The Sun. — London, England, 1839-05-14 00:00:00

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COPELAND brought up the Report of the Committee on the Stafford Potteries Police Im provement Bill, which was ordered to be engrossed. On the motion of Mr. WILBRAHAM the Liver pool and Manchester Extension Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. H. T. HOPE moved the third reading of the j Bristol a n d Gl ouces t ers hi re R a il way Bill. Mr. G. BERKELEY said the evidence given before the Committee WE'S not in his opinion satisfactory, be therefore moved that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. Mr. KEMBLE said that the Committee heard evidence for two days, and none whatever was offered in opposition to the Bill, and he therefore trusted the House would consider that the Committe had discharged their duty. Mr. BERKELEY said that of the seven witnesses examined in support of the Bill, six were actually shareholders in the concern, or in the railroad of which this was a branch. It was stated that the land over which the railroad was to pass was not valuable, but whilst that on the Great Western Line was not worth more than 255. or 305., the average on the line now un der consideration was worth from 40s. to 60s. He trusted the House would not sanction a Bill destroying private property merely for the sake of a few speculators. Mr. HOPE said although the evidence might n o t have been satisfactory to the Hon. Member and his brother, it was quite satisfactory to every other Member of the Committee, who divided 10 to 2 in favour of the Bill, and he believed the House would not sanction such an absurd proposition as that of rejecting the Bill on the third reading. Mr. LANGDALE briefly supported the Bill. The gallery was then cleared for a division. The numbers were— For the third . 161 Against it 57 Majority for the Bill ........ ....... -104 A variety of petitions were then presented, which, owing to the incessant noise and buzz of conversation in the House, were entirely inaudible. On the motion of Mr. Kemble, the Croydon, Alert sham, End Godstone Railway (Dissolution of Com pany) Bill, was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. Sic R. INGLIS presented a petition, as we under stood, from Chard, praying that the Roman Catholic Relief Bill might be repealed—(Tumultuous cheering on the Ministerial benches)—unless the Roman Ca tholics would give such Protestant security as would effectually protect the Established Church.—(Renewed cheering and laughter.) It may be as well, said the Hon. Baronet, for Honourable Members to consider how far such cheers may have a tendency to provoke a debate.—(Load cries of " Order, order.") I will at least say this, that I do not consider the prayer of the petition.—(" Order, order," and "Chair, chair.") While I have a seat in this House I will endeavour to observe the rules of the House ; but when such cheers as I have just heard are uttered.—(The remainder of the sen tence was lost amidst loud cries of" Order, order," and " Chair, chair.') The Hon. Baronet then presented a petition against the Ecclesiastical Revenues Bill as founded on the Report of the Commissioners. Mr. EWART presented a petition from Wigan in favour of a uniform penny postage. Mr. LAW presented a great number of petitions against the Ecclesiastical Revenues' Bill. At ten minutes before five o'clock Lord John Russell entered the House, and was welcomed with the most enthusiastic and hearty cheers by Members on the Mi nisterial side of the House, while on the Opposition benches the most profound silence was observed. Mr. PERCEVAL presented a petition from Queen's C i puty against any further grant to the College of " - " a jnooth. " r ROBERT FERGUSON held in his hand a v ery stro ng argument in favour of penny postage. It wa s a petition signed by 200 ladies of Abbotshall.— Great laughter.) Sir W. SOMERVILLE presented a petition from the town of Drogheda, praying for a free trade in bank ing, and a petition from a young ladies' establishment in favour of penny postage.—(A laugh.) Sir CHARLES STYLE presented a petition from S carborough and Londonderry, in favour of penny Postage, Colonel WOOD presented a petition from some 14 ee in Breconshire in favour of a uniform rate of P e nny postage. Arr. GLADSTONE presented a petition from a Y o ung gentlemen's establishment in favour of a uniform . .._ ...., .... ..._..... rate of penny postage.—(Laughter.) Mr. SHEPPARD, on being called on, rose in the gal/cry, amid roars of laughter, and said he had to pre sent a petition from Frome in favour of a uniform pen- ny postage. The SPEAKER —Please to bring it down.—(Great laughter.) The Hon. Member descended from the Gallery, and brought the petition up to the table, amidst roars of laughter from both sides of the House. Mr, W. CAMPBELL presented five petitions from Parishes in Argyleshire in favour of Church Extension in Scotland. Mr.M. PHILLIPS presented a petition from aLite "'ll Soci e t y i n M anc h es t er in favour of a unif orm ra t e of Penny. postage. , "'"eral LYGON presented a petition with a similar Prase". front a parish in Gloucestershire. Le eds, W. M OLES WORTH presented a petition from ' aced % signed by 14,000 persons, praying that the keepers of beer -houses might be placed on the same footing a licensed victuallers. Lord HEN NIK ER presente d t wen t y -t wo pet i t i ons fro m Places in the county of Suffolk, praying for pro tection to the Colonial Church. Mr. FRESHFIELD gave notice that on Friday next he should move for a return of the number of, day s d ur i ng w hi c h th e E qu i ty C ourt o f E xc h equer g as sat each year during the last ten years. The House then remained in a dead silence for some minutes—the Leaders of both Parties, with arms cro ssed, regar di ng eac h ot h er i n tac i turn i ty, an d t h e c alm being at length broken by Mr. CAYLEY gravely Presenting a petition in favour of some Harbour Bill, at Which the House did heartily laugh. MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS. At half-past five o'clock, the body of the House, side galleries, and bar being densely crowded with Members, Lord J. RUSSELL rose an d sa id , Si r, s i nce I l ast had the honour o f a dd r essing the House, the Right Hon. ~ " a ntlernan opposite, the Member for Tamworth, had te ecived f rom h er 'Majesty the authority to form the ela n of a new Administration, to be submitted for her 'aiesty's approval. The attempt of the Right Hon. G herentleman to form an Administration having failed. Majesty has been graciously pleased to permit the that Hon. Gentleman to state the circumstances - " at led to that failure. What I propose now , th at the Right Hon. Gentleman, therefore, should *ta t% to the House what he may think it necessary to ,tote in pursuance of the permission thus granted to th n , and I w ill t h en i n f orm the House of the re asons m at have ind uce d h er Majesty's Advisers to resume the 13 1 3 ,,,"S which I h a d d ec lared on the last occasion they ti 4 r esigned into her Majesty's hands. The course I ° Propose to take is to move the adjournment of this houselouse to Wednesday next, giving notice, that when the I , °ll se meets on Wednesday, I shall move the adjourn etlt of th e House till Friday se'nnight for the Whitsun- Ne holidays. • °f Sll' R. PEEL then rose, and in a voice apparently , 1 d eep agitation, spoke as follows :—" Sir, I have re wit;ed for this place, and this occasion, the explanation h I fe e l i t my d uty to o ff er w i t h regar d t o th e cir th'ienstances which have induced me to relinquish ° I . tlattempt to form an Administration for the conduct 44), that Public service.—(l Sir, I need scarcely ril , ll , at I disclaim any sanction for any other state wholt.s that may have been given —for which lam illY. irresponsible—which were made without my wi o _ °r ltY, and contrary to my wishes, if those will'ieg could have prevailed.—(Cheers.) Sir, if I were willi ng' to foreg o all personal considerations--if I were tiny tig to be the victim of any misrepresentatio ns and s,re:hlique statements, I apprehend the public in. t t , t r 3 are so deeply involved in any question relating 4 r;' . i v t otal ch ange i n t h e G over nment of thi s coun foand th e pract i ce has so l ong preva il e d o f in ,utlar'ttg the pu b l i c mind w i t h respect to the dr of tarl ces which may have led to the interruption Inclinations ne got i at i ons, that I appre h en d pr i vate, hea r must not be permitted to prevail—(Hear band that this House and the country would ex sios...-...-- pect that an explanation would be given publicly in the face of Parliament.—(Cheers.) Sir, I am aware of all the difficulties involved in explana tions of this nature—and of the peculiar difficulties which attend them under the exis4ing circumstances. From a part of those difficulties, which were apparently in themselves insuperable, I have been relieved by the kind and gracious permission which I have received from her Majesty to give an explanation of the circumstances under which I relinquished the at tempt to form an Administration. I applied yesterday to Lord Melbourne for permission —I need not read my own letter—(Hear, hear)—and I re ceived from Lord Melbourne in reply the following communication, dated " South-street, 12th May—Lord Melbourne presents his compliments to Sir R. Peel, and having already, in expectation of such a request, taken her Majesty's pleasure on this subject he finds himself authorised at once to signify to Sir Robert Peel her Majesty's full permission to explain the circumstances under which he recently relinquished the attempt to form an Administration, and with that view to make use of the correspondence with her Majesty that took place on the 10th of May." Sir, I am sure that after this every one will feel that I am authorised fully to give this explanation.—(Hear, hear.) In giving it, Sir, my chief anxiety is that I may be fully mindful of the sacred obligation under which I am placed, to do entire justice to that illustrious Lady who is con cerned in this transaction. Sir, I Lope that under any circumstances I should have felt the full force of that obligation ; but if any thing could add to that force with which I feel, it would have been the relation in which I have so recently stood to my Sovereign,and the intercourse which I have been permitted to hold with her. Sir, of course much communication must have passed with respect to the formation of a Government, which does not immediately bear upon the questions upon which explanations are required, but if in the course of giving any explanations I should omit any thing that appears to any Member of the House, or if the Nob le Lord will invite further explanation on any point, I will most readily give it ; for I am most ,anxious that the public mind should be most fully informed with respect to every thing that has taken place. If the Noble Lord will point out any omission which I, in the course of my explanation, may make, I will instantly supply that omission, or answer any question th a t may be put to me by the Noble Lord, that bears on any part whatever of these transactions. I will at once answer the questions, after the most gracious permis sion I have received, without the slightest reserve or qualification. Sir, I will proceed, therefore, to a state ment of those facts which appear to me to have the slightest reference to the necessity for explanation. I waited upon her Majesty, by her Majesty's desire, at two o'clock on Wednesday, the Bth of May. Her -Majesty bad previously seen the Duke of Wel lington, and had invited him to assist her Majesty in the formation of a Government. The Duke of Wellington had informed her Majesty, that, in his opinion, the chief difficulty of a Government would be in the House of Commons, and therefore, partly upon other considerations, but chiefly on that account, the Duke of Wellington advised her Ma jesty to send for one who would have the advantage of appearing in the House of Commons as her Majesty's Minister, and at the same time named me. I waited upon her Majesty, and was asked by her Majesty whether I was willing to undertake the duty of forming an Administration ? Her Majesty observed to me that she had parted with the Administration which had just resigned with very great regret.—(Cheers, and cries of " Hush.") Her Majesty also said that in all respects her late Ministry had given her entire satisfaction, but that it had become neces sary, in consequence of their resignation, that her Majesty should take some steps for the formation of a new Administration. I need not enter into a detail, but I must say that no one could have expressed more fully, more naturally, or more becomingly the regret which her Majesty felt at the loss of her late Administra- tion, norat the same time principles more strictly constitu tional with respect to the formation of a new Government. I informed her Majesty that I was not insensible of the enormous difficulties with which I had to contend, but I stated to her Majesty, having been a party to a vote and proceeding in the House of Commons which had led :o the present difficulties, nothing should prevent me from rendering to her Majesty every assistance that it was in my powet to give.—(Hear, hear.), thought it a paramount obligation to do that, as I had been the cause of the difficulty in which her Majesty was placed. I undertook, therefore, to form an Administration and I intimated to her Majesty that I should re turn on the following day, hoping that I might be able to present such a general arrangement for the formation of a Government as should secure the Administration of the chief Executive Offices of the State, and should be conveying an assur- ance to the public that I was prepared, promptly and energetically, to perform the duty I had undertaken.— (Hear, hear.) I conferred, in the course of Wednes day, with those with whom I had the more immediate opportunity of so doing, and I requested from them permission to submit their names for her Majesty's approval to constitute a part of the Govern ment. Those to whom I refer were eight in number, and were the following the Duke of Wellington, Lord Lyndhurst, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, Sir Henry Hardinge, and Mr. Go - ulburn. I waited upon her Majesty the following clay, and submitted those names for her Majesty's appro val. I mentioned to her Majesty that while :be Duke of Wellington placed his services entirely at her Majesty's disposal, yet his own inclinations would rather be gratified if he were permitted to be in the Ca binet without any office requiring him to take a leadin the House of Lords. Her Nlajesty expressed a parti- cular wish that the Duke of Wellington should hold some important office.—(Hear, hear.) I told her Majesty I should, of course, submit that wish, on the part of her Majesty, to the Duke of Wellington, and had no doubt that he would forego any pri vate inclination of his own, and consent to un dertake any office, however important.—(Cheers.) No question arose as to the formation of the administration, or the conduct of the Government, on which I think it ne cessary to remark. But if, as I said before, the Noble Lord thinks that I am making any omission whatever, I will readily supply it if he will remind me of it. But it was upon Thursday that that difficulty or misconception arose, which led to my relinquishing my attempt to form . an Administration. That difficulty related exclusively to that portion of the Household which is filled by tho Ladies in her Majesty's Household. Her Majesty conceded what could be Wished or ex pected with respect to that part of the Household which is filled by Noblemen or Gentlemen holding seats in this House.—( Hear.) The difficulty arose with respect to certain portions of that part of the establish- merit which is filled by the Ladies of the House hold. Sir, I think it infinitely better on this point—the one on which the difficulty arose—l think it infinitely better, after mature consideration, that I should enter, in the first instance, into no state ment whatever of impressions with respect to what passed, but that I should refer exclusively to the letters which passed on the subject-4 Hear, hear) — because I think if I were to state here impressions of my own I should be merely stating them from communi cations that passed where two parties only were present, and I must bear in mind that I alone am in this House to state them.—(Hear, hear.) I now propose to ad dress myself to the point with respect to which those difficulties arose, and I shall not state more on that head, unless invited or pressed by the Noble Lord—on that head I shall state nothing at all—l shall state no version of my- own, but shall re fer exclusively to the letters. I must, however, state what my intentions were. I shall be chargeable altogether for any imperfect explanation. If miscon ception has arisen from imperfect explanation, whatever blame may be attached to it, let that blame fall upon me ; but with respect to my intentions those 1 must state. Sir, o❑ the Wednesday evening., that is the day before I saw her Majesty, I had an opportunity of conferring with all those whom I on the next day proposed to submit to her Majesty as Ministers. I saw them on Wednesday night at my own house about ten o'clock. I then stated to them, and there are four of them here present who heard the communication —my Right Hon. Friend, the Member for the University of Cambridge (Mr. Goulburn)—mv Right Hon. Friend the Member for Launceston (Sir H. Hardinge)—my Right Hon. Friend the Member for Pembroke (Sir James Graham)—and my Noble Friend the Member for North Lancashire (Lord Stanley). I stated to them, and to the others whom I have named, the course which I meant to pursue with respect to the Household. I had very little information of, and had very little con sidered the Household—l am speaking of the female part—l really scarcely knew of whom it consisted ; and I will state exactly the facts as they occcurred. I took the Red Book, and saw there were different department of the Household. I said to those who were intended to be my future colleagues--I said, with respect to all the subordinate authorities, meaning every appoint ment below the rank of a Lady of the Bed chamber—l said to them I should submit to her Majesty no change whatever with respect to those.—(Loud cheering on the Opposition Benches.) With respect to the superior class I stated to them that I presumed that those Ladies holding office, who were in intimate connexion with my late predecessors would probably relieve us immediately from any difficulty—(Great cheering)—and I stated at the same that I did think it of great importance in conveying an intimation of her Majesty's entire support that certain offices in the Household, of the higher ranks, should be subject to some change, and I did express, with some respect to those higher offices, the names of the Ladies of the Bedchamber. I stated that in some instances with respect to them, in consequence of the absence of political pre judice, it would be wholly unnecessary to make any change. That passed upon the ev en i ng , and I mentioned it mere ly as an indication of my line Lion of being perfectly willing, as I stated before, to have transferred exclusively to me whatever blame may be attached to the imperfection of any explanation t h at has taken place, and whatever misconception h as arisen with respect to that explanation I wish to attach entirely to me. On Thursday a communi cat i on took place upon the subject. A s I state d b e f ore, i nto the na• ture of that commu n i ca ti on I w ill not now enter further than reading two lett ers th a t passe d , stat i ng the impres sion of her Majesty, and that of my own with respect to the task which she had confided to me. The letter which had the honour of receiving from her Majesty was dated l‘lay 16th 1839. I rece i ve d i t on Friday morning, at an early hour. It was this : " Buckingham Palace, May 10, 1839. " The Queen having considered the proposal made to her yesterday by Sir Robert Peel to remove the Ladies of her Bed chamber, cannot consent to adopt a course which she conceives to be contrary to usage, and which is repugnant to her feelings." The letter which in answer to that I wrote to her Majesty was written in about three hours afterwards and was this. It was dated " Whitenall, May 10, 1839. " Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty t• your Majesty. and has had the honour of re ceiving your Majesty's note of this morning. In respectfully submitting to your Majesty's pleasure, and humbly returning into your Majesty's hands the important trust which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to commit to him, Sir R. Peel, trusts your Majesty will permit him to state to your Majesty his impression with respect to the circum stances which have led to the termination of his attempt to form an Administration for the conduct of your Ma jesty's service. " In the interview with which your Majesty honoured Sir Robert Peel yesterday morning, after he had sub mitted to your Majesty the names of those whom he proposed to recommend to your Majesty, for for the principal Executive appointments, he men tioned to your Majesty his earnest wish to be ena bled, with your Majesty's sanction, so to constitut e your Majesty's Household that your Majesty's con fidential servants might have the advantage of a public demonstration of your Majesty's full sup port and confidence, and that, at the same time, as far as possible consistently with the demonstration, each individual appointment in the Household should be entirely acceptable to your Majesty's personal feel ings. " On your Majesty expressing a desire that the Earl of Liverpool should bold an office in the Household, Sir Robert Peel requested your Majesty's permission at once to offer to the Earl of Liverpool the office of Lord Steward, or any other which he might prefer. " Sir Robert Peel then observed that he should have every wish to apply a similar principle to the chief ap pointments which are filled by the Ladies of your Majesty's Household, upon which your Majesty was pleased to remark that you must reserve the whole of those appointments, and that it was your Majesty's pleasure the whole should continue as at present, with out any change. " The Duke of Wellington, in the interview to which your Majesty subsequently admitted him, understood also that this was your Majesty's determination, and concurred with Sir Robert Peel in opinion that, consi dering the great difficulties of the present crisis, and the expediency of making every effort in the first instance to conduct the public business of the country with the aid of the present Parliament, it was essential to the success of the commission with which your Ma jecty had honoured Sir Robert Peel, that he should have that public proof of your Majesty's entire sup port and confidence which would he afforded by the permission to make some changes in that part of your Majesty's Household, which your Ma iest- )lved - • y resolved on maintaining entirely without " Having had the opportunity, through your Majesty's gracious consideration, of reflecting upon this point, he humbly submits to your Majesty that he is reluctantly compelled, by a sense of public duty, and of the interests of your Majesty's service, to adhere to the opinion he ventured to express to your Majesty. " He trusts he may be permitted, at the same time, to express to your Majesty his grateful acknowledgments for the distinction which your Majesty conferred upon him, by requiring his advice andassistance in the attempt to form an Administration, and his earnest prayer that whatever arrangements your Majesty; may be enabled to make for that purpose may be most conducive to your Majesty's personal comfort and happiness, and to the promotion of the public welfare." Sir, I have heard since I came here that I made sonic proposals with respect to the appointment of No blemen and Gentlemen to the Household which ought not to have been made, Sir I can only say that the single name submitted to her Majesty for appointment was the name of the Earl of Liverpool, whom her Majesty herself imagined would be fitter for the appoint ment, and the only other two names which had been submitted to her Majesty, were merely and ex clusively under the impression that they were the most proper selection that could be made in nominating for her Majesty's Household. One was my Noble Friend the Member for Dorsetshire (Lord Ashley). I only persuaded him to lay aside his strong sense of public duty, and accept office, and the only other one was Lord Sidney. Sir, I have nothing more to state than with respect to the assertion that I was determined to remove all the Ladies of the Household, and even the earliest friend of her Majesty, the Baroness Lehzen. I can with truth declare that this is the first time, for the last four days, that I have heard the name of Baroness Lehzen mentioned, and that I never contemplated such a pro position—(Cheers)—and, still charging myself with all the blame which might arise from misconception and imperfect explanation, I appeal to my Hon. Friend near me whether I ever contemplated the general dis missal of the Ladies of the Household.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I did decline to undertake the duty of the forma tion of an Administration upon the understanding that the whole of the appointments to the Household should, without exception, continue in her Majesty. Sir, I did it upon public principle, and from the sincere belief that it was impossible for me to encounter the difficulties with which I was encompassed in attempting to conduct the pub lic affairs, unless I had the fullest and most unequivocal proofs that I possessed the confidence of leer Majesty— (Hear.) For it appeared to me that there never was a period whe❑ the demonstration of that entire confi dence was more absolutely necessary for a Minister. The duties of the office of a Prime Minister are, I conceive, the most arduous and the most important that any human being can be called on to discharge. It is the greatest trust almost without exception in the civilised world which can be devolved upon any individual. Sir, I was ready to undertake them, but could 1 look around me, at the present condition of public affairs—could I look around me and not see that it was my absolute duty to this country, and above all to her Majesty, to re quire that every aid that could be given me should be given. What were the questions which would immediately press for my consideration ? The state of India—the state of Jamaica—the state of Canada—would all require my immediate consideration, and with respect to some of them, perhaps, the proposal of legislative measures. Sir, I considered the internal state of this country— saw insurrection in the provinces —I saw the letter of the Noble Lord opposite, inviting the respectable part of the population in many parts of this country to take up arms. In addition to the ordinary duties devolving upon a Prime Minist er , th ere were th ere f ore c i rcums t an ces which rendered that position at the present moment particularly onerous and arduous. Sir, I had a strong impression that, looking to the agitated state of this country, it was my duty to make every effort to conduct public affairs through the inter- rHE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 14, 1839. vention of the present Parliament.—(" Hear," and cheers.) I did not think it was desirabl© to follow the course taken in 1834, and commence the Government by a dissolution, after the frequent dissolutions that had taken place, and the balanced state of parties—it was my deep conviction that it was my duty to make every effort in the first instance to conduct public affairs through the intervention of the present Parliament.--( Hear, hear.) But what is my condition in the present Parliament ? I should begin the Go vernment in a minority.—(Hear.) I do not shrink from the functions that it was proposed to commit to me, but could I be insensible to the important fact that I should hare had to commence in a mino rity ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, if then I began the administration of public affairs without the confidence of the House of Commons, was it too much to ask that I should have a demonstration of the entire and unqualified confidence of my Sovereign ? —(Tremendous cheers.) Sir, her Majesty's Ministers retired on the question of Jamaica, being in a majority of five. I should have had to undertake the settlement of the affairs of Jamaica, being in a minority of five, and that minority including ten gentlemen on whose support I could not calculate on any other question.—( Laughter, and cries of" Hear, hear.") The first battle I should have had to fight would have been for the selection of a Speaker. On the very night upon which I took my seat as Member of the House of Commons and first Minister of the Crown, I should have to risk, perhaps, the fate of Government, or the question of dissolution, upon the choice of Speaker. Sir, I say that all these considerations impressed me with the deepest conviction that it would be a public duty on my part —a n indispensable public duty which I owe to the country, to seek for every possible demon stration that I possessed her Majesty's entire confidence (Loud cheers)—and Sir, I do confess—without re serve, and without hesitation—that it appeared to me that if the chief offices of the Queen's House- hold were to be held by the immediate relatives of those Ministers whom I displaced—(Tremen dous cheering from the Opposition)—the relatives of my rivals for public power—it did appear to me that I never could impress the country with the conviction that I, as a Minister, was possessed of the entire confidence of my Sove reign—(Reiterated cheering.) Sir, let me take that particular question on which my chief difficuty would arise. Who can disguise from himself that my difficulties were not Canada—that my difficulties were not Jamaica that my difficulties were Ireland.—(Loud ironical cheers from the Liberals, especially from Mr. O'Connell.) Oh, Sir, I admit it fully. —(Hear, hear.) But what were the facts ? I, under taking to be a Minister of the Crown, and wishing to carry on public affairs through the intervention of the present House of Commons—if possible to exempt the country from the agitation and perhaps the peril of a dissolution—l, upon that very question of Ireland should have begun in a minority of upwards of twenty. A majority of 22 had decided in favour of the policy of the Irish Government. The chief members of the Irish Government, whose policy was so approved of were the Marquis of Normanby.-_(A tremendous " Hear," from Mr. Christopher)—and the Noble Lord opposite, the Member for Yorkshire.—(Loud cheers.) The two chief offices in her Majesty's household are filled by the sisters of Lord Morpeth, and the wife of the Marquis of Normanby. I do not speak of those ladies but with the utmost respect—most distinguished they are for all that adorns our nature, and casting a lustre upon society less by their rank than by their virtues.— (Cheers.) Still they stand in the relation of the near est relatives of the two Noble Lords whose policy I cannot approve of, but which was approved of by a ma.. jority of 22 in this House. Now I ask any Member in the House whether it is possible that I could safely undertake the conduct of an Administration and the ma nagement of the Irish affairs in this House, consenting previously that the whole of the Ladies now form ing the Household of her Majesty to continue in those situations.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the policy of these things depend not upon precedent—not upon what has been done in former times—they depend upon a consideration of the present times.—(Cheers.) The Household has now assumed a political character— (Cheers)—and that on account of the nature of the appointments which have been made by her Majesty's present Government. I do not complain of it— it may be a wise policy to place in the chief offices of the Household Ladies closely connected with the Members of the Administration ; but such a change in the appointments having taken place, has added greatly to the embarrassment of any person aspiring to the office of Premier if those ladies are to remain. I do not say that there would be the slightest use made of unfair means ; I have not the slightest doubt—l am confident that these ladies would - confine themselves to the duties of their proper situations ; but observe, :hat is not the question, that remark will apply equally to Lords of the Bedchamber. We do not for a moment suppose that Lords of the Bedchamber do at all inter fere in public duties. It is impossible that the country would be satisfied that a Minister had the confidence of the Crown, while the relatives of his imme diate political opponents fill the highest offices around the throne. (Cheers.) My impression decidedly was that I should not appear in that situation to the country, and upon that impression I acted. Who were my political oppo nents ? The Ladies of two of them it was proposed should continue to till their high offices, while one, th e Marquis of Normanby, was publicly stated to be a can didate for the very same office which it was pro posed I should fill.--(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") The Noble Lord has been d es i gna ted as the leader o f the House of Peers.—(Hear, hear.) I know not why his talents might not justify his appointment in case of the retirement of his predecessor. But this was the fact, and I ask you to go back to other times—take Pitt or Fox, or any other Minister, and answer for yourselves this question—During the severity of contest you shall be Minister, but shall your political opponents hold offices which place them in immediate contact with you ?—(Cheers.) I felt that it was impossible that I could contend successfully with all the difficulties that encircled me, unless I had that proof of the entire confidence of her Majesty. As I, stated before, I began without the certainty of com manding- a majority of the Ilouce of Commons. I began, having only to rely upon an appeal to their good sense, upon an appeal to their forbearance— to their political forbearance, for the hope of support in the present House of Commons, being perfectly pre pared on the failure of my attempt in the present House of Commons to govern, to advise her Majesty to resort to the only alternative which might present itself to enable me to maintain my post. But if the agreement, _ . if the understanding upon whichl was to enter upon office, that I should encounter all those difficulties, and yet that the Ladies of those who preceeded me, of those with whom I was to be in daily conflict, were to be in immediate contact with the Queen, and con sidering the political character given to the House hold, that I was to acquiesce in that—ther e was something stronger than personal considerations. Though the public would lose nothing by my abandonment— though the public would, perhaps, lose nothing by my eternal exclusion from power—yet the public would lose, and I should be abandoning my duty to myself, to the country, and, above all, to the Queen, if I consented, per mitting as an understanding, on my acceptance of oflice, that the Ladies connected with my warmest p o li t i ca l opponents should continue to retain Household offices, there was something that told me that I must not un dertake the office of Minister of this gr cat countrv.— ( Cheers.) Sir, I have attempted to give this explana tion in as fair and unexceptionable a manner as I can ; and I owe it to truth to state, that intervening contem plation has only confirmed my previous impression. The Right Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amidst loud cheering. _ _ Lord JOHN MI SSELL—I feel, in addressing the House on the present occasion, the same difficulty which the Right lion. Gentleman has expressed, more particularly with reference to conversation s and to let ters, and to his being the only person who can state in Parliament what the impression was that was produced. I am therefore rejoiced to find that the Right Hon. Gentleman has avoided as much as possible all allusion to particular parts of con versation, and that although there appears to be some misconception as to what took place, on the part of the Right Hon. Gentleman, I am glad to find it is not a misconception on a point on which the Right H on. Gentleman thought it necessary to insist, and to which her Majesty was not willing to accede. I feel that it is a great consolation to me to be able to say this, because I am sure that it is far better, whatever may be the opinion of the Parliament or of the country, that the difference should be, not as to a misconception of ' conversations and of facts that took place, but a dif ference as to the principles on which an Administration should be formed during the remainder of her Majesty's reign.—( Hear, hear, hear, from Sir Robert Peel.) I will state some points, to which I am authorized to refer, and I will mention one particu lar instance in which a different impression appears to exist on the mind of her Majesty, from that which the Right Hon. Baronet has stated to the House,leaving it to him, if he thinks proper, to re-assert, or explain anything he has already said. The last time I had the honour of seeing her Majesty before I addressed the House on Tuesday last, I had informed her Majesty that the Members of the Cabinet had determined to tender to her Majesty their resignations. Lord Melbourne had not then seen her Majesty, and it was through Lord Melbourne that the resignations were to be officially tendered and formally accepted. Lord Melbourne on that occasion thought proper to mention to her Majesty some things which were usually done on changes of Adminis tration, and likewise advised her Majesty that the best course she could -pursue would be to send for the Duke of Wellington, and to take his advice respecting the steps that she should take.—( Hear, hear.) It has been stated that I also gave similar advice to her Majesty. Such, however, is not the fact, because, con sidering the situation I held, I did not consider that it was competent to me to offer any advice to her Majesty on the subject. Her Majesty accordingly sent for the Duke of Wellington, and he referred her Ma jesty to the Right Honourable Gentleman. There has been a statement made on which I have asked her Majesty what was the impression on her mind, and the Right Hon. Gentleman has stated nothing in contradiction to it. It was that in the first interview with the Duke of Wellington and the Right Hon. Baronet, the Right Honourable Baronet alluded to the formation of her Majesty's Household. Her Majesty's reply was that Lord Melbourne had in formed her Majesty that it had been usual in later times when an administration was changed to change the great offices of the Household, and likewise to place at the disposal of the person who was entrusted with the formation of a new Administration those situations in the Household which were held by Members of either House of Parlia ment. With respect to Ladies in the House hold Lord Melbourne did not tender any advice whatsoever, or any suggestion as to the practice, and it did not occur to him there was likely to be any question on the subject.—(Laughter from a few Members on the Opposition benches, and cries of " Hear, hear," prom the Ministerial benches.) Sir, I state this because, as the Right Hon. Gentleman has said there have been many things stated to the public, and impressions have gone forth, that I really believe it is better that I should state the facts so far as I have been informed, being perfectly convinced that in the end, between the Right Hon. Gent. and myself with regard to this subject, there is not a material difference.—(Hear, hear, from Sir R. Peel). Sir, the Right Hon. Gentleman, I believe, saw her Majesty on the Wednesday. He has stated what took place then, and he has stated what took place with his own political friends, and he then saw her Majesty on the Thursday, and mentioned to her the names of some persons who were to form her Majesty's Administration. Now lam informed that her Majesty, expressing, as the Right Hon. Gentle man has said, regret at the change of Administration, at the same time expressed a determination to deal with fairness with the Right Hon. Gentleman, and that I am sure will be the character of her Majesty's proceeding with regard to any person admitted to so high and distinguished a situation as that conferred on the Right Hon. Gentleman. The Right Hon. Gentle man said that with regard to the political offices of the Administration, and with regard to the great offices of the Household, and other offices in the Household held by Members of Parliament, her Majesty made— I will not use the term " concession"—but that the powers conferred on the Right Hon. Gentleman by her Majesty, were all that ha could desire, in order to ensure effi ciency to his Administration in those respects.—(Hear► hear, from Sir Robert Peel.) There occurred then, Sir, the question with respect to the Ladies of the household, and the Right Hon. Gentleman has stated in his own letter what took place with regard to them, and to which I shall beg again to call the attention of the House, reading that part with regard to the Earl of Liverpool, in order to show what the terms were on which the Right Hon. Gentleman proposed to act. The Noble Lord then read an extract from Sir R. Peel's letter.] Certainly that illustration shows the principle on which the Right Hon. Gentleman was r prepared to• act, which was, I understand, recom mending those who were agreed with his own views, but who would be personally acceptable to her Majesty. Now, with regard to that,,which is the main statement of the Right Honourable Baronet, as it affected more particularly the chief appointments —the Ladies in Waiting, the Ladies of the Bedcham ber, and some others—as to the proposal which the Right Honourable Gentleman made, and to which her Majesty declared her unwillingness to accede —with respect to that there is no doubt.---(Hear.) With respect to the expression used by the Right Hon. Bart., the impression upon my mind was that the Right Hon. Gentleman required the power to constitute that part of the Household which related to the Ladies of the Bedchamber, and that with respect to the Women of the Bedchamber, and other inferior appointments, he s tated that he wished to make some changes. The Noble Lord here referred to that passage in the Right Hon. Gentleman's letter, which required a change in that part of her Majesty's Household, and proceeded—These words referred to a conservation which the Right Honourable Gentleman had with the Duke of Wellington ; but as I before stated, although this might be the impression on the Right Hon. Baronet's mind, which was not sufficiently explained, or which, if explained, was not sufficiently understood by her Majesty, I think there was at once an end to any proposal for either an entire or a partial change, by her Majesty's declaration that she wished the whole of them to remain.—(" Hear, hear," from both sides of the House.) After the Right Hon. Bart. had declared his wish to be so authorized, and that her Majesty had declared that it was a concession she could not make, her Majesty again sent to Lord Melbourne, and consulted his Lordship as to the form of the answer which she should make to the proposition of the Right Hon. Gentleman. Lord Melbourne, finding her Majesty not disposed to yield to the proposal to submit to the removal of any part of the Household, with the exception of those connected with Noblemen and Gentlemen of either House of Parliament, sent for his colleagues, in order to take their opinion as to advice they might give her Majesty as to the form of the answer she should give. The answer given by her Majesty which has been likewise read by the Right Hon. Gentleman is in these terms—" The Queen having considered the proposal made to her on Wednesday last, by Sir R. Peel, to re move the Ladeis of her Bedchamber, cannot consent to adopt a course which she feels to be contrary to usage, and which is repugnant to her feelings." Sir, the question as I conceive is whether it was essential to enable the Right Hon. Gentleman to form a Government that her Majesty should accede to the proposal made by the Right Hon. Baronet. Now, in the view of her Majesty, whether that proposal had been for a total change of the Ladies of the Bedchamber, or whether it was for a partial change, the principle would have been equally repugnant to her feelings, because it ap peared to her Majesty, and, as I believe, that if, in pur suance of the powers granted, the Right Hon. Gen tleman had proposed the removal of some of the Ladies of the Household, and that afterwards any one or two other Ladies should be proposed—l say, Sir, that the Right Hon. Gentleman, being then Prime Minister of this country, and the principle having been conceded, it would have been utterly impossible for her Majesty to say that for the sake of any one particular lady or the sake of any one particular friend of her Majesty, she would risk the breaking up of an Administra tion in contesting the principle, to the practice of which she had given her assent.—(" Hear," and cheers.) The question then is—her Majesty's feeling strongly an objection to this proposal—whether her Majesty was authorised to say that it was a course which she conceives to be contrary to usage, and repugnant to her feelings. Now I cannot on this occasion, admit— I do not think that I should be in the least justified in admitting, that if the practice proposed by the Right Bon. Baronet is contrary to former usage—if the Kings and Queens of this realm have not acted in conformity to it, I am not prepared to admit that her present Majesty is to assent to a course repugnant to her f ee li ng s, if former usage does not justify the request. Sir, what has been the usage in this respect ? It will be difficult to find cases exactly suited to tliat of a Queen Regnant, a case which, since the death of Queen Anne, has not occurred in this country.—(Hear, hear.) In 1710, however, Lord Sunderland having been re moved from the office of Secretary of State, and Lord Regulator (as we understood) from the office of Comp troller of the Household—these Ladies—both daugh ters of the Duke of Marlborough, remained Ladies - 4; the Bedchamber from the month of August, 1710 when their husbands were dismissed, till December, 1711, when they—their father, the Duke, having been removed in a manner which they thought was unjust to that great man—resigned voluntarily their situations. Here, then, Sir, there have been changes in the House hold, but changes far more limited in extent than was required in the present case. In 1782, Lord Notting ham allowed (a Nobleman whose name, in con sequence of the noise which now prevailed in the House we did not catch) to remain Master of the Horse, and none of the Queen's Household were changed. In another period (which, from the same cause, we did not hear) the Lord Chamberlain and the Lord Steward, with the Lord Treasurer, were removed ; but none of the Ladies of the Bedchamber were removed. In 1812 there occurred a question as to the Household, which Lords Grenville and Grey made a question— Lord Moira having been authorised to form a Government— whether this included a full power over the offices of the household which were usually included in political ar rangements. And the answer is, that the principle usually followed must be in this case adhered to. But Sir, the power asked by Lords Grey and Gren ville, and upon which the formation of an Ad ministration failed—was the power to change the Great Officers of the Household, it does not appear that they asked any change in the Lords of the Bed chamber and similar arrangements. During the late King's reign there were several changes of Administra tion, and on those occasions, the Great Officers were changed ; but as to other persons holding other offices, they were not changed, as in the case of Sir W. Free mantle. Sir, Ido think therefore that the power given to the Right Hon. Baronet opposite was a power greater than had been given on any former occasions—and equal to any power that had ever been given to a person charged with the formation of an Admi nistration by any Sovereign in these realms.—(Cheers.) Sir, I have put this question with respect to usage ; and I do think that her Majesty having, as the Right Hon. Baronet says, given him full power with regard to the political Administration—that the failure of the attempt to form an Administration must not be traced to any deficiency in the power given by her Majesty. —(Cheers.) Sir, as to the other part of the ques tion—the course which her Majesty conceives to be contrary and repugnant to her Majesty's feelings—it does appear that the disposal by her Prime Minister of the offices held by Ladies with whom she is in hourly and daily communication, that such a measure would destroy her Majesty's personal comfort, and lead to continual changes in those with whom she was inti mately connected.—(Cheers.) Now, Sir, upon this subject I feel that although the two cases may not be quite exact, it is only justice to say that the officers of Queen Adelaide's Household during the late Reign were generallycomposed of persons hostile to the Government. I do not remember, except upon one occasion, that there was even an idea entertained that any of the Ladies holding such situations would be removed. I do not remember that in 1833, when the Ministry had resigned upon the Reform Bill, and there was a very strong excitement abroad in the country, so strong as to induce those who had undertaken to form an Admi nistration, to resign the attempt, and when the Ministry were restored there was an apprehension that some of the Ladies of the Queen's Household would be removed by Lord Grey, but he was sure that it was a most groundless alarm, because that Noble Lord or his Govern ment never entertained the slightest wish to interfere with the comfort of her Majesty. The Right Hon. Gentleman has stated that he had great political difficulties to con tend with, and he alluded particularly to the state of af fairs in Canada, .in India, in Jamaica, and more espe cially did he refer to the state of Ireland. There was no doubt that there were great difficulties on all those questions ; but the Right Hon. Baronet would have gained no strength to encounter those difficulties by imposing a condition which was repugnant to her Majesty. I do not mean to say that the Right Hon. Baronet in mentioning the proposal which he meant to make might not have remarked to her Ma jesty that places in her Majesty's Household held by those connected with his immediate opponents would be a discouragement to him in carrying on his Administra tion, but I do think that when he once found that such a change as he proposed would be repugnant to her Majesty, I do think that so far from being a strengthen ing it would have been a weakening of the Adminis trition to insist upon that change. Supposing her Majesty had granted the change against her will, that she had consented to the removal of those Ladies, it would have been impossible for the Right Honourable Baronet to have insisted that the Ladies imposed upon her should have been received by her Majesty with that grace and favour which had been shown to those who had been dismissed against her will. In point of policy, immediately that the Right Hon. Baronet found that there was an objection made, it would have been far better for himself if he bad at once withdrawn it—(Laughter and cheers)—be cause I should say that the knowledge that a condition had been imposed upon her Majesty with respect to the Ladies of her Household without her consent, must have been for a long time a source of irritation and dis content to her Majesty. On the contrary, if that con dition bad been relinquished her Majesty was more likely to treat the Right Hon. Baronet with more con fidence, because her Majesty being herself of a high and generous spirit, would have felt the gene rosity which dictated such conduct.—(Hear, hear.) And this be it remembered, was a proposition to a So vereign of no mature age, very young when she came to the throne, and of a sex which calls for the peculiar exercise of generosity.—(Cheers.) But I am sure the country and the world will be convinced that neither the sex of her Majesty will prevent her from being wanting in courage, nor will the age of her Majesty prevent her having a just discrimination, and a sound and calm understanding.— (Cheers.) I am saying this not because the Right Hon. Gentleman, either in the manner in which he con veyed his proposition to her Majesty or in what he said to-night, has either said or done anything except upon public grounds which he is not entitled to state as a public man, but I am putting the case of a feeling which the proposition of the Right Hon. Gen tleman might be expected to excite with those who would be likely to take an impression. The Right Hon. Gentleman has referred to public impression there might have been a public impression that her Ma jesty might have been unwilling to secure.—(Hear.) Sir, her Majesty was pleased on Friday last, after she had received the letter of the Right Honourable Gentleman resigning at once the commission with which her Majesty had honoured him—her Ma jesty was pleased to order my attendance upon her Majesty. Her Majesty stated the circumstances to me very much as the Right Hon. Gentleman has stated them—with respect to herself, exactly as the Right Hon. Gentleman has stated them—(Hear, hear) —but with regard to the proposition of the Right Hon. Gentleman her Majesty certainly had not gathered the precise nature of the manner in which the Right Hon. Gentleman proposed to use the power which was to have been granted. Her Majesty, after making these statements to me was pleased to ask whether I thought she was justified in making that refusal ; and when I stated that I thought her Majesty was justified, her Majesty was then pleased to observe, that as her Majesty, in possession of the powers of the Crown, had hitherto given her support to the Administration, she hoped I would consider myself bound now to support her Majesty in return. Sir, on the next day a Cabinet Council was held in Downing-street, and her Majesty's confidential servants, after a consultation, expressed their opinion with regard to these matters in a minute, an ex tract from which I will take the liberty to read to the House :—" Her Majesty's confidential servants having taken into consideration the letter addressed by her Majesty to Sir Robert Peel on the 10th of May, and the reply of Sir Robert Peel of the same day, are of opinion that, for the purpose of giving to the Administration that character of effi ciency and stability,• and those marks of the consitu tional support of the Crown, which are required to enable it to act usefully to the public service, it is reasonable that the great officers of the Court, and situations in the Household held by Members of iCrli;inent,should be included in the political arrange ments made on a change of the Administration, but they are not of opinion that a similar principle should be applied or extended to the offices held by La dies in her Majesty's Household.”—(Great laughter from the Opposition and cheers from the Ministeriar side of the House.) 'What therefore her Mal jesty conceded was as much as ever was con ceded by any Sovereign to any person concerned with the task of forming an Administration. What was further proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet was not conformable to any usage, a nd it wa r y a proposal whi c h was a t th e same time repug nant to her Majesty's feelings. The question then EVENING EDITION. was whether her Majesty's forme r Ministers, notwithstanding the difficulties which had made them tender their resignations, were willing so far to act as to state their concurrence with her Majesty in this refusal, and become constitutionally respon sible for that refusal.--(Cheers lied laughter.) I see that Honourable Gentlemen opposite seem to think this is a subject of great derision—that her Majesty's servants have come to the decision to sup port that refusal. They appear to treat it as a matter of lightness and gaiety. But I am prepared to say that, great as those difficulties may have been, though compelled, as I felt myself by a sense of duty, to ten der my resignation to her Majesty, I do conceive that it is no matter of derision, but matter of great • public import, that those who conceive that her Ma jesty was justified in what she has done, should not refuse to resume the responsibility which be -I.ngs to their office—(Great cheering)—neither should they conceal or evade the avowal of it, trusting to the opinion of the Parliament and the country to support them. The Noble Lord sat down amidst tremendous cheering. Sir R. PEEL—I can assure the Noble Lord that he has relieved me of the greatest load of anxiety I ever suffered under during my whole life, viz., that of doing • injustice to my Sovereign.—(Cheers.) Nothwithdand ing some of the observations made by the Noble Lord, I think it would be much better that I should rest upon what I have stated than enter farther into the subject at pre sent. The Noble Lord inquired of me whether her Majesty did not state to me that it was her intention to act towards me with openness and fairness. Her Ma jesty certainly did state that I should find her act with perfect openness and fairness, and I would make a more important declaration than that, and she certainly did act with perf ec t o p enness an d f a i rness. — ( Cheers ' On the whole, although the Noble Lord invited discus sion on some points, I think it would be better that I should not go further. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—Though it is pot neces sary, it may be satisfactory to the Right Hon. Gentle man for me to state that I have nothing to complain of in the statement that he has made.—(Cheers.) The SPEAKER then put the question, that the House at its rising do adjourn till Wednesday, upon which Mr. W. DUNCOMBE rose. He wished to know whether the Noble Lord would have any- objeo- Lion to state his reason for proposing that the House should adjourn till Wednesday, because, if he understood the Noble Lord rightly, he proposed that the House should adjourn over to-morrow till Wednesday, and from Wednesday to Friday se'nnight. Now it must be apparent to every one that Wednesday was an extremely inconvenient day, as it was usually on days on which very little public business was transacted. He was reminded also that it was the day of the Derby. —(Laughter.) The adjournment to Friday se'nnight was unusually long for the Whitsun holidays, and he wished to know whether the Noble Lord had any reason to assign for that protracted adjournment. He did not complain of it, bat be thought the country had a right to know why the uniform practice was de parted from. If there were any further exchanges to to take place in the Cabinet, and that was the reason for so extended an adjournment, he thought the House ought to be informed of it. Whilst he was upon his legs, ho would just ask whether upon Friday se'nnight upon the House assembling, they were to understand that they were to proceed to the important duty of electing a Speaker in the room of the Right Hon. Gent. who at present so ably filled the chair. Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not think the course pursued by the Government a very unusual one. The believed that the adjournment generally was for ten days at Whitsuntide. Thursday was the Queen's birth-day, and therefore it was not proposed that the House should adjourn till that day. He should there fore persevere in proposing that the House should adjourn to Wednesday, and from Wednesday to Friday se'nnight. With respect to the other I question, if there was no technical objection to the election of the Speaker taking place on the day that the House met, the House would proceed to the elec. Lion ; but he had thought that a message from the Crown was necessary. Mr. W. DUNCOMBE could net see why the • House should not sit to-morrow. Sir R. PEEL earnestly entreated that no objections should be made to the adjOurnment proposed by the Noble Lord opposite, under existing circumstances. The only question with him was, whether private busi ness might not be forwarded, as there were a great many private Bills at present waiting to be proceeded with. Lord J. RUSSELL had no objection to the House sitting to-morrow, but it must be distinctly understood that it met for private business, and private business alone. The Government would not be able to answer any questions on that day, in con sequence of their important duties elsewhere. NEW WRIT. On the motion of Mr. E. J. STANLEY a new writ was ordered for the boiough of Hertford, in the room of the 'Hon. William Cowper, who, since his election, had been appointed one of the Commissioners of Green wich Hospital. The HOuse adjourned at Half-past Seven o'Clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, MAT 13. Long before five o'cl oc k th e H ouse was i mmense l y crowded. There were not only a very unusual number of Peers present, but the spaces below the Throne and the Bar and the Gallery were literally crammed. At Five o'clock the LORD CAANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack. At the same moment Lord Melbourne, the Marquis of Normanby, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and Lord Minto entered the House and took their seats—the Marquis of Normanby occupying the place where Lord Melbourne has hitherto sat, and Lord Melbourne taking his seat on the Noble Marquis's left hand. The last-mentioned Noble Lords shook hands warmly with Earl Spencer, who occupied a place behind the Treasury Bench. Earl Grey was also in the House, the Duke of Cambridge, the Duke of Sussex, and the Hereditary Grand Duke of Russia. Lord FURNIVAL was introduced by Lord Saye and Sele and Lord Lismore, and took the oaths and his rat. Lord STANLEY, of Alderley Park, was introduced by Lord Sudeley, and took the oaths and his seat. Lord LEIGH, of Stoneley, was introduced by Lord Saye and Sele and Lord Sudeley, and took the oats and his seat. ~ A great number of Noble Lords pr cliit The Earl of S EFTON a l so t oo k th e on and his soot. ed petitions from different pl aces , p ra yi ng f or th e - doption of a penny psetage. Lord RA - DNOR presented a petition signed by a number of young ladies, praying for the adoption of a penny postage, with a view to facilitate their affec tionate intercourse.—(lmmense laughter.) The Earl of LOVELACE presented a petition from a Major in the Yeomanry, which stated that the petitioner had resided in the county of Surrey since the reign of Henry the Eighth.--(Laughter, and cries of " Hear.") The Noble Lord said he had misread the statement, but the Major complained that be had been passed over in a promotion which had taken place in the regiment from political motives. Lord REDESDALE was instructed by the Lord Lieutenant to say that the alleged complaint in the pa. tition was not founded in fact. The Bills on the table were forwarded a stage. At this period the most perfect silence prevailed, and evidently the greatest interest, as every person present seemed fully . confident that Lord Melbourne would rise itaddress the House. His Lordship, how ever, remained unmoved, and in a short time the Senior Clerk went and spoke to the Noble Viscount in a whisper. The Clerk returned to his place, and in a minute or two afterwards, upon the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, The LORD CHANCELLOR adjourned the House till tomorrow. This evidently occasioned a feeling of universal consternation throughout the House, and groups of Noble Lords remained in different parts of the House in conversation with each other for a considerable time after the Lord Chancellor had left tie' House. THE CORONERSIIIP FOR MIDDLESEX..—It IS I rumoured, and we believe with good foundation, that the duties of Coroner for this county have so much increased, from the large addition to the population which has taken place since the last census, that another Coroner will be appointed for the western division of the county. Since Mr. \Vakley's appointment the inquests have averaged from four tc five each day, and it is said to be absolutely Ile_ cessary that the duties of the situation should be subdivided. We have reason to believe that application will be made to the Lord Chancellor, and that upon a proper case being made out, as it easily may, he will issue a writ for the choosing of another Coroner to act for the same division as Mr. Wakley. It is of the greatest importance to the pub. lie that the office of Coroner should be effieientlj per formed, and we feel confident that Mr. Wakley would not , attempt to oppose the appointment of an additional Coro ner, even though thereby he lose half his emoluments. Pri vate interests must give way to public good. Bell's Life in London, of Sunday May 19, will contain the fullest and most authentic account of Epsom , Races, with original remarks, and a Portrait of the Witmer of the Derby, by Mr. Herring; interresting intelligence connected with the turf, cricket, acquatics, chess, pedes trianism, trotting, and every variety ofsp th o e rtit N ig eN s v uh c je r c a t n s d , with ample details of the politic al and domestic incidents of the week. imp s Life in London of Sunday, M ay 26, will contain an accurate Engraving of Stand at Ascott. Price of Bell's Life in London, Five. (pence. Belt's .Lift in London is publi s h e d i n time for the agents to send off by the Birmingh am two o'clock train on Saturday's, by which arrangement it is received in Birmingham on Saturday evenings, IRELAND.—The Dublin E • y a S a turday, on the supposition that the Tories were s in of office, l • a c st and that Sir Robert Peel would, aft er a t i m e, li t compelled to dissolve the present Parliament, expresses a conviction that Ireland will do her duty 010 f tat we do not doubt; and Sir Robert Peel will have to rule this country on what are designated Conservative, that is to say in-ireignO" -Orange, ptineiplea, with nearly two-thirds ot the repre sentatives of Ireland against him. A pleasant look out, Sir Robert." • isb°l )01°' 2a of 00 i, t bc ,d Sr" Ac i ° l e B t ab° c ! Id 61 b 1 , 9 . 3 0 scbletit . lo or • ! 1: O bi. cede d in t" is `"- jai be e tbl e of t9° 8 : 7 4 4