The Sun. — London, England, 1844-01-19 00:00:00

nonr—but, oh, English honour will never again betray our land, f the man would deserve to be betrayed who would again con fide in England. I would as soon think of confiding inthe cousin german of a certain personage having two horns and a hoof— at that last battle the Irish soldiers, after three days' fighting, being .attacked by fresh troops, faltered and gave way, and one thousand five hundred of the British army entered the breach. The Irish soldiers were fainting and retiring, when the women of Limerick threw themselves between the contending forces, and actually stayed the progress of the advancing enemy." The traverser (Mr. O'Connell) then rent on to say, " See how we have accumulated the people of Ireland for this Repeal year. When on the 2d of January I ventured to call it the Repeal year, every person laughed at me. Are they laughing now ?. It is our, turn to laugh at present. Before twelve months more,the Parliament will be in College Green. I said the Union did not take away from the people their legal rights. I told you that the Union did not deprive the people of that right, or take away the authority to have self-legisla t ion. It has not lessened the prerogatives of the Crown, or taken away the rights of the Sovereign, and amongst them is the right to call her Parliament whenever the people are en titled to have it in Ireland. " And the Queen has only to-morrow to issue her writs and get the Chancellor to seal them, and if Sir Edward Sugden does not sign- them she will soon get an Irishman that will to revive the Midi Parliament. The towns which sold their birth rights have no right to be reckoned amongst the towns send ing Members to Parliament. King James the First in one day created forty boroughs in Ireland, and the Queen has the same right as her predecessor to do so. We have a list of the towns to return Members ; the counties, as a matter of course, will return them according to their population ; and the Queen has only to order writs to issue and to have honest Ministers to advise her to issue those writs, and the Irish Parliament is revived by its own energy and the force of the Sovereign's prero gative'. I will only require the Queen to exercise her prero gative, and the Irish people will obtain their nationality again. It at the present moment the Irish Parliament was in existence, even as it was in 1500—is there a coward amongst you—is there a wretch amongst you so despicable, that would not die rather than allow the Union to pass ? Let every man who.-if we tied an Irish Parliament, would rather die than allow the Union to pass lift up his hands. Yes, the Queen will call that Parliament. You may say, it is the act of her Minis try, if you please. To be sure, it would be the act of her Ministry, and the people of Ireland are entitled to have their friends appointed to the Ministry. The Irish Parlia ment wig then assemble, and I defy all the generals, old and young, and all the old women in pantaloons—nay, I defy all the chivalry of the earth to take away that Parliament from us again." " Give me three millions of Repealers, and I will soon have them ; the next step is being taken ; and I an nounce to you from this spot, that all the magistrates that have been deprived of the commission of the peace, shall be appointed by the Association to settle all the disputes and dif ferences in Illieir_neighbourhood. Keep out of the Petty Sessions Court, and go to them. On Monday next we will submit a plan to choose persons to be Arbitrators to settle the differences of the people without expense ; and I call upon every man who wishes to be thought the friend of Ireland to have his disputes settled by the Arbitrators, and not again go to the petty sessions. We shall shortly have the Preservative Society to arrange the means of procuring from her Majesty the exercis?of her prerogative; and I believe lam able to announce to you that twelve months cannot possibly elapse without having an hurra for our Parliament in College-green. Remember, pronounce the Union to be null—to be obeyed as an injustice must be obeyed, when it is supported by law, until we have the Royal authority to set the matter right and substitute our own, Parliament." • Obs'rve the statement of Mr. O'Connell, that the magis trates.dopriveti of their commission by the Crown, in the exer cise of its prerogative, should be appointed by the Association as Judges of the-Arbitration Courts. But he stated with con fidencei—and he was' confirmed in his opinion by the dictum pronounced by the Judge who addressed the grand jury, and said, " That, under whatever pretence these Arbitration Courts were appointed, it was an illegal attempt to deprive the Crown of its power to appoint magistrates for the people"—these courts usurped the privilege of the Crown ; they issued sum monses for the parties, and got them to sign a consent to abide by their award. But that subtle device does not remove the illegality, or prevent their conduct from•being plainly stamped as an usurpation of the Crown's prerogative. The gentlemen of the jury should remark the time when these arbitrators were appointed, and the class of men as magistrates dismissed by the Crown by virtue of its prerogative. • At the dinner, at Tara, Dr. Gray:addressed the assembly. and said— " In one thing only was he compelled to differ from the observations which tad fallen from their respected chairman. In giving the toast he stated that the press was of no politics, and he wished to correct the error by declaring on the be half of the national press of Ireland, that the• members of it were politicians in the strongest sense of the word. He had himself the honour of being among them that evening as guest ; but he felt that wherever he was, he was an Irish man, and as an Irishman he was ready to strike out boldly for the political liberty of his country. she Repeal press was a political press, but its politics were the politics of Ireland ; and steadily adhering to the coarse it had adopted, it would never deviate to the right hand or to the left until the people of that country were relieved from Saxon tyranny and oligarchic domi nation. He believed he would beat evince the high sense he en tertained of thecompliment he paid the press gang by being brief, and allowing them to gang home, that they might send their broad sheets through the length and breadth of the land, and not of this land only, but to the alien isle hard by that so jealously watched the proceedings of that day. Every eye was fixed upon the Council that day at Tara, and eagerly yoked to its resolves.— Was. it not a national Council in the most extended meaning of the phrase ? Had they not at their . head the. monarffn of the Irish heart—had they not at their head the spirittrat peers of the realm—did not the lay peers aid by their counsel ? They had there, too, the clergy of the land, and the"constitutional representatives of the-people, aye, and the people themselves in their. multitudinous thousands had that day' assembled, within ; the. precincts of the . an&ent Council-hall of Tars, taken counsel together and issued their proclamation, and that proclamation was no compro mise. As he that. day strayed over the ruins of past glory, he chanced to walk over the graves of the patriots of what he might Call their own day. He could not, find 'words to give expression to the emotions he felt as he contemplated - their - sad tate. A mournful chill came upon. him, when he looked upon his resting-place and saw in their end. the dark history of the past;` but - that chill passed away and hope revived, when.. he saw that upon their graves the stone of destiny stood erect. For centuries had that mysterious relic lain prostrate as the land whose destiny its fall symbolised ; but now he saw it erect again; and on Tara's hill, and over the patriots' grave. He felt that the blood of the last martyr had been shed, and that Ire land herself would soon assume the upright position, and ex hibit the-dignity of a nation. But he is no statesman who does not recollect the might that slumbers in a peasant's arm, and when you multiply that might by vulgar arithmetic to the extent'of six or seven hundred thousand, is the man a states man or driveller who expects that might will always slumber amidst grievances and continued oppression ?" The Right Hon. Gentleman then read an extract from a speech of. Mr. O'Connell, in which the following passage occurs, in reference to the gentry of Ireland :—" Why, then, do they not join us? Is it not their interest to join us ? What are they afraid of ? It cannot be of the people, for they are under the strictest dis cipline. I am eversotfe of them myself, and no general ever had an army 'more submissive to his command than the people of Ireland'are to the Wi. hes of a single individual." He thought that submission of considerable importance under the circumstances, because if that submission arose from the in fluence of any individual, if it was in the power of any indivi dual to direct these congregated thousands not to violate the peace, and separate without disturbance, at the will of that individual,- -he thought it was important, because that individual had the power of giving different orders, which would be equally implicitly obeyed. " When I want you I know I can get you. And the comment on this is, the sooner the better. r However, to keep the peace was the present advice of M,. O'Connell, and the meetings terminated peacefully ; but it evinced his power to use large bodies of people at will, and although ma violence took place, this was a power most formid able. 'the Attorney-General next referred to the meeting 'at Roscommon, held en the 20th August—that meeting was at- • tended by Messrs.. O'Connell, Steele, and Barrett—they went together to the meeting. Mr. O'Connell addressed the meet ing at Roscommon. He said, amongst other things, the Irish people are too great to remain slaves any longer ; he com mented or) the advance of the Irish in temperance ; that the Irish would not expend their strength in riot ; that temper ance was the foundation stone of Ireland's tranquillity. Mr. O'Connell called on the people of Ireland to keep their pledge. At the dinner which ensued, Mr. O'Connell said that of all the meetings which had taken place, the meeting of that das was the one most calculated to stimulate the elections, to strike their enemies ..with. the greatest terror, and give their friends the greatest confidence.. • He (Attorney- General) contended these meetings *wereein truth -deeply calculated to strike) terror into theinindsatf all whoin this country were the friends of British con nexion:: There wasa meeting of the Association on the22d of August, at which Messrs. O'Connell, John O'Connell, Steele, Dr. Gray, and Mr. Barrett attended. The object of this meeting was, that Mr. O'Connell might submit a plan for the restoration of the Irish Parliament. He (Mr. O'Connell) lelt it his duty to protest, in the face of heaven, He the congre gated-multitude, - that there was no Union. He read the third resolution—the people of Ireland do firmly insist upon the re storation of the Irish House of Commons, consisting of 300 representatives of the Irish people, and claim, in the presence of their Creator, the right of the people of Ireland to seek re storation. Mr. O'Connell submitted the Act of Union was binding as a law, but having been obtained by fraud was not obligatory in conscience. If it was binding in law, he did not understand how it was not binding in conscience ; but we are told that resistance to that measure was a duty in the abstract, and the exhibition of that resistance was merely a question of time. Then the plan with regard to the representa tion of the counties and towns was detailed, and after providing that there should be household suffrage and vote by ballot, it was stated that the king or regent de facto in England,,should be king or renuknrejore in, Ireland.• After, having provided that the contexien bessesem Great Britain and Ireland should be.perpetuated , by the Growls, it.-concluded by stating that it should tie carried..into effect according., to law and recognised constitutional principle—that was, inian.-the ,Crown dispensing with the provisions of an Act of Parliament, and directing the issuing of writs for the assembling of Ito Irish. Parliament. But it was not by saying that a thing was to be done according to law that it was so, and he. contended, under the correction of the dourt, that the Crown did not possess the power of dis pensing with an Act of Parliament, and could not issue writs to summon an Irish Parliament. On the 23d day of August a meeting took place at the Association, at which Mr. O'Con nell, Mr. Barrett, Mr. Ray, Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Steele, and Dr. Gray attended. The jury would recollect the language he read from the• Nation of. the 12th of August, that Ireland wag again about to be a nation, that she had obtained all the machinery of public order, taxation, justice, and legislation. This:was . in reference to the Arbitration Courts; and he would now state what Dr. Gray .said.at that meeting of the 23d of August, in detailing the. planer- the. Arbitration vrere established, becamist,theown Cr ,exercised its prerogative - Courts Which in depriving certanereapastritesaat the co who thou g ht. fit to :....attends. them- in - mission of the. eace After alluding to a reference,mbielf u ta uintoos meetings. t he said was made to him by Mr. O'Connell, and to the confid ence said that th bestowed by the people o n their leaders, be, Aswia ctr who ~ were ap.. pointed "had the sanction of. the He then alluded, to the labours of: he :Committee_ draw ing in,l9e. Report, which .at this , state • of the proceedin up the trouble thetn.by reading. It will ,be apart ofg.Zee w ould , d not the .course, of the trial ; . but it was clear from Dr. G ra y 's in ob servations; that the Association sanctioned the appointm ent 3 o f those arbitrators. He would now call the attention of the jury to a publication in the Nation of the 26th of August. a onion of the repeal press, to which he hademore than once al luded, anti which was widely circulated by the Association. The article he alluded to was called, " The Crisis is upon Us," and alter alluding to a declaration made by Mr. Saurin, "that resistance was a question of . time and . prudence, and would become a duty whenever strength and opportunity might concur in justifying the.effort for its abrogation," it went on to say, "a greater than .Saurin had, at length given forth • the . irrevocable voice--;resistance to the ..Union has become a duty." Before reading the entire article ,he would remark, that the observation mad e b y . Mr. Saurin was made before the Union became law, which was a very different thing when spoken after it became law. There was no *All whatever between an observation made with a_ view, of opposing a measure before it bec • ame law, and an observation made when- that Act became the law of the land. A man was justified in stating the grounds of his objection to a measure which be believed would prove injurious to the best interests of country, in- language stronger than would be permitted w ken that measure received the sanction of the Legislature, j and became thereby the law of the land. He ha/ a high opinion of the authority due to the words of Mr. Saurin; and he was sure that Mr. Saurin would be the last person to say that resistance to a measure became a duty when it was once made the law of the land. The authority of that man was no,v made use of to mislead the people amongst whom this paper was circulated, while it was knnwn that after the Union became law he never utt ered a syllable, to show that he never recommended any violation of what had once received the sanction of Parliament. He would now read the article in the Nation newspaper to which he had alluded. It was this :—" THE CRISIS IS unix us.—Our union with England was •not merely an un just and iniquitous, but an illegal and invalid act. The natural rights of the people were trampled down, in utter disregard of the forms and spirit of the Constitution. The statesman's wisdom and the lawyer's learning, lent authority to the instructive repudiation of the patriot. Saurin, amongst others, declared that resistance was a question of time and prudence, and would become a duty whenever strength and opportunity might concur in justifying the effort for its abro gation. A greater than Saurin has at length given forth the irrevocable voice—resistance to the union has become a duty. This, the forty-third year of the provincial degradation, may, if the people have worth and energy, become the first of re stored independence, The knot, which had baffled every attempt to unravel its complications, has been severed with one final decisive blow, struck with the sword of peace consecrated on the height of Tara. There is a way, if there exists a will, for the liberation of Ireland—for the re-construction of her Legislature. The case between the people and her leader stands thus .—ln a season of apparent apathy to the high and holy impulses, of nationality—when cicatrizatien seemed superin duced by Whig palliatives, and the wound inflicted on our Irish pride and honour no longer gaped and bled—O'Connell tore asunder the bandages adrevealed to Ireland the exact seat and true character of her social and political disease. He cast to the winds the soothing system, and aroused his countrymen from the delirious repose produced by dependence on the sympathies of foreign faction. The memories of the past, blending glorious traditions of remote days with recollections of modern 'B2, were appealed to, the necessities of the present time were bared to view in their appalling reality, the hopes of the future were invoked, until by every varied argument addressed to their judgment and their feelings—their own firesides—the tombs of their fathers—the cradles of their children—he so wrought upon the millions that then answered his invitation to come forth from bondage with the unanimity of one man. It seemed as if the time had come to evoke the slumbering might of that Irish army which the legend tells us was doomed to sleep entranced in panoplied array, until aroused by some potent spell for the expulsion of foreign tyrants. So sudden, so enthusiastic, so resistless was the response of the Irish mind to the call of the Irish leader ! Meeting was held after meeting, exceeding its predecessor in •numbers, and all; without exception, challenging respect for the demeanour of the masses who attended. Evidence was piled on evidence of a national will, combined with a national morality and intelli gence, universal throughout every county ‘ in Ireland. The million shout of Tara completed the proof, and flung back the responsibility again upon the leaders ! Yes ! the people had sufficiently shown their willingness and worthiness to be led, by a thousandproofs of their devotion to the cause and of fidelity to their leaders. Whither and when ? began to be asked, ere the echoes of Tara had died upon the public ear. The leaders have answered, and the responsibility is again upon the people. The Rubicon has been crossed by the promulgation of a plan for the reconstruction of an Irish legislature. For weal or for woe—for ages of bondage or centuries of independence— we stand committed. Forward and prompt action is sure of its reward, in speedy and glorious triumph—the criminal abandonment of opportunity is equally certain to be avenged in the perpetuation of misrule. In the making or marring of our own fortunes, we involve to an incalculable extent the hopes of the whole human family. We have gloried in the irresistible effieacy of a new element in po litical warfare which we boast to have invented, and by whose employment we have already won many outposts. W ill the principle or the men fail now in this last decisive struggle ? Shall the nation who have given us their admiration, and sym pathy, and trust, mock at us for braggarts?—our children's children curse our memories as they spit on our dishonoured clay ? The world looks to our country for an example. Ire land must oecome a nation now, or continue a province for ever. We purposely postpone critical details of the plans sub mitted under the sanction of O'Connell's name, and with the authority of the Association—contenting ourselves to admire— and inviting our countrymen to admire with us—the symmetry of the temple of freedom raised for their reception. The portals stand open—the genius of 'B2 has consecrated the edifice—there may be a bench removed with advantage, or an alteration of internal arrangement with convenience; but the exigency of the hour is to secure the possesson and appropriate the structure to the sacred uses of self-legis lation. 'I he number of representatives who will occupy seats in the future Irish House of Com ns, happens to coincirte with that determined upon as.- the st eligible limit for the intended Preservative Sotriek." d ' able for many reasons that the distribution el m asefresentation s uld be the same, so that the transitionially be easy and natu 1 to the recognised and technicaly legal condition of a Parliament. The chosen trustees of the peoples' money now, will have the first claim upon their votes hereafter: Much inconvenience will be pre vented by iimiting the number strictly according to the schedule submitted to the nation in the plan of the Association. Con stituencies—as they will be—districts as they are—having ' greater enthusiasm in the cause, or enabled to contribute more liberally to the qualifying fund than others, can transfer to less fortunate localities their surplus - of ability - and pecuniary weight with advantage and honour to both parties." On the 4th of September, a meeting took place at the Re peal Association, at which there were present Mr. O'Connell, Mr. J. O'Connell, Mr. Steele, and-Dr. Gray. At that meet ing subscriptions .were handed in from places abroad. They were, 501. from Philadelphia, transmitted by Judge Doran ; 581. from Boston ; from the State of Maine, thirty dollars ; and from Albany, New York, twenty-two pounds. Those were the foreign subscriptions, which having been acknowledged, Mr. O'Connell read a letter from :the parties who enclosed them, and then proceeded to address the Association, when, among other matters, he stated that the meeting at Clontarf would take place on the ,Bth of October, and _that the .chair would be taken on•the mound that covered the bodies of the Danes. Mr. O'Connell then went on to call the attention of the Association to what he called the prospect of the success of the Repeal questions, and on that occasion he said that the speech from the Throne, instead of throwing a damper on the wide ardour of the Irish people, as it was intended to do, was well calculated to produce the opposite effect. Before, however, he-proceeded to the meeting of the 4th of September, there was a previous meeting, to which he had intended to call their attention, but it had escaped his memory, and he would now, with their permission, refer to it. It was a meeting of.the 28th of August. He would also first refer to the speech from the Throne at the close of the last session of Parliament. Her Majesty in that speech stated, in reference to the repeal agitation, " that she observed with the deepest concern the attempts that were made to stir up discontent among her subjects in Ireland ; that the Crown had ever been, and was, desirous to administer the government of that coun try with impartiality, and to aniend the laws and the social con dition of the people, and develope the resources of the country. The Royal speech then went on to state the determination of the Crown, supported by both Houses of ParliaMent, to maintain the Legislative t nion inviolate between the two countries. Her Majesty's speech arrived in Dublin on the 28th of August, on which day there was a meeting of the Repeal Association. At that meeting there were present, Sir. O'Connell, Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Ray, Mr. Steele, Mr. Barrett, and Doctor Gray, and it was then stated that the arbitration forms were being made up. An adjourned meeting took place on the day following, that was on the 29th of August. The same per sons as those mentioned as having attended at the preceding meeting were present, except Mr. Barrett. Upon that 29th of August Mr. O'Connell gave notice of the issuing of what he (the -Attorney-General) should call a counter manifesto to the Queen's speech. 'lint was to be an address to the sub jects of the British Crown in every part of the dominions of her Majesty. That was within three days of the delivery of her Majesty's speech from the throne. At that meeting Mr. O'Connell said, among other matters, that his next topic related to his plan for the restoration of the Irish Parlia ment. The plan he recommended was the preparation of an address, or manifesto, to be submitted to the Committee,' and, if approved, issued and addressed to all their fellow-subjects every part of the universe who were obedient to the Bri tish Throne. That address was to state the details of the grievances under which the people of Ireland laboured, to prove to the world that they were not discontented without cause. In the same speech he said they were accused of being disaffected. He denied the charge—" it was as false as hell." He asserted (referring to the speech from the Throne) that they made a distinction between the Sovereign on the throne and the Minister acting for her, arid responsible for the advice he gave her. He should have further occasion to direct their attention to this document so prepared by Mr. O'Connell, and adopted by the Association. He.had now to state to them, and to call their attention to a publication in the Pilot newspaper of the 28th of August. The progress of the conspiracy had been carried on. to this extent by every means that suggested themselves to' the minds of those engaged in it. Every means had been used to excite discontent and dissatisfaction in the minds of the psopie of this country. They had been roused into feelings of anger against those who were called their " Saxon foes." The people had been taught their own strength—they had been brought together from great distances in thousands—they had been taught to know the reliance they might place in themselves. This conspiracy had been thus carried on to a certain extent. But still there was a great dif ficulty which stood in the way of the full accomplishment of the designs of those who were engaged in it. That difficulty was thi.—if the army was to be depended upon, there could he no possibility of successfully carrying oat these designs. They had already heard of several speeches in which Mr. O'Connell had endeavoured to excite dissatisfaction among the non-commis sioned officers of the army, by drawing a parallel between the course adopted towards them in the English army, and that pursued towards the non-commissioned officers in foreign ser vices. He had done nothing new in this ; the same attempts to excite disaffection in the army-had been made at former periods of their history. In this, as in so many other of his proceeding:, Mr. O'Connell had acted on the precedent given by the proceedings of the Rebellion of 1798. It was part of the system of 1797 ; it wasprecisely the same in its view and objects ; the same attempts were made upon the -army of that day. Ia the -report of t he Committee of Secrecy, ap pointed by the' House of Commons, which he had referred to on a former occasion, it was stated that while these designs were nurturing in secret, and acquiring strength and consis tency, no device was omisted by which they might hope to embarrass the Government of the country. Early in 1792, the seduction of the soldiers was made part of the system. Ima gining that the season had arrived for the accomplishment of their designs, no means were left unemployed for this purpose ; printed papers were circulated among them, exciting their minds, and holding out offers of preferment to such of them as might desert their colours. He must now call their attention to the publication he had' mentioned, the Pitot of the 28th of August. It was entitled—" The Duty of a Soldier." The article was long, and he should read a portion, or the whole of it, if necessary. The Attorney-General then read from the article, it was in the form of a letter, signed Richard Power, P.P.:— " There are at this instant more men in Ireland who under stand their just rights, and who are conscious of their power,of asserting them, than ever existed in any nation even of five times its population. There are three millions of as brave men as ever trod the grass, united as one, a sufficient number-to conquer Europe, ready at a signal, and determined to die, or have full and ample justice; and yet I don't fear to assort it there is not one man amongst them who hopes to obtain one shilling's worth of any man's property, or who intends to do the slightest personal injury to any human being,.by joining in the great national revolu'ion upon which they are now unal terably determined. This is the highest degree of political . training to ,which a nation ever yet was brought. It is a con dition of society which no one ever imagined until the great m apostle . fotfpee world.aceful T ag h i i t s a , t a i agitation exhibited it all, is not ‘lepriv t i o the depriving S t t h o i n e i f sh o - f hia-physical force s but creating :an - overwhelming- force which' • he dare not encou n t er , constructed, h principle that- no oth er thi e f can use iotweiLer a , n up m oant ing. such prin a. ciple being justice, peac e if p oss ibl e —b ut, peace or war, i lu m sti n ce . . t There is one class of persons w h om M r . O 'C onnell: taken--Mto his school in his lectures Open_ political rights and duties, but who have it seems profited, notwithstanding, to some extent by his peacefulsdoctrines=l mean th e m ilitary. Mr. O'Connell_ is the best abused man in the world—his mo tives are misconstrued, his objects misrepresented, his cha racter maligned, his person insulted, and his religion held up to seorn s --:his course must be cautious. If he touched upon this subject, he would be cried up at once as an open rebel. It would be said that he wanted to corrupt the soldiery, and withdraw them from their duty. It would be put down as an act of high treason. It was, therefore, consummatewisdom on his part never even to have alluded to it. His system cannot be per fect, it will not embrace every class through whoSe agency an oppressed and plundered people can create for themselves a wise, just, and impartial Government, without bloodshed, rapine, or any species of crime, unless the soldiery are in structed in their conscientious duties. The very life and soul of a soldier's profession is to die for his duty ; let the brave soldier, therefore, know his duty, and he will die to perform it, but as he every day of his life dares death be will die before he would exceed it. My present purpose is to explain as clearly as I can what that duty is. I cannot be suspected of corrupt ing the soldiery or bringing them over to second tiny views of my own. I can have no political object, no ambitious projects. I took the oath of allegiance, and I shall adhere to it to my death, and my position in society is immoveably fixed. I can, therefore, have no object hut to state the truth, as truth and justice mast ever go hand in hand, to make the statement of the true doctrine on this point subservient to universal justice as far as it may. 1 do not presume to be an authority on this most grave and important subject, but stating thus publicly what I conce ve to be in the true doc trine regarding it, .I am open to correction. 1 call upon my fellow-clergymen, whose duty it is to be accurately informed on it, and to communicate that information to all whom it may concern, to set me and the public right when I may have erred. lam stye many of them will be found to do so when Igo wrong. A soldier is a person who hires himself to a Government for the purpose of slaying his fellow-men. He does not carry destructive weapons for the purpose of hunting down wild beasts, or butchering sheep or oxen. No ; expressly and distinctly it is to kill his own fellow-creatures. Viewed solely in this light, every feeling of our nature recoils with horror from the profession of a soldier ; and yet the true soldier is a manly, generous, and noble fellow. His duty and his object it is true is, to slay his fellow-man ; but then he is no cut-throat or Orangeman. He would sooner be the victim of either than stain his high character with the crime of the one or the infamy of the other. He is not the ready tcol of a bloody minded tyrant, who would employ him to cut down the unarmed and defenceless. He would sooner stand to be shot at than he converted into a murdering man-butcher by any such horrible miscreant. It has been reported of a certain officer now stationed in Ireland, that he attended aq assemblage of magistrates held on the eve of one of Mr. O'Connell's great. monster meetings, as they are called, and that he offered, on just' getting a hint, to drive a troop of dragoons into the body of the meeting, and trample and cut down like weeds, men, women, and children ! If it be a fact that this red-coat fiend made such an offer, and that it is known to his fellow-officers in the service, and that they now associate with him, I call them to their teeth a pack of cowardly, infamous, unmanly scoundrels. He is no soldier. He is not only a digrace to the character of an officer, but he would be a disgrace to a gang of pirates. No brave man ever made such an offer. A brave man would let himself be blown from a cannon before he would even contemplate it, and the officers who tolerate such a filthy cannibal amongst them, deserve to be sent out to gloat themselves upon human flesh in the congenial companionship of their fellow savages in the South Sea Islands. Having said this much upon what is not, I now come to state what is the duty of a soldier. It is his duty to fight against the enemies of his country, armed for attack, or armed and forewarned for defence. This is the sum and substance of his duty ; if he is ever employed for any other purpose he is not bound to obey, but to this duty he is bound to devote every energy of his mind and body in life and death. In action the soldier is to have no will of his own. It is the right and duty of his commanding officer to point out what he is to do. It is his duty to do it or die, not only as a matter of per sonal bravery, but as a conscientious duty before God; he is bound to give up all thought of self-preservation, all feelings of humanity towards the enemy, not, however, to the extent cif unnecessary cruelty, to weaken and destroy the adversary in every way in his power, and even when he sees that his own death is inevitable, to sell his life as dear as he can. War being once legitimately proclaimed, the soldier is a mere instrument in the hands of the Government of his country, to be employed by the general placed over him for the destruction of the enemy ; and what ever intellect he possesses, he is only to use to carry into effect the commands of those in authority over him. It will be said that this is a degrading and debasing con dition to place rational beings in who are all accountable for their actions, and many of whom may be as intelligent and as enlightened as the. very general whom they are thus blindly required to obey, but the strength and effectiveness of an army is in proportion to the extent to which this spirit pervades the whole mass, men and officers. Prompt, cheer ful, and determined resolution to carry the commanding offi cer's orders into effect, is the whole secret of military discip line. On it alone depends victory; it will tell almost against any odds, and . it is therefore that it is a moral duty in a just cause. This is the full extent to which the unreflecting mechanical obedience required from the soldiery can be carried. It is absolutely impossible that any human autho rity could exist on earth which could absolve any man in any condition or profession from the moral responsibility which attaches to every rational being. The soldier, like every other man who hires himself for any particular business, if required to go beyond it, is not bound to obey ; if it ceases to be legitimate, he is bound not to obey. The soldier is bound to fight against the enemies of his country in a just war. This is his sole duty—this is his only obliaa ticn ; if commanded to do anything else, he is not bound to obey; and if he did obey with arms in his hands, when required to do anything unbecoming a soldier, I would call him not only a base slave, but an arrant coward. If the Government to which he has engaged his services as a soldier should be so iniquitous as to enter upon a war of plunder or unjust oppres sion against an unoffendir:g people, he should die before he would participate in such a horrible crime. No supposed obligation, no imaginary duty, would justify or excuse him before God and the world ; he would be a robber and a murderer if he advanced one step in obedience to .any human being for such a wicked purpose. But here arises the embar rassing difficulty to the brave and honest soldier. If believing the 'service, to be iniquitous he disobeys, he is put doWn as a cowt.rd. If he fights he is a murderer, and this to be sure is a hard case, but why should a soldier talk of a hard case? If he be that milk-and water kind of thing, that would sit down to bemoan his unhappy fate, what business had he with the profession of a soldier? Will not the government that would be so depraved as to engage in such a war, be sure to treat its own soldiery with as great barbarity as it would the unoffending people, whom it would rob? Will not the brave and honesitjellow who would disobey such pirates he tried by court martin it and shot at the drum head ? Who will dare then call him a coward? Why nothing but the fear of this world will ever make him take chance of escaping amongst the gang of robbers who would obey, and then who is the real coward ? Clearly the man who -would take chance to escape as the murdering thief, not he who would die sooner than be such a villain. The fate of such a fine fellow would no doubt be melancholy. There is no brave or generous man living who would not shed the tear of warm sympathy over his honoured grave. - . He- himself would be the only man who would stand unmoved when the instruments of death would be pointed at him ; his very murderers would shudder at their own crime, while the blessings of all that is hood and virtuous on the earth would follow his brave and manly soul before the throne of that God, whom alone he could be made to fear and obey, but whom upon that occasion at least, he would have .no cause to dread. Ido not, of course mean to make any practical application of this doctrine to the actual state of this or any other country at the present moment. I put it for Ward solely as an adjunct to Mr. O'Connell's gene ral theory of peaceful agitation, which would bring about every amelioration in the condition of mankind, by instructing every class of the community in the moral duties they owe to each other. Themilitary have - been in all ages the most powerful class; when ignorant, depraved, and blood-thirsty, they have been invariably employed for the plunder and oppression of their fellow-men; when intelligent, moral, and generous, they have ever been the protectors of the people, the defenders of their liberties, the scourges of their tyrants ! It is therefore essential that they snould be included in the grand scheme for the universal regeneration of mankind by intellectual instruction alone. 11 this short notice of this extremely im portant subject should contribute to bring it under general discussion, it will be doing good service. If any one differ from my views regarding it I shall be glad to have his reasons. I undertake to go fully with him into it, and to define and demonstrate the moral duty of the soldier under all possible circumstances—in peace and war, at home and abroad. As a beginning, to mark out those two or three prominent points, about which there can be but little rational controversy, is, perhaps, quite enough." Such was the liberal, enlightened, and patriotic view taken by a clergyman of the Roman Catholic Church of the duties of a British soldier. Was there in the community a man of common sense, who could for a moment miscontrue or misunderstand the object and intention with which that letter had been written by the Rev.' Mr. Power? No ; the object of the Repeal leaders, in adopting this course with respect to the soldiery, was as clear as the- sunlight. Their plans were crafty and subtle in the extreme, and if they took especial care that their meetings should be conducted without turbulence, violence, or disorder, they adopted this precaution for the' purpose of warding off suspicion, and con cealing as effectively as possible their ulterior ends,' which were illegal, and in the last degree unconstitutional. There was no expedient which the most corrupt ingenuity could de vise to which recourse was not had, in order to impress upon the minds of the popular classes in Ireland, the necessity of obtaining what they called " justice" from England, by peace able means if possible ; but justice at any hazard, whether of peace or of war, in case that the attempt to attain the ob ject of their political ambition by " moral means" (as the 'phrase had it, should prove abortive. They were resolved to have " justice," which being interpreted, meant Repeal by peace able means if possible, but at all events " justice." And in order to the more effective carrying out of this project the crafty men who took the management of the repeal move ment into their own hands, thought it advisable to impress upon the minds of the soldiery that if the present Government, acting on the principles adopted by their predecessors,the late Ministers of the Crown, who declared that they would prefer civil war to the dismemberment of the empire —should think fit to employ active measures for the suppression of sedition and disaffection, they (the soldiery) were net in duty bound to contribute their - exertions to the attainment of that end, nor to use the arms which had been placed in their hands by Government for the punishment of the disloyal, and the protection of the well-disposed subjects of their Queen. The plan was singularly ingenious, whereby it was intended to achieve "a tearless, bloodless revolution." The popular classes were to be combined "as one man" (this was the ordinary phrase) —the bond of union being detestation of the Saxon oppressor—and when the popular mind had been brought to this tone, the sergeants were to " pronounce," as they had done in Spain, the arm of military power was to be paralysed by a coalescing of-the civilians with the soldiery, and by this means the union was to be repealed, and the empireiwas to be dismembered 1 And now he begged leave to make another allusion to a meeting to which he had alluded on the day pre vious—the meeting of the Loyal National Repeal Association, which was held in the Corn Exchange on the 4th of September last. On that occasion Mr. O'Connell made a speech, in the course of which he, used, amid other remarks, the following observations : " I want no revolution, or, if any, only a return to former times—such a revolution as that of 1782, or 1829—a bloodless, stainless revolution. a political change for the better ; but, who can tell me that we have sufficient resources remaining, even it our present plans should be defeated? .The people of Ireland might increase the potato culture. and leave the entire harvest of Ireland uncut. What would be the remedy for that? Who would tell me that the Repealers of every class might not totally give up the consumption of excisable articles ? I throw out these things merely to show that if the diabolical attempt to create bloodshed should succeed, the people would nut be de prived of their resources, and, the means of vindicating their cause." What ! forsooth, to le?.ie the harvest of the entire country to rot in the ground, to give up the ute of all exciseable articles —such was the constitutional mode by which Mr. O'Connell taught the people to'defeat the Executive Government. Why, the Secret Committee of seventeen hundred and ninety-seven made allusion to precisely a similar plan ; the harvest was to remain uncut the year before the rebellion of But Mr. O'Connell thought he had gone a little too far, for in the same address be said, " But, of course, I do not suggest them. The harvest is now cut; I speak the day after the. fair, and, therefore, with particular safety, a resolution for the non-consumption of excise ablereproposed." d . In and customable articles is not propo;ed at present, it is d for a not be greater po emergency;p " a t n l ot a her pam fa a r rt fro o m f b s i a s yin thate reserved r v it e may ad dress, he says, "On Sunday next I shall attend a meeting at TH.E STTN, LONDON, JANUARY, 1844. Connemara. There will be present 100,000 men, but my pre- 1 sent object is to tell you my plans. There are two distinct i plans—the first is to arrange the constituency against the time • when the Irish Parliament shall be called. This plan is totally distinct from the Preservative . Society." Mr. O'Con. nell happened to recollect that there was such a thing in force as the Convention Act, which makes any kind of an obligation inconvenient. The Preservative Society were to meet by accident, to separate by accident, and to dine alto gether by accident. This was the mode by which this con spiracy, if not checked by these prosecutions, was to be carried out. Gentlemen, I now wish to call your attention to certain letters which were published in the Pilot of the 26th Sep tember last, and a review of these letters from the editor. These letters were signed by a Mr. O'Callaghan, and were entitled, " The Irish in the British' Army." The Editor's observations on these letters were as follow :—" No subject in the present state of the public mind in Ireland can be more intevesting than the state of the army. If the press did not at length interfere, we really believe there would have been no bounds set to the persecutions of the private soldier. And for what, we ask, has he been visited with all this an noyance ? Is not the soldier an improving member of so ciety ? So much is this the case, that, during the late Go vernment, libraries were ordered to be established for every regiment in the see v.ce. And, yet, we published, no later than 1 Ist Monday, a letter forbidding the soldiers of the Forty third Light Infantry, stationed at Montreal, from reading the Weekly Register, although the poor fellows had subscribed in advance for that paper. But if the soldier can read, he can easily find something to read, and we have heard that the men when they go out to refresh themselves always call for the prohibited papers. If the newspapers are not palatable to military martinets or drill murderers, what will they say to the writings of the author of the Green-book'being rendered accessible to the soldiery ? This gentleman, the Irish publicare aware,was the first who revealed the secret of the composition of the army, in reply to that unprincipled publication, the English Standard. That paper, forsooth, would threaten the Irish nation with the army if they merely discussed the subject of the Repeal of the Union ! However, we soon found a champion in the person of Mr. O'Callaghan. He silenced the Standard by ana lysing the army, and showing that above forty-one thousand Paddies served in that force ! Those facts appeared in the shape of letters directed to Mr. Staunton, of the Register, and Mr. Ray. They were also printed in the Pilot, whose columns are always open to the complaints of the poor soldier., Nothing at the time, so far as we recollect, created so much excitement anti interest as those letters.. They are now much augmented and improved, and published under the characteristic title of The Irish in the English Army and Ncv y. In the annals of cheap publication we have never seen anything to equal them-4wenty-four pages of close letter-press for one penny ! As for what they contain we need only say, that they are one mass of authorities and quotations. Those letters put the question in a nut: shell. They are alike suited for the pocket of the citizen and the knapsack of the soldier. The author may well observe in his-preface Indeed, since the Spanish army have ventured to pronounce, that orders to fire upon one's fellow-subjects are not in every case to be obeyed, inasmuch as those orders may not always be founded on justice ; and when not so founded, can, if obeyed, be only complied with in vio lation of the solemn commandment, thou shalt do no murder— since the patriotic Spanish army, like•that of France at the Revolution, have so presumed to think, and to prove that soldiers are not alwa l s to be counted upon, as mere un reasoning or conscienceless herds of wholesale and uncondi tional man-butchers, whenever the aristocratic oppressors of the community, under the designation of Government, may command the people to be massacred for not submitting to in justice, since the fresh moral lesson has been pronounced for all whom it may concern, it is difficult to perceive, even inde pendent of the circumstance of so many of the military being known Repealers, hew the great mass of our army can be reckoned on to uphold, at the expense of their own as well as the people's cause, the supremacy of an oligarchy whose ge nerosity, gratitude, and tenderness to the soldiery for so doing, consist of promotions to commissions only for the rich, the mangling lash to the bleeding back, and such mer ciless drillings as have caused poor Private M'Manus to drop down dead, and Private George Jubee, a soldier of acknow ledged good character, to send in desperation a bullet through Adjutant Robertson Mackay's • body Aye, there's the rub, as Mr. O'Callaghan so forcibly observes, and his able and universally accessible publication, from which the above extract is taken, is one of the best hand-grenadeS that could be directed against the abuse of such a system. It should be circulated in every direction." Gentlemen, there was another of those multitudinous meet ings took place at Loughrea, and Messrs. O'Connell, Barrett, Steele, and Dr. Gray were present. The rain curtailed the proceedings of the morning, but Mr. O'Connell said, " We know that the rain falls equally on the just and the un just. I will not, therefore, detain you, hut hid God bless you, my temperate and faithful friends. You shall have re peal." At the dinner which took place in the evening, Mr. Barrett said—" I am, from long, close, and attentive observa tion of the Irish people, convinced that were their virtuous tranquillity set at nought—were they by aggression involved in a conflict which conscience would approve and necessity justify, there is in the organisation, the howlers, the nature of the country, and the spirit of the people, at this moment, in their sense of wrong and love of right, in their deep conviction of all that would be lost by defeat and won by victory, a mighty power which would defeat the calculations and the manceuvring of military tactics ; and that great, admired, and prominent as we are now are in the arts of peace, if driven to it, this people would be found still more astonishing in military valour, and that prowess which would render their outbreak irresistible and their country free." On the same occasion, 'Mr. O'Con nell said, " that the Government hart but one card, and they brought out the Queen. That every one had been astonished by the Royal Speech. It was a trick—it was worse than the scolding of fishwomen ; for then there was the right of reply, but the Government had it all to themselves. That was the advantage Judy had taken of them. They (the Government) hoped that the Irish, being a sagacious and transitory people, the agitation would pass away; but as well might they expect that the Shannon would exhaust iteelf." Mr. O'Connell then alluded to proposed meetings at Connemara and Clontarf, arid promised teat the Irish should obtain the liberty of their country. On the same occasion Dr. John Gray responded to the toast of " The Re- I peal Press," and said that "he could not but congratulate the t men of Loughrea on the glorious demonstration he had that day witnessed. As a Corinaugntman he felt proud of the bold at titude a6sumed by his countrymen ; and having had many op t portunities during , the present glorious struggle of seeing Repeal demonstrations, he was bound in justice to thetierinftoughrea I and its vicinity to tell them his opinion of the meeting of that F day. He had been present at demonstrations in the east, in the west, in the south, and in the north, but never did he behold a scene which inspired him with more of hope in. the ultimate destiny of his country, and that gave him more of con • fiderice in the power and vitality of the mighty spirit of nation ality that was now vivifying the land, than that which they bad just beheld. If, however, he felt pride in witnessing such a scene, how much greater should be the gratification he would experience at being enabled to do his duty to them and to the country, by sending to the four corners of the globe a faithful portrait of that magnificent display There were numbers, there was order, there was precision, but, above all, determina tion was itamped on every brow, and was uttered by every voice, and was he to be told that such a people were to be driven from their purpose by either the se , ductions or the frowns of a Minister, whether uttered by himself or put forth as a royal speech? They threatened before, but, when the indignant people hurled defiance at them, they sneaked like cowed rats before their • frown. Afraid again to threaten, they have the meanness to • thrust an innocent and beauteous lady (meaning the Queen) as a shield between themselves and the just wrath of an in , dignant nation, and they have forced her to proclaim slavery for the people of this land, as if they fancied that such a de vice could affect the great national movement. What did the men of Ireland care for the ministerial-manifesto? What did the bold peasantry of Connaught care for it ? It would be by them treated with utter disregard: - It was not the speech of the sovereign ; was it not th 4: speech of a Mi nister, who, fearing again to insult the Irish nation, had the cowardice to do it through a woman ? But, even were that speech in unison with the sentiments of the Queen, would the nation fear because of the opposition she might be advised to give to their just demands? No they would nut halt or he opposition of the Sove• opposed himself with all to the emancipation the agtne reign. i v r e ul n vi ehn b ecn e e e ahuoesfre idiothoi s f t vicious r grandfathers o n n a a t l u r e of the Catholics did the people fear to go on? His hose tility was evinced in accordance with the wish of the Minister as we ll as against the Ministerial advice. He opposed the Catholic Emancipation because he hated with a bigoted hatred; ye his impotent opposition, pursued their course rega rdless of his whims, and forced even yet the the people, Irish nothinga nd their( daunted ur r i e t l e i d g i o b n y from him large concessions. The movement had now assumed a form that bid defiance to. any and every opposition, and though those who know not the hearts of the people might hope to damp their ardour by such silly courses, there was that day given to the Minister a substantial proof that the men of Connaught at least would never lower the standard of Repeal, but that they would continue to rally round the Liberator till he had consummated the legislative independence of the country." On the 12th of September there was a meeting of the Association, at which Mr. O'Connell and Dr. Gray were present. Dr. Gray, on that occasion, said he had to report from the Committee appointed to consider the question respecting the formation of Arbitration Courts, and begged to lay before the Association the result of their " Upon the Report being read, Mr. O'Connell said he was glad ° t r h s' at the time had arrived when the Arbitration Courts couldiabu be brought into operation. Their -:great ...object, was to obviate the necessity of the people having recourse to the magistrates of the country." These were the observs lions of Mr. O'Connell. He admitted that the object of these Arbitration Courts was to supersede the duties of the ma gistrates, to usurp the prerogatives of the Crown, and to get rid of those institutions which were established for the administration of the law. I will now refer to a meeting of the Association which was held on the 13th of September, at which Mr. O'Connell, Mr. J. O'Connell, Dr. Gray, and Mr. Steele were present. I have already referred to the arrival of thee Queen's speech in Dublin, on the 28th of Auguit. At the meeting of the 13th of September, Mr. O'Connell brought up a counter-manifesto to the Queen's speech, which was addressed to the subjects of the British Crown all over the world, and which alluded to what were designated the griev ances of the people of Ireland. This is not a place to enter into a discussion as to what are the grievances to which the people of Ire. land are subjected. It is not for you to consider, nor for the Court to pronounce, upon those grievances. It is for you to say, was the mode adopted by the traversers in reference to those grievances a legal and a proper one. The manifesto said there was no hope for a redress of the grievances of the people of Ireland from an English Parliament. The redress of those grievances must spring from themselves. The mode pointed out for this purpose could not be mistaken, as will appear from that part of the manifesto which I shall read for you. It is as follows : - - - " Fellow-subjects, our case is before you and before the world. Grievances such as the Irish pet,ple endure no other country has ever suffered. Insults 'such as are (Alined. to us were never inflicted on any, Other country. There is one consola tion : it is admitted by all, and is as clear as the noon day sun, that unless we redress'oUrselves, we can have no succour from any other quarter; but we suffice for ourselves and our country —we suffice for the Repeal. We expect nothing from England or Englishmen—from Scotland or Scotchmen. In each of these countries the benevolent few are overpowered by the anti. 'national apathy, to Ireland, and the virulent bigotry against the Catholic religion of the overwhelming majority of both England and Scotland. The present Parliament has been packed with the aid of the most flagitious bribery, to crush the Irish. nation. From them is neither redress nor even hope. But, Irish men, we suffice for ourselves. Stand together—continue together in peaceful conduct, in loyal attachment to the 'I Itrune, in con. stitutional exertion, and in none other. Stand together ..nd per severe, and Ireland shall have her Parliament again. Such are the words we address to our 'fellow-subjects all over the globe." By that manifesto Mr. O'Connell declared, and the Aisociation adopted that declaration, that tl,ere was no hope of redress from a British Parliament—that the Irish people must redress those griev_ antes themselves--and that, unless they did so, all hope on that subject must vanish. Now, I ask you if you have any difficulty in understanding what was meant by "constitutional exertion"._. whether it did not mean the exhibition of physical force on the part of the people, who were called upon to look to themselves for the re dresa'of their grievan ces i ns t ea d o f appealing to the sympathy of Parliament ? And this iuflammatoryaddress was circulated through -the empire upon a broad sheet, for the information of all who might be induced to read it, The mode in which the people were to redress their grievances was very significantly pointed out at one of those monster meetings, which was held at Clifden, in the county Galway, on the 17th of September, just four days after the Association had adopted the manifesto which he bad already re. ferred to. Dr. Gray, who was present at the meeting, described it as an immense one—the people coming to it in regular array, with repeal cards in their hats, tied round with green ribbons, and designating the troops of horsemen that arrived there as " peasant f cavalry." At this meeting Mr. O'Connell spoke as follows : " I had no doubt at all that the women of Connemara were as handsome and modest looking as any in the world. That opinion has been abundantly confirmed by the beauteousscene I have beheld to day. But I came here to make an experiment on the men. .I have them, and now I will make my experiment on them. I want to know whether you are not as brave and as Irish as the rest of the nation. I want to knew whether you are not as honest, as true, as faithful as the rest of your countrymen. I want to know whether you don't hate Saxon tyranny as much as the natives of other parts of Ireland_ I want to know whether you do not feel the evils of misgovernment as much as the people of any other part of Ireland. You have no commerce. And where are your manufactures ? Oh, you have no manufac_ tures. Why ? Because Ireland is governed by Saxons and not by Irishmen. Will you join me to give Ireland to the Irish ?" This language was addressed to the people by the Chairman efthe Committee that had adopted the manifesto, which said that the people of Ireland must themselves redress their own grievances, as they could have no hope from Parliament. Mr. O'Connell then went on to say—" My experiment is satisfied, and I can now tell the rest of the three provinces that Connemara is as determined as they are. You cannot be more so, my friends. If the battle were to be fought I know you would be in the front rank, but there would be as brave hearts and as ready hands by you. But the battle of Ireland is a peaceable battle, and there is no occasion for warfare. There is no occasion for hostility. I will keep you out of danger, and conduct you in the constitutional ways of the law and national exertion. Yes, if it were ne eessary for me to call out your force •in battle, I am sure there is not a man of you who would not come again on the day I asked him. I know it, and I will tell you why it is unnecessary—because your enemies know it as well as 1 do." Mr. O'Connell, on the same day, made observations of a very equivocal kind ; he stated, among other things, " I have demonstrated that I have more men, more men of a tight , ng age ( why should I not use, that word ?) ready to stand by their country than ever evinced that determination before. I say to England we will use no violence—we will make no attack—we will reserve our force for defence ; but attack us if you dare. What is the answer ? We do not intend to attack you, and you need not set us at defiance.' My reply is the schoolboy's—thank you for no. thing, says the gallipot. But then they say, how can you carry Re peal? If you take a single additional step we will go to law with you. My answer is, I am an old lawyer, and the proverb says you can't catch old birds with chaff, and they are not able to beat an old lawyer with chaff at all events. I set your chaff at defiance, and will take the next step in spite of you. We are appointing men to act as arbitrators in the room of the magistrates who were struck off, and those who are left in the commission are infinitely worse. Last year Goulburn took off the duty on arbitration, as if he actually had seen what was coming. I have them there, and do they think they will catch an old bird with chaff? You will see iii the newspapers a report of the first court of arbitration, which will sit on Friday next, Doctor Gray in the chair. It wit sit every Friday; afterwards they will spread through the coun try. We have had a number of aAilications fir the es tablishment of courts in various parts of Ireland, and I am convinced that it will work well. Disputes which now fester and rankle in a village will be settled amicably. It will spread further. I will apply the principle to a higher class of cases. We will ap point arbitrators for everything the people may choose, and I trust before I am twelve months older to take half the business out of the superior Courts." There was, then, not only the intention to adopt this course of substituting those Courts for the settlement of disputes, but also to erect Courts for the administration of justice. And Mr. Duffy said, in the Nation, that they had all the incidents of a nation—they had taxation—they had justice ; but that another step was wanting, the organisation of the people. Here the Court and jury retired to take refreshment; on their return, the ATTORNEY-GUNIMAL resumed—There is another passage to which I shall call your attention—" For the present year my monster meetings are nearly over, there will not be above seven or eight more of them. But before I have done with them the demonstration of moral combination and of the mighty giant power of the people of Ireland will be complete. Their subordination will be complete—their discipline will be complete. Why you saw how the cavalry fell in, and took their station five by five at the word of command of Tom Steele. No Aide.de-Camp of the Lord Lieutenant was ever obeyed so cheerfully as he was." In the course of a week after a meeting was held in Lismore. At that meeting Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Steele, and Mr. Barrett were present. There were twenty.two banners, flags of different des criptions, and the Lismore temperance band. The men of Water ford were led by the Rev. Mr. Sheehri ; the men of Lismore by Dr. Hogan. At that Lismore meeting Mr. O'Connell, in address. ing those assembled, among other observations, said— " If you were wanting again to-morrow, would you not come ? (Yes, and great cheering.) Let those who would come at my call hold up their hands." It is stated in the papers of some of the traversers that a dense forest . of hands were lifted up—that there was immense cheering—that the scene was indescribable ; and to the question put —as many as would come at my call—is it to be wondered at that so vaunting a mandate would have this effect, and that it would lead to a con viction among the peo,,le--" the time is nearer than we think." Again, Mr.O'Connell says :—"My first anxiety is to wrest from the present judicial administration its unholy authority ; to do away with the wrangling of the petty sessions courts where the magistrates preside. I want to have tribunals of reconciliation in every parish in Ireland, existing not by patent from the Crown, or imbued with Saxon notions of justice, but fair, equitable, and impartial tribunals, where the peo. ple may fairly settle their differences by impartial arbitration." He wanted to have tribunals not instituted by patents from the Crown. In a further part of his address he says, " Abide your time—wait for a moment, and allow me to tell you when the time comes to exert yourselves." It' was about the 24th of September when that meeting took, place, and on the following day an article appeared in the Pilot, of the 25th of September, called "The Army, the People, and the Government," subjects of consideration very important for those who had determined to redress themselves without the aid of Parliament. "No subject can be at present more interesting to the friends of consti. tional freedom and Ireland than the state of the people's army. Aye, the people's army, for we would be glad to know who pay the taxes which support the army, but the people—the poor, oppressed people ? Who supply the fine young recruits but the people ? and for what pretext was the army ever raised if not for the de. fence of the people or their property, though now, alas, but too many of them have little or no property? Then, again; the army, by this we mean that respectable body of men, the sergeants and privates, are all from the people. They intermarry with the people, and if they survive the ser vice—where there is plenty of fighting, hardships, and flogging, but ♦ery little promotion, in fact, more kicks than halfpence— where, we ask, must they returrronce more but, to the ,ranks of the people ? We, therefore, think that we are amply justified in calling the army the people's army. Our readers are aware that in what's called the English army, there is a custom established, not certainly by the soldiers, by which all the situations of ease and emolument are generally filled by persons belonging to what are called noble families, or more properly rich families. By this scheme boys of fifteen or sixteen, without having left their mothers' apron-strings, can, on paying a certain sum of money into a certain office, procure what's called a commission, that is, power to receive a certain portion of money out of the public taxes. But it is not enough that the boy who never earned a penny in his life should get this comparative sinecure just because he chances to have a rich father, mother, or uncle, who can put down a certain sum of money. No things don't stop here. The aforesaid boy, brave fellow, can make another bounce over the heads of the veterans who have grown grey in the service of their country by his merely paying another sum of money into the War-office. All this is certainly a d—d fine system for those who command, but not so for those who are told to obey, that is, the great body of the army, the sergeants and pri vates. Yes, persecute the soldier to the utmost—over.drill him in the dog days—withhold his furlough—deprive him of his news paper—confine him for the slightest fault—march him to the house of God armed and accoutred, as if for battle—but leave him the press open, and he has still some hope ! But go farther. Deprive him of an honest, uncorrupted press, and you drive him to madness, or perhaps we should say revenge! Let us just look at the state of the Fifth Fusiliers. Our readers will no doubt re. member the hapless fate of poor M`Manus, who was proved to have dropped down stead from over-drilling. Well, what was the con.. sequence? A line young man, of unimpeachable character, an Englishman, and a Protestant, named George Jubee, stepped out of the ranks, and drilled a hole through the body of the Atlju. ant—one Robertson Mackay—an infamous Scotch tyrant, Thus was the driller drilled." This is the moral instructor of the people who tells you that a young man of unimpeachable character committed murder: "But this was not all. When an inquest was held on the carcase, it came out that the colonel of this regiment had received a letter, when the regiment was stationed at Fermoy, threatening hirn with the punishment of death ; and we suppose the maddered Jubee would have fusiliered the colonel, if he had not wisely left the now.dangerous post of over. driller to the care of Sammy Robertson Mackay. The soldiers of the Fifth appear to lie, in their political principles, de. tided Repeaters Not physical-force Repeaters ; for if they were so, having plenty of arms and ammunition, they could easily appeal to that open violence. 'this physical force, or armed violence, was what the Government .had the silliness to threaten the Liberator and his millions with : But from causes best known to themselves, they forgot to execute their threat ! When a detach. ment of .the Fifth left Loughrea, some weeks ago, the Repeaters with temperance bands accompanied that detachment for above two miles out of town, and, on taking their last sorrowful farewell, the soldiers are stated to have taken off their caps and given three cheers for Repeal ! Thus the country appears to have never been so safe, as the people and the army are on the, best terms! This is exactly what a popular Government would desire. But certain spy-employing monsters would seem to wish to tamper with the army, and to instigate it to fall on the unoffending people —men, women, and children. But those untried and unimpeached villians would do well first to consider the feelings of the army, An army has often proved a two-edged weapon, which is liable to around the hand that wields it. Thank God, we have however lived to see the army reformed, so far as the soldiers are concerned. We, therefore, would wish to see promotion from the ranks general, and flogging or back-mangling totally abo lished. Let a soldier be shot, but not flogged. The soldiers are now as decent, sober, orderly a body of men as any in society. They arepatient, too, and Heaven knows they require to be so. Many of them are teetotallers. :They mind their religion ; and, if not prevented by their money promoted coo. manders, would improve their minds by reading the newspapers, which we think, after fulfilling their duties (including over drill. ing), that they have just as much right to do so as the parties called officers—for an officer ought properly to mean a promoted soldier, and a soldier an unpromoted officer. Now Gentlemen, there is another publication in the same paper, of such a character that I feel it my duty also to call your attention to it. It is en titled— , Rumoured Death of General .Jackson. The Battle of New Orleans.—Be the report of his death true or false, the,mention of his name has recalled to our mind. the „feat he achieved, an ac. count of which may, in these times, when so much is said about war and blood, be acceptable to our readers. In the battle of New Orleans thete were engaged from ten to.twelve thousand British troops sent from France, under General Pakenharn, who had been so much extolled for his exploits in the pen. inside of Europe. This army .was furnished with all the means of destruction. . A great fleet, with its seamen an.l marines, aided in all its operations. The American General Jackson, a lawyjr by profession, who had never before, I be lieve, seen a single regiment in the character of. an enemy, with the inhabitants of New Orleans, aided by the militia of Tenessee and Kentucky, had assigned to him the task of defending the city against' the artily of regulars, and, as they were termed, invinci bles. With Iris untutored bands, eVen whose officers were not in unitOrm, lie, with inferior numbers, attacked the British army twice in the night time before they were ready for the main attack 9n him. On the Bth of Jan., 1813, they advanced to the attack, with rockets, bombs, an immense train of art illery, arid with all the appa ratus for storming, the soldiers and sailors having been prevrouly sti mula'ed and steeled against relaxation by assurances the most gratis tying to their tastes and wishes. They finally arrived at the point of onset ; the faggots which they carried to Make them a road over the works were just tossing into a stitch ; in idea the city with all its spoils, was in their possession. At that moment the brave and prudent enemy, with as much coolness as if he had been aiming at harmless birds, opened his fire on them, and swept them down like grass before the scythe of the mower. He sallied in pur suit, marching over over blood arid brains, and mangled carcases, and finally, to use the words of his coun trymen, drove the survivors to their ships, and bade them carry to England the proof of the fact that the soil of freedom was not to be invaded with impunity. There were more than half as many British soldiers and sailors :killed and wounded in this battle as at Waterloo, where the British, though successful, had to help them, not only Irishmen and Scotchineu, but also Belgians, Hanoverians, and Prussians. Who was Jackson, was he an American or a Saxon ? No, he was one of the fiery. eyed Celts, an Irishman ; one too, who, when only about twelve years of age, received a wound on his cheek; the mark of which continued ever after, from a Brutish brute, whose boots the high souled boy refused to clean. Tie firmness of the child on that occasion surpasses anything we ever read i.f. The brute of a British officer, for we cannot call him by any other name, com manded Jackson's brother, who was somewhat older than Jackson himself, in the first instance to take up his boots and clean them. This the manly boy refused, alleging that he would per form no menial service, as he was the sole of a gentleman. What did the cold-blooded English miscreant then do ? He ran him through with his sword, killing him, of course, dead on the spot! The next step of this dog was to order Jackson himself, with his slaughtered brother bleeding before him, to take the boots and clean them. No, was the manly Irish child's reply, you may murder, but you shall not dishonour or degrade me. Then it was that he received from the Cromwell-minded ruffian the wound upon his cheek. Why do we recal these things now ? We will confess that we have more reasons than one for doing so. The first is, that the deeds of our illustrious countryman, as in the funeral oration of Mirabeau over Franklin, should be recounted at his death. The second is a desire we have to point out to Irishmen—aye, and to Englishmen too—that although he exhibited such generalship at New Orleans, he was only a lawyer, not having served his appren ticeship as a hireling to the committing of murder like Wellington. e cannot help remarking again, by way of warning to those who threaten us with aggression, that Jackson was only &lawyer. O'Con nell is one too. The former surprised the British by attacking them twice in the night. So might the latter, were he driven to it, especially as darkness equalises undisciplined with disci plined men, throwing the advantage, if any, in favour of the former, the pike being, from the distinctive peculiarity of its shape, .the weapon best adapted for night. We do not mention these things because we are anxious for an outbreak, but because we wish to prevent it. The best way to preserve peace is to show that we are prepared for war, for even bulls, when they find that they are equally matched, have the sagacity to be civil to, and shy of, each other." The publication contains various other observations, which I shall not detain you uy reading. I shall not repeat the observations of this moral instructor of the people, who says we are to use the pike by night as themost useful instrument. I shall not endeavour by any comment to take away from the force of the observations. The Learned Gentleman then called attention to a proclamation signed T. M. Ray, for the holding of arbitration courts, and having ob served on their tendency to supersede all the courts of law and petty sessions throughout the country, proceeded to notice the monster meeting at Mullaghmast. The best calculation of the numbers present on that occasion was 250,000, and Mr. O'Con nell stated at a dinner that there was a million present. The Rath of Mullaghmast was selected as the place for this raulitu. dinous meetin of physical force, nar the reason assigned by Mr. O'Connell—" We are on the precise spot which English treachery, aye, and false Irish treachery, caused massacre unequalled in the an-. pals of crime, until the massacre of the Mamelukes by Mehemet Ali." This spot was selected then, with the view of inflaming the minds of the people of this country, who, if they had been left alone, and not misguided and misinformed on the subject, would naturally be obedient to the laws. Gentlemen, a document was handed about at that rnes•ung, by a person who said it had been printed ex pressly for all well-wishers to their country; and at the desire of Mr. O'Connell, groups of the country people were observed at different parts of the field, listening to the people who were reading this document to them. Under the apprehension that the language front the platform, inflaming the people, might not be heard throughout every portion of the vast assemblage, the course was adopted of printing and ex tensively circulating, and reading for those who could not read, a document of the most inflammatory description. The circular is headed thus:—" A Full and True Account of the Dreadful Slaughter and Murder at Mullaghmast on the Bodies of Four Hundred Roman Catholics." At the meeting to which I refer, flags were displayed. One was a motto to this effect, " Ireland for the Irish, and the Irish for Ireland ;" on another, " Ireland must be a nation;" and on another, " Repeal ;'• and Mr. O'Con nell, looking at some men with an inscription on their hats, said he was proud to see his own police, and hoped he should shortly see no other police in Ireland. Mr. O'Connell went, at tired in his scarlet robes, and on the platform a cap was presented to Mr. O'Connell, which, according to the statement of some or the defendants in this case eas embroidered, and ornamented with gold to correspond with an Irish Crown that had been preserved in Trinity College Museum. The cap was placed on Mr. O'Connell's head, amidst the most enthusiastic cheering ; and although everything that was stated could not be heard by every body at the meeting, the cap was seen by all. Gentlemen, the same day a dinner took place in a pavilion erected at the Rath of Mullagmast. You will recollect that on this rath —bear that always in mind—according to the statement circulated on the occasion, some Irish chieftains had been invited to a repast ; and that there they had been massacred. We therefare understand the meaning of the figures in that pavilion—of an Irish harp without the crown, and of an Irish wolf.dog, with the motto.--" No more shall Saxon butchers drink blood for their repast--the dog is watching—he is roused, and treachery is expelled from Mullaghmast." There was another expres.ive motto used on the same occasion—" Mullaghmast and its Martyrs —a Voice from the Grave." At that dinner Mr. O'Connell, Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Ray, Mr. Steele, Mr. Barrett, and Dr. 'Gray were present—six of the traversers. John O'Connell, Esq , was in the chair, and as chairman he spoke as follows : , " I do not, because I cannot, anticipate that, in any , phase of circumstances, the toast I am now to give will be received otherwise than well by Irishmen—it is the health of the Queen. Whatever may happen, her throne in Ireland is se - . cure. When, the other day, we distinguished between the vain and babbling words that were put into her mouth, we distinguished well between the Monarch and the Ministers; and we would make the same distinction as clearly and as well, were bloody deeds and hard blows to be attempted. Her Ministers may fix her throne amidst bloody fields, and blazing cities, and slaughtered corpses. Let them take care that the ruddiest stream :flowing might not be their own blood, and the brightest and fiercest flame might not be from the strongholds front which they now insult the Irish people. Whatever they do, whatever they threaten, we will go on ; and so sure as there is a heaven above us we will establish her throne here among a peaceful, a happy, and a contented people —' The Queen, God bless her.' " On the 2d of October another meeting of the Association took place, at which Mr. O'Connell repeated his declaration that the Queen could summon an Irish Parliament in Dublin. On the 3d October another meeting of the Association took place, at which Mr. O'Connell, Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Ray, Mr. Steele, Mr. Duffy, the Rev. Mr. Tierney, and Dr. Gray were present. At the meeting to which I have been referring, Mr. Steele made a speech which shall be fully proved. It has been stated that that speech never was spok en although it was published at the time in the newspapers of three of the defendants, and their own reporters who were present can, it' they wish to call them, disprove what I say. But I prophesy that not one of those reporters will be called to contradict the charge. And, Gentlemen, if they question the accuracy of our re porter, let them compare notes with their own, and there will be found not the slightest material difference. They say that it is all imagination, that there was no meeting at Mullaghmast, and that the swearing is all corrupt. Why now in the esta blishment of criminality I would just as soon take the report of the newspapers as our own ; and I ask you, Gentlemen, when you ascertain that, and find that they do not bring forward one of their own reporters, to consider the probability of their state ments. The Learned Gentleman, after reading reports of speeches and proclamations, atnounting to six or seven columns, thus concluded : —On the 30th of September there appeared the following advertisement In the Nation newspaper:—" Repeal Cavalry Mutat( Meeting —The Committee for :this great national demon. stration, being apprised of the intention of many Repeaters to ap pear mounted at Conquer.hill, Clontarf, recommend the following rules to be observed for the regulation of the cavalcade at this first muster and march of the mounted Repeal Volunteers. First— All mounted Repeaters of the city, or from the south and west side of the county, to muster on the open ground, Harcourt. street fields, on Sunday, the Bth of October, at twelve o'clock at noon, and form into troops, each troop to consist of twenty. five horsemen, to be led by one officer in front, followed by six ranks, four abreast, half distance, each bearing a wand and cockade distinguishing the number of his respective troop, Second—The regulation wand, and cockades will be furnished by the Committee to such gentlemen of the city or county as shall apply and be approved of to lead each troop. Third—That no person shall be permitted to join the cavalcade without a cockade and-wand, and that until one troop is complete no second troop be formed.—N.B.—The Committee will make the neces sary arrangements, to prevent delay or confusion, at the Turnpike.gates. Fourth—Each horseman to take and keep the place assigned to him on joining him troop, and remain in rank until dismissal of the parade in the meeting field. Fifth—That such troops as shall have formed by half-past twelve o'clock, do proceed in their order, at slow time, by the fol lowing route :—Harcourt-street, Stephen's.green west, Grafton street, Westmorland-street, Sackville-street, Britain-street, Sum mer.hill, Ballybough-bridge, Clontarf-road. Sixth—The mounted Repeaters from the northern parts of the county, to muster and form, as above described, at the southern extremity of the Howth-road, and bring up the rear of the Dublin cavalcade to the meeting-field, Conquer-hill. Seventh—That the Chair man and members of the Committee, bearing wands and cockades, do form the mounted staff in advance, and that the muster, march, and parade at the meeting-field, shall be under their sole order and direction, until dismissed after the proceedings of the meet. ing have commenced. Eighth—That the horsemen on the meeting ground shall keep a proper distance from the platform, so as not to incommode those attending on foot ; and it is earnestly requested, on the other hand, that no obstruction or interruption will be of fered to the cavalcade by those on foot or in vehicles, so that the order and regularity of the march may be preserved. God save the Queen. Mount for Repeal. March for Clontarf." That ad. vertisement appeared on the 30th September; and I have already stated that a meeting of the Association took place on the 2d October, at which meeting Mr. O'Connell was present. That was on the Monday after the Mullaghmast meeting, and on that occa sion Mr. O'Connell said, " I saw with great surprise, a para. graph which has appeared in the newspapers. It was a good quiz, but it ought not to have been printed. It is hardly necessary that I should warn the Asso ciation not to . have anything to do with it. It Is likely the gentlemen on horseback will be present at the meeting, and they will of course observe the most perfect order, so as not to trample oil the people." No doubt Mr. O'Cthinell thought it would be more discreet not to have the matter printed—but what was the course the Association adopted ? Instead of disavowing the advertisement, that which Mr. O'Connell had designated -a quit,: the' copied it themselves, substituting " groups " for " troops," and striking cut all the other military allusions. The Learned Gentlemen, after adverting to the opinion of Lord Ten terden in reference to advertisements such as that which ap. peared in the "Freeman and Nation newspapers relative to the Clon tarf meeting, said, there can be no doubt that the advertisement which he would read for them was illegal. On the 6th of Oc tober, the Pilot, Mr. Barrett's paper, published an article headed " The Battle of Clontarf." This excitable article appeared on the Friday previews to the intended meeting at Clontarf. On the Sa turday a letter appeared in the Nation, which recommended the use of Irish names to places that were now called by Saxon ones, You are aware; Gentlemen, th - at the meeting which was to have been held at Clontarf, and which was to have been the first "Of five or six monster meetings, as an. flounced, by Mr. O'Connell, was proclaimed, and s lid nut take place' ; and my belief is, that it did not take place, because the promoters of it were conscious of its illegality. On the following day, however, the 9th October, a meeting took place in Calvert's Theatre, at which Mr. O'Connell, Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Ray, Dr. (tray, Mr. Steele, the Rev. Mr. Tyrrell, and other Repeaters were present. I don't think it will be necessary for 'me to advert to the speeCh of the Rev. Mr. Tyrell, except so far as regards that part of it which intro duces the very important resolution which I am going to read for you. The Rev. Gentleman said, " They would not let us meet, yesterday, and we have come here to-day to propose the resolutions to this meeting that would have been proposed for the adoption of the meeting yesterday if it had come off. I will read the resolutions, and then I will place them in the hands of our excellent chairman, who will propose them to you for your adoption. He then handed the resolutions to Mr. John O'Connell, who read them. They were as follow:—That this meeting, highly approving and coinciding in the principles and spirit of the Leitister declaration for Repeal, as pro ; nounced at Mullaghmast, do now adopt the following resolu tions. Resolved—That this- meeting hereby declares its devoted loyalty to the person and throne of her gracious Majesty Queen Victoria, Queen of Ireland, and its determination to uphold and maintain inviolate all the prerogatiVest of the Crown as guaranteed by the Constitution. Resolved,—That we, the clergy, gentry, ' freeholders, and other inhabitants of Fingal, in public meeting assembled, declare and pronounce, in the presence of our country before Europe and America, and in sight of Heaven, that no power on earth ought of right to make laws to bind this kingdom save the Queen, Lords, and Commons of Ireland; and here, standing on the ever-memorable field of Clontarf, the ,Marathon of Ireland, we solemnly pledge ourselves to use every constitutional exertion to free this, our native land, from the tyranny of being legislated for by others than kts own inhabitants." This was followed by a resolution of confidence in Mr. O'Connell. I beg here to deny there is any analogy between the period of 1782 and the present position of Ireland: When the volunteers came to the resolution that none but the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland could make laws to bind this country, Ireland was not then represented in the English Parliament, nor did a union exist between this country and England; therefore there is no analogy between the state Of Ireland in 1782, and the present period. I therefore im peach these resolutions as illegal. I have gene through, I am afraid, at very great length, the circumstances connected with these meetings, and I now beg to call to your recollection the charge on which the traversers stand indicted. It is for a con spiracy to excite disaffection and discontent amongst her Majesty's subjects, and against the Government as at present by law esta- , blished, and I now ask you if I prove what I have read to you whether you 'can have any doubt that the defendants had conspired to excite discontent and disaffection amongst the different classes of society in these kingdoms, and if I establish this to your satisfaction it will be your bounden duty to find the traversers guilty. Another part of the charge was a conspiracy to sow discontent in the army, especially that class denominated the non-commissioned officers. Having taught them, by the demonstration of force, to endeavour to awe the Government to grant what are the objects of those who are the advocates of the repeal of the Union, they went on, step by step, to carry out, if possible, their objects,—“ , dismember the empire. It was then determined, as in 1797, to endeavour to alienate the minds of the army, to create disaffection among them, and more especially among the non-commissioned officers; and this was done by a refer ence to the revolution in Spain. A portion of the charge is that they conspired to cause large numbers of persons to assem ble at different times, and at different places, to obtain, by means of intimidation, and by the means of physical force, alterations i❑ the laws, and in the Constitution of this realm, and by this means to accomplish the dissolution of the legislative union. in the opening of this case I think I pointed out that to render those meetings illegal it was not necessary to suppose that any immediate apprehension was to be entertained from r them. The meetings were urged to disperse quietly ; but I am satisfied that there was an ultimate object when the orga• t nisation was complete, and when every Repeal Warden had his instructions brought into operation. I believe it was then in- tended, to use the language of Mr. Barrett, " that Ireland should stamp her foot, and that Repeal must be granted." And whether it was the intention of the defendants, by inflammatory speeches and ~, publications, to make an actual outbreak or not afterwards is not ma- .. • terial to the subject. I have to tell you that for their offence hey arc • indicted tor a nnsdemeanour, and which subjects them to fine and -I imprisonment; and it is necessary that you should believe that those meetings were held for the purpose of overawing the Legis lature, and by the demonstration of physical force and general organisation throughout the country—not to get the Repeal of the Union by means of the constituted tribunals of the country, both ' Houses of Parliament—but that their intention was to over awe the Legislature. That is illegal ; for it is impos sible to carry on the Government of the country if any alteration were made in the law of the land—not by the representatives of the people, but by the people them selves, and by the means of physical force. Mr. O'Connell himself mentioned, in his speech at Mullaghmast, his anxiety that there should be no outbreak; but while that might have been his desire, he might not be able, as he suggested himself, • to control the people when excited, considering the extent to which they might have been excited. We have all reason to rejoice there was no outbreak from this agitation ; that they did not incur the misery of a contrary course, arising from riot or disturb ance ; but that does not take away from the illegality of the proceeding. If it was intended to organise the people so • that the government of the country could not be conve niently carried on, but that they must dictate to the Government the course they should pursue, that would render their proceeding' illegal, arid subject the traversers to a misdemeanour. Mr. O'Con nell did not foresee what occurred at Mullaghmast, " when that sickly dream came over him." He was afraid they had been wound up to too great an extent; but whether he had intended , or not that they should go so far—that at no future meeting they should have recourse to physical force--I agai n distinctly state that the combination and conspiracy are equally illegal on the present indictment. which Is one of misdemeanour, charging the defendants with endea vouring to affect alteration in the law by unconstitutional mean/• There is another part of this conspiracy relating to the arbitration courts, which you have already heard. I may also tell ymitha t with respect to a conspiracy of this kind, although I believe tha t all the parties are intimately connected with each other, it is no t necessity for the purpose of a verdict of " guilty" that you should come to the conclusion that the defendant s are guilty of every portion of it. It is sufficient that you should be of opinion that they are guilty of any part o f it. And though I believe we shall be able on the part of the Crown to prove every portion of it, yet that is not ab solutely necessary. Having detained you and the Court at such great length, and not myself being very able to sustain a statemen t much longer, I shall conclude the observations which I have taken the liberty to address to you respecting this case In the language of the same eminent judge, Chief Justice Burton, whose language I thought necessary to cite in another part of the case. "I will, conclude,'' said his Lordship, "by calling attention to all that it is, in our power to do, and that is our dull- Let us do that firmly and temperately. I say tem perately, for in agitated times it is hard to preserv e an equal balance of mind." Having inculcated the necessity of an impartial and unbiassed discharge of their duties , his Lordship said,—" Let us therefore co-operate in our several• departments in carrying late execution ti , e several laws of ou r country, in the grandjury-room, in the petty jury -box, and on th e bench. Let us enter into a covenant with ourselves to investi gate every charge, so as to ensure the punishment of the guilty' and the acquittal of every man who is innocent, and of whose guilt there is no proof." The SOLICITOR-GENERILL thought it necessary to intimate tha t the examination of the first witness w ould occupy a considerable time' The Court was, at twenty minutes past four, adjourned until le ss o'clock to-morrow. VOLCANIC ERUPTION AT TIIE SANDWICH ISLANDS' —We have been rsvoured with the following extrte 4 • from a letter from the Rev. Titus Coen, dated BO ° (Sandwich Islands), May 16, 1843 :—" God is not onlY working wonders in the moral and civil, but it" in the physical world around us. You have heard of the great volcanic eruption near our station in 1840. Another scene of a similar kind has re cently taken place about the same distance from us, b ut in a different direction, and directly in. the rear of our station. On the 10th of January of the present year, just at the dawn of day, we discovered a rapid disgorge . client of liquid fire from near the summit of Alarms Loa, at an elevation of fourteen thousand feet above the sea. This eruption increased from day •to deY ' for several weeks, pouring out vast floods of fiery lay s ii which spread down the side of the mountain, ar e flowed off in broad and burning rivers, throwing a terrill glare upon the heavens, and filling those lofty mountain . ous regions midis sheen of light. This spectacle cow tinued from week to week without any abatement, till th e ; • molten flood bad progressed 20 or 30 miles down th e side of the mountain, and across a high pl a in, whic h stretches between the bases of Manna Loa and. Rado s • Kea. It was not till after many weeks that I was able t i. ° visit this scene' of terror and of sublimity. At long" in company with Mr. Paris, the missionary for a station south of Hilo—l ma d e t h e attempt. " , penetrated through a deep forest, stretching bee tween Hilo and the m oun t a r n , and reached t"," molten stream as it flow e d over th ose vas t an d big' . ° regions lying at the base of the mountain. Here n cl were able to approach the fiery stream and dip up e l % cool its burning fluid, as we would approach the bat of a river and take of its waters. From this we fb a lowed the stream to the top of the mountain, and foam its source in a vast crater, amidst the eternal snows °f those wild and desolated regions. Down the sides of ti ) mountain ,the lava had now ceased to flow upon the so rt ' face ; but it had formed for itself a subterranean du ct ' t at the depth of fifty or a hundred feet. This &I c a was encased with vitrifaction, as smooth as glass, an down this fearful channel a river of fire was rushin g at the rate of fifteen or twenty miles an hour, from t he summit to the foot of the mountain. This subterran ea n Stream we saw distinctly through several large aP er ; tures in the sides of the mountain, while the burnier flood rtished fearfully beneath our feet. Our standi n g above it was like standing upon ice on a river, while to t e , liquid flood flows under your feet. Our visit was s o attended with peril and inconceivable fatigue, but never regretted having made it, and we returned deePld affected with the majesty, the sublimity, the power, the love of that God who " looketh on the earth an u : e trembleth, who touches the hills and they smoke; wi l t e presence melts the hills, and .whose look causes 01 mountains to flow down."— Auburn (United Sta les) Journal. GRAVESEND.—DISCOVERY OF A PAPAL DEAL . On Thursday week some workmen, while trenching at Pe o rS , ;,,. street, dug - up a leaden seal, on c e atta c h e d t o a P a pal °or . bearing on one s id e th e nano of the Pope Johannes, • st. xxiii, in Roman capitals, and on the reverse the heads et Peter and S t'. Paul, rudely designed and coarsely exeour n , and above them the letters SPA. SPE. (S anctus PaT i 3l Sanctus Petrus.) . The seal is now i n th e p ossess i on of L „. - „ r , erudite member of the Numismati c S oc i e t y , W. Cran` o Esq., of the Ordnance-o ffi ce, G ravesen d. It is ab n „, the size of a twopenny piece; is in beautiful preser c l i. Lion ; and has an opening between the two faces, the 1t which the parchment strings were thrust, whereby It was suspended to the original instrument, now entirely lost• may be observed, that to seal with metal was reckoned a o n ly • lustrious ; consequently seals or bulls were cornna otii , affixed to the Roman Pontiff s' solemn public instrun' e rfba ,r sometimes impressed in lead and sometimes in gold. hive seals varied in form till Urban 11., about lOSS, s i n ce * c „ g e time they have remained as described a b ove . Dr. u3.Pis says the leaden seals with the Pope' s name on l y are as ol d Sylvester; but the images of P e t er an d Paul not earlier thin Adrian pascal I I I V . . , B w r h ie o f l w iv a ' s 'd th i e n te l r l m s3 ; r s p o l m ie e d i s o ay the c rap l a il l " ;:: is: d e r ti s with wax, with the impress of a circle, called the " man's Ring:":—Maidstone Gazette. FOLKESTONE.—'The improvements of this pl.,ce 101ve , been for two or three weeks nearly at a stand-still, but en n i,, derabk : activity is again evinced in the progress of the w ar ,. and a good number of hands are employed on the branch 08 ; p , road from the station to the harbour, which is rapidly A p o proaching completion. The clearing out of the mud and s t of from the bed of the harbour is fi nished, and the depth water much increased, but this has had a serious effect in Greasing the • shi ng l e b an k at th e mou th, w hi c h has ea u the ed considerable ob s tru c tion t o vesse l s en t er i ng or leaving r d u port. The C om pa n y, h owever , i n t en d ter carry out their Igo° with spirit, , and a large space is laid out f o r the perpoSii be forming a ca p ac i ous ba c kwat er b a y, th e e ff ec t o f which V et is to - prevent tire bar from forming at the month. An A ct of about to be applied for to enable the Company to do th e ; in . which notice has been given to the iahabitants of 500 hou r re to ! the lower part of Folkestone, the whole of whi c h houses t ie d. , , be taken down. The new harbour house is nearly cotoP'`, io , It is a handsome building, surmounted by a square toweberia which an illuminated clock with four faces is nO w x atil placed. The lawn iii front of the Pavilion has been ' bee r laid out, and well titrfed down , which gives it a gay and ful appearance.— Maidstone Gazette. „ prirl A GENUINE COOL - YANKEEISM.—The anto•'-' • •00 of the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers was celebrated b Y AP% " New England Society," in NeW York; nti the 2•2t1 alt. and Alain, the member for Leeds, was amongst the tfo"s t .': rri ed had his health proposed by Mr. Webster, for which he ret er9 err suitable thanks. ' It is a custom at Am e ric a n public (In' 0,0 1 the guests to volunteer occasional toasts ; amon g st.thosa bad followed the health of the Hon. M em b er f or L eeds, c e „est the following, proposed, accordin g t o t h e re p o rt, " bj, ~ * g itev• whose name we are sorry we c ou ld no t l earn " 3 ' 0 00 5 Sidney Smith and his Penn s yl van i a B on d s —When P Aier dabble in stocks, they are sure to be turned into laude stocks." IiETIRRmENT OF SIR HENRY POTTINGE''' me rli learn, on good authority; that Mr. Davis, who I°r acted for '7a short time as successor to the late 00 re, 0 Napier in China, ha s b een se l ec t e d by the Govelitep to relieve Sir Henry Pottinger as the Queen's gong' sentative and Governor"of the new British colonY highl y Kong. Mr. Davis will depart very shortly on hi s ,, v ;ileg important mission by the overland route. Paper, ••• - ,