The Sun. — London, England, 1844-03-25 00:00:00

Milttion It; w SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock, - - TA.TTERSALL'S.-THIS EVENING QUARTER TO SIX O'CLOCK, 10 to 1 agst Pagan CHESTER CUP. 12 to 1 agst Pharaoh 22 to 1 agst Tacita 23 to 1 agst Freedom 25 to 1 agst The Prior 25 to 1 agst Sir Robert 25 to 1 agst Alice Hawthorn DERBY. 6,3- to 1 agst Ugly Buck 7 to 1 agst Rattan 16 to 1 agst Orlando 20 to 1 agst Cockamaroo 20 to 1 agst Running Rein 50 to 1 agst Campunero 27 to l agst Sir Gilbert Heathcote's lot IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. lIS EVENING.) ~~'" • , •- I '-"LBAi e , ;SE OF LORDS. „..if"U_. ANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool -16:3 - j4O: 1 • ~ ock. \\,... 0 .4404 ..,, ESBOROUGH presented a petition t ars of Derby, praying that so much -A 7 4_ t -- at 1 oiLich authorised the payment of sa- _ i ' ~ ~'!`: SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. GLOBE.—As Easter term approachesr the public attention in Ireland . is almost wholly engrossed by the discussion of the national question, " What will the Go vernment do with O'Connell ?" Nor is this question, in its absorbing interest, confined to the Irish people. In England the same inquiry is heard on every hand. The interest excited by this strongly-debated question is second to none of the numerous pending ques tion; involved in the uncertainty of ,the future. Speculations as to the most prudent course for Go- I eminent to adopt, under the peculiar circumstances in which it is placed by the prosecution and conviction of O'Connell and his co-defendants, are rife in all quar ters. In Ireland the question is debated by the party organs with the fervid heat which characterizes party discussions in that country. As a specimen of the tone and manner in which the Irish press treats this ques tion, an extract or two from the . journals of the two antagonist parties—the one braving the vengeance of the law, and the other invoking the severest punish ment of the convicted parties—will afford some faint • idea of the excitement which prevails. The Freeman's Journal thus raves :—" The testing time is coming. It will soon be seen whether a British Government, boasting of its moderation, will, in the nineteenth century, venture on an act of political vengeance which will produce nothing but exasperation at home and infamy abroad. They looked anx iously for a compromise—for any pretext of consist ency to set up against the vindictive clamours of that Orange rancour which would lead the miserable Irishmen whom it possessed to demand even the life of the great patriot, and to exclaim, like a similar faction of eld—' His blood be upon us and upon our children !' But compromise there can be none. The chief traverser has defied their worst. They admit that he has cut off all retreat by destroying the bridge behind him.' There can be no surrender, except on the part of the Go vernment. The men whom they would victimise have no guilt to confess—no apology to make. Were they to bind themselves nos to refiain from the deeds for which they are prosecuted, they would be false to their own principles and pledges, traitors to their country, and they would lay suicidal hands on their public cha racter. On such terms, the pardon of the Government would wither in a moment the laurels of half a century." The Tory prints are not a whit less violent in their appeals to the Government for vindictive punishment on the convicted Repealers. They had the indecency before trial to predict, with unwavering certainty, the verdict which an exclusively Protestant jury would return, and to fix the period and the place of imprison ment which the Court would award as punishment. And now - the Packet (the most moderate of the Dublin anti-O'Connell press) boasts that the " Mendicant tyrant" must certainly "go to gaol ;" the Mail taunts the Ministry with infirmity of purpose, and intimates that the measure of its infidelity to the Protestant in• stitutions of the country will, there is reason to fear, be completed by some mean compromise with the con victed conspirators. That Ministers are placed in a perplexing dilemma, there can be no question. That *they would gladly escape from the perils which beset them—the Scylla of compromise on the one hand, and the Charybdis of incarcerating O'Connell on the other— no one can doubt, who has watched the course of events. The demonstrations of public feeling, provoked by the opinion which pervades the public mind, in both coun tries, that a conviction, rather than a fair adminis tration of justice, was the determined purpose of the law-officers of the Crown, have been almost unpre cedented. The law is supposed to have been stretched, to comprehend those whose proceedings were not fairly within its prohibitions. The punishment which, in the ordinary course, follows conviction has therefore been, by anticipation, rendered powerless. The Government may punish O'Connell ; but they cannot degrade him. The Court may sentence him to confinement in Kilmainham or Carrickfergus ; but as one of the jour nals, writing in anticipation of such a course, remarks, 4 , Whatever be the prison of the Liberator, it will be the Thermopylse of Ireland ! It will be the holy ground of patriotism to which many a pilgrim will resort in coming ages." The reception which O'Connell has met with in the English o.etropolis, and also in several of the largest towns of England, has tended to increase the embar rassments of Ministers, when contemplating the course to be pursued in following up his conviction to judgment. The cordial cheers with which his entrance in the Jiouse of Commons was hailed on his first appearance after Ifs trial—the immense multitudes which assem bled at Covent-garden Theatre, both at the meeting of the Anti-Corn-law League and at the dinner which was given to him in the same immense building, which was crowded in every part ; and especially the enthusiasm with which the announcement of his v ole was received, and the speeches he delivered on t t, es e occasions were applauded—the meetings at Bir miugharn, at Coventry, and other places, where the same demonstrations of feeling were exhibited—the de bates in the House of Commons on the prosecution, and the unequivocal declarations of some ,of the best consti tutional lawyers in that assembly, that the law bad been perverted, and thus justice violated, in the State Prose cutions—the complaints of the Catholics that, by ex punging the jurymen of their creed from the panel, insult and injury were inficted on their body—last, not least, the petition, to which Mr. Wyse will call the at tention of the House of Commons this evening, signed by nearly one million of persons in Ireland, of all grOles, praying for inquiry into the complaints, in con nectio7) with these trials, with which it abounds—these are sufficient to induce Ministers to pause in their pro ceedings, and to desire to prevent consequences which, whatever course they adopt, may involve them in yet greater dangers than any they have yet encountered. We have heard, in generally well-informed circles. that it is by no means improbable that something like the following course will be adopted by the Government vith, possibly, a tacit understanding with the defend. antis. On calling the convicted parties up for judgment certain objections will be taken in arrest of judg mettt. Instead of arguing the objections forthwith, the Court will postpone the case, and allow the de fendants to stand out upon their recognisances till the next term. Thus delay will be obtained, _ and the evil day postponed ; trusting to the chapter of accidents, or anticipating. a more sobered state of public feeling when a final and conciliatory termination of the controversy may be effected. Others assert that a writ 0 1' error will be consented to by the Irish Attorney- Ge neral ; and the judgment, instead of being passed, ad ieterim will be hung up until th e H ouse o f Lords lass pronounce:d its final decision on the points raised for argument before it. STANDARD.—We will not pay to our readers the ill compliment of supposing that they can be', indifferent to the question which at this moment engrosses the .attention of :Parliament and of the public. We therefore ,offer no apology for returning to the factory question— really the question of questions, for it extends generally to the remunersition of labour in every department of in 4ustry ; as we tratst to be able to show before we conclude this article. The position - of the question in the House of Commons is now singular, if not unprecedented. The House decided on Monday last that women and children shall not work in factories between six in the afternoon and six in the morning, and again decided on Friday that they shall not work twelve hours ; the inference that they shall work ten hours, and ten hours only, w o uld be nec essar y (f or a ll allow the necessity of two pauses of an hour each) if the House had not, by a small majority, negatived an express declaration to this effect —a decision which it is impossible to explain upon any rational grounds. The (1, cision against twelve hours on Monday might be, and was regarded as the effect of a surprise ; but the affirmation of that decision on Friday cannot possibly be so considered : there are, therefore, two decisions of the House of Con:mons—the one of them at least solemn and deli- Lewte, against the labour of women and children in fac tories fo," twelve hours. Sir James Grah am h as declared his purpos. ti of explaining to night what course he will with these two decisions. Th ree courses ar u e rs o u p e e in n dt. o es h l3 al g ; he may propose some period between ten and twelve hours ; but this period must be nearer to ten than to twelve hours, for of the two decisions by which Pe'rliament has bound itself, one forbids that women an,l children shall be in the mill for more than twelve' .hours, and a stronger law than the law of Parliam e ,-/t or than any muni cipal law, interdicts twelve hot; "s of consecutive toil. Ten hours and a half, or therea::•out, is as much as can possibly be taken out of any 7elve hours ; is it worth the while to make a stand for the half hour ? Secondly, Sia James may abandon the b,` l l altogether ; but this would not set the question at rest. Lord Ash ley would, of course, introduce a substantive measure, with a perfect certainty of carrying the ten hours restriction, though with the unfortunate accoopm ae4nient of a formidable agitation in the manutio turi:lls districtt, and a continued and an in ereas. ' l3 g division in the Couservative party. Lastly, the Home Secretary may gracefully yield to th e twine -declared will of Parliament, satisfied that no one can ch e him with having deserted his own con victions, or having violated any engagements which he may have foi•med in conformity with these convictions. But whatever leume may be adopted by the advocates of long time, the e vent of the contest is certain, because the more the questk m is discussed, the more manifently fal lacious are all I 'be pretexts for resisting a return to the usual and na, tural periods of labour proved to be, laHes to Protestant clergymen attending in union workhouses, might be repealed. Petitions against the unions of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor were presented by the Bishops of LICHFIELD and BANGOR. LUNATIC POOR IN IRELAND. Lord MONTEAGLE gave notice that on Thurs day, he should move for certain correspondencewhich the Irish Government had entered into on the sub ject of lunatic asylums in Ireland. • LABOUR OF FEMALES: Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the men employed in Short's iron works, in the county of Lanark, praying that females might be allowed, under certain restrictions :and modifications, to resume their labour in: the iron and stone works in Scotland. The Noble Lord said these females, owing to the intervention of the legislature had been deprived of their only means of subsistence. He would never look upon the inevitable decrees of Providence as oppressions on the part of man ; and, therefore, he would never be a party to anything which, under the semblance of humanity, in flicted greater evils on thelabouring population of this country than they were at present suffering. Not a few of the many occupations in which opera tives were engaged, but were quite as deserving of legislative interference as those in the factories. Many years ago he applied to that eminent man, Sir Samuel Romilly, to take charge of a Bill on this subject in the other House, but that great and good man refused to interfere, saying that labour should not be subjected to such legislative restrictions. Let those who say those restrictions should be alone placed upon manufactures, go into the agricultural districts, and there see the men growing prematurely old at 40, and decrepit at 50, and they would change their opinions. Would any Noble Lord or Hon. Member in the other House consent to have a law which would prohibit their coachmen from driving them to a ball or rout, and then waiting until five o'clock in the morning to the certain injury of his health, or to prevent a child from being taken at the age of seven years, and starved and sweated in order that at the age of twenty years he might be able to ride a race ? The question was, whether ten hours' work was to be paid for by twelve hours' work. Some said that Parliament could prevent the wages from being lowered in the same ratio as the hours of work. "Oh lepidem caput." Those who now advocated this measure would find out their error eventually, and that the best friends of the -poor were those who did not restrict their industry.—(Hear, hear.) If Parliament legislated for one class of labourers they must do so for another. Those men who said that Parliament could legislate so as to give twelve hours' wages for ten hours' work did not know what they were talking about. Such men were more dan gerous than the hypocrites themselves. After a few words from the Marquis of NOR MANBY, the petition was laid on the table. The Marquis of NORMANBY presented a peti tion, praying that Parliament would prohibit the en listment of boys, under fourteen years of age, into the army from union workhouses. THE CASE OF MARY MILLER. The Bishop of EXETER rose to move for copies of all correspondence from the Poor-law Commission ers, with respect to the case of Mary Miller, who hung herself in the Penzance Union. He said this unfortunate female's moral character had not been impugned, and having applied to the union for relief, she was admitted, when the master, instead of placing her in the probationary ward, ordered her to be confined in the refractory ward, or in other wards, put her in prison. After being in the workhouse for some time, she succeeded procuring a situation out of the house as a domestic servant, bnt never waa able to keep it, and conse quently was again compelled to apply to the work house. She was subjected to the same treatment, although, being rather superstious, she begged and prayed that she might not be confined in this cell, or if so she should commit some desperate act. (LEFT SPEAKING.) this diminution of profit must be added to the dimunition of wages coincident with the dimu nition of time, and, as I before stated, notwithstand ing the amended declaration of the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller), my firm belief is that this reduction of wages cannot fairly be esti mated at less than from 15 to 25 per cent.—(Hear.) Now, then, if I have proved it is dangerous to the master and would end in disappointment to the work man, I ask myself is it possible that a measure having those two effects can fail to be dangerous to the State. My own opinion is decided, and it is also the opinion of my colleagues that any measure which effects such as those I have adverted to is dangerous in the extreme. I am quite satisfied that women are under a delusion on this point, and that they do not anticipate such a reduction in wages, as I have no doubt must be the inevitable result of limiting the time of work. What would be the first 'effect of their disappointment. It would be, .1 am persuaded, that they would stand out resolutely, against the reduction of wages as unnecessary and unjust. Why, at this very moment, unless I am misinformed, with twelve hours' work, with a high rate of wages, and improvement in trade, there are many branches of workmen dissatisfied with the present rate of wages • and I hav e no doubt if we come to effect a legi slative reduction of wages, the effect of the consequent disappointment of the workmen would be a very general strike throughout the manufacturidg districts which, concurring with other things, would lead to fatal and most inexpli cable confusion.—(Hear, hear.) I hope that nothing which may fall from me may be considered in the nature of disrespect to asy parties, but I have a duty to discharge, and will discharge it, but I must say, with all respect, that the measure of the Noble Lord is dangerous in its nature, and that, dangerous as I conceive it to be, the arguments by which it is supported are still more dangerous.—(Hear, hear.) I do not know whether the gentleman who used the argument is present, but I heard an Hon. Gentleman on Friday night say that a larger diminution in wages was not detrimental to the working classes. It was said that there were moral wages, ' which were more important to them than even money wages, and that high wages led to immorality and improper condriet on the part of the workmen ; and even when they were reduced starvation was not possible in this country. Now, those are dangerous arguments. It is dangerous to say that there cannot be too large a legislative reduction in the value of the only commodity which the working man possesses. But I cannot believe that the reduction will not he at tended with deterioration in the labourers' moral con dition. So far from benefitting his conduct, it is likely to drive them to despair, and the commision of crime which he would otherwise have the least desire to commit; and it is no consolation to the Legislature or to the unhappy individual whose suffering, under a legislative loss in the value of the only commodity which he has for sale,—and undoubtedly he has a perfect right to the free exercise of that commodity us he pleases —to tell that individual of the moral ad vantages of a reduction in his wages, and that there is a poor-law in this country which prevents the possibility of starvation. I pass on to another, as I think, hardly less terrifying argument. I allude to the argument that we have now arrived at a new 'social state—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear" —that there is to be a departure from all fixed principles which have hitherto guided the wisest Oen in legislating upon this subject, and that we are to meet a new social state by a new scheme of legislation in this matter. (Hear, hear.) The opinion has hitherto prevailed that interference with the free market of labour is most dangerous, and can only be justified in very strong exceptions. That rule is now to be reversed; legislative inter ference is to be general, and there is to be no limit to that interference, excepting not even the necessity of the case but the possibility of the case.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I say, that if that doctrine is to pre vail, it would be much better for this House not to deal with the complicated question. of the maximum of labour, but at once to establish she minimum of wages.—(Hear, hear.) I say that a more dangerous case was never opened to the view of a legislative assembly: (Hear, hear.) I have seen within the last eight and forty hours the use of a very strong expression to which, on the whole, I must give my assent. Ido not think it is too much to say that this is on the whole the commencement of a Jack Cade system of legislation.—(Cheers from all parts of the House.) Now, I will just notice one other argument which fills me with alarm. I allude to the doctrine that it is desirable to take this step with a view of checking intense competition.—(Hear, hear.) Now, competition in this matter, inasmuch as it is the great regulator of produce and price, if coincident with profits, promotes the interest of the community. But I contend that this legislation so far from tending to diminish competition, must have the directly opposite effect.—(Hear, hear.) If the demand in the market be the same, and the work to be done be the same. The inevitable effect of your diminishing the power of executing it, will be that fresh factories must lie built and fresh capital sunk in machinery. The sinking of capitpl is itself no small evil, but if you prevent the running of machinery for twelve hours, the effect of that will be the shifting of the burden to the working-classes ; that fresh machinery will be built; that needless out lays will be incurred ; that there will be a fresh de mand for the labour of young persons and children ; that population will be stimulated, profits ulti mately fall, and the condition of the working classes permanently and hopelessly injured.—(Hear.) According to my views, which I_will shortly state, I would say that I cannot conceive that it ever can be conducive to human happiness to impose limits upon human industry.—(Cheers.) I think that if it ever appears to be the interest of the state to reduce the profits upon capital—to restrict industry at home—to n competition--(Cheers)— and ve t premiums penalties up on t h e employment of machinery, and even on the emp l oyment o f Bri tishoimpose upon foreig capital in manufactures—these objects would be affected by the proposition of my Noble Friend.— (Hear, hear.) I have now dealt with the first part of the subject—l hope not at too great length. To sum up, in one word, I think that a compromise for eleven tAlk State, and inadmis sible policy.—(Hear, hear.) I come now, Sir, to the second branch of the compr om i se . Wh at wou l d hours in would bedangerous to be the chance of its permanent endurance. To turn first to his Noble I riend the Member for Dorset shire, who, with the most honourable zeal, and the most humane intentions, has firmly ad hered to the prosecution of this object, which he thinks indispensable for the h app i ness of the working classes.—(Hear) My Noble Friend has excluded himself from that power which is an object of honour able ambition to every man in this kingdom.—(Hear.) He has made that sacrifice. He has placed himself— I will not say in hostile collision, but in opposition— to the political friends whom he respects and esteems. —(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, we must consider that my Noble Friend is not only the able, but the principal champion of this cause ; and in the most solemn manner, in speech and in writing —years ago —two months ago, and on Friday night last—using the strongest language in the most solemn manner— he declared that he would never rest until he obtained a Ten hours' Bill. lam satisfied, then, that the matter would not stop there. The House has re ceived a solemn warning from the. Honourable Gentleman (the Member for Oldham) who is se cond to my Noble Friend in this object, that if a ten hours' bill were to pass to-morrow it would not satisfy him, and that he never would be satisfied with anything less than an eight hours' bill.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But, then, Sir, I hold in my hand what, perhaps, is_.'inore important still, the de claration of the delegates of the operative cotton spinners of Manchester—this resolution, which was passed this morning, is-to this effect :—" That, notwith standing the defeat of Lord Ashley, brought about by the official influence of the Government, we are resolved never to relax in our exertions until a Bill is carried through Parliament ; and that we will avail ourselves of every advantage which constitutional means afford, to prevent the employment of children and young-per sons in factories, for a period beyond eight hours daily. I say at once that, as between the proposals for eleven hours and ten hours, if I were driven to make a com promise in this matter, considering the circumstances I have adverted to, I think it would be more wise on the part of the Government, and of this House, in the hope of arriving at a durable settlement, or a probable' permanent arrange ment of this question, to go at once the length of a ten hours', than of an eleven hours' Bill.—(Hear, hear.) I, therefore, discard the compromise on the part of the Government ; and I now advert to the second course which it is open to the Government to pursue—namely, to ask the permission of the House to discharge this Order of the Day, with a view of allowing the existing law to remain in full force unaltered. That would be a possible course, one which, as com pared with the compromise I have been discussing, would be a practical course; but still, in the progress the Bill has already made through the Com mittee, several important amendments have re ceived the sanction of the House. The limitation of the hours of the labour of children, that portion of the working classes which, as a general principle, was the most entitled to the protection of the Legislature, —with respect to children, almost by common con sent, an important change had been effected. The duration of their labour has been limited to eight hours. Then with respect to the education if the children in the manufacturing districts—of which I will not despair —a most important regula tion has been sanct i oned b y the. Committee in the provision that they shall not work both in the forenoon and the afternoon of the same day, I am, therefore, not disposed to throw away the advantages of these new arrange ments that have already been sanctioned by the Com mittee, or of the other arrangements contained in the present Bill, and which I am confident will receive the assent of the House. lam now brought to the THE SUN ; LONDON, MONDAY - ETENING, MARCH 25, 1844. third course, . which I before. stated I should be brought to discuss—that her Majesty's Govern ment might withdraw the present Bill, and ask leave to bring in another, not to repeal the existing law or to re-enact it, but for the purpose of amending the existing law and introducing such amendments and modifications as had already re ceived the sanction of the House, or were likely to receive its general assent. I am bound in frankness to tell the House that, as we have resisted, so we shall con tinue to resist, any de arture from the limit of twelve hours.—(Hear, hear. This declaration may not appear consistent wit that respect which I have said ought to be shown for the decisions of this House. But if we could believe that we had forfeited the confidence of this House • that it was possible for the Gover nmen t t o give effect to the prin ciple of the Ten Hours' Bill, upon which a small ma jority of the House has decided, our course would be clear. But it is our duty steadily to pursue the course I have intimated as the one we shall adopt. I am not aware that I have omitted to state any thing that my colleagues have deemed it right that I should state. At all events, I hope that the House will acknowledge that I have concealed nothing; and I hope that I have said nothing that is inconsistent with the profound respect which I feel bound to pay to the decision of a majority of this House or whichever side it may be found.—(Opposition cheers.) If the House will permit me to conclude with a motion, I ought, perhaps, to move that the Order of the Day for the resolving itself into Committee on the Factories Bill be read for the purpose of being discharged.—(Op position cheers.) If, however, any Hon. Gentlemen should think that I am taking the House by surprise —(Hear, hear)—if any Hon. Gentleman should feel that impression —(Hear, hear)—l shall feel it my duty to ask that the Order of the Day be postponed to Friday, for the purpose of giv ing the House time to consider what course it may be advisable to pursue.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) I move the Order of the Day for the House resolv ing itself into Committee on the Factories Bill be now read. Mr. BROTHERTON rose, but there were loud calls for Lord Ashley. During the confusion mes sengers from the Lords brought up certain bills. When the messengers withdrew as the calls for Lord Ashley still continued, Mr. Brotherton gave way, and Lord ASHLEY rose, and said that he thought there could be no doubt but that the most re/t , sonable and fair course to take, would be that which had been suggested by the Right Hon. Gentleman, to allow the House until Friday, to consider the determina tion to which they would come. He (Lord Ashley) had been taken by surprise) and although his resolution had been by no means shaken as to the eventual cause which he should take, he had not decided what course it would at present be prudent for him to adopt. It was totally unnecessary for him to follow the Right Hon. Gentleman through the whole of his able statement, but the subject had been already fully discussed.—(Loud cheers.) Every one had already made up his opinion on it.—(Cheers)—and not only had the subject been fully discussed, but the question had been solemnly decided.—(Loud cheers.) That great assembly, in three successive divisions, had affirmed the principle that twelve hours' labour was not to be endured, and therefore whatever might be the result of the proceedings of Friday next, he would make a solemn appeal to the House to stand by its de cision.—(Laughter.)—Upon that decision he would rest; because of this, he was convinced that it was not necessary for him, or any person whatever, to deal with this subject by any further argument. He regretted that his Right Hon. Friend the Secre tary of State for the Home Department had introduced into this discussion observations which, but for him would never have been thought of again and were forgotten.—(Hear, hear.) He deplored that he should have made such a statement, as that this was the beginning of Jack Cade legislation.—(Loud cheers.) He (Lord Ashley) would not repudiate nor would he be ashamed of the title.—(Cheers.) But he ,- would. ask that House wkat...4 was that gave . . 'birth" to Jack .Cade? Was it not,' that the people were writhing under oppressions which they were not , able to bear, and when smarting under these oppressions they determined to take the law in their own hands.—(Cheers.) And that would be the case on the present subject, unless they took care how they legislated upon it.—(Hear.) And if for this they were to be told that they were rebels like Jack Cade, they would be only adding ins u lt t o in justice.—(Hear, hear.) As the Right Hon. Gentle man had said that he would postpone the question till Friday he would not detain the House further, and he would only repeat that he trusted as this question had been solemnly decided upon three different occasions, ;that upon that decision Hon. Members would stand and would vote with him. 1 Of this he could assure the House that he would never depart from the course which he had adopted upon this subject. In that course he would be sup ported, as he had hitherto been, by that House. Lord HO WICK thought that the House could not with fairness and propriety decide upon the question at that time. But what was the course the Govern ment was now proposing to adopt? They were told by the Government that they would not listen to any compromise. They would neither adopt a Ten nor Eleven Hours' Bill, notwithstanding their own inspectors had told them that a twelve hours' labour was more than ought to be borne. The evidence of the highest medical authorities went to the same effect, and yet the Government told them they would allow no reduction. What did the Go vernment intend to do ? They _ had been de feated on this clause, and how did they pro pose to take the decision ? Why, they took the extraordinary course of saying to the House if you choose to regulate labour to a greater extent than we approve of, then you shall , not regulate at all.—(Cheers.) That was what the Government presumed to say to the House.—(Loud cheers.) At the present moment, let it be recollected, there ' was no check at all on the labour of women. The inspectors appointed by the Government had reported that a check was absolutely necessary— that women who were not, in fact, their own masters, required and should have the same protection as children. Well, the Government said they would regulate this labour by confining it within the limit of twelve hours—the House said they would confine it to ten hours—and then the Government said to these females, and to the House, you shall have no limitation nor re gulation at all.—(Cheers.) He now suggested to his Noble Friend (Lord Ashley) that the course he should take on Friday night should be to resist the discharge of the order. If he allowed the Bill which had now made such progress to be withdrawn, what would be the effect ? The Government would intro duce a new Bill still more objectionable in shape than the one now before the House—the Noble Lord (Ashley) would have to re-propose his clause, and if it were carried again, the Government would drop the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord (Ashley) meant to persevere let him persevere on Friday n ex t—if h e i s to have diffi culties to encounter, rather let him meet them in the first instance than in the last. Let them rather go on with the Bill as it was than allow a new Bill to be introduced with all the disad vantages which the original proposers were anxious to avoid.—(Hear, hear.) He put this for his Noble Friend's consideration, and, at all events, when the motion was made to discharge the order for further considering the Bill, he, if he stood alone, would say " No" to it.—(Hear, heat) Before he sat down he wished to correct a misstatement of the argument ,put by himself and his Hon. and Learned Friend, made of the Right Hon. Gentleman. The Right lion. Gentle -man, obviously alluding to what he (Lora H.) said, made him say that intense competition was at the bottom of the evil. That was not the argument he had used. What he had said was, that if intense competition was the source of the evil, they could only get at it by widening the field of industry. He had said that intense competition gave a power to one or two individuals to adopt a system of carrying on great branches of industry to which the great majority of persons engaged in them were, in their wishes, strongly opposed.—(Hear, hear.) He asked those who had listened to the able speech of the Hon. Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller), whether his arguments had not been perverted by Right Hon. Gentlemen. His Hon. and Learned Friend had stated, and he (Lord Ashley) believed stated truly, that they had acted too long upon the principle of leaving these mat ters to themsel ves . —(H ear, hear.) He entirely He concurred with his Hon. and Learned Friend, and he thought the Rignt Hon. Gentl eman opposite was of the same opinion, for the question between them and the Government was a matter of detail—the number of the hours. The Right Hon. Barone had said just now that he could not conceive how ii _ - was conducive to h uman i n t eres t t o li m it humanin dustry.—(llear, hear.) Why did not the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite propose to limit industry. I n many of the factories they were at the present moment working fifteen hours per day. Mr. PERR AND—Eighteen hours. Lord HOWICK would not state more than fifteen hours; but did not the Right Hon. Gentleman pro pose to limit that time, &c. He thought that the House ought to resist the motion to discharge the order of the day. Mr. BROTHERTON had heard with very great regret the announcement of the Right Hon. Baronet. Had he announced that it was the intention of the Government to consent to eleven hours, he believed it would have met with general concirrence.—(Hear, hear.) He did not yield to her Majesty's Government in anxiety to promote the commercial prosperity of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It was formerly customary for mills turned by water to work day and night ; but that custom had ruined the trade. Before factory legislation was commenced, the average time of "Ito •ZikllOl,TM ,4n ‘ ° UNC '4?) t ll °'ln.f that kNR, , will take P e * PILL N tka ttk. b Pig.horn9 E, krditZ4(l., will addre; :1 1 7 o a t: lc ' 3 ' her IENTRIE t T lT:given thilw?! tl!e SRA Attr!_rickse, it titati' at Jecu., r . a Direct, ilikrigrar furthec 11 4 1 0 h g ;t: 1844 working was seventy-seven hours; it was now sixty nine, yet no injury had been suffered. He did think that if her Majesty's Government had come forward with a good grace, and bowed to the decision of the House ; or if they had said " the House has de clared that it will neither have ten hours nor twelve hours, we therefore propose eleven hours as a medium," such conduct would have met with general satisfaction. He hoped they would even yet re-consider their decision.--(Hear.) Capt. RODS rose, and was (LEFT SPEAKING.) THE MURDER AT BRIGH I L m u I d;s I After the sentence had been passed upon the wi - to t he man, Lawrence, at Lewes, he was taken hee, k , o Llor gaol, and the next morning he was conveyea to is sham, where the sentence is to be carried into e _a.ri to the custody of two turnkeys, who had strict orutiondi watch him, in order that he might not lay viel eu ed if 0 upon himself, which he has repeatedly threatened ei ght opportunity is afforded him. It is now nee r l og atio years since an execution has taken place in and it is rather remarkable that the last mall,_ ll t h e brought to the scaffold was convicted through oat ertions of Solomon, the unhappy victim in the ws°, instance. This man's name was Shepherd, au" o fferee a noted burglar, upon the occasion on which h.e_ s _ ff et having committed no less than four D ul b; on as many successive nights. ._„a i r esilll wit h Brighton after the commission of the last, bruis7,„ e rtit this ho him a large portmanteau, filled with valuable, PP:„„rd b e the produce of the robberies he had committee; : ti ed took his place by a coach, which at that perieu , ', O OO at six o'clock in the morning for London. I lie b r 4 lics whom he sent with his portmanteau to the cosetoppd, excited the suspicion of th e p o li ce , an d he was s her a and taken to the s t a ti on -h ouse at Brighton, w 00 was questioned by Solomon, and on his s a Ygl4o lll he had brou g ht th e portmanteau f r om ag e d - 00 0 who was going by th e coac h, Solomon to , go d stable to accompany him to the office an d see if 1 / 14 1 0 0ist was true. Tins w as d one , an d on Shepherd A to •ar up and claiming th e p ro p er t y he was alieW e ' rec eils il part. Very s oon a f terwar d s information WO Ta d* of the robbery, and Solomon proceeded t ° ,.... -- sber, and after some search succeeded in apprehend) s 1 oos herd, who was ultimately convicted at the asses executed. executed. As has been already stated, the deceased was very much respected in the, ;web Brighton, and a subs cr ipti on h as b een openeaYf o rtb . expected to realise a very considerable amoun t ' benefit of his wif e , w h o ever since the melanehl'ilf! rence has been in an almost frantic state, andinti, and a benefit has be en announce d at Batty's C'.,„ t rlo - ' the same object. W e un d erstan d t h a t the murder:if dr continues to declare that h e h a d no i n tention to al l is deceased when he inflicted the blow upol? $ expected that the s en t ence w ill b e carr i e d into-•• Monday, the Sth of April. 4iik ei cetand G] e wtai i n ts a cZ 44,,v„, t 1e Right 1 1 , 111,•...—.6ne1l GRA sow, the POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (SATURDAY.) GUILDHALL. James HA a collector for Messrs. Sutton and Co., railway and canal carriers, Whitecross-street, was brought before Mr. Alderman Gibbs, for final examina tion, charged with embezzling three bankers' cheques, and a sum of 21. 6s. 9d., received on account of his em ployers. Mr. Thomas, the barrister, stated the nature of the case. The prisoner was employed to collect orders and cash. Sometimes the carmen delivered goods for the carriage of which they were not paid at the time, although the parties were not customers to whom credit was given by agreement. These sums were collected by the prisoner. He was also sometimes entrusted to collect from those who paid for the carriage of their goods monthly, and these were called ledger accounts. The charge against the prisoner was that he had re ceived four of these ledger accounts, and had embezzled the amount. He should have accounted for them as soon as they were received. If he had acknowledged that he had received the money, and refused or neglected to give it up, perhaps he would not have been liable to punishment, but he concealed the payment, and even when taxed denied it. Mr. James Oldfield, one of the agents of the Messrs. Sutton, discovered the fraud by calling for payment upon a customer who had previously paid his account to the prisoner. Upon further inquiry other defalcations were detected. Ile should show that the cheques had been paid to the prisoner, and, if neces sary, he could also show that the prisoner had applied them to his own use. The payment of three cheques, for the sums of 13/. 65., 61. 25., and 21. 45., by customers to the firm to the prisoner, who gave receipts for them, was proved. Also the pr vment of 21. 6s. 9d. in cash. Mr. John Oldfield deposed that he and his brother are the joint agents for Messrs. Sutton and Co., whose chief establishment is near Derby. Witness manages the in-door business, looking to the cash, keeping the books, &c., and his brother attends to the out-door business, and collects the ledger accounts of those cus tomers who pay for the carriage of their goods monthly or quarterly. The prisoner collected the sums which parties neglected, or refused to pay to the carman, and he delivered the ledger accounts preparatory to Mr. James Oldfield calling for payment. The prisoner was authorised to receive such accounts, if offered to him, and had been sometimes instructed to call for the money. If he received a ledger account, it was the pri soner s duty to pay it over immediately, and also to mention it to Mr. J. Oldfield, that he might not trouble the customer by calling for payment a second time. The prisoner had not accounted to him for the cheques, or other sum mentioned. Mr. James Oldfield proved that the prisoner had not accounted for the cheques or money to him. The prisoner's solicitor examined the Messrs. Oldfield at considerable length, to show that the prisoner had endeavoured to borrow money from the firm on the ground of having to meet expenses from the sickness of his family, but really to cover a lost of 151. which had occurred to him ; that the prisoner was not bound to account immediately, but had balanced his account at the end of a month or six weeks, and that the ledger and general accounts had been intermixed ; that the prisoner had received cheques from customers before, and changed them into cash, duly accounting for the amount. Mr. Alderman GIBBS thought the charge of embezzle ment was sufficiently made out, as it was clear he should have accounted immediately for the receipt of the ledger bills.—The prisoner was committ e d f or trial. itZt tn. Lord Al , a• Lord Ell Ilan•Iord Tc ..:54!1.14:2114...4 Ci,_,-tqf tf zfF, of CI the 1111 ,14.01'ost of Gla h q h ,;Ciiil4 of G nf pt ". we Tra . tib*Cds or L t itt f ar i lt Nzt of Ands Calton, ( of the Gr, 4 7 Company ' MA P FLANDERS AND DUTCH . -.7- ill BRUSSELS, MARCH 21.—Baron Ki elmanseg SO Hanoverian Ministe r a t th e H ague an d a t Bros; af te been to Waterlo o , t o v i s i t t h e fi e ld o f b a ttle. .J 3 OO l - 0 the necessary order s f or th e repair of the u lu w he 0 1 erected in memory of th e Hanoverian soldiers in that battle. tore tlice. The Chamber of Representatives, at the co_ te a the ment of yesterday's sitting, unanimously II f o rtl amendment of the Senate to the project of iii r the Il f conversion of Five per Cents. The interest 0,. r e! Stock will, therefore be payable at Paris, with tf,f, 1 6,0- that the expense of the operation shall not eze°7„, t oil francs per annum. The Senate adopted by *l o ssi of 26 to 1, the project of law relative to a" 84,686,000 francs. Ilit e46t BRUSSELS, MARCH 22.—Th e Mi n i s ter of the,,,„t tY announced in the Chamb er o f R e p res entatives 7 0 1, Company had offered to undertake, on verl s eft! geous terms, the works for repairing the ki l o r Polder of Lills ; the project of law on this SUC • A therefore, put on the order of the day. • lieve: in relli The heavy rains whi c h h ave again set „ ~o f a fresh rising of the S enne , but we do 110 1 .,%01 10 that it will do much i n j ur y. A letter from l :', 4 rier the 14th, says that the f armers d o no t re melo 7 U: preSt have seen the country i n suc h a con di t i on Its e` 015, The ground is so wet that nothing can be clo ue l t hsoP, public roads are absolutely impassable. 14 ° tIv A tteill e i' ing the vigilance recommended by the King's seetin i o r eel . general robberies continue to be frequent , ~. night passes without some fresh instances of Ow doe strf, the environs. Unhappily, the state of thili s ce , a lcr e seem likely to cease so soon, for the For 0 of cannot remove the cause of the evil, whico ts j o,' than the extreme misery of the people. Te a w i s ek bi l rains aggravate the distress of the poorer u_,„ e , retarding the growth of the fruits of the ' 0 7 0 7_,_ le f should serve for their -subsistence, the Iv' visions being wholly exhausted. o p 10 1 ;r POSEN, MARCH 9.—(FRoH A CORRESPO. - re o hasten to inform you, th a t t h e rigorous 017ted, specting the Poli s h em i grants i s, if not re' i s A essentially modified, inasmuch as their dep G artim; e oo' finitely adjourned. This d ec i s i on o f o ur ° ree f' 14. 0 has caused general joy here, and is a P ~, the emigrants h ave b y no mea ns i e t , trr in any sort of intrigues. Neither 19 that any of them have already left w• vince; they are all still here, and bless the 842 tioe 2 # who has not hesitated to withdraw such a re ll s, soon as it was found to be unncessary, and ther e in harmony with his universally ael t nowledged__„,' - e n of mind. The Communists who have latter:f °Ta t e Poland, and been here in the Citadel, iire,a ire tti o.• ;_ 4 l veyed, partly to Magdeburg, and par*,:ty to b te oge" - The recal of Prince Paskewitscl and the eP_,r - A of Prince Czo n it se hiff as his successor cam' t o sensation here, be cause i t gives reason to a i ' 0 ( 1 0 further rigorous measures in Poland, the i'rellt Field-Marshal being attributed to his to° lAi bearance, .....re ' IF. Tau HAGUE, MARCH 20.—The Java Pai; ... , , A 25th of November last, have the following newt " Batavia, Nov. 17, 1843.—The chief town % t o o ? was visited, on the night of the Ist instant (a h P bs it midnight), and on the afternoon of the sth, e", two, by dreadful fires, by which it was redoce u e sel! pr ? with the exception of the old town. All the of the European and native officers to check t h : be ele l l) of the flames were rendered unavailing ?I A of south-east south-east winds, and the drought which p ro 0 1 :0 for some hours past. 2,075 houses, of whicli.,, h ioll l 79o stone, are destr o y e d i n the nil,* vramponge, Ld to le consumed ; 6,000 p ersons are hereby ree u s Wk,, greatest greatest distress, and four lives were lost. . i , c A 0 houses, clothes, furniture, merchandise, si t e r, o l , Alop iron, and notes, cattle, &c., is estimated at 26 '': , 4 ,i e e t 0 The General Chamber of Accounts gives Vil ti o a l on the 15th and 16th of this month, bonds . and o various descriptions (a list of which is gi'Aii)► liss in all to the n om i na l va l ue of 482,836,010) of o° ! Ad o publicly burnt. 0? THE HAGUE, M ARCH 21 . —W e i'd,..irn from mesh ell to that his Majesty's steamer the Is e omo put t ° , t oo° 18th of this m on th, b ound to B a t av ia and 0,,10 Japan. )1' The Staats anaaßt contains the proro-" 1 -, sa S i . otice l d financial law lately passed by the Chaim" - l o l j 4 y tioned by the King. „,:0 11. Several honourable daily from ten citizens of Rotterd o _,„ e ve l .? ti, one o'clock in order to W' 0.1 1 41 0 fellow-citizens all the information which theY_ giA. quire to fina ncia l I°w ' v alp :take them comprehend the fina t he conviliCt them of the advantage of preferring to +if tary loan to the free gift to the payment of th e n. will be levied if the loan should not be filled ll r AV , -- - OA? LETTERS OF MARY, QUE EN OF SCOT 9 9 pind .l. o l of her Personal History, edited by Agnes W ick e 5.14411 edition of the above interesting work has just 2 1 ,: ro re - WI plete in two volumes, uniform with Miss Stri_c es of /I of the Queens of England." " The Life and lu"., Iv si. Queen of Scots (says the Edinburgh Courant) el p ap sr, liar degree of attention, not only as an imP tatiiii ,icidt • I n history ; but as a story deeply romantic and ti:t",a e r. er Is calculated to engage the sympathy of ever,. T e ttec i iil present publication contains the whole of Mary's t ir i have yet come to light, besides many that are Y; lesk t ri 4 l and being all arranged in chronological order, 111 ,, t effV f notices, explanatory of the matters to which th.; iy if , present a connected series of documents more-cl e f Oil 05 tive of the Important events of this period, __„ t- , - ,b, es i l `• ri newa s ad y d e i t a t i s o b p n e e e c t n t o gives v w a h l u jc a h b a l h e of historical he b i g ..,, character of the unfortunate Scottish Queen- Is ela ' elv FREDERICK THE GREAT'S ANTIPLUAIeroWOOI Frederick the Great, of Prussia, says, PaetrilubdrlissdPe:44 The work fiii.. vn • ! Az r rinterest to --" t °lf• t° 7 1 ,.. t GlMEN. — Zimmerma.n, in his narratives of his i n „i the ' f I had taken a great quantity of soup mime, • ,6_ , To ej -d,A up ,_./__..l ? r e p i ir , thin a 0 110 strongest gravy drawn from the most hee;:tug 01 ere' „ this portion he mixed a large table-Spoor e Joe , " mace and pounded ginger. He then eat wed li I s of beef stewed in brandy. Thi s ho it., h , c° 0, le a copious allowance of an Italian ~,,i nu ''' all fr g i tio half of maize-flow cr and half of Pernn e a it,...1' this is added the juice of garlic, and the "-- flar #5ll butter till it a Ai c oh' • • OF favourite ( - I;,,ii, • '..quires a crust as thick us one 's(° v,e - _is called . polenta. At Jena,- fle ets. ,_ i ,4 mernin) the King, praising the excellent ape nth v rit . o je op3 daretelion had given him, concluded the scen e t hat 1 .„.t. e x r 'plate of eel pie so hot and so highly seasoned t he -114,',/,!*/, to have been 'baked in hell; while at te h lAdied ' ; ~ asleep, and was seized with convulsions." ` the BIRTHS. ' Clielt enbiln* I X On the 23d inst., at Sandford - Pla ce ,' :..-- - 011' Countess Baptiste Metaxa, of a son and ue"•," r ot*, ; 00 , On the 7th inst at Na ples, in the Palazzo r e nd he ir. of Francis Hastings Medhurs't, Esq., of a V.V. '%'O "a of On the 17th inst., at Lorn-road, Mrs. --- _, fg' of a son. Floc. , • _ts On the 21st inst., the wife of Luke TraPP 4 ae on., c' Lidham Lodge, Addison-road, Kensingtoth., e e, 'R4: d a , 1 On the 2lst inst., the lady of Edward ai`J daughter. ; On the 218trinat.tMrs. Greaves Walker , of 13 / 4 1 7 - ' 0 11# inns, StTeltdr94 ds3ghter. of the . 11°° ' 'I oi A" ' -.111'3N st rhasf §t Brighton, the lady ss ' lidniry , raev,' son. d-Pi ll '; . '• ,On the.2lst lift; Devonshire-street, Portia' _p liaselortlfg &V. (3`. IL Butterworth, of a son. 9 _, c t ' ' eDR the-22d inSt-jetrs. A. Gillespie, America- cr..„`„.- - "-- Ai t , . Ch P i° ' t 'MARRIED. Garr „A' Orethe - 23d'on*euther, 1843, in the , - ,— ounli 017 "Pt i iYeltatOr' ' Vert Stuart, of Grant- town , ;0 v itr o 9 9 Kandy; poyil le llir.,Charles Urquhart Stuart , orth ,tit - to . cri6v . so - phisitiird daughter of Air. Ja m es htfr, rciugs*ltterr*mrackbenvell, Surrey. __. or _ _il:hfltilOth'4ilst•.;'''at St. Philip's Church, 15 1. 11 7 t a the Benjamin Smith, of Birmingham, to Ann, el' s i ei Mr. Cyrus Slater, of London. Ste PII "OI PI On the 21st inst., at Boston, Lincolnshire, . _. as / Curtis, Esq., of Stoke-Newington, London, to Amu' , of Charles Wright, Esq., of Boston. of Laura n DIED. 21 , , " ~* ' On the 20th inst., in Connaught-terrace, Fores t .4 wife of Benja m i n C ow ie, Esq., of Tilga te lir 0 ' Sussex. It' On the 12th inst., at Ringmer, Sussex , J ew" i dol Ivory, surgeon, aged 45. On the 19th inst., at Q u eme r ford, near Calve , I " r f' 00 0 0 of the late Slater Heale, aged 86. ll al ! c Act .° o l Oil the 19th inst., in 'Upper Brook-stree t , tr i t hiv _, D A Nancy, relict of the late T. E. Tidswell, Escl•li Av i v i ;' ~‘ On the 19th inst., Harley Greville, eldest ur , ' d yi General and Lady Cha r lotte Bacon. On the 20th inst., Peter Winsland, the infant °ll "Oa Brophy, Esq., of Dublin. • w ide 0 00 0 On the 22d inst., at Greenwich, Anna Diana, late Right Hon. George Tierney. On the 22d inst., Cha r lott e , eldest daughter °fl it ' Ilif 4. Wildoi ._.... ri, of wood-street, 0,, Ot l London : Printed and Published by KURD° Y jo • 17 No 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun OnY et coll J tl Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in til. Middlesex, Monday, March 25,1844. i : 11411 the No PanY r _ T. of the ,Railway 'ZFrrow, 8.4" , , Of the mg ..' --I %rY Rails uraacitur Sgthairman ol rta . r 01i5,.... la Rail , hiivlttuzakelield, Lalai ) ._ of the rt i ,„. l ßailway Lgili t Ztaq, Ziti o and Dix klee tn Laud Colt] O i lkr n sPanY litk11:41,1„_ _ and Rir tli,4,'`e7llol:llpaaad Ku k k N., Of Kr t t , l . oy e - .7 Howa r d E C. iieVe,rarlisie 4 tizt kett4,s ( l.. of 1 L °sePh La I t Me particulars, . with fon Otth'articulars In N7 4 ,_ _lte, 64, Old 1 / 4 4 01 71 , c1 Mitchell. §4, to„, ph ,..an, or M ilki it t iet,t Zu and Prit _kter m ; i z i 1, 11 ,,E N 74, ENDS AI ' Ate EMPER, tie * £7O eti o - XllO X 1,200 4t,,, Amounting "bt, id tion coat . kid: MARLBORO UCH- S T.R E E T. John Kebble and James Kebble, two young men of re spectable appearance, were brought before Mr. Hardwick, charged with having stolen a large quantity of silk scarfs, the _property, of Messrs. Higgins and Co., mercers, of Bond-street. The prisoners,it appeared, were in the habit of calling upon a shopman in the employ of the prosecutors, and in consequence of suspicions which occurred, the stock was looked over, and then it was discovered that five or six dozen silk scarfs, worth between 30L and 401., had been stolen. The prisoners were suspected, and they were taken into custody by police -sergeant Whall, C who succeeded in tracing some of the property to pawn brokers to whom it had been pledged by the prisoners. The constable having told Mr. Hardwick that he was not prepared with all the evidence against the prisoners, the Magistrate consented to remand the case for a week. Wm. Clark, a little boy, remarkable for his ugliness, was charged with having stolen a watch, gold chain, and seals, worth 10/, belonging to his master, Thomas Scard field. The master said he took the prisoner into his service out of compassion, but he soon f oun d out t h at the pri soner was in the habit of pilfering articles and otherwise repaying with ingratitude the kindness with which he had been treated. That morning he (prosecutor) missed his watch and seals from his bed-room, and believing that the thief was the prisoner, he questioned him about it. The prisoner sturdily denied all knowledge of the watch, and further asserted he had no money about him. Prosecutor.proceeded to search him, and in one pocket he found a penny, and in a second pocket another penny. The boy stoutly declared this was all he had got ; but prosecutor having noticed that he tried to conceal something in his hand, took a piece of paper from him, and found it to contain ss: 6d. in silver. Pro secutor was of opinion that this money was part of the proceeds of the sale of his watch and seals. The boy asserted, upon his sacred honour, lie picked up the money in Monmouth-court. Mr. HARDWICK entertained so strong a doubt about the accuracy of this piece of luck, that he directed the boy should be locked up, in order to bring the real truth more clearly to his recollection. William Taprell, a heavy looking lad, was charged with having indecently assaulted a little girl, named Mary Smith, aged seven years. The lad was employed to clean knives by the aunt of the little girl, who lived in Bury street, St. James's, and the discovery of the prisoner's abominable conduct arose through the complaints of the little girl. As it did not appear from the surgeon's examination that the capital offence was completed, Mr. Hardwick decided upon taking the case as one of com mon assault, and the penalty of 5/. or two months' im prisonment, was then inflicted. UNION-HALL. William Ware and William Smith, the two men, and Jamas Williams, the youth, charged in conjunction on suspicion with having robbed Mrs. Cutts of 7201.,. in a n omnibus, and also with stealing a purse, containing twelve sovereigns, from the person of & Mrs. Kingstnill, in Liquorpond-street, were brought before Mr. Cotting. ham for re-examination on those charges. Tho prisoners were defended by two counsel. Previously to the examination an application was made to prevent the interference of Thomas Stowell, the common informer, who on Saturday last attempted to thwart the ends of justice, by an endeavour to mislead a female witness in her identity of the boy Williams. Mr. COTTINGHAM directed that should any complaint of a similar kind arise, he should order the removal of Stowell from the Court, who had no right whatsoever to interfere in the case. A sergeant of the detective police said that Stowell was continually in the company of thieves, and that he now wanted to act as solicitor for the accused persons. Mr. COTTINGTIAM said that he should take care that that should not be the case. The only additional evidence adduced was that of a Mrs. Bear and a little boy, her brother, who identified the boy Williams as having been concerned in the robbery of Mrs. Kingsmill, who had her pocket picked of a purse containing twelve sovereigns. The witnesses said they were walking behind Mrs. Kingsmill at the time she was robbed, and saw the two men and the boy Williams commit the offence, and that they escaped at the time by running down one of the turnings. I hey were certain as to the identity of the boy, but not so as to the other two prisoners, whom they were unable to swear to with any degree of confidence. Sergeant Langley said that Mrs. Cutts, the la;ly who was robbed of the 7201. in the Islington onmil , :is, was so ill that she was unable to attend, and that Mr. Cutts, being persuaded that her illness was produced from the agitation consequent on the magnitude of the robbery, had, therefore, expressed a wish that she should not be compelled to appear again. Mr. COTTINGHAN said that Mrs. Cutt's attendance was absolutely necessary ; that the fact of the three prisoners launching out into extravagance immediately after the robbery of the above lady was a strong cir cumstance of suspicion against them, in addition to Wil liams being identified as riding in the same omnibus with her, and also two men resembling the other pri soners, although she could not speak with the same de gree of certainty as to their identification. The prisoners' counsel cont en d e d that the evidence was not sufficiently strong to bri ng t h e charges litita'e against either of them, but the Magistrate differed in opinion on that subject, and said that he should commit Williams for trial, but, with a view to have the at tendance of Mrs. Cutts, should remand the other pri soners until Friday. At the ?otice Committe of Aldermen for the reinciV ing Irish and Scotch paupers, on Friday, the presiding magistrates, Mr. Alderman Copeland and Mr. Alder man Johnson, expressed a wish that it might be made known through the Press that the Houses of Shelter for poor people would be closed for the season in a few days. The metropolis, the City especially, had of late been inundated with destitute objects from all parts of the country, who had been attracted by hearing of these places of refuge, though they could not expect to find employment in their ordinary occupations —as miners, agricultural labourers, &c. These poor persons had been a great tax on the City poor-boxes, where they had less funds than at the Metropolitan police-courts. It was very desirable that the poor objects should have timely warning of the closing of the receiving-houses alluded to, that they might not continue to pour into London, when there were no such places of resort, and where there was no possibility of their getting em ployment. ANCIENT RELIC.—Mr. T. Walsh, Patrick-street, Limerick, has got a curious and rare specimen of the gold pin or bodkin, which the Irish chieftains of old wore in the front of their dress. It was found in the crevice of a rock at Carrigaholt Castle, on Tuesday, where a few natives were burning sea-weed. It is fully seven inches long, with a head on the apex, and is of the purest gold, weighing over two OMICe4.-- Cork Examiner, , S rflallt Di 74,targestDiv " - OsPectus, • TksTGEI —V alltages tc ?(ttniting the I' kingdom Sk k terid:ffigclom. 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BATESON took the oaths and his seat for they county of Londonderry, in the room of his brother, deceased. Mr. BEOTHERTON and Sir H. DOUGLAS presented petitions against the Liverpool Docks Bill. The Blackburn and Preston Railway Bill was read a second time. HARROWGATE AND KNARESBOROUGH RAIL WAY. Mr. LAWSON moved the second reading of this Bill. Mr. BECKETT DENNISON having moved, as an amendment, that it be read again that day six months, The Hon. Mr. CAVENDISH seconded the motion. Mr. FERRAND supported the original motion, because he thought such a line would be of much benefit and convenience to the inhabitants of the lo cality. Dr. BOWRING thought it would be well if the Bill were now to be read a second time, in order that the House might have an opportunity of considering it in Committee. Mr. JAMES denounced the whole matter as a job, and trusted the House would reject the Bill. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, when the numbers were— For the second reading For the amendment Majority in favour of the second reading SEVERN NAVIGATION BILL. On the motion of General LYGON, the Severn Navigation Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. AINSWORTH, the Bolton and Preston Railway Bill was read a second time UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. -7 Lord DUNCAN presented a petition from Bath, signed by 1,400 persons, in favour of universal suf frage. Captain ROUS presented a petition from the churchwardens and other inhabitants of St. James's parish, against the contemplated amendments in the Poor-law Act. Mr. STRUTT presented a petition from the Dis senters of Derby, praying that the chaplains of union workhouses might not be paid out of - the rates, and that Nonconformists might be at liberty to appoint their own chaplains in workhouses. Sir J. Y. BULLER presented a petition from workmen employed in the silk throwing business, praying that manufactures in silk might not be sub jected to the operation of the Factories Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL presented several petitions from places in Ireland, praying for (as we uudarstood) the repeal of the legislative union. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the Scottish Central Board, for securing the rights of professors, praying that all the restrictions on the professors of the Scottish Universities might be removed. Colonel RUSHBROOKE presented a petition from Bury St. Edmunds, and twenty-six parishes in Suf folk, in favour of the protection of agriculture. NOTICES OF MOTION—GWALIOR. Mr. MACAULAY gave notice that he should, soon after Easter, submit to the House resolutions touchingthe late transactions in the State of Gi,valior. The Right Hon. Gentleman said he gave the notice thus early in order that her Majesty's Ministers might, if they thought it desirable, lay on the table before that time any documents which might appear to them likely to elucidate the subject. It was not his own intention to move for any such documents, as he conceived that he had already, from authentic sources, the means of judging of the transactions which had occurred. On the motion of Mr. WYSE, the petition from the tHerrebers of the. Repeal Association, praying in quiry into the late State prosecutions in Ireland, was ordered to be print6d with the Votes. Dr. BOWRING gave notice of his intention to put a question to the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham), whether it was his intention to propose, during the present session, any measure for the re dress of Welsh g r i evances ? Mr. HUME gave notice that, before the House went into Committee on the Commons Inclosure Bill, he should move that the Bill be read that day six months ; also, that on going into Committee o n th e Coroners' Bill, he would move to continue the charge at 9d. per mile as before. POOR-LAW AMENDMENT ACT. Mr. FERRAND, seeing the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Department, in his place, begged leave to ask whether it was the intention of the Right Hon. Gentleman to _proceed that evening with the Committee on the Poor-law Amendment Act, or not ? Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Committee stood upon the Orders of_the Day for that evening, but it was his intention to move that the order should be postponed till after Easter. SLAVE TRADE. Sir R. PEEL, seeing the Noble Lord, the Member for Tiverton, iii his place, begged to ask him whe ther he intended to bring on his motion on that sub ject on Thur sda y next ? Lord PALMERSTON said, if he could not get precedence on an eariy day after Easter, he would bring it on on the day for which it was fixed. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Sir R. PEEL rgave notice that on Wednesday week he should move that the House, at its rising do adjourn for the usual period, Monday week fol lowing, for the Easter holidays. Lord J. MANNERS asked at what period after Easter the Government would proceed with the Poor law Bill. Sir said he would, after Easter, give notice of the day. FACTORIES BILL. Sir J. GRAHAM in moving the Order of the Day for going into Committee on the Factories 13111, said—lt now becomes my duty to refer to the Order of the Day respecting the Factories Bill. In moving that Order of the Day, I shall under the present circumstances trespass on the indulgence of the House for a short time. In the observations which I feel it is my duty to address to the House, I beg leave most emphatically, on the part of myself and my colleagues to express that de ference which, as a constitutional principle, we owe to the decision of this representative assembly. That deference I beg to express for the decision of the House of Commons, on the part of the servants of the Crown. I only know one duty which is on their part paramount to it; it is this—that no Minister of the Crown even in obedience to the declared wish of the House of Commons, should make himself responsible for any act, or adopt any policy which in his conscience and sober judgment, and after mature deliberation, he be lieves to be inconsistent with the well-being and prosperity of the country.—(Cheers.) I know no other litnit than this to the deference due to decision of this House, but that limit must be religiously adhered to.—(Hear, hear.) Now in the interval that has passed since we last met and discussed this question, I and my colleagues have maturely . deliberated on the position in which this question is placed. It is right that I should shortly recal the recollection of the House to what has occurred. On Monday last, in concert with me, the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire took a discussion in an early stage of the Bill, the interpretation clause, on which he distinctly raised the question, whether the hours of labour of young persona and women should be restricted to ten hours or twelve ? This was virtually the question submitted to the de cision of the House. I, on the part of the Govern ment, stated the importance of maintaining the exist ing law, which imposed no restriction beyond twelve hours. The Noble Lord, with perfect consistency, and in accordance with the course which he has pur sued for the last twelve years, raised the question that ten hours should be substituted for twelve. The division on :that occasion, in the first instance, was on the question which had been virtually raised if twelve hours should be retained. The Noble Lord proceeded to a division and carried his point, which was, that instead of twelve hours, the time of labour should be restricted to ten hours, by a majority of eight. Unwilling that any surprise should take place, I immediately gave notice, on the part of the Government, of our inten tion again to appeal to the Committee on this impor tant matter, on the Bth clause being proposed, when the matter would come in a more substantive form before them. That question was deli berated on on Friday last. I proposed that twelve hours should be the limit on that occasion, and her Majesty's Government were defeated by a ma jority of three. My Noble Friend then proposed that . the blank should be filled up with the words " Ten Hours." Her Majesty's Government resisted that proposition and succeeded by a majority of eight. The effect of these various divisions, as the Bill now stands, has been to involve the measure in inextricable confusion. •It has been recorded in the interpretation clause as the opinion of this House that ten hours should be the limit of the labour of young persons— Mr. HINDLEY—Ten hours and a half.—(Loud cries of " Order" from all parts of the House.) Sir J. GRAHAM—I trust the Hon. Gentleman will let me proceed without interruption—(Cheers)— if I mistake anything he will have an opportunity when I sit down of rising to correct me, but I hope he will permit me, to proceed with my statement without interruption—(Cheers)—l stated that the effect of the amendment on the interpretation clause is virtually to record the opinion of a Committee of this House •that ten hours should be the limit of the period of labour for young per Sons. On Friday the whole proposition was more fully debated, and the Com mittee negatived the resolution which they had for merly affirmed. These are circumstances which demand, and which have received, most attentive consideration, of myself and of my colleagues. In a matter of this kind it is of the utmost importance that we should deliberately and dispassionately - consider this subject, and I am now able to announce to the House the decision which her Majesty's present con fidential advisers have come to on this sub;ect. There are three courses, as it appears to her Majesty's Ministers, which they may pursue in the present state of affairs. Any course that was to be taken by the present Government must be simple, firm, and intelligent; and looking at it in that light, there are only three courses which you may pursue. The first would be, since the House has, at different times, by votes, affirmed that the houri of labour shall not ex ceed twelve, and that they will not limit them to ten, it appears that within those two points, some point, as a matter of compromise, must be come to, And I will, for the sake of the argument, suppose that eleven hours will be satisfactory to all parties. Now that is our course. Another eourse her Ma jesty's Ministers may adopt will be to remove from the Order-book the Order of the Day for the further consideration of this Bill, for the purpose of expres ' sing their avowed opinion of not making any altera tion in the existing law. And the third course which they may adopt will be to rescind the Order of the Day, and to ask leave of the House to produce a new Bill, embracing such points and re gulations as have either received the assent of the House, or are likely to receive it. I will now, with the permission of the House, discuss these three pro positions. In the first case, I think it desirable to clear up what has passed on the subject since her Majesty's present Ministers became responsible in the matter. I wish to call to the recollection of the House that previous to the commencement of the present session, my Noble and Learned Friend, the Member for Dorsetshire, announced, in his place in the House, that he understood that her Majesty's Govern ment were not prepared to depart from the regulations in factories of twelve hours work. On the 7th Feb. Mr. Stuart Wortley asked me—what was the inten tion of the Government with respect to the labour in factories, and I will read to him what was the answer I then made. " With respect to the question put to him by his Hon. Friend, whether the Govern ment intended to bring in any measure on the sub ject of the regulation of the labour of children and young persons in factories, he had to state, i n rep l y, that he had found in his office a Bill introduced by Mr. F. Maule upon the subject, and that he proposed to bring in that Bill with some alterations and modifications. He also was asked if he proposed to make some alte rations in the hours of labour, and he replied it was not his intention, on the part of the Government, to propose any such regulation. I now, then, beg the House to observe that, in the very first session of the present Parliament, and almost on the first day of that session, I gave this answer to the question put to me. I have read this not for the purpose of taunting any person, but I have read it, sir, for the purpose of showing that as in 1833 and in 1839, so also in 1842, I for myself in dividually, firmly adhered to the opinion that the limitation of adult labour was inexpedient, and on the part of my colleagues that they had come to a similar determination.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I will now proceed to discuss the three possible courses that are open to us. The first involves the question of a compromise for a limitation of labour to eleven hours. I am quite prepared to admit that I do not go the length of those who may suppose that it is the duty of a government to carry every thing with a high hand (so we understood the Right Hon. Baronet, whose meaning, from the lowness of his tone, it was most difficult at times to catch) ; on the contrary I do say, that there are many occasions, especially one involving such a question as this, when a compromise is not only justifiable, but expedient. But when it i s either justifiable or expedient there are two points which are indispensa hie. These re, that -the -point - to be conceded shall be a safe one—(Hear, hear) ; and if there is to be a compromise that there shall be a fair prospect of its being adhered to. Seeing that among a great body of those Hon. Gentle men who usually support her Majesty's Government a division on this occasion unhappily exists, and look ing dispassionately at the question, I am bound to state on the part of her Majesty's Cabinet that the compromise to which I have adverted, appears to us not to hold out any prospect of utility. Ido not. wish to argue the question unnecessarily; but still, to vindicate myself, I must touch on some prominent points. I hold that, in the first place, a compromise would be most injurious to the manufacturers.— (Hear, hear.) A change from twelve to eleven hours seems in itself to sound like a small matter; but I beg the House to consider that when applied to machinery, it is absolutely no less than the destruction of its use for three or four weeks in the year.—(Hear, hear.) It is a most important matter, and I have received since I last addressed the L House circumstantial information, from the highest quarter, informing me that in the cotton and woollen districts —particularly in those districts where cot ton machinery is more actively employed—a re duction of the hours of labour from twelve to eleven, at those times when trade is brisk, and when the demand is steady, and when the manu facturer may be able to make up for the time when he worked at a loss, is a matter touching not only the profits of the manufacturers, but the permanent con tinuance of machinery.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It is a most important eonsideration because, as I mentioned before, the prosperity of manufactures is, in my opinion, bound up with the prosperity of the State. This being my belief, my deliberate judgment led me to the conclusion that this diminution of one hour of adnit labour would end in bitter disappointment to the working classes them selves.—(Hear, hear.) lam quite satisfied, though it would be tedious to repeat the argument now. I am quite satisfied that in proportion to . the reduc mtioendiaotfe reduction timetheremu o s f t b w e ag a es tr ( re r s i p ea o r n , dm h g ea a o n_d iamnd more than this, that unless the master manu facturers submitted to a diminution of. profit,