The Sun. — London, England, 1845-12-18 00:00:00

says, this is now very much a question between Sir R. Peel and Lord J. Russell. For myself, I have no reason to feel any very great respect for Sir R. Peel. He is the only man in the House of Commons that I could never speak a word to in private without forfeiting my own respect. But though I say that, and though I am justified in saying it, yet I will add, that so deeply have I this question of the corn-laws at heart, that if Sir R. Peel will take the same manly, straightfor ward part that Lord John Russell has taken —if he will avow an intelligible course of action without any mysti fication, I will as heartily co-operate with him as with any man in the House of' Commons—(Tremendous ap plause)—and I should think that the time has come when every statesman, of whatever party, who has a particle of intelligence and conscience, must be anxious to remove this question of supplying the food of the people out of the category of party politics.—(Cheers.) The respon sibility of supplying the people with food is one which no Government ought even to take upon itself. If by any sudden calamity of flood or fire the material riches of the country should be destroyed, would the people blame the Government ? No, they would rally round it; and why should they not do so when, through the dispen.ation of Providence, there is a deficiency of food? Why, because the Government has arrogated to itself functions which belong not to it, bat to nature. If they will take upon themselves superhuman functions, they will be held responsible for Divine inflictions. But though I say that in reference to the past Govern ment, this I will also say, that it is to be regretted we have such a tale to tell, because I know that this is a question which many of them had nearest their hearts —(Cheers)—and I now say, that if Sir Robert Peel will only take up this question as Lord John Russell has taken it up, and that he will promise that there is to be no my stification about it, as there was upon a former occasion e ithen I pledge myself that I will most heartily co-operate with him and his party when he shall intro duce this measure in the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) And, let me tell these statesmen that the time is now come when the statesmen of every party, who have a particle of integrity or intelligence left, must yield to the pressing and irresistible demands of the people, and put aside for the present all conside rations of party politics.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Look at the position of the present Ministry, or of any Ministry who will persevere at this time of day in refusing this demand of the people of this country.—(Cheers.) What position can any Minister he in who will attempt to maintain a tax upon food ? (Cheers.) If the food of the people should fall short, will they not immediately assail the Government? That they will not do so is what no Government should assume.—(Hear, hear.) Why should the Government assume that a scarcity will or will not take place? Why should the Government say that that will or will not take place, which can be assumed by the hands of Provi dence alone, and which Providence alone can dispose of? —(Cheers.) Why should we seek to visit the Govern ment with that which we believe to be a visitation of Providence, namely a deficiency of the bar vest?—(Hear)—and why should the Government seek to visit the consequences of the dispensations of Providence upon the people ?—(Cheers.) Will the Government pretend to say that they should con tinue a tax upon the people's bread because of this year's rot in the potato ?—(Hear, hear.) Let me put a converse proposition, and suppose that all the best and most valuable fruits of the earth were swept away, would the people then be found resisting the efforts of the Government to avert or alleviate the calamity ? (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, would they not be found ready to rally round the Government, and to ren ler all the assistance in their power to relieve the country from such a calamity ?—(Cheers.) Then why should not the Government take the part of the people, now that that part devolves upon them ?—(Cheers.) They have not done so heretofore, because they feared to offend a party ; but now the Government, at least Sir Robert Peel's Government, aro compelled to acknowledge that they are obliged to accede this question because they can not do otherwise.—(Loud cheers.) If he should not succeed, I do hope to see such a set of statesmen brought together as shall evince an anxiety to get rid of those laws which impose restrictions on food.—(Cheers.) There is, however, another reason why we should hope that we will never again be visited with a vision of this ghost of restriction, and that is, that the protectionists have now almost despaired of ever being able to rally a meeting in their favour again.— (Cheers.) I say, then, let Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell put an end to this senseless and ridiculous war against the coin non rights of humanity by making a united resolution to propose, in the next session of Parliament, a proposition for the total and permanent abolition of the corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) But then they talk of making terms for a re-adjustment of these laws, and for compensation, and for a great many other things.—(Laughter.) I am told that Sir Robert Peel has a hundred different projects of one sort or another to mix up with his proposition for repeal ing the corn-laws ; but we will tell him, that whatever his propositions may be, we will have a total, unequivocal repeal of the corn-laws, and nothing less.—(Loud cheers.) We have had too much of these propositions already—(Cheers)—we will have no more of them.—(Cheers.) In the north of England the people have a very " vulgar," but a very useful and a very popular " prejudice " in favour of " doing one thing at a time."—(Cheers.) And those people have had too much of such things as undertaking a great number of projects at one time, and therefore they say, let us have these corn-laws dealt with first. (Cheers.) I have also been told that Sir Robert Peel has some such project in his head as a " compensation to the landlords."—(oh.) Now, all I can say is, that Sir Robert has not been very successful hitherto in his efforts to conciliate the people of this country; but if ho perse vere in this, he will prove himself as great an enemyof the people, as if he neverconsented to a repeal of the corn-laws. w I warn others against this new mode of taxation ; for great as the grievance of " protection " has been felt, I do believe that, even if you were to bring forward all the legislative enactments for the last hundred years, 3ou would not find one so great a grievance as this would be, even in the corn-law itself.—(Hear, hear.) If the Government really wish to aim at the death of the corn-laws without any additions or restrictions, let them do so at once—(Hear, hear)—but if they want to impose renewed restrictions, let them, before they do so, look at the manner in which the people have already been cheated and robbed and bamboozled under the plea of taxation.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Member having alluded to the system of taxa tion 150 years ago, when the probate and legacy duty pressed heavily on the tradesmen of England, the effects of which he illustrated by the operation of that tax upon the sons of tradesmen, he then continued by saying: Three years ago, when we met in Palace-yard upon this question, a nobleman attended the meeting and asked us what we wanted —(Laughter)—and, when we told him, he very modestly replied that we might just as well hope to unseat the Monarchy as to achieve our object."—(Cheers and laughter.) Well, the same energy which we then applied to our purpose with a few, we have for the last seven years never failed to exert until our numbers have now became so great that we have succeeded in putting down those who conceived they were placed above us, for ever.—.(Cheers.) That is now our position ; and I warn Sir Robert Peel not to force us, by any such measure as " compensation," into a discussion of the burdens which peculiarly press upon land.—(Loud cheering.) Sir Robert Peel and his party, nor any other party, can now meet with any hope of proposing any measure for what they may choose to call a " modifi cation" of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) No ; the time has gone by for that, and' therefore I would advise them to do jastice to the people speedily and promptly—Cheers) —and if we are satisfied to let bygones be bygones, and accept of a repeal of the corn-laws without any re strictions or compensations, I think they ought to be very well satisfied.—(Great cheering.) The Hon. Mem ber then alluded to some observation of Mr. Vernon Smith, and proceeded to say that it afforded him great pleasure to observe that the proceedings at Conciliation 'Hall, in Dublin, were in favour of this movement, and that Mr. O'Con nell had said that it afforded him great pleasure to ob serve that the people of England were so near the achievement of the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) From the beginning' of the agitation of this question, (continued Mr. Cobden,) Mr. O'Connell has taken the part of the people of England.—(Loud ch eers .) I never considered Mr. O'Connell as advocat ing that measure solely for the benefit of England, so much as because he believed that the repeal of the corn-laws would not only benefit this country, but also relieve the poor peasant of his own country, and afford them better food than the " lumper potato."— (Cheers.) Therefore, I say, then, that upon this ques tion we are glad to have the co-operation of Mr. O'Con nell, and that we have found a point at which no line of demarcation shall be known betwixt us.—(Cheers.) The people of Ireland want bread as well as the people of England, and if we can help O'Connell to give it them, they shall have the half.—(Great cheering.) I have now only to add that the time is coming when our greatest activity and vigilance will be required.—(Hear, n ear.) The Duke of Richmond has told you that he in tends to trust to the " hereditary " legislators of his coun try.—(Laughter.) Well, in answer to him, I say— " Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not."—(Tremendous cheering.) ,1 am satisfied to place the " hereditary bondsmen" against the " hereditary legislators," and abide the r esalt.—(Cheers.) However, even amongst the " heriditary legislators" we have not all opponents. —(Cheers.) We have the best portion even of that House on our side, and we always had—(Cheers)—and even if they have not joined our club, I do not care much for that, so that they have adopted our principles. I have never made this a class question—it is others who h av e done so ; but we have, even from amongst the hereditary legislators, on our side Lord Mor eth— (Cheers)—and the Earl of Radnor— (Cheera) —anS Lord Cheers)—and Ducie—(Cheers)nd Lord Kinnairel—( Lord Grey—(Loud cheering) --and therefore, if his Grace of Jmond be against us, why we can only say that if he and some of their other Graces continue so, they will form the greatest "noodles and doodles" on the whole of their Grace's estates.—(Loud cheers.) Now, this is a question which involves matter of great importance. It is not a questioa of every day, and therefore we have to consider who we shall have as the next Ministry.—(Hear, hear.) I feel quite assured that if Lord John Russell comes in, his word is his bond.—(Cheers.) I do not know whether he will take office or not, but if he does, I do not know who he will have to assist him.—(Cries of "Yourself," and cheers.) Yes, I will be with you as long as there are bad charac ters abroad.—(Hear, and cheers.) He may have some difficulty in making up a Cabinet, but we must back him. --(Hear, hear.) We must show him the power we can I give him to carry this important question.—(Cheers.) And let us take the case of Lord John Russell in con nexion with this subject. It was said that he had made a mistake in writing the letter that he had done, but, witthont it, how comparatively unimportant he would have been. Without it, in fact, he would have been no tlcOE L Vatleout kthe Queen would never have sent f or his& Wi out that 14ter, he would have excited no they best could. The people alone originated this movement. They had no official help—they did it all for themselves. They saw the danger in prospect, and came to the rescue— (Cheers)—and they proposed the only course that was founded in truth and justice. They pledged themselves to the principles of free trade—(Loud cheers)—and what has been the progress? At first the subject was brought forward in meetings of town-councils, who memorialised the Govern ment to open the ports; next they called large meetings for an expression of opinion ; and now they met in multitudinous assemblies in every large town of the country, in north and south, in east and west, raising a voice of thunder that pro tection and injustice should have an end, and the people be enabled to realise justice and possess their rights.—(Loud cheers) Aud what were those doing who should have taken charge of the people's interests? Where were they to suggest a remedy ?—where is the great party which now deprived the Whigs of office ?—where is the mighty party that took ten years to build it up ?—where the Minister who so carefully and assiduously called his forces and pre pared them for action, who had employed every toil and ex pedient to work out his end, where are all the gentlemen who affected to sympathise with all the grievances of the people—those who heretofore have been receiving suggestions everywhere as to the best means of serving the trillions— those who suited themselves to all the changing phases of the times—who were all things to all men—whose great object was to develop the art of pleasing—who held out one hand to Roman Catholic Dissenters, and another to Puseyisni—who supported monarchy in one breath, and with the other referred to James 11., to show how easy a thing it was to sacrifice a crown—where, I ask, are they?— (Hear, hear.) When their leader was called into office, and when his first trial of strength was made, it was ascertained that he had a majority of ninety votes, and it was believed that his term of office was secure for an indefinite period. But now we find that he is shipwrecked in the plenitude of power. At the moment when it was believed he was most secure, we see him unable to maintain his ground, the huge Babylon falls to pieces—it fades away like a piece of en chantment, and the master magician is left deserted by his demon host.—(Loud and long-continued cheering.) There he is left forlorn to endure the pelting of the pitiless storm —and a more pitiless storm from all quarters has seldom fallen to the lot of any public man.—(Hear, hear.) And perhaps the day may come when it will be felt that it has been too pitiless to him—when it will be found that he has been too hardly dealt with. But it is the misfor tune, that whatever he may have intended whatever measure of policy he has contemplated, the people eannot make up their minds to believe him—they cannot place confidence in Sir Robert Peel.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I for one confess that I cannot place any faith in him. If, however, it be true that he has broken up the great party at his back—if he has given up place and power on account of the condition of the country, and his desire to administer a full measure ofjustice—and the only measure of justice I re cognise is the measure of free trade—if such is the reason of his being thrown into his present position, and if he is ready to co-operate with those who seek for an unshackled freedom for the food of the country, then ought we to re ceive him and respect him.—(Loud cheers.) If we have not confidence in him, if we do not believe in him, we shall at least evince gratitude for the part he has taken—we shall ac cord to him that meed of thankfulness to which he is most as suredly entitled. Now to the other party, those who are not yet in office, although the others are out—though by this time they are aware whether they will come in or not—l will address myself. I feel grateful to Lord John Russell as well as to Sir Robert Peel—for the letter of the one, which is intelligible —for the resignation of the other, which is not intelligible; and I look with anxiety to the coming in of the Whig Ministry to otfice. If they do come in, I trust and hope that the people of the country will give them to under stand that their duty must be to repeal the corn-laws—to leave commerce completely free and unshackled—that there must be no compromise whatever.—(Loud cheers.) This ,we expect of them, and that they will leave untried no lawful means of accomplishing this object. There must be no squeamishness, fop even if a coalition with Peel is neces sary for the purpose, it must be done. On many a former occasion such has taken place for party purposes.— let them now endeavour to found one for a patriotic object. —(Cheers.) If even the creation of peers is required, the country looks to have it done.—(Loud cheers.) There was no delicacy in disclosing that at a former time when the Reform Bill was in jeopardy—why place free trade in corn in a worse position now ?—(Hear, hear.) If this will not suffice to put an end to the corn-laws, then let them try another course • if a dissolution of Parliament is neces• sary, then let Parliament be dissolved ; and if one disso lution will not do, let them try another—let them try the strength of the past registration as well as the one that is to come—that which is to be as well as that which is. —(Loud cheers.) Give a chance to those who may employ their 50/. in purchasing their freehold between the present registration and the next.—(Hear.) Let this registration be extended from the north to the south—into every county of the kingdom, and then let the voice of the peoplebe taken, for not till then shall we see the full force of popular repre sentation. If this does not succeed, let Lord John Russell throw up office and take the place of the Opposition, and I am sure, if he does not obtain the success of our cause in the one position, he will be sure to gain it in the other.—(Cheers.) To succeed they must identify themselves more with you than they have ever done before. —(Hear, hear. They must be told by the country that, however glad they are to see ranged on their side some of the most illustrious and titled of the land, the old familiar names —or at least the old familiar faces—it does not accord with the feelings of the people of England that these alone should hold Ministerial power.—(Loud cheers.) They demand that, however good and worthy the Whig Lords may be, that at least an infusion of the commercial men of the country— of the men of business—shall take place in their ranks. I will not mention who these should be, but I hold it is right that some of those to whom the country looks up should be included in the Ministerial programme. It is necessary the people should demand that the Commons of England be represented in the Cabinet.—(Loud and general cheering.) Thirty years ago, when these corn-laws were being passed, the multitude of this metropolis showed they had some inkling of the oppression to which they were about to be subjected, and offered what obstruction they could to these laws being enacted. Twenty years ago the question de scended from the philosophers who had explained the principles on which it rested to the practical men, the reviewers and the journalists, who inculcated it on the many, familiarising their minds with its details and its bearing. Ten years after it had come down a stage lower, to the manufacturers and mechanics of Manchester, who felt where the shoe pinched them, and they took their stand, which they have continued so nobly to maintain.— (Loud cheers.) Five years ago such demonstrations were given as showed what advance the question had made ; three years ago the farmers came in ; five-and-twenty days ago Lord John Russell came • in, anticipating thereby another event, the resignation of Sir Robert Peel by so many hours. That great statesman has come in after the people had brought the question to the present crisis. Now be tween him and Peel it seems to be a point who shall first get to the goal, running, both of them, as fast as magicians do on a certain night—l believe they call it llalloween—a night when the devil has a right to take his own, both of them actuated by the feeling of the " devil take the hind most." I will say of them as it has been said of a celebrated race-horse, " he was behind before although he first was last." This will not do. It will not do for them to sit like the gods of Epicurus, in the clouds, enjoying their ease, looking down on the troubles andistruggles of the people. If they will benefit the country, they must come amongst us—they must mingle with the industrial classes. Let them subscribe their thousands of pounds to the quarter of a million raised by these classes; or, if they like, let them raise a quarter of a million of their own, and add it to that raised by the manufacturers and the members of the working classes to promote free-trade. They may then look to the country for support; there is no help, no aid which they shall not find from the people of this country. They may count the cost and place against that the returns. Let them count their stars and garters, and subscribe accordingly. Let them count on the fertility of their fields, and their increased produce under a new system, with the additional income that must render them. Let them count all these, and come to our aid heartily, there shall be no lack on our part. There is a third party in this g case, or, rather, an old man, who carries a p ar ty i n hi s of European laughter.) S uc h are t h e fail ings European honours and o f er age, he carries with won de pocket, r ful of ease.—(Hear, a w s se h o. m c Is e( , He characters g , i d a e n ri d n l a European name; sad is it that such a one should be found ears, h e m i g ht b e struggling against the rights of the country, a ga i ns t th e sup ply of food dictr the gh t people addressed—Man, about whose brows are the lau re l s o f a hun dred fights, who have in your pocket the proxi es alit) m reach thatin a time old of man'snecessity and famine. Oh, if a Peers— (Laughter)—who is the conqueror of Napoleon, whose statue you have got in your hall, its marble lips seem to speak, warning you of a fall deeper and more dreadful than his whom y_ou have hurled from his high eminence. Oh ! con queror o f Napoleon, you have many different contrasts in your cha raster ; you won the battle-field, but you won it with such trained troops, troops who were the flower of the English people. But he had to invent a new system of war; he had to baffle the most skilled generals of Europe, with raw recruits who had never before seen a battle-field, yet with these he pursued his resistless career, and gained the victo ries of Lodi, and Marengo, and Austerlitz, and Jena—victo ries which will continue a monument to his fame.—(Cheer ing.) You, Duke of Wellington, have conquered territories and broad estates in every country ; but he did more, he won kingdoms and crowns and empires; you were the servant of kings, and rendered them good service, supporting them on their tottering thrones ; but he made monarchs his servants, who, like menials, waited in his ante room.—(Applause.) You, by Catholic Emancipation, freed a portion of your fellow-subjects from some of their dis abilities; he, throughout Europe, opened a career fur talent, and enabled men to rise to the exercise of their abilities to the most commanding spheres ; you have equestrian statues erected to your memory; but into whatever country in Europe one will look, he will see bridges, and aqueducts, : and roads, constructed at the instance of that great man—the monuments which he has raised for himself in .every nation, the monuments which commend his name to the memory of the sympathy of the people.— (Cheers.) Remember the date of the Berlin decree; that was the commencement of the downfal of Napoleon; powerful against arms, resistless against monarchs he fought there against the laws of trade.—(lm mense cheering.) That moment men's hearts left him—he had alienated their feelings. Those who appeared in arms on the field were traitors to him, or they left him as deserters; he was foiled in the battle-field, and his deposition, his exile and his death at St. Helena soon followed. Duke of Welling ton, take warning, if the Berlin decree brought about the downfal of Napoleon, the corn-laws will bring about the downfal of the Duke of Wellington, a nd then, with withered laurels and a blotted name, you will go down to the grave coupled with him you defeated, when b oth shall have left nothing but more public emotion, no more interest, and no more enthusiasm, than Sir Robert Peel would have done. It is a proof of the vitality of the question we have been advocating, that, without even joining the League, but by the mere enunciation of a principle, from being ob scure and scarcely visible to the public, he has become the most prominent man of the day.—(Hear, hear.) His rise is a proof that there is now in this country only one solid growing and consolidated power in this country.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) All that is good of the IVhigs have joined us.—(Hear, hear.) Free trade principles have broken the Tory Administration to atoms.—(Cheers.) Nor is it destined to terminate here, for league principles must always prove the ruin of parties in power who are hostile to their progress.— (Hear and cheers.) Let us, then, hold on to the principles which has made us so strong as we at present are, not swerving to the right or to the left, and no Minister can expect to retain office without at once abolishing these. laws.—(Hear, hear.) Li t us maintain this ground for another six months, and then we shall be near to that time which I so much desire— when this League shall be resolved into its primitive elements by the triumph of its principle=.—(The most enthusiastic cheering followed, in the course of which the Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat.) Mr. Miscue, M.P., said that during the last month, as one of a deputation from the Council of the League, lie had visited many towns, and been present at many meet ings in Lancashire, in Cheshire, in Yorkshire, in Not tinghamshire, in Derbyshire, in Gloucestershire, in Staffordshire, in Somersetshire, and now he was present at one in Middlesex. That afforded a consolation that the agitation which is now in progress throughout this kingdon is one of no common, and of no unequivocal character.—(Hear.) Notwithstanding what his friend who had just addressed them said, that he hoped it might not become a war of classes, he (Mr. Bright) was not sure that it had not already become such, and he doubted if it could be otherwise.—(Hear.) He believed it to be a movement of the commercial and in dustrious classes against the lords and great proprietors of the soil in this country.—(Hear.) Within the last fifty years trade had done much for the people of England. Their population had greatly increased ; their villages had become: towns, and their small towns large cities. The despised and contemned classes of manufacturers and traders had assumed another and very different position, and the great proprietors of the soil now found that there were other men and other in terests in the kingdom to be consulted besides their own. They had seen the course of party legislation that h ad been pursued, a n d th e way i n w hi c h t h e i r varying for tunes had been managed during that contest. They had already see n one somew h at f ee bl e Administration overthrown—another that every ene thought powerful shattered to pieces.—(Great cheering.) What was it that had brought the Whigs into office? What was it that had driven the Tories from office? The corn- laws. —(Cheers.) Now it was evident from these circum stances—it must be evident that the corn-laws made it impossible any longer for any party to govern in England on those principles by which they had hitherto been in fluenced.—(Hear, hear.) The Whig Government had been blamed fir the manner in which they had left the country in a financial point of view. But to what was the deficiency in the revenue to be ascribed? It was owing to bad harvests and a want of employ ment.—(Hear, hear.) Now, the landed proprietors might conceive that trade was of small importance; but they were now sure that no Government could maintain its popularity, none could maintain its power, so long as they had restrictions on the importation of foreign grain. Social order could not be preserved with out the people being fed. Their revenue failing, taxes must be imposed, general discontent would prevail, and every Government, under such circumstances, must first become unpopular, and finally become extinct. — (Hear, hear.) They must, therefore, come to the con clusion that matters had arrived at that crisis that the administration of public affairs could no longer be continued with the maintenance of the corn-laws.— (Hear, and cheers.) Lord John Russell had stated that he and Sir Robert Peel had come to the same con clusion. But Sir John Tyrrell and Mr. Branston spoke now of Sir IL Peel with disgust and aversion. They were astonished at his perfidy; but he could tell them that it was not the perfidy of the Minister they were to blame, but the impossibility that existed of his being able to govern with a corn-law.—(Hear, hear.) These were not in the position of Sir Robert Peel. The country would not hold th emse l ves respons ibl e f or any calamity that might occur ; and as to posterity, for the applause of which it was well known that Sir Robert Peel was most desirous, the notice it would take of him would be some miserable tablet of some obscure parish church. —(Loud cheers.) If there was anything that could impress more strongly upon his mind the necessity of the abolition of these laws, it was the condition of the agricultural labourers.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He had visited several of the agricultural counties in England, and what he had seen there fully bore out the accounts that had been given respecting their condition. And, in fact, how could it be otherwise ? They were in youth employed at work for a remuneration that would not be given to a child in manufacturing dis tricts; and, after a life of labour, to be rewarded at sixty years of age with 20s. and a cot, provided he had not inflicted any burden on the parish. His fate might be summed up in these words of the poet— " A blessed prospect : To slave while there is strength; in age a workhouse; A parish shell at last, and that little bell Toll'd hastily fur a pauper's funeral I" In Ireland, too, which is purely an agricultural coun try, there was a state of misery bordering on starva tion ; and yet Mr. Benett, one of the Members for Wiltshire, had said in a speech that he made the other day, that after seventy years of all situations, if he had the choice, he should select that of an agricultural labourer—(Great laughter)—and this after he had been some years possessed of a property of 10,0001. a-year.-- (Hear, hear.) And it was under this system that the agricultural labourer had been brought down to his pre sent heart-broken and dispairing condition. They had prevented their having a sufficient growth of grain at home, and they had prevented their receiving an ade quate supply from abroad.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The most demoniac malignity could not have invented a scheme more calculated to bring the great masses of the working millions of this country to a state of pauperism, discontent, and insubordination, than this corn-law they were then opposing. —(Cheers.) And while in this state of things, what did they find a fat and sleek being, who was a dignitary of the Church and a great philo sopher, recommending for the consumption of the people ? He did not read a paper about the supplies that were to be had in the great valley of the Missis sippi, but told them that there were still plenty of sweeds, turnips, and mangel-wurzels to be had in the country—(Cheers and laughter) —and the Earl Marshal of England, as if to out-Herod-Herod himself, recom mended the hungry to have recourse to hot water and a pinch of Cayenne pepper. He (Mr. Bright) rejoiced not when he heard that the Duke of Norfolk had made this recommendation, but he rather pitied the Noble Duke. He did not, however, rejoice in his heart when ho saw the speech the Noble Duke had made in Sussex, be cause it served to show the people of England that it was not enough that they should be sufferings under the pernicious corn-law, but the law itself must submit them to insult and wrong at tho hands of its supporters.—(Hear, hear.) It was not enough that the law should have passed —it was not enough that it made their toil value less—it was not enough that it made all their skill and labour unavailing—it was not enough that it did not allow them to procure a fair supply of the common ne cessaries of life, but when this iniquitous law brought misery and want upon them, its cautious enactors in sulted their feelings, and told them, like they would the beasts of the earth, to go to mangel-wurzel, or to something else, which even the beasts themselves could not eat. And he supposed this system would be continued till the peo ple should rise, and in one voice proclaim the downfall of this odious system.—(Cheers.) This law was the parent of the grievous fluctuations in trade under which so much suffering was created in this commercial king dom ; and now a period was coming when one of these fluctuations would occur which might be as bad, nay worse, than the last, when many a man now feeling himself independent and comfortable in his circumstances, would find himself swept away by the torrent, and his goodly ship made a complete wreck of.—(hear, hear.) Capital in these cases sometimes availed almost nothing, and they had seen with their own eyes fluctuations occur in trade which no prudence could have guarded against. They might be in the midst of great prosperity and excitement in one year, and in the next ruin might stare them in the face. At one time they fancied they were getting rich in a moment, and imme diately afterwards they found themselves rapidly retro grading. These fluctuations might be all attributed to the corn-laws; and not only was trade sacrificed by'them, but the moral character of the country was injured..— ( Hear, and loud cheers.) Now, had they a scarcity coming or not ? It was said that to be forewarned was to be forearmed, and that a foretold, famine never came; and so this famine would not have come about at all, if at the moment they saw it was coming they had power to relieve themselves by obtaining supplies of food from abroad. But the rea son a foretold famine never came was, because, when it was foretold men provided against it, and took care that it should not come. Here, then, had a famine been foreseen and fo re t o ld, b ut, i nstead of taking measures againsi it, their wise legislators passed a malignant law to accelerate it, and foreign supplies were not allowed to come in for fear that it should bring some injury upon the mortgaged landowners of the country.—(Cheers.) Well then, these classes of whom he had spoken had maintained this law for 30 years, and from 1838 to 1842 amidst the deepest misery; and now no feeling of mercy—no feeling of relenting— no sympathy for the sufferings of the people, would add one iota to induce or make them give up this law now. They had now, however, nobody to take office with a promise to maintain it, but they thought they had somebody who would take office with a pro mise to repeal it ; but the promise of Lord John Russell, or of any other Minister, was entirely conditional. Lord John Russell could not repeal the corn-laws himself, but he confessed that it must be done by the unequivocal expression of the p u bli c w ill. H ow was th i s ex pression to he had ? Why, by meetings such as that, and by such meetings as those which they had h eld in all parts of the kingdom, and by a preparation of a most active character for that general election which, in all human probability, was near upon them—(Loud cheers.) They had heard, he be lieved, that they had h a d a meeting in Manchester the other day. It was a tt en d e d b y more of the i wealth andinfluence of that district than he had ever seen assembled before in a meeting of the same number. It was resolved next Tuesday to call a general meeting of all those who were favourable to, or who supported the League, to consider the b est means to be adopted in their present great final struggl e . I t had been announced that the council of the League were willing by the aid of their friends throughout the country t o ra i se a fund of 250,0001. for the purpose of being ready in any emergency, or for the sake, of maintaining before the ranks of the pm. , tectionists to the last the bold and resolute character Which they had maintained for the last seven years. Now, if the money required should be subscribed, he could promise that meeting and the country it would be honestly and judi ciously applied for carrying out that great national object for which the League had been established and if the protectionists defer the final settlement of this question till the warm weather came, they would not trouble their friends to force themselves into half their natural size to get within the walls of that theatre, but they would ask them to meet there, and in Manchester, and in Leeds, and in Glasgow, and in Sheffield, and in Birmingham, and: in other towns, in numbers so great, with unanimity so re markable, resolution so undaunted, that the aristocracy of this country, with all their wealth, boasted honesty, and with all their feeling, would quail before the Administration that should be made.—(Cheers.) Two centuries ago the people of this country were engaged in a fearful conflict with the Crown. The despotic and factious monarch assumed the right to levy taxes without the consent of Parliament or the people. That assumption was resisted, and this fair island became a battle-field, and the kingdom was convulsed from one end to theother. Now if their forefathers, 200 years ago, resisted that attempt, should they (their children) he bound by the threats of an aristocracy ?—(Cries of" No.") " Shall we, who struck the lion down, shall we Pay the wolf homage, off'ring lowly gaze And bended knee ?" Should they consent to be put down, or would they, by a manful and united expression of the public voice, at once and for ever put an end to thi s ki n d o f wrong. Their cause at least was as good as their forefathers?—(Hear, hear.) They stood on higher 'vantage ground—they had a larger number of followers at their beck ; they had more of wealth, and more of intelligence, more of union, and more knowledge of their political rights, and knew more of the true interest of the country, and, what was better than all this, they had a power and machinery to work with which was a thousand times better than force, and should they, with all these advantages, refrain from that struggle which their forefathers had made before them, under much more'adverse circumstances ?—(Cheers.) The force they were employing he was sure would before long be the means of their obtaining the object. The force, he allowed, they had found in the 40s. freeholders, and that was the great constitution a l weapon which they intended to take up, and by which they were sure to conquer—not, however, as of old, in bloody fields, but in the registration courts.—(Cheers.) Now he did trust that this law would be repealed within six months, and if it should be then necessary that the League should disperse, he did hope that the people of England would bear in mind what a great panic had been struck amongst the monopolist ranks by this small weapon which they had discovered in the Reform Aot and in the constitution of the country; and in conclusion, ho implo r ed th e m iddl e an d working casses to regard it as the instrument of their deliverance, and as the strong and irresistible weapon, before -which the domination of an hereditary peerage must be laid in the dust.—(Cheers.) Mr. W. J. Fox then stepped forward, and was greeted with several rounds of applause. When the excitement had subsided, he said, I should rather have avoided speaking this evening, had I not been announced to do so, not from any indisposition to be in active sympathy with this magnificent meeting, but because, in the unpleasantness of the present confused state of public affisirs, and the uncertainty that hangs over oulicondition— our Parliament not at its post—one Administration having gone out, we scarcely know why—and another Administration delaying to come into office, we scarcely know why—friends and enemies confusedly mixed, so that we cannot discriminate one from the other—the whole political condition of the country a chaos, a darkness which may be felt where nothing is seen ; a night in which one cannot sleep, and where one longs for the coming day to bring some decisive information, s• that we may know who are to be the rulers of the country, and what difficulties or new cause we are next to struggle with, or what triumphs our question is next to attain—a confusion one wants put speedily an end to, that we may not have to think and speak hypothetically—that our desires and wishes may not be contingent upon something yet uncer tain, and our whole course, like the old Castelian oath of allegiance, which was, to obey the sovereign, if he preserved the laws and privileges of the people, and if not—not; the last negative being of much more importance than the positive with which it was preceded; yet still there are facts in the state of the country, and there are prospects before us, where we find something like solid footing ; and it is to turn the mind away from the uncertainties of the passing day, and to fix it on those certainties, that I would endeavour to direct your attention. Of these some are sad and some are joyous; but still they furnish in their com bination elements and materials to which we have to look for the completion of the great work so long honourably and successfully carried on by the leaders of the League. The first certainty which we can discover on looking around us as the prior one, is that the country is short in its supply of food, and that the means are not in the best eondition for making good the deficiency. At first this allegation was met, as many other truths had been met, by a brazen denial. We were told by the Society of 17, Old Bond-street, that it was an insidious and base delusion, and that this cry of the coming scarcity was got up for selfish and interested purposes. We are told that nobody knew—they did not themselves know— what the harvest would be ; but to contradict the representa tion that scarcity might be expected, they write to some of our local societies, and get what they called satisfactory in formation on the subject.—(Hear, and laughter.) It is now felt to be flying in the face of ascertained facts to persist longer in the denial, and it is partially admitted there is a deficiency of supply, that there is a peril of a scarcity—and let it be remembered scarcity to a nation' is famine and starvation to thousands of individuals.—(Cheers.) There is peril, or why have a Commission of Inquiry to in quire into the state of the potato crop in Ireland? There is peril, or why do some of the farmers rejoice that the season can be made more remunerative than the last ; that is to say, the price of food to be higher in consequence of the defi ciencies in the country? There is danger of a scarcity, or why the suggestions of certain preposterous specifics for human food? There is fear, or why have learned disquisitions on the different arts that may be brought to bear, or compounds of pepper and that sort of thing, to supply th e place of human food? There is truth in the apprehension, or why the break ing up of one Government, and the difficulties which exist as to the formation of another Government ?—(Cheers.) And what is it keeps down the supply of food, which the great wealth that flows into this country from every part of the globe cannot procure ?—(Loud cheers.) Why, it is because, to keep up the high price of home produce, we turn away wheat importation from our very doors.—(Cheers.) We lately had a stock of wheat in bond, but, under the ope ration of this same law I have just mentioned, it leaves our shores in the time of our own want, and amidst all our ap prehensions of a coming scarcity, to seek the more provident, careful, just, and charitable regions of those who invite sup plies of food from all countries, who are willing to buy it un der the verge of the horizon. The: fields that should supply us—rich, fertile lands, of which there are so many thousand square miles on the continent of Europe and vast prairies of America, are not barren— and corn might be sown upon them to supply the popula tion of these realms with food more than adequate to their wants; but they have not been tilled because our restrictive system gives the cultivators no prospect of a market here, however much food might be wanted. Here we see the effect of the system, making acres upon acres sterile, arrest ing the arm of the cultivator, and robbing him of his profits, and us of our proper supply of provisions. And this is the boasted system that has been lauded as if it were the perfection of human wisdom. Here ends the slid ing -scale—smashed in the moment of peril, ridiculed by every one, and really ridiculous, because it is in efficient, and incapable of keeping away an emergency it has created, but which it was intended to prevent, showing, that from beginning to end, the system is false and founded on fallacy, and false in its profession of . rendering this country in dependent offoreign supplies—false in its promise of establishing cultivation, which should produce a supply adequate to the demand--false in its promise of giving the farmer stipulated and remunerating prices—false in its declaration of in creasing employment for the labouring classes, the number employed in the cultivation of land having been regularly diminishing—false in its promise of increasing the stability of our means and sources of supply, and from first to last made up of falsehoods engendered by the sordid cupidity of a class carried by interested majorities with inde cent haste under the shelter of bayonets, and in direct violation of the voice of the people. It was sup ported by an Administration who commanded the ma jority of the votes of the House of Commons, and obtained the sanction of those who formed the great body-of the House of Lords, through being altered and tricked in various ways in order to meet peculiar and interested views; but still it retained its fallacies to the end as it did at the beginning, and it deserves to perish, as I trust it soon will perish, amid universal con tempt and execration.— (Loud cheers.) In times past we have seen our manufacturers bearing up against ad versity, and employing that which they had a right to consi der and look upon as their private fortunes, for the sole purpose of keeping on their workmen and artisans, but it is unreason able to expect them to do so in future, when we know that is caused by a pernicious law, which is kept up for a class in terest, and when we know, and they know by its alteration, both the master and the workman could hold on his course, and with their own resources get through times of peril. We have no right to expect credit for honest and truthful intentions unless we look at the mode in which food is dis tributed. If we i.o not find enough in one part of the country we find plenty in another. If the supply is great to the wealthy it is little to the poor—it is food to one class and hunger to another—meat here and famine there; it is like the lion sitting down to prey along with the jackal], where there is not enough to satisfy the demands of both. Such is the condition of the people now—one class famishing of hunger, and the other well to do—the latter not even allowed to relish potatoes, but obliged to do without—and we all know the punishment that such a condition in one class inflicts on another—how the sufferings of the poor re-acted on those who are well to do—the indigent on the comfortable. If yott set up fever in St. Giles's, the effect is ) it will penetrate into St. James's—so if hunger and despreratiou prevail in one class, it will be felt in its influence among all those placed in easy circumstances. Your house will not be se• cure—your banks will be in danger—when you walk out your pockets will not be safe—everywhere there will be danger on account of the desperation of crime. If England were subject to the privations of Ireland, we should have imported into England the violence of Ireland. The most comfortable men would find their slumbers broken—secure sleep, even with pistols under their head, would be rarely felt.—(Hear, hear.) They would be calling at the same time for their bed-candle and their blunderbuss.—(Loud cheers.) Through all classes injury to, one class is sure to react injuriously on every other.— ( Hear, hear.) To be sure the race would not be extin guished, but it would be much depraved. No, though the British Islands might not be swept of its people, they would be plunged into desolation on account of the present system of protection. We should see our sturdy operative class with their frames attenuated, their muscular strength gone; we shouldfind the country survive it, but only the recollection of its people would be left, as sad testimonials of an iniquitous system— a system which encouraged and induced every kind of injury and wrong—a churchyard, instead of being charged with dead corruption, filled up with that which was alive.—(Load cheers.) If a l i y f s e w d e , findwe s t e h e e ou e r o s n e n lv try es t i h n us lac tb p iee e o d nd b it y ion a — v i i f ci t o r u e s de sz te ste p m a and no application is made by the Legislature to interfere to bring about a better condition of things—if the State is in worfikn,dintofabcte, the no c a s e, Govern mentbydangerinanedx i n st o en G ee_ ove i rn f this Government at we directing all our attention in another direction, the prospect of the country is one of the finest and proudest it ever occu pied.—(Loud cheers.) Such is the position of the country —such the state of the population, however far behind may be their rulers. For years the great truths of political eco nomy have been taught the masses.—(Loud cheers.) The facts and doctrines of this important department of human knowledge has been the study of the population of the country; the subject of philoso phers has been made familiar to public meetings—and what has been the result ? Opinion has gradually advanced, and it has been declared again and again, in strength and " A name at which the world grows pale, To point a moral or adorn a tale."—(Cheers.) And that moral is, that no party power, however great, can resist without destruction the laws of free trade, which Edmund Burke has told us are part and parcel of the laws of nature. The growth of this agitation is like the glacier ; the snows descend silently and softly, attracting no notice; cloud follows cloud, and stratum is laid upon stratum; the winds and the biting frosts knit it most firmly and com pactly together; the season of winter, which is prejudicial to all other growth, aids this ; for ages it accumulates, till the time of moving, when, loosed and wrenched from its place, it hurls down as an avalanche, bearing all before it—the tro phies of thebattle-field, however celebrated—the palace, how ever grand--the church, however venerated—till it finds an abiding place, where it remains an eternal monument of the power of nature's laws, which are lasting as nature's God. In the determination evinced by this meeting, in the growing power of the popular voice, in the growing certainty of se curing results, the question is not now whether we shall rely on Lord John Russell or Sir Robert Peel—we can rely on ourselves. -- G;l;;ePetitioned,You have remonstrated ; if you continue to register, and to put yourselves in possession of 401. freehold rights, you may count upon your object.—(dear, hear.) When you have done all this, when you have achieved such results, historians will record the fact. You will have reared a monument, and on the base of that monument shall be engraven the names of the philosophers who promulgated the principles —our Adam Smith, and such like. Above them shall be the Cobdens and the Brights ; and above them all shall be an inscription to the glory of the English people, whose was power. At first the population petitioned the Parliament to open the ports, but their urgent requests were neglected. They petitioned in tens and twenties of thousands, but with out effect. The warning of danger was not given by the rulers of the country, but by the people themselves ; and they originated anewmoyement when left to work out the end as THE gtTN, LONDON, TtITTRSDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 18 1 1845. the power to effect the end. Wealth, and prosperity, and universally diffused good feeling, will be the possession of man. Then the cry of triumph on carrying this great question, will echo back the chorus of heaven—" Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace." The speaker sat down amid long and continued cheering. As the meeting was separating, Mr. Cobden came forward and proposed three cheers for " Free Trade," which was re sponded to with three time three from the whole audience. might require In answer to this the most so lemn pledge was given that all would be ready, and that no assistance was necessary. On the 20th of November intimation was first recaived from the local agents that Mr. Giles could not be ready in time. About the same time Mr. Giles applied for 2,000/. to go on with. After some hesitation about the step, he was paid 1,0001., making in all 3,7001., which he had received. Mr. Giles, seeing their dissatisfac tion, offered either to go on, if the money he wanted was advanced, or else to stop where he was and hand over to the Company all the plans and sections, as far as they were prepared, asserting that they could be easily completed in time. The Managing Committee thought it best to adopt the latter alternative, having had enough of Mr. Giles, and they received the plans and sections as offered. These, however, when examined, were found fur all practical purposes no better than so much waste paper ; and it was at once decided to abandon all intention of a Parliamentary application. Having made this state ment, he could now show how the account stood on the other side. He had stated that tiny . had received 10,700/. The following were the liabilities of the Com pany Paid for various matters connected with the progress of the Company X4,300 Paid Mr. Giles Bills due and remaining to be discharged Sundry other expenses not yet ascertained, say 1,000 Total liabilities.. £17,000 Showing a deficiency of £6,300 Now, as it would be most unreat onable that those who had paid the two guineas' deposit should have to bear all that loss, and as it was at least desirable to pay them a guinea back, that would take off 4,7141. 10s., leaving but 6,0001, and show an actual deficiency of 11,0001. If the whole of the applicants for shares were to pay up 20s. on each share, -the debts would be easily paid off, and 21. returned on each share to those who had paid two guineas, but to get them to do so was the question. After a lengthened discussion, it was resolved, on the motion of Mr. PAYNE, seconded by Mr. WESTON, that circulars should be sent to all the Provisional Directors, and all applicants who had not paid any deposit on their shares, calling on them to pay 2s. per share, in exchange for which their letters of allotment would be returned, and they would be absolved from all legal responsibility ; but that in case they failed to pay, their names would be advertised in the newspapers, as a warning to future companies, and as an act of justice to the present. During the discussion referred to, it came out that only five of the Provisional Directors had paid any de posit, out of seventy-five in the whole; and that seven of the Managing Committee had each subscribed out of their own pockets a sum of 2101. After a vote of thanks to the Chairman and Managing Committee, for their general conduct, the meeting was adjourned, with an understanding that another should be called as soon as the effect of the new application is as ascertained. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS LIVERPOOL, Dec. 17. STOCK EXCNANGE.—The sales are—Birkenhead, Lanca shire, and Cheshire, 27 s p.—Bolton, Wigan, and Liverpool, 10 3 % p. ex n.—Clitheroe Junction, 11= p.—Derby and Crewe, 13/ 1 p.—East Lancashire, No. 2, 274 p.—Grand Junction, 234 —Ditto, New Quarter Shares, 32 p.—II u dderifield Canal and Railway, 4 p.—Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle June tier), 15s. p.—London and Birmingham, 19 1 / p.—London and Manchester, 1M dis.—Leeds and Dewsbury, 101 p.—Mid land, 141—Mold Junction, 15s. dis.—Newcastle and Darling ton, 54—North Kent, par—Sheffield and Manchester, 115._ Ditto, Quarter Shares, 6 p.—Ditto, ditto, No. 3 (scrip), 3 p. —South-Eastern and Dover, 34 1 /—Ditto, Half Shares, ss. p. —South Wales, 10s. p.—West Riding Union, 3 1 / 2 p.—White haven and Furness, 105. dis.—Belfast and Ballymena, par. MANCHESTER, DEC. 17. , - STOCK EXCRANGE.—The sales are—Boston, Newark, and Sheffield, 2114—Leeds and Thirsk, 9 1 A—Manchester ' Buxton, and Matlock, 77s.—Manchester and Le e d s , Fifth s , 11 1 4 — Manchester, Midland, and Grimsby, 2 1 -11anchester and Southampton, 2%—Nottingham and Mansfield, 21/s—Shrop shire Union, 345. 6d. SHEFFIELD, DEC. 17. . STOCK EXCPLLIGE.—The only sale was—West Riding Union, 51. 16s. BRISTOL, Drc. 17. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Bristol and Exeter, New, s%—Bristol and Gloucester, 51—Midland, New, 25% — Vale of Neath, 3%. LEEDS, DEC. 17. STOCK EICIIINGE.—The sales are—Manchester and Leeds, Fifth Shares, 10 p.—Leeds and Bradford, 18 1 / 2 —Ditto, Ex tensions, 18—Leeds and Thirsk, 9 1 4—North British, New, 5 3 / 4 —Ditto, New Carlisle Branch, 2%—Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton, 13—West Riding Union, 51,4—Grand Union, 25. 6d. dis.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, ls. dis.—Leeds and York, ss. dis.—Leicester and Bedford, par— Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 30s. p.--Wake field and Harrogate, 2s. 6d. p. HULL, DEC. 17. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Darwens, 7—North British, Carlisle, 21. 2s. 2d.—Grand Union, par—Trent Valid, Continuation, 2 1 ,—Grimsby and Sheffield Quarter Shares, 3 3 / 4 —Ambergate, 2 1 4 I—East Lincolnshire, 2—Direct North ern, 365. THE MANCHESTER AND SOUTH AMPTON RAILWAY. One of the most energetically urged projects of the late railway mania season, was the line purporting to be from Manchester to Southampton. Five and six pounds premium were freely given; and when Mr. Hudson joined the directory, and had 25,000 shares allotted to him, it was thought to be without limit to the value of its shares, and was to carry all before it. The impracticability of getting over the Cotteswold hills was overlooked, and plans and sections wore deposited with full confidence of success, and yetcir culars are now issued abandoning the line from Swindon to Cheltenham, and disconnecting altogether Manchester and Southampton. The shareholders are now asked to sign a new deed, and agree to new stipulations; but if they possess the caution which the times require, they will not be so easily caught, but will insist on the return of their money. The Isle of Wight Railway (also aban doned) and the Manchester and Southampton own one parentage. RUGBY, DERBY, AND MANCHES TER RAILWAY. A meeting of the Shareholders of this undertaking took place yesterday at the London Tavern, for the purpose of receiving a report from the Committee of Manage • ment, and deciding upon the steps it would be advisable to adopt with reference to the prosecution of the under taking in the next session of Parliament, or otherwise. MATTHEW PIERPOINT,'Esq., Chairman of the COM mittee of Management, took the chair, shortly after twelve o'clock. Among the Directors present, besides the chairman, we noticed Mr. Fox, of Melbourne; Mr. Moss, the late Mayor of Derby; Mr. Bridgett, Mr. Pilcher, Mr. Jude wick, Mr. Wheatcroft, of Buckland Hollow ; Mr. Sey mour, Mr. Fry, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Peel, of Manchester. After a short discussion, it was determined by a show of hands, that Mr. Brewer, the late solicitor of the Com pany, not being a shareholder, could not be present, and address the meeting. Mr. HUMPHREYS, of the firm of Humphreys and Co., Chancery-lane, solicitors, read the report of the Com mittee of Management, from which it appeared that the concern, as proposed by the original promoters, was a complete failure; that the Committee had changed their late solicitor, Mr. Brewer, and. that the line as pro posed by their engineer would cost 50,0002 a mile, it being full of engineering difficulties. The Committee, therefore, advised the dissolution of the Company, the winding up of the accounts as quickly as possible, and the dividing the remaining assets amongst the Pro prietors. It appeared also that all the Provisional Committee had taken one hundred shares, and, with the exception of five, had paid up the deposits upon them. It appeared also from the report, that 35,820 shares had been allotted, that the deposits bad been paid on 30,600 shares, producing 80,3251.; that out of that anribunt 7,000/. had been paid to Mr. Blount, the engi ,neer, and 5,9111. to Mr. Brewer, the late solicitor of the concern; that the Company had at interest, at Messrs. Masterman's, 20,0001., and at the London and Westmin ster Bank at interest 40,0001., and 4,3401. not at interest; that Mr. Blount claimed a further sum of 6,0001, and Mr. Brewer had sent in bills for professional charges amounting together to 9,6381., there being a balance still due to him of 3,747/. 15s. 3d. The following resolutions were then unanimously agreed to : "That the report of the Managing Committee be adopted, and that they be authorised and empowered to carry out the views and suggestions embodied in their report with reference to the claims of Mr. Brewer and Mr. Blount on the Company, and the claim of the Company on the promoters. And also with reference to the winding up of the affairs of the Company in such way as they shall deem most expedient and conducive to the interests of the shareholders, under proper legal advice. " That the Managing Committee he also requested and empowered to make an immediate - return to the share holders of 11. 10s. per share, and to use the utmost dili gence in settling all outstanding claims on the Com pany, so as to insure the earliest possible division amongst the shareholders of the balance which may re main on their hands. " That the meeting cannot separate without recording heir entire confidence in the Managing Committee, and their grateful sense of the service rendered to the Corn pany by that body, and particularly for the prompt and decisive steps they have taken relative to the meeting, and the full and explicit statement of the present posi tion of the Company which they have made to the share holders." Mr. BLOUNT said that he had nothing to fear from what had taken place. He had vouchers showing that he had expended 6,7671. 4s. 7d. for the Company. He denied that he made any further claim on them, and he demanded a copy of Mr. Hawksworth's report, in order that he might answer it in print. The CHAIRMAN said that he should certainly have it, and every facility should be given him to get himself out of (to say the least of it) a difficulty, for he felt bound to say that through the course he had pursued the present Company was tripped up by the heels. Mr. HOLT, a barrister, defended the course pursued by Mr. Brewer, and asserted that he was as honourable a man as ever lived. He thought, if personal statements were to be made against him, he ought in justice to have been permitted to be present. The CHAIRMAN, in the course of the meeting, stated that the iron hand of the Committee of Management would be put upon all the outstanding accounts, and he was in hopes that, besides the 11. 105., the shareholders would receive ss. or 7s. on each share in addition. Mr. HUMPHREYS, in answer to a question from a Pro prietor, stated that preliminary expenses were included in Mr. Brewer's account, and also 3,0001. fur adver tising. The CHAIRMAN said that at the time when the 15,000 shares were set apart for the promoters of the undertaking, there were no less than 400,000 applica tions for shares, and had not the Committee of Management been waterlogged with keeping them, the Proprietary would have been in a very dif ferent situation to what they were at present. A Pnornwroß inquired when the 11. 10s. would be returned to the Proprietors ? The CHAIRMAN said in a fortnight from that time. A vote of thanks having been carried to the Chairman, the meeting separated. GREAT MANCHESTER, RUGBY, AND SOUTHAMPTON RAILWAY. Yesterday a meeting of the Shareholders of this Com pany was held at their office, 1, Royal Exchange-build ings, to consider the present position of the Company, and the steps necessary to be taken in consequence thereof. Mr. Prole was unanimously called to the chair. The usual formalities having been gone through, The CHAIRMAN briefly addressed the meeting. He said the Committee of Management had thought that it was expedient, seeing they were not in a position to go to Parliament this session, to call a meeting together, and explain to the shareholders exactly how they stood. An address issued by the Managing Committee to the shareholders would be read, which would give an explanation of the way the engineer had acted, and the reasons why the plans and -sections bad not been deposited in time. It would be for them, after that was done, to decide what steps it would be necessary to take with Mr. Giles, the engineer. That gentleman had not only failed in getting ready the plans of the present Company, but he had also failed with many other companies who had engaged him. The Secretary would now read the address in question. The SECRETARY then read the document alluded to by the Chairman, which in substance set forth that, up to the sth of November, the Com mittee of Management felt confident that the plans, secticns, and references would be ready for deposit with the Clerks of the Peace and at the Board of Trade. They had been led to this conclusion on the strongest and repeated assurances, both verbal and written, of their engineer, Mr. Giles. On the 20th of November it was, however, found that the deposit of the plans, &c., could not be made. The Committee discovered that they had been deceived ; learning from the most able engineers who were called in to advise, that no exertion, with the most competent staff, could enable the deposits to be made by the time required. It was then agreed to give up the prosecution of the scheme this year, and to endeavour to get the shareholders who bad not paid up their deposits to advance on each share the sum of 25., so as to pay off all liabilities. Mr. MooRE, one of the Managing Committee, then gave the following statement of the Company's affairs : The number of shares originally stated was 150,000. Of these upward s o f 134,000 were issued, the Committee of Management reserving for the members of the Provisional Committee 7,000, and for the local agents 1,000, making a total of 143,000 ; thus leaving 7,000 more for parties along the line, or for appropriation in case of any amalgamation that might be found advisable. At first it was considered that a greater number of shares should be reserved, as it was held desirable to have a local committee at Manchester, with five or six members of the Committee of Manage• ment at the principal points along the line—especially at Macclesfield and Southampton, and for these it was held necessary to reserve some shares. This view, how ever, was not carried out, and the allotment of 134,000 shares was made. The money received on shares stood thus :—Two guineas each, the full deposit, had been paid on 4,490 shares, yielding 9,429 L There had been received 10s. each on 1,515 shares, producing 7571. 10s. ; and after it had been de cided not to go on, there had been received, at 2s. per share, on 5,280 shares, the sum of 5291.—making in all, 10,7051. 10s. Mr. Moore then went at length into the history of the Company. He stated that the letters of allotment were -issued on the Ist of November, just about the time the sudden change took place in the railway market. It was intimated in the letters that the allottees would have till the 7th of November to pay up their deposits. In the interim the Committee of Management received several applications to allow more time, and, in conse quence, it was thought prudent to issue circulars, giving parties the option of paying 10s. per share then; the remaining 11. 12s. to be paid up on the 15th of January, or to pay the two guineas in full. It was then fully believed that the Bill would go to Parliament the present session. Up till the 20th of November it was firmly considered by the Managing Committee that they would be ready with all the plans and sections. The circular, giving the option referred to, was issued on the Bth of November, and at that time Mr. Giles was pressed on to state whether he would be ready in time, and was offered, in case he could not manage himself, to be found any assistance he , YORK, DEC. 17. STOCK EXCHARGE.-The sales are-York and North Mid land Extension, 25-Newcastle and Berwick, 11-North British, 22-Ditto, New Carlisle Branch, 2-London and York, 3% EDINBURGH, DEC. 15. STOCK EXCIIANGII.-The sales are-Aberdeen, 51.-Aber deen, Banff, and Elgin, 21.-Airdrie and Bathgate, 2/. Bs. -Arbroath and Forfar , 251.-Ditto, Half Shares, 15/.- Ayr and Dumfries, 21. 55.-Ayr and Galloway, 21. 58.- Banffshire, 2/. 55.-British and Irish Union, 21. 19s. 6d. -Caledonian, I!/.-Caledonian Extension, 3/.- Caledonian and Dumbarton, 3L-Caledonian and Northern Direct, 31. Os. 6d.-Clydesdale Junction, 191.-Direct Northern, 21.-Dun dee and Arbroath, 35/. 10s.-Ditto, New, 171.-Dundee and Perth, 6/. IN.-East of Fife, 2/.-East Lothian Central, 1/. 17s. 61-Edinburgh and Bathgate, 31.-Edinburgh and Glasgow, 681.-Ditto, Half Shares, 151. 10s.-Ditto, Quarters, 151. 10s.-Ditto, ditto, New, 12/. 10s.-Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dumbarton, 124.-Edinburgh and Leith Atmospheric, 2/. 55.-Edinburgh and Leith Atmospheric Direct, 11. 151. -Edinburgh, Leith, and Granton, 21/. IN.-Ditto, Pre ference, 18/. IN.-Edinburgh and Northern, 3/. 95.-Ditto, Newport, IL-Ditto, Lochgelly, 1/. N.-Edinburgh and Peebles, V. ls. 6d.-Edinburgh and Perth, 4/. 108.-Forth and Clyde Junction, 2/. 55.-Glasgow and Ayrshire, 70/.- Ditto, New Stock, 231.-Ditto, Quarter Shares, 21/. 12s. Gd. -Glasgow, Dumfries, and arlisle, 21. U.-Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 21. 108.-Glasgow and Garnkirk, 45/.- Glasgow and Greenock, 211.-Ditto, New, 101. 155.-Ditto, Preference, 2/. 55.-Great North of Scotland, 3/. 2s. 6d. -Granton Junction, 2/. 'N.-Inverness and Elgin, 11. 15s. -London and York, 41. 55.-North British, 24/.-Ditto, Halves, 51. 10s.-Perth and Inverness, 21.-Scottish Cen tral, 13/. 10s.-Scottish Midland, 31.-Scottish North West ern, 1/. 135.-Stirling and Dunfermline, V. 10s. 6d. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. ORT.HE RN CIRCUIT.—York, Dee. 15. (Before Mr. Justice ERLE.) CHARGE OF MANSLA.UGIITER.—DEATH OF THE LATE MR. BOTELER.—Thomas Wheatley, a young man of about 25 years of age, who had been out on bail to appear to the present charge, and who had been engine driver upon the North Midland Railway, was indicted for the crime of manslaughter, in having, on the 28th of October last, at Royston, feloniously caused the death of William Fuller Boteler, Esq., by neglect and unskilfully driving a pilot engine, of which the prisoner then had the management. The circumstances attending the lamentable event will be in the recollection of everybody, from the great interest which was excited at the time of its occurrence. It was reported that Wheatley intended to keep out of the way, but the result has proved other wise, and this morning he was put to the bar to take his trial. Mr. Hall, Mr. Boothby. and Mr. Pickering appeared ,o conduct the prosecution ; and Mr. Bliss, with whom was Mr. Overend, for the defence. Mr. HALL opened the case by observing to the jury, that it was one which had naturally caused a more than ordinary interest in the public mind, on account of the rank of the deceased gentleman, who had been one of her Majesty's Counsel, a Commissioner of Bankruptcy for the Leeds district, and Recorder of Maidstone, as well as on occount of the known excellence of his cha racter and disposition, and those high attainments by which he had been distinguished in life. This case must also be of unusual importance, from the circumstance of the melancholy loss of life having occurred upon a rail way, now that it had become an almost universal habit with the people of this country to travel by railways. It would appear that on the night of the day in question, Mr. Boteler set out from London by the mail-train to come to Leeds. An accident happened to the train before it arrived at Barnsley, but having got some temporary repair, the train proceeded thither, and then con tinued on, a pilot engine being ordered forward to its aid, and which followed after to overtake it. From Barnsley, towards the north, there was a considerable rise. The prisoner, it would be shown, had put on steam, and had added speed, when he should have slackened it, therefore he had been guilty of negligence. Also, it would appear that he had not kept at his post while on the pilot engine, for he was driving it without keeping that look out ahead which was a part of his business. Now, the law would protect every man in his calling-, so long as he properly conducted himself in its pursuit ; but if he were guilty of such negligence as was incompatible with the safety of others in that calling, and so caused death, the law would hold him guilty of the crime of manslaughter. One circumstance, render ing the prisoner's act inexcusable was , th at t h e usua l lights'were exhibited at the tail of the mail-train, into which-he had run the pilot engine. And it would ap pear that he must have seen those lights on approaching the train. Immediately after the collision, which arose from his misconduct, a passenger by the train charged him With it. The prisoner said there were "no lights." But that passenger, having ascertained that there were lights, then told him so, and to that information he replied only by saying, that " they were very dim." To account, in some measure, for the prisoner's negli gence; the jury would learn that there was a strong south wind blowing at th e ti me , an d, per h aps, i t m i ght be that he had so placed himself upon the engine so as to screen himself from the wind, but in such a position as to prevent him from performing the duties of his post. It had further been alleged, on the part of the prisoner, that the rail was slippery, but as the engine he drove was at the time proceeding up an incline, that circum stance, if true, would operate a contrary way, and would rather tend to retard than accelerate. It was also said that the break of the pilot engine was imperfect ; but it would be shown that that part of the machinery was quite sufficient:for its purpose, and an officer, who had been sent down by the Government to inquire into the cause of this disaster, would be called before the jury to establish this latter fact. Having detailed the facts , 1 throughout, the Learned Gentleman proceeded to call the witnesses for the prosecution. The evidence did not materially differ from that given on the coroner's inquest, which has already appeared in The Sun. After an address from Mr. BLISS for the prisoner, the jury retired for half an hour, and on their return said that they found the prisoner Not Guilty. A verdict of Acquittal was then entered upon a seu".7 h indictment, in which the prisoner was charged 0; the manslaughter of John Stubiis, the polico -ot ni who died in consequence of injuries received upon same occasion. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS. (Befcre Mr. Sergeant ADAMS, As3iSta/Lt•JUdgef - Bench of Magistrates.) On Wednesday, Charles Lewis, an Irish.wan , age d „, 2l i was indicted for stealing a brass funnel, the properkl Richard White. In itself the case did not present any feature wortll of a report, but that which arose towards the conc,ln s b i o of the examination of the principal witness, And 1,0 which followed, created no little astonishment in ft,u,,," e ir were present, save the prisoner, his father, and '- witness. red o'4 The evidence for the prosecution clearly prove , - se , the prisoner, who had progressed some considerable !el, towards the attainment of a complete state of inteettl,of tion, had, in the public-house of which the proseein was the landlord, taken he funnel off the counter, risceer it in his trousers, and walked off with it. He w he ss eg course followed and taken into custody, but 1 1 1 ) ° ° charged with the theft e st , he denied first that he had sto anything of the sort, and next that he had t he fen t n i about him. Upon being pressed, however, ull d be subject, accompanied by a threat that he wa l l ed it searched, he without any further hesitation pOlden_'o from his trousers. Just as this part of the against him had been given, e l s of The prisoner, addressing the Court, seid, el Lord, that is nothing at all ; I often do these stir me things, but there is nothing in them. Only jq t c - n' ask the witness a question, and I'll settle the whole e, cern at once.—(Loud laughter.) Now, then, did I take that funnel as though I intended to srl i ao Did I take it in anything like a surreptitious sir e ' pid this, you know, as if I meant to walk off with it ? ni d I look as if I intended to commit a robbery ? , 'der' mean to do a felony, do you think ; that's all ?'*--‘ newed laughter.) e bf The witness, who appeared to be quite ayercore the this torrent of questions, :aid, all he knew was t h !` t his prisoner took the funnel, and, having hidden it let this trousers, had then gone off. He could not tell syb s „,st intentions might have been, but for himself, he &e f the o they were directed towards the appropriatio n funnel. The Learned JUDGE observed that the act of the f ee Boner, he thought, pretty well bore out that opit 6 ? & Now, prisoner, what have you to say in your defence I The prisoner, who had previously asked for PLO the depositions, at once said, " Oh, my Lord, 1 nothing of the sort; I'm not guilty of a theft. r in gise, to freaks. I'm all full of fun, innocent, harmless t my Lord. That's all.—(Laughter.) Lord, I gag Ireland, my own country, some time since, but it wgijeell for fun, nothing else.—(Continued laughter.), wou ld bless you, anybody who knows me knows that n this despise any action that is bad. I might have takedeod concern, and when asked about it then ou tbay e h either that I had it or that I knew anything ne and only for the pleasure of bringing it back theolight day, and having a good laugh over the affsir. beee have done that, but they spoilt the fun I sh ° "; s sil had. But, mind, I don't say it was so. I don (Mu ch took this thing; but it might have been s O ,l thing s ' laughter.) Lord, I have often done these Orl and lots of fun we've had." l °l The Learned JUDGE—Then it is quite s us time one should be stopped in such a career. Have you ril i ve 0. to speak to your character? The p r isoner' an number of friends who would give me a fine, s 3 e, cellent character. They will speak to my h ei/v gaff Oft and good character; but The father here stepped up and wished ta t his son could not have done this, for he was tie mind. te t bst The Learned JUDGE—The Court cannot listed_, e pott at this moment ; we must hear your ,statelne' such a paint presently. fie The prisoner —Oh, Sir, I don't wish to g et -,;,.% jV that score, you may depend upon it ; don't tm— (Laughter.) A publican in Wild-street then stated, that th b e lbe soner was a constant visitor at his house, 1 0 ,1 0 , slit' was in the habit of taking things away With " es toe' bringing them back the next day. He soraet A i° funnels, sometimes glasses, sometimes pots, and a 3 aseSres The JUDGE asked the witness whether he P. - diets ° that he had placed himself in a condition to be ° a OS for compounding felony ?. He would recomlne lj pet: not to say any more, but at once to stalidd; t s h t tililt ; with regard to the jury, he was compelled to he were to permit such testimony as that svhi c toe d peered the father and the publican had come PreP roa ner give, and clearly without any ground, for the V., c on' displayed all the cunning sharpness and tact able is to try, it would become his painful duty then to le c a ti v o e be them to say whether they would acquit him he the silt' was of unsound mind. Surely, the father, and !u, ness he had brought with him, could not know t . nt, t he were to happen that his son were to be acquitted um ground which he had set up— Abeff ye The prisoner —Oh, Sir, I don't wish to eh that ground. I don't, indeed ; but it would su disgrace if my friends knew I was in this placeo.o ,; The Learned JUDGE.—The arilpner was cane en ! e li te but he was about to say, that the father could not v e . : o known that the defence he had set up for his so 000 ", 0 such that if it were successful it would cause the t ena el, imprisonment for life. The prisoner bad no p e rt t o and therefore it had become the duty of the 61°- 1 .0 1/14 i t guard his interests . He could not, co - nseuentlyt : e ras this evidence to be proceeded with, especially 04 the manifest that there was no foundation for it. is!'; ;n r e tlf facts of the case, they were clear enough, and chwihsd proved the theft. He did not believe one word tb a . fe st been uttered by the publican. The jury would ar t It their verdict upon a consideration of the evidence. ho t was quite clear the man was not of unsound mind ; , 1 4 if they should by any chance acquit him . upon te ; I do l t. ground, or ife the result would be that he would be unprisoes" The prisoner —Not by any means, wish to get off upon that ground, and they have i!otl i tempted to set up such a defence. I very often ao ' sort of thing for fun. I'm fond of a freak. g od The Learned JUDGE was at a loss then to linder.bing my Lord what object the father could have had in saying anr os e upon the subject. However, he would leave the now to be dealt with by the jury. but I/1 The jury at once returned a v erdict of Gui lt y , the same time recommended the prisoner to enerePseng The prisoner then said it was a most drea dful for him, with regard to his friends, to be in such s tion. f ere The Learned JUDGE remarked, that his &len& co o aware of his position, because the father bed forward. 1 11 1 ° The prisoner —Oh, but my father does not tell one about it. He keeps it t o hi ms elf.—(Laug ht°n lse re' The Learned JUDGE ordered tee prisoner to h old mended until the next sess i on , an d that inquiries ' 0 40 be made respecting his c onnex i ons a nd his previous° of life. EAST INDIA HOUSE. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yestei7nion Mr. G. THO3IPSON said that, after hearing the pinto of the Learned Counsel, he should say nothing ' 1 !,i00, on that point; but he was so unconvinced by tha t t) r that he should perhaps consult higher legal 031 ,,: c 0n' The lion. Proprietor then proceeded to revieW tP. " Pi s duct of the East India Company, in relation to the .oo der f of Sattara at great length, but there being ile, h :irnta i or any of the resolutions but the last, the t/P - tiong declared the meeting to be adjourned,. the C0'501311 ton having been negatived unanimously. The ‘ du adjourned. quest Pg. Loss or LIFE BY FIRE.--Yesterday An diTavera' was held before Mr. Bake r , a t th e C oac h a nd lie T r se c l e Jscer d : Myddleton-street, Whitechapel, on the body of d es— s a tura aged 85 years. The deceased was a Jewess,and last she was left alone in a room in which was , P 7 .0 and during the temporary ab sence o f a f e male Ivo ° by se'to engaged to do the household work, her clothing ,00s means caught fire. Her sc r e ams b roug ht several P.Ted her aid, who, with considerable difficulty, extill i gr op er ° flames, but not before her arms, f ace , n eck, and e v- a l tion of her body were fri g htf u lly b urn ed. She r r e c idee'' after from the &acts of the injuries. Verdict, death." ; f t his ° CHESTER CATHEDEAL.—The re•operhno a for sacred edifice, which has been for some time el ose sued i l,' storation and improvements, is to take place o n fe sch "'- January 6. The Lard Bishop of the diocese will P" the occasion. ______------ T. BIRTHS. gr . ' On the 14th inst., at Duncan-terrace, Islingt oll ' ~ Begg, jun., of a son, still-born. aidi °l4 On the 15th inst., at St. George's-place, Mrs . D$ e o. of a son. ;heft, Spencer S 0 0:° 1 0, a daughter. Tbo u On the 25th ult., at Florence, the lady of Morgan Esq., of Gatehouse, Sussex, of a son. Of Cl3lfiel On the 12th inst., at Riverhead, Kent, the lad] 0, R. Carter Petley, Esq., of a daughter. rk-ga rdep On the 13th inst., at Gloucester-road, the wife of Charles Charrington, Esq., of a son On the 13th inst., the wife of W. H. Bonney, E 3(.11 ° Buckingham, of a son. g' W eicb, On the 14th inst., at B r i x t on - r i se , Mrs. -• A of a sen. cc ch o 7; On the 14th inst., a t th e R anger ' s Lodge, T. i.„., o+ - forest, Oxon, the wif e of Ch ar l es Sid ne y Hawkins , ''' son and heir. erSP of On the IGth inst., at H en d on , M rs . John S. Taint' A (laughter. ____--------- MARRIED. Jos1 )11 On the 13th inst., at G eorge - s t ree t Chapel, O x ford, . ko ne, Haynes, Esq.; of Lonsdale-square, Islington, to bbillnlll onfr third daughter of St e ph en Westbrook, Esq., of 13e3- street, Oxford. Walk er ' On the 16th inst., at St. P ancras Church, James • miglv Esq., to Loiiisa daughter of John Plower, Esq. , of Ed!'" street, Tayistock-square. DIED. . On the 15th inst., Sarah Sophia, only child of the l ate 1 Lewis, Esq., of Prospect House, Woodford,-Essex. ,_OO., On the 15th inst., at Fortess-terrace, youngest daughter of. the late Edmund Darbb 6(1. ' Aston House, Herts. S. /. On the 15th inst., at Bradninch, Devon, the Rev'. es Lott, incumbent of the same place... Fran c On the 11th inst., at Wardhouse, Aberdeenshire , Ahoo se. Kentish.town, Dui of Margaret, daughter of the late C. Gordon, Esq., of " rar ' - On the 11th inst., at Clifton, Mrs. Guthrie, aged SO. ...e l) . Oa the 12th inst., at Richmond, Margaret Alice, th e y ou est child of the Rev. G. Trevor. Tilist °ll On the 12th inst., Catherine, relict of the late Allen, Esq., of Ballingdon-grove, Sudbury, Suffolk• On the 13th inst., at Brighton, Christopher Alderso n l‘i. derson, Es re , On the 4th inst., at the Vi carage , Prescot, Lane :obi the Rev. Vero Gurden Driffield, aged 25. ____-.101 -tte lP 7. l London : Printed alai Published by MURDO YOl,l- Nu ji9, No. 112, Strand, P r int er , a t Th e S u n Office, - 1. Hi d' Strand, in the Precinct of tie Savoy, itt the COO" .5111 ‘ 144 exp Tlinadays December 18, 1145. TO e( descri ,INL l nples or si stoc k . a ti , , Came Joh n ] '_' W 2 Cole an INSpE F urther pa 1 4 4e PneY, and. L e r and efacte oretttry of Stepney, D. INI 7 i T( i. or4 ; i a tz : ill ire t) c o t g tr ei)3 , give i 'ENT. PER 11 at ill , RY r e Comp +trent branch( „Tile Transk iM instant, JllJtiii The "41 t ""1 e The Pl ans we e ; and th aPPlieatit END ; bkl4 4ll Q"Ce t~01. 3' 9dvx n ASGOI tIC "e Par" thi1:44(13 and beet scrip to hhbaber, 184: -10,tteIlt ente , By ( N T OCK r ‘ Bo l,lt . iik,cat trans, actu; ttel t :e ft com e t :i t pe et ZY, on ant her e the kt - C 4 „ without ''ont the ib itim Sa o one, hhattn acct , 111 1lle of th " 1 1 1 7' void." tt ki fAt In as Quier the t!t ,, h, 4c r,: l oti 7 h l tel,74ge of Al, °f the abo , h v." 4 84 , to the - Lll 144,7 f S tock Ex 'ther ' u ann es, and than L !t this As tie or for an:. el; resolution " tagetnen ATIO,) tteuThis IRse:tris ::::Ith ee ei, Nu:mitred 1111. s ( leeM r lerfealt I f.ht — " l o; alsc tat. t : 41 4 res ts r tts of y ea 444Bitreetors, I gkil I:olZ;Yeirnt `>...........___ I I t° ... -retain] ....._._,......_. 41 i 1. 1 t 1 74 t , i \,......L__________ . Ti 4 Aa _ . 11/462.'7410n 4 'mot th e. pr ~,............ ' q ii-71 k ia Gr ibr ac o: a tir Peter L l l t ranels sp a Jo dnd 11. 14 114'n Web ins tm titutu Po 4 t • affor 14 11) tr a Y'lkolder Lotk, tea, ex, ithl t 24)warc ,tietpet ce Akt.ptZ2lally tus 71 1 72 1 31b1 - 7 4 1 11 6 ,:"PSo n Part rtLICA 70, Lo V )4 ,tt wood ktott on 1914",. euhis, Es 4d ' s Fuller OrckA, trnanue' hl lic Periodi c l *14 . 01 1 the it c th ss a b it oi ci e u r it a peculia o r Slconsists i Lehhe has 106, - general s t rteted o 3 t OtQs the me t eaD: e °mPan kth s e lDeetini es ‘Vi: °ll ices a , city an d ItURGI b t 13 *ses, h It Continuo tir l un th"y to titezibor2 tio&- at all clip Conner t It is Pr ! ta t it bei n an NZ?label 1 e • BUR of ha ts - ult. illan Sir 11 ,,tnt of I n , AEA I r l ' an Y Yea esults at fr°l ' l red theref ore, o no want esPeciaL 3 'valuable to myaell RAMP' I am The to ( *mulct', from the 4 °t Put: for till( ter i d antq Odddine; Ileartbu Two effects. action and trim strengtt will be 1 acconlp Sold I Per box A sti