The Sun. — London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

the discussion of the other House of Parliament, I ' but I think that your Lordships will concur in the necessity for an increase in the steam navigation of the country, which is so necessary in this time of im provement to the protection of the trade and commerce of the country : My Lords, the next point in her Ma eaty's speech is, that she o bserves w j i th great satisfaction that the improvement wh ich is manifestedin the other parts of the country ha s extended to Ireland. My Lords, so long as political agitation continues in that country, there must necessarily be alarm in the minds of those who have capital to invest, and they are therefore unwilling to embark meney . in Ireland. My Lords, the best proof that tranquillity is returning, is to be found in the different projects of enterprise which have been brought forward. not by the Government, but by private individuals. These, my Lords, are proofs of returning activity.—(Hear, hear.) And on this matter, my Lords, I may observe, though this may not be the place in which such matters should be noticed—yet I feel assured that your Lordships will agree with me, that we ought to thank her Majesty for directing our attention to the financial condition of the country, and especially to that great measure which was passed at the close of the last session for regulating the affairs of the Bank of England, and the intention which is entertained of applying the same consideration this year to the great public esta blishments of Ireland and Scotland, ensuring the per manent and prosperous promotion of that activity. I am sure, my Lords, that in this consideration your L Tdships will take an ar xious part. My Lords, another subject to which her Majesty has called our attention, is the health of this metropolis especially, and of large towns in general. Your Lordships are aware that this subject has been brought under your notice during the last two or three years, and that last year an Act was passed which was designed to carry out this object. My Lords, I am aware of the deep interest which your Lordships take in this matter, and I doubt not that your careful attention will be given to it during the present session. Another subject to which your Lordships' attention has been directed, is the working of the Charitable Bequests Act, also passed during the last session of Parliament, a measure which is likely to conciliate the several portions of the people, and bring them all into a com mon spirit of unanimity and agreement. My Lords, it will be recollected that, three years ago, the finances of the country were attempted to be relieved by the passing of an income-tax, and, as stated in her Majesty's speech, the measure has been emi nently successful. It is now proposed to ex tend the benefits of this improved state of things to the manufacturers of the country. I hope that the feeling of mutual confidence which at present exists between her Majesty and her people will long continue. I need not detain your Lordships by referring to every topic adverted to in her Majesty's gracious speech, and while I thank your Lordships for the attention you have been pleased to extend to me, I pray of you that, should any ex pression of mine have been inadequate to express the importance I attach to these topics, you will impute it to my inability, and not to any defect in the matter of the speech which has been read to your Lordships. I beg, my Lords, to more that an humble address be pfe iiented to her Majesty, thanking her Majesty for her most gracious spet ch. Lord GLENLYON (who appeared attired as a Highland Chief) then rose and said: My Lords— In rising to second the motion of the Noble Marquis, that an humble address be presented to her Majesty in answer to her gracious speech, I feel a considerable de gree of embarrassment in thus addressing your Lord • ships' house for the first time on this question, more espe cially when I consider the vast importance of the topics adverted to; but my task is greatly lightened by the admirable and able manner in which the Noble Mar quis has treated the subject ; and I need not, therefore, occupy your Lordships' time more than a few moments. The spirit of loyalty and obedience to the law has mani frsted itself in every part of the kingdom. Everywhere her Majesty visited, the greatest manifestations of reve rence for her sacred person were evinced. On the late occasion of the royal visit to Scotland, it was a source of the greatest gratification to witness the manner in which her Majesty was received by all classes of my coun trynsen. Can we wonder at those feelings of attachment to her Majesty, w hen her Majesty's kind qualities are con sidered? Her Majesty,l can safely aver,has left behind her iu the breast of every Highlander no other feelings than those of pure affection and devoted loyalty. Those feelings of loyalty were demonstrated on a still later occasion, when her Msjesty attended the opening of the Royal Exchange. On that occasion very remarkable order and regularity existed among the multitude assem bled.—(Hear, hear.) I hope your Lordships will agree with me in thinking that this decorum may be attributed in a great degree to feelings of respect for her sacred person.—(Hear, hear.) I further think that the respect with which her Majesty has everywhere been received, is to a great extent indicative of increased confidence in her Ministers. In the second paragraph of the Royal Speech allusion is made to the visits of the Emperor of Russia and the King of the French to this country. The past year has been re makable for the numerous visits of royal personages to this country. The Emperor of Russia, at great pri vate inconvenience, undertook a journey to this country, and your Lordships must agree with me in considering this visit as an earnest of the good feeling which has existed, and which I hope will long continue to exist between the two natioas, Russia and England. The visit of the King of the French must also be very gratifying to your Lord ships as well as to the country at large— (Hear, hear)—more especially after the differences Which occurred between the two countries, but the set tlement of which was happily effected in consequence of the good feeling between the Governments of the two countries. This settlement was alluded to in the speech at the prorogation of the last session of Parliament. Her Majesty, . in three paragraphs, speaks of her address to the House of Com mons, and alludes to the state of the navy. Your Lord ships, I believe, will agree with me in thinking that the commerce of this country has of late years increased to a very considerable extent, and that facilities of commu nication in all quarters of the globe have rapidly extended. Your Lordships must also be impressed with the ne cessity of doing your utmost to defend our naval su periority. The introduction of steam as a motive power, though it has brought with it many advantap.;es, has also brought with it increased expenditure. Under these circumstances, I trust the other House will readily vote the sum requisite to enable the wooden walls of old . England to be, as they ever have been, the safeguard of our commerce in time of peace, and the terror of our foes if this country should ever unhappily be involved in a war. Her Majesty again is happy to observe the im proved condition of Ireland ; that country and its condi tion have been often discussed by your Lordships, and with regard to it I need say nothing more than that I am sure your Lordships will do all that lies in your power to improve it. ller Majesty alludes to- the Commission appointed to inquire into the sanitory condition of populous towns and districts. I am sure that a#ything calculated to benefit the poorer classes, and improve their physical condition, will have your Laialships best consideration.— (Hear, hear.) In conclusion, allow me to thank your Lordships for the kind manner in which you have been pleased to listen to me, in this my first attempt to address the House. I am sure we shall all join in her Majesty's earnest prayer for peace and prosperity to this country, and the world at large.—(Cheers.) The Marquis of NORMANBY said if, before lie had' heard the speeches of the two Noble Lords oppo s ite, he had not intended to address many observations to the. House, nothing that had fallen from them had induced him to alter his intention. The Noble Lord must be aware that there was a clan-like affection and loyalty, which made them receive the address of her Majesty in a spirit different from that which might be applied to the measures of the Ministry. He would not have thus early troubled their Lordships with any remarks, but that in her Majesty's speech there were one or two allusions to subjects to which he had himself called their Lordships' attention during the last session of Parliament. It seemed now to be conven tional, that upon occasions like the present, the address should be considered as a matter of form, and it would hardly become anybody to protest against any part of it, even though they did not acquiesce in the construe lion put upon it by the Noble Lords who recommended it for her Al s'jest;'s adoption. He thought it would be well to adopt a practice which prevailed iu other coun tries, and which was an improvement, he thought. upon our own—of having some short interval before they were called upon to pronounce an opinion upon the many topics which were contained in the address. Such, how ever, was not the custom here. It must not be consi dered that in agreeing to the address that they were thereby pledged to support fully those measures which might subsequently be brought forward. There were two topics in the address upon which he wished to make 11, few observations. The first was, that which related to the state of Ireland. He alluded to this subject be cause, during the last session, he had announced to their Lordships that it was his intention to make a motion on the general state of that country. It was not, however, his intention now to do so, as he was content for the present to turn the responsibility of that state upon Noble L or d s oppos it e , un til they had before them those measures which were so vaguely shadowed forth, and which, by lareer perhaps, might be followed up intend e to measures cal in the same direction. He did nut state of Irelandtl;: attention of their Lordships to the because he was in hopes that some mea sures would be assent. At th e same pro po sed to which he could give his he could not agree in the widest interpretation timel sen tence of the s p eech which alludedhad been to the pu t gradualon that a a t hate ee anent of agitation and excit ement. that the existiee. tranquillity was He did not think secured as had been anticipated'. Still he hoped wa s t t h h at the particular on agitation in Ire direction which had been given to land, had somewhat checked the fc (din: of th e part of the he t he measure Irish people, as to the practicabilii' meant til repeal. which had been recommended to them ). But they might depend upon it that until adop ted something more comprehensive than that which ey haCl been shadowed forth in the address, they would never se cure e"l the affections of that people, and they might never look for any permanent or well -founded tranquillity. H e believed that the measures, so far as they went, w hi c h were to be proposed by the Government were likely to have his support. It those measures should be ineon eietent with the course which had been taken on that occasion by Noble Lords opposite, it was not fur his Noble Friends around him, or for himself, to complain tipsii that score. That was a question which history would record, and posterity decide. At the same time he could not avoid making this a subject of reflec tion, when he considered the slight success that had Jiitherto attended the attempts of Noble Lordsoppnoseieteei to conciliate the pe o p le of I reland. the 31iniaer of the Crown, charged with the particular con duct of Irish affairs , was r e p orted to have said, that con 'ore,oh reached its utmost limits, and could, there- S go no farther. When such was the case, the people of Ireland felt that they had no claim on the Legislature, and, therefore, it could not be wondered at that such small success had hitherto attended the efforts of Noble Lords opposite. The Bill more particularly alluded to in the speech from the throne, was one to which he had himself given his most cordial support in the last session of Parliament—he meant the most important part of it— that which established a more efficient and impartial board for the distribution and management of charities generally. He gave Noble Lords opposite credit for the best intuitions with respect to persons professing the Roman Catholic religion. But he regretted that some thing had not been done to conciliate the Roman Catho lic Prelates in Ireland ; but he was happy to say that he gathered from a statement made by Archbishop Murray , that an amendment was likely to take place in that re spect. Her Majesty stated that that Act had been car ried out in the spirit in which it was passed. He gave Noble Lords opposite great credit for having done so, and it was not, perhaps, for him to consider the ap pointments which had been made to the Commission, or to declare their inconsistency with the clause in the Emancipation Act, which prohibited Roman Catho lic Prelates from assuming the titles of their dioceses. When he considered that the religion over which these prelates presided was that of the majority of the people of Ireland, he, for one, could not object to giving them precedence in the Commission. But if he had proposed to do so in the presence of a Noble Earl, who was not then in the House, the Earl of Donough more, if he (Lord Normanby) had proposed to give place and precedence to Dr. Croly and Dr. Murray in the Commission, he thought the Noble Earl would have rated him soundly ; he thought that no railroad could carry the Noble Earl to the House fast enough to state his surprise and indignation at so extraordinary an inno vation. The Noble Earl had rated him in the House most soundly for having given place and title to the Catholic Bishop of Quebec; and the Noble Lords who supported the present Government for the most part concurred in censuring him (Lord Normanby) on that occasion. However, he concurred with the Noble Lords opposite in the propriety of placing the Catholic bishops in the Commission, with the acknowledgment of their authority over those dioceses, the limits of which they would have to fix. He had always thought that the dis tinction which prevented the Catholic bishops from as suming their titles was childish and impolitic. As well as he recollected the tenour of the Act of Parliament, they were forbidden to assume any titles not authorised' by law. Nov, with respect to the title of Archbishop of Team, what was there to prevent Dr. bhHale from assuming that title? There was no Archbishop of Tuam authorised by law, and therefore Dr. M-Hale's assumption of the tide could not interfere with other rights. What reason could there be why Dr. Murray and Dr. Crolly should not be allowed to assume the title of bishops? Another word as to Ireland—as to the passage in the speech, that there would shortly be laid be fore the House the report of the Tenure of Land Commis sion. Now, there Lordships would recollect that in the course of last session, he (the Marquis of Normanby) had expressed his regret that so little information bad been obtained by the Commission, and that he be lieved it would not effect the object for which it had beets appointed. He believed that most exaggerated expectations had been raised by it which never could be realised. He did not think that the report would give any valuable information, but he thought it was most desirable that it should be laid be fore the House as speedily as possible, in order to give the Government an opportunity of stating whether they intended to produce any measures on the subject, and what the nature of those measures would be, in order to allay the excitement which prevailed from the erroneous and unfounded expectations to which the Commission had given rise, and which had done, perhaps, more mis chief than the political agitation which prevailed before. He believed that the agitation on this subject would not have arisen but for the ill-timed appointment of the Commission. He was ready to admit that the political agitation had in some degree subsided ; but he believed it would not have arisen to the height which it reached if it had not been for the injudicious appointments made by the Government. He would not now allude to that subject further than to say that it had been made matter of an attack on him in that House, that the agitation was increased in the time of his government. But he had repeatedly shown from unquestionable documents that the agitation had decreased, and that crime also had consi derably diminished during his administration. He had also always stated that the present Government was not to be blamed for the agitation which prevailed in its time, as that was to be traced to the mismanagement of previous Governments for ages past. In respect to other topics, he concurred with the Noble Lords opposite, that every one must feel satisfaction at the gratifying state of manufactures and commerce. But, at the same time, they should not forget that this prosperity was in the regular ebb and flow of prosperity following adver sity, which they always were accustomed to witness. Let them hope that the periodical return of prosperity would continue longer than tuual. But let not the Go vernment claim credit for it, unless they could show that hey had prevented the recurrence of depression and distress, which usually followed upon the period of prosperity and activity. He concurred, also, in the satis faction of the Noble Lords opposite at the good under standing which existed with France and other countries. With respect to France, he felt that there was a feeling so sensitive connected with that subject, that he would best promote the good understanding by saying no more than that no one could be more anxious than he was for the maintenance of peace with France and the rest of the world. Perhaps it might be unusual to allude tothe personal visits of foreign sovereigns. But he would say that the visits of two sovereigns, so remarkable for their personal characters and elevated positions, were matters of cordial congratulation.—(Hoar.) In recurring to a notice of the periodical returns of prosperity and adversity, he could not but take some credit for the Government of which he had formed a part, in devising the measures which, while they took some time in bringing forth the fruits of their results, were not the less sure of doing so, and, if they had at length been productive of good to Ireland, no one would rejoice more heartily with those who prepared her Ma jesty's speech than himself, and those friends on that side of the House with whom he had the honour to act. He rejoiced to perceive that there was a clause in her Majesty's speech, referring to the measure which was passed last session, for promoting the health of the in habitants of large towns, and he saw that the words which on this subject had been put into her mouth, were in accordance with that deep and intense feeling for the welfare of her subjects, which all knew to be in perfect unison with that greatness and benevolence of character which was one of the most honourable fea tures of her mind. He rejoiced in this, and sin cerely and earnestly hoped that the measures which might be brought forward would tend to promote that happiness and health among the people which wore ne cessary to insure that physical power which once dis tinguished the lower orders of this country, and enabled them to achieve their ancient renown, and which toge- ther with the moral rectitude by which they had been characterised, constituted their chief greatness. With this hope he most heartily concurred in the recommen dation of the speech, and trusted it would be carried into effect. The Duke of RICHMOND was unwilling to intrude on their Lordships' attention, but there was one orris • sion in the address which he felt compelled to notice. The address congratulated their Lordships on the im proved condition of the country, and he would not pre tend to say but that in some respects there was great cause for congratulation, but surely her Majesty's Go vernment would not pretend to say that there was no distress in the agricultural districts of the country ? The Board of Trade was the medium through which any communication from Government was received by the manufacturers, but there was no such medium be tween the Government and the agriculturists. He could state from his own knowledge that great dis tress then existed amidst the agricultural tenantry, and he certainly thought that the speech should have directed that inquiry be instituted upon the subject. He hoped that it the income-tax were continued the agriculturist would be excluded from its operation, for it was a moral impossibility that a tenant with only 1001. a year could stand it.—(lleac.) The farmer at present lost instead of gaining. If they made the inquiries he prayed for, they would find that what he had stated of existing agrienitural distress was but too true, not in any isolated spot, but in the different parts of the country.—(llcar, hear.) The Duke of MONTROSE said that any alteration of the present currency in Scotland would be viewed with the utmost distrust by the commercial men there, and he regretted exceedingly that her Majesty's speech expressed an intention on the part of the Government to interfere with it. The same feelings actuated all classes in that country, that any alteration of it would be altoge ther unnecessary, more especially when not a word of complaint had been uttered by any person to the present system, and when great complaints had been expressed to the English banking system. It appeared to him sin gularly strange, that Government should interfere in that case at all, when, by so doing, they were assured the advantages then resulting from the system would by any such alteration be completely lost. The merchants of Scotland were decidedly opposed to any alteration in the system, and therefore he hoped that any change pro posed would be trivial, and not of great importance. Lord WHARNCLIFFE could not let the remarks, or, more properly, questions of th e Noble Lord who had last spoken, pass unanswered. With respect to the remarks of his Noble Friend who sat in front (the Duke of Rich mond), ho w stated that he thought her Majesty's speech, in r, ference to the improvement of the country, t he state o f t the ef farmerst heag agricultural c a u s I t n u o r t a being edis tricts. e that spoke considero f thestate (L or d Wharucliffe) thought that I'v'ehreynflothuerisshtiantge- He of the country was referred to, it more part i cu l ar ly meant the condition of manufactures and commerce. With respect to that p art of the Queen s speech that spoke of the banking system in Scotland, it (lid not say any change in the currency ; and he there fore wished to set the Noble Duke rig ht in that parti cular. He should be sorry if anything should arise to disturb the unanimity which seemed at that time to pre- I vail in the house, and therefore he would add nothing further on the subjects referred to. Lerd BROUGHAM did not wish. to prolong the de bate, but as several topics in the speech had been adver ted to by the N o bl e M arqu i s (N orman b y ) b e hi n d him, he (Lord Br oug h am ), inasmuch as they were very vaguely menti one d i n t h e speech, would also ma k e a e t, i o fy u n i n t g r N — o h n m e ea moren t t r h e a j t o i o c f e d t h few remark s u p on t h em. One of these was a very gra thaefionahnimeisalelsftiantethco)fptrlei sent improved condition of the labouring classes of the country ; and their Lordships might remember it to that b was but two short years sinc e h e h a d f elt it duty to bring before that House the mi sery and distress which which prevailed among the lowest because the largest classes of the country. The contrast which appe are d at that time, from the state of things when he had called their Lordships attention to the subject, was most gra tifying, and it was the snore gratifying that such im provement was not confined to one or two branches of the community, but was perfectly general over the excise and customs, those two great indications of the pros tterity of the kingdom.—(Cheers.) Nothing, therefore, could possibly be more gratifying than this improve ment, for by reference to the financial state of the country they would observe that the last year showed a considerable increase over the year preceding, and that again over the one.that went before, as did that last over the year 1841, thus exhibiting a fact which could not but be peculiarly pleasing, satisfactory, and, what was more, trustworthy—trustworthy inasmuch as the im provement was a progressive and not a sudden one.— (Cheers.) He was led to speak of the income-tax, but he must be distinctly understood as not pledging him self in favour of any motion of the Noble Marquis's, whom he had heard for the first time that day with great pleasure. He was a worthy scion of his illustrious line, and none of them could forget the one who sat in that House, and that other whom no subject of these realms ought to name but with a feel ing of admiration for his splendid generosity—a generosity never to be surpassed, scarcely ever to be equalled—(Hear, hear)—but which, he was sorry to say, from the thoughtlessness of mankind, had never properly been made the subject of a nation's gratitude. —(Cheers.) In giving his concurrence to the address he did not pledge himself to a continuance of the income tax ; for his compliance depended greatly upon the other taxes, whether those might be added or remitted. Till they should see the plans which were intended to be laid down, he thought it would be improper and inexpe dient to say whether the income-tax should be repealed or not. He said this, putting his own prejudices out of sight ; for he thought, in truth, that to that tax there could be urged the most valid objections.—(llear, hear.) But that was not the ground on which it must be con sidered. If it could be shown that another tax pressed more heavily upon the industrious classes, fettering and stunting the commerce of the country—a bad manufac turing tax, if he might say so—a tax which pressed upon the raw material of manufactures ; an d if, b y giving up this latter tax, they gave a spring to home manufactures, to the materials consumed by the low and middle classes of society, then did he say they might with propriety give to the retention of the income-tax a favourable hearing. He had listened with the utmost attention to one part of her Majesty's speech—that part of it, he meant, which had treated of increased academical instruction for the country ; but as that subject would be, at a future time, discussed by their Lordships in detail, he would not do more than thus briefly notice it. With respect to the congratulation which the Noble Marquis called for on the improvedconditionoflreland asregarded its freedom from agitation and from internal disturbances, he (Lord B.) without having any desire to remark upon this topic, because it ought by every means to be avoided, could not at the same time avoid (in order that his silence might not be wrongly construed) saying that in his opinion that improved state of the country was conse quent upon the State prosecutions—(Hear, hear)—and he would be quite ready to prove so, should the matter, in an after day, come on for discussion. One part of the speech referred to the visits paid us by foreign sove reigns, and he believed that those visits had given uni versal satisfaction. If he (Lord B.) were allowed, he should congratulate her Majesty and their Lordships on the last visit of a foreign monarch, and he would take that opportunity of saying that:the fact of that visit had created a friendly feeling, not confined to the gracious Queen who received him, to the brilliant Court by which they were surrounded, but extending across the Channel, and into the heart of the French dominions. Prejudices the most inveterate were by that visit over come, and this advantage had been attained without any sacrifice of principle, without any concession, without a loss of interest or of honour. Without any concession, he said, either en one side or the other—without any alliance being entered into between themselves and the French—without even the shadow of an alliance. He would refer to another part, relating to our commercial policy, and here he could not help feeling astonishment that person. could be found to say that the commercial greatness of England depended upon her monopolies. ‘Vhy, commerce was absolutely inconsistent with even the slightest monopoly. In conclusion, the most fervent prayer to which he could either there or elsewhere give utterance was that a continued good feeling should exist between the English and: French nations, and long, he trusted, would the present amicable relations exist be tween them.—(Cheers.) Lord HARDWICKE regretted that the Noble Lord, the President of the Council, had not given a full and definite answer to the Noble Dukes who sat upon the cross benches (Richmond and Montrose). The first had touched a chord that would reverberate throughout the country ; and from the state of feeling of that class known as agricultural labourers, and their sense of the position held by the Noble Duke in re ference to themselves, he felt sorry that the answer had not been more full and decided. Were he called on to give his opinion on the subject, he should say that a motion on the speech should take place in reference to that question—the question of the distress alleged to exist among that numerous class. His impression was, that the agriculturist, if left alone—if notinterfered with by legislative enactments, and by the panderers of the press, who ministered to a peculiar class —a class fond of agitation, for reasons best known to themselves—if thus left alone, he said the agricultural interests of the country would eventually triumph.— (Hear, hear.) It should be remembered by that class, that the depression which affected the one class would in a similar manner affect all the others, for their interests were so closely connected, that they must of necessity feel a common evil. The Earl of MALMESBUUY said he had never in his life seen the agricultural interest so depressed as it was at the present moment, and he regretted that in her Majesty's Speech there had been no expression of sym pathy with that interest. Was there no precedent for such an expression ? He apprehended that there was, and therefore he could not see why it had not been adopted on the present occasion. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that, in giving his full assent to the address which had been proposed to their Lordships, he had certainly not intended to have addressed them upon it, but there was one topic in her Majesty's speech upon which he would offer a few re marks, and upon which several other Noble Lords had already addressed the House. He now rose to address their Lordships in consequence of what had fallen from his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham) with regard to the late proceedings which had taken place in Ireland. His Noble and Learned Friend having alluded to the circumstance, that during the whole of the last session of Parliament, out of deference to the pending judgment of that House relating to those trials, and having connected that observation with the addi tional observation that now an opportunity was afforded for considering the spirit of those proceedings, and the mode in which they- had been con ducted, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) certainly was anxious to take the first opportunity of protesting, that if the first opportunity was not taken for the pur pose of instituting such an inquiry, or proposing the adoption of any vote on that subject in their Lordships' House, it might not be considered to involve the appro bation of those proceedings. All that he wished to claim on behalf of that forbearance, which he for one in tended to exercise on the subject was, that in so doing he might not be supposed to have approved at the time, or upon reflection, to approve now of the mode in which those trials were conducted. But in what situation did he find himself ? and in what situation did that House find itself ? That at the close of those proceedings that House had, by a solemn judgment set aside that decision of the courts of law of Ireland. Whatever opinion after that judgment had been pronounced in that House, he might entertain with respect to the mode in which those proceedings were cartied on in that country, and in the courts of that country, he certainly, for one, was contented with that judgment, and be was desirous, as far as he was concerned, not to revert to the consideration of that subject, and to avoid as much as possible the examina tion of those topics, which could not be examined either in that House or elsewhere, without exciting a spirit which he would be sorry to see excited again. All that he would say on the subject, that without presuming to offer now what he would not have presumed to offer at the time, any opinion as to the merits of the judgment which that House, after hearing the opinions of Noble and Learned Lords, much better cal culated than he was to judge on the sub ject had pronounced—all he would say was, that whatever were the merits of that judgment, he did con sider it to be one of the circumstances which had led to a better state of feeling in Ireland among the more ra tional persons aho composed the public opinion of that country. He thought it impossible, in contemplating the care and caution and forbearance with which that House had endeavoured to secure to the people of Ireland the most perfect enjoyment of that most inviolable privilege of the British constitution—trial by jury—without feel ing that they had been indebted to that branch of the constitution of the United Kingdom for a deal of care and attention to their rights and privileges, which, un der no Government and. no constitution, would they have obtained to a greater deg ree. Ile believed that at that moment, in that respect , he could join in the lan geage of the address, that whatever unhappy disposition might prevail among the misguided in the lower classes in Ireland, there prevailed among the higher classes a better tone of feeling than had existed in that country for a long time past, and this circumstance he attributed in a great part to the operation of the diligeuoe, the care, and the respect which was shown by that House fur the feelings and constitutional rights of the people of that country. He did hope, now that all obstacles were removed with respect to political interests, that the proceeding which had been proposed by his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Campbell), who, able and constitutional lawyer as he was, was pe culiarly suited to take up that subject, and who he hoped would again propose what he had proposed last year, and which was objected to merely on the round of its effect on the proceedings at that time, viz., an Act, the effect of which would be to remove so great a stigma from the law of England, as that of imposing on a person convicted, before that convict i on was complete, the endurance cf a part of that sentence, which on the completion of that judgment he would have to undergo. This was a manifest injustice, and was not admitted into the administration of the law of any other country, and he could not believe, that if his Noble and Learned Friend could be induced to take up the subject, their Lordships would give a ready assent, not to the benefit of Ireland only, but in behalf of England and English subjects. Before he left the subject of Ireland, there was no part of the address which he assented to with °Tenter cordiality than the intimation given that it was now the intention of her Majesty's Government to take up the subject at an early period, of extending made emxi t c e a n l s educationwould i b in e t haat realco u o i n i t e ry ; -, t a h i d e o l n i he only r s u o s r t r e o d w t h h a et had h a i d s to express was, that it had not been taken up before. He believed that to the absence of that extended education, and he might add, to the existence of a vicious system c ob o ny u t e t r sy;,l - education in that country, were to be attributed the . 3r ) :t i l;a v o t n many evils which existed in the social condition of that think it necessary to trouble their Lordships. He would those topics of the address he did not ri n e o n t d, o w n i e th w r o e r g d ar ss d hi t c o h thehadimhpoeenrtlaintteeereiadf THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 5 1845. the peace of Europe, more particularly the peace between maintaining this country and France, in which he did not cordially concur. He agreed with his Noble Friend that it would be lamentable indeed, if that peace should be comprbmised for such intere sts as those lately brou g ht into question. But what he did lament was, that it was notorious to all the world; that from such causes, those interests had been compromised and this country had been placed on the very brink of warfare. He thought that this was reading a lesson, which ought to be studied by the Governments of both countries, because acquitting as he did ( f course her Majesty's Government, for he was sure they would not enter into any . such hostility unprovoked or without a motive, ac quitting also the Go vernmen t o f F rance . an d not only acquitting them, but acquitting— for he would not, unless he did so, be doing justice to others—those who were conside red their opponents in France of any intention of plunging this country into war, he would call on their Lords hi p s to consider, that what was small and insignificant in itself, and not calculated to be fol lowed up by great consequences, might for the want of magnified as ultimat e ly t o i nvo l ve t h e i nteres t s ex pli c it explanation in the first instance become so e did hope that he r M a j esty ' s G overnmen t gradually notions. I occasion, when they had to interfere in any matter, would in the first instance endeavour to obtain an explicit explanation wish respect to it. If they were in such a situation with the islands that compose d t h e great tract of Polynesia, they might be come so many plague-spots to the two countries. They heard a great deal of protectorates. If they were to be admitted into the s y stem of nations it was most impor • tant they should know , in the first instance, what rights and found thatprivileges protectorates c ou ld g i ve. I n l aw b ooks they scarcely any authority was laid down on the subject. If they looked in the last woks that had been published, they found nothing but vague sentences with respect to protectorates. There was one great in stance of protectorates—that which was admitt e d at the treaty of Vienna with respect to the lonian Islands. But that was resolved upon in support of the common policy of Europe; but if a country was to assume a pro • tectorute it was most important to know the ground forward ess withta any measure w hi c h might respect t o any i nterest be upon which such an assum p t ion was taken, and the laws with respect to it. He did not consid er hi mse lf com mittedin the country. Nor did he consider th a t b e was thereby acquiescing in the propriety of the conti nuance of the income-tax. He , fur one, would not assen t t o it s con ti nua nce, unless it could be sh own t o b e necessary as bro in a means for relieving the population of this country fr om ught this ad the burdens under which they at present laboured. EN The Earl of ABERDE wished to say a word or two in reply to a portion of the observations o f th e N o bl e Marquis who had just addressed the House. His Noble Friend, without implying any censure, said that the dis cussions which had recently taken place between this country and France, were in some degree caused by a want of what he called a system of explanation. Now he (Lord Aberdeen) begged to remind his Noble Friend that the fact of the settlement of those discussions was owing entii ely to that system of explanation which he thought so necessary ; and he would further remind him, that originally that discusssion did not arise from any circumstances between the two Governments with reference to a protectorate, or any such question of the law of nations, but from the insulated act of a subaltern officer, unauthorised, and unknown by his own Government. It was from the mo derate views which were entertained by the two Go vernments that that settlement, which the Noble Mar quis had himself admitted to be so satisfiictory, had been brought about. He (Lord Aberdeen) would only say. ' that in the representations which it was his duty to make to the French Government, there was nothing which he would not have recommended to his own Government had they b, en placed in the same situation.—(Hear,hear.) Lord CAMPBELL said, that as the Noble Marquis had alluded to him, he would give notice, that unless the Bill to which tie Nobler Marquis had referred should be introduced by her Majesty's Government, he would have the honour of again presenting it to their notice. Lord BROUGHAM—Hear, hear. I quite agree with you. - Lord CAMPBELL trusted that although her Ma jesty's speech was silent with respect to legal measures, that during the present session several legal reforms would be brought forward. The state or the ecclesiasti cal courts required that, as speedily as possible, measures with respect to that subject should be broil-41A forward. The law of debtor and creditor was in a very inconve nient and unsatisfactory state; and he trusted that his Noble and Learned Friend, who now divided the wool sack (Lord Brougham was seated there)—would bring forward some measures of legal reform before the close of the present session. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he rose for the pur pose of offering a word or two in explanation, and in answer to what had fallen from the Noble Lord, he begged to remind his Lordship and the House, the t when this Bill was introduced lsst session, the only ground upon which it was opposed, had reference to one or two particular clauses that affected only individual cases. For a considerable time before the Bill had passed it lay upon the table, in order that it might re ceive the inspection and correction of the law Lords. In addition to that, copies of it were printed, and extensively circulated ; and yet, notwithstanding that, no ob jection whatever was made, to any part of the Bill during its progress through the House. Nay, more, he had even called their Lordships' attention to its provisions, as he was most anxious to have the assistance of the law Lords, feeling that the Bill con tained many objectionable clauses. Ills Noble and Learned Friend did object to some of the clauses, and those were struck out, and in that state it passed. The Bill certainly was one of a very complicated nature, and contained many metaphysical niceties, and for those reasons he was most desirous to have bad the aid of his Noble and Learned friend in criticising it. He now begged to assure their Lordships that he had a Bill ready, which he would lay on the table during the course of the present session, which, he trusted, would have the effect of removing the anomalies it contained. Lord BROUGHAM begged to say a word or two in explanation. It was true that he had had charge of the Bill originally, but, having been obliged to leave the country, it passed from his heads into those of the Go vernment, and he was very glad of it. As to what had been said by his Noble and Learned Friend about the merits of the debtor and creditor cl auses, t h ose he would Billt b et the able b mostlwe a tso incessants n h o o t w the b y e n e o u t t n it o ry w — g and in h to e ; re bu l t et h h e im ho eadeavours had been Riede to mislead the coun measure it had been psae t yd h: toha The great outcry that had been ra t r en y pyr e s u me n p e o tee n nd s. subject b u j r e i c o t e -- s raised against it was owing to the 201 clause, by which it had been stated that small traders had been mate rially injured ; and he had been charged with insert ing that clause. Here let him observe, that though he was favourable to that clause, it was not one of his ori gination. It was one drawls up by the predecessor of the Noble and Learned Lord on t e Woolsack. As be was not present he might mention his name, Lord Cot , tenhim—and as it originally stood it abolished all im prisonment for debt. One of its injurious effects was, that it gave no power of execution upon a clerk for instance, who though he might be in the receipt of 2001. a-year, might run up a bill of 19!. with a poor tradesman, and yet could not be come at because he lived in a lodging house, and the furaiture could not be touched as it did not belong to him. Lord CAMPBELL explained. Lord BROUGHAM repeated that the Bill was not drawn tip by him. The motion was then agreed to, and twelve o'clock on Thursday was the time fixed upon for their Lordships to wait on her Majesty with the address. WAR IN SINDE. The Duke of WELLINGTON read a letter from Major-General Sir C. J . Na pier , dated Currachee , M a y 20, 1844, returning tha nks, o n his own part , as well as on the part of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of the armies, native and British, under his command, for the vote o f thanks which their Lordshi p s pleased to pass in ackno wl edgment of their services. The Noble Duk e e on c l u ded b y movin g that had been the letter be entered on their Lordships' journals, which was unanimously agreed to. STANDING ORDERS. The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the usual standing orders, including the appointment of the Earl of Shaftesbury as Chairman of the Committees of the House. • The Earl of SHAFTESBURY thanked their Lord• ships for that renewed mark of the confidence which had been reposed in him for the last thirty-five years. • The LORD CHANCELLOR hoped that the Noble Earl would continue i n th e e njoyment of the office for thirty-five years m ore . The motion wa s th en agree d to, and their Lordships adjourned at ei g ht o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 4. The SPEAHMR returned to the House from the bar of the House of Lords, and the House immediately ad jJurned to a Quarter before Four o'clock. • The House resumed at a Quarter before Four. NEW MEMBERS. The following Al-embers took the oaths and their seats :—Mr. Somes, for the Borough of Dartmouth ; and Mr. Clifton, for North Lancashire. T IDIAN ARMY. The SPEAKER HE infoNrmed the House that he had, during the recess, issued a new writ f or the election of a new Membe r for the borough of Dartmouth, in the room of Sir John Seale, deceased. The SPEAKER then read a letter from Major-Gene ral Sir Charles Napier, returning thanks on behalf of himself and the officers of the Indian army, for the honour conferred upon them by the vote of the House acknowledging their services in the last session of P ar li ament. NEW WRITS. On the moti on o f M r. YOUNG, new writs were or dered to be issued for the election of Members for the following places :—For the southern division of Wilt shire, in the room of William Sidney Herbert, who since his e l ec ti on b a d acceptedthe office of her Ma jesty's Sec re t ary at W ar ; for the borough of Buckingham, i n th e room o f Sir Thomas Fremantle , who, since hi s e l ect i on ha d a ccepted the office of Chief Secretary of I re l an d ; for the bor ou g h of Stamford, in the room of Si r G eorge Clerk, who , since his election, had accepted th e o ffi ce of Master o f the Mint. On the moti on o f M r . HAWES a new writ was or ' dered to be issued for the election of a Knight of the Shire for the county of Tipperary, in the room of the Hon. Robert Ot way Cave, dec eased ' NOTICES OF MOTION. Sir C. NAPIER gave notice that he should, on the 13th of February, move for a Select Committee to in quire how the money voted since 1835 for the navy had been expended ; what new s hips had been constructed, and what improvements had taken place under the new system. Lord ASHLEY (who spoke in a very low tone of voice) gave notice that he should, on Tuesday, Feb. 18, move for leave to bring in 8 Bill to regulate the labour in factories, Sir R. INGLIS gave notice of his intention to move the appointment of the Library Committee. RAILWAYS. Mr. YOUNG, on the part of his NoMe Friend (Lord Granville Somerset), gave notice of his intention, on the 6tk of February, to move for leave to bring in a Bill for the consolidation of laws relating to railways. THE BUDGET. The HONOURABLE MEMBER also gave notice, on the part of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, that it was his intention to make his financial statement to the House on Friday, 14th February. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. EWART gave notice of his intention to move on tee 6th of February (as we understood) a resolution condemnatory of indirect taxation, which pressed par tially on the community, and recommending the total alolition of indirect taxation, and the substitution of direct taxation in its stead. The Hon. Member also gave notice of his intention to move, when the sessional orders should be brought forward, that all Committees on private Bills should consist of five Members, to be selected by the Committee of Selection, neither of whom should have, either publicly or privately, directly or in directly, any interest in the subject matter of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member also gave notice that, when the sessional orders should be moved, he intended to draw the attention of the House to the exrdiency of sitting by day instead of by night, and of commencing their sittin i Ts at one o'clock in the morning —(Loud laughter)--ite meant one o'clock in the after noon, and adjourning at Six ; and that no debate should be continued beyond that hour, and that all Committees of the House should meet at a proportionably early hour. Mr. HUME gave notice that he would, on this day fortnight, move for the appointment of a Select Com mittee to inquire into the state of lighthouses and buoys under the management of the Trinity House, and the expenses of maintaining the same. RAILWAYS. Mr. WALLACE gave notice that he would, tomor row, put a question to her Majesty's Government. as to how many railways, coming within the Act of last ses sion, had complied with the 6th clause of that Act, as to having seats and protection from the weather for third-class passengers ; also a notice for the 11th of Fe bruary, to consider the several reports made by the Committee on railways, and the appointment of the Board constituted by the Board of. Trade for railway business, and the nature and effect of its published decisions on the interests of the country, with a view to amend the Act of last session ; also a notice for the 6th of Fe bruary, to bring in a Bill to repeal the Act passrd in the reign of his late Majesty, called the Sheriffs' Court Small Debts Bill. Mr. WAKLEY gave notice, for this day week, of a motion respecting the qualifications of medical men ap pointed to poor law unions. Dr. BOWitING gave notice that he would, on the 11th of February, move for a Select Committee to in quire into the state of the public accounts, and propose certain resolutions to amend the same. Mr. MACKINNON gave notice that he would, on this day fortnight, call the attention of the House to the necessity of improving the health of towns, by prevent ing interments within them. POST-OFFICE REPORT. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE gave notice that he would, on this day fortnight, call the attention of the House to the delusive nature of the report made with respect to the opening of letters in the Post-office. Mr. WALLACE gave notice that he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the first section of the Act of William the Fourth, having reference to appellate jurisdiction in Scotland. - Mr. WAKLEY moved for a copy of the petition pre sented by the College of Surgeons, on the 14th September last, against the Medical Reform Bill. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER rose and said—l have to report to the House that this day the House was summoned to the House of Peers, when her Majesty was pleased to make a most gracious speech, addressed to bo:h Houses of Parliament. The Right Hon. Gentleman read the speech, which will be found in another column, and Mr. CHARTERIS then rose and spoke as follows — I rise, Sir, to move that an address be presented to her Majesty, for the gracious speech which she this day delivered, and in so doing I trust that nothing will fall from my lips calculated to excite a spirit of party amoc g st us, or in any way to disturb that cordial feeling which it is so desirable to maintain on such an occasion as the present.—(Hear, hear.) At the same time I may ask the House for that kind indul gence which is never denied to those who address it for the first time.—(Cheers.) The first subject alluded to in her Majesty's Speech is the gratifying fact of the general prosperity of the country—(Cheers) — the fact of which prosperity is, I think, within the cognizance of all. I think I may fairly assert, without fear of contradiction, that this prosperity has not arisen from any unhealthy stimulant or sudden re-action, but that it arises frem a gradual improvement in every branch of our manufactures. e h a n t m en e sio a n nd of n o b u r r od, manufactures a a large m and u ourt of ment has been afforded to the people ; but I regret b ß o y t hat this to say that, in some of the agricultural districts, ao more especially in those with which I am ncommerce, m e ni m p e l r n e y. , e con nected, there exists great distress. I think it my duty to mention this to the House, in order that it may see that the gratification justly felt at the general prosperity of the country is not without alloy. Now, Sir, when we see that this prosperity so much depends on the state of our foreign relations, I think I shall express the general sense of the House when I propose to offer our hearty congratulations to her Majesty on the friendly relations which exist between this country and other Powers. I derive a hope of the long con tinuance of this good understanding from the fact that, within the last few months, three of the Sovereigns of Europe have been the guests of her Majesty : this increased intercourse between the Sovereigns of Europe proves also another happy fact of importance in the world's history—that the nations of Europe have been taught how far preferable are the blessings of peace to the empty glories of war.— (Hear, hear) It is to be hoped that the time is not very far distant when, by the increasing development of the giant powers of steam, the intercourse between nation and nation may be still further increased—(Hear) — tending to cause the capital of one country to be invested in the improvement of another, thus break ing down national prejudices and jealousies, and ren dering the calamity of war between them less probable. If any proof were wanting of the friendly feeling entertained by this country for other nations, it would be found in the favourable re ception which was given to the Emperor of Russia dur ing his visit. But even more important still was the visit of the King of the French, inasmuch as it oc curred after many differences and misunderstandings had arisen between the two Governments.—(Hear.) But the manner in which this misunderstanding was accommodated will, I hope, serve as a lesson of mutual forbearance to the. people of both countries.— (Hear, hear.) Had the respective Ministers given way to popular clamour, instead of now enjoying the bles sings of peace, the two countries might have been plunged into the horrors of war. And for what ? Now that the storm has blown over, we hear the French Minister ac knowledging the prudence and moderation of the head; of the English Government, while the English Minister acknowledges the forbearance of the French Government. It is, Sir, with feelings of unfeigned pleasure that I call the attention of the House to that portion of her Majesty's speech which refers to the improved state and brightening prospects of Ireland.—(Hear.) A spirit of enterprise has been newly awakened, owing to which capital to a large amount has been embarked ; and by such means, as well as by the formation of railways, we may hope that its natural fertilities will be rendered avail able, its resources opened up, and the two countries be brought into closer communication with each other. It is by thus giving a legitimate occupation to the ener gies of the Irish people, and by exciting a spirit of industry and enterprise, that we may hope to put an end to that agitation under which the country has so long suffered. By a course of wise, just, and conciliatory measures, not ex torted by force, but conceded by justice—(Cheers from the Opposition benches)— she may soon be made, blest as she is with every natural advantage, united, prosperous and happy.—(Cheers from both sides of the House.) Of these measures I would fain hope that the Charitable Bequests Bill will be regarded as the first instalment.—(Hear; hear.) I look upon the proposed increase of acade mical education as a measure conceived in the same spirit.—(Hear, Lear, from both sides of the House.) When brought under the consideration of Parliament, I feel confident it will meet with that warm and general support which its just and sound policy alike demand. By thus according to the people of Ireland, without dis tinction of religious sect—(Cheers)—the benefits of education, we may hope to unite all in one common effort to promote the interests of the country.-- (Cheers.) Another subject connected with Ire land, of the gravest import, has engaged the attention of her Majesty's Government. No one, lam sure, will deny to them the credit of having boldly grap -1 p latebowh l xfe o e uonohrrr with express increasesoeverips nsetetecuphnnhuooonuetatpnnndehhildgdieaeewerri. that corresponding h y gt 0,31 when ( s aurhni t usebia e etamj tt m eeehi hsaspoceeerplrn o tsiao: f srkwdcaviee l tepiaaonl improvement the dryehteeebinetxtveowet present Bf n mshiri pnuisaeeoitrersngni revision. Bank of the Commission nld i lteote n ocshnfTepeo l gaoord r mEhevtno e . onenms l : u a epi gbgdingrleiadhrseclroni, been saoudwtnnhsi condition hngci the stoi expectedhct st ignorant rtrrl te l b)a eat dons, nt leaoi e sdr s ttf: at the root of the social anomalies of that country ; and f e g before Parliament, most important and beneficial mea suresthat the banking system of Scotland and Ireland of the intentions of her Majesty's Government, perhaps, as a Scotchman, I may be allowed to express a hope that, in placing the banking establish ments of that country on a sound footing, they which will interfere as little as possible with ex i st i ng establish ht ments.—(Laughter.) I come n ow to a point of t m h e e nt. greatest s t at e of f thedwellings, importance, under our consideration by th e report of a Commission appointed by h e r M a j esty ' s Govern ellings, and wil the generalbe brought con dition of the poor, are subjects which cry loudly for legislative interference„ wherever that interference is practicable and called for. It must be a source of pleasure to all parties to perceive the solicitude and sympathy th a t ex i sts for the welfare of the poorer classes of the c ountry. At no former period has the improvement of the great body of the been more called for, or occup i e d more of the people e attention of the Legislature and the public than it does at present. Whatever may be our individual o • pinions upon the va rious measures suggested for bettering all the con dition of the poor, we must anticipate benefit ' from that spirit of practical and active be nevolence which is evvr,ywhere übservabio to be manifest. Whether we look to the societies __— formed for improving the dwellings of the poor, or to the plan proposing allotments of land, by subscription or otherwise, there is matter for deep congratulation. Still it is not in the power of Parliament, by any legislative measures, to obtain that desirable object of securing to the labouring man a fair day's wages for a fair day's labour ; yet much may be done by individual exertions, whether in the capacity of landlord, tenant, or master. Having adverted to most of the important topics contained in her Majesty's Speech. it only remains for me to thank the House for the kindness and indul gence with which it has listened to my address, and I will conclude by simply expressing a hope that we may all unite in supporting any measures calculated to improve the condition of the poor, or promote the ge neral interests of the people of this great empire. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving an address, which ills, as usual, an echo of the speech. Mr. T. BARING rose to second the adoption of the address, but he spoke in so low a tone, and the hum of ' voices of those speaking on either side was so loud, that the lion. Member was almost inaudible in the gallery. As well as we could catch his words, he spoke nearly as follows :—Sir, in rising to second the adoption of the address proposed by my Hon. Friend on my left, I think I shall best consult the convenience of the House, and shall best show my gratitude for the honour conferred upon me, in selecting me as the seconder of his motion, by confining myself to a few observations, and saying that I fully coincide in all that has fallen from my Honourable Friend end that in the few remarks I have to make I shall endeavour to avoid allu sion to all those topics, which woes./ b i li 'rely to create any unnecessary discussion, or interrupt the present good feeling.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I trust enat this will be a sufficient explanation of my presumption in occupying the position I do at this moment.—(bear, hear.) I hope, Sir, I may be permitted to express my conviction that the present circumstances of this country are such as fully warrant the expressions contained in the address to her Majesty, and that there are no topics touched upon in that address which are not borne out by the circumstances of the country. —(Hear, hear.) It is these prosperous circumstances that have made me feel proud at having imposed upon me the agreeable task I have undertaken, of seconding the adoption of that address, carrying with it as it does all the weight en I the ability of t"e able and talented re marks of my Hon. Friend. Sir, there were times when her present Majesty opened the Parliament under other and less auspicious circumstances ; when the House of Commons was placed in a position that called upon it for energetic measures, in order to meet the emergencies of the country ; when the House was likely to be called upon for the exercise of that full power possessed by it, by which to maintain the supremacy of the Crown ; even under those circumstances, this House would carry to the Throne, in its address to her Ma jesty, those sentiments of devotion and loyalty which became it.— (Hear, hear.) But, upon the present oc casion, I feel happy to say that it is my pleasing duty to congratulate myself and this House on a dif ferent state of things—(Hear)—and that the commence meet of this year has been marked by a state of commercial and financial prosperity. (Hear, hear.) It is not my intention to follow the Hon. Gentleman through all the topics to which he has alluded, but I must ask permission to make a few observations on those parts of the address which appear to me to be the most important.--(Hear, hear.) In doing this, however, I wish to guard myself. The feelings of ge neral approbation which I entertain for the policy which has been pursued by her Majesty's Go vernment, fully justify me in coming forward to express the sentiments which I now express, but in doing so I wish to be understood as reserving to myself full power to canvass the merits of the different measures which that Government may propose, whenever they may be submitted to our consideration.—(Hear, hear.) It is a great subject of congratulation to every country, more especially to a commercial country like this, that there is every prospect of the preservation of peace. This is a subject for great congratulation. The recent visits of foreign Sovereigns to this country should not, as it appears to me, be considered as expressions of the per sonal respect borne by one Sovereign to another, although nothing can be more desirable than the establishment of that mutual knowledge and mutual esteem for each other between sovereigns, to which these visits are likely to conduce. But they are not merely personal proofs of the friendship of these sove reigns, but of their attachment to the maintenance of friendly relations with this country. I believe that the visits of these sovereigns may be considered as betoken ing a wish on the part of their subjects for an alliance with this country, and I rejoice in them, as having afforded an opportunity to the people of this country of demonstrating their attachment to peace, and their wish to cultivate friendly relations with their sub jects; and when I consider the power of these nations, a. .d the character of these Sovereigns, I atn sure that these visits may be considered as an additional pledge for the continuance of peace, and I feel convinced that the Emperor of Russia could not but have appreciated the sincere de sire which exists in this country to bind still closer the bonds of amity which already subsist between us. I should not wish to see any stronger bond of peace be tween the two countries than those, feelings of mutual interest which should naturally exist. It would give me pleasure if the Emperor of Russia, were disposed to modify some of those restric tions which so much interfere with the importa tion of colonial produce—(" Hear, hear," from the Op position.) I feel convinced that the friendly feelings between those countries will increase the receipts of the Russian revenue, and be only injurious to those contra• band traders for whcm no sympathy can be enter tained. The visit of the King of the French next claims notice—a visit, which so deeply interested the feelings of the people of England. That visit was paid soon after a period when apprehensions were entertained for the peace of Europe. The hostilities with Morocco were terminated in a manner consonant with the honour of France and the peace of Europe. The question of Otaheite has been worn thread bare' in the French Chambers, and I regret to say that some of the speakers there have at tempted, I hope unsuccessfully, to excite feelings of national jealousy. I am no diplomatist, and cannot appreciate the motives of those persons who ob ject to the arrangement of the Otaheitean question ; but in public, as in private matters, my notion is that where any agents, either through overzeal, or worse motives, exceed their instructions, it is the duty of their em ployers to express disapprobation at their proceedings, and to indemnify those who have suffered by them. France has done this ; it could not do less with a just regard of what was due to the subjects of another Crown, which are entitled to full protection wherever they are placed. England could expect no less, and I confess I do not think England could require more. It is not unlikely that difficulties may occur when the subjects of two nations are brought into contact at such a distance, but when such differences unfortunately have occurred they should be treated by the respective Governments with conciliatory dispositions, and regard to the interests as well as to the honour of each. The history of France or England does nowhere show that these countries have been at any time actuated by feelings either of intimidation or servility, insult or injury never was patiently endured by either. I hope all sources of bitterness are now removed, and I fully agree in the words of that distineuished stptesman in the French Cham ber of Peers, who said that though peace between England and France might be said to be a guarantee for the peace of the world, the dignity, honour, or advantage of either should never be sacrificed, though everything that could be done ought to be done to preserve that peace. I do not participate in the feelings of those who say that be cause France and England are on amicable terms, that therefore peace with other countries is not fully com patible. It by no means follows that other countries should be excluded from the advantages of such a pence. There is another country beyond the Atlantic with which we continue to be on terms of friendship. I am not ashamed to say that my private interests are bound up with the continuance of that friendship, and that the respect and friendship which I have for great numbers of its citizens confirm that feeling ; but I believe that my private interests are in concurrence with the interests of:both countries, and that the advantage of the world at large will be best maintained by the existence of friendly feelings between this country and the United States. And though titter newspaper para graphs, though hostile speeches or violent resolutions, and though dispatches may see the liebt, from Secretaries of State, breathing no friendly feelings towards this country, expressed in lan guage which we all regret—(Hear, hear)---yet I trust that nothing will arise to check the peace which exists between both countries ; and I rely on the good sense of the great mass of the population of that country, upon their intelligence and discernment, that they will respond to the feelings entertained on this side of the ocean, and will see that the interests of both countries are concerned in the maintenance of peace, and that we desire the continuance of friendly relations. There is one element essential to the progress of good government in this country—in the United States, and in France—l mean the p u bli c press, which I would not wish to see restrained ; but a violent publication or a bitter speech may pro duce feelings of irritation for the moment which are not the permanent feelings of the nation. Though there may be rising up a new generation who have not experienced the horrors of warfare, yet at the same time there is a class of men rising, and have risen, whose prosperity, employment, and interest, are identified with the maintenance of peace, and this class in all countries is gaining more influence. I trust that the increase of commerce may be a new link of peace, and that if it be necessary to augment the navy for the pro tection of that commerce, that the country will be willing to bear the increased burdens necessary for that purpose. As regards the national wealth, the public credit, and the buoyancy of the resources of the country, which have been tried by some years of depression, perhaps this country was never in a condi tion to take a more imposing attitude, either in support of her dignity or the protection of her interests, though such calculations are happily un necessary yet, in case a war should arise, in which none certainly could be gainers, yet, lookieg at our insular position, and the shock which would be given to manufacturing and industrial interests, and to all local and internal improvements, and the check it would cause to the influx of capital into other countries, I, cannot think that other nations would suffer less than ee. At the opening of last session of Parliament, although improve ment had taken place in some branches of our manufac turing interests, there was still a depression in two most im portant departments', the iron trade and shipping interest. But lam happy to say that the tide of prosperity has now reached both these branches. With respect to the iron trade, the mines are now in complete work. The population connected with the working of iron are in full occupation at good wages, and the prices of iron have improved thirty or forty per .........----------,-.--......._ cent. In fact, the iron trade is in as s atisfactory d an prosperous a'fitate as any o ther. This gr eat improve ment has gram mainly from the increa se to the la or comumption. caused 1-y the adoption coned ron for yeti: as purposes, aed the great demand occasi by railroads. With regard to the shipping interest, that also was in a very depressed. coedition, but I am happY t ° say that there has been a .general improvement in the last half year. Ships a re more saleable anCCR d at better prices. The demand for them has been odes by th e inereneed •O:C iinoanoo of various artielei, of consumption, among °tint.; t h e importation 0 g uano has increased the demand 'for shipping to a large am ount.—(A slight laugh.) T he application of science!. as tested by experience, by increasing the fertilitya' 01 the soil, has not only effect ed that object, bat has ls° vivified a nother most important branch of our corofert: vial interests. lam not about to trouble the House witi! any long array of figures, but I with respect 10 the cotton trade, that it was never inamore thriving stars The rrofits of the manufacturers have increased, and with them the wages of their workmen ; but, Sir , 1 ttni aware that there are some of our manufactures which have not found so large a n te: as some branches of the spinning trade. fur taking the two, and calculating them tog etue ' I believe I am perfectly right when I state that, at no period in the history of our spining and manufactarifitt interests, has the balance applicable to profits and wages been greater than during the P,„ i, year. The application of capital in new r°, '..", and the improvement of old ones and roachilertle: have also been much greater in the part year. With satin' gard . to the woollen trade, it is a source of no small this fact ea that an improvement has taken pluee in tu t branch too, because it fully bears out the stately le. which has been made of the improvement woollen et(rJaPcie A great, in fact the larger, portion of our is supported by the home market, and, of the increase of this market bespeaks an improy en i e ta sy the condition of the poor man. The flax trade, . o „, state with confidence, has undergone a considerable nn, provement; indeed, I may state that the increase nr, been upwards o f but it i s le" twenty per cent.; i f s ome likely this - increase is attributable to the remove.° eo of the restrictions on this trade. Still, the difference which has taken place in our flax manufacture ape the favourably of the improvement of the condition ' couertst; I s t to people, notwithstanding the difficulty that may e l „ t i e n. estimate the quantity applicable to home consl e r d t his It may be asked, haveour foreign den3ands just'L rue increase in our manufactures ? Novv, if been through the articles of British produce which baY t e ot o f . exported this year, we shall find that the exports has been larger than in LeY - clay There has, however, been a falling off in two iteinvs,2 _ oa , and cotton twist. With regard to coals I belie 1011', state that this has resulted not from theealliTif 1 ' en to the demand, but from the strike among:t wor r 0 0 ar e forniaellri mining districts, which no doubt Hon. Gent . lew b e e s on aware of. With regard to cotton-twist. it F ill 00 ,000 that the item shows a falling off of s " e ' i n the pounds. I believe, however, that this different! rt of exports arises, not from any indisposition .011b",.e ritish our foreign neighbours to take this article ?I n __ oic h °period. produce, but to the great amount of consumpttor fauo. has taken place in the home m arket. t ore facturers in this article have been, I may have bee° than fully employed, nevertheless they _ ar net. unable to supply the home as well as the foreign "• f !...„nro • ed But we mus t look beyond this to ascertain the tizu n r so r All ou le condition of the people; we must look to the . r e flees tion of those articles which are regarded n 5 bn st of the saries of life. The customs are, perhaps. power of consumption than the e xcise ; h,e t ,. flo wer of may be considered as shoeing the a better test th e people 0 li bere bas expenditure ; and of malt, spirits, a pe soap, of te e ' been an increase. Looking at the a rticles wa s tslt; sugar, and tobacco, the gradual increase nil! toproveu ing place afforded a satisfactory prof of ne t e tures °f th : condition of the people. Although C h e f returns os yet, °- savings' banks are liable to some except ~_croso the 11 ' , re connected with other proofs of prosperitY* in deposits, and the diminution in withar:Vtf'lls'etiolryf very pleasing circumstances, Another returns .° proof is the great increase in the „ It iv all the - h ing either P ro ta railways—thus soa or a g It crease in traffic for business purposes power of expenditure for the purposes o_ he t ti. may, indeed, be doubted Witherwh this 5 pro.,r.,:ry ge.i: permanent character. I a last ) t r oo p. 01 1 1 °` 1 . doubts were entertained,. though I so I 3 the iainr e fo e , what data they were founded, whetherd i contitit and meat which then manifested itself t est a te of tr s " - 'lso any length of time. But looking at th looldnig 6 „a the moderate price of raw materials, '' and giutteu, .iit 'f retinatio°, _ at the fact, that no foreign mareets er et:ot her, i ':..' l ., scarcely any overstocked, and con filer' it , e . ne ; there is an abundance of capita l, : of 11 °6 tbst manufacture is the great napw''rehef- e on' -rity, I cannot see any reason to oo l a P tiou i „„tryn there is any exaggerated spirit of sPc", th is coan„o. nexion with the trade and manufactures of this tbeir ap p le. The new banking regulations, althouogotro can_otot. cability to the circumstances oft,.. be tested by experience—Wear, hear) an 3 of lations have proved a salutary chect that sp ir i i hoo , spirit of speculation, I believe tha ' oc uless If the speculation has been absorbed loY„ r-- . en sibl e ~,n e fits importancesof such undertakings. undertakings. Although I am andfol seas the w t ; la• which they confer by • 'flg fr n i 4e he ne the giving , wi .,_ ~ bourers of various kinds, end oth e il b i a to s' i d t of the country, nloYni Ong I think it'l is irorstso the i c e!l one oi. the dangers by exaggerated calculations made as ba a this o l a e ed. --- those undertakings, without feeling t o is 11 3 e ." w hiCb , (Hear, hear ) This is a dan ger ; there tir l s n o under our manufacturing s ystem , .r' there 0 f the remedywhich the countr.T.iso, to 00 0. ably subject ; but for that ' manufacturers evil the oresrninsds E. except a tshaitritofotpfroordeusciginhgt, and inn be t pr ey th 1.e11 071 it s the operatives a saving dispasition. a], ate I rose (' verity of this country has undoubteAStediy, e ven t his . finances—(Hear, ar) g inateu ttes tion w 01) 1 ' i t has , to e- , „ a s ee toontio,. its resources ; butte t is inipossible net o ' ili the he r t her ' change of circumstances reallyori of the income-tax. I will not discuss th_e g__ . Gotter,.. do it be or be not (as we understood the bl , r ol a stat o e b j e ct convenient or proper kind fisheda% ; ' great object Sir , 8 42 0 . fact that it has accomp the . u I "` Its for which it was established., rile is 1 dite re. the excess of expenditure over in 130ver e%Pelitivolc.B 2,149,0001., the surplus of revenue January„the A t his in 1845, was, I believe, 3,356,000 i, I'The iequired from the Bank of Bngland in d in 1 00 year is only one aliir 1 of what was require .. _ o , Gover t o eV value and price of securities resting .1) no t tt. oo te credit have corresponded to the iinPr uve the l egiP ed e" hibited ; and this improvement is itself - c i the s° n ti tue st. triumph of the wisest policy In Gofer-Ail economy on the part of the te op. ,- tb .11 After some further observations from t e ef' ber, the address was put from the Chauo_toded at Sir, I trust that the success which 1 19s ti 7 i , c ou bi n bo tri arit t i ft forts to produce a financial surplus in - tri 5 i; ''' operate as an example to other coo n disclor. under difficulties of the same charactero,_ nu'jcweveo4e;tl prove to them that, however onerous °r ow he, n vciti sls_ , pular for a time such a line of conduct fiV_. o il '_ ers ,) tor , (Iv _,.. in the long run, for nations as well ss_ oco ,--L t he r", is not only the best but the securest Psei..ifees of j oie': However productive may be the other (:,." 90 i r%, , ; venue, it must be evident, that if there_lf defieielrii ere in this tax there will arise a danger °I tha t o'f the confess that it appears £0 re ' s loe eibe til it are to have any relief in the oside ring st oat, . 0 reduction of other taxation, without co n sour ni 4 0 , , any further addition may be necessary t:outirce' °f ; gr e 0 : we cons' ia direct h oe ~5 would not be wise to give up such a •d e o tbs t oet ie ti o revenue, particularly when portion of our revenue depends srnvbieh we„ s ern which is affbcted by causes eve: ; ince of "redios;r control. In my opinion the mai nt n a rt th e i c oo s to revenue is absolutely necessary to suP,P oo , t his, os on o , reputation of the country, and, believ.iloarottse to 0 0 1 0 f it would be exceedingly unwise in thi N s .t o i ti v id be an tel . such a certain source of revenue. It v oi , o n on e d i'ers it l; in the House and the country to r ely . o f %no end prosperity, without referring optst to?T „jot , ,ri s c o l as it would be in an indivac o ' n of _ t at e year of prosperity as the founa i'vwerse yesZii T 1 penditure, without reference to au fdon g w ite oess fe . I trust the House will g° b oluti • the Pr in considering that it is e -g e ioac Indoe°l/.,.. to maintain an efficient surplus. j see lat e t he P Ol File n - ti r e for t13 ., ', '''° Or sent state of affairs on which to congereon a ritn_ . . i d ht 6 + 4 try. I see much grounds for 59.601 . fl ' itt 1 sb f °_:iing .. ,,u . sent—much for hope for the future.. m i w ith ',, 00;4 seconded the address of my Hoe. less satisfaction, if I had felt any ile'tireL c oun t 7 or or if I thought that the House or _t d u ise or 5 0 1 6 adopt any course which would jee,P a l in g 9 1 ) . /7 0$ 51 it h the maintenance of peace, by gal_ i n to 13 ,600 ' * .e which might convert a positive surOiru!oe atte__„o4, deficiency. , I thank the House fo wro P'goed (Ch eP • to S e which they have listened to me...-. , be g for having detained them so -long, an d beg erF.) chair, oitis' motion of my Hon. Friend.—(Che t he ot •he The address having been read fronitts viith gr a b y t ea, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said itiwess , pror!enell,reig faction that in the terms of the ad( r t rea dily e frao tv to Hon. Gentleman opposite, he n'esiibieh fell ale ithe%cl neither scarcely to the observations 0 Object. Quoa‘whicb.po lion. Gentlemen had he any thing I ,_ ne eche s the top ic ' to i a da_re n, s s a - i k a i p o pi lh e d e ili e t , l o Howere re , or 6 tbheeenSpsoeeacbhlyfraodmdtrheessTedhrtoonteg muse,tue tr act be an y . ia t :t, objection. At the same time there .io speech of her Majesty, and the which, he thought, called for re not t. 0 e ntne li fl ° of those Members of the lio,use Goo- the .0% connected with her Majesty s to w hich gralifPoo first topic of the Speech. was thebsviag p e o f nourable Gentleman alluded to eerciglls be coo ° o re gn' i°t t ° f ad circumstance of three foreign See'i visits to her Majesty, their s(fe ;_bt ppowers t „ the last year. That those visits ltb'tse ' o3 ;io 0.4 `; amicable relations betw een , tend "'their eel' this country, and there"Ywo,,t be A O th ° 4lo the peace of the w orld, ctation. l'• an d s lo t d the a w ish.' a ble anxious wish and sanguine exPe MOOS ..A t the lion. Gentleman who mov e he was, em it t° of d ecomerce' so ell lis t is younger and more arden those increased relations - a lly • her o ht rap` .n ot e n it i t s and social intercourse, wig t Oa. . f e t did no ex pects t ' the prospect of war, he held that al den s°. he r tier Majesty's Governra e n anal h for tef.thart strong a manner as tile . same tinl e bo p° ~ 0 0, he perceived that at the express their e .„ 11 ; preetto,t;oar Majesty's Government c , 7 ` 1 , 1 , ) ,0 were taale t he ns o i ls the continuance of peace , ..-toe to defend impossittle esowever, I su re, , ;5' and interest of the country. in order, upon the event or .„.0."1., •t was *hat , did so with plei ' were tio . „ 0 ,. not to acknowledge, an d , oea ce h to o )n o prospects fir the hencecontinu 01 r...,bie yi to 3:vlP, „, rar Ces " oi ntr clouded with throe OP' the cc , . al . i h e; shook the confidence ot g . e wa s hs o P ti r a 't s ry , o t her maintenance of peso . noos e arid bcetween 'll'e, evor, to congratulate the ..",_ ex i s ted b ,10 , 0 . the emica.ble relations w hica r of b e ing, .„ 0 of, C4lUntrie.s were not in Nob!.o Lord, in allusion t(olsl3thge4l.ol3tiVO rTh'ltly