The Sun. — London, England, 1836-01-22 00:00:00

1 LORD BROUGHAM AND LAW REFORM. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—Burke justly observed that "bad laws are the worst sort of tyranny, and in such a country as this, they are of all bad things the worst, since they derive a particular malignity from the compirative wisdom and soundness of the rest of our institutions." Hap pily for the people who abide in the British Empire, our legal jurisprudence resembles neither the unalter able system of nature, nor the absolute and irresistible laws of the Medes and Persians. There exist some great and opposite examples of amendments introduced into our institutions, which have proved advantageous to the universal interests of mankind, and especially to the general welfare of this nation. Besides the eradication of flagrant juridical abuses by Edward 1., and other Sovereigns whose names emblazon our his toric annals, Lord Bacon frequently proposed various amendments, and Sir M. Hale devoted considerable attention with a view to improve our common and statute laws. But Lord Brougham is the illustrious personage who accomplished all which, and Much more than, these learned functionaries contemplated, by his ines timable law reforms, adapted with great care, prudence, and circumspection to existing circumstances, and suited to the spirit of this enlightened age. Such beneficial alterations for the pure, certain, - and expedi tious administration of justice have annihilated many oppressive abuses by establishing principles accordant with the general frame of government, and the funda mental basis of our legal institutions. Lord Brougham deserves the public gratitude and national commenda tion for these great, useful, and extensive reforms. But the Legislature must further abolish other long-existent indefensible abuses, so as to make the monarchy be loved, the aristocracy permanent, and the people ha ppy. ,The l aws mus t b e dili gen tl y a d m i n i s t ere d on the Bench and in the House of Lords, as being the Court of Appeal, in the last instance, from every tribu nal in the kingdom, which should be necessarily well supplied with eminent and learned dispensers of justice. However, the law reforms already effected by the authority and interposition of Lord Brougham must transmit his name and fame to posterity, especially since the greatest success has attended, and must un questionably follow, such extensive and salutary ame lif ora.tions. essional malls ambition, filling the highest place of a pro law ambition, as well as the highest in the and n ational counc il, his LOrdship strenuously endeavoured to improve our institutions so as to make them more'worthy of the country, and more fitted to en dure. Lo r d Brougham selected the most suitable period for exposing the subtleties and evasions, besides abolish ing the quibbles and artifices long existent in practice, a nd which were deemed so flagrant a portion of legal abuses. Have not such amendments diffused the greatest satisfaction through the kingdom ? Were t hey not sanctioned by public opinion, and merely dis pleasing to those who valued themselves more on being Master s of a quirk or quibble, than any substantial knowledge and learning in the law ? These reforms have diMinished, if not eradicated, divers grievances and irregularities introduced by ig norance or knavery into our public Courts. Laws, enacted for dispensing justice between man and man, Wer e often perverted to the injury and oppression of the people by unnecessary charges and ruinous delays. great change and greater exertions were therefore r equisite to alter this system, and to make the law equally beloved as it should be respected. For what 'als more sufficiently manifest than the evil conse illences of absolutely withholding or even frustrating the means of judicial prot ec ti on an d re d ress ? And, are not similar effects uniformly produced by what ever renders these means more difficult of attainment than the nature and convenience of the subject indis pensably require ? Justitia sing prudentid plurimum poterit ; sine justitid nihil valebit prudentid. Every man, Sir, must commend the principal ob ject of Lord Brougham's Law Reforms, which has been to effect the greatest possible good with the least possible expense, and by abolishing all impolitic mo topolies to establish a sound and prudent system for the promotion of our national welfare. The nature and character of such alterations must have the great est tendency to ameliorate our legal jurisprudence, and thereby conduce to the happiness of the whole corn- Munity. In amending the system of judicature, has tot Lord Brougham constantly observed the general principle, that those who claim the protection and as surance of our laws should have the opportunity of obtaining and enforcing in their ri g ht s , b es id es o f resist g any dem an d w hi c h they may consider unfounded, vith as little cost and delay as are consistent with the amore important object of securing, upon due exami satton, a decision conformable to the substantial merits of their case? Has not such a course of pro ceeding been always found well calculated to produce an adjudication upon the disputed ri, er than s ubjecting it t o h azard by any improgvidhtent rather technical subjecting ? Lord Brougham, therefore, deserves the public co o P e 'ation for ev 0 seizing Pate 1, „ on many o pp ortun i t i es to ext i r- abuses ery just, prud ent , an d reasonable measure, ti which l ong prevailed in our national institu ens. Whilst removing and eradicating whatever was i niurio u s to the welfare of society, but more especially .I'l advancing the greatest of all interests—the ad iinhleniistr.ation of justice—has he not unsparingly applied ,Knife and the axe to all excrescences that ought a. (l . be cut do wn ? H as not his Lordship vigorously I.,noured to repair our legal system, whilst taking care the vital principle of improvement should be kept ti . actual operation with regard to our judicial esta- Zahments ? Desirous of establishing public security l i nn the firmest basis, what can more clearly exem thrY so sedulous an anxiety for this purpose, than -Lioed s.tatesman, Brougham's declaration that his " principle as as a legislator, as a judge, has ever been more that the better you could make your laws, the It o . re Comfort would there be to the Judge in their ad ministration the more safety to the statesman, and the More honour to the law-giver ?" Rut, without f urt h er trespass i ng on your va _ e columns, I shall now conclud by intimating my dete rmination to detail s ome of the e numerous reforms Which were designed, and subsequently effected, by Lord Brou g h am , b es i des the salutary advantages which have !been thereby conferred upon various classes of the Bri tish people. I remain, &c. Chaneery_iane, Jan. 21, 1836. MENTOR. ters whom th ey corm T----;; ;;Te1; ---- a;enowpayi n g the vo pted. Why are not th ese k naves The friends of C o l onel punished—why are not these Political robbe rs p rosecu t e d ? T homson —ba c k e d as t h ey wou ld be by all the true Reformers of th e borough —may, we hope, find it both practicable and expedi ent to b r i ng to justice the persons w h o ro bb e d him by their corrupt practices. SACRlLEGE.—Yesterday information was given at the various police establishments, that'on Thursday night the Church of Eye, in Suffolk, was robbed of a quantity of t, he communion plate. The thieves effected an entrance int,7 the body of the Church by pulling down part of the sto rk `-work of one of the windows. They then broke open the v€ 'stry-room, from which they succeeded in carrying -off the foil: Vying articles of massive plate :—Two silver flagons, Weighing. .94 ounces ; two silver plates, weighing 321 ounces ; ano: a silver cup, weighing 13 ounces ; besides two Pewt er Pere i and two sur pli ces . A rewar d h as been of d for Ole apprehension of the thieves. TO THE INDEPENDENT ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER. 1 . Gentlemen—A frost having interrupted the sports of the field, I take up my pen to perform a work of supererogation in noticing the last drowsy, feeble, Alexandrian epistle from Derrynane, in which Mr. Daniel O'Connell, "like a wounded snake, drags his slow length along," and instead of saying everything as he promised in one word, says nothing, or no thing to the purpose, in a multitude ; exemplifying Dryden's remark, that "as much fruit is seldom found beneath a quantity of leaves, so much sense is seldom found beneath a multitude of words." I could not, however, help laughing at the new and unexpected character he comes out in, not that of the fine gentleman, as we were led to expect, all re dolent of civet, eau de rose, &c., which might have induced us to exclaim, " See what a beau my• granny is," but that of Grand Inquisitor of the nineteenth century, denouncing blasphemy, and smelling of fire and faggot ; " it made my lungs to crow like chanticleer at seeing him so deep contemplative," and throwing away so much pious zeal and indignation, since the blasphemy (if blasphemy it be) is none of mine, or, if strong and apposite illustration, as I think it is, it apper tains to Mr. Ralph, the historian, who wrote about 100 years ago, and who lived and died, there being then no self-installed Grand Inquisitor, without reproach. With respect to the to quoque Mr. Daniel O'Connell resorts to, it is in all cases a poor expedient, and in this altogether inapplicable. As lam fearful of being as tedious as him self, I will content myself with a denial of the correctness of all his statements with regard to me, my words, and actions. Mr. D. O'Connell is pleased to say much of gra titude as due to me for services past, evidently brought for ward to envenom the malignity of his after remarks. This brings to my mind Dean Swift's saying, that everything in Ireland is different to what it is everywhere else ; be it as it may, it appears clearly in this instance, that a personal offence cancels long years of service—" perierunt tempera longi servitii." N'importe—as the French say—for, as I never calculated upon gratitude, I never felt disap pointed at not meeting with it. " Hee to qucesiveris extra," is my maxim ; and as it has sustained me through many trials, distresses, and difficulties, so it will enable me to bear with equanimity the disapprobation of Mr. Daniel O'Connell. To complain is weak at all times, and in this instance would be unjust, seeing Mr. Daniel O'Connell treats his country in the snme way ; so incapa ble is he of conceiving even the idea of acting from public principle, unalloyed by private motives, that he is ready to abandon his country in resentment at his expulsion from a club. Either this is the case, or his charge against me falls to the ground : but more of this anon. As he has paid my countrymen the compliment to address them, I will re turn it by addressing a few words to his. I would call upon them coolly to reflect, and ask themselves this question— " What, after all, has Mr. Daniel O'Connell done for us, the people of Ireland, that we should be called upon to pay him tribute ?" I would request of them to call to mind his own statements to them at different periods, and they will find that, according to his own showing, he has done no thing. Even though they should attribute to him solely and entirely the whole credit of carrying the Roman Catholic Relief Bill (which, for the sake of argu ment, I admit, though I deny the fact) ; but, grant it, what then ?—hear him himself. It was only beneficial, he said, to a few noblemen and gentlemen, by admitting them into Parliament, but that for the people it did no thing ; nor could anything but the repeal of the Union 15e of any service to them ; thus, then, nothing was got" for the people ; it served his purpose indeed of agitation, and thereby producing rent ; but when carried, was of course thrown aside, as no longer of any use. He next made a stalking-horse of the Repeal question to continue the tribute, which question be evaded as long as he could, until it was forced upon him by the House. His failure in it was con spicuous and complete, and it was clearly shown to be mischievous to all parties, but that the chief mischief would fall upon Ireland, besides weakening and endanger ing the stability of the -empire. He has not, however, abandoned it—he cannot afford it—he might be left with out a grievance to his back. Mr. Daniel O'Connell is no reasoner ; although he talks much of' demonstration, he cannot reason or demonstrate ; ho only declaims. He is a great adept at ringing the changes on a cert a in n um ber of popular words, an expressions, and topics well calcu lated to excite popular feelings, prejudices, and passions, and keep up a perpetual state of agitation and delusion, and thereby increase his tribute ; but as to being contented, or allowing his poor countrymen to become so, lie never will. It is only in the foul atmosphere of agitation that he exists—he lives upon it, " like a toad on tbe . vapour of a dungeon ;" it gratifies his vanity, and gives him power ; but could the poor people of Ireland be prevailed upon to open their eyes and see their own interests, they would ex claim, like the frogs in the fable to the boys pelting them, " this which is sport to you is death to us." In fact, Ire land seems to be relapsing into a state of barbarism under his influence, and, whatever may be the march of mind in other countries, there it appears to be retrograde ; the whole state of society is unhinged by it ; it depresses all in dustry, drives from the country that which it most stands in need of—capital ; dries up the sources of employment ; plucks the heart out of all enterprise, and leaves a miserable su perabundant population, without resource, and almost with out hope of relief. But to return to the charge brought against me by this most disinterested patriot, this self styled representative of the sufferings of Ireland, and, he adds, of its ancient faith. He is certainly not a very learned " Theban," even in the history of his own country, or he would know that the ancient faith of Ireland was a pure Christianity, until Popery was introduced from England. His offerings, according to the Irish Papers, amount to something between 18,000/. and 20,0001. a year, collected from a miserable, naked, starving people, made up of lean morsels torn from starving mouths, and rags from cold shivering limbs, extorted by turbulent domineering priests, abusing their influence over the minds of a superstitious, ig norant people, they themselves at the same time standing so much in need of relief. To the introduction of a Poor-law for that purpose, nevertheless, he has, till very lately, op posed himself ; now, however, he has altered his mind upon that subject, and, to prove his sincerity, will doubtless take care that in any Poor-law Act that shall be proposed for Ireland an appropriation clause shall be inserted, apply ing the surplus of the tribute to the purposes of the Act , after remunerating Mr. Daniel O'Connell, according to his own standard, for all the good he has done. Mr. Daniel O'Connell proclaims aloud his disinterested and strong attachment to the present Administration ; they have his warm, decided, cordial support ; yet thus attached, thus anxious to uphold them for the sake of Ireland, the patriot is ready to sacrifice them, should he be expelled from Brookes's Club. For this worthy cause he is ready, it seems, to destroy this Ministry, and to .surrender up Ire land to those whom he calls its bitterest enemies ; and thus, to gratify his own selfish spite, dissolve Mr. Sheill's " indissoluble compact," the existence of which, however, i\lr. Daniel O'Connell denies, and calls the assertion of it false, base, and disgraceful. Either Mr. Daniel O'Con nell's personal feelings would carry him to this extent— either he would sacrifice Ireland to his own petty resent ment, or my complaining of his conduct as a member of Brookes's Club could have none of the public consequences which he deprecates: it is only upon the assumption that he is a man likely to prefer his personal pique to what he declared the interest of Ireland that the charge against me can be maintained ; and if the Club forbear to take my letter to them into consideration, the world will be apt to judge that they estimate Mr. Daniel O'Connell's paid-for patriotism by the same standard. Those journalists also who have censured my letter, as tending to effect a breach between Mr. Daniel O'Con nell and the Ministry, must think the same ; for ob serve, all I said was, and say is, that a man who makes use of gross, offensive language, and shelters himself from the consequences, is an unfit and an unsafe member of any club. This is all I said. It was reserved for Mr. Daniel O'Connell and his partisans to proclaim that the quality of his boasted patriotism was such, that if the members of Brookes's acted on the recognised principles o f civilised_ society, he would withdraw his support from a Govern ment the first, he says, in English history that did justice to Ireland. It was on this estimate of Mr. Daniel O'Con nell's patriotism that the resolutions were founded, for warded to me by Mr. Devear ; whether Mr. Daniel O'Connell is, or I myself am, most or least fitted for the society of Brookes's, is a private matter, although Mr. Daniel O'Connell endeavours to make it a public one by magnanimously involving in it the fate of the Administration. There is not, however, the least danger ; he has h a d a glimpse of the terrible Orangemen of the North, and he flies to the skirts of the Whigs for shelter, as the drunken butler in The Tempest creeps beneath the gabardine of Caliban to shelter himself from the storm. He is held by his strongest ties. I remain, gentlemen, Your most obedient humble servant, F. BURDETT. THE IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT BILL.—It is understood to be the intention of Government, at the as sembling of Parliament, to renew the Bill now in opera tion for the relief of Insolvent Debtors. The present Act will expire at the termination of th e nex t S e ssions ; and, should a dissolution take place before it is renewed, there will remain no law for the relief of Insolvent Debtors—excepting that relating . to bankr u pt s , w hich is considerably a more expensive j urisdicti on . Th e A c t under which the Insolvent Debtors ' Court is constituted was extended to June, 1835, and from thence until the end of the next Sessions ; therefore should Ministers meet the Parliament, and only continue for afew days and di sso l ve without a renewal of the Act, it will be the means of the incarceration of hundreds of persons confined for debt, THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 22, 1836, TORY MAGISTRACY. ST. PANCRAS VESTJ?Y. Tuesday afternoon a numerous meeting of the members of the above Board was held in the Vestry-rooms, Gordon square, to receive the report of a deputation appointed to wait upon Mr. Hume, M.P.. respecting the want of co operation of the local Magistracy with the vestry in the collection of the poor-rates. Richard Cooke, Esq., in the absence of the Churcl.- wardens, was unanimously called to the chair. The followed letter from Mr. Hume, embodi3d in the re port, was read by the Vestry Clerk : " Bryanstone-square, Jan 16, 1886. " SlR—Having considered the resolutions of the Vestry of St. Pancras, of the 14th instant, and also met the de putation appointed to explain the difficulties in which the parish affairs are placed by the want of magistrates, I re quest you will submit to the vestry this letter, as the sub stance of what I have verbally stated to the deputation. " I consider the present mode of appointing magistrates in the counties, and the power they exercise, as most ob jectionable, and I am satisfied that justice cannot be ad ministered to the people, nor economy to the county funds enforced, whilst such a system is allowed to continue. The Lords Lieutenant having the power of recommending the magistrates, and being virtually irresponsible, it will be found that party politics influence their choice of county magistrates, rather than the possession of the qualification for the due administration of the important duties of that office. It is notorious that a large portion of the Lords Lieutenant of England, being Tories and strong party men, have entirely exercised the power and influence they possess, as servants of the Crown, to support their own party and oppose the Alinisters of a reformed Administra tion ; and it must be obvious to every one that such a state of things cannot be but very prejudicial to the general as well as the local interests of the counties. I have represented to Lord John Russell, nearly four months ago, the great disproportion of the Tories and Re formers in the active magistracy of the county of Middlesex, and that consequently all the magisterial proceedings, such as licensing public-houses, the appointment of county offi cers, and, in short, everything that comes within their juris diction, is tinged with a spirit of their party, which is that of direct hostility to the present Government, and it is not to be wondered that Reformers feel themselves aggrieved by such a state of things. I must state frankly to the vestry, that the appointments Gf the Duke of Portland to the magistracy of Middlesex have prostrated at the feet of the anti-Reforming party all the interest of the county, and that this is a great injustice to the majority of the county, who have proved themselves Reformers. " The majority have also power to assess the county, and to expend the money so levied without the sanction or con troul of the rate-payers ; and, as might be expected, there are heavy and just complaints throughout the country of the increase of rates, and of the improper manner in which they have been expended. " The rate-payers of all corporations of England have now the power of electing men in whom they have confi dence to manage the pecuniary affairs of the corporations, and they have also the advantage of recommending to their Council the gentlemen most qualified, in their opinion, to be magistrates within their several districts. I see no reason, therefore, why the rate-payers of the counties, and particularly the inhabitants of all the metropolitan boroughs, should not be placed in the same advantageous situation. " In September last I took the liberty, in conse quence of strong representations from different parts of the county, to lay before Lord John Russell the names of twenty gentlemen of liberal opinions who have been pointed out to me as fit and proper men to be placed in the commission of the peace ; their places and residences being such as will enable them to supply the duties of those districts most in want of magistrates, and I know that his Lordship has used his endeavours to get some of them appointed by the Duke of Portland, but after up wards of three months' negotiation, he had not been able, up to the 2d. of the present month, to succeed in having one of these gentlemen added to the commission. You must judge what must be the nature of the objections of his Grace to these gentlemen when I state to you that Mr. Alderman Wood. M.P. ; Mr. Grote, M.P. ; Mr. Warburton, M.P. ; Mr. H. Weymouth ; Mr. Thomas Gibson, &c., were among those recommended, and the vestry will therefore excuse me making any further applica tion in favour of the gentlemen they recommend. " The time is come when Parliament must consider and decide whether the present system of Lords Lieutenant and their irresponsible magistrates shall longer continue to con duct the pecuniary affairs of counties. I would, therefore, recommend the immediate co-operation of the several ves tries of the metropolis in the application to his Majesty's Ministers, and to Parliament, for relief, although I am satisfied that no effective improvement can be effected until the old system is altered. " That the Vestry will excuse my earnestly requesting their early attention to the matters I have submitted to their consideration, in the belief, that unless men use their best efforts to relieve themselves, they will have little chance of obtaining relief, " I am, Sir, your obedient servant, " To the Vestry Clerk. " JOSEPH HUME." The letter was ordered to be entered on the minutes, and taken into consideration on a future day. With reference to the above, we have received the fol lowing letter from a correspondent : TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING CHRONICLE. Sir—l creep out this winter night to pop into your box some facts in confirmation of what Mr. Hume has advanced in his letter to the Pancras Parochial Committee. Allow me to call your attention to the annexed paper, which I invite you to publish, containing the names of the magistrates to be found from Staines (which has no resident justice) inclusive, by drawing a slightly curved line to the north of the Bath-road to Brentford, including that place, which is in the same predicament at ,Staines, thence to Isleworth, and then following the border of the county and the Thames, back to Staines, i. e., including the greater part of the polling district of Bedfont, and a corner of another. You may imagine the moral influence of such a state of the magistracy, supposing no direct influence to be exerted. Men will naturally prefer their political partisans, amongst whom their private friends are mostly found, in the distri bution of patronage. When the lower class of voters see local power so exclusively in Tory hands, they can hardly be brought to believe that Liberals are in power at head quarters, or that the reform has borne any fruits. The patronage in the case of the Middlesex Magistrates is very considerable in petty offices, bridge and gaol build ing, and contracts of all descriptions. There is no lack of eligible gentlemen in this district, either of liberal principles or unidentified with politics. The Magistrates enumerated, as well as elsewhere, are almost to a man active canvassers. Every thing is going wrong in the district in question, in consequence of their activity, and the notorious Court and Hampton Court pensioners' influence. At their various meetings they are a sort of permanent Tory committee, like the parsons. The whole body have a club at Clerken well, where they dine, the members being ballotted for pre vious to their admission into a room which is public pro perty, to eat a dinner, purchased in part with the Magis trates' wages allowed by the public. They are self-elected, inasmuch as it is notorious the Lord Lieutenant always con sults and is guided by them as to appointments, when they do not themselves originate them for their sons, brothers, and cousins. Their " mistakes" are proverbial. Their factiousness about the Chairman's appointment notorious, vide their proceedings " passim." And what is most mon strous, Magistrates stand alone in the British empire in vested with the power or arbitrary taxation, for which Charles suffered, to resist which " Hampden died in the 'field and Russell on the scaffold," in good old Whig phra seology. Let Mr. Hume's suggestions be acted upon ; let us petition in meetings for popularly elected C omm issioners for a county rate, and stipendiary or popularly recomme nded Magistrates. No more amateur justice or taxation. BEDFONT DISTRICT-TORY MAGISTRATES AT ELECTION IN 1835. Thomas Wood, Littleton, grandfather to the Tory can didate in 1835. Thomas Wood, Colonel of one regiment of the Mid dlesex Militia, King's Aide-de-camp, father to the Tory candidate. Thomas Wood, son of the preceding, Lieutenant in the Foot Guards, Tory candidate. Sir John Gibbon, Bart., Colonel of the other regiment of Middlesex Militia, agent at polling booth at Bedfont for said Thomas Wood. John Gibbon, son of aforesaid. Rev. James Cowe, Tory. Appointed soon after active electionering exertions for Mellish or Mainwaring. Lent his carriage to bring voters to the poll in 1835. LordlClountford. James Scott, polled a plumper for Wood, once a Whig. Strahan, King's printer (now or ex.) F. Manners : Did not register in 1832 or vote in 183.5. H. De Burgh, Master of the Stag-hounds. H. Pownall, Tory in 1829, Whig in 1831, Tory candi date for Finsbury in 1834. Colonel Clitheroe, proposer of Tory candidate. Fyler, seconder of Tory candidate. Two others, whose names I do not recollect. Th ere was, " 0 monstrous! but one halfpenny worth of bread to this intolerable deal of" Toryism (consisting of Captain Maxfield, late M.P. for Grimsby, for Mr. Clay, M.P., was, I believe, not in residence.) -" What there is else (I) keep close ; (you shall) read it at more advant age ; there l e t (th em s l eep t o ) day . . . . (put this in) betimes in the morning, and so good morrow" (Mr. Editor.) From your obedient humble servant, A LAW REFORMER. Westminster, Wednesday evening. FRENCH PAPERS. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES. -CONTINUATION OF Tuu SITTING OF TUESDAY. M. gaugier insisted on the urgency of the Chamber's pro ceeding to the vote on the Customs' Bill immediately after that on the Vicinal Roads Bill.= The Minister of Commerce contended that'it would be at present unseasonable for the Chamber to take M. Gau guier% proposition into consideration, as it was highly ne cessary that previously to the debate on the Customs' Bill the Minister should have time to lay before the Chamber the Custom-house Ordinances which had been issued since the close of the last session. He added, that it was his (the Minister's) intention to embody all those ordinances in a sin gle bill with as little delay as pessible. M. L'Herbette was of opinion, that instead of presenting a single bill on the customs, which must necessarily be long and complicated, the Minister would do well to submit to the Chamber several distinct and separate bills on the dif ferent branches of industry. Lavielle thought it advisable, on the Customs' Bill, to direct the attention of the Minister of the Interior to the commercial state of some of the southern departments. He was aware that political reasons might exist for the pro hibition issued against the importation of arms and ammu nition into Spain, but he was unable to imagine any sound reason for a late Royal Ordinance against the exportation of various merchandise to that country, such as cloth, &c., which was at present conveyed into Spanish ports by Eng lish vessels. In his opinion, the result of such an ordi nance was to ruin the trade of the French frontiers for the benefit of England. He trusted that the ordinance would be speedily repealed ; and, in the mean time, he formally requested Ministers to explain the intentions of Government on that point. The Minister of Commerce replied, that the ordinance in question, which had been issued by virtue of the law of 1814, was regular, constitutional, and legal, and would shortly be made the object of a special Bill, to be presented to the Chamber. He also explained that the ordinance, which was intended to promote the political interests of the country, had been promulgated in accordance with the terms of the quadruple treaty, and at the express demand of the Spanish and other Governments which had signed that treaty, and which were desirous of putting a stop to the transport of supplies to the Carlist forces. The Mini ster concluded by saying that the Chamber would shortly be called upon to decide whether any modifications could be introduced into the ordinance, but that, in the mean time, the paramount consideration was the fulfilment of the conditions of the quadruple treaty.—(Hear. hear.) M. Gauguier, in consequence of the explanations just given by the Minister of Commerce, consented to with draw his proposition, and the sitting was adjourned at half past 5. COURT OF PEERS.--SITTING OF JAN. 19. Baron Pasquier took the chair at half-past 12. The whole sitting was occupied by pleadings in defence of the prisoners, which presented very little interest, the counsel dwelling principally upon their antecedent good eonduct. M. Ploque presented the defence of Delayen and Cre vat, and mainly argued, that after what had been seen in the rise an d f a ll o f Governments within the last half cen tury, it was not astonishing that men should be found who strive against Governments. There was no revolution without a counterblow. • M. Bivaux spoke in defence of Candre. The prisoner Sauriac delivered his own defence at consi derable length, protosting his innocence, and reminding the Court that in 1830 he was the first who planted the tri coloured flag in the Place de la Capitole at Toulouse, and that too amidst the fire of the gendarmerie. M. Sausnieres, the Counsel of Sauriac, addressed a few words in favour of his client, showing that his whole life had been devoted to public instruction, in which career he had been eminently useful. No defence was offered for Hubin de Guer, or Montaxier, the Procureur-General having abandoned the prosecution against them. M. Routier, in offering the defence of Bastien, endea voured to prove that It's client was neither a politician nor an agitator, but an honest, industrious man, who supports his aged father. M. Auguste Marie defended Roger and Cahusac, and M. Chamillard addressed the Court in favour of Billon, after which the sitting was adjourned. (From the Gtizette des Tribunaux.) On Thursday last, the Fifth Chamber of the Tribunal de Premiere Instance decided a cause which is interesting to diplomatic agents and to persons who have business with them. Mr. Henry Greville, Secretary to the Em bassy of his Britannic Majesty, was summoned for pay ment of goods, on the part of Messrs. Vert, Sauphar, and Levin. His Advocate, M. Cleemann, after having observed that the demand of the claimants were so unjust, that his client would not be afraid to go before any tri bunal in the world, maintained that in his diplomatic quality he was not subject to the jurisdiction of the French tri bunals , and, in support of his position, quoted Vattel,. Grotius, &c., and also a decree of the 11th Ventose, an 11. M. Decagny, on behalf of the claimants, pleaded that this exception in favour of diplomatic agents held good only in the case of their having acted on behalf of the Ambassador himself and in his service ; that, in the present case, Mr. Greville had .a domicile separate from that of the Embassy, and had acted on his own behalf, without making known his diplomatic quality. He cited also a decree of the Royal Court, which seemed to admit of this distinction. Not withstanding, after a reply of M. Cleemann, and on the same conclusion drawn from the subject by the Government law-officers, the tribunal pronounced the following decree : Seeing that it is a principle of the law of nations recog nized in Europe, and especially in France, that persons forming part of an Embassy participate in the rights and privileges of the Ambassadors and diplomatic agents to whom they are attached ; seeing also that Mr. Greville has esta blished that he is attached as Secretary to the Embassy of his Britannic Majesty to the King of the French, the tri bunal decides that there is no ground for proceeding to judgment on the demand of Messrs. Vert, Sauphar, and Levin, and condemns them in costs.". CHAMBER OF PROCURADORES. SITTING OF JAN. 8. The consideration of the Bill on the Electoral Law being the Order of the Day, The Minister of the Interior rose and said—The Go vernment, in the exercise of its right, has presented to the Chamber the project of an Electoral Law, which has been referred to the examination of a Special Committee. This Committee has made several additions to the project, to which the Government will or will not agree, according to the turn the debate may take ; but it is right that the Go vernment should at the outset declare that the question about to occupy the attention of the Chamber is not a question of a political system, and that it is not a Ministe rial question. Senor Caballero, Member of the Committee, said that the Government proposed the principle of direct election ; but the Committee, on the contrary, had, after mature con sideration, given the preference to a mixed election, because indirect election had always been practised in Spain. The Committee, respecting the usages of the country, thought that the system of direct election ought not to be estab lished without sonic sort of transition. Senor Puche spoke in favour of the system of direct elec tion proposed by the Government. Senor Martinez de la Rosa thought that the plan pro posed by the Committee would comprehend all the incon veniences of the direct and indirect systems of election without offering any advantage in return. Such a mixed system had never been practised in Spain, and, he believed, had never been adopted in any free country. It would not, undoubtedly, be agreeable to the Spanish nation that it should make the first trial of that system. Senor Galiano replied to the objections advanced by the preceding speaker, and defended the plan proposed by the Committee. SITTING OF THE 9TH. The Mar q ui s d e T orreme ji a spo k e i n f avour o f t h e prin. ciple of direct election. Senor Arguelles maintained that the alterations made in the project of law by the Committee were not essential. He thought that the propositions of the Committee would be assented to by the Government, inasmuch as they tended to improve in several particulars the original project. After the speech of Senor Arguelles, which occupied the whole sitting, the discnssion was adjourned till next day. SITTING OF THE 10TH. Senor Lopez supported the plan of the Committee, and the Marquis de Falces opposed it. Several of the Procu radores addressed the Chamber on the subject, and the dis cussion was adjourned. BRUSSELS AND GERMAN PAPERS HANovta, JAN. 13: - -His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumbe r l an d, d ur i ng his late visit to this city, honoured with his presence a supper, at which there were many re spectable men of different classes. Among the first toasts on this occasion the healths of the Duchess of Cumberland and of Prince George were drank. The Duke returned thank s in nearly the following terms, which were afterwards noted from memory by one of the company You have - drank to the health of my wife and of my child. The Duchess is a Hanoverian ; she w as born in Hanover, an d sets a hi g h va l ue on this,dispensation of Pro vidence, f or s h e esteems and loves you and y our fellow citizens. I am not in the same case ; yet, I ne vertheless belong to you. Hanoverian blood flows in my veins. Prom my fifteenth year, I received my education in this country, and cannot but look on Hanover as my na tive land. My son is therefore a Hanoverian both on the father's and the mother's side, and his love to Hanover is as faithful as mine. At all times, and now again, I have seen the most unequivocal proofs, of the firm attachment of the Hanoverians to the family of their princes, which are dear to my heart. I entertain towards you all the sen timents of my revered and august father, King George the Third, whose principles always have been, and will con tinue to be, the guide of my opinions and actions. In these principles I educate my son, to whom may a gracious God, as I have reason to hope, restore the light of his eyes. I shall continue to cherish these principles, and give you the assurance that it is my most earnest endeavour to educate him so that he may become a faithful and affectionate father to the country. With joy lam able to add, that lam now certain of success. I now drink to the health and happi ness of all true Hanoverians." HAN OVER, JAN. 1 6. — Exchanrre on London, 1511; months, 15 18. — Franlifort Paper, J- 17. caper, Jan. (From the Isar.) Since the la!t insurrection in Poland, numerous publica. tons have appeared, representing, more or less in detail, its origin and its progress. The impartial observer, however, will not fail to be sensible of their defects, as soon as he looks at the sources of which the authors have availed themselves. The well-known friend of the Poles, Dr. Spa zier, states them himself, in his Letters on the Polish Revo lution. These are letters, verbal communications of the most distinguished Poles who participated in it, and official acts of the Revolutionary Government. Dr. Spazier, how ever, has not mentioned any . Russian work on the same subject as having been referred to by him, to compare the statements of the parties, and hence to deduce an impartial and correct result. This, however, would be indispensable, since the assistance Of the Poles as the vanquished party, guided by hatred a nd vexa ti on , m ust naturally be in their own favour at the expense of their adversaries, and not impressive of truth. If we a dd, th a t the author is 6%1- deafly *destitute of the will to represent the. events'int partially, we may reasonably deny his work. any great value as a historical composition. Other workS of less importance and less extent are written with the same partiality. The writers of them being, en thusiastic friends to the cause of the Poles, were unable or unwilling to develope the natural consequences, that the Polish revolution, if it had succeeded, would have had on the other States of Europe. If this had been done, it might have brought some of the advocates of the insurrec tion to cooler reflection, and the proceedings of the Rus sian Government and the Warsaw speech would not have appeared so extraordinary. With respect to the speech, it is necessary to put the question,—" To whom was,:it addressed ?" To the descendants of the same Poles, who, guided by ancient hatred to Russia, took advantage of the time of their supreme power (at the beginning of the 17th century) to cover Russia with blood and smoking ruins ; to the same Poles who executed the Warsaw vespers, that is to say, who treacherously murdered , the garrison under Igelstrom in their sleep ; to the same Poles, who, in the 1812, entered Russia with the Grand Army, and committed the well known excesses in the temples of Moscow ; to the same Poles who projected treacherously to seize the august person of the Monarch and his family during a re view at the time of the coronation ; a monarch who pub licly showed himself among them with confidence and affec tion ; to the same Poles who began their rebellion with the fixed purpose of murdering the brother and representative of their Sovereign, and when this purpose was defeated by the flight of the Grand-Duke, massacred at least the un armed Russian generals about his person. When the mo rality of a nation rests on such foundations, we must be prepared against new treacheiy. In such a case, an Alex ander's citadel is indispensable. The English journalists could not be ignorant of the historic facts here referred to ; yet they attacked in the most violent manner the Warsaw Speech, which merely contains a necessary warning. It is easy to account for this conduct by the aid of history. The bombardment of Copenhagen, a feat which was per formed not a very long time ago, is also a kind of Warsaw Vespers. It may be called the English Vespers. It is therefore natural that a sympathy, founded on mutual ad ministration, should prevail between the performers of such Vespers, and that the erection of an Alexander citadel, and the declaration that it will prevent the future execu tion of Vespers, must appear very unjust in their eyes. MUNICH, JAN. 15.—N0 news of a later date than De cember 7 has yet been received from Athens ; which delay is ascribed to the storms that have prevailed in the Adriatic. VIENNA, JAN. 12.-5 per Cent., Aletalliques 102; 4 per Cents., 99i ; 5 per Cents., 76 ; Bank Shares, :1,375 1,376 without the dividend just declared of 36 florins per share, for the second half-year of 1835.—Extra Supplement to Allgemeine Zeitung, Jan. 17. BRUSSELS, JAW. 20.—A letter from Amsterdam says— " People are very dissatisfied with King, William ; they complain of the embarrassed state of trade, and of the enormous taxes that they have paid for these five years past. They accuse him of being the sole cause of the evil, and of prolonging a state of things which must end, sooner or later, by the acceptance of the 41 Articles. The army begins to complain loudly. There have been no promotions for a long time ; and the budget remaining the same, the money saved by the vacancies in the war department, are applied to other expences. The officers know it, and do not dissemble their discontent." The Chamber of Representatives, in its sitting of yes terday, continued the debate on the articles of the Budget of the Minister of War. The average price of Wheat and Rye for the second week of January (11 to 16) were 14-07 and 8-85, from hostilities ; and the import duties are according to the law of July 31, 1834 respectively-75 francs, and 43 francs per 1,000 kilogrammes. BELGIAN FUNDS.—BRUSSELS, Jan. 19. Actual Debt, 2i per Cent, Rothschild's Loan, Five per Cent 101; Loan of City, 1832, Four per Cent 99% Society of Commerce, Four and a Half per Cent 132% Bank of Belgium, Five per Cent —Brussels Papers, Jan. 21. COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. Yesterday a special Court was held upon the subject of the expected reform in the Municipal institutions of the City. The Court was crowded with members, and the space below the bar was filled before the discussion com menced. ELECTION OF THE OFFICERS OF THE CORPORATION. Upwards of an hour was occupied in re-electing the va rious officers of the corporation. MUNICIPAL REFORM IN THE CITY. Mr. PRITCHARD rose to propose a motion to the effect, that it be referred to the Committee of the whole Court appointed in March, 1834, to consider the report of the Municipal Commissioners as soon as a copy should be obtained ; and further, to confer with the Commissioners and with his Majesty's Government upon the amend ments of the Municipal Corporation of the City of Lon don. He stated that as the report was all but ready, and as a measure based .upon it would be introduced into Parliament it became necessary to appoint per sons to negotiate with the Government upon a question of such vital importance. The necessity appeared to be greater after what , had occurred in the Court of Aldermen on TueSday last. Charges of delay had been made against the Committee of the whole Court Of the most unfair kind, for it was well known that their labours had lasted for several weeks, from nine in the morn ing till nine at night ; that they had prepared several most important reports, which had passed the Court, and were proceeding to prepare the rest when they met with such decided obstructions from a member of the . Court of Al dermen then in the Chair.—(Hear, hear.) Those who had thus interrupted the proceedings ought to bear die blame. (Mr. Pritchard then described what had passed in the Court of Aldermen, as reported in Wednesday's papers, and reproached that body with having, after first intimating their wish to join with the Court of Common Council in the endeavour to obtain an eligible reform, repudiated all idea of union.) He considered, too, that the Aldermen had stultified their own objections to the acts of the Committee of the whole Court by appointing a whole Court of their own, and taking under their patronage the municipal institutions of the City.—(A laugh.) He rejoiced to see so large and respect able an attendance of strangers below the bar on such an occasion. As to the form of the Committee, he thought that the Committee of the whole Court had decidedly the advan tage over every other. The Court might appoint the same Committee to which he referred in his motion to the per formance of the duties he mentioned, or another Commit-. tee, and the rest of the reports made by the former might then undergo discussion. An immediate attention to the. subject was more necessary, as it would be much easier to induce the Government not to adopt a system injurious to the interests of the citizens of London than to abandon a measure once introduced under their sanction. In a Com mittee of the whole Court there would be great advantage, for every member of the Court would have the opportunity of doing his duty, and the Constituency would have the opportunity of witnessing it.—(Hear, hear.) As to , the prejudice which was said to exist against a Committed so formed, that was felt by none except those who were dis inclined to do what was required of them by the electori, or those who were adverse to any plan of improvement. A Ward Committee, he submitted, would be objectionable, because, amongst other reasons, of the inequality of the Constituencies, and of the absolute necessity at such a period of carrying on the proceedings before the eye of the public.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Pritchard then put his motion. Deputy WESTON seconded the motion. It was, he said, indispensably necessary that the city of London shouldNpar tieipate in the general law passed by the Government last Session, and he trusted that all prejudice would, in the en deavour to obtain a favourable measure, be laid aside. The Committee of the whole Court, whether it was legal or illegal, had done its duty well. It was to be regretted that the whole business of it had not been concluded before, but the public ought to know, and, indeed, did know, that the impediment lay in the late 'Chief Magistrate. Ile re gretted the unconeiliatory spirit exhibited by the Court o Aldermen, who certainly ought to pull with the Court of Common Council, and who would find that they would have to undergo a great change.—(A laugh and cries of " Hear, hear.") . 0 , Alderman WINCIIESTER begged leave to warn the - Court as to the course they were about to pursue. It was curious and new in the history of Corporations that, at a time when his Majesty had been pleased to appoint a COmmission to inquire into the principal institutions of the country, the Corporation of London should think fit to proceed with matters which they called their own Reform, before they knew any thing of the report upon which the approaching measure was founded. 'he report.s of the Committee of the whole Court were highly objectionable, and had been concocted by a set of gentlemen who were notoriously hostile to the branch of the Corporation to .which he had the honour to belong, and were . meant to 'destroy totally the Mayoralti and Magistracy of the city of. London ; and if the . Court of Alderinen'Coneurred in their views; i its whole authority would be annibilated.Hear, hear, hear.) • .As to the attacks whielf . had been Made upon his charaeter, he would answer 'them .by a reference to the kind and good advice which he had upon all, occasions gi\'en to. the Court ' of Common Council.—(Great laughter.) It was well for them that they. sometimes had p. Chief Magistrate who could put th em r i g ht w h en they Were decidedly and to all intents and purposes doing wrong.'—(Renewed langhter.) He, would now shoW them he was as sincere as ever, and beg of:them to" wait until they should see the substanceof the Corinissioners' report. ' It would becomplimentaryin them to do so; instead of being guilty of the presumption of interfering with the Government under the existing cir cumstances. Would it not be. better and more dignified to wait for the report than t 0,36 running up perpetually to the Minister, saying, !! W e want this and we don't want that If. he were a Minister of the 'Crown, be shOUld . clespiSe and reject such treatment. If any Persons came to him pend ing'a great measure "to make this or that - proposition, he would 16Ok at them with an eye of suspicion, and. answer thein by saying, , " Be so good •.as to wait till you are sent for."—(Laughter.) lie once more railed upon the. Court to be cautious. of .what they were : about, and he strongly deprecated any idea of precipitancy. . , . Deputy CORNEY did not _,.see how, the Court could en tertain the question, or h o w the L o rd Mayor 'could put it, as the law officer's had" long decided that the'COminitteeof the whole Court was not a legal:Ciimmittee.- - ' - It was here asserted'by several Members that the Court itself' were perfectly satisfied of the .existence.of the Com mittee, as well as of its legality, ab initio. Deputy CORNEY requested that the Lord Mayor would state whether the question proposed by Mr. Pritchard could be put by his Lordship's authority. The LORD MAYOR having consulted with the Recorder, said that the question was one of great nicety. He had had been advised by his law officer, and he concurred in the advice, that the Committee of the whole Court appointed in March, 1834, was not now in existence. He begged to state that he considered the best way in which the Court could proceed was, to appoint a Committee of the whole Court again, and to make the reference to that Court.— - .. ___ (Hear, hear.) The immediate adoption of this plan would obviate the necessity of discussing the question of the le gality of the former Court. Mr. PRITCHARD said that he was ready to prove the le gality of the Committee of the whole Couit, but he would not refuse to modify his proposition so as to meet the sug gestions of the Lord Mayor, but not in such a manner as to recognise the imputation of the illegality of the Commit tee. He the❑ moved for a new Committee of the whole Court, for the purposes aforesaid. . Mr. FLETCIIER seconded the proposition, principally on the ground that the equalizatiln of the wards would, no doubt, form one of the chief objects of the Bill, and the Court was bound to show its conviction of the necessity of such a change by preferring a Committee of the whole Court to any other. Mr. WILLIAMS (of Cordwainers' Ward) admitted that there was a necessity for reform, taking the whole city of London in all its parts into consideration ; but he thought that a Committee of the whole Court was not at all quali fied to decide upon the most advisable system. Ile begged that the Court would first look at the manner in which the old whole Committee worked. Although composed of 266 members, ;t was often a great difficulty to get together a quorum.—(" Hear, hear," and " No, no.") He had been asked to help to make one, and he refused because the Law Officers declared the Committee to be illegal. He then detailed the lists of those. present during the sittings of the Committee, and concluded by moving as an amend ment, that a Committee consisting of three members from each ward should be elected for the purposes mentioned by Mr. Pritchard. Mr. E. GODSON seconded the amendment. He had been applied to, while engaged in another Committee, to help to make a quorum of the Committee of the whole Court, and was therefore convinced that Mr. Williams's proposition ought to be supported. He wondered why Mr. Pritchard had not discovCred that a Ward Committee could act well after all his experience. Mr. STEVENS said that Mr. Williams's argument was the most powerful that could be for the reform of that Court. When first the Committee met, there was no occasion to look for members. The attendance was uniformly nume rous, but the moment the late Lord Mayor threw. in his obstructions, those who wished to slink from their duty were glad to get hold of the excuse, and absented themselves.— ( Hear, bear.) But the right way of getting together large numbers was not adopted. If a 500/. entertainment in the navigation barge had been likely to result, there would have been go small muster.—(A laugh.) But they were now arrived at a very important crisis. It was, in fact, life or death with the Corporation. Sir PETER LAURIE said that he would vote for the amendment, and entertained no doubt that a better attend ance would be given than was to be found in a Co mm itt ee of the whole Court. He was somewhat surprised at the admission of Mr. Stevens, that a fund to the amount of 500/. would accomplish what the sense of duty' could not by any means induce the patriotic members of the Court of Common Council to do. What, the Members of that Court refuse to act without pay ! The Court might de pend upon it, that notwithstanding the boasted value in which the Government held their services, a Municipal Bill would be brought forward, cut and dry, and without any consideration of those services. Mr. CHARLES PEatisoN advocated the original motion. He described the statements of Mr. Williams as mere fal lacies, and said that those who worked in the Committee of the whole Court were as effective and hardworking a body of men as could be found, and that the majority of the Members who absented themselves had done so from a perfect confidence in the integrity and exertions of the con stant frequenters of the ommittee. Mr. Pearson re minded Sir Peter Laurie of a recent job which had taken place in the Court of Aldermen, as a set-off against the reported disinclination in the Members of the Court of Common Council to attend'to their duties without remu neration. He then ably defended himself against a charge of inconsistency made against him in a Morning Paper. The LORD MAYOR said that if the Lord Mayor, Alder men, and Commons pulled together, he had no doubt that Government would give them a most satisfactory Bill. Mr. HALL implored the young members, if they ex mp e o c t t i e o d n. to belong to the Committee , to vote for tlic original Mr. R. TAvi.on. said that the Ward Committees always acted badly, and that upon important occasions their reports were negatived by the Court.—( Hear, hear.) After a few words from Mr. Galloway, Alderman White, and Mr. Pritchard, the Court divided, when the original motion was carried by a majority of 13 ; the numbers being, for the amendment, 63 ; against it, 76. Majority against the amendment, 13.—Adjourned. A requisition is now in progress of signature by several M. P.'s, bankers, merchants, and others, to solicit the Lord Mayor to convene a public meeting for the pur pose of expressing their deep sympathy for the loss, by conflagration, at New York ; and also to express their warm remembrance of the generosity of America upon the occasion of the awful fires at Nova Scotia, &c. Last week a woman in Methven f Scotland, gave birth to a child which.was literally covered with the small pox. Both the mother and all the family were free from the disease. SINGULAR AND SHOCKING DEATII.—For some time past, the house, - No. 23, Hertford-street, Somers town, has been the abode of a most singular character, named Henry Kirkman. . This eccentric man Was about 34 years of age, and the son of Mr. Kirkman, the w ell-known pianoforte-maker. lie was extremely frugal in his diet, and. led, in every respect, the life of an anchorite, never suffer bveanttiuon until t ing either male or female to enter his re t r eat, which, as may be well imagined, was not kept in the most clean and comfortable order. Such an aversion had he to meet the eye of any one that he past,ncr driven to it from necessity, and then always went out and returned un:Yor the cloak of n i g ht. 'Not having been se en Or heard for some daysthgeuintteeidghib'iosu iriaiit red to knock at his dOor, but reeeivitnimgen:i\ainrs.wlenrsp.theeyt caEmveatnos,th:ef conclusion that Something, of a serious nature must have transpired, and gave information at the station-house in n t ( i t ie th a e c re cumulate Phmnix-streot. In a short forcing open the door, they proceeded w d it l l s i somemen - and caution the S division, attended. with a part of his men, or ettldietyfiie•s"t'ifleogort,oafilth, into a wick the corpse c ,f the wretched man lying in bed undressed. beheld He had Fe: ,dently been dead some considerable l''onodmdoi difficulty, `period, and on exam' s ling the body, the nose and hands by the rats, with which the were found to have gna.w ed away place appears to be: overrun. The body was removed i 'n a shell to St. Pancras tr, orkbouse to await found in his pockets.