The Sun. — London, England, 1839-11-14 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION .EXTENSION OF REFORM. TO JOSEPH HUME, ESQ. Sra,—The country is under infinite obligations to you for your talented expose of the present anomalous state of the r epresentation, in your valuable speech or Household Suffrage, in the last Session of Parliament. The reply of Lord John Russell was a compromise of his c onsistency, and unworthy of his fame : without be is more wary and careful, for the future, he will live, like Hannibal, to survive his reputation. Seven years have rolled over since the passing of the Reform Bill, and with the single exception of the Bills for the improvement of our Municipal Corporations, the people have, as yet, seen nothing practically, of the be neficial results anticipated and expected from the mea sure. They are universally gloomy and disappointed ; they would, of course, rather bear the ills they have than embrace Chartism, or countenance contusion ; but still they are annoyed, indignant, and dissatisfied. For the last few years things have very much taken care of themselves. Lord Melbourne has given no direction whatever ; he merely sits ostensibly at the helm of the vessel of the State, and lets any wave toss, or any wind blow it, " whithersoever it listeth." Sometimes he seems as if he aimed at making for some port, but any land breeze that springs up blows him off shore, and he seems nearly indifferent as to where the royal bark steers, whether for weal or for woe. The repeated elections we have had since the Reform Bill, and their late impotent results, plainly show that that measure is a failure ; and that it is utterly inade quate, is ordinary times, to return us anything like an influential majority. The object of that Bill was to give to the people a clear working majority in Parlia ment. As it is, it has merely brought us up to an equality, and there left us. The democratic and aristo cratic parties are so equally balanced, that the energies of Government are nearly para lyzed, and the influence of the executive impaired, both at home and abroad. We want evidently a further Reform. The rejec lion of the motion for an inquiry into the subject of the Corn-laws, of the bill for Municipal Reform in Ireland, for National Education in England, and, lastly, the fate of your own m otion for Household Suffrage, plainly prove that we have little to expect for the future, with out we can s trengthen our influence in the House of Commons. We must, therefore, seek a further exten sion, and better distribution of the suffrage, as far as will be practically effective, and at the same time not t o o much in advance of public opinion. All that we can do with our repressirotive system, is to make it less and less anomalous, wile public mind is prepared to receive any proposed change. I respectfully submit to your consideration, whether yes might not, upon some future occasion, disarm a good deal of the opposition which Household Suffrage is sure to encounter, by modifying your proposition. and putting it into a more compact and definite form. For this purpose, I propose, in the course of this let ter, to offer for your attention a plan of Reform which has oceurred to me, and which I have the vanity to think, is of so fair and improvable a character, that in your hands it might hereafter assume a shape fit to be presented to the House of Commons. I do this from a thorough conviction that Household Sufrage is a measure of too extensive and democratic a character to be supported by the country at large, in that unanimous and energetic way as to give it any chance of sucoess at present. People are not as yet prepared for it, and I very much question whether, taking into account the respective amount of the urban and rural population, the results would be such as its advocates expect from it. . _ Household Suffrage, undoubtedly, existed in many of our old boroughs. and is thus far sanctioned by the usages of the Constitution ; but it is utterly unsanc tioned by any precedent as it respects the counties ; as there never was a period in our history when house holders voted for county members. The theory of the Constitution implies that the towns represent the indus try, and the counties the property of the country. The rural population are not by any means so pre pared for the exercise of political privileges, as the in telligent inhabitants of the large towns ; and what might be conceded to the borough with security, would be abused or unappreciated by the uninformed peasantry of the rural districts. For these, and many other reasons, it would not be generally supported ; but what would deter a very large and influential class, would be the fear that it would lead to consequences injurious to the security of property, or the existence of social order. Electoral departments, with which a general system of Household Suffrage is necessarily connected, are also of too new and startling a character ; they savour too much of French Revolutionary arrangements, to be at all popular in an English House of Commons. In this country, where we have old divisions of counties, municipal, parish, and ward boundaries, we have originatingsuffi ,zient lines of demarcation without new ones. — lf we were starting like the Americans, after the war of independence, with an entirely new order of things, we might then divide the country into electoral depart ments, in the best possible way , but, situated as we are, it is far better to avail ourselves of the boundaries that exist, and adopt them, as well as possible, to an im proved system of representation, than to repel by plans which we cannot hope to carry, and whose results would be altogether problematical, even if we could. I have not as yet heard of any advocate of House hold Suffrage and electoral departments who had re duced his proposition into any definite or practical form ; he has been thus far contented to deal in gene ralities, and has expected to enlist public opinion in favour of a system of representation, which was never digtiectly pourtrayed. When the Reform Bill, under Earl Grey was first brought forward, there was some thing definite to support, something round which to rally the weight and influence of public opinion. Re , form no longer appeared in shadowy indistinct ness, but assumed a shape which every one could appreciate, and all classes of the community suited in its support. If you are to unite the peo ple in favour of any further alteration, you must toile the Reform Bill for your precedent, as far as it goes ; retrench a still further proportion of the smaller boroughs; cut others, which send two members, down to one ; and distribute the representatives to those parts and sections of the country which arc at present comparatively unrepresented. With a plan like this, if you did not yourself succeed, you would probably be the " Precursor" of some future Minister, whose name would go down to posterity, associated with its success. Changes of Nliniatry will necessarily occur, in the ordinary progress of 'political events ; and, when difficulties of one kind or other have so far overtaken the Minister of the day as to make new measures and further reforms necessary, that reform will of course be adopted, for which the public mind is pre pared, and which will secure the greatest amount of support in Parliament and the country. I now beg leave to submit my plan for your conside ration, and shall then proceed to show its practical ope ration, by lists and statistical details. I propose, in the first place, to disfranchise all the small boroughs in Great Britain and Ireland, which contain a population of less than 10,000 inhabitants, or, in other words, put them into schedule A. Secondly.—To allow every town, containing only from 10 to 20,000 inhabitants, to send only one Member to Parliament, or, in other words, to put it into schedule B. Thirdly.—To allow every town, containing upwards of 20,000 inhabitants, to enjoy its present political privileges undisturbed, or, in other words, not to diminish its number of members, if it returns more than one. To cut off all out-voters, or others, who do lot strictly belong to the boroughs for which they at pre sent vote. . _ NENV‘iI'A, Fourthly.—To make all the 101. occupiers in the dis franchised towns, county voters, as an equivalent for the loss of their old representative privilege. Fifthly.—To introduce Household Suffrage into all boroughs with upwards of 10,000 inhabitants. Sixthly.—To introduce a 101. constituency into the counties. Seventhly - .—To accompany all these provisions with the Ballot, Triennial Parliaments, anti a reduction of the P r operty Qualification for Members to the posses sion of one thousand pounds. Eighthly.—With respect to the counties, I propose, in the next place, that every county with a population of less than :30,000 inhabitants, should be politically ex tinguished, or put into schedule A. . Ninthly. —Every county with less than 60,000 inha bitants, to be allowed to send only one Member, or, in other,ewords, put into schedule B. bitantrsAllitO7Every county with more than 60,000 inha hrahteveoiNtlohenemebteorsevinerypr6oop,oorotioonp lion, at the ula- In addition t o e t r o so it o s s. P°P a clause of this kind, I propose to su peraddcounty reached that when any town or a certainamount of population, it m ight, upon the petition of bi ta nts, be allowed to send a _A majority of its inha parliament ; and that when it ember or Members to s amo unt, it should cease to send a aik below a certain --the line to be drawn when a Memberlo or M em b ers borough fell below 10,000 —and with a county, below 30,000. This would provide for inevitable changes, and altogether s u p erse d e the neoessafurther y of bringing in any " I Reform 13111 for the future. I must Dow introduce a list of all boroughs in Great Britain and Irela nd ( which return Members to Parlia ment), with a population intoss than 10,000 ; w hi ch I p ropose to disfranch ise or p utA. Secondly.--A list of all boroughs in ditto (which re turn Members), with a population of from 10,000 to 2.0,000 inhabitants ; which I propose to deprive of one Member (where they return two), or in other words put into schedule B. Thirdly.—A list of all the Counties in Great Britain and Ireland (which return Members), with a population of less than :30,000 inhabitants ; which I propose to disfranchise or put into schedule A. Fourth.y.—A list of all the counties with from 30,000 V , ,or 60,000, w hi c h I propose to d epr i ve o f one Member twiare they return two), or in other words put into edule B, Fifilaly.—A list in habitants of all the boroughs with 20,000 and upwards, and the extent to which their i seqoal4er of representatives ~ ould be increased, calculated ati, , rate of one to every 115,000 inhabitants. Sixthly.—A list of all the counties with 60,000 inha bitants and upwards, and the extent to which their re presentatives would be increased, at the rate of one to every additional 60,000 of the population. [The writer then gives a list of boroughs in England and Wales under 10,000 inhabitants, which return Members, which are in all 81, returning 133 Memberb. Also a list of boroughs in England and Wales with from 10,000 to 20,000 inhabitants—they are 45, and return 69 Members. Also a list of boroughs in Eng land and Wales with upwards of 20,000 inhabitants — they amount to 59, and return 110 Members. There are several other similar tables regarding the counties, and the result is that in the English cities and boroughs there is but one Elector to every seven teen of the gross population.] Elector. Population. In the English Counties 1 to every 24 In the Welsh Boroug hs ......••• 1 ... 17 In the Welsh Counties In the Scotch Boroughs In the Scotch Counties In the Irish Boroughs In the Irish Counties 115 • Elector. Population. In Great Britain there is ...... In Ireland In the United Kingdom .., 1 ... 29 In the United Kingdom( Boroughs) 1 ... 21 ++( (Counties) 1 ... 5 0 In England there is one representative to every 27,794 of the gross population ; in Wales, one to every 27,799 ; in Scotland, one to every 44,624 ; and in Ireland, one in every 73,975. _ . In the United Kingdom there are 309 cities and bo roughs which return 403 representatives; and 114 coun ties which return ')53. . - - - The whole county population of Great Britain and Ireland, exclusive of cities and boroughs, is 17,473,750, with one elector to every 37 persons. The borough and city population is 6,655,952, with one elector to every 18 persons, If the whole population of the United Kingdom were equally divided into electoral districts, there would be 36,519 persons for every representative. I do not intend to pledge myself to the entire accu racy of these statistics. I consider them (though cor rect in the main) of less importance than the principle of the measure I recommend. They are merely in troduced to illustrate its practical operation. Before any reform so extensive is likely to be adopted, there will probably be a new census of the population ; when the distribution of the surplus Members of Parliament might be made with as perfect accuracy as is compati ble with a system of representation so antiquated and anomalous as ours. Here, then, is a complete representative chaos—a sys tem which recognizes no principle at all. Here, in Eng land, are Buckingham and Dorchester, Evesham and Guildford, Honiton and Huntingdon, all with less than 4,000 inhabitants, each of which returns two Members to Parliament ; while Birmingham and Bristol, Lambeth and Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester and Southwark, all with a population of from 100,000 to 200,000, return no more, individually, than these wretchedly small places ; and to make the discrepancy greater still, there are Finsbury and Marylebone, the Tower Hamlets and Westminster, each with a population of from 200,000 to 300,000, which return no more Members to the Legis lature than Buckingham or Dorchester, Guildford or Huntingdon. Among the English counties there are nearly as great discrepancies ; there are Rutlandshire East Suffolk, and Westmorland, with less than 40,000 inhabitants each, which return two Members; while West Glou cester, North Lancashire, West Suffolk, East Surrey, and East York, with from 200,000 to 300,000 inha bitants only return the same. Beyond this there are South Devonshire, and South Lancashire, with from 300,000 to 400,000 inhabitants, each of which return no more. So that the two last-mentioned places with upwards of 700,000 inhabitants are met, and politically extinguished on the threshold of the Legislature, by two small counties with a population of less than 45,000 inhabitants—in fact, by less thin a fifteenth part of their number. Verily this is, what Wellington once said of it, " the most perfect system of representation that human ingenuity could devise 1" None of the boroughs in Ireland with less than 20,000 inhabitants, return more than one Member to Parlia ment. There are nineteen boroughs, and the Univer sity, with a population of less than 10,000 which return twenty-one Members ; there is Portarlington, with 3,400, and Kilkenny with 23,740, both of which return the same number. There is Cork with 107,000, and Dublin with 250,000, which return only two each. But the greatest discrepancies, as it regards Ireland, appear in the amount of its county population and the number of Members they send to the Legislature, con trasted with that of the English county population and their proportion of representatives. As for instance ; Inhabitants. Members. Rutlandshire, with 19,385 returns East Suffolk Westraoreland Cardiganshire Huntingdonshire Moutgomershire 3i,041 66,48.5 2 , I North Northumberland... 66,204 While Cork Galway 694 287 ... 2 Tipperary 482,903 Antrim 314,608 Mayo 366,576 Tyrone 302,493 Downshire 352,571 These are most terrible discrepancies ; quite enough in all reason to s arrant the Irish in demanding a repeal of the Union. I come now to Scotland. There are fewer discre pancies in the Scotch system of representation, though it is by no means exempt. It has fourteen electoral districts composed of several places grouped toge ther, which cannot be said to send more than their share, if we once admit the principle of this grouping small towns together. Edinburgh with 162,156 inha bitants, and Glasgow with 202,426, either of which only return two Members, might upon this principle have their representatives increased, in the one case to six, and in the other to eight, without arrogating any undue proportion. In the Scotch county representation there arc greater discrepancies than in the towns : Buteshire with 14,200,, Peebleshire 10,600, Selkirk 6,800, send one Member each ; while Aberdeenshire with 177,600. Ayrshire 145,100, Perthshire 142,900, only send ono each. It the former three small counties were at once dis- franchised, their Members transferred to the three largest towns, and the old electors of the small counties allowed to vote for the shire immediately adjoining, it would tend to reduce the Scotch representative system to something more of rationality and fairness than at present. The result of the application of my proposed rule to the English small boroughs in the first place, would be that eighty-one boroughs with less than 10,000 inhabitants, and which return 133 Members, would be politically annihilated ; or, put into schedule A. Forty five boroughs with a population of from 10,000 to 20,000 inhabitants, and which now return sixty-nine Members, reduced to one each, or in other words put into sche dule 8., leaving thus a surplus of twenty-four from boroughs in schedule B, and 133 from schedule A, total 157. In the Irish boroughs, there are twenty, including the University, which return twenty-one members ; all of which have a population of less than 10,000 inhabi tants. The whole of these would be disfranchised, or put into schedule A, and the twenty-one members added to the former surplus, making 178. In Scotland my rule would not operate to diminish the number of the representatives at all. I include the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin in this disfranchisement, because as Colleges are for the education of Episcopalian young men, they can in justice have no more right to send representatives, than Colleges of Catholics or Dissenters. And beyond this, when their educatio❑ is completed—as they must all have a " local habitation and a name"—they might vote in the counties to which they respectively belonged, and can have no right to exercise two votes, when other people, fully their equals in all respects, have only one. We will now trace the operation of our rule as applies to the counties, in the first place carrying for ward our surplus stock of 178 borough Members. There are two counties in England and Wales, with less than 30,000 inhabitants, which send three Mem bers to Parliament ; these I would disfranchise or put into schedule A, and allow the electors to vote for the adjoining county, or neighbouring division. Thus we have our first surplus of three county Members. There are six counties and parts of counties, with a population between 30,000 and 60,000 inhabitants. Which return eight Members. These eight I would reduce to six, leaving one for each county ; or, in other words, putting two counties into schedule B. I should thus have a further surplus of two county Members. There are six counties in Scotland, whose population beinc , less than 30,000 each, must necessarily be dis franchised, and their electors allowed to vote for adjoin in.. shires. These six counties being put into schedule A, will of course give a further surplus of six Scotch county members. The Irish county reprosentation cannot be diminished in a single instance, as there is not one with less than 60,000 inhabitants that returns Members to Parliament. All the county representatives from Ireland, are sent from densely peopled districts, comprehending in some instances upwards of half a million of inhabitants. We have now a surplus stock of 178 borough and 11 county members, total 189, which we will proceed to distribute among the large towns at the rate of one to every 25,000 i n h a bi tants, and to t h e coun ties at the rate of one to every 60,000 inhabitants. . ENCII AND. .e ...: z , .: ' ` i t' Towns. , ” f. . 1" . '4 2 44 ....! ..9 . 3 3 Man I che T st ( e r r ns. il".i' := 'at ". .L.' Birmingham ........ 2 5 Bristol__ 2 2 Marylebone 2 7 Finsbury 2 7 Sheffield 2 1 Lambeth 2 4 lSouthwark 2 3 Leeds 9 2 Tower Hamlets ......2.... 12 Liverpool ° 4, Westminster 2.. ~.6 THE SUN, LONDON. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 14, P 139. FOREIGN AND COLONIAL TRADE OF FRANCE. (From the Commerce.) " The Administration of Customs has just pub lished the general state of the commerce of France with its colonies and with foreign bowers dur ing the year 1838. These reports have especially a comparative value ; taken alone they lead to great errors, because they are based upon valuations made in the year 1826, of which many have ceased to be correct ; but put together they offer useful compa risons for measuring the commercial movement from one year to another. " Let us compare the following figures:— " GENERAL COMMERCE. Years. Importations Exportations. Totals. 1836 906,000.000 961 000 000 1,867,000,000 1837 808,000,000 758,000,000 1,566,000,000 1838 937,000,000 956,000,000 1,893,000 000 " Thus the total movement of her commerce in creased in 1838 to the sum of 1,893,000,000, im portations and exportations united, compared with what it was in 1837. This indicates considerable progress, being an excess of 528,000,000 or 39 per cent. But if the movement of 1838 be com pared with that of 1836, the increase is only 26,000,000—an increase satisfactory enough, but Lot sufficient to compensate the losses experienced by commerce in 1837. It is to be remarked, also, that the general commerce of 1838 only exceeds that of 1836 in importations, and it is inferior to 1836 in exportations. "If we turn our examination again to special commerce, which is of greater interest to us, be cause it is connected with the development of our industry, we find the following results : Years. Importations. Exportations. Total. 1836 ... 564,000 ,000 629,000,000 1,193 000,000 1837 ... 569 000,000 5 14,000,000 1,083 000,000 1835 ... 657,000,000 659 000,000 1,316.000,000 " Thus the increase is more considerable for spe cial than for g eneral commerce. This increase, taking importations and exportations together, is of 123,000,000 upon the year 1836; it has increased 93,000,000 upon importations, and 30,000,000 upon exportations. " Examining the report in detail, it is seen that the increase of imports is more peculiarly felt in the following articles : Articles. 1836. 1837. 1838. Cotton Silk Wool 32,000,000 19,000,000 34,000,000 Olive oil Hemp and Flax Thread 12,000,000 14,000,000 21,000,000 " Amongst other articles, we will also mention cloves, wood for dyeing and for furniture, cochineal, bark, gum, hemp, and zinc, as presenting a greater or smaller increase. The exportations of our spe cial commerce, that is to say the exportation of the products of our country, and manufactures, had decreased 115,000,000 in the year 1837 ; we have just seen that they increased in the year 1838, and even surpassed the exportations of 1836, by 30,000,000. This increase was chiefly upon cot ton and woollen stuffs : the exportation of the former, which only amounted to 66,000,000 in 1836, amounted to 80,000,000 in 1838 ; the ex portation of the !at' er increased from 49,000,000 to 64,000,000. Silk tissue, which forms the fifth part of our exportations, after having fallen to 90,000,000 in 1837, increased in 1838 to 139,000,000, that is to say, to about the same as in the year 1836. Also the exportation of our wines was, in the year 1838, 51,000,000, as in 1836. " The United States and England preserve the first rank among the nations with which we have re lations. These two Powers have taken part in our commerce thus :—The United States in the pro portion of 16 per cent. with respect to general and special commerce, England in the proportion of 12 per cent. with respect to general commerce, and 11 per cent. with respect to special commerce. Bel gium has preserved, with respect to special com merce, the third rank, which it held before ; but with respect to general commerce, it has descended to the fifth rank, whilst Switzerland takes the fourth. In general our relations have been of about the same activity as in 1836, except in Mexico and in our colonies, for which our exportations are con tinually decreasing. Transit, although it has been more active in 1838 than in 1837, remains below what it was in 1836. The value of commodities passed in transit during 1838 was 183,000,000 ; whilst in 1836 it amounted to 204,000,000. Cotton stuffs form one-fourth of this transit, which chiefly come from Switzerland. " Our maritime commerce is to the whole of our foreign commerce as 70 to 100. This navigation has given rise to a movement of 2,703,000 tons. It was at 2,449,000 tons in 1837, and a little less in 1836 ; this is, then, an increase of 10 per cent. Unfortunately, the French marine does not see its relative share increase ; it still remains at 40 per cent. upon the total movement, and also is reduced 35 per cent., if the privileged navigation of the country with the colonies be deducted. " In gum, commerce had regained in 1838 a part of the activity which it had lost the year be tore in consequence of events, and especially on ac , count of the crisis of the United States. Unfortu nately, this activity has not continued in 1839, and the diminution in the product of the Custom-house ought to prepare us soon for the effects of a re action. coming the husband of one who was to have ruled over the British empire, has declined the throne of Greece, condescended to ascend that of Belgium, and since obtatned the hand of a young, fair, and wealthy daughter of the house of Orleans. A se cond scion of the same stock wears the Crow❑ of Portugal ; and the brightest of all prizes awaits another younger member of a family who, not long ago, were glad to get co►nn►issions in the ranks of the Austrian army. THE HAPPIEST DAY OF MY LIFE• PARIS CORRECTIONAL POLICE.—" Great is the number of conjugal misfortunes. The author of the Physiology of Matrimony' has not pointed out the thousandth part of them ; it would take the whole life and all the patience of an English statis tician to establish a perfect scale. But within the nieinory of husbands never has anything so strange or so ludicrous occurred on a wedding day as that which befel poor Cesar Honore Massias, and in consequence of which he now appears before the Correctional Police. Cesar Honore Massias is 32 years of age ; he is a workman, very well in his way, tolerably steady, working regularly in the week, and getting drunk most scrupulously every Sunday. However the approach to forty years induced him to reflect, and reflection determined him on sowing his wild oats ; he turned his thoughts ro marriage, and instead of wasting his hours of idleness' at the Barriere, he devoted them to Made moiselle Virginie, a young a..d amiable cuistniere, whom he had seen in her garret one day while oc cupied in his trade of a plumber on the top of her master's house. After a long and an assiduous courtship, and after having given to his intended all those guarantees of affection and good conduct which a prudent damsel could desire, the long looked-for day was at last fixed. It was a beautiful day in the month of September. Preceded by his friends, his wife leaning on his arm, the new made husband proceeded to the celebrated house known by the sign of the Chou sans pareil (the cabbage without equal), where the repasts are more famous for their substantial than t heir refined character. Other friends there joined them, and having proposed a pic-nic, were permitted to join the bridal party at table. Every thing passed off gaily, and the guests managed to preserve just sense enough to find their way. When about half way on their road, Massias, pouring into his wife's ear a whole vocabulary of soft nothings, herd behind him bursts of laughter. He turned round, and perceived three young men, who repeated in a mimicking tone all the charming, things of which he had been delivering himself du ring the preceding quarter of an hour to his wife. Massias understands no nonsense on such a sub ject ; his wife and himseif are alike insulted by it, his wife, to whom only a few hours before he had promised protection at the altar, and to whom he was willing to give a specimen of his courage. Thus, without further explanation, he fell upon these untimely jokers, who returned his blows with interest, and an unequal combat is began. The young wife began to scream—a patrol arrives —the adversaries of Massias, hearing the heavy clamping of the municipal boots, take to their heels, and Massias taken by the collar and char g ed with riotous conduct, is ordered to march to the guardhouse. He protests loudly his innocence, but the equivocal state in which he is, renders the guard credulous to his assurances of the attack that he had been exposed to and of whic:i he had been the victim. When he sees in perspective the guardhouse cell as his lodgings for the night, instead of the bed of down, on which he had so long and so fondly reckoned, he turns his fury against the guards, and applies to them every elegant epithet with which his memory serves him. They wish to drag him along—he resists—kicks, swears, thumps ; at last they master him, and drag him off in triumph, while poor Virginie, like Niobe, all tears,' returns to the garret horn whence she had first seen her ill-fated husband. The municipal guards are not ill-tempered fellows after all ; it is probable that if he had been more calm and had better understood his own interest, that after he had explained his unfortunate position, Massias' happiness would not have been delayed more than twenty-four hours. But instead of that, the poor fellow, exasperated to the last degree, amused himself during the whole night in vocifera tions, in attempts to burst the door of his prison, breaking everything which came within his reach, and in abusing those who had him In custody. Hence, after perusing the charge of the chief of the station, it was considered necessary to retain the unfortunate husband in prison. After five weeks' imprisonment, not having been allowed to converse with his wife, except through the iron bars of the gaol parlour, he now appears before the tribunal. a The President.—Ma,sias, you are charged with a riot in the night—with insults by your language, and outrages by your acts, against the agents of the law, and with having destroyed pro perty belonging to others. What have you to say in your justification ? " Massias.—Eh, a pretty marriage, and manu factured under nice auspices. Thumps, the guard house, and a wife whom I have hardly been al owed to shake hands with. I thank ; you a pretty honey-moon I " President—Do you admit the facts alleged against you ? " Massias.—Put yourself in my place. A wif e whom I adore, whom I idolize, my goddess, my Venus, whom I had courted for six months without permission to take the most trifling liberty. At last she is mine, Paradise is within my grasp, and they throw me to the bottom of a watchhouse dungeon, like an unclean animal. " President—But this was your own fault ; you ought to have conducted yourself better. " IVlassias—But then you do not know what love is. I was devoured, inflamed as if I had swallowed all the brands of hell—and they separate me from my wife—from her to whom the law had just united me for life by a tie which nothing could break, as the Mayor had just told me ; and I was to look on in cold blood—l was to have no soul I It was treacle, then, that was to circulate in any veins A pretty sort of a husbana I should make. In fine, gentlemen, I tell you that they would not even allow my wife to come with me into my cell. Re turn me to my wife, I pray you ; I am sure she is here. She will herself ask you for her husband, her darling, her Caesar. Arn't you there, Vir ginie? " At the other end of the Hall a sigh is heard like the lowing of the wind. - " Massias—That's her sigh. I know her Figh. You hear it, gentlemen ; it is worth more than any thing I could say, and you would not separate us longer. Wait for me, Virginie. " The unfortunate position of Massias induces the tribunal to mercy, and he is only sentenced to fifteen days' imprisonment. " The poor devil appeared quite stupified on hearing the decision ; though, after all, he is very happy to be able to reflect that in a fortnight hence his honeymoon will commence, when, if he had had his own way, it would have been over long ago."—Gazette de Tribunaux. Mr. Thomas Potter has been unanimously re elected Mayor of Manchester. The Earl of Lucan is not a candidate for the re presentative peerage.—Limerick Chronicle. SCOTLAND. Edinburgh.. 2 4 I Glasgow 9 6 .--...... IRELAND. Dublin 2 BI Cork ... 2 2 Making seventy-six additional Members. We will now proceed with our distribution, or pro cess of enfranchisement, among the counties. :OU NTIES. Middlesex `") 1 West Suffolk East Surrey 2 2 East York 2 1 West York 2... 14 East Somerset 2 1 CUNTIES. Aberdeenshire 1 1 Ayrshire 1 1 Fifeshire 1 1 Ferfarshire 1 1 ional Members. EMBERS. Wexford Monaghan Antrim Armagh 2 1 Londonderry 2 1 Cavan 9 1 Mayo 2 4 Clare 2 2 Tyrone Cork Donegal 2 2 Tipperary Downshire 2 3 49 additional Members. The result of all these transfers ‘‘ould be, that— The English small Borough representation would be diminished in the number of Members .. Further diminished by Boroughs in schedule B Ireland diminished in its small Borough representation, -. number of Members English County representation diminished, number of Members English County representation further diminished by two Counties being put into Schedule B Scotch County representation diminished 6 Total Out of these there would be distributed in equal pro portions To English large Towns 36 To Scotch, ditto To Irish, ditto lO To English large Counties 54 To Scotch, ditto To Irish, ditto 49 Total The balance of eighteen might readily be dispensed with, as there are already, I fear, in the House of Com mons, more than that number who are useless to their country. This, Sir, is, I think, as large and comprehensive a measure of Reform as you, or any other leading public man will be able to carry in this generation. The prin ciple of it has, to some extent, the advantage of being sanctioned by precedent ; and the distribution of Members among the urban and rural population, at the rate of 25,000 to the former, and 60,000 to the latter, is an arrangement nearly in accordance with the proportions which they respectively bear to each other in returning a representative at present. Of course, if any plan, somewhat analogous to this, is ever brought forward, it will encounter a formidable opposition. The voters in small boroughs would be instigated to petition against it. The Whig inhabitants of cities would be afraid of the extension of the 101. franchise to the coun- ties ; the county gentry and farmers would be afraid of the democratic influence of the great towns ; but, on the other hand, Ireland would be a gainer, as she would have an accession of thirty eight to her present number of representatives. Scotland also would be a gainer, as she would receive an ac cession of 16 Members for her large towns and populous counties ; and England would not, in reality, be a loser, inasmuch as the small boroughs, which would be extin guished, would be better lost tha❑ held ; and the ninety Members transferred would be assigned to towns and districts, whose population, intelligence, and property, entitle them to a legitimate and actual representation. The middle classes have lately been blamed unceas ingly for the faults of Ministers, over whom they had no control, and reproached beyond this for not doing what it was utterly impossible to accomplish. The rash and thoughtless men who made these charges, and who fancied that working out Reform was as easy in practice as in theory, have met and agitated, declaimed and vituperated, and at last disappeared from the scene. Their arms and their errors, their sacred months, and their absurdities, are no longer paraded before the public eye ; bat the mischief they have done lives after them, and in their ignorant and impatient haste to accomplish everything at once, they have done as much harm to the cause of rational liberty, as Peel, Welling. ton. and Lyndhurst together. They are now in abey ance, and when next they enter the field of effective agitation, may it be with tried old friends, for attainable objects, for which the public mind is prepared, and not as the dupes and tools of demagogues and political profligates, whose existence and public conduct is a disgrace to civilization. Admitting, I presume, with you, Sir, that a Demo cratic Republic is, in theory, the best form of Govern ment that human ingenuity can possibly devise, inas much as it is a practical recognition of the equal rights of man ; it is at the same time a form only adopted for a country prepared by education, and a combination of circumstances for its reception, and not only absolutely unattainable in this country by any means whatever, but utterly opposed to the feelings and inclination of an overwhelming majority of the whole people. Living, therefore, as we do under a constitutional monarchy, which has endured for upwards of a thousand years, and which is endeared to the people from education and habit, from victories and glori ous recollections, from antiquity and old association, and from every other consideration that can give permanence and stability to laws and institutions, it is absurd in us to occupy ourselves with abstract ideas of perfect government, or mere theoretical improve ments ; but it becomes a matter of duty to adapt our plans of improvement to the institutions under which we live. Our Government is, in fact, an Aristocratic Re public, with an Hereditary Executive ; it has within itself elastic properties, and is capable of adaptation to all passing seasons and circumstances ; it only requires its capacity for usefulness, developed by an energetic Minister, to show to the world that the largest mea sure of freedom, the most perfect security for life and property, and the greatest national prosperity, may be enjoyed under the genial and fostering influence of an ancient constitutional monarchy. In conclusion, Sir, what I would respectfully press upon your consideration is the propriety of bringing in a measure of Reform somewhat analagous to this, as being in accordance with precedent —one, the extent and operation of which can clearly be discerned, and which would have a far greater chance of finding favour with the Legislature and the country than any proposi- tions of a more sweeping character. In your hands the various parts and proportions of this plan might he arranged with a degree of correctness to which I can make no pretension ; and supported by your talents, and infuential character, it would, I am san guine enough to believe, gradually work its way into the public mind ; and when, after years of discussion and debate, the people shall generally be resolved on its adoption, the way is then clear for any master spirit at the head of the Government to take his stand upon it, and in its ultimate accomplishment secure his own immortality, while he works out the regeneration of his country. I have the honour to remain, Sir, Your very obedient Servant, WILLIAM BIGGS. THE COMMITTEE OF THE PRO TESTANT SOCIETY FOR THE PROMOTION OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. above-named Committee offered, upwards of eighteen months ago, two prizes for essays to dis prove the utility of national religious establishments. Authors were invited to compete, and it was announced that the examiners of the essays expected to make their decision known about the month of May in the present year. Will you allow me to ask the Committee, through your journal, what has been done on the sub ject, as I have carefully looked at the usual channels for conveying such information to the public, and since the advertisement offering the prizes, have not seen ono word of the Committee's or Society's proceedings. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, A PARTY INTERESTED. INQUEST ON THE SUFFERERS BY THE LATE FlRE.—Yesterday an inquest was held on the eight un fortunate persons who perished by the fire in Hounds ditch. After a long investigation which did not explain the origin of the fire, the bodies were ordered to be buried, and the inquest was adjourned till next Wednesday. BOROUGH OF DEVONPORT.—Mr. Tuffnell, having concluded his canvass, left Devonport on Thurs• day morning last, to resume his official duties in Lon, don. Mr. Leach's friends and supporters have also con cluded their canvass, and on Thursday evening they held a meeting at the Town-hall, to otmsider what fur• ther steps should be taken. The admission to this meeting was s t r i c tly limited to those who had signed the requisition to Mr. Leach, and being declared to be of a private character, we cannot give a detailed report of what t oo k p l ace ; b ut we un d ers t a nd that after some discussion a resolution, to the following effect, was una nimously adopt e d :—" That the Committee, having ob tained so large a number of signatures, with assurances of support from a still more numerous body of electors, determine on carryin g Mr. Leach to the poll ; and that a copy of this resolution be communicated to Mr. Tuf nen." The number of s i gnatures o b ta i ne d b y t h e Com mittee in their canvass is, we understand, about 360. The total number of registered electors for the borough exceeds .2,100. We augur well for the ultimate success of the Liberal cause, that the great body of electors have refused to pledge themselves, w hil e t h ere ;re three candidates in the field soliciting their suffrages. No Conservative candidate has yet appeared, but we are promised one in good time.—Devonport Telegraph. LOVE AND ROYALTY. Since Louis the Fourteenth took unto himself a wife, in the person of Scarron's widow, it would be difficult to name many of the Royal or Princely houses of Europe in which some such nzesailiances have not occurred. Though lucre has no reason to bewail any decline of his influence in private life, love—that leveller of ranks par excellence—would appear to have derived additional sway from the levelling times in which we live ; and there are at present very few reigning families some members of which have not obeyed the might of him who, of yore, made the immortal gods woo the daughters of mortal man. If we begin with Italy, the Sicilian Court first attracts our notice. The King's mother married, a year or two ago, an officer of her son's Guards, after dismissing another idol ; a Prince of the same family has taken for his partner a fair daughter of Albion ; and last, not least, the mother of one who will perhaps ascend some day the proudest throne on the Continent, is united to a Sicilian Nobleman. If we move northwards, and leave in our rear a Court whence Hymen is banished, a country where some of the wisdom and munificence of the brightest of the Medici shines in Leopold 11., the ducal family of Lucca presents us a Princess who, the widow of a Royal Prince of Saxony, has lately united herself to one of her brother's subjects. Not far off reigns within the narrow bounds of Parma and Piacenza a daughter of Austria. The widow of one whose flag floated for a time from the Elbe to the Tagus, and since of one of her father's Generals, she is now believed to have formed a third matrimonial alliance with a Gallic member of that diplomacy which obeys the genius of Metternich. In the Sardinian domi nions the Queen Dowager is also supposed to have entered into a clandestine marriage. France pre sents us a very prevalent conjecture as to the sister of the reigning Sovereign having . been long secretly married to one o f h er b r other's Alues-de-Camp. In match not i S n p g a t i o n w ve e r b y ehold F er dinand's widow married , accord - Sicilian R oya l F am il y . I n Portugal a daughter of d g e e n n i e e r ( a i l b bye li eh f e , r to o a ea m r a e n st of re lo la w tiv d e e s gr o e f e— the a the house of Braganza has bestowed her hand upon the handsome ;Marquis de Louie. Retracing our steps, and crossing the Rhine, we find the venerable Sovereign of Prussia united to a Lady of the Bo hemian family of Harrach—the amiable Princess de Lieg n i tz . A P r i ncess o f th e R oya l h ouse o f Wirtember g i s , i t i s said, ab ou t t o marr y an Aus trian Captain of Hussars ; and a Princess of Darm etadt, of dubious birth, likely to ascend the throne of All the Russias, as consort of the Emperor Nicholas's son and heir. Into a French family of no anc i ent pedigree, t h oug h i ts bl oo d has mingled with that of the Royal house of Bavaria, a Grand Duchess of Russia has recently married, to the amazement of the world, though it had given a Queen to Holland, an Empress to the Brazils, a a Crown Princess to Sweden, and a Duchess to Ho henzollern. Th e i llustr i ous h o use of .Nassau is said to be now opposing a marriage between its Royal head and a Belgian lady, who has retired to Italy, in ord er t o wea k en , by time and absen ce , th e affections of the amiable and magnanimous Sove reign, whose late consort was a Princess of Prussia. But what are these sports of love compared with the favours he has showered on the house of Coburg ? By his agency alone a younger brother, after be- CRUELTY TO ANIMALS.—The complaints of the Animals' Friend Society last week were numerous— George House was fined 9s. 6d., John Noel, 10s., and James Paves, 75., by Messrs. Jeremy and Traill, and the omnibus drivers, 64 and 80, were fined in costs, on charges of cruelty and furious driving. Thomas Brown was also charged before Messrs. Jeremy and Trail, with having assaulted the officer, but he was not punished further than in giving his own recognizance for good behaviour (having been drunk and been locked up four hours). In another charge the officer was as saulted, and the mob excited against him by Michael Sullivan and others, for taking a fallow named Absa lom Harris into custody, for goading an ass with a nail. But as there were no marks of ill treatment visible on the ass, Mr. Twyford dismissed the charge. ACCIDENT IN EATON-SQUARE.--As a groom in the service of the Hon. Captain Byng was exercising two valuable horses belonging to his employer, in Eaton square, on Tuesday morning, the horse he was leading became restive, and the man lost his hold of the rein. The animal galloped off at a furious rate, in Chapel street, shyed at a vehicle that was passing, and dashed his fore feet through a shop window. breaking three large squares of glass. He managed to extricate .h l im h - self, and galloped off at the top of his speed unti e came to the mews in which the Ho n. Captain's stables are situated, at the back of the square. At the corner he came violently in contact with a post, and, falling to the ground, expired in a few minutes. Ths horse w as a splendid animal, Captain Byng having given 150 gui neas for it only last week. INGLISK North Cheshire 2 I East Kent 9 1 North York 0 ......1 South Devonshire 2 ...... 3 West Gloucester 2......1 North Lancashire 2 2 South Lancashire ...2 4 SCOTCH CI Perthshire 1 1 Edinburgh 1 2 Lanarkshire 1......4 Renfrewshire I 1 Forty six additi IRISH M FREE LABOURERS IN ST. LUCIA. We, have along been of opinion that the statements i.om this island, of the conduct of the labouring popu- . , lotion, were grossly exaggerated, if not totally false. It is little more than a month since we were shown a pri vate letter from a gentlernarphigh in office in the island, in which the " poor creatures" were spoken of, in ge n nil terms, as subject to much oppression, which had driven many of them to obtain lots of land in the moon taios, where they were industriously growing large quantities of provisions. The whole seera is now out. The suspicions of the negro labourer—his indisposition to labour on the estates—his flight to the mountains, are all accounted for in the following article, extracted from the first number of the Independent The injudicious anxiety evinced by the generality of the Proprietors of the colony, encouraged as it was by the ready assistance afforded them by the Special Magistrates, led most of them, immediately after the Ist of August, 1834, to bind their labourers by con tracts, stipulating a very low rate of wages ; hut like all undue attempts to impose restraint upon an equitable adjustment of the labour market, they have so signally failed in their attempt to enforce the fulfilment of the bond (even the penal enactments imposing imprison ment and hard labour for breach of a civil contract, sanctioned by a Royal order in Council, and rigorously enforced by the Special Magistrates, having been found insufficient) that the opinion seems to be now pretty ge nerally established, that it is more advantageous to both parties to have a free-labour market. Many of the con tracts entered into by the labourers have now expired, but many more have been cancelled by mutual con sent. Since the commencement of this second year of liberty, we have visited most of the districts of the island, and we have found the labourers quite disposed to enter into arrangements with the proprietors for the cultivation of the estates. It is true they will not again enter into yearly contracts at the rate of two or three dollars wages per month, but they are wiling to pay rent for their houses and gardens, and to perform con tract work upon terms which we consider highly ad vantageous to the Proprietor. It must not, however, he concealed, that in this colony, as well as elsewhere, we hear bitter complaints from certain quarters, of the utter impossibility of cultivating estates under the new system. Whence arises the difficulty in these cases, (if it really exists), it shall be our future business to dis cover—at present we can only say, that where our labourers have been dealt with frankly and honestly, and let us add, civilly, they have evinced corresponding virtues—they have been steady and industrious in the performance of their labours, and respectful in their bearing towards their employers. We shall endeavour to obtain a return of the quantity of produce shipped this year, and next week, we shall return to the subject of the agricultural prospects of the Colony ; for we consider it of such vital importance that we shall spare no pains to persuade to the adoption of a better system, if it can be discovered—and, to expose those abuses and vicious practices on the part of subordinates, which are alike destructive of the interest of their employers as of the public reputation of the Colonial Proprietary.' With the assistance of the Order in Council for regulating contracts, the planters had imposed a twelve months' modified slavery upon the people, with all the devilish machinery of penal law to enforce it. Is it to be wondered at, that the labourer, having got his neck out of this yoke, should be unwilling again to wear it? The Independent states, on nis own observation, that " the labourers are quite disposed to enter into arrange. ments with the proprietors for the cultivation of the estates ;" and although " they will not enter again into yearly contracts at the rate of two or three dollars wages per month, they are willing to pay rent for their houses and gardens, and to perform contract work upon terms which we consider highly advantageous to the proprie tors." If, then, they are not employed—if the estates still remain uncultivated, the fault,on this showing, is certainly not theirs. They would be acting very foolishly to put themselves again into the power of the planter—to sub mit to his slavish terms. If he will not employ them on equitable terms, interfering with none of their rights as free men, they are perfectly justified in refusing to work for him ; and, happily for them, they can find the means of subsistence elsewhere. What cares Huma- nity—what care Justice, Reason, if not an ounce of sugar be made in the colony—if every plantation be abandoned to ruin! Is sugar God ?—St. Jago Gazette. MR. GRATTAN, THE ENGLISH CONSUL. (From the Boston Atlas of Saturday, Oct. 5, 1839.) The excellent speech made by Mr. Grattan, at the Festival of the Mechanic Association, is another evi dence of the good feeling that exists in the British na tion towards our own country. This feeling it is our duty and our interest to cherish and encourage. We are connected with Great Britain, and with all the world, by ties that are every day becoming stronger and stronger, and happy will it be for us, if nothing should occur to interrupt this general harmony. One of the regular toasts given at the Mechanics' Festival alluded to " the mother country" in lattering terms, and to the intimate union of England and the United States by steam. The band then played" God save the Queen," and " Yankee Doodle." Mr. GRATTAN rose, and said that the compliment which had been paid to the British nation,—the union of two national airs,—and the flattering manner in which the toast had been received, rendered it incumbent upon him to give utterance to some of the sentiments that rose up in his mind. He could not but feel how ut terly incompetent he was to do justice to the occasion and the subject. He had been called upon by the Pre sident, he presumed, from the circumstance of his hold ing here a public situation ; from the fact that he was, in a certain degree, a minor link in the great chain that binds Old and New England together. He would at. tempt, he said, to respond to the sentiment that had been offered, because he telt confident that indulgence would be extended to simple Mr. Grattan, as well as to the English Consul, while he should, for a moment, give ex pression to his private feelings. If the period of his acquaintance with our citizens, he continued, should be measured by the old fashioned rule of weeks and months, he should consider himself a stranger in Boston. But he was thankful that such a mode of measuring friendship was exploded. Men now take lessons from the march of improvement, and the progress o f th e c i v ilized arts. No man, who steps into a railroad car, is asked how far he is going : the only question is, what space of time will the journey occupy ? We ask not how long have we known a man—but how many acts of good fellowship have we exchanged ? how many friendly meetings have we enjoyed r 1 how many cordial greetings have we received 2 And when he measured his acquaintance with the citizens of Boston by this better rule, he felt as if surrounded by a circle of old and familiar friends. He was happy, he added, in being present on such an interesting occasion. He had examined the articl e s displayed in the exhibition with great pleasure ; and he felt that he expressed the sentiments of the country he came from, when he said, that when the news of this great Fair should go to England —as go it must—it would be met, not with emotions of jealousy or envy, but with a feeling of joy and pride, by the mechanics and artisans of Great Britain. He had come among us, he said, at a most auspi cious period—at the very moment when, by the enter prise of an individual, the two countries ware about to be united together more firmly than ever. And he felt it his duty to call the attention of the Assembly to the fact, stated by Mr. Cunard himself, that had it not been for the liberality of the English Government in assisting this great enterprise, he could not have suc ceeded in bringing Boston and London within a dozen days of each other. Mr. Grattan closed by offering a sentiment which we published yesterddy. The above is the substance of his remarks, given from recollection, and stripped of the elegant English in which they were clothed by the speaker. The assembly appeared to be highly gratified at the excellent spirit which they manifested, and gave expression to their feelings in three loud and hearty cheers. The sentiment immediately offered by Mr. Buckingham, of the Courier, was received with still more tumultuous applause. It was as follows : JOHN BULL AND BROTHER JONATHAN.—So long as the old gentleman sends us such fine specimens of taste, eloquence, and refinement, his nephews will be sure to run through " highways and by-ways" to give him a cordial welcome. We are glad that this opportunity occurred for an in terchange of kind offices, between the citizens of Boston and this distinguished officer of the English Govern ment, and for a pubbc expression of the feeling that exists in the h ear t s o f our peo pl e , towards t hat nation and its representatives. We trust that the residence of Mr. Grattan in our city will con tinue to be as agree able to hims e lf as it mus t be to our citizens. THE CORN-LAWS AND TH E PUBLIC EXPEN DITURE.—A ship of war firstof the ibs of bread class carries say 850 men a-board ; those men co nsume • daily. The cons ump tion, annually , will be 310.2.50 lbs. b rea d, under the present syst e m o f That quantity of Corn-laws, woul d cost Government j us t h a lf as much more, in a ll probability, than it would do were the Corn-laws repealed, and the corn t ra d e f ree . If such a d large m ption of bread t a k es p l ace on b oar d co s nsu the of one ship only in the Navy, in one year, how great must be the consumption of the whole Navy! And, supposing that Government pays only one penny per pound for the bread supplied to the Navy,how great would be the advantage to the Government and the nation could they supply that quantity of bread at one half penny only ! a saving of 6461. annually for one ship. The calculation is made on the supposition that the price of bread supplied to the Navy costs the Govern ment, at the present time, one penny per pound. Is it not, then, a subject worthy of the consideration of the Legislature that they should support a measure from which such vast benefits would flow (namely, the repeal of the Corn-laws), without inflicting injury upon any one, save and except the injury which would be sus tained by th e present monopo li s ts of the bread tax i n the loss o f th e i r p o p u l a rity amongst their sycop hants and retainer s ?—An Old Sailor in the Corn Law Cir cular. EVENING EDITION. CORN AVERAGES. --iiga.--- GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH CORN, For the We,t; ended Nov. 8, )8:i1.), made up from the Returns of the Inspectors in the different Cities and Towns in Englama anti Wales, per Imperial Quarter. Wheat 6;'s 4d. 1 Oats Barley... . 41s. 4d i Rye IMPERIAL AGGREGATE AVERAGES OF THE ..:X WEIRS PRECEDING. Wheat ti7s. * ) :1 I Oats Barley DUTIES ON FOREIGN CORN. Wheat Barley Rye ...... cd, I Pease THE MARKETS. COAL Al Chester Holy well Main 22 sriginal Windsor's Printop 2 IS Pontop Windsor Smith's Pcntop ...... IS 1 West Harley Wylam. Walls End Grace V , ails tend Heaton Walls End Hotspur Walls End Killingivorth Walls End Perkins 2l 3 Walls Endliraddyll'sHetton Y 4 k Walls End Helton Alps arrival since ARKET, Walls End Lambton 24 6 Walls End Russell's Hetton 24 6 Wall; Eud Stewart's 24 9 Walls End Hartlepool 2l 9 Walls End Reline 2l 9 Walls End arrington Tees :42 0 Wails End Clarence Hetton 24 6 Walls End Clarence Tet-s Walls End Tees Hetton t!l 6 Walls End South Durham—. 23 3 :ills End WestHetton Cowpen 2O 0 Hartley last market-d ty, 1. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS Wheat. j Barley. Oats. I Beans. I i'case Per Quarter, Is. to s. s. to . to s. i 3. to s. Is :- , 5 „• Reston .... !51 65 2 , 4 40 'is ‘...6 !42 47 3 9 4 . li.anthee . 6': 71 .36 48 28 :34 38 41 40 44 13 Oito.i ,64 76 '44 47 •26 29 44 46 - 40 ~ . 1, r 61g, , - (B i - 42 24 - 35 - 4 ,! ) , Chit:he:ter ,65 76 , 3.. 44 .'dB )9 43 44 41 .' Duidnow '64 7t: '3B 51 ' '..6 33 36 44 42 45 ,iranti - ,iii 6B 7 , 28 :35 t'. , 1, , 30 - 49 -- 7- Grimsliv - -- 0 Hai sham - 46 -- Hitchin... - --. Ips A ich Lws - 68 : - 43 22 29 31 40 - -- Lon 5B 70 .38 46 25 31 38 44 - 'Maidstone 6.3 75 36 39 '26 32 40 50 .- -- Nor, icn re , worth - 46 - 7-- Ro:t,ford Sandwich 53 77 '2B :32 117 28 - 40 - 4 ' Thettord Wisbech - -. Witham 67 79 ', 34 47 28 34 38 46 44 *l' , Yarmouth ; 60 75 I :33 :35 26 3. , 3. 40 40 41 L. V ERPOOL CORN MA RK ET.-Nov. 5. WHEAT, English, White, per 7019. Red --- Scotch, Welch, and Manx Irish, White 9 6 19 ° -- Red - Foreign OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 3 9 ',!. t I r i s h `'-- . -• . 0 Forei gn BAttLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 46 0 5 2 Scotch and Irish, oei ti 011.3 --- Feeding 4 6 .. - dEANs, English, per Imperial quarter 4B 0 51 o n 0 Irish, &e. Foreign 48 • PEASE, Englisn, per Imperial qu a rte r 5 0 - , Foreign ..., v FLoutt, English, per 2801 b. , i •-••••.- Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 24tos S7 0 5 R v n [Mari Cottx, pt r 480Ib. ..... 44 0 48 5 RYE, per lmper al quarter HULL. CORN MARKET Wheat, White per Quarter) Red sos. 6Cs. 645. Foreign Barley, Malting —s. —s. —s• Grinding los, 325. 345• Oats, Briti>h Foreign (in bond) Beans 4os 435. 465. Pease, Grey Blue and White B. —s• —s• Linseed ... ... Flour per sack;... R.Lpeseeu (per ;0 quarters) 221. 241. 251. CHELTENHAM MARKETS. d. 10 d. Per Bushel. s. d. to s. (1.1 Per lb. 6 Wheat ilarley 4 6 5 0 Mutton ..................... 7 " Oats 3 6 4 0 Veal Beans Hay 4/.os. to 41. 10s. Od. per ton. CANTER B Ulll MARKET. Wheat, white----. 68s. to 80s. 01d.............. —s. to --4 red---... 60s. to 70s Old--........ 686. t ° --4 ._ Barley, Malting 365. to 475. Grinding.. — 5 . t ( 0 .,, ; 2 ; Oats ..... Beans .....---- —8 to —s -- Old--.......... 445. to 4 7 5. Pease 435. to 453. ........... G rey v.v.... 405. to 4s. Pease CHELMSFORD MARKET. 26 to 3 13 Wheat, White 7O t o 'i9 Oats 41 4 Red Barley 67 73 Pease, Gray . ............... 40 : 42 40 White - 41 Chevalier ..... ... 45 48 Beans, Tick .......... -', 38 Grinding ROCHDALE CONSERVATIVES.— O n Friday night last, or rather early on Saturday morning, a OM' ber of young Conservatives sallied forth into the s treets , after a drunken revel, to indulge in their destructive propensities. They broke several lamp-posts at the top of Toad-lane, pulled down a number of pigsties, tore up the flags which formed the causeway, damaged so me houses that were building, broke d own , at Mr. Lorimer 's house the box that contai ne d hi s window-shut ters during the day, and beat one of the watchmen who attempted to seize them on th e i r re tu r n down Toad-lane. They then proceeded down the Walk, tore up by h e roots some young cherry trees in the Butts, smashed some iron railings, and, carrying away pa rt of hou se, e, proceeded to the Gank, and partly unroo fed a From thence they pro cee ded t o Town - hea d, and did considerable damage there without the watchmen being able to seize them. Summonses were issued on Satur day against several who were supposed to be gujlty of these acts of mischief, and they appeared before the Magistrates on Monday last to answer the charge ; 1) : 11t there was not su ffi cient evidence to convict an y parti cular cular individual of the outrages, as no o ne saw the m actually committed. One of the watchmen swore that a young man named Taylor struck him, for which the Magistrates fined him .5/. and expenses ; three others were fined .ss. each, and bound over to keep the peace in future. All the persons concerned in this lawless pro ceeding are well known ; but there is a deficiencyr evidence to convict them. It is somewhat remarkab e. that every individual connected with this affair prides himself in belonging to the Conservatives.—Nanch ester Guardian. No. 96, Cheapside, and No. 39, Albemarle street, Piccadilly.—Sight and Hearing.—Testimonia ls on the Messrs. S. and B. Solomon's newly-invente d Spectacle Lenses and Voice Conductos for Deaf Per sons, from some of the most eminent members of the medical profession.—From Dr. F. H. Ramsbotbam , M.D.: " The newly-invented spectacle lenses of the Messrs. Solomons appear to lift the veil of indistinctness thrown over the beauties of nature and the page of love, by dim or defective eyesight, is an inquisition of no com mon interest to the thousands who require them. I have been using them for some time, and say from ex perience, that they afford most astonishing relief to in dividuals thus circumstanced. F. H. Ramsbotbanh M.D., New Broad-street."—From Anthony White, Esq. : " The Messrs. Solomons' newly-invented spec tacle lenses afford much relief to my vision ; they V s : sess great transparent refractive power, and agree wit h my sight far preferable to any other lens. Anthony White, 3, Parliament-street."—The Messrs. Soloroonbs state that their Invisible Voice Conductor, by wh, thousands of deaf persons have been greatly benefitea, is the s ize of a seven-shilling piece, and when fixed int° the cavity of the ear, is soft and easy, and not mo t!! perceptible than having a piece of wool in its place, PrY, which the faintest whisper at a public assembly is bea a with distinctness.-39, Albemarle-street, and 96, Cheer side.—No agents or travellers employed. the late REVIVALS.-The commotion attending sa d manifestations denominated " Revivals" at KilsYth other laces has also extended to Dumfri es , and . sr p e cial religious services, conducted on similar princoinP.l,:. have been set a-going. Among the revere n d b g a t : v. men who have o ffi ciated, we find the names 0 f t s C a mp- Henry Wight, of Edinburgh ; the Rev. ja,mpenholm. bell, Portobello ; and the Rev. R. VV Prayer meetings were held in the Be. y Milsr°.llVl machray's (Cameronian) church, and the Rev. Mr.. an d (Independent) church, in the morning, at an° ,!' The in the evening, when addresses were deliv.eren beitig audiences generally were large—the majortty to al, females—consisting alike of individuals attac hed belonging most every dissenting creed, and of those !so t, the Establishment. .ks far, however, as we are a an d no extraordinary m anifestations have taken plac, , e_; t no . ‘Dermid's the whole proceedings were conducted with Pert !_ v r er al priety. Prayer m eetings have also been held in 5u Private houses.—Dumfries Courier. P. cm.. ---____----- g PATENT LEVER WATCH 0 £6 6 6 With silver deulole-bottom cases With silver hunting cases This celebrated construction (the mast **. *** .aCc.t;;;; 00 w e b v ic e ll . a watch can be made) ments i. e. the detached escapement, jewelled in four bad'o° is now offered, with the latest irnpr_,,, tamping power to continue going while winding tip, capped, hand to mark the seconds, hard enamel dial, and ye price, at T. COX SAVORY'S, Watchmaker, Silver and Goldsmith, 47, Cornhill, Loni°°' (Seven doors from Grac?church-street)• N.B.—Second-hand Watches purchased in ex ci___ at the A ° - _ - BIRTHS. 1a dy of On the 9th inst., at the Vicaraffe, Ware, Herts, the r the Rev. H. Coddington, of a son." the wife of g ' e r 0 ' On the 9th inst., at Broad- reen Croydon) Major On he the ruik9thshan inst. k, of a at Hanwell-grove , the lad son. Georg O, y Baillie, Esq., of a son. no ker- On the 9th inst., at Cheltenham, the lady of Henry J-' vine, Esq., of Woolly, Wiltshire , of a s on and heir. , of On the 9th inst., at Storey's - ga te, Westminster, the la de i John White, Esq., surgeon, of a daughtei_________.------"-- MARRIED. C ork, rk, On the 7th inst., at Myrtleville House, Carrigaline, . to Thomas Rochford, Esq., merchant, of the city Stephanie Anne, second daughter of Major James Fagan' of the Bengal Army. o f the On the 9th inst., Mr. 0. H. Fox, to Sarah, widow late Mr. George Goddard, of Dalston. DIED. of On the 9th inst., lat Hampstead, James Remnant, Esq., Smithfield -bars, aged 68. youngest On the 19th inst., at Kensington, Henry John, child of Mr. James N. Merriman. of Corx, late Col On the 10th inst.„ Elizabeth, the daughter of Domini c naghi, of Pall-mall East, aged 19 months. On the 10 t h inst., in Euston-square, Sarah, widow of th e late Thomas Mills, Esq., aged 75. On the 10th inst., in Great Tower-strect, Adolph?! Frederick Meissner, Esq., surgeon, of Portland, Dorset, agedu4:e; On the Ilth inst., Elizabeth, relict of Wialiana Stanbto go Esq., of Islewertb. __-- G of ndon . Lo Printed and Published by MURDO YOILL-NI the No. 112, S t rand, at The Sun Office, No 112 strand, fo coun ty of Middlesex. —Thursday , November 1 4, 1839. __-......00•11.1. I