The Sun. — London, England, 1844-12-12 00:00:00

GREAT MEETING OF TITS .~ ~. ... ANTI-COR -LAW . • LEAGUE _AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE. The first great metropolitan meeting of the mem bers of the Anti-Corn-law League for the present season, took place at Covent-garden Theatre last evening. The doors were opened atsix o'clock. The rush was tremendous, and within ten minutes from the time that the doors were opened, the house was crowded in every part. Even the upper gallery was full. The greater part of the private boxes were fully occupied; the stage was crowded; and such was the desire to obtain admittance, that a great number of persons, including several ladies, were accommodated in the orehestra portion of the house, which had hitherto been appropriated exclusively to the use of **porters. There were not., perhaps, so many ladies resent as has been usual at these meetings, but the slumber of gentlemen was much greater, and the !meeting was characterised by a degree of earnestness e.nd quiet enthusiasm, if one may be allowed the phrase, which showed that all present were actuated by a fixed determination to carry out the great prin ciple of free trade, in support of which they were leagued together. From the general appearance of the meeting we should say that there were more of the enfranchised present at it than had been congre gated on any former similar occasion. At a quarter-past seven o'clock, George Wilson Esq., Chairman of the League, took the chair, amidst the most enthusiastic cheers. On his-entrance into the theatre he was accom panied by several of the most active members of the League, 'who were loudly cheered as they made their appearance. Among those present we observed—George Wil eon, Esq., chairman, Hon. Charles Pelham 'Villiers, M.P., Richard Cobden, M.P., John Bright, M.P., Dr. Cooke Taylor, Robert Clark, D. Dewar, 11. J. Stainton, J. Baines, Brooksbank, Rev. J. Walker, G. P. Fletcher, W. Wilson, W. Hickson, Fearon, Alfred Novello, J. H. T. Lewis, Captain Cogan, A. Bauer, G. Thompson, Major-General Briggs, John A. Lyon,' S. Lucas, W. A.:Wilkinson, S. Harrison, Joseph Ivimy, P. A. Taylor, Cowden Clark, Leavers, --Harker, W. Ellis, J. P. Barnard, J. A. Petries, Rev. Dr. Lewis, Colonel Tucker, Colonel T. P. Thompson, W. Bourne, Isaac Sewell, Josiah Conder, Charles Lattimer (Wheathampstead), Arthur Morse, J. Chalmers, Ralph Ricardo, Richard Sharpe, John Lowe, Thomas Ruston, W. Geesin, Joseph Phelps, W. A. Brown, James Brotherton, J. llewer, E. Davy (Crediton), John Fish, L. W. Ash, Charles Con stable, R. L. Tweedaie, R. R. R. Moore, W. Bower, J. Poulter, John Jee (Northampton), J. Cooke, J. Parry (Ilfracombe), John-Butterworth (Manchester), Charles James Wilson, Henry Lloyd Morgan, James Wilson, John Smith, Professor Key, W. Thorn borrow, &c. The Chairman then came forward to address the meeting, and was received with loud cheering and waving of hats and handkerchiefs, which lasted fur some minutes. The pit rose to welcome him. These congratulations were repeatedly acknowledged by Mr. Wilson. Silence was at length restored, and he was about to commence hiS addre . Ss, when there was a call fur " One cheer rime, and a gocd one." This call having been most enthusiastically responded to, The CHAIRMAN commenced his address as follows: Ladies and Gentlemen,— , Had we Lot been perfectly accustomed to see This theatre crowded—crammed to suffocation, to use an ordinary phrase—at these League meetings,'this immense meeting would have excited same surprise in our minds, occurring, as it does, at the present season of the year—a season which is supposed to be the least favourable to political ex citement, and when the greater number of our friends are generally * engaged in. different and more cheerful avocations. But as it is, we look upon this vast meeting as a sign of the great and the increasing interest which is experienced by a large portion of the inhabitants of this vast city in favour of the abo lition' of these restrictions in trade which we all acknowledge, and in favour of the abrogation of those laws which interfere with the 'sustenance of the people. We have met together to-night to renew our engagements with each other, to enter into fresh bends with each other, —(llear, hear)—to spare no exertion until we shall have obtained the total—not the conditional—but the total—(Loud cheers)—l repeat it, not the conditional,. but the total abrogation of the corn-laws.—(Renewed cheering.) 'We have aiet here to-night, having gathered experience from the past. We have now served our apprenticeship to the calling of agitation. We are determined to overcome any obstacles which may oppose us, re joicing over those which are past, and having good cause for rejoicing in the progress we have already made, and is that we are likely to make.—(Cheers.) We' are sow at the commencement of our seventh campaign, and we visit you under different, and, I think, more favourable circumstances, than have attended any of our previous „Meetings. We are here to-night, after having. • diffused in formation on the subject of -1. free trade through every part of ,:the kingdom after having sent missionaries to the- remotest corners of the realm—and after having placed on the table of pretty nearly every elector the fruits of the study of the'greatest men of the day in relation to this s ubj ec t —(Cheers)—we have met here ; five or six thousand strong, a small number in comparison of that vast organisation of which we are ,the representatives— (Cheers)—the greatest organisation of capitalists, middle-class men, and operatives which this country has ever seen. When we la-it:Met you were told that the League was going t Jo -use a fashionable phrase of the day, " for a time into retirement." You were told, that if you lleatcLuilisnire of the League for a time, you were to take,it—for granted that they were hard at work in the - iegiitration courts. I explained to you what Was Itaking place for the purpose of purifying the representation—l stated to you that we were , buiy, :in about 140 boroughs in England, with a ~ v iew of forming registration committees, where. do 'such committees existed, and of rendering assistance and aid where committees, already existing, for the purpose of ob taining fuller and more complete information as to the state of the registration throughout the country generally. Well, we have &Me this; we have formed committees, and we have - assistant.committees, where they have already been formed'on.belialf of the free traders, for the purPose of revising the electoral lists ; and, although we do not possess—the-entire of the re ports from the 140 boroughs so-v,iaited, owing in some cases to an irregular transmission of the lists, and in others to some of the claims haYing been sent back for re-investigation, yet, so far as vre have received infor mation on which we can dependarid I propcse to give you no information to-night on .Whieh you cannot depend—so far as we have obtained information on which we can depend, out of 10 . 8 of these boroughs, in 98 or 100 we have obtained a.majority in the re visions. ----(Loud cheers.) In 98 of 'these boroughs there has been a gain in the revisional courts of the free. traders--- , (CheerS)—while: only in six or seven, or at most eight, has there .been a gain in fa vour of the monopolists, and in no Instance has there been any.gain in their favour so far as - to affect the seat of a free trader. We have been told again and again that we could judge but little from any gain in registration courts, and that gain or loss in the revi sion courts would not furnish sufficient 'data to form any judgment as to what would be the state of the re gistrationat.the time of an election. To a certain extent this -must be admitted. The registry is com riledhrthe overseer, and the revision: Court only take-vengnisance of objections made on claims sent in vn de. list as published by the overseer, but the regis tration courts:takes no cognisance of the vaAt charges which 'are continually occurring in boroughs in con bc'tlutnice of deaths, removals, or the disfranchisement or eilkanehisoment of bor ough electors, and no accu from the pro cee di ngs theign courts of the% .ic'(ges whi c h t a k e p l at© from thes e causes. 'We -ha e frequently heard it said that a borough i s at a dead, l oc k ; t h at no change in the constituency could take place, or that, at any rate, if a change did take place, it must be so trifling, that it could never affect the seat. Now, THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 12, 1844. barrassment, so much distress of late years, and so many periodical returns of depression, that they have led men of sense and business in this country seriously to reflect upon the cause of them ; and I do believe that thousands and tens of thousands have come to the conclusion that, so long as there is this constant legislative interference with those princi ples of trade which, if not meddled with, would be wisely acted upon by the community itself, there can be neither steadiness nor stability in commercial affairs.—(Hear, hear.) I believe that most people who have given their attention to this subject, are satisfied that as long as the people of this country are made to depend on their own soil for their supply of food, and for the necessaries of life—so long as they are made dependent on the instrumentality of an Act ' of Parliament which protects the owners of the soil from competition—so long will the whole economy of the nation be made dependent on the accident of the seasons. For these reasons, I believe a very large party in this country, composed of all classes—of all those classes to whom my Hon. Friend the Chairman has alluded—not of this or that class, but of all— now identify the success of this great Association with the promotion of the best interests of every class in this country. The people of thi s coun t r y d o no t take up ideas or opinions lightly, but when they do see a great truth and embrace it, then one of their most striking characteristics is the perseverance and determination with which they carry it through.— (Cheers.) And I hope my Hon. Friends the Member for Stockport—(Loud cheers)—and the Member for Durham—(Loud cheers)---to whom this coun try is so much indebted (R enewe d cheer ing) —do feel themselves encouraged b 7 the impression which it is obvious their abilities and talents have made upon the country. The present is, in my opinion, a moment when to free traders—those who advocate those principles'we have met to discuss— there is somethinevery . gratifying in the confirmation of the justice of their views which the present state of the country now affords. I think I may venture to say that I am some little authority on what have been the difficulties to the discussion and argument of our cause which have been offered us, having so often brought this matter before the House of Commons, having often attended those discussions, I have cer tainly been able to collect what have been the points which our opponents have made with the most effect. Questions have been raised in connexion with this subject, that, in my opinion, ought not to decide . the matter, but which have been actively raised by these who wished to prevent the discussion of the principle itself.—(Hear, and cheers.) In my opinion the question, whether the corn-law ought to exist, should be decided on principle. No man has a right to have his fortune increased at the expense of the community, unless he can show" - some public advantage resulting from it. No one has a right to prevent any man from exchanging his labour freely with those who may wish to purchase his in dustry, unless some public good can be shown as likely to follow the restriction. The question of the corn-laws, then, is one of principle, and ought to be decided upon that alone ; but the aristocracy and the monopolists in general have artfully raised the ques tion as' to the effects that they allege will be pi oluced by the repeal of the corn-laws. Knowing that the people of this country-are cautious of making changes, they have started various notions, fancying they could alarm some, and cajole the community into =ul porting these laws, by working on th e fears they could excite in their minds. The same things have been reiterated on every occasion; they have addressed themselves to the fears of the people of this country; they have addressed the weak, the in terested, and the timid, by alleging the results they said would follow from a change in these laws. But there are three things which they have always especially named. There has never been any discus sion without these things being , repeated; they are to be found in all the organs of monopoly, in every thing that has been written, printed, or said by them on the subject, They have asserted over and over again that three things would follow the repeal of th e corn-laws. It would lower the price of provisions, and from that would follow a reduction of wages, an injury to the home trade, and the decline of the public revenue. Over and over again have these things been repeated ; to the poor man they said, be careful how you suffer these laws to b e re pealed ; these laws raise the price of provisions, but with them your wages also. Look at the men who are anxious to repeal these laws. They are your masters—your employers; their purpose is to lower your wages when they seek to lower the price of pro visions. To the tradesman they have said, maintain us in all our splendour, allow us to have great esta blishments ; leave us all our wealth, our high rents, our fortunes, which come from the corn-laws, and we will be your customers—yon shall supply us with the articles we consume. To the timid, to those who perhaps live on the dividends received by the public creditor, they have said, remember, it is the national debt that makes it necessary to maintain this system ; it is, we admit, bad in itself, but is rendered neose sary by the unfortunates incumbrance of the debt ; you cannot collect the revenues necessary to pay the interest of that debt if you do away with the corn laws. They are bad ; but remember the wages of the labourer, the profits of the tradesman ; remember the credit of the country, and the necessity of main taining faith with the public creditor! These things were said on every occasion, and I do not deny that they were said with very great success. I have seen this with great sorrow and regret, for the want of in telligence and independence on the part of those who have been influenced by them. These assertions have had great success; there is no possibility of denying it ; and when I have heard them, I have turned to many friends whom I could quote, an d h ave sa id , " W ell, if men will be influenced by such arguments as these, we cannot succeed at present; we must wait till some happy combination of circum stances, when those effects shall be pro duced without a repeal of the corn-laws which we assert would follow, if they did not exist ; there may come abundant seasons, there may be great importations of food ; such circ ums t ances may ar i se, that the price of provisions may fall, and food be as abundant as if trade were free; we shall then be able to put to the test what worth there is in the assertions that have been thus urged." Now, the advantage of the present moment is, that the time has arrived when these things have occurred and we have a right to claim all the advantage in the discussion we can de rive from having these facts before us, by which we can test the truth or falsehood of what has been so often reiterated. By the blessing of Heaven we have had two abundant seasons —the last especially so— and we have had a large importation of corn, which is at the expense of the importers who gamble in this trade, owing to the operation of the law.—(Hear.) We have had abundance of food brought into the market, and the price of corn has fallen below that which those who have given their attention to this subject ever fixed for it if the trade were free. Now let them tell us what is the value of all these things the people have been deluded to be lieve ? It is not necessary for me to go into particu lars that are notorious; but I ask any man if it has not become a familiar fact that wages have risen through out the manufacturing districts ?—(Loud cheers.) I ask any man if he has not seen with joy and satis faction that there have been efforts made by the people in almost every department of industry to raise their wages, and in almost every business they have succeded; nay, I am happy to see that, only two weeks ago, even the men on the sea succeeded in doing so—even the fishermen have had a strike for wages, and have succeeded.—(Loud cheers.) But now, what becomes of all that the people have been cheated into believing ? A fall in the price of provisions has occurred, and there has been a rise in wages at the same time; every branch of the home trade and internal traffic of the country has improved, and all since the time provisions have fallen in price. Why, it is labouring to prove that two and two make four, to show that if a man had more money in his pocket after purchasing his supply of food,he was able to spend it with the manufacturer; but if he exhausts his wages in buying fo o d, there would be nothing left f or the man u f ac t urer . B u t the revenue, it was said, that would decline, if the price of provisions fell and high rents were not paid. !Well, the 6th of January, which is quarter-day, is near at hand, and when it comes, remember what was said at this meet ing. There is no mystery about the public revenue; there are official documents to refer to. Just compare the state of the revenue on the next 6th of January. lam speaking now of what is to occur. Compare the revenue on the 6th of January, 1845, with what it was in 1842, and see what is the effect of the price of provisions at the two periods. lam now speaking in all confidence of facts that can test this matter. In 1842 the price of wheat was 675. a quarter ; in 1845 wheat is 473. a quarter, or even less than that ; and now do not only compare the gross revenue, including the property and income tax, but take those portions of the revenue which in dicate the condition of the people. See then whether the income of the State does not vary with the con dition of the people —see whether, when that con dition improves, the revenue does not rise—then ask yourselves whether the public creditor is not better off when the labourer is well paid and every man's condition improved, than when the people are obliged to exhaust their money in paying tor food, and when tra le is bad ?—(Cheers.) And re ieember another thing--a most important observation to make at this moment, when there is more abun dance of food, and provisions are cheaper, is, whether there is not less misery, less crime, less pauperism, less mortality, and less disease—less of those conse quences which we have always pointed out as the re sults of scarcity of food, and the difficulty the people have in procuring it ? We have always said that when prices fall, and provisions are abundant, there is less of human calamity, than at other times ; and now watch this year, and observe if these misfortunes are not dimi n i s h e d.—(H ear, h ear. ) Th ere i s no difficulty in ascertaining this--there are plenty of official documents from which the informa tion may be derived and I say it is the duty of every man to compare those documents and see if such an effect is not produced. I beg also that you will pre pare yourselves for a fallacy which your opponents may urge, but which any well-informed man will at once be enabled to meet. It may be said—True, these misfortunes and calamities have diminished—all these evils are less in amount than they were, but it does not follow that it is because the price of provisions is lower. I then advise you to put it to them this way . .• Ask them, what did you say were the causes of distress when all men were suffering? What were the things which, three or four years ago, you pointed out as causes, when speaking of the dis tress of the people ? You said it was machinery—eit was over-production—it was agitation—it was hostile tariffs—it was the new poor-law—it was the truck sZstem—it was, God knows what all.—(Laughter.) la ow, ask them if any one of these things have been changed ? Whether any alteration has taken place in these causes of distress since prices were high ? There is more machinery now than there was three years ago--there is more produced than there was three years ago—and I do not think there is less agitation.—(Loud cheers.) And is it the hostile tariffs of other States ? There is hardly one State with which it is important to us to have a trade that has not raised its tariff against us. It is not our foreign trade that has improved— it is not the diminution of machinery—it is not the lessening of production—l want t o know from our opponents what other cause they can assign, but the reduction in the price of provisions, and a much greater abundance of food than ever existed before ? Why, I remember that that notable gentleman, whom the borough of Knaresborough sent up as its repre sentative—(Loud hisses)—wished, like many people of that sort, to divert the attention of the public from the monopoly of his party, which he, as a good par tisan, was hound to support. He at that time came forward with all kinds of charges and perso nalities against the whole commercial and manufacturing classes, alleging against them all sorts of crimes and misdemeanours—accus ing them of causing all the miseries of the peo le. Ask him if any of these things have changed ? Everything then existing remains as it was—even he himself is just as he was.—(Cheers and laughter.) He has been making a long speech lately, in which be has been abusing everybody and everything, and praising himself, just as he always did before. He thought he had found a real mare's nest when he dis covered that the truck system was practised in this county. He procured a Committee of the House of Commons on the subject, because he hoped that all the members of the Anti-Corn-law League might be proved to be practisers of the truck system. Evidence was taken, and it has been before the House of Com mons for two sessions, but we have never heard of the Hen. Member for Knaresborough on the truck system since. Now I want to call your attention to those persons who are supporting that system, which is a system of artificial scarcity, for that is the character of the corn-laws--they are not worth a struggle un less they do that. The simple purpose of the corn laws is to occasion a scarcity of food; this it is which raises prices, and makes it valuable to those who profit by it. Now, I want to know how these people can escape from all the responsibility of the consequences that have flowed from it? I want to know how they can escape the charge of having caused all the mor tality, the misery, and the distress, that has occurred in times of scarcity ? Hcw can they escape this charge ? Alen must look to the consequences of their acts. Now, I ask if it is not something like setting the rich against the poor, and the educated man against the ignorant one, to go forth and tell them, in the face of all experience, sense, and evidence, that the higher was the price of food the better would be their condition. What is this ? Is it not a positive and rank delusion, palmed upon people who do not know better? Is it not a trick practised by the rich upon the poor for the purpose of making themselves richer by it ? I ask any educated man if he can be lieve for one instant that a scarcity of food can make the condition of the poor better? Is it anything less than saying that wages would rise if the price of pro visions rise, and that it is an injury if the price should fall ? I ask, if it is not drawing too much on the sim plicity of the county to claim a character for being more charitable and Christian-like if they go forth and relieve some part of the sufferings which they cause? Are they better neighbours because they go about asking is hat can the matter be—what can have caused all this suffering, and recommending you to relieve it? Ido not wish to use harsh terms, but this seems to me as near to hypocrisy as anything can he. We read in history that the Emperor Charles V. caused the Pope to be imprisoned, and then ordered prayers to he offered up in all churches that a safe deliverance might attend his Holiness, taking care at the same time to recommend his gaolers to pay par ticular attention how they let him out.—(Great laughter.) Something like this is the conduct of those who support the corn-laws. They fetter the in dustry of -the people—they bind it hand and foot-- and when they perceive the miserable con sequences of this, they ask what can be the cause of all the suffering—for God's sake relieve it as quickly as you can. Ido not wish to cast discredit on their charity—l do not wish to discourage them in relieving the suffering they cause—it is only some indemnity to the poor, some restitution of what they had been deprived of by their system. Let them con- F tribute their cash to charities—let them thus mitigate ' some portion of the mischief done by the law ; but I do say, this cannot be a recompense for the living that' might be gained by homiest industry.— (Cheers.) It is a calumny that the people of this country prefer charity to labour—it is quite against the spirit of the people ; the very genius of the people of this country is to be industrious, to become inde pendent. I believe, what the po o r men o f Wilt s hi re the other day embodied in their petition, expresses the sentiments of their class. They , say, we do not want charity, we want justice.—(Loud cheers.) They wished to spare the great folks the expense of giving, and themselves the humiliation of receiving, charity. They wanted their rights—they wanted to exchange their labour with those who were willing to employ them, and to do so freely. They repudiated altogether the principle that they were benefited by a few persons• being protected, and that sentiment has been proclaimed and affirmed by all the democratic party of the United States.—(Hear.) There they have repudiated the principle of protec tion to a few. They say there, " Protection for all or for none."—(Cheers.) You cannot protect the few but at the expense of the many—(Cheers) —and that is not justice or wisdom, and they proved their sin cerity by the manner in which they acted.—(Hear.) The great question in this country now is, How are the people to be employed—how the great increasing population of this country is to find employment ? If you look at all the meetings that take place, all the associations that are formed, you will observe the great question is, How can the great body of the popu lation find employment? And that is the question which ought to absorb the thoughts of every practical states man in this country.—(Hear.) It is due time that something should be done in this respect. The quan tity of poor which we have in this country is become a scandal to the restof Europe.---(Hear.) It is known wherever England is known, and foreigners cannot understand it, for, with the wealthiest Church and aristocracy in Christendom, they find a larger mass of moral and physical destitution than is to be found in any other State.—(Cheers.) And this question has now become narrowed to this, whether this employ ment for the people can be best found by impeding and restricting their commerce, or by setting it free ? That is the question which is now to be decided in this country. Thetis the onlygreat and comprehensive way to meet the difficulties of our social position. And there are some persons who believe, or profess to do so, that by impeding commerce, and stopping up the channels through which it flows, you will find better employment for the people, and that you will ameliorate their condition rather by preventing the foreign customer from coming in, than by allowing a free trade. Why, if a duty was imposed on the ex ports of.this country, no person could doubt of the fact that it would be prejudicial to the industry of the country. If any barrier were placed on the exports of the country, every person would see that it would be a reason why persons could not find employment. But there was no difference between a barrier to ex ports and a barrier to imports:—(Hear, hear.) There could he no export without an import. Every im port was a customer. Stop the eustomer, and you prevent the people from getting employment.—(Loud cheering.) What is our case ? What do we de to meet the question as to how the people are to be em ployed ? We say, allow free trade • let there be an unrestricted intercha ng e of th e products of various countries; allow the foreign customer to come in, and the produce of British labour will increase ; and, for my part, I cannot see any limit to it--(hear, hear.) Let the home producer get food is the cheapest mar ket he can, and he will soon find markets for his labour.—(Hear.) But I say that a free trade in commerce would improve the condition of the agri culturist more obviously than it would the condition of the manufacturer, if you take the admissions of the agriculturists themselves, and their evidence might be taken as conclusive on such a subject. They say that the system of aericulture is defective—that it is going backwards —flint the soil was not properly cultivated, for if it were there would not be a labourer too much. ---(Hear.) Well, then, the question comes, How has it come to pass in this rich and enterprising country that the soil is not well cultivated, and that the la bourers are not employed ? Why, it results from this. There are arrangements made between the land lord and the occupier which preclude the cultivation of the soil, and he is not stimulated to exertion by competition as the other classes of the community are. When he knows that he is protected by an Act of Parliament, can you wonder that he does not exert himself ?—(Hear, hear.) What would be the case if you opened the corn trade ? One of two things would happen—either the land would be properly culti- I vated, and the labourers fully employed; or if you were to have food from foreign countries, which you could only have by exporting manufactures, your surplus population would be absorbed by the increased labour required for the production of those exports.—(Loud cheers.) I say, then, the agricultural labourer would feel the great benefit of having commerce free; and I ask when we are shocked by the details of distress which we see every day in the newspapers, and par ticularly at this inclement season of the year, is it not time that something should be done to relieve it, or are we to go on from season to season, and from day to day, in the same course of error, till we are roused by another series of bad seasons, and have the events that occurred three years ago again renewed—when starving men broke into the tradesmen's houses, and devoured the raw food which they found in the streets to save themselves from death ?—(Shame, shame.) It is not wise to be always depending on the strong arm of the law, and not on the contentment of the people.—(Cheers.) Is it wise, is it rational, is it pru dent, when every season brings an increase of dan gers, not to avail ourselves of this precious moment —not to avail ourselves of every influence, of every privilege, of every right which we can bring to bear in order to obtain that just and fair demand which I am persuaded would so much improve the moral and material condition of the people, and increase the peace and prosperity of the country ?—(Cheers.) Mr. COBDIN, M.P., then came forward, and was received with the loudest demonstrations of spnthu siam and good-will. After the cheering with which he was received had subsided, he said,—Oh, I could not help wishing, as I sat there, surveying this mag nificent spectacle, that all our friends who aro scat tered over the length and breadth of the land were here this night, that they might feel their pulses beat in unison with yours, and look you face to face, and join in the triumphant shout which augurs prosperity to our good cause.—(Cheers.) We are here to-night for business—l am almost sorry for it—for we have many statistics which are not the most captivating to the four thousand or five thousand persons assembled together on this occasion ; and at this time I happen to know we have a good many visitors among us I whom I am glad to see—many farmers from Smith field, who attempted, somehow or other, to smuggle themselves in here.—(Laughter.) I am sorry I cannot give a farmer's view of the question to-night, but I ask them to look ro un d on thi s assem bl y , an d let them go, on the day after to-morrow, on Friday —an ominous day—(Laughter)—let them wend their way to Bond-street, and attend the meeting of the Duke of Richmond's Protection Society.—(Laughter.) Let them survey the scene there, and count an odd Duke or so—(Laughter)—with perhaps a brace of Earls, half-a-dozen of Members of Parliament. • and a score of land agents, a n d th en , w i t h a vivid recollection of the present scene, let them ask themselves which cause is likely ultimately to triumph.—(Cheers.) Let them compare the two scenes, and remember they are but types of the com parative merits of our two causes, and then let them go home—let the tenant-farmer go home and attend to his own business, and not by4ls to Dukes or Acts of Parliament to help him.—(Cheers.) Let him take a corn rent, such as the sagacity of the Scotch farmer secured to himself twenty years ago, when he saw how things were likely to turn out. Let the English farmer also secure himself a corn rent, cal culated at a certain fixed price of corn, as found by the averages let him do so, and he will be better employed than in listening to the Duke of Richmond at the Protection So ciety, or going to Acts of Parliament. I believe we have another visitor here to-night. I have had put into my hand since I came here a little tract pub lished by the enemy. In the title page there is a quotation from the republican authority, Henry Clay. I am glad they put this name on the frontispiece, for let the working men remember (and this was ad dressed to the working men), that since this tract was published, Henry Clay was rejected as the candidate for the Presidency of America. He stood as candidate for that high honour before 18,000,000 of free citizens, on the ground of being the author and father of the protective system in America. I watched the progress of the contest with anxiety—l received the newspapers by every packet-1 saw the accounts of their speeches and processions, and, I must say, the speeches of Henry Clay and Daniel Webster would do credit to the Duke of Richmond or the Duke of Buckingham himself.—(Laughter.) Their banners were inscribed with " Protection to native industry," " Native manufactures and Henry Clay." These things were addressed to the American democracy, just as the protection societies speak to you in this pamphlet; but there millions of them, voting in the ballot-box, rejected Mr. Clay, and sent him to retirement.—(Laughter.) Now I think this Protection Society, if they have got a large stock of tracts on hand, will be disposed to sell them cheap.— (Laughter.) They might do for lighting cigars, very probably.—(Laughter.) Well, what have you now in London ? You have heard something of what is doing below in the north, I think. I have seen some signs, not of opposition, but something very like what I call a diversion. You have heard of some great meeting here, having the professed object of benefiting a large class of persons in London. My Hon. Friend alluded slightly to the subject, and I have a word or two to say on it. I have called it a diversion, but it is rather an attack or charge made against the victims of their own injustice. When in Turkey, persons suffering under the tyranny of the Grand Vizier, threaten to rise and avenge themselves. ' It was an old trick of the Vizier to send persons amongst the people, and to cry out that the bakers were selling the bread too high, and that it would be very desirable to nail the bakers' ears to the door posts.—(Laughter.) The monopolists have taken a leaf out of the Turkish book. When there was great dis tress in Manchester, there were persons who cried out that it was the manufacturers who ground the faces of the poor, and now, when the distress has come upon the agricultural districts, the landowners meet the farmers, and at their agricultural societies they tell the farmers to lay out more capital, and to employ the agricultural labourers. They tell them to drain the land, but they never mentioned that they have thoroughly drained their pockets themselves.—(A laugh.) And when distress has invaded a large por tion of the most defenceless sex of your community, I find a large and useful and respectful class of shop keepers, who deal in clothes, assailed by the monopo lists for grinding the faces of the poor needlewomen. Now, I stand here as the advocate of the character of those traders, and to fling back the charge on those who thus assail them. I stand here to vindicate Moses and Son.—(Laughter.) They were Christian like in comparison with those who assailed them. There is this difference between Moses and Son and those who vote for the corn-laws and then affect to pity the lot of the poor needlewomen, if Moses and Son buy cheap they sell cheap, and they have no got an Act of Parliament to secure themselves a mo. nopoly.—(Hear, hear.) But the landlords of Dorse shire, while they pay 7s. a week for labour, have passed an Act of Parliament by which they can sell the bread that these poor peasants consume at an artificial, enhanced, and unnatural price.—(Loud cheers.) And there is a great scheme of charity, forsooth, to atone for all this mischief; and you are to have 50,000 people kept in employment, by a society not of middle women, but of middle men— and very middling men, indeed.—(Laughter.) Now, I venture the prediction that the bubble will burst before the meeting of Parliament, and that its blowers will try and invent some other. They will not fail to charge us, or any unprivileged class of the community, with being the authors of their own misdoings. They have set themselves up 1113 being more charitable than the rest of the community. My friend, Mr. Villiers, has properly treated these charitable assumptions ; but I say that j even if the monopolists were charitable—more cha- ritable than other people, I object to a large portion of the community depending up') alms and Hying at the expense of another.—(lear, hear.) But I deny that those monopolists are charitable. It is the free ,raders—the much maligned political economists, who are the most charitable persons in the country. There was a mceting the other day in Suffolk, at which there assembled a great gathering of your land. holders, your noblemen, squires, and clergy, in order :o do—What ? In order to take means for relieving the distress of the peasantry by means of a subscrip - - lion. W 11, a subscription was, I believe, opened before the meeting separated, but what has been done in the matter since; how much has been gi ven in charity ? I will venture to ray that there is one leaguer in Manchester who has given more money for the parks and pleasure-gardens in that town, than has been &ascribed to benefit the starving poor of Suffolk by all the la n d owners o f th e county.-- (r , - °ad t cheers.) Now, do not mi sun d ers t an d me , we dcn ° come here to boast, but to roll back the olla re , made against a great body of the most 1a . telligent portion o f th e m iddl e c l asses , who tak e scientific and enlightened views of what Gofer!" ment ought to be. They call us political economist' hard-hearted utilitarians. Let them: political se e ; nomists are the most charitable—free traders the 0 1 °: ., liberal to the poor. But I ca ll upon our o pponents. if they will have it that the people are to liv e . 111 poverty—to g i ve us a guaran t ee t h at t h e people Will not starve, but that they shall be supported by tu; alms they propose to give them.—(Hear, hear.) M it is very convenient to give bad names to a 5 ° 14 police who are looking after them.—(Laughter.) the we are a sort of political economists, and IsP° l3 „ ground that we do not wish to submit our fell ° o9 "' countrymen to the eleemosynary support of any c 1 of the commu n ity—(Ch eers ) — f or, if we d o , we sha ll leave them, I f e ar, i n a very h ope l ess con diti o n inde ed, d What we say is, let the G overnmen t o f the coun tr be so conducted th a t every man s h a ll b e a ble, by ti; labour of his own hands, to earn a subsistence oP independent w a ges . N ow , th ese gent l emen of wil e d it I am speaking have had a meeting to-dal, is meetings of a simil ar c h arac t er are becoming ri fe • all directions, and upon all sorts of subjects- 21 ° 3' ) excepting the right one .—(Ch eers an d langb t i er. Well, all sorts of men me t t o -d ay at E xe t er gal _, 4 to et devise means, and t o f orm a soc i ety f or l oo king a`.` ti the health of town s . Th ey w ill g i ve you ve ntilati on --they will give you air—they will give you Wat er ; they will give yo u d ra i nage —th ey w ill give I ° , open courts and a ll e y s —th ey w ill g i ve you a c J; thing and everything but bread.—(Loud cheeroqo So far as the Lanca s hi re di s t r i c t goes, no thing zs o clear—for we have it on the authority of the regl trar-general's report of d ea th s i n th a t di s t r i c t—ootb. ia ~, is more certain tha n th a t th e amount o f mortaigi , rises and falls year after year with the price of I: I This narration may be traced as clearly as if i t a given in evidence before a coroner's inquest. r tbe proved that three thousand persons have died ia dear years more than have perished since coll. • come down to more natural prices —and this comparatively limited district of Lancashire alcir ro (Hear, hear.) And y e t th e gentlemen 10° these benevolent societies will talk of air and vor ot i g or about anythi n g ra th er th an b rea d , th e sa go support of life.—(Hear.) Now, I have no objec c• to charity—l advocate c h ar ity—b u t I say, Jules (Hey first, and then let charity f o ll ow i n it s wake.----( 13 I have no doubt but that these gentlemen are aet °s ei a by very benevolent motives—l will not charge ti l er even with hypocrisy—but Ido say that we sha ll o al pect them to meet this question of the corn-lave s oo6 not to shirk it.—(Cheers.) I am comp l a i n ing O' class of the landed aristocracy, who set up for suP er benevolence, but wh o , I am we ll assu red, are c on o . science-stricken at their own d ee d s — w h o vo te lo s of port of the corn-laws, and yet who refuse to (115 ;0 their merits or record th e i r o pi n i ons o f t h em . I particular to one nobleman, who professes great Ili pathy with and for the poor—who did not attena t do debate upon Mr. Villi ers ' s mo ti on — w h o did n° cuss the question, but who came in at the las t i o ment, just as th e di v i s i on was a b ou t t o t a ke P ept i and who voted against the motion.—(Hear, hea r ' l i o s groans, and cries of " n a me .") W e ll, I w ill finer? o) his name, it wa s L or d A s hl ey .—(R enewe d j o g Let us, at all events, while we admit the g"" t ast tentions of such men, let us stipulate for this -- o the question shall be di scusse d b y th em a s ques ts s t, of washing or of fr es h a i r are di scuss ed.- -- La L hear.) I say do not let them shirk it. W,'" 0 00 they do in matter s o f ven til a ti on ? Th e y call ; 0 , scientific men to aid them. Th e y go t o Dr. S ° o l wood Smith and others, and say, " What is the 0 0 plan to remedy admitt e d ev il s ?" W e ll, we iii demand of them with respect to questions of suPP b e ing the people with food and employment, that t too they should call into their councils scientific m o p men who have d evo t e d th e i r li ves t o th e considelloal, of these questions, and w h o h ave l e ft on record iie ` t a nions which hav e be en rece i ve d as soun d and exce.,b all over the world. Let th em consu lt Ad a m Sni l " well as Southwood Smith.—(Hear.) And, ab ctr in e s io things, let them eith er p rove th a t Ad am Smith's's - 1 0 pies were wrong, or let them vote in accordane e ts it his opinions.—(Ch eers .) I t won ' t do to wring:, ite hands, and wipe th e i r eyes, an d fancy that in this telligent and intellectu a l age sen ti men t a lity will tbs the Senate.—(Hear, hear.) It may pass I le boarding-school—(A l aug h.) B u t w h a t shell t y say, if those who lament over the distresses ° o i# people and yet refus e d t o t a k e th e a d v i ce o f scie la councillors for a r eme d y f or th e evil—what 8 11°11 to say were these people to go to a hospital, tat find the patients writhing under their ba n d , after having undergone the ordeal of surgical ' egt a what would we say if they tore away the bo.aocolili turned out the surgeon and apothecary, ° l ob blooded utilitarians, and, after wringing their et ti and turning up the whites of their eyes, ; t ool work and treated the patients after their own tot) —(Loud cheers.) Oh, I like these Covent - r - rt Of meetings, and I'll tell you why. We are a e : 0 intellectual police. Lord Byron said that his 06 1 canting age ; and, perhaps, there is nothing 5 . a ° ,10 . cult to check as cant—(H ear )—b u t if a nythwe et i planted a sound and wholesome tone in the 13 ; dr polis, it has be en th e grea t ga th er i ngs an d anlP Leer a) cussions in Covent-gard en Th ea t re .—(Loud cu be • You have another mee ti ng t o - n i g ht . You fsi meeting to-night to p resen t a t es tinsoraa' es i Sir Henry Pottinger. Now, I w ant t 0 bet a word to you about that. First of alb tia pe has Sir H. Pottinger bee n d o i ng f or these ol ° s ob lists—l mean those merchants and millionair es 'elf as Baring and Co., who subscribed 601. at Li ve l iths t and will do something of the same kind here. ,boit has Sir Henry Pottinger done for those ol e ' D eetl monopolists and princes of the City ? He hay 1+ to China, and extorted f rom th e Chi nese Goorntsfiff for the benefit o f th e Chi nese peop l e I a dmit/ 11 00( 0 What is that tariff? I will t e ll y ou . It is ° oft' on three principles. The first i s , th a t no dutie s l ad ever shall be enforced on corn or p rov i s ion il ll P ° o iO into the celesti a l empi re . N ay , if a s hip Cl o d loaded with provisions, that th ere s h ou ld be n° 0 0 1 no duty enforced on th e cargo , b u t the sh i P., e or empted from port charges, and th a t is the only e" eip io tion of the kind in th e wor ld. Th e sec ond pr ep , 00 3 is, that there should be no duties for protectiouro? the third is, that there shall be moderate duties , hee o venue. Why it is for that very tariff we 11 $' e t he contending at the Anti-Corn-law League f°l vos five years.—(Loud c h eers .) Th e on ly differet'lj e ari t between my friends and myself, and Sir c e! Pottinger, that while h e h as succee ded, hi for jals j arms, in conferring on the Chinese this 10 0 change, we have endeavoured, by force of arg u o f th to extort a similar boon, for the benefit Pi t English people from our aristocracy.—(Hea r ' ) r eit a further difference i s thi s , th a t w hil e our roc" flia on) merchants are ready to make demonstrations it i o the/ of Sir H. Pottinger for his success in Chi c _ e ' e have met us with obloquy, oppo s ition, and abuic: W tl! endeavouring, although w ith ou t suc cess, to° dear same thing here. And why h ave we not sue d at tn e° Because we were opposed by the inconsisteo cie tot who are now toasti ng an d s h ou ti n g free tr s . China. Now I will ask here a question or t wo beer these gentlemen believe that this tariff will ha il oel ficial to the p eo pl e o f Chi na ? J u d g ing by ° to o I )/ have said here, I cannot believe it. They ,e od e that to lower the price of provisions by a fr , e ow eric% in corn would injure the working classes by 1° op t ' wages ? If they think this tariff a benefices to tP , r hei ate why refuse to grant the same advantages fellow -countrymen ? But if it is not, then ;_ t i o est: no Christians, because they do not do to the as they would be done by.—(Loud choir:t)ol leave them on the horns of that dilemma - l itt l e tit; take which they choose. There is some ta lk ° lusion and f r aud by th e wa y i n which they per' , our " commercial treaty,' with the Chinese. it IT, is no commercial treaty exclusively With us• t o ppli: Pottinger imposed on the Chinese a treaty 11 , i .° ow th o . cable to us alone, but to the whole wo rld. b.e .' etio to monopolists' cry is, that they have no the part free trade, provided there be a reciprocal ° hurra h l b of other countries, yet they hip, hips .1, t hong: bumpers to Sir Henry at the London Tavern, he had imposed on the Chinese a tariff w ea rtb• procity with any country on the face of tar g (Cheers.) Well, now, will Mr. Thomas Boi l r aii gh , / , again for the City of London, think you tile , He said, you k n o w , yo u w ere a very low set 0 00 —(Renewed laughter.) if he should ois this is a very great mistake. I hold in my' hand a list of thirty-three boroughs, which I will not now read to you, but I will take from the list a few extracts, for the purpose of show ing what are the consequences of the changes which are constantly taking place, and which never ap pear in - the registration courts, and which never can be tested except at an election. From these accounts it appears that in all these boroughs a change takos place annually in the constituency, in none less than 10 per cent., and in some instances as high as 15 per cent., so that if the constituency were merely affected by the overseers' returns we should have an entirely new constituency in 10 years, or in 12 years at the furthest, through the changes which are constantly taking place in the registration of every borough throughout the country. Let us take one borough, for instance—a borough in a manufacturing district—the borough of Ashton-under-Lyne. The number of old voters—that is to say of voters who were on the list of 1843, in the year 1844 was 621 ; the number of new voters added to the list in 1844 was 142, showing a change of 20 to 30 per cent. in the consti tuency. This great change is taking place within twelve months, and without the cognisance of the registration courts. Now suppose we take a rural borough—a borough in an agricultural district. We will take the borough of Boston, in Lincolnshire. There are 907 voters, old voters of the registry of 1843, on the register for 1844, and there are 129 new voters. The monopolist candidate obtained a majo rity of 14at the last election. Now, if we only gained 7 out of 11 of the new voters, we shall have a majo rity at the next election.—(Cheers.) We will now take one of the large boroughs—we will take the borough of Liverpool. There are 12,823 registered voters for the borough of Liverpool for the present year. Of these, 3,135 are new voters. In Brighton there are 2,162 old voters, and 461 new voters. I mention these things to show you the great changes which are taking place in the constituencies gene rally. From the list of the 33 boroughs it appears that there are 7,648 new voters and 45,839 old voters, giving an entire majority in these boroughs to the monopolists of 1,145. These changes produced no considerable gain, but I mention the fact to show , that no borough is in so hopeless a state—no borough is in such a state of fixed stability—as to prevent us from hoping for gain if we only exert ourselves.— (Loud cheers.) Who are these new voters ? They are the men on whom public opinion generally acts. This is the class of men on whose support we calcu late at the next general election. They are not im bued with the prejudices of their parents and of old people generally. We may suppose that their attention has been awakened by the various discussions which have taken place on the sub ject of free trade, and on these voters it is important that we should make an impression, in order to obtain a majority in Parliament ; and the list shows that the continued action of the League is only requisite to make a change in the entire consti tuency of the country. I now come to the additional changes which have been made in the borough consti tuencies during the course of the present registrations, and to their results. In four boroughs, which now return eight monopolists from local causes, if an elec tion were to take place to-morrow, we should return four free traders and four monopolists. In six bo roughs, which at the last election returned seven free traders and seven monopolists, in which the represen tetion was equally divided, we should, in the event of a new election, return seven free traders instead of seven monopolists ; and fourteen boroughs which now return twenty-one representatives, monopolists, have been gained during this revision to the free traders— (Loud cheers) —showing an entire of thirty-two members gained from the monopolists, which, on a division in the House of Commons, would give sixty four votes in favour of Mr. Villiers's motion.—(Loud cheers.) This has been done during a single year ; and from the information which is being every day furnished us, we hope we s h a ll b e a bl e t o show you still further gains from thoe boroughs from which no returns have yet been made, but the returns trom which will be laid before you at our next meeting.—(Loud cheers.) We have likewise turned our attention some little to the counties. We only took one county fully in hand at the last revi sion, and that was South Lancashire. You all know that at the last election for South Lancashire Mr. Brown was defeated by a majority of 578 by Mr. Entwistle. There are 40 townships or polling dis tricts in South Lancashire, in each of which there are 100 voters or upwards; and 152 rural or agri cultural townships, in which there are fewer voters. In these 40 townships in the commercial districts, in which there were 11,800 voters, Mr. Brown had a majority of 500 votes, whilst in the 142 smaller rural townships, in which the influence of the land lords were stronger, and brought more easily to bear, he was beat by a majority of two to one, the majo rity against him being upwards of 1,000. We im mediately determined to take the registry in hand, and as all honest men ought, we deter mined, in the first place, to fortify and strengthen our friends. We adied them to re-claim, and to give a more accurate description of their qualification. There were 3,000 alterations in claims made in favour of our friends. We then objected to the monopolists, and out of 7,571 who had voted in favour of Mr. Entwistle, we struck off 878, whilst they struck off only 422 of our friends, showing a gain in our favour a majority of two to one on the objections. Then with regard to the claims, we placed on the registry 2,821 new claims, whilst they placed on the registry only 1,357, giving us, on the new claims, a majority of 1,464, and on the objections 456, being a total gain of 1,920 on the registry, giving us a clear majority upon that revision over the monopolists of upwards of I,7oo.—(Loud cheers.) This shows at once what may be done when the work of revision is set about in earnest, and with a determination to succeed.—(Loud cheers.) When the registration courts were closed we discovered that new elements might be introduced by which counties might be won from the monopolists easily. When we look to South Lancashire, we find that in the commercial districts the county voters are as one to eighty of the population, whilst in the rural districts the voters are as one to twenty-three. In Manehester and Liverpool the county voters are only as one to a hundred and twenty, whilst in the rural districts. as I said before, they are as one to twenty-three; and this proportion holds good throughout the kingdom. The more populous and commercial a county is, the fewer are the voters in proportion to the population ; whilst in the more rural and less populated districts, the voters are in greater number. In Buckingham• shire there is one voter for every twenty-five of the population, whilst in Middlesex there is only one for every hundred and fifteen of the population. In East Surrey there is one voter for seventy eight of the population, whilst in :West Surrey there is one for every twenty-six. This rule holds good throughout the country, and it proves that the monopolists and landlords have qualified and en franchised to the full extent of their power, whilst the full power of the manufacturing and commercial dis tricts for obtaining the qualification has never been fully developed. We propose to set to work to en franchise these districts, and we shall endeavour to in duce our friends throughout the kingdom to qualify and to register themselves as voters for counties. W e make no secret of it. We have no secrets from the enemy.—(Cheers.) We gave them due notice of what we were about to do. We give them notice of what we intend, and what we shall do.—(Loud cheers.) We intend to qualify for South Lancashire, before the 31st of January, 1,000 new voters.—(Loud cheers.) We look across the brook which separates us from North Cheshire ; we see that there was a majority of 500 against the Liberal candidate at the last general election, and there would have been that majority against a free trade candidate. Now, what are 500 votes to be obtained for parties who are determined to have them? We set to work, and nearly 500 qualifi cations have already been put down for that county. Well, then, we look to the West Riding of Yorkshire —the next greatest county. Now, what do we find has taken place there? Why, since 1841, notwith standing the contest in the registration courts, the free traders have obtained 400 voters.—(Cheers.) We were told that nothing more should or could be done in that county. I think it will be acknowledged that we here show that something more could be done.— (Cheers.) Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright sallied forth into that county, and the result of their labours was the obtaining of 400 voters to our cause ; they went to llalifax and to Huddersfield, and there they got: 400 voters more to qualify ; and from a letter which the League received the other day, it is stated that they had done it. The League then asked, "Do you want assistance in Yorkshire ?" " No," they said. " Will you accept our assistance ?" was the rejoinder. "Yes," was the reply, and the result is, that in York shire the number of qualified is what I have stated ; and 500 in Lancashire.—(Cheers.) Then wo come to Middlesex. You will hear, ladies and gentlemen, to-night, how to win Middlesex. You have a popu lation in Middlesex equal to twelve counties in Eng land, and you have a larger population in Middlesex than the whole of those twelve counties; and yet while those counties returned no less than twenty-four Members, with a poptilaticm less than Middlesex, that county only returned two.—(Great cheering.) In Hammersmith 19 votes only were registered, while the population consisted of 1,942 adult males, and 1_,972 males not adult, while there was also no less than 17,000 houses in the parish. If in South Lan cashire a large manufacturing constituency were to register in the same ratio as some of the smaller districts, instead of having only 11,000 voters, they would have 21,000; and in Middlesex, if the same course was pursued, instead of having 13,000 voter% only, they would have nearly 30,000. (Great chas f it A w li o d u d i l a es lew 2 a s o, o i oo n t v h o e t li n v o s h i a t t i o ° Y e r o i r n l g cs . lr )1 have already stated shows what a vast field there is in ' Middlesex still uncultivated. Now, the League pro poses to clear off all these incumbrances before the 31st of January.—(Great cheering.) We might have been petitioning the House of Commons to repeal the corn-laws ; but we have changed our ground ; we are determined no longer to appeal to those who are elected by an undue constituency; but we will appeal to those who are the makers, or who ought to be, of the House of Commons—(Great cheering)—and you may depend upon it, that the League will make the next: House for itself.—(Continued. cheering.) We will send no more deputations to men who are indif ferent to the cries of distress—(Great cheering)—we will send no more petitions to the House of .Plarlia meat, but we will apply ourselves to men who know the constituency of the country, and through whose exertions we will:overthrow the monopoly of the corn laws, and of all such monopolies.—(The Hon. Gentle ' man sat down amidst tremendous cheering.) The Hon. C. P. VILLIERS, M.P., then came forward to address the meeting, and was received with the most enthusiastic applause, which lasted for some ' minutes. He said—Ladies and Gentlemen, if this meeting is to be taken as the result of what we have heard so much of late—namely, the death of the League— (Cheers)—l think, if our opponents were among us, they would have considered whether it would not have been as well to have allowed us to live—(Tremendous cheering)—for if this meeting is really considered the ghost of the League, it seems to bid fair to trouble them far more than the departed body.—(Enthusiastic cheering.) But it may perhaps do what the other could not, but which some ghosts, it has been said, have accomplished—namely, make bad men repent in time.—(Great cheering and laughter.) This great assemblage was a sign that as long as monopoly was sustained against the public, the League would be with them, and would allow the monopolists no rest. Ido not say that it would not be better that more time should be given for the consideration of this subject, but this I do say, that the present agitation of the Anti-Corn law League is far better than that such an enor mous wrong should be allowed any longer to exist. Can any ene doubt that this tax, upon the greatest necessary of life, is a grievous wrong inflicted upon the population of England, and ene that must be put an end to, if not by Parliament, by the exer tiens of the people themselves ? No one can, in com • mon candour, believe that those who have passed tith law will be over scrupulous in retaining it.—(Cheers.) History cannot afford a single instance or example of justice being afforded to the population of a nation but by the assistance of such associations as the pre sent, and it is for this reason that I am always ready, and always will be ready, to co-operate with the great exertions of the League.—(Cheers.) I am satisfied that each year will show more and more the justice of our cause—the best intention of our views—and will convince the public that, ere long, the object we have in view must be accomplished ; and the people will be convinced that nothing is more likely than the adoption of free trade to remove that which is not only a misfortune and an evil, but which is a disgrace to a country like England—(Cheers)—l mean, that some of the subjects of this country should be writhing under poverty and distress, while some are rolling in extravagance and wealth.—(Cheers.) I have come here to-night for the purpose of hearing what have been the proceedings of our Chairman and this great Society, and what are the objects that he intends in future to pursue, and I must confess that I am ex tremely satisfied, and not only extremely satisfied and gratified at what has been done, but I am delighted at what he has promised is the intention of the League to do.—(Cheers.) I like his plan to enfranchise the people, of this county (Cheers.) I like his plan of bearding the lion in his den.--(Great cheering.) These are qualities that will gain the great point the League has in view. I have seen some doubts thrown out in the public press as to the constitutional cha ratter of the proceedings proposed to be taken by the League ; but I cannot but remember that they were the very means that were adopted by the Prime Minister of the present 'day.—(Great cheer ing.) When Sir Robert Peel was in Opposition, and desired to be in power, he told the people to register in order that Members of his own way of thinking might be elected, and thereby he would obtain that eminence which he so much coveted. They did as he bid them, and the result was that he got into the situation that he at present fills. Well, now the League have done the same thing—(Cheers)--but the 'difference between them and Sir Robert Peel is this—that the League do not wish any special power, but that those who have the power should do justice to the people.—(Cheers.) I do not think that Sir Robert Peel should say, " Go forth and register to put me in power, but do not put men in Parliament who will tell me to act wisely."—(Loud cheers.) The League is now trying to do something new, and the Chairman has said that it is likely to succeed.—(Cheers.) It is most rejoicing to hear what he has stated with respect to one county which was in the hands of the monopolists, and would have remained so but fur the exertions of the League. I believe that the Tories—the monopolists—have now given up that county.—(Cheers.) Ido not see why that which has happened in Lancashire should not happen also in Yorkshire and Middlesex. I see that it is stated that it is idle for the League to attempt this, because the soil belongs to the landed proprie tors. I believe, that if it was announced that the soil belonged to the landed proprietors, many persons would be extremely annoyed, because it must be re collected that there were certain persons who pos sessed such things as mortgages.—(Great cheering.) It is absurd to suppose that because these persons possess nominally the soil, that therefore they are to have their own way, and to inflict the greatest bur dens on the people.—(Cheers.) If our friends only persevered, depend upon it we shall be far better satis fied with the result than Sir Robert Peel and his party.—(Cheers.) I think the League have chosen well their time for action. I believe that the free trade party now is large and strong, and that the time is now come forputting their strength to the test. It is also clear that it is their time for action, from the state in which their friends, the Protection Society, are at present.—(Great cheering.) I think that no one can doubt that this agitation has had more effect upon them than upon the free trader.—(Cheers.) I think, also, that when the protection societies asserted that the League was no snore, that the " wish was father to the thought ;" their only desire was that it should be so.—(Cheers.) I think, also, that the small disaster of the premature demise they have attributed to the League has fallen upon themselves. —(Great laughter.) The British farmer and the labourer are not romantic characters ; it is not to be supposed that they would be very well inclined to support high rents, political influence, and the strict preservation of vermin. —(Great laughter.) At the present moment the labourer and the farmer were oc cupying themselves by asking the question, which has not yet been answered—" What advantage was th ere to them from this system of protection;?"—(Cheers.) Now, I stated last year that these protection societies would not endure long—that they would very soon disagree, and then disappear, and I think the result has proved that I was right. T see that at the last general meeting, a Member for the country, who spoke, did not entertain a very hopeful opinion of the exist ence of protection, for he said, in reference to the society, if they sunk, they must sink with the union jack—(A laugh)—that was, in other words, that the gentry were united against free trade ; but the gentry are not and cannot be considered the agricultural in terest.—(Cheers.) There is no more connexion be tween the landlord and the farmer than there is be tween the shipowner and the sailor.—(Cheers.) I allude to these things for the purpose of showing that the present is the proper moment for the League to go onward in its great work, and that there should not be any slowness or supineness in its pro ceedings. There is another reason why the friends of free trade should be encouraged. Our opponents have told us that the League will be frustrated, on account of those who oppose it being connected with t c o h o f em thosecmo e n r l cm: who hr mcode lhr io ' samotrrf e eeetns e a hsti eitcnstghn supportersrb e country; s consequences doubt nan tdhaii that rstei esconnected country which tthrayi n majority r aleys pauseuwtlr tiuteehd, i t n hat al a l t t t h h o i s s e from the stagnation tosilofemo League. occasion ofesaetg attention r wu a d eh. e o ; ii. 3loa a vnantedoeti good mosti givens progress certainly. proceedings i t n r g u e ti t m leia sincerity that n t h d e paido f p res entone og r gratifyingtheirfor s s test a ncoun tenanced circumstance for any independent advocate of this cause is to observe, that wherever any interest has been manifested in its favour, that interest has remained unshaken and unabated.—(Hear, hear.) I have been told that wherever my Hon. Friends have lately b een , in the country, wherever the subject has been dis cussed, the same interest and the same excitement have been manifested'as before—the same interest as was shown before, at a time when there was greater occasion for it. And if any doubt existed on this subject, I know nothing so well calculated to confirm one in the opinion of this interest being unabated than this most numerous, respectable, and strikinz assemblage, brought together to-night within this building, at such an inclement season, and under the peculiar circumstances of the country.—(Cheers.) fhe fact is, if this had been one of those ephemeral; movements, springing out of occasional distress or: political contention, what was expected to take place' might have occurred. But I believe this agitation is connected with a deep conviction in the public mind that it rests upon a principle inti:nately connected with the future well-being of the people of this country.—(Bear, hear.) There have been so many revulsions in trade, so much commercial em- an