The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-21 00:00:00

4 2F . ,~,. A - ‘ Due se 4 I doubt as a in swereu i ach dit ' e rything faith and -, a a ma b* e. ••• Bich thee ; havjig: e mearlh arga in-7ted 7 until .d unt il it. ieipati onr -the value ;Tactically ere not THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 21, 1844. ss ° lll 4tion of the unirm. If the Government was not pre red to show h ow Ireland could be governed in a state p.ea c e and prosperity—if they were not prepared to "Qt' their policy, then it became most itnportatt at the country should con,ide r what would the rest.lt of such a state of things.—(hear.) on e would urfAv refer t o a top i c w hi ch had been touched Ss, that by ge7,d If emen on both s id es o f the ous , , whit' the the people of I re l an d did not place contidnict! 7fiesent Governinent. He believed that a :hrge fi"v..ion of th ose i n I reland who were interest most e subjects respecti ng w hi c h complaints were made, lint entertain confidence in the present Government. hey found th a t l arge meetings had been he;'d in Ireland Inch had excited the greatest alarm. pid the Govern ent entertain alarm at those meetings? He presumed at they did. The Hon. and Learncl Ge n tl eman w h o means bee n the of calling th o se meetings from first Iv litst, had declared that he did not mean to break the th. In the other House of :Parliament those meetings e declared t o b e illegal, rated yet wh a t was - t h e po li cy Government with rospect to them? Could any man i p inle why they did ;,tot interfere to step them ? It ) „,'``,„ t ,be asked how - ,tere the to stop them ? Why, they stop , :dem at last? Why, he would ask, did . e 7 allow those meetings to continue for nine months ? nat Itiornent one Government issued their proclamation, livid "can't the meetings ceased—that moment the eeti Alai who had been instrumental in causing those -ogs, felt it to be his duty to use the utmost exertion .:elair the fault of the Government, and to make up ei? delay, and to pre ven t pu bli c mischief. The s l ent the proclamation was issued it was o b eye d. What 11 1 had they to suppose that a similar proclamation Flier would not have allayed all the anxiety e , —a rta that arose from those meetings? Was it that :Prelkrred destroying an individual to preserving et.`ll.„et Ireland?—(Cheer's.) Was it for the pur he,„°' layin g a trap to catch a political opponent? r 4 utre willing to let the spirit of rebellion grow up r eet , 4 Y months. They were willing to permit dis tarist, and they made no attempt to arrest togres s , They had prepared themselves with r. to Put Ito „down violence when it should break out saz, ° ',. : n t acts, but they had p erm itt e d t h at sp i r i t of us 11 ; .. 1 11 , to . spread an d i ncrease. H ad they done f on for the p ur p ose o f g i v i ng t h eir reporters fle es rP rtity of ca t c hi ng h eated and inflammotory sen tet tha were uttered here and there, and now and Tius that a proper course of policy to pursue ? eeti r i , e „ s "a,r.,) If the Government had felt that the ;ter wnich had been held in Ireland were incon :.ei, it with the public interest and public safety, they itt h en t vd o r, h d a id ve t . h m e a y d e an effort to repress them ? What, do ? They permitted the people of affable to suppose that those meetings were unobjec r,, OA lawful. They were not disturbed. They eland Permitted to extend and grow, and the people of' `tvere thus seduced into the idea that these meet ge- were consistent with the law. This was a serious 'ea, - , a "against th e G overnment. It had been laid down ,eat -.•ne Bench th a t men w h o h ad attended the last te ,., 41 g could b etaken as having adopted all the senti ;;,t Promulgated at the other meetings for the pre ea;sanine months ? Thus an innocent man who hap ie -- he present at the last meeting found himself in • sitation of being charged with the adoption of %lent et:d expressions expressions which had snb , t he parties to a very serious prosecution. ad ' ° 's allowed upon all hands that if Mr. O'Connell e is . 40t. exerted himself to preserve the peace at Clon -4 crisis would have arrived, which he could not ac tin tfiti.e Goverument of contemplating, and he was cer at. I .," a tt the poor people who crowded there never SleaCoacrd.,—(Cheers.) 'The meeting was to take place cl ock 4 Y, and the proclamation was issued at three .a i l d e 60 13 the Saturday.—(Cheers.) Not all the a orid tent Zul'ince him that the course takenby the Govern ) Fai " as irepartial, or that there was any intention .nw that they were disposed to govern Ireland imid aatw, . •aeeT_Y----(Cheers.) Mr. O'Connell felt, and he would ` o i'ven wron g if he did not feel, that upon him, . oc r rest the responsibility if any evil consequences . 1:1 R7, llBne d- - -7(llea r , hear, from the Ministerial benches.) Ye - „'",°_n ,as the Ministerial proclamation was issued Mr. 4 ta„'ed Obeyed it and he did the most difficult thing lalitit o // c i °ll d, he compelled ' a discontented and irritable Ch ere ~_e to be as patient as he was himself.— (Cheers.) a s ill nad been many meetings, the result . of which le e e tged in one which might have been included . in l on e t.. nta i t of the indictment.—(llear, hear.) The Right able the Secretary for the Home Depart lee.t O a aa had said that he did not stand there i iencl the Coercion Bill of the late Government. ioee,.'tir_ll. Wilde) should have thought that the Right aay fronet, having been a party to that, was not kb g ° ng to shrink from the responsibility which at- . ts era to it. Deeply us that Bill had to be lented essiect:Lssity at the time was undoubted ; and . that h ne_- elv a .: m a 4 been mainly created by the Tories t em a ir i,;;" The Whigs having come into power after a long ettiee f T°l7 misgovernment, it took a long time to to til3:tlie wrongs they had inflicted. And he strongly , "Im._, it would be found a much more easy matter (Ch e Z l n, the Coerciv n Bill than those prosecutions— eo, ra ru ' a ') Such a law might be called for as a tem tion,___, 4 measure, but it formed no part of the Constitu- C"ora Atlear, hear.) The evil lasted for a time, but the atitution was not hrt.— (heers.o when the ti t , 6 to stretch the law, u as the C Govern ) me ß nt t had done in tibe r P t esent i nstance, for the destruction of public otviiiA, they then infli c t t d a wound—ayeaan incurable tltaa t - Z --1 1pon th e Constitution.—(Cheers.) Let them eth er :" the various Bills, Coercion Bills, Arms Bills, and to tip' Which necessity required them to pass from time silo w ,, t when th e per i od arrived at which they could ';'etie,.,u-cra to expire, th e ev il was at an end, and the t 1 11.3 ''' Constitution remained unhurt.—(Cheers.) But 340,4'N seeution would remain as a precedent, and when A lt W to tile Many bad ones which a to lreaex d 4n tt ~.8 t, .°1 7 , it would give an example Ministers to do ,ri sk "Inch h e sincerely believed it was far from the etti °I t he Might Hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) most at ao.4* But,: the precedent . was furnished, and as stli • 37 'l° (Sir Thos. Wilde) looked upon it , as on . e , 0 Connell h a d eon sir with public liberty. If Mr. . his tp eee t_ _elsed sedition —had apol:en sedition tics „...71 , Publisb„ e d it in his writings, or practised in it . in he pe u o ur conductor if he had by any other means excited t l i ! a r . ts, p le e t the tontent and a disaffection, then, by all s ear •) If he had by any indict verawe the Go . .44 amenable e let him for it.—(Hear, any illegal means attempted to •f th e ea , ir t ernment or disturb the peace and safety him, he repeated, be indicted. He 1,., to the law for his conduct; but ' ho t let them twist the law so as to make char e tateesg of conspiracy, and that under circum titati which might be afterwards used to prevent h at\ ° n. r ., by even the most legal means.—(Hear, cite r f a , ills Honourable and Learned Friend the Soli lark dleneral had said something last evening about the debts as having something to do with indict ateats e l s well as the present one. Not such indict latit ,_ his on which he was now to comment. He tva s , ll :-2 is Hon. and Learned Friend whether it was 9it t 6 , true that the terms of indictment under which 1 e e o en nuell had been tried had never come under it? Aslideration of any one who had not lamented t e N e e roe" Westminster-hall it was detested, and le appliedPliedver cases as the one under consideration was now o in this country.—(Cheers ) Would his eta/4nd Learned Friend the Attorney- General at asaasthangland to indict a man, and get a verdict %il k ; utna, for a speech he had never uttered, or for a , r detia a r t u in a newspaper which he had never seen?— t tl esti e eer s.) He asked his Learned Friend the plain ,4, 1 ,... 4 whether, in his long experience, he had ever . nati:eltiliat form of indictment even referred to with ',..robati,,,,g, st tputtised in the strongest terms of disap • "rat of"'"—(l3oud cheers.) Whoever attended to the sia e , . that indictment, and followed it up by a con 410r. ehief Justice''' of the law, as laid down by the Lord Preeitt, Would readily be able to see and to ap- Ntspi: it'S character. It charged that the traversers ke ans ed to excite disaffection and hatred, and, by 3 . l4 g44 t h tu f Physical force, endeavoured to overawe the t _nsti e , t e- The law as laid doe n by the Lord Chief , 0 1 ff e 4 , w b as, i th . at it . persons associated . and . combined n ed t Y. tneir joint efforts, an illegal abject, or com the), 0 . etteet a le al object by illegal means, then were Ilia gat lty of a breach g of j the law. He (Sir T. Wilde) it s _ not exce t h4Ppli eati 1 ) to that law, but he did except to . th • not ta °II.-- (Hear, hear.) Now, he asked, h . ad or f-7ketrz.ie ge people of Ireland a right to meet to discuss 41 1 , ed - ib v e a s. ,nces and obtain a redress of them? He pre th-ar,...edres,, right to meet and discuss, and take measures a, - .cre t , " w as not questioned?a--(Marks of assent from -etiatrYklienches.) Why, did they ei er hear of a 14 1 4 nee aiZetne discussion of grievances where there Ltht at w its ontent Where there was no discontent l7te p i . i t he object of the meeting?—(Hear, hear.) Was tne ei . vi lego of the people only to meet to excite con ); They 44 ° 4 eerjg.inat, aftection?:—(Cheers and laughter.) eto might , a•eite disaffection in a manner to make . it 4 Wi n but it requiredgreat care in a ude when it"' t wi" ° ought not to ex it& to excite and what ,_ - nell lac cnte at / 4 Was, in f • But the indictment against Mr. 0 Con ia the trial a ct- a Perfect indictment for high treason. ,;;;hieit.'lol Lord George Gordon, the very words tZch Le'_;B...indictrnent was framed were the words in t i - ` 4 ,, IA wast'a.alansfield laid down the law, that such at di:ll etts. ul_gh treason; and this had been followed by tb t t nlea t for it plerefore was a complete and perfect in effenaly Pecs high treason. But were these traversers Qeetiil, eir ,ons in the empire who had, by their joint en ucavoured to raise discontent and dis `tea ' and b dt ai‘ _ e a th e 1 ' y overawing the Legislature. to ' • W hat ill tefearewneeinth con•empt ? What had been ... h t th an swer to the poor-law.—(Loud cheers.) tat 11 was to t oi ls , Nvhen be made by certain. Hon. Members flies t,,,,,,,, questioned as to their couduct and ii ll iZ said of th e the poor-law?—(Cheers.) What was eke b, .1 - 7 Times newspaper ? What of the papers • th the s ~ "'ir• Oastler ? - --(Great cheers.) Let them t h . Peeehes f • when upon p ot _ . ust ie ,.. s 0 certain Hon. Members ti 11, .! l aw .: ;. or at public meetings, in reference to the 1 43 47 1 %.,. 1et t rt th em • "I ke Mr. astler'sO speeches and tthi:treerdirrsi.: to aak lave o t n h s e p (CO was as clear e l tvw as administered to Mr. O'Connell, i Times'r a y tee sl ave Lo ok tra at Wh at h as ever was hatched. — ad been written and said of ~_eatk /w - ' es--a 4 e , and of and on various other public kfe e 'l one aye, and exciting ill-will and discontent i rit _ N E I the ..laneti of her Majesty's subjects and another. 40:1!!t, thatiltglish Parliament did not consider their 1 / 4 1 1 t . Oslate 1, ha d no sYmpathy with them, that it did i w at i f he ~/' their benefit ; and he had aright to say th eZt t he peo u ;i l o ie t T ed sit... lie had a right, in order to nth, ri, to ° petition that House for a repeal of re,tt to b e 11.! those arguments, if he helieved the " k t ' s he was 'blichievous. But if he used those argu ,e several things, ta t i No w • guilty of this act of conspiracy and sedi ti_vireletitolte ' in describing the indictmen-t for - conspiring u er t ll 's." It tugs, the Learned Judge gives this the ala s, butts true the indictment sets forth certain tr acts, tZur eeesis no one of these acts need be proved— hare the oaa e d in the agreement, not the acts." t still thet r not one of these acts - should be lyie,4,, g b t , s reversers might be guilty of conspiracy. rn2peatil'utternode rendered the acts comparatively e tken t - frot „ea)** torso the jury "you may infer the w these ns acting in common ; and if you find a newspaper writing articles in favour of Mr. O'Connell and reporting his speeches, you may use that against the newspaper to prove they were conspiring with Mr, O'Connell, and you may use Mr. O'Connell's sneech, as reported, as evidence of his conspiring with de newspaper." Now, nobody- could approve of the fan • gnage that had been used by the lion. and Learned Member who was the subject of the prosecution. No one could approve of the meetings that had been called together, because it did not appear that they they were calculated to effect any good bone fide object.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) They were un doubtedly dangerous, not from any intention on the part of the Wn. and Learned Gentleman, or on the part of the people, to break the peace ; but such a number of persons meeting together was so liable to sudden in fiammation—so likely to be operated on by unexpected causes; that they were likely to endanger the public peace.--(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) He also much disapproved of the Hon. aud Learned Gentle man referring to the old stories of supposed English oppression, for the purpose of leading to the conclusion that England was unfavourable to the Irish, and that the continuance of the union was not likely to be pro ductive of happiness to Ireland. Ile disapproved of this language, just as much as he disapproved of the frequent referrences to " Fox's Book of Martyrs" by those Hon. Gentlemen who set up the " No Popery" cry. One was just as improper as the other, but no one, had thought of indicting those Hon. Gentlemen. But what England had to beware of was this—she had to see that in cases which might excite disapprobation, the law was not violated or perverted to what might be used, on other occasions, for a totally different object. Now, an indictment for holding a public meeting calculated to excite discontent and disaffection was a most dangerous indictment to trust to the hands of the Government in a country so divided by party as Ireland. It was a form of indictment which imposed on the Government that used it the deepest responsibility for a carerul watch over the administration of justice. lie had referred to that part of the indictment charging the traversers with an attempt to overawe the Legislature. In his judgment it was as great a perversion of the law as could be imagined. He had already alluded to the indictment against Lord George Gordon. He was indicted for overawing the Legislature. In his case, 20,000 persons assembled in St. George's Fields, there having been riots before that meeting. These 20,000 persons beset the House of Commons, forced their way into the lobby, and personally threatened the Members, so that it was scarcely possible for them to get access to the House, and they kept up their threatenings to such a degree that the House could not proceed with its business. For this he was indicted for attempting to overawe the Legislature, for putting them in apprehension of immediate personal violence. But what had they here ? Numbers of per sons meeting at a distance across the Channel, t time when Parliament wits not sitting—when there was no apprehension, and no possibility of its Members suffering from personal violence. But the Hon. Gentleman said that overawing the Legislature meant such an exhibi tion of numbers as would lead the Government to sup pose that, at a future day, by the operation of their opinion, or if they liked by their acts, the Legislature might think it advisable to pass a certain measure. He would appeal to the Right Hon. Baronet opposite to tell them on what grounds was it that he passed the Eman cipation Bill?—(Loud cheers.) Upon that express ground—public opinion. Now, how could they get a great expression of public opinion? Could people send their opinions to a meeting, and leave their bodies at home? He contended that overawing the Legislature was causing an apprehension of physical force to be directed against the persons of the Members. The ap prehension of a distant rebellion was not overawing the Legislature. What meeting might they not say was an exhibition of great numbers for the purpose of overawing the Legislature ? It had been said that the mere numbers of a meeting made it illegal. Why, for the same reason, they might as well say that some races were illegal—that the Queen's coronation was il legal. It was numbers, combined with, other circum stances, such as the object of the meeting, and whether - its conduct was calculated to excite alarm in minds rea sonably firm. Look at the meetings they had had in England. What great alteration of any great public grievance was ever obtained without agitation ?—(Hear, hear.) Did Government ever alter that of which the people did not complain? All Goverments were and ought to be conservative.—(Hear, hear.) It was for the sarety of the people that they were so, therefore they did not alter that with which the people were contented. But sometimes Governments required too much impelling. With all respect to the Right Hon. Baronet, he thought that he had required too much before he granted Catholic Emancipation. They ought not to wait till rebellion was at their heels before they altered that which ought to be altered, and if it ought not to be altered, he took it for granted it would not be. The indictment for overawing the Legislature, therefore, on the ground of meetings being held across the Channel at a time when Parliament was not sitting, was not an overawing of the Legislature within the law. The Noble Lord, the Member for London, had defined the origin of the law of conspiracy to be one applied to a private conspiracy to charge others with committing crimes. —(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said that this prosecution was con• ducted according to the common law of the kingdom. What was that common law ? Ho believed that they would find the liberties of England buried in their Courts by this common law.—(Hear, hear.) This re minded him of an anecdote related in Roger North's "Life of Lord Guilford." Seeing that King James was in the habit of conversing with, and confiding in, Judge Jeffries, he represented to the King that Jeffries was a man of a very violent temper, and very dangerous to confide in, and said that he himself would do all that the King wanted by law if he left the matter to him. — (Cheers.) All that a Lad and profligate Government might desire could be done by the law of indictment.— (Hear.) What had been the course pursued with regard to this indictment ? He could not do better than de scribe it in the language of one of the public journals. —(The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then read a pas sage from the Morning Post, to the effect that making newspaper proprietors responsible for words not spoken by them, and making public speakers responsible for articles not written by them, produced so confused a charge that it ought not to be brought against any subjects of a free Constitution, and a verdict obtained under such circumstances would produce no moral effect whatever.—The reading of the passage was followed by loud cheers.) Such was the character of this indict ment. If the design of the Government was to put down what they called agitation, and to punish the Hon. and Learned Gentleman for illegal acts which he com mitted, it could have been accomplished without such an indictment, by charging each of the traversers in dividually, and making each responsible for his own acts alone. But here was the press of the country, which could only exist by giving public infor mation on interesting events, prosecuted for a conspi racy, for associating to procure legal objects by illegal means, those illegal means consisting of reporting violent speeches made in the absence of the proprietors of the public journals in which they were reported. The law of conspiracy was grossly wrested in this case, and a bad precedent was created.—(Cheers.) Here were editors prosecuted for speeches which they never read, and speakers prosecuted for articles which they never wrote.—(Hear.) The law as understood was this, that there must be an agreement between the persons charged with conspiracy. Of course they might prove agree ment by a variety of means, and it was not necessary that the agreement should be actually proved by some person who was present, for if that were necessary, conspiracy would be a perfectly safe crime. They might prove it from acts and circumstances. As, for example, if they found, as in the case of the 0. P. riot, persons with the letters 0. P. in their hats going to the theatre, creating a tumult, and interrupting the per formance, it showed a design from which it might be reasonably inferred that there was a previous agreement between the parties; but it was a perversion of the law to treat as a proof of conspiracy that parties assembled together at public meetings with a common attempt. They might as well say that it was evidence of conspiracy if the pit of a theatre had simultaneously hissed.—(Cheers.) As he said before, it was not neces sary to prove previous agreement. If there were such circumstances attending meetings as that persons met in the same place on successive days with the same em blems, they might infer a common agreement. But no distinction of the kind was made here, for the jury were told, in the first place, in express terms, that no one of the overt acts need be proved. They need not, however, it was said, have proof of their agreement and so on, but they might infer that from these very acts ; or they were first told that those acts were not to be proved at all, but that the whole crime consisted in the agreement, and then they were referred back again to the acts in evidence of the agree ment. The indictment was for endeavouring to excite public discontent and disaffection ; no attempt was made to assign the limit within which Irishmen and Englishmen might manifest dissatisfaction, and that which amounted to a legal crime. The indictment was, in itself, a most dangerous proceeding.—(Hear, hear.) He did not say that its form was new, buthe did say that its application to the facts of the case was perfectly new.— (Hear.) Now how had this indictment been prosecuted? —(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) He did arraign the cohduct of this prosecution, most undoubtedly. He was not at all disposed to say anything unkind or illibe ral, or disrespectful in the slightest degree of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Attorney-General for Ire land ; but he did feel it his duty to urge a most serious complaint against the conduct of this prosecution. — (Hear.) He said that the Government were implicated used the word Government, not as denoting the in dividuals of whom it was composed, but the Government generally responsible—and he maintained that they were most seriously implicated.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. O'Con nell, he averred and stated with the utmost firmness, had no fair trial.—(Great cheering from the Opposition benches.) His Hon. and Learned. Friend the Solicitor- General said last night that. that was no proper place to discuss how far the verdict was consistent with the evidence—an observation which he (Sir T. W.) took the liberty of cheering. He then went on to say—having said it would be very improper to discuss it there—that he defied anybody to get up and say that the verdict was not consistent with the evidence.—(Laughter.) He (Sir T. Wilde) had heard some new constitutional doctrines in that House. He was happy to see the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) in his place. lie begged to ask, for in formation, where the Noble Lord had learned that new constitutional principle, that it was indecent in a lawyer to arraign in that House the conduct of the judges ? (Hear, hear.) He had heard from his Learned Friend the Solicitor-General, that there were Acts of Parlia ment which they had no right to discuss there. NI , ith all respect, both for the Noble L ord and for his Hon. and Learned Friend, he begged to say that a more out rageous or unfounded doctrine he had never heard. Pray, Sir, continued the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, what is the first duty of this House ? To watch the administration of justice in this country. You had— whether you have now in form, I do not know—but you had a Committee of Justice, and I say, with all respect for the Noble Lord, that it is the especial duty of this House, to watch over the conduct of the judges. The public were deeply interested in the character and con duct of the judges. It was of essential importance that those criminals who had misconducted themselves, and were tried for the crimes which they had committed, should be able to respect the judges before whom they were arraigned.—(Hear, hear.) The object of a con viction was to operate upon the individual beneficially on his future conduct, and that could never be done if he had no respect for the judge before whom he was tried. —(Hear.) Although he admitted, therefore, that it was exceedingly improper to make indecent remarks with respect to judges, in the spotlessness of whose cha racter the lower orders—those who are most often brought under their jurisdiction—were so deeply inte rested; yet he maintained that, on an occasion like this, when the question was whether the Government had committed a great error in the conduct of a pro secution, when they had to consider whether that pro secuCon had been fairly conducted; and when the Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Baronet talked loudly of the vindication of the dignity of the law, they ought not to have their mouths stopped by being told that, if they entered upon the subject, it would be a profanation of the law ?—(Cheers.) This was not a common case.— (Hear, hear.) He hoped that parts of this case would become subjects for specific inquiry. It was in volved in the greatest suspicion. He said there was more than suspicion that unfair play had been practised.—(Hear, hear.) How was he to know whether he could agree with the statement of the Noble Lord and his Hon. and. Learned Friend—that the dignity of the law had been vindicated ?—(Hear, hear.) Was he to take it for granted upon their assertion? He had the greatest respect for them, but they would excuse him if, in a matter of that sort, he presumed, though a lawyer — (Laughter)—to entertain and express an opinion as to the conduct of the judges. But why;were lawyers to be excluded?—(Hear, hear.) Was it because they were su . ppo,ed to know something about it ?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was strong language to use to a Member of that House to charge him with indecency in remarking upon the conduct of a judge in the dis charge of his Parliamentary duty. Mr. O'Connell's case mixed itself up with the public interest—it by no means rested upon an ordinary footing. The good or the evil which they had done depended upon the character of the prosecution.—(Hear, hear.) If they had prosecuted Mr. O'Connell, though he might have been guilty of some offences; if they had profaned the temple of justice instead of vindicating its honour; if they had sent him to trial expressly to be convicted, then he said they had done that., which he was charged:with having done, but done with infinitely greater effect. They had de stroyed the confidence of the Irish people in the admi- Listration of justice.—(Hear, hear.) The Learned Judge laid down the definition of the law of conspiracy, if he (Sir Thomas Wilde) might presume to say so, with perfect confidence, and he stated that he had the concurrence of his brother Judges in the doctrines which he so laid down. That had nothing whatever to do with that Learned Judge's course in the summing up of the case.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear" from the Opposition.) If he expressed himself strongly on this subject, he had no intention of departing from the respect which was due to that Learned Judge. But lie asked if the summing up of the Learned Judge had not rather the characteristics of a speech of counsel than of what it was intended to be. It was deficient in all that belonged to its proper office.—(Hear, hear.) He begged to call the Right Hon. Baronet's attention to the circumstance that Mr. O'Connell's defence consisted in this—at least one part of his case was—" You charge me with uttering certain expressions with a certain in tent. It is true, you have selected certain passages and sentences from my speeches, but I call on you to read the whole of those speeches ; and when you read the whole, those particular sentences will be qualified." Now what man's speeches could stand the test of particular sentences extracted here and there ? " Read the whole," said the counsel for the defence ; and accordingly the greater portion of the time occupied by the trial was taken up in reading the whole of the speeches. Yet not one sentence of what the counsel for the defence got read, had formed a portion of the Learned Judge's summing-up. —(Hear, hear.) The Learned Solicitor-General had got the particular passages on which the Government—and he did not use the word in an offensive sense, he meant those to whom the con duct of the prosecution was intrusted—the Solicitor-Gene ral had got the particular passages on which the Govern ment relied, selected and printed, and as he read them in reply, the Learned Judge said, " hand them up to me." Up they went, and they were read and summed tip to the jury. —(Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) Such parts as were most violent were thus read without any parts which qualified them, and which formed part of the traversers ' defence.—(Hear, hear.) He (Sir T. Wilde) was one of those who laboured under the infirmity of believing, that the greatest injustice was done to persons charged with any crime or offence, by the accuser having got. in his right of reply, the last word. Let ever so powerful a speech be made for a prisoner in his defence—let the evidence i be ever so fa vourable to his case, yet when the speech n reply comes and after it the Learned Judge's summing up, he must, say that juries—who were not generally composed of persons who were taught t to bear in mind and analyse speeches—were almost certain to have the speech for the defence entirely obliterated from their minds, and to have quite forgotten it. Those paragraphs, that were used in the course of the prosecu tor's case, were again read, at least a fortnight after the passages which qualified, explained, and softened them down, and gave evidence of the motives with which they bad been uttered.—(Hear.) No distinct directions were given marking the boundary of legitimate agitation. He used the word agitation as a short one to express his meaning. There was no direction to distinguish that right which could never be too narrowly watched, whe ther in the case of Mr. O'Connell or anybody else. The Government had watched those men for nine months, on a subject upon which they were deeply interested, and placed in a situation of great excitement, and on which their feelings warmed by collision—as the feelings of an Irishman were always excited when he' talked of his country. Why, let them adopt a similar course with even any Honourable Member of that House who spoke in debate, and what would be the consequence ? He would take, for instance, one of the most amiable Mem bers in the House—the Noble Lord—(the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was supposed to allude to Lord J. Russell)—and would any one dream that the respect and esteem in which he knew his Noble Friend was held out of that House, would be damaged by any accidental expression he might let fall in the heat of the debate ? Well, then, those passages which could have modified the parts relied on by the Crown having been read, a whole fortnight elapsed, daring which, speeches of Counsel were delivered for five or six hours a day each, and how was it possible that, when they had been omitted from the summing up, they could have that effect upon the jury which it was intended, and which they ought to have had ? Then with respect to the summing up, to . which he prayed attention. The Rev. Mr. Tierney, one of the traversers, had attended one of these meetings, and adopted all that had gone before. He had, also, a little pet meeting of his own.—(Hear, hear, from Mr. Shell.) Language of similar import to that used on former occasions was used upon this, and yet the strong passages alone were summed up, and those which would modify their effect were left out. Was that the way in which a judge should vindicate the dignity of the law, and cause it to have a conciliatory effect upon the minds of the Irish people ? Was it not rather calcu lated to give them the idea of the traversers being per secuted than that they were fairly dealt with ? He was mistaken if much did not remain to be discussed with respect to this trial. He took it for granted that the verdict would not be permitted to stand without being impugned before the proper tribunal. But that was not all. The House had been managed by some dexterity to be led into a certain degree of confusion respecting the composition of the particular jury. He begged to call the attention of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Attorney-General for Ireland, particularly to this part of of the case. He must say that, with all respect to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, he grossly mistook that which was the interest of the Government—he used the word Government for country—respecting the con duct of those prosecutions. First of all there was con siderable ambiguity relating to this part of the subject. The old jury-list was thought very inadequate to fur nish the means of a fair trial. The traversers, there fore, took proper measures to have the jury-list made up for the year 1844. The House had already learned that it was the custom of certain parish officers to make returns of the persons qualified to act as jurors in the respective districts. They then went to the Hon. and Learned Recorder of Dublin, and it was his duty to as certain all those persons that were qualified to serve, and to distinguish between those qualified to serve on common and on special juries. With respect to special juries, some remarks were made by the Right Hon. Ba ronet which certainly struck him (Sir T. Wilde) with surprise, and that was, that the striking of a special jury was an advantage to the traversers. Why if he were to make such an assertion in West minster Hall they would laugh in his face.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman said they had done this out of mercy to the defendants—because with a special jury each party struck off by turns, but with the common jury the law officers of the Crown could order as many to stand by as they pleased. They knew very well that if they had a common jury they could not have ordered men to stand by as they pleased.—(Loud cheers.) They knew very well that if with a panel of 72 they had, when the name of John Thomas was called, ordered John Thomas to stand aside they would have been asked why ? If they had ordered another man to stand by they would again be asked why ? How long would you have dared to have gone on in such a course?—(Loud cheers.) They dared not to have done it—(Counter cheering)—and it was because they dared not do it that they had struck a special jury.—(Loud cheers.) They struck off the twelve names of a special jury in a private room. They must have challenged the cammon jury men in the open Court.—(Cheers.) They did not try the defendants before a common jury because they were afraid.—(Cheers.) They chose a special jury because they could make sure that there should be no Catholic on it. They could not avoid that on a common jury. The thing had been dexterously and designedly ma naged for the purpose of sending these men to convic tion—(Cheers)—by the underlings who had struck and prepared the jury list.—(Hear.) Those lists had been settled by the Recorder, who, as he went through the list, placed a mark against the names for the purpose of distinguishing special jurymen from common jurymen. The revision of those lists must have occasioned the Right Hon. Gentleman considerable anxiety. Never had he t r h e e v C s our on o wa s f D a t u b l e l i n n g t before m p p r l e e s t e e d n e and n s d u w c h h e a scene. n arpl cation was made by the traversers to see the lists they were told that the Right Lion. Gentleman had taken them with him to England. Mr. SHAW—That is not so. It is quite untrue. Sir T. WILDE did not doubt for one moment what the Right Hon. Gentleman said, but be (Sir Thomas Wilde), in the cause of the people of England, relied upon the affidavit which had been produce] upon the trial.— (Loud cheers.) He did not know whether the Right Hon. Gentleman was unapprised of the nature of that affidavit—(Cheers)—or whether he was absent from Dublin at the time of the trials, bui, that affidavit had been read in the open Court. Mr. SH A.W—Whose affidavit ? Sir THOS. WILDE was surprised at being called ugon in that manner to state whose affidavit it was, and when it" had been read. It was the affidavit of the at torney for the traversers, and Mr. Mahoney stated that on applying at the office for copies of the lists as re vised by the Right Hon. Gentleman-- Mr. SI i ElL—The parochial lists. Sir THOS. WILDE—The parochial lists—lists from which the general list was framed—he received for an swer that the Right Hon. Gentleman hade gone to Eng land and taken the lists with him. Mr. SIIAW—I never did. Sir THOS. WILDE did not mean to say that he had —he would only say that it had been sworn to in Court, and not been contradicted. (The, lion. and Learned Gentleman sear c h e d f or some among his papers, but was unable to find the affidavit.) Pe feared he had it not with him, but he would state the ;übstance of it. It was the affidavit of Mr. Mahoney read, on the application t o quash the p rocee di ngs, on the ground that t h e j ury had been strucx from' an imperfect list, and in which he stated, that as soon as the revision was over application had been made, on the part of the traversers, at the Right Hon. Gentleman's office for a sight of the jury lists, and that the answer was, that the Right Hon. Gentleman had gone to England and that he had taken the jury lists with him.—(Cheers.) Notice had been given to the traversers to attend to join in striking the 48 jurymen, and up to that time they had never seen the jury lists.—(Cheers.) When they went to strike, a question occurred respecting those lists, as it appeared that the list from which the 48 had been struck did not contain the names of all those persons whom the Right Hon. Gentleman had adjudged as qualified to serve.— (Loud cheers.) They had proceeded however to strike the special jury, under protest, when an application was made to the Queen's Bench to quash the panel, on the ground of the incompleteness of the lists. On that occa sion affidavits had been made in support of the application, and he would read the affidavit of Mr. Mahoney, which he feared he had mislaid, but which he had since found. (Hear, hear.) (The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then proceeded to read the affidavit sworn by Mr. Mahoney, on the occa sion alluded to. The deponent stated that the revision of the lists commenced on the 14th, and way c fished on the 23d ; that the Attorney-General oiled to have the 11th December fixed as the da ':fie trial at bar - ; that applica tie- was 0- i,c6l tone the trial on account or ttu imperfect state or the jury lists ; and that eventually an order had been made that the trial should commence on the 15th January, and that the jury should be taken from the lists for 1844 ; that when the revision had been finished on the 23d November. the Recorder should have Caused the general list of the proper persons qualified to be drawn out, and should have delivered the list to the Clerk of the Peace, who should have copied th e same into the jury book, and delivered the same to the Sheriff. The deponent made application to the Clerk of the Peace, at his office, to ascertain if the said books were finally prepared, and was informed that the Recorder was absent in London, and that he had with him several do cuments necessary for the preparation of the said jurors' list—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear," from the Opposition) —and from which, when fairly delivered by the Re corder, the Clerk of the Peace made his jurors' book. He was at length informed that the list was not de livered up until the 29th of December ; and on the same day the Clerk of the Peace caused the jurors' book to be delivered to the Sheriff. How was the office of the Clerk of the Peaee conducted ?—(Hear, hear.) How was so important an office managed if when, on applica tion to the proper functionary, he was told that the list was not there, but that the Recorder had the list in London?—(Hear.) Mr. SHAW—Not the list. Sir T. WILDE—The Right Hon. Gentleman may cavil at the word list, or at any other name—but that the list-- Mr. SHAW—No. Not the list.—(Cries of " Order.") Sir T. WILDE—Sir, it is named the list, and the list was absent. Mr. SHAW—I repeat what I have already stated.—(Cries of " Order, order," and confusion.) Sir 'l'. WILDE—Then I will read from the affidavit again. " He (deponent) was informed that the Recorder was absent in London, and had with him several documents necessary fo"11L- ed (li an e d ar' ve h h e e a m r. e ) nt cries of f r oAs t ii h rrrd e . Te p sr. : H e wo p rA a id r wLe a rD t 7 i , o 2 n T—b o Rightt tel e bi l se l t—j th ur e lßlelnste. Hon. Gentleman again he I may carp at the word list—let him call it document or paper, or anything else ho pleases, the substance is the same.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Is there any doubt of it? Has it not been sworn to by the officer, who says—" The documents necessary for the preparation of the jury list the Recorder had with him in London."—Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Op position.) Of all the gross faults ever committed, there never itw wasaos more greosismp important the er o t v h t a a nthis. pr Th oeee er d e ioga never should be b was at a ria o l v a e t suspi cion which than this.—(Hear, hear.) It was quite clear that the do cuments had not been in their proper place.—( Hear.) They were not accessible at the proper times to the proper parties. How did that happen ? How came those officials to invent so false a statement ?—(Hear, hear.) Who dared to behave so improperly as to say that the Recorder had the list in London when hf had not ?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and ironical cheers from the Opposition.) Why was it that when the Recorder had left all things in order in his office, those per sons who were entitled to inspect them were not allowed to do so, but the public officer made fictitious statements?-( Hear, hear.) How dare they say that the Recorder had the lists in London when he had not?—( Hear, hear.) Yes, he repeated the question. He would again read from the affidavit :—" When a summons to strike off a special jury had been served, the de ponent lost no time in applying to the Sheriff for a copy of the special jury panel, and which should have contained the names of all persons properly qualified to serve on the jury ; that the Sheriff declined complying with deponent's application unless with the consent of the counsel for the Crown and the counsel for the traversers.” What light had the Crown to interfere to prevent the traversers from seeing the document ?—( Hear, hear.) Why should the public officer interfere with the Crown, or why should the Crown interfere to prevent the tra versers from obtaining their right ?—( Hear. ) Mr. SHAW—They had no right.—(Order.) Sir T. WILDE—Sir, I submit that they had a right-- (Hear, hear.) As British subjects about to be put upon their trial, they had a right to see it. Mr. SHAW--No. Sir T. WILDE—I won't pledge myself to it, but I believe they had a right. Mr. SHAW—Certainly not.—(Load cries of " Order.") Sir T. WILDE--I believe a recent Act of Parliament gives that right. Mr. SHAW—Decidedly not.—( Renewed cries of " Order," and confusion. ) Sir T. WILDE repeated his impression, and proceeded to say that if the documents were public why were they not to be seen ?—( Hear, hear.) T if the law were all his own he Right 'Hon Gentleman, even subject had not a right way, would surely not say that the to see the jury list, which had been made out according to the Recorder's adjudication. What Hon. Hon. Member wou ld refuse it, rsa; it ought to be refused ? ( Hear, hear.) What honourable or honest motive could there be for the refusal ?—( Hear, hear.) What security could there be for the independent dischargeof their duty as public officers, if they required the sanction of the public o fficers do their duty? Every in this trial in order to ste same features.—( Hear, hear.) The deponent applied to Mr. Kemmis for his consent,and that which he to give; refusal was followed by so muchdeclinedirregularity—such palpable irregularity — as not to leave any character fur fairness or impartiality in the proceedings. The deponent next stated that he went to the office of Mr. Walter Bourne, for the purpose of striking a jury, and Mr. Whiteside applied for the traversers to have a postponement, on the ground that they had no opportunity of examining the jury list, and that they were therefore unprepared to enter upon the matter at the time. The adjournment was agreed to by Mr. Brewster until both parties could get a co py of the jury list from the She r iff, and the 3d of January was fixed. On examining the list on that day, it was found that the names of many qualified persons had been omitted from the special jury list, who had been admitted by the Recorder at his revi sion ; and the deponent, in company with one of the traversers, went again to the office of the said Walter Bourne, and pro tested against any proceeding respecting striking a jury, on the ground that there had been a gross suppression of the names of persons qualified to be placed upon the jury, and the deponent was convinced that a wilful and cor ruptte suppression had taken place." This was a portion of h affidavit of the traversers' attorney before the special wasjury struck, stating that there had been corr u p t and wilful omis sions of certain names. Now, forsooth , the Crown, to be sure, was most anxious to have a fair jury list made out !—(Loud laughter.) He would ask, judging from th e re po rts of what had taken place in the Court, if ever any human being had ever observed a stronger affidavit? He knew something of the law, and he would say that no common case, such as the Noble Lord thought would furnish a rule of precedent for an at torney, was applicable to the present case. Why, if it had been a common action for 5/. in one of the miner courts, if the attorney on either side made an affidavit, stating that there bad been corrupt practices in striking the jury, the Court would at once put off the trial.—(Loud cheers.) But there being a great Slate prosecution to vindi cate the dignity of the law—( Hear, hear)—a trial which was to produce a great moral effect, an affidavit was put in by the traversers agent imputing corruption to the mode in which the jury had been constituted, whilst the Crown never made the slightest inquiry into the charge. lie thought this course was likely to lower the respect and confidence of the public in the fair and impartial administration of justice in any case, but how much the more so was it the case the present instance ?—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He thought it was most essential that the Crown should have postponed striking the special jury until the list had been made correct according to the adjudication of the Recorder, but the person acting for the Crown refused to allow this. He felt con fident that no fair attorney, of ever such low practice, would be guilty of such a course,—( Cheers, and laughter.) But when it was done by the law officers of the Crown, he should ask the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, was the Govern ment a party to those foul transactions? He cared nothing about the distinction which was attempted to be drawn between the thief and the receiver. You (said the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman, pointing to the Ministerial benches) have availed yourselves of this disreputable transaction.— ( Tremendous cheering.) Was the majesty of the law vindi. cated by tampering with the jury list.—( Hear, hear.) He should ask why take advantage of this irregularity and error ? (Cheers.) if such an instance were to occur in Westminster, would my Hon. and Learned Friend o pp o site , the Attorney- General for England, take advantage of it ?—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) What would have been his conduct ? Let West minster Hall answer that question.—(Cheers.) It would have been that of an honourable officer of the Crown, vindi eating its dignity, and who remembered that no verdict in the case of a Government prosecution could produce any effect except the tribunal was beyond sus p icion (Cheers.) Why, his Hon. and Learned Friend in a trial last week, when he ap peared on behalf of the Crown to recover penalties, the at torney for the defendant complained of some defect in the proceedings, and his Right Hon. Friend at once applied to the Judge to put off the ti ial.—(Cheers. ) The same straight forward course had been pursued in Wales, and the most bene ficial results arose from it, by the people respecting and obey ing the law, for they were satisfied that they got justice.— (Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then proceeded to read an extract from the affidavit of the traversers agent to the following effect :—Several gentlemen whose names, were entitled to have their names upon the jury list, were in attendance at the office of Mr. Bourne to prove the fact of their claim not being allowed, and he refused to hear their evidence, and instead drew the forty -eight names, when the agent entered his protest against the course. At the end of the affidavit there appeared the names of fifteen jurors who had been adjudicated upon by the Recorder as to their qualification as special jurors. The Right Hon. Gentle . man said there wa3 an omission of only fifteen, but there was in point of fa , .•t an omission of twenty-seven names. The special jury list was of course distinct from the common jury list. He had shown that fifteen were omitted from the special jury list, but it seemed that twelve othsrs were omitted from the special jury likt, but included in the common jury list, and an uncommon jury they were.--( Laughter.) The fifteen names that were not in the special jury list at all, were persons pro fessing the Roman Catholic religion.—( Near, hear.) The deponent, from whose affidavit he had read, also deposed to having employed a competent person to revise and take down the names of such persons who had been admitted by the Recorder as persons qualified to serve as special jurors.—( Hear.) That person having made a return to him, he found that the subjoined persons, pro fessing the Roman Catholic religion, were passed by the Re corder as persons to be placed on the special jury list. The whole of these names were omitted from the Sheriff's list of spe ,cial jurors, and the names of such persons were as follow. ( Then followed the names of twelve persons.) It therefore appeared that the special jury list was deficient of twenty-seven names, twelve having been Aced on the wrong list, and fifteen that were omitted from both lists. Thu deponent further stated that he was present at the office of Mr. Bourne on the sth of Ja nuary, when the list of forty-eight names was drawn from the ballot-box. He saw that list reduced to twenty-four by twelve being struck off on each side. Mr. Kemmis attended on behalf of the Crown, and out of the twelve jurors struck off by him eleven were persons professing the Roman Catholic religion, they being the only persons out of the forty-eight persons whose names were drawn from the ballot-box. The application con tained in the foregoing affidavit was not for the purpose of creating delay, but because the deponent, in his consci ence, believed that, under the circumstances, the traverser. were placed under disadvantages and dis qualifications which the law did not impose upon them. It was quite clear from the proclamation of the lath January that the Government were at the time cognisant of everything which approached to conspiracy in the conduct of the accused. It was said that only twenty-four names had been omitted. On the other side it was asserted that sixty-five names were accidentally left out.—( Cheers.) When the panel came to be struck, it was evident to every man that the traversers could not have a fair jury. —(Hear, hear.) Let it be said that the omission of the ten Roman Catholics was as accidental as the putting on of the twelve Protestants and anti-repealers. It was now clear that the jury list was deficient in twenty-four or twenty-five names. But it had been also clearly shown that no irregularities had occurred—(Cheers)—except those that were committed on the side of the Crown.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. SHAW said he held in his hand the list of the jurors, and he could state every name which had been omitted and the cause of the omission. Sir T. WILDE said the Right Hon. Gentleman had not at all touched upon the point to which he had alluded, which he (Sir T. Wilde) contended had been left in as unsatisfactory a state as before. What he alluded to was the refusal of the sheriff to allow the books to be inspected by the Srsver.er., v , ;thent the cZonsent of the Crown. The traversers swore they believed it to be essential to a -fair trial that the r1. , 1 should be quashed. The Crown hadzgot a list so imper fect ( whether by design or not he would not stop to inquire), with so few Catholics upon it that they had the entire com mand of it. Now be (Sir T. Wilde) did not hesitate to say that whoever took advantage of a fraud was as bad as he who committed the fraud.—(Loud cheers.) He who seeks to get a man tried by a jury, which that man swears to be un fairly and illegally formed, and in which it is a material point as between Protestants and Catholics, is guilty of unjust and indecent conduct.—(Cheers.) What must be the cha racter of a Government that would thus try a man ? I say, were I a member of it, I should be ashamed to belong to it for one moment longer after such a transaction.—(Cheers. ) By doing so, I should consider my character and honour gone. —(Great cheering.) They ought instantly to have conceded the quashing of the panel.--(Cheers.) He did not impute dishonesty to the Learned Recorder for Dublin, but he did charge upon him a mistake in his duty of the most grossly grossly abominable character.—(Loud che, , rs.) This he would not venture to have said except in the discharge of a public duty.—( Hear, hear.) As the representative of the Crown, his first care, his first thought, his first duty, was to see that there was a fair jury, in order to have a fair trial; and in net seeing to that, the Learned Recorder of Dublin had done less than his duty._( Great cheering.) Did net the Crown eagerly grasp at the jury ? and would any one tell him that was of no importance? The Crown thought it would suit the purpose, and the Crown retained the panel, instead of quashing it. What had the Crown incurred for this ? Dishonour.—(Great cheering. ) What is the price they have paid for their Protestant jury ? That the whole trial is involved in suspicion, injustice, and wrong.--( Great cheering.) The Crown manifested that they did not think it safe to trust to a jury in which Protestant and Catholic might be fairly chanced together. The Noble Lord said, in common cases, did not an attorney strike off names, and deal with a case so as to win for his client ? Yes ! and his complaint was, that the Crown had played to win. —(Loud cheers.) His complaint was, that the Crown had taken every advantage, had availed itself of every circumstance, whether proper or improper, fraudulent or honest, to do that which the Noble Lord said attorneys did in common practice, namely, to win. —(Cheers.) Would any man tell him that Mr. O'Connell's acquittal by a jury of Catholics and Protestants jointly, if the people were satisfied that the trial was a fair one, would not have done more good for the country than his conviction as it then stood?—(Cheers.) The law would have been laid down, the eyes of the public would have been opened, the diligence of the Government would have been shown, Ire land would have seen the law administered with dignity. Under those circumstances Mr. O'Connell's acquittal would have been a piece of good fortune for the country rather than otherwise. What was he indicted for? Among other things, for endeavouring to withdraw the confidence of the people from the courts of justice. What have you done ?—( Loud cheers.) You have done infinitely more to destroy the confi dence of the people of Ireland in the administration of justice, than Mr. O'Connell ever did. The Catholics believed that they had marked them, and that it was part of their policy to try Catholics by Protestant juries.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. Thompson, one of the jury who tried Mr. O'Connell, was a member of the Town Council of Dublin when Mr. O'Connell made his motion on Repeal. Mr. Thompson on that occasion was his strong opponent, and moved the counter-amendment, to the effect that the union should be supported by every pos sible means.—(" No, no," from an Hon. Member on the Mi nisterial benches.) Mr. SHEIL—IIe seconded the amendment. Sir T. WILDE—The Honourable Gentleman shall have all the benefit of my slight mistake. He did not mean to say, of course, that Mr. Thompson had supported such an amendment since he had ceased to be a member of the Town Council, but this facility of denial made it extremely important that the facts should be ascertained. He believed, from information which he had, and which he did not take from first, second, or third statements, that Mr. Thompson was the gentleman who seconded that amendment. He was also told that several of the jury were voters against Mr. O'Connell. But he stood upon this, that it was a Protestant Jury—that it was a Protestant jury, by the Crown insisting on taking advantage of the improper conduct, neglectful or frau dulent, of the public officers who made up that list. By the opposition made by the Crown to the quashing of that panel— by the doubt, the discredit, and the suspicion it incurred by that trial the Government had shown that it would sooner lie under that suspicion, than run the chance of an acquittal by having Catholics on the jury. Could this trial be presented to the Irish people as a vindication of public justice? Could any man be satisfied that Mr. O'Connell had not been convicted on this most complicated indictment—this extraordinary mass of evidence, composed in a manner that no ordinary jury could possibly disentangle it, or distinguish the guilt of the several men brought together ?—( Hear, hear.) Could any weight attach to the verdict? But there wanted no verdict. He could not help thinking that the Right Hon. Gentleman the Attorney-General for Ireland, now that he had time to consider, now that he was away from the excitement of the place, and that moment he thought he must be as satisfied of the danger to which he had put the country by the course he had taken as any gentleman in that House could be. But would it have any effect in allaying agitation ? Would it have any effect in producing confidence in the Irish people in the administration of justice? It would be the very reverse.—(Loud cheers.) Send Mr. Connell to prison if they please]. Let the Court refuse a new trial if it thought fit. ' Let the writ of error Le over-ruled, and the judgment affirmed, still Mr. O'Connell had not had a fair trial, and had a right to complain of the Crown as having been tried without all that protection the law gave him. Such a man had a right to treat the verdict obtained against him, as one that was illegal—as one for which he could have no respect. Now they saw what the last year had added in point of policy, of credit, and of honour to the present Government with regard to Ireland. Was it for their extraordinary diligence in putting down these meet ings tly the lawful means of a proclamation, if it required one ? Should the Government have taken the responsibility of allow ing these meetings to continue ? Why had they not tried the experiment of a lawful proclamation. What if such a procla mation had been issued, and Mr. O'Connell had continued to hold his meetings ? No better evidence could have been af forded, that he did not mean to pay obedience to the law.—. (Hear, hear.) But they had not adopted this course. Some persons were set to watch the sayings of that wan of master mind—not always, he would say, master of himself in a great assembly, on a great public question, in which his country's interest was concerned. They added to his sayings the com ments of newspapers ; and they thus placed him in a situation in which no Englishman ought to be placed on his trial. It was not that species of prosecution which any Government in a free country ought to institute. Looking, therefore, at what had been the state of Irelandouid looking at the close of this prosecution, what did they expect to follow ? They could not expect that anything like peace and order would be the effect of this prosecution. Would they be told that an improper part was taken in investigating these proceedings? It was a stale thing for one party to impute to another, " Why You are causing or aggravating the mi sc hief which y ou t a lk o f. ' Such conduct had often been marked, and, as Mr. Burke said, it was generally the mark of very shallow people.--( Hear.) It was the duty of every Member of that House to discuss the state of Ireland, and, in particular, to discuss what related to the administration of justice.—(Hear, hear.) Especially was it their duty, w they found that the law had been wrested, a that a course of proceedings if lp had been adopted whic could not have been imported into this country in days when liberty was nut se safe as it is now. He did not for a moment doubt the Government were the ad. vocates of public liberty, however they might take measures which in their practical consequences slight he destructive of public liberty. He did not suppose that the Right Hon. Ba ronet was a less zealous guardian of public liberty than any Hon. Gentleman in that House, but he said that if the course which had been taken in Ireland were to be adopted in this country there was not a single great public question which the people would be able to discuss. The judges, sitting as they did in a calm atmosphere, were apt to ask, on reading public meet ings, whether that was calm discussion—fair for reasoning? The Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) said the jury was their pro tection. Yes, but fairness of spirit was essential to the value of trial by jury.—( Hear, hear.) Though agitation might be quieted for the moment, let them not suppose that it was at an end. Ireland had toe long complained of a want of due share in power; she had too long complained of her religious state ; she had too long felt apprehensions that the party now in power were unfavourable in their dispositions to the liberty of Ireland, to be quieted by such measures as had been adopted in that country. The question was, what was their object for the old were future ? Did they mean to hold Ireland by the force Hofear'lrelhaneadr.") The wasan story. The Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir Robert Peel), when he introduced the Catholic Emancipation Bill, thought that if the toldof troops that ?—!Cries Crie agitations of " story was old, it was well worth attending to. They bad now witnessed many years of distraction in Ireland. Concession, while it fell short of justice, would not be considered a boon till it reached its utmost limit.—( Cheers.) A statesman might mistake once in his life, but he who continued to be unwise in spite of experience, would find that however high his character, he would never gain the reputation. _of a great Minister. He would call the Right Hon. tiaronet'aittsntion to another pas sage of his own, to show under what circumstances it was expedient to concede. What was conceded to justice would, in the case of a generous people like that of Ireland, he received with gratitude, and he had no doubt gratitude would be followed by obedience. This was not a party question unless in the sense of its having been brought forward by the party from whom all measures for the benefit of Ireland had emanated. The Irish people had gained emancipation for themselves by means of agitation, and by agitation in that House they had with the aid of that party contrived to receive other be neficial measures. No body expected that that motion would lead to a change of Government. The Right Hon. Gentle man at the head of affairs was surrounded by supporters who • • . - were banded together upon questions of a far different descrip tion from the present, so as to prevent anything like apprehen sion of his being removed from office upon this question. There could then be no such motive far bringing it forward as the hope of effecting a change of Government. But if it would lead to any improvement in the state of Ireland, they would be content to let their opponents have the honour of it . . His Noble Friend had not contented himself with finding fault with the policy of the Government, but he had stated what he considered ought to le done. In so doing, he had shown him self a statesman and a politician, although, perhaps, he had not shown himself a skilful tactician, for he could not but recollect that the Right Honourable Baronet, when in office, always said, if his plans were found fault with, Tell me of something better, or mine mast be the best—and when out of office, if he found fault with the plans of others, and was called on to produce his own, he refused to do so until he was regu larly called in and received his fee.—(Cheers and laughter. ) He trusted the British and Irish public would, during the course of this debate, hear from the Right Hon. Baronet a manly, fair, and bold exposition of his own policy —(Cheers)--he trusted the Right Hon. Gentleman would not content himself with merely cavilling at the bye points which had been alluded to in the debate, hut would apply himself to the real subject of the debate, for the people of England had a right to know his policy, and he trusted he would not shrink from declaring it.—(Loud cheers. ) He ( Sir T. Wilde) sup ported the motion of the Noble Lord, and he had no doubt that the day was not far distant when either such a motion would be carried, or rendered unnecessary by the adoption of a wiser, and better, and sounder, and safer policy towards Ire land than that which had hitherto been pursued.—The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then sat down amidst tremendous cheering, which lasted for several minutes. At the conclusion of his speech Mr. Wyse and several other Irish Members went up to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and shook him cor dially by the hand. Mr. SHAW explained that after the conclusion of the re vision he had remained in Dublin more than a week ; that he had then gone to England, but had not taken a single original list with him but, had directed his registrar to make a rough copy of thd special jury list, and send it to him ; and that was the only copy of the list he had seen. out of Court. It would have been contrary to law for the officers to have permitted any one to have had access to the list until it had been delivered to the Sheriff. The list had been delivered to the Sheriff on the 28th of December, and on the 29th, in answer to an application made by the traversers' counsel for a ropy of the list, he had stated that he should be glad to give such copy if it could be shown to him that he had any power to do so under the Act of Parliament ; and he had further said, that if the Crown would consent, he would order his officer to make out two copies of the list, and furnish one to the traversers and one to the Crown prosecutors. He sent down the clerk of the peace_Lo see whether the Crown lawyers would consent to it or not, but they refused to con sent.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Oh.") The Right Hon. Gentleman proceeded to explain the omission of names from the list. Twenty-four names had been omitted in all from the list, and no more. Of those he believed tho greater number were Catholics. Th. ornissicn bad arisen from pure accident. The Right Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to enter into particulars, and said he had taken the utmost pains to rectify the mistake. On the motion of an HON.IzaIBEIt the debate was again adjourned. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter to Three o'clock. RAILWAY BUSINESS IN PARLIAMENT. In the House of Commons on Monday night the petitions for the following Railway Bills were severally reported from the Committee on Standing Orders, and the Bills were ordered to be brought in as follow :—Manchester and Leeds Railway (Bradford Branch), by Mr. Hardy and Mr. Broadley ; Great Western Railway, by Mr. Charles Russell and Mr. Hayter ; Manchester and Leeds Railway (Heywood Branch), by Mr. Mark Philips and Mr. Milner Gibson ; Huddersfield Branch Railway, by Mr. Hardy and Mr. Broadley ; Manchester and Leeds itailway (Bury Branch), by Mr. Mark Philips and Mr. Milner Gibson. Lancaster and Carlisle Railway Bill, " for making a Rail way from the Lancaster and Preston Junction Railway, at Lancaster, to or near to the city of Carlisle ;" read a first time. Newbury and Great Western Railway Bill, " for making a Railway from the Great Western Railway to the town of Newbury, in the county of Berks ;" read a first time. We copy the following from the official Report of the pro ceedings of the House of Commons on Friday : " Manchester ' Bury, and Rossendale Railway.—Petition for Bill reported, and Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. Walker, and Mr. Wilson Patten. " Leeds and Bradford Railway.—Petition of Thomas New sam, complaining of non-compliance with the Standing Order, referred to the Select Committee on Petitions for Private Bills. " South Devon Railway.—Petition for Bill referred to the Select Committee on Petitions on Private Bills. " Northern Coal Mining Company.—Petition for Private Bill referred to the Select Committee on Petitions for Pri vate Bills. " Newbury, Basingstoke, London and Southampton Rail way.--Petition of Robert Fuller Graham, complaining of non-compliance with the Standing Orders, referred to the Select Committee on Petitions for Private Bills." THE ORANGE CLUBS REVIVED. TILE OnA-Nrom SOCIETY.—The following resolutions were passed unanimously at a meeting held in Coleraine, on Mon day, February 12, 1844, which was attended by the repre sentatives of upwards of ten thousand Orangemen from the counties of Antrim and Berry : " Resolved—That the Grand Lodge of Ireland having dissolved themselves, the district masters here present do form themselves into a lodge, to be called the Grand Lodge of Ulster.' " That, in consequence of the dissolution of the Grand Lodge of Ireland, and the consequent disorganisation of the Orange system in this country, it is expedient that the same poWers and privileges which were vested in the Grand Lodge of Ireland, (luring its existence, be now vested in the Grand Lodge of Ulster. . _ " - That a Committee be appointed to carry out the above resolutions. " That, as Orangemen, we are bound to preserve unshaken loyalty to our Gracious Queen, being Protestant, and to support her against all her enemies, foreign or domestic ; that wo will stand together to defend with our 'properties and lives the integrity of the empire, as cemented by the Legislative Union ; and that we will, by the grace of God, to the best of our ability, maintain the Holy Scriptures as the standard of faith and morals. " That the Orange Institution commenced when this kingdom was threatened with invasion by foreign enemies, and rebellion by internal foes; and that our brethren in the year 1798, and at all other times, have proved by their acts as yeomen and Orangemen, the strong attachment they have held to the Sovereign and our once glorious Constitution. " That we have, for some time past, witnessed with alarm the rebellious spirit which has shown itself—and that we are determined, as Protestants, to unite more closely in those bonds, that will enable us in this time of peril to resin the attacks of our inveterate enemies, whose sole aim is eur extir pation from this country for ever. " That the Grand Lodge of Ulster dq receive into union all lodges in the province which may wish to join themselves to it, and that all county masters be ex-officio members of the Grand Lodge of Ulster." CONVICTIONS IN FELONY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—Misunderstanding prevails in respect to the mode in which, upon trial of a prisoner for felony (where he has before been convicted of a larceny), in respect to_ the fact of his former conviction as to how and when it should be proved. I need not travel through Acts of Parliament applicable, but simply state the law as it stands on this point now. That portion of the indictment for a second felony, which sets forth a former conviction, is not to be brought before the petty jury until after a verdict of " Guilty," unless the pri soner, upon his defence, calls witnesses to character, in which case the prosecutor is then entitled to call the attention ofthe jurors to the former conviction. This is as the law now stands, and if not strictly adhered to, it is manifestly unjust towards a prisoner.—l am, Sir, obediently yours, Feb. 20, 1844. IMPARTIAL JUSTICE. DEATH Or MAJOR-GENERAL GOODMAN. —(From the Guiana Herald, Jan. 3.)—This day the melancholy duty devolves upon us to record the death of Major-General Goodman, C. 8., K.H.—a sad, but, we believe, not wholly un expected event, which occurred last evening, about nine o'clock. General Goodman, beside Nelaiderable service in the Peninsula, was present at the' 'i eat and crowning day" of Waterloo. The barque Lady Bute, which sailed on Saturday evening last for Calcutta, carried one of the most valuable cargoes which has ever left the Clyde, being estimated at more than 40,00 W. A SECOND DANIEL LAMBERT.—On Sunday after noon was buried at St. Bride's church, Fleet-street, a well known character, named Charles Cole, aged 42, who was found by his wife, on the morning of Tuesday last, lying dead by her side. Cole, though not more than 5 feet 7 inches in height, was of extraordinary bulk, weighing nearly 24 stone (141bs. per stone). He had been in the capacity of cook at the Rainbow, in Fleet-street, nearly 14 years, and during that period he save great satisfaction to his employers and others. A short time before his decease, however, he had grown enormously fat. A alight mistake, it would seem, had been made made in the dimensions of the coffin, it being upwards of 6 feet 3 inches in length, done probably for the purpose of taking off the appearance of its bulk, but on being brought to the grave it was found to be much too long ; this occasioned some delay : it was, however, speedily rectified, and the ponderous mass was soon consigned to mother earth. DAILY PRAYER.—In the English Churchman there is a list of all the churches in England, with the exception of the cathedrals and some metropolitan churches, in which daily prayers are read. The list extends to the number of 190. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS AT WASHINGTON. —ln the House of Representatives the proceedings concluded with a fight. The account of it may interest our readers, and even surprise some who do not read the American papers. A Mr. Weller had told a Mr. Shriver that certain written statements were incorrect :—" To this Mr. Shriver answered, that he wrote them from his own observation, or inform& tion, and that if Mr. Weller said they were false, he told falsehoods, or was a.liar. Weller then struck him, and they clinched, fell against one of the windows, broke it (this was just behind the Globe reporter's desk), and down went one or both of them. Several. Members rushed up, some tried to separate them, others cried Let 'em have a fair fight ;' and one Democratic Member said, If there'sanybody that wishes to take his part (alluding to the Whigs), I shall take a hand in the matter myself.' Finally, after several blows had been struck, Mr. Broadhead, of Pennsylvania, separated them. Mr. Shriver went to the Police-office, got a warrant for Mr. Weller, and held Mr. Weller to bail." DEAFNESS CURED.—" ARNICA MONTANA." -- A paper of considerable importance to sufferers from nervous deafness was read on Saturday afternoon, by Dr. Cronin, Craven-street, Strand, physician to the Free Dis pensary, on the efficacy of " arnica montane " in the cure of this distressing affection. The lecturer observed that deaf ness was more prevalent than was aurally imagined—that there was a marked difference between nervous derangement and structural changes, and that he believed the frequent failure of aurists in the cure of deafness arose from a total inattention to the difference between disorders arising from either mere torpor or increased irritability, and those to which were superadded structural alterations. He next called attention to the natural history, chemical constitution, and medical properties of the arnica, observing that, having found it highly beneficial in several distressing nervous af fections, he tried it in nervous deafness, and had much plea sure in alluding to the cases of several highly respectable per sons completely relieved by its use. Dr. Cronin then com mented on the mutilation practised by some aurists of re moving the uvula awl, glands of the throat, and remarked that operations of thl?kind tended, from the shock . produced on the nervous sytem, to increase, rather than diminish, the disease, and concluded some highly-interesting observations, by stating that the College of Physicians'omitted in their last " Pharmacopoeia" this valuable remedy, but hoped it would be restored in their next.—Standard. The matter of this lecture will be immediately published by Dr. Cronin. I COURT CIRCULAR. WZNDSOR, TUESDAY.—The Queen and Prince Albert took their usual early walk in the forenoon: Her Majesty and her Illustrious consort again promenaded in the vicinity of s , the Castle in the afternoon. I The Royal Family have been taken out to-day their accusi. tonged airing s i n th e P ar k . I Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent paid a visit to her Majesty at the Castle this afternoon. The Royal Duchess afterwards returned to her residence, Frogmore-lodge Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Cam bridge arrived in town yesterday from their residence at Kew. The Ecclesiastical Commission for England had a meeting yestergLay afternoon at the office in Whitehall-place. The Connutssioners present were the Bishop of London, the Bishop of Bangor, the Bishop of Exeter, the Bishop of Here ford, the Bishop of Lichfield, the Bishop of Llandaff, the Bishop of Norwich, the Bishop of Rochester, the Earl - of Besborough, the Earl of Harrowby, the Right Honourable 11. Hobhouse, the Right Honourable John 1 and the Dean of Westminster. Count de St. Aulaire, the French Ambassador, and C oun t Reventlow, the Danish Minister, transacted business yester day at the Foreign-office. The Bishop of London had an interview with the Chancel lor of the Exchequer yesterday at his official residence in Downing- street. Sir James Graham had an interview with Sir Robert Peel yesterday. Dispatches from the Governor of the Mauritius were re ceived yesterday at the Colonial-office. The Judicial Committee of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council sat yesterday. The Lords present were Lord Campbell, the Judge of the Prerogative Court, the Judge of the Admiralty Court, and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall. Mr. Pemberton Leigh gave judgment on the part of their Lordships on an appeal from the island of Jersey, " Lebreton v. Ennis," reversing the judgment of the Court below, and giving judgment for the plaintiff with damages. A motion was made in the matter of " The Augusta— Hill v. Jennings." Dr. Addams, Mr. Nicholl, and the Queen's Advocate having been heard, Lord Campbell gave judgment, An appeal from the Prerogative of York, " John Bell, Thomas Stubbs Walker, and Thomas Meynell, executors of Peter Consett, Esq., deceased, while living residuary le gatee named in the will of Warcop Consett, Esq., the party in the cause deceased, v. Mary Raisbeck, wife of Leonard Raisbeck, and neice of Warcop Consett, Esq.," was heard. Sir Herbert Jenner Fust gave judgment on the part of their Lordships, in favour of the appellant, reversing the sentence appealed against, and directing the allegations to be reformed. The Court then rose. PRINCESS'S THEATRE. The greatest little man in the world—General Thomas Thumb, jun., from the United States—made his debiit at this theatre last evening. This bijou of a General is only 25 inches high in his boots, and weighs only 15 pounds. He is 12 years of age, and has not increased in size or in weight since he 'a as seven months old. He is perfectly well formed, is remarkably strong and muscular for his size, and is very active. The General is really a very wonderful little fellow, and his performances are very astonish ing. After giving the audience an account of him self and his adventures, the General mounted a cocked hat, and gave a capital imitation of Napoleon. His taking snuff was admirable. Then he appeared in a round tarpauling hat, and danced the sailor's horn pipe in very gallant style. His dancing is very graceful, and when he rushed forward on his heels the applause was rapturous. lie afterwards gave the Ancient Statues, ala Du crow. His Cupid with the tablets, and Cupid shooting, were elegant and graceful in the extreme, his diminutive size adding to the vraisemblance of the representation. His Sampson carrying off the gates of Gaza, was a most extraordinary representation. The attitude was perfect, and the spectator for the moment lost the idea of the diminutive size of the representative of the strong man so perfect, was the representation. His concluding poses were the five positions of Hercules in his combat with the Nemean lion. These poses were gracefully and most accu rately given. He was called for at the conclusion of the performance, and received with loud applause. The theatre was exceedingly well attended._ MONEY AND COMMERCIAL NEWS. CITY, TUESDAY EVENING._ Consols closed very steadily this afternoon at 97a to for Money and Account, there being, however, as in the morn ing, no particular activity. The Reduced Three-and-a-Hal per Cents. were 103 to A, or barely so good. In the Foreign Market, Spanish Actives closed at 23'8 to a, and the Three per Cents. at 32; to 33. Colombian were 14; Buenos Ayres 36 ; Mexican 341, and Brazilian, New, 76. Peruvian were not higher than 29* to a. Belgian remained firm at 1061. The additional transactions in Railway Shares have been these :—Bristol and Exeter were 33, Brighton 7*, Midland Counties 144, and South Eastern 14* dis. Great Western were 32 to 31 ; Ditto, Half Shares,"l7 ; Birminghjan.l27 to 128 ; Guildford Junction 21 ; South Western 351 ; N•araich and Brandon 28 to a ; Newcastle and Darlington 18 to ; Northern and Eastern 10 ; and South Eastern Scrip 11 prem. There was a tendency to improvement in the Foreign Ex changes, and we note rather higher rates fin' bills upon Paris, Amsterdam, and Hamburgh. (From The of Last Night.) A fair business was done in Cotton at Liverpool yesterday, at previous rates. Speculators took 1,500 bales, the entire sales consisting of 5,000 bales, viz.-30 Egyptian, at 70.; 50 Bahia, at 6?-d.; 50 Maranhatn. at 61d. to bid. ; 300 Surat, at 4d. to 4sd. ; and the rest American, at ad. to 61c1. The leading Railway Shares continued heavy, and there was not much inquiry for the others. Grand Junction were 225; Birmingham Quarter, 26i ; Brighton, 43 ; South Western Eighths, n ; Manchester and Birmingham, 401; North Mid land Thirds, 29 ; Paris and Lyons, 2/. 16s. 6d.; Ditto and Orleans, 32i ; South Eastern, 36 ; Ditto New, 36b. The additional advices received from the West Indies, Canada, and the United States, do not contain any facts of interest beyond those quoted in other columns of The Sun. A good deal of business has been done this morning in the Funds. The Commissioners bought 20,0004 Reduced. Three per Cents. at 98k, which is the present quotation. Console for Account are a shade lower than they were yesterday after. noon. The heavy Stocks and Exchequer bills are in request. For Bank Stock 195 has been again paid. That there will be some concessions, though perhaps slight, in favour of the Joint-Stock Banks on the renewal of the Charter of the Bank of England appears to be rather certain, but it is not thought - that the main privileges of the Corporation will be interfered with. It may be formed into a single Branch of Issue. _ _ - _ - _ The alterations in the Foreign Funds have been slight to day. Spanish Consols are at 23%, Passive at 5?, to h, and the Three per Cents. at 33. Portuguese Converted have varied from 44% to 45%. DutehTwo-and-a-Half per Cents. have been firm at 102%. Brazilian Stock has touched 80, but the price now is 79%. The price of Colombian Stock is lolier, namely, at 13h to 133. Mexican Deferred have receded a shade. In other Bonds there is not much variation to notice this morning. In the Railway Share market, with but a few exceptions, prices have somewhat drooped. York and North Midland have advanced to 68 premium, York aid North Midland at 151 premium, and Birmingham and Gloucester at 29 dis count. London Joint-Stock Bank Shares have been sold at 3h premium, and Real del Monte Unregistered Mining Shams at 43 to 4%. MANCHESTER STOCK EXCHANGE, FEB. 19.—We have had a good market to-day in Eastern Counties and South Eastern Railways at an advance of price. The sales are : Eastern Counties, 10i ; Ditto New Registered, 123 ; Man chester and Birmingham, 403 ; South Eastern Scrip, 36%37; Sheffield and Manchester Quarters, 7%. CLOSING PRICES. BRITISH FUNDS. Bank Stock 3 per Cent. Red 98% 3 per Cent. Cans. 3% per Cent. Bei 10 3 1,6 New 3)4 per Cent lO2 New 5 per Cent. Long Annuities to expire Jan. 1860 l2 13.16 Oct. 1859 12% Jan. 1860 Indian Stock.,.. ....... 279 pm. Ditto Bonds ...... 6 pm. Ditto Old Annuities Ditto New Annuities... 98 1 ,4 Ex. Bills, 1,000/. 1%d... 7'2 pm. Ditto 500/. 79 pm. Ditto 5ma11.... ........ 711 pm. Bank Stock for Acct.... 195 India Stock for Acct.... ( zrag Consols for Acct.......... 94% FOREIGN FUNDS. Austrian. 5 per Cent — Portuguese, 5 per Cent 76% Belgian, 5 per Cent — !Ditto, New Ditto — Brazilian Bonds BO% Prussian, 5 per Cent - Buenos Ayres, 6 per Cent... 36 Russian , 5 per Cent — Chllian, 6 per Cent ...... ...... !Ditto, Metallic — Colombian, 6 per Cent ...... 13% Spanish, 5 per Cent 23% Ditto, 1824 — !Ditto, S per Cent 33 Cuba Bonds, 6 per Cent...... 6.3 Ditto, Deferred — Danish, 3 per Cent Greek, 16 5, 5 per Cent — Exchange —f. —e. Mexican, 5 per Cent . ..... ... 34% French, 3 per Cent. —L —C. Ditto, 6 per Cent., 1857 — !Dutch, 2). per Cent 55 Peruvian, 1625, 6 per Cent... 2 3% Ditto, 5 per Cent . ...... lo2}( SHARES. Bristol and Exeter (70 paid) 67 Great Western (75 paid) ji , Ditto Half Shares (50 paid) CI London and Brighton (50 paid) London and Birmingham (Stock) London and Guildford Junction ( b paid) ... London and South Western (Olt. 6s. 10d. paid) 76. Midland Counties (100 paid) Norwich and Brandon ( 2 paid) Newcastle and Darlington Junction (15 paid) Northern and Eastern (45 paid) Paris and Orleans (20 paid) Paris and Rouen (20 paid) 31% South Eastern and Dover (50 paid)....... ........... Ditto Scrip (25 paid) ........... •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 56 COURSE OF EXCHANGE. -(YESTERDAY.) _ _ ___ Amsterdam CF. 12 6 Ditto, at sight l2 4 Rotterdam 2 U. 12 6i Antwerp 25 95 Hamburgh M.B. 13 15 Altona l4 0 Paris, 3 days' sight 25 70 Ditto, 3 months 25 90 Marseilles Bourdeaux 25 95 Frankfort on Maine 122 Petersburgh, 3 Us 36i Berlin 7 Vienna, effee. 11.3 M 9 57 1 rieste, ditto) 9 58 Madrid 37 Cadiz Bilbao 36 Barcelona 36 Sevilla Gibraltar . Leghorn 3O 75 Genoa -25 95 Milan Venice 47 Naples ........ Palermo, per oz ll- Lisbon! 531 Oporto 5 3-b Rio Janeiro 23 Bahia 23 Buenos Ayrei .7- Li NewYork,2ldyssight Philadelphia PRICES OF BULLION, PTIt OZ. Foreign Gold, bare...f.3 9 Portugal Gold Coin 3 17, 5 New Doubloons..... 0 0 0 New Dollars 0 4 9 Silver in Bars 0 4 Ilf Lord Brougham is suffering severely from lum bago. His Lordship was unable to stand upright when speaking in the House on Monday night. MISS STRICKLAND'S " LIVES OF THE QUEENS Or ENGLAND."—We observe that a new edition has just been published by Mr. Colburn, of Miss Strickland's "Lives of the Queens of England." This new edition has received the benefit of a most complete revision by the authoress; and also embodies all the accessory information which she has been enabled to obtain through her own careful research, and the kindness of those numerous friends who have placed the various valuable historical documents, of which they were the possessors, at her disposal. The increasing popularity of this work is a gratifying proof of the estimation in which Miss Strickland's labours are held by the public. " The Lives of the Queens of England " will certainly form one of the most standard works in our hi s torical l o iteratufe. the PEDESTRIANISM. —Henry Molloy, otherwise t L h i a t t t n e a H m e e r , o , w h a g o s e e d e l x 4 p , lo s i o t n sin f m t a h n e y e n e i l a c t b c r h a e t s ed ha p v e e d g es a t i n n a ed n for has u u n d ;3 1 1; i ta l e k s e a n d t a h y e , i f n o c r r e s d i x i b s l e uc t c a e s s k s e f him much notoriety , _ se ven o'clock each morning, from t T oae aN. t' ern, Gravel-lane. Southwark, to 3d walking,la r y . s, E . tt lie fairal start s, h eGe hee l a nd r i n g n d ge Mr. Vickness's, Windsor Castle, Smithansbottom, the other side of Croydon. The pedestrian is to return to the place from whence he started noon and night. On Monday, at the appointed hour, he commenced his arduous undertaking.