The Sun. — London, England, 1845-06-04 00:00:00

Csi tten sh t s, P r inted, an d published, anti the Noble Marquis was T he rn' to make of it what use he pleased.— ( Hear, her. ) the ch ,!hirsai s of NORMAN BY held the printed report of he ii i 7e ln hi s h and, and he read from it extracts in which doj o ,' Rev. Prelate denounced the doctrines of Popery as Strain tnuch 441- goal-damning," a nd urge d hi s c l ergy t o re ',Net as possible their flocks " from employing as kw. sir ret a i n i ng as tenants, ` perons tainted with the nn trediyseotw.4 Pernieious creed. The Right Rev. Prelate was re .stlso to have inculcated the doctrine of " exclusive Illa Ni t e writhe same address.—( Hear, hear.) The Nob e i aterstip ted continuin g t o rea d the d ocument w h en h e was e lleß ish M f ef CASHEL who rose and said—l say that d beginnin,g to ' end, an abominable falsehood sae s , eheers)—and I say ftirther, it di scredit a bl e of the Noble Marquis, who must 11 4 . 4 Positio n as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland have been well e lott char s' with the character of the Irish people, to have had s Pek et , t ge in his pocket for the last two years, and never have is e t it Nth n ew—(Renewed cheers )—and I would recem kMe e Noble ISlar to more cautious and to read with 6 att oofi tots (?° any stories he may receive from Ireland, .which . nat of inetned to bring forward the next time he is in b ltf oo sPeech. (Cheers, and cries of " Order.") ` u ght °f N ORMANBY—I believe I have shown the tish everend Prelate every courtesy ? t iles cfit OrderCASHEL' —No, Sir, you have not.—(Loud Them , order.") etles h e i a , r quis of NORMANBY said he only received the 44 to a d been reading yesterd ; and he would now pro tlitehad it, as the letter - of a tierson who had been present Ita th 't as eoo'ight Reverend Prelate was delivering his charge, tirae --ve Ying the impression that charge made upon him at Lord o' Tha writer was a Protestant clergyman. t o titet the'iniRLEVILLE rose Protestant order. 'He did thin that t he lite ei g ht Rev. Prelate had given a distinct . denial .t tosla 4 _,`,ellient of the letter, as read by the Noble Marquis, t Th e `;',, ar he fair or just in him to proceed. th e a g. n . of NORM A NBY—The Noble Lord was • - n a taler a p h e , ' l ight Rev. P re l a t e had not denied the truth . did . not say that there was nothing con k:rile g ist : tester similar to the contents of the charge. s „tilli3 a e l ) °I CASHEL said he would send the Noble h e sf o c °Py of the charge. f i r !' the e Ll lt 's a NORMANBV—If the Right Rev. Prelate T a ck!, Lot one word of truth in the letter, why then, t .. he sil a ' h e (Lord Normanbr) would be silent. s' ss' a tira e —° P cif CASHEL . 3 aid that the printed charge was a k•Qt )4, ° 11 of the charge he s delivered. fit ter, NORMANBY would now proceed to read 4,1 ) ' the orde r to show the impress i on ma d e upon t h e thiShe o 'Carl arge at whi c h h e was present. chi thealh INCHIL SEA rose to order. He did not Nit l'a r• H o ts " should listen to the opinions of individuals in tett4ear, l if ."eY did, h e wou ld as k, w h ere wa s it all to end ? tsu cnot ) The Right Rev. Prelate had stated that the hes.fehale,nr..d what was false, therefore it should not be ah ro _s, and cries of " Order.") c oke °I of LANSDOWNE and the Earl of WICKLOW N th _ h s -oded th order, but the latter gave way to the former, who kuittecti,"", his Noble Friend (the Marquis of Normanby) the tik s L m order in reading the contents of a . letter, It}lke._,pression made u on the mind of the writer by to he hear.) P ti l 7thst; W INCHILSEA did not think it fair or just to Sot i` 1 14 4 ,1 1 eh a course should be pursued. th e 4 0114 1.4 of NORMANBY said the Noble Earl was asi eh a teste i ot an i d he would now proceed to read the . letterof ess 7•%t " e 'ergYrnan, whose name he would give, who s t et e of al the char d who at that time, received . the tol, the R. g e ; a n ' f isi tine' a national •••.(11, Ri ght Rev. Prelate or v It 4 toreering.) 14 : Ner ° l, W ICKLOW said the Noble Marquis was not th ey - trei s i n !uat he would put it to him whether it would not Seliltre,t(r,aliseoaurn.)d discretion not to pursue this course fur- Rof t?,th,s NORMANBY said he would now read that th letter which referred to the personal encounter hnittilartieelitss!i,ter and the Right Reverend Prelate. The Patietat e ~ uteri proceeded to read the passage, which was ° la ii/f eelis.! " ' a t the writer declared he could never forget the ste t ,„_ . et attte,"? he suffered, when, after a residence of a quarter s e 'Zl4o that parish (Clashmore) he heard himself thus diti,-gepetoidltshabtishl_for having visited a national school, and oett2tein eo tt ly for „i r l i e, Protestan f t clergyman should do so, even the rules. The writer t r itg eh . : l e t t : 85 Y hPeufropuoisied of sexing ever lost all chance of 'kb \---(Laughter and cheers.) He (the Marquis tSi pt olik ak beard the Noble Lord opposite cheer but f .44 h im was that the treatment a cler . gyman o h• ::estidence in a parish ought to receive at the See° k is " s hola, because he* had gone to see the rules i . n tr/t6?...(ten00l established .by the Government of his cheers.) ! The writer went on further to eb,,ttight Reverend Prelate added that he would_ ti t in ; school at all in the country than the Dia • Citontinued cheers.) That was the letter, 'f i ssZ t a. P e.....( t , was the Rev. Mr. Maccassy, rector of 0, pet, rear, hear.) He would not follow Righttip Nat e y , l 'el 2 eating the expressions used by the , 44 w',lvnich were too eoarse for repetition in that I% lt e (llea, - " b ie l' the Right Rev. Prelate should never have ' 11441 r 'C' ear. ) The Noble ' Marquis then read a pas ttie th er t letter.) from a Protestant clergyman in Larne, ' • t,here e wer e 12,000 inhabitants, and where the writer itta s a e s a n i f eelingwhatever amongst ' his Pr, tesiant , I tte l44 of .---.ll‘t hear.) He (the the grant.—(Hear, cued ~,,°r,hts•fiby) ressretied that this measure had not Inquenlthe repeal agitation was .completelya large i• °I th e i r even now he hoped to see it carried by os t i tu sk e of Lordships' House.—(Cheers.) Ort WE LLINGTON said that lie made no allusion ° any meetings held co mbublin cthe Th e e c, se t L isl m ature N ot e totel ti , for the purpose of Z.. I. the sr' .°f the country to adoptllitnh'"e measure of the f7 44 1 -4141. 52" et0 n , setting aside altogether the decision of Th t was his 04 . ,, 1 4 1 :1 1 i:hose on the Bill of exceptions. 041: t aie that the Government was strong a and h i e sots ^as , • - a word on agitation, t r otie oottee W eak. dul..not say aN k tay `ay what the course of agitation would be - s s VC" next. He said the repeal cause ton—not 11": 4 °1 ic cause—( A laugh)—that the repe . al cause yeti_, - ` i c ink care to say, that as their Lordships were 111 41 - slis lait • e15 4 , 41 (. 1 nt persecute those who were weak. to No M e CASHEL, in explanation of the:remarks r tlins of Normanby, said that he would . show kw the letter referred to. It was always pantful to t , kik Pie 1 ,14t44 0 )4 4 , 14 a e number of applications f f, o 3 r r vsear.t livings, t r : at, A r .Z.3 rm. have a better chance speakiag “ ltea o il a "sh' Aiallotnter of himself than in such an app 41 0 1 0 1P :e t at lisOf bUBLII\ - r said that he should trouble their e ta fav „ . 1 as passible. From the language h„ used ) I :ali k try it would appear that all t (4' h„, t u,,e grant were set down as indil o r s ent to 1: 4 1 , 4 e h at i would r rotestant faith, and dangereusltitudiita- ar.. i„ e cca . , s i„ la Y , in reference to the course of instruction, closwho tioel-sceet on More than once to examine It * to '' a tant s 6 ti ltlaynooth, and who sought e p A i e t r i l p:l o oy y - m o . o e ti n g t , sZtloe th. * re ex ,.. sh, ha . ving . left theirow•n. Oft' P'ctlng situations as tutors . after they left 111 4' 4 th -441 sec H e was must/ isposed to think tha . t the let th, eli eved inn here be of a very ; f .e.erior descript l ion. 1 4 1 : 4e a tio e° , 11 ege f h r Yni conversin with many Roman Catho ncs, se, ' i n*, ugh ,•"'not well regulated as to the c,:urse of in htaPeelt-e,i'attghtt'ilett• He did not find fault with the college h, to be Roman Catholics, for that was to l u gater.) With regard to literature, his " 'l' : R e ' thought it was susceptible of great im- NtfiirefioY trlaking it a perpetual endowment they were B u tt he gr eo rta pt cheek to its beina again brought forward ce t k yldop t ri ," °f Par.s It appe"ared that the system of 1 4, 4 7,41 ‘ ;', ° 8 t r, there was a shabby one, and lie could not Ike ,L 0 conclusion, that it was, to a certain extent, 1 4 :11,,Zint•t e d , niggardly manner in which the college had ol~ePmust say, on behalf of himself . and his S a ts;a l „ t esta uf `eY were not to be considered as indifferent SN,fit eo - ' lis t in laith because of their refusing to join the out- Se h i\S - 1 Of Zased grant. He had the highest respect ttet a t t r ;* Roman Catholic brethren— (1I ear Miti k pr .iy 01 nos" t r m ore t opp u e . s t e o d to Ns ta erl 'u t 1 ., 14 : 1/ cae u a religion ote o st p a o n n Protestants subjects. If the civil t t ri t t t b et' to decide what the religion of its subcts li:'tlth a e ll err:sate should make no difference between great. fs, So et aYste ne bat should exclude all sects that disagreed 0404 'et adopted. He called upon those who he 6 1 : 4 4 0 ,, i 1ats eni,°ltors out their principles and denounce a he 4 they 40,s those for the Established Church. ' o Ill attS l Ns Pattt of e ß uld , d ° so• He did not however understand 'lt - 4 -- " )00 /• could go against a man's conscience Is t tle, 'see n a , d t with his approval or acquiescence. If a l l t l 1 11:,4 Z il iteni l si t ; "Pecting alaynooth were true, he thoug o n . hOp th °uld not tolerate the existence of the Col a itathiootentledtoehetrpiriests themselves, who were imbued They priests which it was said to inculcate. •: ke e n), the Bishops, on pain of break l i - 1 44 1 4„Cre vows to denounce that grant. differ" vows' Ways of driving out errors tll 114, 11 ad their vows. Was it by secular t ue sword ? Sooner than do so he would re- N e e , - `n . pio,,,nand endeavour to earn his bread by the most tat eet—(Hear, hear.) He would not resort to ti 4 Pi...,,tetteheuld endeavour to drive out those who were in ik4 , 00 Po who ta Wer mght false anti dangerous doctrines. c ra.. l hed earrtr„vex Roman Catholics, but he had over those ttiZotii„..ttettinllllion, and if he found among them any who i t 0.) theseof one Ch urc h , and received t h e emo l uments t tP, 4l, "e would drive out-4" Hear, hear," and k„ St e th doi L g he considered he would best acquit "ti lh • Ist a " " a "on net si , of his vo w s. There was a great nif the:n giving and granting an endowment. The • - sr "six It belonged to the nation ; and as long . h h t ot, i h t riot caillions of persons, whom they might tell in thsse te " the eac h tt of the nation— - ( A laugh)— it was ridiculous Septs,e7ePtiriseitiTvariner as money had come from the setohatholi e 'v s iduals. It was edam on the nation, and as a , contributed to its funds it was wrong to so ,),„ er - Pastry endowment. He must also protest s' l St i) b e Pro, n iatle against the word expediency.—( Hear, M I , et, be sh essedikc himself a votary of expediency.—( A to know what any one had to do in f t r i ,tl l , f art stil teet ti s ,er nt_ a man of . expediency.—(Laughter L ILI 4te a of t efor the public expedie . ney. There . was r a e l h ° ll c prayer that wa.s said every evenir, 1 01,0 1 1 e -us, a„l,honour, and prudence of their Lordship's 1 14 N 11 0:1 11 , ° , 111 d - lik li e t e h _a i t ri ssas not - consulting . for public expe it;`is I ;b eo `sord B W .: know what expediency was.—(Cheers. (Cheers.) t s t `rel 'else . e e inclined to think despondingly of . the i t 's ot tO t , a ,ntl, w t h had been so much decried by the agita 'nit kg e . Yf he thought that, so far from that being . So csS tatai ie t or mist the Bill, it was rather an argument in a m , Y * as 1 ,, e5 ' Measure which tended to pacify and restore i t st i ,tio4 o s i tti be censured by those whose trade was 0,7 l e , ' prevailed that the Roman Catholic \ ,'NeZat - s y t th — e ' re * ,....as united as one man; but the fact was J h il i - if e ,,,Sso 10 0 was a handful of people to agitate in t e %1 4, to nut :, would there be agitators. The agitators, Th• u er, always called themselves the people. kt,f i h ts th:g of l ," reminded him of a saying of Mr. Burke F, 4 : a4 l P'°Ple "andful of politicians that spoke of them ;se, Ne w, °f. England, said they resembled grasshop ;ts tll e a eeto ed occupying a snug bank, made all the es,°44 e t i em 0 , .e sole occupants of the meadow, whilst the li tt O f t 't tak elPants, ruminated quietly in the shades ' Do t e . too t , •.`te re 4 ong pon himself to say which was theproper qtl„k; b„" P relitt e'"d— a difficult problem to solve, as a k,th e Ole in _tbis ° (Daly) had observed on the previous Vl"' AC' of a , w ollid say-, that they should not consider L.lt % ti t ° o rai sed `,7, agitators as the voice of the . nation, 0 11 0 as t „ da the loudest clamour in Ireland against the '' l l to Pe a , ° considered every measure bad which had pl,„,sliOasoi te and conciliation the designs of such men Zti4 lilt 4 p : r tld raiee a hostile feeling between England tc °l 4 IshttOcisPettlal agitation.—( Loud cheers. ) kt defe s r° 3 9 amid loud cries for the Bishop of e N, e llite tif the as :sled the conduct of ' the professors of May -ItilN,,at'eaßeteratitins Which had been cast upon them and tl'heery -* tattr e and concluded by saying that he thought ki ttla h - lilt: eh Cue ef the most healing, tranquillising, and Yies f ° P of cool devised for the advantage of Ireland. 0 1,4 411 t t to TEIt. then rose and said, that he Ik h el th t th e re call which had been made upon him, ;cou r ,:t question at issue had been much departed th e ta te, e°,fe...,the present discussion. The origin of Ita,, t eli t o i tl had 1 , "'led to have been forgotten, and it would t h a s oli aid fren to and supported wholly by the hq 4 Of e ge W as band a paper, from which it appeared, k at', cert ain brat established upon sufferance upon the ) ir e / M th l o vt ho p st ,7,''°an Catholic prelates, Dr. Troy among 4 , e t ti L ord. nted the memorial to Lord Westmore -0161..1 111,, Lieutenant of Ireland. The memorial 4nty's lie"hee to establish collee wherein , yulleated for the Roman a Catholic church. THE SUN, LoNvoN, WEDNESDA I EVENING, JUNE • 4 1845, But it must appear that this licence was in the first instance, to enable Roman Catholics to endow the College. The Act of Parliament empowered them to receive donations, but the whole amount of donations re ceived by Maynooth College from the Roman Catholics, up to 1814, was 5,0001., and not a penny since then. There was a charge of miserable parsimony made against the Parliament towards the Roman Catholic college of Maynooth, which he considered wholly unfounded. The only miserable parsimony which he could detect was in the Roman Catholic squire. arehy of Ireland, and it was for those the Noble Earl who spoke last night (the Earl of St. Germans) had reason to blush for the state of ruin and degradation to which May nooth had been brought. The words of the Act of Parlia ment proved that Maynooth was not regarded originally as a corporation—it was an institution supported originally by mere chance endowments ; and Parliament did not, he re peated, originally recognise it in the light of an institu tion which had any claims upon the State.—( Hear hear. ) They were told that a visitorial power was to be exercised, but what would be the value of visiting, when they had no right to interfere with the doctrines which were taught at Maynooth ? Visitors in such a case would be of no value what ever.—( Hear.) Again it was said that the reason why the insti tution was not properly supported was the poverty of the people. This could not he the case. There was no want of wealth among the Roman Catholics of that country, especially among those of the higher classes. Wealth was increasing in Ireland, and he was glad of it, hut it ought to be borne in mind that for the last twelve years the wealthy Roman Catholics of that country had contributed from six to seven thousand pounds to an insti tution for the propagation of the Roman Catholic faith in Lyons. If they were satisfied with the character of Maynooth, it was not necessary for them to go there with their money— they would not have allowed the state of things, the want of de cency, and the absence of proper arrangements for the educa tion of the students to have existed. He wanted to know what good the Bill promised to realise? The great want of Ireland at the present time was men to teach them the duty they owed to their God and their country—to remind them that their first duty was to pay respect to the laws, to live at peace with all men, and not only to cultivate peace themselves but to set the example of peaceable conduct to others.—( Hear, hear.) Reference had been made to the circumstances of Ireland, and their Lordships had been told that there was some excuse for the part the priesthood had taken in the political l roeeedings of that country.—( Hear.) He was willing to make some allowance for those parties; but the re bellious and tumultuous proceedings which they countenanced and defended were such as, by God's blessing, he shouldtever assist in communicating to the Christian character, least of all to a Christian minister.—( Hear, hear.) The evil was, that the character of the priesthood was taken from the character of the people, and the real origin of it was in the exclusive sys tem of education pursued at Maynooth College. He did not see how it was possible to educate bOO young men in a proper manner by shutting them up in a monastic institution, making them perfect serfs during the seven years of their education, without connexion with the people, or association with the superior classes of society. They led the lives of recluses, destitute of all those associations and advantages that tended to develop the manly character. They were not allowed during their servitude, at any time, the privilege of walking in the avenues adjoining the institution—to pass for a single moment out of sight of their superintendents. And when their slavery was at an end they passed at once from a state of complete servility to a state of absolute despotism. From slaves they at once were transformed into despots—( Hear, hear)—and went forth among the people as the representatives of God—vices genere Deum. In this country the education of the Catholic clergy took place with the young members of the nobility and gentry. This was not the case at Maynooth, and hence the great difference in the cha racter of the Catholic clergymen of England compared with those of Ireland. There was no other institution in Ireland more productive of evil than Maynooth, and for that reason he should vote against the motion before their Lordships for the second reading of the Bill. He was sure the wealthy Roman Catholics of Ireland must be as desirous of sending their sons to be educated along with those intended for the University as were the rich Roman Catholics of England ; and the reason why they had not done so was, according to his judgment, because the system of education at Maynooth was so degrading. The next question was, who should nominate the students to be educated there? According to the proposed measure, the patronage was to be vested in the hands of the Roman Catholic Bishops. They were to have the appointment of no less than 500 young men. Would not this be putting a powerful engine into the hands of the clergy?—a power which, he contended, should alone be vested in the hands of the Crown. If this would be considered giving undue power to the Crown, another course might be taken ; the Crown might ap point four times the number to be admitted, and they should afterwards be examined publicly by the Roman Catholic Bishops in Dublin. Great benefit might be realised if some thing of that kind were adopted ; but there should be no such monastic institution as that of Maynooth. In his opinion the amount of the money was scarcely worth a moment's con sideration if the system pursued were satisfactory. For his part, instead of one college he would have three or four col leges, somewhat analogous to those proposed in the other House of Parliament for the education of the Roman Catholic priesthood. But. he would have it a liberal educa tion, in connexion with the young men belonging to the nobility and gentry, and altogether different from the monastic and exclusive system pursued at Maynooth. A Right Rev. Prelate had been reflected on the previous evening, because he could not name a remedy for the evils that affected Ireland. Such a proceeding was unfair and unconstitutional. The Rev. I'relate was not responsible for governing the country. That duty rested with the Government. The Ministry had voluntarily undertaken the duty of governing the country, and it was no part of the duty of Parliament to take the business of the Executive into its hands.—(Hear, hear.) It was for the Government to bring forward their measures, and then for their Lordships to judge of their value and efficacy. Tie thought too much of the wisdom of the Government to consider the present measure the best that could be introduced by them. The Noble Duke (the Duke of Manchester) had, in the debate of last evening, referred to the conferences of the Catholic priesthood, and there were proofs amply sufficient to show that the statements made by the Noble Duke were well founded. The common law inflicted the punishment of death by burning those who were guilty of the crime of heresy. He need only quote the opinions of Dens, for the truth of this assertion.—( Hear.) If their Lordships would examine closely into the nature of the studies taught at May nooth, they would find that they were not opposed to these conferences, arid at all events, they were such as ought to make their Lordships shrink from the pestilential stream they were assisting by this grant to 'disseminate over Ireland. The Right Rev. Prelate then preceded to read from Maldonatus, the favourite commentator of Maynooth, in order to prove the pernicious character of the doctrines taught there. A very respectable clergyman who had been educated at Maynooth had authorized him (the Bishop of Exeter) to say that if their Lordships granted the Committee sought for by the Noble Earl, he should be ready to appear before them, and to detail the results of his experience there. In an examination before that House, it was proved that Dr. M'Hale, who was the very impersonation of Maynooth, having been educated there, having been a professor there, and not leaving it till he was made Bishop. It was notoriously a fact, that on his visit to Achill, he had cursed priests who had left their Church and joined themselves to the Protestant faith. But this was only the common spirit that actuated them throughout Europe, and he would instance the protestation addressed by the Roman Catholic Priests of Belgium, in 18:5, to the King, when he wished to confer civil liberties on all his subjects, without distinction of sect. This showed at least the spirit by which they were actuated, and the same spirit was inculcated by the Catholic teachers of Maynooth. Baron Richards, at the Castlebar assizes, in the year 1838, had avowed the bigotry of the Roman Catholic priests, their sinister influence on the people, and the effects of the perni cious teaching at Maynooth, to which a great proportion of the crime of Ireland was to be traced. But the character of those doctrines need not be discovered by a reference to an authority so unprejudiced, yet unconnected; Dr. M'llale, in an essay on the subject of dispensation, had set the tenets there held be yond all dispute. The deposing power, as acted upon by Pope Pius XVII., in 1 801, in trying to establish the succession of Louis XVIII., and acknowledged by the Irish bishops in 1809, was equally and as incontestible the doctrine still upheld, The class-book de penitentia instructed nothing less than perjury in its most abhorrent and revolting form , an d the question, there fore was, were the Government ready to endow, with the funds of the State, and identify with the Constitution a college that propounded and instructed a system of unqualified perjury? He, for one, trusted that the House, when put in possession of such incontroyrtible facts, would exclaim " Non-Content " to the provisions of such a measure. Lord BROUGHAM could not understand the discrepancy between the line of arguments adopted by the Right Rev. Pre late and the opponents of the Bill, either on the Ministerial or the cross benches. The two Noble Dukes who had so ve hemently protested against the measure, exclaimed in horror, " Idolatry, superstition, abominable doctrines, everything that the Minister ought most to discountenance, were to be en dowed." Such were their arguments, and to say the least of them, they were intelligible—they were logical, and calculated to carry conviction. But the Right Rev. Prelate contended in a far different strain—" I object to a system that would endow one institution where the false ultra-montaine doctrines were propounded; but withdraw those tenets, purge the reli gion of such abhorrent views, and I will vote for the endowment of four colleges for the teaching of the Roman Catholic faith ! What, four colleges, for one of which the Noble Duke had ob jected so strenuously. The Right Rev. Prelate had said also that the State did, in 1794 and 1795, not endow the college, but gave the Catholic faith a power of voluntary establishing an institution which, though not endowed, was endowable by the State. But the fact was that, in 1795, the Act of Geo. 111. -was passed, and in all hut the word co-operation, every trust, even powers for grants of money, and lease of property was accorded the Institution.—( Hear, hear.) And as to merely holding of the trusts, it would not be suffi cient to make them a corporation, if new powers were not given to them in their capacity of visitors.—The grand omission in the Act was that there was no mention of a corporation—that was all. The words of the preamble of the Bill, that " Whereas there was a college for the education of Roman Catholics, and the funds were insufficient, it was desirable to support and " endow that college," &c. There were three Acts passed in the reign of George 111. —a Prince above a ll others distin guished for his attachment to the Protestant religion—a Prince who was most religiously opposed to the anti-Protestant doc trines of the Humanists. Under whose auspices was the last Act (the 48th of the King) passed?—(Hear, hear.) It was under the auspices of Mr. Percival who succeeded upon Pro testant principles—(Heae, hear)—the Government of Lord Grey.—( Hear, hear.) It vas under his auspices that the grant was continued, and that in the new Act the word " en dowed" was introduced.—( Hear, hear.) He knew as well as the Noble Earl opposite that the grant was from year to year. But surely the fact that the grant had been given, year after year, and in every year for fifty years, was of greater impor tance in support of the grant than if it had been given at once and for ever.—( Hear, hear.) It showed a greater determina tion on the part of the Legislature to continue the grant, under the very name used in each successive Act, than if it had been made at once a fixed and permanent endowment. —( Hear, hear.) He placed little value upon the animosities exhibited at public meetings. He believed that those annual displays of fanaticism would be happily put an end to by the Bill before the House.—( Hear, hear.) it was no argument against this measure that it would go to promulgate the ob noxious doctrines taught at Maynooth ; for it was dented by no opponent of this Bill that Maynooth, with all its doctrines, must still be supported.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not better— as it had well been said by the Noble Duke op posite—that if the Roman Catholics of Ireland must be educated by priests, those priests themselves ought to be educated as gentlemen.--( Hear, hear.) He would read an extract from an English traveller, who said that on his visit to Maynooth he found the condition of the pupils one of great deprivation. The union workhouses were palaces com pared to the College.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing could exceed the povery and squalidity of the establishment. (The Noble and Learned Lord read the extract at great length, depicting the extreme poverty of the pupils, and the filthy state of their accommodation.) It was absurd to say that doctrines were taught in the College which rendered the controlling power of the Crown nugatory.--(hear, hear.) For in the Chan cellorshipof Lord Plunkett, th a t L or d Ch an c e llor did, as visitor, instituteinquiries into the conduct of the pupil -4; and they, when examined upon oath, gave evidence which proved that they had no indoctrination opposed to the obligation of an oath, and the result of the inquiry was, that the abuses complained of, and proved, were removed.—( Hear.) He did not wish to give any pain to Members of that House professing the Roman Catholic faith, nor to persons professing that faith out of the House; but he must declare that no opponent of the Bill was I more opposed than he was to the doctrines of the Church of Rome, or more opposed to the power of an hierarchy governed by a head with a triple crown.—( Hear, hear.) He did not like the books which were read in Maynooth College. He did not say that books were not to be read because he, or their Lordships, did not like them.—( A laugh.) He then went through a catalogue of books of various doctors, amongst whom he mentioned Thomas Aquinas, whose doctrines he did not approve, but whose works, he thought, might well be read with advantage. He differed from the Noble Lord oppo site in his views; for it was quite a mistake to suppose he could be correct in those views. There was no doubt that the books mentioned were /in existence, and that they contained those bad doctrines that had been mentioned. But this was totally beside the question now before their Lordships, and if it were not so, he would be ready to vote for the Committee. Ile had heard a great deal about Maldonatus and heresy, and all that : but some of those arguments went to prove that these bad doctrines were taught in Maynooth. No doubt the dogmas taught in Maynooth were the Ro manist dogmas ; but what other could be taught there? Surely they were not to invent new books—if so, then, they were to have their own books ; but even 30, the fact would be found that all those bad and dreadful doctrines would shrink into a page or two.—( Hear, hear.) And now let him remind their Lordships that the Church of Rome was not the only church that had fallen into error. He much feared that melancholy indeed was the condition of the ecclesiastical dis cipline of another church. He was not now alluding to the spiritual or ecclesiastical power of that church. That church to which he alluded hail exercised a great secular power, not withstanding all that had been said about the Pope, and the Councils, and the priests, though he should certainly say that the former had never carried it so far as the latter.— ( Hear, hear.) In modern times that church had been as much distinguished for its tolerance as its piety, and this he had said of it fifteen years ago ; but he should peremptorily deny, that it was always as tolerant as it was now ; and if he took the trouble he could find writers amongst the old fathers, who furnished as strong illustrations against the intolerance of that Church, as any that had been adduced against the Romish Church. These things were not confined to the Episcopalian Church. The Dissenters and Wesleyan Me tholists were the loudest and most incessant in their outcry against it. Well might the bench of bishops say, that these religionists had no right to look for an extension of civil and religious liberty for themselves, since they had been so violent in their opposition when con cessions were made to Roman Catholics. They were the last, too, who should charge other religionists with holdng persecuting doctrines, for, if he selected a writer who of all others laldown the doctrine of extirpation with more ela borateness—who even went so far as to say that the body of the heretic should even be burnt—who taught not merely the right but the duty of destroying the body to save the soul—he should say that that man was John Calvin.—(Loud cheers.) Among the various devices which that man resorted to for the purpose of carrying into effect his diabolical doctrines was the practice of letter-opening.—(Loud laughter.) The Noble Lord pro ceeded to state an instance of this man's cruelty in the case of a Spanish physican. He got him to come to Geneva, where, in consequence of his religious opinions, he was denounced, condemned, and burnt to death forty-eight hours after, without even the common forms of justice, and in mockery of every feeling that actuates humanity. The Noble Lord then went on to adduce another instance of the most intolerant persecution on the part of the Presbyterians and Calvinists, from an American author, Mr. Gerard Spottis woode, who described the sufferings of an individual whose only crime was worshipping in the Common Prayer Book of the Church of England. He would now leave this part of the subject, and he would ask who would think the worse of Glasgow, Edinburgh, Hackney, or any other college where Dissenters were taught?.—who would ever think the worse of them because there might be found among their dusty shelves a copy of the works of the persecutor and murderer of Geneva—the author of the most elaborate treatise on persecution that the world has ever seen—without any attempt even to efface the page, palliite its cruelties, or apply an antidote to the poison which it administered. Who, he would ask, would think of involving all the students and pro fessors of those colleges, and the system of instruction taught there, in the doctrines which were promulgated by Calvin? It would be senseless and utterly monstrous to do so. Thomas Aquinas never could be compared, for a moment, to that vio lent and restless exterminator. Let him say one word of King William, who ought to be revered in this country and Ireland, not merely becausi: he founded civil liberty, but because he savel them from Popery. His name might be made a watch word by fanatics, but it was not in that sense he used it, and he heartily agreed with the Somersets and the Godolphins of his day, that had their Lordships then lived they would have passed the penal code. Last of all, he was told that you cannot con scientiously give money for the propagation of error. Ira the first place, the money would be given, whether or no. Secondly, the money partly belonged to Catholics. Thirdly, Maynooth was only one of a number of establishments recognised and en dowed by the State. In Canada the Roman Catholic Church was established by this country. The Right Reverend Prelate was wrong in stating that there was any provision in the treaty of Paris for endowing the Roman Catholic faith—nothing was guaranteed in that treaty but toleration. Constant grants were made by the Legislature for the sustainment of the Catholic establish ments in the colonies, and at Malta even the regular clergy were paid by the State. In Malta the Roman Catholic Church was of the most rigorous and exclusive character, and yet it was supported by the Government, while no cry, voice, or whisper, had been raised against it. Before sitting down he would say a word respecting the mode in which the grant had been met. His Right Hon. Friend in the other House, at the head of her Majesty's Government, had been reflected on for the course he had pursued on the present measure. It was said that one reason of introducing the measure was the great alarm expressed respecting the relations of this country with America. Another reason given was, that without some step of this kind agitation could not be put down. He (Lord Brougham) denied, as broadly and distinctly as his words would enable him to do, that any such appre hension had influenced his Right Hon. Friend in bringing forward that measure. His Right Hon. Friend might have referred to the relation of this country with foreign countries, and the difficulties connected with those relations, but he (Lord Brougham) denied that any such plea had been advanced as a reason for introducing the present measure, and for this reason, that it was a pure anachronism. For it would be re collected that last year, before any difference with America was dreamt of, his Right Hon. Friend, in answer to Mr. Wyse, distinctly announced his plan with regard to Maynooth, and alto his views with respect to academical education. The al leging that the measure was introduced to still agitation, was equally unfounded. He kad been represented to say that agi tation could not be put down by force, and he (Lord Brougham) said so too, for he held that it was impossible to put down agi tation by such means, until it broke out into violence or insur rection. But agitation in Ireland had verged upon that ex treme, and his Right Honourable Friend had used force, when force became necessary, and that force had been triumphantly successful.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") Agitation at all times was an evil, especially in thickly popu. lated countries, and if the measure now introduced was ea/en lated to quiet and improve that country, in this respect it was entitled to their support. He was told that the Right Rev. Prelate (the Bishop of Exeter) had made out a case against the grant to Maynooth, and Bishop Higgins had been cited to that effect. That Right Rev. Prelate had said, a few years ago, in a manifesto respecting the repeal movement, that he owed nothing to the aristocracy of Parliament but contempt, a few years before, on the occasion of the repeal of the Penal Code. How such a change had taken place in so short a period, he could not conceive, or how unbounded respect could be con verted into unqualified scorn ; however, his scorn and his re spect he valued in the same degree. That Right Reverend agitator had said—" Why should Ireland be thankful for 17,000/. a year, it was but three farthings a week I" Such argumentation he (Lord Brougham) had never be fore heard.—( Hear, hear.) Why, if 300,000/. a year had been accorded upon such a principle, the grant might be said to be only firspence a head, or less than a half farthing a week.—( Laughter.) But Dr. Higgins no more represented the population of Ireland than Mr. Wilkes and Mr. Alderman Sawbridgo when issuing their mandates from the London Tavern, and commencing " We, the people of Eng land," embodied or represented the population of•this country. . . —(Laughter.) He felt gratified, however, that the Govern ment, conscious of its own integrity, and regardless of the cla mour of party, hail fearlessly maintained its course, believing, as he did, that the popularity which followed a bravo act was much more honourable than that sought after by spurious .pre tensions, and that if they persisted in those brave acts they would deserve, as they would obtain, that enduring and invalu able applause.—(Cheers.) Lord CLANCARTY, amidst great collision, and conflict ing cries of " Adjourn," "Go en," "'Question, question," moved the adjournment of the debate. The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S was anxious though at that late hour to address—(here the Rev. Prelate was interrupted with reiterated cries of " Adjourn, adjourn," " Qaestion, question," in the midst of which— Lord CLANCARTY protested against the irregular course adopted by the Right Rev. Prelate. The question of adjourn ment had been raised, and he for one would persist in it. The Bishop of St. DAVID'S—I wish to give your Lordships, in as succinct and short an explanation as possible, the reasons for my vote on the present occason. Lord CLANCARTY (rising amid great sensation, and loud cries of " Order, order,")—l, my Lords, have moved the ad journment of this debate, because I consider it my duty to address a few words before the discussion terminates. Six addresses have been presented this night in favour of the Bill, while only two Members have spoken in favour of the amend ment of the Noble Earl near me (Lord Roden), and I have been anxiously waiting an opportunity to state my view, upon it. Hitherto I have been unable to address your Lordships, and therefore it was that I secured for myself the tacit right of commencing the discussion to-morrow, by moving the adjourn ment of the debate. —( Loud cries of " Go on.") The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, I think it will be more consistent with the convenience of this House that the debate be adjourned till to-morrow. The greatest confusion here arose, Members not understand ing whether the Noble Duke intended this day, Wednesday (it being now one o'clock), or Thursday. Cries of " To day," " To-morrow," " Thursday," proceeded from all parts of the House, in the midst of which Tho LORD CHANCELLOR contrived to make himself heard, announcing that the House stood adjourned to Fivo o'clock this day ( Wednesday). Their Lordships then adjourned. Mr. EN TWISLE said that the company, on making the proposition, distinctly stated that the chat ges they had agreed to were to be only on coals carried fifteen miles, and that for a less distance they were to be at liberty to make a higher charge. The com pany were quite willing to abide by the rule esta blished t y the Committee; and if the Board of Trade were to direct them to establish a closer position for their stations, they had no disposition to swerve from the line that might be hid down. If the Board of Trade were to issue a direction that the stations should be made at four miles distance instead of six, they were quite ready to abide by it. He had no authority from the company to enter into an arrangement with the House, but he had no doubt but that it would be confirmed. _ Mr. LASCELLES thought that the Hon. Member might safely enter into an arrangement to make the stations at six miles. It was merely a question of agreement. Mr. STUART WORTLEY said that he had no power to enter into an engagement on the part of the Manchester and Leeds Railway Company, but he thought that after an interval for confirming this arrangement the directors had net thought proper to answer to the appeal which had been made to them, and he thought the Hon. Member for Halifax (Mr. C. Wood) might assent to the proposition which had been made. Sir G. CLERK said that the proposition of the Hon. Mem ber for Halifax would give a preference to this line of railway over the other, but it would depend upon the decision of the Committee whether the Leeds and Manchester Company should make their stations at six miles, four miles, or fifteen miles from each other. After a few words from Mr. ENTWISLE and Mr. C. Woor, :he Bill was read a second time. BELFAST AND BALAMENA RAILWAY. The report en this railway was brought up, and the Bill was reed a second time. The Blackburn, Darwen, and Doltoa Railway Bill was passed, new clauses having been added. Captain BERKELEY presented a petition, agreed to at a public meeting, presided over by Sir Edward Codrington, com plaining of the manner in which the merchant seamen's fund is managed. Also a petition from the surgeons of Gloucester, against the Medical Bill. Mr. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from a person named Scott, who had held a clerkship in the Perogative Will Office, complaining of abuses in the management of that office, more particularly withrespect to the inconvenience entailed on the public with respect to wills. The Honourable Gentleman said he should make a motion on the subject on another day. TEN HOURS' FACTORY BILL. Mr. FERRAND presented several petitions from Manches ter, Salford, and other places, in favour of a Ten Hours' Fac tory Bill. SCOTCH POOR LAW. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Forres, complaining of the Poor-laws of Scotland. THE LATE TREATY ON THE SLAVE-TRADE. Sir H. INGLIS said he wished to put a question to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government with re spect to the copy of a treaty between France and England with respect to the slave-trade, which appeared in the Standard, and which was copied into the morning newspapers of yester day. Now he wished to know whether that treaty was rightly described in the newspaers in question, and when it would be laid on the table of the House? Sir R. PEEL said any copy of the treaty in question which had appeared in the English newspapers was published without the sanction of her Majesty's Government. He had not read the treaty which had appeared in the newspapers, but it cer tainly was not the one which he proposed to lay before Parlia ment. Before, however, be could do so, a short time must elapse. conferred on his country, the Government were more competent to speak than he was. The Lord Provost of Glas gow, at a banquet given to Sir Henry Pottinger in that city, said that the manufacturers of Glasgow were deeply indebted to him, for increasing their intercourse with China, and that though they could not thank him in fine language, they could thank him with the sincerity and cordiality of British mer chants.—( Hear, hear.) Every community which carried on a trade with China might say the same with equal justice. Others then, having done so, he limped the House of Com mons would do the same, and trusted that the Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Government would not think it in compatible with his duty, as the guardian of the public purse, even though it might be a little against precedent, to give Sir Henry Pottinger some reward for the valuable services he had rendered to his country.( Hear, hear. ) Sir ROBERT PEEL said, the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down was, at any rate, a conclusive answer to a great part of the speech of the Hon. Gentleman by whom the motion was brought forward. It might be inferred from the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. C. Hobhouse), who made many unjust observations that there was a disposition on the part of her Majesty's Government to underrate the services of Sir Henry Pottinger. No Occasion had ever offered itself in that House in which ho had not cordially done him justice.—( Hear, hear.) He did cer tainly state, as a reason for not including Sir li. Pottinger in the vote of thanks to Sir William Parker—and lie said it was with regret—that the occasions were so rare, and the service' whick rendered such a mark of public approval necessary so great, that a vote of thanks was not proposed, rather on account of the danger of establishing a precedent than from any desire to underrate the services of that distinguished man. He (Sir R. Peel) was prepared to repeat in that House all he said of Sir Henry Pottinger. Ilaving no personal acquaintance with him, but well knowing hie name and his character, he should have as unbounded confidence from the Government as from their predecessors. The Right Hon. Gentleman said it was unfair to give a distinguished officer 6,0001. per annum e.fter long services, and to grant a similar sum to Sir Henry Davis. But that was because a certain salary appertained to a certain office. Mr. HUME was understood to say that he did not draw that comparison. Sir ROBERT PEEL said ho understood the Honourable Gentleman to say that Sir Henry Davis was not so well entitled to that pension as Sir Henry Pottinger. Sir IL Pottinger had shown the utmost discretion, and he gave him the greatest thanks for the kindness with which he had treated the Chinese, and for the firmness and decision by which ho had brought about the treaty between this country and China, for he (Sir R. Peel) knew the difficult position in which he was placed.—(Hear, hear.) In one respect, Sir H. Pottinger could say that justice had not been done to him. He took upon himself the responsibility of opening the trade with China to all nations, as well as to England. No doubt he was desirous to form a treaty with other countries, hut the first instruction which his Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Department (Lord Aberdeen) transmitted to hint in 1841 was this :—" Secure and well regulate trade with China, and constantly bear in mind, that we seek for no exclusive ad vantages, and demand nothing that shall not be enjoyed by the subjects of all other countries."—( Hear, hear.) Those were instructions which were sent to Sir H. Pottinger by his Noble Friend before the signature of the treaty; and, therefor!, let it be said for the credit, not only of Sir H. Pottinger, wad of the two great parties in this country who bad administered the affairs of Government for the last four years, since the diffe rences with China commenced, but for the credit of the 'whole country, that no wish was further from their in tentions than to secure in their intercourse with China peculiar and exclusive rights.—( Hear.) Let it be known to Europe and to the world that there was no mau in this country who wished to secure narrow and paltry advan tages to which the whole world should not be equally entitled. —( Hear, hear.) Any one would infer from the words of the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Hume) that they had withhold from Sir H. Pottinger some reward which it was in the power of the Government to confer upon him, and the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. C. Liobhouso) said that they had encumbered him with laurels. He (Sir It. Peel) did not say that he had been created a baronet for his services :in China, but for long services to the country in various ways. He did say that they had conferred upon him the highest honorary distinction next to the garter—a distinction which had been conferred on many great and brave men—a Grand Cross of the Bath. That honour was conferred upon him by the approval of a gracious Sovereign. —( Hear, hear.) Did not the Hon. Member consider that a distinction, unless it was accompanied by money ? He (Sir R. Peel) believed that Sir H. Pottinger was proud of that honour, not because it was unaccompanied by money, but be cause it was a mark of the approval of his Sovereign. He thought, therefore, that he had shown that the statement of the Hon. Member that there 'must be some reason why Sir H. Pottinger remained unnoticed, was an unjust insinuation—that there was no foundation for it. There was no honorary distinc tion which the Crown had not conferred on Sir H. Pottinger, and he could not say, so far as the Crown was concerned, that he had been unfairly dealt with. Then they came to the pe • cuniary consideration—that the Crown having some power to grant a pension had not exercised it. lie did not hesitate to say, that if the Crown had been free to grant a pension, the Government would have at once advised the Crown to grant it—( Hear, hear)—but in the case of Sir Henry Pottinger the Crown had not the power. What then became of these invi dious distinctions ?—( Hear, hear.) The last Government had the power to confer a pension upon him, but the present Go vernment could not legally exercise it. You say, continued the Right Hon. Baronet, that the Crown is niggardly. Who im• posed that restriction ? Why, the House of Commons and the Right Hots. Gentleman.—(" Hear," from Mr. Hume.) Tho Crown could not grant a pension to any one, whatever service he had seen, on account of diplomacy, except he had been in the service for fifteen years, and unless in aotual service for ten years. And therefore the Crown had not had the power to grant a pension to Sir Henry Pottinger. It was admitted by the House of Commons that there were claims upon the gene rqpty of the Crown for various distinguished services performed for the public good. Pensions might be granted for personal service performed for the Sovereign, and pensions might also be granted as a reward for the peiformance of public services, or for important discoveries in science, literature, and the arts ; and to provide for all these pensions, the House of Commons only gave the Crown 1,2001. per annum.---(Hear, hear.) It did not, however, imply any reproach upon the Ministry, be. cause they had not asked the House of Commons to grant a specific pension for this distinguished officer ; for, had they done so, it would have been establishing a somewhat dangerous pr, eedent. But such a step on the part of Government would have been attended with great inconvenience, for scarcely a week passed but there were claims brought before him. which, he thought, speaking comparatively, were as just and legitimate as the claim made by the Hon. Member opposite ; and how could they he provided for out of 1,2001. a year?— (Hear.) He would take the case, for instance, of the late Sir William Nott.—(Cheers.) Look at the distinguished ser. vices of that lamented and gallant officer—( Hear)—and see how easy, how quiet, how equitable, would be the claim of any Hon. Member to the consideration of Parliament, were he to make an appeal to that House. on behalf of the family of that distinguished and gallant officer.—(Cheers.) What a strong case could be made out in such an instance as this. Ho returned home, after exhibiting abroad a coestancy and valour in behalf of his Sovereign and country which en - titled him to the public approbation. He came home broke n in health, unable to receive that approbation, while others re ceived the highest rewards which the throne and the co un t ry could bestow upon them. But Sir William Nott's health pre vented him not only from enjoying the merit he deserved, and the admiration of his fellow-countrymen, but debarred him of the opportunity of being presented to his Sovereign, and re ceiving her public thanks.—(Hear, hear.) Again, take the case of men of science. How many, there were who had strong claims upon the generosity of the Crown, for the u se f u l dis coveries they had made in the sciences, the arts, or literature, whose claims might be urged upon the House with as much force as those of Sir Henry Pottinger.—(Hear, hear.) Why, he was applied to the other day for relief by the daughter of a distinguished public professo r, latel y decea sed , and if they were to establish a precedent, would not Government ru n th e r i s k of constantly having these and similar cases pressed upon them by the House? He would not go so far as to say that these pro fessors were as distinguished as the gallant officer, who wa s th e subject of this discussion , bu t those . distinguished individuals had eacriEced the interests and welfare of their families for the public good, and although their claims were not quite so strong as those made out by the Honourable Member, they w ere never theless precisely the same in principle.—(Hea r , hear. ) But, considering the general feeling of the House of C ommons on this subject, he was not disposed to interpose his opposition between the generosity of the Crown and Sir Henry Pottin ger.—( Cheers. ) The motion did not imply the sli g ht est re proach upon her Majesty's Ministers, because they had per formed a painful public duty in opposition t o t h e i r own personal wishes and inclinations. Nevertheless, he should be sorry, now that the matter had been brought forward, that there should be any division upon a subject of this kind, and he should certainly not oppose the motion. —( Great cheering. ) In compliance with the wish of the House of Commons, and contrary to his strict public duty, he should take upon himself the part of advising her Majesty to make some provision for this distinguished officer.—(Renewel cheering.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL was rejoiced to hear the closing de claration of the Right Hon. Baronet, and he could not help saying one word upon this subject, after what had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet. He wished to express his own feel ings upon this subject, and to state that he thought her Ma jesty's Government had always shown a disposition to reward merit whenever they could consistently do so.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") And let not the Right Honourable Baronet suppose the House had the slightest disposition to throw blame upon the Government for the course they had hitherto adopted in the case of Sir Henry Pottinger.—( Hear. ) He thought, with regard to this case, the House of Commons was in some degree called upon to express its opinion, because the Right Hon. Baronet had truly stated that the House of Commons had placed limits upon the power of the Crown to grant rewards for diplomatic services. -Government had been perfectly consistent in acting up to the general rule, but the case before them was an extraordinary one, and justified an ex ception to the rule.—( Hear, hear.) After what had fallen from his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose it was impossible for him to say anything more forcibly in favour of the distin guished services of Sir Henry Pottinger. He agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet that they ought not to establish any fixed precedent for their guidance, but, considering the par ticular circumstances of this case, he did think it formed a case of itself, and the exception ought to be made in its favour. Lord PALMERSTON could not allow this discussion to close without expressing his sincere satisfaction in the con cluding declaration of the Right Hon. Baronet. He must say he thought the decision which the Government had come to with regard to the motion of his Hon. Friend, was as honour able to themselves, as its result was flattering to the distin guished individual who was the subject of it. He quite under stood, and admitted the force of the arguments of the Right Hon. Baronet, that it would have been injudicious for the Go. vernment to have made this proposition themselves.—( Hear. ) It would be satisfactory to the Gallant Officer who was the subject of this discussion, that the reward which he was about to receive was not only a reward given by the Crown, but a re ward given at the suggestion of the Commons of England.— (Hear, hear.) Government might rest assured they incurred no risk by establishing this precedent, because the case stood upon peculiar and exceptional grounds.—( Hear, hear) He trusted that he (Sir H. Pottinger) might long continue in that state which would enable him to perform other services to the country. Every relation which it was his duty to fill he did accomplish ; and considering the people he had to deal with, and the distance he was from the Government, he could not acquit himself in a manner more deserving of the approba tion of the Crown. The instructions of Lord Aberdeen in 1841 certainly justified Sir Henry Pottinger in inserting the article alluded to in the treaty ; and it was one of the acts which showed his high idea of th e responsibility which he was under. There was no man living more ready to acknowledge the services of those to whose the Right Hon. Baronet oppo site alluded to than Sir Henry Pottinger himself. The suc cessful result which took place i n China was not owing to Sir Wm Parker. but to the conduct of those who preceded him. It would be honourable to the House of Commons, to the Hon. Member who made this motion, and would give the greatest satisfaction to the country at large if the Government agreed to this vote.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. JOHN ABEL SMITH supported the vote, and was of opinion that the success of the motion would be the more ho nourable to Sir H. Pottinger, because he was neither directly or indirectly connected with it. Mr. ROSS would mention one circumstance where Sir H. Pottinger had risked his own character, and the funds which were at his disposal, contrary to his instructions, by advancing money to the Hong-Kong merchants, because he felt himself bound to pay it in support of the dignity of the Crown. He mentioned the circumstance, in order to show the claim he had on the Crown, and would support the moticn of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Hume). Mr. P. HOWARD supported the motion, and said that this case of Sir H. Pottinger was one which might be taken out of the hands of the general rule, without giving rise to any dan gerous result,3, and it would be much more satisfactory if this vote appeared to come spontaneously from the Government without any interference on his (Sir H. Pottinger's) part. Mr. HUME then made a few observations in reply. The motion was then agreed to, nonine contradicente. BURDENS ON LAND. Mr. WARD then rose to move the following motion, of which he had some time given notice :—For "a Select Com mittee to inquire whether there are any peculiar burdens specially affecting the landed interest of this country, or any peculiar exemptions enjoyed by that interest, and to ascertain their nature and extent." If it were not for the aspect of the House, which foreboded its premature dissolution, he thought he might congratulate himself on the success of two motions originating on that side of the House on which he sat. He had generally been deserted when he brought forward any agricultural question, by the agricultural Members of that House and the Agricultural Protection Society, but he thought, when they bad no thirty-ninn Members to protect them, and when they saw that, eventually, his motion mast be brought forward, he should be sure of their attention. The policy of the Government had yet a great deal to do, although they had done much which had created a beneficial influence on the condition of the people; but such being the case, what strong arguments had they net for going further ?—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Ward) did not appeal to principles which they on that side of the House had, a priori, put forth, but to principles advanced by the Government itself. It was true that the Government had, by its tariff, taken off the duties on upwards of six hundred articles, but they had left them on those articles which were most important tor the comfort and happiness of the people of this country. He might be told that they on that side of the House were al says talking and not doing. Why, in his opinion talking was doing, and they were obliged to talk for the sake of the character of the Right Hon. Baronet oppo site.—(A laugh.) His Hon. Friend the Member for Stock port was, in his opinion, as much a member of the Cabinet as if he had a seat in it.—(Laughter.) His suggestions had, in many instances, been acted upon, and even the Right Hon. Baronet had admitted that his Hon. Friend, aided by high and important sentiments and motives, had rendered important ser vices to the country.—(Hear, hear.) That proved that his Hon. Friend was right, though the House voted against him. —( Hear, hear.) lie (Mr. Ward) believed that one of the most important services he had rendered was the course that he had pursued with respect to the Imports Committee. In England land legislated for itself, which, he believed, was not the case in any other part of Europe. In Austria and France the monarch legislated for it. He was sorry to say that the history of protection during the last session had been most lamentable and laughable.—( blear, hear.) It was known that, the Chancellor of the Exchequer would have a large surplus this year, and the landlords of this country had shown a firm determination to have a large slice of it.—(Laughter.) They cried out continually against the policy of the Government, and it had been declared at Hertford that as much as six millions had been taken by it from the agriculturists of the country. One gentleman, at a meeting there, alluding to the course that had been pursued by the Government, had, in the words of the poet, said— " That keen were their pangs ; but 'twas keener far to feel, They'd nursed the pinion that impelled the steel." • --(Laughter.) The Hon. Member proceeded to refer to a meeting which had lately been held in Essex on the subject of agriculture. The Tower of Babel was nothing to this meeting ' in point of unanimity. The parties who had attended this meeting did not know by who;n they had been called and for what they had been called. Was it not time to have done with those sort of meetings? After all, the one question only had to be considered, and that was, had the land any peculiar burdens? If it had, let them grant the Committee which he then sought. What was the use of postponing it for another session? They could not do so beyond that time, it must come at last. Was there stability in the present system? Could Hon. Gentlemen opposite depend upon the continuance of the present corn laws? Why, principles opposed to those of protece tion were gaining ground every day on the opposite side of the House. The Noble Lord the Member for Pontefract had lately said that he, as a landlord, did not fear a repeal of the corn-laws. What was it that justified the con tinuance of the corn-laws? If anything, it must be peculiar burdens upon agriculture. Where were those burdens? Point them out—this was all he asked. Lord Abinger, when Mr. Scarlet, said that land paid all the rates of the country, or at least in the ratio of four to one. The Hon. Member for Norfolk had said the land paid all the poor-rates, and the Hon. Member for Sornersetshire paid one-half of the income tax. If all this were true, why not have a Committee before which the truth of these statements could be probed? He found, upon reference to the returns, that the land paid 1,323,323/. to the income-tax, while the trades and professions paid 1,466,0001., being a difference of 143,0001., or that amount paid by trades and professions above the amount paid from land. Tile Hon. Member then read from the reports of the Poor-law Commissioners, to show that the land had gradually fallen off in the last twenty years in its contribution to the poor-rates, while the amount from other sources had largely i acreased.—(Hear, hear.) He would inquire why every householder in London should pay the poor-rates, the window-taxes, the police-rates, and other taxes, when it was proposed to amerce them in a Con solidation Fund Bill. Before you can do this a police magis tracy must be established under the inspection of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. But, supposing there might be some little disparity in the result of the Committee's deliberations to which he trusted the present matter might be referred. He then alluded generally to the duties paid on horses, horses let out for hire, sheep-dogs, and other matters connected with the agricultural interest, and showed that the reduction on the duties from 1816 to 1834 amounted to 34,000,0001. Now he would inquire, where were the duties on land? Taking every manufacturing district, including the iron and the cotton localities, it appeared that they were creating produce without having any tax placed on their industry. if the balance were struck, with land in one scale for a duty on corn, the balance would be vastly in favour of the public. —( Ilear.l Agriculture cannot at present find a single individual to advocate its exclusive interests, and any man placed in office on the Board of Trade after a short interval invariably came out as a free trader. —( Hear.) If the Duke of Newcastle should write another letter on the matter of free trade with a view to ulterior advancement, he was just as likely to be elected the Pope as Premier.—(A laugh.) The Right Hon. Baronet had stated his opinion generally, he meant to per severe in the determination of producing free-trade, though he should lose the support of his agricultural friends, and he (Mr. Ward) could not see why the Right Honourable Gentleman should object to his motion. The party of the Right Hon. Baronet came forward and requested his party to assist them in cheapening clothes, food, and other articles connected with the comfort of the public, and why should not the Right Hon. Gentleman come forward and assist him in the attempt to equ•dise commercial duties? He was perfectly confident as to the result of his motion, and even if his hopes should be disap pointed, he would leave the decision to the country. The question was then put from the Chair. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT complimented the Honourable Member who had just sat down for the good humour ho had shown in bringing forward his motion. He held that his argument, that the agricultural interest of this country possessed advantages over other countries, could not be maintained, as there were burdens on the proprietors of land in this country 'which did not exist in any other. The manufacturing districts were now in a state of great prosperity, and there was a greater demand for hands than could. be satis fied. With respect to emigration from those districts, he con sidered that the poor-rates were heavy, because, when em ployment was scarce, they would rather avail themselves of those rates for awhile than emigrate. After glancing at other topics in the Hon. Gentleman's speech, he said he deprecated the repeated discussion of subjects of no practical utility, and which, after all, were speculative, and on which the majority of the House had formed their opinion, especially to the ex clusion of subjects of great importance to the country. The debate on the resolutions submitted to the House by the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London had, he thought, given an ample opportunity for the discussion of the subject in volved in the motion of the Hon. Gentleman. He considered that the motion would not lead to any useful result, and trusted that the House would not adopt it. In addition to this, he (lid slot think it was the proper moment to take up the time of the House by having, a Committee sitting on propositions on which the House had formed its opinion ; and when the agricultural interest had not the slightest wish to have any of the measures proposed by her Majesty's Government modified, and had no apprehension, if they would - wily give them fair play. They were investing their capital in improving their land, and as a matter of course employing additional labourers,' and endeavouring to overcome the difficulties under which they were labouring. Mr. COBDEN considered that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had not given a very distinct opinion on the questions which had been submitted to the House by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward). He had never listened for half-an-hour to a speech so difficult of comprehension. The question before that I-louse was whether tithes were not a burden on both the landlord and the farmer, and whether the landowners contributed more to the support of the poorer classes than other portions of the community. With respect to a statement made by the Hon. Member for Essex, in reference to Messrs. Storr and Mortimer, to show the difference in the poor-rates paid by landowners and manu facturers, he begged to say that if the manufacturers did not pay poor-rates on their capital, neither did the farmers. Now he could not tell whether the Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke last maintained the highway and county-rate were burdens upon land or not. Let him, however, go and make inquiries amongst shopkeepers about the local taxation imposed on that class of tradesmen, and he (Mr. Cobden) would venture to predict the amount of taxation imposed on them would be found to be not very considerably less than that imposed on landlords, far mers, and landholders.—( Hear, hear.) But even if the land holder paid all the poor-rates of the country, he did not believe their so-called protection, however much it might be increased, would be of any benefit to them, because it was an obstacle to trade. It impeded the progress of commerce, and did more harm to the agricultural interest than all the taxes and local burdens put together.—( Hear.) How then could this sort of pro tection be a compensation for the peculiar exclusive or pecuniary burdens the landowner had to sustain? He was glad therefore to see that every day they were coming not only on hint, but on the other side of the House, to a better understanding en this subject, and the farmer and the manufacturer were beginning to feel that they had one common interest in putting an end to this baneful system of protection. Hun. Members were fond of quoting Mr. e M'Culloch on this subject. Now, for ' his own part, he was prepared to assert that Mr. M'Culloch had never added a single new idea upon political economy. His statistical information was certainly valuable, but his works upon political economy were merely commentaries on Adam Smith, and, like the com mentators on Shakspeare, rendered that obscure which bad been clear before. Mr. NEWDEGATE denied that protection was either the bane or curse of agriculture, and expressed a hope that Go vernment would not withdraw its remaining support from that interest. Tithes, he thought, were an exclusive burden upon land, and, taking all the other burdens on land together, he estimated them at twelve millions per annum. It was clear, therefore, that if they removed the present meagre protection afforded to agriculture, it would be quite impossible for either the landlord or tenant to contribute his share to make up this amount of taxation. They thought that this country should be independent of foreign countries. They did not wish to see the food of this country made a matter of exchange or specu lation. He did not wish to delay the House, but he made these few observations because the Hon. Member for Shef field gave them some individual instances of particular hard ship. He thought it his duty, on that account, to submit those few Air.v. st s at A er rr en f t i s s t a o id the that notice iie of the regtette H d o t u h s a e— t . th ( e C s he e e c r r s e . ta ) ry. Secretary at-War iti-eW burdensar had r o e n f u l s a e n d d t , h a i n s d C o o t n h a e m r i d t t e e s e c . r p t i i i o e n I s v as of o o o p p Ge i r n et i yn o , n l vi t h e r a e t theprettsy e c equally y • at. balanced. \‘ra r spoke i t t h e e ro ß tu i r e o h s t H of i on th . t eman e Commis sioners which were laid on the table of the House, he forgot that there was a more favourable report made, which was in the cou n t ry ? The general e ne man ra know taxaquite unattended to. Did any taxation am one was soufnottt found taxa tiont o be fifteemillions, n and the local taxation was ten millions,so that the local taxation was two-thirds of the general taxation. He believed that the ra t e - payers were perfectly ignorant of the reasons why they paid rates, but they paid it on account of the manner in which it was imposed upon them. The Right Hon. i Gentleman then enumerated the different rates which were I made. Could, he would ask, anybody imagine greater confu sion than arose from different rates made for similar results ?—(Hear, hear.) The greater part of the out cry against the poor-law arose from the rating of small occupiers. That was one reason why he supported the motion for an inquiry• lie would never shrink from supporting a measure founded on a principle such as the Hon. Gentleman stated. One good result from this would be, that the agricul tural interest would teel themselves benefited by it. The Go.: vernment ought to try and relieve themselves, not at the ex pense of others, but ought to relieve themselves at their own expense. Sir JOHN T YRRELL—He thought if ever there was a subject that had been exhausted in that House, it was the dis cussion of the agricultural interest.—(Cheers from the Oppo sition.) He understood that cheer. It meant that the landlords had practised a sort of legerdemain upon the agricultural interest. That was not the case. He had met all the agricultural delegates; and if there was one point on which they were agreed, it was that the Government had betrayed their interests and not their landlords. On the part of the agriculturists, he utterly denied that they were in favour of high prices. If they were to have benefits, the manufae • turing iliterests, he thought, oughNo have them also. He be lieved, if the Committee was granted, the agriculturists would some out of it with clean hands. He was ready to go into the investigation, but he did not think the appointment of the Committee necessary. Dr. BOWRING was sure that the appointment of the Committee would be productive of the best effects, as inquiry was only necessary to show the necessity of removing the evils complained of. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House di vided, when there appeared— For the motion Against it .. 31aj,:rity against. the motion —73 Captain PECHELL moved for a copy of a letter from the Secretary of the Admiralty to the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting a memorial from certain paymasters and purse: s of the Royal Navy, relative to an increase of their half-pay, with a copy of the reply thereto from the Lords of the Treasury. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER resisted the motion. Sir C. NAPIER seconded the motion. 109 163 Sir J. GRAHAM said that the whole case of the pursers had been fully investigated, and specific arrangements had been made with respect to their pay and half•pay. (he motion was then put from the Chair, and it was negatived. Mr. HUME then moved for an address for copy of any in structions sent by the Government to the astronomers of the several observatories at home and abroad in the years 1837-8. Also, a return of the number of volumes of astronomical ob servations that have been made at each Observatory since that year: and a statement of the number of reports and Communi cations from them to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, to the Admiralty, and to any other department at home. Dr. BOW RING then moved for an account of the finally audited receipt and expenditure fur ordnance services, com pared with the sums estimated, for the year ended the apt day of March, 1814, with explanatory statements of particulars. and balance sheet, in the same form as the return laid before Parliament in the session of 1844 (No. 386), relating to the Army. After some little discussion he asked leave to withdraw the motion. After the disposal of the other orders of the day, the Home adjourned at a Q..arter to One. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. TUESDAY, JUNE 3. The Newcastle-upon-Tyne and North Shields Railway (Tynetnouth Extension, &c.) Bill,—Report considered ; amendments agreed to ; amendments proposed, and referred to the Select Committee on Standing Orders. Standing Orders Committee,—Resolutions reported ; 1. " That, in the case of the Trent Valley Railway Bill amendments on consideration of report, the amendments are of such a nature as to justify the House in entertaining them, if they shall think iit." 2. " That, in the case of the Edinburgh and Glasgow Rail way Bill amendments on third reading, the amendments are of such a nature as to justify the House in entertaining them, if they shall think lit." 3. " That, in the case of the Cromford Canal Bill amend ments on report, the amendments are of such a nature as not to be adopted by the House without the re-commitment of the Bill." 4. " That in the case of the Ely and Huntingdon Railway Bill amendments on third reading, the amendments are of such a natune as to justify the House in entertaining them, if they shall think fit." 5. " That, in the case of the Lady's Island and Tacumshin Embankment petition to report, the Sessional Order ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to re port on or before the 16th June." 6. That, in the case of the Lynn and Ely Railway Bill amendments on third reading, the amendments are of such a nature as to justify the House in entgrtaining them, if they shall think fit." 7. That, in the case of the Lyme Regis Improvement, Market, and Waterworks petition to report, the Sessional Order ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be per mitted to report on or before the 1 Ith June." S. " That, is the case of the Durham and Sunderland Rail way petition, for leave to present a petition for a Bill, the Sessional Order ought not to be dispensed with." Fifth and seventh resolutions agreed to.—Report to lie on the table. NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE Harwich Railway,—Committee on petition, postponed sine die. Eastern Union and Bury St. Edmund's Railway (No. 2), , —Report, Thursday, June .). Edinburgh and Hawick Railway,—Third reading, Friday, Jude G. Lowestoft Railway and Harbour,—Third reading, Friday, June 6. Yarmouth and Norwich Railway,—Third reading, Friday, June 6. North British Railway,—Third reading, Friday,-June 6. Middlcsbro' and Redcar Railway,—Committee on petition, for additional provision, Friday, June 6. Londonderry and Coleraine Railway,—Report, Thursday, June 5. Leeds and West Riding Junction Railway,—Third reading, Thursday, J nue 5. Guildfird Junction Railway,—Third reading, Thursday, June 5. North Wales Mineral Railway,—Committee on re-com mitted Bill, Thursday', June 5. Dublin anti Drogheda Railway,—Committee on re-com • mitted Bill, Thursday, June 5, at one. Railway Bills (Group GG. ),—Report, that the parties promoting the Glasgow Junction Railway Bill, had stated to the Committee, that the evidence of Dr. William Hutcheson (physician of the Royal Lunatic Asylum), of Mr. John Car rick (superintendent of public streets, Glasgow), of Mr. Robert Marshall (manager of the Dundee and London Ship ping Company, Dundee) ; and of lir. John Hanna (governor of the Towns Hospital), was essential, in order to enable them to establish their case before the Committee; and it having been proved that application had been made to the above parties, but that their attendance could not be pro cured without the intervention of the House, the Chairman had been instructed by the Committee to move the House, that they be ordered to attend the said Committee forthwith. Ordered—That Dr. William Hutcheson, physician of the Royal Lunatic Asylum, Mr. John Carrick, superintendent of public streets, Glasgow, Mr. Robert Marshall, manager of the Dundee and London Shipping Company, Dundee, and Dr. John Hanna, Governor of the Towns Hospital, do attend the said Committee forthwith. LUNATIC ASYLUMS BILL. In answer to a question from Lord ASHLEY, Sir JAMES GRAHAM said be should move tho next read .ng of the Lunatic Asylums Rill on Friday next. SIR HENRY POTTINGER. Mr. HUME, in rising to move for a Committee of the whole House to consider the following resolution, " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, that she will be graciously pleased to grant such a pension as she may think proper to the Right lion. Sir Henry Pottinger, Bart., K. C. 8., as a reward for his eminent public services, an especially for having, as her Majesty's Plenipotentiary in China, brought the war in that country to a conclusion by a peace alike honourable and advantageous; and to assure her Majesty that this House will make good the same—said he regretted that her Majesty's Ministers had not saved him the trouble of bringing the matter before the House. He was aware that the motion implied a degree of censure on the Ministry, but, never theless, he thought a public officer who had performed very important and responsible functions to the satisfaction of every one, was entitled to some reward for his services. It might be asked whether it was at the request of Sir Henry Puttinger, or any of his friends, that he had brought the subject forward, and his answer was, that he had never had any communication with Sir Henry' Pottinger, or any of his friends, and all he knew of the gallant officer lie had gathered from the public sources of information. Whatever might be the result of this motion, it could not be said that Sir Henry Pottinger was responsible for it. The House would bear in mind that the opinion he now entertained of that gallant officer, was not an opinion formed in this or last year, for it was an opinion which he had ventured to submit to the House on the 14th day of February, 1843, when Ministers brought forward a motion of thanks to the military and naval com manders who had conducted the war in India. On that occa sion he ventured to ask the Government to move a similar vote if thanks to Sir Henry Pottinger and those who had been employed with him in the expedition against China, but the Right Hon. Baronet opposite deeply re gretted that he could not concur in such a motion. Without casting any reflection on Sir H. Pottinger's successors, he would ask them to look back to the career which they adopted, which gave rise to anything but hopes of an amicable arrangement. So great was the disappointment of her Majesty's Government that they were obliged to look around them for some individual possessing experience. There was no one appointed to that important command who had filled the duties entrusted to him so much to the satisfaction of the public officers, and so highly to the honour of the country, as Sir H. Pottinger. When they found his conduct hailed by the people of England, Ireland, and Scotland, was a remuneration too much to look for? At this moment Sir Henry Pottinger had only 4191. per annum to support the honours which have been conferred upon him. It was the custom of this country to reward those who were the leaders of the armies of the country, while those who were the means of bringing about peace were almost always forgotten. The warrior was rewarded largely, while the pacificator and the man who was the means of putting an end to hostilities were passed over, and were unnoticed. This was one of the reasons why he had felt it to he his duty to bring this matter under the consideration, of the House. He had done so without any communication with Sir Henry Pottinger, having been induced to do so from a sense of justice to that great man. He had known Sir Henry Pottinger for many years, both in hie s private and public capacity, and he could assure the House that his conduct would bear the fullest investi gation. While he was anxious to protect the public purse from any improper expenditure, he would say that withholding from officers in her Majesty's service that remuneration to which they were justly entitled did great injury to the service. The Hen. Gentleman then referred to Parliamentary returns, and to other documents, to show that pensions had been granted to those who had filled diplomatic offices. Sir Henry Pottinger was sent to China, not as an ambassador, for this country was not at that time on friendly terms with the celestial empire, bat to negotiate for the restoration of peace, and he performed the important duties which devolved upon him more success fully than others who had been sent out with a similar object in view. No one had been able to accomplish so much, and those services were both recognised by the country and the Government. The Gallant Officer's business was to effect a treaty with the Chinese authorities, and he was enabled to fulfil his mission almost to the direct letter of the law. Everything pointed out to him was accomplished by the influence he gained over the Government of China. It was the opinion of those who were in China at the time that no ether individual could have obtained the confidence of the Chinese authorities as Sir Henry Pottinger did. Was it no thing to think that he was the first man who had ever been able to complete a commercial treaty with China? Surely then he was entitled to hope he had made out a sufficient case for calling support his motion. There were many men because he was a man of certain upon distinguished,the Househteot opinions they refused him honours and votes, or even a pecu niary reward. They hsd already drawn a line of distinction between civil and military officers —should they not now break through that rule arid grant a reward which was deserved? He thought he had made out a fair claim to the House, and he begged to conclude by submitting the motion which he had already read. Lord SANDON seconded the motion, and said he would shortly describe what there was in the services of the gentle man, whose conduct had been under discussion in that House, to warrant Parliament in conferring extraordinary rewards upon him. He would briefly allude to the manifold meritorious services of the Gallant Gentleman, which he had rendered under peculiar circumstances, and at great pecuniary sacrifices and loss of nealth. He had finished a war in China, under circumstances of great pain to himself, and under stipulations of so important a nature as would drown the recollection of the cause of its commencement in acclamations to him who had effected so glorious a termination. H e bad preserved the honour and character of his country in a manner that no other man was capable of performing. He could not think that such services should be met with only a trifling pecuniary re compence.—( Hear.) For services neither precisely civil nor military, which opened to the world a free traffic with the most industrious people in the world, it was not sufficient to award a yearly comparatively trifling sum.—( Hear, hear. ) With regard to services of another nature he would not rely simply on a priori circumstances, he would look to the opinion of the whole mercantile world as to the growing intercourse arising from the treaty with China, effected by the Gallant Gentleman. He would also look to the great moral results arising from these negotiations, which, no doubt, would lead to the cultivation of Christianity among the Chinese people. He could not think that the Government, under these circumstances, would refuse to give him an ample recompense for the dangers he had undergone, and the difficul ties he had overcome, and the pecuniary sacrifices he had made in the public service, in effecting so much good. And he would call upon Hon. Gentlemen connected with the Crown, to come forward more freely in reward of services so ines timable. The question was then put from the chair. Sir J. HOBHOUSE did not anticipate :any objection to the measure. He considered that the present was a special case, and it would be almost impossible for any individual to render in a similar i manner such highly meritorious and useful services as had been rendered by Sir Henry Pottinger—(Hear)—and it was unlikely that any future occasion would arrive for which the reward for services, now about, to be awarded, would con stitute a precedent. On the return of Sir Henry Pottinger, in ill health, to the seat of war in the East, he had made two stipulations only with the Administration—on e was, that he should not have any colleague to act with him in his high capa city, so that the responsibility might be left to himself ; and the other was, that the directions given him by the Government should be private, and no stipulation whatever was made for the reward of the services he should render. Sir H. Pottinger was willing to leave the reward for those services entirely in the hands of the Government. Lord Aberdeen, at a public meeting, in describing the merits of the Gallant Officer, had said, so great was the confidence of the Government in him, that he had been left in Ch ina to act al most entirely on his own discretion. There was no h yp er bole in saying that the distinguished services and h i g h honours of Sir Henry Pottinger from a ccepting a subordinate p res id ency as a would He was entitled to far higher p ee re m cl in u e de an d er h a i t m e from reward. enterionr re wards. He say that the present income of the Gallant Officer was so ill-proportion ed to hi s high station, that he ornament. —( Hear, to which hear.) could not live in England in a manner becomi ng h is con di t i on , he and d would d at fromg rgreat t an g nam th e a n t ". The Hon Baronet then read a list of the different towns in the United Kingdom and in the colonies, which had presented votes of thanks to Sir H. Pottinger, for his services in China. In nine hours the names of 14,000 working men, in Man chester, were affixed to an address expressive of their admiration of the great good he had conferred on them by re-instating the trade between China and this country- He was elected a member of a number of corporate bodies, and the City authori ties presented him with the freedom of the City of London and a gold box at an entertainment at Guildhall. Lord Aberdeen had stated, in speeches in relation to the affairs of China, that he had for three years been in constant communication with Sir H. Pottinger, and that it was right to declare that his con duct in China gave him just claims on his country—that as difficulties arose he was able to overcome them by the firmness and energy which he displayed.—( Hear, hear.) As to the immediate benefits which he had HOUSEOF COTRIMONS, Juue 3. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. The amendments on the Newcastle-upon-Tyne and North Shields Railway Bill was read and agreed to. The Glasgow Markets Bill was read a third time and passed. On the proposition of Mr. GREENE, the following motion, of which he had given notice, was agreed to :—" That in con sequence of the extraordinary pressure of private business during the present session, the time for presenting reports from Committees on private Bills be extended till Monday, the 16th of June." Mr. GODSON moved that it be an instruction to the Com mittee on the Manchester, Sheffield, and Midland Junction Railway Bill to consider the petition of Earl Fits william and others against the Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway Bill. Lord G. SOMERSET said that, providing the standing orders had been complied with, he could see no objection to the motion ; but he thought, at present, it ought to be post poned. After some observations from the O'CONOR DON, Mr. GODSON withdrew his motion. On the proposition of Mr. MANGLES, the following motion was agreed to :—" That all the memorials,:papers, and docu ments, presented to the Board of Trade, with reference to the several lines of railway referred to the Select Committee now sitting on the railways comprised in Group L be referred to such Committee; and that the evidence taken before the Committee on Railways, Group (Northumberland lines), and ordered by the House on Friday last to be printed, be referred to the Committee:on Group L." Mr. P. M. STEWART then moved that the amendments upon the report on the Great North of England and Richmond Railway Bill be received.—Agreed to. On the motion for the consideration of the report of the Leeds and West Riding Junction Railway Bill being put, Mr. CHARLES WOOD said that he had no objection to the recommittal of the Bill, provided the parties were prepared to carry out the proposition they had made to the Committee. with respect to the modification of the tolls. If that was not done he should then move the postponement of the third reading. Mr. P. M. STEWART was sure the directors of the company would fully carry out the spirit of the proposal ' they had made to the Committee. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert rode out on horseback yester day morning, attended by the Hon. Miss Kerr, Hon. Colcele 1 Gre7, and Major-General Sir Edward Bowater. His Royal Highness Prince Albert went yesterday morning to St. George's Church, Hanover-square, to be present at the christening of the infant son of the Belgian Minister and Madame Van de Weyer, his Royal Highness honouring their Excellencits by standing Godfather in person. The ceremony was performed by the Hon. and Rev. Charles Leslie Courtenay, Chaplain to her Majesty, and the infant re ceived the names of Albert Sylvain Bates. The Prince was attended by the Marquis of Exeter, Lord George Lennox, Captain Francis Seymour, and Major-General Sir Edward Bowater. After the ceremony, his Royal Highness honoured Mons. and Madame Van de Weyer with his presence at a dejeuner, at their residence in Portland-place. A select circle was in vited to meet his Royal Highness. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, were taken - an airing yesterday, in an open carriage and four accompanied by the Dowage Lady Lyttelt on. His Royal Highness Prince Alfred was take* an airing in the royal gardens of Buckingham Palace. The Countess of Gainsborough has succeeded the Countess of Mount Edgecumbe as the Lady in Waiting to the Que en . The Marquis of Ormonde has succeeded Lord Byron as the Lord in Waiting to the Queen ; and Colonel Berkeley Drum mond has succeeded Captain the Hon. Arthur Duncombe as the Groom in Waiting to her Majesty. The Queen and Prince Albert, accompanied by the Prince of Leiningen, honoured the Italian Opera with their presence yesterday evening. The Royal suite included the Hon. Miss Murray, Hon. b l iss Kerr, the Marquis of Ormonde, Hon. Colonel Grey, and Sir Edward Bowater. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent (attended by the Lady Anna Maria Daw son) and her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge also honoured the performance of the Opera with their presence. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager took an airing yesterday in an open landau. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Anna Maria Dawson, went yesterday morning to her residence, Frogmore Lodge, near Windsor. Her Royal Highatess re turned to Clarence House, St. James's, in the afternoon. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager yesterday, at Marlborough House. A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon at the Foreign-office, and was attended by all the Ministers. The Council sat two hours. The Governor of the Bank of England and the Deputy Governor had an interview with the Chancellor of the Ex chequer yesterday at his official residence in Downing-street. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a meeting yesterday afternoon at the office in Whitehall-place. There were present the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Durham, Winchester, Bangor, Carlisle, Chester, Chichester, St. David's, 9 Ely, Lincoln, Llandaff, Oxford, Rochester, Wor cester, the Earl of Devon, the Earl of Besborough, the Right Hon. H. Hobhouse, the Right Hon. Sir George Grey, and the Right Hon. John Nicholl. Mr. Charles Wood, M.P., and Mr. Forbes, had interviews with Sir George Clerk yesterday, at the office of the Board of Trade. Dispatches were sent off yesterday evening from the Colonial office, for the Governors of the North American provinces. Dispatches were also sent off for the Governor of the Mauritius. Mr. Dears, Chairman of the Customs, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday. TUE ATRAPILATORY, OR LIQUID HAIR DYE ; the only dye that really answers for all colours, and does not require re-doing, but as the hair grows, as it never fades or acquires that unnatural red or purple tint common to all other dyes. Ross and Sons can, with the greatest confidence, recommend the above dye as in fallible, if done at their establishment ; and ladies or gentlemen requiring it, arc requested to _bring a friend or servant with them to see how it is used, which will enable them to do it afterwards without the chance of failure. Several private apartments devoted entirely to the above purpose, and some of their establishment having used it, the effect produced can be at once seen. They think it necessary to add, that byattending strictly to the instructions given with each bottle of dye, nume rous persons have succeeded equally well witheatcoming to them. Address Ross and Sons, 119 and 120, Bishops gate-street, the celebrated Perruquiers, Perfumers Hair-cutters, and Hair-dyers. N.B. Parties atassided t their own residences, whatever the distance. So late as the 20th instant the snow fell heavily round Geneva till it became full a foot deep. At thump, time it came down at Thann in the Haut Rhin, at Mob TerW, and other parts of France, even at Compkgne.