The Sun. — London, England, 1821-03-30 00:00:00

• - . ...4saksh upon Mt • inhospitable brow of a barren Mr. CROIKER denied that this country,•with respect to the detention of Napoleon, was guilty of the slightest breach of. faith. It was a well known fact, that the night before Napoleon sorrendered himself he held a Council of War, or rather a Council of Safety, in which the ques tion was discussed, whether _Napoleon had. any possible chance of escape? - It Was detided that he had not. Napoleon ; who judged with caution and with clearness, saw ne means of safety but in surrendering himself to a British Officer; hesurrendered himself with reluctance. — The. British Officers received his person under no other engagement than that they would detain him,, and that they would wait for the directlori of the . King's Government. Should the House, on any other occasion, think fit to go more fully into the' -subject, he (Mr. Croker) would pledge himself to show that Napoleon was fairly hunted into the toils, and that in the whole transaction, • the ho— nour of this country, and of its Officers, was above. all reproach.—(llear !), . The question was then put and agreed to_ :sir. HOME said,. that in bringing for Ward the next subject for the consideration of the Rouse, he wished it to be understood, that on the former motion he had put the policy of the detention of Napoleon entirely out of the queStion. He cer tainly thought the conduct which had.been sliewn towards that individual Was more blameable than the policy which directed his original detention. He thought there was a degree of severity exer-. -cised . upon him which the house would never bring itself to sanction. Supposing that the original detention of Napoleon were founded upon good policy, it - might be a 'question worthy of consideration whether the necessity for that po licy still.existed. The Hon. Member concluded by, moving for a Return of the Number of Ships of War employed upon the, subject connected with his former Motion. , Mr. GOULBURN said,- that when the subject should be brought before the . house in a formal shape, he was convinced that a satisfactory an. serer would be given to - every complaint which might then be advanced. Sir PL.WILsox again said, that the treatment to wards Napoleon - was vexatious, harsh, and even cruel. After paying the highest mark of respect to the generosity of the English nation,-afterahrow ing himself upon their protection, as Mithridates threw himself upon the Romans, he was confined a close prisoner, deprived of his wife and child, and cut off from all correspondence with his nearest relations. Mr. GOULOURN begged to remind the Gallant General,• that Napoleon himself declared that he came not as Mithridates, but as Themistocles (A laugh.) • Air. C. HUTCHINSON said, he should be ashamed of himself if he ~''soffered any occasion to pass .without recording his opinion of an :act which he considered a disgrace to the country, and a viola - tiers of all humaniiy. He at present would not enter into the policy of the - original detention ,of Napoleon, but he was satisfied there was now no danger in existence, upon which it could be jus tified. Yet we continued to by the gaolers of the Allied Powers, whose principles were avowed by : their actions. There was a time indeed when the Noble Lord opposite might justly have called upon the English. Parliament to support him against the attempt of lawless ambition ; but now . there was not the slightest excuse to justify the severity of the proceeding in question. Now, indeed, the scene had altogether changed, and notwithstanding the conduct of Ministers, they dared not to avow an approval of the aggression of Austria against Naples. '.,11e would boldly affirm, that the Courts of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, had avowed the tyrannical principles noon which they intended to govern mankind.-- That principle was not only more degrading, but was much more insulting than any principle which had ever been adopted by Napoleon. The pledge by •Which the Continental Sovereigns had obtained the suppoet of Europe against the ambi tion of• Napoleon,. was that which held out a pre servation of European liberty ; and he (Mr. H.) directly charged them with haying violated that pledge. Thr lion. Member' proceeded, to a re view of. recent continental events, i and observed, that without the support of those subjects who Were now denied -constitutionill freedom, the. So aveigns of Austria and Prussia. Would not have • succeeded in putting down Napoleon. The Hon. Member apologized for having delayed the atten tion of the House from.the question immediately before it, • and concluded by declaring,: that as there was now no appearance of justice' in con tinuing the detention of Nalibleow, - U, saw'rto ..reason for continuing that detention, an ex pence 'of half a million - anneally, while.the people were already ground nearly to dust by exces sive-. fa.xation,—The motion:- wa-s then put and egreed to.. ' DEBT TO TIM INDIA COMPANY. Mr. nulitre next insetO Move• fOr accounts of the debts•due by the Government'to the East India Company.'- The..Hon.Gentleman stated the growth of the debt . , which was in 1815 about 1,300,000!. to the. year 1820, when he had good reason to believe it amounted to 2,500,0001.- He wished to have a statement laid before the House ofthe amount incurred in each yeariand for what purposes the money had been'expwided. There was an old balance whiCh :Was *disputed,otelating to sums expended in the . eipedition-•to Egypt. lie was of opinion that' it should:be settled, and that the accounts Abonl4 be more:frequently balanced.thau They. had hitherto hoed. He con cluded by moving for, accounts of tire debts due to the East India Compauyon• th'e Ist I May, 1820, distinguishing the old and the - itew debt, -the amount contracted and each 'year; and ftsr - :what services the mooey - hadtieen expended.- . The CHANCELLOR - of the EX.CIi*JEa tsar!, there could be no objection to produce the ac count.- The Hon. Member: was certainly correct in stating that there were many disputed sums, particularly the OGO,OOOI. for the expence of the Expedition to Egypt. The allowance of this sum had in fact been negatived by the House. There were several other sums which could not be allowed, and which, with the former sum, ma • :erially affected the balance. The motion *as .hen put and agreed to. ROMAN cATtmthic DISABILITIES' BILL: Sir JOHN NEWPORT moved the Order of the Day for taking the Report on this Bill into con sideration. The Report was brought up by Mr. J. SMITH ; and on the question being put from the Chair that it be read, Sir T. LETHBRIDGE said, he would not dppose the bringing up of the Report, but he 'trusted to another opportunity of combating the mea sure. The House must bre conscious that the Bills were likely to prove a cause of great un easiness to the Catholics of Ireland, and especi ally to the Catholic Clergy. He underslood that meetings wexe to be called to oppose the Bills. If that were the case, one of the chief grounds for carrying the Bills had failed. The Catholics, as they were told, looked on the second Bill as highly penal and degrading to the clergy. Ile complained of the precipitancy with which the Bills had been pressed forward, and the want of determination with which they had been opposed. He apologized for some ex pressions n hich had fallen from hint on a former night, by which he had given some uneasiness to a Noble Lord opposite, than which nothing could have been farther from his wishes or in tentions. Lord NUGENT said, that nothing could be more satisfactory than the explanation of the Hon. Baronet ; and he begged to thank him for the handsome terms in which he had conveyed it. Mr. ADERCNOMBY regretted that the Hon. Baronet had not been in his place upon a former night, for in that case he would have heard a succession of Irish Members bearing their testi mony to the general satisfaction which the pre sent measure gave to the greater portion of the loyal and intelligent Irish Roman Catholics. It no doubt would give dissatisfaction to others, for it would reduce some who possessed an un worthy desire of power to a state of deserved insignificance. Mr. MARTIN (of Galway) said, that not only was the measure approved by the Catholics in general, but that Mr. O'Connel, of Dublin, who had taken an active part in opposition to it, was not able to get the signatures of nine persons, which signatures were requisite to form an ag gregate meeting in order to disapprove of it. Probably Mr. O'Connell thought, that if offices rained down from heaven, not one of them would be made to fit his own head.—(A laugh.) Mr. C. HUTCIIINSON said, he could not allow the remarks of even his lion. and esteemed Friend (Mr. Abercromby) to pass unnoticed. According to those remarks, which certainly were not borne out by the fact, no loyal or intelligent Catholic disapproved of the measure.—(Cries of " No, no.")—He certainly had so understood his Hon. Friend, and he was glad to be now correct ed by the House. Understanding his Honoura ble Friend as he had, it was the more necessary that he should observe upon those remarks, be cause he (Mr. H.) had previously declared he had the authority of a highly respectable Catho lic Prelate to disapprove of the measure. He (Mr. II.) was for the removal of all the restric tions, but certainly he did not think those ought to be called disloyal who disapproved of the present penal enactments. Referring to the ob servation of the Hon. Member for Galway, he begged to deprecate all attacks upon individuals who were not present to defend themselves. He (Mr. H.) knew nothing of the sentiments of Mr. O'Connell on this subject, any more than was al ready known by the public ; but he had the honour of a private acquaintance with Mr. O'Connell, and be could confidently affirm, that a more honourable or patriotic member of society did not exist ; and he (Mr. H.) was decidedly friendly to any measure which should enable that House to gain the accession of the virtue and ta lents of such a ma❑ as Mr. O'Connell. Mr. ABERCROMBY and Sir T. LETHBRIDGE mufti - ally explained. After a few observations from Mr. WYNNE and Mr.G I PPS, the Report was read, and on the ques tion that it should lie on the table, CROKER rose to bring forward a measure which he said he had had in contemplation two years ago. He considered -it a hardship on the Protestant that he was compelled to take an oath denying that the. Pope had any spiritua' authority in the realm. After so many Acts of Yarliament had been passed, in which a mitigated spiritual authority of the Pope was admitted, he put it to House whether the oath of supremacy, in its pre sent language, should be allowed to continue.— It had , been said by a - late Right Hon. Friend of his, (Mr. Grattaij) _that a Catholic would scarcely have any objection to,take the Oath in the sense in which it must necessarily be understood by the Protestant. Upon the present occasion it was thought proper to introduce explanatory words for the Catholic. Now, if the words meant the same thing for the. Catholic as well as for the Pro testant, why should there be two oaths ? Or how could the oath in its present language remain, if this Bill should pass, which directly provided for the exercise of the Pope's authority ? He sub mitted, it was better that the same oath should not remain with two meanings. As the House adopted the explanation, he would confidently ask the House, whether the oath could be con scientiously taken by a Protestant ? He should therefore u ) ove, that the words " Roman Catho lic,",,immediately preceding the word " subject," should be -left out. (A conversation here took place between two Hon. Members near the Hon. Mover.) Mr. CROKER resumed. It had been suggested to him that the alterition he proposed was of consequence enough ) to warrant a separate dis cussion, and he therefore for the present would not press his motion. A short conversation then followed between the SPEAKER and Mr.. CROKEtt upon a point of form ; upon which, Mr. PEEL rose and said, that he was aware of the difficulty suggested by the Hon. Member ; but as it had been caused by the present mea sure, he considered it better that it should be left to the promoters of the Bill to remove that diffi culty. He thought it deserving - the serious con sideration of the House. Mr. WysNi conceived that the words in the Oath of Supremacy, denying the spiritual autho rity of the Poper,initst necessarily mean any law ful authority.--Mr. PEEL explained. Lord CASTLEREAGH said, he recollected a case in which a Roman Catholic had, under the direc tion of his Ecclesiastical Adviser, taken the Oath-, of Supremacy in the sense adverted to. It was the doubt which rendered the explanation gene rally valuable to the Catholics. With respect to the Oath, as it regarded the Protestants, he could not think that ally explanation was neces sary after a practice of 300 years under the old Oath. lie saw nothing in the Oath of Suprema cy to which a conscientious Protestant knight not submit ; and he therefore should prefer the com mon mode in both cases. lie should not, for his own part, object to a considerable nlodification, so las to make it suitable to all the subjects of the realm, if he were not apprehensive that an objec tion would be taken to this elsewhere, and that it might prove an obstacle to the passing of the Bill. lie considered the two Oaths to mean, in point of fact, the same thing, and the Protestant took his Oath with a reservation similar to that intended on the part of the Catholic. To alter the• Oath now taken by the Protestant, he was of opinion,'might cause a grave objection to the Bill to be taken elsewhere, as it- would be complained that it altered the oath not merely to qualify the Catholics to participate in the blessings of the Constitution, but to diminish the security for al legiance which the Protestants had been accus tomed to gire. Mr. CROKER contended that it was impossible for the old Oath of Supremacy to be made appli cable to the two cases. Dr. PHILLIMORE reminded the House of the circumstances under which the two oaths had been introduced. The Right Hon. Gentleman who brought the subject forward, had, in the first instance, intended that the same oath should remain for both parties, but had added an ex planation to enable the Catholics to take it. The objection made to that course had induced him to propose two oaths. It was now at this late stage of the Bill complained that this had been done, though it had been done with a view of conciliating all parties. Mr. CANNING did not rise to prolong the con versation, but to suggest that as the subject was to come again before the House" on Monday, they could gain nothing by a preliminary debate now. Mr. CHOKER, in explanation said, he had en deavoured to avoid prolonging the discussion, and as it had been complained that he had ob jected to the oaths in this late stage of the Bill, he begged to set himself right, and to remind the House, that on a former occasion he had said the arrangement seemed to him a trap for the Protes tant's conscience, which he should endeavour to correct on the first opportunity. Mr. GOULRUHN thought it right to mention, that as this subject could not come on again till after the question on the third reading had been disposed of, and as a long debate might take place on the third reading, it would be for the House to consider whether at a late hour in the morning it would be well to enter upon it. Several of the amendments were then read and agreed to. Mr. CHOKER submitted to the House that it might. he better for him to move the amend ment be had proposed on the 3d reading that night. It could then be regarded as .a notice. Sir J. NEWPORT proposed several - clauses one of which went to give the Catholics the right of voting at Parish Vestries. These, after a few desultory remarks, were agreed to. PROVISION FOR THE CATHOLIC CLERGY. Mr. CROKER rose, in pursuance of the previous notice he had given, to move a clause to empower his Majesty to make provision for the Catholic Clergy. He felt firmly persuaded that there was no relation of the Bill of more importance, and his confidence was increased from the favour able manner in which the proposition was re ceived when he first mentioned it. In or out of doors he had heard no objections to the principle; but some objections in point of time have been made by the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman who introduced the measure, and some are enter tained by others as to expediency. He com pletely differed from both. lie was convinced this was not only the best time, but the only time in which it could be provided. As they were all agreed upon the principle, he should not detain the House arguing that point, but would endeavoUr to persuade them that this time was the best that could be selected. The first ob jection of the lion. and Learned Gentleman was that it should be left to the Government to make the provision. He should be glad to know what Government? Would the Parliament surrender so great and important a proposition to the Government ? He admitted the time would come When the Government, and none was more fit, might regulate the means of carrying the proposition into effect. But the policy of the measure should be regulated by the Parliament, for it would be most unconstitu tional, almost impeachable in the .Government, to take such an important question to their own decision. And he would ask the House what would be the state of Ireland if the Govern ment held out those hopes, and after the. Bi shops had consented to it, that their expecta tions should be blasted ? The first step then to be taken was to obtain the sanction of Parlia ment to the principle of the Bill. He could assure the House he was not such a vain Qaixote as to propose a measure to the House without knowing whether it could be carried into effect. lie bad well , considered the subject, and had even gone so far as to embody it in a Bill, for he thought it due to the House first to assure him self that the measure he proposed could be car ried into execution. The next objection to the proposition was, that it might endanger the other Bill. Ile could not conceive how this could be the case, and he thought this objection came with rather an ill grace from those Gentlemen who say they would not attend to the clamours of Dr. Milner, that they would not wait for the Ecclesiastical Parliament elsewhere to pronounce their decisions, that they would take their station, as all sound statesmen should do, on the vantage ground of the Constitution, and from that proud eminence survey the course they had to pur-" sue, and not be deterred by tlamours of igno rant or interested individuals.- 7 --(Hear, hear, hear !)—They had been told by the Right Hon. Gentleman who introduced the Measure in that memorable speech, every word of which, he hoped; would be ehgraven on their hearts, that. this was to be a measure of .final conciliation), to. put an end to all the tumults that have so long agitated Ireland ; and now you leave out the most important part of the whole subject, you omit from the Bill the very name of those whose assistance is mainly, if not indispensably, required to preserve the pacification of the country. lie would consider the-postponing this measure to another Session one of the most ridiculous things, he had almost said one of the greatest blunders, that ever was committed. After having carried the Bill through all the stormy waves of prejudice that dashed against it, and arrived safely in har bour, are we to venture it out to sea again ? (Hear, hear!)—He well knew the delicate ground he was treading on, but the House should be reminded that almost all the blood that streamed from the Penal Code was from the body of the clergy ; all the Acts that were established looked with a jealous eye on the clergy, not on the laity. They had heard, and nothing was , more true, that without the co-operation of the clergy, it would be almost impossible to preserve the tranquillity of the country. Who ever ,supposed that the Duke of Norfolk or the illus trious House of Arundell would, if admitted into Parliament, be dangerous to the State ?—None certainly. All the bugbears that have been raised were against the clergy, not against the laity. He remembered a learned civilian in' that House (Dr. Duigenan), who was one of the most determined foes to the measure, say, that if the Catholics obtained emancipation, the Clergy would raise their old cry about restoring their tithes and their ancient hierarchy ; and surely the best way to prevent such an occurrence, or even the possibility of it, would be to provide them a suitable maintenance. Whatever provi sion is made, it should be liberal, sufficiently so to support them respectably, but not so much so as to break off their dependence on their flocks. His object for the present was to get the House to recognize the principle; for which reason he should move—" That a Commission be appointed, under the superintendence of the Lotd Lieute nant, to examine the ecclesiastical arrangements in, every district, in order to facilitate the carry ing this measure into effect." Lord CASTLEREAGH Said, that if he rose to op pose the proposition of his Hon. Friend, it was not from a want of respect for him, or of a com mon feeling with him on the subject. No man was more anxious than he was for the emancipa tion of the Catholics, and he considered that great measure would be incomplete until the pro position now submitted to, the House was carried into effect. But the question is—is this the pro per moment?—(Cries of Hear, hear !)—and was it Wise now to go to issue on a point which would at the proper time meet the concurrence of Par liament ? The House could not be called upon for a provision without a recommendation from the Crown, and even on his Honourable Friend's own shewing this could not be a final mea sure, because, if now carried, it must come back again to Parliament.—He thought it would he much better that it should come on here after as a matter of grace and favour from the Crown ; for he never could allow that the Ro man Catholic Clergy had any claim of right to a provision. He thought, as it regarded the Ca tholic Clergy themselves, it would be better to leave the question in a state of amicable repose ; the agitating it at this moment would seem to place them in an equivocal situation, as it would bear the character of a sort of bribe.—(Hear, hear, hear!)—ln justice to the character of that respectable body, he must state, that, when in 1803 he was authorised to offer a provision for them, they did then in the most delicate and dis interested manner explain that they could not then receive it without subjecting their characters to the imputation of being swayed by sordid mo; tives. He apprehended that Parliament would not look at the general principle till they could look at the question of the scale of provision, and he thought it hardly fair to -call upon the House to go into the matter without having fuller infor mation than at present. He wished it to be understood that his objection was to the time, and not to the principle of the measure. He con.: sidered that the object would be attained more speedily and safely by leaving it at rest for the present. Mr. MITCHINSON deprecated the adoption of any measure of the kind recommended, without ,a perfect understanding between the Catholic Clergy and the Government. Mr. CROKER, in explanation, said, the word right had not fallen from him ; he had contended for a principle. The Noble Lord had stated that principle in even broader terms than he him self had done, and said he considered the adop tion of it must follow as a necessary consequence of the present measure. This had not been op posed in any quarter ; and so with the pe-rmis sion of the House he would withdraw his motion for bringing up the clause. Lord CASTLEREAGH, in explanation, said he had stated what were the sentiments of Lard Sidmouth's Government. Ile was not authorised to say that any provision would be proposed by his Majesty's present Ministers. The clause was then withdrawn. Mr. Grees moved the insertion of the words, cc or any other endowed College or School for the education of Children." These words were objected to, as preventing the Catholics from en dowing and establishing schools, and a conver sation followed, in which Mr. Croker, Sir J. Newport, Mr. C. W. - Wynne, Mr. Hutchinson, and Mr. Gipps participated, and a satisfactory explanation being given by the last mentioned Gentleman, the clause was agreed to. The Bill was ordered to be read a third time on Mon day, (if then engrossed) and to be printed. TIMBER DUTIES. Mr. WALLACE moved that the House should go into a Committee on the Acts relative to the Duties on Timber: * The 1ff:1'1:Ise having resolved itself initi a Com.. mittee, - Mr. WAst.i.Act Called the attention of the House to the Report of the Committee on the Tinibei Ditties, and said he had now to propose such re: sol t utions as from that Report . the •conithercial interests Flf ~the .conntry . appvii7o tO' require: lie feJ t the subject to those who had not given jt much of .their at;.ention , ,•,zr who Wete not in terested is it, was a dry one'; and was a Ware that he was incapable of making it attrattiVe, and shoiild therefore endeavour to aVoid trespas sing on the attention of the Hotise longer than was absoldtely necessary. It was known in the House, that previous 'to the year 1809, a sup- ply of limber for all purposes was obtained al most exclusively from the North of Europe. Sub sequently the supply was divided into two parts — part being obtained from the North of Europe, and part from our own North American,Colonies. It was impossible to look at these trades without perceiving that in the course of no very long time, if the present system was continued, one of the two must become completely predominant, and, therefore; the other must be completely anuilti lated. The annual importation of timber from 1803 to 1806 from the North of Europe, was as follows : Fir Timber - Deals From 1816 to 1819 there had been a great diminution in the an nual imports from the North. Their amount was— 218,857 loads. 43,938 it Timber - - 93,659 loads. Deals - - - - 21,821 On both it would be seen the reduction consideraLly exceeded one-half. The Timber imported from our North American Colo:lies averaged, in the years from 1803 to 1806, 10,519 loads. The average from 1810 to 1819 was -183,322. The imports from the North of Europe in the years 181(1, 1819, and 11120, exhi bited a greater decline, and were as follow :- 1818 - - - 130,000 loads. • 1819 - - - - 102,000 1320 59,000 In the mean tune, the Imports from our American Colonies Were-- In 1818 - - - _ _ - 211,000 loads. 1819 - - - - - 21;7,000 1820 - . - - - 2L3,000 It would be found that the reduction in Colonial Timber was as nothing compared with that of Norway. Taking the average of two years, 1819 and 1810, it appeared that there was an amount of upwards of 75,000 load of timber in favour of the supply from America. He could not hut re gard this sacrifice of a great branch of trade, possessing great interest in the eyes of the .coun try, and• giving in great influence in our commer-; vial relations with those countries in the North, affected by this declaration, as a line of conduct which was not consistent with justice,. nor even souird,policy in itself. If the cause of this de -pression in the timber trade of. the North, yiz• the high duties-had arisen from any view of national adVantage to ate Colonies, or of its being dne to the Colonies, in order to place them in a state of fair competition with other countries, he should not have thought of any interference or alteration : but the case was quite the reverse; and so far from this being the case, the present state of things 'was produced by a systeM ordir ties that was altogether monstroug—and the in justice-of the continuance of these duties was heightened from the circumstance of their bOng imposed during the war, and as war duties. It might not be important to Russia or Prussia to loSe the invoice amount of the woods im ported: from those States into . this country' , not amounting to more than 100,000/.; nor could it he of Much consequence to this country to lose such an amount of manufactures : lta t still the Matter was" of importance, as being the first step taken in receding from that system On which they had so long been going on in our coril mercial relations with foreign countries. What he complained of was, that colonial timber paid .almost nothing, while that imported from the, North was .borne down with a !way - v . weight -01 duty, double' the amount of its prime cost! Even under this enormous duty the Northern timber had been used, awl the question now Was' Whether they could consent to continue this en; ormous duty, for the sole and exclusive benefit 0 1 those whO were connected with tile shipping env' ployed in the .conveyance of the wood_, America ? Gentlemen were perhaps aware, that the origin of these duties was in time of war, arid . was at first avowedly put on as protecting tlO ties. He knew it was urged by some in f t ': your of the continuance of these duties th at they were in their nature perpetual duties, an" could not therefore be taken off without a breach of good faith, highly detrimental to all who had trusted in' it. Now Honourable Pen; tlemen would know very well that the yo)fti et, cc perpetual" was only in contradistinction I _, temporary, or being limited in duration to a n ;' precise Period ; but did not at all mean that Par' liament was to give up the exercise of all ov discre i : tion or contras er them. The effect of the hig::l duties had been to introduce into the country art immense overplus of timber, to the exteot.di 100,000 loads beyond the ordinary supply, wh e l had been substituted for different kinds of tin' o , in various departments of the trade. In c olls h e e - quence of this, merchants who speculated on , o i lt fair consumption of the country, were thron of the markets. The Hon. Gentleman, tio t 'verting to-the excess of shipping, observed/ s to that excess was attributed by different pers o° v e different causes. By some it was supposed T oe the natural consequence of the termination °i tio g war. By others it was said to be owing to the lit o t up many vessels for the Indian trade,whiehini (lil De succeeded. By others again it was declared " 1 1) 0 the effect of the seas being open, by w other countries would now enter into con:P:so tion. Supposing them to have operated cit:_t), of the present excess of shipping, he bad v u ,ar , serve that they were foreseen during l i r e act wa s and the ships built accordingly. The f stion that this had been made entirely It que shipping, and it was their interestl . most clamorous on all "occasions v;li t e i r . e h i` :atilt even remotely approached. lie was aware prejudice. that existed in the coun tr y agai nst thing that tended to touch the q uestion o i f wa ',J shipping. The moment so me p ersons that any question which happened to be broi l ' the sh i ; P forward touched in any way upon 4 . of h e might 0 well be hanged at once, for like giving a dog a ~ vould t no One 14 „o would ping,there was an end of it with -them. It 0 0 had name near him. He hoped this prejudice ‘c.'