The Sun. — London, England, 1836-02-24 00:00:00

114 th-7'ait•-'--------- : • ge lodge should be liable to be tried by a court- Notwithstanding this command of his Majesty ; his "'lel Highness the Duke of Cumberland hacl at it seemed to h A irft ..! equal:ly set at defiance the orders d the King and the nedrese of that House ( o Cheert.) It would be his object • to s e.,_ . . .--- h is e w more immediately, efore he sat down, the ends which k dit°Ylll. Highness had in view in pursuing this course 1 , n this he should endeavour to show from documeete which ;,a 4 come in to his possession. In consequence of Colonel , T a rtu }having refused to furnish the committee with the wtraireeee they required, and having avoided the Speaker's r ant, and having thus evaded the production of . the do cuments which were pare to be, and w hi c h h e (Mr. flume) real ly beli eve d to hare been, in his possession, of a very ladserious and important nature, pape r s h a d b een put i nto his s purporting to be do cuments connecte d w i th Orange ° a _,gesges, which would show the manner in which those ' had been conducted, and the mode in which their ro ceedings h ad been carried on, besides preying attempts topor. ga.nize troops to carry into effect their objects, whateree.they might be. It was his intention to bring the question of Orange o ed gesfully and complet e ly before the H ouse ; i t would be ,r them to decide, whether they would s u b m i t to h ave the i r ',3o le tions and the King's orders se t at noug h t b y the man at t , e he a d of the army, who ought to have set a better ex areple, and to have better remembered what was due to his station, his allegiance, and his name.--( Hear, hear.) The Duke of Gordori, had, in the end, acted very properly. It a,PPeared that he had no idea of, or at any rate had forgotten, the existence of the general orders ef 1822 and 1829, which were entered in his regimental eltrsed. his Res at in l eooks, and which every ser corps had ate opportunity of perusing, if he Iva heention until the issei ag They appeaterl, however, not to have attracted his of the order of the 31st of August, berl i a l e : G rand 1 "edge was held, at which the Duke of Cum ! t e• Presi'led. He had been informed, within the last wenty c '''' ) ur hours, that, in spite of all the orders of the Com 11°,1ander-In-chief, ihe Duke ' of Cumberland had presided, no e e , ger Vince than Thursday last, at an Orange Lodge in Port jrPtlnere. I t was prove d , too, that his Royal Highness, th "ing his Majesty's commission, not content with disobeying e e Or ders of the Commander-in-Chief, had received and faseered an address from a Grand Orange Lodge at Long e°7ll. He (Mr. flume) held that answer—which had been enished_in his hand, and in it he assured all Orange. " i 'len that they might depend upon him ; that nothing should uhfll'iPee him to desert the cause of Orangeism ; that nothing, ect, should induce him to withdraw from that association, l le s 11 , brothe r , th e sovere i gn of th i s country, had declared t o Bier Sol Should attend without rendering himself amenable (l a k co ert-martial. This was not the time to tell that House, i r !" 0 country, that the Duke of Cumberland receives no in 'deal al io , pay. H e had received honour, bo was a Field Mar ti , ne stood on the moilar sof Engand; and he hoped that , ° ° 3 e would not allow h to act in utter disregard of its ex , e r e • e s slon of opinion, and the eiders of his Majesty. He would g -°lll, ' now to the p7oceedings which had taken place since he t o brought tly.l. subject under the notice of the House, and ke the present State of the question. At the time of his e 4 a ,' , g, tke motion of the 11th of August, which the House laid P v -Ased to support, one folio volume of evidence had been t o ;e 'en the table. Hon. Gentlemen who had paid attention thi l _,e subject, would find that the second volume contained the b er :u report of the committee at large, and another had since V j,, n. l aid on the table of the House. Every page of these i n e ,,,"ales seemed to him to contain matter of the most serious 1-14"„ eil ance l and well worthy the grave consideration of the of ..Se ' -- (Hcar.) After the 11th of August, in consequence or information he had received respecting the extent .of ele an e geiste in England and Scotland, the accuracy of which (1 - eenied by the Duke of Cumberland, and also by the it fnra ander-in-chief he was induced to submit to the House yes ti for inquiry. That inquiry was accorded; and its voluells had also been laid before the House in another portly te e ; 1 ;e. These three volumes were now lying an the table of te e , 'louse, and he begged their attention once for all to the 14 3 11 that nineteen -twentieth! of the evidence contained in them f ee either produced by officers of the institution, or collected oth il l_ eetisting documents. The portion of evidence taken from tonfr Individuals was extremely small, and looking to the n.a -1 tes' of the great majority of it, there could be little of cavil, the P e ti , t e e, nr denial. The Hon. Member for Kilkenny had stated, I tert;eoer evening, that the impartiality of the evidence and the b e Ns of the Committee had been arraigned. On what e q u nd, or on what principle, he (Mr. Hume) was at a loss to op er : st ande perhaps he should hear from Hon. Gentlemen le P i s `te. With regard to the Committee on Orange Lodges cressg la nd, he had heard no doubt of its impartiality or fai t: 1, expressed ; and he begged the House particularly to o io e s that the documents in the appendix were in the first %I, ?ce prepared by the Secretary to the Grand Lodge, l and e,enitted to the Grand Master, before they were final y de 'cl d 0 11 0 e 'I. By the resolutions which had just been read, the l Ilse had affirmed the existence of upwards of 1,500 lodges tato . r el ands and 350 in England—institutions of an exclusive !I:iere from which Catholics were carefully excluded,. and n e h ' were enrolled for the avowed object of cpposing their 111 ° d • An observation which fell from the Hon. and . Learned 1 11 ;4er for the University of Dublin, a few nights since, had e t iuc a great imp ress i on on his mind. In the last sentence r a i e red by the Hon. Gentleman on the occasion to which he k e rred, he said that Catholics were the natural enemies of estants. fir. FREDERICK SHAW—No, no.—(Cries of " Yes, M,,_ from th e M inisterial benches.) e. HUME—He certainly had understood the Hon. and a rned G ent l eman so ; it would appear by all th e p rocee di ngs Of oste Prot estant party in Ireland that they thought so too, stit e j ut dotibtedly. I t h a d b een further declared that the con -4111,1°11 ?I' these societies was illegal, at any rate that they siathpnin. the provisions of the Corresponding Act, con ttalstaet l '" it did, of a vast number of minor branches .in 1/11ttees, co rrespondence with a central board, and receiving o r ill e " 11 3 and orders from it. The question of the legality ,lite r ;R a nt)* of these bodies, he (Mr. Hume) would not ,liter ' l4 ° ; he would leave it to his Hon. Friend the Mem -lioe,°r C°6l Wall who would most probably second the mo boas a„ l(l ,address himself to other parts of the subject. It y -- " F ° ,, t ently proied that there were in existence a large ' Nltl ° o - „ `-', r angemen, amounting, according to their own cal ' 'N. — "0 2 0,000 men in Ireland, and 100,000 men in Eng.- ti• not Whetherthis was a correct estimate of their numbers kicie' it was not for him to decide, but as nearly as he could tf Orate, taking the medium between the varying statements 1 4 I llngenlen the mse l ves he should say that th e i r num b ers leeretand were from 15 ' 0 000 to 220,000.—(Hear, h ear .) l'ede/ih°llsted th at i t was in their power to call f or th l a r ge 'atile-e' c leeted from thi s great mass ; f or proof that they :atr e e° so, he need only refer to one instance which oc :tliiii.,lll 1 834, when 75,000 men were assembled at . one time 'kert,h.l"rough ; and cases were constantly occurring of the ,7 te:'„ a ge of 10,000, 20,000, or 30,000 men, at the summons ) ,,Itt 8 ,, - \s, rand Master of the district. Could any man doubt 1 7 lleqenti i nstitutions called imperatively for the interference °Pt% ' l ouse, more especially when he reflected on the mt sittleate and distressed situation of Ireland? Were these in- , ti 4 lltl c i° l' so t o be borne, when . the people of Ireland, dissatisfied' 9 the la vented, were driven to desperation, .and urged to N o (Il l aw, and to take their redress into their own hands? mr eer " , r, hear Orange lodges alone had not created the : ki lf 41. etqld.ia in bich the Irish people were plunged, he ,atlwpPererfectlyi w n ell ; w but they had done much to aggravate j" : an e o P l e teate their miseries and misfortunes, no reasonable ;ghth s tl o l doubt that in a country like . Ireland, where seven ,so e t he population were Catholics, and where they had I: op ie . e 'uag labouring under. Prote . stant ascendancy, mustand l e a t eg t . ss 'en of a denial of civil rights, the . people H a „ r ated by the existence of such bodies.—( ear, Ice d tee found that in the year 1811, Orange lodges Noel ? s cribed by Judge Fletcher, in his charge to the Z - ",, 4 , i d , 111. 0: , as a serious evil to Ireland. He told them 1 .4 1'4; 1 ' 8 opinion, they had fomented much of the diuse doiteeistreat .existed ; that they tended to prevent iusort the to r d en_ pj, l ', te, t en of justice ; that they tended, h , 410 t, th Ca tholics discontented and dissatisfied,. ' and to 1 ,,,e 0t 0 , country into the state in which it was at the e l m al not his addressing them.---( Hear, hear, hear.) He ft l ll j 4 taster think it must be matter of deep regret to every nr e le i , House, who had watched the progress of Ireland 0 1: r o t i te, 4 o the present ' day, .that the Right Hon. Baronet i ed Res of ee every successive . Administration, with the e ie ei c e.,. Judges before them, with breaches of the peace d e l ,` a te e - ' l° na of the law daily and hourly recurring, an . c their B,shouldexcesses of Orangernen constantly ,befor s _ Ne Anti to have allowed these mischievous and illegal ns d o ote '41 '41 continue in existence.—( Hear, hear.) But, in e ,tralelsl the mischievous effects which resulted from the neonler g i et ti er' and correspondence of Orange lodges, let it not p r le ten that they were armed—(Hear)—and that blood t4,;p4bliently th e 'eteZ e c i had been shed in consequence of these men being prepared—if he might use the term—to disturb ti k4 ',t a rnl3 Pace, to concentrate their numbers, to concentrate lt a alst the ' and to commit any act of vengeance or violence I),:ein tiCatholics.__( Hear.) Could any man doubt— d te e n to te P acts of aggression --ay, the murders—which had tli - gthe m . lll , l tted by the Or n ar in Ireland, that the 1049---.. e i i a ge disarmed h dangerous ho -..• snnul d long ago have t ese e le e A e ar. ) Well - did lie recollect what passed in that ktij t llair en t he Right Ilonourable Gentleman who now filled th:o, b r : ‘ ,_ncl the Right Honourable Member for Montgomery kei ~Y ebal,u_ght forward the question of Orange lodges, when h) t ees a 01,enged them as detrimental to the peace . and at - th:_t4 of tetn,e country, and brought before Parliament . the ne of 'l..ir .existence—of their making use of secret signs te m Pe oni beir being banded together, in opposition to t r,p, that'•---( Hear, hear. ) Well did he recollect the a t ,' th at n 0 such things existed, that it was mere rumour, Thy Stith Mauch s 00 ~ lon ~‘. _ tslIL and unfounded reports were unworthy . the eetne taee" Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) The evidence now tin s tlet 4 ,;le proved beyond denial that such a state of thing s h,,',4stro,:"Y _exist ; that from it the most lamentable, the most 11 th ) ".,e,,t_lie most deplorable results, had ensued.--( Hear, k 41 :1 , and. he existence of Orange Lodges gave rise to c ciL Q alli e.ode es n e ; the existence of either was fatal to the had seism quiet of any country. Lie could show that as w„ (11 304 11 ,. 1, ad spread in Scotland, the peace of the country e' r lild seo d a d spread in Scotland, the peace of the country d sho n - slurbed, and the blood of its people shed. He 4 1 ,_, 1 e , t u eti w a. that this had been occasioned by the introduction , l ' t pr o of a ) n of Orangeism, under the fostering influence q t ela ed ction of the grand lodge and grand master in ti, Q ane fene In Airdrie, on the Ist of July, a large body of te r -.'ate cii t , l. bat.l assembled and committed violence against b 'k fiti „ le 3 o and insulted their religion. What was the alll'ltiArd,-n:r. Why, that on the 15th of th_e . same month, o rear 1 10,000 Catholics assembled on Ulasgow-green, i tl a rp te eir e l ed, from thence to Airdrie in order to be revenged assail a Oil Year, the nte. At about the same period of the follow r, eCtea their atholic s assembled, made their arrangements, l'iir:nidat,"ief! numbers, and, in their own defence, raised a e dt Pre eedin eice to prevent a repetition of the outrages of e x e d fr om , g Year. Who could tell vvhat might have re- R er e elle te b _, a a eenflict between two such bodies, but for the at e me te) yiour of the townspeople ? Who could Theexag evideeneevils which such scenes must always produce ? 0 proved that in Ireland, when Orange processions iird;„......, !riiE SUN, LONboiV, WEDNESDAV, P_VMUJARIr 24, 1836. ar hitetrngs took place, the Orangemen appeared armed, hay_ ing along with them, generally, no t on ly th e gent l emen of the 1 country, but Magistrates, Deputy-Lieutenant' tle ytilen, and others who ought to knew hetter, tkit whO . U§ed the advant ages of their influence Mid ttAtibh to OptiresS the :people: . EVery page of the tviciehob proved these hieetizt's hnd proC i esicins, taid this description of atteriditnee.,,, to till )e . 't6'At Whien those who had not read it could scarcely form any idea of. He could only say, that strongly as he felt on the subject of Orange lodges ih August last, and darkgi-ous as be thought them to the Government ah , t tire peace of the country, the facts which had been elicited by the inquiry proved to hint the impossibility of peace being preserved in any Country where such institu tionl rtmained.—( Hear ' hear.) ills present obj ec t was , t h at the Government should thke some strong meaaures to put down Orange lodges in every case, as they had already done by their resolution lei the case of the Army.—( Hear, hear.) Unless they did this, he conceived, they would neglect their first duty. Their first duty was to protect the oppressed. How did they discharge it, wilt.% they stood calmly by, and witnessed the outrageota proceedings of these armed bodies ? It was diffi cult to imagine how such precessions, and such conduct as the evidence described ) CoUid ever have been tolerated. Judge Fletcher,. in a charge delivered on the Mb of August, 1815, said" tie had found; from experience, that those societies tailed Orange societies had produced the most mischievous effects, particularly in the North of Ireland. They poisoned the very fountains of justice, and even some magistrates under their influence had, in too many instances, violated their duty." The Learned Judge.did not hesitate to say that all associations in Ireland, whether of Oran seism or Ribbonism, whether dis tinguished by the colour of orange or green—all persons bound together by oath, leagued for a common purpose, endangering the peace of the country—were contrary to law; and he added, "that should it ever happen to him to have to decide the question, he would send down bills of indictment to the grand jury against the individuals who were members of such associations." Of this Judge Fletcher was certain, that so long as these associations were permitted to act in the lawless manner they then did there would be no tranquillity iu that country, particularly in the north of Ireland, where those disturbers of the public peace, Orange yeomen, as they were termed, frequenter! fairs and public places, with arms in their hands, under pretence of preserving the public peace, but really for the purpose of excluding Ribbonmen and putting them down. " Murders (said the Learned Judge) had been frequently -committed, and though disastrous conse quences had ensued, such had been the influence of these associations, that petty jurors had declined on some occasions to do their duty. These were his sentiments, not merely as an individual, but as a judge discharging his duty by expressing his opinion of these associations, whose only proceedings were the raking up of embittering recollections, and inflicting wounds upon the feeling of others ; and he did emphatically state it as his opinion that until they were put down, and their arms taken from them, it was in vain in the north of Ireland to expect peace." Such were Judge Fletcher's sentiments ; and after twenty years more of the same facts, the same evils, and the same results, with a constant repetition of the same scenes in a greater or less degree, he (Mr. Hume) called upon the Government, and upon that House, to adopt some bold and definitive measure for remedying such a monstrous grievance, and putting down such odious bodies. He asked was justice administered now in Ireland ? The evidence proved that it was not—that the members of these bodies interfered and tampered with it in all its stages. There were instances of magistrates having refused to take examina tions against men charged with murder, or of postponing it so long as to deny justice to the relatives of the murdered man in a thousand cases. There were instances of men charged with murder upon oath, being permitted to escape, without one effort to detain them. The case of Hamilton, and many others of a similar description, were so well known, and so completely proved, that he should but fatigue the House by entering into one-twentieth part of them. When he saw the source of justice polluted—when he saw insult upon insult, and oppression upon oppression—when he saw magistrates influenced by party feeling, regardless alike of justice and of decency—he was indeed astonished that Secretary after Secretary, and Lord Lieutenant after Lord Lieutenant, ' should have witnessed such scenes without an effort to abolish them. What were the proofs before the House which no man could controvert ? Orangemen had been allowed to carry arms, where Catholics had not ; and arms intended to be used to protect the public peace and maintain the authority of the Government and the supremacy of the law, had been proved in a hundred instances to have been used by Orangemen against the Catholics of Ireland.—(Cheers.) Talk of doing justice to Ireland ? Was not the name of justice a mockery, and was it not a mockery to expect that the people of Ireland could continue to suffer under daily insults and aggressions, like those detailed in the evidence ? Let him refer the House to Captain Duff's report dated 27th April, 1832 :—" Sir, I have the honour to communicate, for the information of his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, that between the hours of twelve and one o'clock this day, a large body of Orangemen, in number from four to five thousand, marched into this town in regular procession, carrying 24 stand of colours, their bands playing g The Protestant Boys,' in front; and leading the pro cession, I observed the following gentlemen, decorated with orange and purple :—First Lieutenant-Colonel William Verner—(the Honourable Member opposite, he (Mr. Hume) believed)—a deputy lieutenant in this county, as also a magistrate for it, and the county of Armagh." After mentioning Mr. Joseph Grier, also magistrate, and a captain of yeomanry, Mr. Jackson Lloyd, a cap tain of yeomanry, and other gentlemen not holdi ng an y commission under his Majesty's Government, the witness continued—." As the procession was marching round the town in the order before mentioned, some insulting language was made use of towards them, by four or five Roman Catholics, on which a riot ensued ; stones were thrown by each party ; the Roman Catholics retreated, and when on their retreat either two or three pistol-shots were fired on them by the Orangemen, one of which took effect, and broke the left arm, close to the elbow, of a man named Peter Sally, a Roman Catholic." In another part of his evidence he said, " I ob served Colonel Verner leading, and in front of, the procession, decorated with orange and purple, and I have the honour to enclose herewith, for the Lord Lieutenant's information, the affidavits of one sergeant and two privates of the constabulary under my command, who not only observed Colonel Verner in the manner I reported, but saw him distinctly take off his hat, and cheer the procession he was leading." Further on he said, " Colonel Verner not only headed the procession through the streets of DUngannon, decorated with an orange scarf, but he was pledged' himself to do so, four or five days previ ous to the procession of the 27th of April taking place, stat ing at the same time that he was regardless of the conse quences." This was only one of a number of similar in stances. He would state another : " About the Bth of July (said Mr. Duff) I received information that the Orangemen would assemble near Dungannon, at Mr. Lowry's, of Rock dale, instead of Dungannon, their usual place of meeting, and I wrote to Sir William Gossett, apprising him of the circum stance, and begging to know whether I was to proceed there, or send any force; and I received his orders to proceed there, and make a full report of what took place. I did proceed there, and this is my report, dated Dungannon, 13th July, 1832 :—" Sir, I have the honour to report, for the informa tion of his Excellency, the Lord Lieutenant, that the Orange men of this district yesterday assembled in the demesne of Mr. Lowry, of Rockdale, Magistrate •in this county, and from thence marched in procession to Mr. Grier's of Desnesith. From the ground the procession occupied there could not have been less, at the lowest calculation than from 8,000 to 9 000 Orangemen, decorated with scarfs, emblems, &c., &c. having sixty stands of colours, and forty bands playing party tunes, and 230 of them arrived with muskets, independent of concealed arms. After remaining for some short time at Mr. Grier's, they marched off in the most peaceable manner, by di visions, to the respective lodges, and up to this hour all has been perfectly tranquil in respect of outrage having reached me. The procession was headed by several gentlemen of respectability and property in this part of the country. The only persons I observed as holding commissions under the Government were the following :—Hon. A. G. Stuart, de puty-lieutenant, as also a Magistrate of this county, and and Captain of the Killyman corps of yeomanry, horse deco rated with Orange and purple, but none on his ... person ; Mr. Grier, a magistrate for this county, as also for Armagh—the only emblem on this gentleman was that of his office of grand master of the county, namely, a medal suspended from an orange ribbon round his neck; third, Mr. Lowry, jun., cap tain of tho Cameroy corps of yeomanry, decorated with an orange and purple scarf ; fourth, Mr. Lloyd, second captain of the Killyman corps of yeomanry. The persons above named arc all I observed in the procession, though I have received positive information that the Earl of Castle Stuart headed a procession in his neighbourhood. His second son, the Honourable Charles Stuart, was decorated, and marched in the procession from Mr. Lowrie's to Mr. Grier's ; several clergymen of the Established Church also attended. These were only a few of the very many instances of this description of conduct on the part of public functionaries in Ireland which he could submit to the House. Now he wished to know how Was it possible for the Noble Lord opposite (Stanley) when the lists of the magistrates of.the different counties in Ireland were submitted to him for revision, to allow those to remain who had so far forgotten their duties when in office as to con nect themselves with these institutions ?—( Hear, hear.) Dur ing his administration of the affairs of Ireland names of indivi duals on the list of magistrates who wcre also connected with the Orange institution must have frequently come under his attention.—( Hear, hear.) How could he have reconciled it with his sense of duty to permit these individuals to re main on the list of magistrates ?—( Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. Hume) would put it to the rankest Orangeman in that House, or out of it either, whether it was not impossible that, under such a system as that to which he had referred, peace could possibly exist in Irelmd?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Culpable, however, as were the Orangemen, they were not one-tenth as much to blame as the Government of the period in which such things had occurred.—( Hear, hear.) The adminis tration of the period, he repeated, were in the highest degree culpable ; nor could he imegine how Lord Grey's Govern ment had been so far imposed upon.—( Hear, hear.) Let the House look, for example, to the effect of their appointment of Lord Caledon as Lieutenant of the county Tyrone. What was his first act, as if in requital of the kindness of Lord Grey's Government ? Why, to call and preside over a meet ing of Orangemen at Dungannon to address his Majesty ; thanking him for dismissing the Whig Government.—( A laugh, and loud cries of " Hear.") For his (Mr. Hume's) part, he had only to observe, that the Government deserved it, for having made the appointment at all.—( Hear, hea r .) They thought probably that they would have been enabled to conciliate the Orangemen. Conciliate an Orangeman, in deed !—( Hear, hear.) No ; they might as well have thought they would have been able to conciliate the most intractable creature in existence ; and it was to him (Mr. H ume ) ut terly incompreh ens ibl e how Lord Grey's Government could have played, as they did, into the hands of the Orange party in Ireland. But when the heads of the Orange party acted in that manner, what was to be expected from the subalterns?— (Hear.) When ,the LiOdten,`'itit of ,the ho'dritY And. Fts -77— body Of f4P,lqi . ac• wS. wag found thus handed together in t h e cause o f action; was it to he supposed that the mass, of theie slio con titutpek juries , And the police and constabulary of the C6tinty tvould be,bettel. dlsed 6ilie 4:OveCti iKtit and impartial justice ?—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the juries, he should merely remark, that for thirty years not a Roman Catholic had been appointed on the grand jury of Fermanagh. How could it be expected that justice would be administered under such a system ?—( Hear, hear.) The evi. denee of Lord Gosford was conclusive upon the subject of Orange juries. In reply to a question put to him by the Committee, he said he had known one or two juries which were not Orange. Some other witnesses, too, had deposed, that they knew " of one or two cases in which the juries (in the county of Fermanagh, as we understood the Hon. Member) were not Orange." When such was the manner of adminis tvring justice, was it to be wondered at that the people of Ire. land should hold the law in contempt, and look for justice at their own hands? When he (Mr. Hume) had heard a Noble Lord opposite ( Lord Stanley) detail to the House a series 'of outrages which had taken place in Ireland, and to whi c h he referred for a justification of the Coercion Bill, he ( Mr. Hume) was at a loss to account for the cause of their existence, of which lie was, in matter of fact, ex ceedingly sceptical. But when he came to read, or rather to hear the evidence given before the Orange In stitution Committee, he was no longer at, a loss to account for the insubordination, the existence of which had been re ferred to by the Noble Lord.—( Cheers.) He could easily imagine how men might be driven by such a state of things as was described to crime, either as a measure of self defence or of wild revenge.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Here were the very sources of justices polluted, even before the people's eyes-_. lords-lieutenant, magistrates, juries, constables, and police, the entire legislative and executive of what was called Irish justice, bound together in the bonds of this peace-destroying association. —( Cheers.) Ay, and it was too much to be feared that the very judges of the land were strongly biassed by the influence, at least, in favour of the objects of this association.—( Oh, oh, and hear.) He did not mean to say that such was positively the fact, but most certainly such an opinion generally existed among the people of Ireland, and was calculated to destroy all confidence in the administration of justice. Having so far trespassed on the House in tracing the effect of this institution, he declared his con viction that his Majesty's Government, if they acted consistently with their professional determination, to do equal justice to all parties in Ireland; should dismiss from all civil, as well as mili tary offices, those who were connected with the Orange insti tution.—(Hear.) It was deemed essential, in order to the maintenance of military discipline, to issue an order from the Horse Guards, forbidding any soldiers to belong to the institu tion. Now, he wanted to know, why should not the same prin ciple be applied to civil officers ?—( Hear.) If his Majesty's Government refused to do so, he ( Mr. Hume) for one could not believe that they were discharging their duty to the people of Ireland, or the empire at large. They would, in fact, stand condemned in his opinion. He was gratified, however, to be able to say, that the principle for which he contended was at present being acted upon in Ireland.-- (Hear.) If there was any thing for which Lord Mulgrave deserved more particular credit in his government of Ireland, it was for his determined exclusion of all Orangemen from civil employments.—(Hear.) In this Lord Mulgrave was doing his duty to the Government who appointed him, and to the people over whom he ruled.—( Cheers.) He (Mr. Hume) trusted that Lord Mulgrave would persevere in this mode of administering the affairs of Ireland, and that during his government no Orangeman would find his way into a situation or appointment of any description in Ireland.— ( Hear.) If he (Mr. Hume) were right in his estimate of Lord Mulgrave's conduct, what must be the opinion of the House in reference to his predecessors? ( Hear, hear.) How infamous must have been their conduct, who unblush ingly made Orangeism the very passport to power ?—( Cheers.) He should not detain the House, by going through any por tion of the immense mass of evidence which had been accu mulated to show the state of the constabulary and police force in Ireland. No one, he supposed, would be found hardy enough to deny that instead of preserving the peace, their principal occupation was in directly violating it.—( Oh, oh ! and hear.) He believed most sincerely, that very much of the outrages existing in Ireland originated in 'the conduct of those bodies. He, therefore, trusted that his Majesty's Go vernment would take means to turn out of the police and con stabulary force in Ireland, every individual connected with the Orange institution.—( Hear, hear.) There were then that large armed body the yeomanry, many of whom were fre quently transferred from the dock to the ranks of their diffe rent corps.—(Oh, oh I) " Oh, oh!" Hon. Members cried. But how many a time had it been proved that Roman Ca tholics had been shot by members of the yeomanry, and yet no punishment had been inflicted for the crime? It was fully proved before the Committee, that this body was in the con stant habit of attending Orange processions, and in one case it was sworn that no less than one thousand had, with arms in their hands, attended one meeting.—(Hear, hear.) With these facts before his eyes, could any Hon. Member in that House wonder why disturbances were in the constant habit of taking place in Ireland ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) To show the feeling that pervaded this society, he should only mention, that upon the recent dismissal of some Orangemen, by Lord Mulgrave, at Roscrea, the brotherhood had met in very considerable numbers, and addresses without number were poured in upon them on the occasion. In fact, this spirit of opposition to his Majesty's Government, and to the impartial administration of justice, seemed to pervade all classes into which Orangeism had ibsinuated itself ; nor could he (Mr. Hume) imagine how the country was to get rid of the enormous burden of supporting such an army as was stationed in Ireland, unless the House concurred with him in the necessity of adopting some measure for sup pressing the Orange institution, and of thus removing the principal use of the disturbances which existed in that country.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed it was at present a com plete garrison; and yet what was their force of 40,000. or 50,000 soldiers, in opposition to seven millions, united by the strong bond of common oppression ?—(Hear, hear.) If the people were misgoverned they would combine in opposition to the law, and before that combination the army would be powerless. On the other hand, if well governed tlev would unite in support of the law, and the army would be useless.—( Hear, hear.) If then it were only from the interested motive of reducing their expenditure by reducing the army in Ireland, he called upon the House to agree with him in declaring the necessity of putting an end to the Orange institution.—( Cheers.) To show the effect of this institution on the peace of the country, and what was the result of the connection of certain individuals with it, he should refer to the evidence of Mr. Cosmo Innes, who was examined before the committee on Orange lodges. In that evidence he found the following questions and answers ;--." As the result of our official examination—what is the state of feeling and of peace in those towns in which Orange lodges have been es tablished ?"—" Wherever Orange lodges have been established and active, they have been the occasion of continual breaches of the peace, either by their processions, which have been op posed, or by the bad feeling they have produced amongst indi viduals."—( Cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) " Have you discovered any other lodges of Ribbonmen or any h e existing in that part of the country ?"—" I ot cannotr secret say thatso society Ih y ave discovered them ; I cannot speak to their constitution. They were secret—but lam aware of their ex istence."--( Cheers from the Opposition.) He (Mr. Hume) did not mean to deny their existence ; but ho contended they were produced by a re-action.—( Hear, hear.) Further, in the evidence he found the following :—" Does that informa tion lead you to conclude whether the Ribbonmen were asso ciated for their own defence, or as assailants against Orange.. men ?"—" All my authority is a sort of police information. I know nothing of this matter, except as it tends to disturb the public peace, and the breaches of the peace in Scotland on these matters have originated certainly in processions of Orange Lodges. lam not aware of any demonstration of Ribbon men which has called for any opposition." " Does the private information which you have received lead you to believe that this riot and these proceedings on the part of the Catholics, had been a re-action against the associations of the Orange men?"—" Certainly." "So that the Orange organization has produced, or if not produced, greatly augmented, the Rib loon organization ?"—" I think it is highly probable, though I cannot speak with certainty of that fact, that there would be no Ribbon organization."—(Cheers.) So that, not content with keeping Ireland in turmoil, the members of this institution were spreading the confusion of their association through Scot land. In other parts of his evidence, Mr. Innes said that " the.e were four Orange Lodges in :Maybole"—that " there was at present existing a considerable animosity, in all the towns and places where there 'ere any Orange Lodges, between the Catholics and Orangemen." One Lodge, it appeared, in Scotland, was called the Gordon Lodge. He was asked by a Member of the Committee, " Are the Committee to under stand that it is your: opinion, after the inquiry you have made officially, that the existence of those Orange lodges has tended generally to excite breaches of the peace, and re-action on the part of the Catholics ?" To that question he replied, " To a very great degree."—( Cheers.) Again, he was asked, " Did you learn that any deputation had come from London to assist in the formation of those lodges ?" He replied, " In examin ing, with regard to processions, I found that the last proces sion, previous to this year, was in consequence of a visit from Colonel Fairman, who had travelled over the country as the emissary from the Orange lodge of England, as I understood, and who was received wherever he went, or in many places, by the Orangemen in procession." " Was any reference made by these people to the Duke of Cumberland?"—" I have here a copy, afae simile of a warrant constituting a lodge, signed by the Duke of Cumberland, and they all looked to the Duke of Cumberland as their bead, and with the greatest respect." " They regard the Duke, in fact, as their political head ?" " Ycs ; certainly." " Was any reference made by them to him in conversation Yes, frequently." " What do they say of him ?"—" They only talk of him as the head of their society and as their Grand Master; they certainly seem to dwell upon his being the head, as proving the legality and loyalty of their proceedings."—( Loud cheers.) It was very obvious that the Duke of Cumberland, while he was consi dered as Grand Master of the Orange lodge, was proposed by the members of the institution to be considered as the succes sor to the Crown.—(Oh,, oh ! and hear.) In another part of his evidence Mr. Jones gave it as his opinion that the Orange and Ribbon institutions were most injurious to the peace of the country, and both ought unquestionably to be put an end to. The effect, he said, of Colonel Fairman's visit to Scot land was to increase very much the numbers of the institution, which was neither so widely extended nor so active in its ope rations before he appeared there. If there were no other grounds for calling on the House promptly and effectively to interfere, sufficient ground, he thought, was exhibited in the extracts he bad just read.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Duke of Cumberland, he thought, was a dangerous man, whose connection with such a society required to be carefully and closely watched. It had been mentioned by Mr. Innes in the course of his evidence, that Colonel Fairman had made a tour of Scotland. He (Mr. Hume) held in his ~ . . hand a titt4t eutidLN doctinien.t.=:a. Popp o'f an itinerant warrant--4titlioriiiug ilie adthitsidn tit iitemlidts Upon taking certain oaths: .He..,begged the partiCular attdntion of tie House to the fact that this warrant was iss ue d b y t t he 119ke ,oA ccrlijid; 18 . 4 in accordance with the rules o . hetr:Y , Now if these rules, as it was said and sworn before the blimtnitiee; were canee'llcd and no longer acted upon—why, he would ask, was this warrant . issued in accordance with them.—(Hear.) Yet so it was—this special warrant to admit and inttlat.r ;Tx ' sons into the Orange institution, concluded thus:—" Given under my hand and seal at St. James's—( Loud cheering)— this 13th day of August, 1832, Ernest, Grand Master." That itinerant warrant commenced—" Whereas the Orange Association was founded in grateful remembrance of one of the most glorious achievements recorded on our historical annals—that is to say, our deliverdnce from Popery, and ar bitrary power."—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Then, after a recital of considerable length, it proceeded—" Be it known, therefore, that from a knowledge of his experience, and a confidence in his integrity, our trusty, well-beloved, and right worshipful brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Fairman—( Loud laughter) —master of the metropolitan warrant, member of the grand committee, deputy grand master of London, acting deputy grand treasurer, and deputy grand secretary of the institution is hereby nominated, constituted, delegated, and appointed to undertake the said visitation or tour of in spection, &c. ;" and it further proceeds, " For these objects and general purposes, by virtue of the autho rity vested in me as Grand Master of the empire, by the code of- laws and ordinances of the 30th of March; 1826, &c." Still further was the influence of the institution extended by the " permission" granted by the Grand Master " under his hand and seal, given at St. James's," to form lodges in the lonian Islands and Malta. The Hon. Member then re ferred to the letter of the late Mr. Haywood, to show the ob ject with which the " mission" of Colonel Fairman was under taken. In corroboration he begged to read the following letter from Colonel Fairman, addressed to "John Sydney Taylor, Esq., Morning Herald office :" " DEAR Sitt-LFrom those who may be supposed to have opportunities of knowing the secrets of the Castle,' the King is stated to be by no manner in so alarming a state as many folks would havo it imagined. His Majesty is likewise said to dictate the bulletins of lbs own state of health. Some whis perings have also gone abroad, that in the event of a demise of the Crown, a Regency would probably be established, for reasons which occasioned the removal of the next in suc cession from the office of High Admiral. That a maritime goverment might not prove consonant to the views of a military chieftain of the most unbounded ambition, may admit of easy belief ; and as the second heir presumptive is not alone a female but a minor, in addition to the argument which might be applied to the present, than in the ordinary course of nature, it was not to be expected that his reign could be of long duration, in these disjointed times, it is ,by no means un likely a vicarious form of Government may be attempted. The effort would be a bold one, but after- the measures we have seen, what new violations should surprise us ? Besides, the popular plea of economy and expedience might be urged as the pretext, while aggrandisement and usurpation might be the latent sole motive. It would only be necessary to make out a plausible case, which, from the facts on record, there could be no difficulty in doing, to the satisfaction of a pliable and obsequious set of Ministers, ae. also to the success of such an experiment.--Most truly yours, " Wednesday, April 6, 1830. " W. B. F. I have scribbled this at Peel's, and; if you wish it, will write a paragraph on the subject. From all that I hear, there can be little doubt the King will soon resume his rides in the Great Park, now that - the drawing-room is gone by. " (Private. )" The above letter was returned, as there is a post-mark dated seven at night, April 6, 1830, and addressed thus :—" To Co lonel Fairman, British Coffee-house, Cockspur-street." (The reading of the above letter was followed by loud cheers and cries of " Oh, oh I") Such language many Members of that House might suppose could only originate with a maniac, but he (Mr. Hume) held the original of that letter in his hand. —( Hear, hear.) Could the House doubt the object for which the mission of Colonel Fairman was undertaken ?—( Hear, hear.) It should be borne in mind, too, that it was in the year 1829 that his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland first attended the Grand Lodge. He should now read to the House some few letters to show the nature and the extent of the pe culiar connection subsisting between certain Noblemen and the the 2 institution.OranftehApri,d was from Lord Kenyon lan shouldThefirstletterhe toC read . was Fairman. wasdated It was as follows : " Portman-square, April 27. " DEAR Ste--I heartily wish I could hope to be of any use in applying at Chelsea in behalf of the writer of the inclosed. I think we had better communicate it to his Royal Highness, as he is the only person, except yourself, who can judiciously interfere in mili tary matters connected with the Orange Institutions. I hope your attack is going pff, and that we shall have a thoroughly amicable meeting next Friday. Brother Mair seems very frank and well meaning. If you could get Mr. Knipe, who is a favorite, I think, with his Royal Highness, to attend, it would be well. " Ever, my dear Sir, faithfully yours, " KENYON." The next letter he should read was from the same Noble Lord to the same gentleman : " Portman-square, June 13, 1833. " My dear Sir—l am grieved that our valued brother Cumber land should suppose for one moment he could have given me the slightest offence. It may happen sometimes to me, as applied by Shakespear to Brutus— . Poor Brutus with himself at war, Forgets to show his love to other men ;' but I never can forget to feel it for so zealous a friend to every cause most dear to me, as our brother Cumberland has always proved himself to be. The statement you made to me before, and respecting which I have now before me particulars from Ports mouth, arc out of my sphere, and should be referred, toties quoties, to his Royal Highness, as military matters of great delicacy. At the same time, private intimations, I submit, should be made to the military correspondents, letting them know how highly we esteem them as brethren. I hope the circular will soon be out. Your faithful friend and brother, " To Colonel Fairman. " KENYON." Here were two letters, in the first of which it is said, " as his Royal Highness, except yourself, is the only person who can interfere in military matters connected with the institu tion"—and in the second, " private intimations, I submit, should be made to the military correspondents—letting them know"—he begged the attention of the House to this "letting them know how highly we esteem them as brothers."— ( Cheers.) And this was written by one who 'had declared, before a Committee, that he knew not, " until very lately, of the existence of Orange lodges in the army."—(Renewed cheers.) The next letter he should read referred to the connection of his Royal Highness with military districts : " Portman-square, July 10, 1833. " My dear Sir,—l send you some anti-Roman Catholic books, which you may distribute among the following Peers :—Manvers, Stradbroke, Liverpool, Harre w by, N ort h ampton, Carnarvon, the Bishops of Llandaff, Lincoln (Warren's hotel), &c. &c. I can say nothing as to Mr. Staveley's publication, but if done, it should be forthwith, and I would take a few copies. You know much better how to manage our brethren than I do, and they must be kept to gether as well as they can be. If you hear any thing further from the military districts, let his Royal Highness know all particulars fit to be c ommunicated. The times, I realty trust, are improving, quietly and gradually. Let us act firmly, and maintain all that is sacred, and provoke no one more than can be avoided. " Believe me, my dear Sir, yours faithfully, • " KENYON." Then, as to the appointment or election of the Grand Com mittee, he should read an extract from a letter to show that in this case the rule of the Grand Master was supreme : " Portman-square, May 30, 1833. " My dear Sir—With respect to the composition of the Grand Committee the pleasure of his Royal Highness the Grand Master is the only rule by which its formation can properly be regulated. Its being so framed as to produce harmony in the institution will no doubt be the principle by w hi c h his Royal Highness will be guided, and I am confident that, feeling, as he must do, the essen tial importance (especially with reference to your undertaking a new tour to consummate the zeal and harmony of which you have laid the foundation in North Britain and the northern and trading districts of England), that von and the Grand Committee should be in entire harmony and mutual confidence ; therefore that neither Brother South nor Brother Morris should continue a member of it. The will of the Grand Master is conclusive, and no names ought to be submitted to his Royal Highness in Grand Lodge but such as will be satisfactory to him. The suggestion at the meeting of the Grand Lodge is not for the purpose of election, otherwise than as in accordance with the pleasure of the head of the institution, whose authority is justly declared to be supreme. You may communicate this to the Grand Committee, for we must not let our high and zealous friends who meet at the Grand Lodge be disgusted any more by discussions at those meetings.. Should any such be ap prehended, his Royal Highness should be informed, that he may, previous to the anniversary of June, int&-diet the attendance of any brethren who would so forget themselves. s . " Believe me, my dear Sir, your faithful brother and friend, " To Col. Fairmati, &c. &c." " KENYON." ( Cheers.) He should now read another letter from the same Nobleman to the same party, upon which he should not trouble the House with any commentary : " " L'astwell-park, Aug. 13, 1833. My Dear Sir—Be so good as to sena the Earl of Winchilsea, in a day or two (but not overweight, as yours of this morning is to me), the circular of June 4th, and any other circular which will contain good names and matter in it. You can say you did is by my desire, and in hopes that he, as one of the stanchest of Pro testants, would join us. I am glad to hear that several persons of judgment think we might have a Government with which the House of Commons would act. If so, it is sad pity the Hero of Waterloo and others would not act so as to have obtained such a Ministry duri ng t h e ex i st i ng s ess i on . When Parl i ament i s pro rogued, it death of i mportance occurs. I hope to be in town on Thursday is well k nown th at not hi ng can b e d one , u n les s some morning, for two nights. " Ever your faithful friend and brothel, KENYON." [The reading of this letter was followed by loud laughter and ironical cheers, with cries of " Earl Spencer." 1 This letter let hi m i nto a secret. No doubt i t alluded to the anti cipated death of that venerable Peer, Earl Spencer.—( Hear, hear, and laughter) —and this language was written by a party in intimate connection with the Duke of Cumberland. An HON. MEMBER observed that the death of Lord Spencer occurred in the following year.—(Hear, hear! from the Op position benches.) Mr. HUME observed that the expression in the letter was, " that as Parliament was prorogued, nothing could be done unless a death of importance occurs. This, at any rate, alluded to some important death, and in his opinion it anticipated the death of Lord Spencer.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) There were two or three letters published in the evidence on the table, which he considered of considerable importance. Two of these were directed to the Marquis of Londonderry, and were copies of letters purporting to be sent to that nobleman. These copies were found in a Cook which was laid before the Committee. Some doubt, however, might arise as to whether they had been received or written to his Lordship, although they were entered on the book. There certainly appeared to be no answers to them ; but he was now happy to say that he had the answers of the Noble Lord to those letters now in his possession. . The answer was dated NVynyard Park, and was directed to Lieutenant. Colonel Fairman. It commenced, " Sir —I was hon oure d w i t h your tivo comm unications of the 29th and 30th ult." The object of the letters of Col. Fairman was evi dently to prepare th e way to resort to p h ys i ca l force. Th& o first 'of theist was dated the 20th of July 183. After apologising for troubling the Noble Marquis for writing to him on the subject of the affairs of the Orange institution, and urging the impdridnoci df extending it in the north of England, he proceeds " With Mr. Wright of -,ktiiidetiand, Ad Was recently in Lon don I had some c onversa ti on on the god adiantages that might reetilt from An extension of such a society at this conjuncture. Conceiving its P7iffeiple.s to be strictly in unison with those enter tained by your Lordship, ;2 reurse of cur communications ) ;;;;Ir name was introduced, when that gatlster said ii, the mat ter were taken up with spirit by you, the ttithifel district wou;.!. follow the example, and cheerfully join such an associatida, To urge it might be politi ca l f or your Lordship to do so, in a personal sense, would be to offer you a very ill compliment ; but to contem plate it, as shall presently be roada to appear, in a patriotic view, the security of that part of the kin g d on i !night be consolidated by such means. The pitmen Would perhaps feel inclined to establish lodges among themselves, which might operate as an additional stimulus to their loyalty, and would likevfise prove a partial check against their entering into cabals hereafter, no legs to the preserva tion of _private property, than to that of the public pet too. Know ing that your Lordship has firmness to espouse the cause you ap prove, on this occasion I address you with the less reserve. When the altar and the throne are alike assailed—when infidelity and treason are boldly avowed—when a republic and a lord protector are confidently spoken of—when, indeed, re have a Popish Cabinet, and a democratical Ministry who, having given birth to a monster they can no longer controul, are now alarmed at their own popularity, and are the abject slaves of a ferocious, sanguinary, and subversive Press, little short of a miracle can work the salvation of our once happy country ! It behoves us, ne vertheless, to exercise our energies, and by measures at once prompt and vigorous, to stem the torrent that threatens to overwhelm us. By a rapid augmentation of our physical force, we might be able to assume a boldness of attitude which should command the respect of our Jacobinical rulers. What the Catholics and the Unionists have achieved by agitation and clamour in a factious cause, we might then be enabled to effect in a righteous one. If we prove not too strong for such a Government as the present i;, such a Go vernment will soon prove too strong for us ; some arbitrary step would be taken in this case for the suspension of our meetings. Hence the necessity of our laying aside that non-resistance, that passive obedience, which has hitherto been religiously enforced to our own discomfiture. The brave Orangemen of Ireland rescued their country from rebellion, and their gallant brethren in Eng land would as heroically redeem their own from such perils. On the one hand, we have had minor difficulties to contend with, and less danger to surmount, though, on the other hand, we have not had the same encouragement, and an equal share of support from the higher orders. We have lodges at Newcastle, Shields, Darlington, and round about, but they are merely trunks without heads. Unless men of stanch in fluence and consideration would immediately step forward as county grand masters (I speak advisedly), it is of no manner of use for the classes in humble life to assemble for such purposes. The field is now open to your Lordship —the post of honour is exclusively your own. If then your Lordship would but profit of it, you would deserve well of this country, while at such a crisis you would con fer fresh confidence on your own. In a long conversation I had yesterday with Lord Longford, he intimated that the brethren of Ireland were determined to resist all attempts the Liberals might make to put them down ; at the same time reproaching us for our tameness, in not affording an aid commensurate with the evils by which we were menaced. In proportion to an increase in the num bers of our institution, the defeat of the seditious Whigs will be rendered more certain. Should your Lordship feel disposed to entertain views similar to my own, the Deputy Grand Master of England is now in your neighbourhood to give them efficiency." —(Cheers.) Two or three days afterwards he more boldly avowed him self in a letter he wrote " Cannon-row, Westminster, July 30, 1832. " My Lord Marquis,—ln my letter of Saturday, I omitted to mention that we have the military with us as far as they are at li berty to avow their principles and sentiments ; but since the la mented death of the Duke of York, every impediment has been thrown in the way of their holding a lodge. The same observa tion that was applied to the colliers might be attached to the sol diery. As Orangemen, there would be an additional security for their allegiance and unalterable fidelity in times like the present, when revolutionary writers are striving to stir them up to open sedition and mutiny. In trespassing thus upon the attention of your Lordship, I am not so presumptuous as to suppose that any thing urged by me could influence your conduct; but understand ing the Duke of Cumberland has communicated with your Lord ship on this subject, I felt it my duty to put you in possession of certain facts with which you might not be acquainted. "i have the honour to be, my Lord Marquis, " Your Lordship's very respectful and obedient servant, " W. B. FAIRMAN. " To the Marquis of Londonderry." (Loud cheers.) He would now, in justice to Lord London derry, read the answer which he made to these communica tions, as they showed that he was not prepared to aid Fairman. The answer was dated— " Wynyard-park, August 8, 1832. " Slit,-I am honoured with your two communications of the 29th and 30th ult. " You do me only justice in believing that I would most willingly embrace every opportunity, and do all in my power to espouse the cause and establish the institutions you allude to in this part of the kingdom ; but the present state of liberal Whig feeling in this very Whig county, and the very refractory and insubordinate state of the pitmen, entirely preclude the possibility of successful efforts at this juncture. I have had a full conversation and communication with Lord Kenyon on all this matter, who has been in my house these last two days, and I have no doubt he will convince his Royal High ness, as well as yourself, that the present moment is not the time when the object can be forwarded. " I will lose no opportunity of embracing any opening that may arise • and " I have the honour to be, Sir, your very obedient servant, (Signed) " VANE LONDONDERRY." Directed) " Colonel Fairman, Cannon-row, Westminster, (Post-mark, Stockton). London." _ He thought that it was but justice to say that he was not in possession of this letter until a few hours ago, and he felt bound to add, that whatever might be the views or intentions of the individual to whom he alluded, that the Noble Lord was not a party to them. Lord CASTLEREAGH rose to order. He wished to know if the last expression of the Honourable Member was applied to Lord Londonderry or to Colonel Fairman.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.) Mr. HUME said that the last expression in the letter was, " I shall not lose any opportunity that may arise of giving my opinion." Loi-d CASTLEREAGH was quite sure that the Hon. Member would, on reflection, feel that he (Lo'rd Castlereagh) was justified in pressing his question. He wished to know whether the Hon. Member alluded to his (Lord Castlereagh's) father as the individual having certain intentions ?—( Loud cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial benches.) Mr. HUME replied, certainly not. He alluded to Colonel Fairman, and not to the Noble Lord in question.—( Hear, hear.) He repeated, he did not know what might be the pro jects of that individual.—( Hear, hear.) He would proceed step by step with other documents. The next letter he had was dated the 28th of November, 1832, and was from Lord Kenyon to Col. Fairman, it was directed from Peel Hall. ( Cheers and laughter. ) . _ _ " Peel Hall, aith December. "My Dear Colonel and Brother—l am here again with my venerable aunt, 89 years of age, on a Christmas visit, but return to Gretlington next Thursday. Anxiously do I wish the Cock of the North may think it right to come to Glasgow. The warm feeling of Lord J. Campbell, who was a little my junior at Christ Church, Oxford, is very gratifying, and promises, please God we may be blessed with better times, much good in the north here after. His old relation, John Campbell, Accountant-General, was always proud of him as a Campbell, and I hereby wish he may live and in due time long enjoy the family honours. I will send our Grand Treasurer your circular. His Royal Highness promises being in England a fortnight before Parliament re-assembles, and I hope will come well. To him privately you had better address yourself about your military proposition, which to me appears very judicious, I wish such as his Royal Highness would, without ne glecting the prime consideration, viz., the fitness /of anything pro posed, attend, in addition to that, to what is popular. Our enemies attend to that alone, which is base : we seem to disregard it too much, which is foolish. " Ever yours, faithfully, ~ KENYON." (Cheers and laughter.) Here again there was allusion to a military proposition connected with the Orange institution, in a letter of Lord Kenyon's.--(Cheers.) That Noble Lord in another letter said, " It is a great pity, too, that the amiable Duke of Buccleuch does not see the immr.nse importance of his sanctioning such a cause as the Orange cause, identified as it is with high Conservative p r i nc ipl es ." This letter was addressed from Ellesmere, and of the date of October 20, 1833, and was directed to Lieutenant-Colonel Fairman, Gordon-castle. The next Noble Lord to whose conduct with reference to these societies, he had to call the attention of the House, was Lord Wynford. That Nobleman, as was well known to the House, as an ex-chief justice, and hall, since his retirement, been made an Orangeman, and he held in his hand a letter written of that Noble Lord, the contents of which he could hardly bring himself to believe till he saw them. It was from Lord Kenyon to Colonel Fairman, it was dated Portman-square, June Ist. It was as follows:—" Lord Wynford has fixed Monday, at half-past 12, at the House of Lords to be initiated an Orangeman.—( Loud cheers.) He has a private room of his own there as Deputy Speaker."—( Loud continued cheering. y He ( Mr. Hume) did not think that they had an Orange Lodge, within their walls—( Renewed cheers)—bad as Ocangeism was he thought that at any rate it would keep at a distance, in stead of exhibiting such reckless boldness as to form. one of the Houses of the Legislature into a place to hold Orange Lodges.—( Loud cheers.) He mentioned this in order to show what followed, and the feelings and language which were held by the'Noble Lord with reference to the Duke of Cumberland, who, be it recollected, alone had the management of the mili tary affairs Of the institution. The letter was dated Chisel hurst, and was directed to Colonel Fairman at Birmingham. It began, My dear Sir, I am much obli ge d to yon; " and, after some unimportant observations, proceeded in the following terms :—" He (the Duke of - Cumberland) i s one of the best and most ill-used men I know ; but the Whigs will never for g'vc his using the influence which his exoeent unierstamrni, and his steady adherence to his Principles, gave him with his hrother,:to unseat them when last in office.—( Cheers from the Opposition.) The Tories have not been sufficiently grateful to him.—( Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The coun try, as it becomes better acquainted with Whig misrule, will learn to appreciate his merits.—( Cheers from the Opposition.) A s you are so obliging in your last letter as to ask my advice as to whether you could pursue the course that you have so ably begun, I can only say that you must exercise your discre tion as to the Company in which you make such appeals as that which I have seen reported. —( Hear.) When you meet only sure Tories—( Loud c h eers from the Ministerial side of the House)—you may well make them fear what they own to one who is the constant, unflinching advocate of the party, and who, by his steady course, has brought on himself all the ob loquy that a base, malignant faction can invent."—( Renewed cheers.) The next letter to which he should direct the atten tion of the House was from Doncaster, and was dated the 12th of Feb., 1833, and was from Col. Fairman to Lord Kenyon, He would trouble the House with the following extract from it : —Lord Wynford, the soundness of whose judgment few per sons would be so hardy as to call in question, was so kind as to write me word he had read with much pleasure the report of my proceedings in Bietningham. I believe I mentioned that 9 I had . cc;rsulted his Lordship on the propriety of my continuing to introduce ii?e Duke's name in the prominent shape I had previously done, and with the policy of which he seemed to agree. Thore is one strong point which induces me to cherish a hope that I love been able to work a change in the sentiments of the press, which is, that the foulest part of it, I fancy, has not attacked me, nor attempted to gainsay my comments in refutation of the calumnies so lavishly put forth against our Illustrious Grant! Master. If he would but make a tour into these parts, for w I have prepared th e way, h isions as to wh at C o _ would be idolized."—(Loud che,:rs:). Hon. Gentlemen w ;, , 01d perceive in those letters some al.! l on g li a ;:nian was charged by Haywood wit;; having d one at Sheffield, name:i; as to what he and othe r Oran: omen wo u ld do in certain cases.—( near, hear.) Haywood had ci.. lll eyed coltitradiction as to what he alleged respecting the doh) ) , s of Fairman in this town. Did not this letter of Lord Wynfor in some degree support those charges ; for in it he told Fair man that he might speak more openly when he met only sure Tories.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no.") Certainly all that was alluded to in the letter was the propriety of making a more prominent use of the name of the Duke of Cumber land. He did not suppose that Fairman would, without great caution, propose to Lord Londonderry, Lord Wynford, and Lord Kenyon, what he would propose to persons id an infe rior cation and they had evidence that this person, act ing under tGe itinerant warrant of the Duke of Cumber land, did use isriguage of the most danger Gus charac ter.—(Hear, hear, hear.) There was another commu nication from Fairman to Sir James Cockburn, dated the 14th of July, 1831. It commenced—" By a late return it appears our strength in this country exceeds 135,00 D, and it is fast augmenting as regards numbers; we are infinitely less on this side the water in this respect. We are by no means so assiduous as we might be, in .ttending to the in crease of the• numbers of the society, and onlarging its in fluence. My fine fellows who compose the , lodges in the capital, none of whom are Reformers, are stanch to the back bone; and should it be necessary for the lives and p.roperties of those great men who risk both to prevent revolutionary changes, I could muster them at my summons."—(Loud cheers.) This, he thought, was quite sufficient to satisfy Lilo House ; but there were a number of other documents of si milar importance, to which he also feat bound shortly to re fer the attention of the House. The first paper was the draft of a letter, as he believed, to the Duke of Cumber land. There was no address to it. but fram the tenor of it there could be no doubt, he (Mr. Hume) thought, as to its being addressed to the Duke of Cumberland : " Should an indisposition which has agitated the whole country for a fortnight, take a favourable turn—should the Almighty, Us his mercy, give ear unto the supplications to his heavenly throne,. that are offered up daily to prolong the existence of one deservedly dear to the kingdom at large—the divulgement I have expressed a willingness to furnish, would be deprived of no small portion of its value. Even in this case, an event for the consummation of which in common with all good subjects I obtesta the duty, it might be as well your Royal Highness should be put in possession of the rash design in embryo, the better to devise measures for its frustration. At any rate, you could not then be taken by surprise, as the nation was last year, but might have an opportunity of rallying your forces, and of organising your plans for the defeat of such machinations as m;ght be 11.3,.ti1e to your pa ar o drams. Hence shcuM the expe riment be made, and its expedience be established, your Royal Highness would be in a situation to contend for the exercise in your own person of that office at which the wild ambition of another may prompt him to aspire."—(Cheers and laughter.) He confessed that he did not exactly understand it, but possi bly the public might. At any rate it was in Fairrnan's hand writing. Here, then, they had his Royal Highness at the head of the Orange Lodges, having in his confidence an individual who was sending inflammatory documents throughout the cortnlrY, and spreading most dangerous doctrines in all directions, and endeavouring to keep up a constant agitation against the Govern ment.—( Hear, hear.) They found, also, that the exposure of the proceedings of this person did not prevent Isis Royal Highness from continuing him in his confidence.—(Cheers.) He therefore thought that he was justified in assuming that there was something more in the transaction than he saw.—( Hear, hear.) All the pa pers and documents that had hitherto been produced, had been written to or by this person in his official capacity as secrztary to the Orange institution, and he had positively refused to furnish the House with other papers and communications respecting this sub ject, which he admitted were in his posseision.—( Hear, hear.) The House was placed in a very strange situation ; but he trusted that they. would act with firmness, and put a stop to a state of things that had been fraught with so much mischief. He need hardly read any more extracts from the returns of evidence, because he was sure that all the Members had seen it. He would however refer for a moment to the evidence of Mr. Crawford, with respect to the feelings with which the lower class of Orangemen regarded the Duke of Cumberland.—(Hear, hear.) That Gentleman said that some rioters who were arrested statod that they were Orange men, and that they acted under the warrant of the Duke of Cum berland, which was higher than that of the Duke of Northumber land.—(Cheers.) The evidence of Mr. Crawford also clearly showed the danger which was likely to arise from allowing such men to remain longer in the army.—(Hear, hear.) It was fonnd almost impossible to undeceive the lower class of Orangemen, who, when they heard that the King's brother was at the head of their society, and that he was a field-marshal, believed that they could break the law with impunity. The time was arrived when the House should come to a firm and determined opinion one way or the other. If any man in that House was of opinion that Orange lodges were beneficial and should be continued, he would, of course, vote against his motion; but all who believed that they had proved dangerous to the peace of society wherever they existed —that they had proved so in Ireland, and also in those places where they had been established in Scstland, would' Vote with him. Lives had been lost in all parts of the country where they had been established, and in places whore peace had previously con stantly prevailed. The conduct of the Orangemen had led to the commission of murder at Airdrie, which, before an Orange lodge was established there, was one of the most quiet places in Scotland, and for this crime he believed one man had suffered the punishment of death, and another had been banished for life. It was the countenance given to these societies by the Dike of Cumberland, and the use that was constantly made of his name, that rendered their existence so dangerous—( Hear, hear.) Olt these grounds he put it to the House whether it would not agree to the resolutions which he held in his hand. Before, however, pro posing his resolutions, he would re f er t o a f ew more d ocuments. He ld in his hand a copy of a letter from Lord Cole to Colonel Fairman, dated 1833, Florence-court. It begins—" Dear Colonel—Some of the signs and passports have been changed." He read this to show the footing Colonel Fairman was on with the heads of the party. Again, there was a letter to Lord Longford— (Cries of " No, no ! Lord Langford.") Well, there might be a mistake in the name, but there was alss a letter from that Noble Lord. He would now read some observations of Captain Fairznan on the state of thepublie•press; they were addresscd'to Lord Ken- yon, and were as follows "My Lord—ln forwarding to your Lordship the enclosure of yesterday, which for itself speaks so distinctly as to leave me but little to add on the same subject, I am persuaded you will not con sider me to have been importunate or obtrusive. Should those with whom your Lordship is in the habit of acting, see the necessity, at & crisis of .danger like the present, for such an engine, the sooner it shall be set in motion the better. The daily press has long been monopolised by, and is now in the sole possession ef, the enemy. Hence the multitude who seldom takes much trouble to reflect, who possess not the faculty of judging for themselves, are led astray by the sophistries so sedulously put forth for their misguidance. That filthy concern—the Times." (Cheers, and great laughter.) It was necessary to inform Hon. Gentlemen that he (Mr. Hume) held in his hand three or fourpro positions to establish newspapers, which were to advocate the prin ciples of the Orange Society, and be in the interest of the lodges. —( Hear, hear.) ' The lion. Member proceeded to read—" That. filthy concern, the Times— ( Larighter)—which spares neither age nor sex—( Cheers, and renewed laughter)—public bodies nor pri vate individuals—(Cheers and laughter)—which, at a less degene rate era, would have been burnt by the common hangman—ought to be forthwith checked in its flagitious course of unparalleled infamy. —( Great laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear.") Such a sacri legious print is well worthy of its new friends—(Great cheering and laughter)—who are inexoroblc in their resentments and politi cal animosities, as the vehicle of their rancour, has ever been vin dictive and diabolically mischievous in all its aims."—(Laughter.) Therc'appears to have been some peculiarly strong link which bound the active author of these epistles to his Illustrious Friend.— ( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member concluded with observing, that though some of the latter part of his statememts had excited laughter, the subject was one of the most grave importance.— ( Hear, hear.) There was 'clear proof of the existence of a Society composed of (as was allowed by themselves) 300,000 men, united together, and so organised as to be in a situation to be called forth in a body on whatever occasion, whether for good or evil, when re quired to do so by their Illustrious Grand Master.—(Hear, hear. ) How wild and visionary the ideas this Society were was evi of dcnced in the speculatiOns put forth by Fairmati, of how, in the event of the demise of the Crown, the heir apparent, the Princess Victoria, should be set aside, and in favour of whom?—(Hear, hear.) The whole system ought at once to be put an end to— (Hear, hear)—and he trusted his Majesty's Ministers would do it. —(Hear, hear.) The lion. Member then read his proposed reso- I tions foII~R' " 1. That this Hons.:, taking into consideration the evidence given before the select committee appointed to inquire into the na ture, extent, character, and .tendency of Orange lodges, associa tions, or societies in Ireland; and of Orange institutions hi Great Britain and the Colonies : and seeing that the existence of Orange societies is highly detrimental to the peace of the community, by exciting discord amongst the several classes of his Majesty's sub . _ . . . jects ; and, seeing that it is highly injurious to the due administra tion of justice, that any judge, sheriff, magistrate, juryman, or any other person employed in maintaining the peace of the country, should be bound by any secret obligation to, or be in any combina tion with, any association, unknown to the laws, and founded upon principles of religious exclusion, that even if justice were impar tially administered under such circumstances, which is in itself im possible, yet any connection with such societies would create sus picions and jealousies detrimental to the peace•and good govern- • tnent of this country. " 2. That Orange societies, and all other political societies which have secret forms of initiation, and secret signs, and are bound to gether by any religious ceremony, are especially deserving of the severest reprobation of the House, and should no long er be per . witted to continue. ` O 3. Tha, a humble address be presented to his 11fa j , ey, that his Majesty will be graciou ly pleased to direct measures to be taken to remove from the public service, at home and abroad, every judge, privy councillor, lord lieutenant, deputy lord lieutenant, eustos ro tolorurn, magistrate, militia officer, inspector, chief constable of the who shall I I i b 2 . a m n n d lodge, bein g bound or of constabulary and peace preservation en force, every officer of police in Ireland, and every functionary employed in the admgeinvneissrtaronardtiopnasos-f justice, and in maiPtatning the peace of the country, at tend the meeting of any Orange lodge, of any any other political ebb, institution or a i n s d s o with i i a t t b i r. secret whenever e s n i y of such bodies, and who shall not wher ever assembled, having secret forms of initiation associations on or ' before the togetherexpira tion jod, str af o; b . rf y reoc a iou n g y nmi i i - tc r i iloii recognition societiesoo f u s m e e e m re b n n e a r r o s n publication of any proclamation which the t i direct to be issued hereupon, foi7bia tion of one month after ding their continuing to be members his M,jesty may be pie:ored of such Orange lodges, societies, and asso;:iations." Sir WILLIAM AIOLESNI T ORTII—I rise to second the notion of my Hon. Friend. I would call the attention of the House to the concluding paragraphs of the Report. of the Committee en the Orange Institutions of Great Britain. After having cited a:por tion of the statutes of 39 Geo. 111., c. 79, the Report says,--" IG will be for the House to consider whether the present organiza tion of Orange Lodges, in connection with the Imperial Grand:: Lodge, comes within the words of the statute, and, if so, whethok the law officers o f th e C rown should not be directed to institute legal proceedings, without delay, against the grand officers of all Orange Lodges."--(Hear, hear.) I know that the Orangemen consider this institution not to be an illegal one, because, in 184,