The Sun. — London, England, 1836-02-17 00:00:00

i written declaration stated that he would go as far as I would for the good of Ireland. That declaration contained nothing but an unequivocal abhorrence of the principles of a Tory A dministration, and an unequivocal adherence to a Liberal A dministration. I put it to the House and to the country, where I was in the slightest degree criminal in adopting that M an ?---(Cheers.) Had he been in this House at this moment, is there any man to reproach him ? Why, he was in this House, and was met by every gentleman as an equal, and was treated by them upon full terms of equality ; and I want to know whether an English merchant who has acquired pro perty in trade is not to be treated on the footing of a gen tleman ? Why, is not that how all large properties are realized ? Is trade any disparagement ?—( Hear, hear.) Well, Mr. Raphael set up to represent a county. Ile was a mem ber also, it seems, of Brookes's Club.—( A laugh.) He had gone through that ordeal ; and therefore I do laugh to scorn all those who say I did wrong to support him as a candidate for the county of Carlow. I do candidly admit that I did not do it till I had exhausted Ireland. There was a family in Ireland with whom I was at personal warfare at the time. But I forgot my resentment. I said to one of that respectable fa mily, I think some of your relations have treated me ill—but I don't care one farthing about that ; stand for Carlow, and I willgo with you from door to door to secure your return. He decli ne d ; an d t h en, as a l ast resort, I a d opte d an Eng lishman under those professions which I have already stated. And that is my situation.—( Loud cheers.) Now, whatever turpitude is attached to that, let it be so ! Let the Hon. and Lear ne d M em b er f or B ra df or d say i n w h at h e was M r . naphaers superior at the period ? What I was he not once Member for Carlow ? And I ask this fearlessly, at that period, What was there about Mr. Raphael that made him in any de gree the inferior of the Hon. and Learned Member for Brad. ford ?—( Cheers.) Nothing—nothing at all.--( Cheers.) He have'would 'tis true, have voted the same way with me ; but should I recommended him or any man if he would not ?—( Hear, he ar.) His principles were known. He had written them, and put them in print. I am quite sure that if he had gone from that pledge he would have heard of it both here and else where. Therefore, on this part of the case—the personal part sssl stand upon these facts. Let any gentleman put his hand to his heart, and say, notwithstanding I have been the stock in trade to nine-tenths of those I see before me.—(oh, oh.) What 1 no ! Had you a dinner—had you a public meeting at Which I was not your stock in trade ?—( Cheers.) Who was Your constant theme ? It was not the Hon. and Learned Member for Bradford. And yet, when I recollect what oc curred between him and m e—we happened to be in the Temple t ogether —when I met him afterwards I confess the recollec tions of early youth came over me, and I regarded him with feelings of personal friendship—l greeted him as one of my earliest acquaintances with a warmth of heart which he affected to return.—( Oh.) Yes, I will do him the justice to say he affected. —( Cheers.) What did I hear next ? Why that he had got some persons to give him a dinner at Leeds before this Raphael affair happened at all. .4r. BAINES—Not at Leeds. Mr. O'CONNELL—Oh I well perhaps I read it in the -Leeds Mercury. (A laugh.) I suppose it was the Honour able and Learned Gentleman's own, but I wont call it by that familiar and savoury name. ( A laugh.) But what was my surprise to find that the man whom I had treated with the w artntth of friendship—( Oh, oh !)—well, I don't care—( Oh, s I )—what was my astonishment to read a speech he made there, in which he alluded to the religion I respect, and treated t in the l owes t t erms th a t could possibly be used ? (Hear, hear.) Not only was there a spirit of fanaticism running th rough that speech, but there was a most gross personal at tack upon myself. I have the newspaper and can produce it, c ontaining the speech, stating that all my politics were mer cenary. I read it, and marked it at Brookes's three or four da ys ago. (Hear, hear, hear, and a laugh.) I put it to him Whether in assisting Mr. Raphael in the county of Carlow tinder the circumstances stated, I did anything unbecoming the station that I bear towards the Irish people, and the station I bear as a gentleman ? By birth, by education, and in every thing, but in one unfortunate event (and for which let me suffe r the taunts of the world for avoiding its recurrence), I am his equal; and even when I say that I bow to the House —but I ask how I have degraded myself in the slightest de gree from that station ? What have I done inconsistently wi th my station to the people of England or to the people of Ireland, in bringing forward Mr. Alexander Raphael to the consideration of the Irish constituency. (Loud cheers.) So much as to my p ersona l corru pti o n, as it is called. Am I to blame in endeavouring to get two votes on this side of the House? (Cheers.) Am Ito blame in wishing to throw out the Present Members for the county of Carlow ? ( Cheers.) Of one of them I say nothing; but the other I hope will come before t his committee, where the facts can be inquired into, and Where he must either clear his character from the most hor rible imputations, or the Committee must place him in that s ituation in which he ought to be placed if he be guilty of What is publicly charged against him.—(Hear, hear.) I only demand i nqu i r y a t the same time, stating distinctly that I have not the least fear of producing a list of evidence which will d( rnonstrate the truth of those c har g es.— ( Question, from Mr. S car l ett .) I am obliged to the Hon. and Learned ,Member who cries question. I put to the House whether I nave not—though at some length—confined myself to the Arst question—personal corruption. I now come to the pe cuniary corruption. I don't want a pigmy or a giant to acquit me of that charge. There is not a man in or out of this House who does not feel that I am totally free from the slightest taint.—( Hear, hear.) I defy calumny. I defy the charges of those who read selected letters, and rest their charge upon particular passages. The Hon. and Learned Member for Bradford says he never heard of one man under taking for another. Why, surely he has not forgot his pro fessional mind ? The very word used—" guarantee ot "—is the very word whi c h one man uses to answer for her. What are the facts ? D ur i ng the Election Committee Mr. Raphael was in constant communication with Mr. Vigors and with the county of Carlow. He had written me a letter without announcing to me that he had written to Carlow. He happened to be present with Mr. Vigors at the Zoolo gical Society in Regent -street. A messenger arrived to announce that the Committee had declared the election void. Mr. Raphael instantly said to Mr. Vigors, " I am Your man."—( Hear, hear.) They talked of terms. Mr. Vigors stated that it was absolutely necessary that funds should • be furnished to meet the legal expenses of the election ; for, said he, " I am now exhausted." Mr. Raphael spoke as to the amount. He thought 2,0001. a large sum. Vigors then said that he must be off to Ireland, and asked whether Mr. Raphael could not name a mutual friend to conduct the transaction. Raphael named me.—(Tremendous cheering.) Now mark— I tell the House that I will prove that distinctly. I had it from Mr. Vigors's lips ; Mr. Vigors has written it, and I only im- Plore the House to carry this with them, that throughout this ti ssue of slanders by the Standard, the Times, and of ev er y b ody else, Mr. Vigors's conduct has not been impeached- by a ny human being, as to his integrity and honour as a man and a g e ntleman.—(Loud cheers.) Now, what was the strongest Point which could be attacked, if those newspaper§ could have t arnished the character of Mr. Vigors, when he came for ward with that most unequivocal declaration contained in his setter to me, and I now ask the Honourable and Learned Member for Bradford how he could avoid noticing that de , V ar ation ?—( Cheers.) The very moment Mr. Raphael pub 55hed_ his l e t ter , M r . Vi gors s t a t e d th a t I p a id eve ry farthing 10 oaim. What was the meaning for suppressing that fact ? r eat cheeri ng .) Th e H onoura bl e an d L earne d Member h~h i , ll radford was a recorder for a time. What an admirable uge he must have made, if, having heard one part of the case, ,; l eft out all the rest I am ready, before an honest House a C om mons, to enter into a full inquiry ; but to decide upon _ question wh ere you h ave t a k en on ly one part o f t h e case , !sill say an totally om i tte d a ll t h at has beets said on the other side—l it is not English.—( Cheers.) It is un-English to the l_ast degre e . — ( Ch eers.) I k now i t i s sa id o f t h e contests in my country t h at every b o d y w h o comes to ta k e a p art i s wait ng to see which is the weaker and which the stronger party, end side by the stronger; but in England, when two persons atr found fighti ng i n t h e street , every body comes up to see si Play. I admit that there is that distinction. But the all ". and Learned M e mber for Bradford, although knowing the facts well, yet had suppressed every fact that told in my Cheers I h ear d f rom t h ose b enc h es ( t h e Opp os iti on ) w hen the 00 . and Learned Member made his statement ? Are there more Englishmen there than the Hon. and Learned Member f or Bradford ? Englishism is banished.—(Oh, oh.) I like tfhat groan ; it well becomes the Hon. and Learned Member or Z o nwich—(Cheers)—ay, from the Member for Norwich. ( T r emendous cheers.) e h an A.lr•, chair.) h a s SPEAKER—If the Hon. and Learned Gentleman for n aY observations to make, he will have. the opportunity making them when the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin sits down. (Ord S CARLETT—Sir, I beg to say that I did not The r, orde r s c h a i r, cha i r.) I thin SP AKER—Does the Hon. Member rise to order ? ga k he is speaking merely because he considers himself to ve been personally alluded to. If so, he will have an kPportunity to m a k e hi s o b servat i ons w h e n the Hon. and earned Member has sat down. M r. SCA RL gIT—I rise to order, Sir. It was, however, tn Y intention to preface what I had to say by declaring that I Chuot give any groan nor any exclamation at all.—( Order ! ri) L C T e l le SPEAKER—The Hon. Member is quite aware that ~rnnot rise for the purpose of making any observation. % a l ai • SCARLETT—I assure you, Sir—( Order, order (c ha r s chair !). I hope I may be believed when I say— ! Order Order 1) The question is this—l wish to state — Or der, order I) The SPEAKER —M r . O'C onnell. . O'CONNELL—I am sorry I have given the Hon. ,% -s entleman so muc h —l am sincerely sorry I mistook him. ;IKlowever I did not mistake him in calling " Question" a while !° e ; Well, Sir, I h ave stated that part of the case that re to pecuniary to pecuniary corruption. N ow I b eg to rem i n d t h e z souse, that at the period in which the question arose as to the amount to be given by Mr. Raphael towards the expenses, co unsel were ret a i ne d by th e rejected Members for another Petition. A n d h ere I h ave to complain of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bradford, who, in putting this case of Pecuniary corruption, did not tell th e H ouse bow Mr Ra- Paitel's sh are of the expenses was paid. H e could not have contest in a county in Ireland for five days, nor even the a ppearance of a c on t es t, w ith ou t i ncurr i ng expenses. Is not that manifest ?—(Loud cheers.) Was any one ever engaged i n a contested election who had not money to ply for legal and legitimate expenses ?—( Hear, hear.) . Iy . o r w, when I stated to the House the conversation between M • Raphael and Mr. Vigors on the 28th of May, I also stated (and I am ready to prove it), that my name as the dep os i tory of the money was first mentioned by Mr. Ra phael. Mr. Vigors then came to me, and stated that it was possibl e f or h i m to go to the contest with a less sum than two thousand pounds. My answer was, that it was not likely two thousand pounds would be given for the mere chance of being returned; but that if he could get one thousand pounds to be joined with money of his own to pay the expences of the contest, then he would be entitled to be re-imbursed any extra expences which the contest might lawfully put him to ; and if there was any surplus remaining over, there were the widows and orphans of those who bad fallen victims to the merciless conduct of the landlords, and whose wailings and screams were in vain assailing the ears of their oppressors for bread to keep them from starving.—(Oh, and loud cheers.) But as to a petition against the return, there was no doubt there would be one, because Mr. Austin had already been re tained by the unseated Members ; so that tkey must have a contest, or a show of a contest, in order to have afterwards a petition. Well, Sir, there was a contest, and there was a petition. Is there any evidence of the slightest allegation that. I was to get one penny of the 2,0001. for myself? Where is the allegation ? I challenge the Honourable and Learned Member to read that allegation. Has Mr. Raphael made it ? He has not.—(Cheers.) He has said directly the reverse. In ono of my letters I said—" Return me this letter, as it vouches 8001. for me." But where has the Honourable and Learned Member found the allegation ? He has not made it, I do him the justice to say he has not made it. The party by whom he is supported shouted him on to make it—but he has not ; and here I defy any man to make it, who reads the documents that have been published.—( Loud and continued cheers.) Mr. Vigors remained in London during the Satur day after the decision of the Committee, to see whether I could arrange between Raphael and him. The Carlow men also re mained till Saturday, to see if an arrangement could be made between Raphael and Vigors. On Sunday it was imperative on Mr. Vigors to be off to Ireland. On Sunday, the 31st of May, Mr. Raphael, after declining to see me on the Saturday, saw me ; and on that day he agreed to give for the legal ex penses of the election 1,000/. ; and to give, the moment he was returded, another 1,000/. ; and the only question which the House has to ask is, whether these two sums have been given for a legal or an illegal purpose?—( Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman has not this night ventured to say that they were given for either purpose; but by supposing cases, he says that these things may be turned into improper uses. What may not be turned into improper uses?—(Cheers.) But I want to know what sort of a Recorder the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would be, if, instead of trying the case before him, he tried a fictitious case—an imaginary one—not before him? What the Hon. and Learned Gentleman might have paid at Pontefract for legal or illegal expenses cannot be ascertained. But it is not because money is paid that bribery is committed. There are legal expenses at elections ; but under the pretence of paying legal expenses, illegal ones are often paid ; hence bribery and corruption are often included under the pretence of paying legal expenses. Indeed all bribery is committed under this pretence. Nobody says boldly and at once—" I will bribe !" But to judge by what might happen is nothing—it is absurd. It is not only ungenerous—that is not the word—it is infinitely harder ; yet this is the species of calumny with which they come out upon me, and make a charge against me—not because anything has happened, but because something might happen —( Cheers.) I may be asked, why did I agree that Mr. Raphael should pay the specific sum of 2,000/. My answer is, be cause that was the wish of Mr. Raphael himself. He told me he had stood for Leeds and Pontefract, and had paid on both occasions more money than he was told he would have to pay ! And when did any Hon. Member on the other side ever enter into a contested election who had not more to pay than he was told he should have to pay ?—(Cheers.) Under these circumstances Mr. Vigors was satisfied that the liability of Mr. Raphael should be limited ; and it was limited. He indeed lodged 4,5001. with a Mr. Poole, in Salisbury-street, Strand. But the particulars of that transaction are gone out of my mind. However, the stipulation made by me for Vigors was that Raphael's expenditure should be limited to a specific sum. Now, I put this question to the House ? Am I one shilling the better for all this ?—( Cheers.) Nay more—did I retain one shilling of the money a moment be yond the time it was called for? The day after the con versation between Raphael and Vigors, the latter left Lon don for Ireland. That was on the 31st of May. On the 4th of June I received a letter from him, which I communi cated to Mr. Raphael, with his details of the election pro ceedings. But was I to get one shilling of the money ? Whose money was it? I sent 5001. by a check, and 300/. by a draft, to Mr. Vigors, in Ireland, before I was asked for it ; and the only delay I ever made in the payment of it was when a gentleman, an agent, asked me at seven o'clock in the evening, at the door of this - House, to pay him the balance due to him, I told him that if he would comp to me in the morning, at eight o'clock, he should have the money. He came, and I gave him the money, and by mis take I gave him fifteen pounds over the money that ever came into my hands from Raphael.—( Hear, hear.) Oh 1 if after this any man says I was to get the money, let him state it.— (Cheers.) Let it not be insinuated, but let it be said.— (Cheers.) And let that man say it at his risk, that I was .to get one penny of it ; that I was to be tarnished, as the peti tion from Bath says, with one farthing of it.—(Loud cheers.) Never was a poorer, or a more unfounded insinuation. I want no Committee on this point. Can any man show me an alle gation even that I had any part of this money ? Raphael was disappointed. He is my enemy ; I ant not his friend, certainly. He has given utterance to many—many foul falsehoods. I have stated that already, and I repeat it here ; but I defy him—l call upon him—l taunt him with his inabi lity to state that which he has never yet stated—namely, that I ever received, or was promised one penny of this money.— ( Cheers.) And, oh 1 is it not cruel that I should be de fending myself, then, from insinuation ?—( Cheers.) I put it to the mind of every honest and honourable gentleman, whether any thing can be more cruel than that accusation which is not embodied enough to be boldly asserted by any body, which nobody dares to utter, but which the base ness of party induces a man more basely to insinuate ? ( Cheers.) Now, Sir, behold, I was not to get any of this money, when it was originally placed in my hands; did I keep a penny of it ?—did I detain a farthing of it ? Did I ? Have you not the evidence of Mr. Vigors, who states that I gave him every penny ? And this evidence is to be overlooked—this evidence is to be kept out of sight—and I am to be arraigned before this House in good set and round terms, and beautiful impromptus are to be made, excellent jests retailed, and even Scriptures to be quoted against me. I did not get one penny of the money.—( Opposition cheers.) Yes : who dares to say I did ?—( Cheers.) Nobody ! Who says „I did not have, and was not to have, one penny of it ? The un impeached and unimpeachable Mr. Vigors—Mr. Vigors, the man whom nobody deprecates—the man whom every one ad mits to be among the most respectable gentlemen in the com munity. I defy party spirit, even in Carlow—even in Carlow, where it runs in the kennels, to bring one single charge, or solitary accusation, against the character of Mr. Vigors. I feel on this occasion, as it is natural I should, after the loads of calumny which have been cast upon me—the obloquy and slander that have been heaped upon me—the ingenuity which has been used to pervert every fact and circumstance against me. I appeal to every honourable man who hears me, and the mind of every honourable man will readily furnish an ex cuse for my dwelling on this part of the subject. I was not, I say again, to get one penny of the money ; I did not get one penny of it ; I would rather die ten thousand deaths than have any man state, with the slightest colour or appearance of foundation—though no man has done so yet—that I was to get one penny of the money, or that any man should have the least colour for stating that I did actually get one penny of it for myself. Having been the agent between the county of Carlow electors and Mr. Vigors, and this sum of 2,000/. having been obtained, the House has a right to inquire whe ther it was employed by any individual in furtherance of any bribery or corruption, or for any improper purpose. Now who is the man who says it was? Who is it, who says it was? Who is it who does not know what it really was for ? Mr. Vigors has stated in his petition that he got the money, that he is responsible to the House for its expenditure, and that he is ready to show how he spent it. And what does the Hon. Member for Bradford do ? Leaves out Mr. Vigors's evidence and the application of the money altogether.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Bradford has the resolution—l will call it by no harder name—to propose to this House a motion for an inquiry, from which the question of the application of the money shall be altogether excluded. Good God ! was ever anything heard so outrageous ! What do I want? Full, fair, and impartial inquiry into the application of every penny of that money.—(Hear, hear, from Mr. Hardy.) I thank hint for that; why did he not put it in his resolution? Ile cries " Hear, hear" now, but it would have been better, for the accommodation of his conscience,` had he included it in the resolution he originally proposed.—( Cheers.) The elec tion commenced somewhere about the 18th of July ; there were five days' polling, and one day's nomination ; there were three booths in the county, and the deputies and officers of those three booths. The full sum for all this expense that Mr. Vigors had to account for is 1,000/. Is there any man in this House who doubts that 1,0001. was actually spent in defraying these expenses ?—( Continued cheers.) Well, then, a petition comes on, another 1,0001. is advanced. Does any man doubt the extent of the demands on that 1,000/. ?—(Cheers.) What is Mr. Raphael's case ? Mr. Raphael's case is—and this is the only point I would wish to have left to arbitration—the only one I would leave to the ar bitration of any gentleman of any party in this House—Mr. Raphael's case is, whether by the guarantee I gave to Mr. Vi gors, he was bound to go on with the petition at his own ex pense, after the 1,0001. was expended. The question arose ; Mr. Vigors decided it against himself; and then Mr. Raphael against my advice and Mr. Vigors's entreaty, changed the so licitor, appointed a solicitor of his own, and went on for seven or eight days in a hopeless controversy before the Committee. Why do I state that? To meet the case of Mr. Raphael out of the House, for in the House his case is, that the entire 9,000/. was expended, and that he expended more besides, in legal expenses. I have trespassed at considerable length upon the House, but it was my duty and my right.—( Cheers.) Now let me sum up. As to the personal corruption—a point upon which the Hon. Member for Bradford made a digression to the Monboddo tails, and the impromptu which called forth the im passioned and vehement cheerings of the Hon. Gentlemen op posite—as to the personal corruption in procuring and assisting Mr. Raphael to sit for the county of Carlow, I am perfectly free from censure, or'from blame, or from the reprobation of Par liament. As to the 2,0001. pecuniary corruption, if the Hon. Member for Bradford had been allowed to go on, according to his own opinions, I should not have beard of it at all ; he has, however, made that charge, but even to-night he has not dis tinctly persevered in it ; and even if he had, it is refuted not only document in the cas e . H e talks of possibilities by the pet petition, i o h n o , w b e u v t er by ; eery andrhaving defeated him on the realities , of the case, I will now meet him on the possibilities. The Honourable and Learned Member says this money might have been applied to certain purposes. Might ! He must take the circumstances of the case. Was there not abundant room for expenditure in the situation in which the people in the county of Carlow were placed, and in the distresses of the po o r ? And am I to be shut out from proving the reality of that expenditure, and the magnitude of that distress, in order to show the utter impossibility of one penny less being spent 'by any body ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Now, Sir, I come back again—after I have been hunted through the newspapers for six months, after I have been the subject of eery Tory meeting, every Tory dinner, and every election thhas taken place, I ask the House whether it is not unbecoming a man to give the slightest countenance to charges of this kind, when all I ask is, a full, complete, fair, and fundamental in quiry ?—( Cheers.) I then mean to ask more. Let that in quiry be made by fair and honourable men. I say by fair and honourable men ; for men who are fair and honourable for other purposes, are not so when they have political or per sonal interests of their own involved. I see before me not judges, but accusers—(Cheers) —not jurors but partisans, not arbitrators but persons interested, humble as I am, in putting me down.—(Loud cheers.) It may be vanity in me to sup pose so, but can I avoid that vanity when I read the news papers for the last six months, although I see the men wli,) condemn me behind my back sitting opposite congregated to gether, and disclaiming any intention to pack the committee against me ? Now, I will not be put down by an attempt to pack the committee. I will not submit to it. There has been a committee agreed upon, I am told, and that arrangement has been broken off. All my life I have been battling—and one of the misfortunes of Ireland is, that all my life I have been battling against faction—gamblers with the loaded dice, who have the game in their own hands. Am Ito submit to a Committee of this description ? Oh, I entreat you, honourable English Gentlemen, who may be led away by partyl regret that I cannot carry the adjuration further than England and Scot land—l call upon honourable Englishmen and Scotchmen to protect me against a packed jury—a packed jury determined not to try, but to convict me.—( Cheers.) As to my accuser himself, I have no objection to his being my accuser, but I have the strongest objection, from the manner in which he has treated me, to his being one of my judges. Yes, I have, and it was on this account that I alluded awhile ago to O'Sullivan. The Hon. Gentleman was one of those who made that attack on the Catholics of Ireland, on which they were shut out from any defence, unless, indeed, they sent over to Ireland to the Catholic Bishops for authority. Now when I know this, when I hear the Hon. Gentleman's speech, when I see him com ing forward under pretence of neutrality, and attacking me, and when I see acts acts of injustice, reiterated in his place, and repeated at a dinner at Bradford, I own I would rather be tried by a certain black gentleman who holds his court in a certain warm region, than I would by the Hon. Member for Bradford.—( Hear, and a laugh.) No, I am before the English people, and to them I appeal. I am the enemy of every corrup tion; I am for searching through and exterminating it. But let us not have the mockery of a single case. I call upon you now to act ; the time is come--the Parliament is reformed—the bene fits of the Reform Bill can be lost only by corruption. Let us go into a full inquiry of the moneys expended by the Reform As sociation on the one hand and theCarltonClub on the other. (Cheers, and a cry of " Oh !" from the Opposition Benches.) Why the people of England are entitled to it. I want it for them. Let me have the happiness of exposing this to the people of England, which I state to be the fact—that at the last general election corruption and bribery reached to a height before unparalleled and unknown. Men both in the law and the army were sent to every accessible place, and money in Treasury franks was received to carry on the war. The old freemen were engaged again for the purpose of supporting men—there happened to be such candidates, but not returned —who had not one single qualification of legislators or states men, and who did not possess either the public or private cha racter which would have warranted their return to this House. Let us have these things inquired into. Why talk to me of the mote in my eye, when the beam is in your own ? Meet me firmly and fairly. Give me a committee, and let me have the evidence printed and laid before the people of England. Give me the committee, and I will put a notice on the paper before we leave the House to-night, of my intention to move for leave to bring in a Bill—mark this, assist me to pass it—to indem nify all the witnesses except myself, who shall give evidence before any committee of this House of Commons, from all suits, actions, and indictments, by reason of anything con tained in their evidence. The Honourable and Learned Member for Bradford, now so anxious on this motion, was one of the lawyers who were the most anxious of any in the House to prevent people committing themselves in the Great Yarmouth case. "Do not criminate yourself," said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman to every witness. Why , should not a man criminate himself ? It is useful to cri minals, but it is useless for the purposes of justice. If it be an English privilege, have the benefit of it for indemnity, but not for absurdity.--( Opposition cheers.) I challenge you all, cheerers of the Hon. Member for Bradford there, if you are as pure as you insinuate by that cheer, to come with me to the ordeal, join with me in the Bill of which I have just ex pressed my intention of giving notice ; let every man be in demnified for every thing connected with his disclosures before a Committee of this House, and then make it punishable as a misdemeanour to make a wilful or corrupt statement before any such tribunal. At present it is no offence at all in civil law ; make it an offence, and join with me in this Bill. I will detain the House no longer. I feel that I have subjected myself to the accusation of having improperly supported Mr. Raphael : thus have I defended myself against the charge-- not the charge, but the base insinuation—that I have one farthing of pecuniary corruption to defend. lam already ac quitted by the verdict of the English people, and I am sure to be by this House.—( Loud cheers.) The question was then put. Mr. WALTER was relieved from the necessit: of replying to the attacks which had been made against him by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman by the fact of their being utterly groundless, and equally destitute of proof or foundation: He was much better satisfied, however, with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's attacks against him in that House, than he was with his abuse out of it, because in the one case he had an op portunity of replying to his scandalous insinuations, while in the other they were made with perfect safety, and with secu rity from contradiction or reply. He would only pause on this point, first, to say that he treated the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman's menaces with the contempt they deserved; and, se condly, to inquire why he had not made the exposure of him ( Mr. Walter) which he had so loudly threatened ? What had his (Mr. Walter's) election expenses, in 1832, to do with the subject before the House ? The Hon. and Learned Gentle man appeared to have received the money in question in a manner in which lie ought not to have received it—( No, and cheers)—and now, by way of defence against so heavy a charge, he came forward and accused him (Mr. Walter) with 'ex pending money at his own election four years ago. He would not detain the House further on such contradictory absurdi ties. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman did not pretend to say that he (Mr. Walter) had ever endeavoured to seduce his virtuous innocence.—( Opposition cheers and laughter.) He did not, therefore, see what right he had to bring a charge against him on a subject of which he knew nothing whatever, and of which whatever he had known or had stated was totally devoid of truth. Whatever he (Mr. Walter) expended, had come out of his own pocket. —( A laugh.) He had extorted nothing from the poor and needy. He sat in that House, free and unembarrassed, to support his opinion, and give his vote in the manner his conscience dic tated. The object of his contest was to give efficient effect to the Reform Bill, which prohibited any traffic in seats in that H ou s e . The object of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, he should contend, if the present charge were substantiated, was to impair it. Which of the two should be carried into effect the ultimate decision of the House would show. He hoped, at all events, that after they had destroyed the English bo roughmongers in detail, they would not suffer a wholesale dealer (as the Hon. and Learned Member for Bradford had so well said) in Ireland.--( Hear, hear.) Mr. WA S ON, after complaining of a private conversation between himself and the Hon. Member for Bradford having been made public by the latter gentleman, said that he treated the present motion with becoming contempt. It was a party question out of the House, and he was free to express his be- lief that it was ala ty question in it.—(Hear, hear.) He had given notice of a motion requiring the evidence to be taken at the Bar of the House, because he thought it impos sible that a Select Committee could be appointed in whom the public would repose confidence. If the majority of its Mem bers were from the other side of the House, the people would be suspicious, and if they were selected from those (the Ministerial) benches, the Tory papers would declare that the Committee was a packed one. It was only last night that the Standard newspaper, in allusion to the present proceed ing, contained the following passage :—" We must once again warn the public to look steadily to the committee to be ap pointed on Mr. O'Connell's case to-morrow night. Nothing but the artful packing of the tribunal of first instance, can, we are persuaded, save Mr. O'Connell from the consequences of a full exposure of conduct, the slightest penalty of which, if the prima facie evidence is to be trusted, must be his and his son John's expulsion from the House of Commons." When he found such charges made by one of the most respectable, if not the most respectable of the Tory organs, lie had thought it his duty to suggest a mode of proceeding on that charge which would afford the public an opportunity de die in diem of watch ing the progress of the case. On the only charge which af fected his character, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had been tried by an adverse judge, and that adverse judge had most expressly given publicity to his opinion of the Learned Gentle man's innocence. The expression of opinion to which he alluded was to be found in Sir Francis Burdett's celebrated letter to the members of Brookes's. The object of that letter was to procuro the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's expulsion from the club. Could it be supposed that such a man as Sir Francis Burdett would have descended to the mean and petty charge of merely using violent language, if he bad for a moment supposed that any portion of this money had been applied to an improper purpose, or withheld by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ? ( Hear, hear.) He believed there was no Parliamentary ground for this inquiry; but as the Hon. and Learned Mem ber for Dublin had himself demanded it, he thought he was entitled to it. If the Hon. and Learned Member had been guilty of any practical corruption, the Statute-book provided an effectual remedy. An information ought to have been laid, and penalties recovered against him. No such informa tion had been laid. There were lawyers of great ability and reputation on the other side of the House, but not one of them bad even expressed his belief that such information could be laid against the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. He thought there was no lawyer in that House who would state upon h►s priessional reputation that either the letter or spirit of the Statute had been violated by the lion. and Learned Gentle man. There was one strange anomaly in the present pro eeeding--it was not intended to have one tittle of evidence laid before the committee with which the public were not already fully acquainted. He consented to enter into com mittee only for the purpose of hearing the testimony of Mr. Vigors—of hearing exactly in detail the manner in which the money had been expended, and of ascertaining whether the statements contained in the petition of Mr. Vigors were, or were not, well founded. Mr. WA (MURTON did not consider the resolution before :he House of a nature which, when referred to a committee, would give the Hon. and Learned Gentleman a complete op portunity of a full investigation. The Hon. and Learned Member for Bradford proposed to give no opportunity what- THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1836 ever to the committee to inquire how the money alleged to have been received by Mr. O'Connell had been expended. The Hon. and Learned Member for Bradford had himself in sinuated that the money might have been expended for corrupt purposes, and yet he proposed a resolution which did not give the Hon. and Learned Member an opportunity of exculpating himself from that insinuation.—( Hear, hear.) It was there fore his intention to propose the addition of the following words to the terms of the resolution :—" And the application of the monies said to have been received, and the circum stances under which they were received and expended." The amendment was then put. Mr. HARDY had asked for a full and fair investigation of the whole of the transactions, which he should scarcely think could take place without the application of the money forming part of the inquiry, and consequently a part of the subject matter of defence on behalf of the party charged. There was another point, namely, whether it was necessary to expend the money at all in election expenses. He called the attention of the House to the bargain which had been made, and he wished to refer it to a committee to say what that bargain was. Whether it did or did not relate to expenses over which the parties had no control, it was not for him to say. He did not wish the amendment to be made upon:his authority alone, but lie was ready to agree to it if it were the pleasure of the House. Mr. HUME—Nothing could be fairer than the tone of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, only he had spoken as if the bargain had been made between the Hon. and Learned Mem ber for Dublin and Mr. Raphael. This was not the case.— ( Hear.) The point had been clearly stated, and, so far as he understood the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, it had been clearly proved that the bargain was in fact made between Mr. Vigors and Mr. Raphael.—( Hear.) Mr. CHARLES WYNN—The allegation that this was not an agreement between the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin and Mr. Raphael was a different question, which came, of course, within the limits of the inquiry. The object of the appointment of the Committee being to determine, whether there was a negociation and agreement between the Hon. and Learned Gentleman and Mr Raphael, touching the return of the latter to that House, he saw no objection to the proposed amendment ; but at the same time he thought it wholly unne cessary, because the Committee, acting on the very terms of their appointment, would naturally inquire into the application of the money, in order to throw a light on the nature of the agreement. There could be no doubt that it must have formed part of the res yestce of the case. The application of the money was by no means conclusive, but he saw no objec tion to entering into that part of the case, although h e w i s h e d to preVent the inquiry from being extended to an interminable length. Mr. SCARLETT said, amidst loud cries of " Oh," and " Question," that he should support the motion for a Select Committee, though not on the ground of any personal corrup tion on the part of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. Fur his part he could see no difference between the present case and that of a patron of Parliamentary boroughs. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had undertaken to re turn Mr. Raphael to serve in Parliament in consideration of —what ?—of 2,0001. Why, what was the object, or one of the principal objects, of the Reform Bill ? Was it not to do away with the very power that it was admitted, was exercised in this case ? He (Mr. Scarlett) had been friendly to reform on this ground.—(Laughter.) Oh, yes ! he had advocated a little reform—(Loud laughter)—which he thought was ne cessary, if only to do away with such abuses as the present. There was an ancient political maxim—" To whomever you give the rower, to that quarter will flow the property." To such an extent did it appear that the " power" was now given, that, instead of boroughs, there were whole counties disposed of. He was most anxious for the appointment of a committee of Members of that House whose impartiality could not be called into question, but he was decidedly opposed to the amendment of the Hon. Member for Bridport, which would, in effect, admit before that Committee evidence upon those multifarious topics suggested in the speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. He trusted the House would not adopt the words of the amendment, but adhere to the ori ginal resolution. - Lord SANDON wished to know precisely what was the meaning attached to the words of the amendment. Was it in tended by that amendment that the Committee should inquire into all the circumstances connected with the Carlow election ? Was it intended that, under the cloak of investigating the pre sent charge, the Committee were to go through all the matter that ought properly to be submitted to the adjudication of an election Committee ? If such were the intention of the Hon. Member who moved that amendment, it was his (Lord Sandon's) opinion that the House could not pos sibly agree to it. It was only right that the House should know precisely what it was upon which the Committee was about to decide.— (Hear, hear.) It surely could not be in tended that they were to inquire into the grievances of the "widows and orphans." If such things as were described by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had really taken place, it would be the duty of that House—a duty from which he felt assured they would not shrink—to investigate them fully and fairly. But it was not at this moment that such an investigation should be entered upon, nor should two ques tions, sepa rate and distinct in their nature, be allowed to be mixed up together. Mr. W ARBU RTON had no hesitation in stating, for the satisfaction of the Noble Lord and of the House, the extent to which he proposed the inquiry should go. The Committee should inquire what was the actual application of the funds paid by Mr. Raphael through Mr. O'Connell's hands.—( Hear, hear.) If it were stated that such a sum of money were paid to such a family to indemnify them for injuries sustained, in consequence of having pursued a certain course at the elec tion, it would be within the scope of the duty of the Com mittee to inquire into the circumstances connected with this allocation of money. It was only to this extent that the Com mittee would be authorised to enter into the circumstances con nected with the election. Lord SANDON expressed himself perfectly satisfied with the explapation of the Hon. Member. The SPEAKER then put the question on Mr. Warburton's amendment, which was agreed to. APPOINTMENT OF THE COMMITTEE. Mr. HARDY said he now rose to move the appointment of the Committee agreed to under an arrangement made by the mutual friends of both parties.---(Cheers from the Minis terial side of the House.) Yes ; for it had been made too much of a party question.—( Renewed cheers.) Would Ho nourable Members allow him to say by whom it had been made a party question ? It had been made a party question and it was for that reason that he expressed his anxious wish to the gentlemen who concocted the Committee—that his own name might not be inserted on it. He had, however, the honour of proposing the names of eleven gentlemen to whom he was happy to think that exception could be taken by no party in that House. The Honourable Member then read the following names :—Mr. Ridley Colborne, Lord Francis Egerton, Mr. Bannerman, Mr. Barneby, Sir Ronald Fer guson, Sir J. Y. Buller, Mr. W. Ord, Sir C. Brooke Vere, Mr. Warburton, Sir Eardley Wilmot, and Mr. H. G. Ward. Mr. WARBURTON said, that as allusions had been made to a deviation from an agreement supposed to have been made by the friends of both parties, he felt it his duty to state the circumstances of that agreement, as concisely, however, as pos sible. He was perfectly aware that whatever took place out of that House could not, strictly speaking, be regarded as binding within it. Yet, if it were to be considered by Hon. Members that such arrangements might be broken and set at nought, it would be a very strong obstacle, in fact a complete bar, to those mutual agreements that were for the convenience and advan tage of all parties.—( Hear, hear.) He should without further preface state the circumstances of the present case. Himself and ;he Hon. Member for Cheshire on one side, the Hon. Members for Edinburghshire and Montgomeryshire (so we un derstood the Hon. Member) on the other, met together to en deavour, if possible, to arrange, outside the House, whose were to be the names which were to compose the committee. He (Mr. Warburton) was most anxious that a man, admitted by all to be of transcendent talents, who filled a large space in the minds of his own countrymen, and no inconsiderable one in the minds of the people of this country, should be tried by his peers. and that the first men in that House should sit in judgment on the lion. and Learned Member for Dublin. It was, therefore, no less in accordance with his own feelings than in obedience to the special request of the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin, that he proposed the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tamsvorth as one of the committee.—(Cheers.) Upon the other hand, however, it was suggested that if the Right lion. Baronet was on the Committee, it would be only fair that there should be also a proposed, lie should b ut should not g o merelyt hroug Cabinet Minister, a nd th e Ri g ht H on. t h e P res id ent of the ßoard of names thatad e w wasr the through state that it was agree d it s h ou ld cons i st o f e l even names, w i t h a was Chai to haverman; and b the name appointed n s ameofali Chairman. Hon. Member ll N e was suggested Alem ber o n th e oppos i te s i de took the paper with the names of the Committee, and consulted his friends upon the appointment. In half an h our t h e M em b er f or Ch es hi re came to hi m an d stated that an o bj ec ti on was ma d e t o th e Ri g ht Hon. Baronet, and that it came f rom t h e bight Hon. Baronet himself, to his name being left upon the Committee ; and the Hon. Member e at the s ame ti me s t a t e d, th a t as th e Ri g ht Hon. Baronet's Tradeproposed. th name would not be left upon the Committee, it was but fair that that of the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade should not be left on either.—( Hear, hear.) He men tioned this to the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, and both considered that the list which he should read to the House should be regarded as final and binding upon both parties. It was, he believed, so considered by the Hon. Member for Cheshire, and he thought it had also been agreed to by the Hon. Member on the other side. The Hon. Member then road the names of Mr. R. Colborne, Mr. Bannerman, Lord F. Egerton, Mr. W. Ord, Hon. R. Clive, Sir R. Ferguson, Lord Eastnor, Mr. H. G. Ward, Sir C. B. Vere, Mr. War burton, and Mr. Wilson Patten. On Monday evening the 110(1. Member for Edioburghshira met him going out of the 'louse, an d h an d e d hi m a list of the names whi c h he said were to constitute the Committee, but he (Mr. Warburton) re fused to receive them, saying that the list he had just read to the House was that which he thought had been finally agreed upon. Sir G. CLERK then proceeded to state the circumstances as, according to his apprehension, they had occurr ed, but the Hon. Baron e t spo k e in so indistinct a tone a 3 to be scarcely intelligible. He had agreed with the Hon. Member for Bridport, that it was first necessary to settle upon some gene ral principles before they proceeded to appoint the Com mittee. It was agreed that no one w ho held office under the Right Hon. Baronet should be on the Committee, and it was also agreed, upon the other hand, that no Irish Member should be on it, as they might very naturally be supposed to be prejudiced on the question. It was prop ose d and agreed that fiv e Members should be taken from each side of the sideo,ehad proposed opposite o it uo ‘a s was agreed thar of House. a t , ) House ; and up o n its being suggested that on a question a&cting the personal character of an individual, the pre ponderance, were any, should (Sirbechosen G. be Clerk) i n fn his rod the favour, itfhethere T should chairman that he should be taken from the neutral Members, but it was said in reply that it was much easier to find neutral Members on the opposite than on his side of the House.---( Laughter. ) He had proposed the name of Mr. R. Colborne, as that of an independent and impartial man, likely to give satisfaction to all parties. The Hon. Baronet then proceeded to say, that any change which had taken place in the constitution of the Committee had been produced, first by the refusal of the Right Hon.„Baronet the Member for Tamworth to serve upon it, and secondly, by the necessity of appointing none upon the Committee but those who could devote their entire time and attention to-the duties of the investigation. Mr. E. J. STANLEY entertained the same views respect ing the question of the appointment of the Committee as the Hon. Member for Bridport. When the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth refused to allow himself to be ap pointed one of the Members of the Committee, he (Mr. S.) thought that no Cabinet Minister should be nominated either. An Hon. and Learned Member on his side of the House (the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets) was objected to be cause he was a judicial character. The same objection was urged against the original nomination of an Hon. and Learned Member on the other side, who upon that ground was rejected. Upon the same principle it was mutually agreed that no Irish Member, or no Member of the late or the present Administra tion, should be nominees. He had understood that after the communication with the Hon. and Learned Member for Dub lin, adverted to by the Hon. Member for Bridport, no further objection had been, or wasio be, made to the appointment of this Committee,which, it was understood,was then agreed upon. The list of the proposed Committee was again read over. Mr. WARBURTON objected to the name of Mr. Barneby Tieing on the list. He entertained no personal objection to that Hon. Gentleman, but he did not think that he had suffi cient standing in the House to carry a proper degree of weight. There had been a departure from the original agreement, ac cording to which the name of Dr. Lushington was on the list • but that had sinc e b een remove d, as we ll as t h at o f M r . Wilson Patten. He (Mr. Warburton) should propose that either Mr. Robert Clive or Mr. Wilson Patten be placed on the Committee, instead of the Hon. Member for Droitwich (Mr. Barneby). Mr. R. CLIVE (as we understood) stated that he could not serve on the Committee withdut great personal inconve nience to himself ; he therefore trusted that the House would consent to the nomination of some other Hon. Member. Mr. WILSON PATTEN also begged to be excused on similar grounds. On the question being again put that the name of Mr. Barneby be placed on the list,f Lord JOHN RVSSELL said that he was extremely anxious that some arrangement should take place, or that the Committee could be named without giving rise to any serious difference of opinion. Although there had been some mis understanding respecting the names, yet he had thought that his Hon. Friend the Member for Bridport, and the Hon. Ba ronet the Member for Edinburghshire, had come to an ar rangement on the subject. He admitted that the Committee, as originally agreed upon, contained the names of Hon. Mem bers having more experience in the House than the Hon. Member for Droitwich, who was now proposed ; but when he considered that the discussion had proceeded without that ex citement on either side of the House which might have been expected from the nature of the question, and as every one was aware how desirable it was that the Committee, should be appointed without a division, so that they might at once pro ceed calmly, and without apparently different views to the con sideration of the subject, he thought that it would be much more advantageous if his Hon. Friend did not press the ques tion to a vote. He would only add, that although the list of the Committee now proposed was not exactly the same as that previously agreed upon, still, as far as he was concerned, he did not think that the fairness of the names could be ques tioned.—( Hear, hear.) _ Mr. WARBURTON observed that he would not press the question to a division. The name of Mr. Barneby was then placed on the list, and the other names, as proposed, were agreed to. Mr. WARBURTON then proposed that a nominee should be appointed on each side. He might be necessary in the cross-examinations of witnesses to press questions with great severity, and that could be much better done by nominees than by members of this Committee. If this were not done `some of the meibers of the Committee might be heated by the nature of the cross-examinations that might be pursued by other members. If the Hon. Member or the Hon. Baronet was pre pared to name a gentlemen as a nominee, he (Mr. Warburton) would also do so on the part of Mr. O'Connell. Mr. ROBINSON objected to the appointment of nominees. He did not see on what principle the House could consent to such a proposition. When a fair Committee was appointed, and the requisite information was furnished to enable them to form a correct judgment, he did not see the necessity for no minees. He objected to it also as it was a departure from the course pursued in similar cases. Mr. E. J. STANLEY observed that the Hon. Member was mistaken in supposing that it was a departure from the usual course to appoint nominees in such a case as the pre sent. In this case it was clearly understood between the par ties when the list of the committee was agreed to, that a n - - mince should be appointed on each side, and this was consi dered a material point. It was desirable to keep the members of the Committee as much as possible from anything like violent heat% or to excite any feelings calculated to prevent them forming a cool judgment, and certainly this was not likely to be the case if the Members had to cross-examine the wit nesses at great length. After a few words from Sir G. CLERK and Mr. C. W. WYNN, which were inaudible, Mr. WARBURTON observed that the understanding was that the nominees should not be Irish Members, nor should they have been Members of the late nor Members of the pre sent Government. The Hon. Member then proposed that two nominees should be appointed, and that each nominee should be a Member of the House, but should not have the right of voting in the committee.—Motion agreed to. Mr. ROEBUCK said that as it was agreed that two no minees should be appointed, he would suggest that Mr. Hardy should name one, and Mr. O'Connell the other. After a few words from the SPEAKER, which were not heard in the gallery, Mr. WARBURTON suggested that each party should make a communication to the Speaker of the name of the person proposed to be named as nominee. IThe Honourable Member then apparently made some communication to the Speaker.] Sir G. CLERK was then loudly called for. He rose, and stated that he did not think that there was any necessity for such mystery as to the names of the Hon. Gentlemen to be appointed nominees. He did not wish to make any difficulties in the way of an arrangement, and had, according to the un derstanding, put down the name of the Hon. Gentleman he proposed as a nominee. In a case of this nature he thought it desirable that the Committee should have the advantage of the talents and experience of Honourable Members of the greatest learning and legal ability ; he had, therefore, put down the name of his Hon. and Learned Friend the Member for Huntingdon. The SPEAKER then read the names of Sir F. Pollock mi. Mr. Sergeant Wilde as the nominees. The question was then put and carried that they should be appointed. Lord JOHN RUSSELL hoped that it would be under stood that if any one of the members of the committee did not attend, that other members would 'be appointed in their places.—( Hear, hear.) IRISH MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for Ireland then rose to propose the introduction of the Irish Corporation Bill. Sir ROBERT PEEL interrupted the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and suggested that as it was impossible after a discussion of the exciting nature of that which the House had just listened to, to induce Hon. Members to attend to calmly to a new subject, he would recommend the Hon. and Learned Gentleman to introduce his Bill at once, and to enter upon an explanation of its details in proposing the second reading of it. —( Hear, hear.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for Ireland said that lie would gladly avail himself of the suggestion of the Right Hon. Baronet. He then proposed that leave be given to bring in a 1 Bill for the regulation of Municipal Corporations in Ireland. —Motion agreed to. WITNESSES INDEMNIFICATION BILL. On the motion of Mr. O'cONN EL L, leave was given to bring in a Bill to indemnify witnesses examined before any se lect Committee of the House of Commons, and also to punish witnesses guilty of giving wilfully and corruptly false evidence before any such committee. PUBLIC WALKS. Mr. BUCKINGHAM moved for leave to bring in a Bill fur the formation of public walks and gardens, and places of healthy recreation in the open air. After a desultory conversation, in which several Members took part, but which was inaudible in the gallery, the motion was agreed to. Mr. HUM E moved for a " return of the number of persons qualified to vote at any election which shall take place between Ist Nov. 1835, and Ist Nov. 1836, for a knight or knights of of the shire to serve in Parliament for any county, agreeably to the lists settled by the Revising barristers, and stating, if possible, the number of electors who have qualified to vote on two or more qualifications." Also similar returns for Scot land and Ireland.—Ordered. The House adjourned at ten o'clock. RAILWAYS. The Birmingham and Derby, and Stonebridge Junction Railway Bills were presented and read a first time. The Petitions for Bills for the Bristol and Exeter, Leeds and Derby, and Manchester and Cheshire Railways, were re ported, and the Bills ordered to be brought in. Petitions for the Great Western—London and Blackwell C o mmercial—ll°lbeach and Gedney--- - and Dundee and Ar broath Railways, were referred to the Representatives of the Districts through which the respectil e Railways pass. PRI \TATE BILLS (Lonns).—Yesteray, for receiving Petitions for Privat e Bill s b y the , the time House • was specially enlarged by th e i r Lordships of Lords of March. 'to Friday, the 11th Lord Crewe, on Monday, torik the oaths and his seat in the House of Loro.-3, being Lis in sitting Parliament after the death of his c .ather. The election for South Leicestershire is fixed for to- morrow. • The only candidate is Mr. Charles William Pack; of ltavenstone Hall. CORPORATION WINE.—A curious cireuirtstaDce, and one-, at the same time, which serves to verify the old adage, that " it is an ill wind that blows nobody good," oc curred at the Town Council Meeting on Tuesday. The stock of several dozens of wine, discovered in the Corporation cellar, was ordered by the Council to be transferred to the Dispensary, for the benefit of the sick poor ! Who ever L heard of such an unconstitutional mode of proceeding in the tinges of the good old Corporations!—OVarwich Advertiser, PARIS. INFERNAL MACHINE PLOT. COURT OF PEERS, SUNDAY, Fun. 14. (Continued from The Sun of Tuesday.) ~... ~. TRIAL OF FIESCHT, PEPIN, MORCY, BOIREAU, AND IsiSCIIER, FOR THE CONSPIRACY TO TAKE AWAY THE KING'S LIFE EY MEANS OF THE INFERNAL MACHINE EMPLOY ED ON THE 28TH JULY, 1835. The Court opened at half-past one. Morey was brought i n a little before the other prisoners, and, from the conver s ation in the tribunes, it was easy to find that he had excited much interest, and had gained ground in the feelings of the publi c since the commencement of the trial. Fieschi came in with a kind of threatening air, and began conversing with M. Par •quin, using at the same time the most animated gestures. It was said that he had become exceedingly irritated, since the pleadings of the defence had dwelt with so much energy upon the profound immorality and baseness of his character, and that the endeavours of the Crown officers to re-establish his repu tation had not succeeded in healing the wounds inflicted on his amor propre. • M. 'Palhet, Counsel for Boireau, added some observations to his client's defence, in-answer to the new charges raised in the reply of the Procureur- General against him. He ended by asking what benefit: to society would be conferred by the con demnation of Boireau ? He was not a veteran hardened iu crime, but a young and simple workman, anxiously begged of them by an aged mother; he should, therefore, entreat them to restore him to his home, and to be sure that hereafter the very idea of crime would never come again to his imagination. (On the termination of this address, two or three voices among the Peers exclaimed, " Very well ! very well !") M. Chaix-d'Estange, Counsel of Fieschi, said that he hoped to have spared the Court the trouble of listening to him ; but Fieschi insisted upon his speaking. That agony which the de fence had made Fieschi suffer for three days was renewed yes terday. Yesterday powerful but passionate voices were lift,ff up against him. This man, who has:been misapprehended and di.figured, must be restored to himself ; he must be shown as he is, with his vices, his virtues, his courage, his weakness, whatever he hai of good and of evil. He had committed an abominable crime ; but if he had confessed the truth, would justice, that had profitted by his avowals, be content to owe him what it had engaged to pay? Hopes had been held out to him of his life—was every gate of hope to be now shut against him ? President—Fieschi, have you any thing to add to your de fence ? The law allows you to speak. Fieschi—l should perhaps find difficulty in making myself understood. 111 y honourable defender has smitten my heart. If the Court will suspend the sitting for ten minutes, I will try. President—Repose yourself for ten minutes. The sitting being resumed, Fieschi rose, upon which the most profound silence prevailed in the Hall. He leaned for a short time on the Bar, and then expressed himself in the following terms : !' HonourablePeers—l have begged you to be indulgent to my fau:ts in language, and I hope you will now pardon me for the blunders I mag commit. lam happy in Shaving lived to this day : to-morrow I may die, and I will tell my manner of thinking hereafter. lam happy in having lived to this day, because I have been able to disclose my accomplices. My conscience, my reason, and the Gospel dictated to me the duty of being useful to my country. It is not after the bril liant address of my advocate that I shall endeavour to defend myself. Ido not pretend to whitewash m 3 affair. No, Gentlemen, I know that I am guilty, I became a sol dier when very young; you have seen the registers of my service. I made the campaign otealabria and went through it with honour. I was made a prisoner in Sicily, and was transported to Malta, whence I escaped, came and joined the army, and made the disastrous campaign in Russia. Upon try breast shone the star of honour which I gained in Russia; I will not speak of the unfortunate circumstances by which it was torn from me. It will follow me to my burial, and I will have it placed on my grave. I have been annihilated for these three days, and have need to recover my moral strength after having been stoned by the advocates of my, accomplices. But I forgive them. It was I th a t t o ld of the attempt; it was I that declared the plot ; not that I wished to save myself, for I am desirous of going alone to the scaffold. You, gentlemen, you judge with the law, and you cannot do otherwise. But the advocates, why are they anxious to see me go to the scaffold ? However, I pardon them. I have been a captive at Embrun, and I have already, allowed myself to tell the Court that I am an observer. When a prisoner I always conducted myself as an upright mars, and entitled myself to the confidence of my chiefs. I was appointed foreman. I remained ten years at Embrun. But why? It was because on my register there was a note which said, " If Fieschi resumes his civic rights, he will re .. turn into our country," and they well knew that I was no fool. (Laughter.) You will not find prisoners, gentlemen, who conduct themselves so well as I did, and vet I was not pardoned. But let a director of a prison be asked why ? I will tell you. In a prison those who behave ill and will not work, who pass their' lives in the blackhole, or who dis- turb the repose of the chiefs, are got rid of by being par doned. But I remained ten years in prison. On coming out of it I arrived at Lyons. I will not speak of my sojourn there. I will speak of another circumstance, of that unhappy woman who will have to reproach herself all her life for her con duct towards me, and whom I still love, but whom I ought never to have seen. However, lam unwilling to speak to you any longer about that matter. She turned me out of doors rriked, without a shirt to my back, without five sous in my pocket. I found a good old man (my heart bled while I ac cused him) who gave me his shirts, lodged me and fed me ; it is not, therefore, from vengeance that I have spoken against him. If I light a candle in midday in the presence of the sun, the strongest will prevail; well then, if I have accused Morey, it was to say to my country, take care of thyself ! Let men who have studied in their cabinets travel like me from Calabria to Moskowa, they will then know what are the manners of different countries; therefore, as for myself, while at Morey's, I made my machine for amusement ; for I have a habit of always doing something; I can never cat except standing; it is a custom I have, good or bad. Good God ! Sirs, you see I were without resource ; I had a bene factor, but my benefactor received me ill, and he were right. I am persuaded that at this day to-day people regret me. But the scaffold is waiting for me; I shall march to it. Everything cospircs in a few words for the truth. There is nothing remaining behind as far as lam concerned. Pepin and Morey said to themselves before the 28th we must keep ourselves ready, we must say that the Carlist party are to strike the blow. But people say that I was dissimu- lilting; must I then have liecti like that young scamp Boi reau. —( Laughter, and noise in the Court.) I know only of three persons to whom a secret ought to be trusted—a friend, an advocate, and a confessor ; but for me, I have not many friends. I have not been anxious to destroy my accomplices ; I wished only to enlighten justice and France. Perhaps there are other accomplices, but I do not know them. I did not wish to make songs, I am no poet. I come to the fact : Morey is not a bad man ; he is kind, generous, and courageous ; but a shot with a gun is what suits him. After that, every thing is indifferent to him. Pepin is not to be feared ; but he has a skewer for drawing chestnuts out of the fire. His courage is no great shakes. Therefore, before committing my project, I was sad and cast down; I did not sleep; I had not the charms of conversa tion—none of the sweets of life. Pepin dragged at a distance. As to Morey, he is not the man for dragging. I needed to have my head broken in order to be prevailed upon to tell you word for word the truth against him. My accomplices will say the rest after me. Do not be afraid of this; for me itis enough that my country and the world should know that I have said the truth. I have a conviction that Morey loaded the barrels in a manner so that I might be killed ; but I have no desire that he should die—let him live. On the con trary, he will have great reproaches to make to himself. Look at this shattered hand ; look at my head, out of which they have taken twenty-four pieces of bone. If I wanted to die it depended only upon myielf ; I have the means of sleeping when I Ike. I should not have poi s ined myself; but it depended only upon myself whether I died of my wounds or not. I have been unwilling to die in order that I might tell you all the truth. M. Lavocat is my benefactor. He is the cause of my lowering my machine, and 1 am happy, although I made some victims. I went to my dungeon. I said to myself—Fieschi, you will never go out from hence till you go to the scaffold. I wished to die under the name of Girard. I said to myself what pain it will give' my former benefactors to know that Fieschi is going to the scaffold. N. Lavocat came to see me. He took me by the hand and said, " I am Lavocat, do )ou recollect me ?" I said to him, " I am an unhappy wretch, go away—l do not know you." I was lost. I saw the tomb to which I was to descend, but not in my old age. I remained two and forty days without revealing anything, without naming anybody. I said to myself if you speak they will say that you are an informer ; no, I have not been an informer, for an informer denounces his accom plices before the blow is struck ; but I could not breathe—l had a horrible weight oppressing me. I hate at last some thing to say about my country. You have been told that I am a Corsican ; no, I am a Fs enchmen. Corsica has been French for the last eighty years. I was a Frenchman long before those who have called me a Corsican. People were always coming to me to ask me to say something ; I said to all the world, to the Ministers, to you, Sir, that I would. ne t do so. I said to M. Thiess, I look upon you as a good Minister, and a statesman, but you do not inspire me with any confidence. If I say anything it shall be to M. Lavocat. I have met many people whom I like ; but when I have once plighted , faith to any one I would brave anything before him. I would leap over a barrier the first. At . the same time I saidt . o myself,__ m) fu ture fate is ruined—you arc lost, poor Fiesch f ; but I have no I shall bra justice of declaring have feelings against my liecomi Lees. I pardontiem. satisfied if the. Court does Inc the said the trath, and that my country shall know whether I have been useful or not. It is Nature that speaks to us, after God, and lets us go on ; s h e s ays to man, " 1 have giv er , you lif e _ maroh on !" Well ! for my part, I found two roads—two taranchings off; I took the wrong one. I have committed a I great crime, and I shall die pith courage. But I beg for the yasnedlf; beg it for Morey. who is dangerous no that s old n u i l y a c , o g m u p u a d n i u o u n d s , g n e e n t er f for s m , longer. Pepin ! him I I wish to annihilate him by saying w hat he is. Pepin I—he made himself a name in the affairs of June. His house was riddled with balls, but it was not hims if that invited thorn thithe,a A patriot, as he says, an unhappy man, came to him. Because he had some money he gave him a few sous worth of silver. This was all that he did.. Pepin is a man deconted . with the Order of July; but may God punish me if ever he won it at the barricades. He and fear have never been separated. Pardon him, he is not to be feared. As for myself, there must be an example. I know it. I cannot have my liberty any more. I can never again be happy. I am waiting for my sentence. I hope that it may be within the , twenty-four hours. I have wished for pardon, people have said; but when I spoke to M. Lavocat he knows that I did not expcett it. It was on account of that po or thing, Nina, that I said;