The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. STANDARD,We are at length within view of the termination of the .State trials in Ireland. After the Solicitor-General had concluded his long, and, accord. ing to its form, able speech to evidence, and the Chief Justice, speaking for the whole Court (which is agreed), had delivered a charge of great length, the jury, on Saturday night delivered a verdict convict ing each of the traversers upon one or more of the several counts (eleven in number), but omit ting to find any verdict upon several of these counts. It will be seen from this that the jury consider ;dr. Daniel O'Connell guilty upon five counts, Mr. John O'Connell guilty upon two counts, Mr. Ray guilty upon three counts, Mr. Barrett guilty upon four counts, Mr. Steele guilty upon four counts, Mr. Duffy guilty upon five counts, Dr. Gray guilty upon three counts, and the Rev. Mr. Tierney guilty upon one count ; with refer ence to six of the eleven counts, the jurors had not tome to any conclusion. This verdict was of course imperfect, and the jurors were, at twelve o'clock on Saturday night,, locked up to this day, in order to complete it. Sensible as we are of the arduous task imposed upon the Learned Solicitor-Gene ral and the Venerable Chief Justice, we are much in disposed to criticise unkindly the course taken by either of them ; it is, however, but just to the jurors, who have been the sole sufferers by the error—if there has been an error—to say, that though the speeches of the Soli citor-General and the Chief Justice extended to a length which forced the case almost into the Sabbath, these speeches appeared to us to have been so much overdone, us rather to perplex than to aid the jurors in forming their decision. The speech of the Attorney-General in opening the case was necessarily long, because he had to give for the first time, a narrative of tran • sactions extending over many months, and occur ring in various parts of the island. And the order and lucid arrangement of that — narrative, assigning his . part distinctly to each traverser, and its legal character to each act, and showing the connection of all the acts, and of all the par ties, will scarcely be forgotten by any who heard or read the statement ; while every lawyer admits that it was a masterpiece of legal skill. The case as thus stated was to the latter sustained by evi dence, and its arguments were scarcely touched in all the long (and some of them eloquent) speeches of the seven or eight gentlemen who defended the traversers, and of the facts alleged not one was impugned by evi dence. Now, we respectfully submit that this was not an occasion for a long speech to evidence on the part of the Crown counsel„ who really had nothing to answer, and who, we must think, would have best discharged his duty by a brief resume of the Attorney-General's statement, carefully imi tatieg the Right Hon. Gentleman's course of applying each act to its proper actor, giving its legal character to each act, and assigning the acts to their respective pro per counts in the indictment ; such a resume would not have occupied more than a couple of hours at the ut most, and it would have relieved the jury from the con- fusion and embarrassment in which they were evi dently planed by the mass of. unarranged matter through which they have had no guide but the re collection of the Attorney-General's speech at the end of a month. As to the seven or eight orations deli vered on the part of the traversers, they might, we think, have been wholly disregarded by the prosecutors, not only with safety, but with advantage. The charge of the Chief Justice was more scientific and lawyer-like than that of the Solicitor-General ; but, though excellent in all its parts, it wanted the lucidus ordo indispensable to conduct to a knowledge of the'truth, when the acts of individuals are to be determined, characterised, and appropriated through a wide, in tricate, wilderness of events. The Solicitor-General's speech, and tha Chief Justice's charge are deficient in this, that they do not take the counts in detail, which would appear to have been the convenient course, when it is considered that each count is, in fact, a distinct indictment. The dealing with the facts in gross reminds us of what once occurred (as it is said, on a London church) at the marriage of twelve men to twelve women by a single cere mony—" We, John, Thomas, James, William, Re., &c., take you,. Mary, Elizabeth, Jane, Sarah, &c., Re., to he our wedded wives, and e converso with respect to the ladies:' The happy couples, it is said, had some difficulty and some disputes in " pairing off," and a somewhat similar difficulty plainly embarrassed tho Dublin -jurors, when called upon summarily to mulch the several traversers with the several counts of the indictment. Now this difficulty, we must still think, would have been much diminished had the Solicitor -General been less excursive and diffuse— which in Ireland they call eloquent—and more succinct and precise in his speech to . evidence. The Court would have been under a necessity for following him—the traversers would have bees relieved forty-eight hours sooner from a painful suspense, and the poor jurors, who had to spend the whole of yesterday imprisoned in a cold room (and what a day yesterday was !) for no fault of their own, would have been in the enjoyment of their firesides and of the society of their families. Now that public attention is directed to the social evils of Ire land, we submit that Irish eloquence ought to be taken into consideration. We think that there are twelve gen tlemen in Dublin, that is, if all have survived the cold of yesterday, who willagree with us, thatunnecessarily long, and unsuitably fine speeches, are among these social evils. Notwithstanding the glimpse which we have had of the jury -box, we shall not offer any opinion as to the probable' verdict. For anything we know at present, the jurors, are committed in no respect ; they may acquit all or any, or they may convict all or any, _upon any of the corints,, or upon all of them. We pre sume, however, that if there be any count upon which they obstinately disagree, the Crown has the power to withdraw that count, so that there is no danger of a faUure of justice through such disagreement in part. It must be useless to say more upon a subject which pro bably has been already set at rest. GLOBE.—The House of Commons met on Saturday, and rro?eeded to business with some alacrity and effect. '1 his rather unusual course was rendered necessary 1:),,1 the fai:ure to form a House on Friday. Thus then was no opportunity to move the adjournment of the House from Friday to Monday ; a meeting on Saturday was in clue course ; and, as Hon. Members were in attendance, and in a humour for business, some mea sures of considerable importance were alluded to, and others introduced. The most important of these mea sures was a Bill for the amendment of the Poor-law, in troduced by Sir James Graham, and read a first time. When the late Parliament was dissolved, a Bill of a si milar description, introduced by Lord John Russell, was stopped in transitu. Sir James Graham, as Home Secretary of the new administration, introduced a Bill for the same purpose in the first session of the present Parliament; but meeting with strong opposition from the Walter and Ferranti confederation, he contented 'himself with passing a Bill for the continuance of the Poor-law Commissioners, and the other machinery ne cessary to the working of the measure, and left the stringent enactments of the old Act, which the Whig ad ministration had determined to modify, wholly un touched. The whole of last session was allowed to pass away without any attempt being made by the Government to amend the law which the Tories had denounced, at the hustings, as an engine of intoler a bl e o pp ress i on upon the labouring classes: thus admitting, in this instance, as in many others, the dishonesty of the means by which they acquired power, and the difficulties they consequently feel in adapting their policy, as a Government, to the course they pur sued, as a party, when in Opposition. The changes proposed in the Poor-law by Sir James Graham's Bill are confined to the bastardy clause. The Bill now before the House provides, that on application being made within forty days from the birth of the child, there should be power given "to two magistrates to make an order of maintenance on the putative father, operating not only against his goods, bat against his person. This order to be made upon the oath of the mother, fortified by some corroborative evidence. The maximum of amount to be 4s. weekly ; and to continue to be paid for the maintenance of the child, by its putative father, until the age of thirteen. Appeal from the order made by the two magistrates to be allowed to the Quarter Sessions. We are free to con fess that we regard the change thus proposed to be made ha the existing law as an improvement. By rendering the person of the putative father liable, as well as his goods, numerous instances of reckless and heartless seduction, to which the working of the law has shown that impunity may be given, will in future be reached; and payment —now evaded because the person of the seducer is not liable—will be enforced, or the defaulter punished. Sir James Graham proposes that parish officers, as such, shall have nothing to do with applying for, or obtaining the order. The mother of the child is to have power to make ap plication to two magistrates within forty days after its birth ; and the magistrates, by a summary process, shall have authority to . make the order of maintenance, upon evidence that the alleged father of the child has its paternity fixed upon him by reasonable proof. The Bill also proposes to provide in large towns houses of refuge for the destitute and houseless poor. W P think this part of the Bill at once creditable to the feelings of its authors, and one which will confer a large amount of relief to the most wretched of the human species. The period of their domicile is to he restricted to one night; they are to be furnished with inc al at night, on th e i r recept i on , an d an other in the in 'ruin g on their discharge. As a test of their destitu tion, they may be required, and if able to work, will be required to perform some kind of labour for four hours. This, we presume, will be early in the morning ; they s. ill then be examined as to the parishes to which they • respectively belong, and will be convey ed to those parishes, the authoriti es o f which will be required to receive them. A Parliamentary inquiry is to be insti tuted as to the propriety of abolishing or retaining the Gilbert unions. Sir James Graham was probably a ppr hensive of provoking a fier ce oppos i t i on to the en Bill, by introducing a clause w hi c h would interfere with these unions. He has therefore wisely referred their constitution to a Parliamentary Committee ; and has thus shifted to other shoulders the responsibility of their fate, whether of life or death. A FLAW IN THE INDICTMENT.—WO have to state a fact, which must take away . the little interest that may yet attach .to the State trials ; and we state this fact . on authority which we regard as all but official. gr wisvtr, Of its truth we 'have no doubt. There is a flaw in :...1 •• . ' ' ' the indictment. - Although convicted and brought up ~---• ~ -,... 5 , ...,i, for judgment, the traversers will be discharged on the I .#;_,-,,,',3 y,.. / Vegal defect being made known. The flaw was first disco ^. 1 - F ^ yered by the English law officers of the Crown, and the dis t:4l-1,- .-7 , : . :; - , *-!,- ,, ,..-,.,?.Nr , , r4oVery has been communicated to the Irish Attorney ,,...7 ttf:! 7 A t neral. He perseveres, however, because his purpose will 5 :,,,. /,* ~, , p, i , attained by a verdict. Some people may think that a 4. \ .ii ; wilful error was admitted, the escape of Mr. O'Connell being , i ' lesi embarrassing to Ministers than his imp r i s o n m en t. ';'S Fear , rus O'Connor 's, case is in point. —Liverpool Journal. irOLYROOD PALACE.—On the 7th inst. the Princess Marie, Marchioness of Douglas and Clydesdale, was, after a -1 Tilt SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FVBRITA ft Y 13, 1844. had frequently vusquished forces infinitely supe rior to therifierves, yet in no instance, not even excepting the battles of Plessy and As saye, was the disproportion or the difficulty greater. He was glad that the motion had been confined ex clusively to the military operations, it being so desirable that in a vote of thanks they should be unanimous. There was nothing in the vote that could give rise to a differ ence of opinion. The Duke of WELLINGTON said it was not his intention to say - anything that could occasion any difference of opinion on this question ; but he could not listen to such a motion as this, im pressed as he was - with the strong importance and merits of the services which had been performed, without expressing his cordial assent in %the expressions of approbation which had fallen from his Noble Friend (Lord, Ripon) in submitting his motion to. the notice of their Lordships. He (the Duke of Wel lington) must say, that after giving the fullest consi deration to these operations, he bad never known an in stance of a general officer who had shown, in a higher degree, all the requisite qualifications to enable him to conduct great operations.—(Hear, hear.) Major-General Sir Charles Napier had manifested the utmost discretion and prudence in the formation of his plans, the utmost activity in perfecting the preparations so necessary to success, and finally the utmost zeal, gallantry, and soience in carrying these plans and preparations into execution.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend, in in troducing his motion, had: spoken of the celebrated march of General Napier on Emaum Ghur, and he (the Duke of Wellington) must say, that it was one of the greatest feats that it had ever been his good fortune to peruse, and that it was completely successful.— (Hear, hear.) He had marched with his army through the desert with all his heavy guns, transporting all his materiel as well, and this in the most extraordinary manner, having thus been, by his activity, zeal, and determination, enabled to deprive his enemy of the means of retreat.—(Hear, hear.) Af ter his return from this masterly operation, he collected all his troops and made all prudential and necessary preparations for whatever position future events might place him in, should he be called upon to engage his enemy. It was proved that he could only collect but a moderato number of troops. That mat tered little, for Major-General Sir Charles Napier had confidence his troops, in himself, and they had confidence in him. He then was called upon to make a most extraordinrry attack, which most com pletely succeeded, gaining a complete victory, having secured the gans and materiel of his enemy, and taken every precaution to keep his own together. Again he found himself in a position likely to be attacked by a greatly superior number of forces ; he secured for him self and his troops, not only the honour of a glorious victory by the conquest of Hyderabad, but made his position on the Indus so good that nothing could sur prise him. lie then brought up reinforcements from Sukkur, and by his activity and decision, found himself at the head of a stronger army than that with which he had fought the original battle. Now, he (the Duke of Wellington) must do Major-General Sir Charles Napier the justice to say, that in his operations, made with a view to obtain all the reinforcements he could, he had manifested all the discretion and foresight of an officer entrusted with the highest description of operations. When joined by these reinforcements he immediately advanced and made his attack, the result of which was one of the most brilliant victories that ever was achieved ; and which showed in the general, in the officers, and in the men, all the highest qualities that soldiers could possess.—(Hear, hear.) Having achieved this victory, he pursued his enemy to his capi tal, Meerpore—on the borders of the desert, of which he took possession ; and having afterwards pierced into the desert, with the view of taking possession of another post, he did so take possession of it, and so deprived his enemy of the means of making it an asylum at any time afterwards.—(Hear, hear.) He mentioned this fact, because in the course of the operations connected with it, an instance occurred which manifested in a strong degree the confidence which Major-General Napier's officers reposed in him. Having determined on making his attack on Omerkote, he found a river some way in his rear; it was most difficult, but necessary to keep up a com munication with Hyderabad. He determined to secure this, and actually sent orders that operations should be stopped, and directed the troops to fall back on Meer-' pore. An officer who was there, Major-General Napier's aide-de camp, rode from Meerpore through the desert, in the hot season, not less than forty miles, and let him know the state of the siege. Having received fresh orders from Major-General Napier, this officer rode baCk on the same day—thus making a distance of full eighty miles in one day—and the place was taken.—(Hear, hear.) They captured the place.—(Cheers.) This he (the - Duke of Wellington) mentioned as an in stance of the confidence in Major-General Napier, by those serving under his command ; their desire to further his views, and, in every way they could, to co-operate with him for the good of the service. He could not pronounce anything to their Lordships which could more strongly prove to their Lordships the confidence of all officers and soldiers in their General.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped he had said nothing to disturb the amity which had hitherto reigned amongst their Lord ships upon this vote Of thanks, to which never was there an army more entitled than the General, the officers, and men—British and native—who had taken part in these brilliant operations.—(Hear, hear.) It happened to him to know that the Governor-General had transmitted to Sir C. Napier his warm.appropation of the gallantry of the troops at Meeanee. He hoped their Lordships would be entirely unanimous on this occasion. —(Cheers.) The motion was unanimously agreed to. STATE OF IRELAND. The Marquis of NORMANBY rose for the purpose of laying on the table of the House the resolution of which he had given notice, and which he intended to bring under their Lord.ships' notice to-morrow evening: " That this House, in answer to her Majesty's most gra cious speech, assure her Majesty that the House fully enters into the feelings of her Majesty on that part of her Majesty's speech with reference to the subject matter of which proceedings are now pending in Ireland ; and this House feels it its duty to take the earliest oppor tUnity, when no prejudice can arise therefrom, to record their intention to examine into the causes of discontent existing in Ireland, with a view to the removal of evils and the restoration of tranquillity, and also that all classes may enjoy equal rights and privileges, irrespec tive of religious distinctions." STATE OF SPAIN. Lord CLARENDON said he could assure their Lord ships that he was not actuated by party motives, in rising to address them—but recent events which had taken place there, which were pending, were of a cha racter too serious to be passed over. He was sure that these things had attracted the attention of his Noble Friend opposite, and their Lordships and the country in general were desirous to receive any information which it would not be inconsistent with the public duty to communicate. It should be recollected that Spain was a country that always must have an important in fluence on the affairs of Europe, and its independence and prosperity was of importance to all. That Bri• tish statesman would fail in his duty to the country if he neglected to promote that in dependence, and to guard against all attacks whether open or insidious, or come from what quarter it might. Events had lately taken place in that country which imperatively called for • their Lordships' most serious attention. The institutions and the throne of Spain were in equal danger • both had been degraded and set aside, and in their Place had been erected a military despotism of the very worst character, and of the most atrocious description, which had been for months past trampling on the law and outraging the feelings of the people. That could not be allowed to go on. No nation would long submit to such a state of things. It might be almost called a chronic state of civil war. Other Governments thought themselves justified in interfering ; and, indeed, no European nation could long hold back from interfering in the affairs of that country. Such a state of things might lead to great dissension among the Powers of Europe; and it was most important for the preservation of that peace which had long so happily prevailed, that order should be re stored to Spain. The institutions of the country, which the people so much prided themselves in, had been over thrown; or, what was the same thing, had been nulli fied. He was far from saying that it was in the power of his Noble Friend opposite to prevent those things, but it was hardly possible that this country could be much longer a silent spectator of such events. Those who knew Spain must say that certain classes in that country were very much to blame for their readiness in calling upon and accepting foreign assistance, come from what quarter it might. It was this servility and com plaisance under a foreign yoke, to which the downfal of the Regent might be attributed. The intention of raising the Basque Provinces, and the attack upon the palace at night, were well known in Paris long before they took place. With respect to the revolution, which had terminated in the fall of the Regent, he really believed there never was a more objectless and wicked revolution. The news of the Regent's fall, it might be remembered, had been re ceived in this country with symptoms of great regret, and in Paris with a feeling of pleasure. He thought, in the course the French Goveanment had adopted towards Espartero, they had committed a great error, because of the political sagacity which the Regent exorcised on all occasions, and because the smallest knowledge of the Spanish character would have been sufficient to have shown the dangers which must result from his overthrow. There were no persons interested in maintaining the thrones of Europe but were interested in preventing the overthrow of the Regent. The difficulties he had to con tend with entitled him to the greatest credit. He had long, amidst foreign and domestic intrigue, maintained the Government of the country, without a single infraction of the laws or the Constitution. With respect to the Queen, her position would have been most difficult, even if her accession had taken place under the most favourable circumstances. These diffi culties were greatly increased by her being compelled to ascend the throne before the period originally fixed, and by her being made the instrument for violating the law, and running counter to the prejudices of the people whom she governed. These were the auspices under which the youthful Sovereign of Spain had commenced her reign ; and nothing could have been more easy than to have foreseen or prevented such a state of things. He (the Earl of Clarendon) certainly, for his part, did not believe the rumours which had been spread respect. ing funds and emissaries being sent from France to promote and sustain the insurrection ; but had the French Government wished to uphold Espartero, they should have enforced the same principles in Spain which they had in Switzerland respecting Loui s Bonaparte. They might depend upon it that a re-action would ensue—that the greatest anarchy would hereafter be the consequence, and that it would be almost mira ciilous if the Spanish throne could stand up amidst the confusion; andyet it was said in the speech of the King of the French that a most cordial understanding subsisted between England and France with respect to Spain. It was strange enough that the announcement of that cor dial understanding had been reserved for the time when everything good had been marred. The question which he (the Earl of Clarendon) wished to put was upon what basis was it that this good understanding rested ? and what was the policy hereafter to be adopted with respect to Spain? Whether his Noble Friend thought it con sistent with his duty, to give an answer to that ques tion or not, he would take the liberty of saying that, upon the united action of the Governments of France and England depended the salvation of the people of Spain ; particularly as this good understanding must involve, and probably related chiefly to, the marriage of the Queen of Spam, and upon that depended the peace and prosperity of that unfortunate country. He was con vinced that upon the ,selection of the Consort of thd Queen depended the establishment of peace and order there. He was utterly at a loss to conceive upon what right was founded the claim made by the French Go vernment to restrict the Queen's right of choice to a Prince of the House of Bourbon. The individual that they selected was the Count Trapani, a youth of 16 years of age, the brother of the King of Naples, and who had been brought up the Junta at Rome, and was destined for holy orders. He was astonished that such a choice should be made—the Court of Naples was the the only one in Europe that had protested against the ancient order ofsuocession, and the present King had, after the late revolution, refused to permit his sister MariaC hri s tine to cross the frontier of his kingdom into Naples. If from such a marriage as the house of Naples would fur nish, Spain should again become subject to those priestly and kingly influences, under which that country had for so many centuries laboured, he did hope they would not be able hereafter to plead the advice and con currence of England. The Noble Earl concluded by repeating the questions which he had put in the course of his observations. The Earl of ABERDEEN thought the question of their relations with France would justify a motion before the House, rather than a mere question. He rejoiced that the Noble Lord concurred in the general expression of satisfaction at the establishment of a good understand: ing between this country and France.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had entered at considerable length into the events that had taken place in Spain, in the attempt to establish the constitution existing there, and had de scribed the various impediments which had been thrown in theway of the completion of that design. No one was better acquainted than the Noble Lord with the anomalies often presented by Spanish affairs ; but he believed it would puzzle him, or any one else, on looking back on the various revolutions, insurrections, and changes, that had takep Owe there for the last ten years—since the death of ling Ferdinand the Seventh—to give any intel ligible or consistent account of the causes or motives of any one of them. When an event of this kind took place it was very easy to attribute it to foreign influence, and to say, Oh ! this was plotted in Paris—that was contrived in London. The Noble Lord knew well that if the overthrow of Espartero was supposed to have been contrived at Paris, it was no less generally believed that his elevation to power was contrived in London ; this was believed to have been as much an English project, for English interests, as his downfal, according to the Noble Lord, was attributed to the efforts made in France, and the contrivance and assistance of the French Govern ment. He believed that both one and theother statement had an equal degree of truth—that is, they had no truth at all. He was as satisfied that the English Govern ment had nothing to do with the elevation of Espartero, and the consequent abdication of the Queen Regent, as he was that his overthrow was not the work of the French Government. The late revolution in Spain might be objectless and senseless, as the Noble Lord had described it, but to say that it was not a national revolution, was to say . what was contrary to all observa tion. In the course of six weeks there was not a village in Spain that had not declared against the Regent; there was no party in the country, even including his own sovereign, who did not unite to expel and overthrow the Regent. When he was escaping from the troops who pursued him to Cadiz, when he found himself in safety there, he dared not proceed to, or land, at any one of the thirty or forty strong places which Spain has on the coast, but sailed direct to England. Had he not lost all hope of support, he would not thus have at once abandoned his country. He contended that so general a movement could not haVe been perfectly national. pro duced His Noble b Friend nd knew w ncy ; it that he was vt as personally accused of being the author of the revolution of La Granja ; but however much or little the Noble Lord might have had to do with it, it was certain that their course of policy had been to meddle too much with the affairs of Spain. The fall of Espartero himself was hastened by a very general belief that he was under the influence of Eng land. There was no characteristic of the Spanish peo ple more marked than their resistance to foreign influ ence. Though they might submit to it for a time, yet they would rise and resist it afterwards, at a time when they might destroy the wholesome influence that we did possess. He assured the Noble Lord that the good understanding with the Court of France, with respect to Spain, was not founded on any specific engagement. It was founded on a belief that the interests of the two countries were not so much at variance as to prevent their acting cordially together, and it was founded on a mutual trust in the honour and integrity of each other, and rested on a desire to secure the complete independence of Spain, to promote the es tablishment of the constitutional system, and to deve lope the great natural resources of that country. These were their only objects ; he acknowledged no other—he knew no other. With respect to the marriage of the Queen of Spain, that was exclusively and entirely a Spanish question, to be decided by the Spanish people themselves ; he could assure the Noble Lord that Eng land and France had come to no understanding on this subject which could interfere with the complete inde• pendence of the Spanish nation. Whether they might think fit to choose a Prince of the House of Bourbon or not, was for themselves to decide. The Earl of CLARENDON expressed his gratifica tion at the opportunity he had given for the answer of the Noble Earl. Lord HOWDEN said that he had travelled a good deal in France and Spain, and he believed it would take two or three years to do away with the effects of what the Noble Earl (Clarendon) had said on this subject. The House then adjourned. Tuesday week, and also gave notice that in the event of the House agreeing to the amendment of which the Hon. Member for Sheffield had given notice on the motion of the Hon. Member for Pontefract, proposing that a provision should be made for the Roman Cathoic clergy of Ireland, he (Mr. Hume) should propose that an humble address be presented to her Majesty,praying that her Majesty would be pleased to direct an inquiry to be made for the purpose of ascertaining whether the number of perc-ons dissenting from the Established Churches of England, Ireland, and Scotland, was not greater than the number of those in communion with those churches, and, if so, whether the time was not arrived when the public property which had been devoted to the uses of those churches ought to be withdrawn, regard being had to existing interests, and whether the greater portion of it ought not to be devoted to the promotion of national education. whether, as there was no difficulty in find ing respectable tenant-farmers to act upon . the Commission, without salary, the Right Hon. Baronet would consent to nominate some ; and, supposing his answer to be in the negative, whether he would consent to associate some of the humbler class of farmers with those already named in the Commission, paying them for their time and trouble ? Sir R. PEEL said the lion. Gentlemen must have misunderstood the answer which he (Sir Robert Peel) gave the other evening to the question of the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley). He meant to say, and he thought he did say on tint occasion, that he was not prepared to agree to any alteration in the constitu tion of the Commission. The Commission had made con siderable progress in their labours, indeed he had reason to suppose some portion of their Report would soon be ready, and he was, therefore, not prepared to sanction any interference with it. Mr. ROSS said he, thought the Right Hon. Baronet had not answered in a satisfactory manner the second part of the question put to him—namely, whether the humblest class of the farmer-tenantry were to be exa mined before the Commission ? Sir R. PEEL said that he was most anxious to con sult the .opinions of all classes ; but still he thought that the object of the Commission would not at all be served by the indiscriminate admission of such evidence as that alluded to by the Hon. Member. few hours' illness, confined of a still-born son. We are happy to add, that her Highness's recovery is going on satisfactorily. —Scotsman. LLQYD'S SHIPPING. VESSELS SPOKEN liftTn.—Queen Ancona, to Pembroke, 27th alt, off Cape St. Vincent ; Rowena, of Liverpool, 7th inst, lat. 47, lon. 8, by the Emma, Badcock, arrived at Plymouth. Alexander Barclay, Fish, of Bremen, 14th July, with 2,200 barrels ; Agnes Lea, bound to the Cape of Good Hope, out one month, lat. 17 N., long 21 W., by the Nodde, flexion, arrived in the Loire. Porcupine, of London, from Smyrna ; Sarah, Senelle to Dublin ; and Henry the Eighth, of Trieste, from the Mediterranean, 28th ult., off Cape St. Vincent, by. the Mary Houghton, arrived at Falmouth. Rhoda, Leghorn to Li verpool, 19th ult., off Cape de Gatt ; Prowler, Leghorn to London, 22d, off Malaga ; Gipsey, of Belfast, for Malta, 27th, off Cape St. Vincent, by the Torn Bank.% arrived at Falmouth. Empire, Ham burgh to New Orleans, and supplied with bread, I 1 th ult., lat. 25, lon. 69, by the Swallow, arrived at Falmouth. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 12. Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock. On the motion of Lord COTTENHAM a Bill was read a first time entitled an Act for the Amendment of the Law of Imprisonment for Debt. ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS. The LORD CHANCELLOR laid on the table of the House a Bill for altering the jurisdiction of Ecclesiastical Courts. THANKS TO SIR CHARLES NAPIER. The Earl of RIPON, in rising to move that the thanks of the House be presented to Sir Charles Napier, and the officers and men under his command, said that he should take especial care to abstain from anything which might by possibility lead to a difference of opi nion, or refer in the remotest degree to any political question. It had always been the practice, on occasions of this kind, to pursue that course, which was recom mended as well by reason as by practice. He might, however, be permitted, before he moved that the thanks of the House be given to Sir Charles Napier, to state to their Lordships, as briefly as he could, the grounds upon which he thought the conduct of that gallant officer, and the army under his command, was most de serving of their Lordships' applause and thanks. He would take the liberty very shortly of de tailing to their Lordships the course of those operations which had given new lustre to the mili tary character of that distinguished officer. It ap peared that in the course of the early part of last year _Sir Charles Napier, who was in command of her Ma jesty's and the East India Company's forces in Sinde, was called upon by the Governor-General to enter into cer tain negotiations with the Ameers of Sinde. In the course of those proceedings he received information, upon which information he (the Earl of Ripon) w ould offer no opi nion. He received information which led him to believe that the Ameers, with whom he was about to negotiate, were collecting troops and the means of resistance, from which he inferred that it would become impossible for him to bring the negotiations to a satisfactory issue without having at hand military forces to support his proceedings. Under these circumstances, he felt it his duty to move from his position on the Indus at the town of Sukkur to the town of Bukkur, in order by this operation to disperse those forces which his representations had failed to do. When he ar rived there the Ameers and their forces retired, but he was led to believe, from information he had received, that their dispersion did not take place, and that a necessity might arrive for a display of force on his part. The Ameers returned from Khyrporo, and took another direction, and Sir Charles Napier, feel ing a necessity for securing his line of operation, moved forward and secured the fort of Sukkur. The Ameers, feeling their position was net a secure one, retired from the position they had taken up, and Sir Charles Napier determined to move forward, in spite of all the difficulties which pre sented themselves ; and though there was a. want of supplies, and there was great apprehension of a defi ciency of water, it seemed to him that Sir C. Napier, being a man of great spirit, was not to be daunted from ofiect ing his march; but being at the same time a person of great sagacity and prudence, he felt there was some risk in effecting it, and he felt it ne-essary to guard against the consequences which might follow. Ile, therefore, placed an advanced force on the road to Hyderabad, the capital of Sinde, and it was so posted as to enable the main body to carry on their operations. His mea sures completely succeeded. He now felt it neces sary to advance further towards Hyderabad, which was not very easy, particularly as he had reason to believe that the Ameers had collected a consider able force, which might place his army in jeopardy. He advanced forwards some distance from Hyderabad, where he remained for some days. In the meantime, after :certain negotiations which he had reason to sup pose would lead to a termination of the affair, an attack was made on the 15th of February, by a large body of Beloochees upon the residence of Major Outram, which was within a short distance of Hyderabad, between that city and the left bank of the Indus. In the defence of this place Major Outram behaved with the greatest gallantry; though he had only a few troops with him, and though the attack was made by upwards of 800 of the na tives, and pushed with great vigour, he maintaind his psition for , a considerable time. It unfor tunately happened that he had not received some supplies of ammunition which he had expected, and he was obliged to support the attack with a small number of forces. He was not a man to yield. He was well known to be a brave and resolute soldier; and Sir Charles Napier spoke of him in the highest terms, and of all who served under him on that occasion. An attack had been made on three sides of the building, and though they were obliged to retire, they did so in good order, with a trivial loss of only ten or twelve men. When Sir C. Napier heard that Major Outram was compelled to re tire, he felt it necessary for him to take further steps, and to move forward. He did so, and he found the enemy posted in a well selected position, which showed that they were not ignorant of military skill. Their front was defended by a deep ditch, and their flanks were covered with jungle, their right flank was further defended by a ditch. This was a most formid able position. Sir Charles Napier attacked 22,000 men in this strong position with 2,800 in front. He could not attack them in any other way. The moment he saw the position, he perceived, with that quickness which was characteristic of him, how the attack was to be con ducted. He placed his troops en echellon, and advanced at once and stormed their breastworks. The enemy made a stout resistance, but after a severe struggle they were routed with great loss, arid their ammunition and baggage fell into the hands of the conquerors.—(Cheers ) the troops in this battle had distinguished themselves by their coolness, courage, and energy.—(Cheers.) The effect of this battle had not been, however, to dis perse the whole of the enemy's force. It was a remark able circumstance in Indian warfare that an enemy once defeated should not at once disperse, but in the present instance it so happened that one of the Ameers had a body of troops untouched. He was joined by the re fugees of the:battle of Meeanee, and he commenced mili tary operations. Sir Charles Napier, therefore, found it necessary to advance from Hyderabad against the Ameer of Trapore. The Ameer had under his command 20,000 men, and Sir Charles Napier 5,000. The Ameer had taken up a strong position. He had two nullahs, or ditches, in his front, which was also de fended by a rampart and breast-work. Sir C. Napier, in his dispatches, said that it was difficult to ascertain the exact position of the enemy's left flank, and that, therefore, he determined to attack his right flank. The attack was made by the cavalry, supported by the 22d Infantry. The Ameer, finding that he was outflanked on his right, drew troops from his left to support his right. Sir Charles Napier judged from this manoeuvre that his right flank was his weakest point, and therefore had determined that he would make his attack on the right. The troops advanced steadily, reserving their fire until it would tell with effect, and the result was the complete defeat of the enemy.—(Cheers.) He had thus given a short and imperfect account of the two great actions which had been fought by Sir Charles Napier. These victories had not, however, been won without loss. Our loss, in killed and wounded, had been 500 men ; amongst them we had to regret many of the bravest officers of our Indian army.—(Hear, hear.) He would not detain the House by describing the gallant acts of niividuals—those services had all been described by Sir Charles Napier, in his dispatches, and were now part of the military history of this country.—(Cheers.) He might say one word as to the non-commissioned officers and soldiers,—though, with respect to this por tion of her Majesty's army it was almost needless for him to speak. Many of their Lordships knew what they were as soldiers, with what spirit they fought, and the discipline which they maintained in action. But there was another portion of the army—the native troops— (Hear, hear)--of the East India Company; these troops must always, on occasions like these, be looked on in a peculiar light. They were not mer cenaries, for they were volunteer soldiers ; they were not Thiglish though they were British subjects. But in many respects they had the hearts of Englishmen ; they were as brave as any troops in the world—( Hear)—they were capable of as admirable discipline—(Hear)—they were patient of fatigue, and willing to sacrifice their natural prejudices. They went from their own country to places beyond the seas, of which —they knew nothing, and they displayed as much spirit and discipline in fighting in another climate, as if they were fighting in their own homes on the con tinent of India. These qualities they had manifested on occasions without number ; and in addition to this they were remarkable for their unvarying fidelity. But for that fidelity the Government would at timeshare been placed in difficulties from which it could not easily have ex tricated itself. Their Lordships then would agree with him in tendering their thanks to that army. And let them not suppose that their thanks would be barren. These men might not know accurately what space their Lordships filled in the eyes of Europe and the world-- what their functions were in the Government of England ; but when they looked at their standards, bearing the names of these victories—when they felt on their breasts the medals which her Majesty and the East India Company had ordered to be pre sented to them,—they would feel an equal pride and gratitude, for the honour their Lordships would confer upon them by agreeing to this motion. His Lordship concluded by moving that the thanks of their Lordships be presented to Sir Charles Napier, the officers of the army, and the native troops engaged in the late military operations in Sinde, particularly in the battles of Meeanee and Hyderabad. The motio n h av i ng been put from the Woolsack, Lord AUCKLAND rose. He trusted he should stand excused befor e th e i r Lordships if he rose for the ur pose Pof secondi ng t h e motion of the Noble Earl op - site. He could add little to what had fallen from the Noble Lord, but it was a gratification to himself to be allowed to say that he cordially, and without quali fication, concurred in the vote of thanks to that army. There was no one more alive than himself to the excellence of' the Indian army ; there was no army that possessed in a higher degree the best qualities of the soldier. He should not follow the Noble Lord in his details; he should only say that though by good direction and good discipline their army HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 12. . _ The SPBAKEIt took the Chair at Four o'Clock. Papers from the Poor-law Commissioners and returns from the Bank of England were presented. POOR -LAWS. Mr. WALKER presented a petition from the Poor law Guardians of Bury, praying for an alteration in the bastardy clause of thWe Poor-law Act. INDOW-TAX. Mr. W. LASCELLES presented a petition from the licensed victuallers of Wakefield, praying to be relieved from the window-tax. Mr. SMYTHE presented a petition to the same effect from Canterbury. THE PROPOSED DUTY ON COAL. R H t pie e s n ef or t no e l. l a petitkW Newcastle-on- Tyne, tle-on osed increase in the duty on coal Mr. imppor presented a petition to the same effect t e a° d g u a i s o r from Gateshead. ST. ASAPII AND BANGOR. Lord CLIVE presented a petition against the union of these two sees. CAMBRIDGE ELECTION. Mr. M. GIBSON presented a petition from Mr. James Coppock; praying that the ev id ence t a k en before the Cambridge Election Committee might be produced as evidence in a certain action now pending in the Court of Queen's Bench. The petition having been read, Mr. m. GIBSON made a motion in conformity with the prayer of the petition, which was agreed to. Lord G. Somerset, Sir Geo. Grey, and Mr. Wilson Patten were sworn at the table as Members of the Com mittee of Selection for Election Petitions. THE LATE OUTRAGE AT BRIGHTON. Capt. PECHELL said that, seeing the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary at War in his place, he wished to draw his attention to a question which he put to him on Saturday, regarding an outrage committed by a body of soldiers in Brighton upon the property and persons of some of the inhabitants. He wished to know if the Right Hon. Gentleman had received any in formation whether such steps would be taken by the Horse Guards as would prevent the recurrence of such practices? Sir H. HARDINGE said he found by the papers that the quarrel alluded to by the Right Hon. Gentleman originated in a soldier being obstructed and assaulted by three or four men, inhabitants of Brighton. He called to his companions for assistance, who turned out and pursued the men, who took refuge in a house the property of which they destroyed. It was impossible to vindicate the violence and outrage which took place on the occasion. Their conduct was most improper ; but, as the regiment volunteered to give compensation to the person whose property was destroyed, and as one of the parties stood accused of an assault and riot, it would not be necessary for him to .enter into the details of the sub ject. In order to prevent a recurrence of such violence, the Horse Guards would take the necessary steps. WOOD PAVEMENT. Mr. HUME wished to ask the Noble Lord, the Chief Commissioner of the Woods and Forests, whether it was intended to pave George-street, Westminster, White hall, and Parliament-street, with wood ? Lord LINCOLN said that the Commissioners of Woods and Forests were not the sole Paving Commissioners for Westminster. lie believed that the inhabitants of the streets alluded to had applied to the Commis sioners to have those streets paved with wood, but the answer had been that the Commissioners would not entertain any proposal for the extension of the wood pavement at present. He believed that the whole sub ject would be taken into consideration after Easter. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. FERRAND gave notice that, on the motion of the Hon. Member for Stockport, for a Select Committee to inquire into the operation of the import duties being pro posed, he should move, as an amendment, that the Com mittee be also directed to inquire into the effect produced upon the wages of the manufacturing operatives by the im migration of agricultural labourers into the manufacturing districts at the requisition of the mill-owners; also, if the representations which had been made to those labourers to induce them to immigrate were true, and if the agree ments entered into with them had been fulfilled; and also the effect which the increase of machinery had produced upon the wages of the manufacturing operatives. Mr. S. WORTLEY gave notice of his intention to move amendments to certain clauses in the Factories Bill. Sir CHARLES NAPIER gave notice that on the mo tion being put that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of Supply on the Navy Estimates, he should direct the attention of the House to the constitution of the Board of Admiralty. Mr. WALLACE postponed his motion for an instruc tion to the Committee on Railways till this day week. He also postponed his motion on the question being put that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of Supply until Monday next. Mr. HUME postponed his motion for a Select Com mittee to inquire into the isubject of smuggling - until TREATY WITH TURKEY. Dr. BOWRING postponed till the 22d of February the motion of which he had given notice, respectirig the commercial treaties with Turkey, which now stood for the 15th. FACTORIES BILL. Lord ASHLEY gave notice that, in Committee on the Factory Bill, he should move, as an amendment, the substitution of ten hours for twelve, as the time of the labour of females. (We understood this to be the pur port of the Noble Lord's notice, but he was scarcely audible.) . LEGACY DUTY. Mr. 'RIME moved his usual annual return of the amount of legacy duty received during the past year.— Ordered. POOR-LAW. Mr. FERR AND said he had to put a question to the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Depart ment, which referred to a judgment lately delivered by Lord Denman. The question being on the paper he should not read it. The Hon. Gentleman's question is as follows : —" That as Lord Chief Justice Denman has declared it to be the unanimous opinion of the Judges of the Court of Queen's Bench, that there are some cases in which it is necessary to break in upon an Act of Parliament, and upon that which may have existed from all time ;' and has also declared that it is the mother who it the proper party to have the custody of all her children under seven years of age, and that is not for the benefit of the mother, but for the protection of the children;' and that he thinks that the Judges ought to crush the first attempt to depart from that principle, and that it is of the highest importance that it should be considered the undoubted law of the land,'—whether the Government intend to insert a clause in the new Poor. law Bill, for the purpose of prohibiting the separation of mother and child, if they should become the inmates of a workhouse?" Sir J. GRAHAM said he was much obliged to the Hon. Gentleman for putting his question in such a man ner as to render it impossible to doubt as to the nature of it ; it having been printed for several days, every Hon. Gentleman must be acquainted with it. He was sure that the Hon. Gentleman had exercised a commendable caution in framing this question ; but he would allow him to say that he had been inadvertently led into a serious mistake. The Hon. Gentleman set forth in his question what purported to be a dictum of Lord Chief - Justice Denman, and his question referred to a great grievance he said existed in the workhouse system, with respect to the separation of mothers from their children under seven years of age. Now the question referred to a matter of fact which had no existence, and recited a dictum of Lord Denman's which was never pronounced. He would first deal with the matter of fact. By a gene ral order which had received the sanction of the Secre tary of State, which was therefore equivalent to a legal enactment, at this moment throughout England, children under seven years of age, if in the workhouse, were not separated from their mothers. In the general order of the Secretary of State, to which he referred, it is expressly stated that under seven years of age children of mothers confined in a workhouse should be placed in the same ward with their parents, and should have the usual allowance ; and to prevent any possibility of doubt with respect to what was meant by " usual allowance," there was an explanation in the order given by the Poor-law Com missioners, which he would read to the House: The Commissioners have only to remark upon this proviso—that so long as any mother shall have her child she is to have access to that child at all times except when at work ; and that the child shall not be placed beyond the mother's reach." With respect to the dictum of Lord Chief Justice Denman, the House would see that in referring to the notes the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Ferrand) stated it to be " the unanimous opinion of the Court of Queen's Bench that there were some cases in which it is necessary to break_ in upon an Act of Parliament, and upon that which may have existed from all time." The Hon. Gentleman believed that to have been the dictum of Lord Chief Justice Denman. Now, so far from that being the case, the dictum was precisely the converse. He (Sir J. Graham) had it from one of the Jadges of the Court, and he had it from the Law Journal Report. In that Report the Lord Chief Justice stated that " cases have arisen where, in order to give effect to the express words of an Act o f Parliament, it has been necessary to break in upon established principles."-- (Hear, hear, and laughter.) So far, therefore, from stating that there were cases in which it was necessary to infringe upon any Act of Parliament, Lord Chief Justice Denman said, no such thing, but precisely the converse. He (Sir J. Graham) hoped that the answer he had given to the Hon. Gentleman was satisfactory. He begged further to state that he did not purpose inserting in the Poor-law Amendment Bill any such provision as that to which the Hon. Gentleman's question referred. Mr. FERRAND begged to ask the Right Hon. Baronet whether he intended to introduce into the Bill a provision, giving to mothers the custody of their children until they were seven years old ? Sir JAMES GRAHAM replied that he had at pre sent no such intention. Mr. FERRAND said that after that announcement he begged to give notice that he should himself propose a clause to that effect. ATTORNEY-GENERAL FOR IRELAND. Captain BERNAL begged to put a question to the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, of which he would have given notice had he thought that there would be any difficulty in answering it. It would be in the recollection of the House, that the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies had made a quotation on a previous night from a letter of the Irish Attorney-Gene ral, in which be charged the counsel for the traversers with having made a systematic attempt to excite him to commit a breach of the peace. He wished to 3 know whether the Right Hon. Baronet had any objection to lay on the table a copy of the letter in question ? Sir J. GRAHAM—Most certainly. The letter was not within his control. It was a private letter, addressed to his Noble Friend the Secretary for Ireland. But he felt great pleasure, however, in informing the Hon. and Gallant Officer that he hoped, in eight-and-thirty hours, to see the Attorney 7 General for Ireland in his place. Capt. BERNAL gave notice that he would shortly draw the attention of the House to the subject. Mr. E. ELLICE, jun., inquired whether it w as th e . . intention of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir James Graham) to introduce, in this present session, a Bill for the better division of parishes in Scotland ? Sir JAMES GRAHAM said his Learned Friend the Lord Advocate would certainly introduce a measure on that subject. In reply to a question from an Hort. MEMIIEB, whose name we could not learn, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated that, in consequence of some communication which had passed between himself and the authorities of Man• chester, a Bill would shortly be introduced for the bond ing of goods for home consumption, and to that Bill he should give his support, on the condition that Man chester should bear the expense. THE FISHERIES. Captain PECHELL wished to put a question to the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the Treasury, with respect to the fisheries. In the year 1839, a con vention was entered into between this country and France, which ended in the preparation of certain regu lations, which were to be submitted to the Governments of both countries. An Act of Parliament had passed the Legislature, of this country confirming those regu lations, and he wished to know what course had been taken on the part of France, in order that our fishermen in the English Channel might know in what position they were now placed. _ _ Sir ROBERT PEEL said he should be very glad to give to the Gallant Officer every information in his power. The Hon. and Gallant Officer would recollect that the Governments of France and England were in a different position at the time when the Convention between the two countries was agreed upon. At that time the Paliament of this country was sitting, whilst the legislative bodies of France had closed their proceedings. Therefore, it was impossible for the French Government at that time to ' propose a law for giving e ff ect to th e p rov i s i ons conta i ned in the convention. The French Government had certainly another power, which was not recognised in this country—the power of issuing ordinances during the period when the Chambers were not sitting ; but even this power wa s no t su ffi c i ent to g i ve a f u ll an d en tire effect to the stipulations agreed upon. He was happy, however, to say that he had been advised, on authority, that a projet de loi had been prepared by a Committee to be submitted to the French Chambers, and that there was every reason to hope that no unnecessary delay would occur in obtaining the requisite legislative sanc tion in France to the provisions of the Convention. Captain PECHELL would be glad to know, suppos ing it was found that the provisions of the Convention were not sanctioned by the French Chambers, whether the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir R. Peel) would lay the entire matter before the House in such state as it might then happen to be ? Sir ROBERT PEEL was certainly of opinion that the subjects of this country, in such an event,: would have a right to every information connected with the subject. LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) COM- MISSION. Mr. ROSS said the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) would recollect the question put to him the other night by the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley) to know whether he had any objection to place some tenant farmers on the Landlord and Tenant Co mm i ss i on, i n order to dissipate the suspicions which u n d ou bt e dl y i n some quar ters attached tt,it. When the Right Hon. Baronet expressed his doubts whether such tenant-farmers could be found to undertake the duty, he (Mr. Ross) had been of opinion that plenty could be found. The next morn ing he (Mr. Ross) had received information which satisfied him that in the west and south of Ireland plenty of tenant-farmers, with rents varying from 2,000 L to 4001., or 300/., could be found willing to undertake the duty. The Right Hon. Baronet expressed an inclination rather to yield to the wishes so expressed by the Hon. Member for Finsbury. The question he wished to put was, THE GAME-LAWS. Mr. BRIGHT moved for a return of the number of persons who had offended against the game-laws, and had been convicted at the several sessions throughout England and Wales during-the year 384.3, specifying the punishment and penalties inflicted, and in -what county and upon whose property the alleged offence was committed. Lord J. RUSSELL wished to know whether the Commission upon the la,nl tenure in Ireland was in structed to report generally upon the subject, or to re port upon only one branch of it, and if so, was that par ticular branch left to their own discretion? Sir J. GRAHAM, who spoke in an extremely low tone of voice, was understood to sad• that the nature of the Report was left wholly to the discretion of the Com mission. FRAME-WORK KNITTERS. Mr. FERRAND said that during the last session he had presented petitions from ukiwards of 25,000 frame work knitters, complaining of the injustice done to them by their emp'oyers, and stating that the last Com mission had been productive of no good results to them. They now prayed for another Commission. Sir J. GRAHAM said, that at the last Commission a gentleman named Mugeridge presided, and the fullest inquiry had been entered upon. Mr. FERRANI) said, that those people complained of the appointment of this gentleman, as _ the Commission gave groat dissatisfaction to them. Sir J. GRAHAM defended this gentleman's appoint ment. FACTORIES BILL. The Factories Bill was read a second time. METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS BILL. Upon the Order of the Day for the third reading of the Metropolitan Improvements Bill being put by. the Speaker, Mr. HUME wished to ask the Noble Lord, at the head of the Woods and Forests department, whether Government intended to adopt any measure, whereby the inhabitants of those neighbourhoods where new improve ments were to be carried out, would be prevented from injury to their trades caused by leaving those places in such a state of dilapidation as they had been for an un necessary length of time. Lord LINCOLN said the Government had adopted every means in their power to prevent the inconvenience to which the Hon. Gentleman alluded. The Bill was then read a third time. On the question that it do pass— Mr. HUME begged to move as an amendment in page 2, line 15, that the words " Governor and Com pany of the Bank of England," be struck out. Mr. HAWES seconded the motion. The SPEAKER having put the question, Mr. MASTERMAN said the Hon. Gentleman was perfectly right in the objection whieh he made. He (Mr. Masterman) was one of those who thought it was most prejudicial to the interests of the public for a body like the Bank of England to lock up their money in those securities, because they could not readily recal it for the public use. He very much objected to the principle, and he was very glad that it had been brought before the House. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that, as he had stated to the House before, a power had been given by an Act of Parliament to the Woods and Forests to borrow money for the purpose of carry ing on improvements in particular parts of the metro polis. By that Act the power was given to borrow the money generally from the Bank of England. There had been considerable competition as to who should be the parties to lend the money. The terms offered by the Bank of England had been more favourable to the public than those which had been offered by any company, and when the plan came into execution, a legal doubt was raised as to whether it was competent for the Bank of England to lend the money—a legal opinion was taken, and it was in favour of the Bank of England's lending the money, without any altera tion of the law being requisite for the purpose. Upon the matter being submitted to him, notwith standing the legal authority on the question, le thought it better to submit it to Parliament; and, therefore, the present Bill was only a fulfilment of the powers given by the 4th and sth of Victoria to the Woods and Forests to borrow money for public purposes. It was not, as he had stated before, locking up money in the same way as that which was lent upon mortgage. The money thus lent by• the Bank of England would be all repaid in the course of five years, by instalments from time to time, as there were proceeds arising from the improvements which had taken place, that made it less acceptable security for private parties, but at the same time it rendered it deeper security to the Bank of England, for the money was not locked up during the whole period, but was gradually taken out from time to time, as he had mentioned, and the arrangement there fore did not appear to him to be liable to the objection taken to it by the lion. Gentleman opposite. Mr. HAWES took rather a different view of the matter from that taken by the Hon. Gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer). Nothing was a more es tablished principle in banking than that capital was to be invested at all times in such securities as could be most readily converted into money. That certainly was not the case with the system suggested in this instance. Would any one say that the investment was one which accorded with any approved banking system ? If he understood the Bill, it gave a clear power to invest without the necessity of repayment for four years. It was an injudicious use of banking capital, and he hoped the House would not give its sanction to such a mischievous principle. The House had heard what had been said upon the subject by his lion. and Learned Friend, the Member for the City of London. lie did not believe that any one who was at all conversant with banking, could approve of the course taken by the Right Hon. Gentleman, the ChanCellor of the Exchequer. They were going to raise large sums of money for metro politan improvements from another source—the coal duties, and he thought that it would be expedient to look to that fund as a means of raising this money. At all events, the Bank ought not to set such an example to the other banks throughout the country. Mr. M. PHILIPS said he quite concurred in the view taken by his Honourable Friend, the Member for the City of London. He thought the security was quite inadequate, and as a mercantile man his confidence in any individual banker, however re spectable, would be shaken, if he thought that any con siderable portion of his funds were invested in mort gages, and therefore not available for immediate use. He would, especially, object to the Bank of England holding securities that were not thus available. Mr. C. WOOD said that in consequence of the objec tions which were entertained to the Bank of England advancing money on mortgage, it had entirely ceased to invest money on such security. It would be highly inexpedient for Parliament to sanction such a practice. The security would not be available, and the repayment was contingent. If he thought that there was no possibility of obtaining money from any other source, he might be disposed to waive his objection, but he apprehended that such was not the fact. He did not know why money should not be obtained, for instance, from the Exchequer Loan Commissioners. Under such circumstances he could not give his consent to the Bill. Sir R. PEEL said his own opinions on this subject would prevent him from giving his sanction to the general principle upon which it was stated that the measure was founded. There were very great objec tions to any banking establishment advancing its funds on securities which might not be available in cases of necessity. But he really thought it was hardly possible to consider this case as a violation of the rule.—(Hear.) The total sum which it was proposed to borrow did not exceed 200,0001, and he thought the proposed arrange ment was both economical and convenient. He hoped that the House would not consider that, by consenting to this Bill, they were instituting a dangerous precedent. Mr. HUME said it was not the amount, but the prin ciple, to which he objected. He hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would postpone the Bill till to-morrow, in order to see if any modifications could be introduced. • Mr. S. WORTLEY felt the same objection as the Hon. Member for Montrose to the principle involved in the Bill, but ,he thought that considering the smallness of the sum and the circumstances of the case, there was little danger to be apprehended from assenting to the measure. Dr. ROWRING said the Right Hon. Baronet was sanctioning a principle which he acknowledged to be bad, and, concurring in the objection, he (Dr. Bowring) should oppoSe the measure. Sir R. PEEL said, perhaps it would be best to intro duce a limitation for the purpose of removing the ob jection. Mr. TURNER thought that Parliament ought not to interfere with the Bank in making the best use of its money.___ GISBORNE thought this Bill made it imperative on the Bank to lend their money, and he would certainly, therefore, vote against it. The House then divided, when there appeared — For the clause 145 Against it Majority -- 75, A provision was then agreed to, by which the amount to be lent by the Bank. should not exceed 220,0001., after which the Bill was passed. BETS ON HORSE-RACING PENALTIES BILL. Sir R. PEEL then rose to propose that the thanks of the House be presented to the Hon. Sir Charles Napier, upon which Mr. _HUME rose to order. He thought there was an Order of the Day not disposed of, namely, the Gaming Penalties Bill. Mr. J. S. WORTLEY said, this was not a Gambling Bill.—(Laughter.) It left the laws with respect to gambling precisely in the same state . as they were before. Mr. HUME—Then I shall move that the Bill be ''', this d six mths. Sir R ay . PEEL said he had brought his motio n . f° ward, as he understood that there was no other busi ti r: on the paper that would occupy more than five Inifluf, Mr. HUME said the Bill could be postponed to 3 ture day. tIO Mr. J. S. WORTLEY said it was importan t 1 this Bill should be brought forward, as t iel were at present actions pending which might be, at the assizes, which would commence next Saturosi'J Mr. CHRISTIE wished to know, as his motion ' 4( % next to the Gaming Penalties Repeal Bill, wheth e n r ; that Bill were postponed, the motion following 4 be postponed also. The SPEAKER said it was usual, when a ctio thanks was to be proposed, to take that motion the Order of the Day.—(Hear, hear.) The Right' fi Gentleman had, therefore, taken the proper course• et s present there was no motion for the postponement e` Order of the Day. Lord J. RUSSELL entirely concurred in 0 %30 just laid down ; but he must say that it was ;snol e isf irregular to go half way through the Orders dal e and then go on with a motion of thanks.—(Hear , Sir R. PEEL—I did it on the assurance that t was no Order of the Day that would take any tinle . t o was not his fault that he had not brought forwar d motion at the usual time. After a few words from' Mr. HAWES, Mr. J. S. WORTLEY said he would postro,"; # reading of the Bill till Wednesday, provided "' .i generally understood that he woultn)e allowed to it on first that day, no! Mr. M. GIBSON, for one, could not concu r 4 arrangement which would take preedence of the 11,1'bel of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), for it woo l( ' ri ) most extraordinary thing, in the middle of an eV debate, to introduce a new subject.—(Hear, hear) y Mr. CHRISTIE thought the Order of the P 5 , ) ;1rl reading the Gaining Penalties Repeal Bill ough t read for the purpose of postponement. 10 11 The SPEAKER then put the question, and dec that the " Ayes" had it. Several Hon. Members on the Ministerial sid e / 1: 10 House here exclaimed, " No ; the Noes had , laughter.) „ The SPEAKER, after a pause—l think the have it.—(Renewed laughter.) a 0 Several Hon. Members on the Ministerial side" the Noes have it."--(Continued laughter.) ft , The SPEAKER—Then strangers must withal ti e ' Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, sn" ti n our re-admission we found that there would be OS sion until after the vote of thanks to the army en in the operations in Sinde had been disposed of. TIP THANKS TO SIR CHARLES NAPIER ANI' ARMY ENGAGED IN SINDE. Mr; BRIGHT presented a petition from Dur ha ;0 0 preenting the passing of a vote of thanks to th e e( ' *I in Sinde. The first reason the petitioners urg' r olle, that a large number of the British troops had n eti in that war ; and next, be ca use they (the pet i t O t considered that the House of Commons would u' o bi prived of its title to that of a Christian Senate if ,efee " vote were passed by them. The petitioners the , prayed that, for the honour of the British Pa rli3 sit l !' the vote of thanks would be either negatived or t drawn. He should state before sitting down th. ll „i s ter petition was signed by no less than seventeen of religion. a ft, l P Sir R. PEEL—Sir, Irise to move that the thank s 60 11 r, House be voted to the British Army and it s be if, Commander, for the services rendered, under t , ' 3o critical and trying circumstances, upon the Iffe t ,, the Indus, and which army, under the greatest, I ntl ties, exhibited the utmost good discipline, an s ho taMed—nay, even exalted—the high character.eb ee the British army has always supported, and svi . i s i e titles the army of Sinde, and its Commander, t° thanks of the House.—(Cheers.) Sir, with the Putiot4, the measure, in the carrying out of which tbsoisii was engaged, I have nothing to do on this ,se ti whether it was justifiable to exact from the •Ime f o cession of their territory, in lieu of the tribute oi s l paid, is, in my opinion, a question whie, ll ,csee;; to be altogether forgotten in this matter. ---k 11 , 4 . I now only call the attention of the ~boys to the conduet and merits of the gallant men .s be dit af 'r formed the first duty of the soldier, namely, to lawful authority; and the mode in which t"`, 1 ) ; 0 4 ," bited that obedience entitles them to the publi c 3 ) ' l s lodgment for which I now ask.—(Hear, gallant Commander got his instructions ir " g t hor l ' Governor-General, and also had his a choll from the ex-Governor-General. Sir, I be' 4 prepared on the proper occasion, if ne e ha t,lp vindicate the instructions which w ere given':„lcetf . the present occasion, in conformity with the u s % did I shall altogether abstain f rom introducing any 11 0 , 1 ; sion upon the policy of the operations.—( ll , c liel i k i Sir, the information which has been recentlY - I , t tes`) table of the House, and the degree :of publ ic - t ion s which has been directed to the present oper s i i,to° or Sinde, relieve me from the necessity of entering t he detail with regard to the measures which led t ° ,.„ In d ployment of the British army on the banks of tw - de llw,, I take for granted that every gentleman has 0 13 „be t , self sufficiently master of the pap ers w hich Il tt ! o tel laid before the House by the Government, to obil,0110" necessity for any such detail. The House w ill V: that about the month of S ep t em b er , 1842, Sir- , Napier was directed t o t a k e t h e comm and of the `,‘, army in Sinde. The active operations in which.;;4l engaged extended over a period which was inclituot tween the Ist of January, 1843, and the latter e o , March in the same ye ar . That period of thre e , includes the battle of Mee anee and the battle of abad. The two battles, which are the most ri l e operations in contemplating that eampaign -- y t battles of Meeanee and Hyderabad—were feu„ c a n far di ff erent circumstances. In the battle of os e or . the first report of Sir Chas. Napier, makes the ree l; posed to the British arms about 22,000 men; ye g`; his own force to be about 2,800 men. I' 3 01. 4 - reason to believe that ho has overrated the battli,4 of the British force which he commanded at t,. llc o s Meeanee, and that he has underrated the 1 1 -, 1. cho ii ) was opposed to him.—(Hear, hear, from Sil ei 6f Napier.) I believe it would be more cons' s 5 so lit ) truth to state that the n um b er o f British trot/ad arms at the battle of Meeanee was 2,000 Ine: 1 ' 0 00 I:r; the force opposed to them amounted to 2 5, 0 .„,is The force of the Ameers consisted of me n as oli l di? war, of great natural power and o f desperate resole .jr( to which full credit was given in the Ora l o at to patches of Sir C. Napier. That force—le t 115 tio liS? it according to the original estimate as 22,000 men—occupied a very formidable r se , t er , was placed in the dry bed of a water-coral, 101010 during the inundation of the Indus is filled " I to rs',, , I On the flanks of the enemy were a village a t ~d id woods of the country. The position was def ci think, fifteen pieces of artillery, a n r elie d such a force 2,500 men at the utmost 11 1 the purpose of defending their lives, a° t he ing their country's greatness.—(Cheers.) ~. of Hyderabad, the force of Sir Charles Na.P l i ( l i; o te`i ceived some addition. He had called to hi„ e stk is te three regiments, and the British force maY ee l lie at 5,000 men, while the force opposed to him cor„,, of about 20,000 men. No greater proof of t n 00 11 / and resolution of the Ameers can be . i `' e ,..)es 143 '10 ° : which is adduced in the dispatch of Sir do' t he T err that upon the approach of the British aritl' o ns l chees gave that evidence of valour which is st Je C h l d l' e with respect to European armies, the 01 , ?, IP] and which corresponded to actual conflic t s bayonet. After discharging their fire - a l... J:3st°' V' troops of Sir Charles Napier, the e ll a nt rushed from the water-course in which theiroapv; up their position, and attacked the British t pr°. , ereof the swords and shields with which they " tes t ' . 1 0 k Nothing can be more decisive than the `,hiP' t he. borne by Sir Charles Napier to d 4 00: 1 1 of those who opposed his army, all t bst the whole of their conduct shows d oll' t r, valour was supported by considerable ° sir , jo,is on the part of the leaders.—(Hear, hear.) sti t.li t ; g t it ,l ",,, two battles, notwithstanding that there wan d of 'i t t4 mense disproportion of force, the small ba. . r soldiers fully maintained the c h ara et w er he o r f e t . i h e ta i r : , l o i s pi l io4 ; :-(Hear, hear.) In the first battle, was greatest, the force consisted of Britistto thip.ter,,,of partly of'Sepoys, and it is most gratifying the there was no disproportion of valour betwere;aorel he and the Europeans ; that, animated by t i' e g shin a t t their o ffi cers, both Sepoys and European s 130ti et V ii j equal degree of courage and determination: not Ov e , same time, justice requires that we s houln „tea° the great cause of victory. The victories of ' - ajo lf o ffiC e , of Hyderabad are each, in my op t °oat wad` ascribed to the example set by that ga ll C h who was responsible for the issue of t' ot ,te —(Hear, hear.) It is most fi )rt f of sc : at such a crisis, and under circumsta nce s hazard, the command of the British ar e a el i el' 4 l , ha% , iin t mitted to one of th e th ree b ro th e rs, wn° ra tite , 1 30 h , upon the s t em o f an anc i ent an d hono il tio ble o , that personal nobility which is derived fo ln of hon,°„ l , private character, from the highest sens e th is from repeated proofs of valour in the fie . ' a is °Ale ( on sr- ( le made their names conspicuous in the t h se t ss° country's glory.—(Cheers.) Each tis e con i •Ab learnt the art of war under an Mastro, _ to ps,! i to sj, s eri During the whole of those memorable, 7 0 .,/ , ar. L r stli o s which one of them has been the faithful, , hrea, e f iv e , eloquent describer, the exploits of those .. L ntr y. A `, entitle them to the gratitude of their c e°,!; en insi!' t he'„ hear.) In almost every action of th - 1- r. 1 1 1 0 4 gave proofs of their military skill and vgi ;-:::;(10 PIO tions at Corunna, Civitta Vecchia, and Li_ s, no and during the operations of the Pyren, e 4 00 . '1 lof 000 officer was more prodigal of his blood in t,' , ; country, than were each of the o fficer . ,? • L r s ow !'1,.0 referred.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the 0ttr.,,,,, ths`: 6 o l3 ' o l command of our Indian army bears a ,tif i ; t pog o 0 0 4‘ , there is none more conspicuous in the hf,'l6,.P: r , o r l' o t 0: 00 , contain the records, whether in them ult,r s ii s cesl 1 0 0 ,4 omi t . o va l cool annals of this country, of desperate ti fare. Sir, when we read the account ° ,sit 1 in which, in the course of five minute s' wholly unable—except as directed b y te and valour—to compete with the e nealY n tw ille d hi so of five minute: signal victory has bee ~,( 1 , a n a st , t so glories of St. Vincent have been re" a clyT su cP th e mere effect of that victory a change 11-1 „ o t ° t he l' il e te taken place. When we read the ace° t .e action, we find that the commander 7 1 . 1 in O i l e e of Napier.—(Loud cheers.) Nay' ; s, ottP t ° limited and circumscribed operatl t he etnpoe nt similar indications of bravery. Wit"' ia t)r ioll e , re t e 6l the last year, it became ot the uttnos the t iire'oll show to a misguided multitude, what , er s ,,-hcl i ti te er e, strength of the law, and of the civil pow w oo\ qii t y by the consciousness of right and 131 c e ° l i s nite t otp ts'id, and valour; even in that case, on a mor e s is. a pe is lf when one man attacked hundreds wit'', e of 1, 4 and captured more of the party to wholr t . t oti hl ti, so toy than the men whom he commanded, I ( at oe thinking, that the man who set this courrortio in the maintenance of Va., civil l aW b° trim; capit ttssi s i Bea s hear, of ar i d tatin ki lrsi sti c h ttbat( sh, be sf At tic op po Sir toun direc m§pi We ir our E (Ilea Upo n take iner n l to h e the r they }i i