The Sun. — London, England, 1844-06-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—The Bill for provoking commercial war fare, and promoting commercial perjury, comes on this evening for a third reading. The House of Commons has one more opportunity-, if it sees proper, of rescind ing its past votes. Of course we have no expectation so salutary a repetition of that recent process. It is lit the less our duty, even at this, the eleventh hour, to repeat our protest against the passing of such a measure as this Sugar Bill. We protest against it on the plainest grounds of international policy—grounds which, if admitted, must be held paramount to any an ticipated temporary benefit or relief. Admitted they are, it seems, by an able weekly organ of that party, whom Mr. Hume on Thursday described as " the free traders par excellence, to whom the Right Honourable Baronet was indebted for his majority." That organ affirms that the only difference between free and slave labour produce—but admitting both on the same terms—is, that " We shall by this measure give just cause of offence and estrangement to many of the largest and best customers we have, and provoke measures of a retaliatory kind." Is it not an ominous sign of the times, that clear-headed men should begin by describing a measure in these terms, and end by applauding their friends for voting for it ?—for maintaining by their vote Ministers guilty of a measure meriting the above description! A measures which gives just cause of offence must be a measure which infringes justice. The measure in question is confessedly one of unprecedented commercial innovation. It is, according to the above autho rity, one of injustice as well as innovation. It is, never theless, to be voted for. Why?—Answer : Forty thou sand tons of sugar. It is a measure, as Lord Palmerston observed, authorising Government to " take to them selves the power of investigating and judging the in ternal institutions of all the different colonies and tropical countries, and under the pretence of maintaining the protection of West India produce, they were to be allowed to open the market to the produce of any country the institutions of which they should determine to be suffi ciently tinged with freedom."—What can justify the con sent of Parliament to such an unheard-of internationa inquisition ?—Answer : Forty thousand tons of sugarl It is a measure, as Mr. Labouchere observed, in effec• o t inounting to " a proclamation of commercial war with Braizil and Cuba, which called on the people of this country to take great sacrifices for no practicable or intelligible object, to exhibit themselves in the eyes of the world as a people who were unable to carry their own principles into effect, introducing a system of extensive fraud in the commercial world without in any degree benefiting the negro population held in sla very in foreign countries." What can blunt the edge of independent opposition to such a measure ? Answer— Forty thousand tons of sugar. It is a measure, as Mr. lilawes observed, imposing on British Consuls duties of a novel and objectionable nature :—" The Consul was not on!) , to receive the foreign declara tion as to the origin of the sugars about to be shipped for consumption in England, but he was to make a declaration upon that declaration—that he believed it to be true. Now, this was not a duty which ought to be imposed on a British Consul ; it was a totally new and nit unprecedentedly onerous duty, and, moreover, it would, he apprehended, give rise to much fraud, or at all eve Ats create a vast temptation to persons to lend their sanction to fraudulent shipments of sugar." What can justify a measure imposing these odious, one rous, and it was shown useless functions? Answer— Forty thousand tons of sugar. Now; we do not pretend to any extraordinary pitch of heroic virtue. We have never denied ourselves a lump - of sugar, from childhood up, on the African argument, or any other. But had the alternative been offered us— will you mortify your sweet tooth till this day twelve month—will you abjure all part and lot in these forty thousand tons, which, it seems, outweigh, in the minds of some parties, every higher, every moral and inter national consideration of policy—will you bear your share, or double or quadruple your share, in whatever burthen such temporary obstruction of this particular import might have entailed, as a matter of revenue— would you risk such, or tenfold such consequences— accept your own share, or tenfold your share in them— or will you make yourself an actor in this solemn faree? —will you aid in dragging down this majestic England to the level of this miserable cabal—this wretched hud dle of hypocrites and their dupes P—we affect no sublime public spirit ; but we think we know our answer. And we think it would not be—Forty thousand tons of sugar. There is short-sightedness in this materialism. STANDARD.—Fourteen or fifteen years ago the constitution of the House of Commons, how conveniently soever it worked for Ministers and parties had become intolerable to the people. The Reform Bill was intro duced with a bad design, and with many gross defects; but the people eagerly snatched at anything which would relieve them from the system that placed them under the necessity of choosing between one of two great parties of the aristocracy, and left them (as in 1829) absolutely with out the slightest power to remonstrate upon any occa sion-, when these two great parties might happen to agree. The Reform Bill, pruned of some of its defects, but not of all, was carried ; and the Duke of Wellington, fore seeing consequences which occurred to the minds of very few among its opponents or supporters, asked the signi . ficant question, "How, under the new law, the King's Government was to be carried on ?" The question was - understood, arrd perhaps with reason, as an interrogative argument against the Bill ; but, however understood, it involved this very just assumption, that the Government must be carried on in some manner very different from that manner of which the country had experience. Be ' fore the passing of the Bilk in question, a large amount of Borough influence—in the hands of Tory and Whig noblemen respectively—formed the nucleus of two great parties, and poseessed sufficient power to render impossible the formation of a third. The utmost that the inde • pendent representatives of the people could accom plish was, to adjust the balance of these two parties, or, as public opinion prevailed, give preponderante to the one or the other. This arrangement won derfully facilitated and simplified the conduct of the Government. A minister remained in office while his party numbered a majority, and while in office he was sure of the support of that majority. Divisions or mutinies on either side of the House were rarely heard of, for this obvious • reason, that it was impossible to damage the Minister, • or party leader, without, in a greater degree, damaging the party to which the mutineer or malcontent belonged. The Reform Bill totally changed - this state. Interests and opinions out of doors became the rallying points of parties, which of course became as numerous and hete .. rogeneous as these interests and opinions ; and in order < Ats.arrange the simply two-fold division in the House of Commons, it became necessary to marshal on the two sides of the House respectively such parties as • most nearly approached each other, in interest and opinion, without too rigorously exacting what it was • impossible to obtain. Thus, all who wished to maintain all the institutions of the country, or any one of them, . though indifferent to the fate of the rest, constituted the Conservative party, while all that sought violent changes in any institution (if indifferent as to others), or in all, • fell into the opposite ranks. 'This was, unquestion • ably, for the people, a better division than that of the Tory and Whig days ; but it is one greatly more difficult for a Minister to deal with. In such a division. the Minister or party leader has absolutely no power of his own—nothine. but the opinion of his parti • sans to support him, and no means of influencing their conduct, except by plainly . announcing his purpose 'to . abdicate, if he do not receive a confiding and a cordial support. It is most unjust to treat such announce ment as a threat—it is the declaration. which eve'ey ' honest man makes in parallel circumstances l in tile most ordinary transactions of life. If th e lawyer's instructions are not attended to he throws • up his brief; if the physician's prescriptions are °lair - ruled he takes leave of his patient. If the pilot is pushed . from the helm, he hails his boat, and bids good bye. In the same way the Minister, or party leader, must either have a confiding support or he must retire. Since the Reform Bill, he must be a bona fide leader of his party, or he must be its implicit slave. The Reform Bill, • which has thus seriously diminished the power of a Minister over his party, reducing - him from the absollite ' master that he once was, to a director upon sufferance, • has immeasurably increased the amount and difficultyiof the work to be done by him with this diminished power. , lie has not only to reconcile conflicting interests and ad , • verse opinions in his own ranks—of which there will be ▪ a plenty, let the party agree never so well on a geneia • principle—lie has to satisfy that large portion of t!h( public, who think that the great constitutional change'a • 1832 is not to be absolutely barren of practical results 'Tanta within the last 12 or 15 years the domestic govern • tnent Of the, country was a business almost of routi .e, lint now it has become, whether for good or for evil n . great task of reconstruction, from which no Minister n :withhold his hand. There is not a party or section o a • party in the country which will dispute this as a gene al • necessity, though each has, no doubt, a cherisl ed somethiug which, in its opinion; ought not to be touched. Such is the precarious and arduous posit n ofb, Minister since the Reform Bill, and such it, to so e extent, must remain, thought its difficulties will no dotibt diminish, when, if ever, the work of reconstruction s 11 be complete. The authors of the Reform Bill tr ed to evade, as Ministers, the terrible - inbarrassiee is which they had provided for themselves and th it - successors, by yielding in turn to the most n ". reasonable and mischievous suggestion s of th it I tis P s e uP l p t o ak rt rs a , - supporters until they had thoroughly disg race d th selves, and disgusted tdho-eeesonuontt7l; ld Si t r o ' different course. He but places his continuance in office at their disposal. Which is the more manly, and honest, and gentleinanle line ? We suppose all will admit that the Ine adopted by Sir 'Robert Peel is generally—we canpot allow it to) be tried by particular instances where these are sb many conflicting interests and repugnant opinions—the more honourable than patriotie. PPut it is pia that the Minister who takes this llne must, lit- the present constitution of the HoOse - - of Common; have frequent occasion to complain* of likp desertion of sections of his usual adherents, tee .quent hints to prepare for retirement, and no less plin is it that in - present circumstances, men, if they would act honestly and for the public good, will some times find themselves compelled to rescind votes hastily given, or given without a full knowledge of their necessary effect In the actual condition of affairs, that which, fill r a different state of - things, would be imperiousness in a Minister, is modest duty—that which would be inconsistency in a party or an individual, is honour le and faithful adherence to prieciple. The sacrifice;, *hat have lately bee n ma d e to Sir 4ob9rt Peel prove the'fin . imense importance attached to the pYftservation of his services by the Conservative party, and hp tgeuld not better prove his claim to this high appreciation than., by the disinterested firmness which hP made such sacrifices necessary. fi , fu Governor of the Bank of England bad an intey view with tb Chance-11or of the Ezetwinor, yesterday, it his official residence in Downing -street. LAW INTELLIGENCE. hOUSE OF LORDS, June 24 The House sat to-day to hear appeals. The Peers present were the Lord Chancellor, Lord Brougham, Lord Campbell, and Lord Wrottesley. ADAM V. FARQUHARSON. This case came before their Lordships upon appeal from a decision of the Court of Session, upon a dry question of Scotch entail. At half-past one o'clock, in consequence of the Lord Chancellor having to attend a Committee, the further consideration of the case was adjourned till Thursday at twelve o'clock. TIIE DUKEDOM OF SUSSEX. The further consideration of the claim of Sir Augustus D'Este to the Dukedom of Sussex will be proceeded with to morrow (this day) at ten o'clock. VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, June 24. llis Honour the Vice-Chancellor of England sat at Lincoln's Inn to-day, and took motions chiefly on practice and matters of course. The Court rose at an early hour COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH, «rune 24. (Trial at Bar.) THE BARON DE lIODE V. THE QUEEN, ON A PETITION OF RIGHT. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) The jury returned a verdict in favour of the Baron de Bode's claim to the full amount-364,2661., with interest. COURT OF BANKRUPTCY, June 24. (Before Mr. Commissioner GOULBURN.) THE RO3IFORD BANK.—IN RE THOMAS JOHNSON, THE ELDER. JOHNSON, JUN., AND CHARLES MANN. This day was fixed for the choice of assignees in the matter of these bankrupts, who carried on business as bankers, at Romford, Essex. The senior partner is the Alderman of the ward of Portsoken, and within a very few years had filled the office of Lord Mayor of the city of London. The Court was crowded during the proceedings. Mr. Wilkinson, as solicitor for the County Bank, said it would tend considerably to shorten the proceedings in this case to-day, if he were permitted to say a few words. There was a meeting of creditors at Romford oa Wednesday, when the general feeling was expressed in favour of the appoint. ment of four of the largest creditors as assignees, and that a number of powers of attorney to vote in such choice had been given to Mr. Biscott, and if that gentleman now intended to use them for those four gentlemen, then we will agree to their being appointed at once. The Learned COMMISSIONER thought that such a proposal was very fair ; and, after some conversation, Mr. Biscott as sented to the proposition. At a meeting held at Romford on Wednesday last, proofs to a very large amount, including those of the holders of notes and depositors, were taken before Mr. Campbell, the Learned Registrar of this Court, and the only one which stood over was a proof tendered by Mr. Stacey, the secretary of the Agricultural Association, on the behalf of that body, for 80/. A technical objection, however, was taken to the ad missibility of the proof, as the society was not incorporated, although checques drawn by Mr Stacey on account of that association had been duly honoured. The Learned Commissioner demanded the claim to be in serted on the proceedings, subject to the investigation of the rules of the society. The following gentlemen were then chosen assignees : Mr. Robert H. George, of Ilford, auctioneer; Mr. John Mee son, of Grays, lime• burner ; Mr, Woodford, of Hornchurch, brewer; and Mr. John Cooper, of West Ham, miller. Mr. Wilkinson here begged to observe that there was a very strong feeling amongst the creditors against the conti nuance of any allowance to either of the Johnsons, although they were perfectly willing to grant it to Mr. Mann. Mr. George (one of the assignees) strongly urged that Mr. Johnson had no right to have assumed the position which he had done, and it was with the view of marking their disap probation of his conduct that they now sought to withhold his allowance. Mr. Commissioner GOULBURN—The grant of an allowance is in the power of the Court up to the choice of the assig nees; but afterwards it rests with them. The object for which an allowance is granted is to enable the bankrupt to attend upon the official assignee, and thereby render the estate all the assistance in his power; and this course I take to be not only humane but politic, and a bankrupt should not be crushed. Mr. George—l have not, Sir, made my observations under any feelings of irritation, but as it appears to be usual to grant a bankrupt some allowance, I should propose an allowance of 41. a week to Mr. Mann, 2/. to Mr. Johnson, sen., and 1/. to the sort. We merely wish this distinction to be made on the ground of public good, and to mark our sense of disapproba tion of the conduct of Mr. Johnson, and to show that we are unwilling to permit a man to come amongst us with such ob vious intentions. Mr. Wilkinson—This is quite true, Sir ; for a sum of 300/. was taken (received) by Mr. Johnson, out of which he had re tained 40/. for his own use. The Learned COMMISSIONER said he was very sorry, but this sum must be given up, and the assignees could examine the bankrupt upon that point, if they should think proper. Mr. Lankham, for the bankrupt Johnson, said he thought that there must be some misunderstanding as to the 40/., which, if taken, he could only attribute to Mr. Johnson's want of knowledge of the law. He (Mr. Longhorn) also hoped that the assignees would not prejudge a man who, if he have done wrong, should only be punished in the proper way. In addition, he would also pray the assignees not to form a hasty judgment until the accounts had been gone into. The total amount of debts proved is about 40,000/., and the question of an allowance to the bankrupts was by consen suffered to remain in abeyance for the present. The amoun of the bankrupts' notes in circulation are estimated at 16,000/. but until the bankrupts' accounts are gone into, it is impos sible to say what assets may be realised. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (YESTERDAY.) TVORSHIP-STREET. Frederick Martin, an itinerant vendor of ginger beer, was brought before Mr. Broughton, charged with having obstructed the public thoroughfare in Old-street, St. Luke's, at seven o'clock on the previous morning. Police-constable Jenkinson, G 53, stated that he was on duty in Old-street at the time mentioned, when he saw the prisoner standing with a truck containing ginger. beer at the edge of the carriage -way. On being desired to move away the prisoner immediately shifted the truck to the other side of the street, but refused to go any fur ther, and according to directions he had received, witness took possession of the truck, and conveyed the prisoner to the station-house. Mr. BROUGUTON asked the policeman by what au thority he took the man into custody under such circum stances? The policeman said that he had received orders from his sergeant in the event of such persons refusing to go away when so directed, that he was to convey their coin • modities to the green yard and themselves to the station house. Mr. BROUGHTON said that if such orders had really been issued they ought unquestionably to have been communicated to the Magistrates. As far as his expe rience went, such articles were openly sold under the very eye of the police in all parts of the town, and it was but right that they should be so cheap as to bring them within the limited means of the poor, who would other wise be altogether precluded from such indulgencies. Inspector Jarvis said that he himself was not aware of any such order as the policeman had alluded to, although it, of course, was part of the duties of the police to prevent those obstructions that gave rise to public complaint or inconvenience. Mr. BROUGHTON observed that it - was impossible that the slightest obstruction could have been occasioned in the present instance, as the road in question was suffi ciently wide for six carriages to stand abreast, and there could scarcely have been any traffic going on at that early hour in the morning. Ile knew of no law that would authorise the punishment of the defendant under such circumstances, and be should therefore discharge him. The prisoner was accordingly discharged. CLERKENIVELL. John Lee who has been repeatedly convicted at this and other Courts was charged with assaulting his own child, an infant four months old, so as to endanger its life. The prisoner when placed at the bar put his arms a-kimbo, and with a sneer looked contemptuously at the bench. Mr. GREENWOOD—How many times have you been here? Prisoner (laughing.)—Can't say. Mr. GREENwoon—How many times have you been convicted at the Old Bailey? Prisoner—Exactly three. Police-constable 275 N heard screams of " murder " proceed from the prisoner's dwelling, Greenman's-lano, No. 10, and on reaching it was informed that he had murdered his child. It turned out that, whilst beating. his wife, who had the infant in her arms, he struck tile latter a violent blow on the head, and to all appearaneis the child was dead, Medical aid was obtained. The doctor said the injury was of a dangerous character, and the infant had been thrown into a fit by the blow. Mary Lee, the prisoner's wife, confirmed the above statement. She held the poor little babe in arms. In answer to questions from the Magistrate, she stated that the prisoner had been courting her for twenty seven months previous to their marriage, twenty-three of which he had been in prison. Mr. GREENWOOD (to the prisoner)—What punish ment were you sentenced to at the Old Bailey ? Pri soner—One three and two sixes (months).—(Laughter.) He was remanded for a fortnight. A young man of delicate and melancholy look, named James Dav‘a, was charged with attempting to commit suicide. It appeared from the evidence, that the prisoner, who is an artisan, living in Greenhill's-rents, Clerkenwell, has been married lately to a female to whom he was greatly attached. On the :10th inst. he became jealous, and the green-eyed monster so completely possessed him that he drank a large quantity of laudanum in order to terminate his existence, He was taken to the North Londim Hospital by police-constable 92 E, who found him in Chiehaster-place, soon after ho had taken the poison, writhing with pain. lie has been since then lying in the hospital. The prisoner said he was very sorry for what he had done, and that he believed his jealousy was unfounded. Mr. GREENWO6b said the offence hid become so com mon that the judges had come to a determination' to Punish with rigour all such rash offenders. The magis trate sent the foolish fellow home to his wife, who, it appeared, had been almost as ill from fright as he had been from poison. !'our agricultural labourers, named Beadle, Marshall, _ Poi'. and Gibson, were charged with begging. They were ragged, half -starved-looking, poor creatures. Rostock,' a Meridieity constable, saw them, with six others of the sam e c l ass, begging le Woburn-square on that morning ; he offered them employment ut the Men dicity, but they declined. At a lat er p er i o d o f t h e d ay he saw the whole t e n walk abreast d own Li quorpon d r street, singing" The Farm er ' s soy," with Gibsonb a u t voiceßeadle 4 t of dolorous pitch—he took. them int o custody. no money ; Mayor, lid. ; Marshall, iod., had Its. lid, !won him. The prisoners dou-lgr,..d they ti c s ou . ld find n o employ ment in their native places, and 8,4 a resorted to beg g i ng to save themselves from starving. They were di,. charged, with p. caution. QUgEN-SQUARE. Yesterday, John Donnaliffe, a stra;thr was placed at the b ar , charged with feloniously assaulting and wo4n4in&' Safah Powei, a wie,oy, with two children, to whom he was paying his addresses. Mary Anne Beak, a respectable woman, stated that the inured female, who was now lying in the h4spital in a very dangerous state, was her sister, and had beeri witi3 'l3er for sogp time past at N. 2, Laundry-yard, 1 y t- minster. The prisoner, who had been in the habit of visiting her, came on Sunday morning, and they went out together, returning about two o'clock, both, in witness's opinion, affected by liquor. her sister, who complained of having the headache, wished to lie down, while prisoner insisted upon it that she should stop up to have some chops, and then take another walk. Some words took place between them, from which it was evident that they were jealous of each other, and on witness's sister pulling his hair, he called her a spite ful —, and swore he would never come into the house again. He was about leaving the room when witness's sister placed herself against the door, and said, " Before you go we'll have blood for blood ;" upon which the prisoner replied, " Very well," and took a clasp knife from his pocket, and, opening the blade, held it by his side in his right hand. Witness went between them, and said, " For shame of you; look at these two poor children" (alluding to their unpro tected state); and witness's sister observed, "You'd better do it ;" and in a second, prisoner stretched his arm over wit ness's shoulder, and stabbed her sister in the left breast. Prisoner immediately burst into tears, and said, " Oh, what have I done ! I did not mean to do it—it is all through jealousy—you know I love you." A doctor was sent for, as the injured woman was bleeding profusely, but he refused to come, as he said he had nothing at all to do with stabs. Pri soner then took witness's sister part of the way to the hos pital, but on a sudden ran away and left her. Mr. BOND—Do you mean to say that a medical man re fused to come when sent for under such circumstances? Wit ness—Yes, Sir; he sent word that he'd have nothing to do with stabs. ➢lr. BOND inquired whether the knife had been found ? The policeman replied that it had, and produced a very sharp and formidable clasp knife, which was identified by Mrs. Beak. Mr. Taylor, an inspector of the B division, said that the female was so bad on the previous evening, that it was not expected she would survive many hours; she was, however, somewhat better that morning, and hopes were entertained of her recovery. He then handed in a certificate, signed by the house-surgeon of the Westminster Hospital, stating that the female was in a dangerous state. Mr. BOND asked the accused if he wished to say anything? —Prisoner, who had appeared much affected during the ex amination, made no reply.—He was remanded for a week. THE SUN, LONDON TUESDAY .EVENING, JUNE 25, 1844. HAMBURGH MAIL. BERLIN, JUNE 17.—We know nothing more than what we find in the newspapers of the object of the Emperor of Russia's visit to London. Many, probably, ascribe it to the impending change in the Oriental policy. We know from good authority that the Emperor's visit was connected with the possibility of a marriage of h:s Royal Highness Prince George of Cambridge to her Im perial Highness the Grand Duchess Olga, who was in tended for the Archduke Stephen. BERLIN, JUNE 14.—The accounts received from St. Petersburgh announce the health of the Grand Duchess Alexander, Princess of Hesse, as rather better. GOTTENBURG, JUNE 15.—Private letters from Stock holm say that the house of E. W. Schlegel and Co., has called a meeting of its creditors, which has caused an extraordinary sensation ; also, that Captain Lindeberg, a well-known member of the Opposition, proprietor of a new theatre in that city, has stopped payment ; the bills are stated at 80,000 rix dollars, the assets at 82,000. STOCKHOLM, JUNE 14.—The State Gazette contains the following article :—" While the discussions in the journals on the Prince de Joinville's pamphlet have at tracted public attention in France and England to the naval warfare, which will be produced by the use of steamers, a more extensive work is in the press here, and will shortly be published by one of our ablest naval officers ; it treats the subject in all its details, and will throw great light upon it, and we may venture to pro phecy that it will excite the greatest interest iu Europe and America." HAMBURGH BORSENHALLE, JUNE 21. Bills. Money. Austrian 5 per Cents. Bank Shares 1675 Anglo. Russian Loan ll3;i Russian 5 Der Cent., Ist serie s , Certificate...- — 105 Inscription, Ist series — 105 Russian 5 per Cent. Hope and Co., 3d and 4th Series „... 99% Ditto in Certificates ... 99% New 4 per Cent. (1840) ..... „... ........ 91 Dutch Actual Debt, 234 per Cent. — Ditto 5 per Cent. ..... Polish Bonds — New Tickets PRUSSIAN FUNDS.—BEELIN, JUNE 21. Bills. Money St. Schuld Sch., 4 per cent. Prussian English Bonds, 1830, 4 per cent. Exchange on London 6 23% Prussian State Gazette. June 21. BELGIAN FUNDS.—Bausarms, JUNE 21. Actual Debt, 234 per Cent., 6l Rothschild's Loan, Five per Cent. 103% Loan of Thirty Millions, Four per Cent. 99 ... Three per Cent...—. ----- Thlrty-seven Millions, ditto .. ...... ..------ lO4 4 Loan of City, 1832, Four per Cent (lB4o) 102% _ 1843- ...... ..... .................. ....... 1044 Society of Commerce, Four and a Half per Cent. Bank of Belgium, Five per Cent 61% Issue of 1841 lO9 —Brussels Papers, June 22. UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE OXFORD, JUNE 22.—1 t has been agreed in convoca tion to grant 500/. from the University chest for repair ing and arranging the Chantrey models, and for placing the Raffaelle and M. Angelo drawings, and for other works connected with the outfit of the new galleries. Yesterday, in convocation, nine members of Cambridge and one of Dublin Universities were admitted an eundem. Mr. E. Clarke Lowe, of Magdalen Hall, has been elected a Bible Clerk of Lincoln College. The following members of this University have been ordained by the Archbishop of York, at Bishopsthorpe: Deacons—T. H. Smith, of Queen's College; M. G. Buckley, of Trinity College. Priests—Rev. J. P. Marriott, of Balliol College; Rev. R. Rolleston, of University College; Rev. H. F. Inman, of Lincoln College ; Rev. J. Scotland, of St. John's College. The executors of S. Alger have presented the Rev. C. S. Clarke to the vicarage of Lindsell, Essex--value 1341. per annum. R. Cracroft, Esq.. has presented the Rev. E. G. Jarvis to the Vicarage of Hackthorn with the Rectory of Cold Hanworth—value 2601. per annum. The Rev. W. J. Parkes has been instituted to the Rec tory of Hilgay, Norfolk—value 1,291/. per annum. Viscount Valletort has presented the Rev. F. Shelley to the Rectory of Beerferris, Devon—value 7001. per annum. Sir W. B. Cooke, Bart., has presented the Rev. Mr. Sorsby to the Vicarage of Arksey, Yorkshire—value 113 Z per annum. CAMBRIDGE, JUNE 22.—Edward Spencer, 8.A., has ;ust been elected a Foundation Fellow of Sydney Col lege, and the Rev. Hugh Fowler, M.A., on the Blundell foundation. Charles Gutch, 8.A., has been appointed Mathe matical Lecturer of Sydney College. THE CHURCH.—The following appointments have taken place :—The Rev. Samuel Lewthwaite, M.A., of Magdalen College, to the Curacy of Elsworth. The Rev. J. C. James, 8.A., of St. John's College, to the Curacy of Middleton, in the county of Salop. The Rev. Charles Thornton, M.A., of Clare Hall, to the Curacy of Bay ford, Herts. DURHAM, JUNE 22.—The annual prize of ten guineas given by the Lord Bishop of Durham for the greatest proficiency in Hebrew and Hellenistic Greek has been divided between Messrs. lludson and Low, who were de dared by the examiners to be equal. The Hartley prize for Theology has been awarded to J. Low Low. The following gentlemen have passed the Theological examination :—Rev. Samuel Smith, 8.A., Rev. Cyril Wood, 8.A., John Robertson, 8.A., Robert Hamilton Harry Lipscomb, 8.A., Richard Loxham, 8.A., John Low Low, 8.A., Henry Robson, 8.A., Edward Stewart, B.A. The above-mentioned gentlemen have been ad mitted Licentiates. The following degrees have been conferred:— Bachelors of Arts—John Gilby, John Wharton Mason, Nathaniel Atkinson, Richard John Shields, Ar thur John Beanlands. Masters of Arts—The Rev. John Atkinson White. head, 8.A., Charles Robinson, B.A. Admitted an Eundem—The' Rev. John Leger Walton, M.A., 'Trinity College, Cambridge; the Rev. Thomas Edwards, M.A., Trinity College, Dublin; the Hon. and Rev. George Grey, M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge; the Rev. David Morgan, M.A., Jesus College, Cam bridge; the Rev. Thomas C. Smyth, M.A., Catherine Hall, Cambridge. The warden has nominated the following officers for the ensuing years:— Proctors—The Rev. Edward Massie, M.A., and the Rev. Charles Whitley, M.A. Examiners at Public Examinations—The Rev. Brere ton Edward Dwarris, ALA., the Rev. John Gibson, M.A., and the Rev. David Melville, M.A. An election for three foundation fellows will take place n November. The destruction of the antique barrows in Green wich- park has been for the present suspended. About twenty of these national memorials of the valour of the ancient Britons in the time of Alfred the Great were swept away a few days since in digging for the proposed reservoir. Since then, however, the work has been sus pended by authority, and it is now believed by those who appear to be the best informed upon the subject, that in deference to th'e strongly expressed wishes of the inha bitants, a site for the reservoir will be adopted beyond the limits of the beautiful park. ATROCIOUS MURDER.-- - -It is our painful duty to record one of the most brutal murders that has taken place for some time. We learn that on the evening of Sunday, the 16th instant, an armed party entered the house of Patrick Hughes, of Newtown, in the county of Roscommon, and deliberately murdered him, by stabbing him in several parts of the body, and breaking his skull. The poor man had only retired to rest a few minutes previously, and was aroused by the screams of his wife, who was seriously abused, and had got up to save her from the party. No reason is given for this dreadful murder ; Hughes was a pensioner, well-conducted, and in comfortable circumstances. Hughes lived within a mile of Strokestown, on the side of the mail-coach road. Through the exertions of Captain Blakeny, who imme diately attended, two of the party have been arrested and indentitied.—Dublin Evening Mail MILL IMPROVEMENTS...-WO understand that an enterprising individual from Manchester has purchased the old " Sovereign Mill" and premisei adjoining, which have long been standing idle and vacant, in Stanley street, opposite the jlosp Bud Inn? The mill will by considerably enlarged in extent, and filled with ma chinery, thus furnishing additional employment to the manufacturing operatives of Preston. To render the establishment more spacious, several old cottages tend other adjoining buildings have been removed. In Back? lane, also, the mills belonging to Mr. Pearson (to the soot}}-we;t of Trinity Church), which have long been empty, are now 'being #lled with machinery, and will. shortly b e i n f u ll operat i on. W e may here just men tion, f or t h e i nformat i on of strangers, that within the last thre e or f our months seven new power-loom sheds, and one new mill, haye ben erected, pr are now in course of completion, in this town. Thp aboyp fact§ may be received as good symPtoms of thp increasing ma; no.ll , 4ll;ing vrospertti of .Prestog.---4:?reston Gi4aNiaß. iliviPEltlAL PARLIAIvIENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 24. Their Lordships assembled at Five o'clock. The Earl of ELDON presented a petition from Dorset, in favour of protection to agriculture. The Marquis of SALISBURY presented a similar petition. _ RAJA OF SATTARA. Lord BEAUMONT, in presenting a petition from certain East India Proprietors, complaining that in justice had been done to the Raja of Sattara, and praying that justice may be done to him, said he wished to ask the Earl the Secretary of the Board of Control, whether it was his intention further to investigate the charges which had been made against the Raja of Sattara ? The Earl of RIPON said, it was certainly not his intention to recommend the Court of Directors to en ter again into the investigation of this subject, for if they were to do so, he believed that its effects would be considerably to shake the authority of the Com pany in the East. The case had already been gone fully into, and the decision which had been come to was, that the deposition of the Raja of Sat tara was just, and ought not to be rescinded. He had gone carefully through the papers which had been laid before Parliament on this subject, and the conclusion to which he had come was, that the sub ject ought not to be again opened. MANCHESTER BONDING BILL. Lord STRANGFORD rose to call the attention of the House to this Bill, which was, he considered, a Bill of great importance to the commerce of the country. The Earl of MINTO rose to order. He thought the proper time to call their Lordships' attention to this subject would be when the Bill came properly before the House, especially as the Bill had been set down for a third reading that night. Lord STRANGFORD thought the Bill ought to have been printed. The Earl of DALHOUSIE said this was not a public but a private Bill. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY said, the Bill had been printed by the parties who had introduced this Bill. After a few words from Lord MONTEAGLE and the Earl of WILTON, the subject dropped. PUBLIC NATIONAL GRANARIES. The Earl of WINCHILSEA gave notice, that on Friday he should present some petitions on the sub ject of the corn-laws, and he would take that oppor tonity of calling their Lordships' attention to the question of the expediency of establishing public national granaries, a subject which he had long earnestly and deeply considered.—(Hear.) BISHOPRICS OF ST. ASAPH AND BANGOR BILL. On the motion for the House resolving itself into a Committee on this Bill, Lord MONTEAGLE wished to know whether the Noble Duke opposite had the consent of her Majesty to the passing of this Bill, as during the last session of Parliament the Noble Duke had recom mended the Noble Earl (Powis) to withdraw the Bill until the consent of her Majesty had been ob tained. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that he had not received her Majesty's consent to the Bill. In answer to a question from Lord CAMPBELL, Tho Duke of WELLINGTON said he should oppose the motion for the Bill to go through Com mittee. Lord MONTEAGLE then rose to call their Lord ships' attention to the principle upon which this Bill was founded. He had been one of the lay com missioners upon whose report the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor had taken place. That Commission, in their report, recommended the establishment of a bishopric of Manchester, and they also recommended the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor. Several other equally important recommendations were made and acted upon, and he contended that this Bill, if passed, would render ineffectual the steps which had been taken upon the recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Com mission. He thought it would be unjust to the paro chial clergy of North Wales to pass this Bill, and he believed that if it should be sanctioned by their Lord ships it would create discontent and distress amongst that portion of her Majesty's subjects. The Earl of POWIS contended that the advantages which had been anticipated in the Ecclesiastical Com missioners' report from the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor had not been realised. It was anticipated in that report that the surplus revenues arising from the union would be divided amongst the parochial clergy in the two dioceses. This he con tended was not the case, and that no such application had been made. The Bishop of BANGOR believed that the genral opinion both amongst the clergy and laity of North Wales, was that the Bishopric o f St. A sap h oug h t to be restored. The Bishop of SALISBURY expressed his regret that so much delay had taken place in the establish ment of a Bishopric of Manchester, for such a step was greatly needed. At present there were no less than three millions of souls in the diocese of Chester, and he thought that alone wgit'sufficient reason for the erection of a Bishopric at Manchester. He be lieved also that the time had arrived when it was necessary to sub-divide other dioceses in the kin don. The Bishop of NORWICH complained of the alienation of the tithes which have taken place from the parochial clergy of North Wales, and he believed that the opposition to the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor had arisen from that and that only. With respect to the appointment of a Bishop of Nan chester, he could not help expressing his surprise that the many wealthy persons of Manchester had not themselves come forward and provided the income for a bishop. He confessed that sooner than not have a bishopric of Manchester, he would consent to the abolition of one of the bishoprics of North Wales, if it were necessary, for the establishment of a see in Manchester. The Bill then passed through Committee, and was ordered to be read a third time on Monday. BROTHELS SUP PRESSION BILL. The Bishop of EXETER moved that the House do then resolve itself into Committee on this Bill. Earl FITZHARDINGE said he had been one of a Select Committee to which this Bill had been re ferred, and in that Committee he moved that it was expedient to take evidence upon the subject. In that motion he stood alone, but he still entertained the same opinion with respect to the necessity of examin ing evidence upon the matter. He thought they ought to have examined some of the leases of the property on which brothels were situated, in order to ascertain whether prohibitory clauses had been introduced. It had been said that he had made a charge on the last occasion this Bill was before th e House against the Dean and Chapter of Westminster. He had made no charge whatever against those individuals ; but he would now make a direct charge against them. Since the last discussion on this subject, he had made inquiries of the vestry-clerk of St. Margaret's, West minster, and he found that at that instant there were in existence, on the property of the Dean and Chap ter of Westminster, brothels of the very worst de scription. Now this must have been known to the Dean and Chapter of Westmister, and they must have shared in their profits.—(Roars of laughter.) He thought that while they were legislating on this subject, they would not give satisfaction to the public if they did not subject the Dean and Chapter of West minster to the operation of a Bill of Pains and Pe nalties if they allowed these houses to continue on their property. The Bishop of GLOUCESTER defended the Dean and Chapter from the imputation which had been at tempted to be thrown upon them. The houses to which the Noble Earl had referred were at present held under leases for 40 years, many of which had many years to run. It was, therefore, impossible to get rid of such houses from such property as that. Such was the anxiety of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster to clear their property of these houses that they had in several cases purchased the leases, and in many cases they had had the houses pulled down ; in others the houses were shut up. He would remind their Lord ships that property in the Almonry, in Westminster, was very different to property in Berkeley-square, where a landlord could choose his own tenant. The houses in the Almonry, however, could not be let to such favourable tenants.—(Laughter.) The Noble Lord had evidently grounded his charge upon a state ment which had appeared in a newspaper called The Patriot. The Earl FITZHARDINGE said he had made no charge upon a newspaper statement; this charge was founded upon a statement which he had received from Mr. Rogers, the vestry-clerk of St. Margaret's, Westminster. 'With respect to the newspaper state ment, he had originally seen it in the Examiner. The Patriot he had never seen in his life. The Bishop of GLOUCESTER said the statement was contradicted in the Morning Herald and the Standard in January, 1842. So far from the Dean and Chapter of Westminster gaining by these houses, he could assure their Lordships that m many oases they were absolutely losers, On that very day they had given notices to many of the tenants of these houses to quit. The Bill then went through Committee, and was ordered to be reported to morrow (this day). The Bills on the table were advanced a stage, and their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 24. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. ROJJDALE TMPRQVEMENT BILL, On the motion of Mr. BROTHERTON, the Rochdale Improvement Bill was read a third time and passed. The report of the Kingston-upon-Hull Docks Bill was further considered, and the Bill was ordered to epgrosseci. LONDON AND CROYDON RAILWAY. On the motion of Mr. KEMBLE, the London and Croydon Railway Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. CORN-LAWS. Mr. B. DENNISON presented petitions from parishes in Yorkshire against any alteration in the corn-laws. MIDDLE LEVEL DRAINAGE BILL. Mr. PUSEY then moved the taking into conside ration of the special report from the Committee on the Middle Level Drainage Bill respecting the votes of an Hon. Member (Mr. Yorke), he being interested in the property that would be improved. Mr. YORKE thought the subject ought to be set tled, and he should move that the votes he had given were good votes. Mr. GREENE considered it was important that the House should make an express declaration on the subject. He would move certain resolutions on the subject. Mr. HAWES thought the best course would be to adjourn the debate. Mr. CHRISTOPHER trusted the House would not act so unjustly as to come to any decision at pre sent on the subject. Mr. ESTCOURT recommended his Hon. Friend (Mr. Yorke) not to press his motion to a division. He thought the best course to pursue would be to adjourn the debate to a future day, and he would move that the debate be adjourned. Mr. HAYTER supported the motion for adjourn ment. Mr. YORKE said he had no objection to withdraw his motion; but if he did so he should continue to vote in the Committee. Mr. WARBURTON thought it advisable to post pone the consideration of the subject. After a few words from Mr. DENISON and Mr. PUSEY, Mr. HAWES said he thought the general question should be considered by the House on a future day. The subject was one of importance and the House ought to have ample time to discuss it. Mr. DENISON said, the case at present was this, the law of Parliament declared that any gentleman having a direct private interest in a question, could not give a vote upon it in that House. But the ques tion here was, could a Member similarly situated, give a vote in a Committee ? It was important that the question should be decided as soon as possible, and in the meantime, he presumed the ordinary law of Parliament must prevail. The further discussion of the subject was then de ferred till Thursday next. Mr. BAGGE said, that the Committee must be suspended during the same time, while the question was pending. The SPEAKER, as we understood said, that the sittings of the Committee would be suspended by the decision of the House till the question was settled. Sir GEORGE STAUNTON presented a petition against the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Ban gor. Sir JOHN HANMER presented a petition from Hull, against the New Poor-law Bill. General LYGON presented a petition against the Bank Charter Bill. Viscount DUNCAN presented a petition from Bath, in favour of art-unions. Mr. MASTERMAN presented petitions from London against the corn-laws. Mr. S. WORTLEY presented petitions from Yorkshire to the same effect. Mr. COBDEN presented a petition in favour of the Dissenters' Chapels Bill. Mr. KEMBLE presented thirteen petitions from the eastern division of Surrey against the corn-laws. OPENING OF LETTERS IN THE POST OFFICE. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Capt. Charles Stolzman, residing in Somers-town, formerly a captain in the Polish service, and now an exile in Great Britain. The petitioner stated that he was devotedly attached to his native land, and would remain so until the day of his death, but he begged to assure the House that he had not interfered in the politics of this country. He stated that he had discovered, to his astonishment, that letters addressed to him had been detained in the Post-office, and that this system of espionage was carried on to such an extent that he could no longer with safety or confi dence avail himself of the privileges of her Ma jesty's Post-office, being unwilling that the inter course with his family should be subjected to inspection.—(Hear, hear.) The petitioner stated that he was ready to prove that there never did exist and never had existed the slightest pretence for this gross violation of private correspondence; and he therefore prayed the House to institute a rigid inquiry into the circumstances that led to this breach of na tional hospitality; and to give petitioners such redress as, to the wisdom of Parliament, might seem meet for the personal wrong he had received.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Duncombe) was satisfied that for this breach of confidence between man and man, of which the petitioner complained, the House would not refuse immediate redress. When, on a former occasion, he called the attention of the House to the subject, it appeared to the House that the grievance of which the petitioner complained was supposed to be removed by the withdrawal of the warrant of the Secretary of State for the Home Department.. The Right Hon. Gentleman had not informed them against which of the four petitioners he had issued the warrant, but he (Mr. Duncombe) stated he believed he could supply the omission, and that it was the corres pondence of Mr. Mazzini which was opened ; he stated that he was a respectable gentleman residing in this country, and that he was an Italian refugee ; and he then asked the Right Hon. Gentleman whether he was aware that the correspondence of Mr. Mazzini had been opened at the Post-office. The Right Honourable Gentleman stated that a war rant was issued against one of the parties, but who the person was he (Mr. Duncombe) must find out. Here was the petition of only one individual, Captain Stolzman, an officer of artillery in the Polish service, and he complained that his letters had been opened for no reason whatever, he never having meddled with the politics of the country. What would be the answer of the Right Honourable Gentleman to the complaint of Captain Stolzman—whether he would still continue to shield himself under of ficial silence he (Mr. Duncombe) did not know, but he trusted that the House was prepared to assert the power which it possessed, and to see if this great and enormous power which had been vested in the Secretary of State had been abused or not. The Right Hon. Gentleman had been asked by the Hon. and Learned Member for Kinsale what construction the Government placed on the law; whether they considered it necessary to issue only a general warrant for opening all letters belonging to one in dividual, or whether they considered it necessary to issue a separate warrant for the opening of each letter. The Right Hon. Baronet firmly but respectfully declined to give any answer. Now if the Government and the Secretary of State were suffered to shelter themselves behind this official secresy, what became of the respon sibility of which they heard so much, whenever any measure was before Parliament for giving new power to the Secretary of State ? Last year, when in the debate on the Chelsea Pensioners' Bill, he had ob jected to giving the Secretary of State certain enor mous powers, he had been told that the Secretary of State was responsible, and that he was always in his place to answer any questions that might he put to him. He now called upon the Right Hon. Baronet to explain the manner in which he had exercised these great and important powers.—(Cheers.) That power had been vested in the Secretary of State, he admitted, but it was only to be exercised in cases in which internal sedition, or domestic treason, was apprehended.—(Cheers.) There was no pretence of this sort for violating the corre spondence of Captain Stolzman, or of Mr. Mazzini. On a former occasion he had stated that he did not think one individual in twenty was aware that the Government possessed this power, he believed that if he had stated that no person in the whole twenty were aware of its existence, he would have been right. He found, from what had passed in another place, that one of the greatest judicial authorities in the realm was not aware of the exist ence of this power. But it had been stated by that high authority that the construction put upon the Act of Parliament by the Hon. Member for Kinsale was the correct one, and that it did require, according to the strict letter of the law, that a separate and distinct warrant should be issued to authorise the opening of each letter. The question, therefore, pre sented itself to the House and the public under two distinct points of view. First, had they adhered to the strict letter of the law in ordering the letters of Captain Stolzman, Mr. Mazzini, and other individuals to be opened ; and if they had not trans gressed the letter of the law, had they not abused the power vested in them in opening these letters at all ? The Government had done both ; they had trans gressed the l aw an d h a d a b used the power which rested in them in opening those letters.—(Hear, hear.) It would not satisfy the public, for the Right Hon. Ba rone t t o s t an d up i n hi s pl ace again and s a y, " R espectfully, but firmly, I decline to answer the question."—(Great cheering.) As to Mr. Mazzini, w h a t did t h a t gent l eman say in his letter to him (Mr. Duncombe) ? Now, it must be observed, that Captain Stolzman was a friend of Mr. Mazzini, and the opening of the letters of these two gentlemen was part of the same system.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. D uncom b e ) might admit that the Go vernment should have the power of open i ng the letters of suspected persons in cases of internal sedi tion, or the letters of persons who had absconded from justice. But when the people looked to these cases they would think that the advantages and benefits of that power were not counterbalanc e d b y th e a b uses of it—(Much cheering) —and would say with him that it ought to be abolished.—(Hear, hear.) In the case of Mr. Mazzini, there was no ground of inter ference raised. He had nothing to do with Foreign Powers, or their squabbles with their subjects, as long as those subjects conducted themselves peace ably and properly in this country. (The Honourable Gentleman then proceeded to read the letter of Mr. Mazzini, which was to the effect that the war rants had been in operation against him at least since the beginning of. March, and that from sixty to seventy letters addressed to him, from twenty-five or thirty different persons, had been opened.)--(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The writer said that every care had been taken to avoid suspicion, and im pressions h a d b een t a k en f rom the seals, and from these the opened letters were resealed, and the cut was made so clean that it required almost a microscope to discover it.--(Cheers and a laugh.) There were also double impressions made with the Post-office stamps, so that the date when the letters were re ceived at the Post-office might not appear.—(oh, oh ! and laughter, with loud cries of " Hear, hear.") — The writer proceeded to say that the examination of his correspondence for so long a time must have con vinced the Government that it referred to nothing with respect to England or English policy. Mr. Mazzini referred to paragraphs which appeared in the Milan Gazette and Suabian Mercury, to the effect that the Austrian Government had received as surance from the Government of her Majesty that agitation in the States of Austria would receive no countenance or assistance from this country, and that especially the proceedings of young Italy would be checked, at least in England.—(Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Government would do all it could to re press agitation from the exterior, and give the Austrian Government an assurance that Mr. Mazzini would be prevented from assisting in the agitation. These paragraphs further stated that Mr. Mazzini had fled to Portsmouth, Mr. Mazzini in this letter stated that it was utterly untrue that he had fled to Portsmouth, and he denied that he had ever had any connection with any English political party, or with Eng lish politics in any manner. If that was true, and he believed every word of it, he wanted to know what pretence or right they had to open the letters of Mr. Mazzini and Captain Stolz man? Not only had the Government done this with these gentlemen's letters, but he would undertake to prove that other persons' letters had been mostunscru pulously opened, not only in London, but in different parts of the country, within the last two years, and that must of course have been done under the orders of the present Government.—(Hear, hear.) Did the Government think that the public would be satisfied under such circumstances with the flimsy pretexts the Government had adopted? Did they, when the Duke of Bordeaux was over here the other day, open his letters ?—(Hear, hear.) No doubt Louis Phillipe would have been glad to see them.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps they did.—(Laughter.) What right had they to open Mr. Mazzini's for the sake of Austria, or any other individual's to please the Pope or any other power ?—(Hear, hear.) No doubt, it was agreeable to the Pope to curry favour with this country, and perhaps they might do the same for him. He trusted the Government would view this not as a party question. He had, in the course of another debate, heard it laid down that what was morally wrong could not be po litically right. He recollected that the Right Hon. Baronet opposite disputed that proposition.—(Laugh ter.) He threw doubts upon that sentiment, for he asked who was to be the judge of what was morally wrong; but here there could be no question of the wrong. He would defy any man to have a doubt about it. What had been done ? Both fraud and forgery had been committed ; and unless fraud and forgery were morally right, he would claim the support of Hon. Gentlemen opposite on this occasion. What had they done ? They took men's letters, read and examined them, kept copies of them, then re-sealed and re-enclosed the originals in such a manner, that the unfortunate individual was not aware that the Government was in possession of his family secrets. He believed that much odium might have been removed if individuals had been apprised of what had been done. If the letters had been stamped on the outside " Opened by Authority." He would ask the Hon. Baronet if he dare use information thus obtained in a court of justice in a trial for any political offence, as sedition—(An Hon. Member : "Or conspiracy.") Mr. Duncombe continued: Or conspiracy.—(Laugh ter.) If he did attempt to do so, he believed judge and jury, and every individual in the court, would unite in taking the Right Honourable Ba ronet by the head and shoulders, and turning him out of that court altogether. The question was, had net the Government exceeded and transgressed the letter of the law, and abused the power which the law invested in it ? He contended that they had done both these things ; he contended that they had abused that power—the almost sacred power vested in it by Parliament, of opening letters of individuals. If they had not done so, they need not shrink from in quiry before a Committee. In 1735 a Com mittee was appointed to inquire into some abuses which had occurred in franking letters, and certain abuses of the Post-office department. The appointment led to the same sort of discussion which was now taking place. Several Members complained of their letters having been opened, the intention being to discover whether any treasonable corres pondence was being carried on against the Govern ment ; and it appeared that the practice of open ing letters was so well known, that no man would ever .attempt to carry on such a correspondence in that manner. Sir Robert Wal pole at first opposed the appointment of the Commit tee, but afterwards granted it, on condition that they should not inquire into anything that would tend to discover the secrets of the Government. Now he (Mr. Duncombe) did not want to know the secrets of the Government—he doubted if they were worth knowing—but what he wished to inquire into was, whether the Government had abused the powers in trusted to it. He should therefore move that the petition of Captain Charles Stolzman be referred to a Select Committee, in order to inquire what warrants had been issued by the Home-office for the opening of letters, and how these warrants had been obeyed. The Committee to make a report to the House, and also to state its opinion as to the expediency of alter ing the law relating to this sukect. Dr. BOIVRING rose to second the motion of his Hon. Friend. A grave responsibility weighed upon the Right Hon. Baronet if he did not desire to be considered as an Italian sbirro, and if the Govern ment did not wish to submit to the imputation of being a Cabinet noir. Public opinion would not be satisfied by hearing that the warrant no longer existed. The Right Hon. Baronet, perhaps, did not know what misery he had caused, nor estimate how much the reputation of this country and this country's Government, would suffer by its becoming the willing tool of those Governments who were every where resisting the tide of human improvement. Sir JAMES GRAHAM assured the House that he by no means wished to under-rate the importance of the subject now brought under consideration. Though on a former occasion he had returned his thanks to the Hon. Member for Finsbury for the fairness of the course he then pursued, yet he was bound to say that he could not do so in the present case ; he had received from that Hon. Gent. another petition on the subject of opening letters; he gave him no notice with respect to the nature of the de bate that was to be raised, of the form of the coin plaint, of the words of the petition, and until the Hon. Member rose to address the House, he had no knowledge of the petition, still less was he pre pared for a motion for a Committee. The Hon. Gentleman's motion assumed the fact that in this case a warrant had been issued. Now lie begged the House not to draw any inference from the course he intended to pursue on this occasion. No public servant had a greater respect for public opinion than he had; but though it was his sincere and ardent wish to stand well in the opinion of his fellow countrymen, yet holding a high and responsi ble office by the favour of his Sovereign, and being continued in the discharge of his duties by the confidence of that House, not for the sake of his private character, not for the sake of indulging his private feelings, should h e b e justified in making any sacr ifi ce of what he considered neces sary for the discharge of his public duty, and the preservation of the public security. Reflecting upon this he had come to the conclusion that, as the law had vested in the Secretary of State the power of issuing warrants of this description; it was not for the public good, it was not con sistent with the public interest that he should answer in his place in the House of Commons interrogatories such as the Hon. Gentleman had thought fit to put to him.—(Hear, hear.) He had in a manner of which lie hoped the House could not complain firmly re fused to answer in what cases those warrants had been issued. He might have given the Ho nourable Gentleman an evasive answer, but he spurned to take such a course. He thought it consistent with his duty to state that in one case a warrant had been issued, but he refused to go further, and he advised the House and the country not to draw any inferences from this case. With regard to the present case the assumption was that a warrant had been issued, but he would not say aye or no whether it had been issued. This authority was vested in the Secretary of State by Act of Parlia ment.—(lronical cheers.) The assumption on the part of the Hon. Gentleman who brought forward this motion was, that he had transgressed the law, and had violated under the letter the spirit of the Act of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) The lion. Gentleman said he could prove it.—(Hear, hear.) Now, if the Hon. Gentleman could prove that letters had been opened or detained at the Gene ral Post-office, the Act of Parliament was express that any party so opening or detaining letters was guilty of a misdemeanour, and was liable to be in dicted. If he (Sir J. Graham) had so violated the law he was guilty of a misdemeanour, and he could be prosecuted.—(lronical cheers.) The legal tribu nals of the country would do justice between the humblest individual and the highcst civil authorill; He was amenable to the civil tribunals of or country, and cou ld b e punished either by fine Labe impri sonmen t, if he had transgressed the be But he demurred to any explanations then; demurred to a Committee of the House t° in . quire into it. Legal proceedings might de be tl : s stituted against th e i n di v id ua l who those letters, and, if he violated the law, h e tr s, responsibl e t o the injured laws of his coall s? The questi on was , h a d t h e l aw b een v i o lated or _ He could state that the power as exercised by r at had exi s t e d f rom the time of the Revolutione_rti when exer c i se d b y hi m i t h a d b een exe rcised la de , accustomed form, and that he had in no degree 'e; parted from the highest constitutional among his predecessors. He distinctly denied ° do t had exceeded the authority reposed in him, °rf the he had departed in anything from the provisions 0 d o t Act of Parliament. He had obeyed the law, a n t d e • not only had he obeyed the law, but he had a ° jet parted from the usages of his predecessors in s i l o . cases. He was certain that this Would not " t he garded as a party question. He relied t his practice of his office—his conscience was pure, l9 „ n s matter—he had discharged his duty, whin" - a or solemn and an important one—he demurred ti 4 inquiry on the part of that House, and 11 ° 11°5 resist the motion for a Committee on the subjecti ion Mr. MACAULAY could assure the Righ t , t his autkort be Baronet that he had no wish to introduce itl aras , discussion any matter of a personal or party chat all ter. But the Right Hon. Baronet did not seen l , or at sensible of the p ecu li ar pos i t i on i n w hi c h he ', s es If they said that this power was a necessary P i " ese lf still they must a d m it t h at i t b or d ere d so % ren t upon the odi ous , was a power so s i ngu l ar ly ab" $ to the genius of the English character, thati t to power which, if necessary, t h e H ouse was b°lSei watch with the most scrupulous jealousy. 19 10 ought to kno w p rec i se l y the nature of the w a o se by which these letters were opened, and if, in a sr by like this, all a Mi n i s t er sa id :—" I h av e Pci a. `" law; I am responsible; I will not give f u vo s! further account o f thi s matter, he must say " bad case likely to e xc it e th e susp i c i on t h at th a t PO e . t bstit been abused. lie could not help saying, wishing to cast the smallest imputation on the ov° of the Right lion. Gentleman, that this was n l, -. ter of those cases i n w hi c h i t was sufficient for a to say, " You know my character; lam resr e- t i s ts and I ask you to h ave con fid ence i n my discre e j to One most important matter which it was pror s r istf submit to the Committee was to consider the P i , l.° P t hat of altering the p resen t s t ate o f t h e law. rOrsible. state of the law both parties were equally rearn- r sie He did not attrib u t e to any person on either t he theHou b s y e a w n l y ieh dis t p h o e s y wr,iitioeret te o ih u ve s sd e dishoneslises powers by tb a 0 110 1 but he must say that some attention had been t hee to those powers, th a t without great modificati,,es " n es) could not be suffered longer to exist.- - ( L ' i › to He began by s t a ti ng this, that he defied allY st -b 4 say why a lette r i n th e post - o ffi ce or the P° Si bi s should be dealt with differently fr o m a lette r it n ot desk. Why wa s it pu t i nto the post-bag?- ---1° . 5 ga o4 for the purpose of transit, for which the p u bthis the Government a certain revenue ofbut I,esret was to be turned into a system of the police, the s ooner it was no l onger the la`' Y land the better.—(llear, hear.) Were th ere m ore reasons for examining a letter in the Post-ofti,ee.citol? than there w as i n th e d es k o f a pr i va t e fir. hie plot Let them tak e th e case o f t h e most trea sonau;`,. , or that could b e th oug h t o f— t h e letter co ncoet i t li r ; a sit written with resp ec t t o th at p l ot, m i g ht W e , IP to the party c oncerne d as eas il y i n his (3ft Let caulay's) pocket as by means of the post-offi ne ' be letters, if they were to be examined in transite. , a amined as if they were found in his p o ssessi T ( T iot 1 1 ° court of law. Look to the case of Mr. I%clote for brought an action against the Secretary of irt ,pro' the Home Department for taking his letters,, r aat perly, and the jury gave him damages to the :0 re • of 1,0001. That was what he called tninistet'erosse, sponsibility.—(Cheers.) If the case was ° t ,." ,• hundreds of letters might be opened upon tl' e e dses s ' trivial grounds, and the parties have n° r ina tio° If it were possible to show him that the es al % tha n of a letter bef ore it arr i ve d was l ess inillr' ° " rr ivus the exami na ti on o f it i n t h e d es k a f ter it had a be ar) then he would give up the argument.—(R ent ' s ela - • 6 The whole of th e i r arguments b e l on ged to ogo. which had been repudiated by this country I ° n r g thei —(Cheers.) The question was not whe t a i e r sol e should take a d van t age o f t h e spy sys t em , li nue d bee n- form or o th er , for that was a question which halve answered by our ancest ors long arso.— . ( rin aol' s cheers.) What earthly difference could theY . „,s t el between the emp l oymen t o f a spy upon words e 'roe' and words writt en ? Wh a t diff erence was ther letter ther they kept an agent to break the seal of a ie of in the Post-office, or to listen at the keY l , l° ,, ass ialr u door, or t o no t e d own th e conversat i on o f a " n sie 6 room ?—(Great c h eers .) Th ey wou ld h av e til e , u poa plea for the e m pl oymen t o f po li ce or the 501,104 speech, as for the spy upon letters. lie w° ll o , e s deny that the spy system might prevent 01 0 6 detect them when committed—so might—s° he torture—(lroni ca l c h eers f rom th e Tory bell% f r ol but our Constitution forbade them both— (Chelshat • the Opposition replied to by ironical cheers.) pre' the Right Hon. Gentleman denies that torte te the vents crime? B u t cou ld any man who look ed t staf. e history of n a ti ons an d ti mes , where and wh en sie t was a practice, d ou bt th a t, grea t a s were itsi :%oiettal sometimes prevented crimes, and sometimes d s them ? Why in the hi s t o ry o f ou r own countrYo,tit t he the rack was shown to Guy Fawkes, he let, tla s whole story of the Gunpowder Plot. But , broil chance of good counterbalanced the evil °I a l :, up the constitution, trampling on its princltr ja o_ t destroying the manly spirit upon w hich a l io, than upon any discoveries the pollee can 111 g oes. depend the freedom and happiness of n edin gs° (Great cheers.) • He looked to these proc e , r olv n to 0 - _sr the Government with great uneasiness as e ' country, but still more so as regarded thos to r' ngs' tunate foreigners who took refuge an w . l svas (Hear, hear.) The greatness of the evil creased by the mystery with which it was CO thto —(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet , 'a rt pers ° „j since he came into office the letters of tsve' r t had been opened. But the question did 11 ° co ns v; see tea.' le nt, which the number of the cases, but upon i'e p ;,•sit, which they were justified, of which the Baronet refused to give any explanation•--4 hear.) He (Mr. Macaulay) gave the Big: Dad ,Y 0 Baronet credit for an honourable character ° ol d he' i , night, yet still he must say that if be n sea ls l a s denied that stamps were counterfeited, and icier t tated, and letters re-sealed to evade the su s r dnn e s ° ; t a they had heen opened, he would ha ve t i„fied (Cheers.) But the H ouse cou ld not be sa tions ura A an explanati o n suc h as th e Right 1, 0 staticelo Baronet had given. —(Loud cheers.) u ntil hypothetical ca se . T wo years ag o the en used is in s in a state of great excitement—violenc e W to s sor l " 3s , great numbers to compel persons willing. cro s : fi ts n abandon their labour, and join the wande r e d c as Much danger to the country was threate l l e Oeve tit is violence. At that time all the organs of . t " tha t a e. meat party were in the habit of asserting Leage violence was the work of the Anti-Corn . lnrwoold He was not the nominee of the League, n°_. hold a seat in Parliament as their n°lnince e; it n l;' wished to h ave some assurance as to whet been foun d not, unde r th e c i rcums t ances , have bee n the l ett e rs led cessary by the Secret ar y o f State to oP e thes e to of twenty or thirty English gentlemen,,,,ir,, ar• en s relating for the most part to private %ll'i cor se! o P lie r important trade concerns, in which t° shiicat i n tlar dents alone were interested, or by the p t . be g re ,ti a which their commercial interests lnig n er ss•a s affected. But the case of the foreign,he Vng o e' worse.—(Hear.) Whatever the letter ot r i bio , q uag s man might contain, y ou cou ld not harm ou t 3 )0 1 4 prison him, or pu n i s h hi m i n an y war here, s et, and jury; but a p oor It a li an coming 6 , 00 51 0t0 , incurred some sus pi c i on o f his own ins eto dot e but confidingin the security of English ssee_ce. he corresponded with his friend i n g realt, o 6dee,.., than he would venture upon but for tha t r c n ' i nellt.e —(Hear, hear.) The Austrian G°vei Italian 'sere ta forms the Foreign Secretary that the d, an d le 1,4 dangerous person—his letters are ollt.'n e w hilst pos t' contents are communicated to Austria , .. n .l i sh . ' e we unsuspicious that the sacredness of the „-ri o n s office has been violated—he goes bael' ..nt i he ' s 19 country, then out pops the informationad:e, oral 500 , once, without the intervention of a, j o;v h o i n toP r eo ,ao without the protection of pr ury, "' w ill ever 0 ,41 1 • from which there is little pspect he 4 , a ith „ a s part, 1 , ie. out.—(lmmense cheering.) For his_ e a, tax I trim he (Mr. Macaulay) never en eourag,,e o d___ ign solla ti oae respect upon the governments of re v o b b u s t e t r h v o e u d g t h o t w s a o r m d e s t t h h i e n in g o b f y thediplomatic n is Ministers een s yet, he must say, that if they (tilGe o ern nl ro n isterss t he should u appointed o judgesof be t hose their s jeies (fellbtintelb:re:ie;:; cheering.) He thought it would be enabled the for Foreign Affairs were enabl er to co .1!) aw nidt with he te w h • ex s v wishesoo u f l t d h i willingly i c ol o f n ,go t r r ye y to be the law. However, as the queisttee of inquire' s efoohlrNi,mearsßnoiililpl totossiauovincebeisanietioutistoeber vote al t would vote for the motion for a Conlin . ans idsu ri 4 —(The Right Hon. Gentleman sat , do I subsided there was a pause of several s the I' ll° hement and repeated cheers. festly in expectation that some one on rial benches would rise) bilst Captain BERNAL then said that, w , lea ve , b e House with the ghost of an answer, he °Z 0 0' 40 men on the other side were satisfied rn..id no t silent without expressing his surprise at . u s , on strc.; / , doctrines which they had laid clown.—(C h i s eeA s ep heneetohneoisc,herae.osteis tto of Ministers, and his dissent from tneeiers.) had thought it was the proudest boast of t 0 , „ 0. 11 that we were free from petty annoyance! 2icroiri from the opening of letters, and from cWw • ''.