The Sun. — London, England, 1844-01-19 00:00:00

nour--but, oh, English honour will never again betray our land, and became thereby the law of the land. He haul a high fir the man would deserve to be betrayed who would again con- opinion of the authority due to the is ords of 31r. Saurin; and fide in England. I would as soon think of confiding inthe cousin- he was sure that Mr. Saurin would be the last person to say german of a certain personage having two horns and a hoof— that resistance to a measure became a duty when it was once at that last battle the Irish soldiers, after three days' fighting, made the law of the land. The authority of that man was being attacked by fresh troops, faltered and gave way, and one now made use of to mislead the people amongst whom thousand five hundred' of the British army entered the breach, this paper was circulated, while it was knewn that after The Irish soldiers were fainting and retiring, when the women the Union b e came law be never uttered a syllable, of Limerick threw themselves between the contending forces, to show that he never recommended anyviolation and actually stayed the progress of the advancing enemy." of what had once received the sanction of Parliament. The traverser (Mr. O'Connell) then rent on to say, 6. See He would now read the article in the Nation newspaper to low we have accumulated the people of Ireland for this Repeal which he had alluded. It was this :—" THE CRISIS is When on the 2d, of January I ventured to call it the upon us.—Our union with England was not merely an un- Repeal year, every person laughed at me. Are they laughing just a nd ini q uitous, but an illegal and invalid act. The now ? It ie.otli turn to laugh at present. Before twelve natural rights of the people were trampled down, in utter months more the Parliament will be in College Green. • I disregard of the forms and spirit of the Constitution. The said fife Union did not take away from the people their legal statesman's wisdom and the lawyer's learning, lent authority iehts. - I told you that the Union did not deprive the people to the instructive repudiation of the patriot. Setif in, amongst of that right, or take away the authority to have self-legisla.. others, declared that resistance was a question of time and udence, and would become a duty whenever strength and tion. It has not lessened the prerogatives of the Crown, or o" taken away the r ights of the Sovereign, and amongst them is pportunity might concur in justifying the effort for its abro gation. A greater than Saurin has at length given forth the the right to eall her Parliament whenever the people are en irrevocableevoice—resistance to the union has become a duty. titled to have it in Ireland. .. And the Q ueen h e y on ly to-morrow to issue her writs and . This, the forty- third year of the pruvincial degradation, may, re set t h e ch ance l*, 16 - se al them, and if Sir Edward Sugden if tha people. have worth and energy, become the first of re stored independence. The knot, which had baffled every attempt les not sigiettlem she will soon get an Irishman that will to to unravel its complications, has been severed with one final revive the Irish Parliament. The towns which sold their birth rights have no right to be reckoned amongst the towns send- decisive blow, struck with the sword of peace consecrated on ieg Members to Parliament. King James the First in one day the height of Tara. There is a way, if there exists a will, created forty boroughs in Ireland, and the Queen has the same for the liberation of Ireland—for the re-construction of her right as her predecessor to do so. We have a list of the towns Legislature. The case between the people and her leader stands to return Members; the counties, as a matter of course, will thus:—ln a season of apparent apathy to the high and. holy return them according to their copulation ; and the Queen has impulies of nationality—when cicatrizatien seemed superin only to order writs to issue and tohave honest Ministers to advise duced by Whig palliatives, and the wound inflicted on our Irish h er t o i ss ue those writs, and the Irish Parliament is revived pride and honour no longer gaped and bled—O'Connell tore i by its own energy and the force of the Sovereign's prero. asunder the bandages and revealed to Ireland the exact seat and gat ive. I will only require the Queen to exercise her prero- trite character of her social and political disease. He cast to the gative, and the Irish people will obtain their nationality again. winds the soothing system, and aroused his countrymen from If at the present moment the Irish Parliament was in the delirious repose produced by dependence on the sympathies existence, even as it was in IBoo—is there a coward amongst of foreign faction. The memories of the past, blending glorious you—is there a wretch amongst you so despicable, that would traditions of remote days with recollections of modern 'B'2, not die rather than allow the Union to pass ? Let every man were appealed to, the necessities of the present time were who, if we had an Irish Parliament, would rather die than allew bared to view in their appalling reality, the hopes of the future the Union to pass lift up his hands. Yes, the Queen will call were invoked, until by every varied argument addressed to their that Parliament. You may say, it is the act of her Minis- judgment and their feelings—their own firesides—the tombs of t heir fathers—the cradles of their children —he so wrou g htu p on try, if you please. To be sure , it would be the act of her stry, and thepeople of Ireland are enti tled to have the millions that then answered hi s invitation to come forth their friends appointed Alini pe p to the Ministry. The Iri sh Parlia- from bondage with the unanimity of o ne man. It seemed as if talent wil then assemble, and I defy all the g enerals, old and the time had come to evoke the slumberin g mi g ht of young, and all the old women in p antaloons —nay, I defy all that Irish army which the lege nd tells us was doomed the chivalry of the earth t o take awa y that Parliament from to sleep entranced in panoplied a rra y , until aroused b y sonic potent spell for the expulsion of forei g n t y rants. So US again . ." " Give me th r e e millions of Repealers, and I sudden, so enthusiastic, so resistless was the resp onse of the will vein have them ; the n ext step is being taken ; and I an- Irish mind to the call of the Irish leader! Meetin g was held nou nce to you from this spo t, that all the magistrates that have been deprived of the commission of the peace, shall be after meeting, exceeding its predecessor in numbers, and all, appointed by the Association to settle all the disputes and dif- without exception, challenging respect for the demeanour of the ferenees in their neighbourhood. Keep out of the Petty masses who attended. Evidence was piled on evidence of a Sessions Court, and go to them. On Monday next we will national will, combined with a national morality and intelli submit a plan to choose p ersons to be Arbitrators to settle genre, universal throughout every county in Irelan d. The the differences of the people without expense; and I call upon million shout of Tara completed the proof, and flung back the every man who wishes to be thought the friend of Ireland to reeponsibility again upon the leaders ! Yes I the people had have his disputes settled •by the Arbitrators, and not again go sufficiently shown their willingness and worthiness to be led, to the petty sessions. We shall shortly have, the Preservative by a thousand proofs of their devotion to the cause and of fidelity Society. to arrange the means of procuring from her Majesty to their leaders. Whither and when? began to be asked, ere the exercise of her prerogative ; and I believe lam able to the echoes of Tara had died upon the public ear. The leaders announce to you that twelve months cannot possibly elapse have answered, and the responsibility is again upon the people. without having an hurry for our Parliament in College-green. The Rubicon has been crossed by the promulgation of a plan Remember, I pronounce the Union to be null—to be obeyed for the reconstruction of an Irish legislature. For weal or as an injtietice must be obeyed, when it is supported by law, for woe—for ages of bondage or centuries of independence— until we have the Royal authority to set the matter right and we stand committed. Forward and prompt action is sure of substitute our own Parliament." its reward, in speedy and glorious triumph—the criminal abandonment •of ',"opportunity is equally certain Observe the statement of Mr. O'Connell, that the magis to be avenged in the perpetuation of misrule. In testes deprived of their commission by the Crown, in the exer the making or marring of our own fortunes, we involve to an use of its prerogative, should be appointed by the Association incalculable extent the hopes of the whole human family. We as Judges of the Arbitration Courts. But he stated with con have gloried in the irresistible effieacy of a new element in po fidence—and he was confirmed in his opinion by the dictum laical warfare which we boast to have invented, and by whose pronounced by the Judge who addressed the grand jury, and employment we have already won many outposts. W ill the said, " That, under whatever pretence these Arbitration Courts principle s or the men fail now in this last decisive struggle ? were appointed, it was an illegal attempt to deprive the Crown Shall thenndattiontwhohaveaenfours braggarts? —our admiration, and sym of its power to appoint magistrates for the people"—theseus . children's courts usurped the privilege of the Crown ; they issued sum- Pchaileifenacursreuou'r mock memories as they spit on our dishonoured monses for the parties, and got them to sign a consent to abide c l ay ? 'the world twits to our country for an example. Ire by their award. But that subtle device does not remove the land must oecome a nation now, or continue a province for illegality,.or prevent their conduct from being plainly stamped ever. We purposely postpone critical details of the p l ans sub as an usurpation of the Crown's p re r o g ative. The gentlemen, milted under the sanction of O'Connell's name, and with the of the jury should remark the time when these arbitrators were authority of the Association—contenting ourselves to admire— appointed, and the class of men as magistrates dismissed by the and inviting our countrymen to admire with us—the symmetry Crown by virtue of its prerogative. At the dinner, at Tara, of the temple of freedom raised for their reception. The Dr.. Gray addressed the assembly, and said— portals stand open—the genius of 'B2 has consecrated the "In one thing only was he compelled to differ from the edifice—there may be a bench removed with advantage, or observations which bad fallen from their respected chairman. an alteration of internal arrangement with convenience; In giving the toast he stated that the press was of no politics, but the exigency of the hour is to secure the possesson and be wished to correct the error by declaring on the be- and appropriate e the structure to the sacred uses of self-legis half of the national press of Ireland, that the members of it knob number_ of representatives who will occupy scats were politicians in the strongest sense of the word. He had in the future Irish House of Commons, happens to comeirie himself the honour of being among them that evening as S with that determined upon as the most eligible limit for the guest ; but he felt that wherever he was, be was an Irish- intended Preservative Society. It:is desirable for many reasons man, and as an Irishm an he was read y to strike out boldl y for that the distribution of representation should be the same , so the political liberty of his countr y . The Re p eal p ress was a that the transition may be easy and natural to the recognised political press, but its politics were the politics of Ireland ; and and technically legal condition of a Parliament. The chosen steadily adhering to the coarse it had adopted, it would never trustees of the peoples' money now, will have the first claim deviate to the right hind or to the left until the people of that upon their votes het eafter. Much inconvenience will be pre epanteywer6 relieved from Saxon tyranny and oligarchic domi- vented by limiting the number strictly according to the schedule nation. He believed he would best evince the high sense he en- submitted to the nation in the plan of the Association. Con tertained of the compliment he paid the press ga n g b y being stituencies—as they will be—districts as they are—having brief, and allowing them to gang home, that they might send greater enthusiasm in the cause, or enabled to contribute more their broad sheets through the length and b readth of the land, liberally to the qualifying fund than others, can transfer to less fortunate amid not of this land only , but to the alien isle hard by that so localities their surplus of ability and pecuniary weight jealously watched the proceedings o f that da y . Ever y e y e was with advantage and honour to both parties." fixed upon- the. Council that day at Tara, and eagerly On the 4th of September, a meeting took place at the Re bolted to its resolves. Was it not a national Council in the peal Association. at which there were present Mr. O'Connell, most extended meaning of the phrase ? Had they not at their Mr. J. O'Connell, Mr. Steele, and Dr. Gray. At that meet head the monarch of the Irish heart—had they not at their ing subscr fr omiptions were handed in Isom places Judge Doran ; abroad. They head the spiritual peers of the realm — did not the la y p eers aid were, by their counsel? They had there , too , the cle r gy of the land,sol.by 581. from Boston ; from the State of Maine, thirty dears ; and and the constitutional representatives of the people, aye, and from Albany, New York, twenty-two pounds. 'those were the people themselves in their multitudinous thousands had the fore gn subscriptions, .which having been ackno wled g ed, that day assembled, within the precincts of the a ne ent Mr. O'Connell read a letter from the parties who enclosed Council-hall of Tara, taken counsel together and issued them, and then proceeded to address the Association, when, their proclamation, and that proclamation was no compre- among other matters, he stated that the meeting at (dented raise. As he that day strayed over the ruins of past glory, he would take place on the Bth of October, and that the chair chanced to walk over the graves of the patriots of what he would be taken on the mound that covered the bodies of the might call their own day. He could not find words to give Danes. Mr. O'Connell then went on to call the attention expression to the emotions he felt as he contemplated their of the Association to what he called the prospect of the success sad late. A mournful chill came upon him, when he looked of the Repeal question, and on that occasion he said that upon his resting-place and saw in their end the dark history the speech from the Throne, instead of throwing a damper of the past ; but that chill passed away and hope revived, when on the wide ardour of the Irish people, as it was intended to he saw that upon their graves the stone of destiny stood erect. do, was well calculated to produce the opposite effect. For centuries had that mysterious relic lain prostrate as the Before, however, he proceeded to the meeting of the 4th of land whose destiny its fall symbolised ; but now he saw it erect again, and on Tara's bill, and over the patriots' grave. He felt beptember, there was a previous meeting, to which he had that the' blood of the last martyr had been shed, and that Ire , intended to call their attention, but it had escaped his memory, and he would now, with their permission, refer to it. It was land herself would soon assume the upright position, and ex hibit the dignity of a nation. But he is no statesma n who a meeting of the 28th of August. He would also first re fer to the speech from the Throne at the close of the last sess ion of does not recollect the might that slumbers in a peasants arm, and when you multiply that might by vulgar arithmetic to the Parliament. Her Majesty in that speech stated , in referen ce extent of six or seven hundred thousand, is the man a states- to the repeal agitation, " that she observed with the deepest man or driveller who expects that might will always slumber concern the attempts that were made to stir up discontent amidst grievances and continued oppression?" the Right among her subjects in Ireland ; that the Crown had ever been, Hon. Gentleman then read an extract from a speech of Mr. and was, desirous to administer the government of that coun- O'Connell, in which the following passage occurs, in reference try with impartiality, and to amend the laws and the social con ic, the gentry of Ireland :—" Why, then, do they not join us? dition'of the people, and develope the resources of the country. Is it not their interest to join us ? What are they afraid of The Royal speech then went on to state the determination of the It cannot be of the people, for they are under the strictest Bier Crown, supported by both Houses of Parliament, to maintain cipline. lam even one of them myself, and no general ever the Legislative 'e nion inviolate between the two countries. Her had an. army more submissive to his command than the people Majesty's speech arrived in Dublin on the 28th of August, on of lieland'are to the vii. bra of a single individual." He which day there was a meeting of the Repeal Association. At that meeting there were present, Mr. O'Connell, Mr. John thought that submission of considerable importance under the O'Connell, Mr. Ray, Mr. Steele, Mr. Barrett, and Doctor circumstances, because if that submission arose from the in- Gray, and it was then stated that the arbitration forms were fluence of any individual, if it was in the power of any indivi- being made up. An adjourned meeting took place on the day Ord to direct these congregated thousands not to v iolate the following, that was on the 29 th of August. The same per and separate without disturbance, at the will of that sons as those mentioned as having attended at the preced i ng t odividuar, he thought it was important, because that meeting were present, except Mr. Barrett. Upon that 29th individual had the power of giving different orders, which would be equally implicitly obeyed. " When I want you I know I of August Mr. O'Connell gave notice of the issuing of what he can get you.' And the comment' on this is, the sooner the (the - Attorney-General) should call a counter manifesto to better. However, to keep the peace was the present advice of the Queen's speech. '1 hat was to be an address to the sub- Mr. O'Connell, andthe meetings terminated peacefully ; but jects of the British Crown in every part of the dominions of her Majesty. That was within three days of the delivery it evinced' his power to use large bodies of people at will, and a lthough no violence took place, this was a power most formid- of her Majesty's speech from the throne. At that m eetin g able. lhe en the next referred to the meeting at Mr. . O'Connell said, among other matters, that his next Roscommon, held en the 20th August—that meeting was at- topic related to his plan for the restoration of the Irish Parlia ment. The plan he recommended was the preparation of an tended by 'Messrs. O'Connell, Steele, and Barrett—they went together to the meeting. , Mr. O'Connell addressed the meet- address, or manifesto, to be submitted to the Committee, and, ing at Roscommon. He said, amongst other thing., the Irish if approved, issued and addressed to all their fellow-subjects people are too great to remain slaves any longer ; he coin- every part of the universe who were obedient to the Brie merited on the advance of the Irish in temperance ; that the tish Throne. That address was to state the details of the I n ch would not expend their strength in riot ; that temper- grievances under which the people of Ireland laboured, to ante was the foundation stone of Ireland's tranquillity. Mr. prove to the world that they were not discontented without O'Connell called on the people of Ireland to keep their pledge. cause. - In• the same speech he said they were accused of At the dinner which ensued, Mr. O'Connell said that of all the being disaffected. He denied the charge—" it was as meetings which had taken place, the meeting of that das was false as hell." He asserted (referring to the speech from the Throne) that they made a distinction between the the one most calculated to stimulate the elections, to strike their Sovereign on the throne and the Minister acting for e nemies with the greatest terror, and give their friends the greatest confidence. He (Attorney-General) contended these her, and responsible for the advice he gave her. He should have further occasion to direct their attention to mee t i ngs were in truth deeply calculated to strike) terror into this document so prepared by Mr. O'Connell, and adopted the minds of all who in this country were the friends of British con nexion. There was a meeting of the Association on the 22d of by the Association. He had now to state to them, and to August, at which Messrs. O'Connell, John O'Connell, Steele, call their attention to a publication in the Pilot newspaper of the '2Bth of :August. the progress of the conspiracy had Dr. Gray, and Mr. Barrett attended. The object of this been carried on to this extent by every means that suggested meeting was, that 31r. O'Connell might submit'a plan for the themselves to the minds of those engaged in it. Ever restora tion of the Irish Parliament. He (Mr. O'Connell) telt it his duty to protest , in the f ac e of heaven, and the congre- means had been used to excite discontent and dissatisfaction y in the minds of the p;Opie of this country. They had been gated multitude , that the re was no Union. He read the third roused into feelings of anger resolution —the people of Ire l a nd do firml y insist n e on the re- against those who were called their " Saxon foes." The people had been taught their own storation of the Irish House of Commons, consisting of 300 representatives of the Irish people, and claim, in the presence strength—they had been brought together from great distances of their Creator, the right of the people of Ireland to seek re- in thousands—they had been taught to know the reliance they storation. Mr. O'Connell submitted the Act of Union was might place in themselves. This conspiracy had been thus binding as a law, but having been obtained by fraud was not carried on to a certain extent. But still there was a great dif oblieatory in - conscience. If it was binding in law, he did not ficulty which stood in the way of the full accomplishment of the understand how it was not binding in conscience ; but we designs of those who were engaged in it. That difficulty was are told that resistance to that measure was a duty in the this if the army was to be depended upon, there could be no abstract, and the exhibition of that resistance was merely a possibility of successfully carrying out these designs. They had question of time. - Then the plan with regard to the represents- already heard of several speeches in which Mr. O'Connell had tier' of the counties and towns was detailed, and after providing endeavoured to excite dissatisfaction among the - non-commise that there should be household suffrage and vote by ballot, it sioned officers of the army, by drawing a parallel between the was stated that the king or regent de facto in England should course adopted towards them in the English army, and that be king 6r regent de jure in Ireland. After having provided pursued towards the non-commissioned officers in foreign ser that the connexion between Great Britain and Ireland should vices. He had done nothing new in this ; the same attempts to excite disaffection in the army had been made at former be perpetuate d b y: the Crown, it concluded by stating that it should be carried into effect according to law and recognised periods of their history. In this, as in so many other of constitutional principle—that was, by the Crown dispensing his proceedings, Mr. O'Connell ad acted on the precedent the given by the proceedings of the Rebellion of 1798. It was with the provisions of an Act of Parliament, and directing art of the system of 1797 ; it wasprecisely the same in its view issuing of writs for the assembling of an Irish Parliament. But p it was not by saying' that a thing was to be done according to and objects ; the same attempts were made upon the army of that day. In the report of the Committee of Secrecy, ap law that it was so, and he contended, under the correction of pointed by the Hoese of Commons, which he had referred to - the coast; That the Crown did not possess the power of dis peesing with an Act of Parliament, - and could net issue writs on a former occasion, it was stated that while these designs tJ summon an Irish Parliament. On the 23 d day. of August a were nurturing in secret, and acquiring strength and consis , meeting took place at the Association, at which - Mr. O'Con- tency, no device was omisted by which they might hope to ,nell, Mr. Barrett, Mr. Ray Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Steele, embarrass the Government ot the country. Early in 1792, the and Dr. Gray attended. l'he jut' . y would recollect the language seduction of the soldiers was made part of the system Ima gining that the season had arrived for the accom lish . ment of 'he read from the Nation of the Pth of August, that Ireland I their designs, no means were left uhemploved for e t x h o i i s ti p n ujp t o h s e e ir ; was again about to be a nation, that she had obtained all the i naehinery of public order, taxation, justice, and legislation. printed papers were circulated among them, This was in reference to the Arbitration Courts ; and he would m i nds, and hold i ng out offers of preferment to such of them as n ow state - en - at Dr. Gray said at that meet i ng of the 23d of might desert their colours. He must now call their attention August, in detailing the: plan of the Arbitration Courts which to the publication he had mentioned, the Pilot of the 28th of • were established, because the Crown exercised its prerogative in depriving certain magistrates of the commission of the peace August. It was entitled— The Duty of a Soldier." ' who thought fit to attend thowsheicr i l l titidinous meetings. article was long, and he should read a portion, or the whole of said was made to it, if necessary. The Attorney-General then read from the After alluding to a reference, ' Lint by Mr. O'Connell, and to the confidence article, it was in the form of a letter, signed Richard " thtt people on their leaders, he said that dence bestowed by Power, P.P. :-- ointed "had the sanction of the Ass .those who were ape " There are at this instant more men in Ireland who under oeiation " alluded to the labours of the Committee in drawing.He then stand their just rights, and who are conscious of their power of , . ' Report, which at this state of the proceedingsheer up ld thenot times asserting its p t o h p e u m l a , than t te;ioble them by reading. It will be a part of the evidence in as ever trod the i g o r n a . s 3 . Thereunit united daraes one, three m a i lli on sufficients of as number brave men o • titer ,course of the trial; but it was clear from Dr. . s ecretions, that the Association sanctioned the appointjeantehof conquer Europe, ready at a signal, and determined to die, or tlio6e, arbitrators. He would now call the attention of the have tie full and ample justice; and yet I don't fear to assert it ' jury to a publication in the Nation of the 26th of August, a shilling'sis not one man amongst 'Them who hopes to obtain one worth of any . man's property, or who intendi to do the :ortionu of the repeal press, to which he hathmore than once al-slightestperonal injury to any human being, by joining in 1,1.4, and which was widely circulated by the Association. The the great national revolu'ion upon which they are now unal artiere he alluded to was called, " The Crisis is upon Us," and terably determined. ha 'l t ' in h o i n s i e s , e the y e highest waabr o d u e g g b re t e oflt ispoliticaltosociety whicha after alluding to a declaration made by Mr. Sanrin, "that train m in!f f ever imagined until the great re iVartee was a question of time and prudence, and diti ~,Li become' a duty whenever strength and opportunity apostle of peaceful agitat ° io o n ne has exhibited it to the astonish is not depriving the thief of ,:e y concur in justifying the effort for its abrogation," it merit of the world. This, after g al a l ;), overwhelming force which u h n u t t er e , re c a o t n in structed, however, upon . such . a went on to say, " a greater than Saurin had at length given his physie n a e l t fo e r n c e e e , forth the irrevocable voice—resistance to the Union has he dare become a duty." Before reading the entire article he principle that no other thief can use it, its animating prin 'would remark, that. the observation made by Mr. Saurin was ciple being justice, peace if possible—but, peace or war, justice eteade before the Union became law, which was a very There is one class of persons whom Mr. O'Connell has nt); , ditTerent thing when spoken after it became law. There was taken into hie school in his lectures upon political rights and eaccparallel whatever between an o bservation made with a view duties, but who have it seems profited, notwithstanding, t o of opposing a measure before it became law, and an observation some extent by his peaceful doctrines—l mean the military. - aiwide whe n that Act became the law of the land. A man was Mr. O'Connell is the best abused man in the world—his mo -sestifled in stating the grounds of his objection to a measure times are misconstrued, his objects misrepresented, his cha- Which be believed would rove injurious to the best interests of ra t ter mali g ned, his person insulted, and his religion held up pia country , in language s t ro nger tha n would be permitted to scorn—his course must be cautious. If he touched upon when that measure receaved the s anction o f the Legislature, this subject, he would be cried up at once as an open rebel. y ear. THE SUN, LONDON, JANUARY, 1844. It would he said that he wanted to corrupt the soldiery, and withdraw them from their duty. It would be put down as an act of high treason. It was, therefore, consummate wisdom on his part never eeen to have alluded to it. His system cannot be per fect, it will not embrace every class through whose agency an oppressed and plundered people can create for themselves a wise, just, and impartial Government, without bloodshed, rapine, or any species of crime, unless the soldiery are in structed in their conscientious duties. The very life and soul of a soldier's profession is to die for his duty ; let the brave soldier, therefore, know his duty, and he will die to perform it, but as he every day of his life dares death lie will die before he would exceed it. My present purpose is to explain as clearly as I can what that duty is. I cannot be suspected of corrupt ing the soldiery or bringing them over to second any views of my own. I can have no political object, no ambitious projects. I took the oath of allegiance, and 1 shall adhere to it to my death, and my position in society is immoveably fixed. I can, therefore, have no object but to state the truth, as truth and justice must ever go hand in hand, to make the statement of the true doctrine on this point subservient to universal justice as far as it may. 1 do not presume to be an authority on this most grave and important subject, but stating thus publicly what I conce ve to be in the true doc trine regarding it, lam open to correction. 1 call upon my fellow-clergymen, whose . duty it is to be accurately informed on it, and to communicate that information to all whom it may concern, to set me and the public right when I may have erred. lam sue many of them will be found to do so when Igo wrong. A soldier is a person who hires himself to a Government for the purpose of slaying his fellow-men. He does not carry destructive weapons for the purpose of hunting down wild beasts, or. butchering sheep or oxen. \o; expressly and 'distinctly it is to kill his own fellow-creatures. Viewed solely in this light, every teeling of our nature recoils with horror from the profession of a soldier ; and yet the true soldier is a manly, generous, and noble fellow. His duty and his object .it is true is, to slay his fellow-man ; but then he is no cut-throat or Orangeman. He would sooner be the victim of either than stain his high character with the crime of the one or the infamy of the other. He is not the ready tool of a bloody minded tyrant, who would employ him to cut down the unarmed and defenceless. He would. sooner stand to be shot at than be converted into a murdering than-butcher by any such horrible miscreant. It has been reported of a certain officer now stationed in Ireland, that he attended an assemblage of magistrates held on the eve of one of 51r. O'Connell's great monster meetings, as they are called, and that he offered, on just getting a hint, to drive a troop of dragoons into the body of the meeting, and trample and cut down like weeds, men, women, and children ! If it be a fact that this red-coat fiend made such an offer, and that it is known to his fellow-officers in the service, and that they now associate with him, I call them to their teeth a pack of cowardly, infamous, unmanly scoundrels. He is no soldier. He is not only a digrace to the character of an officer, but he would be a disgrace to a gang of pirates. No brave man ever made such an offer. A brave man would let himself be blown from a cannon before he would even contemplate it, and the officers who tolerate such a filthy cannibal amongst them, deserve to be sent out to gloat themselves upon human flesh in the congenial companionship of their fellow savages in the South Sea Islands. Having said this much upon what is not, I now come to state what is the duty of a soldier. It is his duty to fight against the enemies of his country, armed for attack, or armed and forewarned for defence. This is the sum and substance of his duty ; if he is ever employed for any other purpose he is not bound to obey, but to this duty he is bound to devote every energy of his mind and body in -life and death. In action the soldier is to have no will of his own. It is the right and duty of his commanding officer to point out what he is t o do. It is his duty to do it or die, not only as a matter of per sonal bravery, but as a conscientious duty before God; he is bound to give up all thought of self-preservation, all feelings of humanity towards the enemy, not, however, to the extent of unnecessary cruelty, to weaken sod destroy the adversary in every way in his power, and even when he sees that his own death is inevitable, to sell his life as dear as he can. War being once legitimately proclaimed, the soldier is a mere instrument in the hands of the Government of his country, to be employed by the general placed over him for the destruction of the enemy ; and what ever intellect he possesses, he is only to use to carry into effect the commands of those in authority over ,him. It will be said that this is a degrading and debasing. con dition to place rational beings in who are all accountable for their actions, and many of whom may be as intelligent and as enlightened as the very general whom they are thus blindly required to obey, but the strength and effectiveness of an army is in proportion to the extent to which this spirit pervades the whole mass, men and officers. Prompt, cheer ful, and determined resolution to carry the commanding offi cer's orders into effect, is the whole secret of military discip line. On it alone depends victory; it will tell almost against any odds, and it is therefore that it is a moral duty in a just cause. This is the full extent to -which the unreflecting mechanical obedience required froth the soldiery can be carried. It is absolutely impossible that any human autho rity could exist on earth which could absolve any man in any condition or profession from the- moral responsibility which attaches to every rational being. The soldier, like every other man who hires himself for any particular business, if required to go beyond it, is not bound to obey; if it ceases to be legitimate, he is bound not to obey. The soldier is bound to fight against the enemies of his . country in a just war.- This is his sole ' duty—this is his only obliga tion ; if commanded to do anything else, he is not bound to obey; and if he did obey with arms in his hands, when required to do anything unbecoming a soldier, 1 would call him not only a base slave, but an arrant coward. If the Government to which he has engaged his services as a soldier should be so iniquitous as to enter upon a war of plunder or unjust oppres sion against an unoffending people, he should die before he would participate in such a horrible crime. No supposed obligation, no imaginary duty, would justify or excuse him before God and the world; he would be a robber and a murderer if he advanced one step in obedience to any human being for such a wicked purpose. But here arises the embar rassing cifficulty to the brave and honest soldier. If believing the service, to be iniquitous he disobeys, he is put down as a coward. If he fights he is a murderer, and this to be sure is a hard case, but why should a soldier talk of a hard case? If he be that milk-and water kind of thing, that would sit down to bemoan his unhappy fate, what business had he with the profession of a soldier? Will not the government that would be so depraved as to engage in such a war, be sure to treat - its own soldiery with as great barbarity as it would the unoffending people, whom it would rob? Will not the brave and honest fellow who would disobey such pirates be tried by court martial and shot at the drum head? Who will dare then call him a coward ? Why nothing but the fear of this world will ever stake him take chance of escaping amongst the gang of robbers who would obey, and then who is the real coward ? Clearly the man who would take chance to escape as the murdering thief, not he who would die sooner than be such a villain. The fate of such a fine fellow would no doubt be melancholy. There is no brave or generous man living who would not shed the tear of-warm sympathy over his honoured grave. He himself would be the only man who would stand unmoved when the instruments of death would be pointed at him ; his very murderers would shudder at their own crime, while the blessings of all that is good and virtuous on the earth would follow his brave and manly soul before the throne of that God, whom alone he could be made to fear and obey, but whom upon that occasion at least, he would have no cause to dread.' Ido not, of course mean to make any practical application of this doctrine to the actual state of this or any other country at the present moment. I put it. forward solely as an adjunct to Mr. O'Connell's gene ral theory of peaceful agitation, which would bring about every amelioration in the condition of mankind, by instructing every class of the community in the moral duties they owe to each other. The military have been in all ages the most powerful class; when ignorant, depraved, and blood-thirsty, they have been invariably employed for the plunder and oppression of their fellow-men; when intelligent, moral, and generous, they have ever been the protectors of, the people, the defenders of their liberties, the scourges of their tyrants ! It is therefore essential that they should be included in the grand scheme for the universal regeneration of mankind by intellectual instruction alone. It this short notice of this extremely im portant subject should contribute to bring it under general discussion. it will be doing good service. If any one differ from my views regarding it I shall be glad to have his reasons. I undertake to go fully with him into it, and to define and demonstrate the moral duty of the soldier under all possible circumstances—in peace and war, at home and abroad. As a beginning, to mark out those two or . three prominent points, about which there can be but little rational controversy, is, perhaps, quite enough." Such was the liberal, enlightened, and patriotic view taken by a clergyman of the Roman Catholic Church of the duties of a British soldier. Was there in the community a man of common sense, who could fora moment miscontrue or misunderstand the object and intention with which that letter had been written by the Rev. Mr. Power? No ; the object of the Repeal leaders, in adopting this course with respect to the soldiery, was as clear as the sun-light. Their plans were crafty and subtle in the extreme, and if they took especial care that their meetings should be conducted without turbulence, violence, or disorder, they . adopted this precaution for the purpose of warding off suspicion, and con cealing as effectively as possible their ulterior ends, which were illegal, and in the last degree unconstitutional. There was no expedient which the most corrupt ingenuity could de vise to which recourse was not had, in order to impress upon the minds of the popular classes in Ireland, the necessity of obtaining what they called " j ustice" from England, by peace able means if possible ; butjustice at any hazard, whether of peace or of war, in case that the attempt to attain the ob ject of their political ambition by " moral means" (as the phrase had it, should prove abortive. They were resolved to have " justice ' " which being interpreted, meant Repeal by peace able means if possible, but at all events " justice." And in order to the more effective carrying out of this project the crafty men who took the management of the repeal move ment into their own hands, thought it advisable to impress upon the minds of the soldiery that if the present Government, acting on the principles adopted by their predecessors, the late Ministers of the Crown, who declared that they would prefer civil war to the dismemberment of the empire—should think fit to employ active measures for the suppression of seditein and disaffection, they (the soldiery) were not in duty bound to contribute their exertions to the attainment of that end, nor to use the arms which Lad been placed in their hands by Government for the punishment of the dishiyal, and the protection of the well-disposed subjects of their Queen. The plan was singularly ingenious, whereby it was intended to achieve "a tearless , bloodless revolution." The popular classes were to be combined "as one man" (this was the ordinary phrase) —the bond of union being detestation of the Saxon oppressor—and when the popular mind had been brought to this tone, the sergeants were to " pronognce," as they had done in Spain, the arm of military power was to be paralysed by a coalescing.of the civilians with the soldiery, and . by this means the union was to be repealed, and the empire was .to be dismembered 1 And now he begged leave to stake another allusion to a.meeting to which he had alluded on the day pre vious—the meeting of the Loyal National Repeal Association, which was held in the Corn Exchange on the 4th of September last. On.that occasion 11lr. O'Connell made a speech, in the course of which he used, amid other remarks, the following observations : " I want no revolution, or, if any, only a return to former times—such a revolution as that of 1782, or 1829—a bloedless, stainless revolution, a political change fur the better ; but, who can tell me that we have sufficient resources remaining, even it our present plans should 'ne defeated ? The people of Ireland might increase the potato culture and leave the entire harvest of Ireland uncut. What would be the remedy for that? Who would tell see . that the Repealers of every class might not totally give up the consumption of excisable articles ? I throw out there thing merely to show that if the diabolical attempt to create bloodshed should succeed, the people would not be de prived of their resources, and the means of vindicating their cause. What ! forsooth, to leave the harvest of the entire country to rot in the ground, to give up the use of all exciseable articles —such was the constitutional mode by which Mr. O'Connell taught the people to defeat the Executive Government. Why, the Secret Committee of seventeen hundred and ninety-seven made allusion to precisely a similar plan ; the harvest was to remain uncut the year before the rebellion or '9B. But Mr. O'Connell thought he had gone a little too far, for in the same address he said, " But, of course; I do not s da u ba g yle gest them. The harvest is now cut; I speak the safety, a ee r n t d a e r u e s s t t o h o l m e u fair, t a i b o i n e forr articles c a l n teh i s e , nt:honet consumptionepf r o o re po , s proposed a i tth present, r eo sfen particular te,x ciits ei-s ) , ; Irk bu a t n l ot r th es a e t rv it ed m f a ta y r a no g t re b at e er pr e o m p e o r s g ed en . a h m er f p ar art fro o m f hsiasyaindg , dress, he says, "On Sunday next I shall attend a meeting at Connemara. '1 here will be present 160,000u:ten t but my pre sent object is to tell you my plans. There are "two , distinct plans—the first is to arrange the constituency against the time when the Irish Parliament shall be called. This plan is totally distinct from the Preservative Society." Mr. O'Con nell happened to recollect that there was such a thing in force as the Convention Act, which makes any kind of an obligation inconvenient. The Preservative Society were to meet by accident, to separate by accident, and to dine alto gether by accident. This was the mode by which this con spiracy, if not checked by these prosecutions, was to be carried out. Gentlemen, I now wish to call your attention to certain letters which were published in the Pilot of the 26th Sep tember last, and a review of these letters from the editor. These letters were signed by a Mr. O'Callaghan, and were entitled, " The Irish in the British Army." The Editor's observations on these letters were as follow:—" No subject in the present state of the public mind in Ireland can be more intevesting than the state of the army. If the press did not, at length interfere, we really believe there would have been no bounds set to the persecutions of the private soldier. And for what,_ we ask, has he been visited with all this an noyance? is not the soldier an improving member of so ciety ? So much is this the case, that, during the late Go vernment, libraries were ordered to be established for every regiment in the serv.ce. And, yet, we published, no later_than list Monday, a letter forbidding the soldiers of the Forty third Light Infantry, stationed at Montreal, from reading the Weekly Register, although the poor fellows had subscribed in advance for that paper. But if the soldier can read, he can easily find somethinVo read, and we have heard that the men when they go out to r etresh thems el v es always call for the prohibited papers. lithe newspapers are not palatable to military drill murderers, what will they say to the writings of martinets s d o p r a the author of the' Green-book'being rendered accessible to the soldiery ? This gentleman, the Irish public are aware,was the first who revealed the secret of the composition of the army, in reply to that unprincipled publication, the English Standard. That paper, forsooth, would threaten the Irish nation with the army if they merely discussed the subject of the Repeal of the Union I However, we soon found a champion in the person of Mr. O'Callaghan: He silenced the Standard by ana lysing the army, and showing that abuse forty-one thousand Paddies served in that force t Those facts appeared in the shape of letters directed to Mr. Staunton, of the Register, and Mr. Ray. They were also printed in the Pilot, whose columns are always open to the complaints of the poor soldier. Nothing at the time, so far as we recollect, created so much excitement and interest as those letters. They are now much augmented and improved, and published tinder the characteristic title of The Irish in the English Army and Nary. In the annals of cheap publication we have never seen anything to equal them—twenty-four pages of close letter-press for one penny ! As for what they contain we need only say, that they are one mass of authorities and .quotations. Those letters put the question in a nut shell. They e alike suited for the pocket of the citizen and the knapsack of the soloiee: The author may well observe in his-preface ;—' Indeed, -since the Spanish army have ventured to pronounce, that orders to fire upon one's fellow-subjects are not in every case to be obeyed, inasmuch as those orders may not always be founded on justice ; and when not so founded, can, if obeyed, be only complied with in vio lation of the solemn commandment, thou shalt do no murder— since the patriotic Spanish army, like that of Prance at the Revolution, have so presumed to think, and to prove that soldiers are not alwaa s to be counted upon, as mere un reasoning or conscienceless herds of wholesale and uncondi tional man-butchers, whenever the aristocratic oppressors of the community, under the designation of Government, may command the people to be massacred for not submitting to in justice, since the fresh moral lesson has been pronounced for all whom it may concern, it is difficult to perceive, even inde pendent of the circumstance of so many of the military being known Repealers, how the great mass of our army can be reckoned on to uphold, at the expense of their own as well as the people's cause, the supremacy of an oligarchy whose ge nerosity, gratitude, and tenderness to the soldiery for so doing, consist of promotions to commissions only for the rich, the mangling lash to the bleeding back, and such mer ciless drillings as have caused poor Private M'Manus to drop down dead, and Private George Jubee, a soldier of acknow ledged good character, to send in desperation a bullet through Adjutant Robertson Mackay's body 1 Aye, there's the rub, as Mr. O'Callaghan so forcibly observes, and his able and universally accessible publication, from. which the above extract is taken, is one of the best hand-grenades that could be directed against the abuse of such a 53 stein. It should be circulated in every direction." Gentlemen, there was another of those multitudinous meet ings took place at Loughrea, and Messrs. O'Connell, Barrett, Steele, and Dr. Gray were present. The rain curtailed the proceedings of the morning, but Mr. O'Connell said, " We know that the rain falls equally on the just and the un just. I will not, therefore, detain you, but bid God bless you, my temperate and faithful friends. You shall have re peal." At the dinner which took place in the evening, Mr. Barrett said—" I am, from long, close, and attentive observa tion of the Irish people, convinced that were their virtuous tranquillity set .at nought—were they by aggression involved in a conflict which conscience would approve and necessity justify, there is in the organisat:on, the numbers, the nature of the country, and the spirit of the people, at this moment, it, their sense of wrong and love of right, in their deep conviction of all that would be lost by defeat and won by victory, a mighty power which would defeat the calculations and the manceuvring of military tactics ; and that great, admired, and prominent as we are now are in the arts of peace, if driven to it, this people would be found still more astonishing in military valour, and that prowess which would render their outbreak irresistible and their country free." On the same occasion, Mr. O'Con nell said, " that the Government had but one card s and they brought out the Queen. That every one had been astonished by the Royal Speech. It was a trick—it was worse than the scolding of fishwomen ; for then there was the right of reply, but the Government had it all to themselves. That was the advantage Judy had taken of them. They (the Government) hoped that the Irish, being a sagacious and transitory people, the agitation would pass away; but as well might they expect that the Shannon would exhaust itself." Mr. O'Connell then alluded to proposed meetings at Connemara and Clontarf, and promised teat the Irish should obtain the liberty of their country. On the same occasion Dr. John Gray responded to the toast of " The Re peal Press," and said that " he could not but congratulate the men of Loughrea on the glorious demonstration he had that day witnessed. As a Connaughtman he felt proud of the bold at titude assumed by his countrymen ; and having had many op portunities during the present glorious struggle of seeing Repeal demonstrations, he was bound in justice to the men of Luughrea and its vicinity to tell them his opinion of the meeting of that day. He had been present at demonstrations in the east, in the west, in the south, and in the north, but never did he behold a scene which inspired him with more of hope in the ultimate destiny of his country, and that gave him more of con fidence in the power and vitality of the mighty spirit of nation ality that was now vivifying the land, than that whieh they had just beheld. If, however, he felt pride in witnessing such a scene, how much greater should be the gratification he would experience at being enabled to do his duty to them and to the country, by sending to the four corners of the globe a faithful portrait of that magnificent display. There were numbers, there was order, there was precision, but, above all, determina tion • was stamped on every brow, and was uttered by every voice, and was he to be told that such a people were to be driven from their purpose by either the se ductions or the frowns of a Minister, whether uttered by himself or put forth as a royal speech? They threatened before, but, when the indignant people hurled and d t o beauteous threaten, lady have the meanness to thrust a n A innocent f defiance at them , the y sneaked li ke cowed rats before their frown. they ly (meaning the Queen) as a shield betwee n themselves an d the just wrath of an in dignant nation, and they h a v e f orced her to proclaim slavery for the people of thi s land, as if the y fancied that such a iaid amain de vice could affect the great national movement. What did the men of Ireland care for the ministerial manifesto? What did the bold peasantry of Connaught care for ? It would be by. them treated with utter disregard. It was not the speech of the sovereign ; was it not the speech of a Mi nister, who, fearing again to insult, the Irish nation, had the cowardice to do it through a woman ? But, even were that speech in unison with the sentiments of the Queen, would the nation fear because of the oppositien she might be advised to give to their just demands ? No they ,would not halt or he sitate even because of the personal ,opposition of the Sove• reign. When her idiot grandfather .opposed himself with ail the virulence of his vicious nature 'to the emancipation of the Catholics did the people fear to go on? His hos tility was evinced in accordance with the wish of the Minister as well as against the Ministerial advice. He opposed the Catholic Emancipation because he hated the Irish and their religion with a bigoted hatred; yet the people, nothing daunted by his impotent opposition, pursued their course regardless of his whims, and forced even from him large concessions. The movement bad now assumed a form that bid defiance to any and every opposition, and though those who know not the hearts of the people might hope to damp their ardour by such silly courses, there was that day given to the Minister a substantial proof that the men of Connaught at least would never lower the standard of Repeal, but that they would continue to rally round the Liberator till he had consummated the legislative independence of the country." On the 12th of September there was a meeting of the Association, at which Mr. O'Connell and Dr. Gray were present. Dr. Gray, on that occasion, said he had to report from the Committee appointed to consider the question respecting the formation of Arbitration Courts, and begged to lay before the Association the result of their labours. " Upon the Report being read, Mr. O'Connell said he was glad that the time had arrived when the Arbitration Courts could be brought into operation. Their great object was to obviate the necessity of the people having recourse to the magistrates of the country." These were time observs lions of Mr. O'Connell. He admitted that the object of these Arbitration Courts was to supersede the duties of the ma gistrates, to usurp the prerogatives of the Crown, and to get rid of those institutions which were establiseed for the administration of the law. I will now refer to a meeting of the Association which was held on the 13th of September, at which Mr. O'Connell, Mr. .1. O'Connell, Dr. Gray, and Mr. Steele were present. I have already referred to the arrival of thee Queen's speech in Dublin, on the 28th of August. At the meeting of the 13th' of September, Mr. O'Connell brought up a counter-manifesto to the • Queen's speech, which was addressed to the subjects of the British Crown all over the world, and which alluded to what were designated the griev ances of the people of Ireland. This is not a place to enter into a discussion as to what are the grievances to which the people of Ire land are subjected. It is not for you to consider, nor for the Court to pronounce, upon those grievances. "It is for you to say, was the - mode adopted by the traverscrs in reference to those grievances a legal and a proper one. The manifesto said there was no hope for a redress of the grievances of the people of Ireland front an English Parliament. The redress of those grievances must spring from themselves. The mode pointed out for this purpose could not be mistaken, as will appear from that part of the manifesto which I shall read for you. It is as follows : " FelloW-subjects, our case is before Y ou and before the world. Grievances such as the Irish people cndure no other country has ever suffered. Insults such as are offered to, us were never inflicted on any other country. There is one consuls.. tiun : it is admitted by all, and is as clear as lime noon day sun, that unless we redress ourselves, we can have nu succour froin any other quarter; but we suffice for ourselves and our country —we suffice fur the Repeal. We expect nothing from England or Englishmen—from Scotland or Scotchmen. In each of these countries the benevolent few are overpowered by the anti national apathy to Ireland, and the virulent bigotry against the Catholic religion of the overwhelming majority of both England and Scotland. The present Parllainent has been packed with the aid of the most flagitious bribery, to ciush the Irish nation. Frcm them is neither redress nor even hope. But, Irish men, we suffice for ourselves. Stand together— continue together in peaceful conduct, in loyal attachment to the Throne, in com stitutional exertion, and in none other. Stand together .nd per severe, and Ireland shall have her Parliament ::gain. Such ate the words we address to our fellow.subjects all over the globe." Ey that manifesto Mr. O'Connell declared, and the Association adopted that declaration, that tl.ere was no hope of redress from a British Parliament—that the Irish people must redress those griev_ ances themselves—and that, unless they did so, all hope on that subject must vanish. Now, I ask you if you have any difficulty in understanding what was meant by " c onstitutional exertion".— whether it did not mean the exhibition of physical force on the part of the people, who were called upon to look to themselves for the re dress of their grievances instead of appealing to the sympathy of Parliament 2 And this iuflamraatoryaddress was circulated through the empire upon a broad sheet, for the information of all who might be induced to read it, The mode in which the people were to redress their grievances was very significantly pointed out at one of those monster meetings, which was held at Clifden, in the ,county Galway, on the 17th of September, just four days after the 'Association had adopted the manifesto which he had already re. ferred to. Dr. Gray, who was present at the meeting, described it as an immense one—the people coming to it in regular array, with repeal cards in their hats, tied round with green ribbons, and designating the troops of horsemen that arrived there as " peasant cavalry." At this meeting Mr. O'Connell spoke as follows : " I had no doubt at all that the women of Connemara were as handsome and modest looking as any in the world. That opinion has been abundantly confirmed by the beauteous scene I have beheld to day. But I came here to make an experiment on the men. I have them, and now I will make my experiment on them. I want to know whether you are not as brave and as Irish as the rest of the nation. I want to knew whether you are not as honest, as true, as faithful as the rest of your countrymen. I want to know whether you don't hate Saxon tyranny as much as the natives of other parts of Ireland. I want to know whether you do not feel the evils of misgovernment as much as the people of any other part of Ireland. You have no commerce. And where are your manufactures ? Oh, you have no manufac tures. Why ? Because Ireland is governed by Saxons and not by Irishmen. Will you join me to give Ireland to the Irish ?" This language was addressed to the people by the Chairman cfthe Committee that had adopted the manifesto, which said that the people of Ireland must themselves redress their own grievances, as they could have no hope from Parliament. Mr. O'Connell then went on to say—" My experiment is satisfied, and I can now tell the rest of the three provinces that Connemara is as determined as they are. You cannot be more so, my friends. If the battle were to be fought I know you would be in the front rank, but there would be as brave hearts and as ready hands by you. But the battle of Ireland is a peaceable battle, and there is no occasion for warfare. There is no occasion for hostility. I will keep you out of danger, and conduct you in the constitutional ways of the law and national exertion. Yes, if it were ne cessary for me to call out your force its battle, I am sure there is not a man of you who would not come again on the clay I asked him. I know it, and I will tell you why it is unnecessary—because your enemies know it as well as I do." Mr. O'Connell, on the same day, made observations of a very equivocal kind ; he stated, among other things, " I have demonstrated that I have more men, more men of a fighting age ( why. should I not use that word ?) ready to stand by their country than ever evinced that determination before. I say to England we will use no violence—we will make no attack—we will reserve our force for defence ; but attack us if you dare. What is the answer ? •We do not intend to attack you, and you need not set its at defiance.' My reply is the schoolboy's—thank you for no thing, says the gallipot. But then they say, how can you carry Re peal ? If you take a single additional step we will go to law with you. My answer is, I am an old lawyer, and the proverb says you can't catch old birds with chaff, and they are not able to beat an old lawyer with chaff at all events. I set your chaff at defiance, and will take the next step in spite of you. We are appointing men to act as arbitrators in the room of the magistrates who were struck off, and those who are left in the commission are infinite:es worse. Last year Goulburn tssok off the duty on arbitration, as if he actually had seen what was coming. I have them there, and do they think they will catch an old bird with chaff? You will see in the newspapers a report of the first court of arbitration, which will sit on Friday next, Doctor Gray in the chair. It wit eft every Friday; afterwards they will spread through the coun try. We have had a number of a a plications for the es tablishment of courts in various parts of Ireland, and I am convinced that it will work well. Disputes which now fester and rankle in a village will be settled amicably. It will spread further. I will apply the principle to a higher class of cases. We will ap point arbitrators for everything the people may choose, and I trust before I am twelve months older to take half the business out of the superior Courts." There was, then, not only the intention to adopt this course of substituting those Courts for the settlement of disputes, but also to erect Courts for the administration of justice. And Mr. Duffy said, in the Nation, that they had all the incidents of a nation—they had taxation—they had justice ; hut that another step was wanting, the organisation of the people. Here the Court and jury retired to take refreshment; on their return, the ATTORNEY-GENERAL resumed—There is another passage to which I shall call your attention—" For the present year my monster meetings are nearly over, there will not be above seven or eight more of them. But before I have done with them the demonstration of moral combination and of the mighty giant power of the people of Ireland will be complete. Their subordination will be complete—their discipline will be complete. Why you saw how the cavalry fell in, and took their station five by five at the word of command of Tom Steele. No Aide.de.Camp of the Lord Lieutenant was ever obeyed so cheerfully as he was." In the course of a week after a meeting was held in Lismore. At that meeting Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Steele, and Mr. Barrett were present. There were twenty-two banners, flags of different des criptions, and the Lismore temperance band. The men of Water. ford were led by the Rev. Mr. Sheehan ; the men of Lismore by Dr. Hogan. At that Lismore meeting Mr. O'Connell, in address. ing those assembled, among other observations, said— " If you were wanting again tomorrow, would you not come?— (Yes, and great cheering.) Let those who would come at any call hold up their hands." It is stated in the papers of some of the traversers that a dense forest of hands were lifted up—that there was immense cheering—that the scene was indescribable ; and to the question put—as many as would come at nay cal—is it to be wondered at that so vaunting a mandate would have this cfllet, and that it would lead to a con. vict ion among the penile—" the time is nearer than we think." Again, Mr.O'Connell says :—"My first anxiety is to wrest mom the present judicial administration its unholy authority; to do away with the wrangling of the petty sessions courts where the magistrates preside. I want to have tribunals of reconciliation in eve) y parish in Ireland, existing not by patent from the Crown, or imbued with Saxon notions of justice, but fair, equitable, and impartial tribunals, where the peo ple may fairly settle their differences by impartial arbitration." He wanted to have tribunals not instituted by patents from the Crown. In a further part of his address he says, " Abide your time—wait for a moment, and alloy. , toe to tell you when the time comes to exert yourselves." It was about the 2-Ith of September when that meeting took place, and on the following clay an article appeared in the Pilot, of the 3:5 th of September, called "The Army, the People, and the Government," subjects of consideration very important for those who had determined to redress themselves without the aid of Parliament. "No subject can be at present more interesting to the friends of consti tional freedom and Ireland than the state of the people's army. Aye, the people's army, for we would be glad to know who pay the taxes which support the army, but the people—the poor, oppressed people ? Who supply the fine young recruits but the people ? and for what pretext was the army ever raised if not for the de fence of the people or their property, though now, alas, but too many of them have little or no property? Then, again; the army, by this we mean that respectable body of men, the sergeants and privates, are all from the people. They intermarry with the people, and if they survive the ser vice—where there is plenty of fighting, hardships, and flogging, but very little promotion, in fact, more kicks than halfpence— where, we ask, must they return once more but to the ranks of the people ? We, therefore, UM* that we are amply justified in calling the army the people's army. Our readers are aware that in what's called the English army, there is a custom established, not certainly by the soldiers, by which all the situations of ease and emolument are generally filled by persons belonging to what are called noble families, or more properly rich families. By this scheme boys of fifteen or sixteen, without having left their mothers' apron-strings, can, on paying a certain sum of money into a certain office, procure what's called a commission, that is, power to receive a certain portion of money out of the public taxes. But it is not enough that the boy who never earned a penny in his life should get this comparative sinecure just because he chances to have a rich father, mother, or uncle, who can put down a certain sum of money. No, things don't stop here. The aforesaid boy, brave fellow, can make another bounce over the heads of the veterans who have grown grey in the service of their country by his merely paying another sum of money into the War-office. All this is certainly a d—d fine system for those who command, but not so for those who are told to obey, that is, the great body of the army, the sergeants and pri. vat m i es. Yes, persecute the soldier to the ut most—over-drill hin the dog days—withhold his furlough—deprive him of his news paper—confine him for the slightest fault—march him to the house of God armed and accoutred, as if for battle—but leave him the press open, and he has still some hope ! But go farther. Deprive him of an honest, uncorrupted press, and you drive him to madness, or perhaps we should say revenge! Let us just look at the state of the Fifth Fusiliers. Our readers will no doubt re member the hapless fate of poor "% Manus, who was proved to have dropped down dead from over-drilling. Well, what was the con.. sequence? A fine young man, of unimpeachable character, an Englishman, and a Protestant, named George Jubee, stepped out of the ranks, and drilled a hole through the body of the Adju ant—one Robertson Mackay—an infamous Scotch tyrant. Thus was the driller drilled." This is the moral instructor of the people who tells you that a young man of unimpeachable character committed murder! "But this was not all. When an inquest was held on the carcase, it came out that the colonel of this regiment had received a letter, when the regiment was stationed at Fermoy, threatening him with the punishment of death ; and we suppose the maddered Jubee would have fusiliered the colonel, if he had not wisely left the now_dangerous post of over. driller to the care of Sawney Robertson Mackay. The soldiers of the Fifth appear to be, in their political principles, de. cided Repeaters Not physical.force Repeaters ; for if they were so, having plenty of arms and ammunition, they could easily appeal to that open violence. 'lbis physical force, or armed violence, was what the Government had the silliness to threaten the Liberator and his millions with ! But from causes best known to themselves, they forgot to execute their threat ! When a detach. ment of the Fifth left Loughrea, some weeks ago, the Repeaters with temperance bands accompanied that detachment for above two miles out of town, and, on taking their last sorrowful farewell, the soldiers are stated to have taken off their caps and given three cheers for Repeal ! Thus the country appears to have never been so safe, as the people and the army are on the. best terms ! This is exactly what a popular Government would desire. But certain spy.employin,g monsters would seem to wish to tamper with the army, and to instigate it to fall on the unoffending people —men, women, and children. But those untried and unimpeached villians would do well first to consider the feelings of the army. An army has often proved a two-edged weapon, which is liable to wound the hand that wields it. Thank God, we have however lived to see the army reformed, so far as the soldiers arc concerned. We, therefore, would wish to see 'promotion from the ranks general, and flogging or back-mangling totally abo lished. Let a soldier be shot, but not flogged. The soldiers - are nosy as decent, sober, orderly a body of men as any in society. They are patient, too, and Heaven knows they require to be so. Many of them are teetotallers. They mind their religion ; and, if not prevented by their money promoted come menders, would improve their minds by reading the newspapers, which we think, after fulfilling their duties (including over.drill. ing), that they have just as much right to do so as the parties called officers—for an officer ought properly to mean a promoted soldier, and a soldier an unpromoted officer. Now Gentlemen, there is another publication in the same paper, of such a character that I feel it my duty also to call your attention to it. It is en titled— Rurnoured Death of General Jackson. The Battle of Now Orleans.—Be the report of his death true or false, the mention of his name has recalled to our mind the feat he achieved, an ac count of which may, in these times, when so much is said about war and blood, be acceptable to our readers. In the battle of New Orleans there were engaged from ten to twelve thousand British troops sent from France, under General Pakenham, who had been so' much extolled for his exploits in the pen. insula of Europe. This army was furnished with all the means of destruction. • A great fleet, with its seamen and matinee; aided in all its operations: The American General Jackson, a lawyer by profession, who had never before,- I be lieve, seen a single regiment its the character of an enemy, with the inhabitants of New Orleans, aided by the militia of Tenessee and Kentucxy, had assigned to him the task of defending the city against the army of regulars, and, as they were termed, indium:. tiles. With his untutored bands, even whose officers were net its uniform, he, with inferior numbers, attacked the British army twice in the night time before they were ready for the main attack on him. On the Sth of Jan., 1815, they advanced to the attack, with rockets, bombs, an immense train of artillery, and with all the appa ratus for storming, the soldiers and sailors having been pi evieuly sti mulwed and steeled against relaxation by assurances the most gt ati fying to their tastes and Wi,hes. They finally arrived at the point of onset ; the faggots which they carried to make them" a road over the works were just tossing into a ditch; in idea the city with all its spoils, was lit their possession. At that moment the brave and prudent enemy, with as much coolness as if he had been aiming at harmless birds, opened his fire On them, and swept them down like grass before the scythe of the mower. He sallied in pur. suit, marching over over blood and brains, and mangled carcases, and finally, to use the words of his coun. trymen, drove the survivors to their ships, and bade them carry to England the proof of the fact that the soil of freedom was not to be invaded with impunity. There were more than half as many British soldiers and sailors :killed and wounded in this battle as at Waterloo, where the British, though successful, had to help them, not only Irishmen and Scotchmen, but also Belgians, Hanoverians, and Prussians. Who was Jackson; was he an American or a Saxon ? No, he was one of the fiery- eyed Celts, an Irishman; one too, who, when only about twelve inhabitants." This was followed by a resolution of confidence years of age, received a wound on his cheek; the mark of which in Mr. O'Connell. I beg here to deny there is any analogy continued ever after, from a Brutish brute, whose boots the high- between the period of 1782 and the present position of Ireland. souled boy refused to clean. Tee firmness of the child on that When the volunteers came to the resolution that none but the occasion surpasses anything we ever read of. The brute of a King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland could make laws to British officer, for we cannot call him by any other name, corn. bind this country, Ireland was not then represented in the mended Jackson's brother, who was somewhat older than Jackson English Parliament, nor did a union exist between this country and himself, in the first instance to take up his boots and clean England; therefore there is no analogy between the state of them. This the manly boy refused, alleging that he would per- Ireland in 1782, and the present period. I therefore im form no menial service, as he was the sore of a gentleman. peach these resolutions as illegal. I have gone through, I What did the cold-blooded English miscreant then do He am afraid, at very great length, the circumstances connected with ran him through with his sword, killing him, of course, dead these meetings, and I now beg to call to your recollection the on the spot! The next step of this dog was to order Jackson charge on which the traversers stand indicted. It is for a con himself, with his slaughtered brother bleeding before him, to spiracy to excite disaffection and discontent amongst her Majesty's take the boots and clean them. No, was the manly Irish subjects, and against the Government as at present by law esta child's reply, you may murder, but you shall not dishonour Wished, and I now ask you if I prove what I have read to you or degrade me. Then it was that he received from the whether you can have any doubt that the defendants had Cromwell-minded ruffian the wound upon his cheek. conspired to excite discontent and disaffection amongst Why do we recal these things now ? We will confess that we the different classes of society in these kingdoms, and have more reasons than one for doing so. The first is, that the if I establish this to your satisfaction it will be your deeds of our illustrious countryman, as in the funeral oration of bounden duty to find the traversers guilty. Another psi t Mirabeau over Franklin, should be recounted at his death. The of the charge was a conspiracy to sow discontent in the army, second is a desire we have to point out to Irishmen—aye, and to especially that class denominated the non-commissioned officers. Englishmen too—that although he exhibited such generalship at Having taught them, by the demonstration of force, to endeavour New Orleans, he was only a lawyer, not having served his app,en. to awe the Government to grant what are the objects of those ticeship as a hireling to the committing of murder like Wellington. who are the advocates of the rtpeal of the Union, they went Vs e cannot help remarking again, by way of warning to those who on, step by step, to carry out, if possible, their objects—to threaten us with aggression, that Jackson was only a lawyer. O'Con. dismember the empire. It was then determined, as in 1797, nell is one too. The former surprised the British by attacking to endeavour to alienate the minds of the army, to them twice in the night. So might the latter, were he driven create disaffection among them, and more especially among to it, especially as darkness equalises undisciplined with disci- the non-commissioned officers; and this was done by a refer plined men, throwing the advantage, if any, in favour ence to the revolution in Spain. A portion of the charge of the former, the pike being, from the distinctive is that they conspired to cause large numbers of persons to assent peculiarity of its shape, ,the weapon best adapted for night. ble at different times, and at different places, to obtain, by means We do not mention these things because we are anxious for of intimidation, and by the means of physical force, alterations in an outbreak, but because we wish to prevent it. The best the laws, and in the Constitution of this realm, and by this meats , way to preserve peace is to show that we are prepared for war, to accomplish the dissolution of the legislative union. In the for even bulls, when they find that they are equally matched, opening of this case I think I pointed out that to render those have the sagacity to be civil to, and shy of, each other." meetings illegal it was not necessary to suppose that any The publication contains various other observations, which I shall immediate apprehension was to be entertained from not detain you by reading. I shall not repeat the observations of them. The meetings were urged to disperse quietly ; this moral instructor of the people, who says we are to use the pike but lam satisfied that there was an ultimate object wh en the orgas by night as themost useful instrument. I shall not endeavour by nesation was complete, and when every Repeal Warden had his any comment to take away from the force of the observations. The instructions brought into operation. I believe it was then in• Learned Gentleman then called attention to a proclamation signed tended, to use the language of Mr. Barrett, " that Ireland should 'F. M. Ray, for the holding of arbitration courts, and having ob- stamp her foot, and that Repeal must be granted.'' And whether it served on their tendency to supersede all the courts of law and was the intention of the. defendants, by inflammatory speeches and petty sessions throughout the country, proceeded to notice the publications, to make an actual outbreak ornot afterwardsis nut ma• monster meeting at Mullaghmast. The best calculation of the terial tothe subject. I have to tell you that for their offence hey are numbers present on that occasion was '250,000, and Mr. O'Con. indicted tor, amisdemeanour, and which subjects them to fine and nell stated at a dinner that there was a million present. The imprisonment; and it is necessary that you should believe that Rath of Mullaghmast was selected as the place for this nsu:titu. those meetings were held for the purpose of overawing the Legis dinous meetin of physical force, for the reason assigned by Mr. lature, and by the demonstration of physical force and general O'Connell—'• We are on the precise spot which English treachery, organisation throughout the country—not to get the Repeal of the aye, and false Irish treachery, caused massacre unequalled in the an- Union by means of the constituted tribunals of the country, both nals of crime, until the massacre 01 the Mamelukes by Mehemet Houses of Parliament—but that their intention was to (NO AH." This spot was selected then, wills the view of inflaming the awe the Legislature. That is illegal ; for it is imposs minds of the people of this country, who, if they had been left alone, sible to carry on the Government of the country i f and not misguided and misinformed on the subject, would naturally any alteration were made in the law of the land—n ot be obedient to the laws. Gentlemen, a document was handed about by the representatives of the people, but by the people them' at that meeting., by a person who said it had been printed ex. selves, and by the means of physical force. Mr. O'Connell pressly for all well-wishers to their country; and at the desire himself mentioned, in his speech at Mullaghmast, his anxiety tha t of Mr. O'Connell, groups of the country people were observed at there should be no outbreak ; but while that might have been his different parts 01 the field, listening to the people who were desire, he might not be able, as he suggested himself, to control t he reading this docuineut to them. Under the apprehension people when excited, considering the extent to which they Mig ht that the language from the platform, infl a ming the people, have been excited. We have all reason to rejoice there was n° might not be heard throughout e ver y p o rtion of the vast outbreak from this agitation; that they did not incur t he assemblage, the course was adopt e d o f p r i n ting and ex- misery of a contrary course, arising from riot or distur b " tensively circulating, and r ea di ng f or t h ose w h o cou ld no t rea d , ance ; but that does not take away from the illegality of th e a document of the most inflammatory description. The circular proceeding. If it w a s intended to organise the peopl e a° is headed thus:—" A Full and T rue A ccoun t o f th e D rea df u l that the government of the country could not be conV e s Slaughter and Murder at Mullaghmast on the Bodies of Four niently carried on, but that they must dictate to the Governmen t Hundred Roman Catholics." At the meeting to which I refer, the course they should pursue, that would render their proceeding ° flags were displayed. One was a motto to this effect, " Ireland illegal, and subject the traversers to a misdemeanour. Mr. O'Cone for the Irish, arid the Irish for Ireland;" on ano th er, I re l an d nell did not foresee what occurred at Mullaghmast, " when tha t must be a nation;" and on another, " Repeal ;'' and Mr. O'Con_ sickly dream came over him." He was afraid they had bee n nell, looking at some men with an inscription on their hats, wound up to too great an extent; but whether he had intende d said he was proud to see his own police, and hoped he s h ou ld or not that they should go so far—that at no future meeting shortly see no other police in Ireland. Mr. O'Connell went, at.. they should have recourse to physical force—l aga in tired in his scarlet robes, and on the platform a cap was prese n t e d distinctly state that the combination and conspira c y to Mr. O'Connell, which, according to the statement of some of th e are equally illegal on the present indictment, which ie defendants in this case was embroidered, and ornamented with gold one of misdemeanour, charging the defendants with endea' to correspond with an Irish Crown that had been preserved in vouring to affect alteration in the law by unconstitutional means' Trinity College Museum. The cap was placed on Mr. O'Connell's There is another part of this conspiracy relating to the arbitrati a s head, amidst the most enthusiastic cheering ; and although cour t s , which you have already heard. I may also tell you tbst everything that was stated could not be heard by every- with respect to a con: piracy of this kind, although I believe that body at the meeting, the cap was seen by all, all the parties are intimately connected with each other, it is no t Gentlemen, the same day a dinner took place in a pavilion erected necessary for the purpose of a verdict of " guilty" that you at the Rath of Mullagmast. You will recollect that on this rash should come to the conclusion that the defendant° —bear that always in mind—according to the statement circulated are guilty of every portion of it. It is sufficient that r n i on the occasion, some Irish chieftains load been invited to a repast ; should be of opinion that th e y are gu il ty o f any part 0 and that there they had been massacred. We therefore understand it. And though I believe we shall be a bl e on th e part of th e Crown to prove every portion of it, yet that i s not a:: the meaning of the fi g ures in that pavilion—of an Irish solutely necessary. Having detained you and the Court at aleb harp without the crown, and of an Irish wolf.dog, with the motto_s , No more shall Saxon butchers drihis blood for great length), and not myself being very able to sustain a statemen t their repast—the dog is watching—he is roused, and treachery is much longer, I shall conclude the observations which I have tak en expelled from Mullaghmast." There was another expressive the lib ert y to address to y ou res p ectin g this case in the language t motto used on the canoe occasion—" Mullaghmast and its Martyrs the same eminent judge, Chief Justice Burton, whose language —a Voice from the Grave." At that dinner Mr. O'Connell, Mr. thought necessary to cite in another part of the case. " I will John O'Connell, M r . R ay , M r. S tee l e, M r. B arrett, an d D r . G ra y conclude," said his Lordship, "by calling attention L" were present—six of the traversers. John O'Connell, Esq , was in all that it is in our power to do, and that is our duty' the chair, and as chairman he spoke as follows : Let us do that firmly and temperately. I say tern " I do not, because I cannot, anticipate that, in any perately, for in agitated times it is hard to preser ve phase of circumstances, the toast I ant now to give will be an equal bala n ce o f m i n d ." Ha v ing inculcated the received oth erw i se than well by Irishmen—it is the health of the necessity o f an im p artial and unbiassed dischar g e of their duties! Queen. Wh atever may happen, her t h rone i n I re l an d i s se. his Lordship said,—" Let us therefore co-operate in our severs cure. When, the other clay, we distinguished between the vain departments in carrying into execution tae several laws of It; arid babbling words that were tut into her mouth, we distinguished country, in the grand jury-room, in the petty jury -box, and en th well between th e M onarc h and the Ministers; and we would make bench. Let us enter into a covenant with ourselves to ineea t e ' , the same distincti on as c l ear l y and as well, were bl oody dee d s gate every charge, so as to ensure the punishment of the guiltYl and hard blows to be a tt empte d. Her Minis:ers may fix her and the acquittal of every roan who is innocent, and of throne amidst bloody field s , an d bl az i ng c i ties, and slaughtered glv" uilt there is no proof." tha t corpses. Let them take care that the ruddiest stream 'flowing The SOLICITOR-GENERAL thought it necessary to intimate might not be their own blood, anel the brightest anti fiercest la the examination of the first witness would occupy a considerable tinwe might not be from the strongholds from which they now insult the The Court was, at twenty minutes past four, adjourned until te n Irish people. Whatever they do, whatever they threaten, we will o'clock to-morrow. go on ; and so sure as there is a heaven above us we will establish her throne here among a peaceful, a happy, and a contented people —' The Queen, God bless her.' " On the 2.1 of October another meeting of the Association teak place, at which Mr. O'Connell repeated his declaration that the Queen could summon an Irish Parliament in Dublin. On the 3d October another meeting of the Association took place, at which Mr. O'Connell, Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Ray, Mr. Steele, Mr. Duffy, the Rev, Mr. Tierney, and Dr. Gray were present. At the meeting to which I have been referring, Mr. Steele made a speech which shall be fully proved. It has been stated that that speech never was spok en although it was published at the time in the newspapers of three of the defendants, and their own reporters who were present can, if they wish to call them, disprove what I say. But I prophesy that not one of those reporters will be called to contradict the charge. And, Gentlemen, if they question the accuracy of our re porter, let them compare notes with their own, and there will be found nut the slightest material difference. They say that it is all imagination, that there was no meeting at Mullaghmast, and that the swearing is all corrupt. Why now in the esta blishment of criminality I would just as soon take the report of the newspapers as our own ; and I ask you, Gentlemen, when you ascertain that, and find that they do trot bring forward one of their own reporters, to consider the probability of their state.. ments. ------- _ _ ,VOLCANIC ERUPTION AT TILE SANDWICH ISLAIO9; —We have been favoured with the following extr a f„ from a letter from the Rev. Titus Coan, dated Ili:: (Sandwich Islands), May 16, 1843 :—" God is not oulJ working wonders in the moral and civil, but a l° in the physical world around us. You ha ve , heard of the great volcanic eruption near 00 station in 1840. Another scene of a similar kind has re' . cently taken place ab ou t th e same di s t anc e from us, b ut in a different direction, and directly in the rear o f our station. On the 10th of January of the present year, .I °s at the dawn of day, we discovered a rapid disgorg e, ; ment of liquid fire from near the summit of 1.1 011 , Loa, at an elevation of fourteen thousand feet abry the sea. This eruption increased from day to for several weeks, pouring out vast floods of fiery ly which spread down the side of the mountain , e: I/ fie flowed off in broad and burning rivers, throwing a toll glare upon the heavens, and filling those lofty moun tai n , ous regions with a sheen of light. This spectacle e° ,.o tinued from week to week without any abatement, til l th e molten flood had progressed 20 or 30 miles down l As side of the mountain, and across a high plain, wi lh „ - s stretches between the bases of Manna Loa a nd Iq oll ', o - Kea. It was not till after many weeks that I was abl e i visit this scene of terror and of sublimity. At le o g t, l,- 1 in company with Mr. Paris, the missionary for a station south of made the attempt. he , penetrated through a deep forest, stretching tween Hilo and the mountain, and reached. : t h molten stream as it flowed over those vast and 11 ';t 0 regions lying at the base of the mountain. Here were able to approach the fiery stream and dip up Il ia cool its burning fluid, as we would approach the bfolol, of a river and take of its waters. From this w e i d lowed the stream to the top of the mountain, and f°ll its source in a vast crater, amidst the eternal snowsise those wild and desolated regions. Down the sides oft 1,, mountain the lava had now ceased to flow upon the sti c ` ti face ; but it had formed for itself a subterranean cill ie t at the depth of fifty or a hundred feet. This u ne il was encased with vitrifaction, as smooth as glass , ,:i e g down this fearful channel a river of fire was I' osP t he at the rate of fifteen or twenty miles an hour, froni summit to the foot of the mountain. This subterra o lf , stream we saw distinctly through several large ell e % tures in the sides of the mountain, while the bUrn die g flood rushed fearfully beneath our feet. Our ste r t he above it was like standing upon ice on a river, whi le e t. liquid flood flows under your feet. Our visit we 9 t attended with peril and inconceivable fatigue, bu plf never regretted having made it, and we returned cle e f ol affected with the majesty, the sublimity, the powe r ed the love of that God who " looketh on the earth l os e trembleth, who touches the hills and they smoke; Ic t be presence melts the hills, and whose look cause s t o) mountains to flow down."— Auburn (United St a Journal. GRAVESEND.—DISCOVERY OF A PAPAL S P L, a de On Thursday week some workmen, while trenching at street, dug up a leaden seal, once attached to a raP a ' 11 :4 bearing on one side the name of the Pope Johanne s i St• xxiii, in Roman capitals, and on the reverse the heads ° deaf Peter and St. Paul, rudely designed and coarsely e%e c- e taft and above them the letters SPA. SPE. (Sanctus Pabst Sanctus Petrus.) The seal is now in the posses sion ol ft er, erudite member of the Numismatic Society, W. C `„" Esq., of the Ordnance-office, Gravesend. It i S the size of a twopenny piece; is in beautiful Pr e : e ar tion • and has an opening between the two faces, t., w het ;t. It which the parchment strings were thrust, was suspended to the original instrument, now en tirelYE a snay be observed, that to seal with metal was reckon ed n oo olf lustrious privilege ; consequently seals or bulls were c ° ,, w ~,e0; affixed to the Roman Pontiffs' solemn public instruct' sometimes impressed in lead and someti me s in Rol"' W hir h seals varied in form till Urban 11., a b ou t 1088, =ince cart' time they have remained as described above. Dr. o bi .d v says the leaden seals with th e P o p e ' s name on ly are 25 thr" Sylvester; but the im ages o f P eter an d P au l n ot earlier, w it), Adrian IV., who li ve d i n 1153, some say , cor ninence ti ole o Pascal 11. Brief was the term applied to the papal aCtl, i ,ber with wax, with the impress of a circle, called the man's Ring."—Maidstone Gazette. D oe FOLKESTONE.=The improvements of this pl" c . e c avti' been for two or three weeks nearly at a stand-still, bu'',, o rl , " derable activity is again evinced in the progress o f the, - tra f and a good number of hands are employed on the brawn, or road from the station to the harbour, which is raP:' , ; t oril proaehing completion. The clearing out of the mud at th from the bed of the harbour is finished, and the dello water much increased, but this has had a serious effec t e sus r ;,, creasing the shingle bank at the mouth, which ha e s_, :p g t P y , considerable obstruction to vessels entering or or ./ port. The Company, however, intend to carry out tlt,,,,se with spirit, and a large space is laid out for the P 0 , 1 y,,,,;111; forming a capacious backwater bay, the effect of eslile".., Mt eff, to prevent the bar from forming at the month. ( It; t his, if , about to be applied for to enable the Company tn house to to which notice has been given to the isihabitants of 500 ,re ej, the lower part of Folkestone, the whole of which hou sl ' . : ip lel jo be taken down. The new harbour house is nearly O te " w ee,, o% It is a handsome building, surmounted by a stpinEn ow hr l a which an illuminated clock with four faces is l ! ree et . placed. The lawn in front of the Pavilion has hte% laid out, and well turfed down, which gives it a gay' an f ful appearance.— Maidstone Gazette. the A GreesueNr. COOL YANKEEISM.--The by _f r , of the lauding of the Pilgrim Fathers was eelebrat,ellt. r , New England Society," in New York, on the o af Aldam, the member for Leech', was amongst tl , e re cur fo r had his health proposed by Mr. Webster, for which '', o ers i ds suitable thanks. It is a custom at American public h o t ell on o the guests to volunteer occasional toasts; a mongst t d , i , we e at followed the health of the Hon. Member fur , Le , e , by s the following, proposed, according to the report The , o ns whose name we are sorry we could not learn n ros ie r Sidney Smith and his' P e n ns ylvania Bonds- - " e- iate4 l3 dabble in stocks, they are sure to be turned in t ° i ve stocks." • t GO' , t eri_AY RETIREMENT OF SIR HENRY - e for learn, on good authority, that Mr. Davis , wof P- ,ry eil t acted for a short time as successor to tb,% ye rna l re . Napier in China, has been selected by the u O , O 13.,.e! 0 r to relieve Sir Henry Pottinger as the Qu ee lon y Of sentative and Governor of the new British co h i s bl ip s, Kong. Mr. Davis will depart very shortly , important mission by the overland route. Paper. The Learned Gentleman, after reading reports of speeches and proclamations, amounting to six or seven columns, thus concluded: —On the 30th of September there appeared the following advertisement In the Nation newspaper:—" Repeal Cavalry Clontart Meeting —The Committee for ;this great national demon. stration, being apprised of the intention of many Repeaters to ap. pear mounted at Conquer-hill, Clontarf, recommend the following rules to be observed for the regulation of the cavalcade at this first muster and march of the mounted Repeal Volunteers. First— All mounted Repeaters of the city, or from the south and west side of the county, to muster on the open ground, Harcourt. street fields, on Sunday, the Bth of October, at twelve o'clock at noon, and form into troops, each troop to consist of twenty five horsemen, to be led by one officer in front, followed by six ranks, four abreast, half distance, each bearing a wand and cockade distinguishing the number of his respective troop, Second—The regulation wand, and cockades will be furnished by the Committee to such gentlemen of the city or county as shall apply and be approved of to lead each troop. Third—That no person shall be permitted to join the cavalcade without a cockade and wand, and that until one troop is complete, no second troop be formed.—N.B.—The Committee will make the neces sary arrangements, to prevent delay or confusion, at the Turnpike-gates. Fourth—Each hors.eman to take and keep the place assigned to him on joining his troop, and remain in rank until dismissal of the parade in the meeting field. Fifth—That such troops as shall have formed by half-past twelve o'clock, do proceed in their order, at slow time, by the fol. lowing route :—liarcourt-street, Stephen's-green west, Grafton street, Westmorland-street, Sackville-street, Britain-street, Sum mer-hill, llallybough.bridge, Clontarf-road. Sixth—The mounted Repeaters from the northern parts of the county, to muster and form, as above described, at the southern extremity of the Howth-road, and bring up the rear of the Dublin cavalcade to the meeting-field, Conquer-hill. Seventh—That the Chair. man and members of the Committee, bearing wands and cockades, do form the mounted staff in advance, and that the muster, march, and parade et the meeting-field, shall be under their sole order and direction, until dismissed after the proceedings of the meet ing have commenced. Eighth—That the horsemen on the meeting ground shall keep a proper distance from the platform, so as not to incommode those attending on foot ; and it is earnestly requested, on the other hand, that no obstruction or interruption will be of fered to the cavalcade by those on foot or in vehicles, so that the' order and regularity of the march may be preserved. God save the Queen. Mount for Repeal. March for Clontarf." That ad. vertisement appeared on the 30th September; and I have already stated that a meeting of the Association took place on the 9d October, at which meeting Mr. O'Connell was present. That was on the Monday after the Mullaghmast meeting, and on that occa. sion Mr. O'Connell said, " I saw with great surprise, a para. graph which has appeared in the newspapers. It was a good quiz, but it ought not to have been printed. It' is hardly necessary that I should warn the Asso ciation not to have anything to do with it. It is likely the gentlemen on horseback will be present at the meeting, and they will of course observe the most perfect order, so as not to trample oil the people." No doubt Mr. O'Connell thought it would be more discreet not to have the matter printed—but what was the course the Association adopted ? Instead of disavowing the advertisement, that which Mr. O'Conneli had designated a quiz,, they copied it themselves, substituting " groups " for " troops," and striking out all the other military allusions. The Learned Gentlemen, after adverting to the opinion of Lord Ten terden in reference to advertisements such as that which ap. peared in the Freeman and Nation newspapers relative to the Clon. tarf meeting, said, there can be no doubt that the advertisement which he would read for them was illegal. On the 6th of Oc tober, the Pilot, Mr. Barrett's paper, published an article headed " The Battle of Clontarf." This excitable article appeared on the Friday previous to the intended meeting at _Clontarf. On the Sa. turday a letter appeared in the Nation, which recommended the use of Irish names to places that were now called by Saxon ones, You are aware, Gentlemen, that the meeting which was to have been held at Clontarf, and which was to have been the first of five or six monster meetings, as an. pounced by Mr. O'Connell, was proclaimed, and did nut take place ; and my belief is, that it did not take place, because the promoters of it were conscious of its illegality. On the following day, however, the 9th October, a meeting took place in Calvert's Theatre, at which Mr. O'Connell, Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Ray, Dr. Gray, Mr. Steele, the Rev. Mr. Tyrrell, and other Repeaters were present. I don't think it will be necessary for me to advert to the speech of the Rev. Mr. Tyrell, except so far as regards that part of it which intro. duces the very important resolution which I am going to read for you. The Rev. Gentleman said, " They would not let us meet yesterday, and we have come here to-day to propose the resolutions to this meeting that would Lave been proposed for the adoption of the meeting yesterday if it had come off. I will read the resolutionS, and thus I will place them in the hands of our excellent chairman, who will propose them to you for your adoption. He then handed the resolutions to Mr. John O'Connell, who read them. They were as follow:—That this meeting, highly approving and coinciding in the principles and spirit of the Leinster declarations for Repeal, as pro nounced at Mullaghmast, do now adopt the following resolu. lions. Resolved—That this meeting hereby declares its devoted loyalty to the person and throne of her gracimis Majesty Queen Victoria, Queen of Ireland, and its determination to uphold and maintain inviolate all the prerogatives of the Crown as guaranteed by the Constitution. Resolved,—That we, the clergy, gentry, freeholders, and other inhabitants of Fingal, in public meeting assembled, declare and pronounce, in the presence of our country before Europe and America, and in sight of Heaven, that no power on earth ought of right to make laws to bind this kingdom save the Queen, Lords, and Commons of Ireland; and here, standing on the ever-memorable field of Clontarf, the kMarathon of Ireland, we solemnly pledge ourselves to use every constitutional exertion to free this, our native land, from, the tyranny of being legislated for by others than its own