The Sun. — London, England, 1845-02-20 00:00:00

financial tn.: I the Vrol4 Wl sfri terests of egrieUlUtiess: e Engn' h Peel. ) Ito Whleh he ould produre_ n could Lot De es ; and whe. ificent ricers ° f ime, th e t 3e western p, 'ring purpooin: lor their cot, ch. ect from tithe carg,'" can t he agricuttincs Hon. G ell , l l , es of free 01 e ng this eo,u nt , r _ i „ ,osi,t her in would only iris s h iistrot 3e.reaoing t hat ohe I°o F„ing b u mbl o, e; ' .( Cheer.. ititnents 7 e rr e lan.' had 7,er • in the 1 1 " .4 flouriohing tef the lor e : e ett• 'inns t° ie 'ernes co Ireit.stoi e . Bet ng country,o tax . collected 1, w est. l‘ g , t o? ading thio engsge_ di ,, P ko d had b ee h " yole time -4 0 d b! ern ght icre;teifol ° l i% t that a 0 ~, re In put rf or cient g ro loe la were jared is way i n io .deo g ree, O ° ool perty-t°, okr Bedew . / 50 0 i m pose tg foes S/ 1 4 taken n ee' „, said reel r e we if that JO tsr he t r. ! O r it; wit h t hat go 'll ob f or 4 t hink- r . - e ifa exercised oobieb untrl , en titt• ti %v as pot tot tr es tl or tropas he tl O a nk tha t t7 t to tb to sub p rbe. t i e ,bY i n of o"be r hil s ! r On s re s Kie c 11 , 0 4 °1 e f Is tiflabl u during siP . r 0 r O Ceed re Oi°ll ; „ f th..eepbe r ge 0 a bl .01/ cee t o r tor h ad ;0 1 . :13 be fd a 0 3.-. 0 0 the . ' 09 to ,„ % or r ite ut tb e ; te e t so i itron ', t ot II y ole ° We,,e l6 ll w ide. , .., in s , it was. t. err et toll r his -nslk bet f or , Podf took 1, 0 1 01 01 1 ) sed or-- fro jet ;elite ° bie 17 °1 41 0 m iser° te a 01, 1 0 terottisor'f, ted. b e bt n • K 404 , It the, re) eschgs.oe o ire f° ar 01 0 04 m sa• id A d e m id be Scow" h Irele 00 / 4 W hiv 'tbi tli tO gi ge no en g i° 0° it Og g° Ob d iP i Hon' ° ld o ° %l al :e o n ei . 0 ,5 next • t toa b , )er(9 • b ° s ip° vsble_., Ls the tor- orp ) t - b e e li ' °l K t that , 130 , , re d i ibex f e 'be . ° Befor e isto V e le the r n be tl d l e eir Bath trt Ot t t, e , boo t- or - or red ell pe j n bell ;f 6° s ' - e lirntr,l he ' 1 1,10 ° ,.. 4 dab .. A"br t 0 t i bi d sr orb' bed on, At. rsite r, n 1 ' 1° 00 0 ; 0 ,1 „t the ry E lon• ibo„ ow enni ot ° t r e t e „ u lcl 0 10 0°,00 the ttet a tiO Hous e r t i e d je r t he e e ;P eo r i . ,.. ev y br e f F S 0 5 ° ti dedl ) • 11 1 . 14 t tid s : 316, t he -. P e . ,bt et 6 t10 1 5 11(5 n 151 ' r es 0 s t of o f. io )eb that riero , iile t.n..A. erw - rer re ll , 6 0 ee no"„ 1 6 , 0 ' j tege"ov - s t ' ra tio° . e m° w bolt 01 0 ;01 tiO On r o lf oj eti , bece~en23 Ogfeedfetil t " e trio"' s ' d bolt e• ter roP",,,g e r eetn e d we e pro ° o iiy t 1 00 Oro ,to for ja tot i io ie ntio t te rwa r. t o i d • oti c ''an d ✓ be i t o '7.0 lee For lie to fr ee j It e f r e lerl On f ) • 0_„, to 0 0,11 0 L vev 810 so , '" iehni° lori r l 10 ° 1 1 b i . " e w ho _iitie nir pc thy E lio 01 0 i p re, e ° 0 0 e i g 0 0e olit .i te ta o , " the v olY e ,e1 11 ; h a t . _;1 0 10 Jr Fester lin" 0" r ire d t o p c .. A to ti at 't e ``o_" o ll 6 :', laced tir id° P lsec i " delfoo' Ire an . 0 c"f th e Al i , ise v :pp 01 0 - t here , outsh on e in oo' 01 AN 0 l ijOre nd 'o: 'll llo' ! n d ioo , 11 , 4 $ 1 1 0 e ir ed ; el land r_ b et e ", ' 304 f r lheif ty 3.310 ,110,, h , 0 o tt t w as rr thgt l r t irsP r° otte° it g ot r esent Art 0 0 0 71 a O 7 r t .. .10 relay(' iso to l a ke( ? iio do! i iat tiara c- oten b e " ei sf rei di ferei 0 - 0 , I beirrl tle re f ya r hl' s 0 • o f Ter r e Ea - bey" v tha t to ° 0 e to i f '`.ooe o fo ,ut ~„;0 0 ,jha but 0 0, 0 .) • but i ` h e ll ° ( lise r '„iate for -- ale D er , was igeri 1100. sa id "rid (l ug— to a re.„;00 it be ' h° lli3 ° P i c] t° statb 4 • cl llle tt Iti b e In cigh t hio l ~d b ro fe io i r no t g l v ) . 0 " w hich te „ do e tbeg c r on 3 see c o dry '`strlr°ood its . plm ,o ~ dl , •ish i‘ ien-, ge `‘ o ( 1 4 abject' ht it rts i° e t houg" o ,ol.l l ,,t o 0 , 10 00 0 , of it inter cb ' ' c id they t h i e tf • iib 6 , los 11, AiAtmihr o th e 01 11 ,4 tt) it 'MM . d i rt ,to whe we inn f a le n a r ' ) by , 13 m ight 1 in reg:',llo o uld b e ' 05e' f l i a e.) b e P ' rtl es to • inq uir ; !ba t u ' id 0 . ,e 5" 013' „oil' s 0% ti er ,a 0 C 1 l ln ('‘ °r e xa tio o : to „mon' drily bYeils• an d p' bad iri srJ ✓t beY _ , S tax, the 1 ,00:5 3 1 sea uP° l O rf" a pt 130 et a much smaller expense, than they could hope to do in Ire /and, where all the machinery of collection wculd have to be established. But not being able to impose the income taa on Ireland, he had made an ad lition to the ' , tamp duties in thst country, linneine them up to the same Amount as that paid in England.- ( Bear, hear. 1 Tie Hon, and Learned Mee.hei fur Bath hart prop • •ose,i that the tax should be confined to real a•.d landed prop erty i Ireland, dh• ha at • the s ame time told the House that that n property an was for d the Pe'aast Part very much burdened, and that the debts on it were t orally held by persons in this country. He would see. there tore, that the amount of revenue to be derived from Ireland Route( on this account be considerably diminished. The lie n . bieuiter for Coventry had proposed to extend the income-tax to the Government otti ear; in Ireland, 1 ut th. wording o. the ammtment of the firm_ and Learned Member for 11„th ex , tressly excluded thine^ riereine from the op •rer ;en of the tax - - hear.) The Hon. Aiember for Cee,,,try sheuld also ; M ember th at t h e officers employed in Ireland were paid by • • 4' l "d, and if they had exempted that country gener a :ly f r o m _ L a ° Peration cf . a tax, he thought there would be no justi ce • ZZroatever in selecting one particular class, and fixing it on them, eatise they were maee obnoxious to the tax or mere helpless any oth er c l ass or the community. This was net an Csiiits o n ss hich he could follow the Honourable Member Oo Coventry t h rough all the remarks he had made isettee estimates ; they would shortly come before the House in 0 ail, and he should 'then be pr e p are d t o p rove to t h e li on. o : e tiernan that t due hey e co rsideratie framed w to ith the rem:at- a due regard interests to eco rilotrn,y., f m th Y and with a t ow o :°t'sie:reag There w ere ot h er li on . G ent l emen w h o had e n duri ng the evenin e , who h s d a ll u d e d t o var i ous po li t i ca l which th e y th oug h t re: d ere d i t i nadvisable to hraPes de the incom e tax on It eland. those considons re !lid not think i t eecessary to enter. lnto Having established the t°%tion that, as a tax, it would not b. productive, he thought st:lneeeeesiiry to enter onto any other reasons for not imposing, p anda Villth these observation he should leave the question in the a of the House, trusting that the House, in the absence of berte rtion of the Irish Members, would prove that Eng „ass__' Nen donut desire to impose burl ens on them, but that their NZ w ould be e ff ectua l ly fought by the English Members . ever Irish interests were concerned. taiHUME said it appeared to him the debate had taken a w i; t i t h is at it ought not have done, from an erroneous eiew of ta x e "eY were called on to consider. He thought the income . it ,:" efiioas one ; but as the Right Hon. Baronet stated that - ' lll to he a temporary one, he should not wish ) and, any alteration in it as regarded Ire • flfeßut h e thought the Honourable and Learned th e T eer for B at h had been misunderstood . He denied that ou/e- tne- tax would be an i n j us ti ce t o I re l an d , as it would tee t ; ' a On those who eould afford to pay it ; and it should be he,.!nberd that Irel an d wou ld h ave a f a i r s h are i n all the h4setirs arising from the present remission of taxation. He • pe rt o : r e thought it would be but fair that she should bear a QI N. ' the burdens which enabled the Government to make ettly increase in the stamp-duty paid by Ireland was that I ,; • „'•°°W. On a revenue of 454,000/., derived from tbu rr s' re e• This was all the equivalent that Ireland paid for the h,: n et five millions borne by England. In dwelling on 4 4 0 --.44 ' t tee and hardship that would be done to Ireland by tis eu „','eg this tax on it, the last speaker had really made a e ks . Viin of a mole-hill—aud he was really quite surprised to Ipeti nin e , s; Let Ireland, if she was to have her share of the Witte! °° of taxation, bear her fair share of the burdens also. hW ktet• l Property h a d not b orne a sufficient portion of that ,s•11s- for the last fifty kg, y a m no less than pr seventy-four p cent. of the whole h t tint of the t axat i on of the kingdom. England paid the f Oov e he e c a use it w as i mpose d b y t h e G overnmetit, and the Ithyie,rnent impos e d it w i t h very li tt l e consideration ; an d of t h e weause those who did it, and who managed the affairs country, suffered very little from . the imposition.-- (-sown of the Hen. f "rn - bW e e a r.) However, as this prop, t. t n tor Bath would cause an entire change in the taxa loetjad, which would very much benefit the country, ttie e h Ontrib - „I t was ma d e the better.—( Hear, hear.) He would ""Y should not t h e House call uponW Ireland itute her p or ti on to t hi s tax ? Th e c h ange it IL , t h e imposition of it would cause would be Oars I.'ed not taken place in this country for the last forty atta s at w ould have th e e ff ec t o f g i v i ng emp l oymen t t o t h ou - St e t ,'" benefit Ireland in a thousand ways, which he could tete detail. Nothing could be more easy than to bring el ando 1 er 'tion the machinry for the collection of the tax in hOttlbut, if it should not be imposed, and that other taxes th e be r e ,• te e Itted in that country, the result would he that eet ttsii ° nisi be imposed on the bee instead of the honey, and stal 'Y the hive would be destroyed. He would tell the (11t,ef Ireland, that if they claimed equal rights with Eng e,„"keY ahowld bear an equal share of the public burdens.— t%nit; " ea r. ) He should like to . see . the property of that ee klith Y fairly taxed, if the owners of it claimed equal ri g hts with e T e n ; hut, if that tax should be imposed. that was no itN114 1 ; 1 1 1 , 1/ stich threats, as h ,c 1 heard to-night, of murder, 4t , n, and fire. and all that, should he held out.- - l e ') But, remit. , all this aside,would say thet e tt -u st °4l d be made to bear a full and fair proportion of the Oh.) ~then let her call for equal privileges. —( Hear, and a EZlelt e 'he income-ta x , if exten d e d t o I re l an d , wou ld not i t tlete t ; II h eavily as wa s imagined, for there were ver y f ew 1 , - " the h . 4 that country who paid 3001. a year, and, ther e f ore , , a rden of the tai would fall on th e landl or d ; an d w ith persons in Ire lani who derived the r i ncomes 'hie lex vti Offices, he wo u ld like to , know why they s hould no t tth • Hear, hear.) For these reasons he w ou ld Roe,Ton. 1 4 7. 5 . ! RT PEEL said he felt bound to declare that he • -9 46 "on• Member who had just sat down the fullest ita te, e,n unusual degree of candour.—(Laughter.) It is,,tllo,ipPortant to the Hon. Member's constituents that Vesufsl"•nederstand the consistency, integrity, and good 44iteeoe4h ch aracterised the statement of the Hon. Member 1 , (R i ng for the vote he was about to give upon this gues s laughter.) The Hon. Member had said, in , that if it had not been for the foolish speech" of es4;,4lll.„,A.letaber at this side of the House—(Laughter)—he to `"•hav side .come to this cenelusion.—( Laughter.) So that vcita L j or r the House had to say they felt indebted httel ele ilereet speech—(Laughter) —for the proposition t o . ll ' Nfernber (Mr. Hume) to make a total change -,ra of to now in exercise in this country.— les t t e e t li te ; New, was it possible that such a change could L 'Ot t , :race in the sentiments of a gentleman . who, tor the vel74it it)rarl—( opoesears, during which he had a seat in that House, lkiNii t 7 every measure of a financial nature that had been Hear, hear, and laughter.) But here let ett Peel) say that, during those forty years, he e 'flitted the great services that that Hon. Member had Iseitis,etsse°l,°°try, although he had never yet given him a vote. isie s 'ita P tss "etr, and laughter. ) However, he should say, he 4 4.1,bt anticipated the result of the Hon. Member's exer lehl'oe t e t t treat judgment and perspicuity en this proposition,. theltiy,,,a'wered that he wruld upon this occasion give an I tettii % at font°---(Laughter ) It should be admitted that,for %Ott Y Years, the Hon. Member had raid the closest at lee,klk to tbnatters of finance, and always opposed what he con tug , ° Onnecessary expenditure ; but the Hon. Alem itte"`'' night declared that it was in consequence of a tilti ts ,'nets es eh from this side of the House that ho would advo- N!) at ned t axation lie (Sir R. Peel) had been left com ') " n wa what to say.—( Great laughter.) Ho (Sir R. h at what the Hon. Member would have said IN?) h, ' w in g the interest of money, and all that, but he should th'tdv ec a s a hardly prepared to hear that the Hon. Member 'Ntt sid e 41e i ncreased taxation, because of an Hon. Member ;Pk, the House having delivered himself of a foolish Ne s eta `(?P'at l aughter.) In reference to the Hon. Member % aY P'itered that t , foolish speech"—( Laughter)—let n Gentle kilal,passPou that t e l le Most heartily congratulated that Ho . 1 "i) o s ',Molt felicitous speech—( Laughter )—for he Sir L 'et , ay that he did think that a higher compli elsheW"ala 4 ,„ -- ,: he paid any Member of the House than that L AW • alte red 01 the taxation of the country was proposed ‘4 l 4te because of the delivtry of that speech "°l ° Halle - e winss .e burst into a general and loud fit of tarpas much to the humorous tone of the Hon.. ell \ed e n ' ve ry, as to the mock gravity of his manner, while IsiLllet'totikand .bowed to the Hon. M . ember for Done -4l of "base un serious, let the House consider what was t ß he "peeele of the Hon. Member. He (Sir this Zit y s lie tsid ,Y to admit that justice would require that . i R s;" let o ee extended to Ireland—( Hear, hear)--and in l eoto d ad, h„' r hen this tax was propose t to b. imposed up es n' her r 1 en Goverment did not dr code that it `ltpso'red extended to Ireland, until they had maturely of ~,a nk leet, and had feund by calculation that the t feY„, h e ,, °° t et 4' 14 1g the machinery for the collection of it L ies b se elto warrant such a step. —( Hear, hear.) And 7tty s i t i n Ir el ° and that the increased spirit duty, and -stamp tee4l poeciattld, would prove more productive than the pro iiie„7et could.—( Hear, hear.) Therefore the Go ne "Itt '- ' e ited that 'he better to require an et ie L ie g uest !arid aceaccount of other taxes than impose Z l ed,t, t ettt, Hear, hear.) Let lion. Members re „tl,-I,llpr-,;'' Ministe r of the Crown that he could call to brandkl e trad the imposition, of this tax upon Ireland. not stl‘teoe, enould be peculiarly favoured at the eense in kelte s i s a otry shectese local causes and difficulties listed in se-'teo7 a n t hat re ndered the levy of it impossible without so,ltio,4sPencliture greater than the income.—( Hear ) Zvi 1 141 '4h :4 , 0 4 5 t the i mmediate effect which would arise from t'to4 fou nd i t , the ineonie-tax and the re•roval of other eke, h :eat Britain' el""ring the condition of Ireland .t 7it Os.tse ate)lreland would not he dealt justly with.— bO, Isook et the facts. By the romal of the cotton ~,ttstk,/,‘"s‘an manufacturer was benefited to the amount ifeZr, hilst in Ireland the duty was no more than . N' s _ t ln t t'on th st ' he ) Certainly it was to be taken into h t ',t.ri hi , i most of the color, used in Ireland paid the itt ee *' t ot t L ie port ed he hoped to see the day when cotton th e 'erN,„ l s t'to Cork, and Ireland would not be depe . n- N t 'ene o ; attetiou"_r th e supply. —( Cheers.) By the rsints -111 ,te el 274 n nn ",eties England would be benefited to the t i „, I s Ntnrl in Ireland only to 11,800/.—( Hear. ) L' - 't "and -"'" glass duties amounted to 774,000 L; eq.) % t abli s h ° 4 l Y to 5 ,547/.—( Hear, hear.) These w i be_,en important difference. (Hear, 1.1 e t the e' " be could convince the people ors, te eelin ge w h• • het••els e ]. eal emoi - which animated the Government of that e e ., s , • ated as it was in Ireland.—( Cheers. ) tOrht ee., that there would be a universal feeling of satis 4kt(s2 entit i tt ° ,' i f they could see the manufacturer, of lichee l sle m ti es ° Riand e qual competition with the manufac- M u 7-k dear, hear ) Now, it was with great for Cor k e heard h• L ti is on. and earned Friend the e . a re e _ I nes 84Y, the • thee tfie~ ([ le"tinß est, eel, die Me n in Iris country, with the prospect of ,Lincad devoted themselves to agitation r, hearanention to the improvement of their seciii,lfeetiolns ) t . agreed in the general propos' io inns ° t ee empire should be placed upon an 110 . Whi ch Peet to taxation, but that was not the pro :`a',te House was now called upon to Lb and Great Britain land, offices, profes 'Ate Alt it t rades, . tre e lee s was Britain, subject to the income tstiLtrty in ns That w Pro Posed to subject in Ireland land only tve;,7 ed re s it iff,: ete ,'T Pat equality. But in feet land was the ts 'ed ; T i s n Ireland by the tax, for if the land s), ~he erati o , „ r nt i uslit e ; wie g'atid he was subject to the tax, which to him to reside in Ireland. After tis pe "ele,,, i tans coil question the difficulties of construct tit '"' E nfr i e , l et!ng the tax, and the different condition k se it se l : al lt i re l : o t t ' e 4 z ut .,: ri respect ts wealth, induced him— %et ehe "tim e Was onl tporary—to adhere to his I t otlete amen h• •--( Hear li ' l 4l l ,,"'en "rk with hear .) The Hon. Member for eo t 4Posite, wh " at ing cheered the Hon. and Learned eis, • n es be ~o • en he said the imposition of the tax on Ilde, a „ co u l d Att. he word he cheered was " impo te l ook "ens . h . he die , A I eti !e h re the moral and political beit , prese nt e r d into th•s uestion When ' r a ii t t t wer e e leh wer: otndition of Ireland , g and . the pros lheeietiN d te ir "'ed Pe fr: P4 t° that country, when the minds of Iteeiset ;, (t u tu political agitation to their own inte teseeis re 'ts of th e people—( Hear, hear )—he slthe hs a ligh t h v ente ge of else for House to relinquish the escu l d e i• d erived one cr two hundred thouand pounds, eri ^ v' of tr °ln the income:tax, and s ties onvince tl' ie l "" ef a n d that th ey were disposed to take an in h_ 4 t_ for three, and whilst they were willing to te„ t s ears upon themselves, they were not Zit, ` r : be cotith., '" the first time to Ireland, He thoueht htkt, waetalesttantsrZiateudelz . the reciprocal feeling: . of a e ( he es ,"; th ey were e posed to regard with kind feel dis""e" and inferior position i n Al tlai one',l?ea t ; t eta he th "RAH y . t 4 , Be tth il° es uc ts e ePeedi es:ids% that th he had no appre e writ exhibition of talent and • er e 'er tl e esie t , ,e•sot e b r im • • f.!rop osit ion of th e ot intl hathd he nstenedmto gratin nee,arvon ti pleasure, but with no less e as em i;eard t h e gnificent answer of his Hon. tes i t bet er for D u *" whose speech must be • tatigh ser , eto the other side of the House.— •)He Would, however, read for them an extract from a speech which must have gratified the Right Hon. Baronet, if it did not gratify all those around him.—(A laugh.) [The Hon. Gentleman then read, amidst much cheering and laughter, an extract from the speech of Colonel Conolly.] A passi.ge in that speech reminded him of the strange asscc:atiork of bed-fellows—Great laughterf—and of direly crawlers.—(Great laughter.) 'e could not help tliihking that the flonourable and Learned Member falsified an old statement, " Who drives fat oxen should himself be fat." —(Laughter.) The Hon. and Learned Member (Mr. Roe buck) was perfectly justified in complaining of the absence of Irish Members, but he ( Sergeant Murphy' could not agree in the rea , ons which he gave for that absence. He wished the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had been more guarded in his toile and langkikkge. True it was, the Hon. and Learned Mem ber excluded from his censure , he Hon. and Learned Member tor Co, k, bet there was one Hon. Mumb, to wh, m pointed allusion wns made. .Now every lion. Member present must recollect the course lately adopted by Mr. Smith O'Brien, and the admirable sp,eeh he made on the subject of the ge neral state of Ireland—a speech which elicited universal iipprot,ation, and bad raised the Hon. Member to the highest rick of argumentative oratei. in that House.—( Hear, hear. ) lie had no doubt the observations of the Hon. and Learned Member would be echoed back from Ireland, not as observe ticris coming from Protestants or Orangemen, but from a gen tleman whose career might lie saint, in some degr ee, to be that of the Irish people. He regretted, too, that when the lion. and Learned Member talked of conciliation to America, he did not recollect that it was so near akin to Canada. He was, therefore, ex'remely sorry when he heard him make his state ment. With regard to the motion of his Honourable and Learned Friend, what was his object ? Ile called upon them to tax realised property in Ireland. But whe , e was he to find it ? Where would he find a landlord wins was not strugeling with mortgages? Ireland had been labouring under many ills; it had been pictured by the Hon. and Learned Member as a poor. impoverished country, and yet he proposed to burden it with an income-tax. The resources of Ireland were not yet able to relieve the people from their safferings, and any change in their condition, it was tee well known, would be derived, not from the imposition of an income-tax, but by the introduction of real and substantial capital from this coutitry. He asked his Hon. and Learned Friend, then, if his motion was politic at the present moment? His Hon. and Learned Friend had declared that ro increase ought to be made to the number of Irish Members, because those the people did possess were absent from their posts. His best answer to that argument was, that he was there to fulfil the duties of a representative. He would not enter further into the measure, but conclude with a simple protest against the im policy of bringing forward such a motion.—(Cheers.) Colonel RA WDON denied that any Irish Member, in voting on that occasion, would be actuated by any motives selfish ness, nor did he believe Hon. Gentlemen epposite would support the motion upon the selfish principle that it would re lieve them from some portion of the burden imposed by the ineorne-tax.—( Hear, hear.) He thought it was exceedingly unwise to introduce the income-tax into Ireland in the first moments of her prosperity. It would press severely upon small tradesmen and merchants. and might revive that distress which his Hon. and Learned Friend, the Member for Dun preen, had sanguinely hoped was hourly being banished from this hitherto unfortunate country. He hoped he should not he felt to be intruding on the House, hut he could not but feel a great objection to this tax, and that it was consequently his duty to his constituents to bring before the House one instance from history, which was of remarkable significance at the present moment to the country. He alluded to the conduct of this country towards America, and begged to call the attention of Gentlemen of that House to the consequences of thtit conduct, before they gave their votes for the amendment of the Hon. Member for Bath. It was sup po,ed by the country Genth men who were Members of that House: in the middle of last century. that if they could impose taxes on America that their own burdens would be dimini,hed. The necessary means were taken to impose those burdens, and what was the consequence? A few short words were contained in the speech from the Throne, and in 1764 certain stamp duties were imposed on the North American Colonies. The consequences very soon appeared. In 1765 a few more words were contained in the royal speech—" The attention of Parlia ment was di:ected to matters of importance having reference to America; disturbances had arisen there." The country gentlemen were astonished. They -toad aghast. They evidently saw that they were in the wr.yrig They saw then, as we may see now, that such conduct was unworthy of us. He trusted that there would be no repetition of this conduct to wards America. The motion before the House on this ques tion was a most important one, and if the principle which had been used towards America were to he applied in this case to Ireland, he felt assured that it would render the Government of that country most difficult, if not altogether impossible, and the success of this motion would at once bring on that diffi culty. They might defer the day of separation, but that sepa retem was inevheble. They 'might adjourn it for a season, perhaps to a distal.t season, but to adjourn it for ever was im possible, Mr. CURTEIS would make but a few observations is oppo sing the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bath As a mem ber of the Commission for the property and income-tax, he felt that it was a tax which materially affected the manufac turing and commercial interests of the country. but much more so the landed interests, and his experience on that Commission led him to oppose the extension of this tax to Ireland, a country which materially depended on the produce of its land.—( Hear, hear. ) If the gentlemen who were ci nnected with the landed interests of the country did not stand against this tax—for, to the tax altogether, he was opposed—he would ask them how their corstituents would feel sati-fled with their conduct ? He considered himself called upon, by his duty to those who sent him there, to oppose this tax in every way. He could not see how the lower classes in Ireland could be benefited by the extension of this tax to that country. Fur if the gentlemen of landed interest were to be saddled with this tax, it would be impossible for them to apply the means they possessed for the improvement of their estates; whereas, if left free to make such application of their means, it would be doing much more good to the country than any that could possibly arise from the imposition of a property and income tax. He believed that the major part of the landed interest— he would not say the whole of the landed interest, but the major part of those who formed it—were opposed to the tax. They corn, lained, and justly complained, that the Right Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury had givers them no relief, while he left the whole burden of this tax upon their shoulders. He must he considered disinterested in this matter, fur he came forward unsupported by any great section on either side of the House ; and he did not rely on the votes of Hon. Members on the benches below him ; but notwithstanding this, much as he disliked putting the House to trouble, he should feel it his duty to divide it witt n the main question of the continuance or the discontinu- ance of the property and income-tax came before it. One con solation he had, that he fully relied on the suppoit of the speeches of those members for Ireland who might be present, and he hoped that their votes would be given in his favour, and they might possibly get rid of the nuisance of this odious tax aliOgeth . e . r. 'At alle . ;ents, he should feol it his duty to take the sense of tke House, whenever the main question was brought before it. Mr. BLACKSTONE would not occupy much of the time of the House at that late hour of the night; but he was com pelled to say a few words before he gave his vote on the motion of the Hon. Member for Bath. Whatever might be said re specting the property and income. tax by the Right Hon. Baro net at the head of the Government, it was plain to him that it was intended to be a permanent tax, and he could not feel it right that a permanent tax of this kind should be imposed en England, Scotland, and Wales, without including Ireland also. He well remembered a letter, addressed by the Hon. Member for North Essex to the Right Hon. Baronet, when in the Opposition in 11435, whet. the Right Hen. Baronet had stated in reply, when an attempt was made to repeal the malt-tax, and during a debate in that House—that it was his opinion that it could not be disguised that if they (the landed interest) ob tained a repeal of the malt-tax, that it must. be at the expense of the imposition of a property-tax ; and he warned them at the result which would in that case most certainly ensue. O■ that occasion the Irish Members gave their votes against the repeal of the malt•tax. He hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would at once assent to the preposition of the Hon. Member for Bath, in order to deal fairly with all her Majesty's subjects. Mr. WALLACE said that no man in that House ha .l ex• pressed a more decided or strong opinion aetti4l4 a property tax er an income-tax that. he had done. He had expresaert 'hat opinion at the time the tax was imposed at great length. He stated then that he had seen such scenes of degradation, that nothing would induce him to give his support to an income or a property-tax. Things, however, had now altered; the distinction seemed now to be well understood between a pro perty and an income-tax. He had now no objection to a pro perty-tax—indeed, be thought it a just one—but he objected stronalv to an income-tax. With respect to the motion of his Hon. and Learned Friend, the Member for Bath, he should freely and fairly give his vote against it—( Hear, hear)—and on that vote he had very little doubt he should be supported by his constituents.—( Hear, hear.) If, lt.wever, they disap proved of the course he had pursu-d, he should directly say to them," Your representation is in yourselves—find a better man, if you think fit—l am your servant, bet if you think I have not served you faithfully, by all means choose another for your elves." He should vote without hesitation against the prono.al of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. Colonel S!BTHORP thought it to be his duty to support the motion of the lion. Member for Bath.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He should also vote against the continuance of the income and property .tax anti! he was told by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government that it was not his intention to prolong its continuance beyond three years.— ( Hear, bear. ) If the tax was to be inflicted on the people of England and Scotland, why, he would ask, was Ireland to be exempted ? He considered that he did his duty to England, Scotland, and Ireland, in voting for the motion of the Hun. Memb .r for Bath.—(Cheers.) - Lord PALMERSTON said that whatever the result of the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath might be, he certainly would have the satisfaction of having performed that evening an unexampled thing—(Laughter)—for he had obtained the support of Hon. Members who, on most subjects, were directly opposed to him, and whose opinions were gene rally as wide from those entertained by the Hon. and Learned Member as the poles were asunder. He had been supported by the Members for Birmingham, Lincoln, Es4ex, and other places. —( Hear.) He was not sorry the Hon. and Learned Member had made the motion, because he thought the result would show the people of Ireland, that there was a majority of that House, who entertained a kind and considerate feeling to wards Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He was not sorry the motion had been made, but he regretted the manner in which the Hon. and Learned Member had couched his speech.—( Hear, hear.) He thought there were portions of that speech with regard to Ireland, and Irish Members in that House, in which he had expressed himself in language which he (Lord Palmerston) could not but think the Hon. and Learned Member would, on mature and cool consideration, be disposed not wholly to approve. and which, if any other Member had made use of, he would have been the first to condemn.— (Hear, hear.) Ile (Lord Palmerston) did not lay much stress on the argument that they ought not to subject Ireland to the tax on account of the agitation that existed in the country —( Hear, hear)—he thought the fact of agitation existing in Ireland, if it was not founded on proper grounds, was no reason why the tax should not be applied to Ireland—(Hear, hear) —if, otherwise, it was just and expedient—( Hear.) He could not shut his eyes to the fact, that the Irish people considered that they had been long labJuring under a heavy grievance, of which they thought they had a right to complain.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had not been consistent in arguing the grounds on which his motion was proposed. He contended that they ought to lay equal taxes on Ireland, England, and Scotland, while he h7ra self proposed to apply one portion only to Ire:and, and there foie, instead of protueing equality, he carried out that ine quality of which he complained to a further degree. If the tax was to be imposed on Ireland, he (Lord Palmerston) saw no reason why it should not he imposed in the same manner as it was done in England. If there was ground for extending the tax to Ireland, let them extend it in an efficient manner. He, however, thought it would be impolitic to extend it to Ireland, a;it would not produce the 1-venue that was ex- petted. They might gain some little more revenue by making the tax apply to Ireland, but he thought the imposition of it would sho•.e that a narrow view indeed had been taken of the subject. If they employed all the means in their power to put in force the resources of the country, the., would greatly increase the prosperity of It eland.—( Hear, hear. ) Ireland contributed far less to the resour.es of the empire than, from her population and capab lities, might be expected. Capital was sowing into it, and railways were extending, and he trusted that the country would stand in a different position from that in which it had hitherto done in relation to the! Toited Kingdom, and that she would be able to give that contribution to the revenues of THE SUN, LONDON. THURSDAY -EVENING, F 1 I3RU.ARY 20, 1845. the empire that her population - and extent would enable her to do. The people of England would find that the surest way of securing a relief from the burdens that now pressed on them, would be found in the increasing prosperity of Ireland. Mr. S. CRA WFORD rose amid loud cries of " Question" and tt Divide." He briefly stated that he was not prepared to say the landed property of Ireland ought to be exempted from the income-tax.—( Hear, hear.) Though Ireland might claim to be exempted, on many grounds, from several heads of taxa tion, yet, when called on to vote on this question, he could not bring himself to say that the land of that country ought to be exempted.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. DARBY should give his vei.e in distinct opposition to the amendment of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. In bringing that amendment forward, he seemed to have thought but little about it, for his speech was one thing and his motion quite another.--( Hear, hear.) He was quite mistaken in his assertion that gentlem n, by living in London or Paris, could escape the payment of assessed taxes in Ireland. At the present time Ireland was improving, and he believed that nothing would be so impolitic as to lay the income-tax upon that country now. He cared not what the Right Hon. Baronet mig!sthare said on former:occasiona—( Hear, hear, and leughter) —he should consider the imposition of the tax most impolitic. Mr. ROEBUCK then repled. He said he stood in a pecu liar position. Many Members felt with him—tnany had spoken with hire—but almost all, with a few exceptions, had attacked him ; but before he sat down he hoped he should have an op portunity of repaying all his friends, with interest.__( Laugh ter.) The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Govern ment said theme had been a great change in his opinions on this subject. He (Mr. Roebuck) would ask the House to remem ber the difference between him and the Right Hon. Biironet in capacity and experience. The Right Hon. Baronet com• menced life almost as a Secretary for Ireland, and had con tinued in an almost unbroken official life down to 1825. Yet with all his means of information the Right Hon. Baronet held down to a recent period the opinions which he ( Mr. Roebuck) had expressed that night. When he left office for the Opposition, and vies building up with great care and astonish ing art the great party by whom he was now surrounded, he still continued of that opinion. In 1835 he was again called to office, and again he expressed the same opinion he (Mr. Roe buck) had expressed that night. Yet he now told him that this tax was imprudent, impolitic, and mischievous. Was it all these when the Right Hon. Baronet supported it ? The charge of impolicy, therefore, came hardly well from the Right Hon. Gentleman. He would not for a moment compare his capacity with that of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but take all the op portunities the Right Hon. Gentleman had had, and he would ask, why was he to be charged with being impolitic because he still retained the opinions which the Right Hon. Gentleman once held himself ? The Hon. Member for Warwickshire had used some observations, intimating something about his (Mr. Roebuck's) being an insignificant person. Suppose it was so; suppose all he had advanced was worth nothing— Mr. NEWDIGATE said the Hon. and Learned Member had entirely misunderstood him. He had never applied any such remark to him that could be so construed. What he said was, that he thought his motion a very mischievone ens. Mr • ROEBUCK said that the Hon. Member had of course a perfect right to do so. But another observation had been made by the Hon. Member for Waterford, which was, that he (Mr. Roebuck) had made remarks en the Irish Members which he would not have dared to make had those persons been here; that was to say, that if the Irish Members had been present, he (Mr. Roebuck) would not have dared to complain of their ab sence.—( Great laughter.) Sir H. WINSTON la ARRON rose amid loud cries of " Chair, chair." He appealed to Mr. Greene. Mr. GREENE said the Hon. Member had a perfect right to explain any previous observations he had made. Sir H. WIN - TON BARRON said he did not charge'the Hon. and Learned Member with making any observation on the absence of the Irish Memeers, t berefore the Hon. and Learned Member had said this for the mere purpose of raising a laugh. —(" Order, order, chair.") What he did say was this— that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would net have made use of the words " personal insignificance," meaning the Hon. Members who were absent were men who " could well be spared." That was what he fouud fault with. He repeated, that he would not have dared use those words if those gentlemen had been present. Mr. ROEBUCK begged to tell the House that in his small experience of the law in cross-examining, that if he had to deal with a witness of a peculiar temperament, he always found that his best plan to adopt in the first instance was, to let him tell his own story.—( Laughter ) Now, he did not complain of the peculiar phraseology which had been used by several Members; but what he did complain of was the single phrase " dare." Now, what was it that he " dare" net do ? ( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Dared he net to say that the Hon. Gentlemen, to whom he had alluded, had deserted their post, like sentinels who, having been placed on duty, had thrown down their muskets and ran away?—(Hear, hear.) And after having said that, he supposed that the mortified vanity of those Gentleman it was that had led them to do so. Those were his words, and that his opinion, and he now begged to say he still adhered to it. The Hon. Member for Cork had appealed to his kind feelings—(Laughter)—and the Hon. Member for Dungarvon had also remarked upon the strong phrase he (Mr. Roebuck) had used ; but in reply to them, he would ask, of whom had he been speaking? Were those Gentlemen he had mentioned at all careful of their phraseology in applying it to 'Members of that house.—( Hear, hear.) He saes Hon. Members present to whom he had alluded, and he would ask had not motives been imputed by them to him, and vulgar expression s used, and mountebank acts practised ?—( Laughter) —for there were such things as great mountebanks as well as little ones.—(Laughter.) He would not deign to reply to what had been said by the Hon. Baronet the Member for Watet ford ; but what had been said by the lion. Member for Cork and the Hon. Member for Dungarvon did call for some observations from him, and, in strong doin than s another ,he s w o o o t ul d sayby whichthat,i f tomark there was t h e a nylang desertionuageof moretbe Hon. Members he had mentioned, and their conduct while de serting, that language he would use.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard an Hon. Member opposite talk of the agricultural inte r t e s t , s , b and o t a b g e r i ,i c p u ee l t u c r b a l o fdti that t a r t e ss , Hon.bu t s a i all h b e n ( A l e ß d .) e c r o y u l l i d ke sa as y if he wished there was an end to this tax.—(Laughtef.) The Hon. Member had said that the imposition of this tax upon Ireland would be unjust and impolitic. He said that h e had GREAT MEETING he importers of foreign sugar of the first clans received 245. per cwt. ; the importers of the second class, 28s. per cwt. ; the importers of the third class, 355. per cwt. ; and the importers of the fourth class, 38s. per cwt.; while the congimers paid the same price for all.—( Hear, hear.) Now if the Minister said, " I will charge the high?st rate of duty, namely, 28s. on all those classes of sugar, it was quite clear he might do so with out raising the price one fraction to the consumer.--( Hear. ) The Right Hon. Baronet reckoned that from those various duties he would receive 3.916,0001. He made a sacrifice of near 2,00‘),0111., and then he asked the country to make up the sacrifice by imposing an income-tax.—( Cheers.) Now if he had imposed the same rate of duty on all those descriptions of sugar, which would give the same price to the foreign and to the colonial grower, he would receive, instead of 3,9 0,0001., no less a sum than 7,001,0001., while the public would not pay a fraction more for their sugar.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet also, in order he supposed to render his proposal more aoceptable to the country, favoured them with certain estimates as to what he believed would be the supply of sugar next year. Now all estimates of what the supply would be were extremely unsatisfactory—( Hear, hear)—and four years ago, when the present Ministry were in opposition, and the then Ministers proposed an alteration of the sugar duties, Lord Sandon brought forward his motion, which was based on an estimate of the future supply. On that occasion Lord Sandon said, We do not want slave-grown sugar, because the produce of our own colonies is increasing so rapidly of late, that there would be a sufficient supply without having recourse to other countries." Lord Sandon estimated the supply at 225,000 tons. Well, four years have passed over since then. The population had in that time increased one million, and while the consumption of tea had increased 2 000,000 of lbs., and that of coffee 3,000,000 of lbs., the supply of sugar, instead of increasing, had been diminishing year by year; and last year, though there were strong promises of an increase on the part of those who would exclude Brazil sugar, the supply had fallen from 225,000 tons to 2J4,000,—( Hear, hear.) The public should not, therefore, place implicit confidence in the declara tion of the Minister with respect to the supply of sugar from any particular quarter. The article of sugar has, perhaps, been one by which the system of monopoly was tested, more than any other; for since 1811, while the population had in creased upwards of 8,000,000, the supply of sugar remained stationary.—( Hear, hear.) While the supply of tea had been doubled, and that of coffee quadrupled, the supply of sugar, which was most protected during all this period, remained sta tionary.—( Hear, hear.) And yet, notwithstanding the falsi fications of those predictions with regard to the supply of sugar from their colonies, they found that the mast absurd distinc tions were to be kept up, which every Englishman ought to feel ashamed of, when he thinks of the numerous inconsistencies in which it landed them, and the numerous disadvan tages in which it placed their commerce.—( Hear, hear. ) The Right Hon. Baronet had already said that he intended to persist in the distinction between free-labour sugar and slave grown sugar, but in the very same Budget in which he pro pounded that intention, he proposed to take off the duty on cotton-wool, a measure which perhaps was one of the best he could have brought forward, but while he recognised the dis tinction between slave-grown sugar and free-labour sugar, he altogether repudiated it in the case of cotton-wool, which was altogether produced by slave-labour.—( Hear, hear.) While lie recognised the distinction in the case of sugar, for reasons best known to himself, he abandoned it with regard to coffee also, for twice within the last four years he had reduced the duty on coffee, the largest imported product from the Brazils. Now, he did not at all object to those reductions. On the contrary he was very glad of them, and he only brought those cases for ward as examples of the inconsistency which applied one rule to sugar and a different one to cotton and coffee.—(Cheers.) There was another for reducing the duty, on which the Ris , ht Hon. lhronet took credit to himself, and he was entitled to credit for it per se—that was, the reduction on the duty on copper ore.—( Hear, hear.) And not only was that the production of slave-labour in Cuba and Brazil, but the product of slave-labour in its worst form.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Gladstone, to get rid of the inconsistency of aeting one way with regard to sugar, and another with respect to coffee, said that the labour required for the production of coffee was light and easy as compared with what was required in the production of sugar, which was cruel and destructive to the constitution of the negro, but the working of copper ore was the most distressing to which the slave could be subjected, either in Cuba or Brazil.— ( Hear, hear.) The effect of the new sugar duties, instead of lessening the protective duty, as it was wished to be believed, and to benefit the consumer, the effect would be. taking price and revenue together, quite the reverse. The old duty left a differential duty of 103 6d, but the new duty left a differential duty between 14s and 28s, and for all practical purposes, if all the duty was available, the real practical differential duty would be 14s, instead of 10s 6d.—( Hear, hear.) It might not be fair to ask on what grounds this distinction was made in favour of colonial produce. There was a feeling in the public mind, that a preference ought to be given to the colonial pro duce, but he believed that the grounds of this opinion were based on erroneous impressions. In the first place, they had been very apt to believe that a large portion of these exports went to the colonies, and it was frequently urged that it was wise to maintain their colonies even at an apparent dis advantage, in order to secure an outlet for our manufactures. Now, as far as our exports go, our colonial possessions in America, including the West India Islands, Canada, and Novo Scotia, took goods last year, which was the latest period at which there were any returns, to the amount of 4,600,000/. Other parts of America, including Brazils and South America, the produce of which were excluded by the course of our Legislature, took our goods to the amount of 11,500,0001.—(Loud cheering.) The whole of our colonial possessions throughout the world took, during the same year, goods to the amount of 13,500,0001., while the whole of the foreign countries with which this country traded, and which asked for no preference or exclusive advantage for themselves, but merely a fair exchange of their produce for what this country had to give them in return—those coun tries took of our goods net less than 38,000,0001.—( Cheers. ) Some, again, supported their colonies and their colonial le gislation on the ground of affording an outlet to our increasing population. For his part, he was not a friend to emigration.— ( Hear, hear.) He would rather see the many means at their disposal, at home, put in requisition to afford employment to the population.—(Hear, hear.) That might be done more effectually by extending our commerce than by sending the people abroad, and scattering them over the face of the earth, to find employment.—( Hear, hear.) But were he a friend to emigration, he would tell those men who supported their co lonirl system on this ground, that it appeared from the Report of the Emigration Committee that the United States of Ame rica furnished an asylum for double the amount of emiirrants that all our colonies in the world did. Yet though the United States of America furnished an asylum for our population greater than all our own colonies they sought for no peculiar privileges on that account. Sir Robert Peel was fond of talking of our pr.tecting and encouraging countries where the English tongue was spoken. He (Mr. Wilson) did not know if it entered into his head that our colonies should be encou raged, in order that there might be a greater sale of Lindley Murray's Grammar and Walker's Pronouncing Dictionary. If that were the reason why our colonies should be protected and encouraged, then very little attention would show that the English language was four times more extensively spoken out of our colonies than in them.—( Hear, hear.) There might be, and there was, another reason assigned for prote c ti n g our co lonies—namely, that they were a stay to the empire—that their protection afforded them greater political power ; but people in this view of the case were very apt to argue in a circle. If one spoke againat the expense et the army and navy, it was urged they are required for the maintenance of these colonies—if one spoke of the expense of the colonies, it was said they were necessary to give employment to the army and navy, and to maintain our political power.—( Hear, hear. ) Sir R. Peel said he could not reduce the army—not because they were wanted at home, but because it was necessary to have relays to send to the colonies. And he agreed with Sir R. Peel in the necessity and policy, so long as they had colo nies, of affording relief to the troops who were in the colonies, f--r they ought net to exact from military men a greater sacri fice than ought in fairness to be made. The time of their service abroad ought not, therefore, to be extended beyond a certain period, and they should be satisfied to bear the expenses of the colonies as long as to oh insinuatew, a e g r e a n willingthats,r tatho maintain.,youPeelg iat skteo t d h e fb m oer , andga given he did p million. —t n o( o at Hear, t s uppa support m h l r tea the h an . e) navy, not that it might be employed at home, but that there great o st m ha y i o g st h eh t pas b e aaewscatai s cn wrlgrhselirncf safety available ah in noy blhntare having ships hnti topded. Ar sag p rtay r o o i, np t e ,rh c oe t ht ee t eb he tedlt commerce n evieid nrdocto there mmme aenrwe was and that the world's peace was more likely to be secured thereby. But what he asserted was, that the colonies ought not to be maintained at the expense of the consumers. What had been the effect of the protective system in the colonies ? They had many articles produced in their colonies, and there was not one in which they did not excel all the world when it was free from protection.—( Hear, hear.) Only a few years ago the article of indigo was unknown in the East Indies. It was introduced there from Mexico, about fifty years ago, but now their East Indian possessions entirely monopolised that article, and not only did they supply this country with that article, but the rest of Europe was supplied with it from this country.--( Hear, hear.) Again, the articles of wool, silk, and fi:x were articles all grown in their colonies, and which had all increased without protection, and he be lieved that if there bad been no protection to their sugar, but if the grower of it had been subjected to that com petition to which other classes of manufacturers were, sugar would have been grown this day cheaper in their colonies than anywhere else, and would benefit the colonies themselves.— ( Hear, hear.) He would not lightly or rashly form an opinion of so much importance to the West Indian possessions, and not less so to the East Indies. There was not a newspaper pub lished in the West Indies which be did not receive regularly by every mail, and, if those papers taught . him anything, they showed that protection was the bane of the colonies.— (Cheers.) There was not a single newspaper in which the acknowledgment was not to be found that the system of pro tection had been the barrier to all improvement.—( Hear, hear.) And it was only within the last year or two that this question began to be agitated, that they became alive to their situation, and that symptoms of improvement had taken place ; and by the last mail he received papers from which he made several extracts, which he would not trouble the meet- OF THE A NTI-C RN-LAW LEAGUE AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE. A great metropolitan meeting of the member of the An Corn-law League was held - ast evening in Covent-garden Theatre. The doors were opened at half-past six o'clock ; bat long before that hour crowds were waiting outside, anxious to obtain admittance. Within a quarter of an hour of the time of the opening of the doors every part of the house—even to the slips and upper gallery-.was crowded to excess ; and long before the commencement of the proceedings there was not a single place in the house unoccupied. At seven o'clock, Mr. Cobden, M.P. for Stockport, Mr. Bright, M.P. for Durham, Mr. Milner Gibson, M.P. for Manchester, Mr, W. Brown, of Liverpool (late candidate for South Lancashire), Mr. W. J. Fox, Mr. J. Wilson, of London, Mr. George Thompson, accompanied by other well-known members of the League, entered the theatre, ar.d were re ceived with the most enthusiastic cheering. William Brown, Esq., of Liverpool, in the chair. Among those present, we ob-erved the Hon. Charles Pelham NI. P., Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P., John Bri g ht, Esq., M.P., Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P., George Thompson, Esq., James Wilson, Esq., W. .1. Fox, Esq., T. Wordsworth, Esq., Major-General Briggs, Sir John Morris, Bart., Dr. William Cooke Taylor; Colonel Tucker; Messrs. John Taylor Crook (of Liverpool), Joseph Wrigley (of Hud dersfield), Greenham (of Trieste), W. Graham, Robert Fowler, J. Gerstenberg, C. S. Crowley, D. Dewar, Robert Tong tod, Thompson, Wm. Garraud, T. F. Ashton, T. Gosnell, H. Hegginbotham, Bailey, James Mellor, J. T. Can/part, W. A. Wilkinson, J. Fergus (of Kirkaldy), J. Hodgkin, John Poulton, John Dyte, John Chalmers, George Brettell, James Stansfeld, J. Williams, Farrand, Richardson, Wm. Wilson, James Midgley (of Rochdale), A. Graham, Wm. Graham, T. R. Pritchard, C. J. Baker, W. Were, Henry Briggs (of Wakefield), J. M'Conkey (of Bel fast), Henry Yandall, F. Scheer, Thom (of Inverary), S. B. Bayfield, Holland (of Dumbleton), F. L. Hay Grant, Henry Marshall Fooks, Joseph Heap (of Liverpool), J. P. Nixon, Thomas Harvey ( of Falmouth ), Henry L. Keel ing, Henry Crosfield (of Liverpool), Rev. W. P. Davies (lat.e of Ashburton, Devon), Agate (of Horsham), G. Trowton, George Ridge, J. Fitzpatrick, T. Mackenzie, J. Battiscombe, H. Sparrow, Wm. Geesin, &c. Mr. Coanare, M.P., advanced to the table, the audience on his appearance rose en masse to greet .him. A most enthu siastic cheer was set up—hats and handkerchiefs were waved, and the cheering was repeated again and again for several minutes. Never was reception more triumphant. Silence having been partially restored, the Hon. Gentleman said— Ladies and Gentlemen—ln the absence of our friend, Mr. George Wilson, the Chairman of the League, I beg to move that Mr. William Brown, of Liverpool, the late candidate and future member of South Lancashire—( Immense cheering)—do take the chair.—( Renewed cheering. ) Mr. WILLIAM Bnowir then took the chair, amidst loud and long-continued applause from all parts of the House. He spoke as follows :—Ladies and Gentlemen--Our good friend, Mr. Cobden, has apprised you of the reason why he has called upon me on the present occasion to preside over the proceed ings of the evening ; and I can only express my regret that during the absence of our friend, Mr. Wilson, he has not been able to get a gentleman of more influence and importance to conduct the affairs of this important meeting. But I can assure you that there is no individual in the country wha has more at heart the pro gress of free-trade principles than the humble individual who has now the honour to address you.—( Loud cheers.) It is not the province of a Chairman to make long speeehes—( Hear, hear.) But I cannot refuse to myself the pleasure of con gratulating you upon so much of the Premier's budget as car ries out the principles of free-trade—(Cheers)—without at the same time being considered to express my satisfaction with any portion of it of which, as free traders, we cannot ap prove.—( Cheers.) Ido hope, and expect, that the progress which free-trade opinions are making, will be pressed forward with an accelerating velocity in consequence of the proceedings of Friday last. —(Cheers.) And I have no doubt that the day is not far distant when I may be able to congratulate the members of the League en all our principle: having been car ried out in the manner that we could all wish they should be carried out.—( Cheers.) A great deal has been said about the declaration made by Sir Robert Peel that it was the duty and privilege of every man to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market.—( Hear, hear.) But while remembering this assertion of Sir Robert Peel's, we forget what another Cabinet 'Minister told us some years ago ; and I consider this, of even more importance than what was stated by Sir Robert Peel. Some years since Sir James Graham said that the landed aristocracy ought to recollect that they were a small minority, enjoying the peculiar privileges which they did possess, solely because public feeling was not hostile to the present corn-laws—he spoke this of the late corn law—the old sliding-scale, but the words are equally applicable at the present moment. He said that the receivers of rent were but a small body, but they were backed by public opinion, which rendered them omnipotent; but that, in opposition to public opinion, they could not expect long to enjoy exclusive benefits. In such a state of things, a moat fearful contest would arise if they were to attempt to continue the enjoyment of those benefits in opposition to public opinion, and they would flod arrayed against them the power of that hunger which breaks through stone-walls.—(Cheers.) Ido not know that lam quoting the exact words made use of by Sir J. Graham, but I am certain that such was the meaning they intended to convey. He said that in the event of such a contest the barriers of society would be broken down, and estates and dignities be swept away in one overwhelming torrent. Such was the lan guage of a Cabinet Minister seven years since, and I do not believe that he will now be disposed to repudiate it. —( Cheers. ) I will not trouble you with any further observations of my own ; but again congratulating you upon the great step taken in advance in our progress to free trade, by what took place in the House of Commons on Friday night, I will call upon Mr. James Wilson, of London, who hu ever been one of the greatest friends of the Anti-Corn-law League and to the principles of free trade, to address you.—l now beg to intro duce to yon Mr. James Wilson. hopes of Ireland's p;osperity, and of the influx of capital into that country ; but he had not shown how his (Mr. Roebuck's) proposition would interfere with th a t —( H ear , h ear . ) What he (Mr. Roebuck) did propose was this, that this coun try should n o t abstain from taxing the rich men of Ireland, while thereby they taxed more heavily the working people of England.—( Hear, hear.) That was his argument ; and how bad it been met ? By telling the House that capital was flow ing into Ireland, and that the imposition of the tax would cheek it. But the House was not told in what way the taxing of the Irish landlords would prevent one pauud of English capital from flowing into Ireland. —( Hear, hear.) They had been very significantly told by the HOU. Members far Armagh and Dungarvon, that the tax would cause a revolution.—( Hear, hear.) Why so ?—( Hear, hear.) He did not propose to tax the poor or the middle classes in Ireland, but only the land lords, who had caused all the evils under which that country Mr. JAMES WILSON then came forward, and was received with loud applause. He said that their worthy chairman had already congratulated them on so much of the Budget which had been proposed by Sir R. Peel on Friday night as carried out, inhisown estimation, the principles of free trade ; and he heartily joined their chairman in that congratulation on the tendency of the measure which had been proposed by Sir R. Peel on Friday night. In that measure two most important doe trines for which free traders had contended for the last half century, had received, not only full recognition, but had been carried int o pract i ca l effect.--( Hear. ) But the Hon. Gentleman, although congratulating the meeting on that part of the measure, must be permitted to say that there were many parts of the Budget which were highly objectionable ; and it must be a matter of public observation to all who considered the relief proposed to be afforded by the Right Hon. Baronet, that, although he had been praised for the boldness of his free -trade measures, he had carefully se lected those articles on which he had every reason to expect the slightest opposition, where he had left unattached the greater monopolies.—(C'heer s . ) He did net wish to take awa y any of the merit due to the Right Hon. Baronet of re cognising free-trade principles, but he wished to impress upon the country that they ought not to give the Right Hon. Ba ronst too much credit for what he bad done, when they learnt what he had left undone,--(ctmers.) There were two great monopolies existing —one of these the High] Hon. Baronet had left altogether out of his Budget; and with regard to the other, he was prepared to show that instead of ameliorating it as far as the consumers were concerned, he had rather studied the in terests of these who already profited by the monopoly.— ( Hear, hear.) The Right lien. Baronet, the other night, had proposed an alteration of the sugar duties. Now, although that alteration was upon the face of it very specious —although the Right Honourable Baronet pretended that he w as about to lower the duty upon sugar for the benefit of the consumers of the country, he (Mr. Wil son) believed that he could show, to the satisfaction of every reasonable man, that the alteration intended would not really benefit the consumers but the producers ; and that while the revenue suffered the people wou ld not b e benefited. The ex perience of the last four years had taught the people the great fact that their interests were identified with those of the re venue.—( Cheers.) And the last thing the people would wish to see was the revenue sinking to such a state as should en danaer the safety of the Country. For the purpose of main taining the revenue they had been willing to submit to the im position Of the income-tax, and he believed that they would willingly submit to the imposition of a more onerous tax, even than that, rather than see the country disgraced by the loss of her credit. But in the case of the reduction o f duties they should always see that the benefit of that reduction went to the consumer and not to the producer ; if they were called upon to submit to a fresh tax to make good a lass arising from the re duction of duties, let tiiem at all events see that the benefit from that reduction found its way into the pockets of the people for whose benefit it was pretended to be made. —(Ckeera. ) No principle of government or legislation was so delusive—no principle had produced so much evil to the people, as the prin ciple of differential duties; and if the true character of diffe rential duties were known, If the operation and definition of differential ditties had lie-n as well Understood some years since et the meaning of prohibition, he was convinced that, at the present day, neither differential duties nor prohibition would have been in existence. Ile was afraid it was a very difficult task to explain the real operation of differential duties to such eti assembly. But so important did he consider the subject, that he would attempt to do so, even if he should fail. In order to illustrate the operation of the differential duties, let them take the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet on Fri dey nieht last. He had told the country that he had estimated what would be the supply of sugar during the next year, and the amount of revenue which would be derived from it. He airtight to establish four different rates of duty. At one rate he expected a supply of 160,000 tons, the produce of our own eolnniet ; at another rate a supply of 70,000 torts, also the produce of British possessions; at a third rate he expected 5,000 tons of foreign sugar ; and at a fourth rate he ex pected a supply of 15,000 tons, also of foreign sugar. Now he (Mr. Wilson) would call their attention to the work ing of this scheme. The 15,000 tons of foreign sugar was to be admitted at a duty of 285. per cwt. It was clear, therefore, that before they could get these 13,000 tons of sugar into consumption they must pay 2tes, per cwt, added to the first cost of the sugar. That being a foreign sugar it was admitted into competition, not only in the English market but but in all the markets of the Continent ; and the price in this country wonld be rendered so much the higher by the amount of duty imposed. The price in bond of this sugar was 245. per cwt. It was the same at Hamburgh—it was the same at An twerp--and in fact in every market in the world. This sugar paid the highest rate of duty, and that added to the first price would make the cost in the English market 52a. Now, if you take any sugar whatever, you will only get the same quan tity at the same price; but when another species of sugar was brought into the country the Minister said that that might be admitted at a lower rate of duty, but any difference of duty that might be made must go to the enhancement of the price to the import merchant. The Premier said that he hoped to get 15,000 tons at the duty o f 284, the c os t o f w hi c h to t h e public would be 525. lie expected 5,000 of the second class, at the duty of 235., bat the import merchant would get the advantage of this difference of duty, for the price of that sugar in bond, instead of 245. would be found to be 28s. Bd., still making the price to the consumer 525. Then there was another rate of duty proposed at 165.—that was a colonial sugar. At that rate of duty he expected a supply o f 70,000 tons, but the importer sass, " You set in the market 525. a ton for sugar. This only pays a 16s. duty, and therefore the price which I shall charge in bond will be 335. Bcl. - Then there was a fourth class, produced from all our West Indian Islands, of which he would take the quantity at 160,000 tons. S ugar o f t h at qua lity commanded a price of 526., but that sugar was to be ad mitted at a duty of 145., which would enable the producer to receive 3es, for it, instead of the original p r i ce o f 245. I n a ll these processes, while they were giving up duties, they were not rendering the commodity cheaper to the consumer—they were not lowering the price by lowering the duty, but they were in creasing the price to the importer, while they let the consumer pay 525. ; and while the revenue lost the benefit of the in creased duty en these 160,000 tons, the consumer had not got his sugar one fraction cheaper than he would have had it had these 160,000 tons paid the 28e. duty. They therefore saw, by those four different r ates of duty, that suffered. —(Cheers.) For his part, he did not believe that all the arts that could be used to produeo agitation, would induce the Irish peasantry to rise into rebellion for the purpose of saving the landlords from a tax.—( Cheers.) For his part, he had always endeavoured to do good for the Irish people.— (Ironical cheers.) He had never voted for a Coercion Bill.— (Cheers.) He had never voted for the Irish Church.— (Cheers.) But if the Irish landlords had a particle of gene rosity, they would a•k to be taxed.—(Great laughter.) He did not regard that laugh, but he asserted still that they shrunk from the tax with a want of that generosity which was charac teristic of the Irish people. Lord CASTLEREAGH, who rose amidst loud cries of question, wished to say, on the p ire of the Irish landlords, that they did not shrink from their fair share of the public burthens.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) For his ewn part, he paid ttCl. a-year to the income-tax.—( Laughter. ) fhe Committee then divided, when there appeared— For the amendment Against it Majority against it ... 242 The Committee then divided on the original resolution, when there appeared— For the original resolution Against it ...... 223 30 Majority for the original re501uti0n......198 The Ileuse resumed. The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Friday. ASSMSSED TAXES. Captain PECHELL moved for returns of all surcharges for duties on windows, which have been decided by the Commis sioners acting in the execution of the Act relating to the As sessed Taxes, from the Ist of January, 1839, to the 31st of December, 1544. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER begged to assure the Hon. and Gallant Member that it was utterly impossible that those returns could be furnished, inasmuch as the assessors were not Government officers, but were appointed locally, and kept no record of their proceedings. Mr. HUME contended that the returns could be had for the last year at all events. Captain PECHELL said he would divide the House on his motion. The Rouse divided,and the numbers were— For the motion Against it ;Majority against The House then adjourned at One o'clock. -26 PRINCE PITC KLE R M USK ALI'S "EG only complete English E dtion of this work, translated by IL E. Lloyd, Esq., has just been published by Mr. Colburn, in two volumes, comprising the three rolumes of the original German. The singular facilities which Prince Puckler Muskuu enjoyed in his intercourse with Mehemet Ali, afforded him advantages such as have never before fallen to the lot of any traveller. We here see Mehemet Ali himself, not through a distorted me dium, but be the scenes, for the Prince not only had the privilege of daily and confidential intercourse with him, but travelled with the Viceroy when he went on his tour in Upper Egypt ; and the complete unre servedness of that great man, in communicating his noble and enlarged views for the people whom he go verns—his account of his early life, as detailed in the last chapter of the first volume, are deeply interesting, and are here communicated for the first time. Yet the work is not wholly of a political character. The author takes every opportunity of giving information respecting the scenery, antiquities, and the manners of the inhabi tants of the countries through which he passed ; and, in his usual graceful style, has addressed a letter from the top of the Great Pyramid, which he ascended twice in one day, to his friends, giving an amusing account of his ascent, &c. The Prince then proceeded up the Nile, where he rejoined the Viceroy, and then set out on his journey to Nubia and Ethiopia. Th. second volume is dedicated to a visit to some of the most remarkable ancient monuments of those countries ; but, perhaps, the most valuable and interesting part of this volume is the account of his journey to the South, his voyage up the Blue River to l)ongola and Meroe, and his journey across the Desert, during winch, besides personal ad ventures, he communicates ma '.v important particulars respecting the kingdom of Darfonr, and other countries further south than Wadi-Medmeh. TH. wEATILER. —The PARKS.—After eight o'clock on Sunday night the Previous cloudy atmosphere was secceeded by a brilliant mornhag, the wind blowin g briskly and piercing from N.N.E., the mercury tiegan to fall, and durin g the night, and up to seven o'clock yesterday mornin g , the thermometer at the Receivin g house in Hyde Park stood at 28 degrees. 'net advance of the day, how ever, dispelled all the hopes of the skater, and though the mem bers of the Sit:min g Club met in Ilytie Park, all were compelled to forego their favourite amusement. The thermometer at noon was 38 degrees, and hail declined very slightly up to eight o'clock last night. Tl 3, wind blew chiefly from the southward. MR. BELANY ONCE MORE.—The North Sunder land corTespondent of the Berwick Advertiser says—" Mr. Belany, who is said to have been about Ayton last week, is aiming the Rundle d ter damage done to his property by the fire, on an occasion which will he in the recollection of our readers. Ile puts in his claim at The sum of 3,M)01. According to reports, it was the intention of Mr. Belany to leave this place before the fire occurred. At all events several articles of furniture Were sent north prior to it • and several others were stowed away in an oute r h ouse . On the night of the fire there was a good deal saved from the dames. There is every like at present that the rate-payers of the northern division of itaanbro' ward will meet lielany against lilac; laim at Newcastle, at thca coming awitzes."---Yezrcastie ..ldrerilser. lug by reeling, but they showed that a spirit of activity and improvement was manifesting itself. Like Site agricultural associations here, they were forming societies and offering prices for the lsrgest production of sugar. In autumn last year, the Clarendon Agricultural Society of Jamaica offered premiums for the cheapest production of sugar. There were two competitors for the prize, and the result of the competi tion was, that on one estate sugar was produced at 255. 103 d. per cwt., on the other at 9s 66d. per cwt. ; in both cases at less than Id. per lb.—(Cheers.) He had heard that in Jamaica and the West Indian Islands there was a great want of labourers, but on looking over the papers he found ample evi dence that there was a superabundance of labour. He found that there were even complaints made of the number of able-bedied paupers, which was not very consistent with a want of labour.—( Hear, hear.) He found that they were going to make a railway in Jamaica, with the chief contractor of which he was conversing some time since, and he was in formed by that individual that labourers at such hard work as that on a railway, in such a climate as the West Indies, could be procured at 7s. a week—( Shame, shame)—and be also found in the papers arguments as to whether the labour per day should be la. or I s. 3d. It would, therefore, appear that whatever might be the case two or three years ago, there was no want of labour now. But those papers found fault with the proprietors and planters for their want of spirit, and one very remarkable instance occurred in January last year. Se veral proprietors and planters had been asked to subscribe to the railway to which he had alluded, as it would facilitate the conveyance of products to the sea from the interior, but though it was to benefit themselves, not. one of them was got to subscribe—not the slightest encouragement was given. At last the projector, fearing that he must give up the matter as a bad job, proposed it to two or three flee-traders in Liverpool—( Hear, hear) --- and in less than two days the whole capital was subscribed by free-traders—( Cheers)—who had been accused of having in tended to ruin the country.—(Cheers.) The gentleman from land. whom he had this information had all his sympathy He was a native of Jamaica, to which he was te a a n b d ou a t l t s o o in f r ‘ for the purpose of attending to his own estate, return u th rn e free-trade, and an entire purpose of preaching the doctrines of But there was equalization of the It was stated that this was - one very serious objectionsutgoattorhebepTrhitot,pofilsuniattilonnioeitftwiethhmiecehllnlt,i,nouifstteihnre.. sugar question.—( Hear, hear.) . aurththinegp, u an ri d os w e - as of fou c n ii f , l o i r n ga i n )r i a si c i t g iee ti to e hear)—and every calculation made by u tr e oli n u o c p e e d ra d t i i d ve n , et ex se e t e t p le t t t i h e e a r, planters, and the dealers. It did not even t w h h e o m le e t r r e ld a e n — t, ( , prevent slave-grown sugar from coming in—( Hear, hear).— which it was the object of the all to exclude. Was it likely that there would be more security under the new Bill ? What person of ordinary prudence would risk capital when there was so mach uncertainty ?—(Cheers. ) It was a measure so dif ficult and intricate, that he defied any merchant in the city of London to say what its operation would be for twelve months. —( ) Hew could the mercantile interest go on with any certainty if, day after day, and session after session, new and in tricate propositions were to be made, each succeeding the other ? How could the West Indians themselves, who were looking out with anxiety for the new measure to regulate their measures? They would not be able to do anything, because they must per ceive that the present arrangement would not be permanent, and that to enable them to carry on their operations with cer tainty, the duty must be placed on a permanent and secure basis. —( Hear.) That was the great evil of the protective system, that it gave no security, and as long as protection continued, the question would not be settled.—(Hear, hear. ) lie believed the West Indians, as a body, lost considerably by the protective system, and that their position would be much better if the duties were removed, not gradually, but entirely and at once, than it it was continued to them. He was quite sure that no person could hope for any perma nent settlement of this question, except by the entire abolition of protection. —( Hear, hear.) He was quite satisfied from the vigour and the spirit of determination which that Associa tion had shown from the first—the perseverance with which it had followed out the subject, from the success which bad attended that perseverance, and froai the encouragement which it had received to persevere still further, he was quite sure that until every protective principle, every particle of protection was given up, there was no chance of the agitation subsiding. He therefore trusted that the time was not far distant when all persons eonnected with protective interests would come to the conclusion that there was a way by which that interest might be tendered a mutual interest with the world at large and their own countrymen, and that could only be by perfect unreserved tree trade, and the entire abolition of the protective system.—(Cheers. ) The CarataataN—l now beg to introduce our distinguished and eloquent friend, Mr. George Thompson, the powerful advocate of free trade. Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON then came forward, and was re ceived with a loud burst of cheering. He spoke as follows : I deem it, Sir, a high and noble privilege to be permitted to occupy such a position as that in which I now stand. If pride were allowable under any circumstances, a man, I think, might be forgiven who was proud to address such an audience as this, on ,ruch a theme, surrounded by such in dividuals as occupy this platform and various other portions of this House. It is gratifying to know, in giving utter ance to what we believe to be just, humane, and en lightened opinions, that our audience is not confined within these walls, but that we find an audience of millions of men, wherever our language is known, and wherever the measures wej recommend, are likely to affect the interests and destinies of the human race.—( Great cheering.) Ido not think there is a spot on the surface of the globe, to which human eyes are directed with more in terest than the spot on which we stand to-night. I do not think there is a question agitating the minds of intelligent beings in any part of the world, more important than that which is occupying our attention to-night. I do not think there is one question that enters more intimately into the con cerns of men, and is more closely and inseparably allied to their best temporal interests.—(Cheers.) We are not even discussing a national question ; fur we hold it to be true that free trade is not only the right of man individually, but the in terest of nations universally.—(Cheers.) We are not advo cating the cause of our country alone, still less of any parti cul class in the country—we are advocating the cause of men everywhere, wherever they live—and where do they not live —under the primeval curse of earning their bread in the sweat of their brow.—(Cheers.) All we ask is that human indus try should possess its own. That men should be per mitted to enjoy the fruits of their honest labour. —that no man robs them in the quantity and quality, or price, of that which they obtain in exchange for their labour. It is exceedingly difficult to know on what topic to address an audi ence in Covent-garden theatre. I would advise the man who expects to speak here at any time never to read the speeches that are made here—never to hear them. Let him content him self with the merits of this question, and be as ignorant as he can be of what goes on in this house, or, in reference to the question of free-trade, even in other public meetings. For if he shoald attend these meetings, or read the speeches, he cannot, while he sits here, or while he meditates elsewhere, se lect a topic on which he does not know that eloquence and ar gument have been almost exhausted, and lie cannot choose that topic without treading over ground that has already been tra versed by those who had gone before him. In fact, our ground is growing every day narrower, even if we take in all the topics that are legitimately in connexion with this question. We had a good many fallacies afloat in days paq—they are.exploded. —( Laughter.) The man would be fighting a shadow to-night who got up to battle with the paramount interest of agricul ture. He would be fighting with a. shadow who got up to talk about peculiar burdens, for we have never been able to find them, and the squires won't help us to do so, or show us where they are. We cannot even take up the old topic on which we used to talk, namely, the antidote to distress, and depression, and misery, that were brought forward, all of them intended to direct public attention away from the one great source of evil, the one grand remedy for existing grievances. We. hear no more talk now of emigration, as a substitute for a repeal of the corn-laws—no more talk—or very little, at least, of home colonisation —very little now of national education, as the topic to which the public are to direct their attention—and not mach, I believe, though some considerable sensation was created awhile ago, on the subject •f the allotments of land. We may, however, glance, Sir, to-night at some events which have transpired since a public meeting was held in this place. Several inte resting events have occurred. The first to which I will allude is the holding of a great meeting in Manchester, at which the Council of the Anti-Corn-law League laid a report before their constituents. It was a good report. As our brethren on the other side of the Atlantic would say, it was " a most satisfac- tory document."—(Cheers and laughter.) It reported that Sti,ooof. had been collected in fifteen months—it reported that our respected Chairman would not again have t o sus t a i n a de „ . feat in the Southern Division of Lancashire.—(Great cheer ing.) It reported that his defeat had led to the enfranchiso . ment of about 1,750 individuals in that county, and the ob taining of a clear majority of more than 1,000 of the votes in . _ that county in the cause of free trado.—(Much cheering.) The repot t also stated that a great effort, and a sucees , ful one, too, had been made in the cause of registration in almost all parts of the country—that much had been done in the ‘I est Riding of Yorkshire, and that that important portion of the kingdom is not likely soon to be again represented by two gen tlemen who are monopolists. It reported also, that in other parts of the kingdom, in North Cheshire, as well as in the minty in which we are assembled, much had been done in the way of carrying out the plan so ably devised by the distinguished gentleman on the plat form, and his coadjutors, for the purpose of regenerating the county constituencies of the kingdom. All that is reported, and the sanguine expectation is held out that, when the mag nificent anti-corn-law bazaar is held in this place, in May next, there will be such an addition made to the League fund, as the result of the entrance money and purchase money connected with that grand exhibition, that the maximum sum —asked for at the hands of the public in the cause of free- trade—will be quite, if not more, than realised.—Great cheering.) We have not only had a report from the Council of the Anti-Corn-law League of a most gratifying character, but we have also witnessed in the City of London a grand meeting of the Agricultural Protection Society.—(Laugbter.) I have read the report of that meeting, but I cannot pronounce on that report the same verdict as I have with reference to the report of the Connell of the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Cheers.) A more stale, flat, unprofitable, unargumentative document I have never seen— ( Laughter)—all rationality seems to have fed from the heads of the men who are connected with that Protection Society.— (Laughter.) It seems to be only necessary to join the Anti- Corn-law League for a man to become a sensible man.— ( Cheers and laughter.) It seems only necessary to join the Protection Society in order to become most confused in intel- lect—( Renewed laughter)—most incapable of understanding the subject, and still less of arguing respecting it. I will un dertake to sacrifice anything you shall please to condemn me to sacrifice, if you will find an individual who will find me throughout the speeches made at the Freemason's Tavern on the occasion of the great agricultural dinner, one argument.— (Cheers and laughter.) .1 - t' is needless to dwell on that spec tacle. If there was nothing edifying there was something at least amusing, and a vast deal supremely ridiculous.—( Laugh ter.) We have had a Queen's speech, too. On that it does not become me to speak, excepting to say that it is as tame as Queens' and Kings' speeches usually are, and has turned out as delusive as such speeches generally turn out to be. And we have had, above all this, a financial statement from the Prime Minister of the country, and that seems to be the topic of topics at the resent moment. And what shall we say of this ? I will not say it wants skill, but I will say it wants courage.— (Cheers.) I will not say it wants plausibility, and tact, and eloquence, but it vastly wants honesty and truth.—(Cheers. ) I will not say it does not profess sympathy with the poor, but I will say that the measures recommended do not possess much or have much power to benefit this class of society, which seems to be, according to the words of the Right Hon. Baronet, the special object of his sympathy and regard.— (Cheers.) It has been already stated by the enlightened gen tleman who has preceded me, that with the measures of Sir Robert Peel brought before the public in that statement, we do not seriously quarrel. They are good as for as they go. We are thankful to know that the cow se is now being cleared by degrees for the grand heat.—( Laughter and che — ers.) This might not be absolutely necessary, but at all events it will prove to be convenient. We shall not now have deputations going up about glass. We see through that subject no - vv.-11 (Great laughter.) We shall hear no more of deputa tions on the subject of coals, unless others come up to London to ask for an export duty again to be put on coals, which is not very probable.—( Laughter.) Sir Robert allows the introduction of certain kinds of woods to stave off the dis- cessions on other subjects; and then, by delusive schemes, which Mr. Wilson has so ably exposed—and no man can expose them better, and few so well—he tries to be exceedingly sweet on the community, and to put off the repeal of the corn-laws by giving us a lollypop.—(Laughter.) Now some benefit will . . d... .. . . „ oubtless accrue from these changes. We cannot contemplate, without thankfulness, any prospect of glass windows being put into the cabins of the Irish.—(Cheers.) We are very curious to know whether we shall have our watches and chronometers regulated by glass balances instead of steel ones, for we are told that one of these remarkable curiosities was exhibited by the Prime Minister of England on the Treasury benches the other night. We find little fault with that which he has done. A grievous sin, and it is a heavy sin for such a man to commit—for a man possessing his knowledge of this country, and a knowledge of its geographical position. its high and wide connexion with the world at large, the peculiarities of its population and the resources for which it is distinguished, as well as the manufactures for which it is ce lebrated—that such a man should satisfy his own conscience and seek to satisfy the public and the world with coming down on the House of Commons for the purpose of r educing_du e t r t i e e, certain articles without disturbing those gigantic bb in the shape of protection which are still permitted robberies live un • Minister. — assailed and even nnthreatened by the P rime e . ( Great cheering.) He has granted what vi for the purposes We did not ask for a reduction of taxes.ver asked for. leviedin and annihilation of of revenue. We did ask for a taxes levied for the sole purple , so bu f t ar he as h l as ie rriguc-ottuection, but Sir Robert Peel has not only not touched tg_imeeopnrtoeiteicittisveprsycifistr, rather strengthened it r...nrdrorasuof judgment have been corrected has touched it at by Sir Robert l. He has known how to remedy the defects of his predecessorseeceessors in matters of legislation upon minor po i nts . This he has done. He has shown an u d n et w a o tl n , t perhaps saga city, industry, patient toil, and mastery of s,tperior to what almostryother man cou ld h ave exhibited ; b u t w hat has he done? i .ehas corrected those errors of jtidg ment, those errors in legislation, which usay be referred more to t h e judgment than to the heart —more to the intellect, than to the want of principle—and he has left alone that error of legislation against which the whole community is crying out, and lie has purchased the su p port o f great monopolists, holding out to the people tke prospect of purchasing certain articles mere cheaply, and importing some articles more abundantly, although that very reduction in taxation they themselves will have to make up, and he therefore only makes them a present of part of their own. For what does he do ? He says there is a surplus revenue for this year of 5,000,0001. sterling; but I mean to continue the income-tax. I might do away with the income-tax, and I might meet all the orditiar7 twenses of the State until April 1847 without having recourse to any income tax.,,.or to any property-tax. I recommev nevertheless that you should continue that tax for three yes, a, and in exchange for the 5,000,0001. taken out of the pools of the people, 1 will reduce the taxes on glass, coact*, coke, &e., to the amount of a million and a half, sr two millions, or three millions. Thio is exceedingly generous—but I say again that we do not find ' fault with what he has done. His sin as a statesman lies in not having done that which he ought to have done. He has abated minor evils, but left the monster evil undisturbed. Small benefits he has conferred, but large in juries have gene unredressed, and in the matter of sugar have been augmented. Sir Robert Peel has aimed at popularity by giving the people a part of that which he took from them in the first instance, and he has made the mono polists disgorge absolutely nothing. He has shifted the bur dens, buthe has not modified them ; as Mr. Cobden prophesied, he has shuffled the cards and nothing more. The incubus of protection still remains ; but, happily, the League remains too. —( Cheers.) I have been met by one or two parties in the street, since Friday night, and they have said to me; " I sup pose you are not going to carry on ;our League operations any more, are you? " My simple reply to that has been given in the shape of another question—" Are the corn-laws repealed ? Are the sugar duties repealed ? May the corn, the coffee, the rice, and the sugar, and the tobacco of other countries come in upon equal terms with the productions of our own plantations? If not, the League has yet its work to do. and is de termined to do it."—(Loud Cheers.) What does Sit Robert Peel say? He says " British industry must be protected ; our trade with colonies is important, and our merchant-ships must be guarded on their way over the great ocean, that they may arrive safely at their destination, and return safely back again." All this is for the sake of British in dustry. Very well, we thank him for allowing us to have ten line of battle ships, and we thank him for promising that he will equip some more steamers, so that we may indulge in the prospect of a safe sail to Jamaica or New South Wales, un affrighted by any roving buccaneer, or any Prince de Joinville. —(Laughter.)—B u t we did not ask for ships ; we did not seek so much to profit by means of war steamers as by means of fellowship in the way of trade, reciprocity in the form of benefits, copartnership upon a universal scale, all eontribnting alike to one another's happiness, and rendering a quarrel al mo,t impossible, as unlikely as that two partners in Fleet-stree should quarrel, break their windows, and tumble their own goods into the street.—(Laughter and cheers.) If there be one part of Sir Robert Peel's financial statement which I res. gard with greater dislike than any other, it is that ridiculous affectation of humanity to the negro slaves across the Atlantic.—( Hear, hear.) This has been most ably exposed by the gentleman who has gone before me; and I shall, there fore, say no more than this, that I unite with him in denonnc ing so barefaced an inconsistency as that into which Sir Ro bert Peel has fallen, fallen intentionally, fallen designedly.— ( Hear, hear.) He has made the humanity of the people of this country a means of saddling them with an annual tax— Asr. Wilson will tell you how much, but I think I shall not he far wrong in saying that the extra price which we shall have to pay for our sugar will much exceed two millions sterling ; and this at the same time that he allows the cotton of America to come in free of duty.--( Hear, hear.) If it is gond for us to have cotton, why should it not be good for no to have corn also ? (Hear, hear.) If he had got over his scruples as to cotton, and if it is now to be allowed to come in, not by }sasing, a small duty, but absolutely free of duty, why will he not allow us to hare corn, ?—( Hear, hear.) This is excluded.—( Hear, hear. I know that there is a way of circumventing even this prohibi tion—namely, by carrying the corn of the Western States down the rivers, and across the frontiers into our British Cana. dian possessions, where, on paying a small duty. it is permitted to be shipped into this country, where it, is received on paying a nominal duty. But the Americans do not like this mode of I doing the business.—(Hear, hear.) They want a direct, unin terrupted, immediate access to our ports, and they are fully able to supply us, out of the superabundance of their produce, with those necessaries and comforts of life of which we stand so greatly in need.—( Cheers.) Now, if Sir Robert Pt.el be that friend to peace which he professes to be—if he be that sympathetic man which he desires us to believe that he is, for he tells us that he was deeply touched by the statements made by one of the deputations, though the House was so un civil as to receive that announcement with something like a giggle and a laugh ; and Sir Robert Peel was obliged to repeat his assertion, and to assure Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side that he could feel, and had felt. — (Laughter.) If, I say, Sir Robert Peel have a heart, and is the friend of peace, how is it that his heart does not beat high, in the anticipation of gemming peace by obtaining from Ameri ca th at which our country is so much in need of ?—( Hear, hear,) If there is one thing to be deprecated more than another, to be deplored above all other things, save and except a civil war, it is a conflict with our kinsmen on the opposite side of the Atlantic.—( Hear, hear.) No disruption could be so calamitous, no spectacle more re volting, no conflict more unnatural than a war between the people of this country and the inhabitants of the United States. Well, our friend- on the other side of the Atlantic suggest a mode of rendering this disruption impossible. They tell us what they can do—they tell us what they have—they tell us how much of what they have they can spare—they tell us what they are willing to take in exchange. They have, in fact, just that which we require, and we are aisle to produce that which they most need ; and Sir Robert Peel has it in his power, if he pleases, to put their raw cotton into the shape of fabricated prints, and to send it out again to array the forms of those who are so able to return corn, cheese, and beef, 'for the support of those who wove and spun the cotton in this country.--e (Cheers.) But no;—with admirable consistency and equal humanity, what does he do? He says, " You may have as much as you please of slavetgrown cotton, "—the duty was before but the five-sixteenths of a penny, but that is now removed—" buy, and work, and spin, and rejoice, and be merry." " But," he acids, " if, when you have worked up this cotton in the mill—if, when you have spun it in the loom—if, when fair fingers have tam boured it at Paisley—if any one of you, or your workpeople, should desire to purchase a pound of Brazilian sugar, you must not do it, for Brazilian sugar is polluted—it is the produce of slave labour. It is true that you have gained all you have by working up slave labour, but you must not have even half a pound of Brazilian sugar, because it is the produce of slavery." —( Hear, hear.) But, worse than that, they may not taste American corn. The cotton, which is slave-grown, may come in; the corn, which is free-grown, is excluded. Now, Sir, I be lieve you will bear testimony to the truth of what. I say, when I affirm that there are thousands and tens of thousands who hold our principles in America. Although Henry Clay hoisted the standard of protection, it must not be supposed that all who voted for him were the friends of protection. There were other reasons which induced many to vote for I-!enry Clay besides a love of protection; while, on the other hand, we know that at least a large proportion of those who car ried Mr. Polk into the chair of the Presidency were avowedly free-traders. I have read, since I came neon this platform , one of the most eloque n t s p eec h es t h at I ever met with against protection in my life, by the present Secretary of State, the Honourable Mr. Calhoun.—( Hear, hear.) Though I differ from Mr. Calhoun on some points, I do say that on the question of free trade his language is straightfor ward and statesman-like, not only consistent with the best in terests of his own, but also with the best interests of our country.—( Hear, hear.) I heartily wish that lie may carry out this at least of his plans, however I may desire that he may fail in some others. I say that the party who thus sym pathise with us in the United States is a strong party; and no wonder that it should be a strong party. I will not trouble you with figures. I will merely state that when the census of the United States was made in 1840, the total population amounted to 17,069,453. In the middle States, that is to say New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, &c. &c., the population was 5,11.,,076; in the north- western States, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan, it was 4,131,370; making in the middle and north-western States, as contradis tinguished from the New Zealand and the south-western States, 9,249,446, leaving only 7,820,007 amongst all the other States. Now for the argument derived from tkis in favour of free• trade. Out of a population of 17,069,000 we lad that there were engaged in commerce 117,007, in manufactures 791,749, and in agriculture 3,719,951. Now these agricul turists arc the men whom we want for our customers.—( Hear, hear.) The longer we delay, the greater are our straits and embarrassments, and the further off is the prospect of reaping, when the change shall come, the advantages now within our reach. We have lost many already. Every year hundreds and thousands of young men in the New England States have to choose what they shall be for their future lives. Their heart► yearn for the prairies of the west, and when I was in that e.,untry, five hundred a day have I seen leaving for the borders of that vast country, where they expected to find a home and an inheritance for their children. But they have been stopped in their career ; they have been kept and fixed where they are, and have turned, or rather been made manufacturers, which they did not desire to be, because yeti would not give them encouragement to become agriculturists, which they did desire to be. And this has done what Sir R. Peel professes to deplore ; it has added to the number of . . . . planters who have laid out their capital in the purchase of gangs of slaves, and who are found now the growers of cotton, because you will not allow them to he growers of corn. That is the effect of the coerse which has been pursued. The Government cannot he more pro-slavery in anything than they are in their conduct with regard to the agricultural produce of the United States; nor can they be more pro-slavery than they are in the extension of all de scriptions of sugar on the payment of an equal amount of duty, —(Hear, hear.) And, having examined this question since we met here last year, I am only more deeply confirmed in the opinion which I then expressed, that the Anti-slavery party in this kingdom, with the purest and noblest intentions, are in juring the cause which they would fain serve, and procrasti nating the day when competition and free labour shall destroy, not only slavery. but that traffic which grows out of it—the de• testable commerce in the species between America and Africa. ' —(Loud cheers.) I have only one other remark to make with regard to America, and that is that whereas our supply of provisions in this country is known to be tolerably short, and we have it on the authority of a clerical gentleman himself, that five millions of our population:rejoice in potatoes, a very large number in oatmeal, and while a great proportion of the popu lation, though they taste wheaten bread, have much less of it than they desire; while such are the facts with regard to our own country, it appears, from some tables inserted in an ad mirable pamphlet, entitled " American Corn and British Manufactures," that every man, woman, and child in the United States has forty-two bushels of grain a year—that is to say, they have this to divide amongst them.—(Hear, w ho has Only the other day I received a letter from a g e nt l em an has recently gone out to the United k States. He this sa y s , corm my naiad " If I were required to come bac day, " have," try, I don't think I thatcould make s up to it, knowing, as I do, . you „ are Weall starving, is in n n ordinary Pietl. roast turkey h w e hi a le dds, 7 oltatrhefs ; for wrohllicindhginner. '--(Laughter.) how I say and plum puddin g P e el we re tor turn eted credit is fo a r tte c n o tio p n ass t i o on th s e t s de that if Sir Robert hsivoia give e erings of the people than he m can expect things, sympa th y with the of conduct to in his present course receive at our hands. I in am thankful, however, t hat the present session it has been we s houldd rendered more apparent by what parties in the State this distinguished man is bound and shackled in pursuing his unworthy course. The fact is, my friends, that he has a sack of corn at one ankle, awl a hogs head sug ar at the other. and when a man is manacled of with a sack of corn at one ankle, and a hogshead of sugar at the other, it is not to he expected that he would mak e very great p r ogre s s. Pbe i Such seems to be the unfortunate pre d icament of Sir Robert Peel. Still we d o nos, deem hi m t o —( Hear, hear.) We know th a t he i s not a n , l i s t o u p n e Hopel ess rendition to i ea r n . We know that he is n o t bli n d— t h at h e can rea d the signs ei the times. We do not think that lie is so completely disinte rested that he would throw up office, and patronage and friends and connexions, and all that surrounds him in his pre sent condition, rather than touch the corn-laws, or the sugar Hear,monopoly.—( hear.) No ; he wants a motive. The people out f doors must generate the momentum. He showed a glass balance in the House of Commons. There is another sort of balance that regulates his chronometer must exaetly ; it never escapes from him ; it governs all his move ments. Whether lie is at Downing-street, at Windsor Castle, at the Pavilion at Brighton, at Whitehall, or in St. Stephen's, this balance regulates all ho says. lam not sure that it does not, regulate Ins very looks. This balance is public opinion.-- ( Hear, hear, and Ayers.) He will do what is right, when he cannot help doing it.—( Hear, hear, ) My friends, I remember who has to come after me, and I will not encroach upon the time which properly belongs to him. But I will conclude by putting this question—ls there anything in Sir Robert Peel's financial statement to justify us in relaxing in our efforts? You answer for me " No." On the contrary, w e n should he ungrateful were we to recede from the vintagegrou d which we have obtained, seeing that a short t t ime hc corn laws, ago there were seven hundred excuses for n ot repea l ing a t orn laws, and if we have now got rid of __. . what of p o werful be when even the Prime ali England nister body must we for neglecting what we dare not attempt to excuse hi msel f o he ought to do on less than 43 grounds , . and when he is think • d to circulate and get others to circulate them, 11% oblige "~