The Sun. — London, England, 1844-04-01 00:00:00

tAtitDition SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. Srtla!T of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. - FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. GLOBE.—lreland still continues the difficulty and the disgrace of Sir Robert Peel's administration. The former it might have been without roproach. The latter is not merely its misfortune, but its fault. It . is with Ministers, as with ordinary men— they cannot " command success ;" but, by a strict adherence to principle, and an uncompromising , course of impartial administration of sound po licy, they may " deserve" to succeed; and will even tually, if not at once, succeed in silencing com plaints and establishing confidence in their rule. rom the day that Sir Robert Peel obtained the ob ject of his aim, and, as head of the Administration, selected his instruments of government in Ireland . , down to the last appointment made by those who govern in that country, one " untoward event" has followed another in quick succession—all tending to exhibit the unfitness of the Administration to restore . tranquillity, or to confer prosperity on that part of the empire. Ignorance of the most essential and easily ascertained facts till circumstances, of which a Go vernment should be well informed to be safely guided in its policy, have caused blunders as palpable as they have been mischievous. Infatuation seems to have rendered the executive blind to consequences. Hence, the Ministry has been damaged in charac ter ; the country disturbed by agaitation—vibrat ing between alternate fears for the preservation of social order and hopes of restored peace. The prosecution of O'Connell and his co-agitators was to. vindicate the majesty and assert the supremacy of the laws ; yet that very prosecution was marked, from its commencement to its close, by violations of the Constitution, and by open disregard to that im partiality of administration which gives to the laws their efficiency, and preserves justice from de generating into tyranny. By this perversion of the forms of law to the purposes of oppression—this securing a pre-determined conviction by pre arranged violations of constitutional right, the go vernment has rendered itself the criminal. Public opinion directs its ,severest censures against the ad ministrators of the law; while those who were con victed, by stretching the law that it might reach those who had rendered themselves obnoxious to the party in pffice, are regarded as heroes. If punished in virtue of the conviction thus obtained, they will be elevated into martyrs. The moral influence—from which the admiuistration of justice derives its real power—has been thus neutralised, if not agOlutely enlisted with the convicted parties. No salutary results could follow the infliction upon them of any sentence. A nominal punishment would be at tributed to fear—a severe one to vindictiveness. In either case, the Government would be the sufferer. A virtual triumph will be conferred on O'Connell. Whether he escape, or be incarcerated, is, com paratively, of no moment. At liberty, he would be hailed as the victor in the conflict. In Kilmain ham or Carrickfergus, his prison would be the centre of attraction, within which the sympathies of -his countrymen would be concentrated. From his cell the " Liberator " would issue his periodical behests. These would inspire more reverence. and be invested, in popular estimation, with more solemn sanctions, than the proclamations of Councils, or the enactments of Senates. At the ex piration of the sentence which removed him, for a time, from the presence of his adherents, he would come forth, wielding an immensely increased influence ; exercising a power over the credulous and easily ex cited population, more dangerous than ever to the tran quillity- of the country and the integrity of the em pire. Yet in this dangerous predicament—the result of that want of foresight which seems to have actuated the Government in its mode of dealing with O'Connell and the repeal agitation—another instance is afforded of the folly which actuates the Irish executive. The appointment of a stipendiary magistrate is to be made. The Government is about to give an instance of its desire to conciliate the popular feeling, by selecting for the important post a gentleman whose superior fitness for the office shall be manifest to all. And when the Government does endeavour to do the conciliatory, its success is wonderful. They look round them—weigh the qualifications, mental, moral, and professional, of the numerous aspirants to the honour and emoluments of the office—and they s ilect Mr. O'Brien ! This gentleman's claims to the patronage of the Govern ment and to the confidence of the people were set forth by the Marquis of Normanhy on Friday evening, in the speech by which he called the attention of the House of Lords to the appointment in question. Not only did Mr. O'Brien refuse to give the health of Lord Ebrington, then Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, be cause of his avowed determination to withhold the Go vernment patronage from members of the Repeal As sociation; but he wrote a letter on the subject to R. BiOwne, Esq., the Member for the town in which the dinner took place. In this epistle, which was published at the time, the most fulsome panegy rics were pronounced on O'Connell, and the most inflated protestations of his own devotion to Repeal, - were expressed. TATTERSALL'S.-THIS EVENING, QUARTER TO SIX. O'CLOCK: CHESTER CUP. 11 to 1 agst Pharaoh 14 to 1 agst Cattonite 16 to 1 agst Pagan 20 to 1 agst Alice Hawthorn 22 to 1 agst Vakeel • 25 to 1 agst Scalteen DERRY. 6 to 1 agst Ugly Buck 6 to 1 agst Rattan 15 to 1 agst Orlando 15 to 1 agst Running Rein 20 to 1 agst Cockamaroo 40 to 1 agst Cainpunero 40 to 1 agst Akbar 40 to 1 agst Grey Momus colt—taken 40 to 1 agst Leander 50 to 1 agst Mount Charles 50 to 1 agst Apprentice 50 to 1 agst Qui.Tam IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock. The Marine Mutiny Bill and the Annual Indemnity Bill were read a third time and passed. NE 11 7 ZEALAND. The Earl of MALMESBURY presented a petition from the inhabitants of Wellington, in New Zealand, praying for the establishment of a further armed force in that district of the colony. This petition had been sent over to this country in consequence of a massacre which lately took place in Coolie's Strait. Great apprehension existed in 'the colcny at present as to what steps the Government were likely to take with respect to forwarding additional military force for the protection of the town of Wellington and the colony in general, and also as to what steps they intended to take for the settlement of titles to land with the New Zealand Company. The Earl of RIPON had to state that the com• manding officers of New South Wales and Van Dieman's Land had been directed to forward forces from those two colonies to New Zealand, for the pur pose to which the petitioners alluded. He understood that this force was considered to be sufficient by the commanding officer of New Zealand. He thought the apprehension of the settlers was greater than there was any warrant for, but he trusted that the rein forcement which had been sent over would give them -the security which they sought. At the same time he must say, that the removal of troops in this manner, from one colony to another, was likely to be attended with much inconvenience, espe especially if our colonial empire should extend itself. There was, at present, in existence a law in force in New- Zealand by which the colonists themselves could provide in a great measure for their own s - afety. By this law, the governor was autho r i se d to levy a . militia and establish a constabulary force on the same principle as that in Ireland. With respect to the titles t© land, all he could say was that Captain Fitzroy had been furnished With instructions which were likely to lead to a satis factory settlement of this subject. The Earl of MALMESBURY said the colonists particularly wished a small armed steamer to be es tablished at Wellington. They complained, in their petitition that the Government instructions were not obeyed by the authorities in the colony. After the transaction of some further business their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. . Captain HARRIS took the oaths and his seat for the borough of Christchurch. COUNTY COURTS' BILL. _ • ' Col. WOODpr . e - sente - da petition in favour of the , County Courts' Bill, from a place in Somersetshire (Its we understood). .., Mr. BROTIIERTON presented a petition from Joseph Hamilton, of Annadale Cottage, Dublin, against the practice of duelling, and recommending a b _icF:y,lVl'r.v6stLETT presented a petition from a place Ireland - sp . ing for a repeal of the legislative union. ( 7 1 5 . T ." Plat/ PTRE presented a petiti on f rom K ent r in favour of p teetion to agriculture. GAY - Y presented petitions from Yorkshire against the cow-laws. ,Sir IT. lis,l9Lis presented 'petitions against the when of the.sOes of St. Asaph and Bangor., Mr. YORKE presented a similar petition from the Archdeaeonry of York. Colonel WOOD presented several potitions from • Wales in .favour of the County Courts' Bill. M. GIBSON' presented pk,ti' on from the mayor and corporation of Manchester, complaining of neglect on the part of the Post-office authorities. The Hon. Member gave notice that he should, on the Ist Friday after Easter, call the attention of the House to the petition. Mr. COBDEN presented a petition from Stockport against the ten hour clause in the Factories Bill. Mr. GREGORY presented a petition from the South Dublin Union, praying for inquiry into the working of the poor-laws in Ireland. He gave notice that to-morrow he should move that the petition be printed. Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from Capt. Hamilton, on the subject of harbours of refuge. Capt. PECHELL presented a petition from Lieut. Pringle, complaining that the Admiralty had not done him justice with respect to an invention in naval ar chitecture, and praying the House to take his case into c onsideration. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the inhabi tants of Kenmare, in Scotland, praying that the sup plies should not be granted to Ministers till the grievances of the people were redressed. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON presented a petition from the cigar manufacturers of the metropolis, praying that no alteration should be made in the duty on tobacco. Mr. GLADSTONE brought up the Report of ie Committee on railways. NOTICES 'OF MOTION. Mr. B. WALL gave notice that, after Easter he would move for the appointment of a Select Com mittee to inquire into the building of the Houses of Parliament, and to report thereon. Mr. COBDEN gave notice that he would, after Easter, move for a Select Committee to inquire into the effect of protective duties upon the national re venues. Dr. BOWRING gave notice of his intention to call the attention of the House to the necessity of giving effect to the recommendation of the Commis sioners respecting the public revenue. Mr. TRELAWNEY wished to know from the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies, whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to lay before the House any papers explanatory of the recent transactions in Canada. Lord STANLEY had no desire to conceal from ,he House the difficulties in which the Canadian Go vernment was placed. By the latest accounts which he had received from Sir Charles Metcalfe it ap peared that no Administration had been formed, and he would submit to the House that it would be bet- ter to delay the granting of the papers until some de finite result was known. JUSTICES' CLERKS. _ _ _ An HON. MEMBER said, that seeing the Right llon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home De partment in his place, he begged to put a question to him. It would be in his recollection that the Noble Lord, the Member for Lincolnshire, had made a mo tion respecting fees to magistrates' clerks, and that he was met by an assurance that the subject was under the consideration of the Government, and that a Bill would shortly be laid on the table of the House. His Noble Friend had communicated with him, and expressed his disappointment that the Bill had not been brought in. On the 14th of March, a positive assurance was given that a Bill was in preparation, and would shortly be brought in. What he now wished to ask was—whether the Bill was now in such a state of preparation that it would be laid on the table before the Easter recess—and, if not, when it would be brought in? Mr. MANNERS SUTTON, in answering the question, begged to state the circumstances — under which he gave the explanation, which his Noble Friend had evidently misapprehended. What he bad said was, that the subject was under the con sideration of his Right llon. Friend (Sir J. Graham), and that he hoped no long time would elapse before a Bill was introduced. But he did not distinctly state that a Bill would be brought in. Of course it would be impossible for him to state now what definite course would be taken on a subject which was still under consideration. It must be clear from what he had already said, that there was no intention of bring ing in a Bill before the recess. 'Mr. HAWES begged to ask the Right Hon. Gen tleman, whether a Bill would be brought in before the recess ? for the understanding was clear that the Bill was in preparation. He understood, that the Noble Lord (Worsley) had withdrawn his Bill in the belief that the Government had taken up the subject. Mr. M. SUTTON repeated that the measure was under consideration, and he could not undertake to say what course would eventually be pursued. WELSH GRIEVANCES. Dr. BOWRING, pursuant to notice, put a ques tion to her Majesty's Ministers, whether it was the intention of the Government to introduce any legis lative measure for the removal of the Welsh griev ances, which had"been reported on by the Commission lately appointed by the Crown ? Mr. M. SUTTON said that it was only on one subject—that of turnpikes—the Commissioners had re commended legislation. That applied only to South Wales, but it was under the consideration of the Go- vernment whether they would introduce a measure relating only to South Wales, or one including the whole principality. G OLD AND SILVER WARES BILL. In answer to a question from Mr. HASTIE, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he would postpone the Bill until after Easter, and on the first night after the recess he would state when he would bring the Bill into committee. THE BUDGET. In answer to a question from Mr. DIVETT, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he intended to bring forward the Budget on this day fortnight. AMERICAN RICE. Mr. HUME hav;ng understood that it would be inconvenient that he should bring forward the motion of which he had given notice, for a copy of, or extracts from the correspondence between the American Am bassador and the British Government, respecting the admission of paddy and Ile?, the produce of the United States, into Great Britain, at the same rates of duty as paddy and rice were admitted into Great Britain from the west coast of Africa, would postpone his motion until after Easter. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that there was a correspondence at present going on on the subject, and that the production of the papers alluded to would tend to embarrass the negotiation. MASTERS AND SERVANTS' BILL. Mr. T.DU7I•ICOMBE presented several petitions against the Masters and Servants' Bill. QUARANTINE. Lord SANDON wished to ask the Hon. Member for Bolton if it was his intention to direct the atten tion of the House to the subject of the quarantine laws. Dr. BOWRING intended, unless some satisfactory communication should be made on the subject by the Government to the House, to move for the appoint ment of a Select Committee to consider the subject immediately after Easter. Mr. GLADSTONE could hardly be expected to make any communication on the sub;ect at present. The Government had taken steps which might pro bably lead to some important results. Communica tions had been made to the different powers engaged in the Mediterranean trade for the purpose of endea vouring to induce them to shorten the time of qua rantine. The obstacles which had hitherto stood in the way of coming to a satisfactory conclusion on this subject had been removed, and there was every pros pect that the powers concerned in the trade of the Mediterranean would consent a shortening of the time of quarantine.; Dr. BOWRING would give notice of a Committee on the subject after Easter. He would, in the mean time, enter into communication with the Right Hon. Gentleman, and modify his motion according to the information he might obtain. HILL COOLIES. Lord SANDON asked if the Government had re ceived any communication on the subject of the emigration of labourers from the East to the West Indies. Lord STANLEY had sent a dispatch to the Governor-General of India on the subject—the re ceipt of the dispatch had been acknowledged, and the Government of India would devote their anxious attention to the su bj ec t, b u t he could not tell when he should be in a condition to afford any information to the House on th e matter. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL said that as the adjournment of the House for the Easter recess was to be moved to-morrow, he hoped that the Right Hon. Gentleman would to-morrow state what Bills the Government intended to take immediately after Easter. CONVOCATION. Mr. BORTIIIVICK postponed until after Easter the motion of which he had given notice, on the sub ject of the assembling the convocation of the clergy. BANK CHARTER. Mr. GISBORNE wished to ask whether the mea sure on the subject of the Bank Charter, which the Right Hon. Gentleman proposed to Intl-mince after Easter, would affect the system of Banking generally, or whether it would, in its essence, be confined to the renewal of the charter of the Bank of England. Also, whether the measure was intended to extend to the whole of the United Kingdom. Sir R. PEEL complained that the Right Hon. Gentleman had not given notice of his question. He proposed to bring the subject before the House im mediately after the recess, but he must decline at entering into particulars, and in this course he was following the precedent set by Lord Althorp. IRISH TRIALS. Mr. DUNCOMBE asked if there would be any objection to lay before the House the short-hand writers' notes of the Irish State trials. Sir R. PEEL—None. THE toNDOW, MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 1 1944, BUSINESS OP TIIE lIOUSE. Sir R. PEEL said, that his Noble Friend had given notice of his intention to move the Irish Regis gation Bill before the Orders of the Day. That course had been pursued, because the Government had thought that it was the general wish of the House to have that measure explained at an eat ly period ; but although it was a Government night, he had no wish to establish a precedent, and his Noble Friend would not proceed unless with the wish of the House.—(Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL wished to know if it was in tended to take the Orders of the Day after the Noble Lord's motion ? Sir R. PEEL—Yes. IRISH REGISTRATION. Lord ELIOT rose for the purpose of moving that leave be given to bring in a Bill for amending the law relating to the registration of voters for Members of Parliament in Ireland. The subject to which he was about to call the attention of the House had often been discussed within those walls, and it would not be necessary for him to preface the explanation he was about to give of the main provisions of the Bill by any lengthened exposition of the defects in2the existing law. These defects were, the power of challenging the rights of voters to remain on the list, the multiplicity of objections, the facility of personation, and a variety of other defects which had been acknowledged by almost every other Mem ber of that House who had taken a part in the dis cussion on this question. Various proposals had been made by Gentlemen on both sides of the House with a view of applying a remedy to those defects, and those proposals had given rise to discussions which had occasionally been rather of an acrimonious nature. On the present occasion, however, he wished this question to be discussed solely on its own merits, with a view of securing a satisfactory adjustment of its difficulties. He should not, therefore, refer to those discussions, or, if he did, it would not be in a tone or manner calculated to excite angry feelings. A proposal to amend the law of registration in Ireland was made during the existence of the late Govern ment ; but it was resisted by that Government on the ground that the existing system had prevailed for many years, and that it was unadvisable to alter it But, at the same time, Lord Althorp distinctly de clared that if time and experience should prove that the system of registration which had been introduced into England was well adapted for its purpose, and was an efficient system, it would he ad visable to extend that system to Ireland. He (Lord Eliot) thought there could be no doubt that the sys tem of registration in England did give general and great satisfaction. The defects in it which experience during the last ten years had pointed out, were re moved by the Act of last session, and he believed the measure, as it stood, was not only adapted to its pur pose as a system of registration for England, but that if it were transplanted to Ireland mutatis mutandis, it would be a great improvement on the system that prevailed in that country. It was this system, therefore, which her Majesty's Government proposed to that House for introduction into Ireland. The measure proposed to give to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in Council the power of dividing counties into polling districts ; in each polling place of which district the revising barrister should hold an annual court of revision and registration. It was pro posed to reserve to the assistant barrister ap • pointed to preside in the Court of Quarter Ses sions, and who at present also presided in the Registration Courts, the duty of the revising bar rister. They were in general men perfectly competent to perform their duties in a manner satisfactory to the counties in which they were stationed, and there were no grounds for creating any new officers to preside in the registration courts. His next point referred to the right of appeal. An appeal was allowed in England as to the law, though nut upon the facts of the case, and it was vested in the Court of Common Pleas. They did not propose to give this appeal in Ireland to the Court of Common Pleas, but to the Court of Exchequer Chamber. The duties of the several law courts in Ireland were very heavy and multifarious, and for this reason, chiefly, they proposed to vest the new power in the Ex chequer Chamber, because all the judges belonged to that court, and the questions that would be brought for decision would always have the consideration of a majority of them, namely, seven. He did not wish then to go into the reasons why the Court of Com mon Pleas should not be preferred in Ireland as it was in England, but he might say that in giving it to all the judges they pursued a course which they con sidered most likely to give general satisfaction. There were only one or two minor differences be tween the English and the Irish system, which he thought it necessary to allude to. The duty of com paring the lists was in England confided to the over seer, in Ireland they proposed to confide it to the baronial collector. In England the town-clerks, ex ercising the duties as clerks of the peace, had the custody of the lists, and they proposed that the clerk of the peace should have the custody of them in Ireland. With regard to the time of polling, there would not be any material difference, for they pro posed to limit its duration to one day for boroughs, and to two days for counties.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He believed this - portion of the measure would meet with a very gene ral assent, correcting, as it would do, many great abuses that now took place, and curtailing the very unnecessary expenses which now so frequently , took place. He would now state what it was pro posed to do with the existing registers. He proposed that all persons now on the register should be replaced on the new register, and should not be liable to chal lenge during the remainder of the term for which the present register would have lasted, except where he had parted with any portion of his property. He was aware that there might be some objections made to that. It might be said, and with truth, that there were improper votes upon the register, and that the revising barristers ought to be enabled to purge the register of such votes as were, he would not say fraudulent, but were improperly placed there. On the contrary, he (Lord Eliot) thought it was better that a few improper votes should remain on the register than that persons having a bona fide claim should be exposed to a vexatious process of challenge, and thus he now proposed that these parties should not be liable to challenge for the remainder of the term of eight years, which the law now allowed them to remain on the Register. At the end of that time they would have a right to be entered in the Register, liable under the same rules as other claimants, and liable to any ground of objection which might be urged against them. He also proposed by this Bill. to give double costs in cases of frivolous objections and unsupported claims. These were the principal provisions ofthe Bill with respect to registration and polling, and if there were any provisions of this part ofthe Bill towhich he had not adverted, he was ready to give an answer to any gentleman who might seek further information upon it. He would next proceed to the third and most important, and most difficult branch of this subject—he meant the qualification of voters. The House was well aware that the question of the fran chise was in a most unsatisfactory state. In the year 1829, when by the 10th of George IV. the right of voting from 403. freeholds was abolished, there were in Ireland, if he were not mistaken, 216,000 electors. He certainly did not propose at that moment to enter into the merits of that ques tion, but he believed that, with a few exceptions, the abuses of that system were so generally recognised, that the propriety of its abolition was very generally concurred in, and he thought the effect of the measure had been to give a good example. In the year 1829, as he had already said, there were in Ireland 216,000 electors ; but it was worthy of observation, that out of those there were 102,000 registered for seven counties. At the present moment the actual constituency of the county Kildare was larger than in the year 1829, and in the county of Wicklow he thought the constituency was rather larger than at the present time, whilst in some other counties the numbers were nearly the same at the present time as they were in 1829. He merely mentioned this because he thought the effect of the Act of 1829 had been a good deal exaggerated. In the following year the number of electors was 39,700, and the effect of the Reform Bill, in the following y ear, was to increase the number of the electors from 52,000 to 60,000. The number was 64,000 in 1835 ; 76,000 in 1837 ; 57,000 in 18U ; and 63,000 in 1842. From the time of the Reform Bill down to the present period 11,000 had been added to the constituency of Ireland. The addition was made in this case in words. In the Reform Bill the words were "the clear value to him," that was to the occupant, this being supposed to define more clearly, not the value of the estate itself, but the interest which the owner or occupier had in it. Those words were expunged in the House of Lords, and the then Go vernment did not think it expedient to insert them in the Irish Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman the pre sent Chancellor of Ireland, objected to the admission of these words, and said that considerable doubt and uncertainty would arise from their insertion. He believed that the Learned Gentleman, Mr. Lefroy, proposed as a means of obviating the difficulty, the insertion of the words " beneficial interest." Those words were introduced, certainly with no in any intention on th e part of the proposer of them, way to decrease the franchise; and he (Lord Eliot) had not been able to discover that her Ma jesty's Government the n G overnment entertaine d any suc h d es i gn . It was clearly an d exp li c i tly stated b y a N o bl e D u k e t he intention ; a nd lie ofin the other H ouse ( t h e Duke of Richmon d) , t h at i t qualification was not to raise the ever existed. It was p er f ect l y true that the A ct, the 10th of George th e thatFou Fourth, h o such d intention did impose oath," an by whichthcommonlyitwas called provided ' `the that the solvent tenant should be capable of being let for the specified amount to a solvent tenant. That oath was omitted in the Reform Bill. In the 19th of George 11. the same oath was imposed upon freeholders ; by the 13th of George 111. that oath was omitted ; but he be lieved it was nevel contended, either in Ireland or England, that a clear, beneficial value— that is, a surplus after the payment of rent and other expenses —was invariably necessary. It was clearly defined that clear yearly value meant the value for which the tenement might be let to a solvent tenant. That was the interpretation recognised by the Court 4, but he knew doubts existed upun the point in the English courts; but the insertion of the words "be neficial interest," and their omission from the oath, gave rise to a different interpretation of the law in Ireland, and the assistant barristers and some of the judges held that the proper interpretation to be put on the clause was what the estate might be worth to the occupier. The question was argued in the Court of Exchequer Chamber in 1837, on a• case which was tried before Chief Justice Bushe, and in that case it was laid down not only that the solvent tenant test was the proper inter pretation, but that the solvent tenant oath was the oath to be administered to the jury, Two of the judges held that the solvent tenant test was no longer applicable, and three of them held it was applicable, but that no oath was to be administered, and the re mainder of the judges decided that the oath was pro perly administered, and that the solvent tenant test should remain in force. The minority of the judges and several of the assistant-barristers declined to be bound by the opinion of the majority, and this was one great cause of uncertainty. It was therefore right that Parliament should put an end to the doubt, and that the question of value should be defined by legis lation.—(Hear, hear.) Looking, then, to the deci sions of the majority of the judges, and the inten tions of The legislature, and to the practice in England and Scotland, and to the established constitution, which required a bona fide property arising out of land be determined to render the Irish law conforma ble the law of England and Scotland. and to require that there should be a clear yearly value over and above all rents and charges. It might be said that this object could be attained in a more simple manner. In 1841 the No ble Lord, the Member for Sunderland, which he and many of those who sat behind him, felt bound to support. The proposition distinctly recognised the principle of preperty arising out of land. The Noble Lord proposed to take the rating under the poor-law valuation, but the reports which he had received on the subject convinced him that this proposition would be in a great measure illusory. He had received the rentals of several gentlemen's property, in which he placed the greatest confidence. But if gentlemen were not satisfied with his statement of the confidence which he reposed in these com munications, they were not bound to express any opinion upon them. All the communications which he had received from every part of Ireland—north, south, east, and west—with feiv exceptions, satisfied him that if they were to fix on a n y rate below 101., if only 51., they would thereby expunge from the regis tration list a larger portion of the present constituency than they would expunge by the introduction of the solvent tenant test. Besides, he did not think it would be fit, or even becoming, on the part of her Majesty's Government to depart from the ancient principles of the franchise in Ireland and Scotland, unless some large and practical good was to follow. —(Hear, hear.) He now admitted, without the least hesitation or reserve, that the effect of the ap plication of the solvent tenant test so stringently as he proposed, would be to deprive of their votes a very considerable number, ifnot of the present constituency, certainly of the 101. occupants. It would be impos sible for him to say precisely what the effect would be, but, according to the data which he. had been able to collect, he was willing to admit that it was very possible that two-thirds of the existing occupants (10/. leaseholders and freeholders)—he again observed not constituency—would be disfranchised. He be lieved that class of occupants amounted to about 40,000, and it was obvious that one-third of the number which would remain on the registry under the Solvent Tenant Test were not adequate the express the opinions and feelings of the portion of the peeple whom they were intended to represent. It was de clared by the Noble Lord, at the beginning of the Session, during the debate upon the state of Ireland,• that it was expedient to give, if not an identical, at least a substantial equality in the franchise to Ireland with the people of this country.—(Hear, hear.) In making, then, so l arge a re d uc ti o n of the consti tuency as the new test would effect, it was necessary to seek for some compensation, for it must be admitted that the restricted number would be inade quate to express the wants and wishes of the com munity, for whose behalf the franchise was entrusted to them. Her Majesty's Ministers thought it desira ble that there should be a community of interests and feelings between the constituent body snd those for whom the franchise was entrusted to them. Her Majesty's Ministers, therefore, thought it expedient to seek for a constituency amongst a class of persons who, by their independent position, would be enabled to give unbiassed and unprejudiced votes, and who were not too far removed from the body of the inhabitants of the electoral district. He conceived that, if the franchise were made to depend merely upon the money amount of rent, it would be attended, amongst many inconveniences and uncertainties, with a practise of collision on the part of the landlord, and to give him an inducement to raise the nominal amount of rent. He Thought, therefore, they should seek a test less liable to misapprehensnsion. The Government proposed that all occupiers, no mat ter what their tenure—that all occupiers who were rated to the relief of the poor in a certain amount should have the benefit of the franchise. Then the question was, what should be the amount of that rating—what, looking at the amount both of the population, th e r ental, and the property of the coun try, would be sufficient for the purpose, and yet high enough to secure the independence of the voter. The inquiries of her Majesty's Government had led to the belief that a man rated to the relief of the poor in the sum of 301. a year would probably be possessed-of sufficient capital to render him an independent person . It appeared that there were in Ireland 76,000 tenements rated to the poor which are rated in that amount. Certain deductions must be made for that number on account of tenements held by widows and minors, and of persons holding under other qualifica tions. Deducting o ne-seventh for the first class, and another seventh from the other, they might assure that 25,000 would be the addition to the constituency under the new qualification. Assuming that 25,000 should be placed on the register under the new fran chise, there would be an addition of 30,000 to the county constituency of Ireland. But her Majesty's Go vernment feeling that one of the links of the social chain in Ireland was wanting from the total absence of that class represented by the yeomen or small in dependent p ro p r i e tors of England, would e ncourage the creati on o f su ch a class of voters by th e addi tional inducement of giving them the franchise. H e proposed, th ere f ore , that all persons possessing a free hold inheritance of 51. clear yearly value above all quit rents, or possessed of a lease on lives, renewable for ever, so as to be equal to a freehold inheritance, should hereafter have a vote. This, he hoped, would have the effect of inducing persons to invest their capital in ,the purchase of small freehold. That would give a more independent class of votes, and it was but just that such a class of men should be invested with the election franchise. He was not prepared to say that the effect at present to be pro duced would be considerable, but the ultimate effect would be very beneficial, and he believed that in many parts of Ireland perpetual leases, that was, leases renewable for ever, were by no means uncom mon. He believed that the measure Would have the effect of adding considerably to the number of respectable votes in the Irish counties. There was one other other alteration which he proposed to make in the existing, and that was, that it was not intended that either freeholders or inheritable lease holders should he required to be in actual occupation. This would of great assistance to small capitalists in acquiring votes. I n England 101. freeholders were not required to be i n occupat i on o f th e property f or which they voted, an d i t was i nten d e d to assimilat e the law of Ireland to the law of England in that re spect. They intended to dispense with occupation in all cases of freeholds exceeding 101. in value. Before the passing of the Reform Act occupation was not required in England for 40s. freeholders. Since the passing of the Act, however, occupation had been re quired in all cases of freeholds under the value of 101. Those were all the alterations that he proposed intro ducing in the qualification of county voters. He would now call the attention of the House to the al terations which he proposed to introduce in the quali fication of voters for towns under the Reform Act in England. All that was required of a voter was the payment of two assessments—namely, the assessed taxes and the poor rates. But it should be borne in mind that under the comprehensive term " poor's rates," what was called in Ireland county cess was also paid, inasmuch as under the denomination " poor's-rates " the borough voter in England paid not only the rate for the relief of the poor, but also a large portion of the county cess: In England, there fore, it was necessa r y t h a t the voter before .he could exercise the franchise must pay a much larger sum as poor-rates than he would be liable to in. Ireland. For a ten-pound house in many of the larger boroughs in England, taking assessed taxes, and the various sums falling under the term of poor-rates, there would be about three shillings its the pound to pad before a title to vote was made out. In Ireland, under the Reform Act, there were county rates, muni cipal rates, ;and cesses to pay. The consequence was, that to make out your title to vote, it was necessary to pay a considerable number of taxes, some or great magnitude, and others annoying, rather from their number than their large individual amount. This it was desirable to simplify. He proposed then as a substitute for the assessed taxes to require payment of the town rate for paving, lighting, and watching; of the poor-rate; of the bo rough rate ; and of the police rate. His object was to make the right of franchise correspond as nearly as possible to that of the correspend ing class of voters in England. Though all his statements were founded on facts, which could be verified by documents then before him. He .had not read extractt from those docu ments, not wishing, in this stage of the measure, needlessly to trouble the. House. Were the accu racy however of any of his statements doubted, he trusted such doubt would be expressed, that he might at once give evidence of their truth One of the great objects the Government had in view was, to relieve the voter from the multiplicity of claims he was called upon to satisfy—the vexation attendant upon which was greater than the aggre gate money amount of them. He was sure it was not his own intention, nor the intention of the House, to deprive any mat of his vote, but rather to simplify the proper means for the acquisition of it. All that ought to be required was a fair guarantee of the solvency of the party claiming a vote, and his fulfilment, after a clear and simple form, of the con ditions attached to the right. He was not aware there were any other points it was necessary for him then to touch upon. tie believed that the proposition, if adopted, would place the electoral franchise of Ireland upon a wider and more extended basis ; and though that basis was not upon the same principle as the franchise of Eng land, still he believed that it would be found to be more extended than it was either in England or Scot land. Ile earnestly hoped that the great body of the Irish nation would see that the proposal of that measure by the Government was a redemption of the pledge given by his Right Hon. Friend at the head of her Majesty's Government in the speech to which he (Lord Eliot) had referred, and that they would see in the adoption of it by the Imperial Par liament an earnest desire to impart to the people of Ireland the enjoyment of equal rights and equal fran chises with the people of this country. And he trusted that those to whom those powers were now entrusted for the first time, would bear in mind that they were so intrusted, not for any advantage to themselves alone—not for the advantage merely of the district in which they resided or even of their own country, but that they were given for the good of the whole of this great and still united Empire. Mr. HUME asked what would be the addition to the number of voters by this Bill ? Lord ELIOT said that the Bill proposed to relieve voters of certain taxes and burdens, but that it would be impossible for any gentleman to hazard a corrz.ct opinion as to the in crease of numbers it might cause. It was his intention to lay the Bill on the table to morrow, and it would be then printed, and thus Hon. Gentlemen would have ample time to consider its provisions. It was suggested to him now, that instead of rising again, he- would explain at once the nature of the alterations proposed to be made in the Muni cipal Corporations Bill. The House was aware that when that measure passed through that House, the assimilation of the municipal franchise of Ireland with that of England was impossible. The municipal franchise of England was based on the occupation of a house for a given time, and on the payment of rates for the same period. Now as the poor-law valuation had not been a sufficient time in force in Ireland when the Municipal Corporation Bill became the law, it was impossible to place the muni cipal franchise of Ireland upon that basis. It was now proposed to remove any cause of complaint which might arise at the difference which existed between the municipal franchise of Ireland and that of England, by assimilating them as far as pos sible. He believed, that in all the great cities, towns, and boroughs of Ireland, with the exception of Wexford, which wanted a few months of the ne cessary time, that in all those large towns the poor-law was in operation a sufficient time to act as a test similar to that which it required. It was therefore proposed to extend to Ireland the provisions of the Municipal Registration Bill of England in that respect, and to give to every inhabi tant householder who should have occupied, for the space of three years, and who, during that time, had been rated for the relief of the poor, and who had paid his rates and taxes up to that time—it was proposed to give to him the right of voting. He did ,not wish now to revert to the discussion on the Corporations Bill. No man could regard more than he did what he must describe as a perversion of the powers which Parliament had given. He regretted that the municipal corporations should have become normal schools of agitation ; he thought it would have been much better if they had confiped themselves to their own peculiarduties. But, however he might regret this, he could not divest himself of the conviction that every man in a farm who contributed by the payment of rates and taxes to the maintenance of that farm, was entitled to a vote in the administra tion of its local affairs ; and he did hope and trust that , after the temporary effervescence which now existed in Ireland would have subsided, all parties con nected with municipal corporations would turn their attention to their own local affairs, and reserve the expression of their political opinions for a more fitting opportunity.—(Hettr, hear.) The House were aware that the grand jury, municipal, and poor's rates were at present payable as a condition attached to the municipal franchise. He believed that, ire Dublin, there were not less than one or two and twenty of these local taxes.—(Hear, hear.) He did not mean that every man was liable to the payment of these local taxes, but that these taxes were payable in certain districts, and-he believed that some individuals in Dublin were actually liable to the payment of 14, 15, or 16 local taxes, the non-payment of any one of which would deprive them of the right of voting at a mu nicipal election. It was proposed to make the payment of taxes in this respect cor respond with the payment which entitled a person to exercise the Parliamentary franchise. He was not aware that there was any other point to which it was necessary to call the attention of the House. That was the only provision of any importance which this Bill contained. Thanking the House for the attention with which they had listened to his state ment, he begged for leave to bring in the Bill. • The question having been put, Lord ELIOT said there was one point of some im portance which he had omitted, and perhaps the House would allow him to supply the omission. It was pro posed to introduce into the Irish law a provision with regard to joint occupation, which would place it on the same footing there as in this ceuntry. Mr. M. O'FERIIALL said that the Noble Lord, though he had conceded every principle against which his pnrty had once contended, had yet fallen far short in his propositions to carry them out. The Noble Lord had proved by his Bill that all the complaint, and all the agitation which existed upon this subject were fully justified.—(Hear, hear.) But the Noble Lord had fallen into all those errors into which it might be expected lie would, considering the advice under which he acted.— (Hear.) He believed the Noble Lord himself possessed the best and most honest intentions, but he believed the views of the Noble Lord were not carried out in his own Bill. The principle of the Bill was the main thing.; but, after all, the way in which the principle was to be carried out was a great point. The majority of the judges had de cided that the solvent tenant test should be applied, that was, that a solvent tenant should be able to pay 101. over and above what was paid by the occupier, and that he understood was the interpretation which the Noble Lord intended to give in his Bill. The Noble Lord admitted that such an interpretation would diminish the present number of voters on the registry by one-fourth and to allow for .this, he proposed to give the fran chise to persons rated under the poor-law at 301. a year. This would, at the least, make 501. a year rent ; and he contended that any man paying such a rent would be able to qualify at the quarter sessions under the present in terpretation of the law. If his statement was correct the 25,000 votes he proposed to give by the 301. rating would prove to be nothing at all. There was an important part of the case which was omitted by the Noble Lord, namely, that he did not state whether this 201. was to be a tenancy-at-will or not. Lord ELIOT—It was an occupation of 301. Mr. M. O'FERRALL—Then to that he enter tained a strong objection, for it would place the votes much more under the influence of the land lords than he was under . the present Bill. - The persons who, under the present law, had the 101. qualification, are protected by their leases, an d cou ld nut be turned out by the landlords for voting according to their own feelings; but the persons rated at 301. were, for the most part, so placed under the present law, that they could be ejected upon in three months uotice.—(Hear, hear.) The result would be to place the best and most industrious part of the community entirely in the power of the landlords. He thought a franchise of this kind the greater curse that could be inflicted on Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) It was better to say at once that those w h o held land in tenancy should not vote at all—(Hear, hear)—better to inquire how many tenants rated at 301. each landlord, had upon his estates, and to give him at once just as many votes as he had such tenants. Nothing could be more unjust, impolitic, or dan gerous, than to give the landlords of Ireland any in creased power over the conscsentious exercise of the constitutional rights of his tenants.—(Hear, hear.) The danger to which property was at present exposed in Ireland, and which was on the increase, could not but aggravated by giving the landlords this further pryer of interference. When the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire made his celebrated speech upon the bribery that prevailed at Irish elec tions he forgot to mention the bribery which was induced by the clause giving the franchise upon rent charges of 201. and 50/. In many instances persons without proving that they received that qualification came down to the election, and upon swearing that they had such rent-charge were allowed to vote. A similar abuse existed in Scotland, but then in Scotland there was a balance of evils, for parties were nearly equal in that part of the kingdom, and, if one side created fraudulent votes, the abuse was compensated by the other party creating an equal number; but in Ireland, the land, for the most part, was in the liar. ds of one party, and there was no such means compensating fraud on the one hand, and by equal fraud on the other. (LEFT SPEAKING.) MURDER AND ATTEMPTED SUICIDE. On Saturday evening the neighbourhood of St. Marylebone, was thrown into a state of great excite ment by the perpetration of a most dreadful murder, committed by a man named Wm. Crouch upon the person of Frances Crouch, his wife, and the subse quent attempted suicide of the murderer. The scene of the horrible occurrence is Little Marylebone street, leading out of Great Marylebone-street, near High-street. The murdered woman, who is about 26 or 27 years of age, had been married to her wretched husband, who is about 25 years of age, in the month of July, 1842, and had a child, now about nine months old. Since their marriage Crouch has led rather an idle life, acting as a horse-keeper occasionally, but never being in constant employ, while his wife was a most prudent and industrious woman, main taining him for a part of the time by her labour, and the assistance she received from her mother, who is living, in the situation of a lady's maid, in the neigh bourhood of Wilton-place. For some time they were living together at No. 7, Little Chesterfield street, but his conduct towards his w ife was very bad, and her mother declined any longer to assist her un less she consented to part from her husband, which step she adoped about a fortnight since, when the lodging in Little Chesterfield-street was given up, the landlord relinquishing 1/. rent which was due. Mrs. Crouch from that time slept at the house of a person namel Hembury, Corn-dealer, 22, Great Marylebone street, to whom she was well known, and during the daytime left her infant in the care of a female named Line, the wife of a journeyman tailor, living at the house of Mr. Davis, circulating library, No. 4, Little Marylebone-street, at which house the murder was committed. Crouch still remained at No. 7, Little Chesterfield-street, in the room of another lodger, where his wife, notwithstanding they were parted, almost daily took the child to him that he might see it. On Saturday morning Mrs. Crouch went to chair at the house of Mr. Bubb, bottle merchant, No. 11, Westmoreland -street, in the same vicinity, leaving the child, as usual, with Mrs. Line. On leaving her work, shortly after six o'clock, she went to Mrs. Line's for the purpose of suckling the child, and while doing so began to mend a pair of stockings for her husband. Mrs. Line, shortly after Mrs. Crouch had entered the room, which is on the attic story, left it for the purpose of cleaning the stairs, leaving in the room with Mrs. Crouch her own child, of about six years of age. While so engaged the husband, William Crouch, came up the stairs, and was allowed by Mrs. Line to pass her and go into the room: He had not been there, however, above a minute before Mrs. Line was alarmed by the loud cries of her child, "Oh, mother, mother and on her hurrying up, and entering the room, she saw Mrs. Crouch in the act of falling off her chair, with the floor deluged with blood, and her husband stand ing by a chest of drawers, wiping a razor with a piece of rag. On seeing Mrs. Line the murderer instantly rushed pasther, and ran down stairs into the street ; but she immediately followed hi m , an d ra i s i ng an ou t c ry of " stop him," he was stopped, after running about two hundred yards, and given into the custody of Sergeant Bennett, 18 D, who came up at the moment, by whom he was taken back to the house. On their return to the apartment, a most horrid spectacle pre sented itself, the murdered woman being found on the floor in a sitting posture, with her back against a turn up bedstead, having in her lap her unconscious off spring, whose clothes were completely saturated with her blood, which was flowing from a most desperate wound in her -throat. The child was immediately given into the care of a female in the house, and re moved from the tragic scene. Mr. Joseph, surgeon, of No. 15, Great Marylebone-street, arrived in a minute or two after the discovery of the murder, and, OR examining Mrs. Crouch, declared life to be quite extinct, the instrument with which the wound was inflicted having completely severed the windpipe, with the whole of the arteries and veins of the neck, leaving only the vertebrae. In the meantime the murderer was removed by Sergeant Bennett and others of the police to the station-house in Marylebone-lane, followed by a large concourse of persons, where, on his arrival, he was immediately searched by order of Inspector Brown, when the razor, which was stained with blood, was found in his trousers pocket. While searching him he was noticed to hold his chin down in his necker chief, and on Inspector Brown telling him to hold up his head, it was found that he also had a wound in his throat, from which a considerable quantity of blood had flowed inside his clothes. Mr. Clark, a surgeon, living opposite the station-house, was in stantly sent for, who, on examination, found a wound, about three inches and a half long, on the left side of the neck, full one inch deep, and gaping about two inches, which extended nearly to the windpipe. Mr. Clark, finding great diffi cu lty in dressing it in the station-house, had the prisoner re moved to his own surgery, where the wound was sewed up and properly dressed. While dressing it Mr. Clark asked Crouch how he could have been guilty of so horrible an action ? to which he replied, "It's all drink ?" He was then removed back to the station-house, where Mr. Joseph had by that time arrived, when the charge was entered on the sheet as follows :—" William Crouch, charged with murder ing his wife, Frances Crouch, at No. 4, Little Mary lebone-street, by cutting her throat with a razor, and with attempting to commit suicide." Crouch was then, on the recommendation of a surgeon, removed in a cab by Inspector Tedman and Sergeant Bennet to the infirmary of St. Marylebone workhouse, in the New-road, where he will remain until he is brought up for examination at Marylebone Police -court. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (SATURDAY.) CITY POLICE COMMITTEE. Mr. W. Timbrell, proprietor of the Goldsmiths' Arms, Albion-buildings, Bartholomew-close, attended, in com pany with Mr. Duncombe, the solicitor, to answer a summons for unlawfully allowing his house to be open on Sunday morning last during Divine service, to which he pleaded Not Guilty. The Magistrates present were Mr. Alderman Cope land, M.P. ; Mr. Alderman Kelly, Mr. Alderman Gibbs, Mr. Alderman T. Wood, and Mr. Alderman J. Johnson. The statement of the police-constables examined was to the effect that, on Sunday morning last, shortly be fore twelve o'clock, they went to the Goldsmiths' Arms, and saw five persons standing in front of the bar counter, and found several pewter pots hid under a form, which evidently had contained beer. After a lengthened cross-examination, Mr. Duncombe, on the part of the defence, said his client had been summoned for " opening his house on Sunday morning for the sale of spirits," &c., which not having been proved, he submitted there was no case, and that Mr. Timbrell ought to be discharged. The mere sight of pots in a suspicious position did not constitute the proof of serving. If it did it much resembled an old anecdote, which ho had very often related, where a horse's collar was found under a patient's bed, the physician who attended concluded that he had eaten the horse. Mr. Alderman COPELAND said that the Bench was of opinion that the officers had clearly proved the case. Mr. Duncombe—Then, Sir, my instructions are, that the persons seen by the officers were overseers of the parish, who had met there to discuss some parochial business. Mr. Alderman COPELAND —What I Overseers meet on a Sunday for parish business.—(A laugh.) Mr. Dun combe—Yes, to be sure, Sir ; the better the day the better the deed.—(Muc'a laughter.) I and a great many others are compelled to do a good deal of business on a Sunday.—(lncreased laughter.) Mr. Alderman COPELAND—WeII, let's have the over seers and hear what they say !—Mr. buncombe re gretted that they were not in attendance. He (Mr. Dun combe) had but a few moments before entering the Court received his instructions to attend the case, other wise they should have been brought forward. Mr. Alderman CopELANn—Well, we will postpone our decision until next Saturday) for their attendance. — Mr. Duncombe (after consulting with the defendant) said it was the wish of Mr. Timbrell for the case to be set tled 'then, for it would not only save him (Mr. Timbrell) much trouble and expense, but prevent his (Mr. Dun combe's) again attending, for which he should expect the extra fee.—(Laughter.) Mr. Alderman GlBBS—Under those circumstances, we fine the defendant in the penalty of 40s. and costs, which were immediately paid. Mr. Alderman COPELAND trusted it would be a cau tion to Mr. Timbrell not to allow overseers of the parish to do any business on a Sunday.—(Laughter.) Mr. E. Jervis, of the Blue Posts, High Holborn, next appeared to answer a similar information. From the evidence adduced, it appeared that on Sunday morning last two of the police entered the house, and saw five persons drinking in front of the bar, who shortly left the place and got into an Ealing and Acton omnibus, which was waiting at the door. It being proved that they went to Acton, and that they required refreshment before they started, the Magistrates dismissed the summons. Mr. Alderman COPELAND said, seeing a large number of publicans then in attendance in the Court, a great portion of whom lived in the ward which he represented in the Court of Aldermen, he considered it proper to state publicly a fact relative to a new system of Sunday trading which had lately come to his knowledge. It was this :—Certain publicans in Bishopsgate ward finding themselves so strictly watched by the police as not to enaiile them serving on Sunday mornings, fixed upon a plan of carrying bottles of gin and beer in baskets to the different cigar shops in the neighbourhood, where they found a quick consumption. It was only last -Sunday that a friend of his (Mr. Alderman Copeland), while proceeding to church with his family, met with one of these parties, who, in his hurry to gain the door of a cigar-shop, missed his Coot and fell with his basket, the WM" e d contents of which ran down the pavement into the gutter. The system was carried on to a very great extent, and he was determined, if any of the parties came before him, not only to enforce the highest penalty the law permitted, but to resist licensing their houses for the future. Air. Busbridge, landlord of the Robin Hood public house, Robin Hood-court, Shoe-lane, and Mr. H. Yeat man, of the. Sun, in Bishopsgate-street, were severally fined 40s. and costs for serving during Divine service on Sunday last. There were between twenty and thirty drivers and conductors of omnibuses convicted in various fines for creating obstructions in the City by plying fur hire. BOW-STREE7. A respectnhly,dressed young man, named William Smith, alias Thomas Collins, was placed, at the bar charged with stealing 106 yards of silk and 101 yards of satin, value 371., the property of Mr. Foulkes, a silk mercer, in Little Russell-street, Covent-garden. Mr. Foulkes, jun., stated that on Friday evening a man entered his shop, representing that he came from Mr. M'Dowall, of St. Paul's Church-yard, and offered a quantity of goods for sale. He was told that it would he necessary to examine them previous to entering into any agreement, and he then went away. About nine o'clock in the evening a porter came and left some arti cles for examination. On Saturday the prisoner came to the shop and presented the paper produced, and on which was written in pencil, "Mr. _Foulkes, silk and ducape left by mistake," at the same time drawing the attention of the assistant to the goods that had been left at the shop on the previous evening, whereupon some remarks were made upon the extraordinary nature of the tran saction, and the prisoner's reply thereto led the witness to suspect something wrong, and after the prisoner had left the shop with the parcel a porter was directed to follow him, and watch his proceedings, and to take care not to lose sight of him, • John Driver, the porter stated, that in consequence of the directions he had received he followed the pri soner, and saw him take a cab, which drove to Black. friars-road ; there the prisoner alighted, and imme diately hired another cab, which he left with the goods in it at the corner of a street there. On his return, witness demanded the return of the goods, and on his refusal told the cabman to drive to the prosecutor's with the prisoner and the goods. In answer to a question from the Magistrate, Mr. Foulkes stated that it was customary for silk merchants in the City to send round to the trade and inquire whether certain articles were wanted by them, and that the man who called at his shop on Friday, and said he came from Mr. M‘Dowall's, while he was there asked for a piece of paper to make a memorandum,. upon which one of the shopmen incauti ou sly h an d e d him one of his (Mr. Foulkes's) printed bills, and on which bill it appeared was subsequently written the order for the goods, which had by that means been obtained from Messrs. Leaf and Co. in his (the prosecutor's) name. The policeman stated that, on searching the prisoner, he found a small memorandum book, in which was written'the names and addresses of several silk-rnercers at the west-end of the town, some of whom it: is sus pected have already been the victims of this new species of fraud by the prisoner and his confederates. The prisoner was remanded until Wednesday next. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. Mr. Beale, the alleged proprietor of the saloon in Piccadilly, was summoned before Mr. Hardwick, by thi police, for having his house open before one o'clock on Sunday, to wit, af►er twelve o clock on Saturday night. Inspector Beresford proved that he went to the saloon twice on Saturday night, after twelve o'clock, and found persons in the saloon drinking. His last visit was paid at two o'clock, and he then saw nineteen females, the majority of whom were prostitutes, and several gentle men drinking and carousing. He saw wine on the table, and a bowl which appeared to contain punch. The solicitor contended that no offence had been com mitted, inasmuch as it had not been proved that the de fendant had his house open for the sale of liquors, or that any liquors had been sold after twelve o'clock. Mr..l-lAnnwlcx said that point had been raised on I former occasion, and had been overruled by him. The solicitor said he had two recent cases to adduce, in which two magistrates, Mr. Twyford and Mr. Jar dine, had come to a different decision. The cases were precisely similar to the present case; in particular, in the case of the Albion Tavern, heard by Mr. Jardine, it was held by that magistrate that the mere circumstance of liquor or wine being on the tables after twelve o'clock was no proof that a sale of those articles had taken place within prohibited hours, and he in consequenc'e dismissed the information. Mr. HARDWICK said it was advisable that there should be unanimity in magisterial adjudications; but he could not hold himself to be bound by the decisions. of any other magistrates ; all he could do was to listen to arguments. If he found those arguments were not con clusive to his mind, then it was his duty, to arrive at different conclusion. The solicitor said the saloon was not open for the sale of liquors, and it was only open for the sale of chops, steaks, and cigars. The cigar and chop-shop which ad joined the saloon and opened into it supplied those articles. Inspector Beresford said since the solicitor chose to take that view of the case, he should take care to repre sent the matter in the proper quarter, .as Mr. Good ered, the real proprietor of the saloon, was liable to.s penalty of 10/. per day, for every day he allowed the, communication to exist. Mr. HAnnwicx said, though there was no direct proof of any sale of liquors, there was presumptive proof suffi ciently strong to warrant him in deciding that the saloon was open for the purpose of selling liquors. As the de • fendant had been tined before, he should this time inflict the fine of 5/. and costs. The solicitor tendered the money, and gave notice that he should appeal against the conviction. LLOYD'S SHIPPING. NOTICE TO MARINERS. Light at the Port of Brindisi, Adriatic Coast. Admiralty, March 29, 1844. Sir,—l am commanded by my Lords Commissioner* of the Admiralty to transmit to you herewith, for the information of the Committee for managing the affairs at Lloyd's, a copy of a dispatch f rom h er Majesty's Consul at Naples, reporting the establishment of a light at the entrance of the port of Brindisi.—l am, Sir, 81c., (Signed) JOHN BARROW. To W. Dobson, Esq., Lloyd's. (COPY.) Naples, March 8, 1844. Sir,—l beg leave to report to you, for the information of the Earl of Aberdeen, that I have received a note from his Excellency the Prince of Sculls, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of the Sicilian Government, apprising me that a light has been established at the entrance of the port of Brindisi, on the Adriatic coast, on 'a small island, on which a fort is constructed, and on 'which's small military detachment is usually maintained. The place is designated in the charts as the " Fort e a M ar e,' and the official communication represents the position of it to be in Ist. 40 deg. 39 min. 17 sec. N. lon. by the meridian of Paris, 15 deg. 57 min. 57 sec. E., and from the Royal Observatory at Naples 3 deg. 42 min. 50 see. east; the height of the light from the level of the sets being 123 palms, equal to 103 feet. In the event of I good light being established in that position, it will prove of great benefit during the winter season to vessels coming down the Adriatic.—l have, &c. (Signed) THOS. GALLWEY." To John Bidewell, Esq. &c., Foreign-office. A LENGTHENED FAST.—Mrs. Hay, broker, Friar's' Venue!, had two hens, which she kept in a back court. But one of them having disappeared, she suspected petty larceny, and sold the other to prevent its going the same road. This occurred more than three weeks ago, and it appeared the poor bird had found its way to a cellar to make a nest and lay an egg. While there, unperceived, a washing-tub had been acciden' tally placed on the top of it covered over with straw; and there the feathered prisoner lay for twenty-one days, not o nly without a morsel to eat, but excluded from the cheerful light of day. On Thursday last the tub was wanted, and on re moving it chuckie reappeared, reduced to skin and bone certainly, but still with so much tenacity remaining that she bids fair, under careful nursing, to become herself' again...." Dumfries Courier. REVIVAL OF THE CENTRAL RAILWAY.--We derstand that, since the agitation of the rival lines of railwsi to Chatham, a number of influential gentlemen have had it io contemplation to establish a company, to continue the lino that may be selected by Parliament to Chatham through tho central parts of the county of Kent, as far as Dover. NVe doubt not that this scheme will meet with the cordial auppor" of Sittingbourne, Faversham, Canterbury, the. Isle of Thane/ and other places which have at present no direct communi cation by rail with the metropolis, or have been omitted la the existing schemes of railways. And it is not unlikely go; neral support would be given to such a railway, as it wottlu be by far the shortest and most direct line to the Continent. —Canterbury Journal. On Saturday a Commission of Lunacy was opened before Mr. Commissioner Barlow, at the King's Head, Eghalot to try the state of mi n d o f Mr. A. M. Woolhouse, formerlY holding a commission in her Majesty's 68th Regiment, but for some time east an inmate of Sir John Chapman's lunatic asylum, near Egham. The com m i ss i on was supporte d by Mr. Collins, of the Chancery bar. No opposition was offered , ' and it was clearly established that Mr. Woolhouse aae wholly incapable of managing his own affairs. The jury re turned a verdict " That the insanity had commenced frOra the Ist of August, 1837." Lord Denman, in his charge to the grand jury, 8 the Essex assizes, said—" cannot but think th a t a muc h ' higher duty than that of inflicting punishment upon enrol' rests upon all concerned in the admi n i s t ra ti on o f just i cei an that we ought to lo o k ra th er t o t h e prevention of crime and the salvation of those unhappy individuals, before they bal fallen to that dreadful stat e o f d egra d at i on calculated to lei to crime. I allude now to the general education of the pecr . ple ; and although we have to lament that the well-inten; tioned efforts which have b een made b y t h e Governm ef , , have not been crowned w ith success, I think we must otiy" look' for the time wh en th e public institutions of the cOull! r i shall provide a good mor a l an d re li g i ous e d ucat i on f or our 111- creasing population." BIRTHS. On tke 10th ult., at Florence, the lady of J. Bruce, Esq., of a son. On the 28th ult., at Chastelton Rectory, the lady of the Rev. Horatio Westmacott, of a son. urt4 l o On the 28th ult., a t B oc ki ng , E ssex, M rs. J o h n Co of a son. On the 29th ult., at Wandlebank House, Wimbledbn, f rs. Harry P. Ashby, of a daughter. On the 29th ult., the l a dy o f D an i e l W es t, E sq .,Egremv l2 t place, New-road, St. Pancras, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 30th ult., at St. Pancras, Mr. G. B. Wingrave.,„ , Charles-street, Grosvenor-square, to Caroline, only daugu' v of Mr. Moss, John-street, St. James'i-square. DIED. . • r On tho 27th ult., at liarclwicke-court, near Glouce! te Nicholas Lewis Fenwick, Esq. On the 2Qth ult., at Brompton, Sarah, relict of the late" G. Scarlett, Esq. London : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, 10. 1 t. Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Coluiti Middlesex, Monday, April 1,1844. • - i am., 4', The Qu The Btr ga air 9 ?.~