The Sun. — London, England, 1839-05-31 00:00:00

EVEN INC 4 E DITION. J vide for the enactment of certain laws in the Island of ! Jamaica, consequent on the abolition of slavery in that t isla n d. Th at Bi ll was a substitute for the measure he had the h onour o f i ntro d uc i ng at an earlier period of the q Session ; but he had not withdrawn that measure in con- I/ sequence of any alteration in the opinions he then ex pressed, and he could not help expressing his regret that that plan had not received such support in tlir k r, :louse as left any chance of its being useful, should, it become the law of the land. He regretted that questions of this sort should be made the subject of party struggle, and he felt bounel to say that if they had not en o ugh o f p u blic spirit In that House to free their minds of party biass in approach ing questions relative to colonial affairs, that a general feeling of disgust would arise in the mind of the public, on finding their dearest interests determined, not on the merits of the case as submitted to Parliament, but in a party spirit and on party views.—( Cries of "Hear, hear.") The measure he now felt it his duty to propose was foun ded on a very different principle to that of the former. It was founded on the principle of affording to the Govern ment the means of calling together again the Legislature of Jamaica, and of giving to the House of Assembly what was called by the Right Hon. Baronet opposite a locus penitentier. He (Mr. Labouchere) could not pretend to say that he had any very sanguine expectation that the House of Assembly would avail itself of the opportunity that would thus be afforded, but he would take care to ab tain from any irritative expression in bringing for ward the Bill that might have a tendency to mar soy chance that at present existed of the House of Assembly proceeding with their business in a satisfactory manner. The principle of the measure was to give them an opportunity of reconsi dering the determination to which they had come, and the Bill would explain the means by which the Government proposed to provide for the contingency of the Legislative of Jamaica still persisting in that determination.— ( Hear, hear.) The urgent necessity that existed for immediate legislation in the island of Jamaica was so fully proved in the former debate that took place on this subject, that it was unnecessary to refer to documents to establish that fact. The first part of the Bill referred to those Annual Laws in Jamaica which had expired in Consequence of the House of Assembly refusing to transact busineea. They were seventeen in number. Among those Act; was the Commissioners of Public Building Act, the esepiration of which operated as a stoppage to the progress of all public works ; the Insolvent Debtors' Relief Act, the expiration of which would consign insolvent debtors to imprisonment without relief; the Process Act, which re gulated the service of process, and the expiration of which would greatly embarrass the course of business; and the Police Act, which was perhaps the most important of the Annual Acts ; and it must be obvious that the expiration of the Police Act would paralyse the efforts of the Executive, .Judicial, and Magisterial Authorities. Itwas true that in the particular case of the Police Act, under the power given to thejGovernor, measures had been taken by him to counteract that evil, but it was obvious it was not safe in the present state of Jamaica, that the ancient recognised mode of keeping the peace in that Colony should be set at nought, and that a system wholly unknown there should be substi tuted. He (Mr. Laboochere) had received many commu nications which showed what the effect produced on the minds of the eregroes from this unfortunate suspension of legislation was. The Right Hon. Gentleman then reed a lett er (rem a Mr. Oldham, a manager of an estate in Jamaice, to the proprietor, resident its London, dated the 23d eif March, 1839, in which he stated the negroes were un ;ter an impression that the Queen had dispensed with the 'Services of the police to prevent the proprietors obtaining their assistance in compelling the blacks to pay rents ; and that the greatest confusion and mischief would ensue if these laws were not renewed. The course intended to be pursued by the Bill, with regard to expired laws, was to give, in the first place, ample time to the House of As sembly, to make up their minds whether they would or not renew those laws ; but if they refused them, after a certain tim e to authorise the Governor and Council to revive such of those expired laws as might appear to the Governor and Council to be necessary for the wel fare and good government of the Colony. That Was the course which this Bill proposed to pursue, with regard to the first part of the question—the expired laws ; but he confessed he thought they would not have been discharging their duti es if t h ey h a d a ll owe d t h e B i ll to stop there, and had not provided for the contingency of the House of Assembly refusing to transact business, con eidering that the success of the great experiment of ernes,- cipating their fellow-creatures might be impeded by such conduct. The Government would heartily rejoice if the House of Assembly would legislate on those matters in a satisfactory manner, and in a way that would relieve the Imperial Parliament from interfering.—( Hear, hear.) He was disposed to give the House of Assembly fair play, but he would take care that he did not desert his para mount duty, affording protection to the great mass of her Majesty's subjects who were at present unprotected ; and, therefore, while he treated the House of Assembly with every courtesy, he should not lose sight of the interests of th e blacks.—( Hear, hear.) He would now state the course proposed to be pursued with respect to the second branch. He (Mr. L.) had great mistrust in distant legis letion—( Hear, hear, from the Opposition)—it often frus trated the best wishes and efforts of the parties, Sad to was desirous of limiting, therefore, the inter ference of the Imperial Parliament to the smallest extent. But there were three great subjects which he thought every gentleman who had paid any attention to West Indian affairs would allow were of paramount importance in the present condition of Jamaica, he meant vagrancy, Contract for labourers, and the unauthorised occupation of land. The first of these subjects to which he should refer was the subject of vagrancy ; and Sir Lionel Smith, in a despatch dated the 10th of September, 1838, said that these laws were the most terrific engines of oppression. The Hon. Member then read several clauses of the Va grancy Acts, from which it appeared that - all rogues, va gabonds, or other idle persons found wandering from place to place, or otherwise disorderly, might be apprehended 1 , 3' the constable, and taken before a Magistrate, who was '''Powered to order him or her to be whipped on the biiic 'd back a - • • 1 • h ear.) not excee ing thirty-nine ashes.—( Hear, Another clause made it lawful to send any co loured Person who came within the description of the pork to the parish workhouse, and to be set to any time not exceeding six months ; but all white persons committed should be fed, lodged, and worked separate and apart from the free ncgroes, mulat toes, and slaves.—( Hear, hear.) He was sure there would be a general feeling that it was unsafe that laws of this kind should remain in operation in Jamaica. The second subject, the laws which regulated contracts for labour, was of the utmost importance, for it must be obvious that the success of the sugar cultivator depended on the negroes entering into such contracts as should, on fair, on equal terms, secure to the planter his continuous services : if this should not be done, the planter would be completely at the caprice of the negro. If the present laws were con sidered, it would not be thought surprising that there should be an indisposition on the part of the negro to enter into any contracts. Notwithstanding the unexampled state of things in Jamaica, no serious disturbance had taken place, and this circumstance was attributable in a great degree to the influence of the ministers of religion, although there might have been occasional indiscretions. —( Hear.) The Act on this subject enacted, that if any servant, &c., contracting to serve for any time did not commence the service, or afterwards absent himself or her self, or be guilty of any other misconduct or misdemeanor it s execution thereof, it should be lawful for any Justice to commit him for three months, and abate part of his wages. When it was recollected that the Magistrates are planters, he would ask was this a fit law to regulate the contracts for labour ?—( Hear, hear.) He conceived this House would be false to the just expectations of the people, and desert the solemn pledges given last Session, that it would watch over with peculiar case the interests of the negro population after complete freedom had been given, if it were not on the subject to insist on some remedial mea l' aures.—( Hear, hear.) The third topic was also of consi derable importance—that of the unauthorised occupation of land. It appeared that the law was silent on the subject, and it would be a most unfortunate state of things if the negro population should, instead of becoming industrious labourers, betake themselves to the waste lands, arid there should be no law to prevent it.—( hear, hear, hear.) Although this law wa not so important as the others, there could be no objection in adding it to them. He had now explained the main provisions of the measure which he proposed. It gave to the House of Assembly the most ample opportunity of relieving Parliament from the necessity of interfering at all by direct legislation in any of their internal concerns, provided they would un. dertake to legislate themselves for the exigencies of the Colony. In the event of the House of Assembly either refusing to legislate, or legislating in so delusive a manner as that their laws were clearly objectionable, it would bo the duty of the 1-louse to interfere.—( Hear, hear.) If these Acts were not passed after a certain time, the Governor in Council would be authorised to make laws upon the model of those laws, having the power to al ter them in such a manner as might be necessary for the state of Jamaica. He trusted the House would be of opinion that this was carrying interference to the very narrowest limit possible, unless they alto gether abandoned the watching over the interests of the negro population.—( Hear, hear.) He concluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the enactment of certain laws in the island of Jamaica, in consequence of the abolition of slavery in the said island. Sir R. PEEL said he should not offer any opposition to the introduction of this Bill, nor would he say a word the effect of which should be to p i, re l j e u s d i i ce aid discussion.it d s nwnbthe Hon. Member, although he should He agreed with the general Pr . ulei reserve to full discretion in the discussion of the measure. hil2e A l f f te a r the opportunity thus afforded to the House ofAssemb interest lyto resume its functions, it was the duty and manifest of that House so to conduct itself that there should it not mena be t a question as to the spirit and intention in which to legislate for the negro population. Their. true policy . and duty was to attempt fairly to carry out the principles intended by Parliament. lie considered that we stood in this peculiar relation to the Colonial Legislature and to the negro population, after the magnificent pecuniary grant made by Parliament, that we had a right to insist that the negro population should not have a mere no minal freedom, but the substantial privileges of freemen. He would confess that after the great experiment they had made with regard to Negro Emancipation, it would be with the greatest reluctance that he should consent to adopt another experiment with regard to the same colonies, more especially one which would exhibit the whites as unfit to be trusted with legislativ e functions. But this course it appeared, had been abandoned ; and the Hon. Gentleman had frankly adopted the only other course which which was open to him; he hoped the House of Assembly would meet that course in a proper spirit. He would not now express any opinion at present on the pro position of the Hon. Gentleman, and he should not have said another word, but for the reference of the Hon. Gentlemen to party proceedings. Nothing he was aware was more specious than an accusation of Gentleman,party motives, and he fully agreed with the Right 1 - 1 n . to seek for party weapons of annoya nce to the Govern . ment on a question of Colonial policy, more especially a _ question connected with the welfare of the negro popula tion, was an unworthy proceeding, and that those subjects ought to be exempt from the usual party tactics. But suppose that Gentleman bone fide differed from the e .n - verement they really had as much right to consider that they had sufficient grounds for their belief as the Right lion. Gentleman opposite had for their opittiont; and if they believed sincerely that the Government had not sufficient grounds foe roceeding, were they neverthe less to acemiestee They were certainly not justified in taltire any unfair advantage ; they were bound to give fair notice that they would take the !cost!. of the House on the subject.—( Cheers,) He would ask Right lion. Gen tlemen opposite, would they abstain from enforcing a large attendance of their friends to support their opinions, and if , so, why should h e not d o t h e same ? Th e f act was t h e y I differed, but they were both sincere, and they had taken itennontn o unfair io advantage. 'Whey ge. They told the Government of their their measure ; they had given them the cpt:on of adopting another course. That opportunity had been rejected. He did not find fault with that; but he would ask, were they to be merely a mock opposition? He was certain that Hon. Gentlemen opposite would take what means they felt necessary to carry' their measures, and the Opposition had a right to adopt the same course; and he would remind the Right Hon. Gentleman, that lie , was suppor te d not mere l y b y t h e p h a l anx on t h e i r own side ' of the House, but by some Hon. Members who usually voted with the Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear, from Lord J. Russell.) Were they influenced by party ?—( Hear, hear, from Lord J. Russell. ) The Noll: Lord might sneer at his own friends if lie thou.. fit ; but he had no right to impute improper motives to his ( Sir R. Peel's) 300 friends who sat on that side the House. He should feel great re luctance in opposing any measure which had for its object the benefit of the negro population ; but if there were bona fide objections to that measure, they might talk as long as they liked of party motive.—( Cheers. ) This was not the language that had been held in other times. It might be said that a powerful Opposition in time of war was wrong. Mr. Pitt might as reasonably have complained of the conduct of Mr. Fox, that his opposition crippled his warlike policy. The fact was, that the whole question, in matters of this kind, resolved itself into one of since rity.—( Loud cheers.) In his opinion there had not been sufficient grounds shown for a suspension of the Constitution of Jamaica—that opinion had been con firmed by reflection. He had acquainted the Hon. Gen tleman with his intention of giving that measure his de tcrmned opposition, and of taking the sense of the House on the subject, and he had determined that his opposition should not be hollow or insincere.—( Cheers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not object to the Right lion. Gentleman opposing the motion of his night Hon. Friend. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said 'as much as the Government had a right to expect on the subject. But his Right Hon. Friend having abandoned the course of superseding the Government of Jamaica, he thought it right that some measure should be adopted during the present Session of Parliament to prevent those from op pressing the now free people of Jamaica who, under cer tain absolute laws, might have the power of so doing. He thought it was their duty, having passed the Emancipa tion Act, to prevent any oppression taking place in opposi tion to the spirit of that Act, and if there was any cause for regret in the passing of that Act, it was that the mag nificent compensation awarded to the slave-owners had been paid immediately—(Cheers)—instead of being re tained until the system of slavery had been freely and frankly abolished.—( Cheers.) At the first moment when the compensation was received, the slave-owners were sa tisfied ; but afterwards, when they were called on to submit to thb loss of power and the loss of property, then arose a feeling of dissatisfaction and of irritation on the part of the owners of the slaves, without any means of meeting it, be cause the compensation had been already received. He did not impute blame to any one on this account, because he was a member of the Government which bad passed the measure, and, therefore, was responsible for it. He could not suffer the remarks of the Right Hon. Gentleman to pass altogether without observation. He admitted that the Right Hon. Gentleman had a perfect right to oppose the Jamaica Bill, and to take the sense of the House on the subject. But he did not think that the Right Hon. Gentleman had confined himself to that course. It was quite natural that those who followed the opinions of the Right Hon. Gentleman should follow them on this occ:sion, but what he complained of was, that those who were com petent to form an opnion on the subject, who had a deep interest in Jamaica, and who had expressed themselves favourable to the measures of her Majesty's Government, had not been allowed to follow their opinions on this ques tion, but had been forced to bend their Jamaica opinions to English party considerations,—( Loud cheers.) In asking that no force or coercion should be used with re gard to the Assembly of Jamaica, he thought that it was not too much to ask that no force or coercion should be used towards those Members.—( Cheers.) They had not been allowed to vote freely on this question, and every means had been used to induce Members thus situated, if they did not vote against the Government, to abstain from voting at all.—(Cries of " Name.") He asserted that such was tke case, and he believed the fact was sufficiently notorious.—( Cheers.) Another question was with regard to the support which the Right Hon. Gentleman had re ceived from certain Members on that side of the House who are usually opposed to him. —( Hear, hear. ) It did appear to him that the Right Honourable Gentleman has pursued a totally different course from that which he had pursued last year, and at the commencement of the present Session, the principles of which had been laid down by the lion. Member for Newark, who had stated last year that while they were determined to maintain their own principles and adhere to them, and opposed by the Go vernment, they would not seek for the adherence and sup port of those who differed more widely from themselves than they did from the Government. With regard to the Jamaica Bill they had not acted on those principles which they had professed, and which did them credit, but they had sought to obtain the votes of those on that side of the House who differed still more widely from their principles than from those of the Government.—( Hear. ) It was his opinion, from the speeches which had been de livered on the other side, that they had determined no longer to adhere to the course which they had hitherto pursued, but had sought to strengthen themselves by an alliance with those who thought that the Government had not gone far enough in the road of reform. This opinion had exercised considerable influence in determining the Government as to the course they had pursued. In con sequence he thought it necessary, after what the Right Hon. Gentleman had stated, because lie thought on this question he had acted in an unusal manner, and at va riance with the line of conduct which he had hitherto pur sued.--( Cheers.). _ . Mr. GODSON opposed the present measure of the Government. which was in effect a suspension of the Con stitution of Jamaica. Mr. HUME would state the grounds of his vote on a recent occasion at a proper time. He considered the pre sent Bill objectionable also because there was no case made out for it. He would refer the Right Hon. Gentleman to the resolution of the House of Assembly of the 9th Nov., which stated that they suspended their functions only until the Governor should inform them whether they were at liberty to legislate for the colony, or whether the Govern ment intended to interfere with them. He would ask whe ther the Government would answer that question or not. Sir CHARLES GREY said, the Hon. Member for Kilkenny had quite misconceived the question ; the ob stacle to their legislation, of which the House of Assembly complained, was an Act of that House, in which the Hon. Member for Kilkenny had participated, and did he mean to say that any Government was entitled to say to the Assembly of Jamaica, we will remove the ob struction, and the Parliament of England shall no longer interfere with your legislative concerns ? It would be beyond the powers of any Government to make such a stipulation. Having had some experience and personal observation in the Colonies of the working of Colonial Legislatures, he would say there was no prin ciple which forbad legislation by the mother country for the internal improvement of the Colony. There was one exception, and that was with regard to the imposition of taxes, and that he believed was universally recognised. He hoped in all cases where it was necessary they would exercise the power, as they had the undoubted right, to interfere in the internal affairs of a Colony. The Act which had induced the Imperial Parliament to interfere in the case of Jamaica was one with regard to the eman cipation of the Slaves, who were treated with much cruelty and oppression.—( Hear, hear.) He had no wish to throw any obstacle in the way of the measure which the Government had brought forward, although he found it would not be so effective as the former one. He re gretted that it had been thought necessary by Hon. Mem bers on the other side of the House to compel the Go vernment to depart from a measure, the sole object o which was to suspend the sittings of the House of Assembly. —( Oh !) He was satisfied that was the only object sought to he attained, and he was further convinced that these Hon. Members would bitterly repent the course they had adopted with reference to that measure. Let them recollect that a population of 300,000 negroes had been called into ex istence by the Parliament of Great Britain, and that these men had been previously subjected to the lash, and the grinding oppression of those who constituted the House of Assembly of Jamaica. They had, in that colony also, a new Church, and a new order of priesthood springing up from the very oppression to which those men had been subjected. They had heard a great deal of the influence of the Roman Catholic priesthood in Ireland, but he be lieved that influence was not to be traced to the love of power, or to any peculiar organization of the Church, but it arose out of the oppressions of the people ; and it would seem as if Providence had designed them to come to the assistance of an oppressed and trampled people. In Ja maica they had the Baptist Missionaries and the House of Assembly at war with each other—they had the Stipendary Magistrates opposing the Local Magistrates, and in the House of Assembly, out of the 40 representatives, there were only 6 or 7 representing the black population.—( Hear. ) He confessed that he despaired of the House of Assembly, constituted ss it was, from being an effective instrument in bringing about the prosperity of that Colony, and he re gretted that the power had not been granted to the Go vernment of Jamaica to dispense with the sittings of that House. In conclusion, he would say that he feared the country and the Hon. Members who had opposed the pro. grcss of the last Bill through that House, would deeply ' regret the course they had adopted with reference to the colony of Jamaica. —( Hear.) Mr. LABOUCHERE replied. In answer to the question put by the lion. Member for Kilkenny, he begged to say, that the Government could flat make any communi cation to the House of Assembly of Jamaica, as it had then prorogued. Sir EDWARD SITG DE N thought it was a very been n rd argument because they had suspended the Consti tution of one colony where a necessity existed, that they should suspend the Constitution of another colony where the necessity did not exist. —( Hear.) It had been asserted that the late measure had been opposed on party grounds, but he (Sir E. Sudden) would declare that he had acted from conscientious convictions, and from an attentive per. usal of the papers laid before the House. Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL moved for copies of the seve ral memorials or petitions of Charles Bianconi, now of Clotme l t , o in t hlere Irishan d, Gn beingGo vernment, er ani nn ative et, pa of if:l,nlg io anir le n ad dressedlettatlyr,sof slenization iii Ireland, with the dates t nereof, res p ectivel y ; and also copies of the answers thereto, with the dates thereof respectively ; and copy of any letters of dcnization granted to the said Charles Bianconi, specifying the time when u rante d . Al so returns re l at i ng to the Dublin Coal Meters, —Agreed to r-r Oaf hill c. Te rent nivel'. s w•ho Mem- confu- I from ,irig 50 le had House ust be n with id until )uld be embers forth- raordi- simul- great ird ; at )reseed reserve -(Loud nst the which, catch , hailed House ;, from Green, y, from lg also rough ; n, from places ; by and. s to the parishes ; effect pners in he Go- similar should ns were e stated Sir E• torn the el, from :nightly, )n, from Veeleyan rom two Corfolk ; Jackson, by Mr. om Hor- Lord A• Whitby ; Inn Sal- the City acation. [le effect Durham. r petition d by s e " petition, That versions o 1 would . ..r faith o oner than cr r eturn and ent er han g o to itighter.) an early into the 'ant Sea- Geo. 11., e should anded to horn the THE Jord the n ent ha d ended to t al notice louse bo day ar that plan• t motion, - --- Tuesday ted with o•morrow iession in 'especting Lords to- I probably uld wit'''. 0-morrow r n of the ,ord Da' ;. I IN he should his ficl use reta ry for the lasi 1 the er g o 'hursclaYll some was a rule re G hat 'tar teased cTA d oils , -an ia ~ , 0 1 a P ' t a d. r, ., 3 _ , ti t d O l t ! . hose Wu° 0 real° D). , Adr 3 „ stio queuco the "o j e ed O n • n . as the st P ate t r o n iote n • . 0 c %cro sl ` but el e er n Y t e Pt. intent' e on °le d he hop e ; posslL" tat cou''' • t b e vi rtia o f e t o rn ia ie vited, that a tribunal. I d turn ed extre me the pro tone ()*f ,d in, An d ti nsel tot state.. in 1 82 ' 2 ' harm onY , mrs. - e y e him e• t ,fore CC" Lear :curred procU r ; r m a dra for given id Ise , '" °11 f then' ) ° v;ho 'Cii9 farce bad A 6 or an for 13 , o f ,C3S iG eor n. 3 a d t he uch P an d the r fo r Kil. otion re- oati Ve. 0 i tak e a t° 11°LiSC m he 11ice- „ to Pr" • THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 31. 1839. Mr. O'CONNELL then moved for a return of the amount of sums received by the Honourable the Society of the King's Inns in Dublin since February, 1832. Dr. L ENZ.° Y had no objection to a return of the money which issued from the public treasury, but objected to returns of the private property of the Society. Mr. O'CONNELL said the returns he wished were only in continuation of those which had been ordered in 1832. After a few words from Lord Morpeth, the Solicitor- General, and Dr. Lefroy, the motion was agreed to. RECORDER OF DUBLIN. Mr. O'CONNELL then rose to move for a return of the number of days the Recorder of Dublin sat for the trial of prisoners in each year for the last five years. Dr. LE FROY trusted the Hon. and Learned Member would not press that motion while his Right Hon. Friend the Recorder was obliged to be absent. He did not anti cipate that his Right Hon. Friend would make the least objection to the motion, but the moving for the returns might involve some statement that his Right Hon. Friend might wish to answer. Mr. O'CONNELL would accede at once to the sug gestion. In making this motion he had no intention of saying anything in disparagement of the conduct of the Learned Recorder—( Hear, hear)—nor bad he any ground for assailing his conduct--it was the system of the Court he (Mr. O'Connell) wished to laring- under the attention of the House. —( Hear, hear.) He would, however, postpone his motion till that day fortnight. Mr. CR ESS WELL then rose, to call the attention of the House to the Petition of Liverpool Merchants, pre sented on the 14th February, and to move, for a return of the amount of duties paid on the export of manufactured wollen goods to the United States of America, since the year 1815 :—for copies of the several Petitions and Me morials on the subject of such duties presented to the Lords of the Treasury, the Board of Trade, and the Board of Customs: And for copies of the several Minutes and Orders made by their Lordships or the said Boards, respecting such Petitions and Memorials. Lord SA NDON seconded the motion. Mr. P. THOI4SON had no objection to the produc tion of the papers referred to, but protested against the House expressing any opinion, until they should be laid on the table, when this would be found to be a most trumpery case. The duty had been ordered to be paid back to the parties who should prove they were entitled to it. It would not be just to pay the money to the party without any security that he was entitled to receive it. The au thority from the party who had a right to demand it was therefore refused to be produced. When the papers were produced, he (Mr. P. Thomson) would be prepared to enter fully into the subject. Lord S ANDON said Dr. Burnaby and Sir S. Linh ington had given it as their opinio that the view which the Government took of the subject was erroneous. He hoped the House would not be misled by the insidious ad vice of the President of the Board of Trade to delay the expression of any opinion upon the question. Mr. HUTT said he trusted the Government were sin cere in their professions of readiness to pay this money to parties who made out their title to receive it. He consi dered that there was no department in the state which re quired greater attention and severer scrutiny from that House than the Board of Customs. Mr. THORNLE Y said there might be some reason in delaying to express any opinion till the papers were pro • duced. But the Right Hon. President of the Board of Trade was quite incorrect in speaking of it as a " trumpery" case—on the contrary, the conduct of those who had resisted this payment had been " trumpery" indeed.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. FINCH was of opinion that the :Loney ought at once to have been returned. Mr. CRE SSWELL replied. The motion was agreed to. REMOVAL OF VOTERS. Mr. MILNER. GIBSON moved for leave to bring in a Bill to prevent persons in England and Wales from losing their votes at an election by removal after the preceding registration. He would not enter into any discussion, because he did not believe there would be any opposition to his Bill. Leave given. EXPORTATION OF GOLD. Mr. THOMAS ATTWOOD rose to call the atten- tion of the House to the recent large exportations of bullion, and the consequent contraction of the circulating medium of the country, and increase of distress among the industrious classes ; and to move a resolution upon the subject. There had taken place a reduction of three mil lions of bullion in the stock at the Bank within the last four months, and the exportation still continued. The conse quence was a general contraction of the circulating medium of the country, and distress and ruin were the con sequence, except where counteracted by particular circum stances. The country was by bad legislation placed in such a position that when gold was exported a similar con traction took place in the paper money. It was like an unskilful surgeon, who having opened an artery in the right arm of his patient, when he found he was sinking from the loss of the vital fluid, instead of binding up the right arm, should open another artery in the left arm also ; the country still laboured under the fallacy that the issue of paper money was wrong, now he contended that there never had been any distress occasioned by the issue of paper money. That unhappy Law, that gigantic error ( Peel's Bill) imposed a necessity upon the Bank of England of pulling down the foun dation of the circulating system just as it had begun to alleviate the distresses of the country. He would make use of another figure, suppose a fisherman pulled a plug in the bottom of a pond, where the fish were enjoying themselves, and left them in the mud ; as soon as he had got enough, he put the plug in again, and the remainder of the fish swam about and enjoyed themselves until the fisherman came again and pulled out the plug, and thus was the country served. The Right Hon. Baronet and the Noble Lord had been playing the part of fishermen for the last twenty years, and de ceiving the people. He wished to apply a remedy which should be substantial and real, he was convinced the country could not longer stagger on under the golden standard without coming to a very awful state of things. The diminution of bullion in the nine months preceding the panic of 1837 was not more than it had been during , the last four months. This was a subject deserving the most serious consideration, as the exportation still con tinued, as there was a largo premium in carrying gold both to Hamburgh and Paris.—( Hear, hear.) How will the House deal with this? Will it, like the unskilful surgeon, force the Bank of England to lessen its circulation of paper, and carry ruin and distress to thou sands. Ile warred the House against this conduct, knowing the misery and exasperation which existed in England and Scotland. He would say, let the standard perish, but let the people live. He wished the money to be accommodated to the wants of industry, instead of industry being forced to accommodate itself to an unjust standard of value. Unless the House interfered by timely correction, the con sequences of the exportation of bullion would shake the whole country to its centre. The Bank of England had no power of itself to remedy the evil, because they were obliged to pay the demands upon them in sovereigns of full weight, and if they did not do so the Sheriff of London would take possession of that great establishment.— ( Laughter.) Parliament alone had the power to prevent the evil. The whole distress of the country was attribute ble to the fluctuations in the currency, and the Imperial Legislature alone could remedy that by making enactments for the extension of the circulation of paper money. The fluctuation of the currency had been the cause of the establishment of the Political Union at Birmingham, and the golden standard had caused the whole distress of the country. The Hon. Member then read an extract, from what he termed a celebrated petition of which all Hon. Members had heard of—a petition which had not yet been presented, signed by 1,200,000 distressed and overburdened persons, who complained of the grievances under which they laboured under the present system, when capital oh tallied no profit. and labour no remuneration. lie trusted the House would attend to these warnings in time. What had driven the Right Hon. Bart. the Member for Tam worth from office ? It was not a petticoat phobia, but a paper phobia. Let them but repeal that infernal Money Bill and all would be well. Let that House bear only a little common honesty, and keep their infernal claws out of the pockets and fi om the necks of the people. --( Roars of laughter.) There never could be too many honest men in England. H e b egge d t o apologise for having detained the House so long, and hoped there would be no objection to the resolution which he now begged to submit. Mr. WALLACE seconded the motion. Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not think it necessary to detain the House by any lengthened observations, because the Honourable Member had only brought forward, in the same manner as he had done before, that question in which he had differed not only from the Government, but also from almost every other Member of the House. The Hon. Member's proposition was, that they should have a paper currency, not conver tible into a gold and silver currency. If it was a matter of fact, he (Lord J. Russell) would move the previous question ; but as it was matter of opinion, he would simply say no to the motion.—( Hear.) 'Mr. WA LL ACE bad seconded the motion, because he thought the statements of the Hon. Member had been made in a very manly and straightforward manner. The subject was a very delicate one, and he feared it would never be taken up by any Chancellor of the Exchequer. He believed it was a fact, as had been stated by the Hon. Member for Birmingham, that the Bank of England had not in its coffers so much as would pay 2s. 6d. in the pound. Mr. WARBURTON thought the proposition a very indelicate one.—( blear, hear.) It was a proposition to pay a debt of 20s. in the pound with ins., and then to pay a debt of Ws. with 18s., and so on.—( Hear, hear.) Whenever a proposition of that sort was submitted to the House, whether it came from Whig, Tory, or Radical, he should feel it his duty to resist it. so l N nbfs C i dt fafe for rai tnhopeditgohne. the Bank Ittheff affairs appeared Gps discharge e o oa v rf e e r dt n h m et eo Bank h al nn w o l t thatus o l o d f a i n bne e t c: i ts.psi impossible e tg n c a * , l g t, l oo a t un n h l s cl d e if the Government did not discharge the debt which it owed to the Bank. Mr. WILLIAMS felt hound to deprecate the return to a paper currency. He thought the issue of bank-notes, in stead of being extended. should be restricted. He trusted the Government would not lose sight of this important question, which caused such changes in the value of property. Mr. ATT WO OD replied. lie denied that it was his wish to rob the public, all he wanted was, that gold should find its own value like every other marketable article. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, but no divi sion took place, the resolution being negatived without a division. On the motion of Mr. BRADSHAW, the following returns were ordered :—a. Return of the bums paid, or directed to be paid, to Sir Francis Head, as Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, as outfit, pay, or allowance. Return of the number of Non-commissioned Officers and Soldiers tried by Courts Martial, General, District, or Regimental, for the three years ending the 24th day of August, 1833 ; and a further Return of the same nature for the *rev following years, describing the nature of the crimes and offences brought before the several courts. CUSTODY OF INFANTS. On the motion of Mr. Sergeant TA L FORD, the Cus tody of Infanta Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Wednesday, the 12th June. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past Eleven o'Clock. Prince's own words, containing his own account of his own actions. If Colonel Prince had been an ignorant person —if he had been a man of imbecile understanding —if he had been a man not accustomed to defend himself and to defend others—if he had been an unlettered and in experienced, and feeble advocate in his own cause, he ( Lord Brougham) should then have doubted that his Noble Friend had pursued the best course for his defence. Then he would have thought the arguments and state ments of the Noble Lord himself better fitted to the pur poses of that defence. He thought of one thing no person could have a doubt—that the man who made that speech wrote and corrected it for the press, for it could not other wise have been prepared with such accuracy unless th e y had reporters of after dinner meetings of a very superior description to anything known in Europe. But be that as it may, it was one of the nioststriking, one of the ablest defences, and one of the most touching narratives he had ever read. —( Hear, hear.) The more touching and the more striking because made by an eye witness, and an actor in the scenes he described. Consequently, of one thing he had no right to complain—that he was condemned by him, ( Lord B.) without a hearing—or that he censured his conduct behind his back. For if he (Col. P.) were in that House, he could not do better than his Noble Friend had done, for they had his own case in his own words, by his own arguments supported, and by his own narrative made clear. Now came the rest of the case which their Lordships had not heard. And first of all as to the verdict of the com pany, to which his Noble Friend had not at all alluded. He said at all events, he had the opinion of those whom he addressed with him, for they received his defence with great acclamation. He should have been better satisfied if that verdict had been given on the spot where the occur rences took place. The dinner was given at Toronto, where the matter had not taken place, where they took Colonel Prince's own statement of the matter, and where they knew aslittle of it as their Lordships sitting at Westminster. They knew nothing personally of the affair, they had his own statement of facts and they had the result of the in quiry, to which he should presently refer. He did not think an appeal from the clear and undeniable law of the land, from the justice an administered under that law by its Courts, and from the sentence pronounced by the Go vernor himself, he did not think it a ♦ery becoming thing to appeal from those tribunals to the verdict of an after dinner meeting, met for the very purpose of doing honour to the party accused. Nor did he at all approve of, or think it a right course of argument to adopt, to read as had been done, in vituperation of the Government of Canada, the resolutions passed in Canada, which, as he did not deny, attached the greatest blame to that Government, called for more vengence under the law, complained that so few men had been executed, and pronounced a severe cen sure on the Government for granting mercy to one set of men, and for not having another set of them executed. He (Lord B.) was bound to say also, alike as to this as to every Government, that until he heard the grounds on which the Government had proceeded, he was bound to suppose that the Government and the Courts of Law, and the Executive, in the execution of the Crown's prerogative of mercy, were in the right, and that that meet ing which censured and condemned them were in the wrong. What should any man say of a meeting held in Westminster or Middlesex, complaining that A, B, and C had not been brought to trial, and that D, E, and F had not been executed, and calling for the execution of all the men in the disturbed districts, simply because those other men had not been executed ? He supposed Noble Lords sitting in that House on his left hand were not so anxious to de fend Colonel Prince as to condemn their own Government in Canada, that they might support such a wild proposi tion as that. But he would say, that the Courts of Law and the Government of Canada were to say who were to be considered guilty, and not the people ; and he would tell his Noble Friends, if they would learn that lesson from him, that it was the Government that were to judge of the grounds on which, anVthe manner in which the merciful prerogative of the Crown was to bo exercised. Therefore it was he treated as very light the argument that there was great discontent prevailing in the Colony, because of the execution of so few men. But his Noble Friend had said they had given notice--they had served a warning on the Government that if they did not hang more men—if they did not gratify the public by the execution of more of the people, they would be obliged to take retributive justice into their own hands. Would the Noble Lords, the members of her Majesty's Government go along with his Noble Friends opposite, so far as to agree to that? Would they agree that if the Executive did not execute so many men as ttie people considered ought to be ex ecuted, that then the law was to be taken into the hands of the mob ? That would indeed be what we had been accustomed to denominate with horror and with scorn the Lynch law which prevailed in some of the most savage parts of the wilds of America. And that was the short of it—if the people thought more executions ought to take place than the law decreed, then the Government was not to protect them from being shot. Lord EL LENBOR.OUGH said that the Attorney- General's opinion had been taken upon this case. Lord BROUG HAM was coming to that. He would certainly say for himself, that he could not be to blame for not having been able to expect or foresee that any such defence could possibly be in the possession of Colonel Prince's defenders. How any lawyer could ever dream that it was possible for a man calling himself a lawyer, and exercising the office of Attorney-General to give such an outrageous opinion as had just been read, he was wholly at a loss to conceive. He was, however, more surprised at it than some of their Lordships seemed to be, because some of them cheered the opinion as it was read. Their Lordships were the highest judges—the judges of the last resort in all criminal cases. In their hand was placed the administration of the criminal law ; and he heard half a dozen of them— the Judges presiding over this very Court—cheer the reading of an opinion which he would venture to say was one of the grossest outrages upon all law which had ever been put upon paper, not only by a lawyer, but by the most ignorant man in the kingdom. It was bad from be ginning to end. It was absurd and monstrous. In pro portion to the outrage of the opinion so the cheers were by the Judges surrounding him. The first part of it was that thoso men were foreigners, therefore they owed no alle giance to the Crown, and could not commit high treason within the provinces. There was not a lawyer's appren tice who did not know that that was outrageous. Colonel Prince himself was once an attorney on the Oxford Circuit, which he left to go to Canada, and there was not an attorney's apprentice who did not know that a foreigner might came into a country and commit hif,b treason. But then it went on to state that they might be treated as out• laws. Did ever any man hear before of a man being an outlaw except after a writ of outlawry had issued against him from a Criminal Court ? But supposing they had been outlaws, did that entitle Colonel Prince to shoot the men ? Every person who had read Blackstone knew that if he (the Noble and Learned Lord) were to meet and kill an outlaw in the street be should be guilty of murder and hanged for the act. Yet the Attorney-General of Canada had said they might be treated as outlawed, and shot upon the spot, which was a doctrine utterly and abso lutely groundless in point of law. But his Noble Friend had not read what he (Lord B.) dared to say existed, some answer of the Secretary of State denying that law. Lord ELLE NBO ROUG H—Not a bit of it—it's not denied at all. —( Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM could only say, then, that no time ought to have been lost in informing the Attorney-Gene ral that that was bad law. But the case did not rest there— there was a great deal more in it, and Colonel Prince's own professional habits had led him not to state what would make against him. As he (the Noble Lord) had said before, he would rather have appealed to the vicinage where the thing happened, than to Toronto, where it did not happen ; and he was able to show that a very different verdict wrs given on Colonel Prince's conduct by those who saw and who knew the transaction, and by those amongst whom he lived, than was given by the people of Toronto. He was about to read Colonel Prince's own letter, dated Bth December, 1838, to Mr. Robert Mercer. Mr. Mercer was one of those who signed an allegation against him to the Government, and which was signed by twelve others—by Lieut.-Colonel Elliott, five Justices of the Peace, and eight others. Colonel Prince seemed to have been on very intimate terms with the family of the Mercers, and the son of Mr. Mercer was actually his Lieu tenant—in speaking of whom he stated that he had always treated Lieutenant Mercer with the greatest respect, and he had never had a word t o say aga i nst h i m. Lieut. Mer cer took a very different view of Colonel Prince's conduct ; in writing to him, Colonel Prince stated, in reference to the persons among whom he had lived—" The contemptible and ungrateful people with whom I have had the misfor tune of being connected for the last fire years. Assure my quondam friends that I treat their expressions and opinions with the utter contempt which ignorance, ingratitude, and prejudice arc ever deserving." This was in answer to the allegations made against him by some of his quondam friends as he called them. He did not like to appeal to the verdict of those friends, contemptible and ungrateful per sons, among whom he had had the misfortune to make his fortune; but he appealed to the absent, and to the igno rant Toronto man, who had met to celebrate the circum stance of his putting persons to death. Then, as strong words beget strong words, Mr. Mercer, in his answer, ' said, " You are at perfect liberty to cast off your quon dam friends, as you call them, as it may save them the trouble of doing the same of you." Colonel Elliott was Colonel Prince's senior and superior officer, and he headed the representation to Sir George Arthur. Mr. Charles Elliott, Mr. Baber, Mr. Askin, and Mr. Wood signed it. To whom was it likely to look for the character of those who had signed that representation ? He Lord Brougham) would look to Colonel Prince himself and of them he said—they having been all in the battle— " in the battle they behaved with the greatest gallantry throughout the whole of their conduct." Now the ac. count of this matter sent by them was accompanied by four affidavits. Colonel Prince observed a prudent gene rality in his statement. He did not confine himself to the time—the time being the very essence of the matter, and the question being whether it was during or a ft er t h e battle, although he said enough to convict himself. H e said those five men were put to death by me-- I shot them upon the spot during the anxious expectati on of an attack, or when we were marching to meet the enemy. Did the Noble Duke opposite, he would ask, ever during the whole of his career, in the course of an anxious expectation of an attack, think he had the power of ordering five prisoners to come to head -quarters, there to have them shot, because he was in anxious exp ectat i on of an attack ? Or did he ever thinkit necessary to put to death upon a march, prisoners who had surrendered that they might not be shot? and yet that was Col. P r i nce ' s own s t a tement. But the fact was, that it was after the attack was over,that those men were shot, except one, as appeared from the statement and the oaths of those persons, one of whom being a district judge. The Marquis of NORMANBY, in rising to order, reminded tho Noble Lord that the Court of Inquiry had distinctly negatived all the aggravated circumstances which were stated in the charge against Col. Prince. Lord BROUGHAM could only say that if that were correct the Court of Inquiry had given a very extraordinary decision, and which showed that although they might be very good officers they were very bad Judges, because he would read the judgment they had gi ven . They said, " As to the invidious colour ing. which char ac t er i zes t h e detail of facts in the Address, not in any way sub stantiated by the evidence." Did that negative the facts ? Did that deny the substance of the charge ? Lord WHARNCLIFFE—What is the finding? Lord BROUGHAM—The finding was no finding at all. They had only Colonel Arthur's account, they had not published the finding. The Noble and Learned Lord went on to state that from the evi dence of thirteen respectable witnesses, it appeared that the following cases of butchering, in cold blood, had occurred. A prisoner, who had surrendered to Colonel Prince, was ordered by him to be shot on the spot. Col. Prince had pursued a very injudicious course; for in one account he had stated that the prisoners were shot in ex pectation of an attack ; and in another, that they had been shot at the close of, and immediately after, the engage ment. It had been made a matter of complaint against Colonel Prince by those who had exclaimed against these executions, that he had not acted with sufficient prompti tude for the suppression of the brigands; and that when it was offered to put them down by a few volunteers only, he had persisted in waiting for a regular reinforce.. ment. One prisoner had been dangerously wounded, and was brought before Col. Prince in a main street of the town ; he cried out piteously for mercy, but the Colonel ordered him instantly to be shot. An officer standing by, struck with the atrocity of the order, thus addressed the twelve soldiers who were about to put it in execution, " You scoundrels, are you going to shoot your prisoner ?" at the same time telling the prisoner to " run for it," which he accordingly did, but was shot dead as he was flying, in the presence, too, of some ladies and children. Another man, severely wounded, was desired by an officer to be reserved for due course of law ; but Col. Prince, with an oath, exclaimed, " Shoot the rascal." The Col one l was i n f orme d t h at a woun d e d man was lying in a neighbouring house ; he instantly ordered him to be shot. There was a similar case, which had not been adverted to by the Court of Inquiry at all. He (Lord Brougham) need not assure their Lordships that he would not say a word in extenuation of that system of brigandism which had been practised on the frontier, with so much of outrage from such predatory and sordid motives—in a manner so revolting and so murderous,— accompanied by circumstances of every aggravation.— ( Hear, hear.) His very blood curdled within his veins, when he thought of a frontier, liable to such outrages, through the neglect of the American Government, which forfeited its title of Government, if it did not protect unoffending citizens from cruelties like those which had been practised on Dr. Hume, who was barbarously mangled in a way too horrible even to relate.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) But a man might be guilty of the most atrocious crime, and yet to kill him might be an offence no less than murder, if not done in due course of law. The case which he had just alluded to was that of a man who, having surrendered to a British officer, Colonel Prince had marched fourteen miles and then ordered him to be shot. This could not be called " during the heat of an engagement." The lan guage which Colonel Prince used now was, " I deeply regret that I did not shoot every scoundrel as he was brought in." If the Colonel had done so there might have been a stronger case in his favour, but he had not done so : he had shot them coolly and deliberately. Colonel Prince went on to say, " Nor shall the solicitations of sympathisers on the one side, nor the threats of murderdrs on the other, nor the cowardly apprehensions, miscalled humanity, of any individuals, deter me from pur suing this course in future." By the " cowardly appre hensions, miscalled humanity," Col. Prince meant the re monstrances which some well-disposed gentleman had urged to prevent his putting to death seven prisoners who had been spared by the Indians, and whom Col. Prince had ordered to be shot ; but, on these solicitations, had consented, with reluctance, to spare. Now, the law was so clear upon this subject, that he (Lord Brougham) would not have adverted to it had not some Noble Lords appeared to manifest an igno rance of that law, as utter and complete as the Attorney- General of Canada.—(Laughter.) If he was told on the most credible of all evidence—on the testimony, for in stance of the Noble Duke ( Wellington), or the Noble President of the Council (Lord Lansdowne)—that a man had committed a very atrocious murder—nay, did he wit ness the murder himself—nay, still further, did he see that man convicted of the murder in a court of justice— nay, beyond all this, did he see him upon his way to legal execution ; and even, in any of these cases, even in the last, be could put no stronger—were he to kill that man, he would be guilty of murder. Sir G. Arthur, however, the mealy-mouthed Governor of Upper Canada, had talked of regretting that Col. Prince should have been led to " anticipate the result of legal proceedings." The law knew of no such title for the unauthorised killing of any individual, and called it " murder." And to speak, as the Noble Marquis (Normanby) bad, of " disapproving" of the crime of murder, was much too lenient language. He (Lord Brougham) was bound, at the same time, to add that he believed Colonel Prince had been greatly misled by the erroneous opinion of the Attorney-General of the Province, unrescinded as it was by the Home authorities. He had now stated what he considered to be the circumstances of mitigation, and also of aggravation; and having done so, he would leave it to their Lordships to pursue that course which they con sidered would be most effectual for the purposes of justice. The Noble and Learned Lord concluded by moving for the papers of which he had given notice. The Marquis of NORMANBY deeply regretted that the transaction to which the Noble and Learned Lord had referred had ever taken place, and he as deeply lamented that the Noble Lord had gone into the statements he had done. He felt bound to resist the motion because he believed it to be unprecedented, and one which, if ac ceded to, would do the greatest injustice to the party prin. ' cipally concerned. With fraspect to the fifth case to which the Noble Lord had alluded, that of Captain Broderick, he was in possession of the distinct avowal of thirteen witnesses that they knew nothing of it, and with respect to Colonel Elliott, he had approved of the proceedings of Col. Prince. Lord BROUG HAM—To a limited extent. The Marquis of NORMANBY said it might be to a li mited extent. However much he disapproved of the course pursued by Colonel Prince, he was anxious that his case should be fully brought before the House. Nobody re gretted more than he did the transactions that had taken place, but he could not agree that Colonel Prince was to blame alone, for he had but an imperfect control over the party by whom those atrocities had been committed. Now, a great deal depended upon the real facts of the case, and that being his opinion he would very shortly advert to them On the morning of the 4th of Decem ber, Colonel Prince was roused by au alarm that the town of Windsor was then in the hands of brigands ; upon receiving that information he collected 150 men, and started at once for that place. He saw a considerable number of brigands in the grove be hind the town, he attacked and took several of them pri , sonars. and afterwards receiving information that Sand wich was also in possession of the brigands, he retired, according to his own expression, in double quick time, to that place; and under the impression of impending danger, and considering that he had no place to retreat upon, he ordered the prisoners he had taken to be shot, such was the real state of the affair. With regard to the motion it self, he had not the whole of the proceedings, but if be had, believing it to be unusual for Parliament to call for proceedings before courts-martial, he did not think it would be fair to Sir G. Arthur, who had done everything in his power to carry out the wishes of the Government, to allow the proceedings to be produced, and he therefore should oppose their production. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that his object in addressing their Lordships was to remind them of the situation in which the House stood on the present ques tion. They were not exactly proceeding in their usual course of justice in discussing a question of this description at the present stage of the proceedings. The Noble and Learned Lord having beard of these transactions the day before yesterday, came down and represented his opinions upon it. His Noble Friend:near him had thought it to be his duty to make known to their Lordships some circumstances of which he had obtained a knowledge, and the Noble Secre tary of State opposite had stated that the Government had pronounced then their disapprobation of the proceedings. That was the way in which the question stood on Tuesday. Now their Lordships had the whole case before them, a case, it must be recollected, that occurred six months ago, and one which involved the conduct of the Governor of Upper Canada. If Colonel Prince had misconducted himself as a military man, in his opinion he ought to be tried by a court-martial, and not by proceedings in that House. Could justice, he would ask, be done to an individual after a discussion like the present had taken place in that House ? His Noble Friend near him had stated to their Lordships the nature of the war that had been carried on—a war which he had already anticipated, and one that was a disgrace to this country. Because if Parliament would not adopt measures to protect the Queen's subjects on that frontier, the honour of this country required that they should withdraw from it.— (Cheers.) He knew that at the present moment guards and piquets were kept in the whole line of the frontiers, from one end of the eountry to the other, and if by any accident the guards were withdrawn, persons called brigands came across the frontier, and ransacked and burned the houses and destroyed the property of the inha bitants. He had already recommended to their Lord. ships to provide a force to put down these aggressions. He had recommended that troops should be sent down the St. Lawrence, but that course not having been adopted the aggressions had continued, and were likely to go on unless regular troops were sent there. He thought it was impossible to carry on the war in the manner in which it had been carried on without a repeti tion of such abuses. Lord G LEN ELG said that he remembered the Noble Duke expressed the same sentiments that had fallen from him on this occasion last session. It had been observed that the Attorney-General of Canada had given an opi nion upon this transaction, and that there was no allusion to that opinion in the answer he (Lord G.) had sent to that despatch. Colonel Prince did not rest his defence in the slightest degree upon that opinion, but he (Lord G.) would say that it had been before the Government, and under the consideration of the ;Crown; lawyers in this country had been consulted on the subject—it had been the subject of three months' correspondence, and the opinion here was that such persons as those, being aliens, could not be treated as traitors. _ Lord BROUGHAM greatly rejoiced in bringing this subject forward, if it were for nothing but having drawn from the Noble Duke an authoritative opinion upon the detestable warfare that was now going on upon the frontiers of America. He trusted the great name and powerful reasoning of the Noble Duke would not go in vain to America, but would cause that Government to rouse itself up to suppress the outrageous conduct that some of its citizens on the frontiers were guilty of, and it was because he had always been extremely favourable to the Americans, that he made these obser vations. After an observation or two between Lord NOR MANBY and Lord ELLENBOROUGH, which were inaudible in the gallery, the House adjourned at eight o'clock. NATIONAL EDUCATION.—Lord Brougham will present the Piece of Plat e vote d to J ames Si mpson , Esq., Advocate, of Edinburgh, at Willis's Rooms, on Sa. turday, the Ist of June, at Twelve o'clock. The Com mittee respectfully invites the attendance of the friends of National Education. The meeting is expected to be very interesting. Admission free. HOUSE OF LORDS-MAY 30. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his scat on the Woolsack at Five o'Clock. THE MEDEA COLLISION. Lord STR ANGFO RD wished to know from the Noble Lord at the hrzd of the Admiralty whether he had received any official information regarding the collision that had taken place between her Majesty's steam ship the Medea and a French sloop of war. Lord M INTO was extremely indebted to the Noble Lord opposite for affording him this opportunity of ex plaining a circumstance which had attracted a good deal of attention, and which had been the subject of a good deal of misrepresentation. It was very true that a collision had taken place between her Majesty's steam-ship the Medea and a French sloop-of-war, but which was wholly accidental. As soon as the circumstances were made known the French officer made every apology that could be possibly due for the consequences of the accident. He ( Lord M.) was more fortunate on this occasion than on the last, because he was now in possession of a full detail of the circumstances from the commanding officer. He had both a private and a public letter on the subject, dated on board the Medea, at Bermuda, on the 20th of April, which stated the circumstances, and from which it appeared that the Flfench sloop had mistaken the British steamer for a Mexican cruizer, and that when she ran across the French sloop, the French officer directed one shot to be fired, although by some unaccountable circumstance six shots were fired into the Medea, by which one man was wounded, and his leg imme diately afterwards obliged to be amputated. Alto gether it was one of those unforseen accidents which would at times happen, and on account of which nothing culpable was to be attributed to either side. If there was any aggression it must have arisen from our ship running across the French sloop. The Noble Lord trusted that this explanation would be satisfactory both to the House and to the country; and he regretted to have seen statements on this subject circulated which were calculated certainly to excite an unnecessary feeling and high-mindedness in sensitive people. Lord ST RANG FO RD was very glad to have heard this explanation given ; but he must say that these mistakes seemed to occur much more frequently now than they did in former times. _ _ .... Lord MINTO was quite sure that this had not arisen from any original error on the part of the French officers. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER presented several petitions, praying for the adoption of a penny postage. The Marquis of ANGLESE A presented petitions to the same effect. _ . Lord D ACRE presented petitions to the same effect. Lord ROSEI3E RY, in the absence of the Duke of Sutherland, presented a petition from Sutherland in favour of an extension of Church endowment in Scotland. The Marquis of BUTE presented a petition from seve ral parts in Ayrshire and other Counties in Scotland, to the same effect. Lord SEGRAVE presented petitions from Bristol and other places, praying for a penny postage. Lord HILL presented a petition from the Mayor Aldermen, Burgesses, and others of Shrewsbury, to the same effect. Lord SLIGO presented a variety of petitions to the same effect. Lord M ALM ESBUR Y presented a petition from the Wesleyan Congregation of St. John's (as we understood) Bradford, against the intended plan of education. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition against the proposed scheme of National Education ; and also pe titions from several places in Staffordshire for the better observance of the Sabbath -day. The Bishop of WINCHESTER presented several pe titions, praying for the adoption of a penny postage. The Bishop of EXETER presented petitions from Rutland and other places, against the proposed scheme of National Education. resented a great num b er The Earl of ABERDEEN p of petitions from places in Scotland, praying for increased means of edueation. The Bishop of RIPON presented a petition against the Ministerial system of education from Bung - ay. Lord LORTON presented ses4tal petitions from places in the county of Roscommon, in favour of Mr. Rowland Hill's plan of penny postage. The Earl of WINC HIL SEA presented a petition from the Clergy of Athersole, to the same effect; also petitions from Chard in Somersetshire, and from some place in the county of Derby, against any further grant to the College of Maynooth ; also petitions from various places in the county of Kent against the proposed scheme of National Education. BEER BILL, In reply to a question from the Marquis of WEST MINSTER, Lord BROUGEIAM said that nothing should induce him to postpone the consideration of the Beer Bill beyond Monday next. Lord DENMAN presented several petitions from places in the counties of Nottingham and Derby, praying for a penny postage. COLONEL PRINCE. LorrROUG HAM said that in giving notice of a motion on this subject for to-day, his intention was to give his Noble Friend opposite an oppor tunity of stating whatever he might have to lay before their Lordships in vindication of Colonel Prince, and therefore, in bringing forward the motion he should not make any statement, but reserve himself for a reply to the Noble Lord's defence of Colonel Prince, should such be neces sary. The Noble Marquis had stated that he had no ob. jection to lay before the House a copy of the minutes of the Court of Inquiry on Colonel Prince. Lord EL L ENBOROUG 11 said, that as the papers moved for would not contain the whole of the evidence, which it appeared the Noble Marquis had an objection to lay before the House, it would be necessary, in justice to Colonel Prince, and in justice to the great body of the Colonists, who sided with him, and also in justice to the Court of Inquiry, that he should state to the House the circumstances under which these events took place. Before he read to the House the statement of Col. Prince, it was necessary that he should bring before the House a few facts which had taken place previously to this occurrence. Colonel Prince was a Member of the Colonial Parliament of Upper Canada, for Essex County, and also a Magistrate, and at a meeting of the inhabitants held in June, 1838, certain resolutions were agreed to all most strongly condemnatory of the course which the Government had pursued respecting certain prisoners who had been taken during the preceding winter, and sent before Courts of Justice for trial. The Noble Lord then read extracts from the resolutions strongly con demnatory of the course the Government had pursued, and stating the dreadful state to which they had been reduced during the winter in consequence of these incursions—that they had spared no trouble or ex pense to bring to trial these brigands, and that they were deeply hurt to find that instead of being tried as brigands, they were detained as prisoners of war. They went on further to state their opinion that the conduct of the Government had been unwise, impolitic, and unjust, and demonstrated that they were not sufficiently aware of the value of the Colonies, and unless a different policy were adopted they could not be answerable for the consequences ; and concluded with these remarkable expressions " That the Colonies could not be answerable, if, in consequence of their conduct in any future warfare for the protection of their lives and properties, a thirst for vengeance should take the place of that forbearance and temper by which they had hitherto been distinguished." These resolutions were unanimously adopted, and Sir George Arthur, on the 19th June, transmitted these reso lutions to Lord Glenelg, and inclosing also the opinion of the Attorney-General, that these men might have been put to death by their captors as outlaws who had invaded the soil. The Secretary of State acknowledged these de spatches, but made no remark or observation upon the opinion of the Attorney- General. The event which had been anticipated actually took place. The attack was made on the 4th December, 1838, about six months after these resolutions had been adopted. The Noble and Learned Lord then detailed the circumstances of the land ing of the insurgents and the burning of the steam-boat, barracks, and adjoining houses—the burning to death of two militia men, and of Staff-surgeon Hume. The militia were commanded by Col. Prince, and when the insurgents were defeated, four of those taken prisoners were ordered to be shot. The next circumstance he had to place before their Lordships was the defence of Col. Prince by himself, which he made on the 9th of April last. After the result of the militia Court of Inquiry, a:public dinner was given to Col. Prince in the city of Toronto; the Mayor presided, and several members of the House of Assembly attended. It appeared that the opinion given by the Attorney- General, as to the right to put to death par ties taken as outlaws invading the territory, was participated in and adopted by the meeting, for the Chair man said the objects of the festivity was two-fold—to do honour to the brave defender of their country Colonel Prince, and secondly, to proclaim to their blood-thirsty assailants that on British ground and from British hands they could expect nothing but the fitting doom of outlaws and murderers. It was impossibl e for him to read the whole of the statement of Colonel Prince, and some por tions of it were o f a somewhat personal character. - Co. lonel Prince did not disguise from the meeting that many friends of his questioned the propriety of his having done what he conceived to be his duty. The Noble and Learned Lord then read several extracts from the speech of Colonel Prince, detailing the circumstances which had led to the execution of these four men. When he saw murder and arson perpetrated by these ruffians—when he saw his fellow-subjects lying around him in all the deformities of a cruel death —and when he saw how frequen tl y the y had escaped the puni s h men t civilised of d o f their heinous crimes e a s pp h ea e led asked the the wholepeo iv l dise Great Britain, and world whether the time had not arrived when the utmost severity of the penal laws should not be enforced against "d Neither hi s these men, and summary- justiced executed up on t h em. Th e o t s i v i n e Ike m a r e t r i t e o a l o d ofoehishics duty.onuct, country approve d him that he had do people nor the American press had questioned it--it was an extreme case, and he had ordered these men to be exe cuted during the anxious period when they were expecting the attack of the enemy. _He ( Lord Ell en b orough) had given the statemen t in Colonel Prince's own words, and he thought it useless to add any observations from him self.--( Hear. ) Lord BROUGHAM was exceedingly glad that his Noble Friend had pursued the course he had most judi ciously adopted on the present occasion. He was quite certain that none could better serve the object he had in view and the ends of justice. Colonel Prince had been at- tacked by him (Lord B.) in that House on grounds, as be should presently show their Lordships, which were not in the slightest degree affected by any thing that had been stated by his Noble Friend, and in language as he deemed not more forcible than the occasion required. It was fitting, therefore, that all should be heard or. the other side that could be said, and a better course could not have been taken by his Noble Friend than that of reading Col. EV ENI NG EDITION SPORTING INS 'ELLIGENCE. ASCOT-HEATH RACES.—TstuRSDAY. The necessity of a Grand Stand as a public accommodation was more fairly, and, notwithstanding the defect already de scribed, more successfully tested yesterday than on Tuesday. The long train of carriages which approached the Heath from all directions left no doubt as to the attractions of the day ; but it required a nearer approximation to ascertain whether they would drive to the enclosure or the lower side of the straight course, or deposit their freights at the Stand. All fears on this point were soon dispelled ; in due time the I road leading to the principal entrance was full, and nearly two hours were occupied in "setting down," &c. By the time that the arrival of the Queen at the commencement of the new mile was announced, it contained what " now-a days" is rarely seen in a theatre, viz., " a bumper," and a most gratifying and brilliant spectacle was presented to the view of those stationed in front—the grand floor teemed with beauty and fashion, and the leads were covered with those who were anxious to obtain a sight of the approaching cor tege; the enclosed space before the building was also full, but i, the parties occupying it were intent upon a subject more at tractive even than their youthful Sovereign—and lryalty gave way to the Cup, upon which speculation was progre.sing as iT the approaching illustrious party was fifty miles off. We wi.l conclude this part of our duty by repeating our belief that when the necessary alterations are completed, this splendid edifice will answer every favourable anticipation. The importance of the Cup at Ascot, or rather the Cup " Day" (tor the Cup, in reality has very little to do with the matter), is proverbial, scarcely inferior to the Derby-day it is yet different in many respects, for the company is of a de cidedly superior class, and their object evidently as much to see the Sovereign, join in the promenade, and form part of an assemblage celebrated for its Aristocratic character, as to witness the racing. It is not improbable, however, that the easy mode of access now supplied by the Great Weston Railway, while it adds largely to the Lumber of the visitors, may at the same time have the eff,ct of dimicis ling its fashionable tone; this is usually the effect of a great crowd at a race course, and we fancied such was the case yesterday. That the railway has operated prejudicially in some respects . was as palpable on the road as it was on the Derby eay—the relays of post-horses which of old were to be seen at Bedfont, by scores, showed a marked falling off, and the ." c0a . .1 pro prietors of a day" found it difficult to make the speculation profitable. As the railway has thus done so much injury to the post and coachmasters, it is but reasonable to expect that the Directors will furnish the Stewards of the races with a plate; certainly it is scarcely fair to expect so much from a class of men who have been nearly ruined by the new style of travelling. Of the proceedings yesterday our account cannot be other wise than highly favourable ; they fully sustained the term "grand" for so many years bestowed on the third day; the weather was delightful, the sport plentiful and good, and ate crowd so immense, that had not the arrangements been on a very extensive and judicious scale, it would have been quite imposible to have preserved anything like order. '1 he squeeze at the money-entrance of the Grand Stand was awful, inso much as many elegant females were compelled to seek ac commodation elsewhere; in every other respect we were carried back to Zinganee's year, which has had the reputa tion of being, par excellence, the best Cup year ever known: A little before one o'clock the . shouts of the spectators 'an nounced the approach of the Royal party; it proceeded at a gentle pace up the New Mile, and on passing the various stands, was greeted with general acclamations; these were re peated on the appearance of her illajesty at the windows of her stand, and frequently in the course of the afternoon; in fact, her Majesty's reception was creditable to the loyalty and good feelings of her subjects. The departure of the Foreign Princes deprived the procession -of some part of its interest, and shortened it of two or three carriages. In the carriage with her Majesty were her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent and the Prince and Princess of Leningen. In those which preceded were Lord Melbourne, Lord Pal , merston, Lord and Lady Uxbridge, Lord Errol, Lord Albe- 4 marle, Lord Fingal, Lord Clarence Paget, Lord and Lady Surrey, Earl March, Countess Cowper, Lady Flora Hastings, Lady Fanny Cowper, Colonel Cavendish, Hon. G. Murray, Baroness Lehzen, Hon. G. S. By ng, Miss Paget, Mrs. Campbell, Hon. Miss Anson, Colonel Bulkeley, Major Keppel, Miss Littleton, &c. The following is as full a list of the company as the crowded state of the course permitted us to obtain : Duke and Duchess of Beaufort, Duke of Rutland, Duke of - Montrose, Prince and Princess of Capua, Marquis of Exeter, Earl and Countess of Chesterfield, Earl and Countess of 'Wil ton, Earl of Lichfield, Earl Stradbroke, Earl Jersey, Earl Bruce, Earl Sefton (and Countess), Earl of Belfast, Earl and Countess of Verulam. Lords Villiers, J. Fitzroy, G. Ben tinck, Jocelyn, Bridport (and Lady), Andover, Rosslyn, G. Lennox, C. Manners, Rivers,W. Paulett, C.. Fitzroy, Maidstone; Count D'Orsay ; the Swedish Charge d'Affaires. Sirs—J. Shel ley, C. Domvile (and Lady), D. Baird, G. Heathcote, H. Sey myur, S. Graham, C. Dalbiac. Honourables E. Grimston,J. Grim ston, G. Anson (and Lady), A. Villiers, J. \Mel's, H. Rous, W. Rous, S. Herbert, Macdonald, F. Baring, Gen. Grosvenor, F. Berkeley, H. Fitzroy. Colonels—Chaloner, Peel, Bouve rie, Wyndham and Wemyss. Messrs. Greville, Thornhill, Thornhill, jun., F. Craven, Shelly, Portman, M. Foulis, Wor rall, Crommelin, Seymour, F. Charlton, Payne, Hunter, S. Stanley, Biggs, J. Stanley, Brand, J. Bayley, V. Dol phin, Townley, Fairlie, Neville, Irby, Gardnor, Hawker, Etwell, &c. The following account of the sport will substantiate all we have said with respect to its excellence : The Buckhurst Dinner Stakes of 200 sovs. each, h. ft. ; for three-year-old colts, Bst. 71b. ; fillies, sst. 41b. ; 31b. and Mb. allowed, &e. Swinley course. Seven subscribers. • Lord Lichfield's bl. c. The Corsair (J. Day) 1 Lord Exeter's Bosphorus... 6 and 7 to 4 on Bosphorus.—Bosphorus made play at a good steady pace as far as the Grand Stand, where the Corsair chal lenged, and after a severe struggle won by a neck—certainly not more, yet some parties, who would know better than the Judge, insisted that it was won by a length and a half. A Sweepstakes of 30 sovs. each, 20 ft. ; for two-yr-old colts, Bst. Mb. ; and fillies, Bst. 21b. ; winners of sweepstakes after running to carry 31b. extra : T.Y.C._ .. 8 subs. Lord Lynedoch's b. c. Jeffy, by Jerry, alb. extra ...J. Day 1 Mr. Sadler's Defendant, by Defence The following also started :—Lord Exeter's Stamboul (31b. extra)—Lord Albemarle's Iris (31b. extra)—Mr. Rayner's Ten Pound Note (31b. extra)—and Col. Wyndham's ch. f. by Nonsense, out of Ethilda's dam. Lord G. Bentinck's Sal Vo latile did not run in this heat. There were four heats for this race : in the first Defendats won by a neck, Iris second, and Jeffy third. Stamboul, the Nonsense filly, Ten Pound Note, and Sal Volatile were not placed. The betting was 6to 4 agst Defendant-2 to I asst Stamboul—and 4to l agst Jeffy. It was then objected that they had started at the wrong post, and as this was decided to have been the case another race was indispensible. The betting before starting for the next heat was 2 to I on Defendant. Jeffy made the running at a good pace followed by Defendant, the others lying well up with them to the distance, where they began to drop off. Defendant now went to Jeffy; but after a splendid race was defeated by a head. Two better contested heats have seldom been witnessed. The Gold Cup, value 300 sovs., by subscription of 20 sovs. each, with 200 added from the fund; 3 yrs, 6st. 101 b.; 4 yrs, List. Mb. • 5 yrs, 9st. ; 6 yrs and aged, 9st. 31b. ; m. and g. allowed 31b. About two miles and a half. 19 subs. Hon. Capt. Berkeley's Caravan, 5 yrs ... (Robinson.) I Mr. Thornhill's St. Francis, 4 yrs Col. Peel's lon, 4 vrs Col. Peel's The Dey of Algiers, 3 yrs 4 Betting.-5 to 4on St. Francis-3 to 1 agst Caravan--5 to 1 agst the Dey of Algiers—and 8 to 1 agst. lon. Caravan made first running, but on reaching the distance dropped into the second place and allowed St. Francis to go on with it at a good pace; we did not perceive any change of position till they reached the last turn, where The Dey of Algiers showed in front : he soon dropped off, however, leaving lon to vindicate the honour of the stable : thi s h e at tempted at the old betting stand, and so far successfully that he lived with St. Francis till within 30 or 40 yards of the chair, when Caravan popped in between the two, and after a good race with St. Francis won by three parts of a length. The pace was not by any means first rate for the last mile. Sweepstakes of 200 sovs. each, h. ft. ; for 3-yr-old colts, Bst. 51b., and fillies, Bst. 21b. ; unt. mares or stallions allowed 31b. Swinley Course. Eight subs. Mr. NRidsdale's Bloomsbury Rogers Lord Lichfield's Sister to Hector As Sister to Hector was started solely for the purpose of claiming the stake on the objection previously made, Blooms bury had only to take the lead, keep it, and win by eight lengths. The Grand Stand Plate of 1001. (handicap). Once round and a distarice. Capt. Williamson's Mervan, 5 yrs, Bst. 41b ...... ..J. Day 1 Mr. Greville's Rory O'More, 3 yrs, 7st. 131 b 2 Mr. Forth's ch. f. by Merchant, out of Turquoise, 3 yrs, 7st 3 The following also started :—Lord Jersey's Joannina, 4 yrs, Bst 51b.—Mr. Shelley's bay Hampton, 4 yrs, Bst. 21b.—Ge neral Grosvenor's Merrythought, 5 yrs, 7st. 131b.—Captain Gardner's Bandboy, 4 yrs, 6st. 131 b.—and Lord Lichfield's c. by Aotxon, ont of Wings, 3 yrs, 6st. 91b. Betting-7 to 2 agst Bay Hampton-6 to 1 agst Mirvan 6to 1 agst Rory O'More-7 to 1 agst Turquoise-7 to 1 agst Joannina—and Bto 1 agst Merrythought. The Wings colt made the running, followed by Mervan to the last turn, where Mervan took it up; Rory O'More passed the Wings colt at the distance, but could never reach the Mervan, who won in a canter by two lengths. The tailing after the second was amazingly distinct, considering that it was a handicap. The Windsor Town Plate of 501., 3 yrs, ist. ; 4 yrs, Bst. 6113. ; 5 yrs, 9st. ; 6 yrs and aged, 9st. 31b. ; m. and g. allowed 31b. ; the winner to be sold for 250 sove., &e. ; winners of the value of 501. this year, previous to starting, 4. ; twice of 50/., or one of lOW., 51b. extra. Two miles. Captain Williamson's The Drama, 3 yrs. Mr. Hussey's Red Rose, 3 yrs. 2 and 3 to 1 on The Drama, who made all the limning, and won in a canter by two lengths. The Windsor Castle Stakes of 100 sovs. each, h. ft. ; for three-year-olds, Bst. 71b. ; fillies, Bst. 41b. ; winner of the Derby, Oaks, or 2,000 guineas stakes, Mb. extra. Six Subscribers. Lord Lichfield's The Corsair (J. Day) 1 Mr. T. Walters's The Deputy .. 2 6 and 7 to 1 on the Corsair, who won, pulling double, by a length. Handicap for the Wokingham Stakes (this day). _ Industry, 4 yrs, 9st.—Alerrdar, 4 yrs, Bst. 111b." . ..L.1-wish. you-may-get-it, 4 yrs, Bst. 61b.—Wilesden, 6 yrs, 'Bst. 61b.— Madeira, 5 yrs, Bst. 61b.—Tros, 3 yrs, Bst. 21b.—Miss Etty, 3 yrs, Bst.—Bristle colt , 3 yrs , Bst.—The Drama, 3 yrs , 7 st , 111b.—Torquoise c., 3 :yrs , 7st, 41b. Confusionee, 3 yrs, 7st; 41b. —C. out of Carew's d., 3 yrs, fist. 111b.—Sister to Hector, 3 yrs, 63t. 41b.—Roostan, 3 yrs, 6st.. 21b.---4'harold, 3 yrs bst. 81b. MANCHESTER RACES , —SATURDAY.—(ConcIuded.) Hurdle Race Sweepstakes of 5 soy!. each, and 40 added ; four yr-olds, lOst. 51b. ; five yrs, Ilst. ; six yrs, I Ist. 61b. ; and aged, llst. 81b. Winners of any stake once, 51bs. ; twice or more, 71bs. extra. Thorough-bred horses, bibs. extra. Heats, twice round, with three leaps over hurdles four feet high in each round. (6 Subs. ) Mr. Stephenson's ch. g. True Blue, aged (Mr. Barker) 1 1 Mr. llobson's Robin Adair, 5 yrs 2 2 Mr. Forrest's b. m. Maid of the Falls, aged Mr. Blackshaw's Dust Pan, aged Betting-6 to 4on True Blue, and 2to 1 agst Robin Adair. Won easily by four or five lengths. Sweepstakes of 3 sovs. each, with a Silver Cup added, for Ponies net exceeding 14 hands high. Weight for inches. Heats, one mile and a dis. (5 Subs.) Mr. Jones's b. p. Cupid, 9st. 31b. ...... ...( W. Jones) 4 1 1 Mr. Jas. Langshaw nd. d.p. Wag tail, lOst. 31b. 1 4 2 Mr. J. Barrow's b.p. Lady , 10st. 7l b Mr. Woodward's p. Rat-tail, aged 3 3 4 Betting.-3 to 2on Cupid, sto 1 agst Wagtail, and Bto 1 agst Rat-tail. The first heat won easily, the second by ten lengths, and the third easy. Trotting Race Sweepst akes of 10 soy's. each, with 100 added, for trotting horses of surges. The second to save kis s t a k e . Two-mile beats. 6 Mr. Batty's br. h . Alexander, 12st. 71b (Smith) 1 1 l ‘ l h . e — Jm Unknown, 12st. 71b 2 3 hih.l 2st . T Mr. Chester's ch. h. The Bald-faced Cob. a ass e e s Y L 's ran;shha. w Jack,s ' Mr. .1. Corus's b. m. *Miss Morgan, 12st. 71b Betting.- 2 to 1 agst Jack, 4to 1 agst The Unknown, 4to ' 1 agst Alexander, 6 to 1 agst The Bald-faced Cob, and 7 to I agst Miss Morgan. Both heats won very easily ; in the last Alexander nearly distanced his competitors. at - :5 (SAta third Tam- '~