The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-02 00:00:00

Mbtttott SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. THE DUBLIN CORPORATION. THE QUEEN'S ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS. The Deputation, with th e Add ress o f t h e D u bli n Corpora tion, waited on her Majesty, at two o'clock to-day, which consisted of tho Lord Mayor, Aldermen Gardener and Mac kennar, Town Councillori• J. Dunne, J. Bury, J. Fallon, J. Burke, F. Tuite, Jahn Rielly, W. Reynolds, the High Con stable, City Marshal. Mace -bearer, Sword-bearer, and the Rev. Dr. O'Connell, Chaplain to the Lord Mayor. The following is the answer:— "I receive with satisfaction the assurance that sentiments of loyalty and attachment to my person and Crown continue to be cherished by you. " The legal proceedings to which you refer are now in pro gress before a competent tribunal, and I am unwilling to interrupt the administration of justice according to law. " It is at all times my anxious desire that any grievance, of which my people can justly complain, should be speedily redressed, and I confide in the wisdom of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for the adoption of such legislative measures as may be necessary for that purpose." SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. GLOBE.—The Cabinet cooks, who have set before us the various made-dishes of the Queen's speech, deserve credit for diversifying the dainties out of such limited raw materials. The real, subjects of congratulation amount, in reality, mainly, to two—and these two may be briefly designated as the results of a conquest, and a confiscation. That we have conquered peace and " indemnity " for our selves, and free trade for every body, by our Chinese expeditions, is undoubtedly matter for congratulation. Only these proceedings were inchoate under another administra tion ; and most enormously was that administration black ened for them by some members of the present. Most piously—most pusillanimously—did the Gladstone and Gra ham thereon perorate. They have thought better of it, and are content to have conquered trade from China, maugre their deprecations ; and even, after straining at the gnat of China, to swallow the camel—of Sinde. We confess a pa triotic satisfaction in showing the world that no English party are quite such fools and cowards as these men then affected themselves— As if hypocrisy and nonsense Had got the advowson of their conscience— and we feel a further satisfaction moreover, superior to party-jealousies, in the proud position Great Britain has been the first amongst nations to take in this Treaty with China. We mean the position of true mag nanimity, and true policy, so strongly contrasted with all the miserable annals of Portuguese, Dutch, French, and English mercantile reciprocal injuries and pro scriptions in those remote markets—exposing all Europe to the hatred and contempt which the traders of each nation poured on each other. It is a great, and hitherto unrivalled glory, that the Sovereign of this country can say— " Throughout the whole course of my negotiations with the Government of China, I have unitbrmly disclaimed the wish for any exclusive advantages. It has been lily desire that equal favour should be shown to the industry and commercial enterprise of all na tions." Passing from conquest, we come to confiscations— the income-tax. These two operations (together with some what more favourable seasons) have chiefly, or wholly, made up the real matter for public congratulation. If "several important branches of trade and manufactures" are in an " improved condition," it is owing (coincidently with better seasons) to the conquest of a new market, of important extent, and indefinite profit. We say of indefinite profit, be cause it is not clear (and the royal speech has made it no clearer) what equivalent returns we shall be able to obtain, directly or indirectly, for our newly-extended exports to China. The Chinese, no more than any other nation, can defray any vastly increased extent of purchases in the precious _metals; the question, therefore, is, can we obtain and consume a vast increase of Chinese products ; or carry a vast increase of them to others, -in payment for other things which we want ourselves? Unless the Chinese can supply our wants, it will hardly pay long to supply theirs. We regret that the speech and debate throw no light on anything concerning tea and sugar. Conquest and confiscation then have made up the revenue, as the former has helped commerce. 'Without the nureckoned-on windfall from the former, and the professedly unexpected amount derived from the income inquisition, the commercial policy of the present Ministry would have increased the deficiency of the revenue. Let us thank God, then, and make.no boast. But the Prime Minister, it seems, will boast. Sir Robert Peel says—" I hope that, looking at the general state of affairs the Government may be considered justified in stating that a considerable improvement has taken place ; and that, upon all the matters referred to in the speech, in regard to our foreign relations, in regard to our trade, and the state of our revenue, the Government may fairly present itself before this House, and before the country, confident of having fulfilled the expectations it had held out, and of not having failed in any of its duties." The Government held out no expectations that any measures it could take would revive commerce ; and, with regard to revenue, the expectations it did hold out would have been disappointed, had not one blunder balanced another, and had not large contributions been received from uncalculated sources. We shall examine Sir R. Peel's corn-law declaration at more leisure. STANDARD.—In justice to the Attorne y -General for Ireland, it is right to quote the authority of the Dublin Evening lMuil, a journal hitherto the reverse of friendly to the Right Hon. Gentleman, for the fact that the coarse in sults offered to him by Mr. Fitzgibbon were the result of a premeditated plan to run him down—in short to bully him, if he were accessible to fear. The Mail tells the story, after describing Mr. Fitzgibbon as a " person of vast powers of [foul] language—possessing great facilities for rendering his observations peculiarly biting, and is reputed, and we under stand deservedly, as one ever ready to incur any personal re sponsibility that his observations may involve him in." This, with the word we have supplied, and certainly it is only in foul language that we have seen any proof of Mr. Fitzgibbon's power, exactly describes a bully, and this, according to our Dublin Contemporary, was the person set upon the Attorney- General :—" At an early hour on Monday it was boasted by the friends of the traversers—and was matter of such public notoriety that nothing but a sense of delicacy, and a desire not to anticipate the line intended to be taken by any ad vocate, prevented our noticing it in the publication of that evening—that Mr. Fitzgibbon's instructions were to kill and slay'—and that no doubt he would do his work efficiently. This was the impression made upon the minds of the gentlemen attached to the London press— many of whom talked of it in this office ; it was the im pression made upon the public mind ; and is it not reasonable to suppose that " some d—d good-natured friend " did not give the Attorney-General a hint of what was in pre paration for him? It was further boasted that the Right Hon. Gentleman was hasty in coming to conclusions, easy of excitement, sensitive in disposition, and quick of temper— that a trap was set for him, and that he was sure to be caught." The Attorney-General, however, was not caught. It is no doubt a legal fiction that a library removed some score of yards from the Court, is the Court, just as it is a legal fiction that St. James's Park is St. James's Palace, but this is mere fiction; a private note, whatever its tenor, delivered in a distant library during the recess of the Court certainly could not disturb the Court, and if Mr. Fitzgibbon had acquiesced in either alternative of the Attorney-General's application, neither the pub lic nor the court would know one word of the matter. The note, let it be remembered, was not a challenge, it was a demand of an explanation of what was, and was deliberately intended to be, a gross insult. As to what afterwards occurred, no human being—no; one at least with the feeling of a gentleman could anticipate that Mr. Fitzgibbon would take the course he did take. If he felt that he had been wrong, he could either apo log:se directly, without the least loss of honour, or apologise through the friend whom he was invited to name. If he felt that he was not wrong, he might, we hope, without disgrace, say so, and decline, the alternative; but having given what was taken as an offence, the Lord Chief Justice was exactly the last man in the world to whom he ought to have appealed ; and, at all events, Mr. Fitz gibbon it was who disturbed the Court by the obtrusion of a personal quarrel. Of this the Attorney-General is wholly guiltless. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met this morning at half-past twelve o'clock, and proceeded in procession to to the Palace to present the address. Before leaving the House their Lordships ad journed until Monday. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SrEmma took the Chair at Four o'Clock. Several petitions on private Bills were presented. STATE TRIALS. Mr. THORNELY presented a petition agreed to at a public meeting in Liverpool, at which several thousand persons were present, and signed by Mr. Rathbone, the Chairman, on the subject of the State trials in Dublin. The petitioners complained of the selection of the jury, from which sixty-five names had been withdrawn, as a dangerous invasion of the right of trial by jury —( Hear, hear)—and of the challenge on behalf of the Crown of every Roman Catholic, as a practical repeal of the Catholic Emancipation Bill.—(Hear: hear.) They moreover complained of it as an affront to the whole Roman Catholic body, and they prayed the House to institute an inquiry on the subject, and to adopt such measures as would remedy the evil already inflicted, and pre vent the recurrence of such a serious evil in future.—( Hear. ) Mr. PATTISON presented a petition from Thomas Clark, of London, stating that he had been confined in the Queen's Bench Prison for seventeen years, and praying for an alteration in the law with regard to imprisonment for debt. ANIMALS' FRIEND SOCIETY. Mr. STUART WORTLEY presented a petition from the Animals' Protection Society, praying the House to adopt some measures for the better regulation of the slaughter•heuses of the metropolis. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. WARD gave notice that on the motion of the Hon. Member for Pontefract being made, he should move an amend ment, that no provision for the secular Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland could be just, or tend to re-establish the tranquillity of that country, unless based on a revision of the whole eccle siastical system, so as to place all religious denominations on a footing of perfect equality. POST-OFFICE. Mr. ELPHINS TONE gave notice of his intention to move for leave to bring in a Hill to amend the present Post-office system. DUCHY OF CORNWALL. Mr. TRELAWNEY gave notice that on the 15th of February he should move for a Committee to take into con sideration the whole state and position of the Duchy of Corn wall. EXCHEQUER-(THIS DAY). (Sittings at Nisi Prins, before Lord ABLNGER and Common J uries.) COLLEY V. BURTON. Mr. Jervis and Mr. Ilumphery appeared for the plaintiff, Mr. Whateley and Mr. Terrett conducted the case for the defendant. _ This was an action to recover compensation in damages for certain injuries sustained by the plaintiff's cab, which he alleged were caused by cooling in collision with the defen dant's cart, which was driven carelessly and negligently. The accident occured nearly opposite the "Load of Hay," in the Hampstead-road. From the evidence adduced on the part of the plaintiff, it appeared that the cab had sustained corsiderable injury, and that the cost of repairing it would come to 161. oa 201. A witne9P, who was said to be in Scotland, was here pointed out by a witness under examination. This witnesss, on being sworn, stated that he repaired the cab ; tint it took him about four hours, for which he received 45., and that the work and; materialivouldnot exceed 40s. ; shati the bill produced in Court, purporting to be owing by the plaintiff to him, and amounting to 10/. 10s., was made out by the direction of the plaintiff's wife; and that the work specified in it was never done to the cab, and was merely concocted by the plaintiff and his solicitor to recover damages from the defendant. It however, ap peared, that the witness had formerly been in the service of the plaintiff; and was, according to his account, discharged for refusing to swear against his belief.—Verdict for the de fendant. BANK OF ENGLAND. Quarterly Average of the Weekly Liabilities and Assets of the Bank of England, from the 4th day of November, to the 27th on January, 1844, both :inclusive, published pursuant to the Act, 3 and 4 W. IV., cap. 98. LIA BILITIES. Circulation .......E19,611,000 Securities --..- :..E21,937, 000 Deposit* 13 ,172.000 Bullion. 13,933,000 ♦SSETS. Jr.:32,78:3,000 Downing-street, Feb. 2,1 E --- £35,870,000 COURSE OF EXCHA Amsterdam CF. 12 6 Ditto, at sight Rotterdam ..2 U. 12 64 Antwerp :25 95 Hamburgh : M. B. 13 15 Altona Paris, 3 days' sight Ditto, 3 months 25 85" Marseilles 73ourdeaux 25 95 Frankfort on Maine 122 Petersburgh, 3 Us.: 36 } Berlin 7 Vienna, effee. 11. 3 M 9 56 Trieste, ditto 9 58 Ai _drid 36 C .diz 36i Bibao B xcelona 36 Seville ••.••• -- , NGE.—' THIS DAY.) Gibraltar . Leghorn ........ 30 80 Genoa 25 95 Milan • Venice ... 47i Naples Palermo , per oz 118 4 I isbon Oporto 52 Rio Janeiro 23 Bahia Buenos Ayres . New York, 21days sight Philadelphia PRICKS OF BULLION, Pik Os. Foreign Gold, bars £3 17 9 Portugal Gold Com.. 3 17 5 New Doubloons 0 0 0 New Dollars 0 4 X Silver in Bars... 0 4 11 HOT BLAST CASE.—We understand that the pro- Caedititp in this long litigated case were finally settled on , Friday last by compromise—the Messrs. Baird , th e last of the parties with whom an arrangement had to be made with the patentees, having agreed to pay 100,0001. for the use of the patent, and-ii,kurther sum of 6,000/., in name of expenses. We learn that had - the original demand of the patentees, Viz., is. per ton, been acceded to, and had no attempt been blade to break the patent, the whole amount to be paid would not have exceeded 7,0001. The other parties inte smid in . lie case had, previously t o th e a b ove arrangemen t, co promised for ss. a ton.—Edinburgh Paper. TOLLS ON LIME. Col. T. WOOD gave notice that on the 15th Feb., he should move to bring in a B►ll to exempt Lime from paying Turnpike Tolls (as we understood). STATE OF WALES. Doctor BOWRING gave notice that he should ask a question of the Government connected with the late oubreaks in Wales—whether a report had been made on the subject, and if so, whether the report would be laid before the house. SUPPLY. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD gave notice that, when a motion was made for going into Committee of Supply, he should move, as an amendment, that a Committee be appointed for inquiring into the grievances of the people. IRISH REGISTRATION. Colonel RAWDON moved for a return of the electors for counties in Ireland now entitled to vote, with the name of the baronies from which each elector registers ; also for a similar return of the electors registered after the passing of the Irish Reform Act. FOREIGN JURISDICTION OVER BRITISH SUE- JECTS. Mr. M. MILNES moved for copies of all orders of Council under the Foreign Jurisdiction Act, and of any correspondence that has taken place between :the Government and Foreign Powers on the subject of criminal jurisdiction over British subjects abroad. BANKRUPT RETURNS. Mr. W ATSON moved far the following returns:—Return of all sums of money received and paid to the fund called " The Secretary of Bankrupts' Account," since the passing and under the statute 5 and 6 Vic., c. 122 ; a ith a return of the names of all persons who have been paid by salary, compen sation, or in any other manner, and with the sums charged on the said fund, and all charges allowed on the same fund.— Return of a copy of every claim for compensation made to the Lord Chancellor by each person, as the clerk of the enrol ments, deputy of such clerk, comptroller of the har aper, riding clerk, six clerk, sworn clerk, waiting clerk, agent, or record keeper, under the statute 5 and 6 Vic. c. 103, s. 12.—Return of a copy of any order made by the Lord Chancellor for com. rensation under the statute 5 and Vic. c. 103.—Return of all compensations awarded or allowed to officers in the Courts of justice, under the statutes 11 Geo. 4, and Will. 4, c. 58 ; stating the names of the persons, tue amount of compensation, and the office in respect of which the compensation was awarded and allowed.—Return of all sinecure offices, and offices entirely performed by' deputy in the Court of Chancery, and the Superior Courts of Common Law at Westminster; stating the names of the holders of such offices, and the amount of salaries received for the last three years.—Return of the various duties performed by the Masters of the Courts of Queen's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer. at Westminster.—Agreed to. MISSION TO SHOA. Dr. BOWRING moved for a copy of the correspondence relating to the late Mission to Shoa. Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR moved for copies of any correspondence that had taken place between the Poor. law Commissioners and the guardians of the Glastonbury Union, relative to the dismissal of Mr. George Newman from the medical superintendence of the poor in that union. Mr. STUART WORTLEY said he had to put a question of great importance to the Noble 1.41 rd, the Secrtary for the Colonies. He wished to ask his Noble Friend, whether the course pursued by Sir Charles Metcalfe in Canada had the concurrence of her Majesty's Government? Lord STANLEY said he was not at all sorry that his Hon. Friend had put the question to him, because he believed that, in a matter of this kind, it was essential that there should be no mistaken impression upon the public mind. He had no hesitation in saying that the policy pursued by Sir Charles Metcalfe in Canada had the entire approbation of her Majt sty's Government. Theselection of Sir Charles Metcalfe— a man of tried abilities, and known liberal views in politics—as Governor of Canada, was quite in keeping with the course which her Majesty's Government wished to pursue in that coun try. But although Sir C. Metcalfe went out to carry out the views of the Government at home, yet he was equally determined to resist any demands inconsistent with the dignity of the Crown. He should conclude by saying that Sir C. Metcalfe, in pursuing this course, would have the entire support of the Home Govern ment. Lord JOHN RUSSELL wished to ask whether it was the intention of the Government to communicate to the House the instructions sent out by the Government at home to Sir Charles MetcalfeA or the correspondence which had taken place be tween the Government and the Colonial .office. Lord STANLEY said that no communication such as the Noble Lord alluded to had been sent to Sir Charles Metcalfe, but at the proper time, if the Noble Lord chose to put the question, be would explain the course pursued by Sir Charles, when he would have to satisfactorily vindicate it. Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose, when Mr. ROEBUCK called the Noble Lord to order. It was not right to allow a conversation of this kind when no other person could make an observation. Mr. HAWES wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the Treasury, if he would have any objection to lay upon the table copies of the papers connected with the re cent treaty concluded with the Brazils? _ _ Sir R. PEEL said, in answer to the Hon. Gentleman's question, he felt bound to say that the treaty was about to expire in about a year, and during the present state of the matter he did not deem it consistent with his public duty to order the returns to which the Hon. Gentleman alluded. CHARITABLE TRUSTS. In answer to a question from Sir George Grey. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, that he did not ask the Right Hon. Gentleman to withdraw the Motion of which he had given notice, but he could assure the Right Hon. Gentleman that during the recess the subject had been under the anxious con sideration of the Government, and at a very early period of the session a measure would be proposed upon the subject.— ( Hear, hear. ) ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS. Sir GEORGE GREY begged to ask the Right Hon. Ba ronet another question :.—Whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to propose in this Session any measure for the improvement of the Ecclesiastical Courts ; and if so, whether that measure would be introduced in this or the other House of Parliament. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that his Noble Friend the Lord Chancellor had announced in the other House his inten tion to bring in a Bill upon the subject at an early period. THE CASE OF MR. BONHAM. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that as he saw the Hon. Mem ber for Exeter had just taken his place, he wished to ask him a question relating to a notice given by the Honourable Gentleman, which, it not explained, might have an injurious effect upon the reputation of an Honourable Friend of his. He alluded to the notice which the Hon. Member for Exeter had given of a motion on the Bth of February, for an address to her Majesty to dismiss F. R. Bonham, Esq., from the office of Storekeeper of the Ordnance.—( Hear, hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) wished to enquire whether the Hon. Gentleman would object to state what were the grounds of his motion ? Mr. DIVETT said that when he gave the notice he had no intention of injuring the reputation of Mr. Bonham ; but, on the contrary, he sincerely hoped that gentleman would be able to give a satisfactory explanation of his conduct on the occa sion of which he (Mr. D.) thought he had reason to complain. As a preliminary he must state, that though undoubtedly he was influenced by public considerations in bringing the subject forward, the complaint which he had to make referred not to Mr. Bonham's official position, but to the functions IA hick he performed in the position which he held with refe rence to the Carlton Club, and the Conservative party.— ( Great laughter.) Gentlemen might laugh ; they pro bably knew Mr. Bonham's functions much better than he did; but undoubtedly his functions appeared to him of such a questionable character that he thought it essential that the Government should learn what they were.—( Cries of "Oh ! oh !") He was not aware that he had said anything to cause that interruption. As he had already said, he most sin• cerely hoped that Mr. Bonham would be able to give a satis factory answer to the charge which he had to make against him.—(Hear, hear.) That charge, he would now state, related to his conduct in reference to the last London election. The charge was, that Mr. Bonham, either through himself or guided by others, had made representations which, if not intentionally fraudulent, were certainly reprehensible. He had been very sorry to find it necessary to make any complaint of that nature —( Hear, hear.) He bad even thought of writing to the Right Hon. Baronet to know whether he justified such a mode of carrying on th e b usiness of elections, but he had ultimately thought that it would not be desirable to pursue such a course. He thought, however, that as the matter was one affecting the purity of election a nd the state o f the Parlia mentary representation, it was his duty to bring it under the consideration of the House. If the Hun. Gentleman wished him to state the case then, instead of making the deliberate motion which he had put on the books, he was prepared to do so. At the same time he must state that there were two or three letters on the subject, which he had not then in his possession, and the reading of which was es sential to its proper elucidation.—( Hear, hear. ) Sir R. PEEL said he had no wish to elicit from the Hon. Gentleman a general statement of the transactions to which he referred, he had only wished to ascertain whether the motion was grounded on some official act of misconduct, independently of any electioneering question. Mr. DIVETT repeated, that it did not relate to Mr. Ron ham's misconduct in his official position. It re f erre d no t t o hi s ostensible, but to his real position in relation to the Govern ment.—(lronical cries of Hear, Iv- —.At-, hear. ) THE PRESENTATION OF PETITIONS. Mr. WALLACE said that in accordance with the notice which he had given last night he would now move that the Standing Order of the House which prevented Members from speaking on petitions be read. The Clerk then read the Standing Order. RIGHT OF PETITION. Mr. WALLACE rose so bring forward, according to notice, a motion—" That the practice of the House on the presenta tion of petitions complaining of the grievances of the people be altered, so that in future petitions may be publicly discussed at the time of their presentation ; and that any rule or order of this House which controls or prohibits the discussion of the pail Lions of the people at the time of their presentation be rescinded." The sessional order on this subject having been read by the Clerk at the table, the Hon. Gentleman proceeded to say that it was his intention to move, in conformity with the terms of the motion he had just read to the House, that that order be rescinded ; but as the question had been often discussed, he did not feel it necessary: to occupy much of the public time in addressing himself to it. The people of this country, however that House might frame their regulations, could not bring themselves to understand why, when their pe titions were sent up, they should, by a rule, in the making of which they bad no part, and the practice of which they disapproved, be merely mentioned, but not discussed. To pursue this plan would be to make petitions obso lete.—(Laughter.) During two of the years he had had the honour of a seat in Parliament, he referred to the years 1832 and 1833, the petitions of the people were discussed iully, and this mode of doing business gave great satisfaction to the entire c untry. As might be supposed, the discontinuance of so wholesome and popul r a practice had an effect exactly the reverse. The people now were led to believe th t Members received their petitions, just read their object to the House. and that they were then thrown under the tables, or jammed into bags and large sacks. Now those who knew what importance the people attached to this their ancient right of petition, should pause before they did anything that might lead to a distrust in or a discountenance of the prac tice. He (Mr. Wallace) did not deny that the former practice was attended at times with considerable trouble ; but a distinction might be made were there any in clination shown by the House to do away with the present system. In the session of 1839, a division took place on this subject, and the numbers were for the continuance of the pre sent practice 105 ; and against its continuance 50 only. In the session of 1842, the subject was twice before the House— once being brought forward by himself, and once by the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Duncombe), for the division on his own motion he had forty-three votes with him, and one hundred and eighty-three against him. In that year there was a very particular remark of that House, in consequence of the motion of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Duncombe.) He (Mr. Wallace) brought forward the question in that year on the same principle that he did now—the inherent right of the people—a right which that House had not constitutionally the power to wrest away. But his Hon. Friend ( Mr. Duncombe) had broached the subject as connected with the question of taxation ; viz., that at all events, when matters of taxation were petitioned about, they should have the right to discuss those petit►ons—that therein, at all events, the old and healthy practice should be restored. On the occasion to which he referred in 1842, the division showed 136 votes in favour of the motion of the lion. Member for Finsbury, whereas there were only 167 against it ; then the motion was lost, even in a Conservative Parliament, by only 31 votes. The people out of doors had no opportunity of ever seeing their petitions after they were presented. They were sent to the Committee on Petitions, who dealt with them as they pleased, sometimes reading them in whole, and some tim es reading mere extracts. The only way left to a representa tive of informing his constituents what had become of their petition, was by stating that he had presented such a peti tion on such a day. But the :people out of doors did not understand this, and they found great fault in being dealt with in such a manner. The rule that indivi dual petitions might be printed with the votes, was overborne by other rules. On two occasions—one last session, and the other in the preceding session—he was forced to have two petitions undiscussed, because he could not find a day to bring them forward, though he had watched every opportunity. One of those he got printed with the votes, but the other he did not, because it referred to the character of a judicial person. He would therefore call on the House to depart from the stringent rule by which the petitions of the people were kept in a manner secret. The people could not purchase the votes of the Houes, in which those things were noticed, and the Members were not allowed to send them to their constituents. He believed that the rescinding of that rule would be exceed. ingly gratifying to the country. Having stated the nature of the case which he had to bring before the House, and it having been stated fully twice before during the present Parliament, he had merely to observe that, if this proposal should be re jected, the people would have a right to conclude that the majority of that House were determined to do all that in them lay to prevent the people having any knowledge of the manner in which the business of that House was -conducted. He should certainly divide the House upon his motion. Dr. BOWRING fully agreed with the observations which had fallen from his Hon. Friend, and he should therefore feel great pleasure in seconding the motion. It could not escape the observation of Hon. Gentlemen, that there was a growing indisposition on the part of the people for petitioning that House, and he, therefore, cordially seconded the motion. Sir ROBERT PEEL felt a little surprised at the observa tion of the lion. Gentleman who last addressed the House, that there was a growing disposition to withhold petitions from the House of Commons. He (Sir R. Peel) thought he was then speaking from memory—that duriug the last year 25,0, 0 petitions wa. presented; and if the Hon. Gentleman would compare that number with the number presented during the preceding year, he would not find that there was any disposition on the part of the people to withhold petitions from the House of Commons. Did the Hon. Gentleman recollect the petitions that were pressnted with respect to education, when the Educa tion Bill was under consideration last year. If he did so, he ( Sirß. Peel) did not think that in that case any proof would be dis covered of a want of disposition, on the part of the people, to withhold petitions when they had any objections to public measures proposed. He thought he had heard from Honour able Gentlemen that the result of these petitions was a conclusive proof of the efficacy of the right of petitioning. The question was not what would most suit the personal conve nience of Members, but as to which practice would be most conducive to the proper conducting public business. Some years ago it was usual to enter into debate on petitions, as it was then held that it was very useful, because many Members of Parliament. who distrusted their own powers, and were un willing to enter into a general discussion had thus an opportu , pity of speaking on petitions. He (Sir R. Peel) must say, that the confidence of the House had very much increased and now there was no such difference on the part of individual Members to address the House.—(Renewed aughter.)— In point of fact the practice had grown up of having debates on questions of great public importance, which lasted six or seven days, and thus the opportunity of addressing the House was afforded; and he thought that a speech made a greater impression when delivered in the course of a consecutive discussion, than when delivered at an unexpected time on the occasion of presenting ape ition. This subject was brought under the notice of the house when the late Govern ment was in power, and when Mr. Abercrombie filled the chair which the iresent Speaker now so worthily occupied ; and he begged to remind the House of the rule then laid down. The impression was so great, of the inconvenience of occupying the early part of a day fixed for an im portant public discussion by the discussion of petitions, that the generalsense of the house was taken on the point, and by the general concurrence of the House, the practice was changed. But what were the regulations at present. It was competent for any member to present a petition ; he may state the place from whence it came, its objects. aad the number of signatures attached to it, and if he pleased, he might have that petition read at the table. If be intended to found a motion on that petition it was not referred to the Select Com mittee on petitions, but was printed with the votes—if the pe tition referred to a personal grievance, then he apprehended that it was competent for the member to have that petition discussed—these were the standing regulations, and instead of arguing the question, he thought it better to leave it to the sense of individual Members to decide whether it was not better for the order and satisfactory conduct of public business, to adhere to the present rule, rather than originating a discussion on the presenting of petitions his own opinion was that it was for the public advantage to adhere to the Standing Orders formed by a large majority of the House, and he hoped the House would not now depart fromthe rules it affirmed in 1840. Mr. BROTHERTON said he was convinced that the discussion on petitions, when presenting them, was impracti cable. He never saw one of his constituents whom he could not convince of is s impracticability. The present mode, so far from being objectionable, was the best, and petitions were now presented in the best manner in which he had ever seen them. According to the old principle it was impossille to present more than three or four petitions of a night. He hoped his Hon. Friend would not attempt a division. He would merely direct the attention of his Hon. Friend to the number of peti tions which had been presented at different periods. In the the five p ars ending 1799, the number of petitions presented had been 880 ; in the five years ending 1805, it had been 1©26; in the five years ending 1815, they had been 4,498. In the five years ending 1831 they had been 24,492, and in the five years ending 1843 they had been 94,291. ( Hear, hear.) Now he would ask his Hon Friend if it were possible to have a discussion upon all these petitions.—( Cheers.) The fact was, that under the old system petitions were sent to only a few Members, who would occupy the time of the House, regardless of the feelings of all present, and who would make long Speeches. He had, under the old plan, brought down petitions to the House, for nine days consetiutively, without having had an opportunity of presenting them. He had the strongest conviction that the people would not be dissatisfied with the present ,plan if it were properly explained to them.— (Cheers.) Although he was generally found voting on the popular side, and although he was not insensible'to the appro• bation of the people, he felt, from a sense of duty, bound to vote against the motion.: Mr. WARD had, some years since, brought forward a mo tion similar to that proposed by the Hon. Member for Greenock, but further experience hnd convinced him of the correctness of the views entertained by the Hon. Member for Salford, and of the impossibility of discussing petitions when they were pre sented. He should, therefore, be compelled to vote against the motion, although he had brought forward a similar one himself. some years since. He felt that the adjourned debates to which allusion had been made by the Right Hon. Baronet, afforded the Members representing large constituencies a more conve nient opportunity of placing their sentiments on record, than would be afforded them by any discussion upon petitions. The Right Hon. 13arcfnet, however, had overlooked the fact that any Hon. Member on his (the Ministerial) side of the House were constantly anxious to press a division. The Right Hon. Baronet should recollect that in debates en great com mercial questions, it was but right that every Member repre senting a large commercial constituency ought to have an opportunity of delivering his sentiments. It was true he had brought forward a motion something similar in purport upon a former occasion, but that was in the days of his inexperience, and much as he might regret it he felt bound to vote against his Hon. Friend. Mr. FIELDEN, who from the extremely low and indistinct tone of voice in which he spoke, and the noise in the House, was nearly inaudible in the gallery, was understood to say that he hoped his Hon. Friend would divide the House upon his mo tion, when he (Mr. Fielden) would certainly vote in its favour. Mr. WALLACE said that all he had heard on both sides of the House had not changed his opinion that the people out of the House would be glad to have the rule rescinded. He en tirely differed from the view taken by his Hon. Friend the Member for Salford. His Hon. Friend was a member of the Committee on Petitions, and most people were easily biassed in their opinions by the possession of mock autho rity. However, he _did not wish to waste the time of the House—(Laughter, and oh, oh)—and as he was remieded by the First Lord of the Treasury that to do away with the rule would interfere with another regulation, which he considered very useful, he would withdraw his motion for the present, but at another time he would show the House that the rule ought to be modified. The motion was accordingly withdrawn. Sir G. CLERK moved the usual sessional orders. Mr. W. WILLIAMS said some of these standing orders were so much at variance with the practice of the House that Govern ment ought to revise them. When the Hou s e h a d l a id d own ru l es for the guidance of its proceedings, those rules should be strictly adhered to ; but such was far from being the case. One of the orders was, " That no Peer of this realm bath any right to give his vote in the election of any M em b er to serve in Parliament." Now he would not discuss the right of peers to vote for Members of that House ; but the o r d er i n to vote . law Mem ber or question ought not to be established unless they had both th e commondisposition la law of tthh country power t o f r e b n a f d o e r c ae e it. No is Peer of that House ; and if a Peer were to c l a im to vote in virtue of ha is m r qualification, t hadbe been no publiclyr g barristerstated tthat would certainr efusep teoear h ad ll ow d declared that he would act in direct oppo-ition to the standing order on the subject; he did not know v. hether he had done so, but be did not see what there was to prevent him. They must bring their authority into contempt by passing rules which they had no power to enforce. Take another of the standing orders :—" That it is a high iiifring=ment of the liberties and privileges of the honours of the United Kingdom for any Lord of Parliament, or other Peer or prelate to concern himself in the election of Members to serve the boroughs in Parliament." How they were to enforce this ? It was provid before a Committee in 1836, that the Members of the House of Peers, without one single exception. exercised all the power which they possessed in virtue of property, office, or anything else in influencing the election of Members of the Hou.e of Commons. It was notorious that the Peers drove their tenants and &pendants to the poll, and made them vote at their own pleasure. If they refused they were punished, either by removal from their situations or dismissal from their farms. (LEFT SPEAKING.) THE LONDON GAZETTE. (THIS EVENING.) At the Court at Buckingham Palace, the 31st day of Janu ary, 1844, present the Queen's Most E xce ll en t Majesty in Council. Her Majesty having been pleased to appoint the Right Hon. John Edward Cornwallis, Earl of Stradbroke, to be Lord Lieutenart and Custos Rotulorum of the county of Suffolk, his Lordship this day took the oaths appointed to be taken thereupon, instead of the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. Her Illajesty in Council was this day pleased, upon the re presentation of the Eight Hon. the Lords of the Committee of Council on Education, to appoint the Rev. Henry Moseley, A.M., Professor of Natural Philosophy and Astronomy, and the Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, A.M., to be two of her Ma jesty's Inspectors of Schools. THE PRINCE OF WALES' COUNCIL CHAMBERS, SOMERSET HOUSE, FEB. 2, 1844. Henry Lewis Stephens. of Tregenna Castle, in the parish of St. Ives, has been this day appointed Sheriff of the county of Cornwall for the pretent year. WHITEHALL, JAN. 30. The Queen has been pleased to present the Rev. David Ross . Master of Arts, to the an ch at T o b ermory , i n t h e i s l an d of Mull, in the pari , hes of Kilninian an d Kil more, i n t h e presbyte y of Mull and shire of Aron, vacant by the trans portation of the Rev. Donald Stewart, late minister thereof, to the parish of Fortingall, in the presbytery of Weem. WHITEHALL, Fel. 2. The Queen has been pleased to present the Reverend Angus Logan to the church at Berriedale, i n the parish of Latheron, in the presbytery of Caithness and shire o f C a i t h ness , vacant i n consequence of the Reverend Samuel Campbell, late Minister thereof, having ceased to be a Minister of the Church of Scot land. The Queen has also been pleased to present the Rev. Donald M'Donald to the church at Kilmenny, in the united parishes of Bowmore and Kilmenny, in the presbytery of Isla and Jura and shire of Argyll, vacant in consequence of the Rev. James Pearson, late Minister thereof, having ceased to be a Minister of the Church of Scotland. THE SUN, LONDON, PBTDAY EVENING, FEBRtYAFLY 9, iR4s, comtnanced previous prics, but business has been restricted by the scanty and indifferent assortment at market. To day there was no public sale of Coffee. Ceylon met with. ready purchasers by ;.rivate contract, and prices are still loin; up ; 65s 6d to 65s paid for good ordinary. Mocha has fetched rather higher rates. Ric:E.—Carolina cleaned here has been in fair demand at 21s to 26s per cwt. To-clay Bengal Rice was less in demand, and 1,844 bags at auction were all taken in at Ils for good mid white ; lOs 9d offered after the sale. TEA.—To-day several purchases were made in Tea, and the tendency of prices is still upwards ; .common and fine Congou was the most in request. The lowest point of the market for ordinary sound Congou is 13 per lb. INDwo.—The market has been in a firm position since Friday last ; a good demand has been experienced for all qualities from the home trade, some parcels have been taken for exportation, and the rates established at the quarterly sale has been fully sustained at stiffer rates. TALLOW.—P.Y. Candle of first quality 41s per cwt. For delivery in the last three months of the year at 41s 6d to 42s per cwt. Town Tallow at 42s to 42s 6d per cwt nett cash. American at the former currency. Oiss.—For Sperm Oil prices have been firm, British sold at 721. American is 701 per tun. Cod Oil at 321 lOs to 331 per tun. Seal cheaper, 351 lOs to 361 for pale; Southern 36/ to 371 for fine quality. Linseed Oil at 26s 9d to 27s per cwt. Rape Oil, 36s is the value of pale, and 35s per cwt for brown. Olive Oil 46/ to 46/ lOs for Galipoli, and 42/to 431 for Barbary and Spanish. Palm fine quality 28s 6d to 29s per cwt. Cocoa Nut Oil fine quality 32s to 33s per cwt. American Lard Oil, at 421 to 42/ lOs per tun. This afternoon Southern Oil sold at 34/ to 361 lOs; Seal, pale 35/, brown and straw 29/ to 33/.. Roman Catholics, which was not distinctly heard in the ; - 3 -11- ; lery, but excited consislerable laughter in the fisused—lle was happy to say that although he differed from no man snore in his , political opinions than from the great-grandfather of the Noble Earl—(Laughter)—he begged pardon, the grandfather— in whom the Noble Duke opposite hail found so in convenient an ally in the campaign of emancipa tion—(Loud cheers)—yet there was no person from whom he had experienced greater respect, or inst- I riably grea'er personal kindness.—( Hear, hear.) There were some topics connected with Ireland, upon which the speech did not touch, and upon which he did not intend to detain their Lordships, although he should have wished that they had not been altogether omitted. There was one subject, however, which was referred to rather more freely than usual in a speech from the throne, he meant the registra tion of voters, which was mentioned in cora - lex:ion with its effe t upon the limitation of the franchise. If the Government brought forward in relation to that subject the measures which the exigencies of the case, and the circumstances of the country, required, no one would more cordially support such measures than he. There was an other subject on which ho wished to say one word, and which he still felt considerable difficulty in approach ing. It was the appointment of the Commission to inquire into the laws relating to landlord and tenant. There was no one who attended to the proceedings of that House but would ad mit that he (the Marquis of Normanby) .took no light view of the subject of that inquiry, and that he was the person who wrote a letter to the magistrates of Tipperary, in which more than one of their Lordships had charged him with taking erroneous views. Yet the opinions which he expressed in that letter were echoed in the last session of Parliament by the highest member of her Majesty's Government. He would, however, have much preferred that the Government had in formed itself upon the points in which it was necessary to alter the relation of landlord and tenant, and had then brought in a Bill to effect a specific remedy. The speech told them that the Commission had full authority to investigate the question and to suggest remedies ; but he much regretted the extent of time, during which public expectation was to be kept in excitement. He thought that some declaration ought to be made as to the specific points to which the attention of the Commission was to be directed. Something ought to be done to counteract impressions which when once made it would be dangerous to disappoint. (Hear.) He was sorry to feel himself obliged to say so much. But he thought that it was most desirable that something specific should he announced upon a subject respecting which there was so much misapprehension. He thought that in such a country as Ireland, where the means of information were much within the reach of the Government, no step ought to have been taken which could have a tendency to mislead the public mind. He had risen solely because he felt that from the situation which he had occupied in Ireland he ought to state the grounds upon which he did not, on the present oc casion, enter fully into the case of that unhappy country. Ile trusted that whatever evil might flow from present proceedings in that—he would repeat—unhappy country, it was accompanied with this goad—that it turned the attention of the people of England to the manner in which the sister kingdom had been governed—( Hear, hear)—for he believed that up to this time the people of England were more ignorant of the actual condition of Ireland than of that of any other country in the world.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that there was no man of any country whatever who visited Ireland, but returned with the most friendly feelings ; and he the:efore thought that the ignorance of this country respect ing Ireland was the more unfortunate, as it served to keep up those distinctions which were the cause of all the discontent, to allay a hich every expedient had been tried, except to do justice. He e 'rnight differ with the Noble lord as to the terms. Every other means hail been tried, except that of doing strict justice to Ireland ; hut he hoped those who had hitherto supported the Catholic claims would now join in removing any invidious distinction, religious or political, and endeavour to place the two countries on the same footing. He had a little departed from the strict line he had laid down to himself, of not giving any opinion or raising any question in connection with Ireland that might cause any difference, till the proper opportunity should occur. He should, therefore, say no more on this subject ; but being on his legs, he should merely say, as to the other points of the address, that he was never one of those who despaired of the resources of the country, though he thought that the Noble Earl had rather unfortunately alluded to one explana tion of the source of the present excess of revenue over ex penditure. He should riot venture on another question which the Noble Lord had introduced, and which called a cheer from some of their Lordships, and which subject had been carefully excluded from the royal speech—he meant the question of corn. On that question he differed from the Noble Lord, and therefore he should not enter into any discussion of it then. The speech, in reference to the affairs of Sinde, had been so judiciously and carefully worded that they might concur in it without expressing any opinion. He should only state that he should join with great pleasure in any vote of thanks to the officers engaged in some of the most distin. guished feats of arms that had been performed in that part et the world. He should do so with the more pleasure from his personal acquaintance with the Gallant Commander, and with Colonel Pennetather, of the 22d Regiment, who was, unfor tunately, disabled by a wound at an early period of these events, He could not but feel gratified at the reference which was made in the royal speech to the late visit of her Majesty to the King of the French. He would yield to no man in his firm belief and conviction, that upon the good understanding between Great Britain and France depended the future well being of the relations of the various European nations. It was unnecessary for him to trouble their Lordships further on that occasion, but in conclusion he would intimate that he should, probably on the 13th instant, call the attention of their Lordships to the sub ject of the present stare of Ireland. Lord BROUGHAM !Teo to caress his great satisfaction at the fact, as the Noble Lord the mover of the address had correctly stated, of this being the first time within the experience of their Lordships, that they had been called upon to present in the language of truth to the House, an address which, from the beginning to the end, contained nothing but congratula tion. He never recollected an instance when the state of the country was such as to justify the Parliament in con eratulating the Sovereign on the fact, that no point of the political horizon was at all obscured. He rejoiced that the speech, and the consonant to the speech, the address, abstained from entering minutely into a discussion of ' the affairs of Ireland. However great might be his wish to discuss that subject, he was restrained by his sense of justice—by a sense of justice towards the Crown—the party prosecuting on the one hand, and his sense, above all, of justice towards the defendants, whom he was bound to pre sume, until a verdict of their countrymen should have pronounced them guilty, were innocent of the charge laid to them, from entering into that discussion, without violating that necessary principle of justice, which militated against all discussion of the subject while legal proceedings were pending. Those proceed ings were inevitable—those proceedings were taken in the dis charge of duty on the part of the Crown. He would not enter into the question of whether it might be necessary for the Govern ment to take further steps, seeing that he could only do so hypo thetically. But that Parliament would do its duty, should the law be found insufficient to support the Constitution as by law established, he had no doubt—if the Government should be found at any time not sufficiently armed with powers to discharge their highest, their first, their most sacred duty to preserve the peace of tne realm, and to maintain tke Constitution committed to their care. In such ease, Parliament would discharge that high trust faithfully, and under such cir cumstances they would never be found wanting. Although Parliament would not hesitate to arm the Government with any power for the maintenance of the law, yet he would much rather see the Government armed with power, not for the purpose of displaying mere force and strength towards the people of Ireland ; not with a view of coercing, compelling, constraining, and forcing, but with a power and disposition to better the condition of the people of Ireland—to improve them in all those things in which they might be required to be bet tered—to gain them over, rather than force them to submission —to show a parental and kindly feeling which a good and beneficent Government ought to be inspired with towards all its subjects, and perhaps most of all ought to be inspired towards that part of its subjects who were in a state of comparative ignorance and distress. '1 his was the power he would wish to see them armed with, and he trusted it would be seen that they would show pre ference of attraction over compulsion, and of a desire to be parental to all its subjects, of being " To all their faults a little blind, And to their vile ues ever kind," And placing their padlocks on the mind, and not on the Limbs of its subjects. This, he felt, was the course by which the peace and tranquillity of the empire would be secured, and by which all parties in the empire would be conciliated, notwith standing public meetings, however numerous, or the arts of men devoid of principle, or the sordid agitators, or the designs of priests, who were alternately the dupes, and the tools, and the tyrants, now of the multitude, then of the leaders. With respect to that Commission to which his Noble Friend had re ferred, he must express his satisfaction. It was presided over by a nobleman worthy of the office, but a most difficult investi gation had been entrusted to him. He ( Lord Brougham) did not think there was any foundation for a hope which a portion of his Noble Friend's speech was likely to create in the minds of the inhabitants of the sister country with respect to the re suit of the Commission. Property, it had been well said by his lamented friend, dir. Drummond, had its duties, as well as its its rights. But the duties were imperfect obligations ; the rights were perfect obligations. However he might la ment when he saw persons not disposed to perform those duties of imperfect obligation, namely, kindness, long suffering towards the poor tenants, yet any attempt to enforce their right would only lead to worse evils. However much he might lament seeing a rich man refuse to assist a person lying before him in a state of starvation, yet he could not compel that man to do so. It would unhinge society—it would destroy the sacred, inviolable, and absolute right of property. He there fore could not see that much hope was to be derived in this respect from the Commission to which he had referred, unless means were adopted which would only . lead to worse results. He could not pass over in silence that part of her Majesty's speech which referred to her friendly relations with foreign Powers. Her Majesty justly expressed her confidence in the continued friendly assurances of foreign Powers, and before all, on the friendly intercourse and good understanding between this Government and that of the French, and he would add, between the people of this country and those of France. On this subject he must be permitted to make a few observations, because to improve that precious understanding tended tin promote the great arid blessed work of pe ace . He would begin by expressing, what he was sure all who were acquainted with the late proceedings in France must feel, his great admiration of the able, the honest, the virtuous ' and above all the unshrinkingly firm conduct of th e French Minister,- M. Guizot. He was a man illustrious in letters and science, as well as politics, and who appeared fated in every year that passed over his head to add new claims to the respect and affection of his fellow-men in France, in Europe, and in the rest of the world—whose conduct was above all praise, especially his unshrinking determination of pur pose when assailed by a more unnatural union of factions, or the elements of factions, than had existed since the enormity of the French Convention in 1794. Against them he had nevertheless maintained his ground, andrnanfully and honestly dared his enemies to attack him; but if he was to go step further and ask if this gr ea t Mi n i ster was also a great friend to England, if he was to inquire whether they, as Englishmen, had any particular reason to commend him or be grateful to him, excepting as a friend of peace, he could not extend his panygeric to him by any manner of means. When he said he was .said to be an able Minister, firm of purpose, of unshrinking determination, faithful to the French Crown that he served and the French people whom he loved, there he agreed with him, but if he was asked to add that he was a Minister devoted to this country and adopting our wishes, there he must demur. He knew not the negotiations that hart taken place between M. Guizot and his Noble Friend opposite (Lord Aberdeen), but he could form a pretty good conjecture that his Noble Friend had never had to deal with any one Minister, either of France or any other country, with whom he had more difficulty to deal, he being perfectly a good Frenchman, zealously attached to the Crown and people, whom be served; but w h a t s h ou ld b e sa id o f t h ose enem ies of peace who were seeking to stir up in the proud, the gallant, but sus. ceptible people of France, or he should rather say of Paris than of France, every slumbering ember of hatred to this country which they could hope to fan into a flame. That people had suffered toe much, and felt too deeply from the events of the late war not to be susceptible. In those events they had no share ; they were not to blame ; in them they had she% cn no weak ness but in which they were led on by a tyrant and a coneuei or almost to their ruin, though under that man they performed all but miracles. That they should be susceptible beyond ajj people of ancient or modern times was not surprising, but what was the duty of honest men if they pretended to be leaders? What was the duty of honest statesmen if they tho t i g ht o f t h e i r country, of truth, and of humanity, rather than of their own factietr porpeses.? It wei.d be to guide this susceptible peop to a better state of feeling—to soothe and calm those susceptible emotions, aed to inculcate every erinciple of peace, and to turn them away from all those exaggerated fsclings of hostility. What did they do? they did none of ail this ; they even did the reverse of all this ; they stirred up every sore place, aril inflamed every slumbering ember of hostility towards ;his country. They degraded themselves by every species of mis ieprescntatiore both as to this country and Fiance; and all this slid not wise out of hatred to peace or dis like of England--not from any ardent feeling of affection towards France, but from contempt for the people who coull be duped by such falsehoods, and out of hatred to the Govern ment of which they did not form a part. It was not from con tinued dislike of England, but from a hearty and honest dislike of the gloomy shades of Opposition in which they were placed. —( Great laughter)—and out of an ardent and zealous love, not of glory or of France, but an earnest, an ardent, and zealous desire to be transplanted from that shade to the sunny eminence of power.—( Laughter. ) These were the motives of that detestable party of intriguers, still more despicable agi teen's, who had lately, for the thousandth time, endeavoured to disturb the good understanding between the two countries. But they did not know the people of France. That people had far too much acuteness and too much reflection to be duped and misled—that people knew its own glory, and felt proud of its ancient renown—it remembered its great achienements in arts, sciences, and letters—it knew that for ages it had counted by its triumphs its years of existence as a nation. Satiated, there fore, with military, as well us civil glory, the French people would not suffer themselves to be led in search of new laurels, which to them would be as useless as to his Noble Friend the Illustrious Duke opposite. As he passed much of his time amongst that people, he thought it his duty to give their Lord ships the opinions he had gathered from the public newspapers. He would then refer to the paragraph in her Majesty's speech referring to the importance and necessity of maintaining the na tional credit—it was a most just sentence that was so introduced in the royal speech. An exact performance of all engagements into which a State might enter was of great importance to the creditor, but it was of still greater importance to the State itself, and he was delighted to think that in return fur what they had received from America, this passage would cross the At lantic, and be wafted over the same waves to that country, in which it appeared that precisely the same views were not taken of that important duty.---( Laughter.) As the advocate of American interests for the last 30 or 40 years—an advocacy which had exposed him to more hostility than M. Guizot in pari materia had had to undergo—he hoped this friendly remonstrauce would have some effect on his clients, as they used to be called. He declared it was- far more with a view to their character and credit, it was far more with a view to the character of republican institutions that he said this. It was more for their interests than for the debt owing by rich men to poor ones,for that seeined to be the case; the repudiating States said in effect, we are rich, our coffers are loaded with money, yet we are determined not to said y our debts. It was for the sake of Ameri ca h erse lf t h at he said this, far more than for any party in England to whom the debt was owed, and with whom, indeed, ha had ne acquaintance, with one ex ception, and he was very well able to plead hie own case.—( Great laughter.) Ile would relate to their Lordships an anecdote which would illustrate this better than a long speech. He was lately in the neigh bourhood of one of those great works carrying on in the centre of France—the railway that was to join Paris with Orleans. On asking who the workmen were, he was told they were English and Irish. Ile asked if they found the Englishmen sober? The reply was, not at all. He then asked how they found the Irish ? They said they were excellent people when they didn't fight. He said this was very painful, that lie could never hear of Irishmen but that they were quarrelsome• nor of Englishmen but that they were drunkards. Alas I said his informant, I am front Philadelphia, and at present an American is ashamed to avow his country. He could hardly think of a circumstance better calculated to sink deep into the spirit of the Americans, and rouse them to a sense of their duty. They would then find that, even putting it on no higher ground than on that of interest on both sides of the Atlantic, honesty was the best policy. The Marquis; of NORMANBY said he thought the Noble Lord had misunderstood him in what he had stated with re• ference to the relation between landlord and tenant in Ireland. Lord BROUGHAM briefly explained, and The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said he could not take so cheerful a view of the speech as the Noble Lord who spoke last. But, unfortunately, it had been said, that the speech contained nothing but topics for congratulation. That was because the most important topic to be considered had been in the speech passed over with slight observation. He alluded to the state of Ireland. With respect to the affairs of Siede the speech was also well and wisely worded, and called for no observation. It would be necessary t° look closer into the papers that had been furnished before coming to an opinion. He perfectly agreed that, with regard to the trials now pending in Ireland, it would be in a high degree improper for any direct opinion to be expressed with regard to them. But this he must say, that in the speeches made to-night, and the speech made from the Throne itself, the fault he had to find was this—that they looked a t these trials as if they were the only or main points of what was, in general parlance, called the Irish question. The Irish question did not consist of a struggle between the Government and the Repeal Association—the quest ion was, how to improve and develope the resources of the country, and how to bring it into that happy state, in which it was the duty of a Government to bring every portion of her Majesty's subjects. He told them, and it was his duty to tell them plainly, that Ireland had listened too long to such language to be satisfied now with such assurances. But that was, as their Lordships knew, most vague language. Could they expect in the present state of Ireland, he did not mean in regard to any particular associations, but the state of Ireland in the large sense of the word—the condition of the people, the condition of the public mind,—di.l they suppose by such phrases as these, he said, that they would really ameS liorate the condition of the country ? The people of Ireland would naturally ask by what means were these resources to be developed? He (the Marquis of Clanricarde) had unfortu nately learned from the speech of her Majesty, and from the speech of the Noble Mover of the address, that the Government had not in contemplation any measure whatever for the good of Ireland during the present session. The only measure which had been alluded to was that of the electoral franchise. That was a grand subject, and one which required the greatest consideration, but it was a measure which related only to poll.. tical liberty, but had nothing whatever to do with developing the resources of Ireland, and the immediate condition of the country. Another measure had been likewise alluded to in the royal speech. He meant the Landlord and Tenant Cow' mission. A NOBLE Loan—That is not the Commission. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE---Yes, that was the mints which had been given to it in the public newspapers, and that was the name which its nature entitled it to. On that Com mission he held very strong opinions. He thought it wall the most mischievous and pitiable contrivance that ever a per plexed Ministry had recourse to. His conviction was, tha t the Government had recourse to it as a mere clap-trap for de' laying the moment of difficulty, and to save them from looking in the face the real grievances with whieh the country was afflicted. The Commi ss i on h a d i ts or i g i n i n the agitation in this. country and in Ireland regarding the fixity of tenures Until that phrase came into common use there Fa ° not a word about a Landlord and Tenant Coto' mission. He would like to know what good this coin' mission would effect. All the information regarding the laws of landlord a n d t enan t, an d th e i r operat i ons, would be f ou nd in their statutes anti in their blue books. There was sp inquisitorial system practised by this Commission, which c old. not be too jealously watched, nor too s t rong l y declaime d against. There were branch committees connected with this Commission, which instituted the most rigid inquires of th e landholders, and if landlord or tenant refused to answer their queries, they were pointed out to their neighbours in a manne r which, in the present state of some Irish districts, must be 0 1 a thing but safe or proper. He thought the Iri s h l an dl o rds ha d been most unjustly census ed, and if inquiries were made int o their conduct, they would not Le found worse than any o ther class of persons, placed unde r th e same c i rcumstances . The misery of the people, whi c h had b een cause d b y centur ies ,"/ misgovernment was most ungenerously and mo s t unfail thrown upon the landlo r ds. It did no t requ i re t h e Queen_ Commission to take away civil bill process, m to specify h 0 distraint should be made. It was in this respect perfectli absurd, but it was dangerous, inasmuch as it seemed to in terfere with the r i g ht o f p ro p er t y • an d many di str i cts , which had been peaceable before th e Commission vvas issued, ha. ve since then b een di s t ur b e d by ou t rages o f t h e most ser i ou s de" scription.—( Hear, hear.) It was not quite right that par liament should be left ignorant u p on th ese su bj ects . He •I'. no means blamed the Government, alth oug h, i n d o i n g their best to put do wn ou t rage , th ey h a d not ta k en t h e course whic h he might hav e co ns id ere d t h e most w i se. Th ere were gr eat questions which the Government must take up, and if not par liament must take up, or it could never receive the confiden cv or the affection of the Irish people. Earl FITZ WILLIAM said that he found a great die crepancy between the words used in her Majesty's speech, ' ll reference to the Landlord and Tenant Commission, and the lap guage of the document itself by which the Commission was a r t pointed. He b egge d to as k the Noble Earl at the head o f that Commission on whi c h o f t h e aut h or i t i es he might rely f or the objects of the inquiry ? The Earl of DEVON was un d erstood to say that he did ne t perceive the discrepancy. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that the very WO in which the Commission was issued showed that it was a : cession to agitation, made by th ose w h o pretended to d e sPl" agitation.—( Hear, hear.) Lord CAMPBELL did not rise to disturb the unaniM itl with which the House seemed disposed to receive the a ddretl; although there were many topi cs t o w hi c h h e was inclinelbo advert in relation to the perilous state of the country stels moment. He would abstain at present f rom observing e „",tie the manner in which the State trials i n D u bli n were 'f-elee toted and conducted, but he thought it was necessary toe his to the subject, and to intimate th a t h e might think it Keduty to call their Lordships' attention to it at another tirthire Speechdiscouraging. f,the Throne, for m former h ooccasions, had also to advert to an omission from thespeech, which w" she om contemplated, to state what those improvements t improvementsHhee supposed improvement of tw t h i t ea e rot e l a . cf e 01 : e: Lot i, it was usual, in " w c s c e i oe s us s i i ra o ts n st? c a aani le dc i erastses , i ‘ n avn t e r dr o e d adn u r e ni e ,til d ,lie)e f r o d r f.o r t he improvement of th e e l had been any intention to bring forward any of those Met es they would be mentioned in the speech. However, the ietheo of 1642, and that of 1843, were full of promises which press session did not rea li se. It might be the r ev erse in the pt cent r , session, whi c h m i g h t b e one of performance, although' erie , menced without promise.—( Laughter.) The Noble Ear_onet moved the addr ess , h a d expressed a hope that something fle be done to put down the mischievous practice of duellinte, ein ( Lord Campbell) must infer from that remark, Earl had received an intimation that the Government We s ° the to bring in a Bill upon the subject after the conclusion "' State trials in Ireland.—( Laughter.) tke The LORD CHANCELLOR said that it was his intro „row early in the present session to renew the Bill for the lin t r h - o ree ment of Ecclesiastical Courts, and a Bill fee- facilitating, for t he covert' of small debts. A Bill would eso be introduce" tioet compensation of those who had been affected by the sites woe in the Court of Chancery, but lee was not aware of al tion to introduce a measure relative to duelling. that the Na yid pted t* Lord BROUGHAM said that his Noble Friend see , ral ie s x the be disappointed at the performances of the Governme nt, slant of their promise, but he would find that in this 9 performance would very greatly exceed their Lord CAMPBELL—That may easily be—the prowl* es noric.—( A laugh.) atifeing' Lord BROUGHAM said nothing could be more one ob. Lord BROUGHAM said he must protest againscti ', ea rned le az' servation ehich had been made by his Nob s.—that the Friend (Lard Campbell), who said—in a parenthes' a complete Bankruptcy Act of tee session before last had beensner come failure. here never was an act which had been e make that to ma pl,•tely successful.—( Laughter). He ventured statement in answer to the to promises. are Noble Lord's observant wh o" Lord CAMPBELL.—There never was an Act proved a more utter failure.—(Renewed laughter.)_O i t , we Lord BROUG HA el.—lf yOl make a ' notion ur" shall see.—(Cries of Order. ') The address sees then agreed to. On th 9 motion of the Duke of WELLING TON the Ear l Of Shaftesbury was rea pp o i n t e d Chairman of ...-• Their Lordship s th en Adj o u rn ed at Eight o'Clock. Committees. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 1. THE ADDRESS. rd Edit ion of Mr. HUMS (in contin ua tion 14ig i ua tion of our Th i last night) proceeded to say—'l hat when th sia Honourable Baronet and gentlemen behind bitn tgoaw det ". the tariff the Chinese bad lately isepoled, they ST. JAMES'S PALACE, JAN. 31. The Queen has been pleased, on the nomination of Lord Forester, to appoint George Denne, Esq., as one of her Ma jesty's Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms, vice Tatman, who retires. WAR-OFFICE, FEB. 2. Royal Regiment of Horse Guards—Lieut. T. Brunt to be Adjutant, vice Munro, superseded; Cornet J. Brunt, from the 3d Light Dragoons (Riding Master), to be Cornet, without purchase, Feb. 2. 9th Light Dragoons—Cornet P. Antrobus to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Dixon, who retires ; C. E. Law, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Antrobus, Feb. 2. 13th Light Dragoons—Lieut. R. J. Etrington, from the 47th Regiment, to be Paymaster, vice Leech, appointed to the 9th Light Dragoons, Feb. 2. Ist or Grenadier Regiment of Foot Guards—J. G. C. Dis browe, Esq., Page of Honour to her Majesty the Queen Dowager, to be Ensign and Lieutenant, without purchase, Feb. 2. 4th Foot—Lieutenant J. Cumming, from the 26th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Campbell, who exchanges, Feb. 2. 7th Foot—Ensign J. H. F. Stewart, from the 24th Foot, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Pakenham, promoted, Feb. 2. ltith Foot—Ensign W. H. Graves to be Lieutenant, with out purchase, vice Simmons, deceased; T. Mostyn ' Gent., to be Ensign, vice G rave s ; Assistant-Surgeon R. Stevenson, M.D., from the 3d Foot, to be Surgeon, vice M'Kinlay, de ceased, Feb. 2. 24th Foot—Ensign W. Hartshorn, from the Cape Mounted Riflemen, to be Ensign, vice Stewart, promoted in the 7th Foot, Feb. 2. 26th Foot—Lieutenant W. M. Campbell, from 4th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Cumming, who exchanges ; T. W. An drews, Gent.., to be Ensign, vice De 'Montmorency, promoted in the 7th Foot, Feb. 2. 36th Foot—Ensign J. T. Rettesworth to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Harries, who retires ; W. H. Fortescue, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Bettesworth, Feb. 2. 59th Foot—Brevet Lieut. Col. A. H. Trevor, from the 95th Foot, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, by purchase, vice Fuller, who retires ; Feb. 2. 67th Foot—L. Newman, Gent., to be Ensign. by purchase, vice Orlebar, whose appointment has been caaelled ; Feb. 2. 95th Foot—Capt. T. St. Leger Alcock to be Major, by pur chase, vice Trevor, promoted in the 59th Foot ; Lieut. H. 0. C. Master to be Captain, by purchase, vice Aleock ; Ensign T. Davis to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Master ; F. 'l'. Patterson, Gent. to be Ensign. by purchase, vice Davis, Feb. 2. Ist West India Regiment—To be Lieutenants without pur chase.—Ensign F. Huson, vice Grant, promoted, Jan. 30; Ensign G. H. Robeson, vice Meehan. promoted, Jan. 31 ; Ensign A. Crud, vice Clements, appointed to the 84th Foot, Feb. 1 ; Ensign M. Gernon, vice gingham, appointed Ad jutant, Feb. 2. To be Ensigns, without purchase—F. J. Hills, Gent., vice Huson, Jan. 30; J. M. Tittle, Gent., vice Robeson, Jan. 31 ; Al. Fanning, Cent., vice Croad, Feb. 1 ; W. R. Spratt, Gent., vice Gernon, Feb. 2. 2d West India Regiment.— T. P. Wright, Gent.. to be Ensign. without purchase, vice Smith, deceased; C. Macartney, M. Is., to be Assistant- Surgeon, vice hl'Kinnon, appointed to the 78th Foot. Feb. 2. 2d West India Regiment.—Ensign E. T. Fitz Gerald to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Butcher, deceased, Dee. 21) ; W. S. Cumming, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Fitz Gerald, Feb. 2. Royal Newfoundland Companies.—Lieutenant-Colonel R Law, from half-pay Unattached, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, without purchase, Feb. 3. UNATTAcisEn.—Major Robert Law, from the Royal New foundland Companies, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, without pur chase, Feb. 2. HOSPITAL STAFF.—Surgeon Edward Pilkington. from the 1 7th Light Dragoons, to be Staff-Surgeon of the First Class, vice St. John, promoted, Feb. 2 ; Alf re d C roc k er , G ent . to be Assistant-Surgeon to the Farces, vice Young, deceased, Commission by the Lord-Lieutenant of Glamorganshire. Royal Glamorgan Light Infantry Battalion of Militia.— Thomas Smith, Esq., to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Morgan, deceased, Jan. 27. WHITEHALL, JAN. 17. The Right Hon. Sir N. C. Tindal, Knt., Lard Chief Jus tice of her Majesty's Court of Common Pleas, has appointed R. W. Lumley, of Carey-street, in the county of Middlesex, Gent., to be one of the Perpetual Commissioners for taking the acknow ledgments of deeds to be executed by married women, under the Act passed for the abolition of fines and recoveries, and for the substitution of more simple modes of assurance, in and for the City of London, also in and for the city and liberties of West minster, and also in and for the Counties of Middlesex, Essex, Kent, and Surrey. BANKRUPTS. DUNCAN LAMONT, publican, West Smithfield, to sur render Feb. 14 and March 12, at eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Bu chanan, Basinghall-street. WILLIAM LAW WOOD, ironmonger, Bishopsgate street Within, Feb. 9, and March 14, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee ; Henderson, Man sell-street, Goodman 's-fields. R , , BERT PETTIT, livery stablekeeper, Exning, Suffolk, Feb. 9, at twelve, and March 12, at half-past eleven, at the court of Bankruptcy. Turquand, official assignee, Old Jewry-chambers; Gill, Harrington-street, Hampstead-road. JOSEPH HENRY PERRYMAN, bookseller, Birming ham,ryWright,, official a Fab. 14, at ha lf- p ast on e , and March 5, at half-past twelve, at the Birmingham Districtde Halifax Court. al ; amsisßniggOnheßaemEßT H Birmingh am; PTLL o TT, scrivener, Blagdon, Somerset shire, Feb. 13, at twelve, and March 12, at eleven, at the Bristol District Court. Acraman, official assignee, or Heaven, Bristol. JAMES ROBERT DRAGE, tallow merchant, Leeds. Feb. 16, and March 7, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court, Fearne, official assignee, Leeds ; Williamson and Hill, London; BirminghamtshheiGrroFrfleßibn.GghlE2;a;ncGorDeci P t ' w t E o o r , t d , b ß u rcmh nr h ee m e (1 . s, `.3ari,s, Leeds. WILLIAM WEBB, hotel-keeper, Leamington, Warwick. at eleven, and March 9, at half past eleven, at rict Court. 13ittle s t on , o ff ic ial assignee, Feb. 14, and March 11, at eleven, at the Leeds District Co ur t . Young , official assignee. Leeds ; Raynar and Son, Leeds ; Sudlow, Sons, and Torr, Chancery-lane, London. WILLIAM THOMPSON and JAMES MELLIS, Com mission Agents, Newcastle-upon-Tyne,. Feb. 13th at eleven. and March 21st at one, at the Newcastle-upon-Tyne Districr Court. Baker, official assignee : Watson, Newcastle-upon- Tyne ; Shield and Harwood, Queen-street, Cheapside, London. PRICE OF SUGAR. The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, for the week ending Jan. 30, 1844, is 355. Oid. per cwt., exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the Im portati.m thereof into Great Britain. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of Feb. 2.) SUGAR.—To-day the show of West India Sugar was smaller, and worse than has been the case for some years at this time; for the few boards of bright grocery buyers were compelled to pay prices 6d to is per cwt above those of this day week : inferior sorts maintained the rates of that period. A board of fine yellow Jamaica brought 70s per cwt. REFINED.—The home trade have been large purchasers of Refined Sugar this week, and higher prices have been paid. To-day standard Lumps could not be purchased under 765, and Brown Grocery 75s per cwt ; there was a good business transacted. Bonded Crushed Sugar is fetching 25s 6d to 25s 9d per cwt. MAunfrfus.—A large business has been transacted in all descriptions this week, and the prices paid have been equal to those previously established. EAST lxox.A.—This afternoon Bengal Sugar met with at tention, and 1,059 bags at public sale sold at the former worth ; two lots mid and good white went at 66s to 67s 6d, the remainder damaged 65s to 668 per cwt. 2,273 bags of Madras, in bond, sold at stiff prices ; fine yellow fetched 395, good 35s to 365; middling 34s to 34s 6d, damp and washed 31s 6d to 39s per cwt. FOREIGN.—Holders of yellow Havannah submitting to a reduction on late prices of 6d per cwt has tempted buyers to come forward More freely. Of Brazil none has been sub mitted to public sale. To-day common yellow Havannah at 17s 6d per cwt. MoLAssit:s.—A fair demand has been experienced for West India this week, and full rates given. Bengal Syrup is wanted. To-day mid Antigua Molasses at 275. per cwt. COCOA.—A better demand has prevailed for good qualities of Foreign, which have fetched full rates, but little inclination has been shown to buy inferior kinds ' • prices, however, h ave made a stand. West India good and fine red at good prices, but inferior is difficult to sell. Rum, BRANDY, AND HoLLANDs.—Jamaica Rum 36 per cent. over proof, at 3s 6d, :33 over proof, 3s 4d, and small parcels of fine quality 4s to 5s per gallon. Leewards at 18 10d to is lld proof. Calcutta Rum at is 7d per gallon ; Deme rara 28 per cent. over at 2s Bd, and fine strong quality 2s 10d to 3s per gallon. In the Brandy market prices have risen Id per gallon. Cognac best brands of the production of 1838, hhds 5s 10d, puns 5s 8d ; 1839, lids 5s 7d, puns 5s 3d ; 1840, hhds 5s sd, puns 5s 3d ; 1841, hhds 5s 3d, puns 5s ld ; 1842, hhds 58 2d, puns ss, and in ferior marks 3s t o 4 s 4d per gallon. Geneva for shipping at Is 10d, for small parc e l s of fine pale for home use 2s 4d to 3s per gallon paid. English Corn Spirits are lOs to lOs 3d, Scotch and Irish lOs to lOs 2d, and Malt Spirits lOs 6d to 13s per gallon. SAOO at improved prices. Sago Flour 18s to 18s 6d per cwt. Bermuda Arrowroot Is Id to is 4d for good to fine. St. Vincent's, good, 6d per lb. Cori .—AII cleat) qualities of West India have readily IRELAND. THE STATE TRIALS. Owing to the snow-storm and the weather, our usua Irish Express did not arrive in time for post. (FIFTEENTH DAY.) Mr. FITZGIBBON concluded at five o'clock, when the Court adjourned. Mr. WHITESIDE, counsel for Mr.DUFFY, of the Notion, was to commence his address to the jury on Thursday morning. GENERAL DUFF GREEN AT HOME.—At Washing ton Duff Green is quite busy with the President and Cabinet. He is organising measures and collecting capital for the establishment of a daily newspaper in New York. It will be a free trade Calhoun paper, and will also be an organ of the Anti-Cons-law League of England.—Arew York Paper. LORD MORPETH. In another part of our paper will be found a lengthened report of the proceedings of the free-trade banquet at Wake. field on Wednesday. Very great interest was attached to this meeting in consequence of the attendance of Lord Morpeth. The Noble Lord's withdrawal from public life for the last two years has been a source of deep regret, as well as a real loss, to the Liberal party. The circumstances attending Lord Morpeth's temporary retirement were such as to increase the attachmen which his countrymen already so strongly felt for the many emi nent qualities which distinguish his character ; and his re.appear ance amongst them was by many hailed with the greater enthusiasm from its being regarded as the preliminary step to the re-occupa tion by his Lordship of an active position in the ranks of his party. And we trust this anticipation may not be wholly disappointed. The speech of Lord Morpeth is another indication of the progress of opinion upon the subject of free trade. Like the letter of Mr. Gibson Craig, it is one of the facts that denote this pro. gress, as it were, by stages. In 1841, Lord Ifoipeth was a strenuous advocate of an eight-shilling fixed duty. Such a compromise as that his Lordship now thinks is wholly unattainable. He thinks, however, that even still a com. promise is desirable ; and, notwithstanding the adverse opinions of the audience by which he was surrounded, he candidly avowed this. But, he added, if within a year a low fixed duty is not adopted, he would then join the League in demanding a total repeal. And thus will it be with the whole party who is now in favour of a fixed duty. The operation of the same causes which have converted a sup porter of an eight-shilling duty into an advocate of a five-shilling duty, must induce the advocate of the five-shilling duty, by and by, to join the ranks of the total repeaters. However desirable may be the adoption of a low fixed duty, as a compromise of a question upon which two great interests of the nation are at issue, or however just, in point of principle, it may he regarded by many, yet all men are coming, by degrees, to feel that neither upon the ground of justice, or still less of expediency, can such a settlerrent be hoped for, after the obstinate resistance of another year. The combination against it is becoming too strong. It is, day by day, absorbing into its ranks some new element of power, which, like theconditional adhesion of Lord Morpeth, renders its final triumph only a question of time.— Chronicle. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Fe 6. 1. THE ADDRESS. Lord ELDON (in continuation from our Third Edition last night)—He would read in a few words the contents of a letter which was of a very different character from those usually quoted in that House. It was not written for the purpose of answering any questions which had been put in that House, in order to make up a case, but it was simply a narrative of chs • tress that cannot be pictured in words. The writer mentioned that in the part of the country in which he lived there was the most peaceful tranquillity, but that it was not the case in the neighbouring district, where many people nightly fortified their houses in expectation of a nightly mas sacre. She stated that her father frequently received bless ings from the poor people in walking along the roads pro nounced in a very striking manner, and these tco from permits with whom he was totally unaiiquainted, almost seeming as if they thought that something dreadful was about to happen to him, and that he needed those blessings. Such was the description of a clergyman among his own parishioners. It was not the actual evil of which he complained, but the apprehen sion that evils were about to ensue, from the alarming state of the country ; the real sources of the misery was that he could not receive blessings from his own parish ioners, without an apprehension in the minds of himself and of his family being created that there was too much reason for those blessings, and for invoking Providence to protect them. He would now proceed to speak of the other subjects in her Majesty's speech. Her Majesty spoke of the improved state of trade, and of the manufacturing districts—that they were in a considerably better state than they had been some time ago. He felt the truth of these observations though there might be some few exceptions which he was un willing to notice specifically. Among the bl , ssings for which they had reason to thank Providenee, and which had been men tioned by her Majesty, was the improved condition of the people and the increased demand for labour : that was a cir cumstance which would give them the greatest possible satis faction. A great blessing had been conferred upon them by Pro vidence in the very favourable harvest of last year. There was another subject, which, though not distinctly mentioned in the speech, he would say a few words upon. Her Majesty had not alluded to the corn-laws, arid it was not therefore neces sary for him to enter upon the question at any length, but he hoped and believed that the protection which the agriculturists now received would be long continued to them.—( Cheers and " Hear," from the Ministerial benches.) For several successive years the annual produce was falling short, and it was ex tremely gratifying to find that the prospects which had been held out by her Majesty's Ministers last year had been realised. Another very gratifying circumstance was, that the revenue had increased during the last quarter, and during the last year, and from this beneficial results might be hoped and expected. Among other sources which had added considerably to the revenue was the income tax, which had been most successful in operation. Their Lordships had great reason to feel that the country fully appre ciated the sacrifice which their Lordships had made in consent ing to this tax. Their Lordships had shown an interest in the welfare of the country, and a desire not to oppress the working classes, which must secure for them the gratituiie and affection of the country. This tax had enabled the Government to go on without con tracting any further debts during peace—to make the necessary financial arrangements. The Batik Charter was then renewable, and their Lordships should devote as much of their attention as possible to those financial questions which had conic more immediately under the attention of the House of Commons. Among the measures which were passed last year, and which may be considered as. tending greatly to the happiness of this country were these measures connected with Church endowment, and other questions bearing on that subject. Her Majesty called upon their Lordships to unite with her in thank ing Divine Providence for the blessings which the Church had conferred upon the country. The Church had made all the exertions that it could have made, and it was gratifying to perceive that in those matters upon which the Legislature had interfered—that in terference had been eminently successful. Within the last few days it had come to his knowledge that a gen tleman from the North (Dr. Hook), the vicar of Leeds, who had been his own school-fellow, had done all he could to carry out, in the full spirit, every wish their Lordships could enter tain. He had given up one half of his income, and retired into a smaller house than he before occupied. He had engaged to do everything by which a district, so large as Leeds, might be formed into twenty or thirty different parishes. He proposed to make such exertions, that every poor man might have his pastor, and every poor child his school—this was highly creditable in itself, and must draw down blessings on his head. There were other circumstances connected with stational education which were highly gratifying. Within three months 114,000/. had been raised, a circumstance which spoke highly for the people of this country, and which must draw down the blessings of Providence. There was another subject which had not been mentioned in the speech from the throne, but which was of so important a nature that he was unwilling to pass it over. Their Lordships would recollect the dreadful occurrence which took place last year, of an officer, high in her Majesty's service, falling by the hand of his brother officer, who was nearly related to him. He feared there was little prospect of any measure being carried to prevent a recurrence of this evil. He perceived that the officer was obliged to leave her Majesty's service—or what was tanta mount to it. He was sure that if any measure could be brought into that House to prevent the recurrence of such a calamity as that which he had alluded to, it would be thankfully received by the country, and the service would not be deprived of many excellent officers. It was hardly possible to conceive anything more distressing than the condition of a man returning to his own home—to the sister of the woman whom he had made a widow. Evers if their Lordships would not pass any measure, the expression of their dissatisfaction would be very thankfully received by all classes. He should not trouble them with further observations, and would conclude by moving that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, in conformity with the address which had been read to their Lordships. Lord HILL felt great gratification in seconding the address. It must be very pleasing to their Lordships that her Majesty had received assurances of continued peace from foreign Powers. His Lordship then alluded to the state of Ireland. He said he hoped the landed proprietors of that country would assist the Government, in probing to the bottom the hidden grievances which now afflict it. After a few further observations, his Lordship concluded by expressing his sincere hope that the union between the two countries might be preserved inviolate —that the Protestant institutions might be strengthened in Ireland, to restore tranquillity. Lord NORMANBY said that the Noble Mover of the ad dress had not confined himself to the mention of Ireland which had been made in the speech from the throne, but had ex pressed himself with what he feared must be termed an indis cretion in reference to the present trials going on in that country. As he ( Lord Normanby) was of opinion that it was the wisest, most becoming, and most dignified course to preserve silence on the subject, he would nit at tempt to follow the Noble Earl, although he felt the eeepest interest in the condition of the people of Ireland. His former connexion with that country had endeared them to him as svarmiy as if the accident of birth had strengthened the ties of affection which bound them to him, r il. Noble Marquis then ma le some allusion to the eonduct of the Noble Earl's grandfather, in respect to the claims of the k gal that 14 4 d C% t d 144 Wa th e but RI,