The Sun. — London, England, 1845-06-10 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 9. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at the usual hour. __ _ 111 A.YNOOTH COLLEGE BILL. The Earl of CLANCARTY gave notice that, on the motion for going into Committee on this Bill, he should move that it be committed that day six months. PARTY PROCESSIONS IN IRELAND. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE gave notice that, on Friday, he should present a petition from Leitrim on the state of that county, and that he should put a question to the Government respecting party processions in Ireland. NOTTINGHAM AND LINCOLN RAILWAY. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the Earl of Chesterfield against this Bill, which was referred to the Com mittee. THE PERTH RAILWAY. The NOBLE and LEARNED LORD presented a petition from Perth and its neighbourhood against this railway passing the Inches. MAYNOOTH. The Earl of FITZWILLIAM presented a petition from Stourbridge against the Maynooth grant. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Bath against the grant to Maynooth. The LORD CHANCELLOR presented petitions from Car rickfergus and other places in favour of the grant. The Earl of BANDON presented petitions against the grant. Lord KENYON presented similar petitions. MR. BARRY, LORD BROUGHAM, AND THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. Lord WHARNCLIFFE ruse to call the attention of the House to what had fallen from his Noble and Learned Friend on Thursday last, respecting the progress that was making in the erection of the new Houses of Parliament. His Noble and Learned Friend, on Thursday last, made some very severe re marks on the architect of the new buildings. His Noble Friend on that occasion said, " I don't regard the as surance of Mr. Barry as being so much worth as the paper on which it is written." Now that was an accusation which nobody could sit quietly under. He did not think that his Noble and Learned Friend was justified in snaking such an accusation. He did not think that Mr. Barry had ever given an assurance as to the time the new buildings would be finished, although he might have given an opinion. Again, Mr. Barry had been charged with fencing with the House, and resisting their Lordship? wishes. To that, however, he had given his most unqualified denial. He moreover was charged with being foolish, short-sighted, and ignorant, fancying he had protection out of that House, the Noble Lord adding, " but if ha thinks so, he will fiud himself greatly mistaken.' He asserts, however, that he relies on no protection, and feels himself actuated by no such impression as had been imputed to him. On the contrary, it was his earnest desire to consult the opinion of the House in every respect, as it was his intention, if possible, of making the building now in progress fit for occupation next session. Lord BROUGHAM remembered the time when it would not be tolerated in either House that a man should complain of the language used by its Members. Such a proceeding was wholly irregular, and was not allowed in Parliamentary usage. However, whether Mr. Barry's con duct were irregular or not, he would make him a present of the concession that it was perfectly correct ; but as to any asser tion he had made on the promises of that gentleman, he did not mean to retract one word. If a man before a Committee chose to swear that by a certain period a certain work should he completed, he must stand by the imputation that was chosen to be put upon the breach of such a pledge. As to its being said that the opinion was no assurance, wby everything de futuro was contingent. The assurance was positive, specific, and understood as such. Like a man who, having obtained small damages, comes and asks for a new trial and then gets smaller, so having not got much before, Mr. Barry should not get much mare now. As to the expression that he was the cause of our absence from the House, the delay of business in another department was the cause; and as Tully had said of the subject of his panegyric, that he was not eloquent but the ideal of oratory itself—as Littleton said of Coke, that he was net only unrivalled in his knowledge of the law, but the came of law itself—so would he say of Mr. Barry, that he was not only dilatory but thepersonification, the very name of delay. The first plea offered was, that the building should be opened all at once, but now the great consideration was the adorning of the rooms. Mr. Barry consithred that he should suit the convenience of the fine arts, whereas the real object to be suited was the somewhat coarse but necessary art of legisla tion. Mr. Barry was only anxious for the accommodation of the fine arts, and he had an ingenious excuse in submitting to the convenience of the Commission, as Prince Albert was the head of it. For this, it would appear, they were to be incon venienced in legislation. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE merely rose to say that he agreed in all that his Noble and Learned Friend had said the other evening and that night on the subject. Mr. Barry had given opinions as to the finishing of the building which had been perfectly falsified. At first they had a pledge that, at the end of two years, at least a part of the building should be ready for their accommodation ; but now, at the end of eight years, he declines giving any pledge. He (Lord Clanricarde) would, however, say that any assurance or opinion coming from such a quarter was little to be relied on. The letter which had been read by the Noble and Learned Lord ( Wharncliffe), stated that the works would be pushed on as soon as possible, but it was evident that his (Mr. Barry's) whole proceeding was entirely opposed to this. He had promised the Committee that he would do what he could to facilitate the works, whereas he was engaged in finishing the ornaments and decorations of the towers, instead of attending to that part intended for the pur poses of legislation. Lord CAMPBELL said he believed that Mr. Barry was a very great architect, and a very honourable man, but there was not the smallest doubt but that he had set at defiance the pledges he had given. Ha would illustrate his ( Lord Camp bell's) opinion on the matter, by ref!rence to the Society of Lincoln's Inn-fields. They lately ordered a new hall to be bui►t, a more important building than the mere chamber which was necessary for their Lordships' use, and though it was only commenced a year and a half ago, it was now perfect, and would be taken possession of next month. He was of opinion, that had the architect of Lincoln's Inn-fields been employed on the Houses of Parliament, whatever differences might have been between the decorations, he was certain there would have been no complaint of this kind brought forward. Several Noble Lords presented petitions against the May nooth Endowment Bill. Earl CHA RLE VILLE gave notice that he would, to morrow, move for copies of ail correspondence which had taken place between the Irish Government and certain sti pendiary magistrates in the King's County and Tipperary on the subject of a Repeal meeting held in Parsonstown. The Marquis of L ANSDOWNE presented several petitions against the Parochial Settlements Bill, which ha thought would never reach their Lordships' House. SMALL DEBTS BILL. Numerous petitions were presented against the Small Debt Bill. Lord BROUGHAM thereupon observed that it would be desirable to give the Commissioners the power of examining the debtor, and getting from him the most thorough explanation. Lord CAMPBELL said this Bill had his full support, but there was one clause in it that was unnecessary. He alluded to the clause which provided that it was unnecessary for a debtor or creditor to employ a solicitor, counsel, or agent. Now that was, he aperehended, wholly unnecessary, unless there were an Act of Parliament requiring debtors and credi tors to employ counsel and solicitors. Any person in a suit might appear in person. The Bill was then read a third time and passed. The Marquis of BREADALBANE presented a petition against the Maynooth grant. PORT PATRICK AND DONAGHADEE. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY rose to put the ques tion of which he had given notice. He complained of the packet system between Port Patrick and Donaghadee, and of the nigzardly manner in which the Government dealt with the packets and these harbours. Whatever work they had com pleted in summer, at the expense of a few paltry hundred pounds, was sure to be carried completely awa y in winter. If they constructed a packet-station for the sum of 20,00:.1., it would be a strong inducement to the Belfast Railway Company to carry their project into effect. If they gave such a sum of money as would make these harbours effective, they would pre vail upon that Company to construct their railway, whereby they would create a shorter mode of carrying the mails from the north of England to Belfast, than by any other means what ever. It was a subject of the greatest importance. He hoped he had brought this subject forward in a manner calculated to interest Irishmen and the public generally in its importance; and if the House meant to serve Ireland, they would deal with the proposition with no niggard hand. Lord HADDING TON said ho rose to reply to a question which his Noide Friend intended to put, but which he did not put.—(Laughter.) If the railway which had been thrown out was completed, the remedy which the Noble Lord com plained of, might have been remedied. The Government did not think it right to lay out any large sums of money at Port patrick, in order to carry out the arrangements suggested by the Noble Lord—they had already expended large sums there, and were not inclined at present to expend more. The ves sels engaged in the passage between Portpatrick and Donagha dee were efficient, and the harbour was maintained in a proper condition. The Marquis of NORTHAMPTON did not think the Go vernment should hesitate to lay out a small sum of money to make any arrangement that might facilitate the intercourse be tween the two countries. Nothing should be left undone to promote a better and a kinder feeling between the people of the two countries.—( Hear, hear.) The Earl of ELLENBOROUG El thought the harbour un able to accommodate the packets which left it. After a law words, the subject dropped. LANDLORD AND TENANT COMMISSION (IRELAND) BILL. Lord STANLEY then rose, and after the presentation of some petitions for an 1 against the 'Maynooth grant, said, he ' would proceed to explain the nature of the Bill, which, on behalf of the Government, he now brought forward, and which would enable them to give compensation for improve ments to tenants in Ireland. As the Bill was of an unusual character, he would, previously to mentioning its provisions, make a statement of the motives which had induced the Go vernment to bring forward a measure of this description. His Noble Friend, whom he did not then see in his place, had expressed regret that Ireland had been so often made the battle-field of contending political parties. On the present occasion, happily, there was no such danger, and whatever the merits of the measure might be, or whatever difference might exist regarding them, the objects which they had in view—the agricultural improvement of Ireland, and theirr aing the condition of the agricultural population — must have Lordships' unanimous concurrence. The report of the ~,r7Tr at lillirm - 1 of which his Noble Friend (the Earl of Devon) at the head, if it did not contain anything striking, it least, the merit of bringing forward a mass of unsus pected testimony from all parts of the country, which had been analy se d ati d c evils which brought to bear on the most prominent thos e the country. The report not only pointed out —( HeLr.) t teh evils, but specified remedies for them. the following passage commencement of that report he found be entertained on oiehe—" Whatever difference of opinion may matters, the testimony given was uni rthe unimproved form in representin g proved state of extensive dis tricts, the want of em l o and hardship under wiilichym a ei- l it, an d th e consequent poverty population continually laboured, and arge portion of the agricultural remunerative employment as a means the necessity of providi n g ne of bett er i ng the condition of the people." Any one who knew be aware, that between the populati c on anYthing of Ireland must of Ireland and the pre sent means of employment there was a tion. That must be corrected by on e o f two very large dispropor reducing the people to the limits of the means o f either b y O or increasing the employment so as to make it ade quate to the employment, population. —( Hear, hear). The first was supported by those who advocated emigration as a remedy. He did not d eny that, under certain circumstances , a s y stem of e migration carried out with prudence, humanity and discretion, might be benefi cial, and place those who remained behind under much more favourable circumstances. But he could not look upon a sys tem of emigration as capable of relieving the general distress, such as at present existed in Ireland. There were great evils and liabilities to abuse in any system of emigration. It should not be compulsory ; for if so, it Would be tyrannical and op pressive, and, indeed, under the most fav - z - mrabl ocheances, the warm attachment of the Irish peasant particular locality in which he was born and reared rendered the most careful system of emigration a pail, ful sacrifice of domestic feeling. Besides, they could not with due consideration fo r their colonial possessions, be content in removing from this country vast masses of labourers, and of labourers only. Even if the State had at its disposal great quanti ties of unoccupied land, it was nothing more than removing from their own eyes miseries which they were unwilling to see, but which miseries would be in the colonies much aggravated. They must send capital to employ these labourers, and involve themselves in a great expenditure, even if they had, as he said, unoccupied land at their disposal. That was an expense which this country would not bear. The capital requisite for such a system of emigration, comparing it with the present, would not be less than 2,000,0001. They must be careful what class of persons they sent out. If they sent out the able-bodied, active, and industrious, they were depriving the mother country of her strength ; if they sent out the idle, the helpless, the infirm, and the aged, they were only placing them in a much worse position—sending them to certain destruction. He thought emi gration might be, to a certain extent, relied on, though in Ireland he thought it would not answer. They must, there. fore, take the alternative—increase the employment, so as to make it adequate to the wants of the population. Although the population was superabundant in many districts of that country he was not prepared to say that Ireland was an over peopled country.—( Hear, hear.) There were vast districts there capable of improvement, of being brought into cultiva tion, and which would occupy a vast quantity of labour. Mr. Griffith, in his report, stated there was, in Ireland, of unoccupied waste land, capable of being brought into tillage, 1,30C,000 acres, and 2,400,000 acres which might be provided for pasturage, so that there were at present in Ireland 3,700,000 acres of land which might be reclaimed. Much of that land, too, which would be productive of crops, that would amply re munerate the agriculturists. The produce per acre of land in Ireland as compared with England did not amount to half the value, although double the amount of labourers were employed upon the Irish land. In England there were cultivated 34,254,000 acres, in Ireland 14,603,000 acres. The produce in England was 41. 7s. 6d. per acre, in Ireland 21. 9s. 3d. There were employed in Ireland 100,000 more labourers on the 14,000,000 of acres than in England with its 34,000,000. He might thereupon safely say, that in Ireland they did not want space. What they wanted was capital for the employment of labourers.—( Hear, hear,) That capital could only come from three sources—from the State, from the landlord, or from the occupying tenant. He did not undervalue the improvements which had been effected by the State. Great and valuable alterations had been effected in this country lit , his Noble Friend opposite, when at the head of the Woods and Forests, and which had been profitable to the Crown, and to the country, by expending public money in bringin g into cultivation large tracts of country which had been entirely waste. But he didnot think thi s was the le g itimate source from which they ought to de rive capital, and the landlords or tenants ought not to be en couraged to look to it. The State had vary properly removed the impediments which prevented the landlords from improving their property, and beneficial results had ensued; but the third was the grand source upon which he relied. The most important of all—he meant encouraging the occupying tenant to invest his capital in the land—(hear)—an object which had not yet been brought under their Lordships' atten tion, and which was yet well worthy of their Lordships' con sideration, not only because there might be engaged in the cultivation of the soil a large amount of capital which was now idle, but because that improvement would engage the indus try and skill of the population, give them an interest in the soil, and a desire to maintain and increase the peace, good order, and welfare of the country. —( Hear, hear.) Perhaps it might seem extraordinary to talk of the capital of the occu pying tenants. He admitted many of them were in penurious circumstances ; but some of that class of persons, however they became possessed of it, were masters of sums of money which would astonish many of their Lordships ; and one of the most unhappy features in the state of the country was that these men refused to invest such money in the land. In England the tenant was anxious to display his capital to the land lord when about to take a farm; in Ireland, the tenant con cealed it, afraid that either the landlord, the clergy, or other claimants would be more extravagant in their demands upon him. But however this might be with respect to money there was no doubt but in Ireland there was a superabundance of labour and industry, and this was the species of capital which he wished their Lordships to invite the tenantry of Ireland to bestow upon the land —( Hear, hear.) ' He asked them not only to call forth that capital, but to give the tenant a security in its investment. He knew that inter ference between landlord and tenant would be objected to by many of their Lordships, and if the relation of landlord and ' tenant were the same in Ireland as in this country he would not advocate the present measure. But the circumstances of the two countries were in this respect so widely different that no comparison whatever could be made. In England the land lords were mostly resident —he would not say they were all unin cumbered—but there was a kind feeling between them and their tenantry promoted and nurtured by frequent intercourse —the intermediate lessees were in England almost unknown. The farms in England were of considerable extent, extending to many hundreds of acres. A farm of fifty or sixty acres was generally considered small. Again there was a distinction be tween the farmers and the agricultural labourers. There were some few exceptions, but as a rule, they were as a class dis tinct. In England also, it was the practice for the landlord in the first instance to place the buildings in a tenantable state of repair. Iu all parts of Ireland was the case not only dis similar, bat precisely the reverse.—( Hear, hear). There the quantity of land held by each tenant was small, while the num ber of holders was very large. The landlords were non-resi dents, and a large portion of land was held by middle men, who let it out at rack rent to other parties, who were generally tenants at will. In fact, nearly all the land in Ireland was let upon that tenure, leases being the exception not the rule ; un like England, where leases were the rule and not the exception —the exception being in cases where successive generations had occupied the same farms, and had full confidence in the honour and generosity of their landlords. That the farms in Ire land were of the smallest possible dimensions would appear from the Report of the Poor-law Commissioners for 1844. That report stated that of 1,14 9 ,000 rateable tenants, there were 629,000 or 630,000, or half the number, rated under Si. In the same report, it was stated that 25 acres, 20 acres, or 15 constituted large farms—( Hear, hear.) Twenty-five acres was held to be an exorbitant possession of land ; and 25 acres, down to 10 acres, or to give them the benefit of Irish acres, from 15 to 20 statute acres were looked upon as far more than any tenant should be allowed to occupy. These farms were held at rack rent, and the usual practice was for the tenant to maintain in a state of repair all buildings, drains, and fences, or they were not repaired at all ; a duty that in England was performed by the landlords. Let their Lordships imagine this country divided into portions of 20 acres and under, and let out by intermediate leases at a rack rent to the smaller holders, tenants-at-will ' • let them imagine the houses in which those tenants resided, mere hovels ; let them imagine the soil un drained, and the tillage neglected. Let them imagine this state of things, and could they expect that improvements could go forward? Yet that was the condition of the greater portion of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Was that a state of things that ought to be allowed to exist? He would now look at the prac tical results of this system—of depriving the tenants of all en couragement to make improvements. In doing this, he would refer to the Commissioner's Report. In the north of Ireland a system prevailed, called the " Tenant Right ;" but which had been much better explained by the tenants themselves, who called it " purchasing the good-will of the farms." The prac tice was, for the tenants.at-will, if they were obliged to leave their farms, to sell out to their successors the improvements which had been made upon the land by them during their occu pancy. The evil is, that unless the tenant does this, he loses all the improvements he may have made. There were always needy competitors ready to take the land under this arrangement; and there was no use in the landlords giving en couragement t) the tenants by low rents, as, if the tenant re tired, he would sell the improvement to his successor, and thus no real benefit would be conferred. The rule and general practice was to pay, under this system, ten or fifteen years' purchase of the land, for the privilege of occupying it. This was an evil only a degree less than that which prevailed in other parts of Ireland In the south of Ireland the farms were held by fear. The bulk of landlords durst not remove the idle and improvident tenants to make way for industrious and well disposed tenants, with energy and capital, to improve the land. For this state of things the Government proposed a legal remedy. They proposed that if a tenant were obliged to leave his farm before he reali=ed the benefits of his improvements, hat compensation should be given him. In the plan which he would proceed to state he might disappoint many, who irna ginei that the measure about to be proposed would be one to elevate the tenant at the expense of the rights of the landlords. This was not the ease. He did not propose to interfere either with the granting of leases, or the regulation of the rents to be charged. He only proposed that the tenant should not be turned out of the land penniless, or without compensatioe.—( Hear, hear.) In speaking of compensation, he included in the term tenant all who held land, with the exception of these who took land for cropping or temporary purposes, and who made no al teration in the land by the way of improvement ; he meant by landlords those immediately above the tenants who let the land and who received the rents ; and by eviction he meant the re moval of any party that held land in an immediate or direct manner. There were three objects to be considered in granting compensation. First—buildings ; second—draining ; third— fencing. He might explain that fencing was peculiar to Ire land, and when he spoke of fencing, he meant ditching, which was an embankment with a ditch cut on each side of it.— ( Laughter.) With respect to buildings erected by tenants he proposed that they should be estimated for thirteen years. The compensation to lie reduced one thirteenth each year the tenant remained in possession until the end of the thirteen years, when it was presumed the tenant, if he removed, had received the value of his outlay. The same principle was to be applied to draining. The drains, which were to be efficiently con structed, and at least thirty inches deep, were to be compensated for at the rate of fourteen years, allow ing one-fourteenth to be reduced each year, so that at the end of the fourteen years the tenant would have received all the benefits of his drainage. The next was levelling fences. Those who were acquainted with the south of Ireland knew that what was called a fence in England was called a ditch there. —(Laughter.) This fence, which was an embankment, with a ditch on each side of it, was often wide enough to drive a car upon it ; the average width, in many instances, nut being less than eleven yards. They were used as inclosures of fields, vary often not more than three, two, or one acre of land. They rarely ever ran parallel to eaeh other, or were straight, but were constructed in the most crooked and fig-zag manner possible. Nor were these fences what they pur ported to be, for there was not a horse, cow, pig, or sheep, far less an Irish colt, but what could easily run over them. In fact, these were only masses of crumbling earth. If these did not constitute fences, their removal was much to be desired, as by so doing a considerable addition would be made to the acreage of the farms. It would add 12, 14, 15, and, in some cases 20 per cent. to the acreage. This would require no exercise of skill or capital—nothing but labour ; and the mass removed could be used with great advantage for top-dressing. The land gained by the removal of these unsightly impedi ments to agriculture he proposed should be added to the quan tity originally held by the tenant, and the whole taken at twenty years' purchase according to the acreable value, deduct ing a twentieth part for compensation. Supposing the value of the improvement was set down at 1001., then the compensa tion would be diminished at the rate of 52. per annum, till the end of twenty years. The compensation under the three heads he had named, he proposed to be limited in extent— namely, 31. per acre for buildings, 1/. per acre for repairs, or 31. per acre for draining. This compensation was only to be allowed in cases where the tenant was ejected by the landlord. The measure called upon the landlord to do one of two things—either to allow the tenant a certainty of occu pancy, or to grant him compensation in case of his removal. It would, however, be required for these improvements to be be real and substantial ere compensation was allowed. Ile next proceeded to speak of the machinery necessary to carry out these arrangements. There was an Act in existence, known by the title of Mr. Pusey's Act, which enabled tenants to charge the estates with the improvements which they made, hut the legal forms were so tedious and expensive as altoge ther to supersede the intention of the Act. The provisions of that Bill could not be taken. The Assistant Barristers' Courts had likwise been named, but it was very objectionable on ac count of the expense. The Revising Barristerheld his court di4- taut from the localities where its adjudication would be required; and there would be the greatest difficulty in viewing the im provements, or in bringing witnesses to be examined. The Duly i devised te t 7 o e t t e . ~,,t i h a a i e t s t h y ?s G conceived e n c t o , uld which be h ma, he de was w h a a s p p t y h t a o t say had met with the approval of his Noble and Learned Friend established in Dublin an off i ce, and (the Lord Ch ance ll or). It was tahnatof fi th ce e r re w s h h o o u w l d o ü b l d e be entitled the (= Commissioner of Improvements." They proposed that that officer should be assisted by ant commissioners, and that a board—a voluntary - and unpaid beard---should bssi also established for the purpose of granting certificate 3 of quali4catiQn to such persons desirous of acting in Dublin or the count.l.dil4*# of trelmd—of actingas assist - ant commissioners, to be remunerated from time to time, as might be decided upon. Supposing a tenant, desirous of effect ing certain improvements in his land, he would require to write up to the Commissioners of Improvements in Dublin for the purpose of ascertaining whether the maximum outlay allowed by law had been arrived at in this case. On receiving back printed instructions, one to be retained by the tenant— the other to be filled up and returned to the Commissioners, and afterwards to be served upon the landlord ; and a provision was further made, ordering that a similar notice should be also served upon the superior landlord, so that no one who could be really interested in the question should be left in ignorance. If the landlord dissented from the intended improvements, it was required that he he should do so within three weeks, when a preliminary inquiry would be established—an Assistant Com missioner would be sent down to the spot, there to examine into the nature of the improvements desired, and the probability of their being found useful. He would then report to the Chief Commissioners in Dublin the nature of those improve ments, the amount of outlay required, and whether that outlay would be calculated to add to the ultimate value of the farm. In answer to a question from the Earl of DEVON, Lord STANLEY said it was not required that the corn. plaining tenant sbould go up to Dublin. He would only re• quire to write to the Commissioners, anal a subsequent corn munication would be made to the landlord. A NouLE LORD—Or his agent? Lord STANLEY—Yes, or his agent. It was a principle in the measure that full notice should be given to all parties concerned. Supposing that the tenant shoul be evicted before the term of his compensation expired, then the Assistant- Commissioner would go to the spot, examine the state of the improvements, and report the same to the Commissioner in Dublin. He will certify whether any future deduction riti2ht to be taken from that tenant for the bad state of the buildings and the drainage, and if not, then the tenant shall receive com pensation for the unexpired period of the terms. It might be said that this would bear hard on the landlords, who had num bers of small tenants on their estates, and more particularly hard on those who had tenants for life. They proposed, how ever, as he had already stated, to introduce a pro vision allowing the landlord to withhold certain sums by instalment in order to remunerate himself, the period over which these instalments extended, to be twenty years. He thought he had now stated in detail the objects of the Government in introducing this measure, and he had brought forward enough, he thought, to induce their Lordships to give their deliberate judgments to the subject before them. The Bill was most important, not only to the landlords but to the tenants of Ireland, and whether they regarded the con dition of the former, or of the latter, the subject was equally interesting. It would be for them to consider whether the principles which the Government had sought to introduce in this measure were calculated for the good of Ireland, and whether they had steered a middle course, not seeking to in jure the property of the more powerful class on the one hand, or to forget the rights of the humbler classes on the other. He should leave the question with their Lordships, and he sincerely prayed that they might so frame it that it would be found furthering the property and welfare of Ireland. Lord CLANRICA RDE was glad to hear that the Govern ment had brought forward the subject of the landlords and tenants in Ireland, because he thought that any legislation on the subject was exceedingly difficult, and more especially was it difficult for any private party in that House to introduce any measure on such a subject, and therefore he repeated he was glad that the Government had taken the Bill into their own hands, and he was glad also that the Irish landlords would be relieved from any imputation which their eonnexion with the introduction of the measure would be apt to create. He had particularly observed how very cautious the Noble Lord was in speaking of the tenants who had been evicted for arrears of rent. Now, in his (Lord Clanricarde's) experience, he had never known a person so evicted who had not been owing a very large amount of rent. Landlords had been greatly abused for having been concerned in what were called clearances, but in some cases there were eight or ten persons existing on half an acre of land, and it was absolutely necessary to turn out some that the others. might live. There might have been indi vidu4l cases of hardship, but he was perfectly sure that in the great majority of cases landlords were most unjustly accused. He was assured that, as far as this Bill went, it would do little to remedy the evils which had been complained of. The Earl of WICKLOW said that from what he had heard of this measure from time to time, he had certainly expected a great deal from it, but having now had the advantage of hear ing its details from the Noble Lord, he confessed he did not think it would be found of any great benefit to any class in Ireland. It might, however, be possible to effect some im provement in it in its future stages. The Earl of ROSSE said that he thought the House and the country ought to be very much obliged to the Noble Lord for bringing forward the Bill, but there were many provisions in the Bill which were objectionable, and which he would take the opportunity of discussing on the second reading of the all. For the reason which he had stated, he would not oppose the first reading of the Bill. The Earl of DEVON said that from the observations which were made, he felt it necessary to say a few words. In the first place, it was a very great mistake to imagine that his Noble Friend was putting this Bill forward as a panacea to cure all the evils which had been brought to light by the inquiry which had taken place. It was intended to cure a particular evil, and to give the tenant the ability to make improvements without any apprehension,—by ena bl ing hi m to put i nto use hi s only capital, namely, himself and son, which he could not now do, as he was afraid that both himself and son might be turned out. He found that in every part of Ireland there was distioct evi dence that in very large districts that difficulty aro.e, and that persons who would he competent to make great improvements, were prevented from doing so, from being under that appre hension. Perhaps, a great number had not been immediately turned out, after having made improvements ; but if in any district one was so turned out, the apprehension was so strong that the whole population of the neighbourhood were restrained from making improvements at all. He, therefore, beseeched the House, that when they looked at it clearly, they would consider that they were not now proposing this measure to them as a measure calculated to produce a state of things the best that could be produced; but that they were only endeavouring to apply a practical remedy to that which was a great practical evil.—( Hear, hear.) His Noble Friends in that House might never have had any disposition on their part to turn out te nants without compensation. They knew that such cases had not arisen under their own management ; but they would find out, if they took the trouble to wade through their evidence, that there were many instances in which such had been the case in Ireland. Thus the want of improve ment may arise. Suppose that an estate may be very much sub divided, held by tenants from the original landlord—suppose it to be very much divided into portions of fifteen acres or nine acres, as was very frequently the case, it was out of the ques tion, from the position of the land, no matter what the goodness of his disposition, to expect that the tenant will be able to keep a decent house, to have his cattle : well fed, or drain his land, though it may be performed, without much of the landlord's money, by the labour of the tenant. He would ask them to look at the evils that existed. It was not a new question ; it was not brought before them for the first time by the Commis sioners or by her Majesty's Government ; it was a question submitted to the Legislature more than once, twice, or thrice; as it was thought necessary, by statesmen of various opinions, with respect to Ireland, that something should be done in that respect. It was thought requisite that whenever a tenant had expended his capital on any property he should be entitled to some remuneration. It was said that it ought entirely to be left to the voluntary arrangements of the landlord and tenants. There were many cases arising in which the landlords could not make any such arrangements. With respect to the machinery he had better say nothing, but there was one point which his Noble Friend referred to respecting the inapplicability of the measure. In the greatest portion of landholdings in Ireland it would be found simple and easy of application. He knew per folly well that there were many instances in which the land lords in Ireland had been unjustly rebuked, but making full al lowance for the exaggeration that had been applied to the con duct of the landlords, he should allow that the fact was that the tenants were in the most miserable state, and required assist ance and relief, and he hoped that their Lordships would give the mea-ure a most calm and cool consideration. Lord PORTMAN said that he felt the most unqualified and sincere disappointment at the measure of her Majesty's Go vernment. He was the more disappointed, because he hoped that his Noble Friend would be his best ally in carrying out a measure which he (Lord Portman) contemplated for the tenants in England. He was led by his Noble Friend's speech at Liverpool to believe that he would be glad to extend the ' same measure to the tenants of England as he was willing to extend to the tenants of Ireland. He would be able, in a few days, to bring in a measure for defining, with the aid of a Com mittee, tenants' rights, and which would give a remedy both to landlord and tenant, by going before arbitrators, without going to the expense of a court of law. —( Hear.) He did think the Noble Lord's plan was a very expensive mode of carrying out the proposed supervision. Then, again, it was proposed that the maximum sum to be allowed for im provements should be 5/. per acre; he did not think that a good mode, or a very safe one, of proceeding, for it approached t o o near the tee-simple. He thought the better plan would be, to fix the amount upon an average of a certain number of years' rental. The next proposition was, that the expense of levelling fences should be spread over a =pace of twenty years. He could not approave of that, for the levelling of the fence might cost the landlord 201., which he would pay at once, while the tenant had twenty-five years to pay it. He would not enter into the details of this measure ; and his object in making the few observations he had done, was to show the in applicability of this measure to England. He was ready to admit, that in Ireland the tenantry had a feeling of insecurity as to their holdings; indeed, he had heard of one in stance where an Irish tenant had a lease of eighteen years, yet it contained a clause of surrender every six months, which the landlord was under the necessity of noticing regularly, lest some advantage might be taken of him. This state of insecurity was proposed by this bill to be remedied, not by giving a tenant securiy, but compensation. He would not detain their Lordships now; but he would, upon a future occasion, be prepared with a measure which he conceived would be more applicable to England. The Marquis of WESTMEATH would not have risen to say anything upon this subject, but that he would be sorry that observations should go forth to the public which would be dis advantageous to the class he belonged to, if he did not say a few words in explanation. When he first heard of this mea sure, he felt that it was calculated to interfere with the rights of property, and he was of the same opinion still ; and he did think that many of the statements made before the Commission, as to grievances of tenants, were got up merely for the purpose of affording an excuse f r a revolution in the country ; but upon a calm investigation many of them would be found to have been exaggerated. For instance, he had heard it said that the tenants in Ireland, who may have accu mulated a sum of money, were afraid to let their landlords know it, lest it should be an excuse for demanding an in creased rent. Now, he did not wish that that statement should go forth to the public, and he should say that he never heard of such instance, and therefore it should not go forth un contradicted. Another statement he bad heard was, that the improvements were always borne by the tenant, ani that also he knew was an exaggeration. With regard to tenants not getting leases, he believed the report contained evidence to the effect that many tenants htd declined to take leases. He did think that landlords would rather be inclined to give leases; for in that case, if the tenant declined to pay his rent, the land lord could elect him without much trouble, while, in the former case, they had no such remedy. As to tenants being pressed upon by the landlords in Ireland, and that such a thing was unknown in England, he would contend for it that such should not be stated as a general rule, and ls• denied the proposition altogether. He did not mean to say that his Noble Friend had made these statements; but they had been made, and the discussion of them abroad often also in volved a discussion upon the safety of the landlord. The question was then put, and the Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday next. CANAL TOLLS BILL. Lord HATHERTON moved that the Canal Company's Tolls Bill be read a second time, which was agreed to ; as was also the second reading of the Carriers' Bill. BASTARDY CLAUSES AMENDMENT BILL. The Earl of RADNOR proposed the second reading of the Bastardy Clauses Amendment Bill, and contended that the state of the law at present, as it affected the parents of bastard chil dren, was very defective, and required considerable amendment. He thought the law as it now stood ought to be altered. The principles of the English law allowed no case in which a person could be called upon to give evidence in their own case. By the present bastardy law, however, a woman might be called to give evidence in her own case. Formerly, in a bastardy case, the woman was the witness of the parish. Under the present law a woman might go before a police magistrate, and swear t co l that she was p r e gnan t w ith a b astar d c hild. Th e mag i s t ra t e wa r re to riod iss s u lt e bs a e , iu s e u n ar t o o ns t , h :h vir ic o h rali a , s , made re turnable compelled a ed recovery THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDA I_ MORNING, JUNE 10, 1 845. from her lying-in. Now what powers of extortion did this give to a woman. On thgse grounds he thought the present law ought to be altered. The Noble Earl concluded by moving the second reading of the Bill. Lord WH ARNCLIFFE opposed the Bill. He thought it was too soon to judge of the operation of the present law see ing that;the Act only passed last year. The system which was in existence before the passing of the Poor Law Amendment was fraught with evils. When a woman found herself with child the parish officers were set at her and at the man who was the supposed father, and the most improper proceedings took place in order to induce a marriage between the parties. At that time a woman bad nothing to do but to go before two justices of the peace in petty sessions, and swear A. B. was the father of her bastard child, and the order was made at once as a matter of course. The remedy subsequently adopted, in 1843, was the seizure of goods and the stoppage of the man's wages ; bat in the former case there were frequently no goods to seize, and in the latter few, if any, masters could be found who would render them selves obnoxious by stopping the wages of the operative for a crime wholly unconnected with themselves or their contract. Finally, the new law was introduced, by which the putative father, on sufficit nt evidence before a magistrate, was compelled to provide for the subsistence of the child; and as that was but an experiment of a year's existence, he believed any repeal of it would not only be premature, but unwise and unsafe. The Earl of CARNARVON concurred with his Noble Friend ( Lord Wharneliffe) in stating that such sudden and rapid changes in the law were calculated to bring the Legis lature into disrepute. The state of the law, previous to the introduction of the existing statute, was certainly unsatisfac tory ; while the burden of punishment was imposed to its full on the weaker vessel, the crime of the stronger, and, too often guiltier, party was virtually connived at. Last year, however, these anomalies had been removed ; and, trusting that the remedy proposed would prove successful, he should oppose any measure which would interfere with its fair working. The Earl of RADNOR still considered that the existing law held out a premium to perjury, and that he had shown amply sufficient grounds to warrant a change in its provisions. The amendment was then put and agreed to, and the House adjourned at Ten o'clock. ROUSE OF COMMONS, Juue 9. The SPEAKER, took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. Lord EnwiN HILL took the oaths and his seat for the county of Down in the room of the Earl of Hilsborough, now Marquis of Downshire. A raessenger from the East India House brought up certain eturns. _ _ paper money in Scotland or in Ireland.—( Hear.) He remembered when the Bill of 1814 was re-enacted in 1826, after it had been partly repealed in 1822, so far as regarded the circulation of one-pound notes, a strong objection existed amongst the people of England and Scotland. He remem bered the threat of the Scotch bankers on that occa sion. They said that they had an immense amount of property in the funds, an , i they would dispose of that property, and get the amount in gold, and put the Bank of England in difficulty. That threat prevented the Government from ex tending the issue of 1/. notes in Scotland. It was said that there were no failures in the Scotch banks. He remembered several failures. A short time ago, in consequence of the failure of a bank near Paisley, there existed the most intolerable distress, when the Paisley manu facturers were obliged to apply for charity. Mr. HAWES denied that the Scotch circulation was sus tained during the thine of the greatest drains by drawing on the Bank of England. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had a state ment in his hand which he would read to the House, and which would set the point at rest as regarded the pressures of 1833 and 1835. Ihe whole effect of these transactions was to benefit, to a great extent, the banking interest in Scotland. Mr. HAWES said that in 1839 the whole of the Scotch debit in the books of the Bank of England was on account of foreign credits. The Honourable Member then read a number of documents relating to the banking trans actions between Scotland and the Bank of England, which we could not follow with exactness, or even with perspicuity, in consequence of the rapid and indistinct man ner in which such difficult quotations were read. 111 r. FOX MAULE had understood the Chancellor of the Exchequer to say that Scotch securities to the amount of 3,000,000/. were sold and paid for in gold in the year 1839, and that this gold was carried into Scotland. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was under stood to explain that he had said the gold so received might have been carried into Scotland under the circumstances. NEWCASTLE AND BERWICK RAILWAY. Mr. HODGSON HINDE moved the postponement to Wed nesday of the third reading of this Bill—Agreed to. OXFORD LINES OF RAILWAY. Mr. FL DRUMMOND brought up the reports upon the Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway, and also the report upon the Oxford and Rugby Railway. CORNWALL RAILWAY. The report on the Cornwall Railway Bill was brought up. Mr. 'MUNI Z considered that if the Bank of England had suffered any inconvenience by the alleged operation, it was en tirely owing to the defective arrangements of that body itself. ➢lr HUME considered that the bankers of Scotland should not be interfered with, with respect to their issues, when there was no occasion for it. After a few words from Sir W. CLAY, Mr. DENNISTOUN said he was astonished to hear the remarks which had just fallen from the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets, for he would just ask what had been the facts of the case ref.-rred to ? The Scotch banks had at one time been apprehensive of a run, and they got 50,00)1. in gold from England, but from that day to this not a single pound had been received from England. Mr. COLLETT rose to notice a trifling omission which was perhaps of no great consequence after all. He meant the omission of the word silver" in the clause.—( Laughter.) The clause was then agreed to, as were clauses 10, 11, and 12. On clause 13 being proposed, Mr. P. M. STEW ART moved that at the end of the clause the following words be inserted:—" Provided always, that such banker shall not be liable in such penalty, unless the aggregate amount of such monthly circulation of all the bankers in Scot land shall exceed the aggregate amount of the average circu lation of all the banks in Scotland, to be taken in manner herein provided." Now he said in conclusion that if the banks collectively were to work out the contraction and expansion principle to which the Right Hon. Baronet referred, they must adopt the amendment. With regard to its being practicable, let it go into the Bill, and he had no doubt but it would work satifactorily. Sir R. PEEL was really afraid of arguing the question any longer. The lion. Gentleman talked of the penalty being tremendous. Now, in case of excessive issue, a bank no doubt did incur a penalty. Supposing a banker were to issue 100,0004 in notes more than he could pay, there was no penalty provided against his so doing, there was no penalty except by a joint action. It was not possible, it was true, to prognosticate whether or not such a case might arise. Sup posing the emergency should arise that the issue of Scotland should fall below 3,500,0001. by effecting the union of banksthe most effectual precaution had been taken for guarding against any danger arising from suck a diminution. He must oppose the amendment .as it contained every absurdity that could be imagined. Mr. TURNER having spoken a few words, Mr. STEWART said, the whole circulation was the same now in Scotland as was provided for by the proposed Bill. The measure was only intended to restrain speculation and un due circulation. He would say let the Bill be judged of under all circumstances, and then a competent opinion could be formed of it. The Bill had been treated throughout too much as a banker's Bill, and not a measure for the people of Scotland. It was right that improper restrictions might be guarded against ; and if his amendment was not received, the Government would rue it. Sir R. PEEL said the Hon. Member evidently wished to give a portion of Scotch bankers an advantage over others, and he could, by no means, agree to the ameodment. The amendment having been negatived without a division, the remaining clauses of the Bill were agreed to. On the motion being put fir the Chairman reporting progress, Mr. HUME rose and said he wished to have a last word on the Bill before it went out of Committee. His principal ob jection to the Bill was, that it limited the number of banks, and established one of the worst systems of imniopoil, There ought to be freedom in trade, in money, and cheques, as well as in corn or anything else, and the Right Hon. Baronet, in his opinion, was contravening the whole principle he so ably laid down and explained to the House in 1843. Sir R. PEEL said the Bill placed no restrictions on the number of banks. No restrictions whatever were placed upon banks employing capital in a legitimate way, but the Hon. Gentleman had formed an erroneous conception of the Bill. It only rest-icted the number of banks dealing in paper, and by such means limited the number of banks dealing in gold. After a few words from Mr. Hume, Mr. P. Stewart, and other Hon. Members, the House resumed, when The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and the report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow. THE IRISH BANKING BILL. On the question being put for thy House going into Cor►. mittee on this Bill, Mr. ROSS said it would be his duty to detain the House for a few minutes before going into Committee. A meeting of merchants and others had, he said, been held in the Hall of Commerce in Dublin, where resolutions were passed denouncing the present as being of a mischievous character, and in jurious to the best interests of the country. His own objec tion to the Bill, and he believed it was an objection very ge nerally entertained in Ireland, was to the mode in which the averages were proposed to be taken. In consequence of most of the banks in Ireland having provincial branches, every banker would have to make a deposit of 31, for every 11. they might have in circulation. He regretted that they proposed to abolish the 30e. notes, which were found most convenient in the markets of Ireland. By doing so, they would compel bankers to keep a greater quantity of silver in their coffers than heretofore, arid entail much inconve nience upon those in the habit of making their purchases with these notes. He had been instructed to give his most strenuous opposition to tho measure, and in doing so he could not but regret that the Irish Members were not in their places to oppose it. By being in their places they would be doing their country far greater service than sitting in Con ciliation Hall hatching vain empires. —( A laugh.) Colonel CONOLLY would be glad if some provision were made for the increase which might occur in the circulation of Ireland. The circulation of Ireland during the last year in creased one million, which was shown by returns which had been made to the House. This could not be assigned to any other cause than the general improvement and cultivation of the country. He was happy to see this in a country in which it was proverbial that idleness and poverty prevailed to a great extent. The imports from two of the most important ports in the north of Ireland had increased to an incredible extent. The imports from Dublin had also materially in creased. Although no one could admire the principle of the Bill more than he did, yet he thought the restriction very hard on local banks which had been encouraged by the improvement in the trade of the country to increase their circulation. He concluded by expressing his admiration of the principle of the Bill and wits a hope that the Government would make a pro vision for increasing the circulation of the banks in proportion to the improvements in the commerce and with the demands of the country. Sir R. PE ",L wished he could impress upon the represen tatives of I. eland the strung conviction which he entertained that the measure was intimately connected with the growing prosperity of Ireland, and that no country on the face of the earth would derive more benefit from a sound system of banking and a staple system of government.—( Hear, hear.) No country on the face of the earth had suffered more from a bad system of banking than Ireland. From his personal experience he was satisfied that many of the cases of distress which occurred in the south and west of Ireland arose from the sitnultaneous failure of almost all the banks in those parts of the country, causing individual cases of heartrending distress as well as general injury to the country. By the failure of these banks the Irish Exchange has been so greatly affected that in 1804 no less than 50 banks had failed. Since tha' year many more hail been established, but these all failing the whole community had le en plunged into general and universal distress. Of these banks four had been established in Dublin, three in Bel fist, and one in Bala, but these had all failed he believed without exception. Of the ease of Lord Ffrench's bank he could say nothing But there had unquestionably been great distress about that time, and one of the main causes was the supposition that inconvertible paper was wealth. It might kave been supposed that the exclusive principle held by the chief banks of Dublin would have prevented teat run on the provincial banks, but such had not proved to be the case. In several parts joint-stock hanks had been established, and he believed i hat on the whole they had been managed with pru dence and ability, but their chief source of safety had been their acknowletfged liability of their notes being convertible into gold, and the consequence had not been as was supposed the prevention of this course of rendering them convertible into gold. The conduct of a certain portion of the joint stock banks had been to render the system suspicious, and had exposed the other banks to a run. And what was the course of thejoint- stock banks in 1837 1 1 There was a bank at that time called the Agricultural Bank of Ireland, which had far exceeded its amount of gold in its issues, and what was the consequence? Not only had that bank failed but there had been very wide and intense distress, indeed never had he seen such a depth of distress as had been occasioned by the failure of banks at that particular period, to the destruction of all confidence, end the entire disruption of all ties of property, and an injury to every other bank in the country. There was at that time another bank in Ireland, and he believed there still was, called the Pro vincial Bank of Ireland, which was, of the highest respecta bility, and had conducted its operations with great skill and sa tisfactires to the public. The secretary of that bank had been examined before a Committee of the House whether, in conse quence of the failure of that bank, there had been any evil arising to the other banks, and he had replied that to every one it had caused great loss. He was further asked whether there had been at that time sufficient gold in Ireland to meet the requirements of the public at that time, and he replied that he had not the slightest doubt that at that particular time there was unquestionably, for they had been obliged to keep a much larger suns of specie on hand than they actually required, from the apprehension of a run, and the sum was increased so as to greatly exceed the amount of their issues. The necessity had arisen from no requirement of unusual business, but solely from the feverish state of excitement, and the excess was only wanted to meet that feeling. When asked whether he could tell whether that gold was in the country or whe ther it had been brought from England, he re plied that certainly there had been a considerable quantity in the hands of the bankers in Ireland, but that a very great portion of it had been brought from England, arid that for the purposes of the run it had all been brought from England. When asked whether it was brought from Lon don, he replied, from London and other places ; a great pa:a from London, but some also from Liverpool and Bristol. The whole of it, lie believed, originally came from the Bank of England, and he thought that not only the Provincial Bank, but also all the other banks in Ireland, had been compelled to pursue this course, in consequence of the conduct of the Agricultural !',ank, who, though they professed to meet all their issues in gold, had used every expedient to get their notes into circulation. When asked as to what amount he conceived this increase had been made, he replied, certainly not less than 2,000,1.001. in gross. And when again, it was inquired whether this was usually kept, or whether it was to meet the extraor dinary amount of issues, he replied that there was no doubt of the fact that it was simply for the protection of the banks. Now was it right that such a sum as 2,000,0001., should have to be kept for meeting an emergency arising from no real call, but only to save the inconvenience they could not controul, and to at oid a disadvantage for which they were in no way responsible. He thought, therefore, that it would be na small benefit to the country to give a check on this un limited issue. It would also he something to give relief from the state of painful suspense and excessive anxiety which such a system raust inevitably occasion. The Hon. Mesaber (Col. Conolly) said that the object of this measure was to reduce the amount of the circulating medium just at the time when the increase of trade and commerce required its expansion, but he ( Sir Robert Peel) thought that this restriction on these issues, and the obligation to pay in gold, would be to enable the banks to extend their issues, as they would be freed from those liabilities to which they were now subject. An increas-d con fidence would pervade the country, and less expense would be incurred in the obtaining and keeping gold. He had also been accused of bringing this measure forward prematurely. but he thought that this charge was, at least, entirely without founda tion, for when he brought forward his motions respecting the banks in England last year, he had distinctly given notice that he intended to deal this year with the banks of Scotland and Ireland, and he thought that during the interval there had been ample time for considera tion of the banks. When he had brought forward that mea sure lie might with equal justice have included the banks of the other two countries. V. xactly twelve weeks before he had made his speech introducing that measure, he had given notice to the bankers of England of the nature of his interaled project, and no difficulty had been experienced either by the banks or in the country. He had been told, also, that he hail dealt unfairly with the banks of Scotland and Ireland, as he had taken the average of one only thirteen weeks, and the other twelve months. In his opinion Ireland gained the ad vantage ; but as there was a "difference, though he himself thought that the protection would be greatest for Ireland, he would take the larger sum as the basis of his cab ulations— ( Hear, hear)—and he would give the average of the twelve months. In addition to this he would give the privilege of issuing note= within the prescribed distance of sixty-four miles, which had hitherto formed the boundary line, provided the issue was based on specie. By that privilege all banks having more than six partners were excluded from not only circulating notes, but also from having any houses of agency, or conduct ing any transactions in their own name in Dublin, where they would interfere with the notes circulated by the Bank of Ire land. This was a great boon, he conceived, to the people of Ireland, and he thought it might be safely granted. In Scot land the banks kept but little gold. Indeed, he might say, that the business was done in that country upon gold. He was free to confess that as yet no loss had been suffered by the country or the banks, but yet it was unsound in principle that there should be no requirement of having assets to meet the claims made upon them. Practically, he might say, there had been no gold kept in Scotland. In Ireland, he believed, the banks had conducted their business most creditably, and had always a large amount of specie to meet their circulation. He believed that in the Bank of Ireland there was at least 400,0001., and at Belfast there had been banks inferior to no existing banks in Ireland for the soundness of the system, and proving the excellence of the principle of always obliging banks to meet their issues with gold, and he believed that the establishment of this principle would have the effect of increasing the issues rather than contracting them. The banks would not be obliged to keep so great an amount of gold as they would otherwise require. They would not have so great a stake in the risk of the country. He be lieved that, owing to the branches of the Bank of Ireland, they were obliged to keep 'BOO,OOOl. at the head office, and the Provincial Bank of Ireland kept a proportionate amount. In addition to this, they were obliged to keep a quantity of stock both at the head-office of the Bank of Ireland and also at the Provincial Bank. For the relief which this 811 would give them from the competition, and thus enable them to extend their issues accordingly, all he asked was, that a provision should be made to the full amount of the issues, and this was ail the restriction he required—a restriction equally required by the safety of the country, and the convenience of the banks themselves. That was the position which he took, and he believed it to he a sound one, and he should resist every at tempt to change it. With respect to the two periods which had been named, during which he had assumed the averages, one commenced twelve weeks before the 27th of April, and the other embraced twelve months before that time. This appeared at first sight a little unlavourable to Ireland ; but he would do away with this, and take the same period with re spect to Ireland as he hail taken with respect to Scotland, and increase the amount of circulation which that would have made it in the first instance. He thought that, by this measure, he was conferring a great boon upon Ireland, and he hoped that it would be so received in that country. He hoped that the Irish Members in that House would riot stoop to any minute criticism, but that they would take the measure as a whole. He had intended to assi milate the position of England, Scotland, and Ireland. ane. he had done so as far as circumstances would allow. He believed that it would prove a great means for the extension and im provement of commerce and agriculture, and would, at the same time, have the effect of addiag a beneficial security which they had never hitherto enjoyed, that the banks themselves would, in the course of another year. allow that the measure had been productive of all the utility which he had anticipated. Mr. ROCHE said that the Right Hon. Baronet had en deavoured to make out a case by showing the mischievous ten dency of the present system, and by carrying them hack to that period of horror ; but the state of things at the time the fifty banks had failed had been entirely altered. He had also pointed them to the period of 1837, when the Agricultural Bank of Ireland had failed, but he had omitted to inform the House that the public had not suffered anything from that failure. The question was not as to either the extent of the circulation or not, but whether they were to have one Government bank of issue. As to the whole question of the circulation, for that he was not compe tent; but the question he had to consider was, what right had the Right Hon. Baronet to interfere with the currency of Ire. land at all ? The Right Hon. Baronet had allowed that the banks of Ireland had been stable—that, to u‘e his own words, they were most respectable, and had conducted their opera tions with great prudence and ability, and that only six of them had failed. What pretence, then. was there for interfering with them? Could he assert that there had been any excess of paper issue ? Could he prove that the business had not been properly managed ? The Honourable Member for Coventry (Mr. Williams) had stated that the systems of banking in Scotland and England ought to be assimilated, but he had at the same time allowed that the increase of trade and commerce required an increase of the circulating medium. What were they doing at this time? They had allowed that it was necessary that for the prosperity of the country, railroads and all the other national improvements should be introduced, but how was this to he effected without an increase at the same time in the circulating medium ? Why should they take with one hand, what they gave with the other ? There were two banks in Dublin, the Royal Bank of Ireland, and the Hibernian Bank, which were located in Dublin, which all allowed to have conducted their business in a most creditable manner, and to have paid reasonable dividends according to the amount of their capital, and yet which were allowed on all hands to be unable to become banks ,af issue. He thought that these banks ought to enjoy the advantage of the enlarged issue, without the restrictions which the Right Honourable Baronet impost d. But it was not his intention to offer any impediment to the Bill going into Committee, as the object which he should oppose would come before them in the clauses, and when these were before them he should certainly move amendments on several of them, as he thought the measure would thereby be rendered more agreeable to the feelings and interests of the people of Ireland. _ _ _ _ Mr. WADDINGTON said that he thought the measure would require much to render it palatable for those for whom it was intended. He thought that Ireland ought to be put on a par with Scotland, which he thought to be of great impor tance in the present rising, thriving, and promising condition of Ireland. When they were applying the principle of these two Bills to Ireland they ought to keep in mind the peculiar circumstances of each country. Sir R. FERGUSON complained that in the limits chosen by the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, he had cut down exces sively the circulation of the Irish banks ; whereas he h.d given to the Scotch banks all the advantage of their own statements. The limitation of the circulation would operate materially to the repression of industry, and to the injury of the general interests of the country. The Hon. Gentleman then went into numerous statements of monetary items, upon which he founded his opposition to the Bill. Lord CLEMENTS hoped that the House would not sup port such partial and injurious legislation as was attempted in this Bill. Mr. S. CRAWFORD said that the object of the Bill was to assimilate Ireland to Er:glanii, is monetary matters. Eng land was in a h gh state of prosperity, and did not require the aid of bank notes try stimulate its industry. Ireland was in a very different position, and he objected altogether to the pro posed restriction. He had no objection to place a wholesome restriction upon the issue of bank paper ; but he thought this measure would go to the extent of restricting the circulation below the wants of the people. He would reserve to a future occasion what more he had to say upon this subject. Mr. IVYSE had no objection to a careful restriction of the issue of bank notes. But he thought that Ireland, with a po pulation of 8,000,000, and a circulation of 7,000,000/., should have, at least, as large a number of banks of issue as Scotland, which had a population of only two millions and a half. The House then went into Committee upon the Bill. On the reading of clause 1, Sir WM. SOMERVILLE rose to move, pursuant to no tice, a series of amendments, of which the following was the first and principal, and that to which he first applied himself : " And whereas there have existed in the city of Dublin, for a series of years now last past, and still exist therein, two Joint Stock Companies trading as bankers, one known as the Heber- Man Joint Stock Banking Company, and the other known as the Royal Bank of Dublin, but which said two Banking Com panies being united in covenants or partnership exceeding the number of six persons, and residing and having their establish ments or houses of business within the distance of fifty miles of Dublin, were not, before 'he passing of the said Act of the seventh and eighth year of the reign of her Majesty, nor are they new, entitled to borrow, owe, or take up any sum or sums of money on their bills or notes payable on demand, or to make and issue such bills or notes accord ingly payable on demand: And whereas said two Joint- Stock Banking Companies, on the 6th day of May, one thousand eight hundred and forty-four, were there fore not lawfully (or at all) issuing their own bank notes, and it would be of injury to said Joint-stock Banking Com panies if the power of becoming banks of issue was withheld from them respectively when extended to several banks to trade hereafter as banks of issue within the City of Dublin and sixty-four miles thereof ; and it is therefore expedient that the said two Joint-stock Banking Companies should be autho rised by law to become banks of issue in Ireland, as if the had been banks of issue on the sixth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and forty-four, anything contained in said re cited Act, passed in the seventh and eighth year of the reign of her present Majesty, to the contrary in anywise notwith standing." In support of this paragraph of his resolution he went into a history of the banks to which it refers, and quoted largely fro m th e P ar li amentary evidence relating to the operations of the Bank of Ireland.—( Hear, hear. ) He then referred to the establishment of the Belfast Banking Company, the Northern Banking Company, and other joint stock banks in Ireland, with their branches. This state of things, continued the Hon. Baronet, caused the Bank of Ire land to establish branches also, aaid, in 1825, it established twenty-three branches, but of these, six only were within the described circle of sixty-four miles, affording accommodation to a population of 1,300,000, the richest and most flourishing portion of the people of Ireland, while, outside the circle, there were ne less than 131 branches. A great. deal had been said alout the Scotch system, but the case which he detailed to the House in reference to the Back of Ireland, would, he considered, make it abundantly apparent that there was no analogy what ever between the system in the two coureries. The Scotch bankers never had a monopoly to contend with, as they had in Ireland, and, therefore, he did not see how Hon. 'Members could refer to them in proof of the proposals of joint stock banking in that country. He should like to know what effect it would have if the lion. Baronet would introduce an Act to confer a monopoly on any bank within sixty-four miles of London ? Woulti he not have an opposition from the bankers and merchants of London that would quickly defeat such an attempt? The shares of the banks to which his clause referred, and which had buffered so much by this monopoly, had fallen 15 per cent. And he curt sidered that these two banks had a stronger claim than any other banks of Ireland to the benefit of ally advantages w hich were intended to be conferred upon the banking system of Ireland. He would rather throw himself, however, spun the Hight Hon. Baronet than upon the Scotch Members of the House, whose assistanc e he expected, with the hope of pro curing that modification of the clause which was the object of his amendment. The Hen. Baronet concluded by moving the followin g amendment:_" That in clause 1, and line 5, after the word' there o f,' s h a ll be inserted, and also so much of the said recited Act of 7th and 6th of her present Majesty as pro. i NOTTINGHAM INCEOSURE. The Lords' amendments to the Nottingham Inclosure Bil were agreed to. ULSTER LINES OF RAILWAY. The reports on the Dublin and Belfast Railway Rill and the Ulster Extension Railway Bill were brought up. GLASGOW AND AYR RAILWAY BILL. The report on the Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Bill was brought up. CLAUGHTON-CUAI-GRANGE CHURCHES BILLS. The two Claughton-Cum-Granges Churches Bills were re spectively read a third time and passed. BRIGHTON RAILWAY (WASDSWORTH BRANCH). An HON. MEMBER presented a petition from certain indivi duals, named Raven, against the above Bill. NORTH WALES RAILWAY. The report on the North Wales Railway Bill was brought up. BRIDGEWA I ER NAVIGATION AND RAILWAY. The report on tl:e Bridgewater Navigation and Railway Bill was brought up, and the amendments agreed to. LUNATIC ASYLUMS BILL. Lord ASHLEY brought in the Lunatic Asylums Bill, which was read a first time. PETITIONS—MEDICAL BILL. Petitions against the 36th clause of the Medical Bill were presented by Mr. GRANGER, from the chemists and druggists of Durham; by Mr. Parker, from the chemists and druggists of Devonshire; by Mr. Leader, from the chemists and druggists of Westminster; by Mr. E. Vivian, from the chemists and druggists of Truro ; by Mr. Godson, from the chemists and druggists of Bewdley ; by Mr. Divett, from the chemists and druggists of Exeter, Dawlisla, and its vicinity; by Mr. Blewitt, from the chemists and druggists of Monmouth ; by Mr. W. H. Bodkin, from the chemists and druggists of Rochester ; and by Mr. H. Berkeley, from the chemists and druggists of Bristol, and praying to be heard by counsel against the Bill. The Hon. Member also presented a petition against the Bill from an individual named Derby, who complained that he had not been chosen as a fellow of the Council of the College. Mr. VIVIAN presented a petition from the chemists and druggists of Swansea against the Bill. SCOICH - UNIVER ,, ITY TESTS. Mr. FOX M ‘ULE presented several petitions from places in Scotland against any university tests. AIEDICAL INSTITUTIONS. Mr. WARBUR TON presented a petition from Charleville, praying that the same description of charter might be granted to the several branches of the medical profession in Ireland as proposed for England. MUNAIOUTH RAILWA Y. Mr. GODSON presented a petition from a person named Collins, praying that he might be heard against the re port of the Committee on the Monmouth Railway, which was ordered to lie on the table. THIRD READINGS. The Newcastle and Berwick Railway Bill, the Trent Valley Railway Bill, the Brighton, Lewes, and Hastings ( Keymer branch) Railway Bill, and the Kidwelly Inclosure Bill were read a third time. CHICHESTER AND SOUTH-EASTERN JUNCTION RAILWAY. The amendments on this Bill were brought up, and ordered to lie on the table. POLICE MAGISTRATES. Mr. WILLIAMS gave notice that, on Monday, the 16th June, he should move for the correspondence between the Se- cretary of State for the Home Departff.ent and Mr. Twyford, police magistrate, relative to the committal of Mr. Meyer. AGRICULTURAL AND COMMERCIAL BANK OF IRELAND. Mr. COLLETT gave notice, that on the third reading of the Agricultural and Commercial Bank Bill, he should move that the report of the Committee, and the evidence on which it was founded, be printed. RIGHT OF SEARCH TREATY. Sir R. PEEL laid on the table the ratification of the treaty with France for the regulation of th e r i g ht o f searc h. Lord PALMERSTON wished to know whether there was any indisposition on the part of the Government to lay on the table the evidence which had led to the terms of the treaty. Sir R. PEEL said that, as that would implicate the state ments of some members of her Majesty's Government, he theught it would be inconvenient. IRISH BANKING BILL. Mr. ROSS stated that he had received several communica tions only this morning, which induced him to request the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government to postpone the reading of this Bill for a week. Sir R. PEEL said that he had already given sufficient no tice of the third reading of this Bill. Several other important motions had with it been delayed for a long period, and were now waiting for decision, so that he could not consent to any postponement. Mr. ROSS replied that the Right Honourable Baronet had stated that he was willing to receive suggestions, and as the communications he had received contained what he thought were matters for serious consideration, he hoped his request Mr. ROCHE said that the S co t c h B an ki ng Bill s t oo d f or would be complied with. the first thing to-night. and it would probably occupy the House till midnight, so that there was little probability of the other Bill coming on at all, and that no inconvenience could possibly arise if the Irish Bill were postponed. Sir R. PEEL said that the same principle might be applied to every Bill, and he eould not recognise it on the present occasion, as it was very desirable that the Bill should be car ried through its stages as early as possible. RIGHT OF SEARCH. Lord PALM rAISTON wished to know whether Govern ment had any objection to lay upon the table of the House the evidence which had been taken before the jnint Commission, and which had induced the two Governments to abandon the right of search. If Government had no objection to do so it would prevent any public inconvenience which might arise trom the want of information on the subject, and enable the House to judge whether Government had properly or not sus pended the exercise of the right. At all events, they ought to have that portion of the evidence which related to the right of search question, and as to whether th e r i g h t was or was not s uppression o f s l avery. He wished to know Right Hon. B aronet opposite had any ob anlescoe,sswahryetth'oerrthteh,,sußi jection to lay upon the table of the House a continuation of the correspondence which was produced in 1643, and which re lated to the affairs of Syria ? Sir R. PEEL. would have no objection to lay upon the table the continuation of the correspondence relating to Syria, but as a considerable time had elapsed since it had taken place, there might be some pot tion of it which ought not to be produced. lie would, however, have no objection to produce portions of the correspondence. With respect to the evidence of the officers taken before the Commission, relating to the slave trade, he did not think that any inconvenience would arise from its not being produced, and the Noble Lord would see that the instructions given on the subject to the officers of the two countries were contained in the treaty. PORTUGAL. _ Mr. S. WORTLEY wished to know whether there was any prospect of a re-opening of the negotiations between the Government of this country and Portugal, relating to the com mercial treaties of the two countries. Sir R. PEEL replied that no negotiations of any kind were at present pending bet ,hi ,untry and Portu- " , Aween this coy y eortugal. PAROCHIAL SETTLEMENTS BILL. In answer to a question from Mr. S. CRAWFORD, Sir J. GRAHAM was understood to say that he would postpone to a distant day the Parochial Settlement Bill. SCOTCH BANKS. On the motion of Sir R. PEEL, the House went into Com mittee on the Scotch Banks. On clause 8 being proposed, Mr. FOX MAULE proposed an amendment, to the effect that the bankers be allowed to amend their returns of circu lation. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the motion. Mr. HUME s u pp or t e d t h e amen dment, and protested against any interferenc e with the Scotch currency. Sir R. PEEL was mush disappointed at the manner in which the measure had been received. He certainly had thought that the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite would have seen, in his (Sir Robert Peel's) exposition of this measure, a desire not to alter, but to preserve within safe limits the system of Scotch banking. The clause was agreed to. Clause 9 was then passed. On clause 10 being proposed, Mr. HUME objected to it. He understood that the Right Honourable Baronet had determined not to make any alteration in the currency of Scotland, and he eouid not therefore allow thi s c l a use to pass without opposition. All he wanted was an explanation of the measure. If it was good it should meet with his support. The Right Hon. Ba ronet had stated that he wanted, in ease of an overflow of paper money, to guard against the Scottish Bank drawing on the Bank of England. Sir R. PEEL said that when the notes were convertible into gold there w as genera lly a tendency to issue more paper, and to continue issuing and increasing the notes. For a certain limited time the value of the paper would be favourable ; but when a period of depression should come it would be incumbent to convert notes into gold, and the demand must have a tendency to reduce their circulation. These remarks applied to the Bank of Scotland, and were also equally applicable to England. The value of the whole currency would be diminished, and it would soon be discovered that paper was issued to excess, and with such a simultaneous demand for gold from Scotland and England upon the Bank of England, great inconvenience would result, and com mercial transactions generally would be greatly restri c t e d an d impeded. It was, th ere f o re, sound policy to ask that some restrictory prohibitions should be made on the issue of notes. Mr. W ILLIAMS thought, in justice to the measure that had been passed last year, the Government were bound not to afford any greater facilities for the issue of n................................................- $ on th" hibits, after the passing of that Act, any other lawfully Per. iietil banker. who on the 6th day of May. 1841, was de ,„, as fi t his own bank-notes in any part of the t nited Knag t ent t ii , as same may be held to include in its ens' ' h i F ai lle Hibernian Joint-stock Company and said R ° Y a e i, bO , The Hon. Beronet had distinctly proved that joint-son,oo. to, had been establishe.! in Ireland, under circurn-tances 0,1 whic h favourable than any j dnt concern in that country, a ,ital e• the . , , in t had realised a liberal remuneratieg interest on the cal is ,, of vested. The circulation did not depend upon notes, but upon the prosperity of trade in genera:, . I , : bit t, proposed to repeal the enactment of last session. :1 . , e , o f 1 applied to the whole kingdom, as preliminary.to the p . ; : 0 , the present Act, and in the restrictions contained in ,t 11 ,, E , f ps sure both England and Scotland were included ; but `,'„ 1 ,0 Baronet asks us to make a particular exception for two eras in Ireland. It should be considered whether it would tsas id dient, under the circumstances, to admit these tw 0 ",,,, dot the particular privilege of issuing notes to th a am° aril ° less than 930,0001,, in addition to the other advante„ 0,, possessed. The Hon. Gentleman did not seem to . be i .,: bi i,, that though there were no other joint-stock banks In i t ' r eet there existed private bankers, to whom a circulationhoet co; was desirable, and who possessed as good a claim to t bath' deraa ion of the House of Commons as those tw° .i. l ' e ff, Those banks had established them-elves entirely under the tering c ar e of the Bank of Ireland, and an excellent 1;;0, had resulted on all their transactions. tleman told the House that the tanks had suffered g t r . , ` ogi V, Owing to the depreciation of their shares, anti . 10 1 /0 0 1 , When the 11 71;et ' to be given them on that account. He would rell t ',,thil the banks in Ireland, included within the circle, he The tv to a certain degree a depreciation in their shares. ,,,4 n the - 4 had n .fatod f, o of England had felt the effects of depreciation . ston of the discussion of last year. The s hares 207 to 203 k. The shares of the Hibernian 13anx,waoioirO fallen from 37 to 31i. It was urged, because t he ' e ro i n tra l stock banks had suffered a greater depreciation, as Igo to, tinguished from the Royal Bank, that they hada a lifilite, lief. The Royal Bank and other banks had falle . n l . lo) , Cltlf degree, but not to so great an extent as would le of pen for alarm, when the measure should come into g o ll f e e rati°D. A cfp bet those two banks were conducted on tile same pr ~..,., t dente that had hitherto characterised their proceetotXteigto would be no doubt of a successful result, an d grea a , ° _. n eedo: would generally result to the country. Those banks h . 0 0 7 1r evo 0 . , their operations by borrowing notes from the the P! t he and they would have greater advantaoes under ' j ou' measure, as the provincial banks would'be broogiihotg:e ~ ,1 10 l 0 ° . circle. The measure would effect, in a like ,_e the Pro, banks in the United Kingdom. He could not gly .tdait nt P 2e i Baronet any hope of his acquiescence in the atu e ' els Vs' posed to the House, for he did not believe it " he ld e ° in justice or in Policy. t cal Mr. REDINGTON contended that the argutn . e and ti,e, by the Right Hon. Gentleman, that equal law i s ed psit sights, as regarded the banking system in E h g For b id • ie ltr destroyed and a land, although very plausible, was not correct;_eiand ono, he would wish fad monopoly of the Bank of l e f to the e , mercial interests of Ireland. Rig ht es' ef the The O'CONOR DON begged to assure _ id g iveg r a e , great impulse would beg ive" go to pron,_ a te uP,j e l Gentleman that there was no measure that roo. ont eies' rie nent interests of Ireland. disssairtistlfaoctßioEnßtoTtpheEpEeoLpdleesoitrlerdeloannldy than the P_ l T e the ir P e ,des' standing as respected the intention of the Bi ll ; k , the had solely to prohibit the issue of notes to those ban In the o ta d been authorized by the measure of last Ye ar ' ho bad ' l° o o the Scottish banks, there were several of then , rid ha d ev . e n ;ers their capital, had issued their advertisements' ded their t e o O lt so far as to print their notes, and who had Pleaietende 00' Thore was apparenittlerstaa intedooo ignorance of the law which the Administrahaesie t h e ir bo p in force, and yet had been prohibited from is! eifi r t :stoc k .„oitig notes, and which, without This was a harder case than that of the two J!c tieg e of f a o a t in Ireland, which had never poss.essed the ra e ge, h t a rr eret t . seeded in realizing very large profits. It " s f the pr es s, of i l l to exempt these banks from the inaden ee e ° ,, e roPe e ffeot y but it was quite impossible to acquiesce in I t"' fiai ns th e t h on ig ly hl t y o ir t , h . no t possessing that P.rn'ine endeoti3O, Hon. Baronet to except these two b ati-' the law. a d v erset u ay et W as id seri ° be Mr. WYSE argued that the arrangetne 1 wog a , to 0 u e ri e:i s st t i o ng th b e ank ho i l n e olrfetlhaendp,eho,uft ing i re tte at h : ea red t h : limit the circulation in Ireland; indeed' 5 ° It sPr, t ie t`' pie. iniO him not only to be unwise, but an act ° f ecoflthriend, who assimilate the banks of Ireland with th‘s i e i , ° floo , t r ice tul' ar , 0 Mr. C. WOOD did not agree wit h '; l' ef OP ' be a boon al looked upon the measure as another s, oo ula to he ar , t ii . Ireland. On the cantrary, he thoug ht I c eri ,d epe te l ue' the country, and he was somewhat keys- be cn ore bort , Honourable Member connected ' wi th J 01 13 IVier' s l e Mr. S. CRANN FORD thought nothingthe Ir.'the Gee o Ore, conciliator, Gan resisting the wish , ' ° „ f htic f °r for th nA presented the feelings of the Irish who were almost unanimous. It was P‘'femberst ai d snip who ment to accede to tine wishes of thos e ' fie c ' c' erg he amendment. of an alogi ae re ... , pe ople . , beto Sir \V. SOM E R VILLE said the They ore Owobjrt, Ireland and Scotland did not hold. Th lelan a b : a s ce ir ne lalg interfere with the trade of banking in - t here wi ld c a ' -'1 re' them to great competition. He believed 0 roan co a ti by t eac a 11 , prosperity opening in Ireland, of whi ch be blas te e firel se o ft tt.e extent, and he I - loved it would n"",. Bankl ‘n osla r dr oo strict ive measures. The monopoly of t" e ia ,,, sou " a et;ee '' considered the most odious of all metier 'ti e Con' such monopoly to the utmost, and div ide the present motion. After a tow words from Mr. COLLE T d.-- 43 The House divid e d, w h en there aPP eare ...,••• 103 For the amendment ......... ••• ..... " ...... _,eo On clause Against it ...................................... .. •--- .Majority against it ....... • 0 0( The clauses up to 7 were then agreed tos i b , l i n e 'd i j a nit in „ Ost Air M. J. O'CONNELL proposed to u l i f e 9, m being put, year," and to insert " six months a" in „ , re o April," and to insert " 25th day of March. Is iore After some conversation- uld be f‘er r) 0' Mr RO _ H E considered that n othing "% er far t ote able than the amendm; , nt of the Hon. 3 1 ' n 0 th e imposed upon the currene it , tri" Mr. ROSS expressed himself satisfied v t. reg - ,00' stood. , to tine . i.e fOO i t Sir ROBERT PEEL said with and to t he th nent welfare of Ireland. y 'lt was his 6c th ihe coun ii ltitel t he would operate to ensure the errsperil °. the f,;,eoth'lt9 Mr. FRENCH cowiplalned' of the way i ! i h e acme fa to ro ot had been taken. They were taken a t t " a they e „ eg be o' ' for the Bank of England in 1844, whe r ., d e- 'ifect °" 1 I been taken in 1845. This had a mute r ''' . e eae tl l7 of the circulation. was clone to itervoi , ,t , S. or ''''ili After a few words from Mr. WILLIAM v e l a nd° 01' 0 0 4 able than al a en r Sir R. FERGUSON said that neither 'f oe se ep 0 1,„, were at all satisfied, and he was surprised t in t b e t d. ...( n o d hers getting up and saying again and surprises gala ° bell ` E he it6 was far more favourable to them than to tish le%irs'",,eig to) theyi issue I s u es e l iwd a as themselves.-(Bear' h ' m .e' stand u and tell 'them that thee knew their log es! be foo I'o i i . m c :ice le l pvea sp.e-r astonished (atietabtrhe, y a h t w : e r t r i . g e )a b , o, w e t n o. b e s: : f 0 o f 1 : ce,tto_l l: would oblige them to contract their 15e the I e the -1 • o re- ',lll Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL would tau t .004 fri eri e d'' the Membersrbuke which had been .in_ s .,e w oriii,: sr , th le( Hen. for Londonderry to th bett er t; fei ebe be gt , theirs who knew their affairs so m uch t the to 0 1 4 themselves. He thotneht, however, the roach ,rous t is' Cork had taken the matter t° ° tou ch ~,,g , e , a , si For his own part he was so , t noniosto te r? to be in a minority that l ao though t nt toe! to O'e r 0' Ile would not, however, press his amend i e he dio_ te ete ee til•_ he had little hopes of carrying it, an? of far emitter tbi for dra w his y readily as he had one to bring • dra w „014 tots 0 portence. Ile would therefore with _ ,t silo e tete dt i The Hon. Member then moved to or''' d t 0 0 , 0 efe a de words "at the" to the word " oft” and be a a d S e , ei° words " several offices or places." It sl'p ogitia d v s o :hte " that the principle had been app lied t° ere el l . !ti e, : without complaint, but measures that vr /t ab or 10, might be destructive to another coun tf ,Y 7 0 Of tbe l ,t in the s t if Mr. HAWES considered the (tensercomPtatnrne Id iti it , 3 hers groundless Th d.t of the lih er c bef t ,el ° con tic ). d bee ,teo , ritt 4 , troduction and progress of this Bi" ' a .. re e w aro' Id l'4 i es - e to- - ig 0 , treme towards Ireland, and induig'enc va ble 5 , sli ,0 0 that country which were neither obeer ,ot e lan tfon , e he or Scotland_ Still, believittra the P f V e e Righ t iv ed ! t s sibly be injurious to trade, le e hoped t " err e i iP 4,1 i r i ' o at' orf would re consider the suEject. CO Q' Bil l s' e l . ° The CHANCELLOR of the E-- the was e • discussionquestion, ~hether e ,as 3 , 0 0 e f or i to the siraple covv en e re in er as ,s , to Ireland such an expansion of the e an d e l I . ge° hes, tins to meet te demand ot increasing tran_ da he. ° h ove, of 0 0 bankers o. Ireland had 1, 100,000/- a v t 3 a t the re ala ne ybe t i el Poses, 800,0001. of which was k lile th e el a th 3t t „ro y 300,003/. at the head-office , _. awl sv cow ider e or to t Bank of England was 3,000,000. he Ina rgie 4 1 iJ he bad named would be an amp le Go v ` bei° the e el t f currency. a tha I ado' . t o O'FERRALL regretted stro „g j am a lts i 0 ei o'ol would not adopt the amendment, an d eer tsi „itt y do so. if a 00 e fe Mr. S. WORTLEY considered tea` a id be i.ro ell e. ; issue were allotted to each bank, ther c i.gferO t v ' obu rt ' Tit he 1 ‘ , dividing it proportionably between log-, b 14° 0 °1 I r• 1 / ° "' After some remarks trom • iris a do 0 1 ' Redington, and other Hon. Menthersf'erred the y ''' att eq / Sir R. PEEL said that he P re irejand t he y e e tfeet e 'ld le system to the Scottish, because in at the h ee l/ he e' re ol ° '' payments at the branch banks, 11(4 secur it y hold ers he considered, afforded a greater _ t h e ho us e the ament:m-nt, leaving full ,ecurity I. irc • i s ion• 0 should be very glad to do so. t a div h e di' The clause was agreed to without p_oed.,. _ OO 4 , Clauses up to clause 13 were iris.,ea, t otelo " the el On the proposition of the 14th .' ed ° at t i°4 wiii the fractional notes in I cland!_, be hop ~ ,iclert V Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said tna 'd p i cTi t io• pl , o-tpon e • id, $ d j 1 might, if it Pnuld be done, be P , t no t, hope .eater Sir R. PEEL thought it cony ~ . e d b! et to ~ of the public convenience. be delayed, ...,„echiee ,'_ oreai r , bers would not offer any unnecessary nf o r it id b 1 ' 1 0 46 , Sir D. NORREYS said that this w Oti°°the Vi renee with the usages of the co u . ntr); y ba d ;i on of a b i d . . o Sir It. PEEL thought that if t.% vita co 000 , ss. and lOs , they would prevent T o a 25 3 . :were, i i i ilee r ,', t j and the same argument appl!'d, that if the ' . d ° I die t D a He had a very strong impressui r ' he eireulat!'e the ' jest,;tr a 255. note, they would prevent to . old no t h' is ' t alen, e e tio,,r,, long as they had the notes they l' a t ° the }li g" of t h e r e? v , r Mr. REDINGTON said. r t , r h the feel e ing o ' d °P O t air' ol always expressed a respect ~ ._..tably if _, 0 of t .. , but when the time came he i . ' an d it tn ibe n t r it e s but to throwing these feelings overboard i,_ ht h a ve h l ey whO r es , ' .d. abolition of the small notes, they MlB I tha t t s a 9CI O r-, P i l Mr. M. O'FERRALL suggestea(raall n ote ' toil to the medium plan, and a bolish the of tile ; le C° 9 30s. notes. he aboliti.oneefore i d th iil ! Mr. C. WOOD advocated t . e l a id de . r e is s i t he evidenc o peo o ,eo 0 , t / on the ground that from all no 100 and hued it tee, it was clear that the sm t l ,l and ,C/ k e pt a- greatlaw be r silver specie, which was B ,„k o f Ire' n et f ee ,r provincial banks, and the a • ~ co uld , pco o 0 I , i l , cases to be reshipped, because it e h I ViY f' h MU ft ° sl e , countryd t h,. , o p e r ' • lau se eir ii° Colonel RA WDON appreh en d f this c , t b ,_ e , I , in te 1 1 would arise from the passing n di ffi c ult , _ e f a re t ,. # e paned that people found it very an d t her , 0 of ti ,l e ve logs, to get change of these no es,A ._ittiol, t o P' culation would be much more u t , ',, u t t he al w e.. otr , t 0 , ,,1 Lord BE RNA RD believed benefit to the c , re, e° t er notes would be of the greatest oitio.. and sat.,, , fore he cordially creed in th._Pr then regc.„,„ ,„,/ Clauses 14, 15, and 16 w.r,l - 7 an d 2 0, 0 00 eo , were also clauses 17, ISt t' F r w ith Billso, , ,rt , amendments. reed to. "' f ghe 0 1 Clauses 21 to 32 were agree s. _ ed „ a rt cl__ . , re rs dei' itt; mendments, and ordered to d. t." r D e Chai r , T o tt i , Thu 0 0 d of The House then resumed to be recei,a:eu ..4 , ~,e be v" o°' and the report was orderpe RIVILEGI-a, at t it. ire o' l floo r ' pl e 0' ARS S ah e of " - t n t Ce The SERJEANT-T -t. • the a ction 436 a , 0 jtis be formed the House that in for . t oo . 0 t ,j e; a turda) ea unle' e d , i so execution was levied on . t the c °° ' refe r ' . j 0" si r R. PEEL moved tha Arnie , be 4400 e. • an t-at - e' the House by the zetale . e d to. , then f ir mittee on Privilege.-Agre,,_ da y wet'. the f,t0.,,,, Tine standing orders of erne i, o ieloce• .- ,ofo i r II; the lL.use adjourned at on ______ _ .5 1,„, - ee5“,,, 0 110. 0 , Pt io " o ,, S-----e- notice, la sadier's w ed . $O. ERRATETAI.--in - e ct a t ggi' e der) ol effOrt , " o ,e IC caded the King's Friend, P _, lu iir , • rcctly stated that the part 1C b oa 'Ol ' Mellon, where" it should li T.