The Sun. — London, England, 1839-04-17 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION NATIONAL CONVENTION. (TUESDAY.) Mt. PITKEITIILEY, Delegatefrom Bradford, in the Chair. ULITRIOR MEASURES. After the S.,cretary had read the proceeding of the last day's meeting, O'CcsNoa begged tliat the Chairman would order all the strangers present to withdraw, in order that he might c Armunicate some information which he had ob tained with regard to ulterior measures, and which should no' get immediately into publicity—upon which the Re pmturs and those other strangers present withdrew on the rder of the Chairman. When the door was opened we found Mr. Frost address ng the assembly on a case of GOVERNMENT OPPRESSION. Mr. Feose stated that a Mr. John Hinds, who had served his country for a long time in the Navy, and on his discharge obtained a pension from the Admiralty, was living at Shoreham. He had the misfortune to go out of curi • ity to a meeting got up in that place for the purpose of passing resolutions in favour of the National Petition. From the knowledgelthe people present at the meeting had of his prudent conduct and of his good character, they unanimously voted him to the chair. Soon after this he was sent for by the collector of Shoreham, who told him that he was not in future to consider himself a pensioner on the Greenwich list, as the Lords of the Admiralty had struck off his name in consequence of his acting as Chair man at the aforesaid meeting. lie addressed to the Board of Admiralty two memorials in succession, the reply to each of those was that he was unworthy to have his name restored to the Pension List. He then applied to Mr. O'Connell, to get that gentleman's assistance in obtaining redress. Mr. O'Connell made a personal appli cation to one of the Lords of the Admiralty, and was equally unsuccessful as the memorialist in getting this in. jured man restored to what his services entitled him Upon this he (Mr. Frost) took upon himself the writing of a letter to Lord Melbourne some time back. In that letter he descanted on the hardship and injustice of 1 avenging on a man the penalty of a crime for conduct which had been sanctioned by his Lordship and his col leagues prior to the passing of the Reform Bill. To this letter his Lordship had not deigned to reply.—(Hear, hear.) From all these circumstances he thought that the Convention would be exercising a wise discre tion, if they took upon themselves the office of doing their best to remedy the ill effects of the attack of the tyrant oppressors on the people--( Hear, hear)---and where could they find a more fitting object to extend their sympathy to, than the individual to whom his motion al luded.—( Hear, hear.) This man, without blemish as to his personal character, for merely exercising the right of the su'eject to petition, is deprived of the means of con tributing to the support of a large family. Nothing could be more monstrous than this interference, and he (Mr. Frost) would not further take up their time by descanting on coecluct which he was convinced met their hearty de testation—but proceed at once to read a petition to the House of Commons, for the purpose of obtaining inquiry into the case of poor Hinds.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CONNOR— Whatever reasons he had for inculcat ing the necessity for the public to abstain in future from petitioning the House of Commons, those reasons could not apply to the case of the individual on whose behalf the Convention was sought to petition.—( Hear.) That indi vidual, for exercising the right of stating his opinions on whet he considered grievances, was visited by the paltry and tyrannous Government with a punishment which was intended to deprive him of existence.—( Hear, hear.) The Convention in every way was bound to open the door of justice to this poor oppressed man, inasmuch as he was si:ffering a heavy penalty for adopting principles to which the Convention, and the great masses of the country, were booed to upheld—besides it would show to the country at large that they were willing to try every meaes consistent with success to obtain the object of their wishes.--( Hear, hear.) It would be evidence suf ficient to pruve to the world et large their willingness to aceon p the happiness of the people by peace, law, and order.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. COLLINS did not agree with the observations of Mr. frost, by which he intimated that their province should be to take cognizance of all public grievances in order to their redress ; but this was a case of individual hard ship, which was the consequence of an act that tended to spread the Chartist principles.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Collins said in continuation, that of all the means taken by the Deity to afflict a country for its crimes none were so effectual for punishment as to visit it with a bad Government. To this infliction may be attributed more evils than to any other source.—( Hear, hear.) He thought this case one of the moat flagrantly tyrannous that had ever been heard of. Mr. SKEVINOTCN—It was their bounden duty to watch over the interests of all individuals who were well wishers to their cause. And he thought they could not employ their influence and exertion to better purposes than frus trating every attempt at vengeance by the Government. Mr. WHITTLE said the Admiralty had laid down very just prieciples of action for their Government, but as soon as they found these principles interfered with their private views, they immediately threw them overboard.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Would it not be well to add to the petition a paragraph which would include an inquiry into the unworthiness of many who are a disgrace to the Pension List.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. O'BRIEN—The notice of this will further confirm the people at large in a resolution which they were latterly adopting, that was, nut to enlist in either the navy or army. This notion, he was happy to say, was very press. lent in Sussex and Kei t. He was told by many persons when down there last meek, that various recruiting parties were obliged to desist from their unsuccessful avocations, as the chopsticks one end all said they never would go to war again, tank ss in defence of their lives and their liber ties.--(Hear, hear.) . . . . The resolution adopting the petitiol was then put and carried, tngethar w,th another proposing that it be en trusted to :►Messrs. Eelden and Attwood for presentation. MONEY YOTES. Mr. O'BRIEN brcug:.t on a motion, of which he had given notice yesterday, to the effect that no resolution in volving the disbursement of the funds of the Convention be carried into effect unless a clear majority of the Mem bers present be had to support the same. He said he brought forward this resolution in consequence of what had occurred the other day. When Dr. Tailor's reolu tion was before the meeting, in consequence of the many amendments that were proposed, and the mariner in which each was supported, the original resolution which had pass d, with a clear majority, was vir tually rescinded by the course which was taken by those who voted for the different amendments. A long and explanatory conversation took place on this question, but in the end the resolution obtained the sanction of the meeting, upon an addition of Mr. Moore being attached to it, v hich went to appoint a committee to carry it into operation. POOR LAW PROSECUTION. Upon Mr. O'CONNOR being nominated as one of the Committee he begged leave to apprize the Convention that from a prosecution being entered against him at the instance of the Poor Law Commissioners, he could not attend to this Committee in the manner he wished ; indeed, from the infamous manner in which the Government took up the case, making it a criminal information, he was afraid that for some time his whole energies should be directed to get rid of this tyrannic pro ceedino.; and therefore that he would find it difficult to pay all the attention which he wished to the affairs of the Convention.—( Hear.) SIGNATURES TO THE NATIONAL PETITION. Mr. O'BRIEN proposed a resolution to the effect that an advertisement be put into the Morning Papers, and the Weekly Papers in the interest of the working classes, giving notice of the different places in London where the national petition is lying for signatures. After some suggestions of Mr. O'CONNOR, as to the papers most proper, it was resolved that they be the Teams, Son, Morning Advertiser, Dispatch, Operative, Charter, Champion, and Weekly News. NEW MEMBER. Mr. FENNY announced before the Meeting separated, that a new a:legate was appointed for Bolton in the room of Mr. Wood, who had accepted a Poor-law Guardianship. The largest ox in the world, the property of Mr. SNarvori, of New York, and weighinz 5,0001b5., is now, its owner, on its way from that city t ) Liverpool. Owing to the heavy rains during the last month, epring seiNing is remarkably backward, scarcely any barley or oats being as yet in the ground. Indeed, in the stiff clay soils, to the west and north-west, the farmers complain of the utter impossibility of working the ground ; the last week has 'brought a bitterly cold cast wind, which, though it tray obviate the former evil, will, we fear, have a very deleterious effect on vegetation in general, which is ex taernely backward. The apple bud is said to look well, except on those trees which suffered so very much from the worm during the last summer, and eider is rather declining in price ' • very good may now be bought at 435. per hogs head.— Sherborne Journal. HYDROPHOBIA. —A dog, belonging to Mrs. Pryor, of Great Beddow, on Sunday last, showed decided symptoms of hydrophobia, and was immediately destroyed : it had been shut up about a fortnight, at the recommenda tion of Mr. Gooch, veterinary surgeon.— Essex Herald. —[As to " symptoms of hydrophobia," there is not one man in a million whose opinion on the subject is worth a straw. And we have reason to believe that hydrophobia is so rare a disease that almost every dog that is slaughtered falls a victim to the foolish prejudices and absurd fears that pre vail. " A mad dog" is a bug-bear, a raw-head and bloody bones that scares many persons who ought to be above such childish alarms.] A HOAX.—Last week, the good folk of Llanidloes, Newtown, and Welshpool, were ingeniously and successfully hoaxed by a wag spreading a report that a regiment of infantry was to march through those towns, on their route from Brecon to Liverpool. The inn keepers were upon the alert to provide lodgings and other necessary accommodation ; some had engaged beds at other houses, choosing rather to be subjected to a trifling' expense for lodgings, than the inconvenience of having so many (as were expected) at their own houses. On Saturday the greatest anxiety was manifested to see the " bilve 42d," (for that was the regiment selected for the purposed but, alas, one portion of the inhabitants were doomed to disappointment, while the others congratulated thmselves that they were not to be put to expense Of in convenience. STATE of TRADE.—Except in shipping goods there is but little doing in the general trade, and the li mited supply of orders in that li n e will soon be complet.d. The fancy branches are in tolerable activity, and wools and wages remain unaltered.—Leicestershire Mercury. ExTu. • AORDIN ARY FACT.—It has been ascer tained, by a recent investigation, that the average value of clover and rye grass seeds, annually sold in Ormskirk, amounts to the sum of 2,0001., which at a cost of It per acre would sow 2,500 acres of eight yards to the rod. We think this a circumstance which speaks highly for the farmers and occupiers of land, and for the excellent mode of managing land in this district, viz., net to have more than three crops on the same land, before having a crop of clover and rye grass.—Correspondent of the Preston Observer. From To A v•r age. 119 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 34 0 42 6 so 0 0 Bcre l6 stone — 0 6 0 f 0 Barley 191 Oats l4 stone l4 6 17 0 15 Z 0 Flour, per cwt ... 8 stpise — 0 0 ..- 9 0 Oatmeal --.......... 8 stone — 0 0 9 Sold to Bakers only. 16 231 Cwt. Flour 22 0 25 6 24 4 ' Average price of Wheat and Flour 65., 4.1. per sack. Receipts of Flour, 11,7+3 F 1 irsts from 225. Od. to 255. Od. an ., ****** Seconds from 19s. Od. to 22a. Od. Sale ' of 11°. 18, "" Tnirds from Ws. Od. to 124. Od. PRICE OF BREAD. Quartern Loaf.... ..... 10,1. Half Quartern CORK MARKETS.—ApriI 13 Wher.t (per 205t.)13s 6d. to 325. Od. Oats (per 14st.) ...Ile. 64. to 14s. 4d, I Barley (per 165t.)19 0 2a 0 Flour (per cwt )...16 0 94 0 Oatmeal (per cwt.) Its. Od. to 16. , . 6d. Beef, 4d. to 7d.—Mutton, sd. to 6d.—Veal, 441. to 6d. Perk, 44d. to sd.—Fresh Butter. 10d. to Ild. per lb. PRICE OF BUTTER. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of April I:). SUGAR.-The easterly wind which prevailed last week having prevented arrivals of British Plantation Sugar, and no sales of Mauritius or Bengal being declared, caused most of the holders to refuse to submit to any further re duction in prices, but the grocers purchased sparingly, taking only sufficient to supply their immediate wants, and the demand from the refiners was also limited, but they were compelled to pay previous rates. This afternoon, there being no auction of Sugar admis sible for borne consumption, importers were enabled to obtain pri( es equal to those of Friday for West India Mus covadoes, but there was only a limited demand from the grocers, aid few of the refiners made their appearance in the market, the purchases are only 200 hhds and trs. REFINED.-Last week prices gave way Is, lumps equal to the standard having been sold at 78s, rather under 76s 6d to 775, and brown 753 6d to 765; some parcels of 101 b. Hambro' Loaves have been sold at 46s per cwt. Treacle is not cheaper. Pieces at rather lower rates. Bastards are cheaper. Dutch Crushed Sugar at 34s 6d to 35s per cwt. MAURITIUS.-Importers have refrained from offering any at public sale, and the private purchases have been 5,000 bags good to fine yellow at 653 a 66s 6d; good middling, 63. 6d a 64s 6d; middling, 62. 6d a 631. EAST INDIA.—In the prices of Bengal there is no varia tion. Manilla is held at the late advanced rates, the whole of 1,064 bags at auction were taken in, mid yellow at 23s 6d a 24. 6d, fine brown 233, one lot 22s 6d, damps and washed 22s 6d a 245. Of Java. good to fine strong white went at 31s a 32s 6d, mid greyish white 303 a 30. 6d, good to fine grey 27s 6d a 293, good bright yellow 25s 6d a 26. 6d, low greyish ditto 24s 6d a 25., good ditto 26s a 275, ord soft yellow 24. 6d, good ditto 25s 6d, fine strong greyish brown 24. a 24s 6d and 255, rather soft 23s 6d, ord Foxey 22. 6d, greyish damps 251 a 27s 6d, washed brown 235, mid damp white 28s 61 a 29s per cwt. This afternoon 150 casks fine strong white China at auc tion, sold at 35s 6d to 36s per cwt. FOREIGN.—There are buyers of yellow Havannah at full prices, and 300 chest. have been disposed of privately at 28. 6d a 29s for good quality. This afternoon, 298 chests Bahia were offered at auc tion, greyish white went at 30. 6d to 31s 6d, mid 27s to 28s, soft 25s to 263, brown 22s 6d to 255. COFFEE.-Holders have obtained fully late rates for fine ordinary and middling Jamaica - and Berbice; 386 bags 63 brls Demerara at public sale sold, ord triage at 75s a 79., good and fine ord 99s a 106 s, low mid 1093. East India, the principal at 9d duty, at public sale found buyers, the better qualities 2s a 33 shave former rates, clean Batavia sort rather mixed sold at 603 a 663, bolder pale 66s 6d a 695, bold heavy green 795, Java fine yellow 85s, good 803 6d a 82a 6d, Samarang fine green 72s ; 486 bags Batavia were taken in ; good ord Ceylon is held for 102 s a 103 s. St. Domingo coloury at 493; Bra zil, good ord mixed, at 445; real good to fine ord have brought 45s 6d a 483; 400 bags African were all taken in at 70. for brownish small berry, 653 was bid for two lots. RICE.-Bengal good and fine have fetched 16s a 16s 6d ; ord small Bengal fetched 14s a 14s 61 per cwt. TALLOW.—P. Y. Candle 48s 6d to 48s. 9d. For arri val in the last three months, 465. Town Tallow at the late rates. TEA. —This afternoon the public sales concluded ; of 114,400 packages brought forward, 44,000 were actually sold. Prices left off equal to those of the sales in Jan. last, ordinary Congou is Old to is Twankays of the same quality is 3d per lb. INDIGO.—This afternoon the quarterly sale of East In dia was brought to a conclusion. The quantity boughs in is about 1,200 chests, which added to the quantity with drawn (288 chests), leaves 3,566 actually disposed of, of which 2,700 may be calculated for export, and 800 chests for home consumption. SPICES.—The transactions have been limited in black Pepper, but former rates have been maintained ; white, is 2d to Is 2id for good fair dark quality ; fair bold quality taken in at 225; Cloves at is 2id for dark Bencoolen. Malabar Ginger, good fair sound at 17s to 173 6d, ord wormy 163 to 17s, and good mid Bengal 20s per cwt. Rum, BRANDY, AND HOLLAND3.-For Rum the trans actions are 350 puns Jamaica 26 to 28 per cent overproof at 5s to 5s Id, 29 to 33 over 5s 2d to 5s 4d, 34 to 36 over 5s 5d to 5s 7d ; of Leewards 300 puns have been sold, proof to 2 per cent overproof at 3s 2id to 3s 31d, 3 to 5 over 3s 4d to 3s sd, 6 to 12 over 3s 6d to 3s 7d, 15 to 18 over 3s 9d to 4s, 20 to 23 over 4s 2d to 4s 6d, 26 to 22 over 4s 8d to 4s 10d, 30 to 37 over 4s Ild to ss, 39 to 41 over 5s Id to 5s 2d. IRISH MARKETS. DUBLIN MARKET NOTE for the WEEK ENDING APRIL 12 To the Merchants. To the Country First Quality BSs. "is. Second Third Fourth Filth 5 47 Sixth CLONMELL MARKETS.—ApriI 13. Per Cwt, s. d. s. d. s, d. s. d. New Butter Oatmeal 12 0 12 3 Bacon Pigs 38 0 40 0 Rendered Lard 0 52 0 Heads 23 U —ll Per Bag. Flour, 5ec0nd....... 0 44 0 I Ylour, Th irds —Household.-- 9 42 0; Fourths..- 23 d - Per liarreL Rapeseed 20 0 0 Barley 13 0 15 6 Bere 8 4 10 0 Coals Per Stone. W heat 1 8 110 J Tallow (rough) 4 0 5 0 Oats 0 ti 9 Potatoes 0 3 0 4 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIL 16. . - The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat at Five o'Clock cn the Woolsack. Lord KENYON presented a petition from Merioneth, against the appointment of Baron Fortescue to the Lord Lieutenantcy of Ireland. Also, a petition against any further grants to therollege of Maynooth. Lord KINNOUL presented a petition from the Lord Provost and others of Perth, praying for the completion of the Caledonian Canal. Lord SEGRA VE presented several petitions from Gloucester against the Beer Act, and on other subjects. Lord CAMPERDOWN presented a petition from Arbroath against any further endowment to the Church of Scotland, in the sentiments of which he entirely agreed ; also a petition in favour of a penny postage, Lord ALBEMARLE presented a petition from Nor wich, praying for a penny postage. Lord DUNCANNON presented petitions from seve ral places in the county of Suffolk, praying for a penny postage. Lord ZETLAND presented 10 petitions from places in Scotland praying for further endowment to the Church of Scotland, also petitions in favour of an uniform rate of penny postage. Lord HADDINTON presented a petition from Cold stream, praying for an uniform rate of penny postage; also petitions from Dunbar, praying for a regular system of education for the Negroes ; and a petition from an English town against the Beer Act. Lord CAWDOR pretented a petition from a place in Inverness-shire, praying for further endowment for the Church of Scotland. Lord ROSSL YN presented a petition from Lanark, praying for a penny postage. The Marquis of L ANSDOWNE presented a petition from a parish in Wiltshire, against the Beer Act. He had kept this petition in his possession for a considerable period, in expectation that by this time some measure on the subject would bare been introduced, but that not having been so, he could withhold the presentation of it no longer. The Noble Mar quis also presented a petition from a place in Gloucester shire, praying for the adoption of a penny postage. He had likewise a petition from two Baronies in the neigh bourhood of the Shannon, praying for Fishery protection. A NOBLE LORD presented a petition from a place in S >fricrsetshire praying for the adoption of a penny postage. A message from the House of Commons brought up the Consolidated Fund and another Bill. Mr, Whitman, from the Court of Bankruptcy, at tended at the Bar, and presented sundry papers. The Marine Force Regulation and the Marine Mutiny Bills passed through a Committee, and were reported without amendments. KILKENNY MARKETS. Wheat per barrel)`2Bs. Od.to :!Ss. Od. Barley l4 0 16 0 Oats 4 6 9 0 Flour (per bag) 0 44 0 Butter(percwt.) 90 0 1/12 0 flacon Pigs 4O 0 41 0 Coale 1 0 1 11 Beef (per Os. Od. to Os. sd. Mutton 0 5 0 6 Pork Veal 0 5 0 8 Fresh Butter 0 0 11 li Salt Ditto Potatoes (per it.) 0 2 0 3 HAMBURG Gil MARKETS. IN. Wheat. Marks 414 to 464 Mecklenburg 414 to 41'5 Magdeburg 4.18 to 462 --- Eider 416 to 456 Anhalt, white 456 to 440 rcd Holstein Rye, Mecklenburg -- Holstein Archangel — to Barley, Mecklenburgh 222 to 9.34 Magdeburgh . 240 to 258 Lower Elbe Oats, Upland - - Mecklenburg 165 to 180 -- Elder l4O to 170 Holstein 051 to:,280 PeterslLTA' ' ltiga,., to Malt, Pomeranian 195 tt 200 Buck Wheat to Pease, Upland, yellow 255 to 330 Beans °24 to 255 Tares "40 to 315 Rapeseed 3'J to 41'0 Ditto Cakes Linseed ditto 52 to &I COTTON. Carolina and Tennessee 7Nt0,91i Maranham o%tis 0 Georgia. Ist sort 10% 0 Madras 7 7% °d , 9% 10 Surats Ol4 7 3d and 4th .... 9% 914 Damingo B4 9 COFFEE:. Mocha 10 to I 1 Domingo Batavia Sumatra 4% 474 Porto Rico Rio 44 64 Havannali Bahia SUGAR.— (Witl tr , 6 Discount.) Havannah, NVhitc Brown. SX 64 Brown SLA 6 Rio, White 64 ;),1 Pernambuco, White ...6% B r own 5 to 54 51 64 .5•7 i 74 434 74 INSTITUTION FOR TRAINING FEMALE SER VANTS.--The sixth anniversary of this Society was hold on Thursday last, at the house, Windmill-hills, and was numerously and respectably attended ; the Rev. J. Collin son, Rector of Gateshead, in the Chair. The report and statement of the accounts were read, and were very satis factory to the subscribers. The object of this Institution is to provide a more efficient class of domestic servants, by early initiating young girls in the best mode of performing the various labours required in a household. The in efficiency of servants, so much complained of, may be ge nerally traced to the neglect of this early discipline, and this Institution, therefore, is calculated to be of great utility. The girls are also trained to habits of order and industry, and subjected to religious and moral discipline. The Institution has now been in operation for six years, during which time between thirty and forty girls have been placed in respectable situations, most of whom are doing well, and giving satisfaction to their employers, who have borne their testimony to the good effected.—Gateshead Observer. An action was brought in the Sheriff's Court yesterday against the Duke of Brunswick by Mrs. Calvert, ivory-turner and brush maker, Fleet -street, for the re. cover) , of 41. 165., the price of a brush with costly chased silver gilt back, and an ivory handle for a shaving-brush. The Duke paid into Court 2/. his. Several witnesses for the prosecution deposed to the fairness of the demand, and one witness for the defence stated that he should be well satisfied with 30s. for the work done and materials sup. plied by the plaintiff, and another deposed that 255. would be a fair charge. The Jury found for the plaintiff for the full amount claimed. CANTERBURY ELECTION. — Lord Loftus, son of the Marquis of Ely, will, we understand, offer himself at the next election for Canterbury, in opposition to Mr. Bradshaw.—Dover Chronicle. ROBBERY AT THE POST-OFFICE.—A robbery, supposed to have been perpetrated between eight and nine o'clock on Wednesday evening last, was committed at the Post-office in this city (Cork), by the extracting of about 701. from one of the office drawers. The money consisted of over 201. in silver, some bank-notes, and a few sove reigns, and in the drawer were several Post-office money orders, drawn upon the department here, which were left, as well several other money cheques. The matter has undergone close investigation, but without any trace of the robber or robbers being discovered. There is no doubt, it would seem, that the party must have been well acquainted with tho internal part of the office. A person who had held a subordinate place in the establishment a few days, left here on Thursday for his residence in the North of Ireland, and it has been deemed proper to despatch con stable Moylan, of the city police, and one of the letter carriers, in quest of him.—Souihern Reporter. A Commission of Lunacy was held at the Bear Inn, Box, Wiltshire, on Friday, the sth instant, to inves tigate the state of mind of Major-General Sir James Wil son, K. C. B„ a supposed lunatic. It appeared, from the clearest evidence of the medical attendants and others, that Sir James Wilson had been of unsound mind from the 3d day of March, t6:3, to the present time; that he had not during the above period nag; ;;.ny lucid interval ; that he was incapable of taking care of his peison or estate; he wa a A n s d ylu il, m a:. alijps:ai;adm eci it u ted into nder Kg the care e eclwn House o o fpr. L Langworthy unati and Dr. Austen Langwort;:y, op the 29th day of March, 1838, where he still r emaina.-Balislory Journig. THE SUN, LONDON, WP7DNESDAY, APRIL 17" IPRCP. INDIA. The Earl of RIPON asked if the Noble Viscount at the head of the Government would have any objection to lay upon the table the papers relative to a late attack upon a port at the mouth of the Indus by a British force. Lord MELBOURNE said he would have no objection to lay the papers before their Lordships, but the affair was now terminated. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, APRIL 16. There being a ballot for a Committee to try the merits of the petition presented against the return for the Borough of Wigan, the gallery was not opened till twenty minutes past four. NEW WRIT. On the motion of Sir THOMAS FREEMANTLE a new writ was ordered for the County of Tyrone, in the room of Viscount Alexander now Viscount Caledon. Mr. GRA NTLY BERKELEY presented a petition against the Bristol and Gloucester Railway Bill. Sir E. FILM E R presented a petition from Gravesend, in favour of the London and Blackwell Extension Rail way Bill. On the motion of Major WOOD, the General Come try Bill was read a third time, and passed. Mr. SHAW LE FEVRE presented a petition against the North Eastern Railway Bill. Colonel LYG 0 N presented a petition in favour of the Gloucester and Birmingham Railway Bill. Mr. HOBHOUSE presented a petition in favour of the Blackwell Extension Railway B:11. Sir E. KNATCHBULL brought up the Report of the Committee ou the Dover, Deal, and Sandwich Roads Bill. Mr. GROTE presented a petition from the Mer chants, Bankers, and Traders of the port of London, in favour of the Blackwall Extension Railway Bill. Mr. CLAY presented a petition from the Borough of the Tower Hamlets, to the same effect. Mr. GA SKELL presented a petition from Wenlock, against the Northern and Eastern Counties Railway Bill. Mr. CRAWFORD presented a petition from the Householders of Kent and Surrey against the London and Blackwall Railway Bill. WIGAN ELECTION. The Clerk of the Election Committees appeared at the Bar with the reduced List of the Members bullotted for, to inquire into the merits of the petition of Mr. Kearsley, against the return of Mr. Ewart for the Borough of Wigan. The names were as follows :—Spencer Horsey Da Horsey, Robert Holland, John Walbanke Childers, the Hon. Pierce Butler; Thomas Hawker, Edward Stillingfleet Cay icy, Francis Hurt, John Henry Vivian, Henry Meynell, Ralph Etwall, and Mr. Alderman Humphory. the Sheriffs of London appeared at the Bar and pre sented a petition from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the City of London, praying for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the City Police. Mr. CRAVEN BERKELEY presented a petition in favour of the Cheltenham Improvement Bill. Mr. MARK PHILLIPS presented a petition from Manchester (as we understood) complaining of the un equal rate of postage, and in favour of the system of the penny postage. _ IRELAND. Mr. VILLIERS STUART presented numerous peti. tions in favour of the Ministerial policy in Ireland. Mr. IL FLEETWOOD presented a petition from Preston in favour of a penny postage. Lord NORRE VS presented a petition from the Oxford Magistrates, praying for an amendment of the Beer-law. Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD presented a petition from 80 of the proprietors of tenements in the borough of Reading, against the Bill for rating the landlords of small tenements. Mr. WALLACE presented several petitions in favour (vvo believe) of a penny postage. SHALL DEBTS BILL. On the motion of Mr. HAWES, further proceedings on Small Debts Bills were postponed till Friday the 26th o April. LIGHTING THE HOUSE. Sir F. TRENCH gave notice that he should on Thurs day next move that the present mode of lighting this House with wax candles and green shades is satisfactory, and therefore that any further experiments and expenses are unnecessary. Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD postponed his Custody of Infants Bill to Thursday, the 25t . 1) instant. MALTA. Mr. LANGDALE wished to put a question to the Under Secretary for the Colonies. The Honourable Member was aware, that some time last year, papers were laid on the table of the House, containing a commu nication between the Bishop of Malta and the Govern ment, and also a communication wi.h the Court of Rome respecting an oath which he was to take to form part of that Council, and he objected to do so. In the beginning of Jan. last, a proclamation was issued by the Governor of Malta, requiring all Maltese Catholic subjects to take the oaths prescribed to be taken by the Catholics of this country. Great excitement had been crea ted in Malta, and he wished to ask whether the proclamation was issued upon the sole responsibility of the Governor or whether any instructions were sent out from the Colo nial Office, requiring him to adopt such a course of pro ceeding. Mr. LA BOUCHERE said that no information had been receivod at the Colonial Office of such a proclama tion having been issued, and that no complaints had come from the inhabitants en the subject. POSTAGE. Mr. GIBSON seeing the Honourable Member for Greenock in his place, was induced to put a question to him in the absence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Very numerous petitions had been presented to the House, praying for an extensive alteration in the Postage-laws, yet still very considerable doubt existed as to the intentions of the Goverment upon the subject. The Hon. Member had taken considerable in terest in the matter. He therefore wished to ask him whe ther, if the Chancellor of the Exchequer did not, he in tended to bring forward any measure founded upon the Re port of the Committee of which he was Chairman. Mr. WALLACE was in hopes that the numerous petitions which had been presented to the House upon the subject, would induce the Chancellor of the Exchequer to take the matter into his own hands. If, however, he did not do so, it certainly was his intention to introduce a measure founded upon the Report of the Committee of which he had the honour to be Chairman, in three or fsur weeks' time—say about the middle of May.—( Hear.) The Consolidated Fund Bill was read a third time and passed. GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND. The Order of the Day for resuming the debate on Irish affairs having been read, Mr. H UM E presented fifteen petitions from parishes in Down, Cavan, and Kilkenny, and from Killarney, praying the House to insure to Ireland the same policy of govern.. ment as they had enjoyed during the last three years. Mr. O'CONNELL presented petitions from parishes in the counties of Cork, Dublin, Leitrim, Monaghan, Queen's County, Waterford, and Tipperary ; Lurgan, iu Cavan ; Derry Patrick, Dublin ; M'Taggart, Wexford ; Killybad, Monaghan; Dunsereene and Dunessin, Meath ; Cluncawley, and Duncormick, Wexford; the town of Wex ford; Bardallagh, Wexford; Killigee, Tyrone ; Limerick ; St. Andrew's, Dublin ; Borranghan, Tippe rary ; Kilheagan, Kilkenny ; Drumkeil, Armagh ; Drum ballirooney, Down; Clunard, Boheigh, Leitrim; Ardragb, Londonderry; Drumkean, Limerick; St. Peter's, Dublin; Wicklow ; Ardhoe, Tyrone ; Drumnagh, Queen's County; Templerome, Donegal ; Lankell, Tyrone ; Karlesmus. tans ; Ballimacarry, Down ; Balhaughlin, Dublin; Lady's Island, Wexford ; Laurie, Cavan ; Tamlachocree, Dublin; Monogee, Wexford; Old Connaught, Dublin; Devenish, Fermanagh ; Rochliske Down ; Castletown, Cavan ; Louchbcglin Monivea, Wexford ; Cabin teely, Dublin ; Danouse, Tyrone ; Kilbroney, Down ; Ennistillee, Donegal; Climad, Monaghan ; the island of Roshlin on the coast of Donegal ; Dunrear, Wex ford ; clonmeed, Donegal. The Honourable and Learned Member said that the next petition he had to present was one of very great importance, signed by the Duke of Leinster in behalf of the Nobility, Gentry, and other inhabitants of Ireland, assembled at a great public meeting on the 1 I th of April last. The petition emanated from one of the most numerous and influential meetings ever before held in Ireland. They viewed (the petitioners went on to state) with the deepest an;dety, the sixer,l;ol23 efforts now being made by the ancient enemies of Ire2nti to regain possession of that power which they bad in former times abused, with the most disastrous consequences to the people of Ireland, as the natural records of that country could too well testify. They viewed the present crisis as one including nothing less than the fate of the British empire. They assured the House, that they regarded with consummate hatred and scorn the gross artifices end niisstaternents that had been resorted to by their enemies, for the purpose of alienating the Irish people from the confidence and sym pathy of the great body of thei r E ng li s h fellow-subjects— ( Cheers)—and, with the object of stirring up international jealousies, the ite.idions endeavours of that party to establish hostile distinctions between Irish and British interests. The petitioners viewed with disgust and abhorrence the efforts that had been made by their enemies to sully the character of their nation, and to re-establish the dominion of a party whose name was identified with the darkest periods of oppression and misrule. They called upon the Ilouse to aid the popular energies in resisting a desperate party, who deprive their petitioners of those constitutional privileges which they had of late enjoyed in common with the rest of their fellow-subjects. They stated that the condition of Ireland had been improving in spite of all the :efforts of the anti.national party to frus trate the course of impartial justice, and to vitiate the operation of those healing measures which they had not beers able to withhold. Justice and impartial laws had never been known in Ireland until that party had been stripped of every remnant of Executive power. Once more endeavouring to restore the sway of cruelty and op pression by every species of malignity and falsehood—fur example, that property in Ireland had become insecure— that there was a wide spread conspiracy for the purposes of massacre, and ultimately for the dismemberment of the empire—that crime stalked abroad unpunished—that between the force of fear and corruption practised on jurors and witnesses, the laws were baffled, the high prerogative of mercy was abused—( Hear, hear) — and that a rebellious confederation was encouraged : for the remedy of those alleged evils, the restoration of the late dominant party was proposed. But the petitioners unequivocally denied that such was the state of things. These charges were wilful and malicious falsehoods —( Cries of " Hear 1")—for the returns already laid before Parliament, and the results of the late circuits would show that a decrease of crime and an increase fo convictions bad succeeded as compared with the number of offenders, that jurors and witnesses freely discharged their duty free from corruption, and intimidation.—( Hear, hear.) Further, property in Ireland had of late acquired a much higher rate of value.— ( Hear.) The alleged conspiracies were not political ones, but the result of personal crimes, from which unhappily no country was entirely free. The petitioners, in conclusion, prayed the House to resist this attempt to restore the ancient system of baleful domination, and to support the present system of Executive Government in Ireland. The petition was technically signed by the Duke of Leinster and the Secretaries, but it bore the weight of the most im portant meeting that ever was held in Ireland —( Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member then brought up the peti tions, which were ordered to be laid upon the table. Mr. H. GRATTAN presented twenty-one petitions from various places in Ireland, praying the House to sup port the present Ministerial policy in Ireland. Likewise a petition from the county of Meath, agreed to at a meeting at which the High Sheriff presided against the Repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. P. HOWARD presented a petition from Teign mouth, in the county of Northumberland, expressive of confidence in the Ministerial policy in Ireland. Sir M. BELLEW presented petitions from places in the county of Down, approving of the Ministerial policy in Ireland. Mr. E. B. ROCHE presented several petitions from various parts of Ireland, the total number of signatures to which amounted to 29,059, to the same effect. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL presented similar petitions from different parts of Kerry. Mr. 13E AMISH also presented similar petitions. ADJOURNED DEBATE. _ _ _ . On the reading of the Order of the Day for the resump tion of the adjourned debate on Lord John Russell's resolution, Mr. EMERSON TENNENT rose to address the House in opposition to the resolution of the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department, relative to the policy pursued by the Government with respect to Ireland, The Hon. Member said—The principal grounds on which the Noble Lord has brought forward this mo tion, consequent upon the appointment of the Committee in the House of Lords, to inquire into the nature and extent of crime in Ireland, are first an apprehension of some thing unconstitutional in that proceeding as a virtual in terference with the Executive Government ; and, se condly, a desire to vindicate the Irish Administration from an implied censure of the House of Lords for the existence of an excess of crime in that country. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel), in bringing forward his amendment, has gone so fully into both branches of the subject, and especially into the Constitutional view of this proceeding of the Noble Lord, that even had it not been my wish to confine myself to the one topic on which the Noble Lord has joined issue with the country, namely, the Irish policy of the Government, it would have been impossible for roe to have found one point in the general question which has not been previously exhausted by his speech.—( Hear.) But without presuming to reite rate that ground—without referring to what has been the conduct of former administrations in reference to similar pro ceedings of the House of Lords, I cannot avoid remarking that there is something rather extraordinary in the vigour with which the Noble Lord has fastened upon this one vote of the House of Lords, when, upon many other recent occasions, votes have been passed not only in that House, but in this, which could be regarded in no other light than as a virtual interferene2 with, and censure upon the Exe cutive Government, but upon which, nevertheless, the Noble Lord and his colleagues saw no such necessity for re sorting to a proceeding like the present for their vindication. It cannot, I presume, be concluded that the Committee of the House of Lords, which sat last year to inquire into the conduct of the Irish Government, in the matter of appoint ing Sheriffs (and which has been followed by such salutary practical results) was any other than a constitutional inter ference with the Executive Government, and a stern cen sure on its errors—and yet both the Noble Lord opposite and the Noble Marquis, whose conduct was most inti mately implicated in that proceeding, saw fit to acquiesce in it without any appeal to a counter-vote of this House. Again, Sir, the Noble Lord, the Member for Sussex (Lord George Lennox) brought forward last year a motion which he succeeded in carrying, for an inquiry into the system of promotion in the Royal Marines--that motion was resisted by the Government, expressly on the ground of its having an undue interference with the Executive—and yet in that vote also, when carried against him, the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) quietly acquiesced without any ap peal to the House to rescind or to reverse it. But now, when a proceeding has been adopted by the House of Lords which may or may not issue in a cen sure upon one branch of the policy of the Irish Govern ment (but which cannot in any event be a more direct censure upon it than was the inquiry into the illegal ap pointment of Sheriffs last year), the Noble Lord and his colleagues sound the constitutional alarm, and fly to this House for shelter and protection. And as to the censure which the Noble Lord professes to discover in this pro ceeding of the House of Lords, I presume there is more of the promptings of conscience than of fair and candid consideration in that apprehension of the Noble Lord. Previous Governments in similar investigations have dis covered no equal grounds for indignation or alarm, and neither Lord Liv er p oo l nor M r . G oulburn shrunk from the inquiry into the state of Ireland in 1824 and 1825, al though the extraordinary prevalence of crime these periods w as urge d as the immediate, c a though h not the only groun d s for investigation.—(C h e e rs. But after all, Si r , a l t h ough it is a matter of date thus thus to identify the crimes of Ireland with the Govern ment of the day, it is not pretended that it is for the mere existence or the e x t ent o f t h at crime that t e present or any other Government i s really responsible, h but for the nature of the means whi c h they have employed and to suppress it. If the Nobl e L or d and his C Colleagues shrink from any thing in this investigation, it must be, apprehend, from that branch of the inquiry. The Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland, on a former occasion imputed to this side of the House that we had been the first to render the Government of the day responsible for every act of violence and outrage which might occur in Ireland. The Noble Lord was incorrect in that as sertion, as the first parties to lay down that principle, and to charge the disorders of that unhappy country on the existing Government, were the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin and the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, who so far back as 1833, avowed it as their con viction, that " all the crimes which were then committing in Ireland were to be laid at the door of the Whigs," and that it was " the administration of the King's Government which had rendered life and property insecure in that country.' Sir, if that doctrine be true as to the administra tion of 1833, I should be glad to know what there is in the Government of 1838 to take it out of the same rule ? Unless, indeed, it be the principle laid down by Lord Wellesley, in his celebrated letter to Earl Grey, " that outrage and agitation were mutually cause and effect," and that whilst the latter was put down by every exertion of the Government of 1833, agitationhasbeen cherished as the very life-blood of the Government of 1835. But, Sir, divested of all extraneous considerations, the simple ques tion whi c h t h e N o bl e L or d' s mo ti o n has brought to a direct issue, and which the labours of the Committee, now sit ting, will place undisguisedly before the country, is this : Has the Government of Lord Norrnanby, or has it not, taken every rational and proper precaution for the suppression of crime and outrage in Ireland during the period of their administration of affairs in that country? Sir, into the extent of crime and outrage in Ireland, or into the question of the comparative amount at this mo ment as compared with its prevalence in former years, it is by no means my intention to enter —as wall because the attention of the House has been of late repeatedly called to that melancholy subject, as because he r Ma j es ty's Minist ers h ave adm i tted i ts existence, and taken their grrosusinnod,rlely upon the poi n t of their policy for its sup peto make the ß e side revolting Sir investigations i t is unn e e e s sa whether r y for m committals purpose have been 5,000 less in the past year than of the year pre. ceding, or whether convictions have increased during the same period in the same formi,lable ratio. It is unnecessary for me to correct discrepancies of 14, 000 01nm:es in one crimin a l return, or to supply deficiencies of 7,000 iii an other. It is , ufficient for the L e gislature to pause, when the admitted and deplorable fact, that no le ss than 27,000 criminal s h ave been committed during one year for trial in Ireland, and that 160,000 have been summarily convicted dui ing the same brief space of minor offences against the laws ; and all this occurring in a country of which the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin declared, in 1830, in rebuk ing an observation of the lion. Member for Shrewsbury, that its moral character stood so high that it was impossi. ble to elevate it higher, and that the very existence of crime was every year disappearing—a country of which the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home Department, no later than 1837, stated in his place in this House, that it was "almost entirely undisturbed by crime and rapidly im proving in its national condition." Sir, when we find her Majesty's Ministers, both in this House and elsewhere, contented to ground their defence upon the assertion that the state of crime in that country, if not improved, is at best no worse at the present moment than in former years hat homicides, if they have not diminished, at least have not multiplied in amount--when we find a state of society ill which murders are so prevalent, that the victims of a year are 'so longer reckoned by tens, but by hecatombs, is is not time for us to pause, and to inquire into the cause and the remedy for such a visitation ? When " iniquity has come in like a flood," instead of uselessly calculating the drops, it is time to rouse ourselves, and to inquire what precautions have been taken to drive back the current.— ( Cheers.) The public cannot be satisfied with the simple explanation that crime is not greater now than when her Majesty's Ministers came into office-- ? the point on which they mill require to be satisfied is this, what steps have been taken to render it less ? The exposition would extend further than would be war ranted by the indulgence of the House to point out the connexion between such lamentable offences and those habits of turbulent excitement which are inseparable from perpetual political agiiation, and by which men's minds be come first familiarised with violence, and finally recur,. ciled to crime ; or to show me how far that great originat ing cause, the political agitation which seems peculiar to I eland, has been, if not recognised and encouraged, at least sympathised in and unrepressed by her Majesty's Government. From a diffidence of the patience of the House to listen to any lengthened statement, I shall ab stain altogether from that topic as to how far the conduct of the Irish administration may be inculpated as the cause of Irish disturbance, and confire myself to the one issue which they have themselves selected, of the principles and policy by which they have attempted its suppression.— ( Hear, hear.) The first and most formidable feature in the failure of the administration of the law in Ireland of late years, and that which has created the greatest alarm and less of confidence in its efficiency, has been the difficulty of obtaining convictions in criminal cases—owing to the sympathy of jurors —the impossibility of procuring information as to the commission of offences—the intimida tion which deterred the generality of witnesses from coming forward to prosecute—and the persecution and violence which have, in numerous instances, been visited on those who ventured to do so. Sir, if the illegal appointment of Sheriffs on the mere nomination of the Crown had no other effect than promoting this discomfiture of the law, that one error alone would be sufficient to implicate her Majesty's Ministers in the abetting crime in Ireland. The only conceivable object which the Lord Lieutenant could have in travelling out of the Judges' return was, to select that individual whose appointment would be most agreeable to the popular party—the popular Sheriff, as a matter of course, fcund it his interest to prepare a popular panel, and the greater the condescension which he exhibited in se looting jurors from the lowest class who were eligible to serve, the better understanding and the closer sympathy was he certain to insure between the jurors of the county and the individuals on whose guilt they were to decide.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Sir, there is no more convincing assertion of a principle than the production of a striking exception, and if a doubt upon that matter can be reasonably entertained, I would pint at once to the instance of the Special Commission which the Lord Lieutenant felt himself constrained, after all his boastines of tranquillity, to send to Tipperary at the close of the last year. The Sheriff, who prepared the panel upon that occasion, was one chosen in the consti tutional mode from the list which the Judges had returned, and well aware of the cause which had so long defeated the current of the law, he selected his jurors, not from the freize-coated 40a. freeholders, but from the men of pro perty and intelligence in the county, and what was the result ? The murderers in the dock, aware that their last scheme for escaping had been defeated, first challenged the entire array ! then objected to every name in the num ber, which law permitted to the accused, and were finally convicted of their offences, because instead of twelve com miserating sympathisers they had twelve intelligent and independent men for their jury.--( Loud cheering. ) Connected with the prosecution of criminal offences in Ire. land, there is another proceeding, the propriety of which has been so often and successfully questioned in this House that there is but one observation which I am anxious to make upon it—l mean the alteration in the practice of set ting aside jurors at the instance of the Crown, as introduced by Sir Michael O'Loghlen. lam aware that the expla nation given by the Government is this, that the Crown Solicitor was instructed to refrain from objecting to jurors on the score of religion or politics alone, and to interpose only in cases where grounds of specific objection had come positively within thei r k now l e d ge. B ut w h atever these - specific instructions may have been, it is an indisputable fact, that an impression was created, and still does exist in the minds both of the people of Ireland and of the Law Officers of the Crown, that the practice of objecting in any case was unfavourably regarded by the Government, and discountenanced by them ; and instances might be multi plied without end, in which it would be impossible to per suade the people of Ireland, that the most lamentable evasions of justice had not arisen from this single cause. But in an especial degree this impression as to the feeling of the I r i s h Ad m i n i strat i on, h as prove d preju dicial to te fair course of the law, inasmuch as the Crown Solicitors on the serious circuits, being removable by the authorities at the Cagle, would be most likely, if they exercised any discretion at all, to incline to that course which they fancied would be most gratifying to their supe riors, and would consequently be biassed by self-interest in interfering as slightly as possible with the panels, no matter how objectionable they might be. As illustrative of this tendency, I will mention one instance of very recent occurrence. A Crown Solicitor in Ireland lately objected on one trial to no less than eighteen or twenty names which were called upon the jury. The prisoners were, I believe, ultimately convicted, but so confident were the people in the sympathy of the Government, tha . : a memorial was instantly forwarded to Lord I:,,rmanby front the Liberal Club, to complain of so flagrant an instance of politieal persecution. The officer of the Crown was of course something alarmed to receive. in co , — sequence, a communication from the Cattle, directing him to account for the transaction, to which be forwarded a ready reply that he hod received positive information that the persons whom he had set aside were all members of the very Club who had forwarded the complaint, and having been actually contributors to a fund subscribed for the de fence of the very prisoners at the dock, nevertheless most virtuously indignant at being deprived of the pleasure of sitting as Jurors at this trial ! This reply was, of course, conclusive. But suppose in this case that the grounds of objection, though equally valid, had been less clear and specific, in what peril would not the Crown Solicitor have felt that he had placed the tenure of his office? Or is it likely that this same individual, with the consciousness of his liability to be similarly summoned to an account upon every future occasion, will act with that intrepid judgment and cool deliberation which the duties of his office would demand and require, or that for the future he will not have many an individual upon a Jury whom his moral conviction would constrain him to set aside, but whom caution and self interest will compel him to retain, in the absence of legal evidence to justify his conduct if called to account for hie re . - moval ? A third, and by no means unimportant peculiarity in the mode of conducting criminal prosecutions in Ireland, is the practice of waiving the right to reply to the counsel for the prisoner by the counsel for the Crown. This is another of those baits for popularity on the score of a spu rious humanity, which are characteristic of the present Irish Administration, and the dangerous tendency of which must be instantly apparent on the slightest consideration of the class of jurors whom they have to address—of the inconsistent and contradictory nature of the defences, whose falsehood, and whose perjury, it would be their duty to expose, but which, owing to the abandonment of their functions, almost invariably lead to the acquittal of the offender. So, is it to be wondered at that, with these three causes in active operation ; with this mischie vous tampering with the machinery of justice, prosecu tions for criminal offences should have become but a mere farce—a solemn absurdity in Ireland ? With prejudiced juries, sele led by partizan Sheriffs, with their purification discountenanced by the Government authorities, and their misconceptions and ignorance never once grappled with or dispelled by the address of the counsel for the Crown, is it at all surprising, or unaccountable that convictions should be of scanty occurrence, or that crime should be as sociated with almost absolute impunity in Ireland I Is it to be wondered at that the culprit and his friends should look forward with indifference to the solemn mockery of a trial, that the only individuals who should have real grounds for apprehension are the disheartened and discomfited complainants, and that the gaols should become as often the welcome refuge of the discredited and terrified witnesses as the abode of the criminals, whom they fruitlessly sought to convict ?—( Hear, hear.) With out ellu4ing to the remoter districts of Ireland, of which I have no personal knowledge, I state it as a fearful illustration of the consequences of this defective and perverted system, that in the most disturbed counties of the North of Ireland, namely, Louth, Mo naghan, and Armagh, there has not been for the last four years one single conviction or punishment for murder, although no less than 146 indictments have been tried for thst crime, under this defective and perverted system. I state that as a formidable illustration of the disc mfiture of law in Ireland, and I call upon the Noble Lord to refute it. I call upon him to point to one solitary instance in which the crime of murder, though of melancholy frequency as to occurrence, has been either de tected, convicted, or punished as such, in those three counties during the entire period of the administra tion of Lord Normanby ? And yet these are the results; these are the evidences of that policy of die Executive Go vernment of Ireland, on whose wise and efficient adminis trution of the law, we are this evening invited to bestow the In per consistency eneanr y with tuh t se l e i i i s o) rf l a i ei c c e pe s testimony of c ur con fid ence and approval.—( Hear.) s tonin e o r i f 'o o the r g a t t v e eLordporievm€L: mercy, o e f na c n on t for annulli ng t h em when obtained. " Discretion," Lord C linden said, "is the law of tyrants ;" and certainly in this instance the Marquis of Normanby has ventured upon an experiment in its exercise which any living man, but one either divested of fear or indifferent to responsi bility, would have trembled to attempt.—(Cheers.) Sir, I l a aby willin g , f or t h e seke or argument, to take Lord Nor m nn's own explanation of his motives—l am willing to adopt the apology which was offered for him by Lord Melbourne in the course of last year, that his unlimited pardons conferred upon the convicted felons in Ireland wore merely an experiment to ascertain " what advanta geous impression they might create at the moment; and how far the spirit of tranquility might be fostered and encourag e d by their display. (Hear, hear.) But even admitting the philosophy of that intention is there any man in his senses who can calmly approve of either the extent of the operation, or the. time which was selected for the experiment? Was it a prudent period to select for such a hazardous cast, when it had been pub lie'y asserted and corroborated by gloomy experience, that the murder of any individual in Ireland could be compassed for a reward of half-a-crown to a hired conspirator? Was that a judicious moment to choose for experimenting on law ? Was it practicable' to propitiate assassins by assurances of pardon ?_.( Hear, hear.) Was it a prudent moment when the fever of criine was at its height, when the gaols of Ire land were swarming with their formidable visitants—was that a rational moment to select for the romantic adventure of Lord Mulgrave, in throwing wide the prison doors, and appealing to the chivalrous honour of their inmates, to " go and sin no more ?"—( Cheers.) Sir, it was one of these wild exploits in Government, which even successs would be insufficient to justify, but which has been most palpably and fearfully rebuked by its utter and lamentable failure—a failure which has been most signal and most melancholy, in proportion as the experiment has been most favourably and most extensively tried.—( Beccaria, and every other autho,ity on criminal jurispru dence, have laid it down as an axiom that crime is to be effectually prevented less by the amount than by the certainty of punishment ; but it has been reserved for Lord Normanby to make the formidable experiment of how far crime might be restrained by the absolute certainty of impunity.—( Hear.) Contemporary with. the discovery in physics that human disorders arc most effectually eradicated by the propoga tion of symptoms analogous to their own, it has been re- served for the late Lord - Lieutenant of Ireland to introduce into the science of Government the homceapathic princi ple of " Similia similibus curantur," that crime may be most thoroughly suppressed by affording every facility for its propogation. But, Sir, it is impossible fur those who are not living in the country itself, and witnesses to the alarm and trepidation of its inhabitants to comprehend in their full extent the disastrous effects of this rash and daring innovation on the enforcement of the law. It has destroyed alike the reliance of the plaintiff and the fear of the offender for the vigour and authority of the courts. The hope of justice is equally withdrawn from the sufferer, and the apprehension of it from the culprit.-- whilst the ignorant and astonished population have been taught to look upon the judges of the land as so many itine rant tyrants, and to regard the most revolting offences only as so many claims to the pity and commiseration of the Crown. --(Cheers.) But frightful as may be the contemplation of the extent of crime in Ireland, its evidence is even less formidable than the knowledge of the impossibility either to punish or prevent it. Crime, it is to be feared, there must always be in every country to a certain extent ; but there is always a hope and a confidence that that extent cannot expand so long as the great mass of the population are virtuous and sound.---( Hear.) But what hope can we entertain of a community, in which the feelings of the ma jority are rather with the criminal than the crime; and the sympathies of the mass are less with the victim than the murderer--( flear, hear, hear.) It has been said on the one hand but contradicted on the other that this sympathy with murderers in Ireland is the result of a widely-spread conspiracy, the ramifications of which arc incessantly employed either in the suborning or con cealment of crime. So far as regards the exculpation of the character of Ireland, it is utterly immaterial whether that contradiction be sustained or reversed. If there be not a conspiracy such as this amongst a portion of the people, then must it be what is more formidable still : a conspiracy and conjunction of the entire—(Cheers)—an all-pervading and unanimous impulse to tolerate assassina tion, to facilitate revenge, and to stifle with one consent the call for justice and the cry for mercy. And this is the pass to which we are compelled to admit society has arrived in Ireland, at the close of the four years' administration of " the paternal Government of Lord Normanlay."—( Elear.) Sir s as the vote of this evening is to embrace the entire policy of the Irish Government, I presume the department of the Irish Church is not to be excluded from that consi deration. The Irish Church has been, all alone-, the most prominent feature in the policy of th e p resen t * Ministry-- it was their scaling-ladder to power; and it has formed the material of two-thirds of their deliberations in office. And, Sir, I should be glad to learn what section of the people of Ireland will have their feelings honestly represented by the votcoof the majority of this House which will avow confidence in her Majesty's Ministers upon that question of their policy towards the Irish Church? Do youimagine that the vote of this night will be expressive a the confi dence of the Protestants of Ireland upoon that point? That people from whom for three years you capriciously with held an equitable settlement of that system on which they were dependent for the maintenance of their public wor ship and the support of their established religion ; and to what purpose ? only to yield to them in 1833 that measure of justice which you factiously denied them in 1835. For three years and upwards you kept the tithe sore open in Ireland, festering and ulcerating society, whilst you held the remedy ready in your hand, and yet forebcre to apply it. The Protestants of Ireland year after year implored you for a settlement ; we pressed upon you in this House the very measure which, when it answered your ends, you ultimately adopted. The Tithe Act of 1838 differed in no essential particular from the Bill for which we prayed in 1835, which was actually on the table of the House, but which you refused to grant till you could no longer hope to reap any advantage by withholding. And is it for these three years of needlessly protracted anxiety and turbulence and insult that you ask for the confidence of the Irish Protestants in your policy towards the Irish Church ? Do you include the clergy of the Irish Church in the vote of confidence which you now solicit? Lord Normarrby a few days since, in his partinc , address on taking leave of his Government, declared that he had " spent four years of uninterrupted happiness in Ireland." Sir, those were four years of uninterrupted misery to the Established Clergy of that country-( Much cheering)—four years of Privation, and poverty, and bereavement, and sickness, and death—sufferings which it was in your power to have prevented , but when they made these sufferings known to you, how did you redress them? The clergy have not yet for gotten that the Executive Government of Ireland illegally and unconstitutionally refused them the aid of the civil force for the protection of their property, and the assertion of the law in their behalf, till compelled to do so by the de cision of the House of Lords. They have not yet forgot. ten that you designated the complaints " a dismal tale of an imaginary malady." They have not yet forgotten the chilling w itticism of the Noble Lord opposite ( Lord John Russell)— _ Call it madness, call it folly, You shall not drive my grief away ; There's such a charm in melancholy, I would not, if I could, be gay." And yet with all these recollections, fresh and galling in their remembrance, the Noble Lord comes down to this Hous,?, to ask a vote of confidence from the representatives of the Irish Protestants and the Irish Clergy.—( Cheers.) But on the other hand, leaving aside altogether, the feel ing of the Protestants in Ireland—has your policy towards the Established Church, been such as to enable you to demand a vote of confidence from its Roman assailants in that country, or its no less formidable opponents in this ? I-Ltve you observed your promises to them for its reduction ? Have you redeemed your pledge of laying the foundation for its ultimate humiliation ? Do you ask the confidence of the Irish peasant, who, en couraged by your Phillipics agaidat the Church, and acting under the advice of the National Association (of that very Association, and perhaps of that very individual member of it, whom you selected as your confidential adviser), was induced to resist the payment of his lawful debts to the clergy till lie was immured in gaol as a rebel, and liberated only when reduced to a beggar ? Do you ask for his confidence in your p o li c y t owar d s t h e I r i s h Church—that policy which began by deluding him into a belief that it would cancel tithes altogether as a lien upon his land, but which has ended in cancelling his lease itself, and in doubling the facilities for driving him from his farm, if he hesitates one moment to discharge them ? But, above all, do you ask the confidence of this House, cr of the country, in the matter of the I: ish Church on the score of your dealings with the Appropriation Clause?— ( Hear, hear.) It was the outstretched hand that rased you into power—it wan at once the author and the essence of your existence as a Ministry—it was equally the foundation ond the keystone of your policy. If there ever was a measure which, not only from its ex ternal accidents, but from your asseverations of its impera tive and indispensible nature, the public might have had confidence would be carried into effect, it was the appro priation of some portion of the revenues of the Irish Church to secular objects. The Noble Lord opposite de clared that it would justify an agitation for the repeal of the Union, and the dismemberment of the empire itself, if the resolution to that etfect were to be defeated or de ferred. You were bound to it not merely officially as Ministers of the Crown, but personally as men of honour and of principle. Lord Melbourne himself declared so on presenting the Bill which embodied it to the House of Lords in 1836:-- " It is upon the great and decisive principles which we have adopted, and the maintenance of which, undoubtedly, is abso lutely necessary to our character and reputation ; as I believe it to be essential to the advantage and benefit of the country. It is upon that great and decisive principle myself and my col leagues are prepared to stand. . • • It is, in my opinion, a wise resolution; in my opinion it is such a resolution as is calculated to settle this question on grounds which will be really satisfactory ; and therefore, not only. in point of honour, not only in point of feeling, not only in point of reason, in point of everything that is binding upon man, I consider myself un doubtedly bound to adhere to the principle and letter of this resolution."— Lord Melbourne's See •cl Ho of a, use Lords, July 25, 1136. And was the language of the head of the Ministry in this House less deliberate or less resolute ? The Noble Lord opposite (Lotd John Russell) ten days after, on the Bill coming back to this House, denuded of this vital principle, thus declared his determination : " The House of Lords have sent the Bill back, rejecting that which the House of Commons have declared an inseparable part of it. . . . Hew then are we to deal with such a Bill? I content myself with referring to the debates of last year, and the resolutions then passed; and with declaring, that I and those with whom I act are satisfied of the truth and jus tice of the principles of those resolutions, and that from those principles we are not ready to depart, It may be a question for the House to consider, whether, having solemnly affirmed those principles, they are now prepared, because the House of Lords has rejected them, to yield them up, important as they are, and to endeavour to agree with the Lords upon this subject, either by assenting to the Bill before them, or to same other Bill, which migh be introduced. If the Members of the House of Commons were to go to the bar of the House of Lords in that humble guise —recanting their former resolutions —submitting that they had been in error—and that the wisdom of the House of Lords had taught them a lesson of policy which they had not before learned; I must say that I would not accompany the House of Commons on such a message. We are here, prepared to stand by the principles which we have professed. We maintained those principles as an essential part of the final settlement of this question, when we were out of office. With the affirmation of opposite principles now—wit's the denial of the principles which we have professed—of course it would be our duty to re sign—of course it would be our duty no longer to pretend to govern the counsels of this country. '—Speeclt of Lord John Russell, Aug. 2, 1836. Sir, I do se} , that when after these solemn declarations in the face of the Parliament and of the country, we find that that measure has been abandoned —when. after the lure even indirectly held out to bins of an expected subversion of the tithe system, the Irish peasant discovers that that system has been not only repaired but reinforced ; and when, after the threat menaced for three years of inflicting " a heavy blow and a great discouragement upon Protestantism," the Irish Protestant perceives that that blow is only averted because her Majesty's Ministers, " Willing to wound and yet afraid to strike," have discovered that they want the power to inflict it. I do say that it is delusion, or something worse than delusion, for Ministers to seek for a vote of con fidence in their policy towards the Irish Church at the bands either of its friends or its assailants. The Noble Lord (the Secretary for Ireland), Lord Morpeth, has, to be sure, on a former occasion, challenged oar confidence in the policy of the Government, so far as the internal affairs of the Church were concerned, and the exercise of patronage in the distribution of dignities and livings. B ut whilst- I grant, so far as I know, their faultlessness in this respect, inasmuch as in the Church of England, there were no offices to which Roman Catholics arc eligible, and, her clergy, but few politic a l p art i zans of the Noble am 0 1. 1- 4 1 o g r s d t , EVF,NI v(-1- VTITTWN, to fi! I tHse which fail vacant, I would plead, as a set-off to that demand for confidence, the a ppointment of Lord Ebringt on t o th e administration of the erelesiasticalahairs in Irel md—arriving, as he has in that country, with the law which he is to enforce in one hand, and his own s peech as a glossa, y u hereby to interpret it in the other. Sir,l rornemiKT to have h ear d it s t a t e d more th a n once in this House, that however eminent might be the persona l qmaidications of a G overnor in Ireland, those qualities were accounted as nothing, if the people of that co retry had not per feet co n fid ence i n t h e i r exercise. I !e' member myself to have h ear d t h e lion. Member for Kil kenny in the House d ec l a r e , w ith re f erence to my Noble Friend the Member for N ort h Lancashire, then Secreta r y for Ireland, that, how,ver high his qualifications, he should be dismissed front that office, becawe the people of Ireland were dissatisfied with him—" that even if he had no faults—if there was no doubt of his competency for office—still, if the people of Ireland thought differently , it was but right and proper that the Government should remove him—even if all the prejudices against him were unfounded, it was the duty of the Cabinet to get rid of him."—(Cherrs ) Sir, I understand perfectly the cheer of the El r - r. Member I understand thoroughly whom he means by 'the people of Ireland"—but, Sir, I ap peal from that cheer to her Majesty's Ministers, and' ask them, is it carrying o u t t h e i r principle of conci liation and their professions o f i m p ar ti a lity to appoint a Governor to that country, whos e on ly titl e t o the confidence of one party, is that he is rega r d e d w ith a l a rm and appre hension by the other? Oh, Sir, apply the doctrine of the Hon. Member for Kilkenny t o th e ease o f th e Lord Lieu ; tenant of Ireland. We do not dread that Noble Lord administration upon surmise or upon hearsay, his own voice is yet ringing in our ears; any incompetency which be may exhibit for any branch of his governmen t, h e i s convi c ted of on his declamations, and on the showing of his ova avowed opinions. And yet, Within one fortnight from the date 'l - ^n Lord Ebrington lands in Ireland, with a decla ration of " war again s t th e Ch urc h" s t i ll f res h upon his l'ps—( Cheers)—her Mai-sty's Ministers, who dispatched him thither, have the infatuation to call upon the Protestants of Ireiaed fora vote of confidence in their friendly policy and pacific intentions towards the Establishment of that countryNo, Sir. Whatever difference of opinion there may exist as to other departments of Irish policy, howsoever Members on the opposite side of the House may be disposed to at test their confidence in the Irish Administration of her Mjes'y's Government, it must be with an entire reserve . tion uf the question of the Irish Church. Upon that question their feelings and opinions have been disregarded equally with our own, But besides this, on this point of the Church, the sincere and earnest opponents, those who have been up to this moment equally energetic and consistent in their proposals for what they consider to be a proper regulation of the Irish Establish ment (the supporters of her Majesty's Minister* upon every other occasi on ), h ave a l rea d y recor d e d their deliberate opinions. Are they prepared to falsify that record now ? Are the two-and-thirty Hon. Members, wb°- on the third reading of the Irish Tithe Bill, last yea!, denounced that measure as a delusion, pregnant with evil, and calculated to deprive the Ministry of the confidence of the people of Ireland, who voted with the Hon. Members for Mayo and Kilkenny, against its being permitted to pass this House—are they p re p are d t o re t rac t t h a t deli - berate censure, and to declare their ur.qualified confidence in the wise and consistent policy of the Ministry toward*: the Irish Church ?—( Cheers.) I regret to see so few, present on the opposite benches ; but is the Hon. Member for Sheffield, who voted in that division, prepared to take that course ? Are the Members for London, Lambeth, Southwark and Westminster, and the Tower Hamlets and: Marylebone, who were all in the same division, prepared to follow his example? Will the Members for Cocker mouth and Wolverhampton do the same ? Unless they do so,—unless they reserve and protest against the policy of the Irish Church measures, then will their vote to-night be a direct contradiction of their recorded opinions in July last? Looking then, Sir, to the entire course of Irish policy, legislative as well as executive, to the selection of Go vernment functionaries ; to the patronage of the bar, the bench, and the civil offices of State ; looking to the go vernment of the Church, and the administration of the law, I can see no one department on the grounds of which the Conservative Members of this House can tender their confidence to her Majesty's Ministers ; and I can see but few in which, whilst they can claim the votes of their R 3 ' .. dical allies, they would not be at issue with the more cau tious and moderate Whigs upon the other—those Whigs ' mean who, before the accession of Lord Melbourne and the compact of Lichfield House ,formed the party which sup ported the Government of Earl Grey. Now, Sir, in alluding to Errl Grey's Administration, allow me to make one obser vation, there is no expedient which, on every emergency has been more triumphantly resorted to by her Majesty • Ministers, both in the House and elsewhere during th e last four years than an appeal to the precedent and ex ample of Lord Grey's G overnmen t. Th e po li cy an d prao• tice of his Cabinet are appealed to in every instance, wh e• ther to justify an attack or to furnish a defence. It seems as if " This weapon of their weakness they can wield To wound, defend, at once their spear and shield." But I think this is an unwise and a hazardous comparison for them to institute ; in Liberal professions the two Governments are indeed alike, but in Liberal per formance it is impossible to avoid c o nfessing 1 : 41 how difT.Tent." Their admini s t ra ti on scarce ly affords' one solitary point of genuine similarity. Patronage, which Lord Althorp di s cl a i me d as an exp l o d e d expe di e nt for t meictenance o f government , h as b een t h e alimente thisBnd n the essence o f th e i n fl uence o f L ord Mel b ourn e. In p irticular, too, so faithfully did Lord Grey's G o vernment observe th a t pl e d ge , t h at even the Hon. Mem b er f or Dub lin was compe ll e d i n th i s H ouse t i me after time to tau nt the Irish Governm en t o f E ar l G rey with the i r indiscr i-. urinate and imparti a l b es t owa l o f p l aces of honour an d emolument. Their nom i nat i on o f T ory not less than o f nt Noblemen as Lords Lieutenant of counties—their commissioning of Conserv.:tive as well as Of Liberal Menistrates—their appointment of Sheriffs from men of all parties, and their elevation to the bench of Judg es of polit;es different from their own, but of attainment s to entitle them to the honour—and, in short, that in every department of the State they had promoted men who were their own, political opponents—certainly i n this particular the Government of Lord Melbourne has steered cautiously clear of liability to any such imputatio n. , In fact no b e tt er proo f can b e adduced of the sincer i t y or Lord Grey, than that he conferred a silk gown on O. Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Dublin himself, avow e dly on t h e score of his professiona l r an' and irrespective of his political position ; but I defy her Ala" je,ty's Ministers to produce one solitary instance—to Poi° to one single gentlemen of eminence at the Irish bar--; one Barrister, whether Protestant or Roman Catholic (sr Roman Catholic Conservatives are to be found even at the Bar in Irela n d) o f di st i ngu i s h e d atta i nments and emine°, esteem, but of C onservat i ve po li t i cs, upon w h om , in a whole cours e o f th e i r Ad m i n i strat i on, they have confer similarly well-earned and honourable distinction ?—( 11 ", 1%) No—but whilst thes e h a d b een stu di ous l y secluded. "e, f i Majesty's Mi n i s t ers h ave presse d t h e honours of the B e ne upon the Hon. and Learned. Member for D u blin himsel f ' notwithstanding his own numerous declarations i n this House, that fr om hi s po li t i ca l part i zansh i p the peo ple °, Ireland should not t o l erate suc h an appo i ntment. _( H e ar.) It has ever been regarded as one of the noblest cones;" sions of the Crown to the liberty of the people, that thls Judges of the land should be independent even of the in fluence which creates them, and of the Monarchs whom they represent. It w as one o f t h e h o bbi es o f William lII' that he was the first to introduce that glorious princle t into the Constitution of England ; and it was the fir s act of George 111., as a King, to extend and to confiral it. The whole course of the legal patronage of Lord Nor: manby has been one persevering effort to undermine that independence, and to render a seat upon the Bench' whether in the higher or the minor tribunals of the law' l dependent upon th e amount o f political exertion by. which it could be purchased.—( Much cheering.) Through° ° e the entire fr a m ewor k an d structure of society, the sari; spirit and principle have been all pervading and universait and every door to promotion, whether honorary or P ro. fessional, over w hi c h G ov( rament h ave h ad the con trotuf has been readily c l ose d aga i nst every aspirant, h o wever distinguished, wh o cou ld not pronounce the Shi bb o l e th °f faction, or who w ou ld not j o i n t h e worsh i p of the Daa of agitation--( Hear, he a r.) I s it poss ibl e , Si r , for the Protestants of Ireland, with a fidelity to the Crown wh l % has never bee n i m p eac h e d— w i t h no st i gma i n h er ent 1 0 their caste—no imputation on their honour to deprive the of the countenance and encouragement of the State--i s . th in human nature to b e li eve t h at t h ey s h ould regar d at o f and bow with ca l m en d urance to t h e edict °r a party which repulses th em f rom every o ffi ce o f 'honour f a emolument in their own country, to which their talents 1 1 7 . : acquirements might entitle them l eg iti mate l y to aspire' d ( Hear, hear.) It is but a few months since all Ire l l l , l o resounded with a mu rmur o f i n di gnat i on, b ecause a 14,1 ° as 0 Lord had designat e d one c l ass o f t h e populat i on as al: from the feeli ngs an d t h e h a bi ts o f the other. W h a t, the must be the indignant e mo ti ons , not t h e l ess i nte nse . ° e 30, cause less clamorou s ly ev i nce d, o f t h ose w h o are Ill a from day to day, to f ee l an d to experience that not in ni asl ro only, but in substanc e a n d i n reality, they are treated - aliens and as foreigners in the land of their birthirr, ( Hear. ) Sir, I have the authority of an Hon. Me r° _ i e de whose opinions are of much weight upon the opposite ° be of the House, for saying that such a system would a t .ot , tolerated by the Protestants of England, and s hould for one moment be endured by the people of Ireland' e d ( Hear, hear.) And when Hon. Members are dispos e to comment upon the expressions of Lord Lyndhursi, would beg their attention to the following energetic °P Hume) who, nions of the Hon. Member for Kilkenny (Mr. flu r i n iro , who, in denouncing the appointment of twenty-sis Lor d testant gentlemen as stipendiary magistrates by Lord Anglesea, in 1833, thus delivered his sentiments on mat ter of aliens nd par tiz pp an aointments:— Why is it," s a aid the Hon. Gentleman, "that Catholics t are carefully excluded from the list of twenty-six stifiel a ° l 7a'e magistrates, who have been recently appointed in Ire' „„a Why are they carefully excluded from such situativs,„4o,- twenty-six foreigners appointed to them ?" Several,,icno„ ourable Members here cried " Hear, hear." 11 Y,e s ' ; „,, s er, tinned Mr. Hume, " I contend that they are o re i7ion —they are persons foreign in their habits and re ' t h a t to the bulk of the people—and I say then foreigners have been appointed to these offices. • - • i n ' tea Suppose th a t th ere were twenty-six magistrates to be aPP°floo• in England, wat would t people of England saY but Catholics w h ere selected t h o fill these offices. But Ichs't «mould writ he said if none b ut Catholics were nominated to ev ery ,_ na ? tiva office i n t h e country? Would this be borne in E!Ig 1 : ata Then why should th e system be endured in Irel and: only astonished th a t the people of this country ha ve borne '' it so lo ng ." which, in Ireland, he (Mr. E. Tennent) ma de co , his And yet this is the very system for the continuancoo°o doubt the Hon. Member would this night re/uout, vote along with her Majesty's Ministers.—(Chee rs I __ d re again, the tenure of office which was recognized, a" power of his the Vrc_ which speeted by Earl Grey, was regulated by united Cabinet to carry through those measu w. ! ch the y they deemed essential, and to resist others . hi /0' vision of the Coercion Bill, which were in ' NO 1 011 0 condemned. When no longer able to maincrin,etnbsoasbein for the suppression of agitation in Ireland, and when ucs __ of t he supported by his own Cabinet upon the q_r'°"/ri like Irish Church, Lord Grey retired from office. his at manner the present Premier has been thwarted in :~ . Ply 4lu c ti i ...I