The Sun. — London, England, 1839-05-21 00:00:00

NING EDITION. MEETING IN THE BOROUGH TO ADDRESS HER MAJESTY. elelcutorcs°llosefquenr* of a requisition, signed by fifty-five 1 John H I ; a l i t i n t g 0 f sentinp the. Borough of Southwark, addressed to " 3 '4, Esq., High Bailiff of the Borough, a the electors was this day held at the Town ° 'take into consideration the propriety of pre press' a loyal and dutiful address to her Majesty, ex press • firr Jog their high admiration of thanks for the noble t' aness she has di s pl a y e d i n res i st i ng t h e l ate unconsti 4tional attempt of Sir Robert Peel to deprive her Ma jesty of the exercise of her free will in the choice of her own private and confide-atial female friends and asso ciates. The. HIGH BAIT:ISF took the Chair at one o'clock. T' ne High . Railiff said, that having received the rer tuisition, he.: had felt it his duty to comply with it, ar id felt certain that the meeting would receive the re- F oluti'aia s and the address in a manner worthy of their station. The first thing necessary was, that the requi sition should be read. The requisition having been read, 1 Mr. GIAFTY said that as he believed every one pre sent perfectly understood the subject on which they had been called together, the task which had devolved on him was an easy one, in moving the first resolution. It was to sanction the firmness of our amiable and virtu ous Queen, nr,d that title should always command the respect of - every honest English heart, and make it stand up for the protection of its spirited Sovereign. li e w"ald therefore propose the first resolution, which was , to . the effect, that it was alike essen ti a l t o th e Con- St" .tion of the country to preserve the rights and privi- Le r es of the Sovereign inviolate, as well as the privileges ' /the people ; and that her Majesty's subjects aro as much bound to support the Queen in upholding the dignity of the Crown, and her own personal indepen denae, as she is bound to prevent any infringement on the just rights and immunities of the people.—(Cheers.) Had her Majesty succumbed to Sir Robert Peel, we should have had a Ministry inflicted on us, who, by their measures when formerly in power, had plunged the country in the greatest distress, from which we were now only just emerging. We should again have been plunged into misrule ; and instead of holding meetings to ask for legislative protection, they would have been obliged to have held meetings for the purpose of pro tec.ting themselves against the Legislature. Her Ma jesty had acted her part well.—(Cheers.) She had '.old Sir R. Peel she had no disposition to avail herself of his services. (Here Mr. Harvey was announced, and entered the room amid loud cheering.) He was sure they were all glad of the interruption. He called upon the meeting to discharge their duty to themselves and to the country at large by supporting this resolution for the maintenance of the Queen's privileges and of the people's rights, and when both could be brought to coin cide the country must prosper. Should we have had our rights and privileges augmented or retarded by a Tory Government ? They had been tried before, and had brought forward no measures of amelioration. There were many grounds of special oppression. They need not fear much from the military establishment— they need not fear much from the naval establishment —but they had much to fear from the Ecclesiastical Establishment. What had Sir Robert Peel said in the House of Commons 7—That the Church had awaked— the Church had slept long ; and would it had continued to sleep. He would go to Ireland, and ask if the Church was awake, and they would point to the churchyards, in which were buried their slaughtered sons ; while in Wales they would show their citizens immured in ptison. Was the Church awake in England ? Yes, they had ample proof of it in the cottages devoid of tables, stools, and furniture, which had been sold for Church-rates. The law authorising the existence of the Ecclesiastical Courts ought to be scratched out of the statute-book, and the ink turned over it. He would ask them where they were to look for protection from the Ecclesiastical Courts? He would say here (pointing to Mr. Harvey and Mr. Humphrey.)—(Great cheering.) Mr. Grafty I concluded by proposing the resolution. Mr. WALKER. seconded the resolution. He would not detain them long, because he knew they were anxious to hear their representatives. The resolution embodied two important considerations, the privileges ! 1 of the Soverei gn , an d t h e i r own privileges also ; the first had been most unjustly attacked by that party who arrogated to themselves everything that was loyal. Sir Robert Peel had insulted the Queen by endeavouring to deprive her of her friends. He trusted that the pro ceedings of this day would not be a mere idle compli ment to the Queen, but that the address would be ac companied by expressions showing a determination to have those rights and privileges which belonged to Them. The late Ministry had not been slow to throw the Queen into the hands of the Tories before they had been beaten in the House of Commons, and had it not been for the obstinacy of Sir Robert Peel a Tory Government might have been in existence at this mo ment ; but he hoped before the present Cabinet was completed something like a Durham would be asso ciated with it. He would call upon the Government to leave off useless attempts to conciliate the Tories, and rely for support on the people. The Queen bad de clared herself a Reformer—(Cheers)—and he should t like to have see n th e phy s i ognomy o f Si i R o b ert P ee l 4 when she told him th a t s h e should have been h a ppy t o i have done without him. It must have been the heaviest i blow that he had ever received from a Palace before. Her Majesty deserved the support of the people the more because she was acting with firmness, and had 1 shown that she would not suffer herself to be trampled oo by the Tories. ,1 On the resolution being put, Mr. DAY said it was extremely unpleasant to move an amendment to the resolution, but he felt called upon • to do so. He hoped he was quite as loyal as other gen tlemen, and would support the Queen, but he was afraid the object of the meeting was to support the Melbourne f Ministry more than the Queen.--(Ch eers , and cries o f • " No.") H e cou ld not f orget that they had brought forward the question of the Poor-law, and on that , question it w as necessary that the Queen should not be ' deceived. Mr. Dv then complained of the haste with which the meeting had been convened, and complained of difficulties which had been thrown in his way in con vening a meeting for considering the New Poor-law, and of the non-attendance of the two Members on that occasion. Mr. Harvey, he knew, was engaged in pub lic business connected with the Borough at the time, and he trusted Mr. Humphery would be able to give 1 as good an excuse . H e wou ld move an address, by way of amendment to the resolution. Mr. Day then Iread an address by way of amendment, which, after expressing admiration for the conduct of her Majesty, stated that they did not approach her with party views, and expressed the feeling of the meeting as being strongly against the New Poor-laws, and that they had no confidence in the present Ministry ; and praying her Majesty to call to her Councils such men as would re peal it. The Address also expressed disapprobation of a rural police, and of the system of centralization. A long conversation here took place upon the point of order as to when the amendment should be proposed. It was ultimately arranged that the discussion on the remaining resolu• ions should take place, and that on the first being put to the meeting, the amendment of Mr. Day should then be submitted. The HIGH BAILIFF said, with respect to the meeting having been got up in a hasty manner, he wished to be allowed to state, that the requisition was brought to him on Friday by Mr. Toulon, who wished the meeting to be convened for an early day, mentioning the day. He (the High Bailiff) thought it was too soon ; but Mr. Toulon said, " there is a levee next Thursday, when, if the address be prepared, we can all go up with it."—(Laughter.) Mr. APSLEY PELLATT sa id, i t was h i s intention to I move a resolution to the following effect :—That Ithe inhabitants of this important and populous bo rough are deeply impressed with and admire the noble and dignified firmness of her Majesty in re sisting the unconstitutional and unprecedented at tempt of the leader of the Tory party to control her Majesty in the selection of her female attendants, which, if successful, would have been subversive of one of the dearest and most important of her Majesty's privileges as a Queen, and rendered the choice of her attendants wholely dependent on political changes." Although there was no allusion to the Poor-law in this resolution he was quite certain it would meet the appro bation of the meeting.—(Hear, hear.) Every one present must feel that, her Majesty had made a dig nified, spirited, and powerful resistance to the uncon stitutional attempt made to usurp her rights, which would raise her still higher in their estimation.— (Cheers.) This must be the opinion of all men who pos. weed the least degree of loyalty, and who were anxious for the preservation of the Constitution, and to obtain an enlightened Ministry—(Cheers)—not a Ministry fearful of carrying out the principles they profess, because the Lords were against them, and they had not such a hold on the confidence of the people as to enable them to produce proper measures. He was anxious that the [ Ministry should be constituted of men of the highest talent and most Liberal principles that could be found ; he wished the old Ministry to be in some degree weeded, and that only those should be left who would carry out their principles, even though resignation should be the result.—(Cheers.) Here was a Tory Ministry about to ride rough-shod over the people, but the gseen had by her spirited conduct prevented the country from being subservient to the Aristocracy, and delivered the people from an impending danger of the most serious description. It was therefore the duty of the meeting to send an address to her Majesty ex pressive of their approbation of the measures adopted. 1 - -(Cheers.) Mr. VOUILEY, in supporting the sentiments of the last speaker, congratulated the meeting and electors of ) the borough in having two Representatives who, on a !scent occasion, stood so firm on the Jamaica question 11 , 1 V oting with the Ministry. He did not approve •f the cond uct of the Radical party in the House of Corn awns on that occasion ; for if the pr es e n t Ministry was not all that could be wished, he would ask whether they did not come nearer to the mark than the Tories ? (Hear, hear.) But for the chapter of accidents the country would have had a Tory Government instead of a Liberal one. He was surprised that the present Go vernment I vern ment had been abl e t o do go much. What had they to contend with ? A powerful majority in the House of Peers and a strong opposition in the House of Commons, and the Radicals said they were not going fast enough. During the short time the Whigs had been in power, they had given to the country more relief than ever the Tories had done.—(Hear, hear.) If the people could not get all they wanted, they ought to be thankful to those who aided and assisted in giving a portion of what they wanted till they could get all their demands.--(Hear, and cries of " We shall wait a long time.") Mr. CARTER had waited with some anxiety to hear the purport of the meeting, and he must confess that never heard speeches so little to the purpose. He had no doubt, as Mr. Day had said, that the meeting was got up for some other purpose, but it was clear that Mr. Day had got the weather-guage of them, and they would lose their resolutions.--(Cries of " Yo You're a Tory.") The explanations which had been given in Parliament ought to have satisfied every honourable mind, and the amount of them was, that the Queen was not to be dictated to—(Hear) —that it never was the intention of Sir Robert Peel to dictate.— (Loud cries of " Oh, oh.") The only object was to remove two or three political ladies, and he was surprised how gentleman could have the effrontery:to make the assertion,hich had i been made in spite of common sense and reason.—(Disapprobation.) Of the resolutions which had been proposed, he should prefer that of Mr. Day.—(Hear hear.) He had a strong feeling on the subject of the Poor-laws, and thought the borough was greatly indebted to Mr. Day for the exer tions which he had made on this subject.—(Hear hear.) A great deal had been said about contending factions, but there wnre two contending factions here—(Uproar)— and if he could move an amendment, he would say " Let us hire two steam boats and ga off to Greenwich fair.' —(Loud laughter.) Mr. GOOD thought the meeting greatly indebted to the Radicals who had voted against the Government, for they had done more good than all the meetings which could be held. He should have been glad to see the Members for Southwark amongst those who had voted for getting rid - of these no-measure men.—(Cheers and laughter.) Mr. BENJAMIN WOOD had a resolution to propose to the effect, that in tendering to her Majesty our warmest thanks for her spirited rejection of the injurious proposal which was made to her, the inhabitants of this borough desire to assure her Ma jesty that such conduct on her part cannot but justify and increase the confidence and affectien of the people ; and that we embrace this opportunity of expressing our earnest hope and confidence, that the Ministers whom her Majesty shall think fit to call to her councils will recommend to her Majesty, and that they will pursue such a decided and uncompromising course of liberal and enlightened policy as shall the most speedily remedy all the abuses of which the people justly complain, and thus give satisfaction to the great nation over which her Majesty has been called to reign. —(Applause.) No man living felt the necessity of a change more than he did from the policy which had been pursued by the present Ministers for the last three or four years, and it would have been a great gratification to him, if, instead of Lord Melbourne recommending the Duke of Wellington to be sent for, he had recom mended some other nobleman of great talents and weight in the country—he alluded particularlyito the Earl of Dur ham.—(Cheers.) If such an individual had been sent for and other corresponding charges had been made in the Cabinet, it would have been satisfactory to almost all classes. With respect to the amendment of Mr. Day, it ought to be remembered by all parties that no body of men was more strenuous in support of the Poor-laws than the Tories, and it was rather disheartening to the men who wished to do that which was right that they should bear all the odium of that law.—(Hear, hear.) Now with respect to the particular object for which the meeting had been called. After all that had taken place, it was quite evident that the Queen was a Re former. That in itself was a great gain to this country —to the liberties of the country—because it proved that the Queen was not a Tory, and he trusted she never would become one.—(Cheers.) He was inclined to believe that if the Tories once came into power and got well seated, it would not be in the power of borough or any other meetings to get rid of them. He did not agree with those Radical friends who had said "throw out the Ministry upon any terms."—(Hear, hear.) He hoped what had occurred would make them better, and that they would be convinced that they might as well try to ride upon needles as continue the Government without making some great changes.—(Cheers.) He hoped the country was now on the eve of some great changes, and trusted the address proposed would be agreed to. Mr. ARROWSMITU thought the present opportunity ought to be taken of touching on the internal state of the country, and he therefore suggested a resolution of the following nature :—That this meeting has observed with pain and regret the persevering efforts which have been made, and which still appear to be in operation in some parts of the country, to excite the people to dis turbance and to insurrectionary resistance to the law, and to recommend dangerous and illegal practices: to counteract these designs, this meeting humbly relies upon the efficacy of the law, founded on the principles of the British Constitution—laws made by the three branches of the Legislature, and laws not emanating from a delegated and unconstitutional power—upon the firmness of the Executive Government in administering the law with justice and humanity, and the general ab horrence of her Majesty's subjects of violence and dis order.—(Disapprobation.) Mr. WEATHERLEY was surprised that a meeting had been called on the simple question of addressing her Majesty on the change of her housemaids.—(oh, oh.) He thought it was contemptible, and that this was a most simple proceeding, because there were co facts to show that an attempt had been made to dictate to the Queen.—(Oh, oh.) The party into whose hand s the task - of forming a Ministry had been placed had alright to see thatthe Royalear should not be polluted.—(Confu sion, during which the speaker was asked if he was an elector. Having replied in the negative, the High Bai liff decided that he could not be heard.) Mr. GRAFTY then replied. Mr. Day's amendment was then put, and about 20 hands were held up in its favour ; the original resolu tion was then put and carried by a large majority. The Address to the Queen, which embodied the resolutions was then read from the chair. On the question being put for the adoption of the Address, Mr. DAY rose amid loud cries of " Spoke ! spoke !" mingled with cheers and hisses, and said that he ap proved of the Address, with the exception of one part of it in which a party name was mentioned. He thought it was important that the present opportunity should not be allowed to escape without some allusion to the Poor-law Question, as they would not have ano ther opportunity of expressing their sentiments on that point. He was sorry something had not been said on that question in the Address. The address was then put and carried, without a dissentient. Mr. ARROWSMITH here endeavoured to propose his resolution, which he read amidst much noise and con fusion, but which riot being seconded, of course fell to the ground. Mr. WOOD said he had a short resolution to pro pose, which he was convinced would be carried unani mously, he therefore proposed that the thanks of this meeting be returned to J. Humphery, Esq., and D. W. Harvey, Esq., for their attendance this day, and for their support of liberal measures in the House of Corn mons.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. TOULON seconded the resolution, and trusted that in the formation of the Ministry, it would be recol lected that the Metropolitan population amounted to a million and a half, and that among the representatives of that population there was to be found as much talent and ability as could be found anywhere else,—(Cheers.) Mr. Alderman HUMPTIERY said he would not detain the meeeting long, as he was quite satisfied they must be nearly exhausted, but he felt it to be his duty to explain his motives for the vote he had given in the House of Commons on the question which, in its results. had bren so important. He had always felt that it was bad policy to run any risk of calling the Tories to power. —(Cheers.) If he could have been satisfied that out of evil would come good, he might have done so, but he was not satisfied that such had been the case. The address congratulated her Majesty on her firmness in dismissing a Tory Ministry, and after having exhibited the firmness necessary to get rid of Sir Robert Peel, she had called in men more liberal than he. No doubt could exist in any man's breast that these men must pursue a liberal course of policy or that they must resign. He was astoni s h e d that a man of the craft and subtilty of Sir Robert Peel should have refused to take office on account of the Ladies of the Bechamber, because he was sure if he had done se, that he would within one week have had no difficulty. The Ladies would have gone ou t of their own accord—but Peel knew that there was some other power by which he could regulate his course in the House of Commons, besides the Ladies of the Bed chamber. He recollected the minority he was in on the Jamaica Bill—and he (Mr. Humphery) recollected that in his explanation in the House, he (Sir R. Peel) had said that he could not always reckon on the support of the ten Gentlemen who had voted with him on that question. In fact, he was in minority of 22, therefore he must have dissolved the Parliament. He had said that if he had received support on the question of Speaker, he should not dissolve. This was a boon thrown out to men who would twist in their votes—but be knew that if he dissolved the Parliament, the Ladies of the Bedchamber would not be the only un derming power he should have to contend with. He (Mr. Humphery) did not think he was deserving of the blame which Mr. Day had cast upon him. It was true he had no t atten d e d t h e meet i ng en t h e P oor -l aw question.—(A voice in the crowd—" No more did no , body else.".—Roars of laughter.) No one could go further in support of the poor than he had done. He was almost the only metropolitan Member who had voted against the Bill, he had voted against every clause of it, and he was one of n i ne w h o h a d vote d against the clause giving a plurality of votes—(Cries T"E ‘l.l\l LtiN DON TrESDA of " Bravo !" and cheers)—therefore he could not be considered friendly to the Poor-law Act ; but he would also add, that the Bill having been carried with the concurrence of almost all the leading men of both sides the House in the House of Commons, and with the almost unanimous concurrence of the House of Lords, he thought it the duty of Guardians to carry out the Bill in such a manner as to render it effective both to the rate-payer and to the poor man. There was no hope of repealing it. Mr. DAY—It will die a natural death this year. Mr. Alderman HUMPHERY—Yes, and another Bill would be introduced to continue it. No doubt altera tions ought to introduced into it, and he should like to see power given to the Guardians to order relief out of the house. He would go as far as any Liberal Member to make it effective and easy to the poor man, and an opportunity would soon be afforded of testing his sincerity. " Do you think the Bastardy A voice in the crowd— clause requires alteration ?" Mr. Alderman HUMPHERY said he thought it did. He would use his utmost endeavours, as long as he was in the House, to carry out those principles which he thought his constituents wished to see carried out. He thought that those Liberal Members had done wrong who had voted against the desire of their constituencies on the Jamaica Bill. He knew three of those Mem bers who did not intend to go to their constituencies again ; and he said that those Members were wrong to vote factiously on this Bill, with the intention of turn ing the Government out. He felt that if Sir Robert Peel had carried on the Government as he had in tended, the country would have been reduced to a state of thraldom, and therefore he considered that vote a factious one. Those Ministers whom her Majesty had called back mustcarry out liberal measures. He heard of one thing which they intended to do, which was to give up the postage, and adopt the penny postage plan. It was also their intention not to oppose the Ballot— (Loud cheering)—but to allow every Member of the House of Commons to support or oppose that measure as they saw fit. These were two good things as far as they went, but he should like to see the rate-paying clauses abolished, and the payment of the registration shilling done away with, and he had no doubt whatever Ministry we should have, must do these things or they would not stand. It was very easy to talk of forming a more Liberal Government, but the difficulty was to get Members of character and fortune to come forward. Needy men, who were anxious to take care of them selves, could be found in plenty, but the difficulty was to find Liberal Members of Liberal ideas and of inde pendent fortunes to take upon themselves the functions of Government. The Queen had expressed her deter mination to Lord John Russell to support Liberal opi nions ; she had said to him " You see that letter, do you approve of it ?" and on his stating he did, she had said that she relied on him to support those opinions in the House of Commons; that showed that Lord Johnßussell was a man of Liberal politics, although he might not be pleasing to everybody. He concluded by urging the meeting to do everything in their power to support the Liberal principles of the Queen.—(Cheers.) Mr. D. W. HAaVEY, who was received with loud cheering, which lasted some considerable time, said— Mr. High Bailiff and Gentlemen, I feel much indebted to my friend Mr. Day for having relieved me from con siderable responsibility, inasmuch as I understand that when a meeting was held in this Hall on the subject of the Poor-law, some short time since, it was imputed to me as a censurable fault that I was absent. The respect which I owe this constituency for the honour they have conferred on me in electing me as their representative, makes me anxious on all occasions to be present at their public meetings, and the pressure of private business never has nor never shall occasion my absence from them.—(Cheers.) But there has of late been a most wholesome regulation adopted with regard to Commit tees of the House of Commons imposing on every Mem ber the necessity of attending the discussions which may take place in those Committees throughout, or precluding him from taking any part in any subsequent discussions, or from voting on the question, and on the day on which that important meeting took place, I was sitting on the Blacks all Committee, against whose objects a petition had been signed by a large portion of this constituency ; and although the present age has made rapid strides in the march of improvement, I have not yet heard of any invention which will enable a person to be in two places at one and the same time.—(Cheers and laughter.) If I were at all of a jealous disposition, I might feel some grounds for complaint at the conduct of the Melbourne Ministry, whom I have frequently supported, in making my worthy Colleague the depository of their secrets — (A laugh)—and I hope, as they have confided so much in him, that it will show you that he has more power than I have, and I should advise you to apply to him for any thing you may require at their hands.—(Loud laughter.) He has to-day let out two or three things which is news to us all—nay, which I believe will be even news to the Newspapers.—(Roars of laughter.) The Penny-postage plan is to be adopted, the Ballot is to be made an open question, the Rate paying Clauses are to be repealed—(Cries of " No, no," from Mr. Alderman Humphery)—and the greatest of all financial wonders is to be brought to pass, the giving up the sum of one shilling by those who have the power to take it, and we are all to live in hope that these great measures will be compassed.—(Cheers and laughter.) But with respect to the matter more imme diately before us, I will not attempt to give my version of the story of what has passed within the last fortnight. Government is a great mystery, and the proceedings of the last fortnight show it. I will not follow the example of my Hon. Friend. 1 will not give my version of the story as the true one. I will not attempt to determine whether Sir Robert Peel conducted the negociations with his usual skill—whether he was desirous originally of forming a Tory Administration—and whether he was retarded in this design by difficulties with which he could not contend ; all this is to me a matter of the most per fect indifference. I rejoice, however, that I did not by my vote contribute to bring about these results, which I hope will be for good. I have never been extremely anxious to perpetuate the Melbourne Government, but if there were ever any measure of the Melbourne Government which was entitled to support, and which I am perfectly satisfied was necessary, it was that on which this division took place ; because, although that Government more than any other possessed the unenviable felicity of making their best measures appear felicitous, the Jamaica Bill was a measure for the good of the country, but it should have been a Bill, not for suspending, but for abolishing the Constitution of that colony. The Government, in bringing forward that measure, proceeded upon too narrow a basis ; because the House of Assembly had refused to recognize the Prisons Bill—because one act of the Legislature had been disallowed—they thought it just to suspend the Constitution. These are the grounds on which Mr.Grote thought it right to vote against the motion ; because, he said, and he was right in so saying, if a popular legisla tion is under the constant apprehension that if it does not adopt the suggestions of the ruling powers, it will be interfered with in its functions, there must be an end to all constitutional legislation. But the real ground of the Bill is this. The House of Assembly consists of 43 representatives, chosen by a constituency con sisting of 2,000 out of a population of 400,000 persons, these representatives having been recently slave-owners, and many of them dealers in human flesh, and many of those 2,000 having been engaged in making the same nefarious purchases. This is not the form of Government calculated to carry out the Emancipation Act, and it is the duty of the Government to form a system adapted to the new state of things. There are difficulties, insuperable difficulties,in the way of doing this at once ; therefore the Government proposed that Com missioners should be appointed, having absolute power in Jamaica, but responsible for their conduct to the Go vernment at home, until such time as they should have acquired information sufficient to enable them to propose a new system of Government adapted to the existing state of affairs. These are the reasons on which I sup ported the Bill. I may regret that any part of those who support a Liberal policy, should have thought it their duty to vote against the Government on this question—but I cannot consent to denominate their conduct factious, because I must grant to them the same perfect independence which I claim for myself.— (Cheers.) I do not think that either the overthrow of the Melbourne Government, or the manner of its restoration is fraught with such inestimable blessings, for I am not one of those who view a Tory government with apprehension. The time has gone by when the people of this country are to be terrified by a name.— (Cheers.) What we want is an efficient and responsible Government, earring out all the great objects and designs of government, and though it is to expect too much, especially from those men who are the embodied iden tification of Toryism to become so liberal as to propose measures to meet our concurrence, yet I do not hesitate to say that if Sir Robert Peel had been able to settle his differences with the Bedchamber Ladies, and had bean placed with the Duke of Welling ton over the government, if they had proposed any mea sures or series of measures, which I deemed as good as if they had proceeded from the Treasury Bench when filled by the Melbourne Administration, though I might have looked into those measures with more suspicion, and given them a more vigilant scrutiny, yet I would have given to that Government the same steady support if they had been proposing measures of this class as I would to the other—(Cheers)—because I consider the time is past when the people of this country are to be tortured by names. But, as I said before, great advan tages must flow from recent events. I am disposed to attribute to her Majesty and her conduct all that the most kind interpretation can give. In her character we trace great firmness, we trace discrimination of political men, we trace fidelity in private attachments, forming elements of character rarely to be found with such a minority of years—(Hear hear) —and when further I heard it conceded in the House of Commons by Sir R. Peel, that her Majesty did not disguise her attach ment to her recent Ministers, I am bound and justified to infer that it was not the narrow attachment of early associations merely, but :that she loved those principles which they so little illustrated, and which she would be well pleased if they were more strenuously enforced.— (Cheers). But we must not expect too much from a crowned head ; on the:contrary, I should be amongst the first to deprecate any attempt of the Executive power to raise itself into an individual political character. The Executive of this country is a mysteriously contrived emblem, by which the various portions of the nobility and aristocracy are silenced or concur in a scheme of authority, for which, in past centuries, they have con tended, and have deluged the country with blood in the strife. We therefore throw around the crown all that fortune and favour can confer, and above all we adorn it with the free homage of our impulses. We are, from our education, and still stronger from our prejudices, attached to the mixed form of Government under which we live ; but I should deeply regret if ever there should be an attempt by the monarchy to claim to itself the same balance of power that belongs to the hereditary council of the land, and still more to the sovereign power of the people —(Cheers.) I therefore infer, that while her Majesty has strong predilections both as to persons and principles, she is so well read in the history of this Constitution as to know,while she deeply regrets the events that crowded about her persons with whom she was unfamiliar, and brought h erse lf i n contac t w i t h principles at variance with her i mpress i ons, yet w h en s h e found the representatives of the people were pressing on a Government not in accordance with her own views, she should at once throw herself into the hands of a Con stitutional Government.—(Chee rs .) I cannot d ou bt that her Majesty is friendly not only to those who com pose the present Government, but to those who I wish did something more than make professions.—(Cheers.) But see what a delightful impression touches our minds in reviewing these circumstances. It is not more than four years when we were frequently admonished in this place and in the newspapers connected w ith th e p ar ty, to forbear pressing on the Government of the late King measures to which the hearts of the Ministers were de ' voted, but which they were not in a condition to advance. We were told that the King, though he had good in tentions was not mentally p ower f u l , t h at h e was t h e creature of Tory impressions, that he was unfriendly to the principles of their Government, and watching an oc casion for their overthrow. That occasion was brought about by court cabal, and overthrew the Government, upon which the Peel standard was erected, but fell ander the weight of Parliamentary deri sion. Now, my friends, that excuse is withdrawn from the Melbourne Government.—(Cheers.) Even at the commencement of the present reign we were cautioned against pressing for any measures which the comparatively infant mind of the monarch might not be prepared to receive. But the Queen has proved her self to be only a child in years, but that she has the stature of A man's mind—that she has a knowledge of her duty, and is resolved to acquit herself of it. We then have a right to cherish the belief that we have an Executive power devoted to the best interests of the people, and that her Majesty only requires those en lightened councillors, and those grave measures of wis dom and deliberation which ought to be the emblems of a good Government, and which the people are not more anxious to support, than they are ready to op pose anything that may infract this definition of their interests. The people of this country say they are en titled to good Government economically administered through the agency of their own representatives.— (Cheers.) It was asked by some gentleman what was the course which their Members intended to pursue. I have no hesitation or difficulty in stating, that which I shall pursue. I had quite made up my mind that if the Peel party came into power, I never would again fall into the mere ranks of p a rty opposition. Two long ap prenticeships did I spend on the opposition benches, struggling with, and behind the men who would make us believe that if they were possessed of power they would spread over the land the beneficent consequences of their authority. They got into power, and for another long apprenticeship I have supported them, but I never will again fall back into a mere party opposition, which means nothing more nor less than this—there is not places for us all, one party cannot be perpetually in authority, and therefore we will have this understand ing, that we who have got possession of the Treasury benches, will retain them as long as we can, and when the pressure is too great for us to do so, we will hand them over to you, with the understanding that you shall show the same forbearance in opposition that we have shown ; and perhaps Lord John Russell shall get up and tender his generous support to Sir Robert Peel's Government, as we h ave i ns t ances , n i g ht a ft er night, of Sir Robert presenting himself to the House to rescue the Whig Government from the policy of the Radicals.—(Cheers.) To such an artifice I will be no party ; but if her Majesty's Ministers, as I have a right to infer from the State secrets now let out, do intend to pursue an improved policy, they will find me not less strenuous and not less active in their support than my Hon. Friend.—(Cheers.) It would be singular if a man after 20 years' labour had not some favorite notion, some hobby-horse. I keep a very large stud of these horses, but they cost me very little, and I find few people disposed to borrow them.—(Laughter.) But I am not so wedded to them as to say I will sup port no Government that does not embrace them all. We must look to society as we find it. We are a singularly artificial people. There is scarcely anything natural in our political relations, and when you propose any measure of improvement, however it may recom mend itself to one class of persons, it is sure to find strenuous resistance in others. Take for instance the Local Courts Bill, having for its object the establish ment of Courts, in which the law can be administered promptly and cheaply. But what a storm is that raising in the professional world. Wherever two or three attorneys are gathered together, there is the dread of Reform amongst them ; and in small towns their power is frequently very great. I cannot forget an anecdote which occurred to myself in this borough, which shows how difficult it is for the Government to do things to please every one. Speaking to a gentleman, of no inconsiderable position in the borough, who was anxious to know my notion of that monstrous imposition the Corn-law. He hoped I was the advocate for giving to every man a loaf of bread at the cheapest possible rate. I said of course that view was congenial to my senti ments, but it is not enough that a poor man should have a large lump of bread for a small sum of money, but that his hand should grasp a large pot filled with foam ing beer ; and when you consider the elements of which that beer is made, and that hops form a material ingre dient, what do you think of repealing the duty on hops " Lord save your soul," he says, " it will be the ruin o every man in the borough."—(Great laughter.) And so it is with almost every reform you can mention, for we are so entangled in all sorts of artificial contrivances that it requires a Government of mighty minds, sustained by a great majority of the House of Commons, and then they have nothing to fear, because, backed by the cou rage and good sense of the people, the Lords, who now form the breakwater against all improvement, would either be intimidated by numbers or led to listen to the voice of reason. But if they did not, what should I care? Let Lord Melbourne only come forward with some intelligible plan of reform, which shall place his opponents i n th e wrong, and heneed not then apprehend any miserable majority of five. Let each man in his department bring forward some well considered measure. Let the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General set their heads to work, the one to improve the common law, and the other that sink of corruption, the Court of Chancery. Let these two men, who are receiving 7,0001. or 8,0001. a-year, do something for the country, and open the whole mystery of our Courts, and their oppressive working. That is their part. Let the Chancellor of the Ex chequer bring forth a financial budget, and make the finances lighter by placing them on real property.— (Cheers.) Then let Lord John Russell bring forward a measure to do for England what has been done for Ireland. In Ireland they have abolished the Church cess ; let that be abolished in this country. Let that sink of iniquity, the Ecclesiastical Courts, be purged of their gross and oppressive influences. Let each in his order take up their different plans, and above all let them be enforced in the House of Commons intelligibly. Let the country understand them—let the good sense of the nation be enlisted on their side—let them not be dismayed by being in a minority. They have got an enli g htened Sovereign, who knows what Toryism is, and hates it—who knows what liberty is, and loves it, and who is determined to sustain its friends. —(Cheers.) Let this go forth. Don't dissolve: i n a hurry. Let Englishmen have time to think, and they will soo n get rid the prejudices in which the Tories are seeki ng to entangle them. Let the constituencies well understand this policy—let it be the _subject of their night dreams and their day deliberations — let there be one feeling as for the Reform Bill —we are for these men, we are for these measures, and b e i ng f or them all, all we'll have.—(Loud cheers.) Then I would dissolve the Parliament, and throw the whole responsibility of these measures on the people themselves. I would say, not to the men of Southw ar k —f or what an exa mple of political purity have you set—hav e y ou not returned your Member s without a farthing expense?—(Cheers.) But I would speak of other places, and let them imitate your example ; and I maintain, that while I am a friend to reform, the most extended reform —while I would give the right of voting to every man, who lives in one place for one year—yet I d o say that there is t o be found among the constituencies of the country. abundance of power to g i ve to such a Governmen t, with such mea sures, that triumphant majority which must carry them through every species of Tory tribulatinn..—(Cheer.s.) These are the views that I advocate—this theorpoislie.iyt that I would pursue. Is it a dangerous .poliey, not recommended. by its moderation, by its good sense . ? And if so, are we to support that Government which opposed to its recomnition or do you sanction hostility . to a Government ' which ' will not adopt those . views, even though it may lead to a catastrophe of which the effects are speculative ? I consider the prospect before us is bright, and that we have only to pursue a steady course of well doing, and that:your representatives ought to enforce such sentiments as I have endeavoured to state. I att r ib ute to what some ma y consider a disaster, consequences which may be in themselves as wide as the heaven and as ample as the earth, and that will bring in their train all those political a dvantages which are to be found in the ordinary defraction good Go vernment. Fo r th a t system lam the advocate — inits , it support I will be consistent and sincere, but I wish it to be understood by my constituents, and that it may travel further, that I will not support Lord Melbourne's Government if it is not prepared to give a large illustra tion to these enlightened sentiments, which we are justi fied in believing, from her recent conduct, possess the mind of our youthful and excellent monarch.—(Great cheering.) A resolution was then agreed to that the address be presented by the High Bailiff, the Members for the Bo rough, and other individuals who were named. A vote of thanks having been given to the High Bai liff, and duly acknowledged, the meeting separated. LONDON CHARTIST DEMON- STRATION. A meeting of the Chartists was held yesterday on Kennington Common. At half-past one o'clock the West London Chartist Association arrived on the ground in procession, and carrying banners. Mr. Watson was then called upon to take the chair. After thanking them for the honour they had done him, he said he hoped their meeting would be character ized by firmness, yet with moderation and good sense. He hoped every one would assist him in preserving order. If they saw any one shewing weapons, or any disposition to break the peace, he hoped every one present would consider himself an officer, and vindicate the law by taking him into custody. They no doubt all wished for Universal Suffrage—(Cheers)—the only mode of getting it was to resolve from that moment to keep up a constant system of peaceful agitation until their rights were restored to them.—(Cheers.) He would not detain them, but would call upon the gentle men who had been named to propose their resolutions. Mr. CAMERON then came forward to propose the first resolution. He said a crisis had arrived in the affairs of the Chartists—the strong arm of the law was stretched out in its majesty to crush the striving spirit of liberty. The Lord Mayor appeared to be suffering from a Chartist mania—(Laughter)----it appeared as if in his sleep he dreamed for them, and was so restless that he prevented the Lady Mayoress from enjoy ing her natural repose.—(Renewed laughter.) The Chartists bad already done good, for all those who were living upon the plunder of the public were quaking with fear, for they deeply appreh en d e d a d a y o f reckoning. He called upon all Chartists to persist boldly and fear lessly in their peaceful agitation until they had obtained justice for every man, woman, and child in the country. They were now threatened with blood and extermina tion—the Government had become violators of the peace—(Cheers)—they had declared open warfare agaist the people, and they were obliged to defend themselves to look after their own security. The franchise was the inherent right of every man, and it was declared so when our country came out from a state of barbarism. Ac cording to the present laws, five-sixths of the people are deprived of their natural political rights. There were upwards of five millions of men who were the great wealth creators of the country, who were deprived of all political existence. Suppose they were again emerging from a state of barbarism, and that 100 were to form a political league, and say, " We undertake to make laws for you .500, and you must obey them"—would that be permitted ?—(No, no) —yet such was the state of England at that moment. He contended that the franchise was an inherent and an inborn right of every man, and he could not be deprived of it but by crime, or injustice—and the moment that injustice was in flicted upon him, he was no longer a freeman but a slave. The Reform Bill in practice had been a mere delusion. When it was in embryo, it was put forth that the Whigs were going to give birth to a political Shiloh.— (Laughter.) But it proved an abortion.—(Cheers.) Lord J. Russell, the principal man in the creation of the Bill, said it was intended to give a preponde rating influence to the agricultural interest, and its working had proved that that intention had been fairly carried out. According to the letter of Lord John Russell to his constituents of Stroud, the Reform Bill would work well, and be a great bles sing to the country some 300 or 400 years hence ; but what had that to do with the present generation ? (Cheers.) It was with pleasure that he moved the first resolution, which declared that it was the inherent right of every man to have a voice in the making of those laws by which he was to be bound, and that the only remedy was to have a House of Commons returned upon the principles sustained in the People's Charter, and that the people would not cease agitating until that great measure became the law of the land.—(Cheers.) Mr. FARROW said that it was with much pleasure that he rose to second the resolution, in every word of which he agreed. Before proceeding to comment upon it, he begged to say that he was informed there were armed policemen in the meeting in the disguise of plain clothes.—(Hissing.) He hoped that all parties would behave themselves, but his ad vice to themeeting was that if they saw any one produce or expose arms, that he should be at once taken into custody and delivered over to the civil power.—(Cheers.) Their enemies said they were not educated sufficiently to be entrusted with the franchise.—(A voice in the crowd, " We know when a loaf is too dear.")—(Cheers.) The pre sent system of representation was the most monstrous that could be imagined. They said that pro perty must be represented—but in what way was it done ? For instance, look at the man who makes a livelihood by letting out lodgings—what pro perty has he got ? Yet he has the franchise in conse quence of the money which he receives from those who have not the franchise. Ho for one would not, and he trusted the meeting generally would make up their minds never to lodge in the house of any man who would not pledge himself to the principles of the People's Charter.—(Cheers.) If they were united and were determined to have the franchise nothing could stop them, and they would have it in a few months. The aristocracy were bad, but the middle classes—the shopocracy—were far worse enemies of the working men.—(Cheers.) Force them to join in the cry, and they would speedily obtain the Charter,—(Cheers.) Mr. GEORGE, in supporting the resolution, said it was laid down by an eminent lawyer, Sir W. Jones, that when a Government were in a minority,they were rebels. The Government were now clearly in a minority, and therefore, according to the dictum of Sir W. J ones , th ey were rebels. The bees and the ants universally turned out the drones—why was not such a laudable example followed by those who boasted of having baen endowed with reason ?—(Cheers,) Mr. WADDINGTON supported the resolution, which was put and carried unanimously. Mr. DYSON said he was called upon to move a vote of confidence in the Convention. He did so with plea sure, as that body was the o-aly body of Representatives which the people had—they were the real Parliament, and were deserving of the real, moral, and physical force of the people.—(Cheers)) Mr. WALL seconded the resolution. The meeting before him told him that London was determined to have Universal Suffrage.—(Cheers.) Something had been said atout the Press, but how could any one say a word in its favour ? It was altogether venal and cor rupt. They formerly had John Bell amongst them as one of their warmest advocates, but what was he now ? the mere hired scribbler of a Tory Paper. Under the present system all was going to ruin ; under it we had got the accursed Poor-laws, by which the man who had the misfortune to become poor in his circumstances was placed in a bastile, and separated from his wife and family.—(Groans.) He was treated worse than a pri coner in Newgate. Was that according to the spirit of Christianity ? No; it was the spirit which actuated those who called themselves the representatives of the people, but who were in fact merely the representatives of capital or land.—(Cheers.) God made a man, but he never made a King, a Noble, or a Right Honourable Sir Robert.—(Laugh ter.) God never made a legislator, nor would he sanc tion the laws made which pressed so unequally upon the poor as compared with the rich. The base, rascally Press might say they had not intelligence enough to conduct their own affairs, but how was it that the famed potwallopers were allowed the franchise? Were they more intelligent than the hard working men of all trades. They were determined not to be trifled with any more—they were determined to have Universal Suffrage. He knew that there were policemen present, but they could do no harm so long as the meeting kept quiet ; they had had a warrant out against him for some time, but they were afraid to put it in force. He would assure them that he would not go out of the way ; they might always find him, and he could assure the meeting that he would never cease to advocate the cause of the people and the Charter. Mr. MooRE said, he had much pleasure in meeting so large a number of his constituents. The affairs of the Convention, of which, by their favour, he had the honour of being a member, had now arrived at a very important crisis ; and he thought the conduct of that Convention had been such as entitled him to ask for its members the confidence of the people. The Convention would not call upon the people to sacrifice themselves by any premature outbreak against the most powerful Government of the world. A Government which took fifty millions of money out of the pockets of the people must be strong, but because they took so much money out of the pockets of the people was the very reason why the people ought to have Universal Suffrage. Discretion was the part of the Convention, but still it might be car. vied too far. They could not now relapse. They had so far advanced their position that they could not go back ; but in consequence of such a state of things, it was important that the working men should rally round and give strength to their actual representatives.—(Cheers.) The people must manifest a disposition and zeal to act upon any suggestions emanating from that body— (Cheers)—and there was no doubt that any such sug gestion would be dictated by wisdom and prudence. If they were determined to go forward and obtain justice, he would say to them, " Go on like men"—let them show a firm and united front,] and before next year they would have to meet to congratulate each other upon their success. He would take care to inform the Conventio❑ of that great meeting, and of the enthusiasm which it ha displayed in its favour. He would not detain them further than to pray that they might obtain their object in peace and happiness, with- out either struggle or commotion, and so disappoint ! 1 those who said anarchy was their only aim. Mr. SHEARMAN said he rose merely in consequence of the attack which Mr. Wall had made upon his friend John Bell. It was well known that he had started many Papers upon Radical principles, but the people had failed to support them ; it was, therefore, their fault, that in appearance Mr. Bell was now against them. Had they properly supported the Papers started upon their principles, they would have had Universal Suffrage before now. After a few words from Captain ACKERLEY, the re solution was unanimously agreed to. Mr. SHARPE, in moving the next resolution, said they had met their, in common with thousands of their fellow-countrymen, in order to proclaim to the Govern ment and the country that the working-men of England, of Scotland, and of Wales, knew their rights, and were determined to have them.—(Cheers.) They had met together in advocacy of the great principle of political ' equality—of Universal Suffrage.—(Cheers.) Under the present system it was notorious that there was one law for the rich and one for the poor—let them once have Universal Suffrage, and that would cease —but it would not till then ; until all were represented the rich criminal would escape, and the poor one punished. The country had formerly been governed by brute force, but the people in its comprehensive sense, were becoming so enlightened, that there was an end of that system—a new one must be introduced, and Universal Suffrage must be its basis. Let them have that, and soon there would be something more belonging to the nation, than the debt.—(Cheers ) Let them look at the President of America, with his 5,0001. a year for actually governing a great and rising country, while our young Queen, with her 501. a minute, in summer and winter, during night and during the day —(Shame)—was a mere cipher in the Government. Sovereigns did not grow in the fields or in the Mint, but they came through the ten fingers of the working classes to pay such profusion. The Government were now aware that brute force would not do, and accordingly they were now sending out their spies.—( Hear.) He cared not for them, but he most cordially proposed the resolution, which was to the ef fect that the nation could never be well governed by a party Government, and praying her Majesty to dismiss that now in power. Mr. PRIOR seconded the resolution, which was sup ported by Mr. SPENCER, and passed unanimously. Mr. LE BLAND moved, and Mr. MITCHELL se conded the adoption of the Address to the Queen, which was recom:nended by the Convention, and ap peared in our Paper of Saturday, but from the pressure caused by a great influx of company into the waggon it was impossible for us to take any note of the latter speeches. Capt. ACHERLEY moved as an amendment that her Majesty should be requested to select her advisers from the people's representatives—the National Convention. The amendment was put, and a few hands held up for it. The Address was carried by a very large ma jority, and thanks having been voted to the Chairman, the meeting separated in a peaceable and quiet manner. HERTFORD ELECTION. HERTFORD, MONDAY.—This day having been ap pointed for the nomination of a candidate to represent this Borough in Parliament, in the room of the Hon. William Cowper, who had vacated his seat by accepting the office of Commissioner of Greenwich Hospital, the town presented the usual bustle of an election. It was not known until Saturday that any opposition was in tended to be offered to the re-election of the late repre sentative ; but on the afternoon of that day, an address was issued by Sir Minto Farquhar, soliciting the suf frages of the electors upon Conservative principles. The friends of Mr. Cowper had already been actively engaged in canvassing for that gentleman, and there being no opponent in the field, had obtained a great many promises, and the result of the election is not con sidered doubtful ; but beyond all doubt the contest will be a severe one, as the Tories are using every exer tion in their power to forego their promises. At eight o'clock the candidates and their friends pro ceeded to the hustings. The usual preliminaries having been gone through, and the MAYOR having claimed the impartial attention of the meeting to every gentleman who might address them, THOMAS N. HAGES, Esq., came forward to pro pose the Hon. William Cowper. Mr. JOSEPH LAWRENCE, Ee,q., proposed Sir Minto Farquhar, as a fit and proper person to represent the borough. Mr. Coween then came forward amidst loud cheers, and addressed the meeting. After some preliminary re marks, he said—What have the Whigs done since they came into power ? Putting aside the Reform Bill— the Slave Emancipation Act, and others of a similar description, they have abolished salaries and sinecures to the amount of 100,0001. per annum; and they began where Reformers are often accused of not be• ginning—with themselves. They first reduced their own salaries.—(Cries of " What have the Tories done ?") Why, the Tories have opposed all these things ; it was through their weakness that we were able to effect them. These measures were carried by the Whigs ; and I hope it will be in their power further to reduce taxation. The next step which I am desirous of seeing is the reduction of the postage, which weighs so heavily on the poorer classes, which in terferes so much with the comfort of the working classes. Another great question the Whigs are about to bring forward is that of education.—(Cheers.) Education most intimately concerns us all. I think it is the duty of the State to take such steps that all who have not fortune enough to give their children a proper educa tion, should be assisted to do so by the State ; and I cannot see why the education of the people should be confined to the Established Church. Every . man ought to he allowed to educate his children in those religious opinions which he has himself cherished.— ' (Cheers.) Mr. Lawrence has spoken in a strange man ner of my two addresses. I have made no erroneous ' statement—l have made no statement to which I do not now adhere. In the first I censured and blamed the conduct of Sir R. Peel, in the second I guarded myself against being supposed to impute bad motives. His conduct I have a right to blame, with his motives I have nothing to do. I came down here on Monday morning under a feeling of indignation at what I understood to have been Sir R. Peel's conduct, under the influence of that feeling, and without the leisure to balance critically my words, 1 issued my address, which I certainly ac knowledge was couched in harsh terms. I subsequently heard that it had given pain to some, and had been • considered to attribute motives. Now, I should be always, sorry to give pain unnecessarily ; it is odious to me to impute motives, and far from my taste to take an undue advantage of the errors of those I oppose. I therefore seized the first opportunity of stating publicly that I do not attribute to Sir Robert Peel any premeditated disloyalty ; I am bound to acquiesce in the explanation he gave in the House of Commone, that he acted from a sense of the weakness of his party in that House, and from a hope of strengthening it by such means as these. I contend that the demand he made was a most im proper one. He ought not to have made the demand, and he had certainly no right to insist upon it. The demand was without precedent ; it had never been made by any Minister before ; it ought not to have been to any Sovereign, but more particularly to one under the circumstances of the present. Her youth, her sex, her want of experience and of natural advisers, which might have been expected to have rendered her less able to cope with so experienced a tractician, ought to have commanded on his part a more than usual degree of tenderness and forbearance. The demand was destructive of her Majesty's personal comforts. And here I must remark that, whether the de mand extends to two or more ladies is of little importance, for the principle once established that the Minister had the power of removal, it could not be resisted on a future occasion. This demand removed two of those who possessed a large share of her Majesty's regard ; it left the rest dependent on the clemency of the Minister for leave to remain in attendance on their Royal mistress, and it rendered it necessary that for the future every political change should be' ac companied by a corresponding change in the immediate attendants and intimate society of her Majesty. This demand eons eyed distrust and suspicion, it cast a re flection on the strength of mind, or else on the integrity of the Queen ; it implied either that she was weak enough to be influenced by the Ladies of the Bedcham ber, or else that she was insincere enough to use their agency against her Ministers. Now, either of these sup positions is grossly and insultingly false. It is well known that her Majesty never allows politics to be the subject of conversation between herself and her attendants, and if there is one person in this country who more than another combines firmness of character and independence of judg ment with a native love of truth and artless simplicity of purpose, that person, I rejoice to say, is the Queen. — (Cheering,) Now, how was this unprecedented, distrust ful and obnoxious deniAlid ity.t by the Queen? It was met with the spirit of an Englishwoman, with the pride of her ancestors, with the dignity of a crowned head ; it was at once, but cautiously and delicately, rejected.— (Loud cheers.) In that rejection the people of this country are declaring they will support her, and I call upon you, the electors of Hertford, to take care not to send a man into the House of Commons who, having, as he says, placed himself under 'the banners of Sir Robert Peel, must aid and assist him, on the next opportunity, in repeating this demand, which I maintain to be inconsistent with her Majes ty's personal honour, and which she has declared in her letter to be contrary to usage and repugnant to her feelings. The ground on which it was placed was a demonstration of confidence. There is something hol low and fallacious in this, for who would have been im posed upon by it, or believed a bit more that Sir R. Peel had the confidence of the Queen, if he did obtain the power of dismissing two ladies ? It could not markcon fidence ; it might mark power ; but then the power of the Minister to overrule the inclinations of the Sove- Sir Robert , Peel is c,ertainly reign.—(Great cheers. ) one of the most uniu...k , . of s 4, t Three times in the last seven years the reins of power have been placed in his fingers, and three times have they slipped through his grasp. Ia 1832 the will of the nation sounded in a voice of thunder which quickly prevented the abortive attempt. In 1834 it was the voice of the House of Commons. In 1839 it only required'. two Ladies of the Bedchamber.—(Laughter and cheers.) One of them, by-the-bye, had tendered her resignation on Friday morning, the other is now journeying on the Continent, quite unconscious that she is made to out weigh half the House of Commons, and that she has been annihilating the power of the Tories. I cannot have any doubt of my return. I rest my reliance on this occasion on those whom I think, after four years' acquaintance, I have a right to call my old friends: — (Loud cheers.) After a short address from Sir Minto Farquhar and a reply from Mr. Cowper—a show of hands was de manded by the Mayor, which he declared to be in fa vour of Sir Minto Farquhar. A poll was demanded which was fixed for this morning at nine o'clock. Both parties were sanguine of success. TATTERSALL'S-YESTERDAY. The crowded state of the premises proved that the Blooms bury question has lost none of its interest, it was discussed in much the same strain as on Sunday, the parties, as then, speaking to their books." Nothing whatever transpired from authority, but we ascertained upon inquiry that the whole of the witnesses on the part of Mr. Ridsdale are now in town, ready to lie examined at a moment's notice ; but that Mr. Fulvrar Craven, who stands in the position of plaintiff, has not yet made any communitation to the Stewards which will enable them to proceed with the inquiry. In all probability, therefore, it will not be decided in time for the settling this day ; the consequence of which will be that many of the parties will refuse to pay or receive until they can do so satisfactorily. The betting was so trifling as to require nothing more than the prices against the few horses mentioned. - ASCOT STAKES.-TUESDAY sExT. 5 to 4on the field against Joanina, Epirus, Industry, and Skilley-golee. Offers to back Joanina against an} thing, but no odds. Offered outright. ASCOT cur.—THURSDAY WEEK. 6to 3 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Grey Momus ( taken) -2 to 1 agst Mr. Thornhill's Sir Francis (take 3 to 1). _ DERBY, 1840. Bto 1 agst Lord Jersey's lot-13 to I agst Lord Jersey's Cobweb colt (taken). THE MARKETS. F BREAD. .he Metropolis is led. fbr the 41b, Bd, KET.—Mayi2o PRICE 0, The highest price of Bread in tl Loaf. Good Bread may be had at COAL MAR! 3. d s, d. Adair's Bensham Main lB 0 Walls End Haswell 22 9 Bunion Main l9 '- Walls End La.mbton 23 9 Carr's Hartley l9 6 Walls End Stewart's 23 0 Holywell Main 2l 0 Walls e:nd Whitwell ......... 21 9 Ord's Redh ugh Preston M,in l7 0' Walls End Adel side 2l 9 Russell's High Main Tanfield Moor 23 0 Wails End Flintoff Tees ... 18 6 Wylam Walls End Dunn's l7 ( Walls End Seymour Tees... 21 0 Walls End Gosforth 2l C. Walls End Tees 24 0 Walls End Hotspur Walls End Kiliingworth 2O 5 Walls End Victoria Tees.... .20 9 Walls End Northumberland 20 0 Howard's Netherton Main 18 • Walls End Riddell's . :-hips arrived since last market-d +y, 43. PRICE OF SEEDS.-Pslay 20. Per Cwt. Per Quarter. New English Rcd Clover 705.1125. St. F0in...... ........... 40s. 40 49 " Old Ditto Ditto -a. -s. -s. Rye Grass 28s, 353. 405. New Foreign Ditto ...655. 908. 995. I'acey Grass Old Ditto Ditto -s. 403. 00s. Linseed, for feeding .-4 465 . . New White Clover 6os. 80s. 90s. Ditto, for sewing......-s. 555. ox Old Ditto Ditto s 455. 605. Ditto, for ,crushing...--s 435. 2.."• New Trefoil 2os 255. 208. Canary - s gds. 9ns• Old Ditto -s. 16s 225. Hemp __,. gss„ 425. Trefolium lOs Ils. 13s. Per Bushel Ns ; 4 5 14: English Carraway -a. 435. 465. White Mustard...lls. 0.1. 15s. 0 d: Foreign Ditto -a. 40s. 44s Brown Ditto lss. Od. 2 2 5. !Y, l Coriander -5 13s. 21s. Tares 4s. ed. bs• u° Rapeseed, Eugh.h fine (per Last) 361.381 Foreign 341. 301. PRICES OF POTATOES AT SPITALFIELDS. York Reds (from vessel) 4/.. 10s. to 51 Os. per ton. Scotch Reds ditto 4l. ss. to 41. 15s ditto Kidneys ' 4/. 10s. to 51. Os. ditto Shaws 21. 15s. to 31. ss. ditto PRICES OF HOPS....May 20. Farnham Pockets (per cwt.) 6l Os. 71. 15s. to 91. ss. East K. , ni. Pockets. Ditto Bags 4/ 4s 5/. 10z. to 71. 10s. Mid Kent Pockets Si. 155, Si. ss. to 85 £4.• Ditto Bags 3/. 10, 41 10s to 7.. 75. Sussex Yearlings 2/. 10s. 31. 3s. to 4/, 4.. Old Olds HAMBURG MARKETS. GRAIN. Wheat. Marks 468 to 501 Oats, Upland,. ...... ....... to "'" Mecklenburg 435 to 486 Mecklenburg ...... 179 to 140 to ' 7186° Magdeburg 459 to 495 Elder Eider 450 to 507 Molstein..'.— ..... 159 to 18:3 Anhalt, white 474 to 500 Petersb. &,Itiga... tf:,:.7, red Holstein Rye, Mecklenburg ... .224 to ---- Holstein 264 to 300 Beans ....... -.-- ........... .240 to 315 Archangel to Tares .......... ... ....... ." . ..312 to 414 Barley, Mecklenburgh 244 to 255 Rapeseed. ................... 54 to St Magdeburgh . 290 to 255 Ditto Cakes ...»•' ... •52t0 54 Lower Elbe COTTON. ... . 9 to 9 % Carolina and Tennessee 7%t0 9 . M ara nham ............ 7 7St Georgia, Ist sort od 3d and 4th 18.1,62 19 0 014 s M Duo a r d ma r ti a sn. s g. ..........................E.E.E t. . sii ; "COFFEE. 10V, 6311% Domingo ...... 474 t°si4 Mocha ....... " .... • 5 1 4 6 B a tavia N S uma t ra 4 474 Porto Rico .............»••• 5% , 4 r, Rio 4 4 64 4 Havannah .............. ... 4% Bahia _ 454 554 1 SUGAR.— (With 8% Discount.) Havannah, White . Brown 5 ) 6 Brown ska 6 % Rio, White 64 '. , ,1,4 Pernambuco, White ...6 8 Brown MAGISTERIAL APPOINTMENT.—On Wed nesday last Mr. Hall, one of the stipendiary Magistrates of Liverpool, communicated to the Hatton.garden bench that he had been appointed to fill the vacant magisterial chair at that office, and produced his appointment, after which he quitted the office. Thursday morning he took his seat on the bench with Messrs. Burrell and Benett, in the chair lately occupied by Mr. Laing: He di,d not interfere, but listened attentively to the proceedings. MR. CARLYLE'S LECTURES.-011 Saturday last Mr. Carlyle delivered the concluding lecture of bis course on the revolutions of modern Europe. The audi ence was more numerous than on any former occasion, and comprised many persons of distinction. Reverting to the subject of the French Revolution, the lecturer said that be deemed those in error who asserted that the September massacre of 1795 was premeditated on the part of the Royalists ; no unquestionable evidence appeared to pro/0 this position. He regarded the Girondists as mere slur guinary rebels, utterly unworthy of the sympathy which was shown to them, for they bad plotted a base conspiracy against the Government, and artfully imposed upon the people under the mask of patriotism, whilst they were striving to accomplish the most sordid and selfish designs. Mr. Carlyle then reviewed respectively the chara cters of Denton, Marat, and Robespierre—men for whom the agitated circumstances of the times led to attract greater notice than they deserved, or would otherwise have ob tained—and contrasted the character of Napoleon with that of Cromwell, in terms favourable to the latter, both as a statesman and a soldier. He concluded by o bserving that, however bad men may exercise themselves in pr omot ing anarchy and disorder, leaving behind them a me mo " ' pitied if not execrated, it is the part of the wise a nd the good to bide patiently their time, till the expanded systl of society which is now dawning may be established; "' all that it is in the power of every man, at least of every we - intentioned man, to live a happy and righteous life, • whet ever be the form of Government which thrives over h l T' n THE TORY MORAL MEN.—" The L ondon Cries," which formed part of our nursery studies, wer e never half so numerous or half so amusing as thfac cries which have b een by t urns p u t f or th by the Tory against the Q ueen , an d h er C o urt, and her Ministry , an d her support ers t h roug h th e coun t r y. One of the l ates t ` and perhaps th e mos t l aug h a bl e , when we consider t b . quarters in whi c h it was ra i se d, is the high- pressure sea high-starched l amentat i on w h c h h as been going o n for c some weeks ab ou t t h e l ac k o f mo rality amongst those whe throng the avenues of the Court.—Liverpool Chronicle- PATENT LEVER WA T e HE 0 With silver double-bott om cases 16 6 With silver hunting cases This celebrated construction (the most accurate en Wh ich a watch can be made) is offered, with the latest imPr c i f ments i. e. the detached escapement, jewelled in four 11°'''' capped, hand to mark the seconds, hard enamel dial, and 'T I T; taming power to contina going while winding up, at the AO"- price, by T. COX SAVORY, Watchmaker, Silver and Goldsmith, 47, Cernhill, Lottielly (Seven doors from Gracechurch-street). N. B.—Second-hand Watches purchased in exchangt,,,.. PL A T E.— A. B. SAVORY and S 0 N t ?_ Manufacturing Silversmiths, No. 14, Cornhill, ( Bank of England), offer the best rick SHELL-BORDE R . SILVER WAITERS, of every size, with plain centres, at' per ounce, or with chased centres, at 9s. 6d. per ounce- Price, with Chased Centres. X. L. 4 Diameter. Oz. 5 14 0 A round `liver Waiter, with shell border , Sin. 12 at 9s. Ci - A round Silver Waiter, with shell border , 9 17 9 1 10 0 A round Silver Waiter, with shell border, 10 20 9 . 0 A round Silver Waiter, with shell border, 12 304 15 . a oppositewlll; 19 1, A round Silver Waiter, with shell border, 15 42 A round Silver Waiter, with shell border, 18 86 40 ii 2 0 15 v A round Silver Waiter, with shell border, 10 124 The Plate rooms of this Establishment, which are 0°,,: sive, contain a large and choice selection of Silver Pla:: Plated Goods, and every article requisite to complete a "' s.. vice. List of Prices gratis. A. B. Savory and Sons, ?fan,. facturing Silversmiths, No. 14, Cornhill, London , opposite ts Bank of England. vier BIRTHS. On the 20th inst., in Whitehall-place, the lady of George Rennie, Esq., of a son. On the 17th inst., in Manchester, the lady of John Kinder Wood, Esq., of a son. On the 18th inst., at Sandon, Herts, the lady of the Re v ' Oliver Ormerod, of a daughter. On the 18th inst., at Warren-wood, Herts, the Hon. Mil' Murray, of a son. On the 19th inst., at St. John's-wood, Mrs. Edmund Westby, of two boys. On the 17th inst., at Chesham-place, Mrs. George Rennie, of a son. MARRIED. On the 18th inst., at St. John's, Hampstead, William Par ° ' Esq., of New Bond-street, to Maria, only daughter of the bite Captain Bull, of Hampstead. On the 18th inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square , Hen r i Joyce Newark, Esq., of Park -street, Grosvenor. square, t ` ° Catherine, widow of the late B en j am i n Hutchinson, Esq., ° Russell-square. At Naples, o n th e 7 t h of D M IED ay, of measles, Lord Fr ancis M. D. Scott, age d t wo years and three months, youngest son of the Duke of Buccleuch. On the 18th inst., at her apartments in Berners-street, in her 78th year, M rs . I sa b e lla Hutton, eldest daughter of th e late Dr. Charlei Hutton, many years Professor of Mathematics at the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. - - I, , )Nion : Printed and Published by AII`RDO YOU NC, of 1 `-,trend, at The :No. )12, soranc. the county of Middlesex. —Tuesday, May 21, 1839. ~_ Al appear r receive the pul Part hi% had Four. Tens Office, by Twi on the Yo tenc T' iIIRA Times ready t, for sup wich, A 1 3 4 be seen N• ' of Tree Agent I Eger Ai'mini der for place, eugagi: sum of T ' they wi on the treat foi and Vas dar mot 1804, h boats o Biscur SUHT LET, ENGL, Graves' Ramsga Dover, Hastinr Seaford. Cowes, Poole,Weviot Exmout Fowey Penzanc Milfur Berwick Grimsby Boston, North Harwich Quarant Liver' RUM,* FRESI POTA ENGLA Deptford hath: * Pertsn Plymout Palmoutl Inch at Standl Axn BD, No reg not be ins annexed the Cast said Pro Office, C Custom 1 place s thi shall not eeretarl u'elo t k z 1%44, to becoui Suits us, lie, ( a , due pert( N. B._ topti on of .Deptford Gravesen Chatham :Sheerness Hamsgatc Dover -Hastings Seaford Portsinou Cowes :LYmingtc "We rlsout Leith aVontrol:e Cr omer y "Campbelt 'Greenock Staoraer 'ban Storrioura liorrovrsti T HI It lavil sever al pl SILVER the Genu Wells-str t hZnufact runilered V wrong 1 1 hted to Mlowinw r abic Spot wi i nsert doze ."essert dc itea Spoon 'zavey S r 1, 141 1 Rutte r Kr Salt and 1‘ Sutip I t adl Sallee Lad Sugar Tot' r abt# Can ti umber each .... ". 7 1uet Fral ings Purch; bogue, Table Knives, 1 "—TI — Carver —Desser Handled handled Carver FENDE Fashio from 19 ; from 55.- shape dit shape thl carry 231 3s. 6d. p Copper ( Bath}, w Curtains Pu:•ch street, which ca to e•ntai " 1 cart a quack, more for guile "—' SUP D the Side Heart-bic neous Sc Gravel (c Well to tr: Lion of tl I.iithor t Proprieto 1)1), of every Drt.: Kingdom For Child Voser. tqamp FR Within a Were su( !FRANK By Josepl Royal Profess " I ha , Thgrma,', and tenni eious ren effects el 4f, Lir ItY Bran, Leetut, Ale(llea " clr. I And has g lutim, of New- This in of 601101 Irrita. it' purif\ Plicat i repari n uon, tiorn, in A CI If on the ii, 1 11-3' ~• .~ DEr