The Sun. — London, England, 1839-01-24 00:00:00

ad, in , been. ments )re at teens. teen, that :4 we 1836, nrtcd• ind xport have Fair? Perth, corn• rming ,nd in a very say it think ltural tes.--- —Mr. e the d and 'ors of puts hen I )ut to civi- enter i our rank inject, ;, will sonic )f the ion to Corn more essary aws, I :Loud as to laws will nerve, quite eighty t take ours ; Le our nufac- them- assed, ye the prices et us. is the bread anube iufac- corn ;olden and ely to mis killed in tlie: draw 1 As a duty No- Coro ,r one, those be mks The merce ; is to [ shall amuel ..!sided f the ance, .urbu- Iterea xtraei which if the goods lio , ss as if 4 on ill be tract; [ ma) , megi-.. .) . C . l : -Of THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 24, 1839. dren to the same professions ?—( Hear, bear.) Do not the far me.rs—do not the labourers act in the same way ? Do not, in deed, the capitalists go on investing their money in the Three per Cents. ?—( Hear, hear.) What is the cause of all this ? There is not room for us all to expand (Laughter)—there is a straitwaistcoat imposed on the body-corporate, which prevents war limbs expanding in a healthy and proper manner.--( Hear.) With one other remark I will conclude. Who has been be. nefited by these abominable laws? I. it the agricultural la bourer? What says the Standard of last evening? Why, that 150 y ears ago t h e l a b ourer was b etter o ff b y 30 per cent. than he is at the present time. Has the farmer been bene fitted? What says the Standard in an artiele against the repeal ? That successive races of formers have gone one after the other, and one after the other have slipped into the Gazette. ( I-fear, hear.) Have these laws benefited the lando %tiers themselves? If we travel throueh the country, and ask whose beautif u l pl a ce i s t hat ? th e an swer will be, " It is 'Squire So-and- So's," or " My Lord So-and_So's. They are abroad--they arc i France—they have gone to economise."—(Cheers and I iughter.) Be a Return from the Prefect of Police in Paris, ten years ago, there w ere thi r ty-fi ve th ousan d E ng li s h residents in France, of whom 6,600 were artizans, I am afraid doing no good there—( A laugh)—and expending annually 8,800,000/ Now, if such were the numbers and expenditure in France alone ten s ears ago, it is not too much to assume that on the whole Continent there are now 70.000 absentees, expending 8,000,0001.—( Hear, hear.) Now, how many of those 70,000 are land owners—posse ssors of these beautiful estates, and how large a sum out of that 8,600,000/. is taken In the shape of taxation by way of Corn-lews.—( Hear, hear.) gentlemen, I shall now conclude by giving you as a toast, " The mover and seconder of the motion in March 1838, for the repeal of the Cord-laws, C. P. Villiers, Esq., M. P., and Sir William Molesworth, Bart., M. P.—(Loud and long con tinued cheering.) Mr. VILLIERS rose, and was received with enthusiastic ap- Plause. He said, Genslemen, it would be needless for me to say that I esteem it a very great compliment to be so received -at such a meeting.—(Hear, hear.) I wish I could feel that the very humble services that I sought to render to the cause in which we are now assem bled have merited such favour. The only claim 1 can make of credit to myself is, that I have net cast away the oppor tunity which an intelligent constituency has afforded me of calling the attention of the Legislature, upon every occasion my power to the evils and the mischief which these bad and indefensible laws were bringing on the country. —(Hear, hear, hear.) Your acknowledgement, Gentle- Men, at present makes my reward complete, for, having engaged in the painful and ungratefuk task of of making last session a deliberate appeal to that= assembly, which united feeling, interest, and power, in rejecting what I proposed._( Hear, hear.) But scornfully as my motion was rejected, I shall never regret having been an humble agent in that painful experiment which you have so long been making in trusting to the justice and the sense of the Legislature, for I am not one of that school who think that we o , ll ght never to do what is right, till we can no longer ao what is wrong—and prefer to legislate, after thought and deliberation, rather than under fear and ex citement.—( Hear, hear.) But, Gentlemen, I am glad to think that, for near three-and-twenty years you have been content to carry your prayers and remonstances to the Legislature, by all the methods the least objectionable that men of sense can re sort to, because I think it now gives effect to that course which You have been forced to pursue.—(Cheers.) You now stand before the world, as having only descended into the field of agitation after having exhausted every other resource. to which reasonable meu could resort, and the urgency of your predicament has been this, that you have seen ruin staring you in the face on the one side, and despair of redress on the other.—( Cheers.) If any man could doubt what he had to expect from the Legislature, or from the influence of internal excitement, the conduct pursue I by the Legisirture during the. last Session of Parliament would have entirely relieved his mind Of every vestige of doubt.—( Cheers.) You see the manner In which these discussions are allowed to be conducted in the House. You see that confident and contemptuous silence Which precedes the overwhelming vote.—( Hear, hear.) You Saw last Session, perhaps for the first time, upwards of 300 Members of the Legislature finding themselves at a civic feast, agreed in their rejection of the measure, and pledging them selves to the maintenance of the monopoly for the Et i t r e, and you saw the result of that increased con s" ence when they committed in any opinion the Unparalleled act of wanton and selfish legislation in refusing tiro Bill which the English merchants were interested in Pais-Leg, and which would enable them to engage in the trade of expo:ling foreign flour, ground by English millers, the results of which I have myself seen in the investment of foreign , c apital on the other side of the channel, where large mills I nave been ereci&d, consequent on the rejection of that Bill, by ! Parties who stated in the hearing of the Commons that th ey would have paid 1,0001. out of their own pockets for that gratuitous act on the wart of the Legislature. —( Hear) All this took place in the face of those facts which you have published and authenticated, of the danzer to which our mann factures and commerce were exposed by l e creign comp etition, in the face of half a million of our arsizans, so dis tressed as to require special enquiry under the direc tion of the Crown as to the mode of relief—in the face of millions ant millions, being expended in parochical relief fOrihe support of those persons divested of employment. I say could any body doubt, who did not believe you to be the least spirited and most servile of the people on the earth, that you would not at the first moment have courage to take the redress into your own hands that was refused you by other means?—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, that moment, thank Gad, has arrived—(Cheers) —and I congratulate you, I congratulate the country. I could almost say they would praise the spirit and determination with which you are availing yourselves of it.---( Cheers.) There is no mistaking the meeting we see as sembled here.—(Cheers.) Can any man contemplate it; composition, and doubt its earnestness, or question its success? Will any man believe y ou have left your homes and renounced your leisure and occupation for any idle purpose of agita tion ? Or, that you who are so much interested above allY other class in the stability of our institutions— aye more than those who waste what you produce.—(Tremen !'°ala cheering.) Will any one credit that you would ever I °ln irf giving an impulse to the general excitement on this occasion, if you had not believed that any evil would be more tol erable. than the one you seek to remove. —( Cheers ) And 1"1 any body sloabt of your success who reflects what that co mbination of wealth and intelligence, have dared in former d i ays against the feuetalism of the country, or when the Lords of the soil have before attempted inroads on your property,—( Great cheering.) I say it is impossible to ques tion your success, and it is impossible to calculate the bless "lgs of that result, because I consider we are struggling for a principle will exercise a more bent:Acid influence upon the condition of man than any other we know.--1 mean that ple of perfect freedom of commerce between nation and Loud and continued cheering)—that which con sider to be the basis of peace and good will among alert far above any other union or convention that we have Yet known, and it is in favour of that I—and I believe those aehom I address—now present themselves, as staunch and Zealous advocates, and it is for that reason that I will not enter into those foolish and fallacious questions which the a griculturists are raising to confuse men's minds as to the re spective value of agriculture and manufacture. We stand here, on the rights of the community—on the right of every Man to exchange the fruits of his toil with whomsoever and Wheresoever he thinks fit.—( Loud cheering.) Yes, the right of the poor man to enjoy the abundance of other countries at home, as it is in the power of the rich man to enjoy them by Journeying abroad.—( Cheers.) First and foremost, in tl:c advancement of that principle, do I claim for the community the right of earning the means of subsistence wherever they can, with the greatest abundance and at the best advantage. To stop that right seems to me to be a most daring act of tyranny.—(Cheers.) That that right should be questioned Is difficult to believe—that it should be continued to be so, seems to me as discreditable to the peeple as it is disgraceful. These English Corn-laws are now known throughout the world, and they are a bye-word of reproach to the spirit and Independence of Englishmen. The Englishman goes through the world and boasts of his freedom, and is ever met by the wretched badge of ignorance and injustice.—( Heir, hear.) Ask the Prussian and the Russian and the Austrian why they submit to despotism, and they will say, " How ! are we worse off than the people of England, who are ever complaining, and ever enduring laws which they say are starving the people, Injuring their commerce, and are excused by no public advan tage ?"—( Cheers.) We reproach the advocate for Universal Suffrage, and he points to the Corn-laws. We are met by the Pauper to whom we would explain the principles of labour, and We tell him to depend on his own resources, and he points to the C orn -l a ws. He says, I know how to obtain my food -and my living; I can toil from morn in g to ni g ht if y ou would exchange the fruits of that toil. He points to the Corn-laws, and says that is' refused him ; and he sa y s public relief is re. Anted him. I say, then, that the Corn-laws area sanction to all the di sco ntent and restlessness and dissatisfaction that .and it is a scandal to us as a free and just I People.—(Loud cheers.) But, Gentlemen, I will not waste another morient of your time in characterizing these laws as I feel them myself, because I know that I am addressing people who are every day and hour experiencing the mi ser i es it produces ; and a more appropriate topic is to concert means by which we, who are all agreed, can abate the nuisance. I can hardly thin k it necessary to deal with the ar guments, if so they may be ca lled, which have been advanced by the advocates of' these laws, for I can hardly conceive that eaten of education and intelligence could use such arguments in defence of them. Can you believe that man who tells you that th e co mmerce of the country is to be placed in jeopardy that a f ew more worthless acres may be ke p t in cultivation ? Can you, who know that we owe every thing to commerce, believe such a man ? Can you believe the man who, f notwith standing our laws enact that honesty is one of the principles . o ? eziur Constitution, would cheat the people of their rights itd .1 believe that education and morality have got too f/traa- thatea sto need any reply to such arguments, but I cannotd 'our mode of arguing in favour of the Corn-laws has e tended 'tin the success of its advocates. I mean that system of mys tification and confusion created in men's minds, and the de priving th e question of the real simplicity of its character. believ e th e gr eatest number of persons who are without the Power to think 3:er themselves are timid in action when they should be forwarel; and there are others who, when they bring their minds to the consideration of the question, and When their attention has been directed to it, have a fund of good sens e w hi c h en ables them to estimate its real value, and these at once fall irsio slur ranks. It is therefore our duty to put forward all the facts and arguments on which our own conclusions are founded. We have all witnessed what perse verance and energy have effected on the question of Slavery. —( Hear, hear.) The difficulties are far less on the subject of the Corn-Laws. Here there is no question as to the rights of property, and the power of the master over the slaves, or his authority in all matter of discipline and punishivnt, morals and education. Here we have a base wrong inflicted on our fellow men and fellow Christiana—men of the same colour and clime as ourselves.—(Cheers.) For these reasons I think we ought now to insist on being heard and not to allow the ques tion to be shuffled off as it has hitherto been—( Loud cheering ) We must come to book with the landlords.—(Cheering.) We will give them a fear hearing, but we demand the same for ou-selves ; and I am satisfied that we are in a condition to invite them to the proof of all they allege, if they allow us to esta blish our allegations.—( Hear, hear.) There are three or four points of some importance which should be set before the pub.. lic with regard to this question. One is that the Corn-laws have injured, and do injure, our foreign trade. The next is, that they augment our public burdens, whether general or local. The third is, that the cultivators and occupiers of the soil do not derive any advantage from them; and if I were to name a fourth, it would be that the owners of the land them selves have no more right to protection than any other class of the community.—( Cheers.) Now I am perfectly satir.fied that there are in this district persons who possess facts to de monstrate the close and intimate connection between the Corn laws and the injury to our foreign trade—( Hear, hear)_.. and I venture to speak this the more confidently, because I have myself lately visited those 'States and countries where manufactures have made the greate . st progress, and where the result has been most felt at home. If anybody should attempt to question the truth of this he would deny the evidence of his senses. I allude to the States of the German Commereisl League; and I do not hesitate to say that the practical opera tion of that League has been to establish a vast workshop in the heart of Europe, supplying the wants of twenty seven mil lions of people who were formerly supplied from this country, and which promises to become the most formidable competitor of this country.—( Hear, hear. ) I venture further to say tai .t the principles upon which that League was established was owing to the restrictive duties we have adopted. I will add further, that if these restrictive duties are continued fur three years longer they will raise the tariff against our goods, and that they will include all that is valuable amoni those who are left of our customers in Europe within the ',care.— ( Hear.) If these facts cannot be denied, the landowners who have created this state of things are responsible for al the evils and calamities which flow from the loss of our tra'ie. They have forced these manufactories into existence, and it now depends upon the fate of this question whether they are to prosper or not. They wanted capital, and we have driven it from our shores—they wanted artizans to superintend the construction of their machinery, and by the operation of the Corn-laws we have driven them over to the Continent. —( Hear, hear.) There was one thing more essential, and that was to keep :the price of provisions low on the Continent, and that has been attained by the Corn-laws ; and if it were asked what the effect of the repeal would be, the answer is —that, first, it would raise the price of provisions on the Continent ; and, sec aridly, that it would increase the de mand for labour in this country.—( Loud cheers.) I have had the most candid admissions made by persons abroad upon this point, and they have candidly confessed to me that their workmen were more unskilled than our's, and that if they had to pay the same wages to their unskilful workmen, they could net compete with us in the market. What, therefore, they dre is, the repeal of he Corn-laws, which would raise the price of corn on the Continent, and drive our artizans home age n. I was also interested in observing how well they un derstood the question, and, as it appeared to me, far bets er than it is uede stood here. Their inquiries were most anxious as to the excitement on the subject here, and they seemed to have a distinct notion of the effect of a fixed duty.---( Hear. ) They all seemed to think that a fixed duty of about 10s. a quarter, would suit them exactly, but that the repeal would he fatal to them.—( Loud cheers ) Their reasoning was per fectly intelligible. There was great discontent in the northern provinces because the tariff excluded our manufactures, en 1 there was no vent for their agricultural produce. The sonic observations as to the sffe t of repel and a fix d duty, were re peated not once, but twenty times to Ice. I know, 'Gen tlemen, that it is unnecessary to enter into these details to persons touch better informed on the subject than myself, but if I should say anything further to the cbservetions I ma le while abroad, I should say there is not a moment to be lost. I was informed, and I believe that every year their artisans a-e becoming more skilful aed experienced, and a number of articles formerly produced exclusively by this country, are the results of the improvements they have effected within the loot few years.—(Hear, hear.) I saw all the arrangements mode to put the names of English manufacturers ou all foreign goods, and they said they would not have ventured to put them if there was any real or perceptible difference, although they would not have ventured to do so a few years ago. Therefore every day the repeal of the Corn-laws is postponed we are losing the chance of recovering the ground we have: lost.— (Hear and cheers.) But the other point of the great addition to our public burdens, which the Corn-laws occasion, is equally obvious. Oae of the disadvantages we sustain in in competing with the foreign manufacturers is, that we are much monr heavily taxed. Half of our income is devoted to the support of our public estabishments—the army and navy, and the supplies of ships in the dock-yards. The cost of provisions enters into every one of these, and, in proportion as the price of bread is reduced, are savings effected in all these items.—( Hear, hear.) Can any one doubt that we are paying more taxes than are necessary, when we are paying more to every public servant than would be necessary if pro visions were lower ?—( Hear, hear.) What is the great amount of our local burdens—the Poor-rates and County-rates—corn possd of, but the cost of supporting a certain number of per sons in public institutions and gaols ?—( Hear, hear.) Every local tax must consequently be increased, -by whatever in creases the cost of provisions. The next point is to show, after having demonstrated the evils of the system, that no one derives any benefit from it. That can he demonstrat, d to the satisfaction of the public, if not of the farmers. The latter say—true, we have. no interest in paying higher rents and higher price for our seed and the keep of our horses, but we are afraid the landlords would not make a proportionate diminution in the price of their land. The next point is, that the landlords have no claim to exclusive protection, and I ven ture to say, that he has no more title to it than the landlord at an inn between Manchester and London would have to com pensation, because of the establishment cf the Railway. If these facts are established and made known, I believe we shall have all the community with us. Some friends of ours have thought it wise and defensible to recommend a compromise of principles. I do not venture to recommend such a course lest I should be looked upon as a traitor to the cause.—( Loud cheers.) The mode of proceeding we have now adopted has been forced upon us. We have been told that nothing can be done unless there is external agitation. Fortified, then, as we are in this cause, as no men were ever in any other— sanctioned as we are by the authority of every thinking man, who has given any reflection to the subject—justified as we are by the experience of a quarter of a century, of the present sufferings of commercial men—of the outrages inflicted upon all principle, and law itself--I say, if you now falter in prin ciple, you will be unworthy of the struggle in which you are engaged. I have given notice of a mot ion u p on the sub j ect in the approaching Session—( Immense cheering)—and what ever course you may suggest to us, you will nowhere find a more willing servant than myself.—( Jenew ed cheering. ) Sir W. Alooeswoern then presented himself, and was re ceived with great cheering. He returned thanks for the man ner in which his health had been drunk. lie said, that dur ing the seven years he had sat in Parliament for Cornwall and Leeds, he had on eve r y cccasion voted against the Corn law —(Cheers.) He had felt it his duty, not merely to re cord his vote, but to express in the most decided terms his ad herence to the principles of free trade, and his strong convic tion that any tax on food, whether in the shape of fixed or fluctuating duty, were most injurious to the economical interests of this country.—( Applause.) It had been but too well proved, he was grieved to say, how pernicious such a tax had already been. It had been shown by undoubted facts, and on the high authority of many gentlemen then present, that in consequence of the virtual prohibition to receive foreign corn in payment for their manufactures. The foreign demand for the produc tions of their industry was gradually decreasing. The chants were thereby losing the best markets in the world. The profits of the manufacturing capitalist were greatly reduced, as were those of every other description, not excepting the farmer. Many persons who possessed large capital,were tempted by the hope of more profitable investment to transfer it to other countries, there to employ the cheaper labour of races inferior to their own, not fur the purpose of employing such labour as it might most beneficially for this country be employed, in procuring articles of exchange for the products of their home industry, but in initiating them in competing with them, and that too by the aid of British-born skill and British-made ma chinery, in those very commodities with which they could, both best and cheapest, supply the world, were it not for that accursed Corn-law. These concurring causes were depriving the labourers of employment ; their wages were therefore low, and from the high price of food frequently insufficient ; at the present moment their wages were hardly enough to preserve them from starvation, as the home-crops were defi cient ; and supplies of food could not be obtained from abroad, first because the Corn-law had prevented the growth of food for the markets of this country, and secondly because other governments had wiselyproliibited exportation,which would make their subjects share with the people of this country in the evils brought upon them by the folly of their rulers, in the supposed pursuit l of their selfish interests. He said the foll y of their rulers, because as a landlord, and having no property of any description except in land, he felt convinced that the landlords were acting in ignorance.—( Cheers.) That as a class they were as deeply interested as any other class in the permanent and increasing prosperity of this country, now seriously en dangered by a Corn-law ; for in proportion as this community became richer, and more populous, the demand for the uses of their land would increase, therefore the value of their lands, and consequently of their rents, must decessarily augment. To every one the Corn.law was an evil. In ordinary occa sions it gave rise to that general uneasiness which was felt when there was a want of employment, and wages and profits were low. On other occasions, and those unfortunately not rare ones, when Divine Providence withheld the blessings of a bounteous harvest, then it became a sentence of famine. It would be Paesumptuous in him to address the assembly at greater length on the subject of the injurious conse quences of a Corn-law. He came there not to speak but to listen, not to discuss, but to receive instruction from those whom daily and hourly experience had made best acquainted with that question, and thus he hoped to learn such facts as would on a futu r e occas i on , a nd in another assembly, furnish him with fresh weapons of argument to assault the upholders of a Corn-law. The period for discus sion was past—the time for prompt an d v i gorous act i on wa s com e. It afforded him the highest satisfaction to find that this question was no longer considered to b e a pure l y specula tive one, but thatit load beets taken up as a p ract i ca l one , immediately to be urged and insisted on by a great port i on o f the most active and intelligent minds in this country , b y men who knew both w hen the period for action was come, and ; how on such an occasion to act ; he referred to the gentle ; men whose delegates he then had the pleasure of a dd ress i ng. i The first requisite for action, he observed, ' was union ; union amongst all persons, of whatever political faith I they may be, who acknowledged that a Corn-law •• was an enormous grievance. That union shoald be foun led upon the tacit agreement, as well as upon the e traest conviction, that all other public questions, were for the present, of little consequence compared with that of a total Repeal of. the Corn-late—(Tremendous cheering)—that as from the continuance of that statute, the prosperity of this empire was in imminent danger, so all persons who were pro foundly and solemnly convinced of that fact, should spare no efforts—should think of nothing—(Cheers)—nor, as far as possible, permit ought else to be thought of, till this great danger be averted.—( Loud cheers.) Nor could they hope without some such solemn league and covenant to be success ful against their adversaries, who were both many in number, and powerful in their ignorance.—( Loud cries of 'hear, hear.') The gentlemen of Manchester had been accused by their Representative in the Cabinet, of having been faint hearted and lukewarm in this cause, during times when others had been struggling in vain in their behalf. Whether or not this accusation were well founded, he could not pretend to say. Certainly he did not remember, when he last year had the honour of seconding Mr. Villiers, to have heard the influential voice of that representative—(Cheers) nor the previous year, on the motion of Mr. Clay, was that Right Hon. Gentleman less silently favourable to an alteration of the Corn-law. Were these the proofs of their want of zeal ? If so, they had now made ample amends by siezing, with signal promptitude, the, right moment for action, and selecting with the soundest judgment, the best course to be pursued. Their example lad heeti followed by Liverpool, Glasgow, the great town lie had the honour of representing, and he hoped the other towns of Great Britain and Ireland would likewise imitate them in collecting subscriptions, and promising petitions to Parlia ment against a Corn-law.—(Cheers.) Every petition should contain the prayer to be heard at the bar of the House of Commons, It was impossible, he thought, to overrate the importance of obtaining permission to give evidence against the Corn Law : for then so clear a case against it could be teak out, and one supported by such unquestionable testimony, that few persons, who attended to it, would be able to deny the extent of their grievances, the justice of their com plaints, and honestly refuse them address. In order to obtein permission, two things were requisite ; first numerous petitions. Secondly, that tile members, to whom those petitions were en trusted, should be called upon to maintain their constitutional right of explaining in a speech the grievances of the people, (cheers) when the petitions of the people were presented. Of this most important privilege the members of the House of Commons had often been deprived by some foolish under standing. A member who attempted to speak, even on the most important petition, was immediately put down, and the petition itself laid unnoticed and consequently without influence on the table of the House. Thus the right of petitioning, one of the most important constitutional safeguards of their libar tiea, was degrad id into a mere farce. This (eight no longer to be endured. He was glad to find that his hon. friend Mr. Ward, the. member for Sheffield, had taken the same view of this case as himself, and had pledged himself to his constituents to maintain their right of having their petition attended to. Remembaring, as be well did with what success and determination Mr. Ward had brought under the consideration of the House the Appropriation ques tion, the important question of having correct lists of the dini. sions, and several others, he felt convinced that pledge would be redeemed. If this were done—if might after night peti t ors against the Corn-laws were presented, and on every pos sible occasion a debate be made to arise—if the prayer to be heard at the bar be repeated over and over again, they might be assured that at last their complaints would be fully exa mined, and justice would be done to them.—( The Hon. Baro net concluded amidst loud and general cheerin g .) The CHAIRMAN said it was his duty (which he omitted in opening the business of the meeting) to announce, that in ad dition to the Members of Parliament who had favoured them wiih their company, there were present Mayor and Deputation from Leeds Ditto ditto Lancaster Ditto ditto Hull Ditto ditto Bolton Ditto ditto Stockport A Deputation from Edinburgh Ditto Glasgow Ditto Birmingham Ditto Wolverhampton Ditto Liverpool Ditto Nottingham Ditto Derby Ditto Leicester Ditto Blackburn Ditto Preston Ditto Halifax Ditto Wigan Ditto Rochdale Ditto Sheffield The MAYOR of Manchester ( Thos. Potter, Esq. ) then gave - The Members for Lancashire who voted in the minority on Mr. Villier's motion.".—( Cheers.) The obnoxious Corn laws had destroyed the comfort of the poor man, had destroyed the prosperity of the farmer, and had only enriched the land lords.—( Hear, hear.) He congratulated the meeting on the means they were taking to annihilate those laws—he knew they would persevere and their exertions were Certain of being crowned with success.—( Cheers. ) Mr. BROTHERTON then rose to return thank, and w:.s re ceived with deafening cheers. lie thanked them for their warm and flattering reception. It was unexpected on his part, and he dc, ply regretted that he should be called on to respond to the toast, in consequence of the lamented illness of their worthy and respected friend, Mr. Mark Phillips. - Hear.) He was reminded by the banner on the walls of that room that "England expects every man will do his duty."—(Cheers.) He trusted that at the ensuing meeting of Parliament all the Lancashire Members would zealously represent the sentiments of their constituents on this most important question.—( Loud cheers.) For himself, he would say, that his humble services were completely at their com mand. Ever since the Coro-law was enacted in 1815, when the House of Commons was surrounded by bayonets, he had been the most determined opponent of that law, believing it to be opposed to all the best interests of the country ; and since he had had the honour of a scat in Parliament be had always either raised his voice or given his vote in support of every motion that bad been made for the re peal of these laws. He had considered these laws, and al thongh he was attached, as it was natural he should be, to manufactures and commerce, yet he did not wish by any means to depreciate the agricultural interests. He knew that they were fellow-countrymen, and they only had one interest. He wished both to prosper.—(Loud cheers.) Prosperous manufacturers would ever be good customers to the agriculturists, and prosperous agriculturists would be good customers to the manufacturers.—(Cheers.) This was no party question, it was a question between the nation and a small but a very powerful class: it was a question of life or death to the manufacturers.—( Cheers.) The ground of his opposition to the Corn-laws rested upon the foundation of eternal justice.—(Cheers.) He considered the Corn laws to be unjust, inhuman, and impolitic.—( Loud cheers. ) He had ever considered the system as a most wicked one. Whatever was a tax upon the necessaries of life must increase the cost of production, and diminish the profits of capital.— ( Hear, hear.) The consequence of this was that manufacto ries were being erected all over the Continent—their machinery %%as exported, their artisans were leaving the country, and foreigners were enabled to undersell them in various places. He really feared that if this lamentable state of things conti nued, the foreign trade of England would be destroyed.— ( Hear, hear.) It was said that the Corn-laws had been in troduced to keep prices steady ; but had that been effected? The landlords would say " Yes," but such was not the fact. Old Hobbs, the philosopher of Malmesbury, had said that ma thematical truths would be denied, if it were the interest of man. Some change in the present system was absolutely necessary, and it could not be too soon effected. It was stated at the Chamber of Commerce that the country lost twenty-five mil lions a year by the Curn-laws. If the subject was looked at retrospectively, it would be found that since 1815, when the Corn-laws were established, 550 millions had been lost to the country, and if to that was added the 300 millions paid to the army and navy, the whole of the national debt would be paid off.—( Loud cheering.) He trusted that on this subject there would be a perfect union among all parties, and that they would give " a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull alto gether," for the total repeal of the Corn-laws.—( Applause. ) Mr. HOLLAND HOOLE, in proposing the next toast, said, that as master and servant, he had suffered under the operation of the Corn-laws. He had at preient many hundred:human beingsdependaat on him for support, and he would most decidedly confirm the observations of Mr. Gr.‘g and others, that their Wide could not be supported if the Corn-laws were not repealed.—( Hear.) His own experience supplied him with facts, which if it were necessary he would detail to the meeting, and which must convince the most sceptical of the injurious tendency of the present system. It had been stated that the people were not interested in the present agitation ; but what more than the present meeting could be required ? Were not they the representatives of the working classes—did they not employ them, and pay them, and as;Mr. Greg had t their, for the last two years out of their capital ?—( Hear.) Were they not the first to see the coming storm, and feel the quaking foundations of the commercial and manufacturing prosperity of the country ?—(Cheers.) What more did they want ? Did they require another Peter loo, or did they want men, maddened with hunger and frenzied by famine, their children perishing before their eyes, to come, with uplifted hands, and threaten the destruction of property and life? Was that the way they wanted to have the Corn laws repealed ? Thank God, that would not be the case.— .(Cheers.) Mr. Hoole concluded by proposing— " The manufacturing and agricultural classes; may their mutual interests be a bond of union between them." Mr. CLAY, M. P., spoke to this toast. It was impossible not to feel that the present meeting, replete as it was with every element of wealth, of respectability, intelligence, and social position—replete as it was with every element which could give weight to the ex pression of public opinion, was of great importance. for the accomplishment of the great object that bad brought them togethes. The Hon. Member then alluded to the con temptuous manner in which the question of the Repeal of the Corn-laws had been latterly treated in the House of Com mons, and argued that that fate would await the question no more. In his opinion laws more disgraceful in their operation had never sullied the Legislature of any country.—( Cheers. ) The protection which was extended to the lauded interest was different in character from that ever extended to any other class. These laws were intended to regulate the price of corn so that it should never fall below a certain sum. What right had the producer of corn to have the article which he produced kept at a high price, any more than the producer of a bale of goods ?—( Hear, hear.) The prieection of the Corn-laws differed not only in degree, but in character, from any other protection. It was to our Corn-laws that were to be attributed that wide spreading of hostilities to which his lion. Friend. Mr. 'Villiers had alluded. It was to our Corn laws that we owed the Prussitn Ler.gue.—( Haar, hear.) -He thought it was impossible to read the evidence given before the Committee in 1836, without entertaining very strong doubts whether it would not be possible, with a more judicious appli cation of capital to land, for the English agriculturists to com pete successfully in every produce of land with the foreign growers.—( Hear, hear.) This should be borne in mind that if the foreign grower bad in some parts (though not in alt) a better climate, and perhaps a more fertile soil, at a cheaper rate, we had more than an equivalent advantage by having a concentrated population for markets ; a population affording a ready demand for all the varied produce of a farm, for pro duce se bulky that it could not be imported ; and that the very same circumstance afforded an nnbounded facility of procuring manure. —( Hear, hear.) Therefore, he said, it was impossible to consider the subject ateentively, and to read the evidence given before Parliamentary Committees without feeling that this question had never yet been fairly tried, nor would it ever be fairly tried until all this odious monopoly was removed, and the agricultural capitalist (for such was the farmer) was left to employ unfettered his capital and skill as it might seem best to him. Then he was convinced the . English farmer would be - able to compete successfully even in the growing of corn with hi s f ore i gn r i va l s . —(Ch eers .) They ha d' not to contend, as it was constantly endeavoured to be shewn, with the whole agricultural interest, comprehending under that term the owner of the soil, the farmer, and the labourer—they had simply to contend with the owner of the soil.—(Cheers. ) The Corn-laws-were decidedly injurious to the farmer, and it could not be said that the labeurer, whether agricultural or operative, could by any possibility be benefitted by the high price of food.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He had no hesitation in saying, that if there was one class more deeply and permanently interested than another in the continuation of those laws, that class was the landowners.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said by some that the present Corn-law agitation had been got up by selfish men who wished to make large fortunes. He thought such a a charge came with a bad face from the landowners. There was an old adage, that those who lived in glass houses ought not to throw stones—(a laugh)—and he really thought it would be as well if the English landowners were not to talk of selfishness. In conclusion the Hon. Gentleman said he believed their perseverance would he ultimately crowned with success. To despair of ultimate success would 'be to ! doubt that right would triumph over wrong, and his bumble though zealous exertions would always be at their service.— (Loud cheers.) Mr. Alderman Kartstraw proposed the next toast. He sincerely congratulated them on the position in which they were now placed. He considered these laws an insult to the peo ple. To the deputations from other towns, and to the men of Manchester, he would say let this be your motto, " Toe total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws."—( Great cheer ing.) He would take the liberty of impressing upon all the necessity of considering the question in all its bear ings --let them not depart from the principle ; for he verily believed, that nothing but the carrying out of that principle, would save the manufactures, the farmers, and all classes from ruin. The crisis was rapidly approaching, and he would impress upon them, in order to avert it, the necessity to agitate, agitate, aeltate.—( Cheers.) He would give them—" A cheap loaf for the people."—( Applause.) Mr. LEADER, M. P., then presented himself to the company. The Hon. Gentleman, in a very able address, pointed ou the evils which wereoccasioned by the present system of Corn-laws. He observed that if steps were not immediately taken for their repeal, nothing would save the manufacturers from ruin and the working, classes from starvation. Much discontent and ex citement existed among the latter class at present. He re gretted further to find that they were not disposed to join the advocates of the repeal of the Corn-laws. He trusted, how ever, they would be induced to view the matter in a different light, and join them heart and hand. No class would be more im mediately benefited by the accomplishment of that object than the working classes themselves. The wealth and intelligence of the manufacturers might enable them to succeed, but if they were • backed by the working millions, they would be irresistible. It had been suggested by some parties to have a fixed duty, but as their opponents had inscribed on their banners "No Sur render," let them inscribe open theirs " No Compromise."— ( Applause.) It was clear that the Ministers would do nothing unless well pressed, and if so they would have more pe haps than they liked. Mr. Leader then referred to the manner in which the petitions of the people were treated in the House of Commons, no discussion of any kind being allowed upon them, and hoped the people would pray for an alteration in that re. spect. They should also petition to be beard against the Corn-laws at the Bar of the House, far that plan had been re sorted to on a former occasion with the best results. He trusted that they would persevere unceasingly until they had attained the object they had in view.---( Cheers.) Mr. J. C. DYER said it would not be becoming in him at that late hour to occupy too much of their time. They should never lose sight, while endeavouring- to get rid of these mis chievous laws, that they had a very powerful body of interested opponents to contend against. Let them keep in view the principle upon which the repeal of these laws was claimed— namely, their injustice.—( Cheers.) They should always con tent-I that the people had a right to exchange their productions and manufactures for whatever they required in other countries.—( Hear, hear.) He denied the right which the agriculturists claimed of having a protection which no other class of the community enjoyed. And he was satisfied that the interests of the farmers would be rather benefited than otherwise by the repeal of these laws. Let it be supposed - that these landowners had a right to supply the country with home grown food, what would the principle lead tu ? In 1780 the population of Great Britain was only eleven millions, and by the last census in sixty years it had nearly doubled. If in the course of another sixty years the population was again doubled, and amounted to forty , millions, as might be calculated, what a tremen dous power would that place in the hands of the land. owners. No power was so tremendous as the power of starva tion and the power of compelling the manufacturing and working classes to pay whatever sum they pleased to fix as the price of food.—( Hear, hear.) That position was enough to point out the folly and absurdity as well as the danger of such a principle.—(Cheers.) The people of Manchester had taken the lead in the present glorious struggle, and he trusted they would be manfully and cordially supported by all the other parts of the country.—(Loud cheers.) He trusted that if that was done, and when the honesty of their principles was fully understood—when the danger of refusing them was rightly appreciated—those obnoxious laws would be for ever annihilated. It was evident that no country could re main for any time stationary—it must either progress or retrograde, and as evident symptoms of decline were already visible, it was their duty to endeavour to arrest it in time. He was about to name to them a gentleman, who had done more than almost any other in the kingdom to promote this question.---( Loud cheers. ) When the powerful appeals of Colenel Thompson bad been so long disregarded, he trusted that now they would evince the respect they entertained fur his valuable exertions.—( Much applause.) He begged to propose " The Author of the Corn-law Catechism, Colonel Thompson."—(Three times three, and loud cheering.) Colonel TflompsoN then rose to return thanks, and was wAcomed with deafening cheers. This was the first time he had ever presented himself before an assembly of this kind, in a country, of which it was once said that her merchants were princes, but he was afraid the time had now come when at least many of them, if princes, were living on their hereditary revenues.—(Laughter.) They need look no farther than to their own houses and families, to sec how they had been brought down from greater wealth to less--and from wealth to poverty, and which of them had not some friend thrust into that hell of the community— the Bankrupt List,' or who had transported himself to Van Diemen's Land because this country was too hot to hold him.—(Loud laughter.) They had been teak but they were now strong. There were fluctuations in all human affAis. Let them show themselves not to be feeble on the day of their success. Let them not have to blame themselves hereafter that they let slip the moment of their power.—( Ve hement cheering.) They must make no feeble compromise— those who desired much must ask enough.—(Cheers.) Their adversaries had imposed on them a tax which had oppressed them for 23 years, and why should they not put something like a tax on them ?_( Cheers.) He understood their lion had said that he roared five years ago—was it not time that he should roar again ?—( Cheers, and laughter)— and that not gently. Should ho refuse, bitter would be his feelings. He could assure them, if he had time and opportu nity, and power, ha would endeavour with his own hands to stick a " p" into the name of their Representative. (A laugh. ) They should call on men of all political feelings to unite with them in removing those iniquitous laws. Let them give a fair chance to every body, especially to those now in power; but if they would not exert themselves other men should be put to the helm.—( Cheers.) No man should count too long off public and they and the speedy a tt a i nmen t o f th e all health and happiness, were ecalrvainseeest who were soonest and most heartily —the spirit of the public was now up, along with it. (Cheers .) In conclusi o n, h e w i s h e d t h em great object for which they had met together._(Cheers.) said—ln co nsequence o f t h e over -. w he :lineil CHAIRMAN aI a applicationsaIAN for tickets to thi s dinner, the Committee, T to accommodate a vast number of individuals, shut out on this occasion, have made arran gements for a Dessert, to be held h ere , at five o'clock to-morrow afternoon, at which the Me:nbers of Par liament and the Mayors and Deputations will attend. W e have a great body of im cpaomrteantmiainlfyormmailte. At eleven o ' c l oc k to-morrow morningiosn to receive fr om d eputations who have there will be a meeting of the delegates at the York Hotel to arrange for the final plan of proceeding, and we shall be able at the desert to announce the result of our deliberations. / a m happy to inform you we have collected 6001. to-nigh t, so th at we have now nrarly 6,0001. ( Great cheering.) I n f ovi give yo u as a toast, " T h e A nt i- Corn-lawGlasgow."— (Cheers.) Mr. Jouri soN , the President of th e A ssoc i at i on , returned thanks. He found t hat a p or tion of the London Press vas making a atotemen t to t he effect that the landowners Association o paid all the taxes of the country, and that the manufacturers had hitherto escaped. In answer to that he would now make the following statement : I happen to own a fe w hun dred acres of land, worth about 1,0001. a year ; I am also a cotton manufacturer and foreign Y manufacturing esta bli shment is entirely devoted to therc supply of foreign demand. W e d o not as k B r i ta i n to pmuerelhmasnet—nlasmzle yard of our production; our customers are the people of America, Mexico, Brazil, Cuba, Manilla, Chili, and such like. Our works would answer all purposes were they placed on the banks of the Elbe in place of the Clyde, or, perhaps, the banks of the Hud son would be better than either. We give employment to 1 ,700 peopl e , an d consume 1.200 barrels of flour, and turn out 25,000 yards daily. Now I wish to contrast the advantages to the State of such an establish. went with my psition as a landlord; as such I pay direct taxes as under : Assessed taxes on windows, carriages, horses, servants, dogs, &c £24 17 0 Land-tax, about 6 per cent. on rental 25 3 3 £5O 0 0 On Manufacturing and Commercial Establishment. Paid to the Collector of Customs— Duty on 974,400 lbs. cotton wool, at 2s. 6d. per cwt... Ditto on dye stuffs, oils, &c l5O 0 0 Ditto on 1,200 barrels foreign flour, averag . ing several years 20s. per barrel 1,200 0 0 Stamp duty on 85,0001. Fire Insurance 127 10 0 Ditto on 150,000/. Marine ditto, at 4s. 6d per cent Ditto on 150.000/. ditto Returns, at 53 Ditto on Bills of Exchange, Lading, Re ceipts, &c 3'27 10 0 375 0 0 100 0 0 £3,367 10 0 Indirect Taxation. On the farms, mansion -house, 40 people may be employed, whose consumption of taxed articles, such sugar, tea, spirits, &c., may yield to Government for each indi vidual 3/ £l2o 0 0 In tl e works 1,700 at the same rate 5,100 0 0 It is thereby clear that a landed proprietor of 1,0001. per an. may contribute, directly and indirectly, by himself and tenants, y a:ly 0 G v nmeat, I 701.; whereas a m inufacturing and com mercial establishment as described will contribute 8,4671. 103. The county and.poor-rates payable by landlords are more than counterbalanced by City-rates and poor assessments of manu facturing establishments. The landlords ought to be taught that the prosperity of every country depends open the number and industry of its inhabitants, and that a growing population, useful employment, and increasing wealth and capital, must more certainly increase the value of land than any artificial expedient for raising the price of part of its produce— Hear, hear)—and we must impress upon the Government that a regular supply of corn, and at a moderate and steady price, is essentially necessary to a manufacturing and exporting country ; and that any law which raises the price above its natural rate, must prove ruin ous to the manufacturers and distressing to the inhabitants. Dr. BOWRING being loudly called for then presented him self. He did not know if all the thunder of the London Press broke in Lancashire; but if they did he should come among them with fear and trembling, for one of them on Saturday stated that the repeal of the Corn-laws meant nothing more nor less than the overthrow of the Protestant religion.-- (Great laughter.) Thus were their proceedings held up to the agriculturists of England. Great good would grow out of the present controversy—light would be let in upon the darkness that existed. He had often heard it argued that they ought not to be dependent on other na tions for food, but that was the great and glorious principle upon which all society was based.—( Cheers.) He trusted they would never attempt to set aside that principle. He would appeal to them whether the vested righ.s of the many for good Government were not greater th an ti e vested rights of the few' for their own advantage ?—( Hear.) Their Froceedings had been looked to with great interest, because they sought nothing for themselves. The opponents of the Corn-laws had created fearful enemies in every quarter of the world. Unless at the present moment something was done—unless this great wrong was superseded and over thrown, they had nothing before them but a futurity of ca lamity. The question of the Corn-laws was no narrow one, It was the right of every man to consider his fellow man as his brother—it was not a question between the landowners and the manufacturers, but that a bond of love and an exchange of benefits should be diffused throughout the whole human race.---( Great cheering.) At that late period of the day he would not detain them longer. Meetings like the present had an action beyond the present moment. The world looked upon them; and the consequences would be important in al time to come. Although their commerce was reckoned 60 mil lions, he was satisfied it might be doubled, if the . Legislature used a proper wisdom in its proceedings.—(Cheers.) He had lately visited among other countries Egypt, which had furnished food to the patriarchs; it was sending them corn ; and England, which then was an island covered with savages, was sending them clothing and comforts before ueknown.— ( Great cheering.) Mr. AINSWORTH, M. P., subsequently addressed the meet ing, and expressed his determination not to support her Ma jesty's Ministers in future, if they opposed a measure for the reiyal of the Corn-laws. Mr. Evvidur was loudly called upon, but trusted the meet ing would not press him to say anything at that late hour. The company then separated about half-past eleven o'clock. The late hour at which the proceedings terminated has compelled us to abridga some of the speeches. CORN LAWS. COMMON COUNCIL MEETING (THIS DAY.) A special Court of Common Council was held to-day for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of pe titioning both Houses of Parliament for the repeal of the existing Corn-I iws. The LORD MAYOR took the char shortly after one o'clock, but the time of the Court was occupied till tlearly half.past two with the election of the different City authorities, and other business connected with the Court. Mr. HEPPELI, then rose to bring forward the important sub ject for which the Court had been specially convened. He re gretted tint a more able person had not taken upon himself to bring forward a matter of such vital importance—an importance that stood pre-eminently forward in consequence of the ill effects of the existing law relative to corn. Those ill-effects were proved beyond all doabt by the numerous meetings that were taking place in different parts of the country ; and the at tention of the people was directed to a subject which, until the evils produced by the measure became apparent, had never attracted their notice before. He thought that it would be the more convenient course for him, and also for the Court, that he should first read the resolu tion that he intended to propose for their adoption. and then to state the reasons that had induced him to ask the Court to adopt it. The resolution he intended to propose was the following : Resolved—That as all restrictions on the free interchange of the produce and manufactures of the various nations of the world are unjust and impolitic, tending, as they do, to the diminution of the sum of necessaries, comforts, and enjoyments which each is capable of acquiring—so more particularly are those restrictions absurd and mis chievous when imposed by a manufacturing nation upon the import of an article of such prime necessity as food. Now he took it to be an undeniable proposition, that every man should have the opportunity of obtaining the necessaries of life at the lowest possible price, in order that he might have something to snare for the enjoyments of life, and might find time for moral improvement. It was clear that the population of the country was in a very different state. With sixteen hours' labour, it was hardly possible for the working man to prevent himself and family from starvation, although it was admitted that the manufactures of the country were conducted with more skill than those of any nation in the world. It had been usual to hold out to the public that by the repeal of the Corn•laws the landed interest would be most severely affected. He believed such a statement to be an entire fallacy. What were the grounds upon which the farmer put himself forward to claim protection ? As he conceived the farmer had no interest in the matter, for the rent of the land had always reference to the capital that he could employ. If he paid a certain amount of rent, and laid out a certain ca pital, and then found he had no profits, the consequence would be that he would give less rent to the landlord, or he would lay out his capital in a different direction. By that means the landlord would be driven to reduce the rent. He, therefore, could not see why the farmer was entitled to more protection than any other class in the community ; yet such was the effect of the existing Corn-laws. Now he contended that, in the first instance, the introduction of cheap food into the country would have a tendency to reduce rents.—( Cheers.) Reductions of the price of food would be followed by reduction in the price of every article, and there could be no doubt that both the landowner and the consumer would, in the course of a few years, find themselves in a much better situation, in consequence of the reduction in the price of the articles of life. But it was said that the pre.. sent duty on foreign corn had the effect of exciting the farmers to use greater skill in cultivating the soil, but experience had shown that bounties had always a stupify ing effect, and there was not a stronger illustration of it than in the manufacture of silk. At one time the foreign manufacture of that article had a duty imposed upon it al most amounting to prohibition, and it was said by the introduction of a foreign duty that the silk trade," would be ruined. Now, what was the: effect? Why, but few years had elapsed before the manufacturers of that article in this country were incited to such a stretch of their skill, that they actually competed with every other country in the globe. Another ground held for the maintenance of these laws was, that they secured this country from the danger of depending upon foreign States. It had been ar gued that in time of war a famine might ensue, if this country depended on the importation of foreign corn. But if this was made a great ground of alarm and a reason for retaining such duties, why was it not applied to other matters of equal importance to this country in articles, for instance, that were required in the navy ? In time of war if we had not the means of keeping up our naval stores we should be in as bad a condition as any country possibly could be, but had any endeavour been made to force this country into the cultivation of hemp, lest in time of war, that necessary article should be withheld—had any endeavour been made to turn the northern parts of our country into forests of pine, lest we should not obtain an adequate supply of turpentine. The absence of these articles would be as fatal to us in a certain degree as the want of supply of corn. The word dependence had been used in a sense by no means due to it. If they came to examine it, what did depen dence really mean but commerce ? Nations were dependent on each other. If we were dependent on the nations of the Continent for corn and they produced corn, to supply our wants, it was clear they would take from us either of necessity or enjoyment. Besides these reasons, there was one he thought a fair appeal to the sympathy of all above the lower classes. It was necessary to raise annually by the imposition of duties a very large sum of money, this was generally raised upon articles of luxury. Now it happened amongst these the most heavily taxed were those of the poor man ; there were some reasons to render this necessary, perhaps, as in the arti cle of spirits, for instance, which was necessary for the pro tection of morality; but if for reasons independently of fi nanc e—if it was only for moral considerations it was thought necessary to tax the luxuries of the poor man was not that an additional reason that he should have the necessaries of life as free from taxation as possible: He had not thought it necessary to enter into any details upon this matter but for the general reasons which he had given. He would now submit the resolutions to the Court. That the extent, and wealth, and power of the empire of Great Britain, are founded upon anti maintained by the continuous develops. ment of her industry and skill in commerce and manufactures ; and that whatever has a tendency to impede the extension of these element' of her greatness, is to be treated as a national ev il. Alderman THOMAS WOOD seconded the resolution. It was a maxim of universal adoption that if we wanted to have general commerce we must have an open market, approach. able at the least possible expense. He did not knout where the notion could be got from of a protection and benefit to any people from a protective duty on corn, Whether we look at it as a theory inculcated by the writers en political economy, or whether we look at it as a matter of fact resulting from the calculations of the past, the conclusion was irresistible, that nothing could be more mistaken than protection duty. It had so happened that when the ports of this country had been open when the price of wheat was to high as 84s. per quarter, for one year the amount of im portation did not exceed eight days' consumption. If it was necessary to have a protective duty, to Secure; a supply for our country, it had this obvious tendency—that we secured to ourselves no possibility of retreat in tha event of a bad harvest, for we excluded ourselves from the rest of the world. By prohibla tion we sought to shut ourselves out from community with the continent—to discourage the growth of corn there—to raise up restrictions against our own manufactures, and pay a premium to those who opposed our manufactures, and took no care to prevent us from starving in return. What countries did we look most to for corn? To Poland and Prussia. It was conceded that corn grown at 60s. was a retranerat ing pl.:ea to the farmer,. and when corn was at 605., we had little importation. It was an incontrovertible pro position, that every additional shilling added to the price of the 48,000,000 of quarters consumed in the empire was quvalent, or effected on the consumer a tax of 2,400,000/., and estimating the difference between the average price of all sorts of g.ain for the last e;ght or ten years, it appears that if the ports had been thrown open at Bs. per quarter it would have prevented a loss to the consumer of not less than 19,700,0001. Talk of :taxation, what did we get for this ? Who were benefited ? Was the poor man ? No ; he was obliged to pay much snore for his corn. Was the far mer ? No ; he' paid so much more for labour. Was t!m tradesman ? No ; his household expenses cost him so much more.—( Cheers.) They had heard a great deal of protective:daties, and he would mention one. We had lately had to pay 20,000,000 f. for a protective,duty— he meant in the case of the slave trade.—( Hear, hear.) There was another instance occuring at this moment—the protective duties on tobacco. Why were they imposed ?—to protect the growth in our colonies, and although it was a large article of consumption, and to be grown with advantage both here and in Ireland, it was !positively shut out by protective duties. Ile alluded to these facts to establish the proposit:on that all protective duties were preju dicial ; and the more we came to a principle of equality, the more likely we should be to promote the general interests of the community. There was another article to which he would allude—potatoes were free from any protective duty. In the sister kingdom corn was only raised to pay rent, and the poor live there upon potatoes instead of getting the cheapest and most necessary article of life, as it was called. The growth of potatoes was increasing all over the world. Why was this? Was it necessary fi r a protective duty to secure the growth of potatoes ? No. And surely this was sufficient to answer the argument that it was necessary to have a protecting du'y on corn. The resolution pointed out a gradual reduction, so that those who employed their capital in this trade might so husband their resources:as to prevent any ruinous loss—for there must necessarilybe loss where anyextensive alteration was made. It was earnestly to be desired that a time would soon arrive when we should be able to exchange our manufactures for the corn of other nations, without its being necessary to transmit our gold.—( Hear, hear.) It was said that the manufacturer had his protecting duties. HQ ( Mr. Alder - man Wood) denied that upon the authority of the largest manufacturers of this country. Their concurrent testimony was, " Give us an open market, and we will compete with the world, in spite of bid debts and the possibility of the transmision of manufactures to other countries, with which the agricultural interests had not to contend." If the manufacturers triumphed under all their existing disadvantages, what would they do if they could get labour as cheap as they could in other countries ?—( Hear. ) Why, formerly we used to get our muslins from India—now we brought the cotton from Hindostan, manufactured it, sent it back, and beat their manufacturers in their own market-- What did the manufacturers who sould do this want with propecting duties.—( Hear, hear.) There were common sense arguments which any man could ; appreciate.—( H ear , hear.) He believed a great d ea l of our distress, of the enormous amount of the Poor-laws, and of the mismanagement of the poor under the old sys tem, owing to mistaken sympathy in their distress were to be traced to the high price of corn arising front the restrictive duties. Was it not high time to return to sound principles ? Taxes levied on the general pocket must affect every one.—(Hear, hear.) The worthy Alderman went on to remark that in 1818, when the price of corn was 83s. Bd. per quarter, only 1-13th of the consumption was imported to this country. Was the small amount of the risk to the agricultural interests to'be put in opposition to the general interests of the coudtry ? A CONIMON COUNCILMAN here said, in 1816 the price was 255. per quarter. Mr. Alderman THOS. WOOD said the average from 1795 to 1815 was from 1103. to Ms. per quarter. In 1817 it was 88s. He did not think that in 1816 it was so low as 255., but he took the gereral average ; he did not take the particular years or particular places. It was said that 60s. was the lowest price remunerating the producer of corn in this country. Was it ever known, when corn was at 83s. per quarter, that a week's consumption was imported ? The daily consumption was 45,000 quarters. and the highest amount ever known imported even tit. from 110 s. to 84s. a quarter was 300,000 quarters. Was ;t not an absurd system that bonded Cern should be kept year after year perishing in ware houses, no possible benef:c to anytone ? The worthy Alder man concluded by saying that he would never assent to the principle that taxation was necessary as a protection to any trade, and he thought that taxation should never be resorted to, but for the necessary purposes of Government for the de fence.of the State and for the maintenance of our institu tions,—( Cheers.) Mr. Deputy ANGEL said he looked at this question neither as an agriculturist nor a manufacturer, but as an Englishman, and he thought that it would not be advantageoqs to pay gold to foreign corn-growers, part of which gold might certainly go to the purchase of our manufactures, but the remainder of which would go to buy powder and shot to bl ow our brains out.—( Loud roars of laughter.) Cheap commodities were generally bad : a cheap hat was usually very soon a shocking bad hat.— ( Renewed laughter.) He had lately complained to his baker, that the bleed was musty, and the answer received was, that the corn was foreign. (LEFT SPEAKING.) TO BE CONCLUDED IN A SECOND EDITION. COURT CIRCULAR. Her Majesty had a dinner party last evening at the New Palace, to meet his Royal Highness the Duke of Lucca. His Royal Highness arrived, attended by the Baron de Lcewen. berg (principal Equerry) and the Baron d'Ostini, and was received by Vice-Admiral Sir Robert Otway (the Groom in Waiting) and Lord Alfred Paget (Equerry in Waiting), who conducted his Royal Highness from the marble hall to the drawing-room. Among the company were—Count Pollon (the Sardinian and Lucca Minister), the Duke of Argyll, the Marquis Conyngham, the Earl and Countess of Albemarle, Viscount Palmerston, Viscount and Viscountess Falkland, Lord Holland, and the Right Hon. G. S. Byng. The band of the Ist Life Guards were in attendance at the Palace during the evening. The Marquis Conyngham had an audience yesterday of her Majesty. The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge and the Princess Augusta of 'Cambrid ge , atten d e d b y Mi ss K err , B aroness Ahlefeldt, and Captain Stephens, inspected the Waterloo Model yesterday evening. The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge and the Princess Augusta of Cambridge, attended by Miss Kerr, Baroness Ahlefeldt, and Baron Knesebeck, honoured the Olympic Theatre with their presence on Tuesday evening. A Cabinet Council was held at three o'clock yesterday afternoon at the residence of Viscount Melbourne, in South street. It was attended by all the Ministers. The Council sat until half-past five o'clock. The Ministers of the Conference, Count Pozzo di Borgo, the Russian Ambassador; Couut Sebastiani, the French Am bossador ; Baron Bulow, the Prussian Minister ; and Count Senfft, the Minister from Austria, had a meeting yesterday at the Foreign Office. Their Excellencies remained three hours. Mr. Stevenson, the American Minister, bad an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday in Downing-street. THE FUNDS.-CLOSING PRICES BRITIS FUNDS. Bank Stock 3 per Cent. Red 934 5 per Cent Ccits 02% 3)4 per Cent. Red (104, New 3y4 per Cent 99h New 5 per Cent Long Annuities to expire Jan. 186 i Oct. 1859 Jan. 1860 FOREIG rlndiai t ack 254 Ditto Bends 64 Ditto Old Annuities 91% Asturian, 5 per cent Belgian, 5 per cent PI Brazilian Bonds 7 B l 'l s, Buenos Ayres, 6 per cent. — (Milian, 6 per cent Colomb.an ' 6 per cent Ditto, 1824 2854 Danish, 3 per cent — Greek Bonds, 1825, 5 per cent — Mexican, 5 per cent Ditto, 6 par cent., 1825 2 - 1M Peruvian, 1825,6 per cent cent - (CLOSING PRICE OF S Great Western Railway London and Brighton Railway 15ii - to New Annuities. Ex. Bills, 1,0001 2},cl 67 pm. Ditto 5001 67 pm. Ditto 5001 65 pro. Bank Stock for Act. India Stock for ~" t 0 53 g Consols for Act ..,.. 92% N FUNDS ._ Portuguese Bonds, 5 per cent. ( Ditto, New Ditto rrussian, 5 per cent. Russian Bonds, 5 per cent ll-4 Ditto, Metallic — Spanish, 5 per cent 2O Ditto, Consolidated — French, 5 per cent. —f. .-7. Exchange French, 3 per cent Dutch, 2% per cent. ...5 1 ,6 'Ditto, 5 per cent. tiNg HARES.—(THIS DAY.) 754 loci A meeting was held this day at the Crown and Anchor Tavern in the Strand, at which Joseph Hume, Esq., M. P., presided. It was unanimously agreed that Mr. Wakley was the most fit person for Coroner. A Committee was formed, Mr. Wakley's address to the voters read, and Mr. Croucher appointed Secretary. sub s and ) In -third lard I tried And iniug d this sere, CC. -* -s are ,d re ed.-- .uperS filled oper will using , r any ivern- I soon 3, and COM a en- bring battle cot •third lkeen :!imen .[Mr. and iglish Ad al mar- inte read, Ps of 'erica ump urrp- ,cx :d to ed of c she rican lat of iorse er of ling_ part -ofits what rears g h. ) sions chil-