The Sun. — London, England, 1839-02-06 00:00:00

. • ;he last step. I am happy to see her Malest)? has I necessary. The chang.• in the negro population, must ne annOunced her intention of enforcing attention to this ; lut I cessarily call for measures to give it ita full effect, what is the intention of the President of the United States ? secure is lull advantage, and make society safe, and Pers ms have crested with cannon and with muskets be- likely to remain so. The Noble Duke in adverting to that longing to the United States as invaders of her Mejestt 's part of the Speech which .it was impossible to re dominions, and this cannot be prevented by the authorities ; grrl without great concern and regret—that part of the United States. Why, my Lords, the Spanish Go. 'of the Speech which unfortunately referred to the state of vernment could prevent Portuguese troops from passing Canada, whiist he praised and upheld that part of the throng 1 , be'l. eon:dry—and there is no doubt that in any Speech expressing her Majesty's determination to maintain e ' r eountry—(h ere we cou ld not catc h w h at f e ll f rom the no bl e her authority in these cou n t r i es , sa id h e cou ld w i s h t h at h e Duke.) But, my Lords, here it is done for the ve r y par- had seen some corresponding measures of vigour to carry pose of carrying on the war, and the Government sit down that deterinhiatiou into effect. Unquestionably the state of quietly and take no measures whatever to prevent it. I things exiiting on the frontier of North America was now come to the last part of her Majesty's Speech, iii greatly to be deplored, but from what he had sects • and which her Majesty laments the persevering efforts that have known in other parts of the world, be did not look upon it been made in some Darts of the country, to excite Ler sub. with any very great surprise. The Noble Duke had re jects to disobedience and resistance to the late; and to commended that corresponding measures of vigour should recommend dangerous and illegal practices. It is but too true be pursued te enable the Government of tho Qacen to thatpersonshave endeavouredto excite her Majesty's subjects. repel the acts which had been committed. What 'My Lords, discussions have taken place in Nis House on measures the Noble Duke alluded to, he ( Lord former occasions ass the rights of persons to assemble to. Melbourne) was not aware. There was in those ' gether in largo boLfics, but without giving it the restrics countries a large regular force; there was also a large Lions that the I rev has given it. This right was stated at militia force. We should look for theit defence, not. Liverpool i n t h t most exp li c i t terms, at t h e very moment mere l y to t h e regu l ar army in that county, but to their when men were assembling by torch-light. My Lords,, we , own internal resources ; their own militia ; their own have been told of the tranquillity of Irela;id. I protest strength ;to the power they could raise. There was a cen against the assertion that this tranquillity exists at the mo • sidcrable militia and regular force on foot sufficient to laugh runt when new modes of agitation are sought after , to scorn any attempt which might be matte by these sym every day. Th er e has been recently. propounded 1 pithizers, and that was all that eould.be expeetsd ; fo r con e new schema of a Sittt'on for the purpose of I s.dering the ex t en t o f tile Continent, its fastnesses, wows, raising two miri ,- ,ai of money, attended by another seller e ' and morasses, it was impossible there could be any for putting twenty thonsaod Pounds into the rhea° om m e t such force kept as to prevent marauding expedi of the agitator-41Iear, hear)-mand a t titation has tot le her tiens, which might commit th e greatest d aniape, and 60,000 fi g h t i ng men.—(l-lenr, hear.) My Lords, Id • hope Ibe guilty of great aura violent predatory excesses. that her Majesty will carry into execution the Inter part ttf With resoect to the Governme n t o f th e United States, he I the Speech. says that he calls upo n the m to d o that which unquestion. - Th. Duke of RICHMOND would not h:ivo. said 1 rafly is the duty of the Government, to prevent a body of a word upon that occasion had it not been for wade i men frees being permitted to snake these atrocious attacks had fallen from his two Noble Friends, tte metier , upon diem neighbours; there is no intention on the sart of and seconder of the Address upon the questien of j the Pre =_l• sit o f te e United States to prevent this from the Corn -laws. Ile could net allow these übsereaeons to I bsime can ied nee effect. Every exertion been merle, go forward to the peeple without stating hie t•pMim., which I every repretentathei hes been made, in or d er t o induce his was that if th ese l aws were repea l e d t h e agr i cu l tu r e ] leterett I tome t ons 00 close panne I trust that these exertions, must go to ruin, and then the manufacturing hitt:rem trust ' c mbirted with the compl. to failure of all their p'ans, and "flow, for what could they do without the coasumptioe o f v ith the complete discomfiture of all the attempts that, have the other interest ? His Noble Friends had said th• se laas bet n suave at rstmilion, will have the full e ffect O f putt i ng ought to be alt er ed b ec a use th e agr i cu lt ura l ietcr. st bad' an end t o th e s e diitut bailee& My Lords, the Noble Duke obtaineal som e r e li e f from the Poor Law Amendment Act, has eaMd his spa ech by masking some allusion to the eon. hut he would ask, how long was the malt tax to remain, cluding paragraphs of the Address, which allure to the un clad when was the land tax to be assimilated mei proteerly I I;ti tail ineeMegs which have lately token place in vaehius apportioned throughout the country? He could :lot ahow 1 parts of the kingdem—meetings of a must dangerous cha such opinions to go to the country without los-eott . tivg hi-a i ratter--o!eailogs beld at right—at a season west favourable pretest against them, and the doings of those seeculators fur the cenecalment of crime—and also meetings in which who 'wished tie set the two great interests at earinice. A language . melting open allusion te murder has Len question of so much interest should be soon settleM and h e made tree 01 to excite the minds of the people. hoped an early opportunity would be afforded fur discussing The Ntb:e Duke says that these are proceedings it; end he trusted the farmers of England would not Co whith it is incumbent on her Majesty's Goverment, deluded by any one, however high his station, who talked I immediantly to reporess, a n d t o which no allusion of a moder a t e fi xe d d uty .—( Ch eers. ) I should b.: made by any Member of her Majesty's Govern- LORD VERNON said he had been Ulcer:mete acem.l meta. lam not In ceisely aware what fell from my Noble cr understood by his Noble Friend. lifi;,:t he had said Friend at Lim rpm 1, but. lam sure that nothing would was that the agricultural interest having received some relief fall from stay Noble. Friend which could at all be interpreted from the new Poor Laws, the time was peculiarly fitted f or into langu,g.: inculcating seditien, in those persons to whom considering the complaints of the manufacturing interest. her Majesty's Speech bad been compelled to direct atten- Lend COLCHESTER was surprised no "'ice ohatevur : tien. W.th respect to another party, to whom he makes had been takes in the Speech of the state of tem Navy, when allusion, I reEtmle he means the Hon. Member for Dublin, it had been publicly and broadly stated Vint WC mere with- and states that he is in the confidence of Government. He out suppli es , and that our Navy was in such a state th a t it alludes to this Gentlemati's attempts at agitation—l sup would be no difficult matter for a foreign Admiral to Men po-e he means the Precursor Societies. 'I declare that I S hterness.—(Hear.) Our coasts were in a ruovt unp ro _ I totally diemprove of these societies; I consider them all tected strte, and the question was of stiffit 2 ier•t importance unconstitutierran as likely to supersed e th e aut h or i ty o f the to deservetheirLorcla.hips' earnest and most serious attention. laws. The Precursor Seeieties do not stand in the same Earl MINTO—The House would understand his motive light as those which inculcate feelings of atrocity, doctrines in not entering into the discussion of that quetthm upon of murder, fire, andelestruction. The Noble Duke stated that occasion. Th e y would be fully aware it was from co that this pa ty could raise two millions of men. I apprehend disrespect to th e i r Lordships, but he conEiclore I that the 1 that all that was meant is, that he could g . t t wo m illi ons o f discussion co u ld come on muc h more Caine i : • !;! l y wader I 10,11 9 cue shilling a piece, for these purposes ; and this the notice which had been most property given by tl:e I is all that is me a nt ; the N o bl e D u k e was con f oun di ng this Noble Earl, U po n t h at occasion h e would be prepared to lasif it meant a declaration for the encouragement of mai enter into tlte di teuss i on , an d s h ow their Liel.ships that sure and destruction of pr o p er ty. I h ave great satisfae there was no truth in the statements alluded to. thin that unanimity prevails in this House on the Address. Earl WINCHILSE A agreed in everything that had I have made these few observations, which I think all that fallen from the Noble Drke on the cross beneties ( iieit- is necessary. mood). It o was perfectly cons laced that if tl,c ag, iCUI- Lord BROUGII A AI stated that it gave him un f e i gne d rural int erest wm'e rased the manufacturing interest could satisfaction to hear the various topics to be found in the not stand. It w as a f a ll ac y t o su pp ose t h a t t h e Itrit;sh speeches of the mover and second er o f th e 'Address. There farmer would is any degree be protected by a axed mod e ., wtts nothing which called for any material distatssion,or which rat e duty. Now h e would ask, could any Geyer:ma-ant at WAS likely to interrupt that harmonious di-position w hi c h present impose any fixed tax that would in any way m enu . was but courtesy towards the Crown. Regarding the Ad aerate the British farmer and the British land awn r fir the dress in that light, he could n o t h e l p a ll u di ng to one or two burd ens w hi ch were imPos , d upon the land. - Ile was most I things Which had fallen from the Noble Mover aed Se sorry to hear the sentiments which had fallen front the two I conder,whose observationswere marked by a curious infelicity tfohle Lord s , th e mover and seconder of the address, and 1 as regards all topics which ought to have been left un ite implored that great interest to which he belonged te be I touched, and with a parallel int e li c ity i n a ll w hi c h oug h t perfectly aware o f t h e s i tuat i on i n w hi c h t h ey stee d; f or 'to have been touched upon. The Noble Lord went on those two Noble Lords would not have so expressed them- to say, since allusion had been made to himself by his 'Noble selves had they net been aware that it would not be dis- Friend, that he was ready at all times to redeem those pleasing to the Government. He was sorry that Noble pledges with regard to any practical education ; front these Lords and others in high authority should not have taken the pledges nothing wou!d make him swerve. He purposely more honest and manly course, of stating, its their &emis in abstained from all observations respecting the Canadian Parliament, any change of opinion with respect to so great i provinces, athough h e did no t agree w i t h t h e remarks of an inte rest. A letter had been put forth from one holding ; the Noble Lord on that subject. He passed it tut because a high situation as a feeler for the people, but lie could the Noble Earl, the late Gove rnor G enera l, h a d most I assure the N o bl e L or d an d hi s C o ll eagues t h at t h e ag i ta- manfully and most nobly that night in a manner which lion so raised, though it was joined in by the maeufac- ' did himself honour, invited discussion on th a t su bj ect . Th e turers, dilentwereetire the sanction of the great mass, who Noble Ituke had made a remark on which be could not wore interested in manufactures. In 1822, when the agri- help observing. Why did not the American Go cultural interest was reduced to SO low an ebb, that the lo ,f , vernment, said she Nolle Duke, interfere to prevent insur of bread was selling at 3d. to 31d., and meat at 2d. a gents from passing through tracts of inhabitable country, pound, he had himself made a journey through tire manu- and prevent the inhabitants from passing over to commit fucturing districts, and found that distress prevailed to a depredations, and aid in rebellion? If all the vigour of Go frightful and enormous degree, thereby showing that the vernment was unable, with 12,000 regular troops besides depression of the agricultural interest did not raise the 1 Militia, to prevent invasion, how was Mr. Viii Buren, by Manufacturing interest. The former consumed nine-tenth, , taking part with the sympathisers without a standing army, of the produce of the tatter`; - awl how could the manufa e . ' and without other aid, to effect this, when the Government, Luring interests do without such customers ? The capital thus aided, could not prevent these reprisals? In other re employee in the cultivation of the land ought to bo pro- spec=s he fully concurred in the remarks which had fallen tected. If this country were to lean for support upon the i from the Noble Duke. With respect to the passages produce -of foreign countries, in a very short time their of the Speech which refer to the policy pursued in India, supplies 'would fail us. In the meantime a great portion o f he trusted that no long interval would elapse before the land of this country would be thrown out of cultivation. their discussion came forward in th a t House.—( Hear.) The agricultural interest would be ruined, and the distres s If the misconduct that had lately taken place in that part would not be upon them alone, but the ruin would of the Empire was to be attributed t.) the Government equally extend to the manufacturing interests. There was there-or at home he knew not. He hoped that the ru one part of the Speech which he felt himself obliged to mours so universally spread that these most culpable pro protest against. It was that paragraph which stated that ceedings had originated •at Calcutta were well founded. a reform of the Municipal Corporations of Ireland was es- If that were the case, then his blame would be tranformed sential for the peace of that unfortunate country. He was from the English Government to the Indian. The treaty of opinion that they would only keep up-that agitation and to which he alluded had been refused ratification, having strife which w as t h e ru i n of the country, amid no Bill for been disapproved of, and disapproved of, in his judgment, most such a Purpose would ever receive his support. wisely and justly, as being a treaty calculated to bring disho- Earl RODEN also felt himself compelled to enter his nour on theEnglisli name inlndia. Under these circumstances protest—hi s s . most decided protest against th a t p aragrap h i n o n e o f th e reme di es t h ey p ossesse d was the i r power over theobli peech of h er M ajesty ' s Ministers. He felt also public opinion, which that disclaimed Government obliged to complain that no allusion had been made in the possessed, and it fell to the lot of that disavowed Speech to that country the sit uat i on i n w hi c h t h e l oyal populat i on of an d di scla i med Government, to carry one of the most was placed. The only menti on ma d e o f un - larg e an d ex t ens i ve o p era ti ons , b ot h o f pol i cy and ever fo rtunate Irel an d was to give more power to those who had of war, which, from the days of Lord Clive, he ev t bee n opposed to her Majesty's most loyal and f a ithf u l would ven t ure to say , w h en t h e f ate of the empire s u k lacts• The re never was an open i ng of Parl i ament in h ung in the balance, had ever been contemplated by the which the public mind was so excited with regard to the English Government in India ;he would say nothing of the Speech from the Throne. Ho did not know how it would capture of the island of Paros in the Persian Gulf—he be received in this country, but he was certain that it would would say nothing of the treaty of Affghanistan in violation bo received • _with surprise and indignation by the Pro- of which that capture was effected; of these things he !Manta of Ireland, and not by them alone, but by many would say nothing, nor should he refer to those manifestoes loyal Catholic subjects of this country, because no mention of the Indian Government, avowing and proclaiming the was made t o th e s i tuation in which they were now placed. motives, views and arguments on which this policy was He trusted the subject would be taken up by some Noble framed ; but he would come to the reasons—the contempt Lord, but, if not, he would feel it his duty to bring it under of all colour of argument—by which the conclusion was ar the.La Lordships' attention. rived at,—that because the King of Persia had done some viscount MELBOURNE—AIthough there was n o thing they did not like, they were to march an army dense respecting the Corn-laws in the Speech, yet he to dethrone the King of Cabool—ho would not revert thought that it was quite natural that his Noble Friends the to the history of the King of Cabool—of that man who mover and sec on d er o f the Address should introduce thoie was a pensioner, a mendicant pensioner on the country topics which were agitating the public mind, and state of England—a man who bad been twice dethroned, because their opinion upon them. He would have wished he was hated by the people ; but he could not understand to have followed the course of the Noble Duks, and have why he should be preferted to Dost Mahomed, who was King abstained from at that moment entering into the subject; de facto, and of whom the Minister abroad had stated, that but in consequence of what had fallen from the Noble Earl he was a wise and a popular man, but that the other was touchedwould upon those subj ec t s h a d t h ey no t b een aware t h at i t one p r i nc ipl e s h ou ld b e a ppli e d t o I n di a , an d another to the have b een agreeable to the Government as a Govern. European continent. How could that be the case when anent, he felt compelled to state to their Lordships th at th e i r on l y reason for supporting four or five of the old ever since the formation of the present Admieistra. Kings in preference to others, arose from the circum tion, the Corn -law question had been what was tech- stance of their having been expelled by the people, the lat nieally termed an open question, though he believed that a ter being the legitimate, and the former the popular majorityieo the Cabinet thought that some modification Sovereigns—(Hear, and laughter.) Their Lordships If the Nowblewas necessary. ( Cries of Hear, hear, hear ) were perfectly aware the- the en pira of India was founded Lord inferred from the speeches on that oe_ upon opinion. That had been stated again and again, until ca . the his (Lord Melbourne's) opinion, he inferred that mii... it had becorrie a bye-word and a proverb in Indian policy mon erroneously.`( - Y---( Het, ) H e was no t w illi ng to go i nto —b ut h e assure d t h em t h at i t meant not hi ng b ut this—opi any debate on the Corn-laws on this occasion—he wished nion was of three kinds : First, we re they governed better for to avoid it; but . he had no objection to state his oeinione, the people than themsel -es ? that, he freely admitted, had W n uton were Precisely the same as that which he h a d stet c d been the cane up to the present hour. Secondly, That h the few observations which he made to the House in they goveined justly as regarded their foreign relations the mor e course of the last ear—observations which attracted with the native Princes ; that, he could not admit had always delivered notice fr, m the stuatioa in which the person wh been the case. But the last of all, and the chief, was, that t 'l ri l nift e c re f d them happened so be placed, than from any in. opinion of their power and force; and he hoped to Gull, that their own : but the opinion which he then that opinion would net now be weakened, by its delivered, and to which he still adhered, was, that although being found that th e y h a d ma r c hed six hundred miles maim. lanoet Prepared to pledge and bind himself to - the to the North West of India, upon the speculation of _ was nit oof the preseet system as being the best, he dethroning one King and putting another in his room, or of Par'', as a Member of the Government and a Member that they would jeopardise by such a movement that active alteratijament' preparel to pledge himself to a change and effective power of opinion on which they held their Indian . had n, a r of that law as it stood.—( Hear.) Tho Noble Duke empire. —( He .r, In ar. ) There was a resolution of Par t muMmery c l ear l y a n d disti nc tl y t h roug h t h e whole of the [lament which had beets incorporated in a statute, and th a t op of the speech, and had made many observations in resolution, in the exigency of the State, he greatly feared wh ich he (Lora M.) concurred; but he had made some would not be violated on the present occasion. The reso which hWere h ar dly f a i r or j us t, an d f or w hi c h no rea l j ust ia. lotion deelered it t o b e aga i nst t h e w i s h and the policy of o ca f t the could be made. The Noble Duke said he approv e d England to extend it s conquests i n I n di a. L et them not e . e conduct which had been Pursued with respect to the be afraid that the present expedition would violate that con iPute between Holland and Belgium, and of the definitive 1 tract. There was no fear that the wish of the public would treat he tlnproposed for the acceptance of both Powers. In this ibe thwarted—there was no fear that the policy of the ern \ ohat i :t l M.) entirely agreed ; and the Noble Duke.added I country would be counteracted—there was no fear that the th a i th je ellY, that be trusted it would never be forgotten Hon. Company would be tarnished by the extension of neutralcexi stenceof Belgium was bound up in her being a their dominions in India. What they would he reduced to Stat e_hers e ir that she should be protected from aggression by these wild and unintelligible operations they would have t o o ph h e ird not commit aggression on others. He believed a better opportunity of deciding after the discussions and treaty with of the Noble Duke, with respect to th e results which were pnding would be known. He would norigat7th Austria, to be correct. Unquestionably th e f ree always remind the `- Lordships that he was giving the tien t a ' n t of the Danube was a very important ques. Indian Government great fair play, because he was arguing the m a l l u he would add his exhortation to that of I otily ou their own case. He had seen nothing but their which - o ` i a t l nuke's, that with respect to those m easu res own manifesto, containing the honest exposition of their Hous e s h c , er ned our colonies and the E as t, the own motives of actio n. —(Hear, bear.) Ile would now letd r i m p e e n fi 'd suspend forming any judgment until they • say one word upon our Western settlements, and , whole of tl ' 'oration and knowledge with respect t o t h e here he would heartily j o i n i n all t h at h a d framed as t: case. The Address and Spe ec h were so b ee n said respecting the co n d uc t o f t h e co l on i es i n the sub c, Ca ll on the Ilouse for no decid e d o pi n ip n on ema ncipating their slaves : but am ong th e omissions in th e tionmo ttrthot verybody knew the magnitud e o f t h e mum. 1 Speech, which he had in vain listened to from the m over ditPuteM he knew the magnitude of that which was in and seconder of the Addresa—which he had in vein listened matters on f u n e caked the Noble Duke to consider the i for, was one very remarkable one, and that was in alludi ng Cathy. s, c onfirmation, and with calmness and impar- Ito what the West Indies had done. No reference , had been the wordin g o bservations had been made with regard to I made to what the Mauritius had done. Why had there cipal Corpo„ ° , l m th e Paragraph which referred to the Muni- I been no mention of that in the Speech ? Any man not stated then they °I Ireland ; and two Noble Lords had I acquainted with. the subject would be led to believe that ofpthe measurer; did not pledge themselves to the adoption all the West Indian colonies bad emancipated their slaves ; of it, or tea m , : 3 might be introduced in consequence but here was the Mauritius, a Crown colony, containing placate miesm h measure upon the subject. Perhaps a better about 80,000 or 90,000 slaves, without any Legislature, lotelyt t ne c ' essar: vebeen chosen than that of being abaft- and the Mauritius had done absolutely nothing. How voted for toorest,;_ but in voting for the phrase, no one stood the case with respect to the Mauritius. If there the MuniCip at th an that the amendment and regulation of were ten reasons in Jamaica for emancipating the vary great imp corporations in Ireland was a matter of slaves before their time, there were ten thousand rea of th e H ome. rtance--a matter worthy of the consideration sons in the Mauritius why that should he &nes degre e of amendment every person left himself open to any because in Jamaica there was a sort of title to the slaves, municipalities, th il : t e t o h t, or reformation or reservation of the a every holder of an estate-having a right t o p ossess a cer t a i n I of the country. Ti they might think best for the interests number-30,000 of the 80,000, a s was state d b y Si r G eorge ! introduc e d for the e measures which were intended to be Murray. and he knew that it had been underrated by 10, justice tlarou a h out ntore speedy enforcement of law and of or perhaps 20,000 had been carried to the Mauritius greate r for giving ° the cowry, related to various measures since the abolition of the slave trade, and each of gorating te e v igour to the police, and altogether invi- these slaves was not there by any legal title, but by a title ' throughout o ot e h x t 7ution of the law in its lower . branches, derived from a commission of a capital felony. Was With respect to a il: rural and town districts of Me country. I ever so strong a case made out for insisting upon the ' was probable that other part of her Majesty's dominions, it I emancipation of the 80,000 alaves. Suppose a jury o f . !cry decided and firm measures would be I tpwelve men had been impanalled to try whether six men i r ' THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDA Y, FEBRUARY 6, Nag had or had not been guilty of a capital felony, and that evidence was incomplete, did any man say that the .Jury would not at once acquit the whole six on the well-known principle, that it was better that these guilty men should escape, than that ono innocent man should suffer ? Was it not better, then, that the whole 80,000 should be libe rated than that those among them who were free men, and as much entitled to their liberty as any of their Lord ships, should be detained two ) ears in bondage?—( Cheers. ) My Lords, I will give notice, perhaps irregularly, that if some satisfactory explanation is not given of this omission in the Speech, in a few days, I shall urge upon the House the necessity of adopting a wise and just policy towards our West Indian colonies, not to say the Mauritius, in order that justice may be done not merely to the slaves, but the colonies, which have behaved so admirably. Now, my Lords, to say one word on that, to which the Noble Duke referred, and to which I have already incidentally ad verted, the meetings and the supposed illegal pruceedings; in Lancashire, &c. My Lords, I believe that the speakers, rather than the speech, or the address, have somewhat ex aggerated the amount of those disturbances; hut I am far from saving that no ground exists for the observations made upon them. That speeches criminal, nut to say insene, have teen uttered by parties now in imprisonmeet or going to be tried for misdemeanours, is undeniable; hut ley Lords, it is equally Due that these are nut the only pal is of the e npire in which illegal speeches have been mede--(Oppo sision cheers)—in which tan leas excitement has been tried—( Renewed eheera)--on an exciteable race of people—a people, many of whom we find are so igno rant that they do not form • their opinions for them selves, but suffer other men to think for them—( Con tinued cheers)—who act as though they were positively —I can say no less—as if the motive which set their hands in motion to commit crimes hateful in time tight of God and man—nut by any motive residing in their own bosoms, but by some base, or sordid, or fan:vice!, or rebellious-1 care not what—but by some form of Hiegel and immoral interest or wish, residing in the bosoms of other men, and com municated by those other men through their lips, and in stilled into the ears of their reckless mechanical puppets.__ ( Loud cheers.) My Lords, it is a shocking thing, that in the 19th century, and towards the middle of it—that in a civilised country—a land that boasts of its police and its Constitution—of its regular system of 'haws, and above chief its admirable administration of justice—( lhar)—that in a Chrietien country, under these circumstances, blessed with such institutions, human life scents no more to he re garded than mere animals or chattels—( Hear)—and hu man blood seen's to be poured out as water upon the laud— ( Haar, hear)—where any set of men ma) have an interest, or supposed interest, or d'si,c to make the sacrifice.— ( Hear.) My Lords, I well remember asking a high law authority in that country, whether mortal men ever saw such a state of things in any country milling i:self civilised, as that of a country where any one who is rich enough to give 201. to another may have his enemy's life taken away. , To which he added—" provided he be also riot only rich enough, but extravagant enough, to give 201. for what he could get done for 20s "—( Loud cries if " hear.") My Lords, is it not moostreus—( Hear, hear)—and can it be denied ? Have we not seen it proved on oeth, notwith standing all the impediments which beset witnesses, so that we have not only to grant a sum of money, but an an euity, that he may expatriate himself to Constantinople, or to Algiers, or to Ilerat—( A laugh)—or to some ether land, where human life is more valued than in his own ? ( Loud cries of " Beer, hear.") Notwithstanding all the , ,e difficulties, we have had it proved within the last month, that when it was resolved by persona minded to kill two individuals, that one should kill the man, and the other the tronian, an objection was mode, not to the criminality—not to the foul and hideous crone of murder, but that the person on whom the lot had fallen to kill the woman happened t o have seine conviction that it was more convenient that he should kill the man ; so be changed the parts, and both the men and the woman were murdered.—( A simultaneous thrill of horror seemed to run through the House.) And yet, my Lords, to my infinite astonishment, I have heard the Crown lawyers who con ducted the prosecution, congratulate thernselves and the country that the charges of conspiracy lied been dis proved—thet there existed no " extensive" conspiracy in that part of the United Kingdom.-_( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I know not what that learned person meant by " extensive" conspiracy, and I care not ; but this 1 do know, that the awe of society in that part of Ireland—l go no further—is such that murder is spoken of, tried, ordered, discussed, agreed to be done, coop issed and per petrated in a way which I defy you to find a match for, I had almost said in the centre of the African desert.—(Hear, hear.) And, my Lords, while these examples of criminal justice were actually being made, an amiable, a respected Nobleman, an admirable member of Society, behoved by those about him, endeared even to the hulk of his tenantry by his conduct as a landlord—is murdered—is shot at, as a beast, from behind a hedge, and no more idea seems to be enter. tabled of discovering who did the deed, than if it were physically impossible to trace the steps of the assassin.— ( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I cannot help asking whether all can be well in the administration of the law and police in a country where such shocking—such revolting scenes take place—( Hear, hear)—and where the most impu dent audacity—the must enormous effrontery, coupled with the blackest malignity, endeavours to turn sus picion fom the real assassin —(The loudest and meat en thusiastic outbreak of indignation which we have ever heard within the walls of this House, here interrupted the Noble and Learned Lerd)—and to fix it upon one in whom, bad as the crime would be, in whoever did it—on one in whom the deed would have been a crime of incalculably blacker dye—( Renewed cheers)—and would almost curdle one's blood in one's veins. This is time last effort of fac tious and desperate audacity—of profligate falsehood—of an unprincipled and malignant nature. _( Cheers.) This last crowns the whole ; and I devotedly hope that justice be done, if not upon the murderer, at least upon those who only yield in infamy to the assassin of the father—l mean the assassin of the reputation of the son.—(Tremen dous cheering.) They little know what Englishmen are made of—( Continued cheering)—they little know what English blood boils in English veins who fancy that all their influence with the Government—( Renewed cheering) —can' protect them, if they show their faces in this country, from universal execration and horror.—( Loud mind long continued ceeeringe ) My Lords that there has been less of political agitation than of what is called—by- a convenient distribution of the subject—( A laugh)— " Agrarian" outrages, I am ready to admit, but have we not had political agitation ?—( Hear, hear)—and the Noble Vis count—with his usual good humour—with which he often succeeds in involving serious end important subjects in a momentary pleasantry—the Noble Viscount, adverting to what the Noble Duke had referred to, as a person supposed to be very high in the confidence of her Mejeety's Govern ment—the Noble Viscount said he did not know of it ; that was a very ungrateful return.—( A laugh.) However, if he did not know it, he soon discovered it, for he directly said, perhaps the Noble Duke referred to the Member for Dublin. I should not wonder if he did.—(The sarcastic way in which tho Noble Lord uttered this excited great laughter.) Oh, but says the Noble Viscount, he is not in our confidence at all ; we are in his confidence--there's a deal of love lost between us—( Laughter) —we don't like him—we have a great contempt for him —we have no con fidence in him--we think him a man not to be trusted in the slightest degree—of course we never offered to make him a second Judge in Ireland—( A loud burst of laughter and cheering)—but if we did, we had no confidence in him—(Laughter)—though it is certainly considered a great mark of confidence on this side of the water—( Renewed laughter)—and my. Noble and Learned Friend opposite . (Lord Lyndhurst) 'would have thought it very strange to be told that the Government of which he was a Member showed their distrust of him by making him Master of the Rolls—(Laughter)—and possibly• Ministers wished to show greater distrust of the individual I am alluding to by making him Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench in Ireland, for by the rule of three, if the Mastership of the Rolls shows distrust, the Chief Justiceship of the Queen's Bench shows more distrust.—(Loud laughter.) All this is very pleasant, taking it upon the footing of drollery, on which the Noble Viscount put it; but now just see what's going to happen in consequence of all this—the Rev. Mr. Stephens is going to be tried, and for that reason I abstain from saying a word as to his offence—(Hear, hear)—but I know how important it is—God forbid I should say that any one should be convicted, but that the law should have its course—that if he be guilty, he should be found guilty—that if he be innocent, he be acquitted. God send him a just deliverance—( Hear, hear)—but it is not always that men are tried upon the merits of their case. An ingenious Counsel—and no Counsel could be found more ingenious than the one selected by Mr. Stephens— does not apply himself to the issue of guilty or not guilty but to topics that will tell in the minds of the Jury—and Juries lend their cars to such topics. And my Lords, Low does it happen that the arm of time law—so omnipotent in Lancashire as to arrest any man who makes a seditious speech—drops paralized on the other side of the Channel? —( Loud cheering.) And the Counsel for the defendant would say, how is it that the man who talked nbcts 2,000,000 of petitioners approaching the Queen, all loyal subjects, but ~ fighting men"—( Hear, hear)—and such topics would influence the jury, and they have influ enced many who are not jurymen—( Hear, hear)—and I think I may ask her Majesty's Ministers whether they have any confidence in these individuals in Ireland or not? That they will—l will not say use strange language, that would be dangerous, that might risk seine votes—( Hear, hear)—but use their influence—to humbly intreat these individuals who have such confidence in them to abstain from a course productive of such pernicious results.—( Hear.) My Lords I have discharged my duty, and a painful duty it was, atid the more so because I have long taken part with these very individuals, and therefore I feel the more bound when I see-them transgressing all law, and hoping to be countenanced, and being countenanced by those who have no confidence in them, though they do show them some favour—to persuade them to desist from such proceedings, and I have discharged my mind of that heavy load which I have felt pressing uecn it ever since I heard of the murder of Lord Norbury, and the horrors of the Tipperary Special Commission.-_( Hear.) My Lords, it cannot be said that Lord John Russell or the Govern , ment arc reluctant to put down turbulence and lawlessness; for though the individual to whom I have referred has stig matised Lord Grey and Lord Brougham as the most un principled Ministers of the country, because they passed the Coercion Bill, and lauding the Noble Viscount (Mel bourne) as having resisted that Bill, when, in fact, the Bill was the Bill of the Noble Viscount who was at the head of the Home Department; but then there is this difference— and an important difference it is—that Lords Brougham and Grey cannot make men Judges now—( Laughter) and therefore we are the most unprincipled of politicians; and therefore the Noble Viscount is most fit to be trusted.— ( Laughter.) And so much to be trusted that they lavish their confidence on him who rejects it with a sneer, and who says " You may confide in me as much as you please, it is no matter,- you arc better known than trusted, I am more trusted than known."—(Great laughter.) I have a right to say that, because the party who trusts is in a state of crass ignerance ; he says the Noble Viscount was no friend of the Coercion Bill, although it was his own mea sure.—( Immense laughter.) Now, my Lords, the last, and I am sure I am glad to be able to say the last, of these matters which have been brought before us refers to the subject of the Corn-laws ; and as I have a pe• tition to present to your Lordships, of which I shall give immediate notice of bringing it on, I purposely ab- stain from any argument, on either side of the question. I think this would bo the most unseasonable time, and the most awkward of places in which to introduce it. But, my Lords, some things must appear —on the mover's and in the seconder's addresses, and in the emissions in the Speech, which make it an imperative duty for me to give you my ideas upon one matter connected with it. The Noble Vis count said that he remained of precisely tho opinion of which he was last session, and then repeated, vvlist he doubtless, thought, was what he said last session.—( Hear, boar.) I, being for the abolition of the Corn-laws, rejoice to hear him give that gloss, for it was very different._ ( Hear, hear. ) All he says to-night is, I won't pledge myself' to bring in a Bill to repeal the Cern-laws. I think he pledged himself last Session to assist any re peal.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now that is one step to wards it ; and I hope the next step he takes will be the easier and cheaper step of giving me his support when I make my motion. But there was one thing said by the Noble Viscount last Session which I k i n i , c is a v o lliail l very great influence on certain parties. itrelivill:ealsasil_;:voidit(,hr,y,lrpitsriuirlidlnegrii..tsifsotiraraicliyio,eiitelr. teration of the Corn-laws, unless I find that the p e w, a p s t ,‘ l o. i an i i c wn o h u ha n its t country call situation tdi 7 0 , oi f c o thetrshaeyr so, e that he did state it, because I, b 'ieg for the relies' of the Vora-laws; and havingpea acabvleyr.yagurdeitt,txpaiisepsosstiitiicoinNlto,ins:,o--ns hope not anything like agetatioa in a bad sense —hut to e s io ee rho tray as meet t rves attentinn—felt cenvinee:ect:syh: observation would have a very considerable effect in creaing t t li h rl e lo i m )ro c ce lJ e . d p in a g rt s m . enMt)yleNtt:ebrlehal:ril(J'san(otitheer (fleet; but now conies that which alone makes toe broach this subject, first premising, as I pass, that there lots been undoubtedly a very great misstatement of my speec h in 1827 on that sub j. ct, and I have been quoted as it Iliad been for a protective duty. Now the speech made anis was distinctly against any such protection. I said at the begineing of i t, e I have no objection to g ,t iy if e a vt they:c - : vo i i t yfi c ,i ; t r ti 10,11-who their attention; t i s i t r e ,b) ;:s. :_l titled to." I was listened to by the ianded gewlemen when will ort of e ri ( g y i t ea l y w h ' prot e ct ion .d t t t il u s;i . g h c e e in t ' o ' sat ! iiire sii t i ; re(o)oeun t vo i ne l tfr a ioie t t etil t )vit o , ,ott 3,11 else anise!( say the taxes gave them any title to. Th at m i ght be a very bad argument, but I spoke tierce-lart eis of an hour in the greatest uoise I ever heard in any place,—( Laughter.) My Noble F: iend was then in tile House as Chancellor of the Excheqt.u.r. I could compsre it to nothing else but being on the deck a ship in a storm.—( Laughter.) I could not hear what I Sid myself, and therefore yes may imagine what my wonder was how any reporters could ca t c h even a word that I said. Howev er I found an account of my speech reported. In the midst of all this noise I was going en to show they had no right to any protection at all. What brings it to my recollection is, that I remember say ing I was exposed to rho land storin—(Laughter)—and that it was with great dif f iculty I could make make myself heard. I have taken, my Lords, the earliest opportunity of touching upon this question, because this is the first time I have ever heard it said a subject of this sort could be considered what in technical terms is called an open question. My Lords, I know there have at different times, and in different Governments been what are called open questions; I know there have been examples (the Stave Trade and the Catty( lie Question are two) of Go vernments who having opinions upon every other subject, have lost the functions afrulers by declaring that on this sub. jut they had none. Is the experience of those two questions, are the results of this ( xperience, such as to tempt you to look with favour on a prac.ice which is inconsistent with principle, which is subversive of honesty—which means, I have opi nions, but I won't act upon them—which means I have principles but I prefer my interest.—( Loud cries of " Hear")—which manes, I admit, as who does not frankly admit, that upon unimportant particulars —upon the dot ids of important questions even, the most honourable and well principled men may compromise and modify, and surrender their opinions for tile sake of imanimity upon things of still greater weight and moment? But, my Lords, I now speak upon those ardua regna, upon those greater nterests ef the Crown Ecclesiastical establishments—the - Admininistration of Justice—our Law Reforms—Parliamentary Reform— aye, toy Lords, and upon such questions as the Corn-laws which is one of the greatest and the most important, and the most ireeresting, which can divide the Parlia ment, or distract the community. Is it upon those questions alone opinions arc to be formed ; and by whom ? By the very men who of all others arc the most impera tively bound, by every consideration of honour and of duty, to form an opinion, and upon that opinion to act.— ( Cheers.) Why du one set of men league together as a party ? Why do one party assume to govern the country rather than another? Why, but thou they are knit together by community of 'sentiment upon great public questions. " Idem sentire de republics," has been in all times, and among the hest of statesmen, a bond of union, fair, intel ligible, honourable, conducive to the common weal. It is grounded on honest principle; reared in virtuous conduct; supporting the public good. But there is another bond of untion, forme.; of a baser material, a tic that knits together far other natures—the " eadern velle atque none—and of this it has been known and been ssid—" ca demum inter malos est firma amicitia." Tho abandonment - of all opi nions, the sacrifice of every sentiment; the preference of sordid interest to honest principle, the utter abdication of the power to act es conscience dictates, and sense of duty co:eine:ids—such is the vile dross of which the links are made that bind profligate men together in a confederacy to seek their own interests at the expense of every duty--and that is the literal meaning of " open questions." It is that each lute his known and recorded opinions, but that each is willing to sacrifice them rather than break up the Govern ment to which ell belong. The "voile" is to keep in office ; the " nolle" to keep out antagonists; and none dare speak his mind in his official capacity, with out loosing the firmitas andeitice, by shaking the foundations of the Government.—( Hear. ) That is . to say, I wish for one object to occupy the Government—that is to say, I desire one thing, I will do one thing to keep things as they are—l dislike another thing, lam against another thing. And for the sake of those eadem which I co/o, and those cadent which I nob, I keep my friendship firm with my confidants at the expense of all principle, and though we differ upon the subject which the whole country is distracted by, and thinks of all ethers the most important, one way or another, upon that subject it is more convenient we should say nothing of our opinions, and lay our principles by. The Constitution of this country is ignorant of, and if 'it knew it would abhor such a principle. These are sub jects on which I may be right and you wrong, or on which you may be right and I may be wrong; but at all events no man can think otherwise that has formed an opinion upon important questions like this. If they are for the public benefit, the people have a right to the support of the Government upon them : if they are for the public detri ment, the people have an indefensible sacred right to the help of the Government to resist them.—( Hear.) and to resist them as a Government—(Cheers)—not one man on the Treasury bench answering another, as I long saw with sham, and disgust upon the Catholic question— not by men getting up and answering one another, one for it, another against it, and leaving the whole case to its fate; and you see what has become of it—(Hear, hear)—that it was granted at last after the agitation had become too great to let it produce its good effects. These are my rea sons for not being able to endure the name of what is called an open question. My Lords, I have deemed it my boun den duty to ,state fully and frankly the opinions which I have long held and expressed elsewhere as well as here upon this subject, and as it was the first time I heard the matter avowed, and in terms broached before your Lordship, I have taken tire first eppertunity of entering my protest against it. —(Cheers.) I thank your Lordship for endur ing the length of these observations, and now think it my bounden duty to abstain from any further remark. The Marquis of LA NSD 0 WNE did not intend to fol low the example of the Noble and Learned Lord, by pro tracting this debate. The Noble Lord had gone far be yond the example set by the Noble Lords who had moved and seconded the Address, in introducing othet topics and further comments, which, with great respect for the elo quence with which they were introduced,—listened to as they had been with delight and amusementyof all th th e e H N o o u b s l e e , and with great rapture, n o d ou b t , by many Lords opposite,—he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) thought himself justified in passing over this evening, because they almost all invariably related to subjects which had been the subject of notice in this House as practical questions hereafter, or were topics upon which it had been announced that papers and communications would be laid before the House at no distant period. But avoiding all these topics,there was one which might be liable to much misapprehension, if the observations of the Noble and Learned Lord remained unnoticed, and he therefore deemed it indispensably ne ce?sary to say a few words. He understood his Noble and Learned Friend to suppose that the policy of the Govern ment of India during the last year, was a policy which her Majesty's Governnient were not prepared to support. Now, in justice to his Noble Friend at the head of the Govern ment of India, but still more in justice to the interests of that empire, which he had administered with such zeal up to this moment, and with such honour to himself, he wished distinctly to state, that to every word of that manifesto (ac the Learned Lord had called it), but of that exposition of the ' motives of the policy of the Government of India as there pub lished to the world, her Majesty's Government were parties. as' far as they could be made parties, not only by adopting the conduct there announced, but by applauding the wis dom, and, he would add, beyond the wisdom, the justice, with reference to the interests of the Indian empire, which had been there pursued. He would not go into those transactions now, but this he would state, adopting the test laid down by his Noble Friend, that the empire of India was an empire of opinion, when that discus sion came to be entertained in that House, he would ask _it t(ohdieentre,rmikinaer,. whether the empire, as founded upon opi nion,a t ions ss in "o o t rd s )c o r u t n li d liae e t r h an a do nd ri s s a esi than at any former time. to the country upon misapprehensionntf t m hme a i k gn e thi these gr e os fortho b topics to which his Noble Friend had alluded he considered the subject. A ti la il y y it unnecessary to advert to ; he had, however, alluded to the state of Ireland, and their Lordships might perhaps expect that he should say something upon that subject. No ore viewed with more horror than he did the crime that had been committed in that country, but it was not because particular parts of that country were stained by the commission of crimes such as had been adverted to, that it was to be said that the peace of Ireland was in danger, or that any charge should be brought forward against the Governor of that country. It was painful for him to advert to the crimes that had taken place in Ireland long since ; but the very first year he landed there the part of the country in which he resided was stained with the commissio of crime little less in its atrocity to the one that had been adverted to. A most amiable magistrate had been murdered. The murderer was never discovered, but at that time it was not thought that the Government was to blame with re spect to that particular act arid the other acts that had taken place in Ireland; no vigilance or energy was wanting upon the part of the local Government in expressing their detestation of the atrocity of the deed, or in their attempts to bring the individual who had committed it to punish ment. His Noble and Learned Friend had spoken about the seditious language that had been used in Ireland. He would put it to him whether it was not far better to take no notice of it than to prosecute the party ? The public policy and justice of the country in his opinion did not require that it should bo made the subject of public prosecution, and he trusted that his Noble Friend would give credit to those who had abstained from prosecuting, on the ground that if they had done so, it would only be the means of increasing the eriminaiiiiy which it was the object of all Government to repress. The Government, of which his Noble and Learned Friend had formed a part, had abstained from such prosecu tion, and it was in the deliberate exercise of their judgment, that the present Government had acted as they had done. He denied, therefore, that they were to be charged with remiss ness for the course they had adopted. On the part of the Government of this country, as well as on the behalf of the Government of India, he courted the utmost latitude of inquiry, either in that or in the other House of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) He was glad that the gene rality of the topics of the Speech had met with the approba tion of their Lordships, and he trusted that their Lordships would unanimously agree to the Address. After a few ob;er;ations from Lord BROUGHAM in expla nation, the Address was agreed to, and the House adjourned at HALF-PAST NINE, to Thursday. HOUSE OF COMMONS. FEB. 5. The SPEAKER took the Chair at a quarter to four. • • • There was a very thin attendance of Members. ALEXANDER ,MURRAY, Esq., took the oaths and his scat for Kirkcudbright; and G. E. SMITH, Esq., for Chipping Wycombe. The SPEAKER informed the House that he bad, in conformity with the Act of Parliament, issued his war rant to the Clerk of the Crown, directing him to transmit new writs for the election of Members for the borough of Chipping Wycombe, in the room of Mr. R. Smith, now called to the House of Peers, under the title of Lord Car rington ; and for the Kircudbright boroughs in the room of the Right lion. C. Fergusson deceased. Mr. E. J. STANLEY moved that new writs be issued for the borough of Sandwich, in the room of Sir James Carnac—for the Tower Hamlets, in the room of Dr. Lushingtbn, now appointed a Judge of the Court of Admiralty ; and for the borough of Clonmell, in the room of Mr. A. Bell, now appointed a Judge of the Court of Com mon Pleas in Ireland.—Agreed to. On the motion of Sir THOMAS FREEMANTLE, a new writ was issued for the county of Buckingham in the room of the Marquis of Chandos, now elevated to the House of Peers, under the title of Duke of Buckingham. On the motion of Col. PERCE VAL a new writ t as issued for the borough of Cavan, Ireland, in the ro ):11 of Mr. H. Maxwell, now Lord Farnham. Mr. E. J. STANLEY said that on the part of Lord J. Russell he had to give notice that on the 11th of February, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill for the better or dering of prisons; that on the same day he would present a Bill for improving and enlarging the powers of county courts, and also a Bill to enlarge the summary jurisdiction of jus tices. He also begged to give notice, on the part of Mr. V. Smith, that, on February 11th, he would move for a Corn mittee on Church Leases ; that, on the 12th, Lord John Russell would present papers to the House relating to Edu cation in this country ; that, on the 15th, the Noble Lord would move for leave to bring in a Bill to carry into effect, with certain modifications, the Fourth Report of the Eccle siastical Commissioners. 'On the part of the Attorney- General, he had to give notice that on the Bth, he would bring in a Bill to amend the law as regarded Parliamentary Elections; and on the part of Lord Mar peth he gave notice that the Noble Lord would, on the 14th of February, more for leave to bring in a Bill kr the better regulation of Corporations in Ireland. Lord MAHON gave notice that on this day week he would move that the tribunal appointed to try the merits of election petitions ought not to consist of Members of that House ; and that in the event of its being carried he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to carry that resolution into effect. CORN LAWS. Mr. VI LL IE RS.—Sir, I beg leave to gilt!, notice that on the 19th inst. I will more that the House do receive evidence at the bar in support of the prayer of certain pe titions for a total repeal of all the laws restricting the im portation of foroign corn. IRISH EDUCATION. Mr. GRATTAN gave notice that on the 21st of Fe bruary he would call the attention of the House to the pre sent working of the system of education in Ireland. Mr. WALLACE gave notice that on the 12th of February be would move that no public 811 should be introduced after Easter without special reasons being stated; also two Bills for the better regulation of salmon fishings in Scotland; and that he would move for a Select Committee, to inquire into the mode of administering jus tice in Scotland. INNKEEPERS. Captain PE CHE L L gave notice that on Tuesday the 19th, he would move for leave to bring in a Bitz for the more effectual protection of Innkeepers. Mr. HANDLEY, gave notice that he should move, on the 19th February, for leave to bring iu a Bill for the bet- ter drainage of England and Wales. FIRST FRUITS. Mr. BAINES gave notice that he should move for leis o to bring in a 13111 relating to first fruits and tenths. COPYRIGHT. Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD gave notice that he would, this day week, move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law of Copyright. _ _ OATHS. Mr. HA WES gave notice that on Friday next he should move for leave to bring in a Bill, f, r the purpose of allowing a general form of affirmation to all person 3 who believed that oaths were forbidden. LUNACY. The HoN. MEMBER also gave notice that, on Tuesday the 18th; he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to Lunacy. LATE SITTING. Mr. BROTHERTON gave notice that on an early day he should move it was desirable no new business be brought on likely to create debate after - twelve o'clock - at night.— ( Cheers andlaughter.) Sir E. SUGDEN gave notice that he Annld this day week move for leave to bring in a Bill for the better protection of purchasers of property against Crown claims and Com missions of bankruptcy. CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. Sir T. FRE EMANTLE, on behalf of Sir Robert Peel, gave notice that on the 14th February 1 o should move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to Controverted Elections. PRISON DISCIPLINE (SCOTLAND.) Mr. FOX MA ULE gave notivc that on Tuesday the 12th, he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to prison discipline in Scotland. FACTORIES. The Hoe. MEMBER also gave notice that on the 14th he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to the hours of labour of children and young per sons employed in factories. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER then stated that that House had been to the House of Peers to hear her Majesty's speech, which he then read. Mr. E. BULL ER said that however incompetent he might be to move a dutiful and loyal Address in answer to the gracious Speech they had just heard, no one was more deeply impressed with the importance of the subject. Under any circumstances ho should deeply regret his inability to undertake such a task, bat he peculiarly felt it on the present occasion, considering the vast and numerous and important subjects which were embraced in the Speech from the Throne—subjects which were so full of difficulty and so foreign to his habit as to render him peculiarly unfitted to the task. In throw ing himself on the indulgence of the House he would endeavour to the utmost of his power not to weary their patience. He would end e avour a s f a r as p oss ibl e , con sidering the great inconveniences that arose from protracted discussions, to avoid saying anything which could occasion any division in offering a few short observations on the dif ferent topics embraced in the gracious Speech which the y had heard from the throne : it could not but be a matter of sincere congratulation to this House, and to the country that her Majesty still continued to receive assu rances from Foreign Powers of their anxiety to maintain the strictest allianees of amity and friendship--that we had the prospect of maintaining that peace which had been purchased at the expense of so much treasure and so much blood. It was also a subject of sincere congratulation looking to the state of the manufactures of this country, seeing the immen -o power and the immense capital there employed, to hear thatextensive fields tsereopened forßritish enterprise. It was no matter of slight congratulation to hear that Trea ties had been entered into with Austria and Turkey which were calculated to open those vast countries to British en terprise and British commerce. The Treaty with Austria had placed the merchants of England on the same footing with the most favoured nationF, and the Treaty with Turkey had remce ed many vexatious regulations which tended to cripple our trade and prevent the circulation of the coin • same and manufactures of this country in that vast erilpire. It was scarcely possible to exaggerate the advantages which our commerce might derive from those Treaties with States so important. Not only aro there these re sources, but, if we look to the state of the public mind, there is a large population imbued with pre judices in favour of British liberty, and with every de sire to imitate our arts, and to adopt our luxuries. And ac they van scarcely be said to have any manufactures of their own, we may conclude that for years to come they will take from us all the supplies their improved habits will require. The next subject is that a treaty has been concluded between the Five Powers for the settlement of the differences of the foreign Co dederacy. Consider ing that treaty has received the consent of the Bel gians, it is to be hoped that some concessions would e; made towards placing themselves on a footing of friendship with the neighbouring States. Trusting to this, there is every reason to believe that the concession of the Belgian Government will be had with that of the Natherlands, and that there ;will be an end to the unhappy differences of these two countries. Ile turned with less satisfaction to the succeeding topics, wherein her Majesty regrets the continued distressed state of the king dom of Spain. This is a matter of serious conside..ation. Ile trusted that at no distant period they might look forward to the establishment of tranquillity in that unhappy coins try. He was sorry to see that the connections of the coun try with Persia were far from satisfactory. The Sovereign of that empire had not acted up to the assurances he had made, but he trusted that the time was not far distant before this country established itself upon terms of intimacy with that Power. He now had to advert to this topics connected more intima.ely with this country, and in doing so he must confess that he felt more diffidence than lie did in discussing foreign policy. The first subject alluded to in the speech connected with the relations of this country at home, were the Reform of the Municipal Corporations in Ireland. He trusted that the time was not far distant when the Le gislature of this country would feel the absolute necessity of giving to the people of that - country the full exercise of the liberties which were enjoyed by the people of E ngland. He trusted, considering the pledge given in 1834 in this House, and the pledge to adopt all well considered 1 - Lea:urea of Reform thrown out by the Opposition side of that House, and also in the other House of Parliament, that when the difficulties were removed attached to the Poor-law Bill, bearing in mind these circumstances, the Session will not pass over without conferring on Ireland a measure of Municipal Reform. Following the course of the Speech he drew the at tention of the House to the recommendation of the Ecclesi asticalComtnissioners. Bills would be laid on the table of that House, recommending the increase of pastoral care in popu lous districts. He conceived that the stability of the Church would be increased if its funds were fairly stated to the public, and faithfully applied. He conceived himself jus tified in stating this from the large sums which had been already subscribed, and felt perfectly satisfied that an appeal in behalf of the Church would not be made in vain to the British ',people. Following the course of the Speech, he next drew the attention of the House to the State of the West ladies. It was a subject of the sincerest and enost heartfelt pleasure that the period of negro eman cipation had been anticipated by the local Legislatures; and there exists, not even in its most modified form, slavery in any part of the British dominions. However small the share he had in that measure, it would be a subject of lasting congratulation to him that lie had assisted in the settlement of that question. The negfoes were at present in a situation which places them by that measure among the most prosperous of their fellow-beings. He felt the utmost satisfaction that since this act of Legislation we may look forward to it as a means to be attended with infinite success towards them. He would now proceed to another and more pain ful subject, that is—the present state of the province of Canada.—( Bear, hear.) It is true that there took place in that province a vile insurrection--it is true that it was put down with little or no bloodshed, but yet, although not general, it had created a great deal of trouble and anxiety; it was then in a state of insurrection, but it was important to know that that insurrection had be, n put down more by the name of British justice than by the force of arms, for the empire of Britaie was more upheld 1 • would venture to say by public opinion than by anything else. He then came to that part of the Speech which d to the attempts which had been made to disturb the public peace ; he could not conceal from himself that the mea sures demanded by those parties, even if carried, wo u ld not be at all beneficial to the interests of the country : he was perfectly convinced that neither Universal Suf frage nor Vote by Ballot would have such an effect, as the parties who demanded those measures seemed to ex pect : it rested, however, that whatever petitions they might think it incumbent on taeinselves to send in, the House would receive them in a spirit which should show that they .ere open to reason, but which should also show that th e House was determined not to yield anything to clamour, intimidation, or violence. There was one subject which, though not mentioned in the Speech, he considered was one which required a few words from him. It was that which had caused a violent agitation in the country, and which was also the cause of a number of gentlemen being congregated here ; he meant the Corn-Laos The deep feeling which existed throughout the country showed the necessity for sonic change in the-e laWs. Whoiever the question came before the House he hoped that it would he met in a spirit of fairness, and with a determination to do justice. Hp trusted it would be dis cussed calmly and deliberately. Hn heped that the ques tion would be discussed, not as one between two hostile p ir tics, but as one most intimately connected with the welfare and best interests of the country.—( Cheers.) He trusted there would be a strong feeling, not only on the side of the ma nufacturing interest, but also of that of the agriculturists, tha: there was a mutual dependance on each other. The question was one well deserving the best attention of that House, and in his opinion was peculiarly deserving the attention of those who represented the agricultural interests. It was doubtful whether it would serve the interest of the agriculturists themselves to maintain those laws. It was doubtful, or rather it was nut doubtful that the attempt to force high prices did not necessarily involve its own failure. It was well known that any time of high prices was sure to be followed by a corresponding time of low prices. It appeared to him that some change was necessary in those laws, though he could not think that the total or immediate re peal of the laws would be a benefit to the country generally. tie had ventured to make these few observations to the House, but had not expressed his own decided opinion on the subject. He should be most willing and most ready to listen to any arguments that might be brought forward in the course of the debate; and it would be his most earnest wish, as far as it was in his power, to consult the interests of both the manufacturers and the agriculturists. There was in the' state of public affairs much for serious consideration. end perhaps somewhat painful apprehension. He could not, however, but feel confident, and ho trusted that those dan gers and those difficulties which at present beset them would be met and overcome by the wisdom of Parliament, sup. ported by the affections of a loyal and attached people. He would no longer weary the House by trespassing further on their attention, but thank gentlemen for the indulgence with which they had allowed him most inadequately to dis charge the duties imposed upon him.—( Hear, hear.) [A great deal of merriment was created by the Hon. Member apparently not knowing with what motion to conclude. Some Members cried ou4 " Read the Speech," others " Read the Address." Ater consulting Lord John Rus sell and two or three Ministers on the Treasury Bench, and those immediately around him, the Hon. Member, amid much laughter, proceeded to read the Address, whi c h, as usuel, was a mere echo of the Speech.] Mr. G. W. WOOD rose with great pleasure to second the address which had been moved by his Hon. Friend near him, in' reply to her Majesty's most gracious speech from the throne; and he felt quite as much or more occie-ion for the indulgence of the House as his Hon. Friend, feeling that on this occasion he should have to go over those topics to which he bad himself called the attention of the House. It must be to all a matter of the utmost satisfaction, that tier Majesty was able to assure the House that she had perfect confidence in the preservation of peace on the footing on which the Great Powers stood in relation to each other—that after we had enjoyed the bless lags of pettcs for so long a period, we should again have the assurance that there was no danger that the infraction of that peace must be a subject of pleasure to this House, and all her Majesty's subjects; and in the two treaties that had been concluded with the Emperor of Austria and the Sultan of Turkey to which their attention had been spe cially called by her Majesty, they had an additional basis for the preservation of peace—they were treaties of a cha racter becoming the parties, and such as a commercial nation might justly be proud of having entered into--they con tained provisions which were in the highest degree ho nourable to the Monarchs in whose names they had been con eluded, and the statesmen through whose instrumentality they had been accomplished. They were treaties not entered into with a view to conquest, ,but with a view to call forth the latent wealth of the countries to whtch they related, and particlarly the industry of their inhabitants. They were treaties which, though they conferred adv i entages on the people to whom they had relation did this without interfering in any degree with the rights of other States— (-Hear)—they were treaties which so far from having any selfish objects, the more universally they were acted upon the more beneficial they would become. But Sir, in this House, as the representative of a manufacturing borough, I feel that these are the to pics on which it becomes me to congratulate the House and the country. With respect to the treaty that has been concluded with Austria, it has been founded on the justest basis. It does not, perhaps, offer any great accession to our: commerce at once, but it lies on foundations broad and deep for the prosperity of the two countries. But if we couple the terms of this treaty with the alterations in tbeplans of that country,.l do hope that it will be found that she is entering in earnest upon now plans of commerce. With reference to the Treaty with Turkey, whilst founded on principles equally just and equally found to promote more immediate advantage, there is a large commerce between this country and TnrkeY which has been impaired in its extent by the waet_ Of that freedom in Turkey itself which is necessary to the success of all trailing operations. Here we have a guaranteaehat all those improve ments shaltbe received, from which stelyantage of a large acrd extensive character cannot fail to await the subjects of both nations. ' Sir, these are to my mitpl : the individual advan tages which are held out by those, treaties, but if we take them together, they hold fOrth- further advantages. They bold out the promise that the:latent energies and the wealth of the southern portion of Europe, which had been . hitherto too much bound up, was likely to be set free, and they offered to that country, in throwing open the navigation of the Danube, the prospect which bad. been held out by the Congress of Vienna, .btit which had hitherto been productive of no results, and that mighty river passing through States containing so much latent wealth and resources would probably become, ere long, the great highway to the commerce of the world. (Cheers.) That treaty held out other advantages of a political as well as of a commercial character, and if hitherto it had entered into the speculations of the statesmen of Russia is times present or past to obtain posessioreof that river Or of Constantinople, all prospects of that kind must be . hereafter and for ever at an end, and the indepondernie of Turkey secured by the provisions which that treaty he ltd, out. With respect to the affairs of Holland and Belgium, it was a gratification to see the five great Powers of Europe, through whose combined influence-and councils in 1831, the blessings of peace had been preserved to Europe, and it was further gratifying to find that by the vvisdou of the Councils of these-five Riwees any breach of the pane of Europe would be averted which was likely to arise from the separation of these two countries. With respect to Sp tin, it was lamentable to find that the civil war still continued in that country, and he could not omit expressing a hope that, the powers of Europe would exert them selves to prevent the general peace being disturbel, and to put an end to that war.. of _Lixtirpqr;-t - L which was a. disgrace to Christendom.--( Hear.) With respect to the interruption which had taken place in tie amicable relations between that country and Russia, what ever objects the latter might have in view, it was satis factory to see the promptitude arid vigour which markt d the counsels of the Indian Government, and that, what_ ever happened in that. quarter: they were prepared and able to protect the peace of Indic, a ,„l give security to her Majesty's subjects. With ro gard to - the allusion, in her Majesty's . Speech, to th e 'lrish Corporations, I hope, with my Friend, th both sides of ethe House will lend their best endea vours towards a settlement of this, the only cause of distrust with regard - to that country—( Laughter and loud cheering)—that when both parties come theremientoconsidschrallwibteha due deliberation this important es no impediment towards giving to Ireland the same measures of Corporate Reform which ourselves have had. It is satisfactory to know that the great measure of Negro Emancipation • has been accomplished by the local Legislature. It is to be hoped that the Legislature of Jamaica will do that which was generally adopted ; but if they do not, they will find there is energy enough in this country for the protection of the slaves. With respect to Canada, I do not wish to express any comment upon what has taken place there, but I must give thanks to the loyal inhabitants' for the demonstra tions they have made in support .of the Govern ment, and trust that we may be enabled to give to those states that treasure of liberty which will tend to their happiness. I regret that some inhabitants of the United States were so wicked as to enter into a system of plunder against the loyal subjects of this country, but this does not reflect on the Government of the United States, as they have ever behaved with perfect faith and good wail ito this cou n t ry . Th e conc l u di ng paragraph n her Ma jesty's mos t grac i ous S peec h b a d reference to circum stances which had occurred in this country, by which the peopl e were cons id ere d to have been excited to acts of disobedience and outrage to property. In speak ing with reference to that part of the country with which he was ponnected, be was happy to be able to assure the Houst., that he did not think that feeling had been carried to any great extent, or had affected any large number a her Majesty's subjects. Undoubtedly great efforts 1380 b een made to lead them to excitement, and to tempt them to commit acts which no one could ap prove of, which must be injurious to themselves, and injurious to the peace and tranquillity of this country ; but be felt assured that the vigilant administration of the existing laws would be found to be sufficient to remedy those grievances. He was happy to say the agitation which . prevailed a short time ago had subsided—he trusted , they would not see it renewed, but if, unhappily, that should be the case , t h e House might feel assured that on the loyalty and th e p ac ifi c di spos i t i ons o f t h e gre at mass of the country they m i g h t p l ace i mp li c i t re li ance , a nd that in all stations there e x i s t e d an anx i ous d es i re f or the just preservation of the p u bli c p eace en d t h e d ue ma i ntenan ce. of order. There were one or two top i cs not not i ce & in the Speech from the Th rone , b ut w hi c h h a d a most ma terial relation to the pr os p er i ty o f t h e country, and per haps the Hou3e would indulge him with their attest+ , than for a few moments if he briefly adverted to theme The first of these was the present state of the commerce , and the manufacture) of the country. Two years ago they' were suffering from a state of great commercial adversity. All the commercial interests of the country were in jeo pardy, and the utmost distress and uneasiness existed. The' House would be glad to hear that this state of things had. mainly passed away, and that the commerce of the North of England at the present moment was in a satis factory condition.—( Loud cheers from the Tory benches.) I do not recollect any former period of commercial deranged ment which has been so rapidly succeeded by a return to a state of healthy commerce. Various questions may arise. upon this subject which I will not upon this occasion g into, but which are well worthy of the attention of thos who take ieterest in such matters. I think what has hapil pened is sufficient to show that there was no great excess,- of over-trading in the manufactures of this country, or vein could not so soon have recovered our healthy positions Tile cause of that derangement was a vicious system - - of banking, and I do not think that this House could better' employ its time than in investigating, now that the evil_ has in a great measure subsided, the causes which lead to a c &unity that has brought ruin upon thousands, and endea vouring to provide a remedy against its recurrence. The , commerce of the United States was deranged to the same or a greater degree than our own, and has in a great degree recovered. S o t h at t h ere i s no w to a considerable ex!ent a beneficial commerce going' between the two countries. I consider it to be the biehest degree creditable to the people of the United States that they have made such prompt, vigorous and succeaul ef f orts to discharg e th e i r d e bt to t hi s coun t r y end that though they were driven to the necessity of su-peediag their payments in specie, they so; 00 returned to a correct standard of value. The opi nions I have ventured to state to the House upon the present state of the commerce of our manufacturing! districts in the North of England, are, I am haprr to say, borne out by the returns of the exports during the last year, as compared with those of the four antecedent years, and if the House is disposed to indulge me, I will endeavour briefly to conv e y th em to t h e House. He was happy to be able to stat e th at t h e d eclared value of the principal articles of British p ro d uce and manufactures ex ported from the United Kin g d om d ur i ng the year 1838, as compared with the average of the four preceding ye a rs, ex hibited an increase to the amount of 3,112,000/. He found that in the cotton manufactures of the country the increase was equal to 4 per cent. upon the average.-- ( Hear)—that in the ,export of cotton yarn the increase' was no less than 24 per cent.—that with respect to the woollen manufactures, the case was otherwise, inasmuch as; there was a decline to the extent of 6 per cent., a circuit).- stance which he believed to be entirely attributable to tine United States not having been able, during the - pest year,. to take anything like the usual proportionate quantity' of woollens, but which he had no doubt wool& be corrected in the course of the present year. In the , linen manufacture he found an increase of 19 per cent.—int the silk manufactory an increase of about 2 per cent. In hardware sod cutlery the case was reversed and the table' showed a reduction of 13 per cent. In glass, there was a decline of 30 per cent. With eespect to the trade in metals, in iron and steel, there was an increased export of 37 per cent., and in copper and brass, of 15 per cent. In sheepe wool, which evinced the successful operations of the farming interests, the increase was no less than 57 per cent. in. the export of this native product .to other countries- He did not think the comparison of the year 1838 with the four preceding years to he tin unfair one. These four years were 1834, 1835, 1836, and 1838; 1834 and 1835 were satisfactory years on all hands. The year 1836 was one Of overtrading, the others of great depression. His intention. had lately been called to the shipping trade. The ship ping trade had been represented a year ago in a state of great embarrassment. It was now in a state of great vigour. There was an increase of the last year, as compared with the four preceding years, of 4i per cent., and, taking theßritish in conjunction with foreign increaseo was of 15 per cent. Between Ireland and Great Britain 10 per cent., and the coasting trade 2 per cent. He fonnd a large increase in the imports. In cochineal and indigo there was a large increase-30 per cent. for ; 15 for Indigo : also in articles of consumption. let Cotton Wool, Flax, and Hemp, Brandy and Rum, there Lod been a decrease. His Hon. Friend, at the close of his sl icech, had adverted to another topic not embraced in her Majesty's speech, but which it was not unbecoming to advert 1.0 erk this the first day of their meeting, on account of the share it had lately occupied. He alluded to the state of the law', which concerned the chief article of human food. • It was not to be expected from the tranquillity of preceding ? ears —a tranquillity that not arisen from indifference durieg seasons of plenty, that when this state of things had passed'. away, and that the food of the people had nearly doubled itse usual price, it would pass without notice. It was not the , place for him to bring forward arguments. Other occasions' would occur for the expression of their sentiments, but he hoped that when it did come to that discussion, it would be done with calmness and with fairness. They could not deceive themselves so far as to suppose, that when bread had risen to double its price, that the people could remain trraterererie. -- Trere - was one peculiarity in the circumstances of the present excitement. The excitement was, not the cry of a famished people. It was the intelligence 'of the middle classes of this country that now spoke. It was the voice of men of integrity, anxious to see the agriculturist and manufacturer thrive. It was not likely then, that if fruitful seasons should again lower the price of bread, that the question now mooted would cease. Foreign states bad seen how great this country had become by its commerce.. It was to them a matter of astonishment how she had super ported the late long war. They were profiting by her example. This was not matter of regret. It was no source of regret, that any country should improve its natural resources. Soo far from viewing it in this light, they regarded it as the: surest means of promoting that peace they had so long en joyed ; but those States had given encouragement to in dustry, and their efforts were now beginning to take effect. In those remote parts of the world which were open to all nations, English merchants and manufacturers were interfered with, and serious alarm was detertained that the inanufecturing and trading interests of England were en dangered. They thought that it was the duty of the Go vernment to place the labouring population of this country on a footing as nearly equal with the labouring population of other countries, as it 'is in its p ower to ma k e i t . He heped that when these matters were taken into considers tion, they would have more regard to the public good than to party disputations.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said, that if the Hon. Gentle man found it necessary to apologize for detaining the House, how much more should a humble individual likse himself ;apologize for the proposition he was about to maker not only to the Ministers of the Queen, but to that Hon. House. The best apology he court make was not to oc cupy too much of their time, and if he caused any pain to any person during the operation, he could only promise that their suffering should not bef very long. He rose to move an amendment on the ' Address moved by the two Hon Members, and t o thi s effect, that the Bill of 1832 had dis - appointed the people, and that it was the duty of this House to take immediate steps towards its farther im provement. He should also feel it his d u ty to take the sense of the House upon such proposition. The gentlemen opposite were not responsible for the Re form Bill—they were only responsible for having failed Ina their efforts to strangle it ; but he did look to his side of the House for support, and he felt confident that they would not hesitate to do their duty, and let the consequences be what they might. However their exertions might be re ' ceived in that House, the public would have a different opinion of them, and to that tribunal they looked alone. - Some of those who were originally the loudest advocates* t' tat had been th e fi rst to assa i l i t. He admitted the p ecy of an Hon. Member of that House hid been realised, That Bill had disappointed the hopes of the people of Eng land, Ireland, and Scotland. He did not believe that there , had b-en any one vain or sanguine enough to believe that a Bill so extensive in its operation could all at once arrive at perfection. At that time they were told both by the Ministers of the Crown and the Reformers themselves, but you arc inpatient ; let it have a fair trial. It-had lied a fair trial ; and he would maintain that it had not answered the expectations of the people. He would ask why it had disappointed the people? It had done so, because it had not brought them a full and fah - representation. He esked them, whom did they represent? He would ask them, did the majority of th at House represent the feelings and wishes of the_nat inns? Ho zia.G. ed, Isle. - Did they represent the feelings of the working classes? no answered, No. Did they represent the middle classes, or did they reprc s:ent what a House of Commons ought to represent—the Democracy of the nation ? He would answer, No. But di 1 they represent the Aristocracy of the kingdom ? He tssauld say, Yes. They had promised ever and over again, that the House of Commons would hereefter be a sort of mirror that should reflect the public mind.. Had they not a Corn-law Parliament, and had they no: delegates to stimulate the languid regards of that House tier a suffering people? Had-they not also a Chartist Parliament, rcpre sewing -3,000,000 of the working classes, or one portion of her Majesty's subjects within a stone's throw of that House, and had they not stated that they placed no confidence in the Committees of that House ?—( Hear.) Where it was Corn-laws or Church -rates, or any other public grievance, not ony of those grievances existed in the public mind in which delegates were not sent to that House. Was that a state othings that could be satisfactory to the public at large ? Had they not seen masses of the people convened together upon many practicable questions petitioning that House ? They admit, and what was tho result ? That they had passed resolutions that that House - was not worth petitioning.—( Hear and laughter.) Would that be the case if there was a full, free, and fair represen tation of the people in Parliament ?_( Hear, hear. ) He knew he had great difficulties to contend against, but he was ready to grapple with them —( Hear.) The principal difficulty was a sort of delusion that her Majesty's Ministers bad got into their heads with regard to the finality of that Bill. He knew not whether the Noble Lord adhered to his declaration of last year with regard to its finality, because if so that was one of the greatest diffi culties he had to contend with. Before, however, there was any improvement in the country that barrier must be swept away; it was rotten, and was founded neither upon justice, nor truth, nor common sense, and he was satisfied in coming to the conclusion that no human Legisla tion could be final. A Noble Lord last year talked of a compact as if it would be a breach of faith with some party, or as it he gave his countenance to an exteasien of the suffrage. That it was upon that understanding somewhere that the Reform Bill was passed. He (Mr. Duncombe) having given his humble assistance to the measure, and having been in the House at the time when it passed—never recollected any statements being made that it was a final measure. Ho remembered his Hon. Friends being over and over again taunted by die other side of the House with the question, 't Will this satisfy you?" but they had always said that it was but a means to en end. His Hon. Friend the Member for Dublin