The Sun. — London, England, 1839-01-18 00:00:00

statement of Mr. Gibb was so extremely fallacious, that it be came necessary to meet it with a contradiction. Mr. Gren (after considerable interruption, and cries bf " Spoke, spoke,") •explained that he did not allude to any particular article, but to the whole of the export and home trades. Mr. OTTIWELL WOOD said, that he ventured to stand for ward on this occasion because he had now attained his seventy ninth year, and having been engaged in a manufacturing busie teas for the space of forty years, be had not been an uninte rested spectator of the changes that had been going on in this great commercial and manufacturing country.—( Hear, hear.) He had likewise attended to the changes that had taken place in the agricultural districts. He had been no uninterested spectator of what had been going there. The results of his observations were these—that he totally differed from the gen tleman proposing the amendment ; for, instead of looking upon the Corn-laws as just, politic, and salutary, be considered them to be the very opposite of all those , three. Was it just to forbid the distribution of the food that heaven had occa sionally poured out like manna ? Was it just to withhold the benefit from those whom God had ~thought proper to bring into life ?—( No, no.) Was it politic, as regarded the commercial interests of this country, to interdict the inter hange of produce of which our country and others stood in ced? He begged to ask one question from the friends of numanity and peace —was not the introduction into Great Bri tain of corn from foreign cou .tries a 'tears of keeping us at peace with the great nations of the Continent? Then, as to salute y, be did not know what was meant by it. That which was salutary was conducive to health; and was it conducive to heaith that the great body of the people should be over worked and under-fed ? With these observations he should sit down, expressing his great surprise that any man who had a character for talent and understanding should have thought fit to bring forward such a resolution —( Loud applause, n:in gled with some few expressions of disapprobation.) Mr. Joins Smell (lecturer on education) said be could not do less than ex,iress his astonishment at the a men d men t, as well as th e arguments which had been brought forward to uphold it. Granting the statistics which had been brought forward by its proposer to be correct (which he was by no means disposed to do)—but granting that the home trade was six times as great as the export—why was it so? Why was not the export trade six times—aye, sixty times as great as the other ?—( Hear, hear, and applause ?) It was the Corn-laws which cramped and trammeled the very sinews of commerce, and prevented the healthful diffusion of prosperity. If the. Corn-laws did not rU3 fr m ,ur basing from foreign countries by our ma nufactures corn in those countries would not be so cheap, and the prices would be more clue' all over the world, so that Brltish labour and energy would have free scope. Let them not be deluded with the fallacy that a free importation of corn would reduce the price of labour. That had been tested in the county of Sussex.—( Hear.) Mr. Smith here read some remarks, showing that in the cheap year, 1837, when wages in Sussex were 10s. 61. per week, it cost the labourer 6s. 7d. per week for bread, leaving for general purposes a balance of 3s. Ild. The next year the wages rose to l Is. 6d., when it cost 9.. 7d. for bread, leaving for general purposes only Is. 1 Id. They were all the inhabitants of one fair field, of which one portion was more productive in one way, and another in some other. —( Hear, and cheers.) Was it not a monstrous absurdity to tell them that they would make themselves dependent upon foreign nations? Were they not so for numberless corn rnodities ? They could not grow cotton in Sussex. Where did they get their pepper, their cotton, their coffee, their sugar? Did they ever dream that they should want these things because they were grown in foreign countries ? Yet, if the supply of cotton were stopped, they would have thou sands of their population starving, because without cotton there would be no work for them, and without work they would have no wages. Mr. Smith proceeded to contend that the agricultural interests would not suffer by the repeal of the Corn.laws. If the people bad an abundant and cheap supply of bread, they would have more money to lay out in the fruits and luxuries produced by the lard, and these would more than compensate fur the lowered rate of corn, which was pro duced at great expense, through the necessity of culivating bad lands. :llr. Smith concluded by expressing his hostility to the amendment, and determination to support the original motion. Mr. HARDY bad heard much spoken about taking off the protecting duties against the introduction of corn. He should like to see them go on a fair principle, and also advocate the taking off the protecting duties from tea, sugar, and coffee, and every other article. It was not right to advocate measures . for taking cff a part of the protecting duties without taking off the whok. Mr. FOSTER (rep3rter of the Liverpool Standard), made also some observations in favour of Mr. Duncan Gibb's amend ment. Mr. BENJAMIN SMITH asked what America was doing at the present moment ? Why, she was manufacturing goods cheaper than England could do ; for the natural consequence was, that if the population of the United States were with drawn from agricultural pursuits. they would seek employment in the best way they could. He himself was very favour able to public discussions, because an opportunity was thus afforded of showing the fallacy of the reasoning that W s used by many persons. If such an opinion as that which as serted that we export only one-sixth of our manufactured goods had been uttered fifty years ago, it would have been laughed to scorn. Why was it that, after the vast improvements which had been effected by us in machinery and in the useful arts and sciences, we should not he able to manafacture goods as cheap as the continental nations ? What was the cause ? Why, it was the want of cheap food. —( A cry of " Take off the duty ca intoxicating drink.") He held in his band a copy of the Tradesmen's and Mechanics' Almanac for the year 1834 in which he found that out of 32,000,000 acres of land in cultivation, only 3,250,000 acres were employed in the growth of wheat, or one-tenth part of the whole amount. It was likewise stated that there were waste lands to the extent of nearly 6,000,000 of acres, but those lands it was not advisable to bring into a state of culti vation. Why ? Ohl because it was necessary to keep up the price of corn. If the restrictions on the importation of food were removed, he contended that neither the landowner nor the agriculturist would suffer, because they would then feed more cattle than now. The pasture lands of this country amounted to 17,000,000 of acres, while the wheat lands were only 3,000,000 of acres. England had more need of cheap food than any other country, because it was the greatest ma nufacturing country in tire world. He should oppose the amendment with all the might in his power. Individuals might differ, and they had a right to differ, in their sentiments; but he held that that man who legislated for himself where the public interest was concerned, was a most despicable character. Mr. LAWRENCE HEYWORTH spoke in favour of the original motion. He maintained that the Corn-laws were iniquitous and unscriptural in their character, because there were thou sands, and tens of thousands, of children that were never reared to maturity, in consequence of their not being properly fed and clothed. How could that be a Christian community in which such things took place ? Mr. OWEN, druggist, advocated the going of the whole bog, and if protecting duties were to be repealed, not to stop at the duties on corn, but to advocate the repeal of protecting duties on our colonial produce, French cambrics, &c. Mr. LLOYD supported the amendment at considerable length. He said that-the agricultural interest was the chief and most valuable interest in this country, and the agricul tural population, and those connected with agriculture, ex ceeded by two-thirds the manufacturing population, which he read statistical tables to prove. It would, therefore, be most unjust and absurd to oppress the many for the advan tage of the few. If we were once made dependent for the supply of corn upon other countries, what guarantee had we that they would not impose restrictive taxes on the importa tion of their grain for the protection of their manufactures? —( Hear and cheers.) The Mayor, then put the question, when about fifty hands were held up for the amendment, and a great majority for the original motion, 'which the Chairman declared to be carried amidst loud cheering. Mr. WALMSLEY, in moving the third resolution, said the resolution which had been confided to his care was, fortunately, one that required little advocacy ; it was, in fact, almost a self-evident proposition. He could not, however, help adding his humble testimony to that of those who had preceded him, on the inexpediency and the injustice of the present Corn-laws. -He had thought the time had gone by when he should hear such barefaced assertions uttered at a public meeting without the slightest attempt at proof—that the price of wages was de pendent on the price of food. He could not have supposed that in an assembly of merchants such statements would have been made, merely for the purpose of deceiving the labouring classes. He th oug h t suc h attempts h ad been left to the 'land owners themselves. He apprehended that the price of labour was dependent on the quantity of employment, and it was to increase this employment by removing the restrictions on fo reign commerce, and by equalizing the price of food, that he sought to advance, not to reduce the labour of the artizan and the mechanic. He would not, however, follow the example which had been set him, of making assertions without offering any proof. One gentleman had named Ireland as a proof of the proposition. He would repeat it as the contrary. Wages there were miserably low, corn comparatively high, employment was wanting. In America wages were high, corn low, employment was plentiful. But there were authorities that even the gentlemen who took the opposite side of the question were wont to think orthodox. What say Paley, Adam Smith, Colonel Torrens, White, Colonel Thompson, and various others ? Here he quoted a passage from each of those authors, to the effect that the price of labour was not dependent on the price of food. So much for the assertions of these pseudo friends of the people. Satisfied as he was that the landowner and the corn-merchant were the only parties who derived any benefit from the corn-laws, he should not, were he considerate of his own interest only (being in terested in both) have to apologise for occupying the time of the meeting with remarks which, coming from him, might be considered out of place. He wculd not doubt, however, that each merchant was disposed to yield some what of his own views and interests where the welfare of the community was so vitally concerned.---( Applause. ) The subject was one which involved more extended interests, and, perhaps, a greater degree of prejudice, than any other of a purely legislative character, and inquiring into its bear ings it was rendered more difficult, from the fact that that assembly to which we naturally look for an exposition of the causes of our grievances and for their redress, feels itself, at least as respects a majority of its Members, interested in smothering inquiry, and in the perversion of the truth. It had to long been the misfortun e of the people of this country to have Legislators willing that the interests of the many should be subservient to those of the few. Well was it stated by the London Times Newspaper, that the present Corn-laws were an extension of the Pension-list to the whole of the landed aristocracy of Great Britain, and aptly was the apoth( gm illustrated by the fact, of twenty millions of people bAng made to pay a Parliamentary price for bread that 36,000 extensive landowners should live in affluence and luxury. Whilst he spoke of the British agriculturists generally with the greatest respect, he could not help designating a portion of them as the canker , worm of our national prosperity. But he believed the great body of the agriculturists. farmers, and the agricul tural labourers, were as little interested in the mainte nance of the bread monopoly as were the manufac turing population themselves. The landowners will take spe cial care that the farmer never permanently retains more than a fair profit on the outlay of his capital over labour, nor could he long be kept out of this fair remuneration, and the agricultural labourer could scarcely be placed in a worse posi tion than toiling from sunrise to sunset for 7s. to IN. per week, with provisions 40 to 50 per cent. above their proper value. Disentangling the question of the f.allacie% with which it has been so ingeniously interwoven, it resolves itself thus . —Whether the great body of the people of this country—the producers of our national wealth, shall continue to labour twelve to fourteen hours per day, ill clothed, and little better than half fed, not only without the slightest prospect of ever bettering their condition, but with the moral certainty, if the present Corn-laws be continued, of its yearly becoming worse —whether the resources of this country—the skill and in dustry of her inhabitants—her manufacturing superiority shall be sacrificed en masse to satisfy the cupidity of a monopolising landed aristocracy? Wbat, he asked, could the landowner offer to compensate for the virtual exclusion of our manual productions from the various markets of the world ? How could they indemnify us for the formidable rivalry which their mo nopoly is yearly raising up against our manufacturing skill in ev - ry quarter of the globe ? Is it by 3 early squandering la , ge sums, and working the bone and muscle of the people in cultivating barren soils, merely to add to the-value of their previous acres? To tell us that the home market is better than the foreign, when at home goods will only exchange for one half the quantity of food they would command elsewhere, is littleless absurd than thefallacious doctrine so wiekedlybut indus triously propagated, that the price of labour is dependent on the price of food. He would not offend the understanding of the enlightened assembly he had the honour to address, by of fering any reply to the oft refuted assertion that it would be dangerous to depend upon foreign nations for supplies of grain, lest they should be denied in times of war or scarcity ; nor would be enter into any argument to show the utter i !- utility of these laws as a means to prevent fluctuation in price i. Experience had sufficiently proved their absurdity, and the voice of common sense, and that of justice, cried aloud f r their repeal. Free trade was the very bond of peace, and there needed no more forcible illustration of the folly of do couraging the growth and importation of foreign corn than tl- , e present high prices and s h ort supp li es. What he asked, would have been the state of the people of this country, had our late crop been deficient to a much greater extent than it was ? What would inevitably be their condition if our present ibsane policy were continued with a gradually diminishing labour market, and a rapidly increasing population ? The picture was too frightful to look upon. There was a fearful and awful responsibility resting upon our rulers; and he trusted they would awake ere it was too late, even at the eleventh hour, whilst the people were willing to make terms, lest the time should arrive when they might demand all that was due—that property, not labour, should bear the burden of taxation. We had been recently taunted by the organs of these high minded landlords, that if we were not satisfied with the present laws, they would prohibit the importation of foreign corn altogether. Surely this is filling up the measure of their iniquity, and, l.e trusted, would raise such a spirit of indignation as would lastingly convince them that the just demands of the no tion could no longer be denied with impunity. He trusted the time was not distat:t when we should look back upon these laws of feudal tyranny with astonishment and wonder, that they could so long be permitted to trample on the energies of the people calling themselves enlightened and free. But it was not sufficient merely to assert their rights, they must be prepared to defend them ; they should follow the example of their fellow-labourers of Manchester—they should form a permanent committee, appoint deputies to represent their interests in the central committee in London—subscribe liberally—in fact, be prepared on all points, and show such a formidable front, both as respects arguments and numbers, .s will induce the landowners to concede whilst concession may be made with safety. (Mr. Walmsly concluded his spa,-en amidst the most enthusiastic cheering, which lasted for several minutes.) Mr, Raeurioenz rose amidst great cheering. He slid that the kindness with which he had been received, in some measure unfitted him for entering properly upon the consi deration of the important subject before the meeting. He entered upon it, indeed, with the fear lest the inadequacy of his advocacy should do it injustice.—( A loud cry of " Mr. James is coming," followed by excessive laughter.) He be lieved that the policy and legislation of the landowners bad been wrong and short-sighted; and he also thought that there was no need for injustice, for the right course would be equally beneficial to the landed interest of this country as to the people at large. They had 'heard the foreign trade of England a good deal underrated ; but it ought to be r:•- membered that it was the foreign trade that, by taking off the surplus productions, give a price to articles. They, therefore, saw, that when the American trade, which was only one por tion of our foreign trade, was, two years ago, disorganised, it threw this country into the greatest difficulty and distress, though only withdrawn for a single year. With respect to the effect on our manufactures from the operation of the Corn laws, he could tell them a circumstance which bad been related to him by Mr. Smith, and which might, he understood, be relied upon. A gentleman in Calcutta sent an order for cut lery and hardware to this country, which was to be of certain patterns, and the price of which was to be within certain limits. Shortly afterwards the gentleman himself came from Calcutta, and found that the order could not be executed at less than an advance of twenty-five per cent. on the limits prescribed by him. He went to the Continent, where he had the order executed at a reduction of ten per cent. on the price mentioned by him, that is, thirty-five per cent. below what it could be furnished for in Sheffield. A gentleman who had travelled through the manufacturing districts of England went afterwards through the manufacturing districts of the Continent ; and he had said that the statements made by Mr. Smith at the Manchester meeting were not exaggerated. To this gentleman, an individA who had gone on the Continent and established there a manu factory, said, " I wish to throw a Manchester man out of the Continental markets." " How can you accomplish that ?" was demanded, " I will undersell him." " Then you must lose." " No, if I sell 12 per cent. below him, I am only foregoing my profits ; and, therefore, I have only to forego my profits for a short time, and I shall entail a loss of 10 per cent. upon him, and must ultimately ruin him." Mr. Rath bone then went on to say, that if they could retard the pro gress of manufactures in other countries, they could not stop them. They would of necessity be established both on the Continents of America and Europe, and they ought to be ; for we could never uphold a monopoly of them, if desirous. He disliked the word " monopoly" in any form ; but still we had a right to take care of ourselves. To continue the Corn laws, and to throw men out of employment, was to abandon them as the willing dupes of such men as Stephens, O'Connor, or Oastler, who, lecturing men with empty bellies and bare backs, could l e ad them as th e y would. Th e E nglish, as an Irishman had observed, were a nation of ventriloquists ; and when they spoke with empty bellies—and he (Mr. Rathbonc) believed they were right in the sight of God—they were na turally a very angry people.—(Cheers.) Mr. MURRAY, an artisan, and a Brougham-Institute lec - turer, stood up in the midst of the crowd, and advocated the necessity of abolishing the Corn-laws. He stated his views with clearness and ability, and was occasionally loudly applauded. - The resolution was then put and carried. The dissentients were not more than a dozen. Mr. JAMES AITKIN moved the next resolution. He con tended that the agricultural labourers were much worse off in consequence of the Corn-laws. It had been said that land yielded only 2i per cent. ; but when was the valuation taken on which the interest was calculated ? If the valuation were taken for the period when this country began to be an im porter of corn (about fifty years ago), it would be found to be something like 25 per cent, instead of 24. The value of land, within the period mentioned by him, had in creased wonderfully, not only in Liverpool, but in the re motest districts, and this arose from the increase of trade and the doubling of the population. The danger of dependence upon foreign countries had been pointed out ; but if they looked calmly about them, what would be found to be the facts of the case ? Why, that we were at this moment in a state of dependence. And what had England a right to expect ? The answer which had been received—" If you will not take from our abundance, you shill not take from our pittance." But let this country take from those parties that grow corn, and pay for it in ma nufactured goods, and it would be found that there was no danger, because self-interest would always control them. Let England make it the interest of the world to provide her po pulation with food, and it would be done ; but adopt the op posite course, and then, when in necessity, foreigners would say, as had been said by the King of Naples, " No, you shall not have it from us when we want it ourselves." Mr. GEORGE HOLT, after a few remarks, seconded the re solution. He thought it a monstrous proposition to advocate the making food dear. The resolution was put and carried unanimously with mucl, applause. Mr. Alderman EVANS moved the next resolution. He said that if he had no other reason than the lateness of the hour, he should have felt it expedient to confine what he had to say to a few sentences; but after the great flood of light which had been thrown upon the subject, both at Manchester and here, and the excellent workmen that had preceded him on both occasions, he had little to say that was not common-place. He felt himself in the position of a gleaner going over a field that bad already been gleaned. He had heard a great deal of those old arguments that had been adduced in favour of every monopoly that had ever existed. There had been a period when the Barons of England had the right of life and death over their children and dependents, and when the power was at tempted to be taken from them they had their arguments also. In like manner all other monopolists had their arguments, including the East India and China mono poly. But what were the arguments worth? There was in everything a primordial right or wrong; and, as an abstract proposition, it must be admitted that the free in terchange of commodities was a natural right, and that those who would interfere with it were bound to make out a very strong case. That, in the instance of the Corn-laws, its supporters had entirely failed to do. England possessed many advantages over other countries ; she was like a Hercules among pigmies; and when she was, in the article of food, placed on a footing► with other nations, those nations would fall into the position which nature intended them to occupy, aid England would become thjn manufacturer for the world. Mr. THOMAS BOLTON seconded the resolution. He main tained that they bad shown an equitable regard for existing interests by not asking for an immediate and unconditional THE SUN, LONDON, PRIEM Y, JANUARY 18, 1830. abolition of the Corn-laws, and be hoped that this moderation would secure an attentive examination of their claims. The TOWN CLERK then read the petition, which was a copy of the resolutions, with the addition, " that this act of justice to thepeople might be accomplished as speedily as might be consistent with a due regard to the equitable claims of the parties concerned." It concluded with a prayer that the petitioners, by themselves and Counsel, might be heard at the bar of the House of Commons in support of the allegations contained in the petition. Mr. Alderman SHELL rose and proposed an amendment to this effect :—" Your petitioners therefore humbly pray that your Honourable House, taking the premises into considera tion, will be pleased to adopt immediate and effectual means for the immediate and entire repeal of all the laws restricting the importation of food. And iu support of the allegations of this their petition your petitioners pray to be heard by them selves, their counsel, and agents at the bar of your Honourable House." Mr. Sheil thought that the boast of having exhi bited a consideration for the interests of the landowners was entirely uncalled for. The agricultural interest was para mount in the Legislature, and was well able and willin g to take care of itself. He would not, on any such conditions, forego one iota of the just demands of the people. Mr. TnomAs HARVEY seconded the resolution. Mr. HOLLAND advocated Mr. Shell's amendment at great length. Mr. BOLTON, in reply, contended that they should not seek to obtain justice for themselves by doing injustice to others. A long discussion here ensued on the amendment, in which Mr. Booth, Mr: Rathbone, and Mr. Ce rr i e a d vocated t h e petition as originally moved, and Mr. T. Harvey, and Mr. John Taylor, the amendment. Tho amendment was carried by a large majority, amidst loud cheering. Mr. R. E. Har.vEy expressed his pleasure that the amend ment had been carried. He then moved a resolution to the effect that the petition then adopted be transmitted to the Members of the Borough for presentation to the House of Commons, and that the Member., for the Borough, as well as those for the County, be requested to support t its prayer. Mso, that Earl Fitzwilliam and the Fail of Sefton be requested to present it to the House of Lords, and to support its prayer. And that a Committee be formed, and a subscription raised, for the purpose of carting the objects of the petitioner's into effect. Mr. FREME briefly seconded the motion. A short conversotia❑ took place on the propriety of asking the Mernlsers of the Borough to presct.t the petition. Mr. EARLE said that if the Members did not do justice to the people of this borough, they bad their remedy when ano ther election took place. The motion was carried without opposition. Mr. R. E. HARVEY then moved a vote of thanks to the Mayor for his services as Chairman, and the meeting broke up at five o'clock. The meeting was crammed to suffocation. SCOTLAND. EXTRAORDINARY MEETING OF THE RENFREWSHIRE POLITICAL UNION. On Monday evening a meeting of the . Members of the Renfrewshire Political Union was held its tke Old Low Church, for the purpose of ap. proving or disapproving of the election of Dr. John Taylor as representa tive of the Union in the National:Convention. At eight o'clock, the hour of meeting, the church was nearly full in every corner, and a short time after the commencement of business, every passage and every seat to the backmost in all parts of the house, was crowded, while numbers were at the door unable to procure admission. At the conclusion of the proceedings, the Chairman decided, en a second show of hands, that the majority in favour of Dr T. was considerable. This announcement was received with great and long continued cheering by the majority ; and, after a few words expres sive of thanks from Dr. Taylor, the meeting broke up about three in the morning. The Glasgow Argus states that it " was undoubtedly one of the most, exciting meetings that has taken place in Paisley during the present age. All classes seemed deeply interested in the result. The speaking did not occupy much more than two hours; but the k eenly-ex cited feelings of the audience against each other prevented the business from being proceeded with, from eight in the evening till the time specified." We transfer from the columns of our respected contemporary the substance of a speech of each of the principal speakers on the occasion. Dr. TAYLOR said he had been arraigned before them, and put on his trial, and he met them with tho greatest pleasure, though at some in- ' convenience to himself. He would not say anything that would give offence or create division. While he said this he had to tell them that be had been most unfairly treated by the paper which John Henderson was editor of—the Reformer—and he would never acknowledge John Henderson as the Chairman of any meeting before which he was to ap pear in his defence. Here the CU AIRNIAN interrupted Dr. Taylor, and spoke to order, but it was a good while before he could obtain a hearing. Dr. TAYLOR insisted, amidst great confusion, on not acknowledging the Chairman. After a while, a little quiet was obtained, when the Chairman again appealed to the-meeting. After a little more confusion the mutual calls of the two parties subsided, and Dr. Taylor said he would give in and address the Chairman. He then eluded to an ex tract from the Northern Liberator which had appealed in last Reformer, and which he said had treated him most v.nfair'y. He next took up the reported proceedings of the Council of the Union, and the speech of Mr. Henderson against him,' wherein that gentleman was reported to say he would not remain in connection with any body whom Dr. Taylor might represent.—(Cheers and hisses.) He (Dr. T.) held that this was fairly prejudging him without a bearing. He denied holding the sentiments regarding resistance to the Government imputed to them by Mr. Henderson. He was no advocate fee physical force till every other power failed.—(Cheers and disapprobation.) As was well known to them all. He had established the Dhurna Societies against the GOvernment, on the groend that men who would not sacra_ lice their luxuries from principle, would not fight from principle He was determined to make a great moral effort to try this plan agiost the Government, and if it did not succeed then he would not hesitate to say he would resort to physical force to carry his object.--(Great cheer ing from Dr. Taylor's supporters.) The speaker then repeated his fix merly published statement about the aristocracy, at some length, to the meeting. If they renew that body as well as he did, they would know they had no fear of death ; they would walk up to the cannon's mouth with the greatest coolness ; but it was otherwise when they touch their o p ; r k a e t t e s o ; n th e y H h e a t c h t , a n g a r l e l a u t d f e e d a r t o o ftwh the ant h o a f r c g a e s s h , m a and e t I a te g i a t i r h s i h m e b u y . o the mover and seconder of the motion. He denied the statements brought forward by Eaglesim. 'He had never said that he would shoot the first man that would attempt to apprehend him as a member of the Conven tion. What he said was, that if he was in the Convention, and if an at tempt was made to apprehend him illegally, then he would shoot the man that attempted to do so.--;Cheers—cries of " Oh, oh," and great laughter.) This was the expression he had made use of, and he wculd prove it. Dr. I'. next alluded to what had been said about his speech in the Green of Glasgow. He avowed the sentiments imputed to him there. He again repeated his determination to try the Dhurna upon Government; he would use that and every other means he could think of earnestly to secure the people's rights; but when that failed, he did not hesitate to say he would resort to the sabre.—(Cheers from Dr. Taylor's supporters.) He next alluded to the statements made by Mr. Glassford ; he avowed himself the author of the letters signed " A ris tides" and imputed to him. Before sitting down, Dr. T. again repeated his resolution never to give in to the cowardly sentiments of submitting without resistance to the tyrants, and by expressing his resolution to resist when other means failed. The Rev. Dr. BREWSTER had been prepared to prove the continued use of illegal language by Dr. Taylor, but he was glad his honest ad. missions before that meeting had saved him a great deal Of trouble, and them a great deal of time. The admissions of Dr. Taylor would save him from troubling them with a great number of documents which he was prepared to have read. He alluded to the manner in which Mr. O'Connor had ridiculed the efforts of Dr. Taylor to establish Dhurna societies. He had styled them the attempts of the Scot tish philosophers to bring down the Governments with the tobacco-pipe and the tea-pot, attempts which were foolish, and which would never be gone into by the men of England. When he (Mr. B ) first saw these attempts of Dr. Taylor set on foot, he considered him a moral-force man, fairly resolved to work out their freedom by the tea pot and the tobacco-pipe alone. He afterwards found, however, he was mistaken; and that when the tobacco-pipe and the tea-pot failed he was resolved to resort to the sabre. He considered Dr. Taylor right that a nation should not submit to be deprived of their rights—(Hear)—and he gave him credit for the candour with which he had stated his senti ments; but he begged not to be misunderstood; when he said so, he d. not approve of the means which the Doctor recommended.—(Cbeers.) He was one of those who thought the plan of Dr. Taylor was.not the best way, but the worst way, of at.empting to redress their grievances; and he would say farther, that every man who used such language acted illegally, anti put himself, as well as those he acted with, at the mercy of the Government.—(Cheers.) It was play to the Govern ment to force them to the use of arms, or a resort to physical power : they want this ; and were no doubt employing their spies and their traitors, and were sending them forth amongst them.—(Great cheering and disapprobation.) Nothing was more foolish than the po. !icy recommended by these parties, when not more than a tithe of the people were united, and expressed their conviction of the necessity of a change. Let the people all be united—let them all be fairly convinced first of the necessity of an extension of the suffrage, and then he could assure them they would not need to prate about guns and sabres; the Government would soon have to give into them.—(Cheers.) He again adverted to the highly improper conduct of the parties who were running over the country, endeavouring to stir the people up to the use of arms against the Government. They should watch nar rowly the conduct of these men. Many of them had no lawful em ployment, yet they always boasted of the distance they travelled, and of the great sums of money they expended in the cause. Where did they get this money? That was a question the people should look into; and, if they did not see a proper source, they should suspect every such man.—(Great cheering and disapprobation.) He (Mr. B.) was deeply devoted to the forwarding of their cause. It was nothing but an earnest desire for their welfare, and a desire to see them get justice, that had called him forth. He had risked his all in their cause, and that was a proof to them how much he was in earnest; and if this was not the case, and if he was not really in earnest for their welfare, he would appeal to them if they thought he would submit to the contu melious reproach so widely and daily heaped upon hint.—(Great cheer ing.) Mr. Brewster next, at some length, adverted to the propriety of the people declaring against all violent men, and all violent language ; but iv the course of what followed, he was interrupted at almost every sentence by the friends of Dr. Taylor, and calls of " Why did he not meet Feargus O'Connor." He had met Feargus O'Connor, and he had challenged Feargus O'Connor, but Feargus O'Connor dared not meet him, and would never accept the challenge.—(Great cheering, and dis approbation.) After some general observations on the propriety of the people having nothing to do with any person avowing the sentiments of Dr. Taylor, Mr. Brewster concluded amidst the warm plaudits of a nu- Merous portion of the meeting. REPEAL OF THE CORN-LAWS. We understand that the following requisition was delivered yesterday afternoon by Messrs. Heppel, Hall, and Gilloway, to the. Right Honourable the Lord Mayor. His Lordship received the deputation most politely, and after reading the document which was signed by 110 Members of the Court of Common Council, including three Aldermen, his Lordship stated that he should be most happy in complying wi.h wish of the requisionists; and he hoped to be able to appoint a Court of Common Council for Thursday, the 24th, or Friday, the 25th, of this month. The dTutation informed his Lordship th it ci. her of those days would be convenient. His Lordship said he should, therefrc, fix on one or other of those days by to-morrow (this day):— " TO THE RIGHT HON THE LORD MAYOR. " We, the undersigned Members of the Court of Common Council, request your Lordship will convene a Court of Com mon Council on an early day, to consider the expediency of petitioning the Commons' House of Parliament for the repeal or modification of the Corn-laws," MR. T iIOMSON AND FHE CORN LAWS. (From the Manchester Guardian.) During his late visit to Manchester, our Right Hon. Re pros ntative, Mr. Poulett Thomson, was requested to re print, fur general circulation, the excellent and conclusive speech on the subject of the Corn-laws, which he delivered br the House of Commons on the 7th March, 1834. Of that speech a printed copy has just reached us; and it is accompanied by an introductory. letter from Mr. Thomson, addressed to Mr. Alderman Kershaw, in which he notices and disposes of the attack lately made upon him at the Chamber of Commerce meeting on the Corn-laws. As we have reason to believe that a good deal of misconception prevails with respect to the course which our Right Hon. Representative has taken on the Corn•law question, we quote the most important and interesting paragraphs of the preliminary letter referred to:— " Since we met, the (Manchester) Chamber of Commerce has assembled to consider the Corn-laws; and a discussion has taken place there, which has attracted, and deservedly so, a great deal of public/ attention. I am glad that such his been the cafe. The high character of the meting, the important facts and the able arguments brought forward by the different speakers, cannot fail to produce a good ell ct upon the public mind, and to advance the cause which we have at heart. I may indeed regret, that year after year was suffered to pass without more attention having been paid by the great manufac turing community of which Manchester is the centre, to this, in my opinion, all-important subject ; and that it should have been thought advisable to wait till the public mind was excited by a bad harvest and a high price of provisions, to bring for ward those facts and arguments which were equally applicable in times of comparative plenty and of low prices of corn in England. Still, I rejoice in the movement that has been made. " I observe, however, from the proceedings, as reported in the Manchester Papers, that at the meeting, one or two of our friends thought proper to express some dissatisfaction at my conduct upon this'question ; and, although their remarks were promptly and most satisfactorily met and answered through the kindness of others who were present, I cannot forbear from briefly noticing this, to me, most extraordinary attack. " I may remark, that it so happened that three weeks before this meeting of the Chamber, I had the pleasure myself of meeting the memters of that body, when one, at least, of the gentlemen to whose observations I allude was present; and it seems to me that it would have been more manly as well as more candid, to have produced those charges when I was pre sent, than to have waited till I was no longer in a situation to reply to them, and when but for the kindness and sense of justice of others, they might have remained unanswered. But that is, after all, a matter of taste. What I have to deal with is the charge itself. " 1 am blamed for neglect of this great question,—for not supporting more warmly the views and wishes of my constitu ents with regard to it , and to crown all, it is said that my conduct in this respects contrasts unfavourably with that of the late Mr. Huskisson I Certainly, upon all other questions but this, I shall be the last to complain of seeing my humble exertions placed far below his great and successful efforts in the cause of a better commercial system ; but• on this, I confess, I am somewhat astonished at the selection which has been made of his name. But let us see by a short retrospect what has been my course, and what that of those by whom this charge is brought. " In the year 1827, shortly after I entered Parliament, the Corn Bill, of which the present law is a repetition, with some slight alterations only, was introduced by Mr. Canning and Mr. Hukisson ; I then found myself in a miserable minority of sixteen in favuur of a low fixed duty, and in opposition to a fluctuating scale, such as is provided by the present law. In 1830, when called upon to accept place ender the Govern ment of Lord Grey, I declined it, unless with the stip u l at i on that I was to be at liberty to advocate, by my voice and b y my vote,an th a a lt t e i r i a g t h io t n , ainndthine the e is f t a in e g e Corn-laws. nfthecine ab Itn, of 1834 many I vin dicated of my own friends, much public and private attack, I exp resse d them by th e b est ar guments opinions I en t er t a i ne d, and supported . b g e u l m ie e v i e its we l t w e a not n a t bl i e ll t s o n a in cl e d t u e c a e , —arguments t fi s n w d h t l h e a h t theyaayntniociw t again, upon the same principle; p lB at 3 e s d i m j o n s in t e o d f t t h h e os G e n w v h e i r e n h in w en ere used at the late meetin g . I n and I have never omitted an opportunity of publicly recording my opinion in favour of a change in these laws. - " And now give . me leave to ask what has been the course, during the same period, of those who charge me with want of i e zeal ? Surely th e y must h ave been unt i r i ng i n t h e i r efforts to draw public a tt ent i on to this question I to st i mu l ate the exer tionsof kind, their duringei r friends, that ds , besiegeriodf:arliament by petitions! On long to p e has been made, and that one under circumst ances which attracted no attent i on to the fact ; and yet it must have been in the p o wer of any gentleman, a member of the Ch am b er of Commerce, still more of a member of its committee, to have originated, at least, a proposition to that effect. ~ I do not say this in censure of the conduct which the Chamber adopted : far from it. I have no doubt whatever that their conduct was regulated by the best motives, and the most prudential consideration s; but I say it is a little too much for any membe r o f that body, when he at last wakes from the repose in which be - has been so long indulging, to charge others who ha ve b een assiduously labouring from the first hour, with inactivit y and backwardness. " There is to be su re one charge to which, in form, I must plead guilty, that I did not speah upon the last occasion, when the Corn-laws were before the House of Commons. But upon this point. I must beg, without any vanity, to re mark, that a pretty long parliamentary experience may have made me the best judge, whether a question at any particular time is likely to be better served by a speech or by a silent vote; and I have no doubt that a little longer experience in public mattera, and in popular assemblies, of which you have now one in Manchester, will convince our frier.d who makes this a ground of attack, that it is frequently far more advisable to be silent, than to consume the public time in repeating arguments which have been used before, or in exposing falla cies which have been already overset." Between three and four o'clock on Tuesday after noon, a labourinc , man, named Jeremiah Corklan, while at work at the British Museum, was standinc , on a plank placed across the top of the bannisters of the landing place of the fourth story of a well staircase of one of the galleries, assisting in hauling LIP a basket of sand, when by some means he overbalanced himself, and was precipitated on to the stone flags of the basement floor. He sustained, besides other sovere injuries, a very dreadful compound He was removed t o th e Unher sfr:tayacuroelleogfetlH)eolsett thigh. Hospital, and n ot t h e sl i ghtest hope is enter tained of his surviving. UNIVERSAL SUPFRAGE ASSOCIATION. The monthly meeting of the Universal Suffrage Association was held in the Justiciary Court Hall, at Glasgow, last Tuesday. After reading the minutes of the different meetings which had been held daring the month, a discussion ensued in reference to the employ ment of lecturers to agitate and inform the county on the subject of Universal Suffrage, &c. This gave rise to some conversation about the state of the funds. Mr. Ross said it was necessary to inform the meeting that the na. tional petition was ready to be sent away to Birmingham. It was com posed of 395 sheets, with 192 names on each, making in all 75,840. Taking even the very large population of Lanarkshire, he considered this a very large number. He thought it would be very desirable if 501. could be sent along with it to defray the expences of the National Convention. Some objections were made to sending the petition to Birmingham ; but on some explanations from Mr. Moir, the suggestion of Mr. Ross was agreed to. Mr. RODGER referred to the agitation that was getting up in Glasgow for a repeal of the Corn.laws, and earnestly advised the meeting to have nothing to do with the party engaged in that agitation, as they might be assured that it was not for their benefit that the Whigs were at work, and they would find that but a very meagre portion of the bene fits to be derived from a repeal of the Corn.laws would be received by the working classes. Mr. Mont said that the time for active exertion was come, and it would not do for men to come to a meeting to.night and then not to be seen for weeks to come. There was the greatest necessity for sendilis off money for the expense of the National Convention, as if that were not done the Convention only met in London to separate immediately. Mr. Lourrir said, that the Birmingham Union had said, that if the National Convention had to separate for want of funds, that it would be taken for granted that the names attached to the petition were spu rious. He thought that this might be a wrong deduction; but at any rate, he thought that funds could be very easily got. IRELAND. INCENTITESTO MURDER.—The:MaiI affects to see in the following reso lution adopted on Tuesday by the Precursors, an incentive to murder : " That the address of the Rev. Mr. Rafferty to his people, in the chapel of Darrow, on Sunday the 6th of January 1839, touching the recent barbarous murder of the much lamented Lord Norbury, be printed and circulated among the people of Ireland, at the expense of the Society." The Mail's perception of what is promotive of murder, it is evident, is peculiar. _ . Loan OIMANTOWN.-At the'meeting at which the'above resolution was carried, Mr. O'Connell commented, with much severity, on the Tulla more speech of the Lord Lieutenant of King's County, declaring that " The murderer who committed the crime is culpable—but the man who uses language calculated to provoke the commission of such a crime is still more culpable. Such language is a palliation for the crime. How dare he (Lord Oxmantown) speak of the Catholic peasantry of Ireland in the manner he has done? He talks of them as a band of assasins. Why, the fact that he lives shows they are not so." THE EARL OF CHA RIEVILLE AND THE REy. MR. O'RAFFERTy. The following correspondence has passed between the Earl of Char leville and the Rev. Mr. O'Rafferty " Charleville Castle, Monday, Jan. 14, 1839- " Rev. Sir,—My attention has been called this day to an article in the Pilot newspaper of the 9th instant, headed ` The Murder of Lord Nor bury, (from our own Reporter.)' You are described as addressing your flock from the altar in the following words : " `That was the man that was basely butchered in the midst of them, and whose loss filled their hearts with sorrow. But whilst he (Mr. O'RafTerty and his people were pressed down by the most heartfelt afflic tion at the calamity which had thus come upon them, he was disgusted and astonished at seeing joy and exultation in the countenances of some persons in high life, who seemed, by their language and their conduct, to hail the bloody deed as a god-send that would enable them to traduce and blacken the character of their country, and aid the views of their party. He would only say God forgive them, for they were little less guilty than the assassin who did the bloody deed.' " You will oblige me, Rev. Sir, by informing me if you made use of these words, or any of similar meaning or import. I am, Rev. Sir, your obedient servant, " CHARLEVILLE. " P.S.—I shall consider myself at liberty to give any publicity I may think proper to your answer, " To the Rev. J. O'Rafferty, P.P." :` Tullamore, 14th Jan., 1839, " My Lord—l am h onoured with your L or d s hip's lett er o f thi s day, in which 3 uu tran scr iL e, from the Pao/ Dm , bpapur, an extract of an address, alleged to ha ve b een delivered b y me to the Rom an C atholic parishioners of Durrow, on Sunday, the 6th instant. " Your Lordship will pardon me for stating that I do not hold myself accountable to any individual, save iity irtavrr,ble Ilit,hop, for any lan guage I may deem it expedient to use in my pubit exliottptions. flow ever, with due respect, I take leave to observe, that having miv!e no allusions whatever to your Lordship upon that ocegsion, I cannot see why you should feel yourself called upon to ask, If I have made use of the words' referred to, or any of similar meaning or imp rt.' I have the honour to be, my Lord, with great respect, your Lord ship's most obedient servant, To the Right Hon. the Earl of Charleville." " J. O'RAFFBRTY. MR. Straw AND THE CORPORATION.—The first official dinner of High Sheriff Taylor was given on Tuesday, when certain proceedings took place which makes the Mail wince and whine after the following fashion :—" With feelings of sorrow and disgust we refer (says the puling adherent of the corral - tii.nists) to the proceedings which took place at the Sheriff's Dinner yesterday. flow some half dozen of in. terested individuals can have contrived so to brutalize their fellow men, is beyond our comprehension or conception. The old and invete rate foes of the Corporation are chuckling with delight at the triumph which. their folly has afforded them ; and their long tried friends—men who u placid their rights end advocated their privileges, when the rot ten props upon which they now lean, add which we tell them will fail, were riot in existence—cannot advance a word in their defence or ex_ tenuation. If these men were in the pay, and acting under the imme diate directions of Mr. O'Connell, they could not adopt a course more certain to insure his main object—the downfall of Irish Protestant Cot, porations, and their transfer to Homan Catholics, than that they are readly pursuing, the irepolicy and folly of which they will see when it is too late." RUMOURED ARSASSINATtON OF JUDGE BURTON.—The Irish Corres. pondent of the Morning Post writes of a rumour in Dublin, to the effect that the venerable Judge Burton had faPen by the hand of an as_ sassin in Clonmel, where he went as going Judge on the Special Com mission. The Irish Papers to-day do not allude to any such rumour, and in the Cork Southern Reporter of last Tuesday, we see a report of the Learned Judge's charge, delivered the day before. Ma. O'CONNELL—A very numerous and highly influential meeting of the citizens of Cork, took place on Monday in the People's Hall, Castle-street, pursuant to requisition, for the purpose of marking their sense of the recent publication put forth by Mr. Peter Purcell, of Dublin, regarding Mr. O'Connell, as to the disposal of the funds of the Precursor Society. The meeting, which was attended by nearly all the gentlemen of the city, remarkable for public spirit and liberal principles, evinced more of ardour and enthusiasm than we have witnesse,l for a long time.—Southern Reporter. DEATH AND CHARACTER OF TILE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAAI. ---...,r1.,,.-- ( From the Morning Herald ) We d , eply regret to have to anuou:Ate the melancholy in - ' telliricace of the death of his Gr,tce the Duke of Bockingharn andCliand,s, which took place at his priacely residence o!' Stowe, about a quarts r before eight o'clock yestet day (Thursday) morning. On Monday last the Duke, whose health had for some time previously* appear( d to be improving, became suddenly worse, and the illness assumed at once so serious and alarming an upp,-aranee, that the Marquis of Chandos, who had invited a large party to his scat at Wotton, sent expresses off in various directions to countermand the ar rival of his visitors, and remained at the bed-side of his af flicted parent until his lamented decease at the time already mentioned. Lady Chandos, the present Duchess, with Earl Temple, now Marquis of Chandos, and his sister Lady Anne, were also at Stowe, so that the last moments of the Duke were solaced by the presence and attentions of his immediate family and kindred. The late Duke was born in the year 1776, and is March next would have completed his 63d year. In April, 1796, he married the Lady Anne Elizabeth Brydges, sole heiress of James Brydges, last Duke of Chandos. He succeeded his father, the late Marquis of Buckingham, on the 11th of Fe bruary, 1812, and on the 4th of February, 1822, he w; , s created Duke of Buckingham and Chandos by the then King George IV. The Duchess departed this life at Avington a few years ago, universally beloved and regretted, and by none more than the poorer classes of the neighbourhood, to whom she was, indeed, an unceasing and unostentatious benefactress It is through this lady that the present Duke represents the ancient line of the Dukes of Suffolk, one of whom, Charles Brandon, married Mary, sister to Henry and Queen Dowager of France, to whose issue, by the last will of that Monarch, the Crown of these Realms was limited in remainder on the contingency of a failure of issue in other lines. Hence the names of Plantagenet, in connection with those of Gren ville, Brydges, and Temple. The talents which the late Duke possessed for public life were of no ordinary kind, as he showed on those occasions when ha addressed the House of Lords, where he had not for some time past appeared on account of bodily infirmities, brought on by repeated and violent attacks of gout, which de prived him at length, of the use of his lower extremities. In retirement his active mind and fine taste f; mid constant em ployment among the varied literature and works of verb with which Stowe, his favousite residence, abounds. To the latter of these he greatly added by his own ecquisi:ions of rare and exquisite specimens of art, made while in Italy. He was par ticularly fond of fine engravings, and laid out vast sums of money in making such a collection of rare and curious prints as, perhaps, no man ever possessed. His graphic illustrations of " Grainger's History of England" occupied him many years and cost him many thousand pounds. If in him' the arts have lost a friend, and artists a munifi cent patron, the poor have no less reason to lament the kind hearted employer and benefactor. In .that liberality which shows itself in the quiet acts of silent charity he allowed no political considerations to stop his hand or stint that bene volence. He had a heart that felt for the sufferings of the afflicted, and A hand open as day to melting charity. There was another species of liberality which he formerly cultivated, if not with less success, certainly with less satisfac tion. He had been a strenuous and firm advocate of what was called " Roman Catholic Emancipation," but subsequently admitted, as some other generous-hearted but mistaken Pro testants have seen cause to do, that the consequences of that measure were very different from those which he had antici pated. In a letter published in his name some years ago he frankly acknowledged the severe disappointment which he suffered from the falsification of the sanguine hopes which he had entertained of that measure proving beneficial to Ireland in allaying the rancour of political and religious agitation, and promoting the cultivation of the arts of peace. That letter was not more distinguished for the manliness and candour of the sentiments which it expressed than for the beauty of its composition, worthy the literary name of Temple. There was another act of " emancipation," more advan tageous to the interests of humanity than that which gave political power to the Romanists of Ireland, with which the name of the late Duke was connected—we allude to the " abolition of the slave trade ;" that great act of an Admi nistration at the head of which was his illustrious relative, Lord Grenville, in whose Ministry his Grace, when Earl Temple, held office. When his health allowed him to attend in his place in Far• liament, he did not often address the House; but when he did, his style was elegant and forcible, his reasoning acute, and the general character of his senatorial eloquence that which displayed various reading and a cultivated taste. As a Chairman of Quarter-Sessions, to the duties of which office he formerly gave great attention, the late Duko was one of the ablest and most efficient; that, perhaps, ever presided in such a Court of Justice. Men of all political parties willingly bore testimony to his dispassionate and discriminating impartiality on the Bench of the Sessions Court, where be showed a know ledge of the law of evidence, and a readiness and accuracy in applying it, which is rarely displayed by any man not educated to the bar. Natural talent without considerable application, we need hardly say, could not have supplied him with such a qualification for the efficient discharge of judicial duties. By his Grace's death the offices of Lord Lieutenant and custos rotuloruni of the county of Buckingham have become vacant. An Order of the Garter is also placed at the disposal of Ministers. The elevation of the Marquis of Chandos to the Peerage makes, of course, a vacancy in the representation of Buckinghamshire. Ministers, notwithstanding their former defeats, will probably try once more to force'one of their crea tures upon that county, but none, save a Conservative, has the slightest chance of representing a constituency so sincerely devoted as the freeholders of Buckinghamshire are to the pre servation of our ancient institutions in Church and State. While they lament over the memory of the departed, they will not forget to vindicate the Conservative and Constitutional principles, which, as a British Peer and patriot, he loved and cultivated. AGRICULTURE AND 11ORTICUL TURE. Yesterday the Anniversary Festival of the Society of Agriculturists and Horticulturists was celebrated at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in the Strand. Mr. GLENNY in the Chair. The company was very numerous. After theremoval of the cloth, " Non Nobis Domino" was given in a style of first-rata ex c ell ence by Messrs. Robinson, Ransford, Pyne, Green, Turner, Walsh, Willing, and other vocalists. The licalths of her Majesty the Queen, the Queen Dowager, and other loyal and constitutional toasts, were severally proposed, and drunk with enthusiasm. Then followed " Success to Agriculture and Horticulture," given by the CHAIRMAN, who took occasion to notice with satisfaction the increasing interest manifested for those pursuits, especially the latter, not only in Europe, but in both the Americas. A variety of other toasts, in connection with the objects of the Society, were likewise given. Mr. Francis, an extensive fruit grower in East Kent, in responding to the toast of his health, stated that he had that day made one of a deputation to the President of the Board of Trade, in reference to the most oppressive operation of the fruit duty clause in the Customs Duties Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman promised to call the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the subject ; though at the same time he did not hold out much hopes of an amelioration of the evil complained of; in compliance with his requsst he (Mr. Francis), in conjunction with other extensive growers in East Kent, had engaged to place before the Right Honourable Gentleman a full and fair statement of the grievous effects of the clause in question upon a large and most meritorious chi's of persons. The health of Mr. Glcnny was next pro posed, and that gentleman acknowledged the honour with much spirit. He intimated to the company that in the early part of the day a meeting of gardeners and florists had taken place, at which it was resolved that a petition to Parliament be presented, praying fora protecting duty on all fruit imported, which was imperatively called for by reason of the distress and injury inflicted upon the English grower, in consequence of its repeal. At the same meeting it appeared also that a Society for the Relief of Indigent Gardeners was established, and subscriptions to a considerable amount handed in. " Dr. Sigmond and the Medico-botanical Society," " The Metropolitan Society of Florists," and a number of local toasts followed in succession. The hilarity of the meeting way pro longed to a late hour. The vocalists above-mentioned gave a number of e'erlin,7 English glees and sales in capital stale; and in addition, Mr. Hudson, the prince of comic singers and good fellows, sang several of his choicest songs in his happiest vein. THE LAWS. ( Prom the Tidies. ) Twetay-thiCe years aee this journal was found'. a motig the cost strenuous otii,onente of the oppressive s eateru of Corn-'enes, and nothing has since happened to impair, but everything to confirm, the censures we then, and have ever since, bestowed upon them. The present movement of the country for a redress of the grievance arises not from party or factious impulses—it is a teenuine and intelligent effort to sheke cif a painful load. The Tended proprietary , which attempts to stop the progress of this popular deter mination, mistakes very glaringly its own interest, and we are sure exaggerates its own power. A law - establishing 3 monopoly for the supply of food in favour of (me particular class of the community is redly nothing bett.er, thought! may not sound so monstrous, as a similar monopoly nessessed by Mehemet Ai. It is argued, that if we repeal the Cora- Lev, hslf the tillage lands cf Britain e'euld become waste ; hat mililuee of capital laid out iu farm-buildings, in uteri' sib of husbandry, and in complicated improvements, on the With of a protecting law, will have been altogether wasted; and that landlords and farmers will be involved in a com mon ruin. The answer is plainly, that a large proportion of the Lauds of this country, now under tillage, ought never to have be en token ()tit of pasture—that such soils are fitted nay, in the actual state of England, have long been re ytirrd, for feeding lean stock ; the application of them to which essential purpose would have tended to reduce t he price of butcher's meat, now almost inaccessible to the labouring classes, instead of enhancing, as does their net' version to tillage, the price of bread, on which the main"' nanee of human life itself is dependent. How would our land owners like to see a portion of the stiff elay-soil of Wiltshire tut ned into vineyards, with tie grapes thereon raised node: * glass, and a prohibitory duty on all foreign wines impose"; for the sake of encouraging the home producer, who would thus be enabled to charge these same British landlords 50 per rant. more than the price of the highest flavoure d foreign claret, champagne, &c., for his sour and unpalatable beverage ? Just a parallel cage is that of bolstering up hY bounties and prohibitions the costly and inferior grain crop* of our coarser soils, meny of which would supply our al clusttious countrymen with beef on moderate terms. Th e objection, therefore, to the existing mismanagement of oar resources amounts to tlys—that the withdrawal of feeding lends from pasture, and their conversion to the plough, for, which they are not fitted, create.; the twofold evil 0' rendering both animal food and cons unnaturally dear--et he first from actual scarcity, the second ,from the cost of its production. Then, as to the combined scale and mechanist°, of the present fluctuating duty, must it, not be coast dered intolerable that when wheat is at 70s. i n Eng' land, and possibly abroad at 405., the tax een importe d corn should be 103. more, besides freight and othe r charges? Are the millions of bread-caters in England. while corn waits to be purchased in foreign markets at 40se to be debarred of all access to it at a less cost when it t omes here than 80s., because our landed proprietors and farmer s have so contrived their mutual relations that we. calm"' have English wheat for less than 70s. ? A fixed dutY" -- but it ought to be a moderate one, if any—is preferehle to a varying one. It must not, of course, be a protecting, duty, and it ought not, we think, to be a duty for revenu e :, but merely such a duty as will cover those taxes ft"'"' which the agricultural intereet may fairly claim to be re lieved when the existing Corn-laws shall be repealeu" As for a fall of rents, we believe that it noig lit; at first be a natural effect of the proposed Meastl . rer but if it were, it would not negative the justil of the repeal. Thee ° e question is one, in fact, "c rght, and of humanity, which no considerations ,* artificial expediency can fairly be suffered to , withstand' Again, there would be much greater steadiness in th e proceedings of the agriculturists of great Britain. Wh, e ,. / : the trade in corn had the whole cont.nent for its field, current of supply and demand would exhibit a greater r e. gularity, and hazardous speculations would have fewer at" tractions for the farmer ; the results of a widened theatre, of experiment would assume more the character of fi-l e and unvarying laws. At all events, the alteration must h e / made. lime people of England in their own persons, e n " . we trust by their representatives, will, ere long, have eo de' &ded, and the advantages immediately derived from it bf our exporting manufacturers will soon, by the increase' home demand for feted, react, as well upon the proprieter s i as on the cultivators of the soil of England. We s eal just add, that the manoeuvres now set on foot, and actively prosecuted by the Queen's Ministers, to degrade this vast national question into an instrument of their own fiction* and jobbing selfishness, will recoil upon them fearfully be' fore they are one month older. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen held a Court yesterday afternoon at the Ne vi Palace. M. Galvao, the Brazilian Minister, had an audience o f ber Majesty. His Excellency was introduced by Viscount Pal merston, G. C. 8., her Majesty's Principal Secretary of S tate for Foreign Affairs, and conducted by Sir Robert Ches ts fg Master of the Ceremonies. Mr. Ralph Abercrombie, her Majesty's Minister Plenipo tentiary to the Germanic Confederation, was presented to the Queen by Viscount Palmerston. The Countess of Charlemont was the Lady in Waiting, 84 Lord Lilford the Lord in Waiting. Viscount Melbourne had an audience of her Majesty. The Earl of Albemarle and the Right Hon. G. S. BY° joined the Royal circle at dinner last evening. Her Majesty's private band attended at the Palace on Wed' nesday evening. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Flora Hastings, walks daily in Hyde-park when the weather permits. The Duchess of Gloucester visited the Duchess of CO' bridge yesterday at Cambridge-house. A Cabinet Uouncil was held yesterday afternoon at three o'clock, at the residence of Viscount Melbourne, in Downing' street. All the Ministers were present except the Lora Chancellor and Lord Gleeelg. The Council sat until a quarter before six o'clock. Mr. Colquhoun transacted business yesterday at the Col& nial Office. The Russian and French Ambassadors, and the Prussian and Austrian Ministers, assembled at the Foreign Office, at fire o'clock yesterday afternoon. A deputation of pamphlet publishers had an interview with Lord John Russell on Wednesday, at the Home Office. Despatches from the Governor of the Cape of Good HoP e ' were received yesterday at the Colonial Office. Sir John Ross, Mr. Manning, and Colonel Barrow, a de' putation from the India Steam Ship Company, had an inter view with Sir John Cam Hobbouseyesterday at the India Board- The Chancellor of the Exchequer arrived in town yesterday from Hastings. FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE. ARRIVALS. The Earl of Buckinghamshire in Spanish-place, Manches ter-square ; Lord G. Hill, at Farranco's Hotel, from the re sidence of the Marquis of Doonshire ; the Hon. Mrs. Drake from her seat, Paul's 'Walden, Herts ; the Hon. C. C. Ca vendish, Lady Catherine Cavendish, Lord and Lady Charles Fitzroy, and Mr. and the Hon. Mrs. D'Harcourt at Burling' ton House ; the Earl of Carteret in Hill-street; Lady Lash" ington in York-place; Mrs. Fitzgerald in Portman-square; Mr. Harvey Aston in Piccadilly ; the Hon. Colonel Anson in Curzon-street ; Mr. Denison, M. P., in Pall-mall ; the Righ t Hon. Frankland Lewis in Hertford - stre e t; Mr. Wi n dh a m in Hertford-street ; Mr. and Mrs. Cox in Grosvenor-place ; Mrs. Young in Portland-place; the Duchess of Roxburgh and the Hon. Colonel O'Reilly in Grosvenor-street; Mrs- Mercer in Albion-street, Hyde Park-place; Mrs. Morris in Belgrave-square ; Mrs. F. Mitchell in Wiinpole-street; Mrs. illarjoribanks in Wimpole-street ; Mr. and Mrs. Brett in Eaton-place. DRURY-LA NE THEATRE.—Her Majesty last night; paid a strictly private visit to this theatre, We were in duced to enter the house by noticing a considerable number of the police force on duty in the neighbourhood of the private boxes ; on entering the house, we observed her Majesty quietly ensconced in a modest private box, enjoying, without fatigue or ostentation, the entertainments of the evening. She laughed heartily at the tricks of the per formers in the animated pantomime ; and the feats of Amburgh, the veritable dominator belluarum, appeared to excite her surprise, and greatly to gratify her curiosity. She evidently enjoyed the mimic scene with a gay and honest relish, not at all incompatible with that strength of mind which the performance of important duties must demand. On her Majesty's leaving the theatre she was loudly cheered by a number of persons who had assembled. round the entrance of the private boxes. We observed in attendance on her Majesty the Duchess of Sutherland and Lord A. Paget. HAYMARKET THEATRE.—.Mr. and Mrs. Fitzwil liam, those two deserving public favourites, had their benefit at this theatre, on Wednesday night, and it was a bumper. The pieces were—The Wedding Day, O'Flannigan and the Fairies, The Irish Lion, and the good old farce of The Two Gregories, in each of which Mrs. Fitzwilliam, with a versatility peculiarly ber own, took a principal character ; charming the audience alike by the witchery of her vocal accomplishments as by her admirable acting. The exqui site feeling with which she gave " Robin Adair,' " The Blue Bells of Scotland," and her " Medley of Melodies," together with several old ballads, one of which is worth a wilderness of new-fangled crotchets—and the effect pro duced testified that pure melody is still appreciated by the public. She was most cordially welcomed ; a compliment also extended to her husband. Mr. Webster, Power, Hemming, Strickland, and indeed the whole of the dramatis personae, male and female, entered heartily into the cause. The health of the Marquis of Hertford is so much improved that preparations are making for his removal from Naples to Paris. His Lordship is expected in London early in April. . . HI GI- Morning. IS having At tzons of D I do NOT of obtainint have .cpas(tt SHARES at 'various 97. to 20.01 attended. tc %lOUs to addressing, TO TH•E G 7 t77Tl BEG raent tc the death of My pr or es qualified me She , uld I r11 7? - 4f that : with diligen Tavern,nesllBo t l e . y r nar Lion 'me will don ULL with SUF. Persona upon them lzr ter by one of " WEEKLS Orders rec The puhlica4 4 THE -______. FRID We hay, t ime, to lea Corn -law el Tary to see 1 D undee to At l ength comes forth tion, and c stances hav agitation of Times, as if tbe daily fl to stifle it ; The times stead of tak The Minist, moved on tl the Times, low their e: rary's article some - parts dicates very Perhaps I calm t appe TitoRNELY 'porary forth :80 ) for more ` v oice on tlt~ Leaedings an out jr Some r i 0 - ts :l file At the o 'cile of Li inf o any expt fromig full pressors. w talee car; b usiness of tl Pa" eal of ourself t country abolition 0 12 talon to i : e the Banc t rade Whose t. on horn ) 11 a. th e first in t s 1 )1y be take that LI at the the agn no question 1 t‘-iesnunons. may be ' 4 Y obtain All ,1 that the r te nd trade to ' 2 _ ll , left the a o.,te contracts l ,1 abolition c(144111! a bolished 11Wh rep ug n an t ci tWSv Na t iona l alesralo:hiS;l atMgrol tobee. %Boallsti' al l u ld es"". sue. prop ose a appoin i:eti ng , and a lte na i et oe : s m te : u r e . enl a i e e ur i t t rbl i t ' sli o e :dtr n e d . ew: o o ee : : Tny s t lal h , Whilst ambric In u ct duck of C Doty free 7 7e and I re mes h no advantal eJlate the ide. Thewhilst they dem; rnanuf a gainst that tl T he callin g a publi 'elate ; and ~ out read : J j.t s he comma' un question. In another a rticle from t M r. POULE T I"de ., (l * We r Follunet recital! we Were to h ave felt, and w as 111 S d u t y , ; l ave mad e t h e p a ndottners, Dot having e expres ses did not, til t l ' ar vest, and h - -ose facts a m "le to times o e°r"in Enola e : t ed by the cuester manu It would h at , i u . r e off their It was rutil Well all 1 ) :"Ple on th °w ever, the