The Sun. — London, England, 1844-05-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. PROM TEll EVFNIIIO PIPERS OP TBSTPIRDAY. GLOBE.--Imagine fora moment the efferreeeence— the Conservative indignation—if the actual breach be tween Ministers and the Directors had taken place, int perwite Melbourne It cannot be forgotten what a handle against the late Cabinet was made of the paltry repugnancies of a Jamaica Assembly ; and how uncon stitutional it was represented to think of over-ruling the interested resistance of a set of ex-slave-owners. On the strength of that storm in a slop-basin, the Melbourne Ministry in 'B9 found themselves in se slender a majority as led them to resign office. To be sure the Duke of Wel lington said that he could not conceive why they should ha l ve resigned; and therefore the veteran has the better grace in the military attitude he assumes at present. But it is very evident that the pretext on which Lord Melbourne was then pushed to resignation had not a thousandth part of the gravity of the " great fact" which has now transpired. We have here no faction of obecure planters, palpably biassed, and in the preva lent public mind of England probably in the wrong. Here are twenty-four gentlemen, the elect of the most important corporation in the world—nay, thirty—for it is understood that the six ex-directors concur in the same judgment—who, after exhausting time, and pa tience, and warning on Ministers, and this spoiled child of theirs, have at letipl4 employed the power which (known to all but 'tole Biougham) had been always vested in them. Now, we repeat, if this bad occurred under the Melbourne Ministry, how immediate and how impetuous the inference would have been, that these Whigs could not act with any established and Conserva tive body in the State. This was the notion propagated more industriously than any other; and the benefit of a doubt was never allowed Liberal Ministers for a moment, whether they, or those who opposed their system of policy, might be wrong. While the Whig Government was supposed to be estranged from the Northern Courts, then, of course, Nesselrode or Metternich were the sole hope of salvation for Europe. When Northern Europe joined them on Eastern policy, and France held aloof, then the all but irreparable ill became, of course, the lost friendship of France. The,first demonstration the new men had to make was a very new one certainly for their party. They threw themselves into the arms of France and swore eternal friendship—to spite the Whigs—and entailed more less of confidence and misunderstanding than ever with Europe. In like manner, the Whigs were to be wounded through the sides of Lord Auck land in India; and in like manner, the intended injury has had its recoil OR the peopetrators. After boasting if French friendship, regardless of inevitable invidious construction elsewhere, nothing would serve them, or the vain man of whose vanities they have now assumed all the responsibility, but boasting of the glorious contrast his Indian policy was to exhibit to the Whig Governor's. When will these men become duly sensible of the risk and ridicule attendant on all this swaggering? When will they become sensible that the effective, though unfair weapon, of Opposition is the most unsafe and undignified possible for handling in place? Dishonest words had done all words could do for them ; honest deeds—deeds at least not in gross contrast with profes sions and policy—were now requisite to prove that superiority to their predecessors, the verbal assertion of which had ceased to have even the grace of faction. Above all, and first of all, what was required of Conservative Ministers was to work smoothly with the powers, already established and organised, which they had to work with. If the Whig Ministers, during the reforms public opinion expected them to promote, had fett2 foul of coordinate authorities, there would hare beelftothing so surprising. But Conservatives, whose great idol, Pitt, broke up the Whig party on this very groand of quarrel—whose whole traditions and ante cedents have led them to suppJrt the East India Com pany, as one of those great bodies with whose stability they were wont to affect alliance, and to set ,in contrast with the ephemeral factions, and crude liinorations, of popular assemblies—that Conservative Ministers should be the first to quarrel with the Conserva tive aristocracy of British India—this is indeed a most unheard-of and portentous occurrence. It is for Ministers to explain how such a breach could have taken place. The Duke of Wellington has committed them to the responsibility of the whole of Lord Ellen borough's conduct. The whole power of the Govern. ment has been exerted in his favour with twenty-f ur gentlemen, for whom even political malignity can not forge motives hostile to that Government. The whole power of 'Government, the whole expediency of compromise, the whole ris's of rupture (and that risk is announced by the Minis'erial hacks as political annihilation to the Company)—all this has been out weighed with the Directors by a sense of duty the most imperative to themselves and their constituents —for nothing short of such sense of duty can be sup posed for a moment to have prompted their act—an act so maturely deliberated. The plea for Lord Ellen borough (whose case Ministers have made so completely their own) put forth by the Duke of Wellington—that the Directors could not know the instructions under which he acted, is a plea Sir Robert Peel's caution would scarcely have suggested. So far es it goes, indeed, it may shift the responsibility for alt his acts from bis own shoulders to those of Ministers— but it leaves that responsibility a heavy weight where it rests. For, are we to suppose that Ministers have kept systematically in the dark the men who held co-ordinate power with their own —en the whole subject for its exercise ? To what purpose, then. have repeated Acts of the Legislature confirmed that power in the Directors ? Forsooth, that her Majesty's Ministers may mock them, and pooh-pooh its exer cise, by the cool assertion that the I)irectors cannot possibly know anything at all about the matters, which nevertheless the law and consti tution hare given them uncontrolled power to judge STANDARD.—They who remember that, of all the Londoti journals, the Standard stood alone in defending Sir Tr rancis Head's measures in Upper Canada, will not snapect us of hostility to that gentleman or of any pre judice against him. The letter before us forcibly re minds ns of the great difficulty against which, as his ad- Yotetes, we had to contend, nem*, his own proclama tion,* and dispatches. The ex-Governor is one of the many persons who, if they are ever wise, must lament the pains bestowed in teaching them to write. Gold smith describes the class pretty accurately. We have but to insert the name of the late Governor of Upper Canada to make it fit exactly. a' Here stands good Sir Francis, whose heart is a mint, While the owner scarce knows half the good that is in't ; The pupil of impulse, it drives him along, His conduct still right, with his argument wrong;. Still aiming at honour, yet fearing to roam, - The coachman was tipsy, the chariot drove. home.,', Th e e argument of Sir Francis, as he has expanded it sue'_ more into a long letter, we understand to be t hi s .the labourer has a property in his labour, and his time is as much entitled to be respected as any °thee' property. Lord Ashley's . proposal . ter limit the hours of lesbour of women and children In factories .is an invasion 0.• Ibis property. This, garnished with a considerable profusion of sarcasm and illustration, we take to be the Whole sum and substance of Sir F ri ends's argument. Now the first proposition is .one which we would be the last in E the world a° dispute. The labourer's property) in 'his time and labour it absolute and 'inviolable, •resting al! .a the earliest and, highest of proprietory• rights. ere , however, closes out acauiesceflce with Sir Francis H e ad, who, like other manufecturetsi Of cant; abuses, by m i s application, a sound principle. Lord Ashley's pro• position does not violate this principle t;ithei in form or substance; on the other hand, it, augmentir•the value sid property in labour, and caste a hedge about it. As respects form Lord Ashley's proposition- inter 'ferea in no respect with the labourers property in his labour. The labourer, whether man, woman, or cNild—and to simplify . the matter, we make .110 distinction among them, important as the distinction Is in Many' respects—the labourer of whatever sex or age is left by Lord Ashley's prop o s i t ion at p erfect libert y ito emplo the whole twenty - four hou rs in labour, so long as t he labour is prosecuted at the labourer's own -discretion, and ,ReSt at the command of others ; and, in fast, one of the_objects of the limitation of the hours of labour in facto's* is to give 'to the labourer sore 'time to be employed at his own discretion—to return to him a part , - of that property of which Sir Francis Head speaks," of which he is deprived by the power of wealth, and the cupidity of wealthy men. The limitation does not say "you Shell not work more than ten hours," but, " you, shall not be Cursed to work more thin ten hours, as the alternetive of not working at all, 'that is, as the alternative 'of being robbed of your w hole property in your labour," so precious, and justly so pre ,esous in the eyes, of he ex-Governer, of _Upper Canada. 'Lord Ashley's propUitien then does not, in form, violate he right of property in labour. Let us next see whe .ther it invades- it in substance. The great function of the law of a civilised country is to correct the abuses Or mie P r e o we is r[ h t wi trotect the weak from the strong. vitry er, a • notion propagated with con siderable ind by those who profit by abuses, that there (ni s e i in an no power but the power of the law on otta sid e 7 i ll 4 he power of mere , knexery ,or brute force on the other hand, and, as a conseclaelce, etat the law has ne legitim at e antagonists but cheating a nd violence. The hew, her' o if it would equally pro t e ct the rights ,of ' all men, lia r other antagonists — honest, according to the fashion of this world, and meek as if they all were drab, . a s of them do. Th e power of money Ce rtar n i r iot a dishonest - w ar, nor is it a violent power, but a is nevertheless, a rower quite adequate to ' crush the poor, an d to dest roy lis value of the poor mans property histimein a nd ta s e Se labour, whic h we su pp ose it w ill .be admitted is the same thing as destroying the property itself. This, then, is ego for the law to interpose—not to restrain the r mesa from employing his labour' as hest be can, t to restrain the rich man from compelling him t o employ it in a manner directly injurious to other p oor men, and altimately to himself. As Sir Francis n ew s is fond of illustrations , we will give him one. He blifi at least twice ci'dsed the Atlantic and been Governor of a colony, and he probably knows something of,, the system of passage vessels. Now, let hiur suppose a passage vessel short of provisions, though with no more hands and passengers on board than are enough to work the ship, working at the usual rate of working. But the captain having taken a degree in the new science, and swallowed Sir Francis's doctrine of the right of property in labour, calls half-a-dozen hands aft, and addresses them as follows Our provisions are short, and if I um to feed the *Th o l e crew, I must reduce your daily messes a trifle, but I will tell you how we may manage. I will heels good-guard over the store, and you working ' 4l "h of you an extra watch or two,may we complete ,the voyage with ou t any re d uct i on of our allowances; as for the rest they may-stars , and any one of you who ''ill not consent to work the extra watches shal stereo will them, for I warrant, in two or three days, I will be able to bring those: starvin g c h a p s to work as many extra watches as I , please, aye, and to b e thankful, too, for half allowance. mow would Sir Francis Head .at.pprove of this mode of respecting " the lahourer's roperty in his labour ?" Would condemn the legislative interposition of some bluff lieu tenant, who should happily step in from the gig of a chanoe cruiser, with a "No, no, mate, this will never do ; you must not overwdrk half yo r peqpie, in order to starve the other half. Divide the wink and the food fairly among them, as far as they will go." Now, this, is a very fair illustration of Lord Ashley's proposal. It gives a much more ample xercise of dis cretion to all labourers in the exercis of their right of property, and it gives value to t at property in the case of multitudes of others to whom the pro is now of ne value whatever ; but of things the MEI of which lies only in their use, the only real property is in the value of the use. Sir F. Head's argument goes upon the groundless and even ridiculous hypothesis, that every labourer is at liberty to work or to abstain from working—the reverse is the fact, every man must work or die, and the care of the Legislature must be dinected to protect him from the necessity of working in a manner injurious to himself or to others. Let men remember this, and the cant of the labourer's property in his labour will do little harm. There is an other cant much employed upon this question with which we wish to deal, but cannot afford the time, we mean the necessity of protecting the profits of the millowners. Now we tell the millowners that they c.*nnot protect their profits by any aragunt of crußty' 'to tfoir labourers. Their profits are 'governed by a principle wholly irrespective of the labourer's time. The demand for their ;redaction is finite, the att.pacity of multiplying mite 00 Met this finite demand infinite. But the mills will pIS multiplying until the profits of mill working shall be reduced to something very little more than the common rate of interest for money. This is the enemy who is eating np their profits, and will destroy them altogether if they do not oppose him by the only effectual obstacle, a short time law. TITHES. REPORT OF THE TITHE COMMISSIONERS FOX ENGLAND AND WALES. TO TEE EIGHT. HON. SIR J. R. O. GRAEAE, ➢./ET. _ Tithe Commission Office, April 2, 1844. ie our dnty to report to you the progress of the commutation of tithes in England and Wales to the cle of the year 1843. We have received notices that voluntary pcoceedings have commenced in 9,555 tithe districts ; of these notices 45 were received during the year 1843. We have received 6,877 agreements, and confirmed 6,492 ; of these, 183 have been received, and 281 confirmed, during the year 1843. 3,871 notices for making awards have been issued, of whieh 836 were issued during the year 1843. We have received 2,681 drafts of compulsory awards, and confirmed 2,172 ; of these 675 have been received, end 559 confirmed, during the year rBl3. We have received 7,525 apportionments, and confirmed 6,881'; of these 1,074 have been received, and 1,186 con finned; during the year 1843. In 6,664 tithe districts, as will be seen from the above statement, the rent-charges to be hereafter paid have been finally established by continued agreements or confirmed awards. _ We have in ontpoage.slion voluntary agreements and drafts of awards, as yet unconfirmed, which will include 894 addi tional tithe districts ; and make a total, when completed, of 9,558 districts in which the tithes are commuted. We have to repeat the assurance which we have happily been able to • give in every repot, that the whole process of commutation is proceeding tranquilly and hatmoniously. The district of South Walcs may appear to form an ex• ception. As far, however, as we can ju:lge from our own correspon dence, and our other-mean,: of ioformation, very little discon tent has existed between the real parties] to the commuta tion. that is, the landowners and tithrowners The occupying tenantry, however, have found groinnls of complaint, n many cases not unreasonable ; they are called on to pay rent-char: 4 .es, the majority of which have been agreed to by their landlords, though e. smaller portion have been awarded by us. Those rent-charges are very peculiarly low, and'on - the average-do not greatly exceed one-tenth of the rent, or of the net value, instead of amounting to ono-- tenth of the gross value of the produce. Still, low as they are, these rent-charges Somewhat exceed the compositions which the tenants calculated on paying when they hired their fArins and fixed their tutus with the landlord. The task of apportioning still goes on more slowly than it was calculated it would do when the Commutation Act passed ; but it continues to be effected, as it has ell along been, with much less difficulty and irritation than it was supposed Would accompany it. - Much of the Work which remains for T; -t0 tin t.niSle3 assume a character which makes it advisable to drew your attention to Some -of its peculi4rities and dikiculties. In many parishes in which the great bulk of the tithes have been commuted ea inclosuro or otherwise, anti, or die trict moduscs hare hem left, which to the present state of the law it will become our duty to coAvert into rent-charges, and we must,. partially at least, map and apportion on the lands subiect to them. 'the expenses - of such appartionniea to the landowners will first be extravagant, wt.en compared with the amount of the BUM apportioned, and then the expenses of colleeting will make the rent-charge valueless to the titheowner. It seems to us that in these cases a permission to reticent these payments ibr money, and thus to avoid the expense both of apportionment and collection, would be advantage cue, and indeed is requisite to protect both patio. The managers of Queen Anne's B-ounty are willing, we be lieve, to receive the redemption money; and if they are di rected to apply it, as they do augmentation moneys, it may partially and gradually be inveeted in land if that seems de sirable far the titheowner. The operation of emit a measure might perhaps usefully be somewhat extended. In many case of vicarial tithe, the individual payments are so minute as to convert the collection of them into a la*, We have even been requested to strike a mass of them oat of rent-charges, belfause, as the titheowner will be taxed upon the gross amount of them, and be certain not to receive them, the nominally giving them to him is subdtantia.lly mulcting them. The redemption of such small gtiyments would clearly be a boon to the titheowner, and es the liability to the& is atom felt to be a disagreeable incumbrance by the ownors,of pro perty, the power of redeeming then* would be, in a very many- cases, also considered a boon. The state of the law, as modified by 2 and 3 William IV., c. 100, commonly called Lord Tendenden's Act, impedes our progress, and, unless clairiA up, threatens to protract time close of our labours. In some hundreds a cass, and, indeed, in an indefinite number, we cannot give •decision as to the contested rights of parties with any confidence that those decisions are correct. Our own legal assistants are divided in opinion, and we are told that this division of opinion extends even to the superior Courts; at any rate, no decision of those Courts on the cases now before them has been obtained. . _ _ We are led to hope that some distinct decision may be given before the close of this year; if this is net the ease, we may be driven to requeet the assistance of the Legislature. Whatever the law may turn oat to be, those cases will many of them be obstinately litigated, and if out dealing with them is much longer postponed, the delays of issues and new trials, and of the apportionments whick must follow them, may postpone what would otherwise be the term of our labours. _ _ In the case of parishes containing open fields, where the tithes have been commuted and the rent-charges apportioned before inclosure, the re-apportionment of those rent-charges on the inclosed lamh newly appropriated to individuals iq always desirable, and, indeed, almost indispensable. We have no power to sanction this at present. We think such a power might conveniently be given va, The exercise of a similar power, after the close of our com mission, may be provided fur by an Act, which, for that and other parposs, it will be necessary to pass before the kithe, commission ceases to exist. Ina number of parishes, heretofore inclosed by Act ef Par liament. we have reason to believe that the provisions for extinguishing tithe have heed iu some cases wrongly, in ethers imperfectly, oarried out. If tithe litigation and tithe are to cease with the commis sion; some provision Must be made for correcting the errors ofec,ompleting the deficiencies of these inclosure transactions. Some of tho railroads, one -of the most extensive in particu- , lar, that is the Great Western, refuse to pay the rent-charges apportioned on the lands over which they pass. It is illegal to seize and carry away the rail, se that the titheowner's remedy by distress is neutory, unleso there is a station in his district. His remaining remedy is to take possession of the ground over which the road passes; but R 8 it is illegal f(,r him to stop up a public way, hie possession is useless to him, unites he resorts to the doubtful benefit of a Suit hi equity, to compel an account of the profits made on the portion of railroad in his legal possession. We think that the owner of the rent-charge should net be driven to this experiment, but that whenever a rent charge is clearly due from the railroad company it should be recoverable by distress on the property of the .tatnpany s .ou ' whatever part of the line found. - This would not increase the legit liability of the coin- They might still, by replevin or otherwise, dispute the legality of, the rent-charge ; onlY, when they did not se dis pute it, they would be compelled to pay tie owners of rent charges in dietrfets where there is no station, andvrhere those owners - have no other remedy than it snit in equity.—We have the honour to bey Sir, your faithful and obedient ser vent's, WILLIAM BLAIIIIIE 4 T. W. BULL ER, RICHARD .3Q.NES. THE TEN HOURS' BILL. To the Right Honourable and lieouret t le the Members . of the House of Commons, the following Statement of Facts is respectfully submitted by the Deputation of the Mas terquanufacturers and Millowaors in the eounty of Lancaster: — We, the undersigned,-forming a depetatioa from tilt Associated Master-manufacturers of the county of Lancaster, havirk taken advantage of the Laster recess to institute inquiries int. the conditioa of the oporseves in all the cotton-mills of the district, and having obtained minute returns, each of which Is withigai . cated by the signature of the owner of the mill, be leave reapectively to submit the results ,to your consideration. it will be convenient to classify these results under several heads, and to arrange them in the order wizially adopted by those who have made the moat amzious im• putations on factory labour. DISTANCES TRAVELLED BY SPINNER 9 AND rimcgaa. On this subject returni have been obtained from 377 firms, of which 308 spin up to 705., 40 from 70s. to 110 a, and 29 as from 110 a. upwa-ds ; in all cases the calculation eon made fro m ac t ua lly c ounting the number of steps and measuring the distances. The following is the result : 2 , 7 3 6 0 1 8 i m n i i l l e l s s , B s o p B in y n a i r nf up to 70, give an aggregate of mills, spinning front - of tl miles 735 Yards'' or an average for each operative to 110, give an aggregate of 4 3 0 19 mile* 1,571 ' a . n 9l yards for each yard:, operative ' " avera g e al miles 1,755 29 millq, spinning f _rola vto anns. . li ttle gate of 201 mileJ 1,0 . 32 Ya s,l g, and ai l ds. „...„.. gi " !LA , IliWre-• 1,678 yards. The g--niital :1 , ..er- o l gt tc,'"age 9f 6 miles 8 mi!es 1,216 pvt.l..;, a Bich, i t w ill 1, ,," 1 , _ the *hale i s prose by vii - , l i t h . - under the aver,tg.i given by dr. Henry ATi i n w . , L t i fi a taalcalations were baied linen le•iith of tko.var' n ~p l )7 It will be in•eresting to comp:tn.: the this result was obtained with tee actual couniit4 and measurement of steps. T.:king the extreme ells; of 28 hanks of yarn produce - I by a spindle in a week, the length of yarn will be 13k inik.s ; but, as wit earring© traverses forwards to spin and backwards to wind up, we have .27 miles for each irul.e, and 54 miles for a pair of mutes in a week, which, diviikd by six, the number of working days, gives an av, , rage of nine miles p(n• day. This calculation refers sol:!ly to the spinner ; but the piecer, who has to traverse diagonally between the TIE 8, frames, WOUla have to .go a greater distance if a thread broke at every stretch but this is notoriously not the ease. AGES IWD SEXES OF FACTORY OPERATIVE& Under this head we have returns from 412 firms, 314 of which are assessed in the annual sum of 179,7671. to the pcor's-rate, authenticated by the signatures of the proprietors. The total number of persons employed in these mills is 116,281, of whom 95,642 are able to read. They are tla classified in per Gent= pro pcations Bar Cent, Under 13 years 3 9-20 Females 1 4 1-5 Males 131 Females 16 1-10 Males Females l 2t Males 18 3-5 Females 21 24 Males Females ..,., 1 7-10 Males l6/ Females 13, and under lit ...29 7-20 Is, and under 21 ...19i 21, and wader 40 ...40 40, and upwards . 7 3-i Ifarrieti 2sf From the returns it appears that 10,721 married females are employed in the 412 factories, and, u it hie been said that such employment tends to reverse the condition of the sexes, eare was taken to ascertain the employment of the husbands of these women. It was found that 5,914 were employed in factories, 8,927 were engaged in other trades, 821 had no regular employment, and 659 are unaccounted for, in consequence of the , limited time given for the preparation of the returns. Oat of the 413 millowners, 167 have reported the fol lowing accidents occurring within an average period of 201 years ; viz.:-72 occasioning death-168 loss sf and 13 not specifed-196 have reported that no accidents involving loss of life or limb have occurred in their factories, in an average period of 131 years. The proportion of accidents, therefore. appears to be about 1 death per annum in 104 mills, and 1 loss of limb in 41 mills. From 49 of the mills no returns have been made with respect to accidents. It appears, then, that 412 mills employ 116,281 persons, averaging 282 in each mill. In 104 mills, employing 29,328 persons, only one fatal accident in a year occurs. In 41 mills, employing 11,562 persons, only one accident occasioning lemma of limb oceere in a year. So favourable.* result as to ac cidents probably- cannot be found in any other industrial occupation in this country. From the return of accidents (hy coroners, &c,.), sent with this return, it appears that out of upwards of 858 accidents, occasioning loss of life, only 29 (or 3 2-5 per cent.) have been occasioned by Factory Machine/7, while 79 have been minted' by carts, &c., acid 85 in eddpits. The above return shows that no lees than 82 per cent. of the whole number of factory operatives can read, while it appears from the registrars returns for England that ,about one-half of the whole population of the country do not know how to write their names. Some of the millowners have neglected to make a re turn of the amount of wages paid by them ; but returns have been made by millowners employing 112,796 ope ratives, and the tettal amount of net weekly wages paid by them, is 57,8811. 18s. id., or the average weekly wages to each operative of 10s. 31d. net, being a re duction of 2d. per week in the average wages' of each operative since 1883, as shown by a similar staterffent thee published of 151 mills employing 411,645 persons. In all the manufacturing districts there are several trttdes, such as those of colliers, engineers, iron-founders, inachine-makers, builders, tailors, shoemakers, which do not employ female labour; and to the wives and daughters of the persons engaged in auctii trades the spinning and weaving mills afford the means of contri buting by their labour to the support of their families. From inquiries made in Bolton in 1836, it was found that there were more than 3,000 operatives engaged in those trades from which women were excluded, and conse quently a very large number of families would have been stinted in their comforts, if not deprived of some of the necessaries of life, had the resources which they derived from the labour of their female relatives been inter rupted. It is perfectly well known that, where employ ment for females cannot be obtained in mills, it is sought t. , r in mines, collieries, and other branches of industry. involving oceupations far more injurious to health and dangerous to morals than &wee of mills and cotion'fa.e toride This is felt by the reaseles themselves; they pre fer to 'most other occupation% stud even to do meetie eervice. The per tentage of persons above forty engaged ifn i only 7 2-3 per cent.; this does not arise so mob from superannuation, as from the number of mill-heads who are enabled, by their sevings, to enter into superior occupations, Of these 197 have been teaced in the town and vicinity of Ashtoe under-Lyne---the short space o! time allowed, and the obvious delicacy and difficulty of such inquiries having necessarily limited the field of observation. Of these 107 we find that 14 have become master-spinners awl manufactarere, 01 shopkeepers, 42 publicans and bear-retailers, 11 growers and tea-dealers, and the rest Ileac, found other teepectible means of obtaining a Evil heed. We submit that there are very few industrial oc cupations which would afford similar evidence of advance , merit in a single locality. It has. indeed, been stated that in the year 18 , 41 seve ral distressed spinners were foetid in mean and degrad ing oecenations ; but it must be rernemleered that the. greater part of that year was a season of depression, when mills were working short time. And, even if the returns were perfectly Itecurate. they would only prove that a compulsory working of short time, which depressed mat-Isms can enforce more strongly than any Legislative enactment, deteriorates the eonition of the operative, stud sithjeete him to want and degradation. EFFECT OF A TEN XOURS' BILL. We have estimated the loss on a Ten Yours' Bill from the returns of the standing charges, wages, and other espenditure of mills, which have been supplied to. us by large manufacturers. Taking 100,000/ as iihe sun em barked in an indivitinal csucern, the following are tke results : The fixed charges, taken upon the usual and admitted authority of practical men, amount to £17,150 per annum. Thi4 charge now falls upon a pro ductive power of 69 hours per week. By. reducing the hours of working to 59 per week, the effective pro ductive power will be in the pro portion of 14,700 Mill-owner's lose will be ..........£2,450 per en. The Wages:- 69 hours' wagee £25,613 59 hours' wages 23,913 Loes to workpeople £5,700 £6,150 per al. The effect of these additional charges, estimated upon Ate manufacturing cost of thee. conoerns, will be 12 to 12i per cent., and, therefore, a " Ten Hour Bill" would virtually become a bounty of 12 to 11 per cwt. oa the oxtesasion of foreign manufactures, All tie statements which wo have made are based on the returns sent to us by gentlemen of known character and established - reputation. We are not only willing but anxious to afford every opportunity of scrutinising the accuracy of these returns to any Members who may wish to exauaine them ; or, if it be desired by either House of Parliament, we are willing to have them priated for the use of the Legislature. Ou behalf of the Committee. R. H. Gnso. T. H. liiaLET. JrinfTLY LIOULDSWOUTir. LBWIS WILLIAV,. . . . THONAS MILTON. ASIIWOIITIL, DAVID HAIIELIGON. Londenotpril 27, 1844. Mu. 'Oren SWIM/B.—lt is well knoWn to most of our readers that Mr. Dyce Sombre has been residing for some time at Paris, where he has been giving a eerias of entertainments to the elite of that city. He his been also received by Louis Philippe at the Tuileries. Being strongly impressed with a oonvic tion of the injustice of the decision by which he was declared t* be incapable of managing his affairs, he consulted some of the first me di cal authorities in Paris. An army of French physicians, after lengthened examinations, long reports of which have Nweisxed the publie oarnals, have decided—" That from the hp pr(eiation of all the conversations which they have held with Mr. Dyce Sombre, and of all his acts . which have come to their knowledge, they are all perfectly convinced that, at the present time, Mr. Dyce Sombre is in the full possession of his intellectual and affec tive fitculties ; tilat the movements• of jealousy, the tenacity of which are revealed in several expressions of Mr. Dyce Sombre, de not appear to exceed the ordinary limits in the feelings of as E uropean , an d w ith muc h more reason than those of itn Asiatic. That from all information furnished by several persons who have known Mr. Dyce Sombre ever since his arrival in France, the full possession of his intellectual and effec tive faculties has not failed him since that period." 1 petition has been presented to the Court of Chancery to set astde the finding of the Commission, and it Wands fur Friday next,—Sefialh Herald. DUATU PROS OFJUAL-CitTION TO P4.1111/1111. Yesterday an inquest, which had been adjourned from Thurs day last, was resumed before Mr. Baker, at the Spread Eagle,. Homertoß, on the body of Joseph Henry Newton. an infant, seven months old, whose paean% resided at No. 4, Brun.- wick-place, Homerton. The inquest had been adjourned fur a post mortem axamination of the body. On the evidence hang fully gone into, it was shown that a few day* pre viously to his death the &cowed had become somewhat ftetful and peevish, and the mother, in order to quiet him, without having procured any previous medical advice, ob tained from a neighbouring chemist some opium, which she administered to deceased. The deceased almost Anwiediately after mink into a comatose state, from which he neverrallied, and died before medical assistance could arrive. Mr. Cream, surgeon, said he had made a post mortem examination of the body, and found the vessels of the brain much congested, which had no doubt resulted from an improper administra tion of or4,um, causing death. The Coroner hoped the pro sent case would operate as a caution to parents in general against administering such nostrums, in the absence of me dical practitioners, and the jury returned a verdict of "Died from natural causes." SITDDBN DE ATII Ii WDSILUSTWEIL AIIMIY.—On Friday las', one of the vergere of Westminster Abbey, r ammed Samuel Phillpotta, aged fifty, was engaged in showing suine individuals the monuments, &c., contained in the sacred edifloe, when suddenly he ejaculated, " V H " and fell speechle;s. He was immediately con veyed to the Westtninstkit Hospital, where the usual means were adopted in order to produce re animation, but without effect. The medical gentlemen who at tendud him gave it as their opinion, that death had been caused by x fit of apoplexy. In the paragraph relative to the entertainment given by the Lord Mayor on Tuesday at the Mansion house, it was mentioned by mistake that Mr. Crew at tended professionally as a singer. Mr. Crew Wahatriongst the guests of the Lord Mayor. _ N, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 3, 1844, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, May 2. Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock. Moesengors from the Commons brought up several Bills, which were read a first time, Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from per sons engaged in the woollen manufactures in certain parts of Scotland, against any interference by the Legis lature with labour. RECOVERY OF DEBTS (IRELAND). Lord CAMPBELL laid on the table of the House a Bill to facilitate the recovery of debts in Ireland. The object of the Bill was to provide a remedy for creditors in Ireland against their absentee creditors in this country. He expressed his surprise that the Government had not broht such a Bill forward before this time. 9411 W Earl of WICKLOW defended the Government, and'Oxpressed his surprise that the Noble and Learned Lord did not, while one of the law officers of the Crown, i ntro d uce suc h a Bill as the present if he thought it was so necessary. Lord CAMPBELL said he would have done so had he known that the inconvenience of which he complained was in existence at the time he was in office. The Bill was then laid on the table. Lord LYTTELTON presented a petition from a per son named Wharton, residing in Stourbridge, praying their Lordships to adopt a plan which he proposed for the payment of the National Debt.—(Laughter.) The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from 5t18642X, in favour of protection to agriculture. HOLYHEAD HARBOUR. In answer to a question from LoWifoNTEAGLE, The Duke of WELLINGTON said the question of facilitating tikcommunication between this country and Ireland had Gen under the consideration of the Go vernment, and they had determined to continue that communication by means of Holyhead. With regard to granting money for this purpose, the Government had posVened their decision until after the railway to Holy head, which was now before Parliament, had been dis posed of. Earl FITZWILLIAM thought a Commission ought to be appointed to inquire as to what points of the country required railways, and what parts did not ; and that no other railways ought to' be sanctioned, except those approved by such Commission. The Duke of WELLINGTON said he thought the appointment of such a Commission would be like shut ting a stable door when the steed was stolen.—(Latighter.) Lord BROUGHAM thought such a commission was necessary for the purpose of protecting individuals. The house of Earl Grey for instance in Northumber land had been greatly injured by a railway passing close under it, and it was but poor consolation to that Noble Earl, after being driven from his house to be told, that he must yield to public convenience. After a few words from the Marquis of LANS DOWNE, Earl FITZ WILLIAM gave notice that he would more the appointment of such a commission on Tues day next. SANATORY REGULATIONS RESPECTING THE DWELLINGS OF THE POOR. The Marquis of NORMANBY rose to present a pe tition.from the working men of Edinburgh, praying the House to pass a Bill which would establish better sanatory regulations with respect to the dwellings of the poor. The petitioners prayed that steps might be taken by which the dwellings of the poor might be abundantly supplied with good water ; and they also prayed for the repeal of the duty on soap. They had formed them afolves into a society on this subject, and they acknow ledged with gratitude in the petition the receipt of a magnificent donation from his Royal Highness Prince Albert towards the funds of the society. The Noble Marquis then enlarged upon the necessity for immediate legislation upon this subject. He reminded their Lord ships that 50,000 persons annually died in this kingdom of diseases which might be prevented if there wore good sanatory regulations in existence. It was now four years since ho first brought this subject under the consideration of their Lordships, and he hoped that another session would not be allowed to pass without the subject . being fully considered by Parliament. The Duke of BUCCLEUC II said that the Bills which the Noble Marquis had brought forward, on this subject had been passed very rapidly in that House; but when they were sent to the other - House of Parliament, they were found by practical men to be quite inefficient for the purpose for which the Noble Marquis intended them, for it was found that the remedies which the Noble Marquis proposed were found to be such, that to carry them out would be attended with an expense equal to a confiscation of the property to which it applied. Lord CAMPBELL hoped the Government would take the prayer of the petition into their serious consi deration, coining as it did from a city which had been properly ta.rined the Modern Athens, and which was wortty of the term, both on account of the beauty of its buildings and the intelligence of its inhabitants. Lord BROUGHAM said that if his Noble and Learned Friend had been the representative of Edin burgh now, he certainly would not have had the support of his constituents in what he had stated, for they con rsidered it as an insult to have their city termed the Athens.—(Laughter.) Lord CAMPBELL said that Edinburgh had produced hie Noble Friend, and he was an Alcibiades, a Pericles, end • Demosthenes, in his own person.—(Laughter.) Aiker a few words from the Marquis of NORMANDY IPA the Duke of BUCCLEUCII, in explanation, the peti tion was laid on the table. WRIT OF ERROR BILL. Lord CAMPBELL rose to move the second reading of this Bill, which he had been already permitted to place nn the table of their Lordships' House. A great defect at present existed in the law, and one which re quired a speedy remedy. A writ of error could be had from all the inferior courts to the Qu een ' s B enc h, an d from the Court of Queen's Bench to that House, and this was necessary to preserve a uniform admini s tr a tion of justice., Whatever opinion might exist as to the mode in which the House of Lords discharged its political duty, he believed . there was but one opinion of th e man tier in which their Lordships exec u t e d t h e i r j u di c i a l functions, and which gave the greatest satisfac tion. There was a great difficulty with re spect to what was done in cases of misde meaaour, where the writ of error was brought after the setitenee of imprisonment had bee n p asse d . Wi t h respect to aunt cases a difficulty existed, but it was surmounte d e: security wssus to spended u n til th e wr it o f pay the sum adjudged to b k error was tried. But with respect to writs of error in cases of misdemeanor the most ser i ous ev il s rema i ne d to d g u i e v , in th g e g ren d ten ce be remedied. No writ of - error could be brought on any interlocutory matter until the final judgment of the Court was given ; and when the sentence of i m p r i sonmen t was pronounced it must be carried int o i mme di ate execut i on. He knew no exception to this rule except, perhaps, one cede in Yorkshire, where the experiment was made on a small scale. He was a notorious poacher, and the Court sentenced him to six months' imp r i sonment , b ut t h e sen tence was not to be carried into execution until the first day of the shooting season (September), so that he might ..tie kept in prison the whole of that p er i o d. H e b e li ev ed that though this was a very ingenious and salutary sort of suspension, it was yet contrary to law, for the impri sonment must commence in a court of criminal jurisdic tion frana the day of the sentence being passed,. If the prisoner was already under sentence for another offence, the punishment for the second must begin when the first ended. The Court had no pow er t o pronounce a sen tence of future imprisonment, nor had any criminal court . the power to suspend the execution of a sentence pending a writ of error. Even the Crown had no power to in terfere. The Crown might pardon or remit the punish ment, but it could not suspend an execution pending a writ of error. By the law of Eng land, in cases of misdemeanor the party w as entitled to liberty until the law finally determined he should be punished. - When a sufficient- security was given that the party charged with the misdemeanor had come forward to take his trial, he was de jure entitled to be discharged; and even after the verdict of the jury he was still entitled to be discharged on good security. If wrie4 of, error was brought to review the sentence, was it not monstrous that that sentence should in the meantime be carried into execution? It might happen that a writ of error was obtained just before the long vacation commenced; the Court of Queen's Bench did _not sit from June to November, nor their Lordships from July until February, and yet the sentence upon the individual must be enforced during the interval, whether the writ of error succeeded afterwards or not. He was not aiding any merely visionary case. There were ure fortunately come illustrations of it. It was contrary to Magna Charta that such 'should be the case, for it set forth that no man should be deprive& of his liberty ex cept by the law of the land. Yet a - few years ago a ere (secured in Ireland, that of Mr. Radford Roe, who, having been coneicted and imprisoned, brought a writ of error to that Hasse; and the case having been reviewed, the objections urged by the prisoner were found valid, ana he was discharged, but not until he had undergone twelve months' imprisonment. Was not such a thing a scandal to.the administration of justice, and a disgrace to the law? The Bill he introduced would remedy this grievance, and he apprehended its principles were un objectionable. A writ of error, it should be recol lected, was not obtained as a matter • of course, it ,could enly lee had under the fiat of the Qut rn's Attorney-General—the accused should then enter into such securities to be forthcoming at the proper time as would_ be every way satisfactory to the Court. He pro po4e+2l that when the fiat was obtained, and when the securities were entered into that the defendant mould be forthcoming to receive punishment, punishment should not be inflicted until the superior court had decided whether it was in accordance with the law, or contrary to the law, that that punishment should be inflicted. That was the principle which he now asked their Lord ships to affirm. It was said that, if such a principle were laid down, writs of error would vastly multiply ; but it should be recollected that they could be brought upon no frivolous objection, and on no false pretence. The sanction of the Attorney-General was indispensible, and the scrutiny of the Court would act as a prevention. A writ of error could not be brought upon the bare facts or merits of the case upon which the jury had already decided ; but solely upon a question of law. The Attorney-General's guarantee might be considered sufficient that the objections were not frivolous or raised for the mere purposes of delay, and theyinight rely on the caution of the Court that the securities were ful filled. The Attorney-General had, in other matter s , groat powers cnnferred upon him, and if he neglected or abused his duty in any manner, he might bu impeached in Parliament. But, another objection was urged, of a very futile nature indeed, that the present state of things had been going on fora very long time, and that no great objection had been made to the law in its present form. Surely their Lordships would not consider these objections arguments, for the very same sort of pretexts might have been urged for the con tinuance of every bad lavv,"and for the prevention of every species of improvement. Torture was once ap plied in this country to extract a confession from the criminal, and history told them how a predecessor in office of the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, Lord Chancellor:Wriothesley, had assisted in stretching the rack. The Noble and Learned Lord who now filled that office, might be accused of some peccadilloes, hut he felt certain he would not act as Lord Chancellor Wrioth esley had done. A practice also prevailed of never con fronting the prisoner with the witnesses for the Crown— their depositions were taken in private. The prisoner who refused to plead under all these disadvantages was subjected to what was termed peine forte et duce, so as to make him plead. Weights were placed upon the unfor tunate criminal, in the language of the law, " heavier than he could bear." It was further laid down that no witness " against the King" should be sworn, lest the my might believe him ; and this vile practice sontinued until after the Reformation. In their own time, timid women, or infirm old men, or persons ignorant of the language, or deaf and dumb persons who were tried for their lives, could not employ counsel to defend them. He regretted to say, that although the Noble Lord on the woolsack possessed much of the milk of human kindness, he opposed the Prisoner's Counsel Bill. However it passed into a law and worked well, and removed disgrace from our laws, and a scandal from the administration of justice. But to all these bad laws he had quoted, the pretext might have been urged, that they had been borne by the country without exciting much complaint. He was happy to say that Sergeant Starkie and every other person to whom he had explained the principles of the present Bill, expressed their entire accordance in them. Ye hoped their Lordships would approve it. He trusted the Noble and Learned Lord on the woolsack would approve of it, and that he would not act the part of Rha damanthus. " Gnossius lime Rhadamanthus habet durissima regna ; Castigatque auditque dolos, subigitque fateri. The LORD CHANCELLOR said his Noble and Learned Friend who had moved the committal of the Bill before their Lordships had sat in that House for now a period of three years. During that time he had shown himself anxious, on every occasion that presented itself, of introducing some measure or other to the House, partly for the purpose of occupying himself, and partly for the purpose of conveying information and in struction to their Lordship's minds.—(Laughter.) And yet it was most singular that during the whole of this period ; it had never occurred to his Noble and Learned Friends mind to suggest the propriety of adopting any measure of this kind; and it was only on the eve of Easter term now progressing, when a case of some notoriety was depending in another part of the kingdom—(Hear, hear)—a case of the deepest im portance—it was not till then, when he supposed that that case would come to a speedy termination, and that judgment would be pronounced upon it, that his Noble and Learned Friend, for the first time, had thought it right to bring forward this measure.—(Hear, hear.) Never had he (the Lord Chancellor) heard him make mention of the subject before. And he (the Lord Chan cellor) did not hesitate directly to state that the Bill now before their Lordships was brought forward for the pur pose of being applied to that case.—(Hear, hear.) He (the Lord Chancellor) was not in the House when the Bill was brought in, and he knew that his Noble and Learned Friend on that occasion had protested that no reference to the pending trial was in his mind when he first concocted it. Of course he was bound to believe his Noble and Learned Friend's declaration ; but in doing so, it could only be by supposing that his mind had been led away by its own enthusiasm and zeal, for he (the Lord Chancellor) was quits persuaded there was not a single person in that House, or in the country, coul I came to any different conclusion than that to which he had come, namely, that the Bill was directed to the proceedings'enove- s peeding -against certain parties in Ireland. But his 'Notile and Learned Friend would say it was impossible he could be so in fluenced, acid that their Lordships need not rely on his professions alone, inasmuch as he had introduced a clause int.) the Bill deferring its operation until the Ist of August next. But let their Lordships look to that clause, and say if it was possible for this Bill to pass with it. Was there ever so thin and so flimsy a veil ? Why, was it possible that if this Bill should pass into a law that their Lordships could retain that clause ? Could they, as men of common sense, -retain it ? What would be the effect of it .but this—that their Lordships would pass a law which they thought 'a proper one, whilst at the same time they would pass another law, or I rather a clause of a law, expressly against those indivi duals who, between this period and the Ist of August, might be found guilty of misdemeanours?—(Hear, hear.) Was it possible to be supposed that their Lordships were to be led astray by such flimsy pretexts as those ad vanced by his Noble and Learned Friend? For his own part, he declared if that Bill pissed into a law, he (the Lord Chancellor) would be the first to move the omission of that clause which, in fact, was put in merely to lead their Lordships to the conclasioe that the ori ginator of it was not thinking of Ireland, and Ireland alone, when he drew it up. But let them not look only to the clause itself, but let their Lordships reflect upon the history of the proceedings which had been going on, and then say whether this Bill had not been brought in for a temporary purpose, and for one single object alone. But, after all, what was this Bill ? A more miserable specimen of legislation it had never been his (the Lord Chancellor's) fortune to have witnessed. Worse than ill, it was a law for the rich, and not for the poor. The poor man who had been convicted had, by that convic tion, lost his character—with that he had lost all pe cuniary means, and all friends—and therefore all power of getting bail. The poor offender, then, was condemned to abide and suffer his punishment, whatever it might be. But the wealthy man—the rich offender—had re sources. He obtains bail, either by the application of his own means, or the aid of his friends. Such would be the impartial operation of that Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Mark again how the Bill would operate. A man is convicted of a grave misdemeanour, which subjects him say to two years' imprisonment. He is advanced in lite, and a few months' imprisonment may probably have the most serious effect upon him. He obtains a writ of error by means of his purse ; he crosses the water, gets out of the jurisdiction of the court ; if the judgment is reversed :he returns, and if it is confirmed, he con tinues on the Continent, living in luxury and ease, and laughing at the judgment: against him.—(Hear ' hear. Suppose he was a political partizan, and had coin= witted some crime about politics, but bad many sup porters and friends, as was too commonly the case. What does he do ? He says " I will wait tfi'e course of events ; a few votes in the House of Commons just now are of importance, my influence will assist in this." He waits, receives a pardon, and returns In triumph, having set the laws at defiance. 'rake another case. A man commits a crime which expels him from society ; he is tried and convicted, but get* his ii writ of error. He goes off, and, as a matter of cliVi , • it is not very material where, so he also sets the law t defiance. Such would be the effect of the indiscrimina e • appeal here proposed. But there were misdemeanours of various character, some of them being liable to the punishment of transportation. Perjury was, only in name, a misdemeanour, but it was visited as a punish ment by transportation: Obtaining goods under false pretences was a' misdemeanour, but it was frequently, and most properly, punished by transportation. But' 1 what would be the effect of this law, supposing the mis demeanant had means at his command ? Why, he also would get free from all punishment, preferring, ast doubtless he would do, to live in Paris rather than: to go to Van Diemen's Land, or to. the rocks of Nor folk - island;—(Hear, hear.) He (the Lord Chancellor) mentioned these as some of the instances - and some of the consequences of the passing of this Bill. There, were many others be could adduce, but he saw no ne-, cessity for so doing. The subject of appeal was in the hands of his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of the' Home Department, who, with the assistance of the law' officers of the Crown, had nearly prepared a general measure, which his l earned Friend the Attorney-Gene ral would' submit to the consideration of Parliament within a very slice period. He did not say this for the purpose of giving an answer to the present Bill. He objected to it because he' was satisfied it was brought for a - particular purpose alone. As such, it was a vicious 1 principle; and upou such grounds he had now to move ' their Lordships that the Bill be committed that day six months. Lord BROUGHAM said, in his opinion, legislation, to be useful and sound, ought always to be grounded on a general principle, and not to originate under the pressure of any. peculiar ,circumstance or ease. Their Lordships, in legislating, should never be induced to look at any subject through one particular medium; and fearful that this was the case in the present instance, though he was sure wholly unintentionally, he thought it better the Bill should not be carried any further. He wished it, however, to be understood that he was strongly in favour of some sound amendment of the law upon this subject. As, h owever , i t was now un d erstoo d f rom authority that the subject had been fully entertained by the Government, and that a measure was all but ready; and as he was happy to say, from a personal interview yesterday with his Learned Friend, 'Sir William Follett, that his health was so far renovated as to enable him tb attend to business and intikduce the subject at once to the notice of Pa liainent7ohe thought their. Lord ships would be acting a most discreet part to leave the matter for the present moment as it was. His leisure would no doubt be most usefully employed for the public in digesting a proper measure upon the subject. He could not agree with his Noble Friend thiit the Attorney-General had the discretion he had stated upon writs of error. He thOught they should adopt the course in this country which they did in France, and have so excellent a Court as the Court of Cassation, which was one of the greatest benefits that had been conferred by the Revolution of 1789. The Noble Lord would support the Bill. Lord COTTENHAM supported the Bill. It was with satisfaction that he had heard that this very measure was under the consideration of the Government, because it showed that the measure was unobjectionable, as had been asserted, and that was an admission that the law ought to be altered. As the law at present stood it was most absurd, and required revision.---(Hear, hear.) Was it a wholesome state of the law if, when a party was orii victed and sentenced, and who questioned that sentence ,n a superior Court, he was to be imprisoned during the time the propriety of that sentence was being discussed. The LORD CHANCELLOR. said that the subject under the attention of her Majesty's Government and law advisers, was an appeal in criminal cases. The Earl of WICKLOW opposed the committal of the Bi - I. The Marquis of CLANIIICARDE supported the committal of the Bill. He had heard many speeches from the Noble and Learned Lord on the woolsack with great pain, but he had never heard one with more than that which he had delivered that evening. lle had shown that the opposition to the Bill was:mainly and entirely founded upon the chance of not being able wrongfully to imprison the individuals now under trial in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Lord CAMPBELL replied_flis Noble and Learned Friend on the woolsack had not the courage to oppose the principle of the Bill, because be admitted th a t the law was in such a state as required alteration. He had never used any political allu , ions in introducing the Bill, and he was ast:mishecl at his Noble and Learned Friend's having done so. The committal of the Bill was negatived without a division. and the House ajjourned at Half-past Eight o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 2. The SPZAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. NEW MEMBER. Mr. BURST took the oaths and his seat for Horsham. The Hen. Gentleman was introduced by Mr. J. A. Smith and the Earl of March. The Bow Brickhill Estate Bill was read a third time and passed. The Newbury and Basingstoke Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. The Lords' amendments to the Norwich and Brandon Railway Bill were agreed to. The Lords amendments to the Great Western Railway Bill were read and agreed to. Mr. BOYD presented thirty-six petitions from the North of Ireland, praying for an Act to legalise Pres byterian Marriages in Ireland. Mt'. S. CRAWFORD presented a petition from Bridgewater, against a continuation of the war in India; also a petition from Crediton, in favour of the extension of Parliamentary reform; also a petition from the Lei cester Complete Suffrage Association, for redress of grievances. Sir J. Y. BULLER presented a petition from a place in Devon against the grant to Maynooth College ; also a petition in favour of the abolition of the duty on foreign sugar ; also a petition against any alteration in the corn laws. Lord EBRINGTON presented a petition from twenty nine solicitors at Plymouth, against the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill. Mr. COLVILE presented a petition for the aboli tion of the duty on policies of insurance against hail storms. Mr. YOUNG presented a petition from the north of Ireland, praying for an Act to legalise Presbyterian marriages._ Mr. I)UNCOMBE presented a petition from the parish of St. James, Clerkenwell, complaining of the employment of the - police in the collection of poor-rates; also a petition for the amendment of the Itef .rin also several petitions against the Masters ;:n.! servants' Bill. Lord ASHLEY presented a petition from Glas2ow, with 33,000 signatures, in favour of the Ten flours' also several petitions from other places to the same effect. Mr. BECKETT presented a petition from Halifax against the Manchester and Leeds Railway Bill. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from Oldham cum-Fell, nraying that the 30th and 31st clauses of the Factory Bill might he expunged ; that children under eight years of age should not be worked more than eight hours a day ; and that there might be nu restriction on labour of persons above that age. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE postponed the following return, of which he had given notice for to day, for a fortnight— Return of all moneys paid to Mr. Hodges, or any shert hand writer or writers, for notes taken of the proceedings in the Court of Queen's Bench, Dublin, previous to and during or since tile trial of the Queen v. O'Connell and others ; also, a return of all moneys paid for any notes taken of the proceedings at Conciliation Hall, between the Ist day of August, 1843, and the present time. Mr. WYSE postponed the following motion, of which he had given notice for to-day, for a fortnight T a Committee to inquire into, the allegations contained in the petition, presented the 21st day of March. from the memberkof the Rep 'al Association and others, respecting the late State proseentiim inl:frolariti,' • Mr. GODSON, on the part, of Mr. F. Kelly, postponed for a fortnight his nl,tion for leave to bring in a Bill to provide an app••al in criminal cases. L,ird SANDON presented a petition from Liverpool, against the application of any money for the establish ment of a harbour of reftig,-. at Holyhead. UNION 'WORKHOUSES. Mr. WM. EVANS, seeing the Hon. Member for Berkshire in his place, wish..d to know whether it was his intention to proceed with his motion with respect to union workhouses ? Mr. PALMER said it was not his intention to do so. ART-UNIONS : • Mr. WYSE. seeing the Right Hon. Baronet the First Lird of the Treasury in his place, wished to ask him whether the opLnion of Counsel, which had been deli vered to the Treasury on the legality of the Art-Unions, could, without inconvenience, be laid on the table of the House ? Sir R. PEEL said he had no objection personally to produce it, but the House had generally felt an objection to have the opinions of lawyers laid on the table. He thought it a good rule, and he should adhere to it in this instance. He did not apprehend that the Govern ment had any intention of instituting proceedings against the Art-Unions. It did not rest with the Government to institute such proceedings ; but he apprehended that the Art-Unions were liable to be prosecuted by the com mon informer. These bodies hid received the earliest intimation as to the illegalit• of their constitution. Mr. WYSE hoped that any measure for legalising the Art-Unions would have the support of the Right Hon. Baronet. CHURCH-RATES. Sir C. DOUGLAS put a question to the Hon. Mem ber for Finsbury, as to whether he intended tea bring for ward any motion respecting the petition he had pre sented, impugzing tha conduct of two magistrates in Warwickshire, with respect to a process for church rates. The Hon. Member had got the petition printed and circulated, with the intention of making a motion ; and he had not done so, though he had an opportunity of doing so on Tuesday evening. He thought he had a right to complain, on the part of those whose characters were censured, that he had not done so. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said the petition which he pre sented had impugned the conduct of the magistrates on the subject of church-rates. He (Mr. Duncombe) be• lieved that the magistrates had acted most illegally in the affair. However, the present was not the proper time for discussing the subject. The motion relative to the matter stood for next Tuesday week, when the-Hon. Baronet would have as opportunity of vindicating the conduct of those magistrates if he thought fit. THE TARIFF. Mr. GISBORNE wished to know from the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite when it was likely the pro. posed reductions of the duty en coffee would come into operation. Mr. GLADSTONE said that, with respect to all the duties which it was proposed to reduce, they would all come into operation on the same day, that was the day of 'the passing ofthe Act embodying the r>solutions which had been proposed to the House by his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Bxchequer. Those resolutions he was prepared to lay on the table of the House, and he took that opportunity of saying that they would not contain the article vinegar, because there were some inquiries requisite respecting the use of malt in the making of vinegar. Some time would he requisite for the necessary investigation on that point, and hence it was that vinegar would not be in cluded in the resolutions. Lord SANDON would like to know whether the alteration of the duties would he passed in ten days or a fortnight? Sir. GLADSTONE said it would be rather ha zardous to predict how long the resolutions would take to pass through the House. However, from the disp.sition which he was sure existed in the House not to retard any measure affecting commercial interests, he was of opinion that in the course of a fortnight, or the furthest three weeks, the re solutions purporting to repeal the duties in question would have become the law of the land. COMMUNICATION WITH IRELAND. In answer to a queition from Mr. PENNANT. Sir R. PEEL said that the subject of the Hon. Gen tleman's question was of considerable importance, inas much as it related to the speedy coininunication between this country and Ireland. With respect to the relative merits of the ports of Holyhead and Port Dynllaen for the departure and arrival of the packets, the question had been discussed by professional urTtn of the highest eminence, and the opinion of the President of the Institute of Civil. Engineers, Mr. Walker had been taken upon it, and that gentleman's opinion was in favour 'of Holyhead in preference to Port Dynllaen. There fore, he (Sir R. Peel) might say that her Majes ty's Government, drawing their conclusions from the highest professiOnal authoritie, , , were clearly of Opinion that Holyhead was the preferable harbour, and as far as his own experience went. he (Sir R. Peel) would draw the same conclusion. With respect to th e question as to whether the Government had decal:led to lay out a sum of money - in improving eithet of those harbours,' he had to say in reply that they had come to no decison upon the matter. Tins Government wanted first to know whether any railway company was inclined to make a railway communication between Chester and Holyhead. It should be remembered that whatever money they laid out for Holyhead Harbour. they were laying out fur the terminus of a railway. They had a right, therefore, to demand that the railway should be perfectly construct ed:- In his opinion it would be for the Interests of a:,,y railway company to make that r.tilway in tile most direct line. It would be !muds better for them, to make a perfect line at once than to make an imperfeet line, and have to amend it afterwards. He was Anxious that the line selected through Anglesea should be brought from Chester to Holyhead in the . most direct line. He thought it would be good. economy in any railway company to make the outlay necessary for the forma tion of the line in the first instance. Then with regard to the Straits of Menai ; it would be a highly improper mode of passing the Straits of Menai to take advantage of the present bridge. It was never intendoi fur railroad einninunication. It would bo impossible to use it with locomotives. In his opinion a bridge over the Menai Straits, tit for e , proper communication of railway, might easily be ; constructed so as not to i nterfere with the nav,;lglstion. It might have the same elevation as the. pres,ent bridge, which he believed was 120113,1 above the level of the sea, and if they erected a railway-bridge of equal height there would not be any risk of interfering with ilia n ,vi gation. Unless they could enable those residin, 4 - in Dublin to answer letters from Lund, ,d by return of post, they would do little to jestify an e,utlay of public mone y. H . Ile wanted stT the day when a letter posted in London at 8 o'clock on Monday should be answered front Dublin by letter received in London on Wednesday morning —(Hear, hear)—when the party receiving the letter in Dublin on a Tuesday 'should be enabled to answer that letter by the return of the Tuesday's po-t—when thirty-four hours only should elapse between the depar ture of the letter from London and the receipt of the answer from Dublin. Let them take the hqur of the de parture from London at eight o'clock on tly. n.nday. In fifteen hours the letter would -arrive in Dublin. - There.; would be four hours allowed in Dublin for the writing of the answer, fifteen hours for the transit of the letter; and thus the communication would take place in thirty-four hours. This would be a great public advantage. It was an affair of minutes almost. The object of the Govern ment was to make arrangements to secure the most expe ditinus intercourse possible between the metropolis of Ire land and Eaghnd, and he begged that t•he House would no t urge them too str ong ly t o th e exnen di ture o f pu blic money, unless by that expenditure they could secure the public advantage. NEW ZEALAND. In answer to Mr. BELLEW, Lerd STANLEY said that all the papers which were in the possession of the Government relating to New Zealand. would be laid before the Committee, and would be presented to the House with the report. SLAVERY. _ _ On the motion for going into Committee on the glass duties, Mr. M. GIBSON wished to ask her Majesty's Go vernment whether, in the Government measure which had been announced with respect to sugar, any distinc tion was to be drawn between slave breeding and slave importation. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said bo would answer the question when the subject came on for discussion. GLASS DUTIES. The House then resolved itself into Committee, pro form', on the Glass Duties ; Mr. GREENE in the chair. The House then resumed, and leave was given to bring in a Bill. VINEGAR DUTIES. The House went into Committee on the Vinegar Duties, and The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved a resolution pledging the House to the reduction proposed by him in the Budget, when Dr. BOWRING expressed his regret that the men' sure of the Hon. Gentleman would have the effect Of encouraging the manufacture in this country of the in ferior sorts of vinegar—the greatest trash possible. The really good vinegar came from abroad, and it would have been well to have given every facility to its intro troduction into this country when dealing 'with that article. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, if the Hon. Gentleman had been in the House when that part of the budget had been stated, he would have learnt that the duties on home vinegar fell under the Excise. and those On foreign vinegar under the Customs, which made all the difference, and justified the course he had taken. The r.•solut;on was agreed to ; the House resumed; the resolution was reported to the House ; and learn was given to bring in a Bill founded upon it. RAILWAYS—MARINE INSURANCES—AGREE• ENTS. The TTouse having gone into Committee, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the resolution for the reduction of the duties on Marine Insurances, as proposed in the budget. He had to add that in the same resolution he proposed to make a de" duction of the duty on agreements from 1/. to 2s. (Hear, hear)—and also on the duties on proxies for voting for railway and other companies from 11. 105. to 2s. 6d. After some obervations from Mr. Hume, Dr. Bowring , Mr. Warburton, Mr. Foster, the Chancellor of the chequer, and Mr. Hawes, Mr. HUME gave notice that he should expect the Chancellor of the Exchequer to lay before them a table of the maritime duties paid, and what were to be paid , before they proceeded another stage, when he should move that the highest duty should be 3s. on insurances• The resolutions were then agreed to, and the House rpsume,l, when they were ordered to be reported to the lluusc to morrow. . . .INSPECTORS OF PRISONS.,-, 1441 S AlTlV,WhibPetl- Frien&(Mr. Mackinnon) would consent to postpone his motion with respect to the inspectors of prisons, and the state of dis cipline in gaols ; otherwise, he should feel bound to opixise the motion._ _ _ Mr. MACKINNON said, after the appeal made 'to him by his Right Hon. Friend, he had no other C o nrse than to postpone his motion, which he would do until that day fortnight. - SAVINGS' BANKS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose to, bring in a Bill to amend the laws relating to Savings Batiks, and to the purchase of Government Annuitiel through the medium of Saving' Banks. The Riisl7t Hon. Gentleman said the necessity for amending the law arose partly from the circumstance tbst th e hi g h interest which was paid by these banks, in coin' parison with others, afforded a constant inducement to persons who were not t h e i r spec ifi c o bj ects, to i nve e' , money in them. How unwilling the House might be to deal in any manner which might appear unkind or harsh to those who invested money in savings' banks, they would see that the public were under no obligation t° pay them a higher rate of interest than they could °Will in any other manner. He proposed by the present Bill, to reduce the rate of interest in savings banks from 2-id. to 2d. per day. Now various abuieg having been alleged to exist in savings' banks he had fen it his duty last year to institute inquiry with respect to* number of those banks, and he was bound to say that the result was the discovery that they were use% for the purposes of private gain. —(Hear, hear.) tterly there had been an addition to the depo sitors of savings, consisting of a class of person" for whose use those institutions were not intended.' He therefore proposed, in addition to reducing the rate of interest, to introduce several other provisions in order to pr even t the misappl;.eation of those institutions. The House was aware, that at PIT: sent no person c o uld i nves t more than 301. any one year in a savings' ba , :ik. In lookin4 over the accounts of sav i ngs ' b an k s, h e fog ° that only a very limited number of pe l 's° llll availed themselves of that privilege. He therefore pro; posed to reduce the a mount w hi c h persons cou ld in-Ye.,? in any one year in a s av i ngs ' b an k f rom 30 1 . to 201. the law as it new stood no one could have a gres te e amount of money i n an y sav i ngs ' b an k t h an 15 01. ; h e proposed to reduce that to 1201. A person who possess, 1201. was in suc h a s i tuat i on as to be st)l,l` te take advantage of other securities to invest l capital. The law enacted at present, that why 2001. should stand in the name of any one person ln e s a l savings' bank, a ll i nterest s h ould cease. He propo s , to enact, that whenever the capital and intereisi together should amount to 150/., all interest sh° e „. , cease. Great abuses had existed in savl o E banks, by persons investing moneys as trr i ; tees of others. He proposed that upon the pas, of the Act no person should invest money as of trustee for any other person without the signature ~ all the parties interested, so that money could 013 ,...,,v be invested by p ar ti es as t rus t ess w i t h the 0 % nature ofall the diff eren t p ersons su pp ose d t o b e i n terest 7 There was another point t o w hi c h h e w i s h e d t o call sv° attention of the House. Persons ignorant of busir.il who had sums of mone y t o i nvest , did ne t, tel t it to the proper officer, a n d th e officer to whey it was brought did not account for it as, the uso7; time. Now he intended to amend the law this particular, and to provide that if an paid offieer, the institution should re c ei ve mone y from a dect sitor, and should not bri ng it to 'account at the meeting of the society, he should be considered VI, of a misdemeanour, a n d li a bl e to b e pun i shed for frallot There were other minor provisions which he would 11 ' then trouble the House with, and which would be see if the House gave him leave to introduce the Bill. F Mr. GISBORNE wished to know whether there 0 , 0 any provision with regard to persons having money several savings' banks ? • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rep in the affirmative. as; Mr. HUNIE said he had for three years Phil! been calling the attentio n of th e H ouse to ,„ subject, because he knew it was a fallacy to refer the money in the savings' banks as a proof of_ the C o porous state •of the country. The aomunttl e 7bs of the money in those banks arose from t¢ ,1 , high interest whi c h was !a id. H e was of opinion 0,1 all persons should be placed on the same footing , I t o that persons having twenty shillings should be in, same situati o n as th ose w h o h a d t h ousands of poo nl F Leave was then given to the Chancellor of the chequer and Sir George Clerk to bring in the Bill. PENSIONS. ha l Mr. HUME moved for returns of all officers. to it 01 pensions had been granted for loss of limb, or 0 ° 13 0,1f equivalent thereto,. - 4.nd whose pensions were stbsequ e , o d purchased by ',be Government, stating the name. t he rank, and ttie amount of pension of each officer 1 _ 1 . .„1, 0 0 dates wren such pensions were purchased, 'and the * 1 "„," bet' paid by Government for such pensions ; of the nub, of non-commissioned officers and privates in the no and artillery whoAe pensions were purchased, an u e jto• number to whom the pensions were restored.—Agr e a uk CHURCH TEM !'OIiALITIES (IREL AMA • to' The second r ea di ng o f this Bill, which'stoeu fo r cob' night, was postponed tcp this day week, after 9 f:e servations from Mr, SuAli and Mr. F. FAENCO , _ 4 O The CHANQ,Y , I4I . .OR of the EXCHEQUER b'". t oe, in the Savinrgs' Banks Bill, which was read a dot and order e d to be read a second time this day w 1 , 3 :41 0 e1P The.vtlowe adjourned at a Quarter-past Six BIRTHS. - tb . On the sth of February last, at Birdwan, East bir s ,o°' lady of Major William Riddell, of the Bengal ArloY•6 ) Vi r e lih On the 14th ult., at Brighton, the wife of Frederic • Esq., Bengal Civil Service, of a daughter. por tovfra l. On the 27th ult., at Lower Berkeley-6We'; no . square, the lady of Joseph Laurie, Esq., M.D a., ot, SOP" „ - On the 27th ult., at Banham, Norfolk, the 1110 Y of° niel Surtees, Esq., of a son. On the 27th ult., the lady of Vinr d ent Anthony daughter. _ _.. e,A On the 30th nit., at M St 2 !Ce4 gß o i rg it e P s;_flanover -s-c l uitril?e;: sl-striassye,xL; B , q tt) ., s t , l i n e of H t o h i e l y.i E tt nun ite e v ii . n L e e s w t i an s Nay, o d f ai4 S g tans ._ t e. '440 ... . 01 ' hter " . Staul , , of Al derleY• - vat Invilh •.'W r kin the 30th - ult., at Bentley, Hants, Thomas A er a • o: the Audit-office, to Frances Agnes, eldest daugbt I.: Jerdan, 14:sq. se'l l ' i 9 1: On the 30th ult., at Clapham Church, John Fat er to ' g Of of Wood -street, Cheapside, to Eliza, fourth daup.fa Morton, Esq., Lark-hall-rise, Clapham. L__..--- ----- . On the 17th ult.; at Lisbo D n l , E jan D e . t, tbsTrit V i c ' tCjillit.r-';fl '77 ' Mackenzie, h. p., 94th Regiinent. dat O tp7h t te h r e v on° olf7tthheullta.t„eatmSrts..LEedognaarr.d's-on-the-Seat gad ' r oot'. On the 26th tilt . at St. Alban's. Mr. Jahn Cozad' s t,edg e ' Ch O er n ts t e h s e , 2 s O u tl r i re n y lt ,l l: , : e a ( d i e B s 2 . Summers, Esq., of Fatt-gr°v of 0n tli(! 28th tilt:Elizabeth, wife of Adam De lllll4 ' sci' r s d rolin e Marsh-hill, Homertoa, Middlesex GeOernoinhae do e ot 3 l i i onulttna.,oraetnelyV,ilton:place,' the HO n.. " I ' l2 .ote 6s iroco Frankfort. the gee• the daughter or On the 30th ult., at Stour Provost, Dorsetr:shire, ~--„dbere• Henry James Slingsby, Rector of Stour Prowl .it cure .1." y f Louden: Printed and Published Ay MUlti)o 1.; No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Suit 00 0 6 0 ,0 "' Strand, is the Precinct of the Sivnfr i in t he Middlesex, Friday, May a, 1544. T° gat at th e i r 4°,11 tlection tingli Li The F 470 Priet tt ay be 'Ws p c 11111 b e Ogg Pani c hultry redo ( It 4( '4°4 cl ) , l ot du ce< but ,lo qt 25 3. lot :„ b ; Dit t , 44 . 4 44zu r a b o th , k !ttlit A Ts tot 4 X t.,, 41,