The Sun. — London, England, 1844-05-16 00:00:00

refine up this deficiency fiom Cuba, the Brazils and the mark e t s of South Ameri ca ; sothat our refusing to take sugar, the produce of those countries, would not at all diminish the production of sugar in the slate States of SOuth America. The effect would be this, that sugar, the produce of slave-labour, which was not allowed to be consumed in England, would he shipped fors — Holland - and Germany from the in Brazils and Cuba in English ships, would be paid for English goods—would be even imported into -rsngland to be refi ne d h ere , an d re-exporte d , and yet the English consumer would not be per mitted to use it. But he contended that by carrying it in English ships and paring for it in English pro duce, we should be just as much encouraging slave labour as if we consumed it in England.—(Cheers.) The West Indian planters had been paid a compensa tion of twenty millions for the abolition of slavery. The protection which was still continued to them was considered small in comparison with that which they had hitherto enjoyed, but still it was enormous. Twenty millions had been granted them as compen sation fur the abolition of slavery. Now, the pro tection which was granted to them on their sugar amounted to three millions and a half more per annum. They hail received infinitely more than the amount granted to them as compensation in the shape of pro tection —and it would have been cheaper to have granted the one hundred millions at once than to have continued these protective duties.—(Cheers.) They would hare been already several millions in pocket if they had adopted suc h a course.—(Cheers.) He would now briefly a ll u d e t o a quest i on w hi c h h a d re cently occupied a great deal of the public mind—he meant the currency question. He would only make few brief remarks on the subject, and that only as far as it w as connected with the subject more imme diately before the meeting. He did not intend to discuss the currency question ; but inasmuch as the question of the currency was intimately connected With the question of free trade, and the abolition of traehecorn-laws, he thought it not inappropriate to sie,,, k t a 4 , few remarks on the subject.—(Cheers.) the s u b: deal had been said by the Prime Minister on and e t of the i m p o rt a nt question of the currency; ' correct ether the theory of the Prime Minister was or subject occu not , there could be no doubt but the the pied the attention of the public mind at i ,, ‘ Present moment. He would endeavour to follow s l,exatnple of the Prime Minister in treating this J. e et, and t o t reat i t i n a popu l ar manner. N ow do nna the last ten years the Bank of England had W l 'sessed th e p ower of regulating the currency. d ey professed t o contract the currency when t h e ?Mind for bullion from abroad compelled the export of bullion, and to expand it when the importation of nilllion ena bl e d them to do so. Thus, w h en t here„_ was a, di s p os i t i on f or bullion to flow out reY contracted th e currency so as to induce bullion ;'`) flow back again into their coffers, and by contract ing th e issues they lowered the price of cotton, of c alicoes, o f a ll articles of manufactures and produce, ttts to i n d uce f ore i gners : o se nd b ac k th e b u lli on to Country, by giving a greater amount of produce .1 0 1' it than they had previously been enabled to pro- Q ct n . % This was what the Bank had professed to do, ut which it h a d no t been enabled altogether to ac traPlish. It had not been su ffi ciently powerful to Qoinplish thi s o bj ec t, an d w h a t th e G overnment w intended to do was this: it was intended to create a body that should be powerful enough to that, out this principl e t o th e mos t r i g id ex t en t. S o u'at, 'whenever the exchanges turned against us, as they Would immediately —if they lost a million of bullion ` — they would immediately take two millions of notes ! t a'aY to con t ract the currency. Now it was almost Irapossible that they could ever have any very im- P o rtant der angement of the currency for any length of f time, except from a d e fi c i en t h a r ves t. The re a son th is Was that the necessity for bread was greater an the necessity for any other article, and in order to obtain it, every sacrifice must be made. If the exchan ges were to tur n aga i ns t this country, in con sequence of too great an importation 'of silk, or wool, u_r cotton, or other such articles, it would be very the to contract our consumption, and by that means fle, evil would very soon become rectified. But, if hutuil.harrests should come, a great amount of the a ul hon would of necessity go out of the country, and oteh:repomling sacrifice in the exchanges and upon t ended r e mnmodities would ensue. Therefore, he con th L that, if t h ere was a tendency upon the part of e xchange s t o turn against us, i t must, o f neces 3', arise from had harvests, for there were no means p ur ua rding ag a i ns t suc h ca l am iti es . He was sup teaf in thi s op i n i on by all experience, for there had was been similar derangements. In 1838 there n a a deficient harvest, succeeded banother deficient ' ar vest in 1839. I n 1839 the Ba nk. had 9,000,0001. aclfb they ulli its coff er s. D ur i ng the whole of that lte r ere obliged to import corn. They had no so . a atite ; they were compelled, necessitated to do of b a d before the end of the year not a particle a u n llio n was left in the coffers of the Bank, they found themselves in a position o f b png obliged to borrow 2400,000/. from the Bank th e ranee --(Cheers.) Regulations in the currency, Of refore, bet contended, depended upon the necessity s- a l :Portin g corn when they had a deficient harvest. this, , the that measur e w hi c h sir R. Peel proposed was should upon a turn in the exchanges, the currenc y 011,7' P a nediately be contracted, to suspend t he ' in co °' bullion, in order to make goods go out N ew, by this arrangement, the commercia l would have to sacrifice their interest s j ust at 111-e4 as Under the old system. Let it be un r -05"A that h e Peel. was not complaining of the measure of 'els R . a s it Iv eel. It procee d e d o n aj ust principle, as far to ot e nt ; but wh a t he said was, it did not go to the be (1 ( , ) f the ev il , wh i ch i t pre t en d e d t o cu re. Now s o ,- Il s t ` 1 7 4 - Wilaon) wished to call the attention of the late n t and th e b ro k er o f Li ve rp o ol at this partieu fact,, ali'ent, and th e merc h an t in London,- the manu n re %suer' ~ shopkeeper, and trader of every class—the PaPilla;• the landt o i*:is themselves, and the labouring atte nce -I°ll abov e a ll, to what must be the conse - In the es of this law, if stringently' married into effect defi ci e ase of a d e fi c i ent h arves t. Now, suppose a IB3Bent harvest was to take place, as in the year Pos e Ch as no one could say that it would not---snp eore. s "Y were o bli ge d to import a quantity of' foretel) eou ht ° as to cause the exchanges to turn aga i ns t thi s r ria . l.l* l rY ' t he Bank o f E ng l an d wou ld be called upon Mty f on of bullion, and then would arise a neces c note s• " a ttracting the currency by two millions of /1 ' The 13 ' discount bills ; they Bank would cease . to te! e1(1 sell out th • ° millio thei r securities until they got in the sease r ,„ ns of notes ; and the consequence of that a cqn w aulti be, that the commercial portion of the v ,Munit M ere Y would be anxious to effect sales of their 411 ere 8 :"'nlodities, and no buyers would be found. Ikr eciat . ould he an immediate, a 'on de rapid, and sudden cle udd the value of property. There would be tures oefn,depreciation in the value of all the manufac- Nue of t ne country, and a sudden depreciation in the come raw materials. Ruin, in consequence, would eott on f P c el the m erc h ant, who, expect i ng a cargo o f flue and rcnn America, had accepted bills to the full th e amount or the cargo. What would %vital situation of the merchant connected fr the p, East Indies, who, expecting a cargo ss -ru ckist, „, / t h aY, had accepted bills to the full iattie,;,""en he found that the cargo, on its arrival, " - „ e tlepr eei ee l,ated in value upwards of 25 per cent. ? nee euis a tinn in the value of manufactures also must :tntld 14 , 1. . Y ensue, and that depreciation in value 'Jot %ea:Mutely reach agricultural produce. He did by Sir of th e say that this would be the immediate Sir It s e measure which had been brought forward 1 7n , a ?wit Peel. He would, however, say ,this, ne riu, h. hoped w: Mi nister propounding a measure, which • "Ped. "aid cure fluctuati.ms—a measure which, Agen t% ' wo uld secure the interests of trade, menu treteet'aand the working population—which would , a Al,• B.adden depression and a sudden crisis— %tr. a re o r , Ler of this country could propose a mea that . • shdi n , kind with such an object, and retain Tes an, 1 1 6 e - scale, and the corn-law at the bottom It . ssie hil country Co uld not imagine.—(Loud cheers.) x t e there could' never be in a prosperous state • m wa s b was no regular trade in corn.—(Cheers.) ade was no r, co they had not a regular and uniform • ey occur s that frequent derangements of the cur d. The greatest amount of corn that s . er 4 „ t az bun e dreg one time in stock in this country quarters only, about sufficient for taediti s 3ra consumption. The - dealers in other com -4,141'5u-ses_e,nntlid not carry on their business unless they Zthei r -- "c i e ar t ei thr ten or twelve months' consumption doub t th mouses. —(Hear, hear.) Now, he had at in the first week that the measure of eek es pale ame into operation—he meant the first Nyotiieta which its operation would be felt—which tetessit„7,_Pin_bahly, in two years time, when a ne thne3guemni?. had for a counteraction of the cur tlt first ad not the least doubt that in wee k the m erc h ants of London and h t ,'"Pool ese on d lose more largely than the head this collected, Whic h the Anti-Corn-law League th th e J n e u a i r s ollected, for the purpose of doing away °oldthe corn - laws.—(Cheers.) It it well for t°life merchant to look to this—aye, .." , d be w , 0 It. T he 1 1 for the landlords themselves to look 27 uke of Richmond had complained of his ' 4 4r oble a year on his salmon fisheries. That Pos sess from D u ke such the loss to the tari ff. It h cause, but from the diminished rift, en nstimption in the people, for, under the , about 200lb "Porteci. , s- only of foreign Salmon had been ke 4rt cent• ba vv vi ny did they hear of fifteen and twenty in -rents ? tiF__ been returned last year upon tliss t rr ef Ine simple reason was, that the ite, nish , consumption in ( I.tiesti oa e o ci n ., This the people had was not, therefore, a inereliant's n• iee c h aa __Y. It was a landowner's question as well indiss!_aquu.e_stion, for the two interests were t 1.44 th "NY together. And he had no doubt e Landlords themselv av ou rn cal m l y a d es were t, consider the d see that' :1 without prejudice, Onst, they _ the.-labours of the Anti-Coen-WY tt re a tt e a r, e ,re only directed towards the general in ' the Whole COlntaiWity.--(Cheers) • . theCuranmics then introduced to the meeting Mr. Turner, one of those tenant-farmers who had attended at the agricultural meeting lately held in Bridgewater, in Somersetshire, at which a resolution in favour of a total repeal of the corn-laws was passed, Mr. Turner, a farmer holding between 300 and 400 acres of land, being one of the most intelligent of his order, seconding the resolution.--(Cheers.) Mr. TURNER then came forward, and was received with loud cheering: He thought an apology was due from him, for venturing to address so magnificent an audience as that which he then saw before him. He thought he might, however, ask for some indulgence and forbearance, seeing that, with the exception of having proposed a vote of thanks to the Anti-Corn • law League, at a county meeting, that was the first time he had ever attempted to address a public meet ing on any subject whatever. He could assure them that he was a bona fide tenant-farmer.—(Cheers.) He was-one of those whose every farthing was invested in the cultivation of the soil, and it, therefore, might be easily imagined that in advocating free trade prin ciples he did not wish to injure the tenant-farmers of the country. He must acknowledge that he was placed in some difficulty in having to follow such eloquent speakers as those who had that evening pre ceded him, but he came forward on that occasion in the hope, that by his example others of his order, would be inducedto come forward in support of the principle lie was there to advocate.---:(Cheers.) There was a great difficulty in finding anything novel upon this subject. The preceding speakers had re marked upon this ; and how much more should he feel a difficulty. There was one great objection to the corn-laws, that they prevented those improve ments being made which would undoubtedly take place under a lengthened tenure. In the present un certain state of the law farmers were unwilling to take leases at the existing high rents, even if land lords were disposed to make them.—(Hear, hear.) But landlords were not so disposed, and why ? They must be aware of the reason—to advance political purposes. The circumstance of being compelled to pay high rents induced the farmer to regard the price of the article more than the produce of the land. To illustrate what he meant, he would suppose an are ble farm which averaged 20 bushels of wheat per acre. The wheat sold under present prices at Bs. per bushel. Now if the produce of that farm could be increased to 40 bushels per acre, would it not be better for the farmer to sell the grain at 6s. a bushel ? Why the thing was manifest'. Notwithstanding what was called the low price, he would be a gainer of 2s. a bushel. Now this appeared to him se convincing a fact, that he wondered the landlords and tenant farmers had not before perceived it. .They were all aware that the corn-laws had a tendency to create fluctuations in price, so that, as he had before re marked, even where the landlords were disposed to grant a lease of seven years, the farmers were in many instances afraid to accept it. He (Mr. T.) was one of those who held a farm on a seven years' tenure, and he knew well that the landlords were afraid of parting with the least portion of the power they now possessed over their tenantry, and which they so disreputably - employed.—(Loud cries of Hear, hear.) The gentleman who had just preceded him had so indisputably demonstrated that the corn laws restricted trade, that they were injurious to commerce and manufactures, that the one could not thrive where the other did not prosper, nor the one he depressed but at the expense of 'the ocher, that it was altogether needless for him to recapitulate those arguments. Now, it must also be admitted, that fluctuation in price prevented what was so de sirable—an adjustment of rent; so that the old pro verb of " Live and let live" could not well be car ried into operation.—(Loud cheers.) Suppose that the land agent calculated on an average of the prices of wheat for six years, in order to fix a rent, which the tenant should pay for an arable farm. Did not that seem fair and equitable ?—(Hear, hear.) Yet it was not so. And why ? Becau,e in nine cases out of ten the crops of tha tenant-farmer did not reach the average price. The generality of farmers, he was sorry to say, were needy. They had nothing to fall back upon. They must sell at all risks to meet pre sent emergencies. In short, the corn must be sold as soon as thrashed. The consequence of this gene ral necessity was, that between Michaelmas and Christmas there was a glut of corn in the market. In these three months the prices were lowered; then in the six months which intervened between Christmas and the period at which the harvest arrived at maturity, only those farmers who had capital enough to meet the pressing emergencies of the harvest season were enabled to keep their corn over for high prices.—(Hear, hear.) There were some farmers in the neighbourhood in which he re sided (but they were not numerous) whose means enabled them to keep the wheat produce of their farms over from one year to the other. But these men had assured him that such was the uncertainty and fluctuation of the corn market, that somehow or another they had been generally losers, and fared worse than those who had been obliged to sell their corn within the year. The po sition of the landlords was by no means enviable. It was the natural desire of mankind to maintain a cre ditable character with their fellow-creatures, but he was sorry to say the proceedings of this body did not entitle them to be regarded in a very favourable point of view, and the day would come when they would look back upon their conduct with feelings of shame.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") Again, he felt bound to say, and he said it with equal regret and sincerity, that the corn-laws had been productive of most calamitous results.—(Hear.) At the present mo ment the great bulk of the farmers were paying rack-rents. Those who had capital were paying those rents out of it, and those who had not, were in a de plorable condition. These were facts that might be relied upon. His knowledge of them was derived from sad experience. Those farmers who had not the command of capital were, as had been told them by Mr. Summers, in a condition bordering upon insol vency. Mr. Summers' speech had been received with astonishment in the neighbourhood from where he (Mr. Turner) came, but he now came forward to cor roborate the statement of Mr. Summers.—(Hear.) Tile farm labourers, too, were in a most depressed condition ; they were in. the most abject misery that it was possible for Mart to conceive. To picture to them faithfully and truly the condition of these men, would be a task as painful to his own feelings as it would be harrowing to the feelings of those who heard them. He was sure those who listened to him, notwithstanding all that had, been said about the national dislike entertained by artisans towards agricultural labourers, would syin pathise deeply in the condition of those unhappy men. He had been frequently asked by his brother farmers if free trade would benefit them, and if there was any probability of free trade benefiting their condition. He had always told them that he believed free trade would benefit their condition ; and he felt convinced that it would do so. These men were now suffering under severe privations, and he could not conceive how, by any possibility, they could be placed in a worse condition than they ivere.—(Hear, hear.) The fact was, these tenant-farmers were, for the most part, uneducated men. They had been unaccustomed to habits of thinking, and looked only to present circumstances and their immediate results.— (Hear, hear.) But the Anti-Corn-law League had done much towards disseminating knowledge among them, and through the tracts circulated by that useful body, they now began to believe that they were in a position to compete with any of the corn growers of any other country in the world.—(Hear, hear.) The first question he had to consider was, whether there were more mouths to eat than there was corn to be had in this country ? Whether the pro duce of this country was equal to the consumption of its inhabitants? ft was apparent that such was not the case. Then was it not necessary to import corn from abroad ? How was the surplus to be produced ? Must it not come from foreign countries ? Some of the farmers who opposed the repeal of the corn-laws thought that if there were a free trade in corn it would flow into this country like water in the river, without obstruction, and superabundant. These people seemed to forget that, in this country at least, there was an expense of 6/. or 71. in cultivating an acre of wheat. They did not calculate that it would cost anything at all abroad. They appeared to be lieve that corn grew in foreign countries sponta nttotisly, and that it could be picked up on the banks of the rivers, without cultivation. If these men read and considered for themselves, they would soon think differently. In the report made by Mr. Meek, in 1841, as to the capacities of the different.corn-growing countries, the only country in which the cultivation of the soil was particularly cheap, and from which competition might be most dreaded, was Polish Prussia, and in Polish Prussia there were bad roads, no canals, no railroads, and, in short, the expenses of carriage, and the freight and other expenses of transmission to this country, would leave the English farmer little to dread. Now in the Channel Islands, free trade prin ciples had been tested. In these places corn had been imported free of duty, yet home-grown corn. had averaged 475. per quarter for the last seven years, which circumstance clearly proved that corn would not descend to so low a price as had been anticipated, Then there was another great argument in favour of free trade principles —reciprocity of dealings, mutual intercourse, and eitended connexion—he would not say with foreigners, he disliked thl 3 war! "foreigners," but with their neighbours abroad.—(Loud and pro- Practed cheering.) He felt perfectly convinced that if wu iceorted their corn, they would import our mer chandise. in fact, ;Tr. Gladstone had already ad mitted so much in the (tebal the tariff. When the question of importation of caftle wst in trod4e94., thts cpswer to that proposition by the country gentiegon k ee4 that an exceeding loss would be inflicted upon th e farmers, #o\st he pl i ir, lyner) said that, if we were to import catti@ 6904 4 4 Fgaly Ive should expo r t manufactures in proportion. .This appessreci to him to be an established, an admitted fact. Ho we ld 40t have appeared among them 1 THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 16, 1944. with the result of her industry, than that manufactures ! should be stopped for one year.—(Cheers.) In say ing this he should al;o state that he should like to see the farmers prospering, because he knew that the interests of bath classes of the community were mu tually dependent on each other. The course of events showed that if the farmers and agricultural population did not join the League in their efforts for free trade they would become the laughing stock of all civilised nations.—(Hear, hear.) If anyone entered the mansions of the aristocracy would they not find all the luxuries and comforts which were the production of manufacturing ingenuity and indus try ? But what evidence was there of the slightest aid, so far as the surrounding objects went, of agricul ture ? But they said they did not want independence of manufactures ; what they wanted was protection for agriculture. Wh y, protect i on for agriculture meant nothing more nor less than protection for the landlords. Was corn the only • thing that would not find its level ? Through all parts of the coun try did Heaven bestow equal blessings; the light shone, and the rain fell, equally for the just and the unjust; but if the food was to be sluiced up like the waters, and prevented from a free current, he thought the landlords of England would he answer able for the evil consequences. He. ould say to the meeting that by their attendance there that night they had manifested their determination to carry this great measure, and shown an example to all the nations of the earth. They should not tire in the truly great and good work, the consuniation of which would open the prairies of America to England as a granary, and make the poor happy and the indepen dent more so. People were each day becoming more enlightened; mind met mind ; a new world of ideas had been created, and the consequent religious, poli tical, and historical power would be found sufficiently strong to put down all the monopolies which now pre vailed. The present was not the time when rude masses of uncultivated and ignorant men would rise together, influenced by passion and violence, to commit inju ries upon their fellow men, involVing combina tions in crime.—(Cheers.) For his own part, he would not address such an assembly—the present was not such an assembly.—(Cheers.) But men wanted to be taught, and these - meetings were held for the purpose of teaching them.—(Cheers.) Let it be remembered that those who wanted to maintain the corn-laws had lost the monster monopoly of know ledge.—(Great cheering.) They had lost also the monopoly of the knowledge of moral power ; and having lost that, they had lost the only monopoly which would have secured in perpetuity all other monopolies.—(Cheers.) The days when wily politicians could wield the condition of a nation had gone by—the days of heroes, of warriors, and fights had gone by—the days of the quarrels of nations had gone by—(Cheers)—the days of peace had come—(Cheers)—and the nations of the civilised world looked to each other. France looked to England—(Cheers)—England looked to France; and even Spain was beginning to see that evils were evils, and good was good.—(Cheers.) They were looking to the beneficial results of good government, and not to those transactions which had been a scourge to countries, and only enabled those who scourged them to prey upon the ruins they had msde.----(Great cheering, amid which the Rev. Gen tleman retired.} The CHAIRMAN then announced that another meeting of the League would take place there next Wednesday. It might, also, be as well that he should state that it was not likely these meetings would be continued for a much longer period, in consequence of the necessity of commencing the arrangements for the bazaar that was to be held in that building.—(Cheers.) The vast assemblage then dissolved after giving nine cheers fOr the League. SOUTH LANCASHIRE ELECTION. MANCHESTER, TUESDAY N lGH T. — During the day both parties have been hard at work canvassing, and on the part of the free traders, every hour brings with it news of men who have consented to separate themselves from party, and to look at the contest only as one affecting the interests of trade. As regards the " ways and means," the free traders have evinced a spirit to-day, that shows them 'sanguine of the result, for the guarantee fund has already reached 13,000/., and that for the Manchester district of the county alone ! Since we wrote yesterday, giving an account of Mr. Entwistle's visit to his Committee here and at Newton, we have learned that he went forward yesterday afternoon to Liverpool, and met his Committee there. It was the intention of his friends to introduce him on 'Change, at Liverpool ; but the Com mittee reported an adverse wind in that quarter, and he re turned to Manchester without suffering the honour. To-day his friends have also forborne to introduce him on 'Change here, and there is a whisper that.it is still the intention of his party to wi.hdraw him from the contest, if they can substi tute a fitter man. At seven o'clock this evening there was a splendid meeting of the friends of Mr. Brown, the free-trade candidate, at the Free-trade Ilall, of which we subjoin a report. MEETING IN THE FREE-TRADE HALL. _ . He cared not whether they wore a du - cal coronet or MANCHESTER, TUESDAY NIGIIT.—This evening, at seven any other badge of high distinction. An accident o'clock, a great meeting was assembled at the Free-trade Hall , of the electors resident in the Manchester district pf might have thrown that coronet in his way, or he Amongstouth Lancashire, receive a deputation from the League. might have been born to it, and, therefore, have noteeg League,n e gentlemen consisting present, in of addition icilr to the depute gained it by any merit of his own—(Cheers)-0e it tion from th might happen that amongst his ancestry there might. Mr. Alderman Brooks, and others, we obseravded Cobde n,Ea(j" Kershaw, Mr. Rawson, Mr. Woodward, Mr. Harvey (of the have been sycophants who courted Royal favour b At bowing and cringing, or, perhaps, by deeds of their firm of Harvey and Tysse), Mr. Atkinson (of the firm of kinson and Saunders), Mr. Alderman Hopkins, Mr. Alderman own they might have shown that high ho ta o l o e u n ir t l; w i li h ic a h t `talker, and many of the leading freeholders. elevated their family, and with w p a r s oce t e a d k i e n n w ny Mr. meeting of procee dings, high pinnacle the moment they then they hurled themselves one and attem a tedrotmoGEOßGE WILSON, who, in irrespective of all political partyfee l ling, in order I electors G said— Gentlemen, t residingl e ii e i, we n haanytt near'con this fetter i the minds, opinions, and convictions of the peo lip,red.—s % ( v C er h e ee d r e s e .) ply l i t ete h r a e d ste b d ee la n th s e ho m w a n ia t t h e a n t an t e h e e o l f an th d e - L \A 1, Manchester, an no h ed e h opening ecs this the er i r , that you. e League,l. liayhavaeodanh opportunity of meeting a deputation l a r. r oeu. sta m te a d te t r l i i a o l s i e y r i e n as g o i n v s io w g l y ti o cl a z r t v h o e t y e f t o h r i i -Ic h e o f u r g e l e t - t t t r o ad i o n fieuaenndeei. hear i d l s , c l u t s N s vaLn e o v t . rect e d, for party present system. It was possible that reasons might 1 1 3 ere l e-t . rade Hall is neutral We have called this meetin ggr in oofa t a l e i di e e.....e c to ontest for this coupy. be adduced to prove that it would be against their in tere,t if this country were to become a manufacturing community ; and that reason was, the aristocracy an to because engaged which this squirearchy could not wield the franchise of the mama tinuance, for one hour, of these country suffers.—(Loud). ofthe giant monopolies under s h e a a v t e a number i of letters from gentlemen cheers.) We ask you to pause well l favour of the perpetuation purposes. (rCs ground.—(Cheers.) r sa l. NV e tpatesw meet aa here rflnotle facturers as they did that of the farmers; they could before you give a vote in or con : not drive the former to the poll, as they did the latter. Neither had they that threat to hold over them I l e ss n wTl y l l o u n m o o t n i M.P ,was e recev be occupy in terrorem of granting no leases, serving ejectments, B ad u d t r n ie Fax! canvassing. — (Cheers.) e cv s oa . — issui c i a ir ! i d l ( a t Co n s he ) ra sh. ) I_ y your time by reading them ; I will at or driving them from their houses if they o pp ose d th em once proceed to business ss of b i y h introducing Mr. Cobden, who will Mr. COBDEN, at an election. If the landlords could just as well. League.—(Cheers.) drive one class to the hustings as the other, heenthusiastic as it fo i llo m X air doubted much whether they would set themselves so and man p ai r i o c lozed cheering. He spoke tleten,— if you were met here for party objects strongly against he manufacturers, or retain their at- I should not ' public,angs t t you. I have never, since I tachment so exclusively in favour of the farmers. The have appeared in squabbles; and, so far as maakyeabeanZ part d e ig t i o ne s re ea r t ra manufacturers were rather an unwieldy political a sentimentshadtioi the opportunity the Anti -Corn-law Learru n e: l l e e r hallenjall who material, and the country gentlemen, well knowing of observing my public conduct, this fact, were unwilling to run the risk of letting go to point to a sinrl a l o nstance in which my . proceedings have their political grasp upon the farmers, because they and been influenced single the monopolists well knew that they could not regain individuals connectedywie t pr p d a to t env political iiartir s , re or h a a ny, it upon the manufacturers.—(Loud cheers.) The met art ie s here, as the chairman Yet; party.—(Applause) P s a a a ys, e irrespective of e cannot point to any existingpolitical party which landlords were interested in this change, but not- i t ) akes its . stand upon a the ground that the free traders and the withstanding the system could not go on. They Anti-Corn-law i. us is n p o o s s v e occupy. We have two n serons all had seen many changes during the last century. of politicians ; oraf They had also seen some changes within the last two street, and to carry out free t t r o ad p e r li f t e t s l s e f b e y a litTle a ; we t ehaavbe or three years, durino• which they found certain gen- tion;anothe b r u p t arty taking its stand upon fixed duties and protee• there is no h political party that seeks at once to ob tiemen—Tories, and e 'Ministers, too—coming forward tarn the object in view—that of practical and per to plead the cause of the poor black man, whom the feet free trade. —(Hear, This is a question that is re people of England set free in spite of them, to in- ferred back to the electors lear of this county; and to no portion of the electoral body veigh against the system of slavery in general. , can it come with so strong a claim to their attention as to the electors of South Lancashire.— Those charitable gentlemen said, if you set the • (Applause.) Ge t _ ntlemen, we are not solely a manufacturing slaves free the consequence will be that they all must m` • n io uni t y , in South Lancashire; there is a large rural ctoricti dis perish. No person could have any idea of the mis- liis county. We have farmer as well as manufac chief. which would be likely to ensue if the slaves turers. I have made good the gen- ground as well as ina nu f a cturigi,ra:r rnodanod . freetr and if there ade on farming one irig were to be emancipated. And therefore those tlemen at that time resisted every attempt to set v•tiocue and rr or ng hati another, it is that upon which Lord beno p i e t neer have taken up the question—that the slaves free. Now,' they were still connected is, as to the which free trade will confer upon agri by the most kindly feeling towards them, and were culture itself.—(Hear, manu anxious that nothing should occur which would be facturers of this country, hear.)%hi is ß t ut tl un y for e t o u e n r a a t i e l ly a , t d h m e it tlat free trade would be good • for themselves, have hitherto not likely to improve them, and consequently they took come to cdnsider this question of free trade apart and alto them up, as they had taken up the farmers, and would Fether . a d way from a political partizanship. If we could only allow no sugar to come in, except that grown by freearil predilections—if we could o a n y iy as o l o aside our to r olda common animosities blacks.—(Laughter.) Query—was this kindness at, viewsiina consider s l i N d - r i thisah dTo; I I all manifested on account of •the West Indian inte- of the corn•laws apart fro g m rau all rests ?—(Cheers.) Well then, after the voice of the verily believe there would not be two opinions amongst the manufacturing classes in Smith Lancashire.--(Loud ap country and humanity had been elevated so often and plause.) Now, Gentlemen, I am glad to say, that on this loudly against the vile system of slavery, those o n ce t asion w e haye evidenthceast happyof our corning soon, if we have philanthropic gentlernen became at length convinced 'we shall be that it was the voice of God and nature, and they no e longer alreadyblindedavedto at, our true uer point,s, nowrhtellile ceded the freedom of the slave—by purchase. After the country, by such absurd deliit•ions as these mere Whig and Tory distinctions in politics. I am happy to announce to yielding to all those circumstances--circumstances forced upon them—they h ave f oun d th ose vet same you that we hear from all quarters —not merely in Man v , chester, not merely in. Liverpool—but in all the surrounding gentlenien coming forward to take districts we hear of numerous instances of most intelligent freemen. But what were they to say to such hypo- and influential' men who have on this occasion declared that a i red that crisy as this ? After the Niger expedition, at a they will no longer vote as Tories or as Whigs ; p t o i l at the public meeting he chanced to be sitting next to Sir question before the country is free trade or monopoly, but that they . will vote for free trade.—(Loud applause.)' and It R. Peel—a strange coincidence—(Laughter)— would be invidious to name these gentlemen, and besides still no secrets passed between them—(Renewed t w h:t ar i e t liz i uld h be i v or e7 pa o r o ti r alauujust ; for I really believe laughter)—so therefore he had no ministerial secrets to reveal to the meeting. But the Right Hon. Ba- contest is only beginning wei shall seesuch conversion,ac h a a n a d re th i a n t tor e e d th e ronet got up upon that occasion ; and to show that a South Lancashire among the manufacturing classes, aa' as t even a the most sanguine of us has not expected. Thi s i s th e l as t sense of shame was sometimes inherent in all 3. 4:3 o t r e e st th f o or el South Lancashire . in t which any party will come minds, began by saying that it was incumbent t r or o s;?f m t , li m is o Tor ia an a t o distr i ict, and profess to , upon those who were not in the field before : be an upholder to come forward and speak on behalf of the injured And, Gentlemen, if anything could tirroNa- e iap t e o (Vplausf ) African. There must have been a twitch of conscience terms in which ill-. Entwistle has put forward' his a i d s d r t e l s e s . to the electors of this county.—(Hear, hear.) That •address which affected the Right Hon. Gentleman. Now he is, at all events,. a tribute paid t t o_ the triumph of free trade (the Rev. Mr. Burnett) believed that if there was any ( p )p ro ll s o s n i s oo. in to t c i a s rr cou o n u tr t y ;h f e orlough it does not agree in one monopolising interest concerned in this Niger ex- 'principles of free trade, it is full pedition, it would have kept that wily gentleman .professing compliments te r those principles• so far as they have been away from speaking one word in favour of the African. applied ; it speaks of the paramount importance of ma- He would tell the meeting, therefore, to take comfort nufactures and commerce; and it proposes, ve ry i n t e lli g ibly, shall ohs be nameless, out free tr . a n de L a o s m f i ast as somebody else, who from this : they had one who was sensible to the in- r w ) ill;ive the cue for fluence of shame, and who, although steeled against doing so. al ( l l e ..o es ud' applause perlaps and i Imo-hate h ia ' ff ek l. w k e many things, was :no t yet made, of steel, and this in Lancashire are too old birds to be can ht with ' l chaff this on the present occasion.—(Laughter. Wo mast not be showed. they, by perseverance, would be crowned with deluded or mystified with plausibilitie s . Ve want free trade success. What did the aristocracy mean by pressing —not"deluded in the abstract; w . e don't i ll . 'ant it ten or twenty years their opposition so long? Did they intend to set the ealCaaiti told it we will have. IN e (L R o -a a n d tit rlow, and if applause.) But I different classes of society at variance with each it noe'w.—for i d li t ra ha l t s some e of Mr. other, and tell them that if one prospered the other ' Entwistle's canvassers are canvassing Tnqst• necessarily decay ? Did they mean to tell Now, I don't set myself tie Tire., is 4 easuist to% s'e l ti r l&liVg of conscience ; lout Wire, 0 If geo9ol6l;!_,!_ , go 'iltitl'obtaihipriP their respecte4 tThairrytap, that if hp snpcpadad, Air. ' to b lill Tqlse firOte:f.rel , r i ( 1 1 .: i t'Otil - ed.t lhot'i:pkoinise4 Turner, who favoured them with his enlightened • !iii corny' to rddetre. but ; l w ° a a r . n d. views upon the op,:ration of the corn-laws that even- elec ( t ' ors la i d n i t ti o g a7y ( 'm ki L a k i e s s a ,. and, through thropgh the . ing, must be reduced to poverty ? Did those pro- press, I beg to warn the constituency 32',. ntwistle is not a free trader, though his (ounty that Mr. Opts mean to assert, that if the one class were to t: address tries, all that words can do, to make it appear that he is. —(Cheers.) gueeeed the ., .., "thy shot - J(1 gq down ? Such an asses- NCT i Qentletrer we have 411444 e a iim tion was Most ridiculous. 'lniibg • • . e pets•ons meant to 'fly' i ' - ••• , i-. .- • ' -4 ' • ' -(• -wrAtq 11 tie petsorl say that inariufaetiii • 'to • • • ' • ' 13"Ivii' '434' Oil Li ri"1:-IL a II . ' . ' es 'were go down, ' he , fb•ciiin• asi-a sci m mi e r e iarmiii ..1 shoo?,' 4. • aPP ali,e-) . Mr , , , , mare, "Isay is 6 1411 others in (the 4ev• NI% Burnett) Would tell' them that he kingdom the man that' would beproperly' ' selected.fer the •V(061 - 1:40 1 .4 '4*-i4in__ 'fiih' le face of Paiji d 'high honour of' representing 'thig • in Parliament.- covered with manuatorfni 'Adpi ) - - iyithb an (411Plav'se:) ! insay . as• a commerci T in & 14 • 411 hiVtilso - frilm you' and Mr. —4 "Wit l i's• :li4a " 4111 acre of tillage, and En landg supplying the world did, for he would ' disguise , you himself, that if we could, by deferring to the tone of public opinion in counties, have found just the right man connected with the ag,ricul tural'interest, and even connected with an aristocratic family iu South Lancashire, Mr. Brown would have been the, first man to say, " Take him in preference to me, and you will be most likely-to conciliate the greatest amount of support."— (Applause.) And I may tell you, what iam sure Mr. Brown himself will very readily tell you, that we did apply .to a gentleman in London—Mr. Pascoe Grenfell, the-brother-in law of Earl Sefton—and had he not been at the time we called upon him Under the hands of his medical attendant, and confined to his house by a very painful disease, he would have been inspirited to enter the breach on this occasion ; for a more ardent repealer, and one more thoroughly devoted to the principles of the League, I never found in all my travels in England.—(Applause.) Under those circumstances we chose —rspeak of the electors 'who took a part in it, for I was not in Lancashire at the' time—the electors chose the first com mercial man in Lancashire.—(Applause.) He is a man who, if you want. to test what he is, will answer to the question which Napoleon used to put when anybody talked to him of a man as a great man, a distinguished man, or a man of vast superiority; Napoleon always put the question, " What has he done. ?"—(Hear.) • Now, Mr. Win. Brown has built up one of the most gigantic commercial establishments that ever existed in this or any other country—(Hear)—and he has in the various ramifications of his bu3:ness probably contributed more to the facilities of commerce, to the interchange of the productions of this district, than any other merchant, or pro bably any other half-dozen merchants, in England.—(Ap plause.) Next to the reverence we have for aristocratic origin, is probably the homage which in England we, wisely or unwisely, pay to wealth. On the score of wealth, Mr. Brown must be acceptable to the most money-loving among us. If great riches give a guarantee, in the estimation of timid men, that the possessor of those riches is not likely to be a destructive in politics, why then Mr. Brown has given you that guarantee, and will commend himself to the most timid amongst us. I know of no objection that has been alleged to Mr. Brown as a candidate for our suffrages, unless it be one which has originated in idle gossip, in the absence of anything really tangible to oppose it. It has been alleged that Mr. Brown is not a British-born subject. lam happy to tell you, from the highest authority, that Mr. Brown was born in the county of Kilkenny, in Ireland—(Applause)-- that his family were extensively connected with the linen trade there; that Mr. Brown 'came to England, and was educated ; that he left England in 1800, and went to America ; that he returned from America in 1808, since which time he has been a resident in Liverpool.—(Applause.) And as the owner of large estates in this country, he has given that proof of his naturalization which will both be a satisfaction to our oppo nents, on the score of his citizenship, and will also recom mend him as being an extensive landowuer.(Applause.) There has been, also, I believe, (I don't know whether there has or not), some other allusion made to Mr. Brown—but we really don't talk about religious subjects here—but Mr. Brown, I may tell you in brief, is a Churchman ; and if he had been anything else he would have been equally unex ceptionable in this Free Trade Hall, for we do not meet here to entertain theological questions.—(Applause.) This is the description of a candidate which is presented to you, the elec tors of the southern division of Lancashire. If any of you know the weight of a bale of cotton, you are only one remove from a near acquaintance with Mr. Brewn, who has in his hands one-sixth part of the trade between this country and the United States.—(Loud applause.) There is hardly a breeze can blow, or a tide can roll into the Mersey, that does not bring a ship freighted with cotton, or some other costly commodity destined to fill the warehouses of Mr. BroWn; and there is scarcely a railway or a canal in the kingdom that does not' bear some of his produce on its way to be shipped to China, or some other part of the world.—(Loud applause.) Now, Gentlemen, short of being hi mse lf one o f the landed proprietors of Lancashire, Mr. Brown is more deeply interested in the land of Lancashire than any other man can be. He is not one of the aristocratic families of the county; but a gentleman having the important concerns in Liverpool to which I have alluded, and being, as he is, so intimately bound up with every transaction in which you are engaged in Lancashire—l say that, second only to the ownership of an enormous estate in this county, Mr. Brown may be considered most securely anchored amongst you, and he has given the greatest possible pledges, by interest and identity, that he is bound to regard and foster the welfare of this county.—(Applause.) Mr. Brown does not appear before this county as a party politician. He has not been known either in Liverpool or elsewhere as a party politician. If he has mixed with parties at all, it has been to moderate the party feeling; and, I will venture to say now, in his name, that Mr. Brown would deeply regret if this contest were carried on upon any other ground whatever, than that of strict principle, and that there is nothing which he would de plore more than if his friends should narrow the ground on which he seeks your support.—(Applause.) Mr. Brown, much to his honour, has taken a prominent part in Liverpool in aiding the labours of the Anti-Monopoly Society there.— (Applause.) His adhesion to that Society was an event about as important to • that movement in Liverpool, as the ad hesion of Mr. Samuel Jones Loyd was to the proceedings of the League in London.—(Applause.) And this step was taken, not in anticipation of any such honour as you are now striving to place in his hands; but it was done from a con viction of the baneful tendency of monopolies in general, and from a desire to aid his utmost, by the influence of his great example in Liverpool, in putting an end to a system so de structive to commerce. 'And, I marten you that Mr. Brown is not an anti-monopolist of yesterday; for there is one fact to be stated so highly to the honour of Mr. Brown, and so strongly proving his disinterestedness, and his willingness to assail monopolies, even when he himself was supposed to be interested in them, that I cannot help mentioning them. During the time of the monopoly of the China market by the East India Company, Mr. Brown was one of those in England who had the monopoly of the private trade with China, which was carried on through American houses. No English private trader could trade with those countries; but the Americans took up the trade in an indirect way, and Mr. Brown was the agent of that commerce, and it was a very important branch of his business. When the proposal was made to abolish the monopoly of the East India Com pany in the China trade, Mr. Brown went to London, and gave evidence, before a Committee, in favour of an open trade with China, though it was depriving himself of the monopoly which he had before enjoyed.—(Loud applause.) This then, Gentlemen, is the candidate you have before you; he is a free-trader in corn ; but as a proof that he does not consider a free trade in corn would be injurious to land, he has invested largely in the land of this country; and I know that. at this moment, he is prepared as willingly to invest money in land with a prospect of the repeal of the corn-laws to-morrow, as he would be if the corn-laws were likely to be perpetual.—(Applause.) And let me remind you that Mr. Brown's possessions in land may be quite as extensive as those of many of the landowners who make so great a talk upon this monopoly in corn, and who in appearance may have a much wider expanse of surface in theirpossession ; for, when a merchant invests his accumulated gains in land, the land is his ; but those men who are making the greatest outcry for this monopoly in corn, and who are the most prominent in opposing the League, are merely the nominal possessors of those broad acres.--(Great cheering.) Gentlemen, I have stated who Mr. Brown is, and what he is; and now what is his opponent; I'll not deal in personalities by alluding to Mr. Entwistle, in any other way than as regards his public career; but putting the test which Napoleon put, when a man was'spoken of, I ask you, what has Mr. Entwistle done in public or in private to entitle him to the honour of representing you in Parliament ?—(Hear.) We are not opposed on this occasion to one who, owing to high aristocratic connections or exalted descent, is considered in this lord-loving country of ours as entitled to a sort of ' presumptive right to represent a county. —(Hear, hear, and laughter.) That claim, at a ll events, does not stand before us. We know Mr. Entwistle as a private gentleman, of respectable character, and we know him as nothing else.—(Applause.) I have not had the opportunity myself of listening to his speeches or hearing his views ; but there is a part of what he stated the other day to his Com mittee, with regard to the operation of the corn-laws - , which certainly does go far to convince me that Mr. Entwistle can not have given the slightest attention to the subject of the corn-laws. Gentlemen, we don't hear such fallacies as those of Mr. Entwistle even in the House of Commons now ; they are ashamed of them there.—(Applause.) I can assure you that if Mr. Entwistle comes to the House of Commons, he will have to learn his lesson before he speaks there, or he will be laughed at as soon as h e opens hi s mouth.—(Ap plause.) I suppose, brother electors, we shall have an oppor tunity of hearing Mr. Entwistle's views on this subject ; but as he has decidedly declared himself for a sliding-scale as against a fixed duty, I must confess I have been astonished to see the name of one gentleman prominently connected with his supporters—l mean the name of Mr. Hugh Birley; for I very well remember four or five years ago, when we were met at the Town-hall for a total repeal of the corn laws, that gentleman met us with an amendment, declaring that nothing but a moderate fixed duty would restore the commerce of this country ; but that, as the Whigs were then in poWer, in whom he had no confidence, he was determined not to petition Parliament for a fixed duty. And now it seems, if one may believe the newspapers, that Mr. Hugh Birley has been one of the principal men in bringing for ward Mr. Entwistle to stand on the principle of the sliding •scale.—(Hear, hear.). Now, really, I don't understand this kind of inconsistency. It is perfectly incomprehen sible in this Free-trade Hall.--(Applause and laughter.) There is one question to which I would more especially like to call their attention, and that is the great excitement which has been created against the long hours of work in this district. I have watched very attentively the pro ceedings in Parliament upon Lord Ashley's motion on the Short-time Bill ; and I have heard it admitted by the leading men on both sides of the House, that the corn-laws and the the other monopolies were the cause of the long hours of work in this district.—(Loud applause.) I was walking down Parliament-street one day, just when Lord Ashley had brought forward his first motion, and I was mentioning the subject of the Ten Hours' Bill to a gentle man who was with me, a shrewd man, and one of few words, and he shook his head and said, " It will be quite impossible for the working classes to support the aristocracy with ten hours' work a day."—(Loud cheers.) But I did not expect to hear such specific admissions from the leading men on both sides of `the House as I did hear upon this subject. After Lord Ashley had carried his first motion by a majority, Sir James Graham was speaking against it with a view to reverse that decision; he tried every kind of argument, and at last, at the conclusion of his speech, he turned round very significantly indeed, with a look which hi can so well put on, to the squires behind him, and lie said, "Let Honourable Gentlemen beware what they do; this restrictive system of ours is an artificial system—(Hear, hoar)—it is like a house of cards—if you touch one, the rest will fall."—(Cheers and laughter!') I was sitting behind a rabid protectionist, a Member .for a rural district, and tapping him on the shoulder, said "Do von understand that ?" " Yes, I do."— (Applause and laughter.) Translated into plain common sense and plain English, what did Sir J. Graham's admis sion amount to ? This—if you pass a Ten Hours' Bill, the corn-laws, and the sugar-laws, and the coffee-laws cannot be maintained. But why ? He did not see, whilst he was II MATS/UST ASTONISH Making this appeal to the 'squires behind him, or lie seemed EADVERTISEMENT.]—ACUR to forget that there was a Leaguer present, and that we should Plus. --Mrs. Lee, keep in piles day Spitalfields, had for fire interpretate his argument, and carry it out in the Free-trade TEN WORLD, BY Hoetoweya Hall. For it' amounted to an admission by the Home Se- ing a small shop ,but more particularly from a cretary that the working classes were working two hours a-- years suffered fearful bearing down of the body, her health day to maintain the monopolists.—(Loud applause. And when Lord John Russell and Lord Howick rose on the 0r1Q441 and. re "x was conceived 'to be was hefirs br t o c u o g na h other side of the House, they declared thitt I'9 Qua I beggar P "y eo d m o p e l t e o t r ly ib r iu ui s n ; ed w , h s e h n e s Bill could be passed with perfect safety, peeivide the corn- ; almost to h cure, but in en ous pills, her friends eon other monopolies were menced the use of thon ' laws, and the sqgqr ; eeffee, - and she var.', e sound moved. (Now this is very important in more senses than sidered her pit sh 4. WAS in her life. sui a d n ( d aia a a s o t o n w g: y two months by their ; means, one ; it shows us that we are the real ten hours' people after • all; and certainly the attempt to make it appear Unit, 1) 1, t 'a " O lua int a m as en e t) ve a r t Leaguers are long hour men, will be the iree t i ieepaflen prolessr and audacious argument was used' after this ad- advi ce tr4l ktad gratis), and by almost all respect le heading opponents involve 0 - 4 . 9 'en cet‘ 711 0 ,1 1 64 serall'i 44 " • t ,kei.ensA "V— 9 r 4 diktwehes throughout the civilised dtiqr on the part* of the employer.? Amt i :wo r ld s . tbgether 're!Tlele 'ilo.visv• 1 4W ilit4 compois the "i t m f t 0,04 : 14 4414 td worii - two hours aa— • HE EPITERRANEAN AND „INDIA MAits.—The LO the monopolists? 4 would anee.l e • mittens following notice is put up at the General Post-office:— , to employers of every arty ' " I ) The nort mails for Malta, Greece, and the lonian thia , COUniry, and ask them, in the first laceP; from 4 Islands vic4 Southa m pton, will be dispatched hence on sense of justice to those they employ (fo r wou ti t i t • • = • .••• 4 c) put it the morning of the leth instant (this day) ; and the upon any lower motive, the ,y. t4enAselves to • b d th • tem ly e .e r is Cr4s. ,9,w • e Ten, women, aye, and the a B .Yee mails 'for lioypt India, &c., via Southampton, on the Aifciren, why ale living around them and are dependent morning' of the let of June • the mails fbr India via them . ; er will they now take advantage of this it on Marseilles (if not detained) Kill bedispatched on the 4th when they, ae the constituency of South cortun' of June. The Dee will take out the mails for the British Lancashire, have ; and foreign possessions hi the West Indies, on the arrival votes in their hans, a b 4 1 )e teQ WQrking classes have no votes 44viu. Iy a, right, uaq dill _ ose.vetes, a system of the morning mail of the 170instat?t,attSontharapton. whiCh thus opp r e sses those who - are dependent upon the m ? the Caledonia, for the American mails of the in -(Loud applause.) If I wanted to appeal to a lower motive stant, on their arrival at Liverpool. The Garland G rove than a mere sense oflustice, I wou ld as k t h em to l oo k at the , will take out the Sydney mails of the 31st instant." PROMISSORY NOTES. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Stn,—The hostility that is manifested in various quarters to the promissory notes of country bankers is really unac countable; one might suppose that they formed the only peccant part of our monetary system, and that to get rid of them would be to create universal order and harmony; this opinion is certainly not entertained by persons who make use of them, and who observe their operation in the districts where they circulate. Let it be observed that Bank of England notes are the circulation in all the great mercantile and manufacturing towns in the empire, so that bankers' notes are at least guilt less of the speculations and adventures that are carried on in these places; in many of the agricultural districts, where the largest amouilt of promissory notes is kept in circulation, a bill of exchange is rarely seen. It would be worth while for Sir R. Peel to inquire what amount of bills is discounted an nually by ten of the banks returning the largest circulation ; if I were to form a conjecture, I should say that a larger amount I discounted in one week in Liverpool, than in one year by an agricultural note issuing bank. How, then, are these notes put into circulation? 'I hey have been called into action long ago, and they - pass to and f ro i n t h e or di nary transactions oebusiness, circulating the various commodities which the population require; the amount is adjusted to the wants of the people, and in every such district a much larger sum is deposited with the banker than is issued by him in the form of promissory notes; he has received from his neighbours their savings, and h e h as re t urne d to t h em a part of the sum in his own notes, with which to carry on their operations. Now such a circulation, whatever theorists may say to the contrary, is based upon sound principles—princi ples as sound as any deduced from the state of the foreign exchanges. If the customer of such a bank, having 1,0001. deposited, chooses to draw it out and build himself a house, does it make any difference whether the bricks are paid for in Bank of England notes or in the banker's own notes ; in either case the circulation is increased without any regard to the foreign exchanges; but Sir It. Peel complains that the notes of country bankers fluctuate with prices. No doubt if 1,000 quarters of wheat are sold at 80s. it will take one-third more money to transfer them than if they had been sold at GOs.; but is any body to blame for tins? Sir It. Peel is moving on towards one bank of issue ; and the sort of objec tions that are urged against the present system may teach us what we are to expect under the new one. Of one thing we may be certain, that the practice of allowing Merest on deposits will undergo seine alteration, and a the r Chancellor of the Exchequer is circumscribing tho savings banks, anA n c d' en s t n . la i l f l reducing their rate of interest, the working classes pe a r farmers must find ent some other investments, ag bankers two- l h a a rg lf e and th.l nw;cc, q-opecially Where they are t e ll a e n7 a t re att n b o r t d ainottot of cash which they must keep by them to meet thl . 4i . iy d emands will se. to to is a s l u lo e w n( t )t w e ° s: distance from 1 ,1 1 . cfstipply,—l am , a ri t o s u o t curtail their profits, , 7% our obe dient servant, BAXQUo . Newcastle, UtLE.3I4. wssweessooppesessiosessuse•-ser time, which has been marillbsted net only in the Hem of r THE FFqr--t/---ss'ivc:-, Commons, but in the publi c pr i nts, upon the subject of the 1 N ,$ O Y eti . 0041 long hours of labour in thi s country. I t i s quite evident—it AFFRCTED BY THE PRO POSED is no use denying it, ti.a , there is a demand, by public opi- O nion, in favour of le-s i n t ense l a b our on the part of the : people of this country.-(Hear, hear.)- I join in that appeal. —( Applause.) I will not say a word about legislatin g on this matter- 7 -that is not our business ; but if I see that there are laws and - monopolies, which, by the admission• both of . the Ministers rof the day, and of their pre decessors, which compel the working classes to work two hours a day for the support of these monopolies—l sa y, as an employer, I should not be doing my duty, when a vote is thrown into my hands as it is now, unless I voted for the re moval of those burdens which thus grind down and overwork the people.—(Loud applause.) And let not the employers of this district suppose, whatever was the de c isio n o f th e - House of Commons last night, that this question will be allowed to' rest; for Lord Ashley has declared that he will pursue it to the death. Does it not, then, become the master manufac turers and millowners of this district to see if there be not a way of meeting the requirements of public opinion, by re-. moving these monopolies, which I firmly believe, as I stated in the House of Commons, prevent the working peopie of this country from having as good remuneration, and the masters from having as good' profits, as they would have,. without the intervention of us law makers (and I would ad vise you to have as little to do with us as possible.)—(Ap plause.) I believe that by voluntary arrangements we might all be doing as well upon ten hours a day as we are now doing upon twelve; for I am firmly convinced that if the people of this country had the full benefit of their natural advan tages they would be able to do as much, nay, more, in ten hours as any people on the continent of Europe can do in twelve.—(Loud applause.) Gentlemen, Ido hope that on this occasion we who have the franchise will endeavour to use it for the benefit of a class—not for the benefit of the richest class—but for the benefit of those who are imme diately dependent upon ,us. The employers of labour in this country are charged in the London prints—and the charge is widely disseminated through the country—with not having give due consideration to the interests or these em ployed by them. I do not stand here either to make the charge or to vindicate the employers; but with these facts before us, and with this admission from the highest autho rity patent to all the world, I say the employers who lend themselves to a system which grinds the people down to the dust, and compels them to labour for others without any re turn for their toil, will be justly amenable to this charge.— (Applause.) I hope that on this occasion we shall not merely manifest a desire to benefit those around us, but to promote the beSt interests of the country at large. It is net merely your operatives here who will be benefited by free trade— you form but a comparatively small section of the commu nity—but if you go to the agricultural districts, where, if they do not work so hard as you do here, their work is as disagreeable and as painful, and not so well requited and if free trade in sugar, coffee, and cocoa will bring plenty to the houses of the workpeople in LancaShire, it will also carry comfort into the thatched cottages _ of . Dorsetshire and Devonshire--(Applause)—and give to the peasants a com fortable meal of wholesome bread, who are now often story • ing upon meal and potatoes—(Loud applause.) Gentlemen, these are the objects we have in view in supporting the free trade candidate upon this occasion. One word upon the sub ject of the duty which devolves upon us during the next fort night.—(Hear, hear.) Vain is all the talking we have had in this Free-trade Hall—vain is all our lecturing —vain the million of tracts we have been distributing, unless we now buckle on our armour, and work, work, and work until the day of election.—(Loud cheers.) The basis of all chance of success at a contest: is a due attention to the registration lists. The registration lists of this county have been diligently 'at-, tended to during the last three years, to my knowledge; and there is upon the cards the fairest prospect of success, if the friends of free trade only exert themselves during the next fortnight.—(Applause.) It is true we have in this, as in every county, a large number—three or four thousand—tenants at-will, occupying 50/. tenantcies, but for whom we should have a large majority of the real bona fide freeholders of the county. Of that we are quite sure,7without going to a poll. But as many of these 50/. tenants are not allowed to choose for themselves, it devolves on the freeholders in the towns and the country districts to counterbalance the undue influ ence of the landlords by increased efforts amongst those who are independent and can vote as they please.—(Applause.) If due diligence be used, I haVe no doubt this battle will be won.—(Great applause.) It depends on the labours of the free traders and leaguers of Lancashire, upon their individual and personal exertions in their several districts, whether we are to triumph at the coming poll.—(Hear, hear.) It is im possible to overrate the importance of this contest. Do not say, as some of our enemies, and our false friends, too, have said, that if we lose the League may shut up shop. No, the League will never shut up shop till the corn-laws are abolished.—(Great cheering, which lasted several minutes.) But this I do know, if we carry thi s e l ec ti on f or South Lan cashire, it will be taken as a sign of the times to those who live in high quarters, and it will save us a great deal of labour and expense in carrying our question hereafter. But do not let them deceive themselves by supposing that if they over whelm us now with their 50/. tenants-at-will we are going to give up this contest.—(Applause.) No ; I have no hesita tion in telling them that if they were to beat us now it would only be the signal for a larger gathering in this Free-trade Hall than was ever held before, to devise the means of beat ing them at another contest.—(Loud cheers.) But when we talk of beating them we seek no triumph over any one ; we seek to benefit every one. We seek not to injure or triumph over those manufacturers or: millowners who are canvassing for another party ; our triumph is one of principle, a prin ciple in which our opponents, whom we believe to be mis taken, are as much interested as any one in this hall.—(Ap plause.) A large number of our neighbours are bringing themselves to this conviction ; and on that belief alone I en tertain strong hopes that this contest clay be won by a large majority.—(Applause.) After the last four or five years of ntense suffering and disaster, I cannot believe that the men of Bolton, Stockport, Rochdale, and Bury, who have found their property wasting away on their hands, their houses empty, and not even paying chief rent, will have passed through this season of tuition without its leaving the fruits of conviction behind it. I believe there is a vast amount or conviction on the side of free trade amongst those who have opposed us formerly on the mere ground of Whig and Tory, and that there is a still larger amount on the side of their opponents of doubt.—(Hear, hear.) I ask those who have now come to the conviction that free trade is good for all, to do that which several of the `inost eminent of their party have already done, both here and in Liverpool—to throw aside party and come out manfully to maintain their opinions ; and I ask those who have been brought to doubt not to record their opinions while they have doubts on their minds, but to abstain from a contest in which they do nut see their way clearly, and to leave it till another contest to decide whether they will take the ground of free trade, or resume their own party colours.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, it is be cause I have sufficient confidence in the common,:sense and sense of justice of my neighbours here and in other towns, that I cannot doubt, if we work as we ought during the next fortnight, that this contest will be won.—(Loud applause.) And when it is won we will meet here again, not to triumph over any one, for we seek no victory, but to congratulate ourselves upon the victory when free trade comes, as come it will, spite of what may be the issue of the election.— (Loud applause.) It may be retarded, but truth is invin cible, it cannot be put down; but come when it will, I shall hail as gladly the benefits free trade will confer upon my pos litical opponents, as any it can confer upon myself and those most nearly connected with me in politics.—(Cheers.) The cheers which followed Mr. Cobden's address having subsided, Mr. Alderman KERSHAW moved a resolution pledging the meeting to support Mr. Brown, the free-trade candidate, in the coming contest; and the resolution having been seconded by Mr. John Potter, was supported by Mr. Alderman Brooks and Mr. R. R. Moore, The resolution was carried with three times three cheers, and the meeting separated at twenty-five minutes past nine o'clock. PRINCIPLES PROPOTJNIAILD RV • TIIE ADVOCATES OF NON-INTER FERENCE WITH THE RIGHT OF I,4St E AND . OF_ FREE TRADE LV BANKING. 1. The right to issue paper 1. Coin and Bank -notes have money belongs solely to the two totally different .bases of Government, as in the case value; the forme!' passm cur et' coin. rent from its intrinsic value, and the latter, like all forms of paper credit, from the credit given to the issuer of his ability to redeem it, in gold, when required. To assert that the Government has a right to issue notes, to be paid or re deemed, not by itself, but by other persons, is, on the face of it, an untenable proposition. This right, if it exist, can apply, only, to inconvertible paper. 2. The profits arisingfrom 2. The banker is as much a paper issue belong to the entitled to the profit arising Government alone. from the use of his credit, as the professional man to the • results of his skill. Practi cally, the assertion of such a right by the Government will merely lead to an extra charge to customers of the bank. 3. Bankers' notes are not 3. In principle they are en like other forms of paper tirely identical. The endorse credit, such as bills of ex- ments on a bill merely add to change, promissory notes, th e num b er o f i ts credits, and &c. do not necessarily add to its • value, nor can they alter its character. All these instru ments are based on credit, with the quality, or property, of being convertible into gold, or Bank of England notes. 4. The practice of private 4. The Bank of England or unrestrained issue leads may over issue, because it has to over issue. This has been extraordinary facilities for get. proved to be the case in the ting out its notes, but pro example of the banks of the vincial issuers cannot over United States, issue,. their notes being con stantly returnable by the prac tice of exchange between bankers and the demand of the holders for gold. Free trade in banking never existed in Ame rica; their banks are chartered banks, with limited liability ; there was no practice of pe riodical exchange between them ; and there are many other differences. Scotland, on the other hand, may well be referred to as as example of unlimited right of issue, with out excess. No case of over issue has been established against the private and joint stock banks. 5. A drain of gold, from whatever cause, is a fact which no banker will overlook. He will be guided by this, without any necessity for the imposi tion of an abstract rule. The supposed difficulty about ex changes (i e. the want of unity of action on this subject be tween the Bank of England and other banks of issue) is the effect of that monopoly which constitutes the 'former the great depository of gold. All provincial issuers assert that they cannot regulate their issues by the exchange; and that there is no necessity for their doing so, except so far as they may, indirectly, affect them. If there were no Bank of England notes, but their own notes were redeemable in gold only, the action of the exchanges would be snore readily felt by them than it now is. The proposed altera tion will not make them con form to this rule. 6. If banks (with the ex ception ofthe Bank of England) cannot and do not over issue, this is unnecessary, and will, ul - timately, be injurious to the in dustrious classes. The chief use of a bank is to afford pe cuniary accommodation when most required ; any artificial limit which interferes unne cessarily with their ability to do so should be avoided. Acts of Parliament for this purpose have all the vices of class legislation, i, e., they increase. the wealth of the rich and the poverty of the poor. It mad be desirable to limit the circu lation of the Bank of Englay.',d, because it is not subject t'6 the same checks as other issuers are. 7. The issue ofnotes should 7. This is a Subject of in be managed by a separate de- ternal arrangement of little partment in the Bank of importance to the public. England. THE GOVERNMENT. 5. Issues must be regu lated by the foreign ex changes. 6. It is expedient to put a limit on the amount of note circulation. 8. The limitation in the 8. The mismanagement of amount of note circulation banks proceeds from over is the only direct interference trading, i. e. an abuse of real which should be practised by and how; fide capital by loans, the Government to prevrat over-drawn accounts, &c., and banking mismanagement. drawing or accepting bills of large amount, and not from any over issue of notes. The London banks and Manchester joint-stock banks which have failed (the latter most egregiously) did not issue their own notes, but those of the Bank of England. Overtrading should be checked by en forcing proper rules of management. Such, for exam ple, as the following, viz.:—The banks should be com pelled to hold capital in reserve (i. e. gold, Bank a England notes, Exchequer Bills, or Government Stack) equal to the extent of their whole circulation, and of one-fifth part of the amount of the deposits and average balances.* The observance of this rule, the state of their overdrawn accounts, &c., should be ascertained, from time to time, by a system of inspection by officers elected by, but not otherwise dependent upon, themselves, or appointed by the Government. With some check of this kind, and others relating to the formation of new banks, uniformity of management, amount of paid-up capital, auditing of accounts, and the like, a free trade in banking might he safely allowed; except that a revival of IL notes may not now be desirable. The case of what may be termed the respondents has been stated much more fully, because, it was, in a great measure, necessary, and because it is placed at a dis eavantage from its opposition to the great authority of the Government.—l aro Sir, S 13 ~.'- '4- -I C X:2-_--- -- - - mair. TO THE - EDITOR OF THE, • tx ,i4F3 ' Si['.,—_lJ the pr os an d cons of this question are vvti haer fcctly understood, an d i t i s one of very great importance to the commercial, manufacturing, and industrious classes gene rally, the following summary has been attempted of the lead ing propositions contended for on each side. We are now entering on a career of legislation which will leave lasting traces upon our monetary system, and become the prelude to still greater changes. Are the principles proposed for adoption sound, or are they not ?• Thu reader must determine for himself. Your obedient servants * " Remarks on Prevailing Errors Respecting Currency and Banking," by Robert Cockburn, Esq. It is Rot intended to assert that there is anything like unanimity amongst the opponents of the Government scheme in their views of the checks on mismanagement, or that all admit that any are necessary. Probably many would prefer the Government plan to the rule above propounded. It is only put as an example of a check that might be created. 'the true question is. is over issue the real evil? If it is, the disease and cure have been rightly apprehended, 'if it is not, it is an example of straining at gnats and swallowing camels. PROMISSORY NOTES. The Banking Returns of the Circulation of Notes in in England, Scotland, and Ireland, are for the four weeks ending the 27th ult., and exhibit the following results:— ENGLAND. Bank of England, Now X 21,829,000 Last time Increase Private Banks, Novi 987,000 5,295,239 4,963,646 Last time Increase ............ ...................... 311,593 Joint-Stock Banks, Now .. . .... . ................ 3,752,867 Last time .................. 3,502,363 In crease .................................... 250,504 SCOLAND. Chartered, Pri va t e, and Joi T nt-Stock Banks, Now Last time 2,714,627 2,610,712 Increase 103,915 IRELAND.' Bank of Ireland, Now 3,625,925 Last time Increase .52,825. Private and Joint-Stock Banks, Last time 2.424,072 Now 2,357,446 Decrease 66,62 Bullioa in Bank, of En&Tod, Last time 16,322,000 Now 15,844,000 Decrease X478,000 New instructions from the Admiralty, dated the Ist instant, have been issued this week. They are near l y the same as those of 1839, with this exception—th e c l ause is rescinded which authorises the captain of the gu ar d s hi p to take charge of the . do o c t kord and perform the d u ti es o f the superintendent during . absence of that fun c ti onary. Those duties will now temporarily devolve, on such occasions, upon the master attendant, who must of nece ss it y b e better ac quainted with their routine than the Captain of the Ail miralty, whose regular employment is afloat. Theo new instructions enjoin that no ship or vessel of war-, h a yi ng powder or live shell on hoard, beallowed to enter the har bour at any port, on any account, without 07,0 permission of the Connnancler-in-Chief, or the senior officer, at such port. That when a salute is to be fired, tb•z guns, , re to be drawn, wormed, sponged, a':id reloaded i •, f that loaded if uan loaded, they are to be wormed, sponged, and loaded ; that wads are never to be used in salutes ; that port-fires are not to be used in tiring salutes, but that the guns are to be fired, either with salamanders, or with percussion tubes and hammers ; that although the gunner may have reason to believe that all the foregoing precautions have been taken, he is nevertheless to lay the guns so as to prevent tho possi bility of mischief, in the event of a shot or wad being left is any of the guns.—United Service Gazette. TIIE SUN, LONDO that night, had it not been for the earnest desire of his brother farmers, who had requested him to speak his and their sentiments before the citizens of London. All that he was anxious for was to elicit the truth, and when the truth was elicited, to see it acted upon. The truth must out. There was no neutral ground to stand upon, for there must be 'either free traders or anti-free traders.—(Cheers.) There could be no doubt that lengthened tenure would be beneficial to the farmer, and lengthened tenure was what free trade would give. What they required was security for the investment of capital in land. He had lately been at some pro tection mee ings, and the speakers there most cau tiously shunned the discu.sion of that subject—the instability of the present corn-law. He had been to one of those protection meetings, where the talking was all on one side —on the side of protection, of course, for they refused to allow any discussion whatever as to the benefits offree trade. The Morning Post had, in one of its recent articles commented in very s acastic terms upon the ungrammatical language used by the tenant-farmers who spare at the meetings of the Anti-Corn-law League. Why, it was not to be won dered at, if these men were deficient in learning, considering the slight opportunities of improving themselves which they possessed, and the manner in which they were ground down and oppressed by their landlords. The wonder was that they ever possessed so much i n f orma ti on as th ey did.—(Hear.) It was a matter of great doubt to him whether, if the present corn-laws were persevered in, the farmer would be able to give his children any education at all. The Anti-Corn-law League had very much en lightened the tenant-farmers in 'his neighbourhood, and their tracts were eagerly sought after by the farmers of Somersetshire. They were anxious to be informed on a subjezt which had been so much dis cussed, and upon which their interests so much de pended. The farm labourers were at present in a most depressed condition, and many of them threw the blame upon the farmers ; but upon a perusal of these well-digested pamphlets, they would see that it was not the fault of the farmers that their wages were so low, and their condition so had, but of the landlords, who kept up high rents. These poor labourers would see that the wages which should go into their pockets went into the coffers of the landlords ; but if the farmers would stand forward, and, in a bold and independent manner, avow their opinions, and their determination to act upon them, the landlords would cease to exercise the tyranny they at present practised. Another very erroneous opinion prevailed among these farmers, that the manufac turers were their enemies. He was disposed to look upon no man as his enemy, but he regarded the manufacturers as his best friends, because they were working out that for them which they could not accomplish for themselves.—(Cheers.) Without the manufacturing population, it was impossible for the farmer to thrive. They'were the home consumers, that furnished the best market for agricultural pro duce. They were, in short, their best friends. He thanked the meeting heartily for the kindness with which they had heard him ; and, as the advocate of truth, would conclude in the words of the poet:— " To seize on truth, where'er 'tis found, Among our friends, among our foes— On Christian or on Heathen ground— A flower divine, where'er it grows." The Rev. Mr. BURNETT then came forward, and was received with great cheering. He said that it was exceedingly gratifying to the free traders of London to see such numbers of the tenant-farmers come forward to advocate the "principles of common sense." The landlords said the repeal of the corn laws would be ruinous to the farmers. The farmers said it . would be serviceable to them. Now which were they to believe, the landlords or the farmers— _ _ those who felt or those who spoke ? Were they to believe those who had no experience whatever in preference to those who had a great deal of ex perience ? "Oh ! but," said the landlords, " the farmers are ignorant men." Then why should they blame them for being ignorant when the pressure of high rents was the cause ? The gentleman who had just sat down had, with great propriety and feeling, alluded to the mode by which the landlords contrived to extend their political influ ence, not only at the expense of the farmer's pocket, but of his conscience also. Why should the British farmer be the slave of the British landlord ?—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") Was he not a freeman, and shmild he not possess the dearest privilege of a. freeman—voting according to his conscience? But at present lie was obliged to act like a slave. The farmer, like a mercantile man, entered into a contract with the landlord for a certain number of acres at a certain rent, and when he fulfilled that contract, the landlord should have n) further claim upon him. He could not conceive a more degraded position than that of a landlord who forced a tenant to vote against his conscience in support of a system which was injurious to both.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)