The Sun. — London, England, 1839-03-05 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. - 11 ) ,1 - ill 1, PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) 110 SE OF COMMONS. T::e SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. NEW MEMBER. Mr. Picorr,' the new Member for the borough of 'Cioranel, tookfthe oaths and his seat. Mr. Crafer, from the Treasury, appeared at the bar with returns, which were laid on the table. Mr. .GREEN E brought up the Report of the Com mittee on petitions stating that the Standing Orders hal begin complied with by the Birmingham and Gloucester Railway Company, the Manchester Im provement Company, Preston and Wyre Railway and Dock Company, end the Rochester Cemetery Com pany, and bills were ordered to be brought in for them. BEER HOUSES. Mr. H ALFORD presented a petition from the Ma gistrates of Leicester, in Quarter Sessions, praying for a correction of the evils arising from the present system of llser shops. Mr. ARBURTON presented a petition from Huddersfield, signed by upwards of 9,000 persons, in favour of the existing beer-s:nops, and representing that poverty and want of eduction had produced the evils -which were often aseribrA to the influence of the beer alone would not make a fleet—something more was re quired, which the present system did not do much towards obtaining. Ile wished to tart duce, if possible, that which was very witch *anted —contentment among the officers and the men in every ship in the service. nett *as one point which he wished to press very strongly upon the attention of the Board of Admiralty ; it was that no ship of war, of whatever kind, should ever be sent out to sea, unless shn had such a compliment of officere and men as would enable her to meet any exigenty; On the Ist of June, when serving in Lord Hood's ship (as we understood) the ships had such a compliment of men as gave 11 to every 18 pounder, and 1 . 3 to it Ytry 32, but at Navarino the battle was fougl,t ‘;:ith o com pliment which gave only 3+ mee to every 32 pounder. He hoped that the House would give him their attn. t: on for a few miorst'a, for the subject was one of the verp gravest Importance.—(Hoar, hear, hear.) He (Sir E. Codrington) pledged himself that no officer anxious to do his duty would not prefer the worst ships in the Navy, manY.ed as they ought to be, to the finest ships that could be built, manned as they were at present. With the smaller and inferior ships, if manned with such officers and men as used to form our Navy, he would go into action against the half-manned large ships with a perfect certainty of success. Much was said about timber and stores, but they were not much cared for in the Navy, and some of our greatest victories had been won by ships very imperfectly stored— when properly manned.—(Hear, hear) He would show that there is no office under Government held by civilians, the holders of which were not allowed to retire with half the servitude and double the pay of naval officers. He would just refer to the names of such officers as Admiral Keats, who has been in a great number of' general actions, and greatly distinguished themselves, and who, after fifty or sixty years' ser vice, retired upon a half•pay of 766/. 10s. a year. Cut of that half-pay they contributed to Greenwich Hosaital, and to a Widows' Pension. Let Gentlemen c mpare that with tee Pension L'st ,end with the amount schich different Ladies received for pensions, and then 1 t Clem say whether justice was done to seamen. He believed great disappointment had been felt in conse quence of certain pensions not having been considerately reduced ; and when they found that certain pensions were still continued without any claims whatever, and that the widows and daughters of an Ailmiral;who had distinguished himself f or hi s b raver y, wou ld b e o n ly al lowed 1201. a-year, he thought some revision was wanted, not only of the Pension List itrelf, but also pensions and rewards given to Officers of the Navy. lie did not complain oFthe amount given to others. His complaint was, that officers of the Navy should he treated worse than any other class of pers :us who served the Govern ment.—( Hear, hear.) It would appear, as though it were a luxury to run the risk of being shot at, and it had been said, "Oh ! but you gain honours." He had alluded to this on a former occasion, and no doubt honours were very pretty to look at, but there was very little substance in them, and when a man was called upon to pay for them, perhaps they were not so very desirable. He thought honours ought to be given without being asked for, and certainly without being paid for.—( Hear, hear.) He could mention the case of an Admiral who died a few years ago, and whose two daughters were obliged to go to a private charity called the Benevolent Naval Society, and receive 23/. a year each, to keep them from starv ing. He would ask whether that was the way in which the children of an admiral ought to be treated ?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") This was a question that had nothing to do with party—(cheers)—and there was no man, in or out of the House, that did not feel ashamed that such a state of things should he allowed to continue, and who would not express his willingness to endeavour to have them remedied.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Those who were in power ought to come forward boldly, and ask for a sum o money requisite for the purpose of meeting such cases. He would now refer to an Admiral's full pay ; and here he had to find fault with the mode in which it was put down in the official documents. The Admiral's pay and the table money was put down as the Admiral's pay only, The table money and the Admiral's pay ought to be kept distinct.—(Hear, hear.) The pay of a Gear-Admiral was 1,093/. a year, and he was cer ain that unless he was always living at sea, or lived in a very close manner, he must spend a great deal more. But then what had be to retire on ? He had to retire on half-pay, 4501. a-year, so that he was expected to save money out of 1,095/. a-year, and to live upon 450/. per annum. Then, again, the table money was a mere pittance, and was not sufficient to enable a man to keep an open House. He thought he had stated ehough to show that Admirals were not paid in pro portion to the duties they were called upon to perform. (LEFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM presented a petition from a parish in Lincolnshire against any alteration in the Corn Laws. " Lord RALEIGH presented petitions from various places in Essex against any alteration in the Corn-laws. The Marquis of WESTMEATH wished to know from the Noble Marquis opposite how soon it was likely that the Chancellor of Ireland would be in his place, because he had two or three cases of interference that he considered very important to be brought forward, but in defence to the Noble and Learned Lord, he did not wish to bring them forward in his absence, provided he was likely to be in his place shortly, and provided the Noble Marquis thought it necessary that he should be present, although the Noble and Learned Lord had seemed to throw the onus arising from those cases upon the Government of Ireland rather than to take it to himself. The Marquis of NORMANBY said that his Noble aid Learned Mend was in possession of all the facts of those cases, and therefore it would be desirable that he should be present when the subject of them brought on. He could not say with precision when he would be h ere , as h e was at present exercising the office of Lord Chief Justice, though he had intended to be here by this time. THE SU injunction, but it was taco late, fo':' the tilarriage had been already sti.ettnked.le had also a petition from the Loam of Guardians to the same effect. There was another complaint made by the Clergy who had signed the petition—that the marriage had been performed without the usual notice, and in defiance of the caution of the Vicar. He thought it w. as the ditty of t 1 1.16 Registrar to institnte into the diatteir'. I.'EVr SFEAs LNG. METROPOLiTA SI POLITICAL UAIMA.R.Y. The Globe, of this evening, alludier t . :l toe Naval dis cussions in the Commons alit says, " Fearfully have the false and factit'f: - . accusations hurled against the Ministry moiler! the assailants. It is now proved beyond the possibility of gainsaying, that the present Government has been sedulously employed in repairing the rrrott and restoring the deficiencies in our Noy occasioned by the blunders or the neglect of their predecessors." On the subject of Lord Ashley's Factory Acts, our Contemporary observes, " We think the exclusive cry against the hard ships of children in factories the greatest humbug that ever was uttered." The Courier remarks of Lord Ebrington's speech in the Lords last night, that " it will in no respect disappoint those who hold high opinions of his character, and form great expectations of his mission to Ireland. It was bold and yet temperate, worthy both of himself, his position, and the people whom he is to govern." Alluding to Mr. C. Wood's speech lot flight in the Commons, on moving the Navy Estimates, the Courier says, that " it must effectually remove from every impartial mind whatever impression may have lingered there, that a de cline or falling off had taken place in any one of the ele ments of England's maritime superiority." The Standard, in a violent and laboured leading article on the subject of Lord Fortescue's speech, says of it, " Every one must see that the defence is alike equivocat ing, mean, and unsatisfactory." Mr. PALMER 'presented a petition fron Berkshire favour of an alt etation in the beer-shop system. Mr. HODG2,S presented a petition from the Westrn Div'ts'a n of the county of Kent, and signed by eighteen Resident County Magistrates, twen (~,rgyrnen, eleven Solicitors, thirty-seven Churchwar &as, Guay.dians of the Poor, &c., six Bankers, and a at number of independent Gentlemen, to the number OF 140., residing in the neighbourhood of Maidstone i;. , l).ds'„ a very croerded population, complaining of the i%trious effects of the beer-shops on the rural popula 'tio..r, and stating that these ill effects were lamented by :cry Grand Jury presentment ; by every Judge's by every account of the Commissioners of Ilio . v2et Debt( rs ; and were evidenced by every I &lice report, and by the crowded state of every gaol. "i',,e Hon. Member also presented a petition from the am , l county in fivour of the Corn-laws. C rlonel RUSHBROOKE presented a great number of petitions from Suffolk to a similar effect. Mr. HALL (we believe) presented similar petitions from the county of Worcester. Mr. CHRISTOPHER presented a petit:on apinst a't rati )n in the Corn laws. PENDARVES presented a petition from the :zipositors in the employ of Mr. Clowes against the pyriht Bill. CORN-LAWS. Mr. SANFORD presented a petition from forty ,:x parishes in the Vale of Taunton, praying the House lilt to make alterations in the Corn-laws. BEER ACT. The GA NTLEMAN also presented a pe tion, s.ig a ried by forty 'Magistrates of the county of So lo' set, cntriplaining of the operation of the Beer-laws, ilra)ing the House to apply such remedies to the t as will be most effectual ; also a petition from Lang- f to same effect. 11ir. PARKER presented a petition from the ayor, Town-Council, and inhabitants of Preston against the Beer Act. Mr. ROUND presented a petition from the county oF Essex against any further grant to the College of Llayno usKETT presented a petition from St. Alben':-, - Ilemel Hempstead, Tring, and other places in 11ertordshire, praying for the abolition of the punish ment of death in all eases . except for murder. LUNATIC ASIIUMS. 1.3..X.RNA81Z presented a petition praying for inquiry into the s%lte of lunatic asylums. CORN-LAWS. Sir HENRY PARNELL presented a petition from Dundee, praying for a repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. VILLIERS presented a petition from a place, of which we could not learn, praying for a I of 'he Corn-laws. the na Mr. CA.YLEY presented petitions from various pl,xes in the North Riding of Yorkshire, against any taking place in the existing system of Corn- hWenit Mr. JERVIS presented a petition very tw.merously sizned, which had been agreed }o at a county meeting of Cmiarvon, praying for a total repeal of the Corn- This meeting, at which the fLgh Sheriff had had been called for the purpose of petitioning in fatour cf the existing system of Corn-laws. This petition had been proposed as an amendment and car rie.d.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BETHEL presented petitions from several T:laces in the East Riding of Yorkshire, praying the ilotle not to consent to any alteration in the present system of Corn-laws. Mr. W. O'BRIEN presented a petition from some place in the county o f Li mer i c k, aga i nst any repea l i n the i, extipg system of Corn-laws. SALE OF BEER. ACT. Mr.'IOLSTON presented a petition, signed by 57 Magistrates of the county of Hertford, against the present system of selling beer by retail. Mr. PAKINGTON presented petitions from the Magistrates of the county of Worcester, complaining of the ill effects produced by the existence of beer shops, and praying the House to make some alteration laws pre id in the laws relating to them. Also a petition from s!:venty-three Magistrates of the county of Kent to the same effect. Also a petition from the Magistrates of of the county of Lancaster, agreed to at the last Quar ter Sessions, praying for some alteration in the law re lating to beer-stops ; and another from the town of z_itourp ort to ',n e same e ff ec t. CHURCH ACCOMMODATION(SCOTLAND) Sir GEORGE CLERK presented a petition from the Kirk Sessions of some place in Scotland, praying that the 'House would adopt measures for an increase a Churc.'n Accommodation. NATIONAL EDUCATION. Mr. DAR BY presented a petition from several in rab t ints of the coenty of Sussex, praying the House not to consent to any system of National Education that was not founded on Scripture. ABUSE OF CHARITY TRUSTS. Mr. COURTE N A Y presented a petition from Bridg water (as we understood), complaining that certain pro perty had been left to be denoted for the purposes of educating children belonging to the Church of England, that up to the passing of the Municipal Reform Act those trusts bad been faithfully executed by the *.nen existing trustees, but since that period new Chari',l Trustees had been nominated by the Lord Chancellor, the majority of whom were Dissenters, and that now children not of the Church of England derived advantage from-this charity, and praying the House for redrese. In making this state ment he (Mr. Court , nay) wieited it to be distinctly un derstood that he did not cast any imputation on the Lord Chancellor, he had. acquainted the Noble and Learned Lord with ;lie substance of this petition, and the Noble Lord had stated his ignorance of the fact of these trustee s being Dissenters, so that it was evident that the Noble and Learned Lord had been greatly deceived. Orderefle to lie on the table. a Mr. reINNAIR D presented a petition from Lanark Eram;t any additional endowment to the Church of Scotland. Mr. S. LEFEVRE presented a petition from North ampton against the beer Act. Lord DALMENEY presented a petition from Stir ling, praying for the abolition of the Corn-laws. Mr. H. GB,ATTAN presented a petition from Meath against thQ Tithe Act passed last Session, and praying for its repeal, LOSS OF LIFE IN COAL-MINES. Mr. MARK PHILLIPS gave notice that to-mor row he should move for a return of the Coroners' In ',Vesta held on persons killed during the last five years in the mines of Northumberland, Cumberland, Durham, Westmoreland, York, Derby, and Stafford, distinguish ing the age and sex of th e i n di v id ua l s w h o h a d b een killed, and the verdicts returned. INSULT TO THE BRITISH FLAG. An HON. MEMBER on the Opposition side of the House, whose name we could not learn, said he had seen an article in the " Times" newspaper affecting the conduct of the Officer in command at Vera Cruz. He wished tle ask the Under Secretary to the Ad miralty whether the Admiralty were satisfied with the conduct of that officer on that occasion. Mr. C. WOOD was sorry to do so, but he really must decline answering the question, which he did not think a proper one to be put at this moment. NAVY ESTIMATES. CHARTISTS. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM wished to know, from the Noble Lord opposite, whether any information had reached her Majesty's Government, that certain persons called Chartists had armed themselves. Viscnunt MELBOURNE said he was perfectly aware that a certain set of persons, who were called Chartists, had armed themselves. Lord MELVILLE presented a petition from Edin burgh, prayihg for Church accommodation. Lord FOLEY presented several petitions, praying for an alteration in the Corn-laws. A NOBLE LORD presented a petition from a place in Scotland, praying for additional Church accommodation. Lord REDESDALE presented petitions from Yarmouth, Wokengham, and Oswestry, against any al teration in the Corn-laws. The Marquis of NORMANBY Clergy Reserves o Canada. MARRIAGE ACT. The Bishop of LONDON wished that a Noble Lord had been in his place, who was in the habit of taking an interest in the Board of Guardians, before he had risen to make the observations he was about to submit, but as those observations would not affect the Board of Guardians, the absence of that Noble Lord was the less to be regretted. His observations would relate to a subject that was no otherwise important than as it bore on the marriage law. Their Lordships were aware that about 2 years ago a Bill passed, altering to a great degree the law of marriage in order to satisfy certain Dissenters who held it to be a grievance to be married according to the religious forms of the EstabishedChurch. Amongst other things it was at that time apprehended that Bill would afford facilities to clandestine marriages. and the petitions he held in his hand would show that apprehension was not altogether unfounded. The number of marriages that had been solemnised since the passing of the Act otherwise than according to the forms of the Church had been very insignificant—so insgnifieant, that had the Legisiature known it, it would have hesitated before it had made such an innovation on the then established law as the Bill made. However, whatever number of Dissenters felt themselves to be aggrieved, it was the duty of their Lordships to afford them relief ; the question was whether the relief provided would not be attended with more serious cause of grievance than the comparatively grievance that existed before. He held in his hand two pe titions, one from the Board of Guardians of the Holborn Union, and the other from the Clergy in the neighbourhood, and they tended to show that the law as it now stood, was not calculated to heighten but rather Lord FORTESCUE—My Lords, I know not whe ther, as there is no question at present before Your Lordships, I am quite in order in addressing your Lordships ; but whether I am strictly in order or not, I feel J shall not appeal in vain to your Lord ships' sense of justice, if I ask you to permit me to offer to yo;r Lordships a few observa tions with regard to what passed in this House ' on Thursday last, in matters of the greatest co nsequence regarding not myself only as an individual, b u t t h ose great and important interests in the administration of which I have been called upon to take a share. I see k not to deprecate the political hostility of the Noble Lord who thought fit to originate this discu ss i on ; I complain not of the Noble Lord having brought forward this discussion ; but I do complain of the Noble and Learned Lord founding his attack, without giving me any notice, on unconnected, and I must say an incorrect report of words which were spoken in the other House of Parliament at a time when I had not an opportunity of being heard in m y defence, or if the zeal of the Noble and Learned Lord for the Protestant Church in Ireland Was such as could not wait until I should be present, it would have been more candid on the part of that Noble and Learned Lord to have informed me of his intentions, and to have given me an opportunity of stating to some friend the expressions really used by m e on the occasion referred to, and thereby have enabled him to offer such explanations as I might, in my neces sary absence, h ave w i s h e d to have been given. I shall offer those explanations to your Lordships presently, but before I offer to your Lordships the correct terms of the speech referred to—before I do this, I would wish to ask that Noble and Learned Lord, whe ther, notwithstanding his great talents, his varied knowledge, and his well-known tact in debate, whe ther, notwithstanding all these, and his well-grodnded confidence in his varied powers—it has never happened to him in the heat of debate to let fall expressions which hare been construed in a sense very different from that which in his cooler mo ments he would wish to have attributed to them? and does the Noble and Learned Lord con sider that the use of those expressions amounts to a disqualification from hoidlitiA any office. connected Lord LYNDHURST—My Lords, it is with some reluctance that I rise, but I am called upon to ad dress your Lordships, in consequence of what has fallen from the Noble Lord, and I beg leave to state that I am most happy that I brought this case under your Lordships' consideration, since it has had the effect of calling on the Noble Lord to state in your presence the opinions which he entertains, and the policy he means to pursue with respect to the Protestant Church of Ireland. My Lords, I have a nother reason fur being happy that I brought this s ubject under your Lord ships' consideration, inasmuch as I found in two of the leading Ministerial prints the very speech to which I referred of the Noble Lord, set out in detail, and made the foundation of a compliment to the Noble Viscount for having appointed the Noble Lord to the situation of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—(Hear, hear) —thereby stating in the s t ro ngest terms that they, the supporters of her Majesty's Government , were of opi- Ilion that declared hostility to the Protestant Church o L f o l n r i e L la i n e d ut w en a a s n t t h o e f b th es a t t q c u o a u l n ifi try ca . t_ Ch qualification for My L or d s, for the situ a ti on o f allow me to say a few words in my justificatio n , i n con sequence of what has fallen from the Noble Lord. And first, the Noble Lord took occasion again to al lade to an expression which fell from me on form er occasion with respect to Ireland, and which at the time was misinterpreted by the Noble Mar quis oppesite. The Noble Lord asks me whether I should consider the use of that e xpression was a disqua lification o di um that has been caq o li f fi . c i a t tion co , ri p s r i o a ii r d in e g d in other respects I were qualified for holding a high situation in that country. My Lords ,con sidering the impression which that expression has created in Ireland—cousidering the use that has been made , Lord LYNDHURST—I allude to Lord London derry's appointment.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, when I put that question to the Noble Viscount I considered it necessary to be cautious as to the evidence on which I proceeded. I looked at the different reports of the proceedings, I looked at what was said by the different parties in the House—(Hear, hear)—l consulted some Members • of the other House, and I was satisfied that I was justified in imputing to the Noble Lord—l won't say a precise expression—but imputing to the Noble Lord those opinions, and those statements which I took the liberty of stating.—( Hear.) My Lords, I read in the first instance the report from ;s volume which is generally considered to contain the most accurate report of what takes place both in this and the other House of Parliament. I read only part of that report because I thought in putting a question to the Noble Viscount opposite on a subject of this kind I ought to be as concise as possible ; and in doing so, I was charged by the Noble Marquis with not giving the rest of the speech. My Noble .Friend, the Noble Earl who sits near me, read the whole of the speech, and that speech, so far from contradicting the statements I had made, bore them fully out. My Lords, I did not confine myself upon that occasion to the report in the work to which I have alluded, but I looked also at the report to which the Noble Lord has referred, and there I found that the Noble Lord had said that the Church Establishment in Ireland was a stain and adisgrace to the country, and I find he also said that it was some satisfaction to him, that the burthen was about to be changed from the weak to the strong, and expressed a hope that the war would continue with effect against the Church Establishment of the country. I knew,my Lords, that it was possible those expressions might be misunderstood, and therefore I looked to the est of the debate, and there I found the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, and the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, comment upon the expressions of the Noble Lord, and expressing their regret that the Noble Lord had thought it necessary to address the House in the spirit that he had done in support of the Bill, on the ground that he thought it would effect the ruin of the Church Establishment in Ireland.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord upon that occasion did not rise for tho purpose of mak ing an explanation, but another Noble Lord who leads the Ministerial party in the other House, gave the ex planation. In giving that explanation, did he state that the Noble Lord did not feel that hostility to the Church -of Ireland that had been imputed to him? No such thing. The only explanation that was given was as to the mode in which the hostility should be carried on. This, my Lords, is the explanation of the course I pursued in the investigation. I thought it was necessary to enter into before I put that question to the Noble Viscount, and I ask your Lordships whe ther I was not right, under those circumstances, acting upon materials that justified me in considering that in substance the question I put to the Noble Viscount was put upon a correct representation ?—( Hear, hear.) Now what is the explanation given by the Noble Baron ? Does it not accord with the statements that I have made ? What does he say ? Why, that the Establishment of the Church in Ireland is a stain and a disgrace to that country. What does the Noble Lord further say? Why, that the effect of the Bill would transfer the burthen from the weak to the strong, and he hoped that in conse quence of that the war would be carried on with effect against the Protestant Church of Ireland. The Noble Lord says, of course the mode in which that war is to be carried on was not to be by agitation but by consti tutional means. Does that, my Lords, make aLy difference ?—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord is now placed in a situation at the head of the Government of that country. The Catholics of Ireland are assailing the Protestants of that country. The Noble Lord himself, according to his own declarations, is hostile to the Establishment there. The Noble Lord pursues his own' mode of warfare, and no doubt those with whom he co operates, will pursue them ; but can it, my. Lords, be said that the declaration of the Noble Lord will not encourage them ? Will they not feel that they are acting under his guidance in the measures they are pursuing?—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, allow me to call your Lordships' attention a little to the hig. tory of the proceedings with respect to the Church of Ireland, which have taken place within the last few years. During the Ministry of my Lord Grey, immense reductions were made in the Establishment of the Church of Ireland—half the Episcopal Bench were re moved—the Bishops were reduced from twenty to ten, and a heavy tax was placed upon the parochial clergy of Ireland.—(Hear.) That was a great step towards reduction, and it was as far as that Noble Earl had thought it necessary to go. Now, with respect to the proceedings during the last Session. In the last Session, a Bill was passed by which thirty per cent. more was taken from the parochial clergy of Ireland. In what manner was the Bill carried through both Houses? In the debate, it was stated it was a com promise, and in consequence much was given up for the sake of the harmony, the peace, and - the tranquillity of Ireland. But one individual said that he would net be bound by that compromise—that he only considered it as an instalment, and accordingly soon after the breaking up of Parliament, we find him establishing a Society in Ireland, the object of which was the total and entire de struction of the Established Church in Ireland.—( Hear.) " Nothing will satisfy us but the destruction of tithes." Now just for a moment look at this—after all his de sire to compromise—all his desire to establish tranquil lity in Ireland—what is the course taken by her Mas jesty's Ministers? To place at the head of the Go vernment in that country an individual who has avowed his hostility to the Church of Ireland ; and who, though he tells us his hostility will be carried on in a particular form, I ask whether his appointment is not an appoint ment above all others calculated to renew agitation, to give alarm to the Church of Ireland, and to encourage the Catholic population, which is endeavouring to sub vert the Protestant Church there ? My Lords, this is an explanation of the course I have pursued, and the motives by which I have been actuated. I am told, in deed, and we were told the other night, and I do not dispute it, that the Noble Lord is distinguished for his high constitutional opinions and principles. Un doubtedly he has upon more than one occasion, by his active interposition rescued the Government from de , struction—(Hear, bear)—and they owe him a debt of gratitude on that _ account.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)—But as far as relates to the constitu tional opinions of the Noble Lord, if they corre spond, as I presume they do, with those of her Majesty's Ministers—so far, in my opinion, and ac cording to the best of my judgment—so far from being built upon constitutional bases, I think they tend to the destruction as well of the Constitution as of the Mo narchy itself.—(Cheering.) I shall not attempt to de scribe the political character of the Noble Lords oppo site—l should be disposed to leave that for the graphic pencil of my Noble and Learned Friend opposite— (Hear, hear)—his skill in this description of portrait painting is so well known and so highly appreciated ; but I will say, with respect to the present Government--not using my own language, but borrowing from one of their supporters—taking the description of the Noble Lords in the present Government from an individual who has for many years been their supporter, and who has de clared he would make the greatest sacrifices for them, if necessary—he has described them in a letter, and to that description I subscribe. He says, " the Whigs cannot stand without the assistance of the Radicals ; the Ministers must, therefore, be constantly doing some thing to please them, and thus the rights of the people will be gradually secured ;" and in the same letter he describes those rights as being an elective House of Lords and a complete democratic House of Commons.—(Hear.) I believe, for my own part, the Ministers will make concessions just so far as are ne cessary to keep themselves in power, and that they will go on in that way till there cannot be a doubt that both the Constitution and the Monarchy will be in danger. —(Hear, hear.) There is no question before the House, but I stood in such a position with reference to the Noble Lord who before addressed your Lordships, that I felt myself called upon to address you. I thank you for the patient hearing I have had, and I presume this will be the last we shall hear of this business. Lord MELBOURNE—If this is to be the last we are to hear of this, and if there is nothing before the House, it might perhaps appear superfluous, and in some degree imprudent and unwise on my part to ad dress your Lordships at all ; but still I shall take the liberty of making a very few observations. Ungties tioaahly, if this is to he thn last we are to bear of this the atattet is to be carried no further, I cannot help thinftiA l g thai equ'co' that has been taken by the Noble and Learned Lard in' the highest degree un wise and impolitic.—( Hear, hetir.)' What effect can it possibly have except to stir up' gtieeanees that had better be left alone—( Hear, hear/ — except to stir up animosity and prevent the possible &reify ; the possible well working of this measure, which i nova to utirreeessarily, so wantonly, and without any object brought forward, except that which is un questionably and aerhapa unintelationally by the Noble and laearn'ed Lora! now raised and called in question. When f Was asked a question on this subject by the Noble and Learned Lead, and quite unexpectedly, I answered what was perfectly tette. that I was not aware of the speech of my Noble Friend, as she Noble and Ledetted Lord has now read it. It was not for me necessarily to hnow every speech he had ever made; hut I was acquainted with the general principles and character and opinions of my Noble Friend, and my f,cnnifietige of that character and of those principles and opinions made me conceive that he was, if not the fittest, among the fittest of those whose services were at the command of her Majesty, for this great and re sponsible office. I said that he had always supported the meaattres we had brought forward, and that was all that was maintained by my Noble Friend ; and if upon that speech I had pronounced his disqualification, I should at the same time have pronounced my own disqualifica tian for the office I hold, but which I am not so ready to the as the Noble and Learned Lord opposite is. —(Hear, hear, nod much laughter.) I don't know whether the disqualification acknowledged by the Noble and Learned Lord is confined to those offices to which it is not very likely he would be selected by any persons who may be called upon to advise her Majesty ; or, as there are other offices, Ido not know whether he con siders himself equally disqualified for them, or whether be I reserves his opinion of his qualifications for such offices, as he may have held before, and which he may perhaps naturally indulge his ambition in looking forward to again. The Noble and Learned Lord has made a great many observations upon leading articles in newspapers, and - has indulged in reading articles from what he calls Ministerial prints, and from which he says he is bound and entitled to conclude that those opinions of hostility to the Church of Ireland are the opinions of my Noble Friend ; opinions which he does not entertain, and never did entertain, towards the Church in that country.— ( Hear.) There is not a warmer friend to the Church of Ireland than my Noble Friend himself. But it is said that those feelings of hostility are the best qualification of the Noble Lord to the office to which he has been chosen and elected. Now I don't at all acqu:esce in those representations of these Ministerial Journals. do not know to which the Noble and Learned Lord alludes, but Ido not admit the authority—l do not admit they were speaking the opinions of the Govern ment ; and lam sure if am to judge from many of the articles I have lately read in some which I suppose the Noble and Learned Lord calls Ministerial Papers, I cannot consider that they are of a very friendly nature, or likely to give to Government any very efficient sup port.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble Friend has told your Lordships the principle on which he takes charge of the Government in Ireland—that he is proceeding thither to administer the law as he finds it—to carry the law into effect—to give it powerand force, and to administer it with impartiality. If I know any man who is likely to act up to those principles it is my Noble Friend ; and I feel perfectly satisfied, that under the circum stances a better choice could not have been made than has been made in him. The Duke of WELLINGTON confessed that he should have been very embus to have avoided entering into this subject had it not been for some things that had fallen from the Noble Viscount in the course of what he stated in reference tab's Noble and Learned Friend behind him. The Noble Viscount had been pleased to cast an imputation on his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lynd hurst) that the course be had taken was likely to pre vent the good working of the measure adopted by her Majesty's Government. The Noble Viscount seemed to have forgotten entirely what had passed a few nights ago in that House—that the discussion was not brought forward by his Noble and Learned Friend, but by the Noble Lord opposite, and that what the Noble Lord opposite had said rendered this discussion necessary. It was perfectly true that they stood now in a situation very different to that in which the House was a few nights ago. He (the Noble Duke) was not in the House on that occasion ; he had been discharging his public duty at that time in another part of the country ; but from what he had seen and heard of that discussion, his Noble Friend then did produce that which was considered by their Lordships amply sufficient for the step he took. The explanation of the Noble Viscount was totally dif ferent from the text which had been read by the Noble and Learned Lord ; and he considered that text as calculated fully to justify his Noble and Learned Friend in calling on the Government to mike some representation of the grounds on which they had made the selection of the Noble Lord to the thigh office to which he was appointed. The Noble Lord (Baron Fortescue) had stated his determination to carry on the government in Ireland upon the prin ciples which were stated by a noble relation of his (the Noble Duke's) own, upon assuming that same go vernment, some years ago, namely, that lie should go there to administer the law, and not to alter it ; but then the word war had been used, and was he going to administer the law as it stood, or did he mean to carry on a war in the alteration of the law ? Was the Noble Lord going to carry on an administration of the law by war, or was he going to adopt the more formi dable manner of war by carrying forward those mea sures, taking them even according to the terms used opposite, constitutionally adopted, as they supposed, and which had for their object the alteration of the law ? (Hear; hear.) He (the Noble Duke) should be ashamed of himself if, knowing what he did of the Noble Lord, and after having heard him this night he could suppose the Noble Lord would in any manner be a party to those measures which ought in reality to be called measures of war—which ought really to be called formidable—if he could have ap proved of them, or under any circumstances could be a party to them. He did expect after what had been stated by the Noble Lord, that he would go there to administer the law impartially, and that he would extend the protection of his Government to persons, to pro perty, and to every thing that called for protection in that unfortunate country. He believed that was what the Noble Lord would do, and by such an administra tion of his power as that he would prevent war. The real question here was the Protestant religion and tho Protestant Church in Ireland. That was the real ques tion. This had been a principle of the Government and of the policy of this country for hundreds of years. The principle had been re-asserted over and over again at different intervals. He would go no further back than the Acts and Treaties of the Union. Since that time there had been what was called the Catholic Emancipation Act, and in that Act, as well as in an Act which has been subsequently on the table of both Houses of Parliament, the principles of the Protestant Church in Ireland were again asserted and maintained, and the stability of that Church secured by the oath required to be taken for its maintenance.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord said that the Church Establishment was far too extensive for the wants of the Protestant population of Ireland ; but it appeared to him (the Duke of Wellington) that it was no more than adequate for the important and onerous duties it had to perform. When he fist read the explanation of the Noble Lord, and when his attention had been first drawn to it, he thought it was the duty of her Majesty's Government to institute some inquiry. He wished to see what was their policy, what was their intention, as to the admi nistration of justice in that country, and whether they still intended to maintain the Protestant Establish ment in that country? He (the Duke of Wel lington) was very happy to hear the explanation of the Noble Lord, and his firm and high intention to administer the laws with impartiality in that country. He would remind that Noble'Lord that, filling the high office of the representative of her Majesty in that country, he had, as he (the Duke of Wellington) hap pened to know, very great power and patronage in respect to that Church, and, really, he thought they should have some security for the performance of those duties beyond the bare declaration the Noble Lord had been pleased to make that night, that he wou ld maintain the laws. But the House and the public had a right to expect from the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland that he aould not only maintain the laws, but that be ma Id carry them into execution in such a manner as to rry into effect the policy of that country, for the m fintenance and support of the Established Church. That was the point to which he thought both that and the other House of Parliament had a right to look with great jealousy, having little more than the mere declaration of the Noble Lord that he would maintain the laws. He felt it his duty to offer these observations to their Lordships, and to the Noble Lord opposite, for whom he entertained the highest respect. Lord BROUGHAM said, my Lords, I rejoice greatly that my Noble and Learned Friend gave a no tice on this subject, as it has given an opportunity to the Noble Duke to deliver his manly and candid statement, which has been marked with the same candour and manli ness which has influencedesiery part ofhis career—but, my Lords, I also do not regret that my Noble and Learned Friend brought forward this question last week, and I differ with the Noble Viscount near me, who has lamented its being brought forward, because I think that nothing more important could have been achieved than that which has arisen out of my Noble Friend mooting the case. I mean the explanation which has been given by my Noble Friend, the new Lord Lieutenant for Ire land. He has told you, what I think has been mistaken by my Noble and Learned Friend—what, I think has been misrepresented somewhat by him, doubtless, from his impressions of it, viz.:—that his opi nions remaining the same as to the extent of the Irish Establishment, that he still considering 30 dis proportioned an ecclesiastical Establishment as a griev ance to the people of that country, that he nevertheless is not an enemy or an adversary, or in any manner of way an antagonist, whether peaceably or hostile, of that Establishment, but only of its excess. --1 hear.) Sir G. CLERK believed the rule of the House to lower the tone of public feeling as to the marriage was that on Wednesdays Orders of the Day should take standard. Theirwas something that might, perhaps, excite precedence of Notices, and it was understood that a smile in the circumstance towhich he was about to allude the orders were to be taken into consideration as they which was the fact referred to in one of the petitions, stood in the book. As there were several questions of a case of marriage, solemnised by the superintendent which might occupy a considerable time, he wished to of the Holborn Union, between a young man and his ask whether it was intended to take precedence on the wife, who was his grandmother—(Laughter)—and motion for going into Committee of Supply with the who were therefore incapable of contracting a marriage. resumption of the debate on the Navy Estimates. He did not mean to impute blame to any of the parties Mr. C. WOOD could not answer the question in concerned, except the two persons themselves. With the absenee of "Lerd John Russell. respect to the conduct of the Registrar-General, he The SPEAKER said, if there was any intention to was a person for whom he (the Bishop of London) depart from the rule, it was necessary notice should be entertained very great respect, and although he gizen.—( Hear, hear.) had committed an error to a certain extent, it should Lerd HO WICK said, if Hon. Gentlemen were dis- be regarded with leniency, as mistakes were likely posed to waive their claims of priority, it would be a to occur in the administration of a law which had intro ertat convenience. —(hear, hear.) duced such important and extensive innovations into STATE OF THE NAVY, the law of the country. But because it was an inno- Sri. EDWARD CODRINGTON—It might be vation, the parties who were to administer it, should considered that there was little more to be said upon have proceeded with the greatest caution so as subject of the Navy, but he could assure the to prevent those evils and offences . against mo- House that in the very able speech which had fallen rality and religion, which were likely to arise. from the H onoura b le Secretary to the Admiralty, The Right . Rev. P re l a t e t h en rea d the petition at n he topics h e was a b out to brine under the l engt h, an d procee d e d . He regretted that the Regis ot.,, •-. of th e House bad not been touched. He would tray had not taken the adtice of Ecclesiastical Lawyers, /Nits his sentiments on the House because he knew that who would have at once decided that the marriage was :,erz , rdintothe prese n t system gross injustice had been within the prohibited degrees. As soon as the objection , 'yeJ He c ouhi assure the Hon. Secretary that ships ! had been pointed out the Rcgietrer had issued an :; ;! '`~ / ~' ~~~ Mt:Ws ft. , • ,cs,l r ~- MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the Loudon Price Current of March 5.) SUGAR.- For British Plantation importers obtained a further advance of 6i for fine yellow, and is far brown and mid yellow descriptions ; the purchases privately have amounted to 1,500 hhds and tierces ; the lowest point of the market f or yellow Sugar is 61s 6d. This of ernoon the demand was checked by the scrnty show, and the increasing demands of importers, st 11 there Wa3 a fair business doing, the purchases amounting to 500 hhds and trcs, at prices in some instances rather higher than on Friday. REFINED.—For all descriptions of goods the late ad vance has been supported; Lumps equ4l to the standard have brought 77s a 77s 6d, rather under 76s a 76s 61, good Loaves 80s a 90s ; the lowest point of the market for Lumps suitable for the scale is 765. Double Crushed is not to he purchased under 42s 6d. For Pieces advanced prices have been obtained. For Bastards higher prices have been paid; the lowest price is 475. Treacle is not cheaper. Dutch Crushed Sugar-100 hhds have been sold at 35s 6d, deliverable here, at la hizh price there are further buyers but no sellers. MACRlTlVs.—lmporters have obtained a further ad vance of Is for Sugars under 625, those above that price are 6d higher ; at auction 7,234 bags sold with spirit; superior yellow of a superior mark at 67s to 67s 6d, fine 65s 6d to 665, good 64 to 65, middling to good middling 62i to 635, fine brown 60s to 61s. This afternoon a public sale of 800 bags went at rather higher prices, good brown to low yellow brought 61s to 62s 6J, and middling to good 63s 6d to 643 per cwt. EA•ST INDIA.— For Manilla the private purchases since this day week reach 7,000 bags, at is advance-24s paid for good, and 23s 6d for good mid. brown ; besides which 800 bags have been offered at auction, and sold at 23s to 24s far middling to good brown ; there are now few sellers of low sound quality under 245, and tor good 25s to 25s 6d is asked. Siam at full prices. Java is held firmly. Bengal has maintained the advanced rates of last Tuesday. This afternoon the public sales, consisting of 3,754 has, went off briskly, white descriptions in sonic instances 6 1. higher, brown sorts are Is dearer; fine of the former sold at 63s 61, good mid to good 65s 61 to 575, damps and washed 62s 6d to 665; the latter brought 52s to 53a 61 for low dry brown. THE LONDON GAZETTE OF THIS EVENING. FOREIGN-OFFICE, Maacit 5, 1839. The Queen has been graciously pleased to appoint Thomas Colley Grattan, Esq. to be her Majesty's Consul for the State of \lassachusetts. The Queen has also been graciously pleased to appoint John Wingfield Larkins, Esq. to be her Majesty's Consul at. Alexandria. The Queen has also been graciously pleased to appoint Thomas Carew Hunt, Esq. (late her Majesty's Consul at Archangel) to be her Majesty's Consul in the Azores, or Western Islands. CROWN-OFFICE, AlAncli 5, 1839. MEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN Tills PRESENT PARLIAMENT. , BOROUGH OF CARLOW.—Francis Bruen, of Coolbawn, in the county of Wexford, Esq. in the room of William Henry Maule, Esq. who has ac opted the office of one of the Barons of her Majesty's Court td Exchequer. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. FREDERICK BLAKE, grocer, Ealing, Middlesex. HENRY ROWE, wine-merchant, Great Tower-street, London. JAMES KIRKRY, JAMES GREGORY, and WIL• LIAM KEATON GREGORY, silver-platers, Sheffield. HENRY EDMUND THOMPSON, brewer, Marlbo• rough-"oad, Chelsea. RICHARD CLARK, horse-hair manufacturers, Walling• ton-mills, Surrey. BANKRUPTS. WILLIAM JOHN DELANCEY A II:VOLD, coal-mer chant, Lisso-grove, Middlesex, to surrender March 13, at twelve, and April 16, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Green, Aldermanbury, official assignee: Dods and Linklater, NorthUmberland-street, Strand. WILLIAM SWEETING, linen-draper, Fore-street, Crip plegate, March 14 and April 16, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy, Basin hall-street. Alsager, Birchin-lane, official assignee ; Fawcett, Jewin-street, Cripplegate. WILLIAM WESTON WHEELER, ale and porter dealer, Liverpool. March 16, and April 16, at one, at the Clarendon rooms, Liverpool. Peacock, Liverpool ; William Dean, Essex street, Strand. JOSEPH MARSHALL and THOMAS COLLIER, Man chester, merchants, March 2.5, and April 16. at ten, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester. Makinson and Sanders, Elm-court, Middle Temple ; Atkinson, Birch, and Saunders, Manchester. JOHN LUMLEY, flax-spinner, Knaresborough, March 9, at one, and April 16. at eleven, at the Court-house, Leeds. Powell and Son, Knaresborough ; Richardson, Leeds FREDERICK HARVEY MAW, mustard manufacturer, Morton, Lincoln, March 12 and April 16, at ten, at the George Inn, Kingston-upon-Hull. Bell, Bedford-row, London ; J. and J. H. Hill, Parliament-street, Hull. JAMES BATT, hotel-keeper, late of Torquay, Devon, March 25 and April 16, at twelve, at the London Inn, Exeter. Clowes and Wedlake, King's Bench-walk, Temple, London ; Laidman, Castle-street, Exeter. THOMAS WATKINSON, Jun., and HENRY WAT SON, tea-dealers, Meredith-street,' Clerkenwell, March 13, and April 16, at the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. Lackington, Ironmonger-lane, official assignee ; Saunders and Co., Queen-street-place, Southwark-bridge. RICHARD NICHOLAS JENKINS, butcher, New Windsor, Berks, March 14, at one, and April 16 at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. Gibson, Basing hall-street, official assignee; Taylor and Collissen, Great James-street, Bedford-ro COURSE OF EXCIL tnistei dam C.k. 12 4 Ditto, at sight Rotterdam 2U. 12 4 Antwerp... Hamburg. . ...... 13 11 A1t0na..... Paris, 3 days' sight 23 35 Ditt0....... ........... 51s 25 60 Marseilles Hourdeaux Frankfort on Maine, Ex. M. 151 Peternbuigh, ruble... 3 Us IO Berlin Vienna, effective f1...2 M lO 0 Trieste......dltto lO 5 Madrid 34% :f7 4NGE.—( THIS DAY.) I,lbc.irtar 4R I Leghorn 30 Genoa 25 F 0 Mi1an....~ Venice 47 Naples •. 40 Palermo ..per oz. I 183& Lisbon 54 0?)crto 531 Rio Janeiro ...... .......... 1B ihia 27 Buenos Ayres New York. 21 c'..,.ys' sight Philadelphia 4ti PRICE Gl.' , lULLION, per OZ. Portupal Bold, c0in.....i3 18 0 oreign Ocld, in I)Ars... 0 0 0 New Doubloons New Dollars . ..... 0 4 104 Silver in Bars Bilboa Blrcel.na ' 3632 Szrille 3E% IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Mescm 4. LORD FORTESCUE'S EXPLANATION. ONDONT TTIESDAY, with that country to which those expressions related ? My Lords, I ask the Noble and Learned Lord, 'as a lawyer, whether he thinks it fair, without proof of an offence—for the Noble and Learned Lord did not pro f. es to have heard the words referred to -a whether he thinks it fait id esiit4 to bass judr;me*'t an Call for. eXcaition without giving the 110M(idAi . charged . the, opPortUnity of : - itralaing in his, nun defence ?—( Hear ber.), ,4IY Lords, ‘‘ I coine a to.adtnielster the laws, and not to alter them"-were the v:turas Of a 'di%!tinr.iished sLatesniall, a near rel:lstiea , to the illustrious Duke I am happy to See in his place opposite (Waington), because I know that from that Noble Duke, at least, I shall receive justice.—(Hear, hear.) " I come to ada minister the laws and net tn alter. thrttt," Weide used hy bead Weileal4; ill ilri4, : er to ati aderalss pre tehled to him on his arrival to take the govern ment in Ireland, when reference was made to opinions he had expressed upon Catholic Emancipation—from which it was assumed that his coming to take the Go vernment was in indication of ati intended tolitessieti upon that question. I come to administer the laws, and not to alter them," will be my answer to any addresses—should I be honoured with any—re ferring- to opinions of mine open any kgiclatite theaa sures in this, or In the other House of Parliament.— ( Hear, hear.) My Lords, allow me to say that I have not ttiken up this view merely at the exigency of the present moment, or the spur of the present occasion—l have been all my life a strenuous advocate for reform—l have during my political life advocated considerable changes in many of the laws in this country and in Ireland, and I am happy to say that many of those measures for which in my early days I wished, I have lived. to see brought to a consummation ; but I defy any man to prove that on any occasion i have advised disobedience to existing laws, however repug nant they might be to my own feeling, and opinions ; and I' am sure that with respect to Ireland, I can confirm this statement, for with the opinions I enter tained as to the Church of Ireland—believing that it ought to be reduced within limits more commensurate with the demands of the Protestant population—with these opinions, which I never shall shrink from declaring —here or elsewhere—l beg leave to say that there is no one of your Lordships —that there is no man in this country, who has exerted himself more strenu ously to procure for the ministers of that Church the payment of their just dues.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I was in Ireland in the autumn of the year which immediately preceded the passing of the Coercion Bill—when all persons paying tithes were publicly denounced as enemies to their country. At that period I gave directions that the whole of the tithes on the property with which I am connected should be paid to the minister to whom they were due, and I took care to make it known that I had done so ; and the result of that was, that my life and pro perty were threatened by a placard _stuck up upon the chapel—and such was the intimidation of that time that no individual could be found to remove that paper till 1 tole it down with my own hands.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, it is irksome always to speak of one's self; and I owe an apology to your Lordships for men tioning this matter. I can assure you that 1 have done so only for the purpose of showing that however dis posed I may be in my place in Parliament to advocate certain changes in the law, there is no man more strenuously determined to maintain existing laws. Now, my Lords, with respect to the speech which forms the subject of conversation on the present occasion. On ' referring to the reports of that speech, I must say both of them are rather meagre, and are rather general outlines than anything like correct or accurate reports of the words spoken by me on that occasion ; and I can further state that the words quoted by the Noble and Learned Lord were those by far the most incorrectly reported, and were the most unlike what I did say in that debate. My Lords, I will not trouble your Lordships with any part 'of the speech, except one particular passage ; and the words which, to the best of my recollection, I used, were these : " i3ut if the struggle against the present tithe system were still going on, notwithstanding the passing of this Bill, the burden of that struggle will be trans ferred from the shoulders of the poor and ignorant peasant, to those of the rich and powerful landlord, whose shoulders would be much better able to hear it, and who, I hope, will carry on the war." I regret I used that word, because I am quite sensible that it was liable to be interpreted in a very different sense from that in which I uttered it. My Lords, it may be supposed that this is an ex post filch) explanation —that I attach a different sense to them now from what I did at the time 1 used those words, in consequence of the notice that has been taken of them. My Lords, I trust it will be believed by those who know me that I am incapable of such shuffling.— (Hear, hear, from both sides of the House.) What I • intended to convey by the expressions I used was, that I hoped measures for the reduc tion of the Church Establishinent in Ireland would be pressed, in the shape of petitions and re monstrances, addressed by the landlords through their proper constitutional channels, upon this and the other House of Parliament—that that mode of warfare would be substituted that that legitimate and constitutional warfare Would be substituted for the resistance of physical force, which had produced miseries and horrors in Ire land ; and that, coming, as it would do, through those channels, it would receive due attention from the Legislature of this coun t r y.—(H ear, h ear. ) My Lords, that was the sense in which I used that expression. lam aware that in the course of the debate a d:fferent construction was put upon it, and it had been my intention to have got up at the time to explain it. My Lords, I spoke at the tin.e to my Noble Friend, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and • 1 asked him in what sense he had understood me. He said, though others had put a different construction on the words, he had understood them in the way I have just stated ; and he added, " I will, if you please, make that explanation on your behalf." My Lords, I acquiesced in that, feeling as I always do, and as I am afraid you will have plainly perceived this evening—(Hear)—feeling, as I always do, my own incompetency to make an address, and I felt particularly reluctant after having once spoken to press any further observations on the House.— (Hear. hear.) My Lords, I feel that I am about to undertake a situation encumbered with great diffi culties—difficulties, allow me to say, which have not been diminished by the course taker, in this House of Parliament, by the description which some of your Lordships were in my absence pleased to give of my political opinions, and by the anti cipations you were pleased to form of the cha racter of my Administration.— (Cheers.) My Lords, I have, however, the satisfaction to know that I have before my eves the example of my predecessor. My Lords, I shall endeavour to carry into the administration of the laws of that country that strict and impartial justice which procured for my Noble Friend (the Marquis of Normanby) from one of eptNxeiGovernment,oaeryourinrbotl dee exerted for Friend.—(Che ers . ) rf r i d eara s ndd pb_t thes, et e(hncae prev ent i on pretty nedi rasew imp orta nt the ma s b i t rydeoaAnnd punishment nrsni opponent Lords, sboi admission more that v g o of f ot u his sni yo m tr l e a n t Administration of my carry with me into the Government of that country the same sympathy which has been shown by my Noble Friend for the wants of the people of Ireland—the same affection for their open-hearted and manly character—the same anxious desire i:o extend their comforts and promote i theirof my welfare career, ; and be i happyt longo indeedr be shall it l be at if the close short, can reap the same harvest of benediction from millions of Irishmen, which marked the departure of my Noble Friend from the shores of that country.—(Cheers.) My Lords, I am sorry that on my first appearance among your Lordships, I should have been called upon to express sentiments at variance, I fear, with those of many of your Lordships. I trust that in doing so, I have not departed from the courtesy observed among your Lordships, and which lam always xious to ob serve, whatever may be your Lordships' political opi nions. My Lords, I beg to tender my respectful thanks to Noble Lords opposite, as well as to my friends around rne, and to the whole House, for the patient and indul gent hearing they have been pleased to give me.—Loud cheering.) 5 4 1839. upon me in consequence of it, I say, in answer to tt:e question put by the Noble Lord, that I should consider it a decided disqualification for bolding that appoint ment.—(lle.tr, hear, hear.) .My Lords, the Noble Lord charges me with acting unjustly towards liitf.i; foe f fdravtri tTs question in his abs6nee. Givg me cave; thy dr Coniidefed thiS a question as bets'een the Noble Lord thy r ielf.-4 chekr,i.) o Th. charge thai I da'de was It 'charge against 110 MaleSty'; UOveinnient ;, fit was a charge dgaitist the Noble Viscount oppGsitL-6Cheetri.) The Noble .Viscount and the rest of her Majesty's Government were present for the purpose of entering upon the defence of the Noble Lord, and that, my }lords; I Consider a sufficient jnstificAtion for the course puittied.--(Cheers.) But the Noble Lord cgoin 4ay4 that i shoqld,have postponed my observations. Yes, my Lords, I did ebTheider well whether I could venture to postpone them. At thai 1. had reason to believe the appointment had cot been acittafly • made.—( Hear, bear, bear.) I was desirous of hiterVosing li . efote it was too late, and therefore it was that in the first instance ; and Upon the very first occa sion, I put the question to the Noble Viseenttt with re spect to the nature of this appointment.—( Hear, hear') The Noble Lord says that• it was unjust to bring for ward a questidii bf this kind in his absence. I might advert to a circumstatice n6I tbq dissimilar, viz., a charge brought against a Noble Friend of mitie=alloble Marquis—(Hear, hear) —not preferred in this House, where the Noble Marquis would have had an opportu nity of meeting the charge, but preferred in the other House of Parliament, and in which the Noble Lord op posite (Lord Fortescuc) was himself a distinguished per former.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") A NOBLE Loan—What appointment do you mean ? EVENING EDITION. This is my understanding of my Noble Friend's expi nation—( Hear, hear)—therefore it was not c orgi r.:ect his misrepresent him as adopting expressions put lido hi mouth—" that the Irish Church Establishmen t ' was a , stain and a disgrace to that country." My Noble ot hod meant its present overgrown dimensions, and no her. He has given the best evidence that he himsel f, acting in his own capacity, confronting the outclying clamour that has been raised, has rendered implicit obedience to the laws. Therefore, my Lords, I hold thi s expla nation' importance to be of great impoance ; for it now appears' from my Noble Friend's own declaration, that whd ever has represented him as an enemy to the Church Jll9 grossly and foully misrepresented him—that whoever expects from him overt acts of hostility to that Est:i blisbment will be utterly and entirely disapp oint —that whoever may dream of seeing him attempt' ing to do that indirectly, which he dares publielY not avow—that whoever, as the Noble puke well, and justly, and accurately observed, shall expect from my Noble Friend, the new Lord Lieutenant 0 Ireland, an indirect and silent countenance of th e scheming of some parties against the Church Establish ment, or the Constitution of these realms, will fill they have to do w;th a man who is by far too honest an d plain dealing for their sinister purposes.—(Che ers) That whoever hopes to find in him a ready tool for their own private ends, will find their hands deprived of the instrument which they had smilingly opened to g rasp.' (Laughter and cheers.) That whoever looks to bil n for allowing all the measures to be introduced, l a th e language to be suited to their palate, and all the patroosgiei to flow into their particular channels, will be instantly, immediately, and bitterly disappointed. My Noble Frieaut has told them, quoting the words of one of his w e a s „ illustrious predecessors, whom to name is at , once '; pr.:ise—l mean the Marquis of Wellesley- - 03 whatever his opinions may be of the form and struc ture ° of the law, he goes to administer that law and not ta, change it"—( Hear, hear)—by which is meant, t° a e minister the law, and see that that law is carried int. execution—to see that crime is sought out, and oi l° nals found out, and trials had and convictions take, place, and the sentence executed—(Loud cheers)-'1: order to deter evil doers the like behalf of o ffend ie 4 in future, and to make those laws, if they cannot vs amended and improved, at least obeyed. So long 60( my Noble Friend pursues that honest manly r'our ge D. strict duty, he will entitle himself to the o'd dente of the country—to the forbearance ca'r' p ite r his adversaries, and to that which is than the one or the other,. to the approval of his tb honest conscience. —(Cheers.) If he takes ane course—( Hear, hear)—if he submits to dictation frvi, any quarter—( Hear, hear)—if he suffers any rota tell him," I have 6,000,000 of men at my back, u"'"1 N between their plaudits or their hatred"—(Cheers) he does not honestly make his election, and prefe r t t be hatred of all the lawless, and against the law bas comes back from what lie has to-night laid down a° p f principle of action—if, instead of an administrati oa Le the laws, he makes himself only the executor of t h e wishes and designs of certain parties—then all that b," been done by my Noble and Learned Frierid's not ice , all that has been done by the Noble Duke's obe r : lions, all that has been done and all that has been, re i;; porarily and provisionally accomplished by my I ' 4° d. Friend's explanation, and by his avowed and declu r , intention, will all redound to his shame and dise, to the discomfiture of those who have appointed h!,,',; instead of conducing to his own glory and the 1 0 1 1 ;4 lignefit or advantage of the country.—(Cheers.) ' oo f then men will say, "you sent ov e r a fi re brand aud combustible materials ;" and men will say even his g o r e qualities are noxious if used as a fi re b ran d a mong t'', l materials ; and then I shall have the so rrow to 1 1 0 ; and the country will have the sorrow t o f ee l, that t " 0 , 4 1 great qualities which have long experienced that g er character to which th e o th er n i g ht I b ore m y feeble t o timony—that long experience of public affairs --A e descent and lineage, an d th e name h e b ears , from on the greatest Jud g e s th a t ever sa t on th e b enc h in '.!) land, will all v a ni s h, w ill a ll go aga i nst hi m , will u, " j e t concerted into materials of which torches and firebrlin are made—his race arid name will go for nothing--- " Quamvis pontica pinus, _ Sylvm filia nobilis, Jactes et genus, ct nomen inutile." tfra —(Cheers.) My Lords, I know which of thee be parts my Noble Friend w ill c h oose , if h e ac ts UP 1° t he declaration which he has this night made. The enea l ib is of the Constitution, hi s own worst enem i es —for Jo ir instance, the praise which has b een l av i s h e d on hiale posed speech, which he turns out never to have Ina" Pessimum inimicorum Genus laudatores— tbe will find that those who wish so to employ him, e re to r most pernicious of his enemies, as they ar e the worsti)ol mies of the State. My Noble Friend will, howeve r ' bit the balance even between the conflictin g p a rties, Id l e Noble predecessors, the Marquis of 'elleslel:_ft g Marquis of Anglesey, have formerly done ran u T ;i a nd Noble Friend, who has just returned frog' "'" yoo (so far as circumstances allowed him, to hold it t , e ' between both parties) has done.—(Cheers and laugeelo Lord WH ARNL IFFE begged his Noble Friend ble to suppose for one moment, that he or his ;Id Friends found fault with him for the speech whie P to been alluded to, that speech was not discreditable OE him—he had a perfect right to make it as a IVleet h er Parliament, but in thei r o pi n i o n there was sog i f - i ill which ought to have p revente d the Government appointing him to the office of Lord Li eu t e nant of lire: land. He found fault with t h e G overnmen t for re v ; ing the appointment in the particular circOmstaal it his Noble Friend was then o n ly a C omm oner, °d was usual that the office should be filled by a Pe er, (01 he was raised t o th e di gn ity o f a seat i n t h a t ib u t s dir the purpose o f th e o ffi ce . Th e y m i g ht at t e mpt ; big guise it as th ey lik e d, b u t it was i mposs ible thl i " t y Noble Friend could go to Ireland, without filling t he Protestants with fear and alarm, and raising hopes,i n a io breasts of the Catholics. Were they not justifl e e el taking that view of the conduct of Goverat° o f and view with jealousy the appointmee t i .terl his Noble Friend? Th a t was no t an isc", s o, case.—( Hear, hear.) In October last a Nohltbl, then holding a situation in h er M a j es ty's Hoosept within two months after her M a j es ty ex pressed a, t y that the Tithe Bill would work for the benefit of t y country, signed a requisition calling a meeting fq r s a4 total abolition of tithes—he attended that meeting t y supported its object, and yet he belonged t °, t ot Household still. (Hear, hear.) That a lone; 01 sufficient to make them jealous of the conduct' (7 Government in any appointment connected Wi th t he land. Such facts gave rise to much jealousy as °fro' policy and intentions of the Government. Th e AO' testants of Ireland would naturally view the aPPor ment of his Noble Friend with much alarm, in abed quence of the speech, which there was no doubt be a perfect right to make. The Bishop of LONDON moved the second ' 50 , ing:of a Bill to repeal a Clause in the Act of las t fie sion for suspending Eccle.siastical appointments . • e r was in this case only the orgat: of those eminent lot clesiastical law, who said much inconvenience vig' of result of it. He did not deem it necessary t°' o te more upon the question, as the Bill bad n o othe r ject.—Read a second time. The House then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS M2seg 4 4,1" PRESTON AND WYRE RAILWAY B E ET" On the motion of Mr. HESKETH F L rea d WOOD the Preston and Wyre Railway Bill was a second time, and ordered to be committed. UNSTONE (DERBY) JNCLOSURE t ail/ On the motion of Mr. CAVENDISH, the li n° 0 0 (Derby) Inclosure Bill was read A second time, ordered to be committed. f t he Mr. S. LEFEVRE brought up the ReporL e voi, Comittee on the Manchester and Liverpool 'li,ilee Bill, stating that the standing orders had been e n°l ` with.--Leave was given to bring in the Bill. o jie s The Committee also reported that the SI Orders had been complied with on the Braclfer, provement Bill, and on the Manchester and 134 . 0 tb ham Railway Bill, and leave was given to bring /O Bills. The Report on the North of England Railvifolie' stated that the Standing Orders had not been e aler with. % r e ste r° Mr. SANFORD brought in the Great Railway Improvement Bill, which was read a 60 ' and ordered to be printed. xg*, FACTORIES.—BREACH OF PRIV. - On Lord JOHN RUSSELL moving the of the day for a Committee of Supply, hi°lshefti Lord ASHLEY said he would avail n f of that opportunity to call the attention If th e House to a subject affecting the privileges ropers' House, and the character of some of its ‘le o the r He had no authority to speak in the name of neY s elf person—he spoke only with reference to bi re i dace,i (Hear.) His name had been so fr e quently int r i i ,t into the Factories Com m i ss i oners ' Report , t would be impossible to allow it to pass i nell :as je : He was placed in ave painful position. I t - ba a other way of doing so than by stepping possible to avoid noticing this document, yet b° tbi / betvi e House and the impo r t an t b us i ness o f the evenia.oeces. felt this very seriously, and was sorry that ti t h e/ b i t e r e trespass upon the House a matter so sity of observing of such imputation compell eu .i. House would recollect that last Session a C °/ : 13 00 ap had been appointed to inquire into the operst_ t n a Ir management of factories in England, Scotland, a to tbs land. That Committee reported their eviden ce f Fs' House, and since that time the Inspectors e toi ent,i tories had made a rethe Home D e P er maM e ' port to co- on . The report made by Mr. Stuart thei r t charges affecting Members of Parliament la s o f tbs duct in Committees, and likewise as Mem ber au cl 49 ; House, by commenting upon their speechesw the j puting to them very grave offences. Nov _ oe ting. e allegations been made at any public 0 1 ",,_„ .c0 , by , any newspaper—or in any correspo a!q h ta p (Lord A.) might have treated them 13 :: w h in ° inittecej utmost possible contempt.—(Hear . ) it e po' t ' to he found that a Government officer tn ado_a r „_ too nt, , the discharge of his duty under an Act of fa. L_ll`,yos and the Home S ,cretary, containing serious