions of his Hon. Friend, it would not be necessary for him to go much at length into those reasons on which he should oppose the documents now called for. Unless for a. practical purpose, such papers were not usually produced ; but as that did not seem his Honourable Friend's object, he was further called upon not to produce the declaration to which he had alluded. If the proceedings at Troppau were not called for by either House of Parliament, there was nothing in the present case to contravene that system of policy , which was then adopted. The adminis- iration of foreign affairs should he most properly vested in the Executive, where no conduct appeared on their part justifying - the infrac tion of those rights and liberties which they were called on to protect. When other papers were called for, the motion was met with a direct ne gative ; and in the present case there was stronger ground for pursuing the game line of conduct. At Troppau the document issued, imputed doc trines which it was said the English Government was disposed to have acceded to ; but which, as became them, they directly resisted. The Councils of this country were infringed by that document, and England was expressly mentioned by name, and linked and bound by some practicable pro position to which England was made a party. ,The law of nations was there laid down according to their views of those laws; but the English Government, finding that to be an unsound exposition of general principles, acted as became them. If the State Papers-of Europe were to be placed one against the other, the different Crowned Heads .would be little better than a debating society, heighten ing by acrimony the difficulties of the different States. If then the'documents issued at Troppau were not-produced, there was nothing in the Cir- cular of Laybach to call tor A its be i ng prevented tarn the exceptions into the rule, but the Sovea to the House. - The Government of England had reigns had swept'away a ll rule,, for.theßussiatt already offered th e i r p ro t es t, to some of t h e doe- Ambassador avowed that Naples - had btien at. trines issued at Troppan, and _it was 'lbw the tacked merely Ibecause it, Was within reach,' The less necessary to, take any step as to the Decla- do cum ent i n p i est i cno fC ountNesselrod esaid.that ration at Laybach. ' He felt bound t o declare•no Government was determined "to mark rebellion one State was bound or had any right to interfere withthe seal ofits reprobation." ACcordingtri,Rus. with another, because all changes were not ef. sian Diplomacy, any resistance to the most bloody fected, apparently to them, for the good of those despotism would be brought under the desbripa who made the change. No State should, or could tion of rebellion ; but the Allies had in effeet pre. so interfere. Such interference would render all surned to comlemn the glorious conduct of our au. foreign States the judges of neighbour States, and cestors, and had in prospect condemned the best set them up as a tribunal inconsistent_ with aim. of men to come.—Hear!—They 'had declared mon sense and the law of nations.L—(Cries of they would condemn every change in a Govern Hear !)—AlthOugh he considered the Illustrious meet except that ividch should proceed from the Sovereigns ill advised in making those declara- free will of the Sovereign. The House would ob. tions, he acquitted thetri of all ill intention, and serve that this document did not refer to the Car- , gave them credit for not acting on any sordid honari, or any other Society, as it was,put, forth view, or with any other than an honest desire net long before the , breaking out of - the Neapolitan to be threatened in the contiguity of their own Revolution. However, he (Sir James) was States.—(Hear!)—Extrem e principles generally content with the reprobation which had been be- , pranced evils; but, thank God,_England was not stowed by our own Government upon the con yet a country which applauded all revolutions, in duct'of the Allied Sovereigns ; and there was Whatever way-they might be effected. We hadhad no part of the letter "Written by the Noble Mar one revolution, but it was guided .by parliamen-, quis which he (Sir James) admired - so much as tary wisdom ; and except under necessity, we that. which pointed out the danger of attempting never had a recurrence to violence or arms. It to reduce their principles into practice. 16 - fact, :was the pride of their ancestors in 168ti.to ,shew the three great Powers.were in a state 'of perrna they had done nothing, excentunder the neces- .neat conspiracy against the Liberti e s o f N a ti ons . sitsof the case. H e . t rus t e d th e y never would —(ltear, .hear!)—No sec ur ity cou ld b e o bt a i ne d 1 ... become the panegy r i s ts, o f revolutions, merely be- from that na tu ra l jealousy with which one nation - cause some fortunate r e s u lt .m i g ht h av e f o ll owe d h ad been accustomed to look at the aggrandize them. Under a - false a pp re he n s io n , h e regrette d ment , of the other. The accursed system of par to find there wer e , s ome i n th a t H ouse. who'adVO. tition had destroyed this se-curity ; 'and the' case cated counter changes to the existing: order of of Poland shewed that no country suffered the things, though not in this country. An organ-, pillage of . another without being rewarded:by_ a ised system of revolution could 'not be justified, share of the plunder. If the personal character neither could an union of Sovereigns, :to pat of the Sovereigns was offered as a pledge '.l . al' se down all change: But if one revolution was the, curity, it invited an inquiry into that charact er . organic means of an o th er , h e was no t surpr i se d if How stood the question in this respect ? In 1807 the. dangers were opposed at an earlier period Russia and Sweden were the Allies of' Great than might be abs o l u t e ly necessar y. U pon t h e B ritain. In the course of the same. year 'Russia part of this Country, he stood on the Principle thought fit to' become the Ally of 'France . „' and avowed by his Majesty on the 19th of January— did so at the peace of, Tilsit. Sweden eause . d that was a rock of principle in itself, and in put- to - follow the example of this perfidy and was ting it forward to the world, he thought his Ma- robbed of Finland ; and subsequently Dein:nark jesty's Governmenthad acted as became them.-- was robbed of Nor Way, in order that SWeden (Hear, hear !)—He should say little of the con- might receive an equivalent for Finland. .If was duct adopted towards Italy; but it was clear to for modern times- to shew the robbery' a . one the understanding of every man, that revolutions country to make good -the robbery of another.--:--- were set on foot by cold-blooded parties, whose If these were the acts of the Sovereign of Russia, contagious example extended even to Turkey, he was treacherous, and the sincerity of hiSs-cha which was now bleeding at every pore. In his ratter was worthless; and, if they were the - acts conscience he believed that these calamities of his Ministers, they destroyed the security of were owing:- to the spread of secret societies, that very 'personal character. Extreme pritici whose object w a s th e d es t ruc ti on o f a ll' the esta- pies were sure t o p rovo k e extravagant extremes blished Governments of Europe. ..His Hon. of an opposite character. The conspiracy of these Friend would, he was sure, be the last man to Sovereigns against the liberties of Europe wbuld, press for.any thing derogatory to the interest of he feared, give rise to ,a systematic combination this country, and .he was also happy -to say that against Kings. E ng l an d, b e t rus t e d, wou ld s h ew the letter of his M a j es ty, so f ar f rom giVing offence the fallacy, of * . both ektrernes, 'and by - a firm to the Allied Powers, had operated in a contrary avowal of its principles, would prove the justice Manner. The duty of this Government was to and wisdom of its Constitution.—(Hear, hear!) preserve peace a nd a goo d understandin g w ith ... M r . C". lIUTCHINSON said, he should h ave re others ; and if ever any difference should here- mained silent on the present discussion, 110 the after take place he trusted it would only be on Noble Marquis merely refused the protlnction some practicalpoint,which he should hope would of the document in question on a princiPl be unnecessary.' In the declaration of, January, of State policy. But although the Noble Mar the Government laid down the principles which quis did not support the principles ,of the Paper, they considered consonant with the well under- he had supported the views of the Allied Sove stood laws of .nations ; and having stated so much, r e i gns . Wh enever t h e prese n t quest i on ' ws he felt'satisfied th e H ouse wo uld see there was no sta r t e d, it was always met by a warm euloginm necessity for producing th e p a p er s ca lled for.— on. the t wo E m p erors , in whose transactions he (Hear, hear !) _ (Mr. H.) considered the Noble Marquis and. his Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH said that the technical colleague to 'be parties. The SOvereigns 'had objection of the Noble Marquis to the present dragged the, King of. Naples as a prisoner to motion had a tendency to narrow the constitu- Troppau, and had compelled him to violate" the Clonal functions of the Ho u s e . Th e N o bl e 'Mar- most solemn oaths. 'Was not this, he ask e d, .an quis had not stated that a compliance with the act of villainy and aggression? They had also motion would cause any injury, and indeed he put 100,000 men in .motion, On - .a bare rumour (Sir James) must repeat, that the whole of the that their plans were about-to be resisted'. They argument of the Noble Marquis went to contract had made. themselves the dictators of Europe, the constitutional privileges of the House. .With and the policy of the NOble Marquis hat) re the general principles of the Noble Marquis he duced this country to the rank - of a ininor I :State, (Sir James) was not disposed to quarrel ; on the and, from the transactionsat,Vienna downwaVas, contrary, he was rejoiced' to hear him condemn the Noble Marquis . had madelimself a partner the conduct pursued by the Allied Sovereigns at in all the .measures of spoliation adopted by . the Troppau and Laybach.—(hear.)—ile was,glad Allies. to hear a repetition of the'strong language of the Colonel DaVts said, there was no act or atro- Noble - Marquis on this subject, and he trusted that city of which he did not think the Allies citable. this language would find its way through the As Russia was a maritime power, he tNught House all over Europe. -(Cheers.) lie was no ge- it by no means impossible that the, .Austrian neral admirer of revolutions, but he could not be- troops now in Sicily might he substituted ftit: Rus lieve that-areveltition was,in every case, thegreat- sian, and the English maritime ascendancy in est of all evils,. for it generally implied the exist- that quarter would 'be disturbed. He merely put ence of a greater evil, which it-was the object of the - case •hypothetically, and 'he wished •tokflow the revolution to remove. Thegreatest evil, he the course which would be taken by Miniaters, thought, was perpetual slavery, for 'it 'was at should Austria attempt to keep perwarteni ,IN•s once the.disgrace-and the scourge of mankind.---- session of Sicily ? .. The waste of human blood was an evil, but it • The Marquis'of LONDONDERRY said, he-must was less than , nothing - when compared with the ' • . bee- to decline - answering the - hypothesis* the loss of liberty. Ile could not but feel surprised at .Gallant Member ;' for he conlitnot anlwer upOu a the reference which had•been made-by the Noble case which was merely assumed. At .present - it Marquis in the case of Naples, and the. way in which was' understood that the Austrians merely.-re he had applied it; in the case of NapleS, which lieved the - Neapolitan-garrisons, who"were'yery had been brought.before the Ifonse,A. secret - di, unpopular in . Sicily, in consequen ce o f their . ex plomatic correspondenc e h a d . b een withheld, and 'cesses at unpopular, • The Austrian troops' had its production uas refused on the ground that the beenintroduced at the request of •-the Icing of House reposed confidence in Ministers, and that .Nitples himself, and he was-riot prepared fo„;.say an order for producing it would imply• a want of that we ought to interfere" in a case wher . ein a ht that confidence. The present motion was for the Sovereign .thought proper to invite foreikrt'Sol diers into his owndominions. official production of a document already pub 'Sir It. WILSoN said he cotild not agree in the fished. It was 'called: for because it displayed is Principle just laid down by the,Noble Marquess. the views, of powerful Wand combined Score- If the King of Spain, for instanee, ;chose to in ps intoh is ornriions„ was,this reigns and affected the safety of - Li'uropcn• The vite foreign. troo d'' ''' ' - ' • Allied' Sovereigns had acquired the possession of : immense territory, and had assumed a right to put country hot to .notice it ? With respeet'to7th e observation of his Gallant F r i en d;- he Allan& down what th e y ca ll e d _ re b e lli on w h erever . it there was real danger that the ascendancy ^4 . h e should appear. Not the least aggravation "of English in the .:Sicilian quarter.. would' liel.i.lis their conduct was the fact,' that after the. protest turbed.' - - - . of England against the principles upOn which , they acted, they, at the close of. their labours; The Marquess of •I.OI;IDONDERRY said, the.ilan reptiblished those- principles and readopted all ger existed only in 'the fertile imagination of, -, the that had been con d emne d b y. t hi s country. The _ on - . and Gallant. General. paper lately..ci rcu l a t e d,b y C ount -N esse l ro d e, t h e Russian Ambas sa d or , re f erre d to a paper h e h a d . ,•,. Mr. -8.:WO UTLEY said a- few wOrdi In reply, i• _ ' .... published twelve months before, addressed to t o the 'effect,as was understood, thatife - had - no. the Spanish Minister at the Russian Court , . This wish to divide' the Honse; 'hilt 'StrangerS Were prevmualy circulated -paper was directed against ordered to withdraw, ' and a division took place, t - ;'. -, •- • ' :. ••!- 7! the Spanish Revoluti on , an d t vl hat..alone; for th o s e - ,when there' . appeared - • _i of Naples and Pied mon t h a d not t h en taken place. For the Motion Terence,l was clear, therefor e ., that the ri g ht, o f i n t er - ' Against it '. had b een so,boldlyassued,.could '• ' • Majority 4- , which rn not be justified., with regard to S-pain on, the „ -131 . 4 ATE U.ARRII,j' i S.:4 0 . ground of.vicinage. •The right, therefore, which ~;;er: Alderman WOOD called. the attentioTi .;.of the T . T•ch_ 4' to A. waste of the propertt of. thc . cordyrt. by certgna.:li:4.s had been. so assumed stood upon the reverse of ivh'..'t fiad'been 'Aianted of ranic.a;-in,Walefiolid whi4l, li/; cot,_ all principle, upon a mere.-desire to•govern other tei * d ? ' re q Uired -an i'ogniry. 1160i4efbrelmy44--:Apt a to p : „.iiit b of two 13ase§by the. Board 0WV904 uliV9.st4s.4);*Qrd in cases lik e this it w a s d angerous (!eminittee sopld ,bo appomted td , 'take .intfrkiottsidorailoirthe nations. 59 •*'• - ~il'~.