The Sun. — London, England, 1839-06-11 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION Mr. L ABOUCHERE referred • the Noble Lord to the answer which he had just before given. Sir R. PEEL said it was desirable they should have a distinct understanding as to the course to be pursued on Thursday, and the Noble Lord had said that the proceedings of the Government as to a division would depend upon the speech of his Noble Friend. He had distinctly stated the ground of his op position—that if it was not intended to bring forward a ligislative measure this year, he thought it would be unwise to fetter the House by a statement of opinion upon the abstract question. But it was not necessary that a Bill should be preceded by resolutions. If the Noble Lord would withdraw his resolutions and ask for leave to bring in a Bill, it was not his intention to offer opposition to such a course. Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought there was a' di vision in that House, which would appear to the people of Canada to be a question as to the expediency or inexpediency of the union of the Provinces, whereas the division was as to the expediency or inexpediency of passing resolutions previous to bringing in a Bill. In con sequence of the objections of the Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Baronet he would withdraw his resolution, and ask for leave to bring in a Bill on Thursday. Sir R. PEEL—WiII the Bill merely be brought in to be laid on the table. Lord JOHN RUSSELL would propose to read the Bill a second time, mad take the discussion oa the question then, hut he did not think it was necessary to legislate this Session after the protest of the Assembly of Upper Canada. Mr. CHARLES BULLER said that as there were two resolutions, he wished to know as the Noble Lord had given up the first, whethor it was his intention to pursue the same course with respect to the second. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he should take the same course with regard to the second resolution, as he had done with respect to the first, namely, move for leave to bring in a Bill. JAMAICA GOVERNMENT BILL. The House then went into Committee on the Jamaica Government Bill, Mr. BERN AL in the chair. On the motion that clause one should stand part of the Bill. Sir ED WARD SUGDEN rose for the purpose of moving the omission of section one, and in lieu thereof, to give to the Governor and Council the power proposed tobeconferred . upon them by section two, only in case the Governor, Council, and Assembly should not before a day to be named, have continued, revived, or re-enacted the Acts therein referred to. In making the motion he wished to call the attention of the House to what the question before it was. He apprehended that Hon. Members were under a de lusion upon this subject ; they thought that they had a question to discuss, which they really had not. The question was not a question between master and slave, but it was a question that arose between the House of Assembly and the Government of this country. He should be able to show, without difficulty that the course be had taken on a former occasion was entirely consistent with the course he was now pursuing. He had been actuated by a sincere desire to further the emancipation of the negro, and to defend him from all oppression on the part of the planter, and he would follow the same course now if the same circumstances existed, and if he saw any necessity for the interference of that House. He would recall to the attention of the Committee what the circumstances really were which, in the opinion of her Majesty's Government, au thorised them to introduce the Bill for suspending the Constitution of Jamaica. He was compelled to do that in consequence of Honourable Gentlemen opposite having declared that he still entertained the opinion he had expressed on introducing the former Bill. In his (Sir E. Sugden's) opinion, no circumstances existed which either justified the present or the former measure. He wished not to be understood as upholding the Assembly of Jamaica in the protest they had made. The conduct of that Assembly standing unexplained, was in many respects indefensible, and he entertained no doubt, whatever, that the Imperial Parliament had the power to legislate for the Island of Jamaica ; but his difficulty was, that he was not satisfied a case had arisen which justified such interference. (Hear, hear.) When the Government introduced the amendment of the Abolition Act, it was not contemplated that the Jamaica Constitution would be suspended. We could not then anticipate that the Assembly would never put a premature end to the apprenticeship system. This they had however done ; what more could have been expected from them ? They had done more than we had a right to expect. They had subsequently declared their hope that they would be suffered hereafter to ex ercise their just constitutional rights, which they were prepared to do, for the best interests of the colony. They had been afterwards prorogued—without anything having transpired which could have induced them to suppose that they would have their legislative rights further interfered with. The Governor's conduct had been such, as they had a right to complain of. During the prorogation be had written a despatch to Lord Glenelg, 14th August, 1838, stating that the friends of the negro were desirous that a measure which the Assembly had passed, should be either disallowed, or repealed by the Imperial Parliament. The reply was that it was too late to disallow it. Was it consistent in a Governor to hold umltuage to an Assembly which might lead them to be lieve that he was satisfied with their conduct, and then to write home in such a manner as to excite distrust of th eir i n t en ti ons ; at a t i me t oo , w hen the Assembly had u that those intentions were the fairest, by sacri ficing their own interests A stronger i nstance et bad raith, h e (Sir Sugden) never heard of. But in truth the Governor had shown an utter ignorance of the state of the Jamaica laws ; he had described laws as exist ing in Jamaica which had long ceased to operate there, and had manifested a violence of feeling and strength of prejudice which precluded him from judging correctly. And the Secretary for the Colonies had fallen into the same error ; he had taken everything for granted which the Governor had stated, and therefore had been impressed with utterly mistaken ideas of the state of things in Jamaica. The Govern ment had received the news of the abolition of the ap prenticeship by the Assembly on the very day when they introduced the Prisons Bill. This Bill had not been introduced to punish Jamaica, but applied to the whole of the West Indies. It was a wanton piece of legislation. There was none of that overpowering ne cessity which alone could have justified it. Undoubtedly there was a strong popular feeling which called for it. But it was the duty of the Government to stand between the Assembly and that popular outcry, instead of bending needlessly to it, and making it a pretext for oppressing the Assembly. Was it not useless to have a legislative constitution, if whenever the legislature agrees to a measure, the Governor could interfere, or the Colonial Secretary inter pose, to procure its defeat or its repeal ? If the Go vernor had endeavoured to sooth the Assembly, or suffered a short time to elapse for their passions to cool, no one could have told what would be the result. But instead of this only two months were suffered to elapse between the promulgation of the Prisons Bill and the prorogation of the House of Assembly. But instead of endeavouring to soothe them the Governor appealed to the Government at home, in hopes that they would have recourse to the Imperial Parliament. He was not surprised at the conduct of the House of Assembly, they had been goaded into it, and he thought that had milder measures been had recourse to they would have been more successful, and the House would have been spared these discussions. The present Bill was founded on precisely the same grounds as the preceding one. The question was, whether the House of Assembly should have a locus pcni!cntice allowed it before they went further, and it was a mere farce to say that the present Bill allowed it. The preamble of the present Bill stated the case differently from the last one, but neither of them stated it correctly. The re solution of the House of Assembly was, that they would refuse to legislate, except so far as related to the public creditor, until her Majesty had stated whether they should continue to exercise their constitutional rights ; and he would ask why measures had not been proposed that would enable the Assembly to do what they bad stated they were willing to do? The present Bill gave the Governor power of passing temporary laws ; he understood frim the Right Hon. Gentleman that in printing the certain words had slipped cut of the second clause, limiting this power of the Go vernor to those cases in which the Assembly should refuse to legislate, and the introduction of those words would meet one of his amendments. He had no objection to the clause if the Government were inclined to limit the power of the Governor to the case of con tumacy on the part of the Assembly. But it would be necessary to introduce alterations in case the Assembly should address themselves bona fide to their duties, as their best friends would advise them to do, and if they did not do so then he would have them distinctly to un derstand that there was not a man in that House, or in the country, who would not consent to give the Government all the power they might require. The clause giving the Governor the power of re-enacting temporary laws must be limited, as some of those Acts were Acts of Appropriation. As 'the clause now stood, the Governor had the power, either through him self or through the executive or legislative councils, who were appointed by him, of disallowing any of the measures of the Assembly. Was that giving them a fair option ? He would now go at once to the question, as to whether or not. there was any necessity for tins measure which the Right Honourable Gentleman had introduced, and which he said could no longer be delayed. He had put the case for this Act on the ne cessity that existed for protecting the negro population against their former masters. He new proved that no such necessity existed, and thus removed all pretext for this unsound piece of legislation. The Right Hon. Gentlemen had relied upon certain Acts of the Assembly of Jamaica as showing the necessity for the measure. One of these Acts was the 35th of Charles IL, which allowed the flogging of negro women from pl ace to place if they committed acts of vagrancy. The Right Honourable Gentleman had expressed his disgust at such a law, and hag asked if such things ought to be allowed to ecntinne. Now he (Sir E. Sugden) would fearlessly assert that no such law ex sited, there was no such power, and if there bad been it had never been exercised ; consequently all the alarm of the Right Hon. Gentleman was totally without foundation ; and such being the case, there could be no necessity for the provisions proposed by him. The Act to which the Right Hon. Gentleman had referred had no reference to the black population but to the white, and it would be found if Hon. Members would look to the Act of 32d of Geo. the Third, that it was abro gated by that Act. The emancipated labouring popu lation had get the means, even without being compelled to work, to furnish themselves with all the necessaries of life, and, therefore, in the country districts, there were no vagrants. He would put it to the Noble Lord op posite whether it was right to interfere with the Con stitution of Jamaica, and attempt to strangle it because the apprehensions existed that vagrancy might be punished in the way that he had alluded to. He was happy to relieve the House and the Noble Lord of the apprehensions that seemed to be entertained that such a power existed, or that such a power was ever resorted to for such a purpose. The House was mistaken if it supposed that the negroes did not - desire to exercise the right of representation, and of voting for the representa tives. Such a feeling did exist, and the people of Ja maica had no objection to it, but, on the contrary, pro moted that feeling. The emancipated negroes were rapidly identifying themselves with the new state o f things, and if tere was no improper interference with the Constitution, there wEIS little fear of the ultimate prosperity of the colpny.—( Hear, hear.) Had the people in Jamaica been allowed to enter into the state of master and servant in a quiet manner, there would not have been any of those heart-burnings which now prevailed ; but the negro population were told by the Governor himself that the masters were taking ad vantage of them, and distrust of the white population was inculcated from high places. Mistaken humanity on the part of the Imperial Legislature, which would place the negro population above their masters, would go far to lose Jamaica to the Crown of England. The negroes would not give continuous labour, as they could subsist upon very little labour ; they would not enter into any contract for their labour, but would go and come just as they pleased, and the Orders in Council would not mend the matter. Laws were necessary, but it was essentially necessary that the colony should initiate that law, in order to its good working. That Bill was one of the most harsh and un necessary that had ever been offered to the House, and he pledged his reputation as a lawyer that there was not the slightest foundation for it. Give the Legislature of Jamaica leave to go fairly into legislation, and then, if they rejected it, be for one would be ready to legislate for them. He moved that the clause be omitted. Mr. L ABOUC HERE was sorry that the Right Hon. Gentleman had not been present on the discus sion upon the former Bill, as, had he been so, he would not have thought it necessary to go so fully into topics which had then been disposed of. He was happy to say that the former Bill had not been with drawn, because of any opinion of its inutility on the part of the Government—a locus 'Joni tentix was held out to the island of Jamaica, and if they refused to proceed with legislation then that House would immediately proceed to do so. If that Bill passed, the Government intended to give the Assembly every opportunity of legislating for the Island, but if they refused it he would, so far as was in his power, take care that the community of Jamaica should suffer as little as possible from such contumacy. But he thought the Right Hon. Gentlemen would have some difficulty in persuading the House that he was acting consistently in the course he was adopting. With re spect to the attacks which the Right Hon. Gentleman had made on Sir Lionel Smith, he (Mr. Labouchere) would observe that he could read extracts from the speeches of members of the House of Assembly of all shades of opinion, who had stated that their quar rel was not with Sir Lionel Smith, but with the Go vernment ; and those members had complimented that gallant officer on his upright, honourable, and impar tial conduct.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The main question for the consideration of the House was, whether they could omit to legislate on the subjects of vagrancy, con tracts, and the unauthorised occupation of land. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that there was no oc casion to introduce any new law in respect of vagrancy, because there were no vagrants at present in Jamaica, and that it was not likely there would be any. Certainly the Right Honourable Gentleman stood alone in that opinion, for the Governor and the House of Assembly had stated that there was an urgent and imperative necessity for amending those laws. The Chief Justice and Attorney-General of Jamaica were also of opinion that the most serious evils might result from the vagrant laws being left in their present state. —(Hear, hear.) He now came to the law which regu• lated the contracts for labour. This was also one of the points in which the Governor and the House of Assembly entertained an unanimous opinion, and he (Mr. Labouchere) with all respect for the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite (Sir E. Sugden), felt bound to say that"' the Governor and the House of Assembly were a higher authority, and their opinion was entitled to greater weight, than the opinion of the Right Hon. Gentleman ; and they stated that if the law of Contract was left in its present in operative state, the greatest calamities might be ex pected to befal the negro. In fact it was necessary they should interfere on this subject for the protection of both master and servant. With respect to the un authorised occupation of land—if the law on that sub ject should be left in its present state, and if the system of ejectment should be carried to any great extent, it would operate most prejudicially towards the negro. This was a subject on which the House was imperatively called to interfere.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He begged the House to recollect the position in which they stood with respect to all those three laws. The House had heard the Agent for the House of Assembly —that Learned Gentleman did not state that any one of those laws was in itself unjust or oppressive, or was not an excellent enactment for the whole community. If any objection could have been urged against them or against the Orders in Council, the Agent of the House of Assembly would not have forgotten them.—(Hear.) He thought the House was now proceeding upon safe grounds than they were generally able to do in attempt ing to legislate for a distant colony, with whose circum stances they were unacquainted.—(Hear, hear.) If the House refused to accede to this limited interference they would prove they had abandoned the ground which they had taken last session. —(Cheers.) With respect to the prison clauses, the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir E. Sugden) introduced the clauses which had raised the present dispute—(Hear, hear)—and in sup port of this assertion he would refer to the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman in April last. The House had passed a resolution pledging itself to protect the negro population, and was now on its trial as to that subject. If the House refused to agree to the limited interference now proposed—if they would not agree to the measures which the House of Assembly acknowt lodged to be requisite, and against which the agen for that Assembly had not found any real cause of corn plaint—their constituents would infer that in passing that resolution they were acting against their own conviction merely in deference to the popular feeling, and that they would lose all respect for similar declarations in future.— (Hear, hear.) On these grounds he trusted the House would not reject the clause.—(Cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE agreed with much that had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, and concurred in his remarks that supervision over colonial legislation ought to be maintained in conformity with the Resolution of last year—that it was our duty to watch and control the Assemblies of the West India colonies. On the other hand, he asked the Right Hon. Gentle men to concur with him in another general principle, that whatever might be the Imperial rights of Parliament, yet that as a rule of expediency and of prudence—as a rule of equity and of justice—where they established Colonial Assemblies they ought to leave in the;r hands the ordinary business of legislation, and thz,t Par liament should not permit itself to meddle and interfere in the details of Colonial Legislation, but reserve the exercise of its power of interposition for great and worthy occasions. The proposition which he maintained was this, that in the subject now at issue, the Assembly ought to have a fair opportunity of pro ceeding to legislation. When that opportunity should have been given, and not have been employed by the Assembly, he would not be the man to interpose any obstacle in the way of the interposition of the Imperial Parliament. Now, had the Assembly had such oppor tunity of legislating on the question ? He maintained that the House of Assembly had not had a fair oppor tunity of legislating since November last ; and it was impossible to call the present proposition a fair opportu nity, not only in point of time, but in point of common decency.—(Cheers.) Supposing the Assembly should ultimately refuse to legislate, there would not be incur red the delay of a year. The law which that House and Parliament would then doubtless unanimously pass, might be in operation in January next ; for surely Par liament might reasonably be called together rather ear lier in such an extraordinary emergency, without the odium having been incurred of anticipating the refusal of the Assembly. Now, as to the injuries suffered by the negroes of Jamaica ; let it be remembered that they were but a minority of these of the West Indies gene rally, and the existing laws were often as prejudicial, or more so, to the planters, than to the negroes. As to the Vagrancy Act, it had actually been repealed, by the 6th Geo. IV., chap. 17.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Yet the Law Officers of Jamaica held that it had not been repealed. " Non nostras est tantus componere lites !"—(Cheers.) The present was not a case in which the choice lay between super seding constitutional proceedings and absolute anarchy. There was no urgent necessity for the infringement upon those constitutional principles in the present case, in which the great body of the people were, after all, most deeply interested—principles for respect to which this House had ever been honourably distinguished, and which, if adhered to upon the present occasion, would prevent the passing of the first clause in this Bill.— ( Hear, hear.) Sir GEORGE GREY slid he should not have ad.lres,ed the House at. all, after the repeated discus sions which the subject had undergone—(Hear, hear) — had it not been for the mistake—he might almost THE SUN, LONDiN, TUESDAY, JUNE 11, 1839. say the misrepresentations, of the Honourable Member who bad just down.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Hon. Member had triumphantly stated that the Vagrancy Act had been repealed. Why, it never sug gested itself to the acute mind of the Learned Member for Ripon, that the 35th Charles 11., chap. 11. was repealed by the Gth George IV., chap. 17, but that the Act was virtually repealed by subsequent enactments ; nd if the Hon, Member ha exerc dour, he would have found that it was as to the poor aw that the repeal applied, not as to the vagrancy, upon which the Judge and Attorney-General stated that the Acts of Charles 11. were in force.—(Hear, hear.) The decision of the House would, he (Sir G. Grey) hoped, remove the possibility of the continuance of that oppression ivhich at present was produced by the old laws, in opera tion in Jamaica, in the event of the Assembly refusing to legislate, or legislating in that spirit which was far worse than not legislating at all—the spirit of slavery which clung to abolished tyranny.—(Cheers.) Nothing could be more fatally injurious in its effect upon the minds of the negroes, than the feeling of un certainty as to their freedom from such oppression, and the security of their civil rights ; and nothing could more certainly conduce to the ultimate ruin of the colony.—(Cheers.) . • Mr. GLADStONE confessed himself to have been in error in the hasty statement he had made.—(Hear, hear.) The question, however, really was, whether these Acts of Charles 11. had been repealed ; if they had, cedat questio ; if not, why not introduce enactments to set the doubt at rest, instead of offering a general insult to the Assembly ?—(Hear.) The SOLICITOR-GENERAL contended that the statute of Charles 11., about which they had heard so much that evening, was not repealed. He was aware that it was rather difficult to obtain the attention of the House to nice legal distinctions, but it appeared to him it was of great importance that the question should be set at rest, and so far as his legal knowledge went, the second section of the Act of Charles 11. applied to a different class of persons from those to whom the later Act referred. Mr. GOULBURN would not enter into the legal argument which had been discussed by the Hon. and Learned Member who preceded him. He would merely remark that the Right Hon. gentleman had given no authority or grounds for the position he had advanced. —(Hear, hear.) The present measure, it appeared to him, would be even more obnoxious to the people of Jamaica, and to the House of Assembly of the colony than the previous one. The clause now under discus sion contained the obnoxious provision that the exist ence of the House of Assembly should depend upon their passing certain measures within a certain time. If the present Bill was sent out in its original shape it would create the greatest exasperation and disgust there. On these grounds he should give his decided support to the Right Hon. Gentleman's amendment. _ _ Mr. S HEIL rose amidst loud cries of " Question, Divide." The question between the two parties ap peared to him to reduce itself to this—Was it neces sary to do more than pass the second clause ? Now the Right Hon. Gentleman admitted that the second clause with some modifications was indispensible—that some interposition with the House of Assembly was absolutely necessary. That being admitted the House would see to what that admission of the Right Hon. Gentleman led. The Right Hon. Gentleman by ad mitting the second clause, confessed that an interference on the part of the Imperial Parliament was indispen sible. By admitting that the old laws must be revived, he condemned the conduct of the House of Assembly. Upon the conduct of the House of Assembly, there fore, he pronounced an unequivocal censure. Now if the second clause were necessary, was it not worth while to inquire whether the first be not equally so ? The case made out by the Right Hon. Gentleman was that it was necessary to revive old laws, but that it was not necessary to enact new ones. Now that opinion had not been given as a legal one, for when the Right Hon. Gentleman appeared in an extra-forensic charac ter—when he did not speak as a judge but as a partisan —he (Mr. Sheil) was not disposed to concede to him that acquiescence which he would in another and a better place.—(Much laughter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had denounced the Prisons' Bill. He (Mr. Sheil) could not help asking himself what was the course the Right Hon. Gentleman had taken in that measure. It was admitted that the Prisons' Act was an infringement on the rights of the House of Assembly, and an invasion of the principles upon which its Constitution was based. Did the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman oppose that measure ? On:the contrary it was passed without ob jection, and almost unanimously. It invaded the rights of the House of Assembly, as much as the present Bill, and yet it had not been opposed. Now if the old laws were required to be revived, was it not equally im portant that new laws should be enacted for the new state of things, which was likely to arise ? The House of Assembly had itself admitted the necessity of pass ing laws for the prevention of vagrancy, and of renew ing the annual laws which were about to expire. It appeared, therefore, that the House of Assembly ad mitted the necessity of some enactment like the pre sent. Under these circumstances, the House would not, in his opinion, be doing its duty if it did not pass that clause. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw and the House divided, when the numbers were— For the clause 228 For E. Sugden's amendment 194 Majority for the clause —34 The announcement of the numbers was received with loud cheering from the Ministerial benches. The other clauses were then agreed to, and the House resumed. SUPREME COURTS BILL. On the Order of the Day for the further considera tion of the Report on this Bill, Mr. WALLACE expressed a decided objection to its provisions, especially regarding the increased salaries given to the Judges ; and he moved that it be farther considered that day six months. Air. F. Al AtiLE believed that his Honourable Friend proposed the amendment merely as a salvo to his conscience, and would certainly not divide the House against a:Bill which had been so well considered, and generally agreed to. Mr. WALLACE said he did not require any salvo to his conseience—(A. laugh)—and he ihould take the sense of the House against the Bill on the third read ing. For the present he withdrew his amendment. The Report was then agreed to. • METROPOLITAN POLICE BILL. Colonel SIBTHORP complained of the con duct of the Government respecting it. They had struck out the City clauses, forsooth, because they were weak ; not so weak, though, as he wished— (Cheers and laughter)—yet so weak that they were forced to truckle to all sides of the House for support —sometimes to the Conservative side, without whose aid they would have been " regularly floored" many a time.—(Loud laughter.) The Gallant Colonel moved that the Bill be committed that day six months. Nobody seconded the Amendment, and amidst con siderable laughter, the forsaken Colonel gravely left his seat and took that by the side of Sir R. Peel, to the evident annoyance of the Right Hon. Baronet. The House then went into Committee on the Bill. Clauses up to 10 were, after a few verbal amend ments, agreed to. On clause 11 being read, which defined the limits of the operation of the Bill to be " within twelve miles of Charing-cross," Sir ROBERT PEEL objected to defining the limits with so much accuracy ; for instance, a portion of a parish might be the radius, while the other portion of it might extend to fifteen or sixteen miles. How, in such a case, could they assess a police rate. After a few words from Lord J. RUSSELL and Captain WOOD the clause was agreed to. The subsequent clauses, up to 19, which related to the jurisdiction of the Lord Mayor in the City of Lon don, were then struck out. On clause 20, Mr. LAW objected to the words " Police courts," as seeming to imply that the Courts which it was the object of the Police Courts' Bill to establish were actually in existence. Ultimately the word " courts" was changed to offices." Mr. W AKL EY objected to further proceedings was then a quarter of an hour past twelve), and on the motion of Mr. Brotherton, the Chairman reported pro gress, and had leave to sit again—with a remark from Col. Sibthorp that he wishe the House might never sit again upon the Bill. On the motion of Mr. V. STUART the Waterford Fever Hospital Bill was reported. The Bishops' Residence Bill was committed. The Windsor Castle Stables Bill was read asecond time. The Clerks of the Peace Bill was read a third time and passed. The Report on the High Sheriffs' Expenses Bill was presented, as was the Bankrupts' (Ireland) Bill. The Double and Treble Costs Bill was read a third time and passed. The nomination of the Committee on the Fresh Fruit Trade was moved by Mr. T. HODGES, as fol lows :—Mr. Hodges, Mr. Warburton, Mr. Villiers, Sir E. Knatchbull, Mr. Thornely, Mr. Ewart, Mr. Planta, Mr. Kinnaird, Lord Viscount Mahon, Mr. C. Caven dish, Mr. Hutt, Major Wood, Lord Ashley, Mr. Lascelles, and Mr. John Parker. Mr. PLUMPTRE wondered that more country Members were not nominated, considering the object of the Committee. He moved the insertion of Mr. Darby's name. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER believed it was not in the power of the Hon. Member to move the appointment of any Member without notice. Mr. WAKLEY was sorry to see the question of cheap and good fruit invested with the odious features of the Corn•laws.—(Hear, hear.) The people of England were not allowed to have cheap bread, and now it was attempted to deprive them of cheap and whole some fruit, which a liberal concession on the part of Government, a short time since, conferred upon them. The Committee was then appointed. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter to One o'Clock. POST OFFICE REFORM. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sta,—lt is with pleasure I perceive that the Govern ment intend to propose Mr. Rowland Hill's plan of Post Office Reform for the adoption of Parliament. That plan is conceived in a masterly spirit, and the pro visions suggested for carrying it into effective operation are characterized by intelligibility and simplicity such as increase its practical nature. But ina:much as the plan suggested by Mr. Hill is calculated to effect such lasting benefit to society, by moralizing its members and, thereby, making them happier men and better citizens, it becomes of great importance, that the plan should be thoroughly sifted, and its details accurately, examined, in order to prevent the growth of any evils which may be attendant upon its adoption. For it is often the case, that a scheme, noble and practical in itself, is destroyed by the details not being in accord ance with the principle. It, therefore, becomes the duty of all who perceive any defect attached to such a plan as Mr. Hill's, to point it out, and suggest the ap priate remedy. Actuated by this view it is that I disagree with the proposition for the transmission of letters within stamped covers, and I would suggest the propriety of allowing letters to be sent as at present, but that the postage should be paid before transmis sion, as proposed by Mr. Hill. By the adoption of this suggestion much expense would be prevented— namely the expense of the envelopes, and the expendi ture which would be continually recurring by the abra sion of the stamps, and the necessary manufacture of new ones, together with the printer's wages. It may be said that the adoption of my suggestion would occa sion more trouble t o th e di str i ct P ost - o ffi ce k eeper ; b u t, as by Mr. It. Hill' s p l an, he would have to sell the stamped covers, it c ou ld not b e muc h more trou bl esome for him to receive the penny with the letter, than to purchase the stamps at the General Post-office, and then sell them to the letter-writer. This plan would also prevent the forgery of stamps which the adoption of stamped covers would probably occasion. The price of the proposed cover is certainly small, but yet, as the expense of forging a large quantity would be far over balanced by the profit, it would offer an open field for the exploits of those gentlemen who prefer living at the expense of others to manual labour. These re marks are offered in no cynical spirit, but because I de sire that Mr. Rowland 11:11's honourable labours may be productive of these advantages which they are cal culated to produce, and I am, Sir, yours truly, 2, Bartlett's-buildings, Holborn. L. J. HYTCHE. MORTALITY AND SUICIDE IN THE ARMY. The following details will tend to remove some very erroneous impressions relative to the proportion of deaths and suicides among the British troops, as com pared with those among the other classes of the com munity. According to a paper read at the Statistical Society, on the 20th of May, drawn up by Mr. Lever, from Major Tulloch's " Report on the Sickness and Mortality among the Troops in the United Kingdom," the average ratio of mortality among the Dragoon Guards and Dragoons is found to be somewhat more than 15 per thousand annually, and the ratio of sui tides to the deaths, 1 in 28 of the whole ; while the mortality among Civilians is calculated at IES per 1,000, and the suicides at 1 in 110 of the deaths. By comparing, however, the number of deaths to the population in large towns where the troops are generally quartered, it is found that the ratio is somewhat greater among civilians than among the mili tary. In Liverpool, Glasgow, Leeds, &c., the propor tion of deaths between the age of 20 and 30 is 16, and between 30 and 40, 18, while among the troops, even up to the age of 45, it is not more than 153-10ths per 1,000. The large proportion of suicides in the army is, to a certain extent accounted for, by the fact that self destruction rarely occurs among persons under the age of 18, and are by no means so frequent among females as males. It will be interesting to compare the tendency to self-destruction in the army, with the pro portion of suicides in civil life, in different countries, as stated by M. Quetelet France there is 1 suicide annually to 18,000 inhab. Prussia 1 ••• ••• 14,404 Austria ••• ••• 20,900 Russia 1 "• ••• 49,182 State of New York 1 ... „.. 7,797 State of Boston 1 12,500 State of Baltimore 1 ... 13,656 State of Philadelphia 1 ' 15,875 Dragoon Guards and Dragoons of 1 the U.K. _ _ 1,274 In cities where a large proportion of military are quartered, the ratio of sui c id es i s grea t er th an in the whole population of a country , b ut st ill muc h b e l ow that among our troops. - In the department of the Seine (Paris), between 1817 and 1825, the suicides averaged annually 1 in 2,400 inhabitants ; in Berlin, from 1813 to 1822, 1 in 2,941 ; in Geneva, from 1820 to 1826, 1 in 3,900 ; and in London 1 in 5,000 inhabi- tants. Assuming, therefore, the very highest average in civil life in this country, suicides are at least five times as numerous among the military. At the same time, we must bear in mind that instances ofself-destruction rarely occur among persons under the age of eighteen, and are by no means sq frequent among females aErnales, which circumstances must materially influence any comparison between its prevalence among a population of all ages and sexes, and a select body of troops from eighteen to forty years of age. According to - a statement made by General Paixhans in the French Chamber of Deputies, a few days ago, the mortalityinithe F r en c h arm y i s cons id era bl y ' greater. In civil life about 12 in 1,000 of persons of 20 years of age die annually, and 11 in 1,000 of those between 20 and 30, nhile of the young soldiers who enter the army when about 20 years of age, not less than 75 in 1,000 die annually. The proportion of deaths decreases after the first year up to the fifth. Of those who have been in the army two years 65 to 1,000 die ; of those who have been three years, 52 die ; and the proportion goes on de creasing to the fifth years, when 30 in 1,000 die an nually. Since the army went to Algiers 80in every 1,000 have died of disease ; out of 200,000 French soldiers sent to Algiers, or remaining there for six years, 16,500 have died. honour on •a liberal Government and a Reformed Par liament, and well might her Majesty in one of her first speeches from the throne express her delight at such an auspicious commencement of her reign. SCARCITY OF SEAMEN.—There is at present a scarcity of seamen in Liverpool. The scarcity is chiefly owing to the sailings having been numerous and the ar rivals few, the easterly winds having now prevailed for several weeks. We have heard of outward-bound vessels having been prevented from sailing for several days from a want of hands.—Liverpool Albion. Up to this day there have been thirteen skeletons dug out of the ruins of Newark Castle ; and the workmen arc now digging up a pavement that is expected to lead to a subterraneous passage.—Doncaster Gazette. As two countrymen, who had come to Notting ham to see the opening of the railway, on Tuesday last, were taking a view of Nottingham Market-place, the attention of one of them was directed to a tradesman's board, where Royal Lace Depot was over his door, which led him to remark to his companion, that " it was funny enough to see carriages go without horses, but laced teapots was past baeating."—Doncaster Gazette. THE PRINCE AND PRINCESS DORlA.—Their Highnesses and suite are expected every day in London, on their way to Alton Towers. Two beautiful carriages have been built for them in town, and much English fur niture has been already despatched to the sumptuous palaces of the Doria family at Rome and Genoa. All .the splendid jewels of this illustrious house have been re mounted for the Princess Doria, late Lady Mary Talbot, who will wear the accumulated gems of many centuries, and become mistress of the most magnificent set ofjewels in Europe. The size and beauty of some of the diamonds and other stones are extraordinary. THE ROBBERY IN NEW BOND-STREET.-It will be recollected that on Sunday last, between four and five o'clock in the evening, the house of Mr. Reynolds, a silk-mercer, No. 14, New Bond-street, was, during the absence of the family, robbed of property to a very consider able amount. It appeared that a female was left in charge of the house, but a young man, named Frederick Syret, also in the service of Mr. Reynolds, told her that he had a friend coming to spend the evening with him, and that she might go and take a walk if she pleased. She did so, and during her absence the robbery was committed. Amongst the property stolen were one 401. note, five 101. notes, and six 5/. notes. Mr. Reynolds offered a reward of 401. for the apprehension of Syret, and the discovery of the property. The police, having received the necessary information, yesterday ( Sunday) morning, Sergeant Langly, No. 11 of the A division, succeeded in apprehending Syret, and two other persons in an obscure house in New -street, Tyre-street, Vauxhall, into which they had removed only the day before, considerable property was found on the premises, and on the person of one of the men were found sixty-eight sovereigns and a half. In one of the rooms were found two trunks full of skeleton keys and various other implements used by house breakers, a dark lantern, a pistol and several percussion caps were also found; the prisoners and property were removed by the police in two hackney coaches to the station house, Gardner's-lane, Westminster, to await an examination before the Police Magistrates. A sufficient number of the police were in attendance as a determined resistance was expected: ----- CANTERBURY HOPS.—WC never recollect to have heard a more cheerless account from our country friends than the one that prevails of the plantation in this neighbourhood. In the deep soils of Wingham and Boughton (two opposite points) the early shoot has been removed from the poles in consequence of the serious damage done by the frosts, and the succeeding cold nights have so retarded the growth of the second shoots, that in many instances the blues cannot be tied to the poles. The fieas, which in many gardens abound, have also done almost irreparable mis chief. The poorer soils partake of all these evils, and are looking weak and yellow. In our immediate vicinity, where the gardens are highly cultivated, there is a good appearance of bine, but many of our plantations are sickly, and flies to the number of four and five have been seen upon a leaf. The present fine weather is however in their fa vour. At Cranbrook the plantations, although the bine received a partial injury from the frosty nights in the mid dle of May, are generally speaking, looking well, and the recent showers and warm atmosphere is congenial to their progress.—Kent Herald. DEATH or DR. COOPER.—A paragraph from a recent number of the National Intelligencer announces the death of Dr. Thomas Cooper, formerly a barrister, residing in Manchester, and who emigrated, partly on ac count of his political opinions, about the year 1793, and has since resided in the United States, where for several years he filled the situation of Judge of one of the American Courts, but, we believe, was ;dismissed or compelled to resign in consequence of having committed to custody a man who pertinaciously refused to take off his hat in court. The Doctor was afterwards for many years professor of chemistry, at Columbia College. The following is the account of his death :—" A letter to the editors, from a friend at Columbia, under date May 11, informs us that the venerable Dr. Thomas Cooper died on the morning of that day, after a protracted illness of the dropsy, in the 80th year of his age. For the last twenty years ho had been a resident of Columbia." COMPANION TO TIIE STORIES OF WATER- Loo.—" TORRES VEDRAS ; OR, STORIES OF WELLINGTON'S CAMPAIGNS."—The mixture of fact and fiction in these tales of military experience, makes an agreeable Olio. Dr. Millingen tells a story pleasantly, has a strong tastef or the marvellous as well as the droll, and possesses just so much skill in the description, as enables him to give a pic turesque back-ground to the motley adventures of the French, English, and Portuguese, before the lines of Torres Vedras. The time was full of excitement—the actions were numerous and variously contrasted—there were, in addition to the camp, the guard-house, and muni cipal barracks, churches, monasteries, and convents, and which, with monks, nuns, and Guerilla skirmishes, love stratagems, and revelry, the volumes arc thickly crowded from the first page to the last, with an incessant variety of figures and scenes. There are, altogether, sixteen stories, anecdotes, or sketches in the volumes. They will enable the reader to form a clear notion of the peculiar character- istics of military life, and especially of the kind of life to which our soldiers were destined in the Peninsular campaigns. BRISTOL SUGAR-MARKET, JUNE 7.—Sugars are become very flat and Is. per cwt. lower. It still con tinues an awkward trade for both grocers and refiners, and there is such a general want of confidence in the stability of present rates, and indisposition to purchase, that nothing but the great firmness of the importers maintains prices as they are. If circumstances eventually prove that their views are correct, there cannot be much further deprecia tion; but if, on the contrary, those are right who differ from these views, and assert that, though the import will be late, it will yet be not materially short of past years, sugars must be considerably lower. In the mean time it will be an unsettled, fluctuating, unprofitable trade. The stock in London on May 31, 1839, was 6,000 hhds. more than in 1833, and the average price 9s. per cwt. higher; in ordinary circumstances this fact would, of itself, produce an immense change,—Bristol Mercury. SHOCKING OCCURRENCE.—It is our unplea sant duty to record another attempt at the destruction of human lifa in this town ( Reading), of even a mere appalling character than the atrocious case of stabbing, which occurred on the 27th ult. It is a case in which a husband has, as we fear the event will prove, deprived his wife of existence, under circumstances that must sub ject him to the charge and consequences of wilful mur der. Henry Corderoy, by trade a baker, resident in Somers Town, formerly a miller of the County Gaol Mill, and of the Mapledurham Mill, Oxon (who is nearly sixty years of age), was, on Wednesday afternoon last, on his return from delivering bread to his customers, ques tioned by his wife respecting two letters addressed to him, from some married woman, which had fallen into her pos session. An altercation ensued, on which Corderoy pro ceeded to a bureau, from which he took a pistol, and pre senting it at his wife, fired; a ball entered just under the right eye, and is supposed to have taken a downward di rection, as any other must have produced instant death. An alarm was instantly given, and the police arriving, Cor deroy was taken into custody, and removed to the Borough Bridewell. Medical aid was immediately obtained, and every attention paid by four professional gentlemen, but all attempts to extract the ball have failed. On Thursday morning Corderoy underwent an examination before the Mayor and Borough Magistrates, but was remanded until Monday next, when he will be finally committed. The unfortunate woman.rernains in a most critical and hopeless state; at intervals, expressing a wish to see her husband. Reading Mercury. A MAL-APROPOS STATEMENT.—Not only at the meeting of Chartists, but at other meetings, wild and incautious statements and expressions escape enthusiastic speakers, calculated to do much mischief; and even calm and religious persons, when acting under strong prejudices, are apt to make statements and impute motives very wide of truth. A remarkable instance (says the Shrewsbury Chro nicle) occurred at a public meeting held in this town on Thursday, at which Sir R. Jenkins, Chairman of the East India Company, presided.—One of the (Reverend) speakers, on the authority of a printed statement in the Report of a Bristol Society, and forgetting in whose presence he was standing, uttered the startling assertion, that the English East India Company had sent to the Pope for a band of Romish Priests to be sent to Calcutta to establish the Roman Religion in the capital of our Indian dominions, and that the Pope hailed this request as full evidence of the desire of England to return to the Romish faith ! Immediately on this assertion being made, Sir R. Jenkias, the Chairman rose and said :—" As Chairman of the East India Com pany, I rise to give the Rev. Gentleman's statement a flat and unqualified contradiction. I deny most distinctly the truth of any such application ever having been made by the East India Company." BENTLEY'S MISCELLANY FOR JUNE.--Under the able guidance of Mr. Ainsworth, Bentley continues to uphold its character. In the present number, Jack Shep hard continues his career of vice by escaping from prison. The interview with his mother is related with all that dra matic power for which the author is so celebrated. " Vincent Eden, the 0 xonian," is excellent; together with the il lustration by - Cruikshank. The " Veterans of Chelsea Hospital," by the author of the " Subaltern, seems an in exhaustible subject for Mr. Gleig's prolific pen; and certainly he makes excellent use of his matter. There is an admirable story from the pen of the lamented Haynes Bayley, entitled, " The Night Watch ;" Legacies of Intellect," by W. Jerdan, is very well written ; as is also the " Rambles among the Rivers," by Charles Mackay. " Colin Clink," by Charles Hooton, progresses with great spirit, and promises to be a capital novel when completed. On the whole, Bentley is decidedly the most readable of the magazines of this month. —Edinburgh Observer. The Carnarvon Herald gives as a " singular act" the following all but incredible story : —" There may at present be seen and heard, in a plantation belonging to Sir S. R. Glynne, Bart. M. P., near Buckley Mountain, Flintshiro, a blackbird which requently during the day finely imitates the crowing of a cock. It is believed that the blackbird has been led to imitate the note of " chan ticleer," by an old cock at the faun house close to the plantation. WHAT IS CHARTISM? The following remarks on this question are from the Spectator : - It is commonly said just now, that Chartism is dying down, and will soon be extinct. Chartism, which is the adoption by the bulk of the people of England and Scotland, of a claim to equal rights—Chartism, which is the latest movement of the democratic principle amongst the people in the world who have been most distinguished for pertinacity and success in the pursuit of their objects—this Chartism, which is a natural and necessary result of having taught millions to read, whose social condition is expressed by the rate of their wages, namely, eight shillings a week for common labour—this agitation of the masses, which is the fruit of a combination of causes that have steadily operated for forty years—this fearful disturbance of the inferior classes, now for the first time fully conscious of their own inferiority and of their own power— this sure consequence of bestowing human know ledge on the brute creation, and still treating them as brutes—this, the most important fact of our times, is, by some, spoken of with contempt and deri sion. And wherefore ? For one poor reason only— simply because some foolish Chartists have done some foolish things, and submitted to a rap on the knuckles from the law. The weakness of the Chartist cause is inferred from the folly and rashness of some of the Char tist leaders. Most vain delusion ! As if a great so cial revolution, such as that which, by fair or foul means, and with the most happy or disastrous results, will in due time be accomplished in this case, unless the higher order manage to crush the common people down into a state of slavery —as if this " working out of a people's salvation," (for so they call it) could be even attempted without the commission of numerous errors and follies, to say nothing of crimes ! Is it from the populace alone that we are to expect unerring wisdom ? Is the end of Chartism the only one unattainable save by ab solute virtue ? And which is the great change that ever took place in human society, without actions that resulted from ignorance, prejudice, and passion ? But the Chartist leaders, it is said, are such "ani mals," that the cause can never succeed. Two words with respect to this view of the case. First, there is no more remarkable indication of the power —or, let us say, probable power—of the Chartist millions, than the pains taken to lead or mislead them by means of flat tery. The would-be leaders resemble the parasites of a powerful Lord in bygone time, who, to curry favour with him ' in order to serve their own base ends, told him that he was more than half a god, and stuffed him with the pride of the devil. Just so it is with the popular parasites, who vow that the working classes are the sole support of society, and move their passions to the contem plation of measures of universal ruin. The importance of the flattered is proved by the extravagance of the flat tery. But, in the next place, the Chartist millions really have no leaders. They listen, indeed, at times, and in some places, to the empty ravings of Feargus O'Connor and Methodist Stephens ; but confidence they have none in any set of men or any man. They are human, and have been taught to read ; their knowledge, such as it is, or, if you please, their instinct, tells them, that the mighty social change which they have in view is yet but a principle. All revolutions have had two distinct stages—that of doctrine, and that of action. The time for action is not yet come in this case ; and this case differs from all others, inasmuch as the teachers of the revolutionary doctrine are, not a small minority, as has usually happened, of whom some be came leaders in action, but the working classes them selves, who compose the great majority of the nation. Being self-taught, they require no leaders in the doc trinal stage. Theirs is a Lancasterian school of politics, in which the scholars teach each other, and can do without a master. The superficial observer would think more of the Chartists, if they were led by a Cobbett or a Burdett ; those who have carefully watched the growth of Chartism, know that the absence of leaders at pre sent is only one of many proofs of the self-relying, and therefore formidable character of chartist agitation. For the first time in history, the bulk of a people not in slavery are hatching a revolution, without confidence in aught but their cause and themselves. There will be leaders enow, when the shell breaks. Nor can we admit, what some would fain believe, that the millions—literally millions—of Chartists are gene rally represented by such men as Oastler, Stephens, O'Connor, and Vincent. If the character of Chartism is to be inferred from that of these men, we must first assume that there is no Chartism in Scotland, where, perhaps, it has spread widest and taken the deepest root. The Scottish Chartists are better informed, more cautious, more patient, as well as more resolute, and, we have reason to believe, though there is no open symptom of it, far more organized and more of one mind, than those of England. In the South of England, indeed, it can scarcely be said that Chartism exists ; though some, who know the peasantry well, assure us that a sullen and savage discontent is as prevalent amongst them as it is carefully concealed from ordinary observers. If they are not Chartists, they are worse ; and also more dangerous adjuncts of Chartism in the second stage, than if they had fairly embraced the People's Charter. That People's Charter has been signed—let us take only half the alleged number of signatures—by 600,000 male adults. And yet there are wiseacres who infer that Chartism is extinct, because the foolish so-called National C o nventi on ha s me lt e d i n t o no thin g , and one Vincent has got into a scrape with the law. The greatest blunderer amongst the Chartists never fell into so gross an error. Chartism has no place in Ireland ; and this serves to indicate its character. The slavish sax ages of Ireland, but lately emancipated, are incapable of imbibing the spirit of Chartism. They are in action for another cause, and follow their leaders—priests and politicians —in the somewhat vulgar pursuit of equality for a particular race and religion. They simulate democra tic longings, like the French Canadians, because, as Lord Durham says of the latter, they happen to be the majority ; but their real object is only to lift their religion and race from an inferior position, as that of the French Canadians has been to maintain their nationality or superiority in French Canada. How cheerfully the Irish lately submitted to excessive politi cal disfranchisement—that of the forty-shilling free holders—in order to gain a step for their religion and their race ! This people has yet many a step to gain before they will be ripe for Chartism. Chartism is the principle of universal political equality, without regard to race, religion, or station ; and in no country of Eu rope, except England and Scotland, is this principle so much as dreamt of by those alone who can ever give it effect. In the United States the principle of Chartism is triumphant and harmless. But then, in the United States, there prevails an economical state of things which admits of political equality without social convulsions. Not so in Great Britain, Heaven knows. Chartism, then, in Great Britain, is founded on a combination of political equality with the greatest social inequality. Fire and water mingled are not more explosive. The mixing process commenced with Joseph Lancaster's schools—was much accelerated by the Queen's trial in 1820, when the people of England and Scotland began to read the newspapers— would probably have produced an explosion in 1831, but for the safety-valve of Reform-Bill agitation—and is now going on at a great rate, while our rulers are en gaged with Court intrigues, and the middle class is com forted with the doctrine of Finality preached by a Lord ! Is it possible to obliterate the cause of Chartism ? Never : they will gain force every day we live. What then is to be done ? Shall we try " a strong Govern ' ment" and suppression ?—The mere experiment would probably occasion the dreaded evil. CRIMINAL TABLES, In the course of 1838 the Acts of the Ist Victoria, for the mitigation of punishment, have sentaad b ir egsesrte, the fnter,itofihwmrcaeiattsthul many‘ol Tnt o n hto e oef eotcivri Criminal two npfaerl e ir x eiTmn e aedebpnit experiment s ufh , osu i rt E f aff u non l ilgrtdlyoa. England d e h r e a la t tl i nl o di crimes which were formerly capital, have decreased since the law affixed a minor punishment. Among these are cattle-stealing, horse-stealing, and larceny in a dwellie,_-house._ In 1818, twenty-seven persons were capitally `eonviet e d for cattle-stealing, and in 1838, the number convicted of the same offence was 26 ; for horse-stealing, i n 1818, the number was 130, and in 1838, 107 ; for larceny in a dwelling-house in 1818, the number was 142, and in 1838, only 120 ; sheep-steal ing has increased, the numbers convicted in 1818 being 177, and in 1838, 225, but, on the whole, the offences chiefly committed by a rural population have decreased last year, particularly the maliciously killing and maiming of cattle, and the offences against the Game-laws have decreased nearly 45 per cent. In the seventy-five heads under which crimes have been defined in the Criminal Tables, every offence is shown separately. Of these heads, offences classed under no less than thirty-one were subject to capital punish ment previous to 1832, and in 1837 capital punishment was abolished for all offences except six (omitting those of so unfrequent occurrence that they have not found heads in tables, such as high treason, setting fire to ships of war, &c.) These six are murder, and attempts to murder, rape, unnatural offences, burglary with violence, robbery when attended with violence, and arson of dwelling-houses, when the lives of persons are endan gered. Only six persons were executed last year, two for one offence in Hertfordshire, one in Warwickshire, one in Lancashire, one in Wilts, and one in Stafford shire. The average number executed for the last twenty-five years previous exceeded one h un d re d an- Acts of the Ist. The Viet. havea l l i s c o et ca t u o sedagreat an nuallyreductionin the severity of the seco n d ary pun i s h ments. i l r i f t e e ,w e f n i rc o hs ff i tx e :eo c offences j s 1171 formerlyhgieesithat co l s d punish men t was a tb net alter, the period has been reduced to a te rm of transportation not ex ceeding fifteen yea rs as a m aximum, or imprisonment for an y term. Comparing g the number in th e ta bl e sentence d to transporta tion fixedO ff term, otri death in 1838 with the average of the four preceding years, the proportion those numbers bear to the total convicted was 1 in 82 for these years, and 1 in 145 for 183 8. The sentences for transportatio n generally, too, had decreased, though there had been an increase of the numbers transported for fourteen or fifteen years. For those transported for life the proportion in 1838 was 1 in 63, while during the four preceding years it was 1 in 21 annually. These detall4," it is well stated in a summary of the more material alterations in the criminal law, show clearly the effects which have resulted from the abolition of the more severe punishments, not only directly as to the particular offenc es to which the Acts of the Ist Vict. all ot her relate, but also as to offences, the punishment of which has been greatly reduced ; and thus a very considerable indirect effect has been produced on the general a dministration of the criminal law. The small proportion of cases in which the maximum of the re duced punishments has been resorted to, —though in many instances tle offence is aggravated by a previous conviction of felony, which subjects to transportation for life,—is, at the same time, a proof that the extensive reduction of punishments by the alteration in the law during the present reign has not exceeded the opinions of those by whom the law is administered!' The mitigation of the Criminal Code, and at the same time the decrease of crime, particularly of great crimes formerly punished by death, confer imperishable ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN. The following address from the Mayor, Aldermen, and Town Council of Sudbury, has been transmitted to the Earl of Durham, to be presented to her Majesty : TO THE QUEEN ' S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. We your Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Mayor, Aldermen and Town Councillors of the Borough of Sudbury, in the County of Suffolk, in council as sembled, beg most respectfully to approach your Ma jesty with feelings of the deepest gratitude and respect, to express our admiration of the firmness and dignity with which your Majesty repelled the attempt recently made to interfere with the happiness and comfort of your Majesty's domestic life, attempts which we believe to have been as contrary to the precedents and practice of our Constitution as we are sure they were from all those generous and manly sympathies which arc characteristic of all true, loyal, and devoted subjects. The courage and frankness displayed by your Ma jesty upon this trying occasion, together with your Ma jesty's consistent support of a liberal and enlightened ad ministration, have engendered in the breasts of your Majesty's affectionate and grateful people a feeling of generous sympathy and regard towards your Majesty's person, and universal disapprobation at the insulting and unprecedented conduct of a disappointed party. Animated with sincere attachment to the great prin ciples of civil and religious liberty, we earnestly implore your Majesty to continue to give your confidence, and be graciously pleased to retain in the administration of the Government such enlighted men only as will most steadfastly uphold the dignity of the Throne, protect and extend the rights and liberties of the subject, pro mote improvements in all our institutions, and thus dif fuse knowledge and conten t m ent, peace and prosperity, throughout your Majesty's extensive dominions. We earnestly and sincerely hope that Pro v id enc e w ill bestow upon your Majesty its choicest blessings, unin terrupted health and length of life ; and th a t y our Ma jesty may be permitted to wield the sceptre of these realms in the full enjoyment of your rights and royal preroga tives, enabling you to preserve the subjects com mitted to your charge,in wealth, peace, and contentment, and that you may long reign in the hearts of a free, loyal, and united people. A ROYAL LIQUOR.—At a public-house in Vere-street, Clare Market, is to be seen a splendidly-gilt cask, on which is painted—" To be had here, Queen Victoria's Royal gin, fivepence per quarteru." IT -__ION EVENING _. `l4---"'--- A ti(efGE -----:--- x.A. txl,f• NCR. NAVAL INTEL. - - , 11 , '..' r aph. 1 k 2 ' I ester from ........-............. (From the Hampshire :. ‘•V e el* °in Malta - PORTSMOUTH, JUNE B.—Extracts `,O Citik r p or S °,f Com ina ' dated May 22 :—" The division under 'l Jrr t i - -; l s4leroph on - : dore Hyde Parker, consisting of the 1, follow *ng- ednesdaj' and Talavera, returned to Malta from C 'nin e 1 - • Tiles and the Castor from Zante on the day ' which . ° ships are now riding out their quara. vt, i t chnir Iva/ il l Chief Robert Stopford, the Naval Commandei '"' ti_ fr on , ° e this station, shifted his flag te m pora r il , th ~ , 04 I , izio as Princess Charl o tt e to the Did o , un til si . mood of . the Rodney is permitted to pratique, on "lee on a which vessel it will be hoisted, during the abse. Princess week's cruise to the westward of Sicily of the ' Zebra, Charlotte, which, with the Vanguard, Asia, anu Zodure sailed yesterday morning under the orders of Corn, Sir Thomas Fellowes. On th e re t u rn of these N essels, which will be on the 29th, his Excellency the Adrnir 11 will re-hoist his flag on board of the Princess Charlotte ', and proceed with the squadron to the eastward. The W, mzle arrived here from Barcelona on Satarday last, and on 1 the 9th instant the Talbot left Corfu for Cephalonia. The men of war now in port are Dido, Ceylon, Belleropl ton, Rodney, Talavera ' Castor, Weazlc, steam frigate Rha de. manthus, steamer Confiance." The Druid, 44, Captain Lord John Chwchill, at F ly_ mouth, will be ready to go into the Sound on WiedneS lay 1 next. _ The Marquis of H unt l ey f re i g h t-sn i p h av i ng a , -rh - ecT Cave, the draft from th e d epot compan i es o f t h e 1 - "u 65tb, 66th, 71st, 73d, an d 9 3 d reg i ments, d est " to join the service companies o f t h ese corps, embark - e d on board that vessel on the 30th and 31st of May, for 1 `forth America. The Pylades, 18, Commander Castle, arrived at Pi '- mouth on Monday, from the coast of Africa. The Benbow, J 2, Captain Houston Stewart, went out of harbour on Monday. It is currently reported here that this ship is to proceed to the Clyde, and complete her com plement with a few good men—she is only 40 short. It will be a gratifying sight to our northern friends—a line-of battle ship in strange waters. This ship has been fitted out and manned surprisingly quick, considering we have not had a ship paid off here during her equipment. The Belleisle and Blenheim were commissioned the same time as the Benbow. The Avoa troop-steamer is now conveying the depot companies of the 73d from Cork to Chatham, frem which place she will bring the depot of the 82d Regiment to this garrison, and then transfer the depot of the 2d baixt. of the 60th Rifles to Cork. The Buffalo store-ship (Mr. Wood) sailed on Tuesday for Canada, with the detachments of the Coldstreao. Guards, and other regiments mentioned last week. The Athol troop-ship sailed on the following day, with a de tachment of the 24th Regiment, for Cork, there to em bark others, and then to prccecd to the same destination. The Hydra steam-frigate, which caught fire, is now completed, having undergone alterations connected with the fire-place and coal boxes (these alterations were sug gested by Mr. John Taplen, conductor of steam machinery in the dockyard, and not by the commander of the Hydra, as stated last week), and will prevent accidental fire taking place from that cause in future. The usual monthly examination of Midshipmen at the Naval College is postponed to the 14th. The following mates of the Excellent have been ad mitted into the Naval College upon the new system ; but we are given to understand they are still retained on the books of that ship :—Messrs. 0. J. Jones, W. C. Cham berlain, R. Moorman, A. P. Greene, W. H. Bridge, T. Belgrave, G. G. Napier, H. C. Austin, and D. Miller In Harbour.—The Britannia, Victory, Revenge, Ex— cellent, Royal Ge)rge, Hydra (steam-frigate), Childers, Clio, Lily, Messenger, and Kite steamers, and Diligence (naval transport). At Spithead.--Hastings and Benbow. CHICHESTER INFIRMARY.—Out-patients admitted, 19 ; discharged, 6 ; In-patients admitted, 7; discharged, 8. Re maining in the house—males, 20 ; females, 21. Total, 51. PROMOTIONS AND APPOINTNIENTS.—Captain—J. Law rence, C. 8., to the Hastings, vice Loch. Commander — A. W. Willis, to the Magnificent. Lieutenants—W. M. Douglas, Thomas Wilson, Arthur Sansom, C. H. Douglas, and T. H. Page, to be Supernumerary Lieute nants of the flag-ship in the West Indies (some of ,these officers will procead in the Kite steamer, and the remain der in the Winchester); J. H. Jackson, to the Coa.,it Guard. Surgeons Thomas Kidd (b) to the Lily ; Dr. Muirhead, to the Clio. Assistant - Surgeons Henry Baker, to the Revenge; Andrew Moffitt, to the Clio ; James F. Paul, to the Lily ; Hugh S. Be-- veridge, to the Princess Charlotte, vice Mustard; F. B. Pritchard and Henry Edmonds, to the Britannia. Second Master—Thoomas Hart, to the Athol), vice Pettigrew. Master's Assistant—J. Crosby to the Buffalo. Mates— Henry A. Norman and Henry P. Hope, to the Axcellent ; WilliamjW. Wilson, to the Thunder ; C. Bamilton, to the Melville ; G. Newcornen, to the Weazle; Henry Warren, to the Hydra; Henry R. Foote, to the Benbow. Mid shipman—A. P. Arkwright, is the Rowe. (From the Devonport Independent.) Her 'Majesty's ship Hercules, 74, Capt. Barnard, arrived last evening (Friday) from the West Indies, having con veyed troops there from Cork. The Athol troop-ship, arrived from Portsmouth yester day morning (Friday), will embark detachments of the Ist Royals, 15th and 85th Regiments, at 10 o'clock this day, for conveyance to Canada. Her Majesty's ship Pylades, 18, Commander W. Cattle, arrived on Monday last from the West Coast of Africa, having left Ascension on the 28th April. This vessel has been three years and six months on that station; she has been extremely healthy during the whole period, having. only lost one seaman by fever. She has captured the follow— ing slave vessels, viz. :—Gazetta, 223 ; Esperanza, 477 ; and Prova, 220 slaves. All the squadron, according to the. last accounts, had been very healthy, excepting' Brisk, 3, Lieut.-Com. A. Kellet, which had lost .thout 20 men and all her officers but the commander and c.'erk in-charge. The crew of the Pylades were mustered Pild inspected on Wednesday by Admiral Sir Graham M00..e, and on Friday she came into harbour to be paid off. The Devon lighter arrived yesterday from the Not lb Coast of Spain. In the Sound—Hercules, 74, Captain E. Barnard. In Hamoaze.—lmpregnable, 104, Captain Eden ; leisle, 74, Captain T. Nicolas; Druid, 46, Captain I 'ord Churchill; Pylades, 16, Corn. Castle ; Carron, at , tarn vessel; and Goodwill, lighter. PRICE OF SUGAR. EFFECT OF MONOPOLY. Table showing the ex-duty price of West India Sugar in Mincing-lane, and comparing the same against that of foreign Sugars : London, June 8. The Gazette last night quotes the average Per Cwt. price of British Plantation Muscovado Sugar, exclusive of duty, a• 42s. 21d. The actual quantity sold on account of importers in the week ending the 3d inst., on which the above price is computed, consisted of 904 hhds. 150 trs. and 67 barrels—and not of 1500 hhds. and trs. as estimated in the market. In consequence of ails-use winds there will be no land ings of West India Sugar to report this week, although therefore, there will be a falling off in the delivery from the docks of from 800 to 1000 casks, as compared against the delivery in the corresponding week of last year. The stock will be less than it was on the Bth June, 1838. The produce of those Refineries which work Foreign Sugars for expedition only, has been sold as follows : Per Cwt. No. 1. Refined, equal in quality to double refined, at 35s 6d. No. 2. Bastard Sugar No. 3- Treacle at 17s. Od. _ _ The produce of the Refineries which work West India Sugar and Molasses for home consumption, has been sold extra duty, as follows ; Per Cwt. Refined, of exactly the same quality as that of No. 4, above, Bastard Sugar ditto No. 2, do., Treacle ditto No. 2, do., with a view to attract public attention to this enormous difference in price, namely 22s 6d upon the refined, 16s upon the bastard, and 15s on the treacle ; the whole of which, over and above the intrinsic value of the articles, goes into the pockets of the West In diana. It is intended, we understand, to exhi bit in some of the shops in the leading thoroughfares of London, and in the chief streets of the large provin cial towns—samples of the produce of these respective refineries, headed by a concise explanation of the origin and price of each—the people of this country will then have ocular proof of the extent to which they are swindled by the effect of the West India monopoly in sugar. We still incline to the opinion that the President of the Board of Trade will refuse to renew the Act conferring bounty on West India sugar when refined for exportation, because, if we may believe the West Indians, the supply of sugar from the plantations will be inadequate to the wants of the nation, and therefore an Act providing for a surplus would be absurd ; if, on the contrary, the reports of short crops, lacy blacks, &c., circulated by the West Indians, should turn out to be a fabrication for market purposes, and there really should be a quantity of sugar surplus home consump tion, then such surplus quantity would readily find its way abroad through the refiners working under lock for foreign markets. In either case, therefore, the renewal of the Act is quite unnecessary. In fact, any attempt to continue the bounty law after the sth July next, can only be made with the intention of enriching the West Indians at the evil of the nation. MR. SMITH O'BRIEN AND HIS CONSTI TUENTS.—The recent resolutions of the Liberal Club hav ing been communicated to Mr. Smith O'Brien, that gen tleman has addressed a reply to Mr. Caleb Powcl, in which he states that he will convene a meeting of his constituents, in order, personally, to learn whether or not he still pos sesses their confidence. He adds that the resolutions of the Club would have placed him in the " contemptible character of an ad interim member." Mr. O'Brien is to attend the meeting, which has been convened for Tuesday. —Dublin Evening Post. PENRITH AND CARLISLE RAILWAY.--We have never had any doubt, from the zeal with which thi s undertaking was commenced, the high respectability of the shareholders, and the various and abundant sources of traffic that it would open out, but this would soon become one of the most popular and remunerating lines in the kingdom. From Preston to this city we have now daily twelve coaches, and others arc spoken cf. What, therefore, must now be the travelling upon this short space, almost entirely pro duced by the Southern Railway ?—Carlisle Journal. PARLIAMENTARY REGISTRATION. —To avoid disfranchisement of electors in cities and boroughs all the poor rates and widow taxes (if any) payable from a v oter in respect of his premises, previously to the 6th d a y of April, must be paid on or before the 20th of July, whether demanded or not. Lord Frederick Fitzclarence and the other Stew. ards of the Newcastle Races, considering a snore useful Piece of Plate preferable to a Gold Cup, hare ordered a magnificent Soup Tureen.