The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-03 00:00:00

Vbirte Ebition SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. TATTERSALL'S.—THIS ESEVENING six O'CLOCK. TWO TBOUSAIM G ;ITN EAS STAKES. 5 to 2 agst Idas 5 to 2 agst Kedge': 5 to 1 agst any other. CIS EiiTER CUP. 10 to 1 agst Obscurity 11 to 1 agst Cataract 11 to 1 agst Semiseria 15 to 1 agst Era 20 to 1 agst Winesour 30 to 1 agst Zanoni 30 to 1 agst Ratan 33 to 1 agst Qucen of the Tyne 33 to 1 agst The Pride of Kildare 40 to 1 agst Portrait 40 to 1 agst Ould Ireland DERBY. 10 to 1 agst Alarm 15 to 1 agst Idas 15 to 1 agst Kedger 18 to 1 agst Clear-the-Way 22 to 1 agst Cobweb colt 22 to 1 agst Newsmonger 25 to 1 agst Miss Whip colt 25 to 1 agst Weatherbit 30 to 1 agst Mentor 30 to 1 agst Pantasa 35 to 1 agst Old England 40 to 1 agst Ironmaster IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met to-day, for the first time after the Easter recess. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack at five o'clock. The Bi3hop of WORCESTER presented numerous WTetitions from places in various parts of England and Watts against the sale of intoxicating liquors on the Lord's day. PARISH SCHOOLMASTERS.—SCOTCH BANKS. The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions from several presbyteries in Scotland, praying for an aug tnPntation of the salaries of parish schoolmasters. in that country. The Noble Duke also presented a petition from the merchants and battltrs of Banff against any interference in the present system of banking in ECoiland. MA LT-TA X. The NOBLE DUKE also presented a petition from a In'acein Hampshire for the repeal of the malt-tax. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. The Bishop of HEREFORD presented a petition from the city of Hereford, against the Act passed last year for the abolition of imprisonment for small debts. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. GREENE and others from the House of Commons brought up the Lands Clauses Consolidation Bills(E?g -land and S co tl an d), t h e R a il way Cl auses Consolidation Bills (England and Scotland), the Puoscy Gas Bill, and the Birkenhead Docks Bills (two Bills), which were seve rally read a first time. EMANCIPATION OF THE JEWS. Lord CAMPBELL bad great great pleasure in pre senting a petition from Portsmouth in favour of the Bill brought in. by the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woo for relieving the disabilities of the Jews. SUGAR DUTIES. Lord MONTEAGLE presented a petition from the llorticultural Society of India, complaining that sufficient encouragement was not given to the application of British capital to the growth of sugar in that country, and praying their Lordships to place the sugar duties upon as mote permanent basin. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH laid upon the table of the House the second part of the appendix to the second report of the Commission appointed to inquire into the state of large towns in England. The Noble Duke at the same time presented a number of petitions, praying their Lordships to adopt some measures for improving the condition of the schoolmasters of Scotland. AYN 00TH. Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from Hogs den, in Oxfordshire, against any further grant to Maynooth. THE ASIIBURTON TREATY. Lord ASHBURTON requested their Lordships' per mission to offer a few observations upon a subject, which though undoubtedly in some respects a personal one, was also of a public. nature. At the termination of tfr3 meeting, at w hich he had the honour to negotiate on the part of this country with the United States of America, he had the great satisfaction of receiving the most unequivocal expression of their Lord ships' approbation ; and he, therefore, felt himself more bound to notice certain great misrepresentations which had been made in another placeiwith respect to bits conduct at that meeting. Their Lordships House was the only place where he could give an explanation, tand he trusted their Lordships would excuse him Tor so doing. He was not about to enter into any general discussion as to the merits of that mea- sure ; but he:hoped their LordshiP;;;ould do him the justice :Ai recollect that when on a former occasion he ente*.ed into a discussion on that question, he took no w..tice whatever of the various i riticirms, some of which were not very just, which had been made in another place. He should not upon the present occasion have intruded himself upon their Lordships' notice if it were not with the view of contradicting what had been stated as positive facts in another place. He did not complain of the personal manner in which the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) had brought this sub ject forward, because that Noble Lord was constantly making similar reflections upon his conduct, in a tone `which it was to be regretted the Noble Lord did not online to an individual case, but applied it to questions iitfreeting the gsneral interests of the country. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE ruse to order. He had no objection to listen to any explanation the Noble Lord might desire to make, but he hoped the Noble Lord would not fall into the error he was deprecating by attacking a person who was not present to defend himself. Lord ASHBURTON said he did not wish to use any stronger expressions than were necessary for the occa sion, but he at the same time thought that the expres- sions of which his Noble Friend complained were quite necessary, in order to justify the line which it was his duty on this occasion to take, and to repel those attacks which the Noble Lord (Lord Palmers ton) was in the habit so li g htly an d so flippantly o f aking upon him. The House was aware that that i% as the only House in which he (Lord Ashburton) had the 'opportunity of repelling attacks of this nature. If he nderstood these attacks aright, what he was accused of `-vas, that in the late treaty which he liad the honour to negotiate he had unjustifiably ceded the territory of Madawaska, on the banks of the river St. John. Now, it was necessary to state that the territory of Mada waska was nothing more than a narrow strip of land on the banks of the St. John, which comprised a straggling village some two or three miles in length t and it should be recollected that, on ikVo of three occasions, this very same terri tory bad been ceded. The dispute between this country and the United States had been first referred to the decision of the King of the Netherlands, by whom it had been allowed to the United States. The Americans had refused to abide by the award of the King of the Netherlands, and twenty-five years afterwards Lord Pal merston considering that the best mode of settling a dispute of this nature was to divide the con tested district between the two countries, he ceded the territory of Madawaska to the United States. His own (Lord Ashburton's) decision had been impugned as extravagant, and yet it was better than that of Lord Palmerston, for it secured to this country those intermediate heights between the St. John and the St. Lawrence, which from their command of the latter river, and the consequent power of inter rupting the navigation of that river, were the only really valuable portions of the territory in dispute. He should further state that he implied no blame upon the Secretary of State for making that proposal. Nor did he think the line at all unfair. But, combinir.g all the circumstances, and consider• ing the line dicided upon by the King of the Netherlands, their Lordships would see that his (Lord Ashlstirton's) line was so much the best, that it was haIAY fair to cast upon him any reproach whatever. But now, with. respect to the Madawaska senttle ment, a Noble Lord in the other House of Parliament (Lord J. Russell) stated that. when he held the office of Secretary for the•eOlonies, he directed negotiations to be entered into by Lord Sydenham with Mr. Webster, the result of which was, that. Lc rd Sydenham refused to allow the Americans to retain that settlement, Mr. Webster on the other hand refusing te, give it up. The Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) said that one of the last acts of his' • offic'al life was to declare his N appro bationhe of Lord Syde n h am ' s course. (Loid Ashburton) believed thei r Lordships w o o w uid be surprised when he informed them that the whole of that statement of facts was without fo un d at i on. There was no negotiation whatever on the subje c t between Lord bydendam And Mr. Webster. There was a negot i at i on between Mr. Fox, our Minister at Washington, and Mr. Webster, but not on the subject of the Madawaska settlement. , The Noble Lord, however (Lord J. Rus sel), prided himself very much upon the course w hi c h h e and . - Lord Sydenham had taken, and had chosen to make it the ground of a reproach upon him (Lord Ashburton). He had a most sincere and unfeigned respect for Lord John Russell, and from a long and intimate knowledge of the matter` would, he was perfectly assured, that his Noble Friend would not make any statement which he know to be unfounded. [LEFT SPEAKING.] HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SFEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. MEDICAL REFORM. Mr. MANGLES presented a petition from the whole of the medical practitioners of Surrey against Sir James Graham's Medical Reform Bill. BIRKENHEAD DOCKS. On the motion of Mr. TATTON EGERTON, the Bir kenhead Docks' Bill was read a third time and passed. ' EASTERN UNION RAILWAY EXTENSION. Captain FITZMORAS presented a petition from a private individual against the Eastern Union Extension Railway. Lord RENDLESHAM presented a petition from Man chester against the Manchester and Salford Waterworks Bill. The report of the Committee on the Birmingham and Statfordskire Gas Bill was referred back to the Com mittee. On the motion of Mr. SPOONER. The report of the Committee on the Thames Naviga !len Dill was further considered, and read a second time. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 3, 1845. partment of the Board of Trade, which was partly executive and partly legislative. What he would sug gest was this, t hbther they might not waive the general rule in the present instance ? Mr. HAWES thought that the House would have heard what the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir G. Clerk) had to say in reply to the proposition of his Right Bon. Friend (Sir G. Grey). It he considered that the Speaker had pronounced an opinion upon the matter, he would not say a word on the subject, but he understood that the Speaker had left the matter in the hands of the House. He thought that an early day should be fixed for bringing on this subject. Mr. MANGLES said that the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Lambeth had suggested that an early day should be appointed for discussing this subject, but he thought a Committee could very much better inves tigate the matter than the whole Home. It ought not to be heard by the llouse either in the light of private or public businesi.--(lronical cheers from Lord Howick.) The Noble Lord cheered him. He (Mr. Mangles) was interested in railroads as well as the Noble Lord, and preferred the whole matter to go before a Committee. He could not conceive a better mode of showing by proof that decisions of the Board were wrong than by giving those ho thought so an op portunity of going before a Committee. Mr. RICARDU did not think it quite consistent with the dignity of the Board of Trade to object on a mere point of form. Sir G. CLERK said he did not raise any objection on the part of the Board of Trade on a mere point of form, but thought the House should act on a uniform principle, and be guided by what had taken place in matters of this sort. Mr. r THOMAS S. DUNCOMBE thought the matter was well worthy of consideration. He should certainly take the sense of the House, even if he stood alone, and the House might depend upon it that on another day they would have similar petitions until they brought the House to its senses with regard to this matter. '[he House then divided : For the motion 7B Against it Majority against the motion NOTICE OF MOTION. Mr. HUME gave notice that he should on the 17th bring forward his motion relating to Sir 11. Pottinger. PAYMASTERS AND PURA:RS IN THE ROYAL NAVY. Captain PECHELL moved that the petition which be presented yesterday from the payinast( rs and pursers of the Royal Navy be printed with the Votes.—Agreed to. COLLIERIES RAILWAY BILL. Mr. HODGSON HIDE gave notice that on tht order of the day for the second reading of the Colleriee Railway Bill (as we understood) being read, he shouN call the attention of the House to a letter which hod been published on the subject, and should move that fin order of the day should be discharged. NEW WRIT FOR GREENOCK. Mr. Hll.llEmOVecithai the Speaker do issue his wr ,o the Clerk of the Crown to issue a new writ for burgess to serve in Parliament, in the room of Robe' Wallace, Esq., who since his election had accepted th office of Steward to the Chiltern Hundreds. GRANT TO MAYNOOTH. The SPEAKER said that those Members who ha , petitions against the dditional grant to Maynooth had better present them at once. At this announcement almost every Member on the Ministerial side of the House rose and pointed towards the table with a roll of petitions which he held in hand. This simultaneous movement elicted roars of laughter. There were upwards of 200 Members one he Ministerial benches, and of these certainly not 20 kept their seats on the announcement of the Speaker. On the Opposition side of the House, on which there were about 180 Mem hers, not mere than twenty had petitions to present roc the subject. The first Member who came forward was Mr. HAWES, who presented thirteen petitions from various Dissenting congregations against any additional grant to Maynooth. Mr. STEWART WORTL.EY presented petitions from the West Riding of Yorkshire to the same effect. Mr. Greene, Mr. Vernon, Mr. Pakington, and Sir Howard Douglas presented petitions to the same effect. Sir R. INGLIS presented an immense number of petitions to the same effect, but from the noise and con fusion in the House it was impossible to catch the names of the places from which these petitions emanated. Petitions, principally against any further grant to the College of Maynooth, were presented by Mr. Pattison, Mr. Darby, Loi d Worsley, Mr. Greene, Lord J. Stewart, Lord Palmerston, Sir T. Acland, Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Bankes, Col. Sibthorp, Mr. Spooner, and Mr. M. Manes. Petitions were also presented from Glasgow, Chippen. ham, and various other places, against any increased grant to Maynooth. The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider the 40th of George 111., cap. 85, Mr. Greene in the Chair. Sir R. PEEL rose and spoke as follows:—Mr. Greene, Sir, in the course of the last session of Parliament I took the opportunity of publicly declaring, on the part of her Majesty's Government, that it was our in tention, during the recess, to apply ourselvez to the consideration of the state of acade mical education in Ireland. I accompanied that declaration with a distinct intimation that the circum stances and position of the Roman Catholic College Maynooth would undergo the consideration of the , Government. I added that, undertaking the con sideration of the state of Maynooth, it was our intention to undertake it in a friendly spirit, and I made that public declaration at that time in ord, r that due public notice might be given of the intentions of her Majesty's Government. I was not unprepared for the demonstration of opinion which has been made this day. I could not look back to the discussions which have taken place in this House with respect to Maynooth, without fore seeing that a proposition upon the subject of Maynooth, connected with its extension, was likely to encounter the risk of great opposition. I could not disguise from myself that tbere were many entertaining strong religious opinions and conscientious scruples, the sincerity of which cannot be questioned, and which, on account of their sincerity, are entitled to respect—l say I could not but foresee that any proposal for an in creased grant to Maynooth was likely to be encountered by an opposition such as that to which I have referred. And it was because we were so placed that we have deemed it our duty to enter upon this difficult task, fully sensible that it would be such, but also that it was one by which men were not to be cowed. But, Sir, while we had resolved that we should und er t a k e this duty, and encounter this diffi culty, we had resolved that it should not be ag gravated by any such accusation as that we had concealed our intentions from the country or the public, or that we had taken any party by surprise.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) Sir, it was upon this ac count that I declared explicitly and deliberately this in tendon on the part of the Government, at so early a period of last session ; an intention not intimated in any vague or equivocal terms ; but plainly and deli berately stating that what we would pledge ourselves to do was to give an improved system of academical education to Maynooth, with an increase of the public grant. Sir, in pursuance of the determination we have taken this grave subject into eurconsideration I shall now say nothing with respect to on portion of this question which will become before the House separately. I mean the the question of academical education. The obser vations I shall have to make will entirely apply tee this question of the College of Maynoot ; and it is solely in reference to the institution that I am now speaking. In taking this sub ject into consideration, we had to take cognisance of the extent of obligation which past Acts of the Legislature might have imposed upon the Government and the Parliament, for the support of this institution ; and the practical effect of the past system, as well as the probable effect of any alteration which might be made; and given all those points our best and most mature consideration, I now, on the part of the Executive Government of this country, submit to the calm considera tion of the House of Commons, the proposal which we are prepared to make. Sir, it has appeared to us that we were at liberty to pursue one of these ceurses with respect to the College of Maynooth. We considered, first, that it was competent to us to continue, without alteration, the present aystem pursued in that Institution, and the amount of the Parliamentary grant annually made hitherto; secondly, that it was competent to discontinue that grant, and repudiate the institution altogether, and all connexion with it, and, after providing for existing interests, publicly to notify that, hereafter, connexion whatever should exist between the Government of this country and Maynooth. But I need not say that this course we were not prepared to adopt. The third course open to us to pursue was, to come forward in a friendly spirit and offer to improve the present system of Roman Catholic education—(op position cheers)—and to extend, to a liberal amount, Parliamentary protection.—(Cheers from the Opposi tion.) This we propose to do, not by attempting any interference with the doctrines of the Roman Catholic creed, but by a more liberal grant to improve the system and elevate the tone of the Catholic people of Ireland. Sir, with regard to the first—the continuance, without alteration or modification of any kind the present grant and the present system, I declare, on the part of her Majesty's Government, that it is our deliberate convic tion, that of all courses that could be pursued, that is the most objectionable. In giving the present grant, we profess to make provision for the education of those who are to give spiritual instruction and religious consolation to many millions of people.— (Hear, hear.) We just give enough, by voting annually 9,0004 to discourage and peralise all voluntary contri butions.—(Haar, hear.) Remove the grant altogether. and you will find, on the part of the people of Ireland, I have no doubt, a disposition to pecuniary sacrifices, and to provide some, perhaps an imperfect, endowment for the religious education of the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland. But the grant of 9,0001. a year, and the public undertaking on the part of the Government to endow the institution, and to provide instruction for the priesthood, has effectually discouraged contributions from others, and yet the sure we vote ineffectual and insufficient,—(Hear, hear.) By continuing this grant now what do we do? If it be a violation of principle to provide instruction for the that violation.—(Hear, education of the Roman Catholic priesthood, we are of principle at last ') guilty dt 9 y or o! , hear.) The grant ut"- a year, 'professedly for the educa tionmerely of the Roman violation Catholic Parliamentary grant annually, revocable any I shall propose t • o-night. What is the effect of the priesthood, o o g d r , e a t i s asa that you make a rsocable at your plea sure, bet in the statute Parliament—twothere are three Acts of passed before the union by the Irish Legislature, and one passed since in 1808 ) which adopted and sanctioned this insti tution, for the support of which an abhn , pant is made. By the combined effects of the Acts of Parliament, you provide for the establishment of a college for the education of the Roman Catholic priest hood, and the words you make use of; are " the establishment of a colli ge." And though' you may say, that the existing statutes dis claim all connexion with the college, and repudiate as a guilty thing with which you would have no communion, yet whom do these statutes appoint the visitors of the College. The Lord Chancellor, the highest judicial authority in the country, and the judges, or the persons whom those statutes appoint as the visitors of that institution which you so much discourage. You provide, it is true, by an annual vote only for cer tain professors of that college ; but the Act_whichhas received your sanction expressly speaks of fellowships of that college to be endowsd. The Act originally con templated a per sect system of collegiate education consisting of scholars, masters, professors, and fellows.. —(hear.) You have repealed the statute of mortmain in favour of that body—you have permitted the trustees to hold land—real property, to the am( unt of 1,0001. per annum, fir the purpose of providing for that body. By the Irish Act they are permittk d to hold real property to the amount of LOCO/. a-year, rep , sling the statute of mort main. That was the Act of the Irish Parliament, but in 1808 this Imperial Parliament distinctly recog nised the institution so far as to make a further provision, still further repealing the mortmain statute in favour of the College, enabling the trustees to make certain compromises, and to hold real property as contemplated by the Irish Parliament. You have en iblsd the trustees by an express enactment, to provide and assign a chapel, in which the rights of the Reman Catholic Church can be performed by a chaplain appointed by the trustees. This enactment received the saction of the Legislature, and I ask whether there has not been a complete violation of the principle—if principle Ie inuolved in it—by the nature of the connexion with the Roman Catholic priest hood thus deliberately sanctioned by the Government ? Having then sustained the inconvenience—if inconveni ence there be —in the departure from principle, why should not the intentions of Parliament be carried into effect ? You have assigned 9,0001. a-year for several years past, as a provision for this college, in respect to which e stablishment a vote had been annually made, to be expressly applied to the annual salaries of tea professors in that college. There are three Professors of Theology, which you endow, and to which your grant is applied but that grant is so limited in amount, that you are not enabled to assign more to the professors than 120/. a year.—(hear, hear.) In seven out of ten cases, the provision made for professors was less than the sum named. In the case of the threw professors of theology, you expect to have the services of men of learning, of eminence, and •ntegrity, for a salary of 120/. a year.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from Mr. Simi.) And observe that that salary cannot be increased by means of fees. No other payment is awarded to these professors than that which the Parliament provides ; and the sum which you give is all that they have. That institution, at the present moment, contains 440 students. I think that 130 of these students belong to the class denominated pensioners—that is to say. parties who pay a certain sum for their admission, and in addition provide for their own support. In addition there are 250 free students whom the State professes to maintain. The average sum paid by the 6tate for each student is 23/. per year.—(" Bear, hear," from the Opposition.) For that sum of 2:3L the student has to provide his college dress, the furniture of his rooms, his commons, and in addition, out of the 231. for each student,there are to be provided for the repairs of the College, the expence of coals and a variety of other in cidental expences.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Now, if this is a violation of principle, I ask you what .10 you gain by it? Surely you gain nothing by establishing professors of theology at salaries of 120/. a year each.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) If you violate your principle, surely it is politic—surely it is wise, to violate it in such a manner as to insure the services of men of the highest character and of the most competent attainments.—(Opposition cheers.) I do not speak at all of those gentlemen who are at pre sent professors in that college. Ido not mean at all to derogate from their high character or from their great atttainments.—(Cheers.) But if men of high character are found from their zeal for their religion, and from their desire to promote the course of education, to de vote their time to the public for incompetent salaries—(Hear, hear from the Opposition) — that is AO reason why we should not take measures to secure the services of men of compe tent learning, by giving them a proper and requisite pro vision. —(Hear, hear, and Opposition cheers.) All I contend for is that you have no compen sation for your violation of principle by voting so low a pecuniary grant, as to place the parties whom you charge with your favour in a state of indigence. — (Opposition cheers.) Now, with regard to the state of the hailding. What must be the feelings of ayoung man who en tered that building for the first time—feelings which would produce an effect upon him for the whole of his after life.—(Opposition cheers.) Why, the appearance of the building is desolate in the extreme. It bears the charac ter of a deserted barracks rather than that of a colle giate establishment.—(Cheers.) Now, recollect that there are 440 students there, receiving your liberality, It is impossible to insure to each of these students a separate room. In many cases, according to the reports of the Committees, several students are placed in one room, and in some they are placed in one bed. I hold in my hand a report which was made to the Executive Government, and which was signed by several, indeed, I may say, by almost all, the authorities connected with that college. lam sure I need make no apology, if I read the statements contained in it to the ouse. CLEFT SPEAKING.) SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE T.VENING PAPERS OF THIS DAI. STANDARD.—Lord Ashley's Bill for the regulation of labour in calico pr inting works was last night read a second time; after an explanation from the Home Secretary, that it must be considerably modified. Lord Ashley assented to the proposal of modification, in order that he might secure a locus standi in the matter, and the Noble Lord was right. This is one of the cases in which it is not only wise but innocent to take instal ments, for it is only by showing the safety and utility of such reforms as the Noble Lord has so long conducted, upon a limited scale, that the minds of all can be reconciled to their pi inciple. Of this Lord Ashley had a handsome testimony from the millowners last night, in Mr. Brotherton's ingenuous acknowledgment, un contradicted by a ny one, that the Noble Lord's re forms hitherto had proved as beneficial to the employers as to the employed ; a fact , indeed , sufficiently attested by the present prosperity and contentment of the manufac turing districts. This and the most interesting letter from a working mechanic, describing the factory labourers as elevated to a higher order of beings within twenty years, read by , the Noble Member for Dorsetshire, must afford bins great encouragement in his glorious course, and present an irresistible argument to the Legislature to fblloiv a leader at once so zealous and so circumspect. It is plain that the great work of social improvement is in irre sistible progress—not in this trade or in that—but, as it Ic:Is repreaclifiilly thrown up to Lord Ashley, in all pupe snits (probably the highes t com p li ment ever paid even to his Lordship); and t his has been the work of Michael Thomas Sadler and of Lord Ashley in less th an f i f teen years. There was an objection to the Bill now in progress offered by the Home Secretary, which has weight, no doubt, against an abrupt change, but which, in truth, offers the most powerful argument that can be offered in favour of the pervading principle of all Lord Ashley's reforms. We allude to the Right Honourable Secre tary's remarks upon the impossibility of reconciling the regulative of the hours of labour with the alternation of " pushes" and " slacks," which, as it seems, almost regularly succeed to each other in the calico printing trade. Now, if the regulation of the hours of labour had no other effect than g reatest possible benefit to all engage d to render impossible this alternation of " pushes" and " slacks," it would render the in the trade : we need not say how much the labourers would be benefited by the substitution of steady for de• sultory employment ; how much happier they would be, and how much more skilful they would become; this must be obvious to all. The employer, however, would be, in the end, even a greater gainer, in being able to adjust his expenditure to his profits with certainty and precision, in having more skilful and more attached servants, in having his works constantly remunerating the capital laid out on th em , a b ove a ll, i n protection from the gambling competition of p en nyless adventurers, working upon credit for " the p us h , " and underselling the fair trader (with or without th e i ntervent i on o f the Bankrupt Court) during " the slack." W e have no d ou bt that mu c h of th e present p rosper i ty of the manufactur i n g dist r ict s , an d near l y all the solidity of that prosperity (which is , we believe , solid), may be traced to Lord As hl e y' s former m easures steadying the course of manufactures by limiting the hours of labour. Ind ee d , this was almost ac k no wledged last night. GLOBE.—Th e Bi ll " for regu l a ting the Profession of Physic and Su rgery, " ren dered less offensive to the members of the medical profes sion Government is by alterations which Sir James Graham has con sented to introduce, is still open to serious objections try without now before Parliament, though on public grounds. In legislating upon such a subject, especiallyiTi l , more respect ; e r s e p n e i c i reminded dfeodr class populi suprcnza est lax. That the subject of medical reform cannot, at any time, be brought forward in this coun try results exciting to the mass of the population, must ever be o f the interests, a xion, than a i fi: s r a source ofregret. This will continue to be the core so long as such varied interests exist in the medical profession, fos tered by corporate bodies, p oss essing peculiar privileges. A worse mi sta k e cannot be comm itted than to suppose that all existing interests can be harmonised in the pro duction of a reform, sinless one or more of these interests, or the individuals representing them, are regarded as the pure and unobjectionable source whence any sufficient measure of reform should be derived. Yet every legislator who has undertaken the subject has fallen into this error. liven if he ha. 4 originated his plan upon information which he has been at the pains of obtainingfrom impartial sourees, be has eventually abandoned it to the conflicting parties affected by the measure, who, in expunging whatever inte r fered with their " vested rights," destroyed whatever of go od it originally con tained. Sir James Graham's present scheme of medical reform had its congenial taint, and was further cor rupted by concessions. Sir Benamin Brodie very plainly says :—" This i s what re, the Colleges,intend to reserve to ourselves ; we sacrifice none of our sins ; ut, if you we will compromise by sparing more, or less, of those faults from which we intend to purify N ou." And in this manner opponents may, or may not, be bought over, until it is discovered that the plan, ex ceedingly faulty at first, is no longer worth defending or opposing. Conflicting medical gradations we do not under take to reconcile. Amid their disputes for rank and privi lege, the principle of reform is crushed ; and the security essential to preserve the public health from being neglected, or tampered with by uneducated quacks, is sacrificed. The first principle of medical reform should be that none but duly educated persons should be permitted to practise medicine. The medical authorities, however— concerning themselves only about' gradations of rank, and the construction of fortifications against privileged com petitors—very coolly suppress the note of war against the class presumed to be most l prejud' 'icia and dangerous to the public health—namely, the uneducated and unqualified prac titioners of medicine. If these are to be tolerated, it is quite evident that any measure of pretended reform, hoer ad- vantageous it may prove to a classc an be of but little ad. vantage to the community. ATTEMPTED MURDER of A WIFE BY 888 HUSBAND, Yesterday morning the inhabitants of Vauxhall road and Tithebarn-street were thrown into a state of great excitement by a rumour, rapidly circulated, that a man had stabbed his wife at No. 11, Lower Miik-street, and that the most serious appre hensions were entertained that the wound was mor tal. It unfortunately turned out to be but too true that the diabolical act had been perpetrated : and we fear that by the time this sheet meets the public eye, the unfortunate female's life will have fallen a sacrifice to the revengeful spirit of her husband. The parties had only removed the evening before (Mon day) from Cockspur-street to Milk-street, where they took I,,dgings on the first floor. After the lodgings were taken, the husband, who has given his name as John Morris Murphy, and who is an Irishman by birth, and an oil and colour mixer by occupation, went out, and remained at acme lublic house during the whole of the night. On his return home, yesterday morning, he requested his wife, who was lying upon a wretched bed in the apartment, to get up and prepare him some breakfast. She refused, upon the ground that she had no victuals in the house, and no money to purchase any, whereupon he seized hold of an old table-knife, and stabbed her with it behind the ear and on the right side of the neck. Her screams brought several of the neighbours to the spot, and there they beheld L1.,0d flowing copiously from the wound, and Murphy in the act of holding, with one hand, a washhaed basin to receive it, and endeavouring with the other to stop the bleeding by applying a cloth to the wound. The account he gave of the trans action was, that it was purely accidental ; that she fell against a large pan which was lying on the floor, and that the broken edge of the vessel caused the injury. This story, however, was looked upon as very in.pro bable, and was rende►ed still more so by the medical men being of opinion that the wound was caused by a sharp instrument. A rusty table-knife was found in the room, and was taken possession of by one of the police officers. The prisoner was apprehended by Superintendent Lawson and conveyed to Vauxhall Brideweil, where he remained during the day, and repeatedly made inquiries as to how his wife was getting on and whether she was likely to survive. She was conveyed on a stretcher to the Northern Hospital, where every thing was done for her that medical and surgical skill could accomplish. The great object, of course, was to stop the bleeding, and this was almost wholly effected in a short time ; but the danger likely - to arise from stir ring her, by causing the wound to bleed afresh, prevented a minute examination of the injured part from being made. In answer to our inquiries, we learned that it was impossible to say how deeply the knife had extended, as the neck was covered with her clotted hair, but that the wound bore every appearance of having been inflicted by some sharp instrument. Her life yesterday afternoon was considered in imminent danger; there was a chance that she might survive, but the probabilities were that she was fast sinking into the jaws of death. She alluded constantly to her husband, spoke of him in the kindest terms, and said his misfortune was that he could not bear up against poverty. It appears that though he is a journeyman colour-manufacturer he has not been in the habit of following his trade, and that in fact he had no means of livelihood except what he made by selling newspapers. The part* s have seven chil dren, the youngest of whom is only two months old, and the eldest only ten years.—Lireyeel Courier of Wed nesday. MAYNOOTH. Mr. DIVETT presented a petition from Exeter against the increased grant to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth. Sir G. SMYTH presented nutnerens petitions from parishes in the county of Essex also against the grant. Mr. PLUMPTRE presented a great number of peti tions to the eame effect from parishes in Kent, Bucking ham, Berkshire, York, and other counties. THE BOARD OF TRADE—CROYDON RAILWAY. Mr. DODI) rose to move, according to notice, that the report of the Board of Trade against the Bill in tended to be brought in by the Croydon Railway Com pang, to authorise the construction of a railway to Ash • ford, be referred back to the Board of Trade for recon sideration. The SPEAKER said, that before the Hon. Gentleman proceeded with his motion, the House should decide whether that motion could come on during the time of private business. This was the first case of the kind that had occurred, and it was his (the Speaker's) opinion, that the motion involved a question as to the conduct of the Board of Trade in the discharge of a public duty. He, therefore, thought that it should be brought on at the time of public business. Mr, II AWES trusted that the House would take this matter into its serious consideration. With great d.-ference to the opinions advanced by the Speaker, he (Mr. Hawes) conceived that, if they were acted upon, it would be imposing a very great restriction on the pro gress of private Mils. The reports which the Board of Trade made, he understood, were only fur the information of the House, and he should wish to know how these indi viduals could proceed with this Bill if they were not allowed to question the accuracy and value of the Board which had decided against them. If this opinion were acted upon it was perfectly clear it would stop the further progress of this Bill. He thought it would be in his power to show that the decisions of the Board of Trade were not entitled to the confidence of the House, and under these circumstances he thought it better for the House now to decide whether the Board of Trade should thus be allowed efficiently to arrest the progress of pri vate Bills. Lord G. SOMERSET, without entering into the question of the principle sought to be established by the Hon. Member for Lambeth, certainly thought that this was a most improper time for bringing the subject before the notice of the House. It was quite true that if the Hon. Member could get the House to support the opinions he had advanced it would be most desirable that the question should be at once settled. But the House should remember that the reports of the Board of Trade were nothing more than an opinion given upon cer tain schemes by a number of gentlemen ; and whether these schemes were reported against or not, it was at the option of the supporters to proceed with those schemes. lie trusted that the matter would be allowed to go on in the proper order, and that, therefore, the Hon. Member would not proceed with his motion now. Lord HO WICK said that the. House was placed in a most anomalous position with regard to the Board of Trade. Hon. Members might recollect that during the last session it was decided that the reports made by the Board of Trade should be referred to the Committees on the Billa to which those reports had reference. But in this session they had gene somewhat further. On the 4th of March it was decided that A hen railway Bills and projects had been reported on, these reports should be referred o the single Committee, and under this re solution the Bill to which the Honourable Member alluded, and the report upon that Bill would go before the Committee appointed to examine into the group of schemes of which that Bill formed a portion ; and the Committee, therefore, in dealing with the whole subjk ct, would reject or approve in a great mea sure upon the report of the Board of Trade. He begged to remind the House that the resolution by which these schemes were referred to single Committees, was moved by the Noble Lord (Lord Granville Somerset) and agreed to by the House at the time of private business. He thought it a great injustice to refuse a hearing to this motion at the present time, for if the Hon. Member were not allowed to bring it forward now, he might not be nabled to do so for a very considerable time. In the meantime, however, the private Committee might be appointed ; it might proceed to the consideration of this Bill, and to the report of the Board of Trade, which this petition complained of. They ought, therefore, to be given an opportunity of stating their ground of complaint before the Committee was appointed. It would be folly to refer the report back to the Board of Trade, because, as the Noble Lord himself admitted they had not time even now to get through their own proper business. Sir GEORGE CLERK said it was not his intention to follow the Noble Lord in the course of reasoning he had adopted. The question simply was, whether this matter ought to be brought forward at the time of public business. He would not go into the details ; but he should say that the uniform practice of the House was, that railway matters should be disposed of with the private business. But this question did not fall within that rule. As it touched the character of a public board, he did not conceive that it should be heard with the private business. Mr. LABOUCHERE confessed that he was inclined to take the view of the Right Honourable Baronet opposite, in preference to the opinion of the Honourable Gentleman who sat beside him. He could not help thinking that this resolution differed in its nature from any that he recollected, and was sure that it would take the House, some considerable time to discuss it. It could not be considered or disp , sed of as the private business of the House as it effected the con duct of a public board, and would open the door to other and perhaps more serious petitions. If it were true that the Board of Trade had hastily and negligently reported on this Bill, he thought that a discus sion on the matter in this House in this mode would be perfectly unsatisfactory. He was of opinion thet the House would do well to adhere to these rules which they had hitherto observed, and wished that the House would dismiss the Bill. Mr. DUNCOMBE did not coincide with the reasons offered by the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, for resisting the Bill. His complaint was that more peti tions could be presented to the House against the reports of the Board of Trade ; but if there were petitions of that description presented, it was the duty of that House to hear them, and it was right that they should be heard. In fact the discussions upon this question had been the cause of creating very great dissatisfaction in the public mind against this department of the Board of Trade— (" Hear, hear," from Colonel Sibthorp)—and that dis satisfaction would continue to increase if this inquiry should not be gone into.—(Hear, hear.) But the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite said, "let the Committee decide upon this question ;" but surely the Committee had quite enough to do already, without imposing this additional duty upon them— ( Hear, hear)—but if it should be referred to them, see the loss of time that would follow : there would be counsel on the one hand, and counsel on the other, and in fact there would be no end of the labour they ould have to perform.—(Hear, hear.) Then, with regard to what had been said about not allowing matters of this sort to interfere with private business, surely the Right Hon. Gentleman should recollect that their petitions had been allowed to he presented and printed during private business ; and therefore the time for bringing the subject forward here eas the time during which private business was before the House, in order to hear all just complaints and do jestice to those who had charges to make against the public department of the Board of Trade.—(bear.) If those complaints were not to be brought forward now, he would like to know when they would ?—at the close of the session?—up stairs, when all the falsehoods put forward on one side should have been heer.l ?—(Hear, hear.) lie would say that there were very grave and serious accusations made against the railway depart ment of the Board of Trade, and he was aware that they could be supported, and when they were heard it would be found that very great injury had been done to many persons connected with railroads ? and therefore he did think that the proper time to hear those parties was during the private business. On those grounds, he begged to move that the Hon. Member for Maidstone be now heard.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. GISBORNE conceived that Hon. Gentlemen opposite had got themselves into a great mess by the manner in which they had conducted this proceeding.— ( Hear.) The present was only one of a great many cases of this kind, lend they were all owing to parties having a duty entrusted to them which they were in competent to deal with.—(Hear.) By referring these complaints to a Select Committee who bad already 23 independent railways to deal with, it would be found that this addition to their labours could not be satisfactorily denit with by them. His opi nion was that the case ought to be heard. Tue Hon. Gentleman ought to be allowed to make his state ment, and should the report of the Board of Trade afterwards prove unworthy of further notice, it would be the duty of the House at once to cancel it. Colonel SIBTHORY would defy any body of gentle men, no matter however diligent they might be, to come to a correct decision within six months of a vast num'.:er of railway schemes, and he should, therefore, support the motion of the Hon. Member for Finsbury. Sir G. GREY said that he could not altogether coin cide in the opinion of the Hon. Member for Maidstone (Mr. Dodd), and the position which he had taken. Whatev,r mtht be the error committed by the Board of Trade in their tactics, he believed their opinions to be hoeestly adopted. Whatever decision the House might come to on the case of the present petition, he trusted that the object of the petitioners wuull not be prejudiced thereby. It could hardly be expected the Board could come to any sufficiently considered decision within a month or six weeks. At the same time he must say that the decision of the Board of Trade was not the de cision of the House of Commons, and he thought that that decision, whether it militated against or was in favour of any particular scheme, ought nut to prevent tanyee. express discussioniie declaration should u paolia it wh en it ca me before a Commit soof remind the th eHouse .hth t e lm e t ee it was ntof a that any facts transpirin g which Board,affected their decision, that they should reconsider it, and republish it in the Gazette. Thee was nothing to prevent e r decision within the present session.eonsideration of that reports were not consid ere d at the And as these usual h our f or public business , he trust e d t h at if the motion Hon. Gentleman was not ac ce d e d to, that ermstance of the would not prejudice the petitioner s in Committee. Mr. DODD begged to thank the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite for the interest he had evinced in the object which he had the honour o f ba cd n e gs ing before the House. He would also beg t o thank the Vice-President of the Board of Trade for the suggestion which he had made with respect to the republication of the reports of that Board in the Gazette. If the House would consider that the peti• tioners were 57 miles from London, and by the alteration that they would be brought within an hour and a half The SPEAKER must remind the Hon. Member that he had no right at present to go into the merits of the petition. Mr. BORTHWICK thought that the present diffi• culty arose from the constitutiou of the Railway De. -ever, assent to that part of the Bill which proposed to : allow children to work during the summer months from nine in the morning till nine, because in that time there was generally no necessity for artificial light. It hap pened that in the slack time of the year, when the chil dren employed at this business were more at liberty, the schools for the education of the children belonging to that class were generally shut. Depending the experience which he had had, he would offer a suge,:es then to the House that, as in the case of the other tac, tories, they ought to make previsions for the education of the children, there were circumstances which called forth fur previsions of the same nature. For four months out of the twelve they could very safely afford some education to the children. The arrangements which he would propose was, that for one hundred days in the year, about one-third of the whole year, the chil dren employed in the se factories who had not attained the age of thirteen years, should attend a sc hool insti tuted for the purpose, for three or four hours in the day. He thought that this would be found applicable, and it adopted would turn out as he had hoped; the Noble Lord (Lord Ashley) a ferred, and with great accuracy, to the tact that in America the course now suggested to the Houie was adopted ; during that part of the year in which th re was a slackness of business, there was a per tion of the day appropriated for the education of the fac tory children. The same eystein was adopted in Aus tria. He hoped the Reuse would see the necessity of the education of these children ; sad he would state to the Noble Lord that, if the House should be of opinion that such a reformation as he had suggested should be adopted, it would be very advantageous that the Bill should be made a substantial measure. The Bill, as now stood, had reference to many other matters to which he would not now allude, for he did not think them objectionable ; but if it should be adopted with the amendments suggested, he did think it would prove very advantageous, and make the future regulation of the trade perfect in all its Darts, as far as the calico printing trade was affected, without affecting the regulations of any other branches of the trade.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord (Lord Ashley) having paid much atten tion to this subject, he might be prepared to go much further in proposing modifications, that he (Sir J. Graham) was not acquainted with ; but, on the whole he hoped the Noble Lord would consent to limit himself to the boundary he (Sir J. Graham) had proposed, and when they went into Committee upon it, he would give it any assistance in his power, so as to enable it to go through the third reading at as early a period as possible, so as to bring it to bear with effect with the least possible delay. With these considerations he begged to say, he should give the Bill his assist ance.— (Cheers.) Lord ASHLEY said he was yesterday made ac quainted with his Right Hon. Friend's intentions in respect to this Bill, and therefore he could not say that the course now announced by his Right Bon. Friend had taken him by surprise. Ho looked upon the result of the amendment to be, to a certain ex tent, disadvantageous. For instance, the Bill did not go to the extent he wished in reference to the bleaching, dying, and calendering branches, which were in some measure connected with calico printing. The next ad vantage he lost was the protection to children under thirteen years of age for a limit to labour ; and though they would be protected from night work, still they would be liable to be compelled to work sixteen hours in the day time. The Bill now proposed a protection to children at and under eight years of age, by which they as well as females of all ages were excepted from night work. He should admit also, that he would gain a great many other advantages by the concessions of his Right Hon. Friend ; for instance, he (Lord Ashley) would be spared the necessity of wearying the House by long and fruitless divisions, and he would also have the benefit of the approval and co-operation of many great proprietors and capitalists.—(Hear, hear.) This he conceived to be a great advantage, for any law carried in opposition to them, could be rendered either ineffectual or exceedingly vexatious.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, although he would reserve his opinion fur a future occasion, yes he would say he received with thanks the offers now made ; and lie was delighted to find that many of those heretofore opposed to hen, were now about to-co-operate with him.—(Hear, hear.) He would accept of the offs r which the Government had made, and he did it with satisfaction and delight, because he hailed it as the commencement of a grand co-opera tion on the part of all employers—for one great and grand effort for the improvement and protection of the working classes of the British empire. Mr. M. GIBSON said it was a matter of fact, that at present a great number of the calico printers did not take children under the age of eight years into their employment, and did not suffer children to work at night. It was a matter of great doubt whether they should legislate, where there seemed to be a disposition, on the part of individuals, to perform what legislation could but imperfectly accomplish. In reference to that part of the proposition which referred to education, he thought it overlooked one most important considera tion—it was designed to educate the children during the " slack," or the times when they were unemployed ; but these were precisely the periods when the masters had no control whatever over them, and could not, therefore, be held responsible. if they proposed to raise the character of the labouring classes at large they should lock to the agricultural d s tricts, which sent an almost continual stream of labour ers into the manufacturing districts. This labour coming from a poisoned source was identified with that which naturally belonged to the manufacturing districts. Until they directed their attention to the moral training of the whole population lie contended they would not effect any great practical good, if any good at all. The Noble Lord did not define what he meant by " work," which was necessary, for a person might be in a print work for many hours, but it did not follow that during all that time he was employed in work injurious to health. The question was whether the amount of work usually performed there was so injurious to health as to call for Parliamentary interference in order that its du ration might be lessened. Until somebody showed that the whole existence and condition of the factory la bourer would be benefited by the diminution of the hours of toil, nothing was proved. The true way to im prove that condition would be to cheapen the price of the necessaries of life, so that by working a fewer number of hours he could purchase as much food as at present. It was not fair to diminish the poor man's fund, even though motives of philanthropy were the assigned cause. Why could not the Legislature compel the farmer to require the children whom he employed to produce a certificate that they had been so many hours at school as well as the manufacturer? If it was right in one case it was equally right and proper in the other. — (Hear, hear.) This was done by the farmers in Ireland. It was rather hard upon the capitalists and employers in the manufacturing districts that when they were im proving the moral condition of the people around them they were compelled to submit to legislative regulations fur the hours of labour and for education, whilst at the same time people utterly uncultured, who had not the advantage of any moral training, were con stantly poured in upon them, and the odium of their unlettered condition thrown upon those employers. They should at once proceed to deal with the agricul tural districts, and he called upon the Noble Lord to attend to the moral training of the pour in Dorsetshire. Mr. Horner, the factory inspector, in a pamphlet pub lished three years ago, recommended that a general plan of education and moral training should be adopted throughout the country. There should be no further delay in the adoption of this principle. After what had fallen from the Right Hun. Gentleman the secretary of State for the Home Department, he did not think it ne cessary to make further observations at present, but would reserve his opinions until the details of the mea sure were brought before the House. Mr. COWPER wished to see the same principle ap plied to the manufacturing as to the agricultural dis tricts, but thought their condition differed a good deal. The same class of persons were not unemployed in the one as in the other—noun so young were employed in agriculture as those commonly employed in manufactures. Ile liked the principle of giving leisure to the labouring classes, and was glad to see that principle was gradually gaining ground. He felt entirely satisfied at the course pursued by the Right Hon. Gentleman. It was most desirable that there should be as much unanimity as possible on a question like the present ; and he thought they should advance gradually with public opinion in changes of this important nature. Mr. HUME said that he did not see the necessity of interfering with the use of labour at all, but that if they did interfere to any extent, they ought to interfere with every c'ass in the community. Let the children of all classes be cared for equally, and he would not find 'fault with a well-intentioned but erroneous object. He did not believe that the children in manufacturing districts were at all worse off than those in the agricultural dis tricts. He had himself seen, during the late inclement weather, in several parts of the country, children exposed to all the severity of frost and snow, for the day to gether, in the care of farming produce, and engaged in keeping birds from the land, and these were children whose tenderness of years wes such that he was con vinced they were more in need of the care of the Noble Lord than the children in the manufacturing districts. His Hon. Friend the Member for Manchester (Mr. M. Gibson) had stated that children under fourteen years were never employed by manufacturers in his district. Mr. M. GIBSON—Eight years, not fourteen. Mr. HUME—WeII, under eight years then. Now, if the condition of these children was to be complained of, what did the cause of complaint arise from ? Why, from this—that they were th e i n t ro d uct i ons from th.e, agricultural districts, and brought up in such a state of deplorable ignorance that they were subjected to all the evil influences of the vice and immorality of large com munities. What he wished for was, that some compre hensive measure should be introduced by the Govern ment, which should em b race ever y c l ass o f t h e commu nity ; and what he did complain of was, th a t w i t h a profession of the greatest philanthropy, the Government were suffering a new generation to rho in ignorance and vice. He thought it was the duty of Government to provide a sufficiency of education for every class in the country ; and he did consider them deeply responsible for all the evils which arose from the neglect of which they were guilty. The Noble Lord who had introduced this measure made a pretence to a deg! ee of feeling for the lower classes which, he was sorry to say, was but little borne out by the acts of the Noble Lord, and those who acted with him. They professed that the people were overworked, and yet on every occasion they voted for measures to keep food dear, and thus compelled the over work of which they complained. This was only a mea sure intended to interfere with commerce, and he thought that the better plan was to leave commerce alone, but if it was to be interfered with, let it be done by Par liament, and in a direct manner. The business which the House had now to do was to diffuse education, and not act so as to prevent the exhibition of those natural ties which all over the world proved the best protection for children, and, in his opinion, by att em p t i ng to make food dear they destroyed, or at least largely marred, that natural affection which all parents were disposed to show to their children. They kept food up as high as possible. The/ tried to keep wheat at 80s., then at 601., tiros at 503., and it was this which obliged the overwork of which they complained. The parents of the se children were driven by distress to the manufacturit g distietth and their parents thought that it was better to MA as* children to work, in order to obtain a subsistence, rather' than suffer them to starve. He (Mr. Hume) thought, as he had previously said, that it was better not to interfere with commerce at all. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Home-office had referred to the several ob jections taken to the system upon the continuity of the days or the term of day-work which the children were required to eer , orm. Now, it was well known that the manufacturing industry of the country was supplied by . children from the agricultural class, and he t hou g ht that the protection of these children might we;i be left to the natural affection of the parents, and to the celneel° ll feelings of the community ; and he thought if any Ines" the sure at all were passed, it should be introduce d b y' Government, and be a comprehensive measure , affec tit every portion of the industrial classes — the fermi ng ehilerc n as well as the children in the manufacturin districts—and not be of that character of partial legisla - • tion exhibited by the Bill before the House. Mr. P. BORTH WICK said that he rose to congratu late the Noble Lord on the extent of success that he had achieved, and the position which he had attained by his laudable efforts. The Hon. Members for Manchester and Montrose had stated their belief that the protection of the children might well be left to the natural affection of the parents, when, by their own showing, the children were already grievously neglected. He thought, unier all the circumstances, the Noble Lord had done wist in acceding to the proffers of the Right Hon. Baron' the Secretary for the Home Department. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that, in the present state' of the debate, he might be permitted to allude to a peti tion which he had presented the other night from a very large body of operatives in Lancashire, who complained that they were frequently compelled to work fifteen, twenty, thirty, and even sometimes forty hours at a time , in these print-works. This, of course, included night" work. It was right to observe that they did not A ssent to the principle of the Noble Lord. Their positi on went farther than the Bill before the House ; for they desert's' to impose a restriction on machinery, and they t bought that if there were an imposition on ruachinere r, there would be no interference with their labou r . . had thought it right to caution them from expecti ig any encouragement, and he was glad to find, from the repre sentations of the Noble Lord, that some of the r austere had also petitioned for the restriction of the h. aura of labour, and, above all, for the abolition of nighl-worle- He had intended to oppose the second readin g o f the' Bill, but he must say that the concessions of tins Go vernment, as expressed in the declaration's of the:Righ t Hon. Baronet at the head of the Home-office, had p lucid the matter in a very different position, and be thought the Noble Lord had exercised a very wise di . screti in acceding to the proffers of the Government. Mr. ESCOT r said that he was entirely oppost d to the whole principle of this Bill, and he was asto nis.hed, after all the previous declarations of the Righ t B Baronet at the head of the Home-office, to he. tr hie; accede to the second reeding of this Bill, until be Moil , " that the Right Hon. Baronet had accompanied I es se' cession with the reservation of striking out, in the ,Cotte mittee, all those clauses which might be obnoxi DES W him ; and he (Mr. Escott) felt convinced that the "tight Hon. Baronet would take care to make such alteraeoese as would make this Bill a very different Bill whit came oat of the House, to what it was when it I wen" into it. The Hon. Members for Manchester and B ton; trose had made speeches against the Bill, and yet vse 3° l " not give any decided opposition to it, although they re; presented large manufacturing districts. He belie ee':, that great mischief had been wrought, within thee Al°s" few years, by this sort of piecemeal legislation. .eleal attene pts had been made, during the last twenty-five ware , to direct the use of labour ; but it was a well-k Oat circumstance, that not a single Act had passed thr o u r Parliament, which had not proved a grievous woolig , and which did not require another to remedy the *tri ll it produced. If they looked only to the measure veleta! had been passed for the regulation of apprentices, Tilt was the effect of that ? Why, that another Act "el' immediately required to interfere with those who wor e ( not opprenteces. And what was the consequences that ? Why, that an immense number of women vetre brought from different parts of the country int,r' tb: manufacturing districts. And last year they 'O f obliged to interfere with the labour of these wet ten' The Hon. Member for Montrose had said that t bap should introduce some measure of this character into O i l agricultural districts. Ile would te l l t he Noble I that he dared not introduce such a measure into to: agricultural districts.—(" Hear, hear," and a large' from Lord Ashley.) Well, then, what he meant to of t was, that they could not carry such a measure into effec in the agricultural districts. It was , in his opinice:, unwise and inexpedient to attempt to legislate on the e evils. The law of England was sufficient for the intr‘ pose already, and the evils would remedy themse, are and he thought, therefore, that the Bill was unnecese arY and might be mischievous. Mr. BROVIERTON said that he totally disagreed ill what had fallen from the Hen. Member for Wincheste r- He had had largo experience during the last thirty years in the manufacturing districts ; an d he well r emembered what was the case thirty years ago. He bad at that time stood almost alone in the attempt to obtain leg islettil interference for protecting the children in those districts' The late Sir Robert Peel was the first individual to in' troduce a Bill for the restriction of the labour of children in manufactures, his object being to reduce the labour ° , ten hours and a half each day. At that time it was e 0" at all an uncommon thing for children of six and sore° years of age to be kept at work for sixteen, seventeen, and often eighteen hours in a day ; and he (Mr. Bre therton) thought that the restriction to twelve hours wel a great boon. He therefore rejoiced in the cotecession s ° the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Benne P e e a . partment, and he thought that the Noble Lord b.ad °e t° a very wise discretion in consenting to agee.e° et , them. It would not only be well for children, but also for the masters themselves. thought that the legislation advocated by the IsToe( e _ Lord had been most advantageous to the working c lassy of and he begged to congratulate the Noble Lord on tile wisdom exhibited in acceding to the wishes of the Rigid Hon. Baronet. He trusted that all his measures w on l be equally beneficial to the manufacturing population . Lord F. EGERTON said, as far as his exper ience went, he believed that on the whole a great and sli t !: stantial benefit had accrued from legislation upon tl' subject. It required, no doubt, great watchfulness 111 the framing of such measures, and he therefore con gratulated the Noble Lord on the wisdom of the MT; sure which he had brought forward that evening. It o re himself great credit, and would be of permanent uti liv to those that were to be benefited by it. Mr. P. AINSWORTH thanked the Noble Lord, i f : the name of the con s tituency which he represented , I° ' his exertions in their behalf. He thought that tb: measure before the House that evening would be of t h greatest service to those engaged in print-works. Lord ASHLEY trusted the House would' allow ° ;:e to refer to a lett er w hi c h he had that morning p , from an oper a ti ve in Lancashire. The writer etateev that in the very mill in which he had worked el? ce, 1826, the improvement in consequence of the Facterees. Act was so marked in the morals and manners of P` children, that they did not appear to be the same p‘ sons. The Bill was then read a second time ; to be coin' mitted on Monday next. On the motion of Mr. EWART, the Museum et • Arts' Bill was r e a d a s e cond time, and ordered t o be committed on 'Wednesday next. SUPPLY.—ARMY ESTIMATES. On the ord e r o f the day hying read for the Com mittee of Supply, Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said, that if the 1:1 0 1 would not object, he s h o uld propose to take the of e, upon the thi r d es ti mate , re l a ti ng t o th e increase or . number of men, as th e a s sent o f the House was Pl . ceesary to that vote bef ore introducing the Mutiny le e y. The House might take the discussion on the vote 31A the amount of money required. He trusted there veeu be no objection to this proceeding. PROSECU 'IONS FOR POOR-RATES. Sir JOHN EASTHOPE hoped that, before going call o presented into a Committee of Supply, he might be allowed t° the Houseatto an n e t e w ar o ly pe p ti e ti which hthe he attention ha r ra of that evening. He would tak e up t ot time of the House as shortly as possible, explanation of the circumstance s t o w hi c h th es e petitillle referred. The petitioner complained that he had be imprisoned in consequence of the non-payment of a 1) 0 °'; rate. That rate had been paid by persons in Leice s t e en , who, hearing of his poverty, felt it an act of c harity . ..1 do so. He was then liberated, but afterwards, a w ore , ' was taken out against him for the amount of 20s. 0 4* He was ordered to appear before fie county magistre te° but when he attended, was n o t p e r m itt e d to go bef o / 4 4. him, and it was stated that if he had brought no ne° ll l % to pay the costs he m us t go t o gao l. H e did go to tee gaol of Leicester, a n d h e now l ay t h ere . H e (Sir Easthope) e• had written to the committing magistrate, stating his intentio n o f b r i ng i ng th e su bj ec t before t he House that ev e ni ng , an d reques ti ng hi m t o c o mmuniet! t : Q the facts of th e case t o some H on . M em b er , but he " J. Easthop e ) i n en d eavour i ng t o pro c ur e redress to t ee ° one party, should un i n t e ntionally injure the other. •°` e had recei v ed an answer f rom Leicester that morning . ; and he was exceedingly grieved to say that 'b% letter admitted, in substance, the facts as he bad stated them. There was no denial that shoat parties had been committed, on the second warrant , 1 ` ) the longest period it was posible for a magistrate to coin' mit them. There was no denial that the parties we r : not heard in the second instance. It was said, indeeZ. 'that the parties had been summoned, but had not tended. The petition affirmed, however, that the PO* man and woman did appear, but were prevented frail going ;into the magistrate's room, because they b e t , brought no money. They were prevented by the ve e p parties whose duty it was to take them before the rne; gistrates, and, without the opportunity of a hearing. t he ' b were sent to gaol. It was a most painful case an d • could assure the House that it was with the utmost p a ! ° that he came there to represent the circumstances of The case had produced the greatest excitement, not (113 , 11 in the town he represented, but throughout te e , county also, and every per s on there was watch inle with the most earnest attention the deterenina.t i t i to which the House might come upon this sub.)°, - He would beg leave to ask the Right Hon. Baronet, woe ther the facts of the case had come to his knowledge' and if so, whether he had made it the subject of a spe cial inquiry? He begged also to ask whether any return had been received from the cons en d mating magistrates? whethc rit was the intention of the Right on Barone', to take the proper steps so as to prevent the necessity or his (Sir Jelin leaethope's) again troubling the House upon the subject ? Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Hon. Baronet 1 144 , 1 been so obliging as to notify to him that morning his intension of br i n g i ng the subject under the considers" tion of the House. He had, in additi6n, at an early period of the eve n i ng , p resente d two pet i t i ons having re' fereuce to the same circumstance. He (Sir J. Grallaw' IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 2. The rud6ey Gas Bill was read a third time and parsed. Mr. W. PATTEN presented a petition against the Liverpool Guardian Gas Bill. CALICO PRINT WORKS. Mr. M. GIBSON, hi:mg inquired whether it was the intention to proceed with Lord Ashley's Bill for the regulation of calico print works, presented five petitions from various manufacturing places against any restriu- tion of their labour. Mr. HAWES presented petitions from West Ham, in Essex, and other places, to the same effect Lord ASHLEY presented a petition from 500 opera tives at Crayford, in Kent, expressing their desire that the measure should pass into law, ruggesting some amendments ; and stating their wish that even a modi fied measure should be passed, rather than that the Bill . - should be altogether lost. On the motion that the Bill be read a second time, Sir J. GRAHAM said that when the Noble Lord first brought the measure before the house he deemed it his duty to give it his most earnest and anxious con sideraf on. He b. I:eved the Bill was introduced on the 12th of March—(Laughter)—and with a view to the discussion which must certainly arise on the sec)nd reading, he had endeavoured, with the assistance of his colleagues in the Government, to institute such inquiries as should place them in the posses sion of the fullest information respecting every portion of its details that it was possible to obtain. For that purpose he had made it his business to extend his investigations to every part of the manufacturing dis tricts of the United Kingdom. The House was aware that the factory inspectors had certain districts assigned them, in which they had respectively appointed sub-in spectors. It was the business of these sub-inspectors to place themselves in personal communication with the individuals most looked up to among the indus trial classes. Into the hands of every one of these sub-inspectors a copy of the Bill had been placed, with instructions to ascertain the effects its clauses were likely to have on the manufacturing community; and since the first readirg, on March 12, he had assembled these factory inspectors, and a portion of the sub-inspectors in London, in order to get the most precise infor mation, and the fullest information which through their inquiries had been obtained. Ha had given to the Bill itself, and to the information which he had received, his most earnest attention. As he had stated to the House at the time this Bill was introduced, and as he stated now, it was his most anxious desire to give his full acce dence to the measure of the Noble Lord (Lord Ashley), and it was a sense of duty alone which restrained him from givirg his support to the object of the Noble Lord. He would further state what had been the result of the inquiries as to the information which had been received, and which had determined himself and his col leagues as to the course which they intended to pursue with respect to this Bill. If he assented to the second reading of the Bill, he beggi d it to be distinctly understood that neither himself nor the Government would consider themselves for one moment as pledged to all the details of the enact ments proposed by the Noble Lord, many of which it would be his painful duty, but still his duty, to resist. Ile was bound to say that there were many pro visions in that Bill to which he could not assent, but still he was not prepared on the part of the Government to deny that some regulation respecting the employment of children and females in print-works was necessary ; and, admitting that necessity, he could not oppose the second reading of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) When as senting to the principle of a Bill on the second reading, it was not usual to go into details, but when he recol lected the importance of the interests involved, he thought it was right that he should state to the House what were the provisions of the Bill to which he ob jected, and what were the amendments which he, in Committee, intended to suggest as preferable to the pro visions proposed by the Noble Lord. In the first place, he objected to the great extension of the objects of the Bill, which was apparent from comparing the interpreta tion clause with the title. The extension which must take p l ace in consequence of the construction which must be put upon the first clause of the Bill, he had the most insuperable objection to. The title of the Bill referred only to the labour of children em ployed in calico print-works, but by the inter - pretation clause the operation of the measure was extended far beyond print works. By that clause the provisions of the Bill were extended to all mills, or se parate houses where dying, bleaching, or calendaring was carried on. If this was grounded on analogy with the Factory Bill it would be found that no analogy existed between them. In factories the labour was de pendant altogether on machinery which might be stopped at any fixed hour. But the converse of the fact applied to the subject at present under discussion ; it was un connected with machinery and depended almost entirely upon the state of the atmosphere. He was bound fur ther to state that it appeared, as far as his inquiries ex tended, although in print-works children were exten sively employed, yet that in dying, bleaching and calen daring, the number of children employed was very few. His first ohjectiou was to extending the provisions of this Bill beyond print-works to bleaching grounds, dying manufactories, and calendaring works There were peculiarities connected with those works, which he had specified at considerable length on former occasions ; and one of the most painful circumstances connected with the trade, was that the demand, and consequently the labour, was not continuous throughout the year. There was a very great demand for labour at certain periods, while at other periods there was a great falling off. The trade, during the spring and autumn, gave employment to an increased number of workers, and demanded an extension of the hours of labour ; but after that period the demand relaxed, and many of those workers were, comparatively speaking, unemployed. During this period of the time, every thing depended on the work being executed with the greatest possible dispatch. Everything, in fact, was secondary to the promptitude with which the market was supplied ; and he so far therefore disagreed with the Bill of the Noble Lord, that its provisions did not meet these peculiar circumstances. He was not, therefore, prepared to assent to that part of the Bill which enacted that children should only work eight hours each day, or on alternate days twelve hours. Having stated his objections to the Bill of the Noble Lord, he should now refer- to those provisions, after the second reading, to which be would bo ready to assent. He would say, on the part of the Government and for himself, that they were quite prepared to accede to that part of the Noble Lord's measure which restricted the hours of labour of children under eight years of age. He agreed to the provision of the Bill Which proposed to do away night• work by children, because the same principle had been more than once affirmed by the House in reference to females. In the Act of last session the House thought it right to regulate the night labour of females in factories, and he was therefore now prepared to agree to that part of the Bill which provided that children between the ages of eight and thirteen should not be employed in calico factories at night. It now became ne cessary for him to make allusion to the Noble Lord's definition of a night. The Noble Lord proposed to establish a double definition, varying in winter and summer ; but, upon the whole, he (Sir J. Graham) was inclined to think it would be better to have only a single definition of the eight , —(Hear, hear.? He would, how. .~ , chat *xcl ceec will ber lr'oo 'hop 'this Mir the 801 T ma! 5110, pare him the Wit] lick son, plot PM PO') Tel