The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON,_SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 17, 1844. -- ' a nd Learned Member for Bath, and the Noble Lord the tl"le.ntber f or Sunderland, that they could not maintain the „ a l° l l. and d estroy the Church Establishment.—( Cries of Kine.°h, oh," from the Opposition benches.) He supposed they tshed that H ouse to represent the people of the United e•" d ( o• The p eop l e o f t h e United Kingdom were not attached to these wild and re volutionary doctrines. T n Y wished to see a steady course of improve ent adopted in Ireland an d elsewhere, but they did not • f wish to see amelioration attempted by the clumsy work °f destroying the Established Church.—( Hear, hear.) But •m a l .'e was a third party in that House (the party of her etas )e4ty's Government. He believed that their policy was to ' ''t tale es tablishments—not to maintain their abuses ; but to ' • by improving them ; and he believed that the ma- i l ur itY of th Il e e people of England were with them on that point. h was certain that they were not for the grant of 8,0001. ; Churc h was certain that they were not for the destruction of the e hr e e i h t. .. He . believed that they would best consult the feelings constituents, arid the welfare of the country, by giving t aeetded negative to the motion of the Noble Lord, having for i hae..°,l3.leet nothing that was intelligible, nothing that was prae- 4 1 1 e,. nothing that was even respectable enough to be called eurutior‘narL.—( Hear, hear. ) ro e ,: -••• ULLER, who was scarcely audible in corn 2. , .eing his address, said that before he addressed himself to the autoect befor e the House lie would advert to two doctrines v 4l h had b e en t irown out in support of that novel applica i'euier of the doctrine of conspiracy, which had been brought to pew against certain Members of that House; where, by atiothnege.to‘g.ether half of one Member's sentence and half of %ad, „ "'ember's sentence, a very formidable charge was E ... out, of which neither Member was in fact guilty. The "t charge gr eat was that broached that evening with I t t te c:i::• l ( l ' i n e l , shment lie saw the Noble Lord the Secretary for take a note of it.—( Laughter.) On the 44gth of the speech of his lion. Friend the Member for Shefaeld, they were charged with conspiring to repeal the Act 14 Set ' tot )e t t t eufent. The Noble Lori himself (Lord Stanley) ,had he ar t, sPospoken upon thi s su bj ec t.--( L ou d cr i es o f " Hear, e a nd laught er .) Th ey h a d on l y h ear d t h e v i ews o f t h e 11Iernreent expounded to them by the Hon. and Gallant to:1T b " for the county of Donegal, who, he must say, ril unnecessary pains to relieve himself from a very great or, tigt!'t °f o dium under which he supposed himself to labour. A t side of the House.— Hear, hear.) He could assure the ° , ll ' and Gallant Member that, however opposed to him Per' so m na t i ght be in politics, lie believed there was no feeling of call hostility to him on the part of Hen. Members gene tr ) on that side of the House.—( Hear, hear.) On the eon taaorY' w hen he made inquiries among those Members who were st o ppo d gentle rn se to him, they all said that he was a very worthy her o , a nt and he ( Mr. C. Buller) thought he seemed a very good t 't i red and kind-hearted man. —( Laughter and cheers. ) at de Hon. Friend, and he supposed all of them on that ri ;" toe House that he spot no feelings of hostility towards I-1 05 : lie referred alio to piation. He could assure the to t n ; d Gallant Gentleman that he had not the least wish his alarms birn•—( Laughter.) He wished to relieve him of did tt ins • -- (Laughter. ) He must say that that gentleman he w se , the strangest language he had ever heard. He said as h i t : l nd take d—d good care that they should not deprive him eligion. 1 ' Non meta hie sermo, sed quod precepit Ofellus, Rusticus ab normis in g tu • u , i ghter.) The Gallant Colonel said that they were go d° a _gvest him of his religion.—( Laughter.) He would not was tisluch a cruel thing for the world.—( Great laughter.) It he oidest thing he ever saw that religion of his, and lao ß h - t ' 'Ore he did not wish to spoil him of it—(Continued of d' ee er )•—and if he might use a little variation, for the sake 1 414 -an ra, he would observe that the Gallant Colonel saemed Nato take good care that they should not._( Laughter. ) thought one word would dispel the alarms of Hon. 4 11 4 "en opposit e with regard to the Act of Settlement. house het was intended to guard against the claims of the de ad, Stuart, and as a ll th e me mbers of that house were e di d not see what d a n g er could exist in that quarter. he tr.l -ar, and laughter. )l l There was another charge to which kritte moat particularly refer, because he recollected its efficiency in (ileac tepee _the charge of alliance with Mr. O'C . onnell.— this r r ' b ear.) He (Ur. C. Buller) would not flinch from flr -(ll(.,ge—he had generally—almost invariably voted with Note Connell upon all Irish questions except the repeal of the Ned • ",_ e was not ashamed of having done so. He had and h e wt to him when his aid was useful to the Liberal party, th e la would not shrink from his aid now that he was under the o e n i ghtof a Government prosecution.—(Loud cheers from *hid ITP"ition benches.) He would declare in that House Istale had stated repeatedly elsewhere, that he believed no i nan had done so much for his country as . that Hon. and !We 419 h entlernan ; and, therefore, viewing his policy on one t inclined e Policy of his opponents on the other, he was no 'Mi ser Y' Carp at every fault, or to run him down for every at eti etio n , h... , us he would stand by him now that lie was under . t° coupe ‘) 01 -- ' Now, he was of opinion that the Irish question upon which it was worse than treachery 4st ed :ll their opinions on the grounds upon which they dan ce , If there reall did exist in the state of Ireland any the ar ,.woih was not to be apprehended in any other part of for th"t•ted kingdom, he thought the worst thing they could do attetz eir country was to conceal it. It was in fact useless to Woule eon eealment—all the world knew ;the facts,. and or ltrie folly to endeavour by any solemn mutter . ing, . n r er• elistence 'he mace to gull the world nit° not believing f"orla efor e it of a danger which they perceived themselve?. was lie thouht the House would give him credit ipe4u? sincerity and earnest conviction that induced him to 1 4 on t a nl even if he might shock some gentleman by touch - t ' di e , ° lnes which on ordinary occasions it was not prudent ail a i' s s is that House, the necessity of the case should he I 111 at t i t nie• Anoth er ground of excuse he thought should be lo d , Y were aware that the tone in which they spoke o. in that 1344s,rtf4as more i n un i son w i t h t h e state o f p u bli c feeling hii used t o b e. They could net disguise that the state of tqad.e feeling and their own feeling, as shown by their th e , 'et in that;House, was different from what used:to be—that the ;t hilt were aware ' that there was some mischief in a PPli e e which was not to be counteracted by temporary , o ,7torts of th e o ld method o f treatment, b ut w hi c h must tit tit " ut eracted f or th w i t h , if t h ey meant to ma i nta i n th e p eace j ae tf e a "Vire. They knew that, and that it was an enereas ssig ger, and that many ancient prejudices which used to ii)ate', w ere fast f a di ng away, an d t h at our coun t rymen , he au °f being averse to the man who spoke the truth, would an rath er grateful to him, and still more grateful to e vil. P er son who would suggest a remedy for the R ag the The ev il which they had to deal with sots e alleged disaffection of the Irish people. He was very e s , ti t to have to use in that Heuse, words that had been 0 1 : 41 4 gentl emen on ' the opposite side who represented the tha t !! Party in Ireland. lie need hardly say, he was sure . he used those terms lie totally repuditalemd impossible e i r t i o t de,„ twhich they were applied. But still lie felt i of the words, there existed in a certain limited indeed, e to the Crown,: but to the mos et . tra d disaffection, not, %°4ll-1 triller and . some of theinstitutions of the empire. He °, th e doubt it when lie looked to some of the proceedings t aost li ,PeOte—to the language of those Persons who had 4 ew eDa e r _a t wit them • and when lie looked to the language of v montlas ago, had tweb,?, (te Nation') which, having been only started . about ltatrtgher .circulation than ,zithin six months from that period, a paper in Ireland—when he looked Wh ert e l ndica tio4s of temper Y manifested by the public meetings, he compared those things with the private accounts he the received fro individuals he ould not doubt that throughout deers part of the Roman Catholic population of Ireland, existed the greatest alienation from this country. In serried „was was prepared to believe that fact. We had go thls Ireland as if our object had been to alienate the affee he the Roman Catholic inhabitants of that country, and li e "not 'd • suprised at our havin in a great degree succeeded. witl a sai this not lightly —not g without consideration, and tie, no intention to Y exaggerate. It was a frightful . 4 to have is admit the existence of such a state of things Pnp a 4 a portion of the people, to believe that one-fourth of the xes e ,.... t 'en of the empire —as the Roman Catholics of Ireland Pttl ett were as hostile to the Government of England as the po- Pop t d a 4 , T ! of Poland was to the Government of Russia, and the '1 , t h,at of Lombardy to Austria. Was he not borne out in °1 b -w oY the words of 7 Was Government ? By ure by what twhich enure owel, kovd he ad hold Poland, and Austriait not the same ten held Lombardy, . was namely, the leNtig as overwhelming military force ? If he 4 • , th ose matters, lie should have much pleasure eorre ted. But he was Tiot to be car et.° sp ea lY. the c mere expression of repugnance t to AePte, come fo r I ng• But it was necessary for the Governmen i r w ard with p roo f s o f t h e goo d di s position of tics Irish eO tri a , it 'order to evidence that lie was wrong. In the meantime ' t a nd t,he of the facts that were before the ti n i l44l , t h uu by those facts he could come to no other eon es dee o a n that the alienation of the people was not • an , r ii a : i n d at e io z n ter , i;iv e ,.b ut also of a permanent nature. It 1'4 4 4 alienatio of and ß . Roman al' was evidently teonfdlifpgeoptole. religion and race —( Hear, hear.) It Catholic Ireland from r i r n d a '4 1 4 1 t England to G which t t he 11 sac the e as us a t inevitably tend if not , ae Par:t r i a , e ,, t ed• Th n e l ;sai n d ve th rnin t e tl n ie rn lrish were aiming at total t ar tial a `;'" Lod the Irish people a themselves avowedly asked for k;l4,keliataion from us. Now, he must confess . that when i'lre_tledat tt , e t he course that discontent was taking, he wase tt , i ! i t_ and cc.. naspect zealsented—the great „,,,`,' e ane e 2°e t rated—their being . marsh n a u ll m ed under the ,I",` , et or ul one man —their exhibition of the s' 4 , l tiles gan isatiun and f the ratest intelligence— 'artline were Nein asPeet features that combined to present a th. the • He believed there was no Go ▪ th e , _ , World that possessed a more powerful machinery bc,at`d:hieli was to be met with in Ireland, by the side of, O'e,„„_to. the regular Government. He believed that 41 .14 44 0fm,1.11 exercised the most perfect control over . six 11 1 4 . 1 of 4,n!1 countrymen. The exertions of even an in but th ; se h a.4 la it _ magna ,de n would be very dang o erou w s ielded no i , p eens! ! leader Mr. O'Connell, who lea d e alsti n „ oY an agency the most . powerful ‘ , 0 4 „,* did not exaggerate ' , s ten er s---h By that means and by the organisation of local s oul „; I wield e d ureli•, when he said that Mr. hod y. H all that mass as though they had but one e wi t i :l n d tb them when ere and whither they were to Z41,1 '4 ' 11 4 be still— w to be for action or inaction ma ne wa s always implicitly obeyed, To any think ptescerve!sish,i, People think t, 41_ th.e. most formidable feature in the aspeet presented, was . the . quietness te p roeo u• 'hey broke out into no partial riots, and h s relay w att. , could not force them to appeal t d o d ar t m er: at t4,d,ot.yut_t.o,ere as . if conscious of their strength, ha e se vrop:_throw it away in any rash attempt, but an to strike e r at " moment, and with ood effect. Therefor it was th et the ta . pet, pie e pl ain not disguise thefact from themselves e . That d ea •tin hnal state of thiiigs in Ireland: Th had a re et, g Of ee• n 9 waiting for the moment when they could show th e hiel e s i t gth•--(llear hear.) Now was that a state of things a titt liist enee w •i ts v !ile and just to their countrymen to conceal mit cer ..litas it not rather the wiser course to v _p ic o r i e nt th o cy per appl y a 1 ::" , 1 matters, with a view to seeing r odeos reined ? , The policy of the Government was fr0... -a sed e• It was that of mere coercion. T ey ha d d th;' Po wer ":;ne of the grievances of Ireland. They had remove % di ); had Bite persons persons in whom the people had confidence, and ttiv vd, en the whole of the executive authority , to that d Ph ered th e (411 the rest of the nation detested. they had r tt Z' i ieal Dowe!"notry with troops, and under the shield of that d te d the r „ t r . !, !hey had seized the lands of the people, law,an IN aa ve t , "le .to penalties under a very questionable Was eal eola j tg leati nable means. That was the policy which u " eale t j . °, repress only the immediate movement, b t r ,is .• the / .ed to prevent any ulterior movemen b) , ~ 01, n _ t s a nee. B rish l'eople, or by preventing all hope of future cal Rut at 144 Mated to eo • any rate it would be admitted, that it was )b en t eau neiliate the people • on the contrary, it the Govern- Pes a , harl i'er d at h e t he t a*, and his belief was, that all s. it e "d been simply and L re pie g feelings, and he trusted it would be greatly to exa the ar t , 1 34t er o f• it. O'Connell to prevent any out- Ills 'hi rnerie • let them not deceive themselves with the Oaiti oa n a ,,_!d e ea that they had done anything to alter the Wit: wo u l d g l o ttl o Irish people. They might depend upon it toe Perfect an with an assurance of ultimate success, and tatid. a n s *,.eoneeption of the plan they meant to pur vsrtat g ? ,_',.v e ° ; he did ask them whither all that was th e Zektat' s ) vie 7 11 ed that the best thing for their (the Go thia'' wits, an ,, t " h —he was Sure he did nut desire to ilharge dealiret..tio.n, which 4 '4 te ',, s ttPl sj ort 'n i °t* the kind, when he said that the best eir present policy would be an immediate 't hi "e certainlwould, in all probability, be ultimately put plait eo untryla, y did not mean to say, from the character thris ertt. had / 1 1, that the instant resistance was4isarmed, and c legon, their generous feelings would mat step If— an d the tt74l4elieved that `heir quarrel be altogether forgotten. a L taats whi heompassit...; would step in and sweep away 41 ed Malt to could now be et, much better removed. He (1 11 4 I Mr. O'Connell lea the Irish people, there was no danger of an insurrection ; but he asked if the general peace of Europe were broken, and in the event of a war, if foreign enemies landed in Ireland, would they not find a large portion of the people of that country a friendly popula tion ?—'" No, no," frees both sides of the House.) They knew full well that that danger was not unreasonably appre hended before, and it was averted, not by any want of ability on the part of our enemies, but because the Irish people were not inclined to rise against this nation. He had touched upon that subject very lightly, and lie ventured no assertion of his own Upon it.—( Hear, hear.) But, he asked, was there nothing in that subject which would point out a want of security in Ire- land, in the case of a war? Was net the contingency of war publicly discussed in Ireland, and in America? And did not Louis Philippe, simple as' ho was—( A laugh)—possess an inkling of the matter ? Those were only the probable evils of the present state of Ireland ; but the real evils which it im posed were the enormous expense—the constant violation of the constitutional principles and free form of government under which we lived—and, above all, the total impossibility of taking any measures to ameliorate the condition of the people of Ireland. The state of Ireland—the turbulent disposition and utter i misery of the peasantry of that country—made it the great eye sore of the whole of Europe. Intelligent travellers from all countries—men conversant with the state of every nation of the continent of Europe—drscribe the destitution and misery of Ireland as being beyond that of the peasantry of any country in the world. This is a frightful thing; it is more—it is a scandal to us who have governed Ireland. And yet, exist will till they removed the religious grievances of the people, for it was totally impossible to ameliorate the condition of a disaffected people—it was totally impossible, till the first was effected, to do any good. The great evil of Ireland put out of the question any plan that wisdom might suggest for the improvement of the people.—( Hear, hear.) Now he had stated the existence of this disaffection without justifying it, without palliating it, awl even without reprobating it ; for he wished to represent it simply to the House in a practical point of view. —( An Hon. Member on the Opposition benches, we believe Mr. J. O'Connell, expressed his disapprobation of the word " disaffected.") Ile wished to present that feeling to the House in a practical point of view, namely, as one that they could not dream away, that they could not doubt away, and that they could not allow to exist unheeded. He had been guarded in his use of the word disaffection—he had guarded himself against any mis apprehension, by stating his wish to present it to them as a thing with which they must deal as " a great fact," one to be taken into consideration as the basis of all their policy with regard to Ireland. It would not do at this time of day, to lay all the blame of the agitation on agitators and demagogues, because the world at large had pretty well arrived at the con clusion that a people 'might be provoked, but never instigated, into are wit. They must use the knowledge of this feeling, in order to direct them in applying a remedy. They must not be misled in endeavouring to apply that remedy, by attending merely to what the people asked ; it was their business to at tend to that cry so far as it led them to an acquaintance with their grievances, and those grievances it was their duty to re lieve when they discovered them. He did not say that, because the people of Ireland demanded the repeal of the union, they were to discuss that question as the only remedy, or to apply any remedy except that which might be most just and the most practical. It was impossible to look at the state ef Ireland, without seeing that the real grievance which had alienated the affections of the people, was a religious grievance, else why was the agitation going on through all the Catholic population of Ireland? Why were the Catholic priests the leaders of it, and why did the present outbreak take place on the accession of an Anti-Catholic Ministry to power ? (Cheers. ) These coincidences showed that it was a religious grievance. And when they looked round on the state of Ire land, and asked what it was that called forth the in dignant feelings of the people, they saw that which the voice of the world had pronounced to be a greater outrage on religious feeling than was to be found in any part of it—the ascendancy of the English Church in that country. He knew that there were some gentlemen who maintained that the hos tility to the English Church, on the part of the people of Ire land, was a sort of point of honour—a feeling far too fine for people of common sense—anti who looked on the mass of the people as a set of beasts, who, as long as their bellies were filled —( Hear, hear, from an Honourable Member on the Mi nisterial side)—had no business to trouble themselves with any point of the kind. Those who held this opinion totally overlooked the fact, that almost all great movements of a national character that had ever taken place in the metro polis had been caused by outrages on national feeling, rather than by injuries to national interest.—( Hear, hear.) It seemed to him that the ascendancy of the English Church in Ireland had every characteristic of an outrage on national feeling. First, it was a great and palpable injustice—the maintenance of the English Church as an establishment in Ireland, was a thing so opposed to every principle on which Church establishments were maintained by any rational set of men, that no one could doubt that they ventured to keep it up, solely from a scornful disregard of the feelings of the Irish people. Why, the only national principle on which he had ever heard the connexion of Church and State de fended, was that it was their duty to provide for the religious wants of the majority of the people, and, above all, for the religious instruction of the poor. Now, what was it that they had done in Ireland? They had plundered the many of the provision made fur their religious wants, in order to establish a sinecure Church for the few.—( Cheers. ) They had robbed the very poorest people in the world, in order to gorge the avidity of the rich.—( Hear, hear.) The Irish Church was associated with more recollections of suffering and grievance than any other institution in any na tion with which he was acquainted. He thought it was not too much to say that—taking not only the intensity of its per secutions at particular intervals, the long period it had lasted, and the numbers ;over which it, extended ; but also, the evils that had been their results —a greater amount of human misery had been caused by the attempts made by Queen Eliza beth, and since the time of Elizabeth, to force the Protestant religion on the people of Ireland, than by any other cause that ever operated to the detriment of any nation. It was impossible that in the minds of the Irish peasant the English Church could ever be viewed except as surrounded by a dark aloud of recollections of conquest, of repeated massacre, of as oft-repeated confiscation, as the source of the laws that made his religion penal, that broke the peace of society, and severed the ties of families —the laws that pronounced unnameable barbarities as the punishment of the teachers of his own faith—as the source of evils from which he had himself suffered, or mise ries from which he had seen others suffer. It was impossible for any man to look on the Church in Ireland but as associated with these evils and mischiefs, or to regard it but with feelings of alienation and hatred. But be would go further ; he would say that there wag not one evil in the present state of Ireland with which the ascendancy of the English Church was not connected, either as cause or concomitant. He attributed entirely to that ascendancy the alienation of the rich from the poor, the horrible relations of landlord and tenant, the neglect of a proper provision for education, and the perverted administration of justice, which had deprived the people of all confidence in their magistrates. The peasantry had always been ill-treated under the name of Papists, and did they wonder that they hated the institution by which all this wrong had been perpetrated ? He would new only ask one more ques tion on this subject. If this was the, feeling with regard to the Church in the mind of the Irish peasant, what must be the leeling of the Irish Catholic gentlemen, and still more in the mind of tke Irish Catholic priest? The Irish Catholic priest was fully cognisant of all the horrors of the past—he was fully cognisant of all the evils that afflicted his country—he was per fectly acquainted with the position his Church occupied in all the rest of Christian Europe, anti he deeply felt its humiliation in his own country. Above all, he deeply felt the mortifying position in which that humiliation placed him. Under the influence of the common feelings of human nature, could he feel anything but hostility to the ascendancy of that Church which he believed was he retical, and which he ,knew to be obtrusive ?—( Hear, hear. ) His opinion of all these facts, therefore, was, that the great barrier to all improvement, to the tranquillity of Ireland, was the present position of the English and the Catholic Church in that country. And until they removed that, and other grievances connected with it—which he might call Church grievances—such as the defects of the franchise and of the municipal corporations, it would be impossible for them to do anything for the amelioration of the condition of the people of Ireland. Ho was aware that he had used very strong lan guage, and which he feared might give offence to some gen tlemen. He saw with pleasure the sensitive manner in which the Hon. Member for Kilkenny had taken up this ap plication of the term disaffected to the peuple.— ( Hear.) He applied it in a limited sense, and he wished now to explain by an instance which he wished particularly to press on the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite ; it was one that showed how -easy it was, by a simple course ef justice, to remove the most unequivocal disaffection. He wished to cell the attention of the House to au instance that had occurred within their own experience, and of which they were cognisant. They remembered the state of Canada in 1838. During that year there were no less than two insurrections in that colony—( Hear, hear)—and in that insurrection, nearly the whole of the French population of the colony was implicated, either by having taken part in it, or by being known to be friendly to the insurgents. He was sure that no one doubted—at least no one did when he was in Canada—that had a foreign army made its appearance, it would have been able to have held its ground. The steps taken to redress the grievances of Canada were founded en tirely on two recommendations. One was the union of the two provinces—the second was to establish a responsible Parka rnentary Government. Ho did not allude to the union of the two provinces as a step that quite alleviated the French discon tent. Lord Sydenham was not able to alleviate that discon tent. It went on increasing till the Right Hon. Baronet sent out Sir C. Begot to administer the affairs of that country. Sir C. Begot adopted the system of responsible government, that is, he admitted the leaders of the Preach party to office, and what effect did this step produce on the French popu lation? Why, within six months the whole of this devoted people were offering up prayers in their churches for the health of the Governor who had granted the boon, and for the prosperity of the mother country, to whom they were grateful for it. He brought with great pleasure this instance before the Right Hon. Baronet, because it was an instance of the conciliation produced by his own wise measures. lie had seen the effect of conciliation in Canada. Let him try its effects in Ireland. Let the Government act in the same spirit as that is which they had acted in Canada, and he was bound to say that, however strong the feeling of the people tuight be, they would be conciliated by acting with jus- ! tice and in a liberal spirit. He was not going to take up the time of the House—( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches ) of the valuable time of those important gentlemen opposite.— ( Laughter)—but he thought it was absolutely necessary that he should specifically state how he thought these grievances might be remedied, It could only be by establishing perfect religious equality. His was alsveys glad to have recourse to any preced ents when it was possible. anti he believed it would have been the best thing for the country had Mr. Pitt been able to ettect the large and comprehensive plan on which he conceived the union. Ile believed he intended first to emancipate the Catholics with respect to their civil rights. Secondly, to have granted payment to he Catholic jslergy ; and, thirdly, to have effected the union. But the order of those measures was reversed, the union eves carried, but the other parts of his great and sound poliey were pot effected. This was deeply to be regretted, If, at the time of passing the union, these measures had been ear. ried, Ireland would have keep es tranquil and as well governed a country as any in the world, Rut he feared that the time for those measures had now passed away, Pk feared that they were inseribed its one of the Sybil s books that had been irrecoverably cortserued.—((;heers. ) In 1.825 they might, perhaps, have coupled with their liberal policy a measure for the endowment of the Catholic Clergy, bet now they would distrust the spirit in which they Made the offer.—(Hear, hear.) It would be believed that their object was, ess indeed it was avowed to he, to bribe the priests, and to seduce the leaders from the people. The offer would be entirely re jected, and would be viewed from one e nd of Ireland to the re jected, eejth feelings of hostility. And more than this—ho be. lieved if they have to do this without the consent of the c itt jatjc priests or peepe !hey would be paying a costly price for h an evenld, not he of the slightest service +n em. leiiit f e t r e r.te" c lt ttolia p r iest s w e re to take the pay of the tGo vernment they w ould luttotoliatelv lose all their bold on the , people ; and thus would be Ou t t t i er t l h y g e des o t t r h o e y r ea b t a lLe d l e ue t n ii g d e n th; Government relied on.. I se ljoes skae the prejeacee of ther people e mi o g f it th e i p s en c l o y un d tr e y . could b e to t psier, eineSS the for securing t was abseititety necessary t f Litcy e pt,Kar . y rejected dweecularrinegithathe ,a measurerl enquiblloi otol Ireland,h4s people and 4 u tte li p7ies e t ° s" 4i c 4 i . that ; t , d their proposal?—(Hear, hear. ) They must ' then gp,7,e tsp their plan, and N pr e o s d e u h ce eq adh u e a e l l i t ty a ' lr i e n ad ar y ea a t t h lu ei d . e w d a t y o . Now prop dr fcr London, and the by the the plan e LQI4 chi) L°. Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland. The Learned Mem ber the Recorder of Dublin had stated that the adop:ins the congregational principle of paying the Protestant clergy would be equivalent to stripping it of its chat acter as a national establishment. That was pre ci ely the ground on which, he would say, they ought to adopt the principle.—( Hear, hear.) He believed it was not so much the amount of the money paid to the Church that was objected to by the Irish people. What they objected to was the doininancy of the Church.—( Loud cheers.) If the Protestants of the Established Church were paid in the same manner as those of the Presbyterian Church, he thought that the discontent would be in a great measure appeased. He should wish, in the change which he proposed, to see a proper regard paid to existing vested interests—( Hear, hear)—and he slid not believe that there was a single Irish Catholic who would not wish to have a proper regard paid to existing in terests.—( Loud cheers. ) Let them take the whole property of the state Church into the hands of Government, let them pay the clergy of that Church on the congregational principle, saving the inerease as the incumbents died off; let them make a fair and liberal allowance to the ministers of the Established Church in Ireland, and they would have done all that was ne cessary on this point to remove the indignation of the people of Ireland.—(Cheers.) This measure must be preliminary to every other measure. This would remedy the religious ine qualities, hut it would not better the physical condition of the people. But it must precede every measure for bettering their physical condition, in order to prepare their minds for the re ception of those measures. Hence arose his chief repugnance to the landlord and tenant commission. He did full justice to the talents and character of the Noble Lord who was at the head of that Commission.—(Hear, hear.) But the Right Hon. Baronet had begun at the wrong end.—(Cheers,) The Right Hon. Baronet thought that the appointment of this Landlord and Tenant Commission would allay all the discontent in Ireland without a remedy of their religious grievances. It would be impossible to allay that discontent unless those grievances were first remedied.—( Loud cheers. ) It was not giving the remedial measures a fair chance.— ( Cheers.) Ile was convinced that if those religious grievances were redressed, it would not be long before they would secure the material prosperity of a country which long wanted justice done to it, to develope its great natural resources.— Loud cheers.) He was grieved to find that her Majesty's Govern. had taken their stand on maintaining the existing religious ine quality.—( Cheers. ) They depended on the majority by which they were backed in that House—( Cheering and coun ter •cheering)—and they placed reliance upon the prejudices of the people of England ; prejudices which had frequently been brought to bear on these questions.—(Loud cheers.) Ile was prepared to meet them upon that point. England never dealt fairly with the people of Ireland on this question.—(Cheers.) They had never fairly placed before the people of England the horrible injustice which the maintenance of this system perpetrated in Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) They had been kept in ignorance of it.—(Cheers.) He was sure that all the efforts to govern Ireland upon their present principles would be wholly useless, and would only add another chapter to the disastrous history of that most injured country, Lord STANLEY would not deny he had no desire to deny to the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, the credit of having made on this important question a most able and clever Opposition motion—(Cheers)—and a most able and clever Opposition speech.—( Renewed cheers.) It was a most able and clever opposition motion, because, in moving merely for a Committee of Inquiry, the Noble Lord hoped, that, in the certainty of the rejection of that motion—and without that certainty, the Noble Lord would hardly haze ventured to make it—( Loud cheering from the Ministerial benches)—the Noble Lord trusting in that certainty, hoped that he might hereafter be able to al lude to the rejection of that motion ; a motion, as he would say, merely for inquiry, and taunt the majority by which he had been opposed as heaping injustice, injury, and insult upon the people of Ireland.—( Loud Opposition cheers.) A motion fur inquiry into the grievances of the Irish people had been rejected, it would be said, with contempt by a Parliamentary majority.—( Cries of " No, no.") No, not by the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord would hold no such language, but the Noble Lord knew well that there were those among his sup porters who held, and who would hold, such lan guage.—( Loud cheers from the Ministerial side of the House. ) The form of the motion was intended to afford them the greatest facility for holding such language.—( Renewed Ministerial cheers.) No one in the House could doubt but that the motion was intended as a direct and palpable vote of censure on her Majesty's Government.—( Tremendous cheers from the Opposition.) Such was the intention, but such were not the terms.—(Cheering.) It would have been more manly and straightforward in the Noble Lord to have proposed a direct vote of censure —( Cheers)—but not so politic.—(Cheers.) For the debate afforded ample opportu nity for insinuating charges against their political opponents, while the avowed object of the motion was only to suggest a remedy for grievances. He would not go to the whole length to which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had just sat down had gone, but he would admit that he viewed the case of Ireland with care, with anxiety, and with some alarm. He slid not believe with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that if a foreign army was to land in Ireland they would find a friendly greeting from the greater part of the Irish people.—( Hear, hear.) He had a higher opinion of the loyalty and good feeling of the people of Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) If such, indeed, were the case ; if in the event of a foreign war, a great portion of the people of Ireland would be ready to welcome any army that should be hostile to Great Britain ; if it were true, as the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had stated, that Ireland was not only disaffected but revolted—a revolted people coolly awaiting the moment to show their hostility--excited almost to mad ness—at the command of one man who could either lull theta to temporary repose, or excite them to action as might suit his ulterior purposes—if that were the state of Ireland could they conceive how, at such a moment, such a motion should be proposed for mere party object—when everything ought to be merged in patriotic leeling.—( Hear, and cheers.) Could they conceive anything more tremendous than the responsibility of those men who had once served the Crown, who might hope again to serve the Crown, and who yet at such a moment could bring forward a motion calculated to cause every possible prejudice in the Irish people, whose feelings were already ex cited to the verge of madness—( Loud cheers)--and who en deavoured, by every species of misrepresentation, to obstruct and to thwart those who under such tremendous circumstances were charged with the safety of the empire?—( Loud cheers.) Now, what had been their course under these circumstances? Had it been as :the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had stated it must and would be?—(Cheers.) No.—(Cheers.) There had been no violation of constitutional principle.—(Tremen dous Opposition cheers.) What principle had they violated? —( Cheers and counter-cheering.) What law had they strained? —( Immense cheering from the Opposition.) What new powers had they asked for ?—(Ministerial cheers.) What rights or privileges had they restrained ?—(Renewed cheers.) They were told that the country was in a most dangerous state ' • that Mr. O'Connell was at the head of a people actuated by hostile feelings. and acting, or ceasing to act, according to the d.rec tion of their leader ; they were told by the Noble Lord that Mr. O'Connell possessed the confidence of the Irish people, and the Noble Lord intimated that they ought to be guided by the councils of Mr. O'Connell. A more forgiving man than the Noble Lord he had never heard of.—(Ministerial cheers.) They had been reproached-- nay, they were even now reproached—by Hon. Gentlemen op posite with not having interfered earlier.—(Cheers.) They had, however, pursued a steady and a legal course.---( Cheers. ) Without any violation of the law—without asking for any in creased power—(Loud cheers)—but trusting to the law alone, they had brought to judgment and to conviction the leaders of the band.---( Cheering and counter-cheering.) They told him that the danger was not over—(Loud Opposition cheers)—that they had not effected their object—(Opposition cheers)—that the conviction had driven the people to madness.—( Cheers. ) And before the record could be received of that conviction— before the law-officers of the Crown could appear to face their charges and their calumnies, they thought it right—(Cheers) —they thought it decent—(Cheers)—they thought it patriotic —(Cheers)—there, in that House of Commons—( Cheers) — to excite this already maddened people, by remarking in that assembly, trusting to such reports as alone they could have yet received, upon the conduct, upon the words, upon the voice, aye ! even upon the gestures of the highest functionaries of the law.—(Loud Ministerial and Opposition cheers.) He was sorry to see Hon. Gentlemen opposite so strongly'ex ciied.—( Renewed cheering.) The Noble Lord, at an early period of the debate, had charged the Government with occu pying, but not governing, Ireland.—( Loud Opposition cheers. ) It had been mane, for a considerable time past, a matter of charge against the Government that they restrained the people of Ireland by military force, and not by law.—(Opposition cheers.) The Noble Lord had commented on what he deno minated the fallacious returns of the amount of military force in Ireland which had been produced by his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department. An Hon. Gentleman had called for returns of the reek and file in Ireland, for every year since the year 1830; those returns had been produced, and the result had been to show that this Govern ment, which was charged with having introduced a military despotism into Ireland, with having superseded law by military force, had actually during the two years which they had been in office, up to the commencement of 1843, maintained in Ire land a force lower, on the average, by 2,000 men than the average which had been maintained by Hon. Gentleman oppo site during the time that they administered the Government. —( Cheers.) In 1832, the military force in Ireland amounted to 19,301 men. In 1833, to 23,998.—(Hear, hear.) In 1834, to 23,055. During the next five years, from 1835 to 1841, the average force in Ireland was 16,810 men. The lowest amount of force was 14,687 men. During the two years 1842 and 1843, the average force was 14,833 men, and in the month of May, 1842, the force in Ireland was below 13,000 men, being the lowest force since the union that had ever twee retained in Ireland.—( Hear, and cheers. ) The Noble Lord moved for a letter of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, offering to give up four or five regiments to quell the disturbances in England in 1839. Why, in 1839, the force in Ireland was 16,260 men, and if the whole four regiments, being of the ordinary strength of regiment., had been sent out of Ireland, they would not have reduced the force in that coun try below the average at which they were kept by her Majesty's present Government.—( Cheers.) But in 1e43 commenced that system which he might venture to describe as a system of pernicious agitation—(Hear, hear, and cheers. ) Mul titudinous meetings were held in every part of the country which, if net of themselves strictly illegal, were of such a character as to cause reasonable and serious alarm—not of immediate violence, because that was not the object of the ' leaders, at whose beck the people would rise or be still; but no man would tell him that a succession of those meetings, at which 100,000 persons were assembled to petition Parliament, but who did not petition Parliament—(Cheers)—using exciting language, selecting scenes calculated to excite rancorous hos tility to England (Cheers) using at those meetings language, the tendency of which was to create hatred and ill-will between the two countries—if he said those meetings were not in themselves illegal, their tendency was to create a rersonable apprehension, if not of an immediate dis turbance of the public peace, at least of an attempt to overthrow the functions of Government.—(Cheers.) Would any person tell him that the responsible ]Minister of the Crown would be justified, seeing, day by day, and week by week, meetings of 200,000 persons taking place, arrayed and disciplined, and boasting of their strength, with:a leader, who, according to the Honourable and Learned Gentleman who spoke last, had but to hold up his finger, when they would rise up in their strength and might—would any person tell him that the Government wonld be justified —nay, would not be deserving of impeachment—(Loud cheers)--if they did not wet that display of physical force by the exhibition of physical force, sufficient, thank God; not only to check an outbreak, bet even the possibility of such en outbreak 2—( Cheers.) He admitted that, in 1843, they added is largo increase tie the military force in Ireland; yet, oven now they had not incr blid t eased it to the same amount at which it stood in 1834, nor hey raised the whole force in Ireland above what it was in 1834 and 1835. seed though at an early period of the Government they had somewhat reduced the military force, the House would recollect at the same time; that e large 417 crease. was Made to the police—( Hear, ]tear)—and this Gio- Yernment, which tallied of nothing but moral influence, and ogoverningtiso large lrela a ndby niii te meads of alit influence, if n iu If the °toe yoeld permit him, he would now deal with s o m e of those topics i n ' e yhj e l ; fife ]?blade Lord and other Members of the House dealt, an d he must' 61146 the WV) , of 2a)lng, that the whole course of th e d e b a t e ex hibit e d the piecrenee point of fir? as large phYsieeltar fvorc force force. — blear, Ireland, hear.) in course pursued by th e N o bl e L or d i n b r i ng i ng forward it 19949 e for ; Committee, and ne t a su b s t an ti ve motion ; because, Bough there issai; greet unanimity in condemning the Govern - went on account of the present state of Ireland, there was great discrepancy as to the causes which produced it, and great dis crepancy as to the course which ought to be pursued, and as to the measures which the Government, which was to succeed her Majesty's present Government, ought to adopt;with regard to Ireland. Objections had been urged to the course adopted by the Government—earl objection was taken for not interfering sooner—another objection was made fur interfering too son— another said they issued the proclamation too late, but he thought his Right Hon. Friend proved, by fair statements of dates, that it was impossible the proclamation could have been issued a day sooner after the intention of the party became known.—( An observation was here made which (lid not reach us.) He ( Lord Stanley) believed that question had been set tled, but he would not weary the House by repeating what had been said on that subject by his Right Hon. Friend, and was satisfied to leave the statement to the House and the country. —( Hear, hear.) But Hon. Gentlemen opposite gave him an ironical cheer, when he said they did nut strain the law ; and would any gentleman rise up and tell him, the House, and the country, what law had been strained ?—( Hear, hear. ) What course had been pursued by the Government which was not oily justified by circumstances, but compulsory upon them ? With regard to the accidental omission of the names from the general jury list, it was a question with which the Government had nothing to do. He merely mentioned it as an instance of the haste, the breathless haste, with which gentlemen pressed assertions against the Government before the circumstances were known.— ( llear, hear.) They heard over and over again, ?Lyle ad nauseam, that sixty Catholics—(" No, no)" —well names, were excluded from the list. The Government had nothing to do with that ; but if that was so, why was the charge made against tile Government? It was said that the prisoners being Catholics —or a majority of them— were prejudiced in having a fair,trial by excluding the names f rom th e j ur y li s t, many of whom were of the Roman Catholic persuasion. Was it true that sixty names were omitted? No, nor thirty, but twenty.four ; and of these fifteen were from one parish; and of these he did not know, nor did the Recorder, whose state ment lie followed—( Hear, hear )—who were Roman Catholics and who Protestants ; but this he did know, that the gentle man by whose negligence, or in consequence of whose omis sion, those names were left out, was himself a Roman Catholic. —( Hear, hear.) And yet it was made a charge against the Government that they were omitted to prejudice the tra versers, being Roman Catholics, on their trial. This was the charge with regard to the omission of the names. Then with regard to striking the Roman Catholics off the jury— Lord J. RUSSELL—Challenging them. Lord STANLEY thanked the Noble Lord. He did not use the accurate expression —which was challenge. What was the fact ? The Noble Lord contrived to omit the distinction be tween a common, and a special jury, and omitted to tell the House this, that if they had a common jury, which they might have had, it would have given the Crown a power of causing persons to stand by, and they might then be charged—perhaps unjustly charged—with packing the jury. They sought no such advantage; they applied for a special jury—they applied for it as the last special jury list stood. The traversers corn• plained that it was not correct, and they applied for time to have a new list framed. The Crown acceded to that request, and gave them time to have a new jury list. Was this done by any law introduced by them, or according to any mode or arrangement of theirs? No, but according to a law, framed, lie presumed, to facili tate the due administration of justice, and introduced, he believed, by Sir M. O'Loghlin, when Attorney-General of Ireland. What were the conditions of that law ? Forty eight names were to be taken by ballot frem the general jury list. From this number both the CroWn on the one hand and the traversers on tin; other hand had the right of striking out twelve names each, and no discretion whatever was left them in the exercise of that right ; but then it was said that the officers struck off all the Roman Catholics. His Noble Friend stated—and he was sure any statement he made would not be for a moment doubted—that positive directions had been given by the Irish Government, which had the cor dial approval of her Majesty's Government here, not to strike ofl any person on account of his religion. Ten Roman Ca tholics were struck off who were Repeaters, with one exception. Mr. SHEIL—No, no. Lord STANLEY—The Right Hon. Gentleman possessed a great advantage over him, because he had a little professional bias in the quest ron—( Laughter)—he was counsel for the parties. Ile (Lord Stanley) was not.—( Cheers and laughter.) It was sworn by the officer who struck time list, that the Roman Catholics were Repeaters, to the best of his belief.—( Cries of " No, no," and " Hear, hear.") If the affidavit was not put in, a statement was made on the part of the Government officer, that lie believed they were members of the Repeal Association. On the other hand another affidavit was put in by the traversers, to the effect that they were not Repeaters. —(Cries of "No. no.") He believed, in the first instance that an affidavit was offered, stating that they were not Repeaters, or connected with the Repeal Association. But after a considerable time it happened to be mentioned that it was not forthcoming. The solicitors for the traversers then came forward and filed an affidavit, that to the best of their belief two of the number were not Repealers.—( Cheers and laughter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Devonport, conceived that, with regard to those who were meMbeiin leaving them on the jury. One of the se two was at the r of (fielfepeal `Association, they would not be justified time believed to be a member of the Repeal Associa tion, and he believed at least that he signed a requisition for a repeal meeting. The tenth per son was struck off not because he was a Roman Ca tholic, because at the period of striking the jury he was firmly believed not only to be a Protestant in reli g ion but a st rong Conservative Protestant — ( H ear, hear ) —and he thou g ht he could give confirmation of that belief, because upon making inquiry in Dublin (at least so he was informed), he was re gistered as a Protestant on the part of the Conservative in terest.—(Cheers.) He was not struck out on account of his supposed religion, and yet the greatest prejudice had been excited on this subject, because it was said that they were struck off, because they were Roman Catholics, were insulted, and it was supposed they thought that Roman Catholics could not be believed on their oaths. fie had now received the affidavit which had been alluded to in the course of the debate.—(Cheers.) It was signed Wm. Kemmis, and sworn before Mr. Bourne.—(Great cheering.) Now the deponent in that affidavit stated that he did not be lieve that eleven persons professing the Catholic religion had been struck off from the jury on the late trials in Ireland. Mr. SHEIL—But he did not say that eleven Repeaters had not been struck off.—( Great cheering.) Lord STANLEY—CouId any one doubt, after that observa tion, that the Right Hon. Gentleman had brought into that llouse the quibbles and quirks by which, in courts of law, it was sometimes sought to impede the course of justice?— ( Hear, hear.) The Crown was charged with striking off ten Homan Catholics from the panel of the jury. Now supposing that to be so, which he denied, what had the traversers done ? —( Hear, hear.) Had they struck off any but Protestants ? ( Item., hear.) lie did not blame them for doing so.—( Hear, hear.) They were entitled to adopt such a course.—(Hear. ) If a party thought A would be better for him than B, the constitution of the country gave him the power of striking A off the list, and God forbid that it should be otherwise.— ( Hear, hear.) He hoped that he had now disposed of this question of striking off jurors.---( Hear, hear.) But then it was said that it was a matter of certainty that it was im possible for Catholics to have a fair trial in Ireland.—( Hear.) He would appeal to that House, he would appeal to the country, whether the late trials had not been conducted in the greatest spirit of fairness.—( Hear, bear, and cries of s. oh e h.") Hon. Gentl emen m i g h t sneer— ( H e ar, hear)— but this lie would assert, that no law had been strained, the charge of the Chief Justice had been most impartial—(Hear , bear, and cries of " Oh, oh")--and it was not fair on the part of members of the legal profession in that House to use the privilege they possessed to endeavour, if possible, to in , diet a slur on those who administered the law of the land. —(Hear, hear ) The law had been framed long since ; the Chief Justice, in summing up to the jury, did not pronounce his own opinion—( llear, hear)—but the unanimous opinion of the whole Bench.—( Hear.) Then with respect to the jury, he believed there was not one marlin that House that would not say that they had shown, in the most p ra iseworthy manner , their determination not to viol a t e th e i r oaths—( Hear, hear) — and before they pronounced their verdict of guilty, they acted with the greatest discrimination.—( Hear, hear.) There was no haste on their part—( Hear, hear)—amid no man could tell him that the jury had not employed their time and attention fully to consider the ease of the traversers.—( Hear, hear.) Well, these trials had taken place ; they had been conducted by the Government in the greatest spirit of fairness—(H ear, hear, and " Oh, oh")—and had been brought to a conclusion with out a violation of the public peace.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") S u ch being the case, w as i t r i ght—was it just—to come forward and ask for a C omm i ttee o f I nqu i r y__( The Noble Lord who had brought for war d t h e present mo tion had ex pressed in general terms hi s reso l ut i ons .—(Hear, hear.) In doing so he had stated his p ure venera ti o n of justice.—(Hear,—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Stanl e y) agreed w i t h a ll lie had said with respect to that subject ; b u t h e cou ld no t accede to what h ad I nqu i r y?—(The been stated by the Noble Lord with respect to the Govern ment.—( Hear, hear.) If it was meant to be inferred that the Government, in the late trials, had connived at injustice, he , denied the imputation with t h e utmost disdain. 'I he Noble Lord had told them th a t th e f ranchise was wr etchedly confined , and that the people, i n or d er to vote had to go gr eat distances. The Noble Lord had sa id t h e franchise oug ht to be increased. so as to meet the wi s h es o f the people of Ireland. N ow, if he, were to take the wish es , o f the people of Irelan d, as they were expressed by their lead er M r . O'C onne ll, he (Lord Stanlede, y) would say that he would no t t a k e M r. O'Connell a s his g ul —( Hear.) Tho Noble L or d sa id of , why no t place the people Ireland on an equality with th e peo pl e o f England as regarded the franchise? lie would ans wer the Noble Lord, that if the Registration Law in force in this country was put i nto open action in Ireland, with the English interpretation and quaFtica tion, it would, instead of increasing very materially diminish the existing franchise in that country. — (Hear, hear. had spok lt was en on further stated by several Hon. Members who o contentment f th or Ir e e othland,er side,as th long as there was no lastins the Protestant C g peacehurc s h: l Eetablishm ent answer existed there.—(Hear, hear.) Did the Noble Lord that declaration? It was a very exciting question to bring forward at any time, but especially dangerous at the p resent m oment, unless they knew the result. The Noble Lord dif fered widely from those who'now joined with him ; echoed b y those Hon. Members, he did not hesitate to bring into this subject topics which were highly calculated to increase the dis content of the people, and which could not, by any possibility, produce any practical result. Now , it the responsibi l i t y o f office were thrown upon the should ers of the Noble Lord , ho would not, he could not, ho dire not, propose the measures, the Landl or d an d T enant Commission, without which lie now declares it is im p ossi ble to think of satis fying the Irish people. Could any thin g be more miserable— more wretched—than the sugg estions or propositions thrown out by the Noble N Lord? He attacked expressions well calculat e d to inflame balnedused the tenantry of Ireland , a nd then turned round and said it was a most difficult question.—(Hear, hear.) He did not say lee could propose a remedy , b ut, if asked for one, t he Noble Lord could only say, " increase the number o f sti pendiary magis trates."—(Hear, hear.) It was a most lame and impotent conclusion for the leader of a party, for one who had been a or impair her revenue, but he thought Minister of the Crown, and hoped to be one again.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said he did not wish to destroy the u o a r l o t y,rl thehe wouldm more r e Protestant Church she had too much wealth. my principle, said the Noble Lord, Protestant Church, or is equality between all religious denominations:; but yet, when this hi g h sou , n h d e t jat Catholicof Church might be among the Catholics, and the divide seven -eighths of the re venues third to each, endowedof t h e Established Church might the present revenues , be divided and distributed, viz., ov‘-' , r o d s. among the Protestants, impracticable t m e r h t a cuttle°eanble revenuesit vrac lip _real question was, would vster Catholics,. rliputes of principlet i e ed i )o P ) fo r t e ee s l b tu 3 aa l ni e itt r yica, to divide r other eighth between Protestants and Presbyterians.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland had ques tion of the appropriation c aus, , 'e Noble Lprd said, spoken out, and spoken truly. It was not the wretched the or would they not destroy the Protestant Church in Ire landul newer give any content. ?—(Hear, hear.) The Act of Un;or, contained a provi sion, and no provision was More stringent in that Act than that which guaranteed the secmiti of the Prote s t ant Church Este bliArnent. The Nehle Is 4 then Plied trem the eddress of both Houses of Parliament, anti frogs tilt- , Act of Union itself, pas, sages in which the security of the Protestant Cherch Was Rua : ranteeds fle also qnoted froth the Sr e Ph of Mr. Grettao, in ISI3, in intioducinfhis confidence thm 4 Bill for the rPlll°Val Roman Catholic disabili ties, in which re expressed the securities of thp Protestant Church would be strengthened and maintained by admitting Catholics to equal rights. The Noble Lord quoted from a . 6.eiaration Ifia(l4 ley the Catholics of Ireland in 17571 t l' e ot disavowed •• in '4lOOllll (14 . cIiiin0 summer 44' iiitention gf Y9 . 1 1 .P. - 7 the Prefee . einf tech Establishment; but that they wri t e auinititl eg u Mi t Y of civil rights with their Protestant fellow countrymen, they would support the Protestant Church as established by law, and would not endeavour to injure or impair it. In ISM, the Roman Catholics declared, in their petition to the House, that they did not in any way seek to injure the rights, privileges, or p as o s b s y e s l s a i , o r ns established pertaining ; to the thattheir bishops is hoii o petition r clergy wa rg y sa n o f the humble Church ap plication, praying that they might be governed by the same laws, have the same privileges and be admitted to a participation in the same civil rights as their countrymen of a different persuasion In 1824, D r . C o lli ns sa id h e believed, and would make a solemn declaration, that there was not the slightest disposition on the part of the Catholic hierarchy or clergy to disturb the rights, privileges, or possessions of the Protestant Church, and that he was satisfied they would not seek to disturb it. In 1826, another declaration was published by the Roman Catholic bishops, stating that they solemnly determined to uphold all the rights and privileges of the Chur c h—th a t th e y cons id ere d the Reman C a tholi cs did not entertain any feelings against the Established Church, and that they regarded all the revenues and temporalities of the Church as established as the property of those on whom they were settled by law.—( Cheers from the Tory benches.) He had been told by Hon. Gentlemen oppo site that this property had been plundered from the Reman Catholic clergy, and consequently should in justice be restored, and that until this were done the Catholics would not, nor ought not to be content.—( Loud cheers from the Tory benches, answered by " No, no," from the Opposition.) It might be convenient just now for Hon. Members to call out " No, no" at this moment, but he was sure there were Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House who would long hesitate before they would consent to any measure that would tend to thisresult.—( Cheers and laughter from the Ministerial benches.) That former declaration had been over and over again made by the Hon. Member for Sheffield. Mr. WARD rose to explain, but was, owing to the noise, vociferation, and cries of "Order" from the Tory benches, quite inaudible in the gallery. _ _ _ Lord STANLEY said he had quite forgotten the principle which the Hon. Member had laid down. He (Lard Stanley) would allude to that by and bye. Previous to the passing of the Emancipation Act, his Majesty, in his speech at the opening of the session, in 18211, said—" They (the Par liament) were to consider, solemnly, whether those, and what enactments against the Roman Catholics of Great Britain could be removed with safety to the Church, as established by law ; and to the rights and privileges of Protestants bishops and clergy of this realm, for those institutions which should ever be supported." Such were the words of his Majesty in 1829 ; and, in reply to this speech of his Majesty, the House of Commons did not content itself with acknowledging the speech ; it also stated that these were institutions which should ever be maintained in their integrity, and stating that that House thanked his Majesty for his gracious announce ment of his determination to support them. So far as it was possible to be bound by a solemn declaration—by a declara tion as strong as it was possible to embody in language—that declaration of their intention to support that Church, had been made by Parliament. Nay, even that declaration on the part of the Roman Catholics, one and all, had been given that they had not the slightest intention to weaken the Church.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) That was the language used previous to emtticipation, and his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government declared that he trusted in their pro fessions, and rejected a proposal made by a Right Hon. Friend of his, now no more, to prevent Catholics from legislating on any subject which might affect the Established Church. His Right Hon. Friend the First Lord of the Treasury said he had framed the oath sufficiently stringent i,w icot jhhieevaedndhot adhere etc p i: r tem e o v e e i n , titos declarationstwohrei sg on r . e ae - 1 determination.rf i t the anticipated 1 Catholics, The thats ut j e a e n t h d w e which he trusted would not be considered offensive to any Roman Catholic, because he thought a Catholic had as good a right to legislate upon any subject as a Protestant, provided only that lie adhered to what he considered a conscientious conviction. After this statement, he thought the course he should pursue could not be deemed offensive, and that he had a right to quote the oath required to be taken by Roman Catholic Members of Parliament, and which had been enacted for the protection of the rights of the Protestant Church. The Noble Lord then read the oath amidst much cheering from the Ministerial benches, and continued to say this was the oath which had been taken by the Roman Catholics, and he thought the spirit of it must be evident to every per son. He again said he had no intention to impute any want of conscientious principle to the Catholic gentlemen, but still he thought that the question of supporting the Established Church was one of too much importance not to require the utmost precaution. The Hon. Member had alluded (as we understood, from the manner in which he dropped his voice) to the Settlement Act. Mr. WARD (amidst much noise and confusion)—The in ference put on my expressions are not correct. What I stated was that since the battle of the Beyne the Irish had never been averse to the Act of Settlement. Lord S rANLEY said he was going on to explain when the Hon. Member interrupted him, that the Hon. Gentleman had since withdrawn those expressions which had fallen from him in the heat of debate. But he (Lord Stanley) did not think the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard had very much im proved the case, because he said that the oath was unnecessary, seeing that the intention of that oath was to exclude the Roman Catholic descendants of the House of Stuart. Mr. C. BULLER—I did net say a word about the oath. Lord STANLEY—The Hon. Gentleman said that the ob ject of the Act of Settlement was to exclude the Roman Ca tholic descendants of the house of Stuart, but the house of Stuart was extinct, consequently the Act of Settlement was a dead letter. How then could this be an insult to the Roman Catholics, seeing that it was to operate against a Roman Catholic family which did not exist ? Was it not so ? It was not because this country felt that Roman Catholics were not fit to enjoy civil liberty that such an imposition was placed upon them. With regard to him. self he could say that he was prepared, and he was sure that her Majesty's Government were prepared, to give the same privi leges to the Roman Catholics that were enjoyed by Protestants. But they would never consent to the destruction of the Pro testant Establishment.—( Cheers. ) He did not think that it was at all inconsistent, in doing the fullest justice to the Roman Catholics, and in removing their grievances, if such grievances remained—it was not inconsistent with the removal of those grievances, if, at the same time, they firmly maintained the ex. istence of the Protestant Church.—(Cheers.) What was it that the Roman Catholics asked with regard to the existence of the Established Church ? Did they ask to be endowed with the proceeds of the Protestant Establishment? No such thing. They would refuse it. They would not take it if it were offered. They would neither take a division nor the whole. They did not want the plunder that had been taken from them to be given back to them. They did not ask for the violation of all those prescriptive rights which had been acquired by a pos session of three hundred years. What, then, did they ask ? They refused to enter into an alliance with the Protestant Establishment—that Establishment which submitted to the law. How, then, could the Catholic Chnrch claim or ask to be placed on an equality with the Protestant Establishment? The Noble Lord ( Lord John Russell) said the Catholic Bishops ought to be placed on an equality with the Protestant Bishops. Did the Noble Lord mean that thoso Bishops should have seats in the House of Lords? He (Lord Stanley) would like to know that. Mr. C. WOOD—No, he did not. Lord STANLEY—Then the Noble Lord denied that inten tion, which had been imputed to him by an Hon. Gentleman who was sitting immediately by him. But if the Noble Lord did intend to advocate the admission of Roman Catholic Bishops into the House of Lords, did ho mean that those Bishops should be appointed by the Crown ? No such thing ; they would be the appointments of a foreign potentate.—(Hear, and cheers. ) If, then, they refused this alternative, what became of their equality ! Would they remove the Protestant Bishops from the House of Lords.—( Cheers from the Opposi tion. ) That was a favourite doctrine with some gentlemen opposite. Why did they not try their hand in this matter, and bring forward a mo ti on on th e su bj ec t ? He would be gl a d for them to take the sense of the House of Commons, and the peo ple of England, upon a motion for the exclusion of the Bishops from the House of Lords. He (Lord Stanley) trusted that the Noble Lord opposite did not represent the Roman Catholics of Ireland; but sure he was, that whether he did or not, the sweeping propositions he had brought forward, amply proved that lie did not represent the Protestants of this country. Ile ( Lord Stanley) would not support anything in the way of compromise inconsistent with the maintenance of the Protestant Establishment. He had been particularly sorry to hear the Honourable Member for Kildare (Mr. More O'Ferrall) repeat the reflection which had been cast on the Lord Chancellor by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), that he had been raised to his present position on account of his hostility to the Irish people. He regretted to hear that senti ment fall from the Noble Lord ; but he believed that it had been made in the midst of a very excited speech ; and he was sure that it was not the deliberate opinion of the Noble Lord. But lie regretted more deeply having heard that sentiment fall from the Honourable Member for Kildare, because it showed that it was a deliberate opinion of the t k h n e e knew n o Honourable Member.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentlem an said his h os tilit y to the Established Church in Ireland was not a religious one . Hi s objection was that the Protestant had so much powe r o f i nter f erence in secular affairs. He said that if he wanted a p ower o f attorney, he was obliged to obtain the signature of a P ro t es t ant c l ergyman. Now, he ( L ord Stanley ) otetstiaint clergyt hiswerewoul d correct, ha v but n o o fth objectioni this he w t a o s certain,the abolition th at of such a practice; on the contrary, he believed that they would feel much indebted to any one who would abolish such a custom. Well. then, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman said that the certificates of marriages and of baptism must be obtained from a Protestant clergyman. Now, what was the grievance in that respect ?—( Hoar, hear.) He felt that he was tres passing too much.—(" No.") But if there were any grievance really affecting the Roman Catholics in Ireland, he wished to show that her Majesty's Government were disposed to remedy it.—( Tory cheers._) In England, before 1836, there was a real grievance in respect to marriage and baptism— (Hear, hear)—for the law was that a Roman Catholic clergyman or a Dissenting minister could not celebrate marriage except in the presence of a clergyman of the Established Church, and, according to the forms of that Church. In Ireland, no such grievance existed now. But on the contrary, a marriage by a Roman Catholic priest, accord ing to the forms of his own Church, was perfectly valid ; and if any question arose in a court of la x, the evidence of the Roman Catholic clergyman would be legal and complete proof. —( Hear, hear.) What, then, was it that the Right Hon. Gentleman required? The certificate of the minister of the Established Church was at present necessary, because he was obliged to keep the register. And was the Right Hon. Gen tleman sure that the Catholic clergy would be willingt o under take the duty of keeping the register ? Was he quite sure that they would not say " If you place us in that position, and im pose upon us the labour and responsibility of keeping the register, we would rather be without any advantage which it bt h e 2 , i of t a e h bye i r religion. ligiol, might confer?—( hear.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite knew well that there was no question of greater diffi c ulty, an d th a t, i n a Committee of the House of Lords last year, copious evid ence was taken upon this subject ; but that evidence had not yet been published, because, as he believed, the inquiry had pot yet been completed.—( Hear.) Another statement from the other side of the House was that the )roman Catholic clergy would not accept an endowment from the State. Now he thought that the objection was not confined to one party in the case. In the first place he was not aware that it was intended to offer them any endowment—(Cheers and laughter) — and, secondly, he believed that, on the part of the great body of the people in this country, there was a very great disinclination to any such grant. The Hen. Gentleman had s p oken with eat great contempt of a proposition which appeared to him (Lard Stanley) to carry with it a very great recommen dation. That was, to give to the Catholic priest hood, and their flocks, a greater security for property, wlitch might be voluntarily endowed i n th eir Cht 4 c l l, and this could he done without offending the feelings of the Pro testant people in this country. The propo3ition was to en able the Catholic clergy , or rather persons in trust for them, to yholdß.oin real a in the same manner as it was h e ld i n thi s country property in and Dissenters. Befo re th e p ass i ng p f Wm. IV., real property was not allowed t o b e h e ld Catholic priests, lint Roman Catholics fpr th e pur pose That • Act, however, gave them • the power, and it was proposed to extend the provisions of the AO to Ireland, 411 d ti, allow the Catholic gentry atad Vptesl•ant Pissenters to endow their respective clergy, This would give the Roman Catholic clergy a fixed status, a power of acquiring property in land, which thor did nut at present possen. This ought not be taken as any indication of hostile feeling on the part of the Government towards the Ca tholics of Ireland.—(Tory cheers.) He would say, if there were grievances affecting, the Catholics in ir . eland—it there were any assital!ce which the Gov ,Inn - lent could 'dive iheM in remoiing those griefanees --Ingots its dentle m eil eppositemig thhilF‘tholl, they would pot find any want of that consideration which was due to the priesthood of so large a portion of the people.—( Tory cheers. ) But if it were truly the purpose of the other side to extinguish, covertly but entirely, the Estah -1 lished Church in Ireland, he would ever raise his voice ageinst that policy. [The Noble Lord than turned round to his seat and appeared to be about to sit down, when an Hon. Member rose and moved that ,the "debate be now adjourned," where upon Lord Stanley returned to the table with a book in his hand, and said—Sir, I have not done yet.—( G rea t l aug ht er .) Before sitting i own, he would call to the recollection of the House the sentiments of a Noble Lord opposite to him (Lord Palmerston), who was then a member of her Majesty's Go. vurnment—no, he begged pardon, not a member of her Ma jesty's Government, but one who had assisted that Government lin carrying the Emancipation Bill into force. At that period the Noble Lord said, and said most wisely, that the changes which the Catholics aimed at could - only be brought about by the consent of the whole neion. He might suppose an administration introducing a measure against such consent, but the end of it would be to prove that they were tottering in their seats, and the effect would be to give to their opponents ten times the strength which they might previously have possessed—for every honest and independent Pro testant would stand by the institutions of the country, and sweep with ignominy from their seats the men who by such aids would endeavour to alter the ancientand admitted limits of the Constitution. Such, in 1829, was the opinion of the Noble Lord (Palmerston) as to the fate, and the well merited fate, of any Administration that would coalesce with any party whose desire might be to weaken the Protes tant Constitution of these realms. He ( Lord Stanley) would not use terms more strong; but this he would say, that while with the bulk of the English people, he was most anxious to preserve to, and respect, every civil right of the Catholic body. there was another feeling he shared in common with them, and that was a fixed and unalterable determination to maintain and uphold, in every portion of the empire, the Protestant Estab lishment of the country.—(Loud cheers.) The debate was then adjourned until Monday 'next. STIPENDIARY MAGISTRATES—IRELAND. Lord EBRINGTON moved for a return of the number of stipendiary magistrates appointed in Iceland, from April, 1839, to August, 1811. Lord ELIOT took occasion, in assenting to the granting of the return. to correct an error which had been made on the subject. 'For that purpose, he begged to mention that four of the magistrates mentioned in the return were appointed five weeks previous to the dissolution of the late Government. Sir J. GRAHAM said the return would show that between the Ist of June and the Bth of August, seven new stipendiary magistrates had been appointed by the Irish Government, and one was appointed on the 7th of August, the very day, if he mistook not, before that on which they retired from office. Mr. LABOUCHERE said, that the Right Hon. Baronet had availed himself of an erroneous return to prefer against the late Government a charge, the gravamen of which was that seven magistrates had been appointed by them in Ireland under circumstances which led the House to have an impres sion that they were appointed not for the purpose of maintain• ing peace in that country, but in order to effect a mere job. It now appeared, that there were three vacancies, and that they had only filled up those vacancies. Sir J. GRAHAM said it was better to postpone the discus sion until the return was made. Lord ELIOT said he had inadvertently been led to state that the whole of these seven appointments were made between the 15th of June and the 25th of August. It now appeared that three of the magistrates were appointed in the spring of 1841, and the other four between the 12th of July and the 27th to 7th August. Four new magistrates were appointed, he did not say far what purpose—in the last five weeks during which the late Administration held office. Mr. F. T. BARING said what appeared remarkable was that the explanation of the Right Hon. Gentleman did not confirm the statement of the Noble Lord. Ile would be glad to know if the returns would show whether the appointments were made to fill up vacancies, or whether they were new ap pointments ? It was stated that one appointment was made on the very last day ; it might bo to fill up a vacancy caused by death or resignation. Sir J. GRAHAM—No, no. Mr. F. T. BARING said he believed the practice of the Treasury was to fill up all vacancies which occurred while the Administration were in power. . . Lord ELIOT said he had searched the Government Ca. zettes that morning, in which it was customary to state whether appointments were new, or made in the room of others, and it appeared that four of these were new appointments.—( Hear.) Colonel SIBTHORP said he could make some allowance for the soreness of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, but he hoped that that soreness would not be removed by their coming over to that side of the House. In reply to a question from Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL, Lord ELIOT said he would endeavour to ascertain for what districts the magistrates in question had been appointed, and whether they had been retained. The return was then ordered. The House then adjourned, at a Quarter to Ono. THE COMPLETE SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT. The Council of the National Complete Suffrage Union met at Birmingham on Monday ; the President in the chair. Most encouraging accounts were read from different parts of the kingdom, regarding the rapid an d satis factory progress whi c h the Supply movement is making in the public mind. LETTER FROM MR. W. 8. CRAWFORD. Mr. STuuos then read the following letter from Mr. W. S. Crawford, which he had that morning received:— "London, Feb. 10, 1844. " Respected Friend,—l think it right to submit to you a few observations on the present position of the move ment, which has been commenced in the House of Com mons, with a view to pressing forward the consideration of grievances on motions of Supply. By a reference to the division lists you will find that 40 Members voted in sup port of that principle of action, taking the two divisions I conjointly. Out of these 40 Members you will observe that three, who voted in favour of the first motion, voted against the second motion; but, even if we are to suppose that these gentlemen arerno longer to be included in our lists, still there remain 37 Members, and there are some Members whose support might be expected. It should always be kept in mind in this movement, that a minority cannot be justified in any course which would indicate a determined opposition to a majority, unless it is based on the position that the minority do truly represent the people, and that the majority do not ; and this can only be evidenced by the constitutional expression of the people's voice in the form of petition, and by the com munication of the sentiments of constituencies to their respective representatives ; but in such communications allow me to add, that it is not right to ask them to sup port the detail of proceedings which any particular Member might suggest or adopt ; but the constituencies should insist on the principle that the complaints of the people should be inquired into before the„Supplies be voted, and that each Member should make such mo tions and take such steps, as in his judgment would be most effective for the purpose. " I had written so far before I was aware that notice had been given by the Government to bring on the Army and Navy Estimates in Committce of Supply on Friday next. This is, I believe, a rapidity most un usual, if not unprecedented. The estimates are not yet delivered, and cannot be in the hands of the Members for some days. It is obvious that by this course any possible expression of publib opinion on the subject of the movement now commenced will be fore stalled ; but if, it be supposed that the fixing of this early day was done with that object, it will be a proof of the importance of the movement, and a stimulus to greater exertion in carrying it forward. In order to meet this proceeding of the Government, I have this day given notice that I shall on Friday next move an amendment on the motion of Supply, to the effect that the consideration of the estimates' be postponed ;' this motion will of course be l os t, b u t it will be a stronger foundation for a contest on the estimates, if the Members representing popular constituencies feel so disposed. In the meantime, I shall, as an individual Member, keep up the system of pro ceeding to such extent as prudence and utility shall seem to me to warrant. But I must remind you that there is an obstacle to a single Member, or a few Members. pushing a proceeding of this kind to any great extent, without a sufficient weight both of internal and external support, lest it might be made a plea by the majority to swamp those privileges of the Commons which arein tended as the best securities of the rights of the people, At the same time, I am convinced that if a body of Members, to the number which the late divisions show were determined to act together, and were backed by a sufficient power of the public voiee, no Government could stand against them for any length of time and refuse re dress of grievances ; and I am equally convinced that there are no other means in prospect by which that re dress can be obtained, " Believe me, with the highest respect, your Friend, " WM. SHARMAN CRAWFORD. " To Joseph Sturge, &c. &c." Mr. STURGE expressed his high satisfaction with the prudent and persevering exertions of Mr. Crawford, with the conduct of those who hail supported him, and the healthy state of public feeling on the subject. lie traced the history or the movement, and expressed his anxious wish that the friends of the cause would feel that the good work was but a beginning, and that they would continue to agitate until the opinion of the majo rity_of the people wer e di s ti nc tl y k nown . Mr. J. C. PERRY moved, and Mr. W. MORGAN se conded, the following resolutions, which were passed unanimously .- 1. That this Council congratulate the friends of com plete suffrage upon the remarkable success which has attended the introduction into Parliament of the pro posal for redressing the grievances of the people before voting thelSupplies, and they derive great encouragement from the fact that forty Members have recorded their votes in favour of that proposal. 2. That this Council have read the letter of Mr. Shar man Crawford to their President, dated the 10th inst., with great interest, and beg to assure that gentleman of their unabated confidence, and the deep gratitude they entertain for his faithful services in the cause of the people, and advocacy of their claims, and they rejoice that an instrument for enforcing those claims is now in the hands of the patriotic Members of Parliament who really represent the people, 3. That this COMO look forward with the deepest anxiety to the discussion about to take place on the ArrnyEstimates, and in an ti c i pat i on of the amendment of which Mr. Crawford has given notice being defeated, trust that the friends of the people in Parliament will use every means which the forms of the House will per mit to resist the grant o f Supplies even for a limited period, until an assurance be obtained that the master grieValWO CO' non-representation shall be considered, with a view to its complete redress. DEATII7OF VISCOVNT SIDMOUTII.---On the 15th instant, died, at the White Lodge, Richmond Park, in the 87 th year of his age, Henry Additlgton, Viscount Sidmouth. He was twice married; first to Ursula Mary, daughter and co-heir at' Leonard Hammond, Esq., by whom he has left one son, William Leonard, the present Viscount, married to Mary, daughter of the Reverend John Young, by whom lie has eleven childre n; an d four dangliws, Mary Anne Ursula; Frances, wif e o f t h e Hon. and ite.Y. Oeil•ge rellew, Dean of Norwich ; Charlotte, wife of the Rev. Horace Gore Currie; and Harriet, wife of Thomas Barber Wall, Esq. His Lord s hip married, secondly, Marianne, daughter, and at lengqi . heir, OWilliatn•Seott, Lord - Stowell, 4 1 11 '4'4ol . paS Towusend, Esq., by 71 1 .ni Lordship 40 i4ssue. More than telyPYqt,Ts . 4.VQre _bm death, Lord Sidmouth resigned a pe`asten cif time thousand pounds per annum, which was secured to him by law, and which he mOt have re tained to his last hours ; hnt vitic.h, feeling that from altered circtnustanoas be no 'longer required, h¢ thoug4 it, right ielinqnish. He had gratividly witk-- 4ant frau üblic euidoppeilte t 4440 440 4.ereu • • from honorary office. From the High Stewardship of he_ retired three . or four years ago, and latterly retained only the situations of one of the Elder Brethren of the Trinity House, one of the Governors of the Charter House, one of the Benchers of Lincoln's Inn, and Deputy Ranger of Richmond Park. He was Speaker of the House of Commons from - May, 1789, to March, 1801 ; First Lord of the Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer, -from March, 1801, to May, 1804 ; Lord President of the Council; 1805 ; Lord Privy Seal, 1806 ; and 'Secretary of State for the Home Department, from 1812 to 1822. DEATH Or VICE-ADMIRAL EDWARD STIRLING DICKSON.—We have to record the decease of another veteran flag-officer of the Royal navy, Vice-Admiral of the White, Edward Stirling Dickson, which event took place on the 28th of January. STRANGE OCCURRENCE.—Mi SS ---, whose death appeared in the Mercury of Friday last, was cousin to her employer, Mr. —. Confinement had wrought so unfa vourably upon her health that last sum mer s h e went to the country. Having been there some time, she received a letter, stating that unless she returned immediately, her situation would not be kept for her. She did return, and gradually grew worse. On the day of her death she appeared to be labouring more severely than she had before done under the influence of her malady. Her cousin desired her to go home, but she was too unwell, and died in her clothes. Hei mother, a poor woman, was sent for. She wished the corpse to remain there until a coffin could be obtained, but Mr. would not consent, saying, "Do you think I would have a corpse in my. house ?" " Well," replied the distressed mother, " let me go first and inform the people I lodge with of poor -----'s death." She went, and scarcely had she entered the house, than a cab stopped by the door, and the cabman called out, " I have a passenger for you." He then descended and opened the door of the cab, when a sight presented itself which made him " blush for them," to use his own words. The corpse had fallen from the seat, and its nose was much disfigured. The front part of the dress had been cut open, to allow the poor girl breathing room, and when the corpse was seen in the cab, the dress, from above to the waist, had dropped down, so that the upper- part_ was literally naked! this unfeeling wretch refused to assist the poor mother with the lOan of the means to bury her, although the poor girl had provided for that before hand, but the party who had the money was not in town at the time. And she was heard to say, "I can die happy, because I know I have money to buryime with !"—The above has been communicated from a highly respectable party, but we think it only justice to say that we- have heard a somewhat different statement of the same case, though, we fear, the main incident is only too true.—Liverpool Mercury RECEPTION OF MR.. OTON3ELL AT THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.—The approaches to the House presented, last night, a most animated spectacle, a large crowd of per sons having assembled, evidently for the special purpose of witnessing the arrival of Mr. O'Connell. The Hon. Member reached the vicinity of the House at about half-past four. On being recognised, he was greeted with tremendous ap plause, and so completely surrounded by the throng of his admirers, that he had great difficulty in making his way to the entrance-door. Altogether his reception was most enthusiastic. The Duke of Wellington, who arrived shortly After Mr. O'Connell, was greeted with clamorous shouts of dirapprobation, mingled with partial cheers. COURSE OF EXCHAN Amsterdam CF. 12 6 Ditto, at sight l2 4 Rotterdam 2U. 12 6i. Antwerp 25 95 Hamburgh M.B. 13 15 Altona l4 0 Paris, 3 days' sight 25 65 Ditto, 3 months 25 85 Marseilles Bourdeaux 25 90 Frankfort on Maine 122 Petersburgh, 3Us 36 I;erlin 7 Vienna, effec. fl. 3 M 955 rieste, ditto , 9 56 Madrid 36/t Cadiz Bilbao 36 * Barcelona 36 Seville — 'GE.—(YESTERDAY.) Gibraltar — !Leghorn 3O 75 Genoa 25 95 Milan — Venice........ Naples 39* Palermo, per oz , 118 i Lisbon s3e Oporto 53 Rio Janeiro 23 Bahia 23 Buenos Ayres — NewYork,2ldys sight Philadelphia — PRICES OF BULLION, PER OZ. Foreign Gold, bars...E3 17 9 Portugal Gold Coin 3 17 5 New Doubloons..... 0 0, 0 New Dollars 0 4 9 Silver in Bars 0 4 11i FRIDAY N IGHT'S GAZETTE. ST. J A MES'S PALACE, JAW. 31, 1844. The Queen has been pleased, on the noothiation of Lord Forester, to appoint Francis Ellis, Esq., as one of her Majesty's Hon. Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms, vice James Norton Smith, who retires. FOREIGN-OFFICE, FEB. 9, 1844. The Queen has been graciously pleased to appoint John Francis Davis, Esq., to be her Majesty's Plenipotentiary and Chief Superintendent of British trade in China. CROW N.OFFICE, FEB. 16. • MEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT. COUNTY OF TlPPERAtiV. ll lNicholas Maher, of Turtulla, in the said county of Tipperary, Esq., in the room of Valentine Maher, Esq., deceased. WAR-OFFICE, FEB. 16. 4th Dragoon Guards—Captain J. T. Bowdoin, from 19th Foot, to be Captain, vice Clerk, who exchanges, 16th Feb. Ist Dragoons—Assistant.Surgeon J. Grogan, M. B. from 66th Foot, to b e A ss i s t ant -S urgeon, vice Drummond, who ' re signs, 16th Feb. 6th Dragoons—Surgeon Wm. Milligan, M. D., from 76th Foot, to be Surgeon, vice W. Daunt, M.D., who retires upon half-pay, 16th Feb. 7th Light Dragoons--Lieutenant E. G. Cubitt, from 73d Foot, to be Paymaster, vice M'Carty, deceased, Feb. 16. 17th Light Dragoons—Regimental Sergeant-Major J. Ste phenson to be Adjutant, with the tank of Cornet, vice Lind say, deceased, Feb. 16. Ist, or Grenadier Regiment of Foot Guards--Lieut. and Captain the Hon. A. F. Foley to be Captain and Lieutenant- Colonel, by purchase, vice Lord W. Thyme, who retires ; Ensign and Lieut. H. B. Trelawny to be Lieutenant and Cap. tain, by purchase, vice Foley • Ensign H. F. Ponsonby, from 49th Foot, to be Ensi gn and Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Trelawny, Feb. 16. Ist Regiment of Foot—Lieut. C. P. Mackenzie, front 41A Foot, to be Lieuten an t, v i ce W e ll s , w h o e x changes , Feb. 16. 3d Foot—W..l. Macfarlane, Gent., to be Assistant-Sur geon, vice Stevenson, promoted in the 18th Foot, Feb. 16. • 7th Foot— Ensign C. W. W. Lord Langford, from 85th Foot, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Beauclerk, pro. `meted, Feb. 16. 9th"Foot—Capt. C. R. Shuckburgb, from half-pay Un attached, vice Brevet-Major W. H. Hartman, who exchanges, receiving the difference; Capt. J. Johnstone, from half-pay 70th Foot, to be Captain, vice C. R. Shu c kb urg h, who ex changes; Lieut. V. V. Ballard to be Captain, by purchase, vice Johnstone, who retires; Ensign E. Morton to be Lieu enant, by purchase, vice Ballard ' • C. K. Ri c h ar d son , G ent., to be Ensign, by p urc h ase , vice Morton. Feb. 16. 12th Foot—Capt. W. Bell to be Major, without purchase, vice Sir R. A. Douglas, Bart., deceased; Lieut. F. G. Hun ley to be Captain, vice Bell, Nov. 2. 19th Foot—Capt. M. Clerk, from the 4th Dragoon Guards, to be Captain, vice Bowdoin, who exchanges, Feb. 16. 22d Foot—A .G. Walch, Gent., to be Ensign, without pur chase, vice Hyde, who resign s , Fe b. 16. 4i st Foot—Lieut. G. G. Wells, from the lit Foot, to be Lieut. vice Mackenzie, who exchanges, Feb. 16th. 46th Feet—Capt. H. H. F. Clarke,from half-pay Unattached, to be Captain, vice Lachlan 111‘Pherson, whose appointment has been cancelled, Feb. 16th. 59th Foot—R. A. Cox, Gent., to be Ensign, without pur chase, vice Prior, deceased , F e b, 16th. 7lst Foot—Ensign A. C. Parker to be Lieutenant, by pur chase, vice Dance, who retires ; E. T: - Scutlamore, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Parker, Feb. 16. 76th Foot—Captain A. Campbell, from half-pay 7251 Foot, to be Captain, vice G. P. Pickard, who exchanges, receiving the difference, Feb. 16. 88th Foot—Serjeant-Major S. Dunning to be Ensign, with. out purchase, vice Mills, appointed Quartermaster ; Ensign T. H. Mills to be Quartermaster, vice Mills, deceased, Feb. 16. 90th Foot--Captain F. H. Hart, from half-pay 84th Foot, to be Captain, vice J. D. G. Tulloch, who exchanges; Lieut. C. M. Chester to be Captain, by purchase, vice Hart, who retires ; Ensign J. W. B. Peddie to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Chester ; T. G. Meredith, Gent., to be En. sign by purchase, vice Peddie, Feb. 16. 98th Foot—Assistant-Surgeon C. Cowen, from 18th Foot, to be Surgeon, vice Bardin, deceased, Feb. 16. Rifle Brigade—R. Heaviside, Gent., to be Second Lieute. nant, by purchase, vice Glin, promoted, Feb. 16. Cape Mounted Riflemen—Brevet-Major A. B. Armstrong to be Major, without purchase, vice W. Burney, who retiree upon full pay ; Lieutenanant G. E. Cannon to be Capt a i n . vice Armstrong ; Ensign J. T. Bissett, to be Lieutenant, vice Cannon ; C. E. Phillpotta, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Hartshorn, appointed to the 24th Foot, Feb. 16. UNATTACUED.—To be Lieutenant-Colonel, without pur chase—Brevet C o l. IL B. M acp h erson, from Major ball-pay 71st Foot, Feb. 16. To be Wien, without purchase—Brevet Col. R. Llueltyn, from Captain half-pay 28th Foot; Brevet Lieut. Col. J. Jones, from Captain half-pay 15th Light Dragoons ; Brevet Lieut. Col. Sir J. S. Lillie, from Captain half-pay 31st Foot ; Brevet Major R. Kelly, from Captain half-pay 40th Foot, Feb. 16, BANYET.—To be Majors in the Army—Captain J. John. stone, 9th Foot, Jan. 10, 1837; Captain F. 11. Bart, 90th Foot, Juno 98, 1838. Hosrzwas. STAFF. —Staff Surgeon of the first class G. Barclay, M.D., to have the local rank of Deputy Inspector- General of Hospitals in China, Feb. 16, 1844.1 OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, Fix. 14. Royal Regiment of Artillery—Second Capt. J. W. Ormsby, to be Adjutant, vice Warde, who resigns the Adjutantcy only, May 26, 1843 ; Fir s t Li eu t. C. W. S m i th, to be Seemid Captain, vice Knowles, deceased ; Second Lieut. A. C. Pigott, to be First Lieutenant, vice W. Smith, Nov. 8, 1843. The following places have been duly authorized for solemnis ing marriages therein, pursuant t o th e A ct o f t h e 6th and 7th William IV., cap. 85:— Sion, Conway, Carnarvonshire. Old Baptist ChapeyStratton St. Margaret's, Wiltshire. BANKRUPTS. HENRY WALKER, cordwainer, Luton, Beafoulshirt. Ito surrender Feb. 22, a t half-put eleven, and March 29, si half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptc y . Whitmore, official assi gnee , B as i ng h a ll -s t reet ; Lambert, Uray's Inn. JAMES HANNEN. tallow miter s Little Britain, City, Feb. 27, at one, and March 29, at twelve, at the Court o f Bank ruptcy. Belcher , official assignee ; awrence and Plews. Bucklersbury. HENRY WILLIAM SMITH, woollen draper, Tothill street, Westminster, Feb. 21, at half-past eleven, and March 27th, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basingball-street ; Lloyd, Milk-street, Cheap side. RICHARD BECKLEY, grocer ' Green-street, Hanover square, Feb. 27, at two, and March 29, at one, at the Court of Ilankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee ; Jones, Gray's Inn square. HENRY ROBERTS OSBORNE, grocer, Truro, Feb. 23, and March 19, at twelve, at the Exeter District Court. Herna man, official assignee, Exeter ; Lo c ky er an d B u lt ee l, Pl ymouth ; Surr, Lombard-street, London ; Stokes, Truro; Moore, Exeter. MICHAEL MURPHY, grocer, Liverpool, March 2, and 29, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Morgan, official assignee, Liverpool ; Mason, Liverpool ; Willis, .Hower, and Willis, Tokenheuse-yard, ndon. JOHN NOLDROYD, farmer, North-moor, Northumber laudshire, Feb. 28, at twelve, and March 28, at one, at the Newcastle. upon -Tyne District Court. Baker, official assignee, Neweastle-upon-Tyne ; Holme, Loftus and Younge, New Inn„ London ; Tinley, Tynemouth. HENRY ITOLDEN, fuller's earth-dealer, Dewsbury, Yorkshire, Feb. 28, and March 25, at eleven, at the Leeds Dis trict Court. Freeman, official assignee, Leeds; Richards , Croydon ; Schol es , D ews b ury ; H a ll, Lee ds. ESTHER JONES, dealer in iron, 2 NVcsf t -D hap r i o f- m ae wi t e ch ' le t u t e af : fordshire. Feb. 24, at eleverkandMah Whitmore , i at the ilirmiughem District Court.a official assignee. Birmingham ; Giles, Gray's Inn-square , London ; Giles, Bir mingham. tfe thellm o Birminghamn e : Nottingham, p istr et Feb. c 0 Court, Rowley, N tt . and liE l4 h 22, Y smith, Birmingham; MITCHELL,i, out, C4ristie, official assignee, Birmingham ; o Lugh tst ; T I HO/VIA4 NUTTALL, pork Weber, Rocildik, Fe b . 27 ...."2,