The Sun. — London, England, 1844-05-08 00:00:00

fourtb7Rittion IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. Only twenty-two Members being present when the Speaker took the Chair, the House stood adjourned till to-morrow. THE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES.) BRITISH FUNDS. Bank Stock 9 per Cent. Red 99 Ditto Bonds pm . 3 per Cent. Cons. .3% per Cent. Re .. ...... New 3% per Cent 102% Ex. Bills, 1,0001. 1501... 75 pm. New 5 per Cent — Ditto 5001. 75 pm Long Annuities to expire Ditto Small 77 pm. Jan. 1860 l2 7.16 Bank Stock for Acct.... 196% Oct. 1859 12% Consols for Acct. ...... ... 99% Jan. 1860 1 2% India Stock for Acct.... . - FOREIGN FUNDS. Austrian, 5 per Cent .Portuguese, 5 per Cent — Belgian, 5 per Cent 102% Ditto, New Ditto Brazilian Bonds . ...... ...... Prussian, 5 per Cent .... Buenos Ayres, 6 per Cent... i Russian, 5 per Cent Chinon, 6 per Cent — Ditt o, i Metallic Colombian, 6 per Cent Ditto, 1824 Ditto, 9 per Cent 3414 Cuba Bonds, 6 per Cent 92 ;Ditto, Deferred Danish, 3 per Cent ............ !French, 5 per Cent.......121f soc. Greek, 18-5.5 per Cent... Exchange ..—f. .--c. Mexican, 5 per Cent ......... 33% French, 3 per Cent —f. --c Ditto, 6 per Cent., 1837....... Dutch, 23 per Cent 61% Peruvian, 1825, 6 per Cent... 29% Ditto, 5 per Cent ........100% SHARES. Bristol and Exeter (70 paid) 77 Eastern Counties (23 paid) Ditto Registered (816 s 8d paid) Great Western (75 paid) Ditto Half Shares (50 paid) .............. London and Birmingham (Stock) London and Blackwall (161. 13s. 4d7) 7% London and Greenwich (12t. 15s. 4d. paid) s3{, Londasi and South Western (411. 6s. 10d. paid) Manchester and Leeds (70 paid) Manchester and Birmingham 57 Midland Counties (100 paid) South Eastern and Dover (3312 s 4d paid) ...... Ditto 'Jew Shares ( 4 paid) Yarmouth and Norwich (18 paid) Paris and Orleans (20 paid) SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE ETENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. STANDARD. —The two Joe Humes of Parliament — Lord Normanby in the House of Lords, and the Josephus ipse in the House of Commons—last night raised two ,debates upon the now familiar subject of Lord Ellen borough's recaL The Earl of Ripon in the one House, and Sir Robert Peel in the other, resisted the produc tion of the correspondence between the Board of Con trol and the Court of Directors, on the ground that s full investigation, in the absence of Lord Ellen borough, was impossible, and that a partial dis closure would be unjust to his Lordship, while any tecurrence to the dispute, before the new Governor- G eneral should be fixed in his high office, must render his government more difficult, not merely by fettering his exercise of his own independent judgment, but by exciting ground less hopes in some, and groundless apprehensions in others. The noble "Joe Hume " did not make any for mal motion upon which a division could be taken, and the authentic Member for Montrose was defeated by a ma jority of 197 to 21. The Whigs, as represented by Lord Campbell in the House of Lords and Mr. Macaulay in the House of Commons, made the most of the opportunity to worry the Government, afforded to them by the act of the Direc tors ; but, after all, with little chance of success, as we suspect, in the opinion of the public. The Government, it is not to be denied, are in a difficulty, but it is a diffi culty in the creation of which they are wholly blame less ; a difficulty, in fact, of that kind which few who have lived long in the world have escaped encounter ing at some one time or another, even in their indi vidual character—a difficulty analagous to that in which men are so often involved by the " indiscretion" or fully of those with whom they are connected by family ties, by friendship, or business. In such a per plexity it is often impossible to exculpate oneself with ut ruining the delinquent that has involved him in it, and seriously injuring innocent parties. When this happens, the conscientious and prudent man submits in silence to suspicion and reproach. This is just the case of the Government at present; they wish to defend the Directors against the effect of the enormous " indiscretion" committed in the recall of Lord Ellenborough, and they wish to protect India from the fatal consequences of a display of dis union in the governing power to which that great eenpire is subjected, and they are therefore compelled to hold back the defence of their injured col league. Meanwhile the Directors are, without any such intention, giving to the public the materials of Lord Ellenborough's justification. The Morn ing Chronicle, evidently prompted from Leaden hall-street, says that the Directors were compelled to dismiss the Governor-General because they were not invested with any power to stop the supplies, and they found their Governor-General too expensive. This re duces the quarrel to an affair of pounds, shillings, and pence ; and it is extremely likely that the Parlia ment and the public will come to a conclusion re specting it very different from that at which the Directors have arrived. Under favour, we must think that commercial men are not the best qualified to judge of the means by which a great empire is to be defended, or very rich men the most disinterested upon a question of necessary taxation—we think it even more than probable that if it had been left to the identical twenty-three Directors who recalled Lord Ellenborough to decide upon our own property-tax, the revenue would not now exhibit the surplus that Is e iapily it does exhibit. It is only in natures of a high order indeed, that full pockets do not prove fatal to pro vidence and patriotism, if not to humanity—" crescit amor," &c., says the proverb. If the Directors and Lord Ellenborough disagreed upon the batta—an extraordi nary allowance to be made to the gallant troops engaged in foreign service—we will venture to say that the people of England will side with him whose views were the more liberal, more especially as the withholding the belts in question has given occasion for mutinies, the sumiression of which has cost, in money only, to say nothing of the sacrifice of affection, more than three or four times the batta saved. GLOBE.—The " principles" of Sir Robert Peel are something like the conscience of Baillie Macwheeble, which was described as " a. good-natured conscience, that never did him any harm." It may be said, in like manner, of Sir Robert's " principles,' that they never do him any harm ; for he avows that he stops short of them on system, to avoid collision with existing interests. It is also sometimes an agreeable disap pointment to the interests in question to discover that Sir Robert's bark is worse than his bite ; and accord ingly we find Bank Stock, and Joint-Stock Bank Shares, as well as the Funds, showing a tendency to rise— suspense being removed as to the weight with which Sir Robert's paternal ferule was to descend on the cul prits horsed on the subministrant back of Goulburn. We are inclined to suspect that Sir Robert Peel de :serves the title of " the first financier of the day" in somewhat like manner as George the Fourth deserved that of "the first gentleman in Europe"—namely, by ma king the best imaginable bow to a subject, on first accosting it—not by having anything particular to say to it afte_rwards. If " the first financier of the day" is the man w:. 1 10 can deal best with the common-place of a subject—vho can best establish what nobody in his audience disputes—we confess his claim to the de signation. But we should have thought, that to merit that title, there was required more than the mere faculty to show up, at their full length, admitted and Oaring absurdities. We should have thought there was req.eired subtlety and acuteness to penetrate the dark and disputed passages — the difficulties which the subject pre , sents to instructed persons. Sir Robert Peel has either ex s rcised his own mind very little on those difficulties, or t - .lse he is diffident of his power of exposi • Lion to make the. 'la clear to other minds, or, finally, he has taken a contei nptuous measure of those of his audi tors, and is determ, ued,above all things, to avoid the example of him, who- Too deep for his hearer, still went on refining, r:, •g while they thought of dining." And thought of convincie ' but we mast be permitted • + 4 ) say that, from a statesman about the " principles" of who makes so much fuss s expect, on this occasion, a subject, we had a right tt a luminous exposition of the -se principles. We had a right to expect something mo, wti than to be told that Sir R. Peel differs from Adam Smith and Ricardo, in their opinion that convertibili, 'II of paper currency Was sufficient to prevent over-issue; end that new lights have been discovered since their time, • which new lights iSir Robert Peel follows. We have no t the slightest in timation what those lights are, thou gh we have a shrewd guess at them; and could also, we think, enu merate those of them which are nowt 'turning in the Bank parlour. But to be told that Sii • Robert Peel differs from Adam Smith and Ricart without being told told _ why, is really presuming quite suffic ientl y on t Time s honoured title of "the fir st financier of the day." A Minister who affects the a. esertion of' large "principles"—larger. than he tests by piactice-7 incurs the obligati on exposition of these of . giving the most complex possible of the public lectuSgiliciples. If he assumes .the chair he fills it well. New , it f is incumbent on him t. ) see that we should like to kno;er°w'n what lecturer on . -,aurrency, .o p uld be tolerated for 'moment such a skip from Brum Z ul etd Philadelphi ts to con clusions in favour of a sole e ofgoing issue ?—r prac tical propositions, not indeed' tending in that direction ? The wh g ole that s le ogth, but ates lty of the subject lies—not in answering advoe erul ourrency—not in expatiating on tize isbuses °. pf whether on this or the other bide of cre dit ,the Atlantic—but in establishing the connect:on of those abuses with unrestricted liberty of issue. Tb eonnec- tion Sir R. Peel did not even attempt to estal iDels. H e took it for granted. But he had no right tot Ake jt for granted. He repeated merely the results of the lessen taught him by Old Mother Hubbard and her si ins. But the correctness of that lesson is disputed. Right or wrong, it is disputed ; and disputed by many persons o f unques tioned abilities, and practical knowledge of th. s subject. We need only mention the names of a few of theg. ?riflemen , 1 ie well - examined by the last Committee. Mr. Tooke, known author of the " History of Prices," and of a • recent able treatise on the currency principle. Mr. Stud ce y, the head of the banks of Somersetshire under his firm, w. hi ch are described as admirably conducted, who was formes) by his position, in intimate co mmu ni c ation with tli a late Lord Liverpool (one of Sir Robert Peel's oracles) a; id Mr. bi skis/son, and was examined by the famous Bullior t Com mittee. M r . Gilb ert, Mr. Alexander Blair, treasttr or and manager of the Bank of Scotland, who mentio as the circumstance o rn f s h t= h t g hat, while there lies been a great exten and of bankincapital, and of banking accomrno dation, the amount of4 har . competition, in Scotland sines 1826, e a gate circulation has cons; "derably commentary," observi .s Mr. , Tooke, "upon the receive octrirse of the p, iwer of banks to increase their issues of paper money I as suits their interest or convenience; and that it is the effect of the competition of banks of issue to create a vast mass of worthless paper !" Now, we say that the opinions of practical men, based upon facts like these, and coming in confirmation of the views of Adam Smith and Ricardo, are at least as well deserving of the honour of confuta tion as the rag money reveries of the Brummagem Incurables, or the trash of the Gemini Letters. They required answer the more, as they lay directly across Sir Robert's path—contradicted the principles he has ad vanced, and dissuaded the restriction of issues he proposes. It was a safer chivalry certainly to engage the Attwood apostles in preference ; but it was not paying (on Sir Robert's part) exactly the highest compliment, either to himself, or his audience. And what sort of relevancy had Sir Robert's citation of the smash in America ? Remark !—the question is not whether credit, - and banking, may be abused —but whether, with a convertible currency, the abuse will take the shape of over-issue of notes. Does Sir Robert Peel mean to affirm that, if not one, or only one, a these American banks had been banks of issue—if the United States Bank had preserved its privileges—the loss of which he seems to consider the source of the evil—the vast wreck of American credit could thereby have been avoided ? Take Uncle Sam as the head of a family—who went on borrowing for years without means of paying—what does it signify to the main fact of his ultimate smash, whether he paid his servants and petty tradesmen in gold or paper ? It was not Uncle Sam's " shin-plasters," but his State stocks, his railway and canal shares, his gardens of Eden in the impervious forest, and his town lots in the eternal swamp—that did John Bull out of his money. Sir R. Peel might as well tell us that Danae was seduced by a shower of small notes, as that these were the elements of corruption between us and Brother Jona than. We wish to heaven statesmen would try to talk less nonsense about America. The real source of mischief in transactions with that, as with other new countries, is the absurd delusion prevailing in old ones about the enormous rates of profit there to be reaped. This is emphatically an old country delusion ; just like the vast value of waste lauds. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Manchester Guardian of this day.) The continued and increasing firmness of the Liver pool Cotton Market, awl the nature of the commercial advices from the east, appear to have exercised a favour able influence upon our market, for yarn was, yesterday, decidedly steadier in price than for some weeks past, and, though little or no actual advance of prices was obtained, spinners generally showed little inclination to make contracts for future delivery at present rates. In the goods market there was a fair demand for all de - scriptions of cloth suitable for the east ; and for some descriptions of low shirtings advanced prices were ob tained. Printing cloth was steady in price ; but stout domestics continue somewhat depressed. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, MAY 6.—ln the flannel market there has been something like an average quantity of business transacted, at former prices. The wool market has been remarkably quiet, and prices the same as last week. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 8, 1844. ST. STEPHEN'S, WALBROOK. Yesterday the anuual visitation for the purpose of swear ing in the persons who had been elected on the Thursday in Easter week to the office of churchwardens for the different parishes in the city of London, and also to receive present ments connected with the church, was held at St. Sepul chre's Church, before Dr. Robert Phillimore, the Surrogate, in the absence of Archdeacon Hale. Upon the parish of St. Stephen's Walbrook, being called, Messrs. F. Rock and Flight, who were elected at the annual vestry by the inhabitants of the parish to the office of churchwardens, presented themselves, as well as Mr. Alder man Gibbs and Mr. Whitaker, both of whom, it will be re collected, from the report of the vestry meeting, left the church and retired to the house of the Alderman, where, with the assistance of two or three others, they elected themselves also to the office of churchwardens. Mr. Alderman Gibbs, who was attended by Mr. Bodkin, barrister, on presenting himself to Dr. Phillimore, handed in a declaration relative to the very dilapidated state of the church of St. Stephen's, Walbrook, which arose from the want of proper funds to repair and beautify it. Dr. PIIILLIMORE then cc quested that the two gentlemen who had been elected to the office of churchwardens for the ensuing year be presented, for the purpose of being sworn in, when Mr. Alderman Gibbs, for the twenty-first time, presented himself, and a Mr. Whitaker, as his colleague, as having been duly elected by the vestry to the office of church wardens. Dr. PEILLIMORE said there was a difficulty in swearing them in, for a caveat had been entered by Mr. - Rock and Mr. Flight against any other individuals but themselves being sworn in. Messrs. Rock and Flight here presented themselves for the purpose of being sworn in, when Dr. PHILLutoRE inquired who presented them to the Sur rogate, and proved that they had been duly elected? Mr. ROCK said he imagined that it was the duty of the late churchwarden, Mr. Alderman Gibbs, to present him and his colleague, for it was well known to the Alderman that he and Mr. Flight had been duly chosen and elected in a public vestry to the office of churchwarden, and they, in support of that election, now presented themselves for the purpose of being legally inducted into that office. Mr. BODKIN observed, that he had the honour of attend ing oa behalf of Mr. Alderman Gibbs, who, he contended, was the only legal churchwarden ; that by the constitution of the parish it was governed by a select vestry, and only the mem bers of that vestry had the power of electing the church wardens, and in the performance of that right they had re elected Mr. Alderman Gibbs, and with him they had placed Mr. Whitaker. Dr. rnii.isaionz said he was aware that, unhappily, a dif ference had sprung up in the parish, but with that he had nothing to do, his duty being merely to swear in the persons who were elected to the office. Mr. BODKIN contended that no doubt could exist that the legally elected persons to the office of churchwarden were Mr. Alderman Gibbs and Mr. Whitaker. There were many precedents to show that in all disputed elections the Surrogate swore those in who were elected by the legal vestry, and there could be no doubt that the only legal right of election was vested in the select vestry of St. Stephen's ; still, as he was anxious to relieve the Surrogate of any difficulty, he would suggest that the four persons who had presented themselves should be sworn in, for it was evident that the question as to who possessed the right of election, the select vestry or the inhabitants generally in Qublic vestry assembled, must be decided by the Court of ueen's Bench. Dr. PHILLIMORE said, that the only difficulty which he had was, that only one set of gentlemen had been duly presented to his notice. At this juncture the Rev. Dr. Croly entered the vestry, when he said that he presided as the chairman of the vestry in which Messrs. Rock and Flight were elected as church wardens, and he should, therefore, present them. Messrs. Rock, Flight, Alderman Gibbs, and Whitaker, were then sworn in, the Learned Surrogate thus leaving the point in dispute to be settled elsewhere. Measures have already been taken to bring the matter before the Court of Queen's Bench, for as the parish is unable to obtain any proper account of Mr. Alderman Gibbs, Messrs. Rock and Flight intend to proceed upon their duties at once, especially as Mr. Alderman Gibbs has made a church-rate of Is. 6d. in the pound, but which will never be collected. ENGLISH WEALTH. If we turn our eyes within those circles which con stitute English society, what a brilliant scene presents itself. We find hundreds and thousands, and tens of thousands, and hundreds of thousands, faring sump tuously every day, and wearing fine linen. The be holder cannot but be amazed at the glittering vast throng, as they pass before him in the pursuit of their pleasures or the toils of their business. And would we ascertain who these goodly beings are ? and what their parentage, education, and pre tensions ? The inquiry may be amusing, and must be instructive. First, then, is the privileged class, composed of the Royal Family, with the bishops and others, counting 4,727 souls. What an immensity of wealth have they at their command 1 keeping up one long, one strong and eternal pull, at the national stock. Descending one step, we behold the clergy in general and the Senate, a brilliant and strong array, counting 92,857 souls; and the splendour and luxury in which they live tell with trumpet eloquence of the extent of the national wealth. Take another step lower, a class somewhat diffe rent is seen, namely, baronets and landed gentry, counting 356,164. Here again, in the pomp and circumstance of their lives, is exhibited an other gorgeous specimen of the extent of the national wealth. Another step lower we trace another nu merous family, designated the army and navy, num bering 1,444,464. The equipments and continued sustenance would indeed drain en island so small as England, were it not that her mines of wealth ramify so deeply and widely. Take another step down the slope of the view, and we find a broad phalanx, of less pretension, but of steadier stamina, ycleped bank ers, merchants, and professions. This host may be num bered 1,857,163. These ranks are of a more staid, so ber, character, but they are princes in their way, and the nature of their daily transactions, and their mode of life, indicate distinctly the inexhaustible mine from which they draw their immense diurnal supply. Then, lastly, we discover a vast array of other claimants on the national store, numbering 2,888,888. These may be termed the retailers of the nation's wealth. Their steady, substantial mode and tenor of life proclaim aloud the depth and breadth of that well of riches which can supply a demand so enormous, varied, and incessant. Then we see a host numbering nearly 7,000,000, possessing the power of indulging profusely in the enjoyment of luxuries culled from every climate of the world, as well as those originated by the native producer. A stranger coming from a far country might well ask from what hidden mine they drew their glittering luxuries, and substantial things, in the midst of which they so wantonly and lavishly revel ? There can be but one simple answer the querist—the secret is to be found in the in dooitable energies of her merchants and manufac turers, !lacked with the never-tiring industry of her artisans, stained by the mighty power of her beau tiful machinery..—Advertiser. SUPPOSED MURDER AT HAMPTON COURT PALACE. M P , at the Mitre Tavern, Hemp -Yesterday Mr. Wakley, ton Court, held an inques't to inquire into the circumstances male infant, por tions upon the death Of a newly-born of whose mutilated remains had been found in and near child had to the sewer belonging to Hampton Cou e te P en ala nt c l i ra T te h d e , par ticulars t eace, already adverted to having Wakley observed that there was no proof that been murdered, but where a concealment of birth 3 t and that was followed by horrid acts of mutilation ° in ference would be, that it had been killed. He was of opinion that this child bad not come from the Palace at all; that it had been thrown into the barrel drain, and very likely by some person coming from a distance. The juyy, having de liberated for a few minutes, returned a verdict of " Wilful Murder szatiNt Nine person or pergoas unknown." MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of May 7.) SUGAR.-To-day importers of West India Sugar were unable to obtain any further advance in prices, although only three brokers had any Sugar on show ; a fair business was transacted, considering the limited quantity at market, and the rates given were ox a par with those of Friday. This afternoon new Trinidad Sugar good bright strong yellow went at 64s to 15s, good middling 63s 6d, middling 62s to 635, low middling 61s to 61s 6d, fine brown 60s, drainage damaged 60s to 62s 6d per cwt. REFINED.-To-day refined Sugar was less in request, and, prices are not so firm ; brown scaleable lumps selling at 79s and standard lumps at 80s per cwt. In bonded Crushed Sugar several purchases were made at 25s 9d per cwt, at which the refiners are firm. Ix other articles there is no change. MAURITIUS.-This afternoon importers were disposed to realise ; the trade operated with caution, and of 10,907 bags at public sale, a small part only sold at a reduction on Fri day's rates of 6d to is per cwt ; fine yellow went at 65s to 675, good 63s to 64s 6d, middling 61s to 62s 6d, low 59s to 60s 6d, good and fine brown 58s to 59s per cwt. EAST INDIA.-Foreign East India is held with firmness. This afternoon Bengal Sugar sold at a decline on former rates of is per cwt; middling white went at 62s 6d to 63s 6d, good 64s to 65s 6d, fine 675, very fine 69s 6d, damp and washed 60s 6d, to 66s 6d, middling sound yellow 61s to 61s 6d, low 57s to 58s, damp 56s 6d to 61s 6d, and middling grey 61s to 62s per cwt. FOREIGN.-There has been more demand for Brazil Sugar, and full rates have been paid. To-day some parcels of white Havannah were sold privately at former rates. There are buyers of all other sorts of Foreign Sugar at a slight decline in prices, but no sellers are to be met with. Mor.assEs.-West India at very full rates ; Berbice at 24s ; Demerara 25s to 25s 6d ; Antigua 27s ; St. Kitts 245; To bago 26s ; and Grenada 23s per cwt. Bengal at 15s to 17s per cwt. New Trinidad Molasses sold at 27s to 27s 6d per cwt for good quality. Privately good Demerara fetched 25s per cwt. This afternoon Jamaica Honey went at 565. Cocoa.-For West India former rates are barely sustained ; Grenada mid red at 468, grey 445, Trinidad mid red 50s, and dark 46s 6d to 48s per cwt. Foreign at 28s to 30s per cwt. COFFEE.-The market has been in a dull state for all descriptions of Coffee subject to the 4d per lb duty, and reduced rates again submitted to ; new Jamaica at a reduc tion on previous rates of 4s to 5s per cwt. To-day further reduced rates were accepted for Ceylon Coffee ; for good ordinary 48s to 50s per cwt accepted privately; prices exhibit a fall of 17s to 20s from the highest point of the market this year. Mocha, good ordinary at 56s to 60s, fine ordinary green 74s to 765, middling yellowish long berry 79s to 82s, good middling 85s 6d, sea damaged first class 41s to 78s 6, second, third, and fourth ditto 40s to 775, broken 535, triage 19s to 445; mixed Batavia taken in at 40s ; new Jamaica, good middling 965, middling 88s to 935, low middling 82s to 85s, fine and fine fine ordinary 72s to 755, good ordinary 635, triage 35s to 455. La Guayra bought in at 42s for good ordinary. TEA.-The dulness in the market has increased, and the limited purchases made privately have in most cases been rather under previous prices To-day the limited business transacted in Tea was at prices rather under those of the last public sales, commorrand good common Congous cash selling at lld to is and common Twankay is 2d to is per lb. At Canton the price of common Congou is 18 to 21 taels. SPICES.-For black Pepper prices have advanced. White is not much wanted, but prices do not give way. For Cassia Lignea prices have fallen is to 2s per cwt. Nutmegs have been sought after, and very full rates given. For Ginger prices are still advancing. Pimento at 3d to 3id for mid dling, and 3id to 3id for Inferior quality. RICE.-Patna is 13s to 17s, and Carolina 21s to 26s per cwt. This afternoon Bengal Rice, sound, all taken in at Ils for good mid white, being the former value, sea damaged sold at lOs to lOs 6d for the first class and 9s to 9s 6d per cwt for second class. _ . _ SAGO.—For Pearl Sago higher rates paid ; good middling small Pearl at 20s to 20s 6d per cwt : privately at 13s to 17s for low and middling, and better quality at 18s to 235. Sago Flour at 20s to 21s per cwt. The demand is brisker for Arrowroot ; Bermuda at 9id to is 4d ; St. Vincents 7d to 10d, and Tapioca, 40 to 51d per lb. Rum, BRANDY AND HOLLANDS.—For Jamaica Rum prices arc maintained. Leewards at 2s lid to 2s 2d per gallon, proof. In Demerara there is no change. Calcutta Rum at Is 1041 per gallon, proof. Fer Brandy prices rule as follows : —Cognac best brands of the vintage of 1838, hhds 5s Bd, puns 5s 6d ; ditto 1839, hhds 5s 6d, puns 5s 4d ; ditto 1840, hhds 5s 4d, puns 5s 2d ; ditto 1841, hhds 5s 3d, puns 5s ld ; ditto 1842, hhds 5s 2d, puns 5s ; middling qualities of various marks 3s 4d to 4s 6d, and low 2s 9d to 3s 3d per gallon. Geneva for shipping at Is 8d to is 9d, for fine in small parcels for home use 2s 2d to 3s paid. English Corn Spirits at 108 2d per gallon cash. To-day West India Rum was more in de mand : proof Leewards at 2s 2d ; Jamaica 30 to 34 per cent overproof at 3s 4d to 3s Bd, good 3s 9d to 3s 11d, and supe rior 4s to 5s per gallon. For Calcutta Rum, proof strength, Is 104 d per gallon paid. For Brandy lower rates again ac cepted : Cognac, best brands of the vintage of 1842 selling at 4s I Id and 5s Id per gallon. Isumo.—The maket is firm for East India, and the rates previously established are sustained. Spanish is much wanted, but the market is scantily supplied. New Bengal 4s 2d to 5s 6d:per lb paid. OILS.—Cod Oil has sustained the former currency, small parcels at 344 but for all other sorts of common ish Oils prices are still on the decline; Southern sold at 281 to 29115 s for good and fine quality ; pale Seal is 331 108 to 344 and yellow and brown 28l to 321 per tun. Sperm at 721 lOs to 741 15s, and at 771 5s to 78/ 15s for Headmatter. Palm Oil at 23s 3d to 27s 6d:per cwt for common to fine. Linseed Oil firmer; 26s 9d to 27s per cwt paid for large parcels on the spot. Rape Oil at the previous currency. Olive firm in price. Gallipoli at 521 lOs to 534 Sicily 524 Spanish 51l to 511 10s, and Barbary 50/ to 501 lOs per tun. Cocoa Nut 29s to 31s. TALLOW.—Russian Tallow has been taken sparingly on the spot, 40s to 40s 9d is the value of P. Y. Candle ; there are sellers for the last three months of the year at 42s per cwt. North American at 38s 3d to 40s ; South American 34s 6d to 39s 6d, and Odessa Beef Tallow 39s 9d to 40s per cwt. Town Tallow is 40s to 40s 6d per cwt nett cash. To-day the mar ket was in a dull state for Russian Tallow, and for the last three months of the year prices have declined to 41s 6d to 42s 'per cwt. LIGHTHOUSE FOR THE ISLAND OF BERMUDA. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, May 7. Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock. SAVINGS' BANKS. Lord MONTEAGLE said he had to call the atten tion of the Government to a statement that had appeared in one of the papers of that day, which it was necessary, in justice to himself and the Government, and also, what was more material than either, the public in terest, that he should notice. Their Lordships were aware, from the Votes of the other House of Parliament, that a Bill had been introduced by the Government for the purpose of reducing the interest on savings' bank stock. Of course it would be unbecoming to discuss a question then pending in the other House of Parliament, but he might say, in passing, that he approved of the ob jects of the Bill, and considered its principle to be per fectly right. It would be absurd on the part of the public to pay a rate of interest on the de posits in savings' banks which had been fixed at a greater amount than the rate of interest which now pre vailed in the market. But the interest of the depositors was a critical matter to deal with. They were a nume rous class, and many of them were probably not very well informed on the subject ; they were apt to take alarm, above all, when suggestions were made to them calculated to excite that feeling. The state ment he referred to, arising probably from misap prehension, was calculated greatly to impede the object the Government had in view, as well as to create alarm on the part of depositors in savings' banks, and consequently to prejudice the public interest, and much more to prejudice the interests of the depositors themselves. It was mainly in consideration of the in terests of the depositors themselves that he took the liberty of bringing this matter under the considera tion of their Lordships as soon as possible. Their Lordships were aware that, during the period he had the honour of being the Chancellor of the ,Exchequer, a purchase of Exchequer bills was made by the Trustees of Savings' Banks, which bills were afterwards funded in the Three per Cent. stock. This was not a time to defend that mode of procedure. The Noble Duke opposite knew perfectly well that that pro ceeding was perfectly in accordance with the existing law, under the Act of 1828, which gave the Government the power of mak ing such investments. The statement he referred to was this: "If it should be found that the funds invested in savings' banks have been seriously in jured by the jobbing that prevailed during the time the Whigs held office, the parties interested will be entitled to compensation, and have all the circumstances duly considered in any new arrangement it may be necessary to make." It further appeared by the statement, that interest amounting to 680,0001., representing a capital of 2,000,0001. or 3,000,0001. ster ling, had been lost by these proceedings. He need not assure their Lordships that no such loss had been sus tained ; the statement was altogether fallacious. If any loss were sustained it would not fall on the depositors. To them the public faith was pledged, and every depo sitor was entitled to receive the full amount of his de posit, whatever might be the loss sustained by the sale of stock. If this were not the case there wonld be no se curity for savings' banks. If an early opportunity were not taken of contradicting such a statement an alarm would have been raised which would have caused a run on every savings' bank in London ; and, there fore, he had thought it right to bring the matter under the consideration of their Lordships.—(Hear.) DEBTOR AND CREDITORS' BILL. Lord BROUGHAM, in proposing the second reading of this Bill, said that its object was to remedy a great defect in the law, which enabled a debtor, with his cre ditors' consent, to effect a composition as soon as he found insolvency approaching. Under present circum stances, unless all the creditors agreed the composition could not be effected, and in consequence there was a great premium for a few of them to hold out against the rest of the creditors, in order that they might ultimately buy up the interest of the parties whom they opposed. That defect would be remedied by the present Bill. Lord COTTENHAM had no objection to the second reading being now taken, provided that so doing would not pledge their Lordships to the principle of the Bill. The Bill was then read a second time. Lord CAMPBELL, in the absence of his Noble Friend, Earl Gosford, presented several petitions from different parts of Ireland relative to the Presbyterian marriages. BECAL OF THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA. Lord NORMANBY rose, pursuant to notice, to take the first opportunity on which they had the pleasure of seeing his Noble Friend the President of the Board of Control in his place, to put a question on the subject of the correspondence of the Board of Directors of the East India Company with her Majesty's Government. Under the peculiar circumstances in which he meant to put this question to his Noble Friend, it was neces sary for him to make a few preliminary observa tions. He might be more strictly in order hi moving for the production of those papers, but at the same time, now, as hitherto, he had every reason to be lieve that those papers would be produced by her Majesty's Government, and if not, the refusal to pro duce them could only be based upon one ground, which, if stated cn the responsibility of his Noble Friend, he (the Marquis of Normanby) should not be prepared to resist. He thought, then, it would be more convenient if he adopted the more informal but more usual course of putting a question, making at the same time a few observations on the subject-matter. When certain opinions were pronounced in that House in answer to a question from his Noble Friend on the subject, he (the Marquis of Normanby) thought that the immediate consequence would be the production of all the corres pondence so as to enable the House to form a judgment on the matter. On that occasion he stated that he regretted that they had not an immediate answer as to the production of those papers. The Noble Duke stated, at the time, that though they were not prepared to give an imme diate answer, yet that Parliament had an undoubted right to the fullest information on the subject.— (Expressions of dissent from the Duke of Wellington.) He (the Marquis of Normanby) had certainly so under stood the Noble Duke. He might also allude to what passed on another occasion, in another place, when two of the Hon. Gentlemen connected with the administra tion of Indian affairs, stated that they hoped, in spite of P i e n rs answer, were stated that he what had passed in their Lordships' House, public opi n ion would produced ; and besuspended till the Minister,papers was not prepared at once to produce the papers. He (the her Majesty's Prime Marquis of Normanby) might therefore infer that up to that time no conclusive reason was entertained by the parties interested against the producti on o f t h ose papers; at the same time, if his Noble Fri en d oppos i te should state that the production of those papers at the present moment would be detrimental to the p u bli c serv i ce , he should not press for their production. He regretted that such decided censure had b een pronounce d on t h e conduct of certain parties in the affair, though he must state that his regret was by no means i ncons i stent w i t h the high respect which he as well as the rest of their Lordships all bore to the Noble Duke who pronounced that censure. However, as a deliberative assembly their Lordships should protest against any weight being attached to that censure. He thought that they were bound, not only as members of a deliberative assembly, but as the highest court of judicature in this cc.enitry, to hear before they con demned.—(Hear.) If there were any strong objection to the production of those papers, he should feel his re gret at the premature expression of opinion on the part of the Noble Duke very much increased.—(Hear.) The power of the Court of Directors to recal the Governor- General had existed more than h a lf a cen t ur y, an d th e present was the first time that any collision between the Board and the Government had taken place. Now, he would ask, was there anything in the constitution of the Court of Directors which might incline them to take . views ad verse to t h e present Go vernment ? Certainly not. It was well-lnown that the majority of the Court of Di rectors were o f t h e same political opinions with her Majesty's present Government; and it was natural to inquire what could be the cause of their disagreement with the Government in this mat ter ?—(Hear.) He by no means thought that a ma jority of his fellow-countrymen were now in favour of her Majesty's Ministers, but still it could not be denied that they were backed by a majority of ninety in the other House of Parliament which had not yet run through half the term of its existence. It could not be through hostility to the Government the Directors had acted ; but it was said that it was through igno rance of the facts. That was not the fact—(Hear, hear) —for the Secret Committee were not bound to conceal such matters from the general body of the Board. He had read over the statutes and the Charter, and he found that it was only on questions of we'. the Committee was sworn to secresy. All questions of internal policy, and the appointments and dismissals of servants, civil and military, were entirely unconnected with the oath of secresy. Was it possible that Parliament should have given that power, and not retained to itself the means of knowing how the power was exercised 7 Suppose it were the case of Sinde, on account of which the Directors thoulit it necessary to recal Lord Ellenborough. hy should not Parliament be informed what the instructions of the Government at home had been ? He perfectly agreed with the propriety of deferring any opinion upon the conduct of the Go vernor-General until he was there to defend him self.—(Hear, hoar.) He (Lord Normanby) had felt in a smaller sphere the inconvenience of exercising important functions in a distant part of the empire , and he should be the last person in the world to say that the acts of a man placed in such circumstances should not be viewed with consideration and candour. His Noble Friend need not be afraid that, in calling for these papers, he had any in tention of urging on the diseussion which ought, in fairne s s, t o be postponed until Lord Ellen borough had retur ne d t o this country. Butit had been said that there was an intention on the part of the Government to take steps for depriving the Court of Directors of the powe r w hi c h they on this occasion exer cised. If there was a n y suc h i n tention entertained in any quarter, there was one Noble Lord that ought first of all others to be heard—that Noble Lord having made the must decided objections to any reduction of the power of the Court of Directors.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") No one had taken a more active or useful part in that House in the administration of Indian affairs, no one was more conversant with them, either when he was at the head of the Board of Control or unconnected with the Government, and he had on more occasions than one warned Noble Lords not to interfere with the hitherto successful balance of power. Those were the opinions of the Noble Lord— [Lord Ellenborough was understood to be the Noble man referred to]—and he (Lord Normanby) had no doubt his opinions so sound then had been confirmed by the practical experience he bad since acquired.— (Hear, hear.) Though he had been ready, on the request of the Noble D u ke, to postpone his ques tion till the better health of his Noble Friend (Lord Ripon) permitted his attendance in his place, yet he must say he regretted the mail had( eft for India before he had an opporturnhy s it. 4t The cast-iron lighthouse for the Jamaica Lighthouse Commissioners, which was constructed at Messrs. Bramah and Robinson's manufactory three years ago, and erected on the east end of Jamaica a few months afterwards, on the specification and under the imme diate superintendence of Alexander Gordon, C.E., has given so much satisfaction, that the Lords of her Ma jesty's Treasury were induced to contract with Mr. Gordon for the construction of a similar lighthouse, but on a still larger scale, for the top of Gibbs Hill, on the main island of Bermuda, where numerous engineering difficulties have hitherto prevented the erection of a lighthouse in masonry. The work has been several weeks in progress, and may now be seen rising above the houses near the Waterloo-bridge-road. The construc tors of the iron work are Messrs. Cottam for the tower, and of the lantern, Messrs. Wilkins and Son, of Long Acre. The tower is conical, and the diameter at the base 24 feet, tapering to 15 feet at the narrowest part, near the top, when it is sponsoned out for the gallery, on which the lantern is to be placed. The total height, from the base to the top of the lightning rod, will be 138 feet, and when erected on Gibb's Hill, Bermuda, will be 368 feet above the level of the sea. The lantern is to be fitted with a lenticulated apparatus of the first order, on Fresnel's plan, and the light (a fixed one, with bright flashes) will be visible all around the dan gerous reef of rocks to the northward and westward of this valuable military and naval station in the Atlantic Ocean. The outside carcase of the tower is composed of 139 cast-iron plates. There are seven rooms, lighted by port-holes and ports, fitted with plate glass. The rooms are lined with wrought iron, panelled in oak frames, and the ascent from the bottom to the top is by means of a spiral staircase of iron with oak treads. The floors are all of cast-iron, and there is in the centre a hollow column, sixteen inches in diameter, for waste water pipes, and for the ascent and descent of whatever may be required in the light-room and lantern, or for any of the seven rooms, thus obviating the necessity of carrying anything up or down the staircase. The whole is constructed with a special view to the resistance of those terrific hurricanes and thunder storms so common in Bermuda, and some of the West India islands. Being a perfect conductor of electricity, no lightning can affect it; being also incombustible, it cannot be destroyed by fire. Altogether, in short, it gives the fairest promise of being another lasting monu ment of the engineering talent of the mother country. Mr. Gordon's lighthouse at Jamaica we described at the time of its temporary erection in this country, three years ago. It has several times been struck by lightning, but without sustaining the least injury. —Mechanics' Magazine. SAVINGS' BANKS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—The Chancellor of the Exchequer proposes not to alter the gross amount standing in the name of any indi vidual depositor, when the new law which is intended to be passed, comes into operation. Here he is at fault. The 9th George IV., c. 92, (passed 28th July, 1828), did not (though it ought to have done) disturb the then existing amount invested. Now, some of those amounts are great, and, if interest is still to be paid upon them to their full amount, it will be a continuance of serious loss to the country ; and, that the public generally should suffer for private gain, is the very reverse of what it ought to be. No depositor ought to have more invested than 1001., and interest allowed up to that amount. Persons who are enabled to invest more, are not those for whom banks for savings were established. There is another circumstance requiring rectification, i. e., the salaries of paid officers, which ought to be settled by a definite rule. I know banks in the country where the salaries are widely different in proportion to the quantum of labour performed (and have no doubt it is the case generally), some being over-paid, and others otherwise. It is most desirable to have competent individuals as paid officers, and their being adequately compensated for the duties (which require uni form attention and care) they perform. For this purpose I think a fair table might be settled applicable to every bank. May 8, 1844. A TRUSTEE. HUNGERFORD AND LAMBETH SUSPENSION BRIDGE. —The piers and buttresses and other necessary worics for the erection of this bridge, under the superintendence of Mr. R. Brunel, engineer of the Great Western Rail way, are just completed, and this important junction of Lambeth with the west end of the metropolis will soon be carried into effect, as the placing of the chains and the bridge itself will be commenced in the early part of next week, and it is confidently expected that the bridge will be opened to the public in less than three months from that time. The iron work and sus pending chains, weighing upwards of 800 tons, and cast by Messrs. Sandys, Came, and Vivian, at the Cop perhouse Foundry, Hale, Cornwall, are now in a state of forwardness at Messrs. Smiths' wharf, Belvidere road, Lambeth, where, in consequence of their peculiar construction, it has been found necessary to join the suspending chains before placing them in their proper position. The centre span of the bridge will be 678 feet, with secondary ones of 331 feet on each side, mak ing a total of 1,340 feet from shore to shore. The footway will be 14 feet wide, the lower part of the centre being 35 feet above the level of high water. The supporting piers, which are 60 feet above the level of the roadway, and 80 feet above the level of high water, will be en riched with castings in iron of a very massive descrip )n, besides the ornamental additions. The approaches from the Middlesex side will be from Hungerford market, and those on the Surrey side near to Messrs. Godings, the Lion Brewery. It i s ca l cu l a t e d th a t t o p ersons re siding in variou s p arts of Lambeth, by using this bridge, lclutance of nearly half a Wila will be wed. might be that the Directors had judged improperly of the ' conduct of the Noble Lord (Ellenborough) — it might be that they did not give the Government a sufficient notice. On the last point, however, they had been given to understand, that the Government had had full seven or eight months' notice. Therefore the indiscretion of the Directors (for so it had been called) wanted one quality which usually attended indiscretion—rashness. He repeated, in conclusion, what he had before said, that if, in the opinion of the Government, it would be inexpedient to furnish the papers, he would not press for them. In that case, however, he must be permitted, as a matter of justice, to say that that House could not entertain a shadow of suspicion of the propriety of the conduct of the Directors, till an opportunity was afforded of placing the whole case before that Douse and the country. The Earl of RIPON said he deeply regretted that he had been hindered by illness from attending to his duties when the Noble Marquis was first desirous of putting his question to him. However, he was then ready to state his views as to the production of the papers asked for, though before doing so he must say that the Noble Marquis had introduced the matter in a most fair, candid, and reasonable spirit. And he thought he had acted much more conveniently by bringing it forward as he had done, than by submitting a more formal motion on the subject. He must say, however, that feeling a deep sense of the duty and responsibility which attached to him and the Government, Ministers were unable to consent to the production of the papers. He believed their production would be the cause of great injustice to the Noble Lord who had been recalled —of great embarrassment to the Right Hon. Gentle man who was about to proceed there—and would be most injurious to the best interests of the ser vice. Therefore he must, though reluctantly, decline ; for all the papers ought to be fur nished, or none of them ; and to do this at present would be alike unfair to individuals and injurious to the service. To produce part of the papers would be ob viously unsatisfactory, though it would not be possible for him to say why, because he should then be doing incidentally that which he felt it his duty to decline to do directly. He therefore declined to produce these papers, and the same consideration led him to decline entering on the matters alluded to by his Noble Friend. But he would take the liberty of saying this, that however he might regret the step taken by the Board of Directors —or, how ever inconsistent he might have thought it with the course which he considered advisable to take, he was nevertheless bound to say, and he did say, that he was entirely con vinced that the Court of Directors, in taking the course they did, were influenced by no other motive than an honest and sincere conviction on their part that they were doing what their duty called them to do. In saying that he did justice to their motives, but expressed no opinion on their policy, If he was ready to do justice to them for the motives which had influenced their course, he hoped he might ask their Lordships to do justice to him and her Majesty's Government, by believing that they had been influenced by no other considerations than these in the course which they had taken, and which obliged them to refuse their concur rence to the step of the Board of Directors. As he could not consent to the production of the papers he thought it better not to risk any discussion on the subject by enter ing into any of the other topics which had been alluded to by the Noble Marquis. With respect to the production of the papers at another time, he thought nothing was more unwise than to pledge oneself on a subject of that kind, and he must decline doing so. Lord BROUGHAM entirely concurred with what had fallen from the Noble Lord, but he felt bound to state succinctly his opinion on the course the Govern ment had pursued. The Government was charged with indiscretion. The Noble Duke opposite, the least indis creet of human beings, was charged for the first time, he would venture to say, in the course of his long and illus trious life, with indiscretion for having pronounced an opinion on a question, the materials for forming an opinion on which were not before the House or the public. In justice to the Noble Duke and the Governor- General, they should recollect the position in which the Government was placed. They were called on by the acts of the Directors to pronounce an opinion, because if they did not they would have adopted that act as their own. It was easy for the Board of Directors to say, as he heard they did say, that they were responsible for the peace of India, but somebody else would have been re sponsible besides the Directors, if the Government had adopted their policy. Before sitting down, he must re mark on the highly satisfactory appointment of the Gallant Officer who was about to proceed to the govern ment of India—an observation most favourable to Lord Ellenborough arouse out of this appointment, as the Board of Directors had unanimously concurred in the appointment of Sir Henry Hardinge. They had se lected Sir 11. Hardinge for the purpose of censuring the conduct of his predecessor—of rescinding all lie had done so gloriously—the Court of Directors must say that they chose Sir H. Hardinge for the purpose of act ing diametrically opposite to the purpose, of acting dia metrically opposite to the policy of Lord Ellenborough, or they had chosen the very man who was most certain to pursue the very same course. Why did he say so ? Because Sir H. Hardinge was a near connexion of the Noble Lord—in fact, his brother-in-law—because he was the bosom friend of that Noble Lord, and because he was a member of the present Government, which had disapproved of the recal of Lord Ellenborough.—(Hear, hear.) It was then clear that it was not from any dis approval of the policy of Lord Ellenborough that that Noble Lord was recalled, but from a more insignificant and merely personal motive. He was glad, then, that it had appeared that no condemnation of Lord Ellenbo- I r v o o u u g l h d ' s policy be he was most the cause of his removal, complete preventiveof as that a ny mis chievous consequences resulting to Indian affairs from that measure. and Gwalior had been communicated to the Court of Directors ? Earl RIPON was not sure that he could exactly answer the question. He thought. with regard to Sinde, that no papers had been communicated to the Court, except those which had been laid before the two Houses of Parliament. With respect to Gwalior, all the papers, whether of importance or not, which had been received in the course of last summer, and up to autumn, were, at the request of the Secret Committee, laid before the Court. CHARITABLE BEQUESTS (IRELAND). The Marquis of NORMANBY said he had a motion fixed for Thursday next, for a Commission to inquire into the Board of Charitable Bequests and Donations in Ireland, and he was happy to learn that a Bill, regarding the constitution of that Board, was under the considera tion of her Majesty's Attorney-General. He would, therefore, beg to withdraw his notice of motion, as that Bill would answer all the ends he had iu view. RAILWAYS. Earl FITZWILLIAM said that, previous to his proceeding with the motion which he had on the paper, for an address to her Majesty, for the appointment of a Commission on the subject of railways, he wished to inquire of the Noble Earl whether it was the intention of the Government to assent to or negative his proposi tion. Until he had received an answer on that matter, he would not trouble their Lordships further. Earl DALHOUSIE would state in a few words the reasons why Government did not think it right to accede at the present moment to the motion of the Noble Earl. The ground of their so doing was that the whole of this question had now for some time past been under the consideration of a Committee of the House of Commons. At a very early period of the session his Right Hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade had brought the question under the consideration of the House, when an instruction was moved to the Committee to consider all modes of providing for the public good with respect to railways. Three reports had already appeared from that Committee, and had been laid before Parliament. Two of those referred to the railways that came before Parliament this session, and the third took a wider range, and suggested very important alterations in the railway system. One of those related to providing car riages of a more commodious kind, and having seats in in them, for third class passengers. The present mode of keeping those passengers standing for twelve or six teen hours in a carriage, while making a journey that could have been made in seven or eight hours, was very discreditable to the companies that adopted such a course, and would be equally discreditable to the Legis lature if it permitted the continuance of that abuse. Care should be taken that there should be no evasion by the companies of the regulations on this score. Another recommendation of the Committee was, that it should be an indispensable condition of railway Bills in future, that the proprietors should consent, at the end of fifteen years from the time when the original Bill was passed— they should submit to the alternative, in case their pro fits were above ten per cent , to permit those profits to be reduced to that amount, but not below it, or allow the Government the option of purchasing the line for twenty five years' visible profits. He mentioned those things to show that the Committee of the House of Commons had entered in earnest into the consideration of the subject. Earl FITZWILLIAM was glad he had taken the course he had, but still he thought it doubtful whether, even after the labours of the Committee had been brought to a close, such a motion as that which he had on the paper would not be necessary. He would, how ever, withdraw his motion. The motion was then withdrawn, and some private Bills having been forwarded a stage, the House ad journed at Half-past Seven o'clock. The Duke of WELLINGTON hoped, as the Noble Marquis had adverted to what occurred there on a former evening, that he might be allowed to say a few words. In the first place, he begged to observe that, when he spoke on that occasion, he did not entertain any intention of interfering with the privileges of the Court of Directors of the East India Company. If the Noble Marquis remembered anything of his (the Duk© of Wel lington's) course in their Lordships' House, and the other House of Parliament, whenever any question re specting Indian affairs was brought forward, he would acquit him of originating any measure which would be detrimental to the interests of the East India Company. When the subject now before the House had been brought before their Lordships on a former occasion, he (the Duke of Wellington) thought it his duty to ex press his opinions on the subject, and he thought he had expressed them as moderately as possible. There could be no doubt respecting the power of the Directors. He had shown when the power was given— he had quoted the Act of Parliament. But he stated at the same time that it was a power which ought to be exercised with discretion; and he did give his reason for thinking that the power had not been exercised with discretion in this case.—(Hear, hear.) He did not think there was anything offensive in that expression, and nothing could be further from his thoughts than to say anything offensive to the Board of Directors. Still he thought that when any doubt was thrown upon the con duct of an officer holding one of the highest and most responsible situations under the Crown — and discharging his duties most meritoriously—(Cheers)----it was the duty of a person representing her Majesty's Government in that House to protect the officer at a distance. He had already stated his opinion, that if Parliament had thought proper to demand the reasons why the Court of Directors had adopted that measure, the papers should be produced, unless there were reasons, as his Noble Friend stated, for considering that the production of them would be inconsistent with the public interest. The Marquis of NORMANBY, in explanation, said that he had not called for the papers on the very grounds that he thought that it might be considered inconvenient to the public service to produce them. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that the Noble Duke and the late Governor-General of India had always been great advocates of the authority of the Court of Directors—(Hear, hear)—and when the mea sure for limiting the powers of that body was proposed by Lord Grey's Government in 1833, the Noble Duke. supported by Lord Ellenborough, emphatically resisted the measure, on the ground that it would give too much power to fhe Governor-General, and interfere too much with the authority of the East India Company.—(Hear, hear.) He would not attempt to-night to discuss the conduct of Lord Ellenborough in India, but he must say that a better, or more judicious selection, could not be made than the appointment of the Gallant Officer who was to succeed him. But reverting to the subject of Lord Ellenborough, he begged leave to say that they were not called upon, on that occasion, to judge the conduct of that Noble Lord. That was not under their Lordships' consideration. A high functionary had been recalled, and a censure had been pronounced by the organ of the Government on the body which had taken on itself to make that recal. What Parliament just now had to do, was, not to judge Lord Ellenborough, but to consider the conduct of the Government, and of the Board of Directors of the East India Company. That the conduct of those Directors had been so indis creet he (the Marquis - of Clanricarde) very much doubted. The indiscretion, more probably, attached elsewhere ; for it was admitted that six or seven months ago the Directors bad expressed to the Government the dissatisfaction which they felt. It appeared there was no hope of the production of the papers during the ses sion. Government charged the East India Directors with having been guilty of great indiscretion, and Par liament was bound to know, as speedily as possible, the proofs which the Government had to bring of this indis cretion. These were the only things that Parliament could judge of until the return of Lord Ellenborough, for most unjust would it be at present to judge of the conduct of that Nobleman, who might have been a wise man as well as a faithful servant (and he was sure ho had been the latter) of that great Company. The Marquis of NORMANBY, in consequence of what had fallen from the Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham), wished to ask the Noble Lord opposite (Earl R of ip t o b n e ) B w o h ar e d th o e f r Caopootrwortowra release vested in m Pre sidentemerthbesof the Secret C omm itt ee from their oath, and to allow them to communicate papers—whether in point of fact that had n o t b een d one , an d whether in consequence nu eet the e nu merous papers relating to Gwalior and Sinde had not ' been comm u nicated to the Court of Directors ? The Earl of RIPON said that none of the instructions which went through the Secret Committee were sub. mitted to the Directors. With respect to Gwalior all the early papers were laid before the Court and were afterwards sent to India. Other documents which pro ceeded from the Board of Control were not produced to, the Board of Directors. _ . _ HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 7. The SPEAKEi took the Chair at the usual hour. LEEDS AND BRADFORD RAILWAY. On the motion for the further consideration of the report on the Bill. Mr. MACKINNON moved that the report be consi dered that day six months. Mr. LASCELLES seconded the motion. Mr. YORKE supported the Bill. He thought im proper methods of influencing the Hon. Members on the question had been resorted to. Sir E. COLEBROOKE thought the opposition to the Bill came at a rather late stage, and that the House was called upon, under the circumstances, to confirm the de cision of the Committee. Mr. STUART supported the motion. After a short conversation the House divided, when there appeared— - For the amendment Against it, ' __ 124 _ . ___ Majority for the Bill, _66 The report was then ordered to be taken into further consideration. After a few observations from Mr. M. Philips, Mr. S. Wortley, Mr. C. Wood, Lord Howick, and Mr. Greene, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE wished to know how the House could do these parties justice by binding them to the absurd regulations of the Standing Orders. He thought the public interest ought to guide these proceedings, and he would propose, therefore, that the debate be adjourned, in order to see if the parties could not make out a case that would induce the House to re-commit the Bill, in order that the public should have the best line. The Hon. Member concluded by moving that the debate should be adjourned. The SPEAKER then put the e question, that the amendments should be read a second time; and also the amendment of the Hon. Member for Finsbury, that the debate be adjourned. Mr. LAWSON opposed the amendment. He thought it was their duty to support the Standing Orders of the House. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND thought there was no practice so bad as that of excluding evidence. The law now, in accordance with the increased intelligence of the age, admitted evidence more freely than it had heretofore been accustomed to do. They were now arguing a case of the exclusion of evidence before a Railroad Committee. Were they not, by giving such an interpretation to their Standing Orders, committing a great national injustice'? They had the high authority of their Chairman fur saying that the House was in error in putting such an interpretation upon their Stand ing Orders. If this interpretation were the true one, whenever a railroad was projected, whatever injury it might inflict on the proprietors, through whose property it might run, there would be the greatest diffi culty in proving that injury. He should support the amendment. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For Mr. Duncombe's amendment Against it Majority against the amendment -38 The amendments were then read a second time. Lord ELIOT gave notice that, on Tuesday next, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate turn pike trusts in Ireland. Dr. BOWRING gave notice that he would bring on his motion on quarantine on that day fortnight. The Hon. Member also moved for a " Tabular return of the quantities of wheat, flour, meal, barley, oats, potatoes, cattle, sheep, and pigs, imported in each year, ending the sth day of January, from 1835 to 1844, into the Isle of Man ; exhibiting also the average price of the several species of corn by the Lotufan Gazette, and the average duties payable thereon, Tabular return, for the same years, of the same articles exported from the Isle of Man."—Agreed to. Lord COLCHESTER thought that the friends of the Governor-General ought in justice to him to have pro dueed to them the reasons why he had been deprived of his office. It was very well to ask of their Lord s hip s to suspend their opinion, but was opinion suspended ou t of doors ? The organs of public opinion had already pronounced their judgment, some one way, and some another i and he regretted that the Noble Lord the Sir R. PEEL brought up copies of the correspondence which had taken place between the Government and the Bank of England, which were laid on the table, The Exchequer Bills ( 18 ,407,0001) Bill was read It third time and passed. coLont. BONET. Sir R. PEEL said he would take that opportunity of alluding to a statement which had been made in that House (upon which certain questions were put to the Government) to the effect that a British officer, commanding a ship off Alicante, had been ap plied to by a Spanish officer, Colonel Bonet, who was under great apprehension with re gard to the probability of his immediate execution, to be taken on board that ship, and that the officer com manding the ship, which was called the Scout, had re fused admission to the vessel to Colonel Bonet. The question which was put to her Majesty's Government upon this subject was, whether they had given instruc tions to the officer commanding the Scout, to refuse admission, under the circumstances, to Colonel Bonet, and whether any account had been received by the Admiralty from that officer respecting the transaction. He (Sir R. Peel) stated at the time that no such instructions had been given, Since the statement to which he had referred, however, had ap peared, Captain Drummond, the officer in question, had forwarded a statement of the whole transaction, which he (Sir R. Peel) would read to the House. and he thought it would be a decisive proof as to the po licy of their suspending their judgments upon reports until they became acqu_ainted with the subject. The letter was dated her Majesty's ship Scout, Gribraltar, President of the Board of Control, had not felt it con- r April 20th, 1844, and was addressed to th 9 sistent with his duty to produce those papers. Secretary of the Admiralty. Captain Drummond said, The Earl of WINCHILSEA concurred in the regret " Sir, I have just read in Galignani's Messenger an article expressed by the Noble Lord who spoke last. He which was taken from the Chronicle, containing a most thought the Board of Directors would, on consideration, libellous statement against a British vessel of war lying repent the step they had taken. If the policy pursued at Alicante, during the late disturbances ; and as it con by Lord Ellenborough was condemned by the Board of eludes by hoping that the question would be mentioned Directors, would they have concurred in the appoint- ' in the House, I think it right to inform you of the tran ment of a member of the same party, and of the same section that occurred, I being the officer in command of Cabinet, to succeed him ? that station at the time. On the 13th of February Lord CAMPBELL said that nothing could be I arrived at Alicante, :and Mr. Wearing, the more unfortunate than the course pursued by Consul, immediately came on board, and he stated that the Government on this occasion. It was Colonel Bonet, the Governor, wished to come to see me. condemned by all parties. It was condemned by I replied that I could not receive any such person, he the supporters of the Government, the personal being in arms. Mr. Waring replied that my refusal to friends of the Noble Lord (Lord Ellenborough), and it receive Colonet Bonet would greatly exasperate was condemned by those who disapproved of their po- him, and might endanger, the British and British hey. He regretted that the Government had not thought property in Alicante ; upon which I consented fit to produce those papers, because the Government al- to see Colonel Bonet on deck in the presence of the ready, in the person of the Noble Duke, had pro- officers of the ship. Colonel Benetthen stated that he nounced a heavy censure on the Court of Directors. came to offer me any assistance I might require during As to the appointment of Sir H. Hardinge be could my stay at Alicante ; and I replied that my sole not concur with the Noble Earl who spoke last, that it object in visiting Alicante was to protect British showed the contrition of the Court of Directors. He subjects, and British property, and he then thought the Court of Directors were treated very hardly quitted the ship and he never came along by the Noble Earl and his Noble and Learned Friend side of the ship again during my stay at Alicante, and on the Woolsack, when they spoke of the Court of Di- I left on the 6th of March." This was the whole of the rectors as if they were now doing penance in sackcloth transaction, and it now appeared that instead of Colonel and ashes, and making amends by the appointment of Bonet asking assistance, he came to offer it.—(Hear.) Sir H. Hardinge. He approved of the appointment of Captain Drummond went on to say that he would have Sir H. Hardinge, because he did not think he would had a most unpleasant duty to perform, but that be follow in the footsteps of Lord Ellenborough—that they would have been quite prepared to act on his own re would have no such proclamations from him as they sponsibility, had Colonel Bonet applied to him under the had had: about the gates of Somnauth. With respect circumstances which had been stated. to the act of indiscretion, as it was called, which the Lord JOHN RUSSELL was understood to express Court of Directors had committed, he (Lord Campbell) his satisfaction at the statement which the Right Hon. thought it a most felicitous act of indiscretion. He Gentleman had just read to the House. would say, with Hamlet— Mr. P. BORTH WICK said, that his object in putting " Our indiscretions oft-time serve us well the question to which the Right Hon. Gentleman had When our deep plots do fail." referred was only to elicit information on the subject. Lord NORMANBY inquired if all the dispatches COALS. which had been received relative to the affairs of Sinde In answer to a question from Mr. HUTT, respecting a return of the amount of coals exported, Sir G. CLERK said there was considerable difficult) ! in making out the return wished for. Some time must elapse before it could be presented in a satisfactory state. Lord HOWICK thought the return might be made out in a short time, and if there was any inconvenience in making out the return, he thought the Right Hon. Gentleman himself was to blame. He hoped the return would be furnished before the discussion on the Bill, which the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to introduce, took place. INDIA. Mr. HUME said that, agreeably to the notice which he had given, he rose to bring forward his motion re specting what had recently taken place relative to India. Believing, as he did, that the subject We an important one, he claimed the indulgence of the House whilst he stated what were his views of the situation in which they were placed by what had latelr occurred relative to that portion of her Majesty § dominions. The Government of India was placed in a very anomalous position. They saw an immense empire containing about 100,000,000 of inhabitants, subjected to the Government of Britain by means chiefly of the India Company ; and they saw various large and important portions of the government of that countri conducted by the Court of Directors—a body appointed by the proprietors of East India stock, who, he might say, first created that immense empire. Few were aware what had been done of late by the Legislature in referenc e to that Company, and what little power had been loft to them. There were two authorities governing India with paramount power. There was the Board of Commis' sioners for managing the affairs of India, who con' trolled the power of the Directors connected with Indio. One of the most important duties which devolved on them was the appointment of the Governor-General 7r India. They appointed whomsoever they approved o£ A question had lately been raised how far they had the power of retaining that officer. It was said that they WI. the power of retaining him in his office, but he belir:Yed no individual connected with India doubted ttat the, power of recalling that officer rested with the Coin' of Directors. This very power was retained to them in the last charter, as if they had foreseen and resolved to provide for the circumstance` which had just taken place. The Reu se might not bo aware that a hint had been thrown o ut ti? . the Court of Directors in 1833 by Sir Cherie' Grant, then President of the Board of Con,Tel►. of taking this power from the Court of Directors.. That was immediately opposed, and the reasons given for tb„ assumption of the power of recal appeared t'o him to perfectly satisfactory. The Chairman and Deputy-Ch" man, Mr. Banks and Mr. Wigram, stated, in June, 18 3 why the power which they had should be continued to theta' There was another communication of the same date, by Mr. Tucker, who observed that he was willing to her that Ministers would r en d er th e C ourt use f u l ; but 1 1 ° . could not say how that w as t o b e d one , w h en the who le responsibility rested with the Co ur t o f Directors, and had been taken away from the G overnme nt Tbati authority had been continued to the Directors, a nd the.. . had now exercised it, and h e f e lt no d ou bt that it had been exercised wisely ; although he had not the papers _ before him.—(Hear, and l aug ht e r.) H e m ight be wro% but still he thought, from all he h a d heard, that 'die Directors had acted rightly. It was important that the Court of Directors should stand well is the public opinion: and the Government of India, and it was on that ow): that he asked for th e p a p ers w ith res p ec t t o the &split° that had taken place betw ee n th e G overn ment and O. f East India C o mp an y. It cou ld no t b e a question of ordinary occurrence that induced twenty-three men tg recal Lord Ellenborough. This could not be construe', into a political question; the large majority of the Dd rectors were in favour of the present Government, ea t there must, therefore, have been reasons of the utra° l importance to warrant the Directors in the course that had adopted ; it, therefore, behoved all parties that f information should be given on the subject. Judging from what fell from two Directors on a former occasit that it was their wish that f u ll i n f orma ti on should 7, given on the su bj ec t, h e h a d come f orwar d t o e licit thf information he was now asking for ? Why did he clOB O3 Because a most important Minister of the CroWP is another place censured the Court of Dime;-tors. tifile! A passed upon th em a censure so severe that he believe d no parallel c ou ld b e f oun d f;,;. it. It was, therefore , 4 importance to k now w h et h er the Government - were ri ght in the censur e th ey h a d passed, or the Directors were correct in the course they had pursued, and nothing better calculated to solve that question than moviligL D the correspondence.—(Hear, hear.) Now, h e wanted - know what the resolutions were that had been passed so the Court of Di rec t ors , i n or d er to j udge, after a. many months' cons id erat i on , w h y t h ey had ho e induced to remove t h e N o bl e L or d . In the s pee ch , 0 of the Noble Duk e i n ano th er p l ace , h e c h arge d Court of Directors no less that six times with indiscret ir ,„ J `" Was it possible to su pp ose th a t th e D u k e wou ld be if; discreet enough to mak e suc h a s t a t ement w i t h ou t go 7. grounds? He must have had th e d ocumen t s bef°'" him, and yet he six times charged the Court of Dirf; tors with gross indi scre ti on . Af ter a Mi n i ster o f 3 Crown had made these charges against the Directors , was absolutely neeessary that the papers should be l t. before the House, in order that the matter might AB cleared up. He w ou ld no t a ll u d e to any port i on o f w o conduct of Lord Ellenborough, except to what had b e l l e alluded to by the Noble Duke on that occasion. had stated it was indiscreet to remove the Gover°_„ ° ,V General while Si n d e was di s t ur b e d an d unsett l e d, immediately after his recent successes in Gwalior. Fr the documents he had seen on those subjects be : o f come to a conclusio n di ame t r i ca ll y oppose d to tha", 9 the Noble Duke.—(A l aug h, an d cries o f " Hear, he'ar;ol No doubt the Right Hon. Baronet opposite had his ° ,ll opinions upon the subject ; he was acquainted with it the documents ; but he trusted that he would Pe r fo him (Mr. Hume) no t on l y t o enterta i n but to ex P'" his opinions also.—(Hear, hear.) Believing that if, o ,e. f explanation were not gi';en, the character, not Gull , of the Board of Directo rs , b ut o f the Government ;tie would suffer, and th at ser i ous consequences would eno. in India, he appealed to the House to support the ;. 0 1 tion. All important orders sent to India are l obo:I: eta , to the Board o f C ontrol, and to the Secret C om mit of the Court o f Di rectors. He did not ask for t h e c- A respondence between the Government and the See; Committee, but he did ask for the corresponaCalce„ e br tween the Gove rnment an d C ourt of Director generally and the p ro d uc ti on o f t h at correspon d ence was neces n to free the C our t o f Di rectors f rom t h e aspersions a'ot had been cast up on th em , an d to f ree the Gover nor e ur t from the c h arge o f h av i ng acte d un j ustly to the C°naal of Directors. In support of his motion he would elki e .• to the Noble Duke himself when asked if he w as P as pared to bring such information before the Hea' s t he would enable them to judge of the indiscretion of of Court of Director s; th e D u k e h a d sa i d that he was bet, prepared to say what papers would be producedrop that Parliament was entitled to all the information nal could be afford e d, All h e asked for was just i c e, ,° the British an d t h e Indian public were alike entitle: to the production of those papers which were necese nr /tk.e bring the conduct of the Board of Control and 0 ,4„ Board of Di rectors b e f ore Parl i ament. The Hon. 1. ber concl u d e d b y mov i ng f or copies -eft - all corresloo nve- t e' between the C our t o f Di rectors o f the East I n dio Co b pony and her Majesty's Government, respectilig„o recal of Lord Ellenborough, the Governor-Gonelndia. Sir R. PEEL—Sir, I rise to offer my most dec T ia b eti e opposition to the motion of the Hon. Gentleman. or itt Hon. Gentleman states that this House is the all if f e r to which an a pp ea l s h ou ld b e ma d e i n case o f - t his once of opinion between the two chief authorities in tf it country invested w ith th e G overnment o f India• a ` th at be true that thi s H ouse i s th e court o f ap p e al, a n oas es, we are called on to exercise our judgment in such e r- I am confident that th e H ouse w ill no t p ro ceed t o () o the; form those d u ti es an d t o pronounce an o pinion _ rti jof conduct of my Noble F r i en d th e G ove rnor-G0.% od/ India in his absenc e . Th ose cons id era ti on s dst in 1 ' equity which induced the Right Hon. Gentleman opIn„ who had given notice of a motion on a matter which Die__Zist sidered of the u t mos t i m p ortance —l mean on the " ` of the recent transactions in Gwalior—thew Sttel e . ; d g bt siderations of equity and justice which induee_d the I x xcl Hon. Gentleman to postpone his motion, becau se -d ere' Ellenborough had been recalled ; these same consl_ t og Lions, I say, must prevent the Urtua: e from E ro 0:w -ally judgment in the abseue of my Noble FriendsJuan° sequently I doubt whether, the Hon. Gentleman., sir, obtain the papers, b : .s ob;ect would be gained. that is not the '...ourtti upon which I offer my. 0 P1: 851 ...,,i0° to the motion of my Hon. Friend. The sing 4 0 ; i which I Chink ought to be considered in this t he what Is most conducive to the interests of Ine., B arc tbeas t maintenance of British power in that country. _ „ ono consideration, and upon that alone, was I -1 13 nerse when we came to our decision.—(Hear,hear.) do r not d el l nalconsiderations were entirely suspended. .._, d ,, a ent the right of the Hon. Gentleman to exercise nisi . " with respect to the affairs of Gwalior. When I in mated a doubt as to the position which he asfsru; thi° the course of his observations, my doubt aros e t he e ke circumstance, that the Hon. Gentleman said, th of Welliniton entertains opinions favourabl e t° rill, qv II he