The Sun. — London, England, 1844-03-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, 'DUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 26, 1844. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. deliberately and dispassionately consider this subject, and I am now able to announce to the House the decision which her Majesty's present con fidential advisers have come to on this subject. There are three courses, as it appears to her Majesty's Ministers, which they may pursue in the present state of affairs. Any course that is to be taken by the present Government must be simple, firm, and intelligent ; and looking at it in that light, there are only three courses which you may pursue. The first would be—since the House has, at different times, by votes, affirmed that the hours of labour shall not ex ceed twelve, and that they will not limit them to ten— it appears that within those two points, some point, as a matter of compromise, must be come to, And I will, for the sake of the argument, suppose that eleven hours will be satisfactory to all parties. Now that is one course. Another course her Ma jesty's Ministers may adopt will be to remove from the Order-book the Order of the Day for the further consideration of this Bill, for the purpose of expres sing their avowed opinion of not making any altera tion in the existing law. And the third course which they may adopt will be to rescind the Order of the Day, and to ask leave of the House to produce a new Bill, embracing such points and re gulations as have either received the assent of the House, or are likely to receive it. I will now, with the permission of the House, discuss these three pro positions. In the first case, I think it desirable to clear up what has passed on the subject since her Majesty's present Ministers became responsible in the matter. I wish to call to the recollection of the House that previous to the commencement of the present session, my Noble and Learned Friend, the Member for Dorsetshire, announced, in his place in the House, that he understood that her Majesty's Govern ment were not prepared to depart from the regulations in factories of twelve hours' work. On the 7th Feb. Mr. Stuart Wortley asked me what was the inten tion of the Government with respect to the labour in factories, and I will read what was the answer I then made. "With respect to the question put to him by his Hon. Friend, whether the Govern ment intended to bring in any measure on the sub ject of the regulation of the labour of children and young persons in factories, he had to state, in reply, that he had found in his office a Bill introduced by Mr. F. Maule upon the subject, and that he proposed to bring in that Bill with some alterations and modifications." I also was asked if I proposed to make some alte rations in the hours of labour, and I replied it was not my intention, on the part of the Government, to propose any such regulation. I now, then, beg the House to observe that, in the very first session of the present Parliament, and almost on the first day of that session, I gave this answer to the question put to me. I have read this not for the purpose of taunting any person, but I have read it, Sir, for the purpose of showing that, as in 1833 and in 1839, so also in 1842, I, for myself in dividually, firmly adhered to the opinion that the limitation of adult labour was inexpedient, and on the part of my colleagues that they had come to a similar determination.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I will now proceed to discuss the three possible courses that are open to us. The first involves the question of a compromise for a limitation of labour to eleven hours. I am quite prepared to admit that I do not go the length of those who may suppose that it is the duty of a government to carry every thing with a high hand (so we understood the Right Hon. Baronet, whose meaning, from the lowness of his tone, it was most difficult at times to catch) ; on the contrary, I do say, that there are many occasions, especially one involving such a question as this, when a compromise is not only justifiable, but expedient. But when it is either justifiable or expedient there are two points which are indispensa ble. These are, that the point to be conceded shall be a safe one—(Hear, hear) —and if there is to be a compromise that there shall be a fair prospect of its being adhered to. Seeing that among a great body of those Hon. Gentle men who usually support her Majesty's Government a division on this occasion unhappily exists, and look ing dispassionately at the question, I am bound to state on the part of her Majesty's Cabinet that the compromise to which I have adverted, appears to us not to hold out any prospect of utility. I do not wish to argue the question unnecessarily; but still, to vindicate myself, I must touch on some prominent points. I hold that, in the first place, a compromise would be most injurious to the manufacturers. — (Hear, hear.) A change from twelve to eleven hours seems in itself to sound like a small matter; but I beg the House to consider that when applied to machinery, it is absolutely no less than the destruction of its use for three or four weeks in the year.—(Hear, hear.) It is a most important matter, and I have received since I last addressed the House circumstantial information, from the highest quarter, informing me that in the cotton and woollen districts—particularly in those districts where cot ton machinery is more actively employed—a re duction of the hours of labour from twelve to eleven, at those times when trade is brisk, and when the demand is steady, and when the manu facturer may be able to make up for the time when he worked at a loss, is a matter touching not only the profits of the manufacturers, but the permanent con tinuance of machinery.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It is a most important consideration because, as I mentioned before, the prosperity of manufactures is, in my opinion, bound up with the prosperity of the State. This being my belief, my deliberate judgment led me to the conclusion that this diminution of one hour of adult labour would end in bitter disappointment to the working classes them selves.—(Hear, hear.) I am quite satisfied, though it would b tedious to repeat the argument now—l am quite satisfied that in proportion to the reduc tion of time there must be a corresponding and im mediate reductionoof wages--(Hear, hear) —and more than this, that unless the master manu facturers submitted to a diminution of profit, this diminution of profit must be added to the dimunition of wages coincident with the dimu nition of time, and, as I before stated, notwithstand ing the amended declaration of the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller), my firm belief is that this reduction of wages cannot fairly be esti mated at less than from 15 to 22 per cent.—(Hear.) Now, then, if I have proved it is dangerous to the master, and would end in disappointment to the work man, I ask myself is it possible that a measure having those two effects can fail to be dangerous to the State. My own opinion is decided, and it is also the opinion of my colleagues that any measure which affects such as those I have adverted to is dangerous in the extreme. I am quite satisfied the workmen are under a delusion on this point, and that th ey do not anticipate such a as I have no d ou bt must be the limiting the time of work. What lat fi gne rs fs t ' effect of their disappointment. ir woulded v u i c t t a i b o hl n ee i r n tehs w eu , It would be, I am persuaded, that they would stand out resolutely against the reduction of wages as andiunjust. Why, at thi s very moment, unless m isinformed, with twelve hours' work, unnecessary I am sinf m with a high rate of wages, and improvement in trade, there are many branches of workmen dissatisfied with the present rate of wages ; and I have no doubt if we come to effect a legislative reduction of wages, the effect of the consequent disappointment of the workmen would be a very general strike throughout the manufacturing districts, which, concurring with other things, would lead to fatal and most inexpli cable confusion.—(Hear, hear.) I hope that nothing which may fall from me may be considered in the nature of disrespect to say parties, but I have a duty to discharge, and will discharge it; but I must say, with all respect, that the measure of the Noble Lord is dangerous in its nature, and that, dangerous as I conceive it to be, the arguments by which it is supported are still more dangerous.—(Hear, hear.) I do not know whether the gentleman who used the argument is present, but I heard an Hon. Gentleman on Friday night say that a larger diminution in wages was not detrimental to the working classes. It was said that there were moral wages, which were more important to them than even money wages, and that high wages led to immorality and improper conduct on the part of the workmen ; and even when they were reduced starvation was not possible in this country. Now, those are dangerous arguments. It is dangerous to say that there cannot be too large a legislative reduction in the value of the only commodity which the working man possesses. But I cannot for one instant believe that the re duction will not he attended with deterioration in the labourers' moral condition. So far from benefiting his conduct, it is rather likely to drive him to despair, and the commision of crime which he would not otherwise have the leant desire to commit; and it is no consolation to the Legislature or to the unhappy individual whose suffering, under a legislative loss in the value of the only commodity which he has for sale,—and undoubtedly he has a perfect right to the free exercise of that commodity as he pleases —to tell that individual of the moral ad vantages of a reduction in his wages, and that there is a poor-law in this country which prevents the possibility of starvation. I pass on to another, as I think, hardly less terrifying argument. I allude to the argument that we have now arrived at a new social state—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear")--that there is to be a departure from all fixed principles which have hitherto guided the wisest men in legislating upon this subject, and that we are to meet a new social state by a new scheme of legislation in this matter. (Hear, hear.) The opinion has hitherto prevailed that interference with the free market of labour is most dangerous, and can only be justifi e d in very strong exceptions. That rule is now t o b e re versed ; legislative inter ference is to be general, and there is to _be no limit to that interference, excepting not even the necessity of the case but the possibility of the case.--(Hear, hear.) Now, I say, that if that doctrine is to pre vail, it would be much better for this House not to deal with the complicated question of the maximum of labour, but at once to establish the minimum of wages.—(Hear, hear.) I say that a more dangerous case was never opened to the view of a legislative assembly.—(Hear, hear.) I have seen within the last eight and forty hours the use of a very strong expression to which, on the whole, I must give my assent. Ido not think it is too much to say that this is on the whole the commencement of a Jack Cade system of legislation.—(Cheers from all parts of the House.) Now, I will just notice one other argument which, I must say, fills me with alarm. I allude to the doctrine that it is desirable to take this step with a view of checking intense competition.— (Hear.) Now, competition in this matter, inasmuch as it is the great regulator of produce and price, if coincident with profits, promotes the interest of the community. But I contend that this legislation so far from tending to diminish competition, must have the directly opposite effect.—(Hear, hear.) If the demand in the market be the same, and the work to be done be the same, the inevitable effect of your diminishing the power of executing it, will be that fresh factories must be built and fresh capital sunk in machinery. The sinking of capital is itself no small evil, but if you prevent the running of machinery for twelve hours, the effect of that will be the shifting of the burden to the working-classes ; that fresh machinery will be built; that needless out lays will be incurred ; that there will be a fresh de mand for the labour of young persons and children ; that population will be stimulated, profits ulti mately fall, and the condition of the working classes permanently and hopelessly injured.—(Hear.) According to my views, which I will shortly state, I would say that I cannot conceive that it ever can be conducive to human happiness to impose limits upon human industry.—(Cheers.) I think that if it ever appears to be the interest of the State to reduce the profits upon capital—to restrict industry at home—to give premiums upon foreign competition—(Cheers) — and to impose penalties upon the employment of machinery, and even on the employment of Bri tish capital in manufactures—these objects would be effected by the proposition of my Noble Friend.— (Hear, hear.) I have now dealt with the first part of the subject—l hope not at too great length. To sum up, in one word, I think that a compromise for eleven hours would be dangerous to tille State, and inadmis sible in policy.—(Hear, hear.) I come now, Sir, to the second branch of the compromise. What would be the chance of its permanent endurance ? To turn first to his Noble Friend the Member for Dorset shire, who, with the most honourable zeal, and the most humane intentions, has firmly ad hered to the prosecution of this object, which he thinks indispensable for the happiness of the working classes.—(Hear.) My Noble Friend has excluded himself from that power which is an object of honour able ambition to every man in this kingdom.—(Hear.) He has made that sacrifice. He has placed himself — I will not say in hostile collision, but in opposition to the political friends whom he respects and esteems. —(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, we must consider that my Noble Friend is not only the able, but the principal champion of this cause ; and in the most solemn manner, in speech and in writing—years ago —two months ago, and on Friday night last—using the strongest language in the most solemn manner— he declared that he would never rest until he obtained a Ten Hours' Bill. lam satisfied, then, that the matter would not stop there. The House has re ceived a solemn warning from the Honourable Gentleman (the Member for Oldham) who is se cond to my Noble Friend in this object, that if a Ten Hours' Bill were to pass to-morrow it would not satisfy him, and that he never would be satisfied with anything less than an Eight Hours' Bill.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But, then, Sir, I hold in my hand what, perhaps, is more important still, the de claration of the delegates of the operative cotton spinners of Manchester—this resolution, which was passed this morning, is to this effect :—" That, notwith standing the defeat of Lord Ashley, brought about by the official influence of the Government, we are resolved never to relax in our exertions until a Bill is carried through Parliament ; and that we will avail ourselves of every advantage which constitutional means afford, to prevent the employment of children and young per sons in factories, for a period beyond eight hours daily. I say at once that, as between the proposals for eleven hours and ten hours, if I were driven to make a com promise in this matter, considering the circumstances 1 have adverted to, I think it would be more wise on the part of the Government, and of this House, in the hope of arriving at a durable settlement, or a probable permanent arrange ment of this question, to go at once the length of a Ten Hours', than of an Eleven Hours' Bill.—(Hear, hear.) I, therefore, discard the compromise on the part of the Government ; and I now advert to the second course which it is open to the Government to pursue—namely, to ask the permission of the Rouse to discharge this Order of the Day, with a view of allowing the existing law to remain in full force unaltered. That would be a possible course, one which, as com pared with the compromise I have been discussing, would be a practical course ; but still, in the progress the Bill has already made through the Com mittee, several important amendments have re ceived the sanction of the House. The limitation of the hours of the labour of children—that portion of the working classes which, as a general principle, was the most entitled to the protection of the Legislature, —with respect to children, almost by common con sent, an important change has been effected. The duration of their labour has been limited to eight hours. Then with respect to the education of the children in the manufacturing districts—of which I will not despair—a most important regula tion has been sanctioned by the Committee in the provision that they shall not work both in the forenoon and the afternoon of the same day. I am, therefore, not disposed to throw away the advantages of these new arrange ments that have already been sanctioned by the Com mittee, or of the other arrangements contained in the present Bill, and which lam confident will receive the assent of the House. lam now brought to the third course, which I before stated I should be brought to discuss—that her Majesty's Govern ment might withdraw the present Bill, and ask leave to bring in another, not to repeal the existing law or to re-enact it, but for the purpose of amending the existing law and introducing such amendments and modifications as had already re ceived the sanction of the House, or were likely to receive its general assent. I am bound in frankness to tell the House that, as we have resisted, so we shall con tinue to resist, any departure from the limit of twelve hours.—(Hear, hear.) This declaration may not appear consistent with that respect which I have said ought to be shown for the decisions of this House. But if we could believe that we had forfeited the confidence of this House • that it was possible for the Government to give effect to the prin ciple of the Ten Hours' Bill, upon which a small ma jority of the House has decided, our course would be clear. But it is our duty steadily to pursue the course I have intimated as the one we shall adopt. I am not aware that I have omitted to state any thing that my colleagues have deemed it right that I should state. At all events, I hope that the House will acknowledge that I have concealed nothing ; and I hope that I have said nothing that is inconsistent with the profound respect which I feel bound to pay to the decision of a majority of this House on whichever side it may be found.—(Opposition cheers.) If the House will permit me to conclude with a motion, I ought, perhaps, to move that the Order of the Day for the resolving itself into Committee on the Factories Bill be read for the purpose of being discharged.—(Op position cheers.), If, however, any Hon. Gentlemen should think that I am taking the House by surprise —(Hear, hear)—if any Hon. Gentleman should feel that impression—(Hear, hear)—l shall feel it my duty to ask that the Order of the Day be postponed to Friday, for the purpose of giv ing the House time to consider what course it may be advisable to pursue.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) I move the Order of the Day for the House resolv ing itself into Committee on the Factories Bill be now read. HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 25. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. Mr. T. BATESON took the oaths and his seat for the county of Londonderry, in the room of his brother, deceased. Mr. BROVIERTON and Sir H. DOUGLAS presented petitions against the Liverpool Docks Bill. The Blackburn and Preston Railway Bill was read a second time. HARROWGATE AND KNARESBOROUGH Mr. Brotherton rose, but there were loud calls for Lord Ashley. During the confusion mes sengers from the Lords brought up certain Bills. When the messengers withdrew as the calls for Lord Ashley still continued, Mr. Brotherton gave way, and Lord ASHLEY rose, and said that he thought there could be no doubt but that the most reasonable and fair course to take, would be that which had been suggested by the Right Hon. Gentleman, to allow the House until Friday, to consider the determina tion to which they would come. He (Lord Ashley) had been taken by surprise, and although his resolution had been by no means shaken as to the eventual course which he should take, he had not decided what course it would at present be prudent for him to adopt. It was wholly unnecessary for him to follow the Right Hon. Gentleman through the whole of his able statement, for the subject had been already fully discussed.—(Loud cheers.) Every one had already made up his opinion on it —. ( Cheers)—and not only had the subject been fully discussed, but the question had been solemnly decided.—(Loud cheers.) That great assembly, in three successive divisions, had affirmed the principle that twelve hours' labour was not to be endured, and therefore, whatever might be the result of the proceedings of Friday next, he would make a solemn appeal to the House to stand by its de cision.—(Hear, hear.) Upon that decisi on h e wou ld rest ; because of this , he was convinced that it was no t necessary for him, or any per son w h a t ever , to deal with this subject by any furth er argumen t. He regretted that his Right Hon. Friend the Secre tary of State for the Home D e p ar t men t h a d i n t ro d uce d into this discussion observations which, but for him, would never have been thought of again, and were forgotten.—(Hear, hear.) He deplored that he should have made such a statement, as that this was the beginning of Jack Cade legislation.—(Loud cheers) He (Lord Ashley)' would not repudiate, roft! he PUBLIC JOURNALS. :party of M r . S e tt or , a shopkeeper residing in Duke .vi owl THE E l TENI NG PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. tarr 'street, Alolborn and a marine storesdealer named Moore , GLOBE. —As Easter term approaches, the public vvi . t , h re ceiving hie property. The prisoners were corn attention in Irelan dis almost wholly engrossed by the "muted for trial. liIiSCUSSIOII of the r stional question, " What will the Go- WORSHIP- STREET. vernment do with O'Connell ?" Nor is this question, in A t all military-looking man, named William Spurrell alias its absorbing inter est, confined to the Irish people. In `"? 'am, waas charged before Mr. Broughton on suspicion of England the same 'inquiry is heard on every hand. The law ag C.teen concerned with two other persons, le win t ody named James Martin and Mary Spurrell, in stealing a ens interest excited ey this strongly-debated question is i „ second to noneJ of the numerous pending ques- earg e quantity of valuable shawls and silks, the property of e person at present unknown. tions involved in the uncertainty of the future. sot; evidence was now given as to the prisoner's movements, Speculations as. to the most prudent course for Go- aii+ tses, and apprehension. vernment to Adopt, under the peculiar circumstances . In his defence he said he that n his th r e ealname se w n Wigram, natural was a gentle in which it is placed by the prosecution and . con li vic u ta a o r n . vt .c t a an icl i i n wp.: s h ex is mother's, be named Spurrell.l being the had assumed the firm of of O'Connell and his co-defendants, are rife lu t a e q I I Arigram and Co. for the sake of appearances not dreaming of Urs a In Ireland the question is debated by h party aany wrong. Having a bill coming due on S'aturday, he said oresans with the fervid heat which characten f ze t s he p art :be had ordered his family to pledge goods to raise the money, discussions in that country. As a specimen o this ton s y e .. a_a .and all would turn out correct in the end, &c. r. Baoucarrost said the case was involved in deep suspi tion,and manner in which the Irish press treats que .clot, and he should remand the prisoner for further. examina an extract or two from_ the . journals of the two - tiorton 1 . Vedne_sday, but would . take bail for his appearance, antagonist parties--the one braving the vengeance of the law, and the other invoking the severest punish-. whir 'self in 2001. and two sureties in 1001. each. ment of the convicted parties—will afford some faint ''The prisoner declared his inability to find the bail, and was idea of the excitement which prevails. The Freeman's ITer noved. Journal thus raves. :—" The testing time is coming. LAMBETH-STREET. It will soon be swan whet he r a British Government, A middle-aged female, named Mary Furley, was placed boasting of its moderation , will "within the felons' bar, before Mr. Norton, on a charge of century, venture on an act of political vengeance murder, having caused the death of George Furley, her which will produce nothing in the nineteenth but exasperation at - infant son, aged eighteen months, and also with having They looked anx- -attempted the additional crime of suicide by endangering home and infamy abroad. The wretched woman, who appeared to be la iously for a compromise—for any pretext of consis I : /, '(;)lo er ur c i l im ife d . er the deepest mental anguish as well as bodily tency to set up against the vindictive clamours of I suffering, was accommodated with a chair in the dock, and that Orange rancour which would lead the miserable in addition to this it was found necessary to support her Irishmen whom it possessed to demand even the life during the investigation. the great patriot, and to exclaim, like a similar facti.on. The first witness called was Mr. Thomas Gardener, of the of old--' His blood be upon us and upon our children !' Commercial Coal-wharf, adjoining the Regent's Canal, in But cc.mpromise there can be none. The chief traverser the Mile-end-road, who deposed that on the preceding has defied their worst. They admit that he ha s cut off all night, about nine o'clock, he was alarmed by the violent barking of a dog in the yard, and in consequence went into retreat by destroying the bridge behind him.' There the wharf adjoining the Regent's Canal. On reaching the eau be no surrender, except on the part of the Go- f I edge of the water he saw something floating, and he in sesrnment. The men whom they would victimise have scantly laid hold of a boat-hook and drew it towards the iao guilt to confess—no apology to make. Were they bank. He then discovered it to be the prisoner, and as soon to bind themselves no to refrain from the deeds for as he had got her to the shallow water she exclaimed -. 'which they are prosecuted, they would be false to their • " Oh, my child ! my ' child!" Supposing from this excla •• .o principles and pledges, traitors to their country, illation that her child was also in the water, he (Mr. Gar • and they would lay suicidal hands on their public cha- ' dener) released the boat-hook from her clothes and drew it . ratter. On such terms, the pardon of the Government alongside of her in the water, and in doing so he brought would wither in a moment the laurels of half a century?' on shore iie the tookti o b w o e d v yofr iti h n h ild i , a awhos, andcarried appeared lifeless at the it as quick The Tory prints are not a whit less violent i n their t im e. as WiSsible . to the house of his uncle, the New Globe Tavern, appeals to the Government for vindictive punishment ne a r the bridge, and placed it without delay in a warm bath. on the convicted Repeaters. They had the indecencY ft medical gentleman who had been sent for had promptly before trial to predict, with unwavering certainty, tki - e attended, and declared that no better means could be adopted verdict which an exclusively Protestant jury w(3111.,a for its resuscitation than that resorted to, but it proved inef return, and to fix the period and the place of initr-49,0n- fectual. meat which the Court would award as Puni.sl:ment. Police-constable Henry Cottin, said that he had been And now the Packet (the most moderate of V at D u bli n called in to Mr. Gardener's premises on the evening before, anti-O'Connell press - ) boasts that the "'Mendicant to take the prisoner into custody, and on her way to the sta tyrant " must certainly "go to gaol Qic Mail taunts tion- house she said she had something very heavy othn herher the Ministry with infirmity of purpe,se, and intimates and that she threw herself Tetro arms, canal and with she that the measure of its infidelity t!a the Protestant in- regretted w exce n e a gn e gl w y as the George, gentm in an had rescued her, as her stitutions of the country will, th ,ere is reason to fear, sufferings must be greater than ever. be completed by some mean . eonapromise with the con- The prisoner entered into a long statement. She said victed conspirators. That Ministers are placed in a that she had been in Bethnal-green workhouse for about perplexing dilemma, there can be no question. That twelve months, and made complaints that her children had they would gladly scape 'from the perils which beset been taken from her, and not well treated ; that she left the them—the Scylla of compromise on the one hand, and workhouse, suffered much, and rather than return was ready the Charybdis of inoarcP.rating O'Connell on the other— to endure any extremity ; that she was bewildered by her no one can doubt, "who, has watched the course of events. sufferings, having been much better off in her time, &c. Her The demonstration% (of public feeling, provoked by the aevident l mplimenting Mr. Gardener upon his mind a ffect ed. co 'opinion which pervAtdes the public mind, in both coun- .e;n'ro promptness andN after humanity, remanded the prisoner for a future tries, that a co aviction, rather than a fair adminis- day, and desired that a note should be appended to the cons tration of justice., was the determined purpose of the mittal that she should be taken particular care of. law-officers of the Crown, have been almost unpre cedented. The law is supposed to have been stretched, to comprehend those whose proceedings were not fairly within. sts prohibitions. The punishment which, in the ordinary course, follows conviction has therefore been, by waticipation, rendered powerless. The Government may punish O'Connell ; but they cannot degrade him. The Court may sentence him to confinement in Kilanainham or Carrickfergus ; but as one of the jour na'as writing in anticipation of such a course, remarks, " Whatever be the prison of the Liberator, it will be the 'Thermopylae of Ireland It will be the holy ground of patriotism to which many a pilgrim will resort in coming ages." The reception which O'Connell has met with in the English metropolis, and also in several of the largest towns of England, has tended to increase the embar rassments of Ministers, when contemplating the course to be pursued in following up his conviction to judgment. The cordial cheers with which his entrance in the House of Commons was hailed on his first appearance after his trial—the immense multitudes which assem bled at Covent-garden Theatre, both at the meeting of the Anti-Corn-law League and at the dinner which was given to him in the same immense bnilding, which was crowded in every part ; and especially the enthusiasm with which the announcement of his name was received, and the speeches he delivered on these occasions were applauded—the meetings at Bir mingham, at Coventry, and other places, where the same demonstrations of feeling were exhibited—the de bates in the House of Commons on the prosecution, and the unequivocal declarations of some of the best consti tutional lawyers in that assembly, that the law had been perverted, and thus justice violated, in the State prose cutions—the complaints of the Catholics that, by ex punging- the jurymen of their creed from the panel, insult and injury were inflcted on their body—last, not least, the petition, to which Mr. Wyse will call the at tention of the House of 'ominous this evening, signed by nearly one million of persons in Ireland, of all grades, praying for inquiry into the complaints, in con nection with these trials, with which it abounds—these are sufficient to i-duce Ministers to pause in their pro ceeding,, and to desire to prevent consequences which, whatever course they adopt, may involve them in yet greater dangers than any they have yet encountered. We have heard, in gem rally well-informed circles. that it is by no means improbable that something like the following: course well be adopted by the Government, • with, possibly, ft tacit unlet-standing wi:h the defend ants. On. calling the convicted parties up fur judgment, certain objecti ons w ill b e taken in arrest of judg ment. Instead of arguing the objections forthwith, the Court till postpone the case, and allow the de tentlauts to stand out upon their recognisances till the next term. Thus delay will be obtained, will the evil (lay postponed ; rusting to the chapter of accidents, or anticipating a more sobered state of public feeling when a final and conciliatory termination of the controeersy may be effected. Others assert that a writ of error will be consented to by the Irish Attorney 'General ; and the judgment, instead of being passed, od interim, will be hung up until the House of Lords has pronounced its final decision on the points raised for argument before it. STANDARD.—We will not pay to our readers the ill c , rnpliment of supposing that they can be indifferent to the question which at this moment engrosses the attention of Parliament and of the public. We therefore otter no apology for returning to the factory question— really the question of questions, for it extends generally to the remuneration of labour in every department of in dustry; as we trust to be able to show before we conclude this article. The position of the question in the House o7' Commons is now singular, if not unprecedented. The House decided on Monday last that women and children shall not work in factories between six in the afternoon an I six in the morning, and again decided on Friday that they Shall not work twelve hours ; the inference that they shall work ten hours, and ten hours only, would be necessary (for all allow the necessity of two pauses or an hour each) if the House had not, by a small majority, negatived'. an express declaration to this eifect—a decision whia:h it is impossible to explain upon any rational growals. The decision against twelve hours on Monday mi•gba, be, and was regarded as the effect of a surprise ; but the affirmation of that decision on Friday ~ Annot possibly be so considered : there are, therefore, two decisions of the House of oramons—the one of them at least solemn and deli berate, against the labour of women and children in fac tories for twelve hours. Sir James Graham has declared his purpose of explaining to night what course he will pursue in dealing with these two decisions. Three courses . are open to him ; he may propose some period between ten and twelve hours ; but this period must be nearer to ten than to twelve hours, for of the two decisions by which Parliament has bound itself, one Forbids that women and children shall be in the rill for more than twelve hours, and a stronger law than the law of Parliament or than any muni cipallaw, interdicts twelve boars of consecutive toil. Ten hours and a half, or thereabout, is as much as can possibly be t a k en oust of any twelve hours ; is it worth the while to make a stated for the half hour ? Secondly, Sir 3Amesma.y hint thi s abandon the Bill altogeth er ; - not act the question at rest. Lord Ash ley wonlwelild a, of course, introduce tt - sub s t an ti ve measure , 'with a p-rf ect eertawinit of thecarrying the ten honrs re",triction, thou g h unfortunate accompa niment of a formidable agitation in the rn a a n nuf , ae- Wring districts, and a continued and creasing division in th e Conservative a4•ltny p Lastly, the Home Secretary may gracefully yield to . • the; twice-declared will of Parliament, satisfied that no - one can charge him with having deserted his own con victions, or having violated any engagements which he may have formed in conformity with these convictions. But whatever course may be adopted by the advocates of long time, the event of the contest is certain, because the more the question is discussed, the more manifestly fal lacious are all the pretexts for resisting a return to the usual and natural periods of labour proved to be. SPAIN. Colonel Napier, in one of those bold but felicitous passages which distinguish his History of the Peninsular War, has compared the Spanish revolution to a leafy shrub in a vio lent gale of wind, greatly agitated, but disclosing only slight unconnected stems, which afford no sure hold for the ambi tion of a master spirit, if such there were. The comparison holds good from the first outbreak of the war of independence in 1808 to the last absurdities or barbarities of 1844. The master spirit has not appeared; and if he had, it is not easy to conjecture in what form he could have taken a firm hold on the people of Spain. No new shoots of the old plant have borne either blossoms or fruit ; the ivy of tradition, which still clung to the dead boughs, has been torn down ; and if there be any vitality left in the body politic, it must lie at the root. So detestable, indeed, were the etkcts of the igno rant and profligate Administrations of the last Spanish Sove reigns, that even forty years of war and confusion have been less unfavourable to the progress of the country in popula tion and in wealth, than the policy of the preceding reigns. At the present moment the affairs of Spain, as they are termed in France or in this country, mean little more than the plots and intrigues of half a-dozen adventurers who are playing at tyrants ; but beneath them still lies a people of twelve millions of men, who are living on for the most part unconscious of, or indifferent to, the incessant fluctuations of the surface, and who are following a course of improve. ment, slow indeed when compared with that of other nations, ' but marvellously rapid when contrasted with their former stationary or retrograde condition. It is vain, we fear, to look amongst such a people for that efficient support which a Government derives from the public spirit of an enlightened community. The representative system in Spain has pro duced the weakest of all Governments ; and in every serious emergency the Constitution has been either violated, altered, or suspended. With such results before us as the events now going on at Madrid, it is not, therefore, unnatural that some attention should be excited by the position of that party which so long disputed the rights of Queen Isabella to the crown. Those rights we take to be now as well ascertained as those of any sovereign in Europe, nor are we prepared to argue that they would gain anything in strength or validity, if they wee recognised without a dissentient voice by their most stubborn adversaries. But though the right to, and the possession of, the crown has been established, much re mains to be done for the security of Isabella and for the tranquillity of her dominions. The division of the Royal family is one source of weakness—the non-recognition of the Queen by several of the Powers of Europe is another; and it cannot be doubted that much would be gained if these breaches could be healed without sacrificing any portion of the just rights of the Queen, or abandoning the constitu tional pledges of the monarchy. The Queen and the Consti tution can scarcely be exposed to greater dangers than those which actually threaten them from the alternate abuse and suspension of the institutions which profess to defend them. The time is said to have arrived when Don Carlos has been induced by his advisers to contemplate a formal renunciation of his pretensions to the crown. As far as lie is personally concerned, the interests of his branch of the Spanish family, and the party passions associated with his name, are sup posed to require that he should abandon a contest so fatal to the great interests of the monarchy ; but this determination may be carried into effect in two ways—either by transferring his claims, such as they are, to the person of his son, or by re nouncing them altogether by virtue of a compromise to be effected with the female line. The former course would only reserve to Spain the chances of another civil war, whenever the opportunities which a revolution too surely brings with it might invite the young Pretender to try his fortune in the mountains of Biscay ; the latter suggests the possibility of ter minating many of the existing difficulties by a marriage be tween Queen Isabella and her cousin, the Prince of the Asturias, who would then accept, in lieu of all his claims, the rank of King Consort of Spain. It were well if the final withdrawal from the scene of the principal actors in the late war—of Christina on the one hand, and Carlos on the other—could obliterate the vestiges of those parties which were always deplorable and are now effete. A younger generation might succeed in quenching old animosities; and the only parties then known in the` kingdom would he that of the friends of the monarchy, and that of its less amidable opponents. The less of foreign in fluence there might be in such an arrangement, the more likely it would be to succeed. It ought to have the full character of a national transaction, and to be based on the assent of the nation, with a due regard to those institutions which are less likely to subsist in their present condition than under the legitimate protec tion of a temperate monarchy. The abrupt termina- • tion of the Regency, and the interval of military , power which has succeeded it, have naturally strength ened those Conservative principles in Spain which are based on the evident truth, that freedom is never in greater peril than when it has been carried to excess for factious pur poses. Sooner or later some such reaction will be openly felt, either in the sinister movements of violence and war, or in the happier adjustment to which we refer. The former alternative is fraught with the utmost danger to the Queen, the Constitution, and all their adherents; the latter at once recognises the established order of things, and increases the chances of its duration. If the fate of the Queen is bound up with the ascendancy of a party, with that party the monarchy may perish ; it may stand on the broader basis which such a marriage would give to the government of the nation. No doubt the factions and the factious ambitions which it is so essential to subdue would offer the main obstacle to such a conclusion. Such arrangements are not often effected by ac cident or by party intrigues, but by strong resolution and strong patriotism ; and we know not to whom the partisans of this settlement can look for such qualities. But such an expe dient, judiciously handled, might command the support of no inconsiderable portion of the people ; and it has at least little to fear from the political energy of its opponents. The measure, as we have already observed, depends in no degree on foreign influence; but it might become the duty of the Government of this country to take care that no foreign influence interfered to thwart it. In France alone, we may suspect that the zeal of the reigning Sovereign for the house of Bourbon does not extend to all the branches of it ; and that a compromise which should re-unite the Royal Family of Spain might be viewed with at least secret dissa tisfaction. There is, however, no real analogy between the respective positions of the Sovereigns and the Pretenders in the two countries ; and the question will be considered, if ever it be seriously raised, not with reference to the convenience of contiguous States, but to the internal welfare and dignity of Spain herself.—Times. NEW LONDON:--" Where is London going to ?" was an exclamation of a character in a drama fifty years since? Where is it to stop? may now be fairly asked. Two new cities are springing up at the west-end, and Hyde Park and Kensington Gardens are almost large inclosures of a square. Chelsea is no longer suburban, and Paddington a rural village. The value V land is increasing with the most extraordinary rapidity. Land at Kensal•green, which was, not long since, to be purchased for 801. an acre, is not brought into the market for less than 1,000/. A company that lately purchased 100 acres at Willesden-green for a cemetery, have been hesitating in their intentions, from the increasing value a tthe re new population ; and amongst notrs of property, and the kno wled g e that when once the land is consecrated, it cannot be applied to t r b u u c i t l i d ng, building e Churches, hospitals, are al re a dy andcon is w a it t h he others contemplated, upon a otherscale technic R ev i ew . MELANCHOLY DEATH OF MR. KEMP , ARCHITECT. ideas c ommensurate afloat far distant from Tyburn, the scene of man y a tragedy.—Poly -On Monday f orenoon th e body of Mr. Kemp, well known as the architect of the Scott Monument, was found in the canal., He had been missing for twelve days previously , and was last seen at the house of Mr. Lind, contractor for the mo nument, on whom he had called to arrange about the pro gress of the works. It is supposed that, on his return home to Morningside, he had taken the way by the banks of the canal, and that the night being dark, he had stumbled into the water at the place where he was found—an open and dangerous point beside Lochrin Distillery.—Ediaburgh Witness. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (YESTERDAY.) CLERKENWELL. Moon Shelford, a hairdresser, residing in White crols•street, Clerkenwell, was charged with attempting tu bribe a witness for enth urpose of clandestinelysup pressing a charge of feloy. A man named Henry Burgess was yesterday charged in this Court with breaking into a dwelling-house and stealing therefrom money and wearing apparel, val ue 101., the property of David Rees, a shopkeeper, living in Turnmill-street, Clerkenwell. It was proved by several witnesses that Shelford had, in the passage of the Court, and in the public-house opposite, offered a sum of 21. 10s. to the prosecutor not to press the charge. He, however, declined, and gave information of the offer to thfl)olice. Mr. GREENWOOD expressed his determination to send the prisoner for trial, but would at present remand him. He would, however, accept of security to the amount of 404, and himself in the same sum, for his appearance at this Court on Thursday next. A lad named Smith was charged with stealing two coats from the house of Mr. Sanson, a clerk in the Cus tom-house, residing at No. 2, Cloudesly-street, Islington. On Saturday evening, the prisoner was seen running from Mr. Sanson's house by Police-constable N 21 with the coats on his shoulder. He was taken into custody. It appeared that the door having been left ajar for a moment by the servant, the prisoner entered and re moved the coats, which were hanging in the hall. Com mitted for trial. Two well known little thieves named Cooke and Sotty, were charged with stealing twelve telescopes, the pro- STRATFORD-LE-BONV.—• The Rev. G. Townshend Driffield, M.A., Fellow of Brazenose College, has been pre sented to the Rectory of Stratford-le-Bow, Middlesex, va cated by the death cf the Rev. 11. Harrison, D.D. Patrons, the Principal and Fellows of Brazenose College. QUICKSILVER. —The different compounds of this metal are decomposed by yeast, and by bodies which axe un dergoing fermentation. It would appear i that during vege table decomposition a new attraction s exerted upon all bodies in which quicksilver exists. Some very curious ex periments have been instituted by Riegel, which confirm the 144.--Tolytechnic Balm RAILWAY. Mr. LAWSON moved the second reading of this Bill. Mr. BECKETT DENNISON having moved, as an amendment, that it be read again that day six months, The Hon. Mr. CAVENDISH seconded the motion. Mr. FERRAND supported the original motion, because he thought such a line would be of much benefit and convenience to the inhabitants of the lo cality. Dr. BOWRING thought it would be well if the Bill were now to be read a second time, in order that the House might have an opportunity of considering it in Committee. Mr. JAMES denounced the whole matter as a job, and trusted the House would reject the Bill. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, when the numbers were— For the second reading 4B For the amendment Majority in favour of the second reading —7 The Bill was then read a second time. SEVERN NAVIGATION BILL. On the motion of General LYGON, the Severn Navigation Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. AINSWORTH, the Bolton and Preston Railway Bill was read a second time. UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. Lord DUNCAN presented a petition from Bath, signed by 1,400 persons, in favour of universal suf frage. Captain ROUS presented a petition from the churchwardens and other inhabitants of St. James's parish, against the contemplated amendments in the Poor-law Act. Mr. STRUTT presented a petition from the Dis senters of Derby, praying that the chaplains of union workhouses might not be paid out of the rates, and that nonconformists might be at liberty to appoint their own chaplains in workhouses. Sir J. Y. BULLER presented a petition from workmen employed in the silk throwing business, praying that manufactures in silk might not be sub jected to the operation of the Factories Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL presented several petitions from places in Ireland, praying for (as we understood) the repeal of the legislative union. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the Scottish Central Board, for securing . the rights of professors, praying that all the restrictions on the professors of the Scottish Universities might be removed. Colonel RUSHBROOKE presented a petition from Bury St. Edmunds, and twenty-six parishes in Suf folk, in favour of the protection of agriculture. NOTICES OF MOTION—GWALIOR. Mr. MACAULAY gave notice that he should, soon after Easter, submit to the House resolutions touching the late transactions in the State of Gwilior. The Right Hon. Gentleman said he gave the notice thus early in order that her Majesty's Ministers might, if they thought it desirable, lay on the table before that time any documents which might appear to them likely to elucidate the subject. It was not his own intention to move for any such documents, as he conceived that he had already, from authentic sources, the means of judging of the transactions which had occurred. _ On the motion of Mr. WYSE, the petition from the members of the Repeal Association, praying in quiry into the late State prosecutions in Ireland, was ordered to be printed with the Votes. Dr. BOWRING gave notice of his intention to put a question to the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham), whether it was his intention to propose, during the present session, any measure for the re dress of Welsh grievances ? Mr. HUME gave notice that, before the House went into Committee on the Commons Inclosure Bill, he should move that the Bill be read that day six months ; also, that on going into Committee on the Coroners' Bill, he would move to continue the charge at 9d. per mile as before. POOR-LAW AMENDMENT ACT. Mr. FERR AND, seeing the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Department, in his place, begged leave to ask whether it was the intention of the Right Hon. Gentleman to proceed that evening with the Committee on the Poor-law Amendment Act, or not ? Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Committee stood upon the Orders of the Day for that evening, but it was his intention to move that the order should be postponed till after Easter. SLAVE TRADE. Sir R. PEEL, seeing the Noble Lord, the Member for Tiverton, in his place, begged to ask him whe ther he intended to bring on his motion on that sub ject on Thursday next? Lord PALMEItSTON said, if he could not get precedence on an early day after Easter, he would bring it on on the day for which it was fixed. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Sir R. PEEL gave notice that, on Wednesday week, he should move that the House, at its rising do adjourn for the usual period, till Monday week following, for the Easter holidays. Lord J. MANNERS asked at what period after Easter the Government would proceed with the Poor law Bill. Sir J. GRAHAM said he would, after Easter, give notice of the day. FACTORIES BILL. Sir J. GRAHAM in moving the Order of the Day for going into Committee on the Factories Bill, said—lt now becomes my duty to refer to the Order of the Day respecting the Factories Bill. In moving that Order of the Day, I shall, under the present circumstances, trespass on the indulgence of the House for a short time. In the observations which I feel it is my duty to address to the House, I beg leave most emphatically, on the part of myself and my colleagues, to express that de ference which, as a constitutional principle, we owe to the decision of this representative assembly. That deference I beg to express for the decision of the House of Commons, on the part of the servants of the Crown. I only know one duty which is on their part paramount to it; it is this —that no Minister of the Crown, even in obedience to the declared wish of the House of Commons, should make himself responsible for any act, or adopt any policy which in his conscience and sober judgment, and after mature deliberation, he be lieves to be inconsistent with the well-being and prosperity of the country.—(Cheers.) I know no other limit than this to the deference due to the decision of this House, but that limit must be religiously adhered to.—(Hear, hear.) Now, in the interval that has passed since we last met and discussed this question, I and my colleagues have maturely deliberated on the position in which this question is placed. It is right that I should shortly recal the recollection of the House to what has occurred. On Monday last, in concert with me, the Noble Lord, the Member for Dorsetshire, took a discussion in an early stage of the Bill, the interpretation clause, on which he distinctly raised the question, whether the hours of labour of young persons and women should be restricted to ten hours or twelve ? This was virtually the question submitted to the de cision of the House. I, on the part of the Govern ment, stated the importance of maintaining the exist ing law, which imposed no restriction beyond twelve hours. The Noble Lord, with perfect consistency, and in accordance with the course which he has pur sued for the last twelve years, raised the question that ten hours should be substituted for twelve. The division on that occasion, in the first instance, was on the question which had been virtually raised if twelve hours should be retained. The Noble Lord proceeded to a division and carried his point, which was, that instead of twelve hours, the time of labour should be restricted to ten hours, by a majority of eight. Unwilling that any surprise should take place, I immediately gave notice, on the part of the Government, of our inten tion again to appeal to the Committee on this impor tant matter, on the Bth clause being proposed, when the matter would come in a more substantive form before them. That question was deli berated on on Friday last. I proposed that twelve hours should be the limit on that occasion, and her Majesty's Government were defeated by a ma jority of three. My Noble Friend then proposed that the blank should be filled up with the words " ten hours." Her Majesty's Government resisted that proposition, and succeeded by a majority of eight . The effect of these various divisions, as the Bill now stands; has been to involve the measure in inextricable confusion. It has been recorded in the interpretation clause as the opinion of this House that ten hours should be the limit of the labour of young persons — Mr. HINDLEY—Ten hours and a half.—(Loud cries of " Order" from all parts of the House.) Sir J. GRAHAM—I trust the Hon. Gentleman will let me proceed without interruption—(Cheers) — if I mistake anything he will have an opportunity when I sit down of rising to correct me, but I hope he will permit me to proceed with my statement without interruption—(Cheers) —I stated that the effect of the amendment on the interpretation clause is virtually a a y nd th th e e whole proposition was more Com mittee negatived the resolut ion which they had to record the opinion of a Committee of this House that ten hours should be the limit of the p eriod of labour for young persons. On ba O de nF te ild d, for merly affirmed. These are circumst ances which demand, and which have received, the most attentive considera tion, of myself and of my colleagues. In a matter of this kind it is of the utmost importance that we should nor would he be ashamed of the title.—(Cheers.) But he would ask that House what it was that gave birth to Jack Cade ? Was it not that the people were writhing under oppressions which they were not able to bear, and, when smarting under these oppressions, they determined to take the law in their own hands?—(Cheers.) And that would be the case on the present subject, unless they took care how they legislated upon it.—(Hear.) And if for this they were to be told that they were rebels like Jack Cade, they would be only adding insult to in justice.—(Hear, hear.) As the Right Hon. Gentle man had said that he would postpone the question till Friday he would not detain the House further, and he would only repeat that he trusted, as this question had been solemnly decided upon three different occasions, that upon that decision Hon. Members would stand and would vote with him. Of this he could assure the House that he would never depart from the course which he had adopted upon this subject. In that course he would be sup ported, as he had hitherto been, by that House. Lord HO WICK thought that the House could not with fairness and propriety decide upon the question at that time. But what was the course the Govern ment was now proposing to adopt? They were told by the Government that they would not listen to any compromise. They would neither adopt a Ten nor Eleven Hours' Bill, notwithstanding their own inspectors had told them that twelve hours' labour was more than ought to be borne. The evidence of the highest medical authorities went to the same effect, and yet the Government told them they would allow no reduction. What did the Go vernment intend to do ? They had been de feated on this clause, and how did they pro pose to take the decision ? Why, they took the extraordinary course of saying to the House if you choose to regulate labour to a greater extent than we approve of, then you shall not regulate at all.—(Cheers.) That was what the Government presumed to say to the House.—(Loud cheers.) At the present moment, let it be recollected, there was no check at all on the labour of women. The inspectors appointed by the Government had reported that a check was absolutely necessary— that women who were not, in fact, their own masters, required and should have the same protection as children. Well, the Government said they would regulate this labour by confining it within the limit of twelve hours—the House said they would confine it to ten hours ; and then the Government said to these females, and to the House, you shall have no limitation nor re gulation at all.—(Cheers.) He now suggested to his Noble Friend (Lord Ashley) that the course he should take on Friday night should be to resist the discharge of the order. If he allowed the Bill which had now made such progress to be withdrawn, what would be the effect ? The Government would intro duce a new Bill still more objectionable in shape than the one now before the House—the Noble Lord (Ashley) would have to re-propose his clause, and if it were carried again, the Government would drop the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord (Ashley) meant to persevere, let him persevere on Friday next ; if he had diffi culties to encounter, rather let him meet them in the first instance than in the last. Let them rather go on with the Bill as it was than allow a new Bill to be introduced with all the disad vantages which the original proposers were anxious to avoid.—(Hear, hear.) He put this for his Noble Friend's consideration, and, at all events, when the motion was made to discharge the order for further considering the Bill, he, if he stood alone, would say " No" to it.—(Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he wished to correct a misstatement of the argument put by himself and his Hon. and. Learned Friend, made by the Right Hon. Gentleman. The Right Hon. Gentle man, obviously alluding to what he (Lord H.) said, made him say that intense competition was at the bottom of the evil. That was not the argument he had used. What he had said was, that if intense competition was the source of the evil, they could only get at it by widening the field of industry. He had said that intense competition gave a power to one or two individuals to adopt a system of carrying on great branches of industry to which the great majority of persons engaged in them were, in their wishes, strongly opposed.—(Hear, hear.) He asked those who had listened to the able speech of the Hon. Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller), whether his arguments had not been perverted by the Right Hon. Gentlemen. His Hon. and Learned Friend had stated, and he (Lord Howick) believed had stated truly, that they had acted too long upon the principle of leaving these mat ters to themselves.—(Hear, hear.) He entirely concurred with his Hon. and Learned Friend, and he thought the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite was of the same opinion, for the question between them and the Government was a matter of detail—the number of the hours. The Right Hon. Baronet had said lust now that he could not conceive how it was conducive to human interest to limit hunsan in dustry.—(Hear, hear.) Why, did not the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite propose to limit industry? In many of the factories they were at the present moment working fifteen hours per day. Mr. FE RR AND—Eighteen hours. Lord HOWICK would not state more than fifteen hours; but did not the Right Hon. Gentleman pro pose to limit that time ? He thought that the House ought to resist the motion to discharge the order of the day. Mr. BROTHERTON had heard with very great regret the announcement of the Right Hon. Baronet. Had he announced that it was the intention of the Government to consent to eleven hours, he believed it would have met with general concurrence.—(Hear, hear.) He did not yield to her Majesty's Government in anxiety to promote the commercial prosperity of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It was formerly customary for mills turned by water to work day and night ; but that custom had ruined the trade. Before factory legislation was commenced, the average time of working was seventy-seven hours; it was now sixty nine, yet no injury had been suffered. He did think that if her Majesty's Government had come forward with a good grace, and bowed to the decision of the House ; or if they had said " the House has de clared that it will neither have ten hours nor twelve hours, we therefore propose eleven hours as a medium," such conduct would have met with general satisfaction. He hoped they would even yet re-consider their decision.—(Hear.) Captain ROUS congratulated the House on the prospect of getting rid of this Bill. He had risen three times in vain during the first night's debate, for the purpose of condemning the policy which in terfered with self-government. In the first division he did not vote, but on the last night it appeared to him that a sort of party spirit governed the votes, and therefore he came to the conclusion that he should vote for the Twelve Hours' Bill, as it appeared to him to be the lesser evil.—(Hear, hear.) In the first place he would observe, that whoever drew up this Bill, must be totally ignorant of the feelings both of the manufacturers and the workmen. — (Great laughter and cheers.) He had heard Hon. and Right Hon. Gentlemen speak of the ex cesses of Jack Cade and of Wat Tyler, who killed a man for taking improper liberties with his daugh ter.—(A laugh.) But he (Captain Rous) believed that this Bill would be as great a grievance as those which caused the insurrections of Cade and Tyler. He looked upon the master manufacturers as being the most valuable men in the coun try. No men in the country deserved better ; they did not spend their capital abroad in unprofita ble luxuries, but they employed it in endeavouring to promote industry at home, and giving employment to hundreds of thousands of the people. Nothing could be more mischievous than the interference of Govern ment with private individuals.—(Hear, hear.) Now, if the House of Commons was to tell him to give eight half holidays in the week to his servants, he would tell the House that he would see the House of Commons —(Hear, hear, and great laughter)— he would see them somewhere else first.—(Cheers, and great laughter.) The master manufacturers had also their feelings, and this meddling and interference with private affairs was attended with the greatest evils in all parts of the world. Look to those places where the Governments inter fered with trade and private affairs, and what were the consequences? In Sweden and Prusia the Government interfered with families even to the sending of the children to schools ; and, ac cording to Mr. Laing, there was three times the amount of crime in Sweden that there was in this country. Government had quite enough to do to look after their own proper business; there was not one Government whose affairs were managed with proper economy. Were any private establishment to show such a contempt for economy, they would be bankrupt in three months.—(Hear, hear.) The same causes must produce the same effects; if they pursued the same course as Sweden and Prussia, the same re sults would be produced. The diffusion of education among the people of the lowest condition only ren dered them unfit for their station. The Right Hon. Baronet the Home Secretary had stated that the Noble Lord (Ashley) had refused a high seat on the Treasury bench. He could only say that if men of such tender and sensitive feelings were to carry on the Government, this smiling country would, before three years were over, become a desert.—(Oh, oh, and laughter.) Such constant interference must be mischievous. If they went to ten hours, they would go to eight, and where should they stop The Noble Lord would make a most excellent Archbishop of Canterbury, but he would make a very bad statesman. He believed that the poor men, generally speaking, in this country were well looked after; he believed that in that respect there was no country like England ; and nothing was more likely to make them miserable than Hon. Members and Noble Lords getting up on each side of the House, and making the statements they had done.—(Liear, hear.) He believed there was more good among the laboure rs of this coin than any other upon the face of the earth, bec"::bie they had not, Noble Lords on that , and lionono Members on the other side of the :House, -*venial"' them mad.—(Great laughter.) to sa e Mr. V. SMITH would not take three der „ t ale swer the observations of the Right Baronet, although he had done so to ansn,T,, h a d He would explain to the House what he reatc? that said. The Right Hon. Gentleman had st a t , te r .hee he (Mr. V. Smith) had asserted that the %day, would be the resource of those driven etOof the 7- and that high wages were productive of ~;e y ousii Now, the Right Hon. Gentleman had moll b;hat the misrepresented him. What he said was, le who poor-law was a provision for those poor re'lKsteeoe. could not possibly themselves obtain a subin‘ ..„ 3 of He had not said that crime, was the consequetVois high wages in the sense stated by the Right , n ote Baronet, but that high wages being disproeoryn and unusual were generally the cause of dissiebigli the recipients. The reason of this was, tha t l e ers, wages were generally conferred upon hard-Or_ot over exertion produced excitement, and excitenng stimulated men to the use of strong liquor, ani s tiis, liquor led to immorality.—(Hear, hear.) ,:bigh was the sense in which he used t he phrase who wages," and he appealed to any lion. Mernheritier had heard him.—(Hear, hear, fro m the Toil P so bers.) That such was the effect o f high wagessoo those who received them, he appealed to anl ixt c r iet conversant with the condition of the malin t .„,eior districts, and to the Report of the Childten's„-"-,tred ment Commission. In that report the levt'eriso Alexander Gilmour, minister of the Pres,"Y wit ges Congregation in Greenock, said that MP' Jr. w ould promote intemperance rather than corafortsi,e, Hall, of Wolverhampton, before the sa me Con' l ro " - O h stated that the best workmen were the oftenest e o f t es from the same reason ; he said such men s or ooo , a whole week together drunk. The Right fbis Gentleman was unable to suppor t his version °,4 (Mr. V. Smith's) speech by any r e p ort of it iii t 7-01 newspaper in the kingdom. He very much regrebot the determination to which the Government jegt. come—(Hear; hear)—and the thought the Right lot Gentleman would not in his c o ol e r moments sai,:a be an hour's labour a day less than at present vir!'cote the ruin of the country, which seemed to be e ° I sistent with good sense and experience.—(flear,,/ the Sir J. GRAHAM said he wag s err s tsth ° Hon. Gentleman had felt himself bound to sil k ' j,Toe (Sir J. Graham) had put words into his Inen t ' to thing, he could assure the House, was intention. He had taken a note of the lion. Gen t : 44 00 1 1 farther from words at the time he spoke them, and wad s did understand him to say that high e productive of immorality and vice in the fo wl '? tricts ; and the report of the Hon. Gentleman's s w hieb in the Morning Chronicle agreed with the notes,roase he had taken, and which he had stated to the J- i the The Right Hon. Baronet then proceeded to re ; te s# extract from the Morning Chronicle, but we e idol' rupted by cries of " Order" from the 01 0 0 1 1 The Right Hon. Gentleman appeale d to the ~prisotr vv whether or not he was in order. It as r a h matter—it affected him personally — a nd as „ 5 7 bt tv put it to the House whether he had not a I TSO explain and defend himself.—(Loud cries of ' t otily hear.") After reading the extract the Ei,g h ,, Baronet said that although there was sucit;of OP, cidence between his statement and the rePel",,fiaae u Hon. Gentleman's speech in the newspat)e.r:sa the to, still, as the Hon. Gentleman had disela i gle r observations in the sense in which they . wertp fle ° ' stood by him, he would of course give t';,qttit a Gentleman full credit for his explanation, and 11 01 , willing to believe that he had misunderstood ht ins 0. Sir ROBERT INGLIS was aimient e h friendly spirit, to observe upon one phrase w"" a ry ° been used by his Right Hon. Friend the Seel the State for the Home Department. He Said were three courses which were open for the sir ment to recommend to the House, and the ro in Hon. Gentleman maintained those three ngisog b a ) full possession of his faculties and temper • -•%1 poor . , —recommended a particular course whieh,,," s ek not then stop to examine ; but he woni",,..estf' Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her P.:i sp ter Government, whether he considered the ssil° sion used by the. Right Hon. Gentleman be those Members on that side of the Rouse w r. Pe su pported the Noble Lord were just and Pre,„ePetisofe wished to know, whether the Rig ht Hon. ,/, C. and the Cabinet adopted the p hrase Cse a p i P ° course of Legislation" used by th e Right bee demon in reference to the twent y -three gef o t Or s that House who had been almost the e 1 porters of of the present Govern ment since t" 111; into office. He put the questi on to his Itigoffetel.., Friend (Sir R. Peel), he need not use aniesti tbly; expression, nor apply any epithet nor 5 0' 01 4 • which might engender bad feeling; butted Tithe e%.; down by asking, if the Government adopsortest/ pressions of the Right Hon. Baronet, the of State for the Home Department. , too Sir J. GRAHAM rose, apparently ' ab ;hr a° under some excitement, and said—l used tll tb sob; —(A pause)—l am answerable for it, and It fl° i biro ~ mission to the House, I will answ er the Gentleman, or, if he will allow me to est i . f my Right Hon. Friend. Notwithstann"" 0,01 friendly spirit"—(A laugh)—in which niftbst Hon. Friend put the question, I must to did not act quite fairly in attempting t° P „, s o psg Cabinet responsible for my words, for 113 0 . 1 r essi, Hon. Friend very well knew that, for o f Co 0 , used in the heat of debate by a member ( n t 00. net, all the members of the Cabine t are ° ea t sible—none but the member of it wil ere oes,o3 That phrase does not affect, and has no f e e he n 7 0 0 any deliberations here or elsewhere. „",,,,,aa the phrase, I distinctly stated that I ha,"-r e lor:the newspaper within forty-eight hours, and ' c err , psi I hope the Right Hon. Gentleman will ne t t it e i expression further than the words warr a° ; : aesn :jet used in the heat of debate, and I did n ot of 0 disrespect to my Right Hon. Friend, or Hon. Member.—(Hear, hear.) b tore eil sied Sir R. INGLIS said the intimaeY sten" J o a an nd d , the a ß ns ig w h e t r Hon. B ar u on es e t t io w n, as of c" . " whether li es b°,, 0 0 call him friend, he canedly' answered tb!' s v a uer t y he would long call him so.—(Cheers.) ~ was to the Right Hon. Gentleman at the ileo eio''' Government, who had not answere d his (Laughter, in which Sir R. Peel joined.) t , Or o , Mr. BERNAL did not think ,t"e6reltsti sion of his Right Hon. Friend (Sir f f l- 11 , e o should affiliate the Government in the plir'iseie e nt te, the Hon. Gentleman the Member for the e re P" of of Oxford complained. The Government ;04° 131 01 speak of the dagger of invading the o f Di e rti labour, and interfering with the hoursuno work. The principle had been ac ted tftio e n io g years ago. The door had been opened , t° ree,:thr of legislation forty years ago, in the ActiSsses Bare parochial apprentices. The operative c m os The the country fishc oa showed es Noble baltnwehdeoLutnohl necessity not wpsii etny b ri e e o satisfiedfnosrcarried Government had called for reports Ale& le t 01°301 CO fidence, clearly . demonstrated the ab t s° s ) ffes; en Parliamentary interference.—(Hear, s ' s ;elit ale Gentleman LordS A N i f D the ON alterationswi wished to ih osls ae t a p oiblnsit lutelo ea e qv 12 ' 41' a ff s e r t a J. GRAHAM ema le 1 a b w o o u u r l d ? pro e „lea seer 00 g i ve a dee,lu r e pr e the question of his Noble Friend. - 8- " e he of ,Jei n sanctioned by the House in CommittePotine'"fijela pared to say that the Government wealu no ttin t „ e g al' its limitations adult female labourers' "`"- Of on the same footing as infant labourers t dew ready placed upon, s te Mr. HINDLEY said he had take n : - v estig a ilso rs pains during the last fifteen years to 1, 0 1 , 1 0 o stir subject. If the working-men gota t rest Bill by. their own efforts, they would not mar k fled with it, but proceed farther. r eel tine IP° Mr. FERRAND sa id—l rise ton°.-1, the fel e f which the Right Hon. the Secretary. Department made—l allude to his ar" o rde r 'Diein' words " Jack Cade."—(Cries of "Or 000. the Right Hon. Baronet retracts-'( pet ber having been called to order) ove r. t , clio" Sir J. GRAHAM said that he ha d •s objeco, of again, during his arguments on t . h i ti g• claimed the slightest intention of anYv rd, at the fensive or general application of the Id o ctien • Mr. FERRAND expressed his sa . est i % explanation of the Right lion. Baronet, this g o 140 Lord JOHN RUSSELL said as 140 2 t e s jof t ' was ene - of vast importance, he would state the course which lie Pr,nceislatlf-pete In this case the general principles 0 ' „ 700 14 ; csr ° been departed from. What could be left to th. dbe that v'J principle than that children shoul of their parents to educate and pror ction rot ; 4. 031 , should be dependent upon paternal at n te sob I I fo : ing and seeing after their interests r e i to principle upon which all legislation_rertbe'y , to . those matters were concerned. But as neceso,l7ceir that principle ? No. They found lb, the bio, ot ro' hopedthoesed to . 0 hoi depart from it, and in the beginning dz" fi r st 40 , tury a man of most benevolent intention,eo to,sl:sine, duced a measure on the subject, and again th e _ or 1.83 3 4" t i e to o P eiple had been departed from, inipv on t p ti o o s n ite. of Th th er e e Rwigasht alineotnhoeurralptoirberset in this matter, and that should be bLuflrdeeheto mostdispo speroofiftailvisiliolalb;urrseeireeoSlict: make whatever contracts they likedfriA's"tero,l tot remuneration. But her Majesty's - 51 1, e d fren i t yl i Bill now before the House, had deism - L . fit t est s oil thoug_actori.eat t he , of last year, they had never interfered at al l _: t o_ ! 11 l had been iannctneseisnsteindter begecatuhsise, het the _sc ci hours of labour. In this debate there weteie she • tlutt ties—the one, who were unwil