The Sun. — London, England, 1836-05-03 00:00:00

IRELAND. MAYO ELECTION.—The Liberal Journalists are divided in opinion as to whether Mr. D. Browne or the Hon. Mr. Dillon is the more eligible representative for the County of Mayo. They are both very young men ; Mr. Dillon is the younger. It is urged against his pretensions that he co quetted and trifled with the Independent Club, and left that body no alternative but the course they adopted. The Freeman says that if he persists in going to the poll he will not only be defeated at this, but that he will have no chance of success at any future election in Mayo. The following are the pledges given by him : I am for the total abolition of tithes, and for a new and just appropriation of the produce of any new charge to be made on land, with compensation to the present possessors • for life. For the full reduction of the church property to the due provision of the clergy, necessary for the Protestants of the Established Church. For the voting by ballot, and the extension of the suffrage to a majority of the grand jury cess-payers. For reform of the municipal corporations. For reform of the grand jury laws. For a good system of providing for the destitute, and of giving labour to the employed poor. For a reform in the Lords. KILDARE ADDRESS.—The following passage is from the Lord Lieutenant's answer to the Address from the High Sheriff, Noblemen, Freeholders, &c., of the County of Kil dare to his Excellency, presented at Normanby Lodge, April 9.8, 1836 : " At the close of the first year of my government it is indeed most valuable to me, that you, the congregated in telligence of this celebrated county, should thus unite in bearing your indisputable testimony to its perfect tran quillity ; and thus hold out the gratifying prospect that, even amongst those scenes of local misery, unhappily more easy to deplore than remove, not one single predial outrage shall be left to be perverted to the purposes of those, if any such there be, who would, in spite of all experience, strangely infer that confidence in a government must tend to disregard of its authority, and that national con tentment in the disposition of their rulers must promote an increase of popular disturbance." TITHE CAMPAIGN.—The Dublin Evening Post says we cannot allow a day to pass without soliciting public at tentiop, and the attention of Parliament, if possible, to the following statement, which we borrow from the Kilkenny Journal:—" Unless the Legislature be prompt in its dem ,. . . son to extinguish the abominable impost of tithe. the par. sons and their confederates in mischief will, we fear, soor force on a crisis which every friend to humanity must •con template with horror. This county, so recently disturbed, and now so tranquil, is about to be become a scene of wide spread desolation. The parsons are determined to go to work in earnest. The bills filed by them are innumerable, and the county of Kilkenny, which has had a short season of repose, is now about to be immolated. Bills ad libitum have been filed at the suit of the Honourable and Very Rev. Dean Burke—:die Very Rev. Dean Dawson—the Venerable Crinus Irwin—the Rev. Alexander Staples—the Rev. Richard Greaves—the Rev. Luke Fowler—the Rev. Charles B. Stevenson—the Rev. B. Pearson, the Rev. Henry Herbert, and also by the Corporation of Kilkenny, in the name and style of the " Mayor and citizens of the City of Killienny,"—by John Aylmer, Esq., of Carrick shock celebrity—and by Mr. Martin Davis, of Kilkenny ; eight, or ten separate bills have been filed at the suit of , so me of these reverend and lay tithe caters. ane at tneneys employed are Mr. John Prim, of Kilkenny, mid the renowned Mr, 'leery 1,1a;,7e 4 e. We are thus particular in naming all parties—we may have omitted some, but. these are the only names that have as yet reached us-. As a specimen of the working of the infernal Tithe machinery, we have just seen en attorney's letter, recently written on behalf of - a Rev. Dean to one of his fleck for the full sum of five shilEngs, being two years composition for a plot of ground. This letter is dated on the 13th in !aant, and, as such ietters usually arc, writteu on a whole half sheet of paper, and taxed with Sd. It chanced, how ever, to reach the gentleman for whom it was directed on the 15th. The money was tendered to the Attorney on the 17th (Monday)—Sunday having intervene :I—it would not be taken without the addition of about ten pounds, the proportion of cost far filing a bill on the 9th ! four days before the letter claiming- payment was written, and six days before payment could by possibility have been ten dered. Did we not fear that in making further .comments we would be furnishing a clue to defeat the ends of justice we would gladly exhibit the plaintiff and his attorney in this transaction. This pleasure is, however, reserved for ano ther occasion. Every legal means should be resorted to, to defeat such rapacious claims. However perilous and .ex pensive the experiment, yet it ought to be tried. The Courts will not sanction wholesale plunder of this - kind. Costs, in many instances, have not only been refused against defendants, but awarded against plaintiffs, and where such a case as the one now referred to shall arise, we are satisfied that the Court of Exchequer will award ample costs against the delinquent parties. PUBLIC MEETING.—In pursuance of a requisition mot respectably signed, a meeting of the citizens of Dublin Was held last Tuesday at the Royal Exchange, for the purpose of expressing their indignation at the late outrage which was committed on the statue of King William the Third, and of devising means for bringing the perpetrators to jus tice. Amongst the gentlemen present were Mr. Finn, M.P., and Henry Grattan, Esq., M.P. William F. Finn, Esq., was called to the chair. Mr. Power moved the first resolution, to the effect that, although they regretted the use that had been made of the statue of King William, as detrimental to the memory of that Monarch, yet they re pudiated the act of its destruction as dangerous to the pub lic peace. After the other resolutions had been carried, pledging the meeting to bring the perpetrators to justice, whoever they might be, Mr. Marcus Costello instanced se veral circumstances which led to the presumption that the man or men who blew up the statue belonged to the Orange party. The idea that it could have been done by the Ca tholic party was 'repudiated by Mr. Grattan and all the other gentlemen, excepting only :a Mr. M'Clecry, whose speech excited disgust and indignation, and went to confirm the suspicions as to who were the actors in this plot. It was announced .to the meeting that subscriptions had been received in the room to the amount of 1751. for the purpose of carrying the objects of the resolutions into effect, soon after which the meeting separated. WRITS or REBELLION.—There have been seven or eight hundred writs of rebellion served out, and passing through the Court of Exchequer, services substituted, ap pearances entered, and affidavits made. The proceedings in the Court of Exchequer are quite a lesson ; nay, they • are a beautiful exemplification of the apostolic advice of the Archbishop of Tuam, who, in a letter, fulminated to the Church militant, recommends that there should be no le gislation on the subject—that the proprietors of tithe should be left to the remedies of the existing law—to writs of re bellion—to domiciliary visits at night—to driving and ha rassing the country by day—to the pistols of Mr. Ryan, or Mr. Dudley—to the writs of rebellion Smith—to the gaols and bridewells of the country, and the families, respectively, of the individuals, to starvation. His Grace, to a certain extent, has had his will.—Dublin Post. CONSERVATIVE INSOLVENCY.—A meeting of the county Conservatives was held in this city early in the present week, with a view of making some arrangement for the dis charge of the outstanding claims against Mr. Lcingfield, connected with the election petition which resulted in his being seated. In our former notice of this subject we had greatly understated the extent of these claims. We have good reason for believing that they do not fall short of fif teen hundred pounds ! The Cork solicitors remain unpaid, and there is a heavy balance due to the London agents. The meeting was but thinly attended, and from the fri gidity with which the subject was approached it was quite evident that no money was to be expected. The general feeling seemed to Io that there was no alternative, but to leave the onus on the member, or his respected progenitor. Applications had been made, but without the slightest ef fect, to several of the Conservative party holding the highest rank, and possessing the largest fortunes in the county. The uniform answer was, that they had subscribed largely in the first instance, and that "they would give no more." Many of them are liable to, and are being actually sued by their pastor for sums of no trifling amount under Stanley's Act, and it cannot be disputed that their spiritual guides have the first claim on their spare cash.—Cork Reporter. CALUMNIES ON THE COUNTRY.—The Clonmel Adver tiser is still at its dirty work. Wherever the ruffian com missioners of rebellion by their housebreaking, insulting and irritating conduct throw the country into a ferment, that journal invariably states that the people had predetermined, on an insurrection, when absolutely, if the rebellion com missioners would rest, the country would now be in the enjoyment of the most unprecedented peace. COUNTY KILDARE MEETING. -011 'Saturday last a very respectable and numerous Meeting of the Nobility, Clergy, Gentry and Freeholders of the County of Kil dare, was held pursuant to Requisition in the Court . House, Naas, for the purpose of adopting an address of con gratulation to his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, expres sive of their confidence in his administration of the laws. His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant passed through ;Naas on Saturday, on his way to the Curragh, to attend the April Meeting, which takes place this week, and where the A ddress will be presented to hint. ' _TRADES' Um". — A ?Meeting of the Trades Political u n i c n was held at the Corn Exchange yesterday, W. P. O'Coa 'nor, Esq., in the Chair. Mr. Finn, M.P., for Kil kenny, was present. CAND .3DATEs FOR MAYO.Mr. Dill on Browne and a Mr. John Browne, ere both in the field. The last named by the Orange M a il , individual a circumstance in itself fully sufficient to ensure his def ea t b y t h e liberal-• minded me of Mayo. IMPERI L'-,}-PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MAY 2. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. LAMBETH IMPROVEMENT BILL. Captain AL SAG E R presented two petitions from the rate payers and other inhabitants of Lambeth against the Lambeth Improfement Bill. Also, a petition from certain inhabitants of Cumberland, praying to be exempted from port dues. MIDLAND COUNTIES RAILWAY. Lord C. MANNERS presented a petition from the mer chants, manufacturers, and traders, of some place in Derby shire, in favour of the Midland Counties Railway, as approved of by the Committee. DUBLIN AND DROGHEDA RAILWAY. Mr._ G. EVANS presented petitions from the parishes of Lusk and Skenies, in the county of Dublin, in favour of this Bill. ABERDEEN IMPRISONMENT BILL. Captain GORDON presented a petition from Aberdeen against this Bill. MANCHESTER AND LEEDS RAILWAY. Mr. BROTHERTON presented a petition, signed by 240 inhabitants of Middleton, in favour of the Manchester and Leeds Railway Bill. MIDLAND COUNTIES RAILWAY. Sir R. FERGUS SON presented a . petition against this Bill, and gave notice that he would move its re-commitment to.. morrow. ABERYSTWITH HARBOUR. Mr. PENDARVES brought up the report on this Bill. Colonel POWELL brought up the report of the Com mittee on the Aberystwith Harbour Bill. • LEEDS AND MANCHESTER RAILWAY. Mr. BAINES presented petitions from Leeds, Hudders field, and several other places, in Savour of the Leeds and Manchester Railway Bill. Mr. TURNER presented a petition to the same effect. GLASGOW AND FALKIRK RAILWAY. Mr. GILLON presented a petition against the Glasgow and Falkirk Junction Railway Bill. Mr. CUMMING BRUCE moved the second reading of this Bill. Lord W. BE NTINCK presented a petition from Glasgow against the Bill. Lord J. STUART presented a petition from Ayr to the same effect. Petitions on the subject of the Bill were then presented by Mr. Oswald, Mr. Balfour, Mr. Stuart M'Kenzie, and four pe titions by Mr. Wallace against. Mr. WALLACE rose to offer his most decided opposition to this Junction Railway, which was merely to join a Canal to a Railroad. It was intended that a most important Railway should be made from Glasgow to Edinburgh, thereby joining the capital of the country with the great manufacturing capital. Yet a part of the line which was rejoined for that great na tional undertaking was to be taken up by this minor Railway. He opposed it, because it was a half and half measure, and would only join a railroad to a canal. It was opposed by the Magistrates and Town Councils of Glasgow, Greenock, and Edinburgh— by the Merchants' House, and by the Chamber of Commerce of Glasgow—not only was it opposed by them, but also by the Magistracy of Falkirk, into which town it went. To show the animus with which this railway was got up, he would read an extract from a letter written by one of the Proprietors of the • Canal. The writer said it was of the utmost consequence . that every individual interested in the canal should make an imynediatc exertion, so as to get the ground into their possession, or the parties interested in the other line would not fail to profit by their neglect. By the projected line, parties would take seven hours to go to the - end of their journey ; while, by the proposed national undertaking, they would get the same distance in two hours. The Hon. Member then read an extract from a letter by another proprietor. To him it was evident this was an endeavour to get possession of ground Which ought to be otherwise employed. The line proposed by that Bill was an extremely bad level. The Hon. Member concluded by moving that the petition should be read that day six months. _ _ _ _ 7.):. - 130 - WRlNG—Though be admitted that his constitu-, ents were generally against the Bill, thought that a prima . facie case had been made to allow of its second reading.— (Cheers.) Though he was originally disposed to have, pre vented the Bill going into Committee, yet on further conside ration of the whole matter, lie thought the merits of the mea sure ought to he discussed in Committee. Mr. ST EW A RA' MACKENZIE supported the views of the lion. Memb....: for Kilmarnock. He thought the Bill ought to go into Committee, and being of that opinion. he should vote for its second reading. Mr. ROBERT STE WA RT supported the second reading of the Bill, considering that if the House threw it out upon its second re.aAing, it would be one of the most unjust and un justifiable acts. It was a singular fact that there was no per son who had property on the line who objected to the Bill. Sir G. CLERK had presented a petition against this Bill, from the Provost and Citizens of Edinburgh, and their prin cipal objection to it was, they had not had time to con sider the provisions of the Bill, and therefore they had no opportunity of laying their objections to it before the Commit tee. But as he understood that this was to be considered as a competing line, the petitioners would not suffer any injury by allowino-the Bill to go into Committee, where only the subject could be properly considered. Mr: C. BRUCE would only say that the supporters of this Bill had been in the field six years, before the Edinburgh line was brought in. This line would effect a very important com munication. Mr. HUME hoped that his Hon. Friend the Member for Greenock would be prevailed on not to press his motion. Mr. WALLACE had never proceeded against the feelings of the House, and lie never would. lie was satisfied that the general feeling of the House was in favour of this Bill. En tertaining the same opinions that he expressed, he wouli con sent to withdraw his opposition.—( Hear, hear.) The Bill was then read a second time. EDINBURGH POOR'S RATES BILL. On the motion of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, the Edinburgh Poor's Rates Bill was read a third time and passed. DROGHEDA RAILWAY: Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Dublin, in favour of the Drogheda Rail way Bill. Referred to the Committee. DUBLIN STEAM COMPANY. Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from the share- holders in the Dublin Steam Company, for leave to present a petition to bring in a Bill during the present session. A Bill was lately before the House on this subject, but, with the principle of a limited responsibility. The petitioners stated that they required an increase of capital ; that that capital was entirely subscribed ; and they now wished for .a Bill with an unlimited responsibility. ISLINGTON MARKET. Mr. CLAY presented a petition from the butchers residing in the Tower Hamlets, against the Islington Market Bill, and stating their apprehensions that its effect would be to abolish Smithfield Market. WESSENDEN RESERVOIR BILL. Oa the motion of Mr. BLACKBURN this Bill was read a second time. FISHERIES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of an HON. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, this Bill was read a second time. GLASGOW AND FALKIRK RAILWAY. Sir G. CLERK presented a petition from Edinburgh against the Glasgow and Falkirk Railway Bill. POOR HOUSES. Mr. EATON presented a petition from a parish in Cam bridgeshire, praying for an extension of the time for the re payment of money advanced for the building of parish work houses. MARINE INSURANCES. Mr. GLADSToNE presented a petition against the duty at present imposed on Marine Insurances. CRIMINAL CODE. Sir R. FE RG USS ON presented a petition from Notting ham, praying for the amelioration of the criminal code, and for the abolition of the punishment of death, except in cases of wilful and premeditated murder. SALMON FISHERIES. Dr. BOWRING presented petitions from Kilmarnock and North and South Devon against the Salmon Fisheries Bill, and praying for inquiry. TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE. Dr. B 0 WRING presented nine petitions praying for the total abolition of the Stamp Duty on Newspapers, to which he begged the earnest attention of the House. Col. THO NIPSON presented eleven petitions to the same effect from London, and various districts in its neighbourhood. Among the rest one from the coffee-drinkers of the Commer cial-road.—(Much laughter.) He did not know what sort of politicians they were, but their deliberations were evidently of a grave and sober character.—( Hear. ) Mr. PEASE presented a petition from the inhabitants of Derbyshire, in Lancashire, to the same effect. Mr. WAKLEY presented seven petitions to the same effect from Lambeth, and other districts of the metropolis, and one from Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Mr. PATTE SON presented a petition to the same effect from a place the name of which did not reach us. Mr. F. MAULE presented a petition to the same effect from Dundee. SEE OF DURHAM. Alderman THOMPSON presented a petition from Sunder land, complaining of some of the provisions of the Bill intro duced for the appropriation of the revenues of the see of Durham. They represented that the county of Durham was entitled to the benefit of any surplus, instead of its being applied to the country generally. The Rev. Mr. Grey, one of the petitioners, was rector of this place, with an income not exceeding 2001. a-year, and yet he had to keep two curates. The SPEAKER said the Hon. Gentleman was transgressing the understanding : he was doing more than stating the prayer of the petition. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON thought as the Rev. Gentle man was one of the petitioners, he had a right to state his views. However, he hoped the Bill would not pass without an alteration as prayed for. The Honourable Member then presented a number of petitions from Sunderland and its neighbourhood, praying for the better observance of the Sabbath. Similar petitions were presented by Mr. KEARSLEY, Mr. CLIVE,. and several other Hon. Members. Mr. HINDLE Y presented a petition from Warrington, against the Factory Amendment Bill. The petitioners stated that they were prevented from enjoying the advantages of the Mechanics' Institution, established in that town, by the long hours they had to work. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented a petition from the landholders and landowners of Ballyninny, in the county of Antrim, praying for the total extinction of tithes and all compulsory assessments for the purposes of religion. They also state, that the compulsory Tithe Composition Act, instead of affording relief, had immensely and unjustly increased, and rendered permanent the burthen of the tithe assessment. To this allegation he particularly requested the attention of English Members with reference to the Act now proposed for England. The petitioners also prayed that the Bill for the improvement of the law of landlord and tenant, now in pro gress, should be passed into a law. Lord CLEMENTS presented a similar petition from a pa rish in Longford. Mr. PARROTT presented a petition from Devonshire against tithes. FLOGGING IN THE ARMY. Major FAN COURT presented a petition from Barnstaple, praying for the abolition of the punishment of flogging in the army. CASE OF . LIEUTENANT MAUVE. Mr. A. PE LHA AI presented a petition from Lieutenant Lister Mawe, R.N., praying the House to take his case into consideration. This was a case of great hardship. This gentleman bad been tried by a Court-martial in South America, and he (Mr. Pelham) believed that it was truly stated in the petition, that this Court-martial was illegal. It was, he under stood, illegal, in consequence of one of the officers being a second captain. He moved that the petition be read at length. The petition having been read, Mr. LABOUC HERE said that the Court-martial had been a perfectly legal one. He admitted, however, that the sentence had been rather harsh, and the Admiralty had done all in their power to remedy it, by restoring Lieutenant Mawe to his station in the Navy. The SPEAKER (as we underltood) said it appeared to him the petition could not be entertained by the House, be cause it prayed for a grant of money. The petitioner had a pension under the Act of Parliament. , After a few observations from Capt. PECHELL, the petition was withdrawn. STAMP DUTIES. Sir GEORGE CLERK gave notice that he should in the Committee on the Stamp Duties Bill move that the duty upon the certificates taken out by the Writers to the Signet should be redded to the same scale as the duty upon the certificates taken co'. by attornies practising in other parts of the United Kingdricr. Lord ASHLEY wished to know from the Right Hon. Gen tleman the President of the Board of Trade, what day would be fixed for the discussion on the Stamp Duties' Bill. There were several parties kept in town anxiously waiting the termi nation of the matter, and it was most desirable that it should be brought on for discussion as speedily as possible. Mr. P. THOMPSON quite agreed with his Noble Friend in what he had just stated. There had been other business of importance which it had been necessary to bring forward. The discussion had stood for Friday, but he believed that night had been fixed for the Budget, and he thought he might safely say that the Stamp Duties Bill would be brought forward on Monday next. REGISTRATION OF VOTERS BILL. In reply to a question from Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that on Monday next he would be able to state when it would be convenient to take the Report into consideration. CHURCH RATES. Lord STANLEY begged to ask the Noble Lord whether it was his intention to bring in any measure, on the subject of Church rates, during the present session ? He had that morn ing received a letter from a parish in Lancashire, stating that the parish church was falling into decay, and that they were unable to repair it without mortgaging the rates. lf, therefore, the Noble Lord intended to introduce any measure, he begged to know whether the payment of such securities would be provided for. Lord JOHN RUSSELL hoped to have been able to bring forward a measure on the subject to which the question of the Noble Lord referred during the present session. The former Bill was objected to on the ground that the House was not in possession of sufficient information on the subject of Church property. Some were of opinion that the revenues of the Church were sufficient to provide for the payment of Church-rates. He certainly did not agree in that opinion, but he thought the recommendation contained in the report of the Commissioners deserving of serious consideration ; because if the House agreed with him that the revenues of the Church of England were sufficient for the religious in struction of the people of the country, then he would make that the ground-work of the measure. It had likewise been his duty to propose two measures for the relief of the Dis senters, one relative to registration, and the other to marriages, and he considered that it would be very inefficient and useless for Parliament to settle the question of Church -rates, unless the House was prepared to settle the questions of re gistration and marriages. Therefore his (Lord J. Russell's) answer to his Noble Friend's question was, that he did intend bringing forward during the present Session the question of Church-rates; but it depended upon the House a g reeing in the opinion he entertained, that the present Church revenues, from the Report of the Church Commission, were sufficient for the education of the people of that country, and on the dispo sition of Parliament to relieve the most pressing and promi nent grievances of the Dissenters. He believed it was not necessary for him to say more. COMMUTATION OF TITHES (ENGLAND.) The NOBLE LORD then moved the Order of the Day for the further consideration of the report on the Tithe Commu tation Bill. Sir G. S INC L AIR did not rise for the purpose of opposing the motion of the Noble Lord; but he complained of the conduct of Ministers in considering the Irish - and En glish Church as separate establishments, and legislating for them upon different principles.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Considering the way in which the two establishments were connected, it would have been much more manly if the Go vernment had brought forward the Irish Bill at the commence ment of the Session, in order to see if the House of Commons would agree to such a measure. Ile trusted if such was the case they would have it thrown out in another place. Lord EBR IN GTON begged to have the opportunity of presenting some petitions against the Bill before the Speaker left the chair. The Noble Lord then presented two pe titions from parishes in Devon against the Bill. , Petitions with a similar prayer, were presented by Mr. CAYLEY and Mr. BLAMIRE ; the latter Hon. Gentleman's came from parishes in the county of Cumberland, and they stated that the tithes there were paid in kind, before 1797, when the parishes took them into their own hands for seven years, when the im provement in the land was very visible.—( Hear, hear.) They.allotted the tithes among themselves, and the plan worked so well that they prayed they might not be obliged to take any other. The Hon. Gentleman also presented a petition from Mr. Davenport, late a Member of that House, stating that from the unprofitable nature of the wheat upon poor lands, his te nantry had put most of his lands into grass, so that the Bill as it at present stood, would double his tithes. He therefore prayed that the Commissioners might have power to consider such cases. Mr. PARROTT wished to address a few words to the House, and more especially to the Noble Lord who brought in the Bill. It appeared to him that upon a question of such vast importance they were about to legislate without sufficient in formation. He trusted the Noble Lord would allow a Commission to be appointed in the first place, to enquire into the state of all tithes and the practice of tithing in different counties, and when that was done there was no doubt they would have sufficient information. He must say the Noble Lord's Bill would be a most cruel Bill to thousands of people in this country. It was not his intention to divide the House, but if the Noble Lord should perceive a general feeling in the House in favour of the proposition he was about to submit, he trusted the Noble Lord would give in, because he was quite satisfied that if the Bill was carried into effect, in the way proposed by its originators, it would raise the tithe, at least in his own county, from ten to twenty or thirty per cent., in many cases, higher than it was at pre sent.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He believed the same thing would take place in Cornwall. These were not small districts, and he would tell the Noble Lord that when a system was proposed that should in any large district or county raise the tithe beyond its present amount, that that would be considered as a grievous injury on the tithe-payefs of that county. The county with which he was connected was in the most complete ferment upon this Bill.—(No, no.) With great deference to the Hon. Member for Barnstable, he was bound to say that that was the case, for he had had forty-seven petitions . sent to him, to present on this subject.—( Hear, hear.) He entreated the Noble Lord to issue a Commission to inquire into the subject. He assured him he did not not take this course through any hostility to the present Ministry. On the contrary, he wished to avert all opposition from them ; but if they persevered as was proposed, it would have the effect of driving every Whig who supported them out of Parliament. An Hoe. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, declared his approbation of the Bill ; and stated the wish of his consti tuents to have the measure settled during the present Session, because if any delay took place, they must come to the same condition in which the Irish tithe question stood at present. Mr. HUME had on a former evening stated his objections to the Bill before the House. He did not know if the Noble were reflected, cl settlementet t a r ntdf ent 40 more The t per e by Lord had taken them into consideration. He wa s conv i nce d f that the value of land was considerably increased by th e present state of the Corn Laws, and as the people generally looked forward to the abolition of theselulod as areweheo e advanced, fair fl bhsne laws, fixinghee e repealed. f t a edx e , ad o h u oh l ss a o fixed value was put upon the tithes below th at pr he he cuh e r - posed, they would be sacrificing the interests of th e l an d e d gentry.—(tb th T y h e u o d m b tthNhie proposedle Lord he owas e s t Hear,ioco nvincedwneon uualnedht:lfine hmeaatr. difficultiesthereCorne Laws the nd co w cent. on the landed interest of the country. Mr. BLAMIRE thought the Corn Laws had nothing to do with the question. In a parish in his neighbourhood, in the year 1771, the tithes were commuted for a fixed corn rent, and the rector received in that year only 2/.more than in the present. The price of wheat was then 4s. 6d. a bushel, Winchester measure, and the average for the last two years was 4s. 61c1. The House then resolved itself into a Committee, Mr. BER NAL in the Chair. Upon the first clause being put, Lord J. RUSSELL said his wish was that the Bill should be gone through clause by clause, and he would listen with atttention to any alterations which Hon. Members might suggest, and gladly adopt them, if he conceived them calcu lated to improve the Bill. Mr. PEMBERTON said he had carefully perused the Bill, as amended by the Noble Lord. and had compared it carefully with tho former Bill, from which it differed most materially. When this Bill was formerly under discussion, he (Mr. - Pemberton) suggested that tlfe Bill should be either compulsory or completely voluntary. The Noble Lord dissented from that opinion, and expressed his determination to persevere in the principle be had laid down.' In this declaration lie was cheered by Hon. Members on that (the Ministerial) side of the House. The Noble Lord had, how ever, adopted the suggestions of the present Bill, and he (Mr. P.) supposed the same Hon. Members who cheered the Noble Lord's declaration on a former occasion s would have come forward and assist him in carrying those suggestions into ef• fect. By another portion of the Bill, it was competent for the parishioner to agree upon the amount of the rent charge, and how it was to be apportioned. It was quite obvious that it had been a question with the framers of the Bill whether they should take the tithe according to the value of the land, or the value of the produce of the land. Another alteration in the Bill was with respect to the hop grounds. As the Bill now stood, those lands now in cul tivation for hops would be fixed with the high tithe, though they should be out of such cultivation in a few years; and, on the other hand, those lands which might be put into cultivation for hops, after the passing of the Bill would be fixed with only the small tithe now put upon them. In the former Bill the secretary and clerks were to be appointed by the Com missioners. By the present Bill these Commissioners were not so independent as before, for the protection of being re movable only upon the address of the two Houses was taken from them, as was the appointment of the secretary and clerks, which was given to the Lords of the Treasury. With respect to these matters there was much alteration, both in principle and detail. He regretted there was not embodied in the Bill the scheme of the Noble Lord for the absolute redemption of tithes; that was one subject of regret to him, for he thought it would have much improved it. He did not complain of the rate at which the commutation was fixed ; he thought it was fair, and that the Government deserved credit for it ; but on the other grounds stated he must oppose the Bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said the object of the Govern ment was not to take to themselves the credit of preparing a Bill which required no alteration ; their object had been to prepare a Bill which would work fairly and satisfactorily to the country.—(Hear.) He was ready to take the shame, if shame it was, of having submitted to the reproach and feeling of the Honourable Gentleman opposite, and of saying, that one of his alterations was a good and use ful alteration. As to individual agreements, he had stated before, that the power of allowing individuals to make agreements as to particular parts of their property was part of the Bill.—(Hear.) He did not know that he could say more than that he should agree to any proposition consistent with that. Mr. C. BULL ER said that it was with great regret that he had allowed the Bill, without opposition, to go into Com mittee at all, because he was so opposed to the principle on which the Bill was founded, that it appeared to him a mere waste of the time of the House to sanction the Bill in any shape whatever.—( Hear, hear.) However, as it was the duty of every Member to make the Bill as perfect as possible, he should object to the first clause.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The first clause gave the power of appointing any functionary to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was totally irresponsible ; the House of Commons had not any. control over him, and for this reason the Archbishop of Canterbury was an improper person. The Bill proceeded upon that which was against the very principle of the Constitution. The principle of the Constitution was, that the King was the bead of the Church, but the Bill took that high office from . the King, and gave it to the Archbishop.—( Hear, hear, hear.) If the Church were to appoint a Commissioner, why was not the landed owners to appoint aCommissioner ?—( Hear, hear. ) He did not mean to divide the House, but he only wished to point out the objections he had stated. The clause was then agreed to, as were clauses 2 arid 3. On clause 4 being put from the chair, Mr. PARROTT moved, as an amendment, that the As sistant Commissioners should be taken from the counties and districts where their services were required.—( A laugh.) How could a man in London know anything of the practice of tilling in Devonshire ? Mr. HUME thought that his Hon. Friend would see, on a moment's consideration, that his proviso would be extremely incurious.—( Hear, hear.) It was true that a gentleman in Devonshire might be well acquainted with the practice of tith ing, there, but would he not also be prejudiced ?—(Hear, hear.) The Government did well to appoint perfectly disin terested persons. He hoped the amendment would be with- drawn. The clause was then agreed to without amendment, as were clauses 5,6, and 7. Clauses 8,9, 10, and 11, after a short conversation, were ordered to stand part of the Bill. On clause 12 being put, Sir 31. W. RIDIrE Y said that, according to the words of the clause, no provision was made for the commutation of small tithes. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE observed that this measure, the principles of which had never yet been fairly discussed, and with respect to which an indifference prevailed throughout the country, because it was not believed that the House of Corn -111016 would ever consent to pass it, would have the effect of putting one fifth of every man's landed property into the hands of ecclesiastical corporations, of large lay impropriators, and of the clergy, who, of the three, would certainly receive the smallest share of benefit from it. He thought it a perfect waste of time to be discussing a measure, which sooner or later must be thrown out.—( Hear, hear.) The SOL IC ITOR.GENER L begged to remind the Hon. Member for Finsbury that " all uncommuted tithes" were provided for by this clause ; and the phrase embraced every species of tithe, personal tithe and tithe on fish being exempted from its operation only because it was impossible, from their nature, to make them liable to the same arrangement as that which was applied to land. Mr. BE NETT contended that taking the statement of the Hon. Member for Finsbury to be correct, the landholder would not have to pay more under the proposed measure, than he had at present. Sir R. INGLIS was one of those who held the opinion that the existing system was better than any substitute which could be found for it ; and before this Bill left the House he should take its decision upon that proposition. Mr. EST COURT suggested that as there were nine or ten kinds of tithe which this clause did not comprise, it would be well if these were specified. He should, therefore, move as an amendment, that after the words " all uncommuted tithe," should be added, " excepting those hereinafter mentioned." After a desultory conversation, the amendment was with drawn, and the clauses to. Clauses from 13 to 29 were agreed to, with a few verbal amendments. Clauses 30 and 31 were then agreed to. On clause 33 a long conversation took place, which, from the noise in the House, and the low tone in which it was car ried on, it was impossible to give with anything like accuracy. In the course of it Sir R. Peel was understoed to recommend that circulars should be issued by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) explanatory of the nature of the important clauses. To .this proposal Lord John Russell declined acceding. On the motion of Mr. P. Howard, the Chairman reported pro gress, and obtained leave to sit again on Monday next. In the course of the discussion it was stated by Mr. Blamire, that if the expense of the valuation should be great, it would defeat the object of the Bill ; and be instanced the expense to which the parishioners of Kendal had been subjected about two years ago, when it became necessary to have their tithes valued. An individual whose tithe was under 51. a-year, had to pay 471. 103. 10d. for his share of expense. DUBLIN POLICE BILL. This Bill went through Committee, and the Report was or. dered to be received to-morrow. UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM. Mr. A. TREVOR asked whether it was the intention of the Noble Lord (Russell) to introduce a Bill with reference to the University of Durham? Lord J. RUSSELL did intend to bring in such a measure, but he could not state exactly at what time. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at half-past twelve o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, MAY 2. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the wool sack at five o'clock this evening-. The Earl of WICKLOW presented petitions for the better observance of the Sabbath. Lord DACRE presented a petition from the medical prac titioners of Worcester, praying for a Committee of Inquiry into the laws regulating the practice of their profession. CORPORATE REFORM (IRELAND). Earl GREY presented two petitions in favour of the Irish Municipal Reform Bill. SABBATH OBSERVANCE. • The Bishop of CHESTER presented several petitions in favour of a Bill for the better observance of the Sabbath. TITHES (IRELAND.) Lord CLONCURRY presented petitions from Kilcullen, Westport, and several other places, in favour of the Bill for the adjustment of the Tithe Question in Ireland. POLICE (IRELAND.) The Marquis of CLANRICARDE presented a petition from the Grand Jury of the county of Galway, praying for some measure to relieve the landholders from the pressure of taxes necessarily imposed under the existing law, for the support of the constabulary force in Ireland. HULL AND SELBY RAILWAY. A Noams LORD presented a petition against the Hull and Selby Railway Bill. Lord RODEN presented a petition from the masters mistresses, hostlers and post-boys, of Matlock, against Sunday trading. The Bishop of EXETER presented similar petitions from different parts of Exeter. STAFFORD DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved the second reading of the Stafford Disfranchisement Witnesses Indem nity Bill. Lord ASHBURTON and Lord LYNDIIURST objected to several parts of the Bill. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought the House ought to agree with the other House of Parliament as to some mode of deciding this question. Viscount MELBOURNE admitted that some efficient course should be adopted to effect such an object. After some observations from Lord LYNDHURST, which were in so low a tone as to be totally inaudible in the gallery, the Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow. The Earl of ABERDEEN presented a petition from Bath praying for an alteration of the system of insurance in cases of fire. CONSTABULARY FORCE (IRELAND) BILL. Lord DUNCANNON moved the Order of the Day for the House going into Committee upon this Bill. Lord RO'DEN said that having been prevented from attend ing himself on the second reading of this most important Bill, he was most anxious to take the opportunity now of making a few observations as to the principle and details of the measure, which appeared to him most objectionable in one, and most dangerous in another point of view. He had carefully read over the contents of this Bill now upon the table, and he thought he was not expressing himself too strongly when he said, that for the six and twenty years he had sat in that House, he had never seen such a measure proposed for the adoption of either House of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) It appeared to him the more objectionable as a permanent measure, giving, as it (lid, so immense an influence and power to the Government. He could not conceive that the circumstances of the country to which this Bill was intended to apply, at all warranted so great a departure from the Constitution. He could not think that any circumstances warranted the introduction of such a measure as this, and he trusted that their Lordships would pause before they consented to agree to its introduction. In examining this Bill, he found that it cast an unwarranted stigma on the resident gentry and unpaid magistracy of Ireland, and in their name and in his own, he protested against the whole of this measure ; and he implored the House to pause before they consented to adopt either the principle or details of this Bill. It was no argument to say that former measures as coercive and objectionable as this had been agreed to.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It would be in their Lordships' remembrance that those measures were temporary—that they were meant to apply to particular districts, and to be removed when the circumstances that called for them were done away. But this measure was proposed to be permanent, and it gave the Executive a most extraordinary power. It was no answer to be told that there was no intention to carry into full effect the power which the Executive asked for, and which was con tained in this Bill. That might be so or not, and he was ready to give every credit to the Noble Lords opposite, but he knew the circumstances in which they stood. They were liable to be moved by the pressure from without at one time, and at another by the spirit of the age; and as to Ireland, they were under the controul and under the command of the Romish faction, so that they were not their own masters to follow the course they thought necessary. He had therefore no confidence in the line of conduct pursued by his Ma jesty's Government in Ireland, and he believed he was not saying too much when he said be was joined in that by the great mass of the resident gentry, and that they were as unwilling as he was to give those alarming powers which were sought for in the enactments of that Bill. He had a right to argue against it as he found it on their Lordships' table. He was not bound by what might be the intention of the Noble Lords opposite, or the Noble Lords behind him, in Committee ; but looking at it as it came from the House of Commons, he would fearlessly confess that it was the most extraordinary specimen of the view of his Majesty's At torney-General he had ever met with; and he truly be lieved that such a measure had never come from any Attorney-General before. The first feature it presented was the enormous patronage of various offices differing in grade, differing in duty, and differing in the value, but all of them subservient to the will and patronage of the Crown in Ireland. It gave a power to the Lord Lieutenant to appoint 143 Magistrares at 4001. a-year. He had been told by a Noble Viscount opposite that it was his intention in the course of that Committee to reduce the number, but he ( Lord Roden) was speaking of the Bill as it came from his Majesty's advisers in the House of Commons, and as it passed that House. He knew not, nor did he question, the objects of the framers of the Bill in taking such a power to themselves ; but it was natural for those at a distance to suppose that they were appointed for some sinister motives, and that it was the intention of Government to set aside the honest, unpaid, de voted Magistrates of that country, who had so long discharged their high and important duties with honor to themselves, and benefit and credit to their country. He found in another part of the Bill that the Lord-Lieutenant was appointed to be an autocrat over that country, nearly equal to the Emperor of all the Russias—that he was empowered to raise a standing army to any amount, without any application to Parliament—without any sanction of the Privy Council, or any application from the Magistrates, or persons best acquainted with the cir cumstances, and anxious for the preservation of the peace. He had not only the power of raising, but of paying that army —first by a moiety out of the consolidated fund, and the other from the grand jury cess of the county. In addition to that, the magistrates who now had the appointment of the con stables, and who from their local knowledge were best acquainted with those who ought to fill the situation, were to be deprived of it, and it was to be thrown into the hands of persons who were totally ignorant of the case. He might he told, that in some parts of Ireland magistrates bad resigned that power ; but that was no argument that it was not a whole some and salutary control. lie found the Bill unnecessarily increasing the expenditure to a very great degree, and doubling the tax on the landed proprietors, who first paid their moiety to the consolidated fund, and then their moiety to the grand jury assessment. He conceived it to be therefore a most unjust proceeding. He objected to it becaue it extended to all parts of Ireland—to Ulster, where peace and tranquillity reigned, as well as to the three disturbed provinces of Leinster, Munster and Connaught.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The whole was a system of patronage, injustice, and arbitrary power, and it was uncalled for, as the present police force was sufficient for all ordinary purposes ; and on extraordinary emergencies, the Lord-Lieutenant had a Peace Preservation 13il1 to apply to. It appeared to him that no amendment was likely to alter the features of the Bill, or remove the objections which he had to it, as unconstitutional, expensive, and unjust. His Noble Friend behind him intended to move some amendment ; but in his opinion nothing would make the measure unobjectionable. He felt great distrust in the result of the measure should it pass into a law. He protested against it as an act of gross injustice aimed at the landed gentry of Ireland. He depre cated giving power to any Governments, such powers as were conferred by the proposed Act; it was a power too great to be entrusted to any human being in a free country.—( Hear, hear.) He could not forget that they lived in times of great change, and that circumstances might arise which would throw the power into the hands of persons who should seri ously abuse it. He trusted their Lordships would pause be fore they would yield to the suggestions of those through whose means the Bill was brought forward, and he should feel it his duty to say non-content to its passing. He protested against it in the name of the whole of the Protestants of Ireland— he protested against it in the name of the Roman Catholics who were not under the controul and dominion of the faction who ruled the Government and the country. He protested against it in the name of all who desired the peace and prosperity of Ireland, and he trusted they would only accede to such parts of it as would seem to their Lordships calculated to promote the security, the tran quillity, and the happiness of all conditions of his Majesty's subjects in Ireland. Viscount MELBOURNE would be sorry to detain their Lordships from going into Committee on this measure, accus tomed as he was and as the House was to the loud and hostile tone of the Noble Earl, to his confident assertions, and gross ex aggerations. He should however express his surprise at the tone, manner, style, and tenor of his speech, and had not their Lord ships been acquainted with the measure before them, he should ask was it a Bill, conferring new powers unknown to the Con stitution ? did it propose to make that perpetual which before was only temporary ? He would not then go into the details of the measure, but he should deny the assertions of the Noble Earl. He denied that it conferred powers greater than those at present in the hands of the Government. Every one was aware of the na ture of the Police Establishment. Every one knew the nature of the police establishment of Ireland, framed as it was upon a footing which the peculiar circumstances of the coun try rendered necessary, and every one approved of the opera. tion of that system. The Noble Earl, in the latter part of his speech, had referred to the Peace Preservation Bill, which conferred upon the Lord Lieutenant all the material powers contemplated and provided for by the Bill now before the House. It gave him the power to increase the magistracy of the country fully to the extent contemplated by the present Bill ; and by the advice of the Privy Council, it empowered him to send into any county any number of policemen he might think proper, charging the expense on the county in the same way as that now proposed by the Bill, and which had been complained of by the Noble Earl as a dangerous and oppressive novelty.—( Hear, hear.) He did think that it was a most injurious proceeding to adopt with respect to this Act—an Act which was only brought in for the pur pose of consolidating various statutes and provisions now existing, and in certain portions of those provisions to intro duce ameliorations. It was with such an Act most unfair to give it a character different from that which it bore. It was leading the public into error for Noble Lords to de nounce such an Act as the introduction of a new coercion measure, as one unknown to former Parliaments, and as one e bein opposed and contrary to the spirit of the Constitution. A Noble' Lord had declared that his Majesty's Ministers acted under the influence of what some termed a pure Radical spirit —that they were under the subserviency of others. This often-repeated and as often-refuted allegation he must again most decidedly deny.—(Hear.) But (continued his Lord ship) I must beg leave to state again this subject, that if your Lordships mean to maintain and preserve, in order that you may consolidate the Union—in order that you may conciliate and win the affections of Ireland ; if you mean to lay down this rule, that no Government can obtain your confidence— that no Government can receive or calculate upon your sup port—that no Government can reckon upon your favour, un less it prove itself to be determined upon a bitter and inve terate opposition to the majority of the representatives of the Irish people—( Cheers)—if a Government being so, is to be the mere condition—the condition precedent in order to obtain your support, then I say, that if so, you are not acting wisely, you are not acting prudently, and you are not acting consist ently with those who are continually holding forth language to the effect that they wish to cement the union between the two parts of the empire. The Earl of WICKLOW looked upon the present measure as an insult to the magistracy and gentry of the country. He was quite aware that the Noble Viscount was acting under the dictation of others, but even then he was surprised that such a measure should have been brought forward when he cast his eyes upon the evidence given before the other House of Parliament a few years since by one whose authority he did not respect, but which was of great weight with others. That individual stated that there was no complaint against the police, and that in his county the majority were Roman Catholics. Viscount MELBOURNE asked whose evidence was re ferred to. The Earl of WICKLOW—The Noble Viscount asked him whose evidence he referred to ; he replied, it was that of the master of the Noble Viscount's Government. —( Hear, and cheers from the Opposition benches.) It was extraordinary that the Government, which was decidedly under the influence of that individual, should have brought forward such a measure as this.—( Cheers from the Ministerial Membors.) It was too so decidedly in opposition to the opinion of that indi vidual—( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial Members); and he should say, so directly contrary to the constitutio nal p rinci p les (ear, that regulated an y country, that it was to him a m atter of in finite surpris e .—H hear.) The present l aw was one rebellion, stronger ( Hear.) If, however, their than his.—( was on ly fi t f or a coun try in a state of rebellion, and yet, if th e N o bl e Vi scount co nsidered Irelan d to be in a state of he was bound to come forward with a measure much Lord ships were determined upon going into Committee upon the Bill, lie hoped that safeguards would be introduced to prevent the Bill b e i re r of the tyrannical nature that it was, as proposed by his Majesty's Ministers. ---- ______—_____— ---------- The Duke of WE LLING7ON observed, that by this BiP the Lord-Lieutenant had power to appoint a chief and ot}e r constables, and this could be done without reference tr state of disturbance in a county The Lord-Li had full power to appoint any num . her of policemen. —(llers hear.) H e was willing to go into Committee uon this Bill, to amend i t as much as he could, and to give to p his Majesty's Go v ernm en t all the power he thought t he y ought to possess. L —(Hear, hear.) But to give to the Lord-ieuteant call mited power to raise any number of men he pleased, and cal! them police constables, to pay them out of the on Fund, and charge one half of the expense upon the county', and force the grand jury to pay them, was giving which no public officer ought to possess, unless controlled by some check, either by the necessity of issuing a proclamation, or upon the advice of the magistrates. Lord HATHERTON considered that the most valuable part of the Bill was, that it enabled the Lord-Lieutenant to dispense with the powers of the Peace Preservation Act. He appealed to any one of their Lordships aCquainted with Ire land, whether the difficulty under which the Lord Lieutenant a power laboured was not to oppose an increase in the police force-- applications for an increase of that force were frequently made, and such demands had to be refused more frequently than wil lingly acceded to by a Lord-Lieutenant. Since the first i troduction of the force in 1822, every succeeding Government had considered the expediency of making an alteration in the system of their management. There was not a principle t h e into this Bill that was not sanctioned by ancient ail: thority in the Irish Office, and that was not in furtherance of the advice to be found given there. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY s hould say that look- s ince ing at the appointments made by the p M rese nt Governm ent they came into office—looking to their nomin ation of r' Fogarty to an assistant barristership, and Mr. Gore Jones to the office of stipendiary magistrate, he did not know but that .ia six weeks Mr. Maurice O'Connell mig ht be appointed heid of the police in Ireland.—(Laughter.) By this Bill the Govern , ment must have the appointment of the staff officers of the l t lice—the expense of maintaining them would be at eas 37,0001. a year; and he saw - no reason for this increased ex pense, unless this, that the Government would have confide t i unity of making those appointments. Having no ce. n the Government, he should protest against any such fill passing into a law. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE protested against tbe mode of arguing a subject adopted by the Noble Marquiso,l3l3°: site. It was not becoming in that House to ref er to individua! cases, or to make comparisons. He had not the honourgrit 01 Mr. Maurice O'Connell's acquaintance, nor did he know reason why he could not be a proper inspector of police ; ne l :. ther could he perceive that the nomination of that gen tleman ) would be an improper one, if he should be appointed.--(lical% The Marquis of LONDONDERRY explained. • sen The Earl of HADDINGTON did not conceive it Lieu' tially necessary to give by this Bill powers to the Lord-n L o t% tenant which never yet had been given to any chief gover, a and which it was admitted by a Noble Lord opposite, v t n : magistrates were only too anxious to offer suc h power, % they considered it necessary to be exercised, if the Lord Noble tenant would accept of it. He had been asked by his ll ton Friend, if the Administration to which he (Lo rd Hadding t , belonged were not about to bring forward a Bill similar B°' this. He was so short a time in Ireland that he had not vo opportunity . of considering so large a measure ; but he ha ° oo ,. hesitation in saying, that if the late Administration haa.c tinned in office there was an anxiety to improve the of the police force.—( Hear.) He should not say non- 011 h i s to the Bill going into Committee, but should feel it to be duty to support such provisions as he thought must tend W I prove the police force. 'll 25 ' The Earl of WINCHIL SEA was opposed to this DI $ it tended to consolidate power in one individual, whic h /1.5 13,. proposal that he should feel bound to view with appreheni°o-5 and whenever the opportunity was afforded to him, 0f g iv to it his decided opposition. refer Lord G 0 RT, in opposing this Bill, took occasion to in its present. to the taxation of Limerick, which he declared, efificietrieni state, was beneficial to a Noble Marquis opposite; he a lso • verted to what he called " a piebald education, in wb ich eve !' bock was included except the Bible," and that was sanction en by Government The Marquis . of LANSDOWNE observed that the N° t Baron was making a" piebald debate " on the present Oliev:, by the introduction of such topics. He denied that h`J in the least degree personally interested by the prescfit tern of taxation in Limerick. After a few words from the Earl of LIMERICIS., A little' Lord CLONCURRY said this Bill in reality differ e ;. from the Constabulary Act now in existence. In hi s (41 0 11 u1 4 the expense would be less than at present, and the force , t hat be better managed. Such had been the state of Irelahn eo• it was customary for the army to be let loose upon the P op . ple, when the Right Hon. Baronet in the other 11°,u,lhey pointed a species of moving police called the " Peelers. d t hat were sent to the disturbed districts, and they were 01 %150, as soon as the disturbances ceased their pay would ce ase °" - *o and they were the parties who were relied for i n form t , had be ' e o , as to whether the disturbances continued to exist or suppressed.—( Cries of " Hear," and " Oh," from the ° P {? to sition Benches.) These were facts which he w as seat' ' gar.) prove at the Bar of their Lordships' House.—(Heger Bill If it were not for the ill treatment Ireland had i there would not be any occasion for the force the pres ,ant would create. the nilL Their Lordships then went into Committee The The first cause was agreed to without any obscrv-Atioll• second d c l E a h E a N v B n g o b R e o e u m G o d s h , ould move an amendlll„"tin bald t e the effect that all chief and other constables Should °„- to act under this Act in the several offices which th e n' o ver:' unenrd, or er Chief Governors thesaidrecitedof Ireland for h Act, tilltheLortdseLtiiemue beingtenant —sbould. otherwise direct. vet to o Viscount DUNCANNON had objectionw h e af such The a p a r m o e v n is d o n b ie e n in t g w a a d s d t e h d en agreed to, n and the ciaus ordered to stand part of the Bill. On clause 3 being moved, which provides for the, aPPO, merit of an Inspector-General, and two Deputy - I nf f mate no Lord ELLE NBOROUG H said—Mv Lords, Ile bein g t o objection to this clause, the object we have in vi.e w r render this Bill as effective for its purposes as Pr ,ssih',' what the Noble Lo r E d L m ß e a O n U s b ß y N ti E m — w l‘ n l r y d d v s e ,. !1v i t s to kov'',hter Great lati° and cries of " Hear.") lie V"' No answer was returned to the question of the --°l3 count. The clause was then agreed to. On clause 4 being moved, Lord ELLENBOROUGH had an amendment, 0 10 viewca Policeus e a . clause The Act,hll" to this clause. Whoever had drawn it up e.videjii!trllapite: importantacnlause t a eh i c l et y reo s f i w m tha il se ar, which was in the vac_ jo tip e b u o n t b e j Lieutenant to make rules and retions for Ole g n e o ob' government of the police force. fool that there via s ,:' tart jection. But it had been recently contended by fl"„ef the officers of the Crown, that the rules 1 tionil - t he and regu a .a Lord-Lieutenant was to 0 i netnearbploel a 4t]hio: viioetrodi r lard 8 , made under the previous Act, ore A t hoS common wth law ; and it was apprehended by himself, ttnoider i whom he acted, that the words of the clause nolv it bad consideration might be to give some colour, whic) of Ac e; not at present, to that assumption of the Law °'.- 6 . In the Crown, which had been repudiated by the Jod g at e i t the words,d to obviate that difficulty he proposed to °_ du ties , " The extent and limit of their respecti re,horeof• and or their conduct and proceedings in the performani A 1 of any duties imposed upon them by law." , .00 0- Viscount DUNCANNON considered the words ol t rt i s hipe ante, and objected to leaving them out. If their L? tbe re expunged this clause they must take on themselvc A alt iso d. sponsibility of the bloodshed that there might be `hiss'eloia The Earl of WICKLOW callcdon their LovisP r ob lb ° that the object of the Bill was now answered —it. was I to corn' subject of the protection to which he was entitled bY t ion mon law. He had not sup posed that such an insidious tion existed.their oh' Viscount DUNCANNON said the vvorashad for ._f tits ject the guidance of the police under the lad=responsibilitt l er itf Government. When the Noble Earl said the Bill : „ o ver object insidiously to deprive the Courts of justice of o w 6 .0. 0 belonging to them, he could not suppose that the P° ° _ t heir ever given to them to call out an armed force to enforc 7. , owe r , pr tittle ocesses. The Courts of law were invest ed with that P the re whe tu .. as the Noble Earl should bear in mind , a t a the was no armed cstabulary. sor t t to The Earl of on HADDINGTON could not con clause as it stood. ; t A e l' er d The Earl of W INC HIL SEA protested ega' n l s i,h sc°lll o , being given to the Lord Lieutenant of Irelan r i ts 01d w .04",_..tit tu prevent Courts of justice from issuing their w authority of the Lord-Lieutenant. h i 6 ela t e The Marquis of CLANRICARDE admitted 'ale t ' sand la would give a certain degree of unconstitutional power., , o f tbo t he ref i , . e o de that respect it would go a step further than ( Hear, heir)—and he begged to add that be this statement because he did not - 'd thit a part,' (1 reposed consi de rds P ite —( Hear, hear.) He did not think that the wo , site would ti °r would make the difference wilich the Noble 0 l a roils supposed.—( Hear, hear.) ds would r° The Earl of HARRO WBY hoped these wor . loco. la the House to a very extraordinary degree of vi g l theY wild words would do neither more nor less than this !elope d tbe rf set aside the decision of the Courts of law. r use, but ev e 0 ( Lordships would look not only into every clif treshold sentence and syllable of the Bill, upon the verf I i _....., he ar.? _ which they met with words so very slippery. ri , n hisC'' opituona The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, i o f frelal t , the amendment would give to the Lord-Lic;e.tensat.itls tood, and scarcely less power then the clause gave lily a a I would something diminish his responsibilif,y . Noble Lords P t ' Lor d und erstandnot the object V a c Bill , t v to g ive render the constabulary force more efficient, 11°" the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland greatffc power. were le ft 1 Viscount DUNCANNON said if. the words , tro y ee, the effect would be to prevent the Lord Lieuteni.inn.L_„ the e o ai . 1 lie b d e r a in g the proper rules and regulations for maintal. ''' e cicncy of the body. The ?ore a would then be 14 , u ha " ) 0 t e be t° dared out, notwithstanding tl,Aey might say chant n ute wo o order not to go out unless they were in suffi P olic e be effective. Ho did not mean to say that these Of tlje T ., o • not to be employed as constables. obje bles 11 The Duke of WELLINGTON said the co sta ~.,,if Noble Viscount was to the employment of these 0 , c erle: J o the execution of writs from the Courts of justaice:he co ustio: ,a id felt th a t if it were considered not desirable thet t h e coo 7: co s should be employed in the execution. of tilos w' r t 'trnd tbeY -omen be incumbent on his Majesty's Govez ion an t tto but as u , • Bill to prevent them being so employed , .ustice 0 g thee were constables, he did think the Courts °f . Lotion °f n ut Ci : have the power of employing them in tne ewer talc - writs without being liable to ,cave that po THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 3, 1836.