The Sun. — London, England, 1839-08-30 00:00:00

EVEN INCA EDITION. LITERATURE. 'RITISH AND FOREIGN REVIEW, No. 17 Taylor, London, 1t:339. There is an entertaining article in this number, I entitled " Works of Art and Artists in England," which though penned in places in somewhat too cavalier a style ---as where some of the recent na tional purchases of pictures are referred to—yet con tains muc h sound criticism, and exposes the tricks and ignorance of those mechanics—for many of them are little better—who profess to clean and re store old paintings, in a spirit of just and caustic severity. On the subject of the great leading schools of art, the Reviewer, alluding cursorily to the Dutch and Flemish schools, says, " there are very few masters whose works produce any effect, except in broad daylight, and then the greater number, being merely h ome l y matters of fact, soon cease to please. " This is true. There is a homeliness, a want of ele vation and refinement in the productions of the Flernidi, and more especially, of the Dutch painters, that very soon begets distatc for them. They make no appeal to the fancy or the feelings ; they suggest no pleasurcable ideas to a cultivated mind, for their humou r is coarse, and their subjects treated in the most unimaginative, matter-of-fact style possible. They show you nature, not refined and exalted by the graceful idealisms of art, as we see her in Claud e ; but in all her literal, shivering nakedness. George the Fourth was a great admirer of these sc hools ; and we do not wonder at it, for his instincts Were gross, notwithstanding his conventional polish. Of Reinagle, the marine painter, who died a few years since, the Reviewer speaks in these terms ,: 4 , 4 ' Ge orge Reinagle gave high promise ; his delineation of a ship in the regions of perpetual calms, and his ' India- Irian struck by Lightning' in a lurid atmosphere, where the winds seem all imprisoned in heavy hut varied clouds, which "ad forth arrowy lightning on the helpless vessel floating on the sullen and silent sea, are worthy of the highest raise, wh e th er the concept i on only or the feeling and me hical dexterity be considered. He lived beloved, and died lament e d i n the prime of life. He was accidentally in the battle of Navarino, being the guest of Captain Martin, an d i .was se en i n t h e h eat o f act i on looking through a port hrle and making memorandums for a picture of the fight I— ~~a curi ous that co great a maritime nation should never r,e produced or fostered a master of that line of art. Had C` - 'npley Fieldir g f o ll owe d the first branch instead of th e pliesBd, the h', atus i n some respects might have been sup. At thi s moment we have no marine painter approach ing rhedie:erity.,, We ar e g l a d to see the Reviewer taking up the i c udgels i n f avour of old Benjamin West, whom of at e Years it has been the fashion to denounce as a ine 'ce " mechanic a l painter." M r . Hazlitt did his best to foster and disseminate this opinion, and sue ;ceding critics have subscribed to it, notwithstand 'll; its flagrant injustice. We should be glad to see a 'inodern artist come forward, and give us such a Pa in ting as " Ch r i s t R e j ec t e d," or even as t h e Death eof Ad on i s ." West was certainly an un q ual artist ; his genius had its ebbs and flows ail d in liis ' latter days he was too fond of covering Whole acres of canvas—as if mere size alone was a tent of merit ; but, when at his meridian, he pos psed Vigor, precision, loftiness of design, and pro ety of colouring, to a degre e not o ft en w it nesse d na w-a -days. Of Sir Thomas Lawrence, the Re tit !wer says, that he " was a courtier-like and graceful p a i nter. " He was so, but at the same time Was deficient in the more spiritual and intellec tual walk of his art. His female portraits possess ex quisite grace and elegance, but they want the ex pression of mind. They are chiefly physical beau ;4s, app ea li ng more to sense than to sentiment. A ith reference to the numerous likenesses of the Present Queen, we are told, " they are, one and all, complete failures. Not one gives the fine in tellectual modelling of her Majesty's head ; not °lle even touches the almost intense expression of inquiry often seen on her countenance ; not °be conveys an idea of the calm repose which at times is so marked." How this may be, we know not. We have seen many portraits of her Majesty, but we have seen them one day, only to forget them the next. Of Martin, the Reviewer speaks in the highest terms. We do not object to his praises of this artist's " hih and fertile i mag i nation ;" b ut " simple sublimity" is a quality to which he can lay no claims. True, he is often sublime, but he is never simple, whether in design or execution. His imaginative Powers are vast--daring—original ; b ut , i n genera l , they ar e of a sombre eriaracter, and too little varicd 1 their application. But his mastery over space littl e ilartial's- most triumphant characteristic. In his sket c h of the " Temptation in the Wilderness, ' c rav ed for the Annuals a few years ago, he has brought half the globe visibly before us. Ile 'Si the " Est a bli s h ment o f a R ura l P o li ce, " t h e viewer furnishes us with divers most amusing 'tract s from the Commissioners' Report on this 411 , kiect. H e i s not unfavourable to the plan, but obse rves justly enough, that the great difficulty will be' to combine the advantages, whatever they were, o f local management with those of a general system, under the immediate direction of the supreme Exe euti'e• We su bj o i n an amus i ng anec d o t e illustra -riive of th e extraor di nary qu i c k -witte d ness and saga ‘ty o f a Well-educated London pickpocket:— w} : .IS_e rrAnember hearing a friend mention an anecdote dine is ustrative of one passage of the above extract. h 4v 7 nifAt as he was walking along Parliament -street, po e ;_ng Just left the House of Commons, he missed his ,r a _ let-) iandkerchi e f. He observed to a gentleman who arit :Z?th him that he was glad the thief had not taken his hinu_, bete also. After walling a little further he put his too, his his coat pocket again, and found the snuff-box ;g o ne ri 90. , The pickpocket had been following them, and _lietwgerrheard his remark, had resolved to relieve him of the I° e !..f4 tof his snuff-box as be had before done of that of ms handkerchief." '` Corn Trad e w i t h Hungary " is an article Penned with temper, in a just ant The Revi ewer expresses mortification liber a l styl d urpri e. se too, if we may judge from the manner and which , lie express es himself —at the resu l t of the late division on the Corn-laws in a Reformed House of Parlia ment. We do not see w h y he should have been surprised. H a d h e cons i dered of what materials majority o f t h e C ommons is composed, he must h ave perceived at once that the question of a repeal of the impost was almost hopeless. But let him nn not be dishe ar t ene d. A sunnier day is drawing :el. The C orn -l aws are doomed ; and no power ue arth can m uc h l onger protract their abolition. t , L atriartine's P oems " is an elaborate criticism on l tracts h is French poet's last epic, " The Angel's Fall." pr om t the eracts with which the Reviewer fur- I l isli es us, we think his censures are fully warranted. '-aarnartine may be a dexterous, smooth versifyer, ° .nt he evidently wants t h e fire—the via-our—the bstmplieity of tru e genius. H e passes off his pinch ,e.elt on us f or go ld ; an d i magines that, because it glitt ers, we s h a ll m i s t a k e i t f or the sterling ore. Th ere is little of genuine po e t r y i n t h e m i n d of ", Young. France." It has sh ow y nove li sts i n 4 ', mindance, and not a few clever song-writers ; but i t wants the faith—the purity—the keen, intuitive s rnpathy w i t h t h e b eau tiful—the ready apprehen ;mil of th e pure and sublime in sentiment—that de generat es the p oet ' s i nspiration, and without which he ``egene rates i nto a mere rhymester. " The Turkish tr eaty" en d eavours to show that one of the most che rished views of France is to gain po ssess i on o f Egypt and Ca n di a , an d by so doing, to establish her pre- Ponderance, as a Power, over Europe. This is a very Quixotic notion, which, we suspect, has no existence, save in the Reviewer's credulous imagina tion. France has other things to think of, than revi v i ng the foolish project of Louis the Four teenth. She must tranquillize herself, before she ventures to look abroad. " The Slate of the Nation" is a carefully reasoned article, whose spirit is of th e right sort. We cordially agree with the Reviewer in his opinions on the Ballot ; and also that education is making far more rapid stride s t han clergymen and Members of Parliament seem to be aware of ; and that a vast fermentation exists l in the mas s , w ith which it will be dange rous much ' t mger to trifle. " The Russo-Greek Church" is a pas sable enough article, that calls for no particular comment. IL I . P W eperceive by th e bills of announcement that Mr. We (th e act i ve Nl anager o f the Grecian Saloon, City -road) takes his Annual Benefit next Tuesday week. He deserv es well at the hands of the public, and we wish hitn success.TllE P O OR-LAW.—There is a silly mistake abroad w hi ch it suits the purpose of certain Tory partisans to foster, to the effect that every able bodied man who is olt,itiof work must necessarily go the workhouse or starve.. o.. thil. is not the fact. On the contrary it was the design of ~t , new law to decrease, and not to aggravate pauperism. 'ne 59 Geo. 111. c. 12, empowers overseers in certain cases to advance sums of money by way of loan, which „o confirmed by the 4 and 5 of Will. Iv. C. 76. Iv. have reason to believe that this power is not sufficiently exercised by the guardians of this union ; but the existence of the power entirely di sarms the Tories of one of t h e sptr ro ngest of th e i r party weapons, deduced from the misre esentation of the Poor.law Bill.—Cheltenham Examiner. The steam boat communication between Havre an d Antwerp is about to ho discontinued, not having been attended kith any profit to the Company. 1111111""ftwiam..--_ AFFAIRS OF THE EAST. The Semaphore of Marseilles of the 25th inst., an nounces the arrival, at Alexandria, on the 7th, of M. Anselme, the Aide-de-Camp of Baron Roussin, and Me- hemet Ali's agent in Constantinople. The flatter was the bearer of a letter from Chosrew Pasha to the Vice roy, of which the following is a copy : LETTER Or CHOSREW PACHA TO MEHEMET ALT, 'VICE. ROY OF EGYPT. " I have received by the return of Akiff Effendi your Highness's answer to the letter I had the honour to send by this Envoy, and I have understood its contents, as well as the reports of the aforesaid Akiff Effendi of all that passed between your Highness and him. I laid both at the feet of our magnanimous Lord, who perused them, and I afterwards communicated them to the prin cipal dignitaries of the Sublime Porte assembled in Council. We were rejoiced to learn that your High ness, who is an ancient vassal of the empire, and who has rendered it more real services than any other, and for that reason has become one of the greatest of our colleagues, had the noble thought of making common cause with the most influential and devoted members of the Mussulman nation, and we have prayed to God to vouchsafe our mutual vows of union for the happiness of the empire. " In the letter which I had the honour to send to your Highness by Akiff Effendi, I did not speak of the hereditary transmission of more than the Egyptian provinces ; but that was only a form employed to announce the pardon of your Highness. Besides, Akiff Effendi had no mission to treat of affairs, and was merely charged to communicate to you the news of all your restoration to favour ; this is the reason why I omitted to give more ample explanations to your Highness—all the grand digni taries of the Sublime Porte being desirous with mo that you should have every security and all the necessary guarantees, and being ready to asso ciate their efforts with yours for the prosperity of the empire. After having received the supreme orders of his Highness our august master, I had given orders to Saib Effendi, one of the Ministers of the Sublime Porte, to visit your Highness for the purpose of coming to an understanding with you respecting the demands which you have presented, the services which you pur pose to render, and the measures to be adopted in the present position of affairs. This Envoy was about to leave by the steam-boat when the Ambassadors of the Five Powers transmitted a note to the Sub lime Porte. Its contents will inform you that the Five Powers have come to an agreement to discuss and regulate the affairs of the East. Immediately after the presentation of this note, the high dignitaries of the Sublime Porte met again in council, and were of opinion that the interference of strangers in an affair between Sovereign and vassal is not very proper ; but, considering that the Five Powers having already acted in concert, the refusal of their mediation, contrary to European usage, might be offensive to them, and bring trouble and embarrassment upon the Mus sulman nation—looking at the general state of things, and moreover reflecting that having obtained your pardon and an assent to the projects of union, the guarantee of foreign approbation would be superfluous, and that the intervention or non-intervention of the Powers in the arrangement of affairs is of no import ance—the grand dignitaries, whilst they agree in a hope that recourse to strangers will not be necessary, have not thought proper under existing circumstances to reject the unexpected demand of the five Envoys, and have therefore given their adhesion to it. We desire, and it is the wish of his Highness, that you should be informed of all that has yet taken place. This is why the departure of the Envoy in question has been put off. I have taken the liberty to write this letter to your Highness, and shall send it by a steamer. As soon as your Highness shall have read its contents, and the reports addressed by the Ambassadors to the Consuls-General, I beseech your Highness to let me know your opinion. " CHOSREW PACHA. " P.S.—lt was agreed that your Highness's Charge d'Affairas should be the bearer of this letter, in order to deliver its contents viva voce, that your Highness may see matters more clearly." M. Anselme communicated the instructions of which he was the bearer to the European Consuls, upon which they waited in a body upon Mehemet Ali. In a letter from Alexandria of the 10th inst. we find the following statement as to the result : " Mehemet Ali has replied to the notifications of the Consuls in a long note, in which he still insists on the recognition of his hereditary right to Syria by the Porte. He formally declares that he will not part with the Ottoman fleet until that condition shall have been granted. " Count Medem, who, in the presence of his col leagues is more clamorous than the rest, has frequent and long private interviews with the Paella. Mehemet Ali said, yesterday, to one of his confidants,' I am aware that Russia alone has it in her power to serve me ; I ought to have known this sooner.' " Captain Caille writes from the camp at Marasch, on the 10th of July, that the news of the death of the Sultan Mahmoud, and the accession of his son Abd-ul-Medjid, had reached Ibrahim officially the day before, and that he immediately ordered 100 cannon to be fired, and millions of musket-shots to be dis charged, in celebration of the event. It appears cer tain that Hafiz Pacha is at Malatia, with 10,000 or 12,000 men. No change has been made in the po sition of Ibrahim's army, and no idea is entertained of any movement in advance."—Moniteur Parisien. Syria appears to enjoy the most complete tranquillity. The first division of the caravan from Bagdad reached Damascus on the 20th of July. It consisted of 700 camels. The great caravan was daily expected in that city. The Semaphore de Marseille of the 25th inst., pub lishes letters from Constantinople of the 7th, which stated that all the Ministers of the Porte had left their summer houses, on the Bosphorus, for their city resi dences, and the Sultan himself was to come and inhabit his winter palace on the first day of the new moon. This measure was considered highly impolitic, inasmuch as the people supposed that the Government was labouring under serious apprehensions, a conviction which had completely paralysed all commercial transac tions. Turks, Greeks, and Armenians rose every morning with a certainty of seeing the Russian fleet at anchor in the Bosphorus. Two frigates and three corvettes, whose captains re fused to follow the Turkish Admiral to Alexandria, had returned to Constantinople, and four or five other vessels of the fleet were expected from Rhodes. Tahir Pacha would, it was thought, be appointed High Admiral. The European officers attached to the Turkish army, for whose safety fears had been entertained, had returned to Constantinople. Among them were General Chrza nowski, a Polish officer in the pay of England, who was sacrificed to Russian intrigue, and the Prussian Baron de Molck. The Government gave to them the most gracious reception. Hadji Ali Bey, ex-Governor of the Dardanelles, had been reinstated in his former post of Director of the Arsenal. The Waywode of Galata, the great protector of the Capitan Pacha, had been dismissed from office, as well as all the functionaries of ithe Admiralty known to be devoted to him. Hassous Pacha, Governor of Cyprus, sailed for that island on the Gth, in a steamer of the Danube Company. The last intelligence from Persia, received in Constan tinople, was dated the 12th ult. The successes obtained in Cabul by the British arms were deemed likely to in jure the influence of Russia at the Court of the Shah. M. Duhamel, the Russian Envoy, was labouring to bring about an offensive and defensive alliance between Persia and Mehemet Ali, with a view to exclude the English from the Euphrates, but the Shah was wait ing for the solution of the E astern quest i on b e f ore h e should come to any determination. The Carlsruhe Gazelle of the 25th states, under date Constantinople the 7th inst., that a few days after the departure of Captain Ansehne and Sarim Effendi for Alexandria, the British and French Ambassadors or dered the Admirals of the united squadrons to sail for the coast of Egypt, and carry away the Ottoman fleet, in case Mehe:net Ali should have refused, on their arrival, to restore it to the Sultan. The same journal adds, that if the Viceroy declined accepting the media tion of the Five Powers, a corps of English troops would be sent to take possession of Camila. A correspondent of the Debats writes from the East —" The French fleet is still in sight of the Dardanelles. An English steamer, which arrived from Alexandria on the 18th inst., has brought information that Hafiz Pa cha had, with the remnant of his army (7,000 or 8,000 men), put himself under the orders of Ibrahim Pacha. Admiral Stopford and all the British commanders have returned the visit of Admiral Lalande. The English squa dron consists of nine ships of the line, three corvettes,and three steamers. The French vessels are more elegant, and are generally kept in better order than the English ; but our crews are not equal to theirs, as they are nearly all composed of new recruits. The English Admiral's ship the Princess Charlotte, of 110 guns, is not equal to the Jena, of 94, or the Hercule, of 100.) No navy Ax has amn npod i of al v er,wh o finer shipsi commanded thanessels those. Admiral Stopford's three sons are a t tac h e d to the squadron ; two have the co mthe t h otherPortuguese is rt u A g i u t h his father's ship. _ a g the capta i ns in the English squadron is Captain Maria i n t h e affair of St. Vincent. ese Captainfleet N fo V r a p lk n e n r n is n also with it. The two fleets combined contain fifteen ships of th e li ne ; the best caletexrestthhaainnsdi moment exists between di them. nners T to hey are each o o th e e e r u occupied and promise whichgihng the . place eld no out faith ofgi i i n n g the ra nelles." glory of forcing ao smsebanel t tue h nt ee ins they h D ° oai giving itidneeagny. _ .........._....... ile CAMBRIDGE ELECTION.-sir John Doyle has, we understand , r e ti re d from the contest, acting under the advice of Mr. Dillo n B rown. STORMS IN THE CASPIAN SEA. --Th e Cas pian part o f J u l y. r Sea,by storms il the generallye so tranquil, was violently agitated Eighteen Russian and Persian vessels, valued with their cargoe s at three millions of rubles, were wrecked, and ninety. fives lives were lost. THE SUN, LONDON. FRIDAY, AUGUST 30, 1839 THE TOURNAMENT. All is bustle and excitement both in and around Eglin ton Castle. The different erections arc being hurried on with the greatest celerity, and arc far advanced towards completion. The excellent band of the 2d (or Queen's) Dragoon Guards have arrived, which, together with that of the 78th, daily expected, are to conduct the military movements at the tournay. Tickets are neither to be had for love nor money; and, we believe, so urgent is the de. mand for them, that Lord Eglinton would have erected another stand for additional accommodation, had time per mitted. The number of visitors since Monday, has been great—scarcely any time elapsing between the arrival of the different parties. The gates are open for the admis sion of all, and thousands are availing themselves of the opportunity, by carefully examining the tilting arena and other erections in the vicinity. The following are the names of some of the distinguished individuals who have arrived at the Castle:— Marquis and Marchioness of Londonderry, Lord Sea ham, and Lady Francis Vane ; Lord and Lady Seymour ; Hon. Cecil Forrester; Lord Archibald Seymour ; Mr. Irvine ; M r . an d Mrs. Grant Macdoual ; Lord and Lady Charleville ; Lord Tullamore ; Mr. Purvis ; Marquis of Waterford, knight ; Lord George I3eresford, do. ; Capt. J. 0. Fairlie, do. ; Mr. Gilmour, do. ; Mr. Lechemere, do. ; Lord Alford, do. ; Lord Craven, do. ; Lord Sal tnun ; Hon. J. Macdonald ; Prince Louis Napoleon and Aid-de-Camp ; Sir Charles Lamb, Lady Montgomcrie, and Mr. Lamb; Duke and Duchess of Montrose ; Lord Chelsea ; Captain M'Dowall ; Sir Francis Head ; Sir George Head ; Lady Glenlyon, the Misses Murray, and Lord Glenlyon ; Sir Hugh Campbell; Sir M. Wallace; Sir William Dunn ; Captain Pettat ; Mrs. and Miss Upton ; Mr., Mrs., and Miss Margesson ; Countess Dowa ger of Lestowel and Miss Bustle; Mr. White; Lady Ren dlesham and the Miss Thellusons ; Lord and Lady Bel haven ; Mr. and Mrs. Charles Wombwell ; Countess of Mexhorough and Lady Sarah Saville ; Lord and Lady Stuart de Rothsay and Miss Stuart; Mr. and Lady Jane Hamilton ; Lieut. Crawford; Lieut. Gordon ; Captain Stevenson ; Mr. and Mrs. Garden ; Lord Kelhurne ; Col. Standen ; Mr. Williamson ; Captain Cox ; Earl of Charleville ; Viscount :Maidstone; Sir F. Hopkins; Viscount Ingestre; Lady Caroline INlaxse; J. H. Vivian, Esq., M. P. In default of the lances being splintered in any course, the judge will decide for the atleint made nearest to the centre of the shield. ACTIONS WORTHY OF HONJUR. 1. To break the most lances. 2. To break the lance in more places than one. 3. Not to put the lance in rest until near your op ponent. 4. To meet point to point of the lances. 5. To strike on the emblazonment of shield. 6. To perform all the determined coursn: ACTIONS OF DISHONOUR. 1. To break the lance across the opponent. 2. To strike or hurt the horse, 3. To jtrike the saddle. 4. To drop lance or sword. 5. To lose the management of the horse at the encounter. 6. To be unhorsed—the greatest dishonour. 7. All lances broken by striking below the girdle to be disallowed. ACTIONS MOST WORTHY. 1. To break the lance in many pieces. AT THE TOURNEY OR BARRIER. 1. Two blows to be given in passing, and tcn at the en counter.—Ayr Observer. THE PASSAGE OF ARMS AT EGLINTOUN. ( From a private Letter in the Morning Post.) IRVINE, TUESDAY, AUG. 27.—Lord Eglintoun has thrown open his park gates already, for the accommoda tion of all who may wish to take a peep at the prepara tions in progress; and I may say, en passant, that it is really pleasant to see how well and orderly the people here behave—the humbler classes of them I mean. There is no wandering off the road to make short cuts across the turf, and thereby cut the turf much shorter than it is at all desirable—no pulling down whole branches of trees out of mere wantonness, as so many of the sovereign people do in England, and then wonder that one is shy of letting them into his grounds. The park here is ex tensive, nicely laid out, and contains some very fine beeches, while abundance of young wood is practising how to shoot, in order to fill up the death-vacancies among the veterans of the demesne. The castle itself is a massive square building of stone, with a round tower at each angle, and a keep, of the same form and of large proportions, rising from the centre of the pile. In an oblique direction from the rear of the castle, and perhaps at about a furlong's distance from it, are the lists. The ground which they occupy would almost seem to have been made on purpose. It is a fine level, with the turf gently sloping up from it on both sides, while fine trees surround it on all; and the keep, just visible above the woods, supports the staff from which the founder of the festivities will " fling to the breeze the banner of his line." The inelosure for the jousts is a long square ex tending about 200 yards in its greatest length, and one side of it is occupied with the galleries for spectators. They form a centre and two wings, the centre being roofed in, and the front of it v er y h an d some ly fi n i s h e d in the Gothic style with pinnacles, the whole being rather ela borately painted and gilt. At the end of the lists are pitched the pavilions of the knights, each distinguished by being made in broad stripes of the owner's colours. Each knight has a larger and two smaller ones, the former for his own use, and the latter for that of his esquires and at tendants. Lord Eglintoun, indeed, has five pavilions, and very gay they look in their livery of blue and gold. All are not yet quite erected ; but amongst those that arc is n. of scarlet end white that is execcdingly,neat, as is Lord Waterford's white and black. The course of the procession is fenced in with a double post and rail from the entrance door of the castle, over a pretty gothic bridge that crosses a stream in the park, and by a very long detour, that will afford a full view to all the lookers-on, np to the lists. The whole arrangement is so good that I don't see how it is possible for any body to fail of having a capital sight. On one side of the castle there is an immense temporary room nearly completed, and capable, one should think, of accommodat ing eight hundred or a thousand guests. Tents are pitched, and temporary rooms constructed, in various parts of the park, apparently for the purpose of refreshment ; arid, in short, no expense can have been spared, no atten tion omitted, on the part of Lord Eglintoun, to make his hospitalities available to all corners. I am inclined to suspect that the first idea of the Tour nament was given by the casual observation of two ladies in Scotland to Lord Eglintoun, that such a spectacle would be worthy of his name and gallantry, and that in these apathetic days on which we have fallen there would be something grand in the representation of the' mimicry of noble war." I was a good deal amused on Sunday last at a little village not a hundred miles from this, where I intended to go to Church, but, by mistake, found myself in the conventicle of some irregular sect. The preacher employed himself for an honest three-quarters of an hour in endeavouring to persuade his hearers that to gratify their present curiosity by being at " this device of the evil one," was neither more nor less than to sacrifice their hopes for hereafter. It is lamentable to witness this sort of fanaticism in the present day ; and one longs to neutralise its effect—if it have any —by telling the good people of Scotland, excellent Pro. testants as they are, that a similar, though probably more powerful, anathema was once launched against tournaments by one of the Popes —a Clement, I think, though at this moment I can't recollect the number of his Holiness on the muster-roll. THE DYING REPTILE. " There is something shocking in the painful efforts, even of a reptile, to retain its vitality and renew its forces, when it has been sorely maimed. The writhings, the struggles to throw out fresh strength, terminating in ex haustion and speedy death, form a hideous spectacle, even to those who know the creature's noxious nature."— Vide Times of yesterday. Resting, t'other day, beneath A hawthorn hedge near Hampstead-heath, I beheld a wounded snake Rustling in the leafy brake ; Wildly it strove to keep its breath, And protract the hour of death, Wriggling in many a painful twist, Like an eel in Betty's fist, Towards a snug and pleasant spot Where the sun lay bright and hot, In the hope to mend its plight, By the cheering warmth and light ; But though hard the reptile tried, And all its failing strength applied, Ere it reached the spot, it died Just so, when wounded sore by schism, The dying reptile, Toryism, Puts forth all her failing power To ward off the evil hour ; Crawls and shuffles, writhes, and shakes, And the oddest faces makes; Views with dim and longing eye, The sunny, distant Treasury, And strives, convulsively, to near That snug, invigorating sphere, In the hope, no doubt, that she May thence draw fresh vitality ; But, ere half her road is gone, John Bull waylays the crafty one, Stamps his heel upon her head, Nor quits the reptile till she's dead. 'to regard as advantageous to the country. The inde fatigable industry with which Mr. Baring is known to have filled the department of Financial Secretary to the Treasury, joined with that high character for unflinching integrity which has frequently extorted from his political opponents unqualified praise, well qualify him for the im portant post in the Government he has assumed. The former afforded him the opportunity of acquiring the tech nical knowledge requisite for the office ; the latter will direct those attainments for the public good. In Mr. La bouchere the public will possess a man on whom no impu tation of sinister motive was ever cast. His almost princely fortune places him above the temptations which poverty, when introduced to office, is called to endure. In whatever office Mr. Labouchcre has filled he has been found fully equal to its demands. He evinced the patriotism which ought to prompt public men to undertake the duties and to endure the fatigue of office, by consenting to fill a station lower in the scale of official rank, and far heavier in the amount of official duty, when the interests of his country called for the sacrifice. As Vice-President of the Board of Trade he necessarily acquired a knowledge of the duties of the Presidency ; and we know of no one who is better qualified by talent, by devotedness to the public service of the country, and by the public confidence which high personal and political integrity inspires, to satisfy the expectations of the commercial interests of the country. Mr. Shiel and Mr. Wyse are assailed by the Tory journals, because of their religious creeds. It is not the first time that the objection has been urged : it is, at least, as old as Ne buchadnezzar ! As for this Daniel, we shall find no occasion against him, except concerning the law of his God.' The bigotry which opposed the concession of the Catholic claims would be, it seems, now satisfied if the statute-book enacted the admissibility of Catholics to office, while the State practically excluded Catho lics from it. Mr. Sheil is admitted to be talented active, and eloquent ; no imputation is cast on his in tegrity, which has never been impeached. Mr. Wyse is also complimented upon his abilities ; but he, like Mr. Sheil, is of the faith long proscribed, and which, according to those who test a man's fitness for civil duties by the religious doctrines he holds, ought even now, though the Duke of 'Wellington and Sir Robert Peel passed the Emancipation Bill, to exclude the one from a seat at the Treasury Board, and the other at a Board for the regulation of Commerce. The cry of No Popery' is thus employed to raise a preju dice against men who aro acknowledged to be in every other respect peculiarly fit for the appointments. With what other feeling but unqualified disgust will this at tempt be regarded ? To raise a prejudice against public me❑ on such grounds, instead of judging of their fitness for the offices they hold by the talent and industry they display, and the integrity they evince in their adminis tration, is worthy of a darker age !" _ The Standard thus alludes to Mr. Wyse's appoint ment as one of the Lords of the Treasury :—" If further indication were needed of the real object of the Govern ment education scheme, it would be found in the ap pointment of Mr. Thomas Wyse to be one of the Lords of the Treasury, for the purpose, it would seem, of placing the superintendence of the new plan in his hands. And this we are told by one of the Government organs will be gratifying to all the friends of education The Protestant people of Great Britain will no doubt feel the full force of the obligation ; and should the Privy Council succeed in its attempt to subject the na tional schools of England to such a supervision, the debt will of course be proportionably increased. To com pel the schools which are in union with the National Society, either to forfeit their share of the grant, or submit to influence so contaminating, is virtually to deprive them of all chance of benefit from the measure. The qualifications of Mr. Wyse's coadjutors have been fully tested by Lord Lyndhurst. To subject, therefore, the national schools of Great Britain to the invidious meddling of such a junta, under the immediate influence of Popish intrigue (for Mr. Wyse is, in fact, merely Mr. O'Connell's representative in the matter), will be to in flict another " heavy blow and great discouragement" on the Protestant Church ; and to place it under ban, as incompetent to the management of its own concerns. Many as were the objections originally urged against this measure, the intrigue which has marked its progress since it was brought under the consideration of Parliament, is calculated to render it even more obnoxious. For our own parts, we would rather submit to the wild chimeras of Lord Brougham on the subject of education, than see the excellent system which, under the superintendence of the exemplary Pro testant Clergy of Great Britain, has produced so much benefit to the country. We trust the attempt to make the schools connected with the National Society subser vient to the dictation of such persons as Mr. Wyse will be resisted to the utmost ; and that rather than be the victims of so injurious an influence, they will consent to forfeit all participation in the recent grant." DUTCH MAIL. THE HAGUE, AuG. 26.--The Baron Von Mule] Lieutenant -Colonel and Chamberlain in the service of his Serene Highness the Dukc of Nassau, has arrived here on a mission from the reigning Duke Adolphus of Nassau, to convey to the Court of the Netherlands the official notification of the death of his father Duke Wil liam. A letter from Frankfort of the 24th August says " It is reported here that the German Diet, on its sitting, declared itself, by a majority of ten to seven votes, in competent to decide on the Hanoverian question. This statement is, however, too vague, and probably relates to a resolution relative to the recent complaints and protests of some single Hanoverian towns and corpora tions, at least persons who are thought to be well-in formed affirm that they know nothing of any resolution that goes farther." TIIE HAGUE, AUG. 28.—The Court has been put in mourning for the late Duke of Nassau. HANovER, AUG. 22.—Bcth the second address of the city of Hanover to the German Diet and that of the provincial estates of Hadeln have been rejected. This event has caused a very great sensation here. The prospect of a termination of our differences by the highest authority is thus at an end. Will the Committee of Mediation give the country tranquillity and order'? This is not the general opinion, and it is even probable that some members of the Committee do not partake in it. The sittings have commenced, and it is said they were opened by his Majesty in person, with a speech. A letter from Hanover of the 19th, inserted in the Leipsic Gazette, affirms on the contrary that the two documents in question have not been rejected. Another letter from Hanover, of the 22d, likewise says that news of the rejection of these two addresses by the Diet on the 13th of this month, have been re ceived, and likewise that the Diet would protect the Constitution of 1819, as being avowedly in force, to prevent any further refusal to pay the taxes, and would reject as far as possible the applications of single cor porations, ands intended thereby to deprive all unautho rised complaints of the means of exciting useless fermen tation in the country. DUTCH FUNDS.—AMSTERDAM, AUGUST 27. Money. Bills. Actual Debt, t 234 per Cent Ditto, ditto 5 per cent. A moil Svrnlic,o.l, per cent 9B yi IX Ditto, ditto, 34 per cent. Bo', 81 Commercial Company, 4',1 per cent 17 2 14 17244 Ditto (18.92 and 1833) 5 per cent. Ditto 1837, 5 per cent. Loan 1837, 5 per cent. Exchange on London, One month l2 024 Two months —Dutch Papers, August 28. HAMBURG BORSEN HALLE, Atm 24. Austrian 5 per Cents. Bank Shares lo(i% lON A n..lo.Russian Loan ISCO 1497 Russia' 5 per Cent. Ist series, Certificate 101% Inscription, Ist Series lOl% Russian 5 per Cent. Hops and Co. 3d and 4th Se:irs Ditto in Certificates Dutch Actual Debt, 2% pe, Cent 97% 97 !i i Ditto 5 per Cent 101 Polish Bondi 134% 13$ New ticket Anglo. Owlish Loan, 3 per Cent 74, 71$i Norwegian Loan, 1834, 4 per Cent lOl% PRUSSIAN FUNDS.—BERLIN, A tioner 24. Bills. Money. St. Schuld. Sch., 4!A; per cent. ...... ....... 101 .103, Prussian English Loan, 1830, 4 per cent. 103 ii 10-2% hxchange on London, three months... ..._ —Prussian State Gazette. August '25. The Morning Advertiser comments as follows on the recent Ministerial appointments :—" Some cf the recent Ministerial changes evince a liberal tendency. Such were the appointments of Mr. Sheil and Mr. Wyse ; but we cannot augur favourably from the exposition of opinion made at Portsmouth by Mr. Baring, the new Chancellor of the Exchequer, when in reference to the Ballot he stated, that he had voted against it, and would still vote against it ; and in reference to flogging in the army, he stated it to be a very difficult thing to controul men with arms in their hands, without corporal punish ment ; and, therefore, would not vote for its abolition, but would leave it entirely to the discretion and humane disposition of the military authorities . N e i ther of these replies can excite anything but dis a pp robati on ; the first is a virtual denial of the free e xercise of the elective franchise, and the second involves the continuance o f horrors too revolting for contemplation., ' The Courier of last evening al ludes in the following it has been going down and terms to the British Scientific A ssociation now experi mentalizing at Birmingham :—" The scientifi c gentle men who are now amusing themse lves at Birmingham, have been attacked in no very mea sured terms in the Times of this morning. The fact is , the Associati on was one that could expect favour only so long as it h a d the charms of nove lty to recommend it. Not possess i an}ng lasting t h h o e l d estimation public of sy m the a t multitud e , ilY' the Times, according to its custom, follow s in the train of the mob, and pelts with dirt who ever happens, for the time being, to be out of favour with the discerning monster. Though w e deprecate the manner, however, in which the thing has been done by the paper in question, we are quite of opi nion that the Association is never likely to do any good in the world, and therefore the sooner it gives up its annual migration, the better it will be for all parties. The whole affair was a mere imitation of the German Society of Naturalists ; but, owing to the different cir cumstances of the two countries, an Association that was most laudable in the one country has been quite unmeaning in the other." The Globe observes, with reference to the late Minis terial changes :—" The changes in the Cabinet, so un mercifully assailed by the Tory press, we are disposed The peace movement has encountered less opposition in this country and abroad than perhaps any cause of moral reform ; and the inconsiderable degree of interest it has hitherto excited may, in part at least, be traced to the nature of the principle itself ; which, when stated in its most general form, meets with universal assent or acquiescence ; but when set forth with all the conse quences derived from it by uncompromising practical rcasoners, finds but few minds willing to adopt . It is allowed by all, that peace is in general better than war, and that for the redress of wrong the use of moral power is generally preferable to physical force. But that coercion and war ought never to be resorted to even in defence of life and liberty—this is a corollary to the peace principle, which would require a radical change of sentiments to gain admission to the practical creed of individuals and nations. This internal impediment to the progress of the peace cause, arising from the nature of the principle on which it rests, is sufficiently evident from the change which the constitution of the Society has undergone in the fundamental article which defines its object, and in the recent attempt at a still more thorough reform which has led to the formation of the New England Non-Resistance Society. The object of the American Peace Society, as stated in its original constitution, was the abo lition of offensive war. Nothing was said with re gard to the moral character of defensive war, because a difference of opinion was known to exist among the friends of peace on that subject, and because the abolition of all offensive or oppressive wars implied that of defensive warfare as a necessary conse quence. But this prudential restraint, and calculation of consequences, did not satisfy those who had embraced the principle of peace as a divine precept that required implicit profession and strict obedience. They also argued with much effect, that the term " defensive war" is, in practice at least, a vague title, which in most cases, as recently in the wars of Napoleon, has been used by each of the contending powers to justify The authors of the New England Non-Resistance Society have rendered an important service to the cause of peace, inasmuch as they have attempted to reduce it to first principles. The object of these associated efforts is the establishment of peace. What, then, is peace? According to the practical definition contained in the constitution of the American Peace Society, peace is the absence of war, and therefore the esta blishment of peace is identical with the abolition of war. And what is war ? It is a state of discord between nations, in which each thinks itself authorized to use against the other any violent measures that may pro mote the object it contends for. Now, if all war be sinful, being contrary to the spirit of the Gospel, what is it that constitutes its sinfulness ? Evidently the resort to violent measures, the taking of human life, the destruction of property. and the infliction of other innumerable evils. If, then, war be sinful in all cases, and the use of violence constitutes the essence and essential immorality of war, the same principle must condemn the same means in every other case ; it makes it sinful in the individual to take the life of an enemy, or use physical force even in self-defence, and equally sinful in the Government to inflict not only capital pu nishments, but punishments of any kind, or to resort to coercive measures of any description. Hence the t _ e duty of every Ch r i st i an not on l y to a b sta i n ent i re ly from use of for ce aga i nst h uman b e i ngs ( a b so lute non-resist ance),r.o but o f re f us i ng a ll eg i ance t o any human govern ment, ment, inasmu c h as , b e i ng cons tituted to enforce t com mands, it is founded in sin. th—e piz.a remises We do no t see h ow an y m an adopting laid down by th e A mer ican Peace Socioespe n ty v l e'that all war is contrary to the spirit of the G ocie ar rive at any other results than those tm,a.intiaNirne hayedb e n i the New England Non-Resistance S fault to find, then, with the logic of the Non-Resistance Society. premises, We will now briefly examine its to see whether there be indeed no case in which war, or in general the use of force against human beings, be con sistent with the spirit of the gospel and the principles of morality. Both parties in this controversy, the advocates and the opponents of the non-resistance principle, refer to numerous Scriptural authorities to sustain their respec tive v i ews ; and it must be confessed that the former are, indeed, able to assemble a sufficiently imposing array of texts to diminish the surprise at first naturally entertained, that notions so radically at variance with every theory of human society that has ever been attempted to be applied to practice, could find any con siderable number of intelligent partisans. For example, eetnudnie: strong H. M. S Revenge, 78, Hon. Captain Walde grave, arrived at Cove on Saturday. She is to remain until her complement of men is complete. On Wednesday forenoon the Royal Horse-guards (blue) and the Ist regiment of Life-guards were reviewed on Wormwood Scrubs, in the presence of the Princes Augustus and Leopold of Saxe Coburg, Lord Hill (Com mander of the Forces), Lord De Ros ( Brigadier Major o f the Cavalry), and a numerous staff. Their Serene High nesses, accompanied by Lord Hill and the staff, then rode to the front of the line, where they were received by Col. the Hon. Henry Cavendish (the officer in command), and the other officers of the regiments, to whom their Serene Highnesses were pleased to express their high admiration of the appearance of the men, and the manner in which they had gone through the various evolutions. ENLARGEMENT OF ST. PANCRAS WORK /10VSE.-On Wednesday a meeting of the St. Pancras vestry, Mr. Horsepool in the chair, was held, for the purpose of considering a plan for the enlargement of the parish workhouse, which came from the Directors of the poor. After some discussion it was resolved to advertise for contracts for the work forthwith ; but the vestry will not pledge themselves to accept the lowest contract. THE LATE DUKE OF NASSAU.—DIike Wil liam George Augustus Henry of Belgium (whose death we recently announced) was born 14th June, 1792, and succeeded his father, Prince Frederick William of Nassau Weilburg, 9th January, 1816 ; and by the death of Duke Frederick Augustus, the last of the line of Nassau Usen gen, on the 24th of March, 1816, Duke ed em w_' a i )N l i l i)jaTumdgerobey cceded to all the .country of the eldest branch ( Walraini enne) of the house of Nassau, which already firmed in 1806 a Duchy. The late Duke was formerly General of cavalry in the Rus , ian service. The Duke was twice married; first, 24th June, 1813, to Charlotte Louisa Fre derica Amelia, daughter of the deceased Duke Frederick of Saxe Altenburg ; and, secondly, to the Princess Pauline of Wurtemburg, daughter of Prince Paul of Wurtemburg, Duke William had four children, two male and two female, by his first marriage; and one son and two daughters by s a l , p n i the a g Li u a g e used William) was born 24th July, 1817. He passed through Frankfort with his brother Prince Maurice on their way to 13iberich, where the Dowager Duchess was staying. The reigning Duke, in his official announcement of the death of his father, and his accession to the sovereignty, says— " We will use all the efforts in our power to promote the prosperity of the country, to maintain the Constitution, and to exercise for the b e eonf orderedall c If raNas, agitation t s a tithecoln throughoutri has g a h rse t b s getreh e ene f t sovereignty which have been transmitted to us." A general g l n T o A f N Cl T er .— ica mourning puehy. of six months ant spirit : t a b tl e y s i x a e U t dp n h ß ir e t e ei Cw os ß s i u r i c s c o a l n A • rn i . Mr. i n Close. teler vmced, and on Thurday last, we exhibition on tho part of the - Established Clergy, deeply and sinceoreflytheseco contrast between have no other effect than that of exhibit ing the spirit breathed by them and that which incarnates the gospel. When will our clergy learn that Ch • rist did not promote our faith by virulent abuse of those inerror,by the or exaggeration of their faults ? We have too high a respect for Mr. Close's merits as • • a minister, not to feel pain at his misconduct as an agitator; and we feel assured that in his ment he must at least condemn the use of language in , ducing the belief that there is aprobability of apostasy, from the faith she has sworn to defend, on the part of the S overeign. —Cheltenham Examiner. DISTRESS OF THE POOR IN TYRONE.—The greatest distress has for some time unhappily prevailed in the populous district of Trillick, in the county of Tyrone. which meetingsttat hh o ncen de plorel Teovt all auhi i a : l ucnne E bal Multitudes have fallen into a state of the most lamentable destitution, and but for the charitable exertions of the ex cellent parish priest, the Rev. Mr. M‘Philips, many would have perished from absolute starvation. The residence of this good man was besieged far days together by crowds of the unhappy people, to whom he g ave relie f with a Ji be. rality scarcely justified by his means. He made no dis tinction between the Catholic and the Protestant, a n d holding sacred the right of suffering to assistance, gave to all, without exception, in proportion to the necessity of their condition. —Newry Examiner. ' HEAD-ACHE. —At au inquest held on Wednes day on a gentlema n who died of apoplexy, w h o h ad suf. fered much from head-ache, and who was in the constant habit of sponging his head with cold water in the morning Mr. Wakley said the practice in such cases would produce better effects if performed over night. METROPOLITAN POLITICAL SUMMARY. The Morning Chronicle of this day, ailuding, to Mr. O'Connell's speech on the question of repeal at the Dublin Corn Exchange, on Wednesday last, observes as follows :—" Mr. O'Connell may rest assured that Britain will resist to the last any attempt to introduce a state of things pregnant with danger to her indepen dence. A separate domestic legislature for Ireland supposes the responsibility of men in office to that legis lature ; and it is quite certai n that at critical conjec tures an Irish Parliament might not force the Execu tive to pursue a course of conduct detrimental to the sakty of the larger island. There can be no more reason for separating Ireland from England than for separating the north from the south of the Trent, and Scotland from both. If distance from the capital of England is to be a reason, Scotland is more remote than Ireland. But in this age of rapid communication, the two islands are not, taken another, of too large dimensions for one legis lature. It is true the English legislature, from its en cumbering itself with judicial and other incongruous business—by attempting, in short, everything, does nothing well ; but this evil must soon cure itself. But be this as it may, the two countries are united for better or worse ; and it is to be hoped that the very idea of a possibility of separation will soon be thought as Quixotic as, to borrow Mr. Canning's words, a return to the Heptarchy." The Morning Herald, in a leading article on the subject o f M r . ‘Vyse's recent appointment, thus inci dentally refers to the Ministerial National Education scheme :—" The scheme of National Education which Lord Palmerston and his colleagues have conspired with the enemies of the reformed religion to endeavour to force through the agency of a servile House of Com mons on the people of England, is a rank Jesuitical scheme. Mr. Wyse, whom those faithful Ministers of the Protestant Crown have resolved upon making a Lord of the Treasury, if not the originator of that scheme, was one of its early concoctors. It came from what is called the Central Board of Education to the Jesuit-ridden Whig Cabinet. There never ema nated from the crafty children of Loyola a more ingenious device for sliding into national patronage a Popish plan of education under the pretence of universal liberality. The mode by which it was to be put into action, was also perfectly Jesuitical. An honest Protestant Government would have invited discussion upon a question so momentous as a scheme of national education by bringing a Bill into Parlia ment. The Jesuit advisers of our accommodating Ministry knew the scheme would not bear discussion, and that it would have no chance of adoption except where the votes of Government placemen, combined with those of O'Connell and the tail, could overbear public opinion. It was, therefore, that Lord John Russell was advised to ask for a grant of money to se t the thing a going. Thirty thousand pounds could not go very far in the work of national education. Yet this was the golden hammer with which the point of the wedge was to be driven in, and the point once in, it was thought the rest would soon follow." and the speculations of the c o r n - jo bb ers , says , harvest,Vedo not want that any speaking of the prospect s o f th e restrictions should be put upon t e r a l , n oi ng th i a ' t o a st y such thing as the old decrees for compulsory sales at a certain price should be re vived ; but we thi n k i t very reasonable that in so im portant a matter as the first necessary of life the people should not suffer from ignorance —that they should not he led to pay a very large price for their food upon the vague terror of scarcity—the appearance of that scarcity being produced by the operations of enor mously rich men, whose subtlety and activity are only to be exceeded b y t h e i r prodigious and insa tiable greediness of further gain to themselves, not caring one jot who, or h ow many, may suffer in the process. There is a great p ara d e ma d e now-a- d ays about such statistical inquiries as are thought likely to aid the arguments of speculative economists. The sta tistical inquiry we suggest is of immediate practical im portance to all who eat bread, an d to whom the sum to be paid for it is a considerati on . We believe that in a great many things—of which corn is the most important —the effect of the operations of enormous capital in the hands of a few persons is to inflict very great injury upon the general consumer, and to swell the gains of those who have already too much. The effect to which we refer is the antagonist one to that of competition. The huge dealers are cunning enough to see that com petition, however good f or t h e public, would be by no means good for them, and, therefore, they sub stitute combination." The Times thus speaks of the intended co-operation of the Christian Knowledge Society, with the New Zea land Land Company :—" The co-operation which the company have received from the Society for Propa gating Christian Knowledge has struck us with astonish ment. We had always imagined that the conductors of that society were stanch sticklers, not only for the principle of a church establishment, but for the exclu sive right of the Episcopal Protestant communion, to be legally recognized and alimented throughout the British colonies. Surely, they must be aware of the fact that the New Zealand Association, though craftily stipu lating that an English bishop and clergy should be settled in their proposed dominions, and supported by voluntary contribution, distinctly intimated that all sects of Christians carrying out with them a pastor of their own choice should meet with equal encouragement. On what principle, then, the venerable society can have agreed to contribute to the voluntary maintenance of a New Zealand clergyman, whose supplementary income is guaranteed by the company for only three years, we are wholly at a loss to imagine. At all events, before giving their high moral sanction to such an unaccredited adventure, it would have been infinitely more judicious and dignified had they waited for the legal establishment of the colony." _ PEACE AND WAR SOCIETIES. (From the United Slates Magazine for March.) Among the philanthropic enterprises of our time, one of the most interesting is that which has for its ob ject the abolition of war, and the adoption of the peace principle by nations and individuals, in the settlement of all dif f erences and disputes of a public and private na ture. The manner in which the cause of pence had been advocated by the Societies expressly formed for its pro motion, has led to the discussion of topics of the highest importance to the intercourse of nations, and the ex istence of every Government. The question has been raised whether war, defensive or offensive, be justifiable in any case ; whether the taking of human life, and the resort to physical force, by nations or individuals in self defence, and for the redress of injuries, be not absolutely immoral and opposed to the principles of Christianity ; and whether a Christian can consistently own allegiance to any Government that claims the use of coercive measures for the execution of its laws. It is with the view to a satisfactory settlement of those great ques tions as connected with the present agitation of the cause of peace in our country, that we offer the follow ing considerations - The history of the peace societies in this country is remarkable, not so much on acconnt of their increase in numbers and means, as because, short as it is, it exhi bits the growth of principle, which, whether true or erroneous, is ever the most important part of human history. An anonymous pamphlet bearing the title of " A Solemn Review of the Custom of War," published in Boston in the year 1814, and re-published in England, called into existence the different societies which afterwards suited under the name of the American Peace Society. The pamphlet was the work of a New England country clergyman, whose fame had hardly reached beyond the sound of the bell of his village church, until the periodical of which he became the editor endeared the name of the Friend of Peace to all who found in this enterprise a sphere of action united to their benevolent desires. The Friend of Peace was followed by the Calumet, and this by the Advocate (f Peace, which is at present the organ of the Peace So cieties. Kindred societies have been formed in Eng land, France, and Switzerland. Memorials for the insti tution of a congress of nations with a view to a peaceable adjustment of all international disputes, have been brought before one of the state legislatures, and before Congress at its last, and again at its present session. The committee appointed for the consideration of this subject by the legislature of Massachussets in 18;37, moved several resolutions, condemning the " resort to war to settle questions of national profit or honour," and recommend ing " the institution of a Congress or Court of Nations." The first petition of the New York Peace Society be sought Congress to " adopt the principle of reference to a third Power of such international disputes as cannot be amicably adjusted by the parties themselves, as an in variable rule instead of an occasional one ;" and further, that in " pursuance of this principle, a proposal be sent forth by this Government to those of other nations, that they would unite with it in the establishment of a great international Board of Arbitration, or a Congress of Nations, to which to refer international disputes ; and also for the purpose of digesting and preparing a regular code of international law, obligatory on such nations as may afterwards adopt it." This memorial was read and laid upon the table, in consequence of a very able Re port of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, by Mr. Le gau of South Carolina. its having recourse to arms. Accordingly, at the ninth anniversary of this Society in 1837, the constitution was amended, so as to declare that all war is contrary to the spirit of the Gospel. This change was deprecated by those members of the Society who approved of defensive war ; and they thought themselves bound in conscience to dissolve their con nection. The official organ of the Society endeavoured to persuade them to remain united, although" the re vised constitution had recognised for its basis the contra riety of all war to the spirit of the Gospel." " Under such a constitution," it was said, " cannot all the friends of peace consistently unite ? We do not propose this prin ciple as a pledge—we do not enforce it as a text ; we merely give it as a guarantee that our influence as a Society shall never go to countenance any form of war." But this mode of reasoning, while it did not convince the conscientious believers in the justice of defensive war, failed, on the other hand, of satisfying those whose oppo sition to all war was only the consequence of a more Radical principle. They reasoned in this way ; and it is a singular instance of the general tendency of the times to push abstract principles to impracticable, and even absurd, extremes in their application : If the Go vernment have no right to use and prepare means for defence against foreign aggressors, how can it be justi fied in proceeding forcibly against internal enemies by threatening and inflicting punishments ? And if a nation has no right to defend itself against foreign enemies, or to punish foreign invaders, no individual possesses that right in his own cause. The Gospel precepts, " Do not kill," " Resist not evil," and " Render not evil for evil, but overcome evil with good," absolutely forbid the taking of human life, and discountenance the use of force against enemies in every case, and inculcate an implicit faith in moral means, in remonstrance and self-sacrificing endurance, as sufficient to protect the just from the unjust, and to con vert enemies into friends. These most zealous advo cates of the cause, though disavowed by the official organ of the Society, found a full expression in the Peace Convention held in Boston on the 18th, 19th, and 20th of September last. This convention resulted in the formation of the New England Non-Resistance Society, which put forth a declaration of sentiments, and adopted a constitution, distinct from that of the American Peace Society. The second article of the new Society states its objects in the words following : " Art. 2. The members of the Society agree in opi nion that no man, nor body of men, however constituted, and by whatever name called, have a right to take the life of any man as a penalty for trangression ; that no one who professes to have the spirit of Christ can con sistently sue a man at law for injuries, or thrust an evil doer into prison, or fill any office in which he would come under any obligation to execute penal enactments, or take any part in the military service, or acknowledge alle giance to any human government, or justify any man in fighting in defence of property, liberty, life, or religion ; that he cannot engage in nor countenance any plot or effort to revolutionize or change by physical violence, any go vernment, however corruptor oppressive ; that he will obey the powers that be,' except in those cases in which they bid him violate his conscience, and then, rather than re sist, he will meekly submit to the penalty of disobe dience ; and that, while he will cheerfully endure all things for Christ's sake, without cherishing even a de sire to inflict injury upon his persecutors, yet he will be bold and uncompromising for God, in bearing his testimony against sin, in high places and in low places, until righteousness and peace shall reign in all the earth, and there shall be none to molest or make afraid." Soon after the doings of this convention were made public the constituted organs of the American Peace Society published a diSclaimer, in which they declared that the convention had been called by individuals acting on their own personal responsibility ; that the Society did not bold themselves accountable for any of the do ings of, or sentiments expressed by the convention ; that the sole object of the Society, as unalterably laid down in its constitution, was the peace of nations ; and that the New England Non-Resistance Society could not be considered as one of the auxiliaries of the Ame rican Peace Society. We have given this brief sketch of the progress of the peace cause in our country, partly because, as we have already observed, we look upon the history of moral principles, however well or however ill understood, as the most important part of human history, and partly, because it is a striking exhibition of the character istic spirit and tendency of our time. Every institu tion, every law, every custom, every assertion, Is subjected to the ordeal of an all-searching and un compromising scepticism, which rejects everyautho rity but that of facts, and discredits every testimony but that of reason. Neither the opinion of the world, neither origin, nor age, nor even present and ' past utility, can ensure permanence to any form of faith or practice. The great question is, whether a thing be true and right in itself ; every thing else is of secondary importance. It cannot be w denied that this spirit of free inquiry has not only its true but its false prophets also, whose course is marked by a superficial, capricious, and derogatory desire of change. But even the sympathy and encouragement which this thoughtless and reckless love of innovation occasionally meats with, may be traced to the solid advantages which the cause of truth and humanity has derived from this nncompro mising search after right. Our own political existence as a free people is grounded upon an attempt of unpre cedented boldness in rejecting every historical and fictitious basis of Government, and reducing it to first principles—even to the eternal principles of perfect jus tice. However inconsistent we may be in many points of practice, when judged by the perfect laws of liberty and equality, as laid down in our declaration of inde pendence ,who would not prefer to be condemned by this rather than be justified by a lower standard? We do not share any of the Conservative tears of many of our contemporaries either for our religious or political principles. We see in the scepticism of the age a striving after a deep foundation for the highest faith, Instead of crying it down as ultraism, radicalism, in , fidelity, or fanaticism, we honour even its aberrations. We are ready to treat with respect, and meet with no other weapons than straightforward argument, any at tack upon existing opinions and institutions, however just and beneficial we may think them, if our antago nists do but appeal to our reason, and not to our faith, in the infallibility of the new doctrine, or our patience to bear supercilious dogmatism. Entertaining these views, we are not willing to join in the hue and cry which has been raised in almost every newspaper we have met with against the principles contained in the declaration of sentiments and the constitution of this New England Non-Resistance Society. Principles which arc essentially the same as those entertained by the Society of Friends, have a right at least to be heard, and not to be con demned without benefit of reason. It is true they at tack that which every hum in government considers as the indispensable condition of its existence. But it should never be forgotten that the allegiance of Repub licans to their Government rests not so much on the fact of its existence, and its power to enforce obedience, but mainly on the conviction of its being founded in justice. There is great danger in our country lest the moral foundation of our institutions be overlooked, partly on account of the unexampled prosperity to which they have given rise, and which now tempts us to forget the cause in the effects ; and partly on account of our political inconsistencies, which, so far as they arc suf fered to exist, degrade our Government to the level of those which have no other support than brute force. It is on this account that we welcome this peace contro versy, and every other discussion which must induce our citizens to reflect upon the essential moral elements of our Government. rri Fp' -ON. .11v kr(-2 • " I they cite the frequent repetition in the New Testament of the precept, " Do not kill ;" the sublime prophecy concerning the "last days," " that the people shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into prun ing -hooks ; nation shall not lift up sword against na tion, neither shall they learn war any more." The various annunciations of peace connected with the advent of the Messiah, the " Prince of Peace"—the example of non-resistance even unto death, contained in the closing scenes of his own history upon earth—his rebuke of the disciple who drew his sword and wounded the servant of the High Priest—his answer to Pilate, " My kingdom is not of this world ; if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight that I should not be de , livered to the Jews"—the injunction, " Let none render evil for evil, but rather overcome evil with good," and " Resist not evil, but whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also," with others of similar import ishich it would be out of place here to enumerate. There is, we confess, something grand in this idea of abstinence from the use of force as an element of human society, and of a patient and abiding faith in the good principles of human nature alone, as being capable of working out a better and happier result of social well-being, by the moral influences of truth and love, that can ever be produced by the action of the element of coercive force on its bad principles. The idea is, we repeat, a sublime one, however flippantly the superficial thinker may pronounce it ridiculous. And, in deed, the element of force has been so sadly perverted and abused to the worst of purposes in all human so cieties that have ever existed, and so deep and per wading has been the moral as well as physical mischief growing out of its abuse, that it is not surprising that the minds of men, by long dwelling on this single idea, should carry it beyond the proper limits, within which every truth is regulated by its relation with all other truths, into the fanaticism of maintaining that all force is to be abjured, as essentially and eternally evil, and the parent of evil. It is one of those prophetic presentiments of a higher and better state of being of which human nature, even in its present condition, is capable, from the elements of good which lie at the heart of its constitution. It is even somewhat akin to the democratic spirit of the age, being a diffe rence of degree rather than of kind, in its confidence in human nature, and in the principle of perfect liberty as a better principle than that of strong law. We have no doubt that a great many of the existing restraints upon the freedom of private action, in the forms of prohibitions and punishments, which are intended to force men to be good and happy, are, in truth pernicious in their operation, doing more harm in in one way than they do good in another. But still the doctrine of non-resistance, or the utter and total repu diation of force, is an ultraism in the opposite direction, entirely inconsistent with the actual imperfection of human nature, which would probably be still more mis chievous in its practical operation, supposing the possi bility of its ever being seriously applied to practice isy any community of men. Without going elaborately into an analysis of tha Scriptural arguments adduced in its favour, of which the leading passages are above referred to, it will be suffi cient for the purpose of satisfying those minds which would rest the solution of the question on that ground alone, to remark, that an enlightened criticism, view ing the meaning of these and similar passages in the light of the general principles both of Christianity and of human nature, and in comparison with other passages of a different import and nearing, can find in them no support for the extravagant ultraism into which this new-light school of non-resistance would push the peace principle, the spirit of which is, in truth, transparent, throughout every part of the Christian Scripture. On the contrary, the language , and on more than one occasion the personal exampl, of the Founder of our religion himself, directly or implicitly sanction the use of force for the maintenance of right, and even for the punish ment of wrong. And if the ultimate tendency of the reform which he introduced is to such a state of things— of absolute and universal peace—it is a result to be brought about only by the operation of the great moral principles of his reform, to remove the causes which, as long as they exist in human injustice and sin, render the moderate use of coercive force not only justifiable, but indispensable to the cohesion of human society. We may safely, then, assume it as proved, that this non-resistance theory is not borne out by the Christian Scriptures, neither by special precepts, nor by the au thority of example ; although undoubtedly they do con demn the use of physical force against rightful autho rity. or for the promotion of truth and counteraction of error of opinion, and generally enjoin a pacific, conci liatory, and benevolent spirit. The aspiring propensities of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer are equally developed by the title he has chosen, as, by his family name, Mount Eagle, is but an Irish synonyme of Spring, Rice Lord Lichfield is, according to the newspapers at his seat in Staffordshire, and German Cottage, Chel tenham, is just now the residence of Colonel Moberly. We are not aware that the business of the Post-office suffers in any degree from the absence of these distinguished functionaries. The question however arises whether they may not be dispensed with altogether ? Either they arc neglecting their duty, or their offices are sinecures. In either case the country can spare their services ; and in the latter case the working functionaries may as well have their salaries. On the eve of so large a change as the penny.postage, their absence is a strong proof how little these officers are wanted.—Cheltenham Examiner. GRAND CRICKET MATCH.—A grand cricket match between the County of Kent and All England has just terminated, after three days' play, in favour of Kent, by a majority of two, the numbers scored being__ fur Kent, 209 ; all England, 207. A considerable sum, it is said, has changed hands on this occasion, one of the backers of All England being reported to have lost 1,500/., and another 500/., while there were hundreds of bets to a similar amount. The Earl of Thanet acted as manager on the part of the County of Kent, and the vete ran Lord F. Beauclerk on the part of All England. The Hon. F. Ponsonby and the Hon. H. Grimston were among the players on the side of All England. A