The Sun. — London, England, 1836-02-05 00:00:00

GERMAN PAPERS. FROM THE BANKS OF 'risß NAREW, JAN. 11.—Since the time of Czarnecki, Sobieski, and Labonieski, we look in vain in the annals of history for a war in which Poland was victo rious. Independent Poland was even tributary to the Cres cent, and alternately conquered by Sweden, Russia, Austria, France, and Prussia: Poland was still an independent state, for when its armies were conquered by the Turks, Cossacks, and Tartars, by the Russians and Swedes—it is proper to re mind the English and French Journalists of this fact, whos often dreamed of a Polish bulwark, as of Chateaux Es pagne, which are nearer to them. Did the ancientt_Seda.rarmwataiyc heroic Poland, hinder the Mongols from finding their h the free and through the Polish forests to Lignitz ? august Republic hinder Charles XII. from a dvancing through and Fermois Cossacks Poland and Leipsig, and Apranxens from coming to Berlin ? At no time,and under none of its political forms, did Poland prove it self to be a bulwark against the East ; but now it seems it : different. Now we are told Poland would prove to be an invincible, incessible fortress, if only one trifling thing were granted to it— ac the blessings of the Western Quadruple Alliance. We, who living on the spot, see the affairs of Poland as they are, complain of these fanciful notions, less o n a cco unt of the bitter irony contained in them, than for th e painful ignorance of our self-constituted , ‘a panegyrists. With }te Brun's Geography, Radowski's Polish History, Bronikowski s Novels, it is attempted to prove what Poland was and what it will be. In this way it is easy to misre present the re al f orce and political importance of Poland, and to hold up i ts fee bleness and political nullity as the contrary of What they are. The real force of Poland in its Sclavon ian origin, its Sclavonian manner s and customs , which are still pre served with considerab e purity among the lower classes (here, as elsewhere, the sound part of the nation), in its language and literature, which was recognised a hundred times in the last revolution—its political importance is essentially in its geographical situation, and the nature of the country. T o t h at real force it may be ascertained that Poland has happily borne all the experiments of administrative wisdom, which more than any other country in Europe it has had to bear during the last 50 years. The administration of the Perma nent Council was followed by the Constitution of 1791, then by that of the Confederation of Targowicz, then the temporary Government of Suwarrow, l as tly t h e P russ i an , Russian, and Austrian in 1793 ; then the French Saxon of 1807 ; then again the Provisional Russian Government of 1812 ; then that of the Kingdom, 1815 and 1831, and that of the last Revolution. Even the recent superficial knowledge of the different spirit of forms of the Administration of the four great European Powers occupying Poland, must see that these sudden changes of admi nistration are a real misfortune to the country. Yet in all the late reasonings about Poland it has never been seriously consi dered, or even noticed. Hence it is that people in other countries do not or will not understand Poland when it confides in the pre sent Administration, because it bears in itself the elements of alteration, and its internal force becomes, for the first time, a real political force, by its union with Russia. In the same manner, the geographical position of Poland, and the nature of the country in itself, give it no political importance. Set up as a bulwark against Russia, Poland, whether independent or united with the neighbouring German States, is nothing. But united with Russia, Poland acquires political importance in Europe, a truth which was never more splendidly defended than by the Anti-Russian diplomacy of the Vienna Congress. Only Poland's pretended friends do not know it. It is they who talk incessantly of a Polish bulwark against the East, and hold up as the most brilliant conception of modern policy this idea, which is supported neither by the origin nor the man ners of the people, nor by the history and the nature of the country. Poland "a political bulwark ! " For this Poland wants every physical and moral qualification. But what is that to the advocates of fixed ideas ? We do net see what line of defence Poland could hold against Russia, as the Ural and Caucasus are rather too far from Warsaw. We are re ferred to the morass of Pinsk and the forests of Minsk, with out considering that the morass of Pinsk was always such, and the forests of Minsk might be still more impregnable, without keeping the Russiait armies from Warsaw. How ever, if Poland had on the east an Alpine barrier, bound in eternal ice, inaccessible even to a Hannibal, where would the French arid English journalist find these Polish Leoni da.sses but in their own offices ? For while the majority of tire Poles are summing up their accounts with the last revolution, and considcrin7 the losses so wantonly incurred, they widitbatw n - ,ore and more from the fairy land of their national vanity, to the West European regions of calculating egotism, where the heroic race is in general not at home.—Franlybrt Obet rest Antis Zeitung, Jan. 31. BERLIN, JAN. 31.—The reiterated mention of the nationality of Poland in the address of the French Chamber of De::uti,:s has caused a great sensation here. Pcople ask with ast u ni•h_ ment to what tend these protestations in favour of a cause which its advocates had not the courage to cieCencl, when it was not yet desperate ? So long as the Deputies of so inflam mable a nation manifest such sympathy for a question, toe actual solution must set all Europe in a flame, and no generd reduction of the standing armies can be thought of. But unless the ()Teat burdens which depress all industry be greatly dimi nished., we must necessarily look forward to a total impove rishment, as it is evident to every body that we carry on a highly slisadvantageous trade, compared with foreign countries, partly for the above cause, and partly from their greater national riches. On more mature consideration, the Gallic declaration seems of the greater importance, as a continual repetition of it might induce an ambitious prince to provoke a general war. Others affirm we must attend not to words but to things, and that the relations of the several parties are so directly opposed, that in time the sword alone in the end must decide. VIENNA, JAN. 25.—Five per Cents. 1027; Four per Cents. 99a- ; Three per Cents. I,36s.—Allgemeine Zeitung, Jan. 29. BRUSSELS, JAN. 31.—Last night we had a most violeii storm of wind from the south ; hitherto we have heard of 11, accidents. Dr. Bowring, who has been for some time at Brussels on a commercial mission from the British Government, leaves to morrow, in order to be at London on the opening of Parlia ment. After the discussion of the last budget, the order of the day is the report on the petitions relative to the commercial lase. The debate on the law itself will immediately follow. We (the Courrier Belgic) invite all the Representatives, who are friends to the country, to be at their post on this important debate. A letter from Aix La Chapelle says that French travellers are exposed to all kinds of annoyance, and to such a rigid sur villance, that many persons wholly unconnected with politics prefer leaving the country. BELGIAN FUNDS.-135USSELS, FEB. 1. Actual Debt, 9.% per Cent , Rothschild's Loan, Five per Cent llit Loan of City, 1832, Four per Cent Society of Commerce, Four and a Half per Cent l3l Bank of Belgium, Five per Cent 1135 —.Brussels Papers, Feb. 3. SEAMEN'S HOSPlTAL.—Wednesday a meeting of the subscribers to this c h ar ity wa s held at the London Tavern, for the purpose of hearing the secretary's report read, and of passing the accounts of the institution for the year just expired. Sir F. Ommanney was in the chair. From a statement made by the secretary, it appeared that no less a number than 25,552 seamen had been received into the hospital since its foundation, and the number of patients admitted last year amounted to 2,341. In addi tion to the relief thus afforded, advice, medicine, and medi cal stores had been provided, in the course of the year 1835, to 1,191 out-patients. These facts constitute of themselves sufficient evidence of the value of this institution, which, with a truly benevolent feeling, is thrown open for the recep tion of sick seamen belonging to every nation. All who know how severe are the sufferings of a sailor in sickness, when abandoned to his own resources, will feel great plea sure at hearing of the existence of the Seamen's Hospi tal, and to their attention we direct the following passage in the secretary's report :—" The interest accruing upon the whole funded property of the charity amounts to 1,800/., the annual subscriptions to about 1,400/., making, together with the receipts under the Merchant Seamen's Bill (pro bably .5000, an aggregate income of 3,700/. It must. however, be borne in mind, that the annual expenses of the establishment exceed 5,000/." THE LATE LORD STOWELL.—TiIe late Lord Stowell was a tutor at Oxford in the year 1772, when his brother, John Scott, the present Lord Eldon, eloped with Miss Surtees from Newcastle to Scotland, where they were immediately married. The lady had not a single shilling of property, and her husband being without profession or pro spect had nd dependence but upon his brother. The latter, though greatly chagrined and provoked at what had oc curred, was too wise and good a man to cherish angry feel ings in a case which admitted of no redress. After express ing his sentiments sharply on the imprudent conduct of his brother, he asked him what he meant to do for a livelihood. His first thought was directed to the Church ; but here nothing better than a curacy could be expected, and, there fore, the idea was quickly abandoned. It was at length settled, after much discussion, that the lost young man, as his brother termed him, should try the law, and enter a student of the Middle Temple, as a preparatory step to his admission in the Court of Civilians. His brother himself was at that time a member of the same community. For a long time nothing but the strictest frugality could afford him the hope of a mere livelihood, while in assiduity alone could he expect to ensure professional success. Hence his very adversity became the seed of his prosperity, and on an extremely impoverished beginning he laid the foundation of that surprising superstructure of honour and wealth to which he at last attained. Much inconvenience was felt in the City on Wednes day morning by the late delivery of the post letters. We be lieve, however, it was unavoidable, the roads Wing very heavy, in consequence of great falls of snow and rain. Six western mails we are told, had not arrived at ten o'clock ; and the Poole mail was brought by eight horses. THUNDER STORM.—On Friday afternoon, Black rock, near Cork, was visited by a violent storm of thunder, lightning, and hail, and the steeple of the parish church was struck by the electric fluid, torn to pieces, and thrown to the ground. The roof of the church was also considerably in jured by the falling stones, A few days ago a priso n van was overturned at the corner of the Rue des Paul; at Rouen, and it became necessary to let out all the prisoners before it could be righted. Not one of them attempted to escape ; but with one accord they set to work to raise the fallen vehicle, and then quietly resumed their seats in it !—Galignanes J-Vres sengerr • %, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. •- _HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRaAtura 4. At a few minutes to two o'clock, the SPEAKER, in his robes of State, attended by Sir William Gossett, the Sergeant at Arms, entered the House. At that time there were about two hundred Members present. On the Ministerial bench were, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Colonel Leith Hay, the Attorney-General, the Hon. Fox Maule, and Sir George Grey. The only Member on the front Opposition bench was Sir James Graham. Precisely at two o'clock the firing of guns announced the arrival of his Majesty ; and immediately after wards, - Sir Augustus Clifford, the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the table, and summoned the House, by his Majesty's command, to the House of Peers. The SPEAKER, attended by almost all the Members present, then left the House, returned in about half an hour, and adjourned till four o'clock. The SPEAKER resumed the Chair at ten minutes to four o'clock. NEW MEMBERS. The writs issued during the vacation having been announced by the Speaker, Mr. O'LouoilLim, the Attorney-General for Ireland, Mr. Sergeant WOULFE, and four other new Members, took the oaths and their seats. NEW WRITS. On the motion of Mr. BARING, a new writ was moved for the borough of Melton, in the room of Sir C. Pepys, who had been appointed Lord Chancellor, and called to the House of Lords. Also, a new writ for Devizes, in the room of Sir Philip Durham, who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. On the motion of Mr. H ALFORD, a new writ was moved for the Southern Division of Leicestershire, in the room of J. F. Turner, Esq., who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. A new writ was moved for the City of Glasgow, in the room of Colin Dunlop, Esq., who had accepted the Chiltern Handreds. COMMUTATION OF TITIIES. Mr. BARING, on the part of Lord John Russell, gave no tice that on the 9th February he should ask leave to bring in a Bill for the Commutation of Tithes in England and Wales.—( Cheers.) Also a Bill for the registration of births, deaths, and marriages ; and on the 11th, a Bill to enable cer tain persons to hold of in Corporations. The ATTOR NE Y-G ENE RAL gave notice of his inten tion to bring in a Bill for the more effectual registration of voters for Members of Parliament. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS (IRELAND.) Mr. O'LOUGHLIN gave notice that on the 16th February he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for the regulation of Municipal Corporations in Ireland.—(Cheers.) CONSTABULARY (IRELAND.) Lord NIORPETII gave notice, that he should move fur leave to bring in a Bill for the regulation of the Constabulary in Ireland. TURNPIKE ROADS. Mr. FOX MAULE gave notice, that on the 18th of Feb. he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for the regulation of Turnpike Trusts in England and Wales. OFFICIAL FEES. Mr. I - lUNIE gave notice, that on the 9th of February lie should move, that all payments made by Members of Parlia • meet for the delivery of Sessional Papers, and all gratuities to officers, door-keepers, &c., should thenceforward cease and determine. ELECTION OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. The 110 N. MEMBER also gave notice, that on the Bth inst., he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the ef:- penses attending the election of Members of Parliament for England and Wales.---(Cheers.) CO . LINTY RATES. The Ihs. rITENIBER then gave notice that on the Bth of March he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to authorize the rate-payers of counties to choose representatives to form a county board, for the assessment, levying, and managing, of the county rates. LIGHT HOUSES. The Hox. MEMBER also gave notice of his intention to bring in a Bill on the 9th of March, for the purpose of vesting the management of the light houses on the coast of Eng?anti in the Trinity Board of Deptford. ORANGE LODGES. The TioN. MENIBEtt next gave notice that on the fOd of March, he should move that an humble address he presented to his Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to remove from all public offices, at home and abroad, every Judge, Privy Gnmeillor, Lord-Lieutenant, Deputy Lieute nant, Cu:7;tos Rotulorum, officers of the Militia, In•Thectors, Chief Constables, and every other officer of police in Ire Lind. —( Great laughter.) Also every magistrate and public eflicer employed in the administration of justice, who shall continue a member, or attend the meeting of, any Orange Lodge— (Cheers)—or any Ribbon Lodge—( Opposition cheers)—:ir any other political club, institution, society, or association, wheresoever assembled—( Continued cheering) haviAg any secret form of initiation—(Hear)—or bound by any secret signs, passports, or oaths, and who shall not withdraw from such club, institution, or association, before the expira tion of one month aher the publication of such proclamation as his Majesty shall think fit to publish. The HON. MEMEER then gave notice of his intention to ask the Secretary at War on Monday next, what steps had been taken by the Commander-in-Chief to remove any officers of the army still belonging to Orange Lodges—(Loud cheers, and cries of—hlear, hear.) STEAM VESSELS ANT) PUBLIC CARRIAGES- (LONDON.) Alderman WOOD gave notice, that on the 9th inst. he should ask leave to bring in a Bill for the Regulation of Steam Vessels plying on the River Thames ; and also a Bill for the Regulation of Public Carriages. COLONIAL APPRENTICESHIPS. Mr. F. BUXTON gave notice of his intention to move for a Committee on the 9th inst., to inquire into the working of the apprenticeship system in the Colonies. CORONERS' INQUESTS. Mr. WA KLE Y gave notice that on the Sth of March he should bring in a Bill to provide for the payment of medical practitioners attending coroners' inquests; also, a Bill to re peal the sSth GE°. 111., commonly called Sturges Bourne's Vestry Act. NEWSPAPER STAMPS. The lIoNr. MEMBEk next gave notice of submitting, on the 15th of March, a motion for the total repeal of the Stamp Duties on Newspapers--( Cheers)—also, a Bill to repeal the Ist Geo. 1., commonly called the Septennial Act. POLAND. Lord D. STUART gave notice that on the 16th of Fob. he should call the attention of the House to the effects which the policy of Russia towards Poland had upon British in terests.—( Hear, hear.) POOR LAWS (IRELAND). Mr. RICHARDS gave notice that if the subject was not previously taken up by some other Member, lie should on the 15th of March move a resolution to the effect, that it was the opinion of that (louse that a provision for the poor of Ireland, founded on the Act 43 of Elizabeth, was expedient and necessary.—(llear, hear.) CHURCH REFORM. Mr. RIPON gave notice that on the 19th of April he should move a resolution to the effect, that deans and chapters, not having cures of souls, were useless, and that their revenues should devolve upon the Ecclesiastical Commissioners ap pointed by the Crown.---( Cheers.) REMOVAL OF TILE BISIIOPS FROM THE HOUSE OF LORDS. The Hon. MEMBER then gave notice that on the 26th of April he should' bring in a Bill to relieve the Bishops and Archbishops from their attendance in the House of Lords.— ( Laughter, and cheers.) REVISION OF TAXATION. Mr. ROBINSON gave notice that, on Tuesday next, he should move a series of resolutions relative to the present state of the taxation of the country, with a view to its revision.— (Cheers.) And, on the 24th of February, he should bring forward a motion relative to the manufacture of foreign grain in bond into flour, for exportation. COPYHOLDS. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL gave notice that, on the 11th of February, he should bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to copyholds, and also for the amendment of the law of escheat. . ILLEGAL ASSOCIATIONS—IRELAND. Colonel VERNER gave notice of his intention to move for a Committee to enquire into all Secret Societies in Ireland. MALT DUTIES. Major HANDLEY gave notice that on the 28th of April he should call the attention of the House to the 15th Report of the Committee on Malt Duties. SUGAR DUTIES. _ Mr. EWART gave notice of his intention to bring in a Bill for facilitating the division of property among the next of kin in cases of intestacy. Also, that he should move for the re duction of the duty on East India sugars to the same scale as that charged on West India sugar. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. The HON. MEMBER then gave notice, on the Sessional Orders being read, that no business be commenced after eleven o'clock at night. IRISH POOR. Mr. S. O'BRIEN gave notice, that on an early day of the Session, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to relieve the destitute poor of Ireland. SPIRIT LICENCES IN IRELAND. Mr. FINN gave notice of a motion respecting the granting of licences to publicans in Ireland. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. Lord CHANDOS gave notice, that on the Bth of March he would move for the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the causes of agricultural distress. OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATII. Sir A. AGNEW gave notice that on the Ist of April he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to secure the better observance of the Sabbath. PENSIONS. Mr. D. W. HARVEY gave notice, that on the 17th of March he would move for the appointment of a Select Com mittee to revise all pensions charged upon any fund under the control of Parliament, with a view to ascertain whether the continued payments thereof were justified. EXTENSION OF THE RIGHT OF VOTING. The HoN. MEMBER also gave notice that on the 2d of March he would move for leave to introduce a Bill to extend the right of voting to all persons who were qualified to vote for town councillors in all towns and boroughs returning Members to serve in Parliament. OFFICIAL SALARIES. Colonel SIBTHORP said that it was his intention, as soon as he could procure the necessary documents, to renew the motion which he made on a former session respeoting the s reduction of civil and official salaries. PUBLIC WALKS. Mr. BUCKINGHAM gave notice that, on the 16th of March, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill for the formation of public walks. The Hon.`Member also gave no tice that, on the 29th, he would move . for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the causes of the increased number of shipwrecks, and also whether better means might not be adopted f or secur i ng t h e li ves an d propert i es o f his Ma jesty's subjects, against the dangers of steam navigation. HIS MAJESTY'S SPEECH.—THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER then rose and read his Majesty's Speech, as given in The Sun of yesterday. Sir JOHN WROTTE SLEY—In rising to move the Ad dress, thanking his Majesty for his most gracious Speech, I cannot plead that inexperience usually urged as a claim on the indulgence of the House. I must rather rest my case upon the importance of the topics there introduced, and the favour able attention they will meet with, particularly when I con sider that they are selected from those subjects, the introduc tion of which has hitherto been sanctioned by the House — upon which Bills have been introduced and discussed ; and if they have not been sufficiently perfect and satisfactory to other branches of the legislature, at least they cannot be deemed measures introduced for the mere purposes of change, but must be considered as attempts to remedy with caution and circumspection just causes of complaint. One recommenda tion is indeed new, but may be considered as the necessary result of the enquiry we have instituted ; and although I admit the case necessa r y i n th e d eta il s, I expect t h e me asure itself will be characte r i s ti c o f a generous nat i on , ever zea lous in the cause of benevolence, humanity, and Christian charity—( Hear.) The first point I w ill b r i ng un d er your cons id era ti o n is the uni versally acknowledged prosperity of our commerce and manu factures. In that part of the country with which lam best ac quainted, n ever was t h ere a more prosperous moment 10 all branches of trade connected with the produce and manufacture of iron ; and I am happy to learn, from the best sources, that equal prosperity in all the other important manufactures of the country prevails. Cotton, woollen, earthenware, and silk, upon which such melancholy forebodings formerly existed, are in the most flourishing condition ; and the satisfaction I derive is from the knowledge that this is not produced by any temporary cause, no over-issue of paper to create delusive prosperity for obtaining some great political object, but with a currency founded on a solid basis. There is no speculation ; but our prosperity arises from a steady and increasing demand, and orders from houses of undoubted credit, more numerous than even our extensive manufactories can furnish.—( Cheers.) The labourers of England are fully employed at adequate wages, and a bountiful Providence, during three successive years, has provided them an ample supply of food at prices which now enable them to compete with the artisans of other countries who have the benefit of cheaper food.—( Hear, hear.) This circumstance, so favourable to manufactures, has created some complaints on the part of the landed interest. For my self, nearly all my fortunes are connected with agriculture, both as proprietor and occupier ; and if one class of them could doubt my anxious desire for its prosperity, no assertion on my part could convince the others I was indifferent to it ; but no personal motive shall ever induce me to sacrifice one class of my countrymen to another ; nor will I, for the sake of casual popularity, hold forth encouragement to the farmer which I consider delusive, and can only end in disappointment. An interest so important has just claims to prefer its complaints, and call upon the Legislature to consider them. It may, if it conceive itself neglected for want of union, associate ; it may bring forth all its strength to Anther its views, and his Majesty recommends us to listen to them ; but I venture to hope that, ere it brings its case before a Committee of this House, this new union will be more united in the remedies it proposes. I must, however, observe with regret the importance by them attached to objects to which I am confident this House a ill not assent ; while they pass over others which appear to nze more efficacious and more attainable. A man who at on e or these meetings adverted to local taxation would be treated with contempt ; and yet I speak confidently when I say that relief would be greater from the amendment of the P oor Laws, great diminution of the county rate, and a most econo mical and judicious management of the turnpike tolls__a very considerable burthen upon the agriculturist, who contributes first to the repair of the roads, and is then heavily charged for the.use which he makes of them. If these appear but a trivial relief to others, it is for them to bring under the consi deration of Parliament better and more efficacious measures. The Report of the Commission appointed to inquire into the Church of England will soon be presented. It is composed of the Archbishops; Bishops, and principal officers, with others of dignity and long experience in high public stations. His Majesty recommends to us to act, without delay, upon th 'se Reports. I have no doubt every attention will be pail to the interests of a body of men, inferior to none in learning, piety, and zeal ; and while we provide as largely as the funds will ad mit, for the maintenance of those who have spent large sums in acquiring that knowledge essential to the due discharge of I their sacred office, and arc expected to preserve their st a ti on i n 1 society, we shall also require of them a strict attention to th ose duties, for the discharge of which those funds were originally des -1 tined. Never will I suffer the undoubted privileges of this House to be questioned or assailed; neither will I even dispute the just prerogative of the Crown, and privileges of the other House of Parliament. With this subject is connected the mode of pay ment of the Clergy, and here I find all parties agreed in the necessity of adopting some mode of preventing a collision of Interests, where to much harmony ought to prevail. Several attempts have been made to render general a commutation of tithe, and his Majesty's Government have devoted much of their time and attention to that object. The result of their la bours will in due time be presented to the House, and sincerely do I hope it may be so framed as to receive the approba tion of the Legislature.--( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The grievances complained of by the Dissenters have been the subject of numerousL!petitions, and measures for their relief, being introduced into this House. His Majesty called our attention to these in the speech at the opening of the Session last year. As far as regards marriage, the present recom mendation takes a wider view, and proposes to you to embrace other measures, calculated not only to relieve Dissen ters, but to provide a better mode of rendering that evidence upon which the succession to property often depends, less precarious, and more accessible.—( [leer. ) Whatever difficulties may have existed in prosecuting those reforms which have hitherto taken place, they fall infinitely short of the obstacles opposed to any alterations affecting a re form of the laws.—( Hear, hear.) The expense and delay attending suits in Chancery, often amounting to the absorption of the whole property contended for, frequently depriving persons of the enjoyment of it during their youth and man hood, and restoring it at a period when the mind is no longer able to enjoy it, harrassed by vexation, and fast sinking to the grave—if delay and expense injure the suitor, it enriches the profession ; and such i s the c l ose connex i on b etween its various branches, such the recollection of services performed, that the highest and most influential members of that profession have been suspected of leaning more t o th ose i nteres t s , than their duty to the public would have suggested.—( Cheers.) These abuses have continued through centuries, and I can only account for their long continuance, by the fact, that Reform could only have been digested by those whose interests must have been affected. There are, however, in modern times, splendid exceptions, and the conversion of payment by salary in lieu of fees, gives us a facility which did not previously exist. In this House I anticipate no successful opposition, and if there are in this kingdom any more deeply interested in this measure than others, they are the possessors of a largo portion of the landed interest of the country.—( Hear, hear.) The Report of th e C omm i ss i on on t h e I r i sh Poor, w hi c h his Majesty has laid before us, cannot fail to have arrested the at tention of Members from all parts of the United Kingdom. Of the state of the poor of Ireland we have often heard com plaints, often been called upon to relieve temporary distress ; but of their actual condition we wanted some solution of the contradictory reports. The mode adopted in prosecuting the present inquiry is free from all suspicion, all classes were in vited to attend, and the Report adds to the facts disclosed the witnesses and the names of those in whose presence the evi dence was given. Had this Report been given three years ago, how distressing would have been the reflection; that ap palling as the circumstances were, the introduction of the English Poor Law would have aggravated the distress, and the remedy been worse than the evil itself 1 But that great measure, so unjustly stigmatised as oppressive, not only relieved the overburdened rate-payers, but has afforded more comfort to the aged and impotent for whose benefit it was intended, and released the able-bodied from a state of thraldom and dependence, and placed them in the situation of free labourers, capable of disposing, to whom soever they choose, their only commodity, the labour of their ifpdr it. aioffriilhands.—(lEesnrhg being wt n;hdHe and compelled o a da r mn , nt phod h :el theav il e r od . hear.) work could distinctionsncl momento c suo o l m n d t some binymnedo measure found, oh h s urue e ner r ledesetatai to reside release i o o st f t h s efta u hc r ea, p ti hill labouringl u he surplus labourable-bodied sof,been ndo iw.elnd_ established. The case of Ireland is,' howeverTghsterikAo'c,tegeion poor endeavouring to assimilatecountries the mustha laws.—( s never ._ (yHe b d e e, a; lostrta.anidns taking abovehut upon care settlement ele to upon perhaps l besafely aws o f not all, never admitting that the poor have a right of claim ' industry of others for money or work. In Ireland p ou ri l the not the machinery of England to work the poor law ) : and that n here it has been found necessary to deprive it of some of its f powers, and place it under . the vigilant control of officers appointed by the Crown, in Ireland it would be most impolitic to create it.—( Hear, hear.) What may be the limit of th amount to be raised, with . a variety of details, must remain open to the deliberations of the House. All I say i s Ireland should no longer be the only country in the civilized world world in which a provision of some kind fo r t h e relief of the indi gen t does not exist.---(Hear, and cheers.) Until this great question is settled I will not atte m p t to define all the causes o f those discontents which ha ve occupied s much of the attentions of this House, and operated so power fully upon the e ven t s o f this country, from the very commence ment of the Uni on t o th e present time. However, I h ave little difficulty in pronouncing, that whatever superstructures may have arisen, poverty is the preventative. Whatever be the cause, the effects are too apparent to leave a doubt on our minds on the propriety of assuring his Majesty we will take them into our consideration. To one measure I can see no objection. You began by altering the Municipal laws of Scotland. Last Session was employed in framing a measure for placing Municipal Corporations in England and Wales under more vigilant popular control. The success o f that Act, and the satisfaction generally evinced throu g h out the country, have fully justified its enactment ;and now, w h en you are called upon to reform th e Corporations, Whi c h are, if possible, worse than those of England, Ireland w ou ld in deed have just cause to complain of partiality, o f which, I trust, the Legislature will never be guilty.—( Hear, hear. ) by The h settlementoth sides of ot the ethe House,lrish that tithes recommendationhas been so fully to admitted consider hat subject, in the very general terms of the Speech, can hardly be disputed,—( Hear, hear.) A subject which has ere- THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1836. ated such difference of opinion, not only in Ireland, but between the two branches of the Legislation, I will not venture to dis- cuss in the midst of so many important topics, and at so .incon venient a moment; but I cannot but lament that any circum stance should have arisen to prevent the termination of disputes which have given rise to so much bloodshed.—( Hear, bear.) It must be highly detrimental to the interests of our Established Church to leave a question of so much importance undecided. I never will be the advocate of a great organic change which would alter that Constitution under which I was born, and which has produced such happy results.—( Loud cheers.) Great and b ene fi c i a l changes have, and I trust will, continue to be made ; but governed by King, Lords, and Commons is a principle upon which the constitution of our country rests.— ( Loud cheers.) I do not complain that the other House of Parliament shall take a different view of a subject from our selves. I am not disposed to state my opinion upon a case which might impede the march of Government ; such a case has not arisen. The example of last Session proves that the good of the country being the great aim and object, mutual forbearance, and mutual concession, may be attended with the most beneficial results, without any compromise unworthy of the character of either of the contending parties—(Che . ers.) It will give satisfaction to the House to learn that the intimate union which subsists between this country and France is a pledge to Europe of the continuance of the general peace. Some persons may suppose that a difference exists between there professions, and a desire to increase our naval force ; but no statesman will deny that the best mode of insuring a conti nuance of peace is to be prepared for war.—( Hear.) This country can gain nothing by war, and in the present state of her prosperous commerce, shared by other Powers, we are pos sessed of more Colonies than we want for our own sake, and re tain them solely for the purpose of preserving the balance of power in Europe, and preventing those frequent contests which for centuries had devastated parts of Asia.—( Hear.) Peace is our great object, and I firmly believe there are no better means for maintaining peace in Europe, than that we should retai n th a t ma r itime superiority for which so much blood and treasure has been expended.—( Hear, hear.) We must hail with satisfaction a continuance of our close alli ance with France. A stronger proof of the sincerity of that country could not have been given, than the readiness with which she has received our proffered mediation with the United States. His Majesty expresses a confident hope of its accep tance by that other Power also, and then we shall perceive the confidence reposed in us by these two most powerful and en lightened nations, so recently our foes and rivals. Proud, in deed, may this country be, when two such nations entrust to it not only their interests, but that of which they are more jea lous, their honour. That confidence will not be misplaced. No British Government will ever propose to these nations to adopt a course which their own high principles would deem in consistent with the dignity of the Sovereign of this country.— (The Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheering.) Mr. PARKER (Member for Sheffield)—Sir, I rise to se cond'the Address, in answer to his Majesty's most gracious Speech. In doing so, if any of my predecessors in this ho nourable situation had ever to ask the House for as large a portion of their indulgence as was compatible with its dignity to grant, no one has made the request with more sincerity, or with greater conviction of the degree in which he required it, than the humble individual before you.—( Hear, hear.) And, Sir, although I feel the fullest confidence in the ancient and prescriptive kindness of this House, ever extended to those who unostentatiously ask it at their hands, when I look round on the many Gentlemen associated with me on these benches, and consider how inferior I am in Parliamentary standing, and still more how inferior in abilities, I certainly should not have presumed to have conic forward on an occasion like the present, did I not feel that I shall speak the senti ments in reference to this most gracious speech which pervade the intelligent and industrious community which has twice sent me here without expense, and has supported me here with a generous confidence, of which I never can be insensi ble—and not only the sentiments of that single borough, but of many others of equal character throughout the realm, the inhabitants of which in peaceful and prosperous commerce, and under the shade of amended social and municipal institutions, feel grateful to the persons, and inalienably attached to the principles of Lord Grey's and Lord Melbourne's Administra tion.—( Hear.) Sir, beneath the former of those Governments the Reform Bill became a law, and many great and success ful measures have been accomplished. The seeds of other measures were also sown—( Cheers)—and in his Majesty's most gracious Speech, upon which this House is is now debat ing, the country will see with pleasure that the Reform Bill is not a sealed volume, unproductive of good mea sures, and sterile in improvement ( Hear, hear) but, on' the contrary, they Is ill see that it is a living letter, and that it will be the pride and glory of the reign under which we live, to have settled, not rashly, but to have satisfactorily settled on safe, and sound, and constitutional foundations, a greater number of good measures, than it was ever before the happy portion of a Sovereign to confer upon a people.—( Cheers.) Sir, the Ilouse will hear with pleasure that his Majesty still continues to receive from his allies assu rances of their anxiety to maintain pacific relations with this country; and when we consider the difficulties with which, at several periods, the preservation of peace has been attended— so grave, indeed, and considerable, as to have induced a dis tinguished individual, formerly of this House, but now a mem ber of the House of Peers (1 mean Lord Ashburton), to have given it as his opinion, that peace could not be preserved for six months from Nov., 1830—I think the Ilouse will give great credit to his Majesty's Ministers, and to the Noble Lord who presides over that department, for having so managed the diplomacy of the country, or without any loss of national honour, to have preserved the inestimable blessings of peace. (Cheers.) I think, also, there will be but one opinion in re spect to the mediatorial character offered by his Majesty, with a view to arrange the unfortunate difference which threatened a rupture between two nations so enlightened and so dear to us l bggcoah a ir s nrraoracev t ssatac h eity. tlfb e sceyba.tyhdie U tnieaatagtn n hlnhgl i oticaa t aior e inni ndthbtpc3siSri himself, pan t eds; a osfaes t us n s o,:i and France. Certainly, Sir, it would odsorai otherch nn g nea. hd t_ or i sight Monarch . 00niofroaane e jntt ei v htos e i oenntrsryysuei beneficialgecs r E di ooen could connectedcgl dhn a l nss to cheers.) dt l i romsitn. civilization,t Englishman a n he a manner vlov o ea. htnhh l eneu i a resu v Hersb e d_orny seenuotthshhrei thaneee toaoshflfisartsol:,piblsuay•ismintlarluouessngtyti struggle, sympathize with his Majesty that the civil disturb ances have riot yet unfortunately ecebupnaopensertdtomi existing ottubihtttrhteio og ht i t n o t a h e c nßasqueclosconclusion n provinces o b v u i n t c e t s willof Spain hop o eoednQa constitutional Quadripartite withoutdpaa establishmentit foundation ifstgi vingni t Treaty, oottfharro dl the ties toaa t fn e pt r tai termination yQnTauhteei Queen cha racter, to express my hope and full assurance that the gallant band of Englishmen, now led on by a Member of this House, will reap new laurels on that soil, where the British arms, un der the command of the Duke of Wellington, have gained such deathless renown ; and that Vittoria will again ring with the fame of deeds, which, though on a smaller scale, and on an issue infinitely less momentous, will add to the reputation of the country.—( Hear, hear, and great cheering.) His Majesty too has been pleased to assure the House that the estimates will be framed with a view to the closest economy, and in so doing he may no doubt assure himself of the grateful support of the representatives of the people, to whom of all services to be performed by them to their constituents, there can be nothing more satisfactory than an alleviation of the public burdens, and a removal of such imposts as the state of the finances will permit. Upon one branch however of the estimates, his Majesty has informed us that he shall have to call upon this House for some increase in his establishment, and when we consider that the naval branch is that which he tachnieproposesrt i to of strengthen, peopleiriegthe n, and E u n n g d l o a u n b d te t d o thlyfart bomratnhch o epecfutlhiaer ates tablishment, it is one which will meet with the most ready acquiescence. No doubt, at the proper time, explanations will be given as to what has called for this addition. But in the mean time, reposing as 1 do, full confidence in the advisers of the Crown, I anticipate the concurrence of this House in the requirement of his Majesty, under the persuasion that such an increase is called for by a corresponding increase on the part of other maritime powers, and with a view only to enfo r c e his negociations for a safe and durable settlement of such points of difference, if such there be, as may require adjustment. When the Report of the Commissioners on Ecclesiastical af fairs is on the table of the House, his Majesty will most pro bably propose measures for such reforms in the state of our establishment as the abuses therein existing require. And this House will have heard with pleasure that his Majesty has the cordial desire to relieve all classes of his subjects from all and every disability arising from the right of conscience, being fully persuaded that such restrictions are an usurpation of functions with which Government has no concern. The ad justment, Sir, of these difficult questions I trust is now at hand, and undoubtedly that adjustment will come with some grace, and be received with some thankfulness on the part of the Dissscnters from that party in the State, which, acting always on the wide and comprehensive principle of the right of con science, and following out the maxims of the greatest of their leaders, the late illustrious Mr. Fox, has already obtained for the Disse n te rs of Great Britain the repeal of the Test arid Corporation Acts ; and for our Irish fellow-countrymen, Catholic Emancipation. There will also, Sir, be shortly, as the House will have learned by the Speech from the Throne, a new Bill to am e n d Municipal Corporations in Ireland.— (Cheers.) On the loss of the Bill introduced last session, I will make no remarks ; because I am u nwilling to revive dif- I ferences, which I trust reason and intermediate reflection may have remove d. But I will observe only that as Scotland three years ago obtained the blessing s o f se lf-government, and has used those blessings in a manner worthy of that great and in telligent people, and as Engla n d a tt a i n ed the same last year, having used it also with equal moderation, I should be sorry to suppose that either here or in another assembly, any wish will exist to deny or circumscribe an equal exten sion of the invaluable privileges of self-government to Ireland—( Hear, hear)—believing, as I do, that to have a real union, we must have an equal principle of Go vernment ; and that we have no right to expect the acqui escence of Ireland in deprivations which have been extended to the other kingdoms of the Union. So also on the tithe question, on which I shall exercise equal moderation, hoping intermediate reflection trusting that the same reason and the same re flection will have produced similar results. I will however say this, and nothing more, that the more I have considered that subject, considering that Parliament has to deal with a country where the minority is in possession of the ecclesiastical temporalities, and the majority absolutely excluded therefrom whether we view the subject statistically, as between num bers—or morally, as between conflicting passions and interests or politically, as involving questions of ascendancy,__l can co me only to one conclusion, viz., that if either party, Catholic or Protestant have reason to complain of the Bill of last year, most assuredly it is not the Protestant who has the soundest cause of disapproval. I entertain, Sir, however, sincere hopes that by the measures contemplated by his Majesty, and, fur ther, by the introduction of a prudent and well constructed Poor Law into Ireland, that we shall soon see the noble re sources of that island attain a developement of which I think I already see the symptoms ; and if it pleases his Majesty to continue the administration of affairs in the hands of my Lord Mulgrave, who, to his West India fame, is adding that of being a benefactor nearer home—(Hear, hear)—associated with my Noble Friend of whom I cannot in his presence say what I think, there is substantial ground to hope that religious differences may be assuaged—that the social habits of the people will improve—and that Ireland, under equal laws, and an impartial administration, will become the stoutest bulwark and the fairest flower in the vast empire of Great Britain. I must now, Sir, advert to the state of the law to which his Majesty's Speech calls our attention ; and undoubtedly, there has been for so great a length of time so continuous a series of complaints at the evils and delays of the Court of Chancery, that it is high time that something should be attempted on a more comprehensive scale than that which hitherto has been done. It is with no ♦iew to blame any of the distinguished persons who have presided in that Court that I make these remarks. It is the system, not the men, who are in fault. Angels could not do what human beings are expected to per form ; and the fault hitherto has been, that attempts at reform have only touched at isolated portions of the subject : indeed, of looking at the system as a whole. There was the Vice- Chancellor's Reform in 1813—the orders of Lord Lyndhurst since—the Court of Review in Bankruptcy, and the Judicial Committee, which in some degree, as a relief to the Lord Chancellor, is connectod with it. But these were only local reforms. There are three portions of a Chancery suit—mat ters before the reading—at the hearing—and after the hear ing. The clog was removed in the first process by the Orders of Lord Lyndhurst ; but it exists still at the hearing, and with increased proportions ; for at the appointment of a Vice Chancellor the arrears were 250 ; at the resignation of the Lords' Commissioners, 850. The appointment, therefore, of a Vice-Chancellor has not removed the clog at the hearing, neither has it in the appeal. The truth is that the judicial strength must be increased, and there must be an effective Court of Appeal. How this can be done, Ido not presume to say. It will, however, be well and wisely considered ; and it will have the benefit of the deliberations of the present Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls, who are now emi nently practical, and who are also men who have had far too much experience in courts of justice, to lend themselves to any shemes which are attractive merely, and illusive, and which in operation will be attended with antagonist disadvantages.— ( Hear, hear.) I trust also that in another place his Majesty's Ministers will have the independent aid of an illustrious man, who deeply versed in jurisprudence, and having brought in a manner more vivid than any one before the public eye the several defects of our national jurispru dence—l mean Lord Brougham—has pursued the course with increased power, which the comprehensive and saga cious Romilly has often developed in this House, and who has had the place in public which Bentham in the closet has held amongst jurists and great publicists. Sir, I regret that the state of agriculture continues depressed to a degree painful to those connected with it. Not being myself a representative of that interest, I leave to others the discussion of that important subject : But I trust that, if this House can, with justice to other interests, do anything in the behalf of so large a class of our fellow-countrymen, that it will do so.—( Hear, hear.) In the settlement of the Tithe Ques tion, I think much may be done also, by new assessments, taking in at their increased value the town and borough popu lation. This has been done in Yorkshire, and no one corn plains.—( Hear, hear.) On the contrary, my Learned Friend, Mr. Elsly, the Recorder of York, and the Clerk of the Peace for the West Riding have informed me that in his late journey over the West Riding of Yorkshire, he met with nothing but the utmost readiness on the part of the trading interest to bear their due proportion. Thus Leeds was doubled, so was Sheffield, so also were Bradford and many other towns. But it is from the new Poor Bill that the agri culturists will derive their fullest remedy ; and that too w ith corresponding, and indeed more than equal advantages to the labouring classes, who from unhappy serfs, adscripti glebcc, have assumed the real position of manly and independent labourers. It will be seen, from the following instances which I have col lected, that these views are not visionary ; on the contrary, that they exceeded, so far as they go, the earnest expectations of the framers of the measure ; and that too without any pressure on the poorer classes ; but, on the contrary, with uniform and progressive improvement of their condition : Poor—Pauperized Parishes—Battle Parish—Average an nual expenditure for the three last years, 13,0001. ; joint pa rochial and union expenditure for last quarter, 870/. ; being at the rate of about 3,500/. per annum. Therefore saving at the rate of 9,5001. per annum, or about 75 per cent.—greatest saving of all. Uafield Union.—(From Mr. Hawley's Report.)—Old average expenditure of all the parishes united 16,6001. per annum; new half-yearly expenditure, first half-year, 2,9001., being at the rate of 5,800/. per annum ; saving at the rate of 10,8001. per annum, or about 65 per cent. Midhurst Union, in Sussex.—Reduction from 17,5001. to 5,4001., saving 12,1001., near 70 per cent. West Hampnall Union, Sussex.—From 16,437/. to 8,2801., saving 8,157/., 50 per cent. " In short, there is reason to anticipate that the saving, in Suffolk alone, from one clear year's full operation of the new system, will repay threefold the expense of the machinery of the new Commission, with all the Assistant Commissioners." Migration.—From 1,000 to 2,000 persons have already migrated from the southern counties to the north, where they have been supplied with places at double the rate of wages they had obtained in their own counties.—( Hear, hear.) The controul of the Commissioners now extends over near 5,000 parishes, and the barriers to the free circulation of labour have in them been broken down—( Hear, hear)_ neither do people go to workhouses. From the 23d Septem ber last, there was in the 335 poorhouses, workhouses, and tenements, belonging to the 204 unions already formed, ac commodation for 26,443; whereas the actual number of in mates in them at that time, was only 11,137. In the parishes comprised in the Bishop's Stortford, the Dunmow, Saffron Walden, and Ware Unions, there were, during last year, not less than one thousand able-bodied labourers on the rates.—( Hear.) A few weeks ago, there were only fift y . At Buntingford, not a single able-bodied man on the rates for the last seven weeks. _ _ Whigs and Tories - have acted in perfect harmony. The clergy everywhere have lent a most valuable assistance in dis sipating prejudices. Clergymen, farmers, and every person give testimonials of beneficial operation on morals. Little resistance, except from petty interested shopkeepers. Contentment succeeds disorder. ii;;;;, with far different feelings to the state of trade, and certainly never were there such cheering prospects announce d by any Sovereign from any people. Th King of the French and the American President have both congratulated their several Assemblies on the same cause, and the King of Eng land has ample reason for the same. The business, too, is sound, and not on speculation. Consignments follow and do not precede orders. Payments are mae in cash beyond all former precedent ; and activity, different from the inflated state of 1835, is regulated by prudence. Improvements too of a most rapid kind are making everywhere, not only in England, but in all parts of our dominions. In Lancashire, it is calcu lated by Dr. Page, that power to the amount of 7,000 horses will be wanted in two years, and 70,000 or 80,000 people to supply that power. What a prospect does not this open to the Southern labourer? Then, Sir, there are rail roads, opening prospects which I do not attempt to go into-300 miles have already been sanctioned by Parlia ment ; 500 or 600 more will be asked for this Session. The iron trade, of course, will participate largely by these pros pects. An iron steam-boat is now working on the Ganges iron rail-road is projected from Calcutta, to cut off the dan gerous navigation of the Hoogly. I shall take the liberty of reading a few figures to the illustration of its improvement, up to the latest time I have been able to obtain them ; but, first, I must say, that the labouring classes have participated fully in these advantages, and that their wages and employment were much better. The consumption, too, of sugar, in spite of its rise in price, has increased ; whilst that of British spirits has fallen. • The condition, too, of the Savings Banks is most satisfactory. Excess of deposits in Savings Banks on 20th of November, 1835, as compared with 20th November, 1834,1,150,0001., in cluding Ireland. Total Deposits, 1830 £13,507,565 including Ireland. Do. 1831 13,719,495 do. Do. 1832 13,597,883 do. • Do. 1833 14,337,521 do. Do. 1834 15,369,844 do. Do. 1835 16,500,000 do. Cotton.—Consumption of Cotton Wool. In 1833, 293,682,9761b5. ; 1834, 302,935,6571b5. ; 1835, 330,000,0001b5. ; being an increased consumption of more than 36,000,0001b5. with the last two years, or 131 per cent. on the whole quantity. To show the vast increase of the cot ton manufacture within the last ten years, I have obtained from returns to this House the following averages of the ex ports taken for periods of five years each. Annual average Exportation of Cotton Manufactured Goods • (exclusive of Hosiery and Small Wares). Yards. Yarn. 5 years from 1821 to 182 5-310,885,781...28,349,5871b5. 5 ...... 1826 to 1830...368,597,024...52,732,156 4 ....... .... 1831 to 1 834...483,622,178...71,648,305 The returns for 1835 are not yet made out, but the House will see little reason to doubt, from the statement I have before made of the increased consumption of cotton wool during that year, that the increased exports have been in a similar pro portion. Woollen Manufactures.—Declared value of Exports in 1834, 5,975,4151., and in 1835, 7,050,0001, being an increase in the value of woollen goods exported of upwards of a million pounds sterling, or 18 per cent. Silk—Quantity of silk consumed : in 1833, 3 ,663,6791b5. ; 1834, 4,522,3521b5. ; 1835, 5,500,0001b5., being an increase of near two million pounds within the two last years. Linen—Of linen I have been unable to procure a return for the year 1835 ; but I have averages (as in the case of the cotton trade) of the quantity of linen manufactured goods ex ported during periods of five years each. Annual average from 1820 to 1824, 50,298,210 yards ; from 1825 to 1829, 53,037,255 yards; from 1830 to 1834, 62,350,345 yards. Iron—Cast and wrought iron and steel exported—De clared value in 1834, 1,406,872/. ; in 1835,1,680,000/. ; being an increase of 194 per cent. in one year. Annual Average—( Five years) 1820 to 1824, 90,283 tons ; 1825 to 1829, 87,237 tons; 1830 to 1834, 142,071 tons ;—in crease 623 per cent. Prices of bar iron at the works in Wales—lB3s, April 1, 71. per ton ; September 7, 71. los. per ton ; October 7, 81. per ton ; December 7, W. per ton. 1836, January 7, 101. per ton ; January 18, lit p er t on. Hardwares exported. Annual average-5 years. 1820 1824 ... 9 , 7 7 2 tons. ... £1, 248 , 082 182 5 1829 ... 11,635 ... 1,345,645 1830 1836 .. 15,649 ••• 1,483 318 Being an increase in the last 10 years of 60 per cent. on quantity -19 per cent. on value. Principle articles of British manufacture imported, not in. eluding some minor articles, on which the returns have not yet been received :- 1833 Declared value £34,489,384 1834 36,541,926 1835 41,000,000 and upwards. Per tentage increase in 1834, 6 per cent. Ditto ditto 1835, 13 per cent. I beg pardon for having so long detained the House, but I attri bute this prosp ec t t o t h e pr i nc i p l es o f f ree tra d e w hi c h i n their infancy have d one so muc h b e i ng persevered i n, and to t h e secu rity all traders f ee l i n t h e j ust po li cy o f the G overnment , and the certainty that wh ere t h ey sow t h ey w ill reap a h arv est. a The American tariff is dying a natural death, or will do 5 in a few years. With France, I hope and expect for a more le tended intercourse, worthy o f th e magn i tu d e an d wea l t h o f the two kingdoms. The German League is in array against us ; and, if I tell the truth, however disagreeable, it arises from from our corn laws and our timber duties. The Noble Lord ( Palmerston) cannot prevent it. It will conquer all his macy, unless this House arms him with the power of_ diplo relaxation on their raw materials.—( Hear, hear, and con tinued cheers.) The Noble Lord can only preserve for us the arteries and channels of commerce, the Dardanelles, the free naviga tion of the Euxine, the Danube, and the Rhine, for the Le gislature alone can abate that German league. There is one curious thing relative to the state of trade, viz., that formerly machinery was too much for the raw material, whereas novi . the raw mrterial cannot keep p ace w i t h our mac hi nery . This is the case in woollens, in silk, and even in cotton. Sigmund' was afraid of machinery, but events have proved without cause; and for the truth of this statement in respect to existing trade, of course not asking them to adopt my inferences, I appeal to the Hon. Baronet the Member for Leeds, and to my friends_ the Members f o r Halif ax an d B ra df or d . A n d I w i s h I cou ld appeal also to one, I mean the late Lord Milton, who, though unconnected with Yorkshire by electoral ties, had still, from his vast possessions, and the long residence of his family in that district, so large a stake in its welfare, that I should have appealed to him for its truth. But the tomb has deprived this House of one destined to be a future ornament ; and if I have detained the House a moment in recalling their attention to one so young, so firm, and so attractive in his character, I ash sure I shall be forgiven. Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit, Nulli flebilior quam tibi, Virgili. Sir, I beg pardon of the House for having so long occupied their time, longer perhaps than my situation justifies, but not I longer than th e i m p or t ance o f t h e many su bj ects on wh i c h had to touch may palliate. For the rest I will only say that it is my matured conviction that the peace and prosperity we now enjoy depends upon a p erseverance i n a lib era l course o f constitutional reform. The unsettled questions of centuries require this. The genius of the age, so oft evinced, demands it at our hands. For the present, we have the prospect of such liberal measures, because we have a liberal Administration. For its continuance the emancipated slave from either Indies, with uplifted hands for his superintendence and direction, and for his moral and religious nurture, addresses to you his prayer. For its continuance ever y l over o f f ree d om , i n w h a t corne r of the universe soever he may live—be it the Spaniard or the Pole—or be it the Frenchman, who sees in British alliance the soundest safeguard for his dynasty, and the best development of his commercial undertakings—for its continuance, the Dissenter in England, and the Catholic in Ireland, prays ; and that it may continue, I trust this House will convey to his Majesty the Address I now second. Sir R. PEE L.—The Speech, Sir, which has this day been delivered, naturally suggests, as preceding speeches have done, the main considerations which press upon Parliament with re spect to our domestic and foreign relations, and I will refer to some of the observations contained in the Honourable Mover's speech. I will refer first to that portion of it in which his Majesty congratulates us on the good understand ing which exists between him and all Foreign Powers. I re joice that his Majesty can congratulate us on the good understanding which exists between him and his Majesty tl.e King of the French, because I consider it a security for the continued tranquillity of Europe. Sir, I hope also that the commercial intercourse between this country and France will still further confirm the common interest, and maintain the relations of peace and amity with each other. Sir, another source of satisfaction which I derive, not so much from the King's Speech, as from other intelligence which I have received, is the settlement of the differences between France and America. I believe that. there is no party in the country who would contemplate with anything but pain the commencement of hostilities between these two great powers.—( Hear, hear, hear.) A n d I be lieve there is no man who would not think any petty temporary advantage, which might i n the first instance be derived from the commencement of such hos tilities, would not be dearly purchased by the hazard of a war between two such powerful parties. Sir, with respect to Spain, I do not quarrel with the terms of the Speech, or or the Address, though I am bound to withhold my consent from the policy which his Majesty's Ministers have thought proper to adopt on the subject.—( Hear, hear, hear.) I cannot concur with the Honourable Gentlemen in con gratulating the House on the mode of carrying on the war in that country. I regret that his Majesty should have permit ted his subjects to interfere, for I do not see that that inter ference had any tendency to concili a t e th e animosities, or diminish those shameful and disgusting scenes, which have taken place.—(Cheers.) Sir I perceive that the speech claims a preference for Spain which I did not expect ; it gives a preference to one Government, and it undertakes to pronounce an opinion upon the prudent and courteous course pursued by her Majesty the Queen of Spain.--( Cheers.) lam sur prised to see such a paragraph as that introduced into the speech by his Majesty's Ministers—( Hear)—beczuse ll recollect severe censure being passed upon us with reference to what we did with respect to the King of the Netherlandh and we were asked if we had not enough to do to attend to ' our own concerns—( Hear, hear)—and we were forewarned that the precedent then established would be thrown in o ur teeth.—( Cheers.) The introduction of such a preference shows that we have departed from the principle of non interference.—( Cheers. ) By pronouncing an opinion as to the cause of quarrel, and the conduct of a foreign Power, we are establishing and confirming the precedent of interference in the domestic affairs of other countries.—( Cheers.) Notwith standing the confident assurances of peace, it appears that there is to be an increase to the Navy Esti mates I suppose to some considerable extent, by its being mentioned in his Majesty's Speech.—( Cheering. ) Some of my friends behind me consider that the passage in his Majesty's speech, which refers to an increase ill the navy estimates, is meant as a reflection on the Govern ment preceding. Ido not consider it in that light.—( Hear, hear.) When the navy estimates were presented last year, I had no hesitation in saying th a t we ought to reduce these, and all other estimates, to the lowest possible point consistent with the due maintenance of the interests of the country. The Hon. Member for Middlesex complained that the reduction had not been carried sufficiently far, and proposed a further reduction of 10,000 seamen, and my Right Hon. Friend behind me (Mr. Goulburn) expressed some fear that the reduction was carried too far ; but still I did not understand from the House of Commons that there was any doubt as to the propriety of the reduction, and therefore I differ from those who consider that this passage in his Ma jesty's speech is meant to imply any reflexion on the former • Government, or that that Government had neglected our naval honour.—( Hear, hear.) I am glad to see my opinion confirmed by the assent of the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo site ( Sir J. C. Hobhouse). Ido not wish to touch at length on any part of the Speech which refers to our foreign rela tions; but I will say a few words repecting matters of important domestic policy to which it refers. It is announced that there is to be a reform in the Court of Chancery ; but that reform is an nounced in a manner to which I will make no objection. It implies no pledge, but leaves every Member perfectly open to consider the nature and extent of that reform.—( Hear.) With out, therefore, being bound or pledging myself to any opinion, I must state, that if it is intended to come to the conclusion that it is necessary to make any material alteration in the great office of Lord Chancellor, by separating the political from the judicial functions, it will require much to convince me that it is advisable to divest the judicial from all political functions.—(Hear, hear.) I thank the Honourable Gen tleman for the candour with which he has admitted the total failure of the Lords Commissioners. It had led to an enormous increase of the arrears of the Courts—an increase of from 200 to 800 cases.__(" No," from Mr. Parker.) It had been productive of great inconvenience, and they had done nothing towards clearing the arrears of business. If they have done nothing to clear away the ar rears of business, I ask whether they have cleared away the arrears of salary ?—( Hear, and a laugh.) I asked last years and I ask now, is it a fact that those Commissioners had increased the arrear of business ?—(Cries of " No, no.) They had done no good whatever, except dividing amongst themselves the salary of Lord Chancellor.—( Cheers and laughter.) I wish to see the office of Lord Chancellor main tained on its present footing, and some individual possessing the confidence of the bar, appointed..._( Loud cheers.) It is not for me to inquire why the confidence of the Crown was not continued to Lord Brougham-_(A laugh). Other arrangements w ere ma d e which continued till close upon the meeting of Parliament—till after the appearance of the pamphlet of Sir E. Sugden.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) The world had never known an instance in which a pamphlet had produced a more powerful effect -( Cheers and laughter.) It had produced a great change in the Court of Chancery—it had conferred two or three offices,and had created three peerag- j a. The speech refers to many other matters of important dor,estiP concern, but refers lo almost all of them in a manne'e which infers no opposition. With respect to English Tit'.ies, it sug gests the propriety of taking them into cons'Aeration. It lays down no principle with respect on which the measure would be founded,and it very properly calls for no declaration of opinion lam prepared to give the measure a fair consideration. I consider that the time has come when it is desirable to make a satisfactory and permanent settlement—( Loud cheers). I will pass over most of the other topics adverted to, as I do not wishz to detain the House; seeing that whatever opinions I enter tain respecting the measures themselves—( Hear, liep, r )—. I do not entertain any objection to the manner in which they are brought under consideration. But there is one part which constitutes an exception from the rest—one which I are, desirous of guarding myself against misconception. My sus picions are awakened not merely by the terms in which refe rence is made to the particular subject, but by the singular con trast of those terms, to the terms in which every other subject is mentioned. Whatever difference of opinion exists between us, I sin sure that the evil effect of these dif ferences will only be increased either through negligence or inattention by any deception as to our acts.--(Hear, hear.) The particular subject, and one of immense importance, to which I refer, and to which I only refer for the purpose of guarding myself against misconception, relates to the state of the Municipal Corporations in Ireland. (Hear, hear; ) I do not wish to enter upon it at this inconvenient time ; the opportunity for doing so will shortly arrive, and the subject will force itself upon our attention; and I refer, therefore, less this th os abili rtefi par] th e Yet th e be e , alto sent th e , on Pled re s( 41