The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-29 00:00:00

GRAND WEEKLY ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE MEETING AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE. The usual weekly meeting of the National Anti- Corn-law League, was held last evening, at Covent garden Theatre, and notwithstanding the unfavour able state of the weather, the theatre was crowded in every part in five minutes after the door was opened. At seven o'clock, George Wilson, Esq., chairman of the League, took the chair. He was accompanied by Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P.; John Bright, Esq., M.P.; James Patteson, Esq., M.P. ; Hon. Charles Pelham Villiers, M.P. ; Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P.; W. J. Fox, Esq. ; Henry Ashworth, Esq., of the Oaks, near Bolton, and other distinguished mem bers of the League, who were all loudly cheered as they made their appearance. Among those present we observed in addition to the above-mentioned gentlemen :—Sir Valentine Blake Bart., M.P. ; Roger Cunliffe, Esq. ; R. R. R. Moore, Esq. ; W. A. Wilkinson, Esq. ' • Arthur Pattison, Esq. ; Pat tison, Esq. • Samuel Lucas, Esq.; Nelson Hancock, Esq.; William Evans, Esq., Manchester ; J. Goswell, Esq. • George Borrett, Esq., Southampton ; Chris. J. Thomas, Esq., Bristol ; Phillips, Esq. ; Effing ham Wilson, Esq. ; John M'Leod, Esq. ; Captain Ridout; George Crawford Heath, Esq. ; George Serivens, Esq., Hastings ; Charles Scott, Esq. ; J. Cox, Esq. ; G. C. Dyke, Esq.; W. A. Smith, Esq. ; W. A. Thomson, Esq. ; C. Layard, Esq. ; H. S. Shaw, Esq. ; George Smith, Esq. ; R. L. Tweedale, Esq. ; John Hunter, Esq. ; George Ridout, Esq. ; Sir William Baynes, Bart. ; John Eckless, Esq., Southampton ; J. B. Scott, Esq., Manchester ; Francis Scheer, Esq. ; Andrew Hall, Esq., Manchester ; R. Andrews, Esq., Southampton ; James Wilson, Esq. ; W. Ibbot son , Esq., Sheffield ' • H. E. Adair, Esq. ; W. Thornborr ow , E sq . ; W. M. Burnie, Esq. ; Adam Smith, Esq. ; Wynn, Esq., Wolverhampton. The CHAIRMAN called upon the Secretary to read the minutes of the last meeting. The SECRETARY then proceeded to read the mi nutes. At the mention of the name of Daniel O'Con nell, Esq., M.P., for the county of Cork, as one of those who had addressed the meeting last week, the meeting cheered in the most enthusiastic manner for several minutes. The ladies in the boxes waved their handkerchiefs, and many a popular leader would have been proud of the applause which the bare mention of the name of Daniel O'Connell drew forth. We believe that never before has the mere reading of the minutes of any preceding meeting elicited anything like such an expression of popular feeling. The pre sent is a perfectly unique instance of such an oc currence. On the motion of Mr. VILLIERS, seconded by Mr. COBDEN, the minutes of the preceding meeting were con firmed. The CHAIRMAN then came forward and said— Ladies and gentlemen, a distinguished member of the Administration has been kind enough to inform the public that Leaguers meet in theatres—(Cheers) —and certainly this meeting, although not so crowded as was the meeting of last week—(Cheers)—furnishes a confirmation of the accuracy of the information which the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Home Department, was pleased to give to the Mem bers of the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) We are met together here, in perhaps greater numbers than the entire of the monopolists' meetings put toge ther, which have been held during the last week —(Cheers)—and alth oug h, perhaps, it may be no great compliment to say we are not much behind them in intelligence, yet I am convinced that when the objects which they have in view are compared with those which we seek to attain, we shall stand much before them in the estimation of the generous hearted and intellectual portion of our fellow-coun trymen.—(Loud cheers.) We have heard of many of these meetings, and I am willing to admit that so far they are indications of renewed activity and vigour on the part of the more excitable portion of that political party which upholds the present system, so far they are important. But, in point of numbers, with one or two exceptions, they are utterly beneath notice, and, considered as an expres sion of the opinions of the tenant-farmers, they are altogether foolish.—(Cheers.) Why ? Because in the earlier meetings, in which the tenant-farmers were put forward, they did not by their speeches or by their acts support the objects of those meetings, and in the later meetings the lords and squires have undertaken to perform those duties in the name of the tenant-farmers, and have taken upon themselves The entire management of these meetings. These meetings have been very small ; frequently they have not been held in public, and the tenant-farmers have not in general attended them.—(Loud cheers.) But we make no complaint of these close meetings ; we do not object to our fellow countrymen meeting in any manner which they may think proper, to pro mote a specific object, and to pass regulations in their own way. But, admitting this right to its fullest extent, still those meetings cannot for one moment be compared with the meetings which Mr. Cobden held in the agricultural districts during the last sum mer.—(Loud cheers.) Twenty-eight of those meet ings were held in the agricultural districts, and at twenty-seven of them, which were open meetings, attended by tenant farmers, and held in the agricul tural districts, resolutions were passed in favour of a total and immediate abolition of the corn-laws.— (Loud cheers.) On the other hand, at the only open meeting which the monopolists have ventured to call, which was convened in Somersetshire by the High Sheriff, and over which the High Sheriff presided, resolutions were proposed, seconded, and passed, in favour of a total and immediate abolition of the corn laws, and a petition to Pa r li amen t, f oun d e d on th ese resolutions, was agreed to.—(Loud cheers.) I have, therefore, a right to say that those meetings furnish no evidence to show that the tenant-farmers are opposed to the National Anti-Corn-law League.— (Cheers.) I had last week an opportunity of noticing the observations of a certain Noble Lord respecting the proceedings of the National Anti-Corn-law League. This week a Noble Earl who resides in Yorkshire has chosen to favour us with a notice. There was a meeting in York held last week, the Earl of Harewood in the chair. The Noble Earl is reported to have said that the meeting might learn what were the objects of the Anti-Corn-law League in the agitation which they were carrying on, by considerin what had happened to a farmer in Lin colnshire. That farmer had attended a meeting in Lincolnshire, and had stood up and opposed the Anti- Corn-law League, and during the course of that very night his stacks and his ricks had been burnt down. No man could surely doubt after that what were the objects and intentions of the National Anti-Corn-law League!—(" Oh, oh," and cries of " Shame ! shame !") Does the Noble Lord mean to say that the members of the League set fire to this man's ricks ?—(Cheers.) He has furnished us with no information on the sub ject—(Cheers)—he has not told us where this meet ing was held.—(Cheers.) He has not told who was the party to whom these stacks belonged. The Noble Lord has not descended to particulars. He was vtilling to establish an imputation against the League —he did not consider it necessary to enter into any particulars, for he knew his audience well, and that they would be perfectly roidy to accept any insinua tion which he might think proper to make against the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Cheers.) But I would have that Noble Earl to know that we, the members of the League, have as great a regard 'for the sacred rights of property, and as much abhorrence of the diabolical acts of the incendiary as any Lord, Earl, or other member of the aristocracy.—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Earl lives in Yorkshire, and he cannot east his eyes in any direction without seeing numer ous towns and villages and hamlets all indebted to manufacturing capital for their prosperity.—(Cheers.) He cannot look around him without knowing that among the inhabitants of all those towns, villages, and hamlets, there are persons of every station in society, high and low, who aremembers of the National Anti- Corn-law League.—(Cheers.) Does he dare to ac cuse those persons of having set this man's ricks and stacks on fire ?—(Loud cheers.) He is seated in the House of Lords on the bench opposite to that on which sit the Earl of Ducie, the Marquis of Westminster, the Earl of Radnor, and Lord Kinnaird—will he venture to accuse them of encouraging an d as _ sisting any person to set on fire those stacks or ricks? or will he dare to accuse this meeting of it ?—(Loud . cheers.) I hope that he will be more careful for the future of the statements which he makes, and that when he does make a charge, he will make it fairly, and give particulars.— (Cheers.) Since we last met here meetings have been held in various parts of Yorkshire —at Richmond, at Knaresborough, at Northallerton, at Thirsk, at w hi c h Mr. Plint, Col. Thompson, and Mr. Prentis, of Manchester, attended •,-as a deputation from the League. At Colne, in Lan cashire, a meeting was likewise held, during the last week, which was attended by the Rev. Mr. Massey, . of Manchester, and at which 2001. was collected for . . the League fund. — (Cheers.) At Gloucester, on Saturday last, there was an open county meeting, the Earl of Ducie being in the chair.—(Loud cheers.) It was attended by a greater number of tenant farmers than I believe it would be possible for the monopolist party to get together at any meeting which they may think roper to hold in the same county.— Loud eheers. It was addressed by Mr. Cobden-- 1 Cheers)—Co onel Thompson—(Cheers)— and Mr. oore.—(Cheers.) A resolution was pro posed by Mr. Holland, a large a,grieulturist, a farmer, and an extensive occupier of land, and seconded . by ano ther t enan t.fimenapproving of theroceedmgs of tfie National Anti-Corn-law League.— Loud cheers.) We shall be addressed this evening by Mr. Ashworth, of Turton, near Bolton—(Cheers) —by Mr. Milner Gibson, the Member for Manchester-(Cheers) Mr. Gisborne—(Loud cheers)—Mr. Gisborne, I am sorry to say, is unfortunately detained at hone by indispo- sition, and will not be able to address you this even ing; but our excellent friend, Mr. Bright—(Loud cheers)—is here, and will address you in his place.— (Loud cheers.) The Chairman concluded by calling upon Mr. Ashworth, of Turton, near Bolton, to ad dress- the meeting. Mr. HENRY ASHWORTH then came forward to the platform. He said it was no common sight to witness manufacturers from the North leaving their dwellings and their occupations to appear before an audience like the present. The manufacturer had usually other employments to attend to, but he would appeal to his fellow-countrymen when he felt himself wronged. The manufacturers were unused to agitation ; they belonged to a class who studied practical science and the mechani cal arts and their machinery, and they were therefore busily engaged at home, if pernicious legislation, al lowed them to be so. n appealing to them in the character of a manufacturer, he felt a confidence which arose from the fact, that the body to which he belonged sought to possess nothing but their own. Manufactures were engaged in making hard bargains, and so were all prudent persons, themselves (the meeting) among the rest.—(Hear.) But it could not be laid to their charge that they had got a com mercial house in Parliament-street where they could surround the community with their toils, and enable themselves to make both sides of the bargain.— (Hear, hear.) Manufacturers enjoyed no protection. They sought none, and they disclaimed the protec tive system altogether; all they asked, was to have all her Majesty's subjects put upon an equal footing. That was not an unreasonable demand. But the landlords said they must have protection—that they were entitled to a certain amount of protection for certain specific purposes. He would not now remind them of what those purposes were, but refer them for the information to Lord Mountcashel and Sir Edward Knatchbull. Those gentlemen could tell all about it. They said they must have pro tection to enable them to compete with foreigners. He was not yet aware in what respect Englishmen were inferior to foreigners.—(Hear, hear.) He was persuaded that the British farmer and farm-labourer would do as much work, and were as capable of competing with foreigners, as any class ; and none, he was persuaded, could better compete with them in agricultural labour, if the landlords would allow him to buy his food rather cheaper. The manufacturers were exposed to foreign competition— and why not the landlords? Manufacturers enjoyed no privileges—they required none. They possessed no advantages of machinery, which were not common to all the world. They obtained from other countries inventions and improvements in machinery, which they embodied in that machinery which they manu factured themselves, and then allowed those produc tions of their own skill to be taken out of this country and sold in any country in the world, at as cheap a rate as they had got them themselves.—(Hear, hear.) The law which prohibited the export of machinery had been repealed a year or two ago, and although they were suffering severely in their business, and although many were of opinion that the export of their machinery, superior as it was of its kind, would he hazardous to them, nevertheless, with a spirit of fair dealing the manufacturers never demurred to the Act permitting the export, but allowed it to pass without hesitation or disturbance. Having, therefore, given up, in favour of foreigners, all protection, if ever they had any, the manufacturers claimed to be freed from restriction of every kind. They took it that since they were exposed to foreign competition, it was unjust that any other class—especially the wealthy landlord class—should enjoy advantages not common to all. With respect to manufacturers and other classes of the community, they were told that the home market was an important market for their productions. He was prepared to speak to the value of the home market, as regarded his own trade, which was the cotton trade. That was chiefly an export trade, there being only one out of every seven bales consumed wrought for home consumption ; and thus, all the employment with the cotton trade, derived from every class of British subjects, amounted to only one seventh of the whole, or about one day's work out of the week. That applied to the consumption of classes ; and, therefore, when one came to analyse what was obtained from the aristocratic classes, who put forth the value of the home market in such vaunting terms, it was found to amount to only some fractional parts of one day's work in a week ; and for that they were thankful as far as it went. As to the home consumption, the city of London alone consumed more cotton manufactures than al Ireland, and Manchester more than the entire county of Buckingham.— (Hear, hear.) With respect to the export trade, from what he had already mentioned, they would see that they depended upon foreigners for six-sevenths of all the work they did, and those six-sevenths of their prOductions being sold in the open markets of the world, they were unable to enjoy any description of protection. Let them now look to the landlord, and the manufacture which pertained to his occupa tion—the manufacture of food. There was no export trade in that article. He had the best market in the world at his own doors, and protection, too, into the bargain. There was a time when the landlords of this country exported their own produce, but that day was gone by, and the po pulation of this country now consumed all the food they could raise, and required much more if they could get it. As much of this food was consumed by the large portion of the community engaged in manufacturing goods for export, it—that was, corn, wheat, and other agricultural produce—became the raw material of their manufacturing labour, and thus the goods exported consisted virtually of corn, wheat, &c., as much as of manufactured cotton. The landlords, who were merchants in their way, were by that means become possessed of a medium of ex change for their products in foreign countries without the trouble and annoyance otherwise necessary to convert their food into money. Hence it would be seen that the manufacturers of this country, manu facturing as they did under the corn-laws, were compelled, in the first instance, to pay an artifi cially high price for the food they and their labourers consumed, and afterwards, in the course of his export trade, to re-sell it i n foreign markets, where, if sold in the shape of food, it would not fetch more than half theprice it brought in its altered form. Thus they found that the manufacturers became the implements of the landlords to dispose of their goods and chattels at twice as much as they were worth, and at a loss of one half in the process. On the sub ject of the export trade, they would have no difficulty in seeing that it was a general axiom in relation to it that importers were customers. The manufacturers who dealt with foreign countries took, as the crite rion of the prosperity of this country, not the amount of exports, but of imports. He repeated that imports were to be considered in the light of cus tomers. A vessel who approached our shores, no matter from what country she came, was the impersonation of the foreign merchant with money in his pockets, for the vessel's cargo was easily con verted into money, and that money was put at the disposal of the merchant's agent to purchase good s • and thus, in a new shape, it was re-embarked and sent away again. Therefore, the more of those ves sels that came to our shores, the greater the number of customers for our manufactures. Goods imported into this country did not go at once from the ship to the merchant's warehouse, but were detained at the Custom-house to pay certain revenue duties. That was only right and proper; but a distinction should be made between duties levied for the purposes of revenue and duties imposed for protection. Imports ought to be as free as the winds in an enlightened country. If they were to go to a distant country and see an armed body of men, with muskets in one hand, and telescopes in the other, for the purpose of ' acting as a preventive service to restrict the import of foreign goods, would they not say that such a Stith was acting in a most suicidal manner ? The laws of which he had spoken admitted of the introduction of luxuries from foreign countries, of wines, of silks, and of lace, which were chiefly con sumed by the rich ; and whilst the importation of those articles which were required chiefly by the labouring classes was prohibited by the Legislature, they protested against the protective laws as unjust to the rest of the community.—(Cheers.) Landlords told them that this was a manufacturer's question. They found that manufacturers were very actively engaged in efforts to get rid of restrictive enact ments, and therefore they attempted to make out that it was the manufacturers alone who were interested in the result. He denied that it was exclusively a manufacturer's question; it was the labourer's question; the tradesman's question, everybody's question. There was a time when the manufacturers viewed it them, and they and searchedt they as their own quest i on. The law bore hard upon sought mto to the obtain question, rel the str onger was Bußut the more was their conviction that those who were engaged in other employments were suffering 11withequa y them selves ; in some instances they believed that even greater injuries had been inflicted. It was not a question affecting any one part of society alone, but a general question, affecting the whole community.— (Hear, hear.) When the manufacturer found that his business was crippled, and that his work-people were starved, it became his duty to complain, as it would become any one to do when he saw that he was the subject of hard dealing.—(Hear, hear.) The landlords, not con tent with raising one cry, had started that of over production. showing a great number of figures, they exclaimed, " Why, those manufacturers would clothe the whole world !"—(Laughter.) It would be quite as well if they would give them the opportunity of clothing the whole world.—(Hear, hear.) If, by so doing, they brought trouble upon them, it would be time enough t o comp l a i n w h en the trouble came. —(Hear, hear.) It would be as well, perhaps, to examine this question a little more closely. Suppose ft to be possible for them to clothe the whole world. Still they could not make everlasting calicoes.— (Laughter.) Calicoes would sometimes wear out, and they must then be renewed.—(Uear.) Hence there would be a constant recurrence of new demands. Having once got the world to wear calicoes, they must wait till they were worn out and they might then begin again.—(Hear, hear.) It would be rather a jocose circumstance, if, at some future day, a Man chester manufacturer should be seen upon these boards, weeping, like Alexander, the conqueror of old, not because he wanted another world to conquer, but because he wanted another world to clothe.— (Laughter.) At all events, in the midst of all his grief, he would have the consolation of thinking that if the whole world were clothed, he himself surely deserved to be fed.—(Cheers.) He did not hear any one complaining that' they had got too many clothes. (A voice from the gallery " I've not."—Laughter.) Cheap as clothing was, he had never heard any one lamenting that it was too cheap. The landlords occasionally lauded themselves upon being patriots and benefactors, boasting that they had made two blades of grass grow where only one grew before. On a similar ground he himself, as a manufacturer, might claim to be considered as a patriot ; for he could make two shirts for a less price than one used to cost formerly. But he denied that either landlords or manufacturers, as such, had any title to these appella tions. They both acted from one motive, and that motive was an enlightened self-interest.—(Hear, hear.) He had before mentioned the word ma chinery. This was another favourite topic of the aristocracy. They gave shrewd hints about machinery being at the bottom of all the evils of the country. He (Mr. Ashworth) maintained that machinery was one of the greatest blessings which this country enjoyed.—(Cheers.) Machinery was the best guarantee for employment, the surest source of its permanence, and it also afforded the highest rate of wages.—(Hear, hear.) Moreover, by ma chinery, the body was exempted from physical exer tion, and the mind, which ennobled man, was deve loped to an extent which would otherwise be impossi ble.—(Cheers.) That was a subject upon which he might dilate for hours; but he would content him self with noticing the facts. In proof of what he had stated, he would advert to the result of his experience in his own county. In Lancashire machinery had been invented, and sys tematically carried out, to a greater extent than it had been either in any other county in England or in any other part of the world. If, therefore, machi nery had displaced human labour, and impoverished the people, Lancashire ought to be the poorest county in the British dominions.—(Hear, hear.) So far, however, from machinery having displaced human labour in that county, it had called for human labour to double the extent of the people of Lancashire, and more than double their progeny for fifty years past. — In every county in England and Scotland where the same system had been carried out, the same results had uniformly followed; work-people had been called for to a greater extent than before, and wages had kept pace with the increase of employment. On the contrary, in those counties where the spade and the plough were the only machines employed, they found what was called super abundant labour.—(Hear, hear) One half of the population of Lancashire had been attracted thither from other places. From what places could they come ? The only counties which could supply hands were the agricultural counties. Hence, those who flocked to Lancashire and the other manufac turing counties, had left agricultural pursuits. Now, in examining this question, as he had done for some years past, he had made some observations in two parishes in an agricultural district, not far from some of their manufacturing towns. He found that in these two parishes, in the course of seventy years, there had been, in round numbers, for every two funerals three christenings ; and yet the population remained the same, the number of houses remained the same, and, in some parts of those parishes there was only the same number of houses as appeared to have existed at the period of the Doomsday survey in the time of William the Conqueror.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Perhaps the meeting would inquire, what, then, became of the people ? As far as he was able to compute, about 1,000 persons must have been drawn from those parishes to some other part of the country. In almost every house which he entered, the people eagerly inquired, "Do you know my bro ther ? Do you know my cousin ?" observing that they lived in Manchester, in Bolton, in Preston, or in some other manufacturing town. It appeared, there fore, that about 1,000 people in all had left these two parishes, and betaken themselves to manufacturing employments.— (Hear.) If, then, manufacturing towns were all engulphed in one common ruin—an event, the prospect of which, it would appear from the monopolist papers, had filled the minds of some — he did not know what would become of all these people when they were found among the ruins.— (Hear, hear.) It might happen, however, that if they survived the shock, they would be heard, some fine morning, inquiring of the landlords where they might lodge ?—(Laughter.) The absence of these people from their parishes had been the means both of swelling the rent-roll of the landlords, and easing the burdens of the remaining inhabitants. But the agricultural dis trict to which he had referred was not the only part of this country which had benefited by manufactures —labourers from the remotest parts of Ireland and England had flocked to the manufacturing towns.— (Hear, hear.) Not a few had found their way there from that favoured county, Buckinghamshire, a con siderable number of whom were now employed in his (Mr. Ashworth's) service. There was one inci dent in connexion with this subject which he would relate to the meeting. A Noble Lord, a friend of the Duke of Buckingham, who came into his part of the country some years ago, happened to discover, on en tering his (Mr. Ashworth's) works, that some of the workpeople came from Buckinghamshire. He en tered one of their cottages. Whilst speaking of these cottages, he could not help observing that they were not like the cottages in the agricultural counties, where a hole was dug in the side of a hill, and co vered with mud and thatch, and afterwards the whole was called a cottage. This gentleman found the work people generally living in good houses, but he now spoke more particularly of the one at which he called— a straw built house, two stories high, with three bed rooms.—(A. voice, " No bed.")—(Laughter.) He would here observe that the manufacturing popula tion were somewhat delicate in their habits, and one thing by which they were distinguished was their attention to the cultivation of propriety and delicacy of feeling among their children.—(Cheers.) As an ' illustration of this he need only mention that they deemed it indispensable to have three bed-rooms whenever they could obtain them.—(Cheers.) His Lordship inquired about their comforts and earnings, and amongst the rest he inquired if they would not like to go back to Buckinghamshire. " No," said one, " Got away, 'last," for he spoke very short to his Lordship.—(Laughter.) " No, got away, 'last, and all the horses of the Duke of Buckingham shan't draw moi back again."—(Great laughter.) His Lordship inquired how it was he felt attached to the place. The man answered, " I could not get 901. a year there."—(Cheers and laughter.) He (Mr. Ashworth) supposed that was the money which he and his family earned. He would conclude his obser vations respecting the Buckinghamshire peasantry by stating that the Noble Lord went away quite satisfied, and said that he " would go and have a joke with the Duke."—(Great laughter.) He would ask whether the agriculturists had ever suffered from want of hands ?—(Hear, hear.) He had inquired, and he never had seen any man who said that he was short of labourers in agricultural districts; on the contrary, he found every farmer and landowner speaking of the burden of the poor-rates, and of the number of la bourers in the workhouse. They could not suffer very much, for agriculture required no more hands now than in 1821, so that in carrying out the manu facturing interest, Lancashire and Yorkshire, and the manufacturing districts generally, provided occu pation, comfortable and permanent, for a large class of those countrymen, and those who were left behind did not suffer by their absence. Possibly some of the audience who were accustomed to read the monopo list hireling writers, might wonder how it was that those agricultural laboureis found their way to the North, and dared to encounter those mill-Molochs.— (Laughter.) They had been told how the manufac turing labourers were treated by those Molochs of mill-owners. How, then, must the agricultural la bourers have been treated when they ran away from the landlords to the millowners?—(Laugh ter, and great cheering.) Surely they must have been very ill-treated.--(Hear, hear.) One test remained. This could be proved. If those who cried out against the manufacturers had 'all the sym pathy which they professed, let them go home and outbid the manufacturers in wages—(Cheers)—and let them try whether those who fled from them to the mills would go back to their " Arcadian abodes " for 7s. a week.—(Cheers and laughter.) He would not detain them much longer.— (Cries of " Go on.") lie had endeavoured to give them an outside view of manufactures. If they wanted to know more about the matter let them follow him home. It was not a day's journey from them; and many of them were accustomed to travel up the Rhine and the Rhone to observe the customs of distant lands, whilst they knew nothing of the things that were actually at their own doors.—(Hear, hear.) It was - true He must admit, that they heard some ti mes o f trouble and strife in the manufacturing districts ; but whenever they did they m w t g h h o t u rely e a l y a u u p s e e n . i wr t t h h e a u t r t o h s t o r s i e o t i m v e i s o a w r t s u n s e t s o p w p e o r d e not up the sources of their prosperity—when their com merce failed—when their capital was exhausted, and the:people'lailed offood---did they think it unreasonable that the people should be exasperated ?—(Hear)—and he would ask them, could they find in the whole world a population which passed through such trials and troubles as the mill population of the north, with so little outcry ?—(Cheers.) Our manufacturing sys tem exhibited as fine a specimen of moral and asso ciative strength as could be found in any part of the world, and on a larger scale. It wat, sustained by ' men in his situation of life, not by the aristocracy — the aristocracy never assisted manufacturers. the manufacturing interest was created and upheld by men of diligence in business—by men of skill, energy, and enterprise.—(Cheers.) They embarked their capital, which they knew they could never re cover but by industry and attention on their own part, harmony with their work-people, and the honest co-operation of both for mutual advantage.— (Loud cheers.) It was their interest that the work ing classes of their countrymen should be kept up with comfort, and prosperity, and independence.— (Hear, hear.) If the capitalist and the workmen were left to themselves, a good understanding of their mutual interest would always prevail, and side by side they would labour industriously to carry out what was for the permanent pros perity of both.—(Heir, hear.) The manufacturers, therefore, andlthe [middle classes, had a duty and a burden imposed upon them to maintain the moral and social system of the country, and to keep up the rights of the working classes as well as their own.— (Great cheering.) They had taken their stand on the broad principle of justice. He had endeavoured to show that, in coming forward on this occasion, they did so in the spirit of justice ; and they called on those who composed the audience—the middle classes of this metropolis—to stand by their countrymen in these events.—(Great cheering.) They asked for the abolition of all monopolies. They disclaimed protec tion for themselves, and they required to be released from the evils which the protection of others inflicted upon them.—(Cheers.) They demanded the total repeal of the corn-laws. They asked for nothing less—they would be satisfied with nothing less.— (Great cheering.) Of the citizens of London, they asked for their co-operation—they asked that in this great cause which they had undertaken, and in which they had made large sacrifices themselves, the citizens of London should be prepared to do the same.—(lm • mense cheering.) Mr. M. Gummi then came forward, and was greeted with repeated cheers. He said—Sir, in open ing the proceedings of this evening, you drew a com parison between the present meeting and that which was held on the last occasion when the Anti-Corn law League was assembled in Covent-garden theatre. Sir, Whatever may be said upon that comparison, I hold, at least, that the meeting which is now within these walls is as great and imposing an assemblage— (Cheers)—and I say that nothing but a deep interest being felt in the corn-laws by the public of this me tropolis, could show such a number as I now see before me.—(Hear, hear.) lam delighted also that at the last meeting the theatre was filled' to repletion. I am glad that every crevice was occupied. lam glad also to hear that Ireland has appreciated the manner in whicha British audience—(lmmense and repeated cheering for several minutes)—l am glad, I say, to hear that Ireland has appreciated the manner in which a British audience has received the great man for whom there now exists so deep a sympathy, and on whom the affections of his countrymen are so intently fixed. —(Renewed cheering.) I was delighted also as a member of the League that the representative of the opinions of the great body of the Irish people, was here in person to tell us that Ireland desired the repeal of the corn-laws.--(Great and continued cheering.) Now let me ask once more what can be the reason that men are found to make the sacrifice (for sacrifice it is) of attending public meetings for the continued discussion of the same argum en t s on a public question ? Why is it that men are willing to leave their firesides, and that whole families will attend on winter evenings to listen to speech es on a . question which they are told dull and insipid, and containing considerations which cannot interest the public mind ? Why are the meetings countenanced, not only by men, but by a large portion of their fairer fellow subjects ? It is because they see in the corn-law question something more than an idle speculation of political economy. It is a question which affects civil rights.—(Cheers.) It relates to a policy which restricts the supply of food.—(Cheers.) The ladies of England see that they are advocating the cause of humanity, the cause of the widow and the orphan, and that they are advocating the means by which a greater portion of food maybe placed within the reach of the industrious and the needy.—(Cheers.) These are the reasons why men make sacrifices, and ladies are put to the inconvenience of attending these meetings. We believe that free trade is the right of free men, and that a free citizen is entitled to freedom of exchange.—(Much cheering.) I believe that nothing but State advantage or State necessity, can entitle the Legislature to impose a duty on the im portation of foreign goods.—(Cheers.) The Anti- Corn-law League has been called a society attacking property ; it has been called an aggressive body ; I deny the truth of this statement. I say, . that the Anti-Corn-law League is not an aggressive body; it is a defensive body. The first attack, the first violence is committed by those who interfere with the freedom of exchange, by those who impose that yoke upon us ; we are but assembled together to throw off that yoke, and to vindicate the right's, the inherent rights, to which we are •entitled.—(Loud cheers.) We have been told that the societies On the other side are for the protection of agriculture. I ask, what have they to do with agriculture ? They are societies for the suppression of agriculture—(Cheers) —they are not concerned with the affairs of agricul ture.—(Cheers.) What is agriculture ? Agricul ture is the art of cultivating the earth, in order to make it produce the largest quantity of those vege tables which are consumed by human beings as food. What has that to do with putting duties on foreign importation---what has that to do w ith th e ascen di ng and descending scale—(Loud cheers) —of graduated duties ? We are not an aggressive body ; they— the Corn-law Leaguers, th e protect i on soc i et i es—are aggressive bodies. We d o not pro f ess to i nterfere with agriculture, but th e y d o propose to i nterfere with )We contend that English men become merchants if they choose, havetrade a .-- rig ( h H t e t trade.—(Hear, hear. and to have the reward of their industry. We also contend that they have a right to cultivate the earth, monopoly of the market, ma and to have the full reward of their enterprise ; but we deny that any one class has a right to interfere with the other, or that either class has a right to de mandrket or fellow-countrymenth e e exclusive u w s v t h e privilege food.—(Hear, hear.) Th a t, i n d ee d , i s t h e w h o l e question.—(Hear, hear.) I say it is a false pre t enc e to put forw ar d, t h at t h ese centra l a of onsuoppopllyyion societies are societies for th e pro t ec ti on o f agricul ture. I say, emphatically, that they are societies for the destruction of trade.—(Hear, hear.) They are societies for the maintenance of political ascendancy. —(Cheers.) They have n o thi ng to d o w i t h t h e im provement of agriculture, they have nothing to do with arts or sciences, they have nothing to do with anything generous, or with anything deserving the consideration of the b enevo l ent - m i n d e d man .— (Hear, hear.) they have si m ply to do with the at tainment of selfish interests and the maintenance of political power.—(Cheers.) Now if these societies really have the good of society at heart, it is remark able that the men who take the most leading part in these societies are not men who have distinguished themselves by any proposal for the improvement of agriculture. Where are th e i nven ti ons , th e sc i en tifi c works, with which they have favoured the world, in reference to the improvement of British agriculture ? It is remarkably the case, that these works have pro ceeded from agriculturists who advocate the cause of free trade—(Cheers) —and who repudiate the notion that they are to rely on any other resources than those furnished by their own industry, and their own enterprise.—(Cheers.) I do not for a moment pre tend to deny, and I am glad to follow the remarks of your excellent Chairman, that these gentlemen are entitled to meet together, and to advocate their opi• nions fairly and freely. I agree fully in the right of discussion. If these gentlemen consider the Corn laws necessary for the community, they are just as much entitled to their opinions as we are to ours. But what I have a right to complain of is this ; that they call their societies by wrong names—that they mislead the public—(Hear hear)—that they call so cieties which only concern themselves, societies for the protection of agriculture.—(Cheers.) It seems that they are determined to maintain the present amount of interference with trade. They say they will not cease to restrict trade to the degree to which it is at present restricted. Now I should like them to see these great meetings. I should like them to have an opportunity of judging for themselves what is the feeling that is growing up in the minds of their fel low-countrymen on this question.—(Hear, hear.) I should like them to consider whether it will be safe much longer to continue a system of interference with the civil rights of men without having any plea of national advantage, without having any excuse of State necessity, but simply the excuse—We have.done it before, it has given us political advantages and political power, and therefore we will continue it— we will perpetuate the evil.—(Hear, hear.) I ask those gentlemen who are such advocates of order and social harmony and peace, to consider whether it is safe to persist in a system of injustice when that in justice has been found out ? I would ask them to consider whether it is safe to persevere in doing this violence to the industry of the country, when men are becoming conscious of their rights, and are determining daily, with increased power, never to cease till those rights, are vindicated and fully obtained. A distin guished nobleman has lately come forward, and has written a letter to you in the public papers on this subject—that nobleman was the Duke of Northum berland, and it was extremely wittily observed by the Times, the Duke of Northumberland would have been a very dangerous man if he had not had the power of writing a letter and putting in the Post.—(Laughter, and cheers.) B u t having written this letter, and stated the gr oun ds on which he supports the corn laws, he ceases to be a dangerous man. The illus trious Duke tells us that we must not let in a foreign supply of corn, and that if we do we must neces sarily have a compulsory emigration.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I have heard, that in a ship at sea, when pro visions are short, it occasionally happens that they cast lots to know which of the grown persons in the ship are to be thrown overboard ; that is what I con ceive to be a compulsory emigration.--(Laughter) But what I want to remind these illustrious Dukes of is this, before they do draw lots in the case I have mentioned, everybody takes his chance, and if we are to have a compulsory system of emigration, I hope these Dukes and Earls will be prepared to run the risk of taking their departure as well as others.— (Cheers.) In fact, it appears most perfectly rea sonable that such a course should be taken, because in case a compulsory emigration should take place, by which persons were to be transported from Eng land to distant climes, because food was not allowed to be brought to them, it will be necessary that society should exist in those distant climes in all its parts, and if Dukes and Earls are necessary here the must be necessary there also.—(Cheers and laughter) Therefore, I should propose, if ever this horrible notion of compulsory emigration should be re sorted to, at least it would impose the ne cessity of some illustrious Duke going in company with poor labourers and enterprising manufacturers into distant regions of the earth, in order to maintain that social harmony which they say is so necessary.—(Cheers.) But there is a great deal of argument in this letter of the Duke of North umberland. He tells us that a free trade in corn would have the effect of throwing the light lands out of cultivation. Now I am not aware that it is any necessary part of our national policy to keep our burning sands or wet clays in wheat cultivation. But even if admitted that it is the object of legisla tion and Acts of Parliament to keep these sands and clays in cultivation, I want to know how it is that in Belgium, in France, and in Holland, where the burdens on land are much heavier, and where the average price of the produce of the land is much less than in this country, and where the labourers are quite as happy—perhaps more so than in this country—l want to know how it is that, under all these circumstances, the light lands of Belgium, of France, and of Holland, are kept in cultivation. Low prices, heavy taxes, happy labourers, do not put the lands out of cultivation in France, Holland, and Belgium. Nothing of the kind. On the contrary, cultivation is extending itself in those countries under the circumstances I have described. 'Judging from the analogy, there is not the slightest reason to suppose that the abolition of the corn-laws would put the light sands or heavy clays out of cultivation. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Administration has hinted that we may import guano, and might get foreign manures to put on these lands, in case they should go out of cul tivation. I quite agree with. him. You ought to import guano if there was free trade. But I beg to inform him, that I was requested—and I did com ply with the request—to present a petition to the House of Commons from certain dustmen in Liverpool—(Cheers and laughter)—a both' fide petition from certain collectors of dust and rubbish in Liverpool, complaining very much of the proposal to import guano into this country. They said, No; give us free trade in corn, and then you may import foreign manures; but we are collectors of manure in this country, and if you give protection to the landed interest, what reason is there you should not give protection to us ? So you see what difficulties we are involved in when once we recognise the doctrine that a Legislature is to interfere with trade. If we give protection to one, we must give protection to all; and if we ask for free trade, we must ask for free trade for all. As the first is impossible, our only alternative is to resort to the second. But I have no idea that a free trade in corn would have the effect of throwing any land out of cultiva tion in this country. But if it did, I contend that it is no part of the duty of a Legislature to sacrifice the interest of the mercantile class or of any portion of the community for the purpose of keeping up any particular system of husbandry or cultivation on any particular description of land. But I heard the other day that a Noble Lord at a public meeting said, that there were highly important considerations connected with the corn-law question which removed it altogether from that circle within which they were entitled to apply their principles ; there were certain important spiritual considerations connected with the corn-laws which rendered it necessary to forget all the principles of political economy, and to look at it in the light of a question intimately connected with the religion of the United Kingdom. I think that no man can be found who would agree to such an absurd sentiment, but I think also that I can explain how he arrived at his conclusion that the Protestant religion of England depended on the main tenance of the corn-laws—(Loud cheering)—for what did the Noble Lord say—it was a sort of " house that Jack built," as thus : the Protestant religion de pends on the Established Church—the Established Church depends upon agriculture—agriculture de pends on the price of corn—and the price of corn de pends on the ascending and descending scale of gra duated duties.—(lmmense cheering and laughter.) So here in point of fact we have the assertion that the Church of England, which we were always taught to believe was built upon a rock is built upon nothing but a sliding scale—(Great t cheer ing and laughter)—and that in vain' would be the teaching of its ministers—in vain the efforts of its preachers, unless they were backed by that ascending and descending scale which regu lates the importation of foreign corn.—(Laughter and cheers.) Now, can anything be conceived more ab surd than such a doctrine? Why, if that is true— why do they not impose an oath upon persons taking their seats in the British House of Commons ? (Cheers.) We all declare on oath, as well as the Catholics, that we will not make use of any privilege we may acquire to shake the Protestant Church as by law established in England.—(Cheers.) I be lieve every man makes a declaration on taking his seat connected in some manner with the safety of the Established Church.--(Cheers.) Now, I propose, if the maintenance of the Church depends on the corn-laws, that we should have a corn-law oath.—(lm mense cheering.) Now I will take the liberty of reading to you the oath as it would run—" I hereby do disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure, any belief in the abominable doctrine that free trade is founded on common sense.—(Cheers and laughter.) And I do solemnly swear that it is not one of the articles of my faith to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest markets.—(Loud cheering and laughter.) And I do renounce, reject, and abjure, as a dangerous heresy, the opinion that an abundance of food can be a bless ing to the people.—(Loud cheers.) And I solemnly swear never to exercise any privilege to which I am, or may become, entitled to disturb the corn monopoly of the United Kingdom, as by the law established." (Cheers.) (Cheers.) Now I would recommend those gentlemen in consistency with the course they take on other political questions—namely, that of placing reliance upon oaths and declarations, that they suggest a corn-law oath.—(Cheers.) I think they have very little safety in the declaration of their Prime Minister, that he does not now contemplate a change, but does not know what may be possible.--(Cheers) There is very little safety in the question, when his col leagues in office declare that free trade is founded on common sense ; and I fear the day will come when public opinion will be sufficiently formed, when these gentlemen, who fear that the Church Establishment and the Protestant clergy will be jeopardised by abolishing the corn-laws, will have to face the difficulties of their situation and take the chance of all those dangers ; for, depend upon it, no Minister of the Crown will be found who will support the interests of the few—of the aristocratical few—in this county, when the great body of the community come forward united as one man in support of stern re monstrance to demand that there shall no longer be this interference with freedom of trade, the depriva tion of the reward of industry, the disappointment of 'the exertions and enterprise of their fellow-country men.—(Cheers.) It would, perhaps, be unfair to discuss the merits of the agricultural protection socie ties, for, as The Times has very wittily said, they have only just emerged from that alluvial mud and arti ficial compost in which they were generated —(Loud cheers and laughter.) But this I will say, we are far more entitled to assert that those societies have other and ulterior views, than they are entitled to assert that the Anti-Corn-law League has other views than those we profess.—(Cheers.) We have great reason to know, from speeches and declarations made in times past in both Houses of Parliament, that there are other considerations influencing the supporters of those societies, than the mere keeping up the price of corn—(Cheers)--or the interruption of the freedom of trade.—(Cheers.) I say there is another ulterior view, and that is political ascendancy—(Great cheer ing.) You know that the poet Moore, in speaking of ascendency of this nature, and especially of the ascendancy of the landed interest, says that in read ing it we ought to lay the emphasis on the first syllable—ass-end enc y—(L a ughter)--ebut that is the ascendancy aimed at by these Corn Leagues, by these Protection Societies ; and I ask you, the representatives of a large portion of the intelligent population of the metropolis—l ask you, aro you prepared to submit to the humiliating proposition that you are only to exist upon the sufferance of the landed ascendancy ? (Great cheering.) I ask you, would you deserve the name of Englishmen if you consented to the proposi tion that there is no class in the community, how ever wealthy, however distinguished by titles, how ever remarkable for other qualities, whether of igno rance or of knowledge—(Laughter)--I ask you, would it not be humiliating to admit that there could be any one class entitled to ascendancy over you ? (Cheers.) What is involved in the proposition of ascendancy ? Why, that you are the property of others.—(Cheers.) If you are not entitled to equality by the exertions of your own enterprise and indus try, you are slaves—(Great cheering)—and if you do not exert yourselves to throw off this yoke, you de serve to be told that you are slaves.—(Oheers.) I trust that we may see a growing spirit of inde pendence in this community, and that we shall not longer have to complain of that servile adulation of mere rank and wealth which has enabled the' Legisla ture to impose this yoke upon your necks.—(Cheers.) I trust we shall see a recognition of the right of free men, and a determination to vindicate those rights, accompanied at the same time by a sacred regard to property.—(Cheers.) Not a property under Acts of Parliament, but property to which men are entitled, as the fruits of their industry and enterprise ; not a regard for the vested interests created by monopoly, but for the vested interests created by the enjoyment of the gift of Heaven—(Great cheering)—the pro perty required by the exertions of our sinews and our intellect. Those are the vested interests to which men have a right, and which never can be inter fered with without injustice.—(Cheers.) These are the vested interests we all are called upon to protect, and there is no interference so great with these vested interests as that of the corn-laws and the restrictive system.—(Cheers.) As they say, in so many words, we will only allow so much trade as suits our pecuniary interests or political ascendancy ; we will not allow you to have that free scope for your industry or that reward for your exertion, which Providence has entitled you to enjoy.—(Cheers.) They say the commercial part of the community may rival us in political power and intelligence, and other matters, but we desire to remain the only representatives of England, and to consider ail other classes but as serfs and slaves to be used as the instruments of our power, our pleasure, or our convenience. —(Immense cheering.) Freedom of trade will never be the gift of your rulers—liberty was never bestowed fairly by any governing body upon any people since the commencement of the world.—(Cheers.) Liberty is only attained by the exertions of the people themselves.—(Cheers.) Com mercial freedom is within your power if you choose to take it, and you will never have it if you do not put forth your own hands and take it.—(Cheers.) You will never see those blessings realised of peace and tranquillity throughout the world, and the diffu sion of the blessings of civilisation which must be the consequence of unrestricted commercial freedom, un less you put forth your own exertions to accomplish this great end.—(Cheers.) It will not come upon you by the chapter of accidents, they are only to be ob tained by a steady and unflinching perseverance, and at the cost of many sacrifices ; and believe me, when I say that there is no greater truth than is contained in the old English proverb, " God helps them who help themselves."—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman re sumed his seat amid much cheering. The CHAIRMAN then announced that the Hon. Member for Durham would next address the meet ing. He was happy to state that, notwithstanding the flourish of trumpets about the petition against that gentleman's return, he was still the Member for Durham. The parties, themselves, not having the slightest shadow of a chance of impugning the proper return of Mr. Bright, had last night abandoned the petition.—(Great cheering.) Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., then came forward to address the meeting, and was received with the most deafening cheers, which lasted some minutes. He said—l have been called on unexpectedly to speak at this meeting ; but the difficulty I feel from the suddenness with which the call has been made, arises in no degree from lack of matter to speak upon, for, after all the inquiry we have made into the question, the only difficulty, when ever we stand up to speak, is to select from the abun dance of matter before us such as may appear most in teresting and most useful.—(Cheers.) This theatre was formerly, and is now occasionally, used for purposes rather of entertainment than instruction ; we have done something to transform it into a theatre for instruc tion.—(Cheers.) We are a Political Economy Associa tion—(Cheers)—and our worthy President occupies the Professor's chair—(Cheers)—and from this platform we take upon ourselves to expound certain great prin ciples which we believe to be of the utmost importance to the people of this country, and to instruct those who may come here—and, through the press, those who may be absent—in that which we believe to be essential to the well-being, if not the very existence, of this empire.— (Loud cheers.) We are not alarmed at the symptoms which have exhibited themselves lately among our oppo nents, we never expected the foul thing we banded our selves together to destroy, would give up its foul ex istence without a last and somewhat violent kick.— (Cheers and laughter.) We did not suppose that the landowners of this country, who enjoy, or some of whom seem to enjoy, the monopoly of ignorance on this great question—(Cheers)—and of selfishness besides, that they would give up their monopoly of the supply of bread to the people after having enjoyed it nearly thirty years, without a desperate effort to shake us off: But all along they have mistaken us entirely—they say we are political agitators, and that we might be content with speeches in Parliament, and occasional large meet ings, and the farce of petitioning the Houses of Parlia ment.—(Hear, hear.) They supposed that by standing strongly bound together, and showing what they called a bold front to the Anti-Corn-Law League, we would get tired of agitation—men would be weary of meeting and working.—(Hear, hear.) I have often asserted from this platform that they were entirely mistaken; and it they still remain under this delusion, they are as much mistaken as they were before.—(Loud cheers.) They charge us with bringing the aristocracy of this country into contempt. Of v.ll the works of supererogation ever performed, I believe this would lc the grossest. and the most extraordinary.—(Great laughter, and cries of "Hear, hear.") I have heard or a ineultr of an aristocratic family, who attended some of our.anti-corn-law 2,.eetings, and who was affected. not unto tears—for these gentle men seldom shed tears— but who was affected even to shuddering—that the anti-aristocratic feeling should be found so strong among the people of the metropolis.— (Laughter and cheers.) Now, Sir, we have a reverence for that true aristocracy which consists in all that is good —in a love of industry—in a pre-eminence of intellect— and a superiority in virtue.—(Loud cheers.) This is the aristocracy to which we all -bow, and which we all venerate.—(Hear ' hear.) But there is another aristo cracy, which has been called a bastaid chivalry —(Hear, hear)—an aristocracy which- vaunt of never doing any thing for any body—an aristocracy whose greatest boast is that their ancestors have been Trom all times as they are—idlers—the largest consuming and the least produc ing part of the people of this country.—(Laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear.") , I have been often charged with being hostile to the aristocracy of this country — they have not dared to prove it, which they would have done if their case was good or their position sound. I avow I am hostile to the aristocracy of this country, in so far as resisting their attempts to trample on the order to which I belong.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and great cheering.) The class to - which we are opposed is 'the idle and the noxious class of the aristocracy.— (Hear, hear.) They are the men who are bound by none of those ties which bind other - men—they are not particularly exemplary of all that is admirable in pri vate life and in public conduct. - In the performance of senatorial functions we never discover anything which calls upon us to be particularly respectful to them.— (Hear ' hear.) But there is an ari s tocra c y w hi c h we can have no hope of bringing into contempt. If I were to stand up here and mention some names, such as Westminster, Spencer, Radnor, Ducie, Fitzwilliam, Kinnaird, Howick, Morpeth—(Loud cheers)—how should I be received by this audience if I were to attempt to bring these men into contempt?—(Hear, hear.) How should I succeed—by what arguments could I prevail on you to agree with me, that these men were to be looked upon with scorn?—(Hear, hear.) What passage of their lives could I bring before you to show that they were ennobled but not noble ?—(Hear, hear.) If we spoke of Earl Spencer and mentioned his conduct in the House of Commons, when it was allowed by all parties that he was too honest, too high minded, too candid for the po sition which he occupied in that House, would it not rather excite your admiration than your dislike?— (Hear, hear.) If we were to compare his manly, straightforward conduct—his daring to acknowledge that he had done wrong—his clear enunciation of the principles by which he was actuated, and if we com pared his conduct with the conduct - of the man who now occupies his place—(Hear, hear)—should we be successful in heaping g obloquy on-Lord Spenc er ?—(L ou d cries of " No, no," and great cheering.) And if I spoke of Earl. Radnor, the friend of the people from his youth upwards, and to whom, now that he-is in his old age, it must give the purest pleasure to see tho se principles which he advocated in his youth spreading and taking root in the minds of millions of the intelligent people of this country—if I were, I say, to declare these things, how could I throw contempt, on his name?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) And if I speak of Lord Ducie, who is not merely an agriculturist owning land, but is, in fact, a great practical scientific farmer—a man who has done more for the - agriculture of this country than all the protective societies that ever existed, or that ever will exist—(Loud and prolonged cheering)—could I heap obloquy .on the name bf Ducie ?—(No, no.) Could I bring his character or conduct into contempt before this meeting ?—(No, no.) - And then if I turned to Earl Fitzwilliam, Lords Kinnaird, Morpeth, or Howick, and mentioned the leading characteristics of these men, surely nobody could charge me with bringing the aristocracy into contempt. No ; I would rather be boasting of these men as the - noble among the people of this country, and in declaring their character and con duct I would be actually leading you, my country men, to bow down and worship these men, and exalt them to a • higher aristocracy than_ any to which they have yet aspired.—(Great cheering.) The monopolist landlord, from the duke to the squire, are doing our work most effectually—(Hear, bear)—if the object be to bring them into contempt.—(Renewed cries of " Hear, hear," and great laughter.) -They profess to be honourable legislators of this country. One man de elared, in the county of Surrey, that it is but reasonable that that class which owns the land should be the rulers of the country.—(Laughter.) That is but another mode of saying —that class - which owns the land shall likewise own the people.—(Hear, hear.) Some of them are certainly legislators by birth—at least in name; and they think it great condescension to allow a con stituency to send them tO Parliament. When they enter the House they make a solemn declaration that they will legislate without favour or affection, and without any views of self-interest, end solely for the public good. If they do that, all I can say is, that the majority of the people of these countries are living under a most deplorable delusion.—(Laughter and cries of " Hear, hear.") No, Sir, they make laws for themselves in Parliament, and in private they confess freely that those laws are for themselves, and the hear.)indis erect of them acknowledge it in public. L (e In this country these class legislators are engaged in stirring up the worst passions in the minds of the farmers, exciting their hostility to the manufacturing classes, doing their utmost tofroduCe that bad feeling with vv hich they charge us. They have, ever since 1815, to go no further back, practised this delusion On them tenantry, and encourage vws spir it 9f delusion .......--- - Thei among all classes of the people.-(Hear , hear.,), bB Bos , told the tenant farmers in 1815 that wheat wowe, 2 t i l el a quarter-in 1822, in 1828, and again in 18 s ee , were feeding the farmers into the same chiatericsp, culations ; and now, when this system has es ibiliti they are trying another last chance on the gn,,, at ibt and ignorance of the farminc , class, in the hope ul gietT e injustice and mischiefs of the corn-laws may b i e T r - e ves' tuated for some years longer.-(Hear, hear.) ' sail these Anti-League meetings are, o f themselv es h cient to procure a repeal of the corn-1100.0001 hear.) What do these meetings consist of ? 1)11,,otf lords of all degrees, landowners and squires, core* magistrates, game preservers, and game slang 000, chairmen at quarter sessions, transporters of 11°000 o and the unhappy portion of the clergy of the SO / 0 0 Church. They put a farmer in the chair whop r e ,,o to be unaccustomed to public speaking-(Laug h ? who, having heard monopoly fallacies so often, r e es cO few of them with considerable hesitation. The s lt , ol the Anti-Corn-law League is the staple conun'4olo their speeches. The assertions which they the two things-either the utter dishonesty of the rd 11 0 who make them, or the profound ignoranee;vo landowners of this country.-(Loud cries of '" A t i d hear.") They held a meeting in Yorkshire tbn co, day, to counteract, I suppose, one which was hellolo Lord Harewood was in the chair. The large Pio, proprietors said there was no use in arguing "t e a' tion, as the time for argument was gone by. 00 ter.) Putting aside, however, all the argumen ts ecd r they used for and against-for I will not take 1 , 1 1 ) ,ifi time with them-let us see what one of their "of tions was. They stated that one-half of the hol m fr country would be thrown out of employment hi,..„- g el peal of the corn-laws. Now, if I said fl monstrous at one of the League meetings, I neve r jo ie, come to one afterwards.-(Laughter.) ,If t he . 4 os° duction of the produce of one thousan d '7O! land from abroad would throw out of cultivonges 0 , ii thousand acres of land in this country, how issf at i that the enclosure of millions of acres of o? this country has not thrown out of cultivation aof %ere of land?-(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") 11 02 read an extract from a newspaper published in tje which this argument is disposed of. (The Hon.G en rf then quoted from the article in which it Ivas to e, that there was no more reason to fear that the 11 , 1 , , f ote i tion of foreign corn would throw land out of cathoo, than the improved system of husbandry which Piero; a greater quantity of corn, and the increased 11 1113 , 1 ,„, e l/, acres which had been subjected to theplough.Y l l e er of Harewood spoke of ulterior designs on w ite iO of the League ; if the League had no.U ut : ol 4 design, the course these Anti-Leaguists are 1 ) ,, tot' would prove a necessity for such designs.-0 1 e%ear He says that we are merely a set of cotton In s6 „,;0 0 1 Curers and mill-owners, and that it is c otton , !ern-that we are mere speculators-men II" she poor to nothing-that we are against the is tet' and landowners ; and then the Noble Lord re; ofd circumstance which your Chairman has mentioned'io 0 anonymous farmer having attended a meal c d, Onanonymous county, who bad his stacks , , r, burned; and he then says that there toe, man in his senses can doubt of the i ll o e0: t of the Anti-Corn-law League.-(Laughter.) _.„"-- fur ''o must have been asleep for the last five YeThi; ye bl al have been over every county in Great Brit ie g t. ,) held in that time more than one hundred iner o ll l ,% have circulated thousands of newspapers, an" re serr i of tracts, which explained fully and witholit ' what the intentions of the Anti.corn-law 1',_,,, l efte r , d and have been-the man cannot be in n' of ro) or they must have served him to a 1- 100,1 purpose.-(Laughter, and cries of ." Flestlitios y That Noble Lord knows nothing of the e( Seed the population of the country in which be hr ob,r knows nothing of the importance of the great ,„" P 0 national industry, the woollen manufacture w e , i t so foi shire, which his legislation tends to destroy ---l t a f . I'd nothing of the peril in which that trade now stf et eesi that great man knows nothing of these grea t ' t iolfj national prosperity, of dignities and wealth beoper4 joys, and for which he is indebted to those !I A ei, interests which he now affects to despise y r, 19 0 ( and, by his legislation, endeavours to des tr°,7 ls 0 08 0 only known as a large landed proprietor- - ; je 0 the legislators of the country, and has s ee9 to_ it i l i o House of Lords ; and, according as he cheese/0- 4_,00 himself, is high or low down in the peerag e " a cP7pil forsooth, is the man who comes forward 011 00 0 ) us, the Anti-Corn-law League, with the mostiioeliveo revolutionary intentions! But I tell my.r-a u ig no s it i; that such unfounded and libellous accusationos 0001 to raise the character of the aristocracy Of w the r e ot ° and if he dares to charge us with such critae s ',. Ai 0 41 men in England now who will yet humble t"" e a 0 1 ;,0 to which he belongs. (The meeting here res . .. e 0 0,V and cheered for several minutes.) There.r o itl':A Lord at this meeting-Lord Faversham. ~Pe i e boY the corn-laws were for the protection of te, e ,i e g, 0 ; classes, and to prevent an overwheiw" tof ruinous competition with foreign countr ie t ber o . ) what protection can there be whe n oilliv." d no less than between three millions and fen r er e . i7 o o paupers in the country? Why, if there::,o o, lo r fifteen millions of acres of good land, Whie u - 0 0, of nothing but ploughing and sowing to give 700 of vest, how could there be protection for the , i , o," and we cannot go abroad to get food, b 1 of Lord Faversham ? The sea encircles w - el i e er,ol cor l lo 4 .„ e ! the provisions of these infamous restrictive ar ;eth lq,:i f f distinctly ; that no law can operate as a pro there are at least three millions of persons i t te il ,.oo in a condition of pauperism. His Lortlaw, gisord truth in the next sentence, when he says di ll : e arl ° . it . , affords protection in having lal - ,our tran sl l ° l \e, t °; r or,, to nth°. ‘ l --lki - -7 I. Why, that is ii. , .... 1 17 cos t s 9 We can pic.,jiice eilougt:, ..e have milliOr g , ° ,l l ' Ol , le i anxious for the fruits of our industry, but - i i t s ' V roso , us out from these markets, while ; 'so other nations to compete with n " t ll° fully in those markets, although n et bile V e i one-half our skill, ingenuity, or industry, l e e or same time we are compelled to give a rsuc h i for . 0 / of the profits of our industry to the land 10 tY bali e f than what he would be entitled to, only for totter op (Hear, hear, and cheers.) There was on t the c o II nobility there-Lord Tyrconnel. He let ell a geoi e i ir, hoof most distinctly. He said, of all the,,,„keti e, which the people were gulled, he iy - t hat„, o ol that of free trade as the greatost,e ec r ol was attempted to be palmed u pon o f f r ee J O because it was impossible to have a systen l , ° thi° ; e fl: in a country which was so heavily taxed to be o' (said this scion of the nobility) if we ar e ra l L or e trade, let us have it, not alone in agricultu, ie i f but in everything else that can be proc l , llc ; tbediSt i r countries. Earl Tyrconnel next allud ed o ld ''.( holders, and hinted that there should b. i t ila il fo!J ment come to with the fundholders %s best theAt", equitable, and such as that they might theLif share in the losses which would arise frew de perl state of things. I think that the man Ivi l° d tritt li i i ; s l the straight line of honour, consistency , , a n ti , Op c „§ rally finds it difficult to come back agal ll A of - 4 ,of line of conduct. My Lord Tyrconnel is t it he ° - Wi ll " #.l.i who have been plundering the homes o f r it ros t n and hardworking people of this countryefea tli e e e h i f twenty years, and now when we mil t 01.° 0? course thus pursued had produced nothing b o ll 41;1 4 ' misery, and privation, and tell him that he, 111 ,, t0,, t11 40 °< right to plunder, we don't demand of I "_,'" ,in k V" , for that which is past cannot be re callin, s , pit ilitoo tell him this, he turns round on us, and 55 . 7 .6 o'6 o on the fundholder-in other words, he soY_" it h l'l . It has been remarked, with much truth, w ro bbri e . 5 the monopolists, that some one must be feileig,,o o /0 want to bring this most extraordinary , ba t ril beep mind, and I will tell him, in your nam e, we ebrioeleo we will unite to put down monopoly' Y et the t a If 9 0 e parties to help him or any one else to isl ets .) e l ? any one class of our countrymen. --- ( C ,Lugh te 4 was also a "squire" at the m eeting- -- v - o n tb, h e 0 . 0 0 Richard Bethell, Esq., and he, presumi n g „ trov e ) 70 city of his audience, said, if there were n o n .' t hat 0 119 was more self-evident than another, it W de 'peud e te ,I l , j e ct' interests of the nation were mutually a tile 00)0 one another, and when one suffers the . 14 be a consequent depreciation in th is le P o ' , Why, I must again say we have already so frequently 1 ' 4;00 01_ 1 , 1 ' 0 tboe that iterate co, wrong done to us, the industrial pont„aler'so,o munity, must eventually fall upon their-0ia,0153 selves at some future period. Buttil t tin, G, thell, was in the position of a man wo°2;,a vfn' 01W some one else what he had no right to, '''.',', /e is w a 0 0 :), to restore it, replied, " No, a great prin o e% le 0 . 0 00 , r o t society is so bound up together that n ~. in flict'. o f SO without involving others in the stun' to fot i ji t if therefore, I shall not make restitution s sr. 0 40 0 44 01 handkerchief."-(Loud laughter.) , This of 01, ytif it remembered, is one of the Chairmen - o f tor sa/, Sessions, and, therefore, do I spes,k 1 fet e enV a degree of " veneration," which t he ,; 0 (1 iv r, to 4 , bo ye 00 e, t o utterly inadequate to convey' (Laughter)-for I recollect in nay daYs v o o te,.. t obi, 0 entertained a feeling, amounting Ow_ t he ri, : oi wards the high functionaries residing 501 n;ecisw an observance of their conduct, deciele_ n ' t heir ,7000 hie after life, soon convinced me that in ht he,, 1 1 , 1 e di' however those high functionaries n i sit y , j o stsui t is i l, by law, they were but little influence" L'i 1 0 f t o c p s eio 9 ' 0, _i , ' vidual asked, had there been any `", egrl._. 4 e e d capacity of Chairman of the QuarterArolinetko.Porrt iii; __n., v 30.. _. ps , P .0' taxes which pressed most heavily • r t hey so a i; dustry, or whether, on the contrary,o,,,e , 0 ,,,, ,r 0 . ,,,0 creased, and were they not daily incrZeicie."-, Y_ P . e t, county rates, which fell solely up!' 1 1.,„„estL a ile w ,t e the station I occupy," said th's, __ , be v terests, were not a most Leahoppreissive2"-r haveti,l "as Chairman of the Quarter Sesole;l ee ts, ita?_,, SP. te d; means of being informed on these 3 . 1172 eye d eiti ..; Y ro ter rates are risz u/ a be 00 , 0 1 ; state that the county not that a reason why agriculture 0 ,, 1 . 0 p0 0 ,. ,t he v ie The Anti-Corn-law League did n i ou t i e , W . O solidated Fund ; and not one of the to ,, M5) 1 1 8 s V ' t 0 the _ to a burdens upon agriculture should b . e e in Pa sny c ho e 54 the agriculturalists bear were to be E s we r , tni 1 ,,b; o c account." such were the words of t i r o fix , 10, 40 1;,0 0 of Quarter Sessions. That was t 0 .,.... Thec e itb 0 %41 party was in the House of Comm"' rote cti°ll l ;hi ch O f °II ) that Parliament can give no,more P been w 0 1 , 0 6 A ll the it take off an more taxes. ,_ e n/cov e dog. rriPe i t Ile tupon lastthe washa that agricultural tipe i n n t e shepherdsr An Honourable Member belongla „ ro pee v ,hoe. v iee, c of Wales, the other night rose,. t 4 - 0,0 00 .007,,,„ 0 1 ( intended for the purposes of ma n ure go t, _„ r ii_i_ j 0 , exempted from toll; but there wer . e_se; Qu gh .he )0 9 , , ,, e, ; on his own side of the House, wn u ta ik of_4 o be r , f!,., would not be quite advisable to. gee. .P.... te or„or: " free trade" just now ; and to% ee thint 10705 back to his original obscurity, af,aeghter.,?oaety,oo, e heard of his motion.-(Cheers and I „ f . t he. t .rossc`of etas Bethell had talked of the increase ' from tne s ie r e 0 4 Those rates had increased- I sa!,:,, t the Pr e w bo c isso of poachers-from the keeping in no ~,.. if joa aristocracy, and by sending ~:c ? t a y a dq . ' to be crossing a geld, attend . TR SUN, LONDON, T TIRSDAY ..EVENIN , FEBRITARY'29, 1A44, 1