The Sun. — London, England, 1844-05-02 00:00:00

MORNING ENTERTAINMENT BY MR. WILSON. Mr. Wilson gave his first Morning Entertainment on the Songs of Scotland, at the Hanover-square Rooms, yesterday, at two o'clock. In addition to many old favourites, including "Auld Robin Gray," " John Anderson, my jo," " The Birks of Aber feldy," " Wha wadna fecht for Charlie," &c., Mr. Wilson yesterday gave us two new songs, or rather two songs which he had not given in his former en tertainments. The first - of these was a humorous ballad, the composition of the late Sir Alexander Boswell, entitled " Jenny's Bawbee." This admi rable ballad is a complete comedy of manners. Jenny, the heroine, is a damsel possessed of a superfluity of this world's goods, and she is consequently sought by a variety of suitors, among others by a laird, a lawyer, and a fop ; each urges his pretensions, and each is in turn rejected by Jenny, who wisely determines to retain absolute controul over her Bawbee. The acting of Mr. IVilson in this song was replete with the richest humour. He threw himself completely into each of the characters, as they were respectively brought upon the stage, and by his changes of tone and manner, produced an admirably dramatic effect. Jenny's Bawbee, if we mistake not, will henceforth become one of Wilson's most popular songs. The other song, " John o' Badenyon," is the composition of the Rev. John Skinner. The singer is supposed to have tried all the various states of life in his search after happiness—to have been in turn a lover, a poet, a politician, a student, and, like King Solo man, to have found that all these things were vanity. Unlike the Jewish monarch, how ever, ha does not come to the cor.clusion that all is vexation of spirit, for under every disappointment he finds solace and comfort in taking up his pipe and playing John o' Badenyon. The serio-comic ex pression of this ballad was given admirably by Wilson. The singing was much applauded. We must not omit to mention his dramatic style of giving the admirable humourous ballad, " My jo Janet," and its modern imitation by Burns, "My Spouse Nancy," in each of which he exhibited the richest vein of humour. Beautifully as he gives the pathetic ballads of his native land, we are still of opinion that Wilson's forte is the humorous. In the characteristic humourous ballads of Scotland he is unapproachable. At the conclusion of the entertainment, Wilson announced his intention of giving a morning entertainment at the Hanover square Rooms, every Wednesday. The subject of the next entertainment will be Highland Melody and Song. The entertainment was very well attended. MR: LOVER'S IRISH EVENINGS. Mr. Lover gave another of his delightful Irish Evenings last night, at the Princess's Concert-room. The subject of last evening's entertainment was " The Irish Brigade," almost the only Irish national subject which can be touched upon without danger, and a glorious subject it is. The manner in which the Brigade was first formed, the intense love of their country which they exhibited during their exile, their brilliant achievements in Spain, in Flan; el^r:3 and in Italy, their gallant defence of Cremona, their brilliant charge at Fontenoy—all these are themes of inspirition for the poet-minstrel, and themes to which the gifted poet-minstrel of last night did ample- justice. The entertainment was enlivened by racy anecdotes of humorous adventures, which could have happened to none but an Irishman ; of repartees, Such as none but an Irishman could have given, as none but an Irishman could have told them. The songs, with which the entertainment was illustrated,- were beau tiful and appropriate, and were exquisitely given by Miss Cubitt, Miss Rollo Dickson, Master M'Dermott, and Mr. Lover himself. The song, " Grief is Mine," which is new, is one of the most beautifully pathetic ballads we have ever heard. It was exquisitely given by Miss Rollo Dickson, who sang with an expression simpi.e pathos that went at once to the heart. Many; of the audience were affected even to tears. The song was of course rapturously encored. " The Hand and the Glove," also a new song, is a most gallant, spirited, chivalrous com position, such • as minstre!s of old might have sung in castle hall, or lady's bower, and was also admirably given by Miss Rollo Dickson. If we mistake not, this song will be among the most popular of the day. In contrast to these, we had "the Birth OT St. Patrick," a genuine Irish drollery song, with the most rich and unctuous humour, by Lover him • self,' amidst shouts of laughter and applause, and of course loudly encored. This is the very beau ideal of an Irish humorous song, and will be treasured up by 7overs of wit, fun, and frolic, as one of the choicest relics of St. Patrick. For the future, every liishman should, on St. Patrick's night, sing the Birth of St. Patrick as religiously as he sticks a shamrock iu his hat on St. Patrick's morning. The room was crowded by a fashionable audience, and every one seemed highly delightel with the evening's amuse m-mt. Mr. Lover announced that his Irish Brigade would he on parade on Wednesday evening next, and we doubt not but that there will be a numerous assemblage to witness their manoeuvres. MAGAZINES (CONTINUED). UNITEO SERVICE MAGAZINE. The private journal of the late Sir Thomas Picton is continued in this Number, and in one of his daily entries we find a brief and curious allusion to a young Spanish girl with whom he seems to have been desperately smitten, while quit.- tend at her mother's. house at Lerida, observing, " she is a perfect Venus de Medici ; with the tdvantarres of a pair of most languishing dark eyes and jet c 'black hair, equal in proportion to that of the ctlebrated 'Eve' in the Pallas Pitti Gallery. Heigh°, I almost regret having seen her, being already— I know not how to describe the sensat7on." Sir Thomas Picton, from all we have read of his stern, rude character, is about the last person we should ever have suspected of falling -a victim to the tender passion. The " War wit'. China," though the subject is somewhat out of date, contains much amusing information. The " Waterloo Campaign" is evidently the production of a military man, but tells us little or nothing that we did not know before. FRA SEWS MAGAZINE. An intelligent article " On Railways" leads off th'S Number, in which the cheapness and convenience of 'this mole of travelling—notwithstanding the attacks made on it by interested parties—are dwelt on with much earnestness, and the railway pro prietors defended from the ci.arge of being a set of avaricious, dishonest monopolists, who care nothing for the public interests, and look only to themselves Little Travels, and Road-side Sketches" is a diary from the practised pen of Michael Angelo Titmarsh one of the most successful magazine-contributers we . have had since the days of poor Maginn. The writer gives an amusing account o f hisdeparture by a stage-coach from Richmond, on his way to the Continent, in company with one or two noblemen's footmen, of whom he speaks in this archly ironical manner:—"The footmen were like the rest of the fashionable world. I, for my part, felt that I re spected them. They were in daily communication - with a Duke ! They were not the rose, but they • had. lived bride it. There is an odour in the English .. 4iistocracv which , intoxicates plebeians. I am sure that .any : commoner in England, though he would rather die than confess it, would have a respect for these . great, big, hulking, Duke's footmen. We have then a description of a night voyage by the lifeam-boat to Antwerp, and of the various prepara tionS Made by the paSsengers for their sleep on the deck of the cabin. There is a world of sly humour in this description. "An Episode of the Times of Phillip the • Fifth of Spain" contains one or two stirring incidents, adroitly strung together, so as to keep the reader's interest alive through the narrative. "The :Luck of Barry Lyndon" flags rather this month, chiefly from want of point and vivacity in the dialogue. "Marshal Soult" is a memoir, penned in an impartial, and even favourable spirit, towards this . meritorious soldier of fortune--the only sur viving relic, we believe, of the military days of the empire. The earlier portion of Soult's career was one of almost uninterrupted succesg. He was one of the chief props of the Republic—the terror of the Anstrians, and the scourge of the Russians when they entered Switzerland under Suvvarrow ; he was con sulted by Bonaparte, who placed great confidence in his judgment, though he disliked him personally, on every momentous occasion ; and at Austerlitz he was one of the principal means of achieving that decisive victory. But from the fatal moment when he entered Spain, and measured swords with Wellington, the star of the Marshal's good fortune waned, and finally disappeared. Henceforth, he never ordered an attack, but to be defeated; his best - laid plans were all frus trated by the superior tact of his enemy, and at Toulouse he sustained the most crushing reverses The biographer concludes by saying that Soult always talks of his visit to England as being " one of the brightest events of his whole life." The "Factory Bill" is written in a languid, heavy, indecisive spirit, and we are somewhat at a loss to know which side the writer espouses of this question. We quote the following amusing anecdote from the article on Railways : " We once heard an anecdote of a Quaker of the an cient city of N—. His wealth is incredible, and the liberality which dispenses it not less so. He received one day a letter from America, from agentleman of whom he had never h e ard, requesting a loan of 1,000/. The 'writer stated that he also was a member of the Society of Friends, that he intended with this money to enter into a commercial speculation in which he was confident of success, and that, knowing Mr. _ --'s great wealth, he h a d d eterm i ne d on app l y i ng to :him. S with the singularity of this extraordinary request, and • no doubt inifuenced by the ties of sect which prevail so strongly in that Society, Mr. allowed his liberality so far to prevail over his habiti of business as to grant half the request. The rest th e winds dispersed in empty air. He authorised the applicant to draw upon him for 5001. The draft was paid, and nothing more passed for three years. At the end of that time Mr. thought he wOuld ask..after his money. He wrote to Amer i ca , rem i n di ng t h e ot h er of the debt, hoped his speculation had been successful, and trusted that he would find it convenient to repay the 5001. • The answer was worthy of the first request. The American ac knowledged the loan, and said that his speculation had been perfectly successful, and that by this 5001. he had realised 1,500/. He then begged to rem'nd Mr. - that the loan he had applied for was 1,000!.. that he had only received 500/, and, consequently, ha entered into the speculation to only half the extent vi hich he had pro posed ; that Mr. -'s conduct had, therefore, injured him to the amount of 1,5001, that being the profit which Mr. had prevented him from making ; he must, therefore, consider Mr. - his debtor for that sum, and requested him to remit the balance due as soon as con venient. We heard this anecdote from good authority long before the events occurred which have induced us to record it ; and we may add, for the comfort of those who think that such demands ought to be resisted, that Mr. - recovered his 5001. after all." THE SUN, LONDO►N', THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 2, 1844. the history of the corn-law of 1815, they would find that it was passed avowedly for the purpose of keep ing up war prices. That law was literally passed at the point of the bayonet, for the Members who went down to the House to vote for it were protected by the soldiery. That law was passed without giving the people time to petition agai ns t it. O ne petition against it was rejected, because the first name of the signatures was not written on the same piece of paper on which the petition was inscribed. That must he useful for them to know, should they petition the House on any other subject. It was very little use to petition it on this, as their petition would only go into the bag under the table.—(Hear, hear.) That law was hurried through Parliament with in decent haste, and Mr. Homer said of it, at the time, that it was an endeavour on the part of ,the land owners (who then, as now, commanded an unreason able majority in both Houses of Parliament) to save their rents from an unavoidable fall. Then, as now, we were told that so much capital had been invested, that it would be a great injustice to do away with it. So that because an injustice had been once committed it was always to be continued. Now, many farms in Scotland were taken at war prices, and the conse quence was that many of the landlords were owed large arrears of rents. When he came to his property he thought it was unpleasant to have one's head thus always under water—he, therefore, had all the land valued over again.—(Cheers.) Those arrears could be of no use to a landowner unless they were in tended perhaps to be used at an election.—(Cheers.) But there was a great outcry made by his neighbours when he made this valuation ; they said he was damaging the value of land. But he always asked them what was the use of this nominal rent if they did not get it ? It was only deceiving the farmers, and deceiving themselves. And what was the case in England? If they looked at the Morning Post, they would see paragraphs chronicling the great liberality of this landlord and that—of the wonder ful example he had set of indul gence t o hi s t enan t s , in having, at his audit, remitted them ten or twenty per cent. on the amount of their rents. Why, this only meant that the landlord could not get it (Cheers.) But the consequence has been, that the landlord, being under the belief that he had a larger income than he really possessed, lived in a manner far beyond what he was able to afford. And it was a very remarkable thing that the same journal did not now contain so many announcements as of old, of fetes, and entertainments. There had been a great reduction of establishments, and he (Lord Kinnaird) who had been behind the scenes, knew that one-half, or two-thirds of the agricultural landlords were in a state of great embarrassment, and that they were mainly anxious to maintain these laws, as a drowning man catches at a straw, in the hope that they would enable them to get out of their dif ficulties. But he could tell them that it would only get them deeper into them. He had ascertained, from the same person who valued his land, what was the state of the land in England, and he stated that he thought that the land of England was universally underlet, and that it did not produce the same quan tity or the same profit as it might be made to yield. The landlords then were like pigs swimming down a stream, cutting their own throats. The landlords were clearly not benefited by these laws; the prices were going down. There might be one or two good years fur them, as they were called—that was to say, years of scarcity, when the poor man could not procure fond for his family. But it was a miserable state of things to consider, that when Providence had blessed the country with an abundant harvest, it should be looked on, as Lord Castlereagh declared it to be—a cause of distress. An evil was made out of what ought to be a blessing. They always saw that the seasons ran in a kind of cycle ; they had a good harvest last year, and, by the blessing of Providence, it seemed likely there would be a better one this ; and perhaps they should have the farmers crying out fur a Committee of Inquiry into the causes of their distress. There must be something wrong where this was the case, and the people's mind ought to be turned to in quire into it. But now for the farmers. Perhaps some might think that the corn-laws benefited them. But if they inquired of a farmer how the times went with him, he would say very bad indeed, there was no trade going. There must be something wrong in all this. Nothing was so productive, nothing ought to give so good a return, as the land. Yet he knew that many farmers had been reduced to abject poverty who had expatriated' themselves, or were obliged to be come labourers on the land where they had held farms. this did not arise from improvidence on their pert, but from this reason—that by the law they were pro mised a certain price for their corn. They calcu lated, on taking their farms, on getting that •price. They believed what their landlords and their agents told them. But they did not get it, and they knew what the consequence was, and what would be the consequence so long as they continued any law so uncertain in its operation as the corn-law. lie had visited several agricultural counties of England, and he confessed he had never seen such bad management or such imperfect calculation ; the land was not made to produce one-half of what it ought to do. —(Hear, hear.) Even within ten miles of London, he had asked the letting price of land, and had been told 30s. per acre, for what was worth 3/. He had been Old, also, that there were Scotch far mers who, on the same kind of land, we:e making fortunes at the latter price, w hil e t h e E ng li s h farmers were being rui▪ ned at 30s. But the Scotch were an industrious and acute race of men, who did not al ways believe all that was told them. But much of their superiority was also due to the Scotch agri cultural labourers, who w•ere much more intelligent, as a race of men, than the Englishmen of the same class. They did not look upon machinery as an evil ; on the contrary, they considered it as a great boon. The reason why the Scotch far mer did b etter was because.he had a worse climate to contend with than the English farmer had, and a so much shorter time for putting seed into the of a crop. if the Eng ground, that e ven a d e l a y o f contend with, so as to be much b e tt e r o ff. el o i hee rdayfarmere h p ri his v hi a e nd n d t ua e s d lt irt t yt h l, ee heulg e o t rw ti e o n tu g o d l The Commissioners that were sent lately into the agricultural-districts to inquire into th e s t a t e o f th e agricultural labouring classes, had furnished' reports t , ion, and imm ora lity, th a t of the state of those poor people i n D orse t s hi re , Hampshire, and other purely agricultural comities, of their ignorance, destitution, would harrow up ones soul. He had visited the pro part3r of Mr. Bankes, who had boasted so much in the. house of Commons of the happy, prosperous con dition of his tenantry, and anything more miserable than the condition those people presented, one could not conceive. T rue , there was not so muc h m i sery compressed together in a small spa ce as i n l oca li t i es in the manufacturing di▪ stricts; but, in th e ir d e ta c h e d cottages, one could see disease brought on by w a n t o f proper food. He had an inetance of th a t b e i ng th e case, which came under his own ob serva ti on . T o one of those wretched families he all owe d an or d er on a butcher for meat for six or eight weeks, and the change which took place from the improvement in their food in the appearance of this poor family, was a proof to him that if they had got good food they never would have been in the miserable condition in which he found them.—(Cheers.) So much for the boasted prosperity of the agricultural labourer. He did not want to abuse the landlords individually. He bad travelled through many coun tries, and he knew of none in which the landlords were so inclined to do good on their estates as they were in England. But no individual charity could de good to any large extent. Employment was what the poor wanted—not charity. In Sussex, in the neighbourhood of a great corn-law man, who was pretty well known, there were schools, which that person lied established there ; and yet he (Lord Kin naird) saw several children at their homes, who did not frequent those schools. He asked why the chil dren were not sent to school, and the reply he always got was, their parents' earnings were too small to admit of their paying for their educati▪ on—that they amounted only to 6s. per week in winter, and 7s. per week in summer; and a woman, showi▪ ng him a loaf, which she said cost Bd., asked him if he thought that sufficient to furnish food to three children and two full-grown people per day, and if the 2s. Bd. per week which remained was sufficient to purchase other Was articles, and also pay for education ? it, then, any *cinder how they lived, or rather how they starved, for they could be scarcely said to live ? (Hear, hear.) It was strange to hear the arguments to which the protectionists bad recourse to support t their doctrines. They would have it that t h ey were most numerous body in the State , and therefore were entitled to the greatest measure of protection. They set down every one who was not a manufac turer as an agriculturist, ladies and all.—(Laughter.) In the Economist newspaper he saw a report relative to 27 co un ti es , i nc l u ding the great •majority of the purely agricultural counties, such as Essex, Norfolk, Lincol n , & c . I n th ose 27 counties were not included Yorkshire, L ancas hire, Staffordshire, or War wickshire—all manuf ac t u ring or mining districts. When Mr. Brotherton, in the House of Commons, quoted that report to show that in those 27 counties, instead of the numbers of the agricultural population being 7- 9ths out of the whole population, it was not 1-10th, they cried out, " Oh, oh," which meant that he told what was not true, and that they it not be lieve him. Now, by the official returns, it appeared that not 1-Bth per cent. of those employed an those agricultural counties were engaged in agriculture, even including children ; and the persons occupied in other trades, amounted to 28i per cent..; and it was for that small fraction of the community- they were cursed with protection laws to keep up the price of food. It was a fact that, according asthe increased the proportion of it employed in agriculture diminished. In 1811, out of every 1 , 000 persons, population increased on there were 352 employed in agriculture, while there were 648 engaged in other trades. In 1821, the agriculture engaged, out of every 1,000 persons, 322 ; other trades, 678. In 1831, agriculture engaged 281 out of every 1,000, and other trades 7 19 ; and as to 1841, HORSHAM ELECTION. HORSHAM, WEDNESDAY, MAY I.—The election of a Member to represent this borough in Parliament, in the place of the Hon. Mr. Scarlctt, took place to-day, in the Town-hall. There being, at present, no returning officer for this borough, the High-Sheriff appointed Mr. France as his deputy, to perform the office. The only candidate in the field was Mr. R. H. Hurst, of Horsham Park, who repre sented the borough on three occasions, and who possesses very considerable local influence, inded to such extent, that it was almost hopeless to oppose him. Some mem bers of the Anti-Corn-law League sounded the feelings of the electors, bat finding they had no chance of success, they retired, leaving Mr. Hurst to walk over the course. At twelve o'clock the proceedings were opened in the Town-hall ; and the Bribery Act having been read, and the other necessary formalities being gone through, Mr. FRANCE addressed the electors, and said, they were assembled to perform a very important duty, that of sending a Member to represent them in the Commons House of Parliament, and he requested they would give every gentleman who might feel inclined to address them a fair and patient hearing. Mr. W. LINTOT, who was stated to be a member of the Anti-Corn-law League, then stood forward and said, he had great pleasure in proposing to them Robert Henry Ilurst, Esq., as a fit and proper person to repre sent the borough of Horsham in the Commons House of Parliament.—(Cheers.) He should have felt great re luctance in proposing that gentleman if he had been a stranger, but as he was well known to them all, he felt that he had very little more to do. From his childhood he had been an associate with them, and was, in fact, one of themselves, and as a private gectleman and a ma gistrate he felt satisfied that he merited all their good opinions. He had, besides, represented the borough in two Parliaments, and his political opinions were, well known. Mr. Hurst did not go so far with regard to some political questions as himself ; but he felt that it could not be expected a man should be found who would vote accord ing to the opinions of every one of his constituents, and he, therefore, knew that some concession must be made, and he had no doubt that Mr. Hurst would tako the political course which would coincide with the views of the great majority of those whom he represented. At the present moment there was such a great diversity of opinion upon almost every great political question of the day, that it would be almost necessary for every man to have a member in Parliament, if he wished to have his particular views represented ; but as he believed that Mr. Hurst would fairly represent the general political opinions of the borough, he felt pleasure in proposing him to fill the office of their representative. He believed that he enjoyed the confidence of a great majority of th e electors, and therefore there was no doubt of his success. and he felt convinced at the same time he would enter the House of Commons as independent as any man who now sat in it. He was also sure that while he sat there he would give his best attention to the important subject of the heavy _taxation upon articles of consump tion, and the restrictions upon trade; and that he would give those subjects that consideration which their im portance demanded from every Member of the Legisla ture. He concluded by proposing Mr. Hurst in the usual form. Mr. H. M . ICHELL, who was also said to be a m em b er of the Ant i -Corn-law League, seconded the nomination, and said that the qualifications of Mr. Hurst had been so ably described by Mr. Lintot, that very little else was left him to say. Mr. Hurst was known to them all as an old inhabitant of the town, and he would take that opportunity of saying that he • had always expressed himself to be a zealous sup porter of all measures that tended to relieve the industry of the country from the burdens that were thrown upon it. In his address to the electors Mr. Hurst had expressed his intention to support all such measures of amelioration as would not effect the rights of property, and he (Mr. Michell) entertained the same opinion ; but he also thought that while they re garded the rights of property, they ought at the same time not to lose sight of those of labour.—(Hear, hear.) He considered they were also entitled to protection, and that those Mixes which pressed so heavily upon the lower orders should be removed, although, of course, he did not wish in any way to break faith with the public creditor. It had been said that Mr. Hurst did not go far enough, but he would ask them whether, in the present state of political opinion, they were likely to get a Mem ber who would represent them so well ? They had seen a specimen of the Conservative feel ing in the House of Commons on Monday Light, %%hen, although it was admitted that there was a surplus of revenue, nothing was done to relieve the burdens of the poor. The duty on wool had been remitted, which would enable the tailor to buy his cloth a little cheaper, and he could also get inegar cheaper, for his cabbage, and this was all that was done. —(A laugh.) In conclusion, he begged lave to second Ihe nomination of Mr. Hurst, and he expressed his opinion that his conduct in Parliament as their repmen tative would be such as to entitle him to their confidence in future. Mr. FRANcF: then inquired whether any other indivi dual was to be proposed, and there being no answer, he declared Mr. Hurst to be duly elected. Mr. HURST then addressed the electors, and after some preliminary observations he said, that he had four times stood before them as a candidate for their suf frarreß, and he had been returned three times, and probably would also have been in the fourth, but that he would not make himself a party to arrangements which he felt he could not conscientiously countenance. — (Cheers.) He assured them that on no occasion had he felt so much excited as the present, and he could not find words to express his gratitude for the reception they had now given him, and also during his canvass, and he felt pleasure in stating that, all through the canvass, he had not heard an unkind word from a single elector, and the result of the canvass satisfied him that his return was certain. Ile would not now enter into a detail of his opinions upon those political subjects which at present were agitating the public mind. Bis opinions were well known. He was never an ex trema party man ; and, although it was known that he agreed in opinion with one political party, yet he never carried his opinions to extremes, and never refrained from expressing his dissent from any measure or measures nhich lie considered were not likely to be beneficial to the country at large.—(Hear, hear.) He very well knew the difficulty of such a position. It was very easy to go into Parliament with a political party, and to say yea or nay, as the leaders of that party dic tated, but he would never do so ; he had always acted independently, and he assured them he should ever continue to do so. He would not pledge himself to any particular lino of conduct upon any particular question, but he should endeavour, when the opportunity occurred, to inform his mirld upon any subject that might be under discussion. and he would give his conscientious vote founded entirely upon the arguments that might be adduced either f or or aga i nst that particular measure.— (Hear, hear.) This was the feeling ho had always en tertained, and lie should continue to act upon it, as he felt convinced that whenever he met his constituents, either individually or in a mass, that they would never have an occasion to reproach him with departing from this course. The treatment he had experienced at the hands of the electors during his canvass satisfied him that he possessed their confidence, and he hoped that those who differed with him on former cccasions would feel, that although they had so differed, the struggle had left no unfavourable impression on bis mind. He did not consider it necessary to say more on the present occasion—he should have a constant opportunity of seeing them, and he trusted that he should always meet them with the confident idea that they would feel that he had acted conscientiously as their representative, and that ho had entitled himself to their continued support. He should be happy at any time to explain his conduct as their Member, and to listen to any suggestions they might think proper to make to him; and he could assure them that it would ever be his desire to preserve the in stitutions of his country, and to use his best endeavours to give to the people of this country that liberty which they had so long enjoyed, and to which they were so well entitled.—(Cheers.) Mr. PADWICK then proposed a resolution of thanks to Mr. France, for the. independent and straightforward part he had taken in the_ proceedings of the election, which, having been respond'd to by that gentleman, the electors separated. LYCEUM THEATRE.—The following distinguished persons have visited this theatre during the week The Duke of Richmond and the Ladies Lennox, the Duchess of Bedford and family, the Marquis and Mar chioness of Clanricarde, Earl and Countess of Har ringtos, Earl Fitzwilliam and family, Earl and Countess of Chesterfield, Countess Mostara, Viscount Canterbury, Lord Andover, Lord Tenterden, Lord Ranelagh, Lord Sherborne, Lady Bolton, Sir Archibald Macdonald, ElliceSi and rCha family, Ca pt. Voeputx. Polhill, M.P., &c. e. , General Hodgson, Mrs. Russel Yesterday was the birthday of the Duke of Wel lington. lie was born on the Ist of May, 1769, and consequently is now in his 76th . [ADVERTISEMENT.3—O O B URT BEAUTIES . — Much has been said and written rela ti ve the assemblage of by Sir Peter Lely and Vandyke, in . female beauty celebrated under this title. iiind The portraits doubtle sass aspirants s t representationswhichoftho fair and suc cessful see s n e lt r . Castle, are endures to the times conclusions t present day. But how gratifying are the we are enabled to arrive at in favour of our own The polished observances of modern society seem have had their effects in subduing the bold expression t oi eyes akin to thoselhat beamed upon the Restoration. While a costume ever chaste and resplendent has super. seded the stiff and formal sameness of the "olden time." And to these important advantages may be added a pleasing restorative and preserver of the complexion, Gowland's Lotion, in removing every species of cu taneous impurity, and sustaining a brilliant vivacity of tint, has long been appreciated in . the hi hest circles. An assurance of the sterling remedial gun dies of this invaluable article cannot be too firmly tertained by all who suffer from irritability and discolouration of the akin. GRAND WEEKLY ANTI-CORN-L AIV LEAGUE MEETING AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE The great weekly meeting of the Anti-Corn-law League, was held last evening, as usual, in the Thea tre Royal Covent-garden. The audience was as numerous as on any previous meeting, with the ex ception of the one at which Mr. O'Connell addressed the assembly; the house was crowded in every part. Among the gentlemen present we observed : The Right Hon. Lord Kinnaird, the Hon. Charles Pelham Villiers, M.P., Benjamin Smith, Esq., M.P., Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P., John Lewis Ricardo, Esq., M.P., Sir William Baynes, Bart., J. Somers, Esq. (Bridgewater), Ralph Ricardo, Esq., A. Aus tin, jun., Esq., Robert R. R. Moore, Esq., 11. R. Ricardo, Esq., Arthur Pattison, Esq., Rev. Henry Townley, General Briggs, Professor Key, Colonel Tucket, A. Bauer, Esq., Rev. W. Todman, Rev. Dr. Marshall, W. A. Wilkinson, Esq., William M'Call, Esq., Samuel Harrison, Esq., Norman Wilkinson, Esq., George Lance, Esq., Dr. Cooke Taylor, George Wansey, Esq., C. Foster, Esq., J. Evans, Esq , Major Reid Revell, J. B. Scott, Esq. (Manchester), IL Palmer, Esq., R. W. Cole, Esq., Peter Dixon, Esq. (Carlisle), Rev. J. W. Massie (Manchester), John Egan, Esq., Thomas Egan, Esq., W. Hibbit, Esq., C. Elliott, Esq., T. Nicholas, Esq., D. Miles, Esq., W. Chambers, Esq., W. Thornborrow, Esq., W. Starling, Esq., Henry Lloyd Morgan, Esq., J. T. Clay, Esq., J. H. Hulme, Esq. (Manchester), W. Leckett, Esq. (Manchester), George Nelson, Esq. (Manchester), J. P. Nixon, Esq., T. Keeling, Esq., H. Baldwin, Esq., W. Myles, Esq., G. Nott, Esq., Isaac Nicholls, Esq. (Plymouth), Joseph Starr, Esq. (Yorkshire), William Battison, Esq. (Town Council, Hull), James Eyton, Esq. (Mole, Flintshire), John Williams, Esq., W. Clarke, Esq., W. G. Mitchell, Esq., J. P. Burnard, Esq., W. Geesin, Esq., Robert Johnston, Esq. (Manchester), E. Eldridge, Esq. (Mayor of Bath), G. Beacon, Esq., Thomas Cowper Brown, Esq., W. H. Brown, Esq. (Lewisham). At half-past seven, Lord Kinnaird entered, accom panied by Mr. Cobden and several other gentlemen; he was very warmly received by the assembly ; his Lordship immediately took the chair. The Secretary having read the minutes of the last meeting, which were unanimously confirmed, • The CHAIRMAN came forward to the table, and was again received by enthusiastic cheers, several times renewed. He said, he must commence his ad dress by thanking them for the kind reception they had that evening given him. Often as he had oc cupied one of those benches, which he then saw so well filled, he but little expected that he should ever have found himself on the stage of Covent garden Theatre.—(Hear, hear.) He hardly thought that anything could have induced him to have done so, had he not thought that he might in some measure promote the cause of free trade.—(Cheers.) And he should have approached the attempt with still more reluctance, had he not heard from other speakers from the same place, that in the audiences in that house on former occasions they had always found in telligent and indulgent hearers. On looking round on the countenances assembled there that evening, he felt certain of having the first, and he ventured to hope that he might count on the latter. When he saw the immense numbers here congregated, how ever, he could not help warning them that the num ber of persons that made a meeting an illegal one, not having been yet defined, they might perhaps all be liable to an indictment for a conspiracy. —(Cheers, and laughter.) Yes, the whole of them, ladies and all, might be conspirators; and though the Secretary of State for the Home Department had such confi dence in the good order and regularity of the per sons attending the meetings of the League, that. he would not allow the police to attend to protect them, yet the same game might he repeated here that had been played in the sister country—the most wretched sys tem of the employment of spies.—(Cheers.) Yet he did not think that among the respectable body of reporters he saw below him, they would find another who would so far derogate from the character borne by those able gentlemen, as to act in that capacity for them. But for all that there might be spies pre• sent; he knew that some of the monopolists would be very glad to institute proceedings against them if they dared. But in this country, he was happy to say that they should—the ladies at all events—have a fair trial, which was not the case in the sister country. In their case, he did not think that they should find a judge who, in his charge to the jury, would act the part of a public prosecutor ; he did not think there was a judge on the English Bench ‘s ho would - act so disgracefully. (Cheers.) When he looked around him and saw so many ladies present, it would be a matter of surprise to him what could have induced them to attend in such numbers to bear a discussion on so dry a subject as political economy, did he not know that woman's heart was ever open to tales of distress, and she was ever ready to hear how that distress could be relieved, and how the condition of her fellow 'beings could be ameliorated.—(Cheers.) He trusted, therefore, it was not curiosity alone which had led them to attend their proceedings that evening, but a sincere desire to promote the prosperity and welfare of all classes—particularly of the humbler classes of society. That was the main object of the League. Because, while it said that capitalists would be bene fited by a repeal of the corn-laws, yet it was prepared to prove that the landowners would be benefited also ; and that, in consequence, no class would be S 3 much benefited as the industrious and labouring part of the community, by opening sources of employment to honest occupations and industry, and by putting in practice a phrase, very commonly used, but not yet acted on to its full extent, allowing them to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market they could. As he said before, he hoped it was not only curiosity that had brought them there, but that they had come to receive instruction in what he held to be the sound doctrines inculcated by the League. And he hoped that if they were once convinced, they would all use their influence in this just and righteous cause. No one knew what influence one individual might have. It was like a pebble cast into a pool of water—the circle gradually spread till it extended over the whole surface. Such was the influence that must be exercised by any one thoroughly impressed with the justice of any cause. This he had seen exemplified in the result of the de putation which was sent by the League to Perth. shire, which included that able advocate of their cause—Mr. Cobden —(Loud cheers.) There was a. manufacturer who told this deputation that he resided in the midst of farmers and •,agriculturists, though, by taking advantage of a large fall of water, he managed a spinning mill. Ile was surrounded by about thirty farmers, who, with the exception of one, were free-traders. That one farmer attended the meeting held at Perth, and he became so convinced of the soundness of free-trade principles, that, after the meeting, he was found arguing the question with another farmer, and supporting the principles he had adopted. He had been told by a friend, that while that meeting was being held, there was nothing to be seen in the market but the long faces of the mono list landowners looking for their tenants, who had all left their business to attend the meeting. The study .of political economy was no new pur suit with him. He had not taken it up for any party purpose, because he was early trained to it by those who were now no more. He had studied in the works of Adam Smith, of Ricardo, of Marcet, and in the more interesting works of Miss Martineau, which he would especially recommend to the ladies. While reading these works, lie could not have thought it possible that he should so soon have seen examples of the truth of their principles, brought about, al he had seen, during the last three years. This was prin cipally owing to the exertions of the Anti-Corn-law League. It was impossible to see any return moved fur in either House of Parliament that did not corro borate everything to be found in the writers he had alluded to. Being himself almost en tirely dependent for existence on the produce of land, he had naturally turned his attention to a considerable degree to the subject. He had for several years past had a farm in his own hands, and during the last eighteen months, not having come to town, he had been carrying on improvements on his land, in order to see what could be done with it, and to ascertain if it were not possible to produce grain a great deal cheaper than at present; and he had come to this conclusion, that the corn-laws were more injurious to him: as a farmer and as a landow ner than any benefit that their existence could possibly confer upon him. Had he only found that Mr. Cobden, and those engaged in manufactures, were of this opinion, he might have hesitated ; but he knew many landed proprietors who entertained the same opinion, though they still hesitated to join the League. He mentioned two instances of this. One was Mr. Murray, of Polnais, near Stirling, who held a large farm on his own hands, and who was considered an authority upon all farming questions. He con demned the corn-laws so long' ago as 1826. The other case was of a tenant of Lord Wharncliffe's— he approved of the principles of the League, but he could not attend its meetings. Perhaps it was from being under a Tory landlord. He (Lord Kinnard) was the more confirmed in his opinions when he saw them backed by such practical men. Now he wanted to know fur whose benefit the corn-laws were men tioned ? The landlords affirmed that they did not continue them for their own benefit, though one of them, and he too a Minister, had let the cat out of the abolished ? In fact, bag by asking how could they pay their jointures sacrifice olect. toO t u h s e m rs ,ou sa ld id h , e ` n ` o O th h i , n n g o . and their marriage settlements if the corn-laws were " Rent ! rent! rent !" was their ! bu i t t it s i s not consideration that—the for the farmer who has hisinvested• capital, and for the poor agricultural labourer:" But if they would look at the returns were not made out ; but if the same propor tion was observed, the number would be 240 out of every thousand employed in agriculture, and 760 in other trades. But the actual number engaged in agricul ture was also diminishing. In the year 1821 the number employed in agriculture was 6,500,000, while in 1831 it was 6,300,000. The only way he could account for that was, that it having been found that, in general, farms, to he advantageous, must not be small, the landlords had been enlarging their farms, and thus diminishing the numbers employed in that mode of life. It should ever be remembered that, if a nation be allowed a perfectly free commercial intercourse with other nations, an increase of population would always lead to an increase of wealth—particularly where the population was so industrious as that of England was. Besides as the population increased the public burdens were lessened to each. In 1811 the taxation was at the rate of 31 10s. 3d. per head ; in 1821, 2/. 13s. 8d ; in 1831, 2/. 6s. 5d ; and in 1841, 1/. 18s. 10d. per head, and the taxation had been reduced from sixty five millions to fifty-two millions. In 1821 the popu lation, divided into two classes, showed that 6,500,000 were employed in agriculture, and twelve millions odd were engaged in other trades, and the sixty-five millions of taxation were paid by those two classses in the proportion of thirty-six per cent. by the agri cultural, and 64 per cent. by the other classes. Thus they saw what ground there was for saying that the agricultural body bote the heavier portion of the burdens of the State, or was superior in point of numbers to the other classes of the community. But those agricultural folks took good care of themselves. They had little or no direct taxation to pay. Their dogs and their horses were untaxed. One certainly could hardly blame, them for taking care of them selves, for everybody would do it if he could, and he asked his hearers not to let those a g riculturists do so any longer.—(Cheers.) If the people of this country were determined in their opposition to the monopolists, they would yield, for many of them knew they were wrong, and were will ing to give way if a bold front was shown against them.—(Cheers.) They had been saddled with the income-tax by reason of the restrictive laws which had been maintained, against the opinion of Mr. llea ' con Hume and others, who, by evidence yet to be contradicted, proved, before a Committee of the House of Commons, that by lowering duties the revenue would be increased. With respect to that income tax, he remembered, when it was introduced, to have heard Lord Melbourne say, in the House of Lords, that it was a very good thing for a Minister to get hold of; but he (Lord Kinnaird) did not think they would readily get rid of it. As far as the prosperity of the country was concerned, he must say that, were it not for the income-tax, which was a tax upon the capital of the country, there would be the same deficit now as on former occasions in the national revenue. He had been told that if they did away with the corn-laws they would throw poor land out of cultivation. But to grow wheat on poor land was a clear loss of wealth. (The Noble Lord then entered into a statement of the pro duce and profits of a farm of poor land of his OWD, upon which he did not grow wheat, and which re turned a larger profit than if he had sought to make it produce wheat.) Among other things which the corn-laws did was that they rendered farming a gambling transaction.---(Hear, hear.) Now in his opinion the weather and its changes was quite enough for the farmer to contend with without the prices hopping up and down as they often did.—(Hear.) The Act had been passed to keep up gambling, and he supposed, by and bye, that something of the same sort would be done with respect to corn, because it was very well known that the great monopolists had told the Ministry that if they did not do something for them they would turn against them.—(Hear, hear.) Every one who knew anything of the corn market must know that the price to be obtained for wheat was a complete gambling speculation, in consequence of the mode in which purchases and sales in that im- portant article of hie were made. He (Lord Kinnaird) was told gravely the other day by a gentleman, when he said to him, " Why, you » were promised 565. for your corn, but you do not get it," that he did not expect to get that exactly—he said they could pro duce wheat cheaper ; and that if they were only given time they would be enabled to sell it for 453. —(Hear, hear.) He said to him, " But, my dear fellow, if you were told to go without your dinner for some time, and that then you will have it cheaper, how would you like that ?"—(Laughter.) He (the Noble Lord) had no hesitation in saying that, if the trade was carried on regularly, there would be a regular supply in the market. In the year 1812, when Napoleon tried to keep foreign wheat out of the English market, five or six millions of quarters were brought in, in defiance of him, though this country had certainly to pay for it at no small rate. —(Hear, hear.) He (the Noble Lord) was satisfied that the farmers were becoming daily more alive to the importance of consumers being able to buy ; their eyes were beginning to be opened to the fact that an injury to the consumer must be an equal one to the producer.—(Hear, hear.) But then it was said that there was no certainty that other countries would take the manufactures of this country for:their wheat—now in his opinion there could be no doubt about it. Before he sat down he must make some observations on a pamphlet written by Mr. Cayley. That gentleman was a most honest man, but he (Lord Kinnaird) believed he had been deceived, and the quotations he had made from Adam Smith he could no; er have seen, or he would not have inserted them. This pamphlet issued frcm a society calling themselves a " Protection Society," but they would, in his opinion, be far more appro priately called " A Rent League."—(Cheers.) He thought when he went through the quotations, the meeting would be of opinion that it was a most shameful thing that men should be deluded by such false statements.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) (The Noble Earl then proceeded to comment upon the different statements in the pamphlet, and rebutted them most effectually, proving that the statements of Adam Smith had been erroneously quoted altogether.) Now, the leading members of the Protection Society, fls they called themselves, in the House of Lords, adopted all that was stated in that pamphlet, because it was the avowed supporter of monopoly on which they lived.—(Hear, hear.) lie (Lord Kinnard) believed that if it was not for some of the members constitutinc , that Society the Prime Minister would go the whole hog.—(Great laughter.) But they had told him they would turn him out if he did not do their bidding, and he • was obliged to give way.--(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl after thanking the meeting for the patience with which they heard him, resumed the chair amid great cheering. Mr. RICARDO, M.P., was then introduced by the Chairman to the meeting, and was received with most enthusiastic cheers. He was well aware how ill.able he was to supply the place of Mr. Cobden— (Cheers) —a gentleman who had done so much for the cause—(Cheers) —who had always something new to say—(Cheers)—and„who, he was sure, would never desert the great cause in which he had struggled so long and so effectually while it required his assistance. —(Great cheering.) He recollected an old stery, in which it was told how certain philosophers entered into a' controversy as to the posi tion of a certain building, and after expending a great deal of argument on the subject, some one suggested whether they had "not better go and look at it.—(Laughter.) Now, they had heard a great deal about free trade. They had been told that the enthusiasm on the subject was dying away. Now, the answer he would give to those who made that assertion was, " come and see."—(Great cheering.) The League had told them, when they first began the present agitation, not to be led away by any dogma of any party—(Cheers)—not to listen to the dicta of any class of philosophers, but to judge nel s v v aoh i rt t is h : shut andhf reeii suffering n then o g u n s n dt under rh eyes, ea d crying object tn hearinggitu eaand fd whether grievous the r e .i v t o h us theyt hi League injustice, u r s we wereteno, for themselves by attending their meetings, seeing put an end to.—(Cheers.) The League had opened what had hitherto been a sealed book.--L-(Cheers.) They had made thousands, tens of thousands, and hundreds of thousands of political economists—not by appealing to the passions, but by clearly stating the case, and asking the opinions of the people upon it.— (Cheers.) That man must be a bold one who could come there attempting to add anything to the state ments and views the League had laid before them, or the convictions they had produced. There was not a single injustice (and God knew there were many) connected with the corn-laws that they had not exposed and laid bare.—(Hear, hear.) He had not presumption enough to attempt to make any fur ther exposition of the injustice that existed. He came there for no such purpose ; bt.t he attended on account of being disgusted with the place where their cause ought to be discussed and redressed, but where, instead of redress, the advocates of free trade met with nothing but insult and ridicule. He came from the oppressors to the oppressed—(Cheers)—to those who were the victims of bad laws.—(Cheers.) He had heard a good deal in that House about political eco nomy upon several occasions. He had heard it with respect to corks, and he was surprised to see the una nimity that prevailed, until he discovered that no cork -cutters were present.—(Great laughter.) He had heard it with respect to plaited straw, but he could discover no straw-plaiters behind the Treasury curtain.—(Cheers.) The alteration of the duty on currants had been well received there, but he had d n o ev a e l r l might se th en ese a of monopoly break out, would come all the e t u h r i r n a g n s t , b b u u s t h oiunctehe let t ace tile 'theyy whive drones that had been glutting on the honey which of right belonged to the people—(Cheers)—and if their sting was as bad as their buzz, it would indeed be bad for the people. Noiv, how had they been treated in the House of Commons? Why, when first Mr. Vil liers brought forward the question of .the corn-laws he was met with such hootings and cacklings as were a disgrace to the House of Commons ; but when the question became more important, then they began to talk about vested rights—(Cheers)and when the question went further, then they begat - 110 argue ; and now that the League had taken•up the subject with such .vigour and success, they had nothing but vested interests to talk about.—(Cheers.) Now what did vested interests consist of ? In his opinion it was a taking of something by somebody that did not belong to them.—(Loud cheering.) It was no reason to say that the thing was not pur loined because it was purloined a long time ago lie supposed a great many of those who heard him had been in France, and if so, they must be aware there were regular dustmen there, called cheffoniers, who were in the habit of picking up from the mass of dust which was thrown before the door bits of pa per, and other things, which they carried away in their bags to mike a livelihood. At the time of the cholera the French Government supposed those heaps of stuff would cause that disease to spread, and they resolved upon prohibiting them. But the chef funiers arose and said their vested interests should not be touched.—(Laughter.) They had a vested inte rest ; the Government was afraid to touch it, and so there they are to this day.—(Hear, and laughter.) Madrid afforded another instance. There were in that city persons who brought water into the city from a distance, and w h en it was propose d to bring water into the city by aqueducts, which would con siderably diminish •the expense, the water-carriers protested they had a vested interest, and the citi= zens of Madrid were obliged to buy dear water.-- (Hear and laughter.) But absurd and ridiculous. as those instances of vested interests were, they were not near so absurd, so wicked, or so mischiev ous as the vested interests of the landowners.— (Cheers.) What was their origin? There was a long war with France, which raised the price of the necessaries of life. It was a curse to the people, but it was a profit to the landlord— . (flear, hear)—for when the war was at an end the landlords, in whose hands all the power then was, came down and passed the corn-laws, with, as the Chairman said, the aid of those bayonets which had conquered the enemies of the country.—(Cheers.) This law was the cause of the artificial high price of corn. The landlords made a vested interest for themselves ; but if they had an interest in scarcity the people e of this country had a vested interest in plenty, and they had a far higher law for this than any Act of the Legislature— (Cheers)—a law which said that the goods of this world should not be confined to any particular spot for the benefit of any particular persons, but which enjoined that, by means of exchange, the ' deficiency of one country might be supplied by the superfluities of other countries, that each might enjoy his portion of those blessings which it pleased Almighty God to give for all.—(Cheers.) When they knew those things—when they must stare every tradesman, every manufacturer, workman, farmer, behest, and landlord, provided he be in the face, was it not surprising that the country remained quiet ? Was it not surprising that such a state of things should be suffered to continue, when the representa tives of the manufacturing towns stated that the people were starving, that thousands were in the workhouses; and when they were told by an Hon. Gentleman (he, Mr. Ricardo, should be sorry to have it said of him that he made such a statement,) that hundreds of thousands were rejoicing in oatmeal and potatoes ? When they were told, even by a Cabinet Minister, that two millions of quarters of wheat were rotting in the warehouses of America, which, he said, he would consider a national misfortune if brought here ?—(Oh, oh.) There was plenty of corn in the Ukraine, in Pultowa, and in the ports of the Baltic, which they might receive if the corn-laws did not stand between them. When they were openly told that this•would be a national misfortune, did they consider the consequences ?—(Hear.) Was it not possible, when they were thus building fortifications by means of iron laws around property, they ought to take care they were not creating enemies to property itself. Let them recollect what had been said, not by a manufacturer, but by a servant of the Crown, and what had been quoted by the P rem i er hi mse lf , that the people of this country had no objection to any man keeping his property; but if they saw that this property conferred some peculiar advantages, they might be given to think there was some anomaly in property, which they might endeavour to obviate. —(Hear.) He was driven to say these things only in consequence of the mode in which they had been treated. He must implore of the people to help them. They could only insert the nail—it would be for the people to Wield the hammer which would drive it in. —(Loud cheers.) lie did not see the use now. in bringing any more free traders into Parliament. If they had even 30 or 40 additional free traders in the House of Commons they would not avail. But there would be another election, and each man in his own position ought to do the utmost.—(Hear.) Their forefathers had obtained civil and religious liberty fur them at the point of the sword.—(dear.) He did not require such a sacrifice; but if they exerted themselves properly there was another freedom which they might bequeath to their sons, and that was commercial freedom.—(Cheers.) If they did that, he was quite convinced not one amongst them would have reason to regret any sacrifice of time or trouble.—(Hear, hear.), Their names would be written in the annals of their country, and their posterity would say of them, these were the men who achieved the commercial freedom of our country.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. SOMERS, a tenant-farmer, next addressed the meeting. After begging the indulgence of the great meeting he saw before him, that they would hear patiently what a person in his humble situation in life might address to them, he said there were various classes of farmers in Somersetshire, to which county he belonged. There was, first, the land agent, who was also a tenant and land surveyor, but who soon found out that it was more advantageous to value lands than to cultivate them. He did not:belong to that class. There was another class of farmers— some of whom he knew as Farmer So-and-so—who lived by means of Lawyer So-and so, his neighbour. —(at laugh.) He did not belong to that class Of farmers.—(Hear.) There was another class of farmers, called tenants at will. When an election took place they were expected to vote fur the candidate who was pleading to the landlord, and they did so.— (Hear, hear,) lie was happy to say it was not his lot to belong to that class.—(Cheers.) There was an other class who possessed landed estates, and who oc cupied the same. He was sorry to say it was not his lot to belong to that class.—(Laughter.) There was another class, but they were a poor crop, who took out a license to think fur themselves, and who obeyed the convictions of their own minds. It was his plea sure to be able to say that he belonged to that class. —(Cheers.) He looked to principles and not to men. He did not look to individual interest, tut to what might turn out to be the interest of the many.— (Cheers.) Having stated to what class of farmers he belonged, he would now state what his feelings were with regard to free trade. On one occasion he was asked by a Somersetshire magistrate what were his sentiments with regard to free trade. He said he was for free trade in everything all over the world. —(Loud cheers.) He was a friend to free trade, because he had heard there was a great quantity of wheat in bond for which there would be plenty of consumers if they could get it out, and he thought the system under which this was done, must be iniquitous. He was of the opi nion of Earl Spencer, who said that free trade would increase labour, and consequently increase wages.— (Hear.) It would enable the working classes to sup port themselves in greater comfort. It had been said, that if the farmers stopped, all must stop. Ile could net see the thing in this light. He was of opinion that if the farmer stopped, it was because all others stopped before him,—(Hear, hear.) He believed the farmers and manufacturers were bound together like the links in a chain ; they were like the horses of the farmer's plough, but the manufacturer was the fore horse, the farmer was the hind horse—(Hear, hear) —and if the first stopped, the second must stop.— (Hear, hear.) The order of the day was prot ec ti on, but as the Divine word said, the tree was known by its fruit. Now what fruit had the tree of protection produced ? He knew little of the state of manu factures, but he was sure the manufacturers would not spend their time in agitating this question if they were in a flourishing state.—(llear, hear.) He knew little of the state of; the artisans, but he was told they were more ignorant and worse Off than the agri cultural labourers.—(Laughter.) He believed that was a grand mistake; but the condition of the artisan was at best not an enviable one. Did they hear no murmuring among the agriculturists ? Why many of the tenant-farmers in Somersetshire were on the very brink of insolvency. He came next to the agri cultural labourer. It was said that his Condition would be rendered worse by free trade. Let him remind them of w hat the wages in Somersetshire were. Taking it at the highest average they did not exceed 9s. a week. Out of this ls. must be paid for rent (which was sometimes lower), then there were Bs. to support a man and his wife and four children— to find them in food, in fuel, and in raiment.—(Hear, hear.) He asked them whether it was not downright hypocrisy to say that it was possible to injure the con dition of such miserable people?—(Great cheering.) It was stated ,that the corn-laws would reduce them to pauperism—they were already in a condition far worse than the paupers.—(Hear, hear.) lie had been a guardian of the Bridgewater union from the commencement, and the average expense of support ing the inmates of the workhouse there was not less than 2s. 4d. per head per week.—(Hear, hear.) Then it should be recollected that the food fur this work house was purchased at the wholesale price. The poor labourers of Somersetshire—and they were not the worst off—were obliged to subsist on the three fifths of 2s. 4d. ; and surely the poor men who tugged hard all day in the field, required es much sustenance as the pauper in the workhouse4—(Hearrhear.) Ile held it impossible that these men could say, " Gi" us more protection."—(Loud cheers.) It wa s the . grossest ignorance to believe that the agriculturt t labourers could be anxious t o p e rpetuate sue,' a state of things. All clas s es complain"' of the present state of things, and they did not corn' plain without reason. It was true a majority of the farmers in Somersetshire were opposed to the repeal of the corn-laws. Why were they so ? Because they were told by those who had an interest in per, e , petuating the present state of thi ngs , th a t a repeidl i q' the corn-laws would make corn muc h lower, and that they would be altogether ruined. Some of these silly fanners looked as it were with suspicion on the manufacturers, because they agitated for a free trade in corn. Many of them said "the manufacturer! agitate for cheap bread in order to keep wages low' Could there be a greater insult to common sense than such language as this.—(Hear, hear.) Was it n°l well known that wages was a marketable commodit.” (Hear)—and that the prices of wages and bread never harmonised ? The demand for labour regulated On price of bread. Others o f th ese d e l u d e d men said', , . the manufacturers wanted to sink the price of coral in order to invest their capital in land.—(Cries of " Oh, oh !" and laughter.) Such arguments wer e more characteristic of the inmates of a lunatic a sylum than of men pretending to common sense . If th e manufacturers, as Lord Rad nor remar k e d, possessed the newer of applying skill, and capital, and industrfo, then there was the greater likelihood of their being able to give employment to the surplus population,, and the greater prospect of their enabling the coil' sumer to buy a cheaper article. H e l oo k e d u pon ale. manufacturer as the "farmers friend." The arr. cultural population should l oo k f or rea l p ro t ec tion o°t to the landed proprietory, but to the manufacturers, wh o would enable the people to consume their commodia s ' and to give a high price fur them.—(Hear, heari Let the manufacturers prosp er , an d th e f armer s wad have nothing to fear. If the artisan had full e mploy' ment, the farmer would have no reason to. complain; He would then have a ready market for his beef 0' mutton, for the people would have the means of buying' Al present the restrictive laws f or b a d e th es e adve - __:' tages. It was said the fa r mer s were aga inst rr trade. He had already said they were so, and he wa s sorry for it, but they might not care much for that' If a few of the landowners, such as the Noble Lord in the chair, would come forward, and advocat e free-trade principles, the farmers would set t ! follow in their train.—(Hear, hear.) H e thought there could not be a stronger argument in favour of free trade than the case of wool. When the duties on this article were about being reduced, some year ] ago, the sheep-breeders e xc l aime d th a t th e y wou l d be ruined, and calamity was foretold to the corn; munity ; but the fact was, that the wool-trade ll u ' in consequence of the reduction of those duties, b e ; come much better, and had. been greatly impros: Why should not the same results follow as regari corn ?—(Hear, hear.) There w a s no t th e s lightes t doubt but such a result would occur. The la!'" lords saw the farmers were an important class' and deserved support; very true, but wr i , there no consideration f o r . th e grea t be' of the community—those m e n w ho earne d th e ir brea d by their labour and by their intellect ? That was th e class .that required protection—that was the cis° which needed the sympathy of the Legislature. O d a question was, whether it was more prudent to exten commerce, and give general employment, and pro' duce general comf or t, or ma i n t a i n hi g h rents for the benefit of the landlord class ? The VI:, tion of free trade would be so on a g itat e d again the House of Commons, and he could on see 'what the result would be. A mon g other arguments arguments which would be adduced in fan of monopoly, it would be said that a great n umber petitions were presented against a repeal of the 011 ; laws. Well, so there were scene, but how were th es e petitions got up ? He would tell them. It was t h custom in the counties where they wished to have a petition signed, to give a pint of cyder to each man who signed it. Indeed, for a draught of strong cYc' le e the ignorant peasant came and put not only his MO to the petition but the names of his innocent childrel l ,j and the babe at the breast, as ignorant of the re nature and objects of the petition as himself.— (Ilef:' hear.) Why, for a sovereign he could get a hop' head of cyder, and he would be bound to say that li , would get a petition signed for any purpose srbs ever by all the rustics in a c o u nt r y paris h ." b. And then those petitions were held forth by t ee monopolists as an evidence of the disposition of di e people of England towards free-trade principles. in had -once called a meeting in his native parish, favour of free trade, which was numerously attend° He explained his views and opi n ions to the occupie rs o of land who attended, and they all signed a petT ° . in favour of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) An 11° h "; Member had recently moved for an inquiry into t burdens which affected land. This inquiry was ref fused, and for very obvious reasons—the majority the House of Co mmons re f use d t o gran t even a Coll° mittee to inquire into the t en d ency o f th e preset'. corn-laws. He was convinced th e p er i o d w ould 5 0 " arrive when the principles of free trade would b e triumphant, for, according t o S cr ipt ure , the successjef the wicked would be but of short continuance. ~ looked for the triumph of the principles which th e League advocated, in the progress of information,,f:4 in the result of a long and painful experience. '-f-, 1 , 0 sooner that triumph was achieved the better for w o people. After thanking the meeting for the kindnt with which they had li s t ene d t o hi m , th e s peaker sa' down amid loud cheering. Mr. COBDEN then ad va n ce d t o th e f ron t of ° l ' platform, and was received with th e mos t en thusiast ic cheering and waving of h a t s an d handkerchiefs to ed every part of a de nse ly- crow d e d h ouse, w hi c h lis t . o , for nearly five minutes. He said fortunately for W ed phrenologists who had examined his head had assar o him that neither the organ of self-esteem nor the le ad of approb a ti on were d eve l ope d th ere , f or if he 11 .. „, possessed them they would have qu ite spoiled hint' ld (Laughter and cheers.) At that late hour he vir tf not long trespass on their attention. It was acha p he owed to the Noble Lord who h a d taken the c°' s , so kindly, and who possessed the true nobility of a r , ture, who was the second of his body to come 10 . 0 , ward and preside at their meeting, to thank for the honour he had conferred upon them. had answered his Grace the Duke of Richmond le7, since by the speeches of Mr. Lattimore and Hunt at that meeting. They gave him a further an, swer in the speech of Mr. Somers on that eveni n g These men were tenant-farmers. These were answ er s os s to his Grace from farmers residing in the three g r , agricultural counties of Herefordshire, Glouces ter shire, and Somersetshire. They were not the re' l.o creatures—the serfs—the toadies of the landown ers ' They came forward, and boldly, marl- 11 ' 11 0 f" and fearlessly gave utterance to their s e ey timents, and were not afraid to declare that ti believed the corn-laws were injurious to the best je terests of the country. He was once travelling. it h Scotland, on the banks of the lake between Tayra rti e ` e r and Killeen. :t was late at night, and a Highlan o drove him who believed in witches and ghosts. ' ere said his father had seen many of them, and theY,l r il i c t worse than the evil one who sent them. " Just,_; " he, as the factor over there, (p o i n ti ng t o Lordl3r; rs albane's seat) "just as th e f ac t or th ere is waur 0 the laird."—(Laught er .) Th e y h a d n ot a v eto wide choice amongst the free trade farmers, t he could speak at a public meeting like that; but thssto, could tell them from hi s ow n ex p er i ence , that wh e e ds ever there was a man of thought, an d o f indepe" the ence, he was almost invariably fund to be et' to side of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) In referenc e. free trade generally, be must congratulate the mob ' on the progress which it had made during the P i lot week. They had a budget.—(Hear.) He cow' t he say that it was a free trade budget, such se e e, Leaguers would produce whe n th e y came into P° the but still there were some e little things done i ti d oe budget of Monday, and every thing that was pra .) was done in the directi on o f free trade..--(C he- tson What had the Duke of Richmond and the Potat, Society been about ? He thought they had :;,esise raised themselves and declared that the „.-V o ras Minister should go no further.—(Lau hter ) g • dre a d quite clear that the Prime Minister did not these carpet knights—he relied on the free truce ca Now there was one thing that was well done, b_e .. A to it was totally and immediately done. He rarely-jos the entire abolition of the protection upon sircol• o f the and-twenty years ago, there was an uprising T b e f Knatehbulls and Richmonds upon this subject ei - insisted that 6d. per lb. should be imposed on forseelse wool. Five years afterwards Mr. Huskisson 5 7 t hat had been told by Leeds woollen-manufacturer s v ole unless this duty was thrown off, the wordle r L e would be lost. By dint of great management , " „ s ir enabled to take off, in 1824, 6d. o f the b a d chief which had been put on ; DOW they. The got rid of the other penny.—(Laughter ) r i o d to Knatchbulls and Buckinghains of the P e i f the which he had referred declared that shoe duty was repealed there would be no more 5 " ; that employed—they would all go to the workisc u , s .% a that there would be no more mutton in the land,-em were T all the shepherd dogs might be hanged- Lohgness of now, however, going to carry on the iheep rearing and wool shearing without any o r f corn. tion. Why should they not carry on the tra de to oho without protection ? If it were unreasonaTeiginieter lish the duties on corn why had the Prim..., Take abolished the protection on wool ?—(lie,T, no e en again, the subject of coffee ; that matter rr T7 duty on tirely done—it was but half done. ' cof f ee and! coffee was, at that moment, 4d. on coloni.a ) i lishes i th.e . Bd. on foreign. Sir Robert Peel had had le! duty on foreign by 2d., or in other wo h rd ba " the colonies with 2d. less protection. the e ey next ma tter the other half by and by. Now _ free unles s .5 eir s°le was sugar. Ladies could not m v, a , l i s isjoesrt they had the sugar—at least er.) for a this sUge r, they could not make it sweet.—(Laug ht they were in a little difficulty about _ , i o ve t t e h t the e th ticrtiple - of conscience col@ over *the ,ogee W 1 N. Re( InE