The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-09 00:00:00

Years, 51 len place. ; that five ,thee had accept the previous session of Parliament made a long—he feared a too I "g—defence of the Affghanistan expedition, and the attempt which had been made by two Honourable Members to impugn that policy having received so cold a reeep'ion from that House—he did not think it so very likely that the subject would, in the last session of Par liament, nave been again brought on. This was his sincere excuse for n o t b e i ng present, though h e did not c h oose to a d m it t a m an was to be bound un a notiae given by an Hon. Member to attend, or, failing to do so, was to be looked upon, ors charged, with shrinking from taking part in the defence of friends or colleagues.—( Hear, hear.) For he found that the H en. Member for Bath, last session of Parliament, gave ustiee that he would bring the subject before the House, I nd he a p peare d somewhat to complain of the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire for taking up the subject, and pre skuern(ir.rt.o poach on his manor—( Laughter and cheers )—as if Reebtica) had a sort of freehold in grievances— f7aughter)—and as if it was a kind of uffenee in any one but nnself to address the House in regard to wron2s or to wrong doers —(Cheers and laughter;—and as if he, the Hon. Member Srf B ath,f or _ eo . uld manage 'all these i sort of things with much more . e and dignity than either the Noble Lord or Roy , other auembe r of that House.—( Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentle nsan (Mr. Roebuck) must excuse him for stating that in g i ving hi s not i ce the other da it was i mposs ibl e f or hi m ( Si r °l 'n Hobh ouse ) or his colleagues to guess exactly what he Z e antt for kis notice then was something to the effect—that the e House, while giving the due meed of praise to the skill f . Generals and the valour of the troops by whom the terri netO cif Snide had been conquered, nevertheless deemed it , a ore 'sarY to condemn that selfish and meddling policy which hs, upo n our arms the necessity of euch a conquest. W t tly e , t not iee was in fact an implied attack and censure upon the whole history and policy of the East India Company. /V e htn he read the motion of the lion. and Learned Gentleman ' a d no idea that he intended to make a long, detailed, and Perh a sa. a % na y' ue might say able, charge against the late Governor t a „`, r al- In all his experience as a member of the House, and l th aar•ended now over a space of twenty-five years, never was at House. from a notice of 48 hours, called upon to decide ti three questions of such importance as the present. The done °n• and Learned Gentleman asserted that, whatever was th ,bY Lord k.llenborough was done in consequence of the - P cn icY and injusticeinjustice of his predecessors; an'! lie further that t restore dominion to the Sindians was im i'°sliible• The Honourable Gentleman should not have said '°r whatever is right is possible. By an ingenious— poi'epo not term it fraud —no, by an ingenious artifice— . pupon the table of the House three propositions, which, in ast of injustice, unfairness, and disingenuousness, were un- Paralleled in the history of Parliament.—(Hear, hear) And, a n l nt i !how or other, the House seemed to ) entertain the same .1 h ""n•---( Loud cries of " Hear, hear." The Hon. and to-Pied Member had room enough for the race—he had no -47 to back him. The imputation of injustice, impolicy, or, L l ': Hon. Gentleman's own language, of monstrosity against 11 1 2 .4 Auckland, he thought could have scarcely entered into Alot ie irn agination even of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. e Gentleman was, at all events, singular in his opi. Will and (turning to the chair) you, Mr. Speaker, ue freed front the trouble, the disgust, of ti"outirlhder, listeni ng ; to an accusation which has not in this House, and I believe would not find in this coon a ; 'seconder. The Hon. Gentleman made a variety of accu tio°°l°!, but they were not founded on fact. Hardly any aster "g Made, except a just tribute to the character of the gal a.. Napier, were just and well founded. The Hon. and tho r ne d Gentleman, after the fashion of a certain French au itg, said that he would begin at the beginning, and accord. Sia l a he went into the history of our early intercourse with ire !, and mentioned some of the treaties, amongst other twines that of leo9. Up to that tine he said our policy iledds Sinde was of a voluntary description, which signi- Ilia that they might not do anything that they tirtl i t 't Wish. The Honourable and L-arned Gentleman of I : 1 : stated that our policy towards them was subsequently lao 9 Mvoluntary chat aeter. But what was the treaty of thee? ft . What was the 4th article of that treaty ? It was to ter r W e et that no Frenchman should he allowed , to settle in the tea ra nr a Y of Sinde. Was that voluntary the Hon... and Petl e -e ° Gentleman said that we deprived Sinde of its inde ttisnd-inee, and oppressed it because the Ameers wrote a tii tt rY letter to the Shah of Persia. A friendly letter it cer- Is% Y Was to the Shah of Persia, but most unfriendly to us. weat e w hat was th a t but the stronger imposing upon the 'ertr a i Surely no coun try would volunta r ily adopt such a nati on . "' The fact was, that Sinde was not then an independent t a usert s ; a l n. 1 820, at a suggestion of 6hah Mahomed, a clause was tur ea a" in the t r eaty with the Indian Government, that tor t ' p ee ns and Americans should not settle in the Sinde tern- Siadi a° This country had all along in their dealings with the lUbj eet People, treated them not as an independent tribe, but as urstil t° the Ki ng o f C au b u l , an d t h ey were su b ject to him the "e Made them independent. They never were tree from QeriTntrol of Shah Mahomed. The Honourable and Learned la,34`:eraan after going through the treaties of 1829, 1832, and kos cathe to the treaty of 1836, of which he gave end t completed misrepresentation from beginning to tri c k er ( Hear, hear.) He charged Lord Auckland with de ice he'd treachery, which if his Lordship were guilty of, he detiverve to be instantly impeached, and he pretended to t ea k i information from garbled extracts from the Blue kickla The Hon. and Learned Gentleman said that Lord was aisa il d had conveyed to the Ameers, that Runjeet Singh Pli eat "tit to invade them, and them. by induced them to sup ice % t he aid of the British Government. That was not the Iti th th —n . rd wrn• Bentinck, in 1831, had become acquain tat,- of ei.intention of Runjeet Singh to take the first opportu loarea invading Sinde. The Indian Government had endea- Sind,' E t o n issaude hi m f rom i t, an d i n 1336 h e m arched upon Loa t h ° a al the Pu n j au b, an d encam p e d in the neigh to e oi n of Caubul. Sh a h M a h ome d sen t a messenger *h a on u el Pottinger in Cutch to require his interference, and, totsa n w as very singular in that communication, he did . not t are w Lis request to Affghanistan, but requested that a British tre ice be sent to Shikarpore.! Was that baseness and Qo l at a er Y ? In assisting the Ameers, did not the Indian astirta'sment assist the weak against the strong ? Did they not giethti,he Sindians and save them from the grasp . of Runjeet . trip artite The lion. and Learned Gentleman said that in the Posed of a,treaty the Indian Government had all at once dis posed 0 . Sinde by the sixteenth article of that treaty. Dis the ito r Stride ! Wh y t h at wax t h e f i rst acknowle d gment of infia ei rl s endence o f Si n d e—ac k now l e d ged to be a nat i on w h ose "'atm was paramount in the east. They had been ele tiatien n in dependence on Caubul into an ally of the British kel l „: The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had asked what guil t Vas there to suppose that Lord Ellenborough could be reason any baseness. He (Sir John Hobhouse) knew no tad - L l ' Why Lord Ellenborough should be g uilty •if baseness, of ue knew no reason why Lord Auckland should be guilty ' t He believed they were equally free from the charge of ..!lerteas and he believed Lord Auckland to be as honour a bl e `aid as upright as Lord Ellenborough, and at !east as well ac qttaltited with Indian affairs as the Hon. and Learned Gentle- ASla t , He said that Lord Auckland took money from the meers of Sinde. Twenty-one lacs of rupees were received, but 11 should not be forgotten that the Ameers obstructed a "',ur march into Affghani s t an, w hi c h was delayed five weeks by t hem. Fifteen lacs of rupees had been given to Shah Soojah, ' n ' l if •e Shah Soojah had remained upon the throne, as Lord S' s a r ia kland contemplated, that payment would effectually have p r evented future demands on the Ameers. He considered that ,°e in dependence of Sinde, and freedom from the control of 14°e_ Affghan Sovereign, was cheaply purchased by twenty .one Si, f a rupees. The other six lacs were paid to Runjeet 13,0,18,0 ind were no more than sufficient to liquidate the ex ame:ie , one regiment. The Learned Gentleman reeapitu wnat he termed the horrors of the Affghan expedition, s.i„eesprinkled himself and his Noble Friend Lord Auckland fully dblood. The policy of that invasion had been already 4 1" ri his The and he would not revert to it further, than by de/eireg,dthat it was then deemed judicious, and, having been / a,,arehi n ' O, Lord Auckland was perfectly justified in ar e h g his troops through the Sindian territory. ~,zillea:sthe same right to call for the assistance of the people of the from the others of our allies ; and we were justified - n ;its "? course which we had taken. But the Learned Gentle te n had () said that L or d Auckland took the wrong route—that aorie nght ofto h a.ve passed into Affghanistan through the terri to sa ~as a i y friendly w i t h whom the British (government in th relati ons . H e (S ir J . H . ) h a d a right Inep t at Lord Auckland was bound to consider his Govern- S hem i a _'9de as I S in as friendl relations with the Ameers of . pusi na ith Runjeet Singh—( Hear)—who, instead of th n e Leßarnuea'a Gentleman doing all he ceuld to oppose us.—( Hear.) w ay kuentleman said that they ought to have taken Khyber Pass ; but he might as well have said that 4 1, th 1. Y i a n Zht to have taken the way by the Gulf of Mexico.— iarndath:pe'roentha.te.otf the time, Runjeet Singh had a large army , was no more reason for relying upon his friendship the people of Sinde. Besides, the British gYretZotekahe route through the countries in which there was l e Y r e ' Prospect Prospect of a sufficient supply of provisions, and ae !ar ned u sed the other route, because, in the words of the aa n e gte r. s en,llemen himself, it was impos,ible.—( Cheers and ; 4 1 nt, ant i he course taken by Lord Auckland's Govern im h y ti t ie ne measures taken by them, were forced upon a7Pect to si r geney of the times.—( Hear, hear.) With i r y th at he 11 _ 1,-lenry Pottinger—he ( Sir J. Hobliouse)—must ~4:c iu ght aoit r, now heard, for the first time, the accusation th° "ht " that he was one of those Indian servants a. he nt a too much of their own importanee.—(Hear.) ta ari a di atti serligianhttrsemind the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that : e tl 2 l : d Otuforitdbheeeri i t r a jkee; tn e o r! sa n y ot the only persons who thought too im portanee.—(Laughter and cheers.) more Ter the Gallant Officer was not more let :4s th an th e into hasty expressions or unconsidered state- Lzdano cries 1 - 1, on. and L earne d M ember himself.—(Laugh etrZt p ` ort c gg t ed fi t tr, hear.") The Government, however, G e (Sir n o p ffi on ee w e h s ic c h om hi m s suungic,aetsotaionns; were the groiandst offered. iti3Ogteleasntoan,'ll,.aci )sahidad; and,not distinctly heard all that the Hon. therefore, it might be that he was l aba n ( lUesti n r . " over some of his assertions upon that part of l a " 4 4 .r:ally to , He could, therefore, only say, that, what they ti a 'a t, ,_ ) ,°k to, was what the Governor-General had dome. , 1 hut,'a( o l not acted upon the suggestions of Sir H. Pot ta_ t o t n the de arted from them as a refer •alle Blue B o k ' . ' ged a a ar - would show. Now, with reference to 1, 43ir anemanecaeewssitiohtn.tshtoelf, Lord Auckland in Snide—the Hon. • "tog an se emed that . they consisted not only in katterf ere n 'Y across the territory of the Ameers_i but in ftertrrou_rable and , navigation of the Indus. Now, the Learned Gentleman would see, by re ',ra "° th We r , Aueld an l _,Papers (pages from 110 to 180), that th not b ound to not ask •at ab e t ound to anything, which the Ameers pro ey neva_ y( Hear hear. ) And, further, er bedobjec to that treat ' or ob'ected to carry out Siithesi...,More than that, the Indian Government did qit i b aPpre,vee3r, hear r o re 'ts of Noor Mohamed, and the people of taeas aaTdalbletehnat had been done by the Government. qae t° what h he Learned Gentleman was entirely misa cio W • Lever d'd done in respect to the ports of Ku a 'tette.'" was h a I take with of them. All that we agreement with the Ameers that we should Ju r e: 1-' ig Oh: teiZtil - "g th e i;Lver niade lr i. e , riod W h en buto that we should have troops there cc y tio w n e t re nec h essary. The AMeers g troops there. The V i ' t Zessi on said that when Lord eer Ifle i n n boroug h came into aq,,grat di ,t e the said of India, he had to contend tvilanou,e) ulttes. Certain] I , e had, and . he (Sir John . ta ut' W hal'nleede heel the lion.paerindtoLes ta at ' Was pro 'q nut feel called u jr • 114 queLe e n reference to h: t i e ssary eonse done by Lord Ell b oueh was net the a ay rn m ed or G e ntleman than en or t '1314 did ers • Thof what had been done by Lord uc - A k oad iia , h at b__ r ..e dates of the Hon. and Learned Gen- C " Lo r d' s out in his own statement that _the aulatd. /, Ellenboroue vaVhslan c 'e had received ah was occasioned by the affair had th e C e 'eh th e e 're henews of the success in Aff- T i rt ainly r t i c)ti " of the in those steps respecting Sinde , a er e e G overn _ P a t°hle Lord was intended to impugn. :h ere a.eat; persons st L'urn-:aeneral had much to contend with. he w ere _ aat onelrup,ulous Press that ever existed. IS() t c , e ho were scarcely less scrupulous; ‘to l , se ",l.t p ro "e d with gentlemen in Parliament who Wi a _ Mer it, sno r t, atter four I f - J h might did nr,t , Possibl y s Public, to bring forward charges d uct th tel ealled u oreled.—(Cheers and laughter.) hekl , a n that it po n to say more of Lord Ellenborough's of a and 3. L was not the same gem s _ _ ord El lenbor oue h or continuous with Lord t,; i arl es l a v v ie en to that o f " objected to the employment such .„rrspep, r, „h ose name co al i distinguished man as Sir ;at r al:Ot Only accos t tu never be mentioned but 11 Tieanrotahn . ssoolations n . of his own merits, but on ac bet offic e , In t hat HouQ, wit n which that name was convected, „wad! t, a- could deny that we owed more to tuigh t g what he n ha n d to any other in India.—( Cheers. ) ts,e„, ar e allo wed to taken the liberty to say to the House 41„..,0nid yo d,efenee againasttate that h e had risen to give an a or n 'Y Put it to theentrecessarY attack.—(Laughter.) the A rne ou,e whether when justi • ers, they Le was were to forget what was rose t° , - , sse'he f the ns, ° he buck) , a " w hich • o cr nebet n t;0 09 .: %Oleo thi t ap olog; vg In 7`. due to our own functionaries who took upon themselves r the Affghan war, but be could not join in a vote of censure on those tremendous duties, and who were distant from the per. that enlicy at the present moment, and to bring the whale sons who could advise them.—(Cheers.) They held in their weight of Government to bear against those whom he had hands the balance of the fate of this empire, and in justice to succeeded in office.—( Cheers. ) It was not necessary for his them, those attacks which had no object, and could purpose to question the policy of Lord Auckland, but in vindi serve no purpose but the gratification of spleen eating the policy pursued by Sir Charles Napier and Lord and vanity should be received with caution at the least Ellenborough, it was impossible to forget the position in Which Indeed, he believed that the time had come when they would they found themselves placed at the close of 1842. What never hear of such charges brought forward after the lapse of was the position in which the British Government was placed years, except from the Hen. ant Learned Member himself.— , with regard to the Ameers of Sinde ? It was described in a (Hear, hear.) Let them only see when this char g e was j dispatch which Lord Auckland addressed to the Government brought. In 1839 the treaty with S.nde was laid on the table; at home. That dispatch was No. 166, and in it he stated that in 1840 it was discussed, and in 18-14 the Hon. Member : he co tgratulated the Directors of the East India Company, brought forward his charge. The only reason why the charge I upon the results of the policy of the Indian Government as the was not sooner m- de was, that it was not tenable. It required political and military ascendancy of this country was esta more special pleading than an every-day Member of Parlia- blished in Sinde. he said that the confederacy of the ment could make anything of.—( Cheers and lau g hter.) With ' Ameers was dissolved; and now that each would be respon res•,ect to the motion of the Nob le Lord o pp osite (Lord sible for his (yen individual acts. A change had been produc ed , Ashley), he was inclined to think with the Right Hon. Secre- in the constitution of Sinde. It was placed under British pro tars for the Board of Control, that it was not right to inter- 1 tension. It was brought within the circle of our Indian relations, fere with these matters, and that, in the present situation of and a British force was to be placed in Tatta, or to such the Ameers, every attention should be paid to them, and other place west of the Indus as Government might think fit. their personal liberty should not be interfered with more than Lord Auckland stated that their empire would be consolidated was necessary for the preservation of the peace of India. by, and their cammerce extended through, Affghanistan As a general rule the less interference there was on the part o f thereby. He recommended to have 2,500 men placed in Sinde, the Members of Parliament, or of that House, with the Indian which might then be looked upon as a frontier station, These Government, the better. That was his o e inion ; but at the 1 passages from Lord Auckland showed that the independence of same time he would not say a case might tint arise, and if such Sinde was at an end, for he says, " your military and political a case should arise he would go a great deal farther. He supremacy is established." But they gains,) these great :silvan should not content himself with casting a side-wind upon the tar es, not onl y for themselves but for the sake of civilisation, Government. He should make a positive charge which should which would be advanced in consequence of the opening of the end with something like a conclusion, and a serious Indus. Such were our relations with Sinde when Lord El one too. But he owned he would not interfere while lenbourgh went to that country. They had met with reverses in there was a Government to regulate the affairs of India. On Caubul, and Lord Ellenborough intr.:lit necessary for the security this account he was sorry to say, and with the greatest respect of their Indian Empire to make a retrograde nicesement, and for the Noble Lord who made the motion, that it was irapos- to evacuate Cauhul. They could not do that without raising sible to come te the conclusion that he ought to vote for it. an opinion, through the Nepaul, Bundelkund, and Gwalior coon- Sir C. NAPIER. said that he rose, not to pass any juries tries, possessing betwixt 30,000 and 50,000 troops, that their I meat on the conduct of Lord Ellenborough or Lord Auckland, military supremacy was drawing to a close. How was Lord he left that to gentlemen who were better acquainted with India I Ellenborough to deal with Slade in such circumstances ? than he was; but he was abeut to say a few words relative to i Caubul was evacuated by the Khyber Pass, an operation of what had fallen from the Noble Lord (Ashley) respecting j great danger. There was at the same time a simultaneous his (Sir Charles Napier's) gallant relative. The Noble evacuation of the Lower Indus. What impression would this Lord hail stated, in ore of his observations that had I leave upon the minds of the public of India, if they saw them Sir C. Napier followed the advice of Major O u t ram , th ere I thus abandoning their hold upon the Indus? Could they, under would have been no war in India—that things wou ld h ave b een these circumstances, make their retreat insecurity.s—( Hear, brought to a safe and satisfactory conclusion. He ( Sir C. hear.) Would not their rear be on by an Napier) differed entirely from the Noble Lord, and he was enormous force, which would have rendered their retreat decidedly of opinion, after having read all the correspondence, difficult ?—( Hear, hear.) They must have abandoned all the that he could only compare his conduct to that of Mr. Frere, advantages which the previous policy of Lord Auckland had relative to Sir John Moore, when the latter commanded the obtained. They must have abandoned Kurachee, and given army in Spain. He was astonished that a military officer like up their security for the free navigation of the Indus.— Major Outran should have given the advice he had to Sir C. ( Hear, hear.) The treaty had been violated by the Ameers. Napier. He was of opinion that if any blame whatever was Sir Charles Napier gives an account of their constant oh to be attached to Sir Charles Napier, it was for his struction of boatmen—of the duties imposed on the traffic, arid having delayed his march on Hyderabad so long. It was there was a disposition manifest to close the Indus. Suppose clearly stated that Major Outran had asked him to the country had been abandoned, would it be contended that delay three days, and it appeared he had delayed there was any guarantee that the Ameers would observe the four days with the prospect of hot weather coming on, and .tipulations of the treaty. It became absolutely necesaary for thus exposing his army to destruction. In another part of his L.rd Ellenborough to do what he had done, as a means of speech the Noble Lord had fallen into error. There was not securing the observance of the treaty. The violation an Hon. Gentleman who admired the Noble Lord more than he of the treaty on their part justified him in iu (Sir C. Napier) did, as a just and humane man ; but still it flitting a penalty on the Ameers, which left them showed how even such a man, when he took up such a sub- no alternative but to submit. His Noble Friend said that the ject, might be swayed by erroneous opinions. The Noble charge brought against the Ameers, and the treachery of Lord had quoted the letter of Sir C. Napier to the Ameers ; Roostum Khan, was not proved, because it was not satisfae. but the Noble Lord ought also to have quoted another letter torily shown that the letter which was said to convict him of the Gallant General to show in whet condition he was when was written by him and that it would not be satisfactory in he penned the letter to the Ameers. On the 18th of a Court of Justice. That might be so, but if they were to March, 1843, the position in which the Gallant General, wait in their dealings with Indian Governments till they had as appeared from his letter to the Governor-General him-elf, proofs which would be satisfactory in a court of justice, he was that he had but 1,500 men without any reinforcements ar- was afraid they must be p re p ared to receive ver y serious blows. riving.He was in the midst of an insurgent population with —(1-leer, hear. ) His Nobie Friend would find in the papers that, the Minister of Roost= Khan was dis p osed to act all the magazines and hospitals filled with wounded nice, and having a large fortress and immense treasure to guard , arid treacherously to Englan-l. And would they establish the prin. treacherous Ameers to deal with. Now, he (Sir C. Napier) elide that the Minister ma y intri g ue as he p leased, but that the would ask the Noble Lord, placed in the situation in imbecile Ameer was ne ver to be p uni s hed unless the g uilt was brought home to him a if that principle were once which the Gal!aot General was, with only 1,50 e m en, in a hostile country, and in a climate enough to destroy established, he was indeed afraid that their supremacy in India rt as held by a very slender thread. If the doctrine was este my army—whether it was fair or just to excite the Wished, that an old Ameer of 85 was to be considered innocent, feelisig of the House against him in the manner in which he while his Mittister was engaged in intrigues hostile to them, had (tone ? He eompsred the conduct of Sir C. Napier to• wards the Ameers to that of Lord Cornwalli s with the sons of they might take us by surprise and overwhelm us. —( Hear, h ear .) When a charge was brought, in 1839, against the cippoo Saib. It was impessible for a -Ingle moment for any Hon. Gentleman in that House to make th e sli g htest com p are- same Ameer for treasonable correspondence with Persia, it son between the conduct of the two. Tne Noble Lord had was very difficult to b: ing home the fact to him. There could defended the intentions of the Ameers. New, had the Ameers be no doubt that one of the Ameers was guilty, and strong stained the victory, what would have been the fate of the 13ri- suspicion rested upon the others. With regard to questions of riot forces ? Every one of them would have been treachery, they should act upon moral conviction, arid unless massacred. —( Hear, hear.) So the confidential. servant of 'hey did so they would not be able to carry on the Government of ( ore of the Ameers stated, on his examination before otirldta.theLboerdstEelvliednebnocreouhg,h, could wrote of to the Sir Charles rapier o f tn Captain Browne. He believe d that to be true Every soldier procure the would have been put to death with the exception of the Gallant Ameers, and he did not know what better means they could General, who would have been Owed to Hyderabad with an adopt tha n the course Lord Ellenborough took on that occa iron ring in his nose.—( Laughter.) The House of Commons Mon. With regard to Sir Charles Napier, he should have oc would then have said that General Napier was a vacillating, casion, on Monday, to move a vote of thanks, which was justly undecided man, th-t he had not courage to go no, and that h e due to the character of that most distinguished individual. he had foolishly listened to the political agent, who ought shout(' only say on this occasion that, if he took the advice nev er to be employed in war. For God knows, said the given him, and trusted to the information of the Hon. and Gallant Member, those political agents do nil!. Ameers to displace his force —it he separated himself chief enough in peaceable times.—( Laughter.) After having from that army, which he not only led to victory under the ex read all the papers, he was surprised how the Noble Lord traordiaary and unparalleled circumstances in which he was could have made the declaration that the Ameers had no in- placed, but to whom he set an example not only of military tention of attacking the Resident's house, but that they were skill but of personal courage—(Cheers)—and of desperate unable to control the Beloochees. The contrary was the case. fidelity to the cause of his country—( Continued cheering)— He would not detain the House longer, nor would he have His firm belief was, that not a men of that army would have re made any observations, but for the attack that had been made turned alive. Throughout the whop , of these transactions Sir upon his gal ant relative. He did not think he would have Charles Napier shooed not only the highest personal courage been doing his duty if he had not made these observations. and the greatest military skill, but au admirable civil capacity; With respect to the motion before the House he thought the but, as he had said before, it would be his duty on another ocai- Ameers had been sufficiently punished—that they ought to be sion to attempt to do him justice, when he trusted they should detained at B om b ay , but with perfect liberty, and a sufficient all come to an unanimous vote, for it was his intension studiously allowance, but h e certainly would not allow them to go back to Sinde. to avoid any reference to politic al matters.—( Cheers.) With respect to the motion of his Noble Friend, it was Lord JOCELYN said that if he had been aware that the quite out of the power of the Government to acquiesce in it. His Noble Friend (Lord Ashley) did net propose a condemns letter of Sir C. Napier to Major Outram would have been tion of the present Government, or of the policy of Lord El read he would have been preared with an answer, which he lenborough, but to address the Crown to take into its conside trusted he would have an oppertunity on a future occasion of reading. H e wou ld su pp or t the motion, because he thought it ration the condition of the Ameers, with a view either to give a just one. The Noble Lord then entered at some len g th into a them their liberty and the enjoymen t of their estates, or such a defence of the conduct of the Ameers, whom he thought ought maintenance as might make an equivalent for their lOSs. He not to be made r esponsible for the acts of their Ministers. (Sir Robert Peel) trusted the House of Commons w o ul d no t He could not p ass over the treatment which had been experi- consent to lay down rules which would have to be followed out enced by the unfortunate Meer Roostum. He had been our at a distance of five thousand miles.—he sincerely trusted they trusty friend in times of danger—and he, an old and unfortu- would not sanction a course so fraught with inconvenience iand nate man, when he asked for the protection of the British Ge- danger. In respect to the proposed measure, the immediate neral, was refused it. The terms which we had sought to restoration to liberty of the Ameers must be the necessary con exact from the Ameers were such as it was impossible that they sequence of passing this resolution. Why, he (Sir R. Peel) f: co ,f es .ts i ti d boir e y r h a el t is . t u l p t had the be a e ll i o i w s a h n o e w e n w t h h ic a h t twhoeulAdmtheeenrsheaovueldbeneont declared that he could not profess confidence even in their frie Ameers had signed the treaty, which was present allies—(Cheers) —but the result of the adep all but ratified, when Sir Charles Napier made fresh demands tion of this ,resolution must be the release of these Ameers, whose first act, on their return, would, perhaps, be, to coalesce Upon them. He demanded that the Ameers should quit the with those already not too faithfully disposed towards us, in country. What right had ho to snake such a demand? order to re-commence intrigues which must again end in tree He then marched upon one of their forts, and committed son ag ainst us.— ( Cheers. ) He trusted the House of Corn other acts of aggression. He (Lord J.) , however , made no mans would undertake no such respoesibility.—( Loud cheers.) charge against the General, he was merely carrying out the But the Noble Lord propo,ed, not only that they should policy of the Governor-General of India at that time. Sir be restored to their liberty, but to the enjoyment of their Ch ar l e s Napier had received a letter from Lord Ellenborough estates also. It might be fairly open to considerati on if they congratulating him upon what he had done, and ur g in g him would establish these Ameers in coins humbler station th at ; to the commission of fresh aggressions. The history of our that they formerly enjoyed, and so allow them liberty ; and to connexion with Sinde was the history of a continued series of this an earnest consideration had already been given by the unjustifiable acts. Lord Ellenborough in his letters Executive, to whom he thought the subject had much better be brought it as an accusation against the Ameers, that left. The opinions which he (Sir Robert Peel) had they were collecting troops without legitimate cause ; formed on this point, were that it would not be safe but he had forgotten the letter of the 19th February, which to allow the Ameers to return, in this humble capa stated that these troops had been collected solely for the pur- city, to their native country. The restoration of their pose of defence. Lord Ellenborough's letters were full of estates, depriving them of political power, might leave them vague generalities, intended to draw away public attention from with feelings of mortified pride to suggest, and the means to the real question at issue. —(Cries of H ear , h ea r.) How work out fresh intrigues. But the Noble Lord proposes an were tho s e grea t li nes of c o mmunication of which he had alternative—to give them a just equivalent for their estates. spoken to b e f orme d? the expense of their formation Ile ( sir Robert Peel) answered, "No I ' and he called on could not be defrayed from the revenues of Sinde ; the douse of Commons to give them no power, no means, no for while the revenue of that country was only forty Lacs, the opportunity by which they might again in v ol v e t h e Br iti sh expenditure amounted to eighty lays. He trusted the House arms in fresh struggles.—( Hear, hear.) One sentiment there would see the same justice administered to Asiatics that was was of the Noble Lord's, in which he entirely concurred, and ad - ninistered to Englishmen,—( Cheers.) that was that they should yield to these Ameers every corn- Sir EDWARD COLEBROOKE had expected that the fort and consideration that was possible. Whatever were Secretary of the Beard of Control, in supporting the case of the their misfortunes they ought net, and they should not be ex- Gevernment would have relied for the defence of Lord eluded from every indulgence and every species of liberal Ellenborough upon something more than the vague treatment consistent with their proper custody.—( Hear, hear.) and general statements of Major Outram. He did The height from which they had fallen would not, he could not believe that the Ameers had been anxious venture to assure the House, be forgotten either by he r for the overthrow of the British power, and he did not believe Majesty , the G overnment at home, or the Government in that any of the more enlightened of the natives of India, who India—(Loud cheers) —and there should be no restraint on were aware that it was necessary that that country should be them far the mere purpose of punishment, and no restraint on under the rule of some great power, were really desirous that their personal liberty which was not justified by considerations the British empire should be overthrown. He had been in of policy.—(Hear, hear.) It was now the subject of their India in 1e36, and he had then wondered how it had happened consideration, whether their removal to some other part of that the Ameers of Sinde had remained independent so lmig. India, distant from Sinde, might not admit of less restraint Those Ameers formed a confederacy, divided by family guar- being placed upon them.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") With rels. In 18.343, if they had not received our assistance, they respect to their personal treatment, he would with truth de must have been conquered by Runjeet Singh, and after 183 e Clare that no narrow notions of economy should be permitted any attempt of theirs to achieve for tnemselves independence to interfere with their comfort and happiness.--(Cheers.) At was regarded by themselves as hopeless and impoisi'ole. On present the sum allowed to the officer for the expenses of the our meditating an hostile attack on Affghenistan, the occupa- aggregate of them was not less than twenty thousand pounds ; tion of Sinde was necessary as a basis for our military and if that were deemed by them insufficient to obtain any of operations beyond the Indus. Shortly afterwards our the comforts they had heretofore been accustomed to, he Resident was withdrawn from Hyderabad, the Ameers could assure the House that a further sum should be allowed.— were at a loss to understand the meaning of this—some of the ( Hear, hear.) Trusting he had satisfied the House that every Ameers thought it was preparatory to a hostile attack upon them thong that could be done consistently with prudence would —while others, knowing that we were withdrawing our troops be done for these unfortunate Princes, and warning the from Affghanistan, imagined,that we were about to withdraw House, above all things, not to assume a responsibility from Sinde also. Here was independence within their reach which they might hereafter deeply deplore, he should con had they desired it, but so mar from desiring it it appeared elude the observations he felt it his duty to make, by giving that every day Major Outram was receiving a message from his decided opposition both to the motion of the Noble Lord one or other of them, begging that some English Resident ( Ashley) and the amendment of the Honourable Gentleman might be left at Hyderabad, because if the English were the Member for Bath.—( Hear.) to withdraw entirely, the Ameers felt convinced that they Lord J. RUSSELL said, the Noble Lord who had brought must soon come to a rupture amongst themselves. He could forward the resolution before the House, had done so entirely not but recollect the great services they had rendered to us irrespective of the original policy of the war, and of the annexe during the war in Affghanistan, and how any one could believe tion of the territory of Sinde to the British empire. In what that they were plotting our overthrow while they were fur- had fallen from the Right Honourable Baronet in refer nishing us with the means of carrying on a successful ence to it, he pretty generally agreed, and he was warfare was quite beyond his comprehension.—( hear.) highly pleased to hear his declaration that no con- Sir ROBERT PEEL cordially agreed in the sentiments siderations of economy should stand in the way of every which had been expressed by the Right lion. Gentleman, that safe indulgence being conceded to the unfortunate Ameers. in discussing questions relating to Indian policy the House He quite agreed_ that it would be most inconven ient fer the ought to put a liberal construction upon the motives and the House of Commons to require from the Government any as conduct of public men who were entrusted with such immense surance that the Ameers should be restored to the enjoyment responsibility, and who had the destinies of an empire com- of their liberty and their estates. He was not aware what nutted to their charge.—( Hear, hear.) No consideration on might be the actual state of Sinde at that moment. The earth should induce him to rest the vindication of Lord Ellen- Hon. Member for Bath had read a letter to the House, from, borough on the charges which had been preferred against Lord he believed, Sir Charles Napier, in which he said Auckland.—(Cheers.) He could not, therefore, support he had found it necessary to disarm a considerable the mot ion of the Hon. and Learned Member for portion of the inhabitants of that country. Why Bath.—( Cheers. ) He must extend to Lord Auck- they could not be sure that if the immediate liberty of these land the sane credit which he asked for Lord Ameers took place, that, although the country might be getting Ellenborough.—(Cheers.) He had not hesitated freely tolerably quiet, their re-appearance might not be the signal of to express his opinion of Lord Auckland's policy in invading immediate anarchy and confusion ; and, therefore, he (Lord Affghanistan; but from his own personal knowledge of Lord John Russell) for one would have nothing to do with a re- Auckland he felt bound to say that he believed that Lord sponsibility which might have such consequences.—( Loud Auckland had always exercised his political functions to pro- cheers.) After the assurances of the Ministers of the Crown, mote that which he deemed to be the best interests of the he could not give his support to any portion of the resolution country—(Chee rs )— a nd that Lord Auckland's motives had of the Noble Lord, though he gave to him (Lord Ashley) the always been of the highest and purest nature. —(Cheers. ) But fullest credit for his motives, and concurred in several of the although he would not vindicate Lord Ellenborough by attack- observations which had fallen from him. The Right ing Lord Auckland, yet w itho u t g iving any opinion on Lord Honourable Bar onet ( Sir Robert Peel) had, however, Auckland's policy, he had a right to consider the position in entered into another question which was not before which Lord Ellenborough found himself placed with regard to the House — the q uestion of the p olic y p ursued in the Ameers at the ti me th a t h e assume d the office of Go- India by the present Governor-General, Lord Ellenborough. vernor-General of India. It was impossible to regulate Indian He felt the force of the observations made by the )Yon. Gen politics by European rules.—(Cheers.) They might pass tleman, the Secretary to the Board of Trade, that the supple- Acts of Parliament interdicting Governors-General from ex- mentary papers had been only a month in the hands of the tending their empire, but he was afraid there was a great Members. Those papers threw great light on the occurrences principle at work whenever civilisation and refinement came in India, and it was very difficult to come to a conclusion into contact which made it difficult to apply those principles.— justificatory or condemnatory of the policy of L or d Ellen ( Hear, hear.) He was afraid that there was a necessity for borough at the present time. He wished to avoid giving any the extension of our empire in India—( Hear, hear)—and that opinion regarding policybyEllenborough. it pursued Lord it was utterly impossible to adopt the same principles with re- The Noble Lord, assuming the Government of India w - as gard to the independence of small States in India o n which we placed in a position of great difficulty, he might have con acted here. Let them take the case of Affghanistan. Let ceived it necessary tocrake an impression itr order to them assume that it was necessary for the security of our Indian remove the opinion then prevalent that British power empire, and to counteract the designs of Persia and Russia, that in India was on the decline. On the other that expedition was necessary. They found Sinde a country no- hand. he must say minally independent, interposed between them and Affghanistan. present Governor-General that his had been no nfidne in greatly en shaken the hy Would rt be possible for the Governor-General to act on the the inconsistency o f his policy with the declarations which he principle that unless the people of Si n de v olu n tarily permitted made on arriving in India.—( Hear, hear.) One of his first the troops to pace, their territory was to be preserved inviolate? declarations was that his policy was to keep within the Indus , —(Cheers.) Would it be r i g ht for the Governor-General to which h e said was the natural boundary of the British empire, look to his Vattel and Pufiendorff for precedents, and if he but as far as he (L or d J. Russell) knew, our empire was not could not find them there, to give up the expedition?— natural there in any seuse of the term. On the let of October (Cheers.) There was a principle at work by which the small he made this proclamation • but month after, on the 4th of States in India were necessarily absorbed into our e m i ,i res November, he decided Upon seizing n additional territory Perhaps we did not conquer them by force, but we took posses- j West of the Indus,hear.) It seemed Lim sion sion of them by means equally effectual, we had R e o r i en t s a t ' perfectly clear that Sir Charles Napier had acted accord ' their Courts, we subsidised their troo p s, and then g ained a con- bi g to his instructions, and with amoral courage, and a trol over their territories, and if th e y looked to the p roceedin g s of p ersonal braver y , which deserved nothing but commendation. of other civilised nations when they came into contact w i t h H e ac ted with regard to the safety of the army and maintaining savage nations, it would be found that the same p r inciple. which the supremacy of British arms—(Hear, hear) —and he be forced us to extend our Indian Empire applied with equal truth bevel the Gallant Officer could not with those considerations to other countries.—( Hear, hear.) He would not rest hi s e r n _ h av e acted otherwise than he had done ; and as an humble dication of Lord Ellenborough upon the inculpation of Lo r d Member of that. House,_ he was willing to bestow upon him Auckland. He had already given his opinion of the p olic y of j am p le commendation. The Right Hen. Gentleman had laid THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 9 3 1844 down certain general opinions with respect to civilisation to the inepplicability of all the laws of nations, very loose as these laws generally were, and very favourable as they hod been to conquest and aggression of all kinds. 'The Right Hon. Gen • tletnan, he repeated ,made certain observations upon that subject which seemed to admit a latitude of aggression in which he ( Lord John Russell) would be very sorry to participate.— ( Hear, hear.) It would seem that the next conquest was to be the conquest of the Punjaub. There was no doubt that the treachery of the Ameers—the dread of their conspiring with the Russians or Persians against British power might induce the Governor-General to direct an advance across the Indus. It was said with respect to the Punjaub, that it was in a state of anarchy, that its native princes had been dethroned and assassinated, and that the co un t ry was t orn by di s sen• sions. It was further alleged, with respect to the State of Sinde, that it bad been immersed in barbarism, and that much was to be expected from the progress of civili sation there, and the Right lion. Baronet observed that the regulations which controlled European nations could not be applied to Sinde. All this would lead one to expect that we apposed civilisation to their barbarism, and the successful in troduction of the former was sufficient to justify aggression. If such principles were acted upon, it nes hard to say where British conquest would stop—they would go on conquering one country after another, but they might depend upon it that the extent would cause irremediable weakness.—(dear, hear. ) He wondered that none of the Directors of the East India Company had spoken. The Noble Lord who introduced the resolution had at all events eli c it e d t h e op i n i on o f th a t House Ameers, in w ho s e d e f ence h e s t oo d u p, wou ld be the Indian G overnmen t w i t h lib era lit y an d ki n d ness . that tie treated by Sir ROBERT PEEL explained. "she Noble Lord had not represented what he said truly. What he said was, that he was afraid it would be impossible to decline inter ference in the affairs of Sinde on the same grounds as mighf be urged by the nations of Europe. Mr. HUM E said that the Noble Lord seemed to wonder that no member of the East India Company had spoken on the present subject. Why, the late Government had de stroyed their power, and therefore it was perfectly farcical to eels them why they did not interfere.—(Laughter.) The whole conduct of Lord Ellenborough towards the Ameers had been founded upon one single letter, and on that account he thought the policy of the Governor-General in this case was the most unjust that ever had been pursued since we first made footing in India.—( Hear, hear. and " Question.") At the same time he saw in the statement of the Hight lion. Baronet a desire to alleviate the condition of the Ameers. But so far did he consider their power of no avail against the influence of India, that he thought there would be no danger whatever in restoring them to their dominions.—(Hear.) And he be lieved that the expense of maintaining the authority of England in Sinde would cost four times as much as any advantage that could be derived from the possession. Mr. V. SMITH, ( who spoke amidst loud cries of "'Question, question," " Divide, divide,") was understood to say that he thought there could be no objection whatever to liberating those unfortunate Ameers, and allowing them to return to their own country. ( Question, question.) Lord ASHLEY said that, at this very late hour of the night, he would not trespass at any length upon the House, even if it were necessary to make any reply to the objections offered to his motion. But as it was, he had heard nothing to make it necessary. Yet one thing which had been said by the Right Hon. Baronet, to the effect that this House ought not to interpose, required him to ask— what redress was there in eases of oppression, if the House was not to interpose?—( Cheers.) What became of the responsi bility of the Governor-General? (Cheers. ) What became of the controlling power of the House ?—(Cheers.) Ihe whole argument of the Hon. Member for Bath, and of his friend the Prime Minister, was, that the conduct of the Governor-Gene ral was founded upon reasons of state. If that argument were of any weight, was it to be said that those unfortunate princes should be robbed of their dominions, torn frees their hones, and incarcerated ?—( Hear, hear. ) He could not sit down with out saying, in explanation to tke Gallant Commodore opposite, the Member for Marylebone, that, in referring to the letter of that Gallant Officer's distinguished relative (Sir C. Napier), he had ro intenti in of lowering his character, for he held him in the highest esteem.—( Hear, hear.) He was happy to hear the sympathy of the House so strongly expressed, and it led him to hope that the Ameers would be restored to liberty. But, unwilling as he was to vote against the friends with whom lie was in the habit of acting, he felt bound to divide the House, because he was convinced that the policy of which he complained was injurious to the character of this country, and inciinsistent with the religion which this country professed, The House then divided. The numbers were— For the motion Against it Majority against the motion —134 MR. BONHAM. Mr. DIVETT then rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice, "'That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to dismiss Francis Robert Bonham, Es q , from the office of store-keeper of her Majesty's Or dnance." He said he had alwa y s considerable reluctance in venturing to trespass on the attention of the House, and if that was the case in reference to a public concern, it was much more so with a matter that concerned himself personally, and therefore it was only from a sense of public duty that he had put his motion on the books respecting Mr. Bonham. He thought he had great reason to complain of the conduct of that gentleman, in reference to certain pro ceedings at the last London election. Mr. Bonham, who held a public situation, w s the general electioneering agent of the Conservative party.—(lronical cheers and laughter from the Ministerial benches.) Honourable Gentlemen might laugh at it, but it was notorious to all the political world, and should be made notorious to the whole community. It was notorious that, as political agent, that Gentleman did things for which he ought to be made responsible, and, on the occasion of the last London election, the services which he usually rendered to his party were more particularly called into play. He (Mr. Divett) might be allowed, in passing, to ad vert to the language of the Attorney-General on the matter, which was something in the shape of a menace, namely, that his (Mr. Divett's) having put that notice on the books in re ference to Mr. Bonham. was not decent--(Cheers from the Ministerial benches)—just as if he said he would move his (Mr. Divett's) exeulsion fro.n the House. At the time of the election for the City of London in October last, he ( Mr. Divett) was residing in Devonshire. His name was on the register of electors for the City of London, and Sir Gregory Lewin had proposed to pair off with him. Sir Gregory had written to Mr. Bonham on the subject, and Mr. Bonham had written down to state that his (Mr. Divett's) name was not upon the register.—( A laugh.) He (Mr. Divett) told Sir Gregory he was sure it was a mistake; that he would go to London with him. They did go to town, and they had voted.-- (A laugh.) There had been no difficulty; when he came to the poll-book, his name was found on the re gister at once.—( A laugh.) Sir Gregory Lewin had written to Mr. Bonham for an explanation, but no explanation had been afforded him from that day to the present.—( Hear, hear. ) Had Mr. Bonham written to say that it was a mistake, he (Mr. Divett) should have thought nothing further of it, but he felt that Mr. Bonham had cast an imputation on his honour by re presenting that he (Mr. Divett) was capable of saying that his name was on the register when it was not.—(Cries of " No, no,"um cheers,arices and in bringing I aug ht r . ) t e H efelt matter justified,b before nre under tbe these House.— c - st ( A laugh.) Hon. Members might l aug h, b u t h e co nsidered the c honour of public men should be scrupulously guarded; and he hoped never to see the day when it would be otherwise.— ( Cries of " Move ! move !") The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving, amidst roars of laughter, that an address be pre sented to her Majesty praying her to dismiss Mr. Bonham. The SPEAKER—Who second s the motion? No one seconding the motion, it fell to the ground. Sir ROBERT PEEL rose, not to second the motion, but to move the adjournment of th e House. As, however, the Hon. Gentleman had made his statement, he (Sir R. Peel) felt it his duty to come forward and defend an honourable and high-minded man—( Cheers)—a man he was proud to call his friend—(Loud cheers)—from the charges which had been brought against him. —( H -ear•) The - Hon. Gentleman, according to his own showing, w as not ac t ua t e d by any sense of public virtue, because he himself had said that if Mr. Ben ham had written to him, the House would have heard nothing of the matter.—( Cheers and laughter.) The state of the case, a 3 he understood it, was this :—Sir Grego y Lewin had cal led upon the Right Honourable Gentleman or Devonshire, and had proposed to him to pair off for the City of London election. The Right Hon. Baronet then read the letter, which stated that he and Mr. Divett had paired off for the City of London election, and that he went to Mr. Bonham to inform him of the fact, that Mr. Bonham sent him a letter stating that the name of Mr. i'ivett was nut to be found upon the registe r ; that he (Sir Gregory Lewin) informed Mr. Divett that his name was not to be found on the register, at which Mr. Divett seemed annoyed. He (Mr. Divett) said it was a trick that Isis name was not on the register, and that he would go to London to vote. There was nothing in this letter (said the Right Hon. Baronet) to show that Mr. Bonham had ever charged the Hon. Gentleman with not having a vote at the election. He only stated the information that he had re ceived himself from the General Committee, the c hairman of which was Mr. Russell Ellice, a gentleman well known to be of the highest character.—(Hear.) He would now read a liter from Mr. Ellice to Mr. Bonham, written after the notice of the Hon. Gentleman. The letter stated that, on the pro duction of Sir Gregory Lenin's letter by Mr. Bonham, the into the had, according to their invariable rule, looked the register for the name of Mr. Divett. No p erson could d regret more than he the mistake which' had occurr insm and which he believed arose from not to what Livery Mr. Divett belonged.—(Loud cheer s. ) Mr. Bonham, in a letter to Sir Gregory Lewin, also expressed his regret for what had occurred ; it was a mistake, and he could s ay no more.—( Cheers.) If he (Sir R. Peel) had been told that his name was not on the register for the City of West minster, he should be sorry to impute a had motive to any gen tleman for saying so. The only complaint against Mr. Bonham was that he made an apology to Sir Gregory Lenin and not to the Hon. Gentleman—((:beers) — and yet for this the Hun. Gentleman gave notice of a motion for the first day of the session, without any communication with Mr. Bonham, which would lead the friends of that gentleman to suppose that he was guilty of some gross official misconduct.—(Cheers.) But, considering that the Hon. Gentleman had riot even found a seconder, his speech would very little diminish the estimation in which Mr. Bonham was held by his private friends.—( Hear. ) After a few words from Mr. Div ETT, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that he rose for the purpose of apologising to the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Divett). He did state to the Hon. Gentleman that, in his opinion, it was not right to obtrude private matters upon the House—( Hear, hear) —and that it was about as proper a pro ceeding as if an Hon. Gentleman , in order to make his speech, should move for the expulsion of another Hon. Member.-- ( Hear, hear.) He was in habits of more than ordinary ac quaintance with the lion. Gentleman, and he told him frankly, and with good will, what his opinions were upon the subject. The Hon. Gentleman appeared to receive the information with a smile, but he begged to apologise to him if he misunderstood the terms upon which he stood towards him. He (the At torney-General) had meant no offence, and he merely stated, in perfect good humour, what he thought was the character of the motion. He begged to say that anything like menace was equall foreign to his thoughts and intentions. He little expected that that short conversation would have been made the subject of complaint against him. And now he would just throw in, by wa y of par en th es i s, t h at a gen tlemen of more intl. p mCient mind did not exisl either in that House or out of it, and, baying stated this in a parenthesis, he would conclude by expressing his opinion that he did not think the Honourable Member (Mr. Divett) was the most fit judge of those matters which he had so rashly ventured to bring before the House.--( Laughter and cheers. ) gr. LEADER said that the gentleman who had been described as the confidential servant of the Government in certain matters—the manager and dis burser of their Secret Service money —would not, he (Mr. Leader) would venture boldly to assert, ever do anything re pugnant to propriety and honour—(Hear, hear)—and that he was not a very virulent politician might be gathered from the fact that he had voted for him at the last election. Sure he was that a more honourable man did not exist, and he really thought it rather too bad that a man should be exposed to the surmises which such a notice as that on the paper was sure to produce in the public mind from a mere mistake in an election vote. Mr. B. COCHRANE said he had one more to add to the many mistakes already eommittel by the Hon. Member for Exeter (Mr. Divert). He had said or insinuated that at the time alluded to Mr. Bonham had gone into the coun try, in order to settle some business in which he (Mr. Cochrane) was concerned. Now Mr. Bonham neither went down nor was sent down to arrange these matters for him, nor had he ever had anything to do with them. —( Great laughter and cheers.). The House then adjourned, at Five Minutes to Two o'clock. WEEKLY AN TI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE MEETING AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE. The weekly meeting of the Anti-Corn-law League was held at Covent- Garden Theatre yesterday evening. The chair was taken at seven o'clock by George Wilson, Esq., at which time the theatre was no less crowded than on former occasions. The following is a list of some of the principal persons on the platform •—George Wilson, Esq., Chairmain ; Hon. Charles Pelham Villiers, M.P. ; Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P. ; Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P. ; Sir William Baynes, Baronet ; George Moffatt, Esq. ; Richard Moffatt, Esq. ; John I ; Potter, Esq., Manche s t er ; Ri c h ar d B axter , E sq. F. Ricardo, I Esq. ;.11. L. T e e d a l e , E sq . ; R. R. R. Moore, Esq. ; F. H. Toone, Esq. ; John Egan, Esq. ; R. W. Cole, Esq. ; J. T. Norris, Esq. ; John Williams, Esq. ; P. Wells, Esq. ; M. B. Sampson, Esq. ; S. L ees , E sq ., Manchester ; J. E. Parry, Esq., North Devon ; J. B. Smith, Esq., Manchester ; E. W. Squarey, Esq, Salisbury ; A. T. Squarey, E s q., S a li s b u ry ; Crosby, Esq., Liverpool; Bridges Harvey, Esq. ; J. Bro. therten, Esq. ; Cowden Clark, Esq. ; General Sir De Lacy Evans, K.C. B. ; W. A. Wilkinson, Esq. ; Samuel Lucas, Esq. ; Ralph Ricardo, Esq. ; William Leaf, Esq. ; J. P. Bernard, Esq. ; Foster, Esq ; John Lyons, Esq. ; J. Ivimey, Esq. ; Richard Napier, Esq. ; J. Coppock, Esq. ; Dr. Cooke Taylor; Francis Place, Esq. ; D. Dewar, Esq. ; P. A. Taylor, Esq. ; Keeling, Esq. ; Thomas Hodgkin, Esq ; J. D. Cummings, Esq. ; A. Pattison, Esq. ; P. H. Le Breton, Esq. ; Arthur Adams, Esq. ; John INPLeod, Esq. ; J ,eeah Fletcher, Esq. ; M. Andrews, Esq. ; George Vs'ansey, Esq ; Hemmant, Esq.; Alexander Morris, Es:q. • George Moore, Esq. ; Thomas Harbottle, Esq., Manchester ; Charles Lattimore, Esq., Wheathampton, Herts ; J. B. Scott, Esq., Manchester. The minutes of the last meeeting having been read by the Secretary, on the motion of Mr. Leaf, seconded by Mr. S. Lees, of Manchester, they were confirmed. The CHAIRMAN then said—Ladies end Gentlemen, another week had rolled away, opening up and developing events which although, perhaps, not of a striking character, would have no unimportant influence upon this question at some fu ture day.—( Hear, hear.) Parliament had been opened—her Majesty's speech had been read, and he did not know whether or not any one there present had expected that it would con tain an announcement that the corn-laws were to be abolished ; but if any did he had certainly been doomed to great disap pointment. The Premier had stated, in his place, that it was not his intention to make any •alteration in the corn-law ; and a Ministerial journal said that the announcement was received with loud cheers from a great majority of the House of Com mons. Now, that such should be the fact, and yet that fact not by ;any means overwhelm them with astonishment, could surprise no one who had paid the slightest attention to the sub ject.—( Hear.) They never expected that Sir Robert Peel, as a great statesman, was going to put forth his hand to heal the wound which monopoly had inflicted, and was in flicting, on the industry of this country. They never con ceived that, situated as he was, placed in power by the very parties who now told him they would remove him from power the moment he abused the confidence they had reposed in him, j pledged to maintain their interests intact, watched on every hand, all his speeches conned by rote to be cast into his teeth I should any change take place; they never supposed that, under I such circumstances, Sir Robert Peel would come forward and j abolish the corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) He had consented to serve his party, a party which a single word from him could shatter into a thouaand fragments in a moment. He had con. sented to become the instrument of a party which distrusted him.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) A party which placed no reliance on his word, as they might gather from the minis terial journals and the speeches made at the protection meetings. It would not be long, he trusted, before , another party would rise up in this country, which would be able to put an end to all the mono polising factions which had ruled over it for so many ages. —( Cheers.) Monopoly was a hard task-master ; it spared neither young nor old, neither rich nor poor. It would not spare Sir Robert Peel if he consented to serve it, and became its willing instrument, any more than it would spare those who were its unwilling . instruments. It had no respect fur talents, however high aed commanding ; it exacted from all, rich and poor, high and low, ail that they could contribute to s.v ell its enormous gains, and it made no restitution on account of the poor and the defenceless, according to the principles of mercy. I'he monopolists, the rent-leaguers, had, no doubt, been well satisfied by the declarations in Parliament, and yet they had had their field days in the country since those declarations were made.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The tenant-farmer's farces had been acted over again during the present week. They had seen how suddenly the tenant-farmers had become conversant with literature, how anxious they were to engage in correspondence with their brethren, who were tenant farmers in all parts of the kingdom, and, at the same time, they had seen that the tenant-farmers had no complaints to make at these meetings. They had heard of special hardens on land, but there appeared to be no burdens under which the farmers were labouring, neither rent, nor tithes, nor tenure, nor any other burden which might have been supposed to affect the tenant-farmer. The only expressions which were heard at these meetings were denunciations against the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Hear.) Why the whole thing was extremely well managed, well dressed up for stage effect; but it would scarcely pass muster for all that.—( Hear, hear.) The hand was the hand of Esau, whatever hand might be presented fur examina tion. Strip any one of these meetings of all deceptive appear ances; take from the speakers the landlords, the parsons, the land stewards, the bailiffs, and all those who were interested in maintaining the present law ; and what would be the roll of the tenant farmers, who took part in thin movement ?—( Hear, hear.) They had had, from all the parts of the country, letters giving them information as to these meetings. Niue out of ten were scarcely worth notice on account of the smallness of numbers. He had a letter in his pocket respect ' ing a meeting, in Lincolnshire, where it was said j in a morning paper, one hundred tenant-farmers were pre sent. The writer of this letter said he counted the parties in the room. There were forty-nine persons. There were two clergymen—(Laughter)—there were four lawyers—( Great cheering)—there were six publicans—(Roars of laughter)— there were four butchers, there was a banker, there were two reporters and the writer, all, of course, tenant-farmers.—(Con meeterli edastn.ghi)sne receivedthh e Town hall, laughter.) The speakers were gentlemen who had taken an interest in a meeting held on the previous day, in a distant part of the county. The chairman was the gentleman who, on the previous day moved the first resolution at the other meeting ; and the gentleman who moved the first resolu tion at this meeting took the chair the day before.—(Loud laughter.) There was a complete change of persons ; and some one in the room, more indiscreet than the rest, ob served that " it was better that this arrangement should take place, in order that it might appear as though it were another meeting."—( Laughter.) That was a sample of the meetings of which they saw such glowing descriptions in the newspapers. —( Hear, hear.) The landlords and squires were not satisfied with their majority in the House of Commons, or their still greater majority in the House of Peers ; but they were ob liged now, in acknowledgment of the power of the League, to prepare against the next general election.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They knew they were growing weaker day by day ; that, array their forces as they might, all they could muster were canvassers, candidates, the old electioneering Com mittees, and the political parties who were most interested in the results of an election. They knew well enough that, when the question was stripped of a political character, in the counties, as in the boroughs, the landlords were in a mi nority,—(Cheers.) Since they last met, there had been an election for the borough of Devizes. Under ordinary circum stances it would have been held to be one of the most absurd things in the world to contest that borough with the mono polists ; but Mr. Temple, a leading member of the legal profession, and Queen's Counsel, declared that if there were but twenty good men and true in Devizes, he would meet them on the day of nomination, explain his opinions in reference to free trade, and abide the result. —(Cheers.) Mr. Temple stood, and, as was expected, lost the election. But good seed had been sown. The monopolists boroughs where they were more likely to be successful.— ( Hear, hear.) They would contest all boroughs.—(lmmense contest s n those the in might , m htel eahhh, aec,s i ei the : g et: eeek, h d e dr, latßmi case principlesei we e grAhot a meai f r ertr)i n re. a Birmingham, TgeoThu t :ncor h eramhoutfhn a mtnipti t aty,:u.lmbleiel i iameeti f ,jeworillita: t gtor,at t orsa l uhsble e f,‘ulitlilciv y ,icrieh,.caeb_ave,i c nsez o etatr( n hififaic_ou t e: e cuylth s t.npae t id e vee d droyi jsuioa.ilD)tdecseoscvnneiti contest ehtxc e sae s ktti , ynptwhk eanetekw, which places the advocates of free trade, after borough,anhdatnext was on l o b ay r e t i c i; o i n onceea c each re jected, Sinceai Council t at taken for rf deputation subscriptionsn(u a l e a t u i w o d hn place in some of the smaller towns in Lancashire and York the League Fund. A meeting had also beemaenfdhreioeebi the Anti-Corn-law League. The meeting was open to all ; it :g taken ak e n audience, up v antirisv proper r independentr was held in th e m iddl e o f t h e day, and 4,000 people attended; Mr. Cobden, C o l one l Th ompson, and Mr. Moore, addressed th e ds 01. o e. Ee position, o B l 6 t d:voac was collected towards the great L eague fund . —(Cheers.) Birmingham had n leffortsin e d tu e w i n other ertehe townsbreoiongm which, allied t oget h er, composed the National Anti-Corn-law Le made in support of the League. They would not deceive themselves, they would neither over estimate their own strength, nor underrate the strength of those who were banded together by interest against them; but they knew that the time was gradually approaching when the commerce of this country would be unfettered, and the labour of the people re ceive its just reward.—( Loud cheers.) The Hon. C. P. \TILLIE/I.s, M.P., then rose to address the meeting. He said that when he saw the pro gress of the it cause, he felt with the Chairman that there was little cause for dismay, at the new and would-be threatening attitude which their opponents had recently assumed. H their cause were based on truth and jus tice, he anticipated no disadvantage from the general discus . sion of the subject which they Were inviting, and if it were true that those who were doomed by Heaven to tall were doomed to become foolish first, he did think that in this recent movement their opponents had some intimation of their fate.— ( Hear.) They were making themselves known to the coun try ; they were telling the people who they were, and what they were, for whom such great sacrifices had been, and were yet being, made, in their trade, their industry, their wealth, and their greatness.—(Hear, hear.) They seemed to forget how much their power was rooted in the imaginations of men, and how much they profited by a confusion in men's minds between what was great and what was good—what was rich and what was respectable. There were many who thought that men of high station and descent would be above sacri ficing the interests of the community at large for their own pri vate purposes; but how could these people remain longer un der t hat delusion, when these men declared, in fact, that they would serve their own interest at the expense of every other, and that they would, under all circumstances, adhere to a law p:.ssed to the injury of the community at large.—( Hear, hear. ) They had now entered the lists with those whose proceedings they' had pretended to condemn, and he ventured to predict that they had not the qualities which were essential for the struggle.—( Cheers.) They were strong in rank ; strong, it seemed, in language ; and unless monopoly had foiled them, they would be strong also in pecuniary means ; but, strongest of all must they be, in their imagination, if they fancied that by mere bluster, by the use of no better weapon than vulgar diction, they could dissipate a power which had been brought to light by necessity and a sense of wrong, and which received its support from that indomitable love of justice which had ever pervaded, as he trusted it ever would per vade this nation.—( Loud cheers.) He believed their opponents would first disagree and then disappear. —( Laughter. ) lt was a most diverting scene, he heard, to see these great men in their waggons and at their windows, teaching their tenants, what it seemed they had yet to learn, how much good they had done them, how much they had been protected by Parliament, how prosperous they were, and, above all, what a vast advan tage would accrue to them from suppressing men who ventured to dispute these things. They had, in fact, found that the whole machinery for maintaining monopoly was giving way, and that part of it which they distrusted most seemed to b the chief screw of the Prime Minister. A Noble Lord told a meet ing in Hertfordshire that the farmers should now show their teeth, and the labourers of Essex were told to speak out. How the farmers " showing their teeth" would raise the price of corn, or whether " speaking out " was precisely the use of the mouth which the labourers in their present condition would most wish to make, he would not pretend to say.—(Laughter.) At a public meeting lately held in the county of Dorset, a gen • tleman had undertaken to describe the purposes of the Anti ; Corn-law League. He said—" These persons," alluding to those who attend these meetings, " are reviving a society , which arose under Mr. Pitt ; it was originated by the bloody Jacobins of France, and these fellows who attend the League meetings are great grandchildren of these bloody fellows. They waet to destroy the landlord in order to pick the pocket of the tenant, and then send the labourer to the devil."—( Roars of laughter.) The mildest word applied to them was blasphemy. But there were some of them who w anted to put down all discussion on the subject.— ( Hear, hear.) Twenty-eight petitions had been presented to the House of Commons to stop these mischievous discussions. This remanded him of a benighted village, in which, whenever there was a storm at night, the clergyman used to be called up to read a chapter out of the Bible.—(Laughter.) They had no intention of being put down ; they had no idea of sur rendering one jot of the:r principle.—( Great cheering.) Their business was simply to increase, by every means in their power, their efforts to forward the cause. The recent movement had thrown new light upon the subject, mai had shown what were the real grounds upon which their enistiiies proceeded. The Morning Post was the faithful organ of their views ; as such it had received many votes of thanks at their meetings.—( Hear, hear.) On the day before Parliamcn• met, that journal said, " The business of farmers is to resist, to the utmost of their power, the hypothesis that any supply from abroad is necessary." It further said that the business of landlords was to take care of their own interests, and that the agriculturists of England had a right to the mono poly of supelying England with food ; and that the sliding seal, sea , corded en that hypothesis. This, at least, was in telligible long uage. —( Hear, hear.) The same journal ridi culed improvements in agriculture, on the ground that their effect ea, to increase the quantity and lower the price of corn, as well as on the ground of their expense. He had lie• ly heard of a new plan on the part of the monopo lists Leine started for the maintenance of monopoly. That plan was to ether than a system of exclusive dealing. It was only two days ago that this plan was suggested in the organ of the Govt rumen', the Morning Herald. If any tradesmen yen tored tc condemn the present system of monopoly, all support was to be drawn from him in his business. Let the tradesmen be on hunt st titan—let him have a large family to bring up— yet, if he dared to express his opinion in favour of free trade, he Wat to be marked as a person undeserving of support in his business. How could these monopolists have the face after this to talk of tie morality of the people or of their spiritual destitu tion ? This last attempt of the monopolists was most odious tyrant.v. —( Cheers. ) The free trade party might, if they chose, adept th , same course, but he would never recommend any man, who we's a friend to the cause, to pursue such an odious system. Every o ;in had a right to his opinion.—(Cheers.) He trusted that this odious and detestable attempt at tyranny on the part of the monopolists would only encourage the free traders to fresh exertions.—(Cheers.) The monopolists, amongst other foolish arguments, had made use of one which had caused some sensation amongst parties who were inclined to be free traders. They said that if the corn-laws were re pealed, we never could meet the demands of the public cre ditor. He ventured to say, that out of all the fallacies which had been started by the monopolists, there had been none more worthless or groundless than this one. Did net they hear repeatedly in the House of Lords, that they could not think of taxing the bread of the people for revenue?—(Hear and a laugh?) Why, how was revenue raised, but upon what the people consumed ? And if bread were cheap, as a matter of course they would have more money to lay out in those articles which were taxed for the purposes of revenue. Mr. Huskiss n, in the very last speech which he made in the House of Commons said—and his words had been prophetic—that if the corn-laws were maintained, the only means of maintaining public fails would be by an income-tax. How true bad his anticipa ions proved. To illustrate the position he had taken, he would refer to the revenue received during three years of scarcity and three years of cheapness. The years 1835, 1836, and 18,17, were cheap years, and the years 1838, 1839, and 1840, were year of scarcity. In the cheap years, the ave rage price of corn was 475. the quarter, and during the years of scarcity it was 675., being a difference of 40 per cent. It must be borne in mind that during the last three years, the population of the kingdom increased one million, and it would be reasonable to expect that in that account considerably ex ciseable articles would have been consumed. The amount of revenue cull eted during the cheap years was 159,800,000/., and the amount during the dear years, when the population had increav d one million, was only 159,200,000/.—(Hear, hear.) Now in what was it that this falling off was most perceptible? Why it was in the Customs and Excise Departments. During the cheap years the revenue from the Customs was 117.000.009/., while, during the dear year, the amount received from tne Customs and Ex cise was, not withstanding the increase in the population, only 116,000,000/.—( Hear, hear.) During the cheap year the revenue received upon spirits, tea, and sugar, was 51,000,000/., while during the three dear years, notwithstanding the increase in the population, it was only 47,000,000/. Now, if the same amount had continued to have been received there would have been received annually 2,300,000/. Now what was the deficit which Sir R. Peel wished to make up by his income-tax? It was 2,3.14,000/., being only a difference 44,0001.—(Cheers.) He mentioned this fact to show that the present income tax was merely imposed to keep up the present corn-laws. He did rot knew whether this was a great or a small fart—(Cheers)—but it seemed to him to be a very important one. He recollected the present Minister, when he was bringing in his tariff, in which he proposed to reduce the duty on cattle, being warned of the results of his so doing by one of his own supporters—a county Member. This county Member read a letter, in which the writer told him what a trade there would be between the United States and England if the duty on cattle were reduced. He showed that pros Lion would be abundant and cheap in this country if this reduction took place. He (Mr. Villiers) re membered entering the House at the time, and he was asto nished to Lear this good information given by a county Mem ber, he being a Monopoli.t ; and he was not a little surprised at hearing him say that all these benefits would certainly befal the country if the reduction in the duty on cattle were to take place.—( Laughter.) Why, the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, only last year, said that he was free to confess that, whenever there was a good harvest, and prices of provisions were law that the receipts from the Excise were sure to increase. Mr. Gladstone had said that he had no doubt that if the trade in food were opened with other countries that the supply would be paid fur by the manufactures of this country, and that it would consequently give a great increase to the employment of the people.--( Hear, hear.) Why, Sir Robert Peel himself had said that lie had no d rubt that if they lowered the price of provisions sufficiently, the people would hardly feel the income tax at al. How could they say, then, that the repeal of the corn laws would render the country unable to keep faith with the public creditor. The people had never shown any disposi tion to cheat the public creditor.—( Loud cheers.) The Duke of Richmond had a.serted at a public meeting that the advocates of free trade only wished to defraud the public creditor. He (Mr. Villiers) was there to say that there was not the slightest foundation for that calumny.—(Cheers.) lie said the public creditor never would be in any danger, except from the class to which the Duke of Richmond be ouged —( Loud cheers.) Such a charge came with a peculiarly bad grace from the Duke of Richmond, inasmuch as he was a Member of the Govern ment that proposed that there should be a duty imposed on transfer of stock.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Give it him.") He wished there was more to be said in their favour.— ( Hear, hear.) One Noble Lord at Hertford had stated that if the corn-laws were repealed, it would tend to diminish the enjoyments and luxuries of persons of his class. Nobedy grudged them their luxuries, only let them get them in a' proper manner. Why should the corn-laws be maintained for their exclusive benefit. Just as well might the doctor or the lawyer claim to have a law passed to perpetuate disease and litiga.non.—(Cheers.) Ile would only wish those who were not convinced of toe soundness of the principles of free trade, to consider the arguments of those who were the oppo nents of those principles. The motto of the free traders was "no surrender."—(Cheers. ) And he believed that their efforts woull succeed for their cause was not like of their op ponents powerless, spiritless, and selfish.—(Loud Cheers.) Mr. Cosoeia next rose to address the meeting, and was re ceived with a burst of cheering which lasted for some minutes. He said, that since he last had the pleasure of meeting them there, he had had the honour of addressing many large assem blies of their fellow-countrymen ; but he assured them that he looked upon that meeting with surprise and gratification on account of the enthusiasm even at present prevailing in the metropolis. He felt very much disposed to give something like an ABC of the question over again. He had been told that on that evening they were favoured with the attendance of many visitors who were neither very well informed nor of course convinced on the subject. He would therefore first give the young pupils a lesson in the elementary principles of free trade, arid endeavour to send them away good missionaries. Now what was free trade? Not the pulling down of all the custom-houses; but by free trade they meant the abolition of all protective duties. They did not propose to do away with indirect taxation, and to obtain revenue by means of direct taxation. There were a class of men who had taken possession of the Custom-house, and had installed their clerks therein to collect the Customs for their particular benefit, and the free traders intended to remove them out of the Custom-house. He would remind his young friends, the students, that monopolies existing now were analagous to the monopolies which existed under the Tudors and the Stuarts, when the Sovereign granted monopolies to the creatures of the Court for the exclusive sale of sugar, leather, salt, and other articles. One by one, those monopolies were abolished, until a law was passed by which it was enacted that no Sovereign should have the power of granting monopolies of any sort. There was no difference, however, in the present monopoly which existed. It eas just as much a monopoly as though Queen Victoria had granted it to any particular person. The mono poly in the sale of sugar was still as great, for our sugar came from a mere spec of the world, as compared with the South American continent, the East Indies, China, and the Indian Archipelago. He believed that many of his auditors that night were of the agricultural interest. They would probably be curious to koow why the free-traders called themselses the Anti-Corn-law League. The reason was, they advocated the abolition of the corn monopoly, believing it to be the foster parent of all other monopolies.—(Cheers.) If they destroyed that, the rest would follow.—(Hear, hear. ) when Sir 11. Peel proposed the alteration in the tariff, he (Mr. Cob,len) looked to see if the article of corn was there, hut he email not find it, and on his a.king why it was not there, Sir It. Peel said that corn was different to everything else in the tariff. They were told by the Earls and the Dukes that the core-laws regulated wages. Now, he would ask the working people present if, when they were making a bargain for employment, any reference was ever made as to the price of corn ?—( Cries of " No, no.") Why the hackney-coach and the waterteen's fares were all regulated by Act of Parliament, and yet he dare say, that when those fares were made no re gard was p :id to the price of corn.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard something of women stitch, stitch, stitching for three halfpence a shirt.—( Hear.) He wished to know if the price of corn regulated their wages.—(Cheers.) When Sir R. Peel brought in his corn-law two years ago, he (Mr. Cobden) moved an amendment to the effect that before passing a Corn Bill they ought to consider how far it was practicable to raise in proportioe the wages of the labourer. Sir R. Peel, in an swer to that amendment, said it was quite impossible that they could fix the rate of wages in this country—it could only be settled by competition with the world's market. He (Mr. C.) went to a division ; and Sir R. Peel and his friends went out at one door, %% hile about twenty or thirty went with him (Mr. Cobden) out of the other, and yet those parties who rejected that motion, in a few minutes afterwards came back and com- menced pssoirig a law by which they regulated the price of corn. Why, how they would stare, if a majority of cotton spinners w ere in the House of Commons to find that they bad proposes to ix the price of printed cottons, only, if they were to do so, th.y would be hooted from the metropolis. In the iroli trade large fortunes had been lost. Some Scars ago iron was 151. 10s. per ton. Now, it was only Si. 10s., yet no one in the House of Commons proposed measu-es to protect persons engaged in this trade. To show the fallacy of wages being regulated by the price of corn , he (Mr. Cobden) was paying more wages to inexperienced la bourers than the best agricultural labourer got in Dorsetshire. —(Cheer'.) If they had a repeal of the corn-laws, that must increase the demand for labour, both in this country and abroad, and therefore it must benefit the labouring population. Why, if it did nothing else, it would relieve the country of the burden of two millions of paupers, who would then obtain work. So far from throwing land out of cultivation, he ap pealed to the opinions of the Earl of Ducie, confessedly at the head of the arable farmers of the country, and the Earl Spencer, who was at the head of the grazing farmers of the country, and they stated it as their belief that the repeal of the corn laws would call all the poor land into cultivation. It had been said that if the corn-laws were repealed, the foreigners would send over their corn, but they would _take nothing in re turn. Why this, if it said anything, said tha t the fo reigners were ready to give in thei r produce for no thin g. Why take new the case of a tail or and a provision merchant at home. A middling person lives between them, and he sees -- 4 Al the tailor eery week carying home butter and cheese fro provision merchant's, and he goes to him and says, "You. j,i:si ',)' importing liirgely from the provision merchant, and mt . r e %lt 1 s":0V. I :at. send no clothes in return. The tailor replies that at all tivitA4 47 -- . ;'-'t K.2:ei1., / ' he was all right.—( Laughter.) Upon this the roiddliok ' . - -• - N( '''; - ''s 1 dividuals would go to the provision merchant, and say " V ,;, - ::: --- , i %.. 1' 4 1 \ are sending largely to that tailor, but you get no cloth' t, ''' J.r. '' •..- "; ii. return." And the provision merchant would answer, "". 0,..'5 ;. ' -- . : 1"7":' but I get money." The middling reciprocity mar, would tartir: ;Irk" 7 " — • another crotchet into his head and go hack to the tailor and say, " Why this is a pretty drain of bullion—you pay in gold to the provision man, how are you to get that? that cannot last you know ?" So then the tailor replies, " Why, I get the money from the grot er and the baker, and you know my children cannot live on gold." And so the reciprocity man leaves the house. He wanted the farmers to understand what the motives and objects of the Anti-Corn-law League were. He did not choose to allow the landlords to hack their old arguments. There was not one new argument adduced—no new "young England' stood up with the cuckoo cry of protection ; in fact, the term of " protection" put him in mind of that beautiful tale of the Vicar of Wakefield, where Mr. Jenkinson talks of the cos mogony of the world, and, on the strength of that word, takes in poor Moses, and eventually Dr. Primrose himself.—( Cheers and laughter.) He did not—neither, he was sure, did the meeting—like to deal in vituperation ; but still they all liked to abstract amusement from sources such as this, and their intention was to publish—be did not know whether he could call it " elegant extracts"—divers por tions of the monopolist speeches as specimens of morals, man ners, and humanity ; and he thought that there was one gen tleman who had given such a specimen of his oratorical and descriptive powers in speaking of the League, that his phy siognomy should be placed as the frontispiece of the work.— ( Loud laughter.) '1 his individual had called the League Jaco bins, Jonathan Wylds, and Jack Sheppards ; and that the Anti-Corn-law League were composed of a mass of ragga muffins. Those were the words of Sir Charles Knightley. Another gentlemen —a Noble Lord, too—had asked what this agitation meant. He (Mr. Cobden) did not believe before that there was so much titled ignorance or coroneted vul garity as was mani . ested in this " nobleman's " speech, when he asked this question. He certainly did not expect to see much of what might be called iogent argument come from such a source, but still he thought that he might expect de cency of manner at all events.—( Hear, hear.) The League had been accused of violence ; the League was small at first, and then there was some excuse for their violence, because all bodies which were powerless were generally addicted to the use of hard words, and such was the reason for which they could excuse the epithets now applied to them by their opponents.— k Cheers.) In this state of the agitation they had such high prospects that he should not wonder if the League were com pelled not to admit any individual except the/ belonged to the upper classes.—( Cheers, and laughter.) I" or they had—let the meeting be aware—mar quisses and eat ls joining the League. —( Cheers.) But their opponents proposed to counteract the efforts of the League, by the dissemination of pro-corn-lase tracts, and having lecturers to hold forth in favour of mono:.. poly. How he should like to attend the first meeting ! ( Laughter. ) Let his (Mr. Cobden's) audience fancy a lecture upon starvation, and then fancy how very beautiful must be the exordium upon such a subject. The meetings which had been held had been styled the meetings of tenant-farmers, but they were nothing more than assemblages of persons, who could be called nothing else than auctioneers and valuators of land, and to whom all changes and rise of rents would be a benefit. Such a class of men as this were scarcely known in Scotland now. The Anti- Corn-law party had abstained carefully from interfering with the meetings, because they thought it unjust f or any one to interfere with the meetings of others, but still this feeling on their part did not reach their opponents. He was now labour ing under a limirseness contracted from this cause. In the town of Birmingham there were large yellow placards from Mr. F. O'Connor, calling upon the men of Birmingham to come for ward and oppose these " Mill Tyrants." He (Mr. Cobden) was glad of the challenge, in order that he might have an opportu nity of testing the good sense of the men of Birmingham. At that large meeting four-fifths were working men, yet a body of fifty in the centre of the meeting, acting upon the signal of a notorious individual, w ho sat in the organ loft, and acted as fugleman, disturbed the whole meeting. He appealed to the ladies in the gallery, and asked the men present if they would allow such venal tyranny as that to be exercised over them there ; and in less than five minutes after his ap;ieal some few of the most disorderly were removed, and the rest showed themselves (in the usual manner) quite as great cow ards as they were bullies before, and were as quiet as mice in a church.—(Laughter.) He knew that men could be found quite ready to degrade the sacred name of liberty. Their organs of the press—even the Morning Post—(a laugh)—were trying to put down the Anti-Corn-law League; but let any man come to the Theatre, and see the order, the decorum, and the enthusiasm which pervaded the vast multitude he surveyed, and then see what the materiel was upon which the League rested.—(Cheers. ) If a meeting wore called to take the sense of a particular town, county, or borough, he thought it was the duty of every man to attend and state what his ideas were of the means most likely to conduce to the general welfare. He invited the monopolists to . come and meet him as his object was to make converts by reasoning. On the 2-/th of this month, he in tended proceeding to Gloucester, where, and with all sincerity, he invited the monopolists to come and meet him, and then and there discuss the point at issue. The monopolists at tempted to say that the acts of the Anti• Corn-law League were alone countenanced by the rabble of the towns ; bet was it not fifty of the rabble of Birmingham who tried to break up the meetir , then ? All that was wanting was for the working and industrial classes to enter into the matter heart and soul, and then monopoly would be broken up . If the people of London were to speak trumpet-tongued upon the sub ject, there was no Minister of the Crown who dared to maintain office, if he supported the system of monopoly by which the people of this country were crushed to the earth. Mr. Baring had designated all those who voted against him as rabble, and he (Mr. Cobden) was very glad to say that he should be one of this rabble, for he should be registered very shortly in his right as an elector of the City of London.—(Cheers.) The moment that the public voice became strong and unanimous that moment must monopoly fall to the ground.—(Cheers.) General EVANS next rose, and apologised for speaking after the eloquent gentlemen who had just addressed the meeting. When two parties are opposed to each other, that party which most continually shuts and changes its policy and tactics is most sure to be in error. At first, the Anti-Corn-law League were treated with derision, but now its opponents recommended to the agriculturists that they should, in order to compete with foreign countries, study all the various branches of agricultural chemistry ; and the First Lord of the Treasury had offered the services of one of his bulls to improve the breed of cattle.— ( Laughter. ) The Anti-Corn-law League had gone into the agricultural districts, and now they heard of farmers' dinners and the like, at which were Dukes and Earls, to counteract the reasonings of the League amongst the tenant-farmers. He should not much longer trespass upon the attention of the meet ing, for they had heard from Mr. Cobden the A B C of this great question. With respect to the cry which had been raised by their opponents, that it was necessary this country should be independent of foreign countries, he would ask was it right that any one country should be in dependent of another? He denied most distinctly that thow laws which by taxation prevented this country from trading with foreign countries afforded the slightest benefit or protection to the tenant or occupying farmer. If the agriculturists claimed the right of protective duties, why were not all other trades in the community entitled to a similar right ? Another cant phrase was very general the—" wooden walls of Eng land," but all dispassionate and thinking men must see that the source of this glory and bulwark of England lies in the com mercial navy of the country. Even if free trade were to be considered simply as a matter of mere revenue they would find that the abolition of all restrictive duties had the effect of in creasing the income. When the duty on coffee was reduced to one half the consumption was increased in three or four fold. The same was the case with respect to wool. Again, although the French Government increased the duties on English manufactures, yet when the English Government reduced the export duties the amount of duties increased from 600,000/. to nearly three millions, or nearly five fold. In conclusion, he should say that he hoped the great mass of the people would still adhere to the firm determination which they had already manifested, and. the result would be ultimate reform of those laws which pressed so heavily upon the industry and energies of the people. After the Chairman had announced that the next night of meeting was fixed for Thursday, the 15th inst., the assembly separated. [ADVERTISEMENT. 1 SUPPLEMENTS GRATIS WITH TIIE " DISPATCH." Every Week during the GREAT NATIONAL TRIAL AT DUBLIN, A succession of SUPPLEMENTS GRATIS WILL BE PUBLISHED WITH THE DISPATCH. The First on SUNDAY, February 4, con- / 16 taining Mr. Shell's Speech, a gem of oratory... S The Second (of the full size of the WEEKLY DISPATCH) on SUNDAY, February 11, con taining the Speeches of Mr. Whiteside, Mr. O'COnnell, and other Leading Counsel who 48 may address the Court in the course of the Week, for which the services of several Short hand Writers of Eminence have been engaged. The dimensions of the succeeding Supplements will be re gulated by the importance of the matter; but the last Sup plement will be also of the full size of the DISPATCH, and form the early portion of the trial, and embrace the proceed ings from the commencement to that stage at which the first begins, so that every subscriber to the WEEKLY DIS PATCH will be in possession of a complete and faithful re cord of this great national trial—a trial which must become a matter of history, and ever be regarded as en event of un usual importance. A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH of MR. O'CONNELL will precede the account of the Trial, which will be written by a Gentleman intimately acquainted with the " great Agitator," and consequently one who has treasured up many reminiscences that will render the Biography a paper 41 general and absorbing interest. The SUPPLEMENTS, forming a great number of columns, will be printed uniformly with the DISPATCH, and contaiu a quantity of information equal to at least au Octavo 'Volume of 1,000 pages. Orders received by every Bookseller and News Agent in the United Kingdom, and at the DISPATCH Office, 139, Fleet-street. LLOYD'S SHIPPING.I VESSELS SPOKEN WlTH.—Gertrude, Lisbon to Harbor Grace, lat. 47, lon. 40, by the Zerilda, arrived at Milford. Blair, Calcutta to Leith, 4th inst., off the Dogger; James , Cape de Verds to River Plate, Ist inst., lat. 1 Y., lon. 20 W. , by the Blair, spoken as above ; William Pitt, Marseilles to Mauritius, Dec. 24, lat. 24 S., lon. 26 W. ; Henry ThompsOn, London to Jamaica, 19th ult., lat. 26 N., len. 23 W.,.by the Bee, arrived at Liverpool. Echo, Tobasco to Hanaburgh, the master and three men sick, and supplied with provisions, by the Mercury, arrived at St. John's, Newfoundland. Jane, Hamburgh to Valparaiso, 16th ult., lat. 37, lon. 15, by the Julia, arrived in the River. LONDON, FEB. B.—Wind, fresh westerly breezes, and clearweather. SHEERNESS, FEB. 7.—The Ann, of Newport, in ballast, bound down, and the Marsden, of Newcastle, coal laden, for London, got ou the Nore Sand this morning, but got oft' on the flood without dunnage. DEAL, FEB. Wind S.S.W. to S.W., strong and thick weather. —P.M., W.N.W., moderate.—Vrouw, Johanna, Rotterdam for Batavia. Put back, Tropic, Barbadoes. PORTSMOUTH, FEB. 7.—Wind W.N.W. to W.S.W.—And. Lady Clarke, London for Calcutta. GuEaNsEv, FFB. 3.—Sid. Wave, Havannah. FALMOUTH, FEB. 7.—Wind W., fresh breeze.—Arrd. humph's. Memel for Monte Video. JERSEY, FEB. 3.—Sld. Conner, Bahia ; Echo, Ronduras. MILFORD, FEB. 3.—Arrd: Zorilda, Bullen, St. John's, Newfound land, 16 days ; Cabotia, Liverpool and Belfast for New York. leaky JERSEY, FEB. 4.—The Caroline, of this port, which gc. , ' l ' l _ll rocks in South Bulades Bay previous to 2d ins ;ant, has been _ 1 5% 8 7 . nearer the beach with considerable damage, and will go to st. lie , DARTMOUTH, FEB. 6.—The Totnes racket utid the patriot schooner' have been in contact, when the tbnner lost by "Pri lrrd. Bee, Lima LIVERPOOL, FEB. 7.—Wind NAV., I. o 4o tha r" te c jilick. Dime . , St. (Oct. 29); Cordella, Fethers, China : r• Domingo ; Coquimbo, and with loss of anchors, hav- J. H. Shepherd, Boutell, ditto, leaky, jorta. Flats; Arno, Mobile ; Wash- Knowles. and c aylor, New Orleans ; ing grounded this morn t i o n n g ; on Yorkshire, Bailey, New • York (18th ington, Adams, Charles i ns t.) OR; Robert spars' P o rto Cabello; Paragon and Providence , Good Luck, Payne, Belize. Sld. Catherine. — lt rrd s. 6.—Sld. British Queen, Antigna. Coss, EB - • 11.111.ErIlioVir.75 ,x. arifa, St. Croix, 31anganilla, with loss Of sails. boats, &e. WELLS, FEB. 7.—The Brothers, Fisher, of Lynn, in leaving the harbour yesterday, got on shore, but canna off next tide, con siderable damage, and was afterwards aby with, the crew on the sand, where silt reinatus. adoned by . .