The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-28 00:00:00

it general revision of the valuation of poor-law unions Ireland ; and if so, how soon the revision will be er?Mtrienced.- 2. Whether it be still the intention of the sjo)vrnment to appoint an Assistant Poor-law Commis ,1117enrer for the superintendence of such revision. 3. Whe ,eni tiittatetehestill the determination of the Govern ealuation of property, for the purpose of ,7441tY assessments in Ireland (called the Griffith s isencement of a Siltation) shall be continued, notwithstanding the coin- Purp ose nr general revision of valuation, for the th e. ( . 1 poor -rates ; or, whether it be proposed by ea.,7°vernment to introduce any measure for the conso •ekon of the several valuations, so that county rates, I)°°r-r ates, and other local taxes, may be levied on one • utak ) .- • _ , Jet scaie of valuation ?Sr • ih en i t ,,J; GRAHAM said, with regard to the appoint tio _ ma elect Committ ee t o inquire into the opera ade. poor-laws in Ireland, he adhered to the pro siosety by the Government at the close of last ses ke ! n at if a desire was erinced on the p . art of Irish te LMers to have such a Committee of inquiry, the Go t -4uut could not oppose it.—(Hear, h ear .) 'With ;148Peet to the fi rst quest i on o f the Honourable wi e t tlber, h e thought he was under a misapprehension Witg b ,!,t,rd to the valuation; where a valuation ali s , ; - "4 1 4y made, there was a power given to the Com ,4,4"t'oers to raise the valuation. As to the second respecting the appointment of an Assistant It 1 , sinner for the su p er i n t en d ence o f suc h revision, Withnames. for to appoint one for that purpose. te Iti tht regard to the third question, we . understood d h %sr lion. Gentleman to say that it was intendedthat Sir s 1 Gentleman be a revaluation. tos: r b I s IORREYS then gave notice that he would ine es. , - ' 9 l. r:At Select Committee on the Poor-laws in Ireland, tiderat~o Government took .the subject into their con lifrTE OF PAUPER LUNATICS IN WALES. ti c% O. STANLEY sa id h e w i s h e d to put a ques the a c ° , great importance to the Right Hon. Ba rone t sp:ku,, r etary of State for the Home. Department, re ofee l - g the state of pauper lunatics in Wales. t ri were 157 : 41 were i pauper any lunatics in Wa orles, licensed hous and ontwenty 2 14ne. Ptes e ; t w ere 31 pauper lunatics in the county which here-eosA s e 4. not one of whom was in a: proper place of b l tn ellt ; and, in many instances, they were treated bQ to C' s tiMproper manner. The question he wished "' was, whether the attention of Government had lie rl t h r ! a ued to the treatment of pauper lunatics, or 4 ver„i` r any compulsory steps co u ld b e t a k en t o ma k e chi 1 7 counties e join together to support pauper lunatics, til eY wer e enabled to do under the Act of the si;o, l e i J org e iv ? w ith "lES GRAHAM said that he quite agreed Itase a ll tlon. Memher, that it would be desirable if the which he combined together under the Act to Ile referred, for the purpose of erecting lunatic No object could be more important; but, as Pari o 7 4 t advised, he was unwilling to render it com as 1 % 7' 4 uPon them , and he was not prepared to say that k r °u . tr„ld i utrbilnee' any measure on the subject.. woul d 'T• O. STANLEY then gave notice that he . hide r ',°l l a. future day, bring the subject under the con , p ation a the House. „ LATE OUTRAGE AT BRIGHTON. Aigh`to PECHELL begged to put a question to the Gentleman opposite the Secretary at War, Ni t - , ; `,„` I IK the out rage w hi c h h a d t a k en pl ace some tilt ft gee at'B r i g h ton, an d w i t h regar d to - which he 14 04. anestion on a previous occasion,. when • the Rißightes eatleuirm acknowledged that an outrage li ed eL°tatuitted by the troops, but that it was provok f,, 1 7 ( 1 aenee of an attack upon a soldier by some of tow"„itultants. A trial was then pending, and was e ca••; v t e , , .the result of it being that the soldiers were t is 'ai l- ia ` e u• Lord Chichester, who -was chairman at the . 1 , 11 passing sentence upon them, said that nee "act -been -- guilty of a very serious . of -411 and - that he would punish theni to oar ,"c'EN th at the peaceable inhabitants .of the town J IM t ° b protected • from the soldiers, who pleed there for the preservation of the 4 4(l e i i The i n h a bi tants o f B r i g h ton • f elt that.a stigma Rightl(l east upon them by the Right Honourable -ak u il tot • Officer. He, now wished to ask the "onourable Gentleman whether he 'had em p r ess ade t , st leh an inquiry as would remove .. this ,' t art s from the people of the town, that ' the inha ,'aeth4„'",Night the outrage upon themselves, and .4 te th - "" officers' of the regiment intended to remune ; S'r the Parties whose property had been. destroyed? 3 , 44 Pre l aiLl-lARDINGE said that it was an erroneous east` (24 l to suppose that in any .statement of his . de any stigm a upon the inhabitants of Brighton. , l ltlie rt A t, led to believe at the- time . that the ).* t received an insult, but from' the result of ; 1 ; 6 ' 1:1 ' c ' t appeared that - they had received no previous in4l th at or any kind. He had stated .before his opi ,g 41- tae regiment had misconducted itself in break !Qs see Peace ; it was a serious offence, and he hoped L 4 4 - "lee they had received would teach them in , e .bserve the laws of the land. They had h tlen Imprisoned during a period of ten months, gara„ tl labour, f or the assault. What . he stated with i,„%te "It Pensation was, that the soldiers of the 44 d not the officers, were reedy to subscribe ,°rectlle:il.4l4..h:-.Zlsbaeteeefoi issued e t h ed e igj y u g e w c h e ic i I n i m h ae ad de b r e . en clone. An Commander-in-Chief pre 4ceoin4lxi!LY soldier from entering the town unless editio n kr, c'tl by a non-commissioned officer. -; O kN iI , I) J- , EY sa TAHl that T h r ;ving seen, by a second r f s that the Frond Government had °l ; i e r d ° I What' had been done in Tahiti by Admi lit,l're°tuee,„; and that it was . their. intention to adhere to I, l gat tie, " - 'rate treaty, he wished to know from the ti....rest„,,;-\11: Gentleman opposite (the First Lord of the "'II on te whether he had received any official informa 1, Si rß. a subject ? 'FEL said that he had not received anyinthe 5p ,,. / -°4 on the subject beyond what had appeared a. in n t eeeil °ll , 4 edition of the Times, and which i d l 'u d bt bt tle express. He had no reason to o eatieity of the information - which appeared . fl'o r , th at , journal, f or .it give • the quotation Iv the onireur, which was the official i t ', the French Government, to the effect that organ te was the intention ef the French Government to adhere the treaty'New of 1842. He said he deprecated hasty tid eir tons on the subject, and he had a strons and con linPresSion that the French King and the French retOtnent had acted On the impulse of their own llaa-44-:---(Hear; hear) •• and he was rejoiced that they Wth act ed in a manner which was so satisfactory kes i t ee ci lin ga of maersons in this country who were - 4( c .a e, in the welfare of our missionaries... He be- Na e „, toe statement in the Moniteur was perfectly 4 414 r ; ' '' and that the act of Admiral Thouars 11 , 1%111 b c ?„ t „, b c'en ratified by his Government ; and he "At to add; in justice to the French Government, tttla th e was the voluntary act of the French King 4 , 4 ,Y tLreacil Government, and that it was not necess anY gonununication should be wade on the ti ll D I this GOVernment. ter motion of. Mr. DUNCOMBE, I lltr e d j u t% was ordered of cases of.ineanity which oc ,_ Pentonville prison. air, 47,4A11NG TRANSACTIONS BILL. °t h ` 4I ISON • hed to know whether it would Li de wished 1) 14 ' 115 . 11 -,a-Le that •the Gaming Transactions Indena -1.,1-I.atedl, i li w ukieh stood for a second reading, should . be 101 l order that the House might judge of its pro 1 Y 4 b itL eflar it sanetioned the second reading ? He bri / ,`' ° express a hoe that the Government would 'k.B4,l4ollle.t.hethird reading of the Horse-racing Bill a cl ? B ,:er aee E tz t_ i t. said 'that the Hon.. Member for Man all keit t-u to have a most curious notion of what keit s a n ess of the Government, and what were not. IviN,Rd he had last alluded to was not brought %;" Y„the Government, or any person connected li, o , b ahl •to thought it was but reasonable that the 4 jl 'e It iltasactions Indemnity Bill should be printed .4r.ulvas read nsecond time.—(Hear.) T h ad u, °III SON wished to know what Hon. Mem -ee 4 0 „," thi s C onduct of the Bill ? Lje.torth question n o answer was returne d , an d after Ntedt r discussion it was agreed that the Bill should oefore it was read a second time. to 1M kto _bIG, FACTORIES BILL. Qtet 0 wished to know from the. Right Hon. . 1111 PPosite, the Secretary for the Home Depart- At he intended . to proceed with the Factories cal 1. e .: 1 4 ent, he believed, it was fixed for .Friday. id y j4B GRAHAM said, that it was intended tah-a-e,proeeed with the Committee of Supply.; 4111ept th at pr he would state when he Would bring - .er ard. ii7t..1301t.„ NEW POOR-LAW. 4e a' A lI WICK wished to put a question •to the th„, ll lal etat °l State - :f or . the Home Department. tAL (4'4, 1 that in another place, of which 41t e apI tie h',!eard, an important conversation had Wits - ,rs e n r L tween a Right Rev. Prelate,'and one of the tiJ lA ,`‘? t ' 'ler 'Majesty's Government, from which it t0 4 ; 41 l ' es atned that the Government would, in the 41 %aur e ar e e ndment of the Poor-law Bill, adopt (I N b s for the religious instruction of the poor in 1 , °bat:gains of' the Church of England wi shed / %l• ll 4 ktroe" w to lcnow from the Right Honour etteet ,'nether it was the intention of the Go tt4lr iltroduce any such provision ? t( do 4l-141 1 had no hesitation in answering th e N wh at Put -to him by the Hon. Member, or in Derer f the decision of the Government was upon e rred to by him. Her Majesty's Ministers N o eetj 3 , ka t . Ilary 'Satisfied with the exercise of the clis ot bail ers Pc'ver vested_ in the Poor-law. Com (Alapl • with 4 lng • • re spect to the ...appoiniment „ ill ' 'Workhouses ; he was sure that th e persons according to the N„l 4 oes ts toe different lecalities in which these tip viTse 14 . 1 ,1 re to take place. He was not prepared to !i11r;110,w,..?' alteration in the law As at present ad- Je et 44t1 "s P e rfeti • • " 1 1 • cl ts 3 -satisfied with the. state of the law, t,k q L115310E1 that might take place on . the sub „"tpso iii`aute Preparedao show to the satisfaction of eer beenlle discretion placed in these responsi exercised in a most proper manaer. RNA -bYELLING. - -eth . -on In pursuance -of notice, asked the tet te was } net . , the First Lord of the Treasury, lia intention t bring in a Bill fel- the t ‘ It• I.4l,tPrevention of duelling.? ..not_ - •-•41.L sa p 44, :ate7egii,l:titi,keeeilthis it ail ed 16 that her Majesty's. Government i f t 4 Y t lewf p ut. theyimportan t were not • prepared , subject, into their to to bring foie!ke y , „. actment in reference to aliening. 't-teet ,L'aelting still existed, it was not owing ` ° ale tt kit 'e letter of the law, and her Majesty's b e • greet' d by se) .promot4 ouhted whether any good object ti, th e .. 4 kt the same altering the law.—(Hear, e,_ta k • o ,_ . exer c i se ' S allie time, they had shown of d,,7,??,ee ts, time, and authority, , 1 1 ,,,,'euth; e 4 eultig ; s„ ▪ oisposition to discourage the prac ,4'l l Etto as it could he discouraged by the lc.t at 1 E xisted o „ . e L l ?elleved that the feeling which gree b subject had been excited in N,a'Plee e i• Y the „f . 4 th e co ortunate result of a duel which 4 ° ( lout- ▪ o hist year. He thought•the re t thef practice of duelling was on ?titioni agaiLli ; OF et 'ttics Togs itiost of sity of the decline; that the influence of civilisation was producing its necessary effect; and on this account he should de precate any interference ou the part of the House. The officer who lost his life last year had served his country with great distinction. When his widow applied for that pension to which she would have been entitled had he died in any other way than by the hand of his antagonist, her Majesty's Go vernment felt themselves compelled to refuse the application. With respect to the survivor, as that of ficer did not come forward to answer the charge after the lapse of the period which was allowed for public feeling to subside, he was superseded. The widow of the deceased officer having been refused the pension, and the survivor having been superseded, he thought her Majesty's Government had shown that they were not unwilling to exercise their legitimate authority for the purpose of suppressing the practice of duelling ; but they were not prepared, as he had already stated, to in troduce any new legislative measures with that view. Mr. TURNER said, after what had passed, he should feel it his duty, on a future day, to move a resolution to the effect that duelling is immoral in its tendency ; that it brings into contempt the laws of the country, and is contrary to Divine command. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said it had been stated by the Right lion. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel), that the unhappy widow of Colonel Fawcett had, from the mode of her husband's death, been deprived of a pension she would otherwise have been entitled to. He wished now to ask whether it was the intention of the Government to dis continue pensions to the widows of officers who did fight duels, and to break officers, as was - now the case, if they did not fight duels when challenged to do so.—(Hear.) Sir R. PEEL said that after the notice of his intention to more a resolution against duelling, just proposed by the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Turner) he thought it best to say no more upon the subject, but to reserve his opinion until the subject was brought regularly be fore the House. and humbly praying her Majesty to intercede with the Court of the Tuileries for their deliverance therefrom. The motion having been seconded, Sir ROBERT PEEL felt it his duty to call upon the House not to accede to the motion of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord called on that House to present an ad dress to her Majesty, denouncing the conduct of the French Government—of our ally, the King of France, and declaring their acts inconsistent with the honour of this country. Although he opposed the motion, still he was not devoid of sentiments of natural sympathy for the fate of an illustrious Prince, nor of a hope that his treatment would continue to be in accordance with the dictates of humanity—(llear, hear)—but he deprecated, as a great political principle, that this House should interfere in respect to the conduct of the French Go vernment. The matter had been brought under discus sion in the French Chambers last year. In the House of Peers, the Minister for Foreign Affairs was asked two questions; the first—was the restraint of Don Carlos a condition of the Quadruple Treaty ? The second—whe ther Don Carlos was not restrained at the instance of the British Government ? The first question was answered in the negative, the Quadruple Treaty having expired before Don Carlos was placed under restraint. The second question WAS likewise answered in the ne gative, by declaring that Don Carlos was restrained solely on account of their views of French policy, and entirely in consideration of French interests. Did any Hon. Member think it would be right for the House of Commons to interfere under such circumstances, and tell the French Government they were not acting in ac cordance with the principles of justice? The Noble n w a i t th io i n n s ashFornelndchhetown. taken T in h t e o p e o o l n ic s Lord said Don Carlos w as restra i ne d as a pr i soner, h on e . respective this Y ide o r f at t i country a foreigner could not be placed under any re straint unless he offended against some law, since the exiiration. of the Alien Act; but in France refugees from foreign countries were placed under a system of surveillance and restraint; and in this instance the same rule was applied to Don Carlos as to the other poor peasant refugees, which was not unfair, as Don Carlos had certainly greater power. of disturbing the tranquillity of France and Spain than these poor people. l)on Carlos had claimed the hospitality of France in common with Cabrera and 12,000 refugees, and he must act in accordance with the laws and regu lations of France. The French Government took steps to prevent their country from being made the focus of intrigues and indirect efforts of. hostility. Suppose the Noble Lord's motion was acceded to, and that the Queen had requested of the French Government to liberate him, and remonstrated with that Government on the in consistency and impropriety of restraining Don Carlos, would not the French Government very naturally say, " No, we will we act upon the principles we have hitherto acted ; we consider it the policy of France to restrain him, and we shall not change our policy regarding the Prince, because the British Government imagine that its honour is involved in his liberation." And he (Sir Robert Peel) thought the French Government would be quite right in so saying. These were facts which in duced him to believe that this motion, if carried, would have the effect of disturbing those prospects of peace which now so happily existed betlieen the two countries. He thought that the House of Commons, according to the recognition of the French law, had no right to inter fere in the domestic relations of France. In saying this, he felt bound to express the strongest hope that no un necessary or harsh restraints would be imposed upon Don Carlos ; and he felt confident that there would be all that attention and respect paid to him, which could be demanded by a member of the illustrious Bourbon race. No person could, for a moment, refuse their sym pathy to Don Carlos ; but he (Sir R. Peel) could assert that, far from his being confined in a prison, he had the privilege of pamle to the extent of four leagues, and within this circuit there was not the slightest restriction imposed upon his intercourse and associations. If Don Carlos was to give an assurance that he would abandon all his relations with Spain, and go to any part of Europe after having made this promise, there would not be the slightest objection to his at once being free to quit France. He thought that England could not pos sibly interfere in this matter by a vote of this House, demanding the liberation of Don Carlos, without sub jecting herself to the chance of engendering a hostile feeling between this country and France. Such being his opinion, he should most decidedly vote against the motion of the Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. SMYTHE said it was with great regret that he felt bound to vote against the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government. France was the nation which fought the fight of private judg ment, and yet by the course which they now sought to take with respect to Don Carlos, they wanted that country to inflict pains and penalties upon private judg ment. With respect to Christina, he should certainly say, that there was but little of Spanish nationality about her, while she was much more closely identified with French intrigue than with the interests of the Spa nish nation. The Carlist party were those in Spain which most decidedly favoured the English interest in the country. He knew it were vain to expect a tangible result from any decision of this House, but he would appeal to the great man who now held the reins of go vernment—(Sir R. Peel, as we could guess from the fact of the Hon. Member pointing at the Right Hon. Baronet) —whose name would be handed down to posterity, first, for his character as a statesman, but above all, as being an example of every domestic virtue and happiness, not to allow his fame to be tarnished by lending himself to anything like the oppression of a fallen man.—(Hear.) PALMERSTON said he should not have risen to speak on this subject were it-not for some expressions which had fallen from the Noble Lord who had made the motion. He should not go at an .length into the sub ject upon which he had touched, because that had been already discussed at considerable length in that House. By the law of Spain, properly and equitably constituted, Isablla was the lawful Queen of the country. In favour of that point the nation had pronounced its opinion. The Noble Lord, in his speech, had impugned the con duct of the late Administration with respect to Spanish affairs, but he must have never read, or paid but slight attention to the articles of the Quadruple Treaty. (The Noble Lord proceeded to read an extract from the treaty.) It was, therefore, quite a misapprehension of the fact to suppose that the Carli sts were ignorant p of the conditions of the treaty or the intentions of the four Powers. No one could be ignorant what the intentions of the English were. The Noble Lord who made this motion admitted the fulfilment of the treaty to its utmost extent. — (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said that England was the great mystery by which the overthrow of Don Carlos was effected. He (Lord Palmerston) accepted the compliment. So far as the limited means of the Bri tish Government had part hi that overthrow he ac cepted the compliment—to ~ ,h eers.) But the success was owing to the Spanish nation.—(Cheers.) The exertion used by the British could not have turned the scale without the co-operation of the S pan i s h nation.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Th e Noble Lord had spoken in terms which he (Lord Palmerston) regretted to hear of the conduct of an officer engaged in that service. He said that Lord John Hay w as a go-between.—(liea r .) Certainly the Noble Lord said that he did not use the words in an offensive sense. It would have been better then that he had used the word mediator, which was a good English word.—(Cheers.) Lord John Hay acted as became an English officer trusted with an important service, and he performed his duty with great activity and success, It should be recollected that in the Basque provinces, by his mediation, an end was put to a civil war of unparalleled atrocity, greater than stained the annals of any other civil war in Europe.—(Hear, hear.) His conduct, so. far from being a stain on his own reputation, was an honour to his country, and above all things creditable to that part of the service of which he was a member.---(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord complained when Don Carlos was expelled from Spain, Government gave orders that he should not be received on board a British ship. He (Lord Palmerston) would have been ashamed of himself if that order hat not been given. —(Hear, he ar .) When Don Carlos had been rescued by British offieers in Portugal fromir ttihe fate which awaited him, and was conveyed in a 3sh ship to the hospitable shores of Britain, and when he had rewarded that kindness with the brutaldecree of Durango, and put British subjects to death in cold blood, he (Lord Palmerston) should feel ashamed of himself to be responsible for receiving him.— (Cheers.) Ile should be ashamed of himself if he had not performed his duty to those brave British subjects who had engaged in that service with the express consent a their SoVereign, and—he would not shrink from saying—with the direct encouragement of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord (Lord J. Manners) also said that the British Govern ment interfered afterwards to prevent the French Go ' vernment from setting him at liberty. No doubt the British Government did communicate with the French Government on the subject, and did intimate that it would not be consistent with the peace of Spain to allow him to return, and renew the civil war in that country. But there was no intention whatever on the part of. that Government to set him at liberty. In the whole course of the proceedings upon the treaty and in its origin, the French Government acted only for French interests.—(Hear, hear.) He thought it would be most unbecoming of the British Government to say to the French Government that it was necessary to the honour of Britain that France should do some thing within her own territory.---(Hear, hear.) Such a course would be most undignified--(Hear)—and France might very well say to us, "Keep your ho nour t o your selves, we have our own laws."—(Hear, hear.) Or, did the Noble Lord (J. Manners) recommend that we should go to war upon a subject in which we had no interest ? —(Hear.) He (Lord Palmerston) looked only to the consideration' of what was due to a person of royal birth, who had been brought up in expectations which .the course of events had disappointed ; and he believed that the French Government treated Don Carlos with every indulgence and consideration consistent with the object of promoting his re turn. He believed that if Don Carlos were to give his word of honour that -he would not 'go into Spain, he would be permitted to go to any part of Europe he thought proper ; and he also was satisfied that if he pledged his word, he would keep faith.-- (Tory cheers.) But, so far from giving that assurance, he would not surrender what he considered to be the claims of his son ; and any person of, common sense must see r that if he were to, return to Spain, already torn by domestic troubles, he would plunge diet-taw,. tunate country again into All the horrors of civil war.— (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord opposite thought that this Government ought to take part with some one party or othel' in Spain. But he differed from the Noble Lord, and thought that the duty of this Government was to take part only with the people of Spain.-7(Cheers.) The interest of. England was, that Spain should be independent, strong, and prosperous--(llear , hear)—and that was a Spanish, more than it was an English object.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever party in Spain sought for, and was capable of attaining that object—ought to have the sup port' of the British Government. But as to joining any party because- we could get fitan ft a More favourable commercial treaty than from another, that was a con- Majesty, in the Act 2 and 3 Vic., c. 36, as to extending the sittings of the Court of Session, 'if there shall be arrears of business in the said Court,' or the state of the business otherwise may require it ;' and in virtue of the said power so reserved to the Crown, that her Ma jesty will graciously see proper to command that the sittings of the said Court of Session shall be extended by two months in each year,' or by such other period as to her Majesty shall seem more proper." The SPEAKER called for a seconder, but as no Hon. Member answered, the motion fell to the ground. Sir J. GRAHAM said, that perhaps the House would allow him, although no motion was before them, to answer one point of the Hon. Gentleman's speech. The Hon. Gentleman had commented very severely upon the character of the Chief Justice Clerk of Scotland. Now, he (Sir J. Graham) could state that that learned indi vidual was held in the highest possible estimation by the whole bar of Scotland. He was elected unanimously, at a moment when party feeling ran high, and when he was in oppositiori to the Government. His (Sir J. Graham's) duty was, in all cases where application was made for the mercy of the Crown, to refer such cases to the con sideration of the Chief Justice - Clerk, and although it might be invidious to say so, yet he could not refrain from stating that h e received no such full, careful, and well-considered reports from any other judicial autho rity as those he received from the Chief Justice Clerk. He (Sir J. Graham) knew that this learned individual had performed the important functions of his office with the highest credit to himself.---(Hear, hear.) THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY moßiviva 1 1 131RUARY 28 9 1844. sideration which, ought not to sway any English Go vernment.—(Cheers.) The only object of his policy had been the interest of the Spanish nation; and that was a policy which no English Minister need be ashamed to act upon, and if acted upon it was sure to be success f u l in the end.—(Cheers.) . Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE was glad to hear the last words of the Noble Lord ; but he thought it rather ' inconsistent with that statement that the Noble Lord persevered in the course which he had followed, after he had received frem Lord John Hay the assurance that parties were so equally divided that it was very doubtful in what way or when the contest would terminate. He was also glad to hear the Noble Lord acknowledge that if Don Carlos gave his word of honour he would observe it. But what obligation was Don Carlos under to the Government or people of France ? The circumstances of Don Carlos were poor indeed,, and little had he to thank any one for. He had an income 15,000 f., or less than 700/. a year, and this he derived from his own family resources. His dwelling, consisting of a suite of only three or four rooms, was all that France provided for him. He (Mr. Cochrane) said it was all very well to state these facts, and to elicit year after year a speech upon them from a leading Member, of the Government, but what was the result? There was no result. There was no alteration in Don Carlos' situation—no amc lioration—no relief; and the feeling in, his mind was that the R;ght Hon. Baronet was cognisant of, if hot a party to, his present unhappy condit ion . Sir PEEL was understood to say the whole world was cognisant of it, but England was no party Jo it. Mr. B. COCHItANE—The feeling was certainly strong in the mind of Don Carlos that the manner in which he was treated and provided for was not merely known to the English Government but quietly sanctioned by it. The whole policy of France in reTspect to Spain was such as could not be justified. It was always de signing-and aggressive. No movement took place in Spain but what, sooner or later, France was at the bot tom of it. Under the Monarchy, under the Consulate, and under the Empire, France had only one object, and that was to make Spain her province. And Louis Phi lippe had other objects in his policy than those which were dictated by mere personal motives. Placed on a throne by such means as he had been, he was driven to overthrow dynasties, and to look with favour upon treason. It was a sad thing to look round Europe at the present moment, and to see how few were the suppor ters of monarchy—how few the advocates and examples of ancient loyalty, and faith. He would say it plainly in that House, that loyalty, faith, and honour, were not by any means as con spicuous now as they used to be in earlier and better times. It was the interest of Louis Philippe to encourage these doctrines of violated faith and honour ; but was it the interest of England to follow so worthless an example? In the olden time they would have scorned advantages gained by and for a democracy, at the ex pensd of monarchical dishonour. In vain did he now look for that public morality that used to be the cherished treasure of this and other monarchical countries. In conclusion, be would beg to say that, in his opinion, it was a wiser principle to conceal from cou n t r i es th a t thrones were founded on revolutions, than to make a boast of such unhappy events, for the knowledge of them only caused bolder men to rise up and tell to the world that their idea of sovereigns and sovereignties was such only as themselves approved and chose fur the time to uphold.—(Hear.) Sir C. NAPIER regretted that he was not in the House when the Noble Lord had brought forward his motion. If the Noble Lord knew all about Don Carlos that he (Sir C. Napier) did, he was sure he would be the last man who would wish that he should get out of prison, or rather out of comfortable lodgings.—(A laugh.) The Hon. Gentleman who spoke last had said that Don Carlos had never broken his word ; that might be true enough, because he had never been called upon to give it.—(Hear, hear.) Now what was the course that had been pursued by Don Carlos ? The Hon. and Gallant Member then proceeded, at some length, to de tail the course pursued by Don Carlos from the time of the acknowledgement by the Cortes of the present Queen of Spain to his imprisonment, and stated that he did not•mean to say that Don Carlos had broken his word, but he had bamboozled the Ministers of this country. Don Carlos was brought to this country with out pledging himself to anything, and what was the it stilt ? Why in less than a week he was across the Channel, and in less than a fortnight he was in the Bas que provinces. —(Hear.) This caused the greatest bloodshed, and the Noble Lord wanted these scenes to take place over again. Was Don Carlos' the popular monarchy of Spain or not?—he wanted to know that. —(Hear.) Could any one assert that' he was ? Don Carlos was doubtless a favourite in the Basque provinces, and from thence he sent out one of his officers, who, after plundering the country, was ill received by his master.—(Hear.) Something had been said about Lord John Hay. That Noble Lord had shown himself not only an excellent officer, but an excellent diplomatist. He had performed his duty to the satisfaction of every Government under which he had been employed.— (Hear.) It was astonishing to him that that Noble Lord had remained so long without receiving any reward for his services from the Government.—(Hear, hear.) Bilboa - would never have been relieved but for Lord John Hay. The Hon. Member for Bridport had said that Don Carlos had never forfeited his word, he thought ho could recollect an - instance where 'he had done so to the Spanish Ambassador. The Hon. Gentleman who spoke last had said that Don Carlos was living in France on 1,500 francs a year. Well, supposing he was so, could any man who committed the atrocities he had done under the Durango decree expect anything ? (Hear, hear.) He thought it would be a disgrace to any country to allow him anything.—(llear, hear.) Hav ing stated thus much, he felt bound to vote against the motion of the Noble Lord. Mr. BORTHWICK supported the motion of the No ble Lord. This was not a question merely with respect to Don, Carlos, but it involved questions that wereinte resting not only to them but their children and their children's children to all 'time.—(Hear, hear.) At the time the civil war raged in Spain, the army of Don Carlos was in a deplorable condition ; he had not as many pounds as he had men fbr whom to provide ; he had no horses at all. Such wasn the state of the army of Don Carlos in 1835. Yet the Noble Lord, the Mem ber for Tiverton, said the English troops were not an adequate force to assist towards the conquest of Spain. But was not the moral force of England some thing ? It was the moral force of England that ' was the most influential in deciding the con test. In 1838 he (Mr. Borthwick) drew the attention of the House to the state of Spain ; he then stated that if Carlos and his Generals were prisoners in Spain, the country would be as far from being.tran quil as ever. It was not a question to be decided by him or by his Generals. The whole transactions of that war exhibited a mass of treason unparalleled in the pages of history. He would challenge any one to show a case of treason so base as that of the Convention of Algarve. With respect to the conduct of Don Carlos, he contended that the decree of Durango was a decree of mercy.—(Oh, oh.) It was but little understood, but he con tended that it was a decree of mercy to General Evans and the unfortunate men who were deluded by the hollow 'pretences of the Government of that day into this unhappy struggle. That decree was an an nouncement, on the part of Don Carlos, of what was the law of Sp a i n ( an d i s the law of England) long before Don Carlos was born. If at the time the Orange Lodges were existing in Ireland, there had been a civil war, and supp os i ng the insurgents had landed a foreign a rm y on any part of the coast of Eng land or Wales, would any quarter have been shown to those troops ? Would it not have been the duty of Englishmen to hang the invading force on the first tree they could find ? That was the law of Spain, and is the law of England. The Legion was not an English force, fighting under English colours, wear ing English uniform, and commanded by English officers. It was a foreign force, obtained by a suspension of the Foreign Enlistment Act, fighting for Spanish pay (which, by-the -by, they never got) for purposes entirely alien. The Durango decree' apprised them that they were mere robbers, liable by the laws of the country to be put to death without the rights of war. Yet he did not know any instances in which that decree was acted on by Don Carlos ; many of those taken under it were treated as prisoners of war. He did not justify the cruelty of the reprisals on both sides ; but no act of gratuitous cruelty had ever been proved against Zumala carreguy. Allowance ought to be made for the Spanish character. Among the Spaniards, life was not so much regarded as among Englishmen. Could any man in that House blam e C a b rera f or act i ng as he had done ? He was a student of law, and had no idea of entering the army; but being called on, in the University, to debate on the rival claims of Isabella and Don Carlos to the throne of Spain, he supported the ' claim of the latter, and joined his standard when he arrived in Spain. During the progress of the war his mother was taken. She was placed in the middle of a battalion, and shot, by the orders, he believed, of Nogueias, and with the sanction of General Mina. It was to the honour of Cabrera that he signed the Eliot Convention. They had heard a great deal of the pacification of Spain. Where was Don Diego Leon, that brave officer who had been shot for supporting the cause which Espartero had deserted? The papers furnished them with the details of the atro cities which were committed recently in ,Spain. Seven officers had been shot on one side because they were prisoners of war, and Bonet commenced reprisals on the other, by orderingfourteen prisoners to be shot, amongst whom was Cerate, the uncle of General Roncali. Spain was for all useful purposes blotted out from the map of Europe,' Was this owing to anything in the Spanish character which rendered them different from the people of other nations ? No; but because what were called free insti tutions were forced upon the people of Spain, which they did not understand, and because they tried to force a monarch upon the throne who was not acceptable to the great body of the people of Spain. Don Carlos was the legitimate monarch of the country, and no law of the Cortes could be produced legitimatising the right of Isabella, except some law passed by the Cortes under Isabella herself. There were now three exiles from Spain, Don Carlos, Queen Christina, and Espar tero. It had been said that Espartero was the de jure Regent of Spain according to the defacto Constitution of the country, and that he ought to be received in this country with every hospitality. He was accordingly feted at Windsor; while Don Ca r l os , w h o was Espartero 's sovereign, who was the de jure King by the de jure Con stitution, was an exile in France. What were they going to do with the other exile Queen Christina? She was an agitator who threw the. Hon. and Learned Member into the shade, and it was through her intrigues that those lamentable results, which they must all de plore, were brought about. Well, but it had been said that Spain must have liberal institutions, when the fact was that Spain had shown us the way to liberal institu tions. They might talk of the Inquisition. Spain might refer them back to the Star Chamber ; and, at all events, the Inquisition was no reason why . the people of Spain should not be g-overned by their own laws.. Guipuscoa, NaVarre, and Bicity had their separatelegis latures. The mode of election was by universal suffrage, yet those legislators elected by the people taxed the property of the people to the amount of fifty per cent. in order to support Don Carlos. Would they have done so if Don Carlos was not the object of their choice? He should certainly give his support to the motion of the Noble Lord the Member for Newark. If I)on Carlos were restored to Spain, he had no doubt that a large and powerful party would rally round him, and support his claims ; and he was equally certain that that large party, instead of introducing additional cruelties into the present civil war in Spain, would be a powerful instrument in putting an end to them.—(Hear.) The parties who supported the present motion were taunted with introducing the subject, in the hope that they might be able to effect the restoration of Don Carlos, so as to afford him an opportunity of getting somethin g in the general scramble. Not only the in terests of Don Carlos and of Spain, but also the interests 'of Europe, depended on the adoption in the affairs of that country of the spirit of the present motion. He hoped they would allow Spain to work out her own re demption, and in that hope he would give his vote in favor of the motion. Sir H. DOUGLAS said, however much he admired the feeling which prompted the Noble Lord to bring forward this motion, he could not think of giving his vote in favour of it, as he did not wish to support any measure which would interfere with any line of policy which the Government thought proper to adopt in reference to a foreign country. Whatever might be the claims o f D on • Carlos, it was quite certain that his detention in France, which his partisans considered unjustifiable, greatly increased the sympathy which was felt for him. He (Sir H. Dou glas) deprecated foreign interference in the management of the affairs of Spain. The question of the Spanish monarchy was a question which Spain ought to have been left to settle for herself ; it was, in truth, settled by British intervention. He believed, however, that notwith,tanding all that had taken place, it would yet be settled by Spain.—(Hear, hear.) When the war of succession was about to begin, they ought not to have recognised either party; Spain should have been left to fight his own battles. The anarchy of Spain was one of those sad inheritances which had descended to this Government as the result of the mischievous inter ferences of those who preceded them. The cause of Espartero's fall was, that the great body of the Spanish people were inclined to a moderate monarchy. Many of his young friends who had been in Spain before that event took place, had spoken of it to him (Sir Howard Douglas) as matter of rejoicing, but the result proved that they did so without sufficient cause. Espartero had already disappeared; Narvaez would disappear be fore long. With regard to the former, he must say, that he had never known more dastardly conduct than he ex hibited in the whole course of his retreat from Albacete. Notwithstanding his views, however, in reference to this subject, as he had no wish to place the Government in an unpleasant position, he should not support the motion.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. TRELAWNEY said the party now denominated " Young England," had shown a great deal of misplaced sympathy for Don Carlos; they had shown farmoresym pathy for him than for the grievances either of England or of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He had understood that the Hon. Member for Evesham (Mr. Borthwick) had been made prisoner. (Laughter.) Mr. BORTH WICK—No. Mr. TRELAWNEY had certainly understood that such was the case. Mr. BORTH WICK wished to explain to the Hon. Gentleman, that he had visited Don Carlos, but that he had never been taken prisoner.—(Laughter.) With re gard to " Young England," he did not refer to the Hon. Gentleman when he said that " Young England" was not the only school of youths—there was another party, which might be called "Young Bceotia."—(" Oh, oh.") Mr. MONCKTON MILNES did not think it any dereliction of the duty which he owed to his party to vote occasionally against the Government.—(A laugh.) If anything could have seduced him into voting with the Government on this question it would have been the speech of his Hon. Friend the Member for Bridport.— (A laugh.) His Friend had last year brought for ward a motion on the affairs of Greece, and had spoken of the King of Greece in terms which he (Mr. M. Milnes) had felt it his duty to reprehend.—(A laugh.) The speech of the Hon. Member for Bridport had been fol lowed up by a revolution—(Loud laughter)—and the Hon. Gentleman perhaps thought that the indecorous language which lie had used with regard to the King of the French would also be followed up by a revolution which would restore the Duke- of Bordeaux to the throne. He had perhaps been induced by the temporary success of his last speech to use the improper language which he had used with regard to the distinguished Sovereign who at present occupied the French throne. In voting for the present motion he begged it to be un derstood that he meant to cast no reflections on the character of the King of the French. Hon. Gentlemen who imputed such motives to the King of the French, should recollect that the accusation against Louis Philippe in France was, that he had shown himself too favourably disposed to the cause of Don Carlos, and had not been faithful to the Quadruple Treaty. lie considered that the liberation of Don Carlos would, if anything_could, tend to reduce the present anarchical state of Spain into something like order. It would tend to the pacification of Spain by increasing the probability of a marriage be tween the Prince of Asturias and the present Queen of Spain, the event of all others the most likely to pro mote the settlement of the affairs of that country. lie should vote for the motion of his Noble Friend. Mr. MONTAGUE GORE rejoiced that this motion had been submitted to the House, although, after what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government, he should feel it his duty, should the motion be pressed to a division, to vote against it. There was one great advantage resulting from the publication of the debates in that House. The discussions were known in every Court in Europe, and exercised an in fluence over them.—(Cheers.) He thought it would be better, that instead of indulging in recrimination both parties should endeavour to make Spain a united and a consolidated Government, so as to enable her to occupy again her proper situation among Etiropoan States.—(Cheers.) There was one circumstafiV - 0 ; - r4lating to Don Carlos whi c h must always raise hinvin the estimation of all honourable men. At the time that , the Spanish royal family had been made prisoners by Napoleon, the Infant had been offered the throne of Etruria in exchange for that of Spain—Ferdinand had expressed his acquiesence, but Carlos firmly refused to accept the offer of Napoleon.— (Cheers.) The manner in which he had discountenanced his own partisans was worthy of the highest admiration, and it was impossible not to admire the spirited manner in which he had thrown himself upon the hardy moun taineers, and joined them in their attempts to defend what he considered their rights and his own. These things reflected lustre on his character, and he was en titled to the sympathy of Englishmen in his misfortunes. —(Cheers.) Mr. Canning had refused to interfere in Spanish affairs, in order to be in a better condition Ito act as mediator; and he thought that it would be well that Mr. Canning's policy in that respect should be imi tated. He trusted the motion would not be pressed to a division, after the explanation that had been given by the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Govern ment. Lord JOHN MANNERS, in reply, contended that all the events in Spain had been occasioned by fo reign interference, without which the Carlists would never have been put down. Had he consulted his own feelings, he should have pressed his motion to a division, but in deference to the wishes of his friends, he would withdraw his motion. He thanked the House for their attention, and he would conclude by expressing his earnest hope that ere long tardy justice would be done to Don Carlos.—(Loud cries of " Divide," from the Op position benches.) Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, but no divi sion took place. The motion was negatived without a TOLLS ON LIME, Col. WOOD postponed his Bill to exempt lime from the payment of tolls to this day fortnight. On the motion of Mr. R. SCOTT, a return was or dered of the table of fees and allowances to the clerks to justices, and to constables, as settled by the justices in sessions, in the different counties in England and Wales. On the motion of the same Hon. Member, a return of all accounts Of ass i gnees i n Bankruptcy, audited by the Commissioners for the District Courts of Bir mingham, Bristol, and Exeter, since 11th Nov., 1842 was ordered. PROTESTANT ADDRESS. Captain BERNAL rose to move for a copy of an address presented to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland from the Dublin Protestant Operative Association and Reformation Society, dated the 14th of October, 1843, together with the official reply of the Lord-Lieutenant, " Vice-Regal Lodge, Octob er 16th, 18 43. " H e (Captain Bernal) thought it was a very objectionable practice for a Minister to read letters addressed to himself, as a prac tice likely to lead to abuse. It put him (Captain Bernal) in mind of school-boys who wrote love-letters to them selves. Lord ELIOT thought it highly inexpedient to give im porfance to such documents as that to which the Hon. and Gallant Member had referred. The document, too, had already appeared in all the newspapers, and, there fore, to produce it now would only be likely to per petuate religious animosities. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said, if the production of this document would be calculated to perpetuate religious animosities, then it was clear that the Lord-Lieutenant had received an address calculated to have that effect. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the motion Against. it Majority —s 1 HORSE-RACING PENALTIES BILL. On the third reading of this Bill having been pro posed, _ _ Mr. CHRISTIE said, that several observations had been introduced into the Bill at the suggestion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Manchester, which very much improved it, but still the principle remained the same, and was highly objectionable. He need not go over the old ground, but he must say that all the reasons he had heard urged against the Bill were invalid, and not based upon strict equity. The statute which enacted penalties against the proprietors of gaming -houses should like wise be amended, if they wished to carry out their prin ciple; and Mr. Bond, who was fined in a heavy penalty for keeping a g t aming-house, should be indemnified. Proceedings had been instituted against certain Dis senters in St. George's Folgate, a parish in Norwich, which was chiefly inhabited by Dissenters, at the suit of the Arches Court, Canterbury, because they re fused to vote at a meeting of the parishioners in favour of church -rates. This was the first attempt made to use the criminal jurisdiction of the Ecelesi• astical Court. In this parish a great number of the inhabitants had some time ago agreed to pay, half of the church -rates, provided those professing the prin ciples of the Established Church paid the other,half. This propoSition, fair tliclugh it was, wasonSeLPPtutelotY declined, and - the DiSsent6rs were subjected to eccle siastical prosecution.—(Hear.) This was a Bill which THE POLES IN PRUSSIA. Mr. VILLIERS STUART said, the House was aware that the King of Prussia bad allowed fugitive Poles to take up their residence in the Duchy of Posen, and had conceded to many of them the rights of Prussian subjects. It had been lately announced, that his Prussian Majesty had given directions to withdraw the protection from these-Poles. He wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel), if he, could give the House any information upon the subject. Sir R. PEEL said that he was not prepared at present to give an answer in a definite manner to-the question put by the Hon. Gentleman. SCOTTISH. LAW COURTS. Mr. WALLACE rose to bring forward his motion upon the above subject. He said that the legal tribunals in Scotland had been an immense expense to the nation. Instead of those Courts being called the. Courts of Session, the more proper name to use would be the Courts of Vacation, for they were idle for nearly seven months in the year, .and during those, seven months the judges sat only for five days in the week. He held returns in his hands which .would prove beyond doubt that the law authorities in those Courts had allowed au enormous amount of arrears to accumu late from the year 1.781 up to the present time. The number of cases which were in arrear in the year 1838 was 477, and he thought this was sufficient to require inves gation, The vacations of the Courts in general exceeded in length of time the sessions. There was another matter that called for remedY, namely; the choice of Courts, and he must say that he thought the delay and ex pense incurred in the Courts in Scotland were attri butable to the listlessness 'of the judges. He firmly believed that until a Court of Review (as we understood) was established, there would be no satisfaction in the courts of law in Scotland. There was no court more dreaded, with 'the exception of the Court of Chancery, than the Court of Session. He would next advert .to' the expenses. .In the first place he would state what these judges cost theeountry. The first division of judges •cost the country 14,375/. a yew'. Owing to the short time . during which they sat, the amount of their salaries and that of their secretaries was 127/. per- day. The number of cases decided in the year 1839 by . this division of the judges was 157, and therefore the judicial charge for each case—without any reference to the charges of counsel—the j udicial charge for each case was 911. 1 Is.. while the cost in the courts pre • sided over by the other judges was 251. 14s. for each ease. All this waste was at the cost of both countries. He Would now read to the House a statement of the yearly cost of this establishment, and he believed all the Honourable Gentleinen who - were friends of economy would .be surprised to hear. it. 'They had thirteen :Judges of the Supreme Court, to a population of two millions and a halt. They might know by the number of the English judges, whether this was a justifiable mode of applyin g th e money o f t h e people. The cost of the judges was 42,7001.; that of clerks of the court 17,000/. There, were also thirty sheriffs, who cost 16,5001.,, or, on an average, 5511 each per year. He had no hesitation in saying that the most vicious part of their vicious system was the having three times the number of judges required. When the Noble Lord the Member for .London introduced his County Courts Bill, the number of judges he proposed for all England was twenty-five chief judges, and four others in the'.. event of illness of the chiefs. The whole amount of the cost of the judicial establish ment in Edinburgh was not less than 150,0001. You might travel from one end of Scotland to the other, and. you would not find one man who was not dis satisfied and disgusted . with the whole system of the administration of the law in that . 'coun try. In 1834, an Act was introduced by ih'e - late Government t© raise the. salaries of the judg,es, by which it was held that it should g!ive great facilities to the . means of obiaining justice—the rules of Court were to be altered, and the time of session was to be extended so as to do away with the arrears of which so much complaint had been made, and so justly. The salaries of the judges were at that time raised to 1,000/ a year each. The Court of Sessions and the Crown had the power of extending the sessions for one month. Now, by this . act, which the Noble Lord (Lord John .Russell) carried with the assistance of those who now :sat on the opposite side of the House—for it was re 'marked in Scotland, that whenever anything,was to be done to raise salaries, both sides of that House joined.— (Hear, hear, and •laughter)—the causes in the Court had diminished since one-half, and this year they would diminish still more, in' consequence of the general dis satisfaction with the Court.—(The Hon. Member then read an extract from the Act of Parliament, that gave the power ,to the judges and the Crown to extend the sessions by two months.) There was a place in Scotland where the Parliament used to meet, and there the Court of Session was held. . God forbid he should ever see a Parliament held there again._ But the judges were le gislators as well as judges, and they made laws which ought to be made only by the Imperial Parliament. • They had full power to make rules for expediting the public busi ness, but they had 'not - availed themselves of that power. The Committee which had sat in 1834, and had re commended an 'increase of the judges' salaries, had evidently contemplated an increase in the labours of the judges. As a proof of this, he would refer to the evidence given before that Committee by Lord Elgin, Lord Brougham, Dr. Lushington, and Mr. O'Connell. From their evidence it was clear that it had been con templated to make a considerable addition to the la hours of the judges. • Then, with regard to the passing of the Acts of Sederunt, one of the most distinguished lawyers in Scotland, Sir Alan. Campbell had brought in a Bill, in 1785, to reduce the number of judges, and at the conclusion of the Act there was a clause enacting that the judges should occupy themselves with revising and consolidating:the Acts of Sederunt. That duty they lad neglected to perform ; and at the present moment the Acts of Sederunt were an unconsolidated mass, which had not been revised for 300 years. The complaint they made was this, that they.had 13' judges; and who did their duty ? Why the Lord Chancellor of England. What proof had he of this ? Why that nearly three-fourths of all the appeals coming to the House of Lords, `came from • Scotland. . Why was this ? Why because the Scotch judges, although per fectly competent to do so, did not .do their duty. At. the present moment there were forty-five appeals from Scotland in the House of Lords, twenty-seven from England and Wales, and twenty from Ireland, which was a most unusual number. Then with respect to the superannuations, they amounted to 15,000/ a-year. Two of the judges receiving part of that superannuation had received upwards of 70,0001., one having retired nineteen years, and another fourteen. Thp other day another judge was allowed to retire, though at a period of life that did not entitle him to claim retirement. It might ..be stated .that his health was such as to compel him to do so, but if such was the case, pit was not known to be no in Scotland. A very expensive Commission had been issued by the late Government to examine into the state of the Scotch Courts, with a view. to improvement, and certain minor recommendations of that -Commission were adopted ; but all - the mateitil points were entirely neglected. Since the present Government had come into office, three judges had been appointed—Mr. Hope, Mr. Robertion, and Mr. Wood. He had no hesitation in expressing his belief that the Government werejustified in these appointments, but he thought they had •made a most injudicious choice of a person to be put over the heads of all the other judges. Every one admitted the propriety of the ap pointment of the Lord President, one of the. most hard working and judicious. judges on the bench. It was stated that the judges in the two inner chambers of the Court of Session did not afford sufficient time for the counsel to perform their duties. When Mr. Hope presided he occupied the time of' - the court and the, public, not with attending to the argu ments of counsel, but in displaying his own eloquence. The consequence was, that the business in his court was rapidly on the decrease. His (Mr. Wallace's) countrymen were a shrewd and reflecting body of men, and they knew well enough when a man was doing his duty • and when he was shammine , it.—(A laugh.) With regard to the appointment of Robertson, it was a judicious one, and that of Mr. Wood was first rate. - In the Report of the Committee which' sat in 1840 there was a great deal to show that they . had a right to expect a decided amelioration in the judicial system. In that short Report of nine pages, it was stated nine or ten times how great was the just dissatisfaction with the Court of Session. In the original Report the dissatisfaction was ex pressed no less than thirteen times, (Hear.) He called the ; attention of the Noble Lord most particu larly to this matter. Such allegations - were made before, and they would be made again if there were no improve ment. °The present system:was perfectly unwarrantable, and required instant amendment. Six courts were. sit ting at the same time, and two counsel being obli ge d to attend in each ease„ great embarrassment ensued. He thanked the House for having so patiently listened to him, and as he understood that part of his motion was irregular, he would only move the latter:part of it. He then moved that. .« an humble. address be presented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty .will be graciously pleased to exercise the powers which are reserved to her DURHAM ELECTION. The SPEAKER informed the House that he had re ceived a letter from the parties petitioning against the return of John Bright, Esq., for Durham, stating that it was their intention not to proceed with the petition. DON CARLOS. Lord JOHN MANNERS then rose to call the atten tion of the House to the motion of which he had given notice. He felt that he was fully justified in calling upon the House to join him in imploring her Majesty's interference in behalf of a royal victim of oppression. He knew that it was a matter of delicacy for the House to ask her. Majesty to interfere for the purpose of pro curing the liberation of a person who was detained by one of her Majesty's allies. But there were precedents for such a course when the honour and interest of the country depended on such a course to be pursued. He would first refer to the precedent of General Lafayette, and he would then proceed to show that the honour and interest of this country demanded the liberation of Don Carlos. In 1794, General Lafayette with his troops took refuge in Prussia, and he was immediately com mitted to a fortress by the King of Prussia. England was• then at peace with Prussia ; but so strong was the feeling which existed in this country respecting what the people considered a hardship, that that House was called upon to interfere in the matter. General Fitz patrick moved an address to the CroWn to interfere for the purpose of procuring the release of General La fayette. That motion was defeated. But the ground upon which he (Lord John Manners) now claimed sup port for his motion was the reason assigned for the defeat of the address of 1794 to which he had referred. Mr. Pitt opposed the address on the broad and intelligible ground that England having had nothing to do with the transaction, could not in fairness be call e d u p on t o in terfere. aving made ;this allusion to that precedent, he would proceed to show that this 'country was bound by justice to interfere for the purpose of procuring the release of Don Carlos. On the broad and eternal prin. cipleef justice he (Lord J. Manners) demandedPiis libera , tion. Where was the crime alleged against him ? What offence had been laid to his charge—what tribunal had delivered its verdict against him ? He (Lord J. Man ners) was aware that last year, when this subject was debated, the Noble Lord, the Member for Tiverton, said that England and Fiance had a right to in carcerate Don Carlos after the Convention of Algarve. It might be that Don Carlos had had some private communication with the Noble Lord ; but all he (Lord John Manners) could say was that he could easily enter into the feelings of a gallant man, who had been deprived of a crown such as that of chivalrous Spain, by intrigues the most base that ever sullied the history of any country, finding himself guiltless of all intrigue, finding his claim to that crown defeated by those whom he loved because he knew them, who loved him because they knew him—he could con ceive, and enter into the feelings of that gallant man at such a crisis and he could not conceive how Don Carlos could have acted otherwise than he had done. But supposing the Noble Lord to be right, he (Lord John Manners) said that the Ministry now in power, and those who formed the majority of that House, could not avail themselves of the plea of the Noble Lord. So long as the war was commenced —so long as the gallant . efforts of the Spaniards to maintain the struggle against the Jews and stock-brokers of Algeria existed—so long the great Tory party in this country, and those who at present were its leaders, had a right to give their sanction to the proceedings of Don Carlos. The Noble Lord might rely upon his flimsy argument, to which he (Lord John Man ners) had referred, but those on that (the Ministerial) side of the House could not avail themselves of it. He (Lord J. Manners) therefore apprehended that he had a perfect right to call upon that House to interfere for the purpose of procuring the liberation of Don Carlos. He asserted, in the most emphatic manner, that no deed had been committed by Don Carlos which could justify for a moment the imprisonment he was now suffering. If nothing had occurred previously to the break ing out of the war—if nothing had occurred during its continuance that could be said to justify the present incarceration of Don Carlos, had anything occurred since which could be said to offer the slightest pretext for it ? When Don Carlos entered France, he was told that, he would be treated like an unfortunate prince. He (Lord J. Manners) thought he knew what would be the interpretation which an assembly of English gentlemen would put upon these words. — (Hear, hear.) Don Carlos did not—he could not—have anticipated the meaning which was put upon them when they were uttered by a constitutional Government ; for imprisonment was a measure meted out to their unfortunate victim by a Liberal Govern ment. Had Don Carlos, he would again ask, done any thing since his imprisonment which Gould be urged as a justification of it ? Every one.knew that Donna Chris tina at one time was willing to risk not only Spain, but even the life of her daughter to supplant Espartero. It was also equally notorious that Don Carlos was solicited to aid her in her views. Straightforwardness and ho nesty had always characterised Don Carlos, and he at once rejected these overtures. He (Lord J. Manners) must ask the House to pause for a moment, and reflect upon the different reception Donna Christina had met with to that given to Don. Carlos. Donna Christina, with the countenance of all Europe, had instigated bloodshed, anarchy, and insurrection, and she was al lowed to pass through Europe with regal pomp,. while Don Carlos, who refused to enter into her unholy ma chinations, was kept captive in a fortress. "Probitas laudatur et alget." These were the reasons which induced him (Lord J. Manners) to. demand, in the sacred name of justice, justice which liberation of Don C ar los—i n the name of which was seldom invoked in vain, he made that de mand. He would now allude to the formation of the Spanish Legion, and he had the authority of General Evans himself for stating that that Legion was formed against the expressed opinions of three of the highest military authorities in the kingdom, viz., the late King, the Duke of Wellington, and the late Commander-in- Chief. Now he (Lord J. Manners) said that the man ner in which that Legion had been formed was amply sufficient to justify that House in interfering to set Don Carlos at liberty. With every wish to speak well of our soldiers and sailors concerned, he was bound to state his sincere and honest conviction that, the moment they arrived in Spain a system of double dealing and treachery of the most disreputable kind, was commenced. In the annals of England he knew of no more disgraceful transaction than that connected with the English ships during the siege of Bilboa. For nearly two months, while the Car lists were beleaguering that town, exposed to the fire of its guns, the English troops stood passively, and wit nessed the strife. Perfbct neutrality was their position —full impunity from danger was the result. But when victory had already, he might say, crowned the Carlist army—when Bilboa, in fact, had surrendered—in the middle of the night a body of these English troops rushed in and derived the Carlists of that success to which they were, entitled. By the disgrace that transaction attached to England, he asked the House to adopt the address with which he was about to conclude. Nor was this disgrace all. The' House would remember that Lord John Hay continued to carry on the communi cations between the traitor Maratto and Espartero. Lord John Hay had interfered against Don Carlos in every possible manner. So far from taking the least care that the life of Don Carlos should be guaranteed, it was mentioned as a subject of congratulation by Colonel Wilde to the English Government, that Don Carlos' name had not been mentioned in any article of the Con vention. The House might easily guess what would • have been the fate of that illustrious prince, if he had fallen into the hands of his vindictive enemies. In 1836, the Government sent an. order to the Captain eom- . manding on the Cantabrian coast, that if Don Carlos should seek for an asylum in an English ship, that asylum should not be given to him. He asked -the House to put these facts together, and was not the conclusion irresistible, that throughout the whole Spanish war,.from the commencement to the close, England was the great interfering power. The Church and State had been despoiled by that tyrannical spirit of liberty whieh now devastated Spain, and which had compelled Don Carlos to seek an asylum in a foreign country, in order to avoid falling into the hands of mer ciless enemies. —(Hear.) 'From every motive of honour and of justice they were compelled to interfere. The Noble Lord had not yet forgiven the man whom he had so deeply injured ; and one of the last acts of his office— when power had, in that, departed from him—was to de mand, on the part of England, that the imprisonment of Don Carlos should continue. In June, 1841, the French Government showed some signs of releasing the Prince, but the Noble Lord interfered, and refused to accede. Away, then, with this cant of liberalism about securing . the tranquillity of Stain. The efforts of Queen Christina, and of the Regent Espartero, had done much more to disturb the tranquillity of Spain than Don Carlos—the feting at the Mansion-house was more to be dreaded than the prisoner at Bourges. It was not because Don Carlos had injured or offended them—not because he had injured or offended France —not because he had borne his captivity with resignation —not because the freedom of Spain de manded• his incarceration, but in order to gratify a tyrannical, sacrilegious, and licentious liberalism. in 1808 Bonaparte had imprisoned Don Carlos in Valen ciennes ; in 1841 the remains of Bonaparte found Don Carlos a prisoner in Bourges. After exhorting the House to interfere - on behalf of this exiled and deeply injured Prince, the Noble Lord concluded with the following motion:—" That an humble address be pre sented to her Majesty, representing to her Majesty that the detention of Don Carlos and his family in a town belonging to her Majesty's ally, the• King of the French,- is opposed to justice and the honour of this country, would be most likely to hold out a precedent for ex post facto legislation, and if no other Member in the House could be found to bring in a Bill for the same purpose, so far as the Dissenters were concerned, he for. one should bring in a Bill to apply the same principles to the Dissenters.—(Hear.) Mr. ESTCOTT thought that the result of the Bill would be, from one defect which pervaded it, that some of the worst characters would have the same protec tion as those who had every intention of paying their just debts. Mr. HAWES thought that, according to the prece dent established by this Bill, all that parties had to do, when they committed a fault, was to come to this House, and seek indemnity. He hoped that this system of legislation would not fail to be applied to the Dissenting congregations of Norwich, who had subjected themselves to law costs, being, at the time, unaware that a law was in existence to make them responsible for legal costs. Sir J. EASTHOPE supported the principle of the Bill. He thought that because injustice was done to one man it did not follow that it should be done to others. If the Hon. and Learned Gentleman brought in a mea sure to relieve the Dissenters of Norwich from their liabilities, he for one, should most heartily support him. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided. The numbers were— For the third reading B7 Against it 2l Majority • —66 Sir R. PEEL said, that as all the orders and motions on the paper for to-morrow (this day) had been post poned, he thought it would be more convenient that the House at its rising do adjourn till Thursday. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned, at a Quarter to Twelve o'Closk, till Thursday. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings qf the House of Commons.) MONDAY, FIB. 26. SUPPLY. Order for Committee read; Army and Navy Estimates (presented Bth February), referred ; Maim made, and Ques tion proposed, " That Mr. Speaker do now leave the. Chair :" Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word "That" to the end of the Question, in •rder to add the words " the con sideration of the Estimates for the several branches of the Public Services be postponed till after the Easter Recess," instead thereof :—Question put, " That the words proposed to be left oat stand part of the Question :" The House divided : MAJORITY-AYES, 105. Blcwitt, ft. nowring, Dr. Duncan, George Duncombe, T. 3. Feilden, J. MINORITY—NOES, 11. Hindley, Charles Williams. W. Maher, Nicht las O'Connell, D. TELLS as Pluniridge, Captain Crawford, WS. Roche, E. B. Rawdon, J. D. THE THEATRES. FRENCH PLAYS. Achard added, on Monday, another link to the long chain of his successes, in the chara c t er o f J erome, in Ls Famille du Fumiste. As Jerome, Achard revels in the wild freshness and boisterous spirits which are "so fre quently to be met with in humble life amongst our neighbours on the other side of the Channel. It is in such characters as these that Achard's peculiar , excel lence appears to far greater advantage than in th e fi rst piece in which he played on Monday, Stradella, whep he is compelled to twist his merry features into a triste ful visage, and to incase his burly frame, all bursting with fun, in a rich dress of velvet. Mademoiselle Bachelet also deserves honourable mention for her acting during the first act, and Mdlle. Didlia Henri, acquitted herself to the satisfaction of the audience. The quaint little episode from Paul de Kock's novel, "La -?liaison Blanche," was again performed as the afterpiece, with, perhaps, even greater success than on Friday night. ADELPHI THEA7RE.. On Monday a burletta, called Anthony and Cleopatra Married and Settled, was produced at this theatre. This piece is one of those light and humorous entertainments which depend for their success more on the individual exertions of the performers than on any interest attach ing to the structure of the plot. Anthony and Cleo patra (not the Roman General and the Egyptian Queen, but a poor tailor and his spouse) fall'out without suffi cient reason, and after maintaining a recriminatory dia logue, spun out, perhaps, to too great a length, conclude by becoming more sincerely attached than ever. Tilt se two characters were sustained by Wright and Miss Woolgar, who were, in fact, the only performers in the piece. They celebrated their reconciliation by a dance en costume, a sort of medley in which the figures of some of the most popular (lances were introduced. This was the most diverting part of the performance, and it save so much satisfaction to the audience that it was unani mously encored. The piece, on the whole, was received with approbation, but might be curtailed with advantage. OLYMPIC THEATRE. On Monday the presentation, for the 25th time, of Mr. Leman Rede's drama of the Profligate opened the performance. A farce, which has been played with much success, was then revived for the first time this season; it is entitled Angels and Lucifers. The anxiously expected event of the evening—the revival-4, a piece founded on the popular tale of " Robinson Crusoe"— concluded the evening's entertainments. It was in 1817 that this drama was first produced, at Covent-garden Theatre, it being from the pen of the author of the favourite drama of the Miller and his Men. It adheres closely to the tale, with the exception of the incid e nt that the wife of Robin son Crusoe having left England in search of him, is placed on shore by the mutinous crew of the vessel of which her son is the commander, and it so happens that they fall on the very island where Robin son and his man Friday are located. SURREY. A new drama, in three acts, entitled the Last Shilling, was brought out on Monday, and was well received by a numerous audience. The author of the Miller's Maid, Ben Brace, and other successful pieces prepared on this occasion a new treat for the lovers of nautical exploits. Mrs. R. Honner played the part of Fanny with great ability, and Miss E. Terry, as a village coquette, kept the audience on the broad grin of laughter. When the curtain fell the applause was general. With the omis sion of some passages, which should not be retained, the piece will be a favourite. After the comic farce of Jinks, or the Man that couldn't help it, Mr. Ambrose, the Armenian prodigy, made his first appearance, and 'per formed some extraordinary feats, called aerial pole dancing. The exhibition appeared new to the audience. The performer, with his head and shoulders resting on a cushion, and his feet elevated, balanced a weighty pole with considerable skill. The pole was balanced hori aontally, and he dexterously drew forth reiterated plaudits. THE SHIPPING TRADE TO.CHINA AND OUR EASTERN POSSESSIONS. In consequence of the great increase of our commerce with China, the East Indies, and our Eastern colonies, a large number of vessels are lying in the various docks, being in course of preparation for goods, to be for warded to the above destinations. There are above eighty vessels which are announced at Lloyd's for dis patch, many of them of heavy burden, and sixteen carry ing each above 1,000 tons. Of this fleet of vessels, one firm charters fourteen ships, amounting to 13,750 tons ; another nine ships, carrying 8,250 tons ; another five ships, of a burden of 4,400 tons. The following are the names of the vessels, with the amount of tonnage re. spectively The Seringapatam, 1,000; the Wellesley, 1,150; the Owen Glendower, 1,000; the Agincourt, 1,050 ; the Monarch, 1,400 ; the Earl of Hardwicke, 1,000 ; the Vernon, 1,000; the Prince of Wales, 1,350; the Mada gascar, 1,000; the City of Poonah, the Northumberland, 900; the Windsor, 800; the Malabar, 700; the Carnatic, 700 (the above being the property of Messrs. Green, of Blackwall) ; the Colombo, 600; the Pekin, 650; the Robert Small, 800 ; the Ellenborough, 1,100 ; the Bucephalus, 1,050; the Gloriana, 1,100; the Plantagenet, 1,100 ; the Duke of Argyll, 800; the Tudor, 1,150 (which belong to Messrs. T. and W. Smith, New castle-on-Tyne); the Samarang, 600; the Essex, 650; the Maidstone, 1,000; the Calcutta, 1,350; the True Briton, 800 (the owners of which are the Messrs. Wi gram, Blackwell); the Oriental, 600; the Anna Robert son, 500; the George Fyfe, 460; the Lady Rowena, 500; the British Empire, 610; the Thomas Lee, 350; the John Knox, 540;• the Earl of Durham, 453; the Orestes, 700; the Arab, 484; the Scindian, 650; the Druid, 341; the Unicorn, 375; the Dowthorp, 450; the Mellish, 500; the Royal Tar, 388; the Arabia, 400; the Sumatra, 354; the Royal Saxon, 700; the Dale Park, 550 ; the Vigilant, 400; the Raymond, 600; the Har riett, 165; the Parland, 600; the Surge, 560;, the Eliza beth and Jane, 306; the Robert Matthews, 350; the John Heyes, 400; the Sophia, 286; the John Woodell, 503; the Georgetown, 412; the Worcester, 636; the Timandre, 432; the Africa, 300; the Brunette, 400; and the Yare, 300. The united burden of the above vessels amounts to 44,274 tons. There are also the Rosebery, the Poictiers, the Lady, the Erin, the Earl of Livez i bool, the Derwent, the Nelson, the Lady Grey, &c., whose amount of tonnage is not stated. When the trade of the East Indies was open to com petition, the East India Company sold their large sized vessels, as it was thought that ships of a lesser burden would be sufficient to carry on that trade. THE NINETY-SECOND:-Aberdeen is the head quarters of this gallant corps, whose conduct in the field has taught us from childhood to associate with them all that bravery and generosity which characterise our beau ideal of the British soldiery. They are a set of fine looking men, but sadly tanned by the burning sun of the West Indies, to. which they have been subjected for the long space often years. Many a one of their companions have they left behind them. Of the officers that embarked for Trinidad in 1834, only five have returned, and about one-half of the men. One death has taken place since their arrival here ; but we are happy to learn that their state of health, in general, is as good as could be looked for when we take into account the rapid change of climate—from the burning heat of the torrid.' zone, to the temperature of our "northern city cold," in the of a stormy winter. We feel for the poor fellows in their hilts, with their legs exposed to the frosty, biting north winds of those days, and their teeth and hands clenched as if in determination to check the incipient shiver, lest it overcome them. On their arrival on Saturday morning, the crowd that lined the pier might haw . ..! amounted to about two thousand. The number of old 1?!. diers especially was unusually great. They were ,easily higheroccasions;inches the road, a hearty cheer from t regiment strucli . up "Auld L h an e Herald. ;nation grs'j by ' s n tl " ders welcomed therm n — e W t l o Yberd n — acc A ount. of the almost once createdc y e om more_ ci n t o t theirhAe,Railway e s nor t h.-- A berd een r t k . certainty . of this railway being established. It will give a much easier comniunication with the north, and will be of infinite service to the tine agricultural country through which it will pass. It will render the Blisworth and Peter borough line of very little service to the London and.Bir-..,- mingliam Company, either as a protective line or as a source of profit.—From a Correspondent, WO Ol. was ;siroas wad to neees" che' :d that vented "lairer c tests iono lll. deJ t ° i wit h L then !ass °I ; al 4 Id h il vie& ad P a f,ro. air ro b t 6 0 °, r~ "cor LI° I 134 'YIL"' ;13 - of