The Sun. — London, England, 1839-01-29 00:00:00

was called to the chair. The Mayor baying vacated the the rest of the nation, are deeply impressed with the con viction that any tax on the importation of corn and provisions must inevitably prove injurious to the landed proprietors themselves, inasmuch as among other considerations the de struction of the manufacturing interests of the country would leave no other class than the owners of the soil to bear the entire burdens of the State, and they therefore believe that only the blindest infatuation can induce landed proprietors to support taxes on food. same, — Mr. R. K. DocoLas, in moving a vote of thanks to the Mayor, said be congratu!ated the meetiqg on the victory they had just achieved.—(Loud cheers.) He hoped they would go home in perfect peace and harmony. They were all agreed upon one point that the Corn-law was a bad law—( Hear)—but there was another point on which they did not exactly agree, and that was as to the means of getting rid of it.—( Cheers.) Let them maintain union among themselves ; and he would tell them that if one thing would have dissevered them more than another, it would have been the abandonment that day of the plain straight forward course of consistency they had pursued.—( Cheers. ) He implored them not to forget what took place last Spring. They would remember deputations from various parts ot Eng land were sent to Glasgow ; that a deputation from Birming ham was sant, and that when they returned to Warwickshire they agreed to a petition by a majority as astounding as that which they bad just witnessed. He begged of them to hear what that petition was, and he would ask them with what sort of consistency could they have agreed to the shallow reso lution originally proposed, after having put their hands and seals to the National Petition.—( Hear, hear, bear.) What was this National Petition ? It condemned the Corn-laws as strongly as any petition could, and it contained these words : " We tell your Honourable House, that the capital of the master must no longei be deprived of its due profit; that the labour of the workman must no longer be deprived of its due reward ; that the laws which make food dear, and those which, by making money scarce, make labour cheap, must be abo lished; that taxation must be made to fall on property, not on industry; that the good of the many, as it is the only legiti mate end, so must it be the sole study of the Government." Mark what followed, to which 60,000 men and 50,000 women of Birmingham put their hands : " As a preliminary essential to these and other requisite changes—as the means by which alone the interests of the people can be effectually vindicated and secured, we demand that those interests be confided to the keeping of the people. " When the State calls for defenders, when it calls for money, no consideration of poverty or ignorance can be pleaded in refusal or delay of the call. " Required as we are, universally, to support and obey the laws, nature and reason entitle us to demand that, in the making of the laws, the universal voice shall be implicitly listened to. " We perform the duties of freemen; we must have the privileges of freemen. " We demand Universal Suffrage. " The suffrage, 'o be exempt from the corruption of the wealthy, and the violence of the powerful, must be secret. " The assertion of our right necessarily involves the power of its uncontrolled exercise. " We ask for the reality of a good, not for its semblance. " WE DEMAND THE BALLOT. " The connection between the representatives and the people to be beneficial must be intimate. " The legislative and constituent powers, far correction and fur instruction, ought to be brought into frequent contact. E roes, which are comparatively light when susceptible of a speedy popular remedy, may produce the most disastrous effects when permitted to grow inveterate through years of compulsory endurance. " To public safety, as well as pubiic coefidenc-, frequent Elections are essential. " WE DEMAND ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS. " With poser to choose, and freedom in choosing, the range of our choice mast be unrestricted. "'We are compelled, by the existing laws, to take for our representatives men, who are incapable of appreciating our difficulties, or who have little sympathy with them; merchants who have retired from trade, and who no longer feel its har rassings; proprietors of land, who are alike ignorant of its evils and their cure ; lawyers, by whom the honours of the senate are sought after only as a means of obtaining notice in the courts. " The labours of a representative, who is sedulous in the discharge of his duty, are numerous and burdensome. " It is neither just, nor reasonable, nor safe, that they should continue to be gratuitously rendered. " We demand that, in the future election of Members of your Honourable House, the approbation of the constituency shall be the sole qualification ; and that, to every representa tive so chosen, shall be assigned, out of the public taxes, a fair and adequate remuneration for the time which he is called upon to devote to the public service." This petition was not concocted ina, corner, but:was wafted on the wings of the Press to every part of the kingdom—it had been translated into French, and had reached Belgium—it had been circulated among the National Guardss—and, in fact, it had gone through more editions, and had been more widely read than any other document ever published in England.— ( Cheers.) What bad they gone on to say ? " Finally, we would most earnestly impress on your Honourable House, that this petition has not been dictated by any idle love of change; that it springs out of no inconside rate attachment to fanciful theories; but that it is the result of much and long deliberation, and of convictions, which the events of each succeeding year tend more and more to strengthen. " The management of this mighty kingdom has hitherto been a subject for contending factions to try their selfish ex periments upon. " We have felt the consequences, in our sorrowful experi ence—sheet glimmerings of uncertain enjoyment swallowed up by long and dark seasons of suffering. " If the self.government of the people should not remove their distresses, it will at least remove their repinings. " Universal Suffrage will, and it alone can, bring true and lasting peace to the nation ; we firmly believe that it will also bring prosperity."—( Cheers.) The men of Birmingham bad signed that petition - merely as a preliminary. The subject of the Corn-laws had at length be come the very focus of agitation, and did they believe the Whigs were not willing to take advantage of it?—( Hear, hear, hear.) It might be all a Whig trick, and it was well known they were very anxious to shuffle off another Session. There wine to he speeches made—witnesses were to give evidence at the Bar of the House of Commons—the right of discussing petitions was to be asserted—there were to be deputations sent here and deputations sent there—subscriptions from this quarter and subscriptions from that quarter—and in the end they would shuffle eff in doing nothing.--( Hear, bear, and laughter.) He had thought it necessary, not hav ing spoken on this question before, simply to vindicate their character for consistency. He would give some of the gentlemen who had come forward that day credit fur good motives, but he thought they were a little mistaken. He was sure there was one feeling they would all unite in, and that was, to give a vote of thanks to the first Mayor of Birmingham, for his conduct in the Chair that day.—( Cheers,) He felt great pride in moving a vote of thanks to the first Mayor elected by the free constituency of of that great town, and he was sure that the fair, impartial, and admirable manner in which he had conducted the meeting anus: have given satisfaction to all parties.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. COLLINS seconded the vote of thanks. My friends, I congratulate you.—( Cheers.) I anticipated from the first moment that the meeting was announced, what the result of it would be. I knew the minds of the men of Birmingham. I knew they never met upon a subject they did not understand. Knowing that they understood this subject, and were well ac quainted with the National Petition which they sent to Parlia ment, I could not for a moment suppose, that a majority at any public meeting would decide contrary to that petition.— ( Cheers.) You have realised my expectations. In conclu sion, I have only to say, that I heartily concur in the cube gium just bestowed on the worthy Mayor, and that I feel great pleasure in seconding the vote of thanks.—( Cheers.) Mr. JOSEPH STURGE—I am sure the vote I am going to ask at your hands needs no arguments of mine to support it. Be fore putting it, however, allow me to say that I hope we shall all part in perfect good-will, and if any body has made a mis take, I hope it will be attributed rather to want of judgment than to a want of kindly feeling..—(Hear, hear.) I happen to be one of those, unfortunately perhaps, you will say, who, riot being a dealer in corn on my own account, am in a pe cuniary point of view interested in the high price of grain ; but I would rather suffer the greatest privations of the humblest individual in this assembly, than enjoy the most princely for tune at the expense of the working classes.—(Cheers.) I can only say (as I have said before) that however mistaken in judgment you may suppose me to be, and that however humble my services may be, yet I shall always be willing to become your servant.—( Hear, hear.) With these few remarks may I be allowed to put the resolution which I know will be re ceived with acclamation. The vote of thanks was then put, and carried amid thunders of applause. The MAYOR—I most heartily thank you for your kind ap proval of my conduct this day. Whether I agree with such meetings as the present, or whether I do or not, I shall feel it to be my duty to convene and preside over such meetings, when properly called for, and at all times to exercise impar tiality.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I heartily thank you. Three cheers were then given for the working men, and the immense assemblage quietly dispersed. Your petitioners are further convinced that, in proportion to the activity of commercial intercourse between nation and nation will be formed a mutual dependence of interest, and, thence a mutual interchange of good offices, which 'rust contribute mainly to consolidate and perpetuate universal peace, an object which must be desired by the Members of your Hon. House, as well as by all other friends of religion and humanity. " Your petitioners therefore pray that your Hon. House will take the premises into its earliest and most sericus con sideration, with a view to the total and immediate abolition of al i t laws restricting the importation of food as unjust in them. selves, detrimental to the interests of every class in the com munity, and calculated to impede the establishment of peace and good-will among mankind. " And your petitioners further pray to be heard on the sub ject of this their petition, and to adduce evidence in suppert thereof at the bar of your Hon. House, or in such other way as to your Hon. House shall appear right." COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. (YESTERDAY.) ( Continued from The Sun of yesterday.) Mr. LAUkENCII could not agree with the proposition that had been put forth, that the lowering the price of corn would not affect the farmer, because he felt convinced that it would. Our manufacturers found that their trade was rapidly going from them, and it was time that they should look about them and endeavour to discover what might check their pro gress to ruin. The eminent manufacturers of Man chester had declared that their business in many :arti cles was rapidly dwindling away, being superseded by other nations—and this was owing to the high price of corn in our country compared with foreign countries. Why, up to about the year 1770 this was a corn-exporting country, and it was observable that from the time when the Corn-laws were imposed, the distress of agriculture commenced. It was quite just that the agricultural interests should be protected. Poor-rates pressed more heavily upon those interests than upon manufactures, and tithe was a burden which tended to discourage their improvements. But on the other hand, the agriculturists received benefit from all the improvements in manufactures, and they ought not to receive more than their fair share of protection. —( Hear. ) When free-trade was clamoured for, in every department of commerce, it was right that it, should be recollected that free trade meant, in fact, freedom from taxation : and if such freedom was to be universally established, why some new mode of answering the exigencies of the State must be devised. Now, suppose the Corn-laws repealed—the unproductive lands in this country (which ought never to have been cultivated) would be thrown out of cultivation. The foreign corn-grower would take in payment our manufactures. The result of an increased demand for foreign corn would be to raise the price ; that would be a " protecting duty" to our own farmers. —( Hear.) In Dantzic, the price of corn for a long time averaged forty shillings a quarter, not • such a very low price.—(Hear, hear, hear.) There must be a heavy pressure upon the Corn-law makers in the Houses cf Parliament—to induca them to repeal those laws— for they, being the landlords; of the corn-growers, would be unwilling to give up their high rents, and would not do so unless compelled by some great public demonstration.—( Hear. ) When the price of manufactures was reduced, the agriculturists would reap the benefit of that, reduction, which would go far to compensate them for the reduction in the price of corn.— , ( Hear.) The Hon. Deputy concluded by saying that he should vote for the motion. Mr. JourisoN said this question ought to be decided upon facts. It was said that a reduction in the price of corn, from a repeal of the Corn-laws, would injure the farmer. He denied that it would, for the farmer would never pay more for his land than in just proportion to its productiveness, and rents must be lowered.—( Hear.) Our manufacturers found that France, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland were all quickly super seding our manufactures; and it was not to be wondered at, for we had forced them, to become manufacturers by re fusing to receive their corn. Hence our artisans were being reduced almost to starvation, though fully equal in ability to the manufacturers of any other country. If the fetters of the Corn-laws were removed, commerce would again expand its wings, and spread from shore to shore ; the ocean would again be laden with our traffic, waft. ing back to us in return the commodities of other nations.—(Hear, hear.) It was not for a member of that Council to advocate physical force ; but he must say that, looking to the spirit which was rising in the country in opposition to these laws, it was not to be marvelled at that the manufacturing classes should be in the state of excitement in which they now were, upon this subject: and, as the Legis lature had always paid great attention to the petitions of the Common Council of London, it was desirable that a petition should issue from that body, praying for the total abolition of the Corn-laws, before it was too late.—( Hear. ) Mr. Srevzils said that the real question was, whether they would give to the growers of earn a protection beyond the other classes, and he would say that a. protection to one class was a tax upon all the others. What. was the state of the country ? Its population was increasing, whilst its. manufac tures were decreasing. Why, he tioulcLatait e was, a, tax, to be imposed on one class of the cominuniteJor thaaalte merely of another ? Were the -agricultnribta an enlightened body of men? Certainly not. There-was numore•igaorant or stupid class of men than the agrioulistral labourers, whereas the ma nufacturing operatives were nevi: divalent, and expended a considerable portion of their earnings in the promotion of moral improvement—this was the kind of population which should be sustained, and which would place. the country in ihe high station it should hold. Bat who, he would ask, were the makers of the Corn-laws, but the landowners themselves ? The following is the petition which was to be moved by the requisitionists : " Sheweth—That your petitioners view with alarm the change that has taken place in the commercial relations of Great Britain. " That foreign States, whose supply mainly depended upon England. now not only manufacture for themselves, but largely export their own manufactures. " That even after payment of our import duties they ac tually undersell our own manufactures in this country, and especially in a great number of articles formerly the exclusive production of this town. " That this has occurred, notwithstanding that Great Bri tain possesses a larger capital, a more skilful and persever ingly industrious population, better and cheaper machinery, greater and more available mineral resources, better means of internal communication, and a finer commercial navy, than any other country in the world. That, in the opiuion of your petitioners, this change is to be attributed to the absurd and unjust laws which former Parliaments have vainly endeavoured to promote the interests of one class of the community at the expense of the rest, in prohibiting or restricting the free importation of corn and pro visions, and obliging the whole labouring population to un dergo a scarcity nearly approaching to starvation before, in the case of corn, the ports can be opened for their relief. " That, in consequence of other countries being this year drained of their stocks of corn, and the uncertain demand from this country tot c,ffering a sufficient inducement for further tills e, if our next harvest unfortunately prove as unpro ductive as the last a famine must ensue, and a consequent state of society fearful to contemplate. " That your petitioners, while they deny the right of a small part of the community to the enhancement of the value of their property at the expense and to the detriment of all He did not desire to make the Corn-laws a political question, further than this--the landowners formed the House of Lords, and no Bill could pass without their consent. Let them keep an eye on the House of Lords. Mr. R. TAYLOR said that the high prices of corn, and con sequently the high prices of labour, he felt sure were oc casioned by the Corn-laws. Corn was the great medium of exchange in all countries, and it was impossible that these prices could be maintained above those of other countries with out being undersold by them.—(Hear.) A great change had certainly taken place in this country since the peace, when there were no manufacturers in other countries. We then had a monopoly—but a very great change had since then taken place. British capital and machinery were carried abroad. And was this a state of things which they should shut their eyes to ?—( Hear.) It enabled foreigners, who could not compete with it in skill or capital if they had not the advantage of cheap- corn, to do so. This was the cause to which he attributed the evil.—( Hear, hear, hear.) There had been an argument used by one gentleman present, who had stated himself to be of. the agricultural interests in the Council-'-he referred to Mr. Jupp, and he (Mr. Taylor) congratulated the Court that the agri cultural interest could be heard in that Court as well as the representatives of manufactures. The Gentlemen, however, in that place, who advocated agricultural interests there, usually drove, not the plough, but the quill.—( Hear.) In saying this he did not allude to Mr. Jupp, who doubtless spoke in reference to his tenure in Essex, beyond Bow-bridge. —( Hear, and a laugh.) He would refer, however, to the re marks of Mr. Gadsden, who had said that there was not a return of more than 24 per cent. on investmeets in agriete ture. Now, in his ( Mr. Taylor's) opinion, the question of a large or small return depended upon what was paid for the investment.—(Hear, hear.) If a person employed Mr; Gadsden to invest money, not in land, but in shires, he in vested it for as much as they were worth, and although the shares might have risen to 2001., where only 1001. had been paid, yet what would have given 5 per cent. to the party paying . 1001. would only give 2, per cent, to him who paid twice that value.__( Hear, hear.) The worthy Deputy opposite had said, that if we depended on forei g n states it would be ruinous iu time of war , b u t h e h a d thus talked of foreigners as if they could all meet as they were assembled in that Council-chamber.—( Hear.) Corn could be produced in all parts of the world ; in fact there was scarcely a country from which wheat could be not derived—and if there were war, although he did not think this by any means likely, for he believed that all persons and countries were much lees disposed for war than they had been formerly, and therefore he did not take war, or at least an extended war, into his calculations—yet, if there were a war, he considered that this, a maritime country, could be deprived of a supply of wheat, was an utterly fallacious and absurd supposition. The experience o: Holland proved that the capitalist and shipper, taking advantage of their resources, could go and bring to any country where they were wanted, any supplies, or keep them there till a year of scarcity occurred.—( Hear.) That was the best mode of procuring an adequate supply,— ( Hear.) Another important point had been touched upon— the growing of wheat on bad lands, but he (Mr. Taylor), would say that the employment of capital in growing corn, where its cultivation cost double the price it did elsewhere, was a loss to the country. The burthen of this might be shifted from one class to another, arid the price might be kept up,. but it was done at the expense of the consumers.—( Hear, hear.) What would be the value cf land but for the populous state of the neighbourhood in which it lay ? The value of all land was doubled by the neighbourhood of a manufacturing district, and the very worst ground, although it might not be fit for the production of wheat, yet it would yield other products which would bring a high price in the vicinity of a large market.—( Hear.) Again, as to the argument that an alteration of the Corn-laws would throw the agricultural labourer out of work it was absurd : the manufacturers could not put the land into their pockets. There would still be the land and the people on it, and the question was, whether they should have a half or a whole loaf? With regard to wheat, he would now again remark, in conclu sion, that it was the most portable of all agricultural produce; all others must be produced near the market. where they were to be disposed of. In wheat there was the greatest quantity of nourishment in the smallest compass, and therefore it was the produce most fit fJr importation : then it was the great medium of exchange, and the sale of it at a low price, there fore, would enable the country to increase in prosperity. Mr. OBBARD could not know why the agricultural interests should be taxed for the convenience of the artisan. The duty on glass here was 735. a cwt., and why, then, should there not he a tax on corn for the benefit of the agricultural interests ? ( Hear.) He considered that it would be beneficial that a fixed duty on corn should be imposed.—(Hear.) Mr. Taylor had referred to politics, and bad expressed his desire that they should be kept out of sight in the discussion of this question ; but how could this be, when they heard other gentlemen say, THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUARY- 29, 1839. i.cep your eyes on the Lords."—( Hear.) They had also heard of " the external pressure from withou•."—( A laugh.) With respect to the prices of corn, he would say that manufactures had always thriven must when the prices of corn were highest.—( Hear. ) Mr. J. Dixon hoped there would be a fixed duty of ss. placed on corn, in order to protect the home grower. He would vote for the original reso!ution. Mr. W. PRITCHARD observed there had hitherto been a disposition on the part of Governments to meddle with trade, under a notion that they could better direct the operations o; traders than they could themselves. This was more particu larly the case With regard to the articles of human food, and in this country those who made the laws having the chief inte rest in the land, it was not surprising that from the first intro • duction of Corn-laws into this country, in the reign of Henry (1436), .a s} stem of giving bounties on the export of corn and restricting its import had been persevered in, until the im mense interests which had grown up from concentrating in this small island an extent of commercial enterprize and ma• nufacturing ingenuity never before equalled, demanded the adoption of a less short-sighted legislation. The owners of the land, however, would not part with their monopoly easily. It was propped up by the laws now under considera tion, and, however party feelings might be deprecated, the present was strictly a poitical question, deserving all attention. The question of exports was at an end, but the prohibition by law to import grain, unless the home price reached a certain maximum, was attempted to be justi fied on two grounds—first, that it tended to secure a a suffi cient supply without being dependent on other nations ; and, secondly, that it kept the trade steady, and prevented fluctua tions in price, which would be ruinous to those engaged in it. But neither of these objects did it accomplish. The supply of corn, as of everything else, was regulated by the demand, and unless the demand for foreign corn in this country, in exchange for her manufactured goods, was regular, the foreigner would not cultivate a sufficiency beyond his own consumption, and would have nothing in exchange for our goods. If, on the contrary, the demand was steady, each party would benefit by the exchange of what each could pro duce with less cost and labour than the other, and this would create a bond of interest which it would it would be difficult for warlike monarchs to rend asunder. Holland was an ex ample of a country existing without home-grown corn. in the days of her greatest prosperity she had subsisted solely on imported corn, and yet the prices were moderate. The first effect of a prohibition to import was to raise prices. In 1815, when the law passed, wheat was at 86a. per quarter; a deficient crop in 1316, and the prohibition to im part, made the price rise ip 1817 to 945. 9d. per quarter. The farmers thought the golden times of the war, with wheat at 1255. per qr., were coming; but a scarcity occurred in 1822, and down went the price, as low even as 38s. Id. per qr. What farmers could bear up against such ruinous fluctuations as these? Where was the security for the employment of his capital and labour? His employment ceased to be trade, and became mere gambling. Ireland, with all that she still suf fered, had had some benefit from making the trade in corn free' in 1806. Prior to,tlit time she exported but 400,000 quarters, but now her exports ',mounted to 2,400,000 quarters —and this showed the operati n of the principle contended. The direct tax, it appeared, of the prohibitory laws,. was equivalent to about twenty millions on a population in Eng land and Ireland of about 27.milliOns—and for the benefit of between 30,00 and 40,000 lendholders only. But the land• owners were net so much benefited as was supposed. Mr. P. then alluded to . the statements lately made at Manchester of the gradual decline, and lste :ly the total departure of the velveteen trade to Russia, the shipments of one house having, since 1834, grade .11y declined front 345,000 yards to none at all. Cotton prints. tco, sold here at 17s. 6d., it appeared, were now made in Germany at 153. 6d., and the consumption of cotton for manufactures in America was now equal to that of England in 1816. She also exported largely to Canada, India, and the Cape, and at Lowhill, now the Manchester of America, where the roar of the cataract was alone formerly heard, there was now a water power of 5,000 horses engaged in manufactures. In short, capital, labourers, and machinery were leaving England for lands where cheaper subsistence could be procured. Upon every ground, therefore, he (Mr. P.) should vote fur the entire abolition. Mr. T. Winetesis said that the effects of the high price of bread were felt by those least able to stand against them. When he looked to the agricultural labourers he found that they could not cat the corn they produced—the rate of wages paid to them would not permit it. The only conclusion he could come to in order to remedy this evil, was to agree to the amendment proposed. After the last day's debate on this question in that Court, a gentleman told him that lie could state a fact that ought to settle the Corn-law question—he had sent for goods to Germany, and had bought them so much less than he could in this country, that he was now exporting them at a good profit ; whereas, if he had bought them here, he could only export ,at a lose—( Hear.) On the average of five years the imports of England increased 18 per cent. ; in France, in the same time, the increase was 91 per cent. ; in America, 74 per cent. This was the effect of our Corn-laws. Mr. PEWTRESS did not despair of seeing the time when this country would raise sufficient food for its population with out any importation from foreign countries. Another measure lately passed—the new Poor-law—deprived the poor of their ancient mode of relief ; where a poor man had a iarge family and his wages were not sufficient for their support, before the passing of that measure the difference was made up to him out of the poor• rate ; the poor were told when the law was altered that they were not injured—what was the fact? They were deprived of their ancient relief to the extent of two millions, and their wages were not raised—the saving had gene into the pockets of the landlords. One landlord in Sanlk had saved 1,2001. a-year front the new law. On his own land he derived an advantage of from 6s. to 15s. per acre. All this was taken from the industrious poor. From the high price of corn now, the labourer pays double for his bread, though his wages are the same, and he is deprived of his an cient relief. All this was done for the advantage of the land lords. Even the lower class all saw that the tendency of legislation was to favour property at the expense of the poor. They saw that this would be the case till they were better represented in the Commons' House of Parliament. He bad lately read in an old magazine that Battersea was a mo rie:s ; now part of it wa s let for 50/. an acre. There eas one-fourth of the land of this country uncultivated. If the lower classes were prosperous, all classes must prosper —manufactures would prosper—commerce would prosper— the landowners would prosper—and the whole community would prosper.—( Hear.) Mr. GALLOWAY rose et a late period of the debate, and said—My Lord Mayor, there has not been brought before this Court for many years so greatly important a question, as that of a total repeal of the Corn-laws, and all other restrictions upon the free importation of human food; and he was per suaded, in the present excited state of the country, of the vast importance that the Common Council of London should fully and fairly deliberate, and express its opinion upon this great aed overwhelming question, upon which the future happiness and welfare of this country mainly depends. When Man chester, Leeds, Sheffield, Birmingham, and the principal manufacturing districts had all unequivocally stated that, unless these laws were wholly and completely repealed, the manufacturing greatness of this country would not only be eclipsed, but would be wholly destroyed, and millions of the productive operatives would be wholly ruined by fo reign manufactures, making as good, but much cheaper corn modities than we can produce, having dear food, and as such, necessarily high wages. A cheap supply of food is one of the principal sources of the people's welfare. To interfere by le gislation with this cheapness, is to erect a barrier against the attainment of those comforts of life by the industrious opera tives, on which their social and mural condition, and our country's true dignity and strength, so much depend. Capital and labour, when employed without restraint, constitute the prosperity of our people.—( Hear, hear.) Labour is as es ' sential to capital as capital is to labour; they ought always to be united, and when so united, they will secure the solid bene fit of both parties; and when they have fair play, no power can disturb or injure them. Steadiness of prices in the cost of human food is a powerful element of public welfare; great changes in the price of corn, such as have occurred since the passing of the laws of 1815 and 1828, ate replete with evil consequent s. In plentiful harvests, such as occurred from 1831 to 1835, and in the latter year, best wheat sold at 365. a quarter, while at the present period it has reached 795. and 80s. a quarter ; these great fluctua tions inflict considerable injury on the farmer. The pros perity of the agrit ulturists is of equal importance with the ma nufacturing population, for although the latter are four times the number of the former, yet a free trade would ultimately be as advantageous to the one as to the other class. This country has for many years proved that we were fully capable of growing all the corn we could consume among all classes of our people. It is stated that the people of Great Britain and Ireland require fifty millions of quarters of wheat to com fortably supply them with bread during every year, which would be nearly two quarters or sixteen bushels each indi vidual. He is of opinion that forty millions would, with other necessaries, be quite ample for their comfortable maintenance. He was fully satisfied that we ought not to grow as much corn as we could consume, because he thinks we could employ our capital more advantageously than in the growing of all the corn we require. We, as a great manufacturing country ought to purchase one-fourth or a-third of the corn we re quire, from those countries which would be most willing to buy our manufactured products. He had no fear, in case of war, of this country not being able to provide all the corn or other requisites for its complete and comfortable support . This country w ou ld alwals, under a system of free trade, sup ply other countries with articles as valuable to them as corn or their natural products are to us. He thinks the spirit of the age and the progress of knowledge will fully convince all par ties that their happiness and prosperity will be more fully accomplished by a state of general peace, than by any war fare that could be undertaken. All civilized nations were beginning to see that peace would do crush more to promote their welfare than could be obtained by the most successful exertions of any ki n d of warfare. A s an E ng li s h man h e did not wish for any ad vantage over any ot h er country , b u t what the capital, the skill, and industry of Englishmen could pro duce. He knew we h ad many advantages, f rom t h e a b un d a nt possession of coal and iron. He would state to the Court that our yearly product of iron was throughout Great Bri tain 900,000 tons a year, one-half was employed for the making of rod and bar' iron, and the remainder was used as pig iron for foundry purposes : taking the pig iron at 51. 10s. a ton, and the bar iron at 101 10s. a ton, which see the pre sent prices in London, produced the enormous sum of 7,200,0001. One great and mighty advantage in the metals of this country was, that af ter us i ng them f or many years t h e y w ere convertible into prese n t tlse ; 500.000 tons of old cast iron were broke down e very year and mixed w i t h new p i g i ron , and castings are f orme d o f them. Taking t hi s i ron at 4/. a ton it produced the sum of 1,200,000 L, and about 200,000 tons of scrap icon was again converted into various purposes, and at 6/. a ton produced 1,200,000/. These sums, with the purchase of 30,000 tons of foreign iron, which is made with charcoal which is highly carbonated, and therefore makes a cheaper steel at 241. per ton than the best English iron at 101. a ton will produce. These sums create an amount of 10,320,0001., and out of which amount from sixty to seventy-five per cent. is paid for labour, although we nave the immense. advantage of powerful machinery. We manufacture 40,000 tons of copper a year for all purposes, which at 95/. per ton, makes 3,800,000/. ; 20,000 tons of bras', at 1001. per ton, is 2,000,000/. ; lead 100,000 tons, at 20/. per ton, is 2,000,000/ ; grain tin 10.000 tons, at 801 per ton, 800,000/. ; zinc, 5,000 tons, at 40/ per tin, makes 200,000/. ; these five metals created in this country, make a sum of 8,800,0001. ; the old metal of each re-used every year must produce a total of 10 or 11 millions a year, which to create them as raw material, absorbs from 60 to 75 per cent. of their wholesale cost. Cotton, wool, linen, and silk, each occasion an equal cost in labour, and each he is firmly persuaded cannot be formed into the vast variety of commodity in which they are employed, without paying from 70 to 80 per cent. for labour, consequently dear provisions must and ought to create dear labour. When this country had exclusivery the advantage of the machinery of the last 60 years' invention, then the price of labour was not felt; but When competition was carried at home to a great extent, and when foreign coun tries, by the operation of our Corn-laws, were prevented from disposing of their superabundfnt corn, they necessarily turned their attention to manufacture ; and by great perse verance and money they had succeeded in obtaining very large supplies of machinery, and by the advantage of cheap labour from the low prices of food, they have been enabled to create many of our articles at 30, 40, and 50 per cent. below our prices. In Prussia, Saxony, Switzerland, and other coun tries on the continent of Europe, two or three workmen can be obtained for the same wages we must give in Great Britain for one man. And, as he before stated, that the great majority of all our manufactured products cost from sixty to eighty per cent. fur labour, it was not possible we could long compete with those countries in articles they chose to employ them selves upon.--(Hear, hear.) The total repeal of our Corn laws, and the adoption of free trade, would be sure to raise the price of corn, and as such the price of labour in those -count ics, and would soon reduce it in this country to a standard that would enable us to successfully compete with any European elation. In his own particular business of an engineer, three Prussians, or Saxons, or Switzers, could be employed at the same wages he paid one of his workmen. When the . four pound loaf was sold at sixpence. then one of his men, getting 30a. a week, could purchase sixty loaves; one at 335. sixty-six loaves; and one at 365. seventy-two loaves, for a week's wages ; but when the loaf rose to a shilling, as was now nearly its price, then they could only obtain . half the number. A good agricultural labourer, when the quarter of corn was under forty-five shil lings, then he rarely got more than eight shillihgs a week, and for which he could purchase sixteen four-pound loaves ; but when his wages were risen to ten or twelve shillings a week, and the loaf -to a shilling, then he could only procure ten or taclve loaves for his week's labour. When the jour neyman tailor, smith, or carpenter, at 30s. a week each, could at one time obtain double the number, of loaves they could provide at another period, was it wonderful that such persons should feel disaatisfied ? So long as these great fluctuations lasted, there could be no satisfaction amongst the workmen and peasantry of thiS country. The price of bread justly regulated the price of all other commo dities ; he wished not only bread to be cheap, but as fixed as the nature of things could render it. There were not above 40,000 great landowners in Great Britain, and the Corn-laws enabled them to draw from the people of this country upwards of twenty millions sterling beyond what they in justice and sound policy should receive. He believed if the British farmers employed their capital, skill, and industry judiciously, that they . could generally produce as cheap provisions as most other countries in Europe ; because none but our best land need be cultivated. The landed interest had an undue and overwhelming power in the Legislature of the country.— ( Hear, hear.) They had reduced the burden of taxation from themselves in the last few years very considerably. By the new Poor-law, by the commutation of tithes, the removal of the tax on labouring horses, the auction duty, the leather and salt taxes ; in short, he was fully persuaded the whole body of the agriculturists did not pay one million and a half per annum in direct taxes, while a much larger sum was paid by the manufacturers,, merchants, and shopeepers of Great Britain. He was very glad that the present vital question to the happiness of this country was not, but in a very small degree, a party, although unavoidably a political, subject: It was indeed one of the greatest importance to the future welfare of this country, and he hoped that this Court would, by its vote of this day, do full justice to the great . inte rest of all classes of the community. He would not occupy the Court any longer, but conclude by giving his cordial and steady support in favour of the amendment—he also approved of the first and second resolutions. Mr. MATHEW said this was a most important question, and should only be decided where all classes of the community were represented ; -and it was not for that Court to dictate to the Legislature what they should do. That the present Corn laws required alteration all were agreed; but he thought the particulars of the alteration should be left to the Legis lature. Before ,we adopted the theory of free trade, we should be satisfied on two points : first, whether the theory rested on sound principle ; secondly, whether it was adapted. to our peculiar circumstances. He was satisfied of the soundness of the principle, if all nations would agree to act on it; but if only one acted on it, and all the others refused, the nation adopting it must suffer.--(No, no.) The second point was, whether the Corn-laws were adapted to our cir cumstances? We laboured under Some disadvantage in com peting with the labour of other countries; the generous diet of our population enhanced the price of our labour ; but some protection was necessary for our agriculturists—the total re peal of the corn-laws would produce great suffering Millions of outstanding debts were due from the country to London, and it became that Court, as the representativea of trade, to pause before they agreed to so sweeping a measure. The fundholder as well as the landowner must disgorge, otherwise it would be injustice to the landowner. With this view of the subject, and confiding in the wisdom of the Legislature, he wished to leave the question to their decision. Mr. STUBBINGS said, if he stood alone, he should oppose both the resolution and the amendment. He belonged to a manufacturing distict, where, after the war, every farther in it was ruined. If the present Corn-laws were repealed, it would ruin the farmers and the agricultural population. When corn was dear meat was dear also, for bread and meat were brother and sister.--( A laugh.) When the produce of the land bore a high price, wages were high, and all parties prospered. Mr. Deputy WILTAAms, of Bread-street Ward, expressed his surprise, coupled with regret, that the Honourable Court, which had so justly acquired the reputation of propping the into rests of the poor against the innovations of the rich, or, in either words, that professed to lend its aid to strengthen the cause of the weak to bear up aeainst the strong—(Hear)—he was astonished to find in that Court a single gentleman who a ould vouchsafe to support those obnoxious Corn-laws. Io his ( Mr. W.'s) humble opinion, the greatest boon that the Government could confer on the lower and middling classes of the country would be the absolute repeal of those odious, vile Corn laws. He was, however, very much afraid that the Government, to use a common expression, " had not pluck enough to do it." He, for his own part, felt eenvinced that it would very much benefit the poorer and labouring' classes of his countrymen, and if he were possessed of the prerogative of 50 votes instead of one, he would gladly give them all in fa vour of the amendment of his respected friend, Mr. Norris. Mr. HEPPEL rose to reply. He briefly noticed different speakers who had advanced arguments, and contended that they appeared to argue more for legislation for one particular branch of the community, than for the community at large. It never had been attempted to affix a protection duty to cold and silver, which were held in the light of ar ieles of barter e yet, when paper currency had been introduced, it had not been occasioned for want of currency, but to accom modate to the change of circumstances , and now that the change had been effected, he did not believe, however :nuch some might reason upon the result, that there were any who would. be desirous to return to the old system. He was desirous that if even the term should extend over 21 years, that the far mers should be protected from the Wects of a sudden change. There should-be some protection foe the farmer for the present moment, and some protection for his subsequent engage ments. It was certain that to support the State a large taxation" was necessary, but he seas not favourable either to a protection duty or a bounty. He would oppose the amend ment, because the arguments urged in its support had been c , irried on without reference to the party which it would affect. The question had been treated as a political question, without reference to the parties. It had been stated that the Court was not the proper tribunal to submit the question to ; but this much he knew, that if they agreed to the petition it would then be submitted to a proper tribunal, when it was submitted to the House of Commons. After a short conversation, _ Mr. WIRE said the motion upon which they should divide ought to be framed so as to apply either to the amendment or the resolutions. Mr. GALLOWAY was of opinion that the sense of the meeting should be confined to the first and second resolutions. The amendment was then put from the chair, but although there was a large show of hands, on the call to divide its sup porters abandoned it. The original motion was then read. Mr. Deputy CORNET thought they were in part all agreed on one point, that there ought to be a protection to the farmer as long as other things could be protected. He moved an amendment, the substance of which was, that a fixed duty at a reduced rate should be substituted, instead of a fluctuating price. Mr. DIXEY seconded the motion. Mr. HEPPEL was of opinion that the amendment was only calculated to make a division among those who were of one opinion. The original motion comprehended all that the amendment meant. He, for his own part, was for a gradual repeal, and not to be loaded with a fixed duty. The amendment was then put and lost, without a division ; and the original motion was carried by a large majority. PERSONAL DILIGENCE ACT, AND ACT OF SEDtRUNT—MESSENGERS. e understand that as certain in conveniences were apprehended as likely to arise from the ge neral use by messengers of the schedule (B) of execution an nexed to the Act of Sederunt of 24th December last, relative to extracts, Ere. that the Court of Session have repealed sec tion 2d of said Act of Sederunt, authorizing schedule (B) to be used ' • and messengers and o th er o fficers are, in all cases, to use the form of the execution No. 2, annexed to the Act of Parliament 1 and 2 Vict., c. 114, whether the execution be written upon the principal extract or upon paper apart.— Scotsman. LONG SPEECHES.—The Glasgow Herald of yes terday gives the following as the closing paragraph of the Town-council Report :—" At this stage of the business, Alr. .Boyle Gray ros e w i t h a b u ndle of papers in his hand.--Dread ing a long speech, the Council adjourned." LAW INTELLIGENCE. VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, JAN. 28 WARBURTON V. EDGE. Mr. K.' BRUCE, with whom was Mr. ANDERDON, support, a petition for a reference to the Master as to the nature and extent of a solicitor's lieu on papers relating to an intestate's estate, and that he might be ordered to deliver the papers to the Receiver, subject to the lien, under the fellow ing circum stances :—The bill was filed originally to establish a large pecuniary demnd against a solicitor narn,d Edge. Edge died intestate, and the suit was revived, and a decree obtained against his administratrix, who was one of his daughters, Mar garetta Cordelia Edge. That lady, the Learned Counsel stated was at present rrsiding in the dominions of his Majesty the King of the French, where she set no great store on the order of the Court that she should pay a certain 1,000/., and costs. She had, in fact, carried away with her by far the greater part of Mr. Edge's estate, which was sworn under 30,0001. A Mr. Steadman acted as her solicitor in the suit, and had in his possession several documents, particularly a policy of insurance, which might enable the receiver who had been appointed after Miss Edge's disappearance, to collect some portion of the estate. The present petition against him was founded on two late cases of Baker v. Henderson, and Bell v. Taylor. The plaintiff only desired to have it ascer tained what was the extent of Mr. Steadman's lien, with a view to his being paid out of the intestate's estate, in a due course of administration. Mr. JACOB and Mr. TORRIANO opposed the prayer of the pe tition as unprecedented. His HONOUR dismissed the petition. But as Mr. Steadman had led the petitioner into the informality under the impres sion that no objection would be made upon technical grounds, he would not give costs. BAIL COURT, JAN. 28 THE EDINBURGH AND LEITH RAILWAY COMPANY V. DAWSON In this case a motion had been made and argued to compel the Edinburgh and Leith Railway Company to give security for costs. Mr. Justice PATTESON, in giving his judgment, said, the first ground for the opposition to the demand for security for costs on the part of the defendant was, that it was made in bad faith, inasmuch as in all the affidavits it did not appear that the demand of the plaintiffs could not be resisted on trial, and tie defendant had made no affidavit of merits. But in a motion for security for costs it was nat necessary to have me rits. The action knight he got rid of on some technical ob jections, and it could not be said that, then the defendant would not be entitled to costs. Hcre the had faith was the not having merits, but his Lordship said he had never heard that it was held necessary to make an affidavit of merits in such cases. Another objection to the motion respected the property of the plaintiffs in England, it having been asserted on their parts that they had money and Exchequer bills at their bankers in London, Prior to the late Act, neither money nor Exchequer bills could be taken in execution—at the present they could. The money and Exchequer-bills of the Company in this case was therefore property to be taken in execution. Sill it was not property of that description re quired as a security for costs, which meant something more permanent, and tot so readily passed away from hand to hand. In this instance also the objection to the ground of application failed. The third objection was that the application was too late after the party had had time to plead with agreement to take short notice of trial. This objection his Lordship also over ruled, and ultimately decided that the rule for security for costs should be made absolute.. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, J4N. 22 V. OASTLER, This was an action on a promissory note, and also of detinue for deeds, brought against Mr. Richard Oastler, who has Re quited some notoriety in Yorkshire; the venue had been laid in Middlesex. Mr. Sergeant ATCHERLEY applied on behalf of the defend ant for a rule to show cause why the venue should not be changed from Middlesex to Yorkshire. on the grnuud that all the defendant's witnesses were resident in Yorkshire, and that the expense of trying in Middlesex would be very great. The Court granted a rule to show cause. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, lex. 28. DEFECT IN TIIE BAIL CAUSE.—The Hon. and Rev. Fre derick Emanuel Curzon (a son of Lord Teynham), applied to be liberated on bail until his hes, ir:g ; he was confined in Derby gaol, and was not required to be in attendance. he'l proposed sureties were questioned by the Learned Chief Commissioner. They stated that they were not per sonally acquainted with the Rev. Gentleman, but had been solicited by a customer of theirs to become bail for his ap pearance at Derby. The COURT accepted the sureties, and they entered into a recognizance in the sum of 851., to produce the insolvent on the 20th March before a Commissioner on his circuit at Derby. In country cases very few perst.ns are admitted to bail, as the sureties are obliged to attend the Court in London.. The Commissioners have regretted the omission in the Act enabling them to take bail in the country. That humane provision (as a ♦Morning Contemporary very justly remarks), has acted almost as a dead letter in country cases, from the great ex pense incurred in coming to London to justify. It is to be hoped, among the amendments expected to be made in the measure, the bail clause will not be overlooked. Several persons in London prisons were liberated today on bail. POLICE ;NI'IMLIGENCE. WORSHIP-STREET. - - DESTITUTION. —Yest .rday John Jones, se n or, and John Jones, junior, aged twelve years, were placed at the bar before Mr. BROUGIITON, charged with stealing two pairs of trowsers, the property of a Jew salesman, of the name of Marks. G 7, Seijeant of Ponca!, stated, that having been told by Ihe•elder prisoner that he had a Nile, with six children, who were almost in a starving state, and from the representations of Roper. he coMmunicated the circumstances to Mr. Macie, the superintendent, who immediate v directed the inspector( Robin son) toinquire into the case. , The inspector on Sunday morn ing proceeded there, and found the state of the family as du. scribed by the officer. There was neither bed, chair, nor table ; though a substitute for a bed had been contrived for the three younger children, and which consisted of dried potatoe peelings. The inspector promptly made a statement to the superintendent, who directed the inspector to acquaint the pa rochial authorities of Shoreditch with the destitute situation of the family. In the evening the inspector again went to the. prisoners' room, when he was told that Mr. eoste, the relieving officer of Shoreditch had left 2s. with them, and had directed them to come to the workhouse the next day. The wife observed that they had been struggling hard against adversity, and had pledgeereverything but what they stood up in, to support existence. The constable was ultiirmely ordered to take the wife, with the prisoners, who were discharged, to the workhouse, which having done, be returned and stated that they were at once admitted. UNION HALL William Askew was charge:l with the,follovring robberies : —A few days ago a policeman met the prisoner and a boy carrying between them a large mahogany wash-hand stand, with a marble top. The policeman, suspecting they had sto len it„went . up for the purpose of questionnig them, and, upon his approach, the prisoner immediately threw the mar ble top of the stand at the policeman's legs, and hit him across the shins, so as to disable him from, pursuing his assail. ant and his companion, both of whom ran off, and escaped, leaving the entire wash-hand stand in the policeman's pos session. It was subsequently discovered that the article was stolen from a broker's shop-door at Walwoith, on the day it wa*seen in the prisoner's possession. On Saturday last the prisoner rushed into a shoemaker's shop. near the place from which the wash hand stand was taken, and, running towards the counter, snatched up a pair of boots and ran out into the street. He was, however, pursued by the shopkeeper and secured, when, on taking him to the station-house, he was immediately recognized as the man who had committed the former robbery, and escaped.—The prisoner was committed on both charges. A gang of swindlers have lately been exercising their vocation in Glasgow, and were detected i❑ an attempt to extort money from the Earl of Morton, under the false pre tence that it was for the relief of the distressed family of a deceased barrister of great respectability, who had become in volved in difficulties shortly before his death. The story upon which they made their appeal was founded on known facts. Lord Morton referred the matter to the police, in order to dis cover the truth or falsehood of the tale, when the imposition was at once detected. Yesterday afternoon an inquest was taken at the King's Arms, Water-street, Strand, on the body of Jamcs Robinson, aged 11, who was drowned on Sunday last. It appeared from the evidence, that the deceased and two other boys, who had been to church but left before the service was over, proceeded to Arundel Wharf, Arundel-street, for the purpose of getting on the barges to play, when the deceased, who was in the act of crossing from one barge to another, slipped into the River, and disappeared immediately. Drags were procured, and the body got out, but all efforts to restore animation were unavailing. Verdict, " Accidental Death." In the Sherif& Court yesterday a claim of cotnpen cation to the amount of 1,310/, was made in the Blackwall Commercial Railway Company ; but after a very lengthened investigation the Jury awarded only 7001. The Sunderland Herald says that at the late Con servative Symposium " Give us some taties " A bit breed 1" " Smash, there's ne yell" " Here's nowt to be getten for wor brass!" was the music that helped to drown the rattle of the knives and forks of those who were lucky enough to be its the neighbourhood of any thing to eat. THE NEWCASTLE MURDER.---We understand that it is intended by the legal advisers of Mr. Bolam to apply for a habeas corpus to remove him to York for trial at the Assizes for that county, in consequence of its being supposes', that the excitement in Newcastle on the subject of the mure.er would be prejudicial to him. A FAMILY QUARREL.—In a case of assault heard yesterday at the Thames Police office, wherein. two sisters-in-law were the opposing parties, one of the witnesses, a aai!or, stated that although be saw the ladies tearing each other's hair out by handfuls, he did not interfere, because it was a family quarrel. Between nine and ten o'clock on Saturday morning, a man, dressed as a mechanic, was proceeding along Snow. hill, in a very intoxicated state, when he stumbled and fell with his head in the gutter, and the wheel of a market cart, loaded with vegetables, that was passing by, .grazed the top of his head with such violence that the scalp was nearly torn off and his skull severely fractured. He was removed to St. Bartho lomew's Hospital, and remains in a highly dangerous state. Si-'ORTING INTELLIGENCE TAT TEI: SA S—YEsr tw4 Y. THE DERBY. There Was a very full attendance at " The Corner" to-day, hut sO 7cw anxious to do business that nothing was done upon the three favourites, and a very gull afternoon closed as follows 6 to. 1 agst Lord Jersey's lot 9 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Bro. to Bay Middleton—offered 15 to 1 agst Duke of Rutland's Flamlieaz—take 16 to 1 16 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Erin-go-Bragh 18 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Dey of Algiers—taken 25 to 1 agst Col. Anson's Zimmerman 28 to 1. agst Mr. Bowes's Epidaurus 30 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's The Lord Mayor—t a ken . . 35 to 1 aist Lord Jersey's lhlerim—taken 40 to 1 agst Duke of Cleveland's Kreml.n—taken 40 to 1 agst Duke of Grafton's /Ether (Pastille colt)—taken 40 to 1 agst Mr. Thornhill's lot—taken 40 to 1 agst Mr. Ford's Brother to Quo Minus—taken 1000 to 25 agst Mr. Greatrex's Tontine colt—take 50 to 1 50 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Meunier 1000 to 10 agst Lord Exeter's Velvet colt 700 to 25 agst Meunier and Hugh Lupus—taken HUNTING APPOINTMENTS. The Duke of Rutland's hounds meet on Thursday at Weaver's Friday, at Haverholme Priory—half -past 10. The Earl of Halewood's hounds on Friday at Deighton Bar-- half-past 10. The Eddlethorpe hounds on Friday at Foxhole's Mill—hf-p. 10. The York and Ainsty hounds on Thursday at Strensall; Satur day, at Ferensby—half-past 10. The Bedale hounds on Friday at Scotton Village ; Saturday, It York Gate—half-past 10. Lieut.-Colonel Hildyard's harriers on Friday at the Potts—half past 10. - The Holderness hounds on Thursday at Carnaby Village ; S a " turday, at the Rise Mill-11. The Hambleton hounds on Friday at Harden Hill-10. The Benton Park harriers on Friday at Willington-10. The Somerford staghoutids on Friday at Haslington, near Crewe—quarter to 12. The Monmouthshire hounds on Friday at the Hendre-10. Mr. Morgan's hounds on Thursday at the High Cross: Satur" day, at Penyland Gate-11. The Carmarthen harriers on Friday at Abergwilli-10. The Tivyside hounds on Thursday at Pontorselly Bridge-10. The Pembrokeshire hounds on Thursday at the Rock Gate- 1 .?,i The Pantykendy hou n d s on Th ursday at Nantyreglwy's bi" (and draw on for Whith.nd Forge Covers)-9. Mr. G. L. Cobham's hounds on Friday at Cleave Brake, nea r Bulworthy-10. The Whitfield harriers on Friday at Treddington. The N. F. H. on Thursday at Sandhill Heath ; Saturday. It Wilverley Post—half-pa s t 10. The Vine hounds on Thursday at Hannington ; Saturday, I S West Sherborne—quarter to 11. Sir J. B. Mills's hounds on Friday at Michaelmarth—qr. to 11 ' The H. H. on Thursday at Herriard ; Saturday, at Thedden Grange—half-past 10. Mr. Farquharson's hounds on Thursday at Duneliffe ; Saturday' at 't. Giles's. The flambledon hounds on Friday at Preshaw House—hf-p. 10 ' Sir John Cope's hounds on Friday at the Three Crowns, Buckle' bury Common—half-past 10. Mr. Lushington's hounds on Saturday at Badlesmere Lees- 11 0 : The East Kent harriers on S a t ur d a y a t M a l ma i ns— h a l f-pas t 1 LONDON MARKETS. I' RICE 0 The highest price of Bread in the Good Lircan may be had at yd, BREAD. Petropolis is Ild. for the 41 Loaf' • TIME OF SEEDS.—J.m. 28. rer Cwt,. . . rer Quarter Mew 4 , 4lglisiated.Clovet7o6, 90s 112,' St. Fein 40s. 44s at' Old Ditto Ditto —s —B. —s Rye Grass ... --.2es 35 , 04 ___. . 28s ...... -- New Foreign Dittv Us. JDs. I Os. :'..acey Grass --s 40, 4 5 '' Old Ditto Ditto - o. 40s. 61)s. Linseed, for teening ...465. 525. re! New White Clover tiOs. 80s. 90s. Ditto, for sewing . -s. 58s. I _ o7 01.;1 Ditto Ditto ----s 45i. 60s Ditto, for crushi ng is. 435. D' - ' l. Neer Trefoil 2O. 255.. 20s Canary -s , )0i 11 9 i. Old Ditto -s. lbs. 22i Hemp -s 38s. 42 '' frefolium lOs 1 Is. I3s Per Bushel. Ocl• tenglish Carraway -s. 435. 465. White Mustard......l I s . 1 4 .'. 1.) ,, ". Foreign Ditto -s. 40s. 445. Brown Ditt o .........15s. (td. 22seir Coriander . -s 13s. 21s. Tares 4 s. 6d . bs• ''''' Rapeseed, Engh,h tine (per Las t) 301.38 x. Foreign 34/. 361. PRI CEB OF HOPS.-Jan. 2?. Farnham , ocket , (per cwt.) East K.et Pockets.- 4i 10s. 51. 15.. to 8. 9 . . Ditto Bags Mid Kent Pockets 3l. 15s. Si. ss. to 8 ,8 " Ditto Bags •-li 10s. 4, 103 t. "... a Sussex 3l 3'. 31 15, to 4. 106. Yearlings 2/. 10s. 31. 3 s . t o 41. 4... Old (lids PRICES OF POTATOES AT SPITALFI ELDS York Reds (from vessel) 4l. 10s. to 51 As. per ton. Scotch Reds ditto . 4l. ss. to 41. 15s ditto Kidneys 4/. los. to 51. Os. ditto Shaws 2 . 15r. to 3L ss. ditto PRICES OF LEATHER. Per lb. d. to d. I Per lb 4. to 4 , ' n 0 Crop Hides, 30 to 401 b each II 13 I Horse Hides, German ...... I- 2 4 - ---40 50 - Spanish .50 6) , s rsull Hides Butts, Vitriol - 50 60 .17 `-'" - English l4 26 7O 100 *ls 19 - Foreign Foreign Hides lO 1 2 .- small 2O 2 0 1 Dressing Hides -------- Shaved .... 12 15 Basil' a li I Best Saddlers Hides l4 16 Bellies Horse Hides, English • If rounded 2d. to 4d. per lb. inure. PRICE OF OIL. Rape Oil, brown, per ton, 43/. OS. -Refined, 411. I Os. -Linseed Oil, 49. 1 „.!' Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, (1000,, 131. l a -Rape C:dc e , p e r ton, i• `" PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, Sze per 1121 b. l'own Tallow Ws. 01 Yellow Soap ...., 11. Yellow Russia White —a. . Pd. Curd —s ": 'Soap Ditto —s. ild. Graves l6, OC' Melting Stuff Ditto Rough 3ll Od. PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of Slb. Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Melters) .................. 3S. 4 • PRICE OF CANDLES. The price of good Store Candles ir. the Retail Shops is as 6 31 1 0 's - Candles, per dozen. Bs. 6.i. ; inferior. 7s. 6d.—Moulds,lo., el. Sixpence per dozen discount for cash. COAL M A R KE If— Jan. 2el. 3. o. Per Ten. I, Adair Bensham Carr's Hartley Holywel; pia n ... n Ord's Re ildn_h - I.Airtht n .... j - 0 9 P , atop Windsor - .0 S nth Hartley l9 5 ti ali End Hartleixor ....ow I s 9 t ; nSeld Moor 2.1 3 Walls End Butt e d : m.l , A ...... rq 9 Townley lB 0 Walls End Bro wn Deanery N 6 ,yl nn Walls End Clark and Co l9 9 v, a .. End ! :- . ..... ~ .., ..... f',., 6 , Wills End Heatan 22 3 LlangPtutech Coat Walls End Newidgrch 2l 6 Nevilt's Ilanelly 26 5 Walls End Northumberland... 4 2 s i lnc el e ta W st a m lis ar E'id d E1g . in 597 .. " Fat Tot:. At ATTEMPTING TO PROVE Too Muctl.- -- Union-Hall ye-terday two dustmen appearA as witnesses o_, behalf of certain fir( men, to prove that a chimney in a hat in nufactory had been on fire on a partiv:iar day. Having stat e that they saw sparks issuing from the chimney, they add that they had previously observel smoke coming from it. 0 appeared, however, that the c hi mney i s so constructed 0 t consume its own smoke, and the case was dismissed. POWERFUL MUSICAL BOXES, in woo d cases, 12 inches long, by 5 inchesvvide, each playing Fon: Airs,v;:f the mechanism finished in a very superi or manner, are offered Five Guineas each. Also a few of the same description, Isl e sizes, at the following prices : 0 Six Airs £7 7 I EightAirsextra,largeXl4 14 Eight Airs At T. COX SAVORY'S, W ork i ng Silversmith, Goldsvoitl, ► and Watchmake r , 47, C orn hill , London (Seven Doors f r o" , " Gracechurch-street). N.B. The small Musical Boxes, 31- inches long, continue sel„, 1 1 in tin ca s e s , p r i ce 19 s . eac h, or i n composition shell eases, ors. each. tih A Catalogue containing a List of the Music may be bad gr a t , or can be forwarded by post as A single letter in answer 'to a pos paid application. BIRTHS. At Wellsbourne, on the 24th inst., the lady of D. J. CunYr i C hame, Esq., of t son and heir. In C urzon - street, on t h e 2 5t h i nst., t h e l ady of James Stew art' Es+, M P., of a daughter. .On the 26th inst., at East-hill, Wandsworth,' Mrs. G. 11 " Cumming, of a daughter. On the 26th inst., Mrs. Henry May.lard, of Haverstock - b ill ' Hampstead, of a daughter. On the 2tith inst., at Peckham, Mtn: Samuel Thomas, of ag i . , On the 27th in s t., a t F oun t a i n -t er race, Camberwell-grove, Alf James Boyod, of a son. 1f.4 di? Z. ED. On the 26th inst., at All Souls' Chureh, Thomas Plumer sey, Esq., only son of the Joseph T. Halsey, E sq ., a nd P r j; Moore Halsey, of Gaddese,,en Park, H er t s , to F re d er i ca , "! r 1 daughter of Major Frede : i e k J o h ns t on, l ate of the 17th. L a ne' and 67th Regiment. On the 25th last, at St. Clement Danes, the Rev. Wm. uu a : g parish. to Albinia Jackson, second survivilv ( C la ‘ u ir g a h t t e e o r t o t f h t * h a e b°l la v ;e 6 James Bowden, Esq., of Bury-hall, Edmot2°,, DIED. the 25th inst., at M o t eom b e H ouse , th e L a dy Efeli ° On Friti . , y, Grozver,or, aged 12 years. of On the 20th inst., at Wavertre e , L ancas hi r e, M a ry, the wife Job . n Backhouse Esq., aged 84. On the 23d inst., Sir. Hill, !of Regent-street, aged 57. , „ale On the 21st inst., at Roche ster , Mrs. Rebecca Harwood, ( 11 " 1 " r t , ter of the late Rev. James Harwood, many years Vicar of 1 -0 ford, and Rector of Cliffe ; in the county of Kent. ao' On die 23d inst., aged. 150, Sir. Charles Octavius New l r, youngest son of th e l ate J . N ewman, E sq., of Me l ks h am, On the 23d inst. at Chalderton Lodge, Amesbery, Lieu!enanot General Sir John Elley, K. C. 8., K.C. H., Governor of Gal and Colonel of the 17th Regiment of Lancers. of On the 25th inst., Marienne, wife of Sir. Matthew Howitt l High Holborn, acred 25. , On the 21st inst., at Boston, Lincolnshire, Margaret, l i c e ; daughter of the late Henry Butler Pacey, Esq., of the same esit On the pith inst., in Afontacu-place, Lady Nisbett, relict 01 John Nisbett, Bart. e ° o l On the 17th i ns t.., 'at Chelsea, Bridget Rachel, wife of a P. Browne, Esq., M.D. London: Printte. and Pub) ished by NIURDO YOUNG, of do ff 112, Strand,. at The See 4 O ffi ce. No. 112, Strand, in the g o " of 2 iliddlew.—Tueslw January 29, 1839. N T, TR] b \ t 1 • ITr i "her', ''eat, at k 4 , rn aY b -lets) ai P r E Pet( glidrew 9eo rg e ') s %llll w. 11. ton, knhi The tkr y ()t . l I,AJ'I)I D c~ Skt ............ T hith l He. t 1 4m. ILIA p State -__ 1 1 _, Pi„ J th ,, trier bar T eh, and SUPERIOR SILVER- WATCHE S ' LONDON MADE. A. B. SAVORY and SONS, Watchmakers, No. 9, Cor110 1 : London (opposite the Bank of England), submit for selectien. very large STOCK of SILVER WATCHES, the whole of ich ie j are made and finished under the careful inspection of experiene e gi workmen on their own premises, and each warranted for c oree performance. Fine Vertical Watches, jewelled, with double-backed engine -turned cases, warranted £4 4 Fine Vertical Watches, jewelled, with seconds' hand, and double-backed cases, warranted Patent detached Lever Watches, capped, jewelled in four holes, with seconds' hand, and double•backed cases, warranted Either of the above in silver hunting cases, 10s. 6d. extrt, arge variety of second-112,1d Silver Watches, which ha.vt bee carefully examined, and can be warranted at 2/. 2s. ra•ch. N.B. Second-hand Watches purchased in exchante.