The Sun. — London, England, 1821-03-03 00:00:00

i ~~~ ~~yr" '~` ,\ for, ' 4l / 4 • . . 1 -‘4 l 4 :igaztg • 100 1 `1K* t ; , / • (../. ile ,"2 / 1 : 14" ' . C "" , ' UN ) ( 7- 'k.T7llo).T!'cl ICI:3II3tR 88981 SATURDAY, MARCH 3, IS2I. [PincE SEVtN PnNCE; SURREY DISPENSARY. 'THE ANNIVERSARY DINNER will be A. at the LONDON AVERN,BISHOPSWITE-S MEET, WI FRIDAY, the WI of MARCH, 1821. -PitESIDENT. The Wght Hun. Lord Viscount MIDLETON, Lord Lieu tenant of the Coonty. VICE-PRESIDENTS. The Right lion. Earl Sprncer The Right Hott.Lord Grint ley The Right Hon. G. Tierney, M. P. Lord William livrsgel% M.P. George H.Sumner, Esq.M.P. Joseph W.Denison. Esq. M.P. Charles Calvert, Esq. M.P. Sir Robert Wilson, M.P. Samuel Thornton, Esq. Robert Barclay, Esq. 1 James Bulcocli, Esti. Charles Barclay, Esq. nce Young, Esq. (ARbs. Henry Bevan, Esq. George Bousfield, Esq. Theinas Callaway, Esq. Charles Townehend, Esq. Mr. Frederick Wilt-law Carter. Frefteritt, Bait. Sir Thomas Turton, Bart. Sir Matthew• Bloxam, Knt. Treasurer—Flom STEM' Lord Viscount Althorp Hatches Truwer, Esq. Costrker, Esq. John Letts, Esq. 'William Brown, Esq. John Fair, Esq. _ Physicians—Dr. C. Forbes—Dl:. Wm. Back—Dr. J. B. Davis. Surgeons—John Allen Gill ham, Esq.—Hen. Green wood, - Esq. Apothecary—Mr. Benjamin Haggett. .Dinner on Table at Four o'Clock precisely. No Servants but those of the Nobility, Vice-Presidents; and Stewards, will admitted.—Tickets its. each, to be had of the Stewards; at the Dispensary; of the Treasurer, Secretary, Collector, and at the Tavern. This Charity is supported by soluntary Contrihntions,, and the Terms are—to become a Life Director, 15 Guineas—a Life 4 orertior, 11:YGuitleas—an Annual Governor, One Guinea per Annum. —Suhsaxiptions are received by the following Per lans, viz. MessreAdoare, Bat nett, Hoare and Co. Lombard street Messrs. Sikes, Snaith mid Co. Mansion House-street; ,lessrs. Rogers, Tovgood and Co. Clement's-lane ; Sir Peter .11 ` ) k.. Bait. Thornton.,Yree, Down, and Scott, Bartholomew. ] acre ; Sir .191)1) Pinliorn, Weston and Son, Borough' Bank 11 1 the Treasurer, Florence Young, Esq. High-street, South. ' w alk ; by the Collector, Henry'Clizichard, 4, Weston-street S outhwark ; at the Dispensary, Ilaion-street, Southwark .and by FREDERICK WILLIAM CARTER, ,Sec. No. 48, High-street, Southwark. NAPLES. [Extract from "The Friend of the Constitution," Feb.lo.l The Permanent Deputation to the People of the Two Sicilies : " A letter from Laybach, dated Jan. 28, ad dressed by the King to the Prince Regent, and confidentially communicated by his Royal High sless to the Permanent Deputation, imposes on the Deputation the necessity of convoking the Parliament Extraordinary, (according to the form, which the Constitution prescribed to the Prince Regent,) in order to decide upon such measures as the dignity and honour of the Nea politan nation require. The calmness and firm 'less which the nation displayed on the reception of the before-mentioned letter were sentiments suitable to a free people; to a people which has sworn to a Constitution, in conjunction with its King. This calmness and this firmness will bathe the insidious projects of those whose sole , object is to deceive the nation by scattering about the firebrands of civil war: but the na tional glory shall no longer be the victim of ca. tinny and oppression. Islaple3 Feb. 9, 1821. (Signed) GALDI, President. " SENEGLI, DEN'ATO, ) " NICOLAI, STRANO, Secretaries. cc , • " BORELLI, BERNI, thp T he following Answer was sent by the Prince Regent to the P e rmanent Deputation : , ' Ferdinand &c. &c. To the Permanent Deputation of the National Parlia- Them The Ministers of Russia and Prussia, and the Austrian -:arge d'Affaires, according to the orders reeeived from their V _ c ons, have communicated to me the resolutions taken at Lay a,.{.ll, with respect to the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Wishing., under circumstances which so much concern _,"e safety of the State, not to take upon ourselves to form any uet errnination, nor give any answer without having first consult ed the national representation, we have judged it fit and neces sary to convoke the Parliament Extraordinary ; and finding o urselves in the situation provided for in the 155th Article of the Constitution, we hereby call upon the Permanent Deputa tion to convoke without the least delay the Parliament Extraor otnary, in order that it may deliberate on the important commu ilieations which the Government has received. " For ourselves, faithful to our oath, we shall never separate our lot from that of the Nation. " ----- 7- (Signed) " FRANCIS, Regent. Countersigned by the temporary Minister of Foreign Affairs, " PIGNATELLI.' „ _ " The Perinanent Duputation replied to this Message by C all Sing it to be made known that the preparatory Assemblies Lliould meet on Monday, the 12th, and by calling upon his I ".Yal Highness to open on the 13th the National Parliament txtraordinary. *.* We regret that we have not room this day for the Pro - Ceedingl Of the NATIONAL PARLIAMENT EXTRAORDINARY on the 13th ult., but they shall appear on Monday. Letters have been received from St.lrelena, dated Pecember 22. They completely contradict the 'ate accounts respecting Buonaparte,brought from t he liunited States. He is represented to take great deal of exercise, particularly on horseback, 1 44 to converse freely with those persons admitted • 17, 4 e him. lie is rather desirous of company. uere was much bustle amonsgt the demestics g e tting into the new house erected for Napo- THE LAT.E DUEL.—Yesterday evening the In quest in this case was resumed. Mr. Pettigrew, th e Surgeon, Air. Maurice, his pupil, and the Bono -street officers, were examined. This con cluded th e ev id ence , an d the Coroner recapitu lred the testimony of the whole of the witnesses. he Ju-ry adjourned to an' adjacent apartment,• It 4 rld after deliberating about half an hour, de l''rered tl teir verdict—" Wilful Murder against Chris,tie, Mr. Trail, and Mr. Patmore." The Coroner is wed his warrant for their apprehen 'sion. The Inquest-was not over till 12 o'clock. J. and J. SivEwatont. have the high satisfac ' lion of congrAtula:ing : their Friends, who pur chased at their. °MOW, on the result of last Wed nesday's drawing, which enabled them to dis tribute in 13 Shares, No. 2053, one of the Grand Prizes of '21,0007. Money ;and Consols, besides Three other Capitals, being a continuance of that good fortune which invariably attends their Offices. On the 17th of Tins MONTH, being St. Patrick's Day, the Lottery will entirely finish, when Three Prizes of 21,000/. each, besides all the other Capitals, must be drawn; and from the uncommon attraction of so rich a Wheel, they recommend an early application at their Offices, 37, Coraill ; 11, liolborn ; and 38, Haymarket. PARLIAMENT, HOUSE OF LORDS, Maricn 2. The Afinual Indemnity Bill was read a third time, arid passed.—Mr. MASON, from the Direc tors of the East Indio. Company, presented Ac counts of the Trade between India and China. — Laid on the table. ROMAN CATHOLICS. The Bishop Of LONDON presented a Petition from the Archdeacon'ry of Colchester, in the County of Essex, against the Catholic Claims. — Laid on the table. The Earl of DONO'UGHidORE presented a Peti tion from the Rorrian Catholic Inhabitants of the United Parishes of St. Andrew, St. Mark, and St. Peter, in the City of Dublin, praying that their Claims be taken into consideration.—Laid on the table. The Earl of DONOUGHMOILE then said', that something, which had happened in another house, led hire to hope that the Catholic Question might come before their Lordships in another form than that in which he intended to have brought it fiirL ward on the Bth of March, pursuant to his notice: He should, therefore, now move that the said notice be discharged, preserving to himself the right of giving another, in case it should prove necessary.—The motion was agreed to, and the notice discharged. LAW OF TREASON IN IRELAND. Lord ioliiND; in moving the second reading of the Bill for extending the provisions of the Law of Treason to Ireland, wished to inform the Noble Lord, who had supposed that murder was considered as treason by the Irish Laws, that that was originally the case ; but that by the 31st of George 111., which had altered the law, it was no longer so.—The Bill was then read a second time. IRISH - QUARRIES. The Earl of BLESINTON had a question to put to the Noble Viscount at the head of the Admiralty. In consequence of the part which he (the Earl of B.) had lately taken on Irish affairs, a proposition had been made to him, to aSk for the applicants the power of working the quarries of Granite in Ireland, in a very effica cious manner, and at a cheaper rate than those in this country. As he understood that in a few days the Noble Viscount would have to con tract for Granite for the works at Sheerness, he wished to know whether his Majesty's Govern ment were inclined to avail themselves of the offer made to work the quarries in Ireland. Viscount MELVILLE begged to assure the No ble Earl, that Granite could Abe got in this coun try as cheap, or cheaper, and of a-better quality, than that in Ireland. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESSES. Lord held a Petition from the ' Owners and Holders of Land in the County of Suffolk, stating the state of distress to which they were reduced, and praying that the House woulth institute an inquiry into the causes of that dis tress. Though he confessed that he did not think Agricultural distress could be attributed to only one cause, the state of the corn laws, yet he thought that the operation of those laws had been mischievous. The subject was worthy of the deep consideration of Parliament, when it was found that those very persons for whom those laws had been exclusively passed, disavowed and dis claimed having received any benefit from them. The immense introduction of foreign corn into this country in 1817, 1818, and 1819, must have been attended with serious injury to British farmers, who were obliged, by the burthens imposed upon them, to raise their corn at an expense ex ceeding by two-thirds that of foreign cultiva tors. If the position of his Noble Friend at the head of the Treasury were just, and that excess df production was the cause of the distress, it might easily be conceived how deeply that dis tress must have been aggravated by such au ad dition of foreign grain. But that evil was small when compared with those produced by the ware housing system. His Noble Friend had said, that if abuses existed in that system they might be made the subject of inquiry, but was it not fair to call upon those who advocated the excel lence of that system to prove that it was harm less, and that the many temptations which it held ont to introduce Foreign Corn into the country were always resisted. If the Warehouse Clause was eluded, it must be obvious that the protec tion intended to be given to English farmers was entirely illusive. This part of our system well deserved the serious consideration of Parliament, and he trusted would obtain it in the Committee which he understood had been appointed in the other House. It ought to command the deepest attention, when an universal spirit of murmur and discontent, and almost of disaffection to the ex isting state of things, was found to prevail amongst those who had hitherto been considered as re presenting the sound and moral part of the com munity. The Earl of LIVERPOOL did not rise to pro mote a discussion on this important subject. He would only protest against the principles laid down by his Noble Friend, that the onus of prov ing that abuses did not exist in the Warehousing system, lay upon those who advocated its utility. He admitted the importance of the consideration whether the warehousing system ought or ought not to be preserved. If abuses existed in it, he also admitted that they ought to be investigated and removed. But he thought himself authorised to say, that a Committee had been appointed by the other House upon that subject, and that the very members who had gone into it with a firm belief in the existence of those abuses, had come out entirely convinced that no such abuses did exist. In fact, corn was an article of so bulky a nature, that if there was but common diligence and common honesty in the officers attached to the warehouses, its secret introduction was im possible. But his Noble Friend wished to get rid of the warehousing system altogether. And what would be the necessary consequences of such a riddance ? The sudden impoverishment of the Revenue of this country. Warehonses would be established at, Dunkirk, Calais; and Ostend, with nearly equip facilities for the intro- duction of grain into England, and the advantages of the system, and of the trade, would be trans ferred to those ports ar I to a foreign country. He hoped therefore that his Noble Friend would be less attached to that idea. The Earl of LIMERICK contended that the sys tem, as carried on, had produced infinite mis chief. The quantity of grain introduced in three months, had not been leis- than 7 or 800,000 quar ters, and the result had been great injury to the Irish farmers. The trade in oats had in particu- lar suffered so deeply, that it had not yet re covered. If the Warehousing System were to continue, it ought to be carried on in a fairer Manner. The Earl of LIVERPOOL observed, that the Abjection of the Noble Earl did not apply to the Warehousing System, but to the mode of taking the averages. If there was some fraud in that operation, it ought certainly to be corrected, and that was the object of a proposition' lately sub mitted to the other House. The Earl' 'of DA.aNLEir entered his protest against indulging the country with hopes that any relief could be derixed from an alteration in the Corn Laws. As to the \Warehousing System, he agreed with the Noble Earl opposite,that if it were carried on fairly, it would be most impro per to deprive the country of its advantages. With respect to the injury sulfered by the growers of oats, that had been occasioned' not by the Ware housing System, but by a trick of the great Ca pitalists, who had raised the prices in such a man ner as to make the averages appear greater than they really were. Let no hopes be holden 'out to the people of the country that distress could be removed by any measure of the kind alluded to. The only effectual mode was to go to the root of the evil, and to diminish the existing load of taxa tion. Ile • firmly believed that if both Houses would set themselves actively and sincerely at the work, great retrenchments might be made in the public expenditure, and consequently in the taxes ; and that under a system of economy the country would recover gradually from her distresses. Lord ERSKINE agreed with the Noble Lord who had just sat down, that much depended on the amount of the taxes ; but he must protest against the opinion that it was indulging the peo ple of the Country to take into consideration the numerous petitions with which their Lordships' table had been loaded. It was insulting the people to tell them that no remedy could be found, when at the same time inquiry was de nied. If a Committee were granted to take those things into consideration, he was convinced that the people would be satisfied. If the phy sician said, " I can do nothing for you," the pa tient might surely claim that he should at least feel his pulse. But his Noble Friend would not even allow the form and ceremony of inquiry ! He thought himself of proposing the appointment of a Committee, and if it were true that all the causes of distress resolved themselves into the load of taxation, where could that fact be more satisfactorily ascertained than in a Committee. The Earl of DARNLEY had never meant to say, that it was indulging the people to take their petitions into consideration ) for he had always regarded those petitions as entitled to the most serious attention on the part of Parliament f his Noble Friend should move for the appoir meat of a Committee, and should make him one of its members, he would do his best to in quire into the causes of distress. But whilst he thought it was his duty to make every prac ticable inquiry, he contended that nothing could be more mischievous than to hold out hopes that its results would produce relief. Lord ERSKINE said that he should certainly at a future period move for the appointment of such a: Committee. The Earl of DONOUGHMORE was aware that the agricultural farmer was in the greatest possible distress, but he was not prepared to assign the state of the Corn Laws as its cause, or to say that any alteration in it could put an end to that distress. If the averages were wrongly taken, the mode ought to be corrected ; but to tell far mers that any alteration could restore ,them to the state which they formerly held in society, would be only to abuse and deceive them. The state of the Irish farmers was most wretched, and he must say, in justice to his country, that its endurance of that distress had been wonder ful, and did it the greatest credit.—(Hear !) Lord CALTHORPE said, he was not before aware of the circumstance alluded to by the Noble Earl (Liverpool), of the investigation re specting the warehousing system ; still, however, he' thought that material improvements might be made.—The Petition was ordered to lie upon the table. The Duke of DEVONSHIRE presented a similar Petition from the Owners of Land, in the neigh bourhood of Whitford, in the County of Not tingharn.—Laid on the table. OUTRAGE AT KILMAINHAM. The Duke of LEINSTER presented a Petition from the Nobility, Clergy, Gentry, and Free holders of the County of Dublin, complaining of the conduct of the Sheriff, and the calling in the military. His Grace stated the substance of the Petition, the particulars of which have been al ready stated. • • The Earl of BLESINTON; on rising to second the motion, said, that his Noble Friend had re quested hith to make some observations on the subjeci to which it referred, as he was more ac customed to public speaking. With respect to the Amendment proposed by Mr. Burne, at the public meeting alluded to, he could state, that so long as Mr. tine, who was a Most respectable character and a King's Counsel, confined himself to expressions of attachment to the Sovereign, so long he was heard, but the moment he began to speak disrespectfully of the Ministers;. the moment he began to speak of the propriety of their dismissal; he could be heard no longer. The High Sheriff in that country was not ap pointed in the same way as in this country ; he was there nominated by the Viceroy ; he held his situation therefore by the choice of Government; and that he should dictate to the people at a public meeting was absolutely ridiculous. With regard to the admission of soldiers into the Town hall, the Sheriff had no such, power under the Constitution. In County Meetings the custom was to call the Sheriff into the Chair, but he had retired from the Chair, and as soon as Lord Cloncurry had taken it the soldiers were intro duced. Lord Cloncurry was then handed out of the Chair by. the Officer, with civility it was true, but still in violation'Of all law and justice. It might be asked, why he did not defend himself if he was satisfied as to his right to remain, but that was not a fair way of meeting the merits of the case. What he would contend for was, that a great public wrong had been committed, and that Parliament ought to apply the remedy. It was not by acts of violence, nor by reference to Courts of Law, as had been said with respect to the Manchester business, but by Parliament itself. He would say, that the People had been insulted by the conduct of the High Sheriff, and that the Government had sanctioned that insult by not removing him from office. For these reasons he should second the motion. The petition was then ordered to lie on the table. HOLY ALLItVSCE.-NAPLES. The Order of the Day for the Lords to be summoned being read, The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said he rose, pur suant to the intimation he had given, for the pur pose of bringing before the notice of their , Lord ships the transactions that were now carrying on upon the Continent of Europe. However strong ly he felt on this subject, he hardly knew whether, after what had lately passed in the other House of Parliament, he ought now to call the attention of their Lordships to it. However, in the present general feeling of the public, he did not think he should perform his duty if he declined to attend to that feeling, and give it the most authentic record which it could receive in that House by the motion he was about to make. If he had before felt it necessary to call the attention of the House to this question, how much more necessary must it be now, when the most extraordinary delusion existed as to the events in Naples, in consequence of the circular issued by the Ministers of this country. He would now call the attention of the House to the subject, and be asked them to express their opinions upon it in a way which could be no longer misunderstood. In doing so, he should be neces sarily obliged to refer to the past conduct—or, rather, the past omissions of conduct in Mi nisters; but he declared he would take no other advantage of these omissions, than pass ing a censure on them for suffering so many months to elapse without declaring their - opi nions in a clear manner, upon a subject that was so vitally interesting to this country and to Europe. To proceed, then, he should divide his observations into two parts; first, as to what the principles were which the Allies proclaimed, by ,their declaration, to be the ground-work of their future proceedings ; and, secondly, what would be the probable consequences of their continuing to act upon these principles. In setting out, he was bound to state, that whilst he spoke of the parts severally taken by the Courts of St. Peters burgh, Vienna, or Berlin; in these transactions, he should guard himself against using the most disrespectful hint as to the policy of these Courts, in the government of their own states ; nor should he take any objection to that preponderating situation whVi they filled on the continent of Europe—a situation to which, from their power and respectability, they were justly entitled, and which they had, on some past occasions, exer cised for the general benefit and general tran quillity. But his e xceptions were directed against these Powers, because they professed, in theory, an universal equalizing system of which he could not approve; for he knew it was the character of man in society to have different—nay, jarring principles of legislation and government in action in different countries, at the same time : he ob jected to them, because he saw them now attempt to carry into effect a scheme hatched in the very heat of the French Revolution, and by men falsely called philosophers—that chimerical im practicable scheme of reducing the whole world to an uniform system of government. It was on these grounds he took exceptions to their conduct, and he would tell them that, whether the scheme was to set all free, or make all slaves, it was, and he hoped it would he, equally impracticable and impossible to be carried into execution, —.(Hear, hear.) —What was 'the difference between the declarations of the French Revo lutionists and that of the Allies ? Only this, that one contained principles of general liberty and universal equality, whilst the other contained a certain ideal standard of a monarchical govern ment, with a fel*, grains of liberty in it ; and so absolute was this that that only was to be tole rated. It was with the principles disclosed in • _ •_ . this declaration of the Allies that he had now to deal—principles Iyhichwere said to be contrary to. the fundamehtal laws of this realm, and yet which, the *ate Paper to 114 - I,igh he referred now said, were in conformity with the feelings`of the Government of this country on the subject:— (Hear, hear !)--That paper certainly stated, that. though this Government did not agree upon the exFediency of the measures at present pursuing by the Allies, yet, on , general principles, and in the general . .view of affairs on the continent, they were entirely agreed with them. It was upon this account, and because the country was so pledged, that he called upon the House to exa mine with Win what these principles were. He regretted that a docunyent which bad already ap peared in all the public prints did not lie on the table of that House. The document to which he alluded was, the Declaration of the Allies, which e would now use from what he believed to be .a faithful copy of it, namely, the second copy which appeared in the public Newspapers. In that Declaration there was an expose, or, rather, ar► exposure of the motives which induced the Go vernment of Austria to march its armies upon Naples. It set out by saying, that unexpected changes had taken place in that kingdom, in con sequence of the influence and interference of a certain sect. As to changes having been effected by a sect, he would contend, that of whateVer nature these changes were, or by whatever party brought about, it mattered not to Austria—as a foreign State, Austria could never be justified in interfering with the internal concerns of another State under any circumstances whatever. —(Hear !)—Yet this was one ground taken by her as a justification of its outrage on Naples.— Another was, that the objectionable sect took its measures in secret. As to the existence of poli tical sects generally, living in a free country such as this, he (Lord L.) would say that he had a great objection to their existence ; but was he ,therefore to say, that there were no cases—no Governments, under which they could not be useful and necessary ? He was not prepared to say, but that if he lived under a despotic Go vernment, which did not protect his property, or revere his liberty, he would not countenance and foster a private sect, whose objects would be to attain the accomplishment of both these. In des potic Governments 'it was the only way of at taining any improvements. The sect alluded to here, was called the Carbonari, which, though said to be. of recent origin, yet he had good au thority for saying, existed in Italy since the time of Leopold, under the name of " Charbonois ;" that they subsequently assumed other names and characters, and that at the time the tyranny of Buonaparte extended itself over ail Italy, they were cherished and encouraged as the only party that could rid Italy from French influence. The next excuse in the Declaration was, that the changes in Naples were not only brought.aiwut by a political sect, but that this sect took.all its measures in the dark. This was a strange accu sation in a country where the smallest act of a set of men would draw upon them the immediate interference and vengeance of the constituted au thorities. Could a change be possibly effected in the Government by any other than secret measures ; Did the Emperor of Austria think that the Neapolitans ought to have given notice of their intention of a change in a country where there was no Assembly to dis cuss or relieve their grievances ? Were the Carbonari to post up on the turnpikes and on the doors of the Churches their revolutionary inten tions, and serve notice regularly of such inten tions upon the Courts of St. Petersburgh, Vienna, and Berlin ? Was that the way to bring about a change in Naples ? Could it be done otherwise than by secret measures ? Yet' this secrecy, this unavoidable mystery of proceedings, was made the corpus delicti of the charge against the Nea politans. But the declaration went on to affairs of which it could not possibly have any know ledge. It presumed - to say, that the Govern ment which had been displaced at Naples was the best the people could have ; that it was its object to reform abuses and concede improve ments. One of these improvements would have been to extinguish the Carbonari. The Austrian Government complained that the tranquillity which reigned at Naples for the four or five years preceding had been disturbed. What had pre served that tranquillity ? Was it not the pre sence of an Austrian army, and could popular feeling find a vent under such circumstances ? It was said the old Government of Naples were ready to listen to the complaints of the 'people ; why did they not then remit the taxes—those taxes which pressed so heavily upon the people, after a season of war and exertion. But why did not the Government give to the people that greatest of boons—Personal Liberty ? There were few, he believed, who would deny that great abuses existed in the Government of Naples, though he did not now mean to connect these abuses with the Ring. He could also assert, that no disposition was shown by Government to reform these abuses. One instance within his own knowledge he would state, principally to show what little regard was paid to personal liberty Under the old regime of the kingdom of Naples. Four or five years ago, there was great distress, approaching to famine, in that country, and a Minister of the Crown at the same time bad a share in the monopoly of Corn. It happened that an English-general-officer lived then Li Na ples, and he had an application made to him from a quarter to which he was bound, from a know ledge of the person, to pay attention, to come