The Sun. — London, England, 1839-03-28 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, MARCH 27. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his scat on the Wool sack at a Quarter before Four o'Clock. Lord STRANG FORD presented petitions against any alteration in the Corn-laws. ROYAL ASSENT. The Royal Assent was then given by Commission to the Duke of Wellington's Estate Bill, the Tithes Com position Arrears (Ireland) Bill, the Preston and Wyre Railway Bill, and a Naturalization Bill. The Com missioners were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, and the Earl of Shaftesbury. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. . On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, the House then adjourned to Thursday, the 11th of HOUSE OF COMMONS, MARCH 27. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. Sir C. GREY presented a petition from Tynemouth and another from the Water-works Company, of the same place (as we understood), against the Leeds Railway Extension Bill. Mr. CRAW FORD presented a petition against the extension of the Blackwall Railway into the City ; he also moved that the petition he had presented on this subject on Friday last from the Ward of Aldgate be referred to the Committee on the Bill.—Ordered. Mr. B. SMITH presented a petition from the rate payers a Norwich against the Norwich Improvement _ _ The Nottingham Small Debts Bill was read a first and second time, and ordered to be committed. On the motion of Nlr. WARD, the North Eastern jtailway Bill was read a first time. aptain ALSAGER presented a petition signed by 1,400 inhabitants of the parish of Lambeth against any further grants to the college of Maynooth. Captain GORDON presented petitions from several parishes in Abeideenshire in favour of Church Extension in Scotland. . Lord HOTHAM (we believe) presented a petition from Herefordshire, complaining of spiritual destitution in Canada. PRIVATE BILLS. Mr. ALSTON having asked permission of the Speaker that the Report on some Private Bill should LL returned to the parties, in order to correct a certain error which had crept into it, Tile SPEAKER said—l wish to call the attention of the !louse to this subject. It is my understanding that when a report has once been presented to the House it becomes the property of the House, and ought to un dergo no alteration whatever, unless by being re committed.—(Hear, hear,) And I may take this oppor tunity of stating, that this applies equally to the Reports of all Select Committees—( Hear)—and that if a Report has been presented to the House, there is no authority by which any alteration whatever can be made in it except in the mode which I have mentioned ; for unless this rule is rigidly adhered to, the reports presented in this House will not be the reports of the Select Committees, but the reports of the parties who are allowed to make the alterations in them.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The proper method of proceeding in this particular case, will to move the re-committal of the report.—(Hear. hear.) Mr. ALSTON accordingly gave notice that - he would move the re-committal of the report. CORN-LAWS. Mr. BUCK presented a petition against the abolition of the Corn-laws. . . Colonel LYGON presented a similar petition. THE CHURCH. Lord NORREYS presented a petition from the Clergy of the Archdeaconry of Oxford, against the Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues Bill. Mr. CHALMERS presented a petition for addi tional endowments to the Church of Scotland. Mr. ELLIS presented a petition from Scotland, praying that the Presbyterian soldiers may be placed on the same footing in regard to their religious exercises, as tho Roman Catholic soldiers. Mr. BLAIR presented a petition from Wigton, prnying: for Church extension in Scotland. Sir BURDETT presented a petition from Mr. John Dillon, Master Mariner, late of the Royal Navy, and fonnc..rly the Commanding Officer at Milk Cove, county of Cork, on the subject of the capture of the American smuggling brig Peru, which was driven into Kinsale by the boats under his command, and there seized by the Tide Surveyor of the Port. The peti tioner prayed for inquiry, with the view of removing the objections alleged by the Chancellor of the Exchequer against his claim. Mr. GASKELL presented a petition in favour of Mr. Rowland Hill's plan for a uniform penny postage. Mr. WARD presented a similar petition from Cam bridge. Also a petition, complaining of the sewer rates in the Finsbuv trust. And a petition from a person named Lorimer, of Paisley, complaining of the delft) , which has taken place in the allotment of land in South Australia, and praying the House to adopt some measures to expedite the allotment. The Ho nourable Member also presented a petition from a large body of merchants connected with the South African trade, pointing out the effects of the war now carrying on in the neighbourhood of the Cape of Good Hope, and prayinr , the House to sanction the establish ment of a British colony, which would advance the se curity of the Cape of Good Hope, and be the means of promoting civi!ization and the extension of religious mis sions, &c. The Hon. Member then gave notice that he should call the attention of the House to the subject after the recess. Sir J. IdOBHOUSE presented papers by command of her Majesty relative to the treaty with Affghanistan. Mr. PAKINGTON presented a petition from Droitwich in favour of Mr. Rowland Hill's plan of Postage. Also one praying for protection to the Church in Canada. RAILWAYS. Lord G. SOMERSET presented a petition from the carriers of goods between London and Birmingham, 'complaining that some of the parties wlio had been en gaged for sixty and others for forty years in the carriage of goods between London and Birmingham had been refused by the Railway Company to have their f.;.( s carried by its means. They had made several applications, but the Directors said they had no means of carrying their goods, while at the same time they were carrying the goods of another firm engaged in the carrying trade. The petitioners had not come to that House without having tried all legal means of en forcing what they conceived to be their rights—they had applied to the Court of Queen's Bench for a man damus, but it was refused, because there was nothing in the Act constituting the Company which made it com pulsory upon them to carry the goods of any one. The petitioners prayed the House to take into conside ration the monopoly created by these Railway Bills.— (Lond cheers from L both sides of the House.) They prayed the House to pass some Bill to carry into effect the preamble of the Company's Act, and destroy such a monopoly: The petition was signed by the ware housemen of London and Manchester, by fifteen car riers of goods between the two places, by the Aldermen and Common Council of Chester ; it was signed by 3,500 pe rsons , an d was f ully deserv i ng o f th atten tion of the House.—(Gheers.) He would take that opportunity of asking the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade whether he intended to introduce any measure in the present Session to regulate the proceedings of these raikVays. - Mr. P. - THOMSON said it was his intention to take the very first opportunity of bringing the subject under the consideration of Parliament ; and on Thursday, the llth April, he should move the appointment of a Com mittee on the subject.—( Hear, hear.) He would do so without any hostile intention towards the Railway Companies, but because it appeared to him to be the feeling both in that House and among the public generally, that some inquiry on the subject was necessary.—(Loud cheers.) The Railway Companies exercised, perhaps, beneficially for the public, a very great power, but which,, if not checked, might be con verted into a very injurious monopoly.—(Hear.) Lord GRANVILL'E. SOMERSET moved for a return of the monies raised under the sanction of any Railway Acts, all that had passed that House from the Ist Jan., 1826, to the Ist Jan. 1839, distinguishing in a tabular form the sums raised as principal, and by loan or mortgage, under diese several Acts ; also a return of the sums to be raised by the various Railroad Com panies, for which Bills ire now in progress through Parliament, distinguilthing the names of the several Com panies, and whether th e sum was raised as principal or by loan. Mr. HUME suggest ed to the Noble Lord to amend his return for the pur pose of showing how much had been actually raised by ach Company. Lord G. SOMERSE T wished merely to know what the several Companies ir aught raise—he did not want to ask what they had raised G. That return might be very right at a future pei iiod ; at present he merely wished to know what sill 113 bad had been already sanc tioned, and what further a mount Parliament was called upon to sanction in the p r asent session. After a few words fro m the ATTORNEY-GENERAL and the SPEAKER, '4Mr. P. THOMSON :sa id he did not know bow the return of the Hon. Memb et for Kilkenny was to be pro duced. The return was then agra ?cl to. The ATTORNEY-GED lERAL presented a peti tion from Edinburgh, iae favoi ar of Rowland Hill's system of a Penny Postage. , Mr. GIL LON pr, rsentei a petition from some IT i re, the name of which we could not hear, praying for remi ss i on of tho p 4 st-horat ' duty, and also a peti t' praying for t h e re mission ' O, augur.f the duty on foreign POO R - LAW AmEisirn, 'ENT ACT. On the motion of L or d JoH N O.USSELL for the adjourrnent of th e R on S e to theBth -of April, Lord GRANVILLE se ,I`lERsx7T asked the Nobly Lord if he had made 7 ip his mind with respect to the renewal of the P N Amendment Act ; whe ther it was his intention. to I nove for its renewal, and also whether it was his inter tion to make any ahem ion in the Bastardy clauses of the Bill and in other oh 'actionable clauses ? _ _ Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he intended, in the I course of the Session, to bring in a Bill for the renewal of the Poor-law Amendment Act, in which he intended to renew the power of the Commissioners, and to adopt some of the recommendations of the Committee of last Session, which sat on this subject ; he intended to give additional powers to the Commissioners with respect to Unions under Gilbert's Act, but not to give them any additional powers with respect to the parishes forming other unions. He should also propose some other clauses, but he did not mean to propose to make any alteration in the bastardy clauses. If he should propose any alteration in that respect he should make such alteration the subject of a separate Bill. Mr. DUNCOMBE inquired whether the Noble Lord intended to touch other parochial Acts, or only Gilbert's Incorporation ? Lord J. RUSSELL—OnIy Gilbert's Incorporation. COLONEL PRINCE. Mr. HU ME wished to ask the Under Secretary for the Colonies whether he had received any information on the subject of Colonel Prince having ordered several prisoners taken by the Indians to be shot in Canada. Mr. L ABOUC HERE sAid, Colonel Prince had been called on for an explanation. That explanation had been received by Sir G. Arthur, who was of opinion it was not satisfactory, and had consequently instituted a Court of Inquiry. That inquiry had commenced ; and it appeared that a great num ber of witnesses would be brought forward on both sides ; and the inquiry would necessarily be a protracted one. But in justice to Colonel Prince he ought to mention that Sir George Attliur had stated the reports which had been transmitted to this country, through the medium of the newspapers, were greatly exaggerated. HILL COOLIES. Mr. GLADSTONE wished to know whether any official account had been received from the Governor of British Guiana, as to the condition of the Hill Coolies, and whether he had any objection to state the substance of those accounts, or to lay the despatches themselves on the table of the House. . Mr. LABOUCHERE said there was no objection on the part of the Colonial-office to produce the des patches themselves. AMERICAN BOUNDARY. Sir S. CANNING wished to address a few words on a subject of great national importance. The subject to which he referred was the state of our relations with the United States of America, and he thought Hon. Gentlemen must feel that it would not give satisfaction to the country—he would almost say it would scarcely be decent, it that House were to adjourn for the holidays, without an opportunity being afforded to her Majesty's Ministers, as far as circumstances would admit, of making some statement as to the posi tion in which they stood with regard to that power at the present moment. If the circumstances of the coun try were of an ordinary character at this moment, the House might be satisfied with trusting to the discretion of her Majesty's Ministers on the subject, but he must say that looking back to the transactions of the last few years he saw little reason for trusting to their energy and decision, and be might say to their discretion in respect of foreign affairs.—(Cheers.) lie must be allowed to say that that was an additional motive for presuming the country would be dissatis fied, if the House were to retire, before the holi days, without receiving some information on the subject. By accounts received within the last few days, it appeared that the transactions which had lately oc curred in Maine, had been taken up with a decided national spirit in the Chambers of the United States ; and that the negociations which it seemed had been commenced, were suspended, though there was some reason to believe that a Plenipotentiary might be dispatched from America to this country, to carry on the negociations. The country was also aware that, on the one hand, an official statement had been made that the Governor of New Brunswick was acting under instructions which im posed upon him the necessity of maintaining, if necessary, by a military force, exclusive jurisdiction over the disputed territory.—(Hear, hear.) And on the other hand, that a recommendation had been signed by the American Minister of State, and by her Majesty's Re presentative at Washington, advising the peaceable set tlement of that question of the boundary. His (Sir S. Canning's) only object in mentioning the subject was to afford to the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Foreign Department, the opportunity of giving that information, not only on this question, but in re ference to what was passing in various parts of the world, which the country must naturally expect. And he had reduced to writing certain questions which he would put to the Noble Lord. First, whether the Government had received any official intelligence of the appointment of an American Plenipotentiary, to open further negotiations in London as to the adjustment of the Boundary Question. Secondly, whether the Govern ment had any reason to belieVe that Sir John Harvey had acquiesced in the line of conduct recommended to him by her Majesty's Minister, and the American Minister at Washington. And thirdly, whether the Govern ment had any objection to lay upon the table a copy of the instructions which Sir J. Harvey in his letter of 18th February, addressed to the Governor of Maine, had referred to ; making it imperative upon him to maintain by military force, if necessary, exclusive jurisdiction over the disputed territory. In putting these questions he (Sir S. Canning) had no wish to create excitement, or to embarrass her Majesty's Ministers.—(lronical cheers from the Ministerial benches, met by cheers from the Opposition.) He only wished to afford an opportunity to the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department, for presenting such information to the House upon a subject involving the national interest and honour, as the country might naturally expect. . Lord PALMERSTON quite agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman that this was a question of the utmost delicacy, and therefore he trusted the House would excuse him if he availed himself of the oppor tunity thus afforded him of not en tering into a full ex planation with respect to the present state of these matters, and he thought the answer which he should give to the first question would sufficiently account to ' the House for the reserve which he felt it his duty to maintain. The Right Hon. Gentleman asked whether her Majesty's Government had received any account of the intention of the Government of the United States to send over a Special Plenipotentiary to this country for the purpose of com municating with the British Government. He (Lord P.) yesterday received a dispatch from Mr. Fox, dated the 7th of March, at Washington, com municating to him officially that the American Go vernment had it under consideration whether they should send a Special Plenipotentiary for that purpose or whether fresh negociations would be allowed. As sortie communication might he expected very shortly from the Government of the United States the House would feel that he would be departing from the line of his duty if he were to enter into any discussion —(Hear, hear) —touching those matters upon which it was likely the Plenipotentiary might be instructed. With regard to the second question, he had reason to believe that the lest despatches received at the Colonial-office from Sir John Harvey were dated at a time when he could not have received the necessary communications. With regard to the other part of the question, he was sure his Right Hon. Friend would see that it was not. expedient at this moment to lay the papers before Parliament.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He (Lord Palmerson) was convinced that the Government of the United States felt a no less sincere de sire than her Majesty that these incidental ques tions, as well as the main question, and any others which might arise between the two Governments, should be satisfactorily adjusted, and that nothing should occur to interrupt those friendly relations which it was the interest of both countries to maintain. Sir S. CANNING inquired whether the instructions referred to by Sir John Harvey could be laid before the House ? Mr. LABO UCHERE thought it would be most indiscreet to lay unfulfilled instructions on the table of this House.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. C. BULLER wished to make a remark on a misinterpretation which had been put on some ob servations he had made the other night, which it had been said were calculated to have a bad ef fect on the settlement of the question. He did not suppose that any one would have imagined that he made the remarks from information obtained whilst holding an official situation. If his attention had been called to the subject, it was after renouncing all official con nection with Canada. He stated on that occasion that he considered the British claim was preposterous, and his reason for making the declaration was, that if there was any hope of an amicable settlement of the question, the British negotiators must make some claim more consonant with justice. He thought the American claim as untenable as ours. If Great Britain abandoned the untenable line and took that which was in accord ance with justice, she would gain more than by the use of force.—( Hear, hear.) Sir CHARLES GREY said that he did not intend to renew the notice which had been on the paper a few days ago, and he trusted the House would allow him to give his reason for abandoning it. He was quite satisfied if the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign affairs would state that her Majesty's Go vernment had not yet seen reason to depart from the general views on the question that had been laid before the House in the last session of Parliament. The Kin.. of Holla n d h a d d ec id e d that neither of the lines in sisted upon by two parties answered the terms of the treaty. He had moved for Mitchell's map for the pur pose of narrowing the question between the two countries. The map he alluded to was not an American map under the name of Mitchel, but was the original one of 1755. He did not demandthe production of the map, for his pur pose had been answered by calling the attention of the House to the fact that theyhad only that map of 1755,and one of a more modern date to look to, as they were the only ones recognized in the Convention of 1829. He thought that what he had stated would tend greatly to narrow the question, because it showed that in this claim neither the Americans nor ourselves were in the right, and left us to seek new conditions, by which one or other of the parties might cede a portion or the whole of the territories in dispute to the other ; he beseeched Ministers to bear these facts in mind, because it was of the greatest importance to narrow the ground of dis pute as much as possible. Sir ROBERT PEEL was not sorry this question had been brought forward before the adjournment of Parliament ; he had no intention of embarrassing her Majesty's Government, and he should not now enter into the full discussion of this question, because he felt that, in making their defence against any charges which might be brought against them, her Majesty's Government would labour under the great disadvantage of not being able to produce all the papers that might be necessary in their defence, because by so doing disclosures might be made which would be prejudicial to the public ser vice. At the same time he should reserve to himself entire power,whenever this House should be in full pos3ession of all the facts of the case, of expressing his opinion as to whether her Majesty's Government had, more particu larly since the late unfortunate disturbances in Lower Canada, spewed sufficient energy and decision in their proceedings with the United States with regard to this question. He would confess that if the produc tion of any document called for should be objected to by her Majesty's Government as one that to the most delicate or sensitive mind would appear as likely to produce inconvenience, ne would at once yield to the objection ; but he must say, that if any document could have been safely produced, it appeared to him (Sir R. Peel) that it must have been an old map of the year 1755. If the map had any important bearitn , on the question, he hoped the Hon. Member would ' persevere in his motion. It was not one of those recent maps which might have been framed in America for the purpose of elucidating the question one way or another, but it the map was not in existence, that, of course, was a conclusive reason against producing it.—(A laugh.) If any possible or eventual evil to the country could be feared from the production of the map, he certainly would not urge the Hon. Baronet to persevere in his motion. Sir C. GREY was sorry on so important a question the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet had been so distracted. He had never said the map was not in existence, and any Hon. Gentleman who went to the British Museum would see it.—(Hear, 'war) He felt he had done his duty in calling the attention of the Foreign Office to it, being quite sure that if it was dis- covered to be useful there would be no objection to pro- duce it. Lord PALMERSTON had understood the Hon. Baronet in a different manner from the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, and had given that assent, which one sometimes did, by signs, to his proposition. He could not see, therefore, bow the misunderstanding could have been occasioned. Sir R. PEEL.—I did not see the signs. —(A. laugh.) If the map was the real map, the production of it could do no harm but might do good. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. The motion for the adjournment of the House till the Bth of April, was then agreed to. BRUSSELS. Mr. HUME wished to know when the Brussels papers would be laid on the table of the House? Lord PALMERSTON replied that there was a great press of business in the Foreign-office at present, but that the papers referrA to would be produced as soon as possible. LORD DURHAM'S MISSION. Colonel SIBTHORP begged to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer why certain important returns he had moved for, relative to the mission and outfit of the Earl of Durham, were not before the House, when returns that bad been moved for subsequently, had been pro duced ? Mr. LABOUCHERE said the delay in furnishing the return in question, arose from the difficulty of estimating the exact expenses of Lord Durham's mission, in consequence of certain sales which were now taking place in Canada of the effects of the Noble Earl : when those sales were concluded, there would be no indisposition to furnish the account. THE, SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 28, 1 M 39. POOR-LAW. Mr. HIND LEY wished to call the attention of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home Department to the delay which took place in furnishing the returns ordered in respect to the Poor-law Commissioners. He had moved a year ago for some returns relative to Poor law Unions, and they were not yet presented. THE MINISTRY. Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose and said, I wish to take the earliest opportunity of stating, as to the motion which I intimated it was my intention to make on the II th April, that in consequence of the request of several Members who represented that it would be exceedingly inconve nient for them to come down on that day, I beg to postpone it till Monday, the 15th April, on which day 1 shall move a resolution respecting the Executive Go vernment in Ireland. REGISTRATION OF ELECTORS BILL. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE asked whether this Bill would come on upon the Bth of 'April? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he hoped that it would, if no question relating to supply remained for that day. HAND-LOOM WEAVERS. Mr. lIINDLEY inquired when it was likely that the Report upon the hand-loom weavers would be presented? Mr. P. THOMSON said the Report was not yet completed, but he hoped it would be shortly. JAMAICA. The SPEAKER having called upon Mr. Labouchere to name a day for the postponement of the " dropped order" which stood to his name on the paper for Tues day last, relative to the introduction of a Bill to sus pend the functions of the Assembly of Jamaica, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he hoped the House would allow his Right Hon. Friend to bring in the Bill now, that it might be before the House during the ad journment, previous to the discussion upon the subject. Sir R. PEEL would not say a word as to the general question, but he did think that a Bill for suspending the Legislative functions of a Colonial House of Assembly was of such importance, that it ought not to be brought forward by departing from the course which was usually adhered to in respect even of the most trifling matters, that when the " Orders" were " dropped" they should not be re-appointed without notice.—(Hear.) Mr. HUME said it was his intention to object to the introduction of the Bill, and to inquire why it was that no documents had been produced to the House in justification of such a measure.—(Cheers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said if there was an ob jection taken, of course the Bill could not be now brought in. —(Hear, hear, hear.) Still he thought that it would have been more convenient for the House to have had the Bill before them during the recess. He begged to say in answer to the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, that he conFidered a full ground for the Bill had been laid in the papers which were already before the House. He would bring the subject for ward, however, soon after the holidays. Sir R. PEEL begged to explain that he did not deny that it would have been convenient to have had the Bill brought in ; but he never would consent to the introduction of any great constitutional measure, without the ordinary notices.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. KINNAIRD, in the absence of the Hon. Member for Dover, gave notice that it was his intention to move for a Committee to inquire into the want of harbours on the Rorthern and eastern coast. CORN-LAWS. Col. SEALE gave notice that after the holidays he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to allow foreign corn to be ground in this country for exportation. Sir F. TRENCH gave notice that on the 11th of April he would move for a copy of the correspondence that had passed between the Speaker, his Secretary, and himself, respecting the Bade Lights.--(Laughter). Mr. HU NIE gave notice that on the 11th of April, he would move for an account of the Exchequer Bills in circulation, and other returns connected with the Bank. Mr. VILLIERS, on behalf of Mr. Scrjeant Tal fourd, gave notice that on the 16th of April he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the Custody of Infants. Sir E. CODRINGTON gave notice that after the holidays, he would move that it was expedient to keep the full complement of men in ships in the time of peace, so as to be prepared for war. The LORD ADVOCATE gave notice that after the holidays, be would move for leave to bring in Bills to regulate and improve the Registration of Electors in Scotland. The Report of the Committee of Supply was then brought up and agreed to. CANADA. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved that so much of her Majesty's Speech as related to the affairs of Canada should be taken into consideration on Monday the 22d April. SUPPLY. Lord J. RUSSELL then moved the Order of the Day for the House going into Committee of Supply. Mr. BER.NAL having taken the Chair, Mr. MUSKETT withdrew the motion of which he had given notice for an Address to her Majesty to direct a grant of 1,1601. 13s. 2d. for the Captains and Lieutenants now on half-pay of the late Corps of Royal Artillery Drivers. Sir HUSSEY VIVIAN then rose to move the Ordnance Estimates. He said that it was quite un necessary for him to go into any lengthened explanation on the subject ; bnt he would briefly allude to a few of the principal points. From various circumstances which had occurred the House would be aware that it was impossible to cut down the E4imates. On the first vote, which referred to the establisjiments at the Tower and Pall-mall, there was an excess of expense of 1,0751. In the ordinaries there was an increase of 33,4301., but that was more apparent than real, a considerable portion of it having been transferred from the extraordinaries. The third vote was for the Royal Artillery, including 216 additional men sent to Canada. Here there was also a transfer from the extraordinaries to the ordina- ries, amounting to 6,372/., which was the allowance of beer money. In the salaries of barrack masters there was an increase of 1,287/. on account of barracks in Canada and Australia. In the Ordnance works and plans there was an excess of 9.8,960/., there being 11,000/. extra for labourers employed six days in the week instead of five. There was a❑ excess in the next item of 3,6431. for the expense of surveys in Ireland. The next and most important point was the vote for Ordnance stores, yen which there was an excess of 63,0001. beyond the last year. The sum total to be voted was 152,049 t. Every possible saving had been made, looking to the efficiency of the department. On the motion that 116,851/. be granted for the payment of the Civil Establishment of the Ordnance office. Mr. HUME said he did not rise to oppose the mo tion. After the House had agreed to such large votes for both the Army and Navy, it was their duty to pro vide arms for them, and it was the worst economy to provide bad arms for the services. He must allow it to pass, but, at the same time, be must enter his protest against the immense increase of the votes. He was afraid that the House would not pay attention to the expenditure of the nation, until it was rendered neces sary to increase the taxation. As a Reformer, he felt himself in a false position.—(Hear, hear.) He was very unwilling to change sides in that House, but his duty strongly urged him to take that course.—(Cheers.) He had hoped that times would change, but he had met with constant disappointment. He would content himself with entering his protest against the enormous increase of the establishments of the country.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Bart., the Member for Tam worth, had said that evening, the time must come when an inquiry would be instituted as to whom the blame rested upon for not having the boundary qu es ti on sett l e d , b ut h e (Mr. Hume) believed that if such an inquiry were in stituted, the Right Hon. Bart. himself would come in for a share of the blame. Lately there had been nothing but bad management and bad government, and he should be happy to see a change for the better.—( Hear, hear.) 107,6521. were then voted for defraying the expences of the corpa of Engineers and Sappers and Miners ; 353,7261. for defrayinc , the expences of the reg i men t o f R oya l Ar tillery ; and 34,3851. for the salaries of barrack: masters at home and abroad. On the sum of *30,326/. being proposed for defray ing the charges for Ordnance works, repairs, &c., in the United Kingdom and the Colonies, Mr. HUME complained of the charges made for the admission of the public to the Tower and other public buildings. Colonel ANSON said the charge for admission to the Tower was very small, being only a shilling, but he should be very happy to see all fees for admittance to the Tower and similar buildings abolished. Mr. WAKLEY said the fee of one shilling was large or small according to the means of the individual paying it.—(Hear, hear.) A shilling was of more importance to a poor man who earned but 12s. or 13s. a week, than 5001. or 6001. was to the Gallant Colonel. It was sur prising to find, when the money of the people was vot ing away, that out of the 320 Members of the Opposi tion in that House, there were only six now present.— (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, was probably saying that it was not for them to object to the voting of money, which his (Sir R. Peel's) party would have the spending of.—( A laugh.) It was, however, a woeful thing to think that, with a reduced revenue, the expenditure of the present year was to be increased beyond that of the last by nearly three millions. And yet the present Ministers came into office as a reforming and an economic Govern ment. He hoped some explanation of the vote would be given. Sir HUSSEY VIVIAN said the increase to which the Hon. Member alluded, arose from additional pay being allowed to medical officers for length of service. The increased allowance did not, however, extend to assistant-surgeons. He thought there were great ob jections to throwing open such a place as the Tower, containing 100,000 stand of fliuted arms to the public indiscriminately. Mr. BRII . 'COE condemned the principle of com pelling the public to pay ls. each for admittance to the Tower. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was the wish of the Government to give every facility to the public to view every object of interest over which the Government had any controul. The vote was then agreed to. On the question that a sum of 144,0611. be granted for the Barrack Service, Colonel THOMAS complained of the state in which the barracks were. They had not been painted. in many cases, for several years—they were a disgrace to the country. He was surprised to find an Hon. Member (Mr. Hume) who had amassed a large for tune in India by supplying rations to the army, getting up night after night in the House and opposing every measure that would tend to the comfort and conveni ence of the soldier. Mr. HUME would give a flat denial to the state ment of the Gallant Officer opposite that he (Mr. Hume) was in the habit of opposing every measure that was brought forward for the good of the army—it was utterly untrue ; he had never opposed any measure calculated te attain that object. No man in the House had done more to improve the condition of the private soldier than he had done ; he would merely allude to his attempts to do away with the punishment of flogging.— (Hear.) With regard to what had•taken place in India the Gallant Officer had been talking on a sub ject about which he could know nothing.— (Hear, hear.) His statements were utterly untrue. The Gallant Officer had been uttering falsehoods in that House. He had talked about his feeding the troops, what did he mean by speaking on such subjects? He (Mr. Hume) bad never done anything in his life that he was not proud of, and therefore he called upon the Honourable and Gallant Officer to state what he meant by such an unwarrantable attack, to which he (Mr. Hume) had given its proper designation. He hoped he would be more cautious the next time as to the statements he made, as it would be utterly impos- sible public business could be carried on if attacks were made in this way. Whether he was con nected with physic or not, he would defy any one to say he bad ever done anything he ought to be ashamed of.—(Chccrs.) The conduct of the Gallant Oflicer might appear extraordinary, but the House would perceive from his manner the reason of his conduct. Col. THOMAS said that the circumstance to which he alluded was well known. The Hon. Gentleman had been an assistant-surgeon, and afterwards appointed commissary. Mr. HUME—That is not true.—(Hear.) Col. THOMAS had heard so when he was in India. With regard to the Hon. Gentleman's assertion, that he had uttered a falsehood, it was too contemptible for him to notice, it was beneath his contempt.—(Loud cries of tur c e ol o o f ne t l he si a k t La ta N c v k E t y ad , e i b f, y ,nd tl e i ed order.) The CHAIRMAN comp l a in e d o f t h e persona l na - G th a e lla c n o t n C du ol c o t ne o l f , and te desired that this course might not b e p ers i s t e d i n , Honourable Member for itilkenny, against the unfair attack of the Gallent Officer. Sir HUSSEY VIVIAN would not he tempted to lose his temper by the attack of the Gallant Officer. If his barracks were in that state, he had no one to thank for it but himself. If he had made his complaint to the General Officer of the district, instead of coming to this House and complaining, his complaint would have been submitted to him (Sir H. Vivian) and imme diately attended to. Colonel THOMAS had understood that representa tions had been made on the subject ; he had no inten tion of saying anything disrespectful either to the Gal lant General or to any other person in that house. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that these attacks arose from having a Government which was determined to keep down the expenditure, at the same time providing for the comforts .of the troops. If the House of Commons countenanced the doctrine that establishments were to be increased because officers did not like their rooms in the barracks, there would be no end to complaints. The House forced the Govern ment to increase the establishments, and Members afterwards objected to the increased expense. Sir A. DALRYMPLE asked whether the geological survey was being proceeded with, and whether the ex penses were likely to be more than the estimates ? Sir H. VIVIAN said that the geological survey of D e von and Cornwall was completed , and that of South Wales was commenced. The Highland Society wished the survey of Scotland to be on a different scale from that of England, and the subject was under consideration. The survey of Ireland was com menced on an increased establishment, consequently the estimates had been departed from. Mr. HUME suggested that the maps should be sold at the same rate as the documents of that House. Sir H. VIVIAN said the price had been reduced as low as possible, but it was impossible to afford them at that ratio on account of the wearing out of the plates. On the vote of 185,000/. for the expense of Stores for time United Kingdom, Captain BOLDER() insisted on the right of marines to great coats, and said the Government was bound to show by what authority they made the soldier pay for his coat. Lord HO WICK said that the marines were a fa voured service. These discussions as to the compara tive pay of the different services were dangerous and inconvenient. Captain BOLDERO said that this was the fourth time he had brought forward the subject of great coats, and the Government were as ignorant of the subject as children.—(Hear, heir.) The ma rines on the ships' books had only 19s. 6d. a month. It would be much more becoming on the part of the Noble Lord (Howick) instead of attempting to put him (Capt. Boldero) down.by rebukes and rebuffs, to endeavour to examine into the subject, and do justice. Sir T. TROUBRIDGE denied that there had been any disinclination on the part of the Government to enter into the question : on the contrary, he had exa mined carefully into it. Sir A. DALRYMPLE did not see, after what had Passed, why the Brigade of Marines who had been sent to Spain should not be provided with great coats, as they were not in the ordinary course of service. The vote passed, as did the following. 468,0001. for services in the Ordnance, not included in the last estimates. 161,520/. for allowances, in superannuations, half pay, &c., and 268,000/. for the Commissariat Department in Great Britain, Ireland, and the Colonies. .The House then resumed, and again resolved itself, on the motion of the CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER, into a Committee of Supply, when a vote of 8,000,0001. out of the Consolidated Fund was agreed to, for makinc , good the supplies which had been granted to her M ajesty. b The House adjourned at a Quarter to Nine. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. In the universal excitement by which the Reform Bill was carried, the nation delivered its emphatic judgment against the Tory policy to which, for so long a perlild of years, it was subjected. It welcomed the Reform Bill as the means of breaking down that domi nation : and now, after seven short years, we are await ing a division of the House of Commons on the most unexceptionable point of Whig Ministerial policy, the government of Ireland, ' in which a few votes, some dozen or thereabouts, hold the power of deciding for or against the return of Toryism to office. The fact is enough. In such a result there is a damning proof of failure in the machinery by which it has been produced. We do not believe that under the old system, the present Government would have been in any such predicament, nor the fate of Ireland have been thus trembling in the balance. When has there ever been such an exhibition as that afforded by the last division on the Corn-laws? Every Member of the Cabinet in the House of, Commons — nay, every individual in that House connected with the Government (except one) voted in the minority for going into Committee. And yet the minority is so small, and the majority so constituted, as to render the ques• tion hopeless. The former consisted of less than one third of the representation, and the mighty barriers of class interest oppose themselves to any prospect of its increase. And this happens on a question involving the commercial prosperity of the empire, the labourer's food, the manufacturer's market, the profit to stimulate industry, and the ability to bear taxation. Had such consequences been prophesied in 1832, would any body have called them the success of the Reform Bill ? Had the prediction been credited, would the power have been put forth by which the Bill was carried? Our right is questioned to find fault with the working of that measure, because we were amongst its zealous advocates. With quite as much reason might we deny the right of now championing it to those who pronounced it an entire subversion of the Constitu tion. Our ground of complaint is their ground of satis faction—viz., that it is a failure. Because it is so, they are content to pledge themselves against its repeal ; and because it is so, we demand that it be strengthened by additional measures, and so enabled to realize its pur pose. There is this difference, indeed, between our right and that of Tories to speak of the Reform Act in an altered tone, that its inefficiency is mainly owing to their machinations, and to the mistaken concessions made to conciliate them. The votes of the tenants-at-will were conceded in the vain hope of a generosity that would forbear to make them mere slave-votes. The ques tion of the Ballot, too, was then a reserved question, as it is still an undecidedone. The registration contemplated fair dealing with the electors, and not the systematic and rascally vexatiousness that has prevailed ever since the memorable exhortation in Merchant Tailors' Hall, to fight the battle in the Registration Courts. The tricks and resources of faction were, no doubt, under-rated, or the Reform Bill would have been rendered more strin gent. Only experience can enable honest men to cope with rogues. The country has had the benefit of seven years' experience ; and the consequence is, that confi dence in the sufficiency of the Reform Bill is gone, while hatred of Toryism remains undiminished. Hence the seemingly opposite phenomena of the apathy of one class and the violence of another class. The same means are Adopted to excite the one, and moderate the other ; the means which consistency requires all who honestly pro moted the Reform Bill to unite in adopting ; the means, by further amendments in the representative system of supplying its deficiencies and achieving its pur poses. For there is the *end and aim of what we sug gest ; the redress of the very evils which Lord John Russell, when he moved for leave to bring in the Re form Bill, declared it was the object of that Bill to abolish. He defined those evils to be, "first, the nomi nation of Members by individuals ; second, the elec tions by close Corporations ; third, the expense of elec tions." Now, has not the nomination of Members descended into a baser form, from the influence of a patron of a borough to the gross purchase of its little knot of sordid electors ? Has not his Lordship's mis- judging aversion from change compelled him - to be come the apologist of the very nuisance which he then came forward to abate ? Did he not, the other night, reproduce the very sophism which he then demolished ? We adhere to his attack on small borough constituencies in 1831, for that indicates the principle and object of the Reform Bill ; we de mur to his defence of small borough constituencies in 1839, for that indicates the failure of the measure to which he fondly clings. He then contemplated " a franchise belonging to the great mass of house holders." Have we such a franchise now ? Is it less desirable now than it was then ? Does a vote of the House of Commons imply what he then affirmed it ought of constitutional right to imply, viz.—" the con sent of the commonalty of the land ?" Has the third grievance which the Reform Bill professed to cure been remedied ? If there be abatement in the gross expense of elections, it has been merely a saving to the corrup tor, and not a diminution of the corruption. Liverpool was pointedly referred to in his Lordship's speech. Is Liverpool purified ? Has ever corruption been more rife, more successful, more disgusting and loathsome, than in the last two general elections ? Why ; then, who are the real and consistent friends of the Reform Bill but those who aim at the com plete, though late, realization of its essential ob jects ? We call not on those who are most stre nuously attached to that measure for any un worthy concession—for any sacrifice of principle—for any inconsistency of conduct. Our appeal is to their consistency and their principle. We only want that done which they solemnly declared themselves desirous of doing. We only deprecate the sacrifice of the end to the means, or what were supposed Co be the means. We require not merely the historical fact that a Re form Bill was carried, but the present and,permanent reality that a reform is accomplished. An objection has been taken to our efforts as ill-timed, seeing that we are now in the crisis of a struggle by the Tories for the resumption of power. And is not the bare possibility of such a struggle demonstrative of the imperative necessity of raising the Reform cause into a more secure position ? With a strong Liberal Government, redeeming all its pledges—carrying all its measures unmutilated— achieving a series of economical reforms—and when it had (as in the case of Ireland) pursued a generous policy secure of general legislative approval and sup port, there might be some force in the objection ; at least it would have more appearance of plausibility than at present. It is because the circumstances are critical that we counsel the adoption of a decided course. The enemy is upon us ; one portion of the camp is asleep, and another portion in open mutiny ; and are we to be told not to sound a trumpet which all may hear, nor to raise a banner round which all may rally, because the fortune of an uncertain fight is impending ? To our apprehension now is the time for union. 'Would the objector have us wait till Toryism is triumphant ? " I am hushed until our city be afire, And then I'll speak a little." Is that his policy ? We should rather carry on the war outside the gates, and under that standard before which alone Toryism has succumbed, the labarum of popular reform.—Morning Chronicle. To the applications without number which have been addressed to us for some clue to the vagaries of the Queen's Ministers from Thursday last, when the House of Lords appointed a Committee, by no means rare in the proceedings of that assembly, for the elucidation of important facts, down to the present hour, we have no satisfactory solution of any kind to present. The most obvious answer may not be the most true—viz. that they conceived the House of Lords to have voted them out of office, and they were desirous to vote themselves in again by dint of an O'Connell majority in the Commons. There are undoubtedly some unquestionable facts, if not decisive as to the motives of Ministers in this matter, at least connected with them. Lord Mel bourne and his colleagues could neither blind them selves to the all but inevitable consequence of a strict research into the administration of justice by Lord Normandy—viz., a . detection of its abuses, and a strong condemnatory sentence—nor to the fatal effect of such a record upon their existence as a Government. Not being able, therefore, to avert this visitation, they looked round for a possible counterpoise, and found it in an appeal to that popular tribunal, with all the Irish portion of which a systematic outrage upon the prin ciples of justice would be the surest passport to honour and applause. According to the views prevalent with a majority thus composed, a judicialnondemnation by the House of Lords would be nothing—the perversion of the judgment-seat by a representative of the Crown, and the prostitution of the most sacred of all prerogatives, would be less than nothing. A vote of confidence by the Parliamentary partisans of Irish culprits in the House of Commons would be set off in favour of him who had withdrawn those culprits from punishment, against any censure, however righteous and solemn, pronounced upon his "Excellency" by the other House of Parliament. What though the acquittal by the House of. Commons (if he should be ac quitted) had been the result of an intemperate discussion and a gross ignorance of faCts, in the absence of all in quiry, without waiting for a particle of the information to be obtained by means of evidence on oath delivered be fore their Lordships, and therefore liable to be at utter variance with the truth—what though the O'Connell majority i■ favour of the Noble Marquis should be counted on the very day when the most damning tes timony was recorded against him before the Lords' Committee, little would a popularity 7 hunting Lord Lieutenant, a Romish majority, or a priest-ridden Cabi net be moved by the iniquity, the ridicule, or the op probrium of such a shameful contrast. A false judg ment, prematurely given, will suit the ends of faction better than to run the risk of an upright one, through which a member of that faction might be disgraced, and the vices and evils of the practice pursued by him ex posed to universal notoriety. It is thought fitting, there fore, that the Noble Marquis fshould stand his trial be fore a Committee of the House of Lords, with a verdict of "Not Guilty"in his pocket,signed and sealed beforehand by a tribunal which knew nothing of his offences, and which had never examined a single witness, or even heard the indictment- read. That such a proceeding may be held satisfactory enough to those who sympathise with the assisted criminal is not at all surprising. That it will satisfy the people of England, whether Conservatives or honest Radicals, it is inconsistent with all our notions of English sense or Constitutional feeling to anticipate. That Ministers meditate a speedy escape from office, might be believed by those who know them little enough to give them credit for any solicitude for interests directly affecting the nation, The accumulation of perils and mischiefs in every quarter might make the boldest man living tremble, and the most enthusiastic despair. At war, an unfatliomahle war in the East ; embarrassed in the Mediterranean ; wasting troops and treasures pur poseless and unprofitable in Spain ; with empire itself at stake in North America ; with an organized Jacquerie throughout the North of England, and in Ireland Popery triumphant—that is to say, with England threatened, and Ireland preyed upon by tyranny in one or other of its most revolting forms, these wretched Ministers, the authors or fosterers of it all, have either the stupidity to forget that resignation is still within their power, or the malignity to mix up with it Its many materials as they can lay hold of for rendering their own exit from office an instrument of the utmost possi ble evil to the empire, and embarrassment to any succeed ing Administration. A vote of the House of Commons proving the factious and lawless government of Lord Normanby pledges every Member of the majority, that is the House itself, to a continued support of the same system of misgovernment in Ireland, and must, therefore, under the successor of Lord Melbourne, compel an early dissolution of that House, and an exposure of most of its existing Members, but as suredly of all those Members who now vote with the Whigs, to the trouble, vexation, and incalculable outlay of a new election. The church of the United Kingdom is in a manner staked upon this forthcoming vote. Every friend of the Church in both islands ought to bear that momentous fact in their remembrance. The only hope of a revival of the reign of law and of the security of life and freedom for Ireland depends upon the administration of a sharp and timely rebuke by Parlia ment of the licentious anarchy which has flourished there in the guise and under the threadbare masquerade of a liberal Government. Even on his political deathbed, old Daniel O'Connell points a sting at the monarchy. In his frantic letter of the 22d instant, published in yesterday's Times, the superannuated insurgent brays a loud note of discord. He talks of Ireland being delivered over to the " furious and sanguinary" Orange faction—of the Duke of Wellington (no longer as a " stunted cor poral," but) as a " harsh and ungenerous old man" —of Lord Brougham " singing and yelping with the vilest of the Orange rabble"—of " civil war and blood shed," &c. Why, who dreams of such horrors but this sordid and desperate and mo r tifi e d " o ld" jobber-wild at the prospect of lost loaVes and fishes ? Now see, however, what game the wrinkled incendiary is playing, and with whom it most tho roug hly succee d s . H e cr i es up an enormous agitation, breathing fire and slaughter, but invokes it in the name of " peace ;" he pro mises 300,000 petitioners for perpetuating the gaol deliveries and Popis'a supremacy of the late Lord- Lieutenant. .Then, what more'? We will answer. Lord John Russell told Sir Robert Peel on Monday last, the 25th instant, and as a formal announcement to the country of his own intentions, that " lie had already said he would bring forward the Irish mo tion the week after the recess, as it was necessary it should he disposed of at as early a day as possible. He would now fix it for Thursday, the 11th day of April." Very well. These words were spoken on the 25th instant. But apparently Lord John had not then received from higher authority an intimation of what had already passed elsewhere—viz., on the 22d of March, on which day Mr. Daniel O'Connell wrote the letter above referred to, beginning ." My dear Ray," wherein he states in express terms that Lord John Rus sell " will bring on his motion on or about the 15th of April"—at direct variance this with Lord John Russell's own subsequent declaration. What happens then ? Which of these prophets is right ? Not Lord John Russell, we lament to say ; for, though his Lordship might be aware of his own intentions, he was left in ignorance of O'Connell's, who knew that he could not get up his "peaceable" agitation or his 300,000 names of petitioners, and accordingly we now find that O'Con nell's prediction was right, and the other a failure, insomuch as the day has actually been changed, from the 11th to the 15th, at the manifest dictation of him at whose nod the Whig Ministers have to the present hour existed, and in whose cause they are (it is guessed) about to perish!—Tinges. • A Contemporary has lately discovered—that which has glen always maintained in the Morning Advertiser —and which we yesterday maintained---that there are in reality no very essential points of difference between the Chartists and the great majority of middle-class of Reformers, in those " Five Points" which the people consider necessary in order to place the representation of the country in a wholesome and satisfactory state. Our Contemporary has lately disco% ered "a bond of permanent union" upon these five points ; hut we have never, with a view of gratifying any body of men, or satisfying the claims of any particular crisis, dif fered in our popular and steady view of their neces sity—simple or slightly modified. Those "five points" are-Ist, Vote by Ballot ; 2d, Extended Suffrage ; 3d, Shortened Parliaments ; 4th, no Qualification for Mem hers of Parliament ; and sth, Remuneration for their labours, For each and every one of these objects we have by turns persevertngly and unva7ingly contended. Yesterday we stated our views of the necessity of a large Extension of the Suffrage. Last week we entered into a detailed examinaton of all the futile objections urged against the Ballot, When recently commenting on the excellent motions of Mr. T. Duncombe, respect ing the rate-paring Clause of the Reform Bill, and the Chandos (or 501. copyhold) clause, we gave our attes tation to the necessity, not only of extending the Suffrage, but of purifying the abuses allowed to infect it by the concoctors of the Reform Bill. There remain only three points connected with the " mutual under standing and sincere co-operation" of Reformers un considered, and on which we are happy to be enabled to add some present remarks ; remuneration to Members ; no property qualification ; shortened Parliaments. While advocating remuneration to Members, as we did last year, on the occasion of a motion to that effect, we rested our vindication of it on two arguments—one of history, the other of fact—first, that it was the original practice of the Constitution, as proved by rolls of Par liament and Municipal records ; second, that it would prevent Parliamentary " truck and barter:;" traffic in influence ; an d a j a bbi ng d e p en d enc y o f - Members on the Ministry of the day. It is understood that with respect to the shortened duration of Parliaments and to the moneyed qualifications of Members, the two leading public men who have hitherto advocated these questions in Parliament, are determined this year to bring both questions to the issue of a division. We concur both in spirit and in letter with Sir William Molesworth's excellent motion, brought forward last year, for the abolition of moneyed qualifications for Members. That was going to the root of the evil ; and we still hope that he will not lose sight of the object, although be may not be enabled to carry expli citly the full amount of the reform which he proposes. The infliction of a moneyed qualification is contrary to the original spirit and letter of the Constitution. In early periods of history, representatives were sent to Parliament without the exaction of any moneyed qua lification—nay, whose sole pecuniary dependance was upon what they received from their constituents. The Constitution could in fact prescribe nothing else, inas much as Members of Parliament were considered as delegated attorneys, employing their time and abilities for their clients ; and, therefore, like every other' labourer, worthy of their hire. This is beyond a doubt the theory, frame, and design of the Constitution. The principle of a moneyed qualification was an innova tion introduced in the jobbing reign of George the First, and it is in utter discordance with the whole spirit of the British Constitution. We object to the qualifica tion on one emphatic ground. It is at variance with the social spirit of the times, which not Only demands for educated talent its proper weight in the manage ment of affairs (and Lord Brougham's splendid scheme of education justly meets that demand), but practically invests it (by means of the Press) with a power for good or evil, which was never equalled in its extent and in its influence by any soverei g nty which the material masses of a population, as well as their moral ten dencies and intellectual drift. We have only, in conclu sion, to remark that seven years have been lately and painfully proved to be too long a period for any Mem ber to be freed from responsibility to his constituents, by the circumstance of mauy individuals " ratting" from the Liberal principles by which they mounted to their Parliamentary seat. It is argued that the experience of the last seven years show? that Parliaments have been sufficiently shortened by repeated dissolutions. But times of agitation are an exception, and the regular Government of the country ought not to be left to the capricious chances of transitory excitements or critical occurrences. It is, moreover, granting a power capable of great abuse to weak or bad Ministers, enabling them to hold over the heads of unconvinced oppo nents the threatened expense of a dissolution. That Notes are won by such threat, or by the fear of its exertion, is quite clear, and it might be employed in a bad cause as well as a good one. It cannot be VENING EDITION. deemed an innovation of the Constitution, but rather a restoration, and that a moderate one, of the principles regulating the duration of Parliaments precious to the Septennial Act, in the reign of George the First. We have now gone through the " Five Pain ts" of the Chartists, and proved that there is (and has long been stated to be in this paper) a " common bond. of mutual understanding and sincere co-operation" of all classes of independent Reformers. Though a netv light has broken suddenly upon our Ministerial Contemporary— now that office is upon the point of receding from view —no new light has broken upon our views as to the peremptory necessity of conceding these popular claims, qualified—slightly modified—but not compromised, as Iwo of the five points alone are requisite to be. In conclusion, we shall briefly repeat the burden of many an appeal—that no Administration, either existing now or to come, will be enabled (unless it make up its mind to these just concessions to the peop!e) permanently to hold office, or, indeed, to maintain its footing amidst the daily advancing tides of popular enlightenment and the justly increasing claims of popular self appreciation. —Morning Advertiser. METROPOLITAN POLITICAL SUMMARY. The illonzing Chronicle of this day observes, in re ference to the late discussion in the Lords on the pre sent state of Ireland, and their Lordships' proposed Committee of Inquiry—" From information which has reached us, it appears that while 'the Earl of Roden was opening his budget against the Marquis of Normanby in the House of Lords, Lord Lorton wus making prepara tions for razing to the ground an entire village, in. order to turn its inhabitants wild upon Nature's conainon. The town of Ballinamuck is to be levelled forthwith as ao offering to domestic peace, in glorious contradistinction to the Marquis of Normanby's system .of tranquilliza tion. Doubtless, the Judices Selecti' who have taken upon themselves to decide between the two methods, will give an attentive consideration to each." For another of our Contemporary's leading articles, vide " Spirit of the Public Journals." The Timcscontains- a leadi ng ar ti c l e on t h e su bj ect of Lord J. Russell's notice of motion for the 15th of April, which will be found under the head of " Spirit of the Public Journals." Our Contemporary bas ano ther article on Sir F. Head's government of Canada, which is as peppery as it is uncaudid. The Morning Post has two lengthy leading articles, one on the subject of Mr. O'Connell's recent letter of agitation to Mr. Ray ; and the other on the present aspect of political parties. In this last our Contemporary remarks as follows :—" It is mere nonsense to talk of the Tories and the Radicals of the present day, as if they were the extreme parties in politics. There is now no other party deserting the name of political, save these two. They who are for upholding the Monarchy and the Church, and the fabric of Government built upon the combined influence of the two institutions —these are intelligible politicians, and form a party. They, on the other hand, who would suffer no more than the form and the shadow of these things to re main, and who would have substantial Government to rest in a delegation from the mass of the people—these also are intelligible, and form a party. But all the rest are—as respects the great political battle which is to be fought in this country—merely nothing." The Morning Herald, commenting on the question of the North American boundary line, says : .‘ With these views, and these feelings pervading the great mass of the inhabitants of the United States, a war between the United States and England is, we re peat, sooner or later, inevitable—unless averted by a policy on our parts very different from the present. The pretext for war may be connected with the boundary question, or with any other question which may happen at the time to possess a character of convenience, but the object of war on the part of the United States is the annexation of the Canadas to the federal union. War, then, at a moment suitable to the democratic body in the United States is inevitable—unless England shall assume such an attitude as may render the probable is sue of the contest very different from what it appears to be at the present moment." The Morning Advertiser, alluding to Lord J. Rus sell's notice of motion respecting Ireland for the 15th of April, says :—" The real state of the mutter then is this : either the Melbourne Administration must une quivocally disclaim, as a body, all participation in the avowed principles of Lord John Russell, and must give a specific pledge that the three great points already mentioned, on which all true Reformers are agreed, shall be immediately conceded, or they must quit the premises they now occupy in Downing-street, to make way for the Tories. It is for Ministers themselves to say whether they will make the above concessions to the popular will, or whether they will bid a long, aye, an eternal farewell to all their official greatness." For another of our Contemporary's articles, see " The Spirit of the Public Journals." IRELAND. DUBLIN, Mancri 20.—A meeting of the Precursor Society was held this day in the Corn Exchange Rooms, Counsellor GUTIIRIE in the Chair. The Secretary read the minutes of the last meeting and several communi cations. A number of members were admitted, amongst whom was the Right Rev. Dr. Murdock, Glasgow. Mr. O'CONNELL then rose, and having read a letter from the Rev. Horace Cholmondeley, Tunbridge Well's, requesting to be proposed a member of the Precursor Society, proceeded to say it had been his fortune to rise with feelings of anxiety and solicitude during the struggle for emancipation, but he never felt more soli citude than at present. The battle for freedom was was again to be fought in Ireland, and the question was. whether the management of Ireland was to be left to the friends of peace and justice, or to be committed to persons who from their intense bigotry were incapable of governing the country in a statesmanlike manner. As there was an union between the two countries, the p e ople of both countries should be placed on an equality, but such was not the case. He then alluded t o the amount of debt. due by the two countries at the Union, that of England being 427,000,0001., while that of Ire land was but 24,000,0001. Ireland had been sadiled with an equal portion of the combined amount ; "rat the Irish would never pay it except justice was done to the country.—(Cheers.) When he (Mr. O'Connell) brought forward his motion in the House of Commons for an equalization of rights, lie was opposed by the Conserva tives, and, alas the day ! by Lord Morpeth and the Government. He was also opposed by the Earl of Sur rey, Lord Fitzallan, and Howard of Carlisle--persons who would never have had seats in the House of Com mons, or been even Magistrates, were it not for the ex ertions of Irishmen in procuring emancipation. The re sult was that he was defeated. He did not mean to at tach blame to the English people, for they were n ot properly represented ; nothing could be more apparent than that, from the division on the Corn-law question. He (Mr. O'Connell) on that occasion voted according to his conscience, for he was anxious that the people should have cheap bread. He was sure those laws were, injurious to Ireland. He had looked into the subject in all its details ; the way to serve the country was by extending raanufnctures, and that never would be done while the Corn-laws were in existence. He had spoken of the English representatives ; it was his opinion that the English people would never be properly or ' fairly represented until they got Vote by Ballot ; he would aid them to obtain that to the utmost extent of his power. The Chartists, he was happy t o sat. were gone ; the effort made by them might be useful were it not for the frantic conduct of some o f the leaders. It was said in England, " Don't promote Precursor ;" but be (Mr. O'Connell) would be glad to know what could be alleged against the Precursors., The truth was, th e S oc i e t y h a d d one a good deal o f good, particularly in protecting the Elective Fran' chise. Before the passing of the Reform Bill the House of Lords might be said to govern the country, b u t he regretted to say that no other beneficial measures of Reform had followed. The Government of Earl Grey' instead of introducing other measures of Reform, se, t , on foot a pro secu ti on i n I re l an d . T he Reform/31'' tended to diminish the power of the House of P e ers. and if the Mi n i s t r y h a d h a d energy enough to a y e ' themselves of it, they would have been victorious ; be t ' unfortunately, they did not do so. The Learned Gen' t tleman next adv er t e d t o th e l ate d e b ate i n the House 0) Peers, and animadverted in strong language on the COT_ duct of Lo r d B roug h am . H owever ( he said) the b a ttl between the two Houses was shortly to be fought, I f he came to know what part Ireland would take in it. they succeeded th ey wou ld see k anot h er collis i on that would render th e success comp l ete . H e came to rally the Irish people. He would desire that on next Suee e 4, week there should be simultaneous meetings in every part of Ireland to address the Queen and petition ,hey House of Commons. — (Tremendous cheering.) I' 4oo should use every exertion to keep the Orange fee out of power. He therefore called on everyAyis, ll ' - t he that was not looking fora place or a pension, to joi n of Precursor Society. He did not want the other classtdd gentlemen to j o i n th em. On Sunday week they shoul d have meeti ngs i n every parish in Dublin ; and he e t he take care to attend them all. In agitation he hati vey faculty of a bird, in being in two places at once• thel should a l so a dd ress the Queen, and tell her thetl. the were as loyal su bj ects as any in the empire ; and ; boul d i , Governme nt meant to strengthen the throne, sddress have Ir e l an d at t h e i r side. He should rea d ae aews the pe o pl e , w hi c h h e would have published in th e paper s , an d circulated, and he would call upon o° here pie t o p et i t i on the House of Commons to sav e an then from the O range f act i on . Th e L earne d Gentl t er re ferred read the address, and moved that it should *, to a committee for consideration. • con - Mr. SIIEA LALOR rose to second them to 11 1 311°1,1 #,, ceiving the address one eminently calcula ted , inten tion the present Ministry ; but it was also his argil. give notice of two motions which, unless_ e tre4 e b ree d t OtlOnt ment should be used to change his mind, b , u de d a ring The first Wils in effect' • te d the necessary to carry. PPe' n that the Ministry had in many things disa, ica wo re . r expectations of the people in the position ti i n their upon upon many questions—for instance, for the eg o . e opposition to Mr. O'Connell's m otion for he tion of the franchise in the two countries.