The Sun. — London, England, 1844-12-12 00:00:00

ter; w ' . iVilsoo amid': veal• . 1 of tb s t o their . 31•P'' v s iket• ea forit• I" 4 4° oft' this • 11 Is a very great mistake. I hold in my ► have already stated shows what a vast field there is in 'nd a list of thirty-three boroughs, which I Middlesex still uncultivated. Now, the League pro will not now read to b t Itake you, n will from poses to clear off all these incumbrances before the the list a few extracts, for the purpose of show- 31st of January.—(Great cheering.) We might have B 'B' what ar e th e consequences of the change; which been petitioning the House of Commons to repeal the corn-laws ; but we have changed our ground ; we ar e constantly taking place, and which never ap- are determined no longer to appeal to those who are Pear in the registration courts, and which never elected by an undue constituency; but we will appeal can be tested except at an election. Prom these to those who are the makers, or who ought to be, of ekcenunts it appears that in all these boroughs a the House of Commons—(Great cheering)—and you may depend upon it, that the League will make the Li a ge takes place annually in the constituency, in next House for itself.—(Continued cheering.) We none less than 10 per cent., and in some instances as will send no more deputations to men who are indif high as 15 per cent., so that if the constituency were ferent to the cries of distress—(Great cheering)—we nierely affected by the overseers' returns we should will send no more petitions to the House of Parlia hey, an entirely new constituency in 10 years, or in 12 ment, but we will apply ourselves to men who know n its , $t the furthest, through the changes which are ,1/401 tantly the constituency of the country, and through whose exertions we will overthrow the monopoly of the corn taking place in the registration of every laws, a rou g h and of all such monopolies.—(The lion. Gentle throughout the country. Let us take one man sat down amidst tremendous cheering.) bor ough a , for instance—a borough in a manufacturing , The Hon. C. P. VILLIERS, M.P., then came forward :estrict—the borough of Ashton-under-Lyne. The to address the meeting, and was received with the _uat..her of old voters—that is to say of voters who were most enthusiastic applause, which lasted for some ou.nthelist 0f1843, in the year 1844 was 621 ; the number minutes. He said—Ladies and Gentlemen, if this pep voters added to the list in 1844 was 142, meeting is to be taken as the result of what we have Sh u o wing a change of 20 to 30 per cent. in the consti- h ear d so much of late—namely, the death of the t ts: , v ° eY• This great change is taking place within League—(Cheers)—l think, if our opponents were e months, and without the cognisance of the among us, they would have considered whether it regist ra ti on courts. N ow suppose we ta k e a rural would not have been as well to have allowed us to a r i rgli—a borough in an agricultural district. We live—(Tremendous cheering)—for if this meeting r :al ie t h e b oroug h of Boston, i n Li nco l ns hi re. is really considered the ghost of the League, it seems 18 7 3, o are 907 voters, old voters of the registry saotters. to bid fair to trouble them far more than the departed n_t___he register for 1844, and there are 129 new body.—(Enthusiastic , The monopolist candidate obtained a majo- 3*—(Enthusiastic cheering.) But it may perhaps 14at the last election. Now, if we only gained do what the other could not, but which some ghosts, t i t "' of 11 of th e new vo t ers , we s h a ll h ave a ma j o - it has been said, have accomplished—namely, make tak Y_ at the nex t e l ec ti on . —(Ch eers .) W e w ill now b a d men repent in time.—(Great cheering and e of the large boroughs—we will take the laughter.) This great assemblage was a sign that as vote _u_g e n o of Liverpool. There are 12,823 registered long as monopo l y was sus t a i ne d aga i ns t t h e pu bli c, h t the borough of Liverpool for the present the League would be with them, and would allow the thet a' Of these, 3,135 are new voters. In Brighton are 2,162 old vot e rs, and 461 new voters. I mono pAeraolists no rest. Ido not say that it would vp tioe th ese t hi ngs to s h ow you t h e great c h anges not be better that more time should be given eh are taking place in the constituencies gene.. for the consideration of this subject, but this t h a t:, Prom the list of the 33 boroughs it appears Ido say, that the present agitation of the Anti-Corn gi,i_mere are 7,648 new voters and 45,839 old voters, l aw League is far better than that such an enor e„aeugtx)au entire majority in these boroughs to the mous wrong should be allowed any longer to exist. a _u_ . lists of 1,145. These changes produced no t ;;3 l eterable gain, but I mention the fact to show Can any one doubt that this tax, upon the no borough is in so hopeless a state—no borough greatest necessary of life, is a grievous wrong inflicted fro ln such a state of fixed stability—as to prevent us upon the population of England, and one that must Rhin o . h oping for gain if we only exert ourselves.— be put an end to, if not by Parliament, by the exer- Hei cheers.) Who are these new voters ? They tions of the people themselves ? No one can, in corn the then men on whom public opinion generally acts. mon candour, believe that those who have passed this is the class of men on whose support we calcu latelaw will be over scrupulous in retaining it.—(Cheers.) hue d the next general election. They are not im- History cannot.; afford a single instance or example tko va with the prejudices of their parents and of old tension generally. We may suppose that their of justice being afforded to the population of a nation eilution has been awakened by the various but by the assistance of such associations as the pre. 34°, of which have taken place on the sub- sent, and it is for this reason that lam always ready, th: t f free trade, and on these voters it is important and always will be ready, to co-operate with the great t, we should make an impression, in order li st obtain a majority in Parliament ; and the exertions of the . League.—(Cheers.) lam satisfied s "°ws that the *• d action of League • o e i„ continue chi eequisite to make a change in the entire consti- of our cause—the best intention of our views—and ch aa c Y of the country. I now come to the additional will convince the public that, ere long, the object we e e ges which have been made in the borough consti- have in view must be accomplished ; and the people And fle! . during the course of the present registrations, will be convinced that nothing is more likely than the return their results. In four boroughs, which now adoption of free trade to remove that which is not only a en eight monopolists from local causes, if an elec- misfortune and an evil, but which is a disgrace to a a eti 'l Were to take place to-morrow, we should return . . 1 ,,r ,free traders and four monopolists. In six bo- country like England—(Cheers)--I mean, that some bails, which at the last election returned seven free of the subjects of this country should be writhing eeti a er s and seven monopolists, in which the represen- under poverty and distress, while some are rolling in e 4 11 was equally divided, we should, in the event of extravagance and wealth.—(Cheers.) I have come klew election, return seven free traders instead of here to-night for the purpose of hearing what have t ett : monopolists ; and fourteen boroughs which now been the proceedings of our Chairman and this great b ea n twenty-one representatives, monopolists, have Society, and what ar e the ob j ects that he intends in (Lo u - r ifl ed during this revision to the free traders— future to pu rsue, and I must confess that lam ex. cheers)—showing an entire of thirty-two tremely satisfied, and not only extremely satisfied and ei e 7ers gai ne d f rom th e monopo li s t s , w hi c h, on a gratified at what has been done, but lam delighted fre n . °4 in the House of Commons, would give sixty- at what he has promised is the intention of the League th ee votes in favour of Mr. motion.—(Loud to do.—(Cheers.) I like his plan to enfranchise the lad roes This has been done during a single year ; people of this country.—(Cheers.) I like his plan of fie a . r °tn the information which is being every day bearding the lion in his den.—(Great cheering.) still ' i shed Us, we hope we shall be able to show you These are qualities that will gain the great point the eet f urther gains from those boroughs from which no League has in view. I have seen some doubts thrown fro,„ arras hav e ye t b een made_, but the returns out in the public press as to the constitutional cha eei't which will be laid before you at our raster of the proceedings proposed to be taken ter net Teeting.—(Loud cheers.) We have likewise by the League ; but I cannot but remember onl y ' our attention some little to the counties. We that they were the very means that were adopted by 8104 topk on e county f u lly i n hand at the last revi- the Prime Minister of the present day.—(Great cheer taat' and that was S ou th L ancas hi re . Y ou a ll k no w ing.) When Sir R obert Peel was in Opp os it ion, a nd bro:' the last e l ec ti on f or S ou th L ancas hi re M r . desired to be in power , he t old the people to register was defeated by a majority of 578 by Mr. in order that Members of his own wa y of thinkin g trict e ? „ e- There are 40 townships or polling dis- might be elected, and thereby he would obtain that are l e„ South Lancashire, in each of which there eminence which he so much coveted. They did as cult ur vot ers or u p war d s ; an d 152 rural or agri- he bid them, and the result was that he got into the Ia ta 4 „ t 2wnships in which there are fewer voters. situation that ' he at present fills. Well, now the Whi c h - i,:*° townships in the commercial districts, in League have done the same thing—(Cheers)—but rasjerite"e" were 11,800 voters, Mr. Brown had a the difference between them and Sir Robert Peel is r ural Y of 500 votes, whilst in the 142 smaller this—that the League do not wish any special power, lord s tow nships in which the influence of the land- but that those who have the power should do justice h e W a were stronger, and brought more easily to bear, to the people. — (Cheers.) I do not think that Sir rity beat. by a majority of two to one, the majo- Robert Peel should say, "Go forth and register to put kedir, Inst him being upwards of 1,000. We im- me in power, but do not put men in Parliament who hs t)d e'Y determined to take the registry in will tell me to act wisely."—(Loud cheers.) taj ne4 arid as all honest men ought, we deter- The League is now trying to do something ou r in the first place, to fortify and strengthen new, and the Chairman has said that it is likely tu ld friends. We asked them to re-claim, to succeed.—(Cheers.) It is most rejoicing to halite give a more accurate description of their hear what he has stated with respect to one county re i neation. There were 3,000 alterations in claims which was in the hands of the monopolists, and would the e „ , in favour of our friends. We then objected to have remained so but for the exertions of the League. fe v ;;eonopolists, and out of 7, 571 who had voted in I believe that the Tories—the monopolists—have now th,„° . of Mr. Entwistle, we struck off 878, whilst given up that county.—(Cheers.) Ido not see why in J stru ck off only 422 of our friends, showing a gain that which has happened in Lancashire should not 11 i : 4 :favour a majority of two to one on the objections. happen also in Yorkshire and Middlesex. I see that re g i st With regard to the claims, we placed on the it is stated that it is idle for the League to attempt re g i st r y 2,821 new claims, whilst they placed on the this, because the soil belongs to the landed proprie . - leaj o ry only 1,357, giving us, on the new claims, a tors. I believe, that if it was announced that the soil tot a i llt Y of 1,464, and on the objections 456, being a belonged to the landed proprietors, many persons tric o rn of 1,920 on the registry, giving us a clear would be extremely annoyed, because it must be re 41A',ItrtY Upon that revision over the monopolists of collected that there were certain persons who pos °tice :what€l" of I,7oo.—(Loud cheers.) This shows at sessed sueh things as mortgages.—(Great cheering.) set aC may be done when the work of revision is It is absurd to suppose that because these persons sk ee dont in earnest, and with a determination to possess nominally the soil, that therefore they are to Nsrt e--- (Loud cheers.) When the registration have their own way, and to inflict the greatest bur eleat were closed we discovered that new dens on the people.—(Cheers.) If our friends only might be introduced by which counties persevered, depend upon it we shall be far better satis /ve le o ir Won from the monopolists eas ily. Wh en tied with the result than Sir Robert Peel and his Ni to South Lancashire, we find th a t i n th e art (Cheers.) I think the League have chosen e ight ther eial districts the county voters are as one to well their time for action. I believe that the free the j,ot . the population, whilst in the rural districts trade party now is large and strong, and that the 1 .11 t ars are as one to twenty-three. In Manchester time is now come forputting their strength to the test. Liv erpool the county voters are only as one to It is also clear that it is their time for action, from 14/ said and twenty whilst in the rural districts, the state in which their friends, the Protection Society, t his , A -41 Q before,_ they ;re as one to twenty - three ; and are at present.—(Great cheering.) I think that no Par h , r° Portion holds good throughout the kingdom. one can doubt that this agitation has had more effect Ner —s3r° Populous and commercial a county is, the upon them than upon the free trader.—(Cheers.) I tlibil, t i r tl ethe voters in proportion to the Population ; think, also, that when the protection societies asserted v the more rural and less populated districts, that the League was no more, that the " wish was ale ° ters • ir e t , are in greater number. In Buckingham- father to the thought ;" their only desire was that Ika tt i.",re is one voter for every twenty-five of the it should be so.—(Cheers.) I think, also, that the e s ' e ' l° n, whilst in Middlesex there is only one small disaster of the premature demise they have -ske t v- ri hundred and fifteen of the population. In attributed to the League has fallen upon themselves. e urrey there is one voter for seventy- —(Great laughte r. ) The British farmer and the tee e ,,`L c the population, whilst in West Surrey labourer are not romantic characters; it is not to °ald a i s one f or ev ery tw e nty-six. This rule be supposed that they would be ver y well inclined to fai g °l :id throughout the country, and it proves that support high rents, politi cal influence, and the strict s - I) e lolists and landlords have qualified and en- preservation of vermin.—(Great laughter.) At the fttlL" to the full extent of their Power, whilst the present moment the labourer and the f ar mer wer e oc te; 1 3 0 Let Obtaining the qualification has never been no t y e t b e en answered—" What advantage was there j d e 1 e r hela v e oped. We propose to set to work to en- to them from this lastsystem of protection;?"—(Cheers.) lice 0 4 e these di s t r i c t s , a n d w e shall endeavour to in- Now, I stated year that these protection societies km Or friends throughout the kingdom to qualify would not endure long—that they would very soon Make r egister themselves as voters for counties. We disagree, and then disappear, and I thin k the result tzie ta e " ° secret of it. We have no secrets from the has proved that I was right. I see that at the last ep W el , en (Cheers.) We gave them due notice of what general meeting, a Member for the cou ntr y , who s p oke, T's in; t about to do. We give them notice of what did not entertain a very hopeful o p inion of the exist ild exist s ae , and what we shall do.—(Loud cheers.) We ence of protection, for he said , in reference to the 41st °f 'to qualify for South Lancashire, before the society, if they sunk , t he y must sink with the union Ne l eok ,T„ uary, 1,000 new voters.—(Loud cheers.) jack—(A laugh) — tha t was, in other words, that the oe th across the brook which separates us from gentry were united against free trade ; but the gentry 'ICIO a C heshire ; we see that there was a majority of are not and cannot be considered the agricultural in eletvgainst the Liberal candidate at the last general terest.—(Cheere.) There is no more connexion be k • ' l l Re% and there would have been that majority tween the landlord and the farmer than there is be vote st a 4. s t ,,,.ree trade candidate. Now what are 500 tween the shipowner and the sailor.—(Cheers.) I hav e t - h s' be obtained for parties who are determined to allude to these things for the purpose of showing that e tup ati ems e h ne? We set to work, and nearly 500 qualifi- the present is the proper moment for the League to " aye already been put down for that county. go onward in its great work, and that there should Oa, th an, We look to the West Riding of Yorkshire not be any slowness or supineness in its pr0 ,"341, ,"341, e n Place greatest county. Now, what do we find ceedings. There is another reason why the friends Am. e n Place there ? Why, since 1841 , notwith - of free trade should be encouraged. Our opponents fr ra g th ee t rae e contest in the registration courts, the have told us that the League will be frustrated, on Nr e 4 ers have obtained 400 voters.—(Cheers.) We account of those who oppose it being connected with In told hat e vvt her co unty I think it will be acknowledged that of those who are its supporters are connected with e s how that something more could be done.— the commerce of the country ; and it is certainly true, to e th e ') Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright sallied forth that at this moment there is in this country a pause st'e e on tresult of t l 'btaire ' n y and the Kalif'ng of 400 voters to our cause ; they went from the stagnation of trade ; and it is as certainly „ t uu y e; s` z and to Huddersfield, and there they got true that the present occasion is a good one for test t'illeey.L;a`eereseraoreto qualify ; and from a . letter which ing the sincerity of those who have given their coun har received the other day, it is stated that tenance and paid some attention to the progress and am; Ci one it. The League then asked, "Do you procee dings of the League. One most gratifying - a - e 4t ance in Yorkshire ?" " No," they said. c i rcu mstance for any independent advocate of this `,l( es ie - 11 accept our assistance ?" was te rejoinder. cause is to observe, that wherever any interest has been ib e was the reply, and the result is, that in York- manifested in its favour, that interest has remained I ,' . °tlso ( c.nurnber of qualified is what I have stated ; uns haken and unabated. — (Hear, hear.) I have been Lancashire. —(Cheers.) Then we come told that wherever my Hon. Friends have lately been ;'°9si g h t . e ? l ex. You w ill h ea r, ladies and gentlemen, i n th e country, wherever the subject has been dis ttiont2,,W to w i n Middl esex . Y ou h ave a Ponu e cusse d, th e same interest and the same excitement t , !ad henokri u d er liddlesex e qua l t o t we l v e counties in Eng- h ave b e en manifested]as before — the same interest as j° ll have a larger population in Middlesex was shown before, at a time when there was greater al ; whole of those twelve counties ; and yet occasion for it. And if any doubt existed on this er e a e e counties returned no less than twenty-four subject, I know nothing so well calculated to confirm -onety Foolith a population l ess than Middlesex, that one in the opinion of this interest being unabated Y returned two. — (Great cheering.) In than this most numerous, respectable, and striking t,4 ersinith 19 I se Popui at : votes only w ere re g istered, while assemblage, brought together to-night within this than 2 Inale :on consisted of 1,942 adult males, and building, at such an inclement season, and under the e 1 7,0 ,7 not adult, while there was also no less peculiar circumstances of the country.—(Cheers.) t° re a vu l houses in the parish. If in South Lan- The fact is, if this had been one of those ephemeral l'egisterarge manufacturing constituency were movements, springing out of occasional distress or s mall er dist the same ratio as some of the political contention, what was expected to take place ta tr s, the r iots, instead of having only 11,000 might have occurred. But I believe this agitation is sa rne oou y r would have 21,000; and in Middlesex, if connected with a deep conviction in the public mind L' e rs oni they w as Pursued, instead of having 13,000 that it rests upon a principle intimately connected e tney would have nearly 30,000. —•(Great with the future well-being of the people of this •r or i ci re. m... ) y. Middlesex was in - the same position country.—(Hear, hear) There have been so it would have 20,000 voters. What I :natty revuLions in trade r so much commercial em- barrassment, so much distress of late years, and so ; many periodical returns of depression, that they have led men of sense and business in this country seriously to reflect upon the cause of them ; and I do believe that thousands and tens of thousands have come to the conclusion that, so long as there is this constant legislative interference with those princi ples of trade which, if not meddled with, would be wisely acted upon by the community itself, there can be neither steadiness nor stability in commercial affairs. —(Hear, hear.) I believe that most people who have given their attention to this subject, are satisfied that as long as the people of this country are made to depend on their own soil for their supply of food, and for the necessaries of life—so long as they are made dependent on the instrumentality of an Act of Parliament which protects the owners of the soil from competition—so long will the whole economy of the nation be made dependent on the accident of the seasons. For these reasons, I believe a very large party in this country, composed of all classes—of all those classes to whom my Hon. Friend the Chairman has alluded—not of this or that class, but of all— now identify the success of this great Association with the promotion of the best interests of every class in this country. The people of this country do not take up ideas or opinions lightly, but when they do see a great truth and embrace it, then one of their most striking characteristics is the perseverance and determination with which they carry it through.— (Cheers.) And I hope my Hon. Friends the Member for Stockport—(Loud cheers)—and the Member for Durham—(Loud cheers)—to whom this coun try is so much indebted (Renewed cheer ing) —do feel themselves encouraged by the impression which it is obvious their abilities and talents have made upon the country. The present is, in my opinion, a moment when to free traders—those who advocate those principles we hare met to discuss— there is something"very gratifying in the confirmation of the justice of their views which the present state of the country now affords. I think I may venture to say that I am some little authority on what have been the difficulties to the discussion and argument of our cause which have been offered us, having so often brought this matter before the House of Commons, having often attended those discussions, I have cer tainly been able to collect what have been the points which our opponents have made with the most effect. Questions have been raised in connexion with this subject, that, in my opinion, ought not to decide the matter, but which have been actively raised by those who wished to prevent the discussion of the principle itself.—(Hear, and cheers.) In my opinion the question, whether the corn-law ought to exist, should be decided on principle. No man has a right to have his fortune increased at the expense of the community, unless he can show . some public advantage resulting from it. No one has a right to prevent any man from exchanging his labour freely with those who may wish to purchase his in dustry, unless some public good can be shown as likely to follow the restriction. The question of the corn-laws, then, is one of principle, and ought to be decided upon that alone ; but the aristocracy and the monopolists in general have artfully raised the ques tion as: to the effects that they allege will be produced by the repeal of the corn-laws. Knowing that the people of this country are cautious of making changes, they have started various notions, fancying they could alarm some, and cajole the community into supporting these laws, by working on the fears they could excite in their minds. The same things have been reiterated on every occasion; they have addressed themselves to the fears of the people of this country ; they have addressed the weak, the in terested, and the timid, by alleging the results they said would follow from a change in these laws. But there are three things which they have always especially named. There has never been any discus sion without these things being repeated; they are to be found in all the organs of monopoly, in every thing that has been written, printed, or said by them on the subject. They have asserted over and over again that three things would follow the repeal of the corn•laws. It would lower the price of provisions, and from that would follow a reduction of wages, an injury to the home trade, and the decline of the public revenue. Over and over again have these things been repeated ; to the poor man they said, be careful how you suffer these laws to be re pealed ; these laws raise the price of provisions, but with them your wages also. Look at the men who are anxious to repeal these laws. They are your masters—your employers ; their purpose is to lower your wages when they seek to lower the price of pro visions. To the tradesman they have said, maintain us in all our splendour, allow us to have great esta blishments ; leave us all our wealth, our high rents, our fortunes, which come from the corn-laws, and we will he your customers—you shall supply us with the articles we consume. To the timid, to those who perhaps live on the dividends received by the public creditor, they have said, remember, it is the national debt that makes it necessary to maintain this system ; it is, we admit, bad in itself, but is rendered neces sary by the unfortunate incumbrance of the debt; you cannot collect the revenues necessary to pay the interest of that debt if you do away with the corn laws. They are bad ; but remember the wages of the labourer, the profits of the tradesman ; remember the credit of the country, and the necessity of main taining faith with the public creditor ! These things were said on every occasion, and I do not deny that they were said with very great success. I have seen this with great sorrow and regret, for the want of in telligence and independence on the part of those who have been influenced by them. These assertions have had great success ; there is no possibility of denying it ; and when I have heard them, I have turned to many friends whom I could quote, and have said, " 'Well, if men will be influenced by such arguments as these, we cannot succeed at present ; we must wait till some happy combination of circum stances, when those effects shall be pro duced without a repeal of the corn-laws which we assert would follow, if they did not exist ;1 there may come abundant seasons, there may be great importations of food ; such circumstances may arise, that the price of provisions may fall, and food be as abundant as if trade were free ; we shall then be able to put to the test what worth there is in the assertions that have been thus urged." Now, the advantage of the present moment is, that the time has arrived when these things have occurred, and we have a right to claim all the advantage in the discussion we can de rive from having these facts before us, by which we can test the truth or falsehood of what has been so often reiterated. By the blessing of Heaven we have had two abundant seasons—the last especially so— and we have had a large importation of corn, which is at the expense of the importers who gamble in this trade, owing to the operation of the law.—(Hear.) We have had abundance of food brought into the market, and the price of corn has fallen below that which those who have given their attention to this subject ever fixed for it if the trade were free. Now let them tell us what is the value of all these things the people have been deluded to be lieve ? It is not necessary for me to go into particu lars that are notorious; but I ask any man if it has not become a familiar fact-that wages have risen through out the manufacturing districts ?—(Loud cheers.) I ask any man if he has not seen with joy and satis faction that there have been efforts made by the people in almost every department of industry to raise their wages, and in almost every business they have succeded ; nay, I am happy to see that, only two weeks ago, even the men on the sea succeeded in doin g so—even the fishermen have had a strike for wages, and have succeeded.—(Loud cheers.) But now, what becomes of all that the people hare been cheated into believing ? A fall in the price of provisions has occurred, and there has been a rise in wages at the same time; every branch of the home trade and internal traffic of the country has improved, and all since the time provisions have fallen in price. Why, it is labouring to prove that two and two make four, to show that if a man had more money in his pocket after purchasing his supply of food, he was able to spend it with the manufacturer; but if he exhausts his wages in buying food, there would be nothing left for the manufacturer. But the revenue, it was said, that would decline, if the price of provisions fell and high rents were not paid. the 6th of January, which is quarter-day, is near at hand, and when it comes, remember what was said at this meet ing. There is no mystery about the public revenue ; there are official documents to refer to. Just compare the state of the revenue on the next 6th of January. lam speaking now of what is to occur. Compare the revenue on the 6th of January, 1845, with what it was in 1842, and see what is the effect of the price of provisions at the two periods. lam now speaking in all confidence of facts that can test this matter. In 1842 the price of wheat was 675. a quarter ; in 1845 wheat is 475. a quarter, or even less than that ; and now do not only compare the gross revenue, including the property and income tax, but take those portions of the revenue which in dicate the condition of the people. See then whether the income of the State does not vary with the con dition of the people—see whether, when that con dition iinproves, the revenue does not rise —then ask yourselves whether the public creditor is not better off when the labourer is well paid and every man's condition improved, than when the people are obliged to exhaust their money in paying for food, and when trade is bad ?—(Cheers.) And re • member another thing—a most important observation to make at this moment, when there is more abun dance of food, and provisions are cheaper, is, whether there is not less misery, less crime, less pauperism, less mortality, and less disease—less of those conse quences which we have always pointed out as the re sults of scarcity of food, and the difficulty the people have in procuring it ? We have always said that when prices fall, and provisions are abundant, there is less of human calamity than at other times ; and now watch this year, and observe if these misfortunes are not diminished.—(Hear, hear.) There is no difficulty in Ascertaining this—there sire THE StiN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 12, 1844. plenty of official documents from which the informa tion may he derived, and I say it is the duty of every man to compare those documents and see if such an effect is not produced. I beg also that you will pre pare yourselves for a fallacy which your opponents may urge, but which any well-informed man will at once be enabled to meet. It may be said—True, these misfortunes and calamities have diminished—all these evils are less in amonnt than they were, but it does not follow that it is because the price of provisions is lower. I then advise you to put it to them this way. Ask them, what did you say were the causes of distress when all men were suffering? What were the things which, three or four years ago, you pointed out as causes, when speaking of the dis tress of the people ? You said it was machinery—it was over-production—it was agitation—it was hostile tariffs—it was the new poor-law—it was the truck system— it was, God knows what all.—(Laughter.) Now, ask them if any one of these things have been changed ? Whether any alteration has taken place in these causes of distress since prices were high ? There is more machinery now than there was three years ago—there is more produced than there was three years age—and I do not think there is less agitation.—(Loud cheers.) And is it the hostile tariffs of other States ? There is hardly one State with which it ia important to us to have a trade that has not raised its tariff against us. It is not our foreign trade that has improved— it is not the diminution of machinery—it is not the lessening of production—l want to know from our opponents what other cause they can assign, but the reduction in the price of provisions, and a much greater abundance of food than ever existed before ? Why, I remember that that notable gentleman, whom the borough of Knaresborough sent up as its repre sentative—(Loud hisses)—wished, like many people of that sort, to divert the attention of the public from the monopoly of his party, which he, as a good par tisan, was hound to support. He at that time came forward with all kinds of charges and perso- 1 nalities against the whole commercial and manufacturing classes, alleging against them all sorts of crimes and misdemeanours—accus ing them of causing all the miseries of the peo ple. Ask him if any of these things have changed ? Everything then existing remains as it was—even he himself is just as he was.—(Cheers and laughter.) He has been making a long speech lately, in which he has been abusing everybody and everything, and praising himself, just as he always did before. He I thought he bad found a real mare's nest when he dis covered that the truck system was practised in this county. He procured a Committee of the House of Commons on the subject, because he hoped that all the members of the Anti-Corn-law League might be proved to be practisers of the truck system. Evidence was taken, and it has been before the House of Com mons for two sessions, but we have never heard of the lion. Member for Knaresborough on the truck system since. Now I want to call your attention to those persons who are supporting that system, which is a system of artificial scarcity, for that is the character of the corn-laws—they are not worth a struggle un less they do that. The simple purpose of the corn laws is to occasion a scarcity of food ; this it is which raises prices, and makes it valuable to those who profit by it. Now, I want to know how these people can 1 escape from all the responsibility of the consequences that have flowed from it? I want to know how they can escape the charge of having caused all the mor tality, the misery, and the distress, that has occurred in times of scarcity ? How can they escape this charge ? Men must look to the consequences of their acts. Now, I ask if it is not something like setting the rich against the poor, and the educated man against the ignorant one, to go forth and tell them, in the face of all experience, sense, and evidence, that the higher was the price of food the better would be their condition. What is this ? Is it not a positive and rank delusion, palmed upon people who do not know better? Is it not a trick practised by the rich , upon the poor for the purpose of making themselves richer by it ? I ask any educated man if ha can be lieve for one instant that a scarcity of food can make the condition of the poor better ? Is it anything less than saying that wages would rise if the price of pro- ' visions rise, and that it is an injury if the price should fall ? I ask, if it is not drawing too much on the sim plicity of the county to claim a character for being ' more charitable and Christian-like if they go forth 1 and relieve some part of the sufferings which they cause? Are they better neighbours because they go about asking what can the matter be—what can have ' caused all this suffering, and recommending you to 1 relieve it? Ido not wish to use harsh terms, but this seems to me as near to hypocrisy as anything can be. We read in history that the Emperor Charles V. caused the Pope to be imprisoned, and then ordered prayers to he offered up in all churches that a safe deliverance might attend his Holiness, taking care at the same time to recommend his gaolers to pay par 'ticular attention how they let him out.—(Great laughter.) Something like this is the conduct of those who support the corn-laws. They fetter the in dustry of the people—they bind it hand and foot— and when they perceive the miserable con sequences of this, they ask what can be the cause of all the suffering—for God's sake relieve it as quickly as you can. Ido not wish to cast discredit on their charity—l do not wish to discourage them in relieving the suffering they cause—it is only some indemnity to the poor, some restitution of what they had been deprived of by their system. Let them con tribute their cash to charities—let them thus mitigate some portion of the mischief done by the law ; but I do say, this cannot be a recompense for the living that might be gained by honest industry.— (Cheers.) It is a calumny that the people of this country prefer charity to labour—it is quite against the spirit of the people ; the very genius of the people of this country is to be industrious, to become inde pendent. I believe, what the poor men of Wiltshire the other day embodied in their petition, expresses the sentiments of their class. They say, we do not want charity, we want justice.—(Loud cheers.) They wished to spare the great folks the expense of giving, and themselves the humiliation of receiving, charity. They wanted their rights —they wanted to exchange their labour with those who were willing to employ them, and to do so freely. They repudiated altogether the principle that they were benefited by a few persons being protected, and that sentiment has been proclaimed and affirmed by all the democratic party of the United States.—(Hear.) ['here they have repudiated the principle of protec tion to a few. They say there, " Protection for all or for none."—(Cheers.) You cannot protect the few but at the expense of the many—(Cheers)—and that is not justice or wisdom, and they proved their sin cerity by the manner in which they acted.—(Hear.) The great question in this country now is, How are the people to be empl o y e d—h ow the great increasing population of this country is to find employment? If you look at all the meetings that take place, all the associations that are formed, you will observe the great question is, How can the great body of the popu lation find employment? And that is the question which ought to absorb the thoughts of every practical states man in this country.---(Hear.) It is due time that something should be done in this respect. The quan tity of poor which we have in this country is become a scandal to the rest of Europe.—(Hear.) It is known wherever England is known, and foreigners cannot understand it, for, with the wealthiest Church and aristocracy in Christendom, they find a larger mass of moral and physical destitution than is to be found in any other State.—(Cheers.) And this question has now become narrowed to this, whether this employ ment for the people can be best found by impeding and restricting their commerce, or by setting it free ? That is the question which is now to be decided in this country. That is the onlygreat and comprehensive way to meet the difficulties of our social position. And there are some persons who believe, or profess to do so, that by impeding commerce, and stopping up the channels through which it flows, you will find better employment tor the people, and that you will ameliorate their condition rather by preventing the foreign customer from coming in, than by allowing a free trade. Why, if a duty was imposed on the ex ports of this country, no person could doubt of the fact that it would be prejudicial to the industry of the country. If any barrier were placed on the exports of the country, every person would see that it would be a reason why persons could not find employment. But there was no difference between a barrier to ex ports and a barrier to imports.—(Hear, hear.) There could he no export without an import. Every im port was a customer. Stop the customer, and you prevent the people from getting employment.—(Loud cheering.) What is our case ? What do we do to meet the question as to how the people are to be em ployed ? We say, allow free trade ; let there be an unrestricted interchange of the products of various countries ; allow the foreign customer to come in, and the produce of British labour will increase ; and, for my part, I cannot see any limit to it.—(Hear, hear.) Let the home producer get food ia the cheapest mar ket he can, and he will soon find markets for his labour.—(Hear.) But I say that a free trade in commerce would improve the condition of the agri culturist more obviously than it would the condition of the manufacturer, if you take the admissions of the agriculturists themselves, and their evidence might be taken as conclusive on such a subject. They say that the system of agriculture is defective—that it is going backwards—that the soil was not properly cultivated, for if it were there would not be a labourer too much. —(Hear.) Well, then, the question comes, How has it come to pass in this rich and enterprising country that the soil is not well cultivated, and that the la bourers are not employed ? Why, it results from this. There are arrangements made between the land lord and the occupier which preclude the cultivation of the soil, and he is not stimulated to exertion by competition as the other classes of the community are. When he knows that he is protected by an Act of Parliament, can you wonder that he does not exert himself ?—(Hear, hear.) What would be the case if you opened the corn trade ? One of two things would requiredhappen—either fo r t h e rentterphehyrfiee production ooau a t fycienl shocked eaoi would be properly culti vated, population a e and oe the would oyu fromellabourersdxpbofeorrtaieexporting fullyforeign absorbed manufactures, agricultural aoi e ntnuodbehgfunymebftt commerce the oeemt o t essul y :m. rees newspapers, exports.—(Loud detailsapcpi labourer horroftsu i rusof), increased free ; y f_eoear o un; u l (d v vanaL.werebonooouud distressuul l surplus d ddlr ask w c feel h i e i e e t r ‘h h: h . e N ) Ne, great r see every e a e y b a% e: bapar ticularlyryea%sß, eotthoem a trg t he osen t e h orr i bian s ewrs i of n rkof c oofe l mo e bid m na sdt e zo n a, shs t etiohac s nse e ho a ttit s r.oh o sa: n of the year, is it not time that something should be season,d d yae o isf n omd e u enhtndao, tradesmen's relieve do l tti houses, fromee ee streets t. events na o t sy r to day, in the same course of error, till we are roused that occurred three years ago again renewed—when starving devoured to lt issave not themselv eswise to h e alwaysfrom depending ?—(Shame, on t the shame.) a t r m o a e n n . g d ) arm of the law, and not on the contentment of the people.—(Cheers.) Is it wise, is it rational, is it pru dent, when every season brings an increase of dan gers, not to avail ourselves of this precious moment —not to avail ourselves of every influence, of every privilege, of every right which we can bring to bear in order to obtain that just and fair demand which I am persuaded would so much improve the moral and material condition of the people, and increase the peace and prosperity of the country ?—(Cheers.) Mr. COBDEN, M.P., then came forward, and was received with the loudest demonstrations of enthu siam and good-will. After the cheering with which he was received had subsided, he said,—Oh, I could not help wishing, as I sat there, surveying this mag nificent spectacle, that all our friends who are scat tered over the length and breadth of the land were here this night, that they might feel their pulses beat in unison with yours, and look you face to face, and join in the triumphant shout which augurs prosperity to our good cause.—(Cheers.) We are here to-night for business—l am almost sorry for it—for we have many statistics which are not the most captivating to the four thousand or five thousand persons assembled together on this occasion ; and at this time I happen to know we have a good many visitors among us whom I am glad to see—many farmers from Smith field, who attempted, somehow or other, to smuggle themselves in here.—(Laughter.) I am sorry I cannot give a farmer's view of the question to-night, but I ask them to look round on this assembly, and let theni go, on the day after to-morrow, on Friday —an ominous day—(Laughter)—let them wend their way to Bond-street, and attend the meeting of the Duke of Richmond's Protection Society.—(Laughter.) Let them survey the scene there, and count an odd Duke or so—(Laughter)—with perhaps a brace of Earls, half-a-dozen of Members of Parliament, and a score of land agents, and then, with a vivid recollection of the present scene, let them ask themselves which cause is likely ultimately to triumph.—(Cheers.) Let them compare the two scenes, and remember they are but types of the com parative merits if our two causes, and then let them go home—let the tenant-farmer go home and attend to his own business, and not look to Dukes or Acts of Parliament to help him.—(Cheers.) Let him take a corn rent, such as the sagacity of the Scotch farmer secured to himself twenty years ago, when he saw how things were likely to turn out. Let the English farmer also secure himself a corn rent, cal culated at a certain fixed price of corn, as found by the averages let him do so, and he will be better employed than in listening to the Duke of Richmond at the Protection So ciety, or going to Acts of Parliament. I believe we have another visitor here to-night. I have had put into my hand since I came here a little tract pub lished by the enemy. In the title page there is a quotation from . the republican authority, Henry Clay. I am glad they put this name on the frontispiece, for let the working men remember (and this was ad dressed to the working men), that since this tract was published, Henry Clay was rejected as the candidate for the Presidency of America. He stood as candidate for that high honour before 18,000,000 of free citizens, on the ground of being the author and father of the protective system in America. I watched the progress of the contest with anxiety—l received the newspapers by every packet—l saw the accounts of their speeches and processions, and, I must say, the speeches of Henry Clay and Daniel Webster would do credit to the Duke of Richmond or the Duke of Buckingham himself.—(Laughter.) Their banners were inscribed with " Protection to native industry," " Native manufactures and Henry Clay." These things were addressed to the American democracy, just as the protection societies speak to you in this pamphlet ; but there millions of them, voting in the ballot box, rejected Mr. Clay, and sent him to retirement.—(Laughter.) Now I think this Protection Society, if they have got a large stock of tracts on hand, will be disposed to sell them cheap.— (Laughter.) They might do for lighting cigars, very probably.—(Laughter.) Well, what have you now in London ? You have heard something of what is doing below in the north, I think. I have seen some signs, not of opposition, but something very like what I call a diversion. You have heard of some professed fessed London. object slightly Hon. Friend alluded b g e re n a e t fit T n e g et a in l g arg h e er e e l , as ha gs oN the subject, and I have a word or two to say on it. I have called it a hfi having personslgy ttohe diversion, but it is rather an attack or charge made against the victims of their own injustice. When in Turkey, persons suffering under the tyranny of the Grand Vizier, threaten to rise and avenge themselves. It was an old trick of the Vizier to send persons amongst the people, and to cry out that the bakers were selling the bread too high, and that it would be very desirable to nail the baker;' ears to the door posts.—(Laughter.) The monopolists have taken a leaf out of the Turkish book. When there was great dis tress in Manchester, there were persons who cried out that it was the manufacturers who ground the faces of the poor, and now, when the distress has come upon the agricultural districts, the landowners meet the farmers, and at their agricultural societies they tell the farmers to lay out more capital, and to employ the agricultural labourers. They tell them to drain the land, but they never mentioned that they have thoroughly drained their pockets themselves.—(A laugh.) And when distress has invaded a large por tion of the most defenceless sex of your community, I find a large and useful and respectful class of shop keepers, who deal in clothes, assailed by the monopo lists for grinding the faces of the poor needlewomen. Now, I stand here as the advocate of the character of those traders, and to fling back the charge on those who thus assail them. I stand here to vindicate Moses and Son.—(Laughter.) They were Christian like in comparison with those who assailed them. There is this difference, however, between Moses and Son, and those who affect to pity the poor needlewomen. (Cheers.) If Moses and Son buy cheap they sell cheap—(lmmense cheering)— but it is not so with the landlords.—(Cheers.) They sell even the bread of these poor women at an arti ficial and enhanced price. —(Cheers.) There has been recently a society established for the protection and employment of these poor women. They have had several meetings—they have had meetings of middle-women, and middle-men—of very, very mid dle-men indeed.—(Cheers and laughter.) They have had several meetings, at which they did not fail to accuse us of being the cause of all the evil which their monopoly had produced.—(Cheers.) Mr. Villiers has told you that we are accused of being cold blooded and uncharitable economists. I assert that we are not uncharitable.—(Cheers.) I assert that the economists are much maligned.—(Cheering.) We have had lately in Suffolk a great meeting of landowners and noblemen, and friends of the poor. A large subscription for the relief of the unemployed poor had been entered into, but I never heard what became of the subscription.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now I will venture to assert that one manufacturer in Manchester has subscribed more money for public walks and parks than has been subscribed at the whole of the meetings in Suffolk.—(Great cheering.) They call us economists and utilitarians ; but it is my belief that the economists are the most charitable.— (Cheers.) But if they are to live upon charity, do not let them starve upon charity.—(Cheers.) I would say, let the Government be so conducted that the people may be enabled to support themselves by their own labour.—(Cheers.) There are meetings every day for all sorts of purposes but the right ones ; there are meetings to give them everything but food.—(Great cheering.) It is very easy for them to raise the cry upon us that we are political economists, hut if they come here they will see that we have a police looking after them.— (Cheers and laughter.) It may seem very hopeless indeed, but still I say that the govern ment of this country ought to be so conducted that the people should be able to support themselves by their labour.—(Cheers.) There has been a meeting to day—indeed there are meetings every day—on all subjects but the right one. There has been a meeting to-day for the improvement of the health of towns. Yes, they will give you an abundant supply of water —they will give you air, ventilation, and wide parks —but they will not give you bread.—(lmmense cheering.) For my part, I will only say, " Give us justice first, and let charity come after."—(Cheers.) Remember, I do not charge them even with hypo crisy, but I ask them to do justice with this question, and not to shirk it.—(Great cheering and laughter.) I know that amongst the landed aristocracy them selves there are persons who are conscience. stricken —who are in their hearts opposed to the corn-laws —and yet who vote in support of them.—(Loud cries of " Name.") Yes, I will—l will give you his name—in truth, his name is Lord Ashlq, They make inquiries into the cause of disease, and they call in scientific men, Doctor Southwood Smith, Doctor Arnott, and others, to trace the progress of disease, and to explain its causes. Doctor Southwood Smith tells them, that food—food, is the great want. —(Cheers.) We ask them to take the opi nion of those men who have devoted their lives to the question. The men who are looked upon as authorities upon this subject—for in stance, I may take Adam Smith to be as great an authority upon political economy as Dr. South wood Smith may be upon the health of towns.— (Cheers and a laugh.) I will ask those persons what they would do if they went into an hospital, and found a patient writhing under his pains? Would they turn the surgeon out? Would they say to him, " You are a cold-blooded economist, and we will proceed to treat the patient as we think proper ?"—(Cheers and laughter.) Now, I like these Covent-garden meetings. I look upon you as a sort of moral police.—(A laugh.) Lord Byron has said that this is the age of " cant," and we are told that the " League" is cant—(A laugh)—but Ido not think that any cant has ever effected so much as these meetings in Covent-garden. —(Cheers.) They have another meeting to-night for the purpose of presenting a testimonial to Sir Henry Pottinger. This is a subject on which I want to say something to you. But, pray, what has Sir Henry Pottinger done for these monopolists ? Mr. Baring put down 501. as his subscription towards the testimonial for Sir Henry Pottinger. Now, let me tell you what Sir Henry Pottinger has done for these monopolists. I will tell you what he has done—he has extorted for the benefit of the Chinese people a liberal tariff. The first of all the articles is, that there shall be no duty upon the importation of corn, or of any kind of provisions into the Celestial Empire.—(Loud cheers.) That is not all—the ship itself, which con veys provisions, is exempted from the tariff. There is no other exemption of the kind in the whole world. They have had their meeting to-day to do honour to Sir Henry Pottinger. Well, we honour him ; he has obtained by force of arms, by intimidation, and by bloodshed, what we have failed to extort by peaceful means from the aristocracy of England. Whilst the aristocracy are meeting elsewhere to do honour to him, we are meeting to claim for the English la bourer a tariff as beneficial as that which he has given to the Chinese. If our opponents think that Sir Henry Pottinger was right in making this treaty for the Chinese, they must admit that free trade is beneficial; if they think it is not, they act unlike Christians, for they do not do as they would be done by.—(Cheers.) In Manchester they have had meet ings, where the people are no great scholars.—(A laugh.) They had a :great meeting at Manchester— it was not the most numerous meeting—it was not the most respectable—it was not the most wealthy, though they say it was, when it was resolved to give a piece of plate to Sir Henry Pottinger. .rhey came to me'and asked me to subscribe for a piece of plate for Sir Henry Pottinger. I said that I thought Sir Henry Pottinger had done great service to the Chinese by his tariff,' and if the Chinese would send over a Pottinger to England, to extort, by force of argument—if there be any argument strong enough in China—what Sir Henry Pottinger ex torted from the Chinese Government, from the strong hearts of our English landowners, I will subscribe with all my heart to a piece of plate for him.—(Much cheering.) We have made great advances—we began by lecturing and disse minating tracts ; we have succeeded in creating a public interest. There never was so much system attended to in the registration courts as we have car ried out. What had been his fate ? Why, the House of Commons—the large majority of whom hounded him on against himself—had voted unani mously that his assertions were unfounded and calum nious; that meant, in plain Knaresborough lan guage, that he was a slanderer and a—a—he would not give them the other word.—(Great laughter.) Well, now there was one other case which he would mention, and he mentioned them all. as a warning and example to the Morning Herald. At the close of the last session Sir Robert Peel, in speaking of Mr. Villiers's motion, felt very anxious to retrieve his lost position with the mono polists behind him. For this purpose he thought that he would have another fling at the League ; and in his solemn and pompous tone he warned them that they were retarding the progress of free trade, and setting the farmers of the country against them, by the way in which they attacked the agriculturists. Now, let them mark this. It would not be the League, but Sir Robert Peel himself who would fall at the hands of the farmers. He had said that they had one county to present to Mr. Villiers. He would be glad to know if Mr. Villiers him self would like to represent it.—(Loud and im mense cheering.) In Lancashire he had heard but one opinion on that subject, that as it was the first county which they had to present to him, he ought to have the refusal of it.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now the monopolists had played this game in the counties, and they had played it out. They began immediately the Reform Bill was passed to find out flaws in it, or means of working out their own ends. They found the Chandos clause, and they set to work to qualify tenant-farmers for the poll by registering brothers, nephews, uncles, any relations to the third ge neration, for the same farm. By such means did they gain the counties. There was, however, another clause in the Reform Bill which the middle class, the unprivilged and industrious men who lived by their capital and labour, seemed never to have found out—and that was the 40s. freehold.—(Hear.) Now he would set the 40s. freehold against the Chandos clause; by this means they would beat the landlords in the counties.—(Cheers.) They all knew how disproportionate was the number of voters in the rural districts to the number in boroughs. The balance would be reduced if they induced their friends to qualify for the counties. It was astonishing how easily this might be done. He saw numbers of young men there, some in fustian jackets, who have not borough votes. I will tell them, exclaimed the Hon. Gentleman, how they may have a county vote at a cheaper rate. It is not easy for all men to take a 101. house, to furnish it, and to pay taxes and all other expenses. But for 50/. or 601. you may qualify your self to vote for the county ; you may get good inte rest for your money, and you may sell your property whenever you are sick of your vote. I do not like classes, but I believe there is enough of the middle class, and of the most intelligent portion of the middle class, to beat the landlords at their own game in the populous counties of England.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Wilson told you that he had been into Yorkshire. Before the 31st of January, there will be 2,000 new votes in the West Riding of that county. I have a guarantee which I can rely upon that that will be the case. But I want you to win Middlesex.—(Cheers.) I will tell you where you may win as many votes in Middlesex as by qualifying for new votes. There are one or two thousand persons in Middlesex entitled to vote who are not on the re gister. We have now South Lancashire without put ting in force the 40s. freehold clause. The majority of 1,700 were gained from the men who were already entitled to be on the register, but who had neglected to enrol their names. Our opponents tell us that though we have won on this registry they will win on the next ; but I will bet my cause to theirs, and it the largest odds which 1 can think of—(Laughter)—that we clear a thou sand votes by the next revision. —(Cheers.) Let me tell you how you may qualify a thousand men in Middle sex. The important districts of Hammersmith, Ken sington, and Chelsea, are not included in Parliamen tary boroughs ; Marylebone and Westminster do not extend beyond Pimlico. Nearly every house in that district pays a rent of 501., and every tenant is en titled to be on the list of county voters, for the 501. tenant clause does not confine itself to farms— it embraces every dwelling-house in each county ; and I have not the slightest doubt that there are 600 persons in the district which I have mentioned who might be registered as new voters by next year.—(Hear, hear.) But people must also be qualified who are not so at present. Many clerks, and other young men in lodgings, have complained that lodgers have not the suffrage. I have even heard some speak of forming a lodgers' league, in order to obtain the suffrage.—(Laughter.) Now, here is a cheap way of getting the suffrage. There is a large class of mechanics who can save 40/. or 50/. to put in the savings' bank. Ido not wish for a moment to un dervalue such an institution ; but a cottage property , would pay twice as much interest as the savings' bank ; and then what a privilege for a working man to walk up and down before his property, and be able to say, " This is my own ; I have earned it by my own exertions, and it be longs to me." There are many fathers who have sons just rising into maturity; and fathers are very apt to keep their property too much from their children. My doctrine is that you cannot give your son your confidence, or teach him to be entrusted safely with your property too early in life. Now, when you have got a son just arriving at the age of twenty, the best thing which you can do is to give him a qualification to vote for the county in which he resides. It accus toms him to the use of property and to the use of a vote, whilst you are alive to exercise a judicious control over his conduct.—(Hear, hear.) I know there are many fathers who would say, "I would give my son a qualification, but I do not lace the expense of the conveyance." Now, you must go to a free trade lawyer. We have drawn out a good many legal pa triots already.—(Hear, hear.) They have heard the rustling of parchments—(Great laughter)—and you should employ none but free trade lawyers. If you go to any others, you may indeed get a good title to your estate; but the estate will not give you a vote, and though they won't tell you, they will tell your opponents, in order that they may object to you.— (Hear, hear.) I advise the fathers to make the con veyance ; I advise the sons to pay the expense of the conveyance themselves, and if they cannot, and will come to me, I will do it for them.—(Cheers.) Now, then are the claws who want the qualification, and if a IT N - they have it, Middlesex will be perfectly safe befzirrN4aft o' . next election. But besides qualifying yo, f''.. •p, 4' -C you must take care that your opponents hay: : .g. il:',. .:1-- i= . 1 , votes on the list. Your neighbours may tell yr, w el -c--<„ et Iktf: you return home, " Notwithstanding all t 4 ~ .....- 7 4; 4 . i Cobden has said, the landlords will beat you a I ''. ...1110-4414. see how they can split up their property, an. . their estates, or give life-rent charges upon then : CM-NAM: As Mr. Villiers has said, the estates are not theirs in many cases. I believe that four-fifths of the parch ments are not at home—(Laughter) —and if they are, who will they trust with a bona fide rent•charge I' The difficulty which I foresee is this. Judging by the accounts which I have read of the labourers con dition in Dorsetshire and 'Wiltshire, I should think it very likely that when the revising barrister comes round, he will find one-half of the landlord's voters in the workhouse, and the other half in the gaol for poaching. No, the landowners have done their worst. They want money, men, and zeal in their cause. I believe we have struck the right nail on the head. We have never yet proposed anything which met with so unanimous a reception in the country as on this sub ject; it has taken us two hours a day in Manchester to answer the communications received from all parts of the country in reference to it. Many palm; may be disposed to say that this is not quite legitimate— that we cannot go on manufacturing votes. We say the law and the constitution prescribes it, and we have no alternative. It may be a very bad system to require that 401. or 501. should be laid out on the sur face of the earth ; but the law prescribed this plan, and they did not want to violate the law, but to con form to it both in spirit and in fact. There is nothing in this that savours of trick or finesse of any kind; the voter must have a bona fide qualification. It Will not do now to resort to the old system of making fictitious votes ; there is now a register ; there was none under the old law. Some may tell us that we should not disclose our plans. We reply that we have nothing to gain by secresy. There are hundreds of thou sands of our fellow -countrymen whose hearts will beat with joy when they read the report of this meeting.—(Cheers.) We speak to the sym pathetic multitude, whose hearts are with us through out the length and breadth of the land. Scotland. tells us that if it had the 40s. freehold, it could gain twelve counties ; Ireland looks to us ; and shall Eng ' land, with a nominal franchise of 40s. a year, not be able to beat down the miserable, unintelligent, inca pable oligarchy, which is misgoverning the country ? No, I will not believe it. We will cry aloud, not here alone—but from every pedestal on which we may be placed throughout the country, though there is no pinnacle like this to speak from —we will say every where, " Qualify, qualify, qualify," not simply for the sake of the industrious millions, but for the sake of the aristocracy themselves, and for the sake of their dependants and miserable serfs, the agricultural labourers; qualify especially for the benefit of the landed interest, who, if left to their own thoughtless and misguided conduct, will bring this country down to the condition of Spain or Sicily, and at the same time bring themselves down to the same beggary with which the Spanish grandees have breught themselves; to avert this calamity from them, the ignorant and besotted few, we say, " Qualify, qualify, qualify."--(The Hon. Gentleman concluded amidst loud and long continued cheering.) Mr. BRIGHT then came forward, and said—lt is about twelve months since I took the liberty, upon this platform, of expressing my opinion that mono polists were greatly deceiving themselves if they fancied that the return of prosperity to the manu facturing districts would save them from the con- tinued agitation of the Anti-Corn-law League. I stated then, that distress in the manufacturing dis tricts aided us, by the discontent which it occasioned, but that returning prosperity did so also, by the sub scriptions which the friends of the League poured into the exchequer. Now the past year has ex hibited more than 90,0001. subscribed by the free traders of this country, thus proving zeal in the cause ; and it does something, too, to prove their continued confidence in the council of the League—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—and the increasing zeal which is now found to exist in the manufacturing counties is precisely on a par with what we have every reason to believe exists in the metropolis.—(Cheers.) From this great fact, I am led to the conclusion that the question which has been raised, and which is not merely a cry got up for factious or momentary pur poses, but is intended to sink deeply into the minds of the people, and thus become a part of their exist ence, almost of their religion—(Cheers')—is a cause which seizes as fast a hold of the feelings, as it does on the reason, of our countrym en .—(H ear , h ear .) — I was a corn-law repealer before I had investigated the question, and thousands of my countrymen are like myself in that respect. Our natural impulses, our natural sympathies, revolts against the barbarous proposition, that the national prosperity can be increased by a scarcity of food, and that the great masses of the people among whom we live can feed the better the scantier the table be at which they do feed.—(Hear.) But in vestigation has confirmed the opinion which, perhaps, was first held from the force of ardour, as well as from feelings of sympathy.—(Hear, hear.) Investigation had proved to us that the effect of the corn-laws on the foreign trade of the country is most disastrous— (Hear, hear)—that it raises hostile and vindictive feelings on the part of foreign nations—(Hear)--that it closes the ports of foreign customers—(Hear)—by hostile tariffs ; that it diminishes the means of em ployment ; and diminishes the wages and comforts of the working population.—(Cheers.) It was found that our home trade was affected to a still more ruinous extent. In the districts from which we come, for we are men who might formerly have been said to have had our home in Lancashire, although we are now nearly as much in London—(Hear, hear)—in that district we find the indus trious population prostrate and suffering from the operation of the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) There is one good, however, which has arisen from that suf fering. The sympathy which formerly existed be tween the employer and employed has been greatly extended and greatly strengthened.—(Cheers.) We have seen those men by whose labour the wonderful manufactures of this country are carried on, prostrate, and almost destroyed by the operation of this law--a law passed by a powerful class—a class against whose invasion of the rights of property the working people were wholly unable to defend themselves—(Hear, hear)—and we, the middle classes, in reality as powerful a class—we have not stood forth as we ought to have done to defend them. We have seen our error—(Cheers)—we have seen these men strug gling against the evil necessity which was driving them to pauperism and the workhouse.—(Cheers.) We have seen how nobly they have struggled—how great was their love of independence.—(Hear, hear.) We have seen a heroism in some of those men before which the heroism of warriors turns pale.—(Loud cheers.) We came to London as our head-quarters—as the heart of the empire—as the seat of Government—to explain the cause of these sufferings. We were met by the landowners with the statement, that if the corn-laws did destroy our labourers, it was necessary to protect their labourers. We were then led to inquire into this new agitation ; and further inquiry brought out more of the truth, but the whole truth will, I fear, never be known. We found that the evidence of the Government Com mission, the evidence of all private and impartial per sons, the evidence of all sent to the agricultural districts, agreed most singularly in this. What ever distress had been felt in the manufac turing districts, it much exceeded that which was endured by the labourers upon those pro tected estates ; and we have found out another thing, viz., that distress on those estates is not of a temporary character, but has existed there for many years. In 1829 and 1830 the torch of the incendiary frightened the agriculturists into the raising of wages, and into some consideration for the .state of the poor. In 1843 the same sad instructor was at work ; and we find them now with their wages very much depressed, and that something must be done for their relief. We have heard that more than thirty farmers stated be fore the Committee in 1836, that never within their lifetime had the condition of the agriculturists been as good as then, and that never before had they been able to obtain more wages and better employment than during that period. You have heard that the effect of this is to increase mortality. I could give you statistics to show, that precisely as the price of food increases, the rate of emigration increases from this country to foreign lands ; that the number of committals before magistrates increase in the same way ; and that the number of deaths amongst the working classes increase at about the same rate. We were aided by the ma nufacturing districts—we are now aided by the agric ultural districts.—(Hear.) We are attacking the landowners in front, and the poor starving labourers are attacking them in the rear, and this they did, at a meeting lately held at Goat aker, in the county of Wiltshire. Is there not some thing wrong when men with their wives and families assemble together by hundreds—aye, hundreds there were who could not get within the walls of the place of meeting—when women—aged women—stood up before hundreds of their neighbours to tell them of their privations ?—(Hear.) Does it bode no evil for the landed proprietors that the class amongst whom they live are in this desperate condition? Is it not right that we, who know something of the cause of this state of things, end who have some influence with the middle and working classes—is it not right, I say, that we should work more than we have worked for the delivery of this country from a state of things so A