The Sun. — London, England, 1845-02-20 00:00:00

I at a m uc h smaller expense in , than th e y cou ld h ope to do re land, *here all the machinery of collection wculd have to be established. But not being able to impose the income tax on Jr. land, he had made an additioe to the stamp dutie s in th.,t cotietry. bringing them up to the same amoun t as that paid in En and.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon, end Learned Alembei for Bath had proposed that the tax should be confined to real are! landed property in Ireland, and he had at the same tim e told the House Hint that property was for the geMeet part very much burdened, and that the debts on it were ne rally held by persons in this country. Il e would see, there.. e, that the amount of revenue to be derived from Ireland would on this account be considerably diminished. The Hen. I%l eitther for Coventry had proposed io extend the income-tax t ° the Government offieere in Ireland, hut. the wording or the 17amendment of the Hon. and Learned Member fur Bath ex (,";''lY excluded th ose persons from the operation of th e tax. — rnHearhear.) The Hoe.. Member for Coventry sheuld also emher that the officers simploved in Ireland were paid by ttr e li e e l l :o7 e l ' ra ' t r i u (l n if ,i t f h a ey ta h x a , d exempted that country generally from he thought there would be no justice e,,, e n ey ur in selecting one particular dais. :Ind fixing it on them, tha n l they Were mace obnoxious to the tax or mere helpless any other class of the community. This was not an 7 0 " , 11i4 1 on which he could follow the Honourable Member %,I:osentry through all the remarks he had made ~.i • i e estimates ; they would shortly come before the House in u e e rn i and he should then be prepared to prove to the lion. eo,,,, e nian that they were framed with a due regard to eeo. o( my tvith a due consideration to the permanent interests ap ok eoentry. There were other lion. Gentlemen who had co nt iT d aring the evenine, who had alluded to various political ir e ' igloos,erwhieh the • thought re, dered it inadvisable to P e te • 3 b e chi income tax on Ireland. Into those considerations pe,ititoliX think it necessary to enter. Having established the it arm, eat, as a tax, it would not be productive, he . .thought it. ~,e'sary to enter into any other reasons for not imposing ha ed :` o l f tl these observation he should leave the question in the f e lar the Nese, trusting that the House, in the absence o ii,hrnge portion of the Irish Members, would prove that Eng cause" d° not desire to impose burdens on them, but that their ph ene :rotild be effectually fought by the English Members Ai r iler,lrish interests were concerned. t arn 11` 111 E said it apeared to him the debate had taken a what the it ()tight not to have done, from an erroneous view of tee an Y. were called on to consider. He thought the income it m " °n • but the Right Hon. Baronet stated that . wa s t e , as L° °be a temporary one, he should not wish I make ;ed. I, he alteration in it as regarded Ire • ' , tem But he thought the Honourable and L . earned the in :t for Bath had been misunderstood. He denied that tinl Me-tax would be an injustice to Ireland, as it would p,„),' fail on those who scold afford to pay it ; anti it should be hieri,e.ftntbered that Ireland would have a fair share in all the t teref: e ad ,cinee from the present remission of taxation. He lisrt o r, th ought it would be but fair that she should bear a t hem, the burdens which enabled the Government to make otey ,t-,2he increase in the stamp-duty paid by Ireland was that `43.°00/. n' a revenue of 454,000/. , derived from !h l bUr i c ip,„ re '• Thi ' s ) was all the equivalent that Ireland paid for e i n ,,," c if five millions borne by England. In dwelling on a apo i r n iee and hardship that would be done to Ireland by 1 110 1 , 4 , 11 . R this tax on it, the last speaker had really made a it e e srh;',„ l4 "f, a molehill—and he was really quite surprised to '„srei s i . "' Let Ireland if she was to have her share of the oireetctaxation, bear her fair share of the burdens also. ts tar profPeil'erty had not borne a sufficient portion of that 1 4 la n • r d paid s or the last fifty years the middle and lower classes 4ttl eant 4° less than seventy-four per cent. of the :whole I st h. I the taxation of the kingdom. England paid the ve rn ' ea use it was imposed by the Government, and the %? Z ea t i mposed it w'th very little consideration ; and cf(Rohet "'cause thole who did • it, and who managed the affairs I,er it'tutitrY, suffered very little from the impoeition.— ~ ' f l alb.' .;11.•,) However, as thi- proposition of the Hen. ''nel r e 'lath 'lath would cause au entire change in the taxaei , 0 - er ie .; eau, which would very much benefit the country, the t e k it t, wh y w it Made the better.—( Hear, hear.) He would 1 eorit a. sleould not the House call upon Ireland stvi eh 'e her portion to this tax ? The change lashv, A h a dthe her i mpositio of it would cause would be LqPII! not taken place in this country for the last forty 'aele would have the effect of giving employment to thou aet iihaed henefit Ireland in theusairways, which he could littiPtetoiltled,Z.rattbteitoanil. nothing could he more easy . than to bring *the ' machinery for the collection of the tax in eald t: ti t , if it Should not be imposed, and that other taxes et tea we remitted in that country, the result would be that N Yt aall Id b e im sesed on the bee instead of the honey, and PI Y the 1 ' I th , eer Ireland,liv would be destroyed. lie would . tell the (14' 1 11 v that if they claimed equal rights with Eng- Za -54 , 5 1," '''"old bear an equal share of the public burden,. stZiltry fai r ] H e sh ' euld like to see the property of that . l l ithe, a e c t ri ?' taxed, if the owners of it claimed equal rights with te r i t _a, wh y s !_ e ?ut, if that tax should he imposed, that was no U 411 , 4,14 %1 " .h threats, as he h ,(1 heard to-night ' , of 'murder, Ir nlv e )' and fire• and all that, should be held out.— t 4, 144d sli P e ,t l , but, petting all this aside. t . e would say that Its , t i eed then n be made to hear a full and fair proportion of the he /le ) 7 ° let her call for equal privilege=.--( Hear, and a Iste',lt The i rlotsme t if extended to Ireland, would not tli is he as -tae, for there were very few t e th,,har,_that country wh , . paid 30(1/. a ear,aml, therefore, i4 4 'd t e ' O 7 O of the tax would fall on the landlord ite ,• r at i i r cl ue w m it e h s , ea t ti l l iele i . fo,:e perso ns in Irelansi who deliver at 4 1 ? 'eee, lie would like to know why they should not Pl'is_" tithel.._•••-( Hear, hear.) For these reasons he would it tts r tjh te en. t 'td . th e le RT PEEL said he felt bound to declare that he 4144 an Member who had just sat down the fullest th e , '111 ) , t i,,.. unusual degree of candour.—(Laughter.) It sse tt ,' stoeecullertant to the Hon. Member's constituents that te tt,othiehanderstand the consistency, integrity, and good t hee Noe., cher acterised the statement of the Hon. Member el l th Nel e - n g for the vote he was about to give upon this ques ts 1011, tehwed laughter. ) The Hon. Member had said , , in „teer's Nt e „,a_t if it had not been for the " foolish speech' of , 'sit ' a oth . " ° '-'l' at this aide of the House--( Laughter)—he to itiqe. okt"eqrne to this conclusion.—( Laughter.) So that i ° , l : li l , i Pfli;„. t he ?louse had to say they felt indebted . 11 he t lii e - sloe speech—( Laughter)—for the proposition '''‘‘ t Ytt ' Ni " - iernbe r 01 Hume) to make a total change le t 'llie e at of t •s• r. •• in this count re t ,,,.) ~ exation now in exercise L il a f e ,,',`en ei."ow, was it ossible that such a change could ittoe.l-1123.1.:4;:se,e(iinu the sentiments P of a gentleman who, for the t i, tth t f ed " et ring which he had . s. seat in that House, le t ' (e• ° he w y measure of a financial nature that had been la a' k ,---( Heat, hear, and laughter.) But here let , dtS iqalteit t t .feel) say that, during those forty years, he Ohl '' ett e ;" t he great services that that Hon. Member had ;sd ti t sr, itt,'.'rY, although lie had never yet given him a vote. 'lt - i l iest ,•', l :s and la ght . However, he should say, he 1 i t ' ,4 71:, - te l i i i t s kl,-..seti j l t u a , t i e g d n u t t . h: t r e e r u s d u ) lit of the Hon. Member's exer perspicuity on this propo . sition, S l lls I'l set:4aretd that he a ( uld upon this occasion give an ti l' e t t 'irt; --- ( 'Au ) w It should be admitted that, for 'it °-• I 4 Years the t. " Member had paid the closest at lartkd t: ta att e ' cf . 1 1 ,4'4 1 ee an t ' s ' fina i n k ce n , anti ' always b opposed e what H he mcon i7:,,,,ithule thi s ._'!i•Ces-ary expenditu t re w , a, in conseq uence of a ,ii,4_eieeh fro m this dec.lared thatthe i li: i ly kt s .. sed a.. M . side of . R House that he would art o. ',ea, corn- Ste t d ti re ` less , e 7 t lfin, he ( Sir R. Peel) had been t enf ti ew, ost Ne _ ht to say.—( Great laughter.) .l _ e . tie (Sir 11. a "!th rin k th ", what the Hon. . le .oer would have said t 'ed e w ts h e mterest of money, - .nel all that, but he should ti t t . tl iet ( t d ; ,a te t.'llY prepared tee hear that the lion. Member al,ttli tide einc,,rea"d taxation, because of an lion. Member tire ' li e . 4 ( re t e - t e la n ,, , se having' elis ered himself of a_f e o m ol b is e h r eat sand ,idelieer -ghter. ) In reference to the Hon. M 0 llp f , t hat !, t , ed that s( foolish speech"—(Laughter)—let teattti 11 lis iat Most heartily congratulated that Hon. Gentle ", e,),lieuidWaiet felicitous speech—( Laughter )—for he (Sir to nei lt „ i d ee t " ) , s aY that he did think that a higher compli k's - ,), s Yst e „," e Paid any Member of the House than that 11-itt the e ‘. o : the taxation rot the country was proposed li t ,,"te r 5 eeh o i ,",,e'ause of the delis, ry of that speech. litt'bee', owe,: ' s ense burst into a general and loud fit of 11 1 ‘ .11,Ne,i t leli e 4 a 4 much to the humorous tone of the Hon. ,tes,) Ratretied 3 a t s as to the mock gravity of his manner, while l' 4t ie t n 4 hewed to the Hon. Member for Done- L t il) k se• ° he Done •t xl i ,' the e rious, let the House consider what was the I to' : 1 4, r eal, , s p e eek of the lion. Member. lie (Sir II t:t,'"at 'all t;' "" a dmit that justice would require that this th Rl sllo Ite4 l, e extended to Ireland—( ‘ Hear, liar )—and in °I'll:. her V'" this tax was proposed to he imposed upon t tt S ,e 4' li, l ::: t t h h e • e laj : t ! . t . ,3_ ti Gove w r a n ' tntif d not decide that i t 4 :1 4 il l , 4 t e e lt h iec ‘i t e , isutdo irelan f, d ) , u ri n ( t h il they 1 eel maturely calculation that the e_ ill ' Yh ‘tilit 4t :P tin X the hard Mac iliner ti v n for y c the collection of it te r Y , alet ti eso ecniwarrant su c h a step._( fleet-, hear.) And tt e l ,te k , it ele nci d t he' the increased spirit duty, anti - stamp- It i4i'set i'essild„. w ould prov e more roductive than the pro ttlits evtetTraeluci4".ll•—(. Hear, ear.)h Therefore the Go kls. i ll , ore Ir e l and at it would be better to require en Ni tef t ,the t ' a esi e on account of other taxes than impt,se tweaea he N n t l--t liear, hear. ) Let Hon. Members re `s Malt a Ir e l ; Pe ltris ed in t ;stee of the Crown that he could call to t, atidsh the i mpositio n of this tax upon Ireland, not slatt t at heeciald be peculiarly favoured at the expense of 4 t, t aie Y te t an 'e loeal causes and di ffi culties existed in 1 4 1 it i alel'.' eapt_dered the levy of it impo-sible without ta t t ape„ , ate at "ulture greater than the income.—( Hear ) tt , tte th e i _ ~ (e l ate s foe" of th e • "fineliate effect which weuld arise from :1‘9,„-• te e ,, e meow -tax and tho reesoyal of other y t et, 1, it ti r .sii,t, m rn 11.0, th e 4 ,, li mn, ir,la p n a d ri nfc the lition of Ireland with 0 s_kii4ii,lo,,k at could not dealt justly with.— ,( , , eoi . h Til 10 fas. By the repea of the cotton 'No }))'eat,'l,,,,ae n nfaeturer was benefited to the amount 10 Stei toots,,( ar whitt,e) in Ireland the duty was no more than Old'lttee,"n t het t r „," ea r• ) Certainly it was to he taken into st - "e i t ‘P"el. - " t of the c , t - d • Ireland id i''" L'N'ort. 11 " he hoped °n n ' le in elcotton ktti r , f t l eer ed into," to see tee ..ay when Viite t he e tt P"`l f, ) , t ,"rk, and Ireland would not be depe.n -e k " .." 1 01 1 d ." e suPply.—( Cheers. ) By the remis ''l 2, 4 o ut'es England would be benefited to the k k t t i t I Ir' lst k t?e d 't" h ° e °l. 'i in Ireland only to I I,8001.—( Hear. ) e r lilt 4 () 1 glass duties amounted to 774,0001.; v r ) %W ith n'Y t o Th 1 011 tie e d . ( Hear, hear. ) ese o , t tpd, rth Prh e en h important difference. (Hear, lc) ) se e f el . e could convince the people 1 1; 4 , 1 4 L•elie.,,:las'inr_,which animated the Government of I t at th d th at °as it was in Ireland.—( Cheers. ) ek '' ;'" , : ') .. tt atte 4t iou— the .re would be a universal feeling of satis- Clfs:,!N„7"ter loin"' if t hee could see the manufacturers of toi t a i l e4 l "; titZtriee...(fequal competition with the mantrfac sr t . let r, he h ' ar hear ) Now, it was with great 't ite `-ork eard hi s e l '4 ' ' l s ''' In sa ys that • • on. and Learned Friend the tli t ‘ t ce 't. dir e !It w , Ili his country, with the prospect of te, t tl i t ;(4 etteß their had devoted themselves to agitation e t! ,t_ ear , e(eir alt ~ ' pc, ti. e hs.7e , po . n ear. ) „cenion to the improvement of their kft t io ll 'i g i e nton, o i.„ ri: agreed in the general proposition li,.N, wh,",.teal„,4 t°ne mtnre should be placed upon an Loan tri . h the' „taxation, but that was not the pro f,' eel G l s, t "ciuse was now called upon to Os t 4 t it trad, Britain, l andoffices , profes 'le st 'sae !, wer e • ' • ee ll ett y Z. •p h • !le e ~r n_ , , . subject to the income- It. sr r t ae st _,J i we s ' llo ,P'-ed tt) subject in Ireland land only telie,,,,i esid, d at . fe e , ( „ d i r. equality. But in feet land was the .1 ' 4 ' 4 • 4 t n Irel and 1) th !ifR g et, 4 14 ( 1 4 elr„ hi y e . tax, for if the lauds I t ee h.: erm. ce n ,. nt t., was subject to the tax, which ' l 4 s he a 7;eet ie () To ef t h e ' T to reside in Ireland. After eti•Nli; tr) r, I eoile.....nrestion the difficulties of construct tinst k, ic,1R1,,,%1, the tax, and the different condition t l fq ell P t iel ool li i ax ' ~1.15 respect to wealth, induced him-- i t ti t l ete t ,'Ree h 100•-...( Hear y temporary —to adhere to his eti,pl, 4, 1).,0 11; 11 ,ithpaving hear.) The Hon. Member for to . ' ,' 0 51, 1 1 , sd e „.., _flaying cheered the lion and Learned t t esid h oo e ' tte ttnin",n he said the imposition • of the tax on 11., I l em t stie n ,°41,1 h `•,,. The word he cheered was "im 0- 11,t, date itt a h. t : e t I ,2 , ,t h ii i I. ' ih :su e Be, tetl ", t , v 7 o,e r r e t g hd e a r .t d e. notuu t n he : y.h m : su o , heln question. tt political h h. s 4 d irt Je 5 op en ., . eendition of Ireland and the pros tt lei it ~_ Itt er ' t t POlitie a l • the minds of k t 'try ',tilde be sts ere or agitation to their own into- Il e tei ßh atl ea 1 wi t the p„ ple _ (Hear, hear )—he Itij IN t lie ' 'e ts ge of " f "r the House to relinquish the 'ste t l'e , 'er ie eine or tte .,L ~ t ti.. 1 4 04 ed f„, rn ti. .0 hundred thousand pounds, twis7e" ,, ih , e , ~r , i a nd th at th' income-tax, and to convinces ti l etrisli nu e e 3' were disposed to take an in -4 Y tot 0 '"t• 4 ' e ste, and WI I t,mt ge ld , e rhi it ~ e e 3 , ears _. 0 ust they were willing to Cele,. 1th,, 4 0 0 e „,,,_ ter th. f i r . -, r. n themselves, they were riot el k . et to we w_ tr : t iipel,,, e, , , 1 rime to Ireland. i oneht . vr „, ft. e , 1 4 , tsh and 41_,,etk: .tl.lle reciproeel feeling of a 4 t 4 .4tir, . ~?1 , ,, e t ,. \ ey w ere e d . i • si s , i os n e s d , and inferior positine in to regae d with kind feel 'l•l'elr 'ttk' t 4 l l 4 1 111E1p ) stia f oe h e 1- 10 11 HY said 1 ,, k , k d . , t} St g , c , I . , that he had no apire qtPit4" h leti ‘n I ' who t . ln g to the proposition of i the I t tat shed he he ii s , ''' brilliant teoxelai i . b u i t t e irlo t f ,A t i a ti l:n u t e a le n s d . e l''' 'eh :tl rnh hPa ' .ll4 th n e ed 'es t(' With e latti,ts.:.,e/ir.)ig tooli hg ostTer w s h ide e o s f Pe th e e " etsiits". er e ::: for I)"flag__nr_i.6cent answe r of his Hort. H m ou us s t e._ be e would, however, reati for them an extract from a speech which must have gratified the Right Hon. Baronet, if it did not gratify all those around him.— ( A laegh. ) [The Hon. Gentleman then read, amidst much cheering and laughter, an extract from the speech of Colonel Conoily.] A passage in that speech reminded him of the strange asseciatioe of bed-fellows—(Great laughter )—and of lively crawlers.—( Great laughter.) i!e could not help thinking that the honourable and Learned Member falsified an old statement, " Who drives fat oxen should himself he fat." —(l,aueliter. ) The Hon. and Learned Member (Mr. Roe buck) was perfectly justified in complaining of the absence of Irish Members, but he ( Sergeant Murphy', could riot agree in the reasons which he gave for that absence. He wished the Hon. and Learned Gen leman had been more guarded in his. tone and language. True it was, the Hon. and Learned Mem ber excluded from his censure he Hon. and Learned Member tor Cork, but there was one Hon. Member to wham pointed allusien was made. Now every Hon. Member present must recollect the course lett ly adopted by Mr. Smith O'Brien, and the admirahle speech he made on the subject of the ge neral state of Ireland—a speech which elicited universal approbation, and had raised the Hon. Member to the highest rank of argumentative orator s in that House.—( Hear. hear. ) He had no doubt the observations of the Hon. and Learned Member would be echoed back from Ireland, not, as ebserva titans coming from Protestants or Orangemen, but from a gen tleman whose career might be said, in some degree, to be that of the Irish people. He regretted, too, that when the [lnn. and Learned Member talked of conciliation to America, he did not recollect that it was so near akin to Canada. He was, the; clore, extremely sorry when he heard him make his state ment. With regard to the motion of his Honourable and Learned Friend, what was his object? He called apon them to tax realised property in Ireland. But vrhe , .e was he to find it ? Where would he find a landlord who was not struggling with mortgages? Ireland had been labouring under many ills; it had been pictured by the Hon. and Learned Member as a poor, impoverished country, and yet he proposed to burden it with an income-tax. The resources of Ireland were not yet able to relieve the people from their sufferings, and any change in their condition, it was too well known, would be derived, not from the imposition of an income-tax, but by the introduction of real and substantial capital front this country. He asked his Hon. and Learned Frisnd, then, if his motion was politic at the present moment? His Hon. and Learned Friend hail declared that rio increase ought to be made to the number of Irish Members, because those the people did possess were absent from their posts. His best answer to that argument was, that he was the re t o f u lfil t h e duties of a rep resen t a ti ve . He would not enter further into the measure, but conclude with a simple protest against the im. policy of bringing forward such a motion.—( Cheers. ) Colonel RA WDON denied that any Irish Member, in voting on that occasion, would he actuated by any motives of selfish ness, nor del he believe Hon. Gentlemen opposite would support tke motion upon the selfish principle that it would re lieve them from some portion of the burden imposed by the incorrie-tax.—( Hear, hear.) He thought it was exceedingly unwise to introduce the income-tax into Ireland in the first moments of her prosperity. It would press severely upon small tradesmen and merchants, and might revive that distress which his Hon. and Learned Friend, the Member for Dun gareon, had sanguinely hoped was hourly being banished from this hitherto unfortunate country. He hoped he should not be felt to be intruding on the House, but he could not but feel a great objection to this tax, and that it was consequently his duty to his constituents to bring before the House one instance from history, which was of remarkable significance at the present moment to the country. He alluded to the conduct of this country towards America, and begged to call the attention of Gentlemen of that House to the consequences of that conduct, before they gave their votes for the amendment of the Hon. Member for Bath. It was sup posed by the country Gentlemen who sere Members of that House, in the middle of last l'eollry, that if they could impose taxes on America that their own burdens would - be diminished. The necessary means were taken to impose those burdens, and what was the consequence? A few short words were contained in the speech from the Throne, and in 1764 certain stamp duties were imposed on the North American Colonies. The consequences very soon appeared. In 1765 a few more words were contained in the royal speech-6 The attention of Parlia ment was di:ected to matters of importance having reference to America; disturbances had arisen there." The country gentlemen:were astonished. They stood aghast. They evidently saw that they were in the wrong. They saw then, as we may see now, that such conduct was unworthy of us. Ile trusted that there would be no repetition of this conduct to wards America. The motion before the House on this ques tion was a most important one, and if the principle which had been used towards America were to he applied in this case tic Iceland, he felt assured that it would render the Government of that country most difficult, if not altogether impossible, and the success of this motion would at once bring on that diffi culty. They might defer the day of separation, but that sepa ration was inevitable. They 'might adjourn it for a season, perhaps to a distant season, but to adjourn it for ever was im possible. Mr. CURTEIS would make but a few observations in oppo sing the proposition of the Lion. Member for Bath As a mem ber of the Commission for the property and income-tax, he felt that it was a tax which materially effected the manufac turing and commercial interests of the country. but much more so the landed interests, and his experience on that Commission led him to oppose the extension of this tax to Ireland, a country which materially depended on the produce of its land.--( Hear, hear. ) If the gentlemen who were connected with the landed interests of the country did not stand against this tax—for, to the tax altogether, he was opposed—he would ask them how their constituents would feel satisfied with their conduct ? He considered himself called upon, by his duty to those who sent him there, to oppose this tax in every way. He could not see how the lower classes in Ireland could be benefited by the extension of this tax to that country. For if the gentlemen of lauded interest were to be saddled with this tax, it would be impossible for them to apply the means they possessed for the improvement of their estates; whereas, if left free to make such application of their means, it would be doing much more good to the country than any that could possibly arise from the imposition of a property and income tax. He believed that the major part of the landed interest— he would not say the whole of the landed interest, but the major part of those who formed it —were opposed to the tax. They complained, and justly complained, that the Right Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury had given them no relief, while he left the whole burden of this tax upon their shoulders. He must he considered disinterested in this matter, for he came forward unsupported by any great section on either side of the House ; and he did not rely on the votes of Hon. Members on the benches below him; but notwithstanding this, much as he disliked tm*:.: ing the House to trouble, he should feel it his duty • wk(n the main question of the continuane : or t g o ` t l is v o i t d i e no i_t before it. One eon speeches of the property and income-tax_ solation he had, that he fe" ...ay relied on the support of the speec he s of those m e - ...oers for Ireland who might be present, '.:eat their votes would be given in his favour, and athnedyhtrehoped ...grit possibly get rid of the nuisance of this odious tax -iiogether. At all events, he should feel it his duty to take the sense of tke House, whenever the main question was brought before it. Mr. BLACKSTONE would not occupy much of the time of the House at that late hour of the night; but be was com pelled to say a few words before he gave his vote on the motion of the Hon. Member for Bath. Whatever might be said re specting the property and income- tax by the Right Hon. Baro net at the head of the Government, it was plain to him that it was intended to be a permanent tax, and he could not feel it right that a permanent tax of this kind should be imposed en England, Scotland, and Wales, without including Ireland also. He well remembered a letter, addressed by the Hon. Member for North Essex to the Right Hon. Baronet, when in the Opposition in 1838, when the Right Hen. Baronet had stated in reply, when an attempt was made to rep,al the malt -tax, and during a debate in that House—that it was his opinion that it could not be disguised that if they (the landed interest) ob tained a repeal of the malt -tax, that it must be at the expense of the imposition of a property-tax ; and he warned themaf the result which would in that case most certainly ensue. Oa that occasion the Irish Members gave their votes against the repeal of the malt-tax. He hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would at once assent to the preposition of the Hon. Member for Bath, in order to deal fairly with all her Majesty's subjects. Mr. WALLACE said that no man in that House had ex pressed a more decided or strong opinion against a property tax er an income-tax than he had done. He had expressed that opinion at the time the tax was imposed at great length. He stated then that he had seen such scenes of degradation, that nothing would induce him to give his support to an income or a property-tax. Things, however, had now altered; the distinction seemed now to be well understo srl between a pro perty and an income-tax. lie had now no objection to a pre perty-tax—indeed, he thought it a just one—but he objected strongly to an income-tax. With respect to the motion of his Hon. and Learned Friend, the Member for Bath, he should freely and fairly give his vote against it—( Hear, hear)—and on that vote he had very little doubt he should be supported by his constituents.—( Hear, hear.) If, however, they disap proved of the course he had pursued, he should directly say to them, " Your representation is in yourselves—find a better man, if you think fit—l am your servant, but if you think I have not served you faithfully, by all means choose another for yourselves." He should vote without hesitation against the proposal of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. Colonel SIBTHORP thought it to be his duty to support the motion of the lion. Member for Bath.—.(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He should also vote against the continuance of the income and property-tax until he was told byflie-Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Government that it was not his intention to prolong its continuance beyond three years.-- ( Hear, hear.) If the tax was to be inflicted on the people of England and Scotland. why, he would ask, was Ireland to be exempted ? He considered that he did his duty to England, Scotland, and Ireland, in voting for the motion of the Hon. Member for Bath.—(Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON said that whatever the result of the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath might be, he certainly would have the satisfaction of having performed that evening an unexampled thing--(Laughter)—for he had obtained the support of Hon. Members who, on most subjects, were directly opposed to him, and whose opinions were gene rally as wide from those entertained by the Hon. and Learned Member as the poles were asunder. He had been supported by the Members for Birmingham, Lincoln, Essex, and other places. —( Hear.) lie was not sorry the Hon. and Learned Member had made the motion, because he thought the result would show the people of Ireland, that there was a majority of that House, who entertained a kind and considerate feeling to wards Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He was not sorry the motion had been made, but he regretted the manner in which the Hon. and Learned Member had couched his speech.—(Hear, hear.) He thought there were portions of that speech with regard to Ireland, and Irish Members in that House, in which he had expressed himself in language which he (Lord Palmerston) could not but think the Hon. and Learned Member would, on mature and cool consideration, be disposed not wholly to approve, and which, if any other Member had made use of, he would have been the first to condemn.-- (Hear, hear.) He (Lord Palmerston) did not lay much stress on the argument that they ought not to subject Ireland to the tax on account of the agitation that existed in the country —( Hear, hear)—he thought the fact of agitation existing in Ireland, if it was not founded on proper grounds, was no reason why the tax should not be applied to Ireland—(Hear, hear) —if, otherwise, it was just and expedient—( Hear.) He could 'not shut his eyes to the fact, that the Irish people considered that they had been long labouring under a heavy grievance, of which they thought they had a right to complain.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had not been consistent in arguing the grounds on which his motion was proposed. He contended that they ought to lay equal taxes on Ireland, England, and Scotland, while he him self proposed to apply one portion only to Ireland, and there fore, instead of producing equality, he carried out that ine• quality of which he complained to a further degree. If the tax was to be imposed on Ireland, he (Lord Palmerston) saw no reason why it shoubinot he imposed in the same manner as it was done in England. If there was ground for extending the tax to Ireland, let them extend it in an efficient manner. He, however, thought it would be impolitic to extend it to Ireland, as it would not produce the s -venue that was ex pected. They might gain some little more revenue bv makiug the tax apply to Ireland, but he thought the imposition of it. - worth! show that a narrow view indeed had been taken of the subject. If they employed all the means in their power.to put in force the resources of the country, they would greatly increase the prosperity of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Ireland contributed far less to the recourses of the empire than, from her population and capabdities, might be expected. Capital was lowing into it, and railways were extending, and he trusted that the country would stand in a different position from that in which it had hitherto done in relation to the United Kingdom, and that she would be able to give that contribution to the revenues of loch troll up on espavWe' that tbe the „writ t il o n• by the the Selffthe 'id e „„ 1 ou t the ing w hic e • ) on onee ober * „ was ie sr had Ps' THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 20, 1845 the empire that her population and extent would enable her to do. The people of England would find that the surest way of securing a relief from the burdens that now pressed on them, would be found in the. increasing prosperity of Ireland. Mr. S. CRA WFORD rose amid loud cries of " Question" and " Divide." He briefly stated that he was not prepared to say the landed property of Ireland ought to be exempted from the income-tax.—(Hear, hear.) Though Ireland might claim to be exempted, on many grounds, from several heads of taxa tion, yet, when called in to vote on this question, he could not bring himself to say that the land of that country ought to be exempted.—( Hear, hear. ) Sir. DARBY should give his vote in distinct opposition to the amendment of the Hon. and Learner! Member for Bath. In bringing that amendment forward, he seemed to have thought but little about it, for his speech was one thing and his motion quite another.—i Hear, hear.) He was quite mistaken in his assertiou that gentlem n, by living in London or Paris, could escape the payment of assessed taxes in Ireland. At the present time Ireland was improving, and he believed that nothing would be so impolitic as to lay the income-tax upon that country now. He cared not what. the Right Hon. Baronet j mighShave said on former:necasioraa--( Hear, hear, and 'apeghter) —he should consider the imposition of the tax most impolitic. Mr. ROEBUCK then repled. He said he stood in a pecu liar position. Many Members felt with him —many had spoken with hire—but almost all, with a few exceptions, had attacked him ; bat before he sat down he hoped he should have an op portunity of repaying all his friends, with interest.—(Laugh ter.) The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Govern ment said there had been a great change in his opinions on this subject. He (Mr. Roebuck) would ask the House to remem ber the difference between him and the Right Hon. Baronet its capacity and experience. The Right Hon. Baronet com• menced life almost as a Secretary for Ireland, and had con tinued in an almost unbroken official life down to 1825. Yet with all his means of information the Right Hon. Baronet held down te a recent period the opinions which he (Mr. Roebuck) had expressed that night. When he left office for the Opposition, and was building up with great care and astonish ing art the great party by whom he was now surrounded, he still continued of that opinion. In 1835 he was again called to office, and again he expressed the same opinion he (Mr. Roe buck) had expressed that night. Yet he now told him that this tax was imprudent, impolitic, and mischievous. Was it all these when the Right Hon. Baronet supported it ? The charge of impolicy, therefore, came hardly well from the Right Hon. Gentleman. He would not for a moment compare his capacity with that of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but take all the op portunities the Right Hon. Gentleman had had, and he would ask, why was he to be charged with being impolitic because he still retained the opinions which the Right Hon. Gentleman once held himself ? The Hon. Member for Warwickshire had Listed some observations, intimating something about his (Mr. Roebuck's) being an insignificant person. Suppose it was so; suppose all he had advanced was worth nothing— Mr. NEWDIGATE said the Hon. and Learned Member had entirely misunderstood him. He had never applied any such remark to him that could be so construed. What he said was, that he thought his motion a very misckievocts ewe. Mr • ROEBUCK said that the Hon. Member had of course a perfect right to do so. But another observation had been made by the Hon. Member for Waterford, which was, that he (Mr. lioelmek) had made remarks en the Irish Members which he would not have dared to make had those persons been here; that was to say, that if the Irish Members had been present, he (Mr. Roebuck) would not have dared to complain of their ab theLearned absence fe m o . Ob i arendrde the rhi Lpa f eeode rar i s s rdso l ie r ai neri add:l chair.") h i e hn n ae l l i s in e rg e t. f n 4 ab sence.—( Great laughter.) he Sir H. WINSTON BARRON rose amid loud cries of " Chair, chair." He appealed to Mr. Greene. Mr. GREENE said the Hon. Member had a perfect right to explain any previous observations he had made. Sir H. WIN STON BARRON said he did not charge:the Hon. and Learned Member with making any observation on e t aw h ann e t a h l a a t u g t h e hm !y et ; hr ,rueee meaningfl d dprui ed n r o pts t ohasye l e i w a H t o v h af o e s e nt madein. raisingd . use of the words " Members who were absent were men who" could well be spar, d." That was what he fouud fault with. He repeated, that he would nr.t have dared use those words if those gentlemen had been present. Mr. ROEBUCK begged to tell the House that in his small experience of the law in cross-examinin g , that if he had to deal with a witness of a peculiar temperament, he always found that his best plan to adopt in the first instance was, to let him tell his own story.—(Laughter ) Now, he did not complain of the peculiar phraseology whi c h h ad been used by several Members; but what he did complain of was the sinele phrase " dare." Now, what was it that he " dare" not do ? ( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Dared he net to say that the Hon. Gentlemen, to whom he had alluded, had deserted their post, like sentinels who, having been placed on dut - , had thrown down their muskets and r an away?_.( H ear, h ear.) And after having said that, he supposed that the mortified vanity t f those Gentleman it was that had led them to do so. Those were his words, and that his opinion, and he now begged to 'say he still adhered to it. The Hon. Member for Cork had appealed to his kind feelings —(Langhter)—and the Hon. Member for Dungarvon had also remarked upon the strong phrase he (Mr. Roebuck) had used ; but in reply to them, he would ask, of whom had he been speaking? Were those Gentlemen be had mentioned at all careful of their phraseology in applying it to Members of that (louse.—( Hear, hear.) He saw Hon, Members present to whom he had alluded, and he would ask had not motives been imputed by them to him, and vulgar expressions used, and mountebank acts practised?—( Laughter) —for there were such things as great mountebanks as well as little ones.—(Laughter.) He would not deign to reply to what had been said by the Hon. Baronet the Member for Water ford ; but what had been said by the Hon. Member for Cork and the Hon. Member for Dungarvon did call for some observations from him, and, in doing so, he would say that, if there was any language more strong than another by which to mark the desertion of the Hon. Members he had mentioned, and their conduct while de serting, that language he would use.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard an Hon. Member opposite talk of the agricultural inte rests, and agricultural distress, but all he (Mr. R.) could say if he was, that wished there w t hespeech a ofs an end to h th at Hon. t is a Memberx...... ahlookedtugveer.) very like Thees Hon. Member had said that the imposition of this tax upon Ireland would be unjust and Impolitic. He said that he had hopes of Ireland's prosperity, and of the influx of capital into that country ; but he had not shown how his (Mr. Roebuck's) proposition would interfere with that —( Hear, hear. ) What he (Mr, Roebuck) did propose was this, that this coun try sho-';:ifl n o t abstain from taxing the rich men of Ireland, ':.mile thereby they taxed more heavily the working people of England.—( Hear, hear.) That was his argument ; and how had it been met ? Ily telling the House that capital was Slow ing into Ireland, and that the imposition of the tax would check it. But the House was not told in what way the taxing of the Irish landlords would prevent one peuud of English capital from flowing into Ireland. —( Hear, bear.) They had been very significantly told by the Hon. Members for Armagh and Dungarvon, that the tax would cause a revolution.--( Hear, hear.) Why so ?—( Hear, hear.) He did not propose to tax the poor or the middle classes in Ireland, but only the land lords, who had caused all the evils under which that country suffered. —(Cheers.) For his part, he did not believe that all the arts that could be used to produce alitation, would induce the Irish peasantry to rise into rebellion for the purpose of saving the landlords from a tax.—(Cheers.) For his part, he had always endeavoured to do good for the Irish people.— (Ironical cheers.) He had never voted for a Coercion Bill.— (Cheers.) He had never voted for the Irish Church.— (Cheers.) But if the Irish landlords had a particle of gene rosity, they would ask to he taxed.—(Great laughter.) He did not regard that laugh, but he asserted still that they shrunk from the tax with a want of that generosity which was charac teristic of the Irish people. Lord CASTLEREAGH, who rose amidst loud cries of question, wished to say, on the part of the Irish landlords, that they did not shrink from their fair share of the public burthens.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) For his own part, he paid 80/. a-year to the income-tax.—( Laughter. ) Ile Committee then divided, when there appeared-- For the amendment Against it ... --242 The Commi l‘ tt l e a e jo t r l i i t e y n a d g i a v i i n d s e t d it on the original resolution, when there appeared— For the original resolution Against it ...... 228 30 Majority for the original resolution......-193 The House renamed. The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to Fit again on Friday. _ _ ASSESSED TAXES. Captain PECHELL moved for returns of all surcharges for duties on windows, which have been decided by the Commis sioners acting in the execution of the Act relating to the As sessed Taxes, from the Ist of January, 1839, to .the 31st of December, 1844. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER begged to assure the Him. and Gallant Member th a t it was utter l y i mposs ib le that those returns could be furnished, inasmuch as the assessors were not Government officers, but were appointed locally, and kept no record of their proceedings. Mr. HUME contended that the returns could be had for the last year at all events. Captain PECHELL said he would divide the House on hie motion. The House divided,and the numbers were— For the motion 5 Against it 3l Majority against The House then adjourned at One o'clock. PRINCE PUCRLER MUSKAU'S EGYPT.'%--.The only complete English E lition of this work, translated by H. E. Lloyd, Esq., has just been published by Mr. Colburn, in two volumes, comprising the three volumes of the original German. - The singular facilities which Prince Puckler Muskau enjoyed in_ his intercourse with Mehemet' Ali, afforded him • advantages such as have never before fallen to the lot of any traveller. We here see Mehemet Ali himself, not through tk distorted me dium, but behind the scenes, for the Prince not only had the privilege of daily and confidential intercourse with him, hut travelled with the Viceroy when he went on his tour in Upper Egypt ; and the complete unre servedness of that great man, in communicating his noble and enlarged views for the people whom he go. verns—his account of his early life, as detailed in the last chapter of the first volume, are deeply interesting, and are here communicated for the first time. Yet the work is not wholly of a political character. The author takes every opportunity of giving information respecting the scenery, antiquities, and the manners of the inhabi tants of the countries through which he passed ; and, in his usual graceful style, has addressed a letter from the top of the Great Pyramid, which ho ascended twice in one day, to his friends, giving an amusing account of his ascent, &c. The Prince then proceeded up the Nile, where he rejoined the Viceroy, and then set out on his journey to Nubia aid Ethiopia. second volume is dedicated to a visit to some of the most remarkable ancient monuments of those countries ; but, perhaps, the most valuable and interesting part of this volume is the account of his journey to the South, his voyage up the Blue River to Dongola and Meroe, and his jo urne y across the Desert, d ur i ng which, besides personal ad ventures, he communicates many nnportaut particulttra respecting the kingdom of Darfour, and other coubtries further south than Wadi-Medineh. THE WEATHER. —THE PARKS.-..-After eight o'clock on Sunday night the previous cloudy atmosc iiena "ep ee dod by a brilliant morning, the wind blowing bris ,w a s - and piercing 'hall N.N.E., the mercury began to fall, and ght, and up to Seven o'clock yesterday morning, e titerthermom at the Receiving House in Hyde Park stood at 28.. degrees. The advance Of the day, how bars hopes of the skater, and though the tnem ig Club met in Hyde Park, All were compelled to f forego their .avourite amusement. The thelmometer at noun was b el e . r e s r, ot is h i e wi S le k s d at rll degrece, and had declined very slightly up to eight o'clock last night, The wind blew chiefly than the southward. MR. BELANY ONCE . - 2 171) e North Sunder- Lvid correspondent of the Betleiek Adeertiser says—. Mr. Belany, who is said to have lycett alma Ayton last weak, is suelug the Humlred tor damne done to his property by the fire, on an occasion whi , .:ll will be In the recollection of nut readers. He puts in his claim at %he suns of ,Piool. Accordn to reports it was the intention of 2 40 r. Belany to lei this place be g fore the fire occurred. At all events F everal articles of furniture were sent north prior to it ; and several oth,rs were stowed away in an outer house. On the night of the tire there was a good deal saved from the dames. There is-every like lihood at present that the rate-payers of the northern division of Itattibro' ward will meet Belany against his claim at Nelyeastle, at the cowing tySizee."-..-Nesccastle Ackeiliser. GREAT EETING he importers of foreign sugar of the first class received Ja s . per cwt. ; the impost ers of the second class, 28s, per cwt. ; the importers of the third class, 355. per cwt.; and the importers of the fourth class, 385. per cwt.; while the consumers paid the same price far all:--( Hear; hoar.) Now if the Minister said, I will charge the highest rate of duty, namely, 28s. on all those classes of sugar, it was quite clear he might do so with out raising the price one fraction to the consumer.—( Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet reckoned that from those various duties he would receive 3,916,0001. He made a sacrifice of near 2,00 t,OO 1., and then he asked the country to make up the sacrifice by imposing an income-tax.—( Cheers.) Now if he had imposed the sadist rate of duty on all those descriptionl of sugar, which would give the same price to the foreign and to the colonial grower, he would receive, instead of 3,9 0,0001., no less a sum than 7,00',0001., while the public would not pay a fraction more for their sugar.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet also, in order he supposed to render his proposal more aoceptable to the country, favoured them with certain estimates as to what he believed would be the supply of sugar next year. Now all estimates of what the supply would be were extremely unsatisfactory--( Hear, hear)—and four years ago, when the present Ministry were in opposition, and the then Ministers proposed an alteration of the sugar duties, Lord Sandon brought forward his motion, which was based on an estimate of the future supply. On that occasion Lord Sandon said, " We do not want slave -grown sugar, because the produce of our own colonies is increasing so rapidly of late, that there would be a sufficient supply without having recourse to other countries." Lord Sandon estimated the supply at 225,030 tons. Well, four years have passed over since then. The population had in that time increased one million, and while the consumption of tea had increased 2 000,000 of lbs., and that of coffee 3,000,000 of lbs., the supply of sugar, instead of increasing, had been diminishing year by year ; and last year, though there were str ong p rom i ses o f an increase on the part of those who would exclude Brazil sugar, the supply had fallen from 225,000 tons to 204,000,-4 H ear, hear.) The public should not, therefore, place implicit confidence in the declara tion of the Minister with respect to the supply of sugar from any particular quarter. The article of sugar has, perhaps, been one by which the system of monopoly was tested, more than any other; for since 1811, while the population had in creased upwards of 8,000,000, the supply of sugar remained stationary.—( Hear, hear.) While the supply of tea had been doubled, and that of coffee quadrupled, the supply of sugar, which was most protected during all this period, remained sta tionary.—( Hear, hear.) And yet, notwithstanding the falsi fications of those predictions with regard to the supply of sugar from their colonies, they found that the mast absurd distinc tions were to be kept up, which every Englishman ought to feel ashamed of, when he thinks of the numerous inconsistencies in which it landed them, and the numerous disadvan tages in which it placed their commerce.—( Hear, hear. ) 'Fine Right Hon. Baronet had already said that he intended to persist in the distinction between free-labour sugar and slave grown sugar, but in the very same Budget in which he pro pounded that intention, he proposed to take off the duty on cotton-wool, a measure which perhaps was one of the best he could have brought forward, but while he recognised the dis tinction between slave-grown sugar and free-labour anger, he altogether repudiated it in the case of cotton-wool, which was altogether produced by slave-labour.—( Hear, hear.) While he recognised the distinction in the case of sugar, for reasons best known to himself, he abandoned it with regard to coffee also, for twice within the last four years he had reduced the duty on coffee, the largest imported product from the Brazils. Now, he did not at all object to those reductions. On the contrary he was very glad of them, and he only brought those cases for ward as examples of the inconsistency which applied one rule to sugar and a different one to cotton and coffee.—(Cheers.) There was another for reducing the duty, on which the Right Hon. ilaronet took credit to himself, and he was entitled to credit for it per se—that was, the reduction on the duty on copper ore.—( Hear, hear.) And not only was that the production of slave-labour in Cuba and Brazil, but the product of slave-labour in its worst form.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Gladstone, to get rid of the inconsistency of stating one way with regard to sugar, and another with respect to coffee, said that the labour required for the production of coffee was light and easy as compared with what was required in the production of sugar, which was cruel and destructive to the constitution of the negro, but the working of copper ore was the most distressing to which the slave could be subjected, either in Cuba or Brazil.— ( Hear, hear.) The effect of the new sugar duties, instead of lessening the protective duty, as it was wished to be believed, and to benefit the consumer, the effect would be, taking price and revenue together, quite the reverse. The old duty left a differential duty of los 6d, but the new duty left a differential duty between 14s and 28s, and for all practical purposes, if all the duty was available, the real practical differential duty would be 14s, instead of 108 641.--( Hear, hear.) It might not be fair to ask on what grounds this distinction was made in favour of colonial produce. There was a feeling in the public mind, that a preference ought to be given to the colonial pro duce, but he believed that the grounds of this opinion were based on erroneous impressions. In the first place, they had been very apt to believe that a large portion of these exports went to the colonies, and it was frequently urged that it was wise to maintain their colonies even at an apparent dis advantage, in order to secure an outlet for our. manufactures. Now, as far as our exports go, our colonial possessions in America, including the West India Islands, Canada, and Novo Scotia, took goads last year, which was the latest period at which there were any returns, to the amount of 4,600,000/. Other parts of America, including Brazils and South America, the produce of which were excluded by the course of our Legislature, took our goods to the amount of 11,500,000/. —( Loud cheering.) The whole of our colonial possessions throughout the world took, during the same year, goods to the amount of 13,500,0001., while the whole of the foreign countries with which this country traded, and which asked for no preference or exclusive advantage for themselves, brit merely a fair exchange of their produce for what this country had to give them in return—those coun tries took of our goods not less than 3 8, 0 00,0004—(Cheers.) Some, agai n , su pp orte d t h e i r co l on i es and their colonial le gislation on the ground of affording an outlet to our increasing population. For his part, he was not a friend to emigration.— ( Hear, hear.) He would rather see the many means at their disposal, at home, put in requisition to afford employment to the population.—( Hear, hear.) That might be done more effectually by extending our commerce than by sending the people abroad, and scattering them over the face of the earth, to find employment.—( Hear, hear.) But were he a friend to emigration, he would tell those men who supported their co lonisl system on this ground, that it appeared from the Report of the Emigration Committee that the United States of Ame rica furnished an asylum for double the amount of emigrants that all our colonies in the world did. Yet though the United States of America furnished an asylum for our population greater than all our own colonies they sought for no peculiar privileges on that account. Sir Robert Peel was fond of talking of our pr.tecting and encouraging countries where the English tongue was spoken. He (Mr. Wilson) did not know if it entered into his head that oar colonies should be encou raged, in order that there might be a greater sale of Lindley Murray's Grammar and Walker's Pronouncing Dictionary. If that were the reason why our colonies should be protected and encouraged, then very little attention would show that the English language was four times more extensively spoken out of our colonies than in them.—( Hear, hear.) There might be, and there was, another reason assigned for protecting our co lonies—namely, that they were a stay to the empire—that their protection afforded them greater political power ; hut people in this view of the case were very apt to argue in a circle. If one spoke against the expense of the army and navy, it was urged they are required for the maintenance of these colonies—if one spoke of the expense of the colonies, it was said they were necessary to give employment to the army and navy, and to maintain cur political power.—( Hear, hear. ) Sir R. Peel said he could not reduce the army—not because they were wanted at home, but because it was necessary to have relays to send to the colonies. And he agreed with Sir R. Peel in the necessity and policy, so long as they had colo nies, of affording relief to the troops who were in the colonies, far they ought net to exact from military men a greater sacri fice than ought in fairness to be made. The time of their service abroad ought not, therefore, to be extended beyond a certain period, and they should be satisfied to bear the expenses of the colonies as long as they were willing to maintain them, and he did not at all mean to insinuate that they ought to be given op.—( Hear, hear.) Then, again, Sir R. Peel asked for a million to support the navy, not that it might be employed at home, but that there might be a larger available force to protect their commerce in those seas in which they traded. Again, he did not mean to say that was wrong. On the contrary, he believed there was great practical safety in having ships to protect their commerce, and that the world's peace was more likely to be secured thereby. But what he asserted was, that the colonies ought not to be maintained at the expense of the consumers. What had been the effect of the protective system in the colonies? They had many articles produced in their colonies, and there was not one in which they did not excel all the world when it was free from protection.—( Hear, hear.) Only a few years ago the article of indigo was unknown in the East Indies. It was introduced there from Mexico, about fifty years ago, but now their East Indian possessions entirely monopolised that article, and not only did they supply this country with that article, but the rest of Europe was supplied with it from this conntry.—( Hear, hear.) Again, the articles of wool, silk, and Sax were articles all grown in their colonies, and which had all increased without protection, and he be lieved that if there had been no protection to their sugar, but if the grower of it had been subjected to that com petition to which other classes of manufacturers were, sugar would have been grown this day cheaper in their colonies than anywhere else, and would benefit the colonies themselves.— ( Hear, hear.) He would not lightly or rashly form an opinion of so much importance to the West Indian possessions, arid not less so to the East Indies. There was not a newspaper pub lished in the West Indies which he did not receive regularly by every mail, and, if those papers taught him anything, they showed that protection was the bane of the colonies.— ( Cheers.) There was not a single newspaper in which the acknowledgment was not to be found that the system of pro tection had been the barrier to all improvement.—( Hear, hear.) And it was only within the last year or two that this question began to be agitated, that they became alive to their situation, and that symptoms of improvement had taken place ; and by the last mail he received papers from which he made several extracts, which he would not trouble the meet ing by reading, but they showed that a spirit of activity and improvement was manifesting itself. Like the agricultural associations here, they were forming societies and offering prizes for the largest production of sugar. In autumn last year, the Clarendon Agricultural Society of Jamaica offered premiums for the cheapest production of sugar. There were two competitors for the prize, and the result of the competi tion was, that on one estate sugar was produced at Ss. Mid. per cwt., on the other at 9s 60. per cwt. ; in both cases at less than Id. per lb. —(Cheers.) He had heard that in Jamaica and the West Indian Islands there was a great want of labourers, but on looking over the papers he found ample evi dence that there was a superabundance of labour. He fonnd that there were even complaints made of the number of able-bodied paupers, which was not very consistent with a want of labour.—( Hear, hear.) He found that they were going to make a railway in Jamaica, with the chief contractor of which he was conversing some time since, arid he was in formed by that individual that labourers at such hard work as that on a railway, in such a cligiate as the West Indies, could be procured at 7s. a week—(Shame ' shame)—and he also found in the papers arguments as to whether the labour per day should be Is. or Is. 3d. It would, therefore, appear that whatever might be the case two or three years ago, there was no want of labour now. But those papers found fault with the proprietors and planters for their want of spirit, and one very remarkable instance occurred in January last year. Se veral proprietors and planters had been asked to subscribe to the railway to which he had alluded, as it would facilitate the conveyance of products to the sea from the interior, but though it was to benefit themselves, not one of them was got to subscribe—not the slightest encouragement was given. At last the projector, fearing that he must give up the matter as a bad job, proposed it to two or three free-traders in Liverpool—( Hear, hear) — and in less than two days the whole capital was subscribed by free-traders—(Cheers)—who had been accused of having in tended to ruin the country.--(Cheers.) The gentleman from whom he had this information had all his sympathy in land • He was a native of Jamaica, to which he was about to return for the purpose of attending to his own estate, and nd al purpose of preaching the doctrines of free-trade, a there was equalization of the sugar duties. one very serious objection to the final settlement of the an so fur the The last Bill which was in troducedquestion.—(Hear,hear.)propositionthe did net settle any thing, and uanrp d m w e as of fou d n i d ,o i r n ga p n r is a i c r t ig ice th to e whole trade—(Hear, hear) — from coming in —(Hear s kear)--. the planters, and the dealers. It did not even sugar p r event slave-grown which it was the object of the BM to exclude. Was it likely that there would be more security under the new Bill ? What person of ordtreiry prudence Would risk capital when there was so much uncertainty?—(Cheers.) It was a measure so dif ficult and intricate, that he defied any merchant in the city of Loodort to say what its operation would be for twelve months. —( rear.) Hew eaulti the mercantile interest go on with any c,Ttaitity if, day after day, and setsioe.after session, new and in tricate propositions were to be made, each sueteeding the other? How could the West Indians themselves, who were looking out wit h anxiety for the new measure to regulate their measures ? They would not be eble to do anything, because they must per ceive that the present arrangement would not be permanent, and that to enable them to carry on their operations with cer tainty, the ditty must be placed on a permanent and secure basis. —( Hear.) That sets the great evil of the protective syste m , that it g ave no secur i t y, a n d as l ong as protection continued, the question would not be settled. —( Hear, hear.) He believed the West Indians, as a body, lost considerably by the protective system, and that their position would be much better if the d u ti es were removed, not gradually, but entirely and at once, than it it was continued to them. He was quite sure that no person could hope for any perma nent settlement of this question, except by the entire abolition of protection. —( Hear, hear.) He was quite satisfied from the vigour and the spirit of determination which that Associa tion had shown from the first —the perseverance with which it had followed out the subject, from the success which had attended that perseverance, and firer. the encouragement which it had received to persevere still further, he was quite sure that until every protective principle, every particle of protection was given up, there was no chance of the agitation subsiding. He therefore trusted that the time was not far distant when all persons connected with protective interests would come to the conclusion that there was a way by which that interest might be rendered a mutual interest with the world at large and their own countrymen, and that could only be by perfect unreserved free trade, and the entire abolition of the protective system.—(Cheers. ) R The CHAI MAN—I now beg to introduce our distinguished and eloquent friend, Mr. George Thompson, the powerful advocate of free trade. Mr. GEoacs Tliostrsote then came forward, and was re ceived with a loud burst of cheering. He spoke as follows : I deem it, Sir, a high and noble privilege to be permitted to occupy such a position as that in which I now stand. If pride were allowable under any circumstances, a man, I think, might be forgiven who was proud to address such an audience as this, on such a theme, surrounded by such in dividuals as occupy this platform and various other portions of this House. It is gratifying to know, in giving utter ance to what we believe to he just, humane, and en lightened opinions, that our audience is not confined within these walls, but that we find an audience of millions of men, wherever our language is known, and wherever the measures we', recommend, are likely to affect the interests and destinies of the human race.—(Great cheering.) I do not think there is a spot on the surface of the globe, to which human eyes are directed with more in terest than the spot on which we stand to-night. I do not think there is a question agitating the minds of intelligent beings in any part of the world, more important than that which is occupying our attention to-night. I do not think there is one question that enters more intimately into the con cerns of men, and is more closely and inseparably allied to their best temporal interests.—(Cheers.) We are not even discussing a national question ; fur we hold it to he true that free trade is not only the right of mail individually, but the in. terest of nations universally.—( Cheers.) We are not advo cating the cause of our country alone, still less of any parti cul class in the country—we are advocating the cause of men everywhere, wherever they live—and where do they not live —under the primeval curse of earning their bread in the sweat of their brow.—( Cheers.) All we ask is that human indus try should possess its own. That men should be per mitted to enjoy the fruits of . their ho nes t l a b our. —that no man robs them in the quantity and quality, or price, of that which they obtain in exchange for their labour. I t i s exceedingly difficult to know on what topic to address an audi ence in Covent-garden theatre. I would advise the man who experts to speak here at any time never to read the speeches that are male here—never to hear them. Let him content him- self with the merits of this question, and be as ignorant as he can be of what goes on is this house, or, in reference to the question of free-trade, even in ether public meetings. For if he shoeld attend these meetings, or read the speeches, he cannot, while he sits here, or while he meditates elsewhere, se lect a topic on which he does not know that eloquence and ar gument. have been almost exhausted, and he cannot choose that topic without treading over ground that has already been tra versed by those who had gone before him. In fact, our ground is growing every day narrower, even if we take in all the topics that are legitimately in connexion with this question. We had a good many fallacies afloat in days past—they are:exploded. —( Laughter.) The man would be fighting a shadow to-night who got up to battle with the paramount interest of agricul ture. He would be fighting with a shadow who got up to talk about peculiar burdens, for we have never been able to find them, and the squires won't help us to do so, or show us where they are. We cannot even take up the old topic on which we used to talk, namely, the antidote to distress, and depression, and misery, that were brought forward, all of them intended to direct public attention away from the one great source of evil, the one grand remedy for existing grievances. We, hear no more talk now of emigration, as a substitute for a repeal of the corn-laws—no more talk—or very little, at least, of home colonisation —very little now of national educat:on, as the topic to which the public are to direct their attention—and not much, I believe, though some considerable sensation was created awhile ago, on the subject •f the allotments of land. We may, however, glance, Sir, to-night at some events which have transpired since a public meeting was held in this place. Several inte resting events have occurred. The first to which I will allude is the holding of a great meeting in Manchester, at which the Council of the Anti-Corn-law League laid a report before their constituents. It was a good report. As our brethren on the other side of the Atlantic would say, it was " a most satisfac tory document."—(Cheers and laughter.) It reported that ti 6,000/. had been collected in fifteen months—it reported that our respected Chairman would not again have to sustain a de feat in the Southern Division of Lancashire.—(Great cheer ing.) It reported that his defeat had led to the enfranchise ment of about 1,750 individuals in that county, and the ob taining of a clear majority of more than 1,000 of the votes in that county in the cause of free trade.—(Much cheering. ) The report also stated that a great elfin, and a successful one, too, had been made in the cause of registration in almost all parts of the country—that much had been done in the ‘i est Riding of Yorkshire, and that that important portion of the kingdom is not likely soon to be again represented by two gen tlemen who are monopolists. It reported also, that in other parts of the kingdom, in North Cheshire, as well as in the county in which we are assembled, much had been done in the way of carrying nut the plan so ably devised by the distinguished gentleman on the plat form, and his coadjutors, for the purpose of regenerating the county constituencies of th r kingdom. All that is reported, and the sanguine expectation is held out that when the mag nificent anti-corn-law bazaar is held in this place, in May next, there will be such an addition made to the League fund, as the result of the entrance money and purchase money connected with that grand exhibition, that the maximum sum —asked for at the hands of the public in the cause of free trade—will be quite, if not more, than realised.—Great cheering.) We have not only had a report from the Council of the Anti-Corn-law League of a most gratifying character, but we have also witnessed in the City of London a grand meeting of the Agricultural Protection Society.—(Laughter.) I have read the report of that meeting, but I cannot pronounce on that report the same verdict as I have with reference to the report of the Council of the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Cheers) A more stale, flat, unprofitable, unargumentative document I have never seen— (Laughter)—all rationality seems to have tied from the heads of toe men who are connected with that Protection Society.— ( Laughter.) It seems to be oniy necessary to join the Anti- Corn-law League for a man to become a sensible man.— ( Cheers and laughter.) It seems only necessary to join the Protection Society in order to become most confused in intel lect--( Renewed laughter)—most incapable of understanding the subject, and still less of arguing respecting it. I will un dertake to sacrifice anything you shall please to condemn me to sacrifice, if you will find an individual who will find me throughout the speeches made at the Freemason's Tavern on the occasion of the great agricultural dinner, one argument.— ( Cheers and laughter.) It is needless to dwell on that spec tacle. If there was nothing edifying there was something at least amusing, and a vast deal supremely ridiculous.—(Laugh ter.) We have had a Queen's speech, too. On that it does not become me to speak, excepting to say that it is as tame as Queens' and Kings' speeches usually are, and has turned out as delusive as such speeches generally turn out to be. And we have had, above all this, a financial statement from the Prime Minister of the country, and that seems to be the topic of topics at the present moment. And what shall we say of this ? I will not say it wants skill, but I will say it wants courage.— ( Cheers.) I will not say it wants plausibility, and tact, and eloquence, but it vastly wants honesty and truth.—(Cheers. ) I will not say it dues not profess sympathy with the poor, but I will say that the measures recommended do not possess much or have :ouch power to benefit this class of society, which seems to be, according to the words of the Right Hon. Baronet, the special object of his sympathy and regard.— (Cheers.) It has been already stated by the enlightened gen tleman who has preceded me, that with the measures of Sir Robert Peel brought before the public in that statement, we do not seriously quarrel. They are good as far as they go. We arc thankful to know that the cosy se is now being cleared by degrees for the grand heat.—(Laughter and cheers.) This might not be absolutely necessary, but at all events it will prove to be convenient. We shall not now have deputations goiNg up about glass. We see through that. subject now.— ( Great laughter.) We shall hear no more of deputa tions on the subject of coals, unless others come up to London to ask for an export duty again to be put on coals, which is not very probable.—(Laughter.) Sir Robert allows the introduction of certain kinds of woods to acme off the dis cussions on other subjects; and then, by delusive schemes, which Mr. Wilson has so ably exposed—and no man can expose them better, and few so well—he tries to be exceedingly sweet on the community, and to put off the repeal of the corn-laws by giving us a lollypop.—(Laughter.) Now some benefit will doubtless accrue from these changes. We cannot contemplate, without thankfulness, any prospect of gla ss w i n d ows b e i ng put into the cabins of the Irish.—( Cheers. ) We are very curious to know whether we shall have our watches and chronometers regulated by glass balances instead of steel ones, for we are told that one of these remarkable curiosities was exhibited by the Prime Minister of England on the Treasury benches the other night. We find little fault with that which he has done. A grievous sin, and it is a heavy sin for such a man to commit—for a man possessing his knowledge of this country, and a knowledge of its geographical position, its high and wide connexion with the world at large, the peculiarities of its population and the resources for which it is distinguished, as well as the manufactures for which it is ce lebrated—that such a man should satisfy his own conscience and seek to satisfy the public and the world with coming down to the House of Commons for the purpose of reducing duties on certain articles without disturbing those gigantic robberies in the shape of protection which are still permitted to live un• assailed and even unthreatened by the Prime Minister :o T . ( Great cheering.) He has granted what we never askedrP purposes We did not ask for a reduction of taxes levied for the of revenue. We did ask for a reduction and annihilation of taxes levied for the sole purpose of protection, b u t Sir Robert Peel has not only not touched the protective isoy6 t t e s 7 8o far as lie , but he hs rather strengthened it and augmented its have been corrected has touched it at all. Errors of remedyupoupon minorth the by Sir Robert Peel. He h asa i t k t e e n d r o g . w ei o n e f e l h eg o i w slati t o o n defects of his predecessors in matters detail,unwon unwonted saga city, points. This he has done ii, industry, patient s, toil, He has m a shownst es off n other man could have exhibited ; superior to what almost I . le has corrected those errors of judo_ hut what has he done referred more those errors in legislation, which may be moot, 1° eth judg men t than . to the heart—more to th e i n t e ll ect than to the want of principle—and he has lett a l one t h at error of legislation against which the whole com mun i ty i s crying out, and he has purchased the support of great monopolists, holding out to the people the prospect of purchasing certain articles more cheaply, and importing some articles more abundantly, although that very reduction in taxation they themselves will have to mako up, and he therefore only makes them a present of part of their own. For what does he do ? He says there is a surplus revenue for this year of 5,000,0001. sterling; but I meats to continue the income-tax. I might do :sway with the income-tax, and I might meet all the ordinare expenses of the State until April 1847 without having recourse to any income tax, or to any property-tax. I recommend nevertheless that you should continue that tax for three ye... 4 and in exchange for the 5,000,001 taken out of the poets of the people, 1 will rodeos the taxes on glass, cotton, soaks, &c., to the mount of OF THE A 1\ R N- L A \V LEAGUE AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE A groat metropolitan meeting of the members of the Anti- Corn-law League was held last evening in Covent-garden Theatre. The doors wore opened at half-past six o'clock ; but long before that hour crowds were waiting outside, anxious to obtain admittance. Within a quarter of an hour of the time of the opening of the doors every part of the house—even to the slips and upper gallery —was crowded to excess ; and long before the commencement of the proceedings there was not a single place in the house unoccupied. At seven o'clock, Mr. Cobden, M.P. for Stockport, Mr. Bright, U.P. for Durham, Mr. Milner Gibson, M.P. for Manchester, Mr. W. Brown, of Liverpool (late candidate for South Lancashire), Mr. W. J. Fox, Mr. J. Wilson, of London, Mr. George Thompson, accompanied by other well-known members of the League, entered the theatre, and were re ceived with the most enthusiastic cheering. William Brown, Esq., of Liverpool, in the chair. Among those present, we observed the lion. Charles Pelham Villiers, M. P., Richard Cobden, Esq., M. P., John Bright, Esq., M.P., Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P., George Thompson, Esq., James Wilson, Esq., W. J. Fox, Esq., T. Wordsworth, Esq., Major-General Briggs, Sir John Morris, Bart., Dr. William Cooke Taylor; Colonel 'Fucker; Messrs. John Taylor Crook (of Liverpool), Joseph Wrigley (of Hud dersfield). Greenham (of Trieste), W. Graham, Robert Fowler, J. Gerstenberg, C. S. Crowley, D. Dewar, Robert Toog rod, Thompson, Wm. Garraud, T. F. Ashton, T. Gosnell, H. Hegginbotham, Bailey, James Mellor, J. T. Campart, W. A. Wilkinson, J. Fergus (of Kirkaldy ), J. Hodgkin, John Poulton, John Dyte, John Chalmers, George Brettell, James Stansfeld, J. Williams, Farrand, Richardson, Wm. Wilson, James Midgley (of Rochdale), A. Graham, Wm. Graham, T. R. Pritchard, C. J. Baker, W. Were, Henry Briggs (of Wakefield), J. M'Conkey (of Bel fast), Henry Vandal', F. Scheer, Thom (of Inverary), S. B. Bayfi e ld, H o ll an d (of Dumbleton), F. L. /lay Grant. Henry Marshall Fooks, Joseph Heap (of Liverpool), J. P. Nixon, Thomas Harvey ( of Falmouth ), Henry L. Keel ing, Henry Crosfield (of Liverpool), Rev. W. P. Davies (late of Ashburton, Devon ), Agate (of Horsham ), G. ; Trowton, George Ridge, J. Fitzpatrick, 'F. Mackenzie, J. Battiscombe, H. Sparrow, Wm. Geesin, &c. Mr. Conners, M.P., advanced to the table, the audience on I his appearance rose en masse to greet him. A most enthu siastic cheer was set up—hats and handkerchiefs were waved, and the cheering was repeated again and again for several minutes. Never was reception more triumphant. Silence having been partially restored, the Hon. Gentleman said— Ladies and Gentlemen—ln the absence of our friend, Mr. George Wilson, the Chairman of the League, I beg to move that Mr. William Brown, of Liverpool, the late candidate and future member of South Lancashire—(lmmense cheering)—do take the chair.—( Renewed cheering. ) Mr. WILLIAM BROWN then took the chair, amidst loud and long-continued applause from all parts of the House. He spoke as follows :—Ladies and Gentlemen—Our good friend, Mr. Cobden, has apprised you of the reason why he has called upon me on the present occasion to preside over the proceed ings of the evening ; and I can only express my regret that during the absence of our friend, * Mr. Wilson, he has not been able to get a gentleman of more influence and importance to conduct the affairs of this important meeting. But I can assure you that there is no individual in the country who has more at heart the pro gress of free-trade principles than the humble individual who has now the honour to address you.—( Loud cheers.) It is not the province of a Chairman to make long speeches—( Hear, hear.) But I cannot refuse to myself the pleasure of con gratulating you upon so much of the Premier's budget as car ries out the principles of free-trade—(Cheers)—with o nt at the same time being considered to express my satisfaction with any portion of it of which, as free-traders, we cannot ap prove.—( Cheers.) Ido hope, and expect, that the progress which free-trade opinions are making, will be pressed forward with an accelerating velocity in consequence of the proceedings of Friday last. —( Cheers.) And I have no doubt that the day is not far distant when I may be able to congrstulate the members of the League on all our principles having been car ried out in the manner that we could all wish they should be carried out.—( Cheers.) A great deal has been said about the declaration made by Sir Robert Peel that it was the duty and privilege of every man to buy in th e c h eapest and sell in th e d earest market.—( Hear, hear.) But while remembering this assertion of Sir Robert Peel's, we forget what another Cabinet Minister told us some years ago ; and I consider this, of even more importance than what was stated by Sir Robert Peel. Some years since Sir James Graham said that the landed aristocracy ought to recollect that they were a small minority, enjoying the peculiar privileges which they did possess, solely because public feeling was not hostile to the present corn-laws—he spoke this of the late corn law —the old sliding-scale, but the words are equally applicable at the present moment. He said that the receivers of rent were but a small body, but they were backed by public opinion, which rendered them omnipotent; but that, in opposition to public opinion, they could not expect long to enjoy exclusive benefits. In such a state of things, a most fearful contest would arise if they were to attempt to continue the enjoyment of those benefits in opposition to public opinion, and they would find arrayed against them the power of that hunger which breaks through stone-walls.—(Cheers.) Ido not know that lam quoting the exact words made use of by Sir J. Graham, but I am certain that such was the meaning they intended to convey. He said that in the event of such a contest the barriers of society would be broken down, and estates and dignities be swept away in one overwhelming torrent. Such was the lan guage of a Cabinet Minister seven years since, and I do not believe that he will now be disposed to repudiate it.—( Cheers. ) I will not trouble you with any further observations of my own ; but again congratulating you upon the great step taken in advance in our progress to free trade, by what took place in the House of Commons on Friday night, I will call upon Mr. James Wilson, of London, who has ever been one of the greatest friends of the Anti-Corn-law League and to the principles of free trade, to address you.—l now beg to intro duce to you Mr. James Wilson. Mr. JAMES WILSON then came forward, and was received with loud applause. He said that their worthy chairman had already congratulated them on so much of the Budget which had been proposed by Sir R. Peel on Friday night as carried out, ! inhisown estimation, the principles of free trade ; and he heartily joined their chairman in that congratulation on the tendency of the measure which had been proposed by Sir R. Peel on Friday night. In that measure two most important doe trines for which free traders had contended for the last half century, had received, not only full recognition, but had been carried i n t o practical effect.—( Hear.) But the Hon. Gentleman, although congratulating the meeting on that part of the measure, must be permitted to say that there were many parts of the Budget which were highly objectionable; and it must be a matter of public observation to all who considered the relief proposed to be afforded by the Right Hon. Baronet, that, although he had been praised for the boldness of his free -trade measures, lie had carefully se lected those articles on which he had every reason to expect the slightest opposition, where be had left unattacked the greater monopolies. —( ('heers. ) H. did net wish to take away any of the merit due to the Right lion. Baronet of re cognising free-trade principles, but he wished to impress upon the country that they ought not to give the Right Hon. Ba ronet too much credit for what he had done, when they learnt what h e had left undone.—(Cheers.) There were two great monopolies existing—one of these the Righi Hon. Baronet had left altogether out of his Budget ; and with regard to the other, he was prepared to show that instead of ameliorating it as far as the consumers were concerned, he had rather studied the in terests of these who already profited by the monopoly.-- ( Hear, hear.) The Right lion. Baronet, the other night, had proposed an alteration of the sugar duties. Now, although that alteration was upon the face of it very specious —although the Right Honourable Baronet pretended that he was about to lower the duty upon sugar for the benefit of the consumers of the country, he (Mr. Wil son) believed that he could show, to the satisfaction of every reasonable man, that the alteration intended would not really benefit the consumers but the producers ; and that while the revenue suffered the people would not be benefited. The ex- perience of the last four years had taught the people the great fact that their interests were identified with those of the re venue.—(Cheers.) And the last thing the people would wish to see was the revenue sinking to such a state as should en danger the safety of the country. For the purpose of main taining the revenue they had been willing to submit to the im position of the income-tax, and he believed that they would willingly submit to the imposition of a more onerous tax, even than that, rather than see the country disgraced by the loss of her credit. But in the case of the reduction of duties they should always see that the benefit of that reduction went to the consumer and not to the producer ; if they were called 'spun to submit to a fresh tax to make good a loss arising from the re duction of duties, let them at all events see that the benefit from that reduction found its way into the pockets of the people for whose benefit it was pretended to be made.—(Cheers. ) No principle of government or legislation was so delusive—no principle had produced so much evil to the people, as the prin ciple of differential duties ; and if the true character of diffe rential duties were known, if the operation and definition of differential duties had been as well understood some years since as the meaning of prohibition, he was convinced that, at the present day, neither differential duties nor prohibition would have been in existence. He was afraid it was a very difficult task to explain the real operation of differential duties to such an assembly. But so important did he consider the subject, that he would attempt to do so, even if he should fail. /ki order to illustrate the operation of the differential duties, let them take the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet on Fri day night last. He had told the country that he had estimated what would be the supply of sugar during the next year, and the amount of revenue which would be derived from it. He sought to establish four different rates of duty. At one rate he expected a supply of 160,000 tons, the produce of our own colonies ; at another rate a supply of 70,000 tons, also the produce of British possessions; at a third rate he expected 5,000 tons of foreign sugar ; and at a fourth rate he ex pected a supply of 15,000 tons, also of foreign sugar. Now he (Mr. 'Wilson) would call their attention to the work ing of this scheme, The 15,000 tons of foreign sugar was to be admitted at a duty of 28s. per cwt. It was clear, therefore, that before they could get these 15,000 tons of sugar into consumption they mast pay 2Bs. p ercwt, added to the first cost of the sugar. That being a foreign sugar it was admitted into competition, not only in the English market but but in all the markets of the Continent ; and the price in this country would be rendered so much the higher by the amount of duty imposed. The price in bond of this sugar was 245. per cwt. It was the same at Hamburgh—it was the same at An twerp—and in fact in every market in the world. This sugar paid the highest rate of duty, and that added to the first price would make the cost in the English market 525. Now, if you take any sugar whatever, you will only get the same quan tity at the same price; b u t when another species o f sugar was brought into the country the Minister said that that might be admitted at a lower rate of duty, but any difference of duty that might be made must go to the enhancement of the price to the import merchant. The Premier said that he hoped to get 15,000 tons at the duty of 28s, the cost o f w hi c h to t h e public would be 525. He expected 5,000 of the second class, at the duty of 235., but the import merchant would get the advantage of this difference of duty, for the price of that sugar in bond, instead of 245. would be found tube 28s. Bd., still making the price to the consumer 525. Then there was another rate of duty proposed at 16s.—that was a colonial sugar. At thatrate of duty he expected a supply of 70,0 00 tons, but the importer says, " You get in the market 525. a ton for sugar. This only pays a 16s. duty, and therefore the price which I shall charge in bond will be 335. Bd." Then there was a fourth class, produced from al our West Indian Islands, of which he would take the quantity at 160,000 tons. Sugar of that qua lity commanded a price of 525., but that sugar was to be ad mitted at a duty of 145., which would enable the producer to receive 38s. for it, Instead of the original price of 245. In all giving up dut les, th e y w ere no t these proces s es, while they were rendering the commodity cheaper to the consumer—they were not lowering the price by lowering the duty, they let th e consumer duty, but th ey were in creasing the price to the importer, wh ile pay 525. ; and while the revenue lost tne benefit o f t h e in crea-ed duty on these 160,000 tons, t he consumer had not got his sugar one fraction cheaper than he would have had it had these 160,000 tons paid the 28s. duty. They therefore saw, by those four different rates of duty, that a million and a half, or two millions, or three millions. This is exceedingly generous—but I say again that we do not find fault with what he has done. His sin as a statesman lies in not having done that which he ought to have done. H e h as abated minor evils, but left the monster evil undisturbed. Small benefits he has conferred, but large in juries have gone unredressed, and in the matter of sugar have been augmented. Sir Robert Peel has aimed at popularity by giving the people a part of that which he took from them in the first instance, and he has made the mono polists disgorge absolutely nothing. He has shifted the bur dens, buthe has not modified them; as Mr. Cobden prophesied, he has shuffled the cards and nothing more. The incubus of protection still remains ; but, happily, the League remains too. —( Cheers.) I have been met by one or two parties in the street, since Friday night, and they have said to me, " I sup pose you are not going to ca rr y on your L eague operat i ons any more. are you? " My simple reply to that has been given in the shape of another question—" Are the corn-laws repealed? Are the supr duties repealed ? May the corn, the coffee, the rice, and the sugar, and the tobacco of other countries come in upon equal terms with the productions of our own plantation.? If not, the League has yet its work to do. and is de termined to do it."—(Loud Cheers.) What does Sir Robert Peel say ? He says " British industry must be protected ; our trade with colonies is important, and our merchant-ships must be guarded on their way over the great ocean, that they may arrive safely at their destination, and return safely back again." All this is for the sake of British in dustry. Very well, we thank him for allowing us to have ten line of battle ships, and we thank him for promising that he Rill equip some more steamers, so that we may indulge in the prospect of a safe sail to Jamaica or New South Walee, un-. affrighted by any roving buccaneer, or any Prince de Joined!" — ( Laughter.)—B u t we did not ask for ships; we did not seek so much to profit by means of war steamers as by means of fellowship in the way of trade, reciprocity in the form of benefits, copartnership upon a universal scale, all contributing alike to one another's happiness, and rendering a quarrel al most impossible, as unlikely as that two partners in Fleet-stree should quarrel, break their windows, and tumble their own goods into the street.—( Laughter and cheers.) If there be one part of Sir Robert Peel's financial statement which I re. gard with greater dislike than any other, it is that ridiculous affectation of humanity to the negro slaves across the Atlantic.—( Hear, hear.) This has been most ably exposed by the gentleman who has gone before me ; and I shall, there fore, say no more than this, that I unite with him in denonne ing so barefaced an inconsistency as that into which Sir Ro bert Peel has fallen, fallen intentionally, fallen designedly. ( Hear, hear.) He has made the humanity of the people of this country a means of saddling them with an annual tax— 'dr. Wilson will tell you how much, but I think I shall not be far wrong in saying that the extra price which we shall have to pay for our sugar will much exceed two millions sterling ; and this at the same time that he allows the cotton of America to come in free of duty.—( Hear, hear.) If it is good for us to have cotton, why should it not be good for us to have corn also? (Hear, hear.) If he had got over his scruples as to cotton, and if it is new to be allowed to come in, not by paying a small duty. but absolutely free of duty, why will he not allow us to have. corn ?—( Hear, hear.) This is excluded.—( Hear, hear.) I know that there is a way of circumventing even this prohibi tion—namely, by carrying the corn of the Western States down the rivers, and across the frontiers into our British Cana dian possessions, where, on paying a small duty, it is permitted to be shipped into this country, where it is received on paying a nominal duty. But the Americans do not like this mode of doing the business.—( Hear, hear.) They want a direct, unin terrupted, immediate access to our ports, and they are fully able to supply us, out of the superabundance of their produce, with those necessaries and comforts of life of which we stand so greatly in need.—( Cheers.) Now, if Sir Robert Peel be that eiend to peace which he professes to be---if he be that sympathetic man which he desires us to believe that he is, for he tells us that he was deeply touched by the statements made by one of the deputations, though the House was so un civil as to receive that announcement with something like a giggle and a laugh ; and Sir Robert Peel was obliged to repeat his assertion, and to assure Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side that he could feel, and had felt.—( Laughter.) If, I say, Sir Robert Peel have a heart, and is the friend of peace, how is it that his heart does not beat high, in the anticipation of securing peace by obtaining from America that which our country is so much in need of T—( Hear, hear,) If there is one thing to Fe deprecated more than another, to be deplored above all other things, save and except a civil war, it is a conflict with our kinsmen on the opposite side of the Atlantic.—( Hear, hear.) No disruption could be so calamitous, no spectacle more re volting, no conflict more unnatural than a war between the people of this country and the inhabitants of the United States. Well, our friend- on the other side of the Atlantic suggest a mode of rendering this disruption impossible. They tell us what they can do—they tell us what they have—they tell us how much of what they have they can spare—they tell us what they are willing to take in exchange. They have, in fact, just that which we require, and we are able to produce that which they most need ; and Sir Robert Peel has it in his power, if' he pleases, to put their raw cotton into the shape of fabricated prints, and to send it out again to array the forms of those who are so able to return corn, cheese, and beef, for the support of those who wove and span the cotton in this country.— ( Cheers.) But no;—with admirable consistency and equal humanity, what does he do? He says, " You may have as much as you please of slave- grown cotton, "—the duty was before but the five-sixteenths of a penny, but that is now removed—" buy, and work, and spin, and rejoice, and be merry." "But," he adds, " if, when you have worked up this cotton in the mill—if, when you have spun it in the loom—if, when fair fingers have tam boured it at Paisley—if any one of you, or your workpeople, should desire to purchase a pound of Brazilian sugar, you muse not do it, for Brazilian sugar is polluted—it is the produce of slave labour. It is true that you have gained all you have by working up slave labour, but you must not have even half a pound of Brazilian sugar, because it is the produce of slavery." —( Hear, hear.) But, worse than that, they may not taste American corn. The cotton, which is slave-grown, may come in ; the corn, which is free-grown, is excluded. Now, Sir, I be lieve you will bear testimony to the truth of what I say, when I affirm that there are thousands and tens of thousands who. bold our principles in America. Although Henry Clay hoisted the standard of protection, it must not be supposed that all who voted for him were the friends of protection. There were other reasons which induced many to vote for Henry Clay besides a love of protection; while, on the other hand, we know that at least a large proportion of those who car ried Mr. Polk into the chair of the Presidency were avowedly free-traders. I have read, since I came upon this platform. one of the most eloquent speeches that I ever met with against protection in my life, by the present Secretary of Sate, the Honourable Air. Calhoun —( Hear, hear. ) Though I differ from Mr. Calhoun on some points, I do say that on Ow question of free trade his language is straightfor ward amid statesman-like, not only consistent with the best in terests of his own, but also with the best interests of our country.—( Hear, hear.) I heartily wish that he may carry out this at least of his plans, however I may desire that he may fail in some others. I say that the party who thus syrn pathi-e with us in the United states is a strong party; and no wonder that it should be a strong party. I will not trouble you with figures. I will merely state that when the census of the United States was made in 1540, the total population amounted to 17,069,453. In the middle States, that is to say New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, &c. &c., the population was 5,11e,076 ; in the north-western States, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan, it was 4,131,370; making in the middle and north-western States, as eontradis tinguisled from the New Zealand and the south-western States, 9,249,446, leaving only 7,820,007 amongst all the other States. Now for the argument derived from this in favour of free trade. Out of a population of 17,069,000 we find that there were engaged in commerce 117,007, in manufactures 791,749, and in agriculture 3,719,951. Now these agricul turists are the men whom we want for our customers.—( Hear, hear.) The longer we delay, the greater are our straits and embarrassments, and the further off is the prospect of reaping, when the change shall come, the advantages now within our reach. We have lost many already. Every year hundreds and thousands of young men in the New England States have to choose what they shall be for their future lives. Their hearts yearn for the prairies of the west, and when I was in that country, five hundred a day have I seen leaving for the borders of that vast country, where they expected to find a home and an inheritance for their children. But they have been stopped in their career; they have been kept and fixed where they are, and have turned, or rather been made manufacturers, which they did not desire to be, because you would not give them encouragement to become agriculturists, which they did desire to be. And this has done what Sir R. Peel professes to deplore; it has added to the number of planters who have laid out their capital in the purchase of gangs of slaves, and who are found now the growers of cotton, because you will not allow them to be growers of corn. That is the effect of the course which has been pursued. The Government cannot be more pro-slavery in anything than they are in their conduct with re e ard to the agricultural produce of the United States; nor can they be more pro-slavery than they are in the extension of all de scriptions of sugar on the payment of an equal amount of duty. --(Hear, hear.) And, having examined this question since we met here last year, I am only more deeply confirmed in the opinion which I then expressed, that the Anti-slavery party in this kingdom, with the purest and noblest intentions, are in juring the cause which tkey would fain serve, and procrasti nating the day when competition and free labour shall destroy, not only slavery, but that traffic which grows out of it—the de testable commerce in the species between America and Africa. —(Loud cheers.) I have only one other remark to make with regard to America, and that is that whereas our supply of provisions in this country is known to be tolerably short, and we have it on the authority of a clerical gentleman himself, that five millions of our population.rejoice in potatoes, a very large number in oatmeal, and while a great proportion of the popu lation, though they taste wheaten bread, have much less of it than they desire; while such are the facts with regard to our own country, it appears, from some tables inserted in an ad mirable pamphlet, entitled " American Corn and British elanufacturee. ' that every man, woman, and child in the United States has forty-two bushels of grain a year—that is to say, they have this to divide amongst them.—( Hear, hear.) Only the other day I r ece i ve d a l etter f rom a gen tl e man w ho . has recently gone out to th e U n it e d States. He co says, " If I were required t o come back to this try, I don't think I could make ar :p all in s y tary m in in , d . to it, knowing, as I do, that yot! , We have ,". while we are rolling in plenty." " day, roast turkey he adds, " on this, which is er t`Lo ( Lau g hter.) Now I say l o ci n t h e e l: d e and plum pudding for dinner." things,that if we should Robert giveP eel him we were more the people than he can expect o tO ra t c u r r e n dit his fo a r tte c n o t m io p n ass t sympathy with the sufferings conduct to receive at our hands. j in his present course ohroeweaviepr,aortehaatt in by the w p h r a e t sen p t ar s t e i s e s s ion in itthheas State rendered distinguished man is bound and shackled in pursuing his The fact is, my friends, that he has a this e red t hankful, more one ankle, and a hogshead of ,and whoa a man is manacled •v. sugar at the . with a sack of corn at one ankle, and a hogshead of sugar at the other, it t.Tctzortloify co c u orn rse. at i s not to be expected that he would make very great progress. Such seems to be the unfortunate predicament of Sir Robert P e el. Still we do not deem him to be in a hopeless condition. —( Hear, hear.) We know that he is not unable to learn. We know that he is not blind—that he can read the signs of the times. We do not think that he is so completely disinte rested that he would throw up office, and patronage and friends anti connexions, and all that surrounds him in kis pre sent condition, rather than touch the corn-laws, or the sugar monopoly.—( Hear, hear.) No ; he wants a motive. The people out of doors must generate the momentum. He showed a glass balance in the House of Commons. There is another sort of balance that regulates his chronometer most. exactly ; it, never escapes from him ; it governs all his move nients. Whether he is at Downing-street, at Windsor Castle, at the Pavilion at Briehton, at Whitehall, or in St. Stephen's, this balance regulates all he says. lam not sure that it does not regulate his very looks. This balance is public opinion.__ ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He will do what is right, when he cannot help doing it.—( Hear, hear.) My friends, I remember who has to come after me, and I will not encroach upon the time which properly belongs to him. But I will conclude by putting this question—ls there anything in Sir Robert Peel's financial statement to justify us in relaxing in our efforts? You answer for me " No. ' On the contrary, we should be ungrateful were we to recede from the vantage ground which we have obtained, seeing that a short gland n time ago were seven hundred excuses for not repealing the co a powerful laws, and if we have oven e no w body must we be dare not attempt to excuse himse lf for ne g and when he is what we the got Primerid of Minister whato . think he ought to do on less than get othori .430 grounds, tocirclaiecstmr tothini, ill obliged to circulate) and ~. 7