The Sun. — London, England, 1844-08-08 00:00:00

a I tons a body of representatives sufficiently compact, well-p r i nc i p l ed, and decided, as to make it impes,ike for any monopolist faction, Whig or Tory, again to govern this country. And if the influence of this movement was visible in the political parties of the Legislature, it might assuredly be traced, le .eelly and distinctly, in the public mind. In the world's his tory no subject of a similar nature had ever been so ' va riously and ably elucidated; and he believed, in atauiequence, no subject had been so generally under- St ood, or so well appreciated, as that of free-trade. lie would put the meetings that had been held there in evidence, the kind of topics and arguments in W hich the audiences had manifested a lively interest, and the quick response that had been given t°, Point s w hi c h , some few years ago, would have ' Pe en a matter of hesitation even to the great mass of educated men. Of political economy it might be 1 11 ,, d now, as it was sa id o f phil oso phy o f o ld, th a t it 7" been brought down to the habitations of men, to min gle with the e ver y-d a y th oug ht s o f th e g reat tags of the population ; and as public in bv"lgence was t h us generate d , i t must soon Danish utterly from the world the prejudices, and s ophisms, and falsehoods, by which mankind had hitherto ' been deluded. How short a time was it since the two rival statesmen, Pit and Fox, made the world ring with their conflicts; and it was a matter of question which of the two was the most pro foundly and utterly ignorant of the doctrines of Political economy. And now there could not b e a lisping dandy sent down as a candi date for a pocket borough, for the purpose Of representing his own relations, but he must be cr ammed for the occasion from the works of Adam Smit h — Mr.Cayley's edition.—(Cheers and laughter.) A people thus instructed, could not be trifled with ; and it was a proud boast for the League, that to gether with intellect, and exertion, and acquire ments, it had been the means of diffusing throughout the country a spirit of intellectual independence also.--(Hear, hear.) Whenever he found a dis position to break through that gross servility w hich had so long been a stain on a great Part of the people of this country ; when he found a disposition to call things by their right names, how ever plausible might be the appellation by which they were distinguished ; when he saw the same standard of right and wrongapplied to the high and low; when he saw the p eer j u d ge d b y the same principle that was applied to the peasant; when he found a desire to bear testimony to the value of great and wise prin ciples, and a lively sympathy felt in the wants and wrongs of the poor and helpless classes—in all this he saw the influence exercised by the Anti-Corn -law League, spreading throughout the different classes of out an. the right and to S ociety a determination to work which put down the wrong, by peaceful, eee d s legal, .and honourable, but certain means, the suc asement to the minds Cour would be a noble consolation and en of those who originated thisin stitution, w hi ch had been the instrument of diflusing these principles throughout the country. They had evidence of that—evidence which they would not shrink from looking fairly in the face. It was continually brought up that the League had lost several impo r t ant elections. They were taunted with sh the public journals. It was said that they dared not show themselves in several boroughs, and contest them. They had not been able to contest Cirencester and Horsham. Well, now he (Mr. Pox), held that no evil at all. He believed it to be a real g o od; that a cause like this should have such com- Plaints was not at all surprising. There were a connected number of persons who had not been hitherto inotinnected with political agitation, not accustomed to tl' g and toilssime processes which must be gone itrioug.h for achieving any great work of social or po th litre improvement. He held it to be a great good _ il ia the minds of the people should be dispossessed of ‘. E 0 91 a noti on t h at they had only to tell the people h7nat was true a n d r i g h t, an d then that there would sdaPeedy and comp l ete triumph. If these elections f , res ulted differe n tl y , w h at wou ld h ave b een t h e o f t on a great p or ti on o f those who had for the f i rst nae in their lives joined in any political agitation W hen they bec ame connected w i th the League? Why les son would h ave b een th at op i n i on was f ree ; to t hat acti on was free • that there was no intimidation at elections,- no bribery; no active sinister influence the Pervert the consciences of voters and drag them to P° ll lng booth to vo t e aga i nst t h e i r i nterests an d against their feelin gs . Th at was t h e l esson so easy a Cualph would h ave i nculcated, but that lesson would have se been a gross falseh oo d.—(H ear , h ear .) It wou ld ready emed monopoly was r a Y to giv by such a r esu lt that e up the contest without making a despe _ and unscrupulous effort; that class interests would have s t ruck, and readily yielded to the voice of tended pinion, a n d t h at they m i g h t not h ave appre stended f rom it a t oo th an d na il res i s tance and a teruggle to the death. That lesson would have been f o l " l !,tt ,c'd and th a t l esson too, would have been a gross °• s uit that It Wo uld have been judged by such a re learned part sirit had sbsided; that having no,wisdomy and rectitude, u he aristocracy would for the sake of pragmatically asserting some ill ii;llinded political theory, have further persevered in i n „; ; r° PPosition, but would have yielded to th e vo i ce o f - h ood — ' e e, but that result, too, would have been a false the It would have appeared by such results that rih, Pre sent arrangements were all-sufficient for the i n ` - ',„: 4 and int erests o f soc i e t y , and that the arrange nia'"o, of el ec ti ons, and all the electoral and political b e LultlerY connected w ith th em , wer e as good as could ma P TY that could be desired ; that lesson, T hn would have been a gross falsehood.—(Hear, hear.) mature„se ho cried out defeat, therefore, cried out pre disei,4-7' The opposition they had experienced had rno s t r h ' e 'l the public mi n d, an d wou ld eve ntually tire communityPowerfll tend t owar d s th e i n t eres t s o f th e en e i n ,, . y,—( ha " with Loud cheers.) For ose who exultation and scorn to such th results as Th u menti oned 4 e PeOple w he would say they laughed . too soon.. Lati on vol ,_ ll ere organising and combining in an pp that a g a a ill nothing could resist, and the elements of prin e , pies o u p n were, education, instruction in the first e ducati on w'orlitieal economy ; and when such an t a l l i „ eh a Peopl e „,P erf eeted, and when the energies of ztpie, their Wer e put Pere directed towards one point, when lor waed in sustaining one mighty prin- Q °n of th e _ or ee would be resistless, and the founds reatness character would be laid, and of the d li ,ag the nationhl rosperity of the empire. Another i n g, it i l had done, and which was well worth very on ad unmasked the monopolist class. hu lv, an d knew, the features of that class r a gain, T he they could never be disguised eeently intro Was a mystification at a parallel l i t l nd p erson duced between peers and men of station e le cki ra n of an humbler class, as if a different "owed i n : 1 1 1 1 the veins of the lord from that which w he n fr ee t V i ei ons of the peasant, and it was only ii"u close discussion principles came into that constant earn ed to Iseussion which they had been recently ;vre p roved Undergo, that those feudal associations class to be all fallacies ; that in reality this "Pt shops 3 . Wa s as much a trading class as if they ernbleins7 Cheapside, and that coronets were only quarters o t he quantity of acres and the numbers of T e re trad e __ °r n which they grew.—(Hear.) Yes, they he ir wholesale traders in land and in corn. the lowarewrehrt.3;aders in food for all sorts of beings, from et4narY birdiell a man eats to the seed which the racled in fish and in pheasants. They traded in enewed :arnbling booths and in race-courses.— atip t uorie y rie s of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) They to s us ," races themselves, and then brought in w „ in gart ers the payment. They traded in stars eret or all rs "Pecially in blue ones; but what was Peasant gowns traded in legislation, by which the ° a se ar 7 made more miserable, and converted to e ; th e , e profit.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) e„ a kers, evere hucksters, with the power of law ,e th e re i r l the enhancement of their prices. —(Hear, Pett . er e ,b al y hn en.dr 43 a great outcry raised against the taper who taught his 'prentice boy to '2ll4finitel la per whilst those noble legislators ach C l ots Y worse, for they shaved the nation, and lau ghte r too, than the poor linen-draper.--(Great Poeed anad the e r the' whQ if the ) Their fallacies had been ex real patrons had not been the original authors the se, more_ of the doctrines of the Morning d_ al, as m r. lv , 3 an immediate connection between reuetrine.....ric,U.,Thden had well remarked. It was the te o d ndi srn in t K he burni ng in practice, was only Rich parallel e h e o ry- (Loud cries of " Hear, hear, ' enel ers-) There could not be a completer Urni n an that between Richmondism and rick- . sexed di th one wantonly destroyed property, tha n human he citherL(Hear hear.) If the one endan abo° e an _ life, w h' y, human life was worse nlinahi e g2red, and that by wholesale by those 4 1 , 1 . noeentl y stiafriarva.tion laws. If some rick-burners the col/1 111unit e red, why, so did a very large class of :leaven, soildirdlestls; an m ost y : and, most of all those who were poorest e nltfh e t r h . e_o ( n L e oud destroyed erie s o f t h , e , giftsear Hear.") Much lar 'll4.lfpi{, and goefr the adjoining counties, had consumed, se of recent years, been suffered to rot course At i ns ' t " a and key, had rotted in bond, and had been 1:lull ,` s h ovelled into the river. —(Loud cries of hear .") Wh n y n , t h h s a had g n o o (Hear, hear.) the e ar. ) c case Then des Was h Wit hin a few . l o Y F ete Was the mighty difference ? In the elements j r ,oYed cort ; , W i t .) l 3 , should that be wicked which de fire, and that be virtuous ''lrt4eh destroyed by fire, by water ? (HWhiear, hear.) with troy reference to that more awful tribunal th e T„' °ad been to to that evening, he believed th - J W ould not escape their punishment either, and if .e incendiary ota4ll,on of posterit 4 44 ,tori an of this e transported for life, the future ou.try would consign to the detes el et w aY the y those selfish law-makers. In an . !ague had exposed the monopolist h a 4 - It 1, t ad stimuittat_d elicited their virtue. —(Laughter.) It tiecdent of to them to philanthropy, for how bene au they shown themselves? The ques • (3 f th d• Xvery Itic section set up e 'stress of he poor was in constant agita some beneficent `«, THE SUN, LONDON,_TITTYRODAY EVICNING,- then stated the various legal operations under' which the ditties of the profession were now carried on. The object of the present Bill, however, was to amend many of the provisions of the present imperfect law. To put down quackery was hopeless but he thought en couragt,ment ought to be given to the clever man. He proposed no restriction to private practice.—(Hear.) lEs principle was this, that none should be eligible to till medical or surgical offices except those who were declared to be so by compe tent authority. He proposed by this Bill to repeal all acts and charters which imposed restrictions on the medical profession. The most important feature of the Bill was the establishment of a Council of health in the metropolis in direct connection with the executive Government. The composition of the Council of Health he proposed to be this:—The Regius Professor of Medicine in Oxford, the Regius Professors of Physic in Cambridge, Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dublin; one phy sician and surgeon, chosen by the College of Physicians in England, and one physician in Scotland and Ire land. Then, in addition to this, six persons were to be appointed by her Majesty, with the advice of her Privy Council, and of those six one was to be a physi cian of the English rural districts, and one a surgeon. One physician and one surgeon were to retire annually, but he proposed that they should be eligible for re-election, with the conFent of the Crown. He then proposed that the Council should have a secretary in London. and also in Scotland and Ireland. He then proposed to have a register kept of all the phy sicians and surgeons ; that the present bodies should have power of granting licenses; but it should be at the option of the Council of Health whether they would register them or not, and every person that was not registered could not hold any public situation. He also proposed that all persons that were registered should be exempted from attending juries and other things to which they were at present liable. To those who were now practising he proposed to give twelve months, to apply to be registered. He proposed to im pose a penalty of 201. on those who practised in any public office without registering. He proposed that no person but those who were registered, or who had practised before the passing of this Act, should be en titled to recover at law for any charges for attendance or medicine. By this means registration would be the means of showing who were competent practitioners, and who were not. The Right Hon. Baronet concluded by moving for leave to bring in the Bill. Mr. MACAULEY seconded the motion. To the ge neral principles on which the measure was founded he felt bound to give his approbation. He believed that the measure would give the greatest satisfaction. Mr. WARBURTON approved of the principle of the measure though be would not pledge himself to its details. Sir J. GRAHAM, in answer to a question from Mr. Gaily Knight, said that he proposed to repeal the Apo thecaries Act altogether, and to deprive them entirely as a body from granting licenses to practice, but he in tended that they should be associated with the College of Physicians in doing so. Mr: G. KNIGHT thought the medical profession would not like very much the despotic character of the Council that was proposed by the present Bill. Mr. WAKLEY was sure that the present Bill would not be satisfactory to the medical profession. He be lieved that the Right lion. Baronet had a desire to put the medical profession on a better footing, but he had been wilfully earwigged and deceived in the present case.—(Hear, hear.) It was perfectly impossible that the Right Hon. Baronet could ever carry this Bill. He should feel it his duty to use every form which the House allowed him, to prevent the measure from becoming law. He trusted the Right Honour able Gentleman would reconsider the question, and not be led away by the advice that had been given him in the Home-office. Mr. HAWES supported the Bill, believing it would place the medical profession on a better footing. He thought that the importance of the measure could not be overrated. After a few observations from Sir J. GRAHAM, leave was given to bring in the Bill. Sir J. GRAHAM postponed until to-morrow his motion for leave to bring in a Bill relative to the law of settlement in England and Wales. required, than upon anything that could be_ done by a Foreign Government. At the present moment he could assure his Noble Friend that the Finance Minister of Spain was a man more likely to be influenced by large, liberal, and just views of' what was done to the honour and interests of his country than any person who had fill: d that situation fur some years past, and for that reason, he did look with more confidence than he otherwise should do to any represen tins that might be made by her Majesty's Government. 1 he amendment was negatived without a division. Lord TEYNHAM proposed a clause to the effect that where a married pauper went to a distant part of the country to obtain work, it might be lawful . for the board of guardians to give relief to his family during his absence. He thought it but fair that while a poor man did all that lay in his power to obtain work rather than go into the workhouse that his family should get relief while he was away for this loudable object. He did not know on what grounds the clause could be opposed. Lord WHAT NCLIFFE opposed the clause. If a man was honest and trustworthy he would have no diffi culty in getting work in his own parish. The clause was negatived without a division, and the Bill passed. DUCIIY OF CORNWALL A SSESSIONABLE MANORS BILL. Lord WHARNECLIFFE moved the third reading of ;his Bill. Lord COTTENHAM objected to the Bill, because the effect of it was to give up all the mines in the manors which had not been worked, whilst it provided no equivalent. [LEFT SITTING.] lIOUSE OF COMMONS. The House met this day at Three o'Clock. Mr. MACAULAY presented a petition from Leeds, very numerously and respectably signed, stating that Christianity and civilisation were introduced into Ota heite by English missionaries, and praying the House to adopt measures to prevent French aggression there. Mr. B. COCHRANE presented a petition from Lord Dundonald, stating that he had a few pars ago disco vered a method for assailing and destroying hostile fleets, and praying that if any premium were allowed for the best method of effecting that result he might be allowed to compete for it. Mr. WYSE presented petitions from various places in Ireland, praying for an inquiry into the State trials. Dr. BOWRING gave notice that he would, next ses sion, move for an inqiiiry . into the Colonial accounts, with a view of making an improvement in them. LORD ELIOT AND THE PROTESTANT CLERGY. Mr. SHEIL said he would take that opportunity of correcting a mis-statement which he had fallen into the other night in speaking upon the motion made by his Hon. Friend, with regard to the Education Board in Ireland. He had stated that the Noble Lord, the Secre tary for Ireland, had a few years ago imputed the con duct of the Protestant clergy in reference to the system of national education to factious motives. On looking to the report of the Noble Lord's speech in the various newspapers, ,he found that he was incorrect. He thought it right, of his own accord, to correct the error he had fallen into, and he felt much pleasure in making this reparation to the Noble Lord for the error, which he regretted he had made.—(Hear, hear.) Lord ELIOT thanked the Right Hon. Gentleman for the explanation he had given. He would take that op portunity of reading to the House a letter which he had received in reference to an individual whose conduct was canvassed in the same debate. [The Noble Lord then read the letter, which stated that the writer saw with surprise, in the Morning Chronicle, the report of a speech made by Mr. M. J. O'Connell, relative to the Bishop of Cashel, who was stated to have told a Protes tant gentleman not to employ Protestants.] Such a state ment was wholly without foundation. MERCHANT SEAMEN'S BILL. Mr. SYDNEY HERBERT moved that the Lords' amendments to the Merchant Seamen's Bill be agreed to. Admiral DUNDAS was opposed to the Bill alto gether. It was a most unfair thing to press forward a measure of this nature at this period of the session, when the seaman had had no opportunity of expressing their opinions on the subject. They would, in the course of next session, have the table covered with petitions pray ing for a repeal of the measure. Mr. SYDNEY HERBERT said that the Bill had been well considered, and so far from the m rchants or seamen being displeased with the measure, he had re ceived several letters expressing their approval of it, and thanking the Government for having introduced it. Captain PECHELL, although he admitted that much misapprehension existed regarding this measure, thought it wits most unreasonable to press it forward at the pre sent time. It was impossible to discuss it properly, or to ascertain the opinions of seamen and shipowners respecting it. It was very well for Hon. Gentlemen op posite to say that the interests of landlords and that of agricultural labourers were identical—that fallacy had been pretty well exposed by his Hon. Friend below him; but the agricultural labourers were now beginning to be awake to their own interests, and to discover that their interests were concerned in having bread cheap.—(Hear, hear.) So the seamen were well aware that their in terests were not identical with the interests of the ship owners. The House of Lords, by one of their amend ments, had reduced the amount of remuneration W be awarded to seamen for loss of their provisions from one shilling to eightpence, thus depriving the seamen of fourpence. This he apprehended was interfering with a money clause, and was an amendment which the Lords had no right to introduce. He should wish the Speaker to settle that point. The hasty manner in which this measure was pressed forward was calculated to excite suspicions that there was some object in view, which the Government was afraid should come to the knowledge of the seamen. Meetings had been held on the subject of the seamen at Newcastle, at Liverpool, and at Bristol, and he protested against the Bill being pressed forward in this manner. On the question that the Lords' amendments be agreed to being . put, Captain PECHELL said—No, I cannot agree to the eightpence ; but, the Hon. and Gallant Officer standing alone in his opposition, the amendments were agreed to. ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS BILL. Mr. R. YORKE wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government if it was the in tention of the Government to bring in any measure for the reform of the ecclesiastical courts during the next session. Sir R. PEEL said that considering the little encourage ment that had been given to any Government during the last ten years to legislate upon the subject, he must decline answering the question.—(A laugh.) NE W SPAPER STAMPS. Mr. WYSE, seeing the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his place, wished to ask him if it was his intention to consent to a return being made of the number of stamps issued to different newspapers, in continuation of former returns? Tho CHANCELLOR, of the EXCHEQUER had re ceived different complaints from parties connected with newspapers on the subject, and they strongly . represented to hi m that the pu bli ca ti on o f the returns of the number of stamps issued to each newspaper was most unjust to news papers not complet e l y established. I t was no t h is intention, therefore, to consent to the return of the number of stamps issued to each individual newspaper. The total number of stamps issued would of course be returned as usual. Dr. BOWRING agreed that the question was worthy of serious consideration, and he would bring forward the whole subject early next session. Mr. WAKLEY thought that if any order existed on the subject it ought to be rescinded. These returns opened a door to the perpetration of gross frauds. He had himself taken two stamped publications to the Stamp office, stamped with some stamp issued in London on the same day, but the publications differed in size and the matter contained in them was different. He had asked the Solicitor of the Stamp-of f ice if those two publications were to be considered as one,and the Solicitor had told him that, in the eye of the law they were considered as one publication. Nov the stamps for those two publication s had been put forth to the world as one, and thus a gross fraud had been committed on the public, and on the advertisers. He hoped the re turn would never again be made. Mr. WYSE brought up the report of the Committee appointed to draw up the reasons for the Commons dis agreeing to the Lords' Amendments in the Arts Union Bill. cry of this sort—one founded a society for poor needle women. They exclaimed against cheap shirts, and said the people ought to buy dear ones, not caring, in the exuberance of their charity, for the poor man, who, unless he could obtain a cheap shirt, could wear no shirt at all. So they were all afflicted that the poor should work so long, and instead of having twelve hours. should have only ten hours' work. But they would not make the wages of the poor man worth more in the market. They would stop the unfeeling engine, and send the poor man home some hours sooner to reflect upon what he could do with more wages if he could get them.—(Great laughter and cheers.) Then they were providing for travelling, and there was the philcsophy, of certain Bishops, who took such good care of the poor that, if they travelled at all, they must travel in the best trains. — (Laughter and cheers.) These philanthropists looked everywhere except into the poor man's cupboard, where his loaf was sliced away by monopoly.—(Hear, hear.) While this pernicious system was going on in 1834, the people of this country paid in direct taxation on wheat imported 800,0001. That amount of bread had been taxed on average 15s. 3d. a quarter, and yet they were told they had not protection enough. What had been the average last year ? 535. a quarter —9s. more than their fellow-subjects paid in Guern sey, where they were out of the boundary of these laws ; so that Britons were obliged to pay more for their bread who had neverbeen the subjects of French men, than the inhabitants of Guernsey, who had been subjects of the crown of France. Those philan tropists, so overflowing with benevolence, looked to the morals as well as the physical condition of the people. They wanted bread and they gave them a stone. They said the people wanted more churches— " To cheating he was so inclined He still like water kept his level, For having cheated all mankind, He built a church to cheat the devil." Such were the absurdities with which the monopolists attempted to gull the people. During the cessation of these meetings, if they wished to know where the League was, they might not be long astray. If they saw a man looking sharply on the registration list, canvassing Liberal votes, ascertaining just and legal objections against the fictitious electors, there they would see the League. If they wanted to see where the leaders of the League were, let them look to the news papers and there they would see Bright and Cobden, as hitherto, sometimes contending with physical-force Chartists, as at Northampton—sometimes fighting the monopolist Tories at Dudley—and sometimes amongst the wild beasts at Ephesus.—(Cheers and laughter.) The herald of this day said that the League wanted to back out of the agitation, and that they would if they could. The Herald did not understand the reason why it was impossible for them to back. It did not seem to know that there was a moral impossibility, as well as a physical one that men of clear minds and true hearts, having put their hands to the plough, could not look back—they could not desist from the great work as long as they had life, or until their cause had triumphed. They talked of union and dissolution among the members of the League, of which here they knew not the name. If ever there was a movement which showed confidence, honour, and decision—if ever there was a body which evinced the fullest mutual reliance—it it was the Anti-Corn-law League. Hitherto, the same organ had charged them with too much con fidence, and endeavoured to spirit up the public to inquire after the funds of the League, the 50,0001. which had been collected last year, and the 100,0001. collected this year, and made many wonderful and wise insinuations in relation to this topic. Surely, no want of confidence was shown in the leaders of the League when such vast sums were collected in the neighbourhood where they were best known ? —(Hear, hear.) When would the Anti-League elicit equal confidence ? He would like to see the farmers endorsing 150,000/. to his Grace the Duke of Buckingham. He would like to see them do that, even though his Grace should give bills for the amount, aye, and even though those bills should bear interest, and be engrossed by his Grace the Duke of Richmond.—(Laughter and cheers.) And if on the seeming cessation of the League, the people of London should feel a blank left in their lives, why, let them call a meeting, and invite the League to come to it. They did not, in the first instance, go to the League. The citizens of London had been the recipients. The energies of the League had called these meetings together, and if they grew impatient they had an easy remedy. Such a response was due after all the exertions of the League, who had been unremitting in their co operation with them. In the first meetings of the present session he had endeavoured to show that this cause rested mainly in the cities and large towns of the empire. Surely such a town as Birmingham should not have tarnished its fair fame by the recent occurrence there. They should have known better than in the employing their votes in the assertion of anti-commercial interests, and against the welfare of the community. But the League was preparing for the first fight for the great electoral struggle which was to come. They held out no whimsical anticipations. They stood upon no baseless theories ; their prin ciples were laid broadly and deeply ; founded upon the testimony of all experience ; founded upon practice and upon truth. He trusted that the warning given them by the Member for Manchester, that night, would sink into their minds; and that the peace of the world would not be hazarded to sustain mo nopoly, which was at the bottom of these national dissensions. When they saw the expedients to which monopoly had had recourse, they could not doubt that monopoly would prefer even war to the sacri fice of its own interest. Should they see such an emergency impending, he doubted not that the people of this country would as one man protest against the sanguinary doings which were now only matterk'of history, and history alone.—(Hear, hear.) This agitation must .continue in advance, because it was founded on an extensive perception of national interest—it must continue in advance, because it was based on a moral principle. They willingly accorded to their opponents all the advantages they possessed over them—property, rank, and influence; the House of Lords, the House of Commons, a large portion of the press, the use of the Pest-office—(Laughter)—part of the army and navy, appointments in the Church, and the influence of the Church. They had all these, but this enume ration, and a more powerful one, must, after all, yield to the sense of justice in the human heart. That was the power with which they knew not how to deal, but which they would be taught the force of; a power more ancient than their oldest ancestors ; a power that existed before Catholics or Cathedrals, before either Church oi• State ; a power older than even the creation itself. Justice, that sacred power, which existed before the pillars of the earth were laid, or before the mountains of the earth were brought forth—which dwelt with wisdom in the eternal mind—a principle inherent in man from the first breath of life, and which to contend with was as vain as to strive to extinguish the stars of heaven—a principle which would vivify the social and political institutions of this country, and give content ment to all, and he fervently hoped that Providence would speedily bring about that most desirable con summation.—(Loud cheers.) The CHAIRMAN expressed his sincere thanks, and that of the League, to the immense and respectable audience, whom he then had the honour of addressing, for their increased attention and scrupulous decorum at the League meetings. The League, though about to close its meetings in London, would persevere as actively as ever, and come to the struggle with re newel energies. Monopoly must he broken down, and free-trade principles must prevail. He was sin cerely anxious for the future welfare of all whom he saw around him, and that the blessing of Heaven would attend them and their cause, was his fervant prayer.—(Loud cheers.) The immense meeting then separated, after three cheers for the League, three for the Queen, and three for Mr. Cobden. IMPEitiAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, August 7. IRISH FISHERIES BILL. The Marquis of NORMANI3Y said that if this Bill had not been introduced by the Irish Secretary it would never have reached their Lordships' House. The Bill introduced three important innovations. The first was the employment of the constabulary in the prevention of poor fishermen from exercising their calling. The second innovation was the proposed mode of appeal, which would place justice almost out of the reach of the poorer class of fishermen. lie objected, thirdly, to the circumstance that a Bill of that importance was introduced to that House without their Lordships being informed as to whether or not it was to be dealt with as a Government measure. —(Hear.) Lord MONTEAGLE said that the Bill inflicted a great wound upon the character of the magistrates of Ireland, especially in the clause which took away the power of appeal to the quarter sessions. If the legisla ture showed a distrust of the magistrates in that respect, the people would distrust them in other matters. if this Bill were passed it was so imperfect that there would be a necessity for a new Bill next year. The Marquis of NORNIANBY thought it would be better to postpone the Bill to next session. The House then went into Committee on the Bill. The Earl of WICKLOW reserved his amendment un til the bringing up of the report. The Bill went through Committee, and the report brought up, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. The Arms (Ireland) Bill also passed through Cone inittee. The House adjourned at a Quarter past Seven. HOUSE OF COMMONS, August 7. PRACTICE Sir J. GRAHAMM EDICAL moved for leave to . bring in a Bill for the better regulation of Medical Practice throughout the United Kingdom. The Right Hon. Baronet Warmly complimented the medical profession in this country for the high professional position they held in science, and ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Sir J. GRAHAM said that, with respect to the pro ceedings of the House, it might be convenient that he should state that the House would sit to-morrow at three o'clock, for the purpose of receiving any Bills the House of Lords might send up, and that on Friday, instead of Saturday, his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government would move the adjournment of the House. The other orders of the day having been disposed of, the House adjourned at Eight o'clock. et Erb Wbition SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. EMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met at Five o'clock. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE presented a peti tion from York, complaining of the unhappy condition of Ireland, and regretting that nothing had been done by Parliament to ameliorate the condition of that country. The Marquis of NORMANBY was glad that his Noble Friend had presented the petition, which had been originally entrusted to himself, but which he had committed to his Noble Friend, because he did not ex pect to be in town to present it. The Earl of Wicklow, Lord Hawarden, Lord Redes dale, Earl Bathurst, and other Peers, were deputed to a conference with the House of Commons, on the amend ments of the latter to the Art-Unions Bill. The Noble Lords on their return presented in writing the Commons' reasons for not agreeing to the Bill as passed by their Lordships. A second conference took place on the subject of the County Coroners' Bill. OTAHEITE. The Marquis of NORMANBY presented a petition, agreed to at a publi c meet i ng i n L ee d s, d raw ing the at tention of the House to the efforts of the Protestant Mis sionary Society for the last fifty years in the island of Otaheite, and complaining of the violation of the law of nations by the French naval commander at the island. The petitioners had no wish for war between England and France, but they hoped the influence of the Govern ment would be exercised to restore the independence of Otaheite. He (Lord Normanby) could not agree that the temporary usurpation of the French officer should de prive Mr. Pritchard, the British Consul, of his right to the protection of the Government which he represented. He was desirous for the maintenance of peace, but he could not consent that peace should be maintained by the sacrifice of national honour.—(Hear, hear.) He could not say less in presenting this petition, and, knowing the difficult position of the Government, he would not say more. The Earl of ABERDEEN felt it necessary to make some observations in reference to the subject of this pe tition. Their Lordships would remember that, in March last, he had placed on the table of the House the corre spondence with the French Government in reference to the occupation of Otaheite, and he stated, and the Noble Marquis opposite agreed with him, that there was no ground of jealousy on the part of this country towards the French for extending their influence and colonisa tion in the Pacific. He had very recently re ceived assurances from the missionaries in Otaheite that they had nothing to complain of as against the French authorities.— (Hear, hear.) He would follow the example of the Noble Marquis and say no more upon the subject than was abolutely necessary. But he must say that he did not think Mr. Pritchard was the less entitled to the protection of his countrry, because he had divested himself of his official character.—(Hear.) That v• as a matter between Mr. Pritchard and his own Government. An attack had been made in another place upon the present Ministry for their foreign policy. But the attack was of the less force, as the Ministers had the advantage of a vote of confidence from both Houses of Parliament. A Noble Lbrd in the other House accused the Government of sacrificing the interests of the country and truckling to France. The same accusations were made in France against the Govern ment of that country, that the interests of France were sacrificed and, that the King of the French was truckling to England.—(Hear). It could not be denied that there was a war party in France.—(Hear.) But he still be lieved that moderation and justice on the part of both Governments, would disappoint that party in France, and the enemies of peace at home. The Marquis of NORMANBY said, that be had no in tention of making a general attack upon the foreign policy of the Noble Earl, although there were some parts of that policy which yet required to be tested by experience. The Noble Earl spoke of attacks made on him in the other House. Now, it was very unfortunate that attacks upon the foreign policy of the Government were generally made in the House where the Foreign Minister was not. Under the Government of Lord Grey, the Noble Earl opposite (Lord Aberdeen) used night after night to make attacks upon the policy of his Nobleyriend in the other House (Lord Palmerston), who so long and so ably con ducted the foreign affairs of the country. With this ob servation he would conclude, expressing his satisfaction at the tone in which the Noble Earl opposite had spoken of the outrage in Otaheite.—(Hear, hear.) The Marquis of CLANRICARDE concurred with the observations of his Noble Friend as to the speech of the Noble Earl. But he wished to put a question to the Noble Earl on a very pacific subject—(A laugh)— ' he meant the conduct of the Spanish Government to its English creditors.—(A laugh.) As far back as 1634 a promise was given by Spain that the debt would be con verted, but that promise had not yet been fulfilled. The Earl of ABERDEEN said this was one of the operations of Spanish finance, which possessed at the time a favourable appearance, and at first promised suc cess, but, like others, had led only to disappointment. He was unable to say that at the present moment there was any materially greater prospect than there had hitherto been of realising what was expected from the financial operation of Count Orano. The Noble Marquis had most justly described the course which the Government was called on to pursue in questions of this description. He had truly said that this could not be considered as an engagement entered into between the two Governments, it was one to which, in fact, England had been no party whatever. But that in fluence which they had a right to exercise on the behalf of British subjects it might very fairly be expected they should put in operation, and he might say there had been no reluctance to use all proper means of producing ari effect on the Spanish Government But the prospect of success depended much more on the opinion the Spanish Minister of Finance might entertain, as to what was due to good faith, and what the honour and interests of Spain FISHERIES. In answer to a question from Capt. PECHELL, Sir R. PEEL said that, acting upon a convention which had been entered into bctween this country and France, a law had been passed securing the exclusive right of fishing to each country within three miles of their coasts, and by that law it was rendered penal for any fisherman to infrrinigtewitlsLpEroGvEisi.ons. day being read, under the notice m On r. t T he . D m u ot N io c n o fo m r the ßs o r r o d s e e r to of b t ri h n e g of the House a question of privilege. He alluded to a debate which had taken place in that House on the affairs of Guernsey, and after complaining of the brevity of the report of that debate which appeared in newspapefromrs, he stated th a t h e had re ceived the Rev. Mr. D o b ree, whose name the a letter had been mentioned in that House by him (Mr. Dun combe) and also by the Right Hon. Baronet opposite. Two days before he received this letter, a communication from Mr. Dobree appeared in the Times newspaper, denying the accuracy of his (Mr. Duncombe's) state ments. The letter which he had received was dated Forest Rectory, 28th of July, 1844," that day being Sunday, and it was not for him (Mr. Duncombe) to say whether it was the sort of correspondence which a minister of the Gospel ought to indite on such a day. [The Hon. Gentleman then read the letter, which stated that he (Mr. Duncombe) had charged Mr. Dobree with " perjury," and with being " insane," and it ca ll e d upon the Hon. Member t o explain his meaning, and to give his authority, at the same time threatening conse quences if such an e xplanation were refused.] Had an explanation been called for from him (Mr.:Duncombe), excepting under a threat, he would have been the last person to have refused it. His answer to the Rev. Gentleman's letter was to the following effect On my return to town this evening I rece i ved your letter with inclosures of the 28th inst. I regret the in temperate character of your communication, which pre cludes the possibility of my giving that explanation which under other circumstances I should have felt in• dined to afford." The inclosures were certificates from the Crown Solicitor and the Lieutenant- Governor. Last night he received another letter from Mr. Dobree, which was dated August 6, 1844, in which he said, "I am in receipt of your letter of the 2d inst., and if you conceive any previous letter to you at all intemperate, I beg leave to refer you to Lieut. Ross, who will give you every explanation or satisfaction you may think fit to require on my behalf. I only regret that the situation which I hold in the diocese of A U GUST e, 1644, Winchester prevents me from speaking more plainly, and in a tone which you deserve. Your most obedient to command."—(Laughter.) Simultaneougly , with that letter another appenred in the col umns o f the Timcs newspaper. Sir.,—Mr. Thomas Slingsby Duncomhe, M.P. for Finsbury, having declined to give me any personal ex planation of the epithets of " lo.natic" and "perjurer," applied to me in the House of Commons on the 23d of July last, although called upon to do so, I beg leave to publish the following proofs of th e utter falsehood of his statements, derived froth the highest medical, legal, and military authorities ; and I leave to the discernment of the British public to qualify Mr. Duncombe for the future with the titles he may best deserve. 1. Mr. Duncombe said (or is reported to have said), that "I am only fit for a lunatic asylum." Here is my reply : " We, the undersigned, hereby declare that we have known the Rev. Daniel Dobree since his childhood, and that he neither is, nor ever has been, either of unsound mind or weak in intellect. " S. E. HOSKINS, M.D. and F.R.S. " J. O'BRIEN, Surgeon." 2. Mr. Duncombe said (or is reported to have said), that lam a " perjurer." Here is my reply, in the letter of the Crown solicitor himself, who was sent over here to investigate the business in question : " Twytord-house, Winchester, July 26. I cannot conceive any man, of ordinary intellect, unob scured by party prejudice, accusing or thinking a gentleman in holy orders, of good education and habits, guilty of perjury, merely because a decision has been given inconsistent with the tendency of his evidence. We here every day find con- tlicting evidence, given by most unexceptionable witnesses ; and if perjury were to be imputed to those of the unsuccessful side, half our countrymen would be thought guilty of a crime wh►ch is not, I trust, our prevailing vice. " But leaving these general observations, you ask me whether I think you guilty of perjury? I reply that Ido not. Ido not believe that your statement made to me, and by me repeated to the Lieutenant-Governor, was false. Ido not believe that such statement having since been made by you in court on oath was perjured. _ " ',T. L. DAMPIER. ':But Mr. Duncombe thinks fit to assert that lam unworthy of credit,' &e. Here is my reply, addressed to me by General Napier himself:— " Haviland Hall, July 23. "‘Sir,—As'lseetthat yourenemies, as unscrupulous as they are locally powerful, have determined to destroy your cha racter and prospects, I give this testimony in all sincerity of belief in its truth, and in accordance with what I have more than once written to the Secretary of State for the Home office. From personal observation, from the assurance of Bri tish officers, natives of Guernsey, and others not natives of Guernsey, from your general character, and from the straight forward, frank, earnest, and unvarying testimony you have given to me in private, to Mr. Dampier, and in my presence at the so called secret inquest of the Royal Court, I have the most implicit confidence in the truth of your depositions. I feel sure that you are totally incapable of falsehood, and that perjury is as incompatible with your notions of honour, as it is incompatible with your sacred character of a minister of the Gospel. All persons of honourable minds who know you, must start with indignation and.horror at the infamous attempts now made to charge you with such a crime. " W. NAPIER, Lieutenant-Governor. "‘ To the Rev. Daniel Dobree.' And now, Sir, pray tell me what is Mr. Thomas Slingsby Duncombe?—l am, Sir, your obliged and grate ful servant, " DANIEL DOI3REE, M.A., " Rector of the Forest and Torteval, Guernsey. ".Forest Rectory, Aug. 6." Now he (Mr. Duncombe) thought he was justified in asking the Government whether they sanctioned the Crown Solicitor taking any part in this personal squabble between the Rev. Mr. Dobree and himself. It would be recollected that he appeared there in the discharge of his public duty. He knew nothing of any of these parties—he was merely the channel of communica tion between that House and the great body of the people of Guernsey. Mr. Dobree had charged those people with disaffection and disloyalty ; a charge which he (Mr. Duncombe) knew to be quite unfounded. It had been proved in a court of justice that Mr. Dobree was unworthy of credit. What he (Mr. T. Duncombe) complained of was, that when be moved for the correspondence which had taken place between the authorities of Guernsey and the Right lion. Baronet, he should be told that the production of that correspondence would be injurious to the public service, and yet the Crown-Solicitor and the Lieutenant- Governor of Guernsey should be allowed from time to time to refer to it in the newspapers. lie thought it but just that the correspondence should be produced, or that it should not be referred to by a subordinate of the Government, such as he apprehended Mr. Dampier was. As to the charges which he (Mr. Duncombe) had made, he could only say that he was borne out by the local press of Guernsey, which teemed every week with charges against Mr. Dobree, and which defied that gentleman to indict them for libel. He (Mr. Duncombe) wished to know whether the Govern ment:sanctioned its officers mixing themselves up with such matters as these ? Sir J. GRAHAM said that it was evidently late in the session, or the Hon. Gentleman would never have taken up half an hour of their time to discuss such a question as this. If the Hon. Gentleman had asked him whether the letter which had been addressed to him was a letter a clergyman ought to have written, he should have said at once that it was not. But if the Hon. Gentleman thought it was worth while to enter into a discussion on this matter, he was bound to say that ho entertained a very different opinion. He thought it was unworthy of prolonged discussion in that House. The Hon. Gentleman stated that Mr. Dampier was in the employment of the Government. Now, the Hon. Gentleman ought to be better informed before he made his accusations. Mr. Dampier held no situation under Government. He was sent to Guernsey to inquire into the state of affairs there in consequence of the informa tion he (Sir J. Graham) received, and which had led to the trial to which the Hon. Gentleman referred. Having finished that inquiry, he was as independent of any relation with the Government as was the lion. Gentleman him self. With regard to the conduct of the Government, he had never read the letter to which the lion. Gentle man referred. He had never seen or heard of it till the . present occasion. His time was to much occupied to read the Guernsey Press, from which the Hon. Gentle man quoted so largely. The Government had known Mr. Dobree, but the Honourable Gentleman had not ; he had formed his opinions on grounds which the honourable Gentleman had not, and he stated that he thought Mr. Dobree was a sane and a true man, and, being of that opinion, he could not say it was at all in consistent with his duty to certify to that effect. He thought the Hon. Gentleman should be therefore more certain of his information. The Hon. Gentleman had also a few days ago stated that Sir J. Walsham had interfered as a poor-law Commissioner in Durham and Northumber land, and had introduced Welsh labourers to defeat the colliers, who stood out for higher wages. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he did not say that. He had read a paragraph from the local paper which he held in his hand at the time, and he wished to know from the Hon. Gentleman whether it was true. It was be cause he did not know that it was true that he made the inquiry. With regard to another point, the Right Hon. Gentleman had made another misstatement. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that Sir J. Walsham had interfered as a poor. law-commissioner to put down the strike for wages in a town with which he had no connexion. He (Sir J. Graham) stated that Sir J.Wals ham had been an assistant poor-law commissioner, and had resided in Northumberland—that he was a pro prietor both in Lancashire and South Wales, and that he might. as an individual, have induced persons to go ,to those places and obtain wages. He did not mean to say that it was in the least dishonourable for an indivi dual. He had not then seen Sir J. Walsham, but he had since an opportunity of referring to hien ' and lie was authorised by Sir J. Walsham to say that he had never directly or indirectly interfered in his individual capa city in the manner alleged. Nothing, therefore, could be more unqualified than his contradiction of the statement. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he had never stated that he had received positive information. He had founded his question on a paragraph in the newspapers, and he had asked him whether it was true or not. The Right Hon. Baronet had also fallen into an error in supposing that it was he who stated that Mr. Dampier was the Crown solicitor, it was Mr. Daniel Dobree who had stated this in his letter to the Times. CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS. Mr. BROTHERTON wished to ask the Right lion. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment, whether it was in the contemplation of her Majesty's Government to introduce any Bill in the next session of Parliament, either to tally to abolish capital punishments, or to extend the number of cases of exemption from that punishment? He was quite convinced that these public exhibitions had a very injurious effect on public morals, and the melancholy occurrence which had taken place at Nottingham was a full proof of that. If the House would permit him, he would just read an extract from a letter which he had received.—(Cries of " No, no.") Ile really thought it was more worthy of the attention of the House than some subjects which were intro duced in that House. (The Hon. Member then read an extract from a letter relating to the accident which had just occurred on the occasion of an execution, 'in which thirteen persons lost their lives) ; and said he wished to know whether it was the intention of her Ma jesty's Government to introduce any measure to put an end to these disgraceful exhibitions, which,in his opinion, did not tend to prevent crime, but only to harden the minds of the people ? Sir J. GRAHAM said he had no hesitation whatever in telling the Hon. Gentleman that her Majesty's Go vernment had no intention to introduce any measure on that subject. His opinion was entirely the reverse of that expressed by the Hon. Gentleman, as regarded the moral effect of executions in cases of murder. At the same time, he must express his deep regret at the fatal occur rence which had taken place at Nottingham ; though he must say be had never heard an inference which appeared to him to have so little foundation, as that this fatal catastrophe was at all to be ascribed to the bad moral effect of a public execution.—(Hear, hear.) The event might have occurred at a horse race, or even, through sudden panic, in a chapel. He repeated that he had no intention of proposing either the abolition or the re mission in certain cases of capital punishments. Mr. BROTHERTON said he had made no inference like that which the Hon. Gentleman had mentioned. The Roman Catholic Penal Acts Relief Bill was read a third time and passed. Sir R. PEEL laid on the table papers relating to the slave-trade ; also papers relating to Captain Warner's experiment. CAPTAIN WARNER'S EXPERIMENT AT BRIGHTON. Captain PECHELL observing that a portion of the papers which the Bight Hon. Baronet had laid on the table consisted of the correspondence with Captain Warner, would ask him a question on the subject. He did not mean to say that Captain Warner was a fit sub ject for a lunatic asylum, but he would state to the House certain facts which had come to his knowledge. He had received a model of a vessel from Shoreham, the port from which the ship destroyed by Capt. Warner had sailed ; and from that it appeared s had ropes fitted on board her, bistened from stern to stern, and that after the process it appeared that from 150 to 200 fathoms of line had been thrown overboard from the steam-vessel, show ing that a direct communication had been established be tween the steam-vessel and the ship. He wished to know if the Government had received from the naval officers any communication calculated to explain or to affirm the suspicions which most people entertained with regard to that 'experiment. The fact was, it was generally looked upon as a' complete humbug. Sir R. PEEL had seen the report's which had been • made to the Admiralty upon the subject by naval officers ; but those officers had not been admitted into any very close communication with the vessels. He could not either confirm, or deny the report to which the lion. and Gallant Member had referred. The ex periment, he took it for granted, had been performed in the manner in which Captain Warner represented ; but with respect to the ropes, he had had no opportunity of satisfying himself on the subject in such a manner as to enable him to answer the question, not that he meant to imply that the vessel had been blown up in any other way than the one which had been represented. If the Hon. Gentleman had read the correspondence, he would see that it was not likely that he (Sir R. Peel) would enter into any incautious engagement.—(Laughter.) He would not give 400,000/, or even 100,000/, for the blowing up of a vessel, with out having that vessel pretty closely examined before hand—(Laughter)—but lie again repeated, that he did not mean to insinuate that there had been any unfair proceeding on the part of Captain Warner. CASE OF THE CONVICT SIMPSON. Mr. WAKLEY said he had had papers to present from Mr. Humphries, the solicitor, on the subject of a convict named Simpson, which he had submitted to the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Depart ment; that Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that he saw no reason for interfering, and that had determined him to bring the subject before the House ; but, since lie had entered the House, the Eight Hon. Gentleman had stated that he thought there were points in the case deserving of consideration, and, therefore, he would not trouble the House on the subject. Sir J. GRAHAM thought there was one important fact in the case which had not received the attention it ought. He considered the Hon. Gentleman had exer cised a sound discretion in acting as he had done. LAW OF SETTLEMENT. Sir J. GRAHAM rose to move fur leave to bring in a Bill for the alteration of the law of settlement. They had had many important discussions on the poor-law, but this was u subject of the utmost importance. Within the last year 12,000 orders of removal had been made for English paupers, and 5,000 for Scotch and Irish ; and in the whole 19,000 orders of removal had been issued, under which 45,000 persons had been removed. The House would do well to consider the immense quantity of human suffering which was inflicted by these orders of removal. It had been observed by Adam Smith that there was no poor man in England, who had at tained forty years of age, who had not reason to complain of the law of settlement. It was an important and diffi- • cult subject, and the course which he proposed to take was, to repeal all the statutes at present in existence on that subject, and to legislate de novo. He should propose to the House, therefore, an Act, re gulating the law of settlement, and the appeal on the order of removal. The subject was naturally divided into the branches of the settlement itself, the power of removal, and the law respecting the appeal upon the order. First, with respect to existing settlements, he proposed wherever there bad been an order of removal, and a fixed settlement, he proposed that that settlement should not be disturbed. He then proposed to repeal the existing Acts of Settlemeut, which, he believed, were no less than nine in number. Settlements were now gained by marriage, by apprenticeship, by rent ing a tenement, by paying rates, by serving an office, and, last of all, by birth. Hiring at ser vice was another mode of gaining a settlement, which was, however, still somewhat in dispute. His proposi tion was, that henceforth birth, and birth only, should give a settlement, and that the place of birth should be held to be the place of settlement. Failing proof of the place of birth, he proposed to admit proof of a derivative settlement in the second degree. First, h• proposed to admit the father's settlement, and fail ing that, the settlement of the mother. He would not carry the derivative settlement any farther, and he proposed that the settlement of the grand father and the grandmother should no longer be received. He proposed that the register of births .and deaths, and the register of baptisms, should be ad mitted as proofs of birth ; and that a married woman should not be removed from her husband's settlement, during her husband's life. He bad no w ex h aus t e d t h e first branch of the subject. He had thought that settlement by birth was the most simple ; and that the derivative settlement, in the first degree from the father and mother, was also the most simple, the most sure, and the most advisable. He now came to the second branch of his subject. Two conferences then took place on the County Coro ners' Bill and the Art-unions Bill, in which the House of Lords disagreed with the House of Commons. LAW OF SETTLEMENT. Sir J. GRAHAM then resumed his arguments with respect to this Bill, lie proposed that parties should be irremovable under; the following circumstances. First, he proposed that men who resided in or near a parish for five years, and who had not been guilty of felony of misdemeanour, should be irremovable, and this applied to Irish and Scotch. Secondly, no woman who resided with her husband at the time of his death, in a parish it which he had been settled, should be removable after the death of her husband to her own parish. Thirdly, no widow. whether living in her husband's parish or elsewhere. should be removable until twelve months after his death. fourthly, no legitimate child should be removed after its father died under 16 years of age, and no illegitimate child shall be removed under 16 from its mother ; sixthly, no person who became chargeable through sickness or accident should be removable till they received re lief for forty days consecutively. All persons were to be relieved where they were resi dent irrespective of settlement. With regard to the order for removal, he proposed that the overseer of the removing parish should send a copy of the order and a statement of the grounds on which it was made within seven days. This statement was to contain not a copy of the examinations—(Hear, hear)—but a statement of the grounds of removal. Then the parties receiving this statement of the grounds of removal are to have 21 days after the receipt of the notice to determine whether they would resist the removal or not, and then if they determined after the expiration of.twenty-one days not to object to the removal but to the order, they were compelled to send a statement of the reasons of objec tion. They would then have statement of the reasons on which the removal had taken place, and a counter statement of the reasons upon which the removal was objected to. And having obtained those statements both parties should be concluded by them, and upon the hearing of the:appeal, they would not be at liberty to adduce other grounds. The overseers of the removing parish, if they had no notice of appeal given, might remove at the end of forty days after notice of removal had been given. The House would observe that there was great difficulty with respect to the removal of Scotch and Irish paupers, becanse they were removed, not to a parish or district. but to a country. He proposed that rules should be framed by justices in their respective districts, which should provide, as far as possible, for the removal of - Scotch and Irish to the parts or places where was the place of their birth and residence. It would be then their duty to remove them as, far as as circum stances would admit, to the nearest place to that of their birth. He was anxious to introduce a power of appeal with respect to the removal of Scotch and Irish, and he proposed to do this by in serting the fUllowing words " when any removal shall have taken place, on illegal grounds, either so Scotland or Ireland, on the representation of local bodies or of parties having an interest in the matter of removal, on representation to the Poor-law Commissioners, they shall have the power to cause an appeal to be presented at the sessions against the order of removal, and if the order is quashed, the parish ob taining the order shall pay all the costs of removal, and shall also pay the costs of bringing back the party re moved to the parish from whence he was so re moved." He had now stated the leading provisions of the BilL It was one which would require the utmost attention. He was not so vain as to think that it would not meet with many objections ; but, as between country and country, he had endeavoured to hold the balance fairly, and he was quite satisfied that the provisions of this Bill, as regarded the Scotch and Irish, were most salutary and humane. He must now repeat what he had stated at the commencement, that if this arrangement should be adopted, the effect would be to place the whole law in a much simpler and clearer form than it was at present ; and though there might be many objections to the details, he believed that to the principle of the men sure there could be no solid objection. Mr. HAWES expressed his satisfaction with the measure of the Right Honourable Gentleman ; and read a letter detailing the sufferings of the Scotch and Irish paupers while being removed to their parishes and homes. That shewed that no attention was paid to the condition of these unfortunate paupers when they were removed. He thought the provisions of the proposed Bill would greatly lessen the number of paupers to be removed, and he hoped power would be given to the Poor-law Commissioners to see that a proper person should be appointed to super intend the embarkation of these paupers, so that they might not be left utterly destitute. He hoped every Hon. Member would well consider the Bill during the recess, and he, for one, should come to the discussion of it, rather with a view to assist the Right lion. Baronet in his attempts to amend the existing law than in a spirit of opposition to the Government. Mr. BROTHERTON thought that if the money that was expended iu law was laid out on the poor, it would be much better. Mr. WARLEY thought the Government had shown an honest intention in introduc ilet i in n lilat g l t the Bill. was nxoiswt e existed is calculatedtfidettoohu thought m re spect o iN v l e r .tmoWati the y e S o l E a f 4 t s h a a e i d s g ri thatl ‘ a . a t n t p c h e r e s e s the course pursued by the Government with respect to this Bill was worthy of following. After some further observations, Sir J. GRAHAM thanked the House for the attention it had given to the measure, and he agreed with the lion. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakle ) that the Hon. Member for S a lf or d was mistaken' in thinking the burden of supporting the poor would rest on the manufacturing districts. The Bill would have an en tirely different tffect ; for if the Honourable Member would closely examine its workings, lie would find that each district, each parish, would be obliged to support the poor persons who could prove that they had been born within its limits, or within its jurisdiction. The measure would also attend to the evil the Member who had spoken last had referred to, as a clause would be found in the Bill compelling every parish and county to remove Irish paupers. rr.7: - :'•T 'S U Captain PECITELL thought that th were entitled to the gratitude of the cou clueing the measure, and he could not see could be found with its details. Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. - v FLEFT SITTING.] 11 M-tIVEI THE QUEEN AND INFANT PRINCE. FORM OF PRAYER AND THANKSGIVING. The following is the Form of Prayer and Thanks giving to Almighty God for the safe Delivery of the - Queen and the happy Birth of a Prince, to be used at Morning and Evening Service, after the General Thanks giving, in all Churches and Chapels in England acid Wales, and in the town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, upon Sunday, the 11th day of August instant, or the Sunday after the respective Ministers of such Churehvs and Chapels shall receive the same. " 0 merciful Lord and heavenly Father, by whose gracious gift mankind is increased, we most humbly offer unto Thee our hearty thanks for Thy great goodness vouchsafed to Thy people, in delivering Thy servant our Sovereign Lady the Queen from the perils of child birth, and giving her the blessings of a son. Continue, we beseech thee, Thy fatherly care over her ; support and comfort her in the hours of weakness, and day by day renew her strength. Preserve the infant Prince from whatever is hurtful either to body or soul; and en due him, as he advances in years, with true wis dom and every Christian lirtue. Regard with Thine especial favour our Queen and her Royal Consort, that they may long live together in the enjoyment of all earthly happiness, and may finally be made partakers of everlasting glory. Implant in the hearts of Thy people a deep sense of Thy manifold mercies, and give us grace to show forth our thankfulness by dutiful affection to our Sovereign, by brotherly love one towards another, and by constant obedience to Thy commandments ; so that, passing through this life in Thy faith and fear, we may in the life to come be received into Thy heavenly kingdom, through the merits and mediation of Thy Blessed. Son Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen." FATAL ACCIDENT—BRAMBER.We have to re cord a melancholy accident that occurred at the turnpike gate near the Castle last Sunday evening, between Six and ten o'clock. Mrs. Winton, the wife of the renter of the tolls and keeper of the gate, went out to open the rte and let a donkey chaise through, and whilst standing there, and al most before the chaise had passed through the gate, she was knocked with great violence against the gate-post by a a horse which was drawing a four-wheel chaise, and coming from the direction of Steyning. The poor woman fell, and was removed to her house, where she survived only two hours, and never spoke during that time. It is supposed that the collar of the horse came in contact with the poor woman's chest. After a patient investigation, the jury re turned a verdict of " Accidental Death," with a deodand of .ss. against the horse, a hack hired with the chaise of a horse master in Brighton, who has had him in work for six years. Brighton Guardian. STATE OF TRADE.-Our market is still firm. In yarns there is a good business doing, and for such as can be delivered immediately rather higher prices are obtained ; but most of the spinners are stated to have little on hand. In goods, too, the demand continues to be extensive, with some tendency upward, especially in 7-Bth printing elOth. For 40-inch shirtings the lower prices current before the arrival of the Indian mail are offering; but sellers are generally firm, and show no disposition to submit to this reduction ; and, on the whole, very little business is doing in goods for the India market.—Mmichester Guardian, Aug. 7. SUMMER ASSIZES. NORTH WALES ClRCUlT.—Chester Aug. 6. (Before Mr. Baron RoLFE.) Joseph Woods, aged 43, was charged with having as saulted and robbed Samuel Cortishley, on the highway, , at Werneth. The Attorney-General and Mr. Beaver were for the prosecution, and Mr. Egerton for the prisoner. The prosecutor is a coal-dealer, residing in Werneth, and was in the habit of going round the ♦illage every Saturday, for the purpose of collecting sums of money from parties to whom he had given credit during the week. On Saturday evening, the 18th of May, he was returning home from his usual round, when he sat down by the road-side, about half-a-mile from his own house, to rest, being troubled with an asthma. While at this spot the prisoner came up, knocked him down, and beat him severely, and robbed him of 111. He thee bade him to make the best of his way home, or he would kill kira. The prisoner being known to the prosecutor, he was ap prehended the same night at his own house. When told the charge, he admitted having beat the prosecutor, but denied the robbery. The jury found the prisoner Guilty, but recommended him to mercy on account of the good character he had received. The Learned Judge sentenced him to be imprisoned and kept to hard labour for the space of fifteen months. Peter Damn, aged 24, was charged with an assault on Samuel Wiltsbaw, at Stockport, and with stealing 7s. 6d. from his person. It appeared from the evidence that the prisoner per suaded the prosecutor, an aged man, to accompany him to a house, which, on his reaching, he discovered to be a house of ill fame, and was about to leave it imme diately ; but the prisoner knocked him down, and with the assistance of another person succeeded in robbing him. The prisoner was found Guilty, and sentenced to two years' imprisonment and hard labour. John Jackson, twenty-six, was charged with stealing from the person of John Swindalls, at Stockport, a watch, his property. It appeared from the evidence, that on the 9th of April lust the prosecutor and the prisoner were together It several public-houses in Stockport until a late hour. At length, about four o'clock in the morning, both sat down on the door-steps of the Swan's Head Inn, whero the prosecutor fell asleep. Shortly afterwards, on being awoke by a police-officer, he found the prisoner had gone, and his -watch was missing. A few days after wards, the prisoner gave the watch to a friend of his to pledge. . . lie N'its convicted; and two previous convictions being proved against him, the Learned Judge sentenced him to be transported for ten years. The Grand Jury have this day ignored the bill pre. ferred against the Rev. Mr. Creswell, of Stockport, who was charged with an unnatural crime. OXFORD ClRCUlT.—Shrewsbury, Aug 6. CROWN COURT.—(Before Chief Justice TINDAL) REMARKABLE CASE. On Monday, Susannah Wynne, aged thirty-four, de scribed in the calendar as a person who could read, or read and write imperfectly, was indicted for haying, on the 12th of July last, feloniously stolen, at the parish of St. Chad, in the borough of Shrewsbury, one brass can dlestick, the property of John Bryan. Mr. Corbet conducted the cased for the prosecution. The prisoner had not the assistance of counsel. The facts of the case had nothing in them which would have called for particular notice, had it not been for the remarkable astuteness exhibited by the prisoner —a woman with a swarthy and rather repulsive countenance, to which, however, a keen and bright dark eve occa sionally imparted much animation. It appeared that on Friday, the 12th of July, the prisoner came to the Mer maid public-house, in this town, and asked for a glass of rum. This particular " vanity" having been supplied the lady tossed off the liquor with the air of a person who was used to such things, and then requested per mission to take a seat in the kitchen until her little boy came, as she expected him to bring her some money, with which she should be enabled to discharge the debt which she had just contracted. The permission was granted, and the money was afterwards paid, but the prisoner still lingered in the kitchen of the Mermaid, and the maid servant of the establishment, who had served her with the rum, retired up stairs. At,the time when she went up stairs, about a quarter to five fit the after soon, there were two brass candlesticks in the kitchen and at five in the afternoon the prisoner offered for sale to a Mrs. Lee, who keeps a broker's shop in Princes street, a very short distance from the Mermaid, a single brass candlestick, which Mrs. Lee bought for a shilling. With the shilling thus obtained, the prisoner went to the Golden Cross, and ordered and paid for a quart of ale, and eventually finished the day by getting so drunk that she was taken into the custody of the poliCe, and locked up. While she was in durance, the prosecutor discovered that one of the two candlesticks which had been in the kitchen of the Mermaid, while the prisoner was there, had disappeared, and inquiries having been set on foot, the prisoner was charged with the theft. The candle stick in question was one of a very common, shape, and the prosecutor's only reason for believing it to be his property was, that it matched the one that was left ho hind. The prisoner cross-examined most of the witnesses at great length, but at the same time with a tact and per. tinence which evinced an intimate acquaintance, how ever gained, with the mode in which a defence is usually conducted. Some of the witnesses she bullied, desiring them not to " keep the gentlemen waiting,but to answer her questions at once, as she was tired of the case," and insisting on their repeating the ninth commandment others, whose testimony she hoped would be more favour. able to her she soothed and flattered by saying that she was sure they would give conscientious evidence, and was particularly car e f u l i n calling the " Ma'am, " or " Sir, as the case mi g ht b e. Others, again, whose tes timony was immaterial, she dismissed with a- triumphan t toss of the he a d, t o ld t h em she had " no question, " and informed them that they might :‘ stand down." When the case for the prosecution was closed, she was told that she might say anything which she pleased in her defence, and, accordingly, advancing to that part of the dock nearest to the jury, she addressed them as nearly as possible in the following terms:— " Gentlemen of the Jury—There is no individual who can be in a more awkward position than a-prisoner at the bar—without friends to assist her, without counsel to plead for her, miles from home, and left to the mercy of witnessess whose consciences are as elastic as a pair of spring guns. Observe, Gentlemen, how contradic tory are the statements made by the servant girl and the ' owner of the candlestick. She says she did not miss it till the Saturday afternoon. The owner comes forward and swears that he missed it two hours after I had left the place—a wide difference here, Gentlemen. Might not some one else have come in and taken it away P We have many instances of men being obliged to leave their wives and children, and being sent to foreign islands, upon evidence like that given by these witnesses, when years afterwards the real perpetrator of the crime has been brought to suffer the last punishment of the law. What is that done by but by false swearing and 1 false evidence that such persons were there, and such property was afterwards gone ? No one, Gentlemen, can describe the feelings of one who stands' at the bar arraigned, tearing open afresh the wounds which have already bled for their misfortunes. It is not before respectable community like this that I doubt justice being given to me, but if the examination (before the magistrates, when she was committed) had been con ducted properly, I should not have been brought here. The expert hand of a ready writer, the clerk of the Court, took care that there should be no flaw in the in dictment against me. I am miles away from home -' ; 7 _ t-4144 4 :1:1 4 '''ll! . . Z -ir t ) b r 'i ntio‘ ' ' 4 ';' 4 s "any fallli":1( il ~...../ ow' can i° l ationf rs' ■