The Sun. — London, England, 1844-01-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM Toe DAILY l',kPERp3 cv YVSTERDAY. • G LO-BE:—The Irish State Prosecutions have at length advanced to that. stage which commences their real interest to the public. The traversers have been given in. charge to the jury. The Attorney-General has delivered a part—only a part—of his epening speech : that part occupying more than five hours ! Yet so little way did the learned functionary make in the narrative of facts he undertook to establish, and in applying the law to those facts, that a feeling of weariness imper ceptibly crept over the Court and Jury. Utter hopelessness of a termination, within any imaginable period, of a trial, the opening the facts of which required so long and labOured a speech from the prosecutor, was manifestly the sickening sensation of every person in Court. The prosiness of, the Attorney-General's exordium seems to have. thrown a wet blanket over the ardour of the most sanguine for that result which can alone save the Government from discomfiture and disgrace. The Post—a journal which will not be suspected ' of any predilections in favour of O'Connell or . his projects—in an analysis of the opening proceed ' trigs, and descriptive of the impression produced on the auditory by the Attorney-General's speech, says : " We must confess that though we did not expect . a very striking speech from the Irish Attorney - General, five we are rather disappointed at. the hours' oration of the day before yesterday. It w as a heavy titian-, •and was felt to be so by the auditory. One passage, indeed, had something in it which excited laughter ; but the Attorney-General appears to have been offended when his hearers were amused." The Attorney-General is manifestly encumbered by the vastness of the question with which he has to deal. Seeking to secure his object, he spreads his legal net so widely as to include every meeting of the Repealers, and every speech delivered at those meet ings, together with newspaper reports of the proceed • ings, and even doggrel ditties published in certain journals, the proprietors and conductors of which are included in the indictment. This variety and mass of matter, by which he proposes to connect the several parties with the alleged conspiracy, will be found too unwieldy for him to manage with effect. The multitu4e of facts with which the memories of the jury will be charged will clog their judgments. Oue juryman will deem this important ; another will reject the fact so important in the estimation of his fellow as proving nothing, and will put forth tl at which he has marked as emphatic ; while a third will consider those facts as of no im portance when compared with others which he thinks pregnant with suspicion ; but, taken alone, as by no means amounting to legal proof of that which requires to be strengthened by concurring circumstances. 'The conspiracy charged by the indictmentis to be made out, by constructive acts performed by the traversers. Those acts—whether committed in concert, or apart — must be shown to have been done in furtherance of a common purpose ; and that purpose contrary to law. The part of the Attorney-General's opening speech (so far as we are in possession of it) which is most worthy of attention, was that in which he applied himself to the law as bearing upon the " conspiracy " charged in the indictment. We cannot agree with those of our Contemporaries who would restrict the proof, requisite for establishing conspiracy, to what is necessary to establish " a common design ;" and " a common design having been esta blished, that then the acts of one of the conspirators will affeastethe others who are engaged in the same con spiracy." We think " the common design," or purpose, must be first shown to have been an illegal purpose ab initio. The confederation called " the Loyal Repeal Association"—meetings of which were held at the several places alleged, and at which the parties indicted took active parts in various ways—was formed to obtain the repeal of an Act of the Legislature. The question is not, we presume, whether a dissolution of the legis lative union between the two countries would be bene ficial, or detrimental, to Ireland or to the empire ; but whether—the Union being effected by an Act of Par liament—to confederate, and meet, in whatever num bers, for the purpose of petitioning the Legislature td dissolve that Union by a repeal of the statute on w h ich it rests, can be desmed, ipso facto, an illegal confede racy ; and those who constituted the council, Lr chief actors, of that confederacy, be—in the legal sense of the term—" c onspirators." The language used by the speakers at those meetings, in their harangues delivered to the multitudes who attended them, may have' been, and possibly . was, violent and inflam matory. This would constitute sedition in the indivi duals using ,the language, but it would not implicate others. The same reasoniug would apply to the other overt acts. If the evidence establish the overt acts, as charged, against one or more of the accused parties, they are doubtless within the law. Each must bear his own burden. But the offence will not amount to "conspiracy." Unless there be proved to have existed an agreement between the parties to commit those illegal acts, in concert, for the purpose of effecting a lawful (however inexpedient) object by such • unlawful means, the charge of conspiracy must fail. The overt acts charged in the indictment are spread over a wide extent of time : they were committed openly, at sundry dates, and in divers manners : the Government was constantly invited to take special notice of what was said and done at the " monster meetings ;" and yet, those whose special duty it was to guard the public safety, looked on with indifference, as though there were no danger ! Is it not rather late to turn round now, and say—" We allowed you to proceed eluting an entire year in a course which perilled the peace of the country, and the security of the Throne ; and when we saw that no breach of the' public order resulted from those immense as semblages, we will now charge upon you every ima ginable mitchief as the purpose for which you confe derated and convened ?" Is not the Government fairly chargeable with having encouraged proceedings of which it was fully aware, but took no step to suppress ? A proclamation such as was issued against the intended Clontarf meeting,.would have prevented the meetings which preceded it. Was it not, then, a criminal neglect on the part of the Government to abstain from doing that in March which they did in October ? Were they not participators in the acts tor which they now seek to visit the actors with punishment ? STANDARD.—The last shaft in Mr. O'Connell's quiver having been expended, the State trials are at length proceeding with little chance of further interrup tion. The number, and frivolousness of the objec timis -which have been urged brhim sand his ac complices show clearly how - little dependence they can place on the merits of their respective cases. After 'an exhibition of audacity on the pert 'of tvi o of the Repeal conspiratOrS such as • has rarely been attenipted under.sitnilar circumstances, - the non-appearance in Court at the proper hour of Duffy and Barrett, and the' reception of excuses from one or two members of the panel, on the ground of ill health, the Clerk of the Crown gave the traversers in charge, and the Attorney-General commenced his address, and continued speaking until half-past four, when the Court adjourned; and the jury were permitted, under certain restrictions, to return to their respective homes; At that hour the Attorney s General had not only not conclude •t his address, but had not, it was understood, arrived at the most important part of his revelations. It has been objected to thetearned G entlemen's spec ch by one o our Contemporaries, that it is‘.licavy"and uninteresti g; but when we remember that the public of England and Ireland have been familiar, for the last three months, with nearly the whole of the facts it details, and that it is necessarily encumbered by numerous ex tracts from the seditious harangues and writings of the traversers, it is not singular that the Attorney-General should have been unable to render his address as inte resting to his auditory as he might have done under dif feren!, circumstances. It displays, however, the more sub stantial recommendation of being a clear and lucid narra tive of the facts he proposes to give in evidence, preceded by. n able exposition of the law as applicable to the offences charged against the traversers ; referring to numerous precedents in support of his opinion. Having explained that a confederacy becomes a criminal conspiracy when two or more persons combine to do an unlawful act, or accomplish a lawful ob ject by unlawful means, and referred to the case of dill' Cato-street conspirators in support of his assertion that a 'party joining in the design adopts and renders himself responsible for the acts of his accomplices, both before and after he has joined them, the Attorney-General alluded to the indictment against Frost and other Chartists on which was not : tried, 'bemuse he had been previously ton aided Of treason ; Vincent and Edwards having been found guilty upon it ; and he proceeded to show diet the . overt acts charged on that occasion were en tirely similar to those alleged against the Irish traversers ; illustrating his argument by an im portanim- portant.extract from nudge ltayley's judgment in an action brought by Hunt against the Captain of the Manchester Yeoinenry e in which his Lordship nut only defined'all meetings of pnrsons assembled to so* sedition, end bring into contempt the Constitution as unlawful, but also the extent to which the leaders or chairmen of such meetings are responsible. This opinion was af terwards confirmed by Lord Tenterden, whose judgment Mr. smith has pressed into his service. Ile exposed with great ability the fallacy of the pretext, that because the various " mons t e r meeting," called' together by Mr. O'Connell dispersed peaceably at his bidding, they were not . formidabl e , or dangerous to the public peace , their object bein g clearly to - o v e rawe the Executive, and hold o a menace of prospective mischief should their de mands not be complied with. The pacific demeanour of O'Connell' s mobs loss been simulated for the express purpose of enabli ng him to complete their organisation with imputiitn ' and it is impossible not to recognise the correctness of men with rebellionslanJudge Bayley's con viction that " in their hearts will occasionally empl oy recommending peace, order, tranquillity, and obedience d . b ie l hce to the laws." After a careful preci s o f in f events Ireland from the concession of tfieu to the present time, the Attorney-General pssedoi" Bill in review the varioue associations which hada been organised fur political purposes since that periuJ, having for their object the repeal of the their denunciation by the Governments of Lord Greg and Lord Melbourne, as well as in the speech f rom Throne, and the coercive measures which were finally adopted to repress them. He then laid bare the whole machinery of the Repeal Association, its pro vincial inspectors, wardens, collectors, and police, the cards which are circulated, the devices they bear, and the arrangements by which journals of the most inflammatory character were circulated throughout the body. Among the foremost of these incendiary publications he referred to the _Vit;en and the Miot,*and selected articles in p rose and verse from their columns, including extracts from various speeches of O'Connell, Steele, and rther.i, at Repeal meetings, which had been reported in their columns. To in vest such details with novelty, in an address re stricted to the simplest and closest narrative of; events, would exceed the powers of any Attorney General, and we are accordingly not surprised that I Mr. ;iinich should have failed to imbue them with f that quality. But if a careful application of his facts, and an able exposition of the law in regard to them, may be considered as entitling him to the grati tude of his countrymen, he has, undoubtedly earned t it. The continuation of the Attorney-General's ad- I dress was looked for with great interest, as it was expected that it would announce the acqui , sition of evidence which, albeit new, is said to be of a description to surprise no one who has been a reader of Irish newspapers for - the last few months. Meanwhile, it is 'pleasant to be furnished with so com plete and practical an illustration of the absurdity of the predictions of• our Whig-Radical Contemporaries, as the present tranquil state of Dublin may be con sidered to supply; a repose which would suffer no interruption were Mr. O'Connell already convicted, and suffering the penalty which might be considered his due. Some curiosity attaches to the rumoured disclo sures which Wednesday was to bring forth, but with this exception, the Irish public appear wholly indifferent, as it regards the results of these trials ; and the only parties in this country who feel any anxiety on the subject are the Whigs and their journalists, who rely upon such an issue as will enable them to nurse into activity their own little conspiracy against Sir Robert Peel's Go vernment. TIMES.—The French Legitimatists betray considerable signs of confusion under the attack which has been made npon them by the sage Government of Louis Philippe, as any party will do when sk'lfully pressed from with out, and unsupported by any definite object or clear and understood principle of coherency within. The adhe rents of the Duke de Bordeaux have at present neither the one nor the other. They have no definite object ;' for it is impossible that they can nourish any real expectation of replacing "Henry V." on the throne of France. 'They have no coherency of principle, else we should hear of no coquetting with Republicanism. The more able among theni must repudiate the one—the more honest must abhor the other. With the influence of the nobility extinct, with the commercial and trading classes wholly given to the dynasty of Louis Philippe, with the students and artisans rank republicans, the army devoted to the power which pays it, and even the clergy, in whose cause the elder dynasty fell, and among whom, therefore, the spark of old-fashioned loyalty might be expected at least to linger—with even the clergy in its younger and more vigorous part, too deeply tinged with the will doctrines ofLamennais to present any firm basis for Royalist principles—with all these things against them, it is, indeed,.difficult'to suppose that any man of ordinary forethought, who mixes with the world, or who even reads the daily papers, should cherish the hope of a second restoration. There are no visible materials for success—no locus standi—no point of con tact between Royalism and the French people—no body of ancienj and familiar prejudice—no national want to which legitimacy is the necessary correlative—no still existing remains of a feudal interest—there is nothing, we will not say to encourage the expectation, but even to keep alive the most distant hope of the most modified triumph. The revolution of the last century, of which the present state of France is a development, was not the mere prostration of a party, it was the extermination of a whole mass of principles with every thing that ad hered to them. The entire soil which had been im pregnated with the traditionary feelings and ideas of Royalism was swept away in a torrent of blood, and the dry stone left bare below. We have now a fresh formation to deal with—a new people, held together (so long as it is held together), not by habitual regard for any form of authority, but by a ra tional dislike of anarchy—owning no allegiance and experiencing no reverence towards ancient associations —and regarding those who still cling to such romantic ideas as intrnders into a century which does not belong to them—relics of a bygone age, whose uncongenial pre sence might perhaps be mischievous to modern institu tions, if it were not so palpably impotent. No mind has sprung from the ruins of the 18th century—no able enthusiast has survived the storm in which it passed away, capable of transmitting its feelings or of infusing its prejudices in the succeeding generation. The dynasty of the Restoration—representative as it was of the line of ancient monarchs—stood amidst young France, during its short existence of fifteen years, like an alien con queror, maintaining itself by the mere advantage of pos session against an unfriendly and unapproachable popula tion. No impree-nati, in of principles—no amalgamation of interests, had taken place. The Bourbon race was torn up and thrown aside after a short trial, and almost without an effort, like a sapless slip which has not put out a single fibre to grasp the chilly and barren soil which surrounded it. Such as it was such it remained, ignorant of and unintelligible to its generation. Is it conceivable that it should r. gain the position of power which, when in possession, it was wholly unable to preserve France, it is true, contains elements of confusion in plenty. Visionary aspirations—rude and dangerous theories—a rankling jealousy of restraint, not confined in its expres sion to the closet or the parlour, but avowed and acted on with a certain individual recklessness which marks a wild reality—these are, indeed, omens of change—omens which make us dread the moment when the vigilant eye and firm hand by which they are at present kept in check shall be removed. But amidst all these aspirations, and theories, and jealousies, what spot of firm ground can the Legitimatist place his foot upon ? There is none. Even were the French Ilenriquiste, like the Spanish Moderado, to purchase a momentary triumph by a coali tion with his own bitterest enemies, nothing short of the genius of Napoleon or the sagacity of Louis Philippe could retain the dangerous supremacy. King Henry V. would not hold his ground a week, and this his wiser friends well know. It is this necessary hopelessness— this absence of any real and practicable purpose— which makes it, and must ever make it, impossible that the French Legithnatists should form a compact and united party ; and it is this necessary want of unity which has been exposed by the Ministerial attack, The Duke de Fitzjames declares, in the Quotidienne, his readiness to repeat before a French jury the bold expres sions uttered in Belgrave-square. M. de Larey tells the Chamber of Deputies that his oath of allegiance binds him to "obey the laws of the country and no more." Meanwhile the abler M. Berryer, representing, we should suspect, a more considerable portion of those who once composed the Royalist party, disclaims the notion of a plot against the existing Government, appeals to " the loyalty and sincerity which the Legitimatist party had evinced during the last thirteen years," and assures the Chamber that " the Legitimatist leaders who went to London told the Duke de Bordeaux salutary truths on the condition of the country, and the past fault's Or his family," and now only desired " to serve France, to ex ercise their political rights, to avoid everything tending to kindle civil war, and to unite wtth-the rest of their fellow , . Countrymen in repellin'- , foreign invelsiont," even were, it undertaken in the interest of their otir cause." Someat least of these leaders would' 4careely thrik M. Berryer for his disclaimer. Those who saluted the Duke of Bordeaux as the " King of the future," can scarcely be disposed to relish that able orator's protest against civil war, and his unthankful rejection of the Irish brigade, to whose possible services Mr. O'Con nell seems to ascribe so much present offers on the young Prince's fortunes. But whether M. Berryer refers to the liberal efforts of the Hibernian potentate (who might be supposed to have enough on his hands at home, without carrying his operations across the Chao nel), or to the less avowed, though perhaps more sub stantial friendship of the Courts of Eastern Europe, he is certainly right in supposing that neither by internal conflict nor external aid can " the heir of a long series of Kings" hope to occupy to any purpose the throne of his progenitors. If he will but thoroughly impress that conclusion upon his party, he will do France a service, save them from a most mischievous delusion, and earn forgiveness for many such silly expeditions as that to Belgrave-square. ADVERTISER.—The State trials did not after all commence until Tuesday. Monday was spent in arguing for and against a motion made by the traversers' counsel, having for its object to set aside the jury, as illegally constituted. The motion was refused by the Court, Mr. Justice I'errin dissenting from his three brother Judges. But though the dacision of the Court was adverse to the parties arraigned, the discussion raised on the question has eroved, in a moral sense, most damaging to the prosecution. Mr. Fitzgibbon demon strated to the satisfaction of every one, except the Court and the Attorney-General, that it was an act of manifest unfairness, if not decidedly illegal, to try the traversers with a jury constituted as is the jury imps nelled to try Mr. O'Connell and his alleged co-con spirators. This is the universal impression without the walls of the Court, and the impression is shared by one of the most enligiterted judges, either in the Dublin Queen's Bench, or in any other Court in the empire. Were there, therefore, no other damaging circumstance connected with these ill-advised prosecu tions, this fact alone would be sufficient to divest a conviction, supposing it .to take place, of all moral in fluence. But when, in addition to the more than suspicious circumstances under which the sixty-three names were omitted from the list, we remember the various previous mishaps and ugly occurrences connected n ith these proceedings, we unhesitatingly say, that of all the ill-judeed measures of the present Government, this will be found to be 'the most injudicious and most injurious. Even, as just remarked, assuming a convic tion to take place, we cannot conceive the possibility of Sir "Zobert Peel ever allowing the parties to be brought up for judgment. 'The public mind already revolts against these prosecutions ; should they be followed by the infliction of punishment (always assuming a convic tion to ensue), a feeling of indignation will be created in the public mind which will overwhelm and destroy the Government of Sir I{obert Peel. If there be one thing more than another which the people of England hold to be essential to the integrity of the national character, it is, - thatno suspicions attach to the proceedings in our judicial courts. Englishmen of all classes, and of all shades of political feeling and opinion, abhor anything in our courts of law which could be construed into an act of harshness or unfairness. In the present case, should a conviction take place and punishment follow, public sympathy in favour of the traversers will become alarmingly strong and general—alarmingly so, we mean, fur the Govern ment. Even those who are most opposed to Mr. O'Connell, would, in the supposed case, consider him a political martyr. Need we say what would be the pro bable effects in Ireland should O'Connell ever come to be so considered ? We will not attempt to describe these effects ; we leave our readers to exercise their own ima gination on the subject. Sir Robert Peel must by this time be convinced that, even supposing a conviction were ensured, no eclat whatever could accompany that result. Whatever moral weight might have attached to these attach to them after r w e h u a ra t sta l nces ' trials, under other circumstances, none whatever can Fate and the Irish Attorney -General C.;ene . ral it been a strange eventful history indeed. Theirs has P e u r Esr a's° t the enemies, and that Fate had cesolved to We he be, Learned Gentleman in every im ag i na bl e w a i f not know if Mr. Smith be given to Cur s i ng ; but he must have given many a hearty curse to the mis h spa and mortifications which he has had to encounter in every successive stage of these proceedings. Next to the learned official, Sir Robert Peel is to be pitied. We is re inclined to think that others, of whose names we the omission which has been the particular subject of the present article, has had the effect of preventing a single member of that persuasion from being empa nelled for the trial of the case which, partly in conse quence of the omissions Much we have been discussing, has now began to assume the appearance of a religious prosecution. The feelings which are likely to be ex cited in such circumstances amongst, the vast majority of the Irish population, are of a very serious, or rather, of a very dangerous character ; and as all the attempts which have been made to induce the Attorney-General to consent to .the removal of such legitimate causes of irritation have wholly and uniformly been rejected with petulance as well as pertinacity, we can only again ex press our most earnest hope that some unexpected occur rence may bring to a premature con elusion a prosecution, the effect of which must, as we believe, be in every sense injt foils to the public welfare. have heard but little in connection with these trials, have had much more to do with them than the Premier. Be this as it may, the odium rests exclusively on him. The guilt and responsibility of the whole matter, so far as public opinion and public feeling are concerned, attach to Sir Robert. No one knows this better than himself. If there be one act of his ministerial life which be regrets more deeply than another, it is, we are sure, that of ever having sanctioned these prosecutions. His usual caution end worldly wisdom must have f ifsaken him, when he gave his consent to the in• stitution of proceedings against Mr. O'Connell and the other parties associated with him in this in dictment. The difficulty with the Premier now is, how to get out of the predicament into which he has brought himself, without making his Government the laughing stock of the civilised world, and drawing on himself the contempt of friends as well as foes. He is indeed in a pretty pickle. He is afraid to retrace his steps ; : he wants the moral courage to undo what ho has done, by putting an end to the proceedings. And yet he cannot look forward to a conviction, even supposing he were certain to obtain it, without fear and trembling. His only hope, we take it, lies in the possible circumstance of some legal defect being yet discovered in the proceed ings, which will have the effect of stopping them, and consequently relieving him from the :position of painful perplexity in which he is placed. He will be a lucky man if he be suffered to escape in that way. If he has friends, this is the time for their prayers. He has much need that one and all of them earnestly pray that Heaven may send him a safe deliverance. POST.—Whatever may be the ultimate result of the State trials in Ireland (the result, for so far, has unques tionably been most salutary), the grand debateable point will still remain—namely, the cause of Ireland's back wardness in all that should distinguish civilised life. We shall still have to inquire how it happens that under the " liberal and enlightened" Government of Great Britain —with laws similar to those of England—with a soil generally superior, and a climate certainly not inferior, so large a portion of the population of Ireland continues, from year to year, in a state of beggary and barbarism. Our readers know that we have often glanced at this question, and that our opinion is, that it is mere delusion to suppose that the evils of Ireland are to be cured by such political changes as her agitators contend for. The schemes of Whig economists and Reformers are not less delusive. The very long article of the Edinburgh Review, however ingenious in its speculations, and bold in its recom mendations of sweeping political and ecclesiastical change, we regard as just so much trash, so far as re gards the practical amelioration of the state of the people. What signifies it to the tillers of the ground— the savage and half-destitute millions—whether the establishment of the Anglo-Catholic Church be territo rial or congregational ? How would the condition of the peasantry be affected, either for better or worse, by the endowment of laynooth, or the mortgaging of the lands of the Established Church for behoof of the fund of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners ? That which the people want is a more comfortable way of living, and that (except in the north) is at present forbidden by the bad habits of the people—by the circum stances under which the land is overburdened by a pauper tenantry—circumstances which exist in de ' fiance of the law, and which nothing can cure but some system of close superintendence to compel an observance of the law. At present there is a close and watchful superintendence, but it is that of the Ro man Catholic clergy, who do not respect the law, and who very often have an interest in making arrange ments, or causing arrangements to be made, which are at variance with the dispositions which the law, if exe cuted, would have itaide. In short, without denying that, in many respects the Roman Catholic priest is often found to be the friendly adviser, and the comfort and stay of the poor people in their affliction, it must be admitted (by those who know and respect the truth) that as a superintendent and guide in civil and social affairs, he often leads the people into courses unfavour able to social advancement. Our own belief is that poli tical reforms on a large scale will do nothing for the re moval of Ireland's social grievances, and that this can only be brought about by the establishment of a superintendence as close as that of the Romish priest, but devoted to very different objects, and carried on in strict conformity with the law. On a former occasion, when speaking . of the circumstances under which land is . held by the swarming population, we cited the evidence of the late Judge Forster, whose k nowledge of the country, and whose i ntegrity no one could doubt, whatever might be thought of his some what heavy and pedantic manner. He said that the oc cupiers of the soil were barbarised by a habit of gavel kind, and by tenancy in common and at will. This is what every one who has practical acquaintance with the subject must be convinced of. The con tinual subdisivioti of the land is the monstrous evil. Not that we are advocates for the huge holdings of land which are common in England, We think there are evils in farms cf three thousand acres, as well as in farms of ten, seven, and three acres, which may often be found in Ireland. The possession of any portion of land—a mere potato garden—seems to the Irish peasant a justification for taking to himself a wife, and producing a family. He knoWs there is a rent to be paid, but he trusts something to his pig, and much to Providence, for the means of paying the rent. In the meantime, the potato garden (provided the crop do not fail) will give him enough of the lowest kind of food to sustain life ; but if the crop should fail, then God help him and the children, for there is literally nothing between them and downright starvation. They know all this well enough, if they would but exercise their, reason, and be guided by what they know. But they will not. It is not their habit. They are ready to encounter any risk, however dreadful, for the sake of setting up for themselves with a bit of ' land. They ought not ,to be allowed to do this- If the law were respected, they would find it impossible to ob tain the land ; but it is not respected. Men who have not any legal right to divide and distribute their holdings, nevertheless do . diiide and distribute them, and the hordes cf peasant paupers increase. Twenty years ago all this was clearly explained to committees of both Houses of Parliament, but the public have forgot all about these Parliamentary inquiries, and now there are new inquiries into the very same thing. CHRONICLE.—Every step in the progress of the State trials in Ireland; serves more deeply to convince us of the correctness of the opinion, which we have already so frequently expressed concerning the impossibility of thomkproceedings being followed by any advantage what ever to any party or any interest in the State. If a ritindict pf guilty should be the reaUlt, it will . 66 impos sililff-far any mortal out of the Jury-box to forin . any conjecture as to what portion it refers of that 'ocean of Arcumstances and occurrences which are the foundation of - the charge. If the jury should acquit the prisoners, it would be unwarrantable in reason to infer, from the verdict alone, that the twelve men in the box were of opinion that all the public proceedings of the repealers have been in conformity with the law of the land. With regard to the only other possible contingency—namely, that the jury should not agree-in opinion about the case, and be discharged without finding any verdict at all, it is, of course, obvious that such a result would leave matters no clearer than it ;found them. Such is, we think, the conclusion at which every intelligent and impartial person would arrive upon considering nothing more than the nature of the charge, as well as that of the facts of the proceedings, of the conduct and of the conversations upon which it is founded ; together with the prodigious length and illimitable multifariousness of the act of ac cusation. But this view of the case has been infinitely strengthened by the occurrence of a fact, about the existence and particular nature of which all doubt has been removed by the discussion which took place in the Irish Court of. Queen's Bench, on Monday last. It is now admitted by all parties, that of the whole number of individuals from whom the jury for the trial of Mr. O'Connell was to be selected, according to law, about one-tenth have been excluded from the possibility of being selected for that purpose. The list of special jurors delivered to the sheriffcontained about 60 names less than it ought, and accordingly, when the foreman came to the book to be sworn, the defendants' counsel presented a challenge to the array, upon the ground of its having been fraudulently and illegally composed. Lax logic, trivial topics, and a want of decorum in demeanour appear to be so much the characteristics of Irish tribunids, that we do not feel surprised at the ex hibition, upon the present occasion, of these usual attend ants upon the workings of Hibernian jurisprudence. The law officers of the Crown objected that the chal lenge did not state the name of the individual by whom the fraudulent and illegal omission of sixty names from the panel had been actually perpetrated. As if it was to be reasonably presumed that the defendants must be as well acquainted with the . person who performed a clan destine operation " in the innermost room of the clerk of the peace's office," as they were with that of the crier of the Court. The Attorney-General refused to take issue upon the averments of the challenge, and opposed its reception upon the ground that it did not communi cate a fact which there was no other judicial way of as certaining than by allowing the challenge, which was opposed on the part• of the Crown. The Attorney- General contended that the challenge did not allege that Mr. Shaw himself was guilty of the fraud and illegality complained of. But the only nay in which this could ,be ascertained, was by examining Mr. Shaw and the other officials who were present; and this examination was rendered impossible, by the course which was pur sued by the Attorney-General himself. But of what earthly importance to the defendants or to the public was it . by whom the fraud was committed? The Solici tor-General said, that if it had been alleged that the Sherff had committed the fraud, that fact would con stitute a fair ground of challenge. This distinction, which was adopted and sanctioned by the Court, gives rise to the gravest considerations. We do not mean to make any personal imputations upon the integrity of any of the officials engaged in the conduct of the pro ceedings. But if—alio tempore, alio consulc—there should exist, as there has existed, a party in power determined upon ensuring, per fits et nefas, the conviction of a po litical or Other antagonist, they have a reasonable as surance of being able, with perfect impunity, to prac tise the " art of packing," if they will only_take care te act upon the intimation thrown out in the case of the Queen v. O'Connell, and to perform the operation of mutilating the jury list before that point of time at which the Sheriff intervenes in the proceedings. It is a very trite observation, but one which never can be too often repeated, that every member of the community has a deep interest in the purity of every proceeding con nected with the administration of justice, which, with even a superabounding caution, ought to be kept free from any liability to the smallest degree of impropriety or even of suspicion. We believe that we make no ha zardous assertion in stating that, independently of all the other considerations to which we have already adverted, the proceedings in the Court of Queen's Bench on Mon day last would be alone sufficient to prevent the candid and impartial part of even the anti-repealing community from being 5 atistied with a verdict of guilty, obtained from a jury selected as they have been in the present case. The strik ing off, in Mr. Bourne's office, of all the Catholics upon the reduced list of forty-eight, taken in conjunction with SIR 11. POTTINGER. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. E UN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING, JANUARY measttres."—P. 36. - - SIR,—In the leading article of the Morning Chronicle of the Bth inst., the following letter is given, and alleged to be from Sir Henry Pottinger to a friend in Bombay : " Your letter brought our happy and merry days in Sinde vividly to my mind, and I lamented on reading it, if possible more deeply than I had done, over the ' fallen estate' of my old friends the Ameers, of whose case 1 have all along said, and ever shall say, under all circum starr2es, and in all societies and places where I may hear it alluded to, is the most unprincipled and disgraceful that his ever stamped the annals of our empire in India. No explanation or reasoning can, in my opinion, remove the foul stain it has left on our good faith and honour ; and as I know more than any other man living of pre. vious events and measures connected with that devoted country. I feel that I have a full right to exercise my judgment, and express my sentiments on the subject. I was in hopes that some influential voice would have been raised in England against the tyranny and spoliation that had taken place, but the intelligence by the last mail—that of July—holds forth no such prospect, and all that I can now hope is, that the author of all this cruelty and misery may meet with his deserts hereafter. I shall only add, that I shall esteem it a favour if you will let my opinions be known wherever you hear the affair mentioned, and that you cannot use too strong language in expressing my disgust and sorrow on the occasion." As Sir Henry Pottinger desires to have his opinions respecting Sinde known, I have extracted a large body of them from the Blue Book of correspondence relative to Sinde, laid before Parliament last session. The extracts are in the order given in the Book, and every page is referred to. There can, therefore, be no difficulty in ascertaining their correctness, or that of the very few explanatory remarks that accompany them. I wish to draw attention-Ist, to the character and conduct of Sir Henry's " old friends the Ameers," as described by himself ; and, 2d, to the tone adopted, and measures proposed or effected by Sir Henry Pottinger, as detailed by himself. The extracts (if you can insert them all) extend over a period of seven months, from 13th of August, 1838, till the 11th March, 1839. The whole of the extracts are from Sir Henry Pottinger's own letters or dispatches. I shall not make any further remarks upon his letter published in the Morning Chronicle, and the extracts I have given from his own letters in the Blue Book (how ever strong the temptation to do so may be), beyond expressing my hope that those who, without reference to party feelings or interests, desire to know the merits of the question, will rather investigate the public docu ments than accept implicitly the authority, and (as the Chronicle calls it) the " conclusive judgment" of Sir Henry Pottinger. I am, Sir, yours, &c. Jan. 18, 1844. R. Ameers, to second and aid in the Governor-General's " I expressed my astonishment that he, the Nawab, (Noor's Prime Minister,) should fancy it possible that the British Government should place its good faith in the hands of such a person as Noor . .lahotned Khan." P. 8. _ _ _ " His (Moor's) perverseness no doubt springs from his innate suspicions and treacherous disposition, but chiefly, I should infer, from his feeling that the matters referred to in the secret memorandum are hanging over him. I cannot, however, even form a conjecture as to what he can hope from the course he is follow. ing, for he must see that every new scneme only exposes him to contempt. It is impossible to trust his word in the smallest dcgree."—P. 39. " Moor Mahomed told me himself he had dispatched orders for every civility to be shown to Mr. Leech; but it is impossible to believe a word he utters ; and the treatment Lieut. Leech experienced is in good keeping with what I myself experienced at this place." " Not one hour passes without my obtaining addi tional proofs of his inimical feelings."—P. 43. On occasion of Ncrr's dissatisfaction at Col. Pottin gees professing that British friendship was offered equally to all the Ameers, he (Col. I'.) says, " What he (Moor) meant by our friendship being equal, was my refusal to '.creak our treaties with them at his request. . . . I sent him back an answer, that friendship was a thing that could not be served out in bits ; that I had met with none whatsoever from him since I came to Hyderabad ; that the most trifling request was cavilled at and pro crastinated ; and that he must not suppose I was to be blinded by his sending me dinners and fruit, and talking of his devotion to our cause." "In addition to these unequivocal proofs of Noor Mahomed's unabated enmity and treachery, my moonshee was told by a person who was present within these few flays, when Noor Mahomed Khan said to his cousin, Meer Meer Mahomed,- that it was useless to trouble themselves any longer by studying our wishes, and that in his, Noor Mahomed's, opinion, the best course was at ()Two to send me away, and declarge their allegiance to Persia." Meer Mahomed, however, refused to join him.—P. 49. Terms had been proposed by Col. Pottinger for the purpose of confirming Noor Mahorued's supremacy, but, (adds he) " he has proved himself so totally unworthy of the confidence and support we have bestowed on him, that I respectfully recommend that I may be authorised, when a fitting opportunity shall occur, to amend the agreements, by omitting the words in question."—P. 50. " They (the Moonshees) told him as I had directed them, that if he fancied his having agreed to receive a British Resident had led to our armies coming into Sinde, he was entirely mistaken--that under all circum stances we should have required a road through this province, so that there was nothing contrary to friend ship in doing so." An unexpected message from Noor, of his great anxiety to meet our wishes in every way, surprised Colonel Pottinger, but (says he), " the cause of this sudden change I had no difficulty in divining the next morning, when I heard that the Ameers had received intelligence, to which they gave full credence, the pre ceding afternoon from several quarters, that Mahomed Shah (of Persia) had gone back from Ilerat."—P. 51. " Noor Mahomed abused the King of Persia and the chiefs of Candahar and Caubul as faithless rulers, who had met with their proper reward, and evinced that utter absence of all shame or veracity which has formed so striking a feature of his recent demeanour."— P. 51. He praises Nusseer Khan thus—" Of Nusseer Khan I should say that he is well disposed towards us, but that his religious bigotry and the influence which Noor Mahomed has established over him led him away. There is a warmth and sincerity in Nusseer Khan towards us that none of the other Ameers ever evince," and he then I describes his manner. _ _ lie also speaks favourably of Meer Meer Mahomed Khan and Solider Khan, saying, " they are both always kind and polite in their intercourse with me, and I think they are well inclined to be friends with us." "The Chief of Meerpore, Sheer Mahomed, is a low, violent, and ignorant Beloochee. He is said to view our intercourse with Sinde with great dislike, so I believe there is not the least doubt but he has been of late en. deavourirg to prevail on all the other Ameers to come to an open rupture with us ; should he attempt to interfere in any arrangements which his Lordship may direct to be made, either here or at Khyrpore, I would strongly advise his being instantly called to account, and if any of the other Ameers support him they must stand the con sequences."—P. 52. After recapitulating Noor's misconduct in various in stances, which " form altogether in my humble judgment a concatenation of circumstances that, laying all the secret intelligence aside, and supposing that no one s:eps forward to make further disclosures, places Noor Ma 'homed at the mercy of the Governor-General." " I think it also more than probable that some of the Ameers of this place will object to our troops remaining at Shikarpore, and to our forming any new treaty with Meer Roostum Khan (of Khyrpore), in a manner that may oblige us to use force to put them down."—P. 53. He then speaks of Roostum (the chief Ameer of Khyr pore), to Sir A. Burnes, in reply to his proposing "to take that principality under our protection :—" I cannot help viewing it as saddling ourselves with a serious and troublesome responsibility in favour of a family who were at the very instant betraying their want of confidence in us by the minuteness and tautology of the terms which they required, who were assuming a tone of equality and dignity totally opposed to their relative station with the British Government, and who had not (and have not as far as I can discover), made any single sacrifice, or evinced any single sentiment that gave them a shadow of claim to the vast boon of our protection. " My own decided opinion is, and it also strikes me that it accords with the intention of his Lordship the Governor-General of India, that any new treaty which we may vouchsafe to Meer Roostum Khan and his fa mily should have as the basis of it a distinct and un equivocal renunciation of their adherence to, and all connexion, save friendly intercourse, with the Ameers of Hyderabad ; that they should further bind themselves to hold no correspondence with the said Ameers or any other foreign State, on political topics, without our knowledge ; that they should pledge their fidelity and allegiance to us ; and finally that they should agree to submit such disputes as they may have at present or hereafter with foreign States to our arbitration."—P. 57. " Experience has taught me to place little or no value on the outward demonstrations of the friendly feelings' of the Sindees. I do not intend by these remarks to impugn' Meer Roost= Khan's individual sincerity, but I most-certainly ..alo doubt that of Meer Mooharuck,as I am obliged AO Aissent in tote from the opinion you have expressed -in . the '6th paragraph of your letter to Mr. NPNaughten, above quoted, namely, that Roostum's letter to Noar was ' a very explicit document.'" Colonel Pottinger then states his own opinion of the letter thus —" As to the nature of the letter from Meer Roostum to Noor Mahomed Khan, it seems to me to be a speci men of the most abject servility, and there is no expres sion in it that conveys, in my estimation, the least cor diality towards us."—P. 58. " I stated in my letter of the 9th inst. (October), that I was sure ti inr Mahomed would join our enemies to morrow, did he see they were stronger than we, and every day's events have confirmed that opinion."—P. 59. Alluding to a letter and messenger from Roostutu to himself, Colonel Pottinger says—" You may imagine that I was greatly surprised at this important communi cation. I conceive that it was chiefly his (Roostum Khan's) duty, had he been sincere, to have apprised his agent of the change in his views and ideas which had subsequently taken place ; and to forbid him to lend his weight to the unfriendly and disgraceful course which the Hyderabad Durbar has adopted." —P. 62. " I have had the honour to receive your letter of the 28th ult. Nothing that it contains has tended in the least degree to alter my opinion of the absence of sin cerity in the Chief of Khyrpore."—P. 64. " Since I have been here, Meer Roostum has allowed a most insolent and threatening letter, addressed to him by that low Beloochee, Sheet Mahomed of Mecrpore, to be sent here for the purpose of being used in intimi dating and insulting me. Ile (Roostum Khan) has written, as well as his relations, the most slavish and obsequious assurances that the Persian language can ex press, of their readiness to be guided by Noor Mahomed Khan's orders with regard to us ; and he (Roostum Khan) has deputed a person to support and comfort this Government (Hyderabad) in its heartless and shameless oonduct towards the British Resident," &c.—P. 64. " To conclude, I can only repeat my intention to re vise our treaty with deer Riostum Khan, when I shall obtain satisfactory and unequivocal proofs of his having acted up to his professions, but not till then."—P. 65. "In dosing this letter, I may respectfully observe, that two courses strike me as being now open to his Lordship—the one, to order me to return to Cute!), and to declare all friendly relations with Noor Mahomed Khan to have ceased; the other, to direct certain de mands, such as his Lordship shall see fit, to be made on the Hyderabad Government, with an intimation that if they are not complied with, we shall enforce them.. . . Perhaps the best demand that could be made, with re ference to our future supremacy iu this country, would be for a cession,' say Kurachee, or tribute, to cover, in part, the expense of a body of troops." He then states the great difficulties that would attend any plan, and ends thus :—" One point, I hope, however, will be in sisted upon from all parties, namely, the free and un- limited use of the Indus for merchants, and the total abolition of every description of toll between Roopur and the sea."—P. 65. "I said that hod the Ameer met us half way ' we should have been obli g ed to him, and felt sure of his friendship ; that had the road (through Sinde) not been given, we should have taken it."—P. 73. "To believe that there is any sincerity in his (Noor's) professions would be absurd. . . . . His fears will now, I think, keep him in the right path ; but on them alone can we calculate for doing so ; and were he a single ruler at the head of this country, I should unhesitatingly recommend our setting him aside." He then states the difficulties of remodelling this Go vernment without crushing the innocent as well as the guilty,—that he can offer no better suggestion than " to keep a body of our troops always in this pro vince, and oblige the Ameers to pay a part of the ex pense."—P. 74. " I particularly pointed tcrthe warnings I had about treachery. I distinctly stated that had anything of the sort been attempted, the race and name of Talpoor would have been extinguished ; that no man would have dared to say he belonged to it, and that it would here after have been spoken of as a tribe, only known for their infamous attacks on ambassadors at their Court. I declared over and over again, that I was ready to quit Hyderabad, if Noor Mahomed Khan desired it, that very day ; that we would take a road through Slade, were it not given, and do as we considered necessary for the great interests we had at stake."—P. 81. " I think it incumbent on me to remark that I can not reconcile to Meer Roostum Khan's professions of devotion and friendship towards us, his having asked you to fix Ghotkee as the point at which the Bengal armies were to cross the Indus." HEADING FOR THE EXTRACTS. " I beg to distinctly record, that I anticipate no such event; but, if we are ever again obliged to exert our mi litary strength in Sinde, it must be carried to subjugat ing the country."—Col. Pottinger's Dispatch to the Se cretary with the Governor-General, dated Sinde Resi dency, Feb. 13, 1839.— 81ue Book, p. 149. When alluding to the disposition of the Ameers to form an alliance with Persia, Sir H. Pottinger writes as follows:--" I shall not fail to tell them (the Ameers) distinctly that the day they connect themselves with any other Power, will be the last of their independent au• thority, if not of their rule; for that we have the ready power to crush and annihilate them, and will not hesi tate to call it into action should it appear requisite, how. ever remotely, for either the integrity or safety of our own empire or its frontier."—P. 11. He doubts whether we could depend on their not throwing obstacles in the way of our communication with the armies, " unless they saw and knew that we were prepared to enforce our wishes and to punish all opposition to our plans." " Noor Mahomed's (the chief Ameer) deep duplicity ith respect to his late correspondence with the Shah of 'Persia, &c., &c., have greatly shaken my confidence in him, and unwillingly oblige me to question his good faith and sincerity towards us, and to apprehend that our chief tie on him hereafter must be through his fears." —l'. 14. _ . " Here I have to deal with a whole nation divided into parties, or split into deadly feuds, headed by .uncivilised and barbarous chiefs, to whom nothing would be so agreeable and cheering as a state of anarchy and warfare." " For the reasons I have I fear imperfectly adduced in this letter, and also because I am almost convinced that sooner or later the precaution will be requisite—l mean to request the Government of Bombay to take early steps to prepare a force for eventual service in Sinde." " Should the Ameers seem" inclined, either by their avowed hostility, or backwardness in the cause, to oblige us to occupy their territories, I shall lose no time in ap prising the Bombay Government," &c.—P. 15. * * * whatever sentiments they (the Ameers) may profess, their good-will and friendship towards us must henceforward be considered to be merely lip-deep."—P. 20. Having announced to the Ameers that combinations hostile to the Briti-h Government had been formed by the Powers to the west of India, and the necessity of frustrating them, he states the measures that are to be carried into effect, and adds—" The Ameers must like wise per f e ctly understancllhat the measures described in this memorandum are not open to further consideration, but have. been finally resolved upon, and that any hesi tation on their part, or that of any other Power, to com ply with what is asked of them, must be deested to be a refusal, and immediate steps.taken to remedy it, which it is olaiioui can only be done by calling in additional troops, w hichh are all ready both an the Bengal and Bom bay territories." —P. 23. One of the measures required was the passage of Shah Soojah's and the British army through Sinde, and the preparation of supplies and means of' transport by the Ameers; and referring to this, he s a y s —" H e b egs t o men tion that the K ing s and British armiea will march in the course of fifteen days from Loodiana, and that there is consequently, as before stated, neither occasion nor time for lengthened negotiation." In consequence of their (the Ameers) having addressed "a slavieh ureeza (petition) to Uahomed Shah of Persia, and intimate t heir devotion to his cause , " he tells in which they express their anxiety for th e Sh a h's sue. e them P s s$ " they have no right to expect that the British Government will look upon them in the light it has hitherto done, either as friends or as rulers."—P. 25. My o nly plan is to adhere rigidly to the terms of the secret memorandum, which leaves all future measures de pendent on the pleasure or commands of the Governor- General. It is from no personal consideration, I need hardly say, that I do „ not at once denounce Noor Maho med and his advisers. "To open a communication with Sobdar (supposed friendly), even supposing. he is ready to listen to it, at the expense of his colleague in power, would be utterly fruit less, without the means of supporting our plans.' Ile gives the fo llowin g account of Noor's falsehoods : —" fle one moment allows he made use of the expres sions to the native agent, and the next protests he did nothing of the kind." "I have had no difficulty in making him and his supporters contra dict themselves on all these points over and over again. But still it perplexes, and one can hardly . tell men of their rank and station that they are uttering barefaced falsehoods, however clearly that maybe_ inferred to be our opinion."—P. The inet."—t every 26 succeeding hour satisfy me that we to look to from the cordial co-operation have ee nothing hn ins g of and sincere friendship of the Government of Sindo. I annex some extracts from my diary, which will serve to show you the temper, the falsehood, the weakness, and the absurd boasting of the Ameers, better than I could explain them by a long letter." He then gives passages from his diary, and details a violent attack made by the populace on him and his suite, insulting and peltims c them with stones, and he treats it as the act of the Ameers. —l'. 28. He speaks of the " faithless nurbar :"—" I have my self hardly a doubt, though I see little chance of proving it, that the plot (the attack of the mob) was got up by Noor Mahomed himself," &c.—P. 3 1 . " It would be foolish to hope for the cordial co-opera tion or sincere friendship of their Government. I think it has shown that it would join our enemies to-morrow, did it see they were stronger than we, and the assist ance it is about to afford (if such it can be called) is the fruit of its fears, and not of real good-will. "Noor Mahomed has continued to evince the same suspicious, unfriendly, and despicable conduct." . . " On hearing my message about the residency, Noor anything~ lahom ed mos the t kind." distin ctly (Th e message was to ask leave to choose a site for it.) —P. 32. and positively refused to allow " The decided and unvaried language I have held to them has satisfied them that we are prepared to take, should they not give, a passage' through , their country, both for the Bengal and Bombay a rmies.' " The great difficulty I have , in arriving at any posi tive conclusion as to what Noor Mahomed Khan will do, springs from his utter and abandoned want of either truth or shame." surmise that Noor Mahomed has written to Meer Rood= to say that if he will forbid the approach of the Bengal army, the Bombay troops shall be prohibited, and if necessary opposed, in their advance up the Indies. I have, therefore, resolved in such case to demand my passports and quit Sinde. This dernier resort may open their eyes, even at the twelfth hour, or they may refuse to let me depart ; but I shall take care to let them clearly understand that my detention will make no change in the measures of my Government except ren dering them more decided and rapid." " I see no immediate chance of the Ameers breaking with us, and our doing so with them depends on the command of the Governor-General." —P- 35. " Their plans and evasions have varied a dozen of times each day. At one time I have thought I could get nothing done, and that the next step would force me to demand my passport and quit the country, and the next I should have supposed (had I been ignorant of all that had previously passed) that the Government of Bombay could not have been more ready than the 20, 1844. The reason is that Colonel Pottinger doubted the possibility of effecting the crossing of the troops there. -P. 87. _ . " I feel his Lordship must be fatigued with the perusal of the bare-faced falsehoods, and unblulhing assertions of firm and devoted frindship,' in which Noor Mahomt d Khan persists, with a d.:gree of pertinacity such as is quite wonderful."—P. 87. " To all these observations the moonshecs replied at great length, by pointing out the innumerable and con current proofs of his (Noor's) unfriendiiness and actual _ _ treachery."—P. 88. " On this subject (the strength of the subsidiary force) I have bestowed a good deal of reflection since the receipt of your letter o; the 29th ultimo, and I am of opinion that we should demand from the Ameers of Sinde, the cession of all the country, lying on the right bank of the Indus, south of an imaginary line, to be drawn due west from that river, at a point ten miles (more or less) north of Tatta, until it meets the frontiers of Beloochistan, at the base of the mountains. This would give us a compact territory, the complete command of the river,. and possession of the only sea port. At a very rough estimate, I calculate that the cession I have in dicated, would yield at first, a revenue of from four to five lacs of rupees, but it is one that would rapidly im prove under our rule, and, in a few years, I see no reason to doubt that Tatta would spring into much of its former opuleuce, and become a vast emporium of trade and wealth." He then states the advantages of this plan to the Government and to the country itself and proceeds thus—" My plan therefore would be, to have a regiment of Native Infantry and a company of Artillery at Kura dice, and all the rest of the troops at Tatta, where there is an admirable site on the Muskalla hills (west of the city) for a cantonment. I shall also propose that a strong detachment of Bengal troops (equal perhaps to the Kurachee one) should be kept at Sukkur on the Indus, to which I suppose the Khyrpore Chiefs will gladly give their assent. With these troops and British agents residing at Hyderabad and Khyrpore, I look en it that our perfect supremacy throughout Sinde, will be as fully established as though we had entirely subjugated it—a measure which, for the reasons recorded in some of my former dispatches,.l could by no means recommend to his Lordship."—P 89. " I wrote them" (letters to the Governor-General) " under the impression which I still entertain, that it is the intention of the Govern w-General that the force which I expect shortly, under the personal command of the Commander-in-Chief, shall compet the Ameers into acquiescence with whatever terms are to be prescribed to them, and after that is done, the troops enumerated in my first letter, above alluded to, will, I conceive, be ample to uphold our supremacy under all possible con tingencies."—P. 90. " And that I was astonished after these proofs of his (Noor's) continued treachery and want of reliance in, or friendship for me, he ventured to ask my advice or opinion on any subject whatever."—P. 95. In alluding to a letter from Noor, to one of his offi cers at Shikarpore, supposed to relate to secret corres pondence of a hostile kind, Colonel Pottinger says : ° I think it very possible, if not probable, that the ori ginal urecza to Mahon - led Shah of Persia, may be amongst the expected letters, and at all events these will doubtless be communications of a most secret nature from the Candahar chiefs. I need not therefore point out to you the great importance of getting hold of them." —P. 96. " On the 4th inst. I obtained positive information that the surmise which I made in my letter of the 28th ult. to Major-General Willshire and Lieut. Eastwick, of Noor Mahomed Khan having secretly ordered no one to serve us, was strictly correct."—P. 99. Alluding to Noor having granted authority for the hire of camels, &c., and then privately prohibiting it, Colonel Pottinger says—" I considered this to be a case of gross perfidy, such as was susceptible neither of expla nation nor palliation ;" and he sends to tell Noor so, and to add, that "if the camels were not speedily forthcoming, I should suggest to his Excellency Sir John Keane to send a detachment and take possession of Kurachee."— P. 99. " I am sorry to report that the de'neanour of Meer Shere Mahomed, of Meerpore, has been of late equally insulting and unfriendly." He then states cases of wrong done by Shure Mahomed and his officers, and says that " there can be no doubt, however, that our credit and character throughout Sinde will suffer by such indigni ties being winked at even for a time."—P. 101. " My intelligence from Hyderabad, up to the 13th inst., leads me to believe that the Ameers there, excepting Sobdar, are now really exerting themselves to obtain carriage for the army, as the only means that offers of getting rid of it. At the same time they are adopting all sorts of precautions, which evince a total distrust of our design, and have already assembled a considerable body of their rabble of troops at the capital. They have also written to all the chiefs, whether Beloochecs or not, to be in readiness with their quotas, in case of neces sity."—P. 101. Speaking of Noor's abject state of alarm, Colonel Pottinger says—" But even when labouring under his worst apprehensions, it will be observed that no such idea has apparently ever crossed his mind, as that our ultimate plan was to station even a company of Sepoys in Sinde, and the moment that intention is announced, I think it will be the signal for a cordial coalition to oppose our arrangements. Although Sobdar has stood neutral in all the angry negotiations, and has announced his determination to do so ; that de claration has invariably been accompanied by the proviso that he is not to be disturbed in his present possessions. Neither he nor any other of the Ameers has expressed a heartfelt sentiment that bespeaks his or their admis sion of the justice and necessity of the cause in which we have embarked ; and it is to me obvious that their sole object is to save themselves by doing as little as possible to further our views. Nor do I believe that any one of them, or the whole collectively, would willingly give 10,000 rupees at this instant, to see the Goveraor- General's measures perfected to the fullest extent of his Lordship's desires."—P. 101. " Even had I authority to offer them our guarantee of their territories individually, without paying one farthing for it, but stipulating that we were at our own expense to keep a force in this province, I think they would re ject our proposal ; and, therefore, to expect that they will, without coercion, consent to make the smallest pecu niary sacrifice, or to agree to our having a single regi ment in their country, seems to me to be hopeless. They have acted all along, and are now doing so, as though we had put their friendship and forbearance to the last test, by requiring.a passage for our troops through their country ; and their recent anxiety to get me to fix the sum they are to pay the Shah, does not, I am satisfied, spring from the serve they entertain of our friendly interposition. but from a dread that his Majesty will, before he ad rances from Shikarpore, compel them too terms less rea sonable than we should prescribe. I am quite convinced that were they sure the King would quit Scinde without enforcing any demand, they would run all future risks, rather than come down with one rupee, and that it is the present pressure alone which weighs with them."— P. 102. In speaking. of the Ameers (including Sobdar), ad mitting the subsidiary force, as paying part of the ex pense, he says—" But I think my late dispatch will have demonstrated to his Lordship that that is not the case, and that if we ask for anything beyond what we have done already, we must lay our aeceunts to have to exact it. In saying this, I by no means intend it to be understood that I believe the Ameers are inclined togo to war with us. On the contrary, my belief is, that they are well aware of our power and perseverance, and it is the dread of both that has made them succumb even to the degree they have done ; but we should make no demand of them, especially at this period, that we are not resolved to en force ; and my former letter, particularly that of the 26th ultimo, to the Bombay Government, will have ex plained that I always have considered the force now here, under Lieutenant-General Sir John Keane, to be available for the settlement of Sinde." He then states that the proposed subsidiary force alone could not do that duty, &c.—P. 102. " I am still more decidedly of opinion that the disclo sure of the Governor-General's plan regarding Sinde will be highly ill-advised and premature, fur of course the news will be forthwith conveyed to Hyderabad ; and if it does not cause the Ameers themselves to break with us at once, it will at least enable them to make preparations for the best resistance in their power."—P. 103. • " . . . He (Shere Mahes:ned) had already committed direct acts of hostility and insult towards the British Go vernment."—P. 104. " Since this letter was written, I had a further commu nication with Sir John Kean; and in consideration of the dacide.lly hostile disposition of the Ameers," &c., he advises the dispatch of troops from Bombay to Kurachee. He then proceeds thus—" I have no doubt the Ameers will consider these arrangements tantamount to a decla - ration of war on our part ; but they have, I conceive, left me no alternative."-I'. 104. " It is my present intention to await the receipt of fur ther instructions from the Governor-General of India, and should they not reach me becore I am required to act, to do so on the principle laid down in my dispatch of the 2:3d ultimo, with the view, under all circumstances, of establishing our supremacy in Sinde. The Ameers will have the option of avoiding war by acceding to our demands; and if they refuse, I conceive we must settle this province to our entire satisfaction, before we can move into Attlianistan." He then further proposes that the Company's rupees should be mites " a legal tender throughout Sinde, and likewise that the Ameers shall provide and make over to us 5,000 camels," &c. —P. 105. " So far as it is possible to form an opinion on the in formation I now possess, my idea is, that we must settle Sinde to our entire satisfaction, even should the Ameers force us to subjugate it, before we look beyond it."— P. 115. " My dispatches, &c., subsequent to the 23d of No vember, will have shown the Governor-General that the Ameers of Hyderabad are already resolved on not al lowing us to keep a force on any terms in this provi nce , and Ihave not the smallest doubt but the reserve force will be opposed in its debarkation at Kurachee, even should the news from Herat not cause the Ameers to break with us before it arrives."—P. 115. " Certain as I am of this resolution, I shall adhere to my opinion (in which the Commander-in- Chief con curs), that it is my wisest course to refrain from making any disclosure of his Lordship's instructions now before me, in the hope that previous to this force advancing to Hyderabad, I may receive others suited to present cir cumstances, which appears to me to dictate the neces sity of carrying our objects here at all ventures."— Pp. 115, 116. " You will tell the Ameers that Sinde forms a natural and integral portion of Hindostan, that the supremacy of that empire has devolved on us, and that we cannot, and will not, allow any other Power to intermeddle ; that it thence follows, that they have now no option left to them of binding their interests irrevocably with ours, and, that if they neglect the opportunity, they may deeply repent it, when it is too late."—Pp. 119, 120. " Their jealous and suspicious feelings will probably induce their Highnesses to ask, supposing they agree to our present terms, what security they have for our not going further hereafter. The reply to this query, or anything of the same tenor, is so obvious, that I need hardly direct your attention to it. It is the strong in stance of our good faith, and wish to preserve our an ii cable relations, as cxemplitied in the treaty you cony el to them. They cannot doubt our power to do as \ve like, and some of their, at least, must f:el, that their acre deserve severe retributary measures, instead of which we tender them our renewed friendship and protection on sac h moderate terms, and accompanied by so many advan tages, that their refusal of the former will show to tho world their resolution not to meet us half way, and oblige us to take by force what we ask as friends and protectors."—P. 120. Some of the articles of the treaty stipulated for depots and facilities for landing public stores at liiirachee, W which articles he anticipates objections being made by the Ameers, and says, " You will explain to them that it is a n. cessary result of our determination to keep force in Sinde that we should have the benefit of a come munication by that post whenever it suits us; that we know perrectly well that they have no means of defend• ing that place against us," 84c.—P. 120. •"I'he last, or 23d article, is, perhaps, the most ler' portant one in the treaty, because it provides for all entire and final separation of the combined interests or the Ameers." Colonel l'ottinger then alludes again ~.t° Noor Mahomed's misconduct, and declares that " utmost he can now look or is, that his personal rights f shall be respected."—P. 121. " Some of the Ameers may, and perhaps will. say' that it is a breach of former engagements, bringing troops into the country without their leave. For a ll answer to this remark (if made) they may be told theY have only themselves to thank for rendering the a rrangr meat imperative." He then proceeds to recapitulate their,. misconduct on various occasions, in a long paragraP h page 121.—P. 121. If the Ameers required delay for their final &newe r, he instructs Lieutenant Eastwick to tell them " that the l i is no time for procrastination." . . . . that the terms laid down in the treaty are not only P"' cise and simple, but final, so that there can be no adatir sible cause for delay."—P. 121. " Should they (the Ameers) do so (quote the forme, treaties), their object will most probably be to con tre" their provisions with those now tendered, to which 4: simple answer is, that their failure, and not ours, has lob to the change."—P. 122. " I can only express my respectful hope that the 0 03 . 5 I have proffered to the Hyderabad chiefs will be col elered by his Lordship to he such as will secure our rill object of having a force in Sinde, and at the sam e til l proving the sincerity of our wish to avoid collision, er our forbearance in asking, under past and present err: cumstances, merely for what is absolutely necessary to secure our interests and supremacy."—P. 123. " Whether the Ameers are unwilling or unable, fr°"' the violence of their soldiery, to treat with me, it m atter° little; and should the latter be the fact, it is not to be f or. gotten that those chiefs have placed themselves in thig predicament by calling out their army." Colonel Pot' ttnger then goes on to say that farther penalties shell° be inflicted on them.—P. 136. " Under these circumstances, a force must of course to Kurachee and take possession of that place ;" this, he hopes, " will be effected peaceably, but it is n eedbae,: tell you that all opposition must be put down." — r ; " I conceive that our supremacy in Sinde is now fin and fully established ; and I have sent word to ti c Ameers, and tell them personally, as well as give theni in writing, that the only chance of their bad co nd q being overlooked, is total and humble obedience to 1111 Lordship's orders. " While I was writing the preceding sentence I received news which greatly pleases me. The fort tie Kurachee fired one or two gnus at the " Welleslel.4 when the reserve went there. The Admiral bragPe his broadside to bear on it, and it is stated . has levelled it with the dust. I have sent to to A meers to say, that if they shake their lip,' Sir 1 4 Keane shall do so by Hyderabad, and I will insist on l" removal of every person in authority. from Kur ach l. who is now there, before I bring away the res ell ; news is come by Nao Mull's people mounted °/$ express camels, but I hope there is no doubt of it- Ai will teach th ese savages t o p a y d ue r e s pect to "'- British flag in time to come "—Pall4O. I sent you copies of different letters, showing that had ordered the reserve to go to Kurachee and put dowls all opposition. I warned them (the Ameers) distin etli ; that if a gun, or even a matchlock, were fired, t,_ ll ,:b should lose their country." lie then excepts S ou " from this threat, and expresses his belief in his fidell thus, " Exclusive of the undeniable claims which.be, fidelity to us gave, I deemed it of high political intr o s ance to keep him our friend, in order that we migh t e r him up as the sole head of the State, had the oth Ameers compelled us to depose them."—P. 151. , e s, Speaking of the battering down the fort at Kur acu os he again says, " This intelligence gave me the high degree of It would be idle to t gratification," trouble c.—P. his 151. Lordship wit hi " h th nonsense they (the Ameers) talked, to all of w a r held but one tone, and that was the future total anal l er qualified submission of the .Hyderabad rulers to the P',,& sure of the Governor-General, as the only chance t"-- remained of their forgiveness."—P. 152. tai "On the 9th inst. I wrote in reply .. • of entire approval of and concurrence in all that had t po done at Kurachee The Ameers hav e for even ventured to send me a message about it. iina they know full well they have only our mercy e 1 liberality to trust to, and to a deputation that has ,u tio . with me this day, &c. . . . I have distinctly a11',',701 equivocally stated so, and warned them of the fins' " inevitable consequences of one false step."—P. 152. the " Every man in Sinde has seen that we h a d country at our feet, that our armies were ready s"-000 taneously to overwhelm all opposition, and (as I t.h. the Ameers) to come from all quarters .like r o g inundation of the Indus.' I hope, and think '1".0, has been here effected and seen, will have a g r to moral effect on his Lordship's designs and measures be the north-west ; that it will awe those who ma o, inimical to us in India cannot be doubted. It has u; - o cl and will be, my study to inculcate this impression ; 1 . is the world will now acknowledge that if our pol e to great, our good faith and forbearance are still la° be wondered at." . 0 50,, " I beg to distinctly record that I anticipate "- t event ; but, if we ara ever again obliged to o % er "„bjtr military strength in Sinde, it must be carried to 5 7,t 0 0 gating this country. The hold we have already PTlte many of the lower classes will strengthen daily. iig ht boatmen all refused to quit our service until they t t bs! war•was at hand, and such was the confidence itl lls '. o le o we found all the villages on the route of the army P e '''d and quiet, notwithstanding the base means tr' e frighten the inhabitants away."—P. 152. th e In February, 1829, Colonel Pottinger procur c "o" signature of the Ameers to his own treaty of 'W h oa three articles (afterwards modified by Lord into the treaty of fourteen articles), having emP,s'gs six months of negotiations, and the influence of l o to bodies of troops to attain that end. He then apreiiand have considered the Ameers as perfectly su bmisslir re e 'di' gives (in p. 162) proofs of their attention to his p sition, but still does not place perfect confidence in e of sincerity, for he says :—" After their long (lour e d for deceit and treachery, I am loth to pledge my wc'Y the their sincerity, but the facts I have enumerated 11 „; 0 11 preceding paragraph speak for themselves, and oerirere do denote a very altered system. Whether that bet ter tion proceeds from dread of us, or from some ;60. feeling, it is perhaps not difficult to imagine."- -- r• b age r In looking to our future position Col. r°"7 o o l° thinks it right to call the attention of his superior s views he entertained, and writes thus :—" It see""ssical me, that it would be better at once to take Pos, se p ) bf, of Sinde (or such parts of it as we may requ' r "ono force, than to leave it nominally with the Atoe,e r ' 4 ,, t ; ofl yet deal with it as though it were our own. .- o ' To ler # line is explicit and dignified, and cani.ot be glisucool'i stood; the other I conceive to be unbecoming ourfoer and it must lead to constant heart-burnings an d ",; ings, if not to a rupture of all friendly relation s. ..bll then further states the principle of firmness on vv„ b „ / 00' would rely in dealing with them, and says:—" effect of such a principle on a Government and P ci el ' A who may be said to be destitute of veracity ai l h al' faith, as well as of foresight, needs not be en upon."—P. 165. sit There died lately at Colmar, in the 'Taut .- - t .„ l r ttia e , Israelite, at the age of 9b years, leaving an immein ge : o o ll3 ": This he accumulated by buying and selling land, bY „, t ir7„ ing reversions, and by granting loans of money at,, - ti ts 11 ,,1 interest. He was blind for the last twenty years °I ire bsle and yet el - mined, personally, all the property be P t t ott la before he concluded the bargain. tehich he tosk , l ie 01 1 a good one for himself. When land as the object. 'to hi d over every part of it, and when a house was offered is 1040 he visited every room from top to bottom, runn in g hi v e P 0 over all that he could touch, and making his guid e f i at!, ; t i l t' the details of such parts as he could not reach. n e , e J affirmed, between 6,000 and 7,000 persons who °" l , lt , money, and whenever it was required to settle an aeel, ijal-1 any one of these, his numerous debtors, he immediate "rivel,l!:'g from memory, an accurate statement of every j'er a ', V is Jirt and interest, dates and circumsta nces , b e i n g, in fa I '' journal and ledger. —Fre nc h P aper . in 0 tio I.ly FisitiNG o , neighbourhood, who has been for the last few iO n t he sporting tour in Wa'es, has been induced lately, 1 . 1 . °1 1 , to e .d preeedented mildness of the temperature, occasionaqi Atle change his gun for his fishing-rod, and has succeeded 1260,04,, with a fly, during the last fortnight., no less than four ° l- ce estio t dishes of trout, consisting of from ten to twelve I ° A l a y, They were in beautiful condition, bespangled, as in blot their splendid crimson studs and golden dress, and very t ; —Cheltenham Examiner. of ct REAL MONSTER AUITATION.—EX.CLICSI"'" ~,41 PEOPLE OF IRELAND FROM JURIES * ON A CC , it (fe l i THEIR RELtutoN.—No circumstance that ever 0.-,:orroli) to excited the Catholic millions so universally and 1°, 1 0 61 by the insult to their religion, their conscie n tious o ` to te tile r truth, and their honour, which has just been Perr e o nd e o og the Tory Government. The petitions, reso lutionft the , fir, o f communications, denunciatory of the insult a nti e oa n which have, by this day's post, poured in from e c F r f t 'in theca to Ireland, are so multitudinous as to defy perusal w„n or oitt t t lal They will be turned to proper account by the u f . tha b olia due time. We need only state as an additional pr,?°,.. Cat A 111 most. moderate as well as the most distinguished O' jo ha t e c l i e body have joined the mighty body of the people of st iona it th e this gigantic movement for the vindication of the a u ot racter. We may . state that at the great meetinE;ooo4,/ subject of the juries yesterday, in Drogheda , t_ ° , Ireln ° occuped by the most Rev. Dr. Crolly, Primate "I AO O Dublin Pilot. a sSilr e ‘ 'fa ct It is now some ten days since we were__ fon' p re good authority, that several important deviatier of . were contained in the first notice we publishes" :I , on, ceedings of Mr. Wakley, Coroner for Nliddlese%te `prietyloe to the proposed sale of effects stated to be tb ds . 1 %0 0 1 1 Lieutenant Munro, of the Royal Horse Gu ar t he n e , Al t l no time in making the most careful inquiry inos,japp.:oo; of the wetsstaements in question, and, with the tt u oint e :o l a ts • which re always anxious to admit even an. r oil error, we feel bound to say that very serious n ai rto aN be es time did occur in the account that was furnishei. 0100000! ha fo° o person who supplied us with the paragraph • on Os deceived by those from whom he derived .141° inr dui; o n b la t o though we acquit him of having wilfully ni l t o hne al/ i o o, far from there having been any unnecessary g est o f te • part of Mr. Wakley in reference to the sale ° duet g loa result of our investigation convinces us th at the c O O O, oeltlr gentleman was marked throughout by the ......... 1 l'n the n traTE Que , fur I and cep w ei th e hie