The Sun. — London, England, 1839-07-05 00:00:00

EVI:4INING D r LION. LITERAT URE. SOUTH AUSTRALIA. containing the HISTORY if the RISE. PROGRk;SS, and PRESENT STATE of the COLONY, _HINTS to EilIl• GRANTS, 6-c . ke. BY HENRY CAPPER. Hailes, Leadenhall-street. Eight years ago a number of gentlemen formed them ! selves into a Committee for the purpose of founding a colony in this part of the vast island of Australia, com prehending the two great divisions formerly called New Holland and New South Wales ; and in 1834'a Com pany was established, having the same objects in view. The peculiar principles on which it was founded were to create a revenue by the sale of the waste and unap propriated land of the province of South Australia ; to employ the whole of the revenue thus created as an emigration fund ; and to fix the price of waste land at a rate which would secure the requisite supply of hired labour for its cultivation. An Act of Parliament was also passed for erecting the southern portion of the island into a British Province, declaring that the whole of the funds arising from the sale of lands and the rent of pasturage should be employed in affording a free passage to the colony for poor persons, " provided they shall, as far as possible, be adult persons of both sexes, in equal proportions, and not exceeding thirty years of age ," Since that period the colony has made considerable progress ; and, according to a report read at a meeting of the South Australian Company on Tuesday, it appeared that emigrants are flocking out in great numbers, not only from the British Isles, but from other parts of Europe, and from other Australian colo nies ; that there was a general satisfaction expressed by the settlers as regarded the soil and climate, and as the best proof of the success of 'the colony it stated that the land in the neighbourhood of Adelaide was realising from 1001. to 1,0001. per acre. We believe this rapid rise in the value of lnaded property in a new colony is unexampled, though it may be attributed to well-known causes—among others to the goodness of the sod, and to the possession of the settlement lying between the old established colonies of Van Diemen's and New South Wales, and the new settlement of Swan River, and distant not more than from twenty to thirty days' sail from Java, and many of the adjacent islands. The principle on which this colony is founded is good, and if carried honestly and fully into effect may establish a to tally new system of colonization. It in fact creates a fund for carrying out poor emigrants, from the sale of Crown lands, which cost the Crown nothing, It has been objected to the system that it encourages persons with a little capital to emigrate, but those will always emigrate to places where they can lay it out to more advantage than in this country, and this plan, of which we believe Colonel Torrens is the author, coun teracts to a great extent the evil, by providing for the free passage for persons without capital, who must la bour here for Bs. and 10s. a week, and not unfrequently are compelled to apply for parish relief. Mr. Capper's book contains much useful information on these sub jects, and is drawn up with considerable care. We recommend " Hints to Emigrants" to all concerned. CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS. (From the Morning Herald.) The following is a comparative statement, showing the proportion of convictions to commitments, for the offences herein stated, during the twenty-eight years from 1810 to 1837 inclusive ; and in the year 1838, when the punish ment of death had become restricted to the most atrocious cases of these crimes : Argon, and ether wilful burning... Attempts to murder, cutting, } maiming. & c . Robbery. B urglary ......... A PEEP AT AMERICAN SLAVERY. 1. A JAIL PREFERRED TO SLAVERY.—" The tender care and protecti , in of the toaster elicit an affectionate attach ment from the slave, which I.:ill be looked for in vain from the hired servant of a more northern ciiine."—Charleston Courier. 100 DoLLARS REWARD. —Ranaway a negro man named Johnson ; he has a good many marks of the whip on his hack ; he was confined in gaol last summer; lay once in gaol six months, within ten miles of his master, but would not tell his name. CORNELIUS D. TOBIN. —Mobile Morning Chronicle, June 8, 1838. 11. HARD To CATCll.—Thirty dollars reward will be paid by the subscriber to whoever will put in gaol her negro woman Milly. She is an old hand at running away, and tolerably hard to catch, being once concealed nine months in this borough, and at another time one year. She is wife to one Daniel Murray, has numerous relations about town, all from report " quick on the heel." The law will be strictly enforced against any secreting, harbour ing, or carrying away said slave. A. FAUQUIER. —Am. Beacon (Norfolk, Va. ),Sept. 16, 1836. 111. A CARPENTER BRANDED.—" Civilization and Christianity have spread over it (Slavery), their humanizing influences."—Charleston Courier. Fifty dollars reward for th e d e livery of my fellow Ed- ward, in Jacksonville, E. F. ; has a scar near the corner of his mouth ;he has two cuts on his hand and arm—a car pecaer by trade—the letter E, and some other letters not recollected on his arm—about 19 years of age. THOMAS LEDWITH. _ Jacksonville, E. F. May 25, 1838. —Darien (Ga.) Telegraph, June 5, 1838. IV. A "Doe COLLAR USED TO FORCE CONTENTMENT I!" —" Slavery with us is a parental relation."—Charleston Courier. Runaway, a negro boy named London, about twelve years old ; had round his neck when he left, a chain dog collar, with "De Yempert" engraved on it. March 3. T. J. De YEMPERT. —Mobile Morning Chronicle, May 21, 1838. V. Twenty Dollars Reward.—Runaway a Negro man named Harrison. It is supposed he will make for South Carolina in pursuit of his wife, in possession of Capt. D. Bird. CORNELIUS BEAZLY. _ _ _ —Florida Watchman, Tallahasse, May 12, 1838. VI. PUBLIC MURDER.—" The only legitimate object of Government is to secure to each individual the enjoyment of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. These cannot be forfeited without crime."—Mississippian, June 8, 1838. One hundred dollars is subscribed, and will be punctu ally paid by the citizens of Onslow, to any person who may safely confine in any jail in this State, a certain Negro man named Alfred. The same reward will be paid, if sa tisfactory evidence is given of his having been killed. He has one or more scars caused by his having been shot. THE CITIZENS OF ONSLOW. Wilmington (X C. ) Advertiser, June 1, 1838. Motto, " Be just and fear not." In the same paper is a proclamation offering a reward to any one who will murder a husband for attempting to join his stolen wife. Read it :—" Domestic slavery contributes to form and preserve the chivalrous and high-minded cha. racter of our people, and gives to the African race, do mesticated among us, Christianity, civilization, and peace." —Charleston Courier. Run away my negro man Richard. A reward of 25 dollars will be paid for his apprehension dead or alive. Satisfactory proof will only be required of his being killed. He has with him in all probability, his wife Eliza, who ran away from Colonel Thompson, now a resident of Alabama, about the time he commenced his journey to that state. DURANT H. RHODES. These facts, and scores like them, are coolly spread out in southern newspapers—quite too common occurrences for comment. '4 Shall I not visit for these things ? saith the Lord. Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this ?" VII. THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT A PARTNER IN ROBBERY AND SHARING THE PLUNDER.—Here we see our Republican Government, by their agent, driving the meanest kind of robbery, forcing poor men to work without wages. " The privileges, civil and religious, of the hum blest individual, are sacredly protected."—President Van Buren's Message, March 4, 1837. " Slavery is not a national question at all."—R. J. Breckenridge. NEGROES WANTED.—The undersigned wishes to hire Six Negro Men, to work on the IJ. S. Arsenal to be erected at Little Rock, Liberal wages will be paid for good working hands. I also wish to purchase a good ox, well broke to the off.side, &c. R. B. LEE, Bt. Maj. U. S. A. Little Rock Arsenal, Feb. 5, 1839. —Times and Advocate, Little Rock, Ark., April 9, 1838. After his day's work, we will suppose one of these "good working hands" meets our democratic President, and bolds the following dialogue. Labourer—l under stand I have been working for the Government to-day, shall Ibe paid? Pres.—No ; you are a slave : we pay your master. W Labourer—You know my master does not pay me. Is this the way you show your love for the work ing classes, by forcing me to work for nothing, and paying money to the man that robs me of my earnings? VIII. THE UNITED STATES NAVY A SLAVE-CATCHER. Taken up and delivered into my custody, a negro man named Isaac. Was taken up by the boats of the Boston sloop of war at the mouth of the Manitee River, South Florida—says he was sold by a Mr. Roberts of Norfolk, Va., to a slave-dealer, and that in passing through Florida he made his escape. The owner is requested, &c., or he will be dealt with as the law directs. HEN RY J. WIGAJINS. -Pensacola Gazelle, May 19, 1838. In the same paper Mr. Wiggins advertises Jacob in precisely the same language. Here we see two men casting themselves upon the ocean to escape from slavery under the United States Government, and men paid by us, seize them, and " deliver" them to be kept in gaol for I the " owner,' or sold for gaol fees. 'IB ,ANK OF IRELAND CHARTER.-There is a variety of rumours in circulation on the subject —one being that the Charter will be ren ewe d f or four years ; others that the period of the monopoly will be extended to fifteen. Our own opinion is, that nothing definitive has yet been decided. It is, indeed, perfectly clear to us that, what ever course may be adopted ultimately, the Bank of Ireland will be shorn of her " fair proportions," as, no doubt, she considers her exclusive action over Dublin and the fifty mile circuit included in her present Charter. We perceive that the people of Drogheda are in a ferment on the subject, under the erroneous idea, as we believe it, that the Charter is to be renewed for fifteen years. A public meeting is called, with a view of petitioning Par liament on the subject, the Lieutenant of the county of Louth, Sir Patrick Bellew, heading the requisi tion. A distinct resolution will be moved, requesting the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel to oppose the Charter. We have reason to believe that Wicklow, Dundalk, Carlow, Navan, Tullamore, and the other towns in the Bank of Ireland circle are about convening similar meetings. Nor should we be at all surprised if a meeting were held in Dublin for the same Purpose. But to return. The Charter will not be extended to fifteen years, and we have some doubts whether it will even extend to four. At ill events, the circle will be limited—and we have some reason to believe that the Joint Stock Banks will have the power of establishing branches in towns twenty miles dis tant from Dublin : of course Drogheda will be taken in. Why should there be a monopoly at all ? However, this i s a . ,question which we shall not discuss at present—Dub lin I,. , ening Post THE COMING ASSIZES IN IRELAND.—We hope the Lords' Committee will not be dissolved before the results, at least, of the approaching Assizes are laid before their Lordships, for their profound consideration. It will do Lord Roden's heart good to learn that never, in the memor y of man, has there been so light a calendar. In the Home Circuit there is not a county where the go i ng Judges will be detained three days—and this circuit includes three of the largest counties in Leinster, Kildare, rsL'ath, and King's. In the Leinster Circuit there is absolutely nothing to be done—in Wicklow the same—the Croson business in Wexford is next to nothing; in the county of Waterford there is a remanat from the last Assizes, a case of perjury. In Kilkenny, scarcely any criminal business—but Tipperary will as usual be the heaviest on the circuit. In Connaught we have heard of nothing—and with regard to the two circuits of the North, from the hitherto peaceable conduct of the Orangemen, we are inclined to hope that little will be left for the Judges to do. In the Munster Circuit, we learn that there is 'nothing for the gentlemen of the long robe to do in Clare, Limerick, or Kerry. There are a few trifling cases in Cork. On the whole, if we be not much mis informed, one county in England will exhibit more crime than the thirty-two Irish counties. —Dublin Post. DUBLIN, JULY 2.—Yesterday was the anniver sary of the Battle of the Boyne, a day upon which it has been customary for many years past to have Orange pro cessions in almost every town and village in the province of Ulster. Letters from Newry, Belfast, Banbridge, and other parts of the north, all concur in saying that there were no processions in those towns, and that the day passed over in tranquillity. From the more distant parts of Ulster there is reason to hope that equally gratifying accounts will be received. , THE GOLD DUST ROBBERY.—There is no doubt that but for the employment of police-officers Lea and Roe, in tracing the property, and apprehending the parties concerned in the gold dust robbery, the guilty indi viduals would never have been brought to justice ; and the Judge ordered a reward to be paid to them for their exer tions out of the county rate. The new police never inter fered in the matter, and so defective is the metropolitan system, that neither the property or the thieves would have been discovered if the old officers of police, who always bring a good deal of experience, tact, and determination to bear on such cases, had not been engaged. The great jewel and plate robberies at the west end of the town during the last few years have been passed by, and no traces of the property, to the amount of at least d 50,0001., have ever been discovered, nor the parties engage in those wholesale rob beries brought to justice. The case would have been very different if the old Marlborough-street and Bow-street offi cers had been engaged.—Glebe.—[Let us add that within three years three revolting murders have been committed in the metropolis, to which no clue has been discovered, giving us no very high idea of the efficiency of the police, either as a protecting or a discovering body. The three murders we remember—there may have been more—were those of a young woman killed in the Albany-road, Re. gent's Park, Eliza Grimwood, and now Mr. Westwood.] FLOGGING OF A SOLDIER AT CHESTER. — A recruit belonging to the 49th regiment, now stationed in Chester, was flogged on Thursday last for disposing of his " kit." We understand that the poor fellow was sen tenced to receive 100 lashes, but nature having given way under the weight of pain and agony, between 60 and 70 only were inflicted. We have been told that the screams of the victim were heard distinctly at Saltney, a distance of a mile from the place of punishment, while in the neigh bourhood of the castle the cries were appalling. The blood we are informed, ran down the soldier's back in streams, while, in one or two instances, the flesh actually flew off hisback ; and as the drummer stood with his reek ing lash, which he occasionally cleared with his fingers, his comrades were compelled to look on and weep.—Ches ter Gazette. Proportion of Con. victions to Com. Number mitments. of Execu. 28 years tions from from 1810 :1810 to to 1837 1838. ;1837 , in inclusive. elusive. 0.24 0.45 I 1 04 0.36 0.62 1 101 0.52 0.69 I 268 0.64 0.77 308 Now, if the Juries had convicted in the same proportio during the 28 years ending with 1837, as they have done in 1838, which, in all probability, would have been the case had these offences not been thus capital, the conse quences would have been thus :—About 210 more persons would hare been convicted of wilful burning ; about 520 more for attempts to murder, cutting, and maiming ; about 1,203 more for robbery ; and about 1,800 more for burglary.* • Thus every execution for wilful burning appears to have led to two acquittals; every execution for attempts to murder, cutting, and maiming, tofive acquittals ; and every execution for burglary to nearly four acquittals. The following table will show that a diminution of corn. mitments follows a diminution of capital punishments ROBBERY. !_ t a 1829 committed 299 ... ... executed 12 i" ; :z. 1830 ... •• • •• • 301 "' •• • -1 83 537 ••• •• • 1832 382 ... ••• 1 833 394 • • • Total for five years 1,913 ... ... ... 36 • —__ _ 1834 ... committed 341 ... ... executed 1. 1 535 ... ... ... 378 ... ... ... ... 0 1836 ... ... ... 334 ... ... ... ... 4 1837 ... ... ... 290 ... ... ... ... 0 less .., ••• ... 291 ... ••• ••• ... 0 Total for five years, 1,634 ATTEMPTS TO MURDER., CUTTING, MAIMING, &C. Four years ending 1834 committed 520 executed 14 Four years ending 1838 ... 508 ... 4 RAPE. Four years ending 1834 committed 222 executed 16 Four years ending 1838 ... 223 1 ARSON AND OTHER WILFUL RURNINB. 1830 1831 1832 Total for three years 258 , . 3B 833 committed 64 , executed 9 834 6B 8 835 76 , . 7 Total for three years 208 e• 24 1836 committed 7° 1837 .. 1838 .. executed 2 44 Total for three years 15S BURGLARY AND HOUSEBREAKING. Six years ending with 1832 committed 5,199 executed 5t Six years ending with 1833 ... 4,621 ... 3 The latter crime stiows a diminution of about 100 per 4 nt um since the punishment was altered, and this is ren dered still more remarkable, because there has been a gradual and great increase of population within the last 10 years in England and Wales. This calculation is made in a very simple manner, by multiplying the number of hundreds committed before the alteration of the law, by the increase in the centesimal propor tionof persons convicted since that alteration. Thus, the nu mber committed for burglary in the 2S years befor the alte ratio . t ain the law was 9,084, and the increase in the proper r,4. number convicted since that alteration is 13 per cent. beuttiply 90, the number of hundreds, by 13, the amount will 1 .170, and, by adding the broken hundred, the whole will be about 1,180. REMAINS AT DURHAM.--A curious disco very was made last week in the Old Tower, or Keep, of Durha m Castle, which is about to be restored for the pur- Poses of the University. Amongst the rubbish in two rooms of the lower story or Crypt, several bones of a whale have been dug out, consisting, as far, as yet found, of about 15 vertebra• and ')0 ribs in one room—and on the Opposite side of the Tower, in another room, the lower jaw bones are laid bare. Probably the cranium and the other bones are still to be excavated. From a letter writ ten by Bishop Cosin to his steward, Mr. Miles Stapylton, dated in London, 20th June, 1661, in the possession of the Rey. James Raine, of Durham, the particulars of this dis covery are clearly made out, as it there appears that this animal being cast on shore near Easington, the Bishop or tlered the skeleton to be prepared, and placed in the Old Toarer, where it is now found. From the form of the jasys, as they at present are enclosed, the species is conjectured to be the Great Spermaceti Whale, which has seldom been ')bserved on the British shores, only one, taken in the Frith of Forth, in 1769, being distinctly recorded.— n e Mercury. A STIPENDIARY MAGISTRATE FOR NEW CASTLE.—The Council having decided that a stipendiary Magistrate shall be appointed for Newcastle, will proceed, •at their next meeting, on Wednesday first, the 3d of July, to consider by whom this important office shall be filled, and what stipend shall be attached to it. On principle we approve decidedly of a stipendiary Magistrate ; the duties of such a perso n in a town like Newcastle, daily in creasing in population, in commerce, and in consequence, will require not on.y great application, but unquestionable talent, and we think experience also. The Corporation, therefore, we trust, if they proceed to the appointment on Wednesday, or whenever they may m a k e i t, w ill choose a gentleman w !io, from his ability, his disposition, his sound sense. his temper, and his impartiality, i s em i nent l y fit for the of ice, and will command the respect of the inhabitants. —Tyne Mercury. GENOA.—A new and extraordinary exhibition has taken glace here, at the theatre Ga ge d etti. The principal pupils of the Deaf and Dumb Institution repre sented Monti's tragedy, Aristodemo, with the greatest suc cess 1 When will wonders cease? The representation was for the benefit of the poor. --Foreign Quarter y Review. Wm. M'Elrov, his wife, and daughter, were drowned at LowThbrickland, on Monday, the father and mother in striving to save the chill—Limerick Chronicle. The showers during the past week have retarded the hay-making, but in no instance in this neighbourhood have th ey b een enoug h to spo il any ; that which had been cut some time, was stacked on Tuesday and yester day in good order ; and the shoot of the young clover is extraordinary, promising, at present, that the second crop will quite make up the deficiency of the first. The wheat continues to improve, where it was not injured by the high winds we noticed last week, and we believe that there was not a great deal forward enough to be injured by it. The barley and oats arc improving very much since the rain ; and we hear the turnips are growing very fast, and tolerably free from the fly. The pastures are very much improved ; and the beasts in the marshes are doing well, though beef comes very short to market. —Brighton Gazette. ALLEGED ATTEMPT AT EX TORTION. Yesterday a middle-aged w-man. rather meanly a: tirod who gave her name Mal-y Brown, was play, dat the fur of Alarylebone Police-office, before Mr. Ra wlinsen, charge(' with having, under the following extraoldmary eircurn szanc,s, attempted to extort money from Colain George Bray, of No. 8, Wellington.road, St. John's Wood. The Captain on being sworn stated that between eight and nine o'clock on the previous evening he was walking in his garden, when, hearing the bell ring, he went to see who was there, when on opening the door he saw the prisoner. He asked her what her business was, when she appeared somewhat confused, and after some hesitation, said he was not the gentleman she wanted. Judging from her appearance that she was then watching an opportunity of stealing his favourite spaniel, which he had once lost under similar circumstances, he desired her to leave his premises, and closed the door. Some time afterwards he again went out, and seeing the prisoner walking to and fro in front of his gar den wall, he called to a policeman close by, who was in conversation with his (complainant's) groom, and desired him to remove her, The prisoner, on being aware of this, came up to him, and put a letter in his band, which she said she had brought from another female, and requested him to read it. He did so, and finding that it contained a most infamous and unfounded charge against him, for the purpose of obtaining money, he called the policeman, and, telling him the purport of the letter, desired him to take the prisoner to the station-house. The man at first refused, and said that he (the Captain) could do nothing in the matter; he ultimately complied, but in such a care less way that the prisoner had repeated opportunities of escaping. The Following is a copy of the letter : " Sir,—The person you met in Kensington-gardens on the 17th June, and to whom you exposed your person, wishes to know if you mean to make compensation for de taining her from her business. You will please to remem ber that lam not the parson's wife. If not convenient to settle now, I will meet you this evening in Dorset-place, leading into Portman-street. If you don't come, I shall write to your residence. I thought you had every appear ance of a gentleman, and that you would not have behaved in this way." . . The Captain, in conclusion, solemnly declared that he had never seen the prisoner before in his life, that he was riot in the gardens on the day mentioned, and, in fact, had not been there for five years, and, consequently, the pri soner had concocted the whole of the story for the purpose of extorting money from him. Carpenter, 127 S, the constable alluded to, said that seeing the prisoner walking up and down, he asked her who she wanted, she replied Captain Bray—when, just at this time the Captain came out, and he asked him if he knew the prisoner. He replied that he did not ; and wit ness told him that he doubted the truth of his assertion. The woman then put a letter into the Captain's hand, and as soon as he had read it, he requested witness to take her into custody, which he did. He walked close by her nearly all the way to the station-house, so that she cculd not have escaped. The Captain accompanied him to sub stantiate the charge. The prisoner, in her defence, stated that she met the Captain in the Gardens about noon, on the 17th or 18th of last month ; he asked the road to the Palace, and she directed him; he then said that he wished to speak to her privately, and having conducted her to a re tired seat, entered into conversation ; among other things, he said he was acquainted with the par son's wife, and that she never wished for money, all she wanted was the pleasure of his company. She (prisoner) replied that the parson's wife was the right sort of person for him. He then, after some further conversation, began to expose his person ; she told him to be quiet, or some person would see him. He said that there was no fear of that, as the Queen was passing along a little distance off, who would attract the attention of every body. He pulled out a sovereign, and asked her if she had got change, and upon her telling him that she had not, he agreed to meet her at Bayswater; but as he had not kept his promise, she had been induced to go to his house, having found out his direction at a livery-stables in Oxford-street, where she had seen him go in on horseback. The prisoner, in conclusion, said, " I'll swear that is the gentleman (pointing to the Captain). I have not exposed him, he has exposed him self." The prisoner, on being taken into custody, said she lived in Silver -street, Kensington Gravel-pits, which is not true; she, however, lives in Veal-street, in that neighbour hood. Sbe was fully committed for trial, in default of bail. The Captain is a fine-looking middle-aged man. CARLOWELECTION COMMITTEE (YESTERDAY.) The Committee decided that the vote of John Walsh as a good vote, and retained it on Mr. Bruen's poll. The vote of Thomas Gerard Fort was next objected to, shortly after which the Committee adjourned until to.. morrow (this day). THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, AL PARLIAMENT. 110 US F. I:0 RI ).•'. .IDLY 5. ROYAL ASSENT. The Royal As.eut giv,n to-flay by Commission to lat. Sugar Duties Biil, the Exchequer of Pleas Bill, the Liverpool Churches Bill, the Petorb,rough Gaol Bill, the .tlaneheAer aim Birmingham Railway Bill, the Monkland and Kirkintillech Railway Bill, the West Durham Railway Bill, the Camber (Portsmouth) Quays, &c. Bill, the Moy Navigation Bill, the West Croft (Nottingham) Inclosure Bill, the lichen Bridge Bill, Lord Templemore's Estate Bill, and Allison's Divorce Bill. The Commissioners were the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Lord Chancellor, and Lord Falkland. The House then adjourned during pleasure. The House resumed at Five o'Clock, when the LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack. A message from the House of Commons brought up several Bills. Lord KENYON presented two petitions from Glouces tershire against the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill. BLOCKADE. Lord STR A NGFORD said he had read with surprise in the newspapers to-day, that the French Consul had given notice to the English Consul, announcing the inten tion of the French Government to extend the block ade, that had been already in existence for fifteen months, along the whole track of the coast of Buenos Ayres, extending for a course of 3,000 miles; and be wished to know whether her Majesty's Government had received any official communication of such intention —if they had whether they had recognised it—and recog nising it whether they had therefore determined upon augmenting our naval force there. Lord MsELBOURNE was understood to say that her Majesty's Government had received no official communi cation on the subject. Lord STRANGFORD gave notice that on Tuesday next he should present a petition from the Merchants of London on the subject of that blockade. The Marquis of NORM ANBY, in answer to a question from the Marquis of Downshire, relative to some papers he had moved for the production of some time ago, said that he had spoken to Mr. Drummond on the subject, who had written to Ireland for them, and that as soon as they arrived they should be laid on the table. The Bishop of EXETER wished to know from the Noble Marquis whether he had received a notification from the Governor of Canada of an address having been pre sented to him by the Colonial Legislature with respect to the clergy there; and whether it had been necessary to submit the question upon that, with reference to the Bill upon the subject, to the Law Officers of the Crown ? The Marquis of NO RMANB Y said that the Bill had arrived, but with that Bill had not arrived either a notifi cation or an address ; and the question having been re ferred to the Law Officers upon the question of its being a preliminary form, they had given it as their opinion, to be indispensably necessary that an address should be made. The I3ishop of EXETER wished to know if her Ma jesty's Government were aware of an Address having been presented to the Governor by the Colonial Legislature. The Marquis of NORM ANB Y said no official informa tion of that had arrived, although he had heard there was. The Bishop of EXETER next wished to know whether the Noble Marquis had received a copy of the speech made by the Governor upon proroguing the Colonial Par. liament. The Marquis of IS ORMANBY said information had been received of the prorogation, but no mention had been made of the speech. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY was understood to say, that he laid on the table the terms of his notice of motion for to-morrow night, in order that the same, with any other papers on the subject that might be on the table, might be printed and circulated by to-morrow evening. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition from the Lord Mayor and Common Council of the City of Lon don against bringing in the London and Blackwell Railway into Fenchurch-stree:. Also several petitions in favour of the Church in Canada. The Earl of AEN presented a variety of peti tions from places in Scctland, praying for increased means of religious instruction there. The Noble Lord wished to know whether there was any objection to a return of the expenses of the Religious Instruction Committee which he had moved for three months ago, and also last year. No answer was returned. PRINTING OF BIBLES—(SCOTLAND). The Earl of H A I.)D IN GT 0 N begged to ask the Noble Viscount whether h. was intended to place any Dissent ing or Seceding clergyman, on the commission for the printing of Bibles in Scotland. Viscount MELBOURNE was not aware of any such intention. OUTRAGES—(IRELAND). The Marquis of LONDONDERRY begged to ask, as the Session was now drawing near its close, whether it was intended that the Committee appointed to inquire into the state of crime and outrage in Ireland, should make anv Report to the House. The Earl of WHARNCLIFFE said the Committee had taken all the evidence they intended, and the greater portion of it was already in the hands of the printer. He hoped, therefore, they would be able to lay the report upon the table by the end of next week. The Ma;-pis of LANSDOWNE laid upon the table, by command of her Majesty, Treasury minntes, relative to grants for public education. TITHES. The Noble MARQUIS said he would take that opportu. ntyf been laying for some time upo nthelked for. iraaLordsh I Lordships' table wasable a B a Billiil fo r which had the purpose of removing certain difficulties that bad arisen with respect to the commutation of tithes. The Bill was then read a first time, and ordered 1o be read a second time on Tuesday next. Viscount STRANGFORD was not aware when he gavo notice to their Lordships relative rn to th can blockade, Learnede M Lordexi - that' the Noble and (BiOugba) had fixed that day for the second reading o f his Education Bill. He hoped the Noble and Learned Lord would postpone it. Lord BROUGHAM said nothing would give him greater pleasure than to comply with the Noble Viscount's request, but he was in the hands of the House. He had been forced to put off the second reading from time to time. If he was certain that nothing would prevent the question being brought forward on Thursday, and also that no other person would ask him to put it off—( Hear, and great laughter)—because he was of that easy nature that he could not trust himself—(A laugh)—he should have no objection to postpone it till Thursday. The Duke of RICHMOND said the Prisons Bill was fixed for Thursday. Lord BROUGHAM said, perhaps his Noble and Learned Friend (the Lord Chancellor) would put off the Prisons Bill. The LORD CHANCELLOR said it would be very inconvenient to put off the Bill, as there were many Noble Lords waiting in town who were anxious to go down to the country to attend the Sessions and Assizes. Lord BROUGHANI—Sec the difference between a Chancellor and.i an ex-Chancellor in point of placability. _( Laughter. ) I,nrd ROLLE objected to the postponement of the Prisons Bill. Atter a ,cw observations from Lord LYNDHURST, Lord BROUGHAM fixed his Education Bill for Friday week• JAMAICA. Upon the Order of the Day for the consideration of the Report of the Jamaica Bill, The Earl of H ARE WOOD trusted that their Lord ships would allow him to say a few words with respect to the measure. He had taken great pains to disencumber this question of all party feeling ; and, if he understood rightly, the Prisons Bill, and that alone, had been the cause of all that had taken place. When that Bill was brought in last Session, if h e reco ll ec t e d rightly, it was a t a very late period ; and on that account, and the absence of Peers, and the state of the public business, the Bill passed through that House without any opposition. It went through the House of Commons as a matter of course ; and he verily believed that Parliament was not at all aware, at the time it was passing, that it was an Act that would touch upon the privileges of the House of As. sembly or the people of Jamaica. If that really was so, it appeared to him the great difficulty might be easily re moved, because if the Governor had only stated to the House of Assembly that such was the fact, or if any Governor going out were now to du so, he was sure the House of Assembly would be satisfied, and would instantly consent to resume its functions. As it was, no opportunity had been given to the House of Assembly of knowing that fact. For his own part he would be as ready as any man to accede to the measure now proposed, if, after it had been intimated to the House of Assembly that the Imperial Parliament in passing the Prisons Bill was not aware that it touched upon their privileges, they refused to resume their functions. He trusted, therefore. that an opportunity would be given to the House of Assembly to receive that explanation, and that the Noble Viscount at the head of her Majesty's Government would withdraw the Bill for the present for that purpose.—.( Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM said that. in consequence of what passed in the Committee the night before last upon the Bill, he was prepared to give their Lordships an opportu nity of exercising their judgment upon the second clause, and he might say the only Clause, in this unfortunate Bill. He had stated upon th a t occa sion the objections that he entertained to th at c l ause. His Noble Friend who had introduced the discussion on that occasion had confined his arguments to the first clause, and he (Lord i Brougham) o bj ected to the second on the ground that t could be looked upon in no other light than as a money clause. His Noble Friend op posite (Lord Lyndhurst) had besought the House and the Government to reconsider the subject of the first clause in the Bill, and he (Lord Brougham) had now to make the same appeal to the House and the Government with re spect to the second clause. The effect o f t h at clause was to give powers to certain individuals to impose t axa ti on on the people of. the Colony without their consent. He had heard some doubt expressed as to such a clause being a money clause, but he could not conceive upon what ground that doubt had been raised. He looked upon this Bill in the same light as he looked upon the I ncome Tax ; that measure was discontinued in . 18 16, and cou ld any d ou b t exist, if a Bill was brought 111 to renew th at measure , that it would be a money Bill because its object would be to renew a tax ? H e was authorised by the Agent for Jamaica to state that there was no necessity for in creased taxation in the Colony, that there was plenty of money there to answer all purposes. This system of taxing Colonies without the c onsent of th e p eop l e was the or i g i n of the American war, and it was most rem ar k a ble that he should in their Lordships House be deprecating that system of taxation, on the 63d anniversary of American independence. Ttheestp?arteustenit Bill.awwi T with colonies,resp h e e ct wo to rdsofthe was in direct opposition to the course that was proposed to be adopted by h statute could not be more distinct. Fa nc y it se lf cou ld no t frame, devise, or divine one which was more to the point, or which more stringently and entirely abandoned all right of taxation of all chartered colonies, without reservation and for ever. Tbat was the statute law, and their Lord ships were now about to retract that abandonment—to re trace their steps, and to tax this colony. He would not METROPOLITAN POLITICAL SUMMARY. The Courier of last evening, speaking of Mr. Gibson's resignation of his seat for Ipswich, says This gentle man has acted in a spirit of delicacy that should enhance the respect in which his character is held. Such men are scarce in the House of Commons; and although Mr. Gibson's opinions on most subjects are far less liberal than we could wish, he has so convinced us both of his talent and inte. grity,that we should regret his permanent absence from Par liament. Whether, having resigned his seat and given the constituency an opportunity of exercising their judgment, he may propose to present himself again to the electors of that borough, we do not at present know; but should be do so, he ought not to be opposed by the Liberals. If Mr. Gibson should not offer himself as a candidate, a staunch Liberal, we doubt not, will be returned for Ips wich." The Globe makes the following remarks on Mr. Gib son's resignation :—" We understand it is Mr. Gibson'. intention to submit his Parliamentary conduct to the judgment of the electors, by again soliciting their votes for his re-election. If our inforMation be correct, we hope the Liberal party will show them selves unanimous in his support. The Ultra-Tories will of course oppose him with virulence, if they can find a candidate. The course adopted by Mr. Gibson has been dictated by that high sense of honour which has inva riably marked his conduct ; and which, wherever it is found, commands respect, even where its possessor is in fluenced by erroneous opinions. When, as in the present case, the sound heart is united with a clear head, the errors in judgment are soon detected, and when detected avowed and abandoned." The Standard remarks as follows on the Irish Muni cipal Reform Bill :—" There is but one even plausible pretext for disturbing the present Irish Corporations, namely, that the municipal system in Great Britain has been subjected to alteration—with what advantage to the country the change in this island has been accompa nied, let experience tell. We hear from every quarter nothing but complaint—complaint in which Whigs, Ra dicals, and Conservatives, with the exception of the few obscure persons uplfted to the dignity of town councillors, arc unanimous. But if the English Municipal Reform Bill had proved as beneficial as it has proved mischievous, it does not follow that because a change was useful in Eng land it must be useful in Ireland, or because it was safe in England it must be safe in Ireland. Our own conviction is, that the preferable course would be to leave the Irish corporations just as they are, and we are confirmed in this conviction by the boast of the Irish Roman Catholic jour nals (we lately quoted one of them—the Dublin Freeman's Journal) that in the corporate towns of Ireland life and property are more secure than in towns of a corresponding description in this island." ACCIDENT AT THE CIRQUE OLYMPIQUE.— M. Jules Janin, the celebrated Feuilletoniste, thus pathe tically describes an accident which took place some even ings ago at the Cirque Olympique :—" The inauguration of gthe summer circus was last night most cruelly dis turbed. Eight horses were galloping under one man ( Paul Cuzent); the horse inside thrust his fore leg be tween the legs of the horse outside, the poor animal fell, got up again, his leg broken, and Paul Cuzent conti nuing his leaps. Then took place the most mournful drama I have witnessed at any theatre—and many have I witnessed. The poor limping horse, mortally wounded, alas 1 himself broke loose, leaving the other horses to run I He came upon his remaining three legs to the middle of the circus, close to Franconi, his skilful master; and as Franconi, who was wholly occupied in restoring order, paid but little attention to the wounded horse, the latter softly dropped his head upon his master's shoulder, looking at him with a moist eye, and showing his broken leg ! At this sight Franconi wept, and so did many others. The poor horse was killed to prevent his suffering. Be lieve me, I have seen all the Kings, all the Queens, all the heroes of the world die upon the stage—from old (Edipus down to Napoleon Bonaparte—never was my heart moved so much as by the death of this horse." FALL OE A BUILDING AT HOLBECK, Two MEN KILLED.—On Friday forenoon, an accident oc curred at liolbeck, by which two unfortunate individuals have lost their lives. It is generally known that an im mense building is in course of erection for Messrs. Mar shall, the extensive flax spinners, in Marshall -street, which, ' though covering two acres of ground in extent, is of an entirely novel construction in this part of the country, being only one story high, and formed of rows of immense pillars, the bases of which are solid masonry, on which are placed substantial iron pillars ; these are tied together by massive wrought iron rods (proved with a pressure of 50 tons), which arc pinned in at the head of each pillar. The covering is formed by groined diagonal arches of brick work ; each arch has a span of 36 feet, and a rise of seven feet six inches. Twelve of these arches were already turned, and the centres were removed from six of them, when on Friday forenoon, three of them f e ll i n w i t h a tre mendous crash, at which time six men were at w o rk under neath—three escaped without injury, one w as s li g h t l y wounded, and the other two received such severe bruises as to cause the almost instant death of one, and that of the other, who was taken to the infirmary, in about an hour afterwards. The other three arches from which the centres had been removed, fell shortly afterwards; of course a strong ex citement prevailed in the densely populated neighbourhood, and various were the opinions expressed as to the cause. This being the whole of the evidence the jury returned a verdict of " Accidental Death." The jury accompanied their verdict with the following recommendation :—" The jury recommend that in rebuilding the arches there should he a greater quantity of backing ; that the centres should remain until the arches are sufficiently set; and that prompt and efficient means should be used to prevent the rain set tling upon them."— York Courant. The English Agricultural Society will hold its first annual Congress at Oxford on the 17th instant ; the sittings will occupy three days. The Earl Spencer, the President, will take the chair ; the Duke of Richmond is the President elect for next year. The Duke of Bucking_ ham has sent in his adhesion to the principles of the So ciety. The University authorities have evinced every dis position to promote the objects of the Society, and the Provost of Queen's has granted the Society the use of the Quadrangle, in which a dining room has been erected Ca pable of holding 2,000 persons. Jrmy 5, 1R39. listen to the quibble of its not being to be done by a Bill, but by a taxman. —( Hear, hear. ) It would be infinitely better to have it done by a Bill, because a man might abuse his power—tie might make mistakes—and, lastly, they would not have the authority or the benefit of thfe counsel and wisdom of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) He would not listen therefore to the statement that they were not retracing their steps merely because they did not levy this taxation by a Bill, but did it by dictatorship. This was the first time they were setting themselves about taxing this colony, and they were about to do it in the worst way. Their Lordships ought not to flatter them selves that the world would not give them the discredit and dishonour of having abandoned the Act of 1778, and of having broken faith with the colony, if they proceeded now to tax those whom they had before pledged themselves never to tax again ; especially so when it must be known that they never would dream of doing this but with a weak settlement like Jamaica. He protested that he thought that both honour, credit, consistency, and character were more damaged when an attempt was made to oppress a weak than when an attempt was made to succeed in a conflict after a gallant struggle with a powerful opponent.---( Hear, hear, hear.) He would not advise their Lordships to adopt the old Roman eulogy, but he would advise them not to reverse it, and not to domineer over the people, because they who did so were the most likely to crouch before the great. These being his opinions he had framed a proviso which he should move, in order that if the House rejected his proposition he should have an opportunity of entering his protest against this measure. His protest should he framed in the s ine terms as that which he entered against the Canada Bill in 1837, chang ing the word Canada for Jamaica, and changing the date of the Act from 1771 to 1778. Lord MELBOURNE said that he should be happy to accede to the suggestions made by the Noble Lord oppo site, if he could think that the effect of that would be to end the unhappy differences that now existed in an amicable manner, and if that suggestion could be adopted consistently with the course the House had pursued, and consistently with common sense and reason. But it was impossible for him to think that the mere ex pectations of the Noble Lord, without any authority, could be productive of a successful result. The effect of the suggestion, was to withdraw the present Bill, and make an apology for the last. It amounted to making a con fession, that what they had done, had beer, done in haste and in ignorance, and that their Lordships had not b een aware that they were then over-riding the powers of the House of Assembly. Now, he could not make that con fession. He perfectly knew what he was about—it was a Bill for the internal regulation of Jamaica. He felt at the time that the House of Assembly would not pass the Bill, and that they would consider it an attack on their privileges, and what they conceived to be their peculiar functions. The Noble and Learned Lord had said it was passed sub silentio, and without much speaking upon it. It did not follow from that that people were not perfectly well aware of the objects of the Bill. It was passed because every body knew of it, and every body had thought its provisions right—at least that was the conclusion he drew from the manner in which the Bill was passed. It was impossible for the Government or for the country, with any regard to their own dignity or to the success of any measures they had to pursue, to accede to the suggestion. Neither could he accede to the suggestion so elaborately introduced by his Noble and Learned Friend. He agreed with his Noble and Learned Friend upon all the general principles he had laid down. lie agreed that the renewal of a tax was the same as the in troduction of a new one. He would offer nothing against such an argument as that. He concurred likewise with all the eloquent and generous sentiments with which his Noble and Learned Friend had concluded ; that it was worse to oppress the weak and feeble than the strong. It were base, unmanly, impolitic, and inexpedient to oppress the weak, but be would contend that this Act had been rendered necessary by the misconduct and contumacy of the House of Assembly themselves. Her Majesty's Government considered this ,power of legislation absolutely necessary. There were many appropriations which it was altogether necessary to renew. He contended that this power was as necessary to be given as the power by the other part of the; clauses; therefore, he could not agree to the amend ment moved or about to be moved by his Noble and Learned Friend. The Earl of WICKLOW said, that after the de claration of the Noble Viscount, that he bad entered fully into the arguments of the Noble and Learned Lord, he was no: a little surprised to hear him come to the conclu sion he had stated, for if ever, as it appeared to him, there was an argument strong and cogent in favour of a proposition it was that which had been adduced by the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, as well as by the Noble and Learned Lord on his left -hand, the other evening, in favour of the amendment proposed by the Noble and Learned Lord opposite (Brougham). The answer of the Noble Viscount was anything but convincing, because who could believe that this was not doing an injustice but a benefit to the colony? If their Lordships passed this Bill, they were about to do that which would be adopted as a precedent with regard to other weak Governments, and this great country would be prejudiced in the highest degree. This was not only a violation of principle, but it was a gratuit ous insult to the colony of Jamaica. He should certainly support the amendment of the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, and, if necessary, he should feel it his duty to enter as strong a protest as he could against so unjust and so uncalled for a resolution. Lord CL ONC UR RY was glad to hear the statements which had just been made. Twenty millions of money had been paid that the negrocs in our colonies should no longer be kept as slaves, and nothing ought to be done to frustrato the fulfilment of that agreement. It appeared to him that many of the Members of the House of Assembly were desirous of acting the part to the negroes that he was sorry to see some of his own countrymen seemed to be disposed to play towards the people of Ireland. There was a Committee of their Lordships bitting on the affairs of Ireland. He bad been put upon that Committee with out being consulted. He protested against the Committee altogether. It appeared to him that there was a great similarity between the proceedings of that Committee in reference to Ireland, and some of the Members of the House of Assembly towards the nogroes. He should therefore support the Noble and Learned Lord's amendment. The Marquis of NORMANBY begged to remind their Lordships that the House of Assembly had not only pro tested against this Bill, but that they had protested against the Act in aid last year. He felt the objections which had been urged as strongly as any body, and he thought nothing but the emergency could justify the present proceeding.—( Hear, hear.) If it were said that this was the first time such a proceeding had been adopted, it ought to be remembered that it was the first time such an emergency had arisen. The public service in Jamaica must be provided for, and how was it to be provided for when the House of Assembly had abdicated its functions ? Unless the expired acts were renewed, it was impossible the Government of the Colony could be carried on. Be sides, looking at the expenses that were to be provided for, and contrasting them with the probable revenues, it was to be remembered that at this time there appeared to be no provision made for the repayment of a debt due to this country of 200,0004 which would become payable in three years hence. The Police tax was very necessary, and the army pay nobody would dispute being a proper ap propriation, in short, all the expired Acts were necessary to be renewed. He would beg to remind the Noble and Learned Lord that every one of the expired Acts applied money, and therefore, in that respect, no new principle was about to be introduced ; but if the amendment of the Noble and Learned Lord was carried, it would strike out, with the exception of the Clergy Bill, every expired Act. He would not agree to the motion of the Noble and Learned Lord, because it would exclude the very Acts of which he spoke. He ( Lord Normanby) trusted their Lordships would not refuse their consent to those enact ments which were necessary for the public service in the Colony. Earl ST. VINCENT was understood to say that the payment of the army had been hitherto a voluntary act in the Colony ; now the proposed clause would make it com pulsory.—( Hear.) He was most desirous that their Lord ships should proceed in a concilitory spirit towards the House of Assembly. He did not want to oppose the pre sent clause. The Marquis of NORMANBY explained. Lord BROUGHAM was anxious to prevent an impres sion from reaching Ireland, which trust be the case if he did not at once correct what a Noble Lord behind him had said respecting his (Lord Brougham's) motion; for the Noble Lord was a good landlord and an excellent man, and therefore must have great weight with a people so generous, and of such easy faith towards those they liked as the Irish. His Noble Friend had described his (Lord Brougham's) motion as a Bill for carrying into execution the Act for emancipating the negroes. His Noble Friend was quite right in saying that ne had not attended to all the details of the Bill—( Hear, hear, and laughter)—but if lie had said that he had not attended to any of them he would have been more correct.—( Hear, hear, and laugh ter.) Really the present clause had no more to do with that measure than with the Irish Committee.—( Laugh ter.) But his Noble Friend having said that the Irish were like the negroes, and their landlords like planters, then by a most ingenious turn compared the present Com mittee to the Irish Committee. Another Noble Friend of his said that if he (Lord Brougham) who abjured all party motives—were acting upon a party principle, he could perfectly understand him—but as that was not the case he had not a word to say.—( Laughter and cheers.) If he ( Lord B.) were acting from party motives now, he would leave the second clause just as he found it—for others it would be a complete triumph of party, it being nothing less than Sir R. Peel's amendment to that Bill of the Government which was lost by a majority of five in the other House, and for that reason, if the Noble Marquis would only leave the clause as it now stood, all the Noble Lords opposite would be sure to vote for him.—( Laugh ter. ) However he ( Lord B.) would not withdraw his amen ment.—( Question, question.) The Noble and Learned Lord then pressed his amendment, which was to the effect that the clause, though authorising the appropriation of money by the Governor and Council, should not extend to the continuation or renewal of any Act for the raising of money. The gallery was cleared for a division, but on our re turn we learned that the amendment was negatived with out a division. Their Lordships then:adjourned at Twenty minutes past Six o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JuLr 4. The House was formed to-day at Fcur o'Clock, by the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod summoning the House to hear the Royal Assent given to several Bills, for which see the Lords' report. The Committee on the Manchester and Birmingham Extension Railway obtained leave to report until the 15th of July. On the motion of Sir E. KNATCHBULL the Lords' amendments to the South Eastern Deviation Railway Bill were agreed to. Petitions in favour of Mr. R. Hill's plan of penny postage, were presented by Mr. Bainbridge, from a place in Somersetshire ; by Mr. St an l e y, f r o m East Cowes; and by Mr. Leader, from the Belgrave Literary Institution. Mr. LEADER presented a petition from Henry He- tberington, complaining that a person named Powell had been committed to prison in North Wales for en assault, and for using seditious language, which was a bailable offence; that he had offered unexceptionable bail, but the Magistrates had thrown such obstacles in the way of it, that the man was still in prison ; so that be was suffming the wily punishment attc.chable to the offence, without trial ; also a petition from 13ridgewater, in favour of the Ballot. Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD presented a petition in favour of the Copyrigilt Bill. Sir R. FERGUSON presented petitions from Derry and Drogheda, praying that Presbyterian soldiers might be allowed to attend their own places of worship. Mr. W. DUNCOMBE presented petitions from North and South Shields, Sunderland, Newcastle, and other places in favour of a Harbour of Refuge at Redcar. Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from an en gineer named Black, suggesting certain improvements in the establishment of Harbours of Refuge. Mr. E. ROCHE presented petitions from Cork in fa vour of equal justice to Ireland. Lord STANLEY presented a petition against the Not tingham Small Debts Bill. Sir R. PEEL presented a petition from an individual, praying compensation for the loss of his office under the Manor Courts Bill. Mr. HODGSON HINDE gave notice that to morrow, when Mr. O'Connell's motion, with respect:to communication between London and Dublin, was brought forward, he should move to add the words " and between London and the cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow." Mr. W. MILES gave notice that to-morrow be should move to postpone his motion relative to Small Debts Bills till Friday fortnight. Mr. S. O'BRIEN gave notice that he should on the 9th inst. move for leave to bring in a Bill to exempt from the window tax all houses occupied by literary or scientific institutions, and also to exempt from borough rates all houses similarly occupied. METROPOLITAN POLICE. Mr. FOX MAULE gave notice that on the bringing up of the Report on the Metropolitan Police Bill be should move certain clauses by way of amendment. On the motion of Mr. FOX MAULE, the Turnpike Acts Continuance Bill was read a third time and passed. PRISONS (SCOTLAND) BILL. Mr. FOX M AUL E brought up the report on the Prisons (Scotland) Bill, which was ordered to be engrossed, and the Bill to be read a third time to-morrow. METROPOLITAN POLICE COURTS. Mr. F. MAULE brought up the Report on this Bill. The House went into Committee, and agreed to a re solution for granting 50,0001. out of the Consolidated Fund towards defraying the expense of Metropolitan Courts. Mr. F. MAULE brought up the Report of the Com mittee on the Brick Duties Bill. The Report of the Committee on the Election Petition Trials Bill was brought up and agreed to, after the trans position of certain clauses. The Bill W 23 ordered to be read a third time on Monday nett. CANADA GOVERNMENT BILL. On the Order of the Day for the second reading of the Canada Government Bill being moved by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Sir G. SINCLAIR said—On the 6th of February last her Majesty expressed a wish that the affairs of Canada should be the subject of the prompt and early considera tion of Parliament, but the great question had crossed and re-crossed the ocean several times before the second read- ing of a measure connected with that important subject. He could not help taking that opportunity to ask Ministers whether they were really thought that they could or that they were entitled to govern this great country. He asked this question not only from his own distrust in their wisdom, firmness, and discretion, but because he thought that they themselves must be aware that no measure emanating from them could be received in Great Britain or her dependencies with deference, cordiality, or respect.—(' Hear, hear," from Mr. Leader.) Supported as they were in this House, by a small and fluctuating majority, at six and seven among themselves, and only sup ported in another place, where resistance on the part of Conservatives was equivalent to defeat, by persons who had been ennobled or promoted by themselves, they aban doned their measures with a sort of infanticidal recklessness which proved that the organ of philo-progenitiveness was very small in them—( Laughter)—which, as regarded places the tenacity of their adhesiveness was as surprisingly pre ternatural—( Laughter)—and the concurrent testimony not only of their opponents but of their supporters, proved that their measures were inconsistent, unwise, ambiguous, and unsatisfactory.—( Hear, hear.) Nobody could tell to day what they would to-morrow propose or abandon.— ( Hear, hear.) What had altered their position in the country since the Noble Lord (John Russell), and Viscount Melbourne, had declared that they no longer possessed the confidence of that House ? He there- fore protested against the system which they were pursuing, and considered that by their neglecting to pre pare any measures for the settlement of the affairs of Canada, they were only establishing an additional claim to the forfeiture of the confidence of the country. Mr. H UME would not enter further into the discussion of this question, than to express his deep regret that the Government had not expressed any intention of re-estab lishing the Local Government of Canada. It would be satisfactory to find that the Goverment had determined to follow up the recommendations of Lord Durham's Report. He knew from persons residing in Upper Canada, that such a course would be satisfactory, but at present persons in that province were at a loss what to do. He would urge the Ministers to follow up the recommendations of Lord Durham. Opinions there were strongly in favour of a speedy settlement. Emigration from the province was going on to a considerable extent, and it would continue until the establishment of a settled Government. He would not now state his opinion as to the causes of the evils under which the Province was suffering, although he attri buted it to the Acts of the Legislature some Sessions ago. lie hoped measures would be speedily taken to re-establish the Local Government. Mr. O'CONNELL differed from the Hon. Member for Kilkenny. He thought the Government were right to pause and to deliberate before they adopted any final proceeding.—( Hear, bear.) He rejoiced to find that they did not intend to pledge the House to an union be tween the Upper and Lower Provinces. The materials for such an union were most discordant, and such an union must press unjustly on some considerable portion of the people. Upper Canada would not consent to such an union except on terms favourable to the interests of that Province, and which must be most disadvantageous to the inhabitants of the Lower Province. He had seen with deep regret this recommendation of an union in the other wise admirable report of Lord Durham. It would anni hiliate the power of the French Canadians. The French Canadians had been described in that report as kind, be nevolent, charitable, excellent persons ; exemplary in the performance of all their duties ; free from vice, which was almost unknown amongst them—and what was the result of this eulogium ? Why, that it was proposed to annihi late them as a people. No reason was given for this. L anything were done to deprive them of their fair share in the franchise—( Cheers)—they would only increase the existing discontent ; in fact, they would be giving them a legitimate ground for discontent, and instead of end ing the controversies at present existing in the colony, it would only tend to render them perpetual.—( Hear.) It was a fact that in the Executive Council of Canada there was not a single born native of the Colony. Every one of them had been born in some part of Great Britain. Of the Legislative Council, four out of five were British sub jects. How was it possible, then, to conciliate the natives if they were thus excluded from all power and authority ? It must be productive of jobbing, and dissatisfaction in the minds of the Canadians. At present the British born residents had a complete monopoly of power; they feared that unless they adopted the principle con tained in Lord Durham's Report of making the local Government dependent upon the confidence of the people, they would never conciliate the Canadians. It appeared to him extremely doubtful whether it was possible to con ciliate that colony, but they could never do so so long as they proceeded upon the principle of annihilating the French Canadians, and giving political superiority to a race that had no pretensions to it. He would conclude by expressing his gratification that the Government had not pledged the House to any Bill of the kind for the present Session.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. CHARLES I3UL LE R thought the course that had been adopted in this instance was extremely inconve nient. If he had not sat by the Honourable Member for Caithness last night he would not have known that the question of Canada was brought on at all. He thought it was the duty of the Government to take care that no news should leave this country without its being known what the intentions of the Go vernment were with respect to these Colonies. The House and the Government should without delay tell the people of Canada what it was they were to expect. otherwise they would be left in suspense and anxiety as to the course they were bound to adopt. He had read, three weeks ago, a paper from Toronto, in which it was said that they looked forward with great interest to the Government plan for the future Government of the Colony, which they had expected for the last three months. What, he would ask, would the feelings of the people of that country be when they saw that there was nothing but postponement after postponement, that no opinion of Par liament had been declared, and nothing definite had been adopted.—( Hear, hear.) In his opinion it was the most grievous thing that could be conceived, to leave a country in perpetual doubt as to what was to be done for them. There was a general belief growing up in Canada that the interests of that colony were utterly neglected, and they had a right to think so when month after month, and Session after Session, passed away without anything being done. It was, in his opinion, the duty of the Government not to propose lightly such measures as joining the two Colonies.—(H ear.) be Noble Lord, did not disapprove of the course pursued by the le Lord, considering all the circumstances of the case. tie would their d mi nhaved upon wished Government rec t e h i a v t ing the Lord 's ha n d epo ma r a t e — u h p e wished they had been prepared either to adopt or reject it at the time. Circumstances, however , over which he had no control, had arisen, which probably rendered it im possible urham to do so, and if they were not prepared to agree to it it was better to do nothing. Itwould be very important, though, that it should be known whatcours ethaessGuore the e c nt ov vv e o r u n l m d e b n e t prepared to adopt in the nex t Session. Fr om hi s know ledge of the Colonies he could that the success of the measure rested with themselves ; if the people found that they were prepared to carry out the Union with bona .fides, all parties in the Colonies would rally round them, for they wanted a good and a strong Government.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The trou bles in Canada had arisen because of the Cyilelloaart3si un certainty in which the v,ga _so st t ow li eowuaplvdoel wavering, gt h, o eft that tl particular tle y Governments.dpi plan a ntltoot people had been kept, s e be pursued. He fully believed,such know brofetonhrestow last v o a was the opinion of the people, that it would be very easy to carry ont the large plan of uiliou suggested and recommended by Lord Durham, and that with the consent of the whole of the Legislatures. He must protest against the insinuation of the 1-;e,nourable Member for Dublin, that was intended to annihilate the F ench Canadian party. Such was never intend , - ' nor could it be done. E v ishy - EDI 'ION. • - 1 Lord Durham had stated the only plan wee to have an honest ays•ern of representation, and that we might rely upon the British being in a rnajority—first, by the influences lof a well c on d ucte d em i grat i on ; an d next, h av i ng re course, if necessary, to that plan of union which he had pointel nut as desirab:e. What could be better for tt-e Fr,.,,,i, Canadians than that they should be mode in all respects British subjects, and adopt, as speed ily as possible, the lang, wage, the laws, and institutions of Government, that prevailed among the English people ?—( Hear.) The fact was, the French population were the poorer—they had been gradually losing their 1 property, and it had been passing into the hands of the 1 British race. Was it for the benefit of a country that a large class of the people should speak a language dif ferent from that of the governing body? There was but one course to adopt with regard to the people of that continent. If it was wished that they should he free, civilized, and on an equality with the rest of the population, they must speak the language and live under those institutions which were the language and institutions of every free man on the continent of North America. There was one warning which he wished to give the No ble Lord. If lie meant not to adopt the union of the two provinces, let him say so at once; but if the Noble Lord wished to have it adopted, he was taking a strange course to get the public feeling in favour of it. In the first place the Government seemed anxious that there should be no discussion during the present Session, and next all the information they had given the House was, that ob jections existed in Upper Canada to the union. The Noble Lord had laid on the table of the Hot 1c a Re port from the Committee of Assembly of Upper Canada, impugning some parts of Lord Durham's Report, and also some despatches from Sir George Arthur, complaining of other parts of it. If the Noble Lord was anxious that the Union should be carried, he might have given evi dence in favour of the Union as well as against it. —( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had given no information as to the mode in which the Report of the Committee of Assembly was adopted—that it was kept back till the last day of the session—that the session was to have been prorogued upon the Thursday, and was kept sitting till the Saturday, and that when one-third of the Reforming Members had gone home this Report was carried, and the Clagyßesery eßill proposed, and carried by one vote.—( Hear, hear.) Since the Report arrived hero there had been two elections in Canada, and those can didates who were in favour of Lord Durham's Report for the Union carried their elections by a very large majority. The Report of the Committee of Assembly had answered not only Lord Durham's Report, but a speech which he (Mr. B.) had made at the ccmmencement of the Session, stating that his opinions were the same as those of , Paphieau and Al‘kenzie—that he was a Republican, which signified nothing more than that ho was on the Liberal side in politics.—( A laugh.) There was one thing in the despatches of Sir G. Arthur which especially ought to have made the Government very cautious in laying them upon the table. Sir G. Arthur had referred to what he considered the unfavourable opinion which had been expressed by Lord Durham as to the execution of two individuals. _Now if the Government had looked to the Report of Lord Durham, thevwould have seen that there was nothing in it at all justifying this reference of Sir G. Arthur, for all that Lord Durham had said was, that the execution of these men had increased the imitation •Jf the public mind ; and certainly hanging people was not likely to produce conciliation. Most of the facts stated by Sir George Arthur were utterly and monstrously untrue. He (Mr. B.) did not mean to say any thing personally offen. sive, because he did not think that Sir George Arthur stated these facts knowing them to be false, but he should have inquired, and then he would have been convinced that they were not true, and he was guilty of great carelessness in having, without inquiry, stated such things. One cir cumstance he (Mr. B.) would relate to the House. Sir George Arthur had accused Lord Durham of incorrectly stating the number of signatures to petitions in favour of the two individuals referred to as thirty thousand, alleging them to be only 5,000. Now, a gentleman frr, r , Upper Canada had called upon him (Mr. B.) and info-, med him that he had presented Sir George Arthur w:ith one petition alone, the signatures to which were snore nu merous than all those which be had acknowledged. What credit, therefore, could be attached to his statements? He ( Mr. B.) must say it would be most unsatisfactory to the inhabitants of our Colonies to find that the Imperial Parliament did not condescend to take up questions vitally affecting their interests, except on a mere chance debate got up while Members were pairing off, in order to dine, before the Irish Municipal Corporation Bill.—( Hear, hear.) This was the way to offend the feelings of all classes in our Colonies—to aggravate the dissatisfaction of the malcontents, and to irritate and discourage the loyal by showing them that ail their exertions were vain in fa vour of a country which cared little fur there._( Hear. ) Mr. LEADER wished to say a few words, although he was an are it was rather out of order, inasmuch as the Bill before the House was a Bill for the Govern ment of Lower Canada, the object being to increase the already despotic power possessed by the Government there —but the discussion had arisen with regard to the union of the provinces, the Bill for which had been abandoned by the Government. He was afraid the Hon. Member for Liskeard was rather Utopian in his anticipations of the benefits to be derived from a general union of the, provinces of North America. No doubt, if a kir union could be effected between all those provinces much good could be done, but the Hon. Member fc,r Lis kcard alluded to the union of the two Canadas ; and he (Mr. L.) was afraid that the feeling of both pr dvinces was generally hostile to the proposition. The French Cana- . . • Olians knew that the effect would be conroletely to crush them. The Hon. Member for Liskeard, said, indeed, that they must take the laws, and language, and Government of - England.—(Hear.) But he should recollect that that was just the quarrel which existed in Ireland for the last 200 or 300 years. In Ireland the contest had been whether the Roman Catholic majority were to sub mit to the Protestant minority. It might or might not be a good principle that the many should yield to the few, but if it were, all that we had been doing for the be nefit of the Irish Roman Catholics was useless, for it would be absurd to say that in Ireland there should be equality of rights, and that in Canada the rights of the majority should be sacrificed.—(Hear, hear, bear.) Perhaps it might be for the benefit of the French Cana dians that they should become English in their manners, thoir customs, their language, and their religion ; but if they could not be persuaded that it was for their benefit that they should become so, it would be an act of the grossest tyranny to compel them to become English in spite of their feelings and wishes. The lion. and Learn'A Member for Liskeard had said that there was nothing in Lord Durham's Report offensive to the feelings of the French Canadians, nor anything to lead to the si;ggestion that they should be deprived of their fair share in the elective franchise of the Colony. The;.e was, how ever, one marginal note in that Report which contra dicted the assertion of the Hon. and Learned Member for . • Liskeard, it was as follows :—" Acknowleged inferiority of the French Canadians." This showed that they were considered as an inferior race, in the same way as the fish people had been considered an inferior race, and he supposed they would be treated in the same manner, and as their interiority was acknowleged, that they would be subject to every indignity. He had heard the position and prospect of the French Canadians described in very graphic terms by an inhabitant of that Colony. He had said that the country was first of all inhabited by the beavers, who had been destroyed by the Indians, who were their superiors in strength and power; the Indians had been destroyed by the French, who were superior to them in strength and power; and then the Anglo-Saxons had come, who would ultimately destroy the French, as being superior to them in strength and powe r . If this were the law of nature it was true they must submit to it, but it would be a lasting disgrace to the British Parliament if they should give their aid to the powerful to enable them to crush the weak. For his part he protested against any measure to unite the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, and he was delighted to find that in arguing the question of the future union of these provinces he should have the powerful assistance of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. He trusted that in any future Session the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin would grant his powerful aid and protection to the French Canadians, and oppose any plan of union which would call upon them to sacrifice their feelings, their laws, their language, or their religion. The Bill before the House was really and truly a Bill for enlarging the Co ercion Bill of last year, and for rendering that despotic measure still more despotic. He objected to it both is t principle and in detail, but finding he should have no support in opposing this Bill he should not divide the P.ouse on the question cf the second reading, although be, could not suffer it to be read without taking this opporruuity of protesting against it. As to the details, he tr',tsted that Hon. Members on both sides of the House would pay great attention to every separate clause i.n the Bill, and not suffer one of them to pass without kinking well to the results which were likely to ensue. Tho lion. and Learned Member for Liskeard had made one or two remarks which showed great innocence on his part, and still much greater innocence on the part of t h e Upper Canadians. lie had asked what the Government would do with regard to Canada during the recess, or course the Government would not think of Canada dur; g a stated and upper the jlt the recess.—(Laughter .) T hey would b e ' n g d k in to have got rid of the subj ec t , and would be onlyt in kin they could shu ffl e through anoth er S ess ; lau e n on._(Ag al office Canadians had were occupied with great assid u i ty in des': sing measures for establishing the Government of Canada un derstoodgh. He that had de that Government he great innocence on the p art of the I: • This showed ter Canadians, for at that very time an intrigue was • • one Colonial Mini s t er and putting g0 . 11 ,g on for putti ng ou t Canada was forgott en, and its in another, and Upp er n.Lerests neglected. Th e results of the present Session proved that the Government was not paying proper atten'io to the interests of the colonies. O n t h e occasion ' n of his presenting two P eti tioris, c omp l a i n i ng of grievances, he was told th at the whole question would soon be be fore the House, and then would be the proper time for him to make all his com plaints. He readily acquiesced, but there they were nearly at the end of the Session without having been afforded. The people of this country had a right to complain, but the people of Canada had been much illused, and he thought the Bill then before the House would only exasperate them, and increase the state of anarchy in which things were in the colony. Hun dreds of the people were emigrating to the United States ; there was no emigration from this country to the Canadas to the entire ruin of commerce, and unless the system of government were very speedily changed, those colonies, which ought to be the most prosperous of any, would be brought to the very verge of ruin. Sir R. PEEL—That short debate had served to con firm him in the opinion which he had formerly given ex pression to. He was glad that the House had not been called to sanction any Bill for the union of the provinces without its being followed up by actual legislation. The Bill must, in the present temper of th e H ouse have been l os t, but it must have left an impression in the minds of the peo pl .z , t hat such would. probably b e t h e fi na l judgment of ih e Imperial Lerr.,tature. H e h ope d the first step the G o vernment took' would be to mske an earliest, and 1 -,e hoped a successful remonstrance with the government of; the United States, so that an end would be put to the et..