The Sun. — London, England, 1836-09-05 00:00:00

~. ~:~ and which must be my guide hereafter. I look baCk to the question of a Reform of the House of Commons ; and I ask you, what was the vote which I gave on that occasion ? It was decidedly to oppose organic change. The object of that reform was to do away with the rotten borough system, and to put an end to the nomination of Members of the House of Commons by certain Members of the House of Lords, as being inconsistent with the principles of our Constitution.—( Hear.) It was therefore to prevent an organic change that a Bill was framed, having for its object a restoration of the rights of the people, by which they could make free exercise of those rights by returning their representatives to P a rliament.—(Hear, hear.) Now, then, I say, the very same principle will be my guide ' hereafter, not to depart from those early lessons I have learnt—from that principle I have long acted upon, and I must oppose any attempt to introduce election into the House of Lords.—.(Hear, hear.) It was the opinion of one of the greatest philosophers and statesmen of antiquity, Cicero, who laid down his opinion in more beautiful lan guage than I can describe, that all forms of government which he knew, he thought the best would be established by a union of the three existing forms, that was, the Kingly, the Aristocratical, and the Democratical.—(Hear, hear.) The Government of En land for centuries has been com posed of those three estates ; we have had a Constitution founded in that manner, under which we have prospered, and for God's sake do not let us, for any momentary dis appointment, plunge ourselves into difficulties from which we cannot see our way out.—(Hear, hear.) I know that some ardent politicians, some persons loving freedom as well but no better than myself, have pointed to America, and have said, there you seen an elective Monarchy, and an elective Upper House of Parliament, all working well.— ( Hear.) I say, wait a little longer. You have not seen that system of government tried in any other part of the world. America is yet young ; wait and see what civil commotion may produce when it rises up among them. It has been said that good can never come out of evil. I think we can see the prospects of some evil. I will ask whether America can do well under her accursed system of slavery? —(Hear, hear.) I will ask whether good can come out of -such a system ?—(No, no.) What is it that we can con template under it but a civil war? As the population in creases, and those who are held in bondage become stronger, their anxiety to free themselves from their oppressors will increase, and we shall have the slave states in open hosti lity against the free states, and her Government will be come_as powerless as it is powerful at present.—( Hear, hear-) And then, gentlemen, we shall see whether they do not want some of that stability which our ablest and best writers have attributed to an hereditary Monarchy and an hereditary House of Lords.—( Cheers.) It may be said that I am taking a &Spending - view of the question, that we have arrived at a period of great difficulty, and that there is no remedy left ; I say there is a remedy, for when tiiings come to that state, the power is in the voice of the people.—(Hear, and - cheers.) Let your voices be heard in petitions to the two Houses of Parliament ; let them try the experiment of a new election ; let every man who loves well-regulated, freedom then give his vote to return more Liberal members, and take my word for it the House of Lords will soon see its error.—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I thank you most cordially for the attention with which you have heard me, and I will now conclude by again intreating you not to withdraw your confidence from such a Minister as Lord Melbourne.—(Hear.) The Hen. Baronet sat down amidst loud applause. The Cnasinmasis--The next toast is one which affords net as much pleasure to give lam sure it will give plea sure to yon to drink, for I ken.v no man who, through a political life, has walked more consistently and inure lionourably than your worthy representative Mr. Baines, — (Great cheering.) " Edward Baines, Esq., the Liberal eMember for the borough of Leeja." The toast was drunk with immense cheering. EDWARD BAINES, Eq., rose to acknowledge the ('empliment, and was loudly cheered. After some prelimi nary remarks he said :—The state oF political parties is at present very embarrassing. We have in the House of Commons an assembly chesen under a Tory Ministry, very well disposed to listen to and support all the measures that are introduced by a Liberal Adm:nistration.—(Hear, They have what is called a fair working majority--a mai°. ritv capable of carrying through their measures with tole rably good success ; but when those measures come into the House of Lords they have to encounter very serious and often insurmountable difficulties, and those dtfileulties lead to the sacrifices of which my Hon. Friend has spoken. (Hear, hear, hear.) At the same time I must say, that I was certainly much gratified at the manly declaration made by the - Hon. Baronet, my excellent friend, that he does not think we are come to that pass that we need to Lave aay organic change in the Constitution, the people having the power in their own hands to remedy the existing evif.—(Hear.) Because, Gentlemen, what is our situa tion As to the differences between the HouSe of Lords and the house of Commons ? Have we not seen measures carried decidedly more important than any than remain to be settled ?—(Cries of Hear, hear.) Have we not seen, in spite of the House of Lords, when the people have spoken out and boldly declared their opinionS, measures to which they were as determinately and violently opposed as to the measures the loss of which we have now, to deplore carried into a law, and the people now receiving the full benefit of those measures ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) There sits on my right an Hon. Friend of mine (Mr. Gas keli) who represents a borough which, on one occasion, pre sented a scene such as it was the glory of Englishmen to witness.—(Cheers.) We do not wish to see such scenes every day ; but when the people were determined that the great measure of Parliamentary Reform should be carried, that measure was achieved, and that without any alteration in the }louse of Lords.—(Hear, hear.) And this teaches us the very important lesson, that the public voice, when unequivocally expressed, must and will command attention. —(Hear.) That is the kind of voice which you must make intelligent to that assembly. You must return to the House of Commons such politicians as you returned after the passing of the Reform Bill ; and do you suppose then that the House of Lords will treat your opinions with indifference or contempt : ?---(Hear, hear.) I believe if the people of Erie-- land will take a lesson from the two elections since the b passing of the Reform Bill, they will reform the conduct without altering the constitution of the House of Lords. It is by speaking out unequivocally in the choice of their repre sentatives, and on those groat questions which they wish to have carried, that the desired change is to he efficted.— (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, we have been told that nothing has been done in the last Session of Parliament ; and by whom have we been told it ? By Lord Lyndhurst, the leader of the Opposition in the House of Lords. First, his Lordship'and his Tory supporters put a drag-chain on the wheels of the Government, and then they find fault because those wheels do not revolve with their accustomed celerity. We have had no reason to complain of the want of Irish Bills introduced by my Noble Friend, Lord Morpeth, into the House of Commons ; the complaint has rather been that they were too numerous. But when they were sent up to the House of Lords they were either rejected, or so mutilated, as to render them impassable by the other House of Parliament.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But it is a mistake to say, that in the last Session of Parliament little or nothing' was done. There was a great deal done. There was the Tithe question settled—a question of more importance to the interests of agriculture and the tranquil lity of the Church than any measure ever passed on that suoject since the Reformation.—(Hear, hear.) There was the Marriage Bill ; there was the Bill for the Registration of Births, Marriages, and Deaths ; there was the Stamp ,Duties Bill : there was the Customs Duties Bill, and I find no fewer than one hundred and ninety-three Bills for rail roads, canals, turnpike roads, docks, harbours, and other public improvements in various parts of the country passed during that detained session. —(Cheers.) Is' that doing nothing?—(Hear, hear.) Besides these committees there were others relating to the jurisprudence, the trade, the commerce, and agriculture of the country, in which infor mation was collected of the high es t possible interest. Un doubtedly a great number of measures have failed during the last session of Parliament, but it is not to be supposed that they are finally lost.—(Hear, hear.) A great many other toasts were subsequently drunk, and the company did not separate till past one o'clock. EAST CUMBERLAND ELECTION. (Abridged from the Carlisle Journal of Saturday.) The election of a Member for the Eastern Division of this county, in the room of Mr. Blamire, who has accepted the ofEce of Chief Commissioner under the new Tithe Act, took place yesterday at Carlisle. Mr. James, of Barrock Lodge, formerly M.P. for Car lisle, as art old and tried Reformer, was invited by a requi sition signed by nearly 1,000 electors, to allow himself to be put in nomination, free of expense; and accepted the flattering compliment. As no other candidate offered him sal, the election excited comparatively little interest. On the hustings we observed• H. Howard, Esq., of Corby Castle ; H. Howard, Esq., Greystoke Castle ; F. Aglionby, • Esq., Nunnery ; P. H. Howard, 'Esq., M.P. ; W. Mar shall, Esq., M.P. ; W. Crakenthorpe, Esq.; Thomas Sal keld, Esq., of Holm Hill; C. S. Featherstonhaugh, Esq., Kirkoswald ; John Dixon, Esq., of Knells ; G. G. Moun- Bey, Esq. ; Joseph Ferguson, Esq., of Fisher-street ; John Connell, Esq. ; James Connell, .Esq. ; Joseph Salkeld, Esq. ; George Ferguson, Esq., and numerous other gentle men of the first respectability. The usual formalities having been gone through, the High Sheriff requested that a candid hearing might be given to each gentleman who wished to address the meeting. FRANCIS AGLIONEY, of Nunnery, then stepped forward, and said—ln proposing Mr. James, of Barrock, I am pro / osing a man who is anxious that you should derive all the benefits which were expected to arise from the Re fon u I. think, for my own part, that it is high ou'lllPNe 111 1 Possession of them The blessing of cheap government is still withheld from us.—(Hear, hear.) I should be sorry to say anything to lower the authority of the second 'branch of the le gislature ; but when I sec them forgetting that the ob ject of all laws is the happiness of the people, I must enter my protest against their proceedings.—(Cheers.) It would have been more consonant with their high cha racter, to endeavour to gain the affections of the people, instead of struggling to gain that power which they have lost, and which they ought never to have possessed.— (Hear, hear.) They may think that bit by bit reforms will satisfy the nation ; but they are greatly mistaken. It is im possible for the nation to be satisfied until it gets relief, from the burdens of which it complains. The people grudge that more is bestowed on the Church than they deem necessary ; they grudge the Pension List, which they look upon as a waste of their means for the aggrandisement of Courtiers, their wives, their daughters, their sons, and sons-in-law. And above all they begrudge an over grown Colonial establishment, intended only for the benefit of the aristocracy and their connections : an estaVishment adding military to clerical burthens. It is our duty to en deavour to obtain relief from those things of which we complain, and to do so we must send to Parliament as our representative an unflinching Reformer ; and such a man I look upon Mr. James to be.(Applause.) Having lived for some time in Ireland, I have been an eye-witness to the working of the system, and can speak from personal experience of its effects. i resided for some time in the Archiepiscopal city of Tuam, where the population is as distinctly Catholic as the p o pulation of Spain ; and -- yet there is a Protestant Cathedral, with all the appendages of such an establishment—except a congregation.—(Cheers.) I have always been the humble friend and advocate of re ligious freedom. What I claim for myself is, freedom to worship God in my own way. I beg now, brother elec tors, to propose William James as our representative ; because, throughout his public life he has ever been found faithful amongst the faithless ; and because I believe that he will represent the feelings and the wishes of a large majority of enlightened constituency. fIENRY HOWARD, Esq., of Greystoke Castle, seconded the nomination of Mr. James. _ _ _ The Hiatt SHERIFF then asked if any one had another candidate to propose ; and there being no answer, he de clared Mr. James duly elected amidst general cheering. W. JAMES, Esq., then presented himself, and was re ceived with a hearty cheer. He said, I thank you for that gratifying and welcome cheer, upon making my appearance once - more as a public man. I need hardly tell you the high sense I entertain of the honour you have just been pleased to confer upon me, - by appointing me one of the Representatives of the Eastern Division of this County. agree most fully with my friends who have preceded me, that we never shall obtain our rights—that we never shall obtain justice, until the House of Lords be reformed, and in some way made responsible to the nation.—(Great cheering.) The whole of the mischief 2.ppears to have arisen from the excessive creation of Peers ,during the latter reigns—especially during the reigns of George the Third and Fourth ; for it should never be forgotten, in con sidering this point, that the real, the ancient nobility of Elie-- land—the Russels, the Howards, the Cavendishes, and' others—(Hear, hear) —these are the friends to liberal principles—these were the supporters of Earl Grey in car rying the Reform Bill ; these arc the supporters of the present liberal Government.—( Hear, hear.) During the Session of Parliament just ended, the Government intro duced and passed through the Commons various measures of improvement, which no sooner reached the Lords than they were immediately barked—( Laughter and chcers)— or mangled in such a degree as not to be recognised by their original authors.—(Haar, hear.) Some of these were of a conciliators' character towards that most ill-fated country, Ireland.—(Hear, bear, hear.) I never had the good for tune, like my friend Major Aglionby to visit that fine country ; bUt I a ree id every word he hums said svith regard to the Irish Protestant Church Establishment. I meant to see ;he hard-working clergyman receive something more than the wages of a mechanic, and I think the Bishops and dignitaries might be very well content with something less than the incomes of Princes. I am as warmly attached as any man to the Protestant religion ; and it is because I am so, that I wish to see those abuses abolished. I ought not, also, to forget the evils of non-residence and pluralities ; these ought to form part of every plan of a satisfactory cha racter with respect to Church Reform.—(llear, hear.) But really, the great question now for consideration before the country is', not so piuch what reforms are desirable, but what impediments must be removed in order to obtain them. No doubt the object of the factious conduct of the Tory Peers is to drive the present Ministers from office, in order to bring about their own selfish purposes.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) You have been pleased to send me to Parliament ; and I shall go there resolved to do all in my power to support the present liberal Government ; and I ask you, the electors of East Cumberland, if you arc not also disposed to go along with that Government in advancing the cause of steady reform ?—if you will not also support an administration acting on the principles of liberty—shaping its course in accordance with the feelings of the nation— anxious to consider your wants and redress your wrongs— \ willing to throw open to all who require them, equal rights and privileges ?—or will you suffer yourselves to be governed by an irresponsible faction, actuated by views directly op posite to those of Reform, defending every abuse, resisting every measure conducive to the national welfare, and re solved, as far as they have the power, to make the Reform Bill valueless ?—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, you may rely upon it, so long as the Peers possess irresponsible power, so long will abuses be nurtured and cherished—their object evidently being to thwart every good measure which the Commons, after days and nights of the severest toil for months together, have sent up for their consideration, and one half of them not even being at the trouble to attend to perform this office. It is their privilege to decide ques tions which they do not know, and to give their opinions upon subjects affecting the interests, not only of this na tion and of civilized Europe, but of mankind, without having been present, and, of course, not having heard one single word of the debate. What would you say of twelve jurymen who should take upon them selves to decide a cause of importance, nine of the number not having heard one word of the evidence ? Would you be satisfied with their verdict ?—(No, no.) I ask the most yellow man amongst you, would you be satisfied with their verdict ?—(Loud cheers, and cries of " No, no.") The first thing to he done, then, in my judgment, towards a Reform of the House of Lords, is to abolish the right of voting by proxy. It is a disgrace, in my opinion, to any legislative assembly. This and more must be accomplished, unless we be prepared to give up all pretensions to the character of a free people, and submit at once to be the'slaves of a domi neering and haughty oligarchy.—(Applause.) Talk of the tyranny of a democracy, indeed ! What tyranny can be greater, or more galling, than that 170 individuals, placed in power by the mere accident of birth, should possess the power of thwarting every good measure, and opposing every improvement.—(Hear, hear.) I observe the reporter of the Patriot newspaper near me. I hope he will take a note of these words—what tyranny can be greater than this? But I beg pardon for this digression. I was proceeding to comment on the shameless conduct of the Peers, in stopping all legislation ; and as not satisfied with this, but finally adding insult to injustice through the mouth of their leader,—the Noble Baron Lyndhurst, who was likened with great jus tice, by Lord Melbourne, to King Charles's Minister, the Earl of Strafford. You all know what became of him.— (Applause.) lam willing to hope that this gross insult to the nation was spoken in heat of debate, unpremeditatedly, unadvisedly. If so, the English people, who are of a for givin& nature, may pardon and overlook it ; but should this Noble Lord pursue the same unconciliatory and reckless course, during the next Session, thereby endangering the Constitution, and even the Monarchy, I hope that the po pular cry for justice against Lyndhurst will become as loud and prove as effective, as it was against Strafford in the time of Charles. Sure I am, that in such a case he will de serve a similar fate to that of his great prototype before him.—(Applause.) These are my sentiments at the pre sent crisis.=(Mr. James then retired amidst loud cheering.) On account of the unfavourable state of the weather, it was agreed to dispense with the usual ceremony of chairing, One of the most valuable mineral properties, as it regards iron and coal, which has been in the market for some years, appears in our columns this evening. The coal is of that valuable kind called Anthracite, which is considered stronger than coals in general use by more than 25 per Cent.— that coming into great use in American general steam navi gation. Two young men of good families of Brussels, having quarrelled about a young and pretty milliner, who had be stowed her favours equally on both, met on the 27th in the Bois de la Chambre, and exchanged a case of pistols each, without effect. The hot-blooded youths wished to renew their shots, but their seconds, being cooler and wiser, interfered, and recommended, that as they had placed their lives at the risk of chance, they should do the • same with regard to their mistress, and toss up for her. This was done, but the winner, after a moment's reflection, ardently embraced his late anta gonist, who had been till then his bosom friend, and said, " I swear by my honour I will never see her again, and thus she will not belong to either of us."—Belge. VIOLET ; OR , THE DANSEUSE.—" This work," observes the Literary Gazette, " is obviously a first produc tion. There is a freshness, an earnestness, about a first book, which even the most successful author regrets ; it is the first love, and the whole heart is in it. Violet' is a most remark vigour, and t rut h, set f ort h b y a sin able work, full of feeling, gularly dramatic style. The heroine is conceived in a spirit of exquisite poetry ; she is a lady of nat ure ' s ma ki ng .' H er story is of intense interest, and there are scenes whose pathos is unrivalled." Paganini is not ill, as has been stated, but has been. passing some months in a comparative state of seclusion at his country house, near Geneva. 21-A THE SUN, LONDOIA MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1836. JUSTICE TO IRELAND"-AND TO ENGLAND. (From the Spectator.) Darrynane Abbey, Aug. 27. SlR—The Spectator does " penetrate to Darrynane ;" else I should be deprived of much entertainment and in struction also, and of the opportunity of setting myself right with you and your readers. The substantial point in difference between us is this— I assert that the majority of the English nation are indif ferent, or worse, hostile, to the claim of the people of Ire land to " justice." I assert that indifference, or rather that hostility. This you deny. I wish you would convince me that you are right in so denying ; but you content yourself with as sailing my reasons. And for this purpose you have one great advantage over me, resulting from a preposterous re port of a speech of mine made in Dublin. The species of argument given in that report is indeed absurd, but absurd to the very last point of absurdity. My vanity is much piqued that any person who knew me for an hour should bring himself to believe me capable of testing public opinion by the conduct of the Chandos voters. In sober sadness, I will say that I am not capable of any such nonsense. The substance of what I said on the occasion was just this—,-which is my present opinion also—•" That I would concede, for argument sake, that a numerical majority of all the people of England were favourable to doing justice to Ireland ; yet that the disposition of the English nation towards Ireland was best evinced by the class ofvoters'— that class constituted the portion of the English people most if not solely efficient for political purposes. I insisted that it was by Me class of voters alone that the opinion of England could be known with any certainty. It was true that such class included the Chandos voters, who in general had not the power to express their own sentiments, and showed only those of their landlords—so far the experiment was not complete—but whatever defect existed in the ex periment as to the counties, was compensated for by the town of Newcastle, when the only difference between the two candidates was that which touched the Government of Ireland. 'The enemy to Ireland was elected, and the friend to Ireland rejected." I therefore said, " that if it were asserted to me that the people of England are favourable to the Irish, my an swer would be in one word, Newcastle." You say this would be a foolish answer. My reply is, that it would be quite a rational answer. As far as mere assertion we are upon an equality. But you proceed to reasoning. You say Blacket was rejected by the Newcastle electors because he was a mere Whig— that he did not go far enough for the Reformers of New castle, who therefore rejected him. You also allege that if a Radical Reformer had stood, the result would have been his return to Parliament. According to you, the Reformers of Newcastle rejected Blacket because he was a Whig, whereas they would have elected him had he been a thorough Reformer. Patience, my good Sir, patience —you go too far. Re collect that Newcastle did not merely and singly reject Blacket for not being Reformer enough, but it elected Hodgson, who is no Reformer at all. If the Newcastle men acted upon your principles, and re jected a mere Whig, why, what confounded blockheads must they be to elect an unequivocal Tory ! Really, with all your talent, you look only at one side of the question. You see Blacket rejected, and you ex claim—" Mighty well ! Out with him! He is not Re former enough. Out with him ! The mere Whig!" You forget in your joy at the blow given to the Whigs, that there is a stronger blow given to the cause of Reform by the election of a stark staring Tory. No ; the truth is, that the experiment at Newcastle was complete. There was but one essential difference between Hodgson and racket, only one that related to Ireland. Blacket was fir the Ministry, who are tranquillizing Ire land by some practical justice ; he was tbr the appropria tion clause ; he was fur Municipal Reform in Ireland. Hodgson, on the contrary, was against that Ministry ; against the appropriation clause ; against Corporate Reform in Ireland. It was impossible to bring before the minds of English men in a more simple and single shape the question of " good g overnment for Ireland." There was no other question at that election. Both candidates rejected Ballot and short Parliaments, and extension or universality of suffrage. The Irish question was the only question ; the only difference between them. How can you, then, shrink from my conclusion, that the result proves the electors of Newcastle to be either indferent or hostile to the rights of the Irish people You suggest that the majority was divided by the Ra dicals, who would have elected Colonel Napier—and in truth they could not have found a better man ; or Sharman Crawford, who is introduced by you I do not distinctly know why—but be it so : then it was Rldical Reformers who turned the scale. Alas, for poor Ireland, when her friend was rejected, and her avowed enemy returned, not by Tories or neutral politicians, but by Radicals! Thus you strengthen my argument, instead of weaken ing it : and you give me double cause of regret—first, be cause you confirm my impression of English hostility to Ireland ; and secondly, because, instead of rousine , English honesty to bestir itself f or I re l an d, you s hif t and t palliate the nature of the crime committed—and, alas, renewable —by the English constituencies. You say it was English sympathy that secured for Ire land emancipation. I should be delighted to believe it ; but I cannot, because I know directly the reverse to be the fact. An immense majority of the English were violently hostile to that measure. Only look at the list of petitions in the year 1829 ; and recollecting that the Government party, as well as all the sections of Liberals, were opposed to adverse petitions, it will, I think, convince you that we owe nothing to an English majority—though we owe much to individual English advocates—for that emancipation, which, after all, was mainly achieved by ourselves. Her " hereditary bondsmen" did it, and here I am who led them on. It is to the last degree discreditable to the English na tion to be indifferent to the rights of the Irish people. In the first place, it proves a want of gratitude ; secondly, it proves a want of due attention to their own liberties, be cause the popular party in Ireland are active and ready partisans of British freedom ; thirdly, it proves great igno rance of the best interests of Great Britain, because, if the Irish people were fairly and justly treated, they would be the best consumers with whom the British manufac turers could deal in peace, and in war they would be the best allies Britain could have—whereas, whilst the Irish people experience injustice, their consequent poverty un favourably affects British manufactures and commerce in times of peace, and as to war—Great Britain can never again attempt to go to war whilst Ireland has just cause of disaffection. Upon these points we agree, and our policy aims at the same objects. But you think you will drive the Whig Ministry into a course of more active exertion for mea sures of amelioration. Ido much fear you will fail. Lord Melbourne and his Cabinet seem not to understand their own position. They have the Court party hostile to them to the last degree, because in that party centres the worst practical details of Toryism. They have the Lords, led on by the most base of mankind, sustained by the , most selfish of the human race, and encouraged by the least chivalrous but the most daring of successful adven turers—they have such a Hnuse of Lords to contend with. It is true, they might have the people, the irresistible peo ple with them—but they neglect the people—they foolishly neglect the people, and more foolishly endeavour to conci liate enemies who have neither the inclination nor even the capability of being conciliated. It is, I admit, a most melancholy thing to find the Whig Ministry in such a position. They have the means within their reach to be all-powerful. They have only to throw themselves on the people—to act for the people, with the people, and in aid of the exertions of the people. What a glorious career lies before Lord Melbourne and his colleagues, if they do but possess energy and integrity adequate to the lofty destiny that awaits them ! They may, if they please, add more than one-third to the strength and resources of the empire. They may conciliate Ireland, and become the first of benefactors to Great Britain. See how successful is Lord Mulgrave's experiment—consistik of nothing but the working out of common sense and common honesty Yes, but it is a vigorous exhibition of common sense—it is a manly, display of common honesty ! The Melbourne Administration may give to the British Crown seven millions , of friends and supporters, they may confer permanent prosperity on those seven millions of human beings, and on their accumulating prosperity. No Ministry ever had so glorious a career before them. Ireland, after more than six centuries of unmitigated op pression, is ready for conciliation—for union—for identifica tion with Britain. The first dawn of impartiality is the first exhibition of dutiful tranquillity. The great national question can, nay, MUST now be decided—Are the Irish people to be fellow-subjects ;or are they to be—l will write it--ENEMIES ? Lord Melbourne may blot out the enmity for ever—he may make the Irish willing and most useful subjects. But for this purpose—and I joy that it should be soL—he must satisfy the rational portion of the English people. He must content the English and Scotch Dissenters—they ask only for "justice? He must become the advocate of an increased and extended franchise. He must consent to shorten the duration of Parliament. He must not shrink from the ballot. Above all, he must prepare for the conflict with the Lords. The contest has begun by and from the Lords. Hitherto the Ministry and the Com mons have not gone beyond—even if they have reached —mere passive resistance. The state of active hostility must commence. It will commence, either under Mi nisterial auspices or without the countenance of Minis ters. One way or the other, the fight must be carried on. The Lords have already begun on their part. If the Ministry.deseri the people in this crisis, revolutionary dan zers will necessarily occur—nay, a violent revolution is, in my opinion, inevitable. The Lords will yield only to a defeat. The people cannot much longer endure aristo cratic despotism. A violent overthrow of our present institutions must be the result of the present posture of affairs, unless . the " Reform of the Lords" becomes the watchword of the Ministerial party. If Lord Melbourne will but conduct and manage that necessary organic change —if he will combine in his own person the popular leader with the King's Minister—the transition will be easy and safe, and secure from social change or individual misery. His duty to his King and to his country equally demand, not that he should ride " on the political whirlwind and direct the storm," but that he should prevent every such whirlwind, and render such a storm unnecessary, and there fore impossible. The Ministry of Lord Melbourne owe a debt of grati tude to the Irish. Let them enable themselves to pay that debt, by joining now heart and hand with the rational Re formers of England. The Peers—the Peers have shaken the foundation of the Throne—they have actually made the crown totter on the royal head !—and at this moment the Monarchy is not safe, because the Lords are as selfishly malevolent towards the people as they are blindly confi dent in their supposed strength and stability. Unless the aristocracy of the peerage be curbed and reformed, they will involve the Monarchy in one common ruin with themselves. In this, not coming, but existing struggle, Lord Mel bourne's Cabinet can reckon on the zealous, the ardent, and the efficient support of the Irish people and of their representatives. We all feel deeply indebted to the pre sent Ministry. It is the best—the only good Adminis tration for Ireland that ever existed. If we go to the very verge of propriety in support of the present Ministers, their conduct in Ireland is our excuse—ay, and our justi fication. It cannot be denied that Lord Mulgrave's go vernment of Ireland has been as nearly perfect as the nature of man, and, above all, as the nature of our insti tutions, could possibly admit. The only thing the Irish people desire is, that the law would enable Lord Mulgrave to do all the good he wishes. Ireland would be for ever tranquil s and prosperous if the principle of Lord Mulgrave's government was transferred to the Statute-book, and that the law enforced those just measures which he so anxiously endeavours to introduce. The greatest curse that could be inflicted on Ireland would be a return of the Tories to power. I do verily believe, that such return would be the greatest calamity the English people and the English Monarch could sustain. I have wandered from my subject. You will pardon me. You see we agree in essentials. The Ministry must POPULARIZE themselves in England—or Great Britain is deeply injured, and Ireland totally ruined for a century. I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant, DANIEL O'CONNELL. FRANCE. (From the French Papers of Friday). The formation of the Ministry, it appears, makes no progress, which the press in general attributes to the ex treme exigency of M. Guizot, who will be satisfied with nothing short of absolute power in the Cabinet, which he manifests by the positions he demands for his friends and himself. If' the Constitutionnel may be relied on, it would seem that the Duke de Broglie, who has arrived at Paris, is not likely to accept a seat in the new Cabinet, as he is reported to have said, on learning what was passing, " Faith I do not see how the late Ministers were wrong in this af fair. In their place I would have acted as they have done, and still would do so." Since the intelligence was received by telegraph of the advantage gained over the Carlists by the division of Soria, the reports of the officers of Don Carlos have claimed the victory for themselves. Detailed accounts, however, since received, confirm the statement of the Pretender's troops having been worsted. The following is an extract of a letter from Bordeaux, dated August 29, 8 in the evening :—" Official details have just been roceived upon the victory of the army of the centre. This army, the division Of Soria, which upon the news of the event; at Malaga proclaimed the Constitution, attacked in the environs of Lueno the combined forces of Quilez, Cabrera, and Forcadil, forming an effective body of 10,000 men. After a battle which lasted two days, and in which the national troops displayed extraordinary enthusiasm, the three Carlist chiefs weae defeated, notwithstanding their numerical superiority. The rout of the Carlists wrs com plete. Their loss was considerable ; 5,000 muskets, and about 500 horses and baggage, have fallen into the hands of the national troops. This victory appears to be at least as great as that of Irribarren. Forcadil, with a remnant of his forces, retired in the direction of Valencia to join a band commanded by a monk. Forces are marching against these two leaders." A letter of the 27th ult. from Oleron states, that the French Consul resident at Pau has ceased to pay the vo lunteers furnished by the Queen of Spain by the best regi ments of France. The Phare de Bayonne of the 30th ult. contains the following :—" A decree of the 22d ult. orders the organiza tion and mobilization of the national militia of the Penin sula and of the adjacent islands, conformable to a decree of the Cortes of the 29th of June, 1822. The constitutional juntas of Seville and Badajos dissolved themselves as soon as they learned that the Queen had re-established the Con stitution of 1812. The Eco del Conterio of the 24th announces that the chief, Forcadil, who was at La Cenia on the 13th, has •proclaimed Don Carlos as constitutional King of Spain. This must have arisen from the misun derstanding which has broken out between Focadil and Cabrera." The Mcssager accuses the Debats of putting forward names .of persons as Ministers to mislead the public, when it knows very well that M. Guizot is coining in ; and it then goes on to show the improbability of Marshal Soult, M. Dufaure, or M. Barthe coming in with M. Thiers. It adds that this kind of interregnum is pleasing to a cer tain high personage, who thus holds all the powers of the State in his own hands, and sees the ambition and intrigues of men roll by before him—a good pastime for a mind placed in a lofty position, and one not to be blamed if the interests of the country did not demand its being speedily stopped. The Constilutionnel again devotes another article to the demonstration of the impossibility of a Ministry of Doc trinaires, who, it affirms, do not believe in the Charter, and have no faith in the Revolution. The Journal des Debats defends M. Guizot and the Doctrinaires, and attacks the Tiers-parti, calling on the latter to declare what their policy really is. The Journal du Commerce remarks that M. Guizot has let out the secret of the weakness of his party, and of the violent measures to which he is obliged to recur in order to triumph. What, in fact, becomes of the Parlia mentary majority so often boasted of, if the Doctrinaires are afraid to enter into office without stipulating for the dissolution of the Chambers ? What has become of the national majority and the approbation of the country, so eternally talked of, if he is afraid to approach the electors without reserving to himself the means of tyrannizing over the elections? The Quolidienne observes that there is only one serious candidate for the Ministry, M. Guizot: The 11th Octo- her can alone continue the 22d February ; not that the Presidency of M. Guizot is doomed to be longer lived than that of M. Thiers, but that these two political characters are the two extremities of the see-saw upon which the order of things is seated. When one descends, the other neces sarily mounts. If it were possible to re-establish equilibrium between the two, it would constitute the most favourable position that the power of the country could assume. But M. Thiers has been President of the Council, and thus equality has been broken between the two rivals. The Courrier Francais. remarks ironically that the mo ment is well chosen to think of putting a Doctrinaire Ad ministration on the country ! When England is trying to get rid of her aristocracy, and Spain has accomplished her revolution, this is a good time truly to think of a counter revolutionary Cabinet ! It is easy to understand why the Doctrinaires declare against Spain ; that country wanted liberty, and has got it, though it had to make a revolution t. do so. France also made a revolution six years ago, in order to get a free Constitution, which certain people took care to cut down to the dimensions of a charter that was to be a truth, whereas this charter turns out to be still less of a truth than the one which the country had before. (From the French Papers of Saturday.) Although Count Mole and M. Guizot continue to have audiences of the King, it is not to be concluded that any progress has been made in the Ministerial arrangements, for we are assured that affairs remain at the same point as yes terday. It was reported last night that Count Mole was again spoken of for the Presidency of the Council, but this seems mere conjecture. We hear that nothing will be ter minated until Marshal Soult arrives ; and as the courier who carried him orders to come to Paris did not depart till Tuesday, some days must elapse before the Marshal can reach the capital.—Galignani's Messenger. The Paix affirms that the delay in forming the Ministry is not occasioned by any difference of opinion upon political questions, but merely upon the manner in which the places in the Cabinet are to be distributed. The Impartial says that the ex-Ministers no longer present any ordinances for the Royal signature but such as have been long ago resolved on in Council. The Barcelona journals of the 20th, 21st, 22d, and 23d ult., arrived together yesterday, but make no mention of the illness of Mina, spoken of by the journals of the frontier. The Royal decrees, containing the order for proclaiming the constitution of 1812 throughout all Spain, and the nomina Lion of a new Ministry, arrived at Barcelona on the 20th, and produced extraordinary joy there. In the evening there was a general illumination in the city, and all ap peared animated with the greatest enthusiasm and satisfac tion. Mina published the decrees, and accompanied them with the following proclamation :—" So happy an event cannot but fill with joy all Spaniards who love their country, liberty, and the innocent Isabella 11. Let us hasten to celebrate this event, and let a general illumination this evening be the first demonstration of our satisfaction. I do not doubt that the order which you have observed during these latter days, and which has gained for you the admiration of foreigners and the approbation of everybody, will continue to reign, and thus will carry to its highest pitch the prosperity which we have just reached. Wo to those who wander from this noble road ! Long live the Constitution ! Long live Isabella 11. ! Long live Liberty !" Another address orders the proclaiming of the Constitu tion on the 25th with all due ceremony, and gives a pro gramme to that effect in nine articles. The Vapor of the 22d demands that the Isturiz Cabinet should be brought to trial. General Seoane has addressed the following letter to all the Madrid journals :—" On opening my voluminous cor respondence, I daily lose a great deal of time in reacting a great many anonymous letters, warning me that my death is decreed in societies with which I am not nor desire to be acquainted. To save my correspondents the trouble of writing, and myself that of reading, these anonymous epistles, I request that you will, through your estimable pa per, inform the writers, 1. That I release them from the trouble they take in my preservation. 2. That havinc , grown old before my time, and being deprived of a leg, life and death are equally indifferent to me ; and that nothing which ordinarily excites alarm in mankind can quicken the circulation of my blood, or have any influence on my mind. 3. That devoted to Isabella 11., to the Queen Regent, to the liberty and happiness of my country, it is indifferent to me whether I am buried sooner or later, in Madrid or in Navarre, so that I die in defending them." Extract of a letter from Constantinople of the 15th ult., given by the Augsburg Gazette :—" Intelligence from Sa lonica has arrived of the Turkish captains intrusted with the defence of the passes of Thessaly and Albania, after having been dismissed by the Sultan, having raised the standard of revolt. The Pasha of Larissa has had an engagement with them, productive of no result, except the mutual retreat of both parties. Nothing positive is known about the executions ; it is supposed that they were the consequences of a military conspiracy. Other per sons contradict this rumour, and state that the bodies of the superior officers found were those of some who had been drowned while bathing. This circumstance has coincided strangely with the troubles that broke out in a barrack of the capital. The well-known intrigues of the Seras raskier, against Serkadib, and the unexpected journey of the Sultan from Keglerbeg to the Palace of his son in-law, have given rise to the stories of the pretend ed drownings. The last news from Greece, up to the end of July, is satisfactory ; order has been re-established on the frontier ; the brigands have been expelled ; King Otho is expected impatiently, and will, it i s h o p e d, b r i ng a R oya l Consort with him. Letters from Odessa state that in that port, and all those of the Black Sea, great preparations have been made, in consequence of the news of the Em peror Nicholas intending to visit that town, and to enjoy sea-bathing there." The police having learnt that eleven persons had gone to the third floor of a house in the Rue St. Sebiistian, armed with poniards and cartridges, proceeded there on Friday, and arrested them all, after a strong resistance, in the course of which two sergeans-de-ville were wounded. In the aorntment were found 440 pistol cartridges, 420 musket cartridges, 471 musket-balls, a pound of gunpow der, 13 poniards, and 3 more not completely finished.— Journal de Paris. The following letter is addressed to the editor of the Eco del Comercio by Sergeant Garcia, who acted such a conspicuous part in the insurrection at St. Ildefonso : " Many have been the falsehoods invented by malignity to throw discredit on the noble manifestation of feeling made on the night of the 12th at St. Ildefonso by the troops of the garrison there. To these is now to be added the gross and absurd calumny that that manifestation was the result of money distributed to those who had the courage to tear away the veil which obscured the sight of our august Queen Regent, and prevented her from se e i ng th e mis fortunes of country; and the just wishes of the nation over which she rules. Every person of common sense and reflection will undoubtedly perceive the falsehood of such a charge, on considering that that manifestation could only have been the natural result of the movements made by all the provinces of the kingdom for the purpose of driving from power the men who were bringing ruin on the country, and of establishing as the only means of sal vation that fundamental law which the nation had created, and by which it bad been governed at two different pe riods—unfortunate periods, undoubtedly : but which do not on that account cast discredit on the intrinsic merit of a work, singular for its, excellence, and alone capable of securing the real prosperity of Spain. Nevertheless, as all persons have not sufficient sense to understand the true state of the case, I feel myself bound to dis claim in my own name, and in that of my citizen-compa nions, the injurious imputation thrown out against us, and to declare that we, being impelled solely by the love for our country which burns ardently in our breasts, raised the cry of the Constitution with no other motive than the anxious desire of preserving our liberty, and the throne of Isa bella 11. Though not high in the ranks of the army, we are not deficient in valour or elevated sentiments, and are and have been as capable as others of acting with a firm and decided heroism. We have risked our lives, which are above all the wealth of the world, and as becomes true Spaniards are ready to sacrifice our selves for our country. I here defy any person to pro duce a single proof of this calumnious imputation, and declare in the face of the nation that the troops at St. Ildefonso acted with the greatest purity and rectitude for the sake of the constitutional Throne, and the good of our country, which it will ever be our object to support and defend. We unitedly declare, that we shall look upon all those who endeavour to impugn the motives for the patriotic declaration made by us at La Granja in favour of the Con stitution of 1812, as enemies to liberty, to Isabella 11., and to her august mother, and shall consider them as the par tisans of Carlism, or some other ferocious despotism, if, after the publication of this, they should continue to attack the true patriotism of the honourable troops, who only wish for a speedy termination to the political complications which are rending the country. " Serjeant HIGINIO GARCIA, ' Chief of the movement of La Granja." Upon demanding the decision of the Queen in favour of the Constitution, General Espartero made use of ex pressions seeming to intimate that hitherto there had been an intentional avoidance of the enemy. This has been stated and believed by many well-informed persons. The ex pression italics has been much commented upon. The following is the address : " SOLDIERS-Our august Queen-Regent, always solici tous for the welfare and happiness of Spaniards, has deigned to decree the publication of the political constitution of 1812, until the nation assembled in constituent Cortes shall expressly manifest its acceptance of the same, or pro vide another Constitution conformable to the necessities of the country. Soldiers—this new proof of the love en tertained for Spaniards by the heroine of the age, the im mortal Christina, prepares for you a complete triumph over all the partizans of usurpation and tyranny. " At the cost of your blood, you have ever evinced the most pure enthusiasm for the consolidation of a system which, sustaining the throne of the second Isabel, should, at the same time, secure that liberty of which the heroic people whose rights you defend, are so fully deserving. The obstacles to this result will now disappear, and the triumph will be decisive. To accomplish this you will find me always amongst you and prepared, since with such sol diers, and with such salutary measures, victory cannot be doubtful. " BALDOMERO ESPARTERO. 22d August, at Fromista." We regret to inform our readers that the beautiful and magnificent cedar tree, at Hammersmith, is condemned to the axe. This noble tree, supposed to be unrivalled in the kingdom, stands in the grounds of an ancient mansion, near the parish church, and known as Butterwick House (recently pulled down), formerly the residence of Edmund Sheffield, Earl of Mulgrave and Baron of Butterwick, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Already has many of its spreading branches been dismembered from its trunk, and small portions distri buted through the town. This stately tree is 16 feet in circum ference at its stem, and is 60 feet high ; the branches covered an area of 80 feet. In consequence of a challenge sent by Mr. Whyte to Mr. P. Hefting, a hostile meeting took place between the parties, on Friday, on Wimbledon Common, when Mr. Her ring, having received the fire of his antagonist, discharged his shot in the air, accompanied by the declaration that he re frained from returning Mr. Whyte's fire on account of his youth, but that his opinion remained unaltered; whereupon Mr. Beresford, acting as Mr. Whyte's friend (observing that the point in dispute should be referred), withdrew his principal, and the parties left the ground without any reconciliation taking place. Mathews, whose powers in conversation, and whose flow of anecdote in private life, transcended even his public efforts, told a variety of tales of the Kingswood cplliers (King wood is near Bristol), in one of which he represented an old col lier looking for some of the implements of his trade, exclaiming, " Jan, what's the mother done with the new coal sacks ?" " Made pillows on'em," replied the son. " Confound her proud heart," rejoins the collier, " why could she not take t'ould ones ?" The alterations in progress at Marlborough House, St. James's-park, are very extensive. It is to be entirely new ro)fed, and after being put in thorough repair, it will be beauti fied and ornamented in the interior. The repairs necessary in consequence of the dilapidations will amount to nearly 2,0001. MEETING OF THE SHAREHOLDE BS OF THE EASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY. A meeting of the Shareholders of this Railway was held on Thursday, at the Clarendon Rooms, Liverpool, L. Heyworth, Esq., in the chair. The CHAIRMAN said, th a t a t a previous meeting it bad been resolved that the Directors should be written - to, !.° send down Mr. J. C. Robertson, their Secretary, to explain to the Lancashire shareholders the various particulars re specting the speculation on which they wished to be in: formed. A letter had been recei v ed, to which he walla now call their attention.—A lette r was then read from Mr. J. C. Robertson, in which he stated that the directors could not officially give assent to the demand of the Li verpool shareholders. They considered that Mr. Robert; son's attendance was inexpedient, because if he w ent t d one body of shareholders he should go to another , an ~1 indeed, like applications had been made from Norwic h and Manchester. The Directors could not, under the Act, call any but a general meeting, which would take place °ll the 26th of September, being a much earlier time than the Act demanded. The Directors recognised the jai portance of a good understanding between them and the Liverpool subscribers, who were more numerous, and ( from, their experience in railroads) more influential than those of any other place, and hoped that, at the general me eting the Liverpool subscribers would attend. The letter highly eulogised the ability of Mr. Hall, who bad gon e to London to examine into the particulars of the specu lation. Mr. BOLTON moved a resolution of confidence in the , directors, and regretted that Mr. Robertson could attend. Mr. ELLIS YATES seconded the motion, which wa s carried nem. con. A Gentleman moved that the Liverpool shareholders were entitled to share in the direction of the Company. t Mr. WOTHERSPOON asked if the present directors wen out next meeting. The CHAIRMAN—Not until February, 1838. Mr. SMITH wished to know how the affairs and prospects of the Company were. Mr. HALL said, th e R e p or t o f th e H ouse o f Com 110 1! showed that the investm en t m i g ht re t urn 23 per ce nt . Some of the heavier shareholders in Liverpool, howegf! wished to examine more mi n ut e ly i n t o th e prospects of tn d e Company. He accordingly had proceeded to London, an d found the directors and the se cre t ar y mos t w illi ng to affor d him the fullest information. He had not bought or 01 ._ one share since his return, nor wou ld h e b uy u ntil th is o meeting was over.—(Applause.) For passengers alai they calculated on receiving 338,0001. per annum ; ° r the usual railway estimates were made, there would be 450,0001. per annum from this source alone. Besides this they might calculate, from other sources, on a prospecti ve increase of 130,000/. The terminus was at Shoreclit ch and they took no credit for what might accrue from pass el/• gers wishing, from curiosity, to see a line of railway w ithou t a tunnel. There were 64,000 shares in all, of which fro m 15,000 to 20,000 were taken in Liverpool. Mr. JOSEPH KING said, that such shareholders as have not sent their scrip to London, might hand it to him, on guarantee, before the 10th September.—(Applause.) The CHAIRMAN said that the railway would cost a ow lion and a half of money, and the, income from .coacliing alone would pay 11 per cent. The cost of conveyinifj ton of goods from Norwich to Lo n d on was now 9/. 65.'1' per coach, and 51. per van, and by the railway it would be 2/. 13s. 6d. ; but the Act gave this railway the maxilialP of 6d. per ton per mile, while other railways could 0 14 charge 3d. The revenue arising from the carriage of g oods was only estimated before the Commons at 164,000/. Pe r annum, whilst the real amount would be 300,000/. [Or' or according to the original prospectus to 480,000/. yearly For his own part, he had so much confidence in the Coln* pany's prospects, that he would not sell his shares for an enormous premium, unless he was sure of being able t ° replace them.—(Applause.) There was now, on this line 1,000,000/. paid for transit of goods by land carriage. Th e Act did not allow shareholders to vote by proxy, and there' fore it was desirable that the Liverpool proprietors sh° 11 . 1(1 : be well represented in the direction. Mr. SMITH said the Liverpool proprietors held one-thu d of the stock, and that two directors among 22 would 0 0t sufficiently represent them. He would suggest that a Committee be appointed to consider the best mode of colu municating on the subject with the directors. The CHAIRMAN opposed this sub-Committee. Nineteen of the London directors held stock to the amou'it of 88,000/., and would act properly on account of their s take.. Mr. BATESON moved that it was expedient that the Li - verpool proprietors should be represented in their direction . ~ —The motion was carried unanimously. The CHAIRMAN said (in reply to a question), that be and his friend had a list of gentlemen whom they would re commend to be elected as directors. Mr. CoGLAN suggested that a sub-committee be ar pointed to select the most eligible persons. Those chosen on the spur of the moment would probably not be so effective as those chosen, with deliberate car e , by a sub-committee. ; The CHAIRMAN said that delays were dangerous. , It was then moved, secon d e d, an d carr i e d, t h a t Mr. Hal l. 1 ' and Mr. L. Heyworth wou ld b e proper perso ns to be placed in the direction. ,1 Mr. HALL and Mr. litywouTu severally pledged them.. selves to do their d u ty t owar d s th e s h are h o ld ers. Mr. HALL m ove d a reso l ut i on , express i ve o f t h e convict tiou of the mee ti ng th at t h e E astern C ount i es R a il way p 05.. ,, sessed so many singular advantages, as to justify a well grounded confidence of its proving one of the most beneficial ' lines in the kingdom. The motion was seconded and carried unanimously. Thanks were voted to the Chairman, after which the'' meeting separated. GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. On Thursday, September 25, the half-yearly g eneral meeting of the Proprietors of this Company was held, pt suant to Act of Parliament, in the Guildhall at Bristol. The time announced for taking the chair was twelve o'clock; at which hour a numerous and highly respectable body 01 gentlemen had assembled. Benjamin Shaw, Esq., acted as Chairman, ex officio ; and on the Bench were the following Bristol and Laub' Directors : R. Bright; G. H. Gibbs, E. W. Mills, R. Fenwick, W r- R. Sims, Geo. Wilde, W. Tite, John Woolley, H. Simonds,' Robert Hopkins, W. Tothill, W. S. Jacques,' Geo. Jon'es , Henry Bush, John Vining, I'. R. Guppy, IL Scott, T. Pr croft, P. Maze, Esqrs., &c. I. J. Chapman, Esq., one of the Secretaries of iitie Company, then read the following Report and State Q . Accounts, the details of which were repeatedly interrupted. by loud cheers : REPORT. 30, The Directors cheerfully fulfil the injunctions of the Ac t of Parliament, in convening the Proprietors, for the firs t ot time within the walls of this city, which—in days of les g active enterprise than the present —gave birth to the nu" /,'" js o dertaking, and still cherishes it with undiminished interest. riol,d Since the last Report the whole of the line betwee ' /- 0 11 Bristol and Bath has been set out, and the works eon k. menced at all the principal points. The contracts made 'a ' 4 I sure its completion by F e b. 1838. Between Bath and Chippenham active measures 132.0 been taken for proceeding with the principal work, viz., the Box Tunnel, where temporary shafts have been alreAdY sunk, and arrangements made for letting the contracts for its completion, some of which are advertised. From the result of opening the trial shafts for ascertaining tlae na ture of the soil, it appears certain that there can be no, difficult,' in completing the Tunnel in three years. The contracts from Acton to Reading, a distance a thirty-two miles, are also taken, and for the most part in active operation. The works to Maidenhead will be completed within twelve months from the present time ; and it remains only for tir 0 proprietors to determine at this junction whether the sash e spirit and energy shall govern the proceedings of the Con' v pany, in pressing forward, during that short period, the PAN struction of the connecting line between Acton and Londe so as to render their labours useful to the public and be tie' ficial to themselves, with the least possible delay. The directors have already made known the circumstt which terminated every hope of a junction betwee , ,i t London and Birmingham Railway, on the terms of rocipi cal benefit or of permanency, at a season of peculiar incc venience in relation to Parliamentary proceedings for a 11 , other line. The directors havin g a pplied themselves, he' !` e ever, to counteract the unexpected difficulty, by seeking tl most eligible position for a separate depot in London, ha' now the pleasure to announce that they have obtained tl lv general consent of the owners and occupiers to an c tension of the line into Paddington. The length of 1 from Acton sill be about 4i miles ; but allowing fi ?'`_ the line which was intended to have been made to Ke' sail Green, the Company will only have to construct 2/ mil e ! of additional railway in order to secure a separate approach to the metropolis, instead of using five miles of the Loan!) and Birmingham Railway in common with that CornPanY . ;l . It thus avoids the two tunnels between Harlesdon ar Euston Grove, and the gradient will not exceed 4 feet p e r mile. Ample space for the stati on a t P a ddi n gton has be a secured. Conditional arr angements h ave been made vi the landed proprietors, leaving only a few unimportant poi .11,7 of detail to be finally adjusted, upon receiving the sane II - of the Company for an application to Parliament to C the measure into effect. It is naturally an object of n 01.( :; l i importance th a t th e opening of the railway to Maiden) 3 e, : 1 ; should not be delayed by the works in the ne i g hbour) jeu of Lond on , an d the directors have found a ready ee n e . ll . rence on the p ar t o f th e l an d- owners i n perm itting imn' operations upon their respective properties, so as en, plete th e w h o l e li ne f rom P a ddi ngton to M a idenhea .d in tlLtio t a autumn of next year, The sanction of Parliamen , t to