The Sun. — London, England, 1821-02-20 00:00:00

elusion of the Treaty of Alliance at pule in 1818 ; and subsequently in certain dis cussions which took place in the course of the last year." There was another striking exemplifi cation of the soundness of that system, and of the harmony w hich prevailed amongst that confederacy by which the peace of Europe was to be _main tained. After so many negociations, conferences, congresses, notes, representations, and explicit declarations, by the Noble Secretary of State, the whole had come to this, that .in December, 1920, the' Allies put one construction upon the treaties-which hatb-been concluded, and we an other ! Notwithstanding those most explicit declarations, they declared their understanding to be such as to infer the assent of Great Britain to t heir measures. What could have more strongly exemplified •the want of harmony between the Members of that Confederacy ? lie had now come to that part of the paper which explained, but not in the• clearest manner, the-cases of ex ception, in which, in consequence of a change in the government of a nation, other States were considered to have a right to interfere. The whole closed by an admission that Naples came within those exceptions, so far as this, that they would not prejudge the conduct of the Allies, nor inteYfere, provided they- gave security that their yiews was not directed to territorial ag grandizement. On this point, he would first ask vArat was the value of general principles if they were not reduced into action ? To assert them, would in that cake only be to assert childish ab stractions. On what should be grounded an exception which allowed a _foreign Government the right to interfere in the internal arrange ments of another State ? On the strongest ne cessity. But when did that necessity arise? When real and serious danger threatened a State, in consequence of the transactions taking place in another. But that danger must be imminent — not remote. Such, for instance, would be the as sertion of principles on the part of our Govern ment, holding an invitation to insurrection to the subjects of another, and arming to support the encouragement which it gave; Such was the fa mous decree of the 19th of November, 179'2, which, he admitted, would have been a just ground of war, if previous explanations had been demanded, and the danger had been commensu rate with the menaces. But such a principle as this had never been maintained by ally publicist in the world, that a nation was not to be suffered to improve her own internal condition, because it might excite the subjects of another State to -wish for similar improvements ! So monstrous a principle had never been avowed by the most un bottnded ambition. And 'yet it was put forth in the case of Naples ! There, no hostile movement had taken place ; the Sovereign had been re spected, and his power only limited in order to rescue the people from the most abject condi tion ; yet, although the revolution had been ef fected in a mariner totally inoffensive to other Powers, nay, with marked- attention to their in. terests, they claimed the right of interfering on no other ground than because they feared that their subjects might wish for such a change.— Never had a revolution been more peaceably con ducted than that of Naples. Never had any prnvpti less offensive to other Stir Les- NCI drop of blood had been shed ; the king had con sented to-it, and had sanctioned it by oath, arid fct vengeance was directed against him by the Powers of Europe, on the principle of interfe rence ; and we, who disclaimed the principle, still joined So far in the hostile proceedings as to suspend our diplomatic intercourse with the new Government. Ile (Earl Grey) held in his hand the answer of the Duke of Campio Chiaro to the circular of- the Allies. it described the manner in which the Revolution had been effected, and contained the most satisfactory proofs of the pa cific conduct adopted towards the Allied Pow ers, particularly in the case of the Principality of Ponte Corvo, which had been respected, though entirely surrounded by the Neapolitan territory. But the Allied Powers did not even shelter themselves under a pretence .of injury having been inflicted upon them. Their aggres sion was at least open, and they had not added to violence and injustice the meanness of fraud. The conduct of Austria and Russia afforded an instance of the most crying injustice, and that of his Majesty's Ghvernment in suspending all diplomatic intercourse with- Naples, and express. , ing a hasty censure, demanded' a public explana tion, before either their Lordships or the country could be satisfied. It had beep said that there- was a sect, or a party at Naples, and that it was to it the Revofution was owing. If this were an objection, it was one which would affect all revolutions in the world. lie was one of those who maintained the opinion that all revolutions in which the people- either threw off their Sovereign or limited his powers, arose from previous misgovernment.—(Hear, hear ! from the_ Ministerial side.)—lt then be name necessary that parties should be formed and that Secret Councils should be held, and it would be strange if the existence of those were to affect the character of a resolution. How had our Revalusion, in 1688, been carried into effect? Had it . not been by a party and by the secret combinations of those illustrious men who had given Englishmen their liberties ? The objection to the Carbonari, as a party, therefore appeared to him most futile. That society had been form ed as early as 1812, at the instigation of this country, and the Allies, as being directed against France, and for the purpose of establishing free constitutions. But -even if it had been a small party In the state, all writers agreed in declaring that if its operations-had the consent of the people, they became legitimate. It was previous mis government which had set the Carbonari in mu tibn, but that the Revolution was the effect of the general will, was sufficiently proved by the mode in which it had been effected. Without opposi tion fled 91e Constitution of grain, Which his Majesty's C;overnment had, tolerated in that country without withdrawing the British Mini ster, been established at Naples. But it was said to be the work of a sect, of an army. If Governments would have standing armies, they must take them with all their dangers. — They could not prevent soldiers from feeling as men. They could not prevent them ) and God forbid they should, from imbibing the sentiments of citizens. In all revolutions armies must take part, either with the Sovereign or M ith the Peo ple ; and God forbid; whatever depth of tyranny might exist, they should always take part with the tyrant. Ile halted this instance Of patriotism in the Neapolitan army, as a -proof that soldiers could not be mado to lose the feelings of men. — He hailed it, too, as a salutary and important lesson to all Sovereigns, if they had but the wis dom to profit by it, how much safer it was to found Governments in right and justice, and to take for guards tbe•love and-gratitude of their people, than to rely for support on standing ar mies. --(Hear, hear !)—But it was said, that w he titer the change at !Naples- was necessary or not, it could not be acknowledged, but must be pun ished, and that till it Was done there would be uo 'security for legitimate Sovereigns. What would have become of our religion and-our liber ties, if the army which James 11. kept, however small iu comparison with those of the present 'day,, had taken part with that despot? But no ses eSations were to tak4lace, because what bet tered the condition of one people, would make another discontented with tyranny. The liber ties of Naples menaced the paternal Government s of Austria. They inspired the people of Breslau and of Silesia to long for those Constitutions which had been promised them, and which had been so fatally withholders. Even the wilds of Russia, which had repelled the invasion of France, might be penetrable by the spirit of li berty. Send, therefore, Neapolitans, your King to our Congress, or prepare to receive the full discharge of our wrath! This was the language held out to Naples, which his Majesty's Govern ment abetted and encouraged ! But something still remained worse than ell the rest. It was the secret article concluded between Austria and Naples. lie was really astonished that any power should produce such an article as a justification for its conduct. By it, it was stipu lated, or rather understood, a favourite term with modern negotiators, that his Neapolitan Majesty in re-establishing the Government of his Kingdom should not make any alteration which might inter fere with the principle adopted by his Imperial Majesty for the government of his Italian provin ces. As this article had been concluded previ ous to the re-establishment of the Neapolitan Government, it only related to that, and could not be turned into a perpetual arrangement which would apply to any future changes. It was, therefore, void, ab initio. It had all the features which made a stipulation null. It was imposa sible in execution, immoral and unjust in the par ticular case, and inconsistent with the rights of the Neapolitan .people. The King could not contract it, because it made him a party against his own subjects, and bound him to withhold from them the most important rights. It was an article which he could not sign without forfeit ing his throne. And what was that principle of G overnment adopted by his Imperial Majesty in his Italian provinces, which was to be kept so in violate ? It was a system of arbitrary Govern s ment—of Government founded on a - principle of conquest, in which every thing was to be dona . . for the benefit of Austria, without any regard for ,ery tax—in every Use_ uiLafara, of regulation—in every law, every thing was governs ed by the interest of Austria. The commerce of Italy was sacrificed, and under that baleful and wretched- System of policy, even education was . impeded, that no ray of light should break on that night of total darkness. Was it to be tole rated that Naples should not be allowed to rise above such a condition, because it might endanger the foreign dominions of Awtria and the safety of so unjust and oppressive a system ! At the time when the King of Naples had prepared to re-establish his Government, he had promised a free Constitution to his people. This promise was contained in his Proclamation of the Ist of May, 1815. The last act of Murat had been to give assurances of a free Constitution ; the first act of that Monarch who was called legiti mate, was to offer one. Yet when the promise was realized and the Constitution established, the only result :was to be a combination on the part of the Sovereigns ofsEurope to declare that no change should be -tolerated in a neighbouring State! The principles on which such a Decla ration was tolerated, were incompatible with the interests of this Country, and derogatory from the general rights of nations. He wished his Majesty's Government would explain why a si milar revolution in Spain had net produced simi lar results, and induced them 'to suspend all di plomatic intercourse with that Country.. Much -might be said on that subject in the course of the debate, but he was unwilling to detain the House longer. If his Majesty's Ministers could remove the imputation on their conduct by satisfactory reasons, he should most sincerely rejoice. If they failed, he should at least have the satisfaction of having exonerated, himself front any participation 'in principles which he detestad from the bottom of his he'art. He should conclude by moving, though without much hope of succeeding by a vote of the House, " That an humble Address "- be presented to his Majesty, for copies or ex " tracts of such communications as had passed " between his Majesty's Government and the " British Ministers abroad, respecting the pro ceedings at Naples. The Earl of Livertpooa assured the Noble Earl, that althongh he should oppose his motion, he rejoiced at the opportunity- which it offered him of explaining what had been the conduct of his Majesty's Government more folly titan the com munication of any official document could have done. lie contended that the Paper on the table contained -a clear and distinct view of the conduct of his Majesty's Government towards the Allied Sovereigns. We had acted, and he maintained we ought still to act, on a principle of strict neutrality, which was also a principle of justice and of policy. He therefore anticipated that their Lordships wopld not support a mo tion for fuither, information, as it would imply that-something else should be done. I f their Lordships were satisfied that the line adopted by his Majesty's Government was that which it be came them to pursue, they would vote against the motion. lf, - on the contrary, they thought that a different poicy ought to have been followed, they would join the Noble Earl in his call for further information . . That Noble Earl- had correctly stated what had passed in the first part of the Session. But he had accompanied that state ment with observations which tended to assert that the Paper before the House, -whether its contents were right or wrong-, had been produced with a view to meet the discussions which might .arise in Parliament. Now he wished to correct the Misapprehension into which the Noble L'ord . had fallen. The Circular of the Allied Powers had first been known to his Majesty's Govon:- went at the end. of December, not as a Paper communicated to them, bat as. the Project of a Papet to be afterwards communicated. It was, however, erroneous to, suppose that there had been no intention of answering it. When it was known to be in preparation, it was distinct ly stated ,through the proper channels, that it was a paper which would require an immediate answer from his Majesty's Government. Ile was ready to admit that its publication had rendered that answer still more necessary. But there was not one word of general doctrine in that paper which had not been repeatedly uttered by Go vernment during the . - whole year. It might be recollected that a question had been put to him " last Session respecting the Declaration issued by the Court of Petersburgh, in consequence of the Revolution in 'Spain. In his reply he - had dis claimed the principle contained in that Declare lion, and stated to -the House that the views of this Government had been fully explained to Russia, at the same time that he had expressed his opinion that the publication of the explana tions which had taken place would be improper. It was no new doctrine, therefore, which had been uttered in December or January. It was. the language which had been universally. held. • from the time of the treaty of Paris ; with re spect to the Revolution in Spain and to that of Naples ; in a word, on every occasion where his Majesty's Government had had an opportunity of explaining their sentiments. He believed that it had not been originally intended that the Cir cular of the Allies should have been publisited,at least without modifications, although no modifi cations could have reconciled him to the principle which it contained. his belief was founded on the fact, that the paper in question went to pro pose a prospective league, and was formed with a view to decide- oh what ground Governments were in future to resolve upon interference with fo reign States. The Noble,- Earl had allud ed to .what he called the Holy Alliance; but first, this country was no party to that Alliance ; and secondly, whatever objection might be urged, _against it, its:object would be found of a very innocent and harmless nature. As to the. en .tmgements of this country,. he bad no difficulty in stating that this country had no engagements, with Foreign. Powers but those- which were in the possession of Parliament. There was- no mystery in any'of our treaties. The principles of them might all be seen on the face of the treaties, themselves. This country .had no engagement with Foreign rowers which was not manifest to all the world,.-and which was not to he found in , the treaties, such as they were, from time to time, .submitted to the consideration, and impressed with-the sanction cf Parliament.. There was then no difference of opinion between the Noble Earl opposite and himself, on the general prin c'ple, that it, undoubtedly e must be a strong and special case which required the interference of one State with another. Perhaps, he might say, that, in the general tenour of circumstances, in terference Was not necessary,: and that•it should be considered rather as an exception to,:than part of a general rule. It was difficult to define what the cause was which gave a : right to one country- to make war on another. In general, it might be said, its own security—the necessity which each State was under of providing fer its own. defence. In like. manner, the only pos sible ground which justified the interference of one country with another, wus a strong and spe cial case, growing out of the absolute necessity of its providing for its own security. He admitted, that that ground could not arise, for instance, from example, because example must have a more tans gible object. The Noble Earl had complained, that in disclaiming that principle, Government had given it -as .their opinion,. that they disap , proved of the circumstances under which, the Nea politan Revolution had -taken place. He (Lord Liverpool) had seen no reason, from-any thing which had passed ,since, ,to . depart from- .that opinion. What were the circumstances which called for that disapprobation ? First,'-that the mode by which it - had. been operated was a tary mutiny ; and secondly,. that the_Constitu tion adopted was that of Spain. These, how- . ever, were not grounds of conduct which called for the interference of foreign powers. If a State were managed never so absuadly, and if its. Go- vernment were altered- by wrong ,instruments, still he admitted these were not the business of Foreign States. If the military - mutiny of 'Naples brought about the adoption of the Spanish Constitution., and in his opinion, that was the real state of the case, still he admit ted that that was no ground for foreign in terferenr.e,—(Hear, hear, hems !)—He also ad mitted, that -in great national. choges the -Army must take some share. Whest the ques tion came to issue, tlisy-.A--Hrty—sennst take one side or the other. But here was a case in which the Army was the -instrument whiCh set on foot - the - plan of the Ka‘tional , Revolution. This was not the case of a people demanding- a re dresa cf grieiances, such as exis!ed in. -this- Country in_ 1688. The case of Naples was one of military ritually, secretly fomented by a g p ri ar e ty a . nce rl „. 'ere was no previouS complaint of no call for redress. The .mili tary mutiny in the first instance brought about -the Revolution alone, feithout any previous steps having been - taken to obtain redress. Again, he admitted, - that this was no ground for inter-, ference. He only considered the mode km which the Revolution- was conducted., as it excited his disapprobation. ' Nothing could, indeed,, have heen more different from the case .of Naples. than the cases of all the great changes. which had taken place in England. Here, at the time of .the Great Chaeter, as well as in 16.40 and 1688, the ground for redress was first laid Iy. a declaration of specific grievances, anti a tall fora redress founded on ancient rights or manifest abuse. But at Naples it was the case of a people adopting a foreign Constitution, they not knowing at the time what that Constitution was. He believed it was a fact, that at the time the cry was raised for the Spanish Constitution, There was not a sin le coley of it to be found in Naples-quo per son there kneW what it was. But all this Iskirt s , lowed - was - still no - ground for interference; it was, however, in his view, a ground for mark ing it with the strongest disapprobation. He meant to say, that the facts he had enumerated formed no• •ground for our interference. But! there were grounds upon which foreign countries might think themselves justifiable in inter ferhig. He, however, did not rise Up in this House to vindicate the conduct of the Allies. But there was one feature ie the conduct of the new Government at Na ples, towards the people of Sicily, which he could not pass over. He defied any one to pro duce any thing more outrageous in the history of the world, than the conduct whiCh that Go vernment, with liberty in their mouths,: pur sued towards the Sicilians. Every body was aware that Sicily was an independent kingdom, governed by its own laws and usages. Could any one attempt to say, that because the army in Na ples brought about the Revolution, the people of Sicily were to be excluded from any.voice in the formation of the Constitution ? When the event of the change was made known in Sicily, the strongest sentiment was felt and expressed against it. It was said that that sentiment of dissatisfac tion had for its object not the new Constitution, but the Sovereign. But he that this was . not the case. The dissatisfaction was with refe rence to the Constitution. What was the conse quence? Naples sent a. military force to overawe the general opinion, and to compel the Sicilians to submit. What happened when the military force arrived at Palermo?--When they arrived there, they found that the difficulties with Which they had to contend were greater than they had been led to suppose, and they entered into a ca pitulatien as reasonable and just in its terms as any that was ever concluded. It recognized the two parts of the dominion 7 —it recognized•thecon nexion between them—it acknowledged the same Sovereign ; but it left it to Sicily to determine if she would prefer a distinct Parliament, or an in corporation with the Parliament of Naples. The Neapolitan Government, when the treaty went back, refused to ratify it, and they annulled it, and insisted on an unconditional submission from the people of Sicily. Now, if the people of Naples had a right to a Constitution, had not the people of Sicily an equal right - to act for themselves (gear, hear!)---The Noble Earl - opposite passed by all this. Every thing, he said, was to be supposition allowed held t tdd h h e e utyosup as :bat, be 7: dm wnll o iail a ego :d rip l i e vtees n o o :b:Pl f‘ e : li tt e'er li e ei tst t it : ll a laP re N ' ttP• t e s t s °7 t dr i : o : : e l dran t 'y ti to h l i od ee t cl. y di°l::7tel w sig:P e lll:. it. e ::1.81 : . 't o ts:l°N i ' ) \alb e ililleel7lioe l i d faultless. He now came to the point of the Carbonari. The Noble Earl had asserted, that all great and beneficial revolutions had been prepared by secret societies. This was a mis fortune, but it was tree. He admitted that if time Carbonari were a sect composed entirely of Neapolitans, the question would be solely con eti a i: l l7 : 9a o itmaal Switzerland ftst, matter r o f ss:e i r oa e tnoi, t ir h :l e p.e y even Italians fined Germany,'t ey liad soNpnorley.adNlatyrtstshoaft and, with much of the French revolutionary ancientsw ee States; hostile t ieto Institutionss ec t t h e our. e e r s e t s a principles, they en t er t a i ne d t he or i es which e b lii l ei i ir a shed lNacp t i i t t i lo i e n nn a lt t ya e : les it would only be a national concern ; but as they were so widely diffused, it was a nuestion open for the consideration of the other Powers. He would give 110 opinion that the conduct of the Carbonari justified the interference of Austria. Upon that subject he would give no opinion, be cause he would not prejudge the question. As to the interruption of the communication between. Naples and this country, 'there . was . none: Sir A'Court was still in Naples, and Count Ludolph was here, and a variety of communi cations had taken place between the two cows tries. It was stated some time ago, that no new powers were given to our Minister at Naples. The reason for that was in the situation of Naples with respect to Sicily, and they could not have given those powers without prejudging `that question; - and deciding against the case of Sicily. He had no difficulty in saying that - this country had not any part in the removal of the King of Naples to LitylfaCh With respect to the ob servation of•the Noble Lord, on the circumstance of the King of Naples heif ' r embarked on board a British. ship of war, so far from that being a proOf of thiS GovernMent having taken any part in the proceedings •in question, he should have. been. ashamed if that . Monarch, had not been af forded such insignificant accommodation when h e " asked for it. However they might not choose to take part one way or, the other in the Revolution, he did think, with respect to a Monarch who had , been one of the most ancient friends and Allies of this country, it would have been unbe coming in this Government to, have refused that .Monarch and his family any degree of personal protection is its power. The Noble Earl next alluded to the parallel which the. Noble Earl (Grey) had attempted to draw betwixt the pre sent Revolution- in :Naples and the for Mer revolt of the Spanish nation against Joseph Buona parte. He could not, he said, conceive two cases more different from -each other. In the case of - Spain, their King had been withdrawn from them. by one of the most- treacherous acts that ever stained the• page of history. The Spanish peo ple, thrown then upon themselves, took up arms in their own defence, drove, their oppressors from the country, and themselves. a Govern mt for Whether that form of Government was good or bad was a question which he did not intend to enter upon. It was established by the Legitimate Au i thority of the Country, end was b r ou g ht about by the efforts of the Spanish nation, aided by a Noble and Gallant Friend him (the Di k& of Wellington). It Was with satisfaction that he stated that the Ambassador from this country at that time, wherab e saw the King of Spain at Valencia, before he entered Madrid; advised him, under certain modifications, to accept the.Cou stitution then tendered to him. ever, adopted different Counstai s - _lse determined. ußon dissolving the Ct • 1 • • • •Al sire, , that tt•e •• ti • should be t fOrib&ik •• nodyilt or es, sAwhoulaat was de- Tl , te King, how with regard to Spain boraesea: in this material The ci oi c il 1,41 eceCsotherefore, Was there any sect concerne different itNhe "Ist" what was there in it . 1 were differ any which existed in other o d f and t; rarna.. i t ff f e lr r : e nn d ri Point—that all that was done h. national l in t F h o e i r v e i , g i t r i i ). short, e any con l t ( h i i be justified u s i • e l s e i h t i r c i d t ao n l o i l l ni n a tor f ti l i e • i i i si t tri a l t r i time complete.character of a national transaction ? Nee gitrtetahtaqt t c le a s se tio u n p s on wh a i n c v h art) of one Power ground. There were two ier The irst was ., a moral questions—Wl, .ethe r the party interfering had a cause to •• •f in every interference: Just! y that interference ? The was a prudential on---Whether, if there were a a a „ se •••`• ono —Whether, - would be wisdom or folly to he did not feel p urs ue it ? He must say that in terference ou the there was any ground for part of this country. Ile did not feel, neither, that these was ani ground whatever for the aid of this country being given to either side. Th e N oble Lord had alluded to* the manner in which the K • in g of Naples had bea come Possessed of his domi • Id tell mons. e ems the Noble Lord that lie had lecome possessed of them by the invasion- of - an Austrian army ! Ha was placed there by an Austrian army, and with the express stipulation that ' that army was to re-. main for some time after t accession of the King to power. It was .due, in • • justice to that much-calumniated- Governm. • eta Of Austria, to state, 'that the army was • , a r , d '" `ill from that country as soon as the prospect - of, t pe man en t tranquillity 'appeared, and a considerable time, before the termination of the period stipulated. With respect to the pratiamation to which the . Noble Earl had referred, an read, lie must • • express his opinion that it was a spurious (hien ment. did not mean to vouch' for it, but - h e f e lt pretty certain that it was as he had stated. With respect to the conduct which had been adopted towards Austria, he believed it was Wholly consistent with the honour of his Ma". jesty's Government, and he could not Thirvis. That it called for any interference Ott the part of Par liament. That could not he required, if it were thought that that- conduct had been perfectly justifiable, and according to the principles of a fair neutrality. There had heen noecoivocation. on the part of his Majesty's Government in thia affair. They had stated from the beginning. , • ded to take-. This Revolu what part they intended Lion was in character entirely different froth that Of Spain. Under all the circumstances,_ he that this Government: would re peated,he did not feel would be justified in taking a part. This Go vernment had not taken any part, and they would not take any part. If the House conceived that they were not justified in the course they had already pursued towards Austria, they would. vote forAtte production of these papers:- Lord floLLAsn declared, that even if he . coUitl for a moment suppose that -Government vas jus tifiedin•all they had done,' and had acted ac 'cording to the strict rules of neutrality, even then he should vote in favour of the Motion be- s fore the House. Before he proCeeded to' notice any of the topics which had been introduced ilk . twhiatth aUser the course of the debate, h e mus t say th a t it ap peared to him, from the view which the . Noble Lord opposite (Earl Liverpool) had called upo!t• him to take, that the information before did House was insufficient. The Noble Lord said, that if they voted for the production of more papers, they expressed an opinion that this Go vernment would be justified in interfering with respect to Austria. He. denied this position of the Noble Lord's, inasmuch as the information they had on the subjec't was incompkte and ima perfect, and required now there th. 43 e v er to be iOustratad papers that could be produced for that purpose. He might event acknowledge that the papers they had weres i, a tisfactory ; but still th e y were i ncomp l e te. r Foreign Courts as far as the controversy appear ed by the papers on the table, had certainly the better of it. What were the proceedings of the three Alli e d C ourts ? They told us that we had signed treaties, by which we were holed to sup port and go along with them in the course they were at this moment. pursuing with regard Co Naples. The answer to this was, that we re cognised the said treaties; but denied we were bound by them. This was very wet! as farais pant by . flat denial wen t ; b ut this answer also referred to.: other tre a ti es, w h ic h those insi s t e d u modified and exl4illett which .we inf erre d. t h at- we *ere not boundna the t!" •do their bidd; in . present instance. It was Courts, and from evident, therefore, that in order to make the', matter clear and explicit to that House, thef Were bound to produce other papers. These, however, were not the chief reasons upon which he intended to vote for the production of the said papers. lie must coufess, that after the con— sideration he had given the subject from the paper they possessed, and after listening to the speech of the Noble Lord (Lard Liverpool), and combining the two, he thought there wage great; grounds for thinking that there was partiality' on the part of Ministers in their proceedings with the Allied Powers. .The Noble Lord opposite began his speech by chiding his Noble Friend (Earl Grey), for laying great stress on the date of 'The declaration of the Secretary for Foreign Af fairs on this subject. In reply to all that was urged against this part of The proceeding, he said that they had been holding this language for a Long tine. the Austrian Court, and he also said that they could not publish the paper in question sooner.. Put the time at which this paper was publish e d gave him (Lord Holland) , strong gromids fur suspecting the inclination of this Government in the affair. The Noble Lord said, he was aware that-The insinuation was, that the " p;11;er was got up for The meeting of Parliament; and he must confess that for his own part tie thaaglit it had very intich that appearance.. True