The Sun. — London, England, 1844-05-11 00:00:00

THE STN, LONDON, SATURDAY creation who laboured twelve or fourteen hours a day ? (Hear, hear.) What recreation could there be for persons who went to their work at six in the morning, and never left it, until half-past seven at night?—(llear, hear.) Where and how was this recreation to be ob tained?--(llear, hear.) Those who supported the Noble Lord were charged with pandering to the passions of the people. Were not those who made this charge guilty of something like hypocrisy when they talked of the necessity of administering-to the healthy recreation of the people?—(Hear, hear.) Throughout the whole of that- discussion, there had been a contrariety of statement, a variety of allegation which was excessively amusing, and he might say mysterious. On the one hand, it was stated that these factories were a kind of earthly paradise ; on the other, that they were the receptacles of reeking disease and oppression. He knew that the master manufacturers of this country formed a body who were to be highly valued for their general benevolence • but, on the other hand, he could not turn away from the statement made on the part of the operatives. He supposed that most Hon. m an ad had se en the deputations of operatives which had c ome from Manchester and Yorkshire. The very first question which he (Mr. Bernal) had put to these depu tations was, "Are you prepared to take the chance of an abatement of wages ?" They replied, " We are." He a sked them whether the probability of a reduction of l'iteges had b een f a i r l y l a id b e f ore t h e art i sans, and La Wh r eply was in th e a ffi rma t ive . —(H ear , h ear .) en e had an i n t erv i ew w i t h one o f t h ose depute tt°lla, he asked them, were they prepared to give up a Portion of their earnings for those shorter hours ? Their answer wee, " Yes, we will--the probable deduction of wages could not b e greater than what we lose by the in 4_rruption of our d omes ti c com f orts . B es id es , we h ave Pay for washing, ironing, and scouring, which our wives are net able to do."--(Hear, hear.) He could not admit that any person supporting the proposition of the ( ale Lord was pandering to the passions of the people. "rs-) It was impossible to deal with men and wo uPon the s t r i ct pr i nc i p l es o f po li t i ca l economy as dealtdown in books.—(Hear, hear.) Men cou ld no t b e and with as the pieces upon a chess-board.—(Che ers th lali ghter.) This question should be dealt with by F dictates of common sense.—(Laughter.) He would as k whether the operatives of Manchester and the rest rests r ashire were not able to judge of their own inte this 0 „ Wear.) Suppose you were to g i ve a go -by e to of th - C est ion, would there not be still a sore in the minds would lle° P l e? If the go-bye were given to the question, of Co no t th e f ee li ng o f t h e peop l e b e t h at t h e H ouse terest gUt lionsrinti°na did not represent the f e eli ngs nor th e in or tile workingpposite classes.—(H (Sir J.'Grahamear hear.) ) had The Creed to M -eie ' of r. H orner ' s statement respecting the state to m anufactures in Switzerland, where there were fac nries in which people worked fourteen or sixteen hours. ot why not r e fe r to Massachusets ?—(Cheers.) Why lot to other places where there was no limitation to lours o flabOur?—(Cheers.) If the Right Hon. Baronet bee s his argument to b e va lid, h e oug h t to - a b an d on Bill altogether.—(Cheers.) With all the research of ,Z e , Right Hon. Baronet, - he would ask whether he did find that the labour of twelve hours was more than o men were capable of enduring ? The surgeons t runined before the Commission declared that they ° ught ten hours more than the period during which itonsen could continue to labour in the factories.—(Hear, ~eat) would not trouble . the House by referring to Particular points of the evidence, such as the condition bi women who were on the point of parturition.—(Hear, d :i t s r a :) There had been reference, in the course of the te, to the hard labour which was suffered by 4 711e ,_ 11 in the agricultural districts. But it was " 5 he denied that, in agricultural labour, Womencee were not employed, •except upon extraordinary r e „ ltai ,. °as, more than eight hours.—(Hear, hear.) The lipon the subject of factories showed that life jt Was Sn°rtened by in-door employment.—(Hear, hear.) ete xare to see an old man in a factory. It was rarely kent n ,tilat a man li ve d l ong enoug h i n f ac t or y employ hu to be abl e to use spectac l es. —(Ch eers an d a gu•)- This was a question of principle upon which to oiliest insist that all personal and party feelings ought be e gi n ve w aY, and he hoped that the clause, having once Introduced, would never be abandoned. and air. G. KNIGHT considered the question so peculiar s o • of th e Important, as to require the deepest consideration th e House. He had carefully revolved in his mind f es hr o r° visions of the 'Bill, with a sincere desire so to . n it that it should secure the true interests of the , leer"K classes. From all that he had been able to h ob; on this subject--in despite of the arguments of the th_oie Lord the Member for London—he had come to t he conclusion th at we • should not be damaged in th e ei Nobler market by accepting the clause of Lord dthe Member ' for Dorsetshire. wsZ tv iction was that the measure of the Noble Lord strike Lot only lead to a reduction of wages, but would dest at the root of employment, and. lead to the tre ss ructi ° ll of the trade. They all recollected the dis and destitution which had been produced within the l ast e rne three or four years by the mills working short 1 10 ,._. If the mills should work short time permanently, h e w w ould it b e poss ibl e f or t h e p eop l e to li ve ?—(H ear , 1 0 :1 1 %) If th e trade of the country should be permanently ti : _e the d epression would be permanent also. In a short Lme after a T en Hours ' Bill should be passed they would ee 903 e labourers who were now most anxious for the - ss 'N' of such a measure tugging and tearing at each oth er ro ct . o. the purpose of procuring employment. He had te a w ed leters from persons who were residing in the th2lurtieturing districts, and who were conversant with wrl te fl ' el ings of the workmen in those districts. The rs •Ationai those lett ers stated, that in their opinion the 'P en n . Prosperity would be seriously endangered by a th e .°nrs' Bill. All those who were best informed on Thet '° reect dr ea d e d t h e i ntro d uct i on o f suc h a measur e. w e . vernrnent Bill took care of the children, and that all that was necessary. He thought the present ett e se , ll . B : Bl °n would do much good, by attracting public - zon to the real merits of the question. It would the 'P s 'ea much more agreeable to him to have supported t 'motion of the Noble Lord ; and it was with great heeret that he felt himself bound to oppose it. But be- V ( Z i ng, as h e did, that it would be most for the benefit 1 1 ,'"e country that the motion of the Noble Lord should th rjected, he felt bound to vote against it.—(lronical ",eyin g .) tis _ a lr- C. BL LLER said that the Right Hon. Gentleman 11 . !c ;?lember for Nottingham had exhibited a most a,sto- Ishew instance offorgetfulness.—(Cheers and laughter.) ti e had forgotten the reasons which had induced him to the no lets than three votes in support of the measure of h ad Noble Lord.—(A laugh.) The Hon. Gentleman ap„,_ , 11 Ot found out any new argument or new fact. It q 4 7 1 , 47 that all that was required was that his mind re laueli.‘s°rne time for the arguments to be absorbed.—(A reas o n Hon. Gentleman said that the great had tiZ b Y he had changed his mind was that he had • "her, he' h a d g i v en his last three votes to get such k`'heers and laughter.) Now he must say that (L ac t h t case of. habitual and continued intoxication — at n g n tr ) -- lasting through three several votes, given te i - c perval of a week from each other—such "fee -- T 4 and habitual intoxication he bad never lied co aeard confessed to the House—(Laughter) — had ecnsidering how plain the arguments were which the "i l o Yi nced the lion. Gentleman, and how completely t heta „„ 11 '. Gentlenian's mind had been closed against conehi7 t il that evening, he could not but come to the ver y Op, that the Hon. Gentleman must, have been * ish indee d. -(Roars of laughter.) But he did not ta tttte '0 div ert the attention of t h e H ouse to personal been mu t ilis ow n speec h es o n former occasions had nommented on and much misrepresented , t o s Pere id not desir e t o d raw th e attention of the House nstion „i oral matter, when they were discussing a great Rhicb Principle, the magnitude and importance of toHaste' it was impossible to overrate--(Cheers)—and to vlol fet t ty and p le time by diverting their attention It , a ry personalities.—(Cheers.) This ques °f ' B4 neen greatly prejudiced by the introduction 1,17413:P0t:nal allusions and arguments. Since he had given ad ee en wu en they had last discussed this question, he , - ,,Otlet r c s ome of the largest master manufacturers of the "tat t G There was a painful lea' press ion upon his mind 40 1; 46 vehement opposition or Oita class arose not as " from a dread or a dislike of had fe e o f tls,e measure itself, which 5. 4 d been indignation at certain st . atenent . a i 4 „acte r , °lade. and which were injurious to she env. kti ‘-q the master manufacturers of the country... -. ile at) He had never dwelt on those statements tt,,,urJostification for his vote. He did not dispute the Ale ae Y of oTh e the statements of the . Noble Lord the b tl e t lits nl i g t a porsetshire. He admitted that those state ta3c, he de apply to partial and exceptional cases, nied that those partial and exceptional the k , would be considered as fair samples of this de tr a al state of the manufacturing districts. In tie ecor. _ to the tone of their opponents had been 44 fa ct ul .l ll-1 Y 10w. They said nothing about principle. athey ([,beersGovernment had thrown principle overboard adteai—and had taken refuge in degree. His Hon. a .L . ta r t ned Friend the,Membey for Bath had, without nstt' degree of success, tried to test the House by t iPle ing hie the • • •or e ,_ principle of the question. The prin aedn the Hon. and Learned Gentleman con i ture' to ia tet w re as, that it was unjustifiable for the Leg sla 4r. re ' 110 D —l3ll cli cr r. not say unjustifiable. i e t ra with. adult it was inexpedient . to 1n:9:- nit labour. Now the House maintained I ,s ab W o u a : in ilis r tifiable to . interfere with the contracts for vatted factories, and her Majesty's Government sup seppo. He would venture to say that they were are na in that respect by the master manuta I, ai .„ t the country. There were four instances, ,"cula, in which the rinci le of interference with th e t abour had been ackn P owled p ged The first was ,in for e the lithe Miners and Colliers * Bill, which was be gantd Af,?..euse last year. In that Bill the Noble Lord the S ent : t n . ! Y) was supported by the Right Hon. Baronet i e as4ry for the Elaine Department, who defended ill Of th !,_.inost useful measure. Then there was the "Jow l _ .? night Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Glad lerenci Coal -whippers Bill. That was an inter take e with adult labour.—(Hear, hear.) But he would fer e a much stronger .case, and that the inter- Then with the emigration of Hill Coolies. Could they 1_" upon that as a non-interference with adult labour? acque.lll3_ there was another instance, and that was the th e ' :ruw_Lhichlie Government had taken ' with respect to clue sti sYstem. As had been said that night, the on before the House was simply one of degree. He admittedheat.., that they had a case to make out.—(Hear, ,) It had been said that the Legislature I.:lK,nt not to interfere without good cause.—(Hear, hear.) 4wtiEots true, but th a t p r i nc i p l e would apply to all et had n beell- Now as to th e goo d cause f or i nterference, turn admitted that the l a bo urers i n th e manufac tiasslg tomis were not so healthy as labourers of a similar th at 4 1 1 . the manufacturing districts. He did not say but h _ ta i was owing to manufacturing labour entirely, In th_e,d'd assume from that that there was something q u i te ; Utbour in the manufacturing districts which re ses..,_", interference on the part of the Legislature. The 1, - o ; sa nc view he took of the case was that labour of twelve diti on as ay was inconsistent with a proper moral con- People, welleing, and proper recreation of the Pa°Ple, ne itight Hon. Baronet had generously cora* t erward and said that he would do a great deal towards Ithe amusement of the people. But thre was something beyond the recreation of the people required. • There were other elements required for the well-being of the people. The third reason for interference by the Legislature was that, since the first discussion of this subject, a statement had been made public by the master manufacturers themselves, that three-fifths of the persons employed in manufactures were females. This he thought was a very powerful rcason for inter ference with adult labour by the Legislature. The principal argument used against this interference was that it would reduce the wages of the labourer, and the argument used by the Government was, that if any farther restriction were to be placed on the manufac turers they would be driven out of the foreign market. He would ask with what decency did this argument come from the Government?—(Hear, hear.) Had this never been stated in former debates, and passed over by the Government without notice? How often had this fact been urged by the gentlemen who advocated the repeal of the corn-laws ?—(Hear, hear.) It was now generally admitted, that the great bulk of the manufacturing classes themselves were desirous of change—that they were sensible of the evils under which they laboured. The Hon. Member for Oldham said he specifically put the question at a public meeting of operatives, " Are you prepared to submit to a re duction of wages, in order to work a less number of hours ?" and they answered they were. His impres sion was, that the Government should receive this ques ion as a whole, and take into especial account the pro bableimprovement in the condition of the labouring po pulation. If they would legislate on those considerations, be believed there would not be the slightest danger to be apprehended to manufactures. A great deal had been said about the wickedness of exciting the feelings of the people, and they had been cautioned, in solemn tones of warning, against raising expectations which were doomed to disappointment. That sort of danger might be urged in almost every change—there was ge nerally more or less of risk. He had no fear of such danger—(Hear, hear)—but was there no danger to be apprehended on the other side ? Did they incur no risk by refusing to legislate ? Was there no counter balancing evil? Whether was it more dangerous to expect nothing from legislation or everything from it?—(Hear.) Was it not injudicious to allow a feeling of sickening disgust and hopelessness to take possession of the minds of the peeple—was it right to encourage a belief that the Legislature would only consult the interests of the upper classes—of the landlords—and that the moral and phy sical condition of the people would not occupy their at tention?—(Hear.) When a great practical measure was brought forward was it wise to exhibit so much indiffer ence? These observations did not apply to the Factories Bill alone, but to the questions of education, and to an enlarged field of employment, as if these measures were beyond the cognisance of Parliament, and as if they would say " Go and shift for yourselves."—(Hear, hear.) The people would say that they were left unprotected by the Legislature, although they had to bear such heavy burdens of taxation.—(Cheers.) Mr. ROEBUCK .said there was still more danger in telling the, people they must expect everything from Legislatures than from trusting to themselves.—(Hear, hear.) It was the most dangerous thing for the peeple to be told by anybody in whom they had confidence that the rate of wages was to be regulated by Act of Parlia ment. The rate of wages, as attempted to be regulated by the Noble Lord, was wholly futile. Its only . object, if carried into effect, would be step by step to increase the number of the labouring population, and to create a low rate of wages.—(Hear, hear.) Let not his Hon. and Learned Friend meet him with any taunts of humanity— le;: him not turn round, and, after painting the picture of misery in its strongest colours, say—" Do you con template that with satisfaction ?" " Are you, or are you, not prepared to legislate for this misery ?" He acknowledged the horror of the picture, but he quar relled with the remedy. The remedy proposed, and he said it advisedly, was an aggravation of the evil.—(Hear.) His Hon. and Learned Friend, and every Honourable Member-who bad spoken on the subject that night, had contrived to escape from the real question—they confined themfelves to an exaggeration of the mischief, but did not point out the effects of the remedy. The Noble Lord, the Member for Sunderland, indulged in a day dream of a new era of enlightened legislation—lie magnanimously termed it bold legislation. Let him (Mr. Roebuck) give it another term—rash legislation. " Fools rush in—" He would not finish the quota tion.—(Great laughter.) He wanted to know what was the object of the Noble Lord's (Lord Ashley's) proposal —what were the grounds of his interference ? He had challenged the Noble Lord and his supporters on this subject before, but he had had no answer. His Hon. and Learned Friend acknowledged that interference with labour ought to be an exception to the general rule. The principle was to let things go on according to the ordinary causes which regulated ordinary con tracts between man and man. On this subject he had been grievously misrepresented on a former occasion. What he said was, that the general rule respecting contracts should be to let those persons enter into them who, being most interested, were naturally most alive to the difficulties incidentally connected with them, and who were best calculated to form a judg ment of those incidents. That was the rule ; and his Hon. and Learned Friend said he acknowledged the justice of the doctrine; the departure from it he admitted ought to be only the exception. He took it that all the labouring populasion of this country, according to the general rule, entered into contracts with the master for the best wages they could obtain for their labour. But the Noble Lord said he would show them the cause for their interference. He met the Noble Lord, and said, " Very well ; but you must point out the circumstances that form the exceptional rule." But what did he show?—and now he would challenge an answer to the statement. The Noble Lord stated that the labouring population in the manufacturing districts were so congregated together that they were more alive to the influence of publicity and responsibility than any other portion of the working classes. He would tell the Noble Lord that the factory population were better off, better paid, . better fed, better clothed, and better lodged than any other portion of the labour ing population.—(Hear, hear.) NQw, he defied the Noble Lord tv deny that position. He defied them to show there was any one reason for interfering with factory labourer except the one of easiness to interfere with it. The condition of the factory labourer was better, he repeated, than any other part of the population of the United Kingdom. That required an answer.— (Cries of " Oh.") He repeated that required an an swer; and all the humanity-mongers would not drive him from his position. 'Were they worse off—he said better? Now, they would never drive him from that position. The Noble Lord, the Member for Sunder land had mystified his arguments, and talked a great of what might be done. He regretted that the Right Honourable Baronet had invaded the principle of interference with labour, and the Honourable and Learned Member had sarcastically taunted the Hon. Member for Nottinghamshire with voting three times for the Noble Lord, and now about to vote with the Government, but the Hon. Gentleman ought to turn to his left and right, and there he would find abundant examples of such inconsistency. Those who kept a glass-house should not throw stones. He should not be so ready with his sarcasm when those friends were around him.—(Hear.) He honoured the boldness of the Hon. Gentlemen oppo site, who had dared to oppose this system of " humanity mongering"—they 'fiad stood out against it in spite of all temptations held out both by friends and foes—from foes that would wish to put them down, in consequence of disaffection in their own ranks, and of friends who shot their shafts from aside at the Right Hon. Baronet. But to return to the question before the House. Had they in any way laid the grounds to show why they should interfere with the free exercise of labour, or if so, had they proved that it would benefit the labouring man ? The Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland had threatened them with the consequences of rejecting the proposition of the Noble Lord the Member for Dor setshire—he said, beware how you disregard the condi tion of the labouring population. He (Mr. Roebuck), as well as many on that side of the House, said, when speaking of the wishes of the labouring population, that all they wanted was a due and a fair representation in that House. He was not, now about to be alarmed by the Noble Lord's sudden alarm at popu:ar demonstrations, the more so when he recol lected the Noble Lord's decided opposition to the strongly-expressed wish of the people. on the subject of the franchise. Be (Mr. Roebuck) should confess that he had such respeet for the opinions of the people, that he did not want to Woe them second-hand from any person, no matter who he might be. His desire was, that the people should have the power of sending their representatives to that House to speak their opinions, and not to take the pseudo humanity of any man. When he said this, he did not mind also stating, that when he heard the Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland talk of consequences, he could afford to treat the warning with indifference. He certainly could not at all under stand the arguments of the Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland --in fact, he could not glean an y meaning from any one syllable of that Noble Lord's speech.—(Hear and laughter.) In saying this, he begged to state he meant no disrespect to the Noble Lord, far from it, for he usually attached much respect both to his personal character and the character of h is mind ; but, in the present case, he certainly could not see from what source he gained his knowledge. Was it from the " Moral World" of Mr. Owen?—(A laugh.) He thought if the Noble Lord reflected closely, he would view himself something in the light of a plagiarist of that visionary gentleman and great master of political economy, and that like him, he was about to introduce some new and bold scheme of legislation.—(Laughter.) He (Mr. Roebuck) asserted boldly that prices could not rise on account of the ruinous foreign competition with which this urinary had to struggle. In the countries competing with England, there was no interference with the rights of labour, there was Increasing knowledge with a low price of food, and all these facts compelled the English manufacturers to sell at the lowest possible price, and to that price they were now reduced, and beyond it they could not go if they hoped to be enabled to combat the competition of foreign markets. To this assertion of his a distinct and direct answer should be given, and not by vague generalities. If they imposed the restrictions proposed by the measure of the Noble Lord, how was it possible that England could compete with other nations, who had so much greater fttcilities than she possessed? Then came the next proposition, namely, that of falling profits ; And it was proposed to keep them up by a re duction of the hops of labour. He thought his Hon, and Learned Friend, who LA spelsen rs short time ago, might have paid a little more attentive totke POW* of those wh o were th e li g ht s cf political seitipee, Tille next point to which he should refer, was what he thought the great crime of those who took part in this discussion.; When the question was put to the people as to whether they were prepared to chance this subject, the reply might be " yes.' But he would ask, had it eve r been distinctly answered by those people whether they thought that this memo) would OW wages to fall, and if so whether they were prepared to tak the consequence? No such question had ever been put as to whether they were willing to chance it—for if it had, the answer -would be—" we are willing to chance it, because we believe wages will not fall." He had put the question in the manufacturing districts, and the answer had invariably been, if they did believe that wages were to fall, they would have been the first to oppose the measure.—(Hear, hear.) And why ? The measure was simple enough : at present the people were only able by their labour to obtain that which was nothing beyond a comfortable subsistence—certainly not that subsistence which a man would consider luxury. It was a life of hard work, and it was hardy paid. He sympathised with them, and he wished their condition was ten thousand degrees better. But that was not the question here ; the question was, could the House make it better. The labourers wished to work for the means of subsistence, and they were unwilling to forego any portion of those means of subsistence by so many hours of idleness. They heard much of the advantage to be derived by the people from those two hours of leisure, in their moral habits and manner of living. But they might depend upon it, there would never be any im provement in the morality of the people, if they di minished their wages. Diminish their wages, and at tha same time they would destroy every, chance of im proving their morality. He was not there to say that the conition of the people was such as he could desire ; but he was there to say that their nostrum was a piece of mischievous quackery, and which, under the pretence of doing good, would act as a mischievous and detestable opiate ; they were doing all they could to spoil and deteriorate the condition of the people, under ' the pretence of alleviating their misery. Before they came to anything like reasoning legislation, they must do more than lay as their ground for doing so great misery on the part of the people. They could go to Ire land, and they could ask the same question. What did they see there ? A labouring population sufferingunder greater misery than it was pretended was suffered by the labouring population of this country. And he wanted to know where was the gentleman so full of humanity on the other side of the House, who had listened to the statements that had bees made, and who had suddenly turned round, and said it was in the power of the House of Commons to alleviate the miseries of the people of Ire land. Were they prepared to listen to these statements? Then how black was their guilt that they had done nothing to alleviate these evils ? Why, had they not before—at least those who had more than a mere pre tence to the name of legislators—(Laughter)—attempted to do this, or told them that the distress of Ireland could not be alleviated by any Act of Parliament ? If he (Mr. Roebuck) by obtaining statements of unheard of misery among the peeple of Ireland, had demanded that a portion of the land should be taken away from the landlords of Ireland for the purpose of alleviating that distress, why, would they not have said that he was a madman, that he was a fool—or worse than a fool—a desperate knave ? Yet that was a distinctly analagous case to that of the Noble Lord opposite. He had painted the whole sale misery, or what he considered the misery, of the manufacturing districts. He (Mr. Roebuck) charged the Noble Lord with gross exaggeration; he had only read one half of the evidence. He charged him with mis stating and misrepresenting evidence; he charged him before the assembled Commons of England with a total and gross disregard of the evidence he had pat into his bands. He was not there to make any underhand charges.—(A laugh.) lie was not there to question the motives of the Noble Lord; he spoke only of his acts. He contended he was dealing with evidence which he had grossly misapprehended, and that he had misrepre sented facts.—(oh, oh.) The facts were not as he had stated them. That labouring population of which he had given so lamentable an account, was the class the farthest removed from misery and degradation. He would do all that could be done to better the condition of the people. He would secure them an education based on the broad principles of Christian legislation. He would do all they could do and all they ought to do, but he contended that no legislative enactment could raise the rate of wages. Those who endeavoured to limit the hours of labour did in reality establish a minimum of wages, and would give the labouring classes a right to demand a fixed rate of wages for less work. They would have the right, and having the right would enforce it; and if they did enforce it, adieu at once to all the means of sustaining the population of the country by labour. They would then behold a deteriorated people; then they would learn the con sequences of their misplaced humanity; they would see a people made miserable from their injudicious inter ference, and the labourers would learn too late the un happiness of having listened to their ignorance, and the House would have learned too late how fatal and mis chievous is the acting on insufficient and ill-digested evidence. Mr. FERRAND said the Hon. and Learned Member had made a speech attacking the motives of those who supported the Ten Hours' Bill, and boasting that he was the friend of the working classes. He could tell him that the working classes considered him one of their bitterest enemies. They had assisted him in procuring the liberation of Mr. Oastler from prison. They were anxious for his release, that he might aid them in obtaining the measure he advocated to night. The working classes had advocatCd the measure themselves for twelve years, and it was a question they would continue to agitate till they had succeeded. It had been said by one party in that House that they ought not to interfere with labour—that the masters and men were free agents, and they had no right to inter fere with the Contracts they chose to make. There was then the proposition of the Government, and then the ten hours' proposition. With regard to the la bourers being free agents, he begged of the House to recollect the engagements entered into by some manufacturers of Manchester with the Poor-law Commissioners. They proposed to draw a number of labourers from the agricultural into the manufacturing districts, and he had an important return in his band, showing what the result of that had been.. The result was laid on the table of the House on the 12th of May, 1843. It showed that 4,228 labourers were induced to leave the agricultural districts under a promise of their condition being improved. Out of this number there were several mothers, who had only from 45. 6d. to ss. 6d. a week. There were twenty-six fathers who received wages from ss. to 9s. a week ; seventy-two who received from 9s. to 12s. ; fourteen who received from 12s. to 'lss., and two who received from 15s. to 20s. Instead of their wages of labourbeing increased they were reduced below the standard in the districts they had left. In 1841 the Hon. Member for Stockport, the Hon. and Learned Member for Bolton, and both the Members for Sheffield declared the manufacturing labourers of Manchester were existing on 14d. a day ; and the Member for Manchester declared there were many in stances of persons pawning their clothes to redeem their bedding for the night, and pawning their bedding in the morning to redeem their clothes. He would not now weary the House by entering into the details of the op pressions inflicted on the working classes by the truck-shop system. The only means of rescuing them was by passing a Ten Hours' Bill, and they were determined to have it whether their wages were reduced or not. They studied the question in all its bearings, and he was satisfied two-thirds of the adult labourers in the manu facturing districts were more competent to judge of the nowl ss a q d u d es r t e i s o s n ed t . ha H n th-f handof t a l n ios a e cno w n •h n o t m of hneo than sixteen individuals who appeared before the magis trates of Manchester asking their aid to remove- them to the agricultural districts from which they had been kidnapped. He did not want to extenuate the conduct of the landed proprietors who lent their aid to this system, and he thought the conduct of the Poor-law Commissioners ought to be reprobated. Those men represented their case to the magis trates, and the magistrates expressed their in dignation at the mode in which they had been treated, and said that those who caused it ought to be prosecuted. Thelate Member for Kendal was one of the magistrates who presided on the bench, and he ad vised that Mr. Muckeridge, who was employed as the agent between the Poor-law Commissioners and the manufacturers, should be called, when it was provided, that measures should be taken to send them home. He did not wish to enter into many details of this kind— (" Hear, hear, " and " Question, question.") He would not have spoken on the subject at all, but that he was requested to do so, and if Hon. Gentlemen heard him out, he would not detain them very long. It had been said, that the mothers remained at home to take care of and provide for their families. The reports of the factory inspectors showed, that instead of remaining at home to attend to their household duties, they were obliged to work in the mills, and sacrifice their lives to obtain the means of subsistence for their families. In the autumn of 1842, the working classes in the manu facturing districts took the advice of the Hon. Member for Halifax. They were told that if they would better their condition they would refuse to work, they would lesson their toil. They accordingly acted on the advice, and in rags they traversed the country, and it was not until the military were called out and blood was spilt that the majesty of the law was asserted. The working classes would not be satisfied with any mea sure, but that of the Right Hon. the Member for Dorsetshire. At present the hours of work for young persons between the ages of thirteen and eighteen were sixteen and a half, while the hours for sleep, recreation, &c., only amounted to seven and a half ; and mothers of families worked seventeen hours and a half per day, and had only six hours and a half for sleep and recrea tion. If, then, they refused this measure to the people, the day would come when the working classes would extract it from their unwilling hands. Mr. MUNTZ said there was one circumstance connected with this debate, which appeared to him to have been lost sight of by all, by the lawyers and the philosophers. That was whether any vote of that House could prevent the evils so much complained of. His opinion was that no vote could prevent those evils ; and he would recom mend the Right Hon. Baronet to concede that which he could not prevent taken place. The peOple had power in their hands, and of that power they would be sure to make use, They wanted a Ten Hours' Bill—that he ascertained from themselves—and that they • would effect by a strike, which would be more injurious to trade than a Ten Hours' Bill. He had 'asked every one of the parties with whom he had come in contact on this subject, whether they were prepared to put up with an abatement of wages, in case the Ten Hours' Bill tended to produce such an effect, and the invariable answer was, that they were. The advantages which they expected to derive from having more time, more comfort, and more amusement, would more than counterbalance the loss sustained in wages. --(Hear, hear.) He believed the working glasses were right in the view which they tpok of this Pe§tiaft • hot though . there would peceßarily 'be some mil.rednqion in raltos it lyould not be et 'all in propOk:- t : toa to the benefit derived, N'Oly, who were the pp t rties to be acted up on Why. they were onty the women. It was said that women,en, being moss .7 . 4l . itable fur this species of labour, al wa y s obtained a preference over the PPII, provided they could do the required quantity of wwit, and that the wen. wp;e eerevelled, in many in stances, to walk about unemployed while the women were at work. It Was argued that if the women worked only a rational time, the men would have more work, and he confessed that he .thought the argument was a good one.—(Hear, hear.) He was quite willing to admit, that as a general principle this was improper legislation. But he asked, what had they to do with principles ? (Laughter.) Had there been any principle of legislation in that House for the last thirty years ? He had searched very carefully for principles of legislation, and he must certainly confess that he could not find any principle of legislation in connection with any 'one Go vernment. The whole of the legislation had been a le gislation of expediency—entirely a legislation of expe diency.—(Hear.) Well, then, upon what principle were they to go then into cold philosophical calcu lations when the interests of the people were con cerned—when every measure which was brought forward for the last five-and-twenty years against their interest had been founded on the principle of expediency ? (Hear, hear.) He denied their right to treat the ques tion in that manner. Talk of philosophical legislation! Why it was merely - an idea.—(Hear, hear.) Philosophy was brought forward at a time when it could be but of little use. For his . own • part, he repudiated the principle of interference altogether—(llear, hear)—but believing that they could not prevent the proposed change, he thought the House would do well to try the experiment. What was the worst which could happen ? Why a few months' inter ference. Their export trade was not worth their having. —(Hear, hear.) Did not the Right Hon. Baronet tell them the other night, when speaking on the Bank question, that if there was any improper interference, he would come down to the House to rectify it. Could he not, then, come down to the House to rectify any improper interference with trade? Did he think that, in such a case, the people would not assist him ?—(Hear, hear.) Why, it was making a mountain of a mole hill to suppose that there would be any dif ficulty. What were the laws which had been introduced for the last - five-and-twenty years, materiallyinter fering with the interests of the country? Why, there were these five excrescences in their system of govern ment—the corn-laws, the poor-laws, the truck-laws, the emigration-laws, and, last of all, the factory-laws. He need not say anything on the question of the corn-laws. What did they do by the poor-laws ? Why they placed men in such a condition, that whereas no honest indus trious man, of good character, could ensure to himself labour, when he applied for relief they said to him " No, no, we cannot give you out-door relief ; that is impos sible ; you must go into the house, you must submit to the workhouse" test ; you must sell what little you have got, and yourself, your:. wife, and your family must be separated from each other, in order that you may receive relief." That principle was still worse than the principle_orthe corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) The next question was the truck question. He contended that they had no right at all to interfere with the trade of barter ; that it was in every sense of the word justifiable and right They only interfered in consequence of their system of legislation being so bad. Look next at the emigration question. Now it appeared to him that nothing could be so unnatural as to pay a large sum to export, men because their laws were ,so bad that they could not live here.—(Hear, hear.) It was unquestionable moreover, that whenever they exported their population they exported the best men—the worst would not go.— (Hear, hear.) Now, he contended that these four questions of law were contrary to principle, contrary to right, and contrary to the interests of the country ; and they were all founded on the principle of expediency. The Right Honourable Baronet had spoken of going out of power, in case he were defeated on this question. He hbped the Ministry would not do that, as it might turn out that no other Ministry could come into power.—(Laughter.) He had a great accession in the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. It was quite clear that all the knowledge, all the intelligence, all the of the Hous e , was law, and all thephilosophy concen trated in that one quarter—(Laughter)—and if the Go vernment took the advice of that Hon. and Learned Gen tleman, it appeared to him, from his own statement, he did not deny that it was so, in fact—that they must be right.—(Great laughter.) He really did not think he could agree with the Hon. Member for Bath.— (Laughter.) He saw him going here, there, and every where, and finding fault with everybody.—(Cheers.) He did not, however, propose any remedy himself, al though he opposed a Ten Hours' Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The Government had done all they possibly could to oppose the proposal of the Noble Lord, and the wisest thing which they could do now was' to give way. He was quite satisfied that if they did not they would even tually repent of their decision. He was as sure as he was of his own existence, that if they did not grant the measure in a decent manner they would have to grant it in an indecent manner.—(Laughter.) He only re gretted that the Noble Lord had not gone for a Ten Hours Bill at once. He would like to see the thing fairly tried, and he would take his chance of the result. Let them have none of this petty legislation, but let them have such legislation as would convince the work ing classes that they were really anxious for their benefit. Mr. M. PHILIPS complained of the gross exaggera tion which had been put forth respecting the treatment of females and children in the factories. He must have been in the whole course of his life under a great delu sion, if it was possible to restrict the labour of the country without restricting the trade. He did not think that the Legislature would either benefit the country, or do credit to itself by adopting a scheme which was merely an experiment, and would prove in its results to be a legislative farce.—(Cheers and laughter.) He had never held any other than one opinion upon this question--(Cheers and laughter)—and no fear of unpopularity would prevent him from expressing that opinion.—(Cheers, laughter, and great interruption.) . It had been felt and thought, in the manufacturing districts, that the House had been too prone to the other side of the question. The Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire had com plained of the inspectors giving notice to the millowners of their visits of inspection. He had on that occasion joined the Noble Lord in making the same complaint, and had stated that the plan he himself adopted in visit. ing factories, was to give no notice, and the consequence had been, that on the first visit he had paid to a factory, accompanied by his friend Mr. Potter, the late Member for. Wigan, he had found one of those individuals who haunted the lobby of the House of Commons session after session, a dele gate in favour of diminishing the hours of labour, he found this man working two children under the age allowed by Act of Parliament. He had taxed the man with it at the moment, and the man knew that he could not deceive him. He had mentioned the circumstance in his place in Parliament, but his observations had not appeared in Hansard. A speech, however, had been reported, which had never been delivered—(Cries o f " Question, question," " Divide, divide")—and that led him to believe that there must have been some interference behind the scenes. In presenting the petition which had been sent to him he had acted in accordance with the wishes of those who had signed it. He could himself have wished to draw atten tion to the allegations of that petition. There had b een a groat deal of exaggeration on the subject. He was not a cotton-spinner himself, but he was convinced that there were gross exaggerations. — (Cries of " Divide, divide.") lie denied that he had ever received any deputatiOn to attend meetings upon this subject and had refused to do so.—(Cries of" Divide, divide.") He was convinced that if they legislated on this subject they would soon be called upon to legis late upon wages.—(Hear, hear and cries of " Question, question.") If they were to legislate upon wages the operatives would be the first to suffer. The more seri ously he considered th e quest i on, the more h e was con vinced that the meas ure o f t h e N o bl e L or d w ould work injury to the- workin g c l asses, a nd therefore he felt it was his duty to oppo se it. Sir R. PEEL rose, but was met with a loud cry of " Divide, divide," " Question, question," in the midst of which he sat down, Mr. BROTHERTON said that many Hon. Gentle men wished to address the House on the subject, and therefore he thought they ought to adjourn the debate.— (Great confusion.) Mr. HINDLEY hoped the Bight lion. Baronet would consent to the proposition, as this was a most important and grave subject, and ought to be fully considered. After a scene of considerable confusion the debate was adjourned. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at One o'Clock. SHAYTESBURY.—On Friday Capt. Loftus's troop of the Queen's Own Dorset Yeomanry Cavalry dined toge ther at the Talbot's Head Inn, Iwerne Minster, to spend their forfeits, preparatory' to assembling on permanent duty at Blandford on the 9th inst. The occasion passed off with the greatest conviviality. Mr. John Mill, Mr. Wm. Foot, and Mr. Edward Buckland, all of Shaftes bury, left the Talbot's Head about two o'clock in the morning in a phaeton, drawn by a high-spirited horse, and when about midway between Iwerne and 'Shaftes bury the phmton was upset, and the three young men received severe injuries. The bruises which Mr. Mill received about the head rendered him quite insen sible, consequently it became necessary to place him in a cottage by the road side, where he breathed his last on the following Sunday. The event has caused great sen sation here, as Mr. Mill was only 30 years of age, and the son of the late Rev. Mr. Mill, of this place.—Sher burne Journal. LARGE EGG.—We have received from Mr. Her bert, of Bickerstaffe, a goose egg, weighing 9 ounces, and measuring in length 4i inches. The goose has laid 40 eggs of the same dimensions.—Liverpool Mercury. NEWLY-INVENTED SPECTACLES,TELESCOPES, OPERA . GLASSES, MICROSCOPES, &c.—Messrs. S. and B. Solo mons, Oculists and Opticians, 39, Albemarle -street, Pic cadilly, have succeeded in effecting a most scientific Im provement in Spectacle and Telescope Lenses, &c., of the greatest transparent power. The extraordinary advan tage derived from this invention is that vision becomes preserved and strengthened, and very aged persons are enabled to employ their sight either by day or candle light at the most minute occupation, and can see with those Lenses of a much less magnifying power ; nor will they require the frequent changes to further helps, as the Spectacles now in common use. Also, newly. invented Achromatic Waistcoat-pocket Telescopes and Opera Glasses, which are invaluable at the sea side, and on the race-course, as well as at the theatre, &c. Every kind of Telescope for Shooting, Sea purposes, and upon stand for Astronomical Observations, with the celebrated Lenses of the most clear transparent brilliancy ' • the powers are so great, and the Lenses so bright and bril liant, that minute objects at an extraordinary distance brought completely under the eyes. Sportsmen are, t 7 s, ande ie Visitors c will, inde e d, h ave a grea t Conductor giyes immediate relief to Old-staniling extreme cases of deafness. Caution —Messrs, 5, and 13. Salmons, Opticians and Aurists, are not in any way connected with a person of the same their_itamediate neighbourhood, nor in any nato,, part of the country. To prevent mistakes be cautious, and observe—Only to be had at 39, Albemarle-street, oposite the York Hotel, 1 , • • • • • ••• • -~--~ - EVENING, MAY 11, 1844. FRIDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE. WHITEHALL, MAT 9, 1844. The Queen has been pleased to direct letters patent to be passed under the Great Seal, constituting and ainointing Robert Maunsell, Esq., Companion of the Most Honotir.Nble Order of the Bath, and Captain in her Majesty's Navy, one t.'f the Com missioners of Greenwich Hospital, in the room of Edward Hawke Locker, Esq., resigned. WHITEHALL, Mar 9. The Queen has been pleased to present the Rev. C barley Goodall to the church and parish of Dron, in the presbytery and county of Perth, vacant by the death of the Rev. Pat rick John Macfarlane, late minister thereof. WAR-OFFICE, MAY 10. Ist Dragoon Guards—G. Briggs, Gent., to be Cornet by purchase, vice Stuart, promoted, May 10. Bth Light Dragoons—Cornet Lord A. S. Churchill to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Carden, who retires; J. V. Allen, Gent., to be Cornet by purchase, vice Lord A. S. Churchill, Maylo. sth Regiment of Foot—Second Lieutenant G. Renny to be First Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Scott, deceased, May 1 ; A. E. C. Forster, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant, vice Renny, May 10. 7th Foot—Lieut. C. F. Wedderburne, from the 52d Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Stewart, who exchanges, May 10. •22d Foot—Lieutenant R. Blackall, from the 49th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Stopford, who exchanges, May 10. 24th Foot—Lieutenant W. G. Brown to be Captain, with out purchase, vice J. A. Lutman, who retires on full-pay ; C. M. Drew, Gent., to be Ensign, without purchase, May 10. 25th Foot—Ensign C. D. Pogson, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Birch, appointed to the 51st Foot ; G. A. Hart man, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Pogson, May 10. 39th Foot—J. T. W. Bacot, Gent., to be Assistant-Sur geon, vice M'Gregor, appointed to the Staff, May 10. 47th Foot—Lieut. W. Armstrong to be Captain, by pur chase, vice M'Nally, who retires ; Ensign G. P. Drought to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Armstrong ; G. C. D. Nangle, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Drought, May 10. 49th Foot—Lieutenant C. P. J. Stopford, from the 22d Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Blackall, who exchanges, May 10. 52d Foot—Lieutenant J. H. F. Stewart, from the 7th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Wedderburne, who exchanges, May 10. 73d Foot—Lieut. Sir C. Shaw, from half-pay 90th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Bicknell, appointed Adjutant • Ensign T. Nash to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Sir C. Shaw, who retires ; W. L. Peto, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Nash, May 10. 81st Foot—Lieut. H. Farrant to be Captain, without pur chase, vice Brevet-Major H. Dixon, who retires on full pay ; Ensign D. A. Murray to be Lieutenant, vice Farrant; F. S. De V. Lane, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Murray, May 10. 94th Foot—Lieut. W. Fisher to be Captain, by purchase, vice Aldworth, who retires; Ensign T. C. Poole to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Fisher ; G. D. D. Cleveland, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Poole, May 10. Cape Mounted Riflemen—Ensign M. Rorke to be Quarter master, vice D. S. Schonfeldt, who retires upon half-pay; Sergeant-Major J. Salis (Riding-master) to be Ensign, without purchase, vice Rorke, appointed Quarter-master, May 10. UNATTACHED.—Lieutenant L. Clare, from the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, to be Captain, without purchase, May 10. HOSPITAL STAFF.—Assistant-Surgeon J. M'Gregor, from the 39th Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon to the Forces, vice Horniblow, appointed to the 72d Foot, May 10. ADMIRALTY, MAY 6. Corps of Royal Marines.—Brevet-Major I. R. Ceryten, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Lieut.-Col. D. Campbell, to re tired full-pay ; First Lieutenant J. Mitchell, to be Captain, vice Brevet-Major Coryton, promoted ; Second Lieutenant H. H. Geoid, to be First Lieutenant, vice First Lieutenant Mitchell, promoted. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Sussex. C. G. Eversfield, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant, April 30. WHITEHALL, MAY 4. The Lord Chancellor has appointed G. F. Brown, of Diss, in the county of Norfolk, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. GIOVANNI BATTISTA SALVI, wine merchant, Duke street, Portland-place. BANKRUPTS. MOYSE BRUNSWICK, merchant, Lime-street, to sur render May 22, at half-past twelve, and June 21, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official as signee, Basinghall-street ; Robinsons, Queen-street-place. JAMES ELLIOTT, innkeeper, Caxton, Cambridgeshire, May 24, at one, and June 21, at half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee, Birchin-lane ; Peppercorn and Wilkinson, St. Neots; Mitton, Southampton buildings, Chancery-lane, London. FRANCIS BANNER, provision-merchant, Upper Thames street, London, May 22, and June 21, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official-assignee, BirChin-lane, Corn hill ; Badham and Houghton, Verulam-buildings, Gray's Inn. JOSEPH CLARK, colonial broker, Mincing-lane, Fen church-street, City, May 21, at one, and June 21, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Graham, official assignee, Coleman-street; Casterton and Co., Angel-court, Throgmor ton-street. RICHARD SCRASE SAXBY, wine-merchant, Old Fish-street, City, May 21, and June 18, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry ; Gilbert, Hooke, Street, and Gutteres, Bralsant court, Phdpot-lane, City. CHARLES STYLES, grocer, Worthing, May 21, at one, and June 26, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. John son, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Buchanan and Grainger, Basinghall-street. THOMAS KEMPSTER, builder, Blackman-street, South wark, May 22, at half-past two, and June 26, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, o ffi cial assignee, Basinghall street ; Stenning and Carnell, Tunbridge, Kent; Stenning, Staple Inn, London. SAMUEL WOODROFFE, wine merchant, Chepstow Monmouthshire, May 17, and June 21, at eleven, at the Bristol District Court. Kynaston, o ffi cial assignee; Be:avan, Bristol. GEORGE PARKER, shovel manufacturer, Sheffield, May 25, and June 22, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Hope, official sssignee, Leeds ; Duncan, Featherstone-build ings, London; Unwin, She ffi eld ; Blackburn, Leeds. JOHN DIXON, linendraper, Sheffield, May 22 and July 3, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Freeman, official assignee, Leeds ; Walker, Furnival's Inn, London ; Black burn, Leeds. NOTICES OF INSOLVENCY. C. W. Spear, waiter, Liverpool. W. Tipper, traveller, Lady Lake's-grove, Mile-end-road. E. Harris, attorney's clerk, Branch-place, Horton Old-town. J. Ferrer, licensed victualler, Liverpool. J. Patten, messenger, Paradise r street, Lambeth. J. Marchant, sen., builder, Boxley, Kent. R. Coppers, schoolmaster, Coppers, Kent. H. Parrott, Marlborough-place, Walworth-road. J. P. Hillhouse, tea dealer, Bedford. E. Croft, bricklayer, Castle-street, Southwark. J. Friend, boot maker, Hythe, Kent. J. Nye, surgical instrument maker, Alfred-place, Southwark. \V. Parker, coal dealer, Norwich. I'. Mason, tailor, Sheffield. T. Hodgson, joiner, Otley, Yorkshire. J. Sutcliffe, carrier's agent, Halifax, Yorkshire. D. Henry, engraver, Leeds. G. Small, pig butcher, Liverpool. N. Daniell, dentist, Charlottee-street, Fitzroy-square. R. Sutcliffe, common carrier, Rochdale, Lancashire. J. Hilton, clerk, Meare, Somerset:hire. W. Newman, builder, Hammersmith. P. Lancashire, gardener, Chorlton-upon-Idedlock, Lancashire. J. Daniel, farmer, Langstone, Monmouthshire. R. Vinter, St. Helen's, Isle of Wight. J. M'Larty, lodging-house keeper, Spring-street, Shadwell. J. Parker, sen., coach maker, Bath. E. M'Cormick, tailor, Carlton-street, Regent-street: T. A. M. Browne, Stoke St. Mary, Somersetshire. E. Howell, tailor, Henstridge-place, St. John's'-wood. W. Harris, baker, Oxford. J. Collins, toy dealer, Filackfriars-road. J. Unsworth, butcher, Liverpool. J. Balls, jun., omnibus driver, Holloway-road, Islington. R. H. Talbot, Millbank-street, Westminster. J. Ball, plumber, Union-road, Clapham-rise. T. Bevins, beer retailer, Regent-street, Vauxhall-bridge-road. T. Adams, Blackman-street, Southwark. E. Russell, Oval, Kennington. J. Baker, grocer, Goudhurst, Kent. J. Taylor, painter, St. Alban's-street, Kennington-road. F. J. Foreman, licensed victualler, Seven Oaks, Kent. J. Harwood, tailor, llatherleigh, Devonshire. J. Walker, King's Norton, Worcestershire. F. R. Williams, St. James's-place, Walworth-common. H. Mopsey, sheriff's officer, Baker's-row, Walworth-common. R. Blackhurst, auctioneer, Toxteth-park, Lancashire. H. Ward, blacksmith, Eckington, Derbyshire. J. Young, auctioneer, Durham. W. Canner, cabinet maker, Brighton. J. Sparke, Princes-street, Drury-lane. J. Dyer, innkeeper, Kingston St, Michael, 'Wiltshire. T. Clough, provision dealer, Bradford, Yorkshire. E. Hodson, clerk, Birmingham. J. W. Hentig, wine merchant, Hamilton-place, St. Pancras. E. Coxson, wheelwright, Sonthchurch, Essex. SECOND NOTICES. J. R. Wood, druggist, Alpha place, New Peckham, May IS, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, official assignee. G. Cordrey, carman, Putney, May 18, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee. J. Levings, painter, Putney, May 16, at half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee. A. G. N. Malcouronne, French teacher, Putney, May 16, at half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee. J. J. Cafley, fish merchant, Great Yarmouth, May 16, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee. R. Atkins, omnibus driver, Richmond, May 16, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee. 0. Gandini, professor of fencing, Great Marlborough-street, May 16, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee. D. Offord, cutler, Great Yarmouth, May 16, at half-past one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee. R. Prichard, merchant's clerk, Park-road, Marylebone, May 16, at half-past one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whit more, official assignee. J. Samuel], dyer, Guildford, Surrey, May 16, at half-past one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee. J. Robinson, pork butcher, Brewer's-street, Somer's-town, May 16, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee. F. Crook, commission wine agent, Marylebone, May 16, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee. W. Borthwick, furniture broker, Tottenham-court-road, May 16, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee. G. Sladden, farmer, Herne, Kent, May 16, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee. J. R. Torbock, carman's clerk, Windsor-street, City-road, May 16, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee. H. Martin, wheelwright, Chelmsford, May 16, at two, at the Gourt of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee. T. W. M. O'Keefe, Jermyn-street, St. James's, May 15, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee. W. G. Stanaway, coach painter, Hammersmith, May 15, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee. R. Dinham, Tiverton, Devonshire, May 16, at twelve, at the Exeter District Court. Hernaman, official assignee. J. Hargreaves, otherwise J. Bond, shoe maker, Blackburn, Lancashire, May 15, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Pott, official assignee. H. Channon, porter, Exeter, May 15, at twelve , at the Exeter District Court. Hernaman, official assignee. W. Linscott, ivory turner, Exeter, May 14 , at twelve, at the Exeter District Court. Hernaman, official assignee. W. Harris, beer-house keeper, Cardiff, Glamorganshire, May 16, at one, at the Exeter District Court. Hutton, official rssignee. N. Banes, licensed victualler, Bath, May 16 , at aleyen, at the Bristol District Court. Kynaston,ofiicial assignee. J. Cock, labourer, Chapel Merton, Sornersetshire, May 16 1 at half-past eleven, at the Court of Banitruptey. Acraman, official assignee. T. Frankis, jun., Gloucester, May 10, at ;me, at the Bristol District Court. Acraman, official assignee. W. Alsbury, licensed victualler, Bath, May 16, at the Bristol District Court. Milltr, eleven, at ignee. H. Johnson, butcher, Liverpool, May 14, at ' "elV° l a; the Liverpool District Court. Bircl, a u i gn - ; 0 W. Dickin, land eurreyor, tolApylt o,r,i . 49ll - ..med ) 04 Luca. shire, May .. official assignee. Manchester District Court. Pott, PRICE OF SUGAR. The AreragelPrice of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, for the week ending May 7, 1844, is 375. nd. per cwt., exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the hn poi lation (hereof into Great Britai n . (Dividends, &c., in our next.) MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of May 10.) SUGAR.—In the home consumption Sugar market there has been less business transacted this week, importers having been more desirous to realise, and lower rates are accepted for all descriptions. To-day the demand was very trifling for West India Sugar : prices are still drooping, and rule is per cwt under those of this day week for brown and low yel low, and 6d per cwt for bright sorts. The total purchases for the week are only 740 lihds and trcs. ) REFINED.—To-day the grocers were tempted to buy Re fined Sugar more freely, in consequence of further reduced rates being accepted ; brown Lumps selling at 775, and standard Lumps 78s per cwt. The market is firm for bonded Crushed Sugar at 25s 9d to 265, at which a fair business is doing. M - Aunmus.—Low yellow selling at 59s to 60s 6d, middling 61s to 62s 6d, good 63s to 64s 6d, tine 65s to 66s 6d; good brown 57s 6d to 58s, fine Ms Gd to 595, ordinary to middling grey 58s to 625, good to fine 62s 6d to 64s per cwt. LAST INDIA.—This afternoon the demand was limited fur Bengal Sugar, and 2,004 bags 4 boxes at public sale were sold at rather lower rates; fine white at , 65s 6d, good 63s 6d to 655, middling 61s, low 59s 6d to GOs 6d, middling yellow 58s Gd to 595, damp and washed 57s 6d to 64s per cwt. FOREIGN.—There has been a good demand for white Ha vannah Sugar by private contract this week, still no advance in prices can be quoted ; yellow is held with firmness, and rather more business has been transacted. For Brazil full prices are paid. White Bahia sold at 22s 6d, 20 cases brown 18s 6d ; Bahia, middling grey 235, good brown 18s, and Pa rabia soft white 21s per cwt. MoLAssEs.—Prices are maintained for West India, and a good demand has prevailed ; Antigua at 275, and Trinidad at 25s 6d to 27s 6d ; privately good Demerara 25s per cwt. Bengal Molasses at 15s to 17s per cwt. Honey went rather previous prices : Cuba were taken in at 19s. TEA.—lmporters submitting to rather lower rates buyers have been induced to come forward more freely. To-day a good deal was done in Hyson, and the rates paid are Id to 2d per lb above those of the last public sales, common fetched 2s 2d to 2s 4d per lb ; in other sorts of Tea purchases to a fair extent made, and common and good sound common Congou cash is to Is Ot t d per lb. Cocoa..—For Foreign previous rates paid. For West India prices are on the decline. Yesterday Trinidad good dark red went at 49s to 49s 6d, middling 47s 6d to 48s, good grey 44s to 465, middling 43s 6d; very low 365, and sea-damaged 44s 6d per cwt. . . _ _ _ COFFEE.—Although further reduced rates have been accepted for West India Coffee of all descriptions, still buyers operate with reluctance, and the public sales Jamaica of the new crop went heavily, 2s per cwt under last week's price. This afternoon the demand for Ceylon Coffee was brisker by private contract ; good ordinary 49s to 51s per cwt; 60 bags fine ordinary grey Plantation were taken in at &is. Mocha is to 2s cheaper, good ordinary green went at 73s 6d, Triage 48s to 665, black 14s, and low sound brown 50s ; Singapore Java sold at 55s to 57s for fine ordinary brown pea berry, and 46s to 50s for sea damaged ; New Jamaica sold at 87s 6d to 91s 6d for mid dling, being Is to 2s per cwt cheaper. SPICES.—BIack Pepper has been less in request this week, but holders have refused to submit to lower rates. This afternoon Cassia Lignea sold at a reduction on former rates of 2s to 3s per cwt ; country damaged 52s 6d to 533, mouldy 59s to 59s 6d, stained by cockroaches 58s 6d, broken ends 575, loose and broken 51s 6d per cwt ; ground Bombay Ginger, of good colour, but deficient in strength, partly sold at 39s to 40s ; 30 bags bold Bengal taken in at 24s ; China preserved Ginger taken in at 2s to 3s per lb. Saco.-13s is the lowest price of sound pearl. This after noon Sago met with less attention, fine small pearl sold at 20s 6d per cwt, Sago flour taken in at 21s per cwt. Jamaica Arrowroot at 8d per lb. RUM, BRANDY, AND HonnAsms.—Leewards, proof to 3 per cent over sold at 2s 2d to 2s 3d, and common proof almost black 2s Id ; Jamaica 3s 4d to 3s 5d paid for 20 puns 26 per cent over proof ; Demerara strong quality 35 per cent overproof at 3s 2d; Calcutta Rum is lld to is Hid for several parcels, proof strength; Of the low qualities of Brandy many parcels have been dis posed of for exportation at 2s 9d to 3s per gallon, but the bet ter kinds are difficult of sale, and again cheaper.—Cognac, best brands of the vintage (4).838, hhds 5s 7d, puns 5s 5d ; ditto, 1839, hhds 5s sd, puns 5s 3d ; ditto, 1840, hhds 5s 3d, puns 5s Id ; do., 1841, hhds 5s 2d, puns 5s ; do., 1842, hhds 5s Id, puns 4s 11d; and middling qualities 3s 2d to 4s 6d per gallon. Geneva for exportation at is 8d to is 9d, and several parcels of fine taken by the home trade at 2s 2d to 3s. English Corn Spirits, at lOs 2d per gallon, cash. RlCE.—Cleaned Rice is not much wanted, but in prices there is no alteration. This afternoon Bengal Rice sold at lOs 6d to lis for mid white, and 9s fid to lOs fur first and second class sea damaged, being rather higher. INDIGO.—East India has met with less attention this week, but holders will not sell excepting at the advanced rates pre. viously quoted. With Spanish the market is still scantily supplied. Oils.—ln common descriptions of Fish Oils prices have still a downward tendency ; Cod Oil is 341, pale Seal 331 10s, and Southern 251 to 291 per tun. For Sperm a good business doing ; 75/ to 76t per tun paid for fine. Linseed Oil 26s 6d to 27s per cwt on the spot. Rape Oil 39s to 39s 6d for pale, and 38s for brown. Palm is plentiful; 27s to 27s 6d per cwt is the value of fine. Cocoa Nut at 28s to 325. Holders of Olive are firm ; Gallipoli, at 521 lOs to 534 Sicily, 52/, Spanish 51/ to 511 10s, and Barbary 50/ to 50/10s per tun. This afternoon, Palm Oil taken in at 26s to 27s for good and fine quality. TALLOW.—For P.Y. Candle, for delivery, prices have de clined 6d per cwt, 41s 3d to 41s 6d having been accepted for the last three months of the year, on the spot at 408 to 40s 9d per cwt. Town Tallow, nett cash, at 39s 6d to 40s per cwt. American Tallow upon rather lower terms. This afternoon New South Wales Tallow sold at 38s 6cl to 39s 6d. South American 34s to 39s ed, low 28s to 33s 6d, scrapings and pumpings 3s to 19s. Italian 39s to 40s per cwt. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. STANDARD.—We confess ourselves wholly at a loss to account for the vote of the House of Lords last night upon the Dissenters' Trusts Bill. The purpose of this Bill is to confirm the usurpation by Socinians of chapels and other trust property designed for the use of Christian Dissenters ; and it was carried in a House of Lords containing twenty-six Lords Spiritual, by a ma jority of forty-four to nine ; the only Bishop, in fact, present, was the Bishop of Exeter, who is always at his post when the interests of religion and humanity are concerned ; and who last night proved that they who charge him with being a too High Churchman, and too lenient towards the Tractarians, offer him a great injustice when they insinuate that he is indifferent to the rights of Christian Dissenters, or slow to protect even those who decline the administra tions of the particular Church to which he belongs, when they appeal to him as brother Christians, and members of the one great Catholic Church, to which all who sin cerely accept the Gospel without mutilation or addition equally belong. The other Bishops were at " a charitable festival." Charity is a good thing, but we cannot help thinking that the affair might be postponed when the Bishops were wanted to resist a wholesale scheme of Socinian usurpation. The only imaginable effect of the Bill upon the material interests of Dissenters is, as we have said, to confirm the present usurpation of Christian church property dishonestly occupied by Soci nians ; but we see in it a prospect of future litigation, that will fill the four inns of court with gladness. Every tenet of every preacher will be watched with a more than theological jealousy, to guard against the estab lishment of a prescription in favour of an erroneous doctrine. And as the only effectual security against such prescription, legal proceedings will be taken as soon as the teacher deviates a hair's breadth, or seems to de viate from the creed of the founder. Ejectments upon the text will be substituted for ejectments upon the title, and erroneous doctrines will take the place of non payment of rent, and non-performance of covenants. I'Ve all know what a Socinian is: he is a person with just.as much Chyistianity as a Turk, but much less reli gion. But we must not suppose that the change from real Christianity to this sad heresy is ever made ho nestly, and at once. No, like other departures from truth, it is made slowly and furtively—hence the neces sity that will, arise of closely watching teachers and trus tees, and bringing them to their duty by lawsuit after lawsuit. And this notable Bill is to quiet possessions and to prevent litigation. If ever it pass we shall see how that will be. Meanwhile, we exhort the Christian Dis senters to be up and doing ; they have more than once shown their power to influence the Legislature, and have influenced it upon occasions (as we must think) much less worthy than the present. They need not feel jea lous of the cordial support that they will receive from Churchmen, for the most ingenious discoverer of bad motives will be at a loss to find any motive for Church men moving in the matter, except a regard for our com mon Christianity, and a respectful sense of the value of a Christian ministry which, though dissenting from our Establishment, acts as its faithful auxiliary in the cause of religions GLOBE.—The Times pursues its argumentom ad homi nent to the country gentlemen, on the question of this eve ning.—" Country gentlemen are dreading more and more the growth of the manufacturing population. They see at their very doors, and within the limits of their old domi nions, the rapid increase of an empire beyond the reach of all direct influences, and daily more and more es tranged in feeling. Their attempts to control are de feated ; their advances are rejected ; their teachingde spised.Do they wish to widen the R ulf, and augment into inveteracy the indifference or hostility of this rebellious mass ? They will most assuredly do so, beyond all re medy, if they now refuse to protect the labour of the weak and dependent, and that for the most despicable of all possible reasons, vise b e cause they would thereby endanger the existing protection of their own wealth. How long do they suppose protected wealth will co-exist with unprotected labour ? How long will the landowner get his twenty shillings' premium on his quarter of wheat, while the factory woman is working from half-past five in the morn ing to seven in the evening every day of her life ? It was neither c a ndi d nor statesmanlike i n t h e e iam it ent wasagainstagenerous am oun t impos s ible to s ay wh ere o protec tion was to stop. Not to prote ct so l arge a c l ass of Premierprotection, because e c Parliament must be as dangerous as to protect it. The alienation of the multitude cannot but be costly. Scarcely any price, in reason, is too great for their affections. If some difficulties attend a social remedy, more must follow its omission. A people will perhaps make troublesome demands on the kindness of rulers; b t h NY at rAople can be more trouble some, more formidable - • Limn that which feels its government to be colA, t indifferent, and worthless ?" There would he some consistency in this line of argument on the part of a corn - protectionist ; and the Times, we suppose, thinks itself at liberty to be all things to all men. On the part, however, of the professed advocate of an open corn trade, there is something curiously hollow and worthless in this appeal to the agricolous apprehensions. long," says the Times, " will the landowee7 ; g et his twenty shil lings premium on , y his n i of wheat while the factor woman is nuig from half-past five in the morning tf.) Seven in the evening every day of her life ? " Of course this argument is not at all addressed to the selfish feelings, like those of the cold-blooded (them pions of the Ogre Millocrats. There is something eminently generous in erecting a new "protection," to prop up an old one, and in courting the alliance of the Spinner Interest (12 or 13,000, we believe, or thereabouts), as a new prop to the Landlord Interest, and outwork against the Anti-Corn-law League. And those who think the landowner ought to get his 20s. premium on his quarter of wheat, mar consistently think the spinners should get whatever Time Bil delegates ask for. Because the maintenance of such premium on home-grown wheat is equivalent to a decree that the spinner shall work for the landowner's benefit. It is equivalent to a decree that the money the spinner earns abroad he shall lay out on dear wheat at home. Well—if the land owner fi n d s t h e i ntensity. of com petition for hi s hi g h- priced wheat too painful for his feelings to witness, he may b e cons i stent i n seeking to moderate it. He may be consistent in saying to his factory slaves—" Don't work so hard—don't be so eager in earning your half-rations. Y ou won ' t get any the more fcr it ; I can telr you that—l k eep the key of the corn-chest." This may be consistent, if not remarkably sane, in restrictionists. It may also—for what we care to dispute—be "gracious," as the Times says, and all the rest of it. It may infinitely strengthen her Ma jesty's throne, that her faithful Commons should dis pense such " favours" to the working people.. It may be (and we confess- that it would be) carrying Out the principle of protection to its due consequences. For the assumed virtue of protection is to raise all classes to a privileged elevation. Any class, therefore, which com plains protection has not raised it, has a right to its Act of Parliament. If the landed interest is to be believed, it is the grand disposer of the fate of the labouring people—its immense preponderance, as a purchaser of their products, renders its patron age almost exclusively worth looking to. It follows legitimately enough that this omnipotent patron, this exclusive customer, may, whenever he chooses, lighten the toils of his workers, as the Pharaohs might have lessened the piece of pyramid to be turned out of hand for the day's pittance of pulse ; or Mehemet Ali the piece -work he expects from his toilers in Egyptian bondage. If the landlords hold the position they pretend to—then the terms of labour are doubtless a proper object for their regulation. But the Times, which would strip them of their sham omnipo tence—with what sense does it call on them to exert it? Turn we to the Standard and Herald. The former says, citing the memorial of- the millowners, that the average of factory wages "is but 10s. aid. the week for indefi nite hours of labour a s regards adults, and for four teen hours of labour from infants. In mere pecu niary receipts, then, the spinners are not in so much better condition than the agricultural labourer." Now the returns procured by the respectable heads of firms whom we mentioned yesterday, were returns from the Lancashire cotton mills'; and no writer, who was not as ignorant, or ill-intentioned, as this one, would have dared to make any such statement as the above respecting their hours of work. The Standard had already stated, in the very same leading article, that of the factory workers 53 per cent. are under the age of' 21. All but the ignorant know, and none but the ill-in tentioned would knowingly falsify such a circumstance—. that the maximum of work allowed in cotton mills to hands under twenty-one is twelve hours during five days of the week, and nine hours on Saturdays. Fifty-three per cent. of the workpeople being, it appears, under twenty-one, it is impossible that mills should be kept open longer than the hours we have last mentioned. Under thirteen years of age the Act of 1833 restricted the hours of work still farther to eight; and the present Government measure propose farther restriction. We are not now discussing the policy of such legislation—it proceeds on the idea of protecting infants —which is the sole prin ciple the Standard lays down, and then, as we have seen, proceeds to falsify the present state of facts. We advise the Herald to pause, before it has next the effrontery to provoke exposures of such treatment of facts by its evening partner or by itself—by indulging in such silly and gratuitous insolence as the follow ing :—" We must ureservedly declare, that we have scarcely seen an article in the London press, on the side of cruelty, which has not borne upon it the most evident signs of the kindred vice of falsehood." As the Herald has the cool assurance to name the Globe in, con junction with such such language, it would have done well to adduce, if it could, an instance of the " kindred vice" in our columns. Really parties, whose lights (or firebrands) are the Oastlers and Ferrands, should hold their pens, if possessed of common prudence, respecting that vice at least. PROMISSORY NOTES. - - (From Last Night's Gazette.) An account of the Average Aggregate Amount of Promis sory Notes payable to bearer on demand, which have been in circulation in the United Kingdom, distinguishing those circulated by the. Bank of England, by Private Banks, and by Joint-Stock Banks, in England and Wal es , b y th e B an k s in Scotland, by th e B an k of Ireland, and by all other Banks in Ireland, and of the Average Amount of Bullion in the Bank of England, during the four weeks ending the 27th day of April, 1844, pursuant to the Act of 4th and sth 'Vic toria, cap. 50 ENGLAND. Bank of England £21,839,000 Privato Banks Joint-Stock Banks ' SCOTLAND. Chartered, Private, and Joint-Stock Banks 2,714,627 IRELAND. Bank of Ireland 3,625,925 Private and Joint-Stock Banks Total Bullion in the Bank of England Z15,844,000 HENRY L. WICKHAM. Stamps and Taxes, May 10, 1844. --- CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. OLD COURT. (Before Mr. Justice Courstkx.) Mary Anne Joblins and Mary Pettigrew were then placed at the bar, to answer an indictment charging them with feloniously setting fire to a dwelling-house, Charles Ayre being therein at the time. Mr. PAYNE, who conducted the prosecution, was about to open the case, when Mr. Justice Coltman inquired whether any Learned Gentleman appeared on behalf of the prisoners ? Air. Homo( said he was instructed to defend the prisoners. Mr. Cnoucn immediately afterwards rose and said that he had also bean instructed fur the defence. Mr. Justice COLTMAN inquired of the latter Learned Gentleman whether he appeared for both the prisoners. Mr. CROUCII—I appear for both, my Lord. Mr. Justice COLTMAN said that, under such circum stances, all that - could be done was to ask the prisoners which of the two Learned Gentlemen they desired to de fend them. The prisoners said they expected to be defended by Mr. Wilkins. (This 'statement by the prisoners occa sioned another roar of laughter.) Mr. WILKINs said he should wish to explain why he did not appear on behalf of the prisoners. A day or two ago a brief had been prepared by an attorney for him (Mr. Wilkins), but owing to his absence the brief was given to Mr. Crouch, and under these circumstances he would not interfere. He felt, however, compelled to complain of the disreputable conduct of many of the per sons who practised in that Court as attorneys. He went on to say that the brief had been delivered to Mr. Ilorry without the knowledge or sanction of the prisoners, and it was high time that such proceedings wero put an end to. Sir P. LAURIE said that the Court of Ald ermen b ad passed a resol u ti on to correct the abuse complained of by Nir. 'Wilkins. Mr. liolinv said that Mr. Crouch had only been in structed on the previons day, whereas be had held a brief for the prisoners since the commencement of the session. Sir P. LAURIE said the question was, by whom he had been instructed? If., he would state the party's name, orders should be given to the door-keepers to prevent him from entering the Court in future, as they were de termined to put a stop to such practices. Mr. Ilorry made no answer. Mr. PAYNE made some further observations, but The COURT said the discussion was altogether irregu lar, although, perhaps, it might be neeessary; and the ordinary business of the session was then proceeded with. Henry Ha? ding, 23, was indicted for a robbery, ac companied with violence, upon George Hales. Mr. O'Brien defended the prisoner. It appeared from the evidence that, on the evening of the 24th of April, the prosecutor was at the Prince of Wales public-house, in Stepney, and the prisoner, wh o was also in the house, had an opportunity of seeing him take out his purse, which contained a quantity of silver. On his way home afterwards the prosecutor was way laid by the prisoner and another man, who knocked him down and robbed him of two half-crowns and s ome ot h er money. Mr. O'BRIEN addressed the jury on behalf of the pH ga g T l ie jury and . s o3nerri. ,returnedcal l called a witnesses, verdict who o a ve him ood c haracter f guilty, Justice COLTMAN Sentenced the p isoner to be but strongly rec ommended the prison er t o mercy. kept to hard labour f or s i x calendar monihrs James Lemons, 21, a black man , was indicted for felo niously cutti ng and 'wounding Jane Smith, with intent to do her grievous bodily harm. The jury found the . guilty of prisoner he was sentenced to three months' hum.' isonment. COURT-MARTIAL AT CHATMAM.—Yesterday the Court-martial for the trial of Scrjeant-Major William Neel ance, of the 12th Lancers, for attempting to bribe Major Meyer, of the Cavalry Depot at Maidstone, to make a favour able report of his qualifications for the post of riding -master to his regiment, and fbr writing a letter to the Duke of Wel lington calculated to injure Major Meyer in the estimation of the Commander-in-Chief, assembled for the fourth time, when the case for the prosecution was closed. The President then called on the prisoner to make his defence, when he re quested time to prepare his answer to the charges. The Court gave the prisoner until Saturday next to make his defence. CRIMINAL LUNATICS.—The Hon. and Gallant Member for the city of Lincoln has moved for, and obtained, a return of the number of criminal lunatics now under con finement, specifying the name, age, and sex of each person, the place of confinement, the nature of the offence committed, and the period at whi c h suc h conf i nement commenced. The fallowing appear to be the results :—The number of criminal lunatics at present immured within the various gaols of Great 1 13 ,, r h i o t n a I,t whilst amounts labouring, altogether we e t o suppose, llB, under "morbid dein% 'an, named the crimes committed by fired at I ° Bl B a . av T in h g e number sions," comprise all sorts of offences, both against},.t:ahregirese4:, r s a ongiV ut y in a g in a st nd pr m op a e ini rty in , g i , nc a l s u s d a i u n l g ts, mLrd . murder, a n r e so ,: n il viDavidscounDtav Palmerston,i s,isc onld . in consequence the, of criminal lunatics r.',Yer eordin°:%l in lunatic asylums in the different counts of Euglkyni and Wales, amounts—in Bed ford to 3, in Chester to 11, in Cornwall to 8, in Devon to 6, in Dorset to 2, in Durham to 6, in Gloucester to 10, in Haute to 4, in Herts to 1, in Kent to 7, in Lancaster to 17, in Leicester to 4, in the licensed asylums of this metropolis to 22, in Norfolk to 1, in Norwieli to 2, in Notts to 4, in Oxford to 2, in Salop to 3, in Somerset to 4, in Stafford to 2,. in Suffolk to 6, in Sussex to 1, in Warwick to 2, in Wilts to 8, in Worcester to 3, in York (west riding) to 3, and in York (east riding) to 2. The return does net give aq fartieular4 Niaecting I}"itic4. o v a ve s ail vos Lstt ,;)4 I I I