The Sun. — London, England, 1839-04-19 00:00:00

,F2NEN-ING EDITION th., ng like confidence in the body of the Irish people—to 1 Any thing like the extension of the franchise—to any thing I like conferring th e pr i v i leges which the. subj, cts of this a' t country enjoy e d —was not that antipathy likely to per petuete distrust in the law ?—( Ch eers. ) H e k new ot iio thing which cou ld so much tend to remov e di strust as the course of conciliation which the present Govetument had . adopted on' Hear, h ear .) T here was another portion of Lord Norrnauby's Government, which he might appeal to 4 ' one of the most useful ; he meant the effort to put down t hose ,local disturba nces—t h ose f i g hts—which tended not I 4 y to e n li st the peasantry under hostile banners, but also A o f tami liarize them w i t h scenes of blood. —( neer, hear.) Since the establishment of the public prosecutors in Ire -e land, the bills of indictment had been properly prepared. Prosecutioas bad been conducted efficiently, and the parties °fre tading ;sere brought to justice. Upon thet point the Government of Lord Noraianby alight claim a compa rison with that of any which had adrmilistered the effairs of Irel and, within the recollection of man. He eould not go into the whole - subject which that point opened to dis. cuzsion, but he would allude to the next point which was Inuch d welt upon, he meant that of a ippressing the Urange Lodges, and the extraordinary comparisem which had beets made between secret societies %sail secret signs Slid pase.vords, and that other General Aasto ciatien u hich carried on its proceedings to the face of day, courting and challenging hutice. It nod been asked, win s hould they put doTen Orange Associations when they sup polirted and encouraged Associations ot another sort. FL (4 "r• Al. O'Counell) aenied that there was any point of corn ateison among them, and in proof of that be w ou ld re f er to °to terms ee the Noble Lord's motion, C hi e n speci fi cui i a included all political societies excluding pereens on ac ulit or their religion, and using secret syinbo!s an , : si gns, and acting by affiliated branches. The General theiAssociation of Ireland did not exclude pessent on account of r religion. It did not use secret symbols or signs, nor die It a ct by affiliated b ranc h es. —(Cheers.) It had been stated by mentthe Hon. and Lear ne d M em b er for Coleraine that the Govern h (ale ea. ould sho w a cons i stent resistance to aeitatton, and he tnn ent. O'Connell) was one of tho se who bath sheeted that sen tio It was not surprising that discontent and dissatisfae , ele 4 rho a per iod d prevuil in lroland w h en a fact i on had been for so dissatisfac 100a permitted to usurp all places uf trust and emolu night to the exclusion of the great body of the people. That was ti.4,telon why discontent had prevailed in Ireland, and much al " wia l el that the time was come when Associations of that '' r• ere lio longer necessary, yet so long as document existed, ' 5 7 ) l ong he hopedho these Associations and agitations would con ' 1,4-14 e•—( es.) Discontent under grievances might e a o a very bad thing, bet submission would be much worse. : Irish people might be blamed for their violence, but they rewatt v e to be laughed at if they permitted themselves to be op 'aed with impunity. He was rather astonished to hear the 'all •!arnd Itecordr of Dublin, who he bell ured locked upon him as the representative of the Learned Judges in that House, 'Nrat,ing that the Judges of Ireland had stayed away from Lord ti 0 nimby's leveee, because he had slighted their recomenentia -0`,1".----( Hear, hear.) That certainly' could not account for leve es desenee of the Judges in teal, when Lord Normanby's Co v th ee t s , w ,ere iust as much deserted as they a.terwards were. list se.a 'tied been made that Lord Nurmanby hail pot him '' the . gip, I )o . l ''' head of a party, the reason assigned for that expres be, - . l nO that the procession which heaued his entrance into 34n :Le i , h aq flags and banners ; it. certainly happened that per 'ea,'' Longin g to the trades of Dublin accompaeied that pro• it' s 'en, and it to happened that one of the flags had a harp upon . which was the national emblem, awl some o: the flags colourof a green colour, but it did not appear to him that that , was very objecticnable in the eyes of ths Hen. Member th )r e , e .. 2 - ---( A laugh.) The Hon. Member then referred to th e 6 •lihe net.given by a Mr. Seran, Deputy Grand Master of con razige Society, with respect to Lord Mulgrave's pruces nas• It there were two parties, of which the object of one set i n B cek for equal laws, and of the other to resist all mea e3 for the improvement of the country, Lord Noramnby was eert a i t , ty j stifled in throwing himself into the herds of the tio.,Tdier party, That was the whole of the offence with which o Nnartnanby could be fairly chareed; and for that . cane, l i " Levees were deserted, the 'Judges of the lanu a na t h e exempt,- and be thought he had read some he ' that a Noble Lord (Dufferin) had stated that . it a., a met Lord Normanby in private he would meet him r ' a rvate Nobleamu and not as the representative of his Sore allea'r'( Hear, mid a alugh.) In the same spirit every action sam , • carpe( at anti every action complained of, and in the •pirit he was sorry to say the Noble Marquis's endeavours to t ea ,,,, r tfa the law vigorously into effect had been frustrated by those of them bounden duty it was to support it. Much had been said i;gat.anner in which Lord Noimanbe had exercised the pre ive f °- mer cy, but if he had in some instances exet cised ttaculasndoub'ed right without sufficioet hiformation, he asked the e ll ailed e to consider whether such a fault—if fault it could be of the were not fa: better than .allowing the old feeling (Ilene t' ! g°ur , and partiality of the law to continue.— last s ss: and cheers, )By the Act which had passed the throe em for the relief of the destitute poor of Leland, aa eornm e Branches of the Legislature, Queen, Lords, and c i t on s , had assented to the important proposition, that , Property had its duties, as well as its rights.—(Loup g iv e that) He was ' glad to fund that they were about to pes.t moral truism its rroper force ; Hon. GeLtlemen wi fe: L e e n 'i.ght be inclined to take too much credit to themselves eo. carrying that Act into effect, but he believed their az arcely a_raaled object was not the relief of Irish mendicancy, but tha tendedest talon of the heal franchise. Many things certain y had eto favour the turningaeut of tenants from their holdings; th e abolition of the fort out franchise was one cause, and in me interval between the passin g of the Poor-law Act and its Corning, into operation, large bodies had been turned out in mom , 0 avoid supporting the parties who were divossessed • it was h, this that agrarian disturbances were owing, and he regretted ti, lay that the laws had been outrag,ed on many oecisions owing to this circumstance He trusted an be put to tire lyttern of exclusion which had so long prevailed and that, be cause the body of the population were of a different religion, Sir privileges would not be cut down to the narrowest limits,._( Hear, hear.) He trusted that the 110 use would give its sanction to the motion of the Noble Lord. If the amend rrent w ere carried it wou ld b e productive of great discontent ii. e , e n i . l i aal, beca use w h at did it amount to? That it was not e " the Whil e o f t h e House to pronounc e an op i n i on d on the p r i nciples of Government in Ireland.—( H ear, h ear.) the l aa li Yea a declaration of that ki n d would produce It em ; Y - worst effects--,( Hear, hear)—b u t he trusted the Pe ople of decide in such a manner as would show the m,,,1 414 ,i)4 Ireland that the system which had been adoptee ri3,l,c,:t. eontinued, arid he had no doubt that it would be tern ai l e of effectual redress. He trusted that the sys ada l i n • 1411 hid foslertd the confidence of the people in t the t wowdlilration of ttle law would be persevered in—the t e blta- e s P ri ng op, and th tby its side they might see ag ro ri : Mein'. flourishiag and t ode and man ,factures cn _ t ar e , ' n ll that they ' might see Ireland not only the_ rig% triern°' England in wsr g ` ut her partner in the more gloriou Alr il r. saaltiah b eloa7ecit ' o peace.—(Cheers.) ver e a ' "RN YOUNG spoke in so law a tone of . voice t taat wan ew of his observations were audible. He did no feel_ th e enogur(° gire a vote that might he construed into a censure o o i f . ism he ~ar e _ Which the Lords had thought proper to put.ue, n a e seise faitfelted without entering into evidence to come to . te n a_at; i_ favour of the Noble. Lord's motion. b e ,a _e_ • Government such as that which Mr. Pitt sat _ 2 He wouldshould like a nn `r,effects of the Union —an impartial Government standin e ca me 1 , 7 1 n local rarty clisser;sion sufficiently removed from the pularint mg factions which should ' not aim at any temporary P% ClantoZ, which which net yield todhe few, nor open a door t . of Ir i • T ' h is o Pieion, and in the opinion, of the Protestants of tin e s and, Lord Normanby's Government h'airl fallen far short e c :ret the wet en had I% u? U ern era were gone abroad that the exertions ot Rho rn t h ey wer_ enlisted in favour of the majority b 3 . ase thet a grecatsurroundea, the consequence of which ~ita amongst ti, of alarm which apprehension onlybe guessed at by taking ' L Protestants, could tram the s into account the tide of emigration setting Sir ofilvioirDes onfotheatticountry. He supported th - e amendment :i delescribed by the Hon. _E said that such feelings a 3 those ju_. • entry with which h Mmber, did not exist in that part of the Protestants a' was more immediately connected, where He stants felt equal security with Catholics.—( Hear, hear.) 01: a , 1 8 : r a D. IL ) believed that during the Administration of i abby, the laws had been we respected, and justice rter administered, anti he believed that the restoration ol 7o u p t rei na ,., ) in Ireland would be productive of the most danger tuh.sj:tmults.—( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial Benches. ) CHARLES DOUGLAS said that although he knew a ‘ d Ras most prejudical to the interests of the country to n a ‘,a frequent changes of alinistry, and although he knew that ule present Ministry were turned out they would stick at no measures, howeeer factious, to regain power, he felt it his bounden duty to oppose the motioa of the Noble Lord, and he ' t ':aed t k hat the effeat of that motion be:ng carried would les ma s e way for an efficient Government under the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for aTamworth—a Governm i e .e n t t , calculated to refor m au abuses to all ,pesa„.___ (ll,ar, hear - . ), nsdinto secure equal justice could possess the careidence of the people! g J o t s i ' s7i n Zto Ireland eteula never be done by a Government dependant for its cell- eltance in office, u,:on tle support of any l a .ecursor with iperia hip on his lips and hatred in his hea t —(an irenical cheer Irosn Mr. O'Conne.l.l)—and wha only sup 'ledo the Geacrit. ment, in order to lerther his own" sordiPd iesigns u:, , o ' n the fromets ef the poorerorders of the L ish people.—( Rear, hear, the Opposition.) ,:, :‘ l, l :a W. ROCHE said that in his opinion Lord No rms,nhy% rnment hail been most fair and impartial, and he did not. Italatrelthis from any isolated instances, bet from the general 'C h.. cter and tendency .of th.t Government which he I t e aed had conferred great blessings upon Ireland. tiel as not correct to assert that Protestants were not safe in ve`"ntry on account o f t h e i r religion, rral iii all the tiontro ext!ceso uwhish hsd taken place not a s i ngle unkind or bigoted prP'essien had escaped from the Catholics in allusion to their nonestnt fellow-subjects. The Neble Lord had done what t ! o °f his predecessors had attempted—he hat put down fac• 1 1- ' flehts, which had greatly conduced to the tranquillity of s re e' an d• He thanked the Ministry for their poli.-y in Ireland, l 'a e ahould suppi t the motion of the Noble Lord. tete P LUMP ir TRE was convinctd ‘ that if the religion it 0 ,,,,, majority of the people of Ireland were what la e ,ao"t to be, the true o-u' it tT . O t Uilsd the )3 greatest t ,bt greatest ban e ar e C t l n n g to the country instead of what i "lilt else. greatest curse to Ireland. Then had, in conjunction eti e t a"' religion, a numerous, ignorant, '- ""ad. (" al hear," fro -n Mr. O'Connell, who made immoral, and poleical , t nee, 0 , , ear,. .. t elect].) The Lion. lad Lear n mervadon which we did not • • he coul d support hi s 1 ale b , ' I •bearing false tcs h. msr said he was tanon , .e th e In I ns assert atitiiti,l u z y e, to eo rr temporal ends, ttaintn ions by docurnents. They used the Y terrors _ol me for the purpose of a , withheld hum their flocks the same S e •'' e° l 4 e of Irelmut were Obeyed a full an .. . .71 Scriptures. If ene asa thunde. e . sit ar , 'as, instead of hearing anathemas would ta k e place. d free d f r o ntots.,stno doubt a t'afferent st .te of things lo of the tim • antistn • the weakness , the strength of Ireland, had been weakened by of poduet of the Government, and Romanism, ° Plase the'ria bad been strewed - hened. On these grounds he should l‘i motion of the Noble Lord. . e re REDDINGTON had no intention of enterin An e l.o nt b o e. f r t e )4}: 4 ' s discussion— I. Hear, hear)—with the flora (n ee t e "anty cf Kent, but he could not . avoid..g o utter s Inen.‘‘ o the surpris e he felt at the opinions which lv t i li n . ;t lion. b - ""a had eitpressed, and for which he could only try ‘,.?n.:l"Pensing, that the intensity 1 ebeerosta of that lion. Member's bigotry anco . ut a equalled by the sincerity of his mottra%:(L Il i a _ • ) Ile had given utterance to assertions theme.- calum lin es that had ever been uttered when he branded the Catho- t 4. , e ci e eage in the manner he had done—he had made accusations 1 1 1 1 % ." B ich, he believed, no other Englishman butt himself would ' ()ne e given utterance, and which he (Mr. It) thought ever y t be t° 'abort' they might be repeated would acknowled e c 8 1 1 _ e not founded in fact.—(Cheers. 1 This was the firs! time tii i!a . IT had entered the House that he had made use o, any- e tru 'fl s :_ I, lee the language of bitterness—( Hear, hear)—bet . in h n i stte t 'a the House would excuse ars , intemperate expression the _ N hi eh he might have been betrayed ,if he had gone beyond aabeunds of discretion ; but he could not suffer such state -1 "a:'events to ge forth without expressing his indignation. But if they aed to set an example of the free b use of the Scriptures, let 1 ` . ..? e !'l t Ake the county of Kent. If in Ireland they had, together u- 'l i I t il L . a t t h a act - 115M' of the Scriptures, their churenes . teemieg 41! sa er gY, laic the Cathedral of Canterbury, they rnenlit be in Thettliartioa exactly similar to the county of Kent.—( Cheers. ) lee a' °°. Member had forgotten the events of last year, and O. which ha , l beets made of the Scriptures in the county of ' Z:r. ri t he the enlightener! f 11, ce " - 7.1,1,.---1:-',,,•'• i 'u. l a ..- 7 - " . : - J Itc:•_,:e, 1 , ,1 ' 7 • 7 %;' , •''T:. '' ' . I,:ktiti°':;ftlit,!:te '1•7i,b1.• i_ - ;;, - i, hecause. as a resident of Ireland onl • Lerd J . 'aorraanby's Goveonuent mud pursued the „,) course that any Government which wished to act fairly THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 19. 1839. der, although they were well known to all the inhabitants of the village where it took place, and his Lordship gave notice to the teaante of the village that if they did not give such information as would enable him to prosecute the perpetrators, when the lease of the village fell out he %%mild remove all the inhabitants. Ile would premise that there had been not less than four mur ders, as well as several other capital felonies perpetrated on the property. No information having been given, and no steps, hiving been taken to bring the parties to justice, he exercised the rights of property, and ejected the teaants of the village con tai .ing 23 houses ; but it was not true, as was stated, that he had left these men to starve, for they had each got a sum of money on giving up their holdings.—( Hear, hear.) Any one who knew the humanity and philanthropy of the! Noble Lot d wotild not believe the foul calumnies that had been circulated with respect to that transaction. Every man so turned out, although not entitled to the least attention or lenity received a sum of money, and their families were provided for. That was the shield that had been thrown over the out rages and offences that had disgraced that part of the country. Even his (Mr. Lefroy's) name had been introduced by the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, as having acted a similar part, but he could state that not more than one ejectment had been served upon his property, and that was because the tenant had rendered the house a nuisance, and all his neighbours hal peti tioned to have him ejected. Another statement—a charge had been made by the lion. and Learned Member for Dublin from a caper of the same politics as himself that a verdict had been obtained against Lord Lorton by a widow whom he had attempted improperly to dispossess. It wirs attempted by that report to hold Lord Lorton ap to the public as an oppressor of his tenantry. He (Mr. Lefroy ) had had no opportunity at the time of inquiring into the circumstances, but he had since ascertained that it NV :5 not believed that any lease existed. The tenant was known to have forged a lease for thirty years into one for eighty years. Mr. O'CONNELL—But the verdict on the trial was for the lease. towards Ireland could pursue. It had admin , stered t he laws impar tially to all, and had taught the people to trust in the law. There could be no doubt that the vote of the Lords was a vote of cen snre, because it stated that crime had increased since 1835, before making an) inquiry on the subject. The conduct of the Noble Lord on this question did him infinie credit, and nothirg could be mere absurd than Hon. Gentlemen opposite saying the House should content itself with expressing no opinion on the subject. He did not deny that crime existed in Ireland, but this was the first time that an endeavour had been made to make the Government responsible for it. A Committee of that House in 1831, had stated that the relation of landlord and tenant was the cause of crime in Ireland. The;e was no doubt the amendment was intended to remove the prese t Government and to bring in the Honourable Gentlemen opposite ; but he would ask, on prin ciples it was proposed by those Honourable Gentlemen to govern Ire'and? Was it on the prineip!es of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, or those of the other Right Hon. Baronet. the Member for Oxford ; on the principles of the Right Hon. Member for Kent, or on those of the Hon.. Member for Wakefield ; on the principles of the Recorder for Dublin, or on those of his own corpo ration? Hon. Gentlemen had remarked on the difference of opinion en his side of the House, but no two Mem bers had spoken alike on the other side, and he. knew net .how a Government could be formed of sue!, discordant materials. He should like to hear the o id ilion of the Noble Lord th e M em b er f or N ort h Lancashire on the peti tion of the Duke of Leinster, whether that Noble Lord was prepared ems to scout the opinion of men to whose opinion on a former oecasionhe hod attached the greatest value. Alen had now come forword to express their decided approbation of Lord Normauby's Administration, and to bear their testimony that neither life nor property were insecure in Ireland, who had never before taken any part in politics, and he hoped the Legilature would respond to the pe'itions which had been presented, and Ireland would be spared the return to power of those men whose form of government had been a curse instead of a blessing. He would caution Hon. Gentlemen opposite against tilting a false view of this question, and attempting to govern Ireland according to those ant qqated views which would be destructive of the connection with this country. Sir F. TRENCH next addressed the House. After hear ing last night the speech of her Majesty's Solicitor-General for Ireland he felt bound to declare it a co .mplete failure, for he had studiously avoided the important parts of the quest . o.i. he regret he felt at hearing that speech had been aoieviated by the convincing arguments of the Learned Recorder of Dublin, who had taken the common sense view if the question, and 'placed the most convincing details before the House. They had heard a great deal about the cruelty of landlords. He c-eild not agree in the greater portion of the statements that. had been made with respect to them, nor could he assent to the statement, that to them were to be attributed the ra'series of Ireland. Ile believed that one of the greatest evils in that country. was the manner of dividing the land among the Members of which were not generally small in point of numbers in that country, for in Ireland a man seldom married without having a large family.—( Laughter.) In his opinion it would be much better, instead of dividing the land, if the younger members of families were induced to emigrate. With respect to the policy of the present Government, in respect to the administration of the affairs of Ireland, he must confess that he looked upon it with great distrust, as its general tenour h:ld been to shake the foundation of the Protes tent religion in that country. He heard last session with sur- Air. LEFROY.—True : but these facts did not come out until after the trial. It was well known to all ac quainted with .him that Lord Lorton was one of the best of landlords and kindest of men, and every gentleman in his county" would support that character.—( Question, questio s. ) Loral MORPETH said that the motion of his Noble Friend and the amendment" of the Right Hon. Baronet—the present posture of affairs, and the many statements that had been made in the course of the debate—rendered it impossible for him with a view to the situation which he had the honour to fill, and the part he had borne in the many transactions which formed the main object of discussion, to remain on the present occasion wholly silent and unmoved ; but also recollecting the con siderable length to which in a previous period of the session he had enjoyed the indulgence of the House in]vindicating the measures of the policy of the Irish Government, and the protracted debates that hid already takes place in both branches of the Legislature on those topics, he now could hardly have sufficient excuse for trespassing at any further length en the attention of the House, more especially as on the former occasion be had found it necessary to bring forward a vast mass of statistical and other official details and papers, he trusted that' he might now, luckily for the House and for himself, feel himself relieved.from a similar necessity. He should not feel it necessary to follow the Right Honourable and Learned Gentleman who had jest sat down, through the details of his speech. It was called for from the Right Hon.. Gentle man, but it was unnecessary that he (Lord Morpeth) should dwell upon it : lie must however remind the Right Honour able Gentleman and the House, that he (Mr. Lelroy) in reviewing the proceedings of the Irish; Government 'admitted that they had supplied all the assistance that had been asked for—(Cheers)—and some of the statements of the Right Honourable Gentleman also showed the difficulties which any Iri-h Government, in such circumstances, must have to struggle with.—(Cheers.) Now, the motion of his Noble Friend, led them to two branches of consideration, namely the nece s sity for such a motion being brought forward al present, which was questioned and denied by theamendment of the Right Hon. Baronet, and the abstract propriety of the motion which was asserted and baintained on his (Lord M.'s) side of the House. It was only with the first part of this consideration that the amendment. of the Right Hon. Baronetdealt—it was an amend ment entirely a matter of time, place, and form ; it had no more original colour than the eamelion ; it was a new version of the old song of the previous question, done into Alexandrine verse— g prise and disgust the largaae of the Noble Lord the Secre ntry of State for the Home Department, when the ease of the Protestant elerga men of Ireland was brought. under the con: tideration of the House Upon that occasion the Noble Lord had met their appeal to the House by a few poetical lines which had been used by the Hon. Member for Belfast during the present debate : " Call it madness, call it folly, You shall not chase my grief away ; There's such a charm in melancholy, I would not, if I could, be gay." —(Lnufg,hter.) A new Lord Lieutenant had been now sent to Ireland, and a hope had been expressed by several Hon. Members that he would follow the footsteps of his predecessor. For his own part, he (Sir F. Trench) trusted that he would avoid them.—( Hear.) He was sorry that the great talents of the Honourable Member for Dublin were diverted into so improper a channel, far if he would only turn his mind to encourage agriculture in Ireland. he would make her the "Which, like a wounded snake, Sicily of the United Kingdom.—( Cheers.) He avas sorry to Dragged its slow length along." say that the people of Ireland were in a more wretched state With the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, and with the than any other country on the globe, and he felt bound agreeable tone which distinguished it, he had no reason to to attr.bute that state to the system adopted by the quarrel. It afforded in this respect a striking and decided con present Government. He telt bou n d, i n con c l us i on , tract with many of the speeches which had been delivered on •te declare his firm conviction that the Government of Lord Irish subjsets. Although this discussion had been marked by Normanby had been a curse to Ireland.—(Cheers.) i pless acrimony than those which usually took place on purely Mr. HUME thought that the Hon. and Gallant Member Irish grounds, there was certainly an attempt, bat he trusted who had spoken last, in stating that the people of Ireland were an ineffeetual one on the part of the lion. Member for Kent, in a more wre:ched state than any other country in the world to renew the waning • fires of religious strife and quarrel.— had testified as strongly as any on e cou ld d o aga i ns t t h e party lie M ( Lord .) lamented as much any one the occurrence to whom he herlonged.--( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Admit- of instances in which Protestants had been alleged to have ring Ireland to be in the wretched state which the been persecuted by Catholics. Nothing could be more inimicrl Honourable and Gallant Memb e r h a d s t a ted, h e s h ou ld b e t o t h e f ee li ngs of the Gover.ement nothing could be more able to show that they were unanimous at the present time in hateful to the feelings of any man of principle than such con beseeching that House arid the Crown not to tur n th em over du c t, b u t h e pu t i t to the House whether it was a proper wai . again to that merciless Government which had brought up on of countera c ti ng th ose most o bj ect i ona bl e and atrocious them all the distresses to which they had been subject,— ceedines, to hold ou t t o th e peop l e o f I re l an d , in places where ( Cheers.) Much had been said about crime and murders in - such matters came under di s cu ss i on , th a t t h ey did not profess Ireland. Now he (Mr. Hume) doubted very much if the the true religion ?—( Hear, hear.) Now it was contended by calendars of Ireland and England were compared whether it the Right Hon. Baronet, and by those who i n f o ll ow i ng hi m would be found that those statements were correct, because had treated of the constitutional part of the question, he believed that comparisons would show that the that the vote of the House of Lords, of which this House now commission of crime in England was much greeter than in had official cogniaznee, through the search made in their Lord- Ireland. During .the Present Session of the Central ships' Journals, ought not to be considered as a vote of censure, Criminal Court he had - been told that no less than that it came as perfectly.withio the proper form of that branch 318 prisoners had been tried, all of whom had been of the Legislature to move for a Committee of elkquiry, as in committed within the last six weeks. He did not believe that this House to move for the production of papers— any thing like that • number had been committed in Ireland both proceedings being mere preliminary matter in case luring the same period, notwithstanding all that had been said any grounds for ulterior proceedings tinned be established against the Goeenini: nt of Lord Normanby—he would ask and brought to light. Now, certainly, he could not what h a d b een the result of the Administration of that Noble take upon himself to deny that Committees of Inquiry Lord ? Why as a proof of the effect of that policy, he need only might often be moved for, and had often been moved for, with advert to the charge of the Revising Barrister at Kilkenny, out giving any necessary ground for offence, and it was none who had stated that the calendar wets of an' exceedingly rious that many committees had been appointed with the full light description, that they had heard of rumours of acquiescence and approbation of existing Governments. The Itibbenistu existing, in the county, bat that he had Right Hon. Baronet had cited instances of each Committees. met with no instances .of them ; that property was safe, and He cited an instance of a Committee, moved for in 1832, in every man's person secure; adding that this was to be attri- this House, and to which it was not to be expected that the buted to the manner in which the administration had governed Government of that day would be disposed to offer any that count ry . . H ow was that, he would ask, consistent with serious objection, inasmuch as it was moved for by one favoutable :he opinions that had been stated in that House and elsewhere. to their own body, the Member for Queen's County; the Right (Hear, hear). The ground of the motion that had led Hon. Baronet had also cited a. motion in the Lords for the to the resolution which had been proposed by the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the appointment Noble Lord, the Secretary of State for the Home Depart- of Sheriffs in Ireland, and he hail seemed to infer that it was orient, was that life and property were insecure in Ireland'. even a stronger case in point than the one now under discus- It had been clearly shown that the very contrary was the sion, because the inquiries of that Committee would be di diet; that the government of Lord Normanby had been mainly rooted to what was undoubtedly and exclusively a conducive to the happy state of things that we r e b eg i nn i ng to "art of the discretionary exorcise of the prerogative. make way in Ireland. • The Hon. and Gallant Member la- lint he would put him in mind that all exclusive reference to inented the speech which had been made by the Solicitor Gene- the proceedings of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland were pro ral for Ireland. He had characterised that speech as a decided per!) , excluded from the reference made by the House of Lords failure. Now what was that speech? Why the Hon. and to lila'. Committee, and that the chief ground for appointing Learned Member had shown most clearly that so far from crime that Committee was the difference of opinion as to the state of the 'increasing, it had diminished in Ireland ; and that the law concerning the appointment of Sheriffs. If they were to 1 e locuments upon which so many charges had been encouraged to appoint other Committees, or acquiesce in the, rounded against the present Government were totally incorrect. appointment on the ground of that precedent, he conceived th The Hon. Member complained that too much blame bad been eeneouragement to be derived from the result of their labours, thrown upon Noble Lords and landed proprietors for clearing would be very slight indeed, frr to this day filet Committees heir estates—driving, as it was salted. He . was one who had made no report.—( Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") would be most loath to interfere with the rights of property ; Bat it was quite plain that a question of this sort hut in his conscience he believed that much of the crime exist- —a question whether a vote for a Committee of Inquiry ng in Ireland was the effect of desperation, arising from the ought to he considered as a vote . of censure, must depend upon cruel conduct of the landlords. A statement of a most horrible the intention, upon the animus with which it had been moved, nature appeared in the Irish Newspapers only a few days ago. upon the - statements by which the motion had been accom ( The lion. Member here read the Report of the panted, and the arguments upon which it been based and sup- Hying or clearing of Lord Lorton's estate, from which poked.—( Hear, hear.) lie had no accurate mode of arriv. 462 families had been removed within a few years.) That ing at what was said and urged upon the occasion of the -tatement had been made anonymously ; . but he under- appointment -of that Committee, but still he thought stood that the writer of it was ready to come forward should it could be well imagined that an inquiry might have been any of the (acts be disputed. That case he cited as an answer moved into the conduct of any particular functionary upon such :o the lion. Member who had spoken last, who denied that reasons as thee"—that upon his Administration rested the re any cruelty had existed. It was sai d t h at the Catholics had sponsibility of the tears of sorrow and streams of blood whic h done all ' his, and that the Catholic religion was the bane and had marked the career of his authority—that his Administration o rss of Ireland ; and to carry out the speech of the H on . h a d b een d e t r i men t a l to th e public sikty—that he had suffered - Member, it - would require a war of extermination, in order to crime to go on, whereas his predecessors had grappled with reduce the country to anything like a state of peace,—( Hear, ansl subdued it—that it was a painful subject to see an office hear, and laughter.) The friends of the Hon. _Member had so b es t owe d, a nd it s functions so exercised ; and be would put and they it to the honest construction of even lion. Gentlemen opposite h go ad veri b le a d d - Inlandevery means in their th la e s tr t 6poooweyrears,nf changing whether any Committee of Inquiry into the conduct of a the religion of the country ; but on every occasion particular functionary brought forward in this manner, where p e rsecution had been resorted to Catholicism had supported upon such arguments, accompanied by such incr ea sed. The Hon. 'M em b er o ught to remember that in i mpu t a ti on s, would not have borne the bona fide character Ireland the C a tholics were as seven t o one t o th e Protestants; of a tolerably distinct vote of censure, and would not have "yell, the seven to be exterminated in order that the one might left giound for it to be inferred that a stigma was live i n p e ace? It see med t o hi m th a t the non. Member (Mr. aimed at, if not inflicted upon, those who, having been made the Plumptre) was like the hated Inquisitors of old—they always subject of calumny, were afterwards made the subject said that theirs was the true religion—( Hear, bear)—and so did o': inquiry?—(Cheers.) And what had been the opinions which the Hon. Member sayof his ; a nd h e , lik e them, w as f o r puaish- the course of the debate had elicited upon this subject? Did .ng every one who differed from him. Give the Eon. Member they find such a coincidence of opini en as would enable them the same power which had been enjoyed by the Grand Inqui- to see clearly to what vote they ought to come? The Hon. sitor of Spain, and he fully believed that his actions Member for Wakefield told the Hon. and Gallant Member for would be as had.--(Cheers an d laughter.) Tire main- Sligo that after the speech which he delivered he could trot see tenance of the dominant Church in Irela n d was the how he could vote for the amendment of the Bight Hon. real bane of that country, and he did not expect Baronet. Perhaps the most intemperate speech was made by to see harmony established so long as that enormous Esta- the Noble Lord, the Member for Bath—a Member who olishrnent was kept up ; and when the proper time arrived he of all others might have been expected to reflect would bare no hesitation in giving his vote for suelia reduction m ost clearly the impression which prevailed in the 41 the Establishment as w ou ld make it commensurate with the mind of the Committee of the House of Lords.—(Cheers.) lumber of Protestants in that c ountry. The government of '['he whole tenor of his speech went to show that the Corn the Marquis of Normanby had given every satisfaction to the naittee was appointed not to suggest remedies for the con immense magirity of the people of Ireland, as was proved by dition of Ireland, but to prepare an indictment against its the number of petitions which had been presented within the - Rulers.—(llear, hear.) The amendment which bad been last few days to that House. The vote which was sought was moved by the Right Hon. Baronet offered no opineon what no vote ref confidence in the Ministry. The attacks which had ever upon the merits of the Government. But they been made upon the Irish policy appeared to him like personal were t o ld by the Hon. Member for Sligo, and the other night attacks on the Noble Marquis.—( Cheers.) Il e w i s hed that by the [lnn. Member for Londonderry, that the Adminidstra- Ministers would act towards Engla n d an d S cot l an d i n such a tion of Lord Normanby was the greatest curse ever inflicted manner as to give equal satisfaction to the people a those upon the country.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for countries.—( Cheers ) The vote he wou ld g i ve i n favour of wiltehire, who made so smart and spirited a sally the other the resolution of the Noble Lord was confined exclu- night( Tory cheers) —he trusted he never should be iivelv to the policy they hod pursued in Ireland. When the person - to depreciate an opponent—that Hon. Member that House addressed . his late Majesty, and (iii Majesty s aid that the, Government was - accused, and the Honourable expressed a wish to discourage all secret societ:es, Lord Mul- Member for Donegal said they had been aunty, of acts of the grave rigidly carried that wish into cie y department; but grossest corruption and se fishness, and for fear the House with reg ar d to th a t society which they had been led to believe should mistake his meaning, because he said he liked to use was at e n en d, he was exceedingly sorry to observe was again civil language, he had made that. point clear by declaring reviv e d. W as i t p e ss ibl e to suppose t h at t h o Ri g h t H on. that the condition in which the Government was placed by Member f or T a m wor th was i gnorant o f w h at was go i ng on the Muse of Lords, was that of culprits in a d o ck . — ( Cheers. ) in reference to those Societies, and that the Orange - It was true that. the motion which was carried in that House, Societies were reviving in Ireland?—( Hear, hear, hear.) nsadeby the Right lion. and Learned Member for the lime Or was it to be wondered at that the Ireland should dread the c nsequenee of their pro l e e e!ci Pl i e ngs o ? f He observed from the 1. err; Staticb , rd of the 10th or 12th of the same particular period, being the period of the A mi ve.r.sity.of Dublin, for the production of certain papers, specified tt. taken place, at which the Rev. John Graham eme bad taken this month, that a meeting of the Orane nof Cole. tine nestration of the Marquis of Normanby, which was also reserved tied far the judicial enquiry of the House of Lords. But the Chair ? and which they came to a s ressution, among others that the appointment of Lord Forte coueedt the , the Right absenceH o rr. oarn anyd Learneddietati dictation Baronet i n the motion laid particular o f his Noble stres stress Friendutron ' i t i n h , i e v' s l had her b l ee i n , a t sourcel deep alarm to them, and that they h looting her Coronation oath, would cancel P thatii,ailiteit'll'itermeer,nt. of the particular period to wl iii e g e r l tftei i ,r t e.e a d l A lu tdo d oi e . motion, marquis i ( i ) i f st N ea hr A ai C te l i m on i t n h i e s o tr fether Administration Here was an attack made immediately that of distinction Ireland in late years. Now he tho: ght that pointment of the Viceroy of Ireland', and which J.Jso ei rm e a f nb F y Pe o e t i l f ly ' between the one proceeding and the other marked calculated to .prevent him from exercising his powers the character of the present proceeding. The motion ' in•the way he would exercise them, if unfettered by their coin- House of Lords, in the invidious spirit of censure, fixed le the its ainations. He hoped the time was not far distant when all imelied condemnation on particular men and a particular period, . these Associations would be put an end to, and when peace and whereas the motion of his Noble Friend refused to monopolise unanimity would be restoeed to * I re l an d. With that hope he the credit to particular men or particular times, to which p s h ou ld support the resolution poposed by Her IMajesty's Mi- sinly others might feel they had a claim. But he .- °l himself, on nisters. the occasion of the motion of the Right Hon. an d L ear n ed Mr. FRNCI - 1 explained. Member for the University of 'Dublin limiting his favours to a Mr. LEFROY was surprised that the [lon. Member metro- particular period, protest. d against that condemnation, as being site, who hod just sat down, should again have brought forward conceived in what be thought an invidious and ungenerous charges, i m plicating him-elf and a Noble Frie n d o f hi s , w hi c h spirit.—(Hear, hear.) True it was he did not thi n k it wort h had already been so satisfactorily answered, and w ith ou t an y e s -hil e t o p ro po s e an amendment to that motion, and if the notice to hi ~. But having done so, be hoped the H•lse Would same inconclusive and every-day sort of motion h a d f o ll owe d i n excuse him f r om going into the subject, because as often as the other House the regular quantity of abuse and attack which these accuse t. tiens were made, so often was it necessary to refute it was thought right to expend on such occasions—(Che cr i)— . them. At the same time, ha must observe that they were al- if especially even this tame and creeping motion had b een question before the Ilouse, which brought to the same abortive, though most ap otwiate, conclu solelytogether irrelevant to .the ofL d Normanby while in office in • .when the recitalof their misdeeds -Pr f Lord regarded the conduct had - adverted to Lord Lorton's nuneiation of their Government was poured forth to Ireland. The lion. Member estate in the course of this very month, benches whi r ls, upon the accurate enumeration of the taking pessession of an . as if that cou l d ha ve been an :cure e for the conduct - Speaker, when called upon to make it, did not present th e i r . preceding: Tears. It was complement of forty Members—in that case they might have of I.ord Norrnanbv for the four . . of the High Sheriff that a military been disposed to treat that demonstration with the same indit under the direction force was called out on that occasion, * o n and the officer was to fereace ; but it was certainl y thou ght , and he believed the execute the Queen's writ. The 'Member had stated that country and the House would think, that when a different c h a - a series of cruelties were committed 0 on that occasion, but all racter and complexion attached to the a ppo i n tm ent of an inqui the statement he had made from a n anonymou . ' s P ublication sition, if he might so call it, composed cf such material s was a gross exaggeration. Lord Lorton paid e ver y man who founded on such imputations as those he had described, ' enable them to obtain i and regularly and formally protested against by those who were left the land a sum of money, so as to s oa k- I most competent to make the protest under such circurn another farm, or to emigrate to America. He was nor Lo stances he thought it would and must be considered as a vote of ine of tit tit' removal of tenants, after which Lon L . ~,. e Tke I , :i s tllt lkn. i'.arcnet ached why tlnt nwti.,..:71 -. • , :th,:ln ~-., . ~•.:.•,.. ' --• . . - - " '''‘'',, ,I ' . -'" 0,1 '. , :c'i•c' "' '''''''''" 3 "` ' • - cuuLi :lot have 'oecn ainendtd ia the House of Lords, and i ' ' ' -• ' - -''' - o oi , ,;.: ie.a'. leg li,,,andl,cl;i.dnotheen tin ee : boons b' le made to embrace awls rger yeriod of time. Ele would on the prei-: er tv, when he was barbarously murdered.—( Bear.) i t se to inquire hether the course and temper lot pau No attempt was made to discover theperpetrators of the mur- I I 1834, and at the spring assizes of 1835, James Connor had been tried for this assault, and Judge Moore had reported that he did not consider the evidence of the constables of police worthy of credit, and the prisoner was liberated. In June, 1836, James Daly and Gahan were tried for the same assault and convicted on the same evidence. The Attorney- General then referred to the returns of Mr. Kemyss, the Crown Solicitor on the case, and he found the fol lowing memorandum relative to the case, " James Connor, tried and convicted at the Spring Assizes of 1835, for an assault; James Daly, traversed ; shall the Crown prosecute ?" under which he the Attorney-General had written " yes." But had he been aware of the Report of Judge Moore, he should net have given these directions, and as the other prisoner had been liberated on that report, and as no far ther evidence had been produced on Gahan's trial except that of one man, who stated that Daly had denied his •:ame when apprehended, he (the Attorney General) reported that he considered it a proper case for the extension of mercy. He was sorry to trouble the House with these details, but he did it for the purpose of showing how acutely the mind of his Learned Friend, Sir Michael O'Loghlen, had sifted this case, as he did every other case that was submitted to him. His Learned Friend then went on to state, that there were other reasons why the judgment should not be carried into effect e • one was, that the evidence could not he relied on, that the police had spoken as to the identity of the prisoner, in one instance, and in another they had stated that he was un known to them.--(Hear, hear, hear .) In his opinion the Counsel f or th e p ros e c utor ought to have directed the attention of the Chief Justice to the discrepancies in the evidence, which had not been done; under all the circumstances he thought the prerogative of mercy should be exercised as it was in the case of Connor.—(Cheers.) Now, if Honour able Gentleman, after that, would say that the case was sufficient to establish a charge of misconduct against the Government, he for one should be callous during the whole of his life to am thing that any such persons might say or do.—( Great cheering.) Did the Soli. citor- General dissent from the opinion that had been expressed by the Attorney-General. So far from it, he fully concurred in the Report that he had made. Such was the case in which, according to the statements of the Right Hon. and Learned Gentlemen, the senteece had been commuted upon the letter of the Priest—( Tremendous cheering)—the party writing that letter having met with nothing but rebuke.—( Cheers. ) Was it to be said that the Lord Lieutenant was not to refer in such cases to the Law Advisers of the Crown? If it was, he shoul.llike to know from the constitetional quarter from which such an opinion emanated, who were the men, and what their character, to whom he was to apply. Ile had now given to the [louse, a specimen of the cases upon which charges had been founded against the Administration of the Marquis of Normanby.—(Cheers.) The case to which lie had advertee, was the best that cool:( be discovered after the voluminous re search that had been made, and it had been brought forward by the other side, at the risk of the Government not having documents at hend.—( Cheers. ) It was upon such statements es these, that charges were brought forward against the Go vernment, nods r the hope that the documents vouch ing for their truth or falsity would not be at hand, and in order that these statements might be drank in and swallowed up as they were by the cheers of last night.—( Great cheering.) Who was it that brought forward these cases, and made these egregioui mistakes ?—( Cheers. ) Why, a gentleman filling the high and important office of a Learned Judge—( Great cheering)—one who was bound to admi nister the law in justice and in mercy—(lncreased cheers)—and one - who expected from others in authority that impar tiality which he claimed for his own decision —(Loud and long continued cheeriug)—that Learned officer had probably had more confidential communications with the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland on the subject of sentences than any other functionary in Ireland.—(Cheers.) And yet he could not from his own ample experience select any ease to bring for ward to the attention of the House, but was driven to make the preposterous selection he had done.—( Tremendous cheer ing.) It was not from any fear of the inquiry that the Mar quis of Normanby had declined in the other House, and that he declined in that, to have the documents of the Govern ment ransacked by a hostile, and it might his an em bittered tribunal.—( Increased cheering.) After such a gigantic misrepresentation, as the one that had been made— ( Great cheering)--after such an unblushing misrepresentation —(continued cheering)—it would be unnecessary for him to allude to any of the minor points of the speech of the Learned Recorder, but when, in answer to the speech of the Solicitor- General for Ireland, the Learned Recorder had challenged him to name a single Lawyer, junior to Mr. Justice Perrin, who had received a silk gown, though his (Lord Morpeth's) memory did not serve him in such proceedings, e'et he had been told by his Learned Friend, and upon that information he implicitly relied, that Lord Chief Justice Doherty, who was called to the bar subsequent to Mr. Justice Perrin, had received a silk gown before him. ( cheers.) Mr. Warren was called to the bar subsequent to that Learned Judge, and bad a silk gown before him.—(ln creased cheering.) So, likewise, with respect to Mr. Cramp ton and Mr. North, both of whom had been called to to the bar subsequent to Mr. Justice Perrin, but received silk gowns before him.—( Continued cheering.) Having said so much on that part of the subject he would now mak-, a few observations upon the statements that had been made with respect to a Gallant and worthy Officer. It was seldom that' debates occurred in the House upon Irish subjects without aspersions being thrown upon Captain Duff, and the conduct of the Government. Now, in justification of the conduct of that officer, he felt bound to read somedocuments to the House. In justice to that officer he could net refrain froth stating that he (Captain Duff) had received a letter from the late lamented Earl of Caledon, written in the highest strain of praise. He had similar documents, but he did not think it necessary then to trouble the House with them. Ho could assure the House, however, that when the Irish Government had any difficult or arduous duties to perform, they had no officer under them whom they would more gladly trust.—(Cheers.) However he would rather call the attention of the House to general general principles and broad results than confine it to special circumstances, he had never attempted to dissemble while he had always deplored the existence of crime to a great extent in certain parts of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) It, however, was eery partial, and was not confined to any pare ticulser district or to any religious demarcation of the W./nd.—(Cheers,) In the counties of Londonderry, Ferma nagh, and Down, crime was light ; these were the northern, and usually called the Protestant counties, but so also was it in Kerry, Cork, and Waterford, and these were strictly Catholie counties. The charge of Mr. Justice Barton, at the last Fer manaeh Assizes went to show that the offences were then merely of the usual character—no doubt the number of prosecutions b a d greatly increased, in consequence of the alteration in the, Criminal Code, whereby punishments had „been greatly les sened. and prosecutions greatly augmented, fhei.heard a great deal of the great number of crimes committed in Ireland, - but he would ask the House to give their attention to the state of crime in the first Report of the Commissioners, who were appointed to inquire into the necessity for an improved police throughout England and Wales.—(Hear, hear.) He was not at that moment recom mending any of their recommendations, but they stated that upon the average of five years there were upwards of 100,0110 able-bodied labourers committed for criminal offences. He had never attempted to dissemble that in certain districts in Ireland there existed certain illegal associations ; but he would challenge any one to deny that the pre sent state of Ireland would contrast favourably with its state at any former period. The GovernMent had acted according to the power given them as effectually as any former Administration ; they had endeavoured to plan the sti pendary Magistrates en whom they could place reliance in the most exposed and difficult situations —( Hear, hear). When he had last addressed the House upon that subject, he had en deavoured, and he believed he had succeeded, in showing that the number of convictions as contrasted with that of committals was greater than at any former period. By a table which he had then in his hand, he found thatin the Spring Assizes of 1836, the number of acquittals were 225, while the prisoners found guilty amounted to 346. At the Summer Assizes, there were 161 acquittals to 270 convictions; 1837, Spri ig Assizes, 323 acquittals to 518 convictions; Summer Assizes, 188 acquittals to 291 convictions ; in 1838, Spring Assizes, 381 acquittals to 495 convictions; Summer Assizes, 131 acquittals to 295 convictions; and at the late Assizes for 1839 there were 256 acquittals to 539 convictions ; that there hid been a gradual increase in the number of canvictions, as corn pared with the number of committals. The Poor-law which had been pasted last Session had been introduced under very auspicious circumstances. He had a letter from the resident Commissioner in Ireland, in which he said that the Board of Guardians which had been formed were in no respect below those which had been formed in England, and that the law was working well—in fact, that his suceess had greatly exceeded his expectations.— (Cheers.) Allusion had also been made in the course of the debate to the increase in the value of land in Ireland, the security or the insecurity of life and property would be best developed by the prices of land and the pro duce of the soil of Ireland. He had caused letters to be addressed to land agents in Ireland indiscriminately, without any attention at all to their political or religious opinion.—(Cheers.) In reply, Mr. Kemyss, of Kildare -street, stated that he could only go back to the year 1821, an d t h at t h en the price of land was 16i years' purcse, while in 1837 it had risen to 23 years' purchase. Mr. —__ stated that 15 years ago land was worth only 16 years' purchase, that it was 10 years ago worth from 16 to 18 years pur chase, that 5 years ago it was worth from 18 to 23 years' purchase, at which price it remained at present. Another letter from Armagh spoke of twenty-five years' pur chase being the value of land. Mr. Henry Bruce, in another letter, said he had no hesitation in saving that there was a gra dual increase in the value of land all over Ireland. Another gentleman stated that land in the neighbourhood of Galway • had generally been of the value of twenty years' purchase, but now it had advanced, and, in some instances, it was of the value of twenty-five, and in others of twenty-seven years' purchase. In another letter from a Surveyor it was states! that, having had great experience in the purchase and sale of land, he knew that land was progressively advancing in Ireland.' From another letter it appeared that the value of shares in the different Companies in Ireland had been for some time past gradually rising. He would not detain the House longer by detailing the result of communications of this descrip tion. The lion. Member for the county of Donegal had asked last night to whom the Government would appeal for an opinion of their conduct--whether they would appeal to the bar—to the commerce, or to the general landed interest. In answer to that he would say, that they would appeal to those who included all, viz., the people—(Cheers)—and if the confidence andgood will of the people were to be allowed to form an element at all in the composition of a successful Government, he would just beg leave to ask on which side were they? Were the bulk of the people with them or against them ? Was it only the number—was it only the least educated and the least opulent classes that were ranged on their side? He should be very well content to take the wealth of the City of Dublin alone on that score.—(Cheers.) Was it the Catholic party alone that rallied round them for their adherence to that banner which had been called the banner of party laws ? If they had the bulk of the people with them were they then without the leaders of the aristocraoy ? If they had the sufferance of the south, had they no adherence of the north ? On whose side were the patriotic associations linked with the name of Charlemont? If this was to decide it, their case was already won.--( Hear, hear.) He need not refer to the papers on the table to prove that their opinions rested upon the Members of the sister country—the Members of Scotland and of England, and it was to them they made their appeal that night, and not to She calls alone which proceeded from the Irish shores. If they looked at the particular language, or particular conduct of certain individuals in Ireland it was to be remembered that those individuals were kindled by the wrath of national feeling, and sharpened by the conviction of wrong.—( Cheers.) He of course abstained from entering into any question of more general policy. Ireland was not only the battle-field on which the question of the present Administration had been fought, but almost all the chief conflicts of party had taken place in reference to Ireland exclusively.—( Hear, hear.) Questions of a far mare wide inference and general result had been put forward by parties on the ground of Ireland, but it had been on this specific occasion singled out and selected as the field on stigma upon them ; else what could w ao h d icl t i ) taoffidaamstaigeahtildseiorgeputation of her Majesty's Government be the meaning of the recent demonstration in the House of Lords, even taking that demonstration by the name by which it had been found convenient to call it.—( Hear, hear.) They must now at least be guided by the words of the amend and they might look at it according to the words that ble to it, " willing to wound but yet afraid to strike." — (Hear, supplied by the Hon. Member fer Belfast as applica hteoarw. ) hat Or, s perhaps, thought the w y as mig a ht mroergeardacicturaaCte 6iTtrederparinrktation of it, as an attempt to supersede the Govern- of that debate, offered any peculiar temptation to her 31sjeety's Ministers to enter upon any ground of comparatively amicable arrangement. Their colleagues in the other House of Parliament, perhaps, felt th a t there would be great in. convenience resulting from the appointment of a Corn. mittee, which would disturb the ordinary business of the public department, and call functionaries from their avocations, irom which they could very ill b e spared : b es id es t h e graver Tnconvemenee of causing all important as well as all frivolous matters—all the most delicate as well as the most obvious con siderations connected with the administration of justice, and even with the management of private property, they may have felt there .was serious (and he was inclined to think incal culable) inconvenience in having such matters pried into and pored over before a Committee, which must necessarily carry on its inquiries hit by bit, by snatches, and at intervals—but mainly they could not shut their eyes to this consideration, that as it was most manifest from the whole tenor of the debate, and from the nature of the charges brought forward, that not o n iy th e prevailing character and cause of crime (and it might be the leading principles and gale ral conduct of the Irish Administration) but also every specific instance of the exercise of the prerogative of mercy for the last four years —any appointment of an indi vidual to any situation, however humble or trifling, for the last four years—in shot, that the whole routine of the Government for the same period was to be conned over, and criticised and adjudicated upon by a tribunal before which the parties mainly 'interested would not have ' condescended to attend the impression must have been created on the public mind generally, and on the mind of the Irish public cc pecially, that the whole controul and responsibility of the Exe cutive Government was about to be entrusted to a different agency from their own, and to be dictated by principles other than those which the Government entertained, which they had endeavoured to act upon, and to which as lung as they might be intrusted with the reins of power they would adhere.—( Cheers. ) Why if Noble Lords and Gentlemen opp os it e rea ll y and actually believed a tithe of what they had no scruple in expressing—(Hear. hear)—if any portion of the big words will which they were pleased to till their mouths—(lronical cheers from the Conservatives) — if any portion of the charges and criminations with which they were pleased to fill their mouths—(Cheers from the same quer ter)—were capable of being substantiated, the impropriety of the late proceeding wonld appear in colours still more manifest and glaring. Enough had been stated twenty times over to warrant he did not know how many impeachments.—(Cheers and counter che. rs).—The Learned Sergeant opposite (Ser geant Jackson), he saw, cordially and fully assented to that.— ( Cheers.) Enough had been stated to warrant a dozen impeachments against the Marquis of Normanby, against himself, who had been charged with the execution of many of his directions, and against the whole Government, who ac quiesced in, and sanctioned them, as they proved by continuing him in office.---( Hear, hear.) But a Committee of the House of Lords was not the proper tribunal to digest matters fur arbi trary impeachment; on the contrary, there would be a most uncomaitutienel tendency in such a body being called on to - sift and inquire into charges which the members of that body might afterwards be called . upon to consider and adjudicate as Judges. The tender of their re signations might have been a fair consideration; but consider ing the circumstances under which Lord Melbourne was called to office, and those under which he had since been sustained in it by the general eupeort of that House upon all essential points, he thought it was due to that House, and fair to the country, upon a prominent point of the policy of that Govern ment, the subject, perhaps, of moreconti of .cts t b h is ananyothe that had occurred dm ing the whole period Administra tion—it was fair, he thought, that they should take the best mea. s to ascertain whether on this ground of their policy the representatives of the people who called the Government to power still sided with them or with their accusers.--( Cheers. ) He did not think it necessary to go at such lengths as for merly, into particular cases, but there were some upon which he must offer a few observations. It was a satisfaction to him upon the last occasion, e when the conduct of the Irish Government was brought under the consideration of the House, till the period when his apprehensions were relieved by the process of counting out—it was satisfactory to him that almost all the cases which were brought forward and attempted to be urged against the Irish Government, were either so very old in their date or so stale in their texture as.to have been repeatedly before discussed, and, as he thought, sa tisfactorily disposed of ; and very much the same character ap plied to the cases which had been brought forward during the present debate. Perhaps the most notice had been called to to the exercise of the prerogative of mercy. In respect t o one branch of the subject, the lib eration of prisoners by the Lord Lieutenant, he must remind the House that the cases of this 83 d an were then m the kind occurred in the year 16, subject of distinct and prolonged iniestigation in ade both Houses of Parliament, and, after hearing the explanations furnished by Lord Nortninby and himself, neither House felt itself cawed upon to take any step or to offer any opinion upon the transactions alluded to. — ( Hear, hear.) The Lord Lieu tenant of li-clan:l never contemplated that the practice which had been referred to would form a part in any permanent sys tem. But he did think that in the peculiar condition of the country, then in an acknowledged stale of improvement, what ever may have been the case since, it might be worth while to make an experiment as to the effect of bringing home mercy directly to the eyes ofa those in whose favour it was exercised, and to try whether a softening effect could not be impressed on the pubic mind in those districts. Whether that experiment had failed or not, it had not been repeated.— (Loud cheers from the Opposition.) Was it then imputed as an offence ? Was that the charge ?—( Cries of " No, no," from the same quarter.) Why, then, that taunting cheer ? ( Loud cheers from the Ministerial side.) It seemed that the exercise of the prerogative of mercy was the only s e lj ec t on which there was no statute of limitations ; and that the exertion of clemency was the only offense which was inexpiable and utiforgiven.a4 Loud cheers.) From returns to that House, it appeared that under the Insurrection Act in 1824, there were 1,707 persons committed in one county, of whom 271 were convicted, and 78 punished, so that 1,437 innocent persons suf fered incarceration—(lronical cheers from the Opposition ) at letst 1,437 persons innocent in the eye of the law, as having been unconvicted,—(Hear, hear.) A pretty plentiful shower of imprisonments for persons convicted of no crime.—( Hear, bear. ) . Now with regard to the county of Sligo, a letter which he (Lord. Morpeth) had received from a Magistrate of that county stated that the effect of the Lord Lieutenant's visi tation had been such as he , nticipated, and that no person liberated by him bed since been charged with any offence against the law—(Cheers --and a similar statement had been • made by the Inspector of Prisons, a Protestant Clergyman.— ( Hear, bear.) Certainly matters had grown much worse in Sligo since—( Hear, hear, and cheers)—and he had listened to Le Hon. and Gallant Member (Colonel Perceval) with great sympathy. The deteriorated state of that county had arisen from the ex, iteznent p reduced 'during the late contested election, and it was lamentable enough that such consequences shoul:i result from such causes. With regard to the conspi racy against Mr. Sims, no blame assuredly could be imputed to the Government, by whom every aid required had been granted. Now some cases had been stated by the Right lion. and Learned Recorder (Mr. Shaw) last night, wh.ch had pro duced a great impression on the House. rho Hots. and Learned Gentleman had now set out for the Irish metropolis, to ashen water justice. And this he (Lord Morpeth) would say of him, that the Government were the only p rties whom he did not treat with justice and impartiality. —( Hear, hear.) He had asked the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman for his names, thinking iteight that accusers should as far as pos sible be pinned to names, though, of course, he could not tell whet her he should be able to supply documentary ex planation, and he owned that as to some he should not be able to produce such explanation. As to the case of Brennan he had consulted the Lord Lieutenant, who had not been able to recollect any such name ; of course the case would be inquired into. The only case of the name of which he had been able to tied a trace, was one so altogether dissimilar from that stated by the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that it could not be the same. The case was one of forgery. The Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman had stated the prisoner had a son at Maynooth. In the only case of a person named Brennan, who had been convicted of forgery and sentenced to transportation, of which he had been able to discover any records, a memorial had been transmitted to the Lord Lieutenant from the gentry of the county, stating thrir confidence that atthe time of the commis sion of the offence the individual in question had a full intention of making reparation, and praying a commutation of the sentence. That memorial had been referred to the Learned Judge who had tried the case, Baron Pennefather, who in his report recom mended that the sentence should be committed to two years' imprisonment, and on his recommendation the commuted punishment had been carried into effect.—(Loud cheers.) 'l'hese circumstances differed so entirely from those of the case stated last night bs the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that he thought he must have referred to some other case which might, perhaps, hereafter conic to light. But the ease on which the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman seemed most to rely, was the ease of Gahan, and if he (Lord Morpeth) could rightly read the coun tenances of Gentlemen opposite, and could.form any judgment of the effect produced on the House, that was the case that was relied on as most effective against the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) The Hun. and Learned Gentleman had said, let us suppose the ease of - a prisoner convicted of an aggravated assault, the Judge who triee him resists any application for mercy, wad determines that the law shall 'take its coterie a Roman Catholic priest, the brother of the prlsodneer, and le t s b a e letter to the Lord Lieutenant libelling e p otion of his brother prisoner, on whom the Judge hadhe d e te iea s i h ned u to g let the law take its course, is liberated that man, said was Gahan. It was true the Roman Catholic priest; the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, oannd the a- iiame of d and sentenced to seven years' that Gahan had been c moueinviourial had been presented from transportation. on. stat : A she prisoner t h at he had been deprived of the benefit .ng e i teess es in consequence of his trial haying co me of h i n s ea s pectedly—the Jury also recomm ended him to the con siderationu of the Lord Lieutenant, and stated, that if his wit. nest es bad been produced at the trial they would have recom mended him to the Judge.—(Laughter from the Opposition benches.) The Lord Lieutenant referred the memorial to the Learned Judge who tried the case, who reported that he saw no reasiin for a commutation of the sentence, and th e L or d Lieutenant made the following m inute on the m emor i a l , " Let the law take its ( course. Loud c h eer i ng. ) Another memorial was addressed to the L or d Lieu tenant from the prisoner'* brother, a Catholi c P r i est, in which certa inl y some most unwarrantable expression s w ere Judge made use of wi th re g ard to thewe hhad tried th e case, and on this a m inute was made y th I • Lord Lieutenant t o reques' Chief J ustice Doherty to furnish Tn . with his not es o f the case, as a convi c tion had taken place at the pr ev i ous acco mp lice of the prisoner, ea which assist's of an Justice Moore, N recommended that tried th e cas e , had should be extended, that a pardon of the policeman as he did not consider the evidence entitled to credit, un which the conviction took place, was applicant, stating that and that a letter should be written to the .Judees which nt • at no memorials were ever referred to the and that any alund matter that could be painful to them, and therefore sneer, however slight, must be offensive to them, state that most displeasing to I the Lord Lieutenant. He h t mightlsy mistake tha that memorial was ' sent to Chief Justice Do er y ered, that the t an explanation was made, and an apology of apology was not ac thened corr eepted, which led to e and he would not now which at length terminated, a the feelings of cation w . e l vish to revive what must be painful to is a lication was ustice Doherty and Lord Normanby. Th PP 1 , for liberating the . unattended to, and no step was titeen d backed from prisoner until other memorials were presente e wo members of the county, so that it was not priestly influenceb oucTbtbut Parliamentary in fluence also, which had been brought operate on the mind ' had of the Lord Lieutenant. step s nted by the been taken in conse quence, which were not war_ra_ _ circumstances of the case. The first memorial the Lord Lieutenant referred to the t that there were no eircum• Judge, w h o had repor Thetncee war- e object ionao e letter from his ranting a commu tation.ed a sharp rebuke, and brother had brought down no steps had been taken in consequence. On the presentation of other me morials detailing circu mstances not before me ntioned, the Lord Lieutenant thought it his duty to refer all the documents to the legal advisers of the Crown, and they were referred to the Attorney and Solicitor- General for Ireland, in order that they might investigate the circumstances of the case. It ap peared that a man who had been a party to the same assault had been tried at the previous Assizes before Judge Moore, who had reported to the Lord-lieutenant that he did not con sider had appeared as witnesses against 1 • sider the 'policemen who s um were worthy of credit, an d that the sentence ou g ht not to b e carried into effect.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It appeared that the se se witnesses t ie d been brought forward against the priomer, and the re p o rt of the Attorney-Gene ra l was, that having read Chief Justice Doherty's report upon the cases of Daly and Gahan referred to, the assault had occurred in October ment in their doe conduct and controul of the Executive Go vernment of Ireland, and to substitute another of their own, at variance with it, in its place. At all events, they were now determined to have the point ale fired up. The Government would no longer accept their commentary, or their gloss, or their palliation. They were determined to leave no room for farther ambiguity. They had had enough of partial attacks, isolated innendoes, abuses, and motions for papers here and Committees there—( Hear, hear)—but they had now come before the House of Commons for a direct opinion, and they would take no low ground—they would exist no longer upon sufferance—( Immense cheering and laughter from the Oppo sition, which continued for two or three minutes)—on the paint on which they had been called out and challenged to the combat —( Vehement cheering)—they would not put up with a tacit acquiescence, they would not even be content with acquittal. The Noble Lord that night asked Members for a direct and distinct vote of approbation.—(Much cheerin , r.) In the " name of the Irish Government, and the whole Government as implicated in its Irish policy, he asserted fearlessly that they had deserved well of their country.—( Renewed cheering.) Upon that issue, stoutly maintained, and not to be shrunk by them, however it might be scouted and jeered by the opposite party—on that issue he called upon them, the Commons of the empire, to come that night to a vote.—( Vehemement cheering for some minutea.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, the Noble Lord who had just sat down, had expressed an opinion that the House should tense to a vote that night, and he wished he could j him in that anticipatien. Although not imme diately connected with Ireland, he hoped the House would pardon him, if, before the question AVAS brought to a vote, even at that late hour, he would venture to address it. He certainly would not presume to follow the No ble Lord into the details with respect to the state of Ireland, on which he had most properly entered—but considering that the latter part of his speech had intimated that her Majesty's Government would consider the present a direct vote of approbation—that they could no longer consent to exist by forbearence, and that the Noble Lord had announced to the Members fur London and Finsbury that her Majesty's Ministers bad come to the determination no longer to govern by their endurance, or to exist by tacit for bearance, he would venture to offer some observations on the present state of affairs. He had endeavoured in the course of that long and protracted debate to form some con jecture as to the real motive of the Noble Lord's mo tion. He had been in great doubt on the subject—(Cheers and laughter). The motion was unprecedented. although he believed the Noble Lord continued to rely upon the single pre cedent of the Scotch warrants, which he was sure the Noble Lord would not forget.—(lronical cheers.) Find ing the motion unprecedented, he certainly continued to doubt what the real motion of the Noble Lord was; he suspected the object was to pick a quarrel with the House of Lords. The Noble Lord seemed to think it desirable to steal a rote of approbation from a bare majority Of that House upon the only point on which they could ask it—( Cheers from bath sides of the House)—for the purpose of propping up a weak and tottering Administration.—( Loud cheers and laughter.) Now, if the Noble Lord really believed that the effect of th e vo t e o f t o - n i g ht wou ld be to perpe tuate that Administration, he could understand his conduct ; the motive would justify the unexampled effort. But having heard the speech of the Honourable Member fur London—havingheard the doelarati.ms made from various quarters on the opposite side of the House, male of them the most powerful supporters of her Majesty's Administration, on the present occasion—and having heard the declaration of the Noble Lord (wh eh he had heard with sincere pleasure) on the subject of the representation of the people—he was convinced that the days of the Administration opposite him were numbered. That it was about to fall—not from any attack from its enemies—not from any hostile effort on that side of the House—(Laughter and cheering)—but from an honest division of opinion on matters of great national interest; and then he asked himself how did they justify the vote of the present evening ? A quarrel with the House of Lords was dangerous in its consequences, and if it did not save the Administration what pod did it do—it was but a cordial administered to a dying man which could not prolong his existence.—(Hear and cheers.) lie felt the ut most difficulty in arguing the question, for the speech of his Right Hon. Friend, three nights ago, had placed the subject. in every possible view, and after the efforts of three nights, it still remained unanswered. The Noble Lord who had just sat down said he would argue the question, first, on the necessity of the motion ; and, secondly, on the propriety of its terms. lie w‘is prepared to join issue with him on both points. He con tended that the resolution of the House of Lords could not be construed as a censure upon her Majesty's Government. It stated that life wad property were insecure, but it did not ascribe that state to the policy of her Majesty's Ministers. No doubt grave accusations were brought against them ; but where the statements were so contradictory inquiry was absolutely necessary. Why the inquiry into the appointment of Sheriffs last year was as much directed against Lord Normanby's Government as Lord Roden's motion. The Noble Lord could not forget the conduct of Government on the Canada Indemnity Bill last year. What was the declaration of Lord Melbourne on that occasion? On the 9th of August he declared that the disallowing the Ordinance Bill would be destructive of the moral effect of the Government, and almost the same as terminating the connection between the colony and the mother country, and he would never be a party to it. The Ilouse of Lords, however, passed the Bill, and next day the Government took up the meaeure, and adopted it as their own. He believed that a very large portion of those accusations were true—(Cheers) --and that the statements that hadbeen brought forward, and the recriminations, were so grave and pressing as to render inquiry indispensable.—( Cheers. ) The inquiry had been instituted already by a competent tribunal, an indepen dant branch of the Legislature ; and the Right Hon. Bart. had absolutely denied, and with due force and justi^e, the political right of that House to interfere or interrupt. He would now say a felt words respecting the motion of the Noble Lord. That motion was absolutely useless, unless per haps they meant to intimidate the House of Lords by a vote of the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord had gone over the same topics as the Solicitor-General for Ireland, respecting the distribution of the legal patronage in Ireland by his Right Hon. Friend. He (Sir J. Graham) was net very intimately acquainted with the subject, but perhaps the Noble Lord would explain why Mr. Dogherty and Mr. Shaw had been promoted befot e Mr. Sergeant Perrin. lie (Sir J. Graham) found that. in former times the pre motion of barristers was the result of the faithful discharge of their dirties in the face of power. There was then no short cut to promotion-- no direct stepping from the Corn Exchange to the Castle --(Cheers)—nor was it a recommendation thet a Learned Bar rister had been the advocate of a National Associantion.— (Cheers.) Bat the Hon: and Learned Gentleman, in cone iognorance of Scotch affairs, had charged the Right Hon. l o hw orie t with past:tatty in,thechstribution of legal patronage in +Scetland.., Such -a thing was, unknown in Scotland i• the only objects of legal ambition were judicial appointments, an d, in deed, he found that the House could with difficulty restrain its indignation when the Right Hon. Baronet had been charged with being influenced by political motives in selecting Judges for Scotland—in the face of the fact that when the office of Chief Baron of Scotland was vacant his Right Hon. Friend appointed to that high place a learned and distinguished Scots man of eminent abilities, but a political opponent of his, an honest Whig partizan. And the names of Lord Corehouse, Lord Eldin, and Lord Moncrief would go down to p - sterity as splendid evidences of the strict and honourable impartiality of his Right Honourable Friend in selecting Judges for the Bench of Scotland. Ho would refer to sumo expressions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on a former evening, but first he would remark upon the assertion of the Noble Lord, that nothing would satisfy her Majesty's Government, but a direct adoption of their policy. His Right Honourable Friend had said with great justice, that the motion of the Noble Lord was mest vague and inexplicable. He asked whether the Noble Lord meant by it to impugn the Government of Lord Grey, Lord Anglesea, of Lcrd Iladdington, and Lord Plun kett; he asked what their principles were—" tell us what you mean before you press us to vote for it." But all the answer of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was that the course was neither direct, nor safe, nor honourable, but that he pre ferred it because it was most inconvenient to their opponents. — (Cheers.) He would ask was this right or constitutional, or was it to be believed that in the present state of affairs the opposite party were to be prepared to rush into collision with the House of Lords merely for the sake of embarras sing their opponents?—(Cheers.) When the Right Honour able Gentleman spoke of Ireland being always threatened by an opposition, he seemed to have forgotten how powerfully and effectually Mr.i Grattan, Lord Plunkett, and Lord Brougham had wielded that weapon. He (Sir J. Graham) for himself, had fought by the side of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and fought honestly and sincerely, in behalf of the Catholic claims, and on the same principles which had so long kept Lord Grey and Mr. Tierney out of office ; surely then there was no grounds for the insinuation of a hypocritical pretext, as had been advanced against him and his friends by the Right Honourable Gentleman. The suspicious feeling must have been taken up since he ( Sir James Graham) lied acted with him, and, perhaps, had some connexion with the appropriation clause, or some other motion concocted, at Lichfield House.—( Cheers.) Now, with respect to the second part of the position of the Noble Lord, namely, that the motion was proper and requisite, he would •ay that no thing was more necessary than an inquiry into the state of Ireland—in order to show why it was that the people, who were most kind, generous, and warm-hearted—who were brave beyond example—compassionate in the most tender degree, and so charitable that the poor were ever ready to share their last potatoe with those who were more needy still—( Hear, bear,) —why it was that, murders, assas sinations, surrounded with circumstances of premeditated cruelty and atrocity which made one turn- aside with horror and shame for the dishonour of human nature—why it was that such deeds should prevail amongst such a people and such a country ? (Hear, hear, and great cheering. ) That was a great moral inquiry, which no time should be lost in prosecuting—(Cheers)—besides, there was a great po litical and statistical inquiry which should be instituted. He wanted to know why it was that in Ireland a dense population, subsisting I eitneipally by spade husbandry, and occupying small portions of land, it should be considered the curse of that coun try, and a great cause of poverty and destitution, while in Bel gium, vsith a soil not more fertile—a climate not more genial —a population more dense, relying principally on spade husbandry, and occupying still smaller patches of land, the inhabitants were in the enjoyment of peace, abundance, and prosperity, to n. degree that delighted the passing beholder ? (Cheers. ) These were great subjects for inquiry, and what tribunal was more fitted to investigate these subjects than the House of Lords, comprising the great Irish landowners, such as the Duke of Leinster, and Lord Lansdowne, and Noblemen of such talent as Lords Plunket and Brougham—( Hear, hear) —in the presence,:too, of the party chiefly implicated?—(" No, no," from the Ministerial benches.) Was it to be understood that the Marquis of Normanby had resigned from the Com mittee.—(" Most assuredly," from Lord John Russell.) Well, all he could say was, that the inquiry would be prosecuted as fairly in the absence of the Noble Marquis as in his presence— (lronieal cheers from the Ministerial side)—and he hoped that the House of Lords woeld not be deterred from the inquiry by the peevish resignation of Lord Normanby.—(Opposition cheers.) It was impossible to forget the murder of Lord Nor bnry.—( Hear.) No doubt " property has its duties as well as its rights ;" though he questioned the wisdom of publishing such a declaration at the present crisis.—( Hear, hear.) But the murder of Lord Norbury proved that the most faithful dis charge of those duties—the aaost unbounded generosity—the most constant residence, were no protection from the assassin's aim,—( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet then referred to the visitation of Lord Normanby, and animadverted upon the libera tion of twenty prisoners in one day by mere oral order, and re ferred to several cases. In one case the Right Hon. Baronet said &prisoner bad been tried and found guilty by two juries; sentence having been passed, application was made for remis sion. The Judge saw no reason to recede from the opinion given for pronouncing sentence; and it appeared to him most extraordinary that the matter should be referred to the officers of the Crown—(Hear) —and that that opinion should be acted upon by the Lord Lieutenant.—( Hear.) Sometimes the Lord Lieutenant granted pardon without consulting the Judges, and sometimes set aside their opinions, and preferred private solicitation to judicial authority. 'With restao.t to the state of crime the Noble Lord had referred to the statements of the Judge. Now he would allude to the statement of an un exceptionable witness, Judge Burton. He said he could net imagine anything more alarming than the prevalence of crime— the crime of premeditated and concerted assasination but if there was anything that could tend to aggravate this state of things, it was the disposition evinced by certain persons to screen such criminals. And the Attorney-General said the Calendar demonstrated to him t hat there could be no doubt of the lamentable fact, that in no place was human life IP .01_ f 1 EVENING EDI rr I ,%."' . less regarded than in the county of Tipperary.—( Hear.) it , seemed to be the result of conspiracy for blood and assassination. • At the end of the Session, when the Act for the commutation of Tithes was passed, her Majesty was pleased to express an earnest desire that the measure for the commutation of tithes in Ireland would increase the security for that species of pro perty, and promote internal peace. But within three months of that her Majesty's Lieutenant for the county of Cavan, one of the favourite attendants upon the Royal person, commenced open warfare on this very species of praperty thus secured. and signed a declaration demanding its immediate and entire anni hilation.—( Cheers. ) It was this species of warfare that her Majesty's Viceroy foresaw, and hoped would be suceoful, when he declared in his place in Parliament, that the Iri. ll Church, even reduced within its narrow limits, was a stain and a disgrace upon the Institutions of the country.—(Cheers.) Her Majesty expressed a wish that the property might be left more secure. Her Majesty's Viceroy expressed a hope that the means of warfare would be transferred from the weak to the strong, and that the war against that species of property would be eirried on with greater vigour.—(Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, one of the supporter • of the Government, had declared that the utter extfnetson of all Church property e as necessary to the being of the Catholic population.— ( llear, hear.) But to return to the point at which he started, what was the object of the resolution? It was pointless, unless it was to intimidatc.the House of Lords. The inquiry would proceed, as if the resolution had never passed. If the object was to intimidate the House of Louie, he would refer to the high constitutional authority of the Noble Lord opposite ( Lord John Russell) upon this very ;Point. I n the year 1833 the Noble Lord expressed this opinion ids re gard to the poesible case ef a collision with the House a Lords. Ile said, thit if the House was to enter into a contest es with the Lords, it ought to be on some great constite question, but that they ought not to risk the peace and tran quality of the country for the sake of some abstract question. Noble Lord also said, and it was a noble sentiment, wee' worthy of the Noble Lord, and the family from which he sprung—" It is impossible not to see that it is the object of a certain party in Ireland to obtain, not by legisl eive means, le gislative remedies for what they conceive grievances, but by means of violence to compel the Legislature to fellow in the wake of their intimidation. Such conduct is not only injurious to Ireland, but to the prosperity and oasis r of the whole empire. It is undoubtedly a great honour to sit in the legislature of this country, but if ever it should be do eraded to so low a point as to acquiesce in miconstitational j mandates, it would be far more honourable to till the ground in the most humble capacity than to be a Member of the Legis lature.—(Cheers, and counter cheers.) That was the opinion of a member of the House of Russell—that was the opinion of all the compeers of the l /take of Bel-. ford.—( Hear, hear, hear.) But it might be said that after all it was necessary to take this vote as a security against the establishment of an Orange despotism in Irelatel.4Cheers. ) Of all the chimerical visions that ever entered into the mind of roan he conceived that to ha the most unfounded and the least sincere. Ile did not conceive that a Government could or ought to stand for one day which at tempted to govern on that principle. The principle on which Ireland ought to be governed was the firm and impartial ad ministration of justice, and the equsl and fair distribution of patronage with regard to individual charieter, conduct, abi lities and private worth, without the least reference to differ ence of religious principles. That was the principle enunciated by his Right Hon. Friend the Member for famworth.—(Cries of " No, no.") It was upon that principle Isis Right Hon. Friend brought forward the Catholic Emancipation Act, and he could safely appeal to the integrity and the firmness of his Right lionoerable Friend as sufficient guarantees that he would adhere to those principlei.—( Hear, hear_ ) He might be accused of endeavouring to excite religious ani mosities; nothing could be further from his intention. If be might offer advice to the Catholics of Ireland, he would address them in the words of one of their most eloquent advocates, the Marquis of Wellesley, in 1812 ; slay, he would go further than that, he would say that if an Irish Catholic t cordially embraced the Union, remaining attached to the British, connection on the terms of the Union, one fundamental con dition of which was the maintenance of the Established Church in Ireland, in his judgment that person was entitled to the pe culier favour of the Government. The Marquis of Wellesley, at the period he had mentioned, had said, " Let the Catholics endeavour to mitigate those pi ejudices and jealousies which have heen recently exasperated by the indiscretion of .their leaders, and invite the Protestants by • reason to listen to their pleading—let them solicit the favour of the laws by displaying a spirit of obedience to the law and submitting themselves to the legal authority.—( Hear.) If unhappily these suggestions should be disregarded by the Roman Catho lies, he would address the same ads ice to the Protestants of Ireland, and exhort them to adhere to the promises they had given, resigning every Orange flag, and honestly and faithfully altandoning all secret associations; let others forget their pledges ; let others pat strange constructions on their oaths; but let them, under every cis. cumstance, and every trial, preserve themselves faithful and sincere to the last, fulfilling every promise they hod given, and adhering to every pledge that had ever been required of them.— (Loud cheers. ) Mr. 'l'. DUNCOMBE moved the adjournment of the debate. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at One o'Clock. COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. Yesterday a Court of Common Council was held at Guildhall, to take into consideration the several chimes of th• New City Police Bill. The LORD MAyort took the Chair at twe've o'clock, at which time there was a very full attendaaie of mem bers. The various clauses of the Bill were read the Clerk and discussed seriatim, and a variety oend. ments proposed, the majority of which were agrted to. The Court then adjourned. Wo will to-morrow give a brief' analysis of the Bill as amended by the Court. COURT CIRCULAR. Her Majesty had a dinner party last evening at Back ingham Palace. The company were—her Royal Higk ness the Duchess of Kent, his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, the Duke and Duchess of Somerset, Dako Cleveland, Duke of Argyll, Marquis of Cony►,gh,m, Earl and Countess of Zetland, Countess of Racin , ,r and Lre i t;: Jane Bouverie, Earl of Clarendon, Earl of Ileheste•r, countess Falkland, Lord Dinorben, Lord Say - e and Sele, Mr.• Brand, Countess of Charlemnnt, Lady Fiora Has•- ings, Hon. Miss Lister, Hon. Miss Anson, Mrs. Bran;', Miss Davys, Baroness Lasen, Viscount Torrington. ti n. C. A. Murray, Hun. William Cowper, and Colons I Buckley. The band of the Ist Life Guards was in attendance at the Palace during the evening. Viscount Melbourne had en audience yesterday of tie Queen The Royal dinner party at Buckingham Palace on W-d. nesday included the Earl of Albemarle, Viscuunt bourne, Colonel Wemysa, and Mr. Brand. fier jestv's Private Band attended during the evening. The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, attended Le Baroness Ahlefeldt and Baron Knesebeck, honoured tio Archbishop of York with their company at dinner or , edneaday, at his residence in Grosvenor-fluaro. Their Royal Highnesses afterwards went to the performance o f the concert of Ancient Music. • The Ministers of Russia, France, Prussia, and AUStrj2, Count Pczzl di Borgo, Count Sebastiani, Baron Buhr.; and Count Senift, had an interview with; Vieccunt P. mer,ton yesterday afternoon, at the Foreign. office. Sir Lewis Grant and Sir Patrick Ross bad intervie , , with the Marquis of No:manby yesterday, at the Cot,nial. office. Archdeaccn Pott and the Rev, D,. Bull, Canon of Exeter, had an int,rview with Viscount Melbourne yes. today, in Downing-street. a:spatchea were received yesterday, at the Colonial. office, from IsNor-General Middiemore, Governor of St Lucia. " Looking at Cheveley, or the Man of Honour, by Lady Bulwer, as altogether what its title tiould em to import, it is one of the most brilliant fashion Ale novels that has appeared for a very long-time. There is, na, re. over, scarcely a chapter that is rot enlivened by witty aphorisms and the most lively repartees."—United Service Gazete. ---- ---,, " BIRTHS, DEATHS, M It. 111E0DORE HOOK'S AND MahIZIAGES"—The tale which the al.. .s written in _l'. Hook's most forc'ilv'e quaint till: he:alds, iM character of Helen is excellently drawn al ' d 'i s - u l s e ;ai l ne l d - , and elaborated v - 1 0 1 ' skill which none hut they who most searching e searchingly the human character, and its various springy and , a emotions, could have conc.ived Mr. Brimnier Brassov, the l-r—, triehy, electioneering attorney, and the brothers John and i a.. , 0b Batley, are also capitally hit off. In f t justly say tha Mr. Hook has been very succe s s fule' we may''. new novel. It is full of the wit aura racy l r in I s , which he knows so well how to pour forth upon any sub ject ; at the same time there is throughout a deep and touching pathos, which evinces a mastery of the heart, as well as power over the intellect.—Sunday Paper. CAUTION TO HOUSEKEEPEIq.—At Hatton garden yesterday several housekeepers were fitted 40a and costs, for having their hearth-rugs, (16or-mats, &c., shock in front of their dwellings. Thu Magistrates regretted that they had no power to mitigate the penAty, and Eald that the law was by far too severe. INTEGRITY IN A LANDLORD.—A comnin eial gentleman, staying at the Four Swans, Bishop gate street, a few days since, was agrcea tl y surprised aho,tly after his arrival, by the restoration of some pro:)erty he 1 ,141 :o t ups dds (1 eleven years I At this perio d he bad lodged et the same inn, and left it behin d him; but had no ecol lection of this fact at the time , consequently did no t apply for it ; end being unknown to the p roprietor, having i'.....r visited his house before, he could not ccrnmnnicate with him. In the lapse of yea rs the loss itsel f was almost obli terated from his memory until revived in the manner ab.,70 stated. He deems it a duty to give publicity to let fdet. as a most honcutable and praveworthy instance, net oily of honesty, but of great care and attention on the part of 1 1 the worthy host and his domestics. We learn from i S TABBI NG AND INIAIMING.--- the latest information that Captain Ellison was walking on the river hank in Boultham, which is a public footway,lll about nine o'clock last night (Monday), being arm!d. with a sword and a stiletto. Mr. Seely, who is an retv.. l e, I destriun, was taking his stroll round the Withana, to Ow i the same direction; and having sprained his ride, lead F a t down to obtain some ease. Captain Ellison a pp roachrd, and exclaimed, " What are y ou doing there, like a sc•Lutt- l w i drel ?" Mr. Seely immed iatel y got up, Captain ask Elii., asked } such terms were applie d to him ? Cp,n, with his sword, struck off Mr. S e ely's h;:t, a hichndmu,t have tmtde a thrust with the stiletto in the other hand, w r pen e trated the breast had not M. Seely interp,sed hi s erm. The dagger went in, up to the LA. Ater calling c ( : l u e t nt li s i: name, and exelairnitig he was hurt, Mr SerlY Legged for assistanc,,, which we re...2r , t to record was nut rendered to him, although ho was bleeding profusely, but Captain Ellison walked off, apparently unconcern d, f o r the result. These are communicated to us as the -.- the various a ccompaniments vre do not thinlir:cl - right to tOte on report.—The dagger has ra z s ,d 1 . it ivt'aYeen i the two bones of the arm, and severed th e i nt ,„ &s i a i at tery. Lincoln Gazette. The Royal Academy will open its e i xlilb . ition to the pui.lic on Monday, the ell of M a from what we haw heard, and alai from what we l udging CAlection will be one of vim interest • 'n'tia':rseen: the noac of our leading painters being, as ~ -.0 0. ,4 e A r i ' • "( "n last year, absentees, visiting the Cor'irent, ar e :a all . : il f th w _etn re , therefore, being among the contributors. —A rt. Union. =`: a ro ion dcr hat on. rot in sr'' .._.l _.