The Sun. — London, England, 1839-05-04 00:00:00

-. . " ' " . . r - - -- P,VENING EDITION. I Governor, had no power to alleviate their sufferings. l Ile (Mr. L.) would take that opportunity of correct- iog a mistake into which he fell on the last occasion. The statistical details relative to the West Indies were very imperfect and contradictory. He had greatly un derstates; tin ( . I led the amount of the white population. He be lieved that, accordin,g to the best esleulation, -it amounted to 16,000, and he was very gled of that op portunity of correcting the mistake into which he had fallen. The House of Assembly had refused to trans act business. The occasion was the passing of the Pri suns Bill by that House, and they declared that they would not resume their business until it was repealed. With great deference to Gentlemen opposite, there had b een great cav illi ng a b out t h ese words, b ut the case stoo d thus. The House of Assembly complained of the course which the Imperial Parliament had taken, and they re fused to perform th e i r f unc ti ons un l ess th e course o f the Government Was completely altered, and Parlia ment refraincd from interfering in their concerns.— (Cheers.) Upon the part of the Government he would s,"Y that they were n o t pr e p a r e d t o a lt er th e i r course— (lmmense cheering)—on the contrary, every day's ex perience confirmed them in the impression that not only - was it necessary to confine that course, hut that it was their duty to redouble their vigilance.—(Lout cheers.) He would ask the British House of Commons were the` prepar e d t o retract ? W ou ld t h ey a b andon that resolution which they came to last year, that after the negro had been raised to a state o f nominal freedom, they would vigilantly watch Ov er his interests and protect him from wrong ? (Cheers.) In order to understand the question pro perly, he had l oo k e d over t h e d e b ates of the House of Assembly at the time that these resolutions were passed, and he had been struck with the strong difference be tween the manner in which that House stated their own Vi ews, and the manner in which they were stated on th e i r b ehalf by some gentlemen in this country. During the discussions which had taken place, many unfounded attacks had been levelled against the Gallant Officer Who was administering the Government of Jamaica to times of the utmost difficulty. Even the Right Honourable Baronet complained of his conduct, a nd said, that had he communicated the present Bill in a conciliatory spirit, all would have been well. Now, during the whole of the debates, not one individual Membe r of the House of Assembly in Jamaica, had ever made one word of complaint against the conduct of Sir Lionel Smith. No Jamaica man, either in the Assemblyfnr t or out ltey of it, complained of the want of Psi Bill knew that his conduct upon the . sons was that of any o the r G overn o r , commu n!cating with the Legislature. They did not complain of the manner in which it was communicated, but of the substance of the thing itself. In order to show the feelings of the Assembly, the Hon. Gentleman read extracts from the speeches of Members, both of the majority and of the minority ; all bi ghlY . eulogising the conduct of Sir Lionel Smith. A Mr. Leslie, a decided opponent of the Government, had said that " her Majesty's Government were not satin-, fled with disallowing the laws they had enacted but had proceeded to legislate for them by an Impe rial Act. The Prisons Bill been forced upon them, and were they to waste time in enacting measures to he afterwards disalloWed by the Imperial Legislature? It would be better if the Colonial Legislature were abolished and the Government administered by a Go vernor and Council." He (Mr. L ) read this to show that the Bill would not be such a surprise in Jamaica as, Gentlemen opposite Appeared to think—(Cheers) — aril he was not surprised that some Members of the Assembly had made up th e i r mi n ds that it would be. bette r for the people of the colonies that there should be an efficient and trustworthy Legislature established in the Colony itself.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had at great length gone into those general grounds, on which they were all agreed, of the great danger and inexpediency of interfering with the char tered n rig s nybtasof any colony. H e (M r . L.) f e l t as stron g l y one the force of these arguments, but when the Right Hon. Gentleman said certain overtures ought to be made to the Jamaica Legislature, and that if the Jamaica Legislature did not accede to them lie Would then be prepared to legislate as now proposed, he (Mr. L.) felt bound to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman Whether there was any reasonable probability that the House of Assembly would give up their own solemn professions and declarations, and would proceed to alter their conduct on the bare declaration of the House of Commons—a House which they had spoken of in no vespectful language in the protest to which the Right Hon. Gentleman had alluded. There was another question which he felt bound to ask the Right Ho nourable Bartonet, which was this : If the Right Hon. Gentleman should be deceived in the House of As sembly—that the House of Assembly, even if they legislated at all,- sho u ld legislate in a useless and unsatisfactory manner, for it was impossible to say what that legislation might be —they might give the word of " promise to the ear and break it to the 'lope"— suppose they should then find that the Jamaica Legis lature persisted in their resolution of not legislating at all, or that they proceeded with legislation in such an imperfect way that it would be better if they abstained from it altogether, what would then be their po sition in consequence of the excitement and want of authority that the delay would have created ? (Hear, hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had taunted them about the preamble of the Bill, and had said that although he might agree with them in the jus tice of the measure, yet because the preamble of. the Bill was too narrow he would vote against it.—(Cheers.) That was a course which he thought ill became the Right Hon. Gentleman to adopt,considering the station he o ccup i e d in that House.—(Cheers.) Well, then, as to that house interfering with the Legislature of Ja maica. Why this was not the first time that such a S tep was taken. Had it not done so when that great measure was passed by a unanimous Parliament, and by a Parliament representing truly the feelings of the people of England—he meant the Abolition Act Amendment Bill.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Did not the Right Honourable Gentleman recollect the circumstances under which that Bill was passed, and had he forgot the reasons that were urged in his fav our? That Act interfered with almost every part l o t f e a the ) he int erna l economy of the West I n di es. —( H ear, Let it not be said, therefore, that the Prisons Bil l was a new and unheard-of thing. The misma• nagement of th e J ama i ca workhouses and t h e H ouses o f Corr ection fo rme d a prominent part of the inquir i es o f the Committe es of that House. He would not harrow up the feelings of House the by relating the scenes of horror,cruelty, an d indecency practised in those pri sons. If Hon. Members read Captain Pringle's Report on the Prisons, they would see that some such measure as the Prisons Bill was absolutely necessary. By abo lishing the system of apprenticeship, those Prison clauses of the Abolition Act Amendment Bi I 1 which were only applicable to apprentices became null and void, and the consequence would have been that there would be no protection against the recur rence of those cruelties to negro labourers com mitted to prison unless, the Jamaica Legislature passed a proper measure for the regulation of those Prisons. When they refused to do that, and after the matter had been referred to a Select Committee, the Govern ment would have neglected their duty, and been justly liable to censure, if they had not introduced that Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that the Bill was introduced at the close of the Session, and excited no attention in the House of Lords. A very distinguished Nobleman, conversant with West Indian affairs, Lord Ellenborough, stated that he bad read through the whole Bill, and completely approved of it. L or d Ch an d os, then in the House of - Commons, connected with Jamaica, W when the Bill was introduced, and ne veras in said his pa oneo rd on the subject.%sns also in his la Tile Hon.p ce,and ' Member fur N ewa rk (MV. Gladstone)Why l e men- did i did not say a word.—(Hear, hear.) tion th ese things ? because at thatsfresh timersh in be r tlie c t oeduc e t . of th e A sse mbly of Jamaica wa colle c ti on of Honourable Mem t b ha er t s, s a uT t i l e a ct. stron i g ie feel w ing s • a existed in the country on not surprised therefore that Gentlemen did not atthat time think it very convenien t to offer an y opposition to a Bill of that sort ; and yet they now came forward, and denounced the Govern m ent for having brought it for ward a t so l ate a period of the Session.—(Cheers.) But a ft er a ll t h e que stion was, what would be the con- Nuence, supposing the thi that of the theiln Right useof Ho n Baronet were di sa ppointed, and As sembly s h ou ld p e rsist is the determination it had formed. Those laws wanted for the present 6 n esentr 8 monthspositionof Jam a i ca would have to b e p o stponed fo I willing un less the House of Assembly was u nctions. He would mention some o f those toresume its laws, nad t he f House would perceive the great i m portance o w f it t h he t m he . ere was u n d ou btedly no q uestion con West Indies which at this moment could belookfeedr the with greater anxiety by those who were anxious Prosperity of the colonies, as the question of how b y a System of f ree l a b o ur you might continue theen_l far ti . vation of West Indian estates. On that question stion raa inly depended the success of the great experiment the y bad ma d e. —(H ear, h ear. ) H e for one would be greatlydisatisfiedif he saw the negro population spend ingie i th e i r t i me in ignorance and idleness, an d i n w hat beli eved was called " squatting. " He thought he would rather prefer seeing them in the servile state from which they had lately been emancipated than reduced to such a miserable: condition ; and unless they could raise the negro to the condition of a free citizen only l one-half o f t h e i r work would be done.— (C heers. ) Ile also thought it would be most unfortunate if Englishmen of enterprize and capital had no induce ment to take their capital to Jamaica, or if those who already bad property there should be obliged to with draw it. He should view such a state of things with alarm, but he was bound to say that after looking at the documents which had reached the office to which he had the honour of belonging, he did not feel any great apprehension or despair from the course that had been Pursued. He believed that to the cultivation of West I ndian estates a continuation of labour was necessary. 7 -7-(Hear, hea r .) Th e on ly mode of obtaining a con tinuity of labour from the negro population was to I enter into contracts with them. He would just state What the law of contract was there at the pre ! sent moment. By the present law, any person hay- mg entered into a contract, written or unwritten, with any other person for any hied of service, might, for not commencing his work. according to the terms of the contract, or for absence during its conti nuance, or for neglecting to fulfil it, or for any other misconduct or misdemeanour, be committed by any Justice of the Peace of the parish to hard labour in the House of Correction for a reasonable time, not exceed ing three months, and at the same time be deprived of the wages that would have been due during such em ployment, or be deprived of the whole or any part of his wages, or be discharged from his contract. It was absolutely necessary that proper contract laws should be passed, and that was a point on which all parties were agreed. He was convinced they could never, under a nominal state of freedom, be al lowed to perpetuate a system of slavery, because the people had demanded that the negro should not only nominally, but substantially be free.—(Hear, hear.) There was another point to which he wished to refer, and that was that the Governor had no power to prevent the periodical muster of the militia, which might be, called out at any moment without authority from the Governor. That was a most dangerous power to leave in the hands of any officer. The next subject to which be would advert was that of vagrancy. A proper mea sure on that subject was as much required in that country as in any other, but the present Bill was so framed that it gave such arbitrary power to magistrates that it could not be regarded without great suspicion.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Heavy penalties were enacted against persons who re fused to work for reasonable wages ; but who were to be the judges of what were reasonable ways ?—(Hear, hear.) These enactments were inconsistent with the present condition of society, however congenial they might have been under the old system. The next point to which he alluded, was one of paramount importance, he present condition of the Courts of Justice. The Courts were so overburthened with business, in conse quence of 350.000 persons being brought within their jurisdiction, that the Chief Justice declared it almost amounted to a denial of justice.—(Hear, hear.) And yet no means had been taken to remedy this evil. He believed it was not expedient to grant the condition which the House of Assembly had declared to be the only one on which they would resume their legislative functions. He thought it absolutely necessary that Parliament should interfere, and was convinced that a delay of legislation on this subject, would be productive of the .most painful consequences. He agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet, that the suspension of the Con stitution was of an arbitrary nature, but it was the policy which had been pursued under similar circum stances in the Mauritius and Trinidad. The Right Hon. Barronet had asked for what term of years it was proposed to suspend the Constitution. That was a matter which might he determined in Committee.— (Hear.) But he had no hesitation in saying that he should propose two years and a half. He believed the measure now proposed would tend to benefit all classes, and tend to carry out the great experiment which all parties had so much at heart. Mr. GODSON said the charter of Jamaica came not from Parliament, but from the Crown. Under that charter the people of that island had enjoyed their rights for 150 years; and they, therefore, addressed themselves not to Parliament but to the Crown, when their rights were in terfered with. And he would defy any lawyer to point out a single Bill which had been passed by Parliament, containing a clause, that, the moment a proclamation was posted on the doors of the House of Assembly, it should become the law of the land. This was a protest of that description, and unless the House of Assembly sent to her Majesty, to inquire whether their charter was to continue, there might be two sets of laws going on at the same time ; and when they' suspended their functions, on the condition that they were ready to pass all the Bills that would affect the public benefit, they did that which every one here would have done, had they be longed to the House of Assembly. ( Hear, hear.) The House should know something of the situation of the island of Jamaica. It was divided into twenty-one pa rishes, each parish sending two Members to the House of Assembly. And this was worthy the attention of those Hon. Members who were for the Ballot and Universal Suffrage, that the qualification for the franchise in Jamaica was as follows :-10/. a year freehold, a house, garden, and one acre of land, equal to the forty-shilling franchise in this country ; a 501. occupancy in towns ; and lastly, the payment of taxes alone. Now the popu. lation of the island was 40,000 whites (5,000 alone in Kingston), 110,000 browns, and 312,000 negroes; and within a year or so, the constituency of the island would amount to 40,000. Was there any district in England in which the constituency was proportionate ? It had been said that there was a party in this country by whom it was wished that the House of Assembly should be done away with. Yes. But what was that party ? He did not, of course, speak of Members of that House when he said that this party was composed of persons who were desirous of keeping up what was called the Colonial Bank, for strangers had been allowed by Parliamentto set up bank ing in the island ; and when the Legislature of Jamaice passed a measure for estabFshing a banking system in the island, the Government at home refused its assent to it.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) Hoe could it be expected that the Assembly would have confidence in the Government ? As to the -disposition of the Assembly,—in 1837 Lord Glenelg wrote to Sir Lionel Smith, expressing his Lord ships " satisfaction at receiving a report of the assistance afforded by the Assembly for the diffusion of religious instruction, without any - distinction in favour of any par ticular class." Yet it was now pretended that no confi dence could be placed in the Assembly. In 1836 Mr. Sturge went out to Jamaica, and on his return stated a number of things, which the Planters had no opportu nity of rebutting. Captain Pringle was thereupon sent out, and reported that though he found many things which he could not approve of, he saw nothing like what had been described.—(Hear.) With regard to prisons, which were not required in Jamaica before the Emancipation Act, the Assembly bad made ample provi sion. As to the Vagrancy Laws, why no person could be imprisoned for vagrancy in Jamaica till he had been offered fair wages—very different from England. And then re- Tecting the Militia, it should be known that the Governor - was Captain- General of the Militia, and of course, no Cap tain or Lieutenant, could call out his corps without the order of the chief officer. Now suppose this Act passed, how could it be enforced? Could thin country, while there was so much said about the insufficiency of its naval establishment, and when we were compelled to sub mit to a ball levelled from a Royal ship of France at one of our vessels, could we send a fleet to coerce the people of Jamaica ? For forty years the Assembly had maintained their privileges against Governments and Governors, and always successfully, because always in the right. How could they be subdued now ? They might attemp to coerce them, but they could never do it against the smallest nation that might attempt to coerce them. They had no confidence in the present Go vernor. Sir Lionel Smith continually took part against the planters. He had received but one address from the inhabitants during the whole period of his Government, except one which contained only 3,000 names, many of which were forged ones. If such were their feelings to wards him now, how much stronger would they be when their lives and properties were given into his hands ? For it was a mere mockery to - talk of the Councillors from this country.—( Hear, hear.) He would have under him the Stipendiary I, , istrates, who invariably took part against the master rand the Governor, who invariably took the part of one side only, was to be put over them, and might suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, raise taxes, and be as complete a despot as ever lived. This Bill was a Bill of pains and penalties, and its pream ble completely failed. Did they think that the black po pulation, the moment that they had acquired their freedom would like to see the British House of Parliament suspend. ing the Assembly, if it were only for two years and a half ? He feared that some excuse w )uld be made to extend that period, and that this would be made a precedent to be followed in the other colo nies, and thus they would lose the good will and the revenue of those Colonies, and it should not be forgotten that Jamaica paid more Customs duty than any other part of her Majesty's dominions. He would, there• fore, implore the House to pause before they passed this Bill. Mr. EIVART would state his reasons for giving his cordial support to this Bill. One reason might be found in the extreme feebleness of the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite. Ile had often had occasion to liters to his eloquence and admire bp arguments, but neither the one nor the other came from him with his usual felicity this evening, which he could only account for by attribut ing it to the feebleness of his case. He had heard with surprise that Right Hon. Baronet, as well as the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, talk of the suspen sion of the Constitution of Jamaica as the suspension of a popular Government. If he were called upon to de fine a Government which, instead of being popular was exactly the contrary, he should point to the Government of Jamaica. References had been made to the preceding interferences with the free Government of the United States. There was no parallel between the cases, and they might just as well institute a comparison between Mr. Burge and George Washington. It was not on their conduct regarding the Prison Bill alone that he grounded his reasons for his vote. The Prisons Bill was but an index to the many causes of disquietude which existed between the planter and the slave, and which called for the interposition of this House. The island of Jamaica was in a dangerous state of transition. On the one hand, there was the danger of anarchy from below, and on the other the danger cf oppression hasten. ing on that anarchy from above ; and he considered it to be the wisest and the best course to transfer the Govern ment from both parties, and lodge it in the hands of a third party, for the good of the whole. He would take the power from the planters, because he abhorred all, exercise of power under an ascendancy system, whether in Ire. land or Jamaica.—( Hear, bear, and cheers.) He knew well the feelings of those who had long possessed ascendancy when others over whom they had predomina ted were raised to an equality with them, and he felt the power could not be safely acquiredfeljt trusted power edintheir ha h l a d nd e s u . t g H re e a b t e e - r be lieved this spuriously q i e t r e main d,a t s e n h a l n e re t l h an a n d l a e a g d i ti t m h a e t e mr p e o s w t er, Indies,a nd t ll e , h i n e i n ) t a i t t o w n a s s f a o e r it was clung greater tenacity. In Jamaica this ag was eo n t s o t andan ascendancyfaetors, Governmentit hadof al l weight h o t f to with and so much the more dangerous, because those who possessed itsis voteduties in the orresponsibilities. papers which had been laid before that House, and o li f e po f w ou e n r d with reason noneof h for which proved a sy s tematic neglect of the spirit tts asof the negro, who was looked upon in thesame that which, in thi s coun t r y, h a d taught others to do what they masterliked butin a andl t ys h ee e sr i ty r a Inonstvd,ni theya, a and sp rpi this th.e ltdhienayi all the not in an English,u u the d om i nant ascen d ancy, and s i nce t h e s l aves had become free m en , th e i r tas k -masters were no longer fi t to e xerm the contracts ol d principles be e of ruE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 4. 1839. t he functions of Governors, which must be trusted to other hands. He was justified by the conduct of the Jamaica Legislature to the British Gov e rnment, with whom they had not expostulated —not remonstrated, but buldly almost treasonably opposed. He would read an extract from their protest, in which they state that " the Commons' House had been accused of per- jury , and the charge had not been refuted, and those ho had brought forward that charge had been accused of violation of their oaths whenever ecclesiastical matters were brought forward. They had also been charged with corruption in pawing private Bills." They had not dealt more leniently with the House of Lords, for they said that " the taxation of the colonies might be transferred to the House of Lords, in which had been intro• duced the infamous Bill which had been their destruction." The Government had been opposed in every matter of humane legislation by the colonies, and he would appeal to the Noble Lord opposite as to the con. duet the colonial Legislature had pursued towards him. The Jamaica Legislature professed to be the representa tives of the people, as if the representatives of 2,000 per sons could be called the representatives of the people of Jamaica. He was happy to oppose these men. The negro population:felt no confidence in their Government. They felt themselves safe under the tutelary sway of the Governor, and that their only additional safeguard was in the councils of the British Parliament, and in the protection of the Bri tish Crown; pressed by hard task-masters they would " fly from petty tyrants to the Throne," and take refuge beneath the aegis of the British Constitution. He believed that this interposition was necessary, not for the Negroes only, but for the interests of the planters. He believed that they were bound to interfere on their account, and would advise a suspension of powers of the Jamaica Legislature from a conviction that we were bound to interfere not only for the Negroes, but for the interests of the planters also. Mr. C. BULLER said he was more than usually anxious to explain his reasons for the vote be was about to give, because although he supported the Bill, he dis sented from the gronnds upon which it had been postponed. He denied that the refusal of the House of Assembly to discharge the duty imposed upon it by the passing of the Prison Bill formed any specific ground for this proceeding. If . he had been asked to support this Bill, on this ground alone, he should have opposed it. Nothing could be clearer than the duty of a superior Le gislature to respect the authority of those to whom they bad delegated their Legislative functions. These func tions had been delegated to the Assembly of Jamaica, and now that delegation continued it was both our in. terest and our duty to observe the compact by which we had vested them with authority. It might be right to take that authority from them, but while it continued it should be respected; Matters of internal regulation were within the province of the Assembly, and if we intended to leave the people of Jamaica a shadow of self-government, they must be permitted to exercise a discretion as to the regulation of the prisons. It would not do to upset the Government of the island to put their gaols in order ; and if this were the only ground of support to the present Bill in this quarrel, we should be in the wrong, and the only way to get out of our difficulty would be by retracing our first false step; but on an ex tended view of the subject—extended beyond the party allegations of either side—he would concede that the Go vernment established in Jamaica must be suspended. This brought under their attention not only the present difficul ties, but all the difficulties attendant upon the great mea sure of the abolition of slavery, and they could not leave out of sight the duty which devolved upon them, of fit ting the island of Jamaica for the great alteration produced in the state of society by the Emancipation Act. In the decision of a question which involved the dearest interests of their fellow men, and which also involved the national honour, they ought to place themselves above pal try personalities, and the narrow views of party, instead of vieing with each other in petty expedients to put off diffi culties, and to shlt upon other shoulders the duties which ought to be performed. They no longer attempt to evade the application of a remedy which had been too long de layed.—( Hear, hear.) This Bill was but a supplement to the Emancipation Act, and it would have passed with it, if the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire under stood the greatness of the task he had to perform when he undertook that measure.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He was sorry to offend Hon. Gentlemen opposite by saying anything against that Statesman, whom they considered themselves bound to follow. —( Hear.) But much as they all admired the Noble Lord at this side of the House— much as they recollected the ability he displayed in the de bates in 1833, in which he diaplayed such eminent skill— still he ( Mr. B.) must be permitted to say there was now no reason to congratulate the Noble Lord on any forethought or comprehensiveness of intellect displayed by him in framing the Emancipation Act. There never was a mea sure which did greater honour to the generosity of the na tion which urged it on—and there never was a measure which reflected less credit on the statesmanlike views of the Miuisters by whom it had been carried into effect.— (" Hear. hear," and cheers.) He did not now allude to the levity with which, during the passing of the Bill, a pro position for lending 15,000,0001. to the slave owners was changed: into a grant of that sum, and then enlarged by an addition of one-third as much—but he spoke of the mea- ' sure itself as unwise, incomplete in its nature, possess ing none of those characteristics which would show a facility for immediate or gradual abolition of slavery ; but substi tuting a period of delay, as if for the purposes of irrita tion ; and instead of expediting the conversion of slaves to freemen, substituting a system of apprenticeship which withheld the just wages of industry, and which, showed its signal failure by two facts, namely, the gradual assent of parties to abandon a seven years' apprenticeship, the pe riod at first proposed, and the result of the act of the planters of Antigua, who adopted an exclusive course, and at once made their slaves entirely free. The Noble Lord had not, when bringing about the greatest' revolution! that had ever taken place in the condition of any people in the world, made the slightest alteration in the political insti tutions of the West Indies. Nor had he done anything since to remedy that great omission. When he passed to the other side of the House he seemed to abandon all his interest in the colonies, and their great difficulty ever since at his (Mr. C. Buller's) sideß had been in endeavouring to do that which the Noble Lord should have done in 1833. There were in those islands a popu lation of 400,000, out of whom 380,000 were suddenly raised from the degraded condition of slaves, and clothed in the privileges and responsibility of freemen. But the Noble Lord neglected the preparation of those laws for them which had always been found necessary for the re straints and protection of freemen in a similar state. The new relations they were about to enter upon of employer and workmen, of landlord arid tenants, legators, inheritors, purchasers, in a word, all the obligations and connections of civil life to which the negroes had been strangers, were entirely overlooked. Those omissions must be supplied by a well-intentioned Legislature—not one which should de sire to perpetuate slavery by vagrant laws, or the evasion of contracts, or the discouragement of education, or the obstruction of social refinement. But it was the latter disposition only which the Jamaica Legislature had mani fested. He believed that Legislature were deficient in capacity as well as in disposition to frame and administer laws in a liberal arid equal spirit. Colonial legisla tors Here universally defective in comprehensive views. But the history of Jamaica, for twenty years only, showed a ser:es of evasions of every measure introduced far the benefit of the slaves, if not an open resistance ; and a succession of Acts tending to degrade the negro, and to perpetuate r ctw l a hiss T he members slavery, under of the House the secret of pretext Assembly ofthe conta were slave-owners, out of whose hands the lash had been just taken. While he (Mr. B.) reminded the House of this fact, he was desirous to state that he made great al lowance for the feelings of slave-owners. He knew that some persons were conscientious advocates for slavery.— ( Hear, and laughter.) He now came to rather a more amusing field—namely, to the lamentations of the Right Hon. Baronet, at the idea of popular rights being inter fered with, and the upsetting, as he was pleased to call it, of a popular Assembly. The Hon. Baronet was perfectly consistent in his views with respect to popular Govern rn ents, though it did happen that, at the same time, the Right Hon. Baronet was stating his views of a representative Government, a Noble Colleague/ ofl his in another place, which he should not mention, was denouncing the Consti tution of Newfoundland, because the Government there had acquired a representative character—that model of a representative Government being one in which about 200 of the population formed the whole constituency. Though be admitted the consistency of the Hon. Baronet, he was bound in these days to express his astonishment that he should be supported in those views of the Jamaica Legis lature by Gentlemen who entertained a sincere regard for popular Governments. Ile put out of that consideration the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, because he considered him in all debates on slavery questions as the advocate much more of the planter than the slave. He was asto nished that Hon. Friends of his on that side of the House should support the Jamaica Legislature, as he looked upon it as one of the most abominable oligarchies in existence. He should like to know what would be said in this quarter of the globe if 200 of the population were to have the power of nominating its rulers? Would not storms and indigna tion be levelled against such a system?—(Cheers.) The system of representation in this country before the Reform Act was far better than the representation in Jamaica. He could look upon it as nothing better than an aristocracy of overseers and attorneys.—( Cheers ) He would not com pare the Governor and Council to such a legislature as that of Jamaica, but he would ask the House which they would rather trust with responsible authority—an English Governor responsible to the English Government, or the delegates of slave. owners ?—( Cheers.) There were some persons who said all those evils would speedily be remedied —that the blacks would soon acquire the elective franchise, end that then they would right themselves. This argument gave him no consolation, for he wished to suspend the . Jamaica Constitution —not more for the benefit of the whites than the blacks.—(Loud cheers.) The more experience he bad on the subject the more he was convinced that the b es t wa y o f govern i ng these colo nies was to leave them to govern themselves.—( Laughter. ) He had no belief in the doct r i ne o f t h e necessary incepts. - city of any particular race, -especially the blacks, to go vern themselves. They might govern themselves as well as the whites ; but there were periods in the history of every nation—there were circumstances of oppression, de gradation, and ignorance, which rendered it particularly unjustifiable to give power to a particular race. Were not the circumstances of the Jamaica race such at the present moment ? They were brought up in ignorance, and was it not to be apprehended that the first use they would make of political power would be to revenge them selves upon their oppressors ? He was not inclined to lend himself to any extreme measures which would place in the hands of men who had felt the lash the power of affecting the destinies of those who had ap plied it ; because he thought thae such a power would be calculated to excite the worst passions of mankind. Un der sucit circumstances what could be done with the Go vernment of this island ? Neither party could be trusted with it, and though he was an en emy to d espot i sm he felt convinced that the course proposed to be pursued by the present Bill was the only one that could be adopted. He did not know whether the Bill carried out its principles in the best manner possible, but he would venture to say the principle was good, because it was founded upon an abso. lute though lamentable necessity.—( Cheers.) He wished to say a few words more, if be might trespass upon the House.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") H o n. Members mi g ht cry " Oh, oh," but he must be allowed to say, in answer to those cries, that during the present Session he had observed, from Members on the other side of the House, towards those on that, repeated attempts at in decorous interruption, which he was sure the good sense of the Gentlemen opposite would not have allowed them to adopt if they were not swayed by party. He was anxious to discuss the Bill entirely on general principles, wholly apart from the quarrel which the House had to settle. It appeared to him that the suspension of the Constitution at the time of passing the Act had been necessary, was necessary, and was not a bit the less necess sary at that moment.—( Hear, hear.) He could not avail himself of the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet to get rid of the difficulty by a little delay—still, so long as the present Constitution existed in the colony, it would be an intolerable evil.—(Cheers from both sides of the House.) He supposed from the cheering; of the Right Hon. Baronet that he had said something injudicious—( A laugh)—be cause the Right Hon. Gentleman formed a singular excep tion to his party, and never cheered without a meaning. Ile must, therefore, suppose that somehow or other, he had " put his foot in it"--( Hear, and a laugh)—that he had given him some great advantage. The Right Hon. Gentleman appeared very anxious to get them out of the scrape, but he (Mr. Buller) would say that he cared nothing about the, quarrel. The people of Jamaica had a bad Constitution and on general principles he would vote for its being changed. That appeared to him a perfectly tenable ground for the present proposition, and he cared nothing for the grounds which might be alleged for bringing it forward.. Hon. Gentlemen opposite seemed to imagine that he ought not to vote for suspending a bad Constitution, because the grounds on which the proposi tion had been originally brought forward were bad. When ever he had an opportunity of upsetting au oligarchy and tyranny upon whatever pretext he would avail himself of it.__( Hear, hear.) Putting aside the general views upon which the Right Honourable Baronet had put forward his motion, he would ask what chance was there of the course he proposed getting them out of the difficulty with anything like safety or honour?-_( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman was a mediator after the oddest fashion, for he took up the most hostile position he could against one of the parties. He was not so good a mediator as he (Mr. Buller) was. He was with the people of Jamaica as re garded the Prisons Bill,. but the Right Hon. Gentleman would give the Jamaica Legislature a locus penitentio—an opportunity of passing the Prisons Act, and then he would add some contingent power of enforcing it in case they still refused. He protested against such a course as most unbecoming and fatal. The suspension of a Consti tution was matter of too great importance to be done con tingently instead of absolutely.—( Hear, and laughter.) It should be done by the direct, and not by the delegated au thority of that House, on great and comprehensive reasons of State.—(Tory cheers.) There, again, he supposed he was out ; but he contended that such:a measure should not be undertaken without well-considered reasons, and not be left Wringing dependent upon the good temper of Minis ters or their adversaries. It appeared to him that whets the Right Hon. Gentleman first made his proposition he did it under the notion that the Government considered themselves in a hobble, and that any proposition he made they would be ready to catch it, while he would have the credit of directing the policy of the Government. Perhaps the Right Hon. Gentleman thought that the Jamaica Proprietors being Conservatives, would accept from hint what they would not take from the Government.-- ( Hear, hear, hear.) He (Mr. Buller) had no desire to aid the Hon. Bart. in his laudable attempt. He did not be lieve that the Jamaica Legislature would act so temperately. These gentlemen had charged them with all the atrocities of the last twenty years, and he believed they did not possess sufficient temper to induce them to sacrifice their interests to their passions.—( Hear, hear.) He believed the Right Honourable Baronet miscalculated the influence of the Tory party over the Jamaica House of Assembly-- they were determined to have good measures from the Tory party as well as from the Whigs. Suppose the Jamaica Legislature resisted the Bill—and if they had the spirit of mice tl•ey would do so— wou ld they not have to fight the same battle over again, either upon the Vagrant Act or some other measure ?—( Hear, hear.) The chief reason which induced him to prefer the decisive course adopted by her Majesty's Government, to the shilly shally and dubious course of the Right Hon. Baronet, was that the state of Jamaica was such as brooked no delay ; and there should be no doubt as to the intentions of the Government to enforce the Emancipation Act, and all its important consequences and results. From papers which had been laid upon the table of the House, there was great evidence of indisposition on the part of the negroes to eork as hired labourers. He felt great misgivings as to the possibility of seeing much exportable produce from that colony. When he looked at the circumstances of the island, there were many causes which tended to increase that dis position. In the first place, there was a great indisposition to work in the capacity of labourers for those who were formerly their owners, with whom were associated their past suffer ings and slavery. A tendency existed among the labourers in these colonies to prefer obtaining a small subsistence out of the purchase of provision grounds, to working on the estates. There were large quantities of lands waste, but cultivateable ; and if the negroes once exhibited a disposi tion to squat on their waste lands, no laws they could make, no force they could interpose, could prevent its being generally adopted, and there was an end to the cultivation of sugar for one year, or perhaps for ever. Much depended on the wisdom and vigour of the Government, and much upon its avowed intentions towards the negroes. The Right Hon. Baronet's proposition would go to keep the negroes for a certain time under the dominion of a Legis lature which they must regard as hostile, but paralyzed by a suspended sentence, under a Government of conflicting authorities, the Executive and Legislature being in avowed collision, the latter being determined to pass no laws but those which would compel the negro to work, under the fear of thirty-nine lashes to be inflicted at the pleasure of a Planter-Justice, for what he might call dis obedience or a breach of discipline. That was the opera tion of such a law administered by such Magistrates. Was it not enough to drive the negro into those mountain for tresses where he has no chance of a becoming civilised ? If thoy left the administration of such a law in such hands for a single year, or even for such a period as was proposed by by the Right Hon. Baronet, in order that diplomacy might be carried on across the Atlantic, they would do that which no future prudence would rectify—they would do much towards impoverishing Jamaica. A good many gen tlemen on such occasions had implored the House to lay aside all party motives.—(Cheers.) They had a guaran tee on that occasion against party motives, for the Right lion. Hart. ( Sir R. Peel) upon a former occasion had distinctly said that was not a party question. It was strange that the friends of the Right Honourable Baronet had taken such pains to prevent that excellent intention from b.•ing carried into effect —that the Carlton Club--( Cries of '' Oh, oh ") He was glad to hear that denial from the Hon. Gentlemen opposite—perhaps they would also be able to deny that they had received such circulars from that rather cele brated Club as some cf his friends had received._ (Cheers.) He could not understand what was a party question if that was not one, where the whole of a party seemed to be drilled up for the occasion. —( Cheers.) He trusted, however, that the House would see that this was far too important a question to be made a party one— ( Cheers)—at all events, he was sure the Right Hon. Baronet would not call it so.—( Cries of " Question," and " Order.") He assured the House that he would be done in a few moments.—(" Divide, divide.") He would entreat the House to recollect that this question did not only involve the truest interests of the most important colony of the country, but also the honour of the British nation, which was staked upon the success of the great question of emanci pation—(Cheers) —the greatest—the most generous act, which had ever been attempted, and one which the whole civilized world looked upon with the greatest interest.—(Great cheering.) In fact, it was the pivot on which turned the whole welfare of the African race. He did not think it was in their power to command success the issue was not altogether in their hands, but by prudence they might go far to ensure it, and honour was due to them fur the attempt to carry out the great work. Great, however, as would be the honour of success—ever t so great would be the disgrace of its failure, by any attem pt to d e feat it from party motives.—(Loud c h e ers.) h He would be sorry and ashamed of a f a ilure ; bshould take place from Conservative unwillin gness _c_ to invest a Government with necessary authority ; : but be would be far more sorry if that failure should be attributable to any contribution by their fears made towards it by an y one p rofessin g Liberal opinions— (Cheers and laughter)—who were led away of doing away with a Constitution which he consci entious l y believed had been the best established to work for the in terest of the few at the expense of the many. Mr. HUM E then rose, and said he had not intended to address the Hous e at t h at t i me bad he not been p ersona ll y alluded to by hi s H on . F r i en d ; but at th e same t i me he was bound to say that he (Mr. Hume) c ou ld not at all near presumed him were acted upon by some e He attrib u t e d make out what his Hon. Friend o w f o h u is ld fr b ie e n a d t s . while he himself all had that he ( Mr. Hume) and some , admitted th at t h eY themselves they good opinion of ; but of all wh o that he was always rig j h uo. t. ' naturally a had addressed the Ho use, there was no one who was more . —w(isChheed to stand we ll ers and laugh orri e who nd F anxious to pleastebaanllbipsaHrtoines., with all parties , bl • ter.) He began with roundly d blaming the Government, he went backwards an . forwards, and he (Mr. H.) but in r llowine• him. lie said he felt difficulty .o was ready to ' s Jamaica, yet I the oligarchy of destroy which would only suspend it vote fora Bill • He thought the • le was to allow a people to govern themselves, best principle to vote for a Bill , • yet he was readywhich would give and of government into the hands of all the powers what he called a tyrannical Executive Government of Colonies.— (Cheers an d laughter.) He did not k now that it was necessary for him to tak e a f his lion an y more notice of the inconsiste nc y o • Friend.—( Cheers.) His Hen. Friend seemed to have fo rgot the proceedings of what was usually called • Mr Powell B uxton's Committee, Committee strongly recommended because that mended that those who passed the law s for emancipation sh ou l d not pass laws to canny it out. T hey recomm e nd e d that nothing should Defied be done un til 1840 at the earliest s • That agai n was Lord Glenel g t o t h . the recommendation of by I• d e legislatures of all the islands, as was provedon.,riieisndespatch. He did not understand of whom his H be well and complained ; he said that emancipation should trulyf carried out. In lion. Friend, that he agreed with his or he believed that not only was it necessary for were y for the hon our of the nation, but that the eyes of ml upon the exper i ment. It did appear to him that his lion. Fri en d wished to place the colony under ass „ mod worst tyranny ever assi ined by any Government. He had no partiality for the Tory party— (Hear, hear) — h e n ever had—( Hear) —and he was sorry to see his friends, whom he had heretofore supported, he adopting what must consider to be a Tory system. (Bear, hear.) Friend s hould recoll ec t th a t if His Hon the c o lo n i e s had duties to perform so had the parent state ; and that it was impossible for any colony to succeed if it was liable, on the slightest difference, to have its legisla tiveeded.—( Hear, functions superseded. — ( hear.)lt was a Con stitutional Government, and he beli ev ed, in pro portion, as many el ectors among the whites in Jam= • a a s there were in En g l and. The law at this moment made no distinction between the black, the coloured, and the white. Every man by the law, as it now stood, on acquiring the qualification, which was about 71. a year, became entitled to a vote.—( Hear, hear.) They were told that this measure was necessary to protect the whites against the blacks. Did the whites ask fir that protection 7—( Hear, hear.) Was there any complaint or fear on that subject ? If there was any fear of the Govern ment being the agent of slave•traclers instead of the proprie tors of property—if there was any fear of any improper go vernment or improper influence, he was willing to extend the suffrage to any extent so as to give complete power to the population. He would consent to its being a 40s. free hold or Universal Suffrage.—( Hear, and laughter.) If they adopted the course now proposed would they make the blacks free ? Was there any mode in which they could be employed except under their white masters? It was only through them that the black population could be ex pected to rise in society and obtain the advantages of free . dom. It was on that account that he deprecated any step which would impede their prouress, and especially in the unconstitutional mode now proposed, which, he believed, would do a great mischief. Jamaica had, in common with all the colonies, rights assigned her under the 18th of Geo. 111., chap. 12. He admitted, at that time there was no idea that England would take the liberal course she had taken of granting twenty millions for the emancipation of the negroes. England had paid the money, and ought to see the bargain completed.— (Hear, hear.) If Jamaica would not complete the .bargain, the Imperial Parliament was bound to interfere, but in no other case.—:" Hear," from the Ministerial benches.) But did Jamaica now refuse to do so ?—( Counter cheers.) He contended that the preamble of the Bill was not true. He would ask any man whether the request in the resolution of the House of Assembly was an unreasonable one. Notwith standing what had been said, he was satisfied that if the Governor of the colony had thought it necessary to make a proper explanation—bad done that which was done in Barbadocs, and had said, " this is not an Act affecting you merely, it affects all the colonies, and the Government does not intend to interfere with the ordinary internal regula tion of your colony," he had not the least hesitation in saying that if that had been done there would not have been any resistance.—( Hear, hear.) The resolution of the House of Assembly arrived in December 1838 ; had any explanation been sent out since ? Whose fault was that. He considered that the Government had not done their duty in meeting, as might have been expected, the reason able expectations of the colony, in explaining to them what was the object of the Bill. They were now trying a dange rous experiment. He regretted that no attention had been paid to the Constitutional right of the colonies, and he asked if in this manner, without any explanation, they suspended the Constitution of Jamaica, where was there a colony under the British empire that could place confidence in the Govern ment ? Why was not this made a general Bill ?—( Cheers. ) This was made an attack on Jamaica alone, and not on the other colonies.—( Hear.) He could only assure this House that he regretted this question had assumed the appearance of a party question, and he thought most improperly; but it did not assume that appearance until he ( Mr. H.) had stated his objection to it, because on the 27th of last month he ventured to express his regret at this proceeding, and stated that it was impossible for him to concur in the mea sure. He gave his vote with great regret, because it might appear that he was deserting the party which he wished to support; but anxious as he was to sup port a Liberal Administration, he could not consent to be dragged from day to day into an attack on the best principles of the Constitution.—( Cheers.) He was sorry to see so many of his friends make light of a constitutional question —so many who, when the suspension of constitu tional rights with regard to Ireland was in question, stood forward and opposed it.—( Cheers.) He knew no difference between Ireland and Jamaica in this respect.—( Cheers. ) Was there any man more desirous to stop Lord Grey's Coercion Bill than himself? He had endeavoured to act on the same principle in that case as on the present. Those who were taking on themselves this extreme course were acting most unwisely. He regretted to see this col lision brought on in the House, because it would be produc tive of such mischief, not only to the whites in Jamaica, but to the blacks, not only in Jamaica, but in every colony under the British Crown, if this Bill should be carried, which he could not believe.—( Cheers.) It would be a great misfortune if this unconstitutional principle should be carried cut. The Hon. Member had alluded to different subjects, but had he stated what laws were desired -o be passed ? If the Government were prepared to rescind the Militia Law and the Vagrant Act, why had it not been done before ?—(Cheers.) But they had not made up their minds to a single Bill.—( Cheers.) He thought this was so dangerous a precedent that he could not agree to so un constitutional a measure.—( Cheers.) Sir GEORGE GREY rose amidst loud cries of " Di vide, divide." He said I certainly did think I should have heard from the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, or from the Noble Lord, who is more intimately conversant with Co lonial affairs, some stronger reasons than have been advanced in opposition to this measure, which has been introduced by her Majesty's Goverment to meet the existing crisis of affairs in Jamaica. But it appears that the whole opposition to the Bill is to rest on the facts and arguments adduced by the Right Hon. Baronet in the speech in which he opened the de bate—a speech which disappointed the expectations which I had formed. (Hear, hear, and cheering.) Sir, admiring as I do, and as any man must do, the Par liamentary skill as well as the distinguished talent he ex ercises, I did feel surprised to see him labouring with a cause which evidently weighed him down.—( Loud cheer ing from both sides of the House.) I will not say grap pling with facts which he could not controvert, but endea vouring to conceal. I attribute no improper concealment to the Right Hon. Gentleman, but I do say that he must have neglected to read the papers which were laid upon the table, and selected his facts from the advocates of the Assembly, who furnished him with those only which were favourable to his cause, and suppressing others, which it will be my duty to state to the House. Sir, lam not one of those who blame the course which was adopted by the Noble Lord opposite {Lord Stanley) in 18 33—however much I regret that course; consideri ng ' the difficulties with which the case was then surrounded, at the accomplishme n t of that great act of national justice and generosity, I am not prepared to blame that course, though subsequent ex perience has induced me to regret that the Colonial Legis lature were entrusted with the task of carrying out the principles of the Act of 1833.—( Cheers.) However, the Government exerted all their efforts with the As sembly to induce them to act faithfully, and in accord ance with the confidence reposed in them by the Impe rial Parliament. The Right lion. Baronet opposite quoted, as decisive against the Bill, a passage in his Majesty's speech in 1834, which stated that the Legislature of Jamaica had discharged their obligations, and come for ward—(omitting that they were not entitled to any share in the compensation until they did come forward)—and passed this Act—which was declared by an Order in Coun cil to be adequate and sufficient. But the Right Hon. Baronet did not notice any of the defects in that Act— which he might have discovered, had he looked to the the papers'which had been laid before Parliament ; he did not state that the Act was passed but for one year, and that this year expired without renewal.—(hear, hear.) Here was the commencement of that want of faith which the Assembly, I am sorry to say, have all al , ng mani fested ; for they have endeavoured to tax their ingenuity to defeat the spirit of the Emancipation Act, and to retain as much of the spirit of slavery as possible.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet also found it convenient to pass over the enquiries of 1836, the result of which was, that there were great defects in the Colonial Act, and that in the first instance an appeal should be made to the Colonial Legislature. Si r , I did t h en b e li eve that the appeal would have been responded to, but it was wholly and utterly disregarded.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Sligo, having failed to obtain any remedy for the defects which were pointed out in the Act, resigned ; and Sir Lionel Smith, who was at first met in a more conciliatory spirit, soon encountered as much opposition as his predecessor. Hear, hear.) A Committee was appointed in 1836, before which more detailed evidence was given, as to the abuses which prevailed, and the principal evidence was as to the state of the prisons, which were much neglected, so as to render law inoperative. The course taken by the Government was to send out an unbiassed inquirer, to ascertain the real facts. But in the mean time the public mind was roused to a just indignation by the details which had been published. No doubt the law then required altera tion—and Ido not think that any measure passed with more unanimity, considering its importance. The only difficulty was as to ma ki ng it more stringent, and a conviction seemed to, prevail, even in the minds of some gen-tlemen opposite, that nothing was to be expected from the Legistation of Jamaica in the way of impartial and just legislation.—( Hear, hear,) The Right Hon. Gentleman has selected masses of corres pondence and remonstrances that have nothing whatever to do with the subject now under consideration, and from those documents he has endeavoured to urge upon the House the inconsistency of the course the Government has pursued.—( Cries of " Order, order.") Mr. BRISCOE rose to order. During the present Session a practice had arisen that he trusted would be put a stop to by the Chair. He alluded to the continual talk ing that was always taking place at the bar. Sir G. GREY—Sir, I was about to state several things that passed over the mind of the Right Honourable Baronet. Though he did not take any part in the debate on the motion of the Honour able Member for York, he was present during a consi derable portion of that debate, and he could not, therefore, be without a knowledge of some of the speeches made by some of the Hon. Gentlemen who belong to the party of whom he is the leader. Ido not now see in his place the Hon. and Learned Member for Ripon, but I must remind the Right Hon. Baronet of the expressions made use of by that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, whose opinions, from his great talents and learning, I think every one in the House will admit are entitled to great weight. What did that Hon. and Learned Member say with respect to the house of Assembly, whose cause the Right Hon. Baronet had so eloquently advocated this evening ? That Hon. Gentleman said, and I have no doubt that many lion. Members will recollect it, " I know of no instance in his. tory, where there has been so audacious a breaking in upon express intentions of the Legislature as there has been here," speaking of the provisions of the Prisons Bill then before the House. In his opinion, therefore, a stron g case was made out against the Assembly of Jamaica. The Right Hon. Baronet then alluded to the course adopted during the time Lord Sligo was in Jamaica. and stated that the practice of flogging females was carried on there to a most frightful extent, and he believed that it existed in every workhouse iu Jamaica. That was the opinion of the Hon. Member for Ripon, and the papers on the table show that through out the administration or Lord Sligo case after case of that description was submitted to the House of s A de s : sembly, and they refused to a p p l y any remedy ; that remedy however has now be en app li ed.—( Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet concluded by expressing his termination to vote for the resolution of the Hon. Member for Yorkshire, unless he was assured that the apprentice ship was to cease in the following August. The appren ticeship has now expired, and it is to be hoped that all ves tiges have expired too, but that would not be the case if the Right Hon. Baronet was to accede to this motion. If the Right Hon. Baronet is not satisfied with the authorities 1 1 which I have hitherto referred to, I will call his attention to another—namely, that of the Duke of Wellington, who EVENING EDIT/014, stated in the other House of Parliament that it was, I any effect upon them.—(Cheers.) They have followed I beyond all doubt, that the Colonial Legislature I the forms, but th e y h ave stu di ous ly a void e d t h e substance had not carried i n t o e ff ect t h e system w hi c h t h ey ought to of the directions of the Imperial Legislature. —(Cheers.) have done, in obedience to Parliament, and the result was The Hon. Member for Kilkenny referred to varicers that their Lordships were under the necessity of giving papers—to Bills that were sent to the House of their assent to a Bill in order to compel them to do so. Assembly—and to Orders in Council that were Such were the opinions of that Noble Duke, and. such transmitted to them, in order to form the basis of their were the opinions entertained universally by both Houses measures. But the Assembly have, it appears from these of Parliament ; and yet after that th e Ri g ht H on . B aronet aut h or i t i es, al ways endeavoured, as before), to frame rnea objects to the further progress of that Bill. I will now sures according to the shadow, but avoiding the substance read an extra c t f rom t h e d espatc h o f L or d Gl ene l g, o f the wishes and recommendations of the Imperial Le in which that Noble Lord says, " I cannot dismiss gislature. Is the course proposed by the Right Hon. Ba from my consideration the case now before me, ronet consistent with the resolution of the House last year? without stating that it has not been from any want of at- Is it a proper course, in this, which is not a party question, tention on the part of the Government, or any efforts on but in which the interests of all are ihvolved—a course its behalf, that no alteration of the law had taken place; that would aggravate hostile feelings—that would increase and in my despatch of the 29th August, 1835, I desired irritation, by continuing the Assembly—that would perp e . that the Assembly should be reminded of the pressing tuate those bad laws respecting vagrancy, which were en importance of some measure being introduced upan the acted under the reigns of George 11. and George 111. ? subject." (The Right Hon. Baronet then referred to a Could any satisfactory result issue from that course? . communication from Lord Glenelg, of the 15th November, lam aware that it has been stated as an argument against 1837, which related to a statement that accusations had this Bill that a similar course may be uurtued with regard been made against the Assembly.) It was, therefore, to the colonies. Ido net believe that any oiler colony stated by the Duke of Wellington, by Sir Edward has acted in opposition to the wishes of the Legislature to Sugden, by Lord Glenelg, that there was necessity anything like the extent that Jamaica has done—Jamaica, for the Imperial Legislation to interfere, and al- which ought to have set the example of obedience to the though several of the colonies claimed ex e mption wishes of the Imperial Legislature—Jamaica, which bad from the law, that exemption was not allowed in conse- been the first to pass a legislative enactment fer the abo queuce of the statements of the Noble Person to whom I lition of slavery, which had been denominated adequate and have referred. It was then stated by the Ri g ht H on . satisfactory_.which had consequently been the first to re- Baronet that the course pursued by Sir Lionel Smith ceive the compensation money—but which, from the me towards the House of Assembly had been the great cause ment that money had been received, had been the last to of the disturbances that had taken place there. I say adopt any measures rendered necessary by the altered state that it was attributable to no such cause, and that the of society.--(Cheers.) Is the House prepared to state assertions of the Right Hon. Baronet in that respect are that there exists no necessity at the present moment for not borne out by the correspondence before the House. more active legislative measures than those proposed by the From that correspondence it appeared that Sir Lionel Right lion. Bart. ? I should be glad to hear one who could Smith had told the Assembly of Jamaica that the appren- assert that he could point out measures calculated to meet ticeship system having been abolished in other colonies, it this emergency. I feel convinced that nothing short of was impossible that it should be kept up in Jamaica. the present Bill is calculated to meet this emergency„,. It was impossible to shut out from the negroes what was (Cheers)—and I found rtsy reasons for the necessity of flare occurring in the other colonies. It was impossible to shut measure on the conduct pursued by the House of Assembly out from them what had been done in their favour by the of Jamaica in 1833, on the conduct pursued by them great body of the people of this country, and they were again in 1836, and on the whole course of conduct pure only discharging their duty faithfully by the Crown point- sued and the determination manifested by the Legislature ing out to the Legislature of Jamaica the impossibility of of Jamaica from the year 1833 to the present moment, and maintaining the apprenticeship with any hopes of success. I ask if it is possible, considering all these circumstances, The language used by Sir Lionel Smith on that occasion that any Gentleman can believe that the House of Assem-" was only a repetition of what been said by the Noble Lord bly will, if the course proposed by the Right Hon. Ge.n. the Member for Lincolnshire in 1833, when opposing a tleman be adopted, repent them of their bad courses, and proposition brought forward by Lord Ashburton, then pursue a better line of conduct, become truly and properly Member for Essex. The Noble Lord stated that it would penitent, and cease to do evil, and learn to do well, and be better to try the system on one of the small discharge faithfully those duties which:devolve on the colo colonies before they introduced it into a large colony nial legislature._( Cheers.) It therefore becomes the like Jamaica, and he added that it was impossible to intro- duty of the Government to find an adequate remedy duce freedom into the small islands, and continue slavery for the existing evils, and I am of opinion in Jamaica. In that declaration I fully concur. What that no plan short of the one proposed could did the House of Assembly of Jamaica say in their Address by any possibility be attended with advantage. I to the Crown ? They humbly declared to her Majesty cannot avoid noticing the total inapplicability of the speech that in consequence of an Act which had recently been of the Right Hon. Baronet in that part of it in which he passed by the Parliament of Great Britain and Ireland, quoted the opinion of Burke. relative to the interference of wherein they were noways represented, they had been con. the Imperial Parliament with the American colonies. Tho strained to abandon the apprenticeship system, and grant Houses of these colonies were really popular representative a unqualified freedom to the negroes. Sir, I admit, with:the Assemblies, but such is not the case with regard to Jamaica. Right lion. Baronet, thatthey passed the Emancipation Act, The House of Assembly of that colony is the least popular not through fear but from an irreconcilable aversion to the of any House of Represeintatives, representing as it does stringent restrictions of the Apprenticeship Act, and they only a small fraction of the population ; but I trust that considered that subject to these restrictions the apprentice- at the expiration of this Act the Assembly of that Island ship was not worth having.--( Cheers.) In order to put an will be found to be a really popular Assembly, fitted for the end to that super-legislation, they abolished theapprentice- discharge of those important duties which will devolve ship, and they did it avowedly on the ground that Parlia- upon them, fitted for maintaining peace between conflict ment would not farther interfere with them, but leave them ing races, one struggling for the maintenance of the . to make such laws as they thought themselves justified in ancient laws, and the other struggling for the ac making, although it was admitted on all hands that they quisition of their natural rights.—( Hear.) It is ne did not represent the great body of the people, but consti- eessary that arrangements should be made for the toted, as the Hon. Membe r f o r Liskeard said, a very small purpose of averting dangers which may be fatal to oligarchy, and one of the worst possible description. Sir, the colony, for securing to it uninterrupted peace and hap. the terms of the protest accompanying that address have piness. It will be the duty of ths Government to provide been alluded to, and they have been frequently stilt- f u r this emergency during the short period which it is Liao. matized on all hand s as i n dec orous and conceived posed to suspend the existiug Constitution, which is not in the worst possible spirit which could influence a a popular Representation, but the Representation of a Legislature against whom such seriou s charges hadbeen mit ute fraction of the people, and when the Assembly shall made. It is important to bear in mind the language used resume its functions under more auspicous circumstances, in that protest, not that I would call upon the House to far from those heats and animosities which are not likely legislate upon language used in moments of irritation, but, to be softened at present, I trust that they will enact in consequence of the spirit by which the Assembly was measures more calculated to ensure substantial justice than actuated, it is most important to weigh deliberately what th e y hav e hitherto done.--( Loud cheering, which drowned that spirit is. I confess, Sir, that I scarcely understand in the conclusion of the sentence.) I had intended to justify what way the Right Hon. Baronet's proposition can be the conduct of the Government with regard to the Prisons effectual. We have before us a resolution that the atten- Act, but the Right Hon.*Baronet did not make that a tion of the House has been directed to the state of the subject of attack on the Government. I under negro population upon the expiration of the apprenticeship stood him to admit that our conduct, respecting that system, and that resolution admits that the condition of the measure, was not worthy of censure.—(Loud cheers)-- negro population requires the care and superintendence therefore Ido not feel called upon to say anything more of this House. Against that resolution the House of As- o n that head.—( Cries of "Go on.") The Hon. Mem sembly remonstrated in language the most impr o per and her for Kilkenny has not said anything respecting that unjustifiable. To that remonstrance the Right Hon. Baronet question, any more than the Right Hon. Baronet.—( Sir proposes to return an ans wer th a t, hazing passed such G. Grey here paused—cries of "Go on.") The Hon. a resolution of this House in order to get over the Member for Wigan and the Hon. Member for Liskeard temporary difficulty, he is content that the resolution should subsequently add re s s ed th e House, and when the Hon. remain at present a dead letter on our books.—( Hear, Member f or Li s k ear d sa t down, several Hon. Members rose hear.) Notwithstanding the pledge this House has given on this side of the House—some of them perhaps opponents 'to the emancipated population of Jamaica, we are still to of the Bill ; but as the House seemed anxious that I should leave them subject to the oppressive and partial code which speak, I rose thus early in the debate. I understand that no for so many years has existed in Jamaica, and we are not attack has been on the conduct pursued by the Govern to interpose our authority in any w a y t o secu re to that po- ment with respect to the Prison Bill.—( Hear , hear, and tulation those them. rights Siwhich should we solemnlyknow in what way Act, se this plan will be effectual ; if I understand the Right Hon. veral accusations had been made by Lord Sligo against Baronet's proposition ri g htly, i t i s , t h at t h e A ssem bl y, the House of, Assembly on account of their reluctance to having objected to the Prison Bill—having demanded the legislate for the reformation of the abuses of the prison suspension or repeal of that Bill—having abolished the ap- system ; about this time the representations of Mr. Sturge prenticeship, it proposes, in the first place, seeing the were laid before the public, and it was deemed advisable state of irritation in which the House of Assembly were to send out Captain Pringle, and although that gentle when they drew up their protest, to put a sdistinet negative man did not witness the horrors described by Mr. Sturge, upon it. He next says that lie is prepared to assert the which it we; very unlikely, under the circumstan ces , th a t right and authority of P ar li ament t o i nter f ere he would do, yet he reported such a state of things as for the protection of the emancipated population. He next demanded immediate legislative interference to supply a proposes to afford them an opportunity of repeating the of. remedy, and in consequence of the repeated failure fence of which we complain, by restoring the constitu- of attempts to induce the local government no tion and privileges of the House of Assembly, and he next. pass the necessary enactments , i t b ecame necess * y proposes to acc om p an y thi s w i t h a message, the terms of for Imperial Legislature to make the necessary alterations. which he did not state to the House, with a distinct threat I will just re a d t o t h e H ouse one extract from Captain that if th e y did not resc i nd the resolution which they had now deliberately recorded and transmitted to this countr Pringle's R e p ort . (Th e Ri g h t Honourable Baronet —if they did not rece d e f rom t h at resolution he was Y then r ea d an extract describing the horrible state prepared to co ncur i n pass i ng a measure which would de- le f the gaols o f Jamaica, which were f requent l y any suerintenden ce .) prive the House of A ssem bl y f or a t i me of its legal func ft for days together without tions. Sir, I think it is pr o b a bl e , l oo ki ng at t h e state of I need nut trouble the House with any more of the barba rities commit te d i n t h e H ouses of Correction in Jamaica— irritation in whi c h th e A ssem bl y was w h en i t f ramed that protest—is it likely th a t th e co they are admitt e d. I t i s admitted that nothing could be conciliatory course proposed more disgraceful tha n t h e pr i sons in Jamaica. Lookiqg by the Right Honour a ble Baronet will convert the hostile attitude in which it h as pl ace d it se lf , into at the total failure o f every measure upon the subject ofa willing and c or di a l co - operat i on i n measures w hi c h prisons which was sent t o th e A ssem b ly —not suggesting a new Prison Bill, but merely an amendment of the old it is admitted on all hands are necessary, in order to one—Lord Glenelg pressingly pointed out various amend secure the rights, not alone of the negroes, but of the merits which were imperatively necessary in order to Ye landed proprietors of Jamaica-- ( Loud cheers.) In a despatch, dated the 15th of December, 1838, from Lord medy the must say not graciously, but in th e most n fused abuses which existed. The r eme d y was re - e Gle elg to the G overnor o f Jamaica, it was distinctly stated thst the aboliti on o f t h e apprenti c eship at an earlier ungracious m anner , a ll reme d y o f a b uses was re f used —not one proposition would they listen to. The Government period had rendered the enactment of new laws a sub- leaving received ' . the Report of Captain Pringle in July, jest of immediate and urgent importance—allusion was lost not a dey in submitting to Parliament a Bill to carry made in that despatch to the omission during four out a better system of imprisonment ; it was a remedy we years of any attempt to pass these laws, and allusion the assembly o f Jamaica; nt was also made t o th e recommendation of the Committee had frequently demanded fro of 1836. It it was always refused, and the Gover nment f e l t t h emselves was also regr e tt e d i n t h at di spatch that so bound to attempt to put an end to the tyranny andelti much time had been so un h app il y spent in the unfortunate exercised in the Houses of Correction in Jamai c a.ca est I dissensions between th e G overnment and the Colonial Le- gislature. It pointed ou t t h e d e f ects in the law that had was said, whether truly or not I d o no t k now , th a t Bill been passed an `vas introd uce d on t h e very d ay we rece i ve d income c itpointed out new laws to be f rame d i n a spirit tion of the Hou se o f Assembly h av i ng passe d t h e Bill alculated to meet the n ew state o f societ yin the colony.— for Abolishing the Apprenticeship. Such a coincidence Did the House of Assembly act upon that recommenda- may have happened, but the two circumstances bad no tier,? By no means. Their efforts were directed to keep other connection with one another. It is well known the power they previously had still in their hands at the that the Assembly passed that Bill not out of aspirit of sp expiration of the apprentic es hip, an d t h e i r fi rst measure justice or mercy, but in or d er t o esca p e f rom t h e neccs was to increase the f r a nc hi se f rom 1 0 1. to 301. N ext when , sary severe restrictions of th e Em anc ip at i on Amend that Act was disallowed, as i t cou ld no t f a il t o b e , tney went Bill.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet com increased the franchise from 101. currency to 101. sterling, plains of the manner in which the Prison Bill was corn being an addition of one. third, and that also was disallowed, municated ; but he must have forgot that the Assembly their legislation being pronounced oppressive and defective. was not in session, except for one day, when they —( Hear, hear, hear.) At the close of 1837, Lord recived the speech, and I know no instance where a Glenclg addressed a circular to the Government of Bill of any kind was ever communicated in the speech— the West India Colonies, requesting information as to it was always done by address, and so it was in Barba what laws it was desirable should be repealed, or enacted, does. The Assembly was in Session at the ttme--- or modified, in order to meet the change of the condition it was communicated by address, and the Assembly of the negro population from compulsory to free labours honestly and heartily, nay, co r di a ll y passe d an Act making The answers received were def ec ti ve , y e t t h ey ena bl e d hi s Lordship to come to s o m e the Bill much better than the one we passe d .—( Cheers.) general conclusions. They Compare this conduct with the A ssem bl y o f J ama i ca, an d showed that the old sl ave -l aws mater i a ll y i nfluenced the new state of society—th a t man y enactments must be mo- the result is greatly in favour o f th e A ssem bl y o f Barba. dified or entirely chang e d ; an d t h at t h ose l aws w hi ch worked does. Barbadoes, too, did n o t rece i ve h er part o f t h e very well duri ng th e ex i stence o f s l avery were no longer money voted for the abolition o f s l avery t ill l ong a f ter s h e compatible with the st a t e o f soc i e ty. Si r ,' are not t h ese pa- had complied with muc h more severe measures f or carry ramount objects for consid e r a ti o n ? O u ght not tho se l aws_ ing out the Emancip a ti on A c t th an J ama i ca , through the be repealed whi c h p ro d uce h ear tb urn i ngs an d ill f ee li ngs kindness of my Nobl e F r i en d, h a d t o do.—( Hear.) , The Right lion. Ba rone t sa y s if this was a general men and a stagn a ti on i n t h e commerc i a l a ff a i rs o f th e co l on i es ? sure, he could then have und e r s to o d it.. But we have no And should th ese not b e passe d nstea d equ it a bil e l aws to reason to suppose there will ba an ythi ng lik e c on tu mac i ous rule in a f a i r s pi r i t f or t h e ent i re p o p u l a ti on , no t on l y for the n egro popu l at i on, b ut f or t h e i nterests o f t h e pro- opposition to those laws i n th e o th er co l on i es . I n J ama i ca prietors themselves ?—(Cheers.) I as k w h et h er t h e there has been a distinct refusal, accomp an i e d w i t h a feel ing and a spirit for a series of years, whi c h I con f ess g i ves amendment of the Right H on . B aronet touc h e d i n t h e me no reasonable hope that we should overcome that op. slightest degree th ose p aramount o bj ects?—(Cheers.) The sentiments of the Right Hon. Baronet have been position, or that they would accede to the wishes of the contradicted by a petition s i gne d b y 500 persons, accord- British Parliament. I hope the House will seriously ing to the Hon. M em b er f or Kidd erm i nster. But i n consider the results and the effects of the vote they may three petitions present e d t o th e H ouse, t h e average num b ers come to on the present occasion. The Right Hon. Bart. were, according to M r . B urge , th e agent f or J ama i ca, 257 to may be desirous of rallying his forces after his recent each petition.—( Hear, h ear .) B ut t h ese pet i t i ons seem deleat.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) The Right Hon. to dissipate the pleasing delu s i ons o f t h e Ri g h t H on, Ba- Bart. may have hoped that under the guise of respect for ronet. The resolution s o f th e meet i ng of the proprietors, constitutional privileges and representative Governmen t, of the 24th ult., adh er i ng t o t h e reso l ut i ons of the 12th of April, stated th a t if t h e present P r i son Act were suspended quoting f the authority of Burke as aulicable to a whol l y overnment, different state of things—he may think he will get votes no doubt the H ouse o f A ssem bl y would proceed to login- from our ranks, and by diminishing our majority swell his lisle on the pri nc ipl e t h at a ll t h e people of Jamaica are own recent minority; but I ask the House to discou ra g e free, and ent i t l e d to a ll t h e b enef i ts derivable under the British C ons tit u ti on . — (Ch eers. ) I b el i eve, therefore, any such attempts to make the interests of cur colonies, and especially the interests of the emancipated population , the Hous e o f A ssem bl y wou ld, as t h e i r agent, Mr. Burge, that have a peculiar claim on our protection- 1 hope they will discourage any attempt to make their interests sub who no do u bt s p ea k s t h e i r sent i ments, h as to ld , refuse to servient to party purposes.—(Cheers from both sides of proceeds to legislate if we a dh ere to t h e P r i son A ct ; and thus they would oppose th e pr o p os iti on o f t h e Ri g h t H on. B a- the House.) I hope, Sir, they will look at this question ronet. I do not think that if the advice of the Right Hon. Ba- with reference - to their own merits. —( Continued cheering. ) If this House really believe that the plan proposed by time ronet were followed the r e s u lt wou ld b e to k eep t h e H ouse Right Hon. Baronet would be the best with the Or a) of Assembly l onger i n a b eyance; b ut, looking at the which he proposed to hold over them, that if they adhere spirit fram e d by t h e d ocuments I have referred to 1 believe present e to the resolution he will be a concurrent party in they would not sh ow any feeling to co-ope ra te w ith tne 1840 to a measure of the kind now proposed — l say if the Imperial Govern men t, b ut t h at, on the contrary, they would resort to every defence possible, and try to place house really thinks that course of proceeding is calculated to convert the House of Assembly into willing a g en ts of themselves in that positi on w hi c h wou ld j ust not compel .. this House to resort to that Bill no w before us.--( Cheers.) tecarrriiiinngenerous feeling, and I will a dd, the de n e g out the d resolution, of the people of this cou ntr y , th at the They would not vindicate the ri g ht s o f t h e negro popula- negro population should be governed under fair tion, nor would they relieve Parliament from the necessityanuimartial law., and be relieved from those of interfering. The Right' Honorable Baronet proceeded p laws which - grind them down —( Hear, hear)-- on the great authority of ;ch. Canning; but what was the oppressive theyfbelieve that such will be the result, and that when result of Mr. Canning's experience? Mr. Canning, I meet next year, the Governor, adopting the course pro- . arguing against Mr. Buxton, contended that a locus peni we 1 by the Government, would really have the pl eas i ng tentice should be Id: open to the planters, and he took p ose f that course which the Right Hon. Baronet now recom- dutyldo laying justly entitle them to their mede of approbation, mends to us. The words of Mr. Canning and his disap- would they y may follow the course proposed by the Ho n . then pointment were referred to by his Noble Friend oppo site (Lord Stanley), in 1833 The Noble Lord . Baronet; but, if on the other hand, they think that that stated then that Mr. Canni ng was di ssat i sf i ed is hopeless—if they are enabled to indulge i n any such with the manner in which the plant ers were spo k en o f i n Pleasing illun A ly cts which imp erat i ve l y require to be form the outli ne o f a shadow of 1823 and 1824. He would n o t a d opt a h arsh tone, norvi'. those would he call upon Parliament t o a d opt such measures as some delusions — if they think the Ass e mbly o f Jamaica o of carried into effect for working out th e pr i nc i ples of the would bring the contumacious spirit of the Coloni a l Legis- EmanciPation Act—if they think we shall only by so dois• g latures to the test. He begged that the colonists should en ter into a course of " polemical legi s l a ti on ," and 4 all have time to re-consid er t h e i r re f usa l , and to call to mind the results of thei r i nterpos i t i on b etween the Parliament only continue those evils that re t ar d t h e prosper i ty a li and the peopl e . Thi s, a dd e d the Noble Lord, was in melee, then I ask the H ouse to a d opt t h e on l y a.de quiets 1826. I now, said h e , come b e f ore the House i n 1833, remedy for those ev il s b y pass i ng the B i ll now on '47 e table. and I remind y ou t h at up to t hi s t i me ne i ther fr i en dl y ex: --(Loud cheers.) Mr. postulation n or t h e remonstrances o f aut h or i ty h ave h a d On the moti o n of ext MACLEAN, the di' journed to M on d ay n . • Wil.ENI0•••••1 MPAPIINIM= MEIN Ito wa4 meet ed- - * Bon d for rvent tap es there ioleri l stir ash 0 05 t cou nt to solv e f „, that V"