The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-13 00:00:00

eb trtt 12littion SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. THE LONDON GAZETTE. (THIS EVENING.) ERRATUM in the list of Sheriffs appointed by her Majesty in Ceuncil, for the year 1844, published in the Second Sup plement to the Gazette of the 30th of January last : Leicestershire.—For Archibald Algernon Henry St. Mawr, Esq. commonly called Lord Archibald Algernon Henry St. Muir, of Burton on the Wohls ; read, Archibald Algernon Henry !Ft. Maur, Esq. commonly called Lord Archibald Alger nun Henry St. Maur, of Burton on the Wolds. DOWNING-STREES, FEB. 9. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Major Henry Cres wicke Rawlinson, of the Ist Bombay Grenadiers, in the service of the East India Company, to be a Companion of the Most Honourable Military Order of the Bath. ST. JAMES'S-PALACE, JAN. 31. The Queen has been pleased, on the nomination of Lord Forester, to appoint Henry Sibley Hodgson, Ecq., as one of her Majesty's UottO - urable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms, vice Blewitt, who retires. WHITEHALL, FEB. 13, 1844. The Queen hes been pleased to present the Reverend Regi ' Wald Hobhouse, Master of Arts, to the rectory of St. Ives, in the county of Cornwall, and diocese of Exeter, the same being void by the death of the Reverend John Jope. WHITEHALL, FEB. 13. The Queen has been pleased to present the Reverend John Lamont to the church of Croich, in the parish of Kincardine, in the pre'bytery of Tain, and shire of Ross, vacant in conse quence of the Reverend Gustavus Aird, late Minister thereof, having ceased to be a Minister of the Church of Scotland. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Glamorganshire. Royal Glamorgan Light Infantry Battalion of Militia.--J. N. Lucas, Esq. t) be Major, Feb. 5. CROWN-OFFICE, FEB. 13. RIEIHRERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT. DEVIZES—WiIIiam Heald Ludlow Bruges, of Seend, in the County of Wilts, Esq., in the room of Thomas Henry Sutton Sothr ran, Esq., who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. WILTSHIRE NORTHERN DIVISION Thomas Henry Sutton Sotheron, of Bowden-park, in the said County of Wilts, Esq., in the room of Sir Francis Burdett, Bart., deceased. WHITEHALL, FEB. 2, 1844. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Robert Azlack White, of Grantham, in the county of Lincoln, Gent. to be a Master Eatraordivary in the High Court of Chancery. WHITEHALL, FEB. 5, 1844. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Thomas Sismey, of the town of Huntingdon, Gent. to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. JOSEPH RHODES, woolstapler, Leeds. BANKRUPTS. JOHN FAULKNER, builder, Dunvers-street, Chelsea, to surrender Feb. 22, at half-past eleven, and March '29, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assig nee, Basingliall-street ; Ward, Lincoln's Inn-fields. JOHN MILNER, engine manufacturer, Brook-street, New t.. ad, Eeb. 22, at holf-past one, and March 29, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Follett, official assignee, Fasingball streei ! Ri%ington, Fenchurch-buildings. THOMAS AMOS. builder, Kingsland-road, Middlesex, Feb. 27, and March 26, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, official assignee, Abchurch-lane; J. and W. Sheffield, Leadennall-strc et. EDWARD MANSFIELD MARKS, upholsterer, Mor. timer-street, Cavendish-square, Feb. 24, and March 26, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official as signee, Frederick's place, Old Jewry ; lvimev, Chancery-lane. GEORGE FIELD. packer, Bon d -court, Walbrook, Feb. 21, at two, and Alarch 27, at eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Laekington, official assignee, Coleman-street ; Cot trill, Throgmorton-street. ROBERT TURNER, fancy cloth manufacturer, Wood ssme Lees, Yorkshire, Feb. 26, and March 27, at eleven, at the Leeds District ourt. Young, o ffi cial assignee, Leeds ; Robinson, Huddersfield ; Bond, Leeds ; Clark and Co., Lin coln's Inn-fields, London. THOMAS H IG G I N SON, pawnbroker ' Liverpool, Feb. 23, at twelve, and March 20, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Cazenove, official assignee, Liverpool ; Thompson, Liverpool ; Norris, Allen, avid himpson, Bartlett's-buildings, Holborn, London. JOHN HOOSSE BARRY, merchant, Liverpool, Feb. 27, and March 27, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Turner, official assignee, Liverpool ; Sharp and Jackson, lied ford-low, London • Miller - a nd Peel, Liverpool. THOMAS LA Y;grocer, Dudley, Worcestershire, Feb. 21, at twelve, and March 25, at eleven, at the Birmingham Dis tcict cow t. Bittleston, official assignee, Birmingham ; Collis, Sonrbridge • Smith. Birmingham. RICHARD LANG, tallow chandler, Anil-bridge, York shire, Feb. 24, and March 26, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Hope, official assignee, Leeds; Jaques and Edwards, Ey-p's •e, Lone° i ; Watts, Dewsbury. NOTICES OF INSOLVENCY. E. Dither, cattle- dealer, Webb's-lane, Hammersmith. J. Simmons, wheelwright, Hardingstone, Northamptonshire Tarry. shoemaker, slaseby, Northamptonshire. .1. Wheeler, soap-boiler, Bugbrook, Northamptonshire. W.'Copson, hatter, Grantham, Lincolnshire. Ai:Westphal, commission agent, Woodstock-st., H. Carman, draper, Holywell, Flintshire. W. Thomas, stone merchant, Cardiff. J. Tuminond, tea dealer, York. J. Litley, grocer, Birmingham. C. schoolmaster. Filkins, Oxfordshire. W. Dawson, saddler, Chesterfield. lt. Pool, clothes dealer, Manchester. W. Brown, baker, Waterloo-road, Surrey. 'f. Rolfe, jun., journeyman wine-cooper, Great St. Helen's, Bishopsgate- street. B. Williams, shoe manufacturer, New Brentford. .1. Hargreaves, shoemaker, Blackburn, Lancashire. H. Rogers, parish clerk, Melverley, Shropshire. J. Pritchard, tailor, South-row, New-road, St. Pancras. W. Ilinchliff, haberdasher, Chelsea. J. T. Morgan, butcher, Feckenham, Worcester. COURSE OF EXCIIA Amsterdam Ditto, at sight Rotterdam .........2 U l2 6i Antwerp..... "25 95 Hamburgh A 'tuna Faris, 3 days' sight 25 65 Rao, 3 months 25 85 Marseilles Hourileaux 25 90 Frankfort on Maine 122 I..VGE.—'THIS DAY.) 'Gibraltar ......., !Leghorn ........ 30 75 'Genoa SS 95 Venice . Naples Palermo, per oz isbon ;Oporto Rio Janeiro 23 Bahia 'Buenos Ayres New York, 21 days sight Philadelphia .. . PRICES OF BULLION, YER, OZ, 'Foreign Gold, bars £3 17 9 Portugal Gold Coin.. 3 17 5 New Doubloons 0 0 0 , New Dollars.. 0 4 9 Silver in Bars... 0 411 g Petershurgh, 3 Us. 364 Berlin .. 7 Vienna, effee. fl. 3M. 955 Tri,ste, litto 9 56 Madrid ... Cadiz Bilbao .... 36 Barcelona. Seville . - ......... •• —* MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (Front the London New Price Current of Feb. 13 ) SUGAR. -There has been a lively demand for British Plan. tation Sugar for grocery and aefining purposes ; prices have further advanced for all descriptions, and rule Is 6d to 2s above those of this day week for brown, grey and common yellow kinds, and 6il to is per cwt for bright yellow qualities. 'I o-day there was a strong desire shown on the part of all parties to purchase West India Sugar, but buying was checked by the s c anty show, the business done on the whole may be considered good, 400 h ds and trcs finding buyers at prices equal to those of Friday, and in some cases rather above. Reu en.-To-day the home trade purchased Refined goods readily, paying stiffer rates; brow n Lumps for the scale fetched 775, and standard Lamps 78s to 78s 6d per cwt ; contracts bare been entered into for forward delivery. Bonded Crushed Sugar was in excellent request, and first quality fetched 25s Od to 26s per cwt. Leaves are wanted ; sales made of Turkey double Refined, 2i to 41bs, at 35s to 388; Hamburgh 61bs 33s 64 to 345; 9 to 101bs 30s to 31s. MA URITIUS.-This afternoon the trade were disposed to buy Mauritius Sugar, brown, low middling, and grey sorts main tained the former currency, but good and fine yellow went ed per cwt lower ; fine brown fetched b7s 6d, good 56s 6d, fine yellow 65s 6d to 665, good 64s 6.1 to 655, middling 62s to 63s 6d, middling grey 59s to 61s, good 62s to 635; 20 casks of Ceylon fetched 58s for low yellow, and 60s 6d for middling bright. EAST INDIA.-The brown and low yellow qualities of Bengal Sugar have been disposed of to a large extent at stiffer rates ; white and strong yellow sorts have been in good de mand at the previous currency ; Manila, brewn, Ms 6cl to 16, tid, and yellow 17s to IBs 6d ; Java 16s to 22s per cwt. FOREIGN.-A better demand has prevailed for white de scription of Brazil, and full rates have been given. The tran sactions in yellow ffavannah have been trifling, but purchases cannot be made upon easier terms. Whi eis held for previous quotatians. Of Foreign Sugar none has been submitted to public competition. Mon sses.-West India at an advance on previous rates o 6d to Is per cwt Bengal Syrup has been inquired for, bu the suppy is small. !Jolley has been in good demand, and letter prices paid for all descriptions. Cocoa.- west India at fall and in aging noai.ag %NA 1,,,:.(40r prices; common sorts at the previous currency : Para at 28s to 295, and Bahia at 30s to 33s per cwt. Rust, BRANDY, AND HOLLA NDS. -Jamaica Rum at full rates; 29 to 31 overproof, of middling quality, 2s 8d per gallon; fine kinds are worth ss. Proof Leewards Is 1014 to Is lld per gallon. Demerara 2,10 d to 3s is the worth of high strength, and 28 per cent overproof 2,8 d to 2s 9d per gallon : Calcutta Ruin at is 7d per [gallon, proof. For Brandy higher prices have been again given. Cognac, best brands of the vintage of 1814 fetching-hhds 5s I Id, puns, 5s 9sl ; ditto 1839, hhds .5s td, puns 5s 6d ; ditto 1840, hhds 5s 6d, puns 5s 4d; ditto 1841, hhds 5s 4d, puns 5s 2cl; ditto 1842, hhds 5s 3d, puns Si Itl, and inferior marks 3s to 43 fid per gallon. Geneva, chiefly for Canada, at Is 9d to Is 10d; the home trade have been plying 2s 4d to 3s fur small parcels of fine pale. English Corn Spirits at lOs to IN 24 per gallon, cash. To-day West India Rum at stiffer rates ; Jamaica 30s to 32s per cent. over proof, 2s Write 3s good middling arid good 3s 3d to 3s 9d, fine and superior 4s to ss, and proof Leewards is l id. Calcutta proof at Is 7d pergallon'z ('meta.-Busineiwin West India Coffee has been restricted by the scanty and very indifferent supply at market ; there are ready purchasers 01 a ll c l ean qualities at stiff rates, but there are scarcely any remaining in the importers' hunds. This af ternoon Plantation Ceylon Coffee was in excellent demand, and full rates were paid. Plantation sorts all sold, fine ord dark fetching 60s 64 to 61s 6d, fine ord pale 775, fine fine ord p a l e 8)s, much mixed and rather broken 60s 6d to 61s 6d , bold triage 55s 6d, inferior 25s to 25s 6d, and low 15s to 20s ; ti e good ord was all taken in at 66s 6d, 65 s o ff ered. Mocha bought in at 68, 6d to 69s for mid pale yellow, and Rio at 563 for middling. Ti o-day the trade were degirous to purchase te Tea, qu an a t i r t i fl y a good demand prevailed at the public s a l es; of the offered, amounting to 17,990 packages, 3,000 were disposed off, the lower qualities of Congou fetching full rates, but fine declining Id :per lb. Pouchong brought very full prices, ard other kinds of Black Tea the former currency. Green Tea went stiffly. SAGO-This afternoon Pearl Sago sold at stiff rates ; goo d small white fetched 24s to 24s 6d, mid brownish 17s 6d, good mid grey 21s to 21s fid. Sago Flour sold, mid 18s, and da maged 9$ to 13s 6d per cwt. Tapioca brought aid to 4d per lb. RICE.-Of cleansed Rice several parcels have been disposed of, Patna at 13s to 175, and Carolina 21s to 26s per cwt. To day Madras and Cargo Rice were disposed of privately at 8s 6d to 8,9 d ,per cwt. ; middling white Bengal fetched l Is, and good I Is 6d per cwt. Ismiao.-In all descriptions of East India holders manifest firtone.s, and nothing is pressing for sale. Spanish Indigo is wanted, but few parcels are to be met with. TALLOW.-With American Tallow the market has been abundantly supplied. South American broughc. 34s 6d to 40s for fair to fine quality ; North American 35s 6d to 40s 3d ; New York melted 39s to 403 6d. East India 39s 9d to 41s 9d ; Sydney 33s 9d to 40s 9d ; Beef Tallow •40s to 40s 9d per cwt. Importers of Russian have submitted to rather lower prices on the spot ; the rases paid have been 40s9d to 41s per cwt for P. Y. Candle of the first quality ; second sort at 39s to 40s Gd per cwt. For delivery in the lrst three months of the year at 41s 6d to 41s 9d per cwt. Town Tallow is is 42s per cwt nett cost. To-day P. Y. C. on the spot at 41s percwt. OILS.—Cod Oil at 331 per tun ; other descriptions at the former currency ;,-Southern, 331 5s to 361 for middling to fine quality; Seal, 32/ lOs to 321 15s for straw, alai 301 to 30115 s for brown ; and Cod Blubber and Dregs, 25/ lOs to 261 ss. Pale Seal Oil, 35/ lOs per tun. Sperm Oil has met with less attention ; British at 67/ to 681 lOs per tun. For Cocoa Nut Oil prices have fallen 30s to 40s. Cochin, first quality, at 3ls to 31s 6(1, and second and third quality 28s to 30s 6d per cwt. Palm at 24s to 275, and very common at 21s 6d, fine is worth 28s to '2Bs 6d per cwt. Rape Oil at 36s for pale, and 35s per cwt for brown. Olive Oil at the follow ing rates : Gallipoli 461 to 461 10s, Spanish 431 to 431 10s, and Barbary, 421 to 421 les per ton ; Linseed Oil at 26s 6d to 26s per cwt on the spot. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock. TITHE COMMUTATION: Lord LYTTLETON presented a petition from the Rev. Charles Miller, complaining of the provisions of the Tithe Commutation Act, as injurious to the clergy. EARL DUNDONALD'S INVENTIONS. Lord I3ROUGHAM gave notice that he should on Thurs day next bring under the consideration of their Lordships the inventions of a Noble Friend of his, Earl Dundonald. The Noble Earl wished to represent to the House the great expense he bad been put to in perfecting these inventions. OATHS OF ROMAN CATHOLICS. Lord STOURTON gave notice that on the day most conve nient to their Lordships, either on Friday or Monday, he pur posed to bring before their Lordships the construction of the the Roman Catholic oath, and he stated to their Lordships what he conceived to be the fair and honest meaning and construc tion of that oath. He should not treFpass too long OH their Lordship? time if he was permitted for a few moments to call their attention to some ctrcumstances connected with that oath. He did not at all maan to try and influence or act upon that opinion of their Lordships; but still he should say that he thought there was quite enough to warrant him in bringing in this Bill; and he therefore on Friday should call the atten tion of their Lordships to the mode in which the Catholic oaths were censtruc t The Bishop of EXETER presented a petition, praying that the House would adopt such means as would secure the spiritual education of the humbler classes. Lord BEAUMONT wished to know when it would suit the Government to bring forward the measure relating to the con solidation of the turnpike-trusts in England ? The Duke of WELLINGTON said that the matter should be brought before the House either on Thursday or Friday: Earl FORTESCUE presented a petition from Belfast, com plaining of the present state of Ireland. The petitioners stated that they apprehended civil war, and that though the [use of power might be effectual for the supprestion of disorder, it could not remove discontent. They also complained of the inefficient state of the represen tation of Ireland, as compared with that of England, In conclusion, they prayed the House to adopt such measures as were best calculated to avert the dangers now impending, and to prevent the recurrence thereof. THE STATE OF IRELAND. The Marquis of NORMANBY, on rising to call the atten tion of the House to this subject, said,—There are subjects of such paramount and urgent importance in the minds of a speaker, that they cwnpletely banished all considerations of self. It was this alone which had induced him to encounter the diffi culty, and to incur the responsibility, of bringing before their Lordships a subject of such great magnitude as that of which he had given notice. He entertained feelings of such inten sity as to the present danger and as to the future prospects of Ireland, that whatever other disqualification he might hare, he should at least address them with that earnestness which was, he believed, the best prospect to their Lordships's attention. But he had another inducement to _address their Lordships on this subjkct ; that even now, in the midst of all the excite ment and agitation to which he was known to be opposed he daily received proofs from different parts of the country of the kindly recollection retained by a kind-hearted people of one whom they truly believed to have had their interest, at heart. No one would deny that the present state of that country eriously called for the immediate attenti on o f Par liament.-(Hear.) One year since there was an agitation in that country which the moderate in Ireland regarded with disfavour, and in this country was opposed with a unanimity almost unparalleled. It was headed by an individual who, whatever might be his claims to the gratitude of posterity, had rendered himself, by many of his proceedings, dis tasteful to the large majority in this country. What was the state of things now ? The repeal of the union was not one degree less impracticable, but men's minds were diverted from that simple issue to the canvassing freely and the criticisms unfavourably much to the conduct of her Ma jesty's Gnvernment. In the year 1829, when introducing the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, the present Prime Minister in alluding to the state of Ireland, said that 7,000,000 of Ca tholics were united to a man. He was far from believing that they were united on this subject, though they appeared to be united against her Majesty's Government.—( Hear.) They were not now favourable to repeal, but their condition was such that he was justified in calling upon their Lordships for inquiry into the subject. With reference to this he need only allude to the petition which had just been presented by his Noble Friend frem certain Protestants in Belfast. He had reason to believe that the feeling then expressed was a growing one, that it extended to many of the leading Protestants in Ireland, and this result was owing greatly to the manner in which the the question hoot been treated. He was about to move a reso lution of which, it might be said, that in all the principles contained in it her Majesty's Government entirely concurred. He candidly avowed that that was not the view with which he moved the resolution. ( Hear, hear, from theDukc of Wellington. ) he principles professed in the resolution were principles which the Noble Lords opposite unscrupulously opposed when they were not in power, though it was true that they paid scree lip horoa;e to them at the moment of their accession to office. (LEFT SPEAKING') HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'Clock. The Report of the Poor-law Commiasioners was presented and ordered to be laid upon the table. . . _ Mr. W. WILLIAMS presented a petition from certain county-rate payers, residing on the line of road between Fish guard and Haverfordwest, complaining of the misapplication of trust funds, and praying for Inquiry. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from the Society of Friends, expressing their disapprobation of the practice of voting the thanks of the House to the Army for military ser vices, and beseeching the House to withhold its sanction from all acts of lupine and bloodshed. Mr. FERRAND presented a petition from the frame-work knitters of Nottingham, Derby, and Leicester, praying the House to appoint a Select Committee to inquire into their grievances. . . Mr. HUME presented a petition from a place in Scotland, praying that the grievances of the people might be investigated and inquired into before voting the supplies. NORTH BRITISH RAILWAY. Mr. FOSTER presented a petition, praying for leave to bring in a Bill for a Railw a y between Edinburgh a nd Berwick , COURTS OF LAW IN SCOTLAND. Mr. WALLACE postponed until the 27th inst. his motion fiat d for this evening on the Judicial Establishments of Scot land. DON CARLOS. Lord JOHN MANNERS gave notice that on the 29th inst. he should move a humble address to the Crown, praying her Majesty to u3e her influence to effect the liberation of Don Carlos from captivity.' CORN AND COLONIES. Mr. HUTT gave notice that on this day fortnight he should move a resolution, that it is expedient that the laws affecting corn in India, Australasia, and other colonies, should be assimi lated to those now in force in England. SINDE. Sir E. COLEBROOKE gave notice that on the 27th inst. he should bring for ward a motion, to the effect that the demands made by the Governor-General of India upon the Ameers of Sinde were inconsistent with the honour and true policy of this country. BUSINESS HOURS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. W. WILLIAMS gave notice that his dropped motion, notice of which stood on the paper for yesterday, that no new business likely to lead to discussion be brought on in the House after twelve o'clock at night, he proposed to bring on the 27th instant. Colonel RAWDON postponed the motion of which he had given notice till 27th instant. - PARENT AND CHILD—THE POOR -LAW. Mr. FERRAND gave notice that he should, on a future day, move for a copy of the Minutes of the Poor-law Commis sioners, which had received the sanction of the Secretary of State for the Home Department, as to the separation of mother and child in the Poor-law Unions. THE BANK. Mr. W. WILLIAMS moved for several unopposed returns as to sovereigns, half-sovereigns, and the amount of deposits and securities in the Bank of England at certain stated periods. WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES. Mr. ALDAM moved for an account of the quantities and declared value of British woollen manufactures exported from the United Kingdom in the year 1843; specifying the coun tries to which they were sent. SMUGGLING Mr. lIUME moved fora return of the number of persons convicted on charges of smuggling.—Ordered. ORANGE SOCIETIES (CANADA). Mr. LEADER said that he had a question to put to the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies. One of the pro vinces of Canada being Catholic, and the Catholic religion being establiehed iu that province by statute, and cases of vio lence committed by Orange societies having occurred, a Bill was passed during the last session of the provincial Parliament for suppressing those Orange Societies, which Act was, he be• licved, little 'more than a transcript of one prosed by the Impe rial Legislature. Sir Charles Metcalfe, the Governor, had re served his consent to that Act, and be (Mr. Leader) wished to ask whether that reservation was approved of by the Govern ment, and whether the consent of the Government was to be refused to that Act? Lord STANLEY said he had ascertained by inquiries that on the 9th of December last, Sir Charles Metlalfe did reserve his consent to an act for the suppression of those associations in Canada. That Bill had not been transmitted to the Govern ment by Sir Charles Metcalfe, and not having any information as to its contents, he could not answer the question of the Hon. Gentleman. Mr. LEADER said this was some time ago, and asked when the Bill would arrive ? Lord STANLEY said there had been one mail since the 9th of December, lay which Sir Charles Metcalfe might have trans mitted the Act; but, in the circumstances in which he was placed, it was not unreasonable to suppose that his time was so occupied as to render it difficult, if not impossible, for him to have transmitted it. No doubt in a short time he should re. ceive it, but he did not think the omission of one mail formed any great subject of complaint against the Government. CHARITABLE TRUSTS. Mr. C. BERKELEY begged to ask the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary of State whether it was the intention of Government to introduce any Bill this session with regard to charitable trusts, and if so, whether any provision in it would relate to ancient charitable bequests. Sir J. GRAHAM said it was the intention of the Govern ment to introduce a Bill on the subject of charitable bequests. That Bill would be introduced in the other House of Parliament. Mr. WALLACE wished to ask the Lord Advocate, in virtue of the provisions of the Act 2 and 3 Vic. c. 36, passed in July, 1t339, for the purpose of raising the salaries of the judges in the Court of Session, and regulating the arrangements of judicial business in that Court, whether, since the 29th day of July, 1839, when the salaries of all the judges were raised arid made payable forthwith, the sittings of the Court of Ses sion have been extended, for the purpose of " diminishing the arrears of business," which the said Judges were empowered to do. Idly. Whether any regulations have been passed by Act or Acts of Sederunt, •'for carrying into effect the purposes of the above Act," "by diminishing the arrears of business," or otherwise, as the Judges of the Court of Session were em powered to do under the Act. 3dly. Whether, to his know edge, any Act or Acts of Sederunt have been pa.sed for the above purposes, which may be expected to be laid upon the table of this House this session, in terms of the Act. The LORD ADVOCATE, who spoke in so low a tune of voice as to be scarcely audible, was understood to say, that various powers had been given to the Court, having the ob ject in view which had been stated by the Hon. Member. With respect to the latter part of the question, he could not say that such acts had been passed (as we understood.) MEDICAL CHARITIES IN IRELAND. Colonel CONOLLY wished to ask the Government, if ii was their intention to , introduce any Bill relative to Medical Charities in Ireland this session. Lord ELIOT, as we understood, said it was the intention o the Government to do so. STATE OF IRELAND. Mr. HUME said, before the Noble Lord (J. Russell) proceeded with his motion, he would remind him of what passed in the last session of Parliament with reference to ad journed debates. He would throw out the suggestion that if a debate were adjourned, it should be adjourned to a particular hour, in order to allow time for disposing of the regular business of the day before the discussion commenced. In the last session great inconvenience arose from the accumulation of business, and he would suggest whether it would not be possible to avoid that evil in future, by adopting the course which he proposed. Mr. ROSS said he held in his hand a petition relating to the subject about to be brought before the Howe by the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London. It was signed by 180 inhab itants of the town of Belfast and its neighbourhood, some of whom were Presbyterians, whilst the rest belonged to the Church of England. It contained the names of the Deputy-Lieutenant for the County ; of merchants, manufacturers, shipowners, and re spectable tradesmen living in Belfast, of a few members of the legal profession, and of one private gentleman. It set forth that the petitioners were deeply interested in the welfare of Ireland, and viewed its present condition with the utmost alarm ; observing that the nation was filled with discontent and that the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers was such as to lead to apprehensions of civil war. The e titioners considered that the discontent prevailing in Ireland was deep-seated and wide-spread, and that, until its causes were removed, peace could not be secured on lasting foundations. They then went on to complain of inefficient representation ; stating that while England, with a population of about 15,000,000, had 471 representatives, Ireland, with a population of 8,000,000 had only 105. ln England they said the Church a the many was the Established ChurCh of the land, but in Ireland the very reverse was the fact. In Eng land persons professing the religion of the many were seated on the Bench, and in nearly all important situations. But in Ireland scarcely any Catholics were to be seen in emi nent situations. All these were causes of great discontent. There were other matters of great importance affecting the welfare of Ireland, to which the petitioners earnestly entreated the attention of the Legislature, especially local taxation. The petitioners prayed that the House would take the state of Ireland into its serious consideration, and adopt such measures as were calculated to avert the dangers now impending in that country. Mr. HORSMAN wished to put a question to the Right lion. Gentleman opposite. A return of the number of troops stationed in Ireland during the year 1842 had been ordered by the House; but he observed that return, which was only placed in the hands of Hon. Members this morning, was made out in a peculiar manner, by which it appeared that the number of troops withdrawn from Ireland during the last two years amounted to considerably more than those sent to Ireland. He thought as far as he was informed that must be incorrect. Therefore he wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman, in the first place, whether he could explain how far that was the case or not—viz., that the troops withdrawn from Ireland, rank and file, were more numerous than those sent there during the last two years, as from the return it ap peared that since the year 1841 eight regiments were sent to Ireland, and five regiments of cavalry, and four battalions of infantry, were withdrawn. He asked the lion. Bart. for in formation, because he was unable to understand the return which was headed " A return of the number of troops quar tered in Ireland during the years 1833.34, and down to 1840, inclusive." In the next place, he wished to ask whether the Right Hon. Gentleman objected to give the returns down to 1843 ? Sir J. GRAHAM would have preferred that the Hon. Gentleman should have given notice of the question. With re spect to the returns which had been presented to Hon. Gentle men that morning, they had been moved for to enable the No ble Viscount, the Member for Plymouth (Lord Ebrington) to ascertain the number of troops placed at the disposal of his fa ther, when conducting the government of that country. That five regiments had been withdrawn from Ireland in the course of the time mentioned in thy:return for general service, was undoubted. There were five regiments of cavalry and four battalions of infantry withdrawn from Ireland, from the Ist of September, 1841, to the Ist of March, 1842. With respect to the other question of the Hon. Gentleman, he had to state that, on the motion of the Hon. Member for Coventry, an order had been given to produce a return of the rank and file stationed in Ireland from the Ist of January, 183.5, down to the Ist of January, 184:3. Mr. ROEBUCK wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite whether the Bill introduced relative to the recovery of small debts by the. Hon. Alember for Chester was brought in with the sanction of the Government ? Sir J. GRAHAM said, so far from it, that the Hon. Member for Chester had brought in his Bill as embodying a rival scheme to the measure introduced by her Majesty's Government. STATE OF IRELAND. Lord J. RUSSELL.-then rose pursuant to notice, to bring forward his motion for a Committee of the whole House to take into consideration the state of Ireland. He said he felt deeply how much he stood in need of the indulgence of the House in the performance of the arduous task which he had undertaken. He would not tres pass further upon their indulgence, by making any apology for taking that task upon himself; nor, however, he might feel his own inability for such a task, could he for a moment doubt that it was right that the house of Com mons of the I nited Kingdom should make inquiry into the condition of the kingdom of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) They had before them, notwithstanding the somewhat fal lacious returns presented by the Right Honourable Gen. tlernan ' the notorious fact that Ireland was filled with troops, and that the barracks in which these troops were posted had been fortified. They had heard, too, that morning of a regi ment of infantry being drawn up in the yard of the Castle of Dublin—that preparations had been made es if the Government were in instant expectation of a civil war, and that the country was occupied and not go verned by those who now held the reins of power. He said, and he said it with consideration, that Ireland was not governed as it ought to be. The Government of this country should be a government of peace, but the present Government of Ireland was a government of force. The King of the French had told the people of that country that Algeria would soon be reduced to a government - of peace.—( Hear.) Her Majesty had told her people the same thing, and yet what was the case . Why the military were circulating through the whole of Ireland, while it was proclaimed that peace was ex isting in the United Kingdom. Was it not curious that it should now present an appearance utterly at variance with true Government ?.- , -(Hear, hear.) We have received to-day an account, most extraordinary it was, that the man upon whom the Irish people looked, and from whom they had received, or by whose instrumentality , they had received, Catholic Emancipation?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Was it not curious that that man should have been found guilty of a conspiracy, and would probably by the Judges of Ireland be condemned to imprisonment.—( Hear, hear.) Did the House believe that if that circumstance took place that it would be a guarantee for the peace of Ireland.--( Great cheer ing.) He could see no hope for the prosperity or the future interest of Ireland in the adoption of such a course. They ought ao insure their affections, and by that means they would insure peace.—( Hear, hear, and great cheering.) The consideration of this subject had led him to venture to propose a question to the House, in the shape which he would ultimately state. It had led:him to consider the question of the whole condition of Ireland, and he had shaped his question ex pressly for that purpose. lie was not about to recur to the state of Ireland during the last year, but he wished to look upon the situation of that country for some time past. He would take it for granted that it was the wish of the House that the maintenance of the Union should be preserved ; but, consistent with that maintenance, he trusted that the House would consider it was bound to do that country justice. Assuming such to be the opinion of the House, he would ask whether the engagements which had been entered into at the time of the union had been all fulfilled, either with regard to existing laws, or to the passing of future laws for the improve ment of Ireland ?—(Cheers. ) And if they had not, he would ask the House to go with him into Committee, in order to consider the measures which ought to be adopted to reconcile the people of Ireland to our rule —( Cheers.) He would advert to the address which had been presented by both Houses of Parliament to his Majesty George the Third, in the year 1799, just before the Union. In that address both Houses had stated that it was their firm persuasion that a complete and entire union between Great Britain and Ireland, upon equal and liberal principles, founded upon a similarity of laws and ofconstitution, would conduce tothe mutual interest and security of the two countries, and to the allaying of those discontents which had unhappily existed in Ireland, would afford the means of opposing the attempts of the foreign enemy, and would conduce to the stability of the empire. The two Houses had not been content with that declaration, they had further declared that in their opinion it would be for the real interest both of Great Britain and Ireland that the principle of the union should be a common enjoyment by both countries, equally of the blessings of the constitution.— ( Cheers.) Now he would ask whether the laws proposed for the two countries had beers founded upon equal and liberal principles—(Cheering)—if the laws which had been passed since the union had ex tended fully the blessings of the Constitution to Ireland— ( Cheers)—if Ireland was bound to us by a sense of mutual affection and interest—(Cheers)—and if the people of Ire land were united to us by a full enjoyment of the blessings of the Constitution—( Hear, and loud cheering). These expressions of their sentiments had not been confined to the address which had been presented by the two Houses of Parliament. They had received the sanction of Mr. Pitt, the Prime Minister of the Crown, when he introduced that measure into the House. In opposition to those who said that Ireland would be subject to a foreign yoke, he asked whether a union, entered into with the free consent of both countries, and upon just and equal terms, could be branded as subjecting Ireland to a foreign yoke. Was it not a free and voluntary Association of two countries for the common benefit of both, in which each would have its proportionate weight of importance, which would secure equal laws, reciprocal affections. and which would render them both invincible. He then proceeded with that quotation so often reiterated. ( The Noble Lord here quoted the passage of the Roman poet, but made a mistake in the last word, which was corrected. by Sir James Graham.) He was glad that the Right Honourable Gentleman recollected the line.—( Cheers, and laughter.) He hoped he would recollect the sentiment.—(Loud Cheers.) At the same time there were given assurances, not by the positive declaration of the Ministers of the Crown, yet by their adherence, that the Roman Catholics would be more likely to enjoy the rights of British sub jects under the union than if Ireland continued to have a separate Parliament. Lord Sidmouth declared such an opinion ; but those hopes were destined to be disappointed. But, before he entered upon that subject, he wished to call the attention of the House to another part of the law and constitution of England, namely, the administration of justice. It might be said that the laws were the same in both countries. Nominally, the Irish had the same laws and trial by jury existed in both countries, but was not so in fact. That it was not so was made matter of perpetual complaint in Ireland, and more than once in that House. On one occasion a mercber of that House, who in those days was accustomed to represent, with great force and eloquence, the grievances of those who were oppressed, whether in Europe or America, whe white or black—he meant Lord Brougham, who stated in that House, in the year 1823, in bringing forward a petition complaining of grievances _that "the laws of England esteemed all men. It was sufficient to be born within the king's allegiance to be entitled to all the rights and subject of the land enjoyed. None were disqualified, there was no dis tinction between a natural born subject—and an alien. Such was the liberality of the system in times called barbarous, that even if a man was an alien born, he was not deprived of the protection cf the law. In Ireland the law levels an opposite doctrine. The sect to which a man belonged joined t© his r e li g i ous op i n i ons, a nd t h e f orms i n w hi c h h e worshipped his Creator, were reasons for his not enjoying the sante privileges as his fellows, Such a system was most cruel and unjust.—(Cheers.) Such was the statement of Mr. Brougham in those drys, when Mr. Brougham was the advo cate of the oppressed.—(Cheers and laughter.) Was that the statement of a man ignorant of the state of Ireland. The same facts were stated in most powerfullanguage by Sir M. O'Logh• lin, in his evidence before the House of Lords, in 1839. He said he had been in the habit for nineteen years of attending the Munster circuit. On that circuit it was the custom of the Crown to set aside from the jury all Roman Catholics and all liberal Protestants ; and he stated it as his belief that this practice was carried to a greater extent in other circuits. He stated one case of this practice occurring as late as the year 1834, when Lord Wellesley was Lord Lieutenant, and when Mr. Blackburne, the present Master of the Rolls, was the Attorney-General. He stated that in one case, not a political case, 43 persons had been set aside, and that 36 of those were Roman Catholics, and seven of them were Protestants. Amongst them were magistrates and leaseholders, and persons of considerable property. He said that the practice was so weil known, an d constantly followed, th a t men o f lib era l opi nions, whether Roman Catholics or Protestants, had ceased attending the assizes, that they might not be present when such an insult was offered to them. Now,were these equal laws ? Did that resemble a jury in Kent, Surrey, or Yorkshire ? Let him ( Lord John Russell) ask, after what he had stated, whether the promisses held out by Mr. Pitt had been fulfilled. Were the laws equal—were they administered with impartiality? (Cheers.) Was it not rather what Mr. Brougham had truly characterised as the distinction of a sect and a party—of those who called themselves Protestants, which, in fac these now in Irelandyas a political denomination ?—( Loud Ch eers.) Was it not, in fact, a supremacy of political Protestants, corrupting the sources of public justice and defrauding the people of what had been guaranteed them by the Constitution.—( Hear, hear. ) And what was the effect of this? He thought he could give it to them. Sir Michael O'Loghlen said, "in his opinion it was a system which was fraught with the most injurious effects on the administration of justice in Ireland, disturbing her peace, and depriving the people of the confidence they ought to have in her institutions." Now he (Lord J. Russell) would ask of the House could it be otherwise—(Cheers)—or could they wonder if such was the case that, in Ireland the poorer classes of the people, rather than resort to the regular tribunals of the country, took to any way whatever rather than to them, for the settlement of their differences amongst themselves— even to the wild means which revenge and the worst passions of our nature would prompt.—(Hear, hear.) These bad feelings were prompted by the unfair administration of justice, and were not so inherent in the Irish character as many persons wished to prove ; he could vouch, and in support of his opinion he would relate an anecdote on the authority of Lord Donoughmore, which occurred at that great Clare election, which, in fact, settled the question of Catholic Emancipation. A big, brawny fellow came to the Committee to complain that he had been insulted by a person. Why, was the reply, cannot you take your own part. You are bigger than the man who insulted you? " Yes," said he, stretching forth his brawny arm, I could soon have had - satisfaction if,l had chosen to take it, but all violence and qvarrelling has been forbidden by the Association, and, therefore, I could not punish the fellow as he deserved." Now, if a man thus showed obedience to the behests of an Association—why was it ? Because he had confidence in the Association—he knew the law which had gone forth had been framed by men who had the same feeling and sympathies as himself, and who did not set up the tyranny of a sect as the measure of justice. (Cheers. ) This, then. was his first complaint, that from the period of the union up to the year 1835, there had been no im partiality in the administration of justice. He might be told that Lord Wellesley was an impartial Governor of Ireland. He admitted that he was, and that Lord Anglesea was the same. But it was the misfortune of both, that though they might have endeavoured they had, unhappily, failed to cor rect the abuses in the Chief Secretary's Office.—( Hear, and loud cheers.) There was the place in which all had political prssions and prejudices centered. It was not the fault of Lord Wellesley or Lord Anglesea, that they did so. He would now proceed to another question the franchise of the people of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) And he knew that it might be objected as it had been objected in considering the state of Ireland, that they ought not to look to this question of political franchise and power, because it was said it that would not give bread to the hungry, or employment to the unemployed.—( Cheers.) He did not or admire or concur in the wisdom of such an Association. He did not find any record in the history of England for such an assertion.—( Hear.) The benefits of a free constitution were the best works by which they could confer benefits on a free country. In 1792 Mr. Pitt, in his celebrated speech on the finances of the country, enlarged greatly on the principles of Adam Smith, and said that a benefit to a country was to be found in nothing but free institutions.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Fox at a subsequent period followed in the same line of argument and assertedthat the true privileges of the people were to be found in free institutions. It was known that when men had such constitutions a greater stimulus was given to industry, and the poorest man could look upon the richest with pleasure and satisfaction. Such were the principles en which these great men felt that the people ought to enjoy the constitution of 1792, and was he now to be told that sbch a constitution was a farce, and that it. ought not to exist at the present moment.—( Hear.) He would tell the present Ministry that with respect to Ireland the best course they could adopt with respect to that country was to secure to every man the enjoyment of equal rights—( Hear, hear)—by which means they would alone teach them to appreciate and bless the benefits of a fair constitution.—( ear, hear.) In the year 1793, in a moment of alarm, the Irish Parliament passed the measure which thoy had before rejected, and gave the right of voting to the forty-shilling freeholders. The franchise thus conferred became in the hands of the landlords a means for filling their estates with miserable dependents who were brought up to vote at elections. Dr. Dingeman had foretold that such a mode of carrying elections would recoil upon its inventors, and, so indeed, it did. Great abuses had arisen, and persons of every shade of politics were desirous of applying some remedy.—( Hear, hear.) In the year 1829 the Right Honourable Gentleman, after, in the Speech from the Throne, they had been recommended to agree to measures for the general settlement of the affairs of Ireland, had proposed a higher rate of franchise. He had given t.o Ireland what had been generally supposed at the time was a 101. franchise, but which had turned out to be in reality a 20/. franchise.—(Hear, hear.) Inasmuch as it was required that the person claiming the franchise should possess -10/. over and above the usual property derived from his freehold or leasehold, as the case might be. In the Reform Act it had been intended to reduce the franchise to 10/.—( Cheers.) A Noble Lord, now a Secretary of State, had blamed him (Lord John Russell) for any defect which might have occurred in the Reform Bill. No doubt, he had trussed much to his Noble Friend Lord Duncannon, with whom he had consulted on the subject, and that Noble Lord had given it as his opinion, that the object which they both of them desired would be accomplished thereby, but they had singe found, that looking to the decision of the majority of the Irish Judges, they had been In error in the construction which they had placed on the clause.—( Hear. ) The Right Hon. Gentleman when he had pro posed that change in the franchise, stated that he proposed to find great facilities for the attainment of it—that a person claiming it had only to go before the assistant-barrister, where, if the claim were allowed there should be no appeal, but if it were re jected then the claimant might appeal to a Judge of Assize. But some years after, not content with the diminution of the franchise which had taken place by the inter pretation put upon it by the judges of Ireland—not content with the diminution in the number of voters which had thereby taken place. A Noble Lord opposite, not then in the Government, though now sitting on the benches opposite, to a great distance, through intricate pas• proposed a Bill t.o correct what he called the evils of registration in Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, that Bill was so contrived that by sending Such ue the h, would t l o a u i dna discouraged u t poor r h a e tgheed voter—from one appeal to the other—( Hear, hear)--by trans costly doors f sm r a o git m etsin s g ee a k nh i d n in g the by franchise, and those only whwhooouwwldeerrebeefoeivnnotiuttrlheeedd by the landed p r oprietors t(Acthtboetetrthsha.iv o g f ht the mreei Ireland dh u n ew t r aw : f r from en joying o t G o forte e hr n an j tm oy erßiti i il t s. . a — id all she ought to have by law, y et as there was a period of tran quillity, it was mostdes irous to al low the wealth of the country to yi question likely to b e the subject of into increase during that peri od, be l ieving that angry passions would he assuaged, and that a nimositie s would be likely to abate, by ge a s l t lo this House, b u t t h e N o bl e Lord any this.—( Cheers.) H e thought it neces vneoxtatiir n o e u t f r s u l lu e d e o t i n o n t eery to press his Bill at all times.—(Cheers.) At all times and in all seasons—in season and out of season.— ( Gheers.) The last House of Commons decided they would entertain that Bill. It was the opinion of a Noble Friend of his (Lord Morpeth)—and in mentioning his name he would venture to say, :lint no man held office in Ireland more desirous of improving the condition of the people of that country.—( Loud cheers.) It was the opinion of Lord Morpeth that since the House deter mined to entertain the question it would be necessary, in jus tice to the people of Ireland to propose some clearer definition of the francehise. (LEFT SPEAKING.) SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. GLOBE.— The aid which the Lord Chief Justice of Ireland has contributed to the result of the State Prosecution, is strangely overlooked by the Tory press. We did not, of course, expect much in the way of commendation. Praise would have provoked an examivation of its several parts, and a comparison with the charges of some of the English Judges, on trials of a similar description to that by which Mr. Chief Justice Pennefather has obtained present distiction and future fame, would have tended greatly ;to its disparagement. But we did not anticipate that the party organs which are chuckling over the verdict would, in the same breath, pronounce the strongest censure which any arrangement of words could express on such a composition. Yet such is the fact t Of the charge of the Chief Justice, the Times—ln the very sentence in which satisfaction, rising into exultation, that " the verdict is gained," is expressed—finds itself compelled to pay homage to truth and fair play, by admitting, with " regret," that " the elabo rate exposition of the Chief Justice, sound as it may have been, savoured too much of the advocate." The Standard also—yes, the Standard--rewards the " advocate" of the Bench with a doubtful compliment- The fact is, that the Chief Justice—in his anxiety to leave nothing unsaid which could contribute to the common purpose of those who coun selled and those who conducted the prosecution—said too much. The stern impartiality of the Judge became merged in the zeal of the partisan. The scales of justice were held by a functionary who, instead of concerning himself to preserve the equilibrium of the balance, took care, by his mode of holding it, that the advantage should be given to the accusers. To use the language of the Times, his charge to the jury was the speech of an advocate, going every length for a conviction ; not a careful exposition of the law, and an impartial application of its enact ments, to the case which the jury were impanelled to decide upon as between the Crown and the traversers. We are dot about to follow the Learned Chief Justice through the flounderinga of his speech, which, which, in the judg ment of the Standard, perplexed, rather than assisted, the minds of the jury in arriving, at a decision. His Lordship was thus (in the opinion of that journal) instrumental in obtaining for them the undesirable ex tension of their deliberations, and the consequent de tention from their familits, until Monday ; instead of returning to their homes, as they hoped to have done, on Saturday night. Our purpose is, rather, to cnll some of the more choice specimens of judicial impartiality and decorum from that extraordinary speech. From these an opinion may be formed of the whole composition. Added to the proofs already furnished during the progress of a State Prosecution in Ireland in the middle of the nineteeth century, they will excite wonder in many—perhaps some may weep. Alluding to the ad dresses of some of the counsel for the traversers, the Chief Jus tice remarked, at the commencement of his address to the jury, that "they (the jury had heard a great deal of assertion and declamation." On a part of Mr. O'Connell's speech, delivered in his own defence, the comment was, that "he (O'Connell) had lavished some personal abuse upon Lord Beaumont. Of Mr. Tierney (another of the traversers), the Judge remarked, that " he had had a little pet meeting of his own ;" while of some Repeal meeting spoken of by one of the witnesses, the sitti- , cism was applied, "he (the judge, in his summing up) supposed , it was a Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge." This raised a laugh throughout the Court ; and, being a laugh at his own joke, the Chief Justice did not interfere to suppress it. Of the temper which the Chief Justice brought to the undertaking of summin g up the evidence , an instance is afforded Cry the conduct for which he deemed i necessary, on the Saturday morning, to apologize to the Learned Counsel (Mr. Fitzgibbon) he had on the pre vious day most improperly assailed. One great defect is per ceptible in this address to the jury, which must forcibly strike the mind of every one who reads it—the length to which the remarks by which the criminatory evidence was enforced, while the extenuatory and explanatory portions of the evidence were either wholly omitted, or slurred over as unworthy of consi deration ! _ _ GLOBE.—The House of Commons met on Saturday, and proceeded to business with some alacrity and effect. This rather unusual course was rendered necessary by the failure to form a House on Friday. Thus there was no opportunity to move the adjournment of the House from Friday to Monday ; a meeting on Saturday was in due course ; and,' as lion. Members were in attendance, and in a humour for business, some mea sures of considerable importance were alluded to, and others introduced. The most important of these mea sures was a Bill for the amendment of the Poor-law, in troduced by Sir James Graham, and read a first time. When the late Parliament was dissolved, a Bill of a si milar description, introduced by Lord John Russell, was stopped in transitu. Sir James Graham, as Home Secretary of the new administration, introduced a Bill for the same purpose in the first session of the present Parliament; but meeting with strong opposition from the Walter and Ferrand confederation, he contented himself with passing a Bill for the continuance of the Poor-law Commissioners, and the other machinery ne cessary to the working of the measure, and left the stringent enactments of the old Act, which the Whig ad ministration had dote: mined to modify, wholly un touched. The whole of last session was allowed to pass away without any attempt being made by the Government to amend the law which the Tories had denounced, at the hustings, as an engine of intolerable oppression upon the labouring classes: thus admitting, in this instance, as in many others, the dishonesty of the means by which they acquired power, and the difficulties they consequently feel in adapting their policy, as a Government, to the course they pur sued, as a party, when in Opposition. The changes proposed in the Poor-law by Sir James Graham's Bill are confined to the bastardy clause. The Bill now before the House provides, that on application being made within forty days from the birth of the child, ' there should be power given to two magistrates to make an order of maintenance on the putative father, operating not only against his goods, bat against his person. This order to be made upon the oath of the mother, fortified by some corroborative evidence. The maximum of amount to be 4s. weekly ; and to continue to be paid for the maintenance of the child, by its putative father, until the age of thirteen. Appeal from the order made by the two magistrates to be allowed to the Quarter Sessions. Ve are free to con fess that we regard the change thus proposed to be made in the existing law as an improvement. By rendering the person of the putative father liable, as well as his goods, numerous instances of reckless and heartless seduction, to which the working of the law has shown that impunity may be given, will in future be reached; and payment—now evaded because the person of the seducer is not liable—will be enforced, or the defaulter punished. Sir James Graham proposes that parish officers, as such, shall have nothing to do with applying for, or obtaining the order. The mother of the child is to have power to make ap plication to two magistrates within forty days after its birth ; and the'magistrates, by a summary process, shall have authority to make the order of maintenance, upon evidence that the alleged father of the child has its paternity fixed upon him by reasonable proof. £he Bill also proposes to provide in large towns houses of refuge for the destitute and houseless poor. We think this part of the Bill at once creditable to the feelings of its authors, and one which will confer a large amount of relief to the most wretched of the human species. The period of their domicile is to be restricted to one night; they are to be furnished with a meal at night, on their reception, and another in the morning on their discharge. As a test of their destitu tion, they may be required, and if able to work, will be required to perform some kind of labour for four hours. This, we presume, will be early in the morning ; they will then be examined as to the parishes to which they respectively belong, and will be conveyed to those parishes, the authorities of which will be required to receive them. A Parliamentary inquiry is to be insti tuted as to the propriety of abolishing or retaining the Gilbert unions. Sir James Graham was probably appre hensive of provoking a fierce opposition to the entire Bill, by introducing a clause which would interfere with these unions. He has therefore wisely referred their constitution to a Parliamentary Committee ; and has thus shifted to other shoulders the responsibility of their fate, whether of life or death. TRAIT OF A DUELLIST.—Lord Camelford com manded the Favourite sloop of war, and Commodore Fahie the ship Perdrix, Mr. Peterson holding the rank of First Lieutenant on the board the last-named vessel. Commodore Fahie had left Antigua a short time before, to take tempo rary command of the fleet, then anchored before St. Kitt's ; and during his absence Lieutenant Peterson was of course left in command of the Perdrix. * * * * Lord Camel ford and Lieutenant Peterson were unhappily at variance ; and perhaps to mortify his rival, Lord Camelford ordered Mr. Peterson to take the watch on the very evening that a gay ball was to be given at Black Point to the naval officers Unfortunately, Lieutenant Peterson entertained the idea that as , he was in command o f th e s hip Perdrix, in the absence of Commodore -Fahie, he was superior officer to Lord Camelfoid, Who only commanded a sloop ; and in consequence of this false impression, •he positively refused to obey his Lordship's orders. The disastrous evening ap proached, and the Lieutenant retired to his quarters above the capstan-house, in order to dress for the festive party. Arming himself with a pair of loaded pistols, and telling his boat's crew to attend him, Lord Camelford quitted his retire ment, and stationed himself directly between the capstan house and the guard-house (now called the Commissioner's house), and there waited the approach of Mr. Peterson, whom he had already summoned to attend him. Upon the unfor tunate young officer making his appearance, accompanied by some of his friends, his Lordship again commanded him to take charge of the watch for the eve ning: the command was again refused; when taking one of the pistols from his bosom, Lord Camelford immediately - fired, and the ball passing through the breast of the brave but inconsiderate Lieutenant, he fell a corpse upon the ground, the deadly stream welling from the wound, and stain ing, as it flowed, the gay ball-dress which he wore. No sooner did the well-aimed weapon do its work, than drawing the other from its resting-place, his Lordship turned to the Second Lieutenant of the Perdrix, and pointing it at him, asked if he would obey his orders, or meet the same punish ment as Mr. Peterson ? Life is sweet ! the second in com mand saw his friend stretched at his feet with the red blood gurgling around him, and, fearing the same fate, he obeyed Lord Camelford, and took the watch.—Antigua and the Antiguans, SALMON FISHING AT DOON.— The fishing of salmon comtneneed on Thursday last. The number taken at the Doon-foot greatly exceeded that of former years, at least for many seasons past. Thirty-three clean fish were hauled, averaging between seven and nine pounds each. Since then six or seven have been caught daily. The result is satisfac tory, as showing the beneficial effect of the protection af forded to the river.—Ayr Observer. LLOYD'S SHIPPING. VESSELS SPOKEN Wren.—Queen Ancona, to Pembroke, 27th tilt, off Cape St. Vincent ; Rowena, of Liverpool, 7th Inst, lat. 47, lon. 8, by the Emma, Badeock, arrived at Plymouth. Alexander Barclay, Fish, of Bremen, 14th July,-with 2,200 barrels ; Agnes Lea, bound to the Cape of Good Hope, out one month, lat. 17 N., long 21 W., by the Nodde, Bezian, arrived in the Loire. Porcupine, of London, from Smyrna ; Sarah, Senelle to Dublin ; and Henry the Eighth, of Trieste, from the Mediterranean, 28. h ult., off Cape St. Vincent, by the Mary Houghton, arrived at Falmouth. Rhoda, Leghorn to Li verpool, 19th ult., off Cape de Gatt ; Prowler, Leghorn to London, 22d, off Malaga ; Gipscy, of Belfast, for Malta, 27th, otr Cape St. Vincent, by the Tom Banks, arrived at Falmouth. Empire, Ham burgh to New Orleans, and supplied with bread, 11th ult., lat. 25, ton. 69, by the Swallow, arrived at Falmouth. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 12. THANKS TO SIR CHARLES NAPIER. The Duke of WELLINGTON said it was not his intention to say anything that could occasion any difference of opinion on this question ; but he could not listen to such a motion as this, im pressed as he was with the strong importance and merits of the services which had been performed, without expressing his cordial assent in the expressions of approbation which had fallen frord his Noble Friend (Lord Ripon) in submitting his motion to the notice of their Lordships. He (the Duke of Wel lington) must say, that after giving the fullest consi deration to these operation., he bad never known an in stance of a general officer who had shown, in a higher degree, all the requisite qualifications to enable him to conduct great operations.—(Hear, hear.) Major-General Sir Charles Napier had manifested the utmost discretion and prudence in the formation of his plans, the utmost activity in perfecting the preparations so necessary to success, and finally the utmost zeal, gallantry, and science in carrying these plans and preparations into execution.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend, in in troducing his motion, had: spoken of the celebrated march of General Napier on Emaum Ghur, and he (the Duke of Wellington) must say, that it was one of the greatest feats that it had ever been his good fortune to peruse, and that it was completely successful.-- (Hear, hear.) Ile had marched with his army through the desert with all his heavy guns, transporting all his materiel as well, and this in the most extraordinary manner, having thus been, by his activity, zeal, and determination, enabled to deprive his enemy of the means of retreat. —(Heer, hear.) Af ter his return from this masterly operation, he collected all his troops and made all prudential and neceisify preparations for whatever position future events might' place him in, should he be called upon to engage his enemy. It was proved that he could only collect but a moderate number of troops.. That mat tered little, for Major-General Sir Charles Napier had confidence in his troops, in himself, and they had confidence in him. He then was called upon to make a most extraordinrry attack, which most com pletely succeeded, gaining a complete victory, having secured the gams and materiel of his enemy, and taken every precaution to keep his own together. Again he found himself in a position likely to be attacked by a greatly superior number of, forces ; he secured for him self and his troops, not only the honour of a glorious victory by the conquest of Hyderabad, but made his position on the Indus so good that nothing could sur prise him. He then brought up reinforcements from Sukkur, and by his activity and decision, found himself at the head of a stronger army than that with which he had fought the original battle. Now, he (the Duke of Wellington) must do Major-General Sir Charles Napier the justice to say, that in his operations, made with a view to obtain all the reinforcements he could, he had manifested all the discretion and foresight of an officer entrusted with the highest description of operations. When joined by these reinforcements he immediately advanced :inc made his attack, the result of which was one of the most brilliant victories that ever was achieved ; and which showed in the general, in the officers, and in the men, all the' highest qualities that soldiers could possess.—(Hear, hear.) Having achieved this victory, he pursued his enemy to his capi- tal, Meet pore—on tho borders of the desert, of which he took possession ; and having afterwards pierced into the desert, with the view of taking possession of another post, he did so take possession of it, and so deprived his enemy of the means of making it an asylum at any time afterwards.—(llear, hear.) He mentioned this fact, because in the course of the operations connected with it, an instance occurred which manifested in a ... strong _ _ degree the confidence which Major. General Napier'S officers reposed in him. Having determined on making his attack on Omerkote, he found a river some way in his rear; it was most difficult, but necessary to keep up a com mun'cation with Hyderabad. He determined to secure this, and actually sent orders that operations should be stopped, and directed the troops to fall back on Meer pore. An officer who was there, Major-General Napier's aide-de camp, rode from Meerpore through the desert, in the hot season, not less than forty miles, and let him know the state of the siege. Having received fresh orders from Major-General Napier, this officer rode back on the same day—thus making a distance of full eighty miles in one day—and the place was taken.--(Hear, hear.) They. captured the place.—(Cheers.) This he (the Duke of Wellington) mentioned as an in stance of the confidence in Major-General Napier, by those serving under his command ; their desire to further his views, and, in every way they could, to co-operate with him for the good of the service. He could not pronounce anything to their Lordships which could more strongly prove to their Lordships the confidence of all officers and soldiers in their General.---(Hear, hear.) He hoped he had said nothing to disturb the amity which had hitherto reigned amongst their Lord ships upon this vote of thanks, to which never was there an army more entitled than the General, the officers, and men—British and native—who had taken part in these brilliant operations.—(Hear, hear.) It happened to him to know that the Governor-General had transmitted to Sir C. Napier his warm appropation of the gallantry of the troops at Meeanee. lie hoped their Lordships would be entirely unanimous on this occasion. —(Cheers.) The motion was unanimously agreed to. STATE OF IRELAND. The Marquis of NORMANBY rose for the purpose of laying on the table of the House the resolution of which he had given notice, and which he intended to bring under their Lordships' notice to-morrow evening: " That this House, in answer to her Majesty's most gra-. cious speech, assure her Majesty that the House fully enters into the feelings of her Majesty on that part of her Majesty's speech with reference to the subject matter of which proceedings are now pending in Ireland ; and this House feels it its duty to take the earliest oppor- tunity, when no prejudice Can arise therefrom ' to record their intention to examine into the causes of discontent existing 'in Ireland, with a view to the removal of evils and the restoration of tranquillity, and also that all classes ;may enjoy equal rights and privilegeF, irrespec tive of religious distinctions."' STATE OF SPAIN. Lord CLARENDON said he could assure their Lord ships that he was not actuated by party motives, in rising to address them—but recent events which had taken place there, which were pending, were of a cha racter too serious to be passed over. He was sure thht these things had attracted the attention of his Noble Friend opposite, and their Lordships and the country in general were desirous to receive any information which it would not be inconsistent with the public duty to communicate. It should be recollected that Spain was a country that always must have an important in fluence on the affairs of Europe, and its independence and prosperity was of importance to all. That Bri tish statesman would fail in his duty to the country if he neglected to promote that in dependence, and to guard against all attacks whether open or insidious, or come from what quarter it might. Events had lately taken place in that country which imperatively called for their Lordships' most serious attention. The institutions and the throne of Spain were in equal danger ; both had been degraded and set aside, and in their place had been erected a military despotism of the very worst character, and of the most atrocious description, which had been for months past trampling on the law and outraging the feelings of the people. That could not be allowed to go on. No nation would long submit to such a state of things. It might be almost called a chronic state of civil war. Other Governments thought themselves justified in interfering ; and, indeed, no European nation could long hold back from interfering in the affairs of that country. Such a state of things might lead to great dissension among the Powers of Europe; and it was most important for the preservation of`that peace which had long so happily prevailed, that order should be re stored to Spain. The institutions of the country, which the people so much prided themselves in, had been over thrown; or, what was the same thing, had been nulli fied. He WAS far from saying that it was in the power of his Noble Friend opposite to prevent those things, but it was hardly possible that this country could be much longer a silent spectator of such events. Those who knew Spain must say that certain classes in that country were very much to blame for their readiness in calling upon and accepting foreign assistance, come from what quarter it might. It was this servility and com plaisance under a foreign yoke, to which the downfal of the Regent might be attributed. The intention of raising the Basque Provinces, and the attack upon the palace at night, were well known in Paris long before theytook place. With respect to the revolution, which bad terminated in the fall of the Regent, he really believed there never was a more objectless and wicked revolution. The news of the Regent's fall, it might be remembered, had been re ceived in this country with symptoms of great regret, .and in Paris with a feeling of pleasure. He thought, in the course the French Goveanment had adopted towards Espartero, they had committed a great error, because of the political sagacity which the Regent exercised on all occasions, and because the smallest knowledge of the Spanish character would have been sufficient to have shown the dangers which must result from his overthrow. There were no persons interested in maintaining the thrones of Europe but were interested in preventing the overthrow of the Regent. The difficulties he had to con tend with entitled him to the greatest credit. He had long, amidst foreign and domestic intrigue, maintained the Government of the country, without a single infraction of the laws or the Constitution. With respect to the Queen, her position would have been most difficult, even if her accession had taken place under the most favourable circumstances. Those diffi culties were greatly increased by her being compelled to ascend the throne before the period originally fixed, and by her being made the instrument for violating the law, and running counter to the prejudices of the people whom she governed. These were the auspices under which the youthful Sovereign of Spain had commenced her reign ; and nothing could have been more easy than to have foreseen or prevented such a state of things. He (the Earl of Clarendon) certainly, for his part, did not believe the rumours which had been spread respect. ing funds and emissaries being sent from . France to promote and sustain the insurrection ; but had the French Government wished to uphold Espartero, they should have enforced the same principles in Spain which they had in Switzerland respecting Louis Bonaparte. They might depend upon it that a re-action would ensue—that the greatest anarchy would hereafter be the consequence, and that it would be almost mira culous if the Spanish throne could stand up amidst the confusion; and yet itwas said in the speech of the King of the French that a most cordial understanding subsisted between England and France with respect to Spain. It was strange enough that the announcement of that cor dial understanding had been reserved for the time when everything good had been marred. The question which he (the Earl of Clarendon) wished to put was upon what basis was it that this good understanding rested ? and what was the policy hereafter to be adopted with respect to Spain? Whether his Noble Friend thought it con sistent with his duty, to give an answer to that ques tion or not, he would take the liberty of saying that, upon the united action of the Governments of France and England depended the salvation of the people of Spain ; particularly as this good understanding must involve, and probably related chiefly to, the marriage of the Queen of Spain, and upon that depended the peace an d prosperity of that unfortunate country._ He was con- vinced tfiat upon the selection of the Consort of the Queen depended the establishment of peace and order there. He was utterly at a loss to conceive upon what right was founded the claim made by the French Go vernment to restrict the Queen's right of choice to a Prince of the House of Bourbon. The individnc,l that they selected was the Count Trapani, a youth of 16 years of age, the brother of the King of Naples, and who had been brought up the Junta at Rome, and was destined for holy orders. He was astonished that such a choice should be made—the Court of Naples was the the only one in Europe that had protested against the ancient order ofsuccession, and the present King had, after the late revolution, refused to permit his sister Al ari aC hri s tine to cross the frontier of his kingdom into Naples. If from such a marriage as the house of Naples would fur nish, Spain should again become subject to those priestly and kingly influences, under which that country had for so many centuries laboured, he did hope they would not be able hereafter to plead the advice and con currence of England. The Noble Earl concluded by repeating the questions which he had put in the course of his observations. The Earl of ABERDEEN thought the question of their relations with France would justify a motion before the House, rather than a mere question. He rejoiced that the Noble Lord concurred in the general expression of satisfaction at the establishment of a good understand ing between this country and France.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had entered at considerable length into the events that had taken place in Spain, in the attempt to establish the constitution existing there, and had de scribed the various impediments which had been thrown in theway of the completion of that design. No one was better acquainted than the Noble Lord with the anomalies often presented by Spanish affairs ; but he believed it would puzzle him, or any one else, on looking back on the various revolutions, insurrections, and changes, that had taken place there for the last ten years—since the death of King Ferdinand the Seventh—to give any intel ligible or consistent account of the causes or motives of any one of them. When an event of this kind took place it was very easy to attribute it to foreign influence, and to say, Oh ! this was plotted in Paris—that was contrived in London. The Noble Lord knew well that if the overthrow of Espartero was supposed to have been contrived at Paris, it was no less generally believed that his elevation to power was contrived in London ; this was believed to have been as much an English project, for English interests, as his downfal, according to the Noble Lord, was attributed to the efforts made in France, and the contrivance and assistance of the French Govern ment. He believed that both one and the other statement had an equal degree of truth—that i s , they had no truth at all, lie was as satisfied that the English Govern ment had nothing to do with the elevation of Espartero, and the cons equen t a bdi ca ti on o f th e Queen Regent, as he was that hi s over th row was not the work 0. , the French Government. The late revolution in Spain iodr might be obj ec tl ess an d se nseless, as the Noble had described it, but to say that it was not t ail obya. national ser revolution, was to say what was contrary o n tion. In the course of six weeks there was not a village ja Spain that had not declared against the' Regent; i here wag no party in the country, even including his own sovereign/ who did not unite to expel and overthrow the Regent. When he was escaping from the troops who pursued bias to Cadiz, when he found himself in safety there, he dared not proceed to, or land, at any one of the thirty' or forty strong places which fipain has on the coast,. but sailed direct to England. Had he not lost all hope ~ f support., he would not thus have at once abandoned his country. He contended that so general a movement could not have been pro duced by foreign agency ; it was perfectly national Ills Noble Friend knew that he was personally accused of being the author of the revolution of La Granja ; but however much or little the Noble Lord might have had to do with it, it was certain that their course of policy had been to meddle too much with the, affairs of Spain. The fall of Espartero himself was hastened by a very general belief that he was under the influence of Eng , land. There was no characteristic of the Spanisb_peo ple more marked than their resistance to foreigninlle ence. Though they might submit to it for a time. Yet they would rise and resist it afterwards, at a time when they might destroy the wholesome influence that we did possess. lie assured the Noble Lord that the good understanding with the Court of France, wit h respect to Spain, was not founded on any specific • engagement. It was founded on a belief that the interests of the two countries were not so much at variance as to rrevent their acting cordijdly together, and it was founded on a mutual trust in the honour and integrity of each other, and rested on a desire to secure the complete independence of Spain, to promote the es tablishment of the constitutional system, and to (lac lope the great natural resources of that country. Thes e were their only objects ; he acknowledged no other —he knew no other. With respect to the marriage of the Queen of Spain, that was exclusively and entirely Spanish question, to be decided by . the Spanish people themselves ; he could assure the Noble Lord that Eng land and France had come to no understanding on this subject which could interfere with the complete inde' pendence of the Spanish nation. Whether they migh t think fit to choose a Prince of the House of Bourbon Pr not, was for themselves to decide; The Earl of CLARENDON expressed his gratifica tion at the opportunity he had given for the answer of the Noble Earl. Lord HO WDEN said that he had travelled a good deal in France and Spain, and he believed it would take two or three years to do away with the erects a what the Noble. Earl (Clarendon) had said on this subject' The House then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 12. THANKS TO SIR CHARLES NAPIER AND TO ARMY ENGAGED IN SINDE. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from Durham, de precating the passing of a vote of thanks to the arm,' in Sinde. The first reason the petitioners urged 1 that a large number of the British troops had perish ed in that war ; and next, because they (the petitioners) considered that the House of Commons would be de prived of its title to that of a Christian Senate if such is vote were passed by them. The petitioners therefore prayed that, for the honour of the British Parliame nt, the vote of thanks would be either negatived or with drawn. He should state before sitting down that this petition was signed by no less than seventeen minist er of religion. Sir R. PEEL—Sir, I rise to move that the thanks of this House be voted to the British Army and its Gallen Commander, for the services rendered, under the nie s f critical and trying circumstances, upon the banks 9f the Indus, and which army, under the greatest diffl e " ll „ . ties, exhibited the utmost good discipline, and rea-h -tained—nay, even exalted—the high character wi ne the British army has always supported, and which en,: titles the army, of Sinde, and its Commander, to the h i g`i thanks of the House.—(Cheers.) Sir, with the policy ° the measure, in the carrying out of which that arm! was engaged, I have nothing to do on this occasion whether it was justifiable 'to exact from the Ameers," cession of their territor in lieu of the tribute already paid, is, in my opinion, a question which oug ht to be altogether forgotten in this matter.—(Chee rs '' I now only call the attention of the Iln%, to the condte.t and merits of the gallant men who Pew formed the first duty of the soldier, namely, obedie,,a to lawful authority; and the mode in which they bited that obedience entitles them to the public nekn n .' h e ledgment for which I now ask.—(Hear, hear.) t he gallant Commander got his instructions from c„, Governor-General, and also had his autho r b i s from the ex-Governor-General. Sir, I shall prepared on the proper occasion, if need be, it vindicate the instructions which were given, but, nr ° . the present occasion, in conformity' a vvith the usual cou rs r, I shall altogether abstain from introducing any discus sion upon the policy of the operatio ns .—(Hear, hi e Sir, the information which has b een recen tly l a id on t „ table of the House, and the degree 'of pu bli c a ttenti;; which has been dir ec t e d t o th e preSent o p e rations ',, Sinde, relieve me from the necessity of entering into en/ detail with regard to the me as u res w hi c h led to the em s : ployment of the British army on the banks of the Ind° I take for granted that every gentleman has made him self sufficiently master of the papers which have he r:, laid before the House by the Government, to obviate the necessity for any such detail. The House will recollee that about the month of September, 1842, Sir Cha rles Napier was directed to take the command of the Brit ish army in Sinde. The active operations in which be voa" engaged extended over a period which was included be; tween the Ist of January. 1843, and the latter end of March in the same year. That period of three months includes the battle of Meeanee and the battle of Hyderi abad. The-two battles, which are the most prominen„ operations in contemplating that cam p a ign—the O . : battles of Meeanee and Hyderabad —were fought uncl` far different circumstances. In the battle of Meean e ' the first report of Sir Chas. Napier, makes the force or; posed to the British arms about 22,000 men.; h e reclin e d his own force to be about 2,800 men. I have -g (2° ot reason to believe that he has overrated the enl °11 0 ( of the British force which he commanded at the battl e c h Meeanee, and that he has underrated the force 41„, was opposed to him.—(Hear, hear, f rom -Sir Ch art Napier.) I believe it would be more cons istent Iv" t in a t truth to state that the number of B r iti s h t ro ops _, --rj t h t arms at the battle of Mee anee was 2, 000 men , ant. the force opposed to th em amoun t e d to 25,000 L e t i o The force of the A meers cons i ste d o f men trained „ 0 , war, of great natural p ower an d o f d esperate re solutT s , to which full credit was given in the admirable .1, patches of Sir C. Napi er . Th a t f orce —l e t us ecT sl to it according to the original estimate as ameentlne It 22,000 men—occupied a very formidable p o sition• inc h was placed in the dry bed of a wa t er - co urse, ' w te r. during the inund a ti on o f th e I n d us i s fill e d with w idie On the flanks of the enemy were a vill age a nd two ob woods of the country. The position was defended ? n 'st think, fifteen pieces of ar till er y, an d 9 _g a- for such a force 2,500 men at the ut mos t marent"',rt the purpose of defending their li ves , a nd sur b role ing their country's greatness.—(Cheers.) In th e d re. of Hyderabad, the force of Sir Cha r l es N a pier I n ' . 0 or ceived some addition. He h a d c all e d t o hi s aid g ate d three regiments, and the British fo rce ma y be est iri l - s ted at 5,000 men, while the for ce opp ose d t o him eon s ' tfi go of about 20,000'men. No greater proof of the O n o ne and resolution of the Ameers can be given the n i e r, which is adduced in the di s p a t c h o f Si r Charles ° ar id' that upon the approach of the British army, the T o ol, chees gave that evidence of valour which is cons' • s ive, with respect to European armies, the most d ; e t e i : and which corresponded to actual conflicts v' t the bayonet. After discharging their fire-arms ",,„" bees troops of Sir Charles Napier, the Fallant Belou' 100 rushed from the water-course in which they ha up their position, and att ac k e d th e B r iti s h troor s ,,i c let the swords and shi e ld s w ith w hi c h t h ey we re Pr% o ol Nothing can be more , decisive than the test i l lt i o nr borne by Sir Charles N a pi er t o the th ink of those who opposed his army, and I v otiv e , the whole o f th e i r con d uct s h ows that s kill valour was supported by considerable military tho se on thepart of the l ea d ers . —(H ear , h ear .) Sir, in two battles, notwithstandi ng th a t th ere wa s such ; t i t iso mense disproportion of force, the small band of 0 0' soldiers fully maintained the character of their o n ar itY —(Hear, hear.) In the fi rs t b a ttl e , where the disP s 0 0 3 was greatest, the force consisted of British trol, cot partly of Sepoys, and it is most gratifying to th .ri sco oYs there was no disproportion of valour between the se t ° °f and the Europeans ; that, animated by the exten3,,,Ped an their officers, both Sepoys and E u ropeans sn fi t et th e equal degree of co urage an d d e t erm i na ti o n. Du , e O O A same time, justice requi res th a t we s hould not ()l ee 0 6 the great cause of victory. The victories of ge t ' to h e of Hyderabad are e ac h, i n my op i n i on , mainly office*r ascribed to the examp l e set b y th a t gallan t fl ies. who was resp ons ibl e f or the issue of the e °l3 tha t —(Hear, hear.) It is most f or tunate ° not ch at such a crisis, an d un d er circumstances of s s c oin; hazard, the comm an d o f t h e Br i t i s h army " mss raft ed to one of th e t h ree brothers, who have - peag e j upon the ste m o f an ancient and honou rabie, e _i s he that personal nobilit y w hi c h i s der i ve d f ro m unbl tj u' r, fi nd private character, from the highest sense of hon.° ol have from rep ea t e d proo f s of valour in the field , n r , bi n f thc ir made their names consp i cuous i n t h e annals brother country's glory.—(Cheers.) Each of these 10 1)&1 learnt the ar t o f war un d er an ill us t r ious cot!• During the whole of those memorable carorgd, and which one of them has been the faithful, hut' b ro the rs eloquent describer, the exploits of those three hear , ! entitle them to the gratitude of their country:-lon` t hey hear.) In almost every action of the renn l .7 ll t ee . s i e: gave proofs of their military skill and valour.itiodrj tions at Corunna, Civitta Vecchia, and Cuid p '! and during the operations of the Pyrenees, ea % dr_ officer was more prodigal of his blood in the i,,_070 have country, than were each of the officers to b e d referred.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the officer nit which command of our. Indian army bears a name, Lnu es there is none more conspicuous in the bright P contain the records, whether in the military or ti r d il :a c r: annals of this country, of desperate and success a ac tion fare. Sir, when we read the account of a a f ou q,, in which, in the course of five minutes, I t t rn " ost s It wholly unable—except as directed by and valour—to compete with the enemy _, nhieve d, t — be in u th e e°ll tre of five minutes signal victory has been an d by the glories of St. Vincent have been revived, , _ nast y n o _ mere effect of that victory a change in 0 Y h t of sue- 1' taken place. When we read the account Of ~,e n oi r e action, we find that the . commander bore more of Napier.—(Loud cheers.) Nay, eve n , ve leo!, limited and circumscribed operations', ' course (t) similar indications of bravery. When, in t ' o rtane e „ ° t in beree t the last year, it became of the utmost al e show to a misguided multitude, what was - t hen dir ect': 4 strength of the law, and of the civil power w low skill by the consciousness of right and by c " s"l ited sl' iwre! and valour; even in that case, on a more lire const eble d, when one man attacked hundreds with 0N .., op os e e, and captured more of the party to whom he o than the men whom he commanded, I n co ol(' s e ot thinking, that the man who set this courageous o& ew e , in the maintenance of Ca law. We THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 13, 1844.