The Sun. — London, England, 1845-12-24 00:00:00

TIONS Sunda* , t i '! imon Coupe:. Mir, were be"l 1. The follow; in the sere' Laurie in ! ill in notninatico ted S 1 transaction ,Le Jr opening proposed 0 in ? ected for 0 ,1 . 5 ion from tbe" in the a lit ' his ward. in the c 111 .; re were ru ) , Mr.l 3 sr i l e Dund that put up 01 ' manded. • I in the OA!" ;ly e lected • Ir. B. Asblet; Jr. W. Joif t .: nne tt, rr , find Mr.,' es Hughes in for the Cracklow", r`,l and the 0° 11 was civ po rsball in the, ithout 0pP 06 ,;, Hill, J. u r tll5 O C. W he re in the chia' • f re tiremen t v o re gentlett le f the nat anguished a v , *s. Bar V. Casteee. :arrolwisl inb°' ill.: acted 'neon in t h i ; d ess rs. g rn ic i . I , llopPef ' the jf e l l: ardw ic s j f nstnitnoo nter a for t recte tv) , n (perLi e, $ the Wo od . lell (Deln!„ )1 0 w ere 6.b -f the P ". n bee hasing, t he Adressql re, Wood! oe Ile ° lc/ 0' wise tbiln i• .blei° Jc tirD tight theoter, th° oir e , d to ieq A 'en prefe ,rr r 4 ood Jr ~,st •ivg , d e a se) . p t uisbe f the , :e ece nees 1° th e d ch ItsEIV the 30 .401:11 foot i- sg + poll I" 19' Prior' 1 5 ; ; u ncle% thein cbi't' . 00 io PP °6lti of ovio ;her i 0 y tbg, Pseot lll4 ' °a CbAi r ' til4 re CO D° n t b j 04":,o de. n . OT f i st° i n/136 dad 00 see" - - TO c h a i r. 0 . , tempt t° ° l o word:li:0 5 fora' the cbo il c i sentatiorl 1 3 1 chair. 1. • • • • ` 5 ........ wa lly d 01 1 w OO% f er 11 3, 31t ' fiVg"'t ;let nin th r enti,; rtl ar fer, polo The l as' dor] , O f 1.30 bvie l P o r,Li c lerOoitil 1)4,3f;67fer• eq „ I uo olo [r • ip!to 2 Ow oA b io 3iig• fr om y b eJoog i l ot=0" P" low -f 1 3 s r ' 5, of ' ll.ll' 00 cora - rc e, 5 4 bes 00 stru` - es sl b ; $ oiout 1,00 , )11 1161$Pj . 11eb ,,„biel; c, • b 0 5 1 ;ir t1' ; 00 11, 1 ; eap e du. 0 lblr/ i AMERICAN NEWS. THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. By the Sea, Captain Freeman, from New York, which has made a quick passage of seventeen days to Liverpool, we have received the Message delivered by President Polk, to Congress, at Washington, on the 2d instant. This document, as expected, is very decided as to the right of the States to the Oregon territory, and recommends that notice be given to Great Britain of the wish to terminate the convention of joint occu pancy at the end of twelve months. The national finances of the States are represented as very prosperous, and the Message recommends a reduction of the tariff to a standard required only for revenue purposes. OPENING OF THE TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. (From the Journal of Commerce.) The first session of the twenty-ninth Congress corn rneneed at Washington city on Monday last. Both -Rouses are Democratic ; the Senate by a majority, including vacancies which are certain to be filled by Democrats, of six ; the Huuse, by a majority of nearly two to one. The annexed letter from our cor respondent presents an outline of the introductory proceedings:— WASHINGTON, DEC. 1. The D emocra ti c C aucus re - assem bl e d a t ten o'clock this morning, and there were present one hundred and fifteen Members. On the first ballot for Speaker, the Hon. John W. D avis, of Indiana, had 65 votes; George W. Hop of Virginia, 16 votes ; George C. Dromgoole, of Virginia, 7; C. J. Ingersoll, 12 ; Mr. Bowlin, 1; kr. M'Clelland, 2. Scattering 9. Subsequently, a number of Members changed their V otes, and Mr. Davis received 77 votes, which is two thirds the whole number given. So Mr. Davis was n ominated both in conformity with the majority rule a nd two-thirds rule. This is a memorable election " many accounts. It is the first distinct and un disguised assumption of the power of the West, and t he first marked proof of the declension of the power of the South. The following is THE MESSAGE. VELLOW•CITIZEN3 OF THE SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, I t is to me a source of unaffected satisfaction to meet th e Representatives of the States and the people in Con- R r ess assembled, as it will be to receive the aid of their e°l33bined wisdom in the administration of public affairs. p , rformin g , for the first time, the duty imposed upon lee by the constitution, of giving to you information of t he state of the Union, and recommending to your con lideration such measures as in my judgment are neces larY and expedient, I am happy that I can congratulate You oe the continued prosperity of our country. Under the blessings of Divine Providence, and the benign in fitteriee of our free institutions, it stands before the world . spectacle of national happiness. With our unexampled advancement in all the elements : f national greatness, the affection of the people is con :‘,4°,el for the union of the states, and for the doctrines Popular liberty, which lie at the foundation of our "'rem: ne m. It becomes us, in humility, to make our devout acknow ledgments to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe for the ill"fineable civil and religious blessings with which we ere f avoured. v i n calling the attention of Congress to our relations gi l t° foreign Powers, I am gratified to be able to state i k. 4 t, though with some of them there existed since your session serious causes of irritation and misunder 4-endirig,: yet ao actual hostilities have taken place. `` ° Pfing the maxim in the conduct of our foreign affairs, that saw nothing that is not right, and submit toil nothing pea ce rong," it has been my anxious desire reserve iLnee with all nations ; but at the same time to be pre pare ti to resist aggression, and to maintain all our just t MEXICO AND TEXAS. spa n Pursuance; of the joint resolution of Congress " for on e e xiree Texas to the United States," my predecessor, tat t ae third day of March, 1845, elected to submit the k v and secon-d sections of that resolution to the re- St e ; te of Texas ' as an overture, on the part of the United el,„ s ,s, for her admission as a state into our Union. This de,i ' ra I approved, and accordingly the Chargé It te - „ 4 ,ires of the United States in Texas, under in settitions of the 10th of' March, 1845, presented these )403 of the. resolution for the acceptance of that Re if), ,r• The Executive Government, the Congress, and eo k r e oele of Texas in convention, have successively te, o l sll ed with all the terms and conditions of the joint etat ution. A. constitution for the government of the t e °of Texas, formed by a convention of deputies, is t , rewith laid I)t,fore Congress. It is well known, also, ,eat te e people of Texas at the polls have accepted the `er_ins of anne . xation, and ratified the constitution. , I commune to to Congress the correspondence be i4eeen the Secretary of State and our Charge d'Affai res Texa3; and also the correspondence of the latter with authorities of Texas; together with the official documents transmitted by him to his own Government. 'rhe terms of annexation which were offered by the Unitedfk States having been accepted by Texas, the public 4 th „of both parties is solemnly pledged to the compact e e 'lleir union. Nothing remains to consummate the stale but the passage by an act of Congress to admit the eri th e of Texae into the Union upon an equal footing t e e the original States. Strong reasons exist why this eel l "',l be done at an early period of the session. It exi,„L'a observed that, by the constitution of Texas, the Co t ; e g Government is only continued temporarily till e e ',, 6r ess (=,n act; and that the third Monday of the h"enf ner aith is the day appointed for holding the first eeral el action. On that day a governor, a lieutenant 'cier, th nor, and both branches of the Legislature, will be fired by the, people. The President of Texas is immediately after the receipt of official in 'nation, that the new State has been admitted into te d t. union by Congress, to convene the Legislature; wi ll ,uPon its meeting the existing Government er e °e superseded, and the State Government 6 "ined Qu es tions deeply interesting to Texas, in s ett . UCS s e , l l3lo e with the other States, the extension of our re lit lie laws and judicial system over her people and ter te°rY, as well as measures of a local character, will ec,witEl th e early attention of Congress ; and, therefore, lt", 11 every principle of republican government, she ought 'eue represented in that body without unnecessary delay. i t , 4 nnet taco earnestly recommend prompt action on this Porten, A ,•• su bject. p 4" SOUn as the Act to admit Texas as a state shall be se l nd, the union of the two republics will be consum e,;.4 by their own voluntary consent. i r lis accession to our territory has been a bloodless I "ement. No arm of force has been raised to pro • 14 4 t et the result. The sword has had no part in the vic- Y. We have not sought to extene out territorial e,ussessions by conquest, or our republican institutions t i e r Et reluctant people. It was the deliberate homage •"° ll people to the great principles of our federative ttio o. It we consider the extent of territory involved in the . k t xation—its prospective influence on America—the t s , tt lis by which it has been accomplished, springing th - e re ,lY from the choice of the people themselves to share 4` . blessings of our union—the history of the world may T he to furnish a parallel. t () 'he jurisdiction of the United States, which at the f r ille.teo n of the federal constitution was bounded by 6 t. Mary's, on the Atlantic, has passed the Capes of t a °rida, and been peacefully extended to the Del Norte. t,„, e oatemplating the grandeur of this event, it is not to t e"„',"rgotten that the result was achieved in spite of the ercanatic interference of European monarchies. Even ty -ti nee—the country which had our ancient ally— e.eountry which has a common l interest with us in aintaining the freedom of the seas—the country which, 11, t1 le cession of Louisiana, first opened to us access to to : Gulf of Mexico—the country with which we have e cs 'n, every 3 ear drawing more and more closely the t e rl :s of successful commerce—most unexpectedly, and Ur unfeigned regret, took part in an effort to prevent el,"xetion, and to impose on Texas, as a condition of t e eognition of her independence by Mexico, that she 1 .. ;‘ • 11 , 1 d never join herself to the United States. We may eu'ee that She tranquil and pervading influence of the d e r rican pri nc ipl e o f self-governm e nt was sufficient to 4 „ ;Alt the purposes of British and French interference, Te t hat the almost unanimous voice of the people of ti,,as has given to that interference a peaceful and effec t rebuke. From this example, European Govern tet;st.s may learn how vain diplomatic arts and intrigues '" ever prove upon this continent, against that system eth i • se l l f - government which seems natural to our soil, and T owards will ever resist foreign interference. t"°'rettrd s Texas, I do not doubt that a liberal and eilerous spirit will actuate Congress in all that concerns cer in terests and prosperity, and that she will never have o . _.se to regret that she has un i te d h er " l one star " to our constellation. te oe r egret to inform you that our relations with Mexico, a, s' e Your last session, have not been of that amicable f erecter which it is our desire to cultivate with all Z e ign nations. On the 6th day of March last the t oi e lt icall Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipos te e la rY to the United States made a formal protest, in do name of his Government, against the joint resolu to t hP its sed by Congress, " for the annexation of Texas o lilted States," which he chose to regard as a oe i a t tl °° of the rights of Mexico, and, in consequence t h e he demand e d hi s passports. H e was i n f orme d th a t this Government of the United States did not consider of Joint resolution as a violation of any of the rights to hisexic° or that it afforded just cause of offence any inde Government ; that the republic of Texas was an c oos P t deilt power, owing no allegiance to Mexico, and rei 'luting no part of her territory or rightful sove was",itaY and jurisdiction. Ile was also assured that it swtaitri!dtti_heiaretinocre desire of this Government to maintain Mexico relations of peace and good under the„ ue- 'That functionary, however, notwithstanding r . c p.reseutatinns and assurances, abruptly terminated "16_11148 min, and shortly afterwards left the country. tizt fi r ur voy Extraordi nar y en d Mi n i s t e r Plenipoten te_ Mexico w as re f use d a ll o ffi c i a l i ntercourse w i t h by Gov ernment, and, after remaining several months u 7 the permission of his own Government, he returned r44:g, to the United States. Thus, by the acts of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between the two countries was suspended. Since that time, Mexico has, until recently, occupied an attitude of hostility towards the United States—has been marshalling and organising armies, issuing procla mations, and avowing the intention to make war on the United States, either by open declaration, or by invading Texas. Both the Congress and Convention of the people of Texas invited this Government to send an army into that territory to protect and defend them against the menaced attack. The moment the terms of annexation °fared by the United States were accepted by Texas, the latter became so far a part of our own country as to make it our duty to afford such protection and defence. I, therefore, deemed it proper, as a precautionary mea sure, to order a strong squadron to the coasts of Mexico, and to concentrate an efficient military force on the western frontier of Texas. Our army was ordered to take position in the country between the Nueces and the Del Norte, and to repel any invasion of the Texan ter ritory which might be attempted by the Mexican forces. Our squadron in the gulf was ordered to co-operate with the army ; but, though our army and navy were placed in a position to defend our own and the rights of Texae, they were ordered to commit no act of hostility against Mexico, unless she declared war, or was herself the ag gressor by striking the first blow. The result has been, that Mexico has made no aggressive movement, and our military and naval commanders have executed their orders with such discretion, that the peace of the two republics has not been disturbed. Texas had declared her independence, and maintained it by her arms for more than nine years. She has had an organised Government in successful operation during that period. Her separate existence as an independent state had been recognised by the United States and the principal powers of Europe. Treaties of commerce and navigation had been concluded witii her by different nations, and it had become manifest to the whole world that any further attempt on the part of Mexico to con quer her, or overthrow her Government, would be vain. Even Mexico herself had become satisfied of this fact ; and while the question of annexation was pending before the people of Texas, during the past summer, the Government of Mexico by a formal uct agreed to recognise the independence of Texas on condition that she would not annex herself to any other power. The agreement to acknowledge the independence of Texas, whether with or without this condition, is ciaiclusive against Mexico. The independence of Texas is a fact conceded by Mexico herself, and she has no right or au thority to prescribe restrictions as to the form of go vernment which Texas might afterwards assume. But though Mexico cannot compla.in of the United States on account of the annexation of Texas, it is to be regretted that serious causes of misunderstanding between the two countries continue to exist, growing out of unredressed in juries inflicted by the Mexican authorities and people on the persons and property of citizens of the United States through a long series of years. "Mexico has admitted these injuries, but has neglected and refused to repair them. Such was the character of the wrongs, and such the insults repeatedly offered to American citizens and the American flag by Mexico, in palpable violation of the laws of nations and the treaty between the two countries of the sth of April, 1831, that t hey have repeatedly been brought to the notice of Cong Tess by my predecessors. As early as the Bth of Februar y, 1837, the President of the United States declared, in a message to Congress, that " the length of time since some of the injuries have been committed, the repeated tint.wailing applications fir redress, the wanton character teF some of the outrages upon the persons and property o f our citizens, upon the officers and flag of the United St ates, independent of re cent insults to this Government and people by the late extraordinary Mexican Minister, would justify in the eyes of all nations immediate war." He did not, how ever, recommend an immediate resort to this extreme measure, which he declared, " should not be used by just and generous nations, confiding in their strength for injuries committed, if it can be :honourably avoided," but in a spirit of forbearance, prop : sed that another demand be made on Mexico for that re dress which had been so long and unjustly withheld. In; these views, Committees of the two minuses of Congrests., in reports made to their respective bodies, concurred. Since these proceeedings more than eight years have elapsed, during which, in addition to the wrongs then corn plained of, others of an aggravated character have beer t committed on the per sons and property of our citizen s. A special agent was sent to Mexico in the summer iof 1838, with full autho rity to make another and final demand fur redress. The demand was made; the Mexic an Government promised to repair the wrongs of which ye complained ; and after much delay a treaty of iudem airy with that view was completed between the two pot vers on the 11th of April, 1839, and was duly ratified by both Governments. By this treaty a joint committee w:is created to adjudicate and decide on the claims of An ierican citizens on the Government of Mexico. The commission was organised at Washington on the 25th day eif August, 1840. Their time was limited to 18 months, at the expiraiion of which they had adjudicated and decided claims amounting to 2,026,139 dolls. 66c. in favour of citizens of the United States against the Mexican Government, leaving a large amount of claims undecided. Of the latter the American commissioners had decided in favour of our citizens claims amounting to 928,627 do Ils. 88v., which were left uniieled on by the umpire at ahorised by the treaty. Still further claims, amounting :o between 3.000,000 and 4,000,000 dolls. were submitted, to the board too late to be considered, and were left ur,disposed of. The sum of 2,026,139 dolls. 68c., decided by the board, was a liqui dated and ascertained debt cl'ae b'e Mexico to the claim ants, and there was no justifiaiiie reason for delaying its payment according to the to rms of the treaty. It was not, however, paid. Mexico applied for further in dulgence ; and in that spirit of indulgence and liberality and forbearance which has ever marked the policy of the United States towards that republic, the request was granted; and on the 30th of January, 1843, a new treaty was concluded. By this treaty it was provided that the interest due on the:awards in favour of claimants under the convention of the 11th of E pril, 1839, should be paid on the 30th April, 1844, and t'aat " the principal of the said awards and the interest arising thereon shall be paid in five years, in equal instalments every three months ; the said five years to commence on the 30th day of April, 1843, as aforesaid." The interest due on the 30th day of April, 1843, and the three first of the 20 instalments, have been paid. Seventeen of these instal ments remain unpaid, seven of which are now due. Tha claims which are left undecided by the joint com mission, amounting to more than 3,000,000 dollars, together with other claims for spoliations on the pro perty of our citizens, were sabsequently presented to the Mexican Government for payment, and were so far recognised that a treaty, providing for their examina tion and settlement by a joint commission, was con chided and signed at Mexico on the 20th day of No vember, 1843. This treaty was ratified by the United States, with certain amendments, to which no just ex• ception couid have been taken ; but it has not yet re ceived the ratification of the Mexican Government. In the meantime our citizens, who suffered great losses and some of whom have been reduced from affluence to bankruptcy, are withot remedy, unless their rights be enforced by their Government. Such a continued and unprovoked series of wrongs could never have been tole rated by the United States had they been committed by one of the principal nations of Europe. Mexico was, however, a ne'ghbouring sister republic, which, follow ing our example, had achieved her independence, and for whose success and prosperity all our sympathies were early enlisted. The United States were the first to ac knowlt dge her independence, and to receive her into the family of nations, and have ever been desirous of cultivating with her a good understanding. We have, therefore, borne the repeatad wrongs she has committed with great patience, in the hope that a returning sense of justice would ultimately guide her councils, and that we might, if possible, honourably avoid any hostile col lision with her. Without the previous authority of Congress, the exe cutive possessed no power t•o adopt or enforce adequate remedies for the injuries we had su&red, or to do more than be prepared to repel the threatened aggression on the part of Mexico. After our army and navy had re mained on the frontier and coasts of Mexico many weeks, without any hostile movement on her part, though her menaces were continued, I deemed it important to put an end, if possible, to this state of things. ith this view, I caused steps to be taken, in the month of Sep tember last, to ascertain distinctly, and in an authentic form, what the designs of the Mexican Government were, whether it was their intention to declare war or invade Texas, or whether they were disposed to adjust and settle, in an amicable manner, the pending differences between the two countries. On the Ath of November an official answer was received, that the Mexican Go vernment consented to renew the diplomatic relations which had been suspended in March last, and for that purpose were willing to accredit a Minister from the United States. With a sincere desire to preserve peace, and restore relations of good understanding between the ON o republics, I waived all ceremony as to the manner of renewing diplomatic intercourse between them ; and assuming the initiative, on the 10th of November, a distinguished citizen of Louisiana was appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pie nipotentiary to Mexico, clothed with full power to ad • just, and definitely settle, all pending differences between the two countries, including those of boundary between Mexico and the State of Texas. The Minister appointed has set out on this mission, and is probably by this time near the Mexican capital. He has been entrusted to bring the negotiation with which he is charged to a con clusion at the earliest practicable period ; which, it is expected, will be in time to enable me to forbear to re commend to Congress such ulterior measures of redress for the wrongs and injuries we have so long borne as it would have been proper to make had no such negotiation been instituted. Congress appropriated at the last session the sum of 275,000 dollars for the payment of the April and July instalments of the Mexican indemnities for the year 1844 ; " provided it shall be ascertained to the satis faction of the American Government that said instal ments have been paid by the Mexican Government to the agent appointed by the United States to receive the same, in such manner as to discharge all claim on the Mexican Government, and said agent to be delinquent in remitting the money to the United States." The unsettled stare - of our relations with Mexico has involved this subject in much mystery. The first infor mation, in an authentic form, from the agent of the United States, appointed under the administration of my predecessor, was received at the State department on the 9th of November last. This is contained in a letter, dated the 7th of October, addressed by him to one of our citizens then in Mexico, with the view of having it communicated to that department. From this it ap pears that the agent, on the 20th September, 1844. gave a receipt to the treasury of Mexico for the amount of the April and July instalments of the indemnity. In the same communication, however, he asserts that he had not received a single dollar in cash; but that he holds such securities as warranted him at the time in giving the receipt, and entertains no doubt that he will eventually obtain the . money. As these instalments Appear ueirer to bit* been actually paid by the Go. vernment of Mexico to the agent, and as that Go vernment has not, therefore, been released so as to discharge the claim. I do not feel myself warranted in directing payment to be made to the claimants out of the treasury without further legislation. Their case is, undoubtedly, one of much hardship ; and it remains for Congress to decide, whether any and what relief ought to be granted to them. Our Minister to Mexico bas been instructed to ascertain the facts of the case from the Mexican Government, in an authentic and official form, and report the result with as little delay as possible. TILE OREGON QUESTION. My attention was early directed to the negotiation, which, on the 4th of March last, I found pendirg at Washington between the United States, and Great Bri tain, on the subject of the Oregon territory. Three several attempts had been previously made to settle the questions in dispute between the two countries, by ne gotiation, upon the principle of compromise; but tech had proved unsuccessful. These negotiations took place at London, in the years 1818, 1824, and 1829; the two first under the adminis tration of Mr. Monroe, and the last nnder that of Mr. Adams. The negotiation of 1818 having failed to ac complish its object, resulted in the convention of the 20th of October of that year. By the third article of that convention it was " agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the north-west coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, to gether with its harbours, bays, and creeks, and the na vigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizers, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the preju dice of any claim which either of the two high contract ing parties may have to any part of the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country; the o:iy object of the high contracting parties in that retpec being to prevent disputes and differences among them selves." The negotiation of 1814 was produc!ive of no result, and the convention of 1818 waa left unchanged. The negotiation of 1826, having also felled to effect an adjustment by compromise, resulted in the convention of August 6th, 1827, by which it was agreed to continue in force, for an indefinite period, the provisions of the third article of the convention of the 20th of October, 1818 ; and it was further provided, that " it shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the 20th of October, 1828, on giving due notice of 12 months to the other contracting party, to annul and abrogate this convention ; and it shall, in such case, be accordingly entirely an nulled and abrogated after the expiration of the said term of notice." In these attempts to adjust the controversy, the parallel of the 49th degree of north latitude had been offered by the United States to Great Britain, and in those of 1818 and 1826, with a further concession of the free navigation of the Columbia River south of that latitude. The parallel of the 49th degree, from the Rocky Moun tains to its intersection with the north-easternmost branch of the Columbia, and thence down the channel of that river to the sea, had been offered by Great Britain, with an addition of a small detached territory north of the Columbia. Each of these propositions had been rejected by the parties respectively. In October,lB43, the Envoy Extraordinary and Minis ter Plenipotentiary of the United States in London was authorised to make a similar offer to those made in 1818 and 1826. Thus stood the question when the negotia tion was shortly afterwards transferred to Washington, and, on the 23d of August, 1844, was formally opened under the direction of my immediate predecessor. Like all the previous negotiations, it was based upon princi ples of " compromise ;" and the avowed purpose of the parties was, " to treat of the respective claims of the two countries to the Oregon territory, with the view to establish a permanent boundary between them westward of the Rocky Mountains in the Pacific Ocean." Ac cordingly, on the 26th of August, 1844, the British Plenipotentiary offered to divide the Oregon territory by the 49th parallel of north latitude, from the Rocky Mountains to the point of its intersection with the north easternmost branch of the Columbia River, and thence down that river to the sea, leaving the free navigation of' the river to be enjoyed in common by both parties—the country south of this line to belong to the United States, and that north of it to Great Britain. At the same time, he proposed, in addition, to yield to the United States a detached territory, north of the Columbia, extending along the Pacific and the Straits of Fuca, from Bulfinch'e Harbour, inclusive, to Hood's Canal, and to make fre , to the United States any port or ports south of latitude 49 degrees, which they might desire, either on the main land or on Quadra and Vancouver's Island. With the exception of the free torts, this was the same offer which had been made by the British and rejected by the American Go vernment in the negotiation of 1826. This proposition was properly rejected by the American Plenipotentiary on the day it was submitted. This was the only propo sition of compromise offered by the British Plenipoten tiary. The proposition on the part of Great Britain having been rejected, the British Pl• nipotentiary re quested that a proposal should be made by the United States for " an equitable adjustment of the question." When I came into office I found this to be the state of the negotiation. Though entertaining the settled conviction that the British pretensions of title could nut bo maintained to any portion of the Oregon territory upon any principle of public law recognised by nation . yet, in deference to what had been done by my predeces sors, and especially in consideration that propositions of compromise had been thrice made by two preceding Administrations. to adjust the question on the parallel of 49 degrees, and in two of them yielding to Great Britain the free navigation of the Columbia, and that the pending negotiation had hewn commenced on the basis of compromise. I deemed it to be my duty not abruptly to break it off'. In consideration, too, that under the conventions of 1818 and 1827, the citizens and subjects of the two powers held a joint oc cupancy of the country, I was induced to make another effort to settle this long-pending controversy in the spirit of moderation which had given birth to the re newed discussion. A proposition was accordingly made, which was rejected by the British Plenipotentiary, who, without submitting any other proposition, suffered the negotiation on his part to drop, expressing his trust that the United States would offer what ho saw fit to call " some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon question more consistent with fairness and equity, and with the reasonable expectations of the British Govern ment." The proposition thus offered and rejected re peated the offer of the parallel of 49 degrees of north latitude, which had been made by two preceding Ad ministrations, but without proposing to surrender to Great Britain, as they had done, the free navigation of the Columbia River. The right of any foreign power to the free navigation of any of our rivers, through the heart of our country, was one which I was unwilling to concede. Italie embraced a provision to make free to Great Britain any port or ports on the Cape of Quadra and Van couver's Island, south of this parallel. Had this been a ne v question, coming under discussion for the first time, this proposition would not have been made. The extra ordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British Government, and the rejection of the proposition made in deference alone to what had been done by my prede cessors, and the implied obligar,on which their acts seemed to impose, afford satisfactory evidence that no compromise which the United States ought to accept can be effected. With this convicl.ion the proposition of compromise which had been made and rejected was by my direction subsequently withdrawn, and our title to the wlio!e Oregon territory assorted, aid as is believed maintained by irrefragable facts and arguments. The civilised world will see in these proceedings a spirit of liberal concession on the part of the United States, and this Government wil! be relieved from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the controversy. Ali attempts at corupreini.ai having failed, it becomes the duty of Congress to consider what measures it may be proper to adopt for the security and protection of our citizens now inhabiting, or who may hereafter inhabit Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that territory. In adopting measures for this pur pose, care should be taken that nothing be done to violate the stipulations of the convention of 182, which is still in force. The r;.ith of treaties, in their letter and spirit, has ever been, and I trust will ever be, scrupulously observed by the United St a t es . Under that convention a year's notice is required to be given by either party to the other, before the joint occu pancy can terminate, and before either can rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any portion of the territory. This notice it would, in my judgment, be proper to give ; and I recommend that provision be made by law for giving it accordingly, and terminating, in this manner, the convention of the 6th of August,lB27. It will become proper for Congress to determine what legislation they can, in the meantime., adopt without violating this convention. Beyond an question, the pro tection of our laws and our juriAietion, civil and cri rnival, ought to be immediately extended over our citi zens in Oregon. They have 1 . . d just cause to complain of our long neglect in this particular, and have, in con sequence, been compelled, i'or their own security and protection, to establish a Provisional Governmentfr'for themselves. Strong in their allegiance and ardent in their attachment to the United States, they have thus been cast upon their own resources. They are anxious that, our laws should be extended over them ; and I recom mend that this be done by Congress with as little delay as possible, in the full extent to which the British Par liament have proceeded in regard to British subjects in that territory, by their Act of July 2, 1821, " for regu lating the fur trade, and establishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction within certain parts of North America." By this Act, Great Britain extended her laws and jurisdiction, civil and criminal, over her subjects engaged in the fur trade in that territory. By it, the courts of the province of Upper Canada were empowered to take cognisance of causes civil and criminal. Justices of the peace and other judicial officers were authorised to be appointed in Oregon, with power to execute all process issuing from the courts of that province, and to "sit and hold courts of record for the trial of criminal offences and misde meanours," not made the subject of capital punishment, and also of civil cases, where the cause of action shall not " exceed in value the amount or sum of 2001." Subsequent to the date of this Act of Parliament, a grant was made from the "British Crown" to the Hud son's Bay Company, of the exclusive trade with th e In dian tribes in the Oregon territory, subject to ar e serva tion that it shall not operate to the exclusion "of th etat bg es e w i h n o : b u e n t d weereon,: or by fOrce of sanyubj e c c o t n s ve of n any tion f f o o r r e i and such foreign states respectively, map be entitl to, and shall be engaged in the said trade. the gn tune states It is much to be regretted, that , the British subjects have en . jo , ' While under this A c t tish'l of the Oregon ` aws, and British jeri ed the protection of Bri eir.,l tribunals throughout th e whole - the American citizens in t h e same teritory have , Government. enjoyed no such protection from th e i r character At the same time, the result Llustrates the of tb' ofour people and ,their institutions. In spit e e —0 neglect they have multiplied, and their number is THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORN] NG, DI4_:CEINIBER, 24, 1845. rapidly increasing in that teritory. They have made no appeal to arms, but have peaceably fortified themselves in their new homes, by the adoption of republican institu tions for themselves ; forming another example of the truth that self-government is inherent in the American breast, and must prevail. It is due to them that they should be embraced and protected by our laws. It is deemed important that our laws regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes east of the Rocky Mountains should be extended to such tribes as dwell beyond them. The increasing emigration to Oregon, and the care and protection which is due from the Government to its citizens in that distant region, make it our duty, as it is our interest, to cultivate amicable relations with the In dian tribes of that. territory. For this purpose, I recom mend that pr ov i s i on be made for establishing an Indian agency and such sub-agencies as may be deemed neces sary beyond the Rocky Mountains. For the protection of emigrants whilst on their way to Oregon, against the attacks of the Indian tribes occu pying the country through which they pass, I recom mend that a suitable number of stockades and block house forts be erected along the usual route between our frontier settlements on the Missouri and the Rocky Mountains, and that an adequate force of mounted rifle men be raised to guard and protect them on the journey. The immediate adoption of these recommendations by Congress will not violate the provisions of the existing treaty. It will be doing nothing more for American citizens than British laws have long since done for Bri tish subjects in the same territory. It requires seven] months to perform the voyage by sea from the Atlantic States to Oregon ; and although we have a large number of whale ships in the Pacific, but few of theta afford an opportunity of interchanging intelligence, without delay, between our settlements in that distant region and the United States. An overland mail is believed to be entirely practicable, and the im portance of establishing such a snail, at least once a month, is submitted to the favourable consideration of Congress. It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to deter mine whether, at their present session, and until after the expiration of the year's notice, any other measures may be adopted, consistently with the convention of 1827, for the security of our rights, and the government and protection of our citizens in Oregon. That it will ultimately be wise and proper to naftte liberal grants of land to the patriotic pioneers, who, amidst privations and dangers, lead the way through savage tribes inha biting the vast wilderness intervening between our fron tier s ttlements and Oregon, and who cultivate, and are ever ready to defend the soil, lam fully satisfied. To doubt whether they will obtain such grants as soon as the convention between the United States and Great Britain shall have ceased to exist would be to doubt the justice of Congress ; but, pending the year's notice, it is worthy of consideration whether a stipulation to this effect may be made, consistently with the spirit of tha . convention. The recommendations which I have made as to the best manner of securing our rights in Oregon are sub mitted to Congress with great deference. Should they, in their wisdom, devise any other mode better calculated to accomplish the same object, it shall meet with my hearty concurrence. At the end of the year's notice, should Congress think it proper to make provision for giving that notice, we shall have reached a period when the national rights of Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained. That they cannot be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national honour and interest is too clear to admit of doubt. Oregon is a part of the North American continent, to which it is confidently affirmed the title of the United States is the best now in existence For the grounds on which that title rests, I refer you to the correspondence of the late and present Secretary of State with the Bri tish Plenipotentiary during the negotiation. The British proposition of compromise, which would make the Colum bia the line south of 49 degrees, with a trifling addition of detached territory to the United States north of that river, and would 1. aye on the British side trio-thirds of the whole Ore; , n territory, including the free navigation of the Columbia and ail the valuable harbours on the Pacific, can never, for a moment, be entertained by the United States, withont an abandonment of their just and clear territorial riehts ' their own self-respect, and the national honour. For the information of Congress, I communicate herewith the correspondence which took place between the Governments during the late nego tiation. The rapid extension of our settlements over our terri tories heretofore unoccupied, the addition of new States to our confederacy, the expansion of free principles, and our rising greatness as a nation, are attracting the at tention of the Powers of Europe ; and lately the doc trine has been broached in some of them of a "balance of power" on this continent, to check our advancement. The United States, sincerely desirous of preserving rela tions of good understanding with all nations, cannot in silence permit any European interference on the North American continent ; and should any such interference be attempted, will be ready to resist it at any and all hazards. It is well known to thevArnerican people and to all nations that this Government has never interfered with the relations subsisting between other Governments. We have never made ourselves parties to their wars or their alliances ; we have not sought their territories by conquest ; we have not mingled with parties in their do mestic struggles; and, believing our own form of govern ment to be the best, we have never attempted to propagate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force. We may claim on this continent a like exemption from European inter ference. The nations of America are equally sovereign and independent with those of Europe. They possess the :acne rights, independent of all foreign interposition, to make war, to conclude peace, and to regulate their in ternal affairs. The people of the United States cannot, therefore, view with indiff , rcnce attempts of European powers to interfere with the independent action of the nations on this continent. The American system of Government is entirely different from that of Europe. Jealousy amongst the different Sovereigns of Europe, lest any one of them might become too powerful for the rest, has caused them anxiously to desire the establish ment of what they term the " balance of power." It cannot be permitted to have any application on the North American continent, and especially to the United States. We must ever maintain the principle that tho people of this continent alone have the right to decide their own destiny. Should any portion of them, consti tuting an independent state, propose to unite themselves with our confederacy, this will be a question for them and us to determine, without any foreign interposition. We can ne ver consent that European powers shall inter fere to p revent such a union, because it m i ght disturb the " balan ce o f power " which they may desire to main tain upon this continent. Near a quarter of a century ago the principle was dis tinctly announced to the world, in the annual message of one of my predecessors, that " the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be con sidered as subjects for future colonisation by any Euro pean power." This principle will apply with greatly increased force, should any European power attempt to establish any new colony in North America. In the ex isting circumstances of the world, the present is deemed a proper occasion to reiterate and re-affirm the principle affirmed by Mr. Monroe, and to state my cordial con currence in its wisdom and sound policy. The re •asser ticn of this principle, especially in reference to North America, is at this day but the promulgation ef a policy which no European power should cherish the disposi tion to resist. Existie,; i.:ghts of every European nation should be re s p ect o but it is du , alike to our safety and our interests, t h at the effiei , nt pr . tec tion of oar l aws should bo ext,,nd d v r oer whole territorial limits, and that it stotild be distinct)) annou nced to t h e world as our seitlel policy, that no future European colony or dominion shall, with our consent, be planted or established on any part of the North American con tinent. TUE PRUSSIAN TREATY. - - A question has lately arisen under the tenth article of the subsisting treaty between the United States and Prussia. By this article, the Consuls of the two coun tries have the right to sit as judges and arbitrators " in such differences as may arise between the captains and crews of the vessels belonging to the nation whose inte rests are committed to their charge, without the interfe rence of the local authorities, unless the conduct of the 4, crews or of th e capta in should disturb th e or d er or tranquillity o f t h e countr y ; or the said C onsu l s s h ou ld requir e th e i r ass i stance to cause their d ec i s i ons to b o carried into e ff ec t or supported." The Prus s i an C on sul at but New applied t o M r . J ust i ce Story to carry into effect a deci sliounssmiaandeshbipy B hi o m ru b si e s t a w ; between the captain and crew of th e i tha Bedford, requestwas in June, refused on 8 4 the grou n d t h at , w ithout previous legislation by Con gress, the judiciary did not possess the power to give effect to this article of the treaty. The P russ i an Go vernment, through their Minister here, have complained of this violation of the treaty, and have asked the Go vernment of the United States to adopt the necessary measures to prevent similar violence hereafter. Good faith to Prussia, as well as to other nations with whom we have similar treaty stipulations, requires that these should be faithfully observed. I have deemed it proper, therefore, to lay . thesubjeet b e f ore C ongress, and to recommend such legi slatio n as may b e necessar y to give effect to these treaty o b li gations. SPANISH (NAVIGATION) TREATY. By virtue of an arrangement made between the Spanish Government and that of the United States, in December, 1831, American vessels, since the 29th of April, 1832, have been admitted to entry in the ports of Spain, including those of the Balearic and Canary Islands, on payment of the same tonnage duty of five cents per ton, as though they had been Spanish vessels ; l discriminati ng d u t y and this, whether our vesse ls arrive in Spain directly from the United States, or ind irectly from any other country. When Congress , b y the Act of July 13, 1828 , gave effect to this arrangeme n t between the two eSgpGo vernments, they confined the redu ction of tonnage duty m p e a r i e n ly , ' la to vin "coming from a port in Sto remain again s t suc h vessels coming from a port in any other country. It is m anifestly unjust that, w hil st Aenerican vessels, arriving in the port s of S pain from other ,coun tries, pay no more duty than S p an ish vessels, Sp iinlsh Spanish former ves ves sels vessels arriving in the ports of the United States Crom other countries should be subjected to heavy discrimi nating tonnage duties. This is neither equality nor reciprocity, and is in viola tion of the arrangement concluded in December, 1831 , between the two countries. The Spanish Government have made re petited and earnest remonstrances against this inequality, and the favourable attention of Congress has been se veral times involved to the subject by my predecessors. I recommend as an act of justice to Spain that this in equality b e removed by Cong ress, an d that the discri ten-lilting duties which have been levied under the Act of the 13th July, 1832, on Spanish vessels coming to the United States from any other foreign country, be re funded. This recommendation dues not embrace Spa nish vessels arriving in the United States from Cuba and Porto Rico, which will still remain subject to the provisions of the Act of June 30, 1834, concerning ton nage duty on such vessels. fay the Act of the 14th of July, 1832, coffee was exempted from duty altogether. this exemption was universal, without reference to the country where it was produced, or the national character of the vessel in which it was imported. By the tariff of the 30th o; August, 1842, this exemption from duty was restricted to coffee imported in American vessels from the place of its production ; whilst coffee imported under all other circumstances was subjected to a duty of 20 per cent. ad valorem. Under this Act, and our existing treaty with the King of the Netherlands, Java coffee hie ported from the European ports of that kingdom into the United States, whether in Dutch or American vessels, now pays this rate of duty. The Government of the Netherlands complains that such a discriminating duty should have been imposed on coffee the production of one of its colonies, and which is chiefly brought from Java to the ports of that kingdom, and exported from thence to foreign countries. Our trade with the Netherlands is highly beneficial to both countries, and our relations with them have ever been of the most friendly character. Under all the circum stances of the case, I recommend that this discrimination should be abolished, end that the coffee of Java imported Tom the Netherlands be placed upon the same footing w:th that imported directly from Brazil and other coun tries where it is produced. Under the eighth section of the Tariff Act of the 30th of August, 1842, a duty of 15 cents per gallon was im posed on port wine in casks, while on the red wines , d several other countries, when huported in casks, a duty of only six cents per gallon was imposed. This discri mination, so far as regarded the port wine of Portugal, was deemed a violation of our treaty with that power, which provides, that "no higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the United States of America of any article the growth, produce, or Manufac ture of the kingdom and possessions of Portugal, than such as are or shall be payable on the like article being the growth, produce, or manufacture of any other foreign country." Accordingly, to give effect to the treaty, as well as to the intention of Congress, expressed in a proviso to the Tariff Act itsalc that nothing therein contained should be so construed as to interfere with subsisting treaties with foreign nations, a Treasury circular was issued on the 16th of July, 1844, which, among other things, declared the duty on the port wine of Portugal, in casks, under the existing laws and treaty, to be six cents per gallon, and directed that the excess of duty which had been collected on such wine should be refunded. By virtue of another clause in the same section of the Act, it is provided that all imitations of port, or any other wines, " shall be subject to the duty provided for the genuine article." Imitations of port wine, the production of France, are imported to some extent into the United States ; and the Govern ment of that country now claims that, under a correct construction of the Act, these imitations ought not to pay a higher duty than that imposed upon the original port wine of Portugal. It appears to me to be unequal and unjust, that French imitations of port wine should be subjected to a duty of fifteen cents, while the more valuable article from Portugal should pay a duty of six cents only leer gallon. I therefore recommend to Con gress such legislation as may be necessary to correct the inequality. TEXAN CLAIMS. The late President, in his annual message of December last, recommended an appropriation to satisfy the claims of the Texan Government against the United States, which had been previously adjusted, so far as the powers of the Executive extend. These claims arose out of the act of disarming a body of Texan troops under the com mand of Major Snively, by an officer in the service of the United States, acting under the orders of our Go vernment ; and the forcible entry into the Custom House, at Bryarly's landing, on Red River, by certain citizens of the United States, and takiag away therefrom the goods seized by the collector of customs as forfeited under the laws of Texas. This was an liquidated debt, ascertained to be due to Texas when an independent state. tier acceptance of the terms of annexation pro posed by the United States does not discharge or inva lidate the claim. I recommend that provision be made 1 for its payment. CHINA. The commissioner appointed to China during the special session of the Senate in March last, shortly after wards set out on his mission in the United States ship Columbus. On arriving at Rro de Janeiro on his pas sage, the state of his health had become so critical that, by the advice of his medical attendants, he returned to the United States early in the month of October last. Commodore Biddle, commanding the East India squadron, proceeded on his voyage in the Columbus, and was charged by the commissioner with the duty of exchanging with the proper authorities the ratifications of the treaty lately c ncluded with the Emperor of China. Since the return of the commissioner to the United States, his health has been much improved, and he entertains the confident belief that .he will soon be able to proceed on his mission. SOUTH AMERICA. Unfortunately, differences continue to exist among some of the nations of South America, which, following our example, have t.stablished their independence, while in others internal dissensions prevail. It is natural that our sympathies should be warmly enlisted for their welfare; that we should desire that all controversies be tween them should be amicably adjusted, and their go vernments administered in a manner to protect the rights and promote the prosperity of their people. Ittia.„con trary, however, to our settled policy, to interfere imtheir controversies, whether external or internal. I have thus adverted to all the subjects coultected with our foreign relations to which I deem it neefAsary to call your attention. Our policy is not only -.ReAce with all, but good-will towards all the powers or the, eat th. While we are just to all, we require that ill shall be just to us. Excepting the differences with Mexico and Great Britain our relations with all civilised nations are of the most satisfactory character. It is hoped that in this enlightened age these differences may be ami cably adjusted. FINANCIAL STATEMENT. The Secretary of the Treasury, in his annual report to Congress, will communicate a full statement of the condition of our finances. The imports for the fiscal year ending on the 13th of June last were of the value of 117,254,564 dolls., of which the amount exported was 15,346,830 dolls., leaving a balance of 101,907,724 dolls. for domestic consumption. The exports for the same year were of the value of 114,646,606 dolls.; of which the amount of domestic articles was 99,291,776 dolls. The receipts into the Treasury during the same year were 29,769,133 dolls. 56 cents ; of which there were derived from customs 27,528,112 dolls. 70 cents ; from sales of public lands, 2,770,022 dolls. 30 cents; and from incidental and miscellaneous sources, 163,998 dolls. 56 cents. The expenditures for the same period were 29,968,206 dolls. 98 cents; of which 8,588,157 dolls. 62 cents were applied to the payment of the public debt. The balance in the Treasury on the Ist of June last was 7,658,306 dolls. 22 cents. The amount of the public debt remaining unpaid on the Ist of October last was 17,075,445 dolls. 52 cents. Further payments of the public debt would have been made, in anticipation of the period of its reimbursement under the authority conferred upon the Secretary of the Treasury by the Acts of July 21, 1841, and of April 15, 1842, and March 3, 1843, had not the unsettled state of our relations with Mexico menaced hostile collision with that power. In view of such a contingency, it was deemed prudent to retain in the Treasury an amount un usually large for ordinary purposes. A few years ago, our whole national debt growing out of the revolution and the war of 1812 with Great Britain was extinguished, and we presented to the world the rare and noble spectacle of a great and growing people who had fully discharged every obligation. Since that time the existing debt has been contracted ; a n d sma ll as it is, in comparison with the similar burdens of most otber nations, it should be extinguished at the earliest practicable period. Should the state of the country permit, and especially it our foreign relations interpose no obstacle, it is contemplated to apply all the moneys in the Treasury as they accrue beyond what is required fur the appropriations by Congress to its liquidation. I cherish the hope of soon being able to congratulate the country on its recovering once more the lofty position which it so recently occupied. Our country, which ex to the world the benefits of self-government, in developing all the sources of national prosperity, owes to mankind the permanent example of a nation free from the Wig bang influence of a public debt. THE TARIFF. The attention of Congress is invited to the importance of Leaking suitable modifications and reductions of the rates of duty imposed by our present tariff laws. The object of imposing duties on imports should be to raise revenue to pay the necessary expenses of Government. Congress may, undoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, discriminate in arranging the rates of duty on different articles; but the discrimination should be within the revenue standard, and he made within the view to raise money fur the support of Government. It becomes important to understand distinctly what is meant b:v a revenue standard, the maximum of which should not be exceeded in the rates of duty imposed. It is conceded, and experience proves, that duties may be laid so Leigh as to diminish or prohibit altogether the im portatio a of any given article, and thereby lessen or de stroy tl - Le revenue, which, at lower rates, would be de rived from its importation. Such duties exceed the revel ru e rates, and are not imposed to raise money for the s upport of Government. If Congress levy a duty for rever..ue, of one per cent. on a given article, it will pro duce a given amount of money to the Treasury, and will inci , lentally and necessarily afford protection or advan tage to the amount of one per cent. to the home mann fact urer of a similar or like article over the importer. If the duty be raised to 10 per cent., it will produce a gre rater amount of money, and afford greater pro tection. If it be still raised to 20, or 25, or 3t per cent., and if, as it is raised, the re venue derived from it is found to be increased, the pro teeth)] i or advantage will also be increased ; but if it be rai,ed to 31 per cent., net] it is found that the revenue produced at that rate is less than 30 per cent., it ceases to be a revenue duty. The precise point in the r.scending scare of duties at which it is ascertained from experience, that the revenue is greatest, is the maxi onim ratf.• of duty which can be laid for the bona fide p urpose of collecting money for the support of Go vern' pent, To raise the duties higher than that point, and thereby diminish the amount collected, is to levy they a for protection merely, and not for revenue. As lon, r, then as Congress may gradually increase the rate of 4 luty on a given article, and the revenue is increased by such increase of duty, they are within the revenue st: .nclard. When they go beyond that point, and, as th sy increase the duties, the revenue is diminished or di .s trued, the act ceases to have for its object the rais i fig of money to support Government, but is for protection reerely. It does not follow gist Congress should levy the highest duty on all articles of import which they will bear within the revenue standard, for such rates would probably produce a much larger amount than the eco nomical administration of the Government would re quire. Nor does it follow that the duties on all articles should be at the same, or a horizontal rate. Some ar ticles will bear a much higher revenue duty than others. Below the maximum of the revenue standard Congress may and ought to discriminate in the rates imposed, taking care so to adjust them on different articles as to produce in the aggregate the amount which, when added to the proceeds of sales of public lands, may be needed to pay the economicalexpenses of the Government. In levying a tariff of duties Congress exercises the taxing power, and for purposes of revenue may select the objects of taxation. They msy exempt certain articles altogether, and permit their importation free of duty. On others they may impose low duties. In these classes should be embraced such articles of neces sity as are in general use, and especially such as are consumed by the labourer and the poor, as well as by the Healthy citizen. Care should he taken that all the great interests of the country, including manufactures, agriculture, commerce, navigation, and the mechanic arts, should, as far as may be practicable, derive equal advantages from the incidental protection which a just system of revenue duties may afford. Taxation, direct or indirect, is a burden, and it should be so imposed as to operate as equally as may be on all classes, in the proportion of their ability to bear it. To make the taxing power an actual benefit to one class necessarily increases the burden of the others beyond their pro portion, and would be manifestly unjust. The terms protection to domestic industry," are of popular im port ; but they should apply under a just system to all the various branches of industry in our country. The farmer or planter who toils yearly in his fields is engaged in " domestic industry," and is as much entitled to have his labour " protected," as the manufacturer, the man of commerce, the navigator, or the mechanic, who are en gaged also in "domestic industry" in their different pur suits. The joint labours of all these classes constitute the aggregate of the "domestic industry" of the nation, and they are equally entitled to the nation's " protection." No one of them can justly claim to be the exclusive re cipients of " protection," which .can only be afforded by increasing burdens on the " domestic industry" of the others. If these views be correct, it remains to inquire how far the Tariff Act of 1842 is consistent with them. That many of the provisions of that Act are in violation of the cardinal principles here laid down all must concede. The rates of duty imposed by it on some articles are pro hibitory, and on others so high as greatly to diminish importations, and to produce a less amount of revenue than would be derived from lower rates. They operate as "protection merely," to one branch of " domestic in dustry," by taxin g o th er b ranc h es . By the introduction of minimums, or assumed and False values, and by the imposition of specific duties, the injustice and inequality of the Act of 1842, in its prac tical operations on different classes and pursuits, are seen and fe!t. Many of the oppressive duties imposed by it under the operation of these principles, range from 1 per cent. to more than 200 per cent. They are pro hibitory on some articles and partially so on others, and bear most heavily on articles of common necessity, and but lightly on articles of luxury. It is so framed that much the greatest burden which it imposes is thrown on labour and the poorer classes, who are least able to bear it, while it protects capital and exempts the rich from paying theirjust proportion of the taxation required for the support of government. While it protects the capital of the wealthy manufacturer, and increases his profits, it does not benefit the operative or labourer in his employment, whose wages have not been increased by it. Articles of prime necessity, or of coarse quality and low price, used by the masses of the people, are, in many instances, subjected by it to heavy taxes, while articles of finer quality and higher price, or of luxury, which can be used only by the opulent, are lightly taxed. It imposes heavy and unjust burdens on the farmer, the planter, the commercial man, and those of all other pur suits, except the capitalist who has made his investments in manufactures. All the great interests of the country are not, as nearly as may be practioable, equally pro tected by it. The Government in theory knows no distinction of persons or classes, aid should not bestow upon some fa vours and privileges which all others may not enjoy. It was the purpose of its illustrious founders to base the institutions which they reared upon the great and un changing principles of justice and equity, conscious that if administered in the spirit in which they were con ceived they would be felt only by the benefits which they diffused, and would secure for themselves a defence in the hearts of the people, more powerful than standing armies, and all the means and appliances invented to sustain governments founded in injustice and oppression. The well-known fact that the Tariff Act of 1842 was passed by a majority of one vote in the Senate, and two in the House of Representatives, and that some of those who felt themselves constrained, under the peculiar cir cumstances existing at the time, to vote in its favour, pro claimed its defects, and expressed their determination to aid in its modification on the first opportunity, affords strong and conclusive evidence that it was not intended to be permanent, and of the expediency and necessity of its thorongh revision. Ln recommending to Congress a reduction of the pre sent rates of duty, and a revision and modification of the Act of 1842, I am far from entertaining opinions un friendly to the manufacturers. On the contrary, I desire to see them prosperous, as far as they can be so, without imposing unequal burdens on other interests. The ad- vatitagc,' under any system of indirect taxation, even within the revenue standard, must be in favour of the manufacturing interest ; and of this no other interests will complain. I recommend to Congress the abolition of the minimum principle, or assumed, arbitrary, and false value, and of specific duties, and the substitution in their place of ad valorem dnties, as the fairest and most equitable indirect tax which can be imposed. ,By the ad valorem principle all articles are taxed according to their cost oevalue, and those which are of inferior quality or of small cost bear only the just proportion of the tax with those which are of supe rior quality or greater cost. The articles consumed by all are ts xed at the same rate. A system of ad valorem revenue duties, with proper discriminations and proper guards against frauds in collecting them, it is not doubted will afford ample incidental advantages to the manufacturers, and enable them to derive as great pro fits as can be derived from any other regular business. It is believed that such a system, strictly within the re venue standard, will place the manufacturing interests on a stable footing, and ensue to their permanent ad vantage, while it will, as firmly as may be practicable, extend to all the great interests of the country the inci dental protection which can be afforded by our revenue laws. Such a system, when once firmly established, would be permanent, and not be subject to the constant com plaints, agitations, and changes which must ever occur, when duties are not laid for revenue, but for the "pro tection merely" of a favoured interest. In the deliberations of Congress on this subject, it is hoped a spirit of mutual concession and compromise be tween conflicting interests may prevail, and that the result of their labours may be crowned with the happiest success. RECOMMENDATION OF A GOVERNMENT BANK. By the constitution of the United States it is provided, that " no money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law. ' A public treasury was undoubtedly contemplated and in tended to be created, in which the public money should be kept from the period of collection until needed for the public use. In the collection and disbursement of the public money no agencies have ever been employed by law, except such as were appointed by the Govern ment, directly responsible to it, and under its control. The safekeeping of public money should be confided to a public treasury created by law, and under like respon sibility and control. It is not to be imagined that the 'raters of the constitution could have intended that a treasury should be created as a place of deposit and safe keeping of the public money which was irresponsible to the Government. The first Congress under the consti- tution, by the Act of the 2d September, 1789, " to esta blish the treasury department," provided for the appoint ment of a treasurer, and made it his duty to " receive and keep the moneys of the United States," and " at all times to Lubmit to the secretary of the treasury and the comptroller, or either of them, the inspection of the money in his hands." That banks, national or state, could not have been intended to be used as a substit, to for the treasury spoken of in the constitution, as keepers of the public money, is manifest from the fact, that at that time there was no national bank, and but three or four state banks of limited capital existed in the country. Their employ ment as depositories was at first resorted to, to a limited extei t, but with no avowed intention of continuing them permanently. in place of the treasury of the constitu tion. When they were afterwards from time to time employed, it was from motives of supposed convenience. Our experience has shown that when banking corpo rations have been the keepers of the public money, and been thereby made in effect the treasury, the Govern ment can have no guaranty that it can command the use of its own money for - public purposes. The late Bank of the United States proved to be faithless. But a few years ago, with millions of money in ,their keeping, the Government was brought almost to bankruptcy, and the public credit seriously impaired, because of their inability or indisposition to pay, en demand, to the public creditors, in the only cur rency recognised by the constitution. Their failure occurred in a period of peace, and great inconvenience and loss were suffered by the public from it. Had the country been involved in a foreign war, that incon venience and loss would have been much greater, and might have resulted in extreme public calamity. The public money should not be mingled with the private funds of banks or individuals, or be used for private pur poses. When it is placed in banks for safe keeping, it is in effect loaned to them without interest, and is loaned by them upon interest to the borrowers from them. The public money is converted into banking capital, and is used and loaned out for the private profit of bank stock.. holders ; and when called for (as was the case in 1837), it ma be in the pockets of the borrowers from the banks, instead of being in the public treasury contemplated by cons titution. he framers of the constitution could never have intended that the money paid into the trea sury should be thus converted to private use, and placed beyond the control of the Government. Banks which hold the public money are often tempted by a desire of gain to exceed their loans, increase their circulation, and thus stimulate, if not produce, a spirit of speculation and extravagance, which, sooner or later, must result in ruin to thousands. If the public money be not permitted to be thus used, but be kept in the treasury and paid out to the public creditors in gold and silver, the temptation afforded by its deposit with banks to an undue expansion of their business would be checked, while the amount of the constitutional currency left in circulation would be enlarged by its e mployment in the public collections and disbursemonts, and the banks themselves would, in consequence, be found in a safer Wad sounder condition. At the present, state banks are employed as deposito ries, but without adequate regulation of law, whereby the public money can be secured against the casualties and excesses, resulsions, expansions, and defalcations, to which, from over-issues, over-trading, an inordinate de sire for gain, or other causes, they are constantly ex posed. The Secretary of the Treasury has in all cases, when it was practicable, taken collateral security for the amount which they hold, by the pledge of stocks to the United States, or such of the states as were in good credit. Some of the deposit banks have given this de scription of security, and others have declined to do so. Entertaining the opinion that "the separation of the moneys of the Government from the banking institutions is indispensable for the funds of the Government and the rights of the people," I recommend to Congress that provision be made by law for such separation, and that a constitutional treasury be created for the safe-keeping of the public money. The constitutional treasury re commended is designed as a secure depository for the. public money, without any power to make loans or discounts, or to issue any paper whatever as a cur rency or circulation. I cannot doubt that such a treasury as was contemplated by the constitution should be independent of all banking corporations. The money of the people should be kept in the treasury of the people created by law, and be kept in the custody of agents of the people chosen by themselves, according to the forms of the constitution ; agents who are directly responsible to the Government, who are under adequate bonds and oaths, and are subject to severe punishments for any embezzlement, private use, or misapplication of the public funds, or for any failure in other respects te , perform their duties. To say that the people or their Government are incompetent, or not to be trusted with the custody of th eir own'money, in their own treasury, provided by themselves, but must rely on the presidents, cashiers, and stockholders of banking corporations, not appointed by them, nor responsible to them, would be to concede that they are incompetent of self-government. In recommending the establishment of a constitutional treasury, in which the public money shell be kept, I desire that adequate provision be made by law for its safety, and that all executive discretion or control over it shall b-s removed, except such as may be necessary in dieecting its disbursements iu pursuance of appropriation made by law. THE LAND SYSTEII. Under our present land system, limiting the minimum price at which the public lands can be entered to one dollar and 25 cents. per acre, large quantities of lands of interior quality remain unsold, because they will not com mand that price. From the records of the General Land office it appears, that of the public lands remaining un sold in the several states and territories in which they are situated, 39,105,577 acres have been in the market, subject to entry more than twenty years ; 49,638,644 acres for more than fifteen years ; 73,074,600 acres fur more than ten years, and 106,176,961 acres for more than five years. Much the largeEt portion of these lands will continue to be unsaleable at the minimum price at which they are permitted to be sold, so long as large territories of lands from which the more valuable prtions have not been selected are annually brought into market by the Government. With the view to the sale and settlement of these inferior lands, I recommend that the price be graduated and reduced below the present minimum rate, confining the sales at the reduced prices to settlers and cultivators, in limited quantities. If graduated and reduced in price for a limited term to one dollar per acre, and after the expiration of that period for a second and third term to lower rates, a large portion of these lands would be purchased, and many worthy citizens who are unable to pay higher rates could pur chase homes for themselves and their families. By adopt ing the policy of graduation and reduction of price, these inferior lands will be sold for their real value, while the states in which they lie will be freed from the incon venience, if not injustice, to which they are subjected, in consequence of the United States continuing to hold large quantities of public lands within their borders, and not liable to taxation for the support of their local go vernments. I recommend the continuance of the policy of granting pre-emption, in its most liberal extent, to all those who have settled or may hereafter settle on the public lands, whether surveyed or unsurveyed, to which the Indian title may have been extinguished at the time of settle ment. It has been found by experience, that in conse quence of combinations of purchasers and other causes, a very small quantity of the public lands, when sold at public auction, commands a higher price than the minimum price established by duty. The settlers on the public lands are, however, but rarely able to secure their homes and improvements at the public sales at that rate ; because these combinations, by means of the capital they command, and their superior ability to purchase, render it impossible for the settler to compete with them in the market. By putting down all competition, these combinations of capitalists and speculators are usually enabled to purchase the lands, including the improvements of the settlers, at the minimum price of the Government, and either turn them out of their homes, or extort from them, according to their ability to pay, double or quadruple the amount paid for them to the Government. It is to the enterprise and perseverance of the hardy pioneers of the west, who penetrate the wilderness with their families, suffer the dangers, the privations, and hardships attending the set tlement of a new country, and prepare the way for the body of emigrants who, in the course of a few years, usually follow them, that we are in a great degree in debted for the rapid extension and aggrandisement of our country. Experience has proved that no portion of our popula tion are more patriotic than the hardy and brave men of the frontier, or more ready to obey the call of their coun try, and to defend her rights and her honour, vrhenevcr and by whatever enemy assailed. They should be pro tected from the grasping speculator, and secured, at the minimum price of the public lands, in the humble hones which they have improved by their labour. With this end in view, all vexatious or unnecessary restrictions imposed upon them by the existing pre-emption laws should be repealed or modified. It is the true policy of the Government to afford facilities to its citisens to be come the owners of small portions of our vast public do main at low and moderate rates. The present system of managing the mineral lands of the United States is believed to be radically defective.. More than a million of acres of the public lands, sup posed to contain lead and other minerals, have been re served from sale, and numerous leases upon them have been granted to individuals upon a stipulated rent. The system of granting leases has proved to be not only un profitable to the Government, but unsatisfactory to the citizens who have gone upon the lands, and must, if con tinued, lay the foundation of much future difficulty be tween the Government and the lessees. According to the official records, the amount of rents received by the Government for the years 1841, 1842, 1843, and 1844, was 6,354 dolls. 74 cents, while the expenses of the system during the same period, including salaries of su perintendents, agents, clerks, and incidental expenses, was 26,111 dolls. 11 cents.—the income being less than one-fourth of the expenses. To this pecuniary loss may be added the injury sestained by the public in conse quence of the destruction of timber and the careless and wasteful manner of working the mines. The system has given rise to much litigation between the United States and individual citizens, producing irritation and excite ment in the mineral region, and involving the Govern ment in heavy additional expenditures. It is believed that similar losses and embarrassments will continue to occur while the present system of leasing these lands re mains unchanged. These lands are now under the au ptrintendence and care of the war department, with the ordinary duties of which they have no proper or natural connexion. I recommend the repeal of the present system, and that the lands be placed under the super intendence and management of the General Land-office as other public lands, and be brought into market and sold upon such terms as Congress in their wisdom may prescribe, reserving to the Government an equit able per centage of the gross amount of mineral pro duct, and that the pre-emption principle be extended to resident miners and settlers upon them, at the minimum price which may be established by Congress. 1 refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of War for information respecting the present situation of the army, and its operations during the past year ; the state of our defences ; the condition of the public works, and our relations with the various Indian tribes within our limits, or upon our borders. I invite your attention to the suggestions contained in that report, in relation to these prominent objects of national interest. THE ARMY. When orders were given during the put summer for concentrating a military force on the western frontier of Texas, our troops were widely dispersed, and in small detachments, occupying posts re.. mete from each other. The prompt and one. ditious manner in which an army, embracing more than half our peace establishment, was drawn together on an emergency so sudden, reflects great credit on the officers who were entrusted with the execution of these orders, as well as upon the discipline of the army itself. To be in strength to protect and defend the people and territory of Texas, in the event that Mexico should commence hostilities or invade her territories with a large army which she threatened, I authorised the general assigned to the command of the army of occupation to make requisitions for additional forces from several of the states nearest the Texan ter ritories, and which could most expeditiously furnish them, if in his opinion a larger force than that under his command, and the auxiliary aid which, under like circumstances, he was authorised to receive from Texas, should be required. The contingency upon which the exercise of this authority depended has not occurred. The circumstances under which the two companies of state artillery from the city of New Orleans were sent to Texas, and mustered into the service of the United States, are fully stated in the report of the Secretary of War. I recommend to Congress that provision be made for the payment of these troops, as well as a small num ber of Texan volunteers, whom the commanding general thought it necessary to receive or muster into our service. During the last summer the Ist Regiment of Dragoons made extensive excursions through the Indian country on her borders, a part of them advancing nearly to the possessions of the H u dson's Bay Company in the north, and a part as far as the South Pass of the Rocky Moun tains, and the head waters of the tributary streams of the Colorado of the West. The exhibition of this mi litary force among the Indian tribes in those distant regions, and the councils held with them by the cora -1 menders of the expeditions, it is believed, will have a salutary influence in restraining them from hostilities among themselves, and maintaining friendly relations between them and the United States. An interesting account of one of these excursions accompanies the re port of the Secretary at War. Under the directions of the War Department, Brevet Captain Fremont, of the corps of Topographical Engineers, has been employed since 1842 in exploring the country west of the Mis sissippi and beyond the Rocky Mountains. Two expe ditions have already been brought to a close, and the reports of that scientific and enterprising officer have furnished much interesting and valuable information. H o i s now engaged in a third expedition ; but it is not 0 6 hilt Oi l rot A fri t ie tb ROV O I