The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-14 00:00:00

from these arguments, had been checked by the good sense and the good understanding of the people. He believed that scarcely any person on either side of the House could have anticipated before and during that great constitutional struggle, how rapidly the principles advanced during that time were checked in their action by the reflection of the sober minded people of England. He did not bring this forward as a matter of controversy ; he took it for granted, that to a great extent they were all agreed upon it as a matter of fact ; and, at any rate, it was good for his purpose to this extent, that it must not be argued as if everything apparently involved in this measure must of necessity be carried into effect. Granted that this was an important measure—granted that it was a great Loon—that it might not have the effect of allaying agitation— still he believed that, upon the whole, the measure was called for by justice—that it was required by the state of the country; and that he felt that there was no principle on which he could take his stand in resisting it. He hoped, therefore, that this measure of his Right lion. Friend, notwithstanding the great sacrifice of feeling and of prepossessions which it un doubtedly called upon the people of England to make, would pass into a law, and would receive, if not the sanction, at least the acquiescence, of the country—that they would recollect the feelings of ethers as well as their own—that they would abate somewhat of their claims in deference to the law which bound the people of the country together, and that they would sacri fice what was agreeable to themselves in the hope of benefiting the country. lie had no occasion to detain the House longer. While he regretted that he had been obhged to occupy their at tenion so long, he was deeply grateful to them for the indulgence which they had extended to him. Ile would not mix up with this question any matter relating to himself personally as an indi vidual. It would be a bad compliment to the House if he were to mix up with a debate on interests so important matters so comparatively trivial as those which related to himself. He would rather wish that his present position might induce the belief that he had formed an honest and impartial conclusion with regard to this measure, unbiassed by the prejudices of position. He believed their best vindication would be to leave behind them words and acts which would convince posterity that they of the present day and generation had laboured, with fallible judgments but with honest intentions, to consult the best interests of those whose social welfare was committed to their charge.—( The Right Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheers. ) The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY rose with Mr. ; there were loud cries for the latter, but he gave way, and the Noble Earl proceeded to congratulate the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), after the speech of the Right Hun. Gentleman who had just sat down, at now having the support of every man who was worthy of the name of a states man.—( Hear, hear.) The lion. Gentleman the Member for Dublin had alluded to the want of Catholic petitions for this measure. The Hon. Gentleman had made a long speech, cha racterised by amenity of manner, and by language of which no one could have any right to complain ; but he wished to tell the Hon. Gentleman that what affected the Catholics of Ire land affected also the Catholics of En;land—(Cheers)—that the Catholics of England rejoiced in any good that was offered to Ireland, and that they viewed with delight and gratitude the boon which was about to be bestowed on the Catholics cf Ire tend by the Right lion. Baronet. He must say also that the Hon. Member's speech was full of exploded charges against the Catholics. and of no doubt unintentional misrepresenta tions against Catholic doctrines and principles ; but the real point of the speech wise to be found in the last sentence, wherein he declared that he opposed the grant, because he was opposed to the Catholic religion, and that was the real reason of the violence, and of the "No Popery" cry. The sole reason was this they said, " You are wrong and we are right."—( A laugh.) They denied, indeed, any desire to persecute the Catholics, but they were endowed with no friendly feeling towards them. They were influenced by a spirit which would have qualified them to become one of the knights of King Arthur's round-table a spirit and a frame of mind which, a few centuries ago, would have made the Hon. Member for Kent turn him, and some other person turn the survivor, and that without any great lose to the country.— (Laughter. ) But, to go beck as far as eighteen centuries, sup pose the Hon. Member for Kent had been born an Israelite, and brought up an honest and conscientious Israelite, would he not, with the same frame of mind and disposition, have de sired to impeach the Roman Governor, Pontius Pilate, as the Hon. Member for Knaresborough now wished to impeach the Right Holionrable Baronet?—( Laughter. ) He did not wish to pick out the Hon. Member for Kent invidiously, but that H on . Gentleman had attacked him, and charged him with being ao idoiator, to the great amusement of his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Dungarvan, who said he heard him with a feeling akin to love.—( Hear, and laughter. ) The Hon. Friend of the Member for Kent, the Member for Oxford too, displayed a sacred spirit, which seemed to qualify him to be high priest of the Jews.—( Renewed laughter. ) He was no latitudinarian. He was a Catholic in communion with the Church of Rome by conviction, by examination, confirmed by the - le Scriptures which the Catholic were accused of not being permitted to read.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But, holding that creed and profession, ha did most atrenuously abhor and repudiate religious persecution in every country, - and under every creed.—(Cheers.) Whether in Great Britain, or in Spain, or in Naples, or in Russia :he fully abhorred and disliked it. —( Hear, hear.) He should not have done his duty if, before he sat down, he did not pay a tribute, thcugh a most inadequate and humble one, but certainly a most unqualified one, of admiration, at the position in which the Right Hon. Baronet had placed himself in bringing for ward this measure, opposed as he was by a great minority of ins usual supporters. Calm and intrepid, the Right Hon. Baronet bore up against the stream, firm in his dctermmation, and supported by every true statesman in the United Kingdom ; and he trusted that he would not merely triumph in this Bill, but succeed in promoting the pacification of the empire. Jlr D'l SR AELI and Mr. SHAW again rose together, and the calls, as before, were loud and general for Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Shaw resumed his seat. Sir, said the Hon. Gentle man, I should not have intruded for a moment between you and the Noble Load just now, had I had the slightest idea that he intended to have caught your eye ; but the amendment having been withdrawn, I had an idea, and that supposition is sery general on this side of the House, that we should not have been honouredlwith any declaration of opinion from any gentleman on the other aide of the House. But lam extremely glad that the Noble Lord has had an opportunity of expressing his opinion on the subject. I trust he does not for a moment imagine that I rise to say anything °fen dive to his creed, which I respect, or anything offensive to himself and his co-religionists, with whom, in many respects, 1 sympathise. — ( Hear, hear. ) I come now to the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Newark. My first impression, when I listened to that extremely able ha rangue, was the question why the Right Hon. Gentleman had passed the gangway to deliver it.—( Hear, and a laugh.) It seemed to be worthy of the Treasury bench, of that Treasury bench which that evening he criticised. It seemed to me that while the Right Hon. Gentleman informed us that though he supported the present Bill, it was not for the reasons which were adduced by his late right hon. chief. Nevertheless, had he been in his positio r and had he introduced the Bill him self, he might have brought forward, perhaps, unanswerable arguments ; and deeply sensible of what he styled the circum stances of the case, he might, perhaps, hare arrested the flow f those petitions which he confesses has astounded him, but which next week he informs us will astonish us still more.— ( A laugh.) But if I asked myself for a moment what was the necessity for the Right Hon. Gentleman passing the gangway to deliver that speech, ought I not rather to have asked my self the question, what was the necessity for the Right Hon. gentleman to cross the House to deliver that speech ? If those are the opinions the Right Hon. Gentleman entertains, how can he, so subtle a casuist as ha may be, reconcile the course which he now pursues to that which he pursued when in op position ? Because, after all, what is the result of the very adroit argumentation and elaborate exposition of the Right klon. Gentleman ? It is this, that the principle upon which the State has hitherto been connected with the ecclesiastical affairs of this country is worn eut.—( Hear, hear.) We must , seek a new principle, says the Right Hon. Gentleman, and the Government which I have left because I support it—(Laugh ter)—that Government has discovered a new principle.- 1 ( Hear, hear.) But where is the new principle? He tells us that it is not now definitely . and distinctly made out. He ac knowledges that the exposition of it is feeble, and, perchance, vague.—(A laugh.) It is not now complete ; we must look to futurity. But if this is the case, have there been no prior attempts to adumbrate this new system, and have no public men ;,n this House raised their voices to support this principle and advocate this new settlement. Have they not been, in fact the teundatioa of measures brought forward by Governments which no lorger exist? And was not an opposition to those measures, /aowever i.nperfect, or however partially advocated, the founda tion, not. only of the late Opposition, but of the Conservative theory ?—( Hear.) I am perfectly ready to agree with the Right Hon. Gentleman that the relation which exists between the Church and State in this country is an extremely unsatisfactory one. I have had some opport unities for observation on this head. I have been a Member of this House now eight or nine ses sions, during a very tem - r eatuous period, the principal part of which was expended in discussions arising out of that con troverted principle. I have read the Right Hon. Gentleman's •book.—( Laughter. ) But the Right Hon. Gentleman, in his argument, has made one great assumption. He says—You have endowed the English Church ; you have endowed the Anglican Church. Cau you, in fact, refuse to endow the - Roman Church ?—( Hear.) But have we, in fact, endowed the Anglican Church ?—(Hear.) That is the question. We know that there has been an allianoe between the Church and .the State ; and the very term " alliance" shows that they met on equal term!, and made an equal compact. But the Right lion. Gentleman, with all his study of historical lore, and with that trained casuistry, which exceeds any historical knowledge, cannot place his finger on any page in history which shows that the State endowed the Church.—( Hear, bear.) You may regret it. The ecclesiastical power in this country has a large estate. You may s'y that it is predominant, and reason against the principle, but that it is a fact none can deny. We deal with it as we deal with the estates of the aristocracy. Parties may be divided upon that question of the landed in heritance of the country. But you cannot deny the fact. .As practical men we deal with great facts in such a way as to secure the greatest possible benefits. Bat when we come to speak of religion a new question arises ; and the whole basis of—l will not say the argument—but of the political expediency of the Right Hon. Gentleman, then en tirely fails him. 1 should like to know what principle you will Say down for the step you are invited to take. I know the ittg, ht Hon. Gentle man w h o i ntro d uce d t h e Bill, and I must make the same apol ogy as the Rig ht Hon. Gentle Gentleman the late President of the Board of Trade, for referring to his speech, told us that upon this subject ther e p w er e three curses open to us. I never heard :the Right Ho Gentleman bring forward a measure without making the G la e m n e tle concession.—( Laughter.) I never knew the Right Hon. Gentlem a n brin g forward, not what I call a great measure, but a meas ure ma w h ich . assumes to settle a great controversy , in which there is a dtfierence, with out saying that three courses were not open en to us. is right. us. In a cer tain sense, and looking to his own posi ti on , —( Laughter.) There is the course the Rig ht H on. Gen tleman has left.—(" Hear, hear ," and laug hter.) There is t he course that the Right Hon. Gentleman is fo llowing; ete and there is usually the course wh i ch the Right Hon.nm ' ought to pursue. — ( Great lau g hter. ) P e rhaps , Sir, I ought an to say that there is a fourth course, because it is possible for the flouse of Commons to adopt one of those courses indicated by the Right Hon. Gentleman, and then having voted for it to rescind • it.—( Laughter.) '1 hat is the fourth course, and in future I trust the Right lion. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) will not forget it.—(" Hear," and laughter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman tells us he always lo;:ks back to precedents; he comes with a great measure, and he always has a small precedent. He traces the stem-engine always back to the tee-kettle.—( Roars of e a ughter). His precedents are generally tea-kettle precedents. —'Renewed laug hter ) . He comes here boasting 0 the - princilile of the measure to be submitted to our consideration. The Right gm Gentleman has always Mr. Percival, or some old hook front a dusty corner, to bring down and throw upon the table, saying, " You have admitted the principle. Confine yourselves to the details, Don't trouble yourselves about the first and second reading, but reserve all your energies for the ' Committtee, because the principle is admitted." Now I deny that, even, in the limited sense the Right• Hun, Gentleman save, it is admitted. In the first place that was a temporary vote, and this is not ; but, in fact, it is a permanent one. But ' i will not make that the ground of opposition to the Right Illon C Len tleman. I will go to the argum ents of the Ri g ht Oiliftits . sta ihtslskte President of the Board of Trade ; I • ' "slaed--tliat_tuadir present circumstances he seems in . _ . . i ' ' - t anCelMapletely to have supplanted principles. I - ;mil tag , g)gh,t Han . Gentleman as the last paladin of I - -- -4 .%•;• - • - --e fintry of abstraction • and, when a quiff , '74 .l i tt e t gi e - ' elementar y ' o,lo7,loledegittelc.tip.elLed the etsistitutiortal, settlement i.. 71 tecieslastteal arrangement, I fifOr tialieVed lief it'eoukt be the .g..4Eht Hon. Oentle„man, wth° mad , some down Ind:-4;ive the ilousi zuo Man c h ange Ic itt , o "citutamstanfes to settle this great account .—( Laughter and --, nc, cheers.) Have circumstances which aught to settle every thing—have circumstances not changed since the time of Mr. Percival? How astonished must Mr. Percival's ghost be—if he has a ghost.—(Great laughter.) Yet were Mr. Pitt, or Fox, or even Burke, whom the Right Hon. Gentleman has quoted to-night, brought in to settle this question, we might feel the controllin g influence of the great apparition. But Mr. Percival to be brought in to settle it !—(" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) Mr. Percival seems, in a spirit as petty as his nature, to have agreed to a miserable vote about this accidental college at Maynooth. What, let nee ask you, was the political and religious situation of affairs by virtue of which Mr. Percival becarae Prime Minister at the time of which I am speaking? You had really then what you pretend you now have—a Constitution in Church and State. You had that Constitution, and Members of Parliament being then neces sarily in communion with the Church, were, by virtue of this junction of Church and e'tate, in fact members of a lay synod. What, again, was the situation of the other kingdoms of the empire? You had a Church in Scotland without any Dis senters, the only persons there not belonging to it being the relicts of the old Episcopalian establishment. What, also, was the ease with respect to Ireland ? There was your Constitu tion in Church and State not only founded in principle, but most rigidly adhered to. What do we now see? You have no longer in this country your boasted union of Church and State. You may proclaim them still—you may make speeches to prove that the union is as strong as ever—you may toast them at your public dinners, but I tell you that the Constitu tion in Church and State no longer exists.—(Hear, hear.) What is the broad and undeniable fact with respect to this proclaimed union ? Why, even within my own per sonal experience I detect its hollowness ; and to test its non-existence, I am politically connected with a district which is threatened with very severe suffering in consequence of this supposed Constitution in Church and State ; the inhabitants of that district are about to endure one of the greatest Llows that could be indicted upon them, and this solely because it has pleased a Conservative Government to destroy the ancient epis copate wader which they have so long been governed.—( Hear, and cheers.) What is now the position of the Church of Scot land—a church which the late Earl of Liverpool held up as a model, and as the perfection of a religious community, because, I suppose, it gave him no trouble ?—( A laugh.) What, I repeat, is the present situation of the Church of Scotland'.' It is rent in twain. Besides the Kirk, there is now the Free Kirk. Well, will you endow the Free Kirk ? Will you apply this principle of endowment to sectarians and schismatics of every class? Where will you stop ? Why should you stop ? And this consideration brings me to the question immediately before the House. You find your Erastian system crumbling from under your feet. Will you adopt a pantheistic principle? I have unfaltering confidence in the stability of our Church ; but I think that the real source of the injury which threatens it is its connexion with the State, which places it under the control of a House of Commons that is not neces sarily of its communion. Leave the Church to herself, she will shrink from no contest, however severe. I believe in Ireland itself, if the question be, will you sever the Church from the State, or will you endow the Roman Catholic Church ?—for my own part, I believe the Protestants of Ireland would say, " Sever the connexion between the Church and the State, and don't endow the Roman Catholics."—( Hear, hear.) But then we come to this other consideration—are we to be bound to recognise a pantheistic principle ? Because, judging from all that has passed, I can only come to the conclusion, that any body of sectarians that can prove a cer tain population to Downing-street will be considered to have a claim for an endowment. For my own part, I confess I have no great confidence in the cure of souls in that quarter. ( Hear, hear.) I observe in Downing-street a disposition to assail our old and deeply rooted habits. From that quarter has proceeded the assault on the parochial constitution of the kingdom. Will they complete it by attending to our spiritual necessities? For my part, I am totally opposed to such a pro ceeding.—( Hear, hear.) I can conceive nothing more op posed to, or more utterly at variance with, the feelings of this country than a police surveillance, such as is contemplated over the ceremonies and observances of the Church. I abso lutely deny that the Church of England is the creature of the State. The alliance between them has been one formed and maintained upon equal terms ; and if it be attempted, as ap pears to be the intention, to place all ecclesiaeticol affairs under the control of Downing-street, and to subject them to the same species of discipline that is enforced in Prussia over the religious establishments there, I tell the Right Hon. Gen tleman that the people of this country will never endure such a system. This alone is a sufficient ground with me to oppose the Bill now before the House. I will not say that this Bill has been introduced into this House in a sinister and insidious manner, though I, in common with others, have formed my conclusions upon that point ; but I will as sert, what I believe cannot be denied, that the measure has taken the country by surprise. But 1 have other reasons fur opposing this measure.—(Hear, hear.) I oppose this Bill on account of the manner in which it has been introduced, and I oppose it also on account of the men by whom it has been brought forward.— (Loud cheers.) I am perfectly ready to meet those cheers, and I do so by declaring, that I do not think—putting totally out of view the other objections which I entertain—that the men who are now seated on the Treasury bench are morally entitled to bring such a measure forward. This measure, Sir, involves a principle against which the Right Hon. Gentleman and most of his colleagues have all along most signally struggled.—( Hear, hear.) "A hen I recal to mind all the speeches, and all the motions, and all the votes which have emanated from the present occupants of the Treasury bench on this and analogous questions—when I remember their opposi tion to that system of education which they now seek to pro mote—when I recollect the procession of prelates going up to the palace of the Sovereign to protest against analogous mea sures with those which those who incited this proceeding are now urging forward—when I recal to mind all the the dis cussions which have taken place here on the subject of Irish education—when the appropriation clause presents itself to my momory—C Loud cheers)—l consider it would be worse than useless to dwell at any length upon the circumstances which induce me to adopt this opinion. And are we to be told, that because those men who took the course to which I have referred have crossed the floor of this House, and have aban doned with their former seats their former professions—are we to ba told that these men's measures and actions are to remain uncriticised and unopposed, because they tell us to look to the merits of their measures, and to forget them selves and their former protestations ?—(Loud cheers.) Such pretensions naturally lead to the question whether party, as a political instrument, is or is not to continue to govern the discussions of this House ?—( Hear, hear.) This question touches the ohole policy of the Ministry. Let us, therefore, grapple with it, and decide what our future course shall be in this respect. Let us endeavour to put an end to the miscon ception and subterfuge which now surround us. I am perfectly contented to place the question upon this footing. low, Sir, it is very easy to complain of party Government, and there may be persons capable of forming an opinion on this subject who may entertain a deep objection to that Government, and know to what that objection leads.—( Hear, hear.) But there are others who shrug their shoulders, and talk in a slipshod style on this head, who, perhaps, are not exactly aware of what that objection leads to. These persons should understand, that if they object to party Government they do, in fact, object to no thing more nor less than Parliamentary Gevernment.—(Loud cheers.) A popular assembly without parties-500 isolated individuals—cannot stand five years against a Minister with an organised Government without becoming a servile senate.— ( Loud cheers.) The objectors to party Government may have a good case, on the merits of which I give no opinion. They may say, " Here are we the Parliament of England; we have had the virtual sovereignty of this country for a century and a half ; we have plunged the country in debt, and we can't pay it ; we have done more than patri cian Rome in its most rapacious hour. We have mort gaged industry to protect property ; we have passed laws on the currency which have affected property more than all the tampering of the coinage by all the sovereigns that have ever existed; we have violently assailed, and now still more enor mously menace, the parochial constitution of the country, arid, having differed on every other subject, we have at length agreed on one point, that with relation to the civilization, the wealth, and luxury that surround them, the people of England are the hardest worked and the worst fed, the most miserable and degraded population in the world.—(Loud cheers.) This is the case of those who are opposed to party Government. Well, let theta carry out their principle ; let them vote an ad dress to the Crown, go up to Buckingham Palace, fall on their knees before our Sovereign Lady, and restore to her the pre rogatives which they have so long usurped and so injuriou.ly used.—( Loud cheers and laughter.) But for the Right Hon. Gentleman, even a pedant in favour of Parliamentary power, who, First Minister of the Crown, declares he is ready to go to war to-morrow with the Lord Chief Justice of England in be half of your privileges—who is jealous of the slightest inter ference with your business or your duties, even if you cannot transact or perform them—who enjoins the youth of England not to make brilliant speeches, but to work on railway com mittees—(Laughter)—for him to set up for one who would be independent of Parliament and party, is indeed astonishing.— ( Cheers.) 'The Noble Lord opposite, the hereditary leader of the Whig party, who founded Parliamentary Government in this country, will, I am sure, net withhold his concurrence with the principles I have laid down. That Noble Lord, the re presentative of Mr. Fox, will not gainsay the motto of that great leader—" Men, and not measures." And how has the opposite system answered? You have permitted men to gain power and enter place, aad then carry measures exactly the reverse to those which they professed in opposition, and they carry these measures by the very means and machinery by which they conducted the opposition, and by which theygained power.—(Cheers.) And you are reconciled to this pro cedure by being persuaded that by carrying measures which you disapprove of, and they pretend to disrelish, they are making what they call " the best bargain" for you. I say that the Parliamentary course, under the usual cif , • cutostances, is fur this House to have the advantage of a Government formed on distinct principles, and of its consequence, a constitutional Opposition ; and yet here is a Minister who now habitually brings forward as his own mea sures those very schemes and proposals to which, when in op position, he always avowed himself a bitter and determined op penent.—(Loud cheers.) He brings in Canada Bills, he brings in Maynooth Bills, he uses expressions and excites feelings still more objectionable than the measures; but, let me ask the admirers of the best bargain system, how they think the Right Hon. Gentleman would have acted bad they been introduced by the Noble Lord opposite ?—(Loud and prolonged cheers.) Why, then those Bills would have been at least checked by the Opposition, by the constitutional Opposition; the questions would have been criticised, they would have been opposed ; in the case of the College of Maynooth, I grant it may have been factiously opposed ; but this opposition is a necessary conse quence of a Parliamentary Government. In what situation are we placed now ?—( Hear.) Up come all these petitions ; in them we hear the loud murmurs of the people, because there is no exponent of the national opinion in this House, while we have a Government which came into power by an organisation prepared to oppose such measures now engaged in carrying them.—( Loud cheers.) How can we accuse the Opposition? I may on constitutional grounds say, the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) ought to oppose the measure, though he approves it, because it is thus brought forward; the people find that the men who now occupy the high places of the Government support measures they were brought into power politically and personally - to op pose ; it is for those who act on another set of principles to op pose the Government ; but we have not a Government formed on distinctive principles, consequently we have no constitu thional Opposition to keep the Government in check. Now, I ope it will not be and e ir sa id,be c c o a m u p se le l te rhaveia e tin and affinity made c theseeitytot the o nets are in motion before the House, that I am " bandying personalities." Certainly we live in strange Parliamentarytimepsossrtihoennas person in so eminent a the First cism on a of the Crown is to be stopped by his declaring it personality, when it is but fairHoebaere,ryhateiaorn.)o_nwtth.eosceha,raarceteer is r and conduct of inb ferenc a public man— ( with respect to whom we h ave a r i g h t to draw the open in to uess, we think legitimate ; and if th e y are not j ust they travened in free discussion. I do no t k now whet tyheellOcuse on. thinks of this system of putting down Parliamentry discussion; it is not a very new experiment ; it has been tried in—l will not say another House, for that must not be referred to—but has been tried in what is called " another place."—(Great laughter.) 130 not know whether the position occupied by " another place" in the public estimation and the public eye is one of which the Members of the House of Commons are particularly ambitious.—(Chee r s and laughter.) J remember when we used to toast " another place " with three times three and nine tiggee pipe—(Laughtey),--'f another place" was once cr these ( nowLr 2ayu,Huh t4 a .0 1 ._ ; , ; e "uritd toast 3 ,L t pavil ,li where i. to. ku C e o e7e . e f a r Z ,a a ti n i v o e ; tte i d i n n p n g la e t (Great cheering.) It is not Rau.,_ . • entseigr i ed tionary spirit of the 19th century, which has . " another place" to its illustrious insignificance—(Cheers and laughter)—it is Conservatism and a Conservative dictator.— (Cheers.) Are you prepared to meet the same fate? Every i time a Member expresses any opinions not absolutely agreeable to the Minister of the day, is he to be stopped by a charge of a bandying personalities ?" Whenever the young teen of Eng land allude to any great principles of political life or Parlia mentary conduct, are they to be recommended to go to a railway committee?—(Cheers and laughter.) I have no doubt it would be very agreeable if this House wcs in the same condi tion, especially with regard to this Bill, as " another place." I know that the Members of this House are different, that the characters of the individuals who would control us are different; but the process with both bodies, although it varies, i 3 in re sult the same. It may break the spirit in " another place," and it may lower the tone in this ; " another place" may be drilled into a guard-room, and the House of Commons may be degraded into a vestry.—(Cheers and laughter.) But the consequence is exactly similar, and that consequence will be, that you will have Bills like this Maynooth Bill, and that still more important measure which, after the admission of the Right lion. Member for Newark, may be looked on as a fact, if not accomplished, yet ascertained, introduced, and carried through this House, and of course through " another place ;" and you may have the floor of this House covered with petitions, and the lobby of " another place" crowded with the constituents who have left us in despair; but, whatever may be the degree of public fueling, whatever may be the depth of the national sentiment, if you choose to support a Government that announces no distinctive prin ciples, which is in turn supported by an Opposition that does not oppose, lam certain there is no spirit and no nation that ran resist a " cross" so deeply laid and so deliberately ac complished.—(Loud cheers.) This Maynooth Bill is intro duced instead of the Irish Registration Bill—(Cheers)—the necessity for which was as apparent when the Right Hon. Gen tleman was in opposition as it is now ; the necessity for which was doubly apparent when the Right Hon. Gentleman assumed the reins of office, and equally apparent as it is now; but which is brought in after a four years' experiment of lowering your tone, and working that, constitutionally, by means of a Whig opposition.—(Cheers.) We have had this Bill brought in after a four years' experiment ; and during those four years what has the Conservative party endured? What has it experienced? What is the treatment it has been obliged to submit te, till the thing was se ripe that even your mur murs are not noticed? This 831 brings affairs to a crisis ; the question is not to be decided on its merits ; it is to be decided on the fact—who are the men who bring it forward ? If you are to have a popular Government, if you are to have a Parliamentary Administration, the conditions an tecedent are, that you should have a Government which declares the principles upon which its policy is founded, and then you can have on them the wholesome check of a constitu tional opposition. What have we got instead ? Something has risen up in this country as fatal in the political world as it has been in the landed world of Ireland—we hare a great Par liamentary middleman.—(lmmense cheering.) It is well known what a middleman is —(Cheers and laughter)—He is a man who bamboozles one party, and plunders the other—(A laugh)—till, having obtained a position to which he is not en titled, he cries out, " Let us have no party questions, but fixity of tenure."—( Laughter and cheers.) I want to have a commission issued to inquire into the tenure by which Down ing-street is held.—(Loud cheers.) I want to know whether the conditions of entry have been complied with, and whether there are not some covenants in the lease which are already for feited?—(Cheers and laughter.) I hope I shall not he an swered by Hansard.—( Cheers. ) I am not surprised the Right Hon. Gentleman should he so fond of recurring to that great authority ; he has great advantages; he can look over a reccrd of thirty, and more than thirty years of an eminent career. But that is not the lot of every one, and I may say, as a general rule, I am rather surprised (especially when the Maynooth question is concerned), that experienced statesmen should like to recur to that eminent publication.—( Hear, hear.) What, after all, does one see on looking over a quarter of a century or more even of one's own speeches in Hansard', What dreary pages of interminable talk, what predic tions falsified, what pledges broken, what calculations that have gone wrong, what budgets that have blown up And all this, too, not relieved by a single original thought, a single generous impulse, or a single happy expression ! Why Hansard, instead of being the Delphi of Downing-street, is but the Dunciad of politics.—(Cheers and laughter.) But I want something more than quotations from Hansard to account for how parties have been managed in this House; it is so matter of fact and yet so fallacious, taking in every body, though every body knows he is deceived ; so mechanical, and yet so alachiavelian, that I can hardly say what it is, except a hum drum hocus pocus, in which the order of the day is read to take in a nation.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now, the system is to be brought to a test to-night. Will the House support the Government in a measure which, according to the highest authority,—one who has quitted the Cabinet for some reason that has not been given, and who, probably, may join it again under circumstances equally obscure—(Cheers),—is, in fact, an endowment for the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland ? If any vote were at stake in which the social and political equality of the Roman Catholic population was concerned, I would go as far as any man in the House, and perhaps further than many. But, Sir, no one pretends that this is now the ques tion. The grounds on which I oppose this motion are not those of hostility to their claims, but grounds which they themselves, after the clamour of the moment, must feel are legitimate ones. I cannot admit the plea ad rni.eericordiam, founded on the state of Maynooth. Surely men of high spirit and bearing- cannot for a moment bring themselves to suppose that we shall be induced to vote for the measure on this plea ; it would be an insult to them to suppose so. I know there are Roman Catholic colleges, well organised and well ordered, that are not in the condition of Maynooth ; there are sectarian colleges in England with larger revenues even than those now proposed to be given by the Government in support of Roman Catholic principles. What sustains them? The sympathy of their co-religionists.---(Hear, hear.) I cannot believe, there. fore, that those gentlemen will, upon reflection, be anxious that this Bill should pass. Ido not think it a measure either flattering to their pride or solacing to their feelings ; I do not think it either a great or a liberal measure. The Highs Hon. Gentleman is a supreme master of Parliamentary tactics, and when he found he was not receiving from the seats behind him the once abundant chorus of applause to which he was accus tomed, be went forward to the red box, and saying, " I know this is a great grant to Maynooth," obtained the assent of several Hon. Gentlemen of the Opposition to the assertion. But if the Right Hon. Gentleman's principle is correct, I think it is not a great grant ; I think it is a mean, a meagre, and a miserable grant. If the Roman Catholic priesthood are to be educated by the State, it must be something greater than the difference between 23/. and 281., something higher than the difference between three in a bed or two.—(Hear. hear.) That is not the way, under any circumstances, in which I would approach a reverend priesthood. I cannot believe, therefore, that the Roman Catholic gentlemen, on reflection—and I hope they will have time for reflection-- will vote for this measure, when they consider what it is. Who are they who introduce it ? They are the same indi viduals whose black shade fell on the sunshine of your hopes for more than half a century—they are those who arrested the progress arid fruition of those hopes for more than five-and twenty years. Will not these considerations affect you ? What if it be a boon ? I deny that it is one—but if it were such a boon as it is said to be, nould you accept it from hands polluted ?—( Hear, hear.) It is not from him you ought to accept it—nct from him who, urged on, as he reluctantly admitted, by a fatal State necessity, accompanied the con cesssion of your legitimate political claims by the niggardly avowal that he was obliged to concede them.—( Hear, hear. ) As to the Whigs, I am almost in despair of appealing to their hereditary duties, their constitutional convictions, or their historical position ; but I should have thought that the Noble Lord epposite was almost weary of being dragged at the triumphal car of a conqueror who did not conquer him in fair fight. I think the Noble Lord might have found some inspira tion in the writings of that great man whom he has so often quoted, and whose fame he so attempts to emulate. I should have thought that in the position of the Noble Lord—and he has a thoughtful mind and a noble spirit—Mr. Fox would have taken that course, which I think the Noble Lord, touched by his high position, and the responsibility of that position, will still take. His party may have fallen, but it still is one con nected with the history of this country. Other parties have also fallen ; they have been re-constructed, and they have been destroyed. The Noble Lord is not in so fallen a position as that in which the Right Hon. Gentleman was in 1831. But let the Noble Lord beware of this,—let him beware of rising from that degraded position again by the same system of tactics. —( Hear.) They may bring some short-lived success, hut upon conditions which I believe the gallant spirit of the Noble Lord would disdain, —( Hear, hear.) But, Sir, if with re regard to this measure respecting Maynoeth I do not despair of the aid of the Roman Catholic gentry of Ireland, or of the Whigs of England, or of those who oppose the measure on ex clusive Protestant principles, I think I may the more certainly depend on the support of those who oppose this measure, be cause it seeks to pervert principles which it seeks hereafter to distrust, because it seeks to lower the tone of this country and to change the national character of England.--( Hear, hear.) But, whatever may be the various motives and im pulses which animate these different sections of opinion, there is at least one common ground for co-operation—there is one animating principle which is likely to inspire us all. Let us in this House re-echo that which I believe to be the sovereign sentiment of this country ; let us tell the people in high places that cunning is not caution, and that habitual perfidy is not high policy of state. On that ground we may all join. Let us bring back to this House that which it has for so long a time past been without—the legitimate influence and salutary check of a constitutional Opposition.— (Cheers.) That is what the country requires, what the country looks for. Let us do it at once in the only way in which it can be done, by dethroning this dynasty of deception, by putting an end to the into lerable yoke of official despotism arid Parliamentary imposture. Mr. ROEBUCK said, he approached this question w ith con siderable apprehension as to whether he would he able ade quately to explain the opinions he held upon it and the reasons for his vote. He felt this the more because it appeared to him that this was a great national question, and that there was danger from what they had heard to-night that all considers tiens of national welfare would be forgotten in petty private pique, and personal feeling.— (Cheers.) He did not like on a question like this to see feelings of a merely personal nature introduced to disturb those other ccnsiderstions which must of necessity in that House, and at that time, excite great anxiety in the minds of all men who felt that they had a great duty to perform to the people, and who did not forget the interests of the people in cons.derations concerning themselves.—( Hear, hear.) And here he would for the moment make one passing remark of a critical character. He could not congratulate the Hen. .Timber for Shrewabury on the effect of the matter of his speech ; it certainly had not been characterised by any of that remarkable talent which was necessary to bear away the open malice which it evinced.—( Hear, hear.) That speech was certainly poor in its performance, however malicious in its motives.—( Hear, hear.) It was said to be something to be praised by one who was himself worthy of praise; so it was hard to be accused of inconsistency by one who was him self open to the same charge. Even if he (Mr. Roebuck) were unwilling to use towards the Hon. Member those hard words which seemed to stand in the place of wit on this occa sion, the argument, if argument it could be called, which formel the sum and substance of the Hon. Gentleman's speech, could be retorted on the Hon. Gentleman himself. What did his charge amount to? Why, that the Right Hon. Baronet had in former times held former opinions, and that with the change of times he had changed his opinions. The Hon. Gen tleman himself was open to the some charge. What was the sort of constitutional opposition to which the HOU. Member at one time aspired ? Why, it was not only a constitutional op position, but a liberal one.—( Hear, hear. ) The great model of his Parliamentary career was at one time the Hon. Member for Montrose. Commencing lire with these aspirations, he was shortly afterwards to be found in open opposition behind the back of the Right Honourable Baronet. How came he there ? That was a natural question. An equally natural one was, why did he remain there ?—( Hear, hear.) If, indeed, his brilliant merits have been forgotthn, and the Right Ho nourable Baronet has indeed thought of measures and not of men—( Cheers and laughter)—then, indeed, we may understand the position of the Hon. Member and his unfortu id,ea tei deepest theegt miserable aeen d 3:p st l tr a ry y . nate state of mind—unfortunate, perhaps, only because he has d never had afforded to him the opportunity of " coming below the gaeg i aa eas_ s and expectations ( fgor,s c enol h intss e nf e i :t r oeh s nl . ni enno ) Rtgesdun ß eedres u etpt t si 01, question h tet ?h e ot asked,enb regretted respecting their heearr religious ia excitedWhen ous b y theythbeliefe a had hid their turned w ere not th a t thes ethor and from the . groat object of the debate to these petty feelings House would pardon him if he . and he did hope the endeavoured . to forget all con sideration of the immediate amusemente rived from malice in the guiseof itiH which might l f b t e .t de- t once for the more serious subjects involved e el n r)— the and left a .--- It :Jai queptiori which pa 4 3t be regarded gue as . of Ilvai., THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY MORNING-, APRIL 14, 1845 great importance on that (the Opposition) side of the House ; for it involved not merely the quiet of Ireland, but also the quiet and well-being of England ; and perhaps, without ex aggeration, he might say, the quiet of the world at large.— ( Hear, hear.) It was because he viewed the question in this light, and because the country generally, and his constituents in particular, were deeply stirred by conscientious scruples in connexion with it, that he approached it with such feelings of doubt and anxiety. If the question came before them now, for the first time, it would assume a very different aspect. But, however easy it might be to laugh at the word " cir cumstances," he could not shut out from his view the present condition of Ireland and of this country when he came to con sider the course he should take on this measure. " Circum stances" might be cited often, as indeed might " principles," without much care being felt for either one or the other. But when he looked at the state of Ireland, and at the circum stances under which they were called upon to vote on this question, he must shy that it behoved them to place themselves above the agitation around them, to set an example to those whom they represented — ( Hear, hear)—to do their duty boldly, and, whatever might be the result, to act up to their view of what was right and proper, end likely to conduce to the wel fare of this great community.—( Loud cheers.) Now, looking at the grant then proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government, he had no hesitation in saying that he, for one, was prepared to suppert it. He would go one step further, and declare that if the Right Hon. Gentle man had come down to the House to propose a grant, arid they were for the moment excluding all recollection of any money having been formerly granted for the same purpose, he (Mr. Rol buck) would at once close with the offer. But he would take the case as it was first presented to them. A purely Protestant Parliament in Ireland endowed, as it was termed, though he objected to the word, the Roman Catholic College of Ma,nooth. An annual grant was made by a Par liament exclusively Protestant and composed wholly of the rich, and that grant was continued up to the time of the union. At the period of the union a purely Protestant Parliament re peated the vote. Various Ministers came into power ; political parties of various descriptions took office; and under all this grant was continued. He wanted the House, however, to re mark particularly the circumstances under which a grant was first made to the College of Maynooth. This took place in 1795, at a time when the Protestant feared the Catholic less than he feared the principles of France, when he would rather see in every parish in Ireland a Catholic priest, a follower of the religion of Christ, than an emissary of the Jacobin Club in Paris, or a follower of Robespierre. During the existence of the Reign of Terror, they applied themselves to the task of con ciliating the Catholics, and to secure their assistance in the battle which they were fighting, this grant was made. As time went on the parties in the contest changed. Napoleon, it it is true, established Catholicity in France, but it was sup posed that he aimed at universal dominion, and Ireland was re quired to send forth thousands of gallant soldiers to tight the great battle that was then going on between France and Eng land. In the year 180 e the principle of the grant was again mooted, and again discussed, and they added to the grant that was originally made. They found a purely Protestant Parlia ment acting in this way, for its own purposes, under all Mi nistries, up to the year 1829. In that year the Roman Catho lics were, as it was termed, emancipated, and entered into the composition both of that and the other House of Parliament. The grant to Maynooth was again renewed, and was continued up to the time of the Reform Act. Now, it might, and proba bly would, be said that the doings of an aristocratic Govern ment were net those with which they could have much sympa thy, it being notorious that an aristocracy consulted only its own convenience and its own selfish interests. But after the year 1832 the Parliament was one which represented the great body of Dissenters in this country ; and from that time to the present had the grant been continued.—( Hear, hear.) What he had to say on this subject he wished to address to his consti tuents and to the people out of doors. They had for the last twelve years sanctioned this grant—they had sanc tioned the principle of it up to the present hour; and they could not, therefore, now turn round and tell their represen tatives, whilst they suddenly startled their ears with a sort of ecclesiastical trumpet—(Laughter)—that Protestantism was in daily and hourly peril on account of this grant.— (Cheers.) They had seen the former grant made, not only without remonstrance, but with applause; and if the grant had been made for t welve years by four successive Parliaments, with different Administrations in power, the principle being the same as regarded the religious question whether the grant were 8,0001. or 26,0001., they could not be suddenly called upon to recede from the principle on which the grant had hi therto been made.—( Hear, hear.) Some complaint had been made against the Right lion. Gentleman ( Sir R. Peel) on ac count of his stating that there were but three courses open. It would not be denied that it was exceedingly useful to look at the real position in which they were placed. That matters should remain in their present position every one acknow ledged to be impossible. It was admitted that the present position of Maynooth could not continue, first, by the lion, Member for the University of Oxford, who had always con sistently been opposed to the grant ; and secondly, by those who had had a new light brought into their minds by the proposed extension of it. Hon. Members on that side of the House who supported the policy of the Government con tended, that the providing for the proper education of the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland was of the highest moment, as being calculated to make them feel that they were not aliens from the country of their birth. They felt that it was desirable to do all in their power to create in the minds of the Irish priesthood feelings of affection for the Government, and associations of pleasure In connexion with the place in which they were educated, instead of associations of insult and indignity.—( Hear, hear.) It must be recollected that the in stitutions of this country were not in any case paltry or mean, because they were unable to make them otherwise. They were in fact, for the most part, distinguished by magnificence and liberality ; and if Maynooth were treated in a different manner it would be attributed not to an inability, but to un willinguess to provide proper support. The Roman Catholic clergy had in many cases endured poverty arid privation in car rying what they believed to be the truth from one end of the globe to the other ; and if it were necessary, he btlieved they would at all times cheerfully assist in bearing public burdens. But when they found all the appliances of wealth exerted in other cases and withheld in their own, they naturally felt that \ they did not enjoy their due share of the sympathy of England. What course, then, could the House pursue? Why, they must either get rid of the grant altogether, or accede to the motion of the Right Hon. Gentleman. His only objection to that motion was, that it did not go far enough.—( Hear, hear.) He had hoped that the Right Honourable Gentle man would have proposed a broad scheme of academical edu cation, making Maynooth a Roman Catholic University, simi lar to Oxford and Cambridge, with the power of conferring de grees, so that the clergy and the gentry might equally have availed themselves of its benefits. Had that course been pursued, he believed no more hostility would have been exhibited to that proposal than the present.—( Hear, hear.) Now, there were two classes of objectors to this measure. The first class, with whom he deeply sympathised, opposed the grant on the voluntary principle, objecting to the endowment of any religion by the State. They said, that at the present moment the Established Church was the monster grievance of Ireland, and they objected to what they caked the setting up of a Roman Catholic Church establishment as equally objec tionable. But he contended that this was not the setting up cf another establishment, but a contribution towards the educe- ' tion of Ireland—a contribution in the best form towards the t. aching of the only teachers of the Irish people.—( Hear, hear.) He regretted that the measure of the Right lion. Gentleman ' was so inadequate to that object ; but he supported it as an approach towards national education ; and he would do se if, in place of being intended for the benefit of their fellow Christians in Ireland, it were designed for Jews or Alahomedans.—k Hear, hear.) Did they not contribute towards the teaching of the Brahmin priests in India, and of the Roman Catholic priests in Canada?—(Hear, hear.) In Canada there was a priesthood endowed by Act of Parliament, and not one word, had been said on the score of a violation of conscience. In fact, an Hon. Member had that evening admitted, that without this it would be impossible to maintain their colonial dominion. The gums mbeenart: 1 He did not On for it, and thought tion of prieciple, it appeared, had no influenceaswihtewnasinoiaeir,eedst, p ld pl b y e shown that there were was concerned.— ( Hear, hear.) Then they put the principle ii: e h , f i f n int g octo t u h a at they would conciliate the argument to and increasing this grant. oo i in their j t et h he e te i pocketstriolutmh this, he hanti Catholic sanctionedre acknowledgedii gireligion.—(Hear, h_teh(oeHnredeaoarws the same opposition of persons who could il i t. , r, e e a Irelandn Ireland sufficient_ —(Hear, reasonsl one ea. r ,; hear.) but oera rb. people, that they would very much contribute to the harmony for the purposes vi colonial religion ? o c of obowc theeeda concede h teo o i l tt e h people principle c hadi b p y l o the continuingopp The truth was, that there was not a single hour of any one of their legislative days that they did not break a principle. He supported the grant on the ground that we were of necessity obliged, so far as the religious teaching of the people was con cerned, to be for the moment passive. We must contribute ar, fawos was, es w : - gewlloeiranesg they fw:.in ecgoouoonlddeactloeiltni4dt that ehneosf?dt the State eh(,hear.) A n d, there ced Heu‘rtlion to inquire oftthheepotheo intoeprl—eitn education hadd to other—to the faith which they held , a nd in which we had not a right to interfere ; Canada, to India, to Malta, to the West Indies —in fact, through the whole of our foreign possessions, we found that this was the system pursued; but, on turning to Ireland, h he supported the measure on the g round of co nciliation. He once heard an observation m ade b y a Ri g ht Hon. Gentle man opposite, " that we had come to the end of conciliation." Ile was not going to quarrel with any change of opinion which experience might have wrought on the minds of Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite, but he considered that within the last two years a gi eat change had taken place wi , li regard to the government of Ireland. We had adopted , a different system to that which had prevailed almost during the recollection of every man in that Hou.e ; and he considered this, the last proposed act of the Right Hon. Gentleman, a most marked step in the progress of this system of concession—a conquest over every successive 'Ministry that had governed Ireland since the passing of the Reform Bill. It had sealed u; on it the doctrine of con cession, and both the great parties of this courtry were row endeavouring to make all necessary concessions to Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He took this measure as one great step in that concession, not because (as had been asked) they expected all these great conse quences from this paltry concession—from the difference between 9,0001. and 28,0001. a ye a r —for he did not expect this. He might be asked, did he expect the priestood of ire land to be bribed to our service by such means ? His answer was, he did not want to do that ; but he wanted to make the people feel that the system was changed,—that we were endea vouring to do justice to that unfortunate people. Though he did not expect great results—though he die, not hope that the priests might he established in that country immediately, yet he did hope that wh en thi s great meaure was communicated in all its circumsta nces , th e very oppos i t i on to it marking how strong was the necessity on th e Ri g h t H on. G en leman's mind of such a propo s iti on , thi s concess i on wou l d conv i n ce the leaders of the Irish people, an d a dd ress i tse l f to t h e ir calm and thinking minds and gener ous f ee li ngs, an d t h at t h e ir leaders and those who wished to excite themfor purposes of perso nal ambition would not have th em , as t h ey now h a d, so thoroughly at command and beck. H e too k t hi s as the greatest boon that had been conferred, n o t upon t h e peop l e o f Ireland, but upon the people of England ; for we might depend upon it, that if assailed to-morrow f rom a b roa d, an d we were to refuse this grant, the insult e d peop l e o f I re l a nd would recollect the insult. They had b een to ld b y many ardent persons that the religion of th e I r i s h was a su pestitution and im moral, and parts of th e i r b oo k s h a d b een brought forward to prove it ; and that to e n d ow t hi s co ll ege was to endow a col lege to teach immorality and superstition. The insulted people of Ireland would recollect this ; and we should find our danger came not so much from abroad as it was at home. Our chief enemies would be at home, and we should be weak, and open to the insults of the world, because we had been unjust to one-third of our countr • that he maintained the grant p ro p ose d by the Right Hon. Gentleman. Look at th e con di t i on o f I re land at the present moment. Suppose that a t th e present mo ment England was men. It was u n this great ground on iti the same situation, arid Ireland in a situation totally at variance with its present condition of great depression. Sup pose they could find some Saxon demagogue —some William Long-beard to appeal to the oppressed Saxon and point to his Norman spoliator, and appeal to what was in the memory of many living men, and speak of the desolation which was spread ' through the land, of cabins burnt, of fields laid waste, and of thousands of people turned out to starve; suppose, then, ' he could point to the scene of the patient and deserving priest, careless of danger, and wealth, and P°we r, going to these p;sople thus beaten down and trodden to- the earth, and ministering to them courageously and bravely all the religious comforts which their condition demanded—suppose a demagogue in England could say these thinp - s, would England be quiet under such circumstances? would she not rise up as one man and put down the op , pressor ?—(Hear, hear.) And bail not the Irish people the same feelings and power as we had ? And were we to forget that this hypothetical case which he was putting was actually the case in Ireland ? Mr. O'Connell regarded the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet as a " bidding" against him ; he (Mr. O'Connell) knew very well that if justice were done to Ireland, Ireland would no longer seek to be divided from us, but would be our right hand in the time of war, and our friendly ally in the time of peace. Taking into con sideration the religious and moral aspect of Ireland, be would ask if the proposed grant could be. considered in any other light than as a donation given to the people in the best form ? If he were asked the mode in which he could do the greatest good at the least possible cost, he should say it would be by educating the Irish priests. It would be a contribution made in the best form for educating the Irish people. The grant was objected to on the score of religious principle. These arguments were difficult to reply to, and for the most part be could not understand them. They eluded his under standing altogether. He was told the objection was that the teaching at Maynooth was a teaching of error, and they objected to support such teaching. He had in his hand a very remarkable report of a speech made at Liverpool. He wished to call the attention of the Hou.e to observations made upon the present question, by a reverend gentleman at Liverpool (as we understood). He really felt it necessery to beg pardon of the House for bringing upon them a mode of treating the present question which was in all respects so objectionable, but yet the manner in which the reve rend gentleman discussed this matter was, in its way, very striking. He said—" Was God's word to be practically supreme, or not ?" and then he went on to ob,erve, that though no part of the Bible was ob'cure, cer tainly not unintelligible ; yet there were some pictures of the sacred Scriptures so characterised by extreme dearth se, that to doubt their meaning was little less than to deny the use of the Bible itself. The Bible prohibited the bowing down to graven images, it prohibited adultery, it p ohibi!ed theft. Then he added that inasmuch as Parliament would not think of endowing a college for promoting adutery or theft, so they ought not to endow a college which inculcated the prac tice of bowing down to graven images. Now he would ap peal to Hon. Members to say, if that was the manner in which such a question as the present ought to be argued could he or any Member be fairly called upon to meet such arguments ? For his part, he should not attempt to do any thing of the sort. Neither should he seek to answer those who affirmed that their views of that which was the truth ought alone to be accepted as the truth. Who should say what was the truth as compared with the opinions of other men? For the reasons, then, which he had stated, he gave to the grant his most cordial support. Lord NORTHLAND next rose, but owing to the con fusion which prevailed in the House, the few observations which the Noble Lord made were neally inaudible. He was understood to say that he felt great regret at being thus obliged, for the first time, to differ from her Alajesty's Go vernment. On the motion of Mr. HAWES the debate was then ad journed. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. PROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF SATURDAY. GLOBE.—The - Sugar Duties' Bill was ushered to its third reading in the House of Lords last night, with a repetition of much of the transparent sophistry with which it had been supported in its previous stages. Lord Dalhousie modestly in troduced the subject with a repetition of the chief arguments in its favour—declaring that the measure would cheapen sugar to the middle and lower classes—that the classification sys tem worked well in France, the United States, Sweden and Java—and that slave-holding Louisiana could not afford to send her sugar to this country. That the penny saved on the pound of sugar is to be returned in the income tax—that no classification which can be fairly compared with ours is, or ever has been, in successful opera tion, either in the countries referred to, or any other—and that sugar the produce of slave-labour has already entered our market for home con sumption—the Noble Lord appears to have forgotten. We cannot be surprised at this. When it becomes necessary to make short work of facts and principles, wide views and long dates are excessively inconvenient. No man who kept a retentive memory would be fit to preside at the Board of Trade under Si: Robert Peel. The presence of Lord Brougham gave an intere ,t to the debate, without which we should probably not have felt tempted to notice it. His Lordship gallantly volunteered a defence of the Bill; and, with his usual eccentricity, must needs do so upon ground untrodden by any one else. The fine distinction already drawn by the friends of the measure between slave-importing and merely slave-holding States, is not half fine enough for his Lordship. There is a vulgar breadth about the sophism which appears to disgust him. He sees that the work is but half done, and that clumsily; and with all the skill of a retired professor, and all the ardour of an amateur, he sels himself to finish it. Thus, as to North America :—The slave trade is abolished ; the war-captives of the inte rior of Africa are no longer saved from sacrifice or slavery at home to be sent thither—no longer torn from their kindred, and dragged through the horrors of the middle passage, to swell the field-gangs of Louisiana or Carolina. They are now born and brought up in the land of their slavery. Yet, beyond doubt. there is something to be said on the other side of the case. The field labour of the Southern States still, as of old, kills the slave before he can produce another to succeed him. Importation is still necessary. And it is effected through the agency of the Northern States ; who, employing their slaves chiefly in domestic offices, take advantage of their more easy condition to breed slaves for the destructive labour of the south. Lord Brougham completes the case previously defective, by broadly stating this fact—pushes the distinction between Cuba and lArazil and the Southern States to the extreme verge of the truth—where, in other hands, it would disappear altogether—and declares that though he must set his face against receiving sugar of the tbrmer, 3et when called upon to give his sanction to our consuming that of the latter, it is " a totally different con sideration, and gives rise to different feelings, different argu ments, and leads to a different conclusion !" No doubt the young and mature negroes who are annually selected for the Southern market by the travelling dealers, chain d in gangs. and driven seven or eight hundred miles to the marts where they are to be sold like cattle to the highest bidder, find the forced separation from their kindred extremely painful ; they can have no more hope of return than if they were about to cross the Atlantic; and they undoubtedly go to sup ply a demand caused by the gradual extermination of those who have preceded them. "But he denied that this was as bad as the slave-trade of Africa. Could any man who ever heard of the horrors of a slave ship, of the rapine and murder committed for the purpose of kidnapping the unhappy slaves, and, above all, of the wholesale murders committed on board the vessels going the middle passage—could any man put those horrors on the same footing with the intercourse between different parts of the same country?" On the whole, we think it extremely probable that where Lord Brougham lays down his distinction, a negro would see no difference. As to " the horrors of the middle passage," in particular, it is quite time that we should begin, in the use of this phrase, to recognise the qualification so indubitably es tablished by Mr. Macgregor Laird and others, who have practically investigated the subject. .At least two thirds of these "horrors" are due solely to our attempt forcibly to suppress the traffic. 'lt has given to it all the characteristics of a smuggling trade—thrown it entirely into the hands of the most desperate men—made its profits enor mously high—and, by placing every conceivable obstacle in the way of supplying the unhappy negroes with either air, water, or food, during their passage, has driven those engaged in the trade to look for their profit not to the ori ginal cargo, but to its miserable remnant when thinned by suffocation, starvation, and disease. None can detest slavery iu every form more heartily than we do; but we are not pre pared to admit that good intentions excuse either errors in reasoning or blunders in action. The merit of our labours on behalf of the negro race must be estimated not so much by what we feel for their sufferings, as by what we do for their diminution ; and by this standard, whatever Lord Brougham may say, neither our naval operations on the African coast, nor the recent modifications of the sugar mo nopoly, will bear a very critical examination. ST aNDARD.—The debate in the House of Commons last night has, we own, disappointed us. It is true that the best speeches—for those of Mr. Colquhoun and Mr. Grogan were incomparably the best—were opposed to the conclu sion which, upon most painful and deliberate considera tion, we have ourselves arrived at, and therefore we are incompetent judges of their. merit. These speeches would have convinced us if anything could—but they have failed. Mr. Gladstone's speech is, however, the great occasion of our disappointm en t, though with the full knowledge of that able gentleman's views on Church and religious questions, which he has so candidly given to the public, the speech ought not to hav e di sappo i nte d any one. Wishing, however, to commend where we can one whom we most highly respect, and whose weakness, we may remark, is rather the weakness of his position than proper to himself, let us acknowledge that Mr. Gladstone put forward three points with fairness and with effect—the implied contract to support a college in which Roman Catholic priests might be educated, the utter fallacy of the notion that any restitution is due to Roman Catholics, and the large share which hostility to the principle of an established church has in provoking the present agitation. The failure in Mr. Glad s t one ' s argument arises from the peculiar views which he holds on religious policy. Rejecting the exercise of reason and the appeal to private judgment in religious inquiry, he can of course see no prospect of an ad vance towards religious truth in the general advance of know ledge. Regarding Protestantism, with Mr. Palmer, of Mag dalen, as a simple negation, he assumes that whatever footing is for a moment allowed to Romanism, Romanism, as not being a simple negation, but something positive, must make good, and even make more extensive. The testimony of history is against Mr. Gladetone's notions in this respect, but a better answer is, that Protestan tism is not a simple negation—it is the Gospel, and the whole Gospel ; aird it we are Christians we must believe that, with the aid of enlightened inquiry and the appeal to honest judgment, the Gospel will in the end prevail over all error, though error may be for a time pro tected by ignorance or tyranny. We hope that there is nothing either ridiculous or visionary in this opinion. We do not attempt rashly to measure the proximity of the consummation, but we submit that, according to all human calculation, the extension of knowledge must be hereafter, as it has been hitherto, the means. Again, Mr. Gladstone speaks of the success of the Bill before Par liament as removing all religious objections to the general endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy (so at least we un derstand him). It would be difficult to imagine an argument more calculated to impede the progress of the measure than this. For ourselves, if we believed the present Bill likely to produce the suggested effect, we should at once renounce it. We do not, however, see the slightest connexion between the measure before Parliament and the threatened endow ment. What is the measure before Parliament? The State finds an institution in which are educated four hundred and forty persons, hereafter to exercise an influence over a large proportion of the people, which influence the State cannot control. These four hundred and forty persons are educated imperfectly, lodged and fed miserably, and trained in sordid habits, which, because they are sordid, are sour, and such as, by excluding them fr o m good company and its sympathies, make of them enemies to all above them. The State gives money to provide better education, better food and lodging, and to elevate the habits of the 440. What religious scruples are comprised by this that would not be compromised as much by giving the means of instruction, frieze clothing, dry lodging, and habits of order to a still inferior class of Roman Catholics ? The question seems, indeed, to resolve itself into this—are we forbidden to render any act of kindness to our fellow citizens, if they happen to be Roman Catholics ? But we may be answered, these persons are in preparation for the Roman Catholic Church. What, we ask, is that to us ? We do not enjoin upon them to study Roman Catholic tenets, or to hold such tenets. We make no condition that every Maynooth student shall become a Roman Catholicpriest. We distinctly disclaim all interference with their religious studies. There is nothing in the Bill before Parliament to prevent the trustees, professors, and students of Maynooth joining the Church of Eng land to-morrow. We give them so much money, the greater part of it to be applied to provide lodging, food, and raiment for four or five hundred of our fellow-subjects— in this surely no religious principle is compromised—the rest to be applied, at their own discretion and upon their own responsibility, to provide the means of education. If they misapply the gift, every one sees that the sin rests with them, not with us. While we maintain the Pro- testant Church in Ireland, as we trust it ever will be main tained, every aid we give to instruction will be a means to light men to its temples. The endowment of the priests would be a widely different proceeding. By that we should pay men for being Romanists, for teaching Ro manism, and for turning as many as they could from the church that we believe to be the true one. THE CONFESSION 02 TAWELL. On Thursday, at the quarter sessions for the county of Bucks, held at Aylesbury, it was resolved, on the motion of T. R. Barker, Esq., after some opposition on the part of Lord Nugent, and some discussion, •".rhat Mr. Cox. the chaplain, he sent um and asked what con fession (if any) was made by Tawell, and under what circumstances it was made." Mr. Cox was sent for, and was asked by T. R, Barker, E: q., if any, and under what circumstances, a communication was made to him by the late culprit Mr. Cox replied that he had been made acquainted by lett r t . rom the isiti: g jti-tires that. such a question would be put to him. He thought it. was not a subj‘cet fur an 'Ten yew!. ; but if two or three magistrates would r,tetve c rotiac - t« nial s:at.ettnt from, h rn. • iftd:t ir.g them n the trr.ter. que.A.ou wa , again p,it to Mr. Cox, Lord Nugorit Ix -testing agaii:st it ; a Al Mr. Cox d«eliieil answeting further on the sunjec'. Mr. G. PIGOTT contented that no cocaciusive state-n - v-sTt had %et you to th; public ; a nd, -s u great m tny dig' ft-rent reports had toun, their way into app rs .-f cc;culatton. w,s teci4 an 3 us to s- the , ight upon tit, rinsuer He therefor- moved tha be req .e!t«d to state to the ai-gi,trutes any th , rg res ! ..ecting ;lie contessi mace b% the «culprit. Mr. Sheriff. upon being called, stated—l sat tip the culprit. John Tawell, the wh,,ie of the nigt , t before the execution ; and, abouf five o'clock in the morning, I reminded him that the time was drawing near, and asked him if he had any little matters I could arrange for him, or anything I could take care of for him. He then looked up his little articles, such a, silver spoons and other trifles he had in use, and put them into his box, giving me the key to take care of. He then sat down, and I said, " Mr. Tawell, I think there was some promise made me of a statement you intended leaving ?" He replied, "If I promised, I will do so ;" and he then produced a paper, which I handed to Mr. Cox. It was read over in my pi esence, and contained an admission of his guilt. Ile was then sitting down by the fire in the cell, and, leaning his head against the fire-place, he said, "Yes, lam guilty of the crime—l put the prussic acid into the porter, and I also attempted the crime in Sep tember last, not by prussic acid but by morphia." On giving the statement to Mr. Cox, Tawell requested it might not be topic-d, nor appear in the newspapers. Mr. G. PIGOTT then proposed, and Dr. LEE seconded, " That a statement of the case, with the questions put to Mr. Cox, and also his refusal to answer, be sent to the Secretary of State, requesting his advice to the magis trates how to act should a similar case occur." It was also resolved that a copy of the statement of Mr. Sheriff should also be forwarded, being the only official one yet communicated. EXECUTION ofTHOMAS THOMAS Early on Thursday morning last the arrival of im mense crowds of people into the town of Brecon testi fied thu intense excitement which every circumstance re lating to the murder of David Lewis, the Cardiganshire butter merchant, had excited ; and by ten o'clock, the hour appointed for the execution of the convict Thomas, no less than from ten thousand to fifteen thousand people had assembled opposite the scaffold, which had been erected on the bank of a small river which flows re st the county gaol. Since his conviction, the extreo: - ,'" th i ary indifference and coolness of the prisoner l'.ad deserted him, and he had spent most of his r' cue in tear s an d prayer. He supped heartily t'," a Wednesday night, and retired to rest atio'.'t eleven o'clock, arid he slept soundly 11'10.1, tour, when he rose and dressed himself. ate a hearty breakfast, and attended Divide service in the chapel of thu prison, after whiet the sacrament was administered to him. H.• declir,.d seeing any of his relativws, though he said that if they had cornma earlier he should have wished an inter view. When Caleraft entered the condemned cell for the purpose of pinioning the wretched tean, he VMS standing near the fire place, weeping ; and when Mr. Lasenb ) , the governor of the gaol, explained to him that the m melt had arrived f. .r his going out, he re plied that "he was quite ready ;" and added, I will go like a lamb ; I have giv,4l mys..-lf up to the Almighty." The Und. r-Sh. riff asked him if he vvi.hed to say an) - viing. and he reph. d tie wished to see the r....ert nd chaplain who had left the ;oleo f , r -a is' men t, aid on Itis nry h, ked it a cop -hail; in wmich he h-,d wet-'en ,a•ve; . ai extinct, the Se ip ues inig - ht '.y the goveroor o iiis ianydy ;" and tne reverend :rentiernan as , urv-g frm roat it sheu4 - 1 he don:, lie a- k.-. 1 it his e.rateh elot-n• s tuigl:t gii••• II to hi, vid.e,: Mr V./c-Join tol:i turn. h.• would tats.- ea , e the: sh tild h• vu m. an a ‘k e ,. hi t n if he hail ant allow , tirtit:r to say 0.. h in, o. w i.!) (1 to say any thing oui,ii;e ? flu refit'. it in the to.il then shook hands wiih id i governor unit th. offierrs own- a to, l , ion to ;• e also took Me. Van:4ll,n by th.• art ttia.;iceo fir his kindmiss. While the %%4, Fer sobb,cl. audibly ; and directly a't r the melancholy pro cession moved off. the chaplain readm, : f the burial :er vice. The prisoner waik..e vary firciiiy, and appa,m-11113 took no notice ot the immense crowd ass. tabled. At the foot of the scaffold he stopped, and turning roun. , , grasped Mr. liz.nby's hand with his hands, and said, with great emotion, " God bless you all for your kindne-s." He then ascend( d the steps with a firm step, but still weeping, and Caleraft placed the nip.. round his neck, and tied the other end to the gallows. The chaplain then read a prayer, the prisoner's bps per ceptibly moving as if in fervent suppli cat i on. T he drop fell exactly at ten oclock, and fir two or three minutes the muscles were contracted and convulsed, an 1 then all was still, except the oscillation of the body in the wind. After hanging the usual time, the body was taken down, and buried within the prison walls, He has made a full confession, which has not yet been made public by the authorities. COMMITTAL OF A WIFE FOR THE DEATH OF HER HUSBAND. LINCOLN, FRlDAY. — Another of those shocking acts of poisoning has recently been brought to light at a small village called Laceby, near Grimsby, concerning which Jane Bell was yesterday committed to Lincoln Castle, for trial at the next assizes, charged with the wilful murder of her husband, Edward Bell, by administering to him a certain quantity of arsenic. The unfortunate deceased was a respectable master carter in the village, and the suddenness of his death, which took place on the 20th ult.; naturally rendered a coroner's in quiry necessary. Mr. W. Meirris, one of the county coroners, opened the inquest on the body at the Wa terloo Inn in the village, and Messrs. Lappington and Keetbley, two surgeons of Laceby, havit g dis covered, after a past mortem examination, and a careful analysis of the contents of the stomach, that the de ceased had died from the effect of arsenic, coupled with other very suspicious facts, tending to fix upon the un happy woman the commission of the shocking act, she was promptly ordered into the custody of the proper authorities The inve,tigation was then adjourned, in order t• afford time fi a• the collection of further evidence ri-spectlng the tragical event, and ou its being resumed it was satisfactorily ascertained that the poison lead been administered in arrowroot. Additional ..valence was also pa'duced corroborative of the anew , . d's guilt, and altho:;gh certainly it wa , con .idere , l as altn-st ap proaching conclusive, still the jury entertained a doubt, and eventually recorded a verdict of 't Wilful murder against some person or persons unknown " Sh e was accordingly liberat d ; but from her previous conduct to her deceased partner, %hit h ha l ben spoken to at the Coroner's inqu. st, the authorities were induced to institute furthar inquiries as n, the mysterious affair ; the result of which arts the re-appre hension of the wretched woman on a warrant issued by the county justices, and on Wednesday she was dilly brought before Mr li. Throld and the Itor. S. (edge, magistrates, `'roan Gritusty poi for examination, charged with hating adulittistered to her husoatid, Ed ward Bell. a 'pewity o arsen.e, met b rnet,ns whereof he berat=e sick and died. 'lime wretched creature, who is fir advaacel in pre guatley, a`loUt five inaoths, and who wept bitterly during tee pr declared ut flit, onset t the ex%tnit.att. n her couplet , cane of th,. awful cr,me imput it to h, I am char of toy h.tst.adui - s cause it." Mr. Horece Watson, a druegist. in the village, deposed that the prison. r a short lime previous to her husband's death porchased a quantity of arsenic at his shop, for the purpose. as she st .ted of ve, um, but which, f.a- reasons alleged by her, was not u—d, but thrown away. Mr. W. Pearsall, a consulting chemist at hull, cleat ly proved the deceased's death to have resulted from arsenic. On being culled upon for her defence, she replied th,,t she had nothing to sal ; she was as ft, e from causing her husband's death as the unborn irS -tit which she bore. Respecting the poison, she said that she procured it solely to destoy vermin, and not for any o th er p ur p ose. She was committed for trial at the ensuing assizes. BRISTOL SUGAR MARKET, APRIL 11.—There has not been much animation in our sugar market this week, and prices are with difficulty supported, excepting for good and fine descriptions, which are st►ll very scarce; the sales since our last reach about 550 hhds. and trcs., chiefly to the re finers, who continue at full, and to them very profitable, work : the raw material declining, and the manufactured article being in good demaisd, in short supply, and, conse quently, enhanced in value. Very little business doing in Mauritius or Bengal. Rum is rather more inquired for.— Bristol Mercury. DEAFNESS—ACOUSTIC INSTRUMENTS.-39, Albe marle.street, Piccadilly.—lnvisible Voice Conductors, when fixed in the cavity of the ear*, are not more uncom fortable nor perceptible than having a small piece of wool in its place. They enable individuals at an ad vanced age, and of forty or fifty yvars standing of ex treme deafness, instantly to join in general conversation, and to catch the sound of a distant, low speaker, at church, theatre, &c. They pour the conversation into the ears to such an extent, that in most severe cases deafness cannot be observed. Also original Ear Cor nets, French, German, and Spanish Artificial Ears, and improved Hearing Trumpets of every description. M any of those instruments have received the approbation of the Royal Society and Royal Institution of Great Bri tain. The Newly Invented Spectacles, immediately they are placed before extremely imperfect vision, it .s brought to its youthful, natural, and original state. Also Achromatic Telescopes, Opera-glasses, Micro scopes, &c.—Caution : Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, ipticians and Aurists, are not in any way connected with person of the same name in their immediate neigh lourhood, Ror in any part of the country. To prevent nistakes, be cautious, and observe—Only to be had at 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, opposite the YorkHoteL LLOYD'S SHIPPING. DEPARTURE GF FOREIGN MAILS. The next mails for Malta, Greece, tiEd the lonia Islands, Egypt, India. &c., via Southampton, Will be dispatched hence on the evening of Saturday next, the 19th inst. The next mails for the Mediterranea n, Egypt, Crylen, India and China, via Marseilles, Kill be disrmtehed hence on the evening of the 24th of April. WEST INDIES.— Tay (steamer) for the mails of Tbute° day next, the 17th inst. AMERlCA.—llibernia (steamer) for the mails of Fri' day evenit g, the 18th inst. SYDNEY (NEW SOITTFI WALES.)—The ship Geode' fur the mails of the 30th inst. LONDON, Arium 12.—Wind, W.N.W., moderate breeze, an d cloudy. RA3LSCIATE, APRIL 11.—Wind W.—And. Mary, Lisbon for Hull. with fore and mainsail s split an d b u l war k s d a raage: ,t " ' havin , r been in contact. The Johanne s , F a il y, from Vig° Riga, has been ashore on the Goodwin Sands, and broker' her rudder, hut proceeded. DEAL, APlt.rt, A. 31 S S.W. to S.E ; 75:F . "' moderate —Arri. Stratheden, Howlett, Calcutta ; Job Brewer, Brown, P.,mbae. FA 1.)I 0 ETU. A 11.—Wind N. to fresh ga les and sciu:.lly. Arad Hudson, BaN field, Ichaboe, pumps NS of order; l'anth , r, Newcastle for Rio; Hope, jacmel. HARTLEPOOL. APRIL o.—The Favourite, cf Aber& vernlli making the harbour to-day, during a ga!t at 7.c.E., drove ' 3* the be;wli n! ar Stranrthi, where she rem,iins. Witrruy, Arun. 10 —The Napier, from Sunderland le lirPliogton, lig taking tie harbour during a heavy gale I t , st rucl: Ihe split her stem, and afterwa ru 7 ,ew sac, d. OFF A t.tinoitorGit, Arun 11.—Intfgrity, of Newcastle' f Havre. with &L<<-:age, having been in con t act w i t h a lip brig, oil' Cromer. At'nri. 11.—The Havre, Osborn, from Hartle pool to Colchester, was assisted in h ere t o -d ay, w ith 10'' , of spars. bulwarks, sails, &c . having been struck by a sea . .., WivENIn)E, APPAL 11.—The James, B unne y, f r om Ne" - castle to London, has been assisted in here leaky, ha y ' touched the Heads Sand. MARKET NEWS. --S( ATURDAY) CO VENT-0.8.32.320Ere. The supply of Vegetables being on the increase, the de mand for them was not quite so active, as was the case ° li this day sen'night ; nevertheless no material depression $ O9 noticed in the quotations. O ranges were i n goo d requeet,lls extreme rates, but all other kinds o f f ru it were a d u ll inquug' NtWGATE AND LEADENHALL. Each kind of Prime M ea t was i n i mprove d reques t ' at full prices ; otherwise the trad e ru l e d d u ll . B ee f, II 2s 6d to 3s 6d ; Mutton, 2s 10d t o 3 s 8d ; L am b, 4s 0 to 6s ; Veal, 3s 8d to 4s 6cl; and Pork. 2s 10d to 4s 2d P er Sibs, by the carcass. We had about an average time' 0 a supply of both Game and Poult r y, w hil e th e design ruled heavy, at barely previous rates. Turkey s ' from 3s to 8s; and Geese, 45 to 6s; tame Rabbits, 1 8 1 ° 2s; k.nd wild ditto, 4d to 10d each ; Fowls, 6s to 12s; Ghick ei r 4s to 68 ; and Ducks, 4s to 6s 6d per couple. RUNGERPORD. There was a trifling improvement in the demand for eac kind of Meat, at fully last week's quotations. In all othe r articles only a limited business was doing, vet prices W mostly supported. NEWPORT. Prime Beef and Mutton were in s t oa d y reques t, a t prices ; but all other kinds of Mee,, were a dull sale. EamL XNG"_4GATE. The supplies of Fish wer again extensive, y et the n ci . e ; mewl was steady at fun prices. Salmon, is 10d to Af t ; and Eels, Sd to is au p er lb ; T ur b ots, 6 s t o 17s; WlV.to ings, 2d to 8d ; a'. - ,cl Cod Fish, 3s to 8s each ; Soles, 2s 3d per pair ; Mackerel, 20s to 30s per 120. Ther a was a trifling improvement in the demand her e day for each kind of Meat. BREAD. 0 0 ° The prices of Wheaten Bread in the Metropolis are a 7d to 71;d ; of Household ditto, 5d to bid per 41bs leaf. HIDE mAitic.ET Raw Hides, at per stone of 141bs :—Best Steers and IleL i fe l 5s 6d to 5s lad; Middling Hides, 4s 8d to 5s 4d; 1 ‘ _9.7:... ° ditto, 4s 2d to 4s 6d. Sheep and Calf Skins, at per o •`', * to Market Calf, 6s 6d to 8s; Long-woolled Sheep, 3 " - 441 4s 9d; Short ditto, 3s to 4s ; Lamb Skins, is to is and Shearlings, 6d to 8d each. HST PAARICIETS. Ase SMITH FlELD.—Coarse Meadow Hay, 3/ 123 to 4/ 1531, e r ful ditto, 4/ lOs to 5/4s ; fine Upland do., 5/5s tu 5/105: tA c ' f i Hay, 4i lOs to 6/ ; Oat Straw, I/ 18s t o 2L Wheat S r :di 2/ to 2/ 2s p er l o ad. A f a i r average su pply, and a.st e inquiry. , 1 5,41 CumBERLAND.—Coarse Meadow Haw, 3/ 15s to 41 ,' 1 23; useful ditto, 4; 16= t o 5/ 5 8; fin e Uplandditto, 516 s to 5 ,,` is; Clover Hay, 4/ 10 8 to 5/ 16 3; O a t St r a w , 1/ 183 to „ ti t Wheat Straw, 2/ 2s to 2! 3s per load. Trade throtle" brisk, at full prices. O3l wniTEcuArka..—Coarse Meadow Hay, 3/ 158 to 4 1 5 4 to useful ditt o , 4/ 16 s to 5/ 45; ti ne U p l an d ditto, 5' - 2/ ; 5/10s; Clover. hay. 4110 s to 6/; Oat Straw. l/ 18s tl fs if Wheat Stra:t. 2/ to 2/ 2 s pe r l oa d. B ot h H a y and ''- rnovvd off firmly, at our quotations. T er 1845 —Thy ;1L the !louse List f ° no.• and DirretorF, rif the Bank of England for the Ye* lre • !kt , .llg, FOE GOVERNORS- John Benjamin Ile.‘th, Esq,. Governor. William R. Rooiason, Esq., Deputy-Governor- FOE DIRECTottS. Edward Henry Ctial.may, James Alalcon:son, Esq. Esq. James Morris, Esq. 9( • NVOlian; Cott , n. Esq. George Warde Norman , C.-p ase , Gtenfril. Esq. James Pattison, Esq. Fiar t, Abel L. wes Gower, Esq. Sir John Henry PellV, P John Oliver Har:son, Esq. Christopher Pearse, tag. Kirkman Daniel Hodgson, David Powell. Esq. Sir Johu Rae 'Reid, Ba rt• c 4 a. H. Esq. J. b i LThomas c r e aN a l t rl h t t l ,av i in l n i l : U l ni b l :b: h a d i. r u d i , l E t E7s E q . s . I T V I q. Al l ill m i d a e a m r A m e T a l h:o r ra le p s s s o nm ! sq' : 014 -171-L Y Charles Frdlt. Huth, Esq. Thomas Matthias tt egAlfird a Esq. William Little F ,sq. Francis Wilson, Esq. will be The election f or G overno r a nd D e puty-Governor _ held at the Ba n k on T ues d a y, th e 15th, and for Directorsooo Wednesday, the IGth inst., fr o m ten o'clock in the fo re till four in the afternoon, 0 0 ERRATUM.—In the leading article of SaturcltlY't of the Universities of Cambridge, for "the main arguai e dr ifts Mr. Christie, though he had not the ability to see i ts eli t o f was directly in its favour "—read "the main argua l Mr. Goulburn, &c." . n SUPPOSED MURDEIL—On Thursday last an was held at Salisbury on the body of a woman, whlf, tbl found in a ditch running into the river Bourne• as iro: course of the inquiry it appeared, that the woman / I . ,%bea' or mistress of a man nam e d W oo lf or d, w h o travelled w ith the country with a learned pig, and had left SalisburYbO two daughters a fortnight prior to the discovery of al l ot The evidence of the landlord of th e Whi te Li o n, and " o fdir his servant, went to prove that the whole party we re .houtf solute habits, and that the w o m an h a d b een m i s sing •„," ea' week before the others left th e h ouse. Th e i nq uest ifr v ight jonrned till Monday next, in order that a surgeon examine the body. sv b: THE SHAPIVICK MURDER.—Sarah Freeman wed executed on Wednesd a y wee k ; t h e h our i s n ot yet ,bort, The prisoner i s d a il y v i s i te d b y t h e R ev. M r . 1,3 , ° ,7, 0 ti0; curate of Magdale ne Ch urc h , t h roug h w h ose p ious 11ht t 0 and advice it is hoped she will, by Providence, be broil& to a right state of mind.—Somerset County Gazette. c 01.9 DESPERATE ATT E M PT AT Z,VICIDE BY A jibe! PROM BLAcKFRIAns-BRIDGE.—On Friday afternoolbbricv four o'clock, mu c h a l arm was crea t e d at Bl a ckfriars,, f ee de by a dete rm i ne d attempt at suicide by a child butai old. It appea r s th e mate of a billy boy on the uproar of the bridge heard a desperate splash in the w ater, c ob rently close t o th e b r id ge , an d t h en observed 5 1 1 00 0 ,_ . floating in th e water , whieh he at last perceived Nyasa i t 0" body. Wi t h some difficulty he succeeded in getting i e Or and found it was a child in an insensible state- , mediately conveyed it to the Glazier's Arms, in Wa .e d, where Mr. Hutchi n s o n, the surgeon , p rom ptly attena e St by great exertion was enabled to restore animationie then stated that her name was Caroline O'Brien, that f ° spor t fourteen years of age, and lived with her parents tea" hope-street, Clare-market, until lately, when she °b 7 3 o- 41. situation a t M r . D ea d y ' s , Gl oucester - stree t, Queen - Iv plO She was to return home every night, but in the ear otor of the week one of the servants persuaded he r t° for 1$ which she did. H er mo th er was very angr y with bet b°d ed t 0 next day, and she (the girl) not liking it, detera l ! make away with herself. Mr. Hutchinson ad, v ,w Is o being taken to th e U n i on w or kho us e until comple ted covered. Is 2l of [ADVERTTSEMENT.]—CURE OF A CASE -- 13 1 GEsTION, WITH CONSTIPATION OF THE BONe,, - DO' HOLLOWAY'S PILLS !—ExTraet of a 1-tier from u'e sc.f Faq.. author of ‘• The Book of the BastileS, dated the Tiryun. Newtown, Montgomeryshire , th e / con'March, 1845 : -'"fo ProFessor Holloway. S ir, vol cider it ra y d u ty t o i n f orm yo!), that, a few boxe s Pills, which I purchased of Mr. Morris, drug? , 0 A O Netvt-wil. ha;•• ad me of c. , n ,, tant coastip.,ti b.,wels, which application t ° - NW ptirsoit, i:•••1 I , n , entailed upon me. I should 00,00 r,, , ofnme-t nu. hers acid studiously digp.sed P .1? ki-e your valuable ge (l/ 1 %N Baxt,r." Sold by a ll re , peetahle Vendors Of , 24*" ;tncl at Profes,or Holloway's Establishm en t S!rnoil, Uner.-11 vice may he had gratis. --- - ' I 1 , 1 TH ,S -nab , °I. On the 6th in s t., a t W oo dh ouse , nea r Loughb°L"-- ,' lady of Thoma s C ra d oc k, E sq. , of a son. f St l99- On the 7th inst., the wife of George Reece, Esq ., ° „i un JP' . gardens, Hyde park, of a son. ‘f rx .lo , .. - On the Bth in s t., at St. L eonar d' s - on -Sea, I, ti 3. fort% of a son. On the Bth inst., a t th e Vi carage , GodmersbaD 3, sent' ir wife of the Rev. Alfred Lyall, of a daughter. of r'l On the 9th inst., M rs . J o h n Wi c kh am Flower' lb hill, Croydon, of a daughter. f oliast er ' On the 9th inst., in Queen-square-place, We s-- lb lady of the Rev. Henry Barney, of a son. bir g. On the Bth inst., at Clarence-terrace, Islington' WRlenzie, of a son. Serf°llr On the 9th inst., the lady of Alfred Keyser, Escl" crescent, Hyde-park, of a son. MARBIED. AA Ile' , ; J • On the 10th i n st., a t S t. Matthew's, Brixton, , -- - p o tt u 0 G. Watkins. ju n ., M . A ., Incumbent of St. Jolla's, `oar' bar, Illiddlesex, to Sarah Lea, eldest daughter of oh Pritchett 13oustield, Esq., of Camberwell. i rposle r iie na 01' On the Bth of January, at St. Mary Abbotta, m .- A George Edwin Taunton, Esq , of Liverpool, to Sunidet ll3 second daughter of the late J. R. Oliver, Esq., 0 ' , Coif bury, and Upper Cl ap t on. p al m , •el •° On the 20th of J anuary, t h e R ev . J o h n David o f p• nial Chaplain, to Louisa Ann, second d a ughter, tor e. Wells, Esq., ofth e S toc k-E xchange, an d Peckltal, ° blic.l , On the sth ult., at Quebec William Kern")le, E° 4l ' dt, 5 ' On the sth inst., Alary, widow of the late R. natil ury ...Vq . of Sittinghtairue, Kent. ' .-' bo On the 6th inst., at Ealing, Ann. widow of E. R obe s ob On the Bth inst., at the White Ladies, n ear 'W Ingram, Es q . ~,r a Stlf rel' Th O m n n a tb s e L B u t n h d i , n E st s q.,., ataglleudn6t6in.gton L o dge, Peck' -- ' i', • . . s, i r., On the Bth inst., at Cliff L o d ge , L e yburn, Yorks ~ SO Wray, Esq. ncr e,..l „ On the Bth inst., in Nottingham-place, Thom as m i, a rde o 4- 40 O n n t t i i i i e e Bth inst., inst„ CAhnadrrleeswmJoapcpy, E ae s , q ;:sq of ., S o ar t r e - s.'-tocic ' gar Ail change. ~. - Mrs . - tr egh On the 8 • _ 0 , 4 . Hoby, wed, Piccadilly. it, tie, Strand, Printar. at. T% U 7 0 ffi Ce ' a ntf Strand. in the , _Precinct of the Savoy, in ,th e Bliddleeez, Monday, April 14 ) 1845. I 1 • rt 4 11 41'2tti ' C.:44.11 L, t C:; ~. Bth inst., at the Triangle, Haekney, Low of the late M r . G. Roby, of St. Jal lie Of VO N"'ob -'rint4 end Published by MURPO s©• I.f ricace.