The Sun. — London, England, 1821-03-28 00:00:00

Soveti . .?ign, that he *mild Maintain the Protestant reli;-ion as by law' established, and support the ist , ops and Clergy in all the rights which be to them. According to Mr. Justice Bite c ksteee, in words t o thi s e ff ec t " was couc h e d contract betsieen the King and the I? e( Vie of thi s c o untry, " an d t h e su bj ect i n return . r ? r ft is allegiance had a right to expect that' the 4--rett!stant establishment should be• peeServk!d entiri9. But from whom was he to inok'for secu rity this head ? If thiS were a despotic coun try, iv which the will of the Sovereign was the law of the State, it might be Sdpposed that -the Constitution had provided that the Monarch himself should be responsible. But such not be ing the case in England, it was to the advisers of the Crown he must look for that which was the Con dition of his'allegiance. The law not only required that the King himself should be a Protestant, but it provided that if the King married a' Ca tholic 'wife, that in that Case he would Qtually forfeit his inheritance, and the subject would be equally absolved from his allegiance. If it W ere tight th a t th e S overe i gn under such circum , stances should forfeit the allegiance of his people, It We s but just that he should be saved from the "4:er of undue influence, by their enacting that his Ldvisers should not be Roman Catholics. He Co uld see no security for the Protestant interest but thi s, In - hisjudgrnent, they would have less d anger to apprehend from a Catholic King with Pr otestant ii Ministers, than from a Protestant th ln g surrounded by Catholic advisers, He ,-"°ught the nation was more in danger from 'Charles the Second advised by Catholic Minis ters under Arlington and Bennett, th a n fro m 'Pnes the Second, provided he had Catholic -ministers, By the Bill of ,RightFiit was provid ed not that the responsible Ministers of the ( 'Town should be Pfotestants in eotrimunion With ~ ` 4 l ,'e Church,- b u t that' 'they should not - be :) rnall , Catholics, It was.' said that it did hot exclude an infidel or an• atheist. This did not affect his argument. 'The Bill of Rights did Provide that Rornan Catholics should not be the re sponsible advisers of the Crown, and because It did not give security against Atheists and In fidels, he was not to relinquish the security which it clitl afford against Roman Catholics. He would liraw the distinction which it had been admitted b y Mr. Burke ought to be drawn between those Int ces which were merely ," instruments," and those which were necessary to bind and uphold the Government of the country. In his opinion it would bo.more consistent to exclude the Ca tholic:from office altogether, than , to admit him t o a sit ua ti on, an d t h en str i p him a the patron age or functions attached to it. He was of opi nion this must be more galling to the Catholic than total exclusion. It was now proposed in certain Cases to make it a misdemeanour for the Catholic 'Minister to advise his Sovereign ; and but for the humane interference of the Hon. Aleinlrer for 'Durham, he believed for such an otrence rte--would have been liable to be punished I ,v'eth the. -pillory. NoW the oath of th e P r ii y Co uncillor • ran thus—" You shall in all things : 0 b e nie-ved and , debated, faithfully and truly Your 'opinion according to your heart and "nscience." ite 7 Would suppose a Secretary O f State fo r th e H o me D epar t men t t o b e ass i s ti ng : 4 t Privy Council, and the question raised to be °lt the•education of the King's children. Could Roman Catholic,' according to his heart and conscience, adVis e th e Ki ng t o e d u c a t e hi s chil dren in the Protestant Faith--(Hear, hear !) a ny good Romaii Catholics, according to their hearts and consciences, could not advise that a Chrld should be educated in the Protestant Faith. W hat a situation Wont& the PriVy Councillor t hen be placed in, called on to give his opinion,' and liable to be punished for a misdemeanour if - gave-it. The situation of a Privy Councillor .'as different from livery other to which it was pr oposed that C4i.holics should be admitted, and he thought it intinitelY preferable that they Vii§tad b e exc l u d e d . H e • now came to state reasons for wishing -them excluded from the 34(licial Bench. While he wished for their ex ;.lasion f rom t h e B enc h , h e w i s h e d C at h ol i cs t a t o th in E ng l an d an d I re l an d to b e ent i t l e d to privilege of a silk gown. On this subject he :aeuld be met with the charge of anomaly. But 'n these matters he found the whole course of le i,slation pregnant with anomalies.—(Hear D— ellis necessarily arose from the succession to the I r "vn being con fi ned to Protestants, and he , t c ' , e l'efore, would not suffer the charge of anomaly to deter him - from admitting the Roman Catholics t ,,, t) a silk gown. He had always been prepared to thus far, whatever might have been the fate of ti l e l ilt. •As Roman Catholics were admitted to i t e , il igheSt rank in the army and navy, he thought ttA t t lectly reasonable that they should be ad ever 4 d to the honours of a silk gown. He, how clue' thought it necessary t o con t en d for their ex the from the Bench. It was admitted by pr act 4 .lVorters of the Bill, that there was no N il! ! Cal evil to be complained of in the ad- Is tration of - justice in Ireland. The purity e vil t he Irish Bench being acknowledged, the e u ,„ was limited to the exclusion of indivi re'• This might be considerable, but a '' h -(ter evil was to b e appre h en d e d, t h oug h i t o b ; seem invidious to mention it. He was of tf 1 ; 11 To, that if Catholics were admitted to sit on Bench, there would net be that unqualified sati sfactionp r with the administration of justice that c h "ailed at present.- Though members of the li e _ ti reh of Scotland were not excluded from the it had been the practice (in England at a ti gS,t), as far as he was informed, to name as th_ t lges those only who were in communion with 1,17 Established Church. He believed it was the liva.ctice for a Judge to - qualify himself by Nl of.ililg all that could be required from a member the Chu rc h. He believ e d it was the unifOrm , li r ac . tic e of the Jud ges on the Circuit to open the ' e ssie by attending t_ ivine hip. Il e en- ated the House to cons D ider the wors effeet-p ro d uced I c, v. th th e solemn pomp and circumstance co nnecte d " their proceedings. Things whi c h t h e phi tljN opher mi g ht disregar d , an d the scholar make st . lbject of ridicule, might have a value, from El impression they produced, greatly sur. Passing their intrinsic importance. It was not ntti:etheexeexcutie.n: of the ,unhappy cri position of the law that closed the duties of the Judge. lie Could not but think, that his attending . Divine worship as it were to call for the aid of the Most High, in de ciding on the. fortunes, the Characters, and_ the lives of their fellow men, Made a strong impres sion on all observers, and, in his opinion, the discontinuance of this practice would be highly injurious. He concluded by addressing himself to the proposers of the Bill. He admitted that they had acted with great candour towards their opponents. The latter had not appealed to the public, nor attempted to awaken former anitrio sities. That the country was qUiet on this sub ject, did not proceed from apathy or indifference, but from a just confidence in the wisdom of that calumniated House. He believed the country would not have remained thus quiet but for their confidence in the justice of their Representatives. He hoped the moderation of the Protestant po pulation would be requited by the concession of the securities for the-Constitution for which he now called. He then moved that the-words— "or to be of the Privy Council"—should be' added to the exclusion from certain offices con. tained in the clause, and when this amendment was disposed of, he proposed to move the addi tion of other words, for the purpose of excluding Catholics from the Bench. Sir J. NEWPORT bore testimony to the temper and moderation which the Right Hon. Gentleman had displayed, than which nothing could be more beneficial to the community at large. He could not understand why Roman Catholics should be excluded from the Privy Council, unless the Right Hon. Gentleman was disposed to go the length of declaring, that no person should be of the Privy Council who was not in communion with the Church of England. In this particular case, and in this alone, the Sovereign was made responsible for his own conduct ; and if he em braced the Roman Catholic religion, the constitu tion had provided, that he should forfeit the al legiance of his subjects► Such being the practice of the constitution he could see no reasonable grounds for excluding the Roman Catholics more than any other Dissenters from the advisers of the Crown, That the distinctions now made were unnecessary, he instanced from the facts that at present among the Foreign Ambassadors we had a Protestant Minister from Catholic Ba varia, and a Catholic Minister from Protestant Denmark. He called the attention of the House to the ease of Hungary, which had been divided by religious dissentious for many centuries, but which had been tranquil and united since 1791, when all religious disa bilities were done away. The conduct of the Catholics in Hungary, in admitting the Protes tants to a full participation in all the rights and privileges which they enjoyed, refuted the stories told of Catholic interference and bigotry, so often contrasted with Protestant liberality. The Right Hon. Gentleman proposed to exclude Ca tholics from the Bench, but was willing to allow them the honour of a silk gown. It had often struck him as most extraordinary, that in the Act of 1793, Catholics should be admitted to the Bar and-•not to the Bench. He knew not what end this could answer. Sure he was, that if the Catholics were unfit to be entrusted with the Administration of Justice, they ought not to be entrusted with the right of deciding on the fortunes and lives of their fellow subjects, as they now did at all the assizes. He therefore contend ed, as his Right Honourable Friend who brought this subject forward had, that the Catholics ought to be allowed to join with the Protestants in the race of glory. This was de manded not merely for the sake of the Catholics, but as his Right Hon. Friend had stated, it was demanded for the sake Of the Protestant.bar, for if this were not conceded, there was no race of glory. If the Protestant could only triumph be cause the Catholic, who might get before him, was kept back by his religion, there was little cause for exultation in success. He considered the present Bill likely to give security to the Protestant Establishment, by uniting all classes in support of the present system ; and seeing no just grounds for the exclusion now proposed, he should certainly oppose it. Sir J. Nicnom, contended that the objects held out to be obtained by the passing of the present Bill, namely, general satisfaction to the Catholics, and union and peace among all his Majesty's subjects, would not be found to re sult therefrom. He was desirous to meet the present question upon the ground of security. Having already admitted Catholics to seats in Parliament, was it too me% to provide that se curity which was contemplated by the present amendment. With respect to the danger of ad mitting CatholiCs to the Administration of the Government, some would of course feel it more and some less. Foreign danger, he admitted, was not so great now as it had been at earlier periods. What it would be hereafter he knew not. But it was not to foreign danger, it was domestic danger to which he looked with appre sion. Instead of promoting domestic peace and union, as was represented, he believed that the present measure would be calculated to sow dis cord and disunion. But the most pressing dan ger was that which impended over the Eccle siastical Establishments. At a time like this, when there was an unfortunate disposition among the lower classes to follow the different sectaries, and to become dissenters from the Established Church, every thing ought to be cautiously avoided which would seem to lessen the support and countenance which the Protestant Church claimed and demanded by the provisions of the Constitution. The preponderating numbers of the Catholics in Ireland was a subject for the most serious reflection. It n ever cou ld be con templated to make the religious establishments of that country Catholic, because, in the Act of Union, it was expressly provided that the Pro testant Church should be the ruling establish ment. It was described in the' Act as the Pro testant Establishment of England and Ireland. No separation could therefore take - place with out a breach of public - faith.—(Hear, hear, hear !)—lt was, in fact, th e f un d amenta l and essential basis of that Union, that the Pro testant Church should be preserved in its su premacy.—(Hear, hear !)---The Right Honour able Member then read the passage of the Act to which he - had alluded. is the:ii this safegdard was established upon principle and upon good faith,. he had no apprehenSions in that quarter.— He would do the Catholics the -justice to say that he did not believe they would attempt, to alter the established 'religion.—(hear, hear !)—But what he feared was, that the demagogueS would make this numerical superiority of the Catholics a ground upon Which to prosecdte their evil de signs. They Would induce the lower classes. among that body to becdrrie impatient of the su periority df the Protestants in this respect, and by holding out to them the abolishment of tithes and Other inticements, they would .draw them into the greatest state of disquiet. Instead then of this measure being one calculated to knit to gether the opposing interests of the two parties, of calming the passions, and of allaying the heat of men's minds, it would create jealousies, it would stir up new troubles, and perhaps keep the country in a state of perpetual war fare. He could assure the House that if he could be satisfied that any measure of concilia tion could' be carried into effect with security, he would most sincerely join in its support. He should most sincerely rejoice in being able to re move for ever that cause of agitation which had so long existed.—(Hear, hear !)—He should most sincerely. rejoice if the franchises and offices of the State could be open to all, if it could be done with security. But he really did think that all these expectations were vain. lie supported the amendment of his Right Hon. Friend, because, although it did not relieve his objection to the principle of the Bill, yet, as it left a choice of difficulties, his sense of duty prompted him to vote for that which he considered to be least.--- (Hear.) Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that with the permis sion of the House he would shortly state wherein he differed from the lion. and Learned Member who had just sat down. En 1813 he had thought that the Catholics had better wait than accept a measure broken down by limitations such as were then pr4osed ; but now so far as his advice to the Catholics went, he wished them to receive with a kindly spirit whatever portion of their claims their Protestant Brethren might be prepared to allow. With a view to the utility of the measure, it ought not to be forced ; but he particularly de precated any ground of further protraction being laid by pressing for all at once. He agreed with the lion. and Learned Gentleman that the pre servation of the Church establishment was a fundamental principle of the Constitution, for the preservation of which it was rendered for ever inherent in the Crown. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman had truly stated that the Union bad merged for ever the Protestant Church of Ireland with that of England. He held it to he absurd and inadmissible to talk of modifying the Protestant Church of England with reference to the Catholic population of Ire land ; that was a question which was happily placed at rest for ever from parliamentary inter- ference. But the llon. and Learned Gentletnan would agree with him, that it was one thing to establish a church and another to give that sort of qualified endowment which the Clergy of the Church o► Scotland at this moment possessed, and which had been extended to a branch of that kirk in Ireland. The distinct difference between the' Hon. and Learned Member (Sir J. Nicholl) and himself was, that he (Sir J. Nicholl) argued as if by some enchantment we had from Protes tant suddenly become Catholic, and surrounded the Throne with Papist Councillors, Lawyers, &c. instead of looking at it as essentially a Protes tant country with a Protestant Sovereign. With respect to the Catholic population, he granted that there were among them Noblemen and Gen tlemen of the highest character and talents, but that there should be such a proportion as would create danger as to Great Britain alone, was, he thought, quite a chimerical fear. The question was a question of degree only, and if it were allowed ". that no danger would accrue as to Great 'Britain, he would ex- amine what would be the case as 'to Ireland. We had got into a habit of representing the Catholic population very differently from what it had used to be calculated at. Dr. Duigenan had stated in his place, from an authority which he quoted, that there were in Ireland, 700,000 houses, which, at six persons to a house, gave four millions ; but from a later and more accurate computation, the Doctor estimated that instead of six to a house, 51 was the pro per proportion, of which not above two millions were Catholics- Of the real property, 49-50ths were possessed by Protestants, and 9-10ths of the personal property. The Catholic free- _ . holders were not hear so numerous as the Pro testant. He (Lard Castlereagh) had looked into the Catholic influence as it regarded property, and there were not above 14 or 15 places in which Catholic influence could make itself very seri ously felt; and in his conscience he believed, that if the Bill should pass, not above five or six Catholics would be returned ; and so far from a dangerous number, there would hardly as many and their way to that House as would be desirable for the Protestant establishment to see there—be cause,' if they had dangerous designs, that House was the most advantageous place in which their minds could be operated upon, and they would e a more useful medium of communication with the Catholic body than any other. He ad mitted that property might hereafter follow the current of numbers. He agreed that would be growing, but it must be of slow growth, and considering the quantity of capital already accumulated by the Protestants, he could not look to any disturbances of the propor tion of property with any degree of alarm.— lie did not pretend to say that the Roman Catho lic could fill all the offices of the State with the same advantage as the Protestant could, but he thought the question was, whether that 'night not safely be left to Government--(Hear, hear !) and not resolve that which was a question of se- ection into one of exclusion. He thought it might with .safety be left to the Crown so long as the Crown was Protestant, which it must ever be ; for he agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet Sir J. Newport), that was a case in which the King was personally responsible, or rather his ight to the Crown did not rest if he were not . . , . iProtestant. ire did not 'anticipate any dande r „ froth a Catholic of . su p er i or ' a biliti es Ma ki ng his way to the Bench till time had throWn his mantle over recent eventsi he could net con.; ceive . a situation of greater responSibility than that of a .person so promoted ; all eyes would be on him, and. he would be tn . ore likely to, discharge his duty in an exemplary manner, than to exhibit any undue Preference to those of his own religion ; but this also might safely be left to the Crown. He (Lord Cas tlereagh) carried the principle df non-exemption so far, that the, Measure would have been more acceptable to Wm had it not contained a single exception ; and though he was ready to yield ' his judgment to what appeared to be the general wish, to secure by enactments rather than rely upon the natural .ttecessity and fitness of things, he considered it quite superfluous to, prohibit by Act.of Parliament the raising the Archbishop of Canterbury to that dignity from his Majesty's troops.—(A laugh.)—The Noble 'Aid shortly recapitulated his arguments, and trusted that at least he had stated enough to justify the vote he should give ; yet, if the wisdom of Parliament should decide against his opinion, he should still hope the Catholics would receive that which the Protestants were now prepared to give ; and sure he was, that no Catholic would wish that to be conceded to him which'.would endanger the Constitution, which watched over his liberty and enjoyments in common with all other classes of the • community.--(The Noble Lord sat down amid loud cheering.) - Sir J. NICHOLL and Lord CASTLEREAGH mu tually explained. Mr. LEGH KECK supported the Amendment. He expressed his surprise at the manner in which the Petition he had presented a few days ago from a very respectable body of Clergymen had been treated by some Members of the House.— He was extremely surprised to have heard .that the lion: Member for Knaresborough expressed himself hostile to receiving the Petition. Not withstanding the transcendent talent with which the measure before the House had been support ed, those Petitioners still held the same opinions which they set forth in the Petition; and he re mained in the same situation. Mr. WETHERELL contended, that as the friends of the Bill had professed that they had support ed it hitherto in consequence of its being under stood that Catholics should be excluded altoge ther from any Catholic judicature ; they acting up to this principle, which was considered the only safe one, must now reject the present clause, and agree in the amendment. As it was agreed that Catholics should not it as Judges in a Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Court, so it should in consistency be now determined, they ought not to sit in our ordinary Courts of Law. The reason was obvious. In the ordinary- Courts of Law various subjects of an ecclesiasti cal nature were continually determined, such as suits concerning tithes, marriages, legitimacy, and all titles depending on these questions, and as it had been admitted that Catholics were unfit to determine such and similar questions in a Spiritual c C o o m u i r ) t e , t e they n t were odeer determine ex e rmi n n e e e u s e si s / t tt e questions so f improper ecclesiastical- law in our Courts of common law. They were ie e q ually i impr oper becauseto act h a s ethey Privy wouldb e officially Councillors for t empowered to administer, if they thought proper, same reason, the most injurious advice to their Sovereign in his privacy and in his closet, with respect to Church Government and Church Preferments. — The penalty of forfeiture of his office, intended to be annexed to such an offence, could never be a subject of even apprehension to such a Privy Councillor, because there could, from the secret access he had to the King, be no possible evi dence brought forward of the fact of his having given such advice. He shonld, for these reasons, support the amendment. Sir J. 111ActuNTosn, in reply to the argu ments of the lion. Mover of the amendment, maintained that the real and legal security of the establishment in Church and State, was the limi tation of the Crown' to the Protestant line of suc cession. Anomalies ought to be no ground of valid objection in such cases as these, when it was considered how various, irregular, and unsym metrical were the affairs of mankind. The con venience or inconvenience of a measure were far more just reasons to influence our decisions, where it became necessary to make, in order to secure a desirable object, a compromise of difficulties. In reply to the argument of his Learned Friend, who asked where a security was to be' found for the Catholic not availing himself of his facility of access to the Royal ear, he would ask where was security given that a Protestant Privy Councillor might not endeavour to prejudice his Sovereign on subjects perhaps of equal importance . ? This demand of a security reminded him . oc the well known application of the Plenipotentiaries of -Ve nice to the Roman Pontiff, asking in the name of their Government, where was the authority to be found under which St. Peter had bequeathed his temporal power to the See of Rome ? The an swer of the Sovereign Pontiff was such as he was disposed to give his. Hon. and Learned Friend, namely, that the authority . by which he held the power of,the See of Rome, as derived from St. Peter, was ,to be found indorsed on the. back of that instrument which assigned for ever.the sove reignty of the Adriatic sea to the States of Venice. —(Hear!)--lf Catholics could advise their Sove reign after the passing of this Bill in this House, or that of the,Peers of the realm, would it not be a new degradation of the House to treat Rornary Catho lics as outcasts, or a proscribed .class, though in both Houses of Parliament, thus creating a pri vileged majority and a degraded minority ? though he imagined the Catholics would not per haps join in a full participation in religious rites Isiith the Established Church; yet he saw no ,just cause of impediment why they should not at- .end with all decent observance places of won- ship belonging to the Established Church, whilst they might feel an indisposition to join in re ceiving the Communion with Protestants, There were but few persons who could aspire to seats in Parliament ; but if they considered the num ber of persons who from the , middle and respect able classes of Roman Catholics in Ireland ►vere educated for the liar, they would see . what a general satisfaCtion it most necessarily spread to have thorn adniiBSible to the Bench - : What -impression would it make on the people' bf that country: td See one eminent man of their order and communion seated on the bench ? It must tend to bring back that feeling of security, of equality and jdstice, which the prostrlptiiiit of , ages bad removed. It .happened' to him to administer the laws between men of all religions under heaven ; but he never felt any difficulty in discharging his duties amidst such discordant principles. For this he claimed no merit.": . He - was not so sanguine as to expect that immediate and general satisfaction would be the of the measure in Ireland. Such an eXpectatidit was disclaimed at the very outset by his Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. Plunkett). Mr. BARHAM, amid loud cries of " Questions" obServed, that as the llOn.Member for Leicester had remarked upon - something he had said a month ago, he trusted the Committee would -al low him a few minutes to explain the subject alluded to. 'With respect to the petition of - the Archdeaconry of Leicester, he could only say that he was not known to any One of the pe titioners ; that if he had said any thing unguard ed on the occasion in question, he was Sorry he had done so; but he could not. retract the expression of his indignation atrthe latiguare of the petition. It accused a great part of Christian world of being unworthy of belief upon their oath. With regard to the petition of Mr. Hayes, he could assure the Committee that he was able to speak of some circumstances with in his own knowledge relating to that Gentleman. He (Mr.. B.) was at Rome at the time of the ex amination into Mr. Hayes's conduct;' he had seen the order for Mr. 11. to quit Rome within it hours, and the Papal territories within three days ; he had seen the depoSitions on the subject, with the Governor's Report upon them, and he had also seen Mr. Hayes's letters to the Pope ac knowledging the justice of his sentence.—[Here there was a very general cry of " Question," and strangers were ordered t o w ithdr aw .] • The House then divided upon Mr. Peel's Amendment, when there appeared For the Amendment - - " 109 ' Against it - - - - 188 Majority against the Amendment -19 We understand Mr. PEEL moved, whilst the Gallery was shut, to exclude the Office of Chan cellor. of Ireland, which was agreed to without a division., On our admission to the gallery we found Mr. couLnuaN contending that Catholics ought not to be Governors of Colonies. The Hon..lllelll - concluded by moving to insert words which had the effect of preventing Catholics from.hoid lila the situation of Governor, or administering the • Government of his Majesty's colonieri 7 . or other foreign possessions. .= . The House divided•on the qnestion,-- For the Amendment Against it The Amendment was consequently-lost -by . majority of 43. The other claUses.were then agreed to, and the Committee were proceeding with the Inter course Regulation Bill, when .Mr. liuTcHiNsoN suggested that it must be inconvenient to go fur ther that night. The House • had just decided hich he the Bo isill o ; f l C o l a u i ( t l i d n n a t Bill, ) c l a itc :l esi t ; h l e T l l l l 3 hrce i l l yt l oul Conces_sious to ri going is into %tvi was subject to considerable objection, and per haps 'the house would think it right after the diicussion of the evening, to .postpone fui flier consideration until to-morrow.- lie had alVaays felt that unqualified concessions to the Roman Catholics' would. be wise and liberal' policy„and in that view he should oppose some.of the res;:riC- E tions in the second part of the Bill. Mr. M. FITZGERALD suggested whether it was I not desirable the discussion should be postponed ? Sir JOHN NEWPORT expressed an opinion that it would be . proper to emhody the Bills : as there. seemed to be a desire, to adjourn the discussich he should comply with that suggestion. Ileac cordingly moved " that the Chairman dO report progress and ask leave to sit again this day." He observed, at the same time, that the 13111 might. he reported to-morrow, printed with the amend ments, and read a third time ork Monday. Lord CASTLEREAGH did not _object to the ar rangement made by the Right Hon. Baronet; he begged, however, Gentlernen would understand, that in opposing the restrictions they were op posing-the. Bill. itself. If the restrictions werg,lost, he should oppose the original Bill. . • • The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again, this day. Loi'd PAL,WintsToN gave notice, that on, Fri day he should move the Army Miscellaneous Estimates.—Adjourned at HALT -PAST TwELvi:. COURT OF A I,DERIVILN.—A Court of Alder men was held yesterday, when JOHN GARRATT, Esq. Citiz e n an d G o ld sm i t h , who was recentl y elected Alderman of the Ward of Bridge, was introduced by his Committee and friends, form ing a highly respectable deputation, and was. sworn into office with the usual formalities.-- JAMES DAVIDSON,, Esq. the senior inhabitant, made a most impressive and able address to the. Logo MATort and Court, expressing in terms of . the highest admiration of the character, talent, and private worth of Mr. GARRITT, animad verting on the arduous and peculiar struggle in which they had been engaged, and eulogizing • the impartiality manifested by the Lottn MAYoR as presiding Officer on that occasion ; Concluding by expressing' his - decided conviction, that their worthy Alderman would so perform his official duties, as not only to prove an ornament to that_ 'Court &at also to ensure the entire confidence oX,I his fellow-citizens.—The Coilrt requested • tilb City Members, and'otber Members of the CoUrt".'. having seats in Parliament, to attend to a Bill ' now pending in the House of Comm/111,5u 'pr e = vent delays in County Courts, and for the•knoii is • . 'easy reeovery of Sm a ll 'Debts. • The- Principal and Professors of. .Marischal College and University, Aberdeen, have . spOnta T Ineously conferred the Degree of D. 1). on.th Rev. JOSEPH PATERSOV, (the of the Ministers of Montrose.--(AGerdeen Journal.)