The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-07 00:00:00

L ) 31 5s 16s to Wheat r «•ere week's 1 103 17s to 1 Ss to Supply ited- to 31; t• 41; WNW , Tvada loing n d at ex p. The ad 2,27 3 found lie (but yellow quantity' at the i s . The in on the 6-t:i!i it ;ofll' large. n Ceylon tation s, against it year. East and ere take" ported 98 ,160 pens 'drawn at value. spot, and t prey iota package/ ed chiedr to ) „ ct. 'elloir 8 " lay in ' ;1 1 fe ed s 6, 1 P er • sch& , er ° t high tr,, imps 7 . 7 . at 4 , 34 I t 71s fe• r for fai 6(.1 is tb it yollo es ha' 49 n cis ha n excel iff prices. tamp 67 ' t yellow" 7as, dutr mid 5 7 r 56s 60 [avanrai a y e heel f 6d Pe . l a y that ition saes we' r. for W e ' PI 'eon fa very fin isdities ot shown to. asid g v •nd " rend w e e L O O - s defjr . ordina k tva ta r ; r ye l , n .10 ito at orall dl id par I y 1 u a for l; T7,. f a Z; ls F i IS ,; fine 5' 6 per ce 2 ling 38 , e d 2s 8 • ka 18 1( 1 " ~er t ificaj !the ;, is 5s As.sB titto i d ae f° 47 rn Spirit! cotch Sao To-disj 21s to 2 6! Is for ncl lls 1 of he pa— r ast (1 1 . 1 ' but all t Spa' for seeu t o `iu3,65 oil, s pe ,r ,_ Cs for ;2l 26' 1 5e to ; 50. N IP tl per 70 1 tencl r . for the o f Da 3 to 4 _, °,4:125 . to 35 5 3 "4 6d t 381; v 341 f 415 : It _ co o nd rr.o be 1,33 wsr aol;,1 gsCit ilair4 A . p 4 II rd T i ' lli ll' o ic °i'Ll'B 1 3 3 011, of l etf ter ~ti s r . C 3e6 ; 3 7°° , 5 ,.. 00 4 :, , ) be , " ( Or loOt els ' of IV' pcar" r• et reel Rea LiSt' o.f Robert ,ard Doll' tbs avm ' kW' MIDDLESEX and SURREY GRAND JUNCTION RAILWAY. Capital 600,0001., in 20,000 shares of SC/. each. Deposit 3/. 10s. per share. Ric). PROVISIONAL COMMITTEE. 1 117s a n rd .i n ~Ignell, Esq. F ranc i s Paasingham, Esq. "'''' D e Castro, Esq. nh William Price, Esq. .- Howson, ' l onath Esq. William Richardson, Esq. an Hosier Lawson, John William Tottic, e_ liana With power to add to their number. " s —Messrs. Williams, Deacon, Labouchere, anti Co. 4°As—Messrs. Allen and Holmes, 31, Bedford-row, London, and Messrs. Everest and wardroper, Epsom. ENGINEER—CarI Tottie, Esq., C.E. Mr. William llodgsonl • Mr. W. Page Smith, 3 Secretaries. itelliamin Lumley, Esq., Parliamentary Agent. e orn 'llt i . u ndertaking is intended to orni a connecting line of railway po=uucation between the five great lines of railway at present q n ,L'un from the metropolis through the counties of Middlesex anti viz--thetAe Birmingham, the Great Western, the South Western, 14: Brighton, -and the Dover lin.a. hey e a a .mtPortance and utility of a junction of these different lines the ' r ations times engaged public attention. The promoters of „,,r‘ent undertaking are convinced that, besides many of the ad vastaf„." to he derived from a junction in the metropolis, others of pubik'''Portance will be secured by the line now submitted to the A Is with mit demanding a large outlay of capital. in etro at l'eY of the country within the range of twenty miles of the effe ct l aslls, 4111 g between the five lines with which it Is proposed to nlttar Mtißq orBTjunction, was accordingly made, under the superintendence . tie ; and the proposed junction line from the Harrow on the Birmingham line, to the Mertsham Station, on the Rht tiaUth e - 4 1 an d Dover lines, crossing the Great Western at or near emb , and the South Western, at or near Kingston, was selected arki,, 'acing the more important districts between the two termini, it tb'ttring the nearest useful points of junction on the great Imes, advantages of an open and generally cheap country. 60°,04 ar )st of the line has been carefully revised , and will not exceed le er 'e has reported that the revenue will amount to 52,0001. a Der cent a rerY moderate calculation, yielding a return of nearly 6 the cm the capital, allowing 35 per cent. on the receipts for Th Mi ng. lated e n "t f construction and of working the line has been eaten p)o3,,,,i'n the assumption that steam locomotive power will he m ule 4 - - t but the engineer having examined and tested the power of b a raPherie principle, as applied to locomotion on the Kingstown the :k,e3' Railway, recommends the. adoption of tha . t principle to ena e hrateration of the shareholders, by which the capital would be the tr ablY reduced, and the working expenses something less bair. ti n ,tlarlim.r!'"ealars of .the proposed line were laid before the public the ep ine vear and communicationa have been opened with A pplication s Inte . rest; in the route with the most satisfactory results. befoin_ cat inna for Shares, according to the annexed form, to be made 0 1 me 15th of February to the solicitors, or to the Secretaries at L o T, i t r , 6 , Lincoln's Inn-flelds. " °,l, Jan. 20, 1844. • FORM OF AFFLICATIOM. To % A tat ed ..-•—•••—•••• , 1444. r rerisional Committee of the Middlesex and Surrey Grand kfenti . Junction Railway. I;o rn „_,len,—l request an allotment. of shares in the above 2/. 1 47 . 1 Y• and [ undertake, when required, to pay the depos it of silare, and to sign the Parliamentary contract and sub --5- agreement in respect thereof. Name •• • Residence• • • • • • Trade or profession ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION. Ep p POPULAR LECTURES daily, abounding in BEAUTIFUL to ~,,.'I II3I ENTS4. With the view to amuse the Visitors, as.well as ttoprd instruction in CHEMISTRY, EXPERIMENTAL PHlLO itota:r,and other branches of Science, Dr. liyan, 'Professor Bach- Mr.tloddard, and other Lecturers vary their subjects as much en,244.ible, and have arranged so that each Lecture shall seldom oc j*Zi niore than Half an Hour—a List of which for the week is sus ter ; 4 .. In the Hall of Manufactures. The first commences at a Quer -1%114 Tvreivc. The Apparatus, &c., used for illustration is of the trtoCabornte and perfect description, amongst which is ARM -444, lITDRO-ELECTRIC MACHINE (which is exhibited 10 1 ,,,k Three o'clock, and at Eight in the Evenings), and LONG bjy-ipi'S OPAQUE MICROSCOPE, NEW DISSOLVING VIEWS, and DIVING-BELL, &c. &c. Conductor of the Music, T. Wallis, Mus. Doc. Admission, Is.; Schools, Half-price. NEXT DISTRIBUTION of MONEY the m D IVIDENDS, AUTHORISED and GUARANTEED by 44 V — " 4 ESTYE3IPEItOR of AUSTRIA, contains MONEY /b it ._ the 'A DS Of t5O £9O .£6O £7O £lOO £llO X4O £l2O 150 £2OO £lOO £ , IOO £3OO £l,OOO £1,500 £3,000 and £23,000 sterling. bit etrfor im Amounting together to :£70,170 sterling. • - .OSPECTUS with 11111 particulars, WITHOUT DELAY,to HEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH, Or, to HEINE BROTHERS, at LUBECK. NATIONAL LOAN FUND LIFE ASSUR- ANCF. SOCIETY, 26, CORNIIILL, LONDON. Capital X. 500,000. th„ Empowered by Act of Parliament. 4V mre 7.:_r,lrst Annual Division of Profits lu May, 1843, Policies of er ag ir standing in this Societ became entitled to a bonus . g 45 Per cent. on the Premiums paid. EXAMPLES. ----- - trY. Polley. Annual Bonus Cash Prem. No. "g e. —tm • l'rem. Added. Bonus. Reduced. lgr n X s. d. £ s.d. X s. d. s.d. 3 9 59 1,000 67 8 4 132 14 6 58 19 9 819 4 ----- • 114 56 3,000 175 15 0 296 9 7 123 0 6 16 9 7 bu:'Lnother Bonus will be declared In the present year. itt ` 4T E A.NNUITY FOR EVERY HUNDRED POUNDS SUNK. ji gt 40 Annuity. Annuity. 50 ................... ..Xli 5 2 Aze 70 £l4 2 2 60 ..................... 78 0 75 ...... .............. 9 14 3 FERGUSON CAMROUX, See. UNITED KINGDOM LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY, W ATERLOO-PLACE, PALL-MALL, LONDON. D Established by Act of Parliament in 1834 . h is eiVISION OF PROFITS AMONG TUE ASSURED. 142 tset 2 M PanY, established by Act of Parliament, affords the most ,:'cluity in a largo paid-up Capital, anti in the great st ; iTss 4 .1ic0; 4 s attended it since its commencement in 1834, its ANNUAL In 18 E b eing. UPWARDS of 60,0001. "it-hap.l the Company declared an addition to the Shareholders of of their Stock, and also added a Bonus of '2l. per cent.. per tronvti', on the Sum Insured to all Policies of the Participating Class Th e e time th ey were effected. 44 R ends added Policies March 1834, to December 31, as to from Slim 'MOWS : gs ur ,, Time Sum added Sum Time Sum added 4,1006'• Assured. to Policy. Assured. Assured. to Policy. Se% 6 YTS. 10 mths. £683 6 8 .Z iOOO 4 years £lOO The 6 years 600 0 0 5000 2 years 200 ren liums, nevertheless, are on the most moderate scale, and te e , !-lialf need be paid for the first Five Years, where the Insur tveCY 's ror Life. information will be afford NtitlTS, Edward Boyd, Esq., and Pall-mall, London. ed on application to the Resident E. Lennox Boyd, Esq., of No. 8, ARGUS LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY t ik , 39, THROGAIORTON-STREET, BANK. !POWERED by SPECIAL ACT 3f PARLIAMENT, 5 and 6 Will. IV. c. 76. THOMAS FARNCOMB, Esq., Alderman, Chairman. WILLIAM LEAF, Esq., Deputy Chairman. Richard E. Arden, E , q. James Clift, Esq. William Banbury, Esq. Rupert Ingleby, Esq. tivrard Bates, Esq. Thomas Kelly, Esq., Aid. Thomas Camplin, Esq. Jeremiah Pitcher, Esq. John Humphery, Esq., Alder - Lewis rocock, Esq. man, M.P. Colisuurzna ACTU A RY—Professor Hall, of King's College. Pnrsic CoulsoiAm—r. jeaffresion, 2, Finsbq. s'ultO ONW D n, Esq., 2, Frederick's-pl urv-s ace, uare Old Jewry• LOW RATES OF PREMIUM. In addition to the subscribed Capital of £300,000, the Assured 'iTe the security of the Company's income of nearly £60,000 e ,, r ._ a , n n. um, yearly increasing, and an accumulating Assurance il"'"q invested in Government and other available securities, lorisiderably larger amount than the estimated liabilities of .c' n ompany. rates of premi um are re d uce d t o the lowe s t scale corn % '„le with the security of the Assured, and the stability of In i •"inPany, thereby, in effect, giving to every Policy Holder d e lrotnediate and certain Bonus without risk, in lieu of the of ef ii red and frequently delusive prospect of a periodical division rofita. .."--zte.......... ANNUAL S 1.1 R E £lOO. ....... For One Year. For Seven Years. Whole Term. 20 —____-_—..—..______-__ £1 11 10 30 40 17 8 £0 19 1 401181 2 7 2 0 7 60 1 5 0 1 6 9 2 14 10 60 1 14 1 1 19 10 4 0 11 --. ;c - -_----______ 3 2 4 1 317 0 6 010 at P'tlL~rd of " Whole Term" Premium may remain unpaid life u cent. compound interest, as a debt upon the policy for 14 A ts'Y be paid off at any time without notice, se as urances for Advances of Nionev, as security for debts Oprovi s i on for a family, when tbe least present outlay f4 s ,; r ' t nl, the var i e d and aim prehensive tables of the Argus w; 1 1 be f ound to be particularly favourable to the Assured. officers, attend daily at a quarter before Two EDWARD BATES, Resident Director. A liberal Commission to Solicitors and Agents. Ds SCORBUTIC DROPS, bEcLARATIoN OF THE GUARDIANS OF BRENI, p int DEVON. the Undersigned, solemnly declare that before Thomas Ro br4tie - I T' o f our parishioners, commenced taking " Ilalse's Scor ;ol)nit he was literally covered with large running wounds h ero) Of th eta so la rge t h at a person might have la i d hi s fist in orip to ;lat before he had finished the first bottle he noticed an leraw,j n , e nt, and that by continuing them for some time, he go had tri el restored to health, a ft er everything else had tailed. He b4 tie b " v arious sorts of medicines before taking " Halse's Scot._ ii ro pe, and had prescriptions from the most celebrated phy , - ,ne,iteoomtlio-iitle,:;t)itsopc.o,ti,thitarvye, without deriving the least benefit. " Hulse 's completely cured him, and he is . new F en o a n - t eth er 4"End to his labour as well as any man in our par is h. F r om it ° l l:a lt i r '._" l, o made in this part, we strongly recommend "}lsl'e' s c to the notice of the public. illi alnV John Elli ott, sen., L or d o f t h e M anor , J o hn Manning, t,4,-Jearce, Henry G oo d man, A rt h ur L angwor thy. N,, a `' 114 43. street es ale Agents for London : Barclay and Son, Farringilon -2a3,111 ac lialiett 83 , High H o lb orn ; Pr out, 2:29, Strand; King, bk friar s -road ; and John s t on , 68, C orn hill. ' Be sure to ask for " Halse's Scorbutic Drops," 2s. Pd. per S' c ---- his c, - L EN T'S CLOCK. 1 - 1, oe rick till elicited many pu, W e h at .er, till now, fonn F.. MOSES and SON. We'll ~, e look'd at the subject, and, finding i "strike," The c h , m °," . yo , il how we and the Clock arc alike. " 1i a 1,,,, e . 1 , , ' exalted," and We are at length. And ~Z_ Balsa s. by the Public—that "'Power of strength," he As t - t ",Me " look up," and in wonder urvr, Ihen o , n , i sfung manner we " figure away. "O t tio tell you the truth for we'd wi.h to do so), W it t iBUres" , e b ee , were always remarkably " low. " nu4t7e. arnwrienigglQe.si t t n h e t n h , the Public—and e l o ttg i,t a ll r n f e ol t k h s e know beie .: well, Th at ar we resemble—but mark, if you will, O ur ;ye never have suffer'd " our hands" to " stand still." And : nloveMents" in business are well " regulated," 11 Jet a " • . tit ~,,,, .wind-up" we have not contemplates!. . Lest i t tit high " time" that we " wound tip' this rh y me, th e ~ Cease to engage with its musical " chime." sr, atone ein" of eur musings is nearly To " strik'? will " stop," and advise ev'ry one, e a good bargain with MOSES and SON. " out-run." 11;a1tlioitis, .£ s. d. ( t.,1,,, chevsetlytt collar and catiEfr,T* MADE. t' from 0 II 0 '''l l l °Rton, er eld, velvet colla ' ts l a i n ' ‘ vin sn imno,i I eltos, York Wra •ers Sc handsomely An Tn WI" '' .. ''''''''''''''' P 1 ' : '''''''''''' 'rem 0 15 0 curs, ditto f rom 0 4 6 j. ,_ I patter_ Inter"; trousers lin '''''' ''''''''' .- - '''''''' t h °Obl e _l at .!' , 11 , tes ki n ditto ...from 0 A 0 esB o e tt eisted Winter Vest, from 0 3 6 thtto cdged ........... . .from 1 6 0 wi nt , ................... . from 14 0 P r itrthstl.rLit'n:;:terntit, t : T h i e e;r:r i t o o: i s t: ni N f A a , " t s:h t : t i t o t a t t r i:al P s , f l° e l cv t n s c t et ti :l C i2 7l.k e and m from 1 5 0 from 0 18 0 ;aerial, „,..,tiitt,„__ _h.rtig west fabi ic from 0 10 6 s‘ `;,.,t,rn,!e. ...................... . . for 110 0 b to Palf•er n " t , ill elitiiCS3 ... ... ... .. i ...... i . .... .' . f;:i • - , a - 1 . and 'll 4 l (.°4l B ........................... cY ' 1" - . . from 0 8 6 A ior e, , , tian. • :.; ..... ; ............................................. ' from 1 12 0 ' in g ut a u : iy lxrtet,t.t.t.,, -.. 2 15 0 Me-, saii be had at five minutes' notice, at the 1i0;,,,,, 5 . , i ,, , dr __ following prices • aiditt„, ;7,.._8, C oat. vest, and trousers — from 1 16 0 thia_n An‘r..,..",), vest, and trousers from OIS 0 Red,r'irwvie Purchased or ortlereJ. if not approved of, ex. ~,h A u nr r - t i t ex......,)° m..onse4retur-n.‘d. fi B 4 , _ Iraie,, ini 7 i _ . and .•on regret being obliged to guard the ha, , °0 (1 of b e i h i.."' n oll. as they learn that the untradesmanlike svoevmen re,0r.,,..i. onnected with them or it's the same -eneern r itt 1: lio llar e ~,:T i t i ? in . Many instances 'and for obvious - reasons: ,ii. m,,, who deosir,lexion.uliatevt•r with any other establishment, Ut ) ,, , e -" t .s a , sni\rai 06 , gustittii,,_srtt,lencar:inuis4::,tiiselt :TCtiliseaapppllithiiilitg, &c uld call or send to , i‘ l ti 'a n i o lo ri r v s . , , N a N n . h d o e6 les , a a le ki Nis g ' a o t o e l 7 Drapers, _„. -.... , 7 , • 4 41M 4 411' ii ii l ll 4 - --?!,..:,, 4,• at t • . e 4,40 ... s. .1, rfsoa i t : _/.,: 4ftkfk. ( . ..,. ' - NA 1.• ~i 1 - 1k r wii i 7iLW ,. , ,;,,, _.‘„4 .4 11 : - .__ ,li , .. _ cu.4,,,,', ~.., --,i , eitifiv o ; 4 \: .; i 4".ll lP ro A jr . t , \et t " tii i /) , \* 1 i j ....L4 ea. ~ ' iiiel "tr... 4 , .. -V ‘,,, ths .4; - ,P i ~, ;:.,g, , ; ...fir ••• ' 1 ' " f \ ' .... No. 16,053. LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING SUNg FEBRUARY 7, 1844. PRICE sd. THE SUN i s P u blished EVERY MORNING at FIVE O'CLOCK, in Tim for the EARLY TRAINS awl TOWN DELIVERY ; a SECOND EDITION (E v ening, Sun) is Published in Time f o r the AFTERNOON TRAINS, and a THIRD EDITION a t SEVEN O'CLOCK, f or POST, containing PARLIAMENTARY and all other NEWS in LONDON up to that Hour. ........ 5 ,...... , . /...„, ~ • also a matter of history. I mean the letter from Primate Boulfet: dated January 19, 1750, in which, amongst other passages, -. N . he says, " I made it toy duty to talk with the leading.- ..: _,..:. s,,ase men, in Parliament, and I fi n d that the pe o ple of f -- - 7.-- - - - _-1.:- ..- religion aint party are set against the union, which wit ti . ~, (4 1- ~s :' e.'? very bail eff e ct o f b r i ng i ng them together on terms of i ' r . s . d.isl - .?.r\;•" ••• 41 and friendship." Dere, Gentlemen, we have an honou / tai o. 'l''; ' : .. -' saying that it is a most unhappy thing t hat') should conic together on terms of intimacy the ts c l o )a n i c 'i i s l t ia s ti . i . " - 111- -,:% 5 7,5 dC" : 2 " -.- , F '7 ' ';'''.4j s s.,s > is the spit it of English (lamination which I complained Oted Issl . k.. '' vi ii .- *,":.' a'k you, have I toot proved what I promised from Bushe, Pi and--- ' -'",..., c ~ 'l:* . !twitter ?—and I conj ure you, a b ove all t hi ngs, to remem b er t h e IV a. ,, "*. '''''' declaration of the first of these inen, who said the union was Pro posed from " the intolerance of Irish prosperity." I will next bring you to 1750, and detain you but a short time upon the sub. ject, which, lam sure, is one familiar to every Irish mind, as the only bright spot in our history—the only green easis in this desert, in the rule of misconduct which surrounds us. The transaction of 'B2 was of the most consummate advantage to England ; she assailed America—America was disaffected and resisted, and from her rebellion formed a revolution which made Ireland's assistance necessary for her safety, for she had not troops to garrison the country. Did the Irish nobility or gentry then talk of separating from England ? No ; the idea was foreign from every Irish mind, but they required the assertion of their rights—free trade and legislative independence. It was not prudent to refuse them, for they were loyal bit determined. England conceded at the very time when the letter was written to Ireland calling Grattan a madman, who effected that glorious revolution. This is but part of the history of the British mo narchy, which declared that adjustment of 1782 final, in order to leave no question open for future discussion. The King, Lords, and Commons of England asserted, and the Lord Limit e. nant in Ireland declared the same in the Irish Parliament ; but how is it attempted to be got rid of ?—for Mr. Fox said of the Bth of April, '52, " that no country had a right to hold the so vereignty of another country without the will of that other." such were the principles upon which the settlement was brought about ; and did one of the gentlemen he addressed know a vo lunteer of 'S2 that did not glory in the victory ? Nis ! for it gave them a firmer hold on England—redoubled their allegi ance to the Cro .sti, and the connexion which existed by reason of that salutary action. I may be asked if the pros perity of Ireland was gained by her Legislative independence ? and my reply is—that it was 1 and I will give you my evidence for saying so. The first is from Mr. Pitt, who, In page 99 of his work, openly stated it to have been the cause of Ireland's prosperity.— (The Learned Gentleman then read some passages from the work he alluded to in conformity with that opinion.) It would have been part of Mr. Pitt's cue to show that a separate Legislature had worked badly, but the facts were too powerful to be altogether overlooked, and he, with a virtuous ingenuity, availed himself of the increasing prosperity of Ireland as an argument to prove that it would be still more prosperous if her Parliament was united with that of England. How pressed he must have been when he was left no other resource to sustain his argument but the glowing absurdity which he thus used!—(Mr. O'Connell then read passages from Mr. Foster's speeches in 1785, detailing, at great length, the amount of Irish exportations and importations, and showing that in the interval between that period and 1782, Ireland's pros. perity had vastly increased; that within those three years she export ed to Great Britain more than 3,000,000/. worth of manufactures in linen, and 3,000,0001. worth of provisions and cattle, besides other products, while she imported little more than (,000,000/. worth of English manufactures.) How is it now ? At present we import English manufactures very largely, and the greatest part of the price of those manufactures consist its wages paid, of course to the population of England. Why should we not recollect that fact, amid, above all, recollect that the people of Ireland were earn ing wages upon those 3,000,000/. worth of manufactures exported to England. while they consumed only 1,000,000/. of English pro ducts ? Nearly all our manufactures are now imported from England, and we export nothing but our cattle. The time for talking of the remedy for that has not as yet arrived. I have quoted Pitt and Foster, and I shall now give you the authority of Lord Clare, who, though not very friendly to his country, said in 1735, " There is no country in the world which has advanced so much in her manufactures and her agriculture as Ireland has within the same period." And in 1799 Lord Plunket described Ireland as " a little Island, with a population of 4,000,000 or 5,000,000, advancing in prosperity beyond any other country on the earth, and in that condition she was called ripens to surrender her Parliament to people of another little island, placed beside her, and scarcely double her size." The Court here adjourned for half an hour. On resuming, Mr. °Tosser!. continued to quote authorities in supporting the opinion that Ireland had prospered under her own Parliament, the principal of which were the resolutions of a meeting of bankers in 1799, at which the head of the house of Latouche was its the chair, and the declaration of Mr. Hatton, a coach manufacturer, of this city, in 1810. A Parliamentary document showed that from 1785 to the period of the union the increase in the consumption of teas in Ireland was 84 per cent., while it was only 45 per cent. its Eng land. The increase in tobacco Its Ireland was lOU per cent., iss England 64 ; in wine is Ireland 74 per cent , in England 52 ; in sugar 57 per cent. in Ireland, and in England 53 ; in coffee in Ireland 600 per cent., in England 75. No country ever so rapidly improved as Ireland did in that period. There was a cant word used agi.inst Repeaters. They were charged with seeking a dis memberment of the empire. The absurdity of that charge it was scarcely necessary to demonstrate. If, when Ireland prospered under her own Parliament, in connexion with England, she showed no disposition to separate, why should she entertain a disposition to break the connexion, if placed in similarly prosperous circumstances ? What would she do it for ? I could understand dismemberment as •an object attributed to a state of poverty and destitution, but it is absurd to suppose such a disposition to exist with the prosperity which Ireland enjoyed under her own Parliament, and which, I trust, she will experience under her own Parliament again. I regret that opening should have closed on Ireland, and that those fiends and monsters who closed ft should have beets able to throw Parliament under the feet of a party who, in the words of Mr. Bushe, were intolerant of the prosperity of Ireland. Yet it was so. It was that intolerance of our prosperity that induced the destruc. tion of the Irish Parliament, and the means taken to effect that destruction were suited to the nature of so deleterous an object. You have the authority of Mr. Fox, in 1806, that the union was as atrocious in principle as it was abominable for the means by which it was carried. The Attorney-General had referred to the Report of the Secret Committee its 1797-1 refer you to the Report in 1798, in which the Government were charged by Plunket and by Bushe with having form nted the rebellion until it was deemed safe that it should explode. The Doti. and Leartied Gentleman then read pas. sages from Lord Plunket's speech on the union, in which his Lordship said, " I accuse the Government of fomenting a languishing rebellion a rebellion of Catholics against Protestants and Protestants against Catholics.'' Ile next read passages from Grey's speech, stating that " it had been said that all were Jacobins who opposed the carrying of the union, but the fact was, that those who signed the petition for it were in the power of the Lord-Lieutenant." Ile next read passages from Mr. Bushe's speech, stating that " the basest corruption and artifice were resorted to to promote the union." Such, Gentlemew (continued Mr. O'Connell), is the description given of the means by which the union was carried; but they are only a part of them. You know that there were 17,275,000/. actually spent in the purchase of rotten boroughs. You know that there was near 3,000,000/. beside expended in actual payment of the persons who voted for the union. You know that there was no office in the State, from the highest its the Church to the lowest in the constabulary, that was not used as a bribe. In short, there was nothing sacred or profane that was not made use of. Having shown you briefly the means by which the union was carried, I come now to detain you for as short a time as I can,by showing to you the evidences of the evil results of that measure. Gentlemen, in the year '94 the Irish debt was only 7,000,0001. ; in the year '9B it was 14,000,000/. ; and after that period the debt increased to 350,000,000/. At the time of the union, the debt of Ireland amounted to 21,000,000/. It is stated since that it was 23,000,000/. in 1811, as Ireland should be chargeable with all the expenses of carrying the union. But her debt was really only 21,000,000/., and that of England 446,000,0001. NOW, what were the terms of the union ? That England was to bear the burden of those 446,000,000/., and a separate taxation of 17,000,000/., and that Ireland was not to be chargeable with those 446,000,0004 You will ask, were those conditions complied with? No, of course they were not, and Ireland is chargeable now with every penny of the entire amount; and notwithstanding the distinct promise of Lord Castlereagh, the lands, and property, and industry of Ireland are all mortgaged for the entire debt. To show yott how totally mismanaged, to the detriment of Ireland, the finances had beets, and to the relief of England, I refer you to the Financial Report of Public Expentittire of 1815. Mr. O'Connell then read the Report to show the increase put in the debt on the side of Ireland. And continued—The Irish Parliament had often beets assailed, but there never had been a more protective Parliament to the commerce and general prosperity of Ireland than it was. It kept the country out of debt. The English Parliament were running into debt with lavish hands, while the Irish Parliament, thrifty and economical, were keeping down the public debt. I will now lay before you statements as to the financial robbery perpetrated on this country since the union. It was arranged that Ireland should be accountable for two parts of the debt, and England for fifteen parts, and that proportion as regarded Ireland was admitted to be too large, yet soon after the union the Irish debt had increased *230 per cent., while that of Eng. land was but 60 per cent. more than at the union. You find Eng. land-increasing the taxation of Ireland by 4,000,000 per annum of new taxation, and what prospect could the country have when with those new taxes it was paying off not its owe debts, but those of England ? In England there has beets since then a decrease in tax ation of 41,085,2021., while in Ireland the reduction amounts only to 584,000/. ; its other words, a proportion of one.half to 41. I will now read to you a document of much importance, as showing the opinions of those most competent to judge, respecting the means re. sorted to to carry the union. It is the protest of nineteen Irish Peers against the union. A number of resolutions and reasons are included in this protest; but I shall give you only two or three of them. (The Hon. and Learned Gentleman read the 9th, 10th, and 11th clauses ef the protest, in which the dissentients stated that they con. sidered the swims a breach of trust, the settlement of 'B2 having established the exclusive legislative authority of the Irish Parlia ment, without being liable to the interference of any other, and the basest means, including the exercise of force and corm; tion, having beets employed to carry it.) Among other injuries resulting from the union is the total inadequacy of the representation of Ire. land as contrasted with that of England, and in particular the in. finitely less voice the people of this country have, by reason of the deficiency in the Parliamentary registry of voters. This is apparent from the Parliamentary returns. The population of Wales is 800,000, and that of Cork, as I said before, is 703,716, and yet Wales sends 28 Members to Parliament, and Cork only two. With regard to revenue also, the deficiency in the amount of which, its Ireland, was an argument used against giving her a greater nuns. her of representatives, I find its Parliamentary papers, published in 133 1 , that the revenue of Ireland amounts to 4,392,0001.; whereas the revenue of Wales only amounts to 348,000/. I have looked into the statements of the amount of revenue col. lected its the single port of Cork, and I find that, in one year, it amounted to 263,0001., and its another to 272,000/. ; and yet the great disproportion I have stated in the manlier of representatives between that county and %Vales is permitted to exist. Another complaint has been made, and justly made, of the inadequacy of the representation of Ireland. Ireland, as you arc aware, has only 105 Members in the House of Commons, and I ant prepared to show that upon Lord Castlereagh's oleo calculations we ought to have 150 Members at least. Thus it is demonstrated that Ireland has been defrauded in her franchise, defrauded Its her represent*. tion, defrauded even in the details of her finances, and defrauded in every one of the details of the union. Are you nut aware that a considerable mitigation of the expenditure of the country has re. suited iron the different revenue boards existing in Ireland ? Arc they here now ? What has become of the Treasury Board P It has been transplanted to England. The Customs, and Board of Excise ? Transplanted to England. The Stamp-office and other offices, whist' have been greatly diminished its numbers, and are near extinction. The entire expenditure wine's mitigated the taxation of Ireland has been all centered in England ; evens the Old Mass's Hospital is expiring. I ask you, is it fair or reasonable to the country to have centralization operating against us, and in favour of England ? (The Learned Gentleman then read dons. resents to show that au unfair proportion of Englishmen aunt Scotchtnen had beets appointed to situations in Ireland over the heads of Irishmen, and that the exports and imports from and to Ireland had diminished since the union, and also one respecting the number of looms working, and men employed in the liberty, %%inch had decreased to a great extent, and proceeded to say, there is no trade of which I could not read you similar lists, showing the decrease of employment, and of master manufacturers who I were reduced to poverty, together with their fatuities, by the union.) House property had fallen to a most melanoholy pitch, for in the best and most iashionable streets in Dublin the finest house could be purchased for a very inconsiderable sum. It into not the want of materials that prevents me going furt her n , . this detail, but there is no necessity yourselves, Gentlemen, formerly resided, and ;sots concentrated , endeavour to prevent these mansions wh f c " r r e w it o. ; r a t l i f t i n h j r . a , n: il a s n p t l i end n o e s s ir . leeted ; and the question i' ' wili m y :i ' k u e a change to e ff ect those IV' are., gone through to the documents, to show you it ? "a" now '''''-' - (1""g • Ireland before the union— that existed in ; l a: e n:Lit ° , ;nil i, it, i the i,i t. v t i i ( o. e ttic prosp eri ty I t c h , e i ~,e1.1::;!Itlit,,1 f;: i . , i ,,.. i u 1: : t i . b y t I , e , ;! i c e r i. l: i r t d w f a r m o I t t: 0 1:: , r ) f i: i . , 1 , 1 ) ! and inequality; and 1 tiow ask you —I appeal to you—whether I .4.0 . .ail. ...0:6 , ADVERTISEMENTS INSERTED in ALL THE TIIIIEE PAPERS, Morning, Noon, and Night, thereby insuring a TOWN and COUNTRY CIRCULATION, at ONE CHARGE. HIGHf.JND SOCIETY OF LONDON. A GENERAL COURT of this CORPORATION will he held at the Freemasons' Tavern, on SATURDAY, the 17th instant. Dinner at a Quarter before Seven precisely. Field Marshal his Royal Highness the DUKE of CAMBRIDGE, K.G., President, in the Chair. Members of the Highland and Agricultural Society of Scotland and of the Branch Societies of Madras, Bombay, Nova Scotia, Aberdeen, Ec.c., are adintsible without introduction. Members desirous of procuring admission for Visitors will have the goodness to apply to the Secretary. Member's tickets may be pro cured at the Tavern. GEORtiE BAIN, lion. See. EAST INDIA HOUSE, EETIRrARY 2, 1844. THE COURT of DIRECTORS of the EAST INDIA COMPANY do hereby give Notice, . . That a SPECIAL GENERAL COITET of the said COMPANY will be held by adjournment at their house, lu Leadenhall-street, on WEDNESDAY, the 21st instant, at Eleven o'clock in the Forenoon, pursuant to the following Resolution, viz.:— " To the Honourable the CHAIRMAN of the COURT of DIREC TORS of the EAST INDIA COMPANY. " HoNoraAntE SIR, "We the undersigned Proprietors of East India Stock request that a Special General Court may be convened at the earliest period, to take into consideration the following Resolutions proposed to be submitted to them : " I. That from the Printed Papers recently laid before the Proprie tors on the subject of Sinde, it is the opinion of this Court that the proceedings of the Government of India which ended in the dethrone ment, exile, and imprisonment of the Amcers, and the seizure of their country and private property, were uncalled for, impolitic, and unjust. " 2. That this Court does tlierctbee most earnestly recommend to the Court of Directors the immediate adoption of such steps, by repre sentation to her Majesty's Government, or otherwise, as may cause all practicable reparation to be made for the injustice already committed, and enforce the abandonment of a line of policy inconsistent with good faith, and subversive of the interests of the British rule in India. " We have the honour to be, " Honourable Sir, " Your obedient Servants, " J. SULLIVAN, " WILLIAM J. EASTWICK, " JOSEPH lIUME, "CHARLES FORTIES, " lIARY I ORD .TONES BRIDGES, " JOHN. POYNDER, " ARTHUR J. LEWIS, " A. HOGG, • " THOMAS MARRIOTT. " London, January, 16, 1844." JAMES C. MELVILL, Secretary. LONDON AND WESTMINSTER BANK. A Notice is hereby given, that the ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING of the PROPRIETORS of this COMPANY will be held at the BANK, in Lothbury, on WEDNESDAY, the 6th day of March next, at One o'Clock precisely, to DECLARE a DIVIDEND, and for other purposes. At this 'Meeting Three Directors, viz., P. M. Stewart, Esq., M.P. ; Frederick Barmester, Esq., and Henry Harvey, Esq., retire by rota tion, but being eligible for re-election, offer themselves accordingly. By order of the Board, JAMES W. GILBERT, General Manager. Lothhury, .Tan. 22, 1844. The Books will he closed to prepare for the Dividend from the 19th of February to the 10th March. T MARTIN RICHARD PLATTS, at present and for one year and nine months past, residing at 37, Great Pulteney-street, Golden-square, in the parish of St. James, Westmin ster, and county of Middlesex, and being a painter and glazier, do hereby give notice that I intend to present a petition to the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street, in the city of London, pray ing to be examined touching my debts, estate, and effects, and to be protected from all process upon making a full disclosure and surren der of such estate and effects for payment of my.inst and lawnil debts ; and I hereby further give notice that the time when the matter of the said petition shall be heard is to be advertised in the London Gazette and the Morning Sun newspaper one month at least after the date hereof, as witness my hand this 23d day of January, in the year of our Lord, 1844. INL R. PLATTS. Witness, John J. Spicer, 38, Camomile-street, Bishopsgate, London, Attorney for the said Martin Richard I'latts. its IN TO COOPERS, HOOP MOSE ERCHANTS, AND DEALE R WOOD. MESSRS. ADAM MURRAY and SONS will SELL, by AUCTION, at Oarraway's Coffee-house, Change alley, ConditlL on FRIDAY, February 16, 1844, at Twelve for One o'clock precisely, 57 BUNDLES of PIPE HOOPS, 991 do. of PUNCHEON, 831 do. of HOGSHEAD, 231 do. of BARREL, 176 do. of KILDERKIN, 195 do. of FIRKIN, and 328 do. of HALF-FIRKIN HOOPS, all of the best quality, and now lying at Cotton's Wharf, Tooley-street. Also about 8 Tons of tine BRAZILIAN ROSEWOOD, lying at the West Quay, London Docks. Catalogues may be had at °Runway's; and of Messrs. Adam Mur ray and Sons, 47, Parliament-street. SOILED LINENS.—The SAMPLE LINENS of those celebrated makers Knox and Co., for Irish linens, and Beverage and Co for table linens, have been contracted for by BROOKS and WIGHTWICK, in the Borough. These linens are soiled only by showing to the trade as samples ; they are specimens of the best made by these celebrated manufacturers, and are now being sold at half the price of the same goods when clean. Splendid damask table cloths, three yards long, 7s. lid. each ; two yards square, each 2s. 9d. ; fire yards long superb damask cloths, suitable for the table of the nobility, 20s. each ; fish napkins, 2s. 6d. the dozen ; finest damask napkins, yard square, the dozen, 10s. 6d. ; Knox's extremely fine Coleraine Irish, twenty-six yards for 255. ; stout and serviceable, twenty-six yards for 205., usually sold at Is. 6d. per yard ; and a large lot of linen sheeting, commencing at 4s. 6d. the, pair, without a scam. Samples of these linens Kent by horse and cart to any part of town, or forwarded into the country if written for, from Brooks and Wightwiek's extensive establishment, 106, High-street, 'Borough, facing the end of Union-street. The premises being three hundred feet deep, country drapers will find it to their advantage to call at the wholesale warehouse in King-street. VORY TABLE KNIVES, 11s. per dozen. DESSERT, Os.; CARVERS, 3s. Gd. per pair. TABLE. DESSERT. CARVERS. doz. doz. pair. 3.t-in. handsome balance handle ..•• Oct. 14s. Oct. 6s. Gd. 4-in. balance handle, largest and best made ............ ..... .• • • 20s. Od. l6s. Od. 7s. 7d. Ditto with Watson's Alahata Plate P ' i l f f t3 t handle., equal to s il ver •• • • 225. 6d. 18s. Od. Bs. fsl. Fortes h he ye pr tr ic , e r o ; f m t k h e e d al p ,o r N e.e . Tiese. houses have - r for minent for their Cutlery, which is always exchanged, if not approved. Fruit Dessert KIIIVeS Watson's new Alahata Plate, with French Forks and ivory Handles, 2/.55. per set 0124 pieces ; ditto with carved ivory Handles, or with Albata ('late Handles and Blades, Albert Pattern, 21. 10F. per set of 21 pieces. C. Watson's Sew Alabata Plate possesses the following superiority over all other mixed metals :—A perfect sweetness and purity, a rich and silvery appearance, and great durability. Strong Tea-pots for Six Persons, 245. each; ('ruet Frames, with for richly cut bottles, 225. each; awl is manufactured into every other article for the table and sideboard. rapier Maellie Tea-trays, 356. a set of three up to Ten Guineas. LAMPS. BRILLIANCY AND ECONOMY IN LIGHT, C. WATSON'S houses, 41 and 42, Barbican, and 16, Norton ton-Folgate, contain all the most approved Lamps of the day. 1. Palmer's Candle Lamp, which requires no snuffing, 9s, 6d. 2. The Medium Lamp, to burn a 3-wick candle seven hours for twopence, 255. each, complete Magnums, giving a splendid light, 425. Solar Lamps, now so much used, to burn common oil without smoke or smell, 225. 6d., and upwards. His Illustrated Catalogue and Price Current is just published, con taining a detailed list of his justly celebrated AlNita Plate, &c., which may he had gratis and'post-free, on application at hls ware houses, 41 and 42, Barbican, and 16, Norton-Folgate. TIIE 'TOILET of BEAUTY furnishes innu merable proofs of the high estimation in which GOWLAND'S LOTION is held by the most distinguished possessors of brilliant Complexions. This elegant preparation comprehends the preserva tion of the Complexion both from the effects of cutaneous malady and the operation of variable temperature, by refreshing its delicacy and sustaining the brightest tints with which Beauty is adorned. ROBERT SiIANV, London, is in white letters on the Government. Stamp, without which none is genuine. Prices 2s. fid., ss. Gd., quarts Bs. Gd. Sold by all Perfumers and Medicine Vendors. PUBLICATIONS. Tnst puhli,lletl, price One Shilling, CURRENCY EXPLAINED, in REFUTA. TION of the LAST FALLACY of the " TIMES." By VERUS. Samuel Clarke, 13, Pall-mall East ; an,l Cow ic,lland, and Co. 31, Poultry. STATE OF IRELAND, price Is. lid., AJUNIOR to his " SENIOR," on an Article in the "Edinburgh Review," on the State of Ireland and the Measures for its Improvement. James Ridgway, Piccadilly. EXCLUSION OF cATHoucs ntom .JURIES. T HE TABLET, of SATURDAY NEXT, will give a SUPPLEMENT, containing a MB REPORT of the MEET 'NO at the FREEMASONS' TAVERN, held on WEDNESDAY the 7th inst. Also, the SPEECHES of O'CONNELL and OTHERS, on the State Trials, for "Conspiracy" Orders received by all Newsmen and Booksellers. (Mice, 3, Bridges-street, Strand. Adelaide-street, Tralaigar-square. SAINT JAMES'S; OH, THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE. A New Work by Mr. AINSWORTH has been commenced in " Ainsworth's Magazine." " This Work promises to be the best the Author has pro duced."—Britannia. "The sketch of the Court and Cabinet of Queen Anne i$ :.ceellent."—John Bull. See also Post, Sun, Globe, Examiner, Literary Gazette, &c. London, John Mortimer, Adelaide-street. Just published, 12th Edition, price 2s. 6d., in cloth or sheep, (10,000 copies), THE POCKET PRAYER BOOK London : Sold by Simpkin and Marshall; Hamilton and Co. Longman and Co. ; Sherwood and Co. ; Seeley ; Hatchard ; Nisbet and all olia Book,ellurs. PUBLICATIONS. UPPLEMENTS GRATIS, WITH THE DISPATCH. In consequence of the immense demand for the DISPATCH and SUPPLEMENT of Sunday last, containing a flail Report of Mr. Shell's most brilliant Speech, the Proprietors of the Dispatch, apprehensive that numbers of persons, who may be desirous of obtaining copies of their Journal, may be disappointed. unless provision be made to meet such demand, have printed a great number of extra papers to keep on sale ; and as, when these are disposed of, others will not be obtainable, an early application is suggested, as the Suppletnent which accotn pau►ied the Dispatch of February 4, will be necessary to bind with those Supplements that are to follow ; so that when the great ►rational trial is concluded a perfect history of the affair (including a biographical sketch of Mr. O'Connell), which may be bound, or otherwise preserved as a matter of reference, will be in the possession of every purchaser of this Journal, the proprietors of which, anxious to render the account perfect, will present (gratis) a Supplement each Sunday during the progress of the trial, and another at the conclusion. containing all the proceedings up to the Supplement given on Sunday last. That of Sunday next will be comprised in 48 columns, the same size as the Dispatch. and contain a verbatim report of the most eloquent speeches of Mr. Whiteside and of Mr. O'Connell. Orders for the Dispatch are received by every News Agent and Bookseller in the kingdom ; and by Mr. Wood, at the Office, 139, Fleet-street. PUBLICATIONS of the SOCIETY for the EMANCIPATION of INDUSTRY. Now Ready. AN ESSAY O'§ — MONEY, ITS ORIGIN AM) USE. By JOHN TAYLOR, Author of " Junius Idcn fled." Third Edition, revised. Price 2s. 6d. AN ~ ESSAY on the STANDARD and MEA suRE of VALUE. Second Edition. Price 2s. 6d. -IURRENCY FALLACIES REFUTED, and k .. ) PAPER MONEY VINDICATED. Second Edition. Price 2s. M. CATECHISMS of the CURRENCY and EX CHANTIES. A new Edition, Enlarged. Price 4s. cloth; or, separately, The Currency, 2s. ; Exchanges, 2s. T HE MONETARY POLICY of ENGLAND and AMERICA. Price One Shilling. " It is necessary your gold should be coined, and have the king's stamp upon it, to secure men in receiving it, that there is so much gold in cacti piece. But it is not necessary that it should have a fixed value set on it 1w public authority."—Locke. THE MINISTER MISTAKEN; or, THE QUESTION of DEPRECIATION ERRONEOUSLY STATED by Mr. lIUSKISSON. Price One Shilling. " Our forefathers, who sought comfort in proverbs, used to say, when the people's tale of bricks is doubled, Moses Is at hand."— _ Niebuhr. CURRENCY EXPLAINED; in REFUTATION of the LAST FALLACY of " THE TIMES," Nov. Bth, 1843. By VESUS. Price Ono Shilling. London Samuel Clarke, 13, Pall-Mall East, and to be had (by order) of all Booksellers. THE MIRROR of LITERATURE, AMUSE MENT, AND INSTRUCTION. • The SECOND VOLUME of THE MIRROR, for the Year 1843, is now completed. It is splendidly Illustrated, and will he found to comprehend a vast variety of Historical and Scientific Information; while - Original Fictions of great. interest, Voyages and Travels, Poetry and Satire, are not wanting. Some of the most striking Historical Talcs which the season has produced, tales not composed of maudlin sensibilities, but valuable illustrations of the annals and manners of former days. Translations of Standard Works of French and German Authors by the ablest hands, for " The Mirror" ex clusively, have also within the same period adorned its columns. It may safely be affirmed that the Volumes of " The Mirror" for the year 1843 present more rational entertainment and solid information combined—more to gratify the eye, and improve the mind, than any rival publication. The general varieties which, for more than twenty years, have received the stamp of public approbation—historical facts, amusing anecdotes, graphic .descriptions of remarkable loca lities and celebrated edifices, ancient and modern, will successively appear, with Embellishments of a superior order. All communications to be addressed to the Editor, care of Mr. Mortimer, Adelaide-street, Trafalger-square ; where books for review and advertisements are received. ONDON AND COUNTY BANK. JLA G. STURT informs his Friends and all interested, that he has survived the attack made upon him by W. A. Coombe, Esq., of Gravesend, and W. Hawes, Esq., the Chairman of the London and County Bank—(vide report in " Ilerapath's Railway Journal ") and in a few days will return the compliment with interest. In the meantime his position appears to he this—that he has published various charges reflecting upon the practices and position of the Bank In question, which every six months, for the last three years, have been declared to be false : it is now officially admitted that his state ments have brought down the Shares upon which 151. has been paid to 71. Ergo, his falsehoods are believed before the Bank officials' truth ! ! ! attempt to effect, even a legal object by means that are con sidered illegal; and thus a "conspiracy" is spelt out by the construction put upon the means that are used to attain the object sought, however legitimate that object may be. It has been admitted, even by the Crown, that in this case there is ro privacy—no secresy, nu definite agreement to do anything whatsoever; but, above all, no secret agreement —no secret society —no private information. It has been admitted by the Crown that there has not been even otie act of private communication, that everything was openly avowed, published to the world, that this " secret conspiracy" has no Secresy at all. What a monstrous thing it would be to hold that that was a conspiracy which every body knew of—everybody heard of, and three-fifths of the people of this country were engaged in ! And what was the evidence of those conspirators assembling together? That Mr. Such-an.one attended at such a meeting—that Mr. llarrett attended at a certain meeting, and that Mr. Duffy attended once or twice—that I, myself, attended; and this is the way the charge of conspiracy is to be spelt out! Is it common sense that this could be denomi nated a conspiracy ? Conspiracy ! Where was it made When was it made ? How was it made ? Was it made in winter, or in summer, in spring, or in autumn ? Was it made on a holiday, or on a Sunday, or on week-day ? Tell me the hour—the week— the month —the year it was made P In which of the three quarters of the twelve months did thi gestation of this conspiracy commence ? Who proposed it ? Who seconded it ? Who was present at it ? I don't know whetherit was said that I was present at the concoction of this conspiracy, or this agreement, private or public, or who else was there. When and where did it take place? Ought I not, at all events, to have the advantage of being able to prove an alibi ?—(Laughter.) No, but you must go over nine months and toss up which time or place you may select. I want to know whether this agreement was in writing or in mere parole ? I want to know has any person told you, Gentlemen of the Jury, if an ac tion at nisi prius was pending, and you were to try it, and that that action was for the recovery of a 10/. contract, could it be possible you could find one way or the other upon such vague evidence as that adduced in this case? I remember it was said of a Judge who has long since passed away, that, in a case for the recovery of 101. before him, one of the counsel observe t that, although the evi. donee was not sufficient in a civil cietc , Wwould bellulte sufficient in a criminal case, in his Lordship's Ceurt,—(Laughter.) Do you not believe that if there was a conspiracy, it would be proved, and that the only reason it was not proved is because it did not exist ? The Attorney. General told you it did exist—that it must have existed ; but this is all imaginary, and you are called upon to rind me guilty if you " imagine" that this agreement was entered into. I don't want to speak of the talents of the Attorney-General. I admit the ingenuity—the talent and the industry with which he conducted this case, He was eleven hours—eleven mortal hours — (A laugh)—detailing the facts of it to you. What did he tell you the conspiracy consisted oft He made a long statement, and when he came to the end, he told you to go back to the beginning, find out the conspiracy, and what it consisted of.—( Laughter ) I say, Gentlemen of the Jury, without the least affectation, if any gentleman could have found evidence of a conspiracy, it would have been found by the Attorney-General. Yes, he took eleven hours to throw all that garbage into your box. " There." said he, "is the Pilot and the Nation for you, and make out a conspiracy." I remember, on the Munster Circuit, the celebrated Mr. Egan was once engaged for a defendant. The case had been stated by a Mr. Hoare, a gentleman of dark appearance. Egan was sure of his jury —(A laugh)—and on behalf of his client he merely said—" Gen- tlemen of the jury, you are not, in deciding this case, to he influ enced by the dark oblivion of a brow."—(Laughter,) A Learned Friend sittil.g near him said, " Why, Egan, what do you mean ? that is nonsense you have been speaking." "To be sure it is," said Egan, but it is good enough for the jury."—( Laughter.) So eleven hours are good enough for the jury. It is nonsense to speak of satisfying them as to the fact of a conspiracy. I remem ber, after Hardy was tried for high treason, the anniversary of his acquittal was for a long time celebrated by a dinner; and one of the jury, whose health was regularly proposed, always made the same speech. " Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen," said he, " will tell you why I acquitted Mr. Hardy, Mr. Sergeant Scott took eleven hours to state the case ; and ten days were spent in endeavouring to prove it. Now, I knew no man could be guilty whose guilt it took such a long time to show."—(Laughter.) Re member that, in this alleged conspiracy, there is no secresy im puted—nothing is left to conjecture—the entire is before you ; and, therefore, as you know it all, there never was a cause in which the Attorney-General was less entitled to the benefit of any surmise by a jury. Why, before the trial, the hall of the Courts was full of rumours of the existence of a dark conspiracy and of the disclosures made by persons who were said to have betrayed the conspirators. No less than seven persons were pointed out to me as having betrayed the secrets and plans to the Government. One was pointed nut as having been seen going to Mr. Kemmis, the Crown solicitor, another as having been to the Castle, and a third, as having been at a certain house, not far from your (Mr. Brewster's) residence in Merrion-square—no Jesus than seven persons suffered in their cha - acters by these rumours of treachery on their parts. I merely said, " Don't mind these reports—what can they disclose when there is nothing to betray ? They may invent, but they have no secrets of ours to disclose." Now, I ask you, when you Mlle into that box, did you net expect to have heard something you had not heard before ? Did you not expect to hear some conversation— some plan of the traversers influencing and contradicting the na ture of their public acts ? If you did expect it, was there ever dis. appointment so complete and unmitigated ? \Vhy, throughout the city, in the clubs, when the Attorney-General's case was closed, everybody said " Is that all ?—why, we knew all that before." 'Tis a conspiracy! Yes, Gentlemen, what has become of these se cret plans, the proofs of this dark conspiracy, these " Gorgocs, hydras, and chimeras dire"—what has become of them ? They have not been exhibited to you, because there was nothing to dis close. This is not a case merely confined to the charge of conspi racy; it is a Ministerial trial, to see whether this Ministry, with their conciliation peliey—with their proposal for an extended Fran. chise in Ireland, are to retain office, or whether we are to have the Whigs again, promising a good deal and doing nothing ?—(Laugh. ter.) This is the real question to be tried_ You, therefore, see that no men could have stronger motives for proving their case to the fullest extent. \Vhy, then, did they fail in producing evidence to show the secret plans of a conspiracy ? The reason was clear— because they had nothing to betray. It is impossible the Govern. ment could have failed to discover all the secrets and plans, if any existed. They had influence enough to induce persons to betray. They had the patronage in the Post-oflice, in the revenue police, and especially in the constabulary, to offer for information. Yet they procure none. Why ? Because there was nothing to betray —and you know it. Well, then, what is the evidence? Well, if there was nothing new, what was , the old evidence ? The life of an old coat, they ray, is a new button.—(Laughter.) They have stitched up their case with the newspapers which they have flung before you. If you had heard it charged that I had entered into a pri vate conspiracy, you might have said that I had entered into a private conspiracy in my old days, calculating on being Caved by the secresy and fidelity or -- my co-conspira•ors. But there is nothing ofd private conspiracy charged against me. I therefore ask—not only those who know my sentiments better than you can— but I ask you, who know me principally by the calumnies of those opposed to me—if, from your opinion of my character, you deem me such an idiot or blockhead as to enter into a conspiracy to the ru nof a cause dear to my heart, and for which I refused, my Lords, the appointment of Master of the Rolls ? It was a ques tion whether I had not refused the office of Chief Baron before it was offered to me—(Laughter) —but as to my having been offered the appointment of Master of the Rolls there Is no dispute. No ; it was not to be supposed I would compromise the cause to which I am-devoted, now just at the closing years of my life, and on the eve of entering into eternity, where I shall rece i ve that awful judgment which cannot now be long postponed. You cannot be. here that I would have the cruelty to enter into a conspiracy—the folly to enter into a conspiracy_. the absurdity to enter into a conspiracy—l ask you as Irish gent . men to put your hands to your hearts, and say if y ou can believe i t of me. No; your verdict may imprison me —but It will not take from me the consciousness of my own innocence, and the conviction that there us not a man would pronounce that verdict who would not be convinced of his mistake. Perhaps the Attorney-General wants you to believe this—that I was a conspirator without knowing it. I say without knowing it, for there it w - ts in open day. Yes, you must, to believe anything against me, believe that I was a con spirator ignorant of the conspiracy ; and that is the question for which you are selected to try me. In the technicalities of law I could say, even in that there could be no guilt, for there is no guilt without a guilty intention. But I scorn to make points of lase upon matter so plain to common sense—so obvious, and, I trust I may say, so irresistible. There is something curl. ous in this sweeping conspiracy of the Attorney-General. Gen tlemen, it has been so powerfully put to you, that I should not repeat it—that there would be an end to every great move. vt mcnt of human institutions if you were to conce de to the / torney-General that conspiracy which he has neither stated nor proved. It is a new kind of conspiracy. Some exceedingly saga. cious person has dreamed of it—this imaginary conspiracy rest ing upon your conscientious imagination, but having no other hed so lidity whatsoever. Would the slave-trade have be - n ever abolished if the present Attorney-General's doctrine of conspiracy had been law—if the Judges sitting in the King's Bench had given their sanc tion to it ? Never did a more formidable party exist than the West Indira) party. Government might have searched all the newspa pers of the day and found evidence of their guilt, of their accumu lated guilty. If their acts had been a Ictinspirac Nhy were they not indicted for a conspiracy ? Why .vas not Wilt erforce ind cted for a conspiracy ? lie might ham stood, as the humble individual before you stands now, accused of a conspiracy, because he put an end to the slave.trade. Blessed be Heaven ! the measure was not suffered to be carriei until I had some pArt in it. Well, next to abolition of slavery, what was done? What would have become of Reform in Parliament ? Is there a man of the Whig aristocracy —were there not meetings held in Birmingham and elsewhere— were there not hundreds of meetings held ---would the reform in Parliame::t have gone as far as it had done—would the additions promised in the King's speech have gone as far as t hey have gore, if the meetings had not assembled in several thousands, to petition for it I There is then Catholic emancipation. There was a most eminent lawyer at the head of the profession at that day ; and the present Attorney-General will not suppose that I mean any &a respect to him when I say that he was superior to him—cer tainly he was his equal. He was an eminent lawyer, and he had as conscientious an antipathy to Catholic emancipation as any man could have. I do not believe there was a more decided opponent to that measure—l do not believe there was a more decided opponent to it than was William Saurin. Ile was an eminent lawyer, and he watched and saw, as he thought, the law violated. Ile was defeated in one trial, but succeeded in another ; but did the wildness of his imagination call Catholic emancipation a conspiracy ? I was prosecuted for words spoken by me; my Learned Friend near me ( Mr. Sheil, who sat next to Mr. O'Connell) was prosecuted for words spoken by him ; but that Attorney-General never dreamed of terming the alleged offence a conspiracy. Yet were not the ingredients used in agitating fur Catholic emancipation the same as for repeal ? Had we not our county meetings, our provincial meetings, and a simultaneous meet ing ? On the 13th of January, 1829, did not all the Catholic parishes in Ireland meet on one day ? Why, indeed, that could have been wrested into evidence of a conspiracy, if anything could, for upon one day, every parish in Ireland met, and upon one day they all expressed their determination to persevere in their exer. 00116 until Alley obtained religious equality. No man dreamed of turning that into a conspiracy. It was reserved for the glory of the present Attorney-General to introduce this doctrine. He has found out what none of his predecessors could possibly find out. At the present moment there is a very serious question in agitation in Eng. land. There was the Anti-Corn League ; they say, and I say, that their object was to produce cheap bread for the poor, and to in. crease the number of persons employed. But I am not going into that question, we have enough of our own; we know that they and the Anti-Slavery Society collected money from abroad, as well as at home—that they have used the boldest language, language for which he said that the Rev. Mr. Fisher accused them of two crimes—promoting assassination and incendiarism. Gentlemen, we are free from even the accusation of this. But what is this precedent to be given for ? Is it to be said men with the autho rity of this Court, or any part of the Court, are to be sent over to England to put down the glorious struggle there, which would give men markets, and give corn in exchange fur manufactures, and give cheap bread to the poor ? Is that lo be turned into a conspiracy ? Ah, no! The Englishmen were safe in the glorious integrity of the jury. box. There there would not be a single juror sworn upon such a trial as this wino had been educated in strong opposite opinions to the accused. In England, whoever differed with violence and upon principle with the tra. versers would not 14e sworn upon the jury. No, they are safe. The angel's wing mounting from the pure jury-box protects them from it. I should be mocking you in telling you that the English would be in danger; and do you protect us as an English jury would protect them, and I will be satisfied. Now let us come to the machinery of the evidence brought forward to sus tains this case. I told you there were two classes of evidence—if I am not wrong in using the worst—brought forward by the At torney-Gencral—monster meetings and newspaper publications. I will take each separately. lam not here to deny that those meet ings took place—on the contrary, I admit that they did, and that they were monster assemblages, consisting of tens and hundreds of thousands. It has been somewhere said, that the magnitude of a meeting alone would make it illegal ; but I give so little of weight to such an assertion, that, not thinking it worthy of refutation, I shall not stop to discuss it. But lat once admit that those meet ings took place, and I will ask you, Gentlemen of the Jury, was the life of any mars, woman, or child—nay, of any animal—lost at them ? You unanimously answer there was not. Was any one struck or injured in the slightest degree at those meel.ings ? You unanimously answer " No." Was any female, young or old, ex posed at them to any outrage or indelicacy of conduct ? You answer, " Not one." Was there one shilling's worth of property lick riging to any individul destroyed or injured ? You also answer unanimously in the negative. Oh yes-1 forgot—l have, perhaps, exaggerated here ; for a policeman, in coloured clothes, was put on the table, who swore that at Tara the crowd went near committing the violence of overturning an old woman's gingerbread-stand.— (Laughter.) Now, is it not strange, an extraordinary thing, to tell me that I infuriated the people to such an extent by those assem blages, that they were on the very verge of rebellion , while their con duct is so exemplary, and their courtesy to each other such, that not even an accident occurred on any of those occasions ? There is not, Gentlemen, a country in the world, except our own, where such meetings could have taken place with the same results ; and there ' is not in the world a people who could have conducted themselves in such an exemplary mariner, except the persecuted arid calum niated people of Ireland—that " filthy and felonious multitude," as the Times called them. Gentlemen of the Jury, they will abide your verdict patiently. They may disapprove of it, as men usually do of a verdict adverse to their feelings and wishes ; but there will be no violation of the law, whatever your verdict may be, and whatever may be the fate of tine humble individual who addresses you, and who boasts that he is the educator of the Irish people in the lesson of legal, peaceable, and continuous political exertion. But it is said, Gentlemen of the Jury, that large meetings necessarily lead to intimidation. Do they? Gentlemen, ask yourselves that question. Were not all the magistrates of the various districts in which those meetings occurred witnesses of them, and most of those who remain in the commission of the peace, and unfavourable t 5 repeal ; and why were they not produced ? Why were not all the clergymen of the Established Church—why were not all the most timid persons, whether in pantaloons or petticoats, produced to bear testimony to this intimidation ? Why, because they could not conscientiously swear that they had endured the slightest apprehension. Thus, with the most ample opportunities of adducing the most abundant proofs of intimidation if it existed, there was an utter absence of evidence, and did not that absence of evidence speak trumpet.tongued ? I tell the Attorney-General, that having at his command witnesses of the most unimpeachable character, if those meetings were productive of any dread to any portions of the public, he utterly neglected his duty ins not producing them, if they could have deposed to such a statement. But not a particle of such evidence has been produced, for the sufficient reasons—that it did not exist. if those meetings were dangerous to the public peace, why not proclaim them ? If we were seditious, why not worn us? And, when they were at length proclaimed, after having been permitted for months to proceed without a hint of illegality, was not the proclamation at once obeyed? Yes, we were branded as conspirators —yes, conspirators, obeying the law and enforcing it. These meetings were not illegal ; they were peaceable meetings, suited to the yurposes for which they were con vened. If it had been at one, or two, or three, or ten of these meetings this peaceable conduct was observed—if it had been only at a few of them that this conduct distinguished the be haviour of the people—it might be said to be casual. But, no, it was the same at them all ; they were peaceable by de sign. We have received the same answer—peace—in reference to every one of them. The Government knew of those meetings ; everybody knew of them ; and why were they not impeded if they were illegal ? I am not one of those who say that the Attorney- General endeavoured to entrap persons into criminality. I say no such thing. Ido him more justice. Ido not say that he did not prosecute or interfere, because there was no ground for prosecuting, because there was no ground for interference. Ido not utter one word of reproach or calumny to him. lam told, my Lord, that a few minutes ago I used the equivocal word " design," in reference to the peaceableness of those meetings, but I only used it in its true meaning. The designs to be peaceable existed before one of those meetings took place. It exists now, and it will continue to exist on the part of the people. When I spoke of design, I spoke of the education of the Irish people—that education which taught them that the only way to obtains valuable ameliorations was by acting peaceably and in strict conformity with the law. I have now done with those meetings, and I ask you, Gentlemen of the Jury, what evidence are they of the existence of a conspiracy ? I leave that matter to your consciences—to your integrity, as my countrymen. What care I about your political opinions—what care I about your political sentiments ?—you bit know that you must answer before your Maker for your verdict. Well, as I said be fore, I will leave those meetings and come to the next evidence as to this conspiracy, which is, the newspapers. Don't imagine I am going to detain you canvassing the sentences in them ; that has been very ably done already. There is not the least proof that I ever saw any one of those newspapers—there is not the least proof of :any connexion between me and any of those newspapers. It will be seen by their dates that at the time tine very harshest paragraphs appeared in them I was not even in town. But it is proved that at the Associations I distinctly disavowed that any news paper was the organs of our body. It is said that we circulated those newspapers, but the effect of that evidence amounts to this only—that those who subscribed a certain sum of money allocated a part of that money to the choice of a newspaper—they selected what newspaper they pleased. The newspaper sent to them was their own choice, and you will recollect, Gentlemen, it was that pro. claimed that not one of them was the organ of the Association. It is also said they contained libels ; if they did, why were not the proprietors of them punished ? You will recollect, my Lords, when we sent those newspapers, according to the directions given to us by the parties, those newspapers were subject to the libel law ; if there was libel in them, it was the province of the Attor ney-General to prosecute the publishers : but it Is not proved that we circulated that which was libellous. The fact is, the Attorney- General would have prosecuted in these cases, if he had thought it worth his while, and he did not. What, after all, have those newspapers done? Of what have they been guilty ? Of pub. fishing a parcel of speeches, which I question if any of them would be remembered if It was not for this trial. It is giving fictitious and absurd importance to these newspapers. But they are charged with exciting the people to riot, violence, and tumult. Did they ever produce It ? Was it proved that it flowed from any of them ? No; they stand in that respect acquitted. The Attorney-General himself has admitted the peaceable nature of my intentions, and nothing conld be more fair than the reading of those portions of the newspapers which showed this. My mottoes of peace were proved over and over again in this Court. I belong to a Christian persuasion, the principle of which is, that no quantity of advantage —no quantity of profit to Church or State, not even Heaven itself was permitted to be attained at the expense of any one crime; and that no sin could be justified or palliated by any amount of advantage, however consider. able. My Lords, it has been proved sufficiently in the news papers—and, had it not, it is perfectly well known—th a t no man ever possessed so much of public confidence as I do. I will say " possess it." No man has so unremittingly as I have obtained the confidence of the Catholic laity of every class—not only those who are our party, and may look to a change for amelioration, but the Catholics of the middle classes— the higher orders, the Catholic clergy, and the Catholic episcopacy. I have obtained their confidence by the assertion of the principles which I have stated—by the sincerity with which I have enter. tamed and announced them. A Catholic, lam pleading before a Protestant jury, in the presence, I may say, of the monarchs and people of the earth ; and I implore of you to consider whether you will tarnish all your fellow countrymen, including many Pro. testants of the first respectability, by any verdict which would seem to doubt for a moment the perfect sincerity of the doctrine of my whole life—the pride and boast of my existence—the coin fort and consolation of my declining years, and my hope for a higher and more awful tribunal. You, therefore, cannot believe that I would desert every principle of my life, and enter into a conspiracy utterly inconsistent with everything that has yet oc curred in my public conduct. But it is not upon these grounds alone that I rely. There have been other incidents in my politi cal career which will enable you to form a better estimate of my intentions and sentiments. There is not one of you, Gentlemen of the Jury who does not, I presume, remember the fearful system of combination which prevailed eight years ago in Dublin. It is bald that I am ready to sacrifice principle to popularity— who dares to say it ? Could I not have easily made myself popular with these combinators ? I opposed them publicly —I stood alone-1 opposed them at the perilof my life; and I owe the protection of my life at the meeting held in the Royal Ex change, at which many operatives differing from me in religion and politics attended, to the protection of the police. You will find, too, my perpetual opposition to Ribandism. Has not m y condemnation of Ribandism been read over and over again ? Have not my warn ings to the people—my denunciations to the police, calling upon them publicly to stop the progress of the evil system—been pub. lished to the world? and, if I were in a conspiracy, should I not have been glad to have been assisted by other conspirators ? If my object and my end were iniquitous, should I not have had an ad vantage in that iniquity by rousing the Ribandmen upon my behalf in the various parts of Ireland ? I had great influence, and I could have used it in this particular. You have the fact that I did not do so before you. It has been read to you over and over again. My discountenancing the Riband societies is notorious,—nay, more, my resistance to all secret societies—my constant denunciations of them, are before the world. Take these things into your considers. Lion, and say, if you believe in your consciences that the man is a base hypocrite who, without any worldly motive what. ever but adherence to principlt, opposed and flung away all the instruments that could tarnish his cause, however useful they might be. There is another point, if you have remarked my public life, must have struck you perhaps differently, but you must have observed that I opposed it at the risk of my life and the loss of my popularity—the present system of poor_law. With the influence I possess, could I not have raised the poverty of Ireland against its property if I chose, and insisted that all those who wore rich should feed those who were poor ? No; I saw the danger which the measure.threatened to property, and at the risk of popularity—taunted by many and many a sincere friend—bit. terly sneered at by many men who had joined me, I consulted my conscience, I consulted the real nature of a provision that makes more destitute than it relieves, and is at an expense so enormously great that the very expenditure itself would give poor_law relief. I knew it was not appropriate to Ireland; but am bound to say, ' that since it passed into a law, I have not given it any opposition. I look back to the time when I was unpopular with those whose favour I was most anxious to conciliate, and in whose estimation I was most desirous of standing high. To this part of my life& I appeal in answer to this foul charge which has been brought against me. You recollect—for it was given in evidence—the manner in which I answered young Mr. Tyler. You mem. ber, too, the manner of that answer, and you saw the nature of it, from what was given in evidence by Mr. Bond Hughes. And here, my Lords, let me say a word with respect to that gentleman. • I was among the number of those who took steps against Mr. Hughes, convinced, as we then were, that lie had sworn falsely. (I am delighted I mentioned his name, for it gives me this opportunity of doing, him justice.) I now openly state that I never saw a witness give evidence in a more manly, straight. forward manner; and I am thoroughly convinced that it was a mere mistake which he committed, and into which any honest man might have fallen. This declaration is not part of the case, but I trust your Lordships will not think it quite irrelevant or unneceo. sary. Again, with regard to American assistance, what was my conduct ? I informed the Americans that the Irish people would not take any support from them which could in the slightest degree prove disparaging to their allegiance to the Sovereign of these realms; this will be still more strongly impressed upon your minds, when you recollect my conduct on the slave question, and when you have heard my indignant denunciations of slavery. The ad vocates of that horrid traffic were on the alert—the Southern Statcs were collecting subscriptions, and large sums of money had been accumulated in Carolina to assist tine Repeaters. Did I shrink from doing my duty on the slave question then ? I)id I not denounce as enemies to God and man—as culprits and criminals—the infamous upholders of that trade ? Did I not compare to pickpockets and felons, and express in the most forcible language my denunciation and abhorrence of those who carried en an execrable traffic in human beings ? Oh, Gentlemen, if I were indeed a hypocrite, should I not have given them a few smooth words, or glossed over them in the language of cuuciliation ?—but my heart is, and ever has been, actuated by a love of liberty and humanity, and the-y do not speak the truth who say that I am, or ever have been, a hypocrite. You have had it in the newspapers, Gentlemen, that we were offered assistance from France. You have heard that the democratic party in France, headed by Ledru Rollin, proffered us their assistance and support. That party hates the English nation most of all—the ferocious hatred of England, which, perhaps not without reason, when they remembered Waterloo, the French nation entertained, is concen trated in the party of Ledru Rollin. Did I ask the support of his party, or frame the answer in such a way as could he construed into encouragement ? No, I took the firm tone of allegiance and loyalty. I rejected his support—indignantly rejected it. I cautioned him strongly against coming over to this country. Is this the way to prove my hypocrisy ? Should I have so acted had I been indeed a hypocrite ? Even the present Monarch of France I have not attempted to win over. I have refused the slightest assistance from him; nay, more, have hurled defiance at him. The Attorney-General, with great ingenuity, intro. due es a report of a secret committee of the Irish House of Com mons, in the year 1797, with respect to the United Irishmen, into the case before you, to show that we were acting on their plan. Was there the slightest comparison between them and the Repeal. ers ? Assuredly not. The United Irishmen were looking to assist. arse from France—had emissaries there; winds!, perhaps, French emissaries were travelling through this country, acting on their plan, looking for French aid, looking for armed force and violent revolution ! Oh! Gentlemen, it was directly the reverse of ours. It may be said that I speculated upon the restoration of the elder branch of the Bourbons to the throne, and that I expected llenry V. to be king ; but really, Gentlemen, I should be very sorry in dead to wait for the repeal till that event takes place.—(Laughter.) I do not conceal my opinion that Europe will not be perfectly safe till that branch of the family be restored to the throne. They have a better title than any other monarch. No, a better title than that of our gracious Sovereign does not exist ; but they have a better title than the present King of France. From that King I have refused the slightest assistance. Nay, more, I hurled my in. dignation against the man who had delivered over the chil dren of France to be instructed by infidel professors. You have now seen ntv antagonism to the French—'tie capable of proof. You have seen my conduct with respect to the Chartists. They were in arms—up in insurrection through. out England—crowding in thousands and tens of thousands through all her manufacturing towns—their doctrines were spreading— their disciples increasing, for there was something fascinating for tho poorer classes in the principles of the Charter. It purposed a violation of all property—its followers were numerous—they offered me aid. If I were a hypocrite, should I have refused it ? I denounced them—l denounced their doctrines-1 drove them from Ireland—the people were so much opposed to it, that the Chartists absolutely committed an outrage upon the Irish at Man chester. It has been read to you that the moment we discovered that a Chartist had joined toe Association, his money was returned to him, and his name struck off the list of members. If my object were insurrection, think you I should have acted so ? Gentlemen, do place yourselves for one moment in my situation. Good Heaven! if you wished for an armed outbreak and insurrection, would you not wish for strength ? Would you not conciliate those who were the advocates of force ? I)id Ido so with the Chartists ? Did I not meet them anti hunt them out of Dublin—of Ireland—although there were none of the dangers in their doctrines, none of the penalties attached to Ribandism ? My Lords, I do firmly declare that if I had not opposed Chartism it would have passed over and spread front one end of Ireland to the other. Thank Heaven that I did resist it ; and, whatever be. comes of this trial, I shall ever rejoice that I kept Ireland free from this pollution. There is another matter to which I wish to call your attention—my constant, consistent allegiance to the Sovereign—that you find in all the newspapers. Iler name is never mentioned but with respect ; and when I had to make a speech in some degree derogatory to the respect due to a Royal lady—you find me making a distinction between her and her Mi. rosters. I made that clear distinction, that constitutional dis tinction, and I do complain somewhat of the Attorney-General's conduct here. lie had no right to say that there was a particle of disloyalty in those remarks. If I did not make any distinction at all, it would have been quite open for him to comment on that speech ; but what becomes of the asset lion that I have been guilty of disloyalty in the remarks that I made, when I did draw a marked distinction so often that the repetitions was almost nauseating? Thank Heaven! there is nothing to attaint my loyalty, nor has the 1 attempt ever been made. That I have proclaimed in language which admits of no dispute. I have come to that time of life at which it could do me no good, or procure anything for me, to boast of my loyalty ; but there is not an expectant in this Court, who could have more frequently or strongly expressed it. Ido complain that the Attorney. General behaved unfairly in the remarks he made on this subject. lie read the Queen's speech, and also, on the authority of a newspaper, stated that I had used the expression •• Judy took an unfair advantage of us,'' in speaking of her Majesty. Now, I said it was the Ministers' speech—and it was of the Ministerial scolding I spoke, when I used that expres sion ; to that I referred, and nothing else ; anti I slid say, that, in not allowing us to reply, " Judy was unfair—she did not let us make an answer," speaking of the Ministers and of their speech. I have to complain here that I have been badly treated. I mean the Learned Gentleman no discourtesy, I do not wish to say any thing harsh—but I tell him that it is utterly false that I ever used such a word with reference to her Majesty. I disclaim, abhor, and hate—despise the man who could use such language with reference to her Majesty. I have never been accused of discourtesy to the gentler sex, who form so minor of our happiness ; and, least of all, could I apply such terms to one who is at once our beloved Sove reign, and of a sex which forms our chief comfort and consola. Lion. I have detained you longer than I thought respecting my public conduct. To you I leave it, but having in reserve the consolation of knowing, that though my mans may be feeble, my talents confessedly small, and my energies declining, my ardent, my enthusiastic, and burning love of Ireland and of liberty is un. quenchable; it is a portion of my very vitality, and furies the entire of my political interests. Well, public meetings took place; they must have an object—and so they had—their object was a repeal of the union. That it was a bad or injutious object, 1 utterly deny ; it was a most useful object, and I shall prove to you that there is not a man ins this Court—tine neutrality of the Bench alone excepted—that ought not to become a Repealer. Be. fore I sit down I hope to make Repeaters of acme of you.—(Great laughter.) lam quite sure of this—that it is your duty, and if it is your duty, will it not be your pleasure, to join me ? I shall now tell you what I mean to do. I mean first to demonstrate that the English Parliament has, from the remotest period at which she possessed the power, governed Ireland with a narrow, jealous, re strictive, and oppressive policy. By way of parenthesis, 1 would -jest beg of you to recollect the history of the woollen manufactures of Ireland in the reign of a Monarch whom you are not die. posed to condemn. I shall next demonstrate in succession ' • ' • - ' that the transactions of 1782 were intended to be a final adjustment, and that it was then intended and agreed that the Irish Parliament should be established for ever ; that the greatest prosperity followed from the protective influence of that Parliament, after having achieved its independence, and that the union was forced upon the Irish people against their consent, by the most criminal means. I shall next show you in detail the many evils that resulted from the union, and the gross injustice of the enactment of that statute. I shall show you the increasing distress and destitution which have arisen from that sta tute, and that there is nu probability—l think no possible means— of restoring prosperity to this country, or of avoiding ultimate sepa. ration from England, save by the restoration of het Parliament. The ill-treatment of Ireland by England is so confessedly true as matter of history, that I scarcely think it worth while detaining you on that part of my subject ; yet, having beets brought here by the Attorney-General by reason of my agitation for repeal, I must defend myself, and my defence is, that instead of looking for any. thing evil, destructive, or injurious, I am, and have been, perform ing the sacred duty of endeavouring No procure the greatest possible blessing to Ireland--the protection of her own Parliament. lam too much devoted to the people of Ireland not to be devoted to them at all risks. 1 have represented the county of Clare, with 250,000 inhabitants; NVaterford, with 300,000; Kerry, with 200,000; Meath, with 300,000 ; and stood representative of 730,000 inhabitants of toe county of Cork. I have twice represented the city of Dublin, and once that of Kilkenny, Duties then fell upon me that belong to few. My gratitude to the people is boundless. lam their hired servant. Yes, lam their paid servant; It may derogate from the chivalry of my situation ; but 1 avow it, and am ready to earn my salary. I shall begin by showing you the scheme of misgovern ment that was pursued by England towards this country, and my first proof is from a French historian of great reputation at the present moment—one of the first of the French literati—M. Thiers, who in his history of the conquest of England by the Nor. mans says—" The eonqu2st of Ireland by the Anglo-Normans is, perhaps, the only one that has not been followed by a gradual ame lioration of the conquered people. In England, the descendants of the Anglo-Saxons, although unable to free themselves from the dominion of the conquerors, advanced rapidly in civilisation, whilst the natives of Ireland, after five centuries, exhibit a state of uni form decline, and yet they are endowed by nature with the most remarkable aptitude for everything intellectual. Their soil is fer. tile, but unprofitable—their descendants have been gradually impo. verished. and this is owing to their proximity to England." There is a disinterested historian giving this melancholy picture of cen. turics passing away without improvement, of poverty and des. Minion increasing, all owing to the baneful influence, he says, of the English Government. The next authority I shall cite is that of Mr. Pitt, who, its discussing a commercial proposition in 1785, made this admission—" The uniform policy of England has been to deprive Ireland of the use of her own re sources, and to make her subservient to the interests and opulence of the English people." Mit is not my language,but read from news. papers against me, avowing distinctly that the policy of England was to use Ireland for her own purposes. My next authority is a Lord Chief Justice of this Court, wise, in opposing the union in '99, said—" You are giving up your independence. To whom ? To a nation which for 600 years has treated you with uniform op pression and injustice." These are the words of Thisbe; and if I had the arranging of this language I could not put it so power fully or so strongly ; and by what expressions has it been followed up? Its the Government pamphlet published in the year '9B, I find this admission made by Mr. Secretary Coote—" That the union was the only means of making Ireland too great and too powerful;" which showed that what Bushe said was perfectly true. I have, Gentlemen, that great man, in another part of his speech, in opposing the anion, saying, " that when he stripped the measure he saw but one question in it, namely, would they give up their country? It was, he considered, a measure which went to degrade the entire nation, by saying it was unfit to govern it. self—a measure which was nothing less than a renewal of the title of conquest, and the total denial of the rights of nature to a great nation from the intolerance of its prosperity." NVhen I began to address you, I said I would show you that it ryas" the intolerance of Irish prosperity" which passed the union; and if he were here this day he would have avowed every word of it, for he spoke it in the ; perfect sincerity of his heart. Therefore, I need not go further in s howing you that the best authority, both foreign and domestic, proclaimed the misgovernment of this country by England, and the Government's open avowal that the Irish would become" too great 1 and too powerful, if not ridden down by the union." These topics had passed by and were nearly forgotten ; hat I ens obliged to the Attorney. General for giving me an opportunity of.teviv big them. And while on this subject there is another author I shall refer to, to prole the Mille views upon behalf of the Government, which is URINARY OBSTRUCTIONS. 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To such, among others, this h e o ssa s y ati a s d ra d e r t e o s r s i e ly s a it d s j e u lf o ; ,, a i n t d ha b t y a i d t_s the ay most confidential friend."—Stafford pmeirtuosfalnomaapripey al qu e e v s e ti n on to s m Gazette. The design of this work will be tolerably obvious from its title, and we cordially recommend the author and his book to all who are suffering fro m nervous debility and general weak ness.' —Wakefield Journal. Published by the Author, and sold in London by S. Gilbert, M and 52, Paternoster-row ; Field, 65, Quadrant ; Gordon, 146, Leadenhall-street ; and by a Bookseller!. At home every day til ,as From Fire til] Eight IRELAND. FETE STATE TRIALS. NINETEENTH DAY. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH. DUBLIN, MONDAY, FEB. 5. THE QUEEN V. DANIEL O'CONNELL AND OTHERS. The Court Fat at ten o'clock precisely, when Mr. O'Connell, as one of the traversers, rose to address the jury, and, consequently, without his gown and wig. Gentlemen,—l beg your patient attention while I show you, In as few sentences as I possibly can, and in my own plain prosaic style, the right I have to demand frem you a favourable verdict ; I ask it without disrespect and without flattery—l ask it on the grourd of common sense and common justice, being thoroughly convinced that lam plainly entitled to it. I do not feel that I should has. Cowen warranted to addrisssing you at all, after the many speeches which you have already heard, and after Inc powerful display of talent that must have delighted as well as instructed you ; but, Gentlemen, I do not stand here my own client—l have a client infinitely of more imporfance—my client is Ireland—my clients in this case arc the Irish people. I stand here the advocate of the rights, liberties, and constitutional privileges of that people; and my only anxiety is, lest their sacred cause, their right to an independent Legislature, should be in the slightest degree tarnished or impeded by anything in which I have been an instrument. I am conscious of the integrity of my purpose, and of the irate grity of my motives in the working out of the inestimable ob ject I :had in view—the repeal of the union; for I openly as. sert that I cannot endure the union, because it was founded upon the greatest injustice, and based on the grossest insult— from an intolerance of Irish prosperity. These were the mo tives that induced the malefactors who perpetrated that iniquity ;• and I have the highest authority—an ornament for years of that bench—now, although recently, its his honoured grave—for saying, that the motive for carrying the union was an intolerance of Irish prosperity. Nor shall I leave it on his word alone—l have other b a u ri t e h r o a r d i t d y for it, address—for for with l tss which t I re y o s u h l I a t i r n ou a b s l ey a im ou i 0 u i i s ) t t o ls e course t c as br o i f e f ny a s g possible in the observations which I shall address to you. As to myself, Gentlemen, I am not here to deny, or to palliate anything I have done ; on the contrary, 1 am ready to re-assert in Court all I have really said—not, of course, taking upon myself the clumsy easilym mistakes t c o i f , d r: t p h o t r e e r i s , 0 , and n g n o o t f a , b p i d e e it c i g h c b 9 y , p t h a r e t c a u l l i a b r i i y t y w w b e l e n y e c a e r s e . hurriedly squeezed up for the purposes of the newspaper press. However, I do not hesitate to say, that there are several harsh things towards individuals, and clumsy jokes, which I would rather not have said; but the substance of what I did say I avow, and I am here to vindicate it. You know all my actions, and lam ready here not only to avow them, but to justify them—for the en tire of what I said and what I have done, was said and done in the performance of a high and sacred duty—an endeavour to procure the restoration of the Irish Parliament. We all remember when the Sovereigns of every country in Europe were about being over turned—inspired, as those counts ies were, by the infidelity of France; when princes were banished, when the constitutions of kingdoms and states were altered—a re-action took place—the re volutionary period passed with them all; the political order of things was everywhere restored ; and, alas! every nation had its full day of retribution, but Ireland—she alone remained under the influence of that fatal revolution—and are you, Gentlemen, assem bled to prevent justice being done to Ireland, as it has been to all other countries 1 It has been said to me, that I labour under great disadvantages in addressing you; and you may be sure, if I state those disadvantages, that I do so without any discontent whatso ever. I know, sty Lords, what is due to the public, and the perfect order and decorum which should be observed in a court of justice, which no one should dare to violate. Therefore, when I speak of the disadvantages of addressing you, you will not understand me as appealing fur redress to those who cannot give it to me. If anything which has been done is wrong, this is not the time to discuss how you have been put into that box—this is not even the place for it , and I will now assume that the Attorney. General has (lone nothing but what the law allowed him to do ; because, if there is a wrong committed, the remedy lies elsewhere, and it all is right arid toga], the proper tribunal will decide it to be so. Now, Gentlemen, I will address you, as I said, without discourtesy, but also without flattery, as the tribunal to which I am to pro pound my arguments. It is quite certain that there arc consider able discrepancies of opinion between you and me upon subjects of the utmost importance. You differ from me on the question of the repeal of the union, for if you did not not, one of you would be in that box. You differ from me on a more important sub ject—in religious belief ; and if you did not, you would not be in that box. These differences are, perhaps, aggravated by the fact, that lam not only a Catholic, but that Catholic who, without boasting, has done most to pull down that I'rotestant ascendancy, for which, perhaps, you were the champions, but certainly not the antagonists; and although, having established that equality against which some of you contend, and against which all of your opinions were funned, it does not terrify me from the performance of toy duty, for I care not what evil effects occur to myself, or what pu nishment it may bring on me, still I glory in what I have done-1 glory that I have been the successful, and you the beaten part). But, Gentlemen, nevertheless, I trust in your honour and inte grity, and to those alone I appeal. I said there were three points on which we differed—the repeal of the union, my maintenance of the voluntary payment system in every church establishment, and my former conduct in relation to Catholic emancipation; but you are here to administer justice and right between the par ties, and all I wish to remark is, that I have no despair of your doing that perfect and full justice, without considering what may be the religious or political feelings upon one side or the other. I should have preferred upon your account, and upon my own, that those objections did not exist. I should have pre ferred matters that were otherwise, and that neither you nor I were harrassed with the thought that by any possibility, by even the infirmity of human nature, injustice should affect the verdict in this case; but I will not say more upon that subject ; I have done with it, and I will now pass from it to the consideration of the ease itself. I first come to the prosecution. Why, it really is themost curious, the strangest prosecution that ever was instituted. It is not for one, or two, or ten facts that it is instituted—and remember that the criminal law of this country is most lauded for its sins. plicity—but it is the history of nine months you have to go through, the details of no lets than nine months, a monstrous ac. cumulation of matter flung before you, such an accumulation, that defy the most brilliant imagination that ever yet was to bring all the facts properly to bear, and arrive at such a result as should be legiti mately arrived at. Gentlemen of the Jury, I arraign this prose cution upon a clear and simple principle. It is utterly impossible for you to find out or distinguish from that mighty mass of matter which was laid before you what really is the question you have to try. I will first endeavour to see how much is affirmative in this prosecution, and how much and what negations it contains. Its entire strength depends upon the meaning of that cabalistic word " conspiracy." If, my Lords, I look into the dictionary for the meaning of that word, I find that it is " a secret agreement between several to commit a crime," and that is the rational, common-sense definition of it. This word, however, in recent times, has been taken under special protection by the law, and the definition of it now is, not only a secret agreement between several to commit crime, but they have taken two loops to their bow, and the further depiction given of it is to effect, or 1