The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 20, 1.844. _ "hundred days " _ of Queen Mary had so operated ~ n , !.he E nglish mind at this moment, as to incapacitate them fro Irem doing justice to the Ro man C at h o li c popu l at i on o f land! When he spoke of doing justice to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, it appeared to him that in the speeches of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite there was a most extraordinary deficiency —one, indeed, nearly as thgreat as that committed by Hon. Members on his side of e House.—(llear, and laught er .) O n thi s s id e o f th e ous e we often talk about Ireland as if there were no Roman Catholics at all in it. O n t h e oppos i te s id e Hon. Gentlemen talked of Ireland as if there were no Protes tants in it. W ho could have believed, while listening to the speech of the Noble Lord the Meber erland or that of the Honourable m and Learned Member for Liskeard, that there were a million of Pro testants in Ireland.—(Cries of " No, no," from the Op ;°uhsgi ti e t enr)) Say then, then, two millions.—(No, no, and then a million and a half.—(Laughter.) 't least, then; an am , ount of Protestant population in ! • fithzeountry, which, considering their property and in ee, they could not entirely disregard, without doing tejsustiee to that country. Remembering what the Pro la tants of Ireland Vl ere, he would ask at whose door ! d d the evil ? If th ey were prou d an d i nso l ent, if t h ey tyrannise over their Catholic fellow-subjects, who had thtehhcouraged them in d o i ng so ? Wh at L eg i s l ature was i t th a t had f ostered in them this feeling, that had made her l ed a bsolutely th e s p o il t c hild ren o f E ng l an d, an d them to regard themselves as the lineal ge se riclants of the Cromwellian conquerors of Ireland? r e hot say this was the case, but, looking histori , "Y at the subject, he should say such was the natural vO n , tor e 'qUences of the manner in which the Protestant in 4,,sita in Ireland had been fostered and cockered by th e ' ild said, therefore, to turn round and deny se men their proper influence, and to speak of them th,.„lte,aexistent, as in no degree to be regarded, as if par e d jneld no part of thepublic opinion of Ireland, ap ?rotest,,t°_,liimas a gross and unmitigated fallacy. The in i ret. nt Church was regarded, beloved, and revered, „ie fou nd qua, in a manner which, he was sorry to say, wi s h d y k erY few of its followers in England exhibit. e 4.1 e lt,e could see the members of the English Church Much attached to it as the Protestants of Valid were. He therefore could not pretend that ea'asvould come at once to any of those stringent ta rapid measures by which the Church Establish snnii,,,w,(nild be at once destroyed. He did not think, a n y b "sing the dream of the Noble Lord to be realised, lan D i e s eemed indulging in some such reveries —(Great 4.° t er, occasioned by Lord Howick being, or appear e) be, at the moment asleep)—that religious ani ofltey W ould he at a ll wea k ene d. L eav i ng th e feelings tarts Peonle su c h as t h ey were —h e b e li eve d th e vo l un - Cw u Ystein would have the effect of imparting to the of Irel an d a ll t h e rancour an d bitterness which An e 'd ; e h found di s fi gur i ng t h e Roman Catholic Church. the t h e e conse quence wou ld b e nothing less than l oi - T of opinial_ost blo o d y and d estruct i ve con fli cts o f re tgioiis On ,thine that h a d ever b een seen on t h e f ace of the earth. a n , "ese and ot h er considerations h e wou ld not suppt rt te;taineasure whi c h wou ld' t en d t o d es t ro y' th e Pro whatnt Church in Ireland. If that link were severed we was to prevent the Irish Protestants from saying lat„ ar e Irishmen also, we wish to have a national leg's pee; what was to prevent them from becoming re . - c_onuners?--(llear. hear.) He saw nothing to prevent this Wolil tl Plce, but he would say with the late Baron tin e ne would wish to give the Catholicsin . lrel Ireland Wo u l d Y of rights, not an equality of degradation. He 1 „ a shot to to secure . their comfort and dignity; he th eoi be terrified by seeing two or three respectable of 4gians with purple stockings sitting in the House of n ils • --- (Cheers and laughter.) thought also of Veit to establish friendly relations with the Court th er °le- Were the clergy in connection with Rome d still - L,'°uld be just as much chance of their being goo Ile?I' s Of the Crown as any members of that bot.iy. to t t e ' e ns With the Court of Rome ought now, at least, bents rene wed. The Hon. Member for Newark had tlkl, l "ed this subject in the House last session. He '.Part - o ° ; t s t ,..hink there would be any objection to it on the irotn e - ,:,''ue Rouse or on the part of the country.--(A h n te) -4 Rear, hear," from Mr. Plumptre, and lau g h - ! P eg * r '''uch an attempt, if made, would certainly. f . It6tainp-et an caution.—(Laughter.) The Court o Rome uact been so long accustomed to be the prey our d , lPlo matists, that they would probably receive the,''vances with suspicion. But if they explained that th e J e felt that the Court of Rome coUld revive in Ireland fo r witiland excellent principle of order and conservatism tain o d ! e h it was distinguished, and which it had main and—, ni every other country in the world except Ire kit tk sll eh an attempt might be made most successfully. be rkte e ducation of the Roman Catholics ought also to tp th e Zcaoridi ego and provided for by an additional grant to Irish °li ege of Maynooth, or the endowment of an 4 4,_e at Rome,which, of the two he should prefer. 3 44i:Ight that encouragement ought to be given to her tqil,-"l's present Government, and to every other Go - 111 „per.;, lt s -- (Laughter)—i n cases w hi c h he considered overn and more portentous than the existence of any q tect '" e nt•—(Laught er .) It was cons id ere d that the ot. o of the Refo rm Bill h a d b een to i n j ure t h e sta bili ty • 1 44 )6 7 e meats in thi s coun t r y.—(L aug ht er .) It was itaeasible now that any G overnmen t, h owever we ll ma e°llld retain power for as long as Sir Robert Wal uiv,yeas Permitt e d to retain it.—(Laughter.) It was,b 143, ra ; att ers the du in of every Government in this country sel ve s ,ll such a train, and to prepare them in • W ay, that whatever the result might be to them selves' Whether they were able to carry them them hoe °r not, would soften the difficulties to those tond n ' t ne after them. The Noble Lord the Member for w ould n Pledged himself in this debate as to what lie • Iri s h ,"° if he b ecame t h e Mi n i ster o f the C rown. The caw, C° if m i g h t rec k on w h en t h e N o bl e L ord them' ! e a majority by any means, that he would give . k, r ao th -e iginus equality.—(Hear, hear.) They might It w ag was the very least theywould get.— (Laughter.) th! t • r - "ue duty of every Member of Parliament to take care te such an-unhap ' event should take place—(Laugh aboutt—,.-vtoteerdo all in hiPpower to modify and soften the evil . from th icl c ' eeli rred, not from the events themselves, u for them —(Laugh etzeh s r : it .) AG e r i f eo : t d . ra w b eing impassioned . he ../tsmrtiOUld do eatevery.c(llaLdsaughter.) The greatest difficulty in t s h a i y ng was, that he believed her Ma- as right„ but it was necessary that as lit just tran in their power to b - ring about quilly, and with, as he must say, had laughter.) That 6 .„,? could do so, he hadnot the least doubt; but in their "4 , / erum en " ktAtighter, and cheers.) They (the Go they sawt) saw what was right as clearly as you do-- _ re ined the evil as truly as you do—and saw what the sii,Leisittte s o ; a y I:vas as truly as you do, but the remedy was not IvolVal)le as the evil.--(Opposition cheers.) They alpt the remedy, but their course would not her f o a s Was proposed by the Noble Lord the Mem neansr Sunderland —they would bring it about by I . v hich, in the opinion of all prudent men, would Nutt ttain Its object, and, at the same time, would not in • 40 b1 Publi e opinion in this country. He warned the e fico of the , and others behind him, from the destruc and tthe Roman Catholic Church—(Great laughter) r.op er ,? take care what they did in arousing a " No ..her e s' feeling in this country.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") L ord, w as a feelin g in this country which the Noble viohri:thd those around, should take care not to arouse by Why the and extreme declarations. He saw no reason elagain Y m ight not have the scenes of 1780 acted over • eor ge ; Go he was sure there would be a many a Lord se, t th e ‘aordon to help them on.—(010 They should 1 -kt thenuelveS seriously to remedy the evils of Ireland. • enssir,..llforget all their party differences when dis aot t a „b Lae affai rs of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Let them Genti'llt Government with not lo going so far as Hon. sak e e,llen opposite !wishd 1. 0 Y allo w ever ui rection , as ng as they went in the • 0.. laugh.) They ought to make .1. ance for the Government.— A laugh.) Am nd beg Gentlemen famt.that Hen on the other side ( should they. tr_" u leY were in power they did not go gavel a ulent e his cordial vote in favour of the Go . w ttol b ut trt beause they did all wished ur for Ire -1.:1° culled e did as much as the other Government, titlthe m — tenaselves liberal, had done before them. ietie4l dlo....relicgious justice to the people of Ireland and would follow in the course of V.tnati ous hear.) There ought to be a statute of % g r ey coup a politics as well as in matters of property. e not 0. 0 . is on di cussing the w ter" ills k t Tongs of Ireland ,ear, hear.) They looked at the evils of as escop e _ s( if they were looking through Lord Rosse s r the possible ; ,Ilghter)—in order to bring them o ; 1 4 14_ its much 10ut they ought to endeavourto ef b e l xaspe_ obliterate to tr i t and 4._ as possible; they ought, instead f I land th e Y to soothe the feelings of the peop e o re t hin proceed them in every way.—(Hear, hea d r o .) Let n o g f or 1 ", in such a vein and they wouldevery t o acco rd . "eland. They should legislate for Ireland arri law aoc;litto what they thought best, but according h rati on. , resent circumstances, and upon such sound I tPPY grounds as would cure the evils of that un kr. At ~r 37.---( Cheers.) tratniwAt-4•lll4AY—Sir, I cannot refrain from con an you that I dd not catch your eye in the Itit 4144141 °e because, I should . be sorry to revent Casio Irish ' , n so re p re sentativ e , er from addressing the on an (1,73'.:h0u1a e esting to his country, but peculiarly l t II n to stand in the way of t 0 . so ng for e , 7 0 Pleaded the cause of Ireland with so • it a l whi c h jo ' fi llow wish to submit to the House the rea in d o i o ueace me in the vote I am about to give. ified „g so, I am sorry to say I do not feel myself tbastites f ro ° 4l PP v o_sit e , w t rie4 following the course traced out by my Hon. de th all that authority which right „ 11 -I :er h er INZl?•erable antiquity, not thinking it to the y tsures theirsii.)st' Government to go on proposing e Por Y ar e likel n _ way seeing the mistakes wh h be , f) t th e ,y tom ake. The grounds on which I su ch a 05 , c , 41 .0n are these : that I think Ireland is in a disord7stiatUctory and unsettled state, and that if there 4 e th e ji - s In that country of which no statesman can tie ce, Yet there are disorders , in the present laar of Irelan f t ports 0 which her Majesty s present . advisers ti any P ut 0 1: . e dered the cause, and I do not thin o k ie t t h ra a_t sho f: Lea:duct,. either legislative or a thedm disorders Ppreciation of the nature of causes infer th ey ," of than country, or of the proper mode . in iershould be redress,:" . l. I see nothing from which to h Pect de e e th e that their p y -;1 1 be different from that Y have hP ‘‘‘ soa p neasine._ setofore p ursue d. 1 k forward with cei v to the state of Ireland-- - ( oe hear, 9teere).2`s Hear, con: a „, , t th • and under those circumstances, , t ee o ,,cone e i,, e uuty of every man to speaK u!" l end t th e whole .oble Friend's motion to go into a Commit ithal' doubt House is both a very convenient, as it is, bey isty to re gard t:3 the perfectly Parliamentary, course to pursue. coq is wai n° the ti proposition before us, it will not be oeces titon of Ireland .e of the House in stating that the present .thinklaal. one to inspire alarm and apprehension. po)rtr utt!tutes fourth part of the United Kingdom. In pro bft. superio than a fourth. In the natural fertility of iC a eas es y or , _ r to any area of equal extent in Europe. It b i g t a a,esty 001 4 we_huich hold out more allurements for commerce Por ts s ° l die rs , and it is an inexhaustible tinFtiery for Dir e 4 " to Ole eecs .) It is a country of far more iMr if tha n all Prosperity and greatness of the em tAtietu_altiplied fi se °ur ,. vast dependencies put together, WO tous Indies, ',lmes over — o f far more impor, -• the w est our Canadian possessions, together the Cape, and Australasia added id tlte • eshole eneire of the Mogul.—( Cheers. ) We knew it is row governed, not by levee but by fear—(Cheers) —that it is go verned as you gov ern Sinde—(Cheers)—not by the confidence sf the people in the law, and by attachment to the Constitu tion, but by means of armed men, and entrenched encamp ments.—(Cheers. ) This is a fact which, if it stood alone, would fully justify the House of Commons in going into an inquiry upon the causes which produced such a state of things in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) But there are other evils in Ireland, a part of which cannot be attributed to the present Government, and a part of which can be justly laid to their charge. I do not wish to weary the House by tracing the origin of those evils; and yet, I think I can • hardly do justice to the question without casting a passing glance on them. No doubt when we look at the pri mary causes of these evils, we must look riot only beyond the existence of the present Administration—not only beyond the time of any living statesman, but to times before the names of " Whig" or " Tory" were pronounced—to times anterior to the introduction of the Puritans, to which the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury, in his very ingenious speech, attributed these evils—to times anterior even to the Reformation. I think we may trace the first source of those evils to the manner in which Ireland became annexed to the Crown of England. It was a couquest, and a conquest of a peculiar kind. It was not a mere annexation of Ireland to the British Crown, which would be a benefit to her. It was not a conquest like that of France over Normandy, or like that by which Silesia was added to Prussia. It was a con quest of a different kind. It was a conquest known in ancient times, and well known among rude nations— it was a conquest of rove over race—it was the dominion of one nation over another, such as was established by the Mahrattas over the kingdom of Gwalior—such a do minion as Spain established over South America. That I take to be the first great fountain of all these disorders. I believe that the very worst of all tyranny is that of race over race.—( Hear, hear.) I believe that the enmity which has existed between nations separated by sea and mountain, even when those nations have been at war with each other, has never approached, in its most intense bitterness, the enmity of natiains which have been geographically and locally inter mingled, and yet, at the same time, have never been morally amalgamated. It is the feeling of the Spaniards and the Moors ; it is the feeling which, down to our own time, exists among a large part of mankind in regard to the Jews. Never theless civilisation can remove this evil ; for in our own coun try—a country which formerly suffered under the same species of misery—we have• seen Celt and Saxon, Dane and Norman, all fused down, all melted together, and fuming one great I united people.—(Hear, hear.) This, we might have hoped, would have taken place in Ireland. I believe it wou'd have taken place but for the establishment of the Reformation.— ( Hear, hear.) Then came in anew division to strengthen the old one. The aborigines of Ireland remained true to the ancient faith alone among all the nations of the north of Europe.—( Hear.) Then you had im mediately a new line of distinction ; you had I theological animosity called in to reinforce and reanimate the undying animosity of race: and in this manner it is that the 1 two have come down to our own time. It did unfortunately so happen that the spirit of liberty in England was allied with that spirit in theology, which was most widely opposed to the Roman Catholic Church—it did so happen that the passion for arbitrary Government, was, during the seventeenth century, closely allied with a tenderness for the old religion. Such men as Pym and Hampden, and Vane, and even Milton, afford ex amples of the operation of this kind of alliance. Even Milton, with all his eloquence, while proclaiming the great doctrines of religious liberty, always made an exception—the religion of the Roman Catholic. On the other hand, those princes who re• spected no rights of Protestants in the case of any dissenters, always respected the rights of the Roman Catholic. James the First, even after the gunpowder plot, had no repugnance to the Roman Catholics. Charles the Second was a concealed Catholic. James the Second an avowed Catholic. In this manner it commonly happened that their evil was our good, that throughout the whole of that long contest our slavery arid their freedom was the same thing. At this very day every thing which in the mind of the English Whig is As sociated with what he considers the glory of his coun try, is, in the mind of ~.a Roman Catholic, asso ciated with the degradation of himself and his religion. Take the name of William the Third—take the name of the battle of the Boyne, and others which I need not mention. I never recollect having been so forcibly struck with the differ ence as I was on a day which I ought to well remember—the day when I had the honour of being declared Member for the town of Leeds. I was in the chair, which was adorned with orange ribbons ; it was surrounded by men of the strongest opinions, nothing but orange ribbons were to be seen. I could not help thinking how anomalous all this would have seemed to an Irish Protestant. Nor was this all; there was a large orange flag carried before me, and Sir George Saville, one of the very first of these who led the way in claiming equal rights fur the Catholics, sat in the very chair in which Lord Milton sat after he gained his great victory in Yorkshire. What a triumph would this display have been considered by an Irish Protestant over the Catholics. At the same time it was a circumstance that suggested reflections on the whole of the history of the two nations.—( Hear, hear.) During that century twice the Irish population rose against the Protestants, twice they were put down and visited with severe punishment. They were put down first by Cromwell, and then by William the Third. Each of these rulers, after his victory, proceeded to establish a system of his own. That of Cromwell was fierce and strong, and able and cruel. It was all contained in one word—a word which Lord Clarendon tells us was constantly uttered by the Englishmen in Ireland—extirpation ! What his policy would have been if he had lived, we cannot tell ; but his object, un doubtedly, was to make Ireland completely a part of England. William the Third's policy was seemingly less cruel ; whether in reality it was less cruel, I have my doubts. • The Irish Catholics were to live, they were to multiply, they were to dwell on the earth—they were to till the earth—but the Catho lic was to be what the Helot was in Sparta—wbat the Greek was under the rule of the Ottoman—what the man of colour is at this moment in Pennsylvania. He was to be excluded from every honour and every privilege. At every step in his path through life, he was to find himself cramped by some galling restriction. If he were desirous of military glory, he might go into the armies of Austria or France. If he felt any desire to take part in politics, he might plunge into the diplomacy of Italy or Spain; but if he remained at home he was to be a mere Gibennite—a mere hewer of wood and drawer of water. Bad laws badly administered increased the bad feelings from which they had sprung—and to that period I believe is the origin to be referred of all those bad feelings arising out of the relations of landlord and tenant in Ireland, which have lasted down to our own times, and which have led to such fatal con sequences throughout the whole subsequent series of Irisk history. As to the Courts of Law—as to the juries —they have existed only for the benefit of the dominant class. As to the priests, those men who have been revered as the dispensers of the Christian sacraments, they have been constantly treated in a manner in which no man would treat the veriest mountebank. A t last there came a great change over the face of Europe. The French revo lution had awakened the spirit of liberty throughout the world. Jacobitism was certainly not the national ally of Catholicism, but oppression and misery produce sharp coalitions, and such a coalition was now tormed. 'I hat third Protestant ascendancy was put down by the sword, and then it became the duty of the eminent man who stood at the head of affairs to consider how he was to deal with Ireland. I must say, though I am no idolater of the memory of Pitt—that when I compare the plan which he formed with the policy, either of Oliver Crom well or William the Third, I am forced to admit that he de serves, over these celebrated men, the praise of great wisdom and of great humanity. The union of Ireland to England was part of his plan—an excellent part of his plan—an essential part of his plan, but still only a part of it. It is never to be for gotten that his scheme was one much wider in extent than any which we have yet seen carried into effect. What he wished was to unite the hearts and the affections of the two nations. Catholic disabilities were to be removed. The Catholic clergy were to be placed in an honourable and independent position. Catholic education was to be conducted on a liberal scale. His views on those opinions agreed with those, I believe, if I am not misinformed—with those of a man of an under standing even more enlarged and capacious than his own-1 mean, Mr. Burke.—( Hear, hear.) If that system had been fully and fairly carried Into effect, it is my belief that the union with Ireland would have been as secure and as far beyond the reach of danger as the union with Scotland.—(Cheers.) The name of the union would have been associated in the minds of the great body of the people of Ireland, with the removal of cruel and galling disabilities, and with respect paid to their re ligion.—( Cheers.) All that was just, all that was national in their feelings, would have been hound up with the English connexion.—(Cheers.) The Parliament on College-green would have been remembered, as it deserved to be remembered, only as the vilest—( Hear, hear)—the most corrupt—( Hear, hear)—the must tyrannical—( Hear, hear)—legislative assem bly that ever sat, I believe, on the face of the earth.—( Loud cheers.) In saying this, I am sure I am not giving any offence to any Irishman.—( Hear.) I say no more than Wolfe Tone has said. ( The Right Hon. Gentleman here quoted a passage from Wolfe Tone, in which it was asserted that there was nothing in the history of legislation at all bordering on the in famy of College-green, and that he did not believe it had ever entered into the heart of man to conceive anything more infamous than the system of Irish legislation.) Not only would the union, if this had passed, have been associated in the minds of the Catholics of Ireland with great benefits received—(Cheers)—but those benefits must have inspired unmingled gratitude—(Cheers)—for they would have been benefits not conceded to force, but given freely—(Cheers)—given in the moment of pow er.—(Cheers. ) I am sorry that Mr. Pitt's measures were not carried into effect, but the Irish Catholics found that they had given away their independence, and that they had obtained no compensa tion in respect of their civil or their religious liberties.— (Cheers.) The union must now be associated in their minds with disappointed hopes and violated pledges.—( Cheers. ) Nevertheless, it is not yet too late.—(Loud cheers.) It was not too late in 1813.—(Cheers.) It was not too late in 1821. —(Cheers.) It was not too late in IB2s.—(Cheers.) If some of those men who were tben, as now, high in the service of the Crown, would have made up their minds to say that which they were forced to say four years later, I believe, that all the benefits of the policy of Mr. Pitt would have been secured.— (Loud cheers.) The supporters of agitation had not been or ganised. The Government was under no coercion. That which might have been given in 1825 might havebeen given with honour, and might, and probably would, have secured grati tude, At length, in 1829, concession was made—lawfully made—and made without conditions, which Mr. Pitt would un doubtedly have imposed. But it was made reluctantly, and with evident reluctance. It was made confessedly for the pur pose of avoiding a civil war. Was this a concession to be re ceived with gratitude, or to be received with contempt? Was it not a necessary effect that it should inspire in the minds of the Irish people an opinion deeply to be lamented, but one, with the evils effects of which we are at this day con tending ? Could they forget that they had come before the English Parliament, during twenty-seven years, as suppliants for justice, pleading the rights of conscience, pointing to solemn pledges, to the promise of Mr. Pitt: and it is believed, to the promise given by his Majesty, George IV., when Prince of Wales ? The most profound thinkers, the most eloquent- orators, had toiled in their service in rain. Mr. Pitt, who had endeavoured to fulfil his intentions towards them, had been driven from power. Mr. Grenville and Lord Grey, who attempted to do but a small part of what Mr. Pitt had pro mised, were driven from power. Mr. Canning took their part, and Mr. Canning was hunted to death.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) When that distinguished orator was laid in hi grave,. then the Catholics began to look for them selves—to organise agitation—to display themselves in a strong and formidable array of force, just keeping within the limits of the law. The consequence was, that within two years after that great man had been carried to Westminster Abbey, brokeneheerted, the feeling pervaded the Roman Catholic body in Ireland, that from England, or at all events from that great party which now governs England, nothing was to be got by reason, and everything by force.—( Hear, hear.) However, the concession had been made—it deserved no gratitude, and it pbtained rinse. The organization of agitation was complete. The leaders pf the people had tasted the pleasures of power and of distinction, T e people themselves had grievances enough to furnish a very good pretest f t o h r at th th e er c e on w t a in s u n a o n t c h e in o g f agitation. There want general e b a e r . g ) bly hose,p l a linen Sir,g o l v e c r a i l again e r t e h m e o tgea causesme of which a l - 82 9 . of the difficulties with which we have now to deal ; these are _l g H h e t ar n , o b t the causes in which originated the great mass of that discon mntpdo which comes to us as the misgovernment from the time of Henry 11. has come down to.thestates ft,rutihteo it i u : led i il d .tfe m riv o pl r lt b lf i a4 d rn Iv., which states men of the present time io deal 'With' as they best may. And pow, Sir, to that immediate Cause.. The state of !relied, if griderstaad it rightly, is a state of disease r but then it was poi; a permanent state of disease, it was more a state of paroxysm. Ireland is always combustible, but she is not always on fire.— ( Hear, hear.) When the Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir R. Peel) came before the public as a candidate for the high ofecial situation which he now holds, he announced himself under the type of a physician, and used, if I recollect rightly, several metaphors drawn from medical science; and to follow out the same metaphor, I shall say that I think Ireland is not in a hopeless condition. I admit that it is a patient that has a bad habit up.in it, but what I say is this, that her malady is one which, had it been properly treated, might have been kept off,.and the patient might again regain its usual health ; but as the treatment, on the contrary, has:been one of continual irritation, what other could be the result but to produce paroxysm after paroxysm, each more violent than the last, and seeming likely, unless some decisive step is I adopted, to end in terrible consequences. It is, I conclude, impossible to deny that the administration of Lord Melbourne was an administration popular with the great body of the Catholic population of Ireland.—(Cheers.) It is, I believe, impossible to doubt that the two Viceroys who were sent to Ireland by that Administration had a greater share of the affections of the great body of the Irish people than any Viceroys since the time of William the Third.—(Cheers.) We know that, during his administration, great perils threat ened the empire in other parts ; but we know that to Ireland the Government could always look with confidence. —( Loud Cheers.) When designing men had raised disturbances in England, which threatened insurrec tion, troops could be spared from Ireland.—(Loud cheers. ) When an insurrection broke out in one of our colonies—an in surrection of a very peculiar kind—an insurrection with which we might have supposed the Irish Catholics would have sym pathised, seeing that it was the insurrection of a Catholic po pulation against (he conquering' English people, the Irish Ca tholics remained faithful—( Loud cheers) —in all things to the general Government of the empire.--(Continued cheering. ) Ireland was able to spare troops for Canada.—(lmmense cheering.) No person, I believe, doubts that if, in in 1840, by some fatal mischance, a foreign army had dropped upon the shores of Munster—no one doubts but that] they would have met with as good a reception that— they would have been as firmly met as if they had landed on the shores of Kent or of Norfolk—( Hear, hear)—by a determi nation on the part of the whole population to support the throne of Queen Victoria.—( Hear, hear.) And under what circumstances, and by what means has this great change been produced ? Not by any great legislative boon con ferred upon the Irish people by the Government—(Cheers) —for although they have the inclination, they have not the power against a strong minority in this House, and a strong majority in the other House of Parliament, to carry any such legislative measures.— ( Cheers. ) It was effected merely by the executive Administration—(Cheers)—crossed and thwarted at every turn, having against it the whole of the Established Church, and the greater part of the landed gentry of this country.—(Cheers.) Yet with such an Opposition they managed to conciliate the af fections of the great body of the Irish people, and I cannot help thinking that if during those six years that Administration had been as strong in Parliamentary support as the present Ad ministration—if it had been able fully and effectually to ex tend to Ireland the benefits of the Eritish Constitution, the effects of such legislation would have been such as to make all the friends of Ireland rejoice.—( Loud cheers.) But during those six yearslan Opposition, powerful in numbers, was ranged against the Government.—( Cheers.) Those Lords-Lieutenant who were more popular in Ireland than any Lord-Lieutenant who had preceded thern,:were assailed as no other Viceroys had even been assailed—(Cheers)--and assailed too for those very portions of their administration, which were the chief modes of conciliating the people of Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) Every Legislative Act without exception, which was intended by the Government for the benefit of Ireland, and which was popular with the Irish people, was rejected.—(Cheers.) When Catho lic gentlemen of high abilities and of stainless character, were placed in situations which were much below their merits, their appointment was hailed with the greatest satisfaction by their fellow-countrymen—(Cheers)—and no wonder that they were so after 150 years of persecution, during which, doubtless, elo quence as fervid and abilities as great as those of my Right Honourable and Learned Friend the Member for Dungarvon, had withered in utter obscurity under the influence of penal and disabling laws.—(Loud cheers.) During that century and a half of persecution no Irish Ca tholic had risen to honour, except by deserting his country; and when at last a Catholic was sworn of the Queen's counsel, a Catholic was seated at the Board of Admiralty, the great Tore party set up such a yell of dislike as Lerd George Gordon drew from the great mob of his followers. We have seen some specimens of that eloquence revived; but the leaders of the party, even at that time, seldom joined in the cry, though I could mention instances, and one eminent in stance, to the contrary.—(Hear, hear.) The leaders of the party were content, as far as I can recollect, with listening to it, with enjoying it, with profiting by it.—( Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) It was not necessary that they should do more.—( Renewed cheers.) " Are they not aliens?" was the phrase of an eminent person.—(Loud cheers from the Op position.) " Minions of Popery," was the epithet of another. —( Hear, hear.) While the Catholic priesthood, which is re garded with the greatest reverence and love in Ireland—do we not remember that they were called " a demon priesthood," " priests of Baal," " false prophets of Jezebel," feeding at her board ?—(Cheers. ) But not content with insult, not content with throwing out and mutilating every measure which would have been beneficial to Ireland, the Opposition of that day as sumed the offensive—they determined to bring in a legislative measure for the purpose of depriving Ireland of every benefit which she had derived from the Reform Bill. They brought in an Act which they called an Act of Registration. They themselves now admit that it would have been an act of disfranchisement. I take the description of that Act from their own lips. They admit now that a neer light has broken in upon them. Has a single new fact been brought forward, which has not been urged twenty, thirty, or forty times over in this House. In point of fact, they do not find themselves at liberty to ruin the country, except when they are out of place and want to get into it.—(Cheering from the Opposition, and ironical cheers from the Ministerial benches. ) Well, Sir, in place they are ; it was very fitting that such ser vice should have its reward, and it had its reward.—(Cheers and laughter.) Several causes undoubtedly concurred to place them in the situation which they occupy, but I believe the principal cause to have been the discontent which they excited in England against the Irish policy of their predecessors. In their eagerness for victory, they called up a spirit of great power—a spirit much more easily evoked than laved—the spirit of religious intolerance.—(Cheers.) It placed them in their situations, and then their punishment began.—(Cheers and laughter.) It was pleasant, indeed, very pleasant to get all the advantage of the sermons of the Rev. Hugh M‘Neile, and of the speeches of the Rev. Hugh Stowell ; it was very plea sant to have their own cause represented by High Churchmen, and by Low Churchmen, and by Dissenters, as the cause of the Gospel struggling against that spurious liberalism ss hich made no difference between religious truth and religious falsehood. It was very pleasant to hear that their political foes were the slaves of Antichrist, and were marked with the sign of the Beast. All this was very pleasant at that time, but when they had attained power, they found that there were about eight millions of Catholics in Ireland, whom, either by themselves or their agents, they had been insulting and degrading. What was the necessary result? I give them credit for not wishing to do the smallest harm beyond what was necessary for over throw tug the late Administration.—(Cheers.) They regret that they cannot find a sufficient number of Conservative Ca tholics whom they would lie justified in promoting at the Irish bar, and they express a similar feeling with respect to gentlemen in this House. But what I wish to know is this— why are all the Roman Catholics in the empire their enemies? Who ever heard of such a thing before ? Herelyou have about eight millions of people; of all sorts, characters, and professions, peers, lawyers, merchants, peasants--men belonging to every rank in society.— (Hear, hear.) At their head is the Premier Duke of the Empire—( Hear, hear)—the hereditary Earl Marshal—the heir of the Fitzallans and the Mowbrays— ( Cheers)—while, on the other hand, you may go down into the lowest ranks of Roman Catholics, and find enmity exist ing, such as hardly ever before was heard of.—( Hear, hear.) If, indeed, there was something in the Roman Catholic religion peculiarly opposed to the general system of the politics adopted by the Honourable Gentlemen opposite 1 could understand the thing, but that subject was ably touched upon in my Noble Friend's opening speech.—( Hear.) Is it the fact that the Catholic theologian is peculiarly likely to ally himself with the cause of civil liberty ? Quite the con trary. Of all forms of Christianity the Catholic religion is that which attaches the greatest importance to antiquity and authority, which rests most on the grounds of prescription, and which, even by its rites, its vestments, and its language, would seem bound up with Conservative politics.—(Cheers.) Was there a single Catholic in the army of Fairfax—(Cheers)—and how many hundreds of Catholic gentlemen came forward on behalf of Charles the First ?—( Cheers.) When a reward was put upon the head of Charles the Second did any Catholic be tray him ?—(Cheers.) When, at the close of the last century, attacks were made by republicans upon the old monarchies, who stood by the monarchy ? The Catholics.—( Cheers.) It was so in La Vend4e—( Cheeis)—it was so in Spain.—( Cheers. ) It was the greatest mistake that was ever made for Govern ment to set itself against the great body of the Catholics. i All those who are acquainted with Mr. Pitt, and those who are acquainted with Mr. Burke's writings, from which Mr. Pitt derived his opinions, know that both Mr. Pitt and Mr. Burke regarded the Catholics as friendly to monarchy.— (Cheers.) Nothing except madness in a Government can possibly account for this peculiarity.—(Cheers.) The dis ciples of Mr. Pitt, while they professed to keep his birthday, seemed little aware of the views which he took on that subject.—(Cheers.) Now see in what does all this end. You are forced to bestow your patronage on your friends—you cannot give it to the Catholics—an antipathy to your Government is excited—your appointments neces sarily go on, and will go on, as far as I can see, increasing that antipathy, unless Parliament adopt some final and decisive remedy.—( Hear, hear.) The Emancipation Act, as far as respects all the favours of the Crown, is as much a nullity as regards the Catholics of Ireland as if it never had been passed at all. Of all the boons which the Right Hon. Baronet promised to bestow upon 'hem in 1829, they have only received one, and that would not have been continued to them if the Tory party had carried the Irish Registration Bill. All that follows is no wonder. The wounded national spirit, the wounded religious spirit, starts up and shows itself in a hundred forms, some of which I deplore, some of which I deeply condemn, but none of which can excite my amazement, none of which seems to me to be anything except the national effect of gross mis-government, acting on strong sensibility. You refuse to admit the Roman Catholic into the communion of the Constitution, and you wonder that he finds himself on a narrow stage. Turn wherever he wi 1, he finds every high place filled, every office in the hands whom he considers, and not without reason, as his enemies. What more natural than that people in such a situation should array against the regular con stitutional authorities, the strong defence of their own opi nions? They remember—it wouldDe strange if they did not remember—what their efforts, under the same guidance, extorted in 1829, and they are determined to try whether a similar effort may not be equally successful now. These, then, are your difficulties, and, in my opinion, they are difficulties of your own making. Well, then, having made them, let it be remembered that after all, difficulties are the tests of great statesmen. Eminent men have sometimes brought themselves into difficulties, and have admirably retrieved their error by the manner in which they overcame them.--( H ear . ) Let us then see, how, with regard to your difficulties, you mean to act. First, with respect to legislation. The legislation which we had last session for the evils of Ireland, was all com prised in an Arms Bill—( Hear, hear)—not a measure of con ciliation, not worth naming as a measure of coercion; but simply a measure of petty annoyance.—( Hear, hear.) It was a measure which, as tar as I could judge, satisfied neither side of the House. We called out for boons for Ireland, and many Hon. Gentlemen opposite called for more stringent mea sures.--( Hear. t Indeed, if I recollect rightly, one Noble and Learned Lord bestowed the aid of his counsel on the Govern ment by recommending an Irish Coercion Bill, but the only legislative measure passed was the Arms Diu. Then, as regards the measures of the Executive Administration, of the manner iu which they have dealt with this agitation. I merely mention them to protest, in the strongest manner, against the statement of the Noble Lord, that amongst reasonable men there cannot be two opinions about the Clontarf proclamation; for that the Government had done everything which it was possible to do to prevent a breach of the peace.—( Hear, hear.) I say that, from the statement of the Government, it appears that in the meeting of Friday the resolution was formed; and could you not have taken up a pen, and have written three lines, to say that the Government apprehended a breach of the peace, and therefore that all good subjects should avoid going to the me e ti ng ?—( H ea r, hear.) Is that It contisitioit which required the weighing of sentences— j the weighin's of words, when y'su should have been 'weighing the lives of the Queen's subjects? No rational person will, I am "ire, venture to say that, if there bad been in the minds of the ' rulers of Ireland a proper sense of the hazard which they were running, the proclamation would not have been vi sible on all hands early on the Saturday morning. Now, the charge I bring against the Government on account of these prosecutions, is one respecting the details which have been mentioned. The charge is this, that the Government seems never to have considered the nature and character of those proceedings, and wherein they differ from a common action at law—a mere qui tam action. It seems to me they eonsidered nothing but this—whether they would get such a declaration of law and such evidence of facts as would entitle them to a verdict and a judgment. Now, in my own opinion. the judgment in any political ease is hut a small part of that for which a Government ought to be solicitous.—(Hear, hear.) I should say that this is the only political case in which a Government has been merely solicitous for that alone. What a Government should seek to obtain ought to be, by an exhibition of justice and modera tion, to produce a salutary effect upon the public mind. I ( Hear, hear.) Of course, the law must be strictly observed ; but to cause the law to be strictly observed is only one of the main conditions which would make a wise Government insti tute great criminal State proceedings. And if ever there was • a proceeding in which your justice ought to stand in such a light as not to be questioned, or to have any prejudices enter tained against it, it was the case which you had to try. You were instituting a prosecution —I feel considerable delicacy in speaking on the matter in the presence of the person chiefly connected with it, and that delicacy is increased by the succes sion of invectives which I have heard uttered against the lion. and Learned Gentleman to-night. I regard the end that Hon. and Learned Gentleman is pursuing as unattainable ; and that I look with deep disapprobation upon some of the means which he employed for that end I do not deny. But I would wish, whilst speaking on the subject, to observe the respect due to enemies, the respect due to misfortune, and the respect due to truth.—(Opposition cheers.) It is impossible to deny that that gentleman occupies, in the eyes of his fellow countrymen, a position such as no popular leader mentioned in all history ever occupied.—(Cheers from the Opposition benches.) Let us consider, too, that the interest with which he and his movements are regarded is not confined to these islands, it extends to the Continent. You cannot sit down to dine at any table d'hote—(Laughter from the Ministerial benches).-- you cannot travel in any steam-boat or diligence,. but the moment your speech or your accent " bewrayeth thee" as an Englishman, the first question which the merchant or manufacturer from the heart of France—which the plain cultivator, who is not much above the level of our yeomen, put to you—is, what is to become of O'Connell ?—( Oh, oh, from the Ministerial benches.) Let those who deny this assertion take the trouble to read the French journals. —(Opposition cheers.) I declare this to be a most undoubted fact. It is an unhappy circumstance, but it is one impos sible to dispute, that there is throughout the Continent a feeling with respect to the relations between England and Ireland not very much unlike the feeling with which men generally regard the relations between Russia and Poland. I do not defend this feeling ; I do not say it is a right one ; I only assert a fact, which I can prove. And it is natural that it should be so ; for, in the first place, not to mention the immense jealousy which the power of England naturally produces, the with which anything great and conspicuous —such as the position of England is—is regarded, the Irish agitation has that in it which enlists on its side the sympathies of the two great divi sions, Liberal and Conservative, into which the population of France is divided. Its democratic character attaches -to it the followers of the " extreme left," while its being Roman Catholic attaches to it the members of the Conservative party. Thus it happens that on this subject jhere is a variety of opinions on the Continent, which would not easily be found on any other question.—( Hear, hear.) I hope and trust that I shall be believed when I state that I do not mention this for the purpose of frightening the English Government into taking any course unworthy of it, but I do say that in a case of this sort it is of the highest importance that the administration of justice should be beyond all impeachment—that anything which would look like an unfair advantage should not be wel comed, but spurned away, and considered a greater disaster than any other evil. Is it a case in which the first opinion on the question of the jury is that Mr. O'Connell has suffered wrong in the matter? Is it denied, if the law had been carried exactly into effect, without fault or negligence, that Mr. O'Connell's case would not have been damaged ? Has any person ventured to deny that? I have the worst of one of the Learned Counsel for the defence, and the affidavit states it, that twenty-seven Roman Catholics were excluded from the jury. —(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from Mr. Shell.) Take the Recorder's own statement ; it is very easy to talk about 716 names, or something of that sort, but reduce the thing to simple arithmetic, and see what it i s .— ( Hear, hear.) You were going to call forty-eight names ; Now what is the 48th part of 720 ? It is 15 ; if those 15 were Roman Catholics, there was an even chance that there would have been another Roman Catholic in the 48. But if, as the affidavit states, there were 27 Catholics, then there was nearly two chances to one that there would be two Catholics among the 48, and thus there was almost an even chance of there being two more Roman Catholics on the list. Now will any man tell me that Mr. O'Connell has not in this matter suffered a distinct wrong ? Will any person say that it is impossible, or even highly im probable, that the-result might have been different if it had not been for this blunder? For remember the power which the law gives to jurymen is such, that a single juryman, if he is determined, and has absolutely made up his mind, may have quite as much influence in affecting a verdict as ail the other eleven. Is this my opinion alone ? What is the language of Mr. Justice Perrin, as I find it reported in the papers favourable to the prosecution. He says, " there is about this case such gross negligence and failure of duty that I am not prepared to say it was the result of acci dent."—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from Mr. Shell.) Here is one of your judges, and you call on us to pay the most pro found respect to all that your judges say—here is one of your judges, who says that " he is not satisfied that this was the effect of accident." He must know a great deal better than I do, or than any Englishman can know, what sort of tricks are practised in an Irish office when the object is to procure a jury to convict; and he says " he is not sa tisfied that this is not the effect of accident." But I will come nearer home. The Right Hon. Secretary for the Home Department, says, and says truly, " We are not responsible for the case." I know you are not. " I regret deeply that it has taken place, and I wish it had been otherwise ; for I feel the prejudice it has created against the Administration of justice." What has been said on the other side is precisely what I say ; " a prejudice has been created against the admi nistration of justice," which has tainted the whole of the proceedings. I do not wish for stronger words than those of the Right Honourable Baronet, but I wish that the fact were not so; when in a great and important case—a case upon which the eyes of millions—the eyes of all civilised Europe was fixed—a mistake had taken place which created "a prejudice against the administration of justice." I wish Government had taken a rational view of the matter, and said, " We cannot avail ourselves of it." Hon. Gentlemen oppo site seem to think that with respect to striking off the Roman Catholics from the jury, they have made out a good case. I am ready to , admit that, in a certain sense, they have mad e out a good case. I am ready to take the facts as you put them. I take it, as you say, that it was an excellent thing to strike off all the Roman Catholics. But there is still the question, was it politic in this State trial to bring different religions and different races to their trial before a jury of Protestants only ?—( Hear, hear.) It is a plain questionagainst t f h o e r everyfro from manthe beginning o fcom m o n s t e o n • e. the I e k n n d o w that the law was on the s id e of the Government, an d m y charge the principles of the l aw i n such a case ; every what are proceedings, is with regard to the law. We k new thing that can y create a prejudice i n t h e matter is carefully avo ided; we know what the prin c i p l e d e med i atate li nguee is. In the case of a Dutch sail or , or of an other jouwrny raceo f t waelvden half Enogflishmen, Englishmen. but quarrel might stab an Englishman, he is notleaftlie who, to n, ;e tried i b n y a a been in the situation of M r . O'C onne ll , he would have been entitled to a jury half composed of his country men ; you are ready enough to call th e I r i sh Roman C at h o lics "aliens when it serves your pu rpose. — ( L oud c h eers from the hy a ku o r tv y c i o f m a p n o y se" alien" hadd of half his Oppo sition.) You are ready enough to treat them as " aliens" when you think it your interest to do so. But it is only_ when oing ,, t o o lie f n o s r . m "— a j(uLroyntdhat cheersyou do not the Ono t treat the Roman caas possible for any reasonable man to doubt thatinapcpasnassitn where the feelings of t wo sects, o f two parties, were greatly are i going excited again s t eac h ot h er, that a jury com posedexclusive of one sect, an d from one party, would not do justice? This is the opinion of a much better lawyer than I am, for I, indeed, am no lawyer. But why did not the Sheriff impannel a common jury, which would have contained several Raman Catholics ? The difficulty in such a case would have been none, and that the trial would then have tended much better to the settlement of men's minds, I hay. not the least doubt. You wished to get a verdict , and you got a panel, and from that panel a jury, from which no man could expect justice. And then you got a charge, which do not mean to say is unprecedented, for the State trials of the seventeenth precedents—( Loud Opposition cheers ) — and after better for it ? you got a verdict, and what are you now th Ireland? You say c ent d ury fte f r r urtnhiissh chargesuch Has it tended to conciliate the people of Ireland is quiet ; I know that it is so , a nd the sentence begins to be executed, and for te will n th reasons too, because the Irish people feel a deep interest i ader, it and the e fate of the man whom they consider the ir ley will avoid doing anything likely to place him in a more dangerous mos b t e ob so vio t u il s l )i finished ntyour its iffi labours. By what means can you expect there will not be a very se rious will eom p ee ° s whent o "position .—( — t h(eHear, Court shall ear. have outbreak of public feeling then ?—( Hear, hear.) Is it possible for a human being to believe t h a t th at man , who pos sessed the boundless affection of his countrymen, while he was receiving honours from them , and while he was taxin g them, d will at once lose his popularity, when he becomes a martyr ? I, who am as much attached to the union as any Hon. Gentle man opposite, who dislike the means that have been used to inflame the minds of the people of Ireland against the union— I feel that Mr. O'Connell will not lose his popularity. The Right Hon. Baronet himself tell us that he " a prejudice has been created against the ed well i t l o o r t m informed, the andp (power who a n d agree magic with g And if Englishmen , the • Will friends of ministration of justice. is sorry to say unfairness, what is the feeling of the Irish people ?—a great the union, are deeply convinced_ of. the fact that there has been of Mr. O'Connell on the question the union, not only as to its being a hard, but an unjust measure, and who believed every spee_ch , k yt e rha u t tte a red on the sub ject as perfectly justifiabl people who are not too re we to expect to be their feelings ? of Mr. O'Connell's name be just as great when shut up in a prison as when at large ? But you will not have his personal in fiuence, which has been s o often, from whateve r mot i ves, ex ertedlrish people from proce e di ng to violence and to prevent the and extremity. At the same time see what has been the have dealt with • manner in which yo u the agita tion ? And now, for the future, as to your execu tive measures, they are still to be things of the same sort. us hitherto were soldiers, What you gave givenbarracks, un wise proclamations, and unju st State prosecutions . As to your legislative measures, we are, it istrue, to have thi s Bill f or t h e Registration of Irish voters , coupled_ivit h a Bill on t h e su bj ect of the franchise. What provisions those measures are to con tainwe know, and can i we cannot say. All say with confi dence on this subject, is that it s impossible for you to legislate ujion it at once with credit to yourselves, with benefit to the Irish people.—(Opposition cheers.) All we can w i t h con& ' dence say is this—the measure y ou mean to introduce must either destroy the last remains of the or the last remains of your own character and existence. With respect to the Landlord and Tenant Commission, I say nothing upon the subject unti l we have t he report. Nothing has yet been done, and when we shall have the report nobody can say. But I eel that I have been trespassing too long on the House.—(Cries or 6, No, no," au4 " Goon.") On sow future occasion perhaps I may have , Opportunity o f go i ng at length into a subject of the gravest and 'lightest importance— I mean the question • of the Established Church in Ireland. and all I will do now is to take some short notice of the man ner in which that question has been met on either side, for I must say, that from gentlemen who vote }with the Qoyernpaept ; • have h d and profess to follow then"; w? 4 . f iltelarations Of libes sort oi liberality which is not rality--I mean that accompanied by a vote worthy of the speech. From the Ministers who have vet spoken we have had nothing, so far as I have ob servecf. The Established Church, if we are to judge from them, will not be touched.—(Hear.) As to the Noble Lord (Stiinley), I the speech of , cophss Oat it nnfo4ll4o for me not to feel I surprised at the case he attempts to make upon the . question. What were the Noble Lord's arguments in support of maintaining the Established, Church in Ireland ? One was that in 1757, and in 1792,:arel some other }ears which the Noble Lord mentions, the Roman Catholics, when asking for a removal of the present penal laws and disabilities under which they laboured, said that they did not complain of the Church Establishment. Did any body ever hear of such a reason for keepi ng up such a system'? Is it not perfectly notorious that in the ordinary progress of affairs men suffering under any grievances, and feeling some more strongly than others, ask to get rid of the most severe? When they vi ere suffering from other penal laws, and did not ask for a removal of the Established Church. was that a reason why they did not desire its removal ? Why, I could give the Noble Lord an instance in his own practice in that respect. Does not every one know that in the agitation for the abolition of the slave trade, all its advocates disclaimed in the most earnest manner the intention of seeking to emancipate the slaves ? Such was the language of Lord Grenville, of Mr. Pitt, of Lord Howick (now Earl Grey), and of Mr. Fox, when he brought in his Bill on the subject. Mr. Wilberforce used the same language ; and, in 1s:07. the present Duke of Northumberland proposed to introduce a Bill to also . lish slavery. Mr. Wilberforce pulled him down, and said " our victory is to be over the slave trade." And when the Noble Lord brought in his B 11, in which he developed that plan with his usual ability, in which he pointed out all the hor rible evils he was going to remove, what would he have said if a person had got up in the House, and declared with Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox that his argument was to be an argument against the Noble Lord carrying out his views ? This, happily, the Noble Lord has r e fut e d by his own practice. The Noble Lord said much about the impossibility of repealing the sth article of the Act of Union. Now the fourth article of the Act of Union fixed the proportion of the number of Members for Great Britain. The fourth article was altered, and who was it that brought in the Bill to effect that alteration ? The Noble Lord.--( Cheers from the Opposition.) Well, then, to come to the Noble Lord's argument respecting the Roman Catholic oath. If the Noble Lord were present I should be inclined, with all the great personal respect which I entertain for him, to be a little more severe, but now I shall merely confine myself to his argument in the case. When was such an argument ever heard of? Put it even in the strongest way, and it amounts only to this, that the Roman Catholic Members should walk out when we were going to vote on the subject of the Church Establishment. But when we, the orthodox Protestant Members, are present, what is the course to be adopted ? Is a man not to vote on the subject, because a particular individual in the House is tied up by an oath on the question ?—( Hear, hear.) Are we other 640 Members, who are not so tied up, not to discuss the question ? If the Noble Lord has no other argument than this in support of his system, he has a very poor case indeed. I hope the Government will deal with this sub ject in a larger and mere comprehensive manner, and as a matter worthy its high position. The Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government will not come down, I am confi dent, to discuss such a question with a piece of an old journal in his hand, and tell us something about 1792 and 1797—he will feel that he must do battle upon this question, as it has reference to an institution, as it is either a good or a bad one. What are the ends for which an Established Church exists ?—( Hear. ) Does the Church in Ireland accomplish those ends ?—( Hear.) Can a Church which has no hold on the great body of the people be other than useless or worse ? Has the Church in Ireland that held on the people ?—( Hear.) It has existed two centuries and a half, and has she yet suc ceeded in making such a great conquest among the Irish people. that she can be called, like the Church of England, or the Church of Scotland, the poor man's church ? Has she induced the body of the people to join her, or has she excited in them a reverence, or a respect for the State ? These are the national grounds on which a Church is supported, and not the views advocated in a speech made many years ago, and in h a a petition d presented persecuted people,te reign o who, o, of under George such I. uch l 1 , a w b an n- laws as t h u os e of the penal code, did not ask for the removal of the Established Church, and did not even dream of asking for a seat in Parliament. But, Sir, I have said now quite enough to entitle me to give the vote which I am going to do. I think myself that those evils have been brought upon us by the false and pernicious policy which the Government have pursued, and I do not think there is any possibility, that while their sys• tem is followed in Ireland that country can be peaceable. I also think it utterly impossible that till Ireland is peace able and well affected the empire can enjoy its proper dig nity, and that which is perhaps better than dignity—secu rity. 1 am confident that in every negotiation that may be concluded, whether with France respecting the right of search, or with America respecting the settlements in the Pacific, however the negotiators may avoid mentioning the subject, the remembrance of the state of Ireland is, in the minds of those negotiators, constantly de pressing the one and emboldening the other. And so it must necessarily be with this greatly extended and mighty empire, well provided though it be with every means of offence and de fence. This empire has at her command means which no other empire that ever existed in the world possessed. She can stipulate terms of peace to the Court of China. She governs Australasia and Caffraria. It is in her power to drive from the seas the commerce of every country on the globe, and again blockade all the ports of Europe, from the Baltic to the Adriatic. It is in her power to guard her Indian empire against every attack. But, amidst all this mass of power, there is one vulnerable point noear to her heart in which some forty-five years ago a blow was struck which had nearly proved fatal. For the revival of such a state of things again Parliament is re sponsible, but for my part of that responsibility I clear myself of it, by the vote I am about to give in favour of the motion of my Noble Friend, and I earnestly hope I shall have on that occasion so large and respectable a party as may satisfy the Irish Roman Catholics that they still have friends in England, and that they must not relinquish the hope of protection from the wisdom and justice of the Imperial Parliament.—( Loud and long-continued cheers.) The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said he fully appreciated the eloquence of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, but at the same time he felt it to be his duty to allude to the motion which the Noble Lord had brought before the House. He (the Solicitor-General) would ask what had induced the Noble Lord to bring that motion before the House ?—( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) lie should take the answer from what had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman oppo site, when he said that the object was to pass a vote of censure on her Majesty's Ministers, for their general conduct of affairs since their accession to office, and above all for their adminis tration in Ireland, and in the case of the State prosecutions. Such being the undeniable result of the Noble Lord's motion, he (the Solicitor-General) would ask, would not the effect of it be to give encouragement to those who violated the law in Ireland—(Cheers from the Tory benches)—and to those who were disaffected towards the Government? He thought also he had a right to complain of the particular time at which the Noble Lord had brought forward this mo tion, because although the verdict of the jury had been brought in, no sentence had been, as yet, pronounced, and he now, by his motion, called upon the House to give an opinion, not alone as to the legality of the matter, but also as to its policy. From his (the Solicitor-General's) close observation of the course of those trials to which the Right Hon. Gentleman had alluded, he should say that no man with an unprejudiced mind could pronounce them to be otherwise than perfectly fair, and that the jury had pronounced the only ver di c t which, could be come to from the evidence before them. Let them look to the state in which Ireland was at the time when those prosecutions were established, and then ask themselves whether the Govern ment were not fully justified in the course which they had adopted. In October the prosecutions were begun, and at that time, and for months before, the Repeal agitation had been in most active operation, and the Repeal Association had been carrying out its objects in a manner which tended to the subversion of all order. In alluding to the Repeal Association, he felt it necessary to say a few words—the more so because he was not present when the Noble Lord spoke of this body. He (the Solicitor-General) would say that the objects and intent of that Association were to effect ostensibly a repeal of the union, but he felt convinced that the result of such a measure would, if carried, be an ulti mate separation of the two countries. The Noble Lord had said that the Association was like any other, and should therefore have like toleration.—(Hear, hear.) It was true that the Imperial Parliament had the right to repeal an Act of Parlia jocomeofhse?;:s)uit —d ; nhe ari b eoenl u nddd t hota the ee t pH h cwe o er ra u mos g wa h t tnhn t hle t nu h tAgb e he r (If e s trti od w ome fte that wts e ahthe c eti tcrl r hne t a mon i ha n e et nub t A row,ed c o_by t uy s , d w wa h psh sli Criesaoce h ech oa m hftt ee dh i must be considered as permanent from their nature_( Cries of Oh, oh )—and one was the Act of Settlement, by which her Ma jesty held the Crown, beside which he would place the Act of Union. He thought that no body, associated for the purpose of altering the basis upon which the Mo narchy and the Constitution rested, could be legal. It had been said that the law had been strained in Ireland, but it must be borne in mind to whom the cards were given. They were given to men who were absolutely at the disposal, and under the command, of one of the parties who were after wards indicted, he meant the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork (Mr. O'Connell). They were men at his disposal and under his command, and were ready either for action or in action. They were ready to remain quiet and bide their time as they were directed, or to muster for action at a given signal. All this was attended by the assembling in different parts of Ireland of hundreds of thousands of people marching in order under their repeal wardens as officers—mustering on the ground in such numbers that anything like discussion or deliberation was wholly impossible. At these meetings the leaders of the people hurled defiance against the Government of the country. They not only spoke defiance, but they even threatened war, saying that they were ready to meet the people of England—that they were ready for war if the people thought fit to engage in it. Were such things, he would ask, to be allowed to continue ?—( Hear, hear.) He asked whether it was consistent with the well-being of the country for the Go vernment to allow such a state of things to continue? It had been said that the law had been strained. Now he fearlessly put it to any Hon. Gentleman whether such a state of things could exist in any country calling itself civilised—could it , exist in a country where the law was properly vindicated? He thought it could not. The Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down said that the difficulties of the Government were to come, for if they attempted to enforce their sentence on Mr. O'Connell, there would be an outbreak in Ireland. If that Hon. and Learned Gentleman had violated the law the Government would be neglecting their duty if they did not en force the law. Her Majesty's Ministers finding that such was the state of things in Ireland decided that they would not come to that House for additional powers, but that they would trust to the force of the common law for restoring order in Ireland. In consequence of this the late prosecutions were instituted. The Right Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down had said the law adopted in Ireland in the late trials was not the usual or ordinary law. The Right Honourable Gentleman said there were precedents to be found in the seventeenth century but not since. The Noble Lord opposite had designated it as " judge made law." With respect to this expression of the Noble Lord he could only say that if the Noble Lord meant that the indictment had been formed upon the common law, as declared and recognised by successive judges from the judgment-seat, he (the Solicitor-General) perfectly agreed with him. The Noble Lord said he was no lawyer, but the w o m a m n d o n o l o a n w s t o i f t u E t i o n n g a o n f d this as convince h which the lives, the property, and the freedom of the people of enoughim o th f a t t h t e h e la o this country mainly depended. But the Right Hen. Gentle. d cN e oo c ub l n a lt r er e yl ia rt n od d recognised by the judges, was the security upon man who had just sat down, had said that no precedent for the law, as laid down in Ireland, could be found since the seven teenth century. Now, he (the Solicitor-General) found an indictment which ran in almost the same words as the late in dictment in Ireland, and this indictment was prepared in the 'year 1795. The persons on that occasion were convicted, and the sentence of the Cowl of Queen's Bench was imprison ment; Lord Keopm at the time being Lord Chief Justice, and Mr. Justice Lawrence and Mr. Justice Ashurst were the counsel. He could come even to later dates. , He held in his hand an indictment, which hays been preferred by Lord Campbell when he wits' Attorney* General under the Noble Lord- (Lord'd, Russell) Govern- ' spent. That indictment was for a conspiracy of a precisely similar nature to the one in Ireland. The form of the indict- ' merit was almost in words the same, and upon it the defendants were convicted in this country, and were sentenced to impriscuse I ment and fine. Why, since he (the Solicitor- General) had held the office he at pregent Uad the honour to fill, it had been his duty, at the last special commission in Stafford, to direct an indictrdent of a precisely similar kind. The Magistrates had committed the defendants for high treason, but he (the citor-General) did not treat the case as one of higie treason, but indicted the parties for co4spiraey:' 'vvo of those parties were convicted; arid were 'noise udder sentence. This was an indictment in 'England, against persons of comparative Obscurity. And was it a reason, because the person wasa man of eminence ] and therefoie 11464 to have -an effect upon the persons he addressed— was it because he was a man of eminence that lie was to be relieved from a prosecution ? - It was this that-made-the prosecution the more necessary. The Noble Lord and several Hon. Gentlemen had said that the act of which Mr. O'Connell had been convicted, was done in the face of day. Now, he (the Solicitor- General) would make one remark as to thelawfulness of those proceedings. He apprehended that it was a sufficient answer to the Noble Lord to say that the question had been under the consideration of the Court possessing the highest criminal jurisdiction in the country, and it had been decided by the unanimous concurrence of the judges of that Court, that the form of the proceedin g s was according to the law. But it was said that Mr. O'Connell had not been guilty of a conspiracy, for the Noble Lord said that conspiracy was always secret and dark. Why, the same argument might be applied to the cases of conspiracy which had been tried in England. The indictment against the Chartists was for assembling together great bodies of the people, and for addressing them in seditious speeches. A conspiracy—a political conspiracy —might be dark and secret, as, where p twer was in one hand, and the object was to transfer that power to another. It would be conspiracy if an attempt were made to excite the people to rebellion and resistance, or by attempting to in timidate a Government by a display of masses of the people, or the physical force of the country. The course of proceeding in the two cases must be wholly different. The parties worked by different means. They assembled large masses of the people, they published seditious placards, and made seditious speeches. Their object was to inflame, to agitate, and madden the people. It was plain that this was conspiracy. These acts were so directed as if they were intended to date the Parliament, and all Ireland was filled with tumultuous meetings.—( Hear, hear.) It was for these offences they were tried and convicted. The Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had said, that if there were anything unfair in the trials it would deprive the verdict of all moral effect. With respect to the unfairness of the trial—the first thing in importance—was the formation of the jury._( Cheers.) The Government might have proceeded with a common jury. But that would have precluded the traversers from the privilege of challenging the jury; and it was the opinion of the Govern ment that a special jury would be liable to less objection. On that account'express directions were given by the Government, that it shmild be a special jury, in order that both parties should stand upon equal terms.—(Hear, hear, and great laughter.) Then, when they came to the fact of striking the jury—he thought that there was uts ground of complaint. Instructions were given by the Government that Catholics should not be struck off as Catholics, but that the same objection, was to apply equally to Protestants and Catholics. There was nothing from which it could be interred that there was any intention to insult the Roman Catholics. How could it be, that out of a list of 717 qualified persons the passel was struck, whereas the old panel consisted of only 308? But it was said, upon the other side, that it was impossible to have a fair trial by jury in Ire land. Nothing so severe had been said on his side of the House.—(Tory cheers.) It was proposed that when a Ca tholic was to be tried the jury were to consist of half Pro testants and half Catholics. Why, if the statements of gen tlemen opposite were true, the consequence of that would be that there would be no verdict at all. There had been a great deal said ofthe omission of some names from the list of special jurors, but it had been clearly shown—indeed nobody denied— that the omission was a matter of „mere accident, and that the person through whose negligence the mistake. occurred, was himself a Roman Catholic. - SHELL--Oh no, indeed. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL—Then if the Right Hon. Gentleman knew who was the guilty person, he ought to name him. Mr. SHIEL—I only said it was not a Roman Catholic. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL would repeat, that if the Right Hon. Gentlemen knew who it was, he ought to ,accuse him openly in that House. Mr. SHEIL made an observation which did not reach the gallery, but which was followed by laughter and cheers. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL—If the Right Hon. Gen tleman made the charge, it was one which was directly con tradicted by all of those who had arty thing to do with the conduct of the prosecution, and of whom several were Members of that House.—(Tory cheers.) He had heard harsh comments made upon the conduct of his Friend the Attorney-General for Ireland, but upon a careful review of his oonduct he (the Solicitor-General) had seen nothing from the commencement but a great willingness to accommodate the accused, and he never opposed them un til they showed a determination to evade the trial if the forms of law would avail them for that purpose.—( Cheers.) He consented in all stages to postpone the procedings whenever the application for postponement had a reasonable pretext. In his address to the jury he showed the greatest temper and modera tion—(A laugh)—as well as the most consummate discretion, as a man representing the Crown in a grave prosecution.— ( Hear, hear.) The speech of the Solicitor-General was also remarkable for its temper and discretion, and the entire absence of any wish to press upon the accused. He did not think that the accusation of unfairness came gracefully from the Noble Lord who brought forward this motion. It had been admitted by those who followed the Noble Lord en the same side that he had failed, and wholly failed to substantiate the charge of unfair ness. He (Sir W. Follett) would ask, did not a grave re sponsibility rest upon him and upon those who , supported this motion ?—(Loud cheers.) He wished to make a remark on the charges made against the Government. When they were told by Noble Lords and Hon. Gentlemen opposite that they did not redress the crying grievances of Ireland he looked, but looked in vain, for some tangible charge. When it. was said that since the present Administration had been in power they had not consulted the feelings of the Woman Catholics, he asked them to cease from mere assertion, and to give him one tangible charge.—(Hear, hear.) They gave him none —no, not one. —(Cheers.) The only thing they even attempted was to say—(but they never attempted to prove)—to say that their administration of patronage had not been equal be. tween the Catholic and the Protestant. Now he ventured to say that in the mind of every Member of the Administration, there was the strongest and most anxious desire to maintain a perfect system of equality between Protestants and Catholics. —( Hear, hear.) And here again he would ask for an instance wherein this rule had not been followed out. Tell him an instance where the Government had bestowed an office upon a Protestant where a Catholic equally competent could be found to fill it. The Noble Lord (Russell) had talked about the Master of the Rolls. Why the man whom the Government had made Master of the Rolls was Attorney-General in the Administration of which the Noble Lord was a leading Mem ber.—(Cheers.) He was a man of the highest talent, and he asked if there was a Roman Catholic then at the bar who for one moment could be put in competition with him? —(Cheers. ) They could not find one—they could not name one. Why, then, what did they mean by bringing these charges of unfairness against the Government without one tact to support them ?—Loud cheering.) Let them bring one instance of supposed unfairness or injustice, and he under took it should be answered.—(Cheers.) But he must, before sitting down, say a word upon another point. When they were told that their measures, as far as they went, were good, but that they would be of no avail, and that no measure would be of use in restoring permanent peace to Ireland while the Pro testant establishment existed there—when he heard these sen timents uttered and cheered as they had been Ili Gentlemen opposite, he was anxious to know on what authority they were made.—(Hear, hear.) For he knew that the 'heads of the Catholic Church and the leaders of the Catholic body had ab solutely repudiated the idea of taking anything from the State. --( Hear, hear.) They would take nothing from the State— they would have no endowment. What then did Honourable Members mean by saying that they would never be satisfied till that Church, whose endowments they sought not, was de stroyed.--( Hear, hear.) Was it i n deed t rue th a t th oug h t h ey did not seek the honours or the revenues of the Protestant Church of Ireland, yet that the price of peace was to be its de struction.—(Cheers.) If that were so. then there would not be peace—(Cheers)—but he, for one, did not believe it— (Cheers)—and he ventured to hope that the measures which from time to time the Government would propose would have the effect of giving not only peace, but happines s and p ros p er ity t o t h at country.—(Cheers.) He did venture to hope that when it was known in Ireland that the trade of agitation would no longer be permitted—( Cheers ) —and that the Legislature was willing to lend an ear to all matters of reasonable complaint, a peaceful and prosperous tranquillity would be restored to Ireland, and life and pro perty would have the same security as in other portions of the British empire.—(Loud cheers. ) Lord JOHN RUSSELL briefly explained; and on the motion of several Members, all speaking at once, the debate was adjourned till to-morrow (this day). RAILWAY Mr. GLADSTONE moved that it be an instruction to the Committee on Railways, that they have power to consider of any arrangements advantageous to existing railway companies, to which, in the opinion of the Committee, Parliament might justly give its sanction. Mr. HAWES said, that they ought to be cautious how they interfered with Acts of Parliament, that authorised the expenditure of large sums of money. He did not mean to dispute the power of Parliament so to interfere, but it was usual for a Minister to explain more fully what his objects were than the Hon. Gentleman had done. Mr. GLADSTONE said, he had last session explained his opinions and intentions on this subject more fully, and he did not mean to weary the House with a repetition of them. The Committee would have equal regard for the interest of private individuals and the advantage of the public. After a few words from Dr. BOW RING the motion was agreed to. . _ _ — The following Select Committee on Joint Stock Banks was was then moved for :—Mr. W. E. Gladstone, Lord Granville Somerset, Sir George Grey, Sir Walter James, Colonel T. Wood, Mr. Milnes, Mr. Hawes, Sir W. Clay, Mr. Oswald, Mr. G. Craig, Mr. Cripps, Mr. Godson, and Mr. Young. Colonel It WDON moved for returns of the naval service employed on the cuast of Ireland from 1534 to the present pe riod describing the number and class of such vessels, and the number of men and officers employed for each year. A few Orders of the Day were disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter to One o'clock. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. STANDARD.—Men of all parttes are asking how it was that the Noble Mover of the Irish resolutions in the House of Lords was left " alone in his glory" by every member of the ex-Cabinet ! Lord Ripon's speech cer tainly reduced them to a pitiable condition. According to Lord Campbell, the Marquis of Lansdowne was taken ill, and as he intended to speak, the debate was courteously adjourned from Tuesday to Thursday. Thursday came, but not a word came from Lord Lansdowne ! This was passing strange, after the adjournment and the rea son assigned for asking it. Not a word from any one of the ex-Cabinet, though the debate originated with a member of that Cabinet. Of course Lord Lansdowne must have intended to speak, as the adjournment took place chiefly to give him an op portunity of doing so. What a tribute, then, was it to Lord Ripon's excellence, that after a day and nit'st consideration, by far th e mos t elo quent of the Whig Cabinet relinquished his intention of replying to it. But there was some law involved in the discussion, at least it was so emaciated by the Whig organs. This was ciculy A mistake, or the ex-Chancel lor of Ireland would assuredly not have been silent. His whole professional life was spent in the cc.urtsa common law—he was 12 years Attorney.Qopera,l for England. In matters of law there la,llleof to he found a more com letent authority-, Surely ; then, the doctrines of th e rish Chief Juslice could not possibly have received a ktrOnger or Min flattering assent than that acarded by his silence. After all, the division 'night just as well have taken place on Tuesday. Of course, the a b sence of the Noble Lord who, leftthe Rouse ill was the " sole" cause why it did not, Others assign a different reason. Woe, Lord Puncannon unluckily absent from town, with the Whig proxies in his pocket, or looked up ? In the ease heard I t ii\ th.e Con - anon Pleas, Guild hall, on Friday aid 4itudaT, of the Fishmongers Company r, itabgtson awd others, thejury found a verdict for the de -444it, .amages ls. • LOVE'S SIMPLICITY. =. young woman alighted from a stage-coach t when a picco of ribbon from her bonnet fell into tho bottom of• the carriage. " You have left 3 -clr bow behind," said a l a dy passeiiger. " No, I haven't, h gone a - fislii*" innocentlx r ined the damsel, and pro deided'oti her way rejoicings.—hull Advertiser. ' APPEAL CASES FOR HEARING IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS, SESSION 1844. fatty. Ker (Ist appeal)• Scotland Scott r. Kw (third appeal) I>i tto • Vaughan (ironow, abated Chanc.,England The King v. Trafford, writ K-in,„,s Bruck, of error, plaintiff's c ouncil 1 . : 7 1 ,, tai1d. • heard 1833 ~.. Blake v. Boyle, abated Attwood v. `Small, abated • Johnson v. 'Thomas, exparte, abated 1836 Goold v Richards Fully heard Miller v. Knox - Small v. Attwood }'arnell v. M‘Gauran, exparte, abated Aitken v. Finley and Another, ). exparte, abated Earl Belfast v. Marquis of Donegal, abated Crawford v. Edward, Pauper, l expartc 1839 Andrews V. Walton (time t Chancery, Eng• given to enrol) laud Carrick v. Buchanan, exp cause remitted with three- Scotland flow Chanc., Ireland Each., England Scotland. Chanc., Ireland Exch., Ireland Each., Ireland Chanc., Ireland Scotland Chan..lreistnd Scotland. Farrell v. Glemn ( I st. ap.) ( Exch. Chamb., , Ireland --• Ditto, ditto (2d appeal) `Ditto Fully heard Charter v. Sir J. Trevelyan Chime., Englaad 1841 Galway v. Barron, abated ... Exch. Ireland Adam v. Farquharson Scot land } Sivond Ses- Thompson v. her Majesty's sion, 1841 Advocate-General, writ Fully heard of error __ _ _ •Each., Scotland - TO be argued by one Counsel of Fully heard / Th e skinners' Company v , the mush Society Waters v. Groom Fully heard Earl of Rosslyn v. Aytoun 1842 Drummond v. Munro (or Fully heard f Ross) Duke of Beaufort v. Taylor, a side. Chanc., England Ditto Scotland Scotland Chanc.,Englaud exparte Fully heard (Knight v. Sir W. Boughton, t exparte - Sandford v. Morrice Stockton and Darlington Railway Company v. Bar rett, writ of error Byron v. Cooper Marquis of 'Waterford v Ditto Rolls Chan.,Eng . Common Pleas, England Excheq., Engl. Dittos Scotland Ditto Knight Mackenzie v. 'Williamson ..... Drummond v. Walrond and others v.Woode exparte... The Society of dontributors' to the Widows' Scheme of the Solicitors of the Supreme Court of Scot land, or Ellis v. Henderson, Ditto ezparte The Ironmongers' C om p any v. the Attorney-General Stirling v. Ewarf, abated Bogie v. Bogie Murray v. Murray Lord Blantyre v. Earl of Wemyss and March Fay heard { The Queen v. Mills, writ of error j The Queen v. Carroll, writ ofj error Creed v. Creed Lindsay v. Earl of Aboyne, et 1 econ Hatfield v. Phillips, writ of error Chane. England Scotland Ditto Ditto Ditto Queen's Beneh, Ireland Ditto Ditto Chanc., Ireland Scotland Exchequer, England Taylor v. Clemson, writ 01 error Brown v. Boorman, writ of error Ditto Chatic.,Ettgland I Excheq. Chun. ber, Irelan4 Chanc., Ireland Scotland Ditto Duchy of Lan- caster Scotland Ditto Chime., England Scotland Ditto Ditto Chanc., England Excheq. Cham ber, England Ditto 1837 Aga.. Queen's l3encb, England Ex. C 7 'harnber, England. Hammersley v Baron de Biel Chanc;ling,land Bourne v. Gatliffo, writ of Com. Pleas, error Earl of Bucham v. Erskine, Scotland Dryburglt entail Earl Buchanan v. Erskine Ditto Strathbrook entail j Campbell (pauper), or M'La ren v. Fisher (pauper) ex- Ditto parte Forrest v. Harvey Robertson (or Rennie) v 1 • Ritchie Cookson v. Cookson Earl Stirling v. Officers of State, Scotland Sir H. Brydges v. Fordyce Ferguson v. APJamei, exprt Mackintosh v. Gordon (or' Mackintosh) exparte Provost, Magistrates, and' Town-Council of Aber brothwick v. Strachan • Purvis v. Lonsdell The Irish Society, v. the; Bishop of Derry and Re-J writ of error Stoke v. Heron, exparte Vis. Dungannon v. Smith_ Stuart v. Spottiswoode The Rev. Dr. Gordon v. the . 1 Earl of Kinr ottl, abated Allen .(pauper) v. Glasgow, exparte Beckham v. Drake, writ of error Hamilton v. 'Watson Duke of Northumberland v 1 Viscountess Strathallau, ' I exparte Fully heard... Ross v. Duke of Sutherland Allen (pauper) v. M'Pherson Jacks (lessee of the Right' Hon. George Robert Daw son) v. M'lntyre, writ of Ditto Ditto Chanc.,Englaad Scotland Ditto Ditto Ditto error .. Sheeley v. Lord Muskerry Ferrier v. Hutchinson Abercrombie (or Dingwell) v. Dingwell Hon. R. B. Wilbraham v Searisbrick, ex par te Ferrier v. 1)r. W. P. Alison Wattles v. Wright, exparte Mayor, &c., of Newcastle upon-Tyne v. Attorney- General Connack v. Erskine (or Hen derson) Gordon v. Haw•den Cleland (pauper) v. Pater-1 ; son, or Cleland, exparte j Hoare v. Byng, exparte Harrison v. Stickney, writ oft error Broadley v. Stickney, writ of error Cruikshauk v. Lady Cruik- Scotland shank Hon. H. Trevor v. Hon. G Chanc.,England Trevor Colvill v. Colvill Scotland 1844 Campbell v. Sir Colin Camp-I Ditto bell MILD RIM STATE OF IRELAND. HOUSE OF LORDS, Fez. 15. LORD NORMANBY'S RESOLUTIONS. MAJORITY.—PRESENT, 79. H. R. H. the Duke Aylesford VISCOUNT. of Cambridge Hardwicke Lowther Lord Chaneeilor Delaware BISHOPS. DUKES. Bathurst Rochester, Bishop Richmond Digby Llandaff, Bishop Marlborough Roden Exeter, Bishop Buccleuch Clanwilliana LORDS. Montrose Longford De ROO3 Wellington Enniskillen St. John Buckingham Lucan Sinclair MARQUISES. Caledoit Colville Vs inchestcr Rosslyn Polwarth Salisbury Wilton Boston Bute Veru lam Southampton Exeter St. Germain's Rodney Camden Somers Carteret Chohnondeley Ripon Kenyon Westmeath viscOUNTS. Braybrooke RARLS. _Sydney Blayney Devon Hood Redesdale Sandwich Strangford Rivers Shaftesbury Masserbene Bowden Jersey Midleton Prudhoe Eglintoun Gage Colchester Haddington Hawarden Bexley Dalhousie Lake AN' harneliffb Aberdeen Lotion leversham Dunmore Beresford Brougham Orkney Canning De Lisle PROXIES, 96. DUKES. Courtown LORDS. Beaufort Mayo Clinton Portland Bandon Saltouu Northumberland Donouglimore Rolle MARQUISES. Onslow Dynovor Tweeddale Lime r i c k Bagot Hertford Clancarty Grantley Waterford Fowls Berwick Downsh ire Ch:.rieville Bayning Donegal ;Word Wodehouse Thomond Harrowby Northwick Ely Harewood Dunsany Ormonde Brownlow Carbery Bristol Beauchamp Farnham EARLS. Glengall Clonbrook Pembroke Sheffield Crofton Westmoreland De Grey Alv..nley Stamford Eldon Ellinborough Abingdon Falmouth Santlys Poulett Howe Castlemaine Morton Dunraven Harris Home Amherst Glenlyon Galloway Cawdor Ravenswort Airlie Ranfurly Delamere Leven viscouNrs. Downes Selkirk Arbuthnot Gifford Balcarras Strathallan Cowley &afield De Vesci Stuart 'de Rethsay Glasgow Melville ile:', tesbury Ferrers Sidmouth bkelmersdale Macclesfield Exmouth Wy I] ford Warwick Combermere Ashburton Buckinghamshire Canterbury Seaton Mount Edgeumbe Gloucestsre, Bishop AIINORITY.—PRESENT, 39. DUKE. Scarborough Glenelg Leeds Yarborough Hatherton sisaotisra. Zetland Leigh Conyngham viscoumr. Lilford Lansdowne Melbourne Monteagle Normanby BAsoNS. Montfort EARLS. Beaumont Ponsonby Auckland Cantoys Sudelet Clarendon Campbelll Suffield Erroll Carrington Torrington Pawl Mara Colborne Vivian Fortescue (Tottenham sisuors. Minto Dinorben Ely, Bishop Morley Dormer Hereford, Bishop Radnor Foley Bishop, Norwich PROXIES, 44. MILES. Cowper BARONS. Bedford Dume Bateman Devonshire Errol homers Leinster Effingham Carew Norfolk Fingall Alod Roxburgh Fitzhardinge Haw MARQUIS. Gainsborough Lov Headfort Gobi . ° i d Me tai 13: eadalbane llchester Mostyn EARLS. Lichfield Percival ' Albemarle Rosebery Poltimore Besborough Spencer Portman Bruce Stair Rossinore • Burlington Suffialk Sap/ and Sele _ ect . es Camperdown a 'saws.. Stsol47 Carlisle Durham, Bishop litll:Irt de v Charlemont PAIRS. M ar quis or Ailesbiuy Duke of Somerset Earl of Essex M a rquis of Anglesey Lord Belhaven Earl of Lauderdala. Lord Wenlock Earl of Dartmou th . Earl Lovelace Earl of Beverley Lard De Mauley Mai quis of Clanricarde Marquis of Westminster Earl of 'Menet Lord Stourton Earl of Belfast Duke of Leeds Lord L or dl., o ßlN'Ea}::aiiis: r rhr d li:oo K i Cuul Ernn o .h e 4 °ll l :f.' r i silr6L. "ac e t t r:lh e Nc: r linle:dliol bile t:lrlYit UN FuntivB4 'Ditto Ditto Exchequer `Chamb., Ireland Chanc., Ireland Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Exchequer, England Scotland Ditto cause, pilirnll