The Sun. — London, England, 1845-03-14 00:00:00

J hen and improvement in his condition, after so long so severe a winter, to the low price ef tuect_ which had prevailed since its commence (Rear ) Still ho did not menti• in this tth.° sole cause of the improvement. But he believed, a ue i i ifi a very great extent. that impreveracnt had been it . h r u s e t r t e i rs ed 1)Y the price of food. But ally were not the in a better state? --why were they left a.' i even with all this improvement, upon is. a week? L 11 4( 1 hsen said that the !armors were responsible for 7 condition of the labourers, but to this he could not, ‘4. 4 T2Y means, assent.—(Hear, heir.) In his opinion, 7 f armer stood entirely exonerated faun any such e r go, and it was to the landlords they were to look as . - 4 - T i•, cause of all the distress which so widely terribly areveiled throughout the country. t i e. ;l Hardw ic k, in his address to the labourer 3 Of Had 4::a_Pt had said, " Conciliate your employers, and if ai" i i not perform their duty to you and themselves, 14, Souou to the landlords ; and I aesure you t 4' will fill us ready to urge our own tenents to ti i i /r ePer cultivation of their farms, and consequently t ed, '.inst employment of the labourer." To the land /cell' then, they were to look for any alleviation that. obtained in the condition or the labourer. The ade were respensible, the lendlords pessessed oh te•',te Power. They could influence the condition of all tene t the t a ; and it was to them, and not to the farmers , t h's ceuntry had •to look for the remedy f agri ,al,t eet t distress. And how did the landlerds , towards their tenants and labourers? — (hour , hear.) ie 11,, r a w "niil cite the opinion of the Hon. Member for ^ e , itire (Mr. Ptvey), as expressed at the meeting of 'ilffelk Agriculture) Society:—" Ile knew this corn p r w ell, and he knew that there was not a place , from tit - T. 41 04th t o B erw i c k, in which the landlords might not imeravernent; but e hen the tenant was short of o ' ll eYethe landlord generally word I he short of money aii i ,(Hear.) But he would tell them how. to find tiv ". There were many districts where there Was a ei u 4 l t tOperfluity, not only of uselese, but o f loi , chievous t _ 'et; and if they weuld cet that, down which excluded li e gun and air, and feel on the soil, and sell it, they Auld benefit hem-fit the farmer by cutting it down, and they th ' e llild benefit the farmer and labourer too, by living out -Proceede iu underdraining the soil.—(Cheers.) here Was another mule in which they might find q. He knew that on some properties a large sum 4 . ! 'Pent in the preservation of game.—(Cheere) It 4 " net at a ll u nusual for the game to cost sao/. or 6001. and if this were given up, the money would - Ploy one hundred able-bidied labourers in improving e i :Properte.—,'Cheers.) This was another fund for llndlortf3 of En g land to benefit the labourers and attarora at the same . time." And if Hon. Gentlemen rit'ed the responsibility for the improvement of t he f a . n uition of the labourer was to be thrown upon the 'in ar, th e y mus t a t least allow that that improve mfnt could only be obtained through an increase in the ar m "' s produce, and app' a toothlargr proportionate share ' ti that produce being ied e comfort of the h ilt I% Yet he would show them a high authority on -•i i e other side of the House in what way the farmers m ore rewarded for rendering the tillage of their land .1 1 4 e valuable. He (Mr. Cobden) would read to the °Pile some observations made by the Hon. Member 4 1. ,elsineolnshire (,M4. Christopher), on the motion Th eit 'Honourable Friend the Member for Manchester `"'ri Milner Gibson) for agricultural statistics , he said, : c l e t- was most desirable for the farmer to know the i tu t ° 4l quantity of corn grown in this country , a s such .iu owled ge would insure steadiness of prices, which was a,2.tely more valuable to the agriculturist than filte ring prices. But to ascertain this there was extreme _Acuity. They could not leave it to the farmer to make 12•eturn of the quantity which he produced, for it was •17 1 for his interest to do so. If in any cne or two years Produced four quarters per acre on land which ha d jlionsly grown but three, he might fear lest his land would say, t Your land is more productive tlft I imagined, and I must, therefore , raise your b t e ll t: The interest of the farmers, therefore, would A: to underrate and to furnish lo w returns." nether authority at - a meeting of the Colchester Agri of rural Association—" That lie was aware that a spirit tuu linprovement was abroad. Much was said ab out the aut.farmers doing more. lie agreed they might do ril d Ei re; the soil of the country was capable of greater pro •-eetition if he said one-fourth more he should be within t il4 )lll9 .—(llear, hear.) But that could not be done by the tenant-farmer alone ; they must have confidence— ertni cheers)—it must be done by leesee—(Ronevved draiwing, by extending the length of fields, Y'lcnocking down hedge-rows, and clearing away trees I .',4!ich now shielded the corn." And what said another l ethority.at the meeting of the South Devon Agricultural P• 43o eiation?—" He knew it had been thought that land- Ptl e a were ready to avail themselves of such associa tion', on account of the opportunity it afforded them for •.. 1 , 161 `g into their tenants' effiiire anti opening their eyes. • !(hear.) An instance of this occurred to hint at a re , Ploughing-match, where he met-a respectable agri itttriSt; whom he ell knew, and asked him if he was Soirg 10 it'? lie said no. Why?' Because he did ° t approve of such things. This why produced another Ittil Y • And the man gave a reason why. Suppose he f en t it plough an d man, with. tao superior horses, the . 14 ndlord at once would sae, "fhis man is doing too well °ll- my estate,' and increase the rent "—(clear, hear.) After these authorities, was it a matter of wonder that t he - farm . , Id esive themselves and, as he thought, lu _ crs sou con .. • . 4 'tIY, exotierated from any responsilulty for' the con- Irfion the labourer ? Was , then , t he conduct of the etedloisle any alleVia•ion of the evil? He would read to - Iv t e - a'doeuMent which had be, n taken from the mantel rte"e of a labourer, residing a t Stow-upland, in the co mity of Suffolk. It was a certificate from the West II Snir " Azricultstral Association, established in 1833, f 4 the advancement of agriculture and the encourage rent of industry, and skill , Aid g ood conduct amon g " 1 10reraand servants In husbandry : •; : e t.e . Pedent the Duke of Grafton , Lo rd-Lieutenant of - "e County.' e e."This is to certify that a orize of 21. was awarded to w illiarnßurch, aged 81., lateiurer, or the parish of Stowe- P: la nk in West Suffolk , Septe mber, 25, 1840, for having fluarha ape nine children without relief, except when If` O iir 'Carr very dear, and for having worked on the kra e farm twenty-eight years. ..(Signed) "R. RUSHBROOKE, Chairman." 4- ttis'svas the way in which they rewarded a man who * •aa pininfor want. The whole thing together truly ~. a bad case. The fact was they never looked berore Zeal and provided for the necessities of the case. They ; e re,- in fact, legislating to make the land a lend of war the hed tried the allotment ssstem, and what ;at the allotment system?—a mere plaything, and worse ,'" 41 1,. a plaything. That might be well enough, but he ••g e ould tell them that had there not been wiser heads j°an their own below them, the whole country would i e ,_ °ll g before this have been in a frightful state of anarchy. -4 "°, it at the state of Ireland. They had contrived to preserve the rights of property in Ireland by the aid of' t he English Exchequer and 20,000 men. But if the same events were to occur in England, what - would he the con dition of•the whole population at the p resent moment? ee " i : i mam aWare that this might be loo ked u p on as a p oll- C] I. matter, but he did not think that that would be -°° ked upon as a merely political matter in the a gricultural districts. At the last e l e ction the role weight of the political influence had been °reed b th ation in the ricuistricts. T he e 11 d red alembs c rs had comae d own itura to l teat H e a wo house and In on the benches behind the M.nister, simply through t r il e. Weight of the agricultural influence, and he there 'l46 hoped that he should succeed in obtaining their t ' b 'operation, though he feared that he should not ; in d{Z he did not expecet to succeed i n his motion, but ,le` had done his best, and he had no hesitation in telling '"emehat if they obtained a Committee of that House that he would explode the whole delusion of agricultural Protection. —(Hear, hear.) He was able to bring for ward such an immens (Mass of evidence, such a prepon derance of talent, that when the Blue Book was sent forth, as they could now send it, through their vehicles of i nformation, that the system of protection should not I lia for two years afterwards.--e(llear, hear.) cry °f protection had proved a convenient handle for the po ,"tieians,, for it carried the counties at the last election, rY e and the poliians gained honours, emoluments ad place it. Th ti e c old tattered flag was tarnishel, and was - it to' be hoisted still fir the benefit of the politicians, or • bOttld they cisme forward and honestly and fairly in .quire into the question ? lie could not believe that the gentry of England would be made mere drain-heads, to b e beaten by others, and give no articulate voice of their ° wn. They were the gentry of England .who represented the Counties. They were the aristoc rac y . of En g land. Their f at he rs led his fathers, and they m i g ht still lead, if • they went the right way; hut if they went against th e • • • stunt of the age, by opposing popular opinion, their days, ho warned thorn, were numbered. In other days -- in the battle-field or the hunting-field, in all the contexts of 'manly • vigour, their• f i th e re were foremost in the st r if e . The aristocracy of I•:netand were not like t i he arist ocrac y o f France. mere minions of a Court; nor ike the aristocracy if Spain, dwindled into mere ngande. They were Englishmen, and had never shown • Wilnt of firmness or courage when a call It 118•4: been aneele upon This was a new era. was.the age of improvement—the age of social ad ' itlt.ei nnt — ntit the !. , , • e of war and feudal sports. They ."ed when the whole wealth of the country was poured ot -° their lip by mercantile enterprise. They could not to tilt advantage of commercial rates . and feuded pri gna but they might, as they hail done, identify them ▪ es With, svith.the people. and still remain the a ristocrac y of n g l itnd--(Hear, hear.) lie Ii id no hesitatio n sin telling ehe te am ther e was 4, deep rooted, an hereditary prejud i c e in favour. But they could not keep the benefit of • t e ' l t Prejudice if they opposed themselves to the spirit of ee• age. But if they were indifferent to the • entry—if they obstructed that progress which was • eri l i aulated to knit nations together in t he bonds of p eace u r°ll gh - commercial intercourse—if they were to fight again st th e s t rea m which had almost given life and breath to Material nature, and obstruct that which the tt c° l l . l2 alunitv at large laid decreed should go on—then 43; 1.7 oaf& be the gentry of England no longer , and 0 would be found to take their place ; and he had b° hesitation in saying that he stood in a very critical I : % ° , 4 ti°n• There was a spreading ees p icion that the y t:re tampering with the feelings of the co mmunit y . Let eta read their own organs, and they woul l see that this was the case . L e t them, then, show that they were no t the' mere politicians they were supposed to be. I n a asked them to go into Com mittee, and he "id give • them a majority of county Members— ' la ,N"`, they should have a majority of t he Central Protec -101(11 Society itself on that Committe a He only asked rinquiry—a fair inquiry—into the c auses of agricul t e nral • distress, and he felt sure the Hon. Members who intended b to;move amendments to his mo tion, would nut a mere quibble. He only aske d for fair in quiry, and whether it established his principle, or the principle of H on . G e ntlemen on the other sid e of the l e cni ee, he did entreat the independent Gen tlemen of that ( 3) 4e that they would not refuse on that occasion to go into a fair, a full, and an impartial investigation. e ehlr. SIDNEY HERBERT said the speech of the 11°11 . Member who had j'ust sat down ha.l been distin guished by 4 degree of Lugeauity mid kuowledge which ha I but rarely been surpassed. But at the same time, he theught the Hon. Gentleman hal lessened the inn tee tance of his cause by the multiplicity of arguments and facts which he edduced in support of it. The Hoe. Member it would seem hal forgotten that - some of his f ices were contradictory.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member had stated that the labour of Committees who who had sat upon Vtis subject, had always led to im proving the condition cf the agriculturist, and the culti vation and quality of the land. Now, he must say, that he differ,el very much from the Hon. Member—for at various periods Committees had been appointed to in quire into the operation of agricultural protection, but he did not remember that any of these Committees had. produced any material change in the system. The Committee which sat in 1815 and 1822, he admitted, came to certain conclusions, which they reported to the House but these reports could hardly be understood by persons living in the present day.—(Opposition cheers.) Subsequent Committees that were appointed found en at difficulty in arriving at any conclusion upon the subject, and, therefore, they declined to make any report to the House, and they laid before the House nothing but two large folio volumes, full of contradictory opinions and facts.—(hear, hear.) A Committee sat in 1833, and that Committee numbered sonic of the most eminent man in that House. On that Committee, he be lieved, were the Noble Lord the Member fur the City of London, and his Right Hon. Friend the princi pal Secretary of State fir the Home Department. That Committee came to a different conclusion to &bat which the lion. Member fir Sto:kport had arrived at. In the first, place, they came to the conclusion that protection ens necessary, and that notwithstanding agriculturists had Vs contend with great difficulties, and no matter whetter it was in the time of peace or war, great-im provements had ta'oin place in the cultivation of Imd.— (11-ar, hear.) lie visited Ireland lest year, and that re he was told, and saw with his own eyes. that the state of agriculture was improving, and in this country he knew from personal inquiries that the profits of the farmer were daily on the increase. The Flon. Member hal said there could be no imorovement in the cultiva tion of land, because capital was withdrawn from it. Now, how could the fanner have improve:l his lend so as te increase his profits :without cipital.—(Hear, hear.) The Hen. Member said landlordi kept their tenants in a state of subserviency, and they were restricted from making the most of their farms by certain clauses which • were invariably introduced into farm leases. But the Hon. Member forgot that those were penal clauses, and only applied -to certain- ceunties.—(Hear, hear.) He would venture, however, to say that these leases did not bear a recent dame, because the House must he aware that lately improvements had been intreduced into the term and tenets-age of farm leases.—(Hear, hear.) In intim teres of apprenticeihip, to this day, they would find early, absurd, and obsolete conditions ; but the Hon. Member must bear in mind that it was the spirit of the instrument that was acted upon, and not the letter. He. entreated Hon. Members - on his own side of the House not to suffer their sympathy for the prevailing agricul tural distress to induce them to concede the motion, for it was quite impossible that it could be attended with an y beneficial result. What would be the utility of the in quiry ? Had they not already sufficient information en' the subject? Surely, after the many discussions they had had upon - the corn-laws, . and .after the. often-repeated opinions. of eminent political economists on agricul ture and commerce, they had sufficient information to enable them to form an opinion, or even to legislate upon the subject if it were necessary. But even were they to grant. the Committee, he did not think it would appease the public mind, or put an end to the Anti-Corn-law agitation. No, nor would the lion. Member for Stockport, consent to suspend his judg ment on the corn laws and direct agricultural pro tection till they were put in possession of . the deci aion of this Committee. Nor would Covent-garden be restored to the muses, or those gentlemen who there enact tenant-farmers return to• their former occupations. —(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Granting t h e C ommittee would not either put an - end to discussing the question in that Howie. for he'saw that the• Hen. Gentleman the Member for Wolverhampton had given notice of his motion for a repeal of the corn-laws.---•(Hear, hear.) He was not aware that the appointment of a Committee would have the effect of indueing.him to withdraw his notice. Mr. C. P. VILLIERS—I have not given it yet. Mr. S. HERBERT continued—At all events, he did not think if the motion were carried it would put an end to all discussion on the subject in that House. But Hon. Members opposite admitted that they had no very great respect for the deciSions of Committees, and where then was the use of appointing,. one ?—(hear, hear.) It would not have the effect eitte r of alleviating the d's tresm, for the appointment of the Committee would have a most ruinous effect upon the lauded interest of the country.—(Hear, hear.) All would be denbt and un certainty, and until -the report of the Committee were known. capital would be entirely diverted. from agricul ture. Until the Committee had examined witnesses from diffatent parts of the country—until they had taken the opinion of eminent political economists, and until all the doctrines of wages, texations, and profits had been in quired into, the agricelturalinterest, indeed the whole of the country, would be in a state.of uncertainty. The effect of this uncertainty, there could be no doubt, would be disastrous. to the agricultural community, and indirectly, if net directly, tend to injure the trade of the country. — (Hear, hear.) Now, the Hon. Gentleman had made Some observations nPus the improvements - which had been made in egrisulture. The Hon. Member -at the :Male 61111 drew a comparison between the improvements made in agriculore, and the improvements which had ieten intredueed into menufactures, which certainly was very flotering to the Hon. Me - 411)er himself. Bet the Hon. Member hat forgotten that manufacturers had a considerable advantage over agriculturists. The agriculturist cent I only turn his capital once a year, but the tnanufactarer umld do it frequently.—(Hear, hear.) A farmer sometimes had a good harvest' and sometimes a bad one. Iris profits, too, were often re duced in a bad harvest by the prospect of a future good one, but the manuilteturer seldom or never laboured under di advantages of this nature.—(Hear, hear.) He hord the Hon. Member for Northampton woUld with. draw his amendment.. Past Committees Insists agricul tural distress had produced no beneficial change, and he did net think any further inquiry would be attended with a different result.—(l-lear.) It had on more than-one occasion been stated that her Majesty's present Ministry took office plsdeed to maintain agricultural protection. The Government had not, as had been stated to-night, made promises which they did not intend to keep. The Hon. Gentleman had said the .county Members had been returned on the pledge that they would maintain protection, as it was previous to the last election. For his own part he had stated his views of the corn-laws to his constituents, and had not concealed that the Honourable Baronet at the same time would preserve to the agricultural interest the protection of the corn law, but would make such modifications of the sliding scale as the altered circumstances_ of the country from war to peace rendered necessary.--(1-lear, hear.). He believed that there was a great deal of distress, which was not within the reach of legislative remedy. But he thought that nothing could more tend to alarm and dis hearten the farmers than that . the House should show them it Was dissatisfied with the present arrangement, and that, at the instance of a Gentleman who was no friend to them—(Elear, hear)—and who desired to deprive them of all protection.—(Hear, hear.) It was going into an inquiry of indefinite length, from which, after some period, a measure of some sort would arise, for the purpose of putting an end to the protection which now remained.—((dear, hear.) The Govern ment did not deny that there was some amount of pro tection which it was not intended to withdraw.—(Hear, hear.) At the same time he and the Minist :its admitted that it was a fair and legitimate subject of discussion in that House. Tho Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) had given notice of a motion on the sub ject, on which the whole question would be tat teed, before they could have any report of the proposed Committee, if it should be granted. But if they were not ice - pos• session of the information for which the Committee was demanded by the lion. Member for Stockport, they were not in a condition to go into the discus sion of Mr. Villiers's motion. If they were in it state to go into it, then there was no necessity to send to a Committee up stairs for information, which they al- • reedy - poseested.—(rlenr, hear.) IF they told him how the Committee would he constituted, so well known was the state of opiaion on the question, he, could tell them what would be the result.—(Hear, and a laugh.) He thought, however, that the House was bound not to accede to the motion, unless it was proposed to alter the present law.—(Hear, hear.) It could not be pretended that any information was required, and the Hon. Gen tlemat only wanted the Committee for the purpose of expounding his own view's, which he was in the habit of doing with great clearness and ability, and at sufficient length in the House. The Committee would at most only create hopes. as to the repeal of the import duties, which could not be realised, and increase the dissatis faction and uneasiness which it was the idesire of Par liament to alley.—(hear.) He hepetl his Iron. Friend. the Member for East Norfolk would withdraw his amend meet, and that the House would negative the motion. . Lord HOWICK, who was at first very imperfectly hoard. said that the Right lion. Gentleman who last sat '1 down had commenced by stating that Committees upon agricultural distress were of no use. That was a mere doctrine with Gentlemen opposite.—(Bear, hear.) He remembered when the Governments of which they were members held Cemuitteee oa agricultural distress in great estimation.—(Cheers.) Besides that, he denied that Committees of inquiry were of no use.—(hear.) The facts which were brought out were of importance. The new views in which they placed acknowledged facts were also of importance. He reminded Right Hen. Gentlemen opposite, that the first step which was made in ameliorating the system of protection grew out of a Committee of inquiry into agricultural diatress.—(Hear.) A majority of country gentlemen .were induced, in the Committee of Isls, to adopt an able report drawn up by Mr. Ilutkiston, which made an important step towards improvement of the corn laws. — (Hear, hoar.) The Committees of 1815 and 1833 were the means of bringing together a body -of information which had been iintnensely useful.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir R. Peel) adopted that report. But it did not serve the arguments against this motion. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Herbert) said that Committees of this kind were of no use, es was not questions of deta il the y had to 'consider, but questions of treat principles, which might be :consi dered in the House. He (Lord Ilowick) had no hesita tion in stating that his opinion was made up.---(Hear, hear.) He did not want to wait for the result of the Committee to make up his mind, nor did he think that the appointment of it would be a roast el for postponing the motion of kis Hon. Friend the Membe,r for Wolver hampton.—(Hear, hoar.) But, was there nothing the Committee could do beyond debating on the principle of protecting duties?—(Hear.) On the contrary, he thought much valuable information could be collected indepen. - dent of' the corn-laws and protecting duties.—(Hear.) They. invariably found on the one side of the House and on the other the most exlire,ordhlar atatements of Ps.'" THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 14, 1845. ihat the Government had chqsen to refuse this Committee. He was returned to that House to support the system of protection. He was returned on protection principles, and from those protective principles he was not aware that he had ever swerved.—( Hear, hear.) He had been too long in that House to commit himself blindly by any pledge against !hose changes which must occur in the " re v,lution of ages," as his Right llon. Friend the Member for Newark had stated. But, as far as he could judge, he saw no r,ason to shrink from the advocacy of these principles, and because he believed them to be true, therefore be believed facts.—(Hear, hear.) Why not go into Committee and see on which side the truth lay, preparatory to the dis cusdon which must eventually ceme on in the House? s--Cries of -" Hear, hear.") Was it not desirable to ascertain whether the existence of the law had- or not the effect of encouraging false hopes in the tn . nds of the farmer. ?—(1-lear.) That it had that effect was as serted in that House, and he now .asserted that it was easy of proof if they went into. the Comm' ttee.—(Hear, hear.) It led the farmers to expect a certain price for their produce, and, since the peace, that fa'se expectation had been the ruin of thousande.—(Cheers.) Again, it was material to ascertain what . was the effect of the price of corn upon wages of laboint.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.) He heard it repeatedly said in the House that the low price of corn produced low price of labour. But now it was with infinite satisfaction h t heard the Right Hon. Gentleman say that the low price of food brought on by abundance was a benefit to every (Hear, hear.) That must be the ease in a proper state of the law; bat even in the present' state he believed that it was so.—(liear, hear.) Bat how happened it that wheneve r prices were lowered there were the most whining complaints on the part of the agriculturists? —(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gen tleman said that it was not the low prices that caused the present distress but the failure. of the crops. He (Lord Howled() believed it was so. But did that account for the language used by the Duke of Buckingham, which he could only describe, is the words of an old statute, as that of a sturdy beggar —(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Right - Hon. Gentlemen opposite reported in 1833 the most melancholy statements as to the condition of the tenant farmers. Their condition was painted in the most gloomy terms—they were paying the rent out of their capital—and they were then in a state of proerce sive ruin.—( the Noble Lard then read at great length an exnetet from the laafx)rt of time Agricultural Commit tee of la2l. setting forth the distree ed state of the far m, rs at that period.)—lf they took that report; the low prices which the Hight lion: Gentlemen now Rotted to be for the benefit of all parties were the ruin of the far tn-rs. However, the result of all the inquiries had barn to take off the protection fro-n other anti des He should like to see what would the answer of the proposed Com mittee be to the gloomy predictions of the Duke of Rich mond as to the hop >coition. of wool since 1837, and of cattle more recently.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The House would remember the arguments of the Hon. Mem her for Berkshire against the importation of pigs, when that Hon. Member said that so many quarters of corn would be imported in the shape of pigs.—(Laught-r.) NoW he sleethl like to ascertain in Committee What' had been the effect of the introduction of cattle ? lie should like to inquire for the facts which would show that pro tection was necessary for the cultivation of wheat and not for flax.—(H-ear, hetne): They were told that the removal of protection woo affect the labourer. more than the landlord, and would throw land out:of cultiva tion. lie should like to hoar from a Committee, as merely matter of figures, whether rent entered so much into the price of corn that a reduction of rent would enable the farmer to meet a reduction of prices. —(Hear, hear.) There, were many of those points on which in formation was easily attained, which would refute the mass of vague, unfounded assertions which were constantly reported in the House, and which in terfered - with . the discussion of . this .momentous question.—(Hear, and cheers.) Suppose they had a strong conviction that the Committee would not tend to any practical result. Was that a ground for refusing the inquiry, when they saw at that moment what was the condition of the tenant-farmer awl the labourer?— (Hear, heia.) They might consider the inquiry useless, but their reason for refusing the inquiry was to him in comprehensible.—(Hear, hear.) 'rho Secretary at War stated that the agriculturists were of,very delicate nerves —(A laugh)—and if the House were to ge into the In quiry, they would- be • thrown into a state of alarm, so that they would give up their farms.—(Laught r.) how could-such a Committee as the Hon. Member for Wol verhampton' most fairly offered, containing , a majority of " farmers' friends," give them such a shock?—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman'aaid that, - in flaking for the Committee, they (the Opposition) expected to put an end. to protection. Undoubtedly he (Lord, Howick), for one, did so.—(Cheers.) He believed that in the Com mittee-it would be shown that the repeal of the pro. tectire duties would- be a-. relief to the farmers thems selves. ,It was because he- had such perfect- confidence in , ahe' justice.- of -his ease, - that he asked for • irptiry, because he believed-that the •most irrefragable proofs would he -produced of the justice of his case.---(Cheers.) The refusal 'to give . the Committee could be acconnted for on no othet ground than that they (the Ministers) had no confidence in. their own . assertiOns.ea-(Cheers.) They would he .ready enough to grant the..ingniry, if they did, not find, in the bottom of their . hearts, that the vague sophistries which they passed muster so boldly in the Helm would not bear to be sifted-in de tail,-and pass. through- the ordeal of examination up stairs.—(Hear; hear, and theers.) They knew that they . would undergo so complete a 'refutation that they would be ashamed to repeat them.---(Cheers.) The only rational ground of•IIon: Gentleten - oppo site refusing to. go into this Committee wria, - that they had really no case; .and he was the :more convinced-,of this, because, while they refused,a. Committee, they also refusedao grapple with the ergoinents of the Hon. Mem ber for Stockport against the whole system of protecting duties. If they-felt any confidence in their caste they mighteat• least, attempt to grapple with the. luminous and•ahle speech - Of the Hon. Member for'Stockportaand pro‘7e that the system of protectivedutics' was not:the cause of. the agricultural distress: The 'Right Hon Gentleman the Secretary at War did not'attetnpt the slightest answer to those argument=. He (Lord Hoevick) would now endeavour to show why it was that he en- Airely.coneurred in the opinion expressed by his Noble Friend the Member for London same time ago,- oho said that protecting duties heel indeed , been the bane of , agriculture.--(Hear; ' hear.) . If this . Gommitee were grented, they - would show that - the system of protection hid . been tried_ thirty 'years ago, and that, notwithstanding ell the' mairfications which it under went, it was acknowledged . te be' a complete failure. — (Hear.) The Bill of 1815 had even this advantage, that it was concocted according to the views of the high flown advocates of protection..--(Eivar, hoar.) But the result was, that in a -few years after there was a great deal of agricultural distress. A :Committee was ap pointed, -containing a majority of agricultural. Members, who came to the conclusion -that the - Act .of 1815 had failed in its object, but they did not give up its protecting system: No such thing—they said they - mistook • the way, but they did not give up their . favourite notion. The Committee made a report, and in .consequence of that report an alteration was madein the laW of 1815, and, under the auspices of the Right Honour able: Baronet opposite, the law of 1828, which he afterwards destroyed, became the law-of, the land. But what was -the consequence ? :In 1839, 1834, 1835, and 1836, complaints were made in that House of agri cultural distress.' A Committee was again appointed, and the Right Hon. - Baronet declared that more protest tion would not .amend the case, and that they had better wait for better times-a-for that was the meaningashortly translated, of the report of 1833. What was the cause of that ? There was then no Anti-Corn-law agitation, because prices were •so low that the evils of protection wore not then so seriously felt. The Right Hon. Gen tleman then came forward, and. said that there had been a good deal of bungling about Protection —that protec tion was a good thing, but they had not gone the right way to work it, and accordingly he passed . his Corn Bill with a great majority. But they were now witness ing the happy results of his experiment..--(Hetta, hear.) Under that system of protection, the progress .of agri cultural improvement had been extraordinarily slow, as the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Stockport had shown. If any body looked at the country . be could not fail to see that the degree of agricultural improvement was far below what it ought to be. Let them compare the improvements which had taken place in agriculture since the peace, with the improvements which had taken place in ether trainches •of• science, and it would appear *from the•reeult, that while steam navigation and railroad development, and, in fact, all the arts . and sciences, had progress° I with great regularity, the science of agricul ture had by no nacelle kept pace with them.---(liear, hear.) Although the most beneficial results might be deeived from draining, draining was scarcely begun in some counties ; and while farmers allowed the best in.enure at their own doors to run to waste, they-imported it at a' vast expense from the coast of Africa.—(Hear, hear.) Any person who travelled down to Manchester must perceive that while the land in the neighbourhood of that town, which was most fertile by nature, and Which had an excellent market for milk and butter which it would yield, was grown over with rushesa--(diear, Dear)—land which required only a few hours'to render it mast productive—that while the land near that town was suffered-to- lie in such- a state, in the town itself every improvement was adopted• which would - multiply the means of production, and yield a saving, however small. There was one modeeand only one, of- Recounting for this, natnely, that there - was no security.—(hear, hear, from Mr. Miles.) He understood -the cheer of the Hon. Member for Somerset, and would advert to it preseetly. The cause of that difference was to be found, in. the first place, in the absence of the stimulus of foreign competi tion—(Hear, hear) —owing to which the.handedproprie tors were content to leave the land in such a disgraceful state as it was in at present.—(Cheers.) It was owing again to the want of leases.—(llear, hear.) Any Gen tleman who wits at all acuainted with the subject, must know there was the greatest difference between those farms which were held under lease, and those which were not.—([sear.) Let a person for instance compare the agriculture of East L )thian and 13uckinghamshire. —(Hear.) But he would tell the lion. Member for Somerset, it was owing also, and principally, to that want of security which the landlords Could not give as long as they kept up a system of security.—(lioar, hear.) He supposed the Hon. Member meant by his cheer that that want of security was owing to the Anti-corn law League, but he would tell the Hon. Gentleman that there was notary security for the farmers before the Anti cam law League were in existence. And as long as they were subject to the ebb and flow, whiclr he believed were inseparable from protection, they would not have se• curity.—(Cheers ) They would not, find it as long as they breathed the sickly air of protection. It was this insecurity that caused capital to fl iw out of the country and to be invested in foreign railways, at the risk of war. Even if they rejected this motion, as he expected they would, by a majority of two to one, that would not give that security to the farmers which the farmers.' friends themselves were conscious was use sessary.— ((lear.) lie would now come to a more serious part of the case, because, after what had been said by the lion. Member for Stockport on the former part of it, ho (Lord Howick) felt it would he unnecessarily wasting the time of the House to dwell longer upon it. Bat he would come to the effect of the protective system upon the labouring classes ; and here also he thought that a strong prima facie case had been made out again st protection.—(Hear, hear.) In the southern coun ties of England particularly, the agricultural labourers wore in a most wretched condition. It was the wonder of every one how the agricultural labourer supported himself and family on the wages lie received.—Wear) Of bread, he had very far from sufficient ; of meat, ht sel lom or ever tasted—( Ilear)—his clothing was hindgtrtte and as to beer, coffee, and tea, he had infinitely below•h's reasonable share.—(Hear, heaf.) Why any One of them could not keep a labouring man and his family for twice the money that the labourer could him self support them. How was this to be accounted for 1 From one or other of these causes—either that the whole supply of the nation was below the want of the nation, or el,e the labourer did not receive a fair proportion ; or else the supply was bath t to small and even of that the labourer did not receive his due proportion. If - that were admitted, he would follow up his argument by showing that the system of protective duties had diminished the whole supply of the necessaries required for the national wants, and that it also altered the distribution of that supply. As to the first point, it was too plain to be denied by any ono. H. would make that out in a short .time. He would t ,he an illustration from the sugar duties. He had shown a few nights ago that the same amount of manu factured goods ur money would buy 28f tons of Brazil sugar, and only 181 of colonial sugar. Ile would state the matter at a disadvantage, because the dift'2rencQ•of the price between colonial and foreign sugar was different to what it was now.—(Hear,) II the duty on sugar was placed upon a proper foundation they would be enabled to get in the country twenty six tens of sugar in the place of eighte m.—(Hear.) Now, could it he for one moment doubted, that what was true with respect to sugar. was equally so with res pect to coffee and meat?—(lTear, hear.) The first was indirect taxation, and was bad; it diminished the comforts of the poor, and that was its avowed object and design.—(Hear.) The protective duties were put on for that object and nothing else.—(l4ear, hear.) He thought, therefore, that it was not • only not unreasonable to ask for, but it was the bounden duty of the Helve to grant a Committee to inquire into the subject. Could any one deny that there was some connexion between the distresses of the people and scarcity, especially when that scrrcity was oecastoned by the law ? Now, with respect to the corn-laws, the 3 deprived the lab uring man of his proper remuneration ; labour was not protected, end he believed that the cause of the want of the necessaries of life in America arose in consequence of their copying what had taken place in this country with re spect to the restriction upon the fruits of industry. He did not see how inquiry could be refused on this important subject; if they refused it, they would go before the country with this feeling, that they were maintaining laws fOr the benefit of the owners of the land, and for the purpose of keeping up rents and aggra vating the distress of the people. Was this consistent with the Divine precept, that 4. the labourer was worthy of his hire ?"—(Hear, hear.) But what was the fact '? Why, while the wealthy classes were increas:ng in their comforts, • the poor man's rents were doubled. The hire of the labourer, who reaped and ploughed the fields, had been kept back by fraud. He did not attempt to impute to any of tee Gentle men opposite the maintenance of laws that operated against the working Classes_--the labsuring classes. They were bound by the most solemn obligations to neglect nothing to alleviate the condition of their fe!lovr-men—( Hear, hear)—and how, therefore, could they refuse granting the Committee that was now asked by the Hon. Member for Stockport ?Hear , Hear, hear. ) If they went into Committee he was content—( Hear, hear) — but then he would say that they could not be justified in the eyes of God or man in retaining those laws.unless they granted inquiry.—( Hear, hear.) He could never believe that an All-Rise and Beneficent Creator, who bad pronounced upon the human race the curse of labour, ever intended that labour should' go' unrewarded.—(llear, hear.) Let them remember that every man among them was as answerable for that share of political power which they enjoyed as Members of that House, and for the use he made of it in reference to the con dition and'iweifare of the humble classes, as he was for his con duct in private life ; and if they did remember this, they would hardly consent to reject the motion. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN said he was quite sure that a suspicion never entered the mind of any Member of that House that the Noble Lord, in quoting that book to which he had referred in his speech, had any intention of making a pere sonal application • but at the same time the House would agree with him that it was desirable to make allowances for those who, as conscientiously as the Noble Lord, came to a dif ferent conclusion.—( Hear, bear.) Now, when they combined what the Noble Lord had said, stating, as he had done, that no other labourers, artificers, or manufacturers, were able to com pete with English labourers, English artisans, and English ma. nufacturers, and that there was more corn grown in England, compared with the quantity of acres, than in any other country in the world exclusive of the Netherlands, he thought the) would allow that the case had not been very dsfinitively made out against the system under which each a state of things existed. it appeared that there was a little contrariety of opi nion between the Noble Lord and the Hon. Member for Stock port. The Hon. Member for Stockport bad said, the other night,:that in proportion as they receded from the tall chimneys they found agriculture neglected; while the Noble Lord had stated that evening that, in the neighbourhood of Lancashire, rushes were growing upon the lands.—( Hear, hear.) It the latter statement were true, instead of going into the agricultu ral districts, the Anti-Corn - lacy League should look to the vicinity of their own town, where they might find land to be drained, farms to be improved, and rushes to be eradicated. Now, he had himself at a former period given notice of his in tention to mere for a committee to inquire into the causes and extent of agricultural distress ; bat he was anxious that it should be entirely a farmer's and farm-labourer's motion If the House granted this moved for by the Hon. Member, it would bo mer ely a matter for political economists and free traders. Independently of the words of his motion, the animus of the Hon. Member's speech made .him doubt whether he would be justified in giving him his support. Skilful as that speech was, able in its details, and unvioleut in.its language, whets he considered the picture which the Hon. Member hail drawn of the tenan`.s-at-will and the tenants-at-lease, he could not help thinking that he made a serious charge without dis tinction of party against the landowners of England. When he heard him say that nothing could be mare miserable than the condition of those classes of persons, that they were averse •to all improvement, that.. they lived in indo lence, sloth, an.l inactivity, and were constantly corning to that House for • protection, he certainly did feel that it would not be b: easing in him, reterned as he had been by an agri • cultural constituency, deeply honouring the landowners of this country, and feeling that .on the whole they had done their duty, to vote for a mutes. which had been introduced by stieli a speech.—( Hear, hear.) He had the high authority of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh, for de claring that the decision. with reference to a motion for a Committee .was a great degree to be determined by the animus of him who moved for it.--( Hear, hear.) On the whole he was very sorry that the Government had chosen to refuse this Committee.—( Hear, hear.) He regretted that his Right Hon. Friend, speaking the sentiments of the Govern ment, had felt it his duty to recommend him to withdraw his amendment. He knew very well what was the meaning of that advice.. Though it was given with all that agreeableness and good nature which rendered everything that fell from that gifted gentleman. .so undisagreeable.--( Laughter )—softening down the refusal of the negative as mach as possible, it was still tantamount to saying " if you divide on your amendment, you will find yourself in a miserable minority."—(No, no.) Now there were three parties in that House in reference to this Committee.. There were the free traders, who were anxious , for a Committee to blow up the country gentlemen. There was the Government, which refused this Committee, for the old official reason, that to grant it would create excite ment, and raise unfounded .expectations.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The third party was himself, who earnestly wished the inquiry, from a belief that so far from exciting it would tend to soothe, and that so far from unsettling it would tend to- tranquillise the country.—( Heat, hear.) He could tell Hon. Members, that if they thought agricultural distress was local they . were completely in the wrong ; and as he was not to have the opportunity of bringing these farmers there to speak for themselves, he trusted that the House would permit him to read some extracts from the speeches.which they had made when they had met together.— ( Hear, hear.) If they had often exaggerated, that was one reason in favour of allowing them to come before the House, in order that mistakes might be removed. He would begin with a meeting at Market Harborough. The Hon. Member then read a resolution, to the effect, that the admission o: foreign corn at the present low rate of duty was unexpected and uncalled .for. The. Hon. Member next read a petition from Durham, stating that the agriculturists had been greatly injured by .the late alteration in the corn-law, the tariff, and the law with respect to Canadian corn. The Honourable Member then read resolutions passed at meetings in Devonshire and in Lincolnshire, couched in similar language. A resolution passed at a 'meeting in Shrop shire, recommended the imitation of the spirit of union ex hibited by the .members .of the Anti-Corn-law League. The Agricultural Protection Societies of Rutland, Leiceetershire, Essex, and Staffordshire, all se oke in a similar tone, all declared that distress existed equal to that he had read. Therefore, when the Right Hon. Member for North Wiltshire said the distress. was local, he mutt inform him that he did not speak the sentiments of the farmers. The distress of these farmers was exaggerated by the feeling that the Government was either not aware of its extent or pressure. Had one-half of the distress existing among the farmers, existed in the manufac turing districts, there would have been no end to the clamour raised it their behalf.—( Hear, bear.) He did not say that in that case he should blame the manufacturers—he did not say that in such ceac he should blame the farmers. He should not, on the one han'il, charge the manufacturers with being too clamorous, nor on the other hand would he accuse the farmers of being too supine. But he begged the Holler) to remember. that the characteristics of the two classes were essentially different. It was the habit of on, class to unite—of the other to endure in isolation. Therefere, when the question of agricultural distress came before the House, both that House and the Government, what ever might be its political complexion, ought to remember the characteristics of these two classes, and be careful how the) neglected the &aims of the agriculturists. 'I he Right Hon. Member for North Wiltshire had said he did not wi h to see agriculturists come whining to that House for protection. He (Mr. Stafford O'Brien) should himself be sorry to see the bold yeomen of England come whining to that House, or else where. But he was sure the Right Hon Gentlem el did not mean to say that if any portion of her Majesty's subjects felt that they were in distress, and that any legislative enactment would remove that distress, the farmers, if they come before that House, and spoke by petition or through the voice of their representatives, ought to be charged with whining. lie laid a stress on this, because he knew well how eagerly every word uttered in that House by the Government was watched, and because he was anxious to do away the effect of an expression which seemed something like unkindness or inconsistency towards them. The Noble Lnrd the Member of Sunderland had referred to the duties on wool, cattle and flax, and had In stanced these as three cases in which the repeal of the protective duty might be considered as advantageous. He could not but think that if The Noble Lore' had permitted him self to consider for a moment, he would have found that no three articles could have been more injudiciously chosen. The Noble Lord, skilful as he was in other things, would not be considered as a practical grazier, if he thought that the effect of the tariff, wi h respect to the importation of cattle, vrouldrealise what was expected from it at the end of three years. With respect to the ditty on flax, the repeal applied not to flax that had been grown, but to that which was yet to grow ; and whe ther flax could be grown at all without a protective duty re mained to be proved. He had spoken with a farmer en this point, sad he had said," If they could get a protectiveduty on flux, he believed they could grow it very well in England."—(Hear. and laughter.) The Noble Lord had argued that flex had been grown without a protective duty, but he denied that tea any ex tent this had been the case. Flax was not grown in England. ._,(" Ireland," from several Hon. Members on the Oppositioe benches.) He was mare of that fact, but the Noble Lord was not speaking of Ireland, and whether flax could be grown in England without‘a protective duty war an experiment that yet remained to be tried. The Noble Lord alluded also to wool— he should recollect that when the repeal of the wool duty was proposed the agricultural interest did riot oppose it ; and he, therefore, might give them fair credit for some degree of wis dom when they oppeted the reduction of the duty on corn. It showed that they could discriminate—that they were able to judge which duties might be repealed and which might not. They were not misled and blinded by any theory to declare that every kind of restriction was mischievous, nor did they from the other extreme wish to retain every protective duty in operation. They applied their minds to the question of re striction and that of the removal of restriction, and they might claim equal merit for that which they bad the wisdom to refuse ant i that w hich they had the wisdom to retain. He was sorry they would bear inquiry. —(Cheers.) He wag not going to s,ty that in that House it was prudent to grant every inquiry that every man might p - opose, at his own time, on his own terms, End f-ir his own purpose ; but he did say, that when they had heard the Right Han. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the II me Department get up and introduce his Bill on the law of settlement, and tell them that one person -ut of every ten was receiving parish relief—when, in addl'ion to this, he was able to bring forward statements from the whole country of the extent of agricultural distress—it seemed to him that the time had come when there should be this inquiry. he could sugeest produce any t•ffect in bringing the same rate ' to explain the reasons which induced him to vole against the of wages paid in British ships to that pai lin foreign shies, Atr. mce ion of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Stockport. liume said it wool Ibe impossible to say, because there was a lie was a member of a Committee which sat in 1836, on the great variety of foreign ships, and a great variety of rates of subject of agricultural distress, and though they had heard wages, and a great difference as to the quality of find in foreign evidence from April to June, they were not able to come to ships, but that the price of provisions in the ships any conclusion.—( Hear, hear.) He opposed the motion, be /nest b e c h e aper, and the wages less. He hoped this juste cause he thought that Committee would come to no conelu 7, /lieu Government weld I take notice of these remarks of Mr. thin. lie thought it would only do mischief, that it would Hume. Wages were the very reerrow of the whole question, hold Put fa.he hopes to the tenant-farmers and labourers, and and the Government should give Mr. flume's evidence their upon this ground he thought it unwise to appoint a Committee. st serious consideration. He knew he ought to sit down. Ile would not seek popularity by holding out hopes to the —( Laughter.) Nothing could give him more pleasure than agriculturists.--(Hear.) to know that he would never be called upon to open his lips Mr. COBDEN replied. All were agreed as to the again.—( Renewed laughter. ) It bad been his fate, and it cause of the distress that existed—(Hear, hear)— and yet was still his fate, that currency should be the great stumbling- they would not agree to any inquiry on the subject.—( Hear, block between him and the Right lion. Baronet at the head hear.) In short, there was nut a single motion put forward by of the Government, and he verily believed that currency had the benches opposite which was riot a source of laughter— more to do with the question than anything else. He would which was not considered a sham. If Gentlemen opp os it e give a decided negative to the motion of Hon. Gentle- would only separate themselves from the Government, they man. The farmers, from top to bottom, would be thrown might do anything they ;leased. into despair—( Hear, hear)—and it world entirely unsettle Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House men's minds on a steiject already the cause of so much dissen- divided, when there appeared— sion and excitement. a For the motion .. Mr. WILLIAMS said the Hon. Member who had just sat Against it down began by reflecting upon the speech of the Noble Lord Majority against the motion the Member for Sunderland, and said it was characteristic of The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the the days of Cromwell. Without saying whether he would House adjourned at a Quarter to One o'clock. agree with him, he would observe what he considered the lion. I Member's speech was characteristic of—the present. day and no other.—( Laughter.) The speech was characteristic of the class to which the Hon. Member belonged. If the lion. Member would excuse him from expressing his opinions freely, lie would say. that he represented the decline and decay of his class. The lion. Member for Norfolk must not be offended with the remark that he was about to make. Mr. WODEHOUSE—Not a bit.—( Laughter ) Ms. VILLIERS—The lion. Member said he had exagge rated and misrepresented in font: , former speeches, and animad verted to a speech made by him in which he stated that in 1797 the agricultural classes were depressed. lie presumed in that assertion still, although the Hon. Member for Norfolk said that at that time they were very well off.• Mr. WODEHOUSE—I diel not say any such thing? Mr. VILLIERS said he understood the lion. Member to say they were very ill off. That was the year when country Gentlemen tested the scheme of making other people pay the wages of the apiculture' labourers. lie would now attain state that there was no period when the price of food was high th it the labouring classes were not seriously distressed. Mr. WODEHOUSE-1822. Mr. VILLIERS—It was precisely in that year thi•st a Noble Lord, in the other House of Parliament, spoke of the distress of the labouring classes in the agricultural districts. The statement of the Hon. Member for Stockport was dear, full, forcible, and lucid, but how was it answered ? He stated what the coalition of these districts was, he desired investiga tion, and challgeged contradiction—he called to t em the farmers' friends, but they did not adduce a single argument against •xliat. he stated. The Secretary at War affected to treat the question will great indifference, but he could assure him that it was one in which the people of this country felt the deepest interest, and he bitterly complained of the mode in which the Legislature had treated the subject. He really thought that the Right Honourable Gentleman had treated the House with indifference, if not with neglect and contempt. Could the Right lion. Gentleman deny that Protective So cieties were in active operation is all parts of the country, ex pressing their opinion on the agricultural depression and distress? Was not that an evidence of general distress? He (Mr. Villiers ) thought that this was evidence of great importance, and a proof that the distress which existed xas both general and great,and he thought that it supplied a sufficient reason for inquiry. Yet it was said that committees were of no use, and he thought that the lion. Member for Wiltshire ( Mr. Sidney Herbert) had treated the House with disrespect, for he hail asserted that if they would tell him who sat upon the Committee, he would easily draw up the report. What was the inference to he drawn from this ? Why, that Committees were of no use. Now, he would defend the House before the country from the assertions of a Member—from the assertions of a Cabinet Minister, and he would venture to tell that Right lion. Gentleman that Com mittees had been of the utmost. use. lie would venture to as sert that no great measure had been brought before that House without a previous inquiry.—( Hear, hear ) The Municipal Law, the Poor Law, the Reform Act—all the great measure; had been preceded by inquiry —(Cheers)—and he really thought that in making that assertion the Right Hon. Gentleman had treated the House with great cat:tempt. li e (Mr. Villiers) was of opinion, that his lion. Friend had chosen a very opportune period for bringing forward his motion, and that it was entitled to deference and great con sideration from the House. He could not for his own part un derstand on what principle the Government granted or re fused these Committees. They had granted a Committee on the game-laws the other night ; they had not refused inquiry to the shipowners last year, and why not then grant a Com mittee asked for by nis lion. Friend. The motion stood pre cisely on the same footing, and was equally entitled to inquiry as the motions to which he has referred.—( Hear, hear.) A meeting hod been held the other day at Warwick, where the Earl of Dartmouth was in the chair, at which speeches were made and resolutions passed declaratory of the conviction of those assembled. That the measures of the pre sent Government went neither more nor less than to confiscate property.—(Hear, hear.) They said, that their measures would confiscate property. The Earl of Dartmouth said so, the meeting said so, the resolutions said so : and he thought that it wits a very great shame that those assertions and resolu tiens should go uncontradieted. Let them grant this inquiry, arid they might summon the whole of these parties before the Committee, a• d make them state the grounds on which they made these assertions.—('clear, hear.) It should be recol lected that this meeting was attended by a great number of country gentlemen, and that they would go home and diffuse these opinions. —( Hear, hear. ) Now, it should be recollected that time opinion of these Lords and Spiro was accounted as goipel much more than that which the clergyman preached.—(Hear, and great laughter.) Now, he did not believe these assertions, but yet they had cause of complaint. They complained that wheat was very low, and he did not believe all these assertions of the conse quence of the low price of wheat.—( Laughter.) [hut he found that that there was another meeting held at Stafford three days ago, in which the speeches of those who attended the meeting, and especially of the Secretary of the Society, charged the Right lion. Ilaroaet with all sorts of defalcatian of prin ciple. —( Hear, hear. ) Now he really thought that all this was calculated to do a great deal of injury to the country.—( Great laughter.) And ho was very sorry for it—(Laughter)—and he thought it ought to be removed. The lion. Member for Northampton hail adopted a curious -theme. lie said that the agricultural mind was much agitated.--(Great laughter-) This was a new phrase, but perhaps it was understood by the Hoe. Gentleman who used it, as he was the librarian or secretary, or something of a literary capacity of the Csntral Protection Society—he could nm.t say what, but that was no matter. But he thought that the best method of soothing the agricultural mind was to accede to the request of His Ilonourable Friend. It was upon these grounds that he should mast cordislly support the motion. Mr. G. BANKES said, at that late hour of the night, he did not intend to occupy the attention of the House for more than a very few minutes. lie should confine himself entirely to the question that was really before the House, this question being whether or not they should have a Committee to consider the distress, and causes of the distress prevailing in the agricul tural districts, b cause they had been informed by the Hon. Member who last addressed them that the motion which he annually brought before the House would not be denied them, whether they had the Committee or whether they had it not. They knew, too, that another motion stood fur to-morrow on the subject of agricultural distress, and, at no d atant day, he hoped to bring in a measure to remove such local taxation as pressed upon farmers. lie should, therefore, have ample op portunity for discussing the general principle which attached • to the question of agricultural protection, and this induced him to co:mfine himself to the question immediately before the House. For his own part, when the suggestion was first made by the lion. Member for Stockterrt, he met it with a most unhesitating dental, and had his lion. Friend the Member for Northampton made the same suggestion he should have met it in the same manner. lie must beg to offsr to the Hon. Member for Stockport his ex pression of gratitude for the candour with which he had made his propotal, but certainly the agricultural in terest could net enter with any satisfaction upon an inquiry in a Committee which was proposed by the Hon. !October for StockpOrt. But he could not see the advantage of withdrawing a discussion from that House into the more limited arena of a Select Committee, and leaving to be con sidered by fifteen Members what well deserved the delibera tion of the whole House. The existence of the distress was denied by no one. What then was the use of a Committee? The cause of that distress, he ventured to think, arose out of their having departed from the principles of protection. As far as he was himself concerned he had no desire for this Committee, because he had no doubt about either the existence of the dist ess or the cause of it. 'Then with regard to the remedy, it seas finite clear they could come to no ami cable conclusion in a Committee. The members of the Anti- Corn-law League admitted that they owed no allegiance to the soil of England. They could carry their wealth to foreign climates and still be in the same favourable circumstances, but landed proprietors could not do this. They were forced to remain o:i the soil of England. lie had listened with great attention to the speech of the Ilenourable Nlem her for Stockport, and he could not but observe that there was a remarkable omission, am ! the same omission oc curred in the speech of the Noble Lori the Member for Sun derland. They had omitted to say what they were to do with the surplus population of the country. This was a quest ien which Hon. Members who advocated free trade always avoided. If we impo:ted the quantity of corn that could be, and (if the protection were removed) would be sent from countries where it was cheaper grown than here, and where it was of a superior quality, it was quite clear that a great portion of the land must be withdrawn from cultivation to a vast extent. ( Hear, hear.) No contradiction could be given to that by a- y Committee, sit as long as it. mlght.—( Hear.) But Wit h the enormous weight of committee business that pressed upon the House—upwards of two hundred railway committees —t. Hear) —and the Game Committee, on which he hal the honour to be associated with the lion. Member of Durham, he was satis fied that they might for this year at least dispense with the Committee, lie did not say that there should not be a Com mittee upon the subject. neither did he think that the House of Commons was the fittest place for such an iquiry. At the same time he admitted that when there was a question of doubt and difficulty, inquiry by Committee was desirable.— ( Hear, bear ) In this case there was no doubt or ditlicultv—( Hear, hear)—and he did not see a neces sity for a 'Committee.—( Hear. ) He did not believe that any in - ormation could be obtained beyond what they had at. present. There was another objectien to the motion. There had been no petition for inquiry, although the Hon. Gentleman the Member fir South Staffordshire had presented a petition com plaining of the present sliding scale as affording inadequate pro teetion. —(1 - lear ) With all possible respect for the Member for Stockport, who moved for the Committee with so much ability, he should give the motion a decided negative. Lord INGEST RI E said that the Noble Lord who presided at the meeting at Wolverhampton, referred to by the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Colonel Anson), was not Lord Lieutenant of any county. The petition from that meeting only complained of the present sliding scale as not affording adequate protection. Colonel ANSON rose amidst loud cries of " Qiestim," and said li would not detain the House five minutes. He wished to explain an error into which he hail fallen. lie had received three petitions to present, complaining of inade quate protection—One from Wolverhampton, another from Lichfield, and the third front Stafford. Ihe reSolutioes agreed to at the meeting of the Agricultural Protection Society at Wolverhampton was sent to him with ;he petitions, and it aas by a toe hasty readiag of the resolutions he had fallen into the mistmke that the petition was against the sliding-scale. The lion. Gentleman then proceeded to read the petition in which the petitioners stated that the distress of the tenant_ farmers required the consideration of Parliament.—(Cries of " Divide, divide.") lie was the re presentative of an important comity, and he felt boon 1 to refer to those petitions which had been platted in his hands.—( Hear, hear.) He did not vote fur an immediate repeal of the corn-laws, but he thought that a fixed duty would give confidence to the agricultural interest, and he had supported his Noble Friend behind him in his views upon that subject. He did not approve of agri cultural s icieties, for he thought they did more harry than goil.-(Hear, hear.) -He thought that a more steady price would be maintained by a fixed duty than under the prcoent system. He would support the motion of the lion. Member for Stockport, because he did not think the agricultural inte rest need be in any fear from inquiry. Len' WORSLF.Y rose amid lour; tries of " Divide, divide." He said he would net detain the House for any length of time, but lie thought ho ought It might be said, that the questions to be proposed to these farmers would be beyond their understanding. It was ex tremely common to say that questions were beyond the under standing of common men, but, unfortunately, they were not heyond their misunderstanding.—( Hear, bear.) They were frequently misunderstood, with danger to themselves and to the country. He did hope that the Government, before this discussion closed, as they were to have no Committee and no inquiry, would do him the justice of saying that be had not shrunk from bringing forward the cause which he believed to be that of the agricul turist; he hoped they would be able, and he saw the Hon. Member fir Manchester opposite, to give them some intima tion that they had taken steps towards the furtherance of a matter which was brought forward last session—he meant the obtaining of more exact statistic knowledge with respect to the agriculture of this country. He did not wish to re-estab lish the beard under Sir John Sinclair, but he did wish the Government would announce that they had taken the matter into their sesious consideration. The Right lion. Member for North Wiltshire, and he believed the Hon. Member for the West Riding, had been pleased to be very mirthful on seeing the Hoe. Member for Stockport conferring with him ( Mr. S. O'Brien); he said it put him in mind of the entente cordiale which the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government supposed to exist, when he ( Mr. S. O'Brien) pledged himself to more for thin Committee. This mirth might be again excited, n' w that he again appealed for that Committee. But he thought from whatever side or party a motion was made favourable to agriculture, no distinction of political opinions should induce h m to withhold his support from it, and let him tell the Government it was not the union of any individual Members on either side of the House, but it was that while the benches of the House were distinguished, and th' two sides preserved, the political principles of one side were carried into effect by the legislation of the other. The Hon. Member for Stockport had alluded in an eloquent manner to the aristocracy of this country. The aristocracy had ever stood by the people, and, he believed, would stand by them still. While they were determined to maintain an agricultural peasantry—while they thought that the great merit of agriculture over manufactures was that if any evils arose in connexion with agriculture they code{ he brought home and traced—he was certain they would belie the history of the past and their experience of the present—they would belie all they had read, and all they had seen of them, if they refused, at any time, however large might be the majorities in that House, or the preponderance of interest, to take into their serious and anxious consideration the great question of the food of the people. Mr. BRIG FIT said if he had any doubts of the propriety of voting for the present motion, they would have been dispelled by the speech of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down. He had never heard a speech from an agricultural Member so clear and explicit, or so easy to be understood.—( Hear.) It was a speech entirely to the question, and contained a large number • of statements from several of the counties of England, of the amount of agricultural distress. But at the same time it con tained many paragraphs of a see-saw character, as if the lion. Gentleman was vibrating between his lion. Friend the Mem ber fur Stockport and the Secretary at War. At the present moment he could norm) , tell whether the Hen. Gentleman intended to vote for the motion or not. He had, however, cer tainly done himself more credit on this occasion than he did last year, when he occupied two entire hours in reading extracts from the speeches of gentlemen connected with the League, which were not much to the point. lie had spoken out boldly; he had told the Minister that there was some remnant of independ ence about them. He could not see how they could refuse this committee, having granted committees of inquiry into the game-laws, and even into dog-stealing. The speech of the Right Hon. Secretary at •War was the usual stereotypedoffiaill answer which was always made to every demand for an inquiry. When the' Right Hen. Gentleman (Mr. S. Herbert) was making his speech at Salisbury, near, his own residence, there were able-bodied labourers who were picking stones from fields at the rate of Bd. a day. The farmers were in a state of the utmost dismay at the ravages which were being committed by game on their farina. Did the Right Hon. Gentleman give leases? He might or might not, but he (Mr. Bright), very much suspected that he did not, and from the state in which the Right Hon. Gentleman's estate was at present, he (Mr. Bright) was quire sure that the Right Hon. Gentle man cold not do without a very high degree of protection. No _doubt this Committee would be refused in consequence of the prejudics which existed in favour of the corn-laws. This prejudice he believed was founded in mistake. The agricultural was nut the most prosperous class. ' There was not another class from whom protection had been withdrawn that was not more prosperous than' the cultivators of the soil, and more prosperous than bafore protection was withdraw.—(" No," emphatically from Col. Sibthorp.) Let them take the case of the iron trade. At one time that trade was very highly protected, and ..hen the Government proposed to ab dish that protection the iron masters were as much opposed to its removal as the landlords were with respect to the corn-laws.--( Hear.) They stated that if the protection were removed, they would not be able to export any more iron, and they would be inundated is this country by foreign iron. Now what had been the fact? Why, instead of the exportation of English iron diminishing, it had increased ten or twenty fold. The iron-masters had now almost a natural monopoly in the supply of iron through out the world. Let them take the case of the silk-trade. The increase in that trade since the trade had been thrown open, had been more than two millions of pounds in ten years. There could be no touht that the abolition of restrictions with respect to agri culture would be attended by a large increase in consumption. —(" No, no," from Colonel Sibthorp.) The case of wool had that night been alluded to, anti he need not advert •o it further. With respect to the linen trade, the Hon. Member fur Dundee would bear his testtmony to the fact that the opening of the trade had largely increased it. The protec tionists had first come to that House blustering, but now they came in a more supplicating manner and asked that pro tection might be continued. They came down to the arena before the public, but they did not come forward fairly to the fight. Why did they not come and have a fair - fight in the committee-room? Witnesses on each side could there be pro eucest. Those who asked for this Committee were not party men. Why, if it had not been for a few of them, those on the other (the Ministerial) side of the House might have been put to great risk and expense by another election last year. They must recollect the shout, he would not say of approba, tion, but something like execration, with which some Members of that (the Opposition) side were hailed when they came in from the lobby. They had never been party men in the coun try. If they got upon this Committee honest free traders and honest protectionists, without having any mere politician, they might fairly settle this question. The farmers world be greatly disappointed if the Gentlemen opposite did not vote for this Committee. He did not allude to the Treasui y bench, because they were the politicians of whom he had spoken. The farmers had sent the Gentlemen opposite to guard their interests. Those Gentlemen bad, however, allowed the Right lion. Ba ronet to pass measures which were not wise. Their tenants told them that those measures were not wise. At their , meetings they told their tenants that those measures were not wise, The Gentlemen opposite had come to that House as the farmer's friend, and yet they refused to go into the examination of this question. • New, this was too bad. There were those on the opposite side of the House vho had not scrupled to leave their party for their principles. They, on the Ministerial side, had not yet left their party for their principles. Some fifty years ago, he now spoke from what he hail read in history, the country gentlemen, as they were called, were very important Members of that House. They frequently read of some of these country Gentlemen of great weight having got up to p-opose certain resolutions for or against the Government. Nobody expected Bashes of oratory or flashes of wit, but everybody expected common sense and honesty of purpose. Their independence was confessed by all, and their influence was felt by all. That party had now fallen into decreptnde and decay. Now, he was not an enemy to the country gentlemen. Although he had spoken severely of them, they certainly had hail satisfaction out of him. He had said nothing harsh of them that they had not replied to over and over again. It had been said of Charles the First that he could see if he would, and of James that he would see if he could. If Gentlemen opposite could see pro tection as ho ( Mr. Bright) did ( Laughter )—lie meant with respect to the national good, and not as respected private interest—they would not continue this law against millions of their countrymen who were crying out. lie thought the Ilitr,ht lion. Baronet exercised a little too much influence in turning Hon. Gentlemen opposite. Those lion. Gentlemen displayed a great deal of courage at the Freemasons' Tavern, an I when they met their agricultural constituents they really spoke-most valiantly. Bat they did aot do so when in that.liou-e. fhe influence of the Right Hon. Gentleman put him in mind , f the manner in which the It ishman tamed his horse. Did those lion. Gentlemen recollect for what they were elected in le-i1 ? It was to keep up the price of wheat. Wheat was then 70s. a quarter. Would the farmers have supported them then, if they had d:-dared that they intended to support a measure which would bring wheat down to 45.—( Hear.) Bat really this subject was too serious for joking. A Cam mi sion was going about the counties of Dorsetshire, Wilt shire, and Hampshire, and from that Commission a report had lately been made. From this report it appeared that the agricultural labourer expended about 30s. a year in articles of manufacture, and that included making. Now the manufacturing population were increasing, and the agricultural ,population were increasing.—( Hear, hear.) 11e had spoken to the. Representatives of agricultural districts, on the other side of the House, and he would ask them, why should they not concede to this proposition ?—( Hear, hear.) He would say to them, " Now, do be advised by the course we suggest.' —(Laughter.) It had been said that they, at his side of the. House, knew very well what it was already— Perhaps they did—( A laugh)—but there might happen to be a few who did not—(A. laugh)—and, in the meantime, who could tell bat that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, would come forward with some new proposition en free-tr ide.—( Hear, and a laugh.) But now to put an end to this joking, he would ask the House to take into consideration the state of the tenant population of the country.—( Hear, hear.) He did not speak of them or their condition in any feeling of anger towards the Government; but this he would say, that when it had been well known throughout the world that this subject would be brought for ward before the Legislature, he felt fully justified in making the few observations he had.—( Cheers. ) Mr. WODEHOUSE said he did not rise for the purpose. of making any reply to the comical parts of the speech of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down —( A laugh)—but at the same time he silo .1d say that his mind had been made up on the vote he should give on this question.—( Laueliter.) He had heard of the speech made by the Noble Lord the Hon. Member for Sunderland, and that allusion had been made to it by the lion. Member opposite: buthe (Mr. Wodehouse) would say, that that speech was worthy of the days of Cromwell.— (Laughter.) Strong remake had been made on the state of the law in respect to corn in former times; but he would ask Hon. Members to re collect the state of the country at that time.—(Hear, hear.) In a speech of the Hon. Member for Weeerhanapton, on this snbject, it had been Mated that when prices were low, agricultural property was at its height ; yet in the years 1835 and 1833 such was not the case.—( Hear, hear.) Then again, the Noble Lord had said, that in the years 1810 and 1818, the same argument applied, but there was no competent record of the kited that could be referred to. As to what had been said about the state of the law in 1835, in reference to this subject, in that year a gentleman, named Mr. Senior, published a pamphlet, in which that gentleman had shown clearly that the wages then paid were less in proportion to the receipt of the farmer.—(Hear. hear.) Then, with regard to what had been said, by Mr. Deacon Hume, he would hut say this—when Mr. Hume was asked by . Mr. Chapman (it having been said that there was a great article of expenditure in the navigation of ships) could he make any suggestion whereby this onerous charge might be vedued—he was asked weal any remedy PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (from the Votes and Proceeding - s of the 'louse of Commons.) THURSDAY, MARC!! 13. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. Motion made, and Question put, " That a Select Committee be ap ziinted, to inquirelnto the causes and extent of the alleged existing agricultural distress, and into the effects of Legnitive Protection upon the interests of Landowners, Tenant-ftrkvrs and Farm iabourcrs." The House divided : MINORITY-AYES, 121. Ainsworth, Peter Ewart, William 'Palmerston, Vis:otuit Aldam, William Ferguson, Colonel Parker, John Anson, Colonel Forster, Matthew Patti Son, James Bannerman, A. Gibson, T. M. Pechell, Captain Paring, F. T. Gill, Thomas Philips, G. R. Barnard, E. G. Gore, Robert Plumridge, Captain Bellew, It. M. Grey, Sir George Ponsouby, C. F. A. Berkeley, Craven liallyburton, Lord Frotheroe, Edward B,rkeley, 11. F. Hamner, Sir J. It iwdon, Colonel Bernal, Ralph liastle, Archibald Ricardo, J. L. Blakell. J. Hawes, Benjamin Rice, E. It. • Biewitt, R. J. Hayta, W. G. lt - iss, D. R. Bouverie, E. I'. Hindley, Charles }limbokl, C. E. llowriiet, lir. Boland, Robert Russell, Lord J. Brocklehurst, J. Hoisnaan, Edward Russell, Lord E. Brotherton, Joseph Howard, C. W. Scott, Robert • Browne, W. Howard, E. 0. Scrope, G. P. Buller, Edward Howick, Viscount Sht-ridan, R. B. Busfeltd, William Hume, Jessph Somerville, Sir W. Childers, J. W. Hutt, William Stang:cid, W. R. C. Clay, Sir W. Johnson, General Stewart,l'. M. Colborne, W. It. Labouchere, Henry Stuart, Lord J. - Collett, John Lambion, H. Stuart, W. V. Cowper ' W. F. Langston, J. 11. i Strutt , Edward Currie, ltaikes Las( elles ' W. S, Tancrel, H. W. Dawso 1, T. V. Leader, J. T. Thornely, Thomas Denison, J. E. Macaulay, T. B. Tomieley, John' Dennistotin, J. Mangles, R. D. - Trelawny, J. S. Divett, Etlwarl Marshall, William Nill"ers, Ctivies Duff, James Marsl..n I, H airy Vivian, J. li. Duncan, Viscount Martin, John Walker, Richard. Duncan, CI :urge Malle, Fox Wall, C. B. Duncanton, Lord Mitealfe, Henry Warburton, lima) , buncombe, 'flionias . Morris, David W.,rd, H. G. Dundas, Admiral Morlson, General •Wawn, Jolin T. Duntas, Frederick Muni?, G. F. Williams, William Ebrington, Viscount Murray, Alexander Wilshere, W. Ellice, Ed yard l'ilQier, Sir C. . .. , Ellis, Wynn O'Connell, M. J. TELLER!. Escott, Blekliam Osborne, Wm .ph Cobden, Richard Etwall, Ralph Paget, Col it el Bright, Joi.n Evans, William Piiget, Lord A. MAJORITY—NOES, 213. • Acland, Sir T. D. Fellowes, Edward Neeld, Joseph Adam', T. D. Ferrand, W. B. Neeld, John ' A'Court, Captain Fitzmaurice, W. ; Neville, Ralph Allix, J. I'. Fitzroy, Ileury Newdegate, C. N. Antrobus, Edmund Flower, Sir J. Newport, Viscount Arbuthnot t, H. Forbes, William Nicholl, John Archdall, Captain Forman, T. S. Norreys, Lord Arkwright, George Fox, S. L. Oswald, Alexander Astell, William Fremantle, Sir T. Packs, C. W: Basge, William Fuller, A. E. Pakington, J. S. ~ Dago; William Gaskell, J. M. Palmer, Robert . Baillie, Joseph (Ha Istone, W. E. Palmer, George Bailey. J 'jell. - ~_Gladstone, Captain Peel, Sir Robert Baillie, Colonel tfordou,Captalu Peel, Jonathan Ranked, George Gore, Montague Plumptre, J. P. Baring, Thomas Garing, Charlel Pollington, Viscount 11.ule,g, W. B. Gioulburn' H enr y Powell, Colonel Barrington, Viscount Graham, Sir J. Fraed, W. T. Beckett, William Granby. Martinis Pringt, Alexander Bell, Matthew Greenall, Peter Fusey, Philip • Benbow, John Greene, Thomas Bold, Sir John • ilentlnek, Lord G. Grimsditch, T. Rendleshatn, Lord Beresford, Major Grimston, V scount 'lepton, 0. - W. J. Blackstone, W. S. Grogan, Edward Rolleston, Colonel Boldero, li. G. Hale, It. B. Round, C. 0, • Borthwlek, Peter Halford, Sir 11. Round, John Bottleld, Beriah llamilton, W. J. Iloas, Captain Bowles, Mm•ral Harcourt, G. G. Ruebbrooke, ; ). . Bramston, T. W. Harris, Captain.. Ryder, G. D. Brisco, Mi Ilayes, Sir E. Sanderson, Richard Broadwoou, 11. lieneage, G. 11. W. Seymour, Sir it. Bruce, Lord E. Henley, J. W. Shaw, Frederick Bruce, C. L. C. Hepburn, Sir T. . Shirley, E. J. Brae, W. H. L. Herbert, Sidney Shirley , E. P. Buck, L. W. Ilohnes, W. A'Court Sibthorp, Colonel Buckley, Edmund Hope, Charles Smith, Abel Buller, Sir J. V. Hope, G. W. Smith, T. B. C. Bunbury, Thomas Hussey, Ambrose Smyth, t•lt• H. Burrell, Sir C. Hussey, Thomas Smythe, Get rgo Burroughs, H. N. In restrie, Viscount Sine . ..lett, A. Campbell, Sir 11. Irtor, Samuel Somerset, Lord G. Cardwell, Edward James, Sir W. C. - Somerton, V's aount Charter's, Francis Jenny'', Earl Somes, Joseph Chelsea, ViSc mat Jocelyn, Vlscouut Sotheron, T. 11. Chetwode, Sir J. Johnstone, Sir J. Stewart. John Christopher, R. A. Joliffe, Sir W. Stuart, Henry Clayton, It. it. Knightley, Sir C. Stun, 11. C. Clerk, Sir 0. Lawson, Andrew Sutton, Henry Clifton, John T. Leg - h, G. C. Tebot, C. R. Cochrane, A. Lennox, Lord A. Tennent, J. E. Codrington, Sir W. Lincoln, Earl Thesiger, Sir F. • . Colette, C. It. Lockhart, William Thornhill, George • Compton. V. C. Long, W a lt e r Tollemache, John Cortland, Alderman Lowther, Sir J. Tower, Christopher Courteuay, Lord Lowther, Colonel Trollops, Sir J. Darby, George Lytton, General ' Trotter, John Deedes, William Mackueze, T. Tumor, Christopher Denison, E. B. Mackenzie, W. F. • 'Villiers Viscount Dick. Quintia Maclean, Donald Vivian:J. Ennis Dickinson, F. 11. 111'Geachy, F. A. Waddington, 11. 8: D'lsnoll, B. IPNeIII, Duncan Wa'sh, Sir J. B. Dodd, George Manners, Lord C. S. Welleqley, Lord C. Douglas, J. D. S. Manners, Lord J. Wodehouse, Edmond Dugdale, W. S. March, Earl Wood, Colonel buncombe, A. Marsham, Viscount Wood, Colonel T. . nu Pre, C. G. Martin, C. W. . Worsley, Lord Eastnor, Viscount Marton, George 'ri'ortley, John S. Eaton, It. J. 11Iaunsell, T. I'. Wyndhatn, Colonel Egerton, W. T. Meynell, Captain Yorke, E. T. Egerton, Sir P. Wildman H. St. Jelm TILLERS. Entwisle, William Miles, William Young, John Farnham, E. 11. Morgan, Octavius Baring, Henry . . COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday morning in the royal gardens of Buckingham Palace. The royal dinner party at Buckingham Palace yesterday inelue.ed the Duke and 'Duchess of Buccleuch, the Marquis Of Granby, the Earl and Countess Delawarr and Lady Diary Ltckville West, the Earl and C o untess Rosebery, and the Hon. and Rev C. Leslie Courtenay. In the evening the following-had the honour of joining the royal circle:--His Royal Highness the Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburgh Strelitz. his Serene Highness Prince Edward of Saxe Weimar, the Earl and Countess of Jersey, • and the Ladies Clementine and Adds Villiers, the Ladies A. and L. Primrose, Viscount Cantelupe, the Hon. Mortimer Sackville West, the Hon. Francis and Lady Anne Charter's, Mr. George Edward and the Hon: Mrs. Anson, Captain Hamilton, and Captain the Hon. James Murray, The Hon. Miss Stanley and the Hon. Miss Hamilton have. succeeded the Hon. Miss Paget and the Hon. Miss Kerr as the Maids of Honour in waiting to the Queen. The band of the First Life Guards was in attendance during dinner, at Buckingham Palace on Wednesday, and performed the following pieces : Sinfonia; No. 2, G minor Polka, Oltnutzer Potpourri:—Don Pasquale Donizetti. Walzer, Lebeus Pulse Launer. • Quadrilles, Le Druid Polka At • the Queen's Levee, on Wednesday, in St. James's Palace, the Marquis of Westmluster was presented to her Majesty on succeeding to his title, by the Earl of Wilton. His 'Royal Highness Prince - . Albert honoured Mr. Thor. burn, with an audience on Wednesday, at which the por traits of her Majesty and the Prince of Wales were sub mitted for his Royal Highness's inspection. Mr. Thomas Brigstock had the honour, by the Queen's command, of attending at the Palace yestelday, to exhibit to her Majesty and his Royal Highness Prince Albert the full len.gth portrait of General Nat, G.C.8., painted by Mr. Biagstock, for the Town-hall, Carmarthen. Her Majesty was pleased to express her approbation. her Rqat Highness the Grand Duchess (Stephanie) of Baden visited the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge and the hereditary Grand Duchess of Mecklenburgh Strelitz, on Wednesday, at Cambridge House. Yesterday their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Glou cester, the buchess of Cambridge, and the Hereditary Grand Duchess of Mecklenburgh Strelitz, paid visits of congratula tion to the Grand Duchess (Stepanie) of Baden yesterday, at the Duke of Hamilton's residence in Portman-equare. A Deputation of the Hull Dock Company had an interview Ishii the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Vice-President of the Board of Trade yesterday. Sir Edward Codrington and a Deputation had an interview with Sir George Clerk yesterday, at the office of the Board of Trade. spatches for the Governor of Gibraltar were Ant off &Om the Colonial-office on Wednesday evening. Mr. Wickham, Chairman of the Stamps and Taxes, had an .nterview yesterday with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. Ricardo transacted business yesterday at the office of he Board of Trade. THE HISTORY OF THE CONSULATE AND EMPIRE OF FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON.—We understand that the publication (so long expected) of this important historical work, written by M. A. Thiers, the late Prime Minister of France, and which forms a Sequel to his celebrated History of the French Revolution, is announced to take place during the present month. Mr. Colburn, of Great Afarlborough• street, has become the p urchaser of the sole and exelnsive right of prior publicat ion of the work in Great Britain, and his translation has been made under the capress slnrtion and c r lf h i: o roficarsit o a f nd the se a c ti o t n h d or,byD. Forbe. volumes, C each ampbel l, illustrations, may be received in the r prise os. country on the 20th of March, by b eing previously or dered ; avid an edition is also to bo issued at the same time in weekly shilling parts. The pericd tmbraced by this work forms decidedly the moat important era in the History of Modern Times. On the qualifications of the author it would to superfluous to debcant. If the cha racter of M. Thiers, as a statesman.wele not well-known to t he whole world, the merits of his preliminary " His tory of the French Revolution" would irresistibly claim the public favour in behalf of this new production, which become: invested tv'th a deeper importance to us the neater the history approaches to our Own times, and the more British interests are involved in the events which it records. THE LATE LAMAN BLANCITARD'S FAMILT...—The Committee of the Royal Corporation of the Literary Fund, atits meeting on \Vednesdav, unanimously voted 1001. to wards the fund now raising for the benefit of the family of this talented and lamented gentleman. The committee of distribution thus testified their respect for Mr. Blanchard's memory and their commiseration for the circumstances in which those dependent on his literary exertions were left by his premature death. We believe this is but the second in stance in the history of this truly munificent society in which so large a sum has been voted to an individual case. Never can the exception to the general rule be morn fully justified by the committee, nor more warmly commended by the sub- Ecriters, than by the affecting circumstances which cmnbine to take this civil out of the rule which applies to ordinary claims upon the Literary Fund. The Baron D'Arnheim and suite a rrived at Lon don bridge ,vharf from Ostend, by the General Steam Navigation Company's steam•ship Earl 9f TAiverpcioll . early ties uoruing. Fsi e o Igh" the