The Sun. — London, England, 1844-05-14 00:00:00

Wes, that if they worked less they would get more, that 'nee' had nothing to do but to ma k e w h at was c h eep dear to secure better wages. They reversed the rule upon which the country had been acting for the last hurt-,dred e years. H e b e li eve d t h at t h ey themselves would u 4 she first to suffer—first in their wages, afterwards in .the increased price of everything ' w hich they had to purchase, and lastly through the shock which would be given to forcing a trade. The , Bore M ember for Usk - care complimented the Noble tLhoartdn,oettitg l i l eeauti.til displayed in hi s p ro p osa l. H e sa id mild be easier than for them to retrace their. steps. Why, he believed there was hardly an in taece in th e co:nrnorc i a l hi story of this country in which a lost trade had been recovered. lie was much more inclined to say, with the Hon. Member fer Pontefract, that th e Neble Lord an d th ose w h o supported h i m, h a d li t a rtile i's the c eantry, an d h e was g l a d t h at t h at Lease had the tenver to put an extinguisher upon it. Ile could not agree with the Noble Lord the Member fur Seteleriand, that the Government had acted in a despo 'tl•• ineneer by refusing to tak e on th emse l ves t h e res p on . o ,°ility of a measure which they disapproved. He leiielit tl:ey 4'h had acted in a mos t const it ut i ona l, u p r i g ht, , e "-mi here meable mann er; t h ey h a d certa i n l y great l y ra i se d m elves in his es ti mat i on b y the course they ha d par- S ited. There never wag ; question in which the feelings and Pls 'ioin of the p eo pl e were more deeply i ntereste d , or t e°re easily brought into energetic and vehement tietioe• lie trusted thepresent discussion would lead to the i neon .. ~ . . • : n: o of tree-trade principles, for he felt con vinced, that when these principles were brought into Practical operatien, when England would be the cheap est as well as th e most productive country in the world te-whee food Iv is abundant, and at a moderate price— t,an , .. , . eee nee I be a pp re h en d e d f rom f ore i gn competi and the operative ll care little whether it was t a h l t. :en ,, Hour s ' or a T:eelve wou Hours' Bill that was passed toe4eels that ilem,e.—(Cheers.) ir r ' tari l t :G-TidA.c,' Ely said he considered this a very thievii,o_R‘si.,,,,qiiutestion. Ile did not consider the arguments Hoe. Baronet the Secretary . of State for th e , u .le Department, however specious and plausible for '',l might have been, were based on just principles, thi the Right Hoe. 13aronet's argument, if good for any boUr"s:1111°;: reetle% e m d the e propriety of non-interference with la- Right lion. Baronet's policy had a di facio-rye°,lltreraireY,et,rvet. lie (Mr. I\ VG.) visited several of the of the qu,e,stions aeverel - l'' trice' 'll Company with Mr. Horner, and put to factory labourers; but the substance a .iv.eekeniestions was this : Which would you prefer, 12s. a-we e k' and work twelve hours daily ; or have 10s. and ivorl- ten daily ? general answer was a „ ef,r • hours nished'h "lice for the diminished pay and the duni hethe ours of labour. A weaver, aged 32, when asked h " esti " se 'd the smaller wages and h nir, - ,• al he preferred . heur e l ''' w°i . i• ; for, said he, what I earn by the extra he ar ', pay in doctor's bills.—(Loud cries ofHear, an , ) Another operative, aged 24, a dresser, had six i'j i n' r P, three of' whom could not work. He said he had l a-e 4 over the matter with his wife, and they preferred the wages and less work. The lion .Gentleman quoted e ; e n Pinions of several operatives, all wageshich were in e i t ,'" u r of the short hours and the short g. Amongst others that of a young woman, who was blind of an eye. a sC ° supported an aged mother, and she preferred lone,. hours of labour, that she might have an .} P r i r r t enitY of going to church oftener. Really (said p r ""re Gentleman), a much higher tone of philosophy an e t r ,liis among the humble classes in the manufacturing h: o r wte than is generally supposed. In short he came f ar „' t f rom the manufacturing districts with the most ire -n , r shie impression of the intelligence and right- Illeedite - th at -es of the inhabitants. He had been assured Ere (Ping men and women, even to the ages of twenty set lad thirty, were constant attendants of Sunday th,°'''', and they preferred being pupils to teachers that TheY_ernight have greater opportunities of improvement. th _ e certainly was great difference of opinion among di"raittiwaster manufacturers regarding the propriety of Justiceg the h ours o f l a b our, b ut h e must say, i n i ng s to this c l ass, t h at there was a strong feel inerli f avour of a di m i nu ti on i n th e h ou rs 'of toil nitetnt amongst them. This country had already °f the 1 twenty millions for the emancipation eee esi s ayes, and the Government went so far on that hen tl ( t ) , a as to abouth hours of labour. Why, then, ep er ' ati - so much. putting the same principle into se i n "in the manufacturing districts, where it was that Theratively reqnired? He trusted, as he believed Peor„ e , re was a growing disposition in favour of the Witene a lt the desire would increase, to carry out, e mit ti n tf reference to party feelings, measures of amelios Of th e ' r the moral, physical, and intellectual condition Air I N ' TP ! e e • Just s ' at n SUTTON said the Hon. Member who had operatives had correctly stated the answers of the tl atah e . es ; lout he had not stated that by far the greater fase, saidr "f the hundred, in ~ operatives, seventy out of a t heir "R'y would not 'willingly bear a diminution in s 'ives w g e ' s • Ile contended that the operatives them- Prop e etve but a quitlified and partial support to the Ptie, . I ''n or the 'Sale Lord. They believed, also, that en , isl,,wwoeld rise by the limitation of the hours of labour. hot to t ewer, believed that this was a result which could ale," e Ptee. The imossibility of wages rising had been t ine J ;ally established • the proposition was a diminu t e l _, a such a emcee' Productive power of the country, and to it w ould :in that the whole reduction of the exports twelf t h 4 0 , se, would amount to 4,500,0001., or nearly one 41-1 3• on e i . th '' whole export trade of the country. Would th e d et 4 i him, („. then that this was but an alteration in t e ive ' them . 3 the system? With respect to the opera lb th em them elv es, it would have a most detrimental effect ‘"41:1 8 - ' " 't would subtract from their wages no less 4013 N•' 41L ay ear. The evil effect of this would not th e wh ' u tl i i them it would extend to the shopkeepers, and the 1 0 ..,, ! trade of t h e manufactur i ng di str i cts . H e was te In ; t" eoueeiv e h ow the misery and destitution of herthellenfacturing classes could be alleged as a reason eesel neirninution of their wages. It should be remem- lie s k , teat the distress of' 1841 was not caused by oveAr -1.-.)o 'l''t by the want of work and reduced wages. felon.l3l4on „ Was once made in that House, by the Hon. f /I IeL ''''• lina.resborough, for granting a midlton . o 'ate J no ` t ° the manufacturing labourers ; yet this was to a t ike f ro , ranch exceeding what it was now proposed Gee Air, B. t hem. —(Hear, hear.) ne ' IVESsaid, the arguments of the Hon. Heise,„ Tof alt - ,e w l'o had just spoken, had the common ehe e tee ar latise-n'e fart ;fitments on tla . bite ait:lents would apply again t o all Legis ask en rr ten , , ; he had to 111 eeisele ee whatever. The quest.on . B°astir e w as tl • was the present a practicable e e , __,,., us— . "w fla n), . 'flat were the evils that must necessarily ri ved it a n _ fr . and were there any benefits to be de- Isel ° at it e h 4 ted int , lie did not look ore, it as a single, ly-i ' cl t d asu re, but as one of many measures Tiss iintiri'S House must be prepared to dis e i t 4 ultimately to pass.—(Hear.) th,, had no A Perhaps, security limit n.,Lhou rs ' - t'eubt they might with perfect d i n ,,ld . f or ti c i n labour if they had a free trade andida fairnot ea -1 ` c e thYsir industry.—(Hear, hear.) lie Perhaps it ~Ild n 1 iftestion as an isolated one. sure that t-ttler measuresustified in itself, but lie was s render ire evil, e must flow from it which would wasi and c reme Noy . I ,Peeted as the consequence ot i t 0 T he object of political econom to in ke Ine ens wealth of a nation; but legislation must take all —l4 of a nation its object. (rhe Hon. Gen Iv th en as Int l reted Mr. Mills to show that neither body nor l 'ith„ en al be too long a period _ In engaged in labour for of a ; 7 ; ? 0,, ) affecting the morals or happiness the beet 44 e admitted difficulties surroundedhad real Or' allsides. Great evils it eted f been te es eons the appointment ofinspectors, and . 44 444" the manufacturers would give up their Wi t t e hra e to be h the nts in consequence of the supervision .ls had ea " • Y W ere subjected, but none of those evils etnnerified 'cal oril.) ' el ° person liked to be restricted.—(lrom io tci te ttaes Great stress had been laid on the reduct i p c Ass which would follow from this measure. _ t ‘ tilethatbut te fore PoWer of the House to more than compensate ef k tht 1 Mayor ens kith loss, as he would prove. The P.h.441t Pressed eat 411,,_r had published a statement which showed th eae arts°l on the means of the working classes. jf e alese r t e lea which took most of their wages from er ,the br ead and meat,butter, and potatoes.—(Hear.) th' i g ee _ Bay e !, on those articles were removed they e - e n ,fore , n - t 2 Per cent, of their earnings. He would tat greater this measure a lever, by which to effect ithi wi ng ne Then he had no hesitation in so r , '; te t t e ': Of It. mother of the family would be Zi thi s, .; -) te more of her time to her domestic concerns; Ree 41 ", woul Ibe saving to the working man. ten ark at d eal , ( a I„,r l ‘et. le , had been said of the loss of the foreign t;;" th,i t e"")• the same thing had been predicted before, e e toren,. had not suffered. On t er , .. ontr ee . ,n trade If 4". . A, the foreign trade was never so ex :.4°)- se nt , o 'ere ivies no fear of their foreign no st ' e at en ',:t °lily remove those restrictions which . at th l i 'lee i n e 'lued and restricted it. There was no in sen.rql to w,hieh. restrictions from trade had been re eirinr,, for a w t. tile trade of the country did not immediately 10 4 . ti a . ,t:il• Such had been the effect of the policy hp eetild '.' s soll, and the same would prove true now. ti Ivo_ ..i. give tile Right Hon. Gentleman data, which v e t!' ll'itt'ol_teli! well if he followed. This was not a ques titee „f g t lb_er 9f a Ten Hours' Bill, because the prop°- , "t i ttee Nobleniii".°, Lord was equivalent to an Eleven 4' ten lio'ut'ithe was not sorry that it was treated as t, ,- an . isolatedill. Looking to the measure, not l'oein.• one, as he before said, but i t , har . at it as one that must be followed by i , , . rnor'r_'eiasatires, believing that it would improve e ' l l tl elesse'L.nd intellectnal condition of the work ' rltr. ' that the trade and manufactures of the ree et d would ni, , full owe , not be placed in danger if the Govera• l est reg ard a sound and wise course of legislation , n ee n t i' n, in tu corn and suar—that it would tend to a'.'llht ru se , i , stility of the people to the social state (they 4() ' °ilea Ili° lIW ! H O tho„ I " stripe which took place a short time 1 ,„• tle nnt _ 1 g , the disturbances had been put down, ~tttln,s e n, e It of' the people still remained) ; looking to ;Ilardn,i ` l, l ; l le4 iet e thought that an opportunity was now tress thel they might effect great social good, h‘ ,..ler ts eon _ ee affections of the working classes. undet n , .unn din his own mind, that whatever evils the. L baPPosed ee Peri o d of . ~1 , - likely to flow from this limitation of th, l' lt ety set abou t t n t o h u e r, if they would honestly and sin hetit "vij " would besuacsial irrtrovement of the people, In s whi ch .____,,, result nothing compared with the be h; 4 -4, net isoCruttti from the change. t e t i aert e he ,'"le\ GTON said, that on every occasion Z . a e , of thesa.rl given his support to proposals similar to r . it ich N i i l kie Lord ; but when he found a Govern lier n wu Plat ad never shown a disposition to force 1... b een Per i t s Against the opinions of the House, he th' e t l ts he liaireenxel din the extreme. During the Easter tit%!th' Metnberas yled the majority, and he had found had of th e o the great commercial towns and h' su PPe t d empire, and the Members for Yorkshire, hin t th r e the Bill. Medical had informed t alieh . --at tperiod men st 4 e_ thee . of tea hours was as r ,a 4 l iven stnews could safely sustain.—(Hear.) r_ eie t rn i e . Plainly intimated by the Right lion. Ba 'el '"'''• d• Graham) that 'f 1 carried, i the Noble Lord's propo ee 'aids_,the corn -laws must be re ealed. Then itie ndat ,a) that if the corn -laws did r P rote int y ° 7 lt he should be the first ma rest on so rotten a "' weir repeal, e 1 1 in the House to —kCheers from the Opposition.) lie had never supported the corn-laws, either in or out of the House, except as a necessary protection ti native agriculture ; and he could not for et that the first claim upon their protection was from the weak and helpless.— (Cheers.) lie could assure the Noble Lord, that how ever weak, he would find in him a sincere advocate of the measure which he had proposed. Mr. LA.BOUCHEIZE said that considering the im portance of the interest then at stake be could not re concile it to his conscience not to say a few words by way of restating the reasons which would influence his vote. He had listened with great attention to the de bates on that subject, and with special attention to the speech of the Hon. Member for Lambeth, believing that if he failed to convince Win that his views were right, nothing else could produce that result. But he con fessed that he was a good decsl surprised at the ground taken by his Hon. Friend. What did his speech amount to? He said that this measure, taken singly, was fraught with the most appalling danger ; if the House were not prepared to follow up this measure by other great extensive changes, that this House must re sort to °thier measures to provide against a reduction of wages. He would yield to no man in a desire to see the corn-laws of this country put upon, what he conceived to be, a sounder footing than they were at present, but he shuddered at the prospect of a people thrown out of employment, and of all the frightful results which so great a change in the manufacturing system of this country would produce.— (Hear, hear.) Even if remedial measures were adopted, be doubted whether they were justified in interfering by legislative enactment with the labour market.—(Hear, hear.) Hon. Gentlemen said it would be all very well to oppose the ten hours' clause if they had never interfered with factory labour at all, but having interfered in certain particulars, the question was now only one of degree, and no evil consi.quence would result from extending the principle of interference. He believed that by their interference up to that point, they had done more good than harm— (Hear, hear)—but an interference so violent as that pro posed, had never yet been attempted; and he, for one, would not take upon himself the responsibility of voting for such an experiment.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed, he was astonished to hear Honourable Gentleman talk of this measure as an experiment, and argue that if the experiment proved a failure, they might easily retrace their steps. Did they really know what failure meant? —(Hear, hear.) Failure meant the loss of trading ; and foreign trade, once lost, was not easily recovered. — (Hear, hear.) Failure meant the want of employment — the demoralisation of the work- people. He entreated the House, then, not to legislate on this subject in the spirit of experiment.—(Hear, hear.) If they were sa tisfied that the change would be beneficial let them at once yield to the Noble Lord's proposal ; but if they had any doubts on the subject, he entreated them to pause before they enacted measures from which he believed there was no retreat.—(Hear, hear.) Much had been said in the course of those debates as to the effeet which a Ten Hours' Bill would have upon wages. He had, lie confessed, a great distrust of all nice calculations on subjects of that kind; yet he thought it was not difficult to foresee how this measure would act. He thought it had been demonstrated that the Noble Lord's redaction must, if not at once, progressively and cer tainly reduce wages. They were told that this question had been fairly put to the operatives, whether they would accept it even with the prospect of reducing wages. Now ho did not believe that this ques tion had ever been fairly stated to the opera tives.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Oastler, at a meeting held in Blackburn, told them he did not think the change would reduce wages ; " but supposing it would," he asked, " were they, the men of Blackburn, willing to support the Bill ?" The reply was, " Yes, we are." Would any one say this was evidence as to what the feelings of the operatives would be in case a reduction took place ?—(Hear, hear.) He was afraid that the tendency of wages in this country was downwards. If they were dealing with a country in which they were buoyant and increasing, the case would, he admitted, be different. He believed that this question, if carried, would not be confined to the facto ries. Ten hours' labour meant ten hours' sale of coal, ten hours' traffic upon the canals and railways ; and let him tell the country gentlemen it also meant ten hours' consumption of provisions and of flour. It was said that in this country we had arrived at an artificial state of society, which called for a new course of legislation. He was not disposed to agree with that assertion. Ile was not disposed to displace from his library, the works of Adam Smith, and to substitute for them those of Mr. Sadler and Mr. Oastler.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that in an artificial state of society it would he more dangerous to depart from sound principles than in the rudest state. —(Hear, hear.) It might be supposed from the state ments of the supporters of this measure, that women were never before subjected to toil, and that men were never taxed in their labour beyond their strength. But had they not read the beautiful lines of the Latin poet, written 1,800 years ago ?- -- Sopitos suscitat ignes, Noctem addens operi, eastum ut servare cubile Conj ugis, et possit parvos educere natos. —(Hear, hear.) He was convinced that if they inter posed in the way proposed they would make matters worse than they were.—(llear, hear.) lie doubted that the measure was so much desired among the working classes as was represented. He was convinced it was not so much desired as was some years ago a measure regulating a minimum of wages.—(Hear.) Ile thought it should be the maxim of a wise legislator to act for the many rather than with the many ; and he believed that if this was carried the working classes themselves would be the first to turn round and accuse the Legislature of yielding to demands which were founded in injustice and would end in disappointment. Mr. STUART WORTLEY said that the delusion ".to which his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Home Department had alluded, was occasioned in some part by the Right lion. Baronet himself, who stated on his own authority, that the proposition of his Noble Friend Lord Ashley would not have the good conse quences expected from it. He (Mr. W.) was unwilling to allow this debate to pass over without taking an op portunity of statirr , the reasons why he adhered to the course which he had already taken although he felt pain in opposing a Government in which in other matters had the fullest confidence. But as he had arrived at a full conviction of the necessity for such a measure as was proposed by his Noble Friend, he must support him, at whatever sacrifice of his personal feelings. It was now forty-two years:aince this subject was first brought under the consideration of Parliament, by a man well-known to the House and the country, the late Sir Robert Peel. At that time children were employed only as piecers, but since then they had been introduced to other and more laborious departments, and women had been employed to such an extent, as to displace the men from their proper place in society, and to lower their wages. In other kinds of employment — such as carpenters, masons, &c.—the men were employed only twelve hours a day, including an hour and a half or two hoUrs for refreshment. Why, then, should chil dren and women be required to work a greater number of hours ?—(Hear, hear.) But in many cases where the children worked twelve hours, they did not reach home for two hours after their parents. But the fact was, that in Leeds and other places, seine of the millowners had reduced the hours to eleven, and had found that by doing so they actually got more work done than when the time was twelve hours. He had himself presented a petition signed by 300 masters, in which they stated that twelve hours, with the deduction of two hours fir rest and refreshment, was as much labour as children and women should be subjected to. When they saw that so many millowners could reduce their hours of labour from twelve to eleven, he thought it showed that to establish that as a standard of labour in mills would be attended with success. In Sheffield there had been a shortening of the hours of labour for the purpose of equalising the work, and no bad results had ensued. He considered the Bill of the Noble Lord would have a great effect on the morals of the people in the manufacturing districts, and he would give it his support. Mr. BRIGHT then rose to address the House. Al though it might be inconvenient that so much time should be taken up on this subject during the present session, yet ho thought that the House would come to the decision that no time had been wasted upon it as far as it affected the well-being of the country. The House, he was sure, would not make any law to interfere with labour in factories, unless it was satisfied there was a necessity for it. When the Noble Lord first brought the subject forward, it was clear to him the House could not legislate upon it, because he had placed the matter on the humanity view of the ques tion, throwing out of sight altogether the commercial point of view of the question. He was sure it must be clear to every person that it would be useless to legis late for humanity alone. In his (Mr. Bright's) opinion the Noble Lord had made out no case for the inter ference of the House, because his statements had been based upon documents with which he had been furnished by others, which contained most gross exaggerations not borne out by facts. The Noble Lord had read to the House a document purporting to come from the operative delegates in Lancashire, and which was signed by a person named Higgenbottom ; and a document had also been laid before them coming from eight of the principal millowners in Lancashire. The first document to which he had adverted com menced with an attack upon Mr. Ashworth, of Bolton, stating that he was the foremost of the class of Lancashire manufacturers who objected to the amelioration of the condition of the working classes in that part of the country. The House knew the character of that gen tleman too well to require of him a refutation of those statements, for that if it was necessary he might appeal to the Rev. B. Noel, to many Members of that House, and to the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire himself. But there was no necessity that he should• do so. It was sufficient for him to say that when Mr. Ashworth went to the part he now resided at it was a complete wilderness, and it was now a complete garden, with a great number of excellent cot tages. Now in the document that purported to come from the operative delegates of Lancashire, there was a diagram, for the purpose of showing the distance the piece-makers had to walk, and that diagram con veyed a most erroneous notion of what the facts were. If the Noble Lord had ever been in a mill, he must be convinced of its untruth. It stated that they had to walk thirty-eight miles a day, which was impossible. The Noble Lord had been invited to accompany Mr. Greg over his mill, but he declined to do so unless in company with the delegates, and this Mr. Greg declined because these very persons had applied to him the most opprobrious epithets most undeservediy. No employment was more advantageous to the workmen than those con nected with the power-loom in cotton factories in Lanca shire. He had no doubt the power-loom weavers had less toil than the hand-loom weavers. With respect to the mill owners' document, they had stated that which he (Mr. Bright) knew to be true. Seven of the millowners stated that the piece-maker walked 16 miles a day, while one stated it was 20 miles ; but as to 38 miles, it was impossible for any one to do so for days together. There • were many other parts of the diagram that were equally THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 14, 1844. and purposely erroneous. There was one subject with respect to the operatives, that he was glad to see, and that wits, that Honourable Gentlemen wished to know what the opinions of the operatives were. Formerly they petitioned the House by million , , and were taken no notice of ; but now they were all important.—(Hear hear.) The Noble Lord had not given a fair impres sion to the House of the opinions of the operatives, nor had an Hon. Member who bad addressed the house that night, who visited the factory districts, in com pany with Mr. Horner (Mr. M'Geachy). That lion. Hon. Member should have stated that in at least one of the mills he had visited, where there was a large num ber of operatives employed, by far the greater number of them repudiated the Ten hours' Bill, if it would have the effect of lowering their wages. A great deal had been said about the opinions and feelings of the opera tives on this subject. An extensive manufacturer, who employed nearly 1,000 hands, asked his men if they were in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. One of them re plied he was. Then said the manufacturer to this man, work for ten hours and I will not disturb you. The man replied that he did not like to work alone. Then said the manufacturer, let all those in the same room work the same time with you, and you may continue this for l i twelve months, and I will not disturb you ; or, if all the hands in the mill wish to try it they shall have my concurrence. This propositition was made on the 27th of the last month, but none of the operatives—not one in the mill of this manufacturer—had yet tried the ten hours' labour. Another manufacturer, at Bury, not only gave his men leave to work only ten hours, but actually stopped his engines when ten hours were done. He con dirtied to do this for three days, at the expiration of which all his men told him they would turn out unless they were allowed to work twelve hours as usual.— (Hear, hear.) Some Honourable Gentleman had said that no delusion had been practised on the operatives, but he (Mr. Bright) had no hesitation in saying that a gross and cruel delusion had been prac tised upon them, and by men who, though not exactly employed by the Noble Lord, were yet connected with the movement against the manufacturers. A meeting was held in Manchester, in Nov. 1833, and resolutions were passed at that meeting, which he would read to the House. But he must tell them who were the principal persons who attended these meetings, which were, for the most part, composed of operatives, who were the principal speakers, and who were the members of the Committee. The Honourable Member for Oldham was one. The first resolution regarded the formation of a society for assist ing the working classes in obtaining for eight hours' work a full day's pay ; and another resolution was, calling upon the people to desist from petitioning Parliament in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill, unless wages for twelve hours would be given. The meeting was attended by Mr. Fielden, as he had already stated, by Messrs. Doherty, and Mr. Higgin botham. Mere names were affixed to the paper he had read to the House—James Turner, Philip Grant, and last, though not least, Robert Owen, Esq.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He did not quarrel with the Committee, or its resolutions; but what he objected to was, that these men should go about the country representing to the working classes that, by legis lative enactments, the period of their toil could be abridged. All that that House could do was to secure rights and pre vent wrongs. The fact was, the Noble Lord proposed to , shorten the tether twelve yards to ten, and better their condi tion by narrowing their circumstances. The Morning Post told the farmers that if they grew three-fourths of the gross, they would get as much for it as for the whole crop ; and so it was, doubtless, under the operation of the present corn laws. Thus it was with the Hon. Member for Oldham, who would only have ten pieces of cloth made instead of twelve, on the principle that the increased price of cloth would make up for the increased reduction. The Hon. Member did not con sider that increased price would be so disadvantageous to the community. He did not charge the Noble Lord with employ ing those disreputable persons whom he had mentioned, but he feared the Noble Lord had based many of his statements, for which he had given no authority, on their evidence. Seve ral books, too, had been published, containing the grossest ca lumnies upon the manufacturers ; and these books, it was said, had the sanction of the Noble Lord. Why, some of those per sons had been actually employed to foment disturbances in the manufacturing districts. They got up petitions, and meetings, and cabals, among the workmen, and they raked up a variety of things, perverted statements, and sent these forward to the world as samples of the condition of the manufacturing dis tricts. Why this Doherty, to whom he had already alluded, had in the first instance obtained employment in Manchester on a forged certificate. He had been several times imprisoned—had been cencerned in the violent riots in 1818—he had been imprisoned for offences against the Excise laws—he had been before the Magistrate for:giving a false name, and for being drunk and disorderly, and yet he would ask the Noble Lord whether this man had not actually received money from a certain Society in London, for the purpose of promoting the Ten Hours' Bill ? Then there was Mark Crabtree, another of those who attended the Manchester meeting, and who was an active promoter of the views of the Noble Lord. This Mark Crabtree had been brought before the Aylesbury Magistrate charged with stealing silver spoons and a salt cellar, the property of a publican in Aylesbury. This was on June the 26th, 1843; he described himself as a dyer and scourer, residing at 16, King-street, Long-acre, London. He admitted having taken the property, but said he was intoxicated when he did so, and that when sober he would have placed them again in the hands of the landlord. But who was it he sent for to give him a character? Why, Dr. Sleigh, and this gentleman stated that he had been intro duced to the prisoner by 'the Duke of Buckingham, and that the greatest confidence had beer, placed in him by the highest personages in the realm. The jury returned a verdict of guilty, but added " not with a felonious intent."—( Great laughter.) They were sent to reconsider their verdict, and returned one of " acquittal." This man Crabtree, and a person named Turner, who stated that they were operatives, but were no operatives at all, met him (Mr. Bright) in the lobby of the House of Commons a few nights ago, told him they were delegates from the operatives of Lancashire, and requested him to support the Bill of the Noble Lord ; at the same asking him " What will the Northern Star say if you refuse ?" He (Mr. Bright) did refuse, and, accordingly, a column of the filthiest abuse had been heaped upon him by that most infamous of monopolist papers the Northern Star. He had no hesitation in saying that for ten who were in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill in the manufacturing districts there were 10,000 in favour of free tradeprinciples. After some farther observations the Hon. Member concluded by saying that the manufacturers of Lanca shire sought no favour from the Legislature—they would scorn to ask for any special reservation or exclusive regard to ' their interests; all they asked, then, was to take off those burdens which pressed so severely upon them—to at least equalise the burdens upon every class of the community, and not to make the poorest suffer to benefit the rich.—( Cheers. ) Lord ASHLEY explained. He had not said that in the p w wwur e hi 00: a ohuvi v esi ri within had weaving just SHAWe lslp would si department m fteser noadd dow w n machinery, he had aerasytid htthe enlabourhbroauhdgeteni gross isawi h otni b i etarl hreeftv ixabohhsae increased dt n l do ubled ichbvrteaeea drntiexaggerator. proo saide. n r. Gentlemanbe was,ny t t h the Ti m h that e - of the House on this subject, and efo h r h e Governmentwould Durham tle therefore bu a up t t to e na n s t tn i hh o oi n est a w t a te s m a p b t ou t t o f t o o ll g ow ivo th a e v H ot o o n. ag tl i le usupb f o e in w e el m :0 moments adl w d h i v i question, sb oone sawlahi c h ohd e hwbaoidsu lreasons placeyf o t r h e d House uiupgons for a ithis uni formly voted in favour of the ten hours' clause. The question, as had before been stated, was one of degree, and not one of principle. The principle of interference had been acknowledged by the Government, and as the question of the necessity of limitation had been conceded, the only question for that House to consider was the extent of the limitation which they should agree to. Under these cir cumstances, he felt constrained to persevere in the course which he had already taken. He did this reluctantly ; but h e would remind the House of one sentence which had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury on a o former occasion, which was, that he reg retted the necessit y of differing from some of his most esteeme d friends ; y et he wasptbeartsulaiedewdasthaacttithey r would om bis eon appreciatesci the same feeling of indulgence to those wh o, on the p resent occasion, felt constrained to differ from him o n this q uestion. conscientious m s °t c l o v n e victi andus believe H v e e trusted, therefore, that the Right Hon. Ba ronet would extend Mr. CHARLES WOOD did not believe that the proposi tion of the Noble Lord, if carried out, would have the effect anticipated by the Hon. Member for Knaresborough. On the contrary, he believed that the effect would be just the reverse, and that an ultimate and permanent reduction of wages would be the result. He would ask, what would be the effect of this mea sure upon the poorer classes, if the prices of manufactures should rise ? What had been the state of the manufacturing districts during the last two years ?—( Hear, hear .) The distress i n these districts had never been equalled in this country. The labourers then worked less than ten hours a day from a sheer want of work ; and yet, after such dreadful experience, would they at tenspt by legislation to bring about a return of such a state of things? He granted, for the sake of argument, that for a short time the same amount of wages would be paid, but that amount would be divided amongst agreater number of labourers. That he contended was in point of fact a. reduction of wages. There would also be a loss on capital ; a considerable loss on the fixed capital of all existing interests, and that must be made up somehow or other. If it was not made up by a re duction of wages, capital would be transferred to other em ployments, or be sent abroad; and if wages were reduced, he solemnly believed that those who would most regret the mea sure would be those who were then asking fo - r it—the artisans themselves. He was perfectly ready to do all in his power to improve the condition of the working classes, but it was for those who supported t his measure to show that it would improve their condition. He did not believe that the reducing a people to poverty would do anything towards improving their state, either moral, social, or religious. The sanitory reports of the large towns showed that they were in a bad state ; but the reducing the labourers to the verge of starvation would only tend to make them worse. He had no indisposition to promote every one of the ends the Hon. Gentleman who sup ported this measure proposed ; there were other measures for improving the health of the people, and bettering their dwellings ; and in these things the Legislature might properly interfere, if it was proved that they could not be effected by individual exertions. He was sorry that a difference of opinion had arisen, but having the choice he must do what he thought would be the least evil of the two to the class be was the most anxious to serve, and he should basely betray his duty to them, if at any request he did that, which in his conscience he believed would be most prejudicial to them, and which would be destructive to the trade, the commerce,,and the general commercial prosperity of the country. Mr. B. COCHRANE said that during the discussion of this subject—since it had been brought before the House—the Government had used every effort to insure a majority in fa vour of their proposition, and in furtherance of that had got up a strong agitation in the country. He thought that agitation was but a poor means by which men were enabled to come to right conclusions. The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department had admitted the principle of interference with labour, when he proposed his twelve hours' restriction of labour. What had been the conduct of her Majesty's Government in this case' It was not by any means a party question when it was first brought under their consideration ; but the Right Hon. Baronet had subse quently made it one. He believed that her Majesty's Govern ment would see the necessity of not sacrificing principle upon such a question as the present. Sir R. PEEL was sorry that a sense of duty compelled hint again to address the House on this question ; but, considering its great importance, he felt that he would not be discharging his duty conscientiously if he did not state his opinions. The question was whether they should, by legislative enactment, compel all the machinery employed in factory labour to suspend its operations for two hours every day. What was the charge of violating principle which had been made against her Majes ty's Government? If such a violation occurred, let them be at once frustrated in the present measure, but until that proof was distinctly established, he certainly could not appreciate the arguments of some Hon. Members. He had come to the ques tion of degree, in so far as the interference with labour went. They might have been wrong :in introducing any enactment which would have the effect of restraining or governing adult labour, but still that error was no justification of others. He would ask seriously, was it politic to limit labour to twelve hours ? Some Hon. Gentlemen opposite had referred to the corn-laws. But what advantage was that in the present discus sion? They said that the corn-laws in England gave to foreign countries a vast advantage in the race of competition. Now, if a discussion were to arise on the question of the corn-laws, he should at once pronounce his opinion. He would grant their ar guments, and say that the restriction upon the importation of food mglit be injurious to the country ; but was that at all a logical argument why they should impose other restrictions? He felt that the House of Commons could not attach too much import ance to this question of limiting the duration of labour by two hours every day. There was, at the present day, machinery employed in manufacturing labour which was equivalent to the power of 100,000 horses. He should not now touch upon their foreign trade, because he had expressed his opinions upon that subject on a former night, but from the data which had been laid before him in 1837, the steam power employed in manufactures was equal to the power of 97,000 horses. He did not think he was going to far in esimating the steam power equal to 100,000 horse power. He would assume that four-and-a-half persons were equivalent to every horse. This would give 450,000 as the number of persons employed in factories. The average weekly wages of each person was cer tainly not less than 10s. That was about 225,0001. which was paid to those employed in factory labour. It was said that this was not a great number out of the whole population. But when they limited the labour of men employed in factory labour, that was no test of the degree to which they interfered, for one man directed a ma chine of wonderful power, and when they limited the number of intelligent men, they controlled not what those men would produce, but the enormous quantity of articles which those vast machines which they presided over produced— ( Hear, hear)—and which were given in exchange for foreign goods. It was not like interfering with a man who worked with the spade or any other simple instrument ; but it was in terfering with that which was far more perfect than the spade ; and this interference would affect all those connected in any way with the operation of this great machinery.—( Hear, hear.) There were 225,0001. paid weekly in wages. Sup pose the wages of the workmen would be curtailed in proportion to the diminished hours of employment, what amount of taxation would that be on the labouring man? It was 16i per cent. of his income.—( Hear, hear.) No per son would now contend that a man would get twelve hours' wages for ten hours' work. Ten hours' wages was all that could be expected for ten hours' work.—(Hear.) What, then, would be the weekly reduction at 16 per cent. on 225,000/. ? It was 36,0001.—( Hear.) That was an enormous amount; but on account of the peculiar nature of the fixed capital, 16 per cent. was not the fixed maximum of the reduction of wages.--( Hear, hear.) It would have that effect. on the pro duction of capital and the profits of the manufacturers, that in order to compensate themselves for their interference, the reduction in the wages of the labourers must be more than what would exactly correspond with the reduction of the working hours.--(Hear.) But he assumed that it would only be the same, and the effect of that would be a reduction of 16 per cent. on the wages of the labourer. —( Hear. ) This would affect the consumption of articles, and operate on the retail trade. Let them calculate the effect of their interference on a single mill. He made inquiries with regard to a mill in the reighbourhood of Manchester, and the effect of their interference with respect to this - mill would give a. pretty fair test of its operation with regard to mills generally. The owner of this mill had taken a lease of it five or six years since, and when he took it he never contemplated their interference with the hours of labour.— ( Hear, hear.) There was no reservation that the rent should be diminished if Parliament restricted the hours of labour. He would be bound by the lease. That was the first mode in which they would interfere with his property. The owner of this mill worked twelve hours a day at present, and he employed 475 persons. Of this number 119 were • adult labourers; consequently, the number of persons now working twelve hours, and receiving payment for twelve hours work, whose wages would be affected, and, as he thought, whose comforts would be curtailed, would be not less than 365. At present, seven persons out of those 475 were absent on account th of e ill co h u e n a t l ry th ; that was about one out of sixty - eight, or per cent. of the whol e . Ab ou t 259 out of the 475 resided in Man chester, and w ere nat i ves o f it. 216 had been brought from would allured be b a y bl t e h et to high y up wages, sufficientfrom to which guarantee they thought th e y them against poverty and old age. Was he to interfere with those perssass, and say to them " you shall not work twelve hours ; you shall not be masters of your own labour ? " ( Cheers.) Then, with regard to the moral question, he ad mitted their first consideration should be to attend to this. He was told, the other night, that he ought not to have referred to the operation of such interference upon those who worked in metals and other unhealthy employments. Well, then, what would be the effect of interference in other branches of trade connected with factory labour? What would be its operation if it imposed a tax of 16 per cent. on machinery? What would be its effect on hand-loom weaving?—(Hear, hear.) It would give a stimulus and premium to the hand loom weavers—those very persons who so much occupied their attention four or five years ago. It would give them a short-lived prosperity. What did the Commissioners say of them—those whom they could not control by their legislation, unless they established a domestic inquisition? Mr. Mucke ridge stated that the ordinary time during which the hand loom weavers worked was fourteen hours a day, but that they could not always get work at this number of hours, and n ere sometimes three months out of employment. Mr. Hickson said that weaving as a domestic occupation among the hand-loom weavers, was carried on in circum stances much more prejudicial to health, and a greater sacri fice of personal comfort, than weaving in any other branch, The great majority of the hand-loom weavers worked in cel lars sufficiently light to enable them to throw the shuttle, but cheerless because the sun seldom visited them. He had seen them working in cellars dug out of an undrained swamp, and unfit for the abode of dogs or rats. Mr. Fletcher, secretary of the Hand-loom Weavers' Commission, gave similar testimony. He doubted, then, the policy of restricting factory labour, if the consequence would be to give a premium to another de scription of labour which was still more prejudicial to health than the system which was condemned. He would now shortly review the arguments by which the restriction of the hours of labour was supported. The first argument was that by limiting labour to ten hours, they would have as much work done as they had in twelve ; that there would be such an increase of activity, of animal spirits, and of attention to the business on hand, that ten hours' labour would give as much as twelve. He believed that assumption to be utterly without foundation. The assertion would be true of manual labour, but in the case of machinery, it was utterly impossible that ten hours' labour could produce as much as twelve. He hap pened to have had the opportunity of ascertaining the return of labour for a single mill, which vrokred under accidental cir cumstances, only ten hours. A mill was compelled to restrict its operations for a certain' period, to ten hours a day. From March to July, 1842, that was to say, for a period of fifteen weeks, a mill which had always been in the habit of working twelve hours for five days in the week, and the usual time on Saturday, was compelled to work only five-sixths of the time—that was to say, ten hours instead of twelve, for five days in the week. The average weekly produce of the twelve hours' labour was 119,000 hanks of cotton; the average weekly produce of the ten hours' labour was 99,000 hanks of cotton. The deduction, according to time, would be 99,574. It was argued that there would be an increase in the increased attention and activity of the workmen ; but in this case, the proportional produce being 99,574, the actual produce was 99,132. He had every confidence in that calculation, which was made in the year 1842, without the slightest reference to the present debate; and he thought it afforded conclusive proof that the assumption that ten hours' labour would give the same 'produce as twelve, was entirely without foundation.—( Hear.) Another argument which was much relied upon, and, indeed, was considered by those who used it to preclude all further debate, having been repeated in every night's discussion, and apparently with great effect on the House, was shortly this : " That which is morally wrong cannot be politically right." Well, that was a sort of saying which was very much admired in certain circles.—(Laughter.) But, really, such arguments as these must be submitted to the test of reason; and his Noble Friend must net be offended if he claimed the privilege of sub mitting to the test of reason an argument which was con sidered to carry so much weight.--( Cheers.) " 1 hat which is morally wrong," continued the Right Hon. Baronet, " cannot be politically right. 'Well, now, what is the meaning of that? I can quite understand it if you apply it to some enormous act of injustice committed by a great State.—( Hear, hear. )—I can understand it if you apply it to the revocation of the edict of Nantes, or to the partition of Poland ; I can then understand that that which is morally wrong cannot be politi cally right. But is it politically right that I should interfere by law with that which is morally wrong?—( Hear, hear.) Is that the meaning ?—( Hear, hear.) Is it true that it ought to be the rule of legislation that I should interfere by enactment with that which is morally wrong?. I say that that is not the principle of legislation.--( Hear.) I will show you many things which are its themselves immoral, which I cannot interfere with by law.—(Hear.) Intemperance of various kinds is immoral ; envy is immoral; there are various immoral offences which we tolerate, because we do not feel that they are within the sphere of legislation. What rule is there for the Legislature to act upon universally? Suppose it to be true that what is morally wrong I must interfere with by legislation, who shall decide what is morally wrong?—( Hear, hear.) In the grave con cerns with which legislation is conversant, where legislators have to discriminate between the balance of social good and social evil; where they have to consider whether the attempt to interfere by legislation will not produce greater evils then connivance and tacitness, how can I, in that case , apply the rule that it is a political duty to interfere with that which is morally wrong?"—(Cheers.) In a despotic country there was no act of oppression which could not be justified by that doc trine, if he who held power might determine what was morally wrong.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Inqui sition justified all its acts, upon the principle that that which was morally wrong ought to be suppressed by the exercise of power and legislation.—(Hear, hear.) In this he admitted that they ought to consult that which was for the lasting benefit of the people, which conduced to their morality, and promoted their social comfort. He admitted that wealth ought not to be the exclusive object of legislation. But were they not to be left at perfect liberty to 'determine whether a particular mode of interference would leaves particular effect ? ( Hear, hear.) That was, in fact, the whole question at issue. He denied that, in that sense, it was morally wrong that per sons should labour twelve hours in the factory.—( Hear, hear. ) How would they deal with a man who said that eight hours ought Hear, hear.) When the Hon. Mem b(ten hours' labour was too much for erfor to be Oldham the said limitthr—at females, who were, perhaps, in a pregnant state, would those who contended for the rule that that which was morally wrong was not politically right vote for a proposal to restrict female labour to eight hours ? It would be more agreeable to him to see female labour restricted to ten hours ; but, balancing the evil with the good, consider ing the diminution of wages, the risk of the loss of commerce, and the probability that there would not be employment for the industrious classes of this country, he preferred ten hours to twelve. They had one man saying that eight hours was the period of limitation, an other, that it should be ten. How could the principle of Noble Friend apply to this case? Who was to settle where the immorality began?--( Hear, hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) would not assert in the abstract that it was mo rally right that women should work for twelve hours a-day. His Noble Friend, however, had called on him to vote for this proposition on the commercial grounds. This surprised him more than the assumption of the moral grounds. For he thought that this was precisely the question upon which they should last interfere. His friend should have said that this was an exception to the application of commercial principles.—( Hear. ) He had understood the Noble Lord to say that it was not an important question whether we could compete with America in the Chinese or other markets. He (Sir R. Peel) thought that it was in accordance with political economy, that it was a great advantage to that country which could purchase the commodities of another country at a cheaper rate, or in ex change for a less amount of labour than a third one could. The • Noble Lord said that it was of no consequence to us what amount of goods America might sell in the China market, as she was paid for the most part in tea, upon which the Ameri cans paid no duty. But it was said that there was a great competition in the China market, and he thought that in such circumstances it would be a great advantage to this country to be able to undersell America.—( Hear, hear.) It would in crease the demand for labour in this country, the accumula tion of capital, the increase of profits, and the employment of money.—( Hear, hear.) Was it not more clear that they could better enter into that competition if they were allowed to work twelve hours instead of ten ?—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had said that the advantage of a country was to be measured by the imports. He ( Sir R. Peel) said that they should ex port as much as they could. It was to him a novel doctrine that the imports and exports did not depend upon each other.—(Bear.] The Noble Lord himself had confessed that it was a novel doctrine, and very little under stood.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) e (Sir R. Peel) ad mated' that he was afraid of foreign competition if those regu lations were introduced. There had been a long peace, and the attention of foreign countries had been turned to manu factures. There was pretty nearly an equalisation of profits at home, and there was a tendency to equalisation of profits in this country and in the whole world.—( Hear, hear. ) For merly we had in this country a command of the materials of manufactures—of coals, iron, skill, and industry. But we had found it impossible to maintain our supremacy. We passed laws to prevent the export of machinery, but we could not keep at home the heads and hands that made it.—( Hear. ) There was a custom-house regulation that machinery should not be exported. Still it did go out, or the models went out— ( Hear, hear)—and the Legislature wisely came to the con clusion that it would be better to allow it to go out.—( Hear, hear.) He held a book in his hand, which was the report of a gentleman employed by tho Belgian Government, to exa mine into the subject of the employment of children. The statements of this gentleman were well authenticated, and they showed that in France the weekly employment of children was from 72 hours to 64; in Austria, from 75 to 80; in America, from 72 to 86; and in Prussia 84; whereas in England the weekly amount of hours for the labour of children was 69. ( Hear, hear.) Thus it was seen, that whilst the ma nufacturers of this country were so pressed by the competition of countries where the hours of labour were so much greater, it was proposed to reduce those hours still more—( Hear, hear)—to reduce them from sixty nine to fifty-eight, whilst in America they reached eighty-four. —( Hear, hear.) He thought that, for so serious a reduction, it required facts of unquestionable character, and arguments of the roost cogent description. They had had the effect of forced reductions of labour. There was now a revival in trade, with the most desperate competition in new markets, and he would put it to the House whether, under such circumstances, it was desirable to restrict the means of employment, and to give still greater advantages to the competing countries.—( Hear, hear.) Soma assertions made on the subject of female employment made a great impression ; but surely that impresson should be removed if the statements were untrue. It had been said that a woman walked as much as 37 miles a day in a cotton factory ; 37 miles walking in the day was impossible. He had some knowledge of factory labour. He would take it at 20 miles, at the same time stating that he believed there never was an fnstance of that known. He had the strongest impression that in no factory did any person walk 20 miles a day. He had seen calculations made with great confidence, but his firm impres sion was that it never exceeded 12 miles in 12 hours, but that it was oftener Bor 9 miles.—( Hear, hear.) Now, whether or no, a certain degree of exercise did not induce health, he should certainly think it would be better than the sedentary employment of the hand-loom. He did not think 8 miles would be prejudicial to health. Now to show the straits to which Honourable Members had been driven in vin dicating their votes. He heard a statement from the Honourable Member for Birmingham, of all places in the world—a town whose existence almost depended on the trade with foreign countries—last night that surprised him very much.----( Hear, hear.) He had stated that if the foreign trade of this country was ruined the country would not suffer much. —(Hear, hear.) Did not that show the unsoundness of the argument ?—( Hear, hear.) But then there were the Hon. Members for Finsbury and Weymouth, who expressed their surprise that the Government should oppose the motion of the Noble Lard. The Hon. Member for Finsbury said they had better give way then, or it would be extorted irom them shortly ; and the Honourable Member for Weymouth, a gentleman who had wisdom moderated by experience, said, and he (Sir R. Peel) deeply regretted to hear him do so, that in legislation they ought to follow the wishes of the people, because they knew best what was for their interests ; that they thought this measure was for their interests, and were entitled to have it. Now, supposing the Government were to accede to this demand upon that ground, how lung, he would ask, would it be before some other de mands were made by other parties, and which he could not re sist? He held in his hand a circular issued by the Miner's As sociation, in which the turned-out copper miners wanted to work eight hours a day, and no more ; to have 4s. a-day as wages, to have them paid every week, and something done fur their protection. Now, if he was to accede to the present measure, on the ground that it was the wish of the people employed, and that they were the best judges of their own interests, he must equally accede to the wishes of the copper miners, and give them eight hours' work and 4s. a day, together with the other requests they made. They might depend upon it the people of a nation did not always know what was best for their own interests, and upon that subject the beautiful paraphase, by the great moralist, of Juvenal aptly applied in the present instance— " How nations sink, by darling schemes oppressed, When vengeance listens to the rash request." —( Hear, hear.) The Legislature ought not to say to persons who entertained the opinions expressed by the Hon. Member for Weymouth— Volenti non fit injuria, Volenti nonfat injuria. He protested against the doctrine that they must concede be cause the people thought it was for their interests. If they were satisfied it was not so, it was their duty to resist; but if the house was of a different opinion, if they were satisfied that in reason they could make the great experiment, if they thought the concession could be made, be it so, they might take that course. But if you pursue it (said the Right Hon. Baronet emphatically) you must do so under other auspices and other guides, who can See more clearly their way to a sate result amid the senseless clamour which prevails.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said the Government should not attach so much importance to this question—that there is no occasion for the Government to fasten themselves to it—that the majority is composed of con flicting elements, and that we ought not to insist upon acting on our own opinions; but I say we attach very grave import ance to this question, and that it is our duty to act upon our firm and conscientious belief.—( Hear.) We believe great evils would result from the adoption of the plan of the Noble Lord. We are bound, therefore, to resist it. There arc occasions when it is the bounden duty of the Government to refuse to be made instruments for carrying decisions of op posite parties. I believe this case to be one of them. I know net what the result of this night's debate may be; but this I know, that if it should be contrary to the opinions of the Go vernment and to my views, I will, with perfect satisfaction, re tire into a private station, wishing well for the result of your le gislation ; but, for myself, I am prepared to pursue that more rugged, but not inglorious, path of duty. I am prepared to resist this concession to the popular demand. I believe it would be injurious to the best interests of the public, and I must withhold my concurrence even at the expense of popula rity.—( Loud cheers. ) Lord JOAN RUSSELL then rose, and said, it was not his intention to have taken a part in this debate, considering that after the declaration made by the Noble Lord after the with drawal of the first Bill, the question, as far as the House of Commons was concerned, was agreed to.—( Hear, hear.) When the Noble Lord brought forward his proposition in the first in stance, he was supported not only by many on the Ministerial side of the House, but also by a great number of his (Lord J. Russell's) Noble and Right Hon. Friends on that side of the House. Some of his Right Hon. Friends, with whom he had always acted with the greatest unanimity, had taken a different opinion from his, and he had never attempted for a moment to influence their votes.—( Hear, hear.) He thought the question was a great one, and which should be altogether separated from , mere party strife.—( Hear, hear.) But after the declaration made some months ago, that this was a question upon which I the Ministry would stand or fall, he thought it would be use less to argue the question further upon its merits, because the supporting the present law might prove destructive to the health, morals, happiness, and even fife of the people employed in factories. Though the mortality was greater than any one had yet stated—though the law might be changed with per fect security to the employment in factories, and without danger to foreign trade—suppose all this was to be proved to demonstration, yet Honourable Gentlemen were prepared to say, that because the Ministers of the Crown would not consent, they therefore must oppose any alterations.—(Hear, hear.) That was the question, and it was needless to argue it. He was one of those persons who did not think it should be mixed up with any question of Minis terial confidence or want of confidence. The Ministers of the Crown had not acted well, for they had, in effect, said that so long as legislation is carried on according to our notions, we will continue in office, but as soon as you attempt to pass, or even alter, any measure to which we are opposed we will re sign. The bare possibility of the resignation of the Ministry would be sufficient to throw out any measure. In fact the consideration of Legislative measures was no longer for the I louse of Commons, but might be said altogether to rest with the Ministry. He wished to justify the vote he was about to give to the House, as he had been charged with inconsistency. The Right lion. Baronet had told them that night, that in foreign countries, seventy-two, eighty, and ninety hours per week were worked by factory operatives ; why then should not the hours of labour in our factories be increased, so that all dread of foreign competition might at once be set at rest? But they did not agree to that, and they said that they would nut adopt the 14, 15, or 16 hours of other countries. Immediately that they said that, immediately did they impose a restriction ; and he, therefore, said that they had no right to charge those who were in favour of the Noble Lord's proposition, with any opposition in principle, because the very same principle which they urged in their defence was the principle of their present legislation. Yet, they were told that if they adopted the Noble Lord's proposition, they would be throwing away Adam Smith. He (Lord J. Russell) saw no necessity for that whatever. He never heard that Adam Smith had placed a distinction between twelve and ten hours. He (Lord John Russell) believed that the principle they were advocating was a principle founded upon a regard for national health and morality.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord (Ashley) declared that children, as they were called in the law, or young persons—persons from thirteen to eighteen years of age—could not consistent with their health, or consistent with their instruction either in religious or in social knowledge, be employed for twelve hours in the day, and he therefore proposed that ten hours should be the limit of their labour, and that proposal he (Lora J. Rus sell) believed was founded upon national health and morality. He did not believe that wages would remain as high under a restriction of ten hours as they were at the present time, but he entirely agreed with the Noble Lord who had brought for ward the amendment, that with that diminution of wages there would be increase of comfort—an increase of the power of ob taining instruction in domestic usages, and an improvement in the general condition of the labouring classes. A great diffi culty had arisen with respect to this proposition of the Noble Lord, which was with regard to foreign competition. Now he (Lord John Russell) was not at all inclined to speak lightly of foreign competition, but at the same time he must take into his consideration the calculations which had been made by competent' persons upon this subject. He would not go into the particulars of the calculations which had been made, but he would merely state the results. It had been calculated that if this proposition of the Noble Lord were carried, the increase in the price of a yard of woollen cloth would be about one penny. Was this such a change as would totally ruin their trade in the foreign markets of the world? On looking at this question, he remarked, that by the Hand-loom Weavers' Commission, at the head of which were Mr. Senior and Mr. Jones Loyd, both men as well able to form an opinion on the subject as any in the country, it was stated that it was a very great mistake to suppose, because labour was nominally cheap, it was ac tually so ; they said that fid. a day was often more in one country than Is. a day to a labourer in another country, of greater skill and power. And they went on to say, that in many foreign countries the labourers em ployed were so inferior, that we had a great advantage over them in that respect. It was also stated by Mr. M'Cul loch, that competition with us by America was impossible ; it was impossible that a country, having such a vast extent of unoccupied land should be able to send any large portion of her people to engage in manufactures. Then with respect to competition from Switzerland and Saxony, the same autho rity stated that these countries, situated in the centre of Europe, could only procure their raw cotton by a long and expensive land carriage from Marseilles, Genoa, or Hamburgh, the very cost of conveying the raw material of their manufactures was a guarantee against competi tion from Switzerland and Saxony.—( Har. ) But supposing this competition to be more formidable than he (Lord J. Russell) believed it to be, and he admitted that in some re spects it was formidable, yet were there not circumstances which, if they dealt with, would enable them to meet this difficulty?—( Hear, hear.) It was stated in the memorial of the persons who prayed for a repeal of the duty on raw cotton, that that duty amounted to S per cent. on the article. By the motion before the House, it was proposed to take about 7 p er cent. from off the hours o f labour. The duty on the raw cot ton applied chiefly to those goods of which the material formed the greater part of the value, and those were the goods which were mostly sent abroad. Here, then, was a mode by which they might meet this foreign competition. There was another question which had been alluded to in connexion with this subject, which Hon. Gentle men opposite said ought not to be brought into the discussion. But he maintained that it was very fairly brought into the discussion; that question was one of the restrictions and the high duties on food brought from foreign countries.— ( Hear, hear.) That question came to this—if they found themselves pressed in foreign competition, if they found them salves obliged either to admit food at a low duty, or without any duty at all, or to make these young women work more hours than their health enabled them to bear, the question was to which alternative did they incline? Were these persons to go on working these two hours a-day for ever in order to maintain the corn-laws ?—( Hear, hear. ) Or would they say they would rather give up the corn laws than enforce these hours of labour ? If that was the question, only let them consider in how odious a light they would put these restrictions on foreign corn, if they kept the people at work solely for these restrictions. He felt called on to state these opinions, because he had been taunted with having changed his views on this question. He avowed that h e h a d done so ; on reflection and consideration he avowed that his opinions were changed.— ( Hear, hear.) But then the first consideration was, had he, in this change of opinion, been influenced by any unworthy motive? —( Hear, hear.) There was but one Hon. and Learned Member who,i n the course of this debate had insinuated such motives against him, and those who sat with him. With respect to that Hon. and Learned Member, he had nothing to reply to him, for he had taken himself completely out of the sphere of our mortal and peccable nature I—( Great laughter and cheers.) That Hon. and Learned Gentleman, with great candour and great modesty, said that "Fools rush in where" declining to give the rest of the line—(Cheers)—thus it was very clear—insinuating by way of what the lawyers call inuendo—that the Noble Lord the Member for Sunder land, who did meddle with the subject, was " a fool," and that " angels," thereby meaning, such as the lion. and Learned Member fur Bath himself, were afraid to touch the subject, thus claiming for himself the benefit of the line. —( Great laughter and cheers.) Putting aside, therefore, any dispute with the Hon. and Learned Member, because he (Lord J. Russell.) only pretended to be fallible and erring on the subject, 'ae came next to the Right Hon. Secretary for the Home D epartment, because he had stated to the House what were his (Lord J. Russell's) views formerly on this subject. He had stated those views in office, and he had stated them out of it. Did, the Right Hen. Gentleman mean to say that per fect consistency on every subject was absolutely neces sary to the character of a politician ?—( Great cheer ing and laughter.) He might refer to great examples of former days, to men who were not afraid to state that they were incor sistent, and had changed their opinions on certain subjects. He regretted that he was compelled to detain the House at such a late hour with these remarks, but he felt convinced that the opinions and convictions which he had ex pressed upon this subject were the best that could be come at, and he thought, whatever consequences might be pro phetical' to follow from the adoption of the proposition, of the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire, there were some others of equal importance. In saying this he was nut at all actuated by an anxiety or courting for popular demonstra tion.—(Hear, hear.) He thought they were bound to consider what were the results which would be likely to accrete to the commercial and manufacturing interests of the c ountry ; but still that was not the only thing which was to but considered. The Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that there were 4.50,000 persons dependent upon manufactures, and it u 'as on account of that large number being crammed together• in large towns, who had not sufficient time to devote ',at educational purposes that he (Lord J. Russell) was in favour of the proposition of the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire. What he (Lord J. Russell) sought was that the people should have an opportunity of gaining such secular knewleclgte as would make them good citizens ; persons who had reasons for respecting the institutions of the country. He asserted that if they neglected this subject, if they to oked at nothing except the aecumulation of manufac turin„, wealth—if they acted thu s , some day or other they would awake from their present pleasant dream, and find the terrible rsaality of an immense population estranged from the Goveraraent of the country, and open to the incentives of the wildest demagogues, and to the most mischievous doctrines. He was: in favour of a proposition which would enable the young , of both sexes to receive that groundwork, by which their d omestic affections would be strengthened, and to gain that education to which the people of every free State were entitled.. For those reasons, and in this spirit, he felt bound to give his vote in favour of the proposition of the Noble Lord, the Member for Dorsetshire.—( Cheers. ) Sir R. H. INGLIS rose amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide,," and was for several minutes quite inaudible in the gallery. As soon as order was partially restored we understood the Hon. Baronet to be pronouncing an eulogy upon Lord Ashley's proposal, because he thought it was reconcileable with the present principles of Christianity and philanthrophy. ( The cries of " Divide, divide," here became so loud that the Hot a. Baronet was compelled to resume his seat.) Mr. COLLETT ( Athlone) rose amidst loud cries of " Di vide, ditvide." He said he should say but one word.—(Hear.) He was opposed to all interference with the hours of labour, and for this reason he voted for the proposition of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. He would vote against the third reading of the Bill, and for .the same reason he would vote for tho motion of the Noble Lord.—(Great laughter and cries of aa Divide.") He thought a Ten Hours' Bill was better than a Twelve Hours' Bill, and he hoped the amendment, if carried, would p;.et rid of this improper and pernicious Bill.—(Cries of " Divides, divide.") Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For Lord Ashley's clause Against it Majority against the clause -138 The announcement of the result was received with loud cheering, and with shouts of laughter. On our re-admission to the gallery, we found Mr. Brother ton and Lord Ashley on their legs, each attempting to address the Speaker, but with their voices completely drowned in the boisterous laughter. At length silence was obtained, Lord Ashley gave way, and Mr. BROTHERTON moved the introduction of a clause, which Sir JAMES GRAHAM said was rendered unnecessary by the amendments that had been made in Committee. The clause was then negatived without a division. Mr. GRANGER moved several additions and alterations in clauses 4, 45, 69, and 70, relating to appeals against convictions. After a few observations from Mr. AGLIONBY, in which he begged of the Hon. Member not to divide on the clause, as they had seen what could be done that night, Strangers. were ordered to withdraw, and the House divided on the clause, when there appeared— For the motion Against it 29 Majority On the question that the Bill do pass, The House again divided, when their appeared— For the motion Against it 7 Majority The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Two o'Clock. LAW INTELLIGENCE. HOUSE OF LORDS, May 13. Their Lordships sat to-day at twelve o'clock, in a Com mittee for Privileges. Among the Peers present were the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Shaftesbury, Lord Brougham, Lord Campbell, Viscount Strangford, Lord Sudeley, and Lord Kenyon. THE WHARTO' BARONT. Several witnesses were examined on behalf of the claimant in this case to the Barony of Wharton, and the further con sideration of the subject was adjourned sine die. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, May 13. (Sittings at Nisi Prius before Lord Chief Justice TINDAL.) ELIOT V. ALLEN AND ANOTHER. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) The jury retired to consider their verdict, and after an ab sence of several hours returned into Court with a verdict for the plaintiff—Damages, 400/. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday in the Royal Gardens of Buckingham Palace. His Royal Highness Prince Albert visited the Artillery Ground, Finsbury, yesterday morning. His Royal Highness was attended by Colonel Wylde, Equerry in Waiting. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice were taken their usual daily airings yesterday in the Royal Gardens. The Royal Dinner party at Buckingham Palace yesterday evening, included his Excellency le Marquis Villuma, the Archbishop of Canterbury and Mrs. Howley, the Duke and Duchess of Bedford, the Marquis of Granby, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord and Lady Dalmeny, Lord and Lady Lyt telton, and the Right Honourable Sir Henry and Lady Emily Hardinge. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager took an airing yesterday in an open carriage, in the parks. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager yesterday at Marlborough House. A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon at the Foreign-office. It was attended by Sir Robert Peel, the Duke of Wellington, the Duke of Buccleuch, Lord Wharncliffe, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Earl of Haddington, Earl of Ripon, the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, and Sir E. Knatch - bull. The Council sat two hours. The Ecclesiastical Commission for England had a meeting yesterday afternoon, at their office in Whitehall-place. The Commissioners present were the Bishop of London, the Bishop of Exeter, the Bishop of Hereford, the Bishop of Lichfield, and the Bishop of Salisbury. Mr. Wickham, the Chairman of the Stamps and Taxes, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yes terday, at his official residence in Downing-street. Dispatches for the Governor of Van Diemen's Land were sent off yesterday from the Colonial-office. Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial-office from the Go vernor of the Gambia, and also from the Governor of Gib raltar. The Judicial Committee of her Majesty's Most Honour able Privy Council sat yesterday. The Lords present were Lord Brougham, the Vice-Chancellor Knight Bruce, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall, and Judge of the Ad miralty Court. Dr. Lushington gave judgment in an appeal from Bengal, " Tej Chuud Bahadoor v. Sri Kaultin Crhose," that their Lordships were well satisfied that the decision of the Court of Sudder Adawlut was not contrary to the law of Bengal ; the decree of the Sudder Adawlut must, therefore, be affirmed, and with costs. Mr. Fitzroy Kelly, Queen's Counsel, was heard on an ap peal from the Vice -Admiralty Court of Sierra Leone, " Christian Sohst, a citizen of )iamburgh, v. the Queen," relative to the ship Echo. The Queens Advocate was heard for the respondent. The case was adjourned for further hearing. R r E IL T L I I S A . M m U r S s T. LA:e7kNeleSpli. i g rilA a lDV sm v° a ßLE l it l i)T sli s o uE p Ym in illOT ß a r — iT llA.-A l lC a ' n 'isj e , Spitalfields, had for five years su ffered from piles, but more parti cu l ar l y f rom a c g , ner al and fearful bearing down of the b o d y , h er h ea l t h was conceived to be completely ruined, she was brought almost to beggary, by doctors' bills ; when she first com menced the use of these miraculous pills, her friends con sidered her past cure, but In two months by their means, she was made as sound and as strong a woman as ever she was in her life. Sold (also Holloway's Ointment) at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, (where advice may be had gratis), and •by almost all respect able Vendors of Medicines throughout the civilised world. THE DERnr.—Bell' s Life in London, of Sunday next, May 19, will contain :—Forewarnings by Pegasus—lndex to the Winner—The Derby Prophecy, and important pre liminary information. Contents of Bell's Life of last Sunday, May 12, 16 folio columns of sporting events. An epitome of the week's miscellaneous news, and a hundred advertisements chiefly connected with sporting matters. The insertion of a single advertisement in Bell's Life may be equally beneficial to that of half-a-dozen in some journals. A sixpence, or six penny stamps, to Mr. Clement, junior, 170, Strand, will at all times ensure a copy of Bell's Life by return of post. The weekly sale of Bell's Life exceeds 20,000 copies. It is pub lished in time for the Saturday afternoon railways. CHARITY.—At Clerkenwell Police Court, Mr. Combo re ceived:M. from T. T., in a letter dated the Bth of May, which the benevolent donor requested might be acknowledged. A ; , A ••+-"••••. .111 j Ai r PROGRESS OF STEAA * - GATION. ( 1 77 4 • • f - 7'."•;1;j: ,\ ! - Messrs. Miller, llavenhill, and Co., have just 'compieteW ,- new iron steamer for the Star Company, calW the Mete) intended to ply from London to Gravesend. ' 7 o4 , iti 17014 in length, 18 feet three inches in breadthoilid 'carrips' AD 40-horse power engines, also by Miller and Co., with boilers. As a river boat, her model is perfect symmetry— speed is the leading object, and her form is scientifically adapted to its accomplishment. The Meteor yesterday made an experimental trip down the Thames from ]3lackwall. There were on board, besides the builders, Mr. Benkhausen, the Russian Consul, a Russian naval captain, Sir C. Forbes, and between 20 and 30 gentle, men connected with science, the arts, and literature, forming a most agreeable party, and the pleasures of the day were much increased by splendid weather. The experiment was altogether satisfactory. The Meteor is worthy of her name. Considering the power of her en gines, her speed is astonishing. With the tide she-performed from 18 to 20 miles an hour. Her still-water speed was fully 15i miles an hour. In the course of the day she was laid alongside of the Ruby, and several of the fast boats, but they had no chance with her. The grand point of interest was her contest with the Prince of Wales, which she met about ten miles beloiv Gravesend in full steam, with a moderate quota of passen gers on board. While the Prince of Wales was in advance she gained in the ratio of one mile in fifty on the Meteor; but when the Meteor led she had a similar advantage over the Prince of Wales. The result is, that the two boats ace equal in speed; but, then, the Prince of Wales is ten feet longer than the Meteor, and has two 70-horse power en gines, whereas those of the latter are only 40-horse power. As a specimen of river steamers, the Meteor is unquestion ably superior to everything up to the present time afloat upon the Thames. The Meteor left Blackwall about half-past eleven, and was kept in motion till after sunset.. Her machinery worked with all the precision and effect of long practice. Messrs. Ravenhill, and Co. may well be proud of their achievement. _ _ The company on board sat down to an elegant cold colla tion, laid out in the ample saloon, and the best wines flowed in abundance. Mr. Miller presided; Mr. Ravenhill took the vice chair. Of course her Majesty was toasted; nor did the company forget "Success to the uew Steamer, and Prosperity to her Architects." In looking through the yard from whence were produced these unequalled "walkers of the waters," the Prince of Wales and the Meteor, we observed on the stocks two ♦ery handsome iron steamers in a forward state, one intended for the Nile and the other for the Rhine. FATAL STEAM-BOAT COLLISION. MELANCHOLY OCCURRENCE OFF GREENWICH. Yesterday forenoon an inquiry was commenced before Mr. Baker, at the Queen's Head Tavern, High-street, Poplar, re specting the death of Mr. Samuel Theodore Lebatt, aged 23, one of the principals at Hermangild Castellani and Co.'s, us Copthall-court, the Belgian Consul, who lost his life by fall ing from the Caineleon yacht, occasioned, It is alleged, by her being run into by the Royal Adelaide Leith steam-ship. Owing to the respectability of the deceased more than usual interest was manifested (hring the proceedings, and was in creased from the circumstance of there being some very gross neglect on the part of the crew on board the steamer. Prior to the evidence being gone into, the Coroner observed that he should like to be informed of a few of the facts of the case, as, in the event of there being blame attributable to those persons who had charge of the steam-ship, ho should wish them to be in attendance. A young gentleman, whose name did not transpire, stated that lie was one of a party who, along with the deceased, went on board the Cameleon yacht on Saturday, for the purpose of cruizing down the river for a few days. They were delayed a short time in Blackwall-reach,'when the vessels in the Royal Thames Yacht Club sailing match being per ceived, they further delayed their cruize, and got up as far as Greenwich Hospital to see the yachts come in. Here, owing to the state of the tide and wind, they were obliged to anchor. They remained there till ten o'clock at night, and, having procured two watermen from Greenwich, de termined to proceed on their trip. As soon as the anchor was hove up, and the vessel being what is called in stays, the steamer was observed coming down the river. They hailed to shove on board, but her paddles were not stopped until she had gained within a few yards of the Cameleon, too late to prevent a collision, and the consequence was that she struck their vessel on the starboard quarter. The deceased had but a few minutes before gone down in the cabin to sleep for a few hours, singing, as he went down the companion ladder, the pilot's song, " Fear not, but trust in Providence," and hearing some confusion he rushed upon deck, and, it was supposed, must have been thrown over board by the shock and struck by the paddles, as he was an excellent swimmer, and had saved two young ladies from drowning in Portsmouth harbour, for which heroism he had been presented with a gold medal and vote of thanks by the Royal Humane Society. His parents resided at Ramsgate, his father being Lloyd's agent for that port. The CORONER here said that he should only take the evi deuce as to the identity and finding of the body, and adjourn the inquiry for the attendance of the parties connected with the steamer. - - - Mr. Joseph Norton Lebatt, of No. 3, Copthall-court, Bank, deposed that the deceased was his brother. He last saw him alive on Saturday afternoon, at his office, and was about to proceed on board the Cameleon, which was about twelve tons burthen. He was then in good health and perfectly sober. Witness has since seen his body, and noticed a redish mark, extending down the whole of his nose, and to his left eye, no doubt produced by the paddle-wheels of the steamer striking him. Henry Marston, Thames police-constable, stated that at about half-past three o'clock on Sunday afternoon he dis covered the body of the deceased gentleman on the banks, on the Isle of Dogs, opposite Greenwich. It had been left by the tide, and had no shoes, coat, or hat on. On searching him, 1/. 1 ls. 7d. was found in his waiscoat pocket, and the front part of his dress was disordered. The CORONER then formally adjourned the inquiry, and hound over the several jurymen and witnesses to appear on Wednesday week to further prosecute the investigation. THE CZAR'S VISIT. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sin,—Perhaps you have not inserted the letter I sent you on the 6th inst., because of its length. Now, I shall compress this as much as possible, hoping you will this time,.in justice to me and Captain Jablonski, give, in your next, publication to it, as 1 am anxious to contra dict the report so detrimental to us and so misrepresent ing our sentiments on the subject. The paragraph al luded to, I believe, originated in a mistake of your re porter, and afterwards found it way to the Chronicle and other respectable journals. To show the real state of things, I beg to inform you that on the 3d of this month, on the occasion of the an niversary meeting of the Literary Association of the Friends of Poland, I spoke not a word of the Czar. It would be foolish, and against his interest, in a Polish exile, to wish to prevent the better part of the people of this country to express, in any way they like, their sen timents against the oppressor of Poland ; and I do as sure you, that my Gallant Friend spoke in a spirit quite reverse to that which the article alluded to represents I am, Sir, Your humble, obedient servant, 3, Queen-street, Golden-square, WIERCINSKI. May 11, 1844. To a deputation from the City, which recently waited on Sir Robert Peel, with the view of inducing her Majesty's Government to increase the amount of duty they have proposed to Parliament to levy on foreign coffee, the Right Hon. Baronet is understood to have given a firm but respectful refusal. BARBAROUS MURDER.—On Sunday week a hor rible murder was perpetrated in the parish of Cloone, county s siiNciar.:ls-liieic:ec.aolnrnterscaporei contrary t e at q ob u ll e ei n i s c i e ,cr o a so f t te t os h tna e l il t l ,a n n e w s a. s aas o t f om h b i il s di Leitrini, by a gang of assassins, during the hours of Divine r.T was h remainos: sur prised pr . ised by an armed party entering his house and demanding leis fire-arms. He resisted the demands of the lawless ruffians with determination ; but, grievous to relate, he fell in mortal combat with his assailants. His poor wife crept from her bed of sickness, and, with his sister, Mrs. Brown, assisted in the struggle against the assassins, one of whom struck Mrs. Nash upon the head with a pistol, and another, at the same moment, darted a sword through the body of Mr. Nash. Mrs. Nash exclaimed, " I am murdered !"—her husband re sponded, " I am gone !" and almost instantly breathed his last. An inquest was held on the body, but nothing calcu lated to lead to a discovery of the blood-stained monsters has been elicited. A Government reward of 801. has been offered for their detection.—lrish Paper. PONY MATCH BETWEEN LONDON AND BRIGHTON. The following semewhat extraordinary match against time was performed on Thursday last by Mr. Jenkins, of No. 28, Shopperton-street, Lower-road, Islington, who for a wager undertook to drive, in harness, a pony, thirteen hands high, from the Angel Inn, Islington, to the Prince George Inn, Brighton, and back the same day, the pony to start from the former place at six o'clock in the morning, and return there at by twelve o'clock at night, a distance of 108 miles. After driving from Ilighbury Mr. Jenkins made his appearance, with the pony attached to a light gig, at the place and time appointed, whence he started, and baited on the road to Brighton at the following places, viz.:—Streatham, ,. Croydon, Godstone, and Lintield, and arrived at the I num George Tavern, Brighton, kept by. Mr. Roots, at one o'clock in the afternoon, where, after resting half . an hour, the pony was started on his road to London, iniz. , aking a stay of one hour at each of the following p . laces, y Linfield, Godstone, and Croydon , -don - and Mr. Jenkins arrived at the place he started from in the morning at twenty minutes past eleven o'clock a t night, being forty minutes within the given time. But what renders the feat the more extraordinary is, that the pony is nearly eleven years old, and rather " groggy" in his fore legs. Ile, however, when in full swing, has a most re markable carriage, with no appearance whatever of the fault mentioned. On arriving at home after accomplishing this journey the pony did not appear to be at all distressed, and looked as if he Was then quite prepared to perform a similar task. During his journey the pony was refreshed with gruel and with a small quantity of port wine. We regret to have to announce the death of Alexander Johnston, Esq., of Shieldhall, M.P. for the Kil marnock District of Burghs, which took place very suddenly at Rothesay, on the morning of Thursday, the 9th instant, where Mr. Johnston had been residing for the benefit of his health. Mr. Johnston contested the Ayr Burghs, in 1834, with Lord James Stuart, and was only thirteen below his noble opponent, who owed his seat to the influence of the Argyll family. Ho sat for Kilmarnock since the last general election, having beat Mr. Colquhoun, of Killermont, by a majority of eleven. Mr. Johnston was a consistent and zeal ous Reformer.— Scotch Reformers' Gazette. THE LASH. AT WOOLWlCH.—Yesterday. before seven o'clock, another of those disgusting exhibitions took place at the rear of the Royal Artillery Barracks. The whole of the troops were assembled on the parade, to hear the sen tence of a garrison court-martial read, which had been held upon gunner and driver Bell, of the 7th battalion Royal Ar tillery, for having sold his regimental necessaries, also steal ing other regimental accoutrements belonging to his com rades, and also absenting himself without leave from his quarters for some days, till compelled to return under- charge of an escort—of all which charges he was found guilty, and sentenced to receive 150 lashes, and then to be drummed out of the service. Yesterday t he cul p rit was tied to the tri angles to receive the punishment awarded him, and the scene of horror commenced. After the punishment was over, the culprit was marched off to the Ordnance Hospital ; and when he is well enough to leave it, he will be drummed out of the service. On Wednesday morning, says the Quotidicnne, about half-past eight, a gentleman was passing through the Rue Mazagran, when a man, pale and emaciated, came up to him and said, " I am dying of hunger, I have not eaten anything these two days." The ge n tl eman t oo k out some money, and giving him some, returned the rest into his waist coat pocket. " Give me all," said the man, "'or I plunge my knife in your body." The gentleman, nothing frightened at this, attempted to seize on the fellow, but he took to flight and escaped. 'les Dn t a try ore had ;on' had in that yfr ; r 1 I ..... 1 1