The Sun. — London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDA V' EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1845 a c c i rn !_ti e o r ns. Ire did h ope that her Majesty's Government as some branches of th e s pi nn i ng t ra d e . .B ut t44l:'v y occasion, when they h a d to i nterfere in taking the two and calculating them togethe r , Y u?atter, would in the first instance endeavour I believe lam perf e ctly r i g ht w h en I state t h at, at no If obtain an explicit explanation wi t h respect to it. period in the hi s t or y o f our spilling and the ymanmanufacturing aorn w sed ere in s uc h a s i tuation with the islands that interests, has the balance applicable to profits ' e rne so the great tr act o f P olynesia, they might be- and wages been greater than d ur i ng t h e past he ard _ man y plague -spots to the two countries. They year. The application of . capital in new mills, minitteadgreat deal a protectorates. If they were to be and the improvement of old ones and machinery, tent the into_ the system of netiens it was most impor. have else been much greater in the past year. With reqad - ...I.,_Y..sheould know, in the first instance, what rights gard to the woollen trade, it is a source of no small sags the, I.yulte.es protectorates could give. In law books facCon that an imProvement has taken place in this th e 4 ., ,T e l e ct that scarcely any authoi ity was laid down on branch too, because it fully boars out the statement t een 'u p o l l bli t s . If they looked in the last works that had which has been made of the improvement of the people. hed, they found nothine• but vague sentences A great, in fact the larger, portion of our woollen trade wataiteher.eseect to protectorates. Tare wa s one great in- is supported by the home market, and, of course, be at ' °t p ro tectorates --th a t which was admitted at the the increase of this market bt speaks an improvement in postetteyYthosloptf Vienna with respect to the lonian Islands. the condition of the poor man. The flax trade, I may was resolved upon in support of the common state with confidence, has undergone a considerable im teetorat_i Europe; but if a country was to assume a pro- provement; indeed, I may state that the increase has sp sa Alt was roost important to know the ground been upwards of twenty per cent.; but it is very Nth re '2 l 'h such an assumption was taken, and the laws likely this increase is attributable to the removal of some Ibe sit to. 'Peet to it. He did net consider himself corn- of the restrictions on this trade. Still, the difference In this address to any measure which might which has taken place in our flax manufacture speaks ero u is the g forward with respect to any interest favourably of the improvement of the condition of the thereb country. Nor did he consider that he was people, notwithstanding the difficulty that may exist to or the Inequieseing in the propriety-of the continuan ce estimate the quantity applicable to home consumption. soatiame s ue n fte-tax. Ile, for one, would not assent to its It may be asked, have our foreign demands justified this s fbee, unless it could be shown to be necessary as increase in our manufactures ? No as if we run the tong r relieving the population of this country from through the articles of British produce which have been T he s t la und . er which they at present laboured. exported this year, we shall find that the amount of Mtwo a i d of ABERDEEN wished to say a word or exports has been larger than in any former period. arquis" e l"Y to a portion of the observations of the Noble The re has, however, been a falling off in two items—coals friend who , with hini . jug addressed the House. His Noble and cotton twist. With regard to coals, I believe I may ( aei ena ont implying any censure, said that the dis- state that this has resulted not from a falling off in the estia tt „,..'on:h had recent l y taken place between this demand, but from the strike among. t the workmen in the qeh a - 7 , once, were in some degree caused by a want milling districts. V 6 hich no doubt Hon. Gentlemen are th(4 1 .4 , ,ne call e d a system of explanation. N ow h e awa re , of. With regard to cotton-t w i s t, it w ill b e seen at t h e rdeen) begged to remind his Noble Friend that the item shows a falling off of 50,000,000 thong.4in g e. ,Tet of the settlement of those discussions was pounds. I believe, however, that this difference in the ut tiely to that system of explanation which he exports arises, not from any indisposition on the part of ttklad hi necessary; and ho would further our foreign neighbours to take this article -of British 1164 mes, that tw ar i se origin4y that discusssion did produce, but to the great amount of consumption which o G o _ from any circumstances between the has taken place in the home market. All our menu e any verntnents with reference to a protectorate, facturers in this article have been, I may say, more I ngsl at " su ch question of the law of nations, but from the than fully employed, nevertheless they have been b ake Act of a subaltern officer, unauthorised, and unable to supply the home as well as the foreign market. 6 4: 1 : 1 /. 4 his own Government. It was from the mo. But we must look beyond this to ascertain the improved ieth ae ,,',ews which were entertained by the two Go- condition of the people; we must look to the consunip lltis heats that that settlement, which the Noble Mar- Lion of those articles which are regarded as the neces- Posi tt lt ,intself admitted to be so satisfactory, had been series of life. The customs are, perhaps, a better test of the `qatl a 4°ol lt. He (Lord Aberdeen) would only say, power of consumption than the excise ; but the excise t o t th e re _ r w se Frey p esentations which it was his euty to make may be considered as showing the people's power of a „,.,tch Government, there was nothing which he expenditure ; and of melt, spirits, and soap, there has 14 1,5 t ‘'" nave recommended' to his own Government , been an increase. Looking at the articles of tea, I„Lgr e 4 ) ', e rlniaced . in the same situation.—(Hear,hear.) sugar, and tobacco, the gradual increase which was tak sll,l" PRF:LL said, that as the Noble Marquis ing place afforded a satisfactory proof of the improved 14 . s,"wle:d.,,to.him, he would give notice, that u n l ess the conditi on of the people. Although the returns of the th `4 4 ,,",n the Noble Marquis had referred should b e savings' banks are liable to some exceptions,. yet, as ',hon e -4 11 .°y her Majesty's Government, he would have Fonnected . with other proofs .. of . prosperity, the increase l 'ers Et ,° f wain presenting it to their notice. in deposits, and the diminution in withdrawals, are 40liGlIASI—Hear, hear. I quite agree with very pleasing circumstances, Another satisfactory proof is the great increase in the returns of A MPBELL trusted that although her Ma. all the railways—thus showing either an in. d a s ,!:, j ' e ch was silent with respect to legal measures, crease in traffic for business purposes, or a greater N 41 (10,3 the present session several legal reforms power of expenditure for the purposes of recre . atien. It ur oUght forward. The state. of the ecclesiasti- may, indeed, be doubted whether this prosperity be of a rt 1 1 : 11 r e ,„ s !equired that, as speedilyas possible, measures permanent character. I know that last year very great p;eelaa,t'Sft to that subject should be brought forward. doubts were entertained, though I am not aware upon ,tlt 4114"1 debtor and creditor was in a very inconve• what data they were founded, whether the improve s',l4 4A tni satisfaetory state ; and h e t ruste d t h at hi s men t w hi c h t h en man if este d i tself would continue for t7 t l l (t, or ` L a ilearned Friend, who n ow di v id e d t h e woo l- any length of time. But looki ng a t th e state o f tra d e, an d cif t w lnl sr :nrougham was seated th ere )— wou ld b r i ng th e mo d era t e pr i ce o f raw mater i als, and looking also T h : p e"s"'e Measures of legal reform before the clo se at the fact, that no foreig n mar k e t s are g l utte d , an d tk e session. scarce ly any overstoc k e d , an d cons i der i ng, further, that tp7bl c , ff "- 1) CHANCELLOR said he rose for the per- there is an abundan ce o f cap i ta l, w hi c h i n every * et t er ing a wo r d or t wo i n exp l anat i on, and i n manu f acture i s the great element of prospe thN t o what had fallen from the Noble Lord, he' rity, I cannot see any reason to apprehend that rrinind his Lordship and the House, that. there is any exaggerated spirit of speculation in con bill was introduced l as t sess i on , t h e on l y nexion with the tr a d e an d manu f ac t ures o f t hi s country. ti!op it P c lt which it was opposed, had reference to o ne The new banking regulations, although their appli. P ttle idar clauses • that affected only individ ua l cability to 'the circumstances of this country can only 4 4 '4 i t r a considerable time-•-before- -the Bill had be tested by experience—(Hear, hear)—those regu tdd,th a upon the table, in order th a t it m i g h t re - lation s h ave p rove d a sa l utary c h eck upon an over ,:Pection and corr ec tion o f th e l aw L or d s . I n s pi r it o f specu l at i on, I b e li eve that that spirit of t ! i lkt it r ; - that, copies of it were printed, and extensively speculation ''has been absorbed by reckless railway slid yet, not w ith s t an di ng t h at , no o b. un d er t a ki ngs . Al t h ough I am fully sensible of the lisC u ottever was made .to any p ar t of importance/tot such undertakings. and of the benefits al ore luring its progress through the House. which they confer by giving employment to la ttli:Pre,! !le had even called their Lordships' attention bourers of various kinds,. and'otherwise benefiting "tir t kte c ,t,tons a s he was most anxious to have the the country, I think it') is impossible to see the the law Lords . feeling - that' the Bill con- exaggerated calculations made as to the result of 11 1,.%:_t11 objectionable clauses. His Noble and those undertakings,' without feeling that this is one of 41, 3 4 4 7 in did object to some of the clauses, and the dangers by w . hich the country is menaced,— sttettBdhpruck out, and in that state it passed. The (Hear, hear) This is a danger also, to which, ‘ , o ll leig'Y was one of a very complicated nature, and under our manufacturing system, we are unavoid- W'l4 l4 ,.. a nY' metaphysical niceties, and for those ably subject ; but fur that evil there is no kriq "," most desirous to have had the aid of his remedy except that of producing in the.minds of the '`kr 4 t o L 'e4rned friend in criticising it. He-now manufacturers a spirit of foresight, and in the minds of :)4,L , *b. tlsstire their Lordships that he had a Bill the operatives a saving disposition. Sir, the .great pros- V„af t j i e4 he would lay on the table during the perity of this country has undoubtedly acted upon its Ve erf e Present session, which, he trusted, would finances —(Hear, hear)—it has, undoubtedly, increased 1 4 '1 Gl a P h d tili n t y s t of removing the anomalies it t contaied, contained, its resources ; • but it is impossible not to see that this 'll "ari a - uGHAM begged to say a word or two in change of circumstances really originated in the adoption ,4tlis n aji It was true that he had had charge of the of the income-tax. I will not discuss the question whether Etah!,Y, i t 3% but, having been obliged to leave the it be or be not (as we understood the. Hon. Gentleman) a 'S ti `llt," Passed from his hands into those of the Go- convenient or proper kind of tax ; I only state the kFi . 441 he was very glad of it. As to what had fact that it has accomplished the great object s„' f Y his Noble and Learned Friend about the for which it was established. ..Sir, I believe t54 1 9 , 0 1t , e debtor and creditor clauses, those he would the excess of 'expenditure over income in 1842 was it N lo t 'l;: tm i n i. to; but be hoped to be able to show the . 2,149,000/., the surplus of revenue over expenditure, 14 4r a "ere let him say that the most incessant in 1845, was, I believe, 3,356,0001,, while the advance ;Ry op en had been made to mislead the coup- required from the Bank of England in January in this 4 )e,, t " , tta the subj ec t the Bill was not by year is only one ehir lof what was requir e d i n 1842. Th e it'',V,b ai t • i „ . The the injurio us measure i t h a d b een va l ue an d pr i ce o f secur i t i es rest i ng upo p Government The great outcry t h at had b een cre di t have corresponded to the improvement thus ex , it was owi ng t o th e 20 1. c l ause , b y w hi c h hibi te d • and this improvem e nt i s it se lf t h e l eg i t i mate th it 'isr e s , ta ted th at small traders had been mate- triumph ' of the wis e st policy an d t h e soun d est iltrlkteia": and he had b a e a c h arge d w i t h i nsert - economy on the part of th e G overnment . k t 'ttr a l l , l l e • Here let him obser ve , th a t though he Sir, I trust that the success which ha s a tt en d e d t h e of 'e t o that clause it was not one of his on- forts to produce a financial surplus in this country will t„ ti t i, 4 5 0 ) . 1 e a t tli wts one drawn' up by the predecessor of operate as an example to other countries labouring 4i s t4 . p re Learned Lord on the Woolsack. As he under difficulties of the same character, and that it will oth,,estitkisent. he might mention his name, Lord Cot- . prove to them that, however onerous or however unpo- M "Pit foal It originally stood .it abolished all im- pular for a time such . a Jine of conduct maybe,. individuals, pi f . debt. One of its injurious . effects was, in the long run, for nations as well as fur individuals, k - N t u le s l l. no power of execution' upon a , is not only the best but the securest policy.—(Chet rs.) 't 2 nee, who though he might be in the However productive may be the other sources of the re trail °CI & a-year, might run up a bill of 19/. with venue, it must be evident, that if there is an reduction e sat t4s Is an, and yet could not be come at because in this tax there will arise a danger of deficiency.. r i l r ed a ss i ? cl ging house, and the furniture could not confess that it appears to that we ( N N `-'4l/1; did not belong to him. are to have any relief in the shape of the l ip o R ELL' explained reduction of other taxation, without cons id er i ng w h e th er he pby iii G EIAM repeated that the Bill was not. any further addition may be necessary to our taxation, it would not be wise to give up such a source of certain k 'l t , a h J l sa. l , lll v Ch as then agreed to, and twelve o'clock on revenue, particularly when we consider ; that a great . e fixed upon for their Lordships to portion of our revenue depends upon indirect taxation, aJesty with the address.. which is affected by causes over which we have no Ir ll ,'ls(l ) ake „ IN SINDE. control. In my opinion the maintenance of a surplus t Bt nor t „WELLINGTON read a letter from revenue is absolutely necessary to support the credit and it,j4 'ete rs : 3l r C. J. Napier, dated Currachee, May reputation of the country, and, believing this, I consider yeert ef ."ng thanks, on his own part, as well as it would be exceedingly unwise in this House to abandon m or ses t t h ile offi, cers, non-commissioned officers, such a certain source of revenue. It would be as unwise n k sNa 'fur e armies, native. and British, under his in the house and the country to rely on one year of V'4 B " 6 vote of thanks which their Lordships prosperity, without referring to past years of adversity, h 4 e e ,„ . ( l to pass in acknowledgment of their as it would be in an individual to reckon upon one 44,' t: -Noble Duke concluded by moving that year of prosperity as the foundation of his ex- on their Lordships' journals, which penditure, without reference to adverse years ; and V fl e, b I, p agreed to. I trust the House will go along with me STANDING ORDERS.- in considering that it is absolutely necessary gr't; ". WELLINGTON moved the usual to maintain an efficient surplus. I see much in the pre ;lllobe,,„'s, including the appointment of the Earl sent state of affairs on which to congratulate the coun -43 Chairman of the Committees of the try. I see much grounds for satisfaction with the pre qt, Varl sent—much for hope for the future. But I should have 01 1 4 4 1 % r hEtt . r .: 14 APTESBURY thanked their Lord- seconded the address of my Hon. Friend with feelings of Ol e 14) ep osed li.ewed mark of the confidence which less satisfaction, if I had felt any anxiety for the future, ;i g as ati ltb err tn . him for the last thirty-five years. or if I thought that the House or the country would eesti`"-NCELLOR hoped that the Noble adopt any course which would jeopardise our power or 4 ;04 1 )'ears nee in the enjoyment of the office for the maintenance of peace .% by adopting any measures b °tt eore which might convert a positive surplus . into a posst le `fed e w as • at ei then agreed to, and their Lordships deficiency. I thank the House for the attention with got o'clock till Thursday at twelve. which they have listened to me.—(Cheers.) I apologise for having detained them so long, and beg to second the motion of my Hon. Friend.--(Cheers.) The address having been read from the Chair, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was with great satis faction that in the terms of the address proposed by the Hon. Gentleman opposite, be most readily concurred, neither scarcely to the observations which fell from those Hon. Gentlemen had he any thing to object. Neither to the Speech from the Throne, nor to the speeches which had been so ably addressed to the House, had he any serious objection. At the same time there were topics in the speech other Majesty, and the address in answer to it, which, he thought, called for remark on the part of those Members' of the House not immediately connected with her Majesty's Government. The first -topic of the Speech to which the Ho nourable Gentleman alluded to, was the gratifying circumstance of three foreign Sovereigns having paid visits to her Majesty, their sovereign, in the course of the last year. That those visits might pet tain to more amicable relations between those Powers and this country, and thereby tend to maintain the peace of the world, must be their most anxious wish and sanguine expectation. And though the Hon. Gentleman who moved the address, and who is younger and more ardent than he was, wished that those increased relations of commerce, of amicable and social intercourse, might rapidly put an end to the prospect of war, he did not think either that Her Majesty's Government held that expectation in so strong a manner as the Honourable Gentleman, for be perceived that at the same time that her Majesty's Government expressed their hope for the continuance of peace, they were taking precautions, in order, upon the event of war, to defend the honour and interest of the country. However, it was impossible not to acknowledge, and he did so with pleasure, that the prospects for the continuance of peace were not so clouded with those appearances which last year shook the confidence of the country in the maintenance of peace. He was happy, how. ever, to congratulate the House and country, that the amicable relations which existed between other countries were not in danger of being broken. The Noble Lord, in allusion to the relative position of affairs between'France and this country, newt on to say that, while he rejoiced, in common with others, upon the present amicable position of this country with foreign countries, he bogged to say, at the same time, he could not by any means participate in the praise which her Majesty's Ministers had thought proper to give them selves, on the conclusion of the business of the country last session. —(Hear, and a laugh.) They praised the inoderation and wisdom with which they had conducted the public business. Now, for his own part, he could see nothing in the discharge of their public duty by the present Government that could entitle them to all this credit for the exercise of their wisdom ; neither could he discover any act of theirs that could be deemed so very worthy of all this praise that they seemed so willing to lavish on their public conduct.—(Hear, and laughter.) Yes, he would repeat it, he could discover no act of the present Government that called for this excessive self adulation of their great wisdom and moderation.—(A laugh.) What was the actual state of things whereon the present Ministry took so much credit to themselves ? An individual in the employment of the French Govern ment in a foreign country was suspected by the French commander, of conduct tending to disturb the popular tranquillity in that country, and he was thereupon placed under arrest, and eventually condemned to solitary con- 4 .iou —.............,_ V i r , 8' ,.,9P COMMONS, Feb. 4. CO i,'ACIU A IRE ADDRESS. Otp" e lle e i ° BARING, in continuation, said— ' op %,,t ineroent essential to the progress of good "fil l 4l4 4 rite ec , Ulla country—in the United States,. t. : l )t h h ot ---- - 1 mean the public press, which I s4t 4 f li blie .. W ish to see restrained ; but a kitilt e 141 aLt oo or a bitter speech may pro tl i ) l l tr /4 , 1 0f irritation for the moment which are kk tl iep r iaia ri p, llt f eelings of the nat;on. Though there V • t'ec l ' lI P a new generation who have not t h , p, the , k s 0 norrors of warfare, yet at the same time 114%.:413';e44.1(°f men rising, and have risen, whose tv Y t ie Ag ee t Yll bYrnent, and interest, arc identified with Li 4 : 4 0 3 0c 14 ka;,„; of Peace,and this class in all :t il l i 4 i t - b . eozo-te-;iornege more influence. I . trust that the kt 6 t , 4 or tit neeessa may be a new link of peace, and 1 11 1 !tt inertia rY n the navy for the . p.ro ;:1/4,,e,e nierce, that the country will be willing Iv t 4 5 4 4 th,eed. burdens nece-sary for that purpose. } i Ik t l ley ornatlenal wealth, the public credit, and 4p 4 , 4 tr , the resources years country, which L }tl ktO NS led bY some sof depression, \N t tlito e tak e eoantry was never in a condi t'lta,tt of 4 ore imposing attitude, either 14 '1' til herd i " • ► *tel t _, % R h pity or the ,4i h 4 At, . such calculations are happily un ,,,i0,1 Nie ' 4 vase , - hould arise, in a war s . , i, .1 w its ourertainly could be tikl'iNt4"l4 be le a 1 gainers, yet, • ti ar position, and the shock ihi an d e giv en A ti e k t o nil to manufacturing and industrial :;: i h i e geol t - . 1 local and internal improvements, ,„ p v _to ell it coonld cause to the influx of k ti \t 4 h t o ' l ri tl 4 4 Lweurtliries, I cannot think that kt,,hi 4ll tik e sessi on sutler less than cc. At the ylp, l lte ? „, en pi a ': of Parliament, although improve -0 ‘Il ' de,„` 4 4, th ere in some branches of our manufac- N t ita 'Ortto en ' t r i e was still a depression in two most im :4 tteplitg(iippy toss e iron trade and shipping interest. 1 11 4 9e both Y that the tide of prosperity has Nt! ! l tio 4 l the !nese branches. With respect to the 1 ft m eop o l t i e ll t e e s are now in complete work. The 'k qf • e e cl wlth the working of iron It I rbi l i e u Patio 41, I tit... utiVe n at good wages, and the 1 . 4 ,14 4 1ip ~E, th e , Improved thirty or , fort ,• per 0 41 41 i t g,,ta te tti_ron trade is in as satisfactory and Wll ) e 4 l l tie e l 'en toe! an other. This great improve \ : 1 1 8 ) t t ,,',,ettu sd 1 1 1 3 1 'Y from the increase ot the home i ‘ 1 4 te ßti 'l th, y the adoption of iron for various 1 ) 11, It M great demand occasioned by railroads. 1, 1. et IN to il "ve t , Il la 4 Vet,. le ,abipping interest, that also 1 t itit ts l , , te e hr.essea condition, but I am happy to r , t 41)itip,t Yea,.4.8 bee a gene;al improvement in Nc),lo th e Th e S hiPs are more saleable and at 4 t , 4 114414pta.e inerearle.,mand for them has been occa et Je t op , 1 01 1 , a se(' importation of various articles ll t eki'N("er tts teclng others the importation of 1 11, , N1` 4 A ali ,0 the d eina d for .. 4 4 li 3,1, t l augh n shippin g to a large N.4' hp eap e •) The application of science, k '4 4 4 ao , Ile ne° b • - Oth , o n] , y increasing toe iertility of ,41):tt, 1 444 Or el y effected that ob'e t b t has also 44 1 1, 4 4 4,7 I ate est no lin t po t rtant branc . l l l c of our u commer ,th N tt,,i , or a g lipoid to trouble the House with ‘ti th ha e t th 'Y e s but Im ay 0 1 , tip o r „ a t it wa s say, with respect to 1 1 4 I , th e th e „,_ never in amore thriving state. the .a,„e."4a.aufacturers have increased, and 11 41 , 0 tfa e '14.! their workmen ; but, Sir, lam riot foundare seine of our manufactures so large a market I finemeut, and it ..vas farther intimated to - liiin,that, in the event of an insurr ec ti on breaking out in the country, he . wovitl be held personally responsible in the event of its bn-_orning necessary that blood sheuld be shed —(hear, hear.) It had been said that there were no sufficient grounds for this " gross outrage," as it had been called, upon this individual'; but the French authorities, not content with this " gross outrage," had fur ther resolved that Mr. Pritchard should not be per mitted to remain in the country. In ail the circum stances that had taken place in - this transaction, there appeared to him (Lord J. Russell) to have been very serious divisions and misunderstandings. That the com mander of the French forces in a foreign country shotild deem it a proper course for him to adopt, to remove from that country an individual whom he had reason to believe would be instrumental in. pr.-clueing an insurrection amongst the inhabitants, lie (Lord J. Russell) did nut mean to dispute. Ihe French commander might have deemed that a fair and legitimate course by which ta op pose an insurrection ; and he (Lord J. Russell) would says that an insurrection in that country he would not by any means wish to see. But he would say, that every case should be judged by its own merits ; and, there fore, he would say, that this French commander was not, under all the circumstances of the ease, placed in a situation which would warrant him in piecing the indivi dual he had alluded to in solitary confinement, and to tell that individual, that in the event of an insurrection, he should be responsiile for the public peace with his life, was indeed what it had ' been termed, namely, a " gross outrage," and -demanded some explanation.— (Hear, hear.) Now, it seemea to him, that in the whole of this transaction the present Government had not acted in a manner ta deserve praise for wisdom. They had not acted promptly in it ; on the contrary, what were likely to have been the consequences? Was not a space of four weeks permitted to elapse before any decisive step was taken ? and during -that time was not this country , under great apprehension that a war would en- . sue ? Under these circumstances, he would say that her Majesty's present Government were not entitled to ask for more than moderate and fair credit from the eountry for the part th e y h a d ac t e d i n t hi s transaction. He could not see what there was in keeping the country in a state, of alarm for - so long a time as he had men tioned, to entitle the Government to praise; and he did think they were bound to show that it was to ensure the safety of the French garrison that the course the French Commander had taken in reference to Mr. Pritchard hail been done.—(Hear, hear.) • While upon the subject of the French Government, he would say it was not his wish to allude particularly to the disputes which had taken place in the discussions in . the Chamber of Depu ties upon this subject.—(Hear, hear.) It might perhaps be inconvenient were he to do so now; but the corre- - spondence which had taken place upon the subject be. tween M. Guiaot and another individual, had appeared in the. public newspapers, and he supposed that was authentic. By that it appeared that a demand was made by an individual, which was resisted by the French authorities, and the latter demanded reparation for what had followed. Now, he would repeat, that in the whole of this transaction it did not appear to him there was anything for which her Majesty's Ministers were entitled to praise for wisdom or moderation.—(Hear, hear.) It was very well in discussing questions as to how much territory—how many isles each country should occupy, to insist upon maintaining honour, but when they came to negociations regarding trifling and individual interests, the question of honour could have little or nothing to do with it. He would insist upon having their rights, but with respect to the ;isolated question of honour, he thought it was better not •to make a demand that was unreasonable. The demand, however, having been made the negociation ought to be conducted with forbearance and moderation. Now it did not appear to him that the negociation had been conducted in this manner. It had been continually boasted at former periods that this un. derstanding existing between the two Governments was different from that of any other Government, either in England or France. They funned, it was said, a union of perpetual harmony, which nothing could . disturb. Now, he must say, the events of the past year led him to think there was no such good understanding as had generally been represented, or in fact which ought to have existed. There was not that ready acquiescence on the' one side, nor that readi ness to express satisfaction on the other. In fact, those two Governments had been divided by the press, on the one side, and on the other by a course which a particular negociation had taken. But they had heard denunciations against articles which had appeared in the press of France directed towards England. NoW, many articles in the Ministerial Press of this country were in a tone of violence and bluster towards the French nation, which made him quite ashamed of certain per tions of the English newspaper press. He trusted, how ever, now that this feeling of prejudice had passed away, the two nations would maintain peace. He trusted there would generally exist between them a 'feel ing of mutual national interest—a feeling of na tional sympathy— a feeling tending -to enhance one great object, namely, the good and peace of both. Ile trusted they might see that harmony restored be tween the two countries which would lead to one great purpose and that purpose -the consistent mainte.; mince of the interests of the two countries. When, however, he remembered that the late eulogised, understanding which subsisted - between England and France had produced the present state of Spain, he must own that it wit' a result which any minister, either in England or France, ought not to boast of. He trusted that the existing good understanding be tween the two countries would nut only. continue, but that it would be ripened into still greater friendship, and that the influence of the two Governments, wherever and whenever that infl uence was 'exerted, it would - be used for the prom o ti on o f comme rce, the increase of freedom, the general diffusion 'of knoaledge, and the suppression of slavery. There was one subject not auched upon in the . speech, but upon w hi c h h e antiei pated they should have some explanation from the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. He confessed that he was not pleased with what he had hitherto heard upon the subject to which he had alluded, he meant the ap pointment of a Commission to inquire into the' powers of the right of search as established in 1831 and 1832. It did not appear to him that there was any necessity for a revision of the powers established at that time. But, however, if the Government thought it right to disturb the agreement which had been come to between the two countries, there could be no doubt that it would be a serious obstacle to the maintenance of har mony. He thought they ought themselves, in stead of adopting this course, to have man fully and fairly entered into a negotiation between the ;three countries, and to have declared on what foot ing they pr)posed to place the right of search, as esta blished in 1830 and 1831, instead cf placing itupon the responsibility'pf a Committee of gentlemen of high honour aid integrity. Certainly, this did not appear to him to be fair or advantageous to the people of England. The people of this country wished to see, and they on his side of the House were as anxious for the suppression of the slave trade as any of those who voted for the resolu tion of the Noble Lord the Member 'for Liverpool, in 1841. And they naturally look with some jealousy to any step which could in the slightest degree reduce the means resorted to for this purpose. The Hon. Gentle man who seconded the address had alluded to the visit of the Emperor of Russia. He said he hoped the Em peror would see that the sole interest of both nations de pended entirely upon concord and peace. That the Em peror would perceive that some of the restrictive duties placed on English produce diminished the trade and commerce of his own country. He quite agreed with the Hon. Gentleman, but he hoped the Hon. Gentleman would agree with him when he said that it might happen to the Emperor of Russia to reflect upon the subject which gave rise to the observation of the Hon. Gentleman, and lead him to feel its truth. But still the Emperor must desire, before he complied with the wish 'of the Hon. Gentleman, to know if Lis sister the Queen of England would direct her Ministers to take off some of the re strictive duties imposed on foreign commodities.—(Loud cheers.) He would not pass altogether to the conside ration of foreign affairs without congratulating the House on a subject which, although it h a d not b een mentioned in the speech from . the throne, had yet been the subject of much conversation in the country—he meant the improved state of our commercial relations with China—(Hear, hear)—and be could not do so without recollecting that when his Noble Friend the Member for Tiverton said that he hoped that our com mercial relations with China would open and improve the market for the trade and manufactures of this coun try, that statement was received with marked tokens of dissent from the other side of the House. That opinion, however, was now found to' be perfectly true and just, and it was in a great measure to the increase of our commercial transactions with China ihat the present tendency to a revival in the commercial and manufacturing interests of 'the country was to be attributed.—(Hear, hear.) The speech next proceeded to direct their attention to domestic affairs, and reference had more particularly been made to the state of Ireland. He was glad that the Minister of the Crown, acting no doubt from the information he had received, had been enabled to advise her Majesty to state that the violence of political agitation and excitea.ent had abated in that country, and that symptoms of improvement manifested in other parts of the country had extended to Ireland. The accounts which he 'himself had received from per sons who had lately come from Ireland, referred, with much apprehension, to symptoms which had recently manifested themselves in that country. It was observed that the ties which held society together, the ties which connected the richer class with the poorer, the ties which bound the priest to his flock, were loosened, and great apprehensions were entertained that those agrarian outrages, of which they had recently seen accounts, were on the increase. That there was no danger of any in surrectionary outbreak no one could doubt. That poli tical agitation was now as violent as it had been three or c.. . tour years ago, no one could aver. But he could say, that there did not prevail that general affection towards the Government and Parliament of this kingdom which ought to prevail in a free country towards the Government and the Legislature. He could not help attributing much, although certainly only a part of this feeling, to the injudicious, and also he must say, unjust proceedings, which had been taken agdinst some very leading persons in that country.— (Cheers.) The country had seen the spectacle of these persons put upon their trial, of a trial which had lasted a considerable time, and of sentence pronounced upon them. Those persons had been sent to prison, where they had been confined for several weeks, and whan the matter came to be examined before the Su preme tribunal of appeal, the whole of the proceedings had been reversed as irregular and informal. More than two of the judges had said that the proceedings with regard to the jury were unjust and unfair, although they did not rest their judgment on those grounds, basing the grounds for the reversal of the judgment on the badness of some of the counts. One of those Judges, and that one no less a personage than the Lord Chief Justice of England, the highest common-law authority in the realm, had declared that those prisoners had not been fairly submitted to trial by jury.—(Hear.) It had been said, that if those sixty names which had been emitted bad been continued on the panel-the verdict might not have been a conv i ct i on but an acquittal. But, the Chief Justice had said, that although he hal nothing to do with that, he was bound to. see that every subject of her Majesty who was accuse.d had a fair trial, and was not deprived of his rights, and more he had said, that if such proceedings were to receive countenance, and to be drawn into a precedent, a trial by jury in Ireland would be a mockery, and a snare. —(Loud cheers.) Was it possible delusion, e m people of I re l an d cou ld h ave any con fidoecinceery tidl in a aG aet tl o lu vernment when they saw that in the con duct of that, prosecution they had resorted to means which had been thus condemned by the highest autho• rity—and when they saw the trial by jury, which was the safeguard of every subject of the Queen's, and by which alone they were enabled, out of that House, to discuss public matters freely, was taken from them, and a fraud substituted in its place.—(Cheers.) There was one part of those proceedings, however, to which he thought the particular attention of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the he id of the Treasury ought to be directed. The right of challenge formerly existed, and formerly when the sheriff ma le an incorrect list, there was a remedy which in ancient times was res )rted to. The Right Hon. Gentleman had, as lie (Lord John Russell) firmly be lieved with the view to better the law regarding juries, made c, rtain alterations. Lord Denman argued that that alteration did not prevent the subject from having a practical remedy, if the clerk of the peace, recorder, or other authorities having jurisdiction over the jury -list, neglected ther duty ; but there were other authorities in West minster Ball, who did not take this view of the matter —(Hear. hear)'—and that there was oinething in the statute which precluded the subject from a remedy. Now, upon a matter of so much importance, there ought to be no doubt—(llear, hear)—if any doubt did re a lly exist on the subject, he looked upon it in the light of a great constitutional wrong. The privilege which the subject had in challenging the array could not be too clearly defined. If a doubt existed, it was incumbent on the Government to bring in some measure, enactive or declarative, so that the subject might have his remedy, and prevent the recurrence of such a wrong as occurred in Ireland, where a ,jury was struck, off on a State trial, although sixty names of persons competent to serve as jurors were left out.--(flear, hear.) Another subject which had been alluded to in the speech, viz , academical education, was hinted at in such very gerteral terms, that no person in the House, whatever objection he might hereafter make, would dissent from those general allusions. He did not expect that his Right Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Oxtbrd even would have any obje c ti on t o ma k e. —( A l augh.) At the same time it was understood that some measure was to be proposed on that subject, to which that phrase had re ference, and which, it was said, had deprived the Government of the assistance of one of the ablest of its Members. That Right Hon. Gentleman who held the office of President of the. Board of Trade,, and who explained in so luminous a manner the changes in the tariff—(Hear, hear)—it was said, he repeated, that that Right Hon. Gentleman had left the Government on ac count of the measures which the Ministry were preparing on the subject of education. He trusted some member of her Majesty's Government would give some further explanation of a measure which had been productive of such a consequence —that disruption in the Government which evidently had been caused by the conscientious objections of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had ceased to be a member of the Government. He knew not what the nature of that measure might be, but he felt assured that of whatever nature, it would be liable to great suspi cion, and be probably received with hostility in Ireland as well as by a portion of the people of England. He had seen that, with regard to the mode in which the Bequests Act had been received. He 'gave his humble support to that measure. He, believed it to be a good measure, and that it was framed with an honest inten tion. He thought it carried into effect, so , far. as the nomination of the Commissioners were concerned, and that was the only part which the executive Government had to do—he: believed it was carried into effect, as the speech from the Throne said, " in the spirit in which it was conceived ;" but it was impossible to deny that that measure was not brought forward with that calm prepa ration which it ought to have received.--(Hear, hear.) It was mentioned early in the session. It concerned a most important and difficult point—namely, bequests to a cer tain portion of their fellow-subjects, professing the Ro man Catholic faith. One would have thought that that question would have been brought forward earlier, that those professing the Roman Catholic faith, especially that some of the archbishops or bishops, would have been asked their opinions. —(Hear, hear.) It would not then have been said that an attempt was made' to en croach on the independence of th3ir religion ; and those objections would not have been raised to a measure which the Government—he freely gave them credit for it— honestly wished to carry into 'effect. Instead of that, the measure was brought forward late in the session, in the other House of Parliament, so that it did not come down to that House till near the end of the session. Repeated alterations were made, amendments were framed, and suggestions offered, which, because there was no authority from the Roman Catholic prelates, were not satisfactory' with regard to an Act intended for their benefit, so as to enable them to give their own money. and to bequeath property for Roman Catholic purposes. There was no judgment, there was no discretion shown in the mode in which it was framed.—(Hear.) Why, then, should they be surprised that certain parts of that measure were caught hold of as a proof of the intention of the English Government to attain some hostile in fluence over the Catholic Church? They had, therefore, done a great mischief. There were persons in Ireland whose influence ought to be cherished —such men as Archbishop Crony . and Dr. Murray. What had they done? They felt it to be their duty to accept office under the commission, but by the mode in which the Act was framed they had exposed them to hostility and insult, which they should be the last in the world to expose them to.—(Hear, hear.) But there was another point which he could not refrain from mentioning, be cause it was put forth before the people of Ireland, and he thought naturally put forward as a reason why dis trust should be felt. It was this, that fur years and years together those who were now in power counte nanced every hostility and insult towards the Roman Catholics, of alienation and animosity against the Irish people.—(Cheers.) Those phrases were now, returned on them. They knew perfectly well how sensitive the people of England were on this subject—how much the Protestant religion was endeared to them, and how unwilling they Wer e to see anything like a Roman Catholic supremacy in this country. They knew the pride of the people of England, and how ill they would bear the statement that Ireland had not only her fair share in legislation, but that the Irish Members of Parliament governed the country. Yet, they could to exc ite i k l i l io f. s e v e i l n in g g t s h , i a s, thendtyo dpirdoveoviecerytahniiningosities._ (lieu, hear.) Wherever they perceived the spark of religious intole rance, they blew it into a flame ; wherever they per ceived the plant of stational prejudice growing, they watered it and trained it till the noxious and poisonous tree overspread the land.—(Loud cheers from the Op position.) Such was their conduct for years ; and now, when they adopted a better policy ‘ —now, when they wished those things to be forgotten —now, when they desired that Ireland should be conciliated—how could they wonder that those who were the agitators of Ire land—that those who had led the people to unpopular victory, should remind them of the past ? How could they wonder that the phrases "surpliced ruffians," " demon priesthood," and others of the same kind, should be thrown back upon them, when they , themselves wished that they might .fall into oblivion, and that something more conciliatory might be devised ?—(Hear, hear.) Such was the retribution— (Cheers from the Opposition) —the not unjust retribu tion--(Renewed cheers)—that fell upon men who, in stead of appealing to sound and enlightened opinion, endeavoured to get hold of some popular prejudice or some mistaken notion, and to find their power in mis leading and deluding their countrymen.—(Cheers.) At the same time, he could not but feel satisfaction, with re spect to this subject and many others, in seeing that the present Government had adopted views which many of those who acted with him (Lord J. Russell) had long since adopted ; that with regard to Ireland especially, after endeavouring to force on that country a Bill which would deprive it of its electoral franchise, they had re frained from the atte m pt, an d h a d admitted by their Bill of last year, although that Bill was a most defective one in itself—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Shiel)—had ad mitted that their former Bill was not fit fur the Govern ment to carry.—(Cheers.) Yes, those 'were the very words used by the Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill for which the Conservative, party had struggled for years—for which' they had crowded to that House—for which they had, in repeated divisions, mustered in order to gain a majority, and to force it against the Government o f t h e day, that Bill was now admitted to have bee n an i n j ustice, he n they admitted themselvesthst such was thei r course proclaimed thi s, when they could not wonder either that he should rej o i ce i n the the y re cantaticn of the opinions which they the n h e ld , or that and themselves ls . the people of Ireland should still feel a want of confi dence in them when they now said, "It is true that what was formerly offered to you was an injustice, but what we now offer to you is a boon." With respect to other questions also—with respect to the question of educa tion, we were told that nothing was so dangerous as to give to a Committee of the Privy Council any power over the grants for the purposes of education. A grant was nearly deified fur this .purpose by the. Hon. Gentle men opposite, and it was on ly by a majority of two in a Committee of the whole House, that the grant was ob tained. I need not remind the House that the doctrines held on that owa.ion were of the mist extraordinary kind. The Right Hon. Secretary of State for the Home Department was of opinion that if they gave such power to the Committee of the Privy Council, it would be a despotic and irresponsible body, and if that despotic power were used fur the purpose of educating Dissenters, the Established Church w ou ld b e i n danger. Such was the nature of the doctrine held on this question by the Right Honour able Gentleman. The First Lord of the Trea sury held an opinion not quite so exaggerated, but still nearly similar to the former, and what ado I see now ? To my great satisfaction, Sir, a speech that has fallen from the Noble Lord, the President of the Council, in which he states that the transfer of the power from the Treasury to the Committee of the Privy Council, was absolutely necessary in consequence of the increase of the business of this department. The Noble Lord is at the head of the educational department of that Com mittee, and he says, the transfer was absolutely essential. This is al extraordinary speech, and I only wonder how the Noble Lord managed to slide over this transfer when, on the votes of the other House of Parliament, there was entered an addresi from their Lordships, presented by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the Queen, praying that any grants for th e purposes of education might not depend on this House of Parliament only, but be founded only on a legislative measure. His Lordship in his speech slurs all this over, but I wonder he had not told us that the Archbishop of Canterbury and other The Right Hon. E. GLAI)STONE (who sat at the lower end of the House) rose amid a marked silence. He said, he was aware that it would be inexcusable on his part if he were to endeavour to relieve his Right Hon Friend at the head of the Government from the task of replying to the numerous imputations the Noble Lord opposite had chosen to bring against him, but he could not without apology intrude himself on the House with what related immediately to himself: He would not venture on such a step were it not that the acts of public men were acts in which the public at large had an interest, and that however irksome and offen sive it might be to detain a public assembly charged with high functions with matters in which self appeared to be prominent, yet the object was to remove misunderstandings by which great interests might be liable to prejudice. The Noble Lord would allow him to thank him for the kind manner in which, in spite of the difference of rank, sta tion, and talent, by which they were parted, he had thought fit to make reference to him. Ile now felt placed in a situation in which it was difficult to recon cile apparently conflicting duties. On one hand he fully recognised the claim of the House to be fully in formed of the motives which led the Members of that House to accept office under the Crewn, or to undergo the scarcely less grave responsibility of quit ting it. He, therefore, could not refuse to attempt some explanation of what had recently occurred with regard to himself. But, on the other h an d, h e could not help seeing great inconvenience in any detailed explanation, or of refe rence to measures not yet under the consideration of the House. He should, therefore, endeavour to state simply and frankly the motives which had actuated him in the painful step to which he had had recourse ; and he must appeal to the patient indulgence of the House to receive that statement, not as a controversial or party one, not as an argumentative justification of his own conduct, but as an explanation, which be trusted would prevent mis apprehensions that might be mischievous. In what he had to say he could cast no blame on any one. He had acted according to what he believed his own position and the situation of those with whom, and under whom, as a servant of the Crown, he had acted required. If any syllable should reflect on those whom he regarded and esteemed, he hoped such a feeling would be put aside and disclaimed by them.—(Hear, hear, hear.) At all events he might gain one object of public utility, by first stating what was xoT the cause of his resignation. He had not resigned, as had been supposed in some quarters, on account of any matters connected with that department of public affairs of which he was entrusted with the charge. He had not resigned on account of any question, so far as the intentions of the Government were known to him, con nected with the Established Church in Ireland. A cause which he was about to name to the House was the sole reason of his resignation ; and again he was driven to advert to himself. and what he had said and done in former years. He had taken it on himself, some years ago, whether wisely or unwisely was not now the question, to state to the world, and that in a form the most detailed and most deliberate—not under the in fluence of the moment—not in the heat and rancour of debate—but on mature consideration, the views which he believed were most conformable to the truth. With respect to the relations between a Christian State and the profession of its religion, and the policy with respect to it. Of all questions, perhaps, that could be raised, the question of that policy was, in its ultimate effect, the greatest and most important. The manner in which he took on himself the responsibility of treating it was most deliberate. But he had never been guilty of the folly which some had charged on him, of holding that any theories, even in such a department of human of fairs, could be alike, and in all cases immutable and in flexible. But, on the other hand, he had a strong con viction that those who had borne a solemn testimony to opinions of great importance on conscientiou • questions, ought not to be responsible for the making any material departure from the principles he had so stated. Now it will be in the recollection of the House that his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government, at the close of last session, declared in general terms the nature of the inquiry he was about to make into the pos sibility of extending education in Ireland. He like wise indicated the spirit in which he would treat that important matter. As he had said before, he was not in possession of more of the intentions of Government. He only referred to them so far as they were known to him, and with regard to what they contemplated with respect to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, he knew nothing that might not be fairly and justly inferred from what the Right Hon. Baronet said on that occasion. Those views were, he considered, a great departure from what he thought the best and most salutary to maintain, in accordance with the state of the institutions and opinions of the people of this country. He did not wish to go into any controversy on his own opinions, or discuss what im portance they bore in his own eyes, or the consequences to which they might lead ; but he felt bound to state that he thought the measures contemplated involved a material departure from them. Whenever those mea sures should come under the consideration of die House, he should apply himself to them without any selfish re gard for mere consistency, and with the single view of arriving at such a conc l us i on as , on t h e w h o l e , thein terests of the country seemed to require. But it was one thing to discharge th a t d u ty f or onese lf, an d quite ano ther thing, after what he bad declared would have been right, to b e a p ar ty, a s a Minister of the Crown, to the recommendation of such a change. He would not det a in the House by explaining to them how difficult it was to form a correct judgment upan matters involving so many considerations, drawn from so many opposite quarters , yet he felt it his duty, in re turn for that public confidence which had been vested in him, to explain why he was no longer a member of her Majesty's Government. Upon subjects wh ic h h e under stood it was the intention of the Government to bring forward, he thought it would be right to place himself in f . . Nohle.Lords had been entirely in the .wrong.. Tlare remains one topic —a very gratifying top;e, as it stands at present. , It is the state of the manufacturing- :and commercial interests of the coun try. The Honourable Gentleman who seconded the address has given us a very interesting account of how every manufacturing interest, even the iron trade, which did not partake of the prosperity of last year, is now in a comparatively flourishing condition. But while that. is perfectly true, and while we have every reason to be. thankful to Divine Providence for the bountiful harvest with which we were blessed last year, there is another reflection occurs to me, which I do not mention either to damp our expectations, or diminish the force of what has fallen from the Hon. Gentleman opposite, but for our warning as legislators. In 1836, on the 4th of February, on the very day of the year on which we are now met, an Hon. Friend of mine who seconded the address went through the various items of iron, and wool, and silk, and cotton, and proved that there had been a large inereas.e in the export of them ' all compared with the previous five years. He drew an Blab, rate picture of the state of the country—and at that time we had had, in 1835, a favourable harvest — but we must recollect, that however much we might in dulge in these anticipations, it happened that 1838,1839, and 1840, brought us to a very different conclusion ; that however flourishing our manufactures then were after 1836, when we had a bad harvest, when it did not please Providence to con tinue that state of plenty which we had enjoyed and taken advantage of, we suffered most severely both in trade and manufactures. No man can expect the course of the seasons to be altered, or to have in this country every year those bounteous harvests with v. hich we have been blessed in years past. If wo cannot ex pect that, can we do anything to remedy the evil which deficient harvests occasions ? I think we can; not by interfering with the course of Providence, but by look ing to another dispensation of the same Providence, which enables men to extharge the produce of their own country for that of the distant regions of the earth. Let us, then, consider in the course of the present year, and endeavour to ward off the storm, which in some season of deficient harvest may come upon us, by giving to the productions of other countries, which we can enjoy, a freer inlet into this country than our present leas allow.—(Hear, bear.) It would only be acting in consonance with the principles of the present Govern ment, and of gentlemen en the other side of the House, who - do not hold with the great society that met yester day—(Hear, hear)—that the protection of Britishi n dustry is the true way to obtain a permanent and flou rishing condition of the country. On the contrary, with respect to many articles they consider that principles opposed to those of protection principles, which if not entirely free trade are known as free trade, arc those by which the intercourse of nations ought to be regulated. and by which this country ought to be governed. If then they continue to hold these opinions—if they differ from the great authority of those who yesterday cele brated the principles of protection, let them give us the benefit of their convictions, though they might be called, as they have represented us to be, the enemies of agri culture.—(Hear, hear.) The question for them to decide was whether they should do in •a season of prosperity, calmly, deliberately, and with all the dignity of legisla tors, that. which we may have to do hereafter hastily under the pressure of popular clamour, when they might be unable to deny that which they might be afraid to grant.—(Hear, hear.) If they think it best, with respect to Ireland, to take advantage of the present time, and boast that Ireland is more tranquil, then, I say, when trade is prosperous shall we lose that opportunity ? I think that if you were pressed by a foreign war, and internal commotion, you would give Ireland almost every thing she asks for, except repeal.—(Hear, hear.) If that is the case, take advantage of the present favourable opportunity, and show yourselves worthy to rule that great nation you are called on to govern.—(Cheers.) Mr. MILES said he should not have risen at all but from the understanding that on Friday week the Chan cellor of the Exchequer would make his financial state ment, and the remarks of the Noble Lord. What the Noble Lord meant to express with respect to agriculture, he was at a loss to understand. Did the Noble Lord mean to say that protection was the bane of agriculture ? (Heat., hear.) If the Noble Lord entertained this opi nion when he was a member of the Government, or even last year, why did he propose a fixed duty ?—(Hear, hear.) Had he found it convenient to change his sentiments, or had he allied himself with the Anti-Corn-law League ?—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The Noble Lord had appeared to think that the agricultural interest was in a state of prosperity—(Cries of "No, no")—and he thinks thi; the very best time at which another alteration in the corn la vs might be made. Now, if ever there was a time at which it behoved an Administration to be cautious-- (Hear, hear, and ironical cheers)—this is that time. - In the north of England the harvest might have been a good one, but in the south, west, and east, it had not been an average. As they were given to understand that the income .tax is to be continued, he rose to claim on behalf of the agricultural body, in any reduction of taxation that may take place, that their interests may not be for gotten.—(Loud laughter.) As to the speech from the Throne, and the address in answer to it, he had nothing to say against them; but though he gave a general con sent, still he would not pledge himselfao any of the de tails. a position in which he could exercise a free and unfet tered judgment, and, as far as might be, an ureiuspected judgment. O n th a t account h e had taken a course most painful to his feelings, and separated himself from men with whom, and under whom. he had long acted in public life, an d o f w h om, h e was bound to Say, although he had no longer the honour of serving his Must Gracious Sovereign in association with them, that he continued to regard them with unchanged sentiments both of public regard and private attachment. lie had now stated as much as was necessary to prevent any erroneous impressions, to discharge himself from that responsibility which devolved upon him, and at the same time had taken pains to limit his observations, so that premature discussion upon those topics might not ensue. They all knew that the subject of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, the College of Maynooth, - and things immediately connected with it, were regarded with very sensitive feelings by the people of this country. In ad verting to these things, he felt it his duty at the same moment distinctly to state that he was not prepared to take part in any religious warfare against the measures which his Right Hon. Friend might propose. Ile could understand the principles on a hich her Alajest ) 's Go vernment acted ; and he had evtn ventured to vindicate the principh s on which a Christian State allies itself, for religious purposes, with a Christian Church ; but as men's minds had become more liberal, and as p opinions and parties had undergore so much modifica tion, lie felt himself bound frankly to state that he could not undertake to draw distinctions unfavourable to his Roman Catholic fellow subjects in Ireland, but trusted, with a fervent hope, that they would be regarded by the Government with the same favourable sentiments as membsrs of any other profession of Christianity. He did not wish to say anything that might prejudge the question but would consider it fully and calmly when it was brought under the notice of the House. lie would, how ever, again distinctly state, that he was not prepared to take part in any religious warfare against a measure such as it was anticipated might be introduced, nor to draw distinctions between Roman Catholics, on the one hand, and other classes of his fellow Christians, on the other.--(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) It was un necessary for him further to detail his views to the House. lie would reserve his own judgment on this, as on other matters. He was far from attributing any blame to his Right lion. Friend at the head of the Go vernment or any other member of it, for any dereliction or inconsistency in the measures about to be brought under the notice of the House, as far as he was apprised of them ; and he had only to conclude by thanking the House for the attention with which they had listened to him whilst he made explanations which recent events and public duty rendered necessary.--(Cheers.) Sir ROBER ['PEEL then rose amid profound silence and addressed the House as follows :—Sir, I feel confi dent that this House will show a generous regard for the strength of private feelings and personal esteem by bear ing with me while I allude to my Right lion. Friend, instead of commencing by adverting to subjects of deep interest, which have been intr oduced in the course of this discussion. The subject which has been brought under the notice of the House by my Right Hon. Friend is one of deep interest to myself and to my colleagues. For the abilities of my Right HMI. Friend I entertain the highest admiration—an admiration wily equalled by my respect for his private virtues.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers from both sides of the House.) I con firm, in every respect, the statement made by my Right Hon. Friend. My Right lion. Friend did intimate at a very early period to his colleagues that it would ,be im possible for him to co- operate with them as a Member of the Government, and with the responsibility and entire participation N hich that station implies, in the measures which they had -in contemplation with regard to educa tion. If my Right Hon. Friend did not :immediately press his resignation, I am entirely responsible, being unwilling to the latest moment of forfeiting the advan tages of a colleague who was capable of rendering such eminent services to the country, and who was so distin guished an ornament of this House. In order to pre vent all misapprehension, I think it right to state that my Right Hon. Friend did not resign on account of any question of commercial policy. For the three years that I have been connected officially with my Right lion. Friend, and during which we have introduced several measures connected with finance and commerce, I feel it my duty openly to avow that it was impossible that any men could act together with so little divergence of opinion between them. My Right lion. Friend, being no :longer a Member of the Government, felt himself precluded, by motives of delicacy, from ex plaining the nature of those measures which the Govern ment have in contemplation, but as I am not prec:uded by any such motives I think it b e tt er di st i nct l y to state the cause of the difference of opinion between us. I am sure the House will recollect that on the motion of the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Wyse) last session that I, as the organ of the Government, conveyed an intention on the part of the Government regarding the education of the Irish people to this effect—that the Government would, during the recess, apply themselves to the great question of academical education in Ireland. I admitted that looking to the population—looking to the state of that country with respect to Universities—looking to the state of Scotland, with respect to the opportunities there for academical education—and seeing that England had the great Uni versities of Oxford and Cambridge, and that in the metro polis another University had been recently established —seeing that in Scotland there were not less than five Universities affording opportunities for academical edu cation—looking to the state of Ireland, with only one in that country, with the exception of the Belfast Insti tution, I was disposed to admit, that in Ireland there were not the same facilities for academical education that existed elsewhere.— (Hear, hear.) I did not make that statement to escape from any temporary difficulty. I made that statement with the full intention of fulfilling any pledge or engagement I might make or imply. I I do not shrink from those declarations.—(Hear, hear.) lam prepared to the full extent to fulfil them. We have considered the question, and at an early period of the present session, will lay before Parliament a measure giving increased facilities for academical education in Ireland, and open to all classes of her Majesty's subjects in that country.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) I stated also, with reference to that particular grant, to which, as my Right Hon. Friend states fairly, much re ligious excitement attaches—l say that at the close of the last session, notwithstanding the feelings with which this grant is considered by a large body in this country, I did not shrink from declaring that among other institutions connected with academical institutions, the state of the College of Maynooth would be brought under the consideration of Parliament. We intend to make a proposal to the Honse, and I will frankly state on this, the first day of the session, that it is our inten tion to propose to Parliament a liberal increase of the vote for the College of Maynooth.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) When I was on the Opposition benches a motion was made for the purpose of taking from the College of Maynooth the allowance which has been annually granted. I stated theu, it is some years ago, that it appeared to me that an engagement had been entered into by the I r i s h Parliament, which was exclu sively Protestant, to provide domestic education for the ecclesiastics of the Roman Catholic Church. I said I did not think that engagement was fulfilled by a merely nominal vote. The engagement was to sup ply the wants of ecclesiastical education, by the foundation of colleges for education. In that country the population has increased ; and such being the case, and the means of foreign education having been dimi nished, I say we are only acting in accordance with the implied and honourable engagements of the Irish Parlia ment, in supplying increased funds for the education of the ecclesiastics of that country. But I will also state that we de; not intend to accompany that increased vote by any regulations with respect to doctrine or discipline of that Church, which can diminish the grace and favour of that grant.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Op position.) I rejoice in having this opportunity at the commencem, nt of the session, for making frankly this declaration, because there is no subject by which reli gious feeling may be more easily excited. I refer to the retirement of the Right Honourable Gen tleman in proof of the sacrifice which we have made, by the danger to which I may possibly expose my colleagues, by the apprehensions which may be created among a large and sensitive class, notwithstanding the endeavours of my Right Hon. Friend to prevent it. I may, I ray, refer to this as a conclusive proof of the disposition of the Government on this subject. The Right lion. Baronet adverted to the insinuations which had been thrown out by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), who could not resist the oppor tunity of taking a petty party advantage of the seces sion of his Right Hon. Friend, and attempting to poison the minds of the Irish people, and diminish the grace and favour of those projected measures. The Right Hon. Baronet adverted to the Catholic Bequests Bill, which he said had been introduced without compulsion, or even suggestion, by the Government, who had no other view than to improve the condition of Catholic charities in Ireland. They had appointed those distin guished and amiable Catholic prelates, and did not at all interfere with the appointment of Secretary to the Commis sion. Who could wonder that feelings ofnational animosity were cherished by the people of Ireland, when a gentle man, of the Noble Lord's position, repeated such ex pressions as " surpliced ruffians " which he (Si r R. P ee l) denied most positively had ever been used or countenanced by himself, or any of his colleagues. The Right Hon. Baronet complimented, in a marked manner, the mover of the address, who, he hoped, would frequently dis play to the House the talents and discretion of which he had given so distinguished a proof on that night. Also the seconder (Mr. Baring), who, he trusted, would frequently inform the House upon those commercial affairs with which he was so intimately conversant. Ile repudiated the " small insinuations " of _.th Noble Lord, which wholly arose from party feeling. He He rather thought that the Noble Lords tempe that disturbed by the contrast of her Majesty' speech l u e g k . o ) rd T hr e a la bs been the author.—(Hear, hear, an day with former speeches, of which d the present speech congratulated the House and the country of r o e n re t nuuface he state of trade and commerce — the revenue—(Ministerial cheers)—and he s u pp ose d thatry and above all, the stat e o f t h e these allusions suggested to the Noble Lord reminis cences very distasteful to him, and calculated to disturb that temper in which the Noble Lord usually met the Muse at the beginning of a session. —(Laughter.) Ecce trcrynzas rotas quia non lacrytnubilis ille.—(A laugh.) The Noble Lord had referred to a quarrel which had taken place, at a distance of 4,000 miles from Europe, between a gentleman named Pritchard and an officer in the French naval service. In respect to that quarrel, and the matters which arose out of it, the Noble Lord was of opinion that both Governments were bound to take steps to prevent so lamentable a consequence as a war between France and England Now, the Noble Lord was also of opinion that the French officer was justified in taking measures to prevent revolt in an island of which France had the actual sovereignty.; and if revolt was meditated, and that French lives were menaced, Mr. Pritchard being found to be active in pro moting the revolt and the attack upon the French, the officer had, by the law of nations, the right to interfere, and if necessary to expel Mr. Pritchard from the. islan But the Noble Lord thought also that the manner :in which the expulsion was effected was a gross outrage. Now, he (Sir R o b er t P, e l) t h oug h t so too.--(Hear, hear.) He thought that the manner in which Mr. Pritchard had been treated, and the language which had been emplo) ed towards him, were such as to justify the language which he (Sir Robert Peel) used in Parliament last year, when he as well as the Noble Lord, said that a gross outrage had been committed. But the Noble Lord said that the British Government ought to have required an immediate and thorough reparation—and should have got it. They did ask a thorough reparation, and they got it—they asked and they got no more. — (Hear, hear.)—And they did not want more.— (Cheers.) He (Sir Robert Peel) should deeply regret that they had occasion to boast of having .ob taieed more than an immediate and thorough reparation. —(Che. rs.) He should deplore that any reparation had been obtained which could be considered as r ally humiliating to France.—(Cheers.) The. Noble Lord said that two months were allowed to pass before repa ration was received. Well, he (Sir R. Peel) must say that, to hate effected a reconciliation under such cir cumstances—looking at the state of public feeling in both countries—he must say that, to have brought things under those circumstances to an amicable settle ment in two months, was not unsatisfactory.—(Cheers.) It could not be deemed unsatisfactory to have in two months rendered that reconciliation complete —or, ac cording to all evidence, so complete that the King of the French —after the minds of that country had been so inflamed —carne to this Court cn a personal visit of com pliment and friendship to her Majesty.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord said that her Majesty's Government should have lost no time in making their demand for reparation. lie (Sir Robert Peel) affirmed that they did lose no time. They lost not one hour.—(Hear, hear.) They stated immediately to the French Government what had occurred, and further than that, they stated only that they were fully satisfied that the French Government would voluntarily offer to this country the reparation to which we were entitled. Although he did nut think it was always quite well to refer to the speeches made in a foreign house of legislature upon a subj( ct of this kind, he would say that if the Noble Lord would read the speech of M. Guizot, he would find that, in point of fact, the Government of England made no demand, aid that although some time elipsed before reparation was made, yet still the confidence of the English Government was unabated, and they assured M. Guizot of their confidence that the Fr. nch Government would make the reparation of itself.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had also said that her Majesty's Ministers at the end of last session complimented themselves upon their wisdom. In that statement the Noble Lord was decidedly wrong. -He (Lord J. Russell) thought it would be very unseemly on the part of the Ministers that they should advise.her Majesty to compliment them for their wisdom; and the Noble Lord accordingly was very angry with the Mi nisters for doing so. Now all that they had said was that this affair of Mr. Pritchard had been settled by the justice and moderation of both Governments—that of France and of England. Therefore, all that brilliant part of the Noble Lord's speech proved to have •no foundation whatever. His (Sir R. Peers) opinion was still unshaken, that it was for the interest of France— for the interest of England —for the interest of Europe —for the interest of civilisation—that a good under. standing, that cordial amity, should prevail between the Governments of these two kingdoms.—(Hear, hear.) It was the duty of both Governments to take care that all misunderstandings should be recoeciled, and that they should not lead to war.—(Hear, hear.) But between France and England, he believed, there was but the alter native between cordial friendship and actual hostility.— (Hear, hear.) There was but a small distance between this island and France ; the breadth of sea was small,. but this did not diminish the delicacy of our relations. We were closer to France than to any other nation of- Europe. Our commerce was more connected with that of - Preece, and our navy in closer proximity to hers than -to that of any other nation. The intercourse between the inhabitants of he two countries was greater, and was constantly on the increase. The progress of steam diminished more and more the space which separated them ; and the more intimate became our relations with, France, the more difficult it became to be on any Other terms than sincere friendship or avowed hostilities. (Hear, hear.) It was the interest of both that they should be on the best understanding, and that they should, by mutual concecsions, heal all differences as they rose, that so, by a cordial and amicable understand- , ing, the Governments may be able to appease the pas• sions excited by the errors of their agents in distant situations.—(Cheers.) There w as not one of the conces sions which France had made that he would not counsel England to make, if the circumstances had been to versed. He was sure no one in that House would think it would be wise to ask of France any reparation which England would not be willing to make under similar cir cumstances. Let them look to the influence which France • and England exercised in another hemisphere. Look to the influence of these Governments in the West. Let them consider how important at that moment was their: influence in respect to the South American States-;-- (Hear)— and they would acknowledge it was of the ut most importance that that influence should continue, and that the good understanding should prevail which was necessary to maintain it.—([tear, hear.) He believed that in what he was stating he was only representing the general opinion of this country. He belie* e that there was a sincere desire on the part of the people of this country to maintain the most amicable relations. with France. For his part, he would not retain those• relations at the expense of honour or interest.—(Hear.) He would not in time of peace neglect to take precautions - against the possibility of war. He would not neglect' the defence of this country. But he would think it per— fectly compatible w i t h t h ese precautions and preparations to maintain the most friendly understandin g with the neighbouring nation.—(H ear , h ear.) The Noble-Lord (Lcrd John Russell) had referred to the question of the Right cf Search. He (Sir Robert Peel) thought it would be better to postpone the discussion of that question until he should be prepared to lay the matter before the House in a definite shape, when the House would be prepared to fcrm an opinion whether any progress bad been made in that cause, which he confessed ought to be an object of more importance than a mere political ques tion— he meant the suppression of the detestable tiaffic in slaves.—(Cheers.) He thought that after the sacri fices which this country had made, the Government was bound to make every endeavour, consistent with the law of nations, to effect the suppression of that trade.—(Hear.) But it was to be borne in mind that the French Chambers ' had twice decided against conceding this right of search. Public opinion in France was raised against it, and let what will be said the right of search had become, in a great degree, paralysed, when they saw against it the sense of the organs of public opinion, and of the repre sentatives of the nation; although, if it could be carried into effect with the consent of both nations, no incon= venience whatever would attend it. But if the Chamber refused to give its consent, and called on the Govern ment to find a substitute, it would be impossible that such an opposition should not paralyse the efforts of the subordinate authorities. Now what M. Guizot proposed was this, av3wing the anxi e ty o f hi s G overnment to abolish this traffic, and their participation in the anxiety of the English Government for that object, he asked the latter to consider if it were not possible to substitute; for the right of search, a measure as efficacious —or, in his own words—more efficacious, if possible, than that. Now, seeing what feelings prevailed on this subject in France, and how public opinion and the voice of the Chambers acted upon the subor dinate authorities, what course w as o p en to th i s Government ? They said that they reiterated their sense of the obligation upon them to put down the trade in slaves; and that they must adhere to their opinion; and that the right of search afforded the best means for effecting that purpose. However, negotiations pro ceeded, and they had arrived at this point, that the French Government, on their part, had chosen a man who had shown himself ready to sacrifice power for the - purpose of promoting this object ; he meant M. De roglie, who, in 1817, had counselled the formation of a treaty to this end, and in the present reign had con cluded another for the same object —a man who had all his prejudices, not against the slave trade, but in favour of that object—that was the man offered by the Frenc.h • Government to consider with us, on their part, what was the best and most effectual measure to substitute for the right of search.—(Cheers.) On the other hand, the English Government had chosen Dr. Lushingtmi— (Hear, hear)—a man whcise whole life had been devoted to the extinction of slavery and the slave trade, and who had ever shown himself ready to sacrifice all political, professional, and personal feelings, to attain that object. —(Hear, hear.) Well, what was to be inferred from this? The French Government had chosen to represent them in this negotiation, the man who, as a French man, had shown the greatest anxiety to abolish slavery —(Hear, hear)—and who was his confederate ?—(Hear, hear.) Now, he hoped that if the Noble Lord b d r i i s o sen for. ward in express terms the reprobation from the policy of the Government, he would o and he would appeal to the Britishr n o r • na tion, whether the Government had not done right in'itio of li their me nt conduct oo g d ; h" g the slave trade than they had hitherto means of abolishing Hear hear.) He was not aware that h e inquiring if there could not be found a more adequate possessed?—( had left untouched any other portion of the NoaebdilaelaLlporoerladide'yys policy. It except rern m that e ot which h toh alludedotuh thought thth atou to s e t hae noticen ne ta o k f e his rddf sfit t ia h lat a in t 7 s ia taltement earlier than April —or ° a: f e et : he : G iven that he would, on a very earlfiynodauhnatyli, had been usual not i n oatl o rYw t anao until after the estimates —but he thought, cot o oeo p rm p bt a o rmii r nne t F u r ; D I to o t w ta o k u a l d th b e e e b a e r t l t i e e r s t n o o p t p o t r o t un fo i t l y l o w o f in a measure of so mu c h i mportance as the income-tax, t b io u n t ee st te ati b n li g sh t ed he r i u n i t e e s t% of the Government. He thought it was the more incumbent to take an early opportunity to state that intention when important changes were to take place. And certainly next week would not elapse, without his giving a general statement of his intentions on this sub ject. With respect to the Irish Church (we understood the Right Hon. Baronet to say), it was not necessary for him now to occupy the House with any observations. He wished the Noble Lord would take the opinion orthe House as to whether the Government had taken any - steps derogatory to the honour of this country, or dz. waging to her fair name, in the arrangement which they had made with the French Government, and which the Noble Lord had denounced.—(Hear, hear.) Let the House consider the language which had been used in the French Chamber. He would not impute unworthy mo tives to the men who held the language most opposed tq. the views of this Government—men like M. Dupin—like M. Thiers. When they saw such men—who had held eminent sit u ati ons i n th e serv i ce of country—accusing the French G ove r n ment of their ing dishonour e d F rance ; an d w hen - they .saw the English Government accused that night of nevmg dishonoured England—it would be acknowledged that of ygreat difficulties would be thrown in the wa: reconci liation when unavoidable differences arose. Whilst he de nied that there was any grounds for the statement that, the Government either of France or of England had done ,;, I