The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-08 00:00:00

doubt thid elled to in- )rtly expect the Penj4tll, n to Pern ain xereiie, And y relates to hat arrange s' the whole t to come to a brigad e rauquillised, he province the Bomb° furnishing Times, "Is no t roops, .rrespondlyg rrangements ;Isce:• —rrhe vii the lhda right W irl nnan t o f the Kurrachee• whither the to Be !gaunt. ve s their' in Infantry 10 K u rrachr e, e remainderre Ihientri. ry hoe re eded to th• since COO 13th Light tobert".E r t . on the ` - , b a Toceerli n g il. l i t tle to te" 25th SAW' 50 hove' for attle stealer', Pei rar, retur o Hyderaba.; of Oft it now 'PP e d a ' e a nd 1 0.,, ' - " uThe , co , De , •urs anu,, o f t h e resul t lorioro, :he Pe°Pl,,o0 f t h e two C ed the intri:, igo the tr° o, iness for 3. : 4 „gi ber, Lieu been b a re the J" W , wing t" ° ' j e ere"' an ij ot 11th the deta il 0 0 1 j . of eotnni a the 162 t" et aUo t lend re" 0. h, and sir • sting inte r,p e the thro im• g e • ,ues t° „ e d exPe rt"c bi• -the A ino in t og e stvnt . , ur cn hand' "" ed to return sttsc lot t° ent a move from Csb ui t' on is "tb rat, an d to - la p h ten r e. 04 it io bell(%) ; graces, oo' 44.10°°1 Ca t t ca '? [ at be. r iericish i P tr* who as ses jig b i s e f Cabul, Do lt ita receive b is bring h i ms bI so lo Was about 01 , .rned, to t Affi irs ' ortan er of Kuril e an irripott'n. bu t 01" a di°, t" 3041 inces pric e ' ou ° r l n od 3t n a c " t 'out t ' it. 41 t r. de it o p the nieg ts iisb '" re rem It 133 ' ) I, e as e as 1 " rl o'er. St 4 g i l er l itea 10 -kij i era silver t 31 132 a" 4 123 ". to 123 rs. —an advance of 3 rs. to 31 rs. on last nkonth's rates. C °Mc —5OO cwt. tile, at 511 rs. per cwt. ; 32 cwt. bottams roiled and fiat, at 58 rs.; 105 cwt. South American, at 47 rs. to 47i rs. Iron.-160 tons English bar, at 22 rs. 10 as. per candy 18 0 tons ditt o, at 23 rs. per candy ; 144 tons Swe di s h b ar, 48 r 20 ait• per candy; tons round iron, at 33 rs. as. per candy ton s square nail rod, at 26i re. per candy ; 80 cwt. sheet, at 5 rt. 6 as. to 5 rs. 7 as. per cwt. ; and 26 cwt. hoop, at 4 re. 14. as. to 5 rs. per cwt. Steel.-100 cwt. Swedish, at 12 re. Spelter.- 500 cwt., at 17 rs. Tin-plates 50 boxes, at 17 rs. 2 as. C "Tolit MANUPAcnntEs.—A fair business has been dcne in low qualities of gray randarilams and pay and bleached jaconets. Little ?"and has existed for bleached madapollams ; but bleached shirt -4114 of middling quality have been in good request. Grey long. cl oths and d omest i cs h ave b een a lik e d u ll o f sa l e , a nd several large forced sales of the latter have taken place at a reduction of 2to 4 "n u. A sale has been readily obtained for figured and checked eamhrics and muslin', and former fabrics have been fully mails. l ai , r 'ec t Turkey red goods are scarce and in good request. For prints there is but little Inquiry, and they are generally unsaleable at rem unerating rates. Zebra dresses are still neglected. 14 "8. —Transactions have been rather extensve during the Monti, Nos. 20 to 30 and 50 to SO mule have slightly improved P r ice. Nos. 20 to 30 water have given way a little. Orange 11111 in good demand, and has been sold at 2 and 21 annas higher th an our la s t quotat i ons, b ut T ur k ey re d h as b een b ut little inquired tor, and the rate is somewhat reduced. I ' V oottess.—The market for wool'ens has been dull throughout The month, and sales have been limited. „ M ILINE STonEs.—There is little alteration to notice in the prices f marine stores. With Swedish tar, canvas, and cordage, the Mar k't is abundantly stocked, and remunerating prices are difficult to realise. , 13 " it —The market fur beer has been quiet during the month, ". Prices are unchanged. The only sales reported to us are one of s 0 hh , ls. of Allsopp's, at 65 rupees, and another of 100 hhds. 11- e nnant's, at 47 rupees per hogshead. The price of Bases is 'Mi na!, there being none of that description at present on hand. ~,r •Ht tri.—A sale of brandy has been reported at I?, rupees per --c n• In other sorts we hear of no transactions. EASTERN PRODUCE. Catton.—The market for this staple has been active throughout t he month, and a good business has been done both for Great Bri. taro and China. Prices have advanced about 1 rupee per candy. ° Plum is at present rather lower than last month, being quoted '" 1 , 3 25 rupees per chest, but prices change daily. 1 0 C°Ir M—Mocha is quoted at 9 1 / 2 rupees per nsaund, and Berbera eoo tu Pees; but of the letter there is little here, and the quality is W° ° l .-117 rupees per candy is at present asked for Khorassan ---an advance o f 2 ru p ees on the highest rate currcnt last month. There is a good demand for the staple, and transactions have been tutaerous. T epper has advanced 1 to 2 rupees per candy, and is in good re. Efts Wax.—';ales are reported of ;JO maundi at 14i rupees, and „ tnaund s at 15 rupees. _ o l.re ights to Great Britain.—The arrivals of chips during the 4 1 nth have been very numerous, and freights have in consequence gradually declined. The quotations of the Chamber of Commerce the 2Sth were 21. 10s. to 2.1. 155. to London; 2/. 17s. 6d. to 1 "q• to Liverpool; and 555. to Clyde; but 21. 15s. cannot now by obtained for any port. Freight to China is 13 rupees per candy. li "eY Market—Owing to the continued abundance of money, th Prices of the different Government. Securities hare still further - ' e nded, and we may now quote them as tinder :- 4 Per Cent. Loan of 1832.33, sicca rupees 1061 Ditto of 1835.30, ditto 99; to 991 " ,,P" Cent. Loan of 1841-42, ditto 110 to 110; ,lehange on England has remained stationary, and may again CHoted at Is. I Id. to Is. Hid. for six months' bills. We have 4 : 4441 of a transaction, however, at Is. 11 id. Thirty days' hills a i e a t 100. On Calcutta, exchange is Ito 11 per cent premium tY days'd sight ; and on Madra s, s, 99! to par at thirty days' n li of nothing d bill; on China. ,V 4l,2 —Bernbay Bank Shares have ri , en to 43 per cent. premium, ": 0 2e of the Western Bank to I S to 194 rupees per cent. li . ric e of Bullion—Sovereigns, 11 rupees each ; Bank notes, r UPees per 11. LATER FROM AMERICA. LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY NIGHT. P New York packet-ship Yorkshire, passed Holyhead this I n ,T i ng, but has not reached our pert up to the present time. 1,-.P'"e meantime we have been put into possession of Philadelphia 1, - . Pe rs to the 15th ultimo inclusive, by the arrival of the Susque. uma Captain Miorcken. 5p1,,, 11 "e is no political news of interest in these papers. A re was~°nwas offered and laid over in Congress on the 13th, calL for information from the Secretary of the Treasury, as to Pth er American ships have not been engaged in a contraband b . trade on the roast of China. Of course our transatlantic /j a - t hr M will appear as pure and free from contamination in this to ~t " , as they now are in the eyes of all Europe, in relation to ;" Q ir monetary transactions, and slave-mongering. Apropos, tr , re pudiatio n — a bill has been introdnced, to abolish imprison for debt, in the district of Columbia. Another, to exempt sil t Z h il utY cotton imported into the United States from Texas, has ‘; e ett proposed. `e have accounts of a most calamitous shipwreck of the or:', er Shepherdess, attended with the loss of from ninety to ttui'lundred lives, when on her way from Cincinnati to St. ‘• She struck a snag, and the concussion was so severe tth that 1, art less than three minutes, the water, rushing inw Of,'" rapidity, was up to the floor of the upper cabin. Many slr ea - ni e ' , sengers were taken from floating parts of the wreck, but -ui to relate, nearly one hundred souls met with a watery per have . It is stated in the St. Louis Republican that a family of ten rit from Manchester were rescued. -uter ir ia not much stock offering at Philadelphia, to which is Pri or the inactive demand. Jobbers had commenced buying 41b4 to the opening of the spring trade. Cotton goods were scarce att Pr ' c ea were 3 cent, per yard dearer. Woollen goods were he y. stocks of Cotton are reported to be light. Prices are + cent. nigher. 350 bales Urland had changed hands at to 10. ko, :' ,o bile 9 tollo, and 100 New Orleans good fair to 10 cents. 4 The week's sales comprehend 535 bales. dielvi c . 2 4, MEXICO. ' , orn New Orleans state that accounts to the 9th of De _ er had been received, conveying the intelligence that the diffi vultles be Ilse v , - " l een Mexicoon fai and Yucatan were generally supposed to oeent arranged r and honourable terms. RE OCCUPATION OF SINDE. ~,4 1 1 1 the dispatches laid before Parliament since the Cii_ rli ng of the session, relative to Sinde, we find the :owing important l etter, addressed by Lord Ellen -I:Mugh to the Secret Co mmittee. It correctly states but th at late occurrences, there was no alternative Possessi on recommended by Sir H. Pottinger, to take no ssion of the country, and that the . kmeers had right V) the territory, Sovereigns sword. They were regular 'freebooters under the except ,the right of the of Cauhul, they conquered the native Populati on, and then refused to pay tribute to their ! us lt l asters. "Theaboliti on o f s l aver y in Sinde," says Lordship, has produced an extent of relief far be yond what I had expected." (From the " Corres toudence relati ve to Si nde, No. 140.) TUE GOVERNOR-GENERAL TO THE SECRET COMMITTEE. "Allahabad, June 26, 1843. "On the withdrawal of the British armies from should t o t h e Sutlej, I had to decide what course I to°_,111(1 pursue with respect to the Lower Indus. I had d ecide wh e th er the Lower Indus should be altogether "aenat ti e-, and our armies everywhere resume the posi v... they occupied before the Affghan war; or whether, elle the old positions were re r occupied upon the titl e ; . J, certain points should still be held upon the raa wer Ind us, which would enstrite ,the strict perfor ce ' lc e of comm erc i a l t reat i es , and give us the military 111 m and of th a t river. , withdrawal to the Sutlej, and the withdraWal tem t he Lower Ind us , a pp eare d t o m e to be very dif di„re,ut questions. Th e withdrawal to the Sutlej was itZited by the 'clearest views of military and political ra a ene e• I shall not recapitulate the reasons for that ha s e- i s sur e, as they have been placed on record in what T ue ,en called my proclamation of the Ist Oct., 1842. *if e . e . ; h a ve adopted every measure which could have the of th - °' giving the appearance of triumph to the return t o ~,e armies from Caubul ; but still it was a retirement ke Z au ever advanced position, and it was the first retire rendered necessary to a British army. le i ' W as deeply sens ibl e o f the impression which the as at at Caubul had produced upon the minds of h b le Princes, of the native population, and of our own all i s l • I knew t h at a ll t h at h a d ta k en p l ace s i nc e, and taite 4 d said and d one , although it must have much di ktdis re stored could not h ave o bliterated, that impression, A te s tored to o ur G overnmen t, an d t o o u r army, the VileY had before held in the opinion of India. ke tt f c l l h ave added to retirement to the Sutlej, retire pan of i the Lower Indus ; to have abandoned every to h the advanced position we had taken up in 1839 ; ire withdrawn from Kurachee and from Sukkur Ma st the insults, and exposed, as we should have been to prat a ehs of the Beloochees upon our rear guard; to have all ti:eally abandoned, as we should thereby have done, d eriv e benefits which we might expect ultimately to Mr j e t f rom the commercial treaties concluded in 1839 4 , 8 idle to imagine after what had passed, that, o hse t cl . , t ne presence of force those treaties would be adv a ' t c u) ; to have abandoned all the great prospective auh st - :" a Va which may be expected to be derived from the Indus for the Ganges, as the line of vest l ?.?' co mmunication between England and the north the e° v inces, and to have left open to the ambition of Nee h,,,"as, or of an European power, that route of which mice" denlOnstrated the practicability and the import l'lstra;,,.° have done all these things, without positive 4eesaitaoes from you, or without some overpowering toy f i n4 t Y , would have been, in my opinion, contrary to and t Oy, because inconsistent with our national interest gutie_,Tiational honour. I t gar ; 11 a measure would have confirmed the most ex tiniasta.'ersd account s w hi c h h a d b een c irculated of our ~Z• It would h ave b een h um ili a tin g to the army.. Th e :ioere w as no overpowering necessity for retirement_ eja,: e 1 .1 no difficulty in holding the positions of Kura_ t en : 1 d Sukku r . T he f i rst is, d ur i ng t h e largest por. the 'at the. Year, accessible in a few days from Bombay • than t t er Is, during the whole year, accessible in less 'coin ran I T° weeks from Ferozepore. We can besides sl it uffi es le i tet „ ll .' the river by our steam-vessels, if we have a i v. number of them well adapted to the navigation,. at the e misin terpretations placed upon some provisions "raraercial treaty, and the various violations of in e o , el. , and of its spirit, even while our armies were heir Sinde satisfi d'me that unless some penalty r „--„Nsed up:on the e Ameers fo , r such infractions of f or tC.`gageMents, there could be no security whatever eir future observance . their t t tro r o o on o: e. caonldlected by the Ameers, contrary to cetie /i lls -7 e, and lvithout legitimate cause ; but such . col 'itself, an offe oPs in the presence of a British army is, in an indication of hostility not to be With r or overlooked. estii, eha espeet to the authenticity of certain letters of 4 3ellts, y ou r t e ,, t r ascribed to the Ameers, or to their cOuin " : 2 ;l i e a n s ii t c S : rei i afen'e have observed how strongly I impresse d g to Char l es aciecNapier the necessity of caution in elt tliiisapiti on that point. I had however, the :i feeptersonal comeh,is sense of justice ; s and with this ll: such matters,on the spot, with every opportu ,o4,reforecloncl_u!i munication with those conversant eras Infinitely more competent to form . on than I could be at Simla. To him, 4 _ -I rt satisfied with g tt r e o d u t n h a e s q u u p e o s n tio. ,tea. that the letters were authentic which he de letterrOutram's doubt as to th e . authenticity of the of Meer Roostum .46 A iajo tire, appear s to have rest ed .41 4 „. e han to the Mahsrajah Shere upon the circumstances of letterttY Whose into • being inimical mation led to the seizure of the : 1 1 1 141 d e l oyui, d i nforlront4ati_un ttoenAldineger to ßo c o r s i t mi um na K te ha m n e ; e b r u ß t, o r s: be expected from one of his friends. o Nnoist, THURSDAY MORNING, PhilltUAltir 8, 1844 Lieutenant.Postans believed the document to be genuine. Major Outram's suggestions to Mr. Clerk, as to the use which might be made of the letter, could hardly have been given, had he entertained a serious doubt of its authenticity. Mr. Clerk never had the opportunity of elucidating, in a personal conference with the Maharajah, in which he thought it could best be done, the doubts to which this letter and the intercepted letter to Dewan Sawan Mull, gave rise ; doubts which in his mind must have had reference more to his belief in the loyalty of the Maharajah, to whom the letter was addressed by Meer Roostum Khan, than to his confidence in that of Meer Roostum, who was unknown to him. Mr. Clerk truly observes, that he does not think the question could, at any time, be well judged of here,' that is, at Simla. I thought so too, and therefore referred the question altogether to Sir C. Napier, and the officers employed in Sinde. " It appears, by Sir Charles Napier's letter of the 17th November, that Major Outram had doubts whether Meer Roostum was privy to the writing of the letter; but that the letter had his seal, and was written by his con fidential Minister, there was no doubt. Lieutenant Brown assured Sir C. Napier that there could not be the slightest doubt of the authenticity of the letter. There has been no officer employed in Sinde upon whose opinion I would more confidently proceed than on that of Lieutenant Brown. Everything that has come to my knowledge, with regard to that officer, has tended to make me entertain a feeling of great respect for his ability and character. " But while doubts have thus been thrown upon the letter of Meer Roostum to the Maharajah, none have been entertained with respect to the proposed agreement between Meer Roostum and Meer Nusseer Khan, bind ing them to act together in every affair, whether for good or evil, peace or war ;' which proposed agreement, to the best of the judgment and belief of Major Outram, is in the handwriting of Meer Roostum himself. When that proposed agreement is considered, in connection with Meer Nusseer's conduct, and with the collection of troops, before any intimation was given to the Ameers of any intention of proposing any modification of the treaty, it is impossible to view it in any other light than as an act of hostility. " That the letter of Meer Nusseer Khan to Beebruck Boogtie bore his seal there can now be no doubt. The seal upon that letter, by all before believed to be that of Meer Nusseer, was found to correspond exactly with the seal upon a letter of that Ameer, which bore also the handwriting of his confidential moonshee. " Much care appears to have been taken to investigate all the circumstances attending the escape of Mahomed Shurreef. It seems impossible to doubt the participation of Meer Roostum's Minister in that escape of an enemy to the British Government, proceeding to act hostilely against us. " I cannot admit the convenient doctrine that a chief is not to be responsible for the act of his Minister. That Minister, known to be so hostile to the British Govern ment, remained with Meer Roostum to the last. "I have endeavoured to judge my own conduct as I would that of another ; and I cannot think, in reviewing it, that in the circumstances in which I stood, I was un justified in requiring from the Ameers the specific modi fications of their engagements, which I instructed Sir Charles Napier to propose to them. " These modifications of the existing treaty involved on our part the abandonment of a considerable revenue, payable to us every year by the Ameers, under the name of tribute. They involved, undoubtedly, the sa crifice, on their part, of lands of more than equivalent value ; but the penalty imposed did not seem dispro portioned to the offence I had reason to believe they had committed. " You have been long in possession of the reason which induced me to think that the abolition of tribute was in itself a good. You have also long been aware of the grounds on which I deemed it politic to make a gift to the Nawab of Bhawulpore of territory which formerly belonged to his state. Had you disapproved of the general principles upon which the new treaty proposed to the Ameers was founded, still more had you disapproved of the intention I had announced of holding military possession of certain points upon the Lower Indus, after the evacuation of Affghanistan, I presume that you would have acquainted me with that opinion ; in the absence of any intimation to that effect, I had reason to suppose that a new treaty, based upon those principles, if legitimately obtainable, would not be unacceptable to you. " Had the Ameers seen fit to reject the treaty pro posed to them, and to support that rejection openly by arms. they would have pursued a legitimate course, and their defeat in fair fight would have admitted of subsequent arrangements on the basis of their retaining a portion of their territory, and the exercise of sovereign authority ; but, from the first, while they of course denied the correctness of the charges made against them, they professed their willingness to submit to the penalty imposed ; still they collected more troops. At last, having drawn the British General into the vicinity of Hyderabad, having then actually signed the draft of the treaty, they, with a portion of their troops, made a treacherous attack upon the residence of the British Commissioner, and, with all their forces united, they opposed the further advance of our army at Meeanee. "It would be to take an incorrect view of the treachery of the Ameers were we to regard them, from their first acquiescence in the proposed treaty,. in the first week of December, to the attack on the residency on the 15th of February, as proceeding upon any other principle than that of collecting all their forces to sur round and destroy our army, while they endeavoured to deceive the General by professing their readiness to submit. " When Sir Charles Napier gained the battle of Meeanee he had 22,000 men in his front ; but he had also had for some days 10,000 men in his rear, who had crossed the Indus to attack him. " Such large assemblages of armed men cannot take place in any country without much previous prepara tion. It was in this case a levy en masse of the ruling tribe from every part of Sinde. " Our first duty is to our own army; and it is due to that army that we should not forgive, or leave without the most exemplary and deterring punishment, the far seeing and long-designing, treachery by which its de struction was to be effected. " The example of the Affghans at Caubul was fol lowed by the Beloochees at Hyderabad; but the spirit in which they were met was very different from that which at Caubul led to the destruction of a British army. "It was my duty to mark such conduct by an extent of punishment which should be a warning to every chief and people in India, which should give future security to the persons of British Ministers, and protect British troops from treacherous aggression. " The battle of Meeanee entirely changed the posi tion in which the British Government stood with respect to the Ameers of Sinde. "To have placed confidence in them hereafter would have been impossible. " To have only exacted from them large cessions of territory would have been to give them what remained as the means of levying war, for the purpose of regain ing what was ceded. " Foreigners in Sinde, they had only held their power by the sword, and by the sword they have lost it. " Their position was widely different from that of a native prince succeeding a long line of ancestors, the object of the hereditary affection and obedience of his subjects. " They had no claim to consideration on the ground of ancient possession, or of national prejudice. Certainly they had none arising out of the goodness of that Go vernment. To take advantage of the crime they had committed to overthrow their power, was a duty to the people they had so long misgoverned. "It was essential to the settlement of the country, that I should take at once a decided course with respect to the Ameers; and, having no doubt that I was justi fied in dethroning them, I determined on at once adopt ing and announcing that decision. " Their ramoval from the country with which they were no longer to be connected as Sovereigns was a mea sure of obvious expediency. It has apparently had the beneficial effect I anticipated from it. The willing ac quiescence of the people in our rule, and the adhesion of many of the chiefs to our Government, are already the just rewards of an unhesitating and decisive policy, which, in taking away every hope from the Ameers, has given confidence to their late oppressed subjects. " Some resistance on the part of the Ameers I regard ed as not an impossible event, and I considered that, having once felt our strength, they might thereafter be more strict observers of their engagements. Treachery, such as that we experienced, had not come within my calculations. A victory, decisive as that at Meeanee, and gained under such circumstances, was to me a wholly unexpected event. As I have said, it entirely changed our position, and I was compelled at once to decide what policy should be adopted in the new state of things. I could not, for the reasons I have given, rein state the Ameers. Any other arrangement than I have made would have imposed upon us all the burthen of protecting a government, without affording us the means of benefiting the people or ourselves. Any half mea sure would have failed. Adopting the decisive measure of taking the province into our hands, I determined to adapt the means to the end, and not to omit any step by which security could be given to the new possession. " The Ameers were removed beyond sea. All arrearsof revenue due to them on the day of the battle of Meeanee, were remitted ; the transit duties were abolished ; the neighbouring States of Joudpore and Jussulmere were, as well as Bhawulpore, interested in the overthrow of the Beloochees ' Ipy the intimation that their ancient pos sessions would be restored. The inhabitants of Sinde were assured, by proclamation, that the property of all who laid down their arms would be respected. As far as possible, the former officers of the Government were employed, and everywhere as little change as possible has been made, beyond that essential change of substi tuting justice for injustice in the administration. The police has already attained some degree of efficiency. The most able engineers will be employed for the pur pose of surveying, and of restoring, it it can be done, the ancient water-courses, whereby the country was ferti lised, and especially that, first closed by the vindictive and destructive policy of the rulers of Sinde, which once gave prosperity to the dominions of our ally the Rao of Cutch. " The vast tracts which the Ameers have converted into shikargahs will also be surveyed. Such of the woods as it may be necessary to retain will be carefully preserved ; and extensive portions of land, having the richest soil, lately reserved for hunting grounds by the Aineers, will - be restored to cultivation. "Some of there measures have originated with my self ; in others I have been anticipated by the Governor of Sinde ; in all, I know I shall have his most cordial co-operation. which, (,) f in s firsth slavery—has sn producedstance, I ad l ' p O t e n d e — o f t h t a h t e for ,measures tin extent of relief far beyond w hatl had expectOd. I the abolition was by no means aware of the degree to which that dreadful•scourge of mankind had added to the misfor tunes of the-people of Sindei I • • "It is impossible to calculate the extent to •which, by opening ancient courses to the waters of the Indus, and by extending the means o► irrigation, we may im prove the productiveness of the soil. As little can we calculate the extent,to which the assurance of protection given to the people may increase their industry, and thus finally promote their prosperity. You may be as sured that no exertion of mine shall be wanting to make the conquest of Sinde by the British arms no less the source of happiness to the inhabitants of that country, than of advantage to our own." LONDON AND BRIGHTON RAILWAY. The half-yearly meeting of the Shareholders was held at one o'clock yesterday, at the terminus, London bridge. The meeting was made special " for the pur pose of assenting to, or dissenting from, resolutions, with reference to taking on lease one or two of both lines of railway projected between Brighton and Hast ings, and between Shoreham and Chichester, and for working the same by this Company." John M. Parsons, the Chairman of the Company, presided over the meeting. The notice calling the meeting having been read, The SECRETARY proceeded to read the report. It stated that the receipts for ordinary traffic in the last half-year, ending 31st December last, as contrasted with the corresponding period of 1842, exhibited an increase of 9,8851. Bs. 6d. There was a diminution of about 7,500/. in the working expenses ; the result of the whole being an increase of net revenue of 17,3001. Agreeably to the expectations held out at the last meeting, great reductions had been carried out in the traffic depart ment, and in other parts of the Company's expenditure. The Directors of the South-Eastern Company, having intimated, on the 29th of November, that they were prepared to enter into negotiations, with a view to lease the London and Brighton line, the Directors intimated their willingness to consider any proposal which might be made to them. On the 11th of January, the South-Eastern Company offered a rent of 100,0001 a year for twenty-one years, upon condition that no com peting line were made. The Directors had informed the South-Eastern Board that they had resolved not to accede to the terms offered, but that they would submit the proposal to the approaching general meeting. The Shareholders were now invited to consider this offer. The final account against the South-Eastern Company, had been rendered, and the total amount of their claim, exclusive of dividends, was 364,9581. 12s. 10(1. A reso lution would be submitted authorising the Directors to bring the matter to a settlement. the reduction of fares made in Auglist last, while the advantage to the public was unquestionable, had not been at all preju dicial to the Company. The Report concluded as follows : " Since the last meeting mortgage bonds at 5 per cent., to the amount of 20,000/., have fallen title, which the Directors have renewed at 4 per cent. " At the last General Meeting the Directors were deprived of the satisfaction of proposing any dividend—on the con trary, it will be in the recollection of the Proprietors, that at that time the adjustment of the interest account caused an extraordinary charge of 19,440/. Os. 9d., which left a deficit of 3,303/. 19s. 4d., to be provided for out of this half-year's . revenue, and the Proprietors will also observe an additional charge to its debit of 1,245/. lis. 6d, for claims which arose in former half-vears ; but the Directors have endeavoured to guard against future arrears of this kind, by adopting mea sures to enforce the punctual delivery of the accounts. " The Directors propose a dividend of 11. per share, amount ing to 35,156/., which will leave a surplus of 2,510/. 18s. 11d. to the credit of the current half-year. _ " Three of your Directors go out of office by rotation, at this meeting, viz.—Capiain Kelly, R.N., Joseph 'Thomson, and Edward Wigan, Esquires, who, being eligible for re-election, offer themselves accordingly. " The Directors, in conclusion, cannot avoid congratulating the Proprietors upon the progressive_ increase of the traffic on the line: and the general tOro;Pects of the undertaking." The CHAIRMAN said that as the report entered into considerable detail, his observations need not be very extended. The expenses of the line were 26 per cent. The smallness of the amount arose, in a great degree, from the circumstance of a large portion of the line running over those of other companies. The two main objects in the report were_the amalgamation of their working expenses with the Dover and Croydon Railway Companies, an 4 the leasing of the two lines. On these subjects he was not prepared to make any definite state ments ; the general economical result could not be doubted. Another important point was the leasing of the line by the South-Eastern Company. With respect to the offer of 100,0001., in order to enable them to form an opinion as to the propriety of accepting or re jecting it, he thought it best to refer the Share holders to the results of the last half year, with a view of ascertaining what was likely to be the amount of their ultimate profits.—(Hear, hear.) The receipts of the last half-year exceeded those of the corresponding period in the previous year by eleven and a half per cent. The interest paid in the year 1843 on the balance was 56,9721.; the surplus remaining at the present time was 37,666/. This left a clear net receipt of 94,6001., from which they had to deduct 1,080/, being the difference between the surplus balance of the Ist of January, 1843, and the dividend on the South-Eastern money, which was credited to that half-year, leaving a clear net income of 93,500/. He would put it to the meeting whether, under such circumstances, it was de sirable to accede to the offer of the South-Eastern Com _ __ pany.—(Hear, hear.) The two projected lines of railway afforded an additional argument in favour of retaining possession of their own line. These two lines had undergone a good deal of investigation on the part of the Board. Traffic cases had been obtained from persons conversant with the subject, and the results were before the meeting. 30,000/. was the amount of the existing coach traffic, not taking into account posting, goods, or casual sources of profit, or that augmentation which all railway companies expected to occur. It was encou raginc, to know, that in spite of all that had been said about the Brighton Company having no country beyond it, the traffic had been doubled within two years. He would be happy to give any information as to the traffic cases of the two companies. With respect to the esti mates, whilst they would guarantee them, they would not give any guarantee with respect to anything of a contingent nature—(Hear, hear)—but he thought, after what had been said on that subject, there was not likely to be any ground of complaint. —(Hear, hear.) The account of the South-Eastern Company was now delivered, and he trusted that the matter would be brought to a satisfactory settlement. At the last meet ing considerable discussion took place with reference to the amount of 11,6001., charged for ballasting. It was satisfactory to find that a reduction of 3,0001. had since taken place.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the income arising from this line, it should be observed that, while 20s. per share was the amount of the dividend, the re sult of the business would afford 245. per share. — (Cheers.) It had been thought desirable to retain a surplus of 2,5001., lest there should be a falling off in the next half-year. It was a cheering circumstance that the business of the last half year had been carried on with out any accident, and that public confidence in the line seemed perfectly restored.—(Cheers.) They must all be acquainted with what had recently been said in Parliament in relation to railway accommodation. He felt confident that whatever might be the dis position of certain parties, the Government would give Railway Companies fair play. He believed that no complaint could be made against this Company as re garded third class passengers.—(Hear, hear.) The fares for second class covered carriages, were lower in amount than the fares formerly charged by coaches for outside passengers. The third class passengers are generally persons of considerable hardihood. He be lieved that the complaint of insufficient accommodation originated, not with the class of persons ,for whom third class carriages were intended, but with persons who, judging from their appearance, could afford to pay a higher fare, and who wanted first class accommodation for third class fare.—(Cheers and laughter.) At the last meeting it was stated that they had made an arrangement with the Croydon Company for carrying out the proportion of toll. The advantage of the arrange ment which they had made was,that they might alter their fares if they pleased, without suffering any loss in con sequence. In conclusion, he begged to say, that he had already intimated his intention of resigning his situation as Chairman of the Board of Directors. That step he felt to be absolutely necessary, on account of the pres sure of the duties which he had to perform. He had consented to retain his position for the present, but only until a successor could be appointed. Various rumours had been circulated to the detriment of the Board, but he thought it best to treat them with the contempt which, in his opinion, they merited. He wmild be happy to answer any question which might be put to him pre vious to the adoption of the Report. Mr. THOMSON said there was no allusion in the Re port to the suit pending between that Company and Sir Isaac Lionel Goldsmid. The CHAIRMAN said that the suit in question was not now proceeding. A PROPRIETOR inquired what would be included in the intended amalgamation with the Croydon and Dover Line, and when the amalgamation would take place ? The CHAIRMAN said it would include all moveable plant; baggage, stock, engines, and everything else would be put under one management on the Ist of March. Mr. WISHAW complained of the falling off in the profits of the carrying and parcel department, which he thought required the serious attention of the Directers. With respect to the general profits of the Company, consider ing the splendid weather of the last half-year, and the visit of a portion of the royal family to Brighton, he be lieved that they had arrived at the maximum number of passengers.— (Cries of " No, no," and laughter.) Mr. W. CASH suggested the propriety of a still further reduction in the rate of fares.—(Hear, hear.) The ad ditional amount received was, he believed, greatly owing to the reduction which had already taken place, and he believed that with judicious reduction this railway would carry thousands where it now carried hundreds.—(hear.) Mr. H. COOPER called the attention of the meeting to the state of the steam communication with France. They must not rely too confidently on the promises of the Steam Navigation Company. In his judgment, this Company ought to take the matter into their own hands. Mr. P. TAYLOR spoke of the necessity of increasing the number of Sunday trains. If the Legislature were either not able or not disposed to pass a Sabbatarian Bill, to restrict the power of the people to leave the metropolis for pleasure on the Sunday, no directors of railways had a right to accomplish that object by a side. wind.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped Sunday trains would be established to the full extent of the public wants, coupled with the interest of the Company. The CHAIRMAN observed that the Dover Railway provided precisely the same amount of accommodation on Sundays as the Brighton railway. With respect to the question of carriage, he begged to observe that they already carried all the goods between Brighton and London. He could not at all agree with the gentleman who thought that they had reached the maximum num ber of passengers. He believed that the increase in the last half year was not in the least degree attributable to the royal visit, which had been referred to ; he thought the augmentation arose from permanent trains.—(Hear.) The Report was then adopted -by the meeting. - Mr. GRESFELL proposed the following resolution.— " That this meeting do approve and conirm the deci sion of the Board of Directors, declining the offer made by the South Eastern Company." Mr. ALLFREE seconded the resolution, which was. carried unanimously. Mr. NASH moved:—" That the Directors have power to take a lease of the projected Hastings Railway, at the rate of four per cent. upon the cost of construction, provided such cost do not exceed 475,000!., upon the terms proposed by the Directors in their resolution of the 16th of January last." bit-, WIGAN seconded the resolution. Mr. Wiettaw proposed, as an amendment:—" That it is not expedient for this Company to agree to the pro posal of the Directors for taking a lease of the proposed line by Lewes and Hastings, unless a condition be at tached to the arrangement, that a guarantee be given that one line only to Hastings be sanctioned by the Le gislature." The amendment having been seconded, The CHAIRMAN put the question to the meeting, and the original resolution was carried, 'with two dissentients. Captain KELLY proposed the following resolution:— " That the Directors have power to take a lease of the projected Chichester line at a rent of four per cent. per annum upon the cost of construction, provided such cost do not exceed 300,0001., upon the terms pro posed, by the Directors in their resolution of the 19th of .Tanuary last." He would only observe, in reference to this resolution, that they had had applications fur three times as many shares as there were to be dis tributed."—(Cheers.) Mr. CROWI.EY seconded the resolution, which was carried unanimously. Mr. ROWLAND HILL moved a resolution empowering the Directors to adjust the differences of the Company with the South Eastern Company, in relation to the sale of the joint portion of the line in such manner and upon such terms as they might think fair and reasonable. Mr. KING having seconded the resolution, it was passed without a dissentient. It was then moved by the CHAIRMAN, and afterwards seconded, " That a dividend of twenty shillings per share, deducting the income-tax, be and is hereby de clared payable on the 15th of March next." The retiring Directors were re-elected. A vote of thanks haring been given to the Chairman, the meeting separated. BRITISH MERCHANTS AND PRO PERTY AT MONTE VIDEO. We have lately felt it our duty to direct public attention to the cruel po,ition in which the sangui nary hostilities carried on by the forces of Buenos Ayres, under the command of General Rosas, against the Republic of the Uruguay, have placed numbers of our countrymen, who are engaged in commercial pursuits in the city of Monte Video. Our readers have been apprised, in particular, of the formal declaim rations made, and repeated assurances given, by our Minister in the Plata, of the determination of her Majesty's Government to afford all that necessary protection " so justly due" to our countrymen in that city, in answer to the pressing representations to Mr. Mandeville personally, of the danger they must be exposed to in the event of Rosas being permitted to invade the territory of Monte Video. 111;s declara tion appears to have been nullified—these assurances have been disgracefully violated, by the whole course of subsequent events. Since the battle of Arroyo Grande, the arms of the Argentine Confederation and its squa dron, under Rosas, have carried all the horrors of war, the savage extermination of human life, and the wanton destruction of property, through the territory and to the very walls of Monte Video; burning and pillaging every chattel, all merchandise, stores, &c., in the remotest degree of Monte Video ownership, in their ruinous operations. From the waste and pil lage thus perpetrated on the defenceless customers and connexions of British merchants, who had sup plied them, in the usual manner, upon credit, British property to the enormous amount of between one and two millions of pounds sterling has been sacrificed ; and many of our countrymen have thus been ruined. The charges made in the following letter against Mr. Mandeville, our Minister—(especially the insinua tion that he has thus receded from his public and private assurances as to the protecting aid of a Bri tish armament, out of a desire to maintain his own friendly pers nil relations with Rosas) —are of too grave a character, we apprehend, not to call for a searching examination by the House of Commmons. The whole of the case is succinctly stated by our Cor respondent, whose letter we subjoin, together with its documentary disclosures : SlR,—The reply (marked B.) of the Earl of Aberdeen to a letter lately addressed to him by the Liverpool Mexican and South American Association, is only a repetition of the promises so often made by her Majesty's Government, that protection should be afforded to British interests in Monte Video. Nov how stands the case in reality, as between the British merchants and the Executive ? If the public were once awakened to a sense of the numerous losses sustained by the mer chants who trade to Monte Video, and if it can be proved that they have been the victims of the unaccountable line of conduct pursued by our Government, it is to be hoped that investigation before Parliament will at least visit the authors of all this loss with well-merited retribution. The merchants of Monte Video charge our Foreign Executive with havingpractised a wilful and cruel decep tion upon them ; with having paraded before theM, in the most unequivocal manner, a determination on the part of our Government not to permit any invasion of the Monte Videan territory by the army of Rosas ; with having given them the strongest assurances, through the British Minister in the Plate, Mr. Mandeville, both be fore and after the battle of the Arroyo Grande, that Great Britain would not permit the invasion. These are undeniable facts, attested by the British residents on the spot, appealed to in the memorial to Mr. Mandeville, and to this Government, and not attempted to be denied. Were denial attempted, the official letter of Mr. Mandeville to the Monte Video Government at the time, confirms it in the most ample manner beyond dispute, and in again handing you the copy of that Minister's letter to the Government of Buenos Ayres of December 16 (the only one which has been made public, and cannot be denied —marked A.) the British mer chants are prepared to produce further, and still stronger proofs, from the official communications of Mr. Mande ville to the Monte Video Government, thathe did assure that Government and the British public generally of the firm resolve of her Majesty's Government to prevent any invasion ; but no denial of these facts has been or will be hazarded—they are too strongly recorded. The fatal confidence into which our unfortunate countrymen were lulled—the amount of property . which they were thus led to confide, as before, to their customers—the sweeping loss of nearly a ll that property whic h the y were doomed to sustain— an d th e i r present perilous position, both as to life and property—all this train of evils has been caused, b y w h om ?--by the foreign enealy? by some unexpected political or natural convul sion ? Quite the reverse. By the deliberate recorded acts of our own Government, with full knowledge of facts, and ample warning from the merchants here of the approach of the political changes a,gainst which it was necessary to guard. Th e a mount of property thus sacrificed is variously estimated, at from one to two md lions sterling, involving the ruin of many parties. In consequence of the previous assurances of probation from the foreign Executive here, and in consequence of Commodore Purvis having refused to permit the blockade of the port by sea, the British mer chants here, even after the news of the siege of Monte Video by the army of Rosas,_ st ill entertained a hope that the apparently cruel indifference of Mr. Mandeville to their situation, and the unaccountable in consistency of such desertion after his previous declara tions, would receive its merited condemnation at the hands of our Government,. and that an effectual though tardy protection would still save their friends at Monte Video from further suffering. But to t heir grief and surprise the reverse has proved to be the case; they learn now that Mr. Mandeville is to be their only refuge, that Commodore Purvis is to obey him, and, as a fit commentary on such mode of protection, Mr. Mandeville immediately announced his acknowledgment of the blockade of Monte Video by Rosas' squadron, thus giving all the assistance in his power to Rosas' force. Such conduct on the part of our Government seems inexplicable; those who previously wished to ground their exculpation on the blunder of Mr. Mandeville, now find to their dismay that he acted by orders, and is sup ported in all he has done. Explanation—speedy, un equivocal explanation, is loudly demanded ; the mer chants of Monte Video appeal to their countrymen and demand inquiry. Those who are inclined to find some apology for our Government have endeavoured to sup pose that in the first instance Lord Aberdeen did in struct Mr. Mandeville to be prepared to interfere and prevent any invasion by Rosas; that Mr. Mandeville followed those instructions so far as entering a protest in „his said letter of the 16th December, but shrunk from actual coercion (although his force in the river was ample on Commodor e Purvis's arrival) until further orders reached him. The inference No decisive orders werefromforgot, subsequent ,n a neglected and lr. h Mandeville t co e nd m uc a t t te i r s, that Lord Aberdeen quietly saw his threatening protest of the 16th December treated as so much waste paper by Rosas, and it was only when the news of the invasion being accomplished, and of his Minister's threats being treated with contempt, reached Lord Aberdeen, that he was recalled to a recollection of the matter. The first impulse was to support Mr. Man deville's declaration and coerce Rosas; the second, to see if the French Government would concur in this. An immediate communication with that Government fol lowed, but M. Guizot declined to meddle; and then it was that Lord Aberdeen, regardless alike, as it appears to us, of the reflection upon our national character, by thus abandoning the ground Mr. Mandeville had insisted upon with Rosas ; of the fatal consequences which may ensue from thus bullying a semi -barbarian without car rying out our threats; and of the loss and injury which would be thus inflicted on the British merchants at Monte Video, who had confided in the assurances of their Minister, revoked his former instructions to Mr. Mandeville, left that functionary to back out of his hostile message of the Ir,th December in the best way he could, and sacrificed the British interests at Monte Video to the maintenance of friendly relations with Rosag. It is a bitter irony when the deed is done, when the British merchants have thus been made the victims of their confidence in their own Government's assurances, and seen their property confiscated by the ruin of their debtors in the sweeping • destruction of the army of Rosas, to now have the assurance again made to them - that "British subjects and interests will have all the ' , protection to which they . are so justly entitled by that neutrality which her Majesty's Government have pro posed and enjoined." It is worse than irony however, itIS• opposed to the fact ; for who that reads Mr. Mandeville's letter to Rosas, of the 16th Dec., will, for one moment hesitate to put the same interpretation upon it which the Govern ment of Monte Video and the British merchants did, confirmed as this interpretation was by Mr. Mandeville's verbal assurances to the merchants, and by his official communication to the Monte Vidcan Government, copies of which are forthcoming to prove it—namely, that Great Britain would cover Rosas, prevent the inrasion, and save Monte Video. We leave Lord Aberdeen in this dilemma; but trust that he may be required, at rn early day in the pre sent session, to reconcile such conduct with honesty or sound policy. ONE OF THE MONTE VIDEAN MERCHANTS. (A.) BUENOS AYRES, DEC. 16, 1842. In conformity with the instructions which he has re ceived from his Government, the intentions of the Go vernments of Great Britain and France being to adopt such measures as may be considered necessary forbring ing the hostilities between the Republics of Buenos Ayres and Monte Video to a close, the undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary of her Britannic Majesty to the Argentine Confederation, has the honour to represent to his Excellency M. Arana, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Government of Buenos Ayres, that the sanguinary warfare at pre , ent carried on between the Governments of Buenos Ayres and Monte Video must cease, and, for the interests of humanity and of British and French subjects and other foreigners established in the country which is now du? seat of war, he requires of the Buenos Ayrean Government :- Ist. An immediate cessation of hostilities between the Argentine troops and those of the Republic of the Uruguay. 2d. That the troops of the Argentine Confederation —it being understood that those of the Republic of the Uruguay shall adopt the same course—shall remain within their respective territories, and withdraw to them should they have passed their frontier. The undersigned begs that his Excellency will ac quaint him, as soon as he conveniently can, if the inten tions of the Buenos Ayrean Government are to accede to these two requests, and has the honour, &c., &e. (Signed) J. H. MANDEVILLE. ( 13 -) FoRMIGN OFFICE, JAN. 8, 1844. GENTLEMEN,—I am directed by the Earl of Aberdeen to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, of the Ist December last, relative to the lamentable state of affairs in the Rio de la Plata, and I am to assure you that her Majesty's Government have given such in structions to the British authorities in that quarter as they believe and trust will insure to British subjects and interests all the protection to which they are so justly entitled, in consequence of that neutral►ty be tween the contending parties which her Majesty's Government have professed and enjoined.—l am, Gen tlemen, your most obedient, humble servant. (Signed) CANNING. To the Mexican and South Australian Association, Liverpool. IRELAND. THE STATE TRIALS. NINETEENTH DAY. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH. T)UBLTN, MONDAY. F. (.11Ti" 1:N r. O.A 7•• (Et. O'CONNELL AND °THEE!, The Court ;31 at ten o'eloct precisely, when Mr. O'Connell, A. 0:1P of th 9 raverger,s, roa. , to addree& the jury, and, consequently, without his gown and wig. Gentlemen,—l beg your patient attention while I show you, in as few sentences as I possibly can, and in my own plain prosaic style, the right 1 have to demand from you a favourable verdict ; I ask it without disrespect ai.d without flattery—l ask it on the grout dof common sense and common justice, being thoroughly con% hired that lam plainly entitled to it. I do not feel that I should base been warranted in addressing you at all, after the many speeches which you have already heard, and after the powerful display of talent that must have delighted as well as instructed you ; but, Gentlemen, I do not stand here my own client—l have a client infinitely of more imporfance—my client is Ireland—my clients in this case are the Irish people. I stand here the advocate of the rights, liberties, and constitutional privileges of that people; and ml only anxiety is. le.t their sacred cause, their right to an indepeaent Legislature, should be in the slightest degree tarnished or impe !ed by anything in which I have been an instrument. I am con-cious of the integlity of my purpose, and of the inte grity of my motives in the working out of the inestimable ob ject I had in view—th) repeal of the union; for I openly as. sect that I cannot endure the union, because it was founded upon the greatest injustice, and based on the grossest insult— from en intolerance of Irish prosperity. These were the mo. tives that induced the malefactors who perpetrated that iniquity ; and I have the highest authority—an ornament for years of that bench—now, although recently, in his honoured grave—for saying, that the motive for carrying the union was an intolerance of Irish prosper'ty. Nor shall i leave it on his word alone—l have other authority for it, with which 1 shall trouble you in the course of my brief address—for I assure you lam as anxious to be as brief as possible in the observatious which I shall address to you. A$ to myself, Gontlemen, I sin not here to deny, or to palliate anything havedone ; on the contrary, I am ready to re.asaert in Court all I have really said—not, of course, taking upon myself the clumsy mistakes of reporters, and not abiding by the fallibility which neces. sarilr attends the reporting of speeches, particularly when they are hurriedly squeezed up for the purposes of the newspaper press. Howe, r, I do not hesitate to say, that there are several harsh things towards individuals, and clumsy jokes, which 1 would rather not have slid; but the substance of what I did say I avow, and I am lure to vindicate it. You know all my actions, and lam ready here not only to avow them, but to justify them—for the en tire of what I said and what I have done, was said and done in the performance of a high and sacred duty—an endeavour to procure the reAoration of the Irish Parliament. We all remember when the Sovereigns of every country in Europe were about being over turnei— inspired, as 111 , ,0 countries were, by the infidelity of France; when princes were banished, when the constitutions of kingdoms and states were altered—a reaction took place—the re- ♦olutionsry period passed with them all; the political order of things w t everywhere restored ; and, alas! every nation bad its full day of retribution, but Ireland—she alone remained under the influence of that fatal revolution—and are you, Gentlemen, assem bled to prevent justice being done to Ireland, as it has teen to al other countries ? It has li9en said to me, that I labour under great disadvantdges in addressing you; and you may be sure, if I state those dkadvantages, that I do so without any discontent whatso ever. I know,my Lords, what is due to the public, and the perfect order and decorum which should be observed in a court of justice, which en one should dare to violate. Therefore, when I speak of the disadvantages of addressing you, you will not understand me as appealing for redress to those who cannot give it to me. If anything which has been done is wrong, this is not the time to di , cuss how you have been put into that box—this is not even the place for it , and I will now assume that the Attorney. General has don(' nothing but what the law allowed him to do; because, if there is a wrong committed, the remedy lies elsewhere, and if all is right and legal, the proper tribunal will decide it to be so. Now, Gentlemen, I will address you, as I said, without discourtesy, but also w ithout flattery, as the tribunal to which I am to pro pound my arguments. It is quite certain that there are consider. able discrepancies of opinion between you and me upon subjects of the utmost importance. You differ from me on the question of the repeal of the union, for if you did not not, one of you would be in that box. You differ from me on a more important sub ject—in religious belief ; and if you did not, you would not be in that box. These differences are, perhaps, aggravated by the fac thet I am not only a Catholic, but that Catholic who, without beastin a has done moot to pull down that Protestant ascendancy, for which, perhaps, you were the champions, but certainly not the aNtag , n: , t ; and silt:mesh, having established that equality against which some of you contend, and against which all of your opinions were formed, it does not terrify me from the performance of my duty, for I care not what evil effects occur to myself, or what pu nishment it may bring on me, still !glory in what I have done-1 glory that I have been the successful, and you the beaten parts. But, G mtlemen, nevertheless, I trust in your honour and inte grity, and to those alone I appeal. I said there were three points on which we differed—the repeal of the union, my maintenance of the voluntary payment system in every church establishment, and ray former conduct in relation to Catholic emancipation ; but you are here to administer justice and right between the par ties, Coe all I wish to remark is, that I have no despair of your doing that perfect and full justice, without considering what may he the religious or political feelings upon one side or the other. I should have preferred upon your account, and upon my own, that those objections did not exist. I should have pre rred matters that were otherwise, and that neither you nor I were harrassed with the thought that by any possibility, by even the infirmity of human nature, injustice should affect the verdict in this case; but I will not say snore upon that subject ; I have done with it, and I will now pass from it to the consideration of the eaee itself. I first come to the prosecution. Why, it really is the most curious, the strangest prosecution that ever was instituted. It is not for one, or two, or ten facts that it is instituted—and remember that the criminal law of this country is most lauded for its sim. plivity —but it is the history of nine months you have to go thratte'e the details of no lets than nine months, a monstrous ac. cuemeation of matter flung before you, such an accumulation, that I defy the most brilliant imagination that ever yet was to bring all the facts properly to bear, and arrive at such a result as should be legiti. mate; y arrived at. Gentlemen of the Jury, I arraign this prose. cution upon a clear and simple principle. It Is utterly impossible for you to find out or distinguish from that mighty mass of matter which was laid before you what really is the question you have to try. I will first endeavour to see how much is affirmative in this prosecution, and how much and what negations it contains. Its entire strength depends upon the meaning of that cabalistic wore " conspiracy." If, my Lords, I look into the dictionary for the meaning of that word, I find that it is " a secret agreement between several to commit a crime," and that is the rational, common-st nse definition of it. This word, however, in recent times, has been taken under special protection by the law, and the definition of it now is, not only a secret agreement between several to commit crime, but they have taken two loops to their bow, and the further depiction given of it is to effect, or attempt to effect, even a legal object by means that are con sidered illegal; and thus a "conspiracy" is spelt out by the construction put upon the means that are used to attain the object sought, however legitimate that object may be. It has been admitted, even by the Crown, that in this case there is co privacy—no secresy, nu definite agreement to do anything whatsoever ; hut, above all, no secret agreement —no secret society —no private information. It has been admitted by the Crown that there has not been even one act of private communication, that everything was openly avowed, published to the world, that this " secret conspiracy" has no secresy at all. What a monstrous thing it would be to hold that that was a conspiracy which every body knew of—everybody heard of, and three-fifths of the people of this country were engaged in ! And what was the evidence of those conspirators assembling together? That Mr. Such-an-one attended at such a meeting—that Mr. Barrett attended at a certain meeting, and that Mr. Duffy attended once or twice—that I, myself, attended; and this is the way the charge of conspiracy is to be spelt out! Is it common sense that this could be denomi nated a conspiracy ? Conspiracy! Where was it made? When was it matte ? How was it made ? Was it made in winter, or in summer, in spring, or in autumn ? Was it made on a holiday, or on a Sunday, or on week-day ? Tell me the hour—the week— the month—the year it was made ? In which of the three quarters of the twelve months did the gestation of this conspiracy commence ? Who proposed it ? Who seconded it ? Who was present at it ? I don't know whether it was said that I was present at the concoction of this conspiracy, or this agreement, private or public, or who else was there. When and where did it take place? Ought I not, at all events, to have the advantage of being able to prove an alibi ?—(Laughter.) No, but you must go over nine months and toss up which time or place you may select. I want to know whether this agreement was in writing or in mere parole ? I want to know has any person told you, Gentlemen of the Jury, if an ac lion at isi3i prigs was pending, and you were to try it, and that that action was tor the recovery of a 10/. contract, could it be possible you could find one way or the other upon such vague evidence as that adduced in this case? I remember it was said of a Judge who has long since passed away, that, in a case for the recovery of 101. before him, one of the counsel observed that, although the evi dence was not sufficient in a civil case, it would be quite sufficient in a criminal case, in Isis Lordship's Court.--(Laughter.) Do you not believe that if there was a conspiracy, it would ba proved, and that the only reason it was not proved is because it diet not exist ? The Attorney-General told you it did exist—that it must have existed ; but this is all imaginary, and you are called upon to find me guilty if you " imagine" that this agreement was entered into. I don't want to speak of the talents of the Attorney-General. I admit the ingenuity—the talent and the industry with which he conducted this case, Ile was eleven hours—eleven mortal hours — (A laugh)—detailing the facts of it to you. What did he tell you the conspiracy consisted of? Ile made a long statement, and when he came to the end, he told you to go back to the beginning, find out the conspiracy, and what it consisted of.—(Laughter ) I say, Gentlemen of the Jury, without the least affectation, if any gentleman could have found evidence of a conspiracy, it would have been found by the Attorney-General. Yes, he took eleven hours to throw all that garbage into your box. " There." said he, "is the Pilot and the Nation for you, and make out a conspiracy." I remember, on the Munster Circuit, the celebrated Mr. Egan was once engaged for a defendant. The case had been stated by a Mr. Hoare, a gentleman of dark appearance. Egan was sure of his jury —(A laugh)—and on behalf of his client he merely said—" Gen tlemen of the jury, you are not, in deciding this case, to be influ enced by the dark oblivion of a brow.''—(Laughter,) A Learned Friend sitting near him said, " Why, Egan, what do you mean? that is nonsense you have been speaking." "To be sure it is," said Egen, but it is good enough for the jury.''—(Laughter.) So eleven hours are good enough for the jury. It is nonsense to speak of satisfying them as to the fact of a conspiracy. I remem ber, after Hardy was tried for high treason, the anniversary of his acquittal was for a long time celebrated by a dinner; and one of the jury, whose health was regularly proposed, always made the same speech. " Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen," said he, " I will tell you why I acquitted Mr. Hardy. Mr. Sergeant Scott took eleven hours to state the case ; and ten slays were spent in endeavouring to prove it. Now, I knew no man could be guilty whose guilt it took such a long time to show."—(Laughter.) Re member that, in this alleged conspiracy, there is no secresy im. puted—nothing is left to conjecture—the entire is before you ; and, therefore, as you know it all, there never was a cause in which the Attorney-General was less entitled to the benefit of any surmise by a jury. Why, before the trial, the hall of the Courts was full of rumours of the existence of a dark conspiracy and of the disclosures made by persons who were said to have betrayed the conspirators. No less than seven persons were pointed out to me as having betrayed the secrets and plans to the Government. One WAS pointed out as having been seen going to Mr. Kemmis, the Crown solicitor, another as having beets to the Castle, and a third, as having been at a certain house, not far from your (Mr. Brewster's) residence in 3lerrion-square—no lesss than seven persons suffered in their cha'acters by these rumours of treachery on their parts. I merely said, " Don't mind these reports—what can they disclose when there is nothing to betray ? They may invent, but they have no secrets of ours to disclose." Now, I ask you, when you came into that box, did you not expect to have heard something you had not heard before? Did you not expect to hear some conversation— some plan of the travcrsers influencing and contradicting the na ture of their public acts ? If you did expect it, was there ever dis appointment so complete and unmitigated ? Why, throughout the city, in the clubs, when the Attorney-General's case was closed, everybody said "Is that all ?—why, we knew all that before." 'Tis a censpiracy! Yes, Gentlemen, what has become of these se cret plans, the proofs of this dark conspiracy, these " Gorgons, hydras, rein chimeras dire"—what has become of them ? They have not been exhibited to you, because there was nothing to dis close. This is not a case merely confined to the charge of conspi racy ; it is a 'Ministerial trial, to see whether this Ministry, with their cenciliatien policy with their proposal for an extended i a fran chise in laeland, are to retain office , or whether we are to v Whigs ago promising a good deal and doing nothing ?—( Laugh. CULTURE OF LAND FOR WHEAT. When land is ploughed only to the depth of three or four inches, the active soil is so very limited that the least change in the weather is injurious to the plants growing on it. The manure which is always applied to the wheat crop under this system of shal low ploughing forms a layer near the surface ; the roots of the plant ramify only through the furrow slice in which the dung is placed, and consequently the plant has but little hold of the ground. It is thus, in severe weather in spring, the plant gets " thrown out," 'as it is termed, by the frost. The roots having spread out horizontally, near the surface, are easily exposed to the weather, and, whether it be mild or frosty, dry or damp, are entirely under its influence : in a dry season, the shallow soil and the manure in it become parched and inactive; in wet weather, the roots having but little hold of the ground, a soaking rain and a little wind loosen the plant, and it is blown out. Wheat sown on a deeply-cultivated soil, exerts the whole of its energy, at first in the pro duction of roots. These strike deeply in the soil, filling the whole of it with their minute fibres. The plants may appear thin during winter and in spring —those which turn out the best crops often have this appearance then—but whenever genial weather comes, the organs of the leaf being highly excited, are pre ared for vigorous and luxuriant growth ; and a wide held having been laid under contribution for the pur pose, the roots easily provide the nourishment required to support them under it. If a plant in such a con dition be pulled up—if the soil be pulled up, it will be found to have sent out its roots as minute fibres, 18 or 20 inches from it in all directions ; it is evident that no variations of weather can affect it, situated thus ' it draws its nourishment from sources be yond the influence of the variableness of external agents. Thus deep cultivation, by encouraging depth of rooting, indirectly effects for the plant a com parative independence of the weather ; but it has a direct influence in the same direction, for, if the weather be wet a great depth of soil readily absorbs the water, and conveys it down to the drains; and, if it be dry, it retains for a longer time a sufficiency of moisture. Of two crops of corn, equally luxuriant in their growth, that is not so liable to lodge which is grown on the deeper soil, for its growth has been more gradual and natural, and less the result of artificial excitement. The manure in the shallow soil has not had its rankness rectified by mixture with a great mass of earth, and wheat grown upon it will spring up rapidly, but without rigidity ; and though it may at one stage of its growth look more luxuriantly, it will at another yield less abundantly than a neighbouring crop which has throughout grown slower, and generally promised less. Of course it must be understood that deep cultivation can be safely entered upon only on soils that are naturally or artificially dry. And now a few words as to the depth at which wheat ought to be planted. We think this has not yet been satisfactorily determined. Nature ought to be our guide in things of nature; she always drops her seed on the Surface ; and when it is necessary that any particular seed should get deeper than its natural gravitation would enable it, she provides them with means for the purpose. Thus the barley and wild oat have awns, or beards, by which every motion of the seed pushes it forward; such a seed, lying on the ground, assisted by the wind, very soon wriggles itself beneath the surface. We think, therefore, that the nearer the surface a seed is planted the better, provided it be placed deep enough to protect it from its enemies, the birds, &c. This conclusion at which we arrive is strengthened in reference to wheat by another circumstance • for, if a wheat-pl an t b e o b serv ed in spring, it will be seen that at whatever depth the seed was originally planted, the lateral roots which it has sent out to supply it with nourishment are always sent out from it at a point not far below the surface, certainly not more than one inch below it.—Agricultural Gazette. INCORPORATED SOCIETY OF LICENSED VICTU ALLSILL—The Fiftieth Anniversary of the establishment of this ex tensive Society, and of the publication of the Morning Advertiser, will be celebrated at the London Tavern to.morrow, and from the deep interest which the event of the Society's jubilee has excited In the minds of its members, it is confidently expected that their attendance at the dinner will be unprecedentedly numerous. The Proceedings of the day, under the superintendence of the worthy Governor of the Society, Mr. Keesley, cannot fail to be deeply interesting, as the Report intended to be read to the Company will comprehend a detail of the vast benefits the Institution has con. (erred upon the community during the first half century of its ex istence, and its advantages will be further and strikingly exempli. fled by the presence of the numerous children supported in the Li. sensed Victuallers' School—Advertiser of yesterday. The new Plenipotentiary to Chilli, John Francis Davis, Esq., resides at Hollywood House, near Henbury. This is the second appointment to China from the neighbourhood of Bristol—Bristol Msrcut'y. COLBURN'S NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE for Fe bruary contains the first of a very opportune series of letters from Hong-Kong and Macao, the contents of which are highly interesting; the second part of the "Reminiscences of Prince Talleyrand," a capital paper ; " The Butt," an amusing story by Mrs. Trollope ; "The Verdict of the World, a most interesting tale by Mrs. Gore ; " A Lost Cha racter,"-by Peter Priggins ; a continuation of the Marchio ness of Londonderry's "Tour to the Courts of Vienna," &c. besides several other articles. Eliza Cook's " Song of the Spirit of Poverty," is a bold and striking composition, and cannot fail to awaken some thought on behalf of the poor.— Morning Chronick. THE LONDON AND BIRMINGHAM BAILWAY.—We understand that the systera of " day tickets" is about to be adopted on the London and Birmingham ltailway—thus enablingpersons to go and return at a reduction of one-third from the ordinary fares. The plan has succeeded admirably on other lines.—Railway The Presbytery of Edinburgh have suspended and deprived the Rev. James Hamilton, the present minister of the Scotch Church, Regent-square, London, and declared him no longer capable of holding any preferment in the Church of Scot land, or in connection with it. The trust-deeds of that place of worship bind it to be in strict connection with the Established Church of Scotland; and Edward Irving was removed from it, on the sole ground that he was cut off by his presbytery in Scotland.' FRENCH PLAYS.—These performances were at tended on .Monday by a full and brilliant audience, amongst whom we observed the Duchess of Beaufort, the Earl and Countess of Chesterfield, Lady William Paulet, Lord Ossulston, Lord Fitzroy Somerset, Marquis of Worcester, Countess of Tanker ville, Lord and Lady Aylmer, Lord William Thynne, Sir Au gustus and Lady Foster, Lord God2rich, Lord Ranelagh, Lady Langdale, Lady Flower, the Baroness Calabrella, Lady Leonard, Lady Kaye, Sir Frederick Trench, Sir Frederick Nicholson, Honourable M. Cadogan, H. T. Hope, Esq., Quintin Dick, Esq., J. H. Lowther, Esq., &c. DEATH OF GENERAL CONNINGHAME.—This gal lant officer, whose demise has been officially reported at the India House, had been in the service half a century, and was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-Genet al on the 28th of June, 1838 (Corona. lion brevet). The guards of the northern, western, and eastern snails report that during Thursday night and yesterday morning the fall of snow was very heavy, so as to render the rails very difficult of passing over. The Southampton and Portsmouth mail did not arrive at the General Post-office until 10 o'clock. Several of the foreign mails were also behind time in consequence of the boisterous state of the weather. On the South Eastern line to Folkestone and Dover the snow storm was very keen and thick. Perhaps even guilt itself does not impose upon some minds so keen a sense of shame ana remorse as a modest, sensitive, and inexperienced youth feels from the consciousness of having neglected etiquette or excited rldicule.--Sir Walter Scott. A greater numbs.r of wild geese have passed over the fens within the last few weeks than in any former year for some time past, an indication either that the frost has set in severely in the north, or that these birds have the wondrous faculty of prognosticating its approach.--Ipswich Express`. V . . ter. "I his is the real question to be tried. You,.th,, that no men could have stronger motives for proving 4 the fullest extent. Why, then, did they fail in prodUC . to show the sc2ret plans of a ccnspitacy ? The reason" because they had nothing to betray. It is iinpossibW ment could have failed to discover all the secrets atid,Pj existed. They had influence enough to induce persot They had the patronage in the Post office, in the rev and especially in the constabulary, to offer for information. Tut they procure none. Why 7 Because there was nothin; tti betray —and you know it. Well, then, what is the evidence: 'Well, if there was nothing new, what seas the old evidenc'e The lif of an old coat, they say, is a new button.—;Laughter.:. They have•stltched up their case with the nevrvaper, which they hive flung before you. If you had heard it charged that I had entered into a pri. vale conspiracy, you might have said that I had entered into a private conspiracy in my old days, calculating on being , avcd by the secresy and fidelity of my co.conspira ova. But there is nothing of a private conspiracy charged against me. I therefore ask—not only those who know my sentiments better than you can— but I ask you, who know me principally by the calumnies of those opposed to me—if, from your opinion of my character, you deem me such an idiot or blockhead as to enter into a conspiracy t o t h e run of a cause dear to my heart, and for which I refused, my Lords, the appointment of Master of the Rolls ? It was a (pies tion whether I had not refused the office of Chief Baron before it Was offered to me--(Laughter)—but as to my having been offered the appointment of Master of the Rolls there is no dispute. No ; it was not to be supposed I would compr.anise the c,luse to whirl I am devoted, now just at the closing years of my life, and on the eve of eatering into eternity, where I shall receive that ass ful judgment which cannot now be long postponed. You cannot be. lieve that I would have the cruelty to enter into a conspiracy—the folly to enter into a conspiracy—the absurdity to enter into a conspiracy—l ask you as Irish gent emen to put your hands to your hearts, and say if you can believe it of me. No; your verdict may imprison me—but it will not take from me the consciousness of My own inn,cence, and the conviction that there is not a man would pronounce that verdict who would not be convinced of his mi take. Perhap , the Attorney -General want , you to believe this—that I was a conspirator without knowing it. I say without knowing it, tbr there it wis in open day. Yes, you must, to believe anything against me, believe that I was, a rut , spirator ignorant of the conspiracy; and that is the question for which you are selected to try me. In the technicalities of law I could say, eve❑ in that there could be no guilt, for there is no guilt without a guilty intention. But I acorn to make points of law upon matter s's plain to common sense—so obvious, and, I trust. I may say, so irresistible. There is something curi ous in this sweeping conspiracy of the Attorney-General. Gen tlemen, it has been so powerfully put to you, that I should not repeat it—that there would be an end to every great move ment of human institutions if you were to concede to the At. torney-General that conspiracy which he has neither stated nor proved. It is a new kind of conspiracy. Some exceedingly saga cious person has dreamed of it—this imaginary conspiracy re,t ing upon your conscientious imagination, but having no other so lidity whatsoever. Would the slave trade have be. 11 ever abolished if the prc,ent Attorney-General's doctrine of conspiracy had been law—if the Judges sitting in the King's Bench had given their sane. tion to it ? Never did a more formidable party exist than the Wu.t Indizsn party. Government might have searched all the newspa pers of the day and found evidence of their guilt, of their accumu. lated guilty. If their acts had been aletinspirac ~, ally were they not indicted for a conspiracy ? Why .vas not Will erforce ind cted for a conspiracy ? Ile might ha:e stood, as the humble individual before you studs now, accused of a conspiracy, because he put an end to the slave-trade. Blessed be Heaven ! the messure was not suffered to be carried until I had some p irt in it. Well, next to abolition of slavery, what was done? NVhat would have become of Reform in Parliament ? is there a man of the Whig aristocracy —were there not meetings held in Birmingham and elsewhere— were there not hundreds of meetings held—would the reform in Parliame :t have gone as far as it had done—would the additions promised in the King's speech have gone as far as they have gore, if the meetings had ,mot assembled in several thousands, to petition for it ? There is then Catholic emancipation. There was a most eminent lawyer at the head of the profession at that day ; and the present Attorney-General will not suppose that I mean any d s respect to him when I say that he was superior to him—cer tainly he was his equal. Ile was an eminent lawyer, and he had as conscientious an antipathy to Catholic emancipatio i as any man could have. I do not believe there was a more decided opponent to that measure—l do not believe there was a more decided opponent to it than was William Saurin. He was an eminent lawyer, and he watched and saw, as he thought, the law violated. He was deteated in one trial, but succeeded in another ; but did the wildness of his imagination call Catholic emancipation a conspiracy ? I was prosecuted for words spoken by me ; my Learned Friend near me (Mr. Shell, who sat next to Mr. O'Connell) was prosecuted for words spoken by him ; but tbat Attorney-General never dreamed of terming the alleged offence a conspiracy. Yet were not the ingredients used in agitating far Catholic emancipation the same as for repeal? Had we not our county meetings, our provincial meetings, and a simultaneous meet ing ? On the 13th of January, 1829, did not all the Catholic parishes in Ireland meet on one day ? Why, indeed, that could have been wrested into evidence of a conspitacy, if anything could. for upon one day, every parish in Ireland met, and upon one day they all expressed their determination to persevere in their exer tions until they obtained religious equality. No mail dreamed of turning that into a conspiracy. It was reserved for the glory of the present Attorney-General to introduce this doctrine. He has found out what none of his predecessors could possibly find out. At the present moment there is a very serious question in agitation in Eng. land. There was the Anti. Corn League; they say, and I say, that their object was to produce cheap bread for the poor, and to in crease the number of persons employed. But lam not going into that question, we have enough of our own; we know that they and the Anti-Slavery Society collected money from abroad, as well as at home—that they have used the boldest language, language for which he said that the Rev. Mr. Fisher accused them of two crimes—pi omoting assassination and incendiarism. Gentlemen, we are free from even tile accusation of this. But what is this precedent to be given for ? Is it to be said men with the autho rity of this Coutt, or any part of the Court, are to be sent over to England to put down the glorious struggle there, which would give men markets, and give corn in exchange for manufactures, and give cheap bread to the poor ? is that to be turned into a conspiracy ? Ah, no! The Englishmen were safe in the glorious integrity of the jury.box. There there would not be a single juror sworn upon such a trial as this who had been educated in strong opposite opinions to the accused. In England, whoever differed with violence and upon principle with the tra versers would not lee sworn upon the jury. No, they are safe. The angel's wing mounting from the pure jury-box protects i them from it. I should be mocking you in telling you that the English would be in danger; and do you protect us as an English jury would protect them, and I will be satisfied. Now let us come to the machinery of the evidence brought forward to sus. fain this case. I told you there were two classes of evidence—if 1 am not wrong in u3ing the word—brought forward by the At. torney-General—monster meetings and newspaper publications. I will take each separately. lam not here to deny that those meet. ings took place—on the contrary, I admit that they did, and that they were monster assemblages, consisting of tens and hundreds of thousands. It has been somewhere said, that the magnitude of a meeting alone would make it illegal ; but I give so little of weight to such an assertion, that, not thinking it worthy of refutation, I shall not stop to discuss it. But lat once admit that those ewe. ings took place, and I will ask you, Gentlemen of the Jury, was the life of any man, woman, or child—nay, of any animal—lost at them ? You unanimously answer there was not. Was any one struck or injured in the slightest degree at those meetings ? You unanimously answer " No." Was any female, young or old, ex posed at them to any outrage or indelicacy of conduct? You answer, " Not one." Was there one shilling's worth of property belc.nging to any individul destroyed or injured ? You also answer unanimously in the negative. Oh yes—l forgot—l have, perhaps, exaggerated here; for a policeman, in coloured clothes, was put on the table, who swore that at Tara the crowd went near committing the violence of overturning an old woman's gingeibread-stand.— (Laughter.) Now, is it not strange, an extraordinary thing, to tell ine that I infuriated the people to such an extent by those assem blages, that they were on the very verge of rebellion, while their con duct is so exemplary, and their courtesy to each other such, that not even an accident occurred on any of those occasions ? There is not, Gentlemen, a country in the world, except our own, where such meetings could have taken place with the same results ; and there is not in the world a people who could have conducted themselves in such an exemplary manner, except the persecuted and calum. Mated people of Ireland—that " filthy and felonious multitude," as the Times called them. Gentlemen of the Jury, they will abide your verdict patiently. They may disapprove of it, as men usually do of a verdict adverse to their feelings and wishes ; but there will be no violation of the law, whatever your verdict may be, and whatever may be the fate of the humble individual who addresses you, and who boasts that he is the educator of the Irish people in the lesson of legal, peaceable, and continuous political exertion. But it is said, Gentlemen of the Jury, that large meetings necessarily lead to intimidation. Do they? Gentlemen, ask yourselves that question. Were not all the magistrates of the various districts in which those meetings occurredwitnesses of them, and most of those who remain in the commission of the peace, and unfavourable to repeal ; and why were they not produced P Why were not all the clergymen of the Established Church—why were not all the most timid persons, whether in pantaloons or petticoats, produced to bear testimony to this intimidation ? Why, because they could not conscientiously swear that they had endured the slightest apprehension. Thus, with the most ample opportunities of adducing the most abundant proofs of intimidation if it existed, there was an utter absence of evidence, anti did not that absence of evidence speak trumpet-tongued ? I tell the Attorney-General, that having at his command witnesses of the most unimpeachable character, if those meetings were productive of any dread to any portion of the public, he utterly neglected his duty in not producing them, if they could have deposed to such a statement. But not a particle of such evidence has been produced, for the sufficient reason—that it did not exist. If those meetings were dangerous to the public peace, why not proclaim them ? If we were seditious, why not warn us? And, when they wore at length proclaimed, after having been permitted for months to proceed without a hint of illegality, was not the proclamation at once obeyed ? Yes, we were branded as conspirators —yes, conspirators, obeying the law and enforcing it. These meetings were not illegal ; they were peaceable meetings, suited to the purposes for which they were con - vened. If it had been at one, or two, or three, or ten of these meetings this peaceable conduct was observed—if it had been only at a few of them that this conduct distinguished the be haviour of the people—it might be said to be casual. But, no, it was the same at them all; they were peaceable by de sign. We have received the same answer—peace—in reference to every one of them. The Government knew of those meetings ; everybody knew of them ; and why were they not impeded if they were illegal ? I am not one of those who say that the Attorney- General endeavoured to entrap persons into criminality. I say no such thing. Ido him more justice. Ido not say that he did not prosecute or interfere, because there was no ground for prosecuting, because there was no ground for interference. Ido not utter one word of reproach or calumny to him. I aim told, my Lord, that a few minutes ago I used the equivocal word " design," in reference to the peaceableness of those meetings, but I only used it in its true meaning. The design to be peaceable existed before one of those meetings took place. It exists now, and it will continue to exist on the part of the people. When I spoke of design, I spoke of the education of the Irish people—that education which taught them that the only way to obtain valuable ameliorations was by acting peaceably and in strict conformity with the law. • I have now done with those meetings, and I ask you, Gentlemen f the Jury, t what evidence are they of the existence of a conspirac I leave that matter to your consciences—to your integrity, as my countrymen. What care I about your political opinions—what 4r eare I about your political sentiments ?—you all know teat you must answer before your Maker for your verdict. WAI, as I said be fore, I will leave those meetings and come to the ilext evidence as to this conspiracy, which is, the newspapers. ' Don't imagine I am going to detain you canvassing the sentences in them ; that has been very ably done already. Thera is not the least proof that I ever saw any one of those newspapers—there is not the least proof of any connexion between me and any of those newspapers. It will be seen by their dates that at the time the very harshest paragraphs appeared in them I was not even in town. But it is proved that at the Association I distinctly disavowed that any news paper was the organ of our body. It is said that we circulated those newspapers, but the effect of that evidence amounts to this only—that those who subscribed a certain sum of money allocated a part of that money to the choice of a newspaper—they selec ted what newspaper they pleased. The newspaper sent to their own choice, and you will recollect, Gentlemen, it was Y a t tionf It claimed that not one of them was the organ of the Association. e not the is also said they contained libels ; if they did, we sent those newspapers, according to the . were subject to the libel proprietors of them punished ? Yeu will recodl:ereeecniecytsTtdes., wtoheur: by the parties, those . newspapers was the province of the Attor ney-General ; if there was libel in them , h b e u f t a i e t t i t s o n , o t t he pr A ov tt ed orn th ey a . t w n c e y G ee circulatedeat t othpartotsvetzthe was 1 ihetle publishers us. T : General would have prosecuted its thesecases, if he had thought it worth his while , and h e did not. W hat, after all, have those newspapers done? Of what have they been guilty ? Of pub halting a parcel of speeches, which I question if any of them would be remembered if it was not for this trial. It is giving fictitious and absurd importance to these newspapers. But they arc charged with exciting the people to tint s vieleUCe t slid ttllntilt. ) 1:4 ‘,l c. 4 ovo. •-. ctitisft& if )10 N—Lictrar.',..m.Ok -.--- 1