The Sun. — London, England, 1844-06-18 00:00:00

;lonial thi"T' )11ana hear ies to nka i 346. t dull ter of IhSC itll ea 3ient• cl..es Lis.- - rn t ° .. will ,ovid be. II , e rs.) full )uset be that hos! !e t" tight aroe i on sur ;hef ring `ea se , IN, ILL _ - - e "roe rate of defy or: reign sugar, the produce of tits i t t: i p , , ,l ea s ti e ie tt.i a i e y p v a a r r t iti o t f i.o he ot p:s t o l p , : e i s iti on , and whether he intended bit • t;ght? vol:-,,ition that was submitted 24 1 "' tL dln , • seed that in ca the House should affirm the w r • is t e eig t f re OUICI proi,C Se the same amount of duty on lit, e . sugar as Was original' proposed. tse,isered',e';,9ll,lt.ANE said, that on Friday eight last, he 'jays tds duty to support ber Majesty's 3ovez:nment in 'jay s the motion of . his Hon. Friend near htrn. Her Itse,s,Covernment were then defeated by 20; and he Ite ein `r that it was now their intention to put the same litoileer•hred again to the House. He had objected to 4 1 !1, g e e t:len . by her Majesty's Governmenton the Factories of ensidered that soniethieg more was due to the te ethe s that )louse when once given than that it should !'tne question submitted for its consideration tie res get, tiler( fore, th at this question had ceasedone /,,,,,Yett to the amount of tisitv—he cor:sidered it was TIGW I t4 l ete . j ° a, of the independence of that House. —( Loud ote s . i', it was a question involving the privileges of the opal ' 1 1 : } would say more, it was a vestion involving the k4 ist't ° floor of ever ,Member who formed pint of the Zatt l i s t i ' f u I- I ' • !iday Tight. Y Under these circumstances, painful s e tatila ' t an atai taking that extended view of the Ca . se, th en , n Qt support her Majesty's Government by voting tfidt Illgnt.—( Laughter and Cheers.) i ktsei a .rew cords from M. COLLET T which were totally Alt li) the Gal.er 4 1 1 N • IC BLE L AI Y. I i t sai d, he was one of those who generally 14 1e Isere Government, her Majesty's G but he yet felt that ▪ hp pur , questions o n w hi c h h e cou ld not gu t h e f o b length ht te ' l ,tig the tiovernment • and he, therefore, felt he rht to the vote h e was abeut to give on the ;esti° 1 1 e eeasion. H e was as i n d epen d ent o f the i s k 01. o f the Government as any individual either e tere o ° at of that House. On two occasions, two ; 14 ,, st eel t ies eceasion , he had von d against her Majesty's L'hit eed ."t• He abuded to the factory question, and, not j; 11 Ise i :g the declarations of the Prime nosier on that bad still felt it his duty, as an independent Mem- Se rGf rt Rouse, to support the line of conduct which he had s e lk a r e i te )n i th ose two former occasions; and the third time he ' i tt• e et Itt the same way. On the present occasion he was et e el to alter the vote he had given before on the ques l!ttlo °4 the House. The Hon. Gentleman who had just t lth . el ti a had supported a principle which he believed to be 1:!, he stood forward as the advocate of consistency ,laistee Majeety's Government, and in support of that Nee)! he tureed round and declared that he would re- ItZesoa.vote which he had given for the benefit of the court- Hoe n d cries of 4. No, no.") If he had misunderstood Gentl Is ti t -Man he begged his pardon. He (Mr. e ethe necessary to maintain his consistency. With respect hlitigtrestion of the amount of duty, he had no hesitation In le a t t he was opposed to the propositiou . of the Govieirn 1,,,:t4er e w as equally opposed to the proposition of the on. °'" Bristol, and on that account he had abstained k ith ° "ag ot • . kh y eoti . Friday night, beause he could not satisfy him :jell th e , el'her one way ore he other. The question on were about to vete was, whether the duty on co eitthßar should be red ced to 20s. or not. He cons•dered Ila,t`itlestion was of too great importance to be entertained 4 „tsie e itt eidental way on that occasion. He said that the k la le :Is one of large imp' rtatsee, and he had no besit . l- 1 we'ing it as his opinion, that if the duty on colones 4 „'re to be reduced a reduction of 4s. per cwt. w that e• 'dgive substantial benefit i tt istat4 fella w as. wou. 'kite e op interests, or be beneficial g to the . public. He bad portunity of hearing the discussion on a firmer gib bad bed he heard the Right Hon. Baronet that even t- - 1 1 4 4 45/41 ;e considered that this was a matter of great impos tsa s „ r espect to the finances of the country. The income tt e:oout. financial and it was of the highest import- Lis the situation of tee country should be looked Ore s ' toe face, and, therefore, this question of the sugar 41104,41311eired their most serious attention. For these Plhes e e should vote against the proposition of the Hon. 1 , (4 ' Bristol. S7klae. ARRUBTON said the character which the Hon. forlb Bristol had given of his amendment, contrasted re • D e Pr° Pesit . ofthe Government, namely, that it afforded tit, • kte et : 1 " lee s gti ..• .0 0 to the West India interest, had 14':t it, That was the reason that ieduced his von eon 1 / 4) and, therefore, unless the Honourable . Member . for k 4,% Prepared to do away with the 4s. discriminating Leave the duty as 20s. on - colonial an d 3es. on forign, ktl ir 4 Reat the vote he had given upon the former occasion. L ti se • u GUGL AS begged to state it was his decided in • Utider present circumstances, to vote with the Govern. Oliouts of laughter.) eiiej J3 DUCHERE said there was mot only the impor kittei I ° l lof the sugar d u ti es b e f ore th em , b u t th er e w a s k ere important que s ti on , h o w t h e course it wa s pro saeyddopt would affect the character of that House?— ht I;laeers.) He was fully aware that circumstances se when—a Minister having committed an error or Nl:sleeting from misinformation—it would he justifiable a vote which had been come to. He had himself sup prsed.ord Althorp when the vote upon the malt-tax had been • a s ad he had supported the Bight Hon. Gentleman e l it e as e e t.e el) in his conduct upon the Factories Bill, and had e N ote t he course the Government had taken. Those i i t aist etiet u gr!at and important questions, justified by the cir- Litroe ee s in which they stood ; but his fears now were upon Clii eue lton which the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) sitqhi Put the present question. In the very unimpor tlate,eh had b een ma d e o f t h e quest i on, his (Mr. La ee',6 th s ),anxiety restedfurther, the language in tt:ght Hon. Gentleman had addressed that House, e Wre which no Mi n i s t er oug ht t o a dd ress t o it—lan :Z% oetellAlr. Pitt, even i n t h e p l en i tu d e o f hi s power, an' t ot have ventured to use.— t Loud cheers.) With . e the question itself, he had stated his reasons for his sle se full Y on Friday last, that he did not feel it necessary a te a gain upon the subj e ct. As h e sa id then, Vp e ' f uought now, that whilst the measure was far ss e ' l tsla s et . still, in the amendment of the Hon. Member for tc' e rtl s ur • Miles), he found so m uc h more b ene fit t o the con eit it _rl to the proposition of the Government, that . he must i s etile hie ! support. He begged, however, to give not that, , egtehr ol u i ?er time; if no one else proposed it, he should th Proposition to the House, to put an extra duty of 0 44 eisighlys refined sugars from our own colonies—that is, 4 7 , 4e 2 t t1e : t h i e duty o n th e fuse clayed colonial 245., and on the tireie .l tt aYed toreign 345. lie thought if they applied the of „ terig principle t o the f ore i gn su gars , it wou ld b e b etter to hk i' 4 .as well to the colonial. With regard to the charge 441 , j 'aeY brought against him and his friends on that side pt,,' kt,4T'e. he w holly repudiated as inapplicable to any nar -4,, e ast of all to himself. When the notice on the subject ih it t ret u ltr. dules: w' riven was in Somersetshire, and on •p, to town he found that hr had actually misunderstood tit ie i r li`ort of 'he -amendment. The first. time he heard of et e e nort of his friends to support the amendment was in (I,l t ~75 , and if there was a conspiracy, all he could say was, v 1 74:0" , have originated across the table of that House.— te ttlt )He should regret, intleed, if the House re -14 e a t night the decision it had arrived at on Friday last, e_ar t was sure that such a step would have a tendency to 44 it ee at Heinle in the eyes of the people. He hoped the k 'stee t .!r Would come when any majority of that House would „keel: Support a'Government upon such terms and in such ti i t 'ati o I. as he Righ lion. Genteman had censideed it to the t safety of t his Ministry to attempt to force r upon bp t la eo * ERL, in explanation, said the word conspiracy had t a t spi re ied by hi m . All t h at h e hail said was to express lee, et 0 1 that wh a t h a d h appene d- on F r id ay n i g h t h a d , to ewords, " t a k en pl ace w ith p rev i ous concer t." a'ttay n I SRAELI said he was not present at the debate on letesetileieht and therefore he was not acquainted with the ,7 1 11 4 1 / 1 , t 4t S of those conspirators, who now were merely called e te t 4 ai t ° '!--( A laugh)—and therefore he was naturally some. re onish e d at that which had transpired. But be was Zitlio!°Oished to hear that they were called, at four o'clock, p ri se the painful sight of the resignation of a Ministry ; e l 'el,e u er. present circumstances, and seeing how matters tl l l . t eacn e o rilld not refrain from congratulating the House that, t e " t Y had w itnessing the resignation of the Administration, t `t °II) .Y witnessed the Prime Minister move an amend tit (L aughter.) There cettainly were to be found cases fr. s our s to the present one. There was the case of the malt te k l. IV Years ago, when Lord Althorp induced the then 1 . 1 eta], ~ rs to rescind a vote they had deliberately come tte ti kli e e (Al r. D'lsra li) was not in the House at that time, ti e had r ea d arid he3rd a good deal of the proceedings % ti tled . i t e n took s.lace, and he knew that step was e eet a by eminent men of both parties in i,:, ll ltse ', t rY as tnost extra.ordinary, and only to be then 13 5 the inexperience of a House that had kit kn be e 1 , reconstructed. a ea, several years elapsed be- Cle,:';',lar circumstance occurred, and that was very ye : e ae l ti acts they had been called upon to rescind a vote which the ha3ci interested the great body of the nation, and the le t e l etle e s ubmitted to that process which men of great ex ele 4 11,' °tI le Years before had accepted with great reluctance, l io tt tiow e result of an overbearing neces,ity.—( Hear, hear.) \ h are w . ci olY a month had passed—one month only—and that se l 'ad er "1 again to be brought before the country—( Cheers) o ts ver clre umst'ances, he could not help saying, that no man, t { :be , 8 side e e , the House he might belong to, could only de hsetharZe" as must have an inevitable tendency to degrade 41;0.) of them all in the eyes of the people.—( Loud ease Late,„ It Was possible that Ministers might retain power by • Process—( Hear, hear)—hut he for one certainly 5l) i f Te chara c t er o f th e Ri g h t H on . B aronet (Si r R o b ert :411 1 robe supposed he could much value power retained by e ea traordinary, if not unconstitutional.—(Great cheer trle thought the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) 'ese ald !eat with a little more delicacy his supporters under these tire tip 1.4 or nstances—(Cheers)—and, for his part, he thought e e re th light to hope that he should not unnecessarily drag t e sts ~,r o ugh the mire.—( Loud laughter and cheers.) They geci through in May—(Laughter)—they were again e.St all (ir agfaed through in June (Loud laughter) or, r t heiss ey ents, the Right Honourable Gentleman said ialie,;"' Unless you rescind the vote you came to, I will not It% dei t' ol t ° i hearthe responsibility - of office.—( Hear, hear. ) al Gentle they had a right to expect from the Right ( ee yitenan, after all that had happened, that be should see t agh tee ni in a position as little degrading as possible.— se ttr:ielatiagaen_d cheers. ) In his (Mr. D'lsraeles) opinion, sort t o o te e t . ef d the details of these affairs should frame a s t r. rti etParliamentary disgrace—( Cheers ) — that might tell c. ( what t ot Pr i ce came the prospect of the shades of private e l. las e ° ad laugh t er and cheers.) It would say to them "thus li k e t iets' e i ° u go and no farther ;" we have guaged your inde te dig ra s go no furti er or you will have to submit to the pub )esetiet, t ee of recanting your own votes, or we must submit le el l 'to private life. —( Roars of laughter.) Why, in the re• th w hen the Rightßaronet (Sir R. Peel) ep ee:4 h e li e motion of the Noble Lord (John Russell), he on' egad never entered into, and never would enter into the 44 Y t wo Y, and he never would enter into that of cheap sugar. o l d die mare had elapsed, and they now. found what he said th i s t only about slavery, hut about cheap sugar—(Loud 1 tein c h, ail d Seeing that, he chooses to stake his ministry upon (* der tes -et ` and ext ects his supporters to lose their characters i!,,;reey Sustain his ministry.—( Loud cheers.) He detests ICra4t cheern rY place except on the benches behind him.— th; e 4 con,sng• ) He repeated they must recollect this was their time this session they, had been called upon to res• of t y etes, and therefore it would be better for the 'kaput tetaselse_4°,ase—better for the honour of the Prime Minister That that system should terminate.—(Loud cheer- e e monb te "e Right onourable Gentleman himself, from his ftinstlood talents, deserved a better fate than that be should al o e ntla erLhe repiaved and continued in power by menacing his n '' Germ erin giog to his opponents.—(Cbeers.) The Right D, -sernan denied calling them conspirators; he merely :e la raeli) the ni as conspirators, .which reminded him (Mr. 4 ; t eresl el the defence of Fieschi, who denied that he had e o t t ehin ati t o tt ° a censpiracy, but acknowledged being party to a e ci of te t o l * - (A laugh.) He obtained power through the eo e i t 'tinee ni,' ll l will he tries to coerce—he offered to them k e el eise aot P e encY of his own—(Cheers) —nothing that they se w ht h e Pen —no di s ti nct i ve li ne w h atever —( H ear , h ear ) P d ecal started amazed if any one dared to oppose any reat she w hich he himself might think fit to take ties; up.-.- e s i o e at s eart ere 1 : ) g.) He thought that his system—and he was seit 1 3 ,1t est in Parliamentary ways—was the right one to s e , to (Mr. D'lsraeli), for one, helieved that it could h e .Pect e e es r e honou r of the House, or the honour—which he ocl s ) . - "sattel e t he Right Hon. Gentleman himself—( Hear, ?night be excused, if, on this, as on a foi c rer tqlleit,al°rene'hsee,rretetstered his vote for the same purpose, and in et l ea nt od e l e i r , and if he did not follow the example of the Sktekit, he. ( 81 r ft Douglas), but endeavour to show that, rei 'han g , . ad given it not without thought, so he should to ibe ap e without purpose.—( Hear, hear.) And whatever Horiu.eonsequences so mysteriously referred to by the app eee _ t.entlenian, certainly he, for one, if he should have 1111411 1 00 the hustings, should not think he had a less claim on the confidence of those who sent him to that House, because he had not, within forty-eight hours, changed his vote, from being menaced by a Prime Minister.—(Cheers. ) Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS begged to say that he had changed - neither his opinion liar his vote. He had disapproved of the pro;aosition of the Government and had voted against it ; he disapproved also of the proposal of the Member for Bristol, and should oppose that al•o. Lord SANDON said he thought the proposal of the Hon. Member for Bristol was a good one, and he should continue to approve it, and he regretted that the Government did not adopt it, or something of the kind. He Irei also heard with regret. what had fallen from his Noble Friend, not so much in connection with the present question, as from the principle he seemed to lay down, which seemed to be this—that on no oc casion was the Government to be left in a minority that it would not be considered as a vote of want of confidence. If the minority were small, still it showed a want of confidence ; if it were large, the inference would be still vronger ; and whatever the subject might be,whether sugar, or a bishopric of North Wales, whenever there w is a coeibinatton of parties he was afraid the decree had gone firth that a vote of a majority of that House. whenever it did not agree with the opinion of the Government, was to be considered a vote ..f want of confidence. This was a scheme of Government which had never been tried by any party, Whig, Tory, or Radical, and in a country like this would n it only render this but every other Government impossible. He the more regretted this, as he should, in consequence of it, he debarred as an independent Member from lending it that efficient support which he could wish. With regard to the particular ell .stion at issue, he believed that the proposition of the Hon. Member was an iniyrovernent on that of the Govern ment. He begged the West India interest not to exaggerate the crisis. He believed the natural advantages of the West Indian colonies were so great, both with respect to climate and soil, that when the system of free labour should be developed, they would have no reason to despond. Mc. SHELL wished to say a few words on this - subject. He should not follow the example of Hon. Gentlemen on the other s de, who had spoken more unkindly of her 'Majesty's Govern ment than he was disposed to do. As for the Noble Lord who had ja-t sat down, he seemed to be one of those who, in the words of Pope, could " condescend Som-times to call the Nlinister his friend !" He could assure he Right Hon. Bsronet that he was under a mistake if he supposed that there had been any combination or conspiracy on this question. He believed the Right Hon. Gent eman was under an entire misaiprehension if he thought there was any premeditated arrangement between his sup porters and those who generally opposed him. This was the question, putting individual considerations aside. The proposition was one for making sugar cheaper. In reference to this discussion, he lool.ed hack to the debate on Mr. Huskisson's proposition in 1819. That proposition was agreed to by the Cabinet, and was one for reducing the duty on foreign sugar to 28s. Mr. Huskisson then argued that, though the Chancellor of the Exchequer anticipated from it a decrease of the revenue to the amount of 500,0001. annually, -yet the reduction of price would benefit the public more than it would injure the revenue. Now, if the doctrine of Mr. Huskisson were correct, let them try the two propositions be. fore the House by the principle thus laid down, and they must come to the conclusion that a reduction in the price of sugar must be the result of one proposition in a far greater degree than of the other. That being conceded, he thought there ought to be no difference with respect to the choice they ought to come to. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER met the ar gument quoted from Mr. Ilk , slcisson in the same manner as he had met the argument of the lion. Member for Taunton, by contending that an increased demand on sugar, consequent on a reduction of price, would immediately throw a great advan tage into the hands of those who alone had the means of at present supplying the market. This would raise the price to the consumers, and he contended that it was absolutely neces• sary, before making a large reduction in the sugar duties. they should give such notice to those countries preducing free labour sugar as to enable them to furnish a larger supply of that necessary article. It ha 4 been stated that the course Laken by the Governmerit on the present occasion was quite unprece dented, because they called for the revision cf a vote to which the [louse had previously come. They were told that to sub mit to the House a ,quessico which had been previously negatived or affirmed, was a degrading to it.—( Hear. ) In that case, of what use were the fofros of the House which enabled them repeatedly to bring the same ques tions under consideration ? It was admitted that this was done in a very signal manner on the subject of the malt-tax, when the House was called on to rescind its vote not as now during the progress of the Bill. The Hon. Member for Shrewsbbry had indulged in a speech affirming that the Right Hon. Baro net had not the confidence of all who supported him. He had seldom heard a speech so derogatory to the character of the House—( Hear, hear )--and the lion. Gentleman should, at all events, be the last to complain, far, from the tenor of his speech it was evident that he had for a long time harboured in his mind the sentiments which he displayed.—Hear, hear. ) He should be the last person to complain that the Government abused the confidence reposed in them. The question under consideration was, whether they should take off 4s. from the 24s duty. With regard to that proposition, they thought it would injure the revenue without benefiting the consumer. The estimate of loss to the revenue was pretty much the same as when Mr. Hu•kisson brought the subject under con sideration. They had been asked what consideration a loss of 500,' Oa was when they had such a large surplus ? Why, the way to contract debts and to have a deficient revenue, was to proceed in such a course. It was on this ground that he should continue to resist the motion of the Hon. Member for Bristol. _ _ Mr. P. MAXWELL STEWART said that none of the grounds alleged by the Government in support of their proposition were well founded, its his opinion. He did not agree with the Right Honourable Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to the es:imates which he made of the sugar which would come in under this pro position. He denied the statement of the Right Honourable Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade with respect to Java. He had it, on the authority of a Java planter, that sugar was produced there under a forced system, which might be considered a description of mitigated slavery. under which the produce of sugar bad increased twenty-five times in the course of ten years. But he did not mean to say that ought to exclude them under this Bill. The Government had, by their propo sition, proAuced the greatest stagnation in the West India trade. They had now the lowest average price for six years. The price that day was 345. ld.„ arid the stock in hand was 8,010 tons more than the stock in hand in the corresponding period of last year. It was impossible that the adoption of the motion of the Hon. Member for Bristol could increase the suf fering which had prevailed in consequence of the conduct pur -ued by the Government Persons did not know what to do, because they were doubtful of what would be the result of their deliberations in that House. Was that a fitting way to treat a great colonial interest? But the. e was more than this The Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Board of Trade, told them that they were in a state of transition. He had been an advocate for an alteration of the duties, but the Government had by their conduct treated the colonial interest with insult, not meant perhaps, but certainly real. The ar gument of the Right Hon. Baronet was unworthy of him. He put forward the alterations of the tariff, but the Right Hon Gentleman had not allowed time to see what the effect of the tariff was, for he had himself altered it in essential points. He denied that the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol would risk the revenue, and that it would beuett the consumer he thought there could be little doubt. His Hon. Friend the Member for Manchester and other free traders were standing on this occasion between the con stoners and the colonists.—( Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend said he was going to vote fur the Hon. Member for Bristol, but he was enlightened by going to the other side of Temple bar—(A laugh)—and voted with the Government. His Hon. Friend had given an explanation of his conduct, and said that he thought this was a trap. He (Mr. Stewart) was of opinion that his lion. Friend did not mend matters by his explanation, and he would have been more discreet if he followed the " trappists"—(A laugh)—and remained silent. He was sure they ought, looking to the interests of the consumer and the colorest, to uphold the vote to which they had conic on Friday evening. Several Members here rose to aderees the House, among whom was Mr. Entwisle, for whom loud cries were made from all parts of the House. Mr. ENT WISLE said it was with the greatest pain that he !ound himself compelled, at such an early period of his in troduction to that House, to oppose the measure brought for ward by her Majesty's Government, as a supporter of whom he had been sent to represent his constituents ; but it had been in defence of a principle to which he had taken frequent occa sion to announce his adherence, namely, that of affording a fair protection to the produce of the labour of all British subjects.—(Hear, bear.) It was en that principle that the contest was fought in which he was lately engaged, and he should not desert that principle now.—( Hear, hear.) They had an admission of the Government that their measure was hardly equivalent to the necessities of the case. It seemed to be agreed on all hands that there was a strong necessity for immigration of labour into the colonies, and that without such immigration it was impossible fur the West Indian proprie tors to cope with the foreign grower of sugar. In the state of transition which had been so frequently alluded to, it appeared to him that the protection proposed by the Government must be insufficient before an immigration of labour had taken place, and it was en that ground he conceived that the measure of the Hon. Member for Bristol was proposed, for giving increased protection. Whateveranight be the effect upon the revenue, it was brought on by the proposal of the Government them,. selves. However, having recorded his vote in favour of the Hon. Member's proposition on a previous occasion, he would not further mix himself up with that party opposite, to whose views he was opposed. He would decline on that occasion to register his vote in connection with theirs. Mr. B. EsCOTT said he could not understand how this proposition could be supported both on the ground of increas ing the supply of the people of this Gauntry and increasing the protection of the West India proprietors. He agreed with much that had been said on the other side, and amongst other things in which he agreed, was the evil of holding one opinion one day and the opposite on another.—(Hear, hear. ) He had heard an Hon. Member opposite (Mr. P. M. Stewart) in one part of his speech argue for increased protection, and in another part for an increased supply ; but he could not at all understand such an argument, nor could he understand how his Hon. Friend the Member for Somersetshire (Mr. W. Miles), or any other Hen. Member in that House, could sup port the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol on such grounds. Allusion had been made to the possibility of the re signation of Ministers, but he believed the Right Honourable Baronet, the Secretary of State, would strengthen his position in the country if he were to adopt that course.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that the people of England were not attached to these antiquated monopolies which some in that House were inclined to support.—(Opposition cheers.) Although, on the other hand, they were not disposed immediately to abolish all protection to British interests, they wished to go on gradually with the work of amendment, because that was the only way of proceeding safely. He protested against the course pursued by the Hon. Member for Bristol, and supported by so many on that side of the House.--4 Hear, hear.) He challenged the Hon. Member for East Somersetshire (Mr. W. Miles) to prove how the adoption of his Hon. Relative's motion could help the West Indians out of their difficulties.—( Hear, hear.) In con clusion, he begged to say that be could not give his support to the proposition before the House. Lord Howlett, Mr. Miles, and several other Members here rose to address the House, amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide," all of whom gave way to Mr. W. MILES, who said that although he himself was not interested in the West India Colonies, yet, as his nearest and dearest connections were, he could not give his vote on that oc casion without making one or two observations. When his Hon. Friend the Member for Winchester had so far forgotten his position in the county of Somerset, that when scarcely two or three years had passed, he could gulp down all the senti ments for which he contended at two contested elections for the western division of that county, then, indeed, it was not fur him to talk about principle.—(Cheers.) They should not measure their corn by the Winchester bushel.—(Cheers and laughter.) He had been perfectly astonished at the doc trine which the Honourable Gentleman had laid down whilst taunting with inconsistency many of those by whom he was surrounded. The language which he had used ap peared to him to be most extraordinary. He had asked him how the West Indian and the consumer could both be benefited at the same time ? Now what was the Government propo sition? To reduce the duty on foreign sugar from 635. to 245. ; but they did not reduce by one farthing the duty now paid upon West Indian sugar. If his Hon. Friend had only listened to what had fallen from his relative when making his proposi tion, he would have understood the position which they assumed. After the noble sacrifice of twenty millions, the West _lndia proprietors" . did not expect that they would be able to maintain the discriminating deity of 635. They had always looked fur a reduction of the duty on foreign sugar, but at the same time they expected some benefit fur themselves.—(l-.ear, hear.) Without going at all into the question, hue the reduction in price was to be dis tributed, no doubt existed in his mind that both the planter and the consumer would be benefited by the propoced reduction of 4s. The condition of the West India planter was p-ecisely the same as that of the English agrieultux ist. These were his reasons for supporting the proposition of his [lon. Relative. He was sorry that the question had been taken up as it had been by the Government et the country.—( Hear.) lie thought that when it had been intimated that the sugar duties were: next year to be put upon a different basis, they would have come forward and stated what their proposition was, in order that the House might either assent to, or dissent from their proposal. But, instead of this, they had determined, notwithstanding an adverse decision, to force upon the House their own proposition. Ho could assure the Government that those high Conservative principles which they advocated were his own ; but, a' the same time, he must have the power of freely and independently ex excising his vote ; and he conceived that he raised his party higher by exercising that power when, in questions of detail, he differed from the Government, than by obsequiously follow ing every movement of the Government.—( Heat „hear.) He trusted that the majority which had supported his Hon. Rela- tion the other night would not forget the duty they owed to themselves, to the country. and to those who had sent them there; but that whatever might be the effect, they would again record their opinions in favour of the West Indian agricul turists.—(Cheers ) Mr. B. ESCO IT said he had been so severely attacked, that he trusted the Ilou , e would allow him to say one word. He called upon his Hon. Friend, in justice to him and to his . . own character, after charging him (%Ir. Escott) with renounc ing his former opinions and contradicting his former principles, to point out one single instance in which he had avowed prin ciples or opinions inconsistent with those which ho had avowed that evening.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. W. MILES said, of course, he could only speak on the authority of the newspapers. His Hon. Friend (Mr. Escott) however, had oppo-ed his Hon. Friend opposite (Mr. Sand. ford) as a complete protectionist.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. B. ESCOTT—No, no.—( Laughter. ) Lord HO WICK said he certainly did think that the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last had very sufficiently answered the charge made against him. He had, however, heard with great satisfaction the statement of the Hon. Member (Mr. B. Es colt) that the people of England were not in favour of anti quated monopolies; and he trusted that when they came to discuss the corn-laws they would have before them in his speech and vote the undoubted proof of his sincerity.—(Laughter. ) But his object in rising was to say that it really did appear to him most extraonlinary that the House should be called upon to rescind its former vote upon the grounds which had been stated that evening.—( Hear, hear. ) He thought that those gentlemen who laati heard the statement of the Right Hon. Baronet and the speech of the Hon. Mem ber for Bristol must be satisfied that the argunaeats of the Right Hon Baronet were not such cc could warrant the House in retracing the step which they had taken.—( Cheers.) He thought that the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol was a just and fair one.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that everything which could be done to assist the %Vest India inte rest in their difficulties ought to be done. What he understood from the measure of the Government was, that the West Indies should have a protection of Ws. against the produce of free labour. The Member for Bristol had not objected to re duce the duty upon foreign sugar, but he wished at the same time that colonial produce should also be favoured by a reduc tion of duty, which would have the effect of cheapening the article, enlarging the market, and benefiting at once the West India interest and the consumer. He thought that was a most just preposition.—( Cheers.) His Right lion. Friend near him had made a proposition which would remove any difficulty which might exit in coming to such an arrangement. Ile was confirmed in that opinion b y w h a t h a d fallen from the President of the Board of Trade, on the subject of the dif ferent duties to be imposed upon different qualities of sugar.— ( Hear, hear.) There had been but one objection argued by the Right Hon. Baronet, which seemed to him to have con siderable force—that was, that the effect of the proposition .of the Hon. Member for Bristol would be to throw an undue advantage into the hands of those traders who had stock, and of the retailers, who would gai n a t t h e experue of the public. However, that objection might be met by bringing the altera tion into effect at an earlier period, say the sth of July.-- (Cheers.) As to the distinction between slave-grown sugar and the produce of free labour, it was only the Government that set any value on that argument.--( Hear, hear.) But then the Right Hon. Baronet said that they were bound by the treaty to place Brazil upon the same footing with the most fa voured nation. Why then should the Brazilians not be placed upon the same footing as the most favoured nation, and give them what advantage they might o bt a i n i n th ree or four months, until the treaty could be settled? That could not encourage slavery in Brazil. He hoped the House was not going to re scind the decision to which it had come. He had heard with astonishment the statement of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, that the object of Bills being read several times was to give the House an op portunity of reconsidering its opinions, and of preventing surprise. It was true the object of the forms was to prevent surprise, but it certainly was not to institute or keep up a cus tom of rescinding deliberate votes, at the will of the Ministry. The Right Hon. Gentleman had told the House three or four times, that if they did not their ;Cites, he should regard it as a withdrawal of confidence.—(Cheers.) This had oc curred on the Factories Bill, the Welsh Bishoprics, and on a financial measure. He thought if such obsequiousness to the Government was expected from the House, it would save much trouble if, at the beginning of the session, the House should pass a vote of unlimited confidence in the Ministry.—( Cheers, and laughter.) But it was not in the power of the Right Hon. Baronet to resign upon this question. It was impossible for them to go to the country upon a question of a differential duty of 4s. per cwt. But the Right Hon. Baronet had in formed the House that there was something behind, that there were other asd less ostensible differences between him and his ordinary supporters.—(Cheers.) He ( Lord Howick) believed that this was the ease. He believed that the Government was supported by gentlemen who did not agree with the Govern ment on the important question of trade and finance.— ( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) That was a • state of things not creditable to the Government, or to the House. Two or three times Ministers were on the point of resigning office, and w. re only enabled to retain their places by compelling their supporters to rescind their votes. The circum stance tom which that had arisen, had been stated by his Noble Friend (Lord J. Russell). When the Right Hon. Baronet was out of office, an impressioh prevailed in the House and in the country, that he entertained opinions on trade and finance very different from those upon which he had acted since 14 came into power.—(Cheers.) The Government was now under the pressure of enlightened opinion out of doors, with which the convictions of their own minds agreed, and they held the opinions of free trade as much as be did. There was a feeling of disappointment on the minds of those who supported the Government, and Hon. Gentleman and Noble Dukes were heard to declare that they were not satisfied with Ministers, but were more dissatisfied with those who might take their places.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Government had not the support of those who advocated protection for do mestic interests, and on the other hand those who were opposed to mischievous impositions, such as the present corn-laws were, could place no confidence in them. The consequence was, that doubt and uncertainty to a most pernicious extent agitated every interest in the Country, agricultural, ma nufacturing, and commercial. The only way to put an end to such a state of things was by the Government adopting de cigedly and boldly, either the principle of free trade or express ing a bona fide determination to uphold things as they were.— ( Great cheering.) 'they claimed to have a majority of the House and the country, and if they honestly held that opinion there wss nothing to prevent their adopting one decided course. If the contest was to end in removing restrictions the sooner, surely, it was put an end to the better. He did not, from all he seen, anticipate at present any change in the manner in winch the affairs of the country would be con ducted. There was a rottenness in the present state of things, and the moment the country was subject to tempests such a state of things must be done assay with. Was it not better then :to endeavour to do away with them when the country was in a state of peace? He was persuaded that the continu ance of this sort of anarchy—fur he could call it nothing else— would be attended with the worst results to the best interests of the country.—( Hear, hear. ) Lord Stanley, Lord Clive, and Mr. Borthwick, rose together, amid loud cries of "Divide, divide." Lord Stanley caught the Chairman's eye, but gave way to Lord CLI VE, who stated it to he his intention to vote that evening in the same way he did on Friday night.—( Heir.) Lord STANLEY then addressed the House. The Noble Lord on the other side of the House had appealed to the pride and sense of honour in the House whether it would re scind a vote it had formerly given. The Noble Lord had done injustice to his Right Hun. Friend in supposing that in his observations he had held out any threat. What he had stated was, that standing in the situation of the Government, it was their bounden duty to state to the House the position in which they felt themselves placed by the vote of the House, though not exclusively on Friday. He stated that they thought it was due to the position of the Government to consider the situation in which they stood, - not on this question alone, but other measures that had been brought for ward in the present session ; and his Right Hon. Friend at the same time stated that if they did net possess the confidence and support of the House, it was idle for them to attempt to carry on the affairs of the country. The Noble Lord had drawn a picture of this country, which, if true, was a conclusive argu ment for their declaring that if they had not the confidence of either party, it was incompetent for them to carry on the busi ness of the country. The Noble Lord had also said that the present Government had created a very different notion as to the views they entertained on commercial subjects when out of office to , what they had done whilst in. Now, where, he would ask, had they created that sentiment? Certainly not in the mind of the Noble Lord opposite, for he bad said it had not come upon him unexpectedly. The Noble Lord had said, you admit the principles of free trade, why not carry them out? Why, had they not been taunted by the other side with only being free traders in the abstract?_( Cheers.) The Noble Lord had then said that it was admitted by all that we ougkt to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market. He admitted that doctrine in the abstract, but in the application of it they would not injure those great interests that had risen up in this country and the colonies. The Noble Lord then stated that the Government were supported by a body of men who only supported them because they disliked their opponent's views. That was the condition of every Govern ; went ; but he believed that the Noble Lord was entirely mis taken in taking the view he had dune of the great Conserva tive party in this country. He believed that the whole of that body were perfectly satisfied with the cautious course pursued by his Right Hon. Friend, and that the agriculturists were not likely to be deluded by the friendship of the Noble Lord to ruin themselves by advocating the principles of free trade. The Noble Lord had. stated it was time the present state of things should be done away with, and which might be done in two ways ; but he (Lord Stanley) did not be lieve that either of the ways pointed out by the No ble Lord would attain the ends he had in view. What ever might be the fate of the Government, so long as they were supported by a majority of that House, they would con tinue to maintain that steady, cautious course—( Laughter and ironical cries of " Hear, hear," from the Opposition)—they would advocate temperate and well-considered measure of im provement which would be best calculated for the rational pro tection of the main and leading interests of the country, and for the development of our national resources. But if the Noble Lord could not succeed by an appeal to the passions and pride of Hon. Members on that side of the House, if he could not foment any dissensions, or produce any divisions in the Conservative ranks—if the agricultural Members would not be attracted, he thought he could succeed in placing the advo cates of the West Indian interests tinder his guidance and pro tection.—(Hear, hear.) The Government, he candidly ad mitted, called upon the House to reconsider its vote of Friday night, and the plan proposed by the Government. He ad mitted that the measure of the Government had been con demned by a majority of ten.—(No, twenty.) Yes, twenty.-- (Laughter. ) He would not go into any question of previous consent or combination between the Noble Lord and Hon. Members on that side of the House. Lo.d JOHN RUSSELL—There was no combination. Lord STANLEY—Uhat no concert between the Noble Lord and Lord: JOHN RUSSELL (advancing to the table with marked emphasis)—the Noble Lord is entirely mistaken. Lord STANLEY would not, as he had already said, enter into the question of any previous concert; but he asked the House to deliberate and compare the project of the Govern ment with that of the Honourable Member for Bristol. I admit that the West India littered are entitled to protection in THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 18, a double Eense—first, on the ground of a differential duty be- ; tween our colonial possessions and foreign c - Juntries, - supposing them to be placed under similar circumstances; and secondly, on the consideration of the difficulty which the We-t India co lonies had to obtain cheap labour. y The Government gave a , differential duty of 10s. against foreign free grown sugar, and a high rate of duty against foreign slave grown sugar. The amount of protection offered by Government was identical with the protection asked for by Hon. Member - for Brsitol. It was not disputed that if the propositions of the Hon. Member for Bristol were carriel into operation that the revenue would suffer very considerably. The reduaion of duty Would not be nefit the consumer or the West Indian interest—it would be ul- timately most injurious to the latter. It had been objected, anti complaints had been made, that they did not state the whole project of their plan on the sugar duties ; but they did not be cause it was a part of the great financial system proposed for the consideration of Parliament next session. But we have in- tiinti,ted to all pat-ties the principles upon which we were to act and the degree of protection which we were to esta blish. They gave notice that foreign free labour sugar would be admitted into competition after a certain period with West Indian sugar ; hut there should have certain and permanent protection against slave grown sugar. The Government found themselves bound in honour, as they held themselves bound in opinion, to maintain these sentiments with respect to this question of protection to the West India interest. He knew that the Government, in the late division, had been defeated by an agreement or concert.--(Cries of " No, no.") It was rather difficult to select a word that would suit.—( Laughter.) At all events, those Members who usually supported her Majesty's Government, had not supported them on that occasion. He believed that this measure of the Go vernmen would afford an adequate protection to the West India interest; and he also believed that the. West India body would find that tha measure of the Hon. Member for Bristol would be injurious to their interests. He b.lieved that the measure of the Government, by increasing tke demand in this country, would greatly benefit the producer. He was, however, free to confess that the Government would not attempt to follow the example of the late Government, by retaining off , e against the will of the House of Commons, and when all confidence by that House had been withdrawn from them.—(Cheers.) He hoped that they would not be asking too much when they called for the confidence of Parliament under the circum stances in which they were placed. He believed, that upon investigation those of their supporters who had not-toted on this question with the Government, would feel that the views of the Government were correct on this matter, although on the first blush, those Hon.- Gentlemen might be unable to reconcile tlientseiveq to it. The Governm - ent had to state firmly, but with respect, that the Government would adhere to their proposition; and in doing so, he believed that they were substantially benefitting the West India interest. Lord PALNIERSTON said, that as the only question the House had to determine was the question depending on the motion of the Hon. Member for Bristol, he should not he prepared to affirm it. The great objections which he felt to the measure were the same which he entertained to the proposal of the Government—that it made a distinction w hich he thought untenable between sugar the produce of free labour, and sugar the produce of sla very. He thought the discussion which had taken place on this subject had convinced him that this distinction could not be maintained in practice, for it seemed to have now very little approbation from either side of the House. Another ground of objection to the abstract proposal of the Hon. Gen tleman was that it was founi!el upon the principle of protec tion. He admitted, however, that if any case could justify the existence of protection it was that of the West India islands. He, therefore, was not disposed to oppose that degree of protec tion which this vote proposed on the supposition that it would not be permanent. The Government had declared that unless the vote of Frid ty night. last were reversed they would cease to retain their office. Hon. Gentlemen on his (Lord P.'s) side of the House thought this threat could have no effect. But towards their own sup porters, it was a threat which the Government ought not to have indulged in. —( Cheers.) When a Government had lost the confidence of Parliament., it was becoming in them to re tire from an office which they could no longer retain with _ . credit to themselve; or with advantage to the public. But had that principle always actuated Hon. Gentl men oppo , ite ? Did they forget the Government of 1835? They were beaten, not once, twice, or three times, but something li':e eleven times, before they determined to take these successive defeats as proofs that they had lost the confidence of Parliament ; and not only did they stand those numerous defeats, but they were not in a majority on any one question of importance—(Hear, hear) aed they said, ferther, it was not consistent with their duty i , thtly to desert their posts; and, in truth they did n ot d o so till proof after proof was given that they had no hold whatever on the confidence of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Another doctrine, however, was advanced now. On the -Fac tories Bill, when a vote, 'adverse to th e i r op i n i on , w as given by the House, Ministers came down and said they would not be responsible for the conduct of affairs unless that votes was reversed. The vote was revel sad and much loss of character they sustained thereby.—( Hear, hear.) And what were they told now? Why, that this is not a question of importance, and yet that they would not remain in office unless the House reversed the decision it bad arrived at. Why what did this come to? That this House was a me-e cipher, called together for the sole purpose of registerirg the edicts of the Government.—( Loud cheers.) If the difference between the Government and its supporters was of importance, then those supporters were to be affronted by being required to reverse their votes; and if the difference was, as stated in this instance, of a slight character, still the vote was to be reversed, and thus was the affront made more pointed than ever.--( Loud cheers.) This did appear to him (Lord Palmerston) a doctrine utterly new in the practice of a constitutional Government—one most dangerous in its consequences to the independence, the utility, and the character of that House.—(Cheers. ) Were he a sup porter of the Government, however much he might value the stability of the Government, he should value his own character more, and he should say to the head of that Government, I cannot and I will not give a vote which is not consistent with my honour.—( Loud cheers.) Never in his life was he (Lord Palmerston) more surprised than when he heard the course determined on by the Government. Every one had speculated on what course they might take, but no matter how they speculated they would have taken that which they had resolved on. Government might have come down, and with much grace, and fair credit to themselves, have said they were prepared to acquiesce in what appeared to be the opinion of that House.—( Hear, hear.) They might have said, since Parliament had chosen to sacrifice so much revenue, Parlia ment must make it good. This course would have been in telligible, honourable, and just.—( Hear, hear.) Or the Right Hon. Baroret (Sir R. Peel) might have said, there was such a manifest difference of opinion between his Government and the House, that he should appeal to the country—not as an appeal was usually made against his opponents—but against his own supporters—(A laugh)—or ask of the country to return him a body of Members more disposed to support the general senti ments of the Government.--( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Then there was a third course which the Hight Hon. Baronet and his colleagues might have taken with dignity and honour. When they saw how the votes stood the other evening they might most fairly have said, we perceive a progressive increase of difference of opinion between ourselves and our supporters — we are satisfied we have lost the confidence of many of our friends, and it will be better to resign on this plain and tangible ground, rather than call upon our party to rescind a vote to Iwhich they have deliberately come.—(Cheers.) Had the Ministers have done this there would have been no blush.— ( Cheers, and a laugh from Lord Stanley.) But they had raised a blush—and it was not the first, and it would not be the last.—( Hear, hear.) When on the Opposition benches Ministers were strongly averse to the principles of free trade— having changed to the other side, they liked those principles kphe:c!aternYne in on the free-trade in the abstract, but they said they liked them not in practiee— and now they sported them occasionally they were afraid to wear them out by too much use, and kept them, as it were, for high days and holidays.—( Hear, hear.) But they still pre. served specimens of the—he should rather say our—principles, laine in order to show that they did Rot altogether repudiate them. They opposed our proposal for a fixed duty on corn, but on the frontiers of Canada they had the fixed duty in operation. All the corn that came from America through Canada came in on the fixed duty principle. They opposed the principle of of having , un a od t efr a th ll at , ht e e t x o c o e . pt m Th e e rel e y or f n or th re a - t Ashburton treaty, duty at all.—(Hear, hear.) Thus re gistration. tpfhirlooetnl they eatynh T dsee h es e mpß y t aaeri h tdude a nt d ( s)ofnw a oi.sc s free through ttrade, e , N t e h :' camegp th ri s o i value these principles on the one hand, they took care to use them as little as possible; on the other hand, they took care to have specimens of them in operation, that they might be able to say for the future that they not only agreed with them in the abstract, but had applied them as far as the application was possible. He thought then that the great question they had to consider to-night was, whether they would surrender their independent will, and their sincere conviction, to the dictates of the Government—whether the Gentlemen who voted upon their own opinion, and their own deep convictions, on Friday night, would vete on Monday ac cording to these convictions, persisting in their consistency, although at the risk of losing a Government which they wished to keep in power. If the question were between maintaining that consistency and losing the Government they generally supported, he thought the sense of honour, and a regard for the character of Parliament, would leave them no alternative in such a choice. But let - them not deceive themselves by such an apprehension ; let them not imagine, if they did persist in their former vote, that their doing so would lead to any change in the Govern ment. They need only look at this House, and see how it was composed, to see what were the relative positions of parties, when any question was really at issue between the opposite sides, and they would be convinced that this threat was an idle one—a threat that would not, and could not, be carried into execution. When the Government said that it had lost the confidence of the House, what did it mean ? He (Lord Pal merston) said that it meant, when a viial question was put be fore the House, not the mere rescinding of a vote, but when the Government knew beforehand, that a default must be the consequence of the vote about to be given. Well, when questions of that sort had come before them what indications had there been of a want of confidence ? Why, the Govern ment had . a majority varying from 90 to 100, and he would venture to say, that whatever might be the decision to-night, if on any day during the present week, any Gentleman on the Opposition side of the House should propose a resolution, as serting a want of confidence in her Majesty's Government, it would be negatived by a majority of not less than 90 or 100. —(lronical cheers.) Away then with this nonsensical pretext of a want of confidence.—(Loud cheers.) Away with the pretext that it was necessary that Gen tlemen should unsay what they had said to forfeit all cha racter and title to independence and consistency.—(Cheers.) He said that the Government could not be in earnest when it said that it had lost the confidence of the House. The recent votes of the House proved the contrary, and not wishing to say anything more severe than had been already said, he did believe that the vote which the supporters of the Government were called on to give to-night had been most accurately described by the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury, when he said that how ever anxious the Government might be to put an end to slavery in other parts of the world, yet they still wished to keep in chains those who sat behind them on the Treasury benches. —( Cheers.) Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN said he was unwilling to let the debate come to a conclusion without tendering his thanks to the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, for the manner in which he had answered the Noble Lord, the Member for Sunderland. He begged to assure that Noble Lord that, however slight might be the fiiendship of the Right Hon. Baronet, yet the agriculturists of England considered the hos tility of the Noble Lord and his party to be so inveterate and implacable, that it would be long ere they would lend him their countenance. The Noble Lord had stated that a friendly dis position had existed on the whole between her Majesty's Go vernment and the agricultural body. As the Right Hon. Baronet had told them, now was the time to speak out; he wished the tone of his speech had enabled him to feel that the Right Hon. Baronet entertained that feeling also. But he asked the House and the country to remember what the con duct of the agricultural body had been since the present Go vernment came in to power. That was described to be the hour of victory and the hour of triumph for the agricultural party. ,He asked the House whether the agriculturalists had availed themselves of that hour of triumph, or used that hour of victory to demand any fresh protection for themselves?—(Laughter and cheers.) That the agriculturalbody did not merit the thanks of the other side of the House was nothing ; they never expected them. But they did look for the approbation of the country ; they did expect the approbation of posterity.— (Laughter.) When it was remembered that in their hour of triumph they submitted to a revision of all those duties which affected their own interests, and acquiesced in the lowest degree 1 of protection, what had been the conduct of the agricultural ody since? When they were driven to a demenstration of feeling by the violent proceedings of the An , i-Corn-law League, he asked whether it was from - this side of the House that the question was put to the Right Hun. Baronet if he was prepared to maintain the corn-laws? Did not the question come from the other side of the House? Did it not pass wholly wire m irked except by his Hon. Friend the Member for Kent, showing that they (the agriculturists) were satisfied with the declarations of the Right Hon. Baronet. Since then the Right Hon. Baronet had brought in a Bill for the abolition of all the duties on wool. He asked the Right Hon. Baronet in justice to say whether the agriculturists had opposed that measure ? Had they exhi bited any factions opposition to it ? The Noble Lord, the Member for ,Tiverton, had said, when any expression of confidence was asked from the House the Govern- ment could command a majority varying from 90 to 100. Allusion had often been made to the division of Friday night. He ( Mr. S. O'Brien) would aik the Government to go one night further back, and remember the division of Thursday last. The question then brought forward was spoken upon by the Noble Lord the .Member for London, and against all the strength of the Opposition they took the high Conservative, and he might say Protestant ground, and refused to injure the Protestant Irish Church, the majority being 95. If the Right Hon. Gentleman compared the vote of Thursday night with the vote of Friday night, be would find who those were who were ready to support him. He trusted the Right Hon. Baronet would have a long tenure of office ; and he knew it was an object of his ambition not only to have a strong Government, but to leave it strengthened to those who were to succeed him. —( Groans.) But those who supported him would only sup port him on a principle —(Cheers)—and on all questions where high principles are involved, the party, of whom be was proud to number himself one—(lronical cheers)—were ready to stand by him in spite of all taunts and obloquy. Colonel SIBTHORP rose, but the confusion and uproar which continued while be was addressing the House, made it difficult to catch what he said. He was understood to say that he was prepared to support her Majesty's Government —( Ironical cheers )—because, having listened to the arguments on both sides of this question, he came to the conclusion that the motion of the Hon. Memb e r f or Bristol would neither prove beneficial to the West Inciiainte;;;C:(6ll:oh)- 1 tO; to the consumer—(Oh, oh)—nor to the revenue.—(Oh, oh.) God forbid that the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lanca,hire, should take a lesson from th a t s id e o f th e House.— (Groans.) What position would the agriculturists of England be in if the Noble Lord opposite came into power once more? (Oh, ob.) He , was a stay to no Gover nmen t.—(l r o n ical cheers)—but having bad ten years' experience of Hon. Gen tlemen opposite, he could not have the slightest confidence in them.—( Ironical cheers.) There were some questions in which he differed from the Right Hon. Gentleman, but he never gave him a more cordial support than he would give on the present occasion.—( Groans. ) Mr. M. GIBSON rose amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide." He said he should not detain the Committee many minutes. He wished briefly to explain the views he was con strained to take of the present question. They were told by some that this qnestion was simply whether there should be a duty of 245. or 205., and some might take that view if they thought fit, and there were many plausible reasons for taking it, but on reflecting he was induced to come to this conclusion, that the question before them was one between the extreme protection party and the Gorernment of the Right Hon. Gen tleman who had brought forward this proposition in order to di.uinislt the protection of the West India interest.— (Cries of " Oh, oh.") He might be wrong, but that was the view which he took. The Noble Lord, the Member for London, talked of combinations and concerts, and talked of this as a party question on the Liberal side.—( Hear, hear.) Why, was it anything of the kind? The Noble Lord did not invite "them to support some Liberal measure of his own proposition, but he wanted them to co-operate with the most uncompromising of their opponents—(" Oh, oh," and groans)—to defeat a measure which was looxed on as an improvement by the con stituency he represented, and by the great trading interest of the country. He admitted that the measure of the Go vernment was not a perfect measure, but it was the only prac ticable reform in the present temper of the House.—e• Oh, oh.") The Right Hon. thronet was willing to admit foreign sugar irto competition with the West India interest, but the protectionists said that they had no confidence in the Right Hon. Baronet, and they propo*.d, in their own defence, to ad mit more foreign sugar than the Right Hon. Baronet. Now, he did not believe they had any such object in vier. —(Hear, hear.) He believed they meant to have a larger measure of protection. They proposed a duty of 145., and the Govern ment proposed a duty of 10s. He would be most happy to vote with the Noble Lord the Member for London, if he proposed any broad liberal measure. But this was a question between the Government and the West India interest. It had been stated by the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, that when be (Mr. M. Gibson) asserted in that House, the other night, that the 345. duty on what was called white clayed sugar would apply to the large proportion of foreign sugar available under the proposal of the Hon. Gen tleman, he was not correct in that assertion. Of course he could make no such assertion founded on his own knowledge, but be had made the assertion on the best authority ; and he would take the liberty of reading a letter or two in his own justification. —( Cries of" Oh. oh,") If he were not permitted to do this, he should move to report progress. —( Hear.) ( The Hon. and Learned Member then read a letter from Mr. Peter Marti neau, a gentleman connected with the sugar trade, stating that the effect of Mr. Miles's motion would be to entail an addi tional protective duty of 4s. on a very large proportion of the foreign free-labour sugar.) The leading men in the City of Con servative politics said that the Java sugar would all come under the denomination of clayed, or white clayed sugar, and would be subject to the high duty of 345. per cwt. ( The Hon. Member alsoread a letter from Messrs. Thorn'on and West to the same effect.) He had several other letters from gentlemen, who all concurred in considering the measure of the West India interest a demand for increased protection. He must, therefore, without any disrespect to the Noble Lord, call upon him not to throw a taunt of inconsistency upon himself, and thwe who voted in the House on that occasion. They were simply desirous of pro curing for the country the best measure within reach, and they were not taking this course with any desire to put them selves in the smallest degree in opposition to the Noble Lord and his friends.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. ROEBUCK said the view taken by his Hon. Friend might appear to call for some remark. There was a reduction of duty proposed to the House, but the Member for Man. chester, objected that that the proposal emanated from the friends of free trade. Now what did he care for that?— (Hear, hear.) It so happened that the West Indians conceived that their interest coincided with that of the consumer. They said, " If you reduce the price you increase the consumption, and thereby enable us to get a higher price for our sugar." Without, therefore, in the slightest degree regarding the inte rests of the West Indians, he was fully persuaded that the pro posal before the House was calculated to protect the interest both of the West Indians and of the consumer.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman and the Noble Lord opposite said the object of those who voted in favour of the Hon. Member for Bristol ss as inimical to the Government. He begged to say that he bad no enmity against them, and he would at that moment be very sorry to see them out of power. But they had had the remarkable confession of the Minister that evening, that with a majority of WO he was unable to carry on the ordi nary business of legislation.—( Hear.) The fact is, that when the Government came into power, and incurred the responsibilities of office, they found themselves brought into immediate collision with a small section in this country. The present Government bad been again and again taunted with hav ing come into office under the pretence that they would sup.. port protection. It will be the cry against all who shall come into office hereafter upon the support of the same party. And, in that, was the greatest victory of free trade , that there was now a small section who felt that protection did not serve them—( Hear, hear. )—and asked for low prices as the best. means of promoting the interest of the producer as well as of the consumer.—( Hear, hear.) That would be the case also with the section, which ,the Hon. Member for Somertet re presented—the agricultural interest.—( Hear, hear.) The supporters of the' Government need never again complain of their leader.—(Cheers.) It was useless 1 to talk of mysterious influences at work, producing coldness in May, discontent in June, and perhaps open war in July.—( Cheers and laughter.) There was some difficulty in accounting for all this. But it was one, of those difficulties which were propounded by those who obtained a re putation for wisdom, by refusing to give an answer to - their " own questions.—(Derisive cheers from the lower Tory benches.) Gentlemen might laugh, but he had known that principle to be carried out through works of fiction of three volumes extent.—( Cheers and laughter.) The support of the Government might be accounted for by a reference to the teat from which a Rev. Prelate preached a sermon before a great Minister (Mr. Pitt), when be was elected Member for the University of Cambridge :—" There is a lad amongst us who has five barley•loaves and three small fishes; but what is that amongst so many."—( Great laughter.) Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, • and the Com mittee divided, when there appeared— For Mr. Miles' motion 233 Against it Majority for Ministers The announcement of the numbers was received with loud Ministerial cheers. On our admission into the gallery we found, Mr. MILES on his legs, stating, that as the Committee was against his motion, he should not persevere. The Bill then passed through Committee pro forma and the Honse resumed. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. WARBURTON wished to know the order in which the business would be taken to-morrow (this day)? Sir R. PEEL desired to know whether Hon. Gentlemen intended to persevere in the motions of which they had given notice before he could fix the order of the business ? Mr. HUTT would bring forward the motion of which he had given notice en the subject of soap, if there were a House, which in the present excited state of the public mind, he scarcely thought would be the case. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that if the Hon. Member did not expect a House, perhaps he would abandon his motion. Mr. HUTT considered the subject of so much importance, that he could not consent to put off his motion. Sir R. PEEL would take the Dissenters' Chapels Bill after the Sugar Bill on Thursday, and the Bank Charter Bill on Friday. Mr. WYSE had a motion on the paper relative to the system of education at Maynooth. He wished to know when it was likely the grant for 11layneoth would be brought on, in. order, if possible, to avoid two debates on the same subject? Sir R. PEEL considered that the Dissenters' Chapels Bill and the Bank Charter Bill were measures of so much im portance, that he thought it better to proceed with them first, and afterwards he would fix a day for the Maynooth grant. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE had understood that Thursday was fixed for the New Poor-law discussion. lie supposed that it was to be postponed again.—(Hear, hear.) Now, with regard to the Sugar Duties 13.11, why did they not proceed with it at once. instead of going through the farce of a discussion ? Let the Chairman report progress, and have the Bill read a third time at onee. Where was the use of this farce, if, atter the House had decided a clause, a Minister was to get up and say, " If you do not rescind your vo'e I will resign ?"—(A laugh.) It would be better to proceed at once with the Bill. Sir 11. PEEL would be glad to proceed as speedily as possi ble, but the third clause had been put off to suit the conveni ence of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE—Why not rescind the vote you have just come to. and go on at once ?—(Latioelter. ) Sir R. PEEL, in answer to a question from Mr. Duncombe, said he leas at present unable to tix the precise time on which the Poor Law Amendment Bill would he introduced. The Limitation of Actions (Ireland) Bill was then read a third time. On the motion for the farther consideration of the Lords' Amendments to the Night Poaching Bill, Mr. WARBURTON said that these amendments had been only in the hands of Members that morning, and he moved the further consideration of the Bill be postponed till to-morrow (this day). After a short conversation, the House divided on the motion, when there appeared— For the adjournment of the question 5 Against it Majority On our return to the gallery we found Mr. WALLACE consenting to postpone the further consi deration of the Bill till to-morrow (this day). RAILWAYS. Mr. GLADSTONE broueht in a Bill to attach certain con ditions to the construction of future railways, authorised, or to be authorised, by any Act of the present or succeeding sessions of Parliament, and for other purposes in relation to railways, which was read a first time. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter before One o'Clock. 844 SPIRIT. of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM TUE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—Of all the funny things we ever read or heard of, we think the most lugubriously funny was yes terday's meeting of creditors of the great East and West India house, whose Calcutta branch failed lately, and whose sudden dissolution of its Jamaica partnership brings its affairs to a final crisis. Whether the connexions of the firm, who consider they have cause to complain of it, shall support its credit, or whether they shall whistle it down the wind, and leave Peel and Gladstone un certificated bankrupts, without one signature of confi:- deuce to break - their fall, rests, it would seem by this morning's Times, in the breasts of the not too unani mous gentlemen who met yesterday (being Sunday) in the drawing room of the Carlton, and who mean, it ap peats, to meet again to day in that " cradle, temple, and tomb,' of the great Conservative party, " built up' since 1835. In the meantime, Ministers also have been holding their councils, and it is bruited forth as their result— first, that they won't resign; and, secondly, that they will retract their own proposition for altering the sugar duties. Oh, most lame and impatent conclusion ! Was it for this that the Premier sat biting his thumb all Friday evening ? Was this the only resolution his re verse could suggest to his magnanimity ? What, that high-minded statesman, who was so fond of assuming indifference to office without power, and of insinuating others to be less indifferent to it. That heaven-born Minister who, in 1841, declared "No consid e ration of mere political support should induce me to bold such an office as that which I fill by a servile tenure,—a tenure which would compel me to be the instrument of carrying other men's opinions into effect"—who ex claimed, " Free as the wind, I reserve to myself the power of retiring from the discharge of onerous and harassing duties, which, under such circumstances, could no longer be discharged with satisfaction to myself or advantage to my country." Free as the wind, Sir Robert? Didn't you mean, free as the weathercock? Turning from the ludicrous aspects of this crisis— which really are those which first suggest themselves — it becomes us to examine the source of these successive variances between Ministers and their friends—now re sulting to the discredit of the latter—now again of the former—but recurring continually. Each has alternate occasion, in Eabtern phrase, to ejaculate dolefully to the other, "I am your sacrifice !" Such an internecine war of Ministers with their party, and a party with its Ministers—as regards character and consistency—surely was never witnessed. The Ministerialists have now their revenge before them for the humble pie theyhad to eat on the Factory Bill. But what is the perennial source of these flowing waters of bitterness ? We have repeatedly pointed to that source in the previous over-issues of false pretences. In the present instance, it is tolerably plain what is the source of difficulty. Ministers thought them sel% os obligod to do something to relieve the market from its darved condition. They thought themselves-oh!iged to do something ; but the ground they had previously taken precluded them from doing anything large and lasting. They wished to appear to 'alleviate a present want, without appearing to espouse the policy they had Professed to eschew so righteously. They wished too to avail themselves of whatever weight still belongs to the Anti-Slavery party, and whatever odium that party could aid them to visit upon their opponents. All this temporising temporary policy was vastly re finedi; but of too much transparency, as well as tenuity, to prosper with either party. The Liberals see that little is proposed by it—the West Indians that every thing is threatened. The former could scarcely be ex pected to vote on credit—on the credit of probable next year's measures. The latter distinctly . foresee such measures ; and act on the maxim, Principals obsta.. Thus, by seeking to trim his bark between all parties, the Minister's policy is taken aback, and swamped. STANDARD.—Yesterday the town, and especially the Clubs, were agitated by a rumour that Ministers had on Saturday . resolved to resign, in consequence of the adverse division upon Mr. Miles's motion ; end it was even asserted that Sir Robert Peel had carried the resig nation of the Cabinet to her Majesty, who had accepted it, and " sent for" the Duke of Richmond. The members of Brookes's were prominently active in promulgating this (to them) joyful intelligence ; and we regret to have seen members of the Carlton zealously, and, as it seem ed, with equal pleasure, assisting the men of Brookes's in propagating the delusion. The Whigs, however, said nothing of the message to the Duke o f Ri c h mon d, a lthough they did not dare to pretend that any one of their own party had been summoned to the Palace. The truth is, that the Ministers never once contemplated a resignation. The step was not, we are sure, once canvassed either at the Cabinet Council on Satur day, or at the meeting at Lord Aberdeen's yester day. The Ministers owe much to their party, but they owe more to the Queen, to the country, and to their own character, and as long as their party permit them to carry on the Government with honour, they will persevere, to the completion of the restoration of Ireland to peace—the perfect tranquillisation and security of India—the consolidation of the peac e of Europe, of which we have lately had such flattering proofs in the visits of so many sovereigns, and of which we anticipate the most gratifying proof of all in the visit of Louis Philippe, the wise and the good—the work of restoring commerce and finance. These are net duties to be capriciously abandoned in anger at a momentary fit of petulance on the part of some of those who placed them in office ; not, it is to be presumed, for the purpose of protecting particular interests, but to promote the honour of the Queen's Govern ment, and the happiness and prosperity of all her Ma jesty's subjects. The Conservatives who, on Friday night, voted in the majority, are not by themselves suf ficient to displace Sir Robert Peel's Government ; but let them be so, and let them persevere in a course which renders it impossible for Sir Robert Peel to administer the affairs of the country with honour to himself, and there is little reason to doubt that the Right Honourable Baronet will cheerfully retire to the private station, which Must have so many more attractions for him, than for any other man who ever burdened himself with the toils and vexations of public life. Let these consistent Conservatives ally themselves permanently with Lord John Russell and Sir Thomas Wilde, who insist that the Irish incendiary has not been fairly tried, and must therefore turn him loose .to repeat his mon- ster meetings—with Sir John Hobhouse to project new Afghan wars, as brilliant as that of 1841—with Lord Palmerston to replace our foreign relations in the posi tion in which they stood in 1840—with Mr. Hume and ,Mr. Roebuck to remove.the Church and reform the co lonies—with Mr. Baring to reverse Sir R. Peel's finan vial measures, and substitute -deficit for surplus—above all with Mr. Patrick Maxwell Stewart, free-trader, who organised the disgraceful intrigue that resulted in the late division ; let, we say, the discontented Conserva tives, if they are sufficiently numerous, perpetuate their alliance with those persons and those parties whose prin ciples they represent, and they may dismiss Sir Robert Peel to that private station which he is so eminently qualified to adorn and to enjoy ; but when they shall have done so, they will have to render an account to the country for condemning it once more to a Whig- Radical Administration, and, as the inevitable conse quence, to rebellion in Ireland, disastrous war in India —war of enormous cost, whether successful or unsuc• cessful—in Europe, a paralysis of commerce and a defi cient revenue, with constant, and probably fatal, assaults upon the Church. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH, June 17. Lord DENMAN sat this morning at Nisi Prins with Middle sex Special Juries. The first case, Doe dem. Peters v. Peters, was an action of ejectment, in which the verdict passed for the defendant. The only other case, the Assignees, of Cundy, a bankrupt, v. Gummow, was an action brought to try the validity of an execution put in by defendant on the goods of the bankrupt just previous to the issuing of the fiat. The case had not concluded when we went to press. Neither of the cases were of any public interest. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, June 15. TIIE QUEEN V. DEANE. This was an indictment arising out of the frauds upon the Customs. The features of the case were similar to those which have marked the previous cases having reference to this subject. The defendants say that they will be able to show that no fraud has been committed on the Customs. The case was adjourned at a late hour. THE RUNNING REIN CASE-WOOD V. FEEL. Mr. James, in the course of the trial of the Custom House case, applied to the Court to appoint a day for the trial of the cause Wood v. Peel. He was anxious to have the day set tled, as there were several witnesses in the case, and as it was important as much as possible to save expense. Mr. Baron RoLFE, who presided, said that in all probability his brother Alderson would try the cause referred to, it was, therefore, desirable to ascertain what he had to say on the subject. The Learned Baron then left the Court for a short time, and upon his return said that Baron Alderson had fixed the cause of Wood v. Peel to take place on Monday, the 24th—that is to follow Russell e. Ledsam, which is set down for that day. JUNE 17. (Before Baron ROLFE and a Special Jury.) ATTonsEy-GENr.naL V. DEANE. This case had occupied the Court the whole of Saturday, and, to judge from the progress now making, will not be over until a late hour to-day. It is in the shape of an informa tion for recovery of heavy penalties from the defendant, for alleged participation iu the very serious frauds upon the re venue, recently discovered by the Customs. The evidence brought forward is of a voluminous nature, but exceedingly dry and technical in its character. The general facts have long been before the public, and having nothing in them of more than an ordinary nature, are not worth recapitulation. The i esult alone will possess interest, and that, judging from appearances, will not be arrived at until long after our time for going to press. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, June 17. (Sittings at Nisi l'rius.before Lord Chief Justice TINDAL.) NEWTON v. ROWE ANL , NORMAN. This case was proceeded with at the sitting of the Court this morning. Mr. Harper, the shorthand writer , was recalled, and p rov ed the speech made by the plaintiff, when bringing the char ge of conspiracy against Lady Ricketts, before the magistrates at Cheltenham. The witness was examined at some length, as to what took place before the magistrates. Edwin Bowles was called, and proved the handwriting- of Mr. Steele, the magistrate, to the informations sworn against Cooke by the plaintiff. Mr. Joseph C. Strawford was next called and examined— lam a solicitor, at Cheltenham. I have bean in business since 1818. I was solicitor to the late Sir R. Ricketts. I was well acquainted with the family. The family consisted of Sir Conmallis Ricketts, Captain Henry Vincent Ricketts, a younger brother, and four daughters, 'Mrs. Newton and three unmarried daughters, named Harriet, Lavinia, and Maria. Miss Lavinia Ricketts suffered a good deal from ill health. Mrs. Newton was married in 1828. No settlement was made ; a proposal was made by Mr. Newton. Mrs. Newton had an interest in 2,500/., under a will. I called on Mr. Newton by desire of Sir Robert, stating that he commissioned me to double the 2,500/. if that sum, to which Mrs. Newton was entitled, was settled on her. Mr. Newton did not accede to that proposition. There was a will of Sir Robert in existence at the time of the marriage of Mrs. Newton. A codicil was added to it. The hand-writing of the codicil is all in Sir Robert's hand-writing ; it is dated April 1829. The codicil was to the effect that Mrs. Newton having married contrary to the wish of her parents, he (Sir Robert Rickett's) cancelled the will he made , by which 2,5001. was left her, but leaving her the interest of 2,0001. to be continued to her children if she had any. There seas a third will of the Bth of July, 1829, also cancelled ; -there was one of 1832, also cancelled; also a will of 25th April, 1835, which stated that it was not the intention of the testator to make any further provision for Mrs. Newton thou that which was made by an indenture of the 30th June, 1832. There was another will of 1840, also cancelled, which con tains a similar provision. The last will was that of 1842. In July, 1842, I came to London, previous to which I had con versations with Sir Robert respecting a new will. Latein - July I returned to Cheltenham from London. In my ab sence inquiries had been made for me. A time was appointed for me to go to Sir Robert; it was three o'clock on the 30th of July. The last will was prepared by me. The will was executed on the same day. Sir Robert said he was very glad the will was drawn up, as he was very anxious about it. He desired me to state the particulars of the will, and the altera tions I had made. He perfectly understood what I told him. None of the alterations related to the disposition of his pro perty. Mr. Wright, the medical attendant of the family, was there at my request. The principal reason for my requesting 1 Mr. Wright to be present, was to satisfy my mind that Sir I Robert understood the nature of the will. Mr. Wright was medical attendant to the family about three years. George Buttman and Edward Cousins were also present. , I told them to be present to attest the will. It is usual for a solicitor who prepares a will to take his clerks, unless some other person is wished for. They were. my clerks. Buttman is dead. Cousins is here. Buttman signed the will. He was a long time in the office. I understood it was difficult or painful for Sir Robert to sign the will ; having known this, I changed the last sheet of the will. I explained this to Sir Robert. He said he was glad . it was, and would be obliged if one of the witnesses present would sign his name for him. Buttman did so. 'lt Was then witnessed by Mr. Wright and Mr. Cousins. Before and after the witnesses were called in, I asked Sir Robert if he per fectly understood the will. He said perfectly. There is not the slightest reason to believe he was incapable of under standing what had been said to him. There was a great prostratton'of strength, and a good deal of bodily. infirmity, but his mind was perfectly sound. After the execution of the will, Sir Robert asked me to sit down and have a little chat with him, saying he feared he would not be able to see me much longer. I remained with him about half an hour. He spoke on various subjects. I did not see him any more. The greatest possible affection subsisted between Sir Robert and his wife en all occasions. There was nothing extraordi nary in his leaving the principal part of his property to his wife. He received the greater part of his property through his wife. After a lengthened examination of witnesses, the case was adjourned till to-morrow. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. OLD COURT. - (Before Mr. Baron GURNET.) THE ABDUCTION CASE. William Burton .Arewenham, aged 34, described 4n the calendar as a labourer, was charged with forcibly carrying away a young lady named Frances Louisa Wortham, she being at the time a ward in Chancery. The prosecution was conducted by Mr. Wilkins and Mr. Parry, and the prisoner was defended by Mr. Bodkin and Mr. Clarkson. Mr. WILKINS stated the case to the jury, and said that it was of such a nature that he almost feared to approach it, for he had never met with a case marked with so much mean ness and cowardice as that which characterised the present case. The father of the young lady whose abduction had beep caused by the prisoner, was formerly a traveller, and before his death his circumstances became rather embarrassed, and in consequence of this he let out a portion of his house in lodgings, and the prisoner came to live in his house. The learned counsel then proceeded to detail the circumstances under which Miss Wortham, the young lady in question, be came entitled to certain property, and afterwards detailed the circumstances under which the present prosecution had ori ginated, and he then called the witnesses in support of the case. Mrs. Frances Wortham was called, and examined by Mr. PARRY—She stated that she resided at 18, Gerard-street, Islington. She had one child, whose name was . Frances Louisa Wortham. She would be 16 years of age next • Christmas. Witness was a widow, her husband having died in June 1842. She had known the prisoner since 1840; he was present when Mr. Worth= died, and he lived in wit ness's house until the abduction took place. Shortly before Mr. Wortham died it was ascertained that Miss Wortham was entitled to a large property, which world come to her on the death of the tenant for life. After Mr. Wortham's death the tenant for life of the property died, and the prisoner was requested to take the title-deed to a gentleman in Clifford's Inn to have his opinion upon it. The witness then entered into a minute detail of the circumstances out of which this case had arisen, the whole of which have recently been before the public in the police reports of the case when it was in course of investigation before the magistrate. She was then subjected to a long cross-examination by Mr. CLARKSON, from which it appeared that, on several oc casions, her daughter had declared that if she were sent to school again she would run away. Witness never said to the prisoner " I know your intention is to marry my daugh ter; do it then in an honourable way." She would swear that she never said anything like this. The prisoner had frequently purchased her daughter articles of clothing. The prisoner had on some occasions paid money for witness. She had been with the prisoner on several occasions to the thea tres and other places of amusement. On one occasion, since she had known the prisoner, she had occupied lodgings in Prince Edward's-street. She had but one room there, and it was used as a bed-room and a sitting-roenn The prisoner used frequently to come there, and he had been in the room on several occasions for several hours. Had frequently been out with the prisoner on country excursions. They were fre quently out together for two or three weeks. They travelled in the prisoner's phaeton, and the prisoner sat by the side of witness's daughter always. They . were out together last year from June to. October. The prisoner paid the expenses. Three months after the death of Mr. Wortham, the prisoner wished Miss Wortham to go to school, and offered to pay for her schooling himself. Witness consented to this, but with the understanding that he should be remembered when Miss Woi them obtained her property. Witness never repre sented to the proprietresses of the boarding-school to which Miss Worthen' was sent that the prisoner was Miss Wor tham's guardian. The prisoner had frequently shown wit ness rolls of bank-notes of his own. Witness frequently had charge of the prisoner's pocket and banker's-books. During last summer, witness, prisoner, and Miss Wortham, went out for an excursion. The prisoner on that occasion bought a phaeton for 1201. to travel in. He paid for it himself" In the course of this excursion they stopped at Waltham-cross, and they all three slept 'in the same room. It wads double- . bedded room, and was the only room they could get in the house. The prisoner presented witness with a gold watch, which she accepted. Remembered having told a lady at Chelsea that the prisoner was her brother-in-law. Re-examined by Mr. WILKINS—When the prisoner first , came to lodge with witness he paid 18/. a year. He after wards only occupied one bed-room, and for that he paid at. a year. The apartments were unfurnished. A short time after Mr. Wortham's death, the prisoner spoke to witness about marriage, and she told him that they never could be happy together, as their relative positions were so different. Witness told him that she woald always look upon - him as a 1 brother. Mr. Hammond, solicitor, of Clifford's Inn, was then called and examined by Mr. Wiuuss—He proved 'that Miss Wortham was entitled to an estate of the value •of 400/. per annum. . After the examination of several witnesses, and a speech for the defence, the Judge summed up. The jury returned a verdict of Guilty, and the prisoner was sentenced to two years' imprisonment. Edward Youngman Cotton, 27, was indicted for .stealing three gold seven-shilling pieces, several sovereigns, and other articles, the property of Edward Driver, and Henrietta Sharpe was charged with receiving a portion of the property, know ing the same to have been stolen. Mr. Clarkson and Mr. Bodkin conducted the prosecution. The facts of this case having bean very recently fully de tailed in the police reports, it will be unnecessary to repeat them oa the present occasion. It will be recollected that the male prisoner was footman to Mr. Driver, the auctioneer and surveyor, and that at the time the robbery was committed an attempt was also made to set the house on fire. The jury found Cotton guilty and acquitted Sharpe. The prisoner Cotton was then indicted, with a man named Chandler, for stealing a quantity of plate, the property of his master. In this case the jury returned a verdict of guilty against both prisoners. having prisoner feloniously Cotton set fi m re a s to then the charge utor but o f Ta h rr ou ai se gn orth u e P° p u ros a ec upon this indictment no evidence was offered, and the jury, therefore, returned a verdict of Not Guilty. The Court sentenced Cotton to be transported for fourteen years upon the first indictment and seven for the second, and Chandler was sentenced to be transported for ten years. r 11 . LLOYD'S SHIPPING. LONDON, JUNE 17.—Wind this day at noon, S.S.W., light breeze and fine. DEAL, JUNI: 15.—Wind, N.W. by W. 16. N.N.W., light and moderate.—Arrd. Sarah Scott, Sydney; Freeland, Buenos Ayres; James Duncan, Trinidad. 'Sid. John Brown, Ichaboe ; Richard, Mount, Nevis; Emily, Hobart Town; Tare, Harding, Port Adelaide; Jamaica, Antigua; CaUista, Jamaica, and the rest of outward bound, except John Wil liams, for the Cape, Hobart Town, and South Seas. PORTSMOUTH, JUNE 15.—Wind W.N.W. 16. N.W. to W. —SId. Ellenborough, Madras and Calcutta ; Lion, steamer, Calcutta; Teviot, steamer, Southampton. PLYMOUTH, JUNE 16.—Wiad variable.—Sld. Canadian, Cuba. Off, Favourite, Trinidad, for Hamburgh. FALMOUTH, JUNE 15.—Wind N.W., fresh breeze. 16. N., moderate.—Arrd. Tkorwaldsen, Stege, Buenos Ayres, sld. April 16. 13. Off, Helena, Iverness, Matanzas, for Altona; garyborough, Jamaica; Hudson, South America. • BRISTOL, JUNE 16.—Arrd. Fenella, Malaga. Sid. Fanny and Hornby, Barbadoes ; Neptune, Nevis. GLOUCESTER, JUNE 15.—Arrd. Independent, St. John's, New Brunswick. STU/TANI) ROADS, JUNE 14.—Julia, London, for Ichaboe. OFF BEACHY HEAD, Julie 14.—Cato, St. Vincent's; Ocean, New Orleans, for Hamburgh ; Arethusa, Montreal. lusToi., JUNE 16.—The Eagle, Dervell, from Newport to China, put in here yesterday leaky, and must be discharged. GUERNSEY, JUNE 14.—A sloop abandoned, and en her slandbeam-ends,.Aily-wolassbeoeant 691t11 feet long, ab with about 20 himiwlestebottom .NV n N.N.W. of and green top side, and red bottom and green top inside, with C in yellow paint on her bow, has been picked up in the same neighbourhood. LivEitroot, JUNE 15.—The Neptune, of Liverpool, from Dominica to London, was abandoned 12th ult., lat. 32, lon. 60 ; crew saved. KINSALE, JUNE 13.—The smack John, of Berehaven, was I °tally lost in Rocky Bay yesterdav ; crew drowned. BELltuttx.r, JUNE 13.—The (ulloden, from Ballina to London, which put into Blacksod Bay, Bth inst., has stopped the leak, and will proceed. LtvEliroot, .JUNE 16.—Wind, N.W., moderate.—Arrd. Jamie, Ray, IChaboe ; Horsford, By ers , Maracaibo; Helen. - Jane, Tobasco ; Lancaster, Wright, Laguna; Robert Bruce, New Orleans; Windsor Castle, ditto , with three bales of cotton thrown overboard, having been struck by lightning and fired on the 7th instant, lat. 45, long. 31 ; St. Andrew's, Leith, Mobile; Dauntless, Rogers, and Sophia, Apalachiola; Josepha, Leitch, Charleston; Sarah, Amelia, an Sheridan, New York ; Elgin, Cook, St. Andrew's ; Frederick, Grant, St. John's, N.B. ; Earl Durham, Hockee, Halifax ; Foam; . Quebec; Phalanx, Antigua; Lady Lilford, Charleston. Smar.ns, JrNE 14.—Arrd. Coronation, Hull, towed in with damage, having been on her beam-ends in a gale at W.W. NOTICE TO MARINERS. ENLARGEMENT OF THE HARBOUR OF GREENAAE, JUTLAND, DENMARK. By a letter received at Lloyd's from Greenaae, it appears that the harbour of this port, which hitherto has had only six feet water in it, and which with certain sandbanks has prevented large ships entering, will, by the consent of the Government, be considerably improved by the formation of a commodious basin, which will admit all vessels under a draught of 10 feet, and give shelter to about 40 vessels. lIARBOURS OF REFUGE ON THE COAST. It has been suggested to Lloyd's, that if the Spatwav, or passage between the Buxey and Gunfleet Sands was better known, and such measures as are necessary for that purpose. such as the laying down buoys, &c., and a leading mark through and into the river Colne, the shipping interest would be greatly benefited, as although that. harbour is but little . known to geanacu generally, it it capable of bolding SQO tail.