The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-08 00:00:00

Did they ever produce it ? Was it proved that it flowed from ny of them ? No; they stand in that respect acquitted. The Attorney-General himself has admitted the peaceable nature of my intentions, and nothing conld be more fair than the reading of those portions of the newspapers which showed this. My mottoes of peace were proved over and over again in this Court. I belong to a Christian persuasion, the principle of which is, that no quantity of advantage —no quantity of profit to Church or State, not even Heaven itself was permitted to be attained at the expense of any one crime; and that no sin could be justified or palliated by any amount of advantage, however consider able. My Lords, it has been proved sufficiently in the news papers—and, had it not, it is perfectly well known—that no man ever possessed so much of public confidence as I do. I will say "possess it." No man has so unremittingly as I have obtained the confidence of the Catholic laity of every class—not only those who are our party, and may look to a change for amelioration, but nhe Catholics of the middle classes— the higher orders, the Catholic clergy, and the Catholic episcopacy. I have obtained their confidence by the assertion of the principles which I have stated—by the sincerity with which I have enter tained and announced them. A Catholic, lam pleading before a Protestant jury, in the presence, I may say, of the monarchs and people of the earth ; and I implore of you to consider whether you will tarnish all your fellow-countrymen, including many Pro testants of the first respectability, by any verdict which would seem to doubt for a moment the perfect sincerity of the doctrine of my whole life—the pride and boast of my existence—the com fort and consolation of my declining years, and my hope for a higher and more awful tribunal. You, therefore, cannot believe that I would desert every principle of my life, and enter into a conspiracy utterly inconsistent with everything that has yet oc curred in my public conduct. But it is not upon these grounds atone that I rely. There have been other incidents in my politi cal career which will enable you to form a better estimate of my intentions and sentiments. There is not one of you, Gentlemen of the Jury who does not, I presume, remember the fearful system of combination which prevailed eight years ago in Dublin. It is said that I am ready to sacrifice principle to popularity— who dares to say it ? Could I not have easily made myself popular with these combinators ? I opposed them publicly —I stood alone—l opposed them at the peril of my life; and I owe the protection of my life at the meeting held in the Royal Ex. change, at which many operatives differing from me in religion and politics attended, to the protection of the police. You will find, too, my perpetual opposition to Ribandism. Has not m y condemnation of Ribandism been read over and over again ? Have not my warn ings to the people—my denunciations to the police, calling upon them publicly to stop the progress of the evil system—been pub. lished to the world ? and, if I were in a conspiracy, should I not have been glad to have been assisted by other conspirators ? If my object and my end were iniquitous, should I not have had an ad. vantage in that iniquity by rousing the Ribandmen upon my behalf in the various parts of Ireland ? I bad great influence, and I could have used it in this particular. You have the fact that I did not do so before you. It has been read to you over and over again. My discountenancing the Riband societies is notorious,—nay, more, my resistance to all secret societies—my constant denunciations of them, are before the world. Take these things into your considers. tion, and say, if you believe in your consciences that the man is a base hypocrite who, without any worldly motive what. ever but adherence to principle, opposed and flung away all the instruments that could tarnish his cause, however useful they might be. There is another point, if you have remarked my public life, must have struck you perhaps differently, but you must have observed that I opposed it at the risk of my life and the loss of my popularity—the present system of poor-lave. With the influence I possess, could I not have raised the poverty of Ireland against its property if I chose, and insisted that all those who were rich should feed those who were poor? No; I saw the danger which the measure threatened to property, and at the risk of popularity—taunted by many and many a sincere friend—bit terly sneered at by many men who had joined me, I consulted my conscience, I consulted the real nature of a provision that makes more destitute than it relieves, and is at an expense so enormously great that the very expenditure itself would give poor-law relief. I knew it was not appropriate to Ireland; but am bound to say, that since it passed into a law, I have not given it any opposition. I look back to the time when I was unpopular with those whose favour I was most anxious to conciliate, and in whose estimation I was most desirous of standing high. To this part of my life do I appeal in answer to this foul charge which has been brought against me. You recollect—for it was given in evidence—the manner in which I answered young Mr. Tyler. You rernem. ber, too, the manner of that answer, and you saw the nature of it, from what was given in evidence by Mr. Bond Hughes. And here, my Lords, let me say a word with respect to that gentleman. I was among the number of those who took steps against Mr. Hughes, convinced, as we then were, that he had sworn falsely. (I am delighted I mentioned his name, for it gives me this opportunity of doing him justice.) I now openly state that I never saw a witness give evidence in a more manly, straight. forward manner ; and I am thoroughly convinced that it was a mere mistake which he committed, ang into which any honest man might have fallen. This declaration is not part of the case, but I trust your Lordships will not think it quite irrelevant or unneces sary. Again, with regard to American assistance, what was my conduct? I informed the Americans that the Irish people would not take any support from them which could in the slightest degree prove disparaging to their allegiance to the Sovereign of these realms; this will be still more strongly impressed upon your minds, when you reeollect my conduct on the slave question, and when you have heard my indignant denunciations of slavery. The ad. vocates of that horrid traffic were on One alert—the Southern States were collecting subscriptions, and large sums of money had been accumulated in Carolina to assist the Repeaters. Did shrink from doing my duty on the slave question then ? Did I mot denounce as enemies to God and man—as culprits and criminals—the infamous upholders of that trade ? Did I not compare to pickpockets and felons, and express in the most forcible language my denunciation and abhorrence of those who carried on an execrable traffic in human beings ? Oh, Gentlemen, if I were indeed a hypocrite, should I not have given them a few smooth words, or glossed over them in the language of conciliation ?—but my heart is, and ever has been, actuated by a love of liberty and humanity, and they do not speak the truth who say that I am, or ever have been, a hypocrite. You have had it in the newspapers, Gentlemen, that we were offered assistance from France. You have heard that the democratic party in France, headed by Ledru Rollin, proffered us their assistance and support. That party hates the English nation most of all—the ferocious 1 hatred of England, which, perhaps not without reason, when they remembered Waterloo, the French nation entertained, is concen trated in the party of Ledru Rollin. Did I ask the support of his party, or frame the answer in such a way as could he construed into encouragement ? No, I took the firm tone of allegiance and loyalty. I rejected his support—indignantly rejected it. I cautioned him strongly against coming over to this country. Is this the way to prove my hypocrisy ? Should I have so acted had I been indeed a hypocrite ? Even the present Monarch of * Prance I have not attempted to win over. I have refused the &lightest assistance from him; nay, more, have hurled defiance at him. The Attorney-General, with great ingenuity, intro. duces a report of a secret committee of the Irish House of Com mons, in the year 1797, with respect to the United Irishmen, into the case before you, to show that we were acting on their plan. Was there the slightest comparison between them and the Repeal. era ? Assuredly not. The United Irishmen were looking to assist ance from France—had emissaries there; whilst, perhaps, French emissaries were travelling through this country, acting on their plan, looking for French aid, looking for armed force and violent revolution ! Oh! Gentlemen, it was directly the reverse of ours. It may be said that I speculated upon the restoration of the elder branch of the Bourbons to the throne, and that I expected Henry V. to be king ; but really, Gentlemen, I should be very sorry in deed to wait for the repeal till that event takes place.—(Laughter.) I do not conceal my opinion that Europe will not be perfectly safe till that branch of the family be restored to the throne. They have a better title than any other monarch. No, a better title than that of our gracious Sovereign does not exist; but they have a better title than the present King of France. From that King I have refused the slightest assistance. Nay, more, I hurled my in. dignation against the man who had delivered over the chil dren of France to be instructed by infidel professors. You have now seen my antagonism to the French—'tis capable of proof. You have seen my conduct with respect to the Chartists. They were in arms—up in insurrection through. out England—crowding in thousands and tens of thousands through all her manufacturing towns—their doctrines were spreading— their disciples increasing, for there was something fascinating for the poorer classes in the principles of the Charter. It purposed a violation of all property—its followers were numerous—they offered me aid. If I were a hypocrite, should I have refused it ? I denounced them—l denounced their doctrines—l drove them from Ireland—the people were so much opposed to it, that the Chartists absolutely committed an outrage upon the Irish at Man chester. It has been read to you that the moment we discovered that a Chartist had joined tine Association, his money was returned to him, and his name struck off the list of members. If my object were Insurrection, think you I should have acted so ? Gentlemen, do place yourselves for one moment in my situation. Good Heaven! if you wished for an armed outbreak and insurrection, would you not wish for strength ? Would you not conciliate those who were the advocates of force ? Did Ido so with the Chartists ? Did I not meet them and hunt them out of Dublin—of Ireland—although there were none of the dangers in their doctrines, none of the penalties attached to Ribandism ? My Lords, I do firmly declare that if I had not opposed Chartism it would have passed over and spread from one end of Ireland to the other. Thank Heaven that I did resist it ; and, whatever be comes of this trial, I shall ever rejoice That I kept Ireland free from this pollution. There is another matter to which I wish to call your attention—my constant, consistent allegiance to the Sovereign—that you find in all the newspapers. Her name is never mentioned but with respect ; and when I had to make a speech in some degree derogatory to the respect due to a Royal lady—you find me making a distinction between her and her Mi nisters, I made that clear distinction, that constitutional dis tinction, and I do complain somewhat of the Attorney-Generel's conduct here. He had no right to say that there was a particle of disloyalty in those remarks. If I did not make any distinction at ,all, it would have been quite opens for him to comment on that 'vetch ; but what becomes of the assertion that I have been guilty of disloyalty in the remarks that I made, when I did draw a marked distinction so often that the repetition was almost nauseating ? Thank Heaven! there is nothing to attaint my loyalty, nor has the attempt ever been made. That I have proclaimed in language (which admits of no dispute. I have come to that time of life at which it could do me no good, or procure anything for me, to boast of my loyalty ; but there is not an expectant in this Court, who could have more frequently or strongly expressed it. Ido complain that the Attorney-General behaved unfairly in the remarks he made on this subject. He read the Queen's speech, and also, on the authority of a newspaper, stated that I had used the expression f• Judy took an unfair advantage of use' in speaking of her Majesty. Now, I said it was the Ministers' speech—and it was of the Ministerial scolding I spoke, when I used that expres sion ; to that I referred, and nothing else ; and I did say, that, in not allowing us to reply, " Judy was unfair—she did not let us make an answer," speaking of the Ministers and of their speech. I have to complain here that I have been badly treated. I mean the Learned Gentleman no discourtesy, I do not wish to say any thing harsh—but I tell him that it is utterly false that I ever used such a word with reference to her Majesty. I disclaim, abhor, and hate—despise the man who could use such language with reference to her Majesty. I have never been accused of discourtesy to the gentler sex, who form so mum) of our happiness; and, least of all, could I apply such terms to one who is at once our beloved Sove reign, and of a sex which forms our chief comfort and console. sign. I have detained you longer than I thought respecting my pulstic conduct. To you I leave it, but having in reserve the y means consolation of knowi ng, that though m may be feeble, my and ray energies declinin g , indents confessedly small, ardent, my enthusiastic, and bur n i ng love of Ireland and y u quenchable; it is a porti on of my very vitality, and fo k rins th - Y e entire of my political interests. Well, public me eting s ' t they must have an object—and so they h a d their ob je ct ace; repeal of the union. That it was a bad or injurious object, utterly deny ; it was a most useful object, and I shall Pr you that there is not a man in thi s C ourt—the neutr alityonfv' ttre Bench alone excepted—that ought not to become a Repealer. B e _ fore I sit down I hope to make Repeate rs of some of you,— (G reat daughter.) lam quite sure of this—that it is your duty, and if it is your duty, will it not be your pleasure, to join me ? I shall now tell you what I mean to do. I mean first to demonstrate that the ii,nglish Parliament has, from the remotest period at which she possessed the power, governed Ireland with a narrow, jealous, re etrictive, and oppressive policy. By way of parenthesis, 1 would just beg of you to recollect the history of the woollen manufactures of Ireland in the reign of a Monarch whom you are not dis posed to condemn. I shall next demonstrate in succession that the transactions of 1782 were intended to be a final .adjustment, and that it was then intended and agreed that the Irish Parliament should be established for ever ; that the greatest prosperity followed from the protective influence of that Parliament, after having achieved its independence, and that the union was forced upon the Irish people against their consent, by the most criminal means. I shall next show you in detail the many evils that resulted from the union, and the gross injustice of the enactment of that statute. I shall show you the increasing distress and destitution which have arisen from that sts. tote, and that there is no probability—l think no possible means— of restoring prosperity to this country, or of avoiding ultimate sepa -WPM from England, save by the restoration of her Parliament. The ill-treatment of Ireland by England is so confessedly true as matter of history, that I scarcely think it worth while detaining you on that part of my subject ; yet, having been brought here by the Attorney-General by reason of my agitation for repeal, I must defend myself, and my defence is, that instead of looking for any thing evil, destructive, or injurious, I am, and have been, perform , ing the sacred duty of endeavouring to procure the greatest possible blessing to Ireland--the protection of her own Parliament. lam too much devoted to the people of Ireland not to be devoted to them at all risks. I have represented the county of Clare, with 250,000 inhabitants; Waterford, with 300,000; Kerry, with 200,000; Meath, with 300,000 ; and stood representative of 730,000 inhabitants of the county of Cork. I have twice represented the city of Dublin, and once that of Kilkenny, Duties then fell upon me that belong to few. My gratitude to the people is boundless. lam their hired servant. Yes, lam their paid servant. It may derogate from the chivalry of my situation ; but 1 avow it, and am ready to earn my salary. I shall begin by showing you the scheme of misgovern ment that was pursued by England towards this country, and my first proof is from a French historian of great reputation at the present moment—one of the first of the French literati—M. Thiers, who in his history of the conquest of England by the Nor. mans says—" The conquest of Ireland by the Anglo-Normans is, perhaps, the only one that has not been followed by a gradual ame lioration of the conquered people. In England, the descendants of the Anglo. Saxons, although unable to free themselves from the dominion of the conquerors, advanced rapidly in civilisation, whilst the natives of Ireland, after Live centuries, exhibit a state of uni form decline, and yet they are endowed by nature with the most remarkable aptitude for everything intellectual. Their soil is fer tile, but unprofitable—their descendants have been gradually impo. verished, and this is owing to their proximity to England." There is a disinterested historian giving this melancholy picture of cen. tunes passing away without improvement, of poverty and des. titution increasing, all owing to the baneful influence, he says, of the English Government. The next authority I shall cite is that of Mr. Pitt, who, in discussing a commercial proposition in 1785, made this admission—" The uniform policy of England has been to deprive Ireland of the use of her own re sources, and to make her subservient to the interests and opulence of the English people." That is not my language,but read from news. papers against me, avowing distinctly that the policy of England was to use Ireland for her own purposes. My next authority is a Lord Chief Justice of this Court, who, in opposing the union in '99, said—" You are giving up your independence. To whom? To a nation which for 600 years has treated you with uniform op pression and injustice." These are the words of Bushe; and if I had the arranging of this language 1 could not put it so power fully or so strongly ; and by what expressions has it been followed up? In the Government pamphlet published in the year '9B, I find this admission made by Mr. Secretary Coote—" That the union was the only means of making Ireland too great and too powerful ;" which showed that what Bushe said was perfectly true. I have, Gentlemen, that great man, in another part of his speech, in opposing the union, saying, " that when he stripped the measure he saw but one question in it, namely, would they give up their country? It was, he considered, a measure which went to degrade the entire nation, by saying it was unfit to govern it. self—a measure which was nothing less than a renewal of the title of conquest, and the total denial of the rights of nature to a great nation from the intolerance of its prosperity." When I began to address you, I said I would show you that it was " the intolerance of Irish prosperity" which passed the union; and ifhe were here this day he would have avowed every word of it, for he spoke it in the perfect sincerity of his heart. Therefore, I need not go further in showing you that the best authority, both foreign and domestic, proclaimed the misgovernment of this country by England, and the Government's open avowal that the Irish would become " too great and too powerful, if not ridden down by the union." These topics had passed by and were nearly forgotten ; but I am obliged to the Attorney-General for giving me an opportunity of reviving them. And while on this subject there is another author I shall refer to, to proTe the same views upon behalf of the Government, which is also a matter of history. I mean the letter from Primate Boulter, dated January 19, 1750, in which, amongst other passages, he says, " I made it my duty to talk with the leading men, in Parliament, and I find that the people of every religion and party are set against the union, which will have the very bad effect of bringing them together on terms of intercourse and friendship." Here, Gentlemen, we have an honoured prelate saying that it is a most unhappy thing that the Papists and Whigs should come together on terms of intimacy and conciliation. This is the spirit of Englis domination which I complained of; and I ask you, have I tint proved what 1 promised from Bushe, Pitt, and Boulter ?—and I conjure you, above all things, to remember the declaration of the first of these men, who said the union was pro posed from " the intolerance of Irish prosperity." I will next bring you to 1782, and detain you but a short time upon the sub. ject, which, lam sure, is one familiar to every Irish mind, as the only bright spot in our history—the only green oasis in this desert, in the rule of misconduct which surrounds us. The transaction of 'B2 was of the most consummate advantage to England ; she assailed America—America was disaffected and resisted, and from her rebellion formed a revolution which made Ireland's assistance necessary for her safety, for she had not troops to garrison the country. Did the Irish nobility or gentry then talk of separating from England ? No ; the idea was foreign from every Irish mind, but they required the assertion of their rights—free trade and legislative independence. It was not prudent to refuse them, for they were loyal bit determined. England conceded at the very time when the letter was written to Ireland calling Grattan a madman, who effected that glorious revolution. This is but part of the history of the British mo narchy, which declared that adjustment of 1782 final, in order to leave no question open for future discussion. The King, Lords, and Commons of England asserted, and the Lord. Lieute. nant in Ireland declared the same in the Irish Parliament ; but how is it attempted to be got rid of ?—for Mr. Fox said on the Bth of April, 'B2, " that no country had a right to hold the so. vereignty of another country without the will of that other." such were the principles upon which the settlement was brought about; and did one of the gentlemen he addressed know a vo lunteer of 'B2 that did not glory in the victory ? No ! for it gave them a firmer hold on England—redoubled their allegi. ance to the Croxn, and the connexion which existed by reason of that salutary action. I may be asked if the pros. perity of Ireland was gained by her Legislative independence ? and my reply is—that it was ! and I will give you my evidence for saying so. The first is:from Mr. Pitt, who, in page 99 of his work, openly stated it to have been the cause of Ireland's prosperity.-- (The Learned Gentleman then read some passages from the work he alluded to in conformity with that opinion.) It would have been part of Mr. Pitt's cue to show that a separate Legislature had worked badly, but the facts were too powerful to be altogether overlooked, and he, with a virtuous ingennity, availed himself of the increasing prosperity of Ireland as an argument to prove that it would be still more prosperous if her Parliament was united with that of England. How pressed he must have been when he was left no other resource to sustain his argument but the glowing absurdity which he thus used !—( Mr. O'Connell then read passages from Mr. Foster's speeches in 1785, detailing, at great length, the amount of Irish exportations and importations, and showing that in the interval between that period and 1782, Ireland's pros perity had vastly increased; that within those three years she export. ed to Great Britain more than 3,000,000/. worth of manufactures in linen, and 3,000,000/. worth of provisions and cattle, besides other products, while she imported little more than 1,000,000/. worth of English manufactures.) How is it now ? At present we import English manufactures very largely, and the greatest part of the price of those manufactures consist in wages paid, of course to the population of England. Why should we not recollect that fact, and, above all, recollect that the people of Ireland were earn. ing wages upon those 3,000,000/. worth of manufactures exported to England. while they consumed only 1,000,000/. of English pro. ducts ? Nearly all our manufactures are now imported from England, and we export nothing but our cattle. The time for talking of the remedy for that has not as yet arrived. I have quoted Pitt and Foster, and I shall now give you the authority of Lord Clare, who, though not very friendly to his country, said in 1785, " There is no country in the world which has advanced so much in her manufactures and her agriculture as Ireland has within the same period." And in 1799 Lord Plunket described Ireland as " a little Island, with a population of 4,000,000 or 5,000,000, advancing in prosperity beyond any other country on the earth, and in that condition she was called upon to surrender her Parliament to people of another little island, placed beside her, and scarcely double her size." The Court here adjourned for half an hour. On resuming, Mr. O'CosNELL continued to quote authorities in supporting the opinion that Ireland had prospered under her own Parliament, the principal of which were the resolutions of a meeting of bankers in 1799, at which the head of the house of Latouche was in the chair, and the declaration of Mr. Hatton, a coach manufacturer, of this city, in 1810. A Parliamentary document showed that from 1785 to the period of the union the increase in the consumption of teas in Ireland was 84 per cent., while it was only 45 per cent. in Eng land. The increase in tobacco in Ireland was 100 per cent., in England 64; in wine is Ireland 74 per cent , in England 52; in sugar 57 per cent. in Ireland, and in England 53 ; in coffee in Ireland 600 per cent., in England 75. No country ever so rapidly improved as Ireland did in that period. There was a cant word used ag:.inst Repealers. They were charged with seeking a dis memberment of the empire. The absurdity of that charge it was scarcely necessary to demonstrate. If, when Ireland prospered under her own Parliament, in connexion with England, she showed no disposition to separate, why should she entertain a disposition to break the connexion, if' placed in similarly prosperous circumstances ? What would she do it for ? I could understand dismemberment as an object attributed to a state of poverty and destitution, but it is absurd to suppose such a disposition to exist with the prosperity which Ireland enjoyed under her own Parliament, and which, I trust, she will experience under her own Parliament again. I I regret that opening should have closed on Ireland, and that those fiends and monsters who closed it should have been able to throw Parliament under the feet of a party who, in the words of Mr. Bushe, were intolerant of the prosperity of Ireland. Yet it was so. It was that intolerance of our prosperity that induced the destruc tion of the Irish Parliament, and the means taken to effect that destruction were suited to the nature of so deleterous an object. You have the authority of Mr. Fox, in 1806, that the union was as atrocious in principle as it was abominable for the means by which it was carried. The Attorney-General had referred to the Report of the Secret Committee in 1797—1 refer you to the Report in 1798, in which the Government were charged by Plunket and by Bushe with having fomented the rebellion until it was deemed safe that it should explode. The Hon. and Learued Gentleman then read pas. sages from Lord Plunket's speech on the union, in which his Lordship said, " I accuse the Government of fomenting a languishing rebellion a rebellion of Catholics against Protestants and Protestants against Catholics." He next read passages from Grey's speech, stating that " it had been said that all were Jacobins who opposed the carrying of the union, but the fact was, that those who signed the. petition for it were in the power of the Lord. Lieutenant." He next read passages from Mr. Bushe's speech, stating that " the basest corruption and artifice were resorted to to promote the union." Such, Gentlemen (continued Mr. O'Connell), is the description given of the means by which the union was carried ; but they are only a part of them. You know that there were 17,275,000/. actually spent in the purchase of rotten boroughs. You know that there was near 3,000,000/. beside expended in actual payment of the persons who voted for the union. You know that there was no office in the State, from the highest in the Church to the lowest in the constabulary, that was not used as a bribe. In short, there was nothing sacred or profane that was not made use of. Having shown you briefly the means by which the union was carried, I come now todetain you for as short a time as I can, by showing to you the evidences of the evil results ofthat measure. Gentlemen, in the year '94 the Irish debt was only 7,000,000/. ; in the year '9B it was 14,000,0001.; and after that period the debt increased to 350,000,0001. At the time of the union, the debt of Ireland amounted to 21,000,000/. It is stated since that it was 23,000,000/. in 1811, as Ireland should be chargeable with all the expenses of carrying the union. But her debt was really only 21,000,0001., and that of England 446,000,000/. Now, what were the terms of the union ? That England was to bear the burden of those 446,000,000!., and a separate taxation of 17,000,000!., and that Ireland was not to be chargeable with those 446,000,000/. You will ask, were those conditions complied with ? No, of course they were not, and Ireland is chargeable now with every penny of the cntire amount ; and notwithstanding the distinct promise of Lord Castlereagh, the lands, and property, and industry of Ireland are all mortgaged for the entire debt. To show you how totally mismanaged, to the detriment of Ireland, the finances had beta, and to the relief of England, I refer you to the Financial Report of Public Expenditure of 1815. Mr. O'Connell then read the Report to show the increase put in the debt on the side of Ireland. And continued—The Irish Parliament had often been assailed, but there g n e e n v e e r r e h l a y d ree b e p e e .; t a t y m e o f v i e r e p i r a o h t d e c t t h i v a e n i P t a w r lai was. e l n t t ke to o th th e e c c o o m u m nt e r r y c o e u a t n o d f debt. The English Parliament were running into debt with lavish k h e a e n i, l i s h , g w d h e i te l the n the public i e d P e a h r tß Parliament , nowth ri fltayyahnedthecreoneou mica statements will lwere as to the financial robbery p erpetrated on this country since the union. It was arranged that Ireland should be accountable for two parts of the debt, and England for fifteen parts, and that proportion as regarded Ireland was admitted to be too large, yet soon after the union the Irish debt had increased 230 per cent., while that of Eng. land was but 60 per cent. more than at the union. You find Eng. land increasing the taxation of Ireland by 4,000,000 per annnm of new taxation, and what prospect could the country have when wi th those new taxes it was paying off' not Its own debts, but those of England ? In England there has been since then a decrease in tax ation of 41,085,202 t, while in Ireland the reduction amounts only PitlOES OF SHARES THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 8, 1844. to 584,000/. ; in other words, a proportion of one-half to 41. I will now read to you a document of much importance, as showing the opinions of those most competent to judge, respecting the means re. sorted to to carry the union. It is the protest of nineteen Irish Peers against the union. A number of resolutions and reasons are included in this protest; but I shall give you only two or three of them. (The Hon. and Learned Gentlemanread the 9th, 10th, and 11th clauses ef the protest, in which the dissentients stated that they con. sidered the union a breach of trust, the settlement of 'B2 having established the exclusive legislative authority of the Irish Parlia. ment, without being liable to the interference of any other, and the basest means, including the exercise of force and carru; tion, having been employed to carry it.) Among other injuries resulting from the union is the total inadequacy of the representation of Ire. land as contrasted with that of England, and in particular the in. finitely less voice the people of this country have, by reason of the deficiency in the Parliamentary registry of voters. This is apparent from the Parliamentary returns. The population of Wales is 800,000, and that of Cork, as I said before, is 703,716, and yet Wales sends 28 Members to Parliament, and Cork only two. With regard to revenue also, the deficiency in the amount of u hich, in Ireland, was an argument used against giving her a greater num. ber of representatives, I find in Parliamentary papers, published in 1832, that the revenue of Ireland amounts to 4,392,0001.; whereas the revenue of Wales only amounts to 348,0001. I have looked into the statements of the amount of revenue col. lected in the single port of Cork, and I find that, in one year, it amounted to 263,0001., and in another to 272,0001. ; and yet the great disproportion I have stated in .the nnmber of represent a ti ves between that county and Wales is permitted to exist. Another complaint has been made, and justly made, of the inadequacy of the representation of Ireland. Ireland, as you are aware, has only 105 Members in the House of Commons, and I am prepared to show that upon Lord Castlereagh's own calculations we ought to have 150 Members at least. Thus it is demonstrated that Ireland has been defrauded in her franchise, defrauded in her representa tion, defrauded even in the details of her finances, and defrauded in every one of the details of the union. Are you not aware that a considerable mitigation of the expenditure of the country has re. suited from the different revenue boards existing in Ireland ? Are they here now ? What has become of the Treasury Board ? It has been transplanted to England. The Customs, and Board of Excise ? Transplanted to England. The Stamp-office and other offices, which have been greatly diminished in numbers, and are near extinction. The entire expenditure which mitigated the taxation of Ireland has beers all centered in England ; even the Old Man's Hospital is expiring. I ask you, is it lair or reasonable to the country to have centralization operating against us, and;in favour of England? (The Learned Gentleman then read docu ments to show that an unfair proportion of Englishmen and Scotchmen had been appointed to situations in Ireland over the heads of Irishmen, and that the exports and imports from anti to Ireland had diminished since the union, and also one respecting the number of looms working, and men employed in the liberty, which had decreased to a great extent, and proceeded to say, there is no trade of which I could not read you similar lists, showing the decrease of employment, and of master manufacturers who were reduced to poverty, together with their families, by the union.) House property had fallen to a most melanoholy pitch, for in the best and most iashionable streets in Dublin the finest house could be purchased for a very inconsiderable sum. It Is not the want of materials that prevents me going further into this detail, but there is no necessity for it; for you can see yourselves, Gentlemen, these mansions where wealth and splendour formerly resided, and was concentrated, ruined and neg lected ; and the question is, will you endeavour to prevent those who are struggling to make a change to effect it ? I have now gone through the documents, to show you the prosperity that existed in Irelend before the union— the advantages that she derived from her Parliament, and the vio. lence of the means by which it was taken from her—of its injustice and inequality; and I now ask you—l appeal to you—whether have not presented a picture which would make it the duty of every honest man to rally with me to remedy those evils by a restoration of that Parliament ? You have now seen distinctly my objects, and' i thc objects of the men who are combined with me to obtain a repeal, which is our proud boast ; but that we are in a guilty combination we reject with scorn. We want to restore to Ireland the authority and prerogative of the Queen in the creation of the peerage, to the Irish peer his proper and hereditary judicial authority, and to the representation of the people the right of making their laws. You have a right to ask me the mode of obtaining this measure; you have a right to ask me, and I will answer it, One of our modes is not to use sectarian means in labouring for repeal; and while upon this subject I wish to call your attention to what has already occurred on the part of those who laboured with me. We never sought to sacrifice our country for any sect or party ; on the contrary, there cannot be more strong proof of anything than our utter abhorrence of such means, or of those who profess such to be their object. The Roman Catholics of Dublin held a public meet. ing in Francis-street on the 9th April, 1795, where they declared that, feeling sincerely attached to their native country, to its rights and liberties, and so fatal did they consider the union between Great Britain and Ireland to be, that they were determined to re sist it to the utmost, even though their own emancipation was of. fered them as a compromise. That was the way in which the Ro man Catholics of Ireland met the question of the union of 1795. (Mr. O'Connell then read a passage from the first speech he ever made in public. It was delivered on the 13th of January, 1800, and represented the opinions of the Catholics of Ireland then to be so hostile to the union, that even if they were offered the alterna. tive of the union or the re-enactment of the penal code, with all its horrors, they would prefer the latter, and, even if emancipation was offered to them for their consent to the union, they would reject it with scorn and indignation.) That (eontinued the Honourable and Learned Gentleman) was my first political speech. These were the sentiments of myself and the Catho lics of Ireland, with reference to the union. Why, then, should we be charged with sectarianism ? Gentlemen of the Jury, you cannot but be all well aware that the case of the Protestant Dissenters of England was warmly advocated by me—that I presented a petition in their favour, signed by 28,000 Roman Catholics, and adopted at an aggregate meeting of Roman Catholics. That petition was not on the table of the House of Commons six weeks when the Protestant Disienters of England were emancipated. I scorn, therefore, and treat with the most sovereign contempt and indifference the idea of sectarianism. It has been said, that I have made violent speeches ; if I have, would it not be but fair to allow me the opportunity of showing how far these speeches were accurate or inaccurate, or what was explanatory er mitigatory, and not reserve them for so remote a period as this is, from the time some of them have been delivered. But no; there has been no violence on our side ; if there has been any violence, it is entirely upon the part of our opponents. I will now read you an article which appeared on the 2d of August, 1841, in an English paper, the Cheltenham Chronicle, which cir culates very generally through Bath and Bristol, Shrewsbury, and the other great towns in the south and west of England. (The Learned Gentleman then read the article.) After de. scribing the condition of Ireland, it went on to say that the people were a wild, savage, uncivilised race, the slaves of O'Connell—. that every Irish priest should be secured and exiled for life— (Laeghter)—and not permitted to return to Ireland on penalty of death . That that could be achieved only by a Conservative Go vernment.—(Renewed laughter.) It could only be done by Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues. I now wish to say one word on the subject of the Arbitration Courts. I need not tell you that there are no oaths in these Courts, and that there could be none. I do not know whether it strikes you that this was an advantage in these Courts. I presume you participate in the horror with which I have viewed the flippant profanation with which oaths are administered in the several departments of the State, and that as Christian men you desire that they should be less fre quent. In one year alone, in 1832, no less than 172,000 oaths were administered in the Customs, and 158,000 oaths were administered in the Excise Department, This was an un necessary profanation, for the parties who swore were not trusted. They were as strictly watched as if they had not taken an oath. Lord Nugent asked me, I recollect, to assist him in bringing in a Bill substituting in all revenue cases declarations for oaths. I did assist him, and the Bill is now the law of the land. I would extend its principle further, and apply it to cases of property. You can place no value on the oath of a man who would tell you an untruth about property. An oath cannot be binding on a mind of that description. When the time is ripe —and I hope it is fast coming —I hope to see, as in the case of the Quakers, the declaration of every Christian taken in all mat ters ; and, if in this we only imitate what is already done by reli gious communities, do not describe us as conspirators because we act in a similar way. Weil, it being conceded that these meet. ings were peaceable in their origin, conduct, and designs, what, let me ask, has the Crown read for you as evidence of the mode in which Repeal is to be carried ? The first evidence read for that purpose was the regulations of the Repeal Association.—(The Learned Gen tleman read the regulations, which have been already published.)— This, gentlemen, is the plan of the Repeal Association. It holds out first the alternative of those acts of justice to Ireland; it holds out, then, the looking for repeal in the manner prescribed, with the expression of their full fidelity and allegiance, and de. clares the peaceful and legal means, with their full avowal of a determination to look for repeal in that way, and in no other. Under those circumstances you have the combination that comes before you called a conspiracy. Well, in order, however, to carry it further, the counsel for the Crown have read another document. It is the reconstruction of the House of Commons—" the renewed action of the Irish Parliament." The Learned Gentleman then read extracts from the second document, entitled " Plan for the renewed action of the Irish House of Commons, stating that Re. pealers recognise and acknowledge the right of her Majesty Queen Victoria, her heirs and successors, to all the rights and privileges in. herent in the Crown of Ireland ; that they would bear their most faith ful allegiance to her Majesty, her heirs and successors ;:and that they acknowledge they would maintain all hereditary privileges of the Peers of Ireland, as before." This, Gentlemen, is the evidence for the prosecution, this is the evidence to prove a conspiracy and illegal means and objects. Gentlemen of the jury, we did not call for this evidence, though I admit that it contains an admirable defence for ns ; hut it is produced by the Attorney. General, and on that he calls on you to find us guilty. There is the plan of repeal, and what fault do you find with it ? It discusses, and I insist on my right to discuss, the great constitutional question as to the corn petency of the Irish Parliament to pass the Act of Union. That question was discussed before the union was thought of, if I may so speak. hi the work called " Locke on Government"—a trea. tine written to prove that William was the lawful monarch, by rea son of the occurrences which had taken place—a book which, at the time of the union, was a class-book in Trinity College, al. though since withdrawn from the course—but still a book of autho rity, and, undoubtedly, one of the instruments by which the revolu tion of 1688 was achieved—a revolution which no one admires more than I do—in that work occurs a passage to which I demand your serious attention (Mr. O'Connell read the passage, which has been frequently quoted during the trial), in which it is laid down, that Parliament had the power of making laws, but not Legislatures, and that it could not delegate that power to others. He also read an extract from Mr. Saurin's speech, delivered on the 15th of March, 1800, in which that gen tleman asserted that the union would be a nullity, if forced on the Irish people against their will ; and another passage in a subsequent speech in which Mr. Santis gave it as his opinion, that although they might make the union binding as a law, they could not make it obligatory on conscience, and resistance to it in the ab stract would become a duty. My Lords, I insist on the truth of that constitutional doctrine. I take the qualification that has beets laid down by Mr. Saurin that the Act is binding as a law, while it continues to have form and shape, but it is not binding on con. science, on principle, or on right. It has been said that I pro nounced the Acts passed since the union to be void. I did not say so ; for, if they were void, the Act of Catholic Emancipation must be void as well as the rest. But give me the repeal of the union, and we will soon come to terms about that. I would then make you a present of the Emancipation Act. I may be wrong in my position, but I have a right to argue these questions— every man has a right to argue them. Gentlemen of the jury, the point arose in 1782, and the Irish Parliament then de clared that no power on earth could bind the Irish people but the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, and an Act was passed to that effect. The consequence of that was to do away with all the laws in reference to Ireland made in England. But they went even further, and passed laws which deranged the whole property of the country. That state of things was not permitted to exist an hour; for Chief Baron Yelverton brought in a Bill which provided that all laws passed by the British Parliament, whether with regard to Ireland or any other part of the United Kingdom, should apply equally to both countries. It has also (said Mr. O'Connell) been said, that this was inconsistent with allegiance. I deny it. If the authority exists in the Queen, it can be exercised by the responsible Minister. lam now nearly drawing to a close ; but I must first go back to the evils of the union, and show the necessity of every man exerting himself to obtain repeal. I ask you, first, vtould it not cure the hideous evil of absenteeism ? A very talented gentleman, Mr. Hayes, of Cork, has calculated that 9,000,000/. surplus revenue passes out of this country every year. The railway Commissioners reduce it to 6,000,0001. I take the reduced amount, and I ask, if ever any country suffered so much as this from the drain consequent upon absenteeism ? We don't want English capital; give us our own 6,000,0001., we want no more, we have enough for own purposes, if it is only allowed to remain with us. The surplus revenue, gentlemen, is another exhaustion of the re sources of Ireland. It amounts in some years to two millions. Last year I think it was so low as 700,9001.; but whether one amount or the other, it is drained out of this country never to return. Again, the Woods and Forests department get 74,0001. a year in quit rents and Crown rents out of Ireland. How has that been spent for the last ten years ? Way in making the Thames Tunnel and beautifying Trafalgar.square. We want an ad. ditional bridge here, and why should we not have that 74,0004 to erect it? Have we not as good a right to it as the citizens of London ? If we had an Irish Parliament sitting, would we permit these continual drains ? No I and gentlemen, will you give your consent, your votes I will say, to the sending over of all the money to orna,nent Trafalgar square ? or will you raise your voice on behalf of those who honestly contend that Ire land should have the benefit of her own resources ? There are other evils contingent with this drain upon our country. I beard in Parliament quoted a work by a 111 r. Young, a political econo mist, who travelled through Ireland is 1778, and who, in writing on the subject of the increase of the population, observed that all the children grew up to be men and 1$ omen, and he accounted for that by their never-failing bellyful of potatoes. Was that the case now ? Had not the condition of the people and of the coun try declined ? Are you not affrighted at, and your country de. graded by, periodical famines, six or eight of which have oc curred since the union ? Quantities of provisions were ex. ported to England at the very moment the people here were expiring from famine. The history of distress in the report of the Poor.law Commissioners was appalling; and the Population Commissioners' Report, which has just come out, exhibits the evil in an aggravated shape. The gentlemen who framed it, Captain Larcom, reports that 30 per cent, of the population of the cities and towns in Ireland are in a state of the most abject po verty, and. that 70 per cent, of the agricultural population are in a like condition. Where is the perpetual bellyful of potatoes now, and where is the advantage of the union when such a state of things is in existence ? And are these grievances to remain ? Are we who seek a remedy for them to be hunted out of society as conspirators, and those smiling and exulting in the honours of cffice, to be supported, praised, and sustained, while the friends of the poor, those who desired that they should receive wages, nut industry Mould be rewarded, are differently treated alms , ? I and that pe. k of their being charitable a n d h u . s mane—but I take up the publi c pr i nc i ple, and I ask whether not these who seek to relieve the enormity of distress are to be prosecuted or perseeuted. We are looking out for the means of relieving the distress of which our country complains. We have all the natural resources for prosperity. Examine our Bland—it is one of the most fertile upon the face of the globe- There is no country in the world which is so well circumstanced— possessing so many harbours and excellent estuaries. It is an old historical fact, that the Irish harbours are better than those of Eng. land—her waters carry vessels of 500 tons burden into the very centre of Ireland—the island is indented at every side by havens which are secure from every wind that blows during the twenty. four hours. No country has such power as Ireland—the machinery of the world might be turned by it ; and, oh! what a difference there is between machinery and manufactures carried on in the free air and wholesome atmosphere which surround a water. power—and all the hideous filth and unwholesomeness which ne ceasarilybelongs to the factory system in the sister country. There is not a spot in Ireland which is more that 30 miles distant from a good harbour. Take the map of the country, and this will be seen. Why is not the country prosperous ? Did I not read of the untold —unheard of magical prosperity which followed from the existence of a native legislature, from the writings and observations of men most adverse to Ireland, and whose business it was to conceal the condition of the country before the union ? Had I not read this evidence of the increasing prosperity of Ireland under her Par liament. What happened once will surely happen again. This struggle is to recover the poor from poverty, to enable those who are idle, from want of wages or occupation, to keep the revenues of the country in it, to retain the nobility of the land. I leave the case with you ; I utterly deny that I have said or done anything to warrant the imputation that lam a conspirator. I reject the accusation with contempt. I acted in the open day, in the presence of the Government, of the magistrates, and I said nothing that I would not expose to the universal world. I have struggled for the restoration of the Parliament of my native coun try. Some have succeeded in the attempt—others have failed. If I succeed, or if I fail, it is a glorious struggle to make—it is glo rious to strive that the first land upon the earth should possess that bounty and benefit which God and nature alike intended it should enjoy. —(Partial applause.) The CHIEF JUSTICE —Are you going into evidence, Mr. Moore ? Mr. Moors—We intend so, my Lord ; but at this late hour there might be a difficulty in getting the witnesses into Court in its present crowded state, The CHIEF JUSTICE -4 do not wish to put you to any incon venience, Mr. Moose—'When, my Lord, I think that, as the case has closed as far as the speeches are concerned, we might abridge the evidence by a conference, before any of the witnesses are produced. The CHIEF JUSTICE—Then we will be ready to hear them to. morrow morning. The Court was accordingly adjourned until to-morrow morning, at ten o'clock, Mr. O'Connell was loudly cheered while passing through the hall, and in the vicinity of the Courts, upon his way home. REPEAL ASSOCIATION. The weekly meeting of the Association was held this day in the Conciliation Hall. The building was crowded to excess. On the motion of Mr. Mauarcx O'CoNNELL the chair was taken by Lord FFRENCII, amidst the most rapturous applause. His Lord. ship said, amongst other things, " that he identified himself heart and soul with Mr. O'Connell." The meeting was addressed by Mr. Maurice O'Connell, M.P., Mr. Dillon Brown, M.P., and Mr. Smith O'Brien, M.P., who moved and carried a resolution to watch over the proceedings in Parliament. Mr. O'Connell entered the hall during the proceedings, and was most vociferously cheered. After the other business was disposed of, Mr. O'CONNELL very briefly addressed the meeting, stating that he could not omit doing so although he had already spoken for five hours. He expected the people to be peaceful, stated that the trial would close in the course of the week, and that the Crewn had completely proved his (Mr. O'Connell's) case. Mr. ROCHE, M. P., then addressed the meeting. The Repeal rent for the week was aunounced to be 5601. 48.10 J. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH, Feb. 7. (Sittings at Nisi Prius, before Mr. Justice WILLIAMS and a Middlesex Special Jury.) THE QUEEN V. SING AND muses. This part-heard case was resumed this morning, and will pro. bably occupy the Court for the whole day. CENTRAL CRI VIINAL COURT. OLD COURT. (Before Mr. Justice COLERIDGE and Mr. Justice CRESSWELL.) Charles Edwards, a young man of respectable ap pearance, was charged with having feloniously attempted to discharge a loaded pistol at Matilda Potter, with intent to murder her. In another count, the prisoner's intent was laid to be to maim and disable the prosecutrix, or to do her some grievous bodily harm. Mr. Clarkson and Mr. Payne conducted the prosecu tion ; Mr. Wilkins defended the prisoner. It appeared from the evidence, that the prosecutrix is a widow, and lives with her mother, who keeps a coffee house in Bridge-house-place Southwark. Th e p r i soner had lodged in the house, and paid attentions to the pro secutrix, which it appeared were discouraged by her and her mother, and in October he quitted the house. He continued to come there, however, and continued his attention to the prosecutrix, although he was repeatedly requested to desist from so doing, and also not to come to the house. On Sunday, the 14th January, the pri soner went to the prosecutrix in the coffee-room, and told her that he was come to wish her good-bye, and that she would not see him any more, and he then went away. About five o'clock the next evening, the prisoner again went to the house, and, after some conversati on with the prosecutrix, he drew a pistol from his pocket, pointed it close to her neck, and pulled the trigger, but fortunately without effect, as the pistol did not explode. The prosecutrix 's mother laid hold of the prisoner, upon which he said that he would serve her the same. The prisoner was then secured by a policeman, and, on the pistol being examined, it was found to be charged with gunpowder and a ball. The prosecutrix on being cross-examined said that the prisoner had paid her attentions for three or four months, and always expressed the greatest affection for her. Upon one occasion he took a ring from her finger and wore it until the next day, when he returned it to her. She denied that she had ever expressed any affec tion for him, but said that he had often told her that he would die for her. Some letters were produced by Mr. Wilkins which she admitted were in her handwriting. The evidence of the prosecutrix was corroborated by her mother and other witnesses, one of whom said, that, after the prisoner had made the first attempt to dis charge the pistol, he pulled back the hammer of the pis tol, apparently for the purpose of making a second at tempt, and when he was secured he said that he in tended to shoot the prosecutrix, and afterwards shoot himself. The constable, upon being cross-examined by Mr. WILKINs, said that the nipple of the pistol was so clogged up that it was not likely to have exploded. Mr. WiLiaNs, on behalf of the prisoner, contended that the evidence only showed the prisoner to have been guilty of a silly, foolish act, merely with the intention of frightening the prosecutrix, and that he had no inten tion either to kill or to injure her in any manner. Mr. Justice CRESSWELL having summed up the case, the jury, aftera very short deliberation, returned a ver dict of Guilty. The prisoner was sentenced to be transported fc.r fifteen years. A asom.—A young man, named Edward Jones, was indicted for having wilfully set fire to his house, and was acquitted. THE LATE FATAL DUEL ♦T CAMDEN-TOWN.-31T. WILKINS applied to the Court this morning on the part of Lieutenant Grant, the second of Lieutenant Munro, In the late fatal duel between that officer and Colonel Fawcett. He made the application in consequence of a communication he had received from the A ttorney- General, that the witnesses on the part of the prosecution had been served with subpoenas for the present session. His application was, that the trial might be fixed for Monday next. Mr. Justice CHESS WELL said the application could not be granted, as it was not probable that the sessions would last to that day. The Court could nut fix any day. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (YESTERDAY.) CLERKENWELL. Yesterday morning a sickly-looking poor woman came before the sitting magistrate Mr. Combe, and handed him a letter complaining of ill treatment in the Clerkenwell-workhouse, in which establishment she was a pauper. COMaE instantly sent for the master of the workhouse, Mr. Harnet. And on his arrival the woman, in a state of exitement bordering on frenzy, stated that a straight-waistcoat had been put upon her in the Clerkenwell-workhouse—that the master had used her cruelly, and that she had been refused permission to see her child. Mr. Harnet denied the charge of cruelty, and stated that the applicant had permission to see her child as often as she pleased, and. that she was continually run ning in and out of the workhouse. The woman —Did you not put a strait-waistcoat upon me ? Mr. Harnet admitted that a strait-waistcoat had been put upon her, but alleged that she was so violent at the time that he could not control her by any other means. The woman —Did I not run away out of your work house because you imprisoned me there ? Mr. Harnet said she certainly had run away, but she would have been allowed to depart whenever she pleased by merely asking leave. Duke, the usher of the Court, said he thought from the woman's manner and language in the waiting-room, that she was not right :$.ll her mind. Mr. COMBS said he was of a similar opinion ; the worthy Magistrate, however, recommended her to be taken back to the workhouse, and to be allowed to see her child. CHARITY.-Thq Rev, W. S. J 3. formircbti, 54 fQr thy use of the poor-box of this Court, with a request that its receipt might be acknowledged in the newspapers. WORSHIP-STREET. Yest rday an Ctlerly man, named Robe, I Weight, who, for nearly twenty years, carried on the business of a bookbinder and stationer in Brick lane, St. Luke's, was charged before Mr. Broughton with receiving a great quantity of printing materials, the property of Mr. G. Ford, a master printer, in Beech-street, Barbican. The prosecutor, a Quaker, had, for the last twelve months, missed a vast quantity of property, fur the dis appearance of which he was at a loss to account, until his suspicion at length rested upon tour of his appren tices, upon whom he set a watch, and who were at last detected. The boys were given into custody about six weeks ago, and examined at this Court, when, the evi dence being clearly against them, they were each com mitted to the House of Correction for one month's hard labour. The boys had, all through, refused to give any information as to the person who had induced them to rob their master; but, on coming out of prison on Thursday last, they went to the house of the prisoner, who gave them a lodging for that night, but turned them out in the morning, and refused to render them any further assistance; in consequence of which, they were obliged to go back to their master, and feeling very indignant at what they conceived to be th e pri soner's ingratitude, r e l a t e d to the prosecutor the whole facts of the case. They stated that they had been rob bing their master for the last eleven months to a most shameful extent, of type, boards, iron chases, and maw rials of every description, all of which they either car ried to the prisoner's house, or delivered to him per sonally in the early part of the morning, before their master was up, the prisoner coming almost every morn ing to receive it and take it away in an apron, and each time urging them to get him more, promising them they should never be without a shilling while they did so. The prosecutor, on learning the fact, communicated with the police, who went to the prisoner's house on Sunday night and searched it, where they found two chases se creted in a cellar under the stairs, eleven boards hidden in a closet, and a great quantity of theprosecutor's paper made up into books, and brevier type in a drawer. The prisoner was then taken into custody. Lloyd, Westbury, Mansfield, and two of the apprentices named Benjamin Franklin and John Summer, clearly established the charge, and the prisoner, who merely said that a good deal of what had been stated against him was not cor rect, was fully committed to Newgate for trial. METROPOLITAN ANTI-CORN LAW ASSOCIATION. A meeting of the Chairman and most influential members of the Metropolitan Anti-Corn-law Asso ciations, took place on Tuesday at the Central Office, 68, Cheapside, for the purpose of taking into consideration a plan of operations suggested by the parent Committee, to be immediately acted upon. There was a numerous attendance. P. A. Taylor, Esq., took the chair. Amongst the gentlemen present were Ralph Rice.rdo, Esq., W. A. Wilkinson, Esq., George Beacon, Esq., T. M. Gibson, Esq., &c. The object of this plan is to combine the metropolitan boroughs in an effective manner in the free-trade move ment. The scheme as detailed to the meeting is of con siderable length, and embraces meetings of the members of the branch associations, and the formation of com mittees in each borough, to take charge of the free trade registration. The CRAIRAIAN said that the exact mode pointed out might not be the most proper to be adopted in every dis trict, but their friends in the different localities were the most competent to judge how far the details were ap plicable in their own neighbourhoods. They had undertaken (what was never before attempted) to com plete an alphabetical list of all the voters in the City. This effort involved much labour and expense ; but they, notwithstanding, anticipated a successful termination to their labours in a few weeks.—(Cheers.) Mr. CO*'rES congratulated the C omm i ttee on the very efficient plan th e y had suggested. He feared, however, some collision between the registration societies already existing and the new associations proposed. He thought it advisable, if possible, that they should be amalgamated, and act together.—(Hear.) After some further observations from members pre sent, Mr. SOUTH MORSE moved that the plan now read be adopted, printed, and circulated without delay amongst the metropolitan constituencies. Mr. TODD seconded the motion, and it was agreed to unanimously. Thanks were voted to the Chairman, and the meeting separated. LAUNCH OF THE JAN US STEAM FRIGATE AT CHATHAM. The launch of the Janus steam frigate took place yesterday afternoon at Chatham Dock-yard. Being a vessel of peculiar construction, designed by Vice- Admiral the Earl of Dundonald, who, as Lord Cochrane, is universally known in the service, as might have been anticipated, curiosity and the fine weather led a vast number of persons to the spot to witness the ceremony and view the ship; but a great many, as usual on these occasions, were just too late to be gratified. Among the number of professional men pre sent were the Noble Lord most interested—the Right Hon. the Earl of Dundonald ; the Right Hon. T. H. L. Corry, one of the Lords of the Admiralty ; the new Commander in Chief at the Nore, Vice-Admiral Sir J. C. White, K.C.8.; Captain Sir W. Symonds, Surveyor of the Navy ; Captain Brandreth, R.E., Direc tor-General of Works ; Captain Shirreff, Superintendent of Chatham-yard ; Colonel E. Lawrence, C.B. Com mandant of Royal Marines ; Commander Burton, of the Poictiers ; Major Smith, Barrack-Master, &c., &c. The ceremony of christening the vessel was per formed with great eclat by Miss Clara Sherriff, the daughter of the Captain-Superintendent, and the Janus went off the stocks in gallant style, at a quarter to two, P.M., the dock-yard band (which had been in attend ance, performing several national air 3, during the pre paratory arrangements) playing "God save the Queen," which was responded to with hearty good will, and in the most loyal manner, by all the spectators. After the launch she was taken charge of by the master attendant, and was warped alongside the sheer hulk, to have her machinery fitted. A few particulars respecting this vessel, of so novel a design, may be thought interesting, The form of body, which nearly resembles that of a wedge towards the extremities, is precisely similar at both ends, and is, .consequently, capable of moving in either direction with equal facility; her capabilities of advancing and retreat ing in narrow channels, for the purpose of offensive warfare, are thereby made perfect. The following are her particular dimensions:— Feet. Inches Length between the perpendiculars 180 0 Length of keel for tonnage ... 159 1 Breadth, extreme ... •• • 30 0 Breadth, moulded ... 29 4 Depth in hold ... 19 1 Tonnage, llvt2he6enond teload nt o son l measurement, ae d o,hifecdo ahlesr.draught.draught roatu..vgv. ha 7 tt 61 e. or. .; 5 w 3 , at 9. h: 4 ter (with 40 tons of ballast on board), was—Forward ... ••• 7 6 Abaft ... ... 7 2 The Janus is fitted with a rudder at each extremity ; but on ordinary occasions one on l y w ill remain in place. The tillers work on deck. She has two capstans, and is provided with a pair of hawser-holes abaft as well as forward, but only one pair of riding bitts and one pair of catheads. 11 2 Her armament will consist of a 10-inch gun at each extremity, throwing hollow shot of 86 lb. weight, and she will also be capable of mounting two 42-pounder guns. The engine by which this vessel is to be propelled is an invention of the gallant Earl who has designed her. It is to be a rotatory engine, which, it is said, will not occupy more than one-sixth of the space required for the common reciprocating engine. It may be placed so low as to be out of reach of gun-shot ;it will have no beams, cranks, side-rods, parallel motions, levers, &c. ; and it may be fixed in less than a quar ter of the time now required for fixing marine engines. While its first cost is considerably cheaper, it may be more easily kept in repair, in the opinion of the pro jector, than the steam machinery now in use on board vessels of war. The Janus will be taken into dock as soon as the Thames convict ship is ready to come out. MORE BIGOTRY AND DESECRA TION OF THE SABBATH. The following detail of very disgraceful proceedings in the Church of Tarbat on Sunday last, has been sent us by a highly respectable correspondent :—" The anti christian spirit among some of the rigidly holy Ross shire folks, commonly called Free Churchmen,' though slumbering somewhat, does not appear to be altogether subdued, as the following statement of facts most clearly proves. The Rev. Mr. M'Bride of Kilmuir Easter, preached on Sabbath last in the Church of Tarbat, lately vacated by the resignation of Mr. D. Camp bell, and when about to commence the English sermon, a number of lads were seen hasten ing from the Free Church shed (a place recently put up in the immediate vicinity of the church', who joined a party who had previously been engaged in de stroying the carriages of those who had come to attend church, assembled themselves in a body round the church, commenced shouting and hooting, entered the church, and danced and whistled during the greater part of the service, while others of the party were busily engaged throwing stones in at the doors and windows. The• Reverend Gentleman performed the whole services of the day in the most solemn and impressive manner possible, and at no time seemed to life and ev pay the slightest attention to what was going on, but merely raised his voice (particularly at prayer) as the noise increased. It is pretty evident that the re spectableEasterothizoss he property, but the strong arm of the law. The seco n d great head of God's law seems to be quite unknown to nothing t k o f t o, the for tehoempreservation community in of b those Free Church people.' It way well be asked what were the authorities about ? Have they already fbr gotten that assistance had to be obtained from the Castle of Edinburgh and elsewhere, to check the sinful pretensions of the Free Church people ? Surely the public have a right to expect a little more vigilance on the part of those whose duty it is to prevent a breach of the peace, as well as restore peace and order. —Ross shire Advertiser of Feb. 2. A person named Catlin has been committed to Huntingdon gaol for sheep stealing, and when in custody of the police was also accused of having maliciously damaged about 250 young timber trees, growing in a plantation belongin ; to Mr. John Martin, of Bury, near Ramsay, for information of which a reward of eleven guineas was offered. The prisoner, finding that he must go to gaol for sheep stealing, in a very candid manner admitted that he also damaged the trees, and has claimed the reward as being the informer against hipaself, 1. 10s. 11. ss. 11. 11. 31. as. 6d. 1,70 s. 10 per cent. 10s. per sh. 1/. 101 per sh. k `ANAL;), RAIL IV AY AooCIZAIN CE sa ND OTHER COMPANIES' STOCK. Dividend per I LONDON, TUESDAY, FEB. 6. Ainium. fames of Com panies. 5,1 per cent, 41. Canals. Ashton and Oldham Ashby-d.-la.Zouch..av Basingstoke ecknock & A bergay Birmingham, l-lfth sh Do. and Liverp. Juz.c Chelmer & Blackwater Coventry Crom ford Dudley .......... Derby Mnube and Mayne Ellesmere and Chester Ercwash ........ Forth snd Clyde Grand Junction Grand Union Grand Surrey Grand Western Glamorgansh., ay. cost Gloucester & Berkeley Grantham ...... ....... ..... Huddersfle•' av Kennet :.,id Avon av Lancaster lv Leeds and Liverpool... Leicester Leicester & Northamp. Loughborough av Monmouthshire ...... Montgomeryshire ....... Melton Mowbray Mersey and Irwell Macclesfield Neath Oxford Peak Forest 2v Regent's (oz London).. Rochdale av Shropshire Somerset Coal Do. Lock Fund Stock Staffbrd and Worcester Shrewsbury Stourbridge Stratford .on:Avon...av Swansea Severn & Wye & Rail Trent & Mersey, 14 sh lhames & Medway..av Warwick and Birming. Warwick and Napton Worcester & Binning Wilts and Berks av Wisbeach Wey and Arun 4 perc.ent. 401. 81. 153. 1/. ss. 131 12s. Bd. 15s. 11 10s. 34/. 101. 171. 30/. 3)4 17s. tid. 10/. 6 per cost. 28 151. IL 10s. 151. 321.705. 101. Si. lOs. 11. 4s. 3 rer cent. per cent. 4 per cent. 4 per cent. 3/. 10s. 5 per cent. 5 per cent. IN, per cent. 4 per cent. 4 per cent. Docks. Commercial East and West India London Ditto Bonds Bristol av Do.Bnds,var.amounts St. Katharine Ditto 80nd5........ Ditto Bonds Southampton fridges Hammersmith ....... Southwark, new Subs Ditto New of 73. pr c Waterloo Ditto Old Ann. of Si r Ditto New di.to of 71. Ditto Bonds Vauxhall 3V I % per cent. I/. Os. Bd. 18s. Id. per cent. it. 7s. 3t. 10s. 4 percent. 6 per cent. 6 per cent. [3s. 6d. pr sh Amount Share. 10s. 10s. 10s. cent. 16s. 14s. 10s. per sh 1/. 4s. 4 per cent. 21. 10s. Ss. per sh. 21. ss. per sh 73 10d per sh 10 per cent per cent. X ss. per sh ?%/, per eh. 129. per sh. 4 per cent. Paid. 10 per cent. 10 per cent. 10 per cent. 13. per sit 101. per sh. it. 14s. 3/.per share 3s 4d per sh 9/.175. pr sh 113 s per sh it. IL ns. 10d. 15 per cent. per cent. 0 per cent. LO per cent. Assurances. Albion Alfred Life Alliance Brit. and For Ditto Marine ........ Atlas Birmingham Fire British Fire British Commercial Cler. Med. & Gen. Life County Eagle Economic Life ...... European Life Ditto New Freemasons Globe Guardian Hope Life Ditto Fire.......... Imperial Fife Ditto Life Indemnity Marine Law Life Legal and General Life London Fire Ditto Ship National Loan P:4 Radium Life.....— Protecto, Lite Provident Rock Lire R yal Exchange Sun Fire ....... ....... Ditto Life....... University Life Universal Life Union Fire and Lite Joint Stk ranks Australasi Ditto New Brit. North American Commercial of London Colonial Landon & Westminstr Ditto New...... London Joint Stock Metropolitan. ........ Provincial of Ireland Ditto New National of Ireland Nat. Provincial Engind Ditto New Gloucestershire Union of Australia Union of London Gaslight & Coke Bath ............... British Ditto Provincial B►rmingham Binning. & StaffOrdsb Bristol Brighton Ditto General City of London Ditto New Continental Consolid Ditto New Equitable Imperial Isle of Thanet Independei,t Phoenix Ratcliff South Metropolitan..... United General Westmins. Chartered Ditto New ........ 100 0 0 Stack Stock 147 9 0 Stock 50 Z 0 50 0 0 63 2 8 50 0 0 100 0 0 70 10 3 100 0 0 100 0 0 20i, 0 0 0 €. Water Works Birmingham East London Grand Junctu,n ..... ..av Kent Nw Riv Lon. Bvtdg An Manchester and Salford Vauxhall, late S. Lond. West Middlesex av Yrk Buldg Co. Les. Prop O 0 O 0 13 4 O 0 O 0 O 0 12 9 O 0 Iron Railways. Birmingham & Derby Birming. & Gloucester Bristol and Exeter Cheltenhm & Gt. West Clarence Eastern Counties Edinburgh & Glasgow Ditto New Grand Junctior„, ..... „ Great North of Englnd Great Western .... Ditto Half Shares Ditto Fifths ....... Hull and Selby ....... Leech and Selby Liverpool & Mancheqr Ditto Halt-Shares Ditto Quarter-Shares London and Brighton Ditto Loan Notes London and Blackwell London and Greenwich London and Birmingh. Ditto uarter-Shares Q Ditto Thirds London and S. Western London and Croydon Manchester and Leeds Ditto New Shares Manchstr and Birming Ditto Extension Midland Cou North Midland Do. %-Sh., iss. 10 dis. Northern and Eastern Ditto Scrip, iss.s/. die Paris and Rouen Stockton & Darlington South East. and Dover Ditto New, iss. 25dis. York and N. Midland Ditto New Shares 100 0 0 100 • 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 25 0 0 50 0 0 12 10 0 100 0 0 10 0 0 0 100 0 0 50 0 0 20 0 0 50 0 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 59 0 0 25 0 0 50 0 0 10 0 0 16 13 4 12 15 4 [OO 0 0 32 0 0 41 6 10 13 15 9 100 0 0 50 0 0 70 0 0 70 0 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 50 0 0 50 et 0 50 • 0 20 0 0 100 0 0 50 0 0 25 0 0 50 0 0 25 0 0 Mines. Albion Copper Alien Anglo Mex., iss. 5/. p.m Ditto Subscription Bolanos Ditt Scrip Brazil. Imp. iss. 5/. p.m Do. Mocaub. & Coc. U. Do. St. John Del Rey British Iron Candonga Ditto Registered Cobre Copper Copiapo Columbian, iss. U p.m. General Mining ..... Hibernian Imperial Slate Compy Mexican Mining Co. of Real del Monte, Un reg Ditto Loan Note• Rhymney Iron Santiago de Cuba United Mex., iss.2l. pm Ditto Scrip Ditto New Scrip 5 0 0 15 0 0 100 0 0 Literary. Londn,with Sin. Ticket London University ..... Russell King's College Miscellaneous Anglo Mexican Mint Australian Agricultur Brit. American Land, Canada ............. Upper Canada Bonds Copper Miners' Comp Gen. Steam Navigation Iberian Mercantile Co. Ditto Property Met. Wood Pay., iss.ll. Mex. and S. American New Bruns wick (Land) New Zealand ....... Penins. & Orien. Stea . m Royal Mail Steam . ... Reversionary Int. 1i0e... South Australian Thames Tunnel Van Diemen's Land U - 0 0 35 0 25 0 20 0 100 0 20 0 31 13 10 R 0 0 25 0 150 0 f:0 0 55 0 20 0 50 0 10 0 60 9 25 0 50 0 0 25 0 0 40 0 0 75 0 0 100 0 0 25 0 0 150 50 0 10 0 40 0 X s. d. ! I mo 0 o ICOTTISH COM 41 13 4 2: 100 0 0 621 Ni 100 0 0 A Upaid 100 — 0 o 100 - 0 0 10 0 0 30 0 0 35 10 0 32 10 0 89 0 " 14 0 0 2 1 10 0 3, 5 0 0 3 0 0 7 0 0 75 0 0 25 0 0 50 0 0 51 50 - 43 0 100 0 0 25 0 0 50 0 0 20 0 0 O 0 O 0 O 0 O 0 PANIES' PRICES. 1844.1 JAN. 24, ' Bank of Scotland..„ Royal Bank British Linen Compny Commercial Bank Glasgow Union Bank Western Bank ..... Central Pk. of Scotland Caledonian Insurance Hercules Insurance North Brit. Insurance Insurance Co. of Scotl. Edinburgh Life Insur. Scottish Union Insur Standard Life Incur Dalkeith Railway Edits. and Glas. Railwy Glasg. and Green. Rail. Dundeeand Artir O 0 2 O 0 1 O 0 O 0 10 0 1 O 0 10 0 O 0 O 0 O 0 1 O 0 54 Ss. 4 per cent. rs. per share 5 per cent. 31. 5 per cent:l 30s. bds.f 5% per cenr. 5 per cent. 5 per cent. 6 per cent. 5 per cent. 4s. 2s. 6d. 12 per cen 1/.sh. & bds, 14 53. 108. 10s. 5 per cent. 5 per cent. 5 per cent. 11. ss. 5 per cent. 6 per cent. 11. 4s. 5 per cent. 10% per cent S per cent. 6 per cent. 5 per cent. 5 per cent. 6 per cent. e per cent. 8 per cent. 8 per cent. 6 per cent. ils per share 6s. per share 10 per cent 5 per cent. 1/. ss. 1/. 7s. U. and bs. 4t4/. and bs. 10 per cent. 4 per cent. St per sh 315 s per sh 21. 6 per cent. 5 per cent. 6 per cent. 5 per cent. 6 per cent. 4% per cent. 12s. 14 4s. LL 15s. (per cent. per cent. 5 per cent. ill. Bs. andi ks.Bd. bs. bper cent. iper cent. 85 per cent 6 per cent. LIST of eper cent. Cper cent, bper cent. t per cent. iper cent. !pet cent. Ewa cent. tiper cent. ?per cent. 9 per cent. per cent. (per cent. tper cent. tper cent. 144 per cent. 34 percent 10 0 100 0 50 0 100 0 100 0 15 0 5 0 5 0 10 0 10 0 DEATH OF ANOTHER OLD BOW•STREET OFFICER. — Mr, Salmon expired on Sunday, within a few days of his old associate, Mr. Goodson, whose death was recorded on Wednes day last. Mr. Salmon was the oldest Bow-street officer living, being 74 years of age. He w a s engaged in apprehending Thistle- Iv( od for the Cittc-otrclt conspincy, in which enterprise Ultbers pas !URA SPORTING INTELLIGENCE , 8L1T12:,.i AT 312i1;CHLSTER-I . CESDAY. CHESTER CCP. 25 to 1 agst What (t) 30 to 1 agst Freedom (t) „, 30 to 1 agst Jamie Forest y), 30 to 1 agst Young Loc llo var (t) 30 to 1 agst Pagan (t) ;13Y. 20 to 1 agt Loadstone . 25 to 1 agst T' Auld Squire' 30 to 1 agst CockamaroQ 30 to 1 agst Voltri - 16 to 1 agst Cattonite 16 to 1 agst Merry Andrew 18 to 1 agst the Prior (t) 20 to 1 agst Sir Robert (t) 22 to 1 agst Pharaoh 25 to 1 agst Tacita 13 to 2 agst Ugly Buck 15 to 2 agst Rattan 13 to 1 agst Leander 18 to 1 agst Orlando LLOYD'S SHIPPING. IMPORTANT TO MARINERS. NAVIGATING THE CHINESE SEAS. i u Her Maje s ty' s s hi p J upiter, which arrived at Singal)°ict short time si nce , spo k e the Cyrus, of London (whaler), n on , had fallen i n w i t h rocks and breakers in let. 8 43, -14.'04 111 43 E., lying S.W. and by W., off th e W es t London ,0 twenty miles ; a shoal five miles in extent, let. 7 42 N. 4 1 ii 111 37 E.; lea s t water seven fathoms. The Cyrus was 1 , i 4 two days, and it was ca ll ed the Cyrus Bank. (It is suPP ° O to be the same bank previously reported as the Pearl 8811 The Captain of th e C yrus also reported a continual li ne breakers from th e F r i en d s hi p to the Abercrombie Shoals. LONDON, FEB. 7.—Wind, light westerly breeze and cloudy. su et) DEAL, FEB. N.W. to IV.S.W., light.—sld. Diait Seas ; Lady Clark e , C a l cutta ; Imogen, Tropic, and Paragoi, badoes. Cle f PORTSMOUTH, FEB. 6.—Wind, N.W. to W.S.W.—Arru. tac o. Derry, London, for Chi na ; L ord Hungerford, Loudon for C Sld. Java (transport), Leith. PLYMOUTH, FEB. 6.—A rr d. E manuel Bautcher, Thompso-„ , $t mingo, crew sick. Ski. Bella Manna, New Zealand. CARDIFF, FEB. s.—Sid. Brothers, for Cuba. teg DONEGAL, FEB. s.—Th e A nn, b ound to London, has g° been the bank, and is expected to proceed. pti LIVERPOOL, FEB. 6.—Wind light.—Arrd.Velocith Demerara (Dec. 21), Barbadoes (31st) ; Damascus, Turner; Orleans ; Susqueha nna , Phil a d elphia, sld. 15th ult. Off, yorkew New York ; Venice, —. WHITBY, FEB. 5. The Earl Bathurst, of Scarborough. and d, Syren, of Shields, on s h ore i n L and ' s-end Roads, have go t - o fd here, with little damage. tact YARMOUTH, FEB 6.—The Hotspur, of Stockto n , con was in morning with a light v esse l, o ff Cromer, and lost jib-boom, I"' STATE OF TRADE. (From the Manchester Guardian). _ Owing to the continued ad vance i n raw materials, spinner, to manufacturers are unwilling t o sell, except at increased r; ip which the buyers, and e s p ec i a l ly the shipping houses, are d gd, dined to give. The bu s i ness done has consequently been 11 . °it ,40 both in goods and y arn, t h e sales being generally at the ful l of last week. 1 0 ROCHDALE FLANN EL M ARKET, FEL 5. W e have a br i s k o 0 , 1% ket to-d a y ; t h e merchants are quite eager to buy. but the ra 7 )i facturers stand out f or an advance in price, w hich has coutiWi ably limited th e quant i ty of business transacted. Those wlrto v willing to accept f ormer pr i ces h ave no di ffi culty in meet i ng w' to 7 customer. It i s supposed that the upward tendency of vfool 1, ' . 5P . , ,, 1% cause of the go o d d eman d for flannels. t A MARKET NE WS.—YEsTERDr- CORN EXCHAN GE. Pil l 3% The supply of English Wheat was very moderate. tte r 74 qualities m o v e d o ff steadily, at full prices ; but lo w t e st, 4 % kinds, exceedin g ly li tt l e was doing. In Foreign "- del 0% free of duty, more was doing at Monday's quotations. % l i e f Grain of all descriptions was a mere drug. Malting P,. i iipi 8 - sold freely, at full prices ; but grinding. and dis..,` l nt ot sorts were a mere drug. In Malt only a moderate PP - 0 01 2 % of business was doing, at late rates. oats, Beans, Pe as ', Flour, were unaltered in value. . 5 7k ARRIVALS. ptostii. 1 Wheat. 1 Barley, I Oats. I 00 stv 15% English' 1,700 qrs. 2,880 qrs. 1,7(0 qrs. gsw" Irish — 880 1,100 .....-- .....• 14 Foreign --* - 6 f,i Malt, 3,470 qrs. % WHITE C nApEL. plo d ' 5% Our market was, on th e w h o l e, b ut moderately 011-00 00 yet the gen era l d eman d ruled heavy, at barely' ' • 1ate,64,41 20 Beef from 2s 4d to 3 s 4d ; M utton, 2s 8d to 3s 8d; 'Qs. to 5s ; and Pork 2s 8d to 4s per 81bs, by the carcase. __ .1.,4 Price. 60 0 0 2 . 4' 40 0 0 20 50 0 0 5 0 0 11 0 0 1 5 0 0 5 0 0 1 55 0 0 50 0 0 5 0 0 21e 0 10 0 0 5 0 0 250 0 0 41 All paid 20 0 u 3 0 0 36 10 0 4 2 10 0 1 2 10 ( 50 0 0 18 10 0 0 1 513 0 3 10 0 0 4 2 0 0 12 10 0 1 12 10 0 1 2 10 0 2 0 0 40s 1 0 0 20s, 10 0 0 10 0 0 5 0 0 6 5 0 1; 20 0 0 lb 40 0 0 4 40 0 0 4 50 0 0 2 00 0 0 13, 2.5 0 0 11 20 0 0 24 20 0 0 10 0 0 11 7 10 0 25 0 0 41 1000 Iti 17 10 0 19 35 0 0 35 10 0 0 10 0 0 25 25 0 0 26 10 0 0 lu 16 0 0 2! 18 0 0 21 [9 0 0 2, 50 0 0 20 0 0 100 0 0 75 0 0 151 31 5 0 7: IA 0 0 6 , , 50 A 0 6' 50 0 0 St 20 0 0 2 30 0 0 6( 39 0 0 80 0 0 71 25 0 0 25 48 0 0 2E 1.0 0 0 25 0 0 2 , 20' 8 100 0 0 g; [OO 0 0 7; 70 0 0 m soon [co e e ' 23 0 6 R 50 0 e 5. 12 10 0 1! 100 0 0 23( 100 0 0 ,5 0 0 11 50 0 0 7 12 0 0 1 50 0 0 100 0 0 1100 o 0 25 50 0 • 11 25 0 0 5 50 0 0 4 10 0 0 1 100 0 0 24; 20 0 2 32 0 0 4 1 TO 0 0 1! 30 0 6 4 40 0 0 31 7 0 0 100 0 0 9 100 0 0 91 40 • 0 4' 45 0 0 5: 15 0 0 2: 20 e 0 :t 100 0 0 26: 50 0 0 31 25 e e st 50 0 13 121 20 0 0 51 COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beans Per Quarter. s. to s. e. to' s. s. to s. s. to 4. g . Abingdon-- 57 72 26 36 20 31 35 44 Andover 52 64 27 29 f 0 24 Banbury 56 CO 22 '27 18 21 36 40 Bas ingstoke 56 6 , .; 84 30 20 25 35 3 1 Cirencester 59 70 25 35 22 31 43 44 "" i n / Coventry - Daventry 61 2.? 26 16 21 39 36 • , Derby 55 C 2 27 29 2 1 25 33 3 6 .' 1 ' 4 li ; owden — 54 • 3 i 19 33 "." Hungerford 44 56 29 32 20 28 3t 42 0 • Maltun ..... 68 26 32 22 34 '; •• Maidenhead' 52 62 32 35 25 31 36 44 4 Nottingham 50 6U :a 20 25 s 2 36 Wan tage 5B 68 NO 24 30 3.2 36 4 6 Warwick Winchester 60 27 22 49 / York — 53 26 21 SF— • a Per Bushel s. d. s. d. s.d. e. d. s.d. s. d. s.d, s. d. : 1 Birminghom 7 0 96 36 46 36 40 00 00 0 Banbury 5 Basingstoke l 6 Cirence, , ter L6;4 Coventry Daventry Derby howden Hungerford 4h Maltun r 0 Maidenhead 5 Nottingham 12 Wastage Warwick 2% Winchester J York Per Bushel. 15% Birminghom !"N PARIS POLICE COURTS. , ie d The Correctional Tribunal of the S e i ne was OaI A on the 23d and 20th ult., with the trial of a 'w e — Oa A calling herself the Baroness Pillay, for swindling. o n being asked her age by the Court, she replied 45 ' s icl which the President obser ve d t h at the informatio n, g ibe 'N 35, and her act of b a pti sm 55. It appeared front the evidence that a M. Delilliers, a man in business, being want of money, was recommended to apply to Mine. st. N for a loan of 17,000 f. He proceeded - to the Yilla % James, in the Bois de Boulogne, and was very pollw ie received by the prisoner. She promised to let him have t sum he required, and as security, required him to sign b il - ot for the amount, which, however, she pledged herself:, heto n h e a g d o a ti p a p te lied T fo h r i . s he did, but could never get the 111 . ', His bills were soon put into circo, lation, and as he did not like declaring how they 11 . ; been pro cure d , t h rou gh fear of injuring his credit , e„, 0 said to the persons who came to inquire if theys,S; 5 3 good, th at h e h a d p urc h ase d s ome bills from ( 1 1 - 0 7 Pillay with them. He, at once, however, r epaired ,„ 0 . G her resid ence, an d reproac h e d h er w ith brea. l 7; 0 ) her word, an d nego ti a ti ng th e bills. She 5 1 g plied that they had been given to the _ er g, quis de B---, who was a great friend of P l o 8 9 , and that it m u st have been by some error I,ot ?5% they got out of his possession. M. Delilliers never idno 3 back his bills, whch, it appeared, the prisoner ballot! away to a person named Chapelier, from whom she.„ o ll. s her apartment at Villa St. James. Another victinl an d ' 5 M. de Montzaigle, who signed bills for 15,0 00 1' to -9 received in return 100 b o t t l es of Madeira, and taefele• o mise of a manuscript wor k , b y M. de Balzac, his 0 The prisoner said in explanation, that M. de 130°7 11 'a 8 8 well as many other distinguished persons, fre t hial 6 came to visit her, and one day the author offerede as her life had been a varied one, if she „,g l t v ,, o' o her notes, he would work them up fur her. - ion& X the work she promised. The most curious IP as 0 of the prisoner's p o w ers i n ex t ract i ng money leithe ease of a dressmake r name d C o li camp , who, er poi by her boasting, lent her 3,000 f., which she nev.,,slLON The prisoner, this witness d ec l are d, a l wa y s was sciis de of great persons, and particularly the Mar c . l on er ,, ?t4B . The witness had once seen hi m a t the Prif z , the givv te o 2% at Versailes, but he refused positively . to tr ot t.% prisoner a farthing,. This assertion the prisoner wo w 0 as a joke, and assured the witness that Ol e o , free: 954 go to his country seat, and obtain a sum of ni c l i t c; it t him. Some time after, the prisoner announce d on e? should set out next day, and would take th_e do or 0 % with her. A travelling carriage came to th e lug gsg e b : the morning, and they got into it with their w hic _ The postilion asked where he was going to, r gi ber: the prisoner said to the witness, " Ah? by the Y i l e d 4 are we going?" " Good heavens, Madam," r. e l to the ;% witness astonished, "I thought you sit l did , o ;% Marquis de B—'s country seat?' " find said the other very coolly, " but e res' t ;' , has gone off to a watering-place, anu i , r Dad e forget where. But I am certain it is eit" e dr o W I ! T% Aix-la-Chapelle, or Dieppe; so we had better , thre e tm' the 5% and decide where we shall go to." She thdelltheot 3 4 pieces of straw, and very gravely arrange „ nt 5 witness's hand, and, drawing one out, said tu had l eo A. 3 5 La was the place. The witness said that ?Il e , ret ool; s 2,000 f. additional to defray the expenses. Tue, unt ii th to at Dieppe, where they found no Marquis , to r ettlf, ll o, money was gone, and then, being at a los s nt s t A - P i , 3N Paris, the prisoner, having met aM. Cla spe d ' her 03° .ili e est Utwent to him, and persuaded him to len to ers o 3 with which they returned. They went t, w hen t l i a o 6 % and lived en that sum until it was nearly sP i e n P re d thn o d prisoner was arrested. The prisoner decl are fals er 2% greater part of the witness's statement wasui9 de J' she 2% that she had never declared that the ge s cl oi telf , ,J o o was to give her mon e y. Sh e k new him in tl bo t g el O said, and conside re d hi m a man o f talent ; too s he , f ,. 8 believed that he wou ld no t g i ve a pi ec e of 0 O s ' s he • best friend. All the story of drawing 9aind of for 1 % added, a mere fabl e . H a d s h e d es i re d t . ° t old ° w hole could have done s o f or sums of 100,0,,t, was thethe such trifles as th ose j ust a ll u d e d to.tC dal of the case on the 23d. At the close c" nt the' e t, dole in ill gl 4 announced that it would deliver its i'l r v nur t ago of the o vteek. Consequently, on the 30th, the co unts - cot' 3, 4 and, after acquitting the prisoner on three and se nteD 3 % indictment, declared her guilty on anothe, oni nen her to a fine of 50f., and 15 months' iropri. f 5 7 4i s u en e t h e a d s a lLi o th be t e l n ie The Attorney-General of Ireland h as c be o e m ll PX 'r% ; e: ; 1 Lieut efi- bo defence 0 so , as t Munro, who intends to surrender himself (?) 89 3 State trials are concluded.—Gateshead Observer. ~n i oear‘ "retained"freedomoffotrheth.e.Gpnaki 3 nn in ur''.lo% CAUTION TO INNKEEPERS.—A pc-- , p ol- 0 4 ;ance about thirty years of age, of middle staturee,_f wee k not L himself as a commercial gentleman from the boos . _°.,, be le Woolwright, near Stroud, Gloucestershire, tO W 77 lot ( 0 0 '_:_ r , z known, has been in the neighbourhood a rortaeaft h is hone pc . P o i in '" night, swindling landlords and others. ~,. of the inns for an hotel score, which, nolledohuabsti,eis i deCeP • iity i g stolen, and he is supposed still to be practising h.' i , n aafi . 'II BRITANNIA.—TO Charles the Secona s r ro ots o vte the r e P a this for his accomplished cousin, Frances Stuart, we admiration "" , of Ai tion of Britannia on our copper . compliMenled_h, I celebrated beauty induced him to assail tier wit% of the r e try % various kinds, but in vain ; and it was from doellcate 0/fBfaeelf• struck to perpetuate his high opinion of her 0., _ i o r li that Britannia was stamped in the form she still be •••• ___.....0.- .19- pence and farthings _eithetrinhni&re4. —.---- T ..----_____ BIRTHS. hurßeer On the 10th ult. , at C rema, near Milan, Mrs. Art-- ton, of a son. On the Ist inst., at Hastings, the lady of E. )Fuller, r5Cl.' of a son. 0 f tb e On the 2d inst., at Christ Church, Oxford, the Wile Rev. Dr. Jelf, of a son. MARRIED. a 11 ' xf On the 3d inst., at Ferring, n ear Worthing, -- r • oil*. Woolgar, of London, to Mary Anu , second daughter of John Bright, yeoman. • , lED. On the 28th of Decembe r , ~ l a t Malta, ITeat hfield, t e e ; est son of the Rev. Samuel Dendy, o f Dorking, SurreYlsoiue On the Bth ult., at Malta, Anna,' w ife of the Rev. P Dendy, of Dorking, Surrey lac On the 30th ult., Mrs. Bowler, of Judd-pe, West Nevi' road. . ~...---r''' "'"----"-'-'""=---------....------. -------- - ..t . ---- -- -- -- --- ---- ovla v London : Printed and Published by MURDO No. 112, Strand, at The Sun Office ? ?No. 112, Strand, irt County of Middlesex, Thursday, February 8, 1844' !It% 114 2f. 1)4 1 43i 50 5E% 14 th N ( f B IE tROKI tho Mrnitte Infon reque ~~ ti N€ fron Of Lox t?l, Ex OR hl / 2 11 4 ,, tati k a - fri of 4 1 4 Met1 sJf t ()fit, er. 4 Pi . (po,