The Sun. — London, England, 1839-08-24 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. reeterire. But that was not ail—another amendment , Wets oopestel with some zeal and earnestness by the Noble Viscount—he meant that as to the mode of choosing Sheriffs. It turned out that three years ago the Noble Viscount had made in a former Bill precisely the same arnendmeat, and had defended it on just and con s iturional grounds. and now, because that amendment pro eeeiled from the other side of the House, the Noble Vis ; eolerit gave it. his - decided opposition. So much as to the AIM tency of her Majesty's Ministers, and the manner in which they had treated that Bill. He confessed he knew n ot wine her to ascribe it to indifference or thoughtlessness, or want of recollection or carelessness, the manner in Which they had treated a measure, which they were told in her Majesty's Speech was so essential to the interests of 1 Leland. But there was another amendment made by their Lordships, the effect of which was to strike out a number of clauses introduced into the Bill for the first time in the House of Commons. These clauses they had never heard of till the present year. They related to Grand Jury 1 cress, the power of levying which was transferred to the Town Councils. They were not introduced even into the present Bill when it was brought into the House of Com mons, but in that memorable Committee of the 19th of April they were for the first time engrafted on the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) These clauses were objected to. \Their Lordship,: objected, and said, let the law remain as it was, and, accordingly, they struck out the clauses. The Noble Viscount said this would defeat the Bill in another Iplace, but he had replied that that would be impossible. .They had introduced these clauses, which they were pleased i 'to call money clauses, and had engrafted them on the Bill -1 'their Lordships said strike out those clauses and let the t?as v remain in its present state, and they were told that i this would he fatal to the measure. They had done their duty—they had struck out these clauses, arid thithats had been fatal to the measure. It had been suggested these clauses, thus objected to, ought to have been the subjectof a separate Bill—and they ought, certainly, to have been made the subject of a separate Bill. The introducing them into. this racasure was an attack u p on the privileges of their i7Lordships' House. It was a clumsy act on the part of t, - the Government , an d seemed as if it were done with a 1 'de:elan of 'afferding a pretext for getting rid of the Bill, so things in that z; to continue the country, so that g;itebveasone grievance 4,) 0 . et question of presenth scorlditteiorenetcodf . f w a l e; e might still have Pack upon. The Ministers themselves were responsible for toe loss of that Bill—they t had, by „l om sy contrivance, introduced those clauses into ' the 13d1, and that introduction was the cause of 1 the loss of th at measure which, according to their own , statement, was eesentiel to the best interests of Ireland. So much for the first measure, which had been alluded to 1 in her Majesty's Spe ech from the throne. Ile would now come to the measures proposed respecting Canada. They iall bad felt that nothing could be more pressing, nothing mere urgent than the necessity of taking this question into consideration at an early period of the Session. Every hour's delay in the discussion of this subject was felt to be dangerous.. Noble Let-de, at the beginning of this Session, , `had hastened to the House from all parts of the country and from the Continent, expecting a discussion of this in teresting question, hut nothing was done—a few personal discuedons took place and the matter ended. At last, at an advanced period of the S.ission, they were told that a plan for th . settlement of Canada was matured, and a plan ;ea:: accordingly brought forward for giving a Constitution t., that cmentry, by uniting the two Provinces into one. The Bill 'we; to come into operation after a lapse of three eare, in the year 1 S-V2, and it became, of course, neces ; ire to give further powers to the Governor-General to den' hale for local interests during that period. The lattor yested here, but an intention was announced in certain q uertere to oppose this plan of her Majesty's Minis ter s It ;vas found it Mould be dangerous to persevere in encountering this opposition ; and the plan was abandoned, in consequence, it was stated, of information which had been suddenly received by the Government from Canada. What that information wae had never been communicated to their Lordships, or to the other House of Parliament ; and a , iy one who looked at the transactions which had taken piaest in Canada for the last six months would find that attiring had occurred to account for this state of things. The Bill was withdrawn, and with that Bill fell the other • ni the scheme continuing the powers of theGovernor ehr little importance was attached to that Inca s, that even the Noble Lords who bad the conduct of that Bill were so utterly unacquainted with its provisions that they could not, or would not, explain them to their Lersisbipe. What was that measure ? It might have been ihselrable, if the temporary Government of Canada bad been extended for three years, to have given increased power to the Governor; but, as the all was now framed, the degdshition could not take effect until the spring of next year, at which time it would be incumbent on their Lord ..hips to legislate again on the subject, because in the course of nr xt ye :r the power of the Governor under the former Bill would expire. The Bill was unnecessary, therefore ; it was introduced merely for the purpose of making a show, at,d such was the redemption of their pledge.—(Cheers.) So much, then, as to this important, this great and serious sutt ct, the settlement of the affairs of Canada. The , tilled meature was an absolute blank. They were to take eneestures to tarry into effect the recommendations of the : Iteclesiastical Commissior. A Bill was brought into the ~ other House of Parliament for that purpose. It was read a ‘, eeconi time ; it proceeded upon a false assumption of facts— ; it was abandoned, and nothing more was done, though in her Majesty's Speech it wad stated to be a measure the most • The fourth branch their Lordships were told was one of the first importance. Measures were said to be in preparation for the better and more speedy administration of justice, a subject of paramount importance, as their Lord seips would all feel.—( Heir, hear.) What had been done npos, that subject e Jest as with respect to the Ecclesias tical Commission, literally nothing. Upwards of two months age he (the Noble and Learned Lord) felt it to be liO; duty to call the most serious attention of the House to the :nine of business in the Court of Chancery. There .wire no Court, there were no proceedings in any Court to :viliell this recommendation of her Majesty's iVlinisters so str ongTy applied as to the Court of Chancery.—( Hear, 1 ' '.l, •at)—aod he had brought that case under their considera . tioii. He had *stated whai, the immense arrear of business wag in that Court. hle had stated what remedy was re :faired. He had'eende use of the term with regard to the t hate of that Court, that it was grievous and intolerable. His Noble and Learned Friend, the Master of the Rolls, t :,:iiii those were strong terms, but that they were not strong r enor ee igh to denote and to describe the extent of the evil. i ._.(hear, hear.) It was impossible to form any ade quate idea of the cruelties of this system, unless attention was directed to the details of some particular case. If their Lordships would do that, they would then find how 4 individttals and how families were ruined, and their proepecte blighted by the extent of this evil. It was not to be' supposed for a moment that he was ascribing any thing improper to the Learned Judges of that e eCceirt.—( Hear, hear.) They were persons faithful 'hni fee the discharge of their respective duties, and vigor ? A1t,,,, active, and able men; but there was no power to 4 co p e witi%the evil, because the force of the Court for that purpose was not sufficient. That was admitted by every w.; and when he brought that measure forward, he stated e plan fjr the purpose of remedying the evil which he ilielerstood to have been assented to by the Noble and i Learned Lord on the Woolsack, by her Majesty's Minis ' ters, and by his Noble and Learned friend opposite. He understood, moreover, that their Lordships had had .orncthing like a pledge that some Bill would have i becn . brought in during th e p resent Session for remedying thie hf intolerable ehil. It was stated by the Noble and Leereed Lord on the Woolsack, that he Lord L.) bad not gene far enough with his plan, but that ho was willing 1 t:, try what Ire had proposed towards remedying the evil. i Nevertheless, frog that time to this, their Lordships had f heard nothing whatever from her Majesty's Ministers upem hat subject. They had not touched this intolerable 1 grievance. The speedy administration of justice was stated I re her Majesty's Speech to be a subject of the first im- I poi-ranee. The attention of her Majesty's Ministers was c directed to it. The House had a kind of pledge that it would be immediately attended to ; but from that time to this, no step had been taken to carry that pledge into ; rffect.—( liver, hear, hear.) But it might be said that Minisfers had been engaged upon other labours 1 for a reform of the law, and for an administration ' of justice more speedy and certain. He looked around in viin for any of the fruits and results of such labours, if te rt el, labours there had been.---(Cheers.) He found no -41:ili had been introduced into this House or had passed the two Houses of Parliament. There had been, indeed, a • Bill which had been lingering through the other House of ' r rea t lliament for three Sessions, with respect to Bankrupt Estates in Scotland, and to which no objection was made. • There bed also been a Bill for the purpose of increasing the alaries of the Judges and of making some alterations in , ' tho Supreme Courts in Scotland ; but neither of those Mlle applied to the subject adverted to in her Majesty's i • • epeecl i , and with respect to the administration of justice in England, all was a perfect blank. No step had been taken to redeem the pledge.—( Hear, hear.) The t very Ministers who at that time declared this was t; a subject of the, first importance had done nothin g t o re medy this great evil. Seeing the Noble Baron ( Lord Holland) on the Woolsack, he reminded him (Lord Lynd ; horst) that this supineness had extended itself to every pro ee ye ceedin The Noble Baron had directed a proceeding tars g. ago, to inquire the s!ate of the Revenues ' of t the Duchy of Lancaster. A Commienioner went down s, ' for the the purpose of . making inquiries, but no report had i be enrnade—nothi n o• had been done, and the matter now stow; precis l ' e: eyas it had been before.—(Hear, hear.) He had now s go; ; re e throu g h successively those four heads of her Majesty's pledges were, and He had stated what the promises and he had shewn what the performance of theca, or rather the was thenth•e inference to be drawn from , absence of all performance, letten. What iN nist had this? Her Majesty's len , drawn , of the Session, had ers, at the commencement out in form a state- ! ment of what measures they thought the interests of the 'country required. They ad stated in substance, by being parties to the speech from Throne, that the country had a right to expect fsrhomoth/tu vigorous and able d be carried into efh Administration those measures fect, but ant one of them had been a u c hear.) They had, by pursuing thi:cuticoPlished..--e pronounced e flear, e u r t sstill con. i tteir d pwn condemnation. They had promniouourisnsetc'ed judgment able upon themselves ; and yet those very of sa.)grTeaut firmed to hold the reins of GovernmentLwoiuticiochee being r to guide the vessel of the State.-_( undertake the management of the affairs e mpire, without having the vigour, the capacity, or po s . session Parliament of the confidence -of to carry on those measures which were for the benefit of the State, was considered by the Constitution of this realm as a high misdemeanour.—(Cheers.) It was considered as a course of proceeding which rendered the persons g ig of it liable to be impeached; and yet this was the course which had been pursued by her Majesty's present , Minisfers.—( Renewed cheers.) Thus much as to the measures referred to in her Majesty's Speech from the Throne. But her Majesty's Ministers found it was neces sary to attempt something—something to captivate a per, tion at least of their followers; a nd it occurred to them that nothi n g was so well adapted to that purpose, as some measure upon the subject of general edu. catitm—a. measure of the first importance, and deeply int erea ti eg to t h e we lf are o f I, is country.-- (Cheers.) What chi;: se would an r enlightetlf.' straight-forward set of 111 - d, 11131 e, and anaters have pursued with respeL e ~ t, 0 . 11" is important subject? They had an example set !MI liYr^!l to them by his Noble and Learned Friend 1 opposite (Lord Brougham) who had pursued the very course he was about to point out. The only course that t could have been legitimately applied to a subject of this magnitude was to have presented a Bill to Parliament upon it, and to have given time for the ample consideration of t i, not only in Parliament, but out of door s.—( That That was the course which a manly and an able and s t ra i g htf or ward Government would have purs ued. that course did not correspond with th e character, the feeling., or the habits of her Majesty's Ministers.— (Cheers.) They thought it better to lewe the Wain high. road and to deviate into those bye-paths which they were constantly pursuing in the a dministration of' their Government. Abusing the confidence which their Lordships had placed in them and in the other House of Parliament, they procured, by a bare majority of two, a vote for the appointment of a Committee to superintend this great national subject; and this policy was pursued for the obvious purpose of excluding their Lordships from deliberating upon this all-important question.—( Cheers.) Looking at the composition of , their Lordships' House, did he say too much when he asserted there was no Assembly better calculated to dis cuss, to consider, and to advise upon the great subject of national education than the House of Peers of this realm ? —( Much cheering. ) And yet the policy, the little policy he would call it, of her Majesty's Ministers was to ex clude their Lordahips' House from all deliberation upon it, and to proceed upon a vote of the other House. There the Committee was appointed, and of whom did it consist ? There was her Majesty's Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Noble Viscount at the head of the Board of Works, who conduete:i the business of that House ; the Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment ; and, as a matter of course, the President of the Council. This was the Board of Instruction tha'. was to form plans and schemes for the superin tendence of this national education. He entertained the greatest personal respect for those individuals ; but be thought he might say they were not precisely that body and description of persons, that would have been selected by the nation, or by any individual interested in this sub ject, for the conduct and management of a system of this description.—( Hear, hear.) By their very first act, their very first publication, it was seen that one of the Members at least of that Board was totally ignorant of the terms of the act to which he had applied himself. They published a scheme, little worth in itself, he admitted, which was circulated throughout the country, and which met with universal reprobation—( Hear, hear)—not in England alone, but in the Northern parts of this island ; and so strong was the feeling on this subject, that although the Noble Viscount gave the General Assembly 300 livings, that body had come to an unanimous determination against this system of education.—(Cheers.) Their Lordships had thought it their duty to address the Throne upon this, not because they had been treated with indignity by her Majesty's Ministers, but because they had thought that upon this subject of all others they ought to have been consulted, and to have formed a part of the body by whom this question was to be decided. He rejoiced their Lord ships had done so, for this reason, that they had now disco vered what the designs and intentions of her Majesty's Mi nisters really were. It might have been considered that this Committee was to have been a mere transient body only to dispose of the small loan of 30,0001. voted by the other House of Parliament; but the answer which the Noble Viscount had advised to that address had told their Lordships the system was permanent, be cause the proceedings of that Committee were to be an nually laid upon the table of both houses of Parliament.— ( Hear, hear.) They had established, then, by a vote of the House of Commons alone, a permanent system for the superintendence of the education of the people of this country. With respect to the other part of the answer to the address which had been advised by the Noble Viscount, it was a mockery—( Hear, hear) —although he could hardly suppose it was so intended. Their Lordships come plained that they were not consulted with respect to this system, and that they had bad no opportunity of exercising a judgment upon it. What did the Noble Viscount tell them in answer—Oh I you shall have ample opportu nities of exercising a judgment upon it, because the pro ceedings of the Board will be laid on your table. Such an answer was a sneer and a mockery, though it could hardly be expected to have been intended to be so by the Noble Viscount. He passed, then, from this subject to another of no inconsiderable importance. This was a measure of legislation by the one House of Parliament, of which, in deed, they had precedents, but precedents drawn from 1 times of tumult and disorder, such as he should hardly suppose the Noble Viscount would be desirous of seeing again. He would come now to the subject of Colonial policy. The Jamaica House of Assembly had done what they thought they were entitled to do—what they had done on more occasions than one, and obtained their end. They addressed the Crown, and at the same time passed a resolu tion, stating they would proceed to no work of legislation except with respect to cases of absolute necessity, until an answer was obtained to that addresa. They were imme diately prorogued. They were kept under prorogation, and never afterwards had an opportunity of proceeding to business. What did her Majesty's Ministers advise? An answer to that Address ? An explanation ? Any communication of any description ? Nothing whatever of that sort, but a Bill for annihilating the Constitution of Jamaica.—( Hear.) He said a Bill for annihilating and abolishing the Constitution of Jamaica, because, though it was a Bill to be in operation only for five years, yet every. body who knew anything of that island knew that to sus pend the Constitution there for five years was to annihi late it for ever.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") That Bill was too strong for the House of Commons. A reformed House of Commons could not with any faco consent to abolish a Representative Assembly in one of our Colo nies. The Bill upon the second reading was carried by a majority of only 5. It was then considered that the mea sure was lost, which, in fact, and in substance, it was. What was the course then pursued by her Majesty's Ministers? They stated that, in their opinions, they no longer pos sessed the confidence of the House of Commons, they never had possessed the confidence of their Lordships' House, and with respect to the confidence of the people, they felt they no longer possessed that. They tendered their resignations, which were accepted. The history of the few days subsequent to that event he should pass over, because it formed no part of what he intended to bring before their Lordships. He passed it over also, because the whole subject had been so fully laid before their Lord ships by the Noble Duke, and also in such a masterly manner by his Noble and Learned Friend opposite, that the recollection of the whole must be fresh in the minds of all their Lordships, and he should be afraid to impair the effect of that by any thing he might now say upon it. But there was one thing which he must observe, as connected with this. Her Majesty's Ministers tendered their resignations, their resignations were accepted, and they declared that they held office only till their successors were appointed. Communications commenced for forming another Administration. While those communications were proceeding, and before they had terminated, those Ministers, who held office only until their successors could be ap pointed, interposed—advised her Majesty—dictated notes —took part in the proceedings—and themselves were the negotiators.—( Hear, hear.) The outgoing Ministers car ried on the negotiations with their supposed successors. The result was this, that those Ministers who held their office only until their successors should be appointed ad vised her Majesty to reinstate them in their office.— ( Much cheering and laughter.) He would say they gave that advice, because that was the constitutional and legal effect of the course of the proceeding, and the result. Such a course of proceeding never before appeared in the history of England, and he trusted in God it never would, under •any circumstances, occur again.—(Hear, hear.) The first act of this new Government, then, was to draw :2n a Cabinet Minute, false and unconstitutional in its cha racter, which could only be equalled by its folly and ab surdity.—( Hear, hear.) They had before declared that they had lost the confidence of the house of Commons ; they had lost the confidence of the people ; they never had had the confidence of their Lordships ; and he would ask, when they re-accepted office, what they had done to replace themselves iu the confidence of the other House of Parlia ment ?—( Hear, hear.) That to which he had just re ferred, as well as all the circumstances of their case, tended only to lower them still further in estimation, and so far from increasing confidence in them, they must have tended still further to weaken and to degrade them.—(Cheers.) But it was necessary to make an experiment, and what was it ? A second Jamaica Bill was introduced, and what was the effect of it ? Why, that it was necessary to continue certain laws that were about to expire. The Bill was drawn up and introduced with that object ; but other clauses were introduced into it which made it equally pernicious, but which being objected to were abandoned. That Bill, on the second reading, passed the House of Commons by a majority of ten ; so that when they had a majority only of five, they considered they had lost the confidence of the House of Commons ; but when they got up to a majority of ten, tey then ventured to suppose they had recovered that confidence ; but still they felt their situation uncomfortable and uneasy—some thing was necessary to be done. They seemed to have looked about for an opportunity of doing something to retrieve their position with a party in the other House, and tile question that occurred to them was the question of the Ballot.—(Hear, hear.) No measure could have in volved a question of deeper importance.—( Hear.) Aft er the passing of the Reform Bill it became a measure of the deepest importance that could have been proposed to Par . liament, and if ever there was a measure in reference to which the Government ought to have acted, it was that.— ( Cheers. ) The opinion of the Government was known ; but it was thought this question of the Ballot might assist in enabling them to recover a little of their lost confi dence in the other House, and so they agreed to make it an open question—a most shabby proceeding this was. The object was to gain some additional votes in the House of Commons ; but when the question came for considera tion and discussion, and when one of the leading Members of the Cabinet let .oat the secret that he had voted for making it an open question because he thought it the most effective way of defeating it, then wasdts s_habbines sur passed by its hypocrisy and its decepttrdhaateter. s He th ou ght he need not cong ratulate the Noble Viscount on lsecondJamaica having gained any acc ession of strength by the course h e had pursued on that occasion. When the tßimillehnaodtpaassseidngtlhee Bill9th o o f f J t u h l e y had arrived, consequence had and up to that p pa as ss se e d d, t i h t w rm a ig s h tru b e o , hetthHNoluusteiny sof ß P d trl t ia h m e enlnt.demTnhiteyy Bill,had some money Bills of the ordinary course and character, and 12 or 14 \ Bills, some of which were to amend former Bills, and others t o continue former enactments, but all trifling and unimportant, to which no opposition could or would be made in either House of Parliament. Such was the state done_ the ssbioenLweasia of things at that period , and still the table was cowed with Bills, and it became necessary to inquire what was to be Government deter ques tion was whet course should be taken ? He found by the a i d n vancing to its close, and the and for the Registwraastioan Billo lama. ;o abandon measure after measure. Therehis hand, i that upon that inti mationdoned. The Fictitious Votes Electors c t t he ors R i n eg ( i tc r o a t t la C :d of)— Voters n - i measure of great importance— (Scotland), admitted to be a of Rates (Scotland)—at em d e , i ( e a d l F land)—abandoned. The Heritable Securities 'te l t The Payment eg i tra (Scotland tioe ( Sc)ol eisaedeued. The Distriz Sessions—also abandoned. ._ The District Prisons—abandoned. The Town Councils —abandoned. The Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues —abandoned. The Church Discipline, which went down from that House—abandoned. The Factories Bill, which bad been frequently discussed, and was admitted to be a measure of great importance to the interests of humanity —abandoned. The Collection of Rates—abandoned. The Summary Jurisdiction—abandoned. The County Courts—abandoned. The Bankruptcy Courts (Ire land), and a great many others, were abandoned because her Majesty's Minister., not having vigour or energy, and not possessing the confidence of the other House, felt it impossible to carry them during the present Session. But there was another measure on which he had no doubt, at the close of the Session, no inconsiderable reliance would be placed by the present Govern. ment—he meant the Postage Bill. That Bill had been ridiculed by the retainers of Government ; it had been abused and was said to be impracticable, and that forcible argu ment had been urged—" Will you abandon a million of revenue ?" All that had been urged by the retainers and some of the leaders of Government for a long period. However, the measure was pressed on them, and because the Government had not the power, and did not post , 8; suf ficiently the confidence of the House to be able to resist it, contrary to their better judgment, they were obliged to introduce the Bill. What eras the next step ? With their characteristic dexterity they tried to get rid of it by a side. wind, and it occurred to the Chancellor of the Exchequer that if he could introduce a clause which would render it distasteful to the House they would reject it, and that was a clause to make good any deficiency in the revenue. That clause was resolutely and zealously opposed in the House of Commons, because that House, as such, was pledged to make good any deficiency, and in spite of that artifice—that dexterous manoeuvre, the Bill passed through the House. The cry then was—" All our hope is in the Lords—the Lords never will allow the revenue to be diminished." Now, it was a remarkable circumstance that when the Bill came into that House the opposite ( Government) benches were thinner than at any other period. But that was not all. The Noble Viscount who introduced the Bill, and also moved the second reading (and he should never forget the Noble Viscount's speech) used all his ingenuity, and talent, and knowledge of the world to defeat it. He did not use a single argument in the course of his speech in favour of the Bill, but merely said, as it was wished for, he moved its second reading. His ( Lord Lyndhurst's) side of the House felt that as it was a measure of finance it would not be right in them to share the responsibility of rejecting it, and therefore re luctantly the Bill passed and became law. So much there- fore as to that great measure. In pursuing the course he had chalked out for himself,there was another measure which he felt it his duty to allude to—the Bill for the Suppres sion of the Slave Trade. When it was introduced into the liousc of Commons, he (Lord Lyndhurst) had diligently read it, and also all the treaties of that country with Por tugal, and the communications that had taken place be tween the Ministers of both countries, and be had come to the conclusion that Portugal had violated her engagements with that country ; that she had no intention to fulfil them, and he found also that the Ministers were full) aware of these circumstances two years ago, and yet they had never felt it their duty to call on Portugal to fulfil her engagements. Had they blockaded Lisbon, or adopted any other decisive means, they might have long since compelled their fulfilment, and the consequence would be, that the lives of thousands of those unhappy persons who had fallen victims to this inhuman traffic would have been saved, and they would have had a straightforward and de termined course, instead of the very doubtful one which the Noble Viscount had introduced. Therefore, he gave them no credit whatever for the measure they had intro duced on that subject. He had now brought them to a very advanced period of the Session—the month of Au gust—when a number of Bills were suddenly brought in, some of them mischievous and unconstitutional, others of a jobbing character, but many of them harmless, and which met with no opposition. They appeared as if introduced to make up in number what was wanting in efficiency or value —( Hear, hear.) Was he expressing himself too strongly ? There was first, the Municipal Police Bill, which conferred a patronage of 54,000/. on the Secretor) of State for the Home Department, and he would ask their Lordships whether that was not of au unconstitutional cha racter, when it abolished trial by jury in certain cases, and in particular descriptions of offences. It vested all power in a Magistrate paid by the Crown, appointed by the Crown, and dismissible by the Crown at pleasure. Such was the fruit of the Reformed House of Commons. That 13111 had been sent up to their Lordships, who had most wisely and constitutionally, in his ( Lord Lyndhurst's) opinion. struck out the appointment of these Magistrates by the Crown. Another Bill, to which the attention of their Lordships had been directed, was the increase of the salary of the Judge of the Admiralty Court to 4,000/., and by which one of the most strenuous partizans and supporters of the present Government had a seat secured to him in the other House. Their Lordships had very properly rejected that measure. Then there was ono of the most scandalous jobs that had ever been presented to the consideration of ' their Lordships—he alluded to the sale of Spirits ( Ire land) Bill. It appeared that a Bill had been introduced into the other llouse for mere electioneering purposes, and that Bill, being distasteful to the House of Commons, and no chance of its passing, what course was advisable to be adopted ? The Chancellor of the. Exchequer had a Bill relating to the sale of spirits in Ireland, as he had ob. served, and that Bill having passed through its various stages up to its third reading, then it was that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer allowed the person who had charge of and had introduced the other, to engraft the whole of its provisions in the Sale of Spirits Bill ; and it was thus passed by as base a contrivance as bad ever oc curred in the history of legislation. It was un necessary for him to add 'that the trick was dis covered, and the Bill thrown out by their Lord ships. The object was evidently to conciliate the patron of the former Bill on the Bank of Ireland Bill, but shabbiness of that kind always failed, and it failed signally in that instance, for when the measure rela tive to the Bank of Ireland came on, that person turned round and assailed it, although it was a measure of so much importance, that a Government should have rather retired from office than see themselves defeated on it. The other Bills were merely the sweepings of the office, anti were dealt out like cards by the-Noble Marquis, who ap peared to have superseded all the others, and to take upon himself all the duties and the business of the Government. Such was the history of the Government proceedings during the present Session. But there were three Bills, some of which were still before their Lordships, that called for some observation—he meant the Manchester, Bolton, and Birmingham Police Bills. Why, he would ask, were these measures to be passed in Parliament?—because the Ministers in granting Charters to these towns had been so careless and indifferent to the validity of these charters that they were utterly useless, and were now under the consideration of the Courts of Law. These Bills, there fore, were necessary in consequence of the bungling of the Ministers themselves, and they were not entitled to take any praise for having introduced them. But unfortunately they had become necessary for other purposes, and on ac count of the tumults and disturbances that had taken place in the northern parts of the island, for which he considered that Ministers were completely and entirely responsible.— ( Hear, hear.) It was they first roused the people—it was they first sent forth the watch-word, " agitate, agitate, agi. tate !" It was they who were responsible for the consequences of that agitation which they had found so convenient up to a certain point, and so necessary to maintain them in power —they wished the flood to roll's° far and no farther, and that there the proud waves should be stayed. But, in cases of this kind, it was much easier to let loose the tempest than to enchain or direct it afterwards. In every period of the worlo's history the same results had followed. Ambitious men had made use of the multitude for their own purposes and to promote their own objects. They were raised into power on the shoulders of the people, and then when tumults and violence ensued, and they were firmly seated in power, it became necessary that the people should be discountenanced, coerced, and restrained, and then their deluded followers found out, for the first time, that they had been the dupes and the victims of these who had on former occasions been prodigal of praise and fine promises. The present Government was in that position. They could all remember that proceeding, when the Noble Lord at the head of the Home Department received an address from 150,000 men assembled in the neighbour. hood of Birmingham. With what affected humility, for " Lowliness is young ambition's ladder," did the Noble Lord receive that address. lie was utterly undeserving of it ; lie was full of gratitude for the honour they had done him, and then the Noble Lord drew a pa rallel between the proceedings of that meeting and their Lordships' proceedings, which all must recollect, designat ing the one as the voice of a nation, and the other as " the whisper of a faction." Were they astonished at the re sults? They were only those which might naturally be expected to flow from the proceedings of the Government, and he ( Lord Lyndhurst) would have been much more as tonished if it had been otherwise. lie bad now gone through the business of the Session, so far as his recollection served him. lie had executed his task with plainness and sim plicity, as had been always his habit, and he trusted he had done, it with scrupulous accuracy, and without the slightest exaggeration_ ; and he now. put it to their Lordships to say whether a Ministry which had thus conducted itself in matters of legislation for the last eight months, could be said to enjoy the confidence ;of Parliament or of the country—whether they were capable of conducting the affairs of that mighty empire in - a manner suitable to its wants and necessities, and in a manner which the people were entitled to expect from them as Ministers of the Crown ? He was confident as to what would be the verdict of their Lordships. He had now discharged his task—he had discharged it to the best of his ability, and he would conclude by moving for a return of the Bills which had come up to the House of Lords since the commencement of the present Session, with the dates at which they had been respectively brought up. The Noble and Learned Lord had sat down amidst loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheering, from the Op position side of the House. Viscount MELBOURNE said the Noble and Learned Lord had delivered himself of his usual criminal charge at the end of a Session, and after enumerating all the cir cumstances of the Session, he said he left the whole mat ter to their Lordships' judgment and for their decision, but he brought it forward in such a shape as to preclude them from coming to any dec:si.m upon it. It was brought forward, and the Noble and Learned Lord did not deny that his real meaning and object was to foster any discon tent that might be found in the country with the conduct of Ministers—it was to make out a case against them ; and possibly th e N o bl e and Learned Lord had some hope thereby to raise himself in the esteem of his fellow-subjects. He might be able to show that they were unfit to hold the reins of Government—he might succeed in showing they were unfit for power—all that ho xnight be able to do, lout as to obtaining for himself any credit in the country— as to his gaining character or confidence for hin,self oriany that party which! followed him, should they by ar y unfor tunate chance he recalled to power, if he had ten times the at ,i l i t i e; ,—if his eloquence were ten times more poweifil, he would -utterly fail in effecting so herculean and impos sible a task. He said the Ministers were unable to govern, to conduct the business of the country, and he then re fe; r2d to what had fallen from the Noble-Duke opposite when the 'Reform Bill was under consideration, viz. if' the TILE SUN, LNDON, SATURDAY. AUGUST 24. iF39, Bill passed bow were they to govern the country ? Now he apprehended the Noble Duke did not apply the question in the same sense as the Noble and Learned Lord. The Noble Duke did not intend to confine himself to the mere passing of laws, for Parliament had much more to do than that. They were called together for other purposes, and although many Bills had not passed into law and ninny matters remained unredressed, still it could not properly be said, nothing had been done. They were called to gether to consider the Estimates for the Public Service — to retrench where there was extravagance, and to assist the Crown with those subsidies and supplies with which t thought proper to arm it all that bad been done, and, therefore, because many laws had nst been passed, it could nut be said that the business of the country had not been done; besides, they had passed many Acts - and Statutes — quite enough to form a plentiful harvest of Acts and Statutes next Session. The Noble and Learned Lord then alluded to the principal subjects mentioned in the Speech from the Throne. 'fee main question—the one he put in the front of the battle, was that one which had been so much discussed during the last three or four years—the Municipal Corporations (Ireland) Bill, and he said it was the fault of the Government that that Bill was not now the law of the land. He could only say that the reason why that Bill had not passed was the altera tions which their Lordships had made under the de nomination of amendments, and with which they had encumbered the Bill. He had been most liberal in his charges, and he charged him (Lord M.) with inconsistency in language, so foul and abusive that he would not attempt to imitate him. With regard to the freemen's clause in that Bill, he could only say that previously the Government had not been aware of the artful manner in which that clause had been drawn up ; snd, with respect to the nomination of Sheriffe, he ( Lord M.) certainly thought that something should be deferred to the present circumstances and feeling of Ireland. The Grand Jury clauses most undoubtedly lost the Bill. The Government eere not chargeable with delay in bringing in the Bill. It had not become law because of the difference of opinion between the two Houses of Parliament, which he trusted could speedily be aliberemoved, t a h n e d g a re n at en a d nx pt i t e t ty to w t h .h i e ch qu h e a s d been 'ion. felt er o e u s s pe - of m He g the Canad a quest i on. H e had ta lk e d et' Peers i hastening up f rom t h e country to li sten nur :o the expected debate on that question. That they were disappointed was not his fault. With respect to the great question itself, it had already been clearly explained why he Government thought it neither wise nor prudent to pro ceed with it in the present Session, and certainly there had been no great or loud expression of opinion. He did not remember that they had been urged to bring or press the question to a decision. It was too much, then, for the Noble and Learned Lord to cosao down, and in the speech with which he usually favoured their Lordships as a wind up of the Session, to make that a matter of complaint. rhey were then charged with not having carried out the recammendations of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. No doubt, by the pressure of public business, the Government had not been able to press the Bill for that purpose. They were very desirous that the Bill should become law, and would proceed with it early next Session. The next charge was for not having carried measures for the better admi nistration of justice. There again the pressure of public business had compelled them to pause; but had the Noble and Learned Lord some two or three years ago been as anxious to do away with the abuses in the Court of Chan cery, which were then as great us now, he might have embraced the opportunity then offered him. On the con trary, the Noble and Learned Lord was then the leader of chose who rejected that Bill upon the second reading; he would not then even go into Committee on it, where it might have been considered otherwise a remedy for the evils which were not now greater than at that time, or a remedy might have been applied. The Noble and Learned Lord then said there were many other measures which were not mentioned in the Speech from the Throne, and emongst the foremost he placed the celebrated ono of sducation. He ( Lord M.) entirely denied that the Go. vernment had any intention of showing the slightest dis respect to the House of Lords in their manner of treating that question. They had taken that course which they had a perfect right to follow. They had obtained a grant of money from the other House of Parliament for a purpose which was admitted to be one of a great and useful nature, and the Government applied it by those means which they had in their power. They applied it by the power of the prerogative of the Crown, as the best means in their power. The Noble and Learned Lord adverted, in no measured terms, to the Jamaica Bill; lie ;aid the Government on t} at occasion were actuated by the very worst of motives. Now he had only to say to those insinuations that they were utterly false, and void of any foundation.—( Hear, hear.) He utterly and entirely denied them, come from what quarter they might. He said that in respect to that question there was on the part of the Government, intrigue. He denied it. Neither was their any management. There .vas nothing that was mean, base, or perfidious in the transaction, and come from what quarter such insinuations might, be (Lord M.) at ence denied and disclaimed them. He did not like to be drawn into the use of strong language, because truth did not require its use, but he disclaimed such insinuations and imputations, as had been so freely thrown upon the Go vernment. He had distinctly stated in that House that when he was sent fur by her Majesty, be conceived that the negotiations with the intended Government were finished and concluded, and upon that understanding he acted, and he was convinced that he acted rightly, fairly, And constitutionally. The Noble Lord then went through the whole case of the second Jamaica Bill. He (Lord M.) was unwilling to detain the House with going through that case again. He had stated his opinion pretty strongly upon it at the time —perhaps too strongly. His opinion was that upon the whole of the Jamaica question snd the Canada question the Government of the country did not receive that support from that House which they had a right to expect, and which the interests of the country ‘lemanded. He thought the interests of the country had been sacrificed upon those questions—he would not say to the feelings or spirit of party, because he would not im pute motives, but the Government was not supported as they had a right to expect if their Lordships had taken a clear and impartial view of the circumstances of the coun try. He knew that feelings were engendered in that House inimical to cool reasoning ; but upon those questions, and the question of the slave trade, he did not think the House had done its duty, and he felt great apprehension that they would not be prepared for the difficulties which such con euct might create. The Government wore then charged with having taken a shabby course on the question of the Ballot—if that conduct deserved the name then no man or Government which shad been in existence During the last 50 years, but must lie under the same imputation. These were the measures advert ed to by the Noble Lord previous to that flight of Bills which were thrown upon them after the 9th of July, the sweepings of the office, as he called them, although he admitted that some of them were useful, and met with favourable observation in that House- The Noble and Learned Lord, however, could let no opportu nity pass, and accordingly he then dealt liberally in his in sinuations, attributing to Government the most worthless, base, and foul motives. Now, in point of character, they were not behind the Noble and Learned Lord, and why, then, should they submit to his insinuations? With respect to the Postage Bill, probably some of the Government may have objected to the hazard of suffering a great loss of the revenue. He did not, however, know when or ',there, but surely upon a question of so much importance, without t hey might fairly give it a re-consideration. The Noble and Learned Lord spoke of the p t u ae l s l s 0 r Was he not aware that there was a pressure also from d urrercA s e nhfib f r nu o er m dt t w n o. i t o ißb u e u t rals, within, and that the first to com mence t h at p res sure was oiie his t the sbsl s uelj e l f y ror • od t m h o e i ow n was party, not a Lord Noble and Learned Lord would not ob. ject to their yielding to Conservative pressure. The great and general feeling in favour of the measure he took to be a good ground for attempting the experiment. The Noble and Learned Lord then insinuated that the Bill had been intro duced in such a shape as must insure its rejection. There was not the slightest foundation for saying so—it was an infe rence drawn from no act of the Government The pro viso in the preamble had been introduced with no other view than the one avowed by them, viz., to provide for any defalcation in the revenue. The Noble and Learned Lord had said the Government had relied with great confidence on their Lordships rejecting the Postage Bill. They might sometimes rely on that with a great deal of certainty sod safety, but he could assure their Lordships it was not relied on in this case.—( Laughter.) The Noble and Learned Lord had stated that that Bill was a matter of revenue, and that he (Lord Melbourne) knew their Lordships had nothing at all to do with it. That was carrying the privileges of the House of Commons beyond what he had ever stated er heard of before ; and to say that their Lordships were to pass every Bill that came up from the Commons, whatever amount of revenue it might sacrifice, or whatever amount of taxes it might impose, was really a doctrine that he hardly expected to hear from the Noble anti Learned Lord. Then the Noble and Learned Lord had asserted that they had introduced a clause in that Bill from certain motives. Undoubtedly it uge slavetrade, and that was the }Measure.—( was only an assertion, and he (Lord Melbourne) could only meet it with a distinct assertion to the contrary, and to state that it was entirely without foundation. Well, 'lien, the Nobl e an d Learned Lord had adverted to the Port of only part o f the Noble and Learned Lord 's speech in which h e concurred, or to which he ha d listened with any degree Laughter.) The Noble and Learned L or d h a d s t a ted very fairly, very justly, and es very boldly, the impression that had been made on his mind be the perusal of the papers, and that this country certainly had a good case against Portugal, but that that ease was as good two years ago as it was now ; and that if they had proceeded to act then, all the horrors and miseries this county that had t a k en p l ace d ur i n g the last two years would have been preve n t e d . H e ( L o rd M. )would not say that they had not conceded too muc h, or that they had not borne to o long with P ortug Y ; considering thal ; but considering. her alliance with commercial uity relations at we fiance ; considering the have h a d w i t h t h at country ; and considering the conn ect i on b etween that country and England , e anyq of th surely some some litt'e delay, surely something of forbearance was to be exercised, and he did not think it was a very wmewhat f urt h er t h an i n strict reason they were justified great fault if t h e G overnm ent had carried that f orbearance in "in* The Noble and Learned Lord bad then re ferred to a number of other Bills, and had with that ad mirable ingenuity, and with all those powers that distin guished him, pat them into classes ; but he (Lord M.) was afraid that he was deficient in many of those qualities which dicitiguished the Noble and Learned Lord, and it would therefore be a very feigning and tiresome task for him to follow the Noble Lord in these classes of measures. The Metropolitan Police Courts Bill wa=, however, parti celarly adverted to. He would not enter into the arguments which the Noble and Learned Lord had put forward on that Bill, and with respect to the insinuation which the Noble and Learned Lord had thrown out, he could only give it the same unqualified denial which lie had given to the other imputations and corrupt moti ves cast on him by the Noble and Learned cen sure betwe en t h e Mi n i sters a nd the House of Commons. Lord. B u t t h e N o bl e an d Learned Lord divided his He was perpetually saying " This is the fruit of a iefornied House of Commons;" and on that point he (Lord M.) hoped to have the assistance of Noble at:? Leaned Friend on his right.—( H e w-, Neer, f, ()el Lord 13 oui, , ,eieru, and laughter.) The Noble and Learned Lord had not only commented on those Bills that had passed, or were before their Lordships, but also on those that had been de bated and lost. He would not. however, enter upon the question of the Summary Jurisdiction 13:11, especially as he felt there would be ample opportunities of discussing that subject, because be was certain that, ere long, some other measure, f ouded on the same principle would be introduced, and he apprehended would some day or other obtain the sanction of their Lordships. The Noble and Learned Lord had also referred to the Bill for reforming the Court of Admiralty, and he ( Lord Melbourne) could not mention that Bill without at once saying, he did think the rejection of the Bill by their Lordships, in the manner in which it was rejected, was one of the most rash and unprovoked acts of power that he ever knew to have been exercised Ile very much lamented that step had been taken. That Bill had been demanded by every person who knew anything of the subject—it was admitted to be right in its main principle, and all the points to which the Noble and Learned Lord had referred, if erroneous, could easily have been remedied upon consideration and deliberation, but he could not help thinking that the politics of the Learned Judge whose name bad been introduced had had something to do with that rash rejection. Well, then, the Noble and Learned Lord who had been very liberal in his imputations of motives and objects, said that the clause introduced into the Sale of Spirits Bill for Ireland was intended to buy the support of a Gentleman.to whom so much allusion was often made, on the Irish Bank. What evidence could the Noble and Learned Lord possi bly have of that? He was perfectly convinced that that was the mere fiction of the Noble and Learned Lord's brain—a mere fancy—a more conjecture, and forming such fancies,and forming such conjectures, was no very favourable specimen or example of the mind in which they were formed. With respect to the Manchester, Birmingham, and Bolton Bills, the Noble and Learned Lord had said these Bills were introduced in consequence of questions having arisen with respect to the charters of those towns, and that they were pro duced in consequence of the bungling of Ministers the m. selves. Why, a legal doubt being entertained with re spect to a charter was no proof that there had been any bungling either in the giving or framing of that charter. When the question with respect to those charters came to be decided, it would be seen whether there had been any bungling or not, but at present he thought it was rather premature for the Noble and Learned Lord to anticipate there had been any error. Thin the Noble and Learned Lord had resorted to the argument which had been so often repeated, that for all the row, for all the tumult, and for all the disturbance in the country, the Government had only to thank themselves. Now he ( Lord Melbourne) contended that if the people were roused, they had been roused by the circumstances of the times—they had been roused by these grievaeces under which they conceived they were suffering, and more pal ticularly they had been roused by the unwise and obsti nate opposition that was given to the redress of those griev ances by the Noble and Learned Lord and those who acted with him.—( Flyer, hear. ) Lord BROUGHAM then rose and said, that having been alluded to by his Noble Friend, who had just sat down, and having been called upon on one or two points to come to his rescue, he could not refrain from one or two observations. He must say, on behalf of his Noble and Learned Friend, with whom he ( Lord B.) was far from agreeing on many points, that it was not true to say this was an annual exacerbation of his Noble and Learned Friend, and that he every year regularly wound up the Session by an attack on the Government ; because this was only the second time, according to his Parliamentary knowledge, that his Noble and Learned Friend had ever brought forward this, in his ( Lord Brougham's) opinion, most useful, wholesome, and necessary summary of the Session.—( Hear, hear.) Useful, wholesome, and neces sary, as often as the Session had proved a fai, lure—useful, wholesome, and necessary, as often as the Government had shown its indolence or incapacity. or both.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) But it did appear to him extraordinary for his Noble Friend to say what he did, having admitted, with his characteristic frankness, that he felt that statement particularly severe—( Laughter) —l.e had said he had not a faint recollection of any one sentence of the speech he came to answer, so that if Noble Friend had only the same power of answering, and of meeting, and of defending himself against the statement that he had of recollecting it, he would, when he came ts reply, have had really a sinecure. But (continued the Noble and Learned Lord) says my Noble Friend he may attack us—he may assail us—he may use the influe,iee o his great authority, his great station in the country, his great talent and public character—he may use all these against us, and the effect may be severe. He may low:•. us, degrade us sink us lower than wo now are in the ep, of Parliament and the coui.try_thAt my Noble Friewi seemed to think a possibility—( Laughter) -and I will as sume for the present that it is possible, and barely possibl,-, I will assume that the Government being in the lowest depth of public estimation, a lower deep still exists.—(Conti nued laughter.) cit so. Yet, says my Noble Friend, how will he raise himself—there is no chance of him rising / —the public may turn their backs on us, Parle-meat may distrust us, the people may scorn us, but how will the Noble and Learned Lord, who helps to incroase, if pa... sible, this scorn, how will he ever gain any confidence ie the public—any trust from the public—any respect front the people for him, and the Noble Duke, and those who act with him? Lord MEL BOURNE—I did not say the Noble Duke. Lord BROUGHAM—Those who act with him. I will show presently why he did not say the Noble Duke. But he said, you will not gain one item of the confidence we shall have lost. Now, what have they done since the 7th of May, in the year of grace 1839? What have they done since to forfeit any confidence—to lose any respect they had—to have abandoned any position in the public mind which they have formerly been suffered ,e occupy ? On the 7th of May they had a eeHticate political character; not only a certificate, bin. a riwitivc approval. It was not that the QUe , ll meant to eitae_e- h servants, and had sent for a character :e my Nee', Friend, but it was that my Noble Friend e goto i „ .0 leave the service in which he then was, and be e them a character, and rccommended l'netn to the Qe as her men servants.—( Laughter. ) That's wha:. Noble Viscount did on the 7'h of Moe. He never could have dreamt of going out, if there was no otter party to come in; he never could have recommit (I d the Crownto send for them, if he knew they had not an atom of honour, respect, or esteem of Parliament or the people._. Why did he recommend them to form a Government? Why did he go out, that they might come in, and and why did he advise his Mistress to send for them ? The Noble and Learned Lord then proceeded to say, that he made those observations in the first place for the purpose of doing justice to his Noble and Learned Friend who had been unjustly treated by the Noble Viscount, and for the purpose of preventing it going abroad that that was the state of party and public feeling in the country. But be perceived the Noble Viscount enjoyed that opinion which he had expressed exclusively, for he had not heard a cheer from any of his Noble Friends near him. Respecting that very sanguine, warm, and somewhat violent state ment of his Noble Friend, that the Tory or Conservative party were almost reduced to a state of annihilation, why, they had the confidence of all, but a majority in the House of Commons. He was sorry it was so. He wished that the Reform party were in a little more flourishing condition than they were at present. Tney were by no means in that flourishing, state described by his Noble Friend, for they had but a bare existence, not withstanding they had the Royal favour to strengthen them, and the tenure of office for four years. Lord MELBOURNE —Eight years. Lord BROUGHAM said he would come to that pre sently. His Noble Friend need not be under an appre hension that he would forget anything.—( A laugh.) But then their Lordship's House was something in the Govern ment of the country, more especially as his Noble Freed had admitted in distinct terms, which he ( Lord Brougham) would not be disposed to do, for the purpose of one of his arguments, that that House was a fair representative of the people of this country. Lor3 MELBOU RN E A favourable representative. Lord BROUGHAM was sorry tsai communicae on had not been made in a more confidentiel manner, for he was afraid the Noble Viscount would lose some of his supporters by that statement. Some of th r supportere o f the Government were constantly blaming the Lords. If they passed a good law, it was said they were forced to it ; if they changed their opinions it was not a stride to reason, but a stride to fear ; if they even altered their sentiments it was said they were eating their own words; and thus the holding up the Lords to ridicule in come cases, to scorn in others, and to detestation and execration in others, was the daily food with which the appetite of the people was pampered by those who, out of doors, supported the Government..— ( Hear, hear.) But now, so opposite a view did he take of the aristocracy of the country, and so candid and just a view did he take of the attributes of their Lordships, that he absolutely stated they were too favourable a specimen of the people of this country. His Noble Friend was now of the obstructive rather than of the movement party. They were for standing still, or moving at so slow a pace that their motion was almost imperceptible. His Noble Friends, and those with whom they acted, had lately dis covered what they called the doctrine of finality---( A laugh)—they were for keeping things in their present state—they were for resisting further Parliaineetary Re. form, whatever faults might be discovered—they were wily for mending the slightest patches of their system which might require amendment, and they were for standing where they now were. But whether that was their system or not their Lordships were upon it. His Noble Friend had no reason to complain of them, nor had the Noble Duke. They governed by deputy. Their deputy was his Noble Friend, who had, Session by Session, been keeping matters as they were, obstructing changes, setting his face against ail changes; so that if the Noble and Learned Lord and the Noble Duke had had the reins of power in name as they had the power of the Government in substance during these two years, exercising it by Viceroy under them, they could not have played the Con servative game more perfectly to the heart's content of the Tory party.—( Hear, hear.) Then, was it rot hard that his Noble and Learned Friend should, at the end of the Session, when gratified to his heart's content, take the course which he had done ? What had they done to de serve all this? Quid meruistes oves, placidum pecus, Vita potius quam morte juvantes. Better that they should live, better that Ministers should survive, infinitely better, than that they should be put an end to at once, and that the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, and the Noble Duke, should come into power, which they would find too hard to hold, when they would be compelled to give the reforms and improvements which the present men would uot give if they could, but could not give If they would. If the Tory party were in stalled to. morrow, they would have the power of making improvements in the country which the present men had not. Their advent to power would be hailed by the friends of improvement and liberal principles, in comp,ar.son of a continuance of a Government, which partly could not give if they would, but Partly had'refused to give eve n what the y eould: The Nobl e Viscount had told their Lordships that upon one subject intimately connected with these ..c:pic'6, be mint haw,. his 131-or 4gairist his Noble and .~ j }. .i. himself that that should be the case, aid he woole new redeem that pledge. He ( Lord B.) thought nothing could be more unfair to the Reform Bill, nothing less just end and candid towards the Constitution of Parliameat. as amended and existing tinier the great oationel re. aim of public improvement, than the view taken ..y Noe., and Learned Friend_a view wholly unworthy of his powerful, sagacious, and enlightened mind. First, he (Lord B.) denied that the wished for reform was the consequence of any agitation set agoing by the Go vernment of the day. No such attempt was made by the Go vernment. He knew and he spoke it, for his Noble Friend at the head of the Home Department had more than his colleagues the public peace on his hands—he knew that if there was a man in that Govern went who objected to sty schemes for popular excitement and agitation it was his Noble Friend ; be knew that he himself joined hi., Noble Friend in this House in erelea vouring to put down the notion of some of these popul fr proceedings being lawful, and gave his opinion that the, were unlawful when called upoe by th• late Learned Chief Justice of the Court of King's Benen. —(Hear, hear ) Every thing was done that Government to pur doe. popular proceedings in the bad sense of the word, hainel,, • such popular proceedings as could not stand safely together with the peace of the country, and a proclamation wa, issued declaring the danger the people would rue and tie risk they would incur of their liberties and lives be fe ing in these meeting , . He should not hav: , le - ee sery. holding that the worst of all things tor reform andi,nprove meat was popular excess, that the worst of all things for : ilc interests of the people was popular violence—he sn , u l " not have been sorry to have seen a proclaneeioe isee now, warning the people against the practice of aeneg —( Hear, hear)—a practice which might be attended consequences the most mieht t:; the most frightful.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The ..:et arming and collecting arms was far prima Pere illegal, that it cast the proof in defence en ihe pa , 'Y charged, and the accusing party were not bound to p.Jve that the purpose was unlawful. It ea, as feet: let mg in war, it was near an overt act of hige n s'J;; Their Lordships would not understand him T. , say that tl was illegal for a man to purchase arms i i his private (1,• fence, but it was to arming en masse that he nlluded. far as to the agitation charged on the authors of the Referei Bill. Now as to its fruit=. He a ,,., ee l with his Friend behind him, tiee., much of the egitetion , vas to this House. Night alter night their Lordship were told the people did not cave for ReFoece, and every speech of that soft wocluced a new meeting and a um petition, and their Lordships threw oet the Bill, niakiit the agitation stronger. fie clifi not the.k it fen- to sate;' t' all the error. wieeh had been eceeelee ott tiro Reign: Bill. He nevf:r f-An Biil of its having produced bad fruits in the yesrs I 833 ec 1834: and during. the year 1835 there very tittle (ea - a elaint, But during the years 1836, 1837, 1838. and 1839, he wa aware that it had produced no fruits. It was nut the NIL af the seed which was sawn—it w , ss not the fault of the plant which was reared—it was not the fault of the soil, the hearts of the people of England—hut it was the faul, of those who had the charge of the garden in which it grew, and the culture of the plant, which ought to b. there flourishing ; it was the fault of the Government that it yielded no fruit ; they had stricken it with sterility— they had stunted its growth, they had plucked off its blossoms as soon as it began to bud and show its fragrance in the air; it was they who would not let the fruit be gathered in at the proper time, to the comfort, the satisfaction, and to the contentment of the good people of this country for whose use it was planted, and in whose gratitude those who planted it continued at this day to flourish. No man said that merely reforming the Parlia. ment would make it work well, if the Government was incapable of doing its duty. It was not to be expected that it would work like a machine, and even that could riot be set going without a director. But here were men so utterly imbecile, that they had lost the confi !once of their own Reformed Parliament, never having had the confidence of this House. It was a little too hard on the part of his Noble Friend to charge the faults of the Go vernment on the Reform Bill. He hoped that his Noble Friend was satisfied with him ( Lord Brougham) and tha , he had redeemed his pledge.—( Laughter.) The Niible and Learned Lord had gone through such a great variety of matters, that he was not disposed to follow him. except to make a remark or two on what had been oiniited to. ' is Noble Friend. He said that the numb, rof Bni. passed iii the Session was no test of the capacity of tote Lea ire, or those who directed its movements, ordinary duty of the Govo,itnknit W. 16 !I,:t to pas, Cli;ji, hut to carry on the old law, te pas. the eo, ry up Addresses, receive iiiisweis, carry on th c -.les of the two Houses of Pa• - hom:' , , sew Legislative ineasuTes aas raft , er lit rule. During pr.,ient S'isiot, 3110001 voted for eilucatioa, '_ltd 70,0001. fur but Qasee's stables—( Laughtec)—trid it Pio wa- er.aee'J ,eiee since of Parliament, according to ,•f gigot Noble aiid Lea , •lii2 , l Lord, to pas, , ) He differod widely front the Noble Lii;xl i Noble Lord had made two InAinu , ,t:o )5 its tote, and mai - I%er against. his Noble tied learned Friend. His ( Lord 13 was to insinuate nothing, but to say what he thought ; art lie meant to charge it as a fact, that, while the late King awl di, late Court existed, the Government, finding no favour wi , h the one, and great hatred with the other, being the sickest Go vernment that ever existed except that of Richard Laughter)—having nothing to rely upon but were exeee.tingly full of profession upon the subject of refO , no and improvement, and there was liothing they would no, ,10 they could; but it was not their fault, because the King v, as not with them, and the House of Lords wa, in battle array against them. This was the constant and uncontradieted state ment made by all the Noble Lord's supporter' through the press, arid at public meetings in England, st eo ti, th i, and Ireland.— (Lord Melbourne here intimated that he kiiew nothing of it. ) The Noble Viscount said he knew nothing of it. Whether that -` I never fitted of it liefGfe," wbethe , it was, '' I :ie ., not bound to know, and iherefere choose to skirt • my eyiS"---. itughier )—he (Lord Brougham) could riot say. The Noble Load awl his colleagues knew that every one of their writers, aei•ry rite of their agitators in Ireland, every one of their cautious essa - ,ists who spoke in Scotland; every pamphleteer, agitator, and dissertator in all par.!s of the country,' spoke of nothing else than that the cow! ',vac against dime, but that when things took aioither I urn tliey would be found as go:xi Rsformers as the people could de s ire. That was the laiigusge continued down to a very recent period. Never was there a word sail of finality duTina the reign of his late gracious master William the Fourth.—( Laughter.) Never was there a word of it until the accession of the present Sovereign, and the beginning of the Parliament, and then came the finality deslara tion, then was it first thought of and first promulgated. The Government went on doing nothing ; the people began to be impatient. Last May they went out of office—and they came in again. He (Lord Brougham) differed with the Noble Viseount in the construction he put on the words of his Noble and Learned Friend, which certainly did not imply that the Noble Viscount had been guilty of anything underhand—that the Noble Viscount affected to go out, meaning to come in— that he instructed the Queen to keep him in—that was not in tended—(" Hear, hear," from Lord Lyndhurst)—but they went out because they said they did not possess the confidence of Parliament, and in less than a week afterwards they came in again, having done nothing in the meantime to gain, or to regain that confidence. And the Queen had since been praised by the partisans of the Ministry, for having " stood by Reform and Liberal principles," for having refused to have anything to do with the Noble and Learned Baron or the Noble Duke opposite. The cry of " The Queen !" was raised everywhere—not certainly much in Scotland, among that pecu liarly cautious and sagacious people—but in Ireland, with all the most extravagant statements that ever proceeded from the wildest human fancy.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) " Re formers,' it was said, " stand by your Queen, for she has stood by you, and has rejected the Duke and the Baronet "—( Laugh ter.) Grateful indeed must the Reformers of England have been, had they been grateful fur what the Government had done. No objection had been made against sending for the Duke, who had declared against all Parliamentary Reform. Th - first thing which the Noble Duke proposed was the send ing for the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth. No objection to him—the paragon of Anti-Reformers—the leader of the Tories —he was sent for—he was most graciouly received. No objection—not the shadow o. the shape of an objection—to any of his measures—no stipulation for th • ad vance of the " .Movement"—no scruples as to one single tittle of the 39 Articles—or the 390—0 f Toryism —of the high, ultra, Tory creed. But—touch a Lady of the Bedchamber—Oh ! ( Laughter.) Then away goes the Noble Duke., away with the Right Hon. Baronet, away with tie' Noble and Learn, bird , opposite.--(Laughter.) " Let me hug to my bosom" (was the language put into the Queen's mouth) those \ limsters who had gone out, because they said they did not possess the eonfidenee of the country—because they were utterly incapable of carry ing on the business of the Government.—(Chee,s and heighten ) This was all very well. If the people of this e mntry thought this a becoming state of delusion ; if they closed their ins ii eyes, why, they could not complain of being left in the data;. But upon this subject there was really new . uo do:do. it Led been stated on high authority, that the Ladies of the Bed chamber were the responsible servants of the i 'town.— ( Hear, hear.) And yet it was said to be an utterly un- ' heard-of thing for the Noble Duke, and the Right lion. Baronet, to interfere in an establishment of these " responsible servants of the Crown."—( Hear.) Well, after the interregnum, the cry of " the Queen" was raised by all the adherents of the Government, in addresses and at meetings ; and if any on , wished . to have a low opinion of human nature —of criminality in some—for all would not have been so grossly deceived—of weakness in others, a more mortifiing 'exhibition could not have been presented than the speeches and the publications of the Whig party a few weeks after Ministers had cone back to places whence they had been driven by the distrust !if Parlia ment. The constant song was " Ola, they will be s s different now, you will not know them them to be the same— ( Laughter)—th e y are determined to give Reform. They will show that they know who arc their real friends ; they have been, in some way or other—nobody knows how.-but they have been somehow prevented hitherto from being Reformers. Now they are to become Reformers with a vengeance."— ( Laughter.) The Government —pour ionocent lambs (Laughter)—th e y had no idea of any such ciy having been raised.—(Laughter. ) This was raised for them by their too kind, too courageous, friends. They had done little before— they did less now—all that was said of their intentions ended in—nothing.. The excuse now raised was, " Oh ! wait till another Session—they have no time this Session."—( Laughter. ) True, they have brought in fifty-five Bills, but, somehow, they have not been able to introduce the right ones.—...(Laughter. There had b een one illustrious except i on. They had made th e Ballot an op e n question —his N o b le an d Learned 4 , 7 4 , said, this was a s habby thing. " Oh ' Said th e Noble Viscount, it may be shabby-ebnt it is by no means new." cep that th ey tell office to was not certainly new,—he ( Lord Brougham) was sorr y to say that lie had he ard of such cou rses before—but ne ver, except for the p ur p ose of enablinis men wbo ditT would n u ir d subjects,phoratvaentbeen infinitely yett a b l e : gather, h ßut there was one peculiarity i n t hi n should have left office, and made wa y for ot hers who could as ci weerieil t in harmony , `` open not remember other —that it all of a sudden question " case of the wasßallot, which he did in an y omade an open ques t i ae _ n ot having been alwar open, —( Lord M el bourne —" The - B oma n Catholic question). —That and th e Ab o li t i on of Slavewe,% I had chiefly in view. - Ido not recollect that ever they not open questions.—(Lord li f lh ourne— " I be _But of this lam sure, that it dest roye d t h e whole g pardon. ') grace of the e ast of those measures, that it prevented the beneficial effects an ticipated from the Catholic R e li e f Bil l.—( Hear, .) But there was certainly this peculiarity in the Pesllot 1 case— ie al luded to the declaration, adverted t e - by his Noble and Learned Friend, but not alluded to by the N V . o iscaunt—(ltear hear)—the de4mli:ol made by',a Noble LoTcl, 'La other t . House—apparently to satisfy his cceradenceLfor some were dissatisfied about it—a deelza-i.'con to content those against the Measure, but. which excited the ineffable disgust of most of those who heard it—the deelaration that the Ballot was, made se, open questi on —th at i t mightbe t , halved" to deatha—that it EVEN F, ;!. F T) T 1 ONT. at) open (y.testion wottiti to Gov,rratten h , .1 the of evAl dolt, the makin TH—Elo7o it. eel who professed themselves Hetet mers, itt exact proporti o n ars they were really desirous of accelerating the great march of Reform. Therefore it was that they were heard to say, the Whigs are deceivers ever"—(Laughter)—" To one thing constant never"—( Hear, hear, and laughter)—and were now adding so their song, " Why then this sighing ? lea the dear deceiver go."—( Loud laughter.) Now, a few words as to the Education question. It was the greatest possible infatuation in men to bring forward a plan of Education just large enough ~ to excite the greatest storm of the Church and the Conser vatives against it and against them, but so utterly insignifi cant, in comparison, as not to be worth a struggl oa the part of their friends. They wanted to do by a minute of the Privy Council what they could have equally done without any such Minute. It was not a national plan of Education, nothing like it, but a mere establishment of a single school. And there 4 . 39 an opposition and an agitation against it—for Reformers were not the only agitators, and wherever there was a clrrgyman and his staff in the Tory int rest there was never wanting the metsri aof a religious, or rather an irreligious agitation, so often as any party purpose was to be forwarded, and the storm of opposition was raised, not so much against the wretch d scheme for appropriating 30,000/. in a peculiar way, but against the general principles of the (government—(Hear, hear)—and they thought all the while it was solely against their little plan—( Laughter) -and so they threw it out of window, and were surprised to find that the storm raged as loud as ever—( Hear, hear, and laughter)— like the Catholic wko. eating a savoury omelet on a Friday, and hearing a tremen ous thunder-storm, supposed it was all on account of the omelet, and threw it away, but was astonished to find that the storm did not cease.—( Laughter.) hen as to the Admiralty Bill. The Noble Viscount was sur prised that he (Lord Brougham) should have joined in throwing it out, 'seeing that he had asked for such a Bill. Now, he had not asked for such a Bill. It was the reverse of what he wanted. He wished for a Bill, certainly giving the Learned Judge of the Court 4,0001. a year fixed salary, but ' disqualifying him from sitting in Parliament. Yet this Bill continued this anomaly, and also allowed the fright ful abuse—degrading alike to bar and bench —of permitting the Judge to dispense a load of patronage, As to the opposition to the Bill being prompted by hostility to the Learned Judge (Dr. Lushington), that could not be charged against him, as he was a very intimate friend of that learnnett person, and had given him fair notice of the opposition which duty compelled him to make to the measure; and if it had net been for the lateness of the hour when the Bill was produced, he ( Lord B ) would have made the alterations he suggested in Committee. As to the great weight of his Right Hon. Friend in the other i louse being the cause of objection to him he did not think that that was at ail a feasible expliinns ton, reue t, l e , a coestitutienel grentel. The Right lien, Genti• elan Lee great merit. as so ,elvoesie when at the hat. ate! was at the et 'sent moment so able. an honest, and an ingot tial Judge, and he had also great power of debate in Parha meta ; but, that he was so fermidable as to be the cau s e of the clause to. t lit d been teeirre i t', he must say was untrue. He had. however, thus fns a for idable, indeed he might say a frightful character, that lie was a Judge as well as a debater:— ( Hear, hear. 1 He should not have adverted to these matters, had they not. been referred to by the Noble Viscount opposite : and with these observations he would leave the subject in the harts of their Lordships. The Duke of WELLINGTON, having been referred to in so pointed a manner, felt it impossible to refrain from sayin g a few words. H e hi g hl y commended the course that had been adopted by his Noble and Learned Friend ( Lord Lyndhurst), in taking that opportunity of review ing the measures and questions that had and had not been brought before the House by the Government. His Noble Friend had naturally commenced with those mea sures which were announced in her Majesty's Speech at the commencement of the Session ; and it was most singular to observe, that not one of those measures had been brought forward.—( Hear, hear.) That certainly was a strange mode of proceeding. It had been said that he, the Duke of Welling-- • ton and his party could not carry on the Government. Al lowing that to be so, all he was anxious for was that there should really be a Government in the country. It certainly had not been governed for some years past, but he was in hopes the Noble Viscount would pursue a different course in futures He would advise the Noble Viscount in future, before he in eserted measures into the Speech of her Majesty to be prepared with them, in order that they might be introduced the moment Parliament met after that Speech was delivered. They would then be properly considered, and would be looked upon as the measures of Ministers, and not of a party.—( Hear, hear.) He desired to see a real Government in the country for many reasons ; and among those was his desire to see the colonies of the country settled and governed in a proper manner, and an the establishments fixed and protected. He would not advert to Canada, except for the purpose of ref err i ng to w h at h a d been stated by the Noble Viscount with respect to his (the Duke of Wellington) conduct on that subject. The Noble Viscount had been pleased to advert to opinions corning from him as opinions coming from authority, a t the time when he thought proper to complain of his differing , from his opinions ; but if those opinions did come from autho- rity, it would have been better for him to have followed then. than to have complained of his delivering them.-- (Hear ; hear, hear.) Upon the very subject of Canada , he believed that the Nob e Viscount knew that from the time Caneda was mentioned in that Ho, us,. to the present moment he h'itl never ' , tiered his opieions. He had, if he we' tint 'tiistaken, supported th e N o bl e L ord ' s Bill on the s ubject of Cal - lade, both iu its principles and its details. When the Noble Lord had prevailed up n the House to pass an Act giving . authority to send out a Gov ernor -G enera l to Canada, the Noblel Viscount should have taken care that it had been properly care ri , d into effect, and he must not blame him if it was not. With respect. to Jamaica, he did not know that he had ever said any - e ',e we w ith re,eeet. to that country, or taken any course relative:: t o it but that which he thougto it his duty to pursue, in order. ;to ensure the authority of the Assembly of Jamaica. Wha t he had said was, that when the Government had taken upon ~ itself to govern the country, he hoped they would do that which would esetblish a real and effective Government in each °l', the Colonies, for though they were peaceable before the Jibe , ration of the slaves, he would venture to state since the pass - liito of tleit measure there was no s tciety in the world in a greater state of disorganiz eion and anarchy than that which at present existed in the Colonies. No eountries were ITIOre, capable of being well governed, and it, only required the Noble Marquis to do his OW/1 duty mill ant allow faction is interfere. The Noble Viseoulit. lead mad , , a complaint of his ceitonet with' . respect to Portugal ; now as to that he had tees, st e e s d te s opinions and the reasons for voting as he had dons•. H e l !a cii: said not coiromt as to the Bill which wits thrown unreel hi' had votA in a very.:ii?2tiilt y on din second BRI T Who had not the Noble Loot followed his aclviert, and to:senS another' course on that occa,ion ? Having s •id thus rout n, hiving sito-,vn that the ti.ivernitictit of the et.tuitrie s bea n ot I exercised the poriiT and ninth-nee which any other Goceen , m e e t swee t have Itee in it case of enterer, is nee, and from which : ee l resulted pr :;t iikiisrou, state of their foreign, do- , eies; it.. and Col iota! ,al'i't. he would go a step further, anti shows their Lordships that there was something most dero gatory atel degrading to the character of that coun tryt and of its Government i n th e course which had been pursued dur,ng the present Session.—(Hear.)' He would just refer to the conduct of the Government on the Lisa Batik dill, in which the hono:ir end the character, and the credit of the i lovernment was involved. Why the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the financial department of the, country—(the Chancellor of the Exchequer)--was unable to carry the measure for more than one year instead of four, as, was originally intended, merely to slow to the parties in Ireland' to carry on certain speculations in banking, which he feared: would be most disastrous to the commercial prosperity of the country. The Noble Lord opposite had attempted to attribute the disturbances which had l a tely taken place in England, s to the opposition the measures of the Government had met with in their Lordships' Houle. Now' he challenged the N o bl e L or d to mention any one pleasure brought forward for the redress of the grievances of the peoPlt which had been rejected or opp ose d b y hi s (the Duke of Wa'T lington's) side of the House. And as he had gone so far on the subject, he would take leave to say that he had taken an opposite view of the matter, and that it appeared to him they had originated in the unnoticed and unpunished combinations of political unions, trades unions, and other illegal combinations among workmen, to force (Alert to abandon their work, or to work at prices differe' from those at which they had agreed to work for their ogle ployers.e The armed parties who had gone about the country was a part of the same system, their object being to drive the workmen, whether employed in manufactories in collieries elsewhere from their work and to destroy the machinery an i ` e , capital of the manufacturers—thus striking at the very root 0 , all employment and the means of e x i stence o f t h e people—the foundations of the manufactures and commerce of the country, and the very source of all its prosperity. To th ese ca uses /! attributed the disturbances that had taken place, and above all to the injudicious selection of magistrates which had been mao in the Municipal Corpo ations, and more especially in those , towns to which corporations had been lately granted, namely, Manchester, 13irm'ngham, Bolton, . and others. These riots would never be put down till the Government filled up the • stablishments—they must raise their establishments to their full fo. ce. He would venture to assert that in these di...- nutted districts they had not establishments, equal tt , the half of the usual peace estsbltshmen s. They 01 .'da t carry into execution the laws upon those who were tried sod convicted, and so put an end re the cause of Chartiseo. He apologized fin- detaieing them so long, but he tit he -would not have sitseharetel his duty had he upon that accatdoo said less. Viscount MELBOURNE explained. He did not mean to say that the disturbance; had arisen out of any opposition ()fret ed by their Lordships to measures for the redress of grievaneesa Ho !old alludes to their opposition to the Reform Bill. The Marquis of NOitNl ANBY would promise their LODIShip,, that at that hour of the night he would not ;detain them loog, but. he wished to say a few words in consequence of what had fallen from the Noble Duke. There could be no result 01 that discussion, or it would have been brought forward at an earlier period ofthe Session, and at a tine when more of their Lordships were present. Had it been intended to test the con fidence of the House in the Government, they would have been favoured with the opinion of mere of their Lordships 1 0 '1 usually occupied the benches opposite. The Noble Duke had given - him advice which he would be glad to accept, if the in formation of the Noble Duke were correct. He wished him, he and liad tileismi hri n uof o orh t omu t e o i e. siox_ a fa ll allow presiding that i t: s b a o id lo t u o e, g h o y ve f i a m et t i h w e is C . olo s n a i i ees e himself, he ouse istsi to Jamaica c j rai Noblem t a t i o cp) taan t rd 'a aeu e nde t dehb i factions been issue sec'swh o Westt conductllaid y I s s: 7, ll : sn e ed , i n ge o er r ; believe r e that e h sp a e d his diddia t v n , i e s t eh. l- ,, 1 With the people ptihee o N f ob t l h e e th i i s k la e n, t i va , ' i of (Hear, hear, hear.) He would not refer to either of the Jamaica Bills, as he did not wish to stir up old grievances; and also because he had great hopes that Governor _ the new tl would be able to smooth all difficulties. The Noble Duke 111 been informed that the Island was • tools' not sate for property. the last despatche 'sl s eat property had risen 20 per c a within a ver y short time, and the people were in a quiet VC' g t g h r e tr:t ta ee tte, contented state. Then, with respect to Upper Canada, it lc° well known that there was great irritation in the minds of tw a t parties i n t h at country. The report of the late Governor hed ! been received diff eren tl y b y t h e diff erent part i es, an d Sir Arthur begged that no legislation should take place at presen', as there was no chance of its being received with a b e neficial effect. Then, with respect to Newfoundland : early in the Ses sion tw o pet i t i ons h a d b een presente d f rom that Colony, and . had directed an inquiry into their allegati o n s . Th e R e port had _ only lately been received—he could at present m ere ly s ay that to state of society in that colony had been very much exaggerate u With respect to the motion, he could not but express his sur prise, that if there were so much want of confidence in th e t House of Commons and the people, it was extreeordinarY i lie motion should have been reserved for the last days o f th e _ Session—a time when the benches of bock Houses were v . generally empty. The Noble and Learned Lord near hem ( Lord Brougham) he must say , -till made a most e x traordinaryrn charge against the Governmena, and had said that the Gooveeca. ment had altered thole- conduct on a Now barge slim on the demito esti' the late Soeereign. Now, to a c of that kind he eiouhl only give a positive denial. He denied - there was now, or ever had been, on the part of the Govern ment a dispessitien to resist any measure of well-considered ns re form. Upon well-co the principles of progressive reform, _ „ les sideved and adapted to the circumstances of the times, tne, vernonent was formed, and on those principles they had a 1) acted. Then it was said , it was a great misfortune teo lv, the (the coun try that no legislative measures wer e carr i e d ; but he Marquis of Normanby), had not heard a remedy suggested forse that state of things, anti he did not conceive - parties D` b y an y change in the relative positOn of s ie . tlae progress of legislation would t 4 greatly inctea et- s With reference to the sweeping yep, re that had been man' 1