The Sun. — London, England, 1845-12-18 00:00:00

GREAT MEETOG OF TILE ANTI-C RN- AW i N LEAGUE CbVEN r-GARDEN THEATRE. Theft ilta s be t e i elafisrtst gre a t aggregate meet i rg o f t h e L eague t oo k night, in the Theatre Royal, Covent-garden. the as been our l ot to v i s i t, as t h e f a i t hf u l chronicler for elatr,!'°lic information, every meeting of the League we 2 4a s taken place within this spacious building ; but witzust on that, of all the demonstrations we ever Poe o r e d in favour of free trade, and the principles exceeded by the League, the one of last night exceeded tep ee as. anticipated an immense meeting, in conse• vrofhthe lately -published opinions of Lord J. Russell, tor e .r ° rPt - th, and others, i n f a vour of a repeal of the of k it " ll , but we were astounded by the demonstration N o , NIL Long before the opedna ' of the doors every iss oa e l „t() the th eatre was c h o k e d up by masses of the d i u e ings, all anxio us t o o bt a i n admission ; anti when liish,., 4° rs were opened the rush was tremendous, and to s „: u sc in a very few minutes was filled to suffocation Ills; 3 ' Part. The arrival of Mr. Cobden, Mr. Villiers, s tki attison, Mr. Milner Gibson, and other influential lasS P l T a m.,inent members of the League, was hailed with th e Plaudits. The theatre, before the commencement of the meeting and through its duration, presented one of tt magnifi cent spectac l es i t i s possible to imagine. It. ea "e? Platform we noticed the Hon. C. P. Villiers, M.P.; rain n, Esq , M.P. ; John Bright, Esq., M.P. ; T. C. I , s aa r g ,7 r, Esq., M.P.; Henry Metcalf, Esq., M.P. ; - '4 l phinston, Esq., M.P.; Benjamin Smith, Esq, Pails; Thom as Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P. ; James 'ot, Z 3 l ) Esq., M.P. ; Arthur Paulson, Esq. ; W. J. %Ip ta • ; William Metcalf, Esq. ; Adam Smith, Esq ; iL e° gan ; John M'Clode, Esq. ; W. A. Wilkin• eq ; P. A. Taylor, Esq. ; Norman Wilkinson, ,aar6 r• Stoner ; William Laver, Esq. ; Colonel N s - 7 Dr. Lobb • George Stephenson, Esq. ; A. ' 4l O ; H. Fowler, Esq. ; Henry Staples Foster, Zitl k ii . Th nlbride,-e • J. Phillips. Esq ; Henry Lloyd 'Ore ;' Rev. S. Luke ; J. A. St. John, Esq. ; p olls John, Esq ; Wm. Mortimer, Esq. ; Wm. , Il tt,t'„ r ‘sq., Hertford ; B. M. Roberts, Esq. ; J. Per „etsalomerset ; J. Somers, Bridgewater ; J. Col ittst reerset ; Alfred Levibond, Middlezoy, Bridge- si Wm. Baynes, Bart. ; T. M. Robinson, Esq.; b ssilk t t 'l, Esq., Manchester • Hugo Reid, Esq. ; r 4 tris op r q., Stilton ; F. 'Scheer, Esq., Cherapanot, ! -1 4lisi t " t trgs Siberia ; Ralph Ricardo, Esq. ; James • s`e ° . Esq. ; John Moss, Esq.. Derby ; P. Davy, rtkl b re diton ; H. L. Keeling, Esq. ; Sylvanus Par `astl• ; Robert Price, Esq. ; and Summers Har k• d 4l • qehuseYell o'clock, the time appointed for commencing dness of th e mee ti ng , ti !lsis °llD aaT came forward, amid tremendous cheering, - altsea that Mr. Villiers had kindly consented, in the A ss' st-' f thei r f r i en d M r . Wil son , t o t a k e the chair.— he? pisst,) ' I'll.l.lElls, Esq., M.P., took the chair amid great th e g,ltnd some confusion, and cries of" Open the doors o "°xes " occasioned by the extremely crowded 41 ,°' the' house. When silence and order had mdie s 119 measure been restored, he said — 'else a nd Gentlemen, a person has been di ltle s to open the doors of the boxes, which , t 44, e s i t' s ° ll s seem anxious should be done.--;Cheers, a ss Pose of " That's right.") Ladies and gentlemen, the :se z oo Pose for which I have to ask your attention for t h ll 'ent is to explain the reason why I should oc t' er e chair this evening. It was only a few minutes :raoed „entered this theatre this evening that I was in e,'" a s Illy friends around me that the gentleman wires so frequently, and so efficiently, presided as r i of these meetings, was seriously and g latt e l , l l ,_ indisposed ; and the gentleman who in s• i b t i ",ar'to me, stated that it would be convenient o f ": th ° Z supply the place of our friend Mr. Wilson L'cgt e s , e ning. Ladies and gentlemen, when the re dilcso„7 made to me to preside over the meeting, I misgivings that it would be no easy duty to Zhi s ▪ it o - ,,D , and I at first declined to discharge it ; but LI I h;: ilt lY I assented to occupy the chair this evening, Cruii on °° upon the principle which I—(Great noise and L c tite occasioned by the over-crowded state of the dtee -41 ' the anxiety of parties to obtain admission.) e'te rand any this confusion does not ;Nie s 4.° m any spirit of disrespect to the tl't of° or its object, but only from an over-zeal on the ats P e rsons to obtain places where they can see and Nii.Ladies an d gent l emen , I k new it w ould be no t kabitit to pr es id e on thi s occas i on , and I really did d° so when the request was made to me for t een Purpo se t h an t h at w hi c h, for the last six or tlt• i.d ea rss has always actuated me with respect to the 'operaternslaw League—namely, to cordially co ;Ala with them whenever my humble services , 111 1e 011 7 made available.—(Great cheering.) I 1. " r s er the difficulties that beset the repeal of the Lva tu . - ws befor e the establishment of the Anti-Corn-law • p e t "4 I have been always of opinion, that if some I t ter fld, intelligent body was not originated, there e • a•I: e 'raY prospect of success for the cause of the f t 911 1; r ePealers- - (Cheers) —and because I earnestly ,„ 14 Yd otb ic e the repeal of the corn-laws, I have thought s s , t to place my feeble services when they were A z (4, 1 4 at the disposal of the Anti-Corn-law League. -- ,‘" l to heering.) Notwithstanding the errors t-41 ,,P05i been committed by some of the gentlemen 13 ,"„'ne body of the Anti Corn-law League, I am f "°W that if our opponents should come to their l o re C la d consent to the abolition of the corn-laws be 'A` It oi i,People are maddened by starv a tion a nd want, 'ktti;;„'' be the measures that have been adopted by the ) 4 eon' 4 ll-law League that had brought about so glorious Lto - , ; ti nunation.—(Cheers.) One of the reasons for which Ip leerely regret the absence of our respected friend to y . ' h i lson is, that I know it was his intention to detail mtt• i ° l the extraordinary exertions which have keen • - ge L e • e Y our friends, and those who represented 14 disp h a ne in the provinces, and which afford clear and , ° Pita' s - table proof of the extent to which conversion to our "lio D ; ti s and conviction of their truth has gone.—(Cheers.) thee - es it is satisfactory to our friends to observe that, .74asbi e they go, or their names are mentioned, the ll ir • e , services are duly appreciated and gratefe y i t SZ te clged.—(Great cheering.) Gentlemen, it would s v ir !,; l have been one part of the address of my friend 'qedi al :'soss to congratulate you, as I do myself, most e heiupon the accession of strength we have lately ,''utt, 4 " to our cause, in the conversion of some of the Ptis"T i nent statesmen existing in this country to the ,71.44 r n law ti- - o r s a . n a dviewspropounded in this theatre by the ti League.—(Loud cheering.) We do ,‘1),:oe by that those persons who alone could be referred • th Crown to form an Administration, have come conclusion that they would be no longer „Va s ' to withholding one of the most obvious ~Iht of the people of -this country — the plain feeding themselves.—(Cheers.) We have now %VI Men who can in the present state of affairs, be t ti k . 4 ' to the councils 'and the assistance of their Soite ena `od' o rceordin g their opinions in favour of free trade, 01 es —ensuing the existence any longer of a duty on a7,core._/Cheers.) Lord John Russell, there can Zio o () ; l °Ubt—(6 slat cheering)—is a free trader, and in repeal oaf the corn-laws. He has, in a bold, ~, : i l s oriT ar a n d intehl:.Srenntg.way, made that manifest to ) You have all, no doubt, 4 14 hi, • rece ( n G t re a at d c res ee d s t'o the electors of the City of % s liiot t 'ns by h' h he has plainly shown 7hat his b l ks . 7 ll are,- and wic leaving no doubt as to what his inten se orlt was with no the future are also.—(Cheers.) % that I read that Noble Lord's address, be- , ▪ "a cannot but recollect that in t he last "„ h e voted with the motion that I m ade for the atti ° I I the c orn -laws ; and by the speeches that e Ztf e ,, • e "Po during the last session he exhibited himself ; 4 4 they alive to all the injury and miscief curs-laws had produced —(Cheers) — a nd pre tesll,,,,that a time might arrive when they should be De o Ted from calmly considering the question of the 'st y of the corn-laws, and that when scarcity came . W ould i be obliged at once to act, and repeal those ?b laws. I did not therefore read this address with All a ~eWhen the emergency arrived.—(Cheers.) t t e e ; t hat that emergency has arisen, and that, unless ss 's - " ll =',' be done, an that without delay, it is obvious e f'qvti — e ° Pie of this country will be put to considerable _,411'i5,..-°.,os.—(cheers.) Lord John Russell has come 1 11 1 1 : at a most opportune moment to declare that he_ 14' es h . " noparty to obstruct the procuring of food people.-(Loud (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, it d has assert d e ."—it has not been contradicte . Ly it h e • d the strongest confirmation, .Q g b t th e 15 received . _resignation t of e Sir Robert Peel, that he has ; als, h. rea mind to the conclusion that the .peo ,, ant so feed theasselves.—(Tremendous cheering.) :s "Its conversion and conviction has been brought t ;gla tit h: s matter of indifference to us.—(Cheers.) I ; g od a-aae been the bad potatoes—(Laughter).—or the l th, r guments that have been used in favour ofarep s e Lay, - m e orn-laws.—(lnareased laughter.)—Be that . it fs ' e eti;" fact of such a conversion and conviction has , °n ounced, and it is for the people to turn This "'e_t• e il L s tance to the best account.—(Cheers.) a be the great difficulty: we have arrived at l ee l ' 41 ( 1 nobody knows what will be the resu t.— • Say, that if these public men are true to you, , i 'os io '';° ll are true to yourselves, there can be no difficulty . • L , t a --( Chee ) If Lord John Russell is of opinion onet (Cheers.) s ought to be abolished, and ;` • his been aw summoned to the councils '„ Sovereign and commissioned to form . 'ae o '' ; ` r nment, let him declare that he will form it on I t 'R 5 - y" lei r , le of abolishing the corn-laws. — (Great cheer lf 1;s skins air Robert Peel has been properly represented— t° b reiSlly been convinced that the corn -l a ws ou g ht °lbata•oolish e ,i—th en let him come forward andstrenu- N e :jtud f a i t s, fully support Lord John Russell .—(i eheerin -.) If we can be th orou g hl y con- Ste a that thtese tssso men, of these two parties, it a esali uei rs saY earnest and honest in this purpose, t s „ m aal i es the duty as it is the itsterest, of this , great and lw Et t- ` 4l and intellectual association--the Anti-Corn -law e t A t i l i + to devote their energies in support of Lora ~...h beliitue e n " a nd, Sir R. Peel.—(Great cheering.) Now I do ‘holi t ,:" if we can found the common ground of the total 4, 4 ' 1 ° 1 10f the corn-laws for each of these parties to stand Nye s t; t he month of February will not pass over before 14ot all relieve the statute-book of one of the foulest a l i,Vhat ever stained it.—(Great cheering.) If I it w be allowed to offer one single syllable of advice, of t ~uld be, let the people depend upon themselves, for dep e ,',l I am assured, that if the people of this country pith d upon anything —upon any person or persons — they more Confidence and reliance than upon themselves, ll o i t ruo the greatest risk of being deceived and disap teot the(. ed • — Cheers.) The time has now arrived, the pre parcla moment.—(Cheers.) We have got these great p o b l i . e s such a state of' confusion—we have got these • lo men in such a fix—(Great laughter)—that if we do justice to ourselves in this cause, nothing will ve nt our succeeding.—(Cheers.) This is the moment ell every person—when all men are required to make every effort and sacrifice, in order to convey to men who are in power the unmistakeable determination of the peeple no longer to put up with a tax on their food. Geneenien, I had no intention of presiding at this meet ing ; I was not advertised to do so, and I aill not stand for a moment in the wav of other members who are more eloquent than myselle and who are anxious to ad dress you. I beg at sexy to call upon Richard Cobden. Mr. Cobden then came forwerd, amid reiterated cheering, and attempted to speak, but for several minutes he was totally inaudible. Ile attempted oft and again to address the meeting, but every new attempt was drowned in acclainatiof Silence being somewhat re stored, Mr. COBDEN spoke as follows :—I think some of the protection societies would be glad to have our overflow to-night.—(Cheers.) If this agitation continue we shall have to build an edifice as large as St. Paul's to hold the Leaguers.—(inthusiastic cheering and laughter.) I be lieve to-day we have had applications for 30,000 tickets of admission. There are many thousands around this building who cannot be accommodated, and there are a great many more inside than can be comfortable.—(Loud cheers.) But I have fall confidence in the disposition of 211 good Leaguers to ac commodate each other, and I must say, that I have seen in front of me every disposition to be quiet ; but it seems to-night, as I have observed it gcceraely in my great ex perience of public meetings, that if there be any disorder, it is always amongst the aristocracy on the platform. I think this meeting is a sufficient proof of the circum stances under which we meet to-night. The manner in which we are gathered together; the excited feeling which animates all present, indicate something peculiar in the present phase of our movement. I do not know how it is, but RI see others excited and inclined to throw up their hats, it makes me look grave and serious, because I always think there is most danger when the people are least on their guard in this wicked world.—(Cheers.) Doubtless we have brought our cause to a new position. We have got it in the hands of the politicians ; the ins and the outs are quarrelling over it e but I am anxious to impress upon you and upon our friends throughout the kingdom (for what we say hero is read by hundreds and thousands elsewhere) that it is not our business to form Cabinets—to choose individuals who shall carry out our principles. We are not to trust to others to do our work. Wo are not to feel confident that the work will be done until it is done, and I shall not col sider that it is done until I see the Act wet from the printer's containing the total abolition of the corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) Now I have always expected that in the course of this agita tation we should knock one or two Governments on the head before we succeeded.—(Cheers.) The Government of 1841 can hardly be said to have been killed by the corn-law ; it took the corn-law as a last desperate dose, in hopes to cure it of a long and lingering dis ease.—(Cheers.) But it proved fatal.—(Renewed cheers and laughter.) I think, however, that we may say that the last Government has died of the corn-law, and our business must be to try and make the fate of the last Government a warning to the next.—e Cheers.) We certainly do not yet exactly know why Sir Robert Peel ran away from his corn-law. We have had no explana tion. I thought when I came from the country that I might get a little behind the scenes, and learn something about it. But I am as much in the dark now as when I was in Lancashire.—(Loud cheers.) I can't learn why Sir Robert Peel " bolted."—(Great laughter.) It was his own law. He passed it in 1842, . after considerable deliberation. It was not asked by the people, for I know that some two or three millions petitioned against it. It was his own handiwork, in defiance of the people ; and now, in 1845, with the same Parliament to back him, he suddenly runs away, and leaves his sliding-scale as a legacy to his successors. —(Cheers.) Now, if he had carried his corn-law with him—(Cheers)—if he had only carried off his sliding scale to Tamworth—l do not th nk we should have made many inquiries about him ; but he has left his law, ar.d no one knows how he is going to deal with it in future. When we meet in Parliameut, which may be early next month at all events I should say the sooner the better—(Cheers)—the first thing for which I shall look with great interest will be the reason of this sudden dissolution of the Cabinet. I shall await Sir Robert Peel's explanation with great interest. He, doubtless, will be able to tell us whether the facts collected by his Commissioners in Ireland and in England were of a nature to impress him with the idea that we were verging on a probable famine in one country, if not in both? If that be the case, I suppose he will tell us that he at least was ready to subvert his own handiwork, the sliding scale. Well, that being the case, I 'presume he will then assist us to do what he could not himself accomplish with his refractory Cabinet.— (Cheers.) I expect—l don't know whether I am rash in expecting so much—but I do anticipate that straightforward course from him.—(Great cheering.) There are people who tell us that this corn-law must not be suspeuded suddenly, that it must not be dealt with rashly and procipitately ; but that if we are to have a repeal of the corn-laws it must be done gradually. Well, that might have been in the eyes of some a very -states man-like way of doing the business six or seven years ago. Some would have thought last year, when wheat was 40s. a quarter, that if a law had been passed then providing for the extinction of the corn-laws in two or three years, that would have been no very bad measure ; but who would propose now to pass a law im posing a fixed duty on corn, next spring to take off 3s. or 45., the next spring to reduce it still further, and so on, till none was left?—(Loud cheers.) That won't suit the exigencies of the present moment.—(Cheers.) Our wise Legislature would not deal with the question when they might have done so with advan tage to their own policy. We were pressing on the Government to deal with the corn laws last year, and the year before, when wheat was 475. per quarter •, but we were told then that we were rash men—that the corn-law had not had a fair trial—that we must wait to see how it worked. Now they do see how it has worked.—(Cheers.) But there is no time for temporising now. Nature has stepped in. Providence has stepped in—has inflicted a famine on the land, and has set at nought all the con trivances, the delays, and the modifications of States. — (Great cheering.) There is now but one course to pur sue. It is no use asking us for a feather bed to drop the aristocracy on. We might if we had one to offer them, but they can have no feather bed now.—(Cheers and laughter.) They must have a total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws; not because the League demand it—not out of any deference to the Shibboleth of a club like ours; no, we don't wish to inflict any unnecessary humiliation on the landowners ; but they have put off this good work so long that nature has stepped in, and now they must bow to the law of nature without de lay.—(Great cheering.) Well, we meet Parliament next session with, I take it for granted, but one propo sition before us, and that is the immediate abolition of the corn-laws.—(Applause.) No Minister can take office without proposing that measure. Whether Sir Robert Peel or Lord John Russell, I defy them to take office without coming to the House of Commons and in the Queen's speech proposing that measure.— (Loud and continued cheering.) No one would exult over them. It is not our doing after all. We have merely prepared the public mind, in some degree, to take advantage of a great national calamity. But it is not so well prepared as if they had given us two or three years more. The potato crop has tripped up the heels of Sir Robert Peel; but it has also stopped our registration agents. I should have liked another year or two to have qualified for the counties.—(Cheers.) We would then have shown the monopolist landowners that we can transfer power in this country from the hands of an exclusive class totally into the hands of middle and industrious classes.—(Loud cheering.) We shall go on with that movement, and I hope it will never stop.—(Cheers.) But we shall have to deal with the crisis of the corn question next session.— (Hear.) The Queen's speech, within a month of this time, must recommend the abolition of the corn-law. — (Great applause.) I want to get into the House of Com mons again, to have some talk about this question. It is very different work there, I assure you, to talking in these meetings every day, where there are no opponents. I don't know how it is, but I have that quality . of com bativeness, as the phrenologists call it, so inherent in me, that unless I meet some opposition I am as dull as ditch water.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) Now, there is no man to be found at large, out of the House of Commons, to say one word in defence of the corn-laws. I am anxious, therefore, to meet these protectionists in the House of Commons. Yet I don't know—it will be an odd scene when we assemble next session—for we shall not know where to sit.—(Great laughter.) There will be such a gathering in the lobbies —one saying to the other, " Which side are you going to sit on ?" Then, the greatest subject of interest will be, to see where Sir Robert Peel is to sit.—(Laughter.) I should not wonder if we should have to find him a chair, and put him in the middle of the floor.—(Renewed laughter, and cheers.) Now, I shall be somewhat inte rested to hear the arguments that will be used by the protectionists in defence of this corn-law. Recollect, the debate will come on with respect to the present exigencies of the moment. The corn-law must be suspended instantly. If Lord John Russell take office—he will be a bold man if he does—but if he does, I suppose he will either suspend the law the next day by an Order in Council, or will call us together, and submit his proposition to suspend that corn-law at once—(Great cheering) —or, if he does not do that, he won't hold office a week.— (Cheers.) Then the debate will turn on the necessity of suspending this corn-law, and we shall have gentlemen getting up from Dorset shire and Essex protesting that there is great abun dance of everything in the country, that there is no scarcity at all, no potato rot, and a full average quantity of wheat. Then I should not wonder if we should have some very novel receipts for feeding the people.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) Dr. Buckland has lately been publishing a paper, which he read before the Ashmolean Society at Oxford, and he has shown, you know, that people can live very well on peas—that they get on tolerably well with beans, and if there is nothing else, they can live pretty well on mangel wurzel.—(Great laughter.) And he gives an instance, you know, of one good lady who lived, I don't know how many days, by sucking the -- 3 , out of her white pocket handkerchief.—(Renewed m.— "eneel wurzel, starch, and beans, mixed laughter.) nee - 'nr I should think, would make with a little curry p0wa.....: - 'Tndignant laug h ter. ) a rich treat for starving people. - -,_ l Well, we shall have divisions as well as uelheq'tes ' and I should like to see the names of those goon men in the House of Commons who will vote against opening the ports—that is, of those men who will declare that we shan't he treated as well as Rus sians, Turks, Poles, and Dutchmen.—(Cheers.) If they out-vote us on that proposition we shall have a general election, and I should like to see some of those curry powder catsdidates that will go down. I would advise you to get some curry powder ready; a little hot water with a pinch of curry powder stirred up makes a man very comfortable to go to bed with! —(Laughter.) Try it on some of the protection can didates.—(Great laughter.) But really this is no laughing matter after all. As my friend Mr. Villiers ays, this is now vary much 0. question between Sir It. r Peel and Lord J. Russell. For myself, I have no reason to feel any very great respect for Sir R. Pe 1. lie is the only man in the House of Commons that I could never speak a word to in private without forfeiting my own respect. But though I say that, and though I ant justified in saying it, yet I will add, that so deeply have I this question of the corn-laws at heart, that if Sir R. Peel will take the same manly, straightfor ward part that Lord John Russell has taken —if be will avow an intehigible course of action without any mysti fication, I will as heartily co operate with him as wi:h any man in the House of Commons—(Tremendous ap plause)—and I should think that the time has come when every statesman, of whatever party, who has a particle of intelligence and conscience, must be anxious to remove this question of supplying the food of the people out of the category of party polities.—(Cheers.) The respon sibility of supplying the people with food is one which no Government ought even to take upon itself. If by any sudden calamity of flood or fire the material riches of the country should be destroyed, would the p.-ople blame the Government ? No, they would rally round it; and why should they not do so when, through the dispensation of Providence, there is a dericieLcy of food? Why, because the Government has arrogated to itself finctions which belong not to it, but to nature. If they will take upon themselves superhuman functions, they will be held responsible fur Divine inflictions. But though I say that in reference to the past Govern ment, this I will also say, that it is to be regretted we have such a tale to tell, because I know that this is a question which many of them had nearest their hearts —(Cheers)—and I now say, that if Sir Robert Peel will only take up this question as Lord John Russell has taken it up, and that he will promise that there is to be no my stitication about it, as there was upon a former occasion, then I pledge myself that I will most heartily co-operate with him and his party when he shall intro duce this measure in the House of Common=.—(Cheers.) And, let me tell these statesmen that the time is now come when the statesmen of every party, who have a particle of integrity or inteligence left, must yield to the pressing and irresistible demands of the people, and put aside for the present all conside rations of party politics.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Look at the position of the present Ministry, or of any Ministry who will persevere at this time of day in refusing this demand of the people of this country.—(Cheers.) What position can any Minister he in who will attempt to maintain a tax upon food ? (Chevrs.) If the food of the people should fall short, will they not immediatety assail the Government? That they will not do so is what no Government should assume.—(Hear, hear.) Why should the Government assume that a scarcity will or will not take place? Why should the Government say that that will or will not take place, which can be assumed by the hands of Provi dence alone, and which Providence alone can dispose of? —(Cheers.) ' Why should we seek to visit the Govern ment with that which we believe to be a visitation of- Providence, namely a deficiency of the liar vest?—(Hear)—and why should the Government seek to visit the consequences of the dispensations of Providence upon the people ?—(Cheers.) Will the Government pretend to say that they should con tinue a tax upon the people's bread because of this year's rot in the potato?—(Hear, hear.) Let me put a ccnverse proposition, and suppose that all the best and most valuable fruits of the earth were swept away, would the people then be found resisting the efforts of the Government to avert or alleviate the calamity ? (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, would they not be found ready to rally round the Government, and to render all the assistance in their power to relieve the country from such a calamity ?—(Cheers.) Then why should not the Government take the part of the people, now that that part devolves upon them ?—(Cheers.) They have not done so heretofore, because they feared to offend a party ; but now the Government, at least Sir Robert Peel's Government, are compelled to acknowledge that they are obliged to accede this question because they can not do otherwise.—(Loud cheers.) If he should not succeed, I do hope to see such a set of statesmen brought together as shall evince an anxiety to get rid of those laws which impose restrictions on food.—(Cheers.) There is, however, another reason why we should hope that we will never again be visited with a vision of this ghost of restriction, and that is, that the protectionists have now almost despaired of ever being able to rally a meeting in their favour again.— (Cheers.) I say, then, let Sir Robert Peel and Lord Joh❑ Russell put an end to this senseless and ridiculous war against the common rights of humanity by making a united resolution to propose, in the next session of Parliament, a proposition for the total and permanent abolition of the corn-laws.--(Loud cheers.) But then they talk of making terms for a re-adjustment of these laws, and for compensation, and for a great many other things.—(Laughter.) I am told that Sir Robert Peel has a hundred different projects of one sort or another to mix up with his proposition for repeal ing the corn-laws ; but we will tell him, that whatever his propositions may be, we will have a total, unequivocal repeal of the corn-laws, and nothing less.—(Loud cheers.) We have had too much of these propositions already—(Cheers)—we will have no more of them.—(Cheers.) In the north of England the people have a very " vulgar," but a very usetul and a very popular " prejudice " in favour of " doing one thing at a tune."—(Cheers.) And those ople have had too much of such things as undertaking a great number of projects at one time, and therefore they say, let us have these corn-laws dealt with first. (Cheers.); I have also been told that Sir Robert Peel has some such project in his head as a " compensation to the landlords."—(Oh.) Now, all I can say is, that Sir Robert has not been very successful hitherto in his efforts to conciliate the people of this country; but if ha perse vere in this, he will prove himself as great an enemyof the people. as it he neverconsented to a repeal of thecorn-laws. IC( w I warn others against this new mode of taxation ; for great as the grievance of " protection " has been felt, I do believe that, even if you were to bring forward all the legislative enac ments for the last hundred years, ) ou would not find one so great a grievance as this would be, eve❑ in the corn-law itself.—(Hear, hear.) If the Government really wish to aim at the death of the corn-laws without any additions or restrictions, let them do so at once— (Hear, hear)—but if they want to impose renewed restrictions, let them, before they do so, look at the manner in which the people have already been cheated and robbed and bamboozled under the plea of taxation.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Member having alluded to the system of taxa tion 150 years ago, when the probate and legacy duty pressed heavily on the tradesmen of England, the effects of which he illustrated by the operation of that tax upon the sons of tradesmen, he then continued by saying: Three years ago, when we met in Palace-yard upon this question, a nobleman attended the meeting and asked us what we wanted —(Laughter)—and, when we told him, ho very modestly replied that we might just as well hope to unseat the Monarchy as to achieve our object."—(Cheers and laughter.) Well, the same energy which we then applied to our purpose with a Few, we have for the last seven years never failed to exert until our numbers have now became so great that we have succeeded in puttiug down those who conceived they were placed above us, for ever.—(Cheers.) That is now our position ; and I warn Sir Robert Peel not to force us, by any such measure as " compensation," into a discussion of the burdens which peculiarly press upon land.—(Loud cheering.) Sir Robert Peel and his party, nor any other party, can now meet with any hope of proposing any measure for what they may choose to call a " modifi cation" of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) No ; the time has gone by for that, and therefore I would advise them to do justice to the people speedily and promptly—Cheers) —and if we are satisfied to let bygones be bygones, and accept of a repeal of the corn-laws without any re strictions or compensations, I think they ought to be very well satisfied.—(Great cheering.) The Hon. Mem ber then alluded to some observation of Mr. Vernon Smith, and proceeded to say that it afforded him great pleasure to observe that the proceedings at Conciliation Hall, in Dublin, were in favour of this movement, and that Mr. O'Con nell had said that it afforded him great pleasure to ob serve that the people of England were so near the achievement of the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) From the beginning of the agitation of this question, (continued Mr. Cobden,) Mr. O'Connell has taken the part of the people of England.—(Loud cheers.) I never considered Mr. O'Connell as advocat ing that measure solely for the benefit of England, so much as because he believed that the repeal of the corn-laws would not only benefit this country, but also relieve the poor peasant of his own country, and affard them better food than the " lumper potato."— (Cheers.) Therefore, I say, then, that upon this ques tion we are glad to have the co-operation of Mr. O'Con nell, and that we have found a point at which no line of demarcation shall be known betwixt us.—(Cheers.) The people of Ireland want bread as well as the people of England, and if we can help O'Connell to give it them, they shall have the half.—(Great cheering.) I have now only to add that the time is coming when our greatest activity and vigilance will be required.—(Hear, hear.) The Duko of Richmond has told you that he in tends to trust to the " hereditary " legislators of his country.—(Laughter.) Well, in answer to him, I say— " Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not."—(Tremendous cheering.) I 'am satisfied to place the " hereditary bondsmen " against the " hereditary legislators," and abide the result.—(Cheers.) However, even amongst the " heriditary legislators" we have not all opponents. —(Cheers.) We have the best portion even of that House on our side, and we always had—(Cheers)—and even if they have not joined our club, I do not care much for that, so that they have adopted our principles. I have never made this a class question—it is others who have done so ; but we have, even from amongst the hereditary legislators, on our side Lord Morpeth— (Cheers)—and the Earl of Radnor—(Cheers)—and Lord Duaie—(Cheers)—and Lord Kinnaird—(Cheers)—a n d Lord Grey—(Loud cheering)—and therefore, if his Grace of Richmond be against us, why we can only say that if he and some of their other Graces continue so, they will form the greatest "noodles and doodles" on the whole of their Grace's estates.—(Loud cheers.) Now, this is a question which involves matter of great importance. It is not a question of every day, and therefore we have to consider who we shall have as the next Ministry.—(Hear, hear.) I feel quite assured that if Lord John Russell 'comes in, his word is his bond.—(Cheers.) I do not know whether he will take atfiee or not, but if he does, I do not know who he will --ist him.—(Cries of "Yourself," and cheers.) have to a.— • —nu as long as there are bad eharac c im an . Yes, I will be Alta _ --4.) He may have some i u m t we h o e m p u o s l4 t er back we h and tern — (H a e b a r r o:; l l give him to carry this important aiffieulty in makin‘gvuepmauCset show Lord John Russell in con -vas of Lor question.—(Cheers.) And let us take the he had done, e •— ar ( .) liear' nexion with this subject. it, a mistake in writing the letter van 7. as said that he had made would have been. Without it, in fact, he would have been but, without it, how comparatively unimporta:s be nothing. Without it, the Queen would never have sent for him. Without that letter, he would have excited no more public emotion,' no mere interest, and no more enthusiasm, than Sir Robert Peel would have dune. It. is a proof of the vitality of the Tiestion we have been alvoeating, that, without even joining by the mere enunciation of a principle, from being ob scure and scarcely visible to the public, he has become the most prominent man of the day.—(hear, hear.) H OV,* ill this country Iles rise is a proof that there is n the Lea u.', but only one solid growing and c on so lidated power in this country.—(near, hear, and c h eers .) All that is good of the Whigs have joined us.—(hear, hear.) Free trade principles have broken the Tory Administration to atoms.—(Cheers.) Nor is it destined to terminate here, for league principles must always prove the ruin of parties in power who are hostile to their progress.— (Hear and cheers.) Let us, then, hold on to the rinciples which has made us so strong as we at present are, not swerving to the right or to the left, end no Minister can expect to retain office without at once abolishing these laws.—(Hear, hear.) Ie t us maintain this ground for another six months, and then w e shall he near to that time which I so much desire — when this League shall be resolved into its primitive elements by the triumph of its principles , .—(The mo't ewthu,iastic cheering followed, in the course al which the Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat.) Mr. BievenT, M.P., said that during the last month, as one of a deputation front the Council of the League, he had visited many towns, and ben present at many meet ings in Lancashire, in Cheshire, in Yorkshire, in Not tinghamshire, in Derbyshire, in Glouce ster,hire, in Staffordshire, in Sotnersetshire, and now he was present at one in Middlesex. That afforded a consolation that the agitation which is now in progress throughout this kingdoms is one of no common, and of no unequivocal character.—(Hear.) Notwithstanding what his friend who had just addressed them said, that he hoped it might not become a war of classes, he (Mr. Bright) was not sure that it had not already become such, and he doubted if it could be otherwise.—(Hear.) He believed it to he a movement of the commercial and in dustrious classes against the lords and great proprietors of the soil in this country.—(llear.) Within the last fifty years trade had dere much for the people of England. Their population had greatly increased ; their villages had become; towns, and their small towns large cities. The despised and contemned classes of manufacturers and traders had assumed another and very different position, and the great proprietors of the soil now fbund that there were other men and other in terests in the kingdom. to be consulted besides their own. They had seen the course of party legislation that had been pursued, and the way in which their varying for tunes had been managed during that contest. They had already seen one somewhat feeble Administration overthrown—another that every one thought powerful shattered to pieces.—(Great cheering.) What was it that had brought the NV higs into office? What was it that had driven the Tories from office? The corn-laws. —(Cheers.) Now it was evident from these circum stances—it must be evident that the corn-laws made it impossible any longer for any party to govern in England i on those principles by which they had hitherto been n fluenced.—(llear, hear.) The Whig Government had been blamed for the manner in which they had lea the country in a financial point of view. But to what was the deficiency in the revenue to be ascribed? It was owing to bad harvests and a want of employ ment.—(Hear, hear.) Now, the landed proprietors might conceive that trade was of small importance; but they were now sure that no Government could maintain its popularity, none could maintain its power, so long as they had restrictions on the importation of foreign grain. Social order could not be preserved with out the people being fed. Their revenue failing, taxes must be imposed, general discontent would prevail, and every Government, under such circumstances, must first become unpopular, and finally become extinct. — (Hear, hear.) They must, therefore, come to the con • elusion that matters had arrived at that crisis that the administration of public affairs could no longer be continued with the maintenance of the corn-laws.— (Hear, and cheers.) Lord John Russell had stated that he and Sir Robert Peel had come to the same con clusion. But Sir John Tyrrell and Mr. Branston spoke now of Sir R. Peel with disgust and aversion. They were astonished at his perfidy; but he could tell them that it was not the perfidy of the Minister they were to blame, but the impossibility that existed of his being able to govern with a corn-law.—(Hear, hear.) These were not in the position of Sir Robert Peel. The country would not hold themselves responsible for any calamity that might occur ; and as to posterity, for the applause of which it was well known that Sir Robert Peel was most desirous, the notice it would take of him would be some miserable tablet of some obscure parish church. —(Loud cheers.) If there was anything that could impress more strongly upon his mind the necessity of the abolition of these laws, it was the condition of the agricultural labourers.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He had visited several of the agricultural counties in England, and what he had seen there fully bore out the accounts that bad been given respecting their condition. And, in fact, bow could it be otherwise ? They were in youth employed at work for a remuneration that would not be given to a child in manufacturing dis tricts; and, after a life of labour, to be rewarded at sixty years of age with 20s. and a cot, provided he had not inflicted any burden on the parish. His fate might be summed up in these words of the poet— " A blessed prospect : To slave while there is strength; in age a workhouse; A parish shell at last, and that title hell Toll'd hastily for a pauper's funeral !" In Ireland, too, which is purely an agricultural coun try, there was a state of misery bordering on starva tion ; and yet Mr. Benett, one of the Members for Wiltshire, had said in a speech that he made the other day, that after seventy years of all situations, if he had the choice, he should select that of an agricultural labourer—(Great laughter)—and this after he had been some years possessed of a property of 10,0001. a-year.— (Ilear, hear.) And it was under this system that the agricultural labourer had been brought down to his pre sent heart-broken and dispang condition. They had prevented their having a sufficient grow;h of grain at home, and they had prevented their, receiving an ade quate supply from abroad.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The most demoniac malignity could not have invented a scheme more calculated to bring the great masses of the working millions of this country to a state of pauperism, country—(Cheers o w f ae England,rie(it r.; discontent, and insubordination, than this corn-law they did they find a fat and sleek being, opposing.—(Cheers.) And while in this state ,) were f t h tnhgesn, what who was a dignitary of the Church and a great philo sopher, recommending for the consumption of the the hungry turnips, he anesen if fsa pepper, eon d pt doop m euih a rta u i g vgle e hi prople ? He did not read a paper about the supplies that were to be had in the great valley of the Missis sippi, but told them that there were still plenty of Ir-teoewdr(u).rlltz recourseeel t ui odd ; to oit Blight) himself, sw h raeer a ajl ldfot water e n a ad r n s nd t h i o l a a e t l whenrecom mended pi neh of f e heard that the Duke of Norfolk had made this recommendation, but he rather pitied the Noble Duke. Ho did not, however, rejoice in his heart when he saw the speech the Noble Duke had made in Sussex, be cause it served to show the people of England that it was not enough th at the should be suffering under the pernici ous corn-law but the law itself must submit them to insult and wrong at the hands of its supporters.—(Hear, hear.) It was not enough that the law should have passed —it was not enough that it made their toil value less—it was not enough that it made all their skill and labour unavailing—it was not enough that it did not allow them to procure a fair supply of the common ne cessaries of life, but when this iniquitous law brought misery and want upon them, its cautious enactors in sulted their feelin gs, a n d to ld t h em like they would the beasts of the earth, t o go to mange l -wurze l, or to something else, which even the beast s th em selves cauld not eat. And , he supposed this system would be continued till the peo ple should rise, and in one voice proclaim the downfall of this odious system.—(Cheers.) This law was the parent of the gri evous fluctuat i ons i n trade under which so much sufferi ng was created in this commercial king dom ; and now a per i od was com i ng when one of th ese fluctuations wo u ld occur w hi c h m ight be as bad, n a y worse, than the last, when many a man now feeling himself independent and comfortable in his circumstances, would find himself swept away by the torrent, and his goodly ship made a complete wreck ()F.—(llears hear.) Capital in these cases sometimes availed almost nothing, and they had seen with their own eyes fluctuations occur in trade which no prudence could have guarded'against. They might be in the midst of great prosperity and excitement in one year, and in the next ruin might stare them in the face. At one time they fancied they were getting rich in a moment, and imme diately afterwards they found themselves rapidly retro grading. 'I hese fluctuations might be all attributed to the corn-laws; and not only was trade sacrificed by:them, but the moral character of the country was injured.— ( Hear, and loud cheers.) Now, had th e y a scarcity coming or not ? It was said that to be forewarned was to be forearm e d, an d that a foretold, famine never came ; an d so this famine would not have come about at a ll, if at the moment they saw it was coming they had power to reliev e th emse l ves by obtaining supplies of food from abroad . But the rea son a foretold famine never came was, be cause, when it was foretold men provided against it, and took care that it should not come. Here, then, had a famine been foreseen and foretold, but, instead of taking measures against it, their wise legislat ors p assed a malignant law to accelerate it, and forei g n su pp lie s were not allowed to come in for fear that it should bring some injury upon the mortgaged landowners of the country.—(Cheers.) Well then, these class es o f w h om from 1838 to 1842 amidst edeepest misery ; an d now g of relenting— he had spoken had maintained d this law f or 3 0 years, and th no sympathy for th e sufferin g s of the people, no feeling of mercy—no foolin would add one iota to induce or make them give up this law now. They had now, however, nobody to take office with a promise to maintain it, but they thought they had somebody who would take office with a pro or of any other Minister , was entirel y conditional. Lord mise to repeal it ; but th e p romise of Lo rd John Russell, John Russell could not repeal the corn laws himself, itin that, to but he confessed that it m ug be done by the unequivocal expression of the publ ic will. How was this ex psresa,such meetings as a those which they had held in all p arts of the kingdom, and hy a preparation of general election which, in all human probability, was near andbehad ? Why, by meet i ngs such upon them.—(Loud che ers.) the y ha d heard, he be lieved, that they had had a meetin g in Manchester the other day. It w as attended by more of the wealth and influence of th at district than he had ever seen by a most active c h aracter for that assembled before in a meeting of the same number. It was resolved next Tuesday to call a general fleeting of all those who were favourable to, or who supported the Lea gu e, to consider the butt means to be adopted in their present great final struggle. It had been announced that the council of the Leaelie were willing by the aid of their frionds throughout the country to raise a fund of ,„ ^" fur the purpose of being ready in any emergency, I 's"""*; - , maintaining before the ranks of the pie.. or tor the same last file bOld and res 1 t 1 0 e Waster which to to do! • • they had maintained for the last seven years. . Now, if the money required should be subscribed, he could promise I that meeting and the country it would be benestly and jadi eiouely applied lbr carrying out that great national object for which the League had been established and if the protectionists defer the final settletnent of ti question till the warm weather came, they would not trouble ; their friends to force themselves into half their natural size to get wilin the walls of that theatre, but they would ask them to meet there, and in Manchester, and in Leeds, and hi Glasgow, and in Shenield, and in Birmingham, and; in other towns, in numbers so great, with unanimity so re markable, resolution so undaunted, that the aristocracy of this country, with all their wealth,boasted honesty, and with all their feeling, would quail before the Administration that should be made.—(Cheers.) Two centuries ago the people of this country were engaged in a fearful conflict with the Crown. The despotic and factious monarch assumed the right to levy taxes without the consent of Parliament or the people. That assumption was resisted, and this fair island became a battle-field, and the kingdom was convulsed from one end to theother. Now if their forefathers, 200 years ago, resisted that attempt, should they (their children) be bound by the threats of an aristocracy?—(Cries of" No.") Should they consent to be put down, or would they, by a manful and u:iited expression of the public voice, at once and fur ever put an end to this kind of wrong. Their cause at least was as good as their forefathers?—(Hear, hear.) They stood o❑ higher 'vantage ground--they had a larger number of followers at their back ; they had more of wealth, and more of intelligence, more of union, and more knowledge of their political rights, and knew more of the true interest of the country, and, what was better than all this, they had a power and machinery to work with which was a thousand times better than force, and should they, with all these advantages, refrain from that struggle which their forefathers had made. before them, under much moreladverse circumstances?—(Cheers.) The three they were employing he was sure would before long be the means of their obtaining the object. The force, he allowed, they had found in the 40s. freeholders, and that was the great constitutional weapon which they intended to take up, and by which they were sure to conquer—not, however, as of old, in bloody fields, but in the registration courts.—(Cheers.) Now he did trust that tide law would be. repealed within six months, and if it should be then necessary that the League should disperse, he did hope that the people of England would bear in mind what a great panic had been struck amongst the monopolist ranks by this small weapon which they had discovered in the Reform Act and in the constitution of the country; and in conclusion, he implored the middle and working classes to regard it as the instrument of their deliverance, and as the strong and irresistible weapon, before which the domination of an hereditary peerage must be laid in the dust.—(Cheers.) Mr. W. J. Fox then stepped forward, and was greeted with several roun,!s of applause. When the excitement had subsided, he said, I should rather have avoided speaking this evening, had I not been announced to do so, not from any indisposition to be in active sympathy with this magnificent meeting, but because, in the unpleasantness of the present confused state of public affairs, and the uncertainty that ' hangs over our:condition— our Parliament not at its post—one Administration having gone out, we scarcely know why—and another Administration delaying to come into office, we scarcely know why—friends and enemies confusedly mixed, so that we cannot discriminate one from the other—the whole political condition of the country a chaos, a darkness which may be felt where nothing is seen ; a night in which one cannot sleep, and where one longs for the coining day to bring some decisive information, so that we may know who are to be the rulers of the country, and what difficulties or new cause we are next to struggle with, or what triumphs our question is next to attain—a confusion one wants put speedily an end to, that we may not have to think and speak hypothetically—that our desires and wishes may not be contingent upon something yet uncer tain, and our whole course, like the old Castelian oath of allegiance, which was, to obey the sovereign, if he preserved the laws and privileges of the people, and if not—not ; the last negative being of much more importance than the positive with which it was preceded; yet still there are facts in the state of the country, and there are prospects before us, where we find something like solid footing ; and ' it is to turn the mind away from the uncertainties of the passing day, and to fix it on those certainties, that I ' would endeavour to direct your attention. Of these some are sad and some are joyous; but still they furnish in their corn ' bination elements and materials to which we have to look for the completion of the great work so long honourably and successfully carried on by the leaders of the League. The first certainty which we can discover on looking around us as the prior one, is that the country is short in its supply of food, and that the means are not in the best condition for making good the deficiency. At first this allegation was met, as many other truths had been met, by a brazen denial. We were told by the Society of 17, Old Bond-street, that it was an insidious and base delusion, and that this cry of the coming scarcity was got up for selfish and interested purposes. We are told that nobody knew—they did not themselves know— what the harvest would be; but to contradict the representa tion that scarcity might be expected, they write to some of our local societies, and get what they called satisfactory in fi,rmation on the subject.—(Hear, and laughter.) It is now felt to be flying in the face of ascei tamed facts to persist longer in the denial, and it is partially admitted there is a deficiency of supply, that there is a peril of a scarcity—and let it be remembered scarcity to a nation is famine and starvation to thousands of individuals.—(Cheers.) There is peril, or why have a Commission of Inquiry to in quire into the state of the potato crop in Ireland? There is peril, or why do some of the farmers rejoice that the season can be made more remunerative than the last; that is to say, the price of food to be higher in consequence of the den • ciencies in the country? There is danger ofa scarcity, or why the suggestions of certain preposterous specifics for human food? There is fear, or why have learned disquisitions on the different arts that may be brought to bear, or compounds of pepper and that sort of thing, to supply the place of human food? There is truth in the apprehension, or why the break- ing up of one Government, and the difficulties which exist as to the formation of another Government ?—(Cheers.) And what is it keeps down the supply of food, which the great wealth that flows into this country from every part of the globe cannot procure ?—(Loud cheers.) Why, it is because, to keep up the high price of home produce, we turn away wheat importation from our very doors.—(Cheers.) We lately had a stock of wheat in bond, but, under the ope ration of this same law I have just mentioned, it leaves our shores in the time of our own want, and amidst all our ap prehensions of a coming scarcity, to seek the more provident, careful, just, and charitable regions of those who invite sup plies of food from all countries, who are willing to buy it un der the verge of the horizon. The: fields that should supply us—rich, fertile lands, of which there are so many thousand square miles on the continent of Europe and vast prairies of America, are not barren— and corn might be sown upon them to supply the popula tion of these realms with food more than adequate to their wants; but they have not been tilled because our restrictive system gives the cultivators no prospect of a market here, however much food might be wanted. Here we see the effect of the system, making acres upon acres sterile, arrest ing the arm of the cultivator, and robbing him of his profits, and us of our proper supply of provisions. And this is the boasted system that has been lauded as if it were the perfection of human wisdom. Here ends the slid- mg-scale—smashed in the moment of peril, ridiculed by every one, and really ridiculous, because it is in ellicient, and incapable of keeping away an emergency it has created, but which it was intended to prevent, showing, that from beginning to end, the system is false and founded on fallacy, and false in its profession of rendering this country in dependent of foreign supplies—false in its promise of establishing cultivation, which should produce a supply adequate to the demand—•false in its promise of giving the farmer stipulated and remunerating prices—false in its declaration of in creasing employment for the labouring classes; the number employed in the cultivation of land having been regularly diminishing—false in its promise of increasing the stability of our means and sources of supply, and from first to last made up of falsehoods engendered by the sordid cupidity of a class carried by interested majorities with inde cent haste under the shelter of bayonets, and in direct violation of the voice of the people. It was sup ported by an Administration who commanded the ma jority of the votes of the House of Commons, and obtained the sanction of those who formed the great body of the House of Lords, through being altered and tricked in various ways in order to meet peculiar and interested views but still it retained its fallacies to the end as it did at the beginning, and it deserves to perish, as I trust it soon will perish, amid universal con- tempt and execration.- - (Loud cheers.) In times past we have seen our manufacturers bea r ing up ag a in s t ad versity, and employing that which they had a right to consi der and look upon as their private fortunes, for the sole purpose of keeping on their workmen and artisans, but it is unreason able to expect them to do so in future, when we know that is caused by a pernicious law, which is kept up for a class in terest, and when we know, and they know by its alteration, both the master and the workman could hold on his course, and with their own resources get through times of peril. We have no right to expect credit for honest and truthful intentions unless we look at the mode in which food is dis tributed. If we io not find enough in one part of the country we find plenty in another. If the supply is great to the wealthy it is little to the poor—it is food to one class and hunger to another—meat here and famine there; it is like the lion sitting down to prey along with the jackall, where there is not enough to satisfy the demands of both. Such is the condition of the people now—one class famishing of hunger, and the other well to do—the latter not even allowed to relish potatoes, but obliged to do without—and we all know the punishment that such a condition in one class inflicts on another—how the sufferings of the poor re-acted on those who are well to do—the indigent on the comfortable. If you set up fever in St. Giles's, the effect it will penetrate into St. James's—so if hunger and despreration prevail in one class, it will be felt in its influence among all those placed in easy circumstances. Your house will not be se• cure—your banks will be in danger—when you walk out your pockets will not be safe—everywhere there will be danger on account of the desperation of crime. If England were subject to the privations of Ireland, we should have imported into England the violence of Ireland. The most comfortable men would find their slumbers broken—secure sleep, even with pistols under their head, would be rarely felt.—(Hear, hear.) They would , be calling at the same time for their bed-candle and their blunderbuss.—(Loud cheers.) Through all classes injury to, one class is sure to react injuriously on every other.— ( Hear, hear.) To be sure the race would not be extin guished, but it would be much depraved. No, though the British Islands might not be swept of its people, they would be plunged into desolation on account of the present system of protection. We should see our sturdy operative class with their flames attenuated, their muscular strength gone; we should find the country survive it, but only the recollection of its people would be left, as sad testimonials of an iniquitous system— a system which encouraged and induced every kind of injury and wrong—a churchyard, instead of being charged with dead corruption, filled up with that which was alive.—(Loud cheers ) If we see ourselves thus placed by a vicious system—if we find the country in this condition—if trade is paralysed, and no application is made by the Legislature to interfere to bring about a better condition of things—if the State is in danger, and no Government at work, in fact, no Govern ment in existence—if all this we find to be the cue, by directing all our attention in another direction, the prospect of the country is one of the finest and proudest it ever occu pied.—(Loud cheers.) Such is the position of the country —such the state of the population, however far behind may be their rulers. For years the great truths of political eco nomy have been taught the masses.—(Loud cheers.) The fact; and doctrines of this important department of human knowledge has been the study of the untry to ; ptluieblicsumbjeeecttingso—f meetings—and philoso phers has been the result ? Opinion has gradually advanced, and it has been declared ag ain and again, in strength and pow • p po h p er u s la h t a io s n been of made familiar co , er. At first the population petitioned the Parliament to open the ports, but their urgent requests were neglected. They petitioned in tens and twenties of thousands, but with out effect. The warning of danger was not given by the rulers of the country, but by the people themselves; and they originated anew movement when left to work out the end as they best could. The people alone originated this movement. `They had no official Help—they did it all for themselves. They suov the danger is prospect, and came to the rescue— (Cheers)—and they proposed the only course that was i founded in truth and justice. They pledged themselves to the principles of free trade—(Loud cheers)—and what has been the progress? At first the subject was brought forward in meetings of town-councils, who memorialised the Govern ment to open the ports; next they called large meetings for an expression of opinion ; and now they met in multitudinous assemblies in every large town of the country, in north and south, in east and west, raising a voice of thunder that pro tection and injustice should have an end, and the people be enabled to realise justice and possess their rights.—(Loud cheers) And what were those doing who should have taken charge of the people's interests? Where were they to suggest a remedy ?—where is the great party which now deprived the Whigs of office ?—where is the mighty party that took ten years to build it up ?—where the Minister who so carefully and assiduously called his forces and pre pared them for action, who had employed every toil and ex pedient to work out his end, where are all the gentlemen who affected to sympathise with all the grievances of the people— those who heretofore have been receiving suggestions everywhere as to the best means of serving the willions— those who suited themselves to all the changing phases of the times—who were all things to all men—whose great object was to develop the art of pleasing—who held oat one hand to Roman Catholic Dissenters, and another to Puseyism—who supported monarchy in one breath, and with the other referred to James 11., to show how easy a thing it was to sacrifice a crown—where, I ask, are they?— (Hear, hear.) When their leader was called into office, and when his first trial of strength was made, it was fiscertained that he lied a majority of ninety votes, and it was believed that his term of office was secure for an indefinite period. But row we find that he is shipwrecked in the plenitude cf power. At the moment when it was believed he was most secure. we see him unable to maintain his ground, the huge Babylon falls to pieces—it fades away like a piece of en chantment. and the master magician is left deserted by his demon host.—(Loud and long-continued cheering.) There he is left forlorn to endure the pelting of the pitiless storm —and a more pitiless storm from all quarters has seldom fallen to the lot of any public man.— (Hear, hear.) And perhaps the day may come when it will be felt that it has been too pitiless to him—when it will be found that he has been too hardly dealt with. But it is the misfor tune, that whatever he may have intended whatever measure of policy he has csniemplated, the people cannot make up their minds to bs!leve him—they cannot place confidence in Sir Robert Peel.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I for one confess that I cannot place any faith in him. If, however, it be true that he has broken up the great party at his back—if he has given up place and power on account of the condition of the country, and his desire to administer a full measure ofjustice—and the only measure of justice I re cognise is the measure of free trade—if such is the reason of his being thrown into his present position, and if he is ready to co-operate with those who seek for an unshackled freedom for the food of the country, then ought we to re ceive him and respect him.—(Loud cheers.) If we have not confidence in him, if we do not believe in him, we shall at least evince gratitude for the part he has taken—we shall ac cord to him that meed of thankfulness to which he is most as suredly entitled. Now to the other party,those who are not yet in office, although the others are out—though by this time they are aware whether they will come in or not—l will address myself. I feel grateful to Lord John Russell as well as to Sir Robert Peel—for the letter of the one, which is intelligible —for the resignation of the other, which is not intelligible; and I look with anxiety to the coming in of the Whig Ministry to office. If they do come in, I trust and hope that the people of the country will give them to under stand that their duty must be to repeal the corn-laws—to leave commerce completely free and unshackled—that there must be no compromise whatever.—(Loud cheers.) This we expect of them, and that they will leave untried no lawful means of accomplishing this object. There must be no squeamishness, for even if a coalition with Peel is neces sary for the purpose, it must be done. On many a former occasion such has taken place for party purposes— let them now endeavour to found one for a patriotic object. —(Cheers.) If even the creation of peers is required, the country looks to have it done.—(Loud cheers.) There was no delicacy in disclosing that at a former time when the Reform Bill was in jeopardy—why place free trade in corn in a worse position now?—(Hear, hear.) If this will not suffice to put an end to the corn-laws, then let them try another course; if a dissolution of Parliament is neces sary, then let Parliament be dissolved; and if one disso lution will not do, let them try another—let them try the strength of the past registration as well as the one that is to come—that which is to be as well as that which is. —(Loud cheers.) Give a chance to those who may employ their 501. in purchasing their freehold between the present registration and the next.—(Hear.) Let this registration be extended from the north to the south—into every county of the kingdom, and then let the voice of the people be taken, for not till then shall we see the full force of popular repre sentation. If this does not succeed, let Lord John Russell throw up office and take the place of the Opposition, and I am sure, if he does not obtain the success of our cause in the one position, he will be sure to gain it in the other.—(Cheers.) To succeed they must identify themselves more with you than they have ever done before. —(Hear, hear. They must be told by the country that, however glad they are to see ranged on their side some of the most illustrious and titled of the land, the old familiar names —or at least the old familiar faces—it does not accord with the feelings of the people of England that these alone should hold Ministerial power.—(Loud cheers.) They demand that, however good and worthy the Whig Lords may be, that at least an infusion of the commercial men of the country— of the men of business—shall take place in their ranks. 1 will not mention who these should be, but I hold it is right that some of those to whom the country looks up should be included in the Ministerial programme. It is necessary the people should demand that the Commons of England be represented in the Cabinet.—(Loud and general cheering.) Thirty years ago, when these corn-laws were being passed, the multitude of this metropolis showed they had some inkling of the oppression to which they were about to be subjecte'l, and offered what obstruction they could to these laws being enacted. Twenty years ago the question de scended from the philosophers who had explained the principles on which it rested to the practical men, the reviewers and the journalists, who inculcated it on the many, familiarising their minds with its details and its bearing. Ten years after it had come clown a stage lower, to the manufacturers and mechanics of Manchester, who felt where the shoe pinched them, and they took their stand, which they have continued so nobly to maintain.— (Loud cheers.) Five years ago such demonstrations were given as showed what advance the question had made; three years ago the farmers came in; five-and-twenty days ago Lord John Russell came in, anticipating thereby another event, the resignation of Sir Robert Peel by so many hours. That great statesman has come In after the people had brought the question to the present crisis. Now be tween him and Peel it seems to be a point who shall first get to the goal, running, both of them, as fast as magicians do on a certain night—l believe they call it Halloween—a night when the devil has a right to take his own, both of them actuated by the feeling of the " devil take the hind most." I will say of them as it has been said of a celebrated race-horse, " be was behind before although he first was last.." This will not do. It will not do for them to sit like the gods of Epicurus, in the clouds, enjoying their ease, looking down on the troubles and struggles of the people. If they will benefit the country, they must come amongst us—they must mingle with the industrial classes. Let them subscribe their thousands of pounds to the quarter of a million raised by these classes; or, if they like, let them raise a quarter of a million of their own, and add it to that raised by the manufacturers and the members of the working classes to promote free-trade. They may then look to the country for support ; there is no 'help, no aid which they shall not find from the people of this country. They may count the cost and place against that the returns. Let them count their stars and garters, and subscribe accordingly. Let them count on the fertility of their fields, and their increased • produce under a new system, with the additional income that must render them. Let them count all these, and come to our aid heartily, there shall be no lack on our part. There is a third party in this case, or, rather, an old man, who carries a party in his pocket, which, considering his age, he carries with won derful ease.—(Hear, and laughter.) Such are the fail ings of some characters of European honours and of European name; sad is it that such a one should be found struggling against the rights of the country, against the sup ply of food for the people in a time of necessity and famine. Oh, if a voice might reach that old man's ears, he might be addressed—Man, about whose brows are the laurels of a hun dred tights, who have in your pocket the proxies of SO Peers— (Laughter)—who is the conqueror of Napoleon, whose statue you have got in your hall, its marble lips seem to speak, warning you of a fall deeper and more dreadful than his whom you have hurled from his high eminence. Oh ! conqueror of Napoleon, yea have many different contrasts in your cha racter; you won the battle-field, but you won it with such trained troops, troops who were the flower of the English people. But he had to invent a new system of war ; he had to baffle the most skilled generals of Europe, with raw recruits who had never before seen a battle-field, yet with these he pursued his resistless career, and gained the victo ries of Lodi, and Marengo, and Austerlitz, and Jena—victo ries which will continue a monument to his fame.—(Cheer lug.) You, Duke of Wellington, have conquered territories and broad estates in every country ; but lie did more, he won kingdoms and crowns and empires; you were the servant of kings, and rendered them good service, supporting them on their tottering thrones ; but he made monarchs his servants, who, like menials, waited in his ante room.—(Applause.) You, by Catholic Emancipation, freed a portion of your fellow-subjects from some of their dis abilities; he, throughout Europe, opened a career for talent, and enabled men to rise to the exercise of their abilities to the most commanding spheres ; you have equestrian statues erected t.) your memory; but into whatever country in Europe one will look, he will see bridges, and aqueducts, and roads constructed at the instance of that great man—the monuments which he has raised for himself in every nation, the monuments which commend his name to the memory of the sympathy of the people.— (Cheers.) Remember the date of the Berlin decree; that was the commencement of the downfal of Napoleon ; powerful against arms, resistless against monarchs lie fought there against the laws of trade.—(lm mense cheering.) That moment men's hearts left him—he had alienated their feelings. Those who appeared in arms on the field were traitors to him, or they left him as deserters ; he was foiled in the battle-field, and his deposition, his exile and his death at St. Helena soon followed. Duke of Welling ton, take warning, if the Berlin decree brought about the downfal of Napoleon, the corn-laws will bring about the downfal of the Duke of Wellington, and then, with withered laurels and a blotted name, you will go down to the grave coupled with him you defeated, when both shall have left nothing but " A name at which the world grows pale, To point a moral or adorn a tale."—(Cheers.) And that moral is, that no party power, however great, can resist without destruction the laws of free trade, which Edmund Burke has told us are part and parcel of the laws of nature. The growth of this agitation is like the glacier ; the snows descend silently and softly, attracting no notice; cloud follows cloud, and stratum is laid upon stratum ; the winds and the biting frosts knit it most firmly and com pactly together; the season of winter, which is prejudicial to all other growth, aids this ; for ages it accumulates, till the time of moving, when, loosed and wrenched from its place, it hurls down as an avalanche, bearing all before it—the tro phies of the;battle-field, however celebrated—the palace, how ever grand—the church, however venerated—till it finds an abiding place, where it remains an eternal monument of the power of nature's laws, which are lasting as nature's God. In the determination evinced by this meeting, in the growing power of the popular voice, in the growing certainty of se curing results, the question is not now whether we shall rely on Lord John Russell or Sir Robert Peel —we can rely on ourselves. You have petitioned, you have remonstrated ; if you continue to register, and to put yourselves itt possession of 401. freehold rights, you may count upon your object.—(Hear, hear,) When you have done all this, when you have achieved such results, historians will record the fAct. You will have reared a monument, and op the base of that monument shall be engraven the names of the philosophers who promulgated the principles—our Adam Smith, and such like. Above them shall be the Cobdens and the Brights •, and above them all shall be an inscription to the glory of the English people, whose was the power to effect the end. Wealth, and prosperity, and mliveraally diffused good feeling, will be the possession of man. Then the cry of triumph on carrying this great question, will echo back the chorus of heavenr- to hod in the highest, and on earth peace." The speaker sat down amid long and continued cheering. As the meeting was separating. Mr. Cobden came forward and proposed three cheers for " Free Trade," which was re sponded to with three time three from the whole audience. THE LATE HIGH TIDE. On Tuesday, English, one of the summoning officers belonging to the Lambeth Police -court, who had been desired by Mr. Henry, on the day before, to make the necessary inquirie% as to the condition of twelve families who were represented to be severe sufferers by the disas trous high tide on the night of Thursday last, made his report to Mr. Henry. He said he had visited each of the twelve families occupying so many small cottages in Wellington-grove, Lambeth, and found them in a very deplorable condition. One of them, a pipemaker, who had just erected a kiln, for the purpose of baking his pipes, at an expense of 151., had the kiln, as well as all the made work and the material in a state of prepara tion, totally destroyed, and was quite ruined. Several of the families had nothing left but what they put hastily on on tie morning in question; and some bad escapt d in a state of nudity. One family had not only to centend with the water, but with a fire; ar.d between the &esti uction of both, the whole of what they possessed was destroyed. In the course of his ieq&ries, he (English) bad ascer tained that the parish officers had contributed to the immediate relief of the suffert.rs, but still they Were left without the means of getting on again, having lost their tools, &c. Mr. Henry observed, that there was a small fund which the magistr a t es h a d th e con t ro l o f, b u t it was in tended to assist those individuals and oljects of a .diffe rent kind ; an d th ere f ore b e t h ought h e wou ld be going beyond his trusteeship in devoting them to the present object. As, however, the calamity .was to sudden, and no forethought could have prevented it, he should hate no objection to give V., not to be added to any subscrip tion, but to be expended by the officer in providingfor the immediate necessities of the poor sufferers. Dunn, one of the parish beadles, here said that the whole of the poor persons mention( d bad been relieved by the overseers of Lambeth on Saturday last, and they were all ordered to go before the board on that day, with the view of being further relieved. 'he Marquisand Marchioness et Queensberry have arrived at Farrance's Hotel, Belgrave-street, from their seat in Scotland. The rectory of St. Anne's, Soho, has become vacant by the death of the Rev. Dr. Roderick 11•Leod. The Rev. Gentleman was in his 93d year. CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY DEC. 16.—CONGREGA.• TIONS.—The following are the Congregation -days of the ensu ing Lent Term : Saturday, Jan. 24 ( B.A. Commencement), at ten ; Wednesday, Jan. 28, at eleven ; Wednesday, Feb. 11, at eleven ; 'Wednesday, Feb. 25, at eleven ; Wednesday, March 11, at eleven • Friday, March 27 (M.A. Inceptors), at ten; Friday, April (end of Term), at ten. THE ROYAL FREE HOSPITAL.—CORONER'S IN QUEsT.—An inquest on the body of Susannah Stephens, who died on Friday last, and with reference to whose case several letters signed " Humanitas," have appeared in the Times, was held cn Tuesday at the Sun public-house, Gray's Inn-road, before Mr. Wakley. On this occasion there were present the Rev. Dr. Worthington, the Rev. Mr. Packman, Mr. Pritchald, High-Bailiff of Southwark; Mr. Walmesly, Dr. Marsden, and other gentlemen connected with and interested in the Free Hospital. The receiver and other officers of the London Union were in attendance. After the usual preliminaries, the Coroner and jury proceeded to view the body, and on their return the Coroner inquired if the officer of the City of Lon don Union was present. The answer was in the af"Srmative. The Coroner asked if he had taken three patients to the hos pital on Wednesday, the 19th of November ? The officer-- My son did. The Coroner —Where are these patients now ? Officer—One is still in the hospital, but Ido not know where the other two, Ann Morgan a n d Ann Lever, are. The C o ron er sa id that in his opinirn it was essential to the inquiry that the three girls should be present. The officer said that he had made every exertion to find them, but without effect. The Coroner then inquired if any of the gentlemen connected with the Free Hospita, were present? The Rev. Dr. Worthington—Yes. After some further conversation, the Coroner said that he thought the evidence of the girls so necessary, that the inquest must be adjourned until they were found. Doctor Marsden said that one of them was still in the hospital ; and although ill, she was not so much so as to prevent her being carried in a cab. He thought that as the other two could not be found, one of the three would be sufficient for the purposes of the inquiry. The Coroner said that it was his firm conviction that two oat of the three girls should be present; and that being so, if the examination of the one were proceeded with that day, an adjournment would at any rate become necessary to get the other. He, therefore, thought it better that they should i adjourn at once, as it was mo s t d es i ra bl e th a t the nvcsti gation should come on and terminate on the same day. After a warm discussion, the inquiry was adjourned until Tuesday next. FIRE ON CLEREENWELL-GREEN.—Yesterday morn ing, between twelve and one o'clock, an alarming fire broke out upon the premises belonging to Mr. Maddox, painter and glazier, No. 9, Clerkenwell-green. The first discovery WBB made by the police-constable on the beat. Smoke which he saw breaking over the roofs of the houses made him aware of the alarming fact. Without less of time the officer aroused the inmates of the contiguous buildings, and dispatched a messenger for the fire-engines. The parish engine was im mediately on the spot, and was followed by the brigade en gines from Farringdon-street and Holborn stations. These were instantly set to work from an abundant supply of water furnished by the New River Company. The West of Eng land, County, and several other brigade engines followed in rapid succession, as did also two escapes belonging to the Royal Society for the Protee'ion of Life from Fire. The firemen and police exerted themselves to the utmost, and by two o'clock they happily succeeded in extinguishing the flames. As to the origin of the fire, or whether or not the sufferer was insured, we were unable during the confusion that prevailed to learn, DEATH Br FIRE.—On Tuesday Mr. Bedford held an inquest at St. George's Hospital, or. the body of Prances Allen, aged fort -five years, lately residing at go. 6. Alfred road, liensal New-town, ho died under the following dread ful circumstanced-..'Frederick Saunders stated that he lodged in the same house as the deceased, who occupied a room on the first floor with her husband, a bricklayer. Oa the morning of Sunday last, about a quarter to one o'clock, witness was awakened by hearing loud cries of "Fire, tire." Witness got out of bed and ran to the room, and there dis covered the deceased enveloped in a body of flame. Her hus band was in the room, and rolling her on the floor, endeavour ing to extinguish the fire. Witness procured a jug of water, and threw it over the deceased, who appeared to be burned completely over the whole surface of the body, She was placed in a cart and removed to the above hospital, where she expired at half-past one on Sunday afternoon. Witness asked her several times how it occurred, but as she was in such a deplorable state she could not speak as to the origin of the fire. Verdict, "That the deceased died from the effects of burns, but how caused there was no evidence to show." A NOBLE LECTURER.—On Wednesday evening a. lecture was delivered at the Plymouth Mechanics' Institute by Viscount Ebrington, M.P., on the health of towns. The Plymouth Journal, which gives a full report of the Noble Lord's lecture, speaks of it as follows :—The lecture itself, indepen dently of its elegant, striking, and terse style of composition will reflect credit and honour, not only on the Noble Lord indi vididually, but on all, like himself, devoted to the cause of lismnanity and justice, whose claims he has so ably advocated and enforced. We recommend to all literally, the perusal of every sentence uttered, as far as we are able to give it, for we believe that in no one similarly compendious form will so much information be found as is embodied in the lecture re ferred to. DESPERATE ATTEMPT AT SUICIDE DT A RECRUIT. —John Smith, a recruit in the Royal Artillery corps, was taken before Mr. Thomas Jackson, the Mayor of Kin gs t on, on Monday, charged with the offence of misdemeanour in having unlawfully attempted to destroy himself. Wm. Smith, another recruit in the same regiment, deposed that he was int company with the accused and some other recruits at a beer shop in heathen -street, Kingston, and Smith, the defendant, was - very drunk. In a short time he left the room, and very soon afterwards the servant came in and told him to go and look after John ; for when he went out she heard him mutter something about "and he would go and do it," and as he had been talking in the course of the day about de stria} ing himself, she feared he make would an attempt to do so. Witness accordingly made a search, and on going to the water-cicset be found the door fastened. He burst it open, and found the defendant hanging from the ceiling; black in the face, and nearly dead. He cut him down im mediately, and sent for a surgeon, but it was some time before the accused could be restored to consciousness, when, a policeman was called in and he was sent to the station house for security. The defendant said he was very sorry fur what he had done, but it was through drink; he had been drunk for three or four days, and had quite lost his senses, or he should not have done such a thing. Sergeant Wilson, of the Royal Artillery, who is at present recruiting in the town, in answer to a question from the magistrate, said that the accused had been recruited about a month, and latterly had given way to drunken and slovenly habits. He added that when he had been recruited six weeks he would be sent to head-quarters at Woolwich. The Mayor said that he considered the practice of keeping recruits so long before they were sent to head-quarters a very improper one, as the men had nothing else to do but to idle about and get drinking; and he wished to know why it was adopted? The sergeant said he did not know; but it was the ordinary rule to send in drafts of recruits every six weeks. The Mayor then ordered that the defendant should stand committed to Kingston Gaol in order to give an opportunity to communi cate with the commanding officer of the regiment ; and the sergeant was directed to report the opinion of the Bench upon the subject of detaining the recruits for E 0 long a period before they were sent to head-quarters, to the proper quarter, with a view to the alteration of the system. IMPROVEMENTS AT TEE NEW ROYAL EXCHANGE -On Sunday last Divine service was performed for the last time in the church of St. Bennet Fink, Threadneedle -street, the building having been given over to the commissioners for making the improvements near and widening the approaches to the new Royal Exchange. The parish in which it is situated being in junction with that of St. Peter-le-Poer, the Church service for the united parishes will in f u t ure b e per formed at the church of this parish. Th e sacred edifice, which will be forthwith pulled down, has stood upon its pre sent site for about 200 years, having been erected from a design by that eminent architect Sir Christopher Wren, THE RECENT FIRE IN BISHOPSGATE-STREET.— On Tuesday W. Payne, Esq., coroner for the City of London, and a respectable jury assembled at the Fox and Grapes Tavern, Primrose-street, Bishopsgate, for the purpose of in quiring into the cause of the recent fire in Catherine-wheel and George -yard, Bishopgate. Some few particulars of the conflagration appeared in The Sun of Saturday last. After hearing evidence, which presented no material fact, the jury returned a verdict " that the fire was caused by accident." ISLE OF SKYE.—DISTRESSING OCCURRENCE.--01 1 Thursday, the 20th of November, a party of three men and a young woman, named Catherine Martin, left Portree, with the intention of walking home to the district of Steinscboll, in the parish of Kilmuir, by the romantic hill-path through the farm of Scorribreck. The distance which they had to travel was upwards of twenty miles, over one of the most rugged and picturesque scenes in the island. During the prevtoua day, thunder and lightning were very prevalent, and rail' fell in torrents, which continued with little intermission urr,il the evening of Thursday. The mountain rivulets were much swollen, which rendered it a difficult matter at many places to pass them. The party, however, succeeded well enough until thy had almost ended their journey, when, having to cress a rapid stream, the woman lost her footing, and was instantly swept down the stream. The rivulet, near the spot of the fatal accident, enters a larger one, which, at a short distance below, rushes over shelving precipices, and forms a succession of rapid cascades, as it falls immediately into the deep. Th e body of the unfortunate woman must have been swept over all these places, and into the ocean; for, although almost all the articles of her dress were found, het body cork not be discovered for a week after the tuehtneholS• accident, and littl e hopes were then entertained of it; recovc,,j, at all.-e-h avernen Courier, i di° ii 254 52 114 ... ... 1'64 / THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY ;#y_IORNING. DECEMBER, la 1,845‘,