The Sun. — London, England, 1844-03-07 00:00:00

H an s avage, and eat the dirty grub for his breakfast, and the uni tressed fish for his dinner—let him do that, I and they would. not complain.—(Loud cheers.) If he chose to be ignorant, and would not have books because, their leaves were made from dirty rags r 'filch came from Italy, let him do so.—(Chef rs.) Let him, if he chose, discard writing, becaui le the gall of which ink was made came from Aleppo.— , (Cheers.) Let him do all this, if he pleased, but let .him not interfere with the privilege— the high and .'noble privilege—which entitled the people of this , sountry to invite the people of other countries to c once to this with their contributions, and enabled the people here to offer to them their contributions in - return.—(Cheers.) The time once was when in this country there were rude savages who, instead of 'garment s , c ove red th e i r bodies with red and yellow ochre ; and who, instead of houses, had huts made of the branches of trees and covered with fern.—(Hear.) He did not complain of the man who said he would feed on aboriginal cabbages— (Latighter)—and. make his pies and puddings of aloes, haws, and blackberries—(Laughter)—because they grew on his own land.—(Cheers.) God forbid that he should be deprived of the enjoyment of these notions, and th at he should be compelled to eat peaches and otheir delicacies that came to maturity under a more benignant sun. Let him do as he liked with respect to alt this, but let him not interfere with them. He might, if he chose, place a stick on the sands or ttie sea shore, or he might hang up a pitcher full of water, with a hole in the bottom, and watch its running from the rising to the setting sun, in order to tell how the time passed by. But let him not deprive him of that beautiful instrument which had proceeded from the intelligence and intellect of man, called a watch, in which the iron was brought from Sweden, the gold from Africa and Asia, and the precious stones from various parts of the world.—(Cheers.) Let him immure himself, if he pleased, in some uninhabited spot —let him do as their forefathers of old had done, have oak-tables, in which holes were made for the salt, and.let him use his fingers instead of employing those arecles, the materials of which came from other countries. Let him do all that. What mattered it 'to him (Dr.. Bowring) or to them, if he chose to dress in (coarse garments, and would enjoy nothing but that Mich was indigenous to his own land? He (pr. Bowring) might mourn over him; but what business, he would ask, had he to interfere with him who had that for which others would be thankful and grateful, and who, in return for that which he could give, would place at his disposal the produce of the universal world ?—(Cheers.) This was the history of civilisation and commerce, and in what, he would ask, consisted their victory, but that of making the universal world, with all its climates, and fruits, and men, and mind, tributary , to that activity which gave energy to them and benefit and profit to all.? In a country like the present, where he saw men who worked at th e l oom , rising before the sun, and retiring to rest l ong a ft er it h a d set, h e sa id , i s that being one - who was spreading the benefits of amity aria friendship over the universal world, b'ecause that w hi c h h e pro d uce d b roug ht to this c , Juntry all th e en j o y men t s o f lif e ? With out him th'sy never would have reached the high po s iti o n in wkteh this country at present stood. If this country Wa4 great, and great it was—(Cheers)—if it was in eatential, and influential it was—(Cheers)—it was 1 'because they had made themselves dependent on other nations, and thereby rendered them tributary to this country.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not lamenta ble, in day s lik e th e presen t, to h ear th e strong—theinfa tuated language, which was used by men when they talked of the foreign relations of this country ? Could they not see that those relations were the real sources of the commerce of the c o u n try ? Did it not bring to those who were constantly inveighing against it , al most all that they ate, drank, or were clothed with? It brought to them almost every decoration in their dwel lings. To foreign countries they owed all this; and he (Dr. Bowring) should like nothing better than that such men should be condemned to the punishment of having their own physician—(Cheers)—viz., that of being made independent of foreign nations.— (Cheers.) It was the dependence of this country upon foreign nations that had made her name illus trous through the whole civilised world.—(Cheers.) He (Dr. Bowring) would like to strip from the backs of such men as these the garments they had received from foreign lands, and he would venture to say they would walk through the streets in their own original nakedness.—(Cheers.) Let them take from their tables the contributions that came from foreign coun tries, and he would venture to say that two or three days would put them in a state of starvation.— (li . ar, hear.) He should like to take from the 'backs of their wives and daughters the great and - beautiful things they had received from • foreign countries, and he would venture to say that they would not show themselves afterwards in Hounsditch.—(Great laughter.) It was on the de pendence of man on man that their virtues and feli cities equally hung.—(Cheers.) He could under stand the theory of those who, if they crossed a brook, or wandered over a mountain, would say they had no language to deal out in love; that there they expected to find not friends but foes ; that there they were to seek to destroy, and not to benefit. Those, however, were not the principles of those who be longed to the Lea gue ; th e i r pr i nc i p l es were free trade, with which huma n h app i ness was connected. Free traders deem it th e i r hi g h an d honourable— their most_ high and most honourable—mission, to remove the mas s o f m i sery w h ere they found misery existing, and to develope happiness whero they saw any" means of developi ng h app iness.—(Hear, hear.) Their attention was often called to what was passing elsewhere, and their thoughts had lately been taken to that ocean—the great Pacific Ocean—in which he hoped the magnificent barque of free trade would, ere long, float in all its majesty (Cheers)—and he thought, as he had duties elsewhere, that he could not better conclude what he had said, than by giving them THE BREAD-FRUIT TREE. A TALE OF THE SANDWICH ISLES. tell you a tale of the Southern Seas; You may laugh at, or cry at—just as you please. Scant was the growth of the bread-fruit tree, In the beautiful Isle of Owhyhee, While-s- - -the gift of heaven—it richly grew, O'er the sunny fields of Woahoo; And it seemed as Nature had placed these isles, In reach of each other's verdant smiles, That whate'er was wanting on either shore, From the other might swift be wafted o'er ; The Woahooan nymphs array'd In trinkets by Owhyheeans made; While Owhyhee well fed should be By Woahoo's sweet bread-fruit tree. " But alas I even happy isles like these, Have people upon them called grandees, And, where there are lords, I need not say, Things will go on in a lordly way. * Heard you that cry, whose withering sound Saddens the sunny prospect 'round ? From a million of voices it sings on high, "We starve —we stayer —their fearful cry ! Know you 'midst such fertile scenes, That itwful voice of Famine means ? (111 I list to me—in Owhyhee There were lords and squires of high degree, Who in bread-fruit held large property, And of all afflictions, ills, and vices, Thought nothing so dreadful as low prices, Wherefore they held it just and meet, • That the world should not too cheaply eat ; Nay, deemed it Radical insolence To wish to dine at a small expense, And swore, for the sake of themselves and heirs, That, happen what might with other wares, No bread should be less dear than their's. In vain the Owhyheeans said— " My Lords, wo much respect your bread, But, with all due reverence for your Graces, We'd rather have cheaper from other places." In vain from the Woahooan shore, Barques, filled with bread-fruit, winged them o'er ; 'Twat; vulgarly cheap, and taxed must be, Before 'twas fit for good company ; Nor must the poor devils swallow a bit Unless they swallowed a tax with it. And what said the Lords of Owhyhee, And the Owhyheean squirearchy, In defence of their joint gentility Why, they said that they, and their sires before 'em, Had shone in the senate, the camp, and quorum, Had all been rich—had managed to get, As became their station, deeply in debt; And thought it hard that men of reading, Which had cost themselves so much in breeding, Should now fall victims to cheap feeding ; Shorn of their beams of wealth and state, To help low fellows to masticate. " How little," said they, " the thoughtless poor Can know what the suffering rich endure ! In bringing up dozens of young grandees, In paying off horrible mortgagees -To say nothing of assignees, lessees, And an endless quantity more of these Uneasy things, that end in ees ! And though, as honest Figaro says, If a gentleman owes, and never pays, * 'Tis just the same, be it great or small, As if he, in fact, owed nothing at all ! , mehow, unless one sometimes pays, shy of one, now-a-days." the bread-tax once was gone, and gentlemen couldn't get on. ,t 4 dolt, et qu'on n e p aye pas, c ' est comme rin. ;l. /15 . '}.) x ~j :.t~, . >: ~'~~ '46 01 on ne,d, .~ ~ .. ki4 to -- And they even hinted, awfully, That if e'er in the isle of Owhyhee Bread-pudding in price should humbled be, All was o'er with the aristocracy ! One penny saved to the clods who dine Would be sure to bring all the " Nobles" to " nine!" * Meanwhile that cry that dreadful cry, " We starve, we starve 1" rose loud and high ; 'Till what was the upshot, all shall see In the second canto of Owhyhee 1" The Hon. and Learned Gentleman was frequently interrupted, during the reading of the verses, by the applause and laughter of the audience, and he was loudly cheered as he sat down. J. T. LEADER ' Esq., M.P., then came forward. He said he must first congratulate them on the altered and improved position of the League, and on the great, the fair, and the intelligent meetings that now assembled in that theatre, to hear what the Council of the League had to say. When he had the honour of appearing before them on those boards last year, the League was rather an object of contempt from its opponents, a thing to be sneered, at to be laughed at, to be ridiculed. But now things were quite altered, both with the League and its opponents. Now it was a thing feared and hated, a thing to be called, as it was last night, a " dangerous conclave."—(Hear, hear.) The League was now a thing to be opposed by Anti- Leagues, composed of great dukes, and lords, and squires, with a slight sprinkling of auxiliary forces, in the shape of Conservative operative societies. Now, they must examine a little what sort of power this Anti-League was ; they were told, in a boasting way, that if the Anti-Corn-law Leave could raise a hundred thousand pounds, the Anti-League could raise two hundred thousand with equal facility. Perhaps they might ; no doubt they had got plenty of money ; it would be very hard indeed if they had not. He dared to say they were rich, because they had had protection for years, because they had compelled the people to buy their goods at high prices. They were righ, and were growing richer; but it was at the ex pense of the community ; and if a stop were not put to their protection, they would put more money in their pockets, and would become richer, but they would have made the community poor. Of money, therefore, they probably had plenty; they would probably get up county meetings, because in many counties they possessed such a large extent of land, that they could do pretty nearly as they liked. He had no doubt that they would hold plenty of meetings —some of them in Freemasons' Hall. He wondered that they were not afraid of a word of so ominous a sound as one having " free" in it; it must have re minded them a little of free trade. For his part, he should like to see some of the Anti-League gentlemen here ; it would be better than having all the talk one way. They might state their arguments, and the others might answer them. He was sure they would have a fair hearing.—(Cheers.) He thought it would be much better to have the arguments stated and answered in the same assembly, with fair play, than that each party should have their own meetings, one in Covent-garden, and the other in Freemasons' Hall. They might have their county meetings, their meet ings in b reemasons' Hall, with plenty of Conservative operatives around them to explain the state of the country to them. But he doubted whether, with all these " appliances and means to boot," they would ever be able to get in a year as much influence as the Anti-Corn-law League exercised in a week. And he would tell them why ; because he conscientiously believed that the arguments and statements of this League were founded upon truth, and he believed that the arguments and assertions of the Anti-League, of the agricultural gentlemen, were founded on fallacies. and on unsound reasoning based upon those fallacies, What were the general topics of these Anti-League meetings ? Why, really, to listen to them, or read them, one might fancy they were the speeches and after-dinner talk of the Squire Westerns, described by Fielding 100 years ago. He could hardly believe that they were the speeches of squires and country gentlemen of the nineteenth century. They were Ailed with nothing but intemperate abuse of the free-traders, calling them villains and ragamuffins, and hinting, in a very country-gentleman -like way, to the listeners, that it would be a very picturesque thing to see an Anti-Corn-law man stuck up to his chin in a horse-pond. And at these meetings they were not satisfied with attacking the free traders, they must also show their dissatisfaction with the Government ; for every blow—for every bold, straightforward blow they planted in the breast of the League, they gave an equally sincere back handed slap at Sir Robert Peel. And he would tell them why—though Sir R. Peel was not the best possible Minister for the cause of free trade, yet he was a great deal better than his supporters. The language used by the gentlemen of the Anti-League party plainly proved that they had no confidence in him, and that they only supported him from fear of being driven to measures of free trade by a more liberal Ministry. Judging from the language used at these meetings, they might see pretty well what they might expect from these Anti- League gentlemen if they had everything their own way. Let them consider a little the actual state of the country, as it would be under these Anti-League gentlemen ; he was not inclined to set one class against another, or to excite the manufacturers against the landowners, or say anything that might set the land against trade, because he believed they must both stand and fall together; their interests were so inter woven, that what was bad for one must be bad for the other, and what was good for the one, must ultimately be good for both. But whenever any particular class set itself up especially as the protector of the poor, as the protector of the agricultural labourer, or of the farmer, it was but fair that they should examine a little into what pretences they had to that character. He thought they could see a little what the landed gentry meant by protection to the poor, from the Acts they were constantly getting passed through the Le gislature. At the present moment a Bill was before Parliament, brought in by these friends of agriculture ; it proved pretty clearly what their meaning of protection for the poor was ; the measure he alluded to was an Inclosure Bill—an Act for inclosing the fields and commons of the country, in order, as the landlords said, that more land might be better cultivated, and that thus an advantage might be conferred on the poor o f the neighbourh oo d. 'What was the real state of the case ? There was a very good article on the subject in the Times of yesterday, which stated the case with tolerable fairness, and with a good deal of force. The Bill was brought in by Lord Worsley. He had not a word to say against Lord Worsley; he was a liberal minded man, and really one of the best of his class. But in this case he thought he was mistaken. In the county of Lincolnshire, with which his Lord ship was connected, and the counties round it, the Bill might be of use, because in them there was a great deal of uninclosed land that might be improved ; but for the whole country, the Bill would be a serious evil to the poor who had common rights, and to the public in general who had any advantage from the commons. In a letter in the Times of that morning, some corre spondent asked, why did not some one in the House of Commons prevent the Bill from passing ? He would tell them why. In the House of Commons the landlords had such a majority that it was impossible to prevent any Bill from passing which they chose should pass. With respect to this Inclosure Bill, he remembered opposing Lord Worsley on this subject once before, and what was the result of his opposition ? The ut most he could gain was this—that within a certain distance from certain great towns the commons should not be inclosed—that was all. They might see that every year attempts were made to inclose Hampstead heath and Blackheath. The landlords told them it was for the benefit of the poor of the neighbourhood. What benefit would it be to the poor of the neigh bourhood to see Hampstead-heath covered with houses ? The rent-roll of the landlord would be in creased, but the inclosure would be a very bad thing for those who had any benefit from the common right. This was a specimen of what the landlords called pro tection. They said that the protection was not for themselves, but for the poor and the farmer ; their protection in the case of agricultural produce was precisely the sort of protection extended to the poor in the commons. Depend upon it in every in closure it was the rich men of the parish that got the lion's share —the poor man got little or nothin g . It was just th e same with the laws relating to the im portation of corn. The 'real protection was to the prices of the landlord —not in any respect to the comfort or the convenience either of the farmer or the s farm hort tlhaebopurroerteootrion flothae eereredrnubynittyhe in genral. In landlords to the poor was precisely like th e protection afforded by a strong nation to a weak one—that is to say the strong nation reaped all the a d van t age, and expected the weak nation to be excessively grateful for what it did not get— (Loud cheers)—and for all which it saw the strong one reaping at its expense, under the generous and disinterested pretence of protecting the weak one. Now they heard a great deal of these Anti-League meetings. He wondered they had the face to repeat the arguments they put forth that the agitation of th e L eague was solely directed to bring ing dow n wages i n the manufacturing districts. The landlords held up th e manu f acturers as monsters o f cruelty and iniquity —men whose every act was di rected only to lowering wages. Why, the profits of the manufacturer did not depend nearly so much on low wages as on the increased demand for sh—im(sHelet.,arit hear)— no a to n ri d ou as s f t o h r at t h h i e .s wwaogrkes ihnigs man g did not depend upon the price of bread—it was re gulated by the supply and demand for his labour. If there were more hands than could be employed the wars diminished. Then let them consider what a difference the corn-laws made in the price of bread to the poor man. When the price of bread was low, he would spend less of his means in the pur chase of bread, and he could apply the remainder in the purchase ofother things. By that means he'could the reason rather than the fears of Parliament, if he had ever seen anything yielded to reason which was not backed by agitation.—(Hear, hear.) Philosophers had characterised man by the distinc tive attribute of reason, but he believed no philoso pher could be found who made it the distinguishing feature of Parliaments.—(Cheers and laughter.) A logical demonstration, or a consecutive chain of rea soning, was the last thing which affected a Parlia ment. It led to a count-out of the House.— (Laughter.) The powerful speeches of Burke, which would endure as long as the English language existed, were addressed to empty benches. But when a little agitation was mixed with reason, it generally inclined Parliament to listen to the people. It was thus that the emancipation of the negro, that the Reform Bill, and the destruction of Gatton and Old Sarum, had been effected. Sir Robert Peel taunted O'Connell with having ad dressed himself to the Irish people rather than to Parliament. Did Sir Robert Peel believe in his heart that the eloquence of O'Connell, if addressed to Par liament would produce the slightest effect, or be at tended with the smallest benefit?—(Hear, hear)—or that any one grievance of the unfortunate sister king dom would be redressed—(Renewed cries of " Hear, hear")—if he had not been backed by the Irish na tion ? Would Mr. Cobden or Mr. Bright, if they had been addressing Parliament for three years have ob tained as many votes ?—(Hear, hear.) Would those arguments have been listened to which were so ap preciated by millions of their fellow-countrymen ? The aristocracy and squirearchy of this country ma nifested a predilection for everything rotten and ex clusive in its nature and tendency, and a dislike for that which was sound, reasonable, andliberal.—(Hear, hear.) They had the declaration of Lord John Russell, if, indeed, any declaration were needed on so plain a subject, that the opposition to a repeal of the corn-laws was grounded upon sordid, selfish, and interested motives. He (Mr. !Collier) believed, from his heart, that the landlord class was mistaking its true advantage—that they did not see their true interests—and forgot that commerce was the greatest of all the fertilisers of the earth.—(Loud cheers.) The agriculturists imported bone-dust and guano for manure, but commerce it was which made prosperity out of barrennesk— which produced a Manchester and a Liverpool.—(Renewed cheering.) Did Manchester and Liverpool add nothing to the value of land ? Had not the rents in Lancashire in creased two-fold within fifty years, and would they not continue to increase, though corn were fifty shillings a quarter ?—(Hear, hear.) Was it not commerce which made thriving cities and a comfortable population ? Was it not the source of high rents, and demand for labour and its produce ? And was not monopoly the reverse ? Did it not make populous villages uninhabited, and prevent the flow of prosperity ? Was not its progress attended with misery, and did not the tears of the people attest it ?—(Hear, hear.) The landlord seemed altogether unacquainted with the commonest prin ciples of political economy. It was a very dry, in sipid study —very, I tedious, and its application perhaps very painful.—(Laughter:) Aristotle had not known the science, and therefore political economy was little taught in our universities. The agriculturists had instituted several societies, but the most useful so ciety of any they could form would be one for the diffusion of the principles of political economy among the landlords.—(Loud cheers.) The people of England had tolerated monopoly too long, but they would not patiently starve.— (Hear, hear.) Their ancestors would not tolerate monopolies. (Great cheer ing.) They themselves would not tolerate monopoly under that name. They bore it because it was shel thered under the imposing appellation of a protective duty. But monopoly had seen its best days. The meetings of the League in Covent-garden and else where, were spreading far and wide the principles of common sense, and it was high time for the monopo lists " to put their house in order."—(Loud cheers.) Sixty years ago Adam Smith had demonstrated the principles of political economy in his immortal work, and since those principles had been developed and proved in a manner to convince the most obstinate of philosophers, and Mr. Baring himself—(Laughter and cheers.) The attentions of the people had been diverted to a thousand questions of much less import, and monopoly had been overlooked, and was suffered silently to prey upon the best interests of the country. The land owners, narrow-sighted and selfish, were framing laws for their own exclusive advantage. They had converted the foreign ploughman into a manufac turer, because we shut out his corn. Their policy raised the mill and the factory abroad where the ploughshare would have run—they had sown dragon's teeth all over the Continent—and those who would have been now useful friends became our enemies, and successful rivals.—(Hear, hear.) All this the country quietly endured, until at length it had a suc cession of bad harvests—then the eyes of the people were opened, and it was found that the population had for twenty years been increasing at the rate of a thou sand a day, and that no precaution had been taken to raise food for them. The discontent arose, and the cry of hunger went forth—the people, rendered by their wretched condition, and exasperated at the con duct of their aristocracy, rose up against the law and became a prey to the demagogue. The demon of ChartiEm found its votaries and its victims. These things caused any man to think and feel. The enor mous distress of a country destined by nature to be the most flourishing in the world was found to re sult from this gigantic error in legislation —the en couragement of monopoly.—(Hear, hear.) At this crisis the members of the Anti -Corn-law League commenced they labours—they went forth among the people as the apostles of free trade, they pointed tha b t e the the basis of legislation principl es o f po li t i ca l out most clearly the causes of the distress, an d unequi vocally demonstrated the faults of our commerc i a l po licy.econ 0 m T y h e " y , hich showed can notshould be violated with impunity. Those comp re h ens i ve and philanthropic principles were rescued f rom th e silence of the book-shelf; and spread before the face of the nation—they were laid down in Parliament. The advocates of free trade inquired if they were re futable, and if not refutable why should they not be acted upon ?—(Loud and prolonged cheering.) Those advocates were answered by the supercilious sneer of a Parliament which mocks rather than represents the nation.—(Hear, hear, and great applause.) He rejoiced that the squirearchy had fairly hunted Sir R. Peel out of his cover of generalities, and that they now knew what they might expect from him. He was glad to see that Peel had nailed his colours to the mast of protection, which was fixed in the rotten vessel of expediency.—(Great cheers.) The declara tion of the Prime Minister would fairly divide the country into two parties, and it could be fully ascer tained on what ground those parties took their stand. We free traders contended for unlimited freedom of importation, because the difference between our ex ports and the imports from our foreign neighbours formed the wealth of the country, and as this system of free trade advanced the prosperity of the country increased. We therefore were for adding to the wealth of the country for the vurpose of providing for an increasing population. Their adversaries would pre vent the wealth of the country from increasing in order that what existed might be unfairly divided. The principles for which the League contended could not be reasonably opposed—they were maintained by the most eminent writers—by the greatest statesmen, the most sagacious politicians, and the wisest philoso phers—they were supported by all the living talent of the day—by reviews, magazines, and newspapers, in short by every man of sense in the kingdom, but they were opposed—by who or what think you ?—hy the Morning Post— (Laughter.) Yes, by the Morning Post, and he must say that the articles in that paper advocating protection to agriculture were really the most melancholy indications of the retrograde movement of the human intellect. It was not 'very likely that the Post would survive, except as a covering for books, or a lining for trunks—(Laugh ter)—but should a copy of that journal by any possibi lity reach the historian in future ages, it might sadly mislead him as to the present state of knowledge. How could such stupid fallacies be put forth after the writings of such men as Adam Smith, Ricardo, and M'Culloch ? Why such articles should have been written a century before the existence of such men, and the historian might charitably ac count for them by a chronological mistake. They should be bound up with a volume of Punch as an antidote. The Morning Post supports the exploded doctrine of expediency, and sacrifice of great principles to selfish opinions, and the welfare of the many to the interests of the few.—(Hear, hear.) No two of the adversaries of free trade were agreed. One said agri culture should be protected on account of the exclu sive hedvy burdens which were borne by it, but they refused in accede to the motion of Mr. Ward for in quiry into those burdens.—(Hear, hear.) Another asserted that protection should exist to enable them to pay the taxes. There could not be a more stupid or palpable absurdity than this. If, for example, two million quarters of corn were imported at a ss. duty, 500,000/. went to the revenue; but if twenty mil lion quarters were in the country the price of each of these was raised by 55., and 5,000,0001. went to the land lords. Well may we say remit to us the 5,000,0001. and we will raise the 500,0001.—(Hear.) A third supporter of the corn-laws said it was the labourers' question—viz., that dear bread was good for the labourers. The agricul turists were one-third of the population of the kingdom. They had been more, and had not increased for the last twenty years. The aviculturists seemed to act on the prin ciples of Miss Martineau and Malthus, but in reality it was manufactures and commerce which gave employ ment' to the surplus population. There Was still an other class more sincere in their arguments —he alluded to the Knatchbulls, who grounded their arguments for protection on mortgages and marriage settlements — (Hear and laughter) —but this position bad been speedily abandoned, and the argument was qu ickly dropped, though obstinately acted upon. They had lately hit upon a new and seemingly fertile mine of argument — the abuse of the - Anti-Corn-law League.(Laughter.) They appeared to consider; that to convict the League of the slightest inconsistency, was to prove the corn- increase the price of labour, and thus the continual action and re-action would be kept up throughout the community. High or low, the price of bread caused more adversity or prosperity to a country than could be imagined.—(Hear, hear.) They were told that the representative system was wisely and well ar ranged, the power being in the hands of the agricultural classes, and that they ought to have the preponderating influence in the Legislature—(Hear, hear)—and that it,would be unwise to deprive them of any portion of the power which they possessed. They were also told that if they (the agriculturists) did not yield of themselves, nothing could be done in a legal way which would make them yield—that was, that they were to continue to enrich themselves at the expense of the community.—(Hear, hear.) He confessed that from Parliament nothing could be ex pected at present. But were they to despair on that account ?—(Cheers.) He should say, far from it.— (Loud cheers). He saw everything showing that the cause of free trade was making rapid advances— that the arguments of the free traders were making way in the country, and even in high places—in Par liament itself, as was proved by the advance which was made during the last session towards free trade, on the Canada Corn Bill.—(Hear, hear.) By that Bill, corn might be imported from Canada, at a duty of is. But why should it not be imported at the same rate from every other British colony.—(Loud cheers.) But that was not only an admission to the principles of free trade : there were other practical advantages derived from it—namely, that the Ame ricans would be likely to smuggle a great deal of flour into Canada, so that they would then have American flour as Canadian. The landlords were very a igry at this. They pretended that their great reason for opposing the repeal of the corn-laws was that they would be dependent upon foreign countries for the supply of such a necessary article of life ; but in this case they were equally angry though the supply were to come from their own colonies, thus showing that they did not so much object to the corn being foreign as to its being cheap.—(Hear, hear.) Anything which made corn cheap must be bad, and it must be a bad law which enabled it to come into this country. That was the doctrine of the agriculturists.—(Cheers.) In the course of the next week the question of the corn-laws would• be dis cussed in the House of Commons, and he supposed they pretty well knew what the result would be— (Hear, hear)—what the course of the debate would be. His worthy and respected friend Mr. Cobden would introduce the subject with his usual cleverness and talent. He would deal with the question this year as in former years, and state his case so clearly before the House, that if the Members had not an in terest in opposing him they would be compelled by their consciences to vote with him.—(Hear, hear.) He would make a speech so full of sound argument — so happily illustrated, so ably delivered, that there would not be a word to add to his statement.—(Hear, hear.) It must carry conviction to the breast of every honest man. The same country gentleman would get up, and, if he did not actually call his Hon. Friend ragamuffin, he would insinuate that he was nothing better than an ignorant man, and, not being possessed of many acres, was not fit to develope any comprehensive policy in the House of Commons, or introduce any alterations in the laws of the country. They would have other friends for the repeal of the corn-laws—Mr. Villiers, Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Bright, and others—who w ou ld g i ve additional force to his statements. Then they would have a number of country gentlemen say that they were low-bred ragamuffins, and that they were attempting to overturn the Established Church and all their revered institutions—(Great laughter)—and that they were determined, as long as they had seats in that House, to stand by the throne, the altar, and the corn-laws.—(Cheers and laughter.) They probably would have some determined enemy of the manufac turers, like the Hon. Member for Knaresborough— (Laughter)—who would deliver a violent phillipic against every man, either himself a manufacturer, or connected with manufactures, or who had anything to do with the trade or the commerce of the country, forgetting that very many of the country gentlemen themselves owed their fortunes to manufactures, for he (Mr. Leader) ventured to say that since the in troduction of manufactures on a large scale into this country the value of landed estates had been doubled in England. Well, after one or two nights passed in debate of this kind—if debate it could be called— (Laughter)—where all the argument was on one side, and all the personality on the other, Sir Robert Peel would get up and make a very plausible Minis terial speech—(Laughter)—probably he would speak for three hours, but they must not expect that in those three hours he would tell them anything— (Laughter)—for,beyond all the men he (Mr. Leader) ever heard, the Right Hon. Gentleman possessed more than any other the singular felicity of talking a long time and leaving his audience in doubt as to which side his opinion inclined.—(Cheers and laughter.) He illustrated in the most happy manner the witty saying of a celebrated French diplomatist, who said " that language was given to men in order to conceal their thoughts."—(Laughter.) After all this the division would come on, and the numbers would be pretty much as they were last year. When they considered all that had been done since last year, in favour of the corn-laws, all the resolu tions which had been passed in favour of them, even in the country districts—when they remembered the number of converts, even of farmers themselves, made to the cause of free trade, was it not surprising that, in the House of Commons, there was not a single convert to this doctrine ? And why ? Because ruling interests were generally stronger than any rea son which could be adduced against it, and they were ready to adopt any frivolous or fallacious view which would tend to support any opinion that coincided with their own interests. The question, so far as the House of Commons was concerned, was already decided, because the case came on before a packed j ury—(Cheers)—or, rather, one might say they were judge and jury in their own cause.—(Hear, hear.) But that was no reason why they should despair of success.—(Hear, hear.) There were many who heard him who remembered the Reform Bill, and who must recollect that it was far more difficult to carry that measure, because, in that case, men not only sat for their own boroughs, but they returned ten or twelve others whom they pleased to select.— (Hear, hear.) Yet they yielded to long continued agitation. They yielded when they found the conviction of the middle classes of the country so strongly opposed to them, and that the opinion of the country was so strongly evinced that the measure could be no longer resisted. But it appeared to him to be a great misfortune that the Legislature of this country always held back reforms till they were too late, and till they did little good when they were conceded. The remedy was always deferred till it became too late to put them in the same state of prosperity which it would have done if applied sooner. The question of Catholic Emancipation was a modern in stance of this. He would ask any intelligent or disinterested man whether, if that question was con ceded at the time of the union, Ireland would be in its present distressed and miserable condition ? If according to Mr. Pitt's plan, Catholic Emancipation had been carried at the time of the union, and if the Irish Catholic Establishment had been paid, Ireland, instead of being a poor and miserable country con vulsed by agitation, would be as happy, prosperous, and contented as Scotland was at present.—(Hear, hear.) The case of reform was another instance, and it would also be the case with regard to the corn-laws, which made the first necessary of life so dear to the poor man. He was afraid this agitation would continue for a long time before the House of Commons were brought to reason ; but if by a combination of circumstances they were able to force the Govern ment and the aristocracy to grant a total repeal of the corn-laws, they could then tell the m th a t w h a t th ey had refused to mercy they were terrified into yielding to justice.—(Hear, hear.) But then the advantages to be derived from a repeal of the corn-laws would not be one-tenth what they would be if conceded now or two or three years ago—(Hear, hear)—be cause the consequence of the protective system had been to prevent commercial treaties with France, Portugal, Brazil, and Spain.—(Hear, hear.) Those countries said—" When you first get rid of your ex clusive system and your extravagant tariff then we will negotiate treaties with you. As long as you keep up that protective system, from which you have no doubt derived good, we will follow your example." The consequence was that this country was losing its markets amongst foreign nations.—(Hear, hear.) Whenever they had brought their cause to triumph, whether in a year or two, or even longer, he was sure of this at all events, that the Anti-Corn-law League had by its agitation done great good, by diffusing in formation amongst the people and enlightening the country on the question.—(Hear.) When the re en would say—" The attack on the protec gpt:thheveeaneirlcsseyeayisnwstemtetaeemlmsime;;w.casbegun by the Anti-Corn-law League. They showed ettmh t i horrid a h enryhsbpadi ayibni en a eg n en d o tl lheec mhatedt n.g detrimental f oarrT heir mfseteaentput it—theirs r, were i s aenlr o ide ! dogged by disappointment and difficulties, yet they I inflicted upon th e p rotect i ve system a blow which it would never recover."—(Loud cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then introduced Mr. Collier to the meeting. He was the son of the late Member for Plymouth, and had himself stood for the representa tion of Launceston. Mr. COLLIER then came forward, and said that nothing but the sense of the necessity and duty of every man coming forward to advocate the question of the corn-law would have induced him, a mere stranger, to appear before them. This was an im portant question, and would be important in the his tory of the country. It was a hard struggle ; but as it was likely to be the last with monopoly, that was not surprising. He was one of a large class in the country who detested agitation; but when circum- , stances arose to justify it, it became the duty of every man to agitate.—(Cheers.) He would also address * According to the old arithmetic process of " bringing nobles to ninepence." THE SUN, LONDON, TIITTASDAY EVENT NG, MARCH 7, 1844. laws just and equitable; that to show how Mr. Cobden said one thing in one place, and Mr. Bright or Mr. Fox said a different thing in another, was to prove that free trade principles were false. The most trifling inaccuracy was to be made the con demnation of. the League; and if a hayrick was set fire to it at once showed that the Anti-Corn-law League was a wicked combination, and that the corn-laws were just and ought to be supported.—(Hear, hear.) A writer in the Morning Post had produced a greater impression on him than most things which he read in that paper. It was a letter from a Member of Parliament to the farmers of Essex, who argued not only against importing , foreign corn, but said there was danger in growing too much at home —(Laughter)—for, said he, the more corn produced the lower will be the prices. One of the best efforts of the agitation of the League was the stimulus it gave to agriculture. Meetings were now constantly held, at which some useful information was promulgated. Pro fessors lectured on manures—agricultural societies were established, and those who never took any interest in it before, seemed now quite alive to its importance. Lord Stanley and Sir Robert Peel condescended to address the farmers on the necessity of improving the system of agriculture, and the men of Tamworth were indebted for the League for that incomparable bull.—(Great laughter.) The writer in the Morning Post would say to the man who farmed an acre of land near a city on which that city depended for bread—Only farm half that acre and you will double your price for the produce—consult your own interest even if the citizens starve. Such were his tenets. The League had been accused of being revolutionary, but it was such men and such legislation that were making the people become so. The exclusive and heartless monopolists were the real and sole revolutionists.—(Hear, hear.) The way to make men revolutionary was to starve them. There was yet another class of adversaries who formed the .extreme rear of the party of which the redoubtable Post was the leader. They would carry out exclusion to the utmost, and set customers against tradesmen, in the war of monopoly. If they looked at the state f Europe and the civilised world, they would find that those countries which were the most exclusive in their dealings contained the poorest population—that those which espoused and encouraged free trade the most prosperous. Look at Switzerland, with a popula tion the most industrious, and a commerce the most un restricted, the most independent and happy. After some further observations the speaker said it was im possible the country could remain as it was. Our present protective system was the great bar to beneficial treaties with America, Brazil, and other countries with whom a free trade would be most advantageous. These countries would be alienated from us if we did not alter our policy. But when he reflected %pen the admirable organisation of the League—the wealth, intelligence, perseverance, and character of its members, when he considered what the feelings of the great body of the people really were, when he witnessed such assemblages as those in Covent-garden Theatre, he could not allow himself to believe that a petty monopo list class, though counting in its ranks some gaudy coronets and titled legislators, and supported by an un principled Ministry, and a tyrannical Parliamentary ma jority, would be suffered to work out the ruin of their country.—(Loud and prolonged cheers.) Mr. W. J. Fox then came forward, and was received with much cheering. He said there had been many allusions made that evening, some most felicitous ones, to the associations which were forming in different parts of the country, and which were to have their central Anti-League in the metropolis. Bnt in those allusions one particular view h ad not been taken, or.been but very slightly glanced at, and which to his apprehension was the most im portant in which those associations could be contemplated. In- those Anti-League Associations he saw one of the most perfect triumphs that the League had achieved — one of the most remarkable indications of its rapid and successful progress.—(Hear, hear.) For what were they ? They confessed that the public were those that must decide the great question at last. They conceded that even Parliament was not the ultimate tribunal, but there was a greater power which was to be conciliated by persuasion —by the semblance at least of facts and arguments.—(Hear, hear.) In those associations they had dragged the landed aristocracy of Great Britain to the bar of public opinion, and made them plead in their own defence. In their resolutions and speeches, all addressed to the public ear, those inheritors of ancient titles that had descended almost from the Nor ' man Conquest—those Lords of Parliament and pos sessori of the broad lands of Great Britain, with all their pomp and station of office—those patrons of cler gymen and supporters, or deemed so, of whatever was rich and grand and lovely in art and science—this great and proud body were obliged to confess that it was put upon its defence—that an indictment had been found against it, and that it must answer for its doings to the public—that it must plead where " not guilty upon my honour" would not be admitted—where valid argument and substantial facts must show its case, and whether that case desired general reprobation or not. What could they desire better than to bring the matter to that issue ? They had now the monopolist aristocracy where they always wished to find them— where they must submit to certain awkward cross-ques tioning, like other persons who had to hold up their hands at the bar where former deeds and doings might be can vassed, and where the question might be put to them which was so awkward to many personages at the bar—pray, were you ever in trouble before ?—(Cheers and laughter) —and whether they had been or not, unless they got well through it, they would be very likely to be in trouble again ; or if their obstinacy ,prevented jusice, and the speedy settlement of this question, a time would come when the question would be enlarged, and indemnity for the• past would be coupled with security for the future.—(Cheers.) One must look with charity on the exertions that were made in a new sphere, and he would, in all friendliness, as one who murt have seen something more of popular agitation than many of the titled personages who were now, engaging in it—he would suggest some matters that might be worthy of their consideration ; one especially, which was, that they should take care not to underrate the understandings of the public to the extent to which they seemed disposed —no, not of any class whatsoever of the people of this country. If they had not :the advantage of instruction in Latin, Greek, and mathe matics, by college tutors, y e t th e y h a d e y es , an d ears, and brains, and were not so easily imposed upon as some might seem to think, by that species of logic or rhetoric which was called "humbug."—(Laughter.) At the last meeting of the Anti-League, a paper had been distributed by thousands, which showed a total dis regard of the intellect of the working people. This paper was stated to have been printed at the Church and State Gazette office. He would read a few passages from that paper, as specimens of the manner in which those young agitators proceeded—of the manner in which these newly-fledged demagogues entered upon their novel functions. The paper was headed " Facts are stubborn things," and then, after mentioning what the census of the United Kingdom was in 1831, it stated that seven-ninths of the population are dependent upon agri culture, and two-ninths upon manufactures. Why it_ must occur to every weaver that entered the Freemasons' Hall at that meeting, that the whole of Ireland was included in that scale of agricultural popu lation. But let them take it on that ground, and what business had the monopolists to talk of the agricultural interest ; for Ireland had pronounced in their (the League's) favour, and had re-echoed to their sympathy on a very recent occasion, declaring that they were heart and soul with them in their cause. They should not enter upon the perilous subject of Ireland and the agri cultural monopolist interest there. In that country there was a soil which seemed to grow landlords like potatoes. The poor labourer there, after he had in vain endea voured to squeeze a rental out of his own potatoe patch of land, was obliged to come to this country in the lowest stage of distress to seek the means of subsistence. Another of these facts alleged by the monopolists was, that every quarter of wheat introduced into this country superseded just as much labour as would be - required to produce it at home. Surely that depended upon' how it came to be introduced into the country. There must be some feasibility in the statement if the land grew such quantities of food that every individual in every locality had as much as he could consume; but whilst there were millions, as it was called, rejoicing in potatoes—whilst there were multitudes of beings able and willing to work, but had no means of earning food, it was a galling, cruel, and insulting falsehood to the honest man to broach such doctrines. Another of those facts was, that in Russia land could be rented at 15d. per acre, and that labourers' wages were sd. per day. Was not this a paltry thing to tell the working men of London, and the tenant-farmers, and the agricultural labourers through out the country ? Why, there were many of them who would deem it no great mischief if the land was rented at 151 per acre instead of from 18s. to 30s. per acre. It would be just as fertile, and not less profitable to the condition of the labourers in Eng land if, as in Prussia, he could earn the rent of two acres of land in the course of a week. Another fact was, that the agricultural wages in England were regulated by the price of wheat, the value of a day's la bour being equal to a peck of wheat for the last hundred years, and that was, in the face of recorded wages, the price of wheat; which showed to the farm labourer that the weekly wages were measured by the price of wheat,. varying from 635. to 965. per quarter; and which showed to the artisan that the wages h e earnd were ex actly the same when wheat was even 525. per quarter, and when it was 105 s. per quarter. It would never do to deceive the working classes of the country. This might be culled, and it was, to a certain extent a middle class agitation, and he was sorry there should be any re duction of the unanimity of the working classes in its favour, because it was pre-eminently their ques tion; and more deeply than any other rank or class in the community was their concern in asserting the rights of industry, which the League had been so determined in making. But, however they might regret any reduction of their support, he thought it became that meeting—the British people and the aristocracy espe cially—.to render that respect which was due to the cha racter and intellect of the working people of Great Bri tain. The working classes had, perhaps, been too impatient and unscrupulous in their means of attaining political rights. They, perhaps, had been too impatient of being a slave class, as they wished to realise what was called the great maxim of the Constitution—that no one should be taxed without his own consent. That might have been a blunder ; but there was something truthful, honourable, and praiseworthy in it, while their indomitable energy worked from week to week, and from year to year, and their teachability progressed in the acquirement of knowledge within their reach. They were strong of arm and sound of head —true of heart, and deserving of the sympathy and respect of the landed aris tocracy. But to return, they had the aristocracy at the bar of public opinion in a position which they called one of self-defence. There was perhaps something skilful in the word self-defence, because men naturally inclined to look favourably upon those who merely defended them selves. But when on the defensive they must submit to the question—What was that which they defended ? Why the thief in the street acted on the defensive when he knocked down the man whom he robbed. If is sh o uld appear that they defended as their right what was fis. produce of the people's wrong—if what they really meant to defend was the people's money in their pockets—then their defensiveness lost its favourable associations. In meetings in the country this Anti-League Association had generally tenant-farmers in the chair ; and to make amend for the failure of a Somerset meeting at Bristol, a similar meeting was held at Bridgewater in the same county, and then the tenant-farmer in the chair said that the farmers of England were capable of com peting with the farmers of any other country, provided they only started on fair grounds—that it was hardly fair that the farmers of England should start with a heavy weight upon their shoulders. Now, who, he asked, laid that weight upon their shoulders but their own landlords, whom they came forward to screen; and was it not to the members of that League now assembled there, to whom the merit was due of pointing out what were the burdens to which the land was subjected? The tenant-farmer seemed to be put forward on those occa sions like some school boys who, many years ago, he heard sing a par Ody upon "Home, sweet Home," while the master fixed his knuckles harshly into the poor urchin's head, " School, sweet school, there is no place like school." The tenant-farmer in like manner now sung aloud—" ro tection, sweet protection, there is nothing like protection," Then, in addition to the tenant-farmer, there came a miller to the rescue, and great stress was laid, in some of the newspapers, both metropolitan and provincial, upon the opinions of a Mr. Biddell, who was described as the largest corn-dealer in the West of England. His testi mony was to the effect that, striking the average of the prices of wheat at Odessa, Alexandria, and other places, the price of wheat was 31s. 3d. per quarter, or 3s. I Id. per imperial bushel, and that included freight and other expenses of importation, except the duty ; and this miller said that the plain question was, could they grow wheat at such a price as that? and that he defied them to produce wheat in sufficient quantities to keep out the American farmer, who could send over more agricul tural produce to this country than England could grow. It thus appeared, from this gentleman's statement, that the difference in the price of the quarter of wheat which the corn laws made was 255. ; thus the landlords taxed. them to that extent. No statement put forward by the opponents of those land lords had ever charged them with a more enormous imposition than this defence which was• set forth in their behalf. Why, if they had done this, they had levied, taking the average income of the population of England as was stated by Mr. M'Culloch, at 171. per annum, they had levied a poll-tax of 205., an income tax on that average income of 6/. per annum, three per cent. for Sir Robert Peel and the Government, three per cent. for the landlords and the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) And they had levied this as a poll-tax press ing more heavily the lower you descended in society, until at last it made its invasion upon those necessaries which were essential to the very support of existence. This was their defence. This their defence! Good heavens I what, then, would they regard as an ac-- cnsation ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) And when was it that this was done ? Under what circumstances -? Why at a time when the price of food not being so inor-: dinately high as it formerly had been—when there. hag been a revival in manufactures to a certain extent, enough to be the subject of boast by those who wished to uphold the course of monopoly—when yet undei these favourable circumstances they could not take up a daily paper without seeing something about destitution in the metropolis, enough to wring any compas sionate heart.—(Hear, hear.) Why within the last two days, they had read that the Bank of England, the East India Company, the worshipful Company of' Mercers, and the worshipful Company of Grocers, had, during the last week, each subscribed the liberal sum of 200/. in aid of the funds of the Bishop of London's association for visiting and relieving the poor at their own dwellings.—(Hear, hear.) The gross amount subscribed to this association had now reached 20,000/., little enough for the; purpose for which it was intended. At the same time an institution at Mile-end reported to its subscribers that 3,500 persons had been visited at their homes, and that there were 5,000 more to be visited, and, if possible, to be relieved if the Society could obtain funds equal to the emergency. And, with all this going on, they were told, as the defence of the corn-laws, that they cost a larger sum annually than was needed to relieve this destitution. Although he would not willingly consent to any compromise whatever on this momentous question, yet there was one form of com promise which might make them pause. If the bread which was doled out by poorhouses and by charities—if the bread of the working classes—if the bread that was needed to feed those who made up the various items in the great total of destitution—if that could be brought into the country free of all duty, he should then say, that they might well pause and think whether in this concession there were not something that had a claim on the consideration of humanity. As it was, there was no relaxation of the gripe on the plea of charity. Out of the 20,0001. which had been collected by the Bishop's association for the rolief of destitution in the metropolis, if it were all given away in bread, they could not reckon a smaller sum than 6,0001. as bread-tax, to go into the pockets of the landed aristocracy.—(Cheers.) They could not disentangle theM ; they could not subscribe to the one, and not subscribe to the other. They were really giving their shillings and their pence in this charity to the nobility of the country.—(Cheers.) For every fourteen-pence that they subscribed for the farthing shirt-makers of the metropolis, they gave six pence- to the Duke of Buckingham.— (Hear, hear.) Wretched, indeed, must the cause be when the articles of the defence det them into such a scene as this, and showed the splendour of ducal palaces, rendered more gorgeous by taxation on the food that was doled out to . the neighbouring workhouse.—(Cheere.) Men who made such infringements on what were deemed the rights of their fellow subjects should bethink themselves when they came to plead their cause, and when they asked, if not for justice, for mercy, in the court of public opinion ; they should look well to it how they doled out justice and mercy to others. They excused not ignorance of the.law in those upon whom the law laid its iron hand—they excused not, on the ground of the small value of the thing taken, the attempt to take it, if it was connected with their property or their pleasures. It was only three or tour days ago that the papers reported a case of poaching at the petty ses sions at Ashby-de-la-Zouch, in which three men were charged with having used a net on Sunday, not having a game certificate. This was the offence. It was put into four charges. They were first charged with having the net, they were then charged with doing this on a Sunday, they were next charged with a trespass in pur suit of game, and lastly they were charged with an as sault on the gamekeeper. These three men were dealt with in a summary mode by the magistrates, themselves perhaps interested in this very case. They were sentenced to a fine of five pounds for three offences out of the four, and of two pounds each for the remaining offence, and in default of payment to two and three months' imprisonment, making in all a sum mary levying of a fine of 50/. or ten months' imprison ment for each of these three men. If such were the righteous measure of punishment for desiring to taste a rich man's bread, what should be the measure of punish ment for taking by wholesale the poor man's bread ? —(lmmense cheering. The penalties in that case, he thought, ought not to be less heavy than those penalties legally incurred, which would not fall on the parties who incurred them by betting on horse-races—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—for penalties did not reach those who were described by one of the Members of their own senate as " gentlemen whom this House would not wish to see convicted.—(Laughter.) There was another caution which hewould give their fellow-agitators and conspirators in their new attempt, and that was to avoid such exhibitions as the one which took place the other day at the meeting of the Newton Abbot Agricultural Society. This was not an agricultural meeting. It was neither more nor less than an annual ploughing match. The high-sheriff of the county ,was present; a peer, and some members of the Lower House were also present. There were thirty-nine ploughs in the field, they were told, to contest the various prizes; and amongst other things, there was on the ground a waggon surmounted with flags, one of which was protection to agriculture, and on each side of this waggon there were three can nons.—(Hear, hear.) Such might be the ultimate argu ments of monopolists, as they were said to be of sovereigns. It might be at the present moment, were there not such things as muskets, cannons, and bayonets in the country, that the delay of right and justice would not be continued so obstinately as it was. But still he said it was not prudent in thirty thousand people—for the owners of land amounted to no more—even though the rest of the country might be taxed for the purpose of paying soldiers to fire artillery—it was not prudent in the thousands to remind the millions of any such contest as this.—(Hear, hear.) They had better weapons than all the cannon which could be mustered, whether in ploughing fields or in fields of battle.—(Cheers.) There were arms which swords eould not reach, against which military manoeu vres were quite harmless. There was a power in society, s'pread, as it were, through the atmosphere they breathed, and which an electric touch might bring down, to work with a power which nothing could resist, whatever its array of antique state, or its boast of physical power. They had appealed to that, and he would ad vise them all to mark the symptoms of public opinion. Let them watch the indications of the way the tide was flowing. Let them ask where the conversions were. It was remarked by one of the speaker s th a t even i ng that there had not been a single conversion to free trade in the House of Commons. Had there been a single conversion to monopoly out of the House of Cominons?—(H ear hear, and cheers.) Did th e y not fi nd, looking at the name e s w of as m a o n n n o o p o o n ly eed , th , a a tfrom week to lleomingfromwteheek monopolist e op f o re li s s h t camp, all giving in their adhesion successively to the cause of free trade, showing that the opinion was flowing on lik e th e t i de ; that it could not ebb ; that its resistless co urse cou ld on l y end in the attainment of its object.—(Cheers.) Or let them mark, in another direction, the result of calling any meeting that was open to all comers.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let them grow w i se b y t h e experience of all Somersetshire ; let them add t o th at t h e exper i ence re cently gained at Freemasons' 11a11.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They dared not, he believed, in any part of the country give fair play, and have open meetings. Nay, they dare not even call open agricultural meetings, nor trust the tenant farmers with the e x p ress i on o f diff erent op i n i ons on t hi s ques tion of free trade or monopoly.—(Cheers.) And if they talked of Parliament, let them mark the course of opi nion in reference - to the Legislature. Let them note the silence of Parliament on a subject on which nobody out of Parliament was silent. Let them see the contrast which that House presented, and which was only to b e accounte d f or on t h e supposition that those who wished to uphold the present system felt that least said was soonest mended, and that they were by no means in th e way o f secur i ng po p u l a rity by being reported to say anything in- f av our of monopoly.— (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Let them note, too, the way in which the m en ti on o f th e Legislature wasreceived iu public meetings all over the country ge lead over been present on any occasion, however great tance, on which the announcement of the determina to of the League not to petition any more the p reserv e House of Commons, was ;not received with responsiv. acclamations.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) And was a wholesome or a safe state of things for those w ho liv st in a country were government, if it existed at all,. mu. be based on opinion ? There could be no hesitation 1110 the mind of every lover of his country, b u t that, as on_ as possible, this division of feeling - should be abs shoubl bc, remedied, in the only way in which it CO be remedied. by the concession of the claims of jus tg e l, of charity, and-of policy, of that which was deniasu _ by the advocates of free trade.—(Cheers,) Here, tile' on the grouud now taken by their apponents, here ul were content to rest the question in future, " g ° „ a lai them (continued ihe Hon. Gentleman) --we go. " - by them to opinion, and, as they have appealed to it, H , its opinion t they must abide. We go with them opinion; the ruler of the wor ld— op i n i on , which is di breath of the body politic, without which, it so on in the death of despotism, or becomes a mass of F orru& ton —opinion, which anticipates the the province.: history, which glorifies those whom unjust vercl_q may . condemn--(Loud and long-continued' aplllan —opinion, which, while it could irradiate the nuur t i o ; struck the cold apprehension into the bosom . o L„af powerful sophist, that in history he may find I .w damned to everlasting infamy—opinion, which gtveis its i worth to whatever is most highly prized, withou t w the crown is but gold and velvet, and coron ets, mitres, and Georges, as worth just as much as dig %A ; fetch at a pawnbroker's—(Great laughter) — ors which as it refers to the great elementary pr i nci ple tor truth and justice, rarely, if ever, fails—to whic h o f poly has appealed—by which onopoly must stall. ° fall—which has already, and does now,in it Il ati t— U . th - voice, pronounce the corn-laws a false, paltry , an d t el fraud—an atrocious crime, that ought to be oblitegvo for ever from the statute book of this country."--07 cheering, which lasted for several se&onds.) The m eeting then separated. COURT CIRGULA The Queen and Prince Albert walked in the 0.114.'3 Gardens of Buckingham Palace yesterday tilari" l3 °: c ited Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucestervl" her Majesty yesterday afternoon. horse" 6 His Royal Highness Prince Albert ro d e out on - t r , back yesterday, attended by Sir Edward 13° horse Equerry in Waiting d the Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales at the Princess Royal were taken an airing yesterday is royal gardens. G The Right Hon. John Nicholl, Judge Advocat,le" neral, had an_audience of the Queen yesterday , a,., 11 ,,„ 5 "- r o• mitted to her Majesty the proceedings of some v martial. The Duchess of Cambridge visited her WI Glow ness the Duchess of Gloucester on Tuesday, at tester-house. , T oeh Mr. Wickham, Chairman of the Stamps a n d poet bad an interview with the Chancellor of the FAciieet• yesterday, at his o ffi cial residence in Downing-5,w- Mr. Dean, Chairman of the Customs, had also an P. view with the Right Hon. Gentleman yesterday lei Lord Bloomfield had an interview with Lord c yesterday, at the Colonial-office. rnen ii " The Commissioners for Metropotitan Irog,r ° , ; ve tc hsP" had a meeting yesterday, at the office in place. re el The Cabinet Ministers dined with Sir goberlAefig. yesterday evening, at his residence in Whitehall-gil l - or of Lord Sandon had an interview with the Claw°. the Exchequer yesterday. tba &al Dispakhes were sent off yesterday evening - Colonial-office for the Governor of Hong-Kong. PARLIAMEN TARP 00h ) (From the Votes and Proceeding: q f the Hogue gli 'WEDNESDAY, MANCH 5. COUNTY CORONERS BILL. (IN THE COMMITTEE.) i n k Clause Twenty (Coroner to receive elk tion to nine-pence for every mile which he shall be c° rE guisi t , to travel from the usual place of his abode to take 0 . 1 hist , ' tion) :—Motion made, and Question put, 4 , Th a t . tu, be filled with ';three - pence :'" The Committee divide° MAJORITY—AYES, 93. so' Achnd, T. D. H. A. Drax, J. S. W. E. Mund)' , -_..". f. Aglionby Du ffi eld, T. D. MuntX, '., Amsworth,Peter Duncombe, A. Neeld , inA P brs. Allis, John Peter Eliot, Lord Arkwright, Gem ge Escott, Bichkam Palmer,Orien ' 11 :;01 Ashley, Lord Fellowes, Edward Peel, Joos,. ik Bailey, Joseph, jun. Flower, Sir James PluniPti e l—Lific ic _.sit Baillie, Colonel H. Follett, Sir W. W. Polhill, rrAriacT; Baillie,i. J. Fox, S. Lane Pollin,lnosn i r " Bankes, George Fuller, A. E. p r kngis Toh n j. Beckett, William Gardner, J. D.l Reid, 6E Geo r g . .1 Bell, Matthew Gaskell, James M. RePtons J o hn 1 pir- Bentinck, Lord G. Gladstone, W. E. Round, ~,,colt 0_ Berkeley, Hon. H. F Gladstone, J. N. Rushbrelftn,ount Berkeley, Grantley Gone, M. Sandell, 0'",.. Bolder°, H. G. Graham, Sir J. Scbelefield, 0 Borthwick, Peter Greenall, Peter Scott, F' S 1 10° %Afield, Beriah Hamilton, Wm. J, Spry, Si r in n! Brampton, T. W. Hinde, J. H. Sunder, . — g i l . O. Bruce, Lo rd E. Hodgson, R. O Staunton. ,--- Buller, E. Hornby, John Stuart , kg' of ii. Burrell, Burrell, Sir C. M. Houldsworth, T. Str s kron , .R ,a Cayley, E. S. Johnstone, Sir John Sutton, .. Cnetwode, Sir John Langston, J. H. Trotter, 4 _ Clive, Viscount Knight, H. G. Tufnell, kt. , 0,...5: t live, R. H. Lascelles, W. S. VVaddingO i jon P i , Cochrane, Alex. Lincoln, Earl of Walsh, Sir sir . ton , , a tJ Collett, W. Bickford M‘Geachy, F. A. Winning co , Copeland, Alderman M'Neill, Duncan Wyndbanl .5. Darby, George Manners, Lord J. rgl i•P. S. ')ivett, E. Miles, P. W. S Pakingtnit Douglas, Sir C. E. Morru,lDavid Maclean MINORITY—NOES, 34. caPt' 94 Blake, M. J, Evans, Willi am Plumridge , E. - Blake, Sir Valentine Ewart William Rice, 11,i,. $, Broadley, Henry Gisborne, Thomas SotherEN, O. Brotherton, J. Guest, Sir John Stanle%.,,,,,pd s , , Bruges, W. H. L. Hawes, B.: Strutt, .."Tboso n o , Butler, P. S. Henley, J.W. Thornello„,,, Jo Cowper, Hon W. Hindley , Char Wortley. r.,, Cripps, W. Jervis, John Wiles 1 ' Dickinson. F. H. Knatchbull, Sir E. I I ' s° Duncan, Viscount Macaulay, T. B. C. Duncan, George Nicholl Right Hon Berkeleft W. Duncombe, T. S. Pechell, Captain Wilalani , Estcourt, T. G. B. Philips, G. It. SPORTING INTELLIGEN C E ' 6 1; COVENTRY RACES. I n add 0 3 The Craven Trial Stakes of 10 sovs. each, and ( p ( three yrs, lOst, and four yrs, Bst 71b ; mares , I 31bs. Once round and a distance. (8 subs.) ,„„cio) Mr. Stebbing's Celeste, 3 yrs . ******* .. , 3 Mr. Ongley's Queen of the Gipsies, 4 *** ..... ....... Sir C. Cockerell's Aurungzebe, 4 yrs ...............•'". . The following also ran :—Mr. Raworth's Vent Lord Warwick's The Mule, 3 yrs—Mr. Cope l ail" ' " one, .3 yrs—and Mr. 13alchin's Moustache 3 yrs. 0 d5 1 12 ° ,0 Betting-3 to 1 agst Venus, sto 2 aget Quee ll ' o o, agst Celeste. Venus made running to the last t Celeste went up, and won a most exciting race bY p i , a head separating the second and third. The Pace, vb( Match, 100 sovs.—Mr. Nestle 's Councillor, 1 1 ,s' as beat Mr. Dexter's Tamworth aged (Owner) , easiiiiie Handicap of 10 sovs. each, h ft, and 30 added. 1 half. (10 subs., 2 paid.) nar ling3 2 Sir C. Cockerell's Aurungzebe, 4 yrs, ist 21b otl ro e, Mr. Buckley's David, 5 yrs, Bst list ......•••(A bi te , s 6 y T r h s, e 7 f s o t ll i orr ib it_g i‘ w ir e . re pa n n o , t s pjl:ccke,d—Hon. G. Ong ie lgt. 'I, fod's Pickwick, aged, 7st 71b, anllZ r e s 7st 61b. Won by a head. A fine race. A 011 a The City Stakes of 5 soya. each, and 20 adcia.• t s'o and a half. (7 subs.) &Ion'• Mr. Bevill's Europa, 4 yrs ............ Sir C. Cockerell's Niobe, 3 ........... The followingwere not placed :—Mr. Flintofraf,, OP , '" 4 yrs—Mr. Walter's Major, 5 yrs—Mr. Raw The Parker's Akely, 4 vrs.—A good race. Ife" Moores-l°lslit-IPP° ' tg oil ' 0 The Silver Cup, added to a handicap of 3 sovs. e ,frO 2 miles. w allte d Mr. Davis's Fickle, 5 yrs .......................... 2 on 1 0 The Hurdle Stakes of 5 soya. each, and 25 ad d r biq Mr. Wesley's Councilor, 5 yrs. ...................... rioy Mr. W. Ekins's Peter Simple, aged, ............. potO 13 SatinSatinted ° 3/31 A most atrocious murder was corntal l o t t he day night last, near Gore's-bridge. It app ears a bas e s r, D is Kelly, an industrious farmer, sold on that dal' $ old fa ° is fair of Bennett's-bridge, in the county Kilkenny' return home he was waylaid, near Gore's 101 45 t he murdered, and robbed.—Carlow Sentinel. We regret to learn that his Royal - 1 r t o 0 1 , Duke of Cambridge is confined to his chatabee'ooa anticipated he will be so for some days, by r severe attack of the gout in the knee..joint. 513 1 01 Mr. BEULER'S CONCERT.—This gentleln known for the songs he has produced, full of 1 0 1 c ° c oa l descriptive of English customs, will give Ilia a l ,a ir e i psa at the Crown and Anchor on Monday next , a l ij a iiy A for fidently trust that the " farmers' friends," esi le a nd noel tend, We ;„, in the neighbourhood of Aylesbury, will at „, „prism", the song, " The Man that could not get IN see it in the excellent selection for the eveningia be m i t of ment, but if any of Sir R. Peel's kind friends s b° ,stri a and wish to hear the song that created so mac" e ., pa a Farmers' Club in Buckinghamshire, the au the r t ... Do ici loo g them by giving it in his own peculiar style. _IT._ ; aa w itb engaged some excellent singers for the s ong,-0 1 others, Morgan, who has no equal in giving .08 l dif e Ti ill soi , bt true pathos and native character. a will rle e Machree" and " St. Patrick's Day." Mr. ill', 00 00 "The Star of Glengary ;" Mrs. Aveling Pp pc me serano," and Mr. Crouch " Thady O'Ttt rt i i nsio t or Course of the evening a fantasia on the coT ns o f Pd given by Mr. Alfred Sedgwick, 0$ 1) actors by Mr. Leman Rede. r A • 6 , CU 0 p oll, [ADVERTISEMENT.]—WONDEBFUL Ro b e rt . ro a d, LEG BY HOLLOWAY'S PILLS AND OlNTlOlNTilacbfriarrol the 'a hatter, residing at 53, Collingwood-street, _ Ain g fro 4 , 1 . 0 had, for seven years, dreadful ulcerations, e2 cte i r osp i t al . ; calf to the ancle-bone, was twice in Gu?' a nos pital, t t e , i dtet e period of nine months, and at St. Thomas e a l e e 1 , 0 i• months, without being able to meet with re c d " . `l l th 0 , every- other means had failed, he was cu a , well ka°,,,t;ep invaluable medicines. This man's case_W Elivroo d a o ' r Oor he worked, during thirteen years, fer Mr. and imitan Id at F r°fegs inal of Charlotte-street, Blackfriars-road. p had gratis), and by almost all respects d bolo" $v loway's establishment, 244, Strand —B (w b b i e: e ine A d d i vi cin c : o l % ,ll 6l4 throughout the civilised world, in pots and 2s. 9d., 4s. 6d., 11s., 228., and 338. each. EA' .13I.RTHS • d IL 'l ° 0 oe'" ,e O, On the 23d ult., at Nice, the l ad y a o f David of a son. On the Ist inst., at Beyton, Suffolk, t he lid,' ita the Leheup Cocksedge, Esq., of a d au g hter. . int s iie, nster, On the 4th inst., in Abingdon-street, West Brunswick -as d ugg P uhar r t a ee t : t . , o E f a sq. Bo , n of . a son, still bow..,,,nsca Ch l On the 4th inst., at Clifton, the' l a dy of iv LimedoWne ..piAcel Lan On the sth inst., Mrs. Jones Spyer, of lkiiir . MARRIED . ,Tam es .ran janieg e rb°stillo home, First Lieutenant at nant in the Royal Marines, youngest daughter of Matthew' Wiggins , Esq" toiktte' On the 2d inst., po or DIED- St. J ames's-square, th ,"e On the 2d inst., forij C ouness of Beaucha h . se. On t the 4th inst mpin ~ in t e Strand, Walter Jams, ," son of Richard Twining, jun., Es_____Lls_a—ged 7. Lovvlon : Printed and Published by 1111.1tv No 112, Strand, at Tht Sun Office, Pro. 112,444 County of Middlesex, Thuraday, Maroh , C4-ii k o c. -!Et) 64, tcrt ttr , the t hat Drot