The Sun. — London, England, 1839-07-27 00:00:00

'1 EVEN ING EDITION. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 24. The Lout> CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolack at Five o'CLock. A message from the Commons brought up the Bury Small Debts Court Bill, and some private Bills. bargi DURHAM presented a petition for penny post- age. Also a petition against any grant for religiouis pur poses, except on the principle of equality. VENTILATION. The Earl of WIC ICL6WWished to know if the atten tion of the Noble Lord opposite had been turned to the vemilation of their Lordships' House, upon the same prin ciple which had answered so remarkably well in promoting the comfort of the Members of the House of Commons. There could be no doubt that it was as necessary that the comfort of their Lordships should be attended to in thiS respect as that of the Members of the other House. Lord DUNCANNON said that he had asked Dr. Reid the question, and be had stated that it could be done without Any great difficulty, by the same apparatus, but that ft would be attended with consikrable expense. _Since that he had not spoken to the Dor about it, but if it should be the wish of the House that it should be done, he wgald apply his attkention to it. The Earl of GLE NG AL L moved for copies of corres pondence between the Poor-law Commissioners in Ire land and certain Magistrates respecting the election of Poor-law Guardians; and also copies of correspondence between the Earl of Gengall and - Barry, Esq., and ethers respecting the Poor-laws. He should not enter into a discussoa of the subject at present. He thought the psprs he had moved for would give their Lordships some information on the subject, and he had no doubt that at some distant day a Select Committee would be appointed in reference to it, and in particular in reference to the mode of election of the Poor-law Guardians, Lq,rd W H A RN CLIFFE made some observations in re ference to a Report of the Committee on the affairs of IrelAnd, which were not audible in the gallery. The Noble Lord wished to take the earliest opportunity of correcting a mistake which had been fallen into in re ferance to a petition which he had presented last night upon the subject of the election of Borough Magistrates. He was represented to have said the petition was from Doncaster in Yorkshire, whereas it was from Poole in Dorsetshire. Lord H A T HERTON wished to ask the Noble Lord who bad just spoken, if he was aware of certain papers having been published in a Dublin newspaper called the Evening Mail, and of that paper having published the whole or parts of the drafts that had been submitted to the Committee on Irieh 'affairs, representing them as speaking the opinion of the whole of the Committee. Who it was that bad furnished that newspaper with those documents he did not know, nor should he stop to inquire ; but he was sure the Noble Lord must be per fectly aware that they were not to be taken as speaking the sense of that Committee. Lord WHARNCLIFFE quite agreed with what had fallen from the Noble Lord. Those parts of the docu ments only were to be taken to import the views of the individual who had published them. Lord ELLENBOROUGH believed they were mere abstracts. Lord HATHERTON said that the drafts were ab stracts from the evidence, but that they were by no means considered impartial. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY presented a peti tion from a place in Ireland against any further grant to Maynooth. CRIME IN IRELAND. Lord BROUGHAM wished to present a note which he hold in his hand to the House, of the different pages in the evidence taken before the Committee on Crime in Ire land, to which be meant to refer. It was but a very small portion of the evidence and he moved that the paper be printed. The Earl of WICKLOW hoped that nothing which fell from him would be considered offensive to the Noble and Learned Lord, but he did think that the course the N o ble a nd Lear ne d Lord was about to take in bringing forward this evidence piecemeal would neither be politic as regarded the matter itself, nor just as regarded all parties concerned. He thought that it would not be just as regarded the public, as regarded the Committee, as regarded the House, aad above alftliat it would be perfectly unjust towards the Government. The Noble and Learned Lord bad said that he thought twelve days would be sufficient to consider evidence so voluminous as this. That might be considered sufficient for the Noble and Learned Lord, with his tact, ability, and experience, but it would be by no means sufficient for most of the Noble Lords in that House; even if were sufficient at any other period of the Session, it could not be deemed so just now wherNaeir Lordships' table was daily crowded with Bills from the House of Commons. He therefore sincerely hoped the Noble and Learned Lord would not per severe in bringing forward this matter, as he had stated it was his intention. The Noble and Learned Lord had stated he meant to confine himself to the parts of the evidence which he thought most material, but it was not to be ex pected that other Noble Lords would be so confined: As far as he himself understood the evidence, he believed there were other portions of it more material as concerned the peace and tranquillity of Ireland than the parts the Noble and Learned Lord meant to advert to. There was another reason why this should not be hastened on in the manner proposed. The House of Commons had requested to be furnished with a copy of this Report—it was impos sible to say what view of it that House might take. It was possible that they might think it contained matters so se rious against the Government as that they might feel dis posed to institute legal proceedings, or to found an im peachment upon it. There were four volumes of this evi dence, and at this hour he had only been furnished with two of them. Under all these circumstances, he hoped the Noble and Learned Lord would afford more time for a consideration of the evidence. Earl FIT Z WILLIA M was sorry to differ from his Noble and Learned Friend, but he really felt that the course he was about to take was most seriously objectionable. He did not care about his Noble and Learned Friend making a motion on the subject whenever he pleased, but he did object to his laying on the table, as he now pro posed, a sort of index to what he considered to be the im portant parts of the evidence. He wished to know what there was to prevent every Member of the Committee, or every Member of their Lordships' House, doing the same thing ? The Noble and Learned Lord occasionally pub lished a book, which, he must say, was not only of great importance to his fellow countrymen, but some of them were of great importance to the world at large, and it might be very important to soma of the Noble and Learned Lord's friends that he should turuish them with an index of the particular pages to which be might wish in an especial -manner to direct their attention ; but his Noble and Learned Friend did not, on the present occasion, in refer ence to this Report, stand in the relation of an author to his own book. Lord BROUGHAM would put an end to the dis cussion altogether, by withdrawing the paper and putting it in his pocket.—( Hear, and a laugh.) He hoped there `as nothing informal in handing the paper to the Noble Marquis. Where there was such an immense mass of evidence, he thought it would be advantageous to have some reference like that. He was sorry he could not show the same denree of compliance with the request of th, Noble Lord opposite, but he thought it very advisable that soma ,disteusaion should take place is Are present Session. As there was a charge, or atelier a charge in anticipation, which might turn out to be no change at all, it was but fair that the Governrnent and the 'Noble Marquis should know what they were to come prepared to meet. The evidence had been delivered in the course of the week in such quantities as could be read through, and up to Wednesday last 1,250 pages had been delivered, so that there could be no pretext for saying that ample time had not been given. If the discussion was put off till next Session, he doubted much whether any Noble Lord would open the evidemae sooner than a fortnight before the day fixed for the discussion. He was sorry he could not acquiesce in the proposition of the Noble Lord. The notice now steed for Monday the sth, but he was disposed to pus it off till the following day, Tuesday the 6th, as many of the Noble Lords oho went out of town on Saturday, would perhaps find it inconve nient to attend earlier.—( Hear.) The Earl of WICKLOW objected to the discussion coming on at all, when there was not sufficient time to go through the whole of it. If the subject was once broached in the House, every part of it would be referred to, and they would nut be prepared for thet. He thought such a proceidieg would be a great injustice to the Com mittee, to the House, to the country, and to the Govern ment. Lord BROUGHAM said if he found that the House was in the position the Noble Lord described, after the discussion had been commenced, he would then give a not ce to renew it e early in the next Session. The Marquis at LONDONDERRY thought it was most important that some discussion should take place during the present Session ; and he thought the Noble Marquis (Normanby) himself would be very desirous to have the question brought forward at the earliest moment. The course to be taken by the Noble and Learned Lord was an expedient one ; and he trusted the House would come to s o me resolution either condemnatory of the Noble M.uquis or of his policy. The Marquis of NO R.M.A NB Y was not at all surprised at the Noble Marquis being perfectly ready to denounce him without having read one word cf the evidence, or hear ing a single word he had to say for himself. He thanked the Noble 4nd Learned Lord for the paper he had handed to him, but he beg ge d to state that whenever the discussion came on, he would not feel it his duty to confine himself to the one point. He would take for his text the speech of the Noble Earl who moved for the appointment of the Committee ; and he would feel it his duty to make some observations upon the style of examination pursued by the Cosucnittee respectin g private communications. Lord ELLENBOROUGH l; the Noble Marquis would not travel out of the recCeepled upon O t n li. by l . occasion al luded to. Th question to brought the Noble and Learned Lora was so important as to demand the en tire attention of the House for one night. s the conduct of the Noble Marquis must come discus sionunmdeer parts of ; but many of the complaints were rather t o b e against his legal adv i s ,rs. made Earl FITZ WIL LIAM begged to know whether that eofiversation was regular or not —was there any question before the House ?—( Hear, hear.) The Duke of WELLINGTON said no doubt the Noble and Learned Lord had a perfect right to bring for ward any question he pleased—the notice to their Lord , ships was a mere act of courtesy, but it was f or t h e cons i . , aeration of the Noble jnd Learned Lord whether his course was a proper one or Del. tord,BROUGFIAM had a very great respect for all that fell frlim the Noble Duke, and would certainly re consider the matter, and if he should find that he would pursue the course then proposed, on Thursday at the far thest he would put the House in possession of the merits of hisfiesohition. After a few words from the Earl of RA DNOR, •• Lord BROUGHAM said--Really, My Lords, I feel ail itined that's° intgnificant an individual as myself should be the object of so much interest.—( Laughter.) If there ,w_gre an illustrious stranger in the House he might suppose that I was a person of some great weight and influence, instead of my having generally no more to say to you than— my Noble Friend I; t ne head of the Government.— (Roars of laughter., Lord LYNDHURST—Is the Copyhold Bill to be a Government measure, or not? Lord B R. 0 LTG H AM—Oh, I really don't know. Lord LYNDHURST—The No* Viscount at the head of the Government promised to give me an answer this evening to that question, which I put yesterday, and lit wanted time to consider—probably 24 hours are sufficient? Lord BROUGHAM—Oh no.—(A laugh. ) Viscount MELBOURNE rose, and in an easy laughing manner, said to Lord Brottgham, " You had better ex plain." On which Lord BROUGHAM said, the question was who should father the Bill ?—( Laughter.) Now, the legal maxim was, that the father should be considered he who appeared to be the father.—(Laughter.) But the fact was that this Bill was the child of many fathers, having issued from the Real Property Commissioners. THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. . _ _ The Marquis of SALISBURY presented a petition from the Agent for the Shannon Stone, and requested in formation from the President of the Board of Woods and Forests on the subject. Lord DUNCANNON said that the Government had received a report from Mr. Barry, the Architect of the New Houses of P ar li ament, and, from two stonemasons. stating the impossibility of working the stone with any facility. The Marquis of SALISBURY said the petitioner al leged the stone to be as easy of working as any other. Lord DUNCANNON said he would lay the papers before the House. HILL COOLIES. The Marquis of NORM. AN B Y laid on the table papers relative to the treatment of the Hill Coolies in Demerara. STANNARIES COURTS BILL. On the motion of the Earl of FALMOUTH this Bill was read a third time. TRIAL OF CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. Lord LYNDHURST moved the committal, pro forma, of this Bill, wishing to put it off till Monday, in order not to interfere with the Canada debate.—Agreed to. BIRMINGHAM.—OPINION OF THE LORD CHIEF JUSTICE. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had recently been asked a question relative to the concur rent jurisdiction of the County Magistrates in Boroughs situated like Birmingham. He had begged to postpone his answer, thinking it desirable that he should be enabled to accompany it with such an authority as would remove all doubt on the point. He had written to his Noble and Learned Friend the Chief Justice, now upon the Circuit, in the perfect confidence, from forty years' experience of his Noble and Learned Friend's manly character, that if he saw any error in the opinion he had given, he would be the first to acknowledge it. He had stated to his Noble and Learned Friend the view which he took of it, that he bad come to the conclusion, that the Magistrates of the county bad, in boroughs like Birmingham, concurrent juris diction. His Noble and Learned Friend had written in reply, that on examining the Act his opinion had altered, and that now his judgment coincided with his (the Lord Chancellor's), and that his excuse for having before ex pressed an opinion uncalled for was, his sense of the dan ger of disputed jurisdictions. It was satisfactory that now the question was at rest. Lord BROUGHAM said that his Noble and Learned Friend bad been led astray by not having had his attention called to one of the sections in the very voluminous Act. He entirely concurred in the opinion which his Noble and Learned Friend now expressed. SCOTCH CHURCH. The Marquis of L ANSDO WNE presented a petition from a parish in Ayrshire, praying for some measure to regulate Church patronage in Scotland—not wishing for popular election, but for the prevention of what was called " intrusion." SHERIFFS' EXEMPTIONS BILL. The NOBLE MARQUIS having laid upon the table pa pers containing statistical information, moved the committal of this Bill, and introduced certain amendments, one, including in the exceptions, militia officers actually on service before the close of the war in 1815. THE IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT ACT AMENDMENT BILL. On the House resuming this Bill was reported. CANADA GOVERNMENT BILL. The Marquis of NO RMANB Y then rose, to move the committal of this Bill. In doing so he said he was anxious to confine himself as much as possible to the object of the Bill, not only because convinced of the importance of the Bill itself, but because he felt that he should only be discharging half his duty, in merely endeavouring to induce their Lordships to agree to the Bill, if he did not at the same time endeavour to have it passed with as much of unanimity as possible. He should try to avoid in what he had to say references to by gone differences; nor did he feel it necessary to detail future plans for the permanent government of the Colony. But at the same time, their Lordships might expect that before he sat down he should say a few words as to the intentions of her Majesty's Government, and particularly after the Royal message, that he should give the reasons why those intentions had changed. He again repeated his conviction, that this measure was of vital importance. The disadvantages felt under the suspension of the re gular government of Canada, however odious it might be, had not arisen merely from the unconstitutional character of that Government, but also from its inefficiency, if not for the objects originally contemplated, for those which had in the progress of time, naturally arisen. The suspension of a Constitution would be felt by their Lordships, as by himself, an evil of great magnitude. It was one which could only be justified by the extraordinary circum stances of a case, in which popular opinion had been found inconsistent with public safety—a state of things which no doubt partly arose from a diseased condition of the public mind, owing sometimes to temporary excitement, at other times from a malformation in the elements of so ciety—evils receiving, in the present case, additional ag gravation from the difference of races. It was to be trusted, however, that their Lordships would not allow the odium of a suspension of constitutional government to incline them to make the temporary Government ineffi cient for good, from an apprehension of the probability, or the possibility, of its being in certain cases powerful for evil. The Bill was brought in last year under peculiar circumstances—after the suppression of one insurrection, and in the expectation of another. It was then the object of the Legislature to form some body which should, in such an emergency, act in conjunction with the Governor. But the powers confided by that Bill were made, as far as possible, weak in their exercise, and limited in the range of their operations. The number of the Special Council was to be limited to five ; the duration of the Acts passed, to November, 1842. There was no power to levy taxes, or even rates, of a local nature, and no Acts were to be passed inconsistent with any British Act. Now in the operation of that Act great practical inconvenience had been felt, especially in the absence of an efficient power of legislation for general interests, which in many ways must necessarily prove injurious to the colony. The Act certainly had been introduced only for a temporary purpose, and it had been deemed desirable to effect certain changes, calculated to create more confidence in the Spe cial Counsel. First it was proposed that the Members of the Special Council should be increased to twenty, eleven to be a quorum. Next, that a more permanent character should be given to their acts. Sir J. Colborne had pointed out a great variety of Ojeetts of social improvement, local benefits, and police regulations, for which it was very desirable to provide means of legislation. One point was, the vesting the Council with the power of raising loans, for such improvements, which had been recommended by the Noble Earl ( Durham). These alterations it was hoped would render the Council more satisfactory in the pro vince. It was unnecessary foe him to allude more parti cularly to the subjects to which this measure applied. There were two in particular which showed the importance of a better and more permanent legislation in Canada. One was that of the abolition of the local tenure of Montreal—a point of the utmost importance, and to which ho believed almost all were ready to ac cede ; and the only difficulty, that had existed in reference to it was, that any enactment of the Special Council on the subject would be limited to three years. The next was that of the Registration, which had occu pied the attention of the Assembly of Lower Canada for some years, and to the principle of which there would be no objection. It could not fail to be felt as a great evil that the tenure of land should be affected by a title of Re gistration that might only last for three years. There was one provision here, however, which could not fail to render the enactment less objectionable, and that was, that no law should be permanent unless laid before both Houses of Parliament. As to the next provision—the power of tax. ation—he felt as much as any one the great evil that would be l.kely to arise from the establ;sbment of a power of ge neral taxation for general purposes, but the restriction now placed on the Local Legislature extended to the levying of tolls, raising loans for local purposes, the establishment of schools, and so on. It had been said that these pur poses might be arranged for by an application of money from the general funds of the Colony, but he was sorry to say that the present state of the finance of Lower Canada was very far from offering a hope that that would be practicable. The inhabitants were desirous of having this power, and if it were not grante'a and the country should be left for another twelve months without the passing of a measure to afford some relief, the interests of the country might become permanently affected in a very serious man ner. The revenues had fallen ever since 1833, and the balance in hand on the Ist of Jan. 1838, was only 5,3811. There was another alteration proposed, and that related to the qualification introduced by this Act by way of restric tion of the power of the Special Council to interfere in any respect with any British statute introduced into the Colony. .He spoke with considerable difficulty on this part, as he was not present last year when the discussion took place on this. He however believed the original intention was not exactly understood. It was construed in the cola nies to mean an interdiction on the part of those in the colonies to interfere with the criminal code of the country. It was supposed that the Special Council had not the power to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act. It was so construed by two of the Learned Judges, and who (as we understood the Noble Marquis, who spoke on this occa sion in a manner in which it was certainly extremely diffi. cult to understand) the Governor had suspended from their functions. However no measure was to be permanent of the Special Council until it had been laid before Pulls.. ment. Lord LYNDHURST said the Bill did not require that any measure was to be laid before Parliament. Par 'lament was to hrve nothing to do with it. Tha Marquis of NORMANBY said that the Bill enacted that any measure to be passed should require, to be permanent, to have her Majesty's sanction, and that nothing altering the law affecting the tenure of land should have effect until it was confirmed by Parliament. He should now say a few words upon the intention of her Ma jesty's Ministers, in proposing a measure of a more per manent nature, and he should take this up from the com mencement of the present Session, when he became per sonally connected with these matters. At the commence ment of the Session his Noble Friend ( Earl. Durham) laid on the table his Report. That Report was a most able production. It pointed out many of the evils that his Noble Friend found to exist there, and presented to their ET)rdshiptsmany novel recommendations.: He could not but express his opinion that it was a Report that ‘abounded in merit; and it required the serious consideration of her Majesty's Government. There was, however, one theory of his Noble Friend which he could not concur in ; and , that was as regarded_ a responsible Government. thought it was impossible that en' popular Government should be coestrutted pi - 4eflY 'unless the executive 90.. vernitent 9liotilu be brought as much as possible into harmony with the legislative body of a popular character, whenever it should be established. He could net, with his Noble Colleagues, hit upon any principle upon which he could apply the theory of his Noble Friend. As to how a permanent Government could be adopted in Lower Ca nada there seemed to be but three modes, two of which were decidedly objectionable. The other was that of a union of Lower with Upper Canada. They were, how ever, not in possession of the means of giving effect to that immediately. It was expected they would have been in that situation, but subsequent Information from Upper Ca nada showed that an agreement to that would have to have been coupled with such conditions as would have deprived the union of that fair character, without which it would not have been desirable to make it.--( Hear, hear.) However, as his Noble Friend was about to propose a mea sure, a despatch from Upper Canada arrived, bringing in. telligence to the effect that the resolutions of the House of Assembly and other indications showed that the public was in a very excited state, very little calculated to insure proper consideration for such a subject. Sir G. Arthur stated also that the excitement pervaded not only the Legisla tive body, but all the inhabitants of the province. True, many persons had thought that the present Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada did not strictly represent the public feeling. Still, as long as they were a constituted authority, they (the Ministers) thought they were entitled to defer so far to them as not to continue to press their proposed measure in Parliament, while it was not certain that the measure was sure of decided support; and while they were not in possession of that information from the colony which would justify them in enforcing their views. The Government had been taunted on this subject ; it had been said, but more in joke than in earnest he was certain, that it was not not the intention of Government to legislate for that country until the year 1842, But such never was the intention of the Government. But the Government thought if the Act passed this year there were many de tails requiring local consideration, for which there ought to be an interval allowed —and there should be also allowed an interval to permit Lower Canada to acquire that social condition that would render more easy her amalgamation with Upper Canada. Many persons who did not understand these circumstances were continually cry ing out, " Settle the question." Those parties again dif fered from each other in the measures they would propose. Some would restore the original Assembly of Lower Ca nada ; others were for annexing the Island of Montreal to Upper Canada ; others would substitute a representative form of Government, which, however, would be no bona fide representation ; others again would strictly recognise the form set forth in the resolutions of the Government. It was evident that amidst such a conflict of opinions nothing satisfactory could be done, and in the mean time the Go vernment wanted accurate information from Upper Ca nada. The Government thought it better, therefore, to postpone their plan of union for more favourable times. Having laid aside, for the present, the permanent scheme, be hoped their Lordships would amend the provisions of this Bill for correcting the deficiencies of the former Act, and for promoting industry, protecting property, and encou. raging and maintaining order in the colony. He (the Noble Marquis) now trusted he had said enough to satisfy their Lordships why the Government had postponed one mea sure and introduced another. He trusted they would give the present Bill their favourable consideration. That would not prevent the speedy consideration of a perma nent settlement, for, as their Lordships would see by the limited period for which the measure was framed, they must propose another Bill early next Session. The object now was, as he had said before, to establish Lower Canada in that safe and protected social state in which property, industry, and order should be secured, and the people made fit to participate in the advantages of a restored Constitution. Lord BROUGHAM said, that although in the various discussions which had already taken place on this Bill he had at some extent expressed his views, he must once more endeavour to explain his sentiments to their Lordships. But now they were in a very different situation from that in which they were last Session, and there would not be the slightest inconsistency in the conduct of the House or of individual Members, if those who differed from him last year should now adopt those views of the principal clauses of the Bill to which, after mature consideration, he had come himself. According to the statement of the Noble Marquis the subject divided itself into two branches—the conduct of the Government, and the manner in which the Ministers had dealt with this great question from the be ginning of the Session until the present hour ; and next. that particular measure which was the only result—the only fruits—of the long continued deliberations which they must have devoted to the subject. He (Lord Brougham) deemed it absolutely necessary to advert to those two heads also, because the Noble Marquis had spent no little time in stating the grounds on which he thought he could defend his conduct, but also because he thought the Ministers of the Crown had not done their duty respect. ing this question to the Crown itself, to the province, to the country, to the Parliament.—(Cheers.) Therefore before he (Lord Brougham) came to the measure itself, he thought it his duty to lay before their Lordships what he took to be a grave charge against the Government, for tho manner in which they had dealt with this most important question. He (Lord B.) indeed could not wonder that the Noble Marquis had made a remarkably temperate speech—that he had been most solicitous to avoid all un pleasant retrospects—(Laughter) —to shun all controver sial topics—(Laughter)—that he was most anxious to evade and eschew anything that was like to be made a charge, until he could at least see that, by a recrimination, would work out a defence of those who were now on their trial. No wonder, indeed, that the Noble Marquis was most de sirous to avoid a retrospect, when that retrospect was to speculate on their own conduct.--(Hear, and laughter.) Therefore, though he prized the speech of the Noble Mar quis for being temperate and calm, he could not also give him the praise of disinterestedness of motives.--( Hear. ) He (Lord Brougham) would also, if he could, avoid a retrospect, and would confine himself to the measure be fore their Lordships, and God knew that would be more than enough to engage his attention, seeing it was a mea sure that, if it were to pass—though he would prophesy it would not—would require a great deal of time from him to express the multitude of arguments and feelings that in his mind bore against it. But he must refer to the order of time to show how the province, the country, the Par liament bad been treated by the Ministers on this ques tion, and if the Noble Marquis could defend his conduct, and if his colleagues could defend their conduct, he was a more able man, and they were more lucky men, than he (Lord B.) took them to be. The last Session of Parlia ment was signalised by two great features. Those were the absolute failure of all the motions he (Lord B.) had submitted to the House for obtaining the interposition of the Mother Country in behalf of the emancipated slaves in the West, and of our fellow-countrymen in the East, the Hill Coolies, who were dragged from one hemisphere to another to toil out their existence in hopeless slavery, to the disgrace of the people of the West. But all inter position was refused. The pestilential slave traffic in the Hill Coolies was suffered to go on in the manner which his Noble Friend had given uncontradicted samples of the other night. But Parliament had refused to interpose or to stretch out a saving hand. This was one great feature of the last Session. The next great feature was the uni form favour--the alacrity even anticipating the request - with which their Lordships had acted when their assistance was asked with respect to Canada. When Parliament was asked to suspend the Constitution of Canada, to stop the Representative Parliament, to annul the representation, against the unanimous desire of the people of the province —for they desired to avoid a dictatorship, and t 3 have a Government on a parallel with ours, founded on King, Lords, and Commons—the demand was granted at once.—( Hear, hear, hear.) But perhaps their Lordships and the other House thought they were bound by the absolute necessity of the case to agree that a Constitutional Government should be superseded by an absolute one. Upon this view of the case, out of the in ferences that were deducible from it, upon the grounds upon which their conduct rested, he thought their Lord. ships were bound to look with a most watchful and scru. tiniziag eye upon the acts of those Governments who were entrusted with such large powers. Further, it was the duty of a Constitutional Government not to lose a moment in resuming a Constitutional Government the very day after —nab - the very minute after the necessity should have subsided," which alone was the justification" of that ex traordinary measure. Accordingly, when Government met Parliament in February, alive to this duty, the Go vernment took care that in the speech from the Throne to the Parliament, Parliament should be called upon to direct its immediate attention and forthwith exercise its wisdom in the consideration of this important question. Several months have passed. The Noble Mar quis admitted it was not until the month of June that news had arrived from Canada to in terrupt the course of those measures which they were undoubtedly preparing for that province. The Noble Marquis dated from the month of June. That was one reason why he (Lord B.) bad told their Lord ships that he should contrast duties with their conduct, in order to substantiate his charge. The Noble Marquis stated that it was not until June that any intelligence had crossed the Atlantic to alter, interrupt, or modify their proceedings in regard to Canada. But what became of February ? Had March fallen out of the annals ? Had April ceased to hold its wonted place in the calendar? Did May no longer appear in the history of the Session ? February, March, April, and May were all suffered to elapse before the Noble Marquis could ventur e u p on a vestige of an excuse for the inaction of the Government, or an explanation for their delay in allowing four months to elapse before they took a single step to redeem the pledge which they virtually gave, when Government, through the mouth of the Queen, required Parliament t o di rect their most serious attention to this question ; and they had obtained a promise to that effect in the address which Parliament had sent to the Throne in answer to that Royal speech.—( Hear, hear.) But this was not all. On the 3d of May a message from the Crown requested Parlia ment to direct its attention to the subject without further delay. Then, indeed, it was to be supposed that Govern ment had some measure in contemplation. If that was not the case, he had never read in the history of vacilla tion and imbecility of such a thing as a Government having made the Crown send a message to Parliament. having no measure to follow up the message with. —( Hear, hear, hear.) H a d not t h e G overnmen t con sider e d Can a dian ati . dirs in the months of October, November, December, and January. Why, Canadian affairs were then the sub. ject of general discussion. His Noble Friend the Governor- General (Lord Durham) arrived and laid before the Government and. the Pqrliament and the country, a Report displaying great ability, great resources, and deep skill, and exemplary assiduity. This Report was certainly what the lawyers would call a notice. And he was sore there was not a Minister nor an under Minister of the Ca binet, who had not almost by heart every paragraph in the ample report of his Noble Friend. • Yet February, March, April, and May, passed away. But when the Message from. the .0 rchitokarri n d. on tkt,e,mAy. ;.would have thought that before many days, out of respea THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 27, 1839. to the Crown and respect to the Houk and the coun- ' try, the Government would hate called upon the flouse to discuss some measure in pursuance of that special notification. That House was just left to state and look, iapant; without anything before its eyes to fill up the blank, except the recollection that they had received a message from the Crown, and had returned an address expressing their readiness to act upon both, but that the Minister of the Crown would not suffer them to act on either. There ought to have been a correlative proceeding. A message went to the other House, but no notice whatever was taken of that message.—( Hear, hear.) Ho (Lord B.) was not very great observer of etiquette—of any sort of eti quette—( Laughter)—particulary of etiquette between the Parliament and the Crown, though he did not think that immaterial; but, without being any very great " doctor" upon these matters, he could not help thinking it was somewhat strange that this was the first time in Parliamentary history in which a message had been sent by the Crown to Parliament, and no notice whatever had been tai, en of that message from the time it was delivered at the Bar up to the present time. ( Hear, hear.) What had been the course adopted. Down came, first one Bill then another. No sooner had both come down than it was said, one was to be pressed and the other not—then one was to be put off for a year and was ant to be brought on till some future—it was hard to say what--Session. Well, it was against these circumstances, and against these facts, and against these dates, and against some other dates which he had not quoted, that the No ale Marquis had directed his explanatory vindication. After a certain measure had been proposed to the other House, it was read there, but very unexpectedly came over from the Colony intelligence which showed that the Colony of Upper Canada did not approve of the measure, and therefore it would not be proper to press it that year. Upon hearing that a multitude of reflections, some in point of principle, others in point of fact, and all more or less in point of consistency, crowded on the mind, and bowildered it. First of all, that the Legislature of the mother country should be called upon to adopt a principle of staying its legislative course, was a somewhat startling proposition at any time. But next, that in this particular year, 1839, being the year after 1838—(a laugh)—when the Canada Bill was passed in the face of the unanimous wishe and desires and strongest passions of the people of Lower Canada—that in such a year they should hold their hand, because a vote had been passed by one province, when last year they had abolished the Constitution of the other provinces, was a still more startling pro position. But that the Colonial Legislature, differing with the British Government on Colonial policy should be able to stay all these proceedings which the Imperial Legislature and the Government was pledged to un dertake and carry through in every way was so utterly unintel ligible, that unless it was meant to be said that what was sense in a province, or a main land, was not sense in an island, unless that was meant to be the distinction, it was to him utterly and hopelessly incomprehensible.—( Hear, hear.) But, moreover, why had they stopped legislation for Canada—why had they stopped the confusion, as some termed it, the union as others called it of the Upper and Lower Provinces? Why was net the Lower Province to be consulted as well as the Upper? The Lower Province was much more important than the Upper—it was more populous, more wealthy, and more popular, and yet not a moment's attention was bestowed on the wishes and desires, and the excited feelings of the people of Lower Canada. It was for the purpose of coercing Lower Canada, and over whelming the French Canadians in Lower Canada by the influx of British from the upper province that the union was formed. Lower Canada was never to be consulted at all, its wishes were to be disregarded, and its reasons neglected, but the instant a narrow majority of the upper, the smaller province protested, that was said to be a sufficient reason for stopping short in that cause of legislation which they had been so solemnly and so repeatedly pledged to pursue. That was the sum and substance of the defence of the Government. But sometimes from the ruder and rougher individuals (continued the Noble Lord) who carry on the concerns of nations—sometimes in a small parenthesis, and in an under tone—they drop out phrases which possibly I only put it as a +possibility which peradventure throw more light upon the whole conduct of the party than all the elaborate reasons, than all the prolix state ments which have been formally put forth in explanation of measures in question. " There were other circumstances," said the Noble Marquis, " just about that time, which made it expedient not further to press the measure."—(Cheers and laughter.) I believe there were.—(Continued laughter. ) There is no part of that statement on which I throw any dis credit. I verily do believe there were " other circumstances." —( Hear, hear, hear, and laughter.) Just guess what they were. We were desired to direct our attention to one parti cular point. What think you of withdrawing the confidence of one House of Parliament from a Govern ment that never had the confidence of the other ?—( Cheers. ) What if it were withdrawn on a particular quest io n relating to colonial affairs—relating to the interposition of the and it mother coun try?—(Hear hear.) What if it had just so happened u th o a t t Jamaica ex t p hedieenttorisk Billthe losshad of thbeeencanladosa Bill, whi c h was t , very likely to follow ?—(Hear, hear.) Well, it appears there was great consultation, and great consternation, just about the very time of the arrival of the news from Upper Canada; and when the news from Upper Canada came the light dawned, the clouds dispersed, the heavens opened, every hope was cheered. —( Great laughter.) " Now, said they, "we have a ground for doing what we have for the last two or three days, so anxiously desired—now we have an excuse for putting off the Canadian Bill—do not let us have another Jamaica Bill, for we have had enough of Colonial Bills for one year."(—Great laughter.") That does appear to be the grossest inconsistency one can imagine—that they should be driven from one measure because the Upper Canada Legislature did not agree to it, when they had, because of the disagree ment of the Lower Canada Legislature, carried through as well as they could a measure of coercion for the Assembly of Jamaica. What is the plain English of all this ? Govern ment calls on Parliament to help them to put off the evil day of another conflict upon the legislation of the mother country on colonial concerns, by allowing the Bill to go over another Session, and in the meantime aggravating the unconstitutional measure, extending the despotic proceeding, enlarging the Ministers' powers, which last Session they obtained from Par liament, before they had pledged themselves to bring in any general and permanent measure. But how long is this to last ? For what consummation of future events are we to wait before that can be done which, on February the sth they told Parlia ment to attend to, and virtually pledged themselves to help Parliament to do ; and which, on May the 30th, they had, after three or four months' consideration of the whole question, made up their minds upon and re solved to do what is the consummation of events now in the womb of futurity, for which we are called on to wait, before we can ultimately be enabled, we to redeem our pledge and the Government to do their duty, according to the speech from the Throne ? Anything that is likely to happen in Canada during the summer ? Any change the. Noble Mar quis can fancy will take place before the meeting of Parliament next spring? If there was any hope of that kind held out—if there was any probability in the nature of the case of any change of circumstances, or any specific event happening to alter the present state of things out of which he says their difficulty, real or fictitious, now arises, I could listen to it and understand it. But there is nothing of the kind. We are de sired to wait till events, the most distant and uncertain that man's imagination can conceive, can take place. —(Hear, hear.) We are called upon to wait until capital flowing into the province—social improvement taking place— education and preaching performing their office—until the society of the two colonies shall be so improved —until such progress shall be made therein, that men's minds shall be changed, and the progress of public opinion will be such, and the soothing effects of events—no of time—( Hear, hear hear)—until the soothing effect produced by a long lapse of time shall have enabled you to hope for a better understanding with the Province of Upper Canada !—(Hear, hear,l hear.) That's the budget of hopes, expectations, and improvements, which the Noble Marquis has opened to-night—(Loud laughter)--and on the faith and credit of which he calls on us to approve of the conduct he has explained, and has so defended. I therefore, my Lords, am clearly of opinion the Government has abandoned its duty on the Canadian affairs—that it has not redeemed the virtual pledge given in the speech from the Throne—that it has not redeemed the specific pledge given in the Royal Message—that it has not brought forward the measure which it had framed and adopted on the 3d of May. when that message came down, and that it has been guilty of all those laches, all this neglect, all this derilection of duty, all this abandonment of its office as a Government (for that's the fact—it is no Government) — (Cheers) —it is no Government that acts so—it has no right to be called a Government that acts so—it may have the emolu ments, the patronage , the outside show, but the substance of a Government it has not.—(Loud cheers.) It has not the title to a Government —it has committed all these abdications (1 call them no less) —all these abdications it has committed, be cause after the fate of the Jaimaica Bill, and the Bed-chamber intrigue which restored the confidence of the country and re stored the confidence of both Houses of Parliament—( Great laughter)--and enabled them to continue attempting governing the country—because after all that it failed, and was convinced it dare not go on with this Canada Bill, and that if it had gone on with it another vote of the Commons would have led to an other resignation.—(Cheers.) That is the plain English of the matter—that is the e xplanation—that is the meaning of the little parenthesis—(Laughter)—and whether it betters the case of the Government or its defence, I leave respectfully, but confidently, to your Lordships to decide.—( Hear.) Having dealt with the second part of this question, I come now to deal with that which is more important, though not unconnected with the first part, because if a Government shows pie that an unconstitutional measure is necessary, or that an extension of large or unconstitutional power entrusted to its hands is neces sary to be continued, and necessary to be given—continuing the powers andincreasing them—that would justify my vo!e on the second part of the case, in favour of the present motion ; but if 1 do not believe a word of the necessity, but that the neces sity stated is not anything more than a pretext—if Ido not be lieve that anything expected in Canada will tend to improve Canada in its social state, taking that in connection with the gross dereliction of duty on the part of the Government, and their bringing in this arbitary measure , then I call on the Go vernment to do their duty at last to the province.—(Hear.) The first clause was exceedingly proper, it threw out the mea sure of last Session. It appointed a Council of twenty instead of a Council of five. The Noble Marquis, however, was in error in supposing that the former Bill limited the Council to five. By that Bill the Governor had a power of appointing a Council of twenty or of fifty. The proposed measure, there fore, did not enlarge the powers of the Governor, it merely fixed the minimum at twenty instead of at five, or more strictly speaking, it fixed the minimum at eleven, because although twenty must be appointed, eleven only need attend to act. But now came his objection to the Bill—the second clause. He did not believe that even the proposers of; this measure them selves were fully aware of the extent of this provision, or un derstood it accurately, because the argument of the Noble Marquis would be satisfied by a measure entirely differing from this second clause, an amendment to which he now gave no tice he should propose in the Committee.—( Hear, hear, hear. ) What did this clause propose ? By the former . mea sure, under the provisions of which his Noble Friend had assumed the Government of Canada, the Governor and Council were only empowered to make laws which should end with their own existence. These laws could not possibly con tinue in force beyond the Ist November, 1842, unless they were re-enacted by the constituted authorities, they could endure for no longer a period than the period of the dictatorship. Ile used the word dictatorship without any meaning of disre spect for his Noble Friend ; because he felt assured that if there existed one man who could more safely than another be entrusted with dictatorial powers. it was his Noble Friend, on account of his honour and integrity, and his known attach ment to the principles of civil liberty ; but he made use of the w ird merely for shortnesss. It was most properly 'considered that the laws enacted by a dictatorial power should last no longer than the power itself lasted to which they owed. their being. The dictatorial power would expire in 1840. In order to pre vent confusion, s ant w l h t i o eh giv tey ehtli m i g ht deem requisite, these e.constituted authorities time to enact laws were permitted t o exist for: two years - longer but in the year 1842, all these l a ws thus enacted by the dictatorial authority must of ne cess it y ex pire, except they were re.enacted by the constituted authorities. But this Bill gave the Gover nor,avho was nominated by the Crown—removable at , the;plea sure of the Crown —bound by 'the authority of the Crown— with the advice and assistance of any eleven persons as his council, ,y v y l a lucre . againated by..the...Crown.— power-to: make : laws fur this'colony which were to last for ever. But it was said they were not to last forever -the Legislature of the colony or of f the mother country possesseeihe power of repealing them.— ' ( Hear, hear.) He replied they had—but to ensure this repeal it was necessary to obtain the consent of the Crown—and he stud this viat behalf , of the people, who might be aggrieved or oppressed i3y any stets of the Crown ; it was necessary to procure th e consen t o f th e Legislative Council, and he said this on behalf of the Crown and the people, who might feel themselves aggrieved or oppressed by any laws giving an un d ue prepon d erance to this the aristo cratical branch of the Legislature ; it was necessary to ob tain the consent of the p o p u l ar A ssem bly, and as he said a small word on behalf of the people just now, when he alluded to the possibility of their being oppressed or aggrieved by the Crown, so now he said this on behalf of the Crown and of the persons of property forming the aristocracy of the colony, it such a thing as an aristocracy could be said to exist there, who might feel themselves aggrieved and oppressed by a turbulent or anarchical democracy. Suppose any question had passed the Governor and Council which pressed sorely upon the subject— suppose a law were passed giving the absolute power of life and death to the Crown—making the Judges dependent, giving the Crown the absolute power of punishing, coercing, imprisoning. or putting to dbath without form of tr'al. As the law at pre sent stood that power would expire in 1842—it could not be extended beyond—but as the Bill at present stood, unless the Crown consented to the repeal, as well as the two branches of the Legislature, the power remained for ever. So that if the Crown had grappled absolute power during the three years it could retain it as long as it chose. But suppose the Gover nor were to 'choose to enact an ordinance establishing Universal Suffrage—Vote by Ballot—Annual Parliaments, under the existing law such a regulation wonld expire in 1842. He knew it had been said that such an Act could not pass on account of the provisions of the Canada Act, but he entertained considerable doubts on that subject, and surely their Lordships would not legislate on a subject of such vast importance, when grave doubts could be shown to exist as to the construction of that Act. His first ground of doubt was that only words of limitation were contained in the clause, which was not a clause of proviso. The words were, that the Provincial Legisla ture should not have the power of doing any thing repugnant to that Act. It did net say repugnant to any enactments of that Act, or inconsistent with that Act. Now, that provision would be abundantly satisfied by any measure that did not go to make any alteration in the Legislature—such as making laws without the intervention of the Assembly, or making laws by means of their Assemblies. This would leave an enormous margin within which the Governor and Council would have the power of legislating with respect to the Con- I stitution of the Canadian people. Besides, there was a sec tion in the Act recognising Acts made by the Canadian Le gislature, in the teeth of the provisions of the Act itself. It says they must be laid for thirty days before both Houses of Parliament. It might therefore be very reasonably contended that this Act was never intended to bear the construction now attempted to be put upon it ; and as the Governor was not restrained from performing all acts that might be performed by the Canadian Legislature, and as he could only be restrained from performing the acts to which he had alluded, on the ground that the Canadian Legislature was restrained from doing so by the Act alluded to, he claimed from their Lordships not to give this power unless they were prepared to sanction the establishment of any system of power, be it either an un controlled despotism or an unrestrained democracy. He would now suppose some instances of the manner in which this power might be exercised. Many might entertain doubts as to the propriety of his construction of this Statute—many might even entertain no doubt whatever, but might unhesi tatingly come to a decision against him. He would, for the sake of argument, suppose he was wrong. What was there in the clause to prevent the Governor and Council, in the exercise of the legislative authority, making a law, that there should be no appeal in a case in which the matter in dispute should be under the value of 10,0001. All appellate jurisdiction might be at,once destroyed. Again, the right of voting at pre. sent resided in persons possessing freeholds of the value of 40s. Assuming the Governor had not the power by the Canada Act of altering this qualification to Is. There was nothing to pre vent his altering currency in such a manner as to make one penny of real value, of the nominal value of 405., and thus give a vote to every man possessing one single pennyworth of land in the colony. 'There was nothing said as to the method of taking votes. He now came to a subject which he imagined would affect their Lordships—the subject of the Ballot. There was nothing said in the Canada Act as to hOw the votes were to be taken. It provided that the Assembly should meet once in four years, but there was nothing said against Parliaments meeting once a year—there was nothing against Annual Parliaments. Would that be to their Lordships' taste ? (A laugh. ) There was nothing to prevent it, and if once established, it could only be abolished by the consent of that Parliament which it called into existence. There was nothing about the method of taking votes. What would their Lordships say at finding the Ballot introduced—(Cheers)—when they found the Ballot had been made an open question by the Ministers of the Crown—by a Cabinet which professed to repudiate the Ballot—(Cheers)—and which, seeking to reject it altogether, lent it on that account the full s upp or t o f it s own v e nera bl e authority—modestly supposing that the more energetically it was supported by them, the more certainly would it become the rejected of all the rest of mankind.—(Cheers and laughter. ) But suppose a Member for Manchester —a future Chancellor of the Exchequer—should be waited on by some of his constitu ency, who should say to him—" It is certainly an improvement, you having made the Ballot an open question, it has secured some few votes, but you must do something more—give us the Ballot in Canada, that will make up for your having made it an open question in this country, and by giving it your support retarded it." Or suppose, throwing aside all these pretences, the Government in a straight-forward and manly manner should say "We have made the Ballot an open question because we approve of it, at least we think it will please our supporters, and secure us a few more votes ; with that view we have lent our aid, very feeble it is true—as a set off against our feebleness in its support in England, let us go further in Canada— Fiat experimentum incorpore let us see how it works in that country." (Cheers. ) If the Ballot were once established there it could never be repealed, for the Assembly, called into existence by the Ballet, would never repeal it ; and having once been made an open question in this country, depend upon it you would never get a majority, however narrow, of the House of Commons, to consent to the repeal of the Ballot when it should once be enacted in Canada. He beseeched their Lordships not to give to any men the power of inflicting upon the people of Canada, by their dictatorial laws, either the horrors of unmitigated despotism, or such wild anarchy and confusion, as must be painful to all levers of peace and good order to contemplate. Even the wild and savage Romans—the people of all antiquity, who understood and va lued liberty the least, although the word was always on their lips,_ and who resigned the small portion of it which they en joyed almost without a struggle, even they, ignorant and careless as they were on the subject, when they chose a dictator, never entrusted him with legislative functions—he was entrusted with the power of the sword—which was sheathed imme diately the law wrested it from his hands, all the acts of his dictatorship expired with the power which gave them birth and were sunk for ever in oblivion.—( Cheers.) But in a country which understood the principles of liberty in as great a degree as the ancient Romans were ignorant of them—(Cheers) — which loved liberty to the full as much as the Romans were indifferent to it—(Cheers)—under the British Constitution, the model to which all nations looked up with admiration and which all were ambitious of imitating, it was proposed to institute a new and monstrous species of dictatorship, un known even to the savage Romans, the effects of which should be perpetuated even after itself should have passed away, and the condition of its existing, the necessity by which it was called into being, should have ceased. Nothing but a ne cessity the most imperious could have justified the creation of such a dictatorship—a necessity that could not be argued with, and which to hear was to obey ; but when that necessity ceased—when the condition of its existence was at an end—it should cease and be at an end also. To whom could he look for refuge? To those who had always been loudest and most en thusiastic in their aspirations for the cause of freedom—to those who were supposed to be desirous of power only the more effectually to serve the cause of liberty—to that party which had been described by an eminent female writer as those who loved liberty and tolerated kings, while their adversaries the Tories loved kingly power and tolerated the Constitution? Was it to them, the friends of the Constitution, who had rea soned for months about abdication—a word, by the bye, which seemed well understood now-a-days—(Laughter) —was it to them he was to flee for refuge from the "pelting of the pitiless storm" against the Constitution, which now raged and threat ened ? He found they were the authors of the tempest, that they had unchained the blast.—( Hear.) Where then did he fly for refuge ? To their Lordships.—(Cheers.) The case was before them—it was their's to decide. To their calm and deliberate judgment he appealed, and he knew that he should not appeal in vain, against what he held to be a departure from all principle, an inroad upon all freedom, the destruction of all constitutional rights, compared with which the original measure itself was merciful and constitutional.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But he must not pass entirely over the reason given for this measure. What was it ? That whereas improvements in public works required the raising of moneys, these monies could not be raised but by loan, on better securi ties than temporary Acts. Well, he had framed his attention accordingly, confining its operation to the particular exigencies stated by the Noble Marquis to be necessary. Let the loans be raised, and on permanent securities, and let the Constitution in other respects stand : and to make this quite easy, he had copied the very words in a following section of the Act itself, where the power of taxation was limited to particular purposes. He must say one word: he ought, though, to apologize to their Lordships for the length at which he had addressed them— (Cheers)—but he wished to say one word' on the power of taxation. This was the second time and only the second time, in which this power had been required. All the arguments which had been used against the Canada resolutions in 1837, and afterwards in a protest which other Noble Lords had signed with him—would apply with additional force to the clause in the present Act.—( Hear.) But if it were considered necessary to allow money to be raised for specific purposes, and none others, all he entreated of their Lordships was to apply the same restriction to the powers of the second clause as to the powers of legislation not extending beyond 1842. He was against giving the power of taxation at all; rather than allow such a departure from the principle of the Act of 1778 he would that the money were lent by England, till the Go vernment of Canada was remodelled. One remark, and only one remark more. The Noble Marquis had said that there were three modes of dealing with the question—that, too, hav ing been universally condemned, there remained but the• one, which had been submitted to Parliament, that one was, to re store the Canadian Constitution immediately ; the second, to proceed with a Bill for remoulding the Constitution on a basis recommended in the Royal message, the union of the two provinces. The third, the present Bill. Was it not time to inquire, when they saw the difficulty they had got into,—whether the necessity continued to exist which was the pretext for subverting the Constitu tion? He was told it was clear that the necessity continued. But every thing had been quiet in Canada for some months. Still it was said the necessity remained, because the majority of the inhabitantswereagainst the Government. That, in truth, was the difficulty of their position. Now, he wascheered last night, by the Queen's Ministers, when he had said to his Noble and Learned Friend opposite, that the disproportion of Catholics and Protes. tants was the difficulty which his Noble and Learned Friend . had to grapple with in Ireland, and that it was to the necessity of the case he must submit. But if the argument was gOod for Ireland it was good for Canada. Why should the conduct and the polio; of the Government in Ireland be a contrast to their conduct and policy in North America ? .They never could hope to have an English majority in Lower Canada; they could hardly hope for such a majority even in a union of the Provinces ; and the difficulty and embarrassment now felt on this account would be equally felt in 1842. His advi e was, restore the Constitution making what changes were upon delib er ati on found expedient. Let it not be suspended an hour beyond the time required by the necessity of the case. But if their Lordships must pass this measure, to enable the Govern ment to abandon its 4uty to the province of Canada, by re lieving them from the task of bringing in a proper and final measure ; pass it in such a shape as lie had - attempted to de scribe, and by which .they would gain net only the gratitude but the admiration, and he would. say the veneration, of all their fellow-countrymen who had any - regard for the rights of the people, for the privileges of the- Crown, and the prin ciples of the Constitution of the empire.—( Loud cheers.) A NO.RI:R LORD on the Ministerial benches, whose name we could not learn, and who was utterly inaudible, said a few swords ; after. 'which, ' _ „ Viscount MELBOURNE rose and said, My Lords, the first part of the speech of my Noble and Learned Friend tieated. of-the conduct of the Government- on -this •subject ; and' the second part of thaesteech referfed to thig most ilepottinV _EVEN _ING EtWrlaNit,_ which has been submitted to your Lordships. In treating of sist the Government by some legal means in a ddition to the the conduct o f t h e G overmen t, my Noble and Learned Friend military force. That was the real difference between Ireland i has pursu e d ex ac tl y th e same cours e as was taken last night by and Canada. In Ireland the Queen's authority was obeyed, the Noble a n d Learned L or d o pp os ite ; going over from ,the -,( Hoar, hear.) He wished he could say that there laws commencement of th e Session th e cou rse which the Govern- were peifectly obe y ed, bit upon the whole the laws and the ment had pursued, stati ng th e dates and the periods at which Queen's authority were so far obeyed as that their Lord the measure had been first open e d to Parliament, and carried ships could make laws for the government of Ireland but the y . forward, inferring from all these circumstances great blame to could n ot do so with reference to Canada, because the p rovinces the Goverment, charging it with supineness and neglect of had not yet been brought under th e Q uee n's authority. The duty, abdication of its function s , an d all those terms which reason Why her Majesty's Government had not yet established the eloquence of my Noble and Learned Friend enables the Queen's authority in the provinces he had so often repeated him readily to supply. But, my Lords, I beg to say, that he was almost ashamed to take up the time of adverting to that this is not a fair: way of stating the question : it again. .He would say they had never set about their opera it 'is possible to give a startling account of the tions in reference to that country in a way to establish the course of proceeding on a measure—it is possible to point out Queen's authority if they really intended—Cheers)—to carry the length of time which has elapsed—and hence to draw in- their intentions into execution. They did not declare their. inter ferences unfavourable to those who have the guidance of the tion in the first instance—they did not advise her Majesty to measure, but that makes it necessary that the re s h ou ld b e d ec l ar e her intention to maintain her sovereignty and authority a statement on the other side of the whole course within the provinces. —(Cheers.) They had attempted to of the Session; that there should be a statement of the carry on their operations there with a reduced peace establish causes of the delays which had intervened, or of the post- men t. The con sequence of that was that neither neighbouring ponement which had occurred ; and that it is not therefore powers, nor the world at large ever believed that her Majesty's a fair and conclusive statement to enter merely on the Ministers ever were in earnest in the measures they were pro delays which had occurred between the steps of the mea- posing, or that they ever could obtain the objects they pro cure, and thence to deduce all those] charges of supineness fessed to have in view. The result was, that never, after two cam- 1 and other errors and faults which have been so liberally and paigns, after nearly two years' warfare, they were precisely in the avishly heaped on the Government by my Noble and Learned same situation in which they were when they commenced. Friend, upon this as upon former occasions.—( Hear, he ar .) There was a sort of petty warfare carried on along the whole My Noble and Learned Friend has thrown away a great de a l of the frontiers between the United States and her Majesty's of indignation and violence, and warmth, in proving that dominions ; and there was not one of her Majesty's subjects which has not been, which is not, which cannot along that whole line but who were in a constant state of alarm; be denied—which is clear upon the face of the pro- and the war was proceeding now exactly in the same state in ceedings, which is perfectly known, admitted, and ob- which it was when it commenced in September, 1837. viou3—that it was the intention of the Government at the be- When the proper time arrived they would hear of the same ginning of the Session—that they considered it in the highest scenes as those which occurred last year, and they would cooti degree advisable, and desirable, to proceed to legislation on the nue to recur until this country took decided steps to maintain subject of Canada as soon as possible—and that circumstances and settle her Majesty's dominion in those provinces. He had have since arisen, that information has since been received, said frequently, and he then repeated, that it was impossible for which afforded, what we thought, unquestionable ground for this country to carry on a war in Asia and another in America, ,:hanging our determination. Why, my Lords, that is per- and make demonstrations in other parts of the world upon a re fectly clear, and admitted. It was stated, by me, in this diced establishment—the consequence, was that *hey starved House, and by my Noble Friend in the other House, at the their wars and were unable to maintain peace at home.—( Hear, very commencement of the Session, that it was our anxious hear.) Their army was now 10,000 men under its proper num wish and desire to introduce a measure on the subject before bers even for the home service, in consequence of the attempt Easter—that we might have a greater certainty of its passing that was now made to carry on two wars upon a peace establish: into a law before the close of the Session. And I entirely agree ment. They were doing the same with the navy—it was reduceo with my Noble and Learned Friend that it was the duty far below its proper level. Even in the course of last winter this of Government to make the cessation of the Constitution country had received an insnit which had never been put up with by of Canada as brief as possible—that it was the duty any other nation in former times,and it was given on the frontier of Government to brine that cessation to a close of one of these provinces of Canada—indeed the authority of her as speedily as possible, and ° to establish that form of repre- Majesty was not recognised in a province which he believed sentative and constitutional Government, without which, I was now under the authority of the State of Maine. He would admit, considering the circumstances of the country, it is venture to predict that the same attempt would again be Made, hopeless that we shall ever establish peace, tranquillity, and and there was not force enough in the province to resist it, or happiness and prosperity, and attachment to the mother coun- support her Majesty's authority, for all the troops were ern try. But, my Lords, we must take care that we do this ployed in Canada, and these were not sufficient to give protec wisely—that we do it correctly—that we do it with some tion to her Majesty's subjects. The Government of the Queen respect for the feelings of the people—that we take advantage of was despised. Her authority no longer existed ; and it was ina the information and intelligence which we receive from the possible for them to undertake any settlement of the affairs of colony—that we must not, in our pursuit of that which I Canada, until they had established the authority of her Ma admit to be desirable—namely, the speedy settlement of the jesty's Government by force within the provinces. He would question--sacrifice matters of yet greater weight and neces- certainly vote for the committal of the Bill, for he thought soma city, namely, the expectation, the chance, that this settlement, such was necessary. 4 The Noble and Learned Lord said he when it is come to, should be satisfactory and concliesive.— would propose some amendments ; when they were of" (Hear, hear.) Why, my Lords, my Noble and Learned Friend fered it would be time for their Lordships to consider them , sayi—" What ! put a stop to your legislation because the but he would recommend them not to make any Assembly of Upper Canada do not approve of your plan— alterations in the Bill, unless they thought it absolutely neces you, who in the other measure you introduced set at nought sary, but leave all the responsibility upon the Government . the feelings of the people of Lower Canada ?" My Lords, I Once more he would tell their Lordships, that until they set deny that we did set at nought all the people of Lower Canada. themselves seriously to establish the authority of the Crown in (Hear, hear.) We acted in unison with the feelings of the Canada, all they were doing was thrown away—they were only great portion of the population—with the feelings of that or tormenting themselves and the country for no use whatever. tion, particularly, who have been loyal, and attached to this They must send up a fleet 'and an army in sufficient strength country.—( Cheers.) And those whose feelings and opinions to support her Majesty's authority, before they did anything else we set at nought were those who have rebelled against this He was perfectly aware that there was a vast body of m ilitia-- country.—( Hear of volunteers—whose zeal could not be sufficiently applauded-- attention to the feelings of the people of Upper Canada, for it (Cheers) — for c omin g forward in her Majesty's service so is not only the Assembly—they are the index of the f ee li ng promptly for the suppression of rebel lion. It woul d never el°t of the greater portion of the population. Is it a strong reason for the mother-countr y to abandon such men.—( Cheers. ) I for condemning our conduct, that we paid attention to the would be dis g raceful to them to leave such men W loyal and 'attached population of Upper Canada, when my their fate—it was the duty of this country t o w ake Noble and Learned Friend would have us pay respect to the every effort in their power to establish and maintain p eace disobedient and rebellious population of Lower Canada ? amon g st them—it was our duty to establish in that count r ! (Hear, hear.) My Lords , it were much to be desired, cer- p eace and order—euch a s y stem of Government as would effort: tainly, that we could legislate fully on the subject in the present them tranquility, peace, and happiness for the future. That Session. But we had better delay than legislate unadvisedly, was wanted in those provinces. than legislate precipitately, than legislate rashly, and in a The Earl of DURHAM said he had delayed his obserT manner which would be ultimately unsatisfactory, and would tions to the latest moment in order to hear what other Nob! ° not produce a termination of those calamities which have Lords had to say, and more especially was he anxious to he ar afflicted the colony.—( Hear, hear.) My Noble and Learned what such high authority as the Noble Duke had to say upon t he subject, and he thought in fairness he was entitled to take suet ' 1 Friend says the disapprobation of a Colonial Assembly is a strange reason for arresting the progress of Imperial legislation. course u p on that q uestion. He most cordiall y cone lured in iv t „! My Lords, Ido not see that al. It does not appear to me praise bestowed on the loyal volunteers of Canada la tbej'i a that a discovery that the plan on which we are about to pro- ble Duke. From the p osition in which he had been iilloeu - ceed was not likely to produce the effects we desired. It does had occasion to know what was due to them from this e, old not appear to me that this is a bad reason for arresting our and he cordiall y ag reed with the Noble D uke that it wozild,;; legislation—that, on the contrary, it is an imperious reason for most un g rateful in this countr y to adandon them. The rine' taking further time to consider the subject.—( Hear, hear.) Duke, from belonging himself to the army, had been delica!f: My Lords, my Noble and Learned Friend stated distinctly and had not alluded to a body to which the country was the di ffi culties in which we were placed ;as to re- deep obligations—he alluded to his Gallant Successor, Sir' Colborne, and the British army. Their seryices had been of storing the Assembly of Lower Canada, he saw the absurdity of that when he was apparently recommending it ; glorious in the cause, and they were actuated by a sP, t ,:, the manner in which he urged that part of his speech suffi- humanity which did not always belong to such a service as yfl i , ciently showed that he merely recommended it in consistency were called upon, and in bearing testimony to tovr i eminent services he did not think he rendered liiin s li i with his principles, but that he did not place upon it any re liance. Well then, to establish a representative Government, I obnoxious to the charge of wishing to perpetuate tyrannY ' s do not see how it is to be done except by a union of the provinces—it was alwa y s to be remembered that the se rovinces. But when you come to the question, ci s e t the two pof desolation were not caused by the acts of this country , ' - ' 4 o f every body feels the difficulties of such a measure. were the result of the acts of the House of Assembly, 0 I say, when you find a great di ffi culty in respect to the only Lower Canada. He would be sorry to see the coercive c yst h° continued - any longer than was absolutely necessary; bit_to;ll', plan that appears reasonable, the only prudent and rational course is to take more time, to consider by what means you can would act a very unmanly part indeed, if he eh r _ e i, from saying th t the powers proposed to be reconcile those countries to the measure you propose to adopt ; by the Bill were necessary. He had felt it to be 'his' duty gi v sa to and I say, that so far place, our having incurred any blame by the ask for the power of levying rates—first of all for the Porta delay that has taken we should have acted most rashly and of forming some species of preventive police. When he arrl it 3: most imprudently, if we had done otherwise ; and, in my opi- in Quebec he was met by every species of indecency and w or nion, it is most fortunate we did not in the beginning of the The inhabitants themselves were ready to provide the means _ Session hurry this measure on, and so bring it to a settlement, • supporting a police, but there was no power in the Gove rn which would probably only have been the beginning of new dis contents and troubles. My Noble and Learned Friend ex- or Council t o d make a law, and he considered the Govern ment weredoing nothing more than their duty in prod_n_c ra in g a . haunted himself in a great deal of that power of observatiorgpr such a law. There was an absolute necessity for some and which he is so remarkable, upon the speech of my NOlsle nent laws. There was now no Jury Law in Canada, Mao a ''," Friend who proposed this motion, as if my Noble Friend had said You are to look to the lapse of time, to the influx ri‘)iierotruesalduty wass e mi n ary , tha d wn mu up r ln the property—the Governor . . Aeigaelim no so.of t ,He- did n t • there was ' think aof capital into the country, the spread of religion, efforts of education and so on ; but my Noble Friend meant the . law a an x ious ons allowing t i=i himak e t l o e a s d e o s nothing of the kind, nor were his observations liable to the his gallant successor, Sir John Colborne, in his animadversions that were cast upon them. He only meant Council would improperly use the powers to be given them by what I also mean, that from the state of opinion that 'appeared the Bill. -He had been much blamed, and unjustly blamed, let to prevail in the country, the information we received of it, his conduct upon that question--it was said that he ought to the feeling which there existed, the difficulties that were in the have brought repeatedly before the House the question of Ca way of our legislation, and the general difficulties inherent in radian grievances. He had reported upon every subject eon': the subject, we were not prepared to legislate at the com mencement of the Session, and that we thought notwithstand- a n f e t e e ted t r ie it t h t i h t eir griev ances to the amount of 12, and he thought was t he duty of the Colony to step forward' ing all the disadvantages of delay, it was the more prudent He afte r that that some such measure was necessary for the saw' course not to precipitate the measure for the present ; and it vation of the two provinces ; but the House ought not to pre' was upon that, nor was it at all connected with any domestic • • cipitate it. They ought first to collect the feelings of the inniee affairs, nor with any internal affairs, such as my Noble and bitants, and gain their consent, ifpossible. Parliament should ~ Learned Friend has thought fit to advert to, 'that this change • give the p rovince of U ppe r C an ada an opportunity of stating of opinion was adopted. Your Lordships will perhaps noto f the' their o p inion . And th ey had yet to learn the sentiments give me credit for my asseveration, if I were to make it, and that n therefore, I shall not give myself the trouble to state that which British Parliament as well as of the French settlers in Lower you probably might not believe, but my Noble Friend is totally Se ss i on Canada. andHe trusted the interval between the close . of alias the openinf the next would be sent in col le t' mistaken in attributing the change of determination to the • n l o ng . the ecessary . information. . He had now but . to refe r . t e. causes to which he has thought proper to impute it. Ido not ne-isolated topic in his report, but that was an important on e' at all feel myself pressed b y the arguments or the invectives of That Cow hat was a recommendation that the Colony should be ) my Noble and Learned Friend. I do feel that the Govern- trolled by a responsible Government —( Hear hear, hea r. ° ment has acted with perfect prudence , and if it had acted His Noble Friend and he had perfectly au' eed hat fi , - o therwise than it has done, it would have acted rashly and int - Government could be satisfactory without being according t,, prudently. My Noble and Learned Friend does not the feelings and wishes of the people. Perhaps hi s schem e mean to oppose going into a Committee upon this Bill, with reference to the interference of the Ministers with tit!: House of Assembly of Upper Canada was not right ; but b" t we he n made gave t a h colonial power but he expresses a great deal of indignation at the second a e s ar t s h el i r s, es t , ha a clause, which makes the law enacted by the Council • . l as prin w c e ip w e er w e permanent, instead of having a termination as it had by the the Government, arresting taxation, voting money, and titer former Bill. In the first place, Ido not admit that it is the tndif principle of this House, or the principle of the law, that laws which may be passed for temporary purposes—even arbitrary ping the supplies, a feeling of content could not possibly be es" or constitutional laws--should necessarily fall of themselves. pected.--( Hear, hear.) As in Lower Canada, differences The reason of this provision has been clearly stated . by my without end would continue. Those differences would le ad 0 7 , Noble Friend, who told your Lordships that the lapse of the' positive insurrection, and the country would be a 50 r" - e laws had been one of the greatest evils of Lower Canada, vexation and loss instead of honour and prosperity to the pare n and that in order to give confidence and security for the loan State. If they could not then form a Government according State t t e hw as art f i rne a ; of money, they should be permanent ; and my Noble and to the feeling of the majority of the House of Assembly' he appealed to their Lordships whether it would not be he tte . f . Learned Friend admits to a certain degree the necessity of that. But then he says you should H as make it so general. at once to end the connection, and let them govern theraselvo.. He says that the laws that may benasse by this Council He thought it easy to form a Government that should be ~ may be of an arbitrary nature, and then he tries to alarm your source of honour and prosperity, instead of dishonour and and li t° o Lordships by the measures they may pass. He says they may England. He wished to see the present system altered, a n 7 or e pass a measure for annual Parliaments—they may adopt the Vote was sure th at in the measure proposed by their LordshiPst .! ~,,, by Ballot. I will touch you in the " raw" there.—( Laughter.) was no evil disposition. If they were wrong, he was sure it , from the experience of the wretchednesshe had seen in that conn t a rY ; I don't think my Noble and Learned Friend compliments your especially amongst the emigrants who were now unprotectet!. _.:"' o f Lordships. He does not bear any great testimony to the firm- knew the hostile feeling which existed against him in the 1 1 : 0 1 °,7 ;ng ness and erectness of your characters in that respect in his sonic of the Noble Lords opposite, and he was anxious that t s i s ''..„_ effort to exercise these superstitious terrors over you ; but lam of a party nature should be mixed up in this important disco 1 1 1-- ,, sure you will not suffer yourselves to be led away by a consi- Therefore he desired to keep away any additional obstacle by 1 7 1 deration of any such matters. I do think it wo u ld b e coming forward h i mse lf , b ut he had supplied to their Lordship s o, difficult to suppose that a n y G overnor sen t ou t w ith a C ounc il the information he could. Nor should he have come forwar d It of twenty would pass such laws as might be calculated to spread night if it would not seem as if he were neglecting his dutY. . anarchy and danger throughout the country. Besides, any was necessary that an intermediate power should be vested li d in ' laws they passed your Lordships must have thirty days to con- Governor and Council, but he trusted Ministers, 11a_... cider them; and if they did ass such laws as might be objet- c ollected all the information they could, would next Session r— tionable or unconstitutiona l, could your Lordships not repeal pose a measure calculated to satisfy the people of Canada, 1 and P . Bound to the honour and prosperity of England.—(Hear , " 3 ,:b", them? Why, it has been considered rather an offensive term lately, but I think I can , without offence to my Noble and Earl GOSFORD said if taxation were absolutely n ecessar y , a Learned Friend, on this occasion, say that he generally not give uncontrolled power to the G - deals in exaggeration, but at this time he has gone the plan of the Council or ernor.General ? He wa s s u lib would spread alarm and distress tpl' butthe country. heshouid He po wou ld se vote for the Bill detail.going into Con: it :g; beyond everything it is possible to conceive in the way of vain fear, and of conjuring up imaginary evils. The power that is t h e taxation clauses in He hoped ( proposed to be given by this Bill is admitted to he necessary by House would be or' at last persuaded that their legislation wouitio, le. toy Noble and Learned Friend, and I beg to submit to your no effectual benefit until hey proceeded upon the principle :. Lordships that the reasons he has urged against it are, in, point cognising no distinc tion between the French and English ra t o. of fact, so much exaggerated, as only to be regarded as being l'he Duke of W ELLINGTON and Earl FITZ WILLIA M entirely without foundation. Now as to the observations with spectively replied. which he has closed his speech, that we receive his argumentsnicer, witch The D u k e - of WELLINGTON explained. He had n ot with great approbation when they relate to Ireland, but that we ev this subject during the Session, because he was desirous that ~e do not receive them with the same approbation when they re- do, with t h late to Canada. Ido not admit the justice of the remark, but ,thing on this subject should originate where it ought to Government.. it I admit the justice of the principle. I say that in both coun- The Marquis of NORMANBY replied. He could not a d i f„, tries di ffi culties arise from the nature of the population we have that the people had been driven into this ' rebellion, by "Y 1 ' ...- -1 to deal with. If he will recollect he will call to mind that Ido but the conduct of the instigatots of it; and more unprovoltel rebellion he believed had never existed. He had a heard with g .. 1 1 ,._ deal with Canada as I should deal with Ireland. lie must recollect that the population of Ireland have been always loyal—(Haar, pleasure the statement of . his Noble Friend behind (Lord u to , from Lord Lyndhurst and others on the Opposition benches)— h am), which was as creditable to himself, as it would be ' 3 yes, I say that the population of Ireland have been always and factory to the interests h e had at heart. He had g i v en ;- are loyal subjects.—( Renewed cheering from both sides. )—I role' complete justificat i on of the course the Government had p uns the know very well that the Noble and Learned Lord opposite is of and of abandoning their :,, this occasion, for he cc . ncurred with the Government in at a different opinion. I consider her Majesty's Roman Catholic on able recommendations th • subjects in Ireland attached to her Majesty. The Noble and a o d f e h t a o y l i t n4 m c i o ot n ie s n i t d h e e r ed . u b a j l e l et : the Learned Lord I know considers them as aliens in blood— expe di ency habeenm ginal intention of eg s is o e , g b permanently for Canada this Se . siuf.,,,. (Much cheering)—and as aliens in religion.—( Renewed cheer- He (the Marquis of roan y) was anxious to bear his test i s ing.) I know very well that that is his view of them. That to the admirable conduct not only of the army , brit f the mil itia • kto unfortunately makes an irreconcilable difference between us both provinces. Nothing could t"" which we cannot overcome, and that unquestionably ac- the exertions they had made be more c r e ditable node ' The Noble Lord had " m i n t counts for the different manner in which the Noble and to the amount of force .' in Canada, but no co O P , 0 31 Learned Lord and myself view these subjects. I say that the had been made of the insufficiency and of force there, ...,, 1 „,. 0 .- difference between Canada and Ireland is that Ireland has been he could state was, that it was the determination of the G; 0 , 2 01 loyal and that Canada has been unfortunately rebellious, and ment to vindicate the . Queen's authority, and assist the supr that she perseveres in her rebellion.—(Cheers.) of this country in all its provinces. - The Duke of WELLINGTON did not think it necessary to tbe LORD follow the Noble Vi sc ount in his observations upon the Noble T h e CHANCELLOR having put the questions! oi o ion and Learned Lord's speech behind him on the Irish Municipal motion for goi ng into Committee was weed to; and the, A t • sea Corporation Bill. He had never felt surprised in the smallest .Shaft esbury (Chairman of the Committee) had taken his m a) degree upon the subject of the delays of the Canadian question. the table, when Augustus Clifford (the Usher of the R15C1 t . ,,,, o of When he talked of the Canadian question, he meant a measure appeared at the Bar, and announced a message from the 1 1 ° I 'i for the settlement of Canada announced from the Throne—of Commons. Dad' cou rse recommen d e d by the Noble Lords opposite—afterwards Th e M arquis of LANSDOWNE then propo i ed t h a t their _A, recommended by a Message fro m the Queen to the Houses ships should resume, in order that the message mi g ht be rem spa of Parliament, and then proposed by a Bill in the other Lord BROUGHAM objected to the House resuming'. /1004 House.—( Hear, hear.) Ile had never felt more sur- Bill go th roug h C omm i ttee , and the message from the Colo prise in the whole course of his life than he did on could be received afterwards. hearing the message from the Queen on the 3rd of May, and Several Peers—Resume, Resume. a ga ins t he should have made som e ob j ections to the address which w as Lord BROUGHAM — The n I shall enter m y protest i t '-' jc 'cloc , o moved, in very cautious te rms, in answer to that messa g e if he that. They might have b rou g ht this messa g e u p at five , ,bur had not received intelligence on the day before, of certain pro. the proper time, But this is a specimen of the unnatura,.oo, ceedings in the Legislati v e Assembl y of U pp er Canada, by vied speed at which legislation goes on at the end of the Se° d i o io% which the desire was declared of the le g isla ture of that pro - - by persons who have been going on for five or six months icoe, vince, to see carried into execution a legislative union between nothing, and what they have done they had better have I , f t a : s i of the provinces. He refrained, therefore, at that time, from for they have done it in such a way as to give us a grea t - 4 , 0 olc• stating his reasons for thinking the question was not then ripe trouble in setting it right.—(Laughter.) If any of thein --- , o ' u s 41 for decision. It was his opinion it was not ripe for decision a t ing towards the Bar, where a number of Members of the " -- 1, il e a the commencement of the Session—it had not been ripe at any Commons were standing)—should happen to hear me throulge cos time during it, and it was not ripe now. He should, however, extraordinary channel, I hope they will mention this, and ow e consent to the House going into Committee upon this Bill, that to come up at the usual time. b ia s Bill a they might the better consider it. Hi s op i n i on was, that before T he Mar q uis of LANSDOWNE—Most p robably the -_ A . her d their Lordships commenced what was ca ll e d a settlement will be brought up is . a Bill which the Noble an d Lea r7OO. of Lower Canada they must first establishp eace, and the would wish .us to proceed with with unnatural speed, for Ir _ ~ and Queen's authority in the provinces. * They had not at this mo- it 'is the Portuguese Slaie' Trade Bill.— (~ Hear, hem , . ment established peace and the Queen's - ' authority there. . It laughter. ) • . Fri ena''' 'had been accurately stated in th e l as t sente n ce o f t h e speec h Lord BROUGHAM--I totally differ with my Noble oied 0 from the Throne, that th e L ower P rov i nce o f C ana d a w a s at (Laughter:) . • I object to- an excellent measure being PrT il . this moment in' a state of rebellion. The Queen at this instant bad means. gord t " could not give prote c ti on t o h er l oya l su bj ec t s th ere . They Lord HOLLAND thought it would be much better . to a ..., ..,--. iiiele - ifot; therefore, in a situation to do anything except tols- • mre • Froti's6l6ColiirlailitioriVerildisEtald'it: -.-- -- - --.