The Sun. — London, England, 1821-03-28 00:00:00

PARLIAMENT, HOUSE OF LORDS, Mancn 27. The Archbishop of ARMAGH took the oaths and his seat. AGRICULTURE. Lord ASIIBURNIIAM presented a Petition from twenty-five Parishes in the Eastern parts of the County of Sussex, complainini of Agricultural Distress.--Laid on the table. . Iris Lordship then presented four other Peti tions of the same nature from Occupiers of Land in the tame COunty.--Laid on the table. • The .Duke of DEVONSHIRE presented a Peti tion from the Owners and Occupiers of Land, in the County of Derby, complaining of Agricul tural distress. Laid on the table. The Earl of SWtFTE3BURY presented a similar Petition froth certain Occupiers of Land in the Ccitinty. of Sussex.—Laid on the table. The •Marquesa of LANSDOWNE presented a Petitioli,fron the Freeholders and Owners of Land in the County of Nairn, complaining of the manner in which the Average.was taken in-that County.—Laid on the table. ROM AN CATHOLICS Theßishop of CHESTER presented a Petition from Bolton le Moors, against the Roman Catho lic Claims, and stated; that the sentiments which it 'contained exactly .coincided with his own.— For,if whilst the Roman "Catholic CharCh main tnicjed the opinion; which. it did, Catholic Eman cipation ,were granted, he, for one, could not think that we should have sufficient pledges for the . Aecurity of the Protestant Establishment. This opinion, however, he should express more at larg2-when the question should come before, the 'Muse. . The Petition having been read and laid on the table,. the Rev. Prelate presented another to ihe same effect from the Diocese of Chester, 'and added, that if the Protestant Ascendancy _was :not worthy of 'preservation, he knew nothing worth preserving.—The Petition was read and hid on the table. The Bill for indemnifying • persons who had given evidence on the Grampound case was read a second time.—The Commercial Intercourse Bill also went,througha second reading. - NAPLES. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, he rose for the pur pose ormovin g , according to the notice he had given, that an humble Address he presented to his Majesty, praying that lie would be crracionsly pleased to offer his mediation to the Emperor' of Austria and the Governments of Naples and Sar dinia, with a view to bring about an amicable adjustment of their differences, consistently with the honour . - and the respective rights or all par ties. When the Noble Marquess (of Lansdown) on the Bench near him submitted a motion on the affairs of Naples sonic time ago, he (Lord Ellenboroug,h) had then expressed an apprehen sion, grounded on the views which he took of the. circumstances, that at no distant period Austria herself -- might wish for the interference of this country, to enable her to retire from the contest, preserving her honour, and maintainink . her just rights._ That moment, as it appeared to him, was' now arrived ; and he called on their Lordships to place this country in the proud situation which it was so4ell calculated to fulfil, that of acting as a mediator between the belligerent POwers of Europe, and arresting the progress of a contest which might • probably extend • itself to other countries, not at present affected by it, if left without an effort to its own operation. It ap peared-io him- that they were called upon to in terpose at ,that moment, because it was the first moment when their mediation could be offered with effect. Whatever opinions he might enter tain. cvith'respect to the conduct of Austria, and of the Allied Powers generally, he would -Ob serve the greatest moderation in what he should address to their Lordships when speaking of those Powers, and particularly of Austria herself. Nothing could be more unwise than to use any galling or insulting language towards them ; and least of all was it desirable to hold such language to Austria, because, however he might lament and disapprove of her ,present policy, he was hound to acknowledge the great services-she had rendered to this country and to the whole of Europe; He could not avoid recollecting her conduct in 1805, and the zeal with "which she sprung forward when this country was threatened with invasion ; he also recollected her conduct in 1809, when she seized the first moment of hope' and exerted herself for the expulsion of the French from Spain;" and lastly, he remembered her faith and loyalty in 1813, which led to the successes of Europe and the triumph of the com bined armies before the gates of Paris. He was aware of the important functions which she had performed, and was still destined to perform, in the system of Europe ; and much as he lamented the nature-of that system as it was now manifested, he was not prepared to incur all the risks and chances of war for the assertion of contrary principles. It was not in hostility to Austria, but for the benefit of our best Ally, that he called upon them to afford Austria on opportunity of withdrawing with honour from the contest. It was little more than three weeks since he had stated in that House, that the conduct pursued by Austria was likely to be followed by general revolution. That opinion was now verified. He would call upon the House to consider the state in which the affairs of Austria and Naples stood. The road to Naples was not so easy as had been expected, and the Austrians had found that instead of an undisciplined rabble, that they had to contend against a military force, and to adopt the cau tious movements which were necessary to be em ployed against skilful opponents. - Whatever Austria might represent, it was plain that no ac counts had arrived of any dispersion, or of the taking of any prisoners, or of the occurrence of any event which could exhibit the comparative weakness. of the Neapolitan army. Even had Austria been successful in any general engage ment; thenature of the country, the enthusiasm of the people, the solemn obligation of oaths by which:they were bound together, must yet pro tract, the struggle. When they considered what had 'taken place in Spain, and compared the cir cumstances of that country with those of. Naples, they would see that there was no reason to be- lieve the situation of her cause less favourable than that of Spain. In Spain, though her armies were cloven down in all the general engagements by the superior skill of the French, they were not subdued, they rose again to continue that de sultory,warfare for which they were best qua lified. It was impossible not to see that the present contest might be attended with similar results. The House would also do well to consider, that since the Revolution, the Nea politan army had' become one of the best disciplined in Europe; and he would entreat them to reflect, that Austria, who had entered into the contest with the expectation -of crushing the power of Naples at once, had as yet made no sensible impression ;on her re sources. It had been said, and truly said, that the blood of the martyrs was the seed of the• Church—in thesame way, the blood of the Italians would be the seed of the Liberties of Europe. They had proved the truth of the maxim, that When a country Was attacked with danger, and a spirit of resistance was awakened in the people, it was safer to compromise the dispute than to encounter the difficulties of subduing them. The effort to put down the spirit enkindled by the Carbonari would put Austria to an expence which must destroy that system of economy which was necessary to her salvation, or at least to her establishment as a great Power in Europe. But when they looked to the other Powers by whom Austria was surrounded, he would ask them, must she not he anxious to escape from the con test upon that ground ? It was , impossible that Austria could forget the conduct of Russia in 1807 or in 1809, when instead of joining she op posed the power of Austria. It was impossible that she could for g et her conduct, surrounded as she was by States from whose territories she had made accessions, and not always in a manner the most honourable to her character as a nation. The separation of Finland from Sweden, and the circumstances under which it was accomplished, must still be fresh in the recollection of Austria and the general principle pursued by Russia in her military policy, 'ould leave little room to doubt that she would fight for herself in Italy, and require cessions from Austria at a moment when she was least capable of resisting the de mand. But even if Austria still believed in the good faith of Russia, could she look with a total want of suspicion to the state of France? What was the situation of France ? She had obtain ed a Constitution founded upon great prin ciples, which she had force enough to prote,ct and though her legislators had not entered into details, which time could best supply, the principles already recognised were a great benefit to .the country. Such being the situa tion of France, with . the Netherlands upon one side, jealous of their separation, and anxious for a re-union with that country to which they were most attached, was nothing to be apprehended from such a quarter ? Again, what was the situation of the Duchies within the Rhine ? It was well known that they, too, would gladly reunite with the country from which they were separated. But what was the situation of the Italian States themselves ? Was it not probable ,that they would feel, that they could have no hope of succeeding without calling in the power of France to drive out the power of Russia. In his opinion, the entrance of a Rus sian army would be followed immediately by the entrance of a French army to counteract _ _ their movements and join the war. They might then anticipate the probable annexation of all the countries within the Rhine in France, which had been separated from her by the Treaty of Paris. The. People of Prussia, too, who had fought not only for their King, but for themselves, and who justly expected a Constitution in return for their services, those people were actuated by a spirit unfavourable to the cause in which Austria had embarked. The spirit of the North of Germany 'exhibited at that moment a class of men who were Carbonari in principle, and Germans in Covage ; and it was impossible not to see that the continuance of the war might rouse the Ger mans, and place Prussia in the situation in which Austria now stood, with respect to her Italian Provinces. Under all the circumstances, it seemed natural to him to suppose that Austria would he thankful to this country for interfering, so as to enable her to retire with honour from the contest. The greatest difficulty which he expected was on the side of the Italian Powers; but when they considered the' great force that could be brought against them, and that Italy, their own Italy, must otherwise become the seat of war, with a prospect of being left more oppressed and de solate than ever ; when they considered, that however justifiable their views, or elevated their enthusiasm, those views might be answered more efficaciously, and that enthusiasm attended with better effect, by the mediation of such a Power as Great Britain, than by the chances of any war in which they could engage, and therefore, they too would be thankful for the offer. It was im possible that :Naples and Piedmont should not be aware of this. But if, under the effect of in-' fatuation, Austria should still be deaf to , the voice of reason, it appeared to him, that without threa tening war, there was one threat, if indeed it might be called a threat, from which some influ ence might be produced on her decision. If the war continued, this country might at length be compelled to join, but whether compelled or,not, was it to be expected that such a people could witness a contest between despotism and fear, without taking any interest in the issue ? He had much miscalculated the feelings of this coun try, if the people were not disposed tospring for ward with zeal in defence of the liberties of Italy, and the best policy for Government to adopt was not to prevent its subjects from taking that part to which their inclinations might lead them. But suppose the English would not do so, they knew that the French would, and they knew the effect which - such assistance must produce on the disposition of the countries to wards each other. This was felt in the case of America and France, they were attached by the assistance afforded to the former at the' Re volution. Whatever the policy of Government might be, there was no denying that the feel. ing of the English people was with the Italians, and he was sure he might safely say, that there was not an English gentleman who bad set foot on the other side of the Alps, who did not feel himself an Italian with respect to the present contest. He had not annexed any principle of this kind to his motion, leaving it entirely to his Majesty's Ministers to carry the motion into effect in the way which they thought themost advisable: All he asked was that his Majesty should be called on by his constitutiorral advisers to'carrrinto effect the recommendation of the House. It was impossible, on looking to the situation and conduct of Austria, not to feel that the Neapolitans and Piedmontese would naturally require sonre sort of security for the con tinuance of that state of things which they might obtain through the mediation of Great Britain. It was not his intention to propose a permanent guarantee in that or in .any other case ; but he thought it would be wise, and for the general ad vantage of Europe, that the territories of the three contracting Powers should be guaranteed for a period of five or six years. After observ ing that - by coming fqrward with an offer of me diation, England- would enjoy the satisfaction of ' having done berduty, and would stand in a situa tion of advantage whatever course she might be ultimately driven to adopt, his Lordship concluded with moving the Address, as already described. The Earl of ABERDEEN opposed the motion. There were, he observed, many difficulties at tached to the course recommended by the Noble Lord. In the first place, it was known that the King' of Naples had issued a Proclamation, call ing upon his subjects to'receive the Austrians as friends, and not as enemies ; and it was far - from being desirable that this country should place it self in the situation of judge between the King of Naples and the person now exercising the Go vernment. Neither was;it to he presumed that the King's authority was so far gone, or that of the Carbonari so firmly established, as to render it certain that the Proclamation would not be eventually obeyed. By adopting the motion of the Noble Lord they would be guilty of that very interference which was directly opposite to the course which they professed to follow. But sup posing they had got over that difficulty, the Noble Lord had not explained very distinctly the manner in which he would have the media tion proposed. Did he mean to offer terms of perfect equality to bath parties? The affair of a. mediator was net that of a Judge; but the mo tion of the Noble Lord looked rather like a sharp remonstrance to Austria than a moderate inter ference. In fact, it was impossible to preserve the cool spirit of mediation between two powers under . 11. - belief, that an Unwarrantable aggres sion had been committed upon one side. That the character of a peace-maker became a great country like this, he did not deny, but there should be some probability of success to warrant such an interference, and the only case in which they could have any chance of success was, where both parties were desirous of mediation. The Noble Lord had thrawn out a species of threat, that if Austria did not consent, this coun try should recap the prohibition to its officers against joining the Neapolitans. Whether that prohibition was wise or not, every reason that . made in favOur of it, in the first instance, was still in full force; but did the Noble Lord think that the mere circumstance of granting permission to a few officers would have the effect of changing the councils. of a powerful Government ? If they erected themselves into the character of judges, they were not mediators; if they professed to act as friends, they should speak the language of friendship, and not accompany their recornmenda.: tion with an ,imbecile threat. The Noble Lord had professed to have been actuated by a regard to Austria, and had expatiated on the services render ed bythat Government to this country and Europe. In these admissions he had done no more than ustice; but the effect of his proposition would be - . . to injure the good understanding which at present existed between Austria and England. Ile did not wish to see Austria replaced in all her ancient possessions, but he wished to see her remain ih possession of all she now had, not only for her own sake, but with a view to British interests, and the general security of Europe. It was 'im possible that any man who looked to the different states of Europe, should not be struck with the attachment which the population Of that country felt towards this. An interference, such as was now proposed, would not only produce an effect on the Government itself, but would be likely to excite feelings of anger and bitterness on the part of the whole population, and by that means disturb a better security for national attachment than treaties could- establish. When he incul cated the importande of maintaining the friend ship of Austria, he spoke the language of all the wisest statesmen, aid particularly that of a great man, whose opinions would be respected by the Noble Lords on the other side (Mr Fox). fie had heard him say, after the battle of Aus terlitz, that Austria was still the country to which England ought to look. The subse quent conduct of Austria had nobly justified the remark. On looking to the Circular of Lord Castlereagh, which he considered one of the wisest and most judicious-papers ever issued from the Foreign Office, they would' find an express reprobation of the principle of interfering in the Government of other States. They would see in it a particular exception which might apply to , the case of Austria herself, in respect to Naples. Was not this country bound to adhere strictly 'to the principle she had so laid down ? Tho time might come when her mediation would he ac ceptable, but it would be the more acceptable in proportion as we were exact in the observance of a strict neutrality. _ _ The Earl of DAnNLEY said he should not enter into any discussion upon the question, but he co►ild not help noticing that part of the Noble Lord'.s speech, which seemed to justify the inva sion of Naples by Austria. _ _ The Earl of ABERDEEN denied that he had given any opinion on the subject. The Earl of DARNLEY" thought the Noble Lord had stated it as an exception to the general rule laid down in the Circular. However be was bound to take his explanation, if he did not mean to have said so. The Earl of ABERDEEN repeated that he did not mean to say so, nor did the paper alluded to express such an opinion. The motion was then negatived without a divi sion.—Adjourned till to-morrow. HOUSE OF COMMONS. NEIVINGTON SELECT VESTRY BILL. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR brought up !he Report of the Corn mit;ee on the Newington Select Vestries Bill, which declared that the standin order had been complied with. Mr. H. SUM g NER then moved that the Bill be re-commit ted.—Ordered.. METROPOLIS ROADS BILL. Sir E. HARVEY presented a petition against the Metro. polit Roads Bill from the Trustees of the Middlesex and Es sex Turnpike Roads. It was laid on the table, after an ()bur vation from Sir E. KNATCHBULL. Mr. BYNG presented petitions from the Trustees of Old street-road, the Stamford-hill Trusts, and the Brentford Trusts, against the Metropolis Roads Bill.—Laid on the table.. Mr. S. C. WHITBREAD presented a petition from the Hammersmith-road Trusts against the Metropolis Roads Bill ; and Sir J. GRAHAM presented a similar petition from the Trus tees of the Highgate-road.—The latter was ordered to be printed. KENT COAL METERS' BILL. On the 2d reading of the Kent Coal :Meters' Bill, Mr. CAL CRAFT opposed the Bill, on the ground that its object was only to benefit a single individual to the injury of the public. He moved that it be read a second time this day six months. Sir E. KNATCTIBU M. said that if it were the fact that the Bill was injurious to the interests of a large body, he would immediately withdraw it ; he, however, believed the contrary to be the case. If the Hon. Member persevered in his motion, he should not divide the House. Mr. CALCRArT explained. He should contend against the principle of the Bill. The question was thou put, the Amendment was carried, and the Bill lost. SHIP-OWNERS, &c. Sir W. DE CRESPIGN Y rose to present a petition from cer tain Merchants, Ship-owners, and others of the City of London' and its vicinity, complaining generally of the want of protection feltby those in the shipping interests against foreign competi tion, and of the mistaken policy which head been pursued with respect to the employment of foreigners in cases where English men might be as advantageously employed. The Hon. Baro ' net proceeded in a very inaudible tone to observe, ,that although this petition was signed by very few names, yet thousands would have attached their names if sufficient time had been al lowed. He read from the petition the different points touched upon by the petitioners, adverting to the monopolizing system pursued by. the East India Company, to the exclusion of many Merchants, who might derive considerable advantages from the trade. The Corn Bill, it was observed, instead of inspiring con fidence, had created considerable distress, and had the effect of, urging the farmers to sell their corn at any price, however low, under the expectation that it would be still worse. • The pe titioners then alluded to the expence of the military establish ment, and referred the House to certain pamphlets written by Mr. Ricardo and Mr. Pim, pu'iiished byHatchard—(A laugh)— on political economy. In conclusion they prayed that the House would take all these matters into itadeep consideration. The Hon. Member hoped that the House would not suffer this peti tion to lie neglected on the table till the day of judgment—. (A laugh:) Mr. S. WORTLEY put it to the good sense of the Houst whether. such a Petition ought to be received, it appearing to' be a kind of advertisement of Mr. Hatchard's, and the books he published rather than a Petition deserving the attention of the Sir W. DE CRESPIGNY observed upon the respeetab: signatures which were attached to the Petition. The question was put, and the Petition was laid on the table, TIM BE R DUTIES. Mr. S. WORTLEY wished to know when it was the inten tion -of the Hon. Member opposite to bring on his motion re. specting the Timber Duties. Mr. WALLACE was aware that this was a question which had excited very considerable interest. He should name Thurs day next for bringing forward the subject ; and he moved that the Committee be appointed for that day. Mr, RICARDO pr esen t e d a P e titi on f rom f our Me rc h ants trading in timber to Norway, praying for an alteration in the Timber Duties. The Petitioners stated the great hardship which they endured as the duties upon timber now stood, and alluded to the advantages enjoyed:by other timber Merchants trading to other parts, compared with-themselves, and observed upon the inferiority of American tO Nor Way Timber. He moved that the Petition be brought up. • - Sir ISAAC COFFIN supported-the petition, and complain ed, of the disadvantages under which this country laboured in the Timber Trade. This country was now paying an enor mous sum for comparatively small returns in the Timber Trade of Canada; and he. had no hesitation' in saying, that with re.: spect to this particular trade, it would be much better for this,. country if Canada were sunk to the bOttom of the sea. Mr. PHILIPS observed that the evils were now felt of the system of temporary. expediency which had been pursued with regard to the timber trade. The case with respect to the tim ber trade of Norway had been understated. The fact was, upon Norway timber a duty of 31. 17s. was laid, while that from Russia only paid 2L 2s. The petition was then laid-on the table. Mr. J. P. GRANT presented a Petition from James Both wick, an individual who had brected a machine in Scotland for sawing timber, complaining of the unequal duties. The peti= tioner had erected the machine at the great expence of 20,0001., and by,the alteratiOn in the duties the whole of this capital bad been annihilated. It was laid on the table. EXCISE. Lord MOUNTOHAR LES moved for various Returns con. 'netted with the Ekeise in Ireland:—Ordered. • ROMAN CATHOLICS. . Mr. BLACKBURN presented a Petition frinn the Clergy of Manchester against •the Roman Catholic Bill.—Ordered to be printed. BEER DUTIES. Mr. LUSIIINGTON brought ,up — the Report on the Beer Duties' Bill. The amendments were agreed to, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow (this day.) The Innkeepers' Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow (this day.) A person from the Mint presented an Account of the ex pences of the prosecution of persons for the imitation of the Coin of the Realm. CHARITABLE ESTABLISHMENTS. Upon the motion of Sir T. LETHBRIDGE, the House went into a Committee on the Charitable Establishments' Bill. Several amendments were introduced. After which the Hous..: resumed; the Report was received, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time to-morrow (this day.) FOREIGN SPIRITS. Colonel DAVIES moved for a Return of the amount of Foreign Spirits imported into Great Britain from the sth of January, 1785, to the sth Januar' 1821.—Ordered. y, INDENTURES. Mr. LEGH KECK obtained leave to bring in a Bill to render valid Indentures of Parish Apprentices, signed by Churchwardens. MILAN COMMISSION. I Lord A. HAMILTON postponed his motion (rerative to the expences of the Milan Commission, which stoodrfor to morrow) to Thursday sennight. IRISH JUDICIAL SITUATIONS. Dr. LUSHINGTON rose to move for leave to bring in a Bill to disable persons holding certain high judicial situations in Ireland, from sitting as Members of this House. He ob served that it was the object of his Bill to exclude the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, the Master of the Rolls, the twelve Judges, and ft)tir Irish. Masters in Chancery, from holding a seat in Parliarnont, as their duties were such as . to render it utterly impossible to discharge the duties of their offices pro perly, and to hold at the same time a seat in the House. This was a subject, he said, which had been already much discussed, and his intention only was, not to interfere with those now holding the offices mentioned, but to make it , wholly a pro spective measure. If the Bill were likely to be discussed, he should rather enter into its merits on its second reading.—Leave was given. TAKING OF- EVIDENCE ABROAD. . Dr. LUSTIING TON then moved for leave to bring in aßill to facilitate the taking of evidence in the British dominions abroad. According to the present law it was necessary to insti tute very long and expensive proceztlings before an examination out of the kingdom could be taken. This inconvenience had been remedied with regard to witnesses in the East Indies, and his object was to extend that measure to the British Colonies.— Leave given. REFORM OF CORRUPT BOROUGHS. Lord J. RUSSELL said it was his intention to withdraw, for the present, the notice which he had given for leave to bring in two Bills for the Reform of Corrupt Boroughs, with the view of bringing the subject before the House at as convenient a period as possible after Easter. He would not, therefore, now go at any length into the objects of his two Bills, he would briefly state, that the purpose of the first was to enable the House to enter into an inquiry as to acts of corruption commit ted by boroughs, when no complaint was before at of an undue election for such Boroughs ; the inquiry to be taken by what was called a Grenville Committee, that was a Committee empowered to examine evidence on oath. The purpose of the second Bill would be to set apart a million of money for buying up the fran chises of all boroughs which from their decayed state were liable to become corrupt, and to transfer their right of election to po pulous districts now unrepresented, which Nebula be enabled return a number of Members according to the just proportion of their interests, but to such an extent as that the total number of the Members or this House should not be increased above twenty. He *as not prepared to say, whether he would bring forward these measures in the first instance in the shape of Reso lutions or of Bills.—Ndtice withdrawn. UNION DUTIES. Mr. WILMOT, 7esented, a Petition from . the Master Hat Manufacturers of INewcastle-under-Lyme against the Union Duties upon hats, which, after a few words from the CHAN CELLOR of die EXCHEQUER and Sir H. PARNELL, was read and ordered to be printed. - • MALT DUTIES. Mr. C. GRANT presented a Petition from the Freeholders of the County of Inverness against the additional duty on Malt. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER made some observation which we could not collect. The Petition was or dered to be printed. ROMAN CATHOLIC DISABILITY REMOVAL BILL. Sir J. NEwPoRT moved that the order of the day for the House going into a Committee on this Bill be then read. The order was read accord ingly. A short desultory conversation then took place about the mode of consolidating the two Bills into one, between Sir J. Newport, the Speaker, Mr. Bankes, the Chancellor of the Excheqoer, and Mr. Abercromby ; after which, Sir J. NEWPORT moved that it be an instruca (ion to the Committee to make a provision to re gulate the intercourse between the British Catho lic priests and the See of Rome. . Mr. C. HUTCHINSON declared himself to be hostile to the Intercourse Bill, and stated that the Catholic Prelacy and Clergy, both in Eng land and Ireland, were by no means satisfied with it. At another stage of the business,, he would go in detail into the objections which he felt against it. Sir Q. HILL thought that it would have been much better if the Hon. Member for Cork had stated the objections which he felt to this Bill ten days ago, instead ; of stating them now, when so many of the clauses had met with the appro bation of the House. He himself did not expect that the declarations of Dr. Milner and Friar Hayes would be thrown aside by the Catholic body of Ireland ;, on the contrary, he was of opinion that they would be avowed by that body as containing tenets which had their full appro bation. Mr. C. IluTcnitasoN explained. He had al ways opposed the Intercourse Bill ; but he did not know of the objections to it entertained by. the Catholic - Prelates till very lately. As soon as he had obtained information of that fact, had stated it to the House.—Sir GEORGE HILL explained. Sir JOHN NEWPORT said that the Right lion. Member for Londonderry should have beers bet-.:. ter informed b e f ore h e gave an o p i n i on on the,- subject. Mr. hay, •a layman, and not F r iar Hayes, was thnsecretary to the Catholic Board. • Mr. CAREW stated that, he had received letters Nom several most respectable Catholics in Ire land expressive of the satisfaction which they felt at the present Bill. He then read_a docu ment which' he had translated from the Italian, containing, an order from the Director-General of the Police .at Rome for the banishment of Friar Hayes . at• Rome, and which censured i°. very severe..termaathe private conduct of . ahat reverend persort.... It added, th a t M r . ilayes'g passport would, have contained the grounds ,of his dismissal from ; but that, at his own. request, that e44na.tion was not inserted.---' (Hear, hear !)-4le also read declaration which he stated had been presented by that individual on his knees to the Pnpe, in which he admitted and deplored the indecorum. of some proceedinga into which .he had suffered hithself to be be trayed.—(Hear, hear !)—He concluded by 'apo logising to the. House for•troubling, them•with these particulars, into which he had been reltic" tautly 'compelled to enter.—(Hear !) Mr. M. li'-.ITZGERALD condemned the consoli dation of the intercourse with the See of Rome with the present measure. lie had the, strongest objection to some of the proposed ecclesiastical arrangements., Ha had uniformly objected to the interference of a Protestant administration with the arrangements of the Catholic Church. lie objected to -it as much, constitutionally, as a Pro testant, as any Catholic could do conscientiously. On the motion' of Sir JOHN NEWPORT, it was ordered that'the Committee be instructed to make such regulations as should be deemed advisable for regulating the intercourse of the Catholics. with the See of Rome. The House then resolved itself into the Com mittee upon the Bill. The Chairman then read - the clause which prohibits any Roman Catholic from advising the- Crown in the appointment .or disposal of any lay or. ecclesiastical office, an d makes such advicepif •given, a misdemeanour, and which als o exc l u d e s'th e Catholics from eli gibility to fill the (Aces of Lord High Chan cellor, Lord Keeper, or Lord Commissioner of the Great Seal of Great Britain, or Lord Lieu wpant of Ireland. - The question being put. upon' .this claus,e, Mr. PEEL rose to move that the exclusions in •the clause which had just been read should be ex - tended to the Privy. Council and the Bench. IP° Right lion. Friend had said on the preceding evening that the importance of the object. then' contended for was such, that all others in com parison with it were trifling ; and that carried, they might afterwards feel themselves more at liberty to refuse other concessions. He hoped this impression would be acted upon that night , and would now proceed to state the grounds u t ! which he conceived. it t,o be his duty to move f °l the exclusion of the Catholics from the. Fri% Council and from the Judicial Ben c h ; and (I° . ": s ' this, he should address himself equally to t '' e friends and to the opponents of th e p resen t °V s ; pure. By the vote of that House last night/ t " s House and the other had been op ene d t o persl_ o f.. the Roman Catholic religion, and thus t he principle in. the Constitution 'which had kept t Legislature exclusively 'Protestant bad abandoned. That act, however, was still to ow tinue inviolate which provided for the Protestant succession to the Crown. A. King who 511 011 . 11 e become Papist forfeited Crown, and his subjects under that 1 1 a , %% ! in such a case, were at once absolved from t I' l 1 that tile allegiance to him. It was . require( be -a i'r °- King .of this country should not only e , testant, but in communion with the Reform . : his right to tt , Church. An undertaking was required from 1