The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-29 00:00:00

EAST INDIA HOUSE. THANKS TO THE SINDIAN ARMY. Yesterday a Special Court of the Proprietors of 48-st India Stock, was held at the East India House, con- L e rt,ed by the Court of Directors, for the purpose of b Ymg before the meeting resolutions of thanks adopted thee Executive body of the Corporation, in reference recent military operations in Sinde. The Chair Las taken by Mread.r. John Cotton, and the minutes of tho 14 ,10o:urt were k The Cita.IRMAN acquainted the Court that since the meeting various papers relative to compensation, &C., nhoad prese n t e d to P ar li ament, cop i es o f w hi c h were 1 .,' laid on the Proprietors' table. He (the Chairman) the i he had t o acquaint the Court of Propr i etors, t h at i t th be en specially summoned to consider resolutions w o u t ld linaodw be read. been passed by the Court of Directors, which The Clerk then read the following resolutions : 4 , At a Cou r t o f Di rectors, held on Tuesday, t h e 2 0 t h o f 4 "narY 1844 44 b te esolved, b the ballot—That the thanks of this Court pSven to Major -General Sir Charles Napier, Knight Grand iZof the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, for the emi teilt energy, and gallantry displayed by him in the re !nilitary operations in Sinde, particularly in the two "give battles of Meeanee and Hyderabad. beult!B°lved unanimously—That the thanks of this Court k liven to the several officers of the army both European for .native, serving under Major-General Sir Charles Napier, heir unwearied zeal and conspicuous gallantry. o_ ▪ tteso lved unanimously—That this Court cloth highly ap tliZe and ackno w l e d ge the brave and meritorious conduct ` l4 • 7ed by th e non - comm i ss i one d o ffi cers an d private sol • Doth luropean and native, engaged in the operations of and that this resolution be signified to them by the --'etanders of the several corps." . e ntlemen, when we last met in, this Court we were Is te g e tt,. in a discussion of the policy and justice of the f ete Proceedings in Sinde. We are now met under dif nt c ircumstances. I am not about to say one word li sa t P t he policy of what has been done; that is certainly in fo the present question. My duty is now with in. tart services, and with military services alone; and 4 that view I desire to present to your notice Major hiestleral Sir Charles Napier and the gallant force under •to c ommand in Sinde. You are all aware, that after a Cr distinguished career in the Peninsular war, Sir o f arthles Napier was placed by her Majesty on the staff arrny in India, and that he was removed in Au • 18,4 from the quiet station at Poonah, to the nt command of the British forces in • N Beloochistan ,nde. Whil st execu ti ng thi s m ilit ar y comman d, b ee T y to send his troops against the Beloochees, and, hip- - ") 4B aY, what has been admitted and declared by the vlt military authorities in this country, that in the r l nance of his duty he displayed remarkable vigour atii s kill, and undaunted courage, and obtained brilliant dstdecisive victories over large bodies of a brave and ti ei3' er mined enemy, under circumstances of unusual fe bui ,d and danger. The particular exploits are so ultr to you and the public, that it would be an un of tl , st arY occupation of your time to enter into a detail k k i",,,,"L Suffice it to say, that the battles of Meeanee Nikuiderabad may be considered as worthy of being Ile t al among the most brilliant achievements of the qu i—u • army. I must further add, that the staunch Ilitie s of the British soldiers and sepoys were seldom lis 'to greater trials, or more successfully estab tip ' than in those battles, and the medals for dis k:4B4d services in the field were never better or fe gallantly earned than those which are to be con <it nn. the brave troops engaged on these memorable ns• Gentlemen, - the motion which I have to The to you shall now be read. .4 esomi.. Clerk read the motion, which was an echo of the t 'na passed by the Court of Directors. 4 04. - mAMEs LAW LUSEINGToN rose to second the mo lts _,As having been connected with the army of India, To 4u great pleasure in supporting the resolutions. to ens ure unanimity the resolutions had been framed Li l t to avoid discussion, and that the thanks to Sir )oith"ea Napier, and the army of Sinde, mig,ht be passed tiev?ut opposition. For himself he could not suffi eon "Y express his admiration of the undaunted l i ge, skill, and nerseverence that had been displayed fum t aL s ha i t „gallar ' it officer.—(Cheers.)' He had indeed shown e gallant a master of the art of war. His Grace the Duke te e uington had expressed himself in the strongest es s r44 4d _ as to the manner in which Sir Charles Napierhad oft te tt eted the great operations in Sinde. That gallant or was not only entitled to the thanks of the Court try ''Prietors, but to the lasting gratitude of the coun lii‘Vßear.) The promptitude that had been exhi- A id In the attacks of the Sindians at Meeanee and tile -" a bed, without scarcely an hour's delay, deserved ,tlZeuest praise. He (Sir J. L. Lushington) hoped the '7 ( mid - be no dissentients to the motion. As to eopoUr of the troops, blith European and native, there slu g_ I _4 but one opiirn a e(llear.) lheir courage ,A r tn equal t o that' the best of the British army. to v i.' 3 , l a.LivAsi said he must object to the resolution, Tha t Ira he would give his most strenuous opposition. -,„" Proprietor then went into the history of the He e l „,", a rs and the conduct pursued towards the Ameers. at,"rd Copiously from the " Blue books," but as the nelii tt : "as already been sufficiently referred to in the it 4 -8 in Parliament, and at the East India House, .to th 4 :.,,t necessary to report this portion of his address Lukd the ,,,,,,oPtion of preserving peace, but he preferred 1411 ,_ th:" Gallant General held the pen in one hand, ventle t f,,aword in the other. He (Mr. Sullivan) ap ecetA de n - i • h 'ne skill and valour of Sir Charles Napier, but his policy. He had resolved to attack the ! t l e „ci a , w herever he found them. The war was a bloody C harl to n one, and therefore he could not thank Sir ennt end _futPier or his army. There had not been, he Ie tWeus the least necessity to move a single troop. of th - t e d the Proprietors would not stain the records tio na - ,l‘ , court by having inserted upon them the resolu ait had been come to by the Court of Directors. to e ft ,,ul move it direct negative to them, and wished tor the proceedings of the Court of Directors on e ü b ject. tlie Mr ii i lELbmit asked if there were any dissents among waTahietociroaorsidi:Llzie proposition ? replied in the negative. It was not ee the p rocee di ngs o f the Court of Direc lottr is upon matters brought before them. He should ob - Lto the reasons being given. ttiveoltirr:ieWtoErErsnso said had he known the course the Hon. (Mr. Sullivan) intended to adopt, he would 14, ( nne prepared to rebut the statements that had li e `utY been made. A perusal of the papers that had • Presented to the affairs of Sinde, had con * Iltteed h. - set" Ira. It, s ing) that Sir apter e ' h umanity as well as for his military to th .)1' In one of the dispatches he wrote disci 1. - •neral that he kept up the strictest pr test the people of the country. de s e h , e 4'.;f' ecinee, while emerging from the Aft e . '"rin- . ..ad ts pitiform the most extraordinary duties. 1 0 , the battle .1 1 11 f Hyderabad, the wounded Be liaTbees, who foughrunder the belief that no quarter d be gistent l iiiere Collected, while the sword ais t ,„ s earcely been put: into' the scabbard , . and as :l;thiree rendered to, those • unfortunate individuals. . a tu .,,er all these circumstances, he (Mr. Weeding) was P r o ,, ll _. B ed at the maw ish opposition of the Honourable i letOr. ri t If • — "aloiktits o ppvosedto the vote of thanks. The Th• eaut General wirs t hAlantin war. That was his animus. akottgentof Sinde was sick and tired of war, but his was kr t t inn eess (Egrotut animo magis quam corpore. MixErc held that this was not a political but a st r r qUestion.—(Hear, hear.) kaki WINING expressed regret that a unanimous vote taih t not be tome to. Th ere h a d b een a com bination of N tu tte Y skill and humanity, which was so distinguished a to ttl r i e nn the part of English commanders. The highest 1 I?h uli Plin ' en t had been paid to Sir Charles Napier by the ' In • Ii ( : ( 1° f Wellington, - whose military career commenced 1f5.. 1 ,... 4 1 and was crowne d at the battle of Waterloo. He t ht• tak - r i ning) would most cordially support a vote of mid a to Sir Ch ar l es N a pi er , an d th e gallant officers Mr' idler s under his command. nt B , t ruavAst, in explanation, observed that he had ati t Qled the military talents of Sir Charles Napier, who Sir, ha ve hadpeace if he had not have preferred war. nf1,0,.,_,". CAMPBELL (a Director) condemned the policy let rd Auckland, but his excuse might be the example +li t e predecessor • and he (Sir Robert) considered ...eous se a h r ;e! Napier felt ' himself perfectly justified in the ; hadpursued. Sir Peliv es pithlTA ß BRYANT contended that this was not a th e a l e - 0 ' question. He strongly eulogised the chatacter epoy s . e ttity ; ''QLT MACKENZIE considered there was no diffi tek. 41.,,,separating the military from the political ques • 'Oioj e :ae thought th a t th e civil acts of Sir Charles bees se , e oUld not be a pp rove d of, a s they had led to the tire t 4l of 'military operations. He, therefore, would sot fo e Gallant General thanks for his military, but ft t „,, 148 Civil acts. The Duke of Wellington had add 41''' a political blunder at Vienna, but no one weld sPute his glorious military career. No army ali er accept th an k s if a l ea d er suc h as Si r Ch ar les Gen - se excl u d e d . — ( H ear. ) • ..th ineral GALLOWAY (a Director) spoke in favour of s ; . ‘11!, thou g h h e did not approve o f th e con d uc t • gush a Napier. If ever they had a great military man, „ Th e n an c , Was Sir Charles Napier.—(Cheers ) at'str es - oi t lajlsAst then directed the clerk to read the . th:`"on of the day. • 1 1. a h.:question being put, the resolution was carried 4 gain s Thge majority. O n l y four hands were held up • . t • 'ccl u na , The second and third resolutions were car rniously. ••for f trlliv ati gave notice of motion for the next 14. t the Production of the minutes of . the proceed. • Co urt of Directors. on this subject, &c. `'"Alrt then, adi ourn m„ • , Cot s I ,_, tu t , ax , .. t be — ' 8 rtzw MmezimylLtGAznis ron _ . % ut ' of Mr.. Col. , tirte,mastthat. need be said of this number ' - -- • . MARCH. 4 .4 it fe°Pular periodical is, that;-both for variety ~a n, ,d i _i _att. . ' , f.1:11 eve surpaSses the two preceding .Numbers, of Leide"W,b.., il h Ye,ar. The - opening paper is a Legend of Lingu . litstati:l4.,bY," e ntitled'‘‘The Lord of Thou.lollse,7 spiri te d ly. , nil ' t ilt 11:1,`• e ''' bY Leeeh; in which 'magic' e oileeta of the writer's facetious powers: T bi , s iee and teetaal . ism n it ( i t is Of th ‘..e best li_igoldsby has yet given us. The third_ part - t ary- e f el t r . ious " Talleyrand Papers" divulges flte:senrpet._m_s keut o f il intrigues Which led to the capture_ ailqu !In ' .., • c t._ Lnd„ 1 SPanish Princes at Yalengay. The Marchioness ‘ 44 the leino"errY describes in a very lively manner her visits at atits _ sque of St. Sophia and the Seraglio, • 41 . ster y 7,,ta the Sultan. Mrs. Trollope concludes her spirited and her pre At, - .- " The Butt " the denouement of which will greatly • I tte riat he r reade ' eh ttit: are al% C Ori ra. Cill T d e h d e i"n Letters number,fr om a H n o d ng gi •K ve on a g v a e n ry d . • k e : ,,t, picture of the condition of the population of ', Ahe Old Forest. Ranger" contributes some stirring es it , morn his Indian diary ; and Mr. Laman Blanchard " "e of his pit t papers called "Enquire Within. n'ad ke4otbsse articles, there is a charming poem of Miss Cook's, dal 7 , One from the of Mis s Ag nes Strickland ; a capi , enette entitled 14" The Genoese Mask," —.to mtio.. as article embod ' "Hints to Peace Socie- The ymg sundry and a highly .'. etkeat paller, however, which is like to attract the attention 6 that on the Censorship of the English 141111.41 1 4 4th e44111 . 1 ,._1 51 4fie5t hit the prohibiti on by . the Lord Cham -""storical copy of "Richelieu in Love." GRAND WEEKLY ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE MEETING AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE. The usual weekly, meeting of the National Anti- Corn-law League, was held last evening, at Covent garden Theatre, and notwithstanding the unfavour able state of the weather, the theatre was crowded in. every part in five minutes after the door was opened. At seven o'clock, George Wilson, Esq., chairman of the League, took the chair. He was accompanied by Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P. ; John Bright, Esq., M.P..; James Patteson, Esq., M.P. ; Hon. Charles Pelham Villiers, M.P. ; Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P.; W. J. Fox, Esq. ; Henry Ashworth, Esq., of the aks, near Bolton, and other distinguished mem bers of the League, who were all loudly cheered as . they made their appearance. Among those present we observed in addition to the above-mentioned gentlemen :—Sir Valentine Blake Bart., M.P. ; Roger Cunliffe, Esq. ; R. R. R. Moore, Esq. ; W. A. Wilkinson, Esq. ; Arthur Pattison, Esq. ; Pat tison, Esq. ; Samuel Lucas, Esq. ; . Nelson Hancock, Esq.; William Evans, Esq., Manchester ; J. Goswell, Esq. ; George Borrett, Esq.,- Southampton ; Chris. J. Thomas, Esq., Bristol ; Phillips, Esq. ; Effing ham Wilson, Esq. ; John M`Leod, Esq. ; Captain. Ridout; George Crawford Heath, Esq.; George. Scrivens, Esq., Hastings ; Charles Scott, Esq. ; J. Cox, Esq. ; G. C. Dyke, Esq.; W. A. Smith, Esq. ; W. A. Thomson, Esq. ; C. Layard, Esq. ; H. S. Shaw, Esq. ; George Smith, Esq.; R. L. Tweedale, Esq. ; John Hunter, Esq. ; George Ridout, Esq. ; Sir William Baynes, Bart. ; John Eckless, Esq., Southampton ; J. B. Scott, Esq., Manchester ; Francis Scheer, Esq.; Andrew Hall, Esq., Manchester ; R. Andrews, Esq., Southampton ; James Wilson, Esq. ; W. Ibbotson, Esq., Sheffield • 11. E. Adair, Esq. ; W. Thornborrow, Esq. ; W. M. Burnie, Esq. ; Adam. Smith, Esq. ; Wynn, Esq., Wolverhampton. The CEIAIRMAN called upon the Secretary to read the minutes of the last meeting. The SECRETARY then proceeded to read the mi- . nutes. . At the mention of the name of Daniel O'Con nell,, Esq., M.P., for the county of Cork, as one of those who had addressed the meeting last week, the meeting cheered in the most enthusiastic manner for several minutes. The ladies in the boxes waved their handkerchiefs, and many a popular leader would have been proud of the applause which the bare mention of the name of Daniel O'Connell drew forth. 'We believe that never before has the mere reading of the minutes of any preceding meeting elicited anything like such an expression of popular feeling. The pre sent is a perfectly unique instance of such . an oc- currence. On the motion of Mr. VILLIERS, seconded by Mr. COBDEN, the- minutes of the preceding meeting were confirmed. _ _ -- ; -- CHAIRMAN then came forward and said — Ladies and gentlemen, a distinguished member of the Administration has been kind enough to inform the public that Leaguers meet in theatres—(Cheers) —and certainly this meeting, although not so crowded as was the meeting of last week—(Cheers) —furnishes a confirmation of the accuracy of the information which the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Home Department, was pleased to give to the Mem bers of the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) We are met together here, in perhaps greater numbers than the entire of the monopolists' meetings put toge ther, which have been held during the last week —(Cheers)--and although, perhaps, it may be no great compliment to say we are not much behind them in intelligence, yet I am convinced that when the objects which they have in view are compared with those which we seek to attain, we shall stand much before them in the estimation of the generous hearted and intellectual portion of our fellow-coun trymen.—(Loud cheers.) We have heard of many of these meetings, and I am willing to admit that so far they are indications of renewed activity and vigour on the part of the more excitable portion of that political party which upholdsthe present system, so far they are important. But, in point of numbers, with one or two exceptions, they are utterly beneath notice, and, considered as an expres sion of the opinions of the tenant-farmers, they are altogether foolish.—(Cheers.) Why ? Because in the earlier meetings, in which the tenant-farmers were put forward, they did not by their speeches or by their acts support the objects of those meetings, and in the later meetings the lords and squires have undertaken to perform those duties in the name of the tenant-farmers, and have taken upon themselves the entire management of these meetings. These meetings have, been very small ; frequently they have not been held in public, and the tenant-farmers have not in general attended them.—(Loud cheers.) But we make no complaint of these close meetings ; we do not object to our fellow countrymen meeting in any manner which they may think proper, to pro mote a specific object, and to pass regulations in their own way. But, admitting this right to its fullest extent, still those meetings cannot for one moment be compared with the meetings which Mr. Cobden held in the agricultural districts during the last Sum mer.—(Loud cheers.) Twenty-eight of those meet ings were held in the agricultural districts, aid at twenty-seven of them, which were open mee4ngs, attended by tenant farmers, and held in the agricul tural districts, resolutions were passed in favour;of a total and immediate abolition of the corn-lasys.— (Loud cheers.) On the other hand, at the only ppen meeting which the monopolists have ventured to; call, which was convened in Somersetshire by the Nigh Sheriff, and over which the High Sheriff presided, resolutions were proposed, seconded, and passed, in favour of a total and immediate abolition of the dorn laws, and a petition to Parliament, founded on these resolutions, was agreed to.—(Loud cheers.) I have, therefore, a right to say that those meetings furnish no evidence to show that the tenant-farmers are opposed to the National Anti-Corn-law League.— (Cheers.) I had last week an opportunity of nogcing the observations of a certain Noble Lord respecting the proceedings of the National Anti-Corn-law League. This week a Noble Earl who resido in Yorkshire has chosen to favour us with a nbtice. There was a meeting in York held last week, the Earl of Harewood in the chair. The Noble Earl is reported to have said that the meeting might learn what were the objects of the Anti-Corn-law League in the agitation which they were carrying on, by considering what had happened to a farmer in ;Lin colnshire. That farmer had attended a meeting in Lincolnshire, and had stood up and opposed the Anti- Corn-law League, and during the course of that! very night his stacks and his ricks had been burnt down. No man could surely doubt after that what were the objects and intentions of the National Anti-Corn-law League !—(" Oh, oh," and cries of " Shame ! shame !") Does the Noble Lord mean to say that the meinbers of the League set fire to this man's ricks ?—(Cheers.) He has furnished us with no information on the sub ject—(Cheers)—he has not told us where this iheet ing was held.—(Cheers.) He has not told who was the party to whom these stacks belonged. The Noble Lord has not descended to particulars lie was willing to establish an imputation against the League —he did not consider it necessary to enter into any particulars, for he knew his audience well, and that they would be perfectly ready to accept any insinua tion which he might think proper to make against the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Cheers.) But I would have that Noble Earl to know that we, the members of the League, have as great a regard for the sacred rights of property, and as much abhorrence of the diabolical acts of the incendiary as any Lord, Earl, or other member of the aristocracy.—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Earl lives in Yorkshire, and he cannot cast his eyes in any direction without seeing numer ous towns and villages and hamlets all indebted to manufacturing capital for their prosperity.—(Cheers.) He cannot look around .him without knowing that among the inhabitants of all those towns, villages, and hamlets, there are persons of every station in society, high and low, who aremembers of the National Anti- Corn. law League.—(Cheers.) Does he dare to ac cuse those persons of having set this man's ricks and stacks on fire ?—(Loud cheers.) He is seated in the House of Lords on the bench opposite to that oa which sit the Earl.of Ducie, the Marquis of Westminster, the Earl of RadnOr, awl Lord Kinnaird—will he venture to accuse them., of encouraging and as sisting any person to set on fire those stacks or ricks? or will he dare to accuse this meeting of it ?—(Loud cheers.) I hope that he will be more careful for the future of the statements which he makes, and that when he does make a charge, he will make it fairly, and give particulars.— (Cheers.) Since we la'st met here meetings have been held in various parts of Yorkshire—at Richmond, at Knaresborough, at Northallerton, at Thirsk, at which Mr. Plint, Col. Thompson,. and Mr. Prentis, of Manchester, attended as a deputation from the League. At Coble, in Lan cashire, a' meeting was likewise held, during the last Week, which was attended by the Rev. Mr. Massey, qolanchester, and at which 2001. was collected for the League , fund.—(Cheers.) At Gloucester, on, Saturday , last, there was an open county meeting, the Earl of Ducie being in the chair.—(Loud cheers.) It was attended by a greater number of tenant farmers. than I believe it would be possible for the monopolist party to get together at any which they may think proper to hold in the meeting same county.—(Loud cheers.) , It was addressed by Mr. Coliden—(Cheers)—Colonel. Thompson—(Cheers)— ' and Mr. Moore.—(Cheers,) A resolution was pro posed by Mr. Holland, a large , agriculturist, a farmer, and an extensive occupier of land, and seconded by j another tenant-farmer, approving of the proceedings of the National Anti-Corn -law League.—(Loud cheers.) We shall be addressed this evening by Mr. Ashworth, of Turton, near Bolton — (Cheers) — by Mr. Milner Gibson, the. Member for Manchester-(Cheers.) Mr. T Gisborne—(Loud cheers) —Mr. Gisborne, I am sorry I to say, is unfortunately detainedat-htuke,bpindispo= sition, and will not be able to address you this even ing ; but our excellent friend, Mr. Bright—(Loud cheers)—is here, and will address you in his place.— (Loud cheers.) The Chairman concluded by calling upon Mr. Ashworth, of Turton, near Bolton, to ad dress the meeting. _ _ Mr. HENRY KSHIVORTII then came forward to the platform. lle said it was no common sight to witness manufacturers from the North leaving their dwellings and their occupations to appear before an audience like the present. The manufacturer had usually other employments to attend to, but he would appeal to his fellow-countrymen when he felt himself wronged. The manufacturers were unused to agitation ; they belonged to a class who studied practical science and the mechani cal arts and their machinery, and they were therefore busily engaged at home if pernicious legislation, al lowed them to be so. In appealing to them in the character of a manufacturer, he felt a confidence which arose from the faCt, that the body to which he belonged sought to possess nothing but their own. Manufactures were engaged in making hard bargains, and so were all prudent persons, themselves (the meeting) among the rest.—(Hear.) But it could not be laid to their charge that they had got a com mercial house in Parliament-street where they could surround the community with their toils, and enable themselves to make both sides of the bargain. — (Hear, hear.) Manufacturers enjoyed no protection. They sought none, and they disclaimed the protec tive system• altogether; all they asked, was to have all her Majesty's subjects put upon an equal footing. That was not an unreasonable demand. But the landlords said they must have protection—that they were entitled to a certain amount of protection for certain specific purposes. He would not now remind them of what those purposes were, but refer them for the information to Lord Mountcashel and Sir Edward Knatchbull. Those gentlemen could tell all about it. They said they must have pro tection to enable them to compete with foreigners. He was not yet aware in what respect Englishmen were inferior to foreigners.—(Hear, hear.) He was persuaded that the British farmer and farm-labourer would do as much work, and were as capable of competing with foreigners, as any class ; and none, he was persuaded, could better compete with them in agricultural labour, if the landlords would allow him to buy his food rather cheaper. The manufacturers were exposed to foreign competition— and why not the landlords? Manufacturers enjoyed no privileges—they required none. They possessed no advantages of machinery, which were not common to all the world. They obtained from other countries inventions and improvements in machinery, which they embodied in that machinery which they manu factured themselves, and then allowed those produc tions of their own skill to be taken out of this country and sold in any country in the world, at as cheap a rate as they had got them themselves.—(Hear, hear.) The law which prohibited the export of machinery had been repealed a year or two ago, and although they were suffering severely in their business, and although many were of opinion that the export of their machinery, superior as it was of its kind, would be hazardous to them, nevertheless, with a spirit of fair dealing the manufacturers never demurred to the Act permitting the export, but allowed it to pass without hesitation or disturbance. Having, therefore, given up, in favour of foreigners, all protection, if ever they had any, the manufacturers claimed to be freed from restriction of every kind. They took it that since they were exposed to foreign competition, it was unjust that any other class—especially the wealthy landlord class—should enjoy advantages not common to all. With respect to manufacturers and other classes of the community, they were told that the home market was an important market for their productions. He was prepared to speak to the value of the home market, as regarded his own trade, which was the cotton trade. That was chiefly an export trade, there being only one out of every seven bales consumed wrought for home consumption ; and thus, all the employment with the cotton trade, derived from every class of British subjects, amounted to only one • seventh of the whole, or about one day's work out of the week. That applied to the consumption of classes ; and, therefore, when one came to analyse what was obtained from the aristocratic classes, who put forth the value of the home market in such vaunting terms, it was found to amount to only some fractional parts of one day's work in a week ; and for that they were thankful as far as it went. As to the home consumption, the city of London alone consumed more cotton manufactures than all Ireland, and Manchester more than the entire county of Buckingham.— (llear, hear.) With respect to the export trade, from what he had already mentioned, they would see that they depended upon foreigners for six-sevenths of all the work they did, and those six-sevenths of their productions being sold in the open markets of the world, they were unable to enjoy any description of protection. Let them now look to the landlord, and the manufacture which pertained to his occupa tion—the manufacture of food. There was no export trade in that article. He had the best market in the world at his own doors, and protection, too, into the bargain. There was a time when the landlords of this country exported their own produce, but that day was gone by, and the po pulation of iis country now consumed all the food foreign r otherwisee i of g H neanc medium they could raise, and required much more if they could get it. Al much of this food was consumed by the large portion of the community engaged in manufacturing goods for export, it—that was, corn, wheat, and other agricultural produce—became the raw material of their manufacturing labour, and thus the goods exported consisted virtually of corn, wheat, &c., as much as of manufactured cotton. The nnentooPpossessed money, a s n s o i ee s landlords, who were merchants in their way, were by that convert m ortu e fbto a hlr n ee s ti hr ae b fnio e rdo dc products o macountriesint eemewould withoutsuaol necessary y btex changebe e t seen that the manufacturers of this country, manu facturing as they did under the corn-laws, were compelled, in the first instance, to pay an artifi cially high price for the food they and their labourers consumed, and afterwards, in the course of his export trade, to re-sell it in foreign- markets, where, if sold in the shape of food, it would not fetch more than half the price it brought in its altered form. Thus they found that the manufacturers became the implements of the landlords to dispose of their goods and chattels at twice as much as they were worth, and at a loss of one half in the process. On the sub ject of the export trade, they would have no difficulty in seeing that it was a general axiom in relation to it that importers were customers. The manufacturers who dealt with foreign countries took, as the crite rion of the prosperity of this country, not the amount of exports, but of imports.,. He repeated that imports were to be considered in the light of cus tomers. A vessel who approached our shores, no matter from what country she came, was. the impersonation of the foreign merchant with money in his pockets, for the vessel's cargo was easily con verted into money, and that money was put at the disposal of the merchant's agent to purchase goods ; and thus, in a new shape, it was re-embarked and sent away again. Therefore, the more of those ves sels that came to our shores, the greater the number of customers for our manufactures. Goods imported into this country did not go at once from the ship to the merchant's warehouse, but were detained at the Custom-house to pay certain revenue duties. That was only right and proper; but a distinction should be made between duties levied for the purposes of revenue and duties imposed for protection. Imports ought to be as free as the winds in an enlightened country. If they were to go to a distant cpuntry and see .an armed body of men, with muskets in one hand, and telescopes in the other, for the purpose of acting as a preventive service to restrict the import of foreign goods, would they not say that such a State was acting in a most suicidal manner ? The laws of which he had spoken admitted of the introduction of luxuries from foreign countries, of wines, of silks, and of lace, which were chiefly con sumed by the rich ; and whilst the importation of those articles which were required chiefly by the labouring classes was prohibited by the Legislature, they protested against the protective laws as unjust to the rest of the community.—(Cheers.) Landlords ' told them that this was a manufacturer's question. They found that manufacturers were very actively engaged in efforts to get rid of restrictive enact ments, and therefore they attempted to make out that it was the manufacturers alone who were interested in the result. He denied that it was exclusively a manufacturer's question; it was the labourer's question; the tradesman s question, everybody's question. There was a time when the manufacturers viewed it as their own question. The law bore hard upon them, and they sought to obtain relief. But the more they searched into the question, the stronger was their conviction that those who were engaged in other employments were suffering equally with them selves ; in some instances they believed that even greater injuries had been inflicted. It was not a question affecting any one part of society alone, but a general question, affecting the whole community.— (Hear, hear.) When the manufacturer found that his, business was crippled, and that his work-people were starved, it became his duty to complain, as it would become any one to do when he saw that he .was the subject of hard dealing.—(Hear, hear.) The landlords, not con tent with raising one ivy, had started that of over production. Showing a great number of figures, they exclaimed, " Why, those manufacturers would clothe the whole world !"—(Laughter.) It would be quite as well if they would give them the opportunity of clothing the whole world.—(Hear, hear.) If, by .so doing, they brought trouble upon them, it would be time enough to compl a i n w h en the trouble: came. —(Hear, hear.) It would.. be as well, perhaps, to examine this question a little more closely. Suppose it to be possible for them to clothe the whole world. Still they could not make everlasting calicoes.— (Laughter.) Calicoes would sometimes wear out, and - they mist then - be renewed.—(Hear.) Hence-there THE/ sly 1 41 / 4 7 9 1 . 4 oNv now, THURSDAV MORNI - N - 0, FEBRUARY 29, 1444, would be a constant recurrence of new demands. Having once got the world to wear calicoes, they, must wait till they were worn out and they might then begin again. —(Hear, hear.) 1t would be rather a jocose circumstance, if, at some future day, a Man chester manufacturer should be seen upon these boards, weeping, like Alexander, the conqueror of old, not because he wanted another world to conquer, but because he wanted another world to clothe.— (Laughter.) At all events, in the midst of all his grief, he would have the consolation of thinking that if the whole world were clothed, he •himself surely deserved to be fed.—(Cheers.) He did not hear any one complaining that they had got too many clothes. (A voice from the gallery " not."—Laughter.) Cheap as clothing was, he had never heard any one lamenting that it was too cheap. The landlords occasionally lauded themselves upon being patriots and benefactors, boasting that they had made two blades of grass grow where only one grew before. On a similar ground he himself, as a manufacturer, might claim to be considered as a patriot ; for he could make two shirts for a less price than one used to cost formerly. But he denied that either landlords or manufacturers ' as such, had a n y title to these appella tions. They both acted from one motive, and that motive was an enlightened self-interest.—(Hear, hear.) He had before mentioned the word ma chinery. This was another favourite topic of the aristocracy. They gave shrewd hints about machinery being at the bottom of all the evils of the country. He (Mr. Ashworth) maintained that machinery was one of the greatest blessings which this country enjoyed.—(Cheers.) 'Machinery was the best guarantee for employment, the surest source of its permanence, and it also afforded the highest rate of wages.—(Hear, hear.) Moreover, by ma chinery, the body was exempted from physical exer tion, and the mind, which ennobled man ' was deve loped to an extent which would otherwise be impossi ble.—(Cheers.) That was a subject upon which he might dilate for hours ; but he would content him self with noticing the facts. In proof of what he had stated, he would advert to the result of his experience in his own county. In Lancashire machinery had been invented, and sys tematically carried out, to a greater extent than it had been either in any other county in England or in any other part of the world. If, therefore, machi nery had displaced human labour, and impoverished the people, Lancashire ought to be the poorest county in the British dominions.—(Hear, hear.) So far, however, from machinery having displaced human labour in that county, it had called for human labour to double the extent of the people of Lancashire, and more than double their progeny for fifty years past. — In every county in England and Scotland where the same system had been carried out, the same results had uniformly followed; work-people had been called for to a greater extent than before, and wages had kept pace with the increase of employment. On the contrary, in those counties where the spade and the plough were the only machines employed, they found what was called super abundant labour.—(Hear, hear) One half el the population of Lancashire had been attracted thither from other places. From what places could they come ? The only counties which could supply hands were the agricultural counties. Hence, those who flocked to Lancashire and the other manufac• turing counties, had left agricultural pursuits. Now, in examining this question, as he had done for some years past, he had made some observations in two parishes in an agricultural district, not far from some of their manufacturing towns. He found that in these two parishes, in the course of seventy years, there had been, in round numbers, for every two funerals three christenings ; and yet the population remained the same, the number of houses remained the same, and, in some parts of those parishes there was only the same number of houses as appeared to have existed at the period of the Doomsday survey in the time of William the Conqueror.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Perhaps the meeting would inquire, what, then, became of the people ? As far as he was able to compute, about 1,000 persons must have been drawn from those parishes to some other part of the country. In almost every house which he entered, the people eagerly inquired, "Do you know my bro ther ? Do you know my . cousin ?" observing that they lived in Manchester, in Bolton, in Preston, or in some other manufacturing town. It appeared, there fore, that about 1,000 people in all had left these two parishes, and betaken themselves to manufacturing employments.— (Hear.) If, then, manufacturing towns were all engulphed in one common ruin—an event, the prospect of which, it would appear from the monopolist papers, had filled the minds of some— he did not know what would become of all these people when they were found among the ruins.— (Hear, hear.) It might happen, however, that if they survived the shock, they would be heard, some fine morning, inquiring of the landlords where they might lodge ?—(Laughter.) The absence of these people from their parishes had been the means both of swelling the rent-roll of the landlords, and easing the burdens of the remaining inhabitants. But the agricultural dis trict to which he had referred was not the only part of this country which had benefited by manufactures —labourers from the remotest parts of Ireland and England had flocked to the manufacturing towns. — (Hear, hear.) Not a few had found their way there from that favoured county, Buckinghamshire, a con siderable number of whom were now employed in his (Mr. Ashworth's) service. There was one inci dent in connexion with this subject which he would relate to the meeting. A Noble Lord, a friend of the Duke of Buckingham, who came into his part of the country . some years ago, happened to discover, on en tering his (Mr. Ashworth's) works, that some of the workpeople came from Buckinghamshire. He en tered one of their cottages. Whilst speaking of these cottages, he could not help observing that they were not like the cottages in the agricultural counties, where a hole was dug in the side of a hill, and co vered with mud and thatch, and afterwards the whole was called a cottage. This gentleman found the work people generallyliving in good houses, but he now spoke more particularly of th e one a t w hi c h he called — a straw built house, tw o s t or i es hi g h, with three bed roo ms.—(A voice, " N o b e d.")—(L au ghter.) He would here observe that the manufacturing popula tion were somewhat delicate in their habits, and one thing by which they were distinguished was their attention to the cultivation of propriety and delicacy of feeling among their children.—(Cheers.) As an illustration of this he need only mention that they deemed it indispensable to have three bed-rooms whenever they could obtain them.—(Cheers.) His Lordship inquired about their comforts and earnings, and amongst the rest he inquired if they would not like to go back to Buckinghamshire. " No," said one, " Got away, 'last," for he spoke very short to his Lordship.—(Laughter.) " No, got away, 'last, and all the horses of the Duke of Buckingham shan't laq)ueill again"—(Great h ow it was h e f e lt a tt ac h e d t o the again"—(Great laughter.) His „ man an swere d , " I cou ld no t ge t 901. a d pii r oa a re w de .s hi moi hi ne year there. —(Cheers and laughter.) He !(Mr.. Ashworth) supposed that was the money which he and his family earned. He would conclude his obser vations respecting the Buckinghamshire peasantry by stating that the Noble Lord went away quite satisfied, and said that he " would go and have a joke with the Duke."—(Great laughter.) He would ask whether_ the agriculturists had ever suff ere d from want of hands ?—(Hear, hear.) He had inqu ired, and he never had seen any man who said that he was short of labourers in agricultural districts; on the cont rar y , he found every farmer and landowner speak in g of the burden of the poor-rates, and of the number of la bourers in the workhouse. They could not suffer very much, for agriculture required no more hands now than in 1821, so that in carrying out tho manu facturing interest, Lancashire and Yorkshire, and the manufacturing districts generally, provided occu pation, comfortable and permanent, for a large class of those countrymen, and those who were left behind did not suffer by their absence. Possibly some of the audience who were accu st om e d to read the monopo list heir glrinicg ul writers, rs'might wonder h ow it was that those labourers found their way to the a e North, and dared to encounter those mill-Molochs.-- (Laughter.) They had been told how the manufac turing labourers were treated by those Molochs of mill-owners. How, then, must the agricultural la bourers have been treated when they ran away from the landlords to the millowners?—(Laugh ter, and great cheering.) Surely they must have been very ill-treated.--(Hear, hear.) One test remained. This could be proved'. If those who cried out against the manufacturers had all the sym pathy which they professed, let them go home and outbid the manufacturers in wages—(Cheers)—and let them try whether those who fled from them to the mills would go back to their " Arcadian abodes " for 7s. a week.—(Cheers and laughter.) He would not detain them much longer.—(Cries of" Go on.") He had endeavoured to give them an outside view of manufactures. If they wanted to know more about the matter let them follow him home. It was not a day's journey from them; and many of them were accustomed to travel up the Rhine and the Rhone to observe the customs of distant lands, whilst they knew nothing of the things that were actually at their own doors.—(Hear, hear.) It was true, He must admit, that they heard sometimes of trouble and strife in the manufacturing districts ; but whenever they did they might rely upon it that those misfortunes were not without a cause. When restrictive laws stopped up the sources of their prosperity—when their com merce failed—when their capital was exhausted, and the:people:failed o ffood—did they think it unreasonable that the people should be exasperated ?—(Hear)—and "he would ask them, could they find in the whole world a population which passed thro ug h suc h t r ials and troubles as the mill population o f th e nor th, w ith so little outcry ?—(Cheers.) Our manufacturing sys tem exhibited as fine a specimen of moral and asso ciative strength as could be found in any part Qf the world, and on a larger scale. It wa§ sustained by men in his situation of life, not by the aristocracy— the aristocracy never assisted manufacturers.. 'The , manufacturing interest was created and upheld by men of diligence in busiriess—by men of skill, energy, and enterprise.—(Cheers.) They embarked their capital, which they knew they could never re cover but by industry and attention on their own part, harmony with their work-people, and the honest co-operation of both for mutual advantage.— (Loud cheers.) It was their interest that the work ing classes of their countrymen should be kept up with, comfort, and prosperity, and independence.— (Hear, hear.) If the capitalist and the workmen were left to themselves, a good understanding of their mutual interest would always prevail, and side by side they would labour industriously to carry out what was for the permanent pros perity of both.—(Hear, hear.) The manufacturers, therefore, andithe ;middle classes, had a duty and a burden imposed upon them to maintain the moral and social system of the country, and to keep. up . the rights of the workin',9, classes as well as their own.— (Great cheering.) They had taken 'their stand on the broad principle of justice. He had endeavoured to show that, in coming forward on this occasion, they did so in the spirit of justice ; and they called on those who composed the audience—the middle classes of this Metropolis—to stand by their countrymen in these events.—(Great cheering.) They asked.for the abolition of all monopolies. 'They disclaimed protec tion for themselves, and they required to be released from the evils which the protection of others inflicted upon them.—(Cheers.) They demanded the total' repeal of the corn-laws. They asked for nothing less—they would be satisfied with nothing less.— (Great cheering.) Of the citizens of London, they asked for their co-operation—they asked that in this great cause which they had undertaken, and in which they had made large sacrifices themselves, the citizens of London should be prepared to do the same.—(lm • mense cheering.) _ Mr. M. Giisow then came forward, and was greeted with repeated cheers. He said—Sir, in open ing the proceedings of this evening, you drew a com parison between the present meeting and that which was held on the last occasion when the Anti-Corn law League was assembled in Covent-garden theatre. Sir, Whatever may be said upon that comparison, I hold, at least, that the meeting which is now within these walls is as great and imposing an assemblage— (Cheers)—and I say that nothing but a deep interest being felt in the corn-laws by the public of this me tropolis, could show such a number as I now see before me.—(Hear, hear.) Tam' delighted also that at the last meeting the theatre was filled to repletion. I am glad that every crevice was occupied. I am glad also to hear that Ireland has appreciated the manner in whicha British audience—(lmmense and repeated cheering for several minutes)—l am. glad, I say, to hear that Ireland has appreciated the manner in which a British audience has received the great man for whom there now, exists so deep a sympathy, and on whom the affections of his countrymen are so intently fixed. —(Renewed cheering.) I was delighted also as a member of the League that the representative of the opinions of the great body of the Irish people was here in person to tell us that Ireland desired the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Great and continued cheering.) Now let me ask once more what can be the reason that men are fOund to make the sacrifice (for sacrifice it is) of attending public meetings for the continued discussion of the same arguments on a public question ? Why is it that men are willing to leave their firesides, and that whole families will attend on winter evenings to listen to speeches on a question which they are told is dull and insipid, and containing considerations which cannot interest the public mind ? Why are the meetings countenanced, not only by men, but by a large portion of their fairer fellow subjects ? It is because they see in the corn-law question something more than an idle speculation of political economy. It is a question which affects civil rights.—(Cheers.) It relates to a policy which restricts the supply of food.—(Cheers.) The ladies of England see that they are -advocating the cause of humanity, the cause of the widow and the orphan, and that they are advocating the means by which a greater portion of food may be placed within the reach of the industrious and the needy.—(Cheers.) These are the reasons why men make sacrifices, and ladies are put to the inconvenience of attending these meetings. We believe that free trade is the right of free men, and that a free citizen is entitled to freedom of exchange.—(Much cheering.) I believe that nothing but State advantage or State necessity, can entitle the Legislature to impose a duty on the im portation, of foreign goods.—(Cheers.) The Anti- Corn-law League has been called a society attacking property ; it has been called an aggressive body ; I deny the truth of this statement. I say, that the Anti-Corn-law League is not an aggressive body ; it is a defensive body. The first attack, the first violence is committed by those who interfere with the freedom of exchange, by those who impose that yoke upon us ; we are but assembled together to throw off that yoke, and to vindicate the rights, the inherent' rights, to which we are entitled.—(Loud cheers.) We have been told that the soeieties on the other side are for the protection of agriculture. I ask, what have they to do with agriculture ? They are societies for the suppression of agriculture—(Cheers) —they are not concerned with the affairs of agricul ture.—(Cheers.) What is agriculture ? Agricul ture is the art of cultivating the earth, in order to make it produce the largest quantity of those vege tables which are consumed by human beings as food. What has that to do with putting duties on foreign importation—what has that to do with the ascending and descending scale—(Loud cheers) —of graduated duties ? We are not an aggressive body; they— the Corn-law Leaguers, the protection societies—are aggressive bodies. We do not profess to interfere with agriculture, but they do propose to interfere with trade.—(Hear, hear.) We contend that English men have a right to become merchants if they choose, and to have the reward of their industry. We also contend that they have a right to cultivate the earth, and to have the full reward of their enterprise but we deny that any one c l ass h as a r i g ht t o interfere with the other, or that either class has a right to de mand a monopoly of the market, or the exclusive privilege of supplying their fellow-countrymen with food.—(Hear, hear.) That, indeed, is the whole question.—(Hear, hear.) I say it is a false pretence to put forward, that these central societies are societies for the protection of agricul ture. I say, emphatically, that they are societies for the destruction of trade.—(Hear, hear.) They are societies for the maintenance of political ascendancy. —(Cheers.) They have nothing to do with the im provement of agriculture, they have nothing to do with arts or sciences, they have nothing to do with anything generous, or with anything deserving the consideration of the benevolent -minded man.— c sat ai have ea t y vtf oh a rn t favoured thesehhh ae e va works heart, trph i it e so i svhNevamovreedistinguishedndtion (Hear, hear.) They have simply to do with the at tainment of selfish interests and the maintenance of political power.—(Cheers.) Now if these societies remark able that the men who take the most leading part in bi N ey v s W h aa je nr here are the inventions, the scientific reference l wat hgr t themselvesoe i rsi s ksce remarkably ut°societies iri t tee o h the improvement of British agriculture ? really have the freepro ceeded t rad e from agriculturiststrade—(Cheers)—and e ers a n d who advocate repudiate e cause i notion that they are to rel‘r on any other resources than those furnished by their own industry, and their own enterprise.—(Cheers.) I do not for a moment pre tend to deny, and I am glad to follow the remarks of your excellent Chairman, that these gentlemen are entitled to meet together, and to advocate their opi- nions fairly and freely. I agree fully in the right of discussion. If these gentlemen consider the Corn laws necessary for the community, they are just as much entitled to their opinions as we are to ours. But what I have a right to complain of is this '; that they call their societies by wrong names—that they mislead the public—(Hear hear)—that they call so cieties which only concern themselves, societies for g7yhdnth they hp e tor case,yof menps hoo the protection of agriculture.—(Cheers.) It seems that they are determined to maintain the present amount of interference with trade. They say they will not cease to restrict trade to the degree to which it is at present restricted. Now I should like them to see these great meetings. • I Should like them to have an opportunity of judging for themselves what is the feeling that is growing up in the minds of their fel low-countrymen on this question.—(Hear, hear.) I should like them to consider whether it will be safe much longer to continue a system of interference with the civil rights of men without having any plea of national advantage, without having any excuse of State necessity, but simply the excuse—We have done it before, it has given us political advantages and political power, and therefore we will continue it— we will perpetuate the evil.—(Hear, hear.) I ask those gentlemen who ate such advocates of order and social harmony and peace, to consider whether it is safe to persist in a system- of injustice when that in justice has been found out ? I would ask them to consider whether it is safe to persevere in citing this violence to the industry of the country,- when men are becoming conscious of their rights, and are determining daily, with increased power, never to cease till those rights are vindicated and fully obtained. A distin guished nobleman has lately come forward, and has written a letter to you in the public papers on this subject—that nobleman was the Duke of Northum berland, and it was extremely wittily observed by the Times, the Duke of Northumberland would have been a very dangerous man if he had not had the power of writing a letter and putting in the Post.—(Laughter, and cheers.) But having written this letter, and stated the grounds on which he supports the corn laws, he ceases to be a dangerous man. The illus trious Duke tells us that we must not let in a foreign supply of corn, and that if we do we must neces. sarily have a compulsory emig.ration.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I have heard, that in a ship at sea, when pro -visions are -short, it oces,sioiuilly happens that they east lots to_know, which 9f the grown . persons in the ship are to be thrown Overboard ; that is what I Con ceive to be , a compulsory. emigration.—(Laughter.) But what I. want to remind these illustrious Dukes of is this, before they do draw lots in the case I have mentioned, everybody takes his chance, and if we are to have a compulsory system of emigration, I hope these Dukes and Earls will be prepared to run the risk of taking their departure as well as others.— (Cheers.) In fact, it appears most perfectly rea sonable that such a course should be taken, because in case a compulsory emigration should take place, by which persons were_ to be transported from Eng ls.,d to distant climes, because food, was not allowed to be brought to them, it will be necessary that society should exist in those distant climes in all.-its parts, and if Dukes and Earls are necessary here they must be necessary there also.—(Cheersand laughter.) Therefore, I should propose, if ever this horrible notion of conipulsory emigration should be re sorted to. at least if would impose the ne cessity of some 'Duke going in company with poOr labotirer's and enterprising manufacturers into distant regions, of the earth, in order to maintain thatsocial harmony which they say is so necessary.—(Cheers.) But . there is a great deal of argument in this letter of the Duke of North umberland. He tells us that a free trade in corn would have the effect of throwing the light lands out of cultivation. Now lam not aware that it is any necessary part of our national policy to keep our bin-ping . sands or wet clays in wheat cultivation. But even if 'admitted that it is the object of legisla tion and Acts of Parliainent to keep these sands and clays in cultivation, I want to know how it is that in Belgium, in France, and in Holland, where the burdens on land are much heavier, and where the average price of the produce of the land is much less than in this country, and where' the labourers are quite as happy—perhaps more so than in this country—l want to know how it is that, under all these circumstances, the light lands of Belgium, of Trance, and of Holland; are kept in cultivation. Low prices; heavy taxes, happy labourers, do not put the lands out of cultivation in France, Holland, and Belgium. Nothing- of the kind. On the contrary, cultivation is extending itself in those countries under the circumstances I have described. Judging from the analogy, there is not the slightest reason to suppose that the 'abolition of the corn-laws would put the light sands or heavy clays out of cultivation. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Administration has hinted that we May import guano, and might get foreign manures to put on these lands, in case they should go out of cul tivation. I quite agree with him. 'You ought to import guano if there was free trade. But I beg to inform him, that I was requested—and I did com ply with the request—to present a petition to the House of Commons from certain dustmen in Liverpool—(Cheers and laughter)—a bond fide petition from certain collectors of dust and rubbish in Liverpool, complaining very much of the proposal to import guano into this country. They said, No ; give us free trade in corn, and then you may. import foreign manures; but we are collectors of manure in this country, and if you give protection to the landed interest, what reason is there you should not give protection to us ? So you see what difficulties we are involved in when once we recognise the doctrine that a Legislature is to interfere with trade. If we give protection to one, we must give protection to all ; and if we ask for free trade, we must ask for free trade for all. As the first is impossible, our only alternative is to resort to the second. But I have no idea that 'a free trade in corn would have the effect of throwing any land out of cultiva tion in this country. But if it did, I contend that it is no part of the duty of a Legislature to sacrifice the interest of the mercantile class or of any portion of the community for the purpose of keeping 'up any particular system of husbandry or cultivation on any particular description of land. But I heard the other day that a Noble Lord at a public meeting said, that there were highly important considerations connected with the corn-law question which removed it altogether from that circle within which they were entitled to apply their principles ; there were certain important spiritual considerations connected with the corn-laws which rendered it necessary to forget all the principles of political economy, and to look at it in the light of a question intimately connected with the religion of the United Kingdom. I think that no man can be found who would agree to such an absurd sentiment, but I think also that I can explain how he arrived at his conclusion that the Protestant religion of England depended on the main tenance of the corn-laws—(Loud cheering)—for what did the Noble Lord say—it was a sort of " house that Jack built," as thus : the Protestant religion de pends on the Established Church—the Established Church depends upon agriculture—agriculture de pends on the price of corn—andlhe price of corn de pends on the ascending and descending scale of gra duated duties.—(lmmense cheering and laughter.) So here in point of fact we have the assertion that the Church of England, which we were always taught to believe was built upon a rock is built upon nothing but a. sliding scale—(Great cheer ing and laughter)—and that in vain would be the teaching of its ministers—in vain the efforts of its preachers, unless they were backed by that ascending and descending scale which regu lates the importation of foreign corn.—(Laughter and cheers.) Now, can anything .be conceived more ab surd than such a doctrine? Why, if that is true— why do they ,not impose an oath upon persons taking their seats in the British House of Commons (Cheers.) We all declare on oath, as well as the Catholics, that we will not make use of any privilege we may acquire to shake the Protestant Church as by ,law established in - England.—(Cheers.) I be lieve every man makes a declaration on taking his seat connected in some manner with the safety of the Established Church.—(Cheers.) Now, I propose, if the maintenance of the Church depends on the corn-laws, that we should have a corn-law oath.—(lm mense cheering.) Now I will take the liberty of reading to you the oath as it would run—" I hereby do disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure, any belief in the abominable doctrine that free trade is founded on common sense.—(Cheers 41nd laughter.) And jI do solemnly swear that it is not one of the articles of my faith to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest markets.—(Loud cheering and laughter.) And. Ido renounce, reject, and abjure, as a dangerous heresy, the opinion that an abundance of food can be a bless ing to the people.—(Loud cheers.) And I solemnly swear never to exercise any privilege to which I am, or may become, entitled to disturb the corn monopoly of the United Kingdom, as by the law established." — (Cheers) Now I would recommend those gentlemen in consistency with ,the course they take on other political questions—namely, that of placing reliance upon oaths and declarations, that they suggest a corn-law oath.—(Cheers.) I think they have very little safety in the declaration of their Prime Minister, that he does not now contemplate a change, but does not know what may be possible.—(Cheers.) There is very little safety in the question, when his col leagues in office declare that free trade is founded on common sense ; and I fear the day will come when public opinion will be sufficiently formed, when these gentlemen, who fear that the Church Establishment and the Protestant clergy will be jeopardisedhy abolishing the corn-laws, will have to face the difficulties of their situation and take the chance of all those dangers; for, depend upon it, no Minister of the Crown will be found who will support the interests of the fewof the aristocratical few—in this county, when the great body of the community come forward united as one man in support of stern re monstrance to demand that there shall ao longer be this interference with freedom of trade, the depriva tion of the reward of industry, the disappointment of the exertions and enterprise of their fellow-country men.—(Cheers.) It would, perhaps, be unfair to discuss the merits of the agricultural protection socie ties, for, as The Times has very wittily said,they have only just emerged from that alluvial mud and arti ficial compost in which they were generated —(Loud cheers and laughter.) But this I will say, we are far more entitled to assert that those societies have other and ulterior views, than they are entitled to assert that the Anti-Corn-law League has other views than those we profess.—(Cheers.) We have great reason to know, from speeches and declarations made in times past in both Houses of Parliament, that there are other considerations influencing the supporters of those societies, than the mere keeping up the price of corn—(Cheers)—or the interruption of the freedom of trade.—(Cheers.) I say there is another ulterior view, and that is political ascendancy--(Great cheer ing.) You know that the poet Moore, in speaking of' ascendency of this nature, and especially of the ascehdaney. of the landed interest, says that in read ing it we ought to lay the emphasis on the first syllable—ass-endency—(L a ughter)—bUt that is the ascendancy aimed at by these Corn Leagues, by these Protection Societies ; and I ask you, the representatives of a large portion of the intelligent population of the metropolis—l ask you, are you prepared to submit to the humiliating proposition that you are only to exist 'upon -the sufferance of the landed ascendancy ? (Great cheering.) I ask you, would you deserve the name of Englishmen if you consented to the proposi tion that there is no class in the community, how ever wealthy, however distinguished by titles, how ever remarkable for other qualities, whether of igno. .rance or of knowledge—(Laughter) —l ask you, would. it not be humiliating to admit that there could be any one class entitled to ascendancy over you ? (Cheers.) What is involved in the proposition oS ascendancy? Why, that you are the property of others.—(Cheers.) If you are net entitled to equality by the exertions of yonr qwu enterprise and indus try, you are slaves—(Greateheering)—wad it you do Wit exert yoursel v e s to-throw off this yoke, you de serve to be told that you are slaves.--(Cheers.) I trust that we may see a growing spirit of inde. .pendence in this community, and that we shall, not longer have to complain of - that-servile achdation , of S U NEM Vl* pi e d C ::::4„,,,, r.F‘ V i ek .Gt • mere rank and wealth which has enabled the Legis ture to impose this yoke upon your necks.—(Cheer I trust we shall see a recognition of the right of fi men, and a determination to vindicate those rights, _ accompanied at the same time by a sacred regard to serffirvasn...,wg property.—(Cheers.) Not a property under Acts of Parliament, but property to which men are entitled, as the fruits of their industry and enterprise ; not a regard for the vested interests created by monopoly, but for the vested interests created by the enjoyment of the gift of Heaven—(Great cheering)—the pro perty required by the exertions of our sinews and our intellect. _Those are the vested interests to which _men have a right, and which never can be inter fered With without iejustice.---(Cheers.) These are the vested interests we all are called upon to protect, and. there is .no interference so great with these vested interests as that of the corn-laws and the restrictive system.—(Cheers.) As they say, in so many words, we will only allow so much trade as suits our pecuniary interests or political ascendancy ; we will not allow you to have that free scope for your industry .or that reward for your exertion, which Providence has entitled you to enjoy.—(Cheers.) They say the commercial part of the community may rival us in political power and intelligence, and other .matters, but we desire to remain the only representatives of England, and to consider all other classes but as serfs and slaves to be used as 'the instruments of our power, our pleasure, or our convenience, --(Immense cheeririe,-,.) Freedom of trade will never be the gift of your rulers—liberty was never bestowed fairly' by any governing body upon any people since the , commencement or the world.—(Cheers.) Liberty is only attained by the exertions of the people themselves.—(Cheers.) Conl nmercial freedom is within your power if you choose to take it, and you will never have it if you do not put forth your • own hands and take it.—(Cheers.) You will never see those blessings realised of peace and tranquillity throughout the world, and the diffu sion of the blessings of civilisation which must be the consequence of uerestrieted commercial freedom, un less you put forth your own exertions to accomplish this great end.—(cheers.) It will not come upon you by the chapter of accidents, they are only to be ob tained by a steady and unflinching perseverance, and at the cost of many sacrifices ; and believe me, when I say that thereis no greater truth than is contained in the old, English proverb, " God helps them who help themselves."—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman re sumed his seat amid much cheering. The CHAIRMAN then announced that the Hon. Member for Durham would next address the meet ing. He was happy to state that, notwithstanding the flourish of trumpets about the petition against that gentleman's return, he was still the Member for Durham. The parties, themselves, not ha v i n g the slightest shadow of a chance of impugning the proper return of Mr. Bright, had last night abandoned the petition.—(Great cheering.) Mr. Beroirr, M.P., then came forward to address the meeting, and was received with the most deafening cheers, which lasted some minutes. He said—l have been called on unexpectedly to speak at this meeting ; but the difficulty I feel from the suddenness with which the call has been made, arises in no degree from lack of matter to speak upon, for, after all the inquiry we have made into the question, the only difficulty, when ever we stand up to speak, is to select from the abun dance of matter before us such as may appear most in teresting and most useful.—(Cheers.) This theatre was formerly, and is now occasionally, used for purposes rather of entertainment than instruction ; we have done something to transform it into a theatre for instruc tion.—(Cheers.) We are a Political Economy Associa tion—(Cheers)--and our worthy President occupies the Professor's chair—(Cheers)—and from this platform we take upon ourselves to expound certain great prin ciples which we believe to be the utmost importance to the people of this country, and to instruct those who may come here—and, through the press, those who may be absent—in that which we believe to be essential to the well-being, if not the very existence, of this empire.— (Loud cheers.) We are not alarmed at the symptoms which have exhibited themselves lately among our oppo nents, we never expected the foul thing we banded our selves together to destroy, would give up its foul ex istence without a last and somewhat violent kick.— .(Cheers and laughter.) We did not suppose that the landowners of this country, who enjoy, or some of whom seem to enjoy, the monopoly of ignorance on this great question—(Cheers)—and of selfishness besides, that they would give up their monopoly of the supply of bead to the people after having enjoyed it nearly thirty years, without a desperate effort to shake us oft: But all along they have mistaken us entirely—they say we are political agitators, and that we might be content with speeches in Parliament, and occasional large meet ings, and the farce of petitioning the Houses of Perlin ment.—(Hear, hear.) They supposed that by standing strongly hound together, and showing w h a t th e y ca ll e d a bold front to the Anti-Corn-Law League, we would get tired of agitation—men would be weary of meeting and working.—(Hear, hear.) I have often asserted from this platform that they were entirely mistaken; and if they still remain under this delusion, they are as much mistaken as they were before.—(Loud cheers.) They charge us with bringing the aristocracy of this country into contempt. Of all the works of supererogation ever performed, I believe this would be the grossest and the most extraordinary.—(Great laughter, and cries of "Hear, hear.") I have heard of a member of an aristocratic family, who attended some of our anti-corn-law meetings, and who was affected, not unto tears—fur these gentle men seldom shed tears— but who was affected even to shuddering—that the anti-aristocratic feeling sh ou ld b e found so strong among the P eople of the metropolis.-- (Laughter and cheers.) Now, Sir, we have a reverence for that true aristocracy which consists in all that is good —in a love of industry—in a pre-eminence of intellect and a superiority in virtue.—(Loud cheers.) This is the aristocracy to which we all bow, and which we all venerate.—(Hear ' hear.) But there is an o th er aristo cracy, which has been called a bastard chivalry —(Hear„ hear)—an aristocracy which vaunt of never doing any thing for any body—an aristocracy whose greatest boast is that their ancestors have been from all times as they are—idlers—the largest consuming and the least produc ing part of the people of this country.—(Laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear.") I have been often charged with being hostile to the aristocracy of this country— they have not dared to prove it, which they would have done if their case was good or their position sound. I avow I am hostile to the aristocracy of this country, in so far as resisting their attempts to trample on the order to which I belong.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and great cheering.) The class to which we are opposed is the idle and the noxious class of the aristocracy.— (Hear, hear.) They are the men who are bound by none of those ties which bind other men—they are not particularly exemplary of all that is admirable in pri vate life and in public conduct. In the performance of senatorial functions we never discover anything which calls upon us to be particularly respectful to them,— (Hear, hear.) But there is an aristocracy which we cart have no hope of bringing into contempt. If I were to standup here and mention some names, such as Westminster, Spencer, Radnor, Ducie, Kinnaird, Howick, Morpeth—(Loud cheers)—how should I be received by this audience if I were to attempt to bring these men into contempt?—(Hear, hear.) HOW should I succeed—by what arguments could I prevail o n you to agree with me, that these men were to be looked upon with scorn?—(Hear, hear.) What passage of their lives could I bring before you to show that they were ennobled but not noble?—(Hear, hear.) If we spoke of Earl Spencer and mentioned his conduct in the House of Commons, when it was allowed by all parties that he was too honest, too high minded, too candid for the po sition which he occupied in that House, would it not rather excite your admiration than your dislike?— (Hear, hear.) If we were to compare 'his manly, straightforward conduct—his daring to acknowledge that he had done wrong—his clear enunciation of the principles by which he was actuated, and if we com pared his conduct with the conduct of the man who now occupies his place—(llean hear)—should we be successful in heaping obloquy on Lord Spencer?—(Loud cries of " No, no," and great cheering.) And if I spoke of Earl Radnor, the friend of the people from his youth upwards, and to 'whom, now that he is in his old age, it must give the purest pleasure to see those principles which he advocated in his youth spreading and taking root in the minds of millions of the intelligent people of this country—if I were, I say, to declare these things, how could I throw contempt on his name?—{Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) And if I speak of Lord Dude, who is not. merely an agriculturist owning land, but is, in fact, a great practical scientific farmer—a man 'who has' done more for the. agriculture of this country 'than all . the•protective societies that ever existed, or that 'ever will exist—(Loud and prolonged cheering)--could I heap obloquy on the name of Ducie ?—(No, no.). Could I bring his character or conduct into contempt 'before this meeting ?—(No, no.) And then if' I turned to Earl Fitzwilliam, Lords Kinnaird, Morpeth, of • Howiek, and mentioned the leading characteristics of these men, surelynobody could charge me with bringing the aristocracy into contempt. No ; I would rather be boasting of these men as the noble among the people of this country, and in declaring their character and con duct I would be actually leading you, country men, to bow down and worship these "men, and exalt them to a higher aristocracy th an ' an y to 'Which they have yet aspired.—(Great cheerieg.Y The monopoli s t landlord, from the' duke to th e ' squire, lire doing our work most effectually—(Hear, hearylif the object be to bring ' them Into contempt.—(Renewed cries of " Hear, hear," and great laughter.) They profess to be honourable legislators of this country. One man de dared, in the county of Surrey, that it is but reasonable that that class which owns the land should be the rulers of the country.—(Laughter.) That is but another mode of saying —that class which owns, the land shall likewise own the people.—(Hear, hear.) Some of them are certainly legislators by birth—at least in name; and they think it great condescension to allow a cots stitueney to send them to Parliament. When they enter the House they make a solemn declaration • 'that they will legislate Without favour or affection, and without any views of self-interest, and solely ' for the public good. If they do that, all I can say is, that the majority of the people of these countries are living under a most deplorable delusion.—(Laughter and cries of " Hear, hear.") No, Sir, they make laws for themselves in Parliament, and in private they c on f ess freely that those laws are for themselves, and the indis creet of them acknowledge it in public.--(Hear, hear.) In this country these class legislators are engage d i n stirring up the worst passions in the minds of the fanners, exciting their hostility to the manufacturing classes, and doing their utmost to produce that bad feeling with which they charge us. They haie, ever since 1815, to, go no further back, practised a monstrous delusion On their tenantry, and Oidoitraged this spirit of delusion NY th g of iYing )ire o ; It all° k by' vtig sting , e#l 7 tio ms! o the ro om a ant i muck; oceC bee° but and cow t° ir do J o. of VI; _ A el , ier N