The Sun. — London, England, 1839-07-13 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. SALES BY AUCTION. LEADENHALL•STREET. FP.EEHOLD HOUSE and SHOP, at the C9RNER of CREE CHURCH-LANE. MR, W. W. SIMPSON has received dircc lions to SELL by AUCTION, at the Mart, on TUES. DAV, July 23, at Twelve, A valuable FREEHOLD HOUSE and SHOP, in a first-rate situation for business, distinguished as No. 86, Leadenhall-street, one of the leading thoroughfares in the City of London, let under a lease granted in 1799, for a term which will expire in 1841, at \ the very low rent of 421. a year. An offer of 70 guineas per annum has been made for the property, but it msy be fairly estimated to produce 80 guineas per annum. The property may be viewed by permission of the tenant, and particulars may shortly be obtained of Messrs. Waugh and Fisher, so . citors, 5, Great Jarnes.street, Bedford-row ; at the Mart; and i of Mr. W. W. Simpson, Bncklcrsbury. WATERFORD. The ESTATE of the late Visccunt MIDDLETON, in the County of WATERFORD, comprising about 9,000 Statute Acres, divided into convenient Farms. MR. W. W. SIMPSON will SELL by AUC TION in th, ^nr oC th - Autumn. ie course of the ensuing Am The above valuable ESTATE, situate within three mites of Clonmel, in the immediate neighbourhood of excellent Markets, and intersected by good Roads. It is bounded in part by the River Suir, and the River Nire runs through the centre of the Property. _ . - Further particulars will be issued by Messrs. Robinson and Bar low, Solicitors, Essex-street, Strand; Messrs. Bray, Warren, and Harding, Solkitors, Great Russell-street; and Mr. W. W. Simi, son, Buctlersbury, London ; and Messrs. Barrington and Sons, So licitors, Dublin. LEE, KENT, SUPERIOR FAMILY RESIDENCE, WITH EXCELLENT OFFICES, PLEASURE GROUNDS, GARDENS, AND ABOUT THIRTY-THREE ACRES OF PRODUCTIVE LAND. M NR. W. W. SIMPSO is directed to OFFER FOR SALE, An exceedingly DESIRABLE PROPERTY, delightfully si tuated near the Church at Lee, about twenty minutes' walk from th Greenwich Railway Station, which brings it within half an hour's communication of the City. It is, therefore, particularly calculated for the Residence of a Banker or Merchant of the first. cLas • It comprises A CAPITAL MANSION, containing a spacious Entranc.: Hall, and lofty Dining and Drawing Rooms, each 26 feet square, furnished with exquisite taste ; Library and Morn. ing Room ; numer..us airy Sleeping Rooms, with excellent Kitchen and Oißees of every description in the Basement—the whole con veniently arranged, and in perfect repair throughout. Detached is a cipa.al Five-stall Stable, Coach-house, and Brewhouae, with Men Servants' Rooms, and Lofts over. Tne Pleasure Grounds, Gardens, and Paddock, surrounding the 11. use, are about Eight Acres in extent, and on the opposite side of the road are about Twenty-four Acres of Arable and Pasture together with a Cottage, Stalled Stable, and Double Coach. house, with Men's Rooms over, Farm Yard and Outbuildings. Part of the Property is Freehold and the remainder Leasehold. Further particulars and Cards to view may be obtained of Mr. W. W. Simps,na, 18, Bucklersbury. The Property can only be vi;wel on Week days, between the hours of eleven and Ave o'clock. KENT, BETWEEN FARNINGHAM AND SEVEN OAKS A COMPACT FARM, CONTAINING FIFTY ACRES. AI R. W. W. SIMPSON is directed to SELL by AUCTION, at the Mart, on TUESDAY, July '23, at Twelve, LITTLE PORTER'S FARM, a very desirable Freehold ar . d Copyhold Estate, exonerated from land tax ; delightfully situated aZ Shoreham Hill, aisout thre.: miles from Farningham, and four from Seven Oaks, its a beautiful part of the County of Kent; it consists of a farm house, and labourer's cottage, with out house, and other requisite buildings; together with 50 acres of arable and meadow land, inc:uding a few acres of productive hop garden ; let on 'e .se to Mr. Wiliam Wigzell, a respectable tenant, for a term of 14 years, from Michaelmas, 1835, determinable at the end of the first seve3 years, at the optio.s of el!her party, at a clear rent of 35/. per annum; the tenant covenanting to lay out nearly 1001. in repairs and improvements in the first twelve months. The copy h old part (30 acres) is hel,l of the Manor of Otford, subject to a fine certain cf Os. Bd. per acre on death or alienation, and to an an nual qui,. rent of 6s. 83. Tne estate may be viewed by permission of the tenant, and par. ticulara may s7sortly be had at the inn, Farningham ; Crown, Seven Oaks; of .31e.ss:s. Waugh and Fisher, solicitors, 5, Great James-su eet, Bedford.row ; at the Mart; and of Mr. NV. W. Simpson, Bucklersbury. SOUTH WEALD, near BRENTWOOD, The most delightful part of the County of ESSEX, SPACIOUS FREEHOLD RESIDENCE, with Extensive Offices, a capital Sporting Box, Cottages, Farm Buildings, and nearly 300 acres of excellent Land. MR. W. W. SINIPSON has received direc timis from the Proprietor, to SELL by AUCTION, at the Auction Mart, in London, on THURSDAY, July 18, at Twelve, in One An exceedingly valuable and desirable FREEHOLD ES. TATE, situated in the picturesque and beautiful parish of S•mthwea'cl, at a short distance from the high road to Chelms ford, two mites from Brentwood, five from Rumford, and only seven teen from the M.,tropolis, with the advantage of being not far dis tant from the Line of the Eastern Counties Railway, which is now opened as far as Rornford. It consists of a commo.lious Family Residence, with very exten sive offices, a cottage residence or shooting box, with excellent stablng and premises, a Farm House, several cottages, and numerous agricultural buildings, together with Two HUNDRED and NINETY-NINE ACRES of productive land, one-third of which is meadow and pasture, and the remainder arable, except 16 acres of thriving eoppice and plantations, the whole lying within a ring fence, and well caloul steel for dividing into several distinct occupations, the farm buil lings being ample and judiciously dispersed over the pro perty ; the Estate is therefore equally eligible as an investment to the country gentleman or London capitalist, admitting as it does of residence, and farming the :vhoie or any portion of the land by the proprietor. The surface of the E,tate is pleasingly undulated and ornamented with fine timber ; the soil is of a most ocitivertible description, and a eon,iderable part app:icible to the growth of Hops, which are successfully cultivated in the alloining parish ; the Land is also well suLpted for the turnip culture, and for bullock and sheep feeding, and for dairy purposes generally. The Estate is peculiarly adapted for the rearing and preservation of o,:me, and is surrounded by several gentlemen's seats. The roads in all directions are excellent, and the country is regularly hunted by fox hounds. The land-tax is partly redeemed, the parochial rates are low, and the tidies are commuted. T Estate may be viewed, and partieulars, with plans annexed, may now be obtained of Charles Hanson, Esq., Solicitor, No. IS, Southampton street, Bloomsbury; at the White Hart Inns, Rovnford and Brentwood; Black Boy, Chelmsford; at the Auction Mart; and of Mr. W. W. Simpson, Buckiersbury, of whom cards to view may be had. SOMERSETSHIRK The splendi,l SEAT of COMB HAY, within Four Miles of Bath, compiising a first-rate MANSION, surrounded by Pleasure Grounds, and sheltered by Plantations and Shrubberies of luxu riant growth, together with a magnificently timbered PARK and DOMAIN, including the entire Parish; and also a FARM in the adjoining Parish of WELLOW, the whole containing about 1,300 Acres, within a Ring Fence, together with the MANOR and ADVOWSON of COMB HAY. R. V. SIMPSON has received instructions from the Proprietor to SELL by AUCTION, at the Auction Mart, on TUESDAY, August 6, at Twelve o'Clock, One of the most unique and beautiful FREEHOLD ESTATES which has ever been submitted to pubiid competition. COMB HAY has ever b?en celebrated fur the surpassing richness and picturesque b_-..t.ty of its scenery, and hence has always been recognised as one cf sncw places of the county. It is within four miles of the fo:hionahle city of Bath, nine miles from Frame, and twelve from Bristol (three of the I,,st markets in - the kingdom), and the Great Vietcrn Railway, unrivalled in its exception and the superior speed attad - ied on it, is now in rapid course of completion, and bring this voidable property within fair hours' communication of the Metropoliq. The E,tate comprtses an excellent and substantial Family Man sion, in which the most perfect comfort and convenience arc united with no small degree of architectural beauty. It is built of the celehrited Bath stone, in the Grecian style, after a chaste and elegant design, and is in perfect harmony with the beautiful scenery whi,h surrounds it, of . .vhich it forms a most distinguishe.l ornament, In the interior nothing is sactificcd to show, yet rt•te.rooma are ir.clotis and beautifully proportioned, and, having a south-wstern aspect, comhine cheerfulness with the most perfect retrrcment and seclusion. It may be remarked also that na ture has been so laysit In her favours that the artificial embellish ments with which it is sunounled are kept up at a moderate ex_ pons., an.l .vllll t from the ample accommodation iranett., it is suited to a noble nen or gentleman of large fortune, it is not un_ suited to one in on :derately affluent ch cumstauces. The horsy stands i>> the centre of the property, ol a sloping lawn, at the lint of which runs the C,:mb Hay river, a t; out stream. The plearure grounds and walks are laid cut with exquisite taste and judgment, the park, and indeed the entire surface, is studded with majestic timber, and the elevated portions are crowned with wreat ! - ,s of :roods and plantations, which shield the residence from the influence of cold seasons, and consti:ute preserves peculiarly adapted to the rearing acid preservation of game in all its varieties. Fax.hounds are kennelled in the immediate vicinity. The aaanaion, park, wuoda,and plantations are in hand ; the re- in finder of the d:lrnain is divided into three cczupations (to which excellent farm houses and homesteads are attached), let to yearly ' tenants at exceedingly low rents. The estate compris:s the entire parish aril village of Comb Hay, and includes the manor and advowson of the reCory. The Advowson, which is of the va!ue of about 4001. per annum, consists of a superior parsonage house, commanding beautiful views, and surrounded by shrubberies, pleasure grounds, and gar dens laid out with unusual taste. There is also an ornamental fish.pond, fountain, and cascade, together with stabling and offices, w ,d 4 0 ages of fine glebe land. The incumbent's age is fi2. C , :al is obtained in the neighbourhood at 10s. per ton, and in the opinion of eminent mineral surveyors there are decisive indications of the coal fields of this district extending under this particular estate. There is a valuable Bath-stone quarry on the estate, and fullei's earth is also obtained in great abundance, from which an annual income is derived. The coal canal affords a cheap transit for these articles, as well as for agricultural produce and manure. The estate is exonerated from land-tax, the tithes are commuted, and the parochial rates are very low. The estate may be viewed by tickets, to be obtained of lifessrs. English and Fasana, Auctioneers, &c., Milsom-street, Bath ; of Messrs. Robinson and Barlow, solicitors, 0 6, Essex.atreet, Strand, London ; at the Mart ; and of Mr. W. W. Simpson, 18, Bucklersbury Particulars, plans, and drawings may be obtained as above, price 2s. 6d. each. SEA SICK NESS effectually PREVENTED by a. newly-discovered ANTIDOTE. PATRONIZED BY THE YACIIT CLUBS. And sold by Chappell, 84, L ombard -stre e t ; Simon and Co., 63, Thench, readneedle-street ; an Mrs. Wr Pantheon BSinnignergton,, 150, O x f or d -street ; Bateman, 8, Castle-street, Leicester-square; 35, Ha ymarket; and the Proprie tor, Mr. WEBB, 16, Felix-terra ,e, Islington, to whom Country Orders are to be adressed. GOOD LOCKS CRI A ME PREVENE . TO The Police fleports almost daily show to those who have property of importance the necessity of procuring a good L oc k . Crime to a very serious extent may be traced to the negligence or indifference shown as to the quality of Locks—bad Locks giving no security whatever, but:imabling - the dishonest and the curious to open and relock whin suspicion, by means of other ordinary keys, or pick them with the common pick keys; thus private stock in trade, ; jewels, plate, documents, and papers of the most serious nature, are exposed to the prying curiosity of those left in trust in the absence of principals. To avoid these ruinous losses and exposures procure the SEVEN GUARDED LOCK, warranted and made by S. MOROAN an d CO., London, that defies the most ingenious burglar, or the most determined meddler, whose love of curiosity overrules every other f ea t ure. The Lock may be had by personal appli cation, or by letter, at the following . prices :—Till, Cupboard, or Drawer Lock, 7s. ; Portfolio, 5s ; Travelling Trunk, is. 6d. ; Book Edge and priva to Led • Plate Chest, Cash gers, ,3. . • , BC W' °I. Desk L ock , hs. 6d. • Box or Guard for Iron Doors or Chests, Street-door, Dead ' Locks and Stock Locks for Gra naries, 14s. 6d. ; all with two keys. t This description of Lock is patronised at Newgate and Whitecross-street Prison, and in I ;most of the principal Establishments in London. S. MORDAN and CO., 22, CITY-ROAD,FINSBTJRY. 1 31IDDLESEXTioRNECFLOURBM REGISTRA- The Offices of this Club are at No. 11, Beaufort-buildings, Strand, where every information will be gratuitously given and received, forms of claim for the county will be supplied to any person whose name is not on the rezister. Attendance daily from 10 to 4 o'Clock. July 10, 1839. W. H. JAMES, Secretary. N.B. Remember the 20th of July is the last day a claim can be sent to the Overseer to appear in the ensuing year's register. COMFORT, CLEANLINESS, AND ECONOM Y. FLEISCHNIANN'S HOTEL, THE GEORGE, HIGH-STREET, CHELTENHAM. Families and Gentlemen visiting ?he fashionable town of CHELTEN HAM are respectfully solicited to give FL EI SC H- M ANN'S HOTEL a trial, where will found elegant ac commodation, combihed with Comfort, Cleanliness, and mode rate Charges. N.B.—An extensive stud of Post Ho, ses, and Fashionable Carriages of every description for hire. BULL AND MOUTH INN. THE ROYAL SAXON, to HASTINGS and ST. LEONARD'S. Mr. SHERMAN, of the Bull and Mouth. London ; 11. P. HUTCHINGS, of the South Saxon Hotel, St. Leonard's ; and of the Marine Hotel, Hastings ; and J. EASTLAND, of Hastings, respectfully announce that they have completed ar rangements for the performance of the above Conveyance in the very first style of Coaching, and trust, by strict attention as to Time, Security, and Comfort to the Traveller, to merit and obtain Public patronage. The ROYAL SAXON SETS OFF EVERY MORNING, at Half past Nine, from the Bull and Mouth Jim, St. Martin's-le-Grand ; Bull and Mouth Eastern Office, 74, Gracechurch-street ; Bull and Mouth Western Office 40, Regent Circus, Piccadilly ; Bull and Alouth New Office, Comer of Portman-street ; and Moore's Green Man and Still, Oxford-street ; and proceeds from the Bricklayers' Arms, at Ten o'Clock, through Bromley, Seven Oaks, Tunbridge, Robert's Bridge, Watlington, and Battle, to The outh Saxon Hotel, St, Leonard's, and The Marine Hotel, Hastings. From which Hotel it also sets off for London every Morning, at Ten o'Clock. COAIMON ROAD STEAM CONVEY ANCE COMPANY. TREASURER—Jame 3 Gordon Murdoch, Esq, The call on such of the Shares as have been allotted being now in course of payment, the Committee, in order to facilitate their arrangements, and to provide, as extensively as possible, for public accommodation on the first starting of the Carriages, hereby give notice that they will be happy to receive Com munications from such Coachmasters and others as may be desirous of Contracting for Carriages, addressed (post-paid) to the Committee, at the Chambers of Mr. Hodgson, Solicitor, 21, Lincoln's Inn-fields. IMMEDIATE BENEFITS OFFERED TO THE PUBLIC. IFE ANNUITIES, Ii CALCULATED on EQUITABLE PRINCIPLES ! 1 ! INDEPENDENT WEST MIDDLESEX ASSURANCE COMPANY, Opposite the Bazaar, Baker-street, Portman-square, London. St. David's-strect, Edinburgh ; Ingram-street, Glasgow; And - Sackville-street, Dublin. Established and empowered under the several Acts of Parlia• ment of 14th Geo. 111. c. 43; 22d Geo. 111. ; 53d Gee. 111. c. 141; 3d Geo. IV. c. 92 ; and lst Vie. c. 10. LIFE ANNUITY RATES. For every 100/. deposited, this Association will grant the An• nutty placed opposite the Age of the Party depositing. From 501. and upwards, in proportion. Age3ot. to 40to 45 to 50 to 55 ti :o CO to Ob to 70 to 75 to 80 ra 101£9 1F.,9 101£10 101£12 18 I£ls 101£20 0 £2.5 Per Per Per Per Per Per Per Per Per Cent. Cent. Cent. Cent. Cent Cent. Cent. Cent. Cent. LIFE INSURANCE RATES, Reduced 30 per Cent. per Annum. LIFE ASSURANCE RATES. Age 20 te 25 te 30 to 35 35 38 to 43 to 50 Premium. I X a ' dI s ' d..£ s. d£ sd. s. s. d.l£ s. LIIOIISO 2 00 12 6 012 10 01215 01 1 5 0 This Company make no charges for intermediate ages under 50 -ears. FIRE INSURANCE RATES. Common Insurance. s. d. Private Houses and Shops (not hazardous)... 1 0 per Cent Hazardous Double Hazardous Farming Stock The Bank of England ; BANKERS {Bank of Ireland; and Western Bank of Scotland. SECRETARY—Mr. William Hole. lINVALID INSTITUTION DENHAM.PARK, near UXBRIDGE, Buckingham. shire. N.B. Entrance Lodge at the end of the avenue at the 17th mile stone from London, on the high road to Oxford. PATRON. His Royal Highness the Duke of SUSSEX. VICE-PATRONS. His Grace the Duke of Rich-,The Right Hon. the Vice. mond Chancellor The Most Noble the Marquis ofiSir Eardley Wilmot, Bart. Westminster I 111. P. I, The Right Hon. the Earl 0 Chichester The Right Hon. Lord Wharn cliffe Sir Harry Verney. Bart., M. P Sir Charles Forbes, Bart. Mr. Baron Gurney J. P. Plumptre, Esq., M.P. The Right Hen. Lord Seaford J. J. Briscoe, Esq.; M.P. This is an establishment for persons and -mental invalids of both sexes, conducted on highly improved moral and social principles, and managed by a Committee of Gentlemen on a scale of very superior comfort and elegance. The medical department is entirely confided to an able and experienced physician, constantly resident in the house (C. A. Hunt, Esq., M.D. ), whilst a number of well-educated and ta lented persons, male and female, are conducting the moral and social treatment of the patients, which is here carried out to an extent never before attempted; and with a success, even be yond what was ever anticipated. Those who have visited Denham Park have admitted that no correct :clea can be formed of this establishment, except by personal inspection, all detailed description is therefore avoided in this advertisement, and those who have friends or relatives requiring kind protection and constant medical care are earnestly invited to visit Denham Park. Prospectuses and further particulars may be had on applying by letter or personally to Messrs. Boone, Booksellers, 29, New Bond-street, London, or to James Taylor, Esq., Secretary to the Institution, addressed, Denham-park, near Uxbridge, Bucks. JOYCES'S PATENT HEATING APPARATUS, HELD EX. CLUSIVELY FOR ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND; WITH AN IMPROVED AND VERY VALUABLE PATENT MACHINE FOR GREEN HOUSES, COMBINING HOT WATER, AIR. AND STEAM; TOGETHER WITH THE PATENT FUEL ADAPTED FOR ALL PURPOSES. GEORGE ROBINS begs to notify to the Capitalists and Speculators, that he is favoured by instructions from Mr. William Harper, the Sole Proprietor, to submit to PUBLIC COMPETITION, at his Great Rooms, in Covent-garden, on WEDNESDAY, the 14th of August, without the slightest protection as to price, the above extremely valuable and fast improving Patent ; the respectable Proprietor feeling compelled to part with his interest in it, in consequence of his other milltitu dinotteLff-tirs engrossing his whole time and attention. In announcing to UNRESERVED SALE, JOYCE'S CELEBR ATED PATENT-HEATING APPARATUS, Mr. Robins feels that i❑ order to do justice to his employer he must travel a little out of the usual course, because he is placed in a situation of more than ordinary difficulty. He is fully aware that he has to overcome a ridiculous public prejudice; but he feels so strengthened by the real intrinsic worth, as well as the actual and positive success of the Patent, that he approaches his task with con. fidence. Facts are mare stubborn things even than prejudices, and it requires a few only to be mentioned to compel the moat violent enemy of this, TkIE MOST PROFITABLE AND SUCCESSFUL PATENT IN LONDON, to hold his peace and confess his error. Notwithstanding the outcry raised far and wide—notwithstanding the virulent and partisan attempts to crush and annihilate—nay, notwithitanding the most unfair attacks, this unsurpassed invention has risen triumphant above alt, defeating its enemies by is own superior worth, and IN ONE YEAR, FROM MARCH 1838, TO FEBRUARY, 1839, effected A BONA FIDE AND CLEAR PROFIT OF UPWARDE. OF 5,001. This is no suppositious statement ; it is an incontrovertible fact. It therefore requires no comment. The rrogress since that period has beeu highly gratifying, and the time has now arrived when Mr. Harper begins to feel the cheering effect of his unflinching vig, , ur and determined attitude of deflanca ; meeting and destroying successfully all attacks, by the very substantial and profitable proof by means of SHIPMENTS TO MANY PARTS OF THE WORED. Attached to the above Patent ; but altogether independent of the statement of profit before mentioned, is an improved and singularly perfect APPARATUS FOR HEATING GREEN-HOUSES, &c., from wh ch alone an immense annual income, either by manufac ture or by granting licenses, may be effected. This improvement is ( ult.() ticw, and scarcely known to the public, and THE PATENT' FOR DCYri-I IS ENJOYED EXCLUSIVELY FOR ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND UNDER SEPARATE PATENTS. In conclusion, Mr. Robins begs to observe that every information will be afforded by Mr. Harper on the Premises, and himself. No. 58, KING WILLIAM-STREET, LONDON BRIDGE, where everything connected with the Patent may be investigated; and a Green house Apparatus in full work may be Inspected at his Rooms, in Covent garden, daily, together with Specimens of each particular kind of Stove at present manufactured; also a source of an .independent and large Income may be derived from THE PATENT FUEL ALONE. Particulars will be rea, y twenty-one days prior to the Sale, and may be had at 59, King William-street; the Jerusalem Coffee. house, Cernhill; the Mart; and at Mr. George Robins's Offices, Covent-garden ; where also an elaborate and lucid statement of accounts for fifteen months may be Inspected. CARE OF CHILDREN. —There can be nothin g w conducive to health in children as frequent and system:- tic exercise in the open air; nor is its influence, we be lieve, less salutary in mental than in bodily im,perhoilvdermenenitn. The difficulty of effecting to the full extent s o d es i ra bl e, and may we not say dutiful a practice , with . arms," without the aid of a vehicle, is a theme common to every domestic circle. Sy i a ll n be seenadvertis t e h m at en th t another column of to-day's paper, it w lies, almost indispensable article of childrraN carriages, is manufactured in great varirty by Ingram and Son, of the City. road. Their establishment, we believe, is one of the largest in London of the kind, and consequently one which offers every advantage to the most fanciful or fasti dious taste. PENNY POSTAGE.—A petition in favour of an uiaorm penny post will be sent this evening from Swansea. It was agreed upon at a public meeting, convened for the purpose by th e M ayor, and every resolution was unanimously passed. I never witnessed, says our c o rrespondent, a more zealous and a n i mate d desire to subscribe any petition on any subject, and, although the meeting only broke up at on. o'clock, before six th ere were 200 signatures ; these signatures consisted of bankers, merchants, and tradesmen, every individual of whom, I believe, have establishments of their own, and to collect, in so short a time, so many names, in so small a place as this is, exhibits very strongly the feeling on the subject which exists in favour of this measure.—Evening paper, Montgomeryshire Assizes commence to-day. Thzre are no less than 33 prisoners. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, _JULY 13, 1839. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 12. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack shortly after Five o'Clock. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition against the London and Biackwail Railway. A Message from the Commons brought up certain Bills. The Earl of RADNOR presented several petitions in favour of a penny postage. Lori REDESDALE presented a petition from New port in the Isle of Wight, in favour of Church extension in the colonies. The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE presented a petition from the Synod of Ulster, praying that Presbyterian soldiers might have the power of attending Presbyterian places of worship, and for the appointment of Presby terian chaplains to regiments. Also a petition from Donaghadee against any grant to Maynooth. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from Shiplake, in Sussex, in favour of a penny postage. Lord BROUG HAM wished to ask his Noble Friend, as be could not be here on Tuesday, if he would put_off the Trials of Election Bill to Friday. Lord LYNDHURST consz..nted to put it off to Friday. BEER ACT. Lord BROUGHAM now rose to propose the resolution of which he had given notice, and as the subk ct had been so frequently re c - ,mitly debated he should not detain their Lordships by making any observations, but would at once propose his resolution—" That it is the opinion of this House that with a view to the improvement of the happiness of the people, it is expedient, as speedily as possible, to provide that houses licensed for the sale of beer, should be placed on the same footing, in all respeels, as the houses of licensed victuallers." Toe Marquis of WESTMINSTER raid that the Bill proposed by the Noble and Learned Lord was so ohjectior able and extraordinary, that it had been found necessary to refer it to a Select Committee, and after every thing that had been done with it, so dissatisfied was his Noble and Learned Friend with it, that he abandoned it, and proposed a resolution instead of it. If the beer-seller was pieced in the same situation as the Licensed Victualler, he should rejoice at it, but their situation was not so good—they would have all the res t r ictions, and be deprived of the only advantage they now possessed, for not being placed in the same situation as Licensed Victuallers.. The resolution, although specious was any thing but fair, and on the ground of its extreme irregularity, he should oppose it. Lord BROUGHAM said, there was nothing irregular in the course he had pursued—there were many precedents for it—a similar course had been adopted on the question of slavery. The other House bad decided against the principle of his Bill. It was thought to be a convenient course to engraft the proposition of his Noble Friend in his Bill, and therefore a delay had taken place, and not for the purpose of defeating the Bill. He contended that the resolution was a most fair one—he wished to confine the power of giving licences to Magistrates, which was the very thing the supporters of these nuisances wished to avoid, and it could not be supposed that they would refuse a license to a well conducted beer-shop keeper. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER explained. Viscount MELBOURNE said that whatever might be the intention of the Noble and Learned Lo; d, he thought this resolution would be useless, because they knew that the other House of Parliament would not concur in it, and therefore it was idle. He wished to see the beer-houses placed under some regulation as to hours, but he would not consent to a recurrence to the old licencing system. He should oppose the resolution. Lord BROUGHAM'S object was to inform the other House of the opinion of their Lordships on this subject, and he thought this a better mode than sending down a Bill. The Marquis of SALISBURY defended the system of licencing by the Magistrates a 3 furnishing the only check to improper conduct. Lord PORTMAN—Although oppmed to the continu. ance of beer houses, could not support this resolution, be cause it tended to pledge the House to a particular course, which would prevent their Lordships from properly con sidering a Bill now before the other House, and which would be before their Lordships in a few days. He also thought it materially prevented the possibility of making any improve ment in the present system, because it was hopeless to carry a law, giving the power of licensing to the Magis trates, and if the House tied itself up by this res , lution, it would be precluded from the adoption of any measures for the improvement of the present system. The Earl of DE LA WARR said, that the effixt of placing beer - houses on the same footing as public houses, would be to place them in a worse situation than at present, and there could be no control over these houses. Lord BROUGHAM said, that what he desired, was to place the beer houses completely under the control of the Magistrates, so that without giving any reason or without a conviction they might take away the licenses. He did not consider the resolution pledged the House to any par ticular course, but would have no objection to any verbal alteration, that would more effectually carry out that oZ)ject. The Duke of RICHMOND thought it would be batter to wait and see if they could not come to some compro mise with the House of Commons on the subject—for in stance, exempting London from the operation of the Bill —because in the metropolis the police prevented the beer houses becoming the nuisances they were in remote parts of the country. The licensed victuallers did not fear the competition of the beer houses, if they were kept within the existing - taw. --ale - knew inatanco of- o Baer shop kept by a convict ; how was it possible to keep such a min in order. He thought they had better wait until the Bill came up from the Commons, and endeavour to make amendments in it. The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the resolu tion, End their Lordships divided. Contents Non- Contents Majority The Marquis Of fANSDO WNE moved the second reading of the Bills of Exchange Bill, and suggested that the discussion should take place on going into Committee on Monday. The Bill was similar to one formerly before the House. Lord ASHBURTON considered it was very different from the one formerly before this House, and he should oppose it on the discussion. After a few words from Lord Brougham, Lord Ellen borough, and the Duke of Wellington, the Bill was read a second time. BEER BILL. The Duke of WELLINGTON suggested that the proper way of proceeding would be to embody the resolu tion their Lordships had just come to in a Bill. Lord BROUGHAM agreed with the Noble Duke, and would on Thursday next incve the third reading of the Bill now on their Lordships' table, when their Lordships would have an opportunity of proposing any amendments in ii they might think proper. The NOBLE and LEARNED. LORD presented a petition from Waterford, complaining of the state of the prisons ; also one from Birmingham, in favour of Mr. Rowland Hill's plan of penny postage ; also from some place in Ayrshire, from Malvern, from Bangor, from Ramsey, to the same effect. He wished to know whether the plan was only to be brought forward in the event of the revenue permitting it, or whether the plan was to be brought forward at all events. Viscount MELBOURNE—The plan is to be brought forward at all events, care being taken to make good any deficiency which may be the consequence. Lord BROUGHAM—That is quite satisfactory. Lord ELLENBOROUGH wished to know how a deficiency of 1,000,0001. could be made good without the imposition of a tax which would press heavily on the labouring classes? Viscount MELBOURNE said that was matter for con sideration. A (ter a few words from Lord ASHBURTON, . Lord BROUGHAM said he for icwe always thought there would be a defalcation, but not to the amount imagined by the Noble Lord opposite. If the people wished for this boon of course they must pay the price for it, The Ea+l of WICKLOW thought it would be a farce to come to a resolution, pledging Parliament to make good any deficiency, unless it were expressly stated what tax it was intended to impose to in Ake good such deficiency. Their Lordships then adjourned at Half-past Six to Monday next. HOUSE OF COMMONS, ALT 12. The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutes before Four o' C lock. Mr. GISBORNE took the oaths and his scat for the Borough of Carlow, in place of Mr. Bruen, who was un seated by a Committe. The Hon. Member was intro duced by Mr. Wilbraham and Mr. Vigors. Mr. Sheriff Johnson appeared at the bar, and pre sented a petition from the Lord Ma)or, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London, against the County Courts Bill. Also, one from the same parties in favour of Mr. R. Hill's plan of penny postage. Papers were presented from the Trinity House and the India House. The further proceedings on the City of London Police Bill were fixed for to-mcrrow. Mr. Bootie Wilbraham, Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Laseelles, and Mr. W. Evans brought in several Small Debts' Bills, which were read a first time;_ and the former Ho n . Mem bor gave notice that on Monday he should move that the Standing Orders on these Bills be suspended. On the motion of Mr. HAYTER, St. George's Natu ralizntion Bill was read a third time, and passed. RATHKEALE (LIMERICK) INCLOSURE BILL. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN moved the third reading of this Bill. Mr. MORE O'FERRALL moved that it be read a third time this day three months. After a few words from Mr. O'CONNELL and Sir J. GRAHAM, the third reading was postponed until Mon. day next. On the motion of Mr. GREENE, Marshall's Estate Bill was read a third time, and paved. The Lords' amendments to the Filtration Company Bill were agreed to. _ _ COLLECTION OF RATES BILL. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in • answer to a • question from Colonel Wood, said, that it was his intention to ask tbo House to agree to the second reading of the Collection of Rates Bill, for the purpose of its going into Committee, in order that several alterations that were required might be made in that Bill. He should propose to take the second reading ou Thursday next. Colonel WOOD had no objection to the adoption of that course, upon the understanding that the Bill should bps committed pro forma, printed, and a day fixed for the discussion of the Bill. POOR-LAW COMMISSIONERS CONTINU ANCE BILL. Colonel WOOD said that there was another Bill stood for a second reading this evening, which he wished to call the attention of the Noble Lord to. Ile alluded to the Poor-law Commissioners Con tinuance Bill. The object of that Bill was to con tinue the duties of the Poor -law Commissioners for another year. He presumed, on assenting to the second reading of that Bill that Hon. Members would not be con• sidered as pledging themselves to the principle of these Bills being renewed year after year. Lord J. RUSSELL—Certainly not. Mr. GRIM SDITCH wished to know wheilicr it was the intention of the Noble Lord to read the Bill a second time that evening ? Lord J. RUSSELL said he hoped to do so. Mr. GRIM SD ITC H said when the second reading wa; proposed he should oppose it. PENNY POSTAGE. Lord S ANDO N presented several petitions in favour of a penny postage-- one flora the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce; another from the East India Association• ~. .._......____ , Sir T. TROWBRIDGE presented a similar petition • from Deal. Me. CRAWFORD presented several similar petitions. Mr. PAT TISON presented several—one from the London Mechanics' Institution. _ Mr. WALLACE presented a petition with the same prayer, signed by 3,000 inhabitants of Westmins . er. Also a vat iety from d , fierent parts of Scotland. Mr. Divett presented a petition from Exeter, and Capt. Gordon from Old Aberdeen. Petitions to the same effect were presented by Col. Rusbrooke, Mr. Slaney, Lord Dungannon, Mr. Banner man, Mr. Ellice, Mr. Hawes, Mr. Hume, and Mr. Glad- stone. Alderman WOOD presented the petition from the great Mansion House Meeting, to the same effcet, signed by near 6,000 persons in twelve hours. Mr. GROTE presented 2 petition from the Stationers' Company against the monopoly of paper apprehended by the proposed change. _ BEER BILL. Mr. PA CKINGTON begged to ask the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) whether it was the intention of tl!e Government to proceed with the Beer Bill, and if so, when it was likely to come on ? Lord J. RUSSELL, in the absence of his Right Hun Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, could not state what day it was likely to be proceeded with. PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND). Mr. ELLIS had moved fur certain returns connected with public works in Ireland, so far back as the month of March last, and he wished to ask the Noble Lord the wSe cretary for Ireland when they were likely t o b e l a id on t h e table ? They were the more important in consequence of the Bill for the navigation of the Shannon, which was now in progress through that House. Lord MORPETH said that same of the returns moved for by the Hon. Member had been already received, although the whole had not yet been completed. From the in quiries he had made it had excited some surprise that so much had been done instead of so little. It app..nred that great research and labour were required in making out the returns which extended over a period of 39 .cars. The Vice-Treasurer of Ireland sta•ed 11 a letter to him that the labour was so considerable that it required, an ad ditional number of clerks' for that purpose. NEWFOUNDLAND. Mr. GLADSTONE begged to ask the Hon. SeCrel,ao fos the Colonies whether the Government bad sent out any instructions to the Governor of NeWfotinaland,to institute an inquiry into the case WhiCh had Iner,aiated ia a rnenio rial presented to that House, and complaining of certain grievances ? Mr. LABOUCHERE said instructions had been sent out to the Governor to make a general Report upon the state of the constitution of that colony. Mr. O'CONNELL hoped the Governinent would send out some proper and disinterested person to make the in quiry, because he was satisfied that the parties alluded to in the memorial had been exceedingly calumniated.— (Cries of " Order," and " Chair.") The SPEAKER said the Hon. and Learned Member had no right to address the House unless he had a question to ask. ,OCl , i^tc X Mr. O'CONNELL bad a ques'ion to ask. He wished to know whether the Government intended to send out a disinterested person or persons to inquire into the - facts allrged in the memorial. Mr. LABOUCHERE could not answer the question until this Government had received the general report of the Governor of Newfoundland relative to the condition of the colony. At the same time he did not mean to express any opinion as to the conduct of the parties complained of. Mr. FIUME bagged to ask whether, if the report of the Governor was favourable, the Government at home wotild send nut any person? Mr. LABOUCII ERE said it was impossible to state what strp3 would be taken until the report was received, THE NATIONAL PETITION. ATTWOOD then rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice on the sub ject of the National Petition. He thanked the Noble Lard, the Secretary of State, for his kindness in proposing to the House to suspend the other Orders of the Day, in order to enable him to take precedence to bring the question of which he had given notice, under their consideration. He thanked the House for its kindness in accedieg to the proposition of the Noble Lord, and he thanked it still more, that on the 14th of June it had' done him the honour to listen to his humble address with patience —( Hear, hear.) He was satisfied that that confidence and kicduess on the pelt of the House would not be lost upon the people of England, or upon the hundreds of thousands of persons who had signed the petition, and of whose upright and honest labours, and of whose interests and wishes, he was n;w the zealous, the humble, and, he feared, the too feeble advocate. The petition which he had the honour to present on the 14. h June he then read to a certain extent ; but lie thought it his duty to state a portion at least of what he had then stated. That great petition, unparalleled in the Parliamentary 1-lis -tory- of—England, was occasioned by the long suffering. the wrongs and miseries of the working classes—not only of the working classes and the workmen, but of the in. dustrious classes generally, the merchants, the ma nufacturers, the tradesmen, the farmers, and the labourers. He did not shrink from the avowal that his'petition, front its very commencement, had his most humble but cordial support. Ills opinions were deep-rooted, and unalterable, that for the last twenty years the industrious classes had not had common justice, or common humanity shown to them. Those in Birmingham bad presented many petitions year after year to the House,but they have been disregarded, and by some strange fatality the House had refused to listen to their prayers. They had refused to listen to them in 1816, 1819, and 1825, as well as upon many other occa sions when the industrious classes had complained of bitter grievances. Tl.e Members of that House themselves heing is the midst of comfort, and far removed from the tents of the stern necessities that afflicted the industrious classes, they could have no idea of their suffsrings, and attributed their excitement to some fac tious delusion, and to agitation ; and though they told the House again and again that theirs was real misery. The Ilouse thought proper to turn a deaf car to the entail ings and the cries of the masses of the community. - Much as he regretted that—and no ratan regretted it more—he had often said, that if the House had then opened its ears and softened its heart to the applications of the people, in stead of their having been for the last 20 years the most discontented, and most miserable people on earth they would have been the most happy and most comfortable of any nation in Europe ; and this happiness might have been afforded to them without any injustice to any individual. But un happily, in consequence of that House having been com posed of Gentlemen and Noblemen of the highest rank, and possessing the greatest wealth, and by their station so far removed from the lower classes of the people as to be unacquainted with their wants ; they had legislated in the dark, and thereby lcfc them in a state of ineressine suffering. This having been their situation, the House could not be surprised that their sufferings had generated discontent. Could the House imagine that the people of England, whose forefathers had been the glory of surround. ing nations and the envy of the world, and justly so, be cause people better fed or better clothed could not have been found on the- face of the earth, that the people who had thus been borne down by sufferings should have be come discontented?—could it be surprised at his having pre sented a petition signed by 1,285,000 of the people com plaining of their severe sufferings ? He should be sorry if, in bringing forward the claims of those people, he should be tempted to use language other than that which became a gentleman and a patriot, because he was speak ing. before other gentlemen who no doubt had their feelings, and in their actions meant as justly as himself. Bat whatever might have been the intentions of the House—and he did not mca not say they had been bad— the effect of what had been done had not been beneficial. Well, in 1829, when t , is agitation had commenced, his townsmen had applied to him. He was a man by co meats given to change, or who desired ex treme measures ; therefore, he said to them on that occasion—let them try the tree of the ancient Constitution, and see whether that would not bring forth the wholesome and necessary fruit. They did wait, and they did try what could he done in the late House of Parliament in 1829. Unhappily for that House—unhappily for the people—and more unhappily still for the safety of this country. that. House had disregarded the prayer of, the people. They had demanded that the means of the industrious classes should be lifted up so as to be adequate to their burthens, or that their burthens should be, reduced to their means. The House told them they were idle, and desired them to get back to their burthens. They were told that some of them kept four-wheeled car riages, and were better off than they ought to be. Then it was that they formed a Political Union, from which the petition which be had presented on the 14th of June had originated.—( Hear, hear, hear.) But although the preitiOns of the people had for a long time beer, so utt ely unattended to, he could not deny that there was virtue in the House of Commons, because the people had certainly succeeded in carrying the Reform Bill through it: But wh a t h a d b een the fruit of the Reform Bill ? The first fruit it bore was the Irish Coercion Bill, and the next was one more odious than any measure which had been passed since the Norman conquest—he alluded to the New Poor Law Bill. He would not say a word with respect to the Muni c ip a l R eform—it had greatly disappointed him. The people were dissatisfied, and ho knew no remedy but further reform—( Hear, hear)—his rooted conviction was that there was no safety for the people, nor security for either the Lords or the Crown, unless there was some progressive Reform. The town of Birmingham began the agitation in 1829,. but in 1832 they cased agitation. After the passing of the Reform Bill, that large town sunk to rest like an infant on the breast—( Laugh er)—they waited until three sessions of the Reformed Parliament had passed without there being the slightest hope of any amelioration in the condi. tion of the people. They waited until 1837, in which year many friends availed upon him to take the lead in procuring reform. He at all times was unwilling to be dragged into a prominent situation ; but feeling that the demands of the p eop l e wer e just, he promised to go along with them.—( Hear, hear) In that year all parties—Whigs, Tories, and Radicals—came to him and said, that as Lord Melbourne's Administration had come in, it was better to wait and see what he would do. He knew nothing of L or d M e lb ourn e, but trusting to hi s manly character, they again ceased all agitation—vii tually they abandoned it, and in the meantime no less than three deputations waited upon the Noble Lord de manding that people should have the means of liv ing upon the fruits of their labour. They were told the men of Birmingham were not England ; but they said they would prove the men of Birmingham were England. He (Mr. Attwood) cared not how or by what measures the people were relieved provided they were relieved. He would feel as grateful to see them relie v ed by the measures of the Right Hon. Bart. the Member fur Tarnavorth, or the Noble Lord, as he would by measures of his own suggestion. They pointed out to Lord Melbourne and the Chancellor of the Exchequer the means by which they might give prosperity to the country under the pre sent Constitution without further change. Lord Mel bourne had reminded him that he had frequently brought the subject of the revision of the standard of value under the attention of the House of Commons, but that the House had shown an unwillingness to attend to it. He then stated to Lord Melbourne they would endeavour to change the House of Commons; and so in the winter of 1837 he went home to his honest friends and told them the result of that last effort to make the ancient Constitution of the country give shelter and protection to the country. He told them not to endeavour to touch the ancient framework of the Constitution—not to touch the greet principles of the Crown, Lords, and Commons, and he doubted not but that they would ultimately obtain that justice and protection which had been deuied them by the Government. That as the engine of this great petition. His f r i en d s i n t h e winter of 1837 c r o w d e d around him again as they had dune in 1829. He had said to them that he knew they had %irate, intellect, and knowledge, but that he did riot know the people of England were with them, and that he would go to another part and see if other men thought with them, and were determined to act in the same spirit Accordingly he went to Glasgow for the purpose of trying the feelings of the men of Scotland, and that was the first political meeting he had ever attended out of Bir mingham. He had never been an agitator—lie had never been a man wishing to excite or push on the public mind beyond th e extent justice required. When he saw the miseries of the people in Glasgow, be said, " We have how proof we are not alone—we have a right to interfere, and we have a right by every legal and peaceful means to demand from the Commons of Eng land all the rights and liberties cur forefathers bad" If they succeeded, and he hoped they would, they might commit errors. When they did succeed, he did not say that his hope would be very confident. Errors might then be committed as they were committed now, and this House having gone to one extreme, a House created by Universal Suffrage might very probably go into another extreme. But after watching this state of the country with snore attention and more labour than most Honourable Members had given to the subject, he believed that there were no dangers and no miseries that the people of England ought not to endure in preference to submitting to the cruel and murderous operation which had pressed for twenty •years together on the industry, and honour, and sectirity of the country. It' be thought they were to sit down patiently and submit to these fluctuations, these " hot and cold fits," as an How. Member had called them the other night—if he thought -this • was -to be the destiny of England, and as he showed in print twenty years ago it would be—but if he thought there was no remedy, the surest remedy that humanity could devise ought to be adopted to pre vent the degradation of Englishmen at home, and the certain degradation of England abroad. He (Mr. A.) never uttered any sentiment derogatory to the law, quite the contrary. He never uttered any sentiment derogatory to the Church, to the privileges of the House, or to the aristocracy. All he had claimed was the right of living by hard labour. The 1,200,000 persons whom he now represented said they had a right to live by honest labour—that the fluctuations which had taken place had given them short seasons of doubtful prosperity and long seasons of real adversity. They said that, seeking and inquiring into the causes of the national misery, they could . find no cause in nature or providence—they said that , the Almighty had been kind and beneficent to England above all other nations of the. earth—that be had given it a heroic people, the most intellectual , and talented people on the earth—that he had given ; it a fine soil and good climate, and every blessing of rivers and harbours ; and yet they said they endured every misery after twenty-two years of profound peace; they therefore r asked tile ri g ht o f li v i ng b y t h e i r la b our, and if that should be r refused, they dem tndcd their ancient rights and liberties. The petition was signed by 1,200,000 men ; there might be some women, but, he believed, having attended to and watched the subject, that one million of men had signed their names, with their own hands, to the petition; there fore, they were capable of writing ; they were the eh e of the working classes—(Hear, bear, bear) — they were not vagabonds and thieves, as many w: re apt to call those who attempted to alter the laws. If they were, and their complaints were unfounded, it would show the dreadful state in which England was placed, when a million of men who could write their own names could be got to put their hands to a notorious lie. If these men could be taugl.t to believe that they were miserable when they were happy, they would have al rived at a 'nest disastrous state of things. In his mind, a petition like the present, signed by upwards of a million of souls, showed that there was great misery in ' the people of England which wanted redress. He trusted that the House would hot treat this pe tition as the petition of workmen, because lie ' believed the whole of the middle classes were with them. Ice al:uding to the middle classes he did not refer to men with Small fortunes, and small fundholders, or those who had re tired from trade, but he meant the productive classes, the mer chants, the farmers, the traders, and the manufacturers. 11J was perfectly convinced that the petition spoke the feelings of nine out of ten persons of this description. This fact could not be displaced, that no positive distress in trade or agriculture ever reached the labouring trader or agriculturalist that did not roach their employer. If, there fore, he showed that 1,000,000 of labourer, were distressed, might it not with equal truth be said their employers were equally so. There was no doubt some prosperity left in Eeglarel, but generally speaking the merchant and the manufacturer acre as discontented as the workmen w, re. The merchant, indeed, dare not confess his situation. So long as the merchant had his last 10,000/. pride made him bold, when it was gone, despair made him bold; hence it was all boasting and do fusion, a whited sepulchre, outside all apparently prosperous and happy, but within a charnel hous e of care, anxiety, misery, and despair. The merchants or manufacturers of England, if this question were put to them rightly—would answer rightly—" Why we don't complain ; men without capital certainly are in bad con dition, but men with capital can do pretty well; profits are not as large as we wish, but still we can go on." But let the House reflect on this case : —six months ago a bank at Liverpool reveeled its affairs, and had on its books twe bad debts of 800,0001. Now, if those two houses had been asked, before this disclosure, they dared net have c ,mplained—they (tired not have said trade was bad—for if they had they would have been asked, " Where then does all this enormous wealth come from—these im mense factories—these new houses ?" and if the truth had been declared they would have been ruined instanter. Ho w little then could professions of merchants and manufacturers be depended on—whose distress was really as great as their workmen's. He ( Mr. T. Attwood) had been bred up in scenes so calamitous ; hence, be had directed his atten tion to the subject, and he did not scruple to assert, as he hail before stated, that the masters suffered more than their men.—( Hear.) There was a great deal said about profit-mongers drinking the blood of labour-mongers, but he affirmed the every merchant an f manufacturer in the country was half ruined before they could possibly touch the wages of the workmen. When once the profit of the manufacturer was annihilated his capital was also annihilated, for to hen he tried to call in his capital he could only do so at a ruinous loss ; so that if he stood still be was ruined, and whether he advanced or receded he was equally ruined. Take the case of a manufacturer with 20,0001. capital invested: finding hientelf making no profit for three years, one after the other; suppose he tried to sell the bueiness, a purchaser, when hear ing that there was no profit, would not give more than 3,000/. for it, aid this was the position of four-fifths of all the merchants and manufacturers in England. Therefore he asserted, that 'representing 1,200,000 work ing teen of England, he represented the whole productive classes of England, who having for the last twenty years been disappointed in their just expectations, now claimed further Reform. They first demanded Universal Suffrage. Ile would not go into the political argument, bat would merely say, that he believed Universal Suffrage was the aecierit practice of our Saxon ancestors, and after the Norman conquest, that it had woiked well—that it would, if again adopted, work equally well—for that it would produce a large and liberal spirit of legislation— render the working clases_ contented, and there fore attached to the aristocracy and the Crown. Next they required Annual Parliaments. All he knew was that the Bill of Settlement, which was the birth right of the people, and that was a serious word, a word of great moment, the Act of Settlement declared that Annual Parliaments were the birthright of the people, therefore it was that his constituents called for Annual Parliaments ; but they also claimed Vote by Ballot. Now, be (Mr. Attwood) contended, and Hon. Members would agree with him, that :t waggood logic that when the Constitu tion and the Bill of Rights guaeanteccrfreedone of election wherever the Constitution gave a right, it gave the Means of exercising it. If he showed that they could not use freedom of election, he would say that it became a constitutional right, which the Queen herself had the power to confer without the interference of Parliament. Then, again, his honest friends claimed the wages of attendance for Members of Parliament. They found that to be the anci nt law of England, and there were many instances of burgesses praying to be relieved from the payment of Members, because the tax pressed heavily upon them. His friends were of opinion that unless the Members of that House were paid, they could not have that class of men introduced into the House, men of that station and character which would enable them to be competent representatives of the wants and wishes of the Commons of England. They thought that the Commons of England ought to be the Commons of England—that it ought to be a House of little Lords on the one side, and big Lords on the other—(Laughter) —but literally and truly the Commons; not gentlemen of large property, who did their duty so far as that class was concerned, but were utterly unable to legislate for the industrious classes. He contended that men born in the clouds, and living in the clouds, could not understand the mere interests, and wants, and necessities of people living on the eaeth, therefore he thought, they should pay the wages of attendance, in order that the Commons of England might send into that House men accustomed to the calamities of the people, and who would better represent the wants and interests of the great mass of the people. They thought that foxes ought not to represent geese—that wolves ought not to represent sheep—and that hawks ought not to represent pigeons. lie believed that the man whose bread, and the bread of whose children, depended upon his labour, had as great a stake in the country as the Duke of Cumberland,—( Hear, hear.) He hoped they would consider the petition favour ably—they had extended their kindness to him on the 14th June. Let them take the petition earnestly into their consideration, and it would not be thrown away upon the people of England. The people generally complained that their petitions had been neglected—that they had met with inattention, but upon the present occa sion he trusted they would consider that the petition was the result of upwards of twenty years' suffering, and that the petitioners only cried for Universal Suffrage after they had seen, the total failure of the 101. franchise—that fruits which was so fair to the eye, but which had turned to dust and ashes in the mouth He had always been an advocate for peaceable and legal efforts to obtain justice for the working classes, and he trusted they would determinately say that the petition was entitled to every consideration. Ou the 14th of June he took the opportunity of stating that he had never encouraged physical farce or any other force. He only said, " Unite together' and you will by legal and constit rtional means obtain all that was wanted _by such means they mtwt ultimately obtain the fruit of liberty and justice. He had always deprecated violence of all kinds, and he was thankful to the House for the oppor tunity they had afforded him on the 14th Rue of stating so. He could not find that there had beer' a single life lost— not a gun had been fired, and he was justified in saying that the mass of the people of England although discontented were net disaffected—although miserable, were not desirous of any change injurious to the Constitution or injurious to the useful and beneficial privileges of the Crown. But they were desirous of a change, and he should not be doing his duty if he hesitated in saying that he thought they would have a change, and a very great change too. God forbid that dire necessity should compel them to effect that change by unlawful means; but 1,200,000 hearts that felt, and 1,200,000 heads that thought, ought not to be disregarded. Nothing would satisfy them but seme large and generous measure. They also hoped that that measure would be lasting—that they would not have prosperity tc-day and a lversity to-morrow. If the hands of the people were not to be set free from their trammels--aif they were not to have the benefit of earning their bread by the sweat of their brow, and hundreds of thousands were compelled to beg for labour and then to be denisd bread—if that was to be the condition of the people of England, it was his ( Mr. A.'s) duty to tell the House, with all due deference and respect, that it was his rooted conviction that the people of England would not submit to i t, and that there was no army in this world capable of putting them down. The minds of Hon. Mem bers were, perhaps, better stored with history than his own, but he could not avoid call:ng to their recollection the situation ef - Louis XVI. in 1787 and 1789. When Louis was asleep ruin was stalking through the land. In 1787 an individual who travelled through Burgundy and Champagne, found almost every gentleman's house burnt to the ground, and their owners murdered. Two years after wards the Bastile fell. Charles the Tenth was husting in the wood of Fontainbleau, when the Revolution took place, anti the crown dropped from his head. The crown of James the Second was shaken from his head. What was the position of the Queen of England at this hour ? There was no one more attached to her than him self, for he considered her the cement which held society together, and which enabled all classes to meet together for mutual protection. In his mind the sanctity of the Crown was above all other human considerations. But the Crown of England was like other Crowns. It rested upon public opinion, and whenever public opinion should desert it, the sceptre and throno would be nothing. Let them look at the people. They were loyal, but they were discontented. If that discontent was to be allowed to con tinue and to increase, what would be the result? He would ask Hon. Members whether they would not use their endeavours to allay that feeling ? Would they wait ? Would they shut their eyes and their ears till the enemy had literally entered into that House. A social volcano was opening under their feet, and they could not tell when it would burst. The little accident of a madman or of a boy firing a gun at Birmingham the other day might have pro duced the most frightful consequences all over the country. He felt it to be his duty, therefore, to urge on Members of that House to support his going into a Committee upon this petition. The petitioners complained of many inju ries. They said they had been oppressed in many ways— that the blessings of God had been turned into afflictions instead of blessings. They to'd the House there must be a change. They said respectfully, but constitutionally, " there shall be a change, if they can by ally legal and peaceful means produce that change." Now he would say they could. The danger was great; but when millions became discontented it was likely they should gather their masters with them into their own vineyard, and then they might erect walls around that vineyard which it would be utterly impossible for any power in this country to go against. There were 700,000 electors in England who elected the great bulk of the Members of that House, and those electors were of the middle classes—none of them of the lower. If the question came to an issue, the House must not de ceive itself, because if it were either to be a moral or a physical issue, the House was not to suppose that the mid dle classes would join the aristocracy of the country, hut might be sure that they would throw themselves into the ranks of the working classes. When anarchy became spread throughout tile country, if choice did not, necessity would compel the .piddle to join the working classes. He knew that English people were aristocratic in their characters. The very working classes were so, and only let them live and they would be content. God forbid, that he should be in strumental in altering that character ; his desire was to place the aristocracy on a foundation that never could be shaken. But what did the working classes say? They said the House gave them the Corn-laws to make scarce the corn; they gave them the money-laws to make scarce the money. But 1,200 ; 000 of her Majesty's suljects now said that these things should be rectified ; and he verily belieted that they had the power within themselves to rectify those great wrongs without illegality and without crime. When he formed a Political Union he took the opinion of Sir Charles Wetherell upon the step. That excellent man, because he never would enter tain an unmerited opinion of a man, merely because he was opposed to him in politics—that excellent man and great lawyer said—" If I say this political union is illegal, I will say that which I do not think is true ; if I say it is legal, I may probably lead honest men astray, because I think the difficulties before them are so great that -it ,A, ill be morally impossible to work out the principle with. • out trenching en the law.—( Hear, hear ) I therefore ' say, I will take no fee and give no opinion."—( Laughter and cheers.) That statement, however, had been a most profitable opinion to him (Mr. A ) because he had guarded his steps accordingly. He saw those difficul ties growing up, and both lie and the peti tioners were sensible of their surrounding them, nevertheless he was satisfied they could command victory peacefully and legally ; and if in no other way, could command it by influencing the votes of the people who sent the Members to that House. They might not do it immediately, but the time must come when they would. But he did not want them to do it in that way if it could be avoided. He however wished to know from the House what it was, if anything, which they meant to afford to the petitioners. If ,they. would. not go the whole length—if they would not give Universal Suffrage, would they give Household Suffrage.? • If they would not give Annual would they give Triennial Parliaments? If they would do hotline to increase the liberty of the people, would they do nothing to increase their prosperity? The petitioners said the House had the power to repeal the Corn-law ; it had the power to repeal the Poor-law ; it had the power to repeal the Money-law I Would it do that? If it would, it would greatly relieve the op pressed, without doing wrong to any one. He would, therefore, entreat the House to go into this Committee with him, in order to remove the sutihrings of the petitioners. lie fur one never could believe that the rights of the pe titioners could be obtained till they had LTaivers.d Sur (rage; but though Hon. Members might not go so far as he would go, yet, by going into Committee, they might do much to produce contentment. But if they would not dm that, if they would concede nothing in favour of the petitioners, they must then be considered as placing themselves in a situation hostile to liberty and prosperity. It the petitioners were only to be reproached, if they were only to be called the friends of anarchy, when in truth they only wanted to be able to work and to live like honest workmen in this great nation, according to the practice of thousand years, and w h o h a d more r i g ht t o an a ample trade for honest labour than the Queen to her Crown, what was to be expected? When they approached the House with 1,200,000 tongues, was the House to remain indiffe rent, or was it to be supposed that the people could remain contented, when nothing was given to thorn but delusive hope to-day and positive injury to-morrow ?He felt grate ful for the attention the House had afforded to him, The five points of the petition lie most cordially sup l orted, be cense Le thought they ought to be granted. He verily believed they must and would be granted. He only wished he were equally sure they would redeem the fruits that were expected from them.—(llsar.) It was said there were other points insisted upon out of doors, but he knew nothing of them; lie only went upon the five points in the petition. If misfortune should arise from unregarded in jury, and if it should be thought proper in any quarter to have recourse to violent instead of lenient measures, he hoped he did not overstep his duty when he expressed his conviction that those Ministers, or that House, which followed a Pulignac course would do wrong. (Cries of " Hear, bear, hear.") Though the little finger of a constable might compel the obedience of a hundred of the bravest men who ever walked, yet the House must not believe there was not to be a limit to that. Men were not dis posed to throw away their own lives, nor were they dis posed to take the lives of others. But if dead bodies should be carried about the streets—if rage and impru dence should usurp the place of prudence and of leniency, rage would beget rage, and there would not only be battle enough in England, but there would be a complete revo lution before the most ingenious Ministers could have time to look round themselves. Ile made not this statement in the character of a threat, because there was nobody - more desirous to avoid discord than himself; but having had the opportunity of addressing the House he felt he should net discharge his duty if he did not remind Hon. Members that such might be the consequence ; and if imprudence were to dictate the proceedings, he certainly did dread the direful consequences, Th e m i n d s o f men in Bristol, in Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, and all over the country, were at this moment in such a state of excite ment that if there should be the least outbreak, it must lead to a most serious and universally simultaneous one. By looking to a few of the towns from whence signatures to this national petition had come, the list would very cu riously show how the names were connected with the ex isting state of distress. It formed a very good index to the poverty and discontent of the people. Even London, which was remarkable for its soporific character—( Laugh ter)—was not quite asleep on this occasion. It had been alive, to be sure, when Sir Francis Burdett was taken to the Tower, but it had been asleep nearly ever shim— ( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Nevertheless, on this occa sion it did in a degree wake up, and he did sincerely trust that the result would be satisfactory. From all towns there was a large number of signatures, but most fr om the manufacturing toe ns, and having said so much, h e would thank the House again for the attention he had re ceived ; he was not aware that by enlarging he should do any good ; his rnxious wish was that there should be harmony and a conciliatory feeling between that House and the peo ple.—( Hear, hear.) He begged to move that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, for the purpose of taking into consideration the petition called the National Petition, presented on the 14th of June. Mr. FIE LDEN seconded the motion. This petition was signed by a vast number of her Majesty's subjects, and demanded the respect of the House. The question was, whether the allegations of the petitioners were true or false. Believing that many of them were strictly true —believing that the sufferings of the petioners were such as they described—and believing that the consequences that might follow a disregard of this petition might be very erious, he felt it to be his duty to support the prayer of the EVENING EDITION. petition. One of the grounds put forward by the ppti tioners was that they were bowed down with taxation, and he believed nobody in the House would deny that that ztatement wns true. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said there was one part of the speech of the Hon. Member for Birmingham which was extremely gratifying to him ; it was that part of it in which he denied any concurrence with those who counselled arming and the use of physical force.— (Cheers.) He must say that he was gratified, but not at all surprised, at hearing such language from the Hon.:Member because it was in accordance with all that had ever fallen from hint, either in that House or elsewhere. At the sam t time the Hon. Member must be aware that many of those who had been instrumental in promoting the petition —a h cli he had assumed, he (Lord Jchn Russell) thought falsely, to be a national petition —many- of the promoters of the. petition, he roust be aware, had gone round the country, from one place to another, preaching sedition ; counselhng violence—( Hear, hear)—and inciting the peo ple to appeal to arms against the law. They owed it to the good sense of the people generally that they had not listened to such exhortations.—( Cheers.) A certain number of them bed been led away by the inciting and in sidious language cf these intemperate men, and had put themselves in opposition to the law, an every peaceable subject of the realm. The Hen. Gentleman had looked only at the political results of the measures advocated by him and embodied in the petition. He wished to speak with every respect of all these who had not given way to violence or intemperate or inciting language. lie wished to speak with respect of all those who considen• tiously hoped for good results from the adoption of Uni versal Suffege, the Vote by Ballot, the No-qualification for Members, &c. But he conceived that at the bottom of all these opinions, and of the Hon. Gentleman who fitly re presented these opinions, there was a most grievous error. The Hon. Gentleman supposed that if there was a certain distribution of political power—if they bad a sort of re presentation formed in a certain manner, and laws enacted with certain provisions, that they could establish endurirg and lasting prosperity in the whole community. The Hen. Member wished for Universal Suffrage, because the Parliament could not give prosperity to-day and ad versity tomorrow. Ile (Lord J. Russell) conceived there was no form of Government which could insure to a whole community a perpetual and lasting state of prosperity—that in a country, moreover, which depended very much upon commerce and manufactures, there was no mode of pre venting that state of low wages or that distress which at all times affected those who were at the bottom of the scale in the community, or which would prevent those alternate fluctuations from prosperity to distress which occurred in every community. Now let them look to that country which was sometimes held out, and he thought very falsely held out, as a country enjoying, in politics or its social state, greater advantages than our own—he meant the United States of America. There they had generally Universal Suffrage. But would any man say that the United States was altogether free from those fluctua tions?—( Hear, hear)—they enjoying, as they did enjoy, an advantage which we could not—that they had immense tracts cf fertile land upon which their population, which could not subsist in towns, might always find refuge—an advantage which we did not possess. Could any man say that, in the United States of America they were free from those evils. Now, with respect to those views of the Right Hon. Gentleman, which would hive an increased quantity of money and a largo paper credit. There had been publiehe'd in America, as a sort of manual for the people, a pamphlet, called the " Detection of Forged Money," which showed there were not less than 600 kinds of forged money in cireula ion. Could there be a greater evil than having a currency of this kind, by which the poor were exposed to have their whole means taken front them by means of such forged moncy,and that forged money being perhaps a consequence of some over speculation and an at tempt to relieve the distress of the community. Therefore it was not by Universal Suffrage, nor by any form of suffrage, that laws could be obtained which should secure this lasting prosperity to the people. Now with respect to the peti tion itself. He wished to make a few observations with respect to it, and with respect to the conduct of those who had been active in promoting it. The Hon. Member had said there were more than 1,000,000 of signatures. lie ( Lord John Russell) was not surprised that 1,000.000 signatures should have been collected, con sidering the industry which had been manifested in their collection. At one time he believed that Msjer Cartwright obtained no less than 3,000,000 of sig natures to petitions asking for Universal Suffrage. But as to this number of 1,000,000. When they spoke of the representation, and said there were 1.000,003 of per sons having the right of voting, they were told that was a very small, and insufficient, and contracted number, who were eatitled to the choice of representatives. But vet when there were a million of signatures collected by this means, they were asked to consider this as the petition-of the whole people at large, and it was even called on the motion " The National Petition." He denied that the petition represented the sentiments and opinions of the people at large.---( Hear, hear.) He be. licved the great majority of the people did not ask for the the objects contained in the petition.—( Hear, hear.) His belief was that the great majority of the people, divided as they were in political opinion, did not think that advantage would result to them from the adoption of these measures, and that they would be alarmed at the prospect of the pe tition being granted ; and the House agreeing with the Hon. Gentleman to go into Committee with the view of establishing by enactment the object of this peti tion, would create alarm and dismay throughout the country—( Hear, hear)—not merely among persons of property of the aristocracy, but more so among the labour ing classes than any other portion of the commueity.— s (Hear ; hear.) He now begged to call the attention of the House for a few moments to the statement of fact male in the petition —a statement which the Hon. Mem, her for 13irminghant seemed disposed to trust to. The petitioners stated themselves to be bowed down under a load of taxes, which, notwithstanding, fell greatly short of the wants of their rulers, that capital brought no profit and labour no remuneration, that the warehouses of the pawnbrokers were filled, that the workhouse was crowded, and the manufactory deserted. Now he (Lord J. Russell) entirely denied that that was correct.—( Hear, (rear.) And he would appeal to the statement made by his Right Hon. Friend the other night, with respect to the Savings Banks of the country, which in the last year showed a balance, over the preceding one, of more than a million in favour of the sums vested. Now, was such a fact com patible with the statement that the warehouses of the ' pawnbrokers were at present full ?—( Hear, hear.) Was it not a proof that there were a number of artificers and labourers, who were not only receiving capital wages, but who were at the same time looking forward to the support of their families, and the increase of their small capital, a:,d who were from year to year increasing those sums? by the exertion of their industry, and by submitting to privations of any thing which would prevent them from Imaking these accumulations. Instances were quoted at the early pant of the Session, of the Savings Bank of Glasgow, a manufacturing town. He (Lord J. Russell) had teen an account of the Savings Bank of Devonshire, an agricultural county; and both these accounts showed a very great advance in the amount of money deposited, and were comeletely decisive as to the want of proof of ti•e description given in the petition. Considering this petition to be a very grows exaggeration of the state of I the country, and of any distress which might prevail in the country, he was not about to deny that in a country like this, depending so much upon commerce, upon credit, I up on manufactures, and upon vari ous e th er c i rcumstances, I there was at this time, as he was afraid there always would Ibe at times, numbers of industrious and sober working men, whose means were exceedingly scanty, and whose situa'ion could not be looked at without pain and commi seration. But he denied that this was a fair representa tion of the state of the people, and he thought they ought wither to look at the other measures which the House was asksd from time to time to adopt for the relief of distress. The lion. Member for Birmingham, and the Hon. Member for Oldham, who had seccnded the motion, seemed to suppose, as they always did, that the House was bound to lieten to their own particular remedies, and that if they were not listened to, the people were aggrieved. ( Hear, hear.) He did not deny that the Hon. Members might think these measures for the good of the people, but he did deny that, beause they did not once concede to their opinions without considering whether they were sound or not, that they, therefore, refused that which was just and would be beneficial.—( Hear, hear.) The litn. Member for Birmingham had always held that the one measure which would give prosperity to the country was an alteration in the standard of value, and a very great increase in the quantity of paper money, and the Hon. Member held that opinion, having seen before that year from which he said our tnisFortunes commenced 22 years ago, and having seen prosperity prevail for some years, when there was a great rfflux of paper money in the coun try, he held it to a certain degree as justified by the ex perience of these years. Did the lion. Member believe that all those who advocated Universal Suffrage would agree with him in that opinion? that they would agree to that change in the standard—to that immense quantity of paper money issuing from the banks ? This, perhaps, might enable the people to receive 30s. instead of 15s. for wages, but in the same proportion would they have to pay for every leaf and every article which they consunled.— ( Hear, hear.) He would read to the House the opinion of some Hon. Gentlemen who were members of what was called the " General Convention," Mr. Fear us O'Con nor, •Mr. Lovett, Mr. Collins, Mr. Frost, and many others. They spoke of the " power and the cor rupt: influence of laver money"—(Hear, hear, hear)— of the " corrupt system of banking"--- o f ibe " fraudulent bits of paper which the State has dignified with the name of money"—(Hear)—that " through its instrumentality our rulers had warred with freedom both at home and abroad ;" and that it had " generated a species of dis honesty unknown to our forefathers." He might employ some minutes in endeavouring to show the House that the Hon. Gentleman's opinions of the value of paper money were totally unfounded —what the issue of this quantity of paper money, while it committed a fraud upon every cre ditor in the country, would in fact be one of the :swans by which the labourers themselves would be defrauded.-- (Hear, hear.) But he need not enter into any argument of that sort, because those who had signed for Universal Suffrage were much more strongly opposed with respect to that to which the Hon. Member for Birmingham took as the cure of all our evils. He asked the House, therefore, not to agree to the proposal of the Hon. Member. The Hon. Member, and those who went with him, who fancied that Universal Suffrage would place the labouring classes in a state of prosperity, were labouring under a complete , delusion, There were only two ways in which the posi tlon of the labouring classes would be improved. The one would be by an increase in their wages, i n their real wages, b y a higher reward for their labour. Now did Universal Suffrage tend to anything of that kind ? Would the enactment of Universal Suffrage promote that object? If the country remained in a state of tranquillity, he did not think it would have any effect one way or the other. But if a change in our institutions drove away many of the employers of labour—if it drove capital out of the country, or induced many pro prietors no longer to enerloy labourers in this country, would be increasing the number of labourers anh,* de creating the stock for the emp l oyment of ' abot: and r, would, therefore, be dimi n i s hi ng wage -( cut that Hear, hear. The other mode by whi c h ) man s had hel d e th e - .......:+l.l~ w I I I I I