The Sun. — London, England, 1839-08-23 00:00:00

EVENING LoDITION. CAMBRIDGE GREAT REFORM MEETING AT THE HOOP HOTEL. (From the Tbird Edition of the Cambridge Adverlis . er.) WEDNESDAY NIGHT, TEN O'CLOCK. This evening, a meeting of the Reformers took place in the Large Room of the Hoop Hotel, which was crowded to suffocation in every part, there bring at least eight hun dred persons present. Amongst the gentlemen who attended we notice Alder men R. Foster, E. Foster, Nutter, Simpson, and Newby; Dr. Woodhouse, H. Gunning, H. S. Foster, W. Searle, H. H. Harris, G. Livett, J. Sheean, I. Eaden, jun., P. Beales, T. B. Burchatn, C. Eyres, F. J. Gunning, W. J. Cannon and J. J. Cribb, Esqrs., Messrs. W. Warren, A. G. Brirnley, W. Herring Smith, C. Asby, Thomas Hallack, W. Warwick, E. Wells, J. Barrett, C. H. Cooper, C. Watson, Winterborne, W. Crisp, R. Johnson, Dison, &c. On tha motion of Mr. GUNNING, seconded by Mr. II BRIMLRY, Mr. Alderman Richard Foster was called to the chair by general acclamation. The CHAIRMAN observed, the meeting was of singular importance to the independent constituency. A colifi d-ntial communication had been received from the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, from which it appeared that the Right fIL.n. Gentleman was about to retire from public life. Three or four active friends of Liberal principles hid thereupon proceeded to London, to take steps suitable to the emergency which it was probable would arise. It was clear the Member for Cambridge ought to be a man of talent, for the constituency would never submit to be re presented by a dolt, an ignoramus, or a blockhead. After due inquiry, application was made to a gentleman, who, though disposed to advocate Liberal measures, was un friendly to the Ballot; it was therefore intimated there was no hope of his representing the borough of Cambridge. The gentlemen referred to then applied to Mr. Gibson—a man of great taleht,who was brought up in the lap of Tory ism, after acting on those principles for a year or two, disco vered their pernicious nature, and notwithstanding every inducement to the contrary, became a Reformer, and ho nourably and honestly surrendered his trust to those who had elected him on different views. It was for the electors to determine whether this gentleman should be brought forward as a candidate, and he put it to the meeting whe ther it was their pleasure then to hear Mr. Gib ion.— (Loud cries of " Yes, yes," and cheers.) After the lapse of a few minutes Mr. Gibson entered the room, and was received with loud and long-continued cheers. He then addressed the electors in a speech of nearly two hours duration, of which the following is a correct outline. The HONOURABLE GENTLEMAN observed, that before he proceeied to state his opinions on political matters, it was right he should explain the circumstances under which he then appeared before the meeting. He had retired into the country, without the expectation of being engaged in a political contest, when he received a letter, intimating that if be presented himself to the electors of Cambridge, it was highly probable his sentiments would meet with the approval of the Liberal party. He had no intention of ()erectly soliciting the suffrages of the constituency, until he had submitted himself to a general meeting cf the Reformers, and asked them if they approved of his prin ciples ; nor would he have even taken this step unin vited. It was easy for any man to offer himself for a place, to collect a few votes, divide a great party, and give a triumph to the adversary. If they felt that any other gentleman would better represent the views of the I Reformers, he would readily and cheerfully withdraw. He had received an invitation from Perth, but as there was a gentleman already in the field, on Liberal principles, he should not have felt justified in offering himself, had no other reasons interposed to induce him to abandon any intention of accepting the invitation. He (Mr. G.) was there simply with the view of submitting himself to their approval. He ought, in the first place, to give some little account of that political apostacy, of which they had Idoubtless heard so much. It was true he was elected by a Conservative constituency, but he went into Parliament as a Liberal Conservative, and a strictly independent man— .determined to give every vote in strict accordance with his jt, dgmeut and reason. When he found his reason placed hips in opposition to the views of those who sent him into Pareiament, although he might have swam with the stream, yet he could not stifle the dictates of his conscience, and felt bound t.' join that party to which all his sympathies tended. His were of to be a Tory failed. He sat and listened to all their arguib e ents, and the arguments of their opponents, and be found that Conservatism was not as it was represent. ed in Sir Robert Peel's famous Tamworth Manifesto which professed to lee favourable to the Reform of all proved abuses, and the redress pf all real grievances, and in short that that profession was a mere jesuitical pretence upon which there appeared to be no honest intention of acting. He then , resigned his seat. What more could he do?—( Loud cheers.) 1 They might call it apostacy, but he would ask of what use was knowledge? —of what use was argument ? —of what CLIO W3S inquiry? Were fresh circumstances, was information, was:debate to produce no effect upon the mind of man ? Was he'olestinately to adhere to old prejudices ? If so, what was ti vs use of education ? A great deal of what was said about political consistency was patched up, to prevent men from thinking. No party was more severe in their cen sures ou any departure from what they called political con sistency, than were the Tories. They wished to introduce military tac:ics into politics, and to carry every thing by a coup de main, by compelling all their adherents to obey their leaders. One of the questions on which he voted in opposition to the views of the Tory party, was the question .of national education ; but in his address to the constitu macy of Ipswich, he said they would find him an advocate of oettional education on principles of religious liberty. 'Could he then depart from the advocacy of that opinion, imerely because it might suit partizans, for a temporary itriumph, to raise the cry that the Church and religion swere in danger ? He was a Churchman. It was his vs . ish to see the p r i nc i p l es o f t h e E sta bli s h e d C hurc h six -ead far and wide, but, as a Member of Parliament, his b us iness was with men's civil rights; and it was his bout .den duty to prevent the Established Church, o ran other religious society, from imposing such tests and cou ditiona • on secular instruction, as would virtually exclude numbos s of persons from being able to avail, themselves of an sa l,vantage derived from the general taxation of the people._ ..,(Cheers. ) The cry raised on this subject had no found/salon in truth or justice. Religious instruction and secular knowledge were distinct and different things. The s tale .vas bound to allow persons of all sects to enjoy the a d van t a ge of secular teaching, leaving them at liberty to add theosolves such doctrinal religious instruction as they may think proper, and when they were told that those who advocated this principle were infidels and atheists, he felt bound to say that this was put forward merely to raise the passions and shock the feelings of the pious, to gain a party triumph. There was no greater corruption of the Christian religion—nothing so hostile to its genius and . . VIM as attempting to make it an instrument of party Power. The opponents of the Government measure said it ivas repugnant to Christianity. But Christianity ac knowledged no exclusive principles--but plainly inculcates the duty of forbearance and charity. They said you shall notlearn to read or write—you shall not be taught arith metic or geography, or any kind of secular knowledge, toeless you go to Church and learn the Church Catechism. Tboy said " unless you eat our pudding you shan't have our meat." You must take both or neither.—( Laughter, and cheers.) The whole thing was a device to limit education—to throw obstacles ,in the way, and as much as possible to prevent the spread of knowledge. They said in effect we will teach none but the mem bers of the Establi s h e d Ch urc h , and we will teach them only the Church Catechis m . Wh at does their r ligious instruction amount to? They merely lodge in the memory the Church Catechism and historical parts of the Old Testament. He thought the Government plan aid not go far enough, but he hailed it as a step towards more extensive improvements, and therefore felt bound to support it. He was, nevertheless, decidedly opposed to tile Government taking the whole education of the country into its hands, as tending to discourage voluntary efforts. The .;rories were timid respecting the spread of know ledge, old were alarmed lest the people should be t aught too much. • I hose who laboured with their hands, they said, had e tithing to do with suc h matters as wr i t i ng , arithmetic, a ied geography, such knowledge would make them disconte. seed; they affected to consider that there was something 1 evolutionary in the spread of such infer elation. They f e a.red the growth of intelligence amongst the people, suspect il2g it would lead them to inquire into their political and st.seal position—( Hear, hear)—and per haps to ask for an ex tension of the franchise, to demand protection to the voter; , or to discover that the present Corn-laws were not ;so advantageous to the working classes as had been re pre t - ented.—(Loud and continued cheers.) Nothing did the Tories dread so much as the spirit of inquiry. Tile .old Corporation in this town dreaded inquiry, and with great reason, as appeared by a little book which had .been put into his bands that day._( Great laughter.) \Wien men oppose inquiry, reason says all cannot be richt- -they fear the diffusion of the light which would dispel thm'e dark prejudices they would wish to see maintained. His opinion was, that education should be brought within the reach of the humbler classes; that in every parish, there should be a day school ; that the time should be passed in acquiring useful information ; that children of all p'ersuasions should meet on the common ground of secular instruction—of intel lectuet and moral culture, and it must be not only that a b oad and general knowledge of the great practical principles of Christianity should be inculcated, but that all parents who d s ':l not approve of the religious instruction should be en title i to withdraw their children at the time it was taught. There is no common religious ground upon which all classes e en be successfully inst ructe d, and therefore in a plan of naoonal education, secular must be separated from religious teaching; the former being supplied to all chil dren at the co mm o n day sc h oo l , and the latter by the N:inisters of the 4ifferent persuasions, at other times and places, and according to the views and wishes of the pa ren t s . A similar plan had been tried in Holland with the greatest success, and is now in operation. Another question on which it was right he should state his opinions explicitly was, th e protection to be given t o t h e voter in the exercise of his franchise. The great object of Go. Ballot..( Great vernment in this point ought to sccure the e eeda of action, Although he CIL-. G.) advocated cheering.) — he coOld not expectthat would thepath of purify• men's s 4 hearts, and induce thtlil to pursue duty instead of that of interest; but if a voter were d to act ,conscientiously, the Bat‘l44 would tend most effectually re to protect th a t man f ro m opC-n and injury. —( Renewed ehe . e .ing.) For his part he b •tt , acu , ed no great importance to the publicity o f a vo te ; ana dation in a man exercising the Po e" law gave him, secretly instead of r-• had been successfully adopted in other cc. protect the coustituerey from extraneous p beea introduced in France, with a view of limited constituencies of that country could a .!e no great iegra r of voting which the . ` l7 ‘ e r, üblicly. The Ballot low them. In this country it was regairea purpose. It was wanted to protect the people untries in order to fi cri s i e t. ssure_. It had Protecting tho 1 i ,. , masses be. • f no such C). fr mn not influence e not influence of the aristocracy which was used to a de;; roe •,,, to be justified ; and which no one ever attempted to justify but the Duke of Newcastle, who openly and boldly avoYea his right to do what he liked with his 0wn...--( Laughter.. ) lii this country there was no fear of a pressure fom below : the protection was required from the aristocracy above , for be was persuaded 1, Chases were decide dl y 1 - - f the middle sympateies o ...e in favour of the diffusive t -e ' principle. In France the Ballot operates quite i n a contrary direction to what was originally intended, for despite the great power of the Crown 'in that e mntry, the King could not find means to nominate a Chamber to his liking ; and the elections always termin ate in a manner which the Aristocracy do not relish. On the subject of the extension of the franchise, his views were simply these. On principle he was friendly to such an extension, and hoped the time would, at no distant period, arrive when a more extensive franchise could be conceded with a due regard to its proper exercise. He must, however, look to fitness, and before he consented to transfer political power, or rather to extend it, he must be satisfied that the classes to whom it was proposed to be given, were in a condition to exercise it in a manner in which it ought to be exercised. If the extension of the franchise depended on mental and moral culture, it might be used for the progressive improvement of society. He repudiated the principle of finality, and considered that every day was bringing us nearer to the time, when the suffrage might b e progress i ve l y ex t en d e d on ju s t and im partial principles. Any proposition which might be made on the subject, he would consider calmly and dispassionately,and although he would not pledge himself to vote for any definite extension, yet if it could be shown that any particular plan would operate for the welfare of the nation at large, he would readily support it ; but not if . it was intended to make a transfer of power for the benefit of class inte rests and monopoly. The whole question required mature and deliberate consideration, and it was one on which he was anxious to watch his time, or perhaps he might defeat his own object, as had been the case in France. There was a great difference between the Ballot and the extension of the Suffrage—the former did not make a transfer of power, it merely enabled the voters to use their privilege according to their own consciences and judgments. It was intended to protect the electors just in the manner the law protected the people from highway robberies.— ( Cheers.) He had been thought very presumptuous for having dabbled a little in what was called the principle of the Reform Bill. The Tories attached vast importance to the finality of that measure. They seemed to fancy it was the result of a sort of sacred inspiration, containing all the virtues any legislative measure could possess. He undertook to think for himself, however, and it appeared to him that a man ought not to lose his vote because he removed from No. 1 to No. 2.—(Laughter.) He could not believe it would endanger the institutions of the country to give each elector the privilege of retaining his vote for the whole year if once placed in the re gister, and to declare that he who was considered fit to vote in July, should be considered fit to vote in October. He had the audacity to bring in a Bill to alter the law in this respect, and for so doing was considered by the Tories, as having been guilty of one of the most flagrant acts of insubordination ever known. The Bill passed the Commons, but was thrown out by the Lords ; but though it passed the Commons, the whip from the Tory side was used to defeat this measure. Perhaps (said Mr. G.) the meeting did not exactly understand the allusion to the Tory whip, but if his Honourable Opponent Mr. Manners Sutton should obtain the honour of a seat in Parliament he would not be long before he would discover what the Tory whip was.—( Great laughter.) With the Tories class interests always were uppermost. They said with respect to the Bill to which he had alluded, the Liberals have more removals than we have. This was the real ground of their opposition, and not any attachment to the principle of the Reform Bill, of which they boast so much. And now he felt it necessary to proceed to another topic. He had recorded his vote in favour of the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the duties on the importa tion of foreign corn. He had voted simply for an inquiry; but the Tories call it repeal—they always think inquiry means a serious alteration. That which is good will bear inquiry. The old Corporation would have stood, if it could have borne inquiry. His own opinions, he said, were decidedly against the present Corn-laws. He consi dered they operated seriously to the detriment of the working classes. They raised the price of bread, without raising the amount of wages; for they lessened the de mand for labour. Wages depended not on the price of bread, but on the demand for labour, which was restricted by the existing Corn-laws. In Ireland bread was dear, and labour cheap. In America bread cheap, and wages high. Whatever tends to lessen our resources, lessens the demand for labour, and thus lessens wages. The Corn laws operated by no means so beneficially to the landed proprietary as was supposed ; they destroyed pounds and created sixpences. The effect of an alteration would be to lower the price of corn to about 505., and to keep it at that rate. Steadiness of price was of the greatest advantage to the working classes. There was no benefit in being starved one day and surfeited another. It was a poor con solation to a man who had too little food in winter to give him too much in summer. The Corn-laws were main tained from misrepresentation and misunderstanding. After some further remarks on this subject, Mr. G. proceeded to observe, that he would not say repeal these laws directly.—(Loud cheers.) Under these bad laws, great and important interests had grown up, which could not be disregarded. He would view the question calmly and dispassionately, taking into consideration the existing interests. Colonel Thompson, and other thick-and-thin opponents of the Corn-laws, said the land lords had no more claim to consideration than a highway man, who had robbed for years, had to compensation. This was all very well as an ad captandum argument, but there really was a vast difference between the case of one who was daily transgressing the law, and the case of those who had been encouraged by the law. If the ports were opened on the morrow, he thought very Effie land would be thrown out of cultivation—what was saved in bread would be spent in meat, The Provision-laws were worse than the Corn laws, for as regarded foreign beef, mutton, and pork, there was a total prohibition ; and it should be recollected, that the agricultural labourer usually tasted meat but once a week. He was for admitting foreign meat, under due re gulation.—(Cheers.) He was aware this was a question upon which men of all parties differed materially ; but he could not think of blinking so important a question, or, in deed any question. Perfectly free trade between nations would, he thought, do more to civilize mankind than all the laws that could be passed; nations would be bound together by the strongest of all ties—mutual inte rest. If it had not been for the merchants of Man chester, who have so great an interest in the trade in raw cotton, we should have been engaged in a war with America, instead of which we very wisely pocketed our little affronts, and gave up that grand talking about national glory which had produced so much blood shed and misery in former times. A free exchange of the commodities of one country for those of another would raise up the most kindly feelings, and it was doubtless in tended by Providence that nation should depend upon nation, as man was obliged to depend upon man. With respect to the free trade in corn, it was important to re collect that the New Poor-law came into operation when bread was cheaper than it had been at any time during the preceding half century, and that circumstance was mentioned as an argument in favour of the introduction of the new system. The abuses of the old law were greatest when bread was dearest. It was never so dear as in 1795, and yet in that year began the allowance system. High prices first caused the breach in the principle of the statute of Elizabeth. A great deal was said about the poor man depending on his own resources ; but let the landlords depend on their own resources unless they could show they were taxed higher than they ought to be ( Hear.) The Corn-laws operated as a tax upon the rest of the country. If they had read the Tory papers they had no doubt seen the epithet "renegade" applied to him ( Mr. G.), accompanied with a statement that no con stituency ought to depend on him. Now the Times, that great leviathan of Toryism, had but recently stated that there was no man for whom they had so little respect, or whom they felt so little disposed to follow, as Sir Robert Peel. Yet he (Mr. G.) was abused by this very paper, because he did not choose to follow this same Sir Robert Peel.—( Loud cheers.) He had been called by the Times a prating jackdaw of libe ralism disguised in Conservative plumage. His jackdaw liberalism was borrowed from the Times. The Aristocracy he knew cared more about the rents going down than they did about the religious instruction of the people.—(Tre mendous cheering.) The Duke of Buckingham, the leader of what Mr. Elliot had called the bread-tax-ocracy, was much more concerned about the price of corn, than the spread of Popery. There was a tendency to undervalue the great talents of Sir Robert Peel. The Hon. Baronet was not deterred from taking office on a recent occasion by the Ladies of the Court, but by the general aspect of af fairs, and almost said as much in his explanatory speech (to which Mr. G. referred in detail). The Tory party were most dissatisfied that Sir Robert did not hazard all in an attempt to regain possession of Downing-att.( et, rather than be frightened by four Ladies of the Bedchamber. The Tory party, though apparently large, was composed of most discordant materials—there were the Liberal Conservatives —the State-conscience men—the currency-men, &c.; all united for the present, but only for the present. He re ferred to the Duke of Newcastle's Letter to the Lord Chan cellor, which involved hn admission that the Duke was wil- ling to evade the Test Repeal Act, and was a direct contempt of the highest judicial authority in the country. Lord Win chelsea had avowed in the House of Lords, that he should be glad to have the Catholic Relief Act repealed. The Tories frequently called the year 1829, the fatal year; and the Tory party rarely talk of the great merits of Sir Robert Peel, but complain continually of the mistakes they say he has committed. If Sir Robert were to come into rower to-morrow, he would, whatever were his own senti ments, have no alternative--he must distribute Irish patronage exclusively to Protestants ; thus virtually re paling the very Act Sir Robert had himself introduced. The Tories were prepared to make a retrogade move ment in order to strengthen their position, and Mr. G. referred to the conduct of some of that party in reference to the Bill as to the spiritual instruction of Catholic prisoners in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) The H tnourable Gentleman then recapitulated his sentiments on the various questions before adverted to, and expressed his readiness to answer any interrogatories which might be put. If his sentiments and his conduct should give dissatisfaction to the constituency, he would willingly do as he had done at Ipswich —resign his seat into the han d s of those who gave it him.—(Cheers.) Mr. Gibson referred to the abuse which had been poured upon him by all the Tory papers, more especially the Standard, which, with all its professed abhorrence of Popery, contained in its lead. ing articles all that was obnoxious in Popery. It advocated the cause of clerical tyranny and religious in tolorance. The Catholic religion had produced men deeply imbued with the principles of religious tole ration, and he mentioned particularly Fenelon and Pascal, venom he co n t raste d w i th the Bishop o f E xeter . T o s h ow how strongly the Standard and Times were imbued with the spirit of Christian charity and Christian love, he alluded to the former papar having designated the Irish jpeeuarsaaanitrhyadassti tz " ta s a h t i i r s t e l ( e l s t s , e r u c ffi a a t r h . s b , l ' i ' e priesthood as the name of P rotestan T s " last-named while the _ sur pliced ruffians." Too n m y , o e f s t t a h b e lis c h ler t g h y e m w e o s u t ld g , ri u e n v d ba er s tyranny over the minds and consc the i • encos of men. Real re ligion had a pra c ti ca l effect on lives of its professors, who practised those d octr i nes of forbear ance and charity rich were so eminently tire genius The Tories had in some places of Christianity.— made the Wesleyan I,;, , tflaizts subservient to their own party purposes. The y wa., for religion about which they did not care a tig 'roe real iSbjeat saes to get thei r votes ; and to secure tilt; object, they o . u pl e d nit to stigmatize their opponents as advocates of inhiNity. After Paying a high compli ment to the talents and character of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Gibson observed that the Ministers were, he firmly believed, actuated by a strong spirit of reformation, but had a most difficult task to perform, in consequence of the formidable oppostiun in the House of Commons, which emboldened the House of Lords to pursue the course they did. Mr. Gibson deprecated, in the strongest and most forcible manner, the ap peal to physical force made by the Chartists, whom he de nounced as the great opponents of real and rational liberty ; and who had, ha said, done mare to impede reform, than could have been done by twenty years of Tory agitation. The great security of freedom was the autho rity of the law. He was, however, friendly to Law Re form, and would have law practically what the Judges said it was,--equal to the peasant in his cottage, and the peer in his palace. Mr. G. referred to the probability of important changes in the Administration, and ex. horted Reformers to lose no opportunity to send to Par liament men who would support her Majesty's Government in effecting great national advantages. The Queen had shewn herself an advocate of a Liberal Government, and all her sympathies were with her people. She had declared for the diffusion of civil rights, and the extension of popular privileges. When the monarch was favourable to class- interest, clerical domination and aristocratical usurpations, the Tories were fervent in their professions of loyalty ; but at the present time the loyalty of the Tories lies in a very small compass, and points rather towards Hanover than to the Queen on the throne. At the conclusion of this address, the assembled multi ' tude gave a succession of deafening cheers in favour of Mr. Gibson, whose reception was most enthusiastic. PATRICK BEALES, Esq. proposed a resolution expressive of the fitness of Mr. Gibson to represent the borough in the event of a vacancy. Mr. Gibson had delivered a most able and eloquent exposition of his sentiments, which was perfectly satisfactory to his ( Mr. Beale's) mind, and would, he doubted not, be equally so to the great body of Re formers throughout the borough. He advocated the Ballot —he disclaimed the doctrine of finality, and was prepared to support measures suitable to the spirit of the age. Mr. Alderman E. FOSTER said he had heard Mr. Gib son's powerful and splendid speech with sentiments of ex ultation. He had, however, a silent source of regret in his own bosom, when he reflected that he (Mr. Foster) and his family were, as Dissenters, deprived of the pri vileges of participating in those academical advantages which Mr. Gibson had so gloriously improved. Some corn plain!s had, he hears, been made as to two or three gentle men having proceeded to London. He was sure, however, that after having beard Mr. Gibson, no real Reformer could feel any other sentiment towards those gen tlemen than that of gratitude for having introduced a man of such commanding talent to the notice of the constituency. He ventured to predict that Mr. Gib son would one day occupy a conspicuous and highly ho nourable situation in the annals of his country. He made no doubt the same unanimity amongst the Reformers would prevail at this, as at former elections, and that Mr. Gibson would occupy the same proud station on the poll that the Reform candidates had uniformly done ever since the emancipation of the borough.—(Cheers.) In the course of his address, Mr. F. referred to the Elector's Re moval Bill, and Mr. Gibson's resignation of his seat at Ipswich, and concluded by seconding Mr. Besles's pro position. The CHAIRMAN proceeded to put Mr. Beales's propo sition, which was carried unanimously, amidst reiterated and tremendous shouts of applause. HENRY GUNNING, Esq., M. A., reminded his brother electors that there was another candidate in the field. He was a gentleman of high family, splendid connections, and of a most generous disposition; so much so, that he (Mr. G.) doubted not he would gladly spend every shilling of his own sinecure, or of his father's pension, to secure the proud position of representative of this borough. He was a gentleman of amiable manners, to whom his friends were much attached. Though he said this, it was not, of course, to be supposed he intended to propose him, much less to vote for him. He exhorted the electors cordially to support Mr. Gibson; and concluded by moving that the Committee at the last election be requested to act on be half of Mr. Gibson, with power to add to their numbers. W. SEARLE, Esq. seconded Mr. Gunning's proposition, and expressed his conviction that the Committee would receive an accession of active and strenuous supporters of the cause of reform. Mr. Gunning's motion was then put and carried unani mously. Mr. GiasoN again addressed the meeting briefly, and stated that after the kind manifestation in his favour, he should be justified in solicitin g t h e support o f t h e elec tors. It was for the constituency to decide between him and his Hon. Opponent, Mr. Sutton. —( Cries of " Gibson for ever.") The CHAIRMAN having left the chair, the thanks of the meeting were unanimously voted to him at the instance of H. H. Harris, Esq., seconded by Mr. A. G. Brimley ; and in returning thanks, the Chairman reminded the meeting, that in less than seven years, the Reformers of Cambridge had five times successfully contested the Borough 1 !! Three cheers were then given for the Queen, and three for Mr. Gibson, and shortly afterwards the vast multitude quietly dispersed. A more satisfactory meeting to the Reformers has, we believe, never before taken place in this borough ; and Mr. Gibson has made an impression on the minds of the electors, which we feel assured neither Mr. Manners Sut ton nor his friends will be able to efface. Indeed, at a late hour this evening, it was confidently rumoured, that Mr. Sutton finding that discretion is the better part of valour, had determined not to waste the sinews of war on a con. test which must be hopeless. For ourselves, however, we attach no importance whatever to the report, and recom mend our friends to be vigilant and active. The following is Mr. Gibson's address:— To the Independent Electors of the Borough of Cam bridge. Gentlernen,—Being encouraged by a numerous and in . fluential body of the electors of Cambridge, to aspire to the high honour of filling the approaching vacancy in their representation, I feel justified in announcing myself a Can didate for your suffrages. The principles upon which I shall solicit your support will meet, I doubt not, with the approbation all liberal and thinking men, who, duly appreciating the importance of stability in all social institutions, are yet unwilling to bend under the yoke of prejudice, or to surrender their reason to the control of party or of passion. Firmly convinced that the only sure foundation for the progressive improvement of society is in the intellectual and moral culture of all classes of the people, you will find me the zealous advocate of the cause of general edu cation, without distinction of sect or creed. Highly prizing political independence, and deprecating all obstruc tions to perfect freedom in the exercise of the franchise, I am deeply impressed with the growing necessity of some legislative measure tending to secure to the voter the power of expressing his opinion without present sacrifice, or fear of consequences. To all monopolies and legislation for the benefit of class interests, I am strenuously opposed, and trust that, should I have the good fortune to become your representative in Parliament, my conduct will prove me fully conscious of the great responsibility of such a position. I have the honour to remain, Gentlemen, Your obedient humble servant, THOMAS AIILNER GIBSON. Cambridge, Wednesday Night, Aug. 21, 1839. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—Ava. 22. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack at Five o'Clock. BASTARDY BILL. On the motion of Earl SHAFTESBURY, the Report of the Committee on the Bastardy Bill was brought up. CORPORATION PROPERTY (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of Lord DUNCANNON, the Cor poration Property (Ireland) Bill passed through a Committee. EXCHEQUER BILLS BILL. On the motion of Lord DUNCANNON, the Ex chequer Bills Bill was read a second time. OYSTERS. Lord MELBOURNE laid on the table papers from France relative to the Oyster Fishery. The Marquis of BUTE presented a petition signed by upwards of 900 of the inhabitants of Ayr in favour of the extension of parochial education. Also a petition from the same place, praying for Church extension. The Noble Marquis likewise presented petitions from Argyle, Paisley, and other places, praying their Lord ships to adopt such means as would prevent the intru sion of officers into parishes against the wishes of the people. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Co lonel Bradley, complaining of the treatment he had experienced. The petitioner had been arrested, im prisoned for 312 days in a tropical climate, and dis charged from the service. He prayed that her Ma jesty's Ministers would be pleased to take his case into their consideration, that he might be restored to his commission, and for general relief. The Duke of WELLINGTON would be sorry to interfere with any disposition that might exist on the part of the Noble Viscount opposite and the petitioner, but he doubted (as we understood), whether this petition could be received without the consent of her Majesty. If her Majesty should be disposed to consent to it the Noble Viscount ought to signify that it was her Majesty's pleasure that the peti tion should be received and that the House should take Col. Bradley's case into its consideration. No doubt Col. Bradley had been placed in an unfortunate situa tion, and the question respecting him, which had occupied a great deal, not only of the attention of the public, but also of Courts of Justice, for many years past, was a very difficult and nice question. Lord MELBOURNE was not aware that the peti tion could be received without the consent of her Ma jesty, and if that consent were necessary, he could only say that he did not know sufficient of the facts of this petition to be prepared to say that her Majesty would consent. Lord BROUGHAM said that the petition prayed for general relief, and that he apprehended it was quite competent for their Lordships to receive it. What the Noble Duke had said of its being a nice and difficult case, showed the import ance o f th e i r L or d s hi ps ' g i v i ng it their attention, and he sincerely hoped that this gen tlemen would have mercy shown to him. The Duke of WELLINGTON, though he was C o mmander-in-Chief at the time, had no feeling what ever on the subject, and he could have no possible ob jection to the utmost indulgence being shown towards Colonel Bradley. He thought, however, that a better caurse might have been adopted than petitioning Par liaroePt• Lor d BROUGHAM observed, that after what had been stated by the Noble puke, which he was sure THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 23, 1839. would be attended to by the Government, he would withdraw the petition, believing that to petition Par liament upon such a subject, was the last step that ought to be pursued. THE CHARTISTS. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Henry Vincent, W. Edwards, and John Dickenson, who had been convicted at Monmouth, complaining of the sen. tence passed up9n them, and the treatment to which they were subject in the prison of that place ; their diet being 2 quarts of gruel, 1 albs. of bread, and Ilb. of potatoes daily, without any animal food. Notwithstanding the sentence that had been passed upon them, the petitioners stated their belief that they had the right to meet and, petition against oppression. He (Lord Brougham) thought the petitioners were borne out in that by what had been stated by the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department at Liverpool. The petitioners als o state d t h e i r surprise at b e i ng pun i s h e d for agitating th e country, when certain Members of the House of Com mons , w h ose trade was ag i tat i on , were applauded to th e s ki es f or i t. Lord MELBOURNE said the regulations were there always observed in the gaol, and he believed they were made by the Judges. Lord LYNDHURST—No, not by the Judges, but by the Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment. Lord MELBOURNE must say by whomsoever they were made, that while they were in force these persoes in the position in which they were placed had no right to complain of them or to obtain a remission in their favour. Lord BROUGHAM said when Sir F. Burdett and Major C ar t wr i g h t were i ncarcerate d f or a sedi tious libel, such would not have been the course pursued, and if a remonstrance had been addressed to the Secretary of State he would have immediately dis patched a special messenger, in the middle of the night, and have ordered the removal to another prison. If that was not done the Government would not endure for half a year in that country, and he cared not who heard him, he would say that if such things were per mitted it ought not to endure. Lord LYNDHURST moved for copies of the fol lowing further correspondence relative to the election riots which took place at Birmingham in 1837. Letter, dated 24th of August, 1837, from Mr. James Taylor and eight other gentlemen to Lord John Russell. State ments, accompanying the above letter, from Mr. E. Lloyd Williams, Mr. Samuel Rawlins, Mr. J. B. Heb bert, Mr. Henry Smythies, Mr. James Taylor, Mr. Edward Armficld, Mr. John Morgan Knott, Mr. Cle ment Ingleby, and Mr. Robert Gayman. Colonel Thorn's Report, cited in Lord John Russell's answer, dated 2d October, 1838, to 111 r. James Taylor and others. Sir Maxwell Wallace's letter to Colonel Thorn, also therein cited. The '° several additional documents," also therein cited. Letter from the Adjutant General to Colonel Thorn, dated 4th August, 1837, also therein cited. Letter from Mr. J. W. Whateley and others to Lord John Russell, dated 29th October, 1837. Letter from Mr. George Barker to Lord John Russell, dated 30th October, 1837. Letter from Mr. James Taylor to Lord John Russell, of the same date, or nearly so. Letter from Mr. Clement Ingleby to Lord John Rus sell, dated 30th October, 1837. Letter from Mr. S. M. Phillips to Mr. J. W. Whateley and five other gentlemen, dated Ist November, 1837.—Ordered. Lord LYNDHURST inquired whether the Noble Viscount had any objection to lay before the House the Treaty concluded with the Imaum of Aden ? Lord MELBOURNE replied that he had no ob jection. BOLTON POLICE BILL, Lord DU NCANNON, in moving the Order of the Day for the House going into Committee on this Bill, said there were two points for consideration—first, the would t efficie nc y o f th e P o li c e Force of Bolton, and secondly, the uld b e boundaryfu found Great manorial and constables Little w Bolton.ere de pendent for p a yment on the Poor-rate, and the Noble It v and L earne d L or d k ne w that that payment was illegal. The 18th G eo . 111. ga ve the power to pay certain ex penses, but these were only the reasonable charges, and betweenhat the could not apply to a regular salary. Lord LYNDHURST agreed with the Noble Viscount. Lord DUNCAN NON said the whole of the police force to be depended on was 13, unless they went to the Polies Act. If they were appointed under that Act; Bolton would stand exactly in the same situation as Birmingham, and while the question was pending as to the validity of the Charter, the Police Act could not be acted upon. In choosing these constables it had been said that the Mayor had chosen improper persons. He (Lord D.) had this day read a very voluminous correspondence from Bolton to the Secretary of State and the special constables are stated to have done their duty extremely well.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He had read through very carefully all the letters and communications that had been received by his Noble Friend from Bolton, and he found that the riot there had not continued mere than the whole of one day alto gether. As to the Mayor he had found that he had been at his office all that day, and that it was not his fault the military had not been promptly called out ; however his Noble Friend had put the conduct of the Mayor on that occasion into a state of inquiry. Lord LYNDHURST said that he should be content to await the result of that inquiry before he said more about the conduct of the Mayor. He should not op pose the Bill passing into a Committee, but he cer tainly could not bring himself to believe that the police force proposed to be raised by this Bill would be suffi cient to preserve the peace of that populous town. He should like to know if it was really meant to be said by s ttrg hoa a i asLmyete Lord tarhr o odrao p rtt Dwa r h wt e u s otw e ou r Ni flt v ceB, wasdAt Bd. for Nt p r ettoahhceNeeyi their police, s n oa in ß t y,o alll the Noble Vis count t h at only thirty police were neces d b th e e fo a u n n le d nd su m ffi e c n i t e s n . t. The Bill l e i e answer p h o e w could o T re then p asse d t h roug h a C omm itt ee with pn u ti ton the supposition cer tain verbal amend ments, and was ordere d to b e pr i n t e d The House resumed. On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, the Report of the Manchester Police Bill was brought up. Lord LYNDHURST gave notice, that to-morrow he should move for certain papers relating to the business transacted in Parliament during the present Session. ASSAULTS (IRELAND) BILL. Lord DUNCANNON moved that their Lord ships' amendments to the Assaults Ireland Bill, which had not been agreed to by the Commons. be not in sisted upon—Agreed to. BANKRUPTS (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, the Bankrupts Ireland Bill was read a second time, the object of which the Noble and Learned Lord stated was merely to correct a mistake that had slipped into the Bill which had passed last Session on this subject. Lord LYNDHURST wished to correct a' mistake which had been fallen into in reference to what he was supposed to have said on Tuesday last upon the Bolton Police Bill. It was supposed he had stated that the Mayor had at a meeting to which he referred moved the resolution which he (the Noble and Learned Lord) had read. He had not stated that. What he had said was, that the Mayor had attended the meeting, and seconded a certain resolution ; but that the resolution was moved by another person. Lord MELBOURNE said that he had understood the Noble and Learned Lord to say that the Mayor was present at the meeting when the resolution was moved. Lord LYNDHURST said that that was so, and he wished to have it set right, as it had been represented otherwise. The House then adjourned._ HOUSE OF COMMONS, Actousr 22. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. MANCHESTER AND BIRMINGHAM EX TENSION RAILWAY. Mr. FRESHFIELD presented a petition from the Grand Junction Railway Company against the Man chester and Birmingham Extension Railway Bill. Per haps he had better defer stating the petition until the Report was presented. Mr. MI LD M AY brought up the Report, on which Mr. EASTHOPE rose, and was about to address the House, when Mr. FRESHFIELD rose to order—he believed that he was in possession of the House, having first risen to present the petition. The SPEAKER said if the Hon. Member was go ing to discuss the Report, it should be laid on the table and printed first. Mr. EASTHOPE said he was not about to propose any discussion. He wished merely to state th a t th e Report did rot contain what he considered it oug ht t o contain.—(Cries of " Or der.") Mr. FRESHFIELD then rose and said th e peti tioners stated, that they together with the London and Birmingham Railway Company formed one continuous line from London to Liverpool, and also from Liver pool to Manchester, and that on the . formati on o f th a t line,they had oxpended a sum approaching to 7,000,000/ . ; that they depended for the maintenance of th ese rail wasla and fact Birmin g h am Extension comp e ti ng li ne w i th rail ways, as much on the tra de to Manc hester, as Liver lthe proposed; tha that t he re Manchester Railway, that if those m easures had come at the same time before Parliament , the y would have been treated as competing lines, a nd that the merits of eac h wou ld have been examined by a Committee. They st a t e d, th a t the House had come to cer t a in resolutions and required of Committees sitting on Railway Bills that they should report especially on some p oints, a mong others, what competing lines were in pr o g ress, or e ven of what notices had been given ; and they were to rep or t especially what provision had been made for the int erests o f com merce and agriculture. The p etitione rs stated that they had pre s ented a petition representing th e i nterest t h ey had, and the interest which the publ ic h a d , i n the main tenance of this continuous line from London to Liver pool ; that when they were to be heard the Committee came to a resolution — Mr. BROTHERTON rose to order. The Hon. Member was stating what wasi n a Report which was not before the House. Mr. FR.ESHFIELD said the Hon. Member was mistaken. He was merely stating the allegation of the petitioners, who complained that the Committee had come to a resolution that the Grand Junction and the London and Birmingham were competing lines, but that it did not necessarily follow that they had therefore a right to be heard. The petitioners complained specifically of this resolution, stating that no other instances had oc curred in which competing lines were refused to be heard, and that they themselves had been admitted to be heard last Session against a similar application by the same parties as the promoters of the Bill. They prayed, therefore, that the Bill be re-committed, or that they might be heard before an appeal tribunal. He should confine himself to moving that the Bill be re committed, and that the petitioners be heard by council and agents against the Bill. He believed he was correct in saying that he could not do so till Tues day week. Meanwhile.he moved that it be printed. The SPEAKER said the Bill could not be discussed till seven dlys after the Report had been presented, nor except on a Tuesday, so that it must be on Tuesday week. Mr. BROTH ERTON rose, but was interrupted by Mr. CRAW FURD presenting a petition from the London and Birmingham Railway Company, stating similar allegations with those which had just been pre sented, and with a similar prayer, that the Bill be re committed. He moved that it be printed. The SPEAKER intimated that the Hon. Member must then be prepared to make a motion respecting it on an early day. Mr. CRAWFURD said he should join in the mo tion for recommitting the Bill.—(A laugh.) Mr. BROTHERTON (in an excited tone) said this was of a piece with the opposition which the Bill had received in Committee—(Order)—and which was the most unfair—(Loud cries of " Order, order !") The SPEAKER said it was irregular to speak on petitions. Mr. V. SMITH presented a petition from a private Gentleman, also praying for the re-commitment of the Bill.—(A laugh.) Mr. E WART presented a petition from the Liver pool and Manchester Railway Company to the same effect.—(A laugh.) Mr. CLAY presented a similar petition from the Bolton and Leigh (or Leeds) Railway Company, with a similar prayer.—( Hear and laughter.) Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from the county of Kerry against the renewal of the Charter to the Bank of Ireland. Also one from a parish in Lime rick, complaining of the House having taken no steps to redress the grievances under which the people of Ireland laboured during the present Session. Mr. S HEIL presented a petition from Louth against the renewal of the Bank of Ireland charter. Mr. WAKE EY had a petition to present of the utmost importance, and and as it related to a very great grievance, he trusted he would be allowed to state the facts as shortly as he possibly could. He lamented the absence of the Noble Secretary for the Home Depart ment, not only for the cause of it, but because that absence would damage the cause he had in hand. In November last a respectable surgeon, named Frederick Nicholas Somers Thomas, and his groom, were taken before the Magistrates of Union Hall-office, charged with stealing furniture from a house in Camberwell grove. They were then discharged. On Dec. 6 a bill was found by the Grand Jury, and the parties were again taken into custody. They were tried on the ith, without any preparation, and were convicted upon tes timony which turned altogether upon identity. None of the goods were traced to the possession of either of the prisoners. On the 13th of December a Mr. Cook, another surgeon stated, that he had seen a report of a case in the Newspapers, which he knew to be totally erroneous, for he was the party who took away the goods, and he was totally un acquainted with Mr. Thomas, whom ho had never seen, and who knew nothing of the matter at all. Mr. Cook, expecting the parties would not return, took the goods according to the authority that bad been given him by one of the parties. Mr. Cook, and two persons in his employ, Skinner and Watts„ removed the goods in September. They went to the house in the open day, and there was no concealment, and no attempt at con cealment, Mr. Cook feeling that he was entitled to take the goods that were assigned to him by his debtor,Mr.Cook related these facts to the Home Office, and the Chair man of the Sessions, but, strange as it might appear, after Mr. Cook had sent to the Home Office a state ment to the effect that the goods were taken by him and not by Thomas, and that Thomas was altogether innocent of any offence, ho himself became charged by the prosecutor with having stolen those very goods. He was taken before the Lord Mayor—the Lord Mayor referred the case to the Magistrates of Union-hall, who dismissed it, and said there was no case whatever that could be sustained for one moment against Mr. Cook ; but the Lord Mayor ordered the goods to be delivered up to the prosecutor. They were so deli vered to him, so that the prosecutor who came forward to swear the goods were stolen by Thomas, had had the goods given up to him by another party who had not been punished for the offence. Those things might appear to the House extraordinary, but it appeared to him (Mr. Wak ley) more extraordinary still that, after all that had been said and done on the subject, and after the repre sentations that had been made to the Home Office, Mr. Thomas should be still incarcerated. Mr. Thomas was sent to Chelmsford Gaol in December last, and this prosecution had had such an effect on his mind that he had since been removed from that place, and was now in the Criminal Wing of Bethlem Hospital, Mr. Cook with the most praiseworthy benevolence had made every exertion in the power of man to endeavour to obtain the liberation of his innocent fellow -creature, but every effort he had made had been unavailing.— (Hear, hear, hear.) He (Mr. W.) had often reason to complain of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home Department, in reference to his politics, but he must say, that so far as the administration of justice was concerned no Minister ever deserved a higher character for his conduct. He believed that Noble Lord had always endeavoured to ascertain the truth of the facts of every case brought to his notice ; and in defiance of every slander and every threat, when ever he discovered the truth he acted manfully and boldly.—(Hear, hear.) That was the character which the Noble Lord was entitled to as Minister of Justice, and as Secretary of State for the Home Department, and he (Mr. W.) was utterly at a loss, seeing the way in which the Noble Lord always had acted, to compre hend how it was that the Noble Lord's mind continued blind with reference to the facts of this case. He was afraid the Noble Lord had been influenced by inferior persons, who when they had fallen into an error, in stead of looking at the merits of the case, and endea vouring to rectify that error, only sought to prove that it was no error, and that though all other persons might be wrong they themselves might be right. All he (Mr. W.) wished was a fair, open, and candid in vestigation. He wished Mr. Thomas and his accuser to be brought face to face. At the time the trial took place, Mr. Thomas knew nothing whatever of Mr. Cook. He was called on to prove a negative. A party swore that he was seen in the street, and Mr. Thomas could not prove that he was not. What had occurred since? Why, the sweep who swore on the trial that he had been hired by Mr. Thomas to get down the chimney and opened the door, had con fessed with tears in his eyes that he had been bribed, and that he was threatened, unless he gave the evidence he did he would be convicted of some offence he had committed. He had confessed that he swore falsely. One of the policemen stated, that when he took the servant of Myers to Thomas's house, she said " that's not the gentleman—lie was taller," which was the fact ; but notwitstanding that, and the confession of the sweep, and the evidence of a surveyor, who examined the chimney pots, and stated that it was impossible the boy could have gone down into the house in that way. Mr. Thomas was incarcerated in a dungeon, he had become demented, and was now lodged in the felon's cell of one of Vie lunatic asylums of the metropolis. He could not understand how the authorities of the Home Office had investigated the case under such eir. cumstances, but he believed there were some men who would rather hang the innocent than eat their mutton cold. Nothing was so injurious to the law or to the judicial institutions of the country, as to allow cases of such extreme hardship to remain unredressed. He pledged himself to prove the entire innocence of Mr. Thomas, and if he did not do so he would never bring a case before that House again. Many of the documents and materials on which his innocence rested were at the Home-office, and the petitioner could not even get the papers back again, and would not be allowed to take copies of these documents. He was anxious, having stated the case, to found a motion on it for an address to the Crown, praying her Majesty to direct a full and impartial investigation of the allegations con tained in the petition, but as the Noble Lord was not there, and as twenty-four hours' deliberation might be of service to the unfortunate man, he weuld postpone the motion till to-morrow. He trusted in the mean time that the Noble Lord would make some intimation to him that an inquiry would take place, and thereby render the motion unnecessary. Let the Noble Lord refer the matter to some respectable barrister nho had given no opinion on the case, and there was some hope that that unfortunate individual, who had been now eight months incarcerated, would ultimately obtain his liberty. Mr. HAWES said there were some parts of the Hon. Member's statement which required a little eluci dation ; and as he had taken some interest in the case, he would take the liberty of addressing a few observa tions to the House. He was bound to state his en tire conviction of the complete innocence of Mr. Thomas. Ho made that statement not upon his own conviction, but as the result of the profes sional investigation of two barristers of eminence, who had gratuitously given their services in the case. He would state further, that be had received from the Noble Lord every possible attention ; ho had submitted every document to him, and yet, nevertheless, the Noble Lord had some how come to the conclusion that he was not justified in ordering his discharge. The Noble Lord had certainly given the most careful and minute attention to the matter, having de voted his time for upwards of an hour to the subject. He (Mr. Hawes) had requested the Noble Lord to review his decision, but nevertheless he remain ed, he believed, the same. He could only account for it by supposing that the Noble Lord must, in the mul tiplicity of his business, rely in a great measure on the information of others ; but he felt at all events that there had not been that careful investigation of the sub ject which its importance demanded. He was justified in making that statement from the circumstance of the authorities at the Home Department having, in the first instance, mistaken th e case , an d a tt r ib u t e d t o the peti tioner, Mr. Cook, that he was a man of a bad character, although it turned out that it was another person of the same name who was a man of indifferent character. He regretted, after so much time and so much care had been given by the Noble Lord to the case, that he had come to the resultion he had done. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could assure the Hon. Gentleman who had presented the petition, that the only cause of the absence of the Noble Lord was indisposition. He must admit that the Hon. Gentlemen had done full justice to the principles which had actuated his Noble Friend. No doubt the notice that had been taken of the case in the House would call to it the attention of the Secretary of State, but whether that would produce a different result, he could not say. Whatever that re sult might be, he trusted the House would not under take to review lightly the prerogative of the Crown in cases of the present nature. In conclusion, he begged to inform the Hon. Member for Finsbury that he would take care that what had occurred should be made known to his Noble Friend. Mr. WARBURTON thought there was the greatest doubt whether this gentleman had been pro perly treated, and he hoped therefore that an investiga tion would take place upon the subject. Mr. O'CONNELL said that he thought there was one clue in this case that he thought would put an end to all difficulty, which was, whether the individual had this!propertyin his possession, because if lie had and gave an authority to part with it there could be no felony. Mr. HAWES thought the case might still be con sidered as under the consideration of the Government, and not yet adjudicated upon. Mr. %VA KLE I' observed with reference to what had been said by the Honourable Member for Dublin, that Thomas and Cooke were wholly unknown to each other. He would give notice for a motion to-morrow sincerely hoping there would be no necessity for snaking it. The petition was then ordered to lie on the table. Mr. P. THOMSON presented a petition from Stroud, praying for relief from the duty on post-horses. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Geo. Connor, of Leeds, one of the rational religionists, who was now in prison under the Insolvent Act, complaining that the Commissioner bad rafased to liberate him in consequence of his not taking the oath, to which he had a conscien tious objection. Also a petition from Henry Vincent, Wm. Edwards, and John Dickinson, who had been con victed at Monmouth, complaining that they were kept on felon's food, and denied the use of pen, ink, and paper, and treated in a manner contrary to the express wish of the Judge. The petitions were ordered to be printed, the Hon. Member stating that he should call the atten tion of the House to them to-morrow. The HON. MEMBER also presented a petition from Thomas Steele, Esq., praying that a memorial might be raised to the memory of Sir Isaac Newton, and that he house in which he lived, near Leicester-square, might be preserved. THE FISHERIES. Lord PALMERSTON, in presenting papers by command of her Majesty, stated that one of them was a Convention between England and France, to settle all the disputed points about the fisheries, which had so long attracted the attention of the House, and been a source of anxiety to the Governments of the two countries The object of the Convention was to fix the boundary of the oyster fishery between Jersey and the coast of France. The subjects of each country were to have the exclusive right of fishery within three miles of low water mark on the coast of the United Kingdom on the one hand, and the French coast on the other. Commissioners were to be appointed within two months after the ratification to make regulations to govern the conduct of the fisher men. When they might be on the seas between the two countries, and beyond the three miles. These re gulations if approved by the two Governments were to be recommended to the legislature of each country in order to give them the force of law, as it was likely these Commissioners might conclude their labours and agree on the regulations before the re-asserr bling of Parlia ment, he was desirous of obtaining a temporary au thority to the Crown during the recess of giving effect by Orders in Council to such regulations, and he pro posed to move for leave to-night to bring in a bill for that purpose, and he trusted the House would allow it to be carried through its different stages to-morrow and the next day. TURKEY AND EGYPT. Mr. HUME said that as one of the documents laid on the table related to Mehemet Ali, he wished to ask the Noble Lord whether there was any truth in the in• formation contained in the French Papers, that the dif ferences between Mehemet Ali and the Porte 'were likely to he settled without disturbing the peace of the East ? Lord PALMERSTON said he was happy to in form the House that on the 28th of last month a note had been presented to the Ministers of the Porte, signed by each of the Representatives of the Five Powers, which stated that they received instructions from their respective Governments to inform the Porte that the Five Powers had agreed as to the settlement of the af fairs pending between Turkey and Egypt, and that they were instructed to request the Porte to suspend its final determination as to entering into negotiations on the subject with Mehemet Ali, and not to proceed further without the concurrence of the Five Powers. This note had been accepted by the Turkish Ministers and the Turkish Government had expressed its grati tude therefor. The House would, therefore, see that there was nothing likely to happen to disturb the ge neral peace in the East—(Hear, hear)—unless some thing new should supervene, which was not likely to be the case.—( Cheers.) PRIVATE BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. AGLIONBY said that as the motion of which he had given notice related to the private business of the House, and as it would not be likely to occupy much time, he hoped he would be permitted to have precedence. He had given the nsice yesterday in the absence of the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade, whom be was happy to see now in his place, as the duty that devolved upon him (Mr. Aglionby) would be considerably lessened in consequence, as that Right Hon. Gentleman had been Chairman of the Committee from which the recommendations had ema nated. He had given the notice, because at this late period of the Session he did not like even to lose a day. The motion of which he had given notice was " to call the attention of the House to the Second Report of the Select Committee on Private Business ; and to move resolutions relative to the appointment of an officer, in conformity with the recommendation contained in that. Report." He was desirous that the Speaker should have the power of carrying those recommendations into effect, as it was important that the House should be enabled to command the services of the officer in ques tion. Mr. P. THOMSON said it would not be necessary for him to detain the House long on this subject. Au officer of the description alluded to was attached to the House of Lords, and no doubt that House would de rive considerable benefit from the appointment of such an officer. Mr. FINCH thought it very important that they should have an officer appointed to draw up the skele tons of private Bills, so as to make them in conformity with the regulations in another place. Mr. HU ME supported the motion. Such an ap pointment would be most advantageous to the Members of the House, and he trusted the talents of the officer would be exercised in public as well as private Bills. The Earl of LINCOLN inquired whether the reso lution would not virtually take the appointment out of the Speaker's hands and vest it in the House ? Mr. P. THOMSON replied that there was no thing in the resolution or in the intention of the Com mittee to bind the judgment of the Speaker with regard to whom he would appoint. The Committee were well satisfied with Mr. Booth's conduct, and the discretion of the Speaker would remain entirely unfettered. Mr. FRESHFIELD said the Committee bad men tioned Mr. Booth's name merely as an act of justice to him. On the suggestion of Mr. AGLIONBY, the reso lution was altered to these words :—" That an officer be appointed under the direction of the Speaker, in con formity with the recommendations of the Committee on Private Bills.—Agreed to. SLAVERY IN THE TEXAS. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice, that early next Session he would move a resolution that it is the opinion of this House that her Majesty's 11Iinisters ought not to advise her Majesty to recognise the independence of the State calling itself the Texas, unless with the consent of Mexico, of which : Also ie country it formed a par t ; nor unle ss the aboli tion of slavery, and the ma kin g the slav e trade piracy ' were n ecessary provisions in its constituti on address to her Maje st y , p ra y in g that she would b e an ciously pleased to g ive direction s to her 1 t \i•ru • gra sters to make an agreemen t with the G overnment of Mexico to place at her disp osal a portion of the uno c cupiedcteo ; ter ritory on their northern boundary, to be set apart as an independent asylum, or a free state for persons of coI WAKLEY gave no ti ce that he should to morrow move Nrr y move an address to her Majesty on the subject of the petition which he had presented relative to the imprisonment of Mr. Thoittnas. The CHANCELL o of the EXCHEQUER sug ogens t t e h d e h o that ok it , h nwouldt that be l ie hotter might not re t retain to the place r i g s h u t c such of notice bring ing it on to-morrow, EVENING EDITION'. Mr. WAKLEY would at once yield to the sugges tion of the Right Hun. Gentleman, and withdraw -the notice, CONVEYANCE OF THE MAILS. Mr. HUME gave notice that he should to-morrow move that it is inexpedient to make any contract for the conveyance of the mail s t o S out h A mer i ca f or so long a period as ten years, and involving an expense of 2,400,000/. until further information be laid before the House. AFFAIRS OF THE EAST. Mr. HUME wished to ask whether the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had any objection to lay before the House the note of the 28th of July, re specting the pacification of the East. Lord PALMERSTON replied, that it was not usual to lay documents of that nature before the House, but be thought this was one which might be made an exception to the general rule, and therefore would produce it. THE HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. Mr. MACKINNON wished to ask whether any ten ders had been made,or contracts accepted,fo r the erection of the Houses of Parliament. And also as 2 00,0001.1 rad been voted last Session towards the embankment and other matters, and not more than 10.0,0001. was re quired, what would become of the remainder. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the sum alluded to had been taken to carry on the works, but he was not prepared to answer the question ; . te in e then,notbaving provided himself with the necessary documents. EXCHEQUERmoThe ving the Orderof CHANCELLORthe BILLSaoyf for re goingFE U x. N p D i Hn tIE:CoGu . r nEr ni ti o ß f ill t , he felt w i h t o h le is Hdeotuys,einoneeethseegEuexeceheeqeufetrheßqillusesFtieune putidng to him yesterday by the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, and also irrespective of that question in the performance of his public duty, to state distinctly to the House what the result of the steps taken by him had been in adopting for the first time the course he had taken of inviting public competition. He felt that no c ommon responsi bility rested upon him, but he was conscious that he had acted rightly, and he was resolved at all possible risk to pursue that course, although he ;had met with great personal kindness in the course of the debate. He had been distinctly told that the plan had not only not suc ceeded, but had actually failed. He felt, however, that the principle of allowing the Government to fix its own price was injudicious, inasmuch as there was a risk of favouritism being shown. The course taken by him then was wholly of a different nature from that taken upon former occasions. He dis claimed all credit to himself or to the Government ; if they had done right it was for the public to applaud, but as the principle was a new one, and of immense import ance, he trusted that he might be allowed to state the results. It was well known that 500,000/. of the con version was immediately subscribed by the Bank of Eng land. The books were then opened, and on the 19th of August 674,000/. was subscribed. The 20th of August happened to be a very dull and gloomy day, and there appeared to be a very intimate connexion between the st-Ite of the mercury in the barometer and a grave money operation like that. On that day only 118,500/. were subscribed. On the 21st of August the atmosphere had become more clear, and the subscription list of that day showed an amount of 736,000/. This day, whether it was to be attributed to the sunshine or to what other cause he did not know, but although it was not the last day for subscriptions no less an amount had been offered for than 1,672,500/., giving a total bf 3,721,000/. of Exchequer Bills to be converted, and leaving a balance of only 279,000/. to be subscribed to-morrow. He believed that he Was per fectly competent now to congratulate the House on the success of the experiment, and also upon the terms on which the operation had been carried into effect, under taken as it was at a time when the discount at the Bank and the price of money loans in the City was al most unprecedented. This funding had been completed (for he now considered it was completed) at a rate of in terest which might amount to 3/. 6s. per cent. He would venture to say there was scarcely a Gentleman whom he then had the honour of addressing, who could, a priori, have anticipated so favourable result. That result was a sure guarantee of the unimpaired credit of this country.—(Hear.) Before ho sat down be would take the liberty of adverting to the total amount of re. duction which had been made in the unfunded debt of this country. He had stated at an earlier p er i o d of these discussions what were his anticipations ; and he was now entitled to say that the whole of his anticipa tions had been realised. Comparing the year 1836 with the year 1839, no less a reduction would have been made in the amount of the unfunded debt of this coun try than 9,650,000/. That was a reduction which had been carried into effect almost imperceptibly without producing any kind of inconvenient pressure on the market, for the price of Consols to-day stood pretty nearly as they did on the evening before the opening of the loan. There had been no inconvenient disturbance of the Exchequer bill market, of the Consol market, or of the Money market, and he prayed the House to com pare that with the result that would have followed had he taken the course recommended by some gentle men, namely, to raise a money loan of 4,000,0001., and apply that money in the purchase of Exchequer bills. Had he taken that course, he was sure the public would have lost, and there i would have b een great inconve nience experienced n the money market. The object he had in view in going into Committee was to intro duce those clauses which would carry the resolutions of the House into effect.--( Hear, hear.) Mr. HUME wished to ask how much permanent I debt had been created by the funding of the nine mil lions. What was the actual amount of the public debt after the funding had taken places What was the amount of public Bills outstanding for public works ? What was the amount of Exchequer bills which had been issued to make good the deficiency, and whether such issue had already taken place, or was about to take place ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that, had his Honourable Friend given him notice of these questions, he should have been enabled to have afforded him the information required. He could give him the general results now, but. being a matter of figures he preferred being accurate, and therefore he would take another opportunity of a t: fording his Honourable Fri en d the information be Iv quired. With respect to the amount o f P u b lic Works Bills outstanding, h e believed the amount outstanding for Public Works in England amounted to about 400,0001. With respect to Public Works in Ireland he could give more accurate information, the amount outstanding at the commencement of the year amounted to 328,000/., for Ireland, but that tad now been reduced to 193,0001., and he thought ho should he able to announce a still further reduction. After a few words from Mr. HUME, the House resolved itself into Committee. On clause 1 being proposed Mr. FINCH said he believed that this was the pro-. per time for him to move an amendment with a v', ew of recording his opinion, that it would be a 'uetter course to pursue for the interests of the ce.unt r y at large to h ave a t erm i na bl e t h an a perpetual '',ebt. The CH AIRMAN said that the Bill 'aaving for its object to carry into effect a previous 'resolution of the House, the Honourable Gentleman could not now pro pose any amendment impugning the principle of the Bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that as the object of the Hon. Gentleman was merely to record his opinion—he had better move a resolution on the bringing up the Report, when they were in a House. It was clearly out of order to do so now—but when the Report was brought up he could move a resolution ern. bodying his opinions. Mr. FINCH said he had been told that this was the proper time to submit his proposition, but he would post- I pone it till the Report. Mr. HUME suggested that the Hon. Member had i better bring it on as a separate motion--(Hear, hear)— for it would be more convenient to discuss it as an inde. pendent proposition.—( Hear.) The Bill having gone through Committee, Mr. HUME said he wished to express his, regret that the loan should not have been effected in stock of & higher denomination. He was convinced that the public advantage would be best consulted by that course, affording as it did the prospect of a possible reduction of interest. If this course hack been adopted in former CHANCELLOR of th e EXCHEQUER 'd times, three or four millions would h ave b een saved to was not a loan—(H h t ha b t ut u.j a t tt : n sr s tic f )r e eoa r unC: o al freytA'i.o transaction securities. o e n a ly r ' state that SRI resumed, and the Report. was opinion was unalter e d , as to the expediency of the colvese he had se taken on then this occasion. or dered to be received to-morrow. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX CHEQUER the Bank of Ireland Act Continuance Bill went through a Committee, and the Report was ordered to be received to-morrow. On the motion of Lord MORPETH, the Lords amendments to the Dublin Poli: 13 Bill were agreed to. j DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH'S ESTATE. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the third reading of the Duke of Marlborough's Estate Bill, upon which Mr, WARLEY rose and moved that the House IA counted ; and there not being forty Members preaer,i, the House adjourned till to-morrow. Messrs. Sedgwick and i i m s See n r 3 e ; BRUSSELS, AUG. 18.—Two of 'the most eminent geologists in England, 111wchison, arrived at Liege on the 14th. Mr. Murchison set out on the 15th to return to England, in order to at. tend the meeting of the British Miociation, which is to be been the railway t.). o , 0 99 held this year at Birmingham, and of which he tary. Mr. Sedgwich is gone on a geological excursion iD our environs, accompanied by M. Andre Dumont, profemor of geology at the University of Liege. a ti n n d gTh 2 2ll 6 ll ,s , : kP i ds i: De e t n h rgb e eyr s sh e Co vo i c'n i d month, far, the third mouth also has a further since % a g . op eni ng. So Increase of pas. sengers,