The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-04 00:00:00

ATTEMPTED MURDER of A WIFE BY HER HUSBAND. Yesterday morning the inhabitants of Vauxhall road and Tithebarn-street were thrown into a state of great excitement by a rumour, rapidly circulated, that a man had stabbed his wife at No. 11, Lower Milk-street, and that the most serious appre hensions were entertained that the wound was mor tal. It unfortunately turned out to be but too true that the diabolical act had been perpetrated : and we fear that by the time this sheet meets the public eye, the unfortunate female's life will have fallen a sacrifice to the. revengeful spirit of her husband. The parties had only removed the evening before (Mon day) from Cockspur-street to Milk-street, where they took lodgings on the first floor. After the lodgings were taken, the husband, who has given his name as John Morris Murphy, and who is an Irishman by birth, and an oil and colour mixer by occupation, went out, and remained at some public house during the whole of the night. On his return home, yesterday morning, he requested his wife, wha was lying upon a wretched bed in the apartment, to get up and prepare him some breakfast. She refused, upon the ground that she had no victuals in the house, and no money to purchase any, whereupon he seized hold of an old table-knife, and stabbed her with it behind the ear and on the right side of the neck. Her screams brought several of the neighbours to the spot, and there they beheld blood flowing copiously from the wound, and Murphy in the act of holding, with one hand, a washhand basin to .receive it, and endeavouring with the other to stop the bleeding by applying a cloth to the wound. The account he gave of the trans action was, that it was purely accidental ; that she fell against a large pan which was lying on the floor, and that the broken edge of the vessel caused the injury. This story, however, was looked upon as very impro bable, and was rendered still more so by the medical men being of opinion that the wound was caused by a sharp instrument. A rusty table-knife was found in the room, and was taken possession of by one of the police officers. The prisoner was apprehended by Superintendent Lawson and conveyed to Vauxhall Bridewell, where he remained during the day, and repeatedly made inquiries as to how his wife was getting on and whether she was likely to survive. She was conveyed on a stretcher to the Northern Hospital, where every thing was clone for her that medical and surgical skill could accomplish. The great object, of course, was to stop the bleeding, and this was almost wholly effected in a short time ; but the danger likely to arise from stir ring her, by causing the woundto bleed afresh, prevented minute c!--anainztion of the irj!.ra!l prat from being made. in answer to our ingli:le3, n - a Iranrd ti: it vis iwpos,siblz to say boy iic , ul7 the I:ndc is the heck ~- 1 - , ,scovm•ad with her elottM hair, but that the ~ .vounl bore e;rry appeanYreP of having been infi'.ct,sd by soate icArmucnt. Her life yesterday afternoon was considered in imminent danger; there was a chance that she might survive, but the probabilities were that she was fast sinking into the jaws of death. She alluded constantly to her husband, spoke of him in the kindest terms, and said his misfortune was that he could not bear up against poverty. It appears that though he is a journeyman colour-manufacturer he has not been in the habit of following his trade, and that in fact he had no means of liveliho od except what he made by selline. newspapers. The parties have seven chil dren, the youngest of whom is only two months old, and the eldest only ten years.—Lire. pool Cortri,r of Wed nesday. PRINCESS'S THEATRE. Miss Cushman has added another laurel to her wreath by her performance of the character of Beatrice last evening. Never has the lively., witty, warm-hearted Iloatriee been more delightfully represented than it was by Miss Cushman last evening. We have seen many a. ti.stes perform Beatrice well—in some parts excellently well—but as a whole we have never seen a Beatrice to equal Miss Cushman. Where others have merely in dica:€.(l Shakspere's meaning she has elaborated it— where others gave a clever sketch she presents us with s finished picture. Every gibe, and jest, and sarcasm told, and in the last scenes, where the warm-hearted Woman breaks out against the foul slanderer of the fair ' fame of Hero, she was magnificent. Wallack's Bene dict was admirable. He felt that lie bad a Beatrice worthy of him, and he acted accordingly. His Benedict is far and away the best on the stage, and reminded us not inifrequently, nor, be it added, unpleasantly, of the Benedict- of Elliston, whose mantle has not un worthily fallen on the shoulders of James Wallack. ' Comptines llogberry was a genuine bit of true Shaksperian, and the Verges of Oxberry, although inferior to that of Keeley, was very good. Mrs. Brougham made a very interesting hero, while Mr. Archer roared through the part of Leonato, according to his woat, The other parts were all filled respectably, sad great credit is due to the management fur the zonner In which they have placed Much Ado about Boding on the stage. Allen took the little part of Bal• thaw, and sung gae beautiful ballad, " Sigh no More," la o h u e;esiisite taste and propriety, and was deservedly with an encore. Wallach and Mlss Cayman were honoured with the usual ovation at. he fall of the Curtain. The house was very well attended. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAFERS OF YESTERDAY. STANDARD.—Lord Ashley's Bill for the regulation of labour in calico printing works was last night read a second time; after an explanation from the Home Secretary, that it must be considerably modified. Lord Ashley assented to the proposal of modification, in order that he might secure a locus standi in the matter, and the Noble Lord was right. This is one of the cases in which it is not only wise but innocent to take instal ments, for it is only by showing the safety and utility of such reforms a 9 the .Noble Lord has so long conducted, upon a limited scale, that the minds of all can be reconciled to their principle. Of this Lord Ashley had a handsome testimony from the millowners fast night, in Mr. Brotherton's ingenuous acknowledgment, un contradicted by any cue, that the Noble Lord's re forms hitherto had proved as beneficial to the employers as to the employed; a fact, indeed, sufficiently attested by the present prosperity and contentment of the manufac turing districts. This and the most interesting letter from a working mechanic, describing the factory labourers as elevated to a higher order of beings within twenty years, read by the Noble Member for Dorsetshire, must afford him great encouragement in his glorious course, and present an irresistible argument to the Legislature to follow a leader at once so zealous and so circumspect. It :is plain that the great work of social improvement is in irre sistible progress --not in this trade or in that—but, as it was reproachfully thrown up to Lord Ashley, in all pm.. suits (probably the highest compliment ever paid even to his Lordship); and this has been the work of Michael Thomas Sadler and of Lord Ashley in less than fifteen years. There was an objection to the Bill now in progress offered by the Home Secretary, which has weight, no doubt, against an abrupt c h ange , but which, in truth, offers the most powerful argument that can be offered in favour of the pervading principle of all Lord Ashley's reforms. We allude to the Right Honourable Secre tary's remarks upon the impossibility of reconciling the regulatioa of the hours of labour with the alternation of " pushes" and" slacks," which, as it seems, almost regularly succeed to each other in the calico printing trade. Now, if the regulation of the hours of labour had no other effect than to render impossible this alternation of " pushes" and " slacks," it would render the greatest possible benefit to all engaged in the trade : we need net say how much the labourers "would be benefited by the substitution of steady for de sultory 'employment ; how much happier they would be, and hove much more skilful they would become; this must be obvious to all. The employer, however, would be, in the end, even a greater gainer, in being able to adjust his expenditure to his profits with certainty and precision, in having more skilful and more attached servants, in having his works constantly remunerating the capital laid out on them, above all, in protection from the gambling competition of pennyless adventurers, working upon credit for "the push," and underselling the fair trader (with or without the intervention of the Bankrupt Court) during "the slack." We have no doubt that much of the present prosperity of the manufacturing districts, and nearly all the solidity of that prosperity (which is, we believe, solid), may be traced to Lord Ashley's former measures steadying the course of manufactures by limiting the hours of labour. Indeed, this was almost acknowledged last night. GLOBE.—The Bill " for regulating the Profession of Physic and Surgery," now before Parliament, though ren dered less offensive to the members of the medical profes sion by alterations which Sir James Graham has con sented to introduce, is still open to serious objections on public grounds. In legislating upon such a subject Goverment is especially reminded of the axiom, Salus pijul suprema est lex. That the subject of medical reform cannot, at any time. be brought forward in this coun try without exciting more respect for class interests, than for beneficial results to the mass of the population, must ever be a source of regret. This will continue to be the case so long as such varied interests exist in the medical profession, fos tered by corporate bodies, possessing peculiar privileges. A worse mistakc cannot be committed than to suppose that all existing. interests can be harmonised in the pro duction of a reform, un l ess one or more of these interests or the individuals representing th e m , and unobjectionable sourcewhnce are regarded as the pure any suffici en t measure of reform should be derived. Yet e vlegislator who has undertaken the subject h as fallen intoetr every originated his plan upo n information w is hi r c r h o r h . e has Ey e b n ee i n f b a e t the pains of obtaining from impartial source s , he has ev e ntua ll y abandoned it to the conflicting parties affected b • the measure , who, in expunging whatever interf ere d with ) their ~ Pod it originall3recsotedn rights," destroyed whatever of tamed. Sir James Graham's present scheme of ed 'reform had 'is congenial taint, an d was furthmerical cor rupted by co.,cNisions. Sir Benja m i n B rodie very plainly says This is what we, the Coll eges, i ntend to reserve to ' ourselves ; we sac.'fice none of our sins ; but, if you object, we will compromise, by sparing more, or, less, of those faults from which we intend to purify you." And in this manner opponents may, or may not, be bought over, until it is discovered that the plan, ex ceedingly faulty at first, is no longer worth defending or opposing. Conflicting medical gradations we do not under take to reconcile. Amid their disputes for rank and privi lege, the principle of reform is crushed ; and the security essential to preserve the public health from being neglected, or tampered with by uneducated quacks, is sacrificed. The first principle of medical reform should be that none but duly educated persons should be permitted to practise medicine. The medical authorities, however__ concerning themselves only about gradations of rank, and the construction of fortifications against privileged com petitors—very coolly suppress the note of war against the class presumed to be most prejudicial and dangerous to the public health—namely, the uneducated and unqualified prac titioners of medicine. If these are to be tolerated, it is quite evident that any measure of pretended reform, however ad vantageous it may prove to a class, can be of but little ad vantage to the community. CAUTION TO PUBLICANS.—A fellow dressed in a large blue great coat, having engaged a bed at the William the Fourth, Ship-yard, Temple-bar, managed to leave the house early in the morning, taking with him a new counterpane and a great coat, from a sitting room belonging to the landlord. The person is in height about five feet eight inches, dark complexion, having the •ppearance of a respectable drover. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 3. Their Lordships met to-day, for the first time after the Easter recess. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on t' c Wool sack at live o'clock. The Bishop of WORCESTER presented numerous -etitions from places in various parts of England and Vales against the sale of intoxicating liquors on the 3rd's day. ARISH SCHOOLMASTERS.—SCOTCH BANKS, The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions from ereral presbyteries in Scotland, praying for an aug mentation of the salaries of parish schoolmasters. in that country. The Noble Duke also presented a petition from the merchants and bankers of Banff against any interference in the present system of banking in Scotland. MALT-TAX. The NOBLI DUKE also presented a petition from a place in Hampshire for the repeal of the malt-tax. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. The Bishop of HEREFORD presented a petition from the city of Hereford, against the Act passed last year for the abolition of imprisonment for small debts. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. GREENE and others from the House of Commons brought up the Lands Clauses Consolidation Bills (Eng land and Scotland), the Railway Clauses Consolidation Bills (England and Scotland), the Pudsey Gas Bill, and the Birkenhead Docks Bills (two Bills), which were seve rally read a first time. EMANCIPATION OF THE JEWS. Lord CAMPBELL bad great great pleasure in pre senting a petition from Portsmouth in favour of the Bill brought in by the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, for relieving the disabilities of the Jews. SUGAR DUTIES. Lord MONTEAGLE presented a petition from the Horticultural Society of India, complaining that sufficient encouragement was not given to the application of British capital to the growth of sugar in that country, and praying their Lordships to place the sugar duties upon a more permanent basi3. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH laid upon the table of the House the second part of the appendix to the second report of the Commission appointed to inquire into the state of large towns in England. The Noble Duke at the same time presented a number of petitions, praying their Lordships to adopt some measures for improving the condition of the schoolmasters of Scotland. MAYNOOTII. Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from Hogs den, in Oxfordshire, against any further grant to Maynooth. THE ASHBURTON TREATY. Lard ASHBURTON regnestcfl their Lo-:_ hips' pn- I mi:3inn to offer r. fcs oaserve ions upon n. subject, which though uniinuntedly in sonic re:pecfs a personal one, was oleo of a natth.e. At the trrminatioa of the conferenc•,: , , t. which he had the honour to negotiate on the part of this country with the United States of America, he had the great satisfaction of receiving the most unequivocal expression of their Lord. ships' approbation ; and he, therefore, felt himself more bound to notice certain great misrepresentations which had been made in another place with respect to his conduct en that occasion. Their Lordships House was the only place where he could give an explanation,- and he trusted their Lordships would excuse him for so doing. He was not about to enter into any general discussion as to the merits of that mea sure ; but he7hoped their Lordships would do him the justice to recollect that when on a former occasion lie entered into a discussion on that question, he took no notice whatever of the various triticioms, some of which were not very just, which had been made in another place. He should not upon the present occasion have intruded himself upon their Lordships' notice if it were not with the view of contradicting what had been stated as positive facts in another place. He did not complain of the personal manner in which the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) had brought this sub ject forward, because that Noble Lord was constantly making similar reflections upon his conduct, in a tone which it was to be regretted the Noble Lord did not confine to an individual case, but applied it to questions affecting the general interests of the country. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE rk - se to order. He had no objection to listen to any explanation the Noble Lord might desire to make, but he hoped the Noble Lord would not fall into the error he was deprecating by attacking a person who was not present to defend himself. Lord ASHBURTON said he did not wish to use any stronger expressions than were necessary for the occa sion, but he at the same time thought that the expres sions of which his Noble Friend complained were quite necessary, in order to justify the line which it was his duty on this occasion to take, and to repel those attacks which the Noble Lord (Lord Palmers ton) was in the habit so lightly and so flippantly of making upon him. The House was aware that that was the only House in which he (Lord Ashburton) had the opportunity of repelling attacks of this nature. If he understood these attacks aright, what he was accused of was, that in the late treaty which he had the honour to negotiate he had unjustifiably ceded the territory of Madawaska, on the banks of the river St. John. Now, it was necessary to state that the territory of Made. weskit, was nothing more than a narrow strip of land on the backs of the St. John, which comprised a straggling village some two or three miles in length ; agd it should be recollected that, on two or three occasions, this very same terri tory had been ceded. The dispute between this country and the United States had been first referred to the decision of the King of the Netherlands. by whom it had been allowed to the United States. The Americans had refused to abide by the award of the King of the Netherlands, and twenty-five years afterwards Lord Pal merston, considering that the best mode of settling a dispute of this nature was to divide the con tested district between the two countries, ceded the territory of Madawaska to the United States. His own (Lord Ashburton's) decision had been impugned as extravagant, and yet it was better than that of Lord Palmerston, for it secured to this country those intermediate heights between the St. John and the St. Lawrence, which from their command of the latter river, and the consequent power of inter rupting the navigation of that river, were the only really valuable portions of the territory in dispute. He should further state that he implied no blame upon the Secretary of State for making that proposal. Nor did he think the line at all unfair. But, combining all the circumstances, and consider. ing the line decided upon by the King of the Netherlands, their Lordships would see that his (Lord Ashburton's) line was so much the best, that it was hardly fair to cast upon him any reproach whatever. But now, with respect to the Madawaska settlement, a Noble Lord in the other House of Parliament (Lord J. Russell) stated that when he held the office of Secretary for the Colonies he directed negotiations to he entered into by Lord Sydenham with Mr. Webster, the result of which was, that Lord Sydenham refused to allow the Americans to retain that settlement, Mr. Webster on the other hand refusing to give it up. The Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) said that one of the last acts of his official life was to declare his appro bation of Lord Sydenham's course. Now, he (Lord Ashburton) believed their Lordships would be surprised when he informed them that the whole of that statement of facts was without foundation. There was no negotiation whatever on the subject between Lord Sydenham and Mr. Webster. There was a negotiation between Mr. Fox, our Minister at Washington, and Mr. Webster, but not on the subject of the Madawaska. settlement. The Noble Lord, however (Lord J. Rus sel), prided himself very much upon the course which he and Lord Sydenham had taken, and had chosen to make it the ground of a reproach upon him (Lord Ashburton). He had a most sincere and unfeigned respect for Lord John Russell, and from a long and intimate knowledge of the matter, he was perfectly assured that his Noble Friend would not make any statement which he knew to be unfounded. Yet that statement of fact was so—whether it was that the Noble Lord in going out of office dreamed of these facts—(A laugh)—or took the statement upon seine light authority—(A laugh)—there was no founda tion for it. The negotiations between Mr. Fox and Mr. ' Webster arose out of the disturbances which took place between the irregular troops of the State of Maine and our fencibles in New Brunswick. It had been settled that there should be a treaty on the boundary in that direction, and Mr. Webster and Mr. Fox agreed only to fix upon a boundary, in the mean time, to put an end to those disturbances, until the treaty should be settled ; But there could be no treaty on the boundary in the Madawaska statement, without the consent of the States of Maine and Massachusets ; and - When he (Lord Ash burton) was in the republic, he had to wait for the arrival of the Deputies from those States. He had felt himself called upon to make this explanation, which he did without any intention to cast imputations upon others. The Companies'Ciauses Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of the Earl of DALHOUSIE, the fol lowing Bills were read a first time :—The Railway Clauses Consolidation Bill, the Companies' Clauses Consolidation Bill, and the Lands Clauses Consolida. tion Bill. 'I he House then divided : For the motion Against it Majority against the motion NOTICE OF MOTION. COL - LIEftIES RAILWAY BILL. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1845 tee. He should also remind the House that it was an express declaration of the Board, that in the event of any facts transpiring which affected their decision, that they should reconsider it, and republish it in the Gaztite. Thre was nothing to prevent the reconsideration of that decision within the present session. And as these reports were not considered at the usual hour for public bnsiness, he trusted that if the motion of the Hon. Gentleman was not acceded to, that circumstance would not prejudice the petitioners in Commit.ee. Mr. DODD begged to thank the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite for the interest he had evinced in the object which he had the he nour of bring ing before the House. He would also beg to thank the Vice-President of the Board of Trade for the suggestion which he had made with respect to the republication of the reports of that Board in the Gareth. If the House would consider that the Asti• tioners were 57 milts from London, and by the alteration that they would be brought within an hour and a hal r--- The SPEAKER must remind the Hon. Member that he had no right at present to go into the merits of the petition. Mr. BORTHWICK thought that the present diffi• culty arose from the constitution of the Railway De- ptrtment of the Board of Trade, which was partly executive and partly legislative. What he would gest was this, whether they might not waive the general rule in the present instance ? Mr. HAWES thought that the House would have heard what the Right lion. Gentleman opposite (Sir G. Clerk) had to say in reply to the proposition of his Right lion. Friend (Sir G. Grey). If he considered that the Speaker had pronounced an opinion upon the matter, he would not say a word on the subject, but he understood that the Speaker had left the matter in the hands of the House. He thought that an early day should be fired for bringing on this subject. Mr. MANGLES said that the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Lambeth had suggested that an early day should be appointed for discussing this subject, but he thought a Committee could very much better inves tigate the matter than the whole Howe. It ought not to be heard by the House either in the light of private or public business.—(lronical cheers from Lord Howiek.) The Noble Lord cheered him. He (Mr. Mangles) was interested in railroads as well as the Noble Lord, and preferred the whole mutter to go before a Committee. He could not conceive a better mode of showing by proof that decisions of the Board AN cre wrong than by giving those who thought so an op portunity of going before a Committee. Mr. RICARDO did not think it quite consistent with the dignity of the. Bterd of Trade to object on a mere point of Sir G. CLERK Paid he did not raise any objection on the part of the L'eard of Trade on a mere point of form, but thought the Horse should set on a unifo►•m principle, end be guided by what had taken place in matters of this sort. Mr. THOMAS S. DUNCOMBE thought the matter was well worthy of consideration. He should certainly take the sense of the House, even if he stood alone, and the House might depend upon it that on another day they would have similar petitions until they brought the House to its senses with regard to this matter. Mr. HUME gave notice that he should, on the 17th, bring forward his motion relating to Sir If. Pottinger. PAYMASTERS AND PLTRERS IN THE ROYAL NAVY. (Hear, hear.) We just give enough, by voting annually 9,0001, to discourage and paralise all voluntary contri butions.—(Hear, hear.) Remove the grant altogether, and you will find, on the part of the people of Ireland, I have no doubt, a disposition to pecuniary sacrifices, and to provide some, perhaps an imperfect, endowment for the religious education of the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland. But the grant of 9,000/. a year, and the public undertaking on the part of the Government to endow the institution, and to provide instruction for the priesthood, has effectually discouraged contributions from others, and yet the sum we vote is ineffectual and insufficient,—(Hear, hear.) By continuing this grant now what do we do? If it be a violation of principle to provide instruction for the education of the Roman Catholic priesthood, we are guilty of that violation.—(Hear, hear.) The grant of 9,0001. a year, professedly for the educa tion of the Roman Catholic priesthood, is a violation of principle at least as great as any I shall propose to-night. What is the effect of the existing statutes ? It is not merely that you make a Parliamentary grant annually, revocable at your plea sure,, but . in the statute-book there are three Acts- of Parliament—two passed before the union by the Irish Legislature. and one passed since, in 1808, which adopted and sanctioned this insti tution, for the support of which an anneal grant is made. By the combined effects of these Acts of Parliament, you provide fer the establishes sot of a college for the education of the Roman Catholic priest hood, and the words you make use of, are, " the establishment of a College." And though you may say, that the existing statutes dis claim all connexion with the College, and repudiate it as a guilty thing with which you would have no communion, yet whom do these statutes appoint as the visitors of the College ? The Lord Chancellor, the highest judicial authority in the country, and the judges, are the persons whom those statutes appoint as the visitors of that institution which you so much discourage. You provide, it is true, by an annual vote only for cer tain professors of that College ; but the Act which has received your sanction expressly speaks of fellowships of that College to be endowed. The Act originally con templated a per:ect system of collegiate education consisting of scholars, masters, professors, and fellows. —(Hear.) You have repealed the statute of mortal= in favour of that body—you have permitted the trustees to hold land—real property, to the amount of 1,000/. per annum, for the purpose of providing for that body. By the Irish Act they are permitts d to hold real property to the amount of 1,000/. a year, repealing the statute of mort main. That was the Act of the Irish Parliament, but in 1808 tki(s Imperial Parliament distinctly recog nised the institution so far as to make a further provision, still further repealing the mortmain statute in favour of the College, enabling the trustees to make certain compromises, and to hold real property, a; contemplated by the Irish Parliament. You have enabled the trustees by an express enactment to provide and as , ign a chapel, in which the rights of the Roman Catholic Church can be performed by a chaplain appointed by the trustees. This enactment received the sanction of the Legislature, and I ask whether there has not been a complete violation of the principle—if principle be involved in it—by . the stature of the connexion with the Roman Catholic priest hood thus deliberately sanctioned by the Government ? Having then sustain e d th e in c onvenience—if inconveni ence there be in the departure from principle, why should no t th e i n t en tions of Parliament be carried into effect? You have assigned 9,91)01. a year for several years past, as a provision for this College, in respect to which establishment a vote has been annually made, to be expressly applied to the annual salaries of ten professors in that College. There are three professors of theology, which you endow, and to which your grant is applied, but that grant is so limited in amount that you are not enabled to assign more to the professors than 120/. a year.—(Hear, hear.) In seven out of ten cases, the provision made for professors was less than the suns named. In the case of the three professors of theology, you expect to have the services of men of learning, of eminence, and integrity, for a salary of 1201. a year.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from Mr. Shell.) And observe that that salary cannot be increased by means of fees. No other payment is awarded to these professors than that which the Parliament provides ; and the sum which you give is all that they have. That institution, at the present moment, contains 440 students. I think that 130 of these students belong to the class denominated pensioners—that is to say. parties who pay a certain sum for their admission, and in addition provide for their own support. In addition there are 230 free students whom the State professes to maintain. The average sum paid by the State for each student is 23/. per year.—(" Hear, hear, ' from the Opposition.) For that sum of 231. the student has to provide his college dress, the furniture of his rooms, his commons, and in addition, out of the- 231. for each student, there are to be provided for the repairs of the College, the expense of coals and a variaty of other in cidental expenses.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Now, if this is a violation of principle, I ask you what do you gain by it? Surely you gain nothing by establishing professors of theology at salaries of 1202 a year each.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) If you violate your principle, surely it is politic—surely it is wise, to violate it in such a manner as to insure the services of men of the highest character and of the most competent attainments.—(Opposition cheers.) I do not speak at all of those gentlemen who are at pre sent professors in that College. I do not mean at all to derogate from their high character or from their great attainments.—(Cheers.) But if men of high character are found from their zeal for their religion, and from their desire to romote the course of education, to de vote that ti e to the public for incompetent salaries—( , hear, from the Opposition)— i l that is no reason why we should not take measures to secure the services of men of compe tent learning, by giving them a proper and requisite pro vision. —(Hear, hear, and Opposition cheers.) All I contend for is that you have no compen sation for your violation of principle by voting so low a pecuniary grant, as to place the parties whom you charge with your favour in a state of indigence.— (Opposition cheers.) Now, with regard to the state of the building. Whatmust be the feelings of ayoung man who en . tered that building for the first time—feelings which would produce an effect upon him for the whole of his after life?—(Opposition cheers.) Why, the appearance of the building is desolate in the extreme. It bears the charac ter of a deserted barracks, rather than that of a colle giate establishment.—(Cheers.) Now, recollect that there are 440 students there, receiving your liberality, It is impossible to insure to each of these students a ' separate room. In many cases, according to the reports of the Committees, several students are placed in one room, and in some they ate placed in one bed. I hold in my hand a report which was made to the Executive Government, and which was signed by several, indeed, I may say, by almost all the authorities connected with that College. I am sure I need make no apology, if I read the statements contained in it to the House. It begins—" Your Excellency, we beg leave humbly to state, that the College of Maynooth has Icng been struggling under great disadvantages for many years, in consequence of the very inadequate accommo dation provided, and we beg to state that for the purpose of carrying out the objects intended by the Government, we instituted an inquiry with the view of laying the state of its affairs before your Excellency. We exa mined first into the internal administration of the Col lege, and we find that not only are the salaries of the professors lower than the usual allowances, but that this reduction is so great as to interfere with their comforts to a degree unbecoming a public institution for the education of the youth of Ireland. Thus they inflicted a great inconvenience in the removal of that wholesome restraint which is so necessary to be kept up during the short period of the student's proba tion, in order to render him a practically useful member of society in that sphere in which it was destined he should be placed. Notwithstanding every endeavour, a debt of 4,6001. has been incurred. So insufficient was the sum granted for the purp oses o f t h e C o l lege, that during the term, the auth or iti es were com pelled to give an additional vacation of two months for the purpose of saving some of the expenses. We beg further to state, - that the increased expenses of the College has had the effect of closing its doors against that class of society in which candi dates from the Roman Catholic priesthood had been most frequently found. Those who support the scholars at Maynooth now find the expenses of doing so so heavy, that numbers of the latter are obliged to with draw before the term of their probation is completed. Their departure has in consequence caused a diminution Of the profits arising to the Col lege from the number .of students there. To such embarrassments are :they reduced, being fre quently obliged to withdraw the students before they have completed their ordinary ecclesiastical course of study." I may state, in addition to that, that there are many cases in which, from the inability of the provisions to defray the expenses of the College, the sum of 23/., the allowance for one student, is obliged to be divided between two. Now, sir, I have stated fully the state of the College of Maynooth, and I ask whether I am not right in saying that you can take no course that is not preferable to the one now pursued ? It contained a violation, if it be a violation, of a principle in under taking to instruct the priesthood of Ireland, from whose doctrines you dissent, and t o ma k e an i nadequate pro vision for the education of those for whose instruction you make yourself responsible. Is it wise ? Would it be prudent ? Shall we say to the Roman Catholic subjects we are bound by an inconvenient obligation contracted by ourselves, and th a t o bli gat i on we w ill respect in a surly spirit. We will continue to give you what you now have—there shall be no im provement—there shall be no increase to the giant. We shall allow the amo un t t o rema i n so muc h as t h e s t atute permits —we will, in a surly spirit, give you 9,000/. a year—and we tell you that we do it, though our con science is violated, because it is our intention to adhere to the statute. When we come to the consideration of another matter, shall we allow that our conscientious scruples are violated ? and shall we resolve to discon tinue all connexion with the College of Maynooth ? and shall the burthen of educating the priesthood be thrown on the people themselves ? There are some, I know, who consider that a desirable object.—(llear, hear.) Are we, theref ore , t o a d opt t h at course, an d at t h e same time must we tell the Roman Catholics that, on religious grounds, we ab so l ve ourse l ves f rom a ll f urt h er connex i on with. the education of the priesthood ? Before you adopt that course, you should weigh and fully deliberate upon the circumstances which attend that establishment. I do not hesitate to say that, apart from the obligation of payment, apart from the consideration of the mortified and irritated feeling which might arise from such an avowal on your part, namely, that you have conscientious 1 scruples against the continuance of that vote, I do not , hesitate to say that I believe the absolute discontinuance of the vote would be better for all parties than a coms tinuance of such a state of things as that which I have described. But I think I can assign a reason why, if you will, as legislators, take into your account liublic Captain PECHELL moved that the petition NI hich he presented yesterday from the paymasters and pursers of the Royal Navy he printed with the Votes —Agreed to. Mr. IIOI)GSON gave notice that on the order of the day for the second reading of the Colleries Railway Bill (as we understood) being read, he should call the attenti on o f t h e H ouse to a letter which had been published on the subject, and should move that the order of the day should be discharged. NEW WRIT FOR GREENOCK. --- - Mr. HUME moved that the Speaker do issue his writ to the Clerk of the Crown to issue a new writ for a burgess to serve in Parliament, in the room of Roby rt Wallace, Rig., who since his election had accepted the office of Steward to the Chiltern hundreds. GRANT TO MAYNOOTII. The SPEAKER said that those Members who had petitions against the additional grant to Maynooth had better present them at once. At this announcement almost every Member on the Ministerial side of the House rose and pointed towards the table with a roll of petitions which he held in hand. This simultaneous movement &Hefted roars of laughter. There were upwards of 000 Members on i he Ministerial benches, and of these certainly not 20 kept their seats on the announcement of the Speaker. On the Opposition side of the House, on which there were about 180 Mem bers, not more than twenty had petitions to present on the subject. The first Member who came forward wu Mr. HAWES, who presented thirteen petitions from various Dissenting congregations against any additional grant to Maynooth. Mr. STEWART WORTLEY presented petitions from the West Riding of Yorkshire to the same effect. Mr. Greene, Mr. Vernon, Mr. Pakington, and Sir Howard Doulas presented petitions to the same effect. Sir R. INGLIS presented an immense number of petitions to the same effect, but from the noise and con fusion in the House it was impossible to catch the names of the places from which these petitions emanated. Petitions, principally. agstnet any further grant to the tCollege of Maynooth,,weri •Ipresented ,by Mr. Pattison, 'Mr. Darby, Lord Worley, DM Greene, lord 3. Stewart, Lord Palmerston, Sir T. Acland, Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Bankes, Col. Sibthorp, Mr. Spooner, and Mr. M. Milnes. Petitions were also presented from Glasgow, Chippen ham, and various other places, against any increased grant to Maynooth. The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider the 40th of George 111., cap. 85, Mr. GREENE in the Chair. Sir R. PEEL rose and spoke as follows :—Mr. Greene, Sir, in the course of the last session of Parliament I took the opportunity of publicly declaring, on the part of her Majesty's Government, that it was our in tention, during the recess, to apply ourselves to the consideration of the state of acade mical education in Ireland. I accompanied that declaration with a distinct intimation that the circum stances and position of the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth would undergo the consideration of the Government. I added that, undertaking the con sideration of the state of Maynooth, it was our intention to undertake it in a friendly spirit, and I made that public declaration at that time in order that due public notice might be given of the intentions of her Majesty's Government. I was not unprepared for the demonstration of opinion which has been made this day. I could not look back to the discussions which have taken place in this House with respect to Maynooth, without fore seeing that a proposition upon the subject of Maynooth, connected with its extension, was likely to encounter the risk of great opposition. I could not disguise from myself that tbere were many entertaining strong religious opinions and conscientious scruples, the sincerity of which cannot be questioned, and which, on account of their sincerity, are entitled to respect—l say I could not but foresee that any proposal for an in creased grant to Maynooth was likely to be encountered by an opposition such as that to which I h ave re f erre d . And it was because we were so placed that we have deemed it our duty to enter upon this difficult task, fully sensible that it would be such, but also that it was one by which men were not to be cowed. But, Sir, while we had resolved that we should undertake this duty, and encounter this diffi culty, we had resolved that it should not be ag gravated by any such accusation as that we had concealed our intentions from the country or the public, or that we had taken any party by surprise.—(` Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) Sir, it was upon this ac count that I declared explicitly and deliberately this in tention, on the part of the Government, at so early a period of last session—an intention not intimated in any vague or equivocal terms, but plainly and deli berately stating that what we would pledge ourselves to do was to give an improved system of academical education to Maynooth, with an increase of the public grant. Sir, in pursuance of the determination we have taken this grave subject into ourconsideration I shall now say nothing with respect to one portion of this question which will become before the House separately. I mean the que s ti on of academ i ca l e d uca ti o n. Th e obser vations I sh a ll h ave t o m ake will entirely apply to this q uest i on of the Col l ege o f M a yn oo th ; an d it is so l e l y i n reference t o the i ns tit ut i on that I am now sp eakin In taking this sub ject int o consideration, we had to take cognisance of the . g extent of obligation which past Acts of the Legislature might have imposed upon the Government and the Parliament for, the support of this institution ; and the practical e ff ect of the past system, as well as the probable effect of any alteration which might be made; and given ail those poirts our best and most mature consideration, I now, on the part of the Executive Government of this country, submit to the calm considera tion of the House of Commons the proposal which we are prepared to make. Sir, it has appeared to us th at WQ were at liberty to pursue one o f t h ese courses with respect to the C o ll ege o f M a yno o th. W e considered, fi rst, that it was com p e t en t t o us to continue, with out a l terat i on , the present system pursued in that institution, and the amount of the Parliamentary grant annually made eniiexice hitherto; s econ dl y, that it was competent to di scont i nue that grant, an d repudiate the inst i tut i on a l toget h er , an d all c onnex i on with .it, and, after providing for existing interests, publicly to not ify th a t, hereafter, n o e e e a whatever is country should and exist betweenMaynooth. B the a Government of h But I need n o t say that this courso we were not prepared to eaodmopet.forTwhared in a third feroieunrdsley spirit n ir t i o t us n to off p e u r rs t u o e ppoasrilttisomn cheers )—and er Parliamentary s ) p — ro a t n e d ctio to n. improve the the prese n t system of Roman Catholic education—(Op _ex(tcenhdee, rs to fr a om libe th ra e l a o m p o p u o n si t : tion.) This we p rop ose to d(', n ot by interferen ' ce with the doctrines of the Roman Catholic creed, but by a more liberal grant to improve the system and elevate the tone of the Catholic people of Ireland. Sir, with regard to the first—the continuance, without alteration or modification of any kind, of the present grant and the present system, I declare, on the part of her Majesty's Government, that it is our deliberate convic tion that, of all courses that could be pursued, that is the most objectionable. In giving the present grant, we profess to make provision for the education of those who ' • l and religious consolation to many millions of people.— feeling, and the censiderati. , n of public policy, I think I can assign reasons which might dissuade you from taking that course, and repudiating all connexion with that College. When did your connexion with it com mence ? Under whose authority, and how long has it been in existence ? Why, Sir, fifty yeere ago you undertook to maintain a Parliamentary vote for Moyncoili. You commenced your connexion with it in 1795. The reigning sovereign was George the Third ; the Minister of Eneland was Mr. Pitt ; and the Secre tary of State for the Home Department was the Duke of Portland, who was afterwards the Chancellor of the University of Oxford. In the year 1795 the Lord- Lieutenant ef Ireland, Lord Fitzwilliam, called the at te::tion of the Irish Parliament to the state of education there. That was in the critical period of 1795.—(Hear, hear.) [The Right Hon Barenet read the speech of the Lord Lieutenant to the Irish House of Commons at the commencement of the session of 1795, and also a quotation from a speech of Mr. Grattan.] In that year the House of Commons of Ireland was told that it was intended to stablish Ma) nooth. Lord Fitzwilliem was succeeded by the Marquis Camden, who laid the first stone of the College of Maynooth. At the close of the session of 1795 the Lord-Lieutenant who presided at the inauguration, who laid the first stone of the building, congratulated the Parliament in having laid the foundation of the establishment of a Roman Catholic college. In the course of that year the Irish Parliament passed its first Act---an Act passed by the Irish Lords and Commons—without difficulty, v; ith out one dissentient voice. The Prelates of the Protestant Church were. present—the Parliament was exclusively Protestant and yet, at that period, in that year of 1795, at the instance of the Executive Government, that exclusively Protestant Parliament without a division—without a dissentient voice—consented to this supposed violation of principle, and voted the sum which they then thought r«pisite for maintaining the institution, and stamped upon it a Parliamentary sanction. IR 1800, before the union, another Act passed. After the union the Imperial Par liament, finding those grants in existence, passed, as I before observed, an Act in 1808, not interfermer with the system which they adopted and sanctioned, mid for ex tending which they gave further facilities. For fifty years, up to this very year 1845, has this vote continued for supporting the College of Maynooth. I know there is a prevailing impression that the Imperial Parliament did nothing more than adiipt the Acts of the Irish Par liament—that they found the vote, and continued it without alteration, feeling themselves bound by the contract into which it is supposed the Irish Parliament entered. That is an impression which has prevailed. I am about to prove that that is completely erroneous, and to show that you have, at two distinct periods, granted an additional sum for the support of Maynooth —that you vecete rot merely centent with adopting the vote of the Irieh Parliernent, het that, on two specific eccasione, you increased the vote. In 1807 the vote was increased to 13,000/., the 5,0001. increase being applied for additional buildings. In ISOS Mr. Percival lent his di rect sanction to the permanent increase of the vote. In that year Mr. Foster, the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer, moved a resolution for granting to Maynooth College a grant of 13,0001., being 5,000/. over the grant of former years, far the purpose of enabling that institution to erect buildings capable of accommodating 50 additional students. In former years the number of students being 200, a grant of 1,000/. was made, but as there was a further sum voted for the maintainenee of 50 additional students, Mr. Foster moved that a sum not exceeding 9,250/., Irish currency, should be granted to his Majesty to defray the expenses. Mr. Percival said he was per fectly right after the grant was established, and after the union was carried, that the grant of the Irish Parliament should net be diminished. The grant was extended one-fourth more for the pur poses of education. It appeared that 111 others were educated for the Catholic priesthood in different parts of Ireland. On the whole, he thought a supply of 360 stu dents would be sufficient to meet the demand. In 1808, Mr. Percival being Minister, the Government consented to extend the vote beyond that made by the Irish Cabi net, for the express purpose of providing education for 50 additional students.—(llear, hear.) And further, Mr. Percival implied that if he thought a greater num ber of students than 361 were requisite for the service of the Roman Catholic Church, he would not be unwil ling to increase the grant.—(Hear, hear.) lint here is a distinct proof that in 1808 the Imperial Parliament made an increased provision, in order that 50 more stu dents might be educated in Maynooth. Again, in 1813 —I can speak of that myself; for I was then in office— an addition of 700/. or 900/. a year was made, in order to be applied to the maintenance of senior students, called the Dunboyne establishment. I have stated what have been the circumstances of this connexion in the first instance, and how the Parliaments both of Eng laud and Ireland have, on different occasions, strengthened that connexion by successive grants and endowments. And I now ask whether, after this state of things existing for half a century, it would be prudent or proper, on an alleged violation of conscientious scruples, to give notice to the Roman Catholics of Ireland that this con uexion,_ so continued uninterruptedly for half a century, must be abandoned.—(Hear, hear.) When this con nexion was formed, the Roman Catholics were labouring under disabilities, but those disabilities did not then con stitute a ground of objection in the eye of the Irish Par , - liament.—(Hear, hear.) These disabilities have been done away with—the Roman Catholics now stand on the same footing with ourselves in respect to equality of civil privileges—shall we now take the opportunity, in opposition to the dceds of our ancestors, of saying to them, " That favour was granted under the reign of George the Third, in the administration of Mr. Pitt, but we must now withhold it on account of religious scruples."—(Rear, hear.) What would he the et -et of such a declaration on the Roman Catholics? Why, it Would not be the refusal if the amount of pecuniary aid which would be deprecated—it is the animus which dic tated that refusal. —(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," in which the shrill piercing voice of Mr. Sheil was dis tinctly audible.) We never could convince them that we were actuated by those conscientious scruples which were not entertained by George 111, by Mr. Pitt, nor by an exclusively Protestant Legislature of their own country, and which were nevet felt since that time.— (Hear.) I should deeply regret that such a refusal should be made, not merely on account of the Roman Catholics, but kr the sake of tlle general welfare of Ire land. Such a declaration would be in effect a proclama tion that we who dissented from the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church—that we who held a faith which we considered more pure, and to which we are devotedly attached, would not on account of these doc trines and on account of that devotion give any assis tance to Roman Catholics.—(flear hear.) If we make that declaration wh a t i s th e lesson we inculcate?— (Hear, hear.) Now, take the case of the Protestant pro• prietors of an extensive district—they had a large Roman Catholic tenantry—they were probably Dis senters and Catholics who tilled the soil—would it be right in these landed proprietors to refuse to contribute any assistance towards those Roman Catholic tenantry— would they be acting in accordance with the will of the Supreme Judge to refuse all means whereby those poor people might obtain religious consolation?—(Hear, hear.) I think they would be acting more in accord ance with the principles of the faith which they profess, if they said to these poor people, " I wish you to have religious consolation in the hours of need. I wish you to have religious instruction from those who can afford it. I will, therefore, contribute towards the maintenance of the minister who will perform these duties."—(Hear, hear.) Is there any precept in our religion to forbid this? Do not great and enlightened bodies act so? I will take for example some of the great companies of the City of London, who do everything to improve the condition of those dependent upon them. They make great sacrifices to do so. Take the Drapers' Company—they allot a small sum as a stipend for the payment of the Roman Catholic priest hood, and contribute to the repairs of the Roman Ca tholic chapels ; and are I to advise Parliament to take a course, which would in effect tell the companies—" You cannot contribute towards Roman Catholic purposes without a violation of religious principle."—(Hear, hear.) But what will be our own position? How shall we act when we come to decide upon the grant to Pres byterian ministers ? Shall we continue that vote? Por tions of the public money are voted to men whose re ligious opinions we utterly repudiate. What position w ill we stand in with respect to our own colonies?— (Hear, hear.) If we avow such a principle, in what re lation will we stand towards the Roman Catholics at Malta and Gibraltar—(Hear, hear)—in the Canadas and in the Mauritius `t —(Hear, hear.) In many of the West India Islands it would be impassible to act upon the principle of disclaimingaltogether such religious support. How shall we stand with regard to the Roman Catholics of Ireland ? Shall we repeal the Act which provides the payment of Roman Catholic chaplains for prisons? An Act was passed enabling grand juries to appoint Roman Catholic chaplains to gaols—nay, making it compulsory upon them to do so when a proper requisi tion was made. The grand jury was required to make provision for the maintenance of those chaplains, and to prevent the assignment of unequal salaries to ministers of the different religious persuasions. Will you repeal the Act far the maintenance of Roman Catholic chaplains for workhouses? There again you have imposed an abso!ute obligation to appoint Roman Catholic chaplains. Will you take away from the wretched pauper that religious consolation which he seeks in his last moments before he is ushered into the presence of his Maker.—(llear, hear.) That faith against which you protest, and those doctrines which are not your doctrines, you have yet given a Parlia mentary sanction to, by providing salaries for its tem:here. Can I then, after reviewing our own fh,tion, and that of the colonies, and that of the Roman Catholics of Ire land, who have for the last fifty years received this Parlia -mentary grant—can I now come to the conclusion that 'we are prepared to discontinue that grant on the ground o f the violation of religious scruples ? Will the House continue the present grant or repudiate it altogether? I know only one other course, and that course we are prepared to take.—(Loud cheers.) Prepared —yes, I will say prepared—believing that it will be conducive to the welfare of the Irish people, and that it will generate a confiding spirit among them. If we are to take that course, all will admit that it should be taken in a conci liatory spirit. If these institutions are to remain, we should consider them with a view towards improving their condition. By improvement I do not mean inter ference with the course of education pursued there, which would be poisoning all the good that our liberality would effect, but I mean treating them in a really generous spirit, with the hope that such treatment will create a corresponding spirit, and that we may reap the ' fruits of it in the improved fe e li ng an d con di t i on of the Roman Catholic clergy and laity. Having -determined to take that course, we ought to take it .-effectually, and make a provision which will be really sufficient to supply the wants of the Roman Catholic , Church, so that the ministers of that religion may be swell educated and well disciplined. To increase the g,-ant by an addition of 3,000/. or 4,000/., would be worse than nothing.—(Hear, hear.) I exclude that en tirei"y from my consideration. I cannot think that the amount of pecuniary assistance can be said to be of any very great importance when the principle is admitted. I w ill now, %dill the permission of the House, prccced to state the nature of the proposal which I am now, on the part of the Government, instructed to make. — (Ili ar, hear.) I have already . ' stated that, by the exist ing laws, the trustees of Maynooth are expressly em powered to purchase and acquire land. That power was confirmed by the Act of George the Third. They were . nowhere allowed to hold real pertpert. brytlfift 1,0001. a year. That is the enactment, but AO' was never given to it, because the trustees were not nominated, they were never able to hold land. They could not held laud by any other tenure than by the lives of' the existing trustees, and that land could not pass to their successors. In order to remedy that, I propose in the Bill I will lay before the House to incorporate the trustees, to make them a corporate lord ship, under the name of the Trustees of Maynooth Col lege, thus giving them a real power and an ability of holding land to the amount of 3,0004; that is to say, if the meml:ers of the Roman Catholic faith are desirous to endow and make a provisien for the endowment of particular localities. I can conceive no objection to such a voluntary contribution; and I therefore propose to admit a body so incorporated to hold real property to the extent of 3,000/. I will next address myself to the position of the chief officers of Maynoo:h. I propose to make a liberal provision—liberal as compared with the present stipends of the president and professors. At present the enicend !odd by the professors does not ex ceed 122! a year. Instead of defining what shall be the amount of stipend to such professors, to allocate to the trustees of Maynooth certain sums, which shall be placed at the discretion of the trustees, from which such salaries shall be drat n 6,000/. or 7,000 L a year ; the salaries for professors to vary from 2501. to 300/. In order to increase the number cf professors it would be necessary to make an additional provision. I propose, therefore, that a sum not exceed ing 6,000/. a year should be given to the trustees, in order to make a provision for the president, professors, . librarian, and principal officers of the College. I now come to the provision to be made for students, but I must first remind the House of the ecnstitution of the College. The College is divided into two departments — one of these hes three senior classes, which are called divinity students, and from these selections are made . for the priesthood. In the subordinate departments of the College there are four junior classes; in addition to these elseses there are twenty senior students, or Dun boyne students, so celled because Lord Dunboyne left a grant of 5004 a year expressly for that provision. I have else stated that twenty senior students were selected , by the president, who were allowed to remain three years after they have finished the collegiate course, in the same way as bachelors are at our universities. There are in all fbnr hundred and thirty students in the College divided into these three classes: the Dunboyne, th., senior, end junior classes. We propose to alot, to each of the Dunboyne students the sum of 40/. per annum. We propose to make, in the whole, a provision for 500 students-250 in the four junior classes, and 250 in the three senior classes, these being divinity students. We propose that, for the maintenance of each student, in order to cover the expense of collegiate education, that the sum of 281. a year should be allowed to the trustees —that is, 28/. a year for each—and, in addition to that . sum, amounting to 14,560/., we propose for the two hundred and fifty divinity students in the sures rior classes a separate allowance of 20L a year, making a further sum of 5,000/. The effect of this ar rangement, when sanctioned by the House, will be a very considerable increase. For president, professors , and librarians, we propose a sum not exceeding 6,000 1 • a year For the twenty Dunboyne students 401. a year ; making a total yearly provision of 26,316/. Observe here we admit of an increase in the number of students in the College from 440 to 500. We propose that such addition to the building itself shall take pla!e ag will enable a decent apartment to be assigned to each student ; and that the College shall be made in appear' mice, and, in fact, worthy of such an institution (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We further intend that a decent provision shall be made for the president, and that the repairs of the College shall be annually attende d to. For the better accommodation of the presiden t and the professors we design suitable apartments for them. The whole grant, then, will be a sum not ex ceeding 30,000/.---(Great cheering from the Opposition) —to be made from the public funds. We do not pros pose that the provisions made for the five hen; eked students should be divided among an increase", number. We wish their education to be a libel ) one, and that the reminiscences of Maynooth should ne t be revolting.—(Hear, hear.) We increase the grant , but we limit the number of students to 500. We pre' pose, also, that the Board of Works shall undertake tbo repairs of the College of Maynooth, the amount of suc h repairs and improvements to come before the Bells* in the shape of an annual vote, included in the year n i f estimates of the Board of Works. With respect to visitorial powers—we do not propose that any gre y t!. powers shall be conferred on the visitors than thes e present possess, but we propose that instead of s O, nial visitation it shall be an annual one, and that 1 1 . .. * 1 7 visitors shall be appointed instead of three, and thatlm Lord-Lieutenant shall have power to direct a visitati 9 J, whenever he may think fit. Her Majesty will appoint a+ l s ,. visitors in addition to the three Roman Catb9, visitors which at present exist. These visitors, as I ks—, already stated. will not be invested with greater powell but their visit must be a bona fide one : it v.r i r e have no reference to doctrine or discipline. will not spoil this act.—(Hear, hear.) This k g siness was ascertained by three visitors, and tp ° visitors were the Earl of Fingal], Dr. Crolly, and Dr: Murray ; and I can assure the House that this me w sure has not been brought before it without a con siders': tion of the feelings of the Roman Catholic body, °t without consultation with those who may well be s!er posed to be acquainted with the feelings of that WV', and I think I may say that those gentlemen are Pr e pared to recommend it to the members of the Rom) Catholic Church. I believe, Sir, that this measure conceived in the spirit in which it was first a nnounc o 4 and that it will meet with the general consent of 01 , Roman Catholic hierarchy. I believe, Sir, that the are prepared to receive it with a feeling of satisfaetil and that they are grateful for it. That it will meet rti e the approbation of the most influential and respects'. of that powerful body, and that it will be accepted as liberal and efficient remedy for the evils under which th , 5 . e .4. have suffered. I do not use this as an argument'', the adoption of this measure by the House, but I do argumen t s, lieve that it is a strong inducement for the House ti take it into its most favourable consid e r a ti on . I anVi i insensible of the difficulty of the position under wf: g I and those who a c t w ith me l a b our , i n p ro p o sing t ils g ; increased grant to M a y noo th ; b u t s till I comely e t'd this grant is nothing more than a liberal constructio n ., the obligations into which this House and the countli • have entered with the Roman Catholic body in Irelan.`i, ; and this measur e i s n o thing more or l ess th a n a lek t mate fruit of that obligation. Nor do I conceive th e , se any misc o n s t ruc ti on can b e p u t on thi s gran t, o therir o than to say that this is an act of greater liberality might have been expected. I do not propose that grant shall be one for giving a title to intermeddle the doctrines of the Church to which this grant is msd I believe th a t suc h an a tt em pt would b e both end `, cn?us, unjust, and uncalled-for. We do not give ts'o thing by this grant, which in principle has not 00 yielded by previous grants. I am of opinion that l a will be amply rewarded by the improved system of Ire cation among the Roman Catholic ecclesiastics of we land. And in doing this. Sir, Ido not believe that 10 ., violate an y one consc i ent i ous p r i nc ipl e whatever — ( err hear)—for I hold stedfast and unwavering every Poe ciple of the Church to which I belong ; but O n o same time, I do believe that we violate ns". l' of the obli ga ti ons of honour and good s eg o .4 ) o in promoti ng i mprovemen t i n th e c h arac t er o f those "be are entrusted with the education of those who are t° A' spiritual g u id es an d i ns t ruc t ors o f m illi ons o f our i'le t i o a countrymen.—(l mmense c h eer i ng fr om the OppoSt I benches). On the motion that the Bill be brought in, t,get Sir R. INGLIS said that ho regretted, on maul t io counts, that no other person stood in the precise p0a1,,,p -which he occupied, and the more so, because it P e lll pened that on this occasion he was more than tou.,bs unable to address the H o use ; but, however that 0 ;0.• be, he felt thankful that he was able to offer some "„ j1 ":.1;$ sition, however feeble, to the proposition from his P i Tbe Hon. Friend at the head of the Government. A 1000: close of his speech, as at its commen c e men t, hi s Rig h t bad Friend had stated that the proposition which b° p ei• brought before the House was one which violate' Wog ther honour nor good faith. Now, in the consider s bf of this question they must take it as regulated either oitlf law or custom, and he felt assured, however reluci,•o4 he might do it, that it was impossible to resist opP—fel; the proposition of his Right Hon. Friend, and be 0 0. that his Right Hon. Friend must have ent e rtaine d siderabte doubt of his ultimate success, by a Cl A rc esr , stance which could not have esca p e d hi s practise' re that all the cheers w ith w hi c h t hi s propos i t i o n w 5 „ 5 0 / ceived came from th e Opp os iti on s id e o f the 1 11) ," t b (Cheering from th e Opp os iti on s id e o f the House) i bst he believed that his Right Hon. Friend would fine r apt the general feeling of the c o un try was against anY t r o ese• such as he had m a d e t o the consideration of the 1 ,00 His Right lion. Friend had stated that this pronto; the would not take the country by surprise, for that: e t oed close of last session he had intimated that he 111!e in to introduce some provision for acadi-mical educaneither Ireland, but he (Sir R. Inglis) must state, that veoble in his declaration of last session, nor in that realar w bea speech which he had made five years age at 1,6 not a Minister of' the Croen, he had professed ol d t he was not prepared to vote for the discontinuanc e t 00 . 0' grant to the College of Maynooth. 114' 1 ,130 Friend had s t a t e d that lie had three courses beforor the —the di scont i nuance o f t h e grant , i ts increasetn the r endowment of the Coll e ge. At that time, . 01 7 IV' speech est. the Hon. Member for Kent, his Rig h n i,eon' Friend had r e f use d t o g i ve hi s pl e d ge for the le e 01 1 1 " tinuance of the grant. Had it been merclY lu vo saw tinuance of the grant, he (Sir H. Inglis) would ba se ark° little in opposition to the motion ; but he, and t h° t acted with him, could look on it only us a gra i n downient to the Catholic Church in Ireland, and e re sell uncalled for by an y c i rcums t a n c es of the P nr ant' time. This h a d been in fact an annual e'prsc' and when re f erence was ma d e to th e g oa t : tice of fifty years as sanctioning th is , 05 0 1 and as authorising the present measure, he m ust t hat I in oppositi on t o the position of his Hon.. Friend" o n 0 d 5 eves' was merely a provision from year to year, a° 0 t never precluded the reconsideration of:the grilr "Vast;; within the session in which it was made. N e . roe t lO O expected by the Roman Catholic body, at the rim a rse it should be anything more. When as a matter nt the Irish House of Commons had passed the g i ll:0 $ the support of the College, in 1799, the House a les virtual) negatived it by a motion which was lo s tin!, to voting the consideration of any question for ,0 1 , six months, by voting its application at an 1 10 1 1 : o iete". date. And what was the impression ent, v ibe; of any right to support from GovernMeT,„hed 0 1 9 College of Maynooth was first estaew RAILWAYS. The NOME EARL at the same time laid upon the table of the House, by command of her Majesty, maps relating to the proposed railway communications with the northern districts of Ireland and Scotland , the re . ports of the Board of Trade upon the scheme for supply ing Leeds and the West Riding of Yorkshire with rail way communications, upon the Portsmouth and South Wales schemes, and upon the London and York and South Wales projects. The Duke of RICHMOND trusted that as the Court of Quarter Sessions would be held next week the Railway Clauses Consolidation Bill would not be pressed through the House till the., following week. There were other partieswit h interested in thi s Bill b esides those connecte d railways, and he hoped there would be no objection DALII ITSIE had to thee Earl cours of f proposed. Th o these Bills m ore rap i dly than was con sistent t o a d m it o f proper attentio n b e i ng paid to them ,nobudte,siraet the to same m press oiattmeuasetalbeeartsonsfetnahbeis rßeidlltharaata, checkingto a certain extent, be t hef or e P p rogressar li a • t t h i e ep, p of the numerous measures likely to com ment, connected with railway legislation. BASTARDY BILL. Lord STANLEY said—the fact of the quar t er sessions coming on next week iialuced him t o ho pe etitat their Lordships would now sanc ti on t h e second reading of another measure. It was a Bill for amending the existing law of bastardy, for which no day had yet been fixed for the second reading. The Bill would not, to any extent, alter the spirit of the present law, but it was introduced into Parliament for the pur pose of removing certain technical difficulties which pedid the operation of the Act of last year. After a few words from Lord CA3IPBELL and the Duke of lticnmoND the Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow. THE OREGON TERRITORY. Lord CLARENI)ON gave notice that he would to morrow call attention to the question of the Oregon ter ritory.—Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 3. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. MEDICAL REFORM. Mr. MANGLES presented a petition from the whole of the medical practitioners of Surrey against Sir James Graham's Medical Reform Bill. BIRKENHEAD DOCKS. On the motion of Mr. TATTON EGERTON, the Bir kenhead Docks' Bill was read a third time and pa.sed. EASTERN UNION RAILWAY EXTENSION. Captain FITZMORRIS presented a petition from a private individual against the Eastern Union Extension Rail way. Lord RENDLESIIAM presented a petition from Man chester against the Manchester and Salford Waterwoi ks Bill. The report of the Committee on the Birmingham and StaffordAire Gas Bill was referred back to the Com mittee. On the motion of Mr. SPOON ER, the report of the Committee on the Thames Navigation Bill was further considered, and read a second time. MAYNOOTII. Mr. DIVETT presented a petition from Exeter against the increased grant to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth. Sir G. SMYTH presented numerous petitions from parishes in the county of Essex also against the graut. Mr. PLUMPTRE presented a great number of peti tions to the same effect from parishes in Kent, Bucking ham, Berkshire, York, and other counties. THE BOA RD OF TRA DE—CROYDON RAILWAY. Mr. DODD rose to move. according to notice, that the report of the Board of Trade against the Bill in tended to be brought in by the Croydon Railway Com pany, to authorise the construction of a railway to A.h• ford, be referred back to the Board of Trade for recon sideration. The SPEAKER said, that before the Hon. Gentleman 1 , proceeded with his motion, the House should decide whether that motion could come on during the time of private business. This was the first case of the kind that had occurred, and it was his (the Speaker's) opinion, that the motion involved a question as to the conduct of the Board of Trade in the discharze of a public duty. He, therefore, thought that it should be brought on at the time of public business. Mr. HAWES trusted that the House would take this matter into its serious consideration. With great deferenre to the opinions advanced by the Speaker, be (Mr. Hawes) conceived that., if they were acted upon, it ' would be imposing a very great restriction on the pro gress of private BiTh , . The repolt3 which the Beard of Trade i - aa.tie, he understood, 7. - rn. - 3 only for the information of the House, and he should wish to know how these indi viduals could proceed with this Bill if they were not allowed to question the accuracy and value of the Board which had decided against them. If this opinion were acted upon it was perfectly clear it would stop the further progress of this Bill. He thought it would be i❑ his power to show tint the decisions of the Board of Trade were not entitled to the confidence of the House, and under these circumstances he thought it better for the House now to decide whether the Board of Trade should thus he allowed efficiently to arrest the progress of pri vate Bills. Lord G. SOMERSET, without entering into the question of the principle sought to be established by the lion. Member for Lambeth, certainly thought that this was a most improper time for bringing the subject before the notice of the House. It was quite true that if the Hon. Member could get the House to support the opinions lie had advanced it would be most desirable that the question should be at once settled. But the House should remember that the reports of the Board of Trade were-nothing more than an opinion given upon cer tain schemes by a number of gentlemen ; and whether these schemes were reported against or not, it was at the option of the supporters to proceed with those schemes. lle trusted that the matter would be allowed to go on in the proper order, and that, therefore, the Hon. Member would not proceed with his motion now. _ . Lord HOWICK said that the House was placed in a most anomalous position with regard to the Board of Trade. lion. Members might recollect that during the la st session it was decided that the reports made by the Board of Trade should be referred to the Committees on the Bills to which those reports had reference. But in this session they had gone somewhat further. On the 4th of March it 'was decided that when railway Bills and projects had been reported on. these reports should be referred to the single Committee, and under this re solution the Bill to which the Ilonourable Member alluded, and the report upon that Bill would go before the Committee appointed to examine into the group of schemes of which that Bill formed a portion ; and the Committee, therefore, in dealing with the whole subject, would reject or approve in a great mea sure upon the report of the Board of Trade. He begged to remind the House that the resolution by which these schemes were referred to single Committees, was moved by the Noble Lord (Lord Granville Somerset) and agreed to by the House at the time of private business. He thought it a great injustice to refuse a hearing to this motion at the present time, for if the Hon. Member were not allowed to bring it forward now, he might not be enabled to do so for a very considerable time. In the meantime, however, the private Committee might be appointed ; it might proceed to the consideration of this Bill, and to the report of the Board of Trade, which this petition complained of. They ought, therefore, to be given an opportunity of stating their ground of complaint before the Committee was appointed. It would be folly to refer the report back to the Board of Trade, because, as the Noble Lord himseif admitted they had not time even now to get through their own proper business. Sir GEORGE CLERK said it was not his intention to follow the Noble Lord in the course of reasoning he had adopted. The question simply was, whether this matter ought to be brought forward at the time of public business. He would not go into the details ; but he should say that the uniform practice of the House was, that railway matters should be disposed of with the private business. But this question did not fall within that rule. As it touched the character of a public board, he did not conceive that it should be heard with the private business. Mr. LABOUCHERE confessed that he was inclined to take the view of the Right Honourable Baronet opposite, in preference to the opinion of the Honourable Gentleman who sat beside him. He could not help thinking that this resolution differed in its nature from any that he recollected, and was sure that it would take the House, some considerable time to discuss it. It could not be considered or disposed of as the private business of the House, as it effected the con duct of a public board, and would open the door to other and perhaps more serious petitions. If it were true that the Board of Trade had hastily and negligently reported on this Bill, he thought that a discus sion on the matter in this House in this mode would be perfectly unsatisfaCtory. He was of opinion that the House would do well to adhere to those rules which they had hitherto observed, and wished that the House would dismiss the Bill. Mr. DUNCOMBE did not coincide with the reasons offered by the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, for resisting the Bill. His complaint was that more peti tions could be presented to the House against the reports of the Board of Trade ; but if there were petitions of that description presented, it was the duty - of that House to hear them, and it was right that they should be heard. In fact the discussions upon this question had been the cause of creating very great dissatisfaction in the public mind against this department of the Board of Trade— (" Hear, hear," from Colonel Sibthorp)—and that dis satisfaction would continue to increase if this inquiry should not be gone into.—(Hear, bear.) But the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite said, "let the Committee decide upon this question ;" but surely the Co mm itt e e had quit e enoug h t o do already, without imposing this additional duty upon them-- (Hear, hear)—but if it should be referred to them, see the loss of time that would follow : there would be counsel on the one hand, and counsel on the other, and in fact there would he no end of the labour they would have to perform.—(Hear, hear.) Then, with regard to what had been said about not allowing matters of this sort to interfere with private business, surely the Right Hon. Gentleman should recollect that their petitions had been allowed to be presented and printed during private business ; and therefore the time for bringing the subject forward was the time during which private business was before the House, in order to hear all just complaints and do justice to those who had charges to make against the public department of the Board of Trade.—(Hear.) If those complaints were not to be brought forward now, he would like to know when they would ?—at the close of the session?—up stairs, when all the falsehoods put forward on one side should have been heard 2—(Hear, hear.) He would say that there were very grave and serious accusations made against the railway depart. ment of the Board of Trade, and he was aware that they could be suppi:rted, and when they were heard it would be found that very great injury had been done to many persons connected with railroads ; and therefore he did think that the proper time to hear those parties was during the private business. On those grounds, he begged to move that the Hon. Member for Maidstone be now heard.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. GISBORNE conceived that Hon. Gentlemen opposite had got themselves into a great mess by the manner in which they had conducted this proceeding.— (Hear.) The present was only one of a great many cases of this kind, and they were all owing to parties having a duty entrusted to theta which they were in competent to deal with.—(Flear.) By referring these complaints to a Select Committee who had already 23 independent railways to deal with, it would be found that this addition to their labours could not be satisractorily dolt with by them. His opi nion was that the case ought to be heard. The Hon. Gentleman ought to be allowed to make his state ment, and should the report of the Board of Trade afterwards prove unworthy of further notice, it would be the duty of the House at once to cancel it. Colonel - SIBTHORP would defy any body of gentle men, no matter however diligent they might be, to come to a correct decision within six months of a vast number of railway schemes, and he should, therefore, support the motion of the Hon. Member for Finsbury. Sir G. GREY said that he could not altogether coin cide in the opinion of the Iron. Member for Maidstone (Mr. Dodd), and the position which he had taken. Whatevtr might be the error committed by the Board of Trade in their tactics, he believed their opinions to be honestly adopted. Whatever decision the House might come to on the case of the present petition, he trusted that the object of the petitioners would not be prejudiced thereby. It could hardly be expected the Board could come to any sufficiently considered decision within a month or six weeks. At the same time he must say that the decision of the Board of Trade was not the de cision of the Ilouse of Commons, and he thought that that decision, whether it militated against or was in favour of any particular scheme, ought not to prevent any discussion upon it when it came before a COMlnit.