The Sun. — London, England, 1839-06-17 00:00:00

EVENING 1-17 T ON. • ( tiered cheering.) The Illustrious Duke then sat down 1 i I. amidst long and loudly re p ea t e d c h eers . '. The Marqui s -el' BREADALBANE then-moved the first re- I I . solution, and in doing so remarked that the cause in which 1 they were embarked was one in which every man and every nation could net but join and wish success to. The resolution I I was—' That it was the duty of the friends of Poland, under ' proent circumstances, to declare their strong and undi minnehed sympathy for the wrongs and sufferings of the Polish nation.--( Cheers.) 1 Lord-CHARLES FITZROY, in a abort speech, baring so • I s.:onded the resolution, it was put and carried unanimously. Viscount SANDON proposed the second resolution, which ,vas to the following effect :—" That the gallantry dis , [;lased by the Poles in their last effort to shake off a foreign • ole aen titled them to the admiration of men of every net l.., ; tier and party ; as also to our sincerest hopes that they may 1 yot ' .)tain that national independence fur which they have ~.) ass:Untidy fought." ' llr. W. J. DENIc:ON seconded the proposition, and en tered d into an interesting sketch of the events which Itad . t occurred in Poland since the year 1791, at which period he chanced to have been in that country on his travels. Viscount LOFTUS and Mr. Hume supported the motion, The latter Hon. Member said that he at length saw a dawning of hope that the day was not far distant when 1 Poland night be relieved from the sufferings and oppres sions under which she and her sons had so long been borne down.—(Cheers.) The ultimate desolation cf that I country had been accomplished by the treaty of Vienna. I So with Belgium : by a treaty that country had been I ceded to Holland ; but in the course of the ; hat few weeks she had been declared to be inde pendent.—( Cheers.) Why not then Poland.—( Loud cheers?) Was not this cause for hope.—( Hear, hear ?) , If a treaty were set aside in the one case, what was there ' i to prevent a•similar course of proceeding in the other?— / ( Hear, hear.) - The resolution was then put from the chair, and carried . unanimously. Mr. 0 1 00NNELL here came forward to propose the next i resolution, but the instant he had advanced to the front of the platform, a letter was placed in his hands, which, on required e his lie i Lad m ni e b d e i a e t n e presence e d i n a t s h a I e Co : Pe o Court i n o g i E h x e c h s e a q i d u e re 2 , witne.ss. The lion. and Learned Gentleman then bowed and left the room, amidst the applause of the company. Mr. WISE, M. P., said, that in the absence of his Hon. and Learned Friend the Member. fot Dublin, it became , - his duty to propose the next resolution. It was a resolu - ' tion from which there could be no dissentient voice, be cause ' 'n t was duly appreciated, and had been fully confirmed by public opinion on many previous occasions. It was— " That the restoration of Poland, in the opinion of this meeting, would be the surest guarantee for the preservation of the liberties of Europe, and the promotion of the ge neral peace and welfare of mankind." At the treaty of ( Vienna, when Europe was reconstituted, it became a mat ter of importance that a barrier should be raised up for the t perpose'ef protecting the Western States of Europe from those of the North ; and it was on that principle that a free constitution had been guarantee' by that treaty to the people of Poland. The treaty* of Vienna conceded to Polend all those rights which belong to a free people, but since then, not only the language, but every thing else which gave nationality to a people, had been basely plifsred from the Poles. The blame of this was not, how ever, to be attributed to the people of Poland, because they had a stronger enemy to contend against than Bel gilten bad in the case of Holland. Holland was not Russia, and hence it was that Belgium was now an independent nation. It was perfectly true that the same constitution was unsuitable to all states of society, but still every people had tile same inherent right to the preservation of their peculiar rights and privileges, and the Cireassians or }Un does were as much entitled to have their rights and pri • t alleges preserved to them as the inhabitants of even tho most enlightened nation in the world. The people of P„ land oil the same principle had a right to demand that the free constitution which they had received, should be continued to them, and although this country might net be justified in advocating the cause of Poland against Russia with an army or navy, yet they might raise the voice of public opinion against the oppressor—avoice that 'Nab hid sitely stronger and more potent than either army or . nary could be in the. ultimate vindication of injustice. Whit, was it that hod raised Napoleon to the throne of France? Why public opinion ; and was it not the self-same intlnenee which bad hurled him from his throne and crum bled his power when his dominion seemed to be the most secure?—(Cheers.) In 1804 the power of Napoleon was considered invulnerable, and it was then thought that it would he as mad to attempt to overthrow a colossal statue - by s'o'ling a pebble against it as to think of disturbing his power. Yet Napoleon had fallen from his high estate, and, considering the character of the nations over which he held sway, there was more probability of his power remain ing permanent than that of Russia. Those who had read the Roman history must be aware that the farther a na. 1 tien extended its frontier the weaker it became—that the limbs consumed that sustentation which was nieces , eery to maintain the heart, and therefore it was that he believed the more Russia extended her empire the less ' to be dreaded she became.__( Hear, hear.) A nation waa never so near dissolution as when oppressed with • her own weight—mole sus ruit—and this was a more cer tain means of accomplishing her downfall than if attacked by 'an enemy. He felt convinced that the integrity of Poland, as a kingdom, would ultimately be achieved, and that that • eppresaed country, after the lesson of experience which 1 ' she had received, would, in her turn, be among those nations - who would promote the cause of civil and religious lliterty throughout the world.—(Cheers.) When he i,,eked at the history of hia own country, his hope in this , respect only became the stronger. Iceland had for ages been oppressed, but happily she now stood co-equal and - -- o :..6 t altit, 9 ',witb, and a true sister, by the sid e o f England— ' - " t e tt'neers)—and as justice had been done to Ireland and to - • I, flelgium be did not despair of seeing justice ultimately 'ieee to Poland. The Hon. Gentleman, in conclusion : in , )vel the resolution, which he read, for adoption. Sir GEORGE SINCLAIR, M. P., in seconding the resolu tion, said that as long as language existed, he had no • &teat that prayers would be offered up to the God of mercy and justice for the restoration of Poland to its ) rank among the nations of the earth. Poland would yet have her Wellington and Waterloo—(Loud cheers)—and , although the day of her re s t orat i on might not be known to men, yet there could no question that it was preordained in the councils of Providence. Mr. T. ATTWOCJD M , M. P., supported the resolution, and said that he wished all possible success to this great and righteous cause. The existence of Poland as a nation, was necessary to prevent the encroachments of Russia, and they all knew that whenever mischief was abroad, whether in India or in Canada, the emissaries of Russia were to be I found, busied like demons in troubled waters.--( A laugh.) , The exclamation of the ancient Roman was Delencla est i Carthago, and his cry should be renovan4 Polonia, Mr. O ' CoNsuLT., M. P, (who had returned from the Court of Exchequer), said that he should show his gra tude to the meeting for the kind reception which they bad given to him, by reducing the observations which he bad to make within as short a compass as possible. The honest aspirations of his; heart were in favour of Poland, and although the struggle which that country had made for freedom had been disastrous, it was not the less glorious • on that account, or because the arms of the oppressor had been crowned with vulgar success. When the Poles were engaged in their brave career, he had raised his voice to cheer them on, notwithstanding their liberties now slept among heaps of slaughtered patriots, he still hoped to see ' the day of the resurrection of Poland.—( Cheers.) In i the cause of liberty he had never despaired, and even if be 1 had been of a desponding nature, which Was not the case, I the circumstance; attending this meeting would forbid him • I to despair. When he saw the chair ailed by a Prince of - i' the blood royal, by a mem b er o f that family who, though iDist of the li ne o f regu l ar succession, had been called to , fill the throne or this country for the protection of the I rights and liberties of the people—so far from despairing, he was ani mate d only by hope. This hope was inc rease d by finding that men of all parties and politics were in , terested in the cause of Poland ; and when they found this to be the case, had they not a right to feel confident that ultimately justice would be done to Poland ? They Imust be aware that it was Poland which had saved the liberties of Europe from barbarian dominion in former times, and yet Poland had been allowed to be the subject • of spoliation. He considered the plunder of Poland no thing more nor less than burglary, because he could not acknowledge the doctrine that the magnitude of the spoil was any palliation of the offence. In 1791 Poland was glorious, and, to use the words of Mr. Burke, " benefited • ' every one, and did injury to no one ;" but what was her . 'condition now ? i " Oh, bloodiest pi c t ure i n t h e b ook of time, Sarmatia fell, unwept , w i t h out a cr i me. " —(Cheers.) Now what right had the Treaty of Vienna to hard over Poland for partition ? Had Napoleon pos •: a-saed ono particle of generosity, lie would have preserved the nationality of Poland, and thereby have consolidated .4 1 his own power, b u t h e h a d not—and what was the cense .quence? why, that he had expired amidst Promethean tortures on a distant rock. .=( Cheers.) It should he re } collected that when Poland was handed over to the 1 Northern Powers, she was so handed over, upon the eon , d ition that be should have " a free constitution." Had these conditions been fulfilled ? Oh, no—they had not ; ; bet, on the contrary, an attempt was made to obliterate leven the name of Poland as a nation. Had mot Nicholas 4 promised and sworn before God that he would preserve the iris fv ies aitnh constitution h? and iswphoy7 institutionsebryto destroying maintain that hhaetmand which but h hoew use ha adadl sworn hw t e h o r e kne e pt f ot . preserve, and trampling the liberties of Poland under his feet.—( Cheers.) Nicholas had even gone so far as to endeavour to extinguish the very language of that unhappy j country ; and to oth er i n j ur i es , t h at o f rel i gious persecu ' Lion was superadded. The Poles loved the religion of their ancestors, and, wished to worship the Divine Being in the way their forefathers had done. What, then, must be their feelings to see their priests dragged from their , altars, and obliged either to become soldiers, or to perform the most servile and degrading offices? When they knew that such things existed, bow was it possible for civilised Europe to remain tranquil ? Now, what occurred in War saw on the 17th of May, 1832? The minions of Russia . uttered that city in the cool of the evening, when mothers sent their children out for health and recreation, and seized no less than 450 girls as well as boys. One of the children tied to its mother's arms for protection, but she was bar barously kill e d i n h er attempt to save her child ! These, 1 children were then sent to a fort some 400 miles distant, but only 150 of them arrived, the remainder having died from , trilluemfbateir ofe and ill-treatment during the journey. Still the the count 450 were entered as received at the fort ; for PY, as they passed along, had been swept to i mak e ul) the d e fi c i 1 credible? Hi s 'lcy- It might be asked, was this true ' and that under an"'ver was—that it was undoubtedly I an annual gatherine the pretence of humanity, there was Why, this was wor'seetf' children by Russian emissaries. ( C'lnrs.) There had r the fabled monster of old.— lso a conscription of 600 females—unmarried femaleees known in consequence of 4 fathers a dth h is had only become two a thscwhe it 6r v ec i Navin b e e t e o n sentenced take a i to imprisonment for resisting I their daughters. These females borne off to t he he 1 Re.;:;iraz camp, but he could not there describe the atroci ties to which they were subjected. This, h owever, was an event which had happened, and was likely to happen agairr; and if they were men, they ought not to endure such a barbarous exercise of power by the sovereign of any nation. He admitted that it was right that the Grand Duke should have been treated with respect and 1 courtesy during his visit to this country. He was ' too young to have participated in the enormities com mitted by his ancestors ; and, therefore, should not be punished for thei r cr i mes . By way of manifesting their patriotism, the Russian Company had exhibited the portrait of the Empress C a th er i ne in the room in which the dinner given to his Royal Highness took place; but so far from thinking they deserved credit for this display of loyalty, his (Mr. O'Connell's) opinion was, that it was in the worst possible taste. Who was this same Catherine whom the Russian Company thus held up as a goddess for adoration ? He was forbidden to describe her by the presence in which he stood ; and, therefore, all he would say of her was, that in proof of her conjugal affection she had cut her husband's throat; or, what aas pretty much the same thing, strangled him— ( Laughter.) History shrunk from the enormities of this woman, and set she was held up as a model of her sex by the Russian Company. This was a reflection on English feeling. The spies of Russia were every where busy, one of them had lately found his way to Ireland ; but he (Mr. O'C.) would caution him not to go to that country again.— ( Cheers.) It had been said that the Grand Duke bad ex tended his bounty to 600 Poles whom he found in England. The number to whom he gave relief was six, not 600 ; and these were persons not the best liked among their own countrymen. The fact, however, was, that if he was libe ral it was with Polish money, for in passing through War saw he had obtained from the bank there an order for 800,0001. The question was, how was Poland to be rege nerated ? He hoped that would be done by public opinion. The power which Russia wielded could only be maintained at a great expense, and it was a well known fact that the mortality amongst soldiers, with all the advantages they possessed, was infinitely greater, even in peace, than among any . other class. This was a fact which showed that Russia was not so formidable an enemy as she appeared to be, and that they had still every reason to hope to see the independence of Poland re-esta blishcd.—( Loud cheers.) Lord DUDLEY STUART also supported the resolution in a long and powerful address, in the course of which he animadverted with much severity on the sentiments with respect to the Emperor of Russia which had been ex pressed by Viscount Melbourne at the dinner which had been given to the Grand Duke on a" recent occasion by the Russian Company, at the London Tavern. If be did not advert to that speech of the Noble Viscount he should consider that he had neglected a most important duty to Poland. He deeply lamented that such expressions had fallen from the Noble Lord, the first Minister of a virtuous Sovereign.—(Hear, hear.) But when he saw that Prime Minister going out of his way, in what appeared to him to be an uncalled for manner, not to pay a merited compli ment to the Grand Duke himself, who was, of course, present on the occasion, but for the purpose of cube giaing the Emperor of Russia, the oppressor of Poland— ( Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—he could not help directing attention to the fact. He was well known to have been a political supporter of the Liberal Governments since the passing of the Reform Bill, and it could not therefore be said that he brought the subject forward as a political op ponent of the Noble Lord.—( Hear.) Lord Melbourne had said in his speech that the Emperor of Russia was in ferior to no man in the world as a man of truth, as a man of honour, or as a man of justice.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") Good God ! he would ask whether the acts of the Autocrat of all the Russias in any one instance went to support either of the propositions laid down by the Noble Lord the first Minister of the Crown ?__( Hear.) Look at the events which were recorded in history, and then supply the answer.—( Hear.) Look at what had been said by Mr. O'Connell, and then reply —( Hear.) But Lord Melbourne must have been misreported, or if not, the Noble Lord could not have meant what be had uttered, —( Hear. ) If, however, the Noble Lord did mean what he was reported to have said, he could only say that the opinions so advanced would be instantly repudiated by the whole nation.—(Cheers.) England, Ireland, and Scotland would with one voice deny their acquiescence to the truth of the assertion.—(Renewed cheering.) He lamented to have occasion to say that that speech had had a very prejudicial effect on the minds of parties abroad— ( Hear, hear.) It had in fact, created a powerful impres sion on the continent of Europe._( Hear, hear.) At Paris, that speech had produced a general impression that the Government of this country was becoming somewhat estranged from their alliance with France; and that she was gradually drawing towards an alliance with Russia.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") But he could not help feeling a conviction that Lord Melbourne could not have meant that which he was reported to have uttered, to have spoken that which created the impressions to which he had alluded,-( Hear, hear)—still less, if the Noble Lord had used the expressions, had he intended that they ahould go furth to the whole of Europe._- ( Cheers.) Count MONTALEMBERT, a Peer of France, also sup ported the resolution in an admirable speech, which he delivered in English. The resolution having been unanimously carried, The Earl of ROSEBERY moved—" That the most cordial and enthusiastic: thanks of this meeting are due to the Il lustrious Duke who has kindly and ably presided over its proceedings, and whose invaluable support to a great and righteous cause, has established an additional claim to the respect, and admiration which his - Royal Highnnss's many private virtues. and the intrepidity and disinterestedness that have marked his public life, have secured to his Royal Highness, not only in his own country, but throughout the world." Mr. VILLIERS STUART seconded the resolution. His Remy'. HIGHNESS, in acknowledging the compli ment, took occasion to say that he thought that the Noble Lord must have misread or misunderstood the purport of the speech which had been attributed to Lord Melbourne. The Noble Lord at the head of the Government it was impossible, he thought, could have intended to convey the impression stated to have been created. Several subscriptions having been announced, The meeting then separated. OLD HABITS.—.." Curious instances are shown of the difficulty of subduing the prejudices of an ignorant people. One very unpopular reform which the Sultan had to effect, in the formation of his troops, was that of their wearing braces, a necessary accompaniment to the trousers : and why ? because these form a cross, the badge of the infidel, upon the back; many, indeed, will submit to severe punishment, and even death, for disobedience to military orders, rather than bear upon their persons this sign, hostile to their religion. No one can appreciate the difficulty of making the first change among this people, w ; thoucknovving.their character : succeeding changes will follow with comparatively little opposition. It is amusing to see the longing after old habits, which have become in fact the very nature of the older people : their beards are rather concealed than cut off ; and, in spite of the plain blue frock-coat, I often see beneath it costly embroidered vests. This habitual indulgence in variety and extrava gance of dress, it will require time to subdue."—Fellows' Excursion in Asia Minor. MILITARY DRESS.-Men's sensibility to the evil of war has been very much blunted by the deceptive show, the costume, the splendour in which war is arrayed. Its horrors are hidden under its dazzling dress. To the multitude the senses are more convincing reasoners than the conscience. la youth, the period which so often receives impressions for life, we cannot detect, in the heart-stirring fife and drum, the true music of war, the shriek of the newly wounded, or the faint moan of the dying. Arms glittering in the sunbeam do not remind us of bayonets dripping with blood. To one, who reflects, there is something shocking in these decorations of war. It men must fight, let them wear the badges which become their craft. It would shock us to see a hangman dressed out in scarf and epau lette, and marching with merry music to the place of punishment. The soldier has a sadder work than the hangman. His office is not to despatch occasionally a single criminal ; he goes to the slaughter of thousands as free from crime as himself. The sword is worn as an ornament; and yet its use is to pierce the heart of a fellow -creature. As well might the butcher pa rade before us his knife, or the executioner his axe or halter. Allow war to be necessary, still it is a horrible necessity, a work to fill a good man with an guish of spirit. Shall it be turned into an occasion of pomp and merriment ? To dash out men's brains, to stab them to the heart, to cover the body with gashes, to lop off the limbs, to crush men under the hoof of the war-hcrse, to destroy husbands and fathers, to make widows and orphans,, all this mey be necessary ; but to attire men for this work with fantastic trappings, to surround this fearful occupation with all the circumstances of gaiety and pomp, seems as barbarous as it would be to deck a gallows, or to make a stage for dancing beneath the scaffold. I conceive that the military dress was not open to as much reproach in former times as now. It was then less dazzling, and acted less on the imagination, because it formed less an exception to the habits of the times. The dress of Europe, not many centuries ago, was fashioned very much after what may be called the harlequin style. That is, it affected strong colours and strong contrasts. This taste belongs to rude ages, and has passed away very much with the progress of civilization. The military dress alone has escaped the reform. The military man is the only harlequin left us from ancient times. It is time that his dazzling finery were gone, that it no longer corrupted the young, that it no longer threw a pernicious glare over his terrible vocation. "—Self' Culture. _ _ _ ANTI-CORN-LAW LECTURES.-Mr. Poulton is lecturing in Scotland to crowded and attentive audiences. The Glasgow Argus says—" In the course of the week after the next, Mr. Paulton will lect ur e in Kirkintilloch, Airdrie, and Stirling. He then proceeds to Dundee, which is the centre of his second lecturing circuit in Scot land. Mr. Shearman,- Secretary to the Anti. Corn-law League, has kindly consented to lecture in the Hall of the workmen employed in Govan Colliery, on Monday first; and to lecture at Partick—the ev en i ng no t y e t d e finitely flied. Mr. Shearman's object in visiting Scotland at present is to promote the organisation of Anti- Curn-law Associa tions in connection with the League, and to look after the financial arrangements of the organised Anti-Corn-law agitation. Mr. Shearman's connection with the religious public in England has suggested the idea of his being able to effect something towards the inducing of that powerful body to throw into the scale of the Anti- Corn law agitation, as it did into the scale of the Anti- Slavery agitation. If Mr. Shearman succed in this endeavour, he will not only do essential service to the Anti-Corn-law cause ; be will awaken The religious public to :a livelier and more compr e h ens i ve sense of the all-prevading character ofits own principles of action. 1 - 1% wKER's WI T.—E ver yb o dy, at l east every body in Chelmsford market, has been amused by the gab" of the . well-known h aw k er o f h ar d ware. " say, Jack," exclaimed he on F r id ay l ast to a b umpk i n w h ose fingers were making a voy age o f di scovery through h i s jetty locks, " come, none of that —no scratching; live and 61 live, you know."—" Sold again," cried he, an instant after, " to a gentleman, who, di e w h en h e will, won ' t lie long in his grave," handing a packet of giml e t s t o a per 'sinfage who stood three feet two in high-heeled shoes. TilnsuN l LON'T)OIV, MON'DA‘., JUN!!! l7, IAI9 EDUCATION IN GERMANY. We mentioned on Friday week the early date of Normal schools in Hanover, and stated that the Clergy there began as early as the middle of the sixteenth century, and have ever since unceasingly continued to promote the rational school education of the people. The same fact is true of Prussia and of all the North of Germany. " There is not," says M. Cousin, in his Report on Public Instruc tion in Prussia, p. 107, Mrs. Austin's translation— There is not perhaps a single article of this long law (of 1819), to which numerous anterior regulations did not serve as a ground work ; and in a paper on the history of primary instruction in Prussia, inserted in the first number of the second volume of • The Journal of Primary Instruc tion,' by Councillor Von Beckedorff, I find rules as old as the years 1728 and 1736, which comprise a number of the provisions of the law of 1819. The obligation of parents to send their children to school is of great antiquity in Prussia. The powerful and active superintendance exercised by the Church over the education of the people dates from the origin of Protestantism, of which it is an inherent charac teristic. The boldest measure was the establishment of a grand primary normal school for each department ; but there were already similar establishments in most of the old pro vinces of the monarchy. In short this law does little more than methodise what already existed not only in Prussia but throughout Germany. M. Cousin gives a list of all the great primary normal schools of Prussia, and there are many lesser ones, which shows that they are neither of very modern origin, nor hidden in obscure places. The number of great primary normal schools is 28; they are placed in the different towns of the monarchy, and were established at different periods; as for example, those at Kcenigsburgh, established in 1701, reorganised in 1809 ; Kleindexen, esta blished in 1772 ; Alt Stettin, 1735 ; Breslau, 1768 ; Magdeburgh, 1790 ; Weissenfels, 1794. Thus for upwards of a century, normal schools for teaching schoolmasters have been known in Germany ; and for more than half a century have attracted public attention. If the Anglican clergy had been animated, as they pretend, by a desire to improve the education of the people, would they not long before now have introduced such schools into every part of her Majesty's dominions ? They have had ample funds and ample leisure. They have wanted nothing but good will. To them has been confided the control of education, and they never made an effort to improve it till they were alarmed by the exertions of others. Now when the Government proposes to establish such a school--Tory Govern ments having been as negligent as the Tory priest hood—the Anglican clergy, dreading the beneficial controul of the secular authority, shove forward a normal school of their own, arid furiously oppose that planned by the Government. Their single object now, as in past times, is to rivet their yoke on the neck of the people, and to attain that end their hypocrisy does not shun misrepresentation and calumny. One part of their system has been to persuade their dupes that the people of England under their guidance are more moral than the people on the Continent. Our criminal annals give no counte nance to their self-praise. The horrible state of destitution of the Irish and of many of the English, while the State clergy-riot in opulence and extra vagance on wealth e x t or t e d f rom th e i n d ustr i ous classes, demonstrating a terrible degree of public immorality, is the condemnation of their hypocritical system. There is great difficulty, we are aware, of ascertaining the relative morality of different nations, becaus e there is no positive standard by which all can be measured. At the same time it can be distinctly proved that in the na tional schools of the Continent great pains are taken to teach religion and morality. The people do not certainly go to church three times on Sun day, they believe they can do something better than listen to political articles full of calumny and abuse spouted in the pulpit. They would turn with disgust from the savage instruction to hate their neighbours, because they are not Churchmen, such as is too frequently given by our ultra Church men. They are taught to love, not hate, their Ca tholic, Jewish, and reformed countrymen. They hear little or nothing of contradictory dogmas ; Christianity is not made to them a religion of strife, or a foundation for securing a large revenue to one class of religionists. The wealth of • their clergy does not increase fanaticism by' cupidity, and en courage fraud by rewarding it with princely revenues. The religious' nstruction combined with their sys tem of education is hiStOriCal and moral. Chris tianity is an historical religion, and the Germans are carefully taught its history, 'and the hiStory of the Jews. It is also a code of morals, which is carefully impressed on youth. In England, both rational relzion and morals are neglected at school, and the first is only taught within the limits of the Catechism and the Prayer Book, and the latter is picked up from every-clay practice. That religion forms part of the school education of the ' Germans is well known. M. Cousins' Re port states of different schools, " that the objects of instruction are religion," &c. ; that " six hours every week are given to religious instruction ;" that " the number of lessons in religion are four in the week ;" that " a religious instruction is laid down in the school instructions, is the first want of a people," &c. In the Report on the primary school at Potsdam, is this passage :- 1. Religion. To awaken and fortify the religious spirit and the nv)ral sentiments. For this purpose the histories and parables of the Bible are very useful. Frequent reading and accurate explanation of the Bible are neces sary. The pupils should be able to explain the articles of faith, and the most important duties as laid down in the catechism. Many sentences, whole chapters and parables from the Holy Scriptures, hymns, and verses should be known by heart ; they should be able to give answers on the most interesting points of the history of the Church and the Reformation. In another part of the Report there is also this passage : What struck me the most was the courses, called in Germany courses of 211(thodilz and Didahtik, as also those designated by the name of Padayogih : the two former intended to teach the art of tuition, the latter the more difficult art of moral education. These courses are more particularly calculated for the acting masters, who come back to perfect themselves at the normal school; for which reason they are nut entered in the table or pros- pectus, which exhibits only the regular studies of the school. These courses are almost always given by the director, who also generally gives the religious instruction, which here comes in its proper place—that is, first. There are many examples in Germany of laymen who teach reli gion. As all schoolmasters who are of necessity generally laymen, are bound to give religious and moral ►nstruction in their several schools, it follows of course that the teach ing the art of giving such instruction cannot be confined to ecclesiastics. Nevertheless such lessons can come from no one with more fitness and authority than from an eccle siastic; and fur that reason most of the directors of normal schools are either Catholic cures or Protestant pastors, or persons who, after having gone through a regular course of theological study, devote themselves to public instruction. Thus, in spite of what our Parsons tell us about the Germans being an irreligious people, it is plain that religion forms a principal part of the instruction, and so far as teaching can make a people reli6ous, the Germans are religious. We are, however, in duced to suppose that religion, being rather a sentiment or emotion—the last and final conse quence of all knowledge, rather than any facts, cannot be taught and communicated like the sci ences. To form that sentiment preaching and teaching seems vain, so that we pay a priesthood for doing that which, probably, is like pouring water into sieves. True religion is the natural and neces sary result, the ultimate result, of civilisation, and we believe is not to be taught. The Germans, however, take great pains to teach it, and we shall now give our readers a specimen of the modes they adopt What is taught the children (says the author of Travels in the North of Germany), under the term religion is very generally morality. It is fc,und principally in the cate chism, and a variety of books called the Chrildren's Friend. Of course, the commonly received principles of Christianity are taught; but as these are not susceptible of continued exposition to children, much of the catechism illustrates the duties of life. I transcribe a portion from where chance has led me to open it. " Instructor.---The world must have an author, by whom it has been created; why do you judge so? " Pupil.—The smallest house must have a builder; how then can the world, this great and beautiful dwelling house for innumerable creatures, exist without a wise and powerful author ?" . . Another place, p. 94, treats of attention to the body, of a good name, &c.-- I.—Can we promote the perfection and felicity of the soul, when we take no care of our body ? " P.—No ; God has so united soul and body, that through a careful attention to the body, the perfection and felicity of the soul is grounded. " I.—What sort of care are we indebted to the body ? " P.—The care for life and health, and a proper use of its members. " I.—Why for our life? " P.—Because God has given it to promote our own and our neighbour's welfare.-1 Pet. iv. 10. " I. —What is opposed to industry and economy? " P.—ldleness, extravagance, and avarice. " I.—Are idleness and extravagance pernicious? " P.—They bring want and contempt, and, at the end, induce to steal and cheat. I.—What is avarice? 4, P.—An immoderate desire for riches without properly using them. " I.—Does avarice make people unhappy? " P.—Yes, very unhappy ; for the miser vexes and pains himself, troubles his neighbour where he can, and makes riches his god." From the Children's Friend I extract the fol lowing : " A mother was once going on a, small country excur sion. The journey was not long, but she had to pass through a few villages. Her little daughter Regine was with her. In the first village the road was narrow and dirty. Mother and daughter wore shoes and stockings, which they did not wsh to soil. The mother could pass without much dirtying herself; but she was unable to do this and carry over the child. Near at band was a maiden keeping cows. As soon as she saw the travellers she ran to them, took little Regirie in her arms, and carried her wife into the dry. Question.—D o you not think that this action was worth friendly thanks?'" Such is the spirit of the two principal elementary bcoks generally used in Germ Any, to teach that most important of all things for the happiness of man—the proper manner to conduct himsell. Such too is the sort of religious and moral instruc tion given ta the whole population of Germany by the instrumentality of their national schools. It is nearly uniform and universal ; it has been so carried on for many years. The eruption of the French did. not stay the good work, and many improvements date from the period when they were overrunning the country, and Germany was harassed by inva sion. Our clergy have been secure, and have been rich, and they have done nothing of the kind; the whole resources of the State have been at their com mand, and they have left the people in the most re volting ignorance ; yet the Church of England is the poor man's Church, just as a bandit is a tra veller's friend, who first takes away all his property and then protects him in a cavern. The clergy, too, are the poor man's friends : yes, as the planters are the friends of the negroes ; - they extort from them the utmost labour, and give them of wealth and instruction enough to keep them in working condition, and to kill every wish to improve their knowledge. The universal system of instruction es tablished and maintained in Germany by a poor clergy, frequently exposed to the ravages of war, is by contrast, a disgrace to the clergy of England, who, with ample means, have done nothing like it in England. _ _ We will add to these observations a little ex tract from a tour in Holland by one of the authors of Chambers' Journal, which is just now going the round of the press, and which comes very ap proptiately to make our narrow-minded sectarians of the Church and the Methodist Chapel heartily ashamed of themselves, if their overweening self conceit have not extinguished within them the possibility of believing themselves wrong The master of the Tusschen school was a particularly agreeable and intelligent person, who showed the highest pleasure in exhibiting the progress of his pupils and explaining the plans upon which he culti vated their latent energies. HaVing seen all that was necessary, I, as usual, questioned him on the subject of religious. instruction. He answered, that he took every occasion of enforcing the principle.of religious and moral obligation, when such a theme was appropriate, in the exercises on words and sen timents in the lessons ; but that no catechism or religious words formed a part of the course of in struction. The following conversation now ensued between us, through my excellent interpreter : " Where are your pupils taught the doctrines and other essential matters in religion ?" " All are taught these things by the clergymen to whose con gregations their parents belong." " How is this managed ?" " Two hours a week are allowed fur their attendance at the clergymen's houses or churches ; but I don't inter fere in the matter, I leave parents to manage these affairs with their priests." "Do you know how the children in the schools are divided into sects ; that is, how many in each ?" " 01), no, I never inquire of what religion a child is when it is sent to me ; indeed, I cannot help feeling surprised how you should ask such a question." I told him I was governed by no idle curiosity in asking these questions, that I was much gratified .in observing the fervent piety and orderly manners of the Dutch, and therefore was interested in the manner of their religious education ; and that if he had no objections I should like to ask the children one after the other to what religious party they belonged. - This was good-humouredly agreed to. Selecting the. first form in front, he began at the topmost boy, and, bidding him stand up, asked him in a hindly.way what religion he was of. The child ut tered the word ‘. Romsch ;" the next said, Re formaire," and 'SO did the third : the fourth was a Jew ; then followed Mennonite (Baptist) and Lu theran—and so on ; there was a mixture of all sects as far as we went. "I am now perfectly satisfied; I see that there is a thorough mixture of all sects in the school. But may I ask if they ever taunt or abuse each other on account of their religion ?" " No," replied the teacher, " they never to my knowledge do such a thing ; in all my experience I never heard of such a thing." IN VINO VERITAS. The ephemeral advantages accruing to the ene mies of national education from the vast conflation of error and prejudice with which they have been industrious to surround themselves, have brought with them one advantage (and this not ephemeral) to the Liberal party—an advantage just now over looked, but likely to tell hereafter with redoubled force. Forgetting themselves in the insolence of triumph, the Tories and Church bigots have suf fered their true sentiments to escape—sentiments which all their endeavours were previously directed to disavow and repudiate —now divulged, irrevo cable I Better for them if, with fewer petitions and smaller grounds of confidence, they had been more continent of themselves and of their counsel, had deferred the season of open declaration, and been content with the victory without insisting on the triumph. But now we know all ! Their language is no longer obscure, nothing is left to conjecture ; there is no subaudition, no ellipsis—the syntax is full—the phrase perfect, round, unmistakeable— " WE WILL HAVE NO EDUCATION FOR THE PEOPLE." This voice has gone forth, and we are glad of it. It is the genuine heartfelt expression o f p ure T ory despotism, uttered incautiously, b u t cor di a ll y an d explicitly, in a crisis of exultatio n caused by be holding the sudden blaze of fanaticism which their united breath has momentarily evoked from the embers of a fire, of late disused, but once the forge of of all their thunderbolts. Into this fire of semi political, semi-religious fanaticism would they now cast back the heart of England, again to mould it to the hateful shape it wore in those cringing times when no man called his soul his own, or dared looked his superior in the face ; when no man gave to God the pure incense of a grateful heart in words warm from its truthful springs: but for religious disci , pline, it mattered little if the Creator were adored so ' the Bishop was worshipped. In this detested fire would they purge the national character of all the self-reliance it has learnt since it was weaned from helplessness. In this fire would they new• fashion it to the likeness of the passive tool they once used it for, when they could work it at pleasure, to every purpose of a crooked and tyrannous poli c y. B ut th e hope is . fallacious.... their fir e ext i nct—the too l no more a too l, L ever t o be so aga i n ; and the Tories and the bigots have spoken ou t too soon, have comm i tte d themselves— as assuredly they will not long be p e rmitted to doubt. The voice of their passionate hatred has I gone forth, we say ; an d we rejoice at it. Its echo will be ri ng i ng in their ears long after they s hall have begu n to w i sh to G o d t h ey h a d been born dumb. They have said all--they have let out the truth ; and we bl ess t h e cup o f in t o xication that set loose th e i r venomoustongues.es. 4, WE W ILL HAVE NO EDUCATION FOR T HE , P EOP LE, " —such is th e Tory edict—such the solid result into which all logical refinings, all sophis tical limitation s have resolved themselves. The of thefnewsttilat i pa c p m e m r, oafs England, may be the principal re presentative referred to f or ev i dence o f t h e g rowth of self assurance on thi s quest i on , which has gra dually led t h e party to t h row off the m as k of liberal i ntentions, an d s h ow themselves i n their prop er co l ours, as the sworn , implacable ene mies of all measures hav i ng f or t h e ir object the en largement of th e means of popular information. This jour na l i n a s o rt o f hi stor ical article, whi c h appeared on Th ursday last, a f ter warmly eulogi s i ng the Chu rc h o f England for keeping her people in the thick o f i gnorance d ur i ng t he space of a thou sand years, p rocee d s to not i ce (with evident loath ing) the.first blossoms of the tree of liberty. The , change which first removed the peasant from the condition of a soil-bound serf, and brought home the blessings of independence to the hearth of the labouring m an , is thus described : " In the middle of the last century, however, a great chancre occurred in the condition of the poo ple. The growth of manufactures, and other causes, producing a demand.for labour, uprooted the peasantry from their hereditary localities, and in this, and in other ways, undermined their here ditary morality." For " uprooting the peasantry from their here ditary localities," read, " liberating them from a state of unconditional, bestial servitude, and endowing them with the means of earning an independent, honourable livelihood;" and for " un dermining their hereditary morality," read " opening their eyes to the moral infamy of the said bestial servitude." The writer in the Standard is one of those whose inborn preference of moral and physical bondage over every state of free breathing exist ence blunts whatever may be naturally acuminous in his perceptions, and leaves him on this question no more intelligence than a child. lie looks at the subject of popular education from a certain re mote angle .which belies all its proportions, and because he dares not look it manfully in the face, his readers must take all his distortions at second hand for a true copy of the original. Nothing is easier than to make a bugbear of popular education by regarding it only with reference to its partial results in a state of transition from ignorance to knowledge, and under the influence of obstructions not yet withdrawn. But none but infatuated obstructives would be guilty of the solemn absurdity of com plaining that the waters ran not smooth, while they were themselves standing in the middle interrupt. ing their course. Does the Standard think we do not appreciate at its true worth the sort of virtues which, under the names of " hereditary morality," he admires, but with no right understanding of their source or nature in the Church-going peasant of eighty years ago ? Virtue may, and does often, attend on ignorance (for, thanks be to God, the light of virtue is never quite extinct, and, in some shape, graces and exalts every state of life, though there are some that cannot recognise it if it speak not by the card) ; and a beautiful and affecting sight it to behold the contentment, humility, and patient endurance of those whom fortune has placed amongst the lower.lost and most wretched of her creatures, and their frequent unsuspecting confidence in the good faith of their masters and superiors. Such virtues were undoubtedly often found amongst the " adscripti gleba" of ancient England ; and it is history's hardest business to satisfy the world that they were not systematically abused. But higher virtues and higher destinies belong to the human mind, and unless it be maintained that only a certain fezu are to cultivate the moral and in tellectual gifts which the Almighty has scattered with equal hand on all, we can neither see how jus tice to manorrespect to the will of his Maker is shown in withholding from the mass of our fellow-creatures that light we rejoice in ourselves, which we feel to be, after virtue itself, the one thing needful to cheerful or happy existence. But the 'Tories and the enemies of popular in struction are for working out the principle of the division of labour in their peculiar sense. Re garding the business of life as made up of rights and duties, they would reserve to themselves the means of living pleasurably, and would delegate to the multitude the task of living morally. NEW SOUTH WALES. MASSACRE OF NATIVES. (Abridged from the Observer.) Letters and papers which have just reached us from Sydney, New South Wales, have furnished us with ac counts of a series of as cold blooded and heartless murders as ever stained the anneals of crime in any country. The whole of the miscreants were discovered, arrested, and already have seven of them expiated their offence on the gallows ; notwithstanding, we regret to say, very strong efforts on the part of some of the Sydney news papers to prejudice the public mind in their favour, and to stay the retribution which their delinquency so loudly demanded. The names of these monsters in human shape were Charles Kinnaister, William Hawkins, James Perry, Edward Foley, James Cates, John Russell, and John Johnson. All of them were convicts, and had been transported from this country. They had been assigned as stockmen or shepherds to some of the set tlers in the interior. In the month of June last these ruffians set out on horseback in pursuit of their help less victims. They were traced in their progress in quiring after blacks, and at last arrived at a but near the big river, beyond Liverpool plains, oc cupied by the first-named sufferer, Kinnaister. Here they discovered that a little tribe of about thirty natives men, women, and children, including babes at their mo thers' breasts, were congregated in the bush, unsuspi cious of danger and unconscious of offence. TiliS was on the Sunday. They immediately approached their victims, who, terrified at their manner, ran into Kin naister's hut for protection, crying for mercy ; but they appealed to hearts of stone, who having thus caught them ; as it were, in a trap, dismounted, followed them into the hut, and, despite of their entreaties, tied them together with a rope, with the exception of one woman. Tiiii was done without a word being uttered, and with a cool and bloody determination. When all were thus secured, one end of the rope was tied round the body of the foremost of the murderers, who, having mounted his horse, led the way, draping the terrified group after him, while his in famous companions guarded them on all sides. In vain, however, did the aged and youthful of both sexes appeal for compas-ion. Their doom was cast. Onward they were dragged till a fitting place in the bush was reached, when the work of slaughter commenced, and, unresisting, were these hap less wretches, one after the other, brutally butchered. Fathers, and mothers, and children, fell before the pre viously sharpened swords of these self-appointed execu tioners, till all lay a lifeless mass, in death clinging to each other with the throes of natural affection. But one shot was fired, so that it was presumed one only perished by fire arms. The precise number thus immo lated has not been accurately ascertained, but it is com puted that not less than thirty lay stretched on the en sanguined earth. Th demon butchers then placed the bodies in a heap, kindled an immense fire over them. and thus endeavoured t ) destroy the evidence of their unheard-of brutality. Fragments of the unconsumed bones, however, still remained; but seen these were collected, and attempted to be hidden from human eye. Birds of prey were seen hovering about the spot where the unconsumed remains yet existed. Stockmen in search of their strayed cattle were attracted to the locality, supposing they should find their carcases. In this way it was that the ribs, jaw -bones, half-burnt skulls, and other portions of human skeletons were found—wh le symptoms of the conflagration in the vicinity were likewise detected. This led to inquiry, and, ultimately to discovery-, of the horrible truth. The place was fitty miles from the nearest police-station. The whole of the villains were apprehended, and their own admissions and conduct pre vioua to, and subsequent to, the bloody work, added to a chain of circumstantial evidence, left no doubt of their guilt. It chanced, too, that on the night previous to the murders a heavy rain had fallen—and traces were thus discovered of horses' feet, as well as of the naked feet of the wretched natives on the way to the field of death. Every possible pains were taken to save these monsters from condign punish ment—subscriptions were made for their defence, and Counsel retained, but in vain. Their guilt was established beyond a doubt, and Sir John Gipps suf fered the law to take its course to the satisfaction of every properly thinking person in the Colony—although we shudder to find that there were tl'ose who en deavoured to palliate the crime, and inveigh against the hardship of sacrificing the lives of " the Whites" for the mere destruction of " a few black Cannibals," as these poor inoffensive and helpless Aborigines were pro nounced. Some even went so far as to declare that in future this wretched class should be cut off by other and not less certai n means — name l y, b y poison —by arsenic mixed with the wheaten cakes, of which the poor creatures are so fond. F our o f t h e mur d erers still remain to be t r ied— a bl ac k c hild w h o escaped death having been discovered in addition to the former testi mony. The seven men found guilty were executed on the 15th of December last. The pretence for this diabolical affair was the supposed aggression of the blacks in killing and spearing cattle. Whether the assassins acted under the direction, or at the instigation, of their masters, has not been distinctly ascertained ; but it is stated that many of the stockholders, some of them Magistrates, joined in the contributions to defend their servants—a fact from which a conclusion the most appalling is drawn. NATIONAL DEFENCE FUND.—The Northern Star, or Chartists' paper, in allusion to the recent arrests of the Chartists, says,:—.“ We don't believe one word of the evidence against M'Douall. The fellows who swear from writing which has been improved and corrected by same pettifogger, merely put down enough for their own purpose, which might have been altogether altered by the context. The foolish Whigs and more foolish Magis trates are doing more for our cause than we should be able to accomplish without their help. We will not, however, much longer remain in this position. There is no courage in continually standing to receive the assaults of a weak and cowardly enemy. Let the Convention do its duty, and we have no doubt of the courage and the resolution of the people. Thus we open, and thus we head, the National Defence Fund; and we tell the people—yea, the very poorest of them—that it is their bounden duty to subscribe, and so they will." To this fund we see Mr. O'Connor subscribes 201. _ THE DANISH CLAIMS. ( From the Hull and Last Riding Tine;.) Thp conduct of Mr. Rice, as Chancellor of the Ex chequer, has compelled Mr. Cresswell to give notice that he will again bring before the House of Commons the question of the third class of claimants on account of losses sustained from the seizure of British ships and cargoes by the Danish Government in the year 1807. This is a case which is generally interesting, but to Hull it is especially so, for among her merchants and shipowners are claimants to a large amount. On a pre vious occasion we inserted an abstract of the schedule of claimants in as far as Hull and this district are imme diately concerned, together with the substance of the leading facts of the transaction. We had then hoped that the decision of the House of Commons would have been acted upon, and that justice, though most tardy, would have been done. It is now but too evident, however, that further exertion is necessary on the part of the public to secure the rights of a portion of the community. We therefore propose bringing the real facts before our readers, confident that they have only to be known to compel the reparation sought for. In the year 1807, from motives of state policy, whether well or ill advised, the British Government seized the Danish private property within British ports —war between the two nations not being then declared. The Danish Government retaliated, and made prize of such British ships and goods in Denmark and in the Baltic as came within its reach. On the 4th of No vember, the Danish property seized was condemned by the British Government ; whereas the Danish Govern ment did not order the condemnation of the British property which it had seized until the 24th of De cember. The character of the whole proceeding was fully ad mitted by Lord Sidrnouth, then a Minister of the Crown, on the 17th of May, 1808, when he stated to the effect, that the detention of the Danish property, prior to any hostile act being committed by the Danish Government, was unprecedented and contrary to the usages of war ; and that the subsequent re tention of the proceeds of that property could only be justified upon the ground of its being applied towards indemnifying the British subjects who suf fered losses of ships and cargoes by the Danish repri sals. And this view was fully corroborated by Mr. Percival, Chancellor of the Exchequer, in 1810, who, in a speech on the 30th of May, expressly stated, that the sum of 1,200,000/, which had been derived from the confiscation of Danish property, bad been paid over to T. he public treasury, instead of remaining droits of the Crown, " because there were certain merchants who claimed compensation out of it for the losses they had sustained, arising from the manner in which the war had broken out." In the year 1834, the House of Commons sanctioned the claims to indemnity of those who suffered losses through the confiscations by the Danish Government above adverted to. In consequence of that proceeding Commissioners were appointed to investigate the matter, and from the instructions furnished to them by the Treasury, it was palpable that Ministers had determined to limit the compensation within the narrowest bounds possible. In a Treasury minute, dated 29th July, 1834, it was laid down " that no claim should be received,. or enter tained, or inquired into, by the Commissioners, but such as are clearly and indisputably fur losses occa sioned by the sequestration and confiscation of book debts by the Danish Government ;" and also, " that all the claims should.he stated at the exact amount of the loss originally sustained, but without any addition whatever on interest." No sooner was this known, however, that its revi sion became necessary, for the limit set was wholly indefensible. Accordingly we find a new Treasury mi nute on the subject, dated 4th November, 1834, in which the following passages occur My Lords read the application of Mr. Shillito, requesting that the in quiries of the Commissioners for Danish claims may not be limited to the claims of the sufferers by the confisca tion of book debts only, but may be extended to various other classes of claims enumerated in his letter."— Upon further consideration, and bearing in mind that all my Lords have undertaken to do is to afford to the parties the advantage of establishiag before the Com missioners the fact, that the loss for which compensation is claimed was sustained, and that my Lords are by no means pledged to recommend to Parliament the grant of any compensation on account of any of them, it ap pears to my Lords that it will, upon the whole, be more satisfactory that the whole subject should be at the same time before Parliament, in order that the House of Commons may have submitted to them the whole amount of the indemnity claimed by all those parties, together with a statement of the several classes into which such claims for compensation naturally divide themselves." The Commissioners proceeded with their labours, and presented their Report, dated 28th March, 1835. That document made it abundantly evident that the Commis sioners understood and acted upon the spirit of the first Treasury minute. The Commissioners divided the claims " into three distinct and separate classes, viz., those for losses arising from the confiscation of boOk debts, of goods, and of ships and cargces." With re spect to the first and second classes (especially the first), the report w,,is clabo;ate, but with respect to the third, it was something worse than nothing. The supported claims in the first and second classes were duly liquidated ; and the claimants in the third class being thus thrown aside appealed to the House of Commons. On the 23d of May, 1838, Mr. Cr. , sswell moved an Address to the Crown in their behalf: and al though that motion was opposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Attorney-General, still it was carried Ly a majority of 34-200 Members having ac tually voted, and 140 having paired off. The justice of the case was thoroughly apparent, and compelled the decision, for the claimants had little else to appeal to. So striking a decision, it was hoped, would induce justice ; but it was soon seen that; however obedient the Commissioners might be to the Minister, the Minis ter paid no such deference to the behest of a majority having nothing whatever to do with party politics. On the 6th of February last, the Commissioners presented their report to the Treasury, and that its character may be justly appreciated we now insert it, although it has belOre appeared in our columns : " My Lords,—ln obedience to your Lordships' commands, conveyed to us by Mr. Spearman's letter of the 30th June, 1838, we proceeded immediately to sert an advertisement in the London Gazette, for the purpose of giving information to all parties concerned, that we were authorised by your Lordships to examine claims for losses sustained in consequence of the seizure of ships and cargoes by the Danish Government, in 1807 ; and we gave notice in the saute advertisement that such claims, and the proofs in support of them, must be delivered to us within three months of the date of the advertisement. " In consequence of this advertisement, 90 claims, for ships, cargoes, and freight, have been transmitted to this Air,. and •he total of the sum claimed amounts to 524,7471. 18s. lid. ▪ Our next s tep in furtherance of your Lordships' instructions was to examine into 0 e amount of the loss_ in each case, and also into the otl er particulars of the several claims, and the character of the evidence by which they were respectively supported. ▪ And we have now the honour of reporting to your Lordships the result of this examination, set forth in the schedule which we enclose. W e have thought it advisable to prepare that sche dule in a tabular form, under the impression that by resort to this mode we might have the best chance of conveying to your Lordships, cl ear l y , an d succ i nctly, and as it were at one view, the particular facts and eircurn• stances v: hich it might be most material to submit to your Lordships' judgment and consideration. " Your Lordships will perceive that the evidence in many of the cases appears to be defective; but in the present stage of the inquiry we have not felt ourselves warranted by our instructions in proceeding to a judicial determination of any of the cases which have been laid before us.' r . Of this report the Treasury took no notice ; and when Mr. Cresswell asked Mr. Rice what he intended to do with it, the answer was—nothing ! Again and again the Honourable and Learned Member for Liverpool with Sir Walter James, Mr. Hutt, and ot h er Mem bers, have attempted to have the question referred back to the Commissioners for adjudication—but in vain. Under these circumstances, Mr. Cresswell has given notice that he will, on the 18th instant, move : " That an humble add r ess be pr esen t e d to her Ma jesty, praying that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to direct the Commissioners to whom it was referred to examine the claims of certain British sub jects, in respect of losses sustained by the seizure of ships and cargoes by the Danish Government in 1807, to proceed to adjudicate upon the claims which they have received, and upon which they have made a Report to the Lords of her Majesty's Treasury." Such is the treatment which the Danish claimants of the third class have received fiord the Treasury, and we apprehend that to the judgment of every honest and impartial mind it will present a case of unprecedented hardship. Unquestionably the Chancellor of the Ex chequer did right in opposing the claims in the House of Commons if he thought them not well founded, but when he had been heard, and the vote was so decidedly against him, he ought to have acted purely as the E . x h e- . eutive, and have carried out the decision in good faith. Nor will the objections urged against these claims by and the Ministry at all justify the course of opposition between the in the first place, that there is a distinction of evasion pursued with reference to them.. It is alleged, s had no right, ac. cording It is asserted that the n confiscation of property on shore and that property ed a eiz e e the goods of Bri cording to the usages of on Danish ground e shipsafloattheir; tish subjects actually warehoused with o : t h os e place, that but that they had a right to seize second the cargoes ; and it is stated, in. claimed is large beyond the power of aggregate amount without inconvenie nce he T reas ury to meet it t In the declarations of Lord Sidmouth and Mr. Per cival, alrea d y quoted, there is surely an ample answer to the first objection. Not only was the seizure and confiscation of Danish property made by the British EVP,NTWa.I4IinTTiON.. Government, contrary to the usages of war, and the solo I cause of the losses these claimants complain of, but the proceeds of those confiscations were actually paid into the public Treasury—not used as droits of the. Crown—" because there were certain merchants who claimed compensation out of them for the losses they had sustained, arising from the manner in which the war had broken out." The twelve hundred thousand pounds paid into the Treasury, therefore, eras trust money, and it is a fraud that unprincipled povror only dare be guilty of to retain one farthing of it until the proved losses are made good. The second objection is as futile as it is mean. not a week ago, seventy thousand pounds were voted, on the motion of Mr. Rice, to build some stabling for the Queen at Windsor, and are we now to be told that the Treasury is too poor to restore a portion of trust money, of which it has had the free and full use for upwards of thirty years. The country will not endure such unprincipled contradiction, Nor is the amo unt that would in reality be required at all equal to that which it has suited the policy of the Treasury to alik e it appear to he. The gross amount as given in the Coo missioners' Report is 524,747/. 18s. Ild. ; but even a slight comparison of the Report by the Commissioners, with those made by the very same individual% with respect to the claimants of the first and second class and the Spanish claimants, will at O ne show the drift of their arrangement. In the Report uPa a the third class of Danish claimants, all pretens ions : however absurd upon th e f ace o f t h em , are inserted a ° l lumped togethe r ; w h ereas i n ot h er cases t h e good an d the bad are carefully c l asse d. Th us i n t h e Report upon the first and second c l asses , it appears th a t the amount claimed in the first cl ass was re d uce d f rom 183,182 1 ' 09 c i 4d. to 112,627/. 9s. 10d. ; an d th at upon the von class, from 177,0161. Is. to 78.3271. Is. 6d. ; upon the Spanish claims a similar reduction was effecte d • The sum, therefore, set forth in the Report of the Com missioners is obviously fallacious, and can have bee n figured with no other design than to deter the Hon" of Commons from doing an act of justice and honesty on account of the largeness of the price to be paid' The truth appears to be—judging from the deliberate statement of the known claimants—that from 1.50,0 0 ° L to 200,000/. would satisfy the case. That the House of Commons will adopt the met ° , of Mr. Cresswell we can hardly doubt, for the most consummate ingenuity must fail in opposing to it n i l, and that reasonable objection, The House of Commons ' I ; already declared specifically in favour of the prineiP; t i Involved, and the question now is, whether or no t it 0 " have that principle carried out. This is not a mat er which Las been supported only by a particular Woes t or party : Mr. Hurne, for instance, admitted in his 0 1 , c° that the justice of the claims was so palpable that'aef could not but vote in their beh a lf ; and the exertioa s ° Mr. Hutt to forward them have be e n constant an strenuous. And certainly if ever there was a woe l a which collateral circumstances were calculated to islg h c ; favour for the principle, such is the fact here. t iv great body of the claim an t s h ave su ff e red griev a ti) 4 o through their losses—one of them is actually the ittni nt o r of a poor-house ; and the shipowners affected b , that particular clas s wh o h ave b een a l mos t victimis ec „r i e our foolish and injurious experiments in free trade. " uy do not at all conceal that to Hull the matter is r ea mi ., important ; and it is gratifying to believe tha t Cresswell's proposition will receive the cordial a nd se .s ens support of every individ ua l M em b er returned b y t district. JAMAICA. TO THE EDITOR OF TILE SU N ' I should be obliged by the insertion of the my : companying extract s , f rom th e l e tters of ivy° , F i n sionaries, residing i n diff eren t par ts of the of Jamaica, which I received yesterdaY• ted may serve to remove some of the prejudices crea rt ,g a . .lainst the negroes by th e r idi cu l ous aild false r e p o raised by interested parties to conceal their own ioileac°ll:, duct or increase th e p r i ce o f sugar. My privat for counts from other i s l an d s are equally satisfactory e the credit of th e present Government I am raluetil to believe the report of the removal of Sir L. Smith's" but luded to in one of these letters to be true, 1 . it has now remained for so me weeks uncontra diete i ° It is well known that the protection of the negro ? e ; pends far more upon the honest conduct of the Execat% in our colonies than upon the laws themselves, and it as ridiculous to pa s s go od l aws h ere if suc h a Governor Sir L. Smith is to be removed to please the Pro - S laveri party, for who will dare to exe c ut e them ? Very respectfully, JOSEPH STUB Birmingham, 6th Month, 15th, 1839. Extract of a letter from J. M. Phillipo to . I ° e r Sturge, dated Spanish Town, Jamaica,- Mac 5, 183% I am exceedingly concerned to find that the Pla ute i have succeeded in creating the panic to which so° s e "' Jude. They have made a desperate effort to do th'„' and they have succeeded. It is currently reported her that the London Journalists who have lately manifesto so much sympathy with . our late slavemasters, , hs ve been bought for,: that purpose naiad they have certainly shown themiaves especially the professedly anti4ristis cratical part of them, by no means insensible to bribes. Should the Government at all listen to the misrepre sentations of the pro-slavery party it will be a most lamentable circumstance, as it would but re rive the differences of which they complain, and which are now almost universally set .at rest. Tile Po t profound tranquillity universally prevails. Onr Courts of Justice seldom now behold a criminal, and the a b S ence of ordinary offences from the calendarois often the-slitl'i ject of gratulation by the Judge. The business 0 the estates and . pens is almost in every instance heil proceeded with ; innumerable spots are being recor`lre by small settlers from the wastes ; new villages are rr pidly rising up in every direction. Land is nearly dol l the value is was a few months ago. Estates and su lu i , farms are seldom in the market, and when they are, ed though greatly augmented in value, there is no *Ou t ; purchasers. The advantages resulting from the e;, e l .. state of things in the tows, are too palpable to autei of a single question ; new - houses are being ereet eer. or old ones are undergoing repairs in almost evl street ; the markets are abundantly supplied with are yisions . ; the, comforts and wants of civilized life B , r t i increasingly desired and possessed ; merchants 89. ;ow traders have more employment than formerly' s decline- mations of the decrease of commerce ; of the areoo of agriculture ; and of the ruin of the count ry, li-eY to where to be seen. So far are we from be in f n ies of realize the dismal scenes predicted by the Jil l es' freedom, that the very reverse may be conneent petted. Not only is this fact proclaimed b y the e ,„ l d for with which properties are purchased when e%pos, . sale, by the in c r ease d price of land, togs t h tile r with the ho s t o f ot h er ev id en ce, but also by eat eff els_ that are being made for the iteln:°vemboth of agriculture ; by th e d es i gns in content pl.ttion ore for the manufacture and transport of produce: them roe general introduction of machinery, and in the const . tion of railroads ; by the various public institittit.o; which are beginning to arise into being,e. and by u s conversions that are daily taking place to he advants,goer, of new state of things among proprietors and actor' ne3s themselves. th ing we The strongest evid ence is afforded by etiTY tltt-r-„f see and hear ar o und us , th a t we enjoy the dawn of bright e r d a y, i n every res p ec t, than Jamaica b B9 e . yet beheld. It is rumoured here that Sir Lionel Smith his turn sacrificed by the Colonial Office to expedier; I most earnestly hope this is not the case. If s?, t he will again be confusion and every evil work. reef Extract. of a letter from John Clark, to Joseph wt,leg dated Brown's Town, Jamaica, May the 2 ,1, lE4— e 'er,' The people are going on admirably. On almos t e ' lic h sugar estate in this part of the parish there is 89 re ,in. sugar making, I believe, as during I can mention Orange Valley, (nearly all the peoP which are connected with my church), Cave Va l Borough Bridge, and Greenock, where the Pe°Ple are employed by the job or at Is. Bd. per day, with hootnn and grounds, they are working well. At Dumber r; is to be y ilt , Antrim, Culloden, Ballentoy, althoutglieh talPiePrpeelicleelele°rut not paid more than at the other places, they are chargn° from 3s. 4d. to 6s. Bd. per week rent, yet there is ° orkiog real cause of complaint. They are a lso w his Id o although for less than their neighbours, bu t t not expect to continue. These es tates root either landr the market price for labour or lose their people, can b heree bought in the neig hb fact whicourhood h I canno t forbear . late mentioning ; th a t f rom the time of Rawlins on's (the T Special Justice), removal to the end of the apprenticrse" ship, but t wo p ersons c onnected as mem b e rs or enquire d with my station were punished , and those improperly 50 unjustly. From the Ist of August to this date, not one 1 189 been imprisoned for any crime, althou g h nearly 300 in number ; indeed in the whole district with w hich, as, minister, I have to do, in which there is anegro popt9i Lion of nine or ten thousand, full half of which atten d my ministry, but one black person has been com m itte_ to prison, and that for an as sau l t , which I thin k 0 ' 8" "o tii i n cu e el d' r e al s ina p d' e . compromised. for the di s putes respecting wages and rents, the stip— . we need none. Were !not diary mag is t rat e a e m s h a v g a e r ' s e 3 t , r n s a a o t My expectations are m ectainsgintehceuvireorskitinugat.oiofnireedow, glory. ore than realized—give God the HenryurisDes Vaux is about to be united in 11181 : r rime to Lady Sophia Gresley, widow of the late Sir ga y Observer. BRISTOL SUGAR MARKET, JUNE 1;=•- -- , fi i i. buyers having supplied themselves freely from the lot arrivals, the great excitement that prevailed in this mrairrici„, has subsided, but the demand still continues good , P fi n e pally for the brown sorts, the high prices making the i r ce Si n ce descriptions less saleable. We must quote price 3 " e e our last rather in favour of the buyer. There bave b t h e n several arrivals since our last report, which will enab.ech buyers to assort their stocks if brought forward, w l e , l b e g very desirable. A quantity of Molasses just land but been sold at full prices. No Rums offering at presents they are in great request.—Bristol Gazette.