The Sun. — London, England, 1821-02-22 00:00:00

above fifLen poukds. pii - CtracittliVast 1 . ;4.:.•Ag trir tri , s ? diction :pearer, the,.originitz - filtent;oll. ‘ Jt ,,Nti4ther:oWectivn,..Ye proposed _to remov . g was, 7": ' 3 i pleadl9l; - s Cro4rt werzeft (pally . tedious and 'e'xPensise - as dime of. t?1"e higher ; , Courts. He proposed sho r tly t o r..l;4:; . reviate these ' 134. and Wen:11)1e the Sheriff t_ ff pto'nt-isiudge in these o ;1) -.'Uourts.a Barriz:..w--efive years"standing, instead of .tole-persons generally holding that _situation, who were totally unfit for its duties. - lie moved r red' for leave to bring in a Bill for rendering pro "l°4, ceedings in County courts less expensiv'e, and giving greater fa,cilify to the recovery of small „ • seconded the motion of the Nnble Lord. ‘ He bore testimony, from his own i.)iperietice,.Of, the great benefit likely to =be de lived front the means about to be. introduced by the lqc.i)le Lord.. In Wales, especially, the ad vantage rouldbe felt of facilitating the recovery of small debts, and he hoped it would he carried into effect as soon as posEible. . , • Mr.AVYNNE would Lave no objection to, give Iris support to the measure proposed, provided it did not interfere with the jurisdiction of other Cl'oarts, nor with trial bylury..• Lord ALTHORPE assured the llon. Gentleman,. I'!t to avoid interfering with the .province of other Courts, and especially with the use of jUries in cases of debt, would be his particu -1;1r c:lre. Permission Was then given to bring in.' the Bill. Mr. CALTERT gave notice that he would op :Monday next move for a repeal of so much of - the Act of Charles the First which enacted that - noshed should be erected betwixt London Bridge and the Temple. Mr. 11UME presented a Petition from an indi vidual of the name of Mackintosh, who had bean. tried in the year 1817 for forgery, of which he had been acquitted, but had been sent to Bedlam - as an insane person, and from his mischievous disposition more lit for - an inhabitant of that . place than to be at large. The Petition stated the individual to be now sane, aHd implored the, interposition of - that House to procure his en largement. Mr. WYNNE was surprised to see any Hon. _Member offer to present a Petition of this nature. It every inmate of Bedlam could find a Member in that House to present hiS petition, he begged , the Hon. Member who pr(4nted this petition to _consider what would. become of the time of the. Hnise. . t t. - - , (1 • Mr. IJUME said, that he had not read the whole of the petition to the House in order to save its time ; hut if he had done so the Hon. Gentleman vi - ho objected to his conduct, would have seen that he was perfectly justifi e d i n presenting - 4. th: did not however think it necessary that the . case of the petitioner should be a good one in order to justify a Member's presenting it to the -House, or his exercising his right of petition.— . I'he individual was now sane, whatever he might have been when he was put in his present state " of confinement, and he should certainly press the reception of the petition. Mr. WYNNE said a few words in explanation, and the petition was laid 'on'the table - and order ed to be printed. ilaouomANt stated, ,that in consequence of an application which hastrbeen made to him on the subject, he felt himself called upon to state, ;that owing to the commencement of the Northern circuit, with Which he was connected, he should not have it in his power to bring under the con ideration of the House the question of the Edu cation Bill so early as-he had intended. Sir J. NEWPORT presented a Petition from the Intabitants of Langhorne. This petition had been got up in consequence of a Loyal Address from the Presbytery of that place haVing been sent up to the Crown, assuming to itself the expres sion of the sentiments of the people. The Peti tioners had done him the honour to request him to present their Petition, with an expression of their thanks, for the sentiments he maintained in that House. The Petition was couched in very inoffensive language, and was signed by '240 persons,• They expressed the deepest concern 'at •the late unjustifiable proceedings against her Majesty, and expressed a hope that the Mini sters who originated them, as well as the Milan Commission, would be brought to a strict-ac- On the motion that the Petition be brought up ; ' Sir ItosAt.n FEnousoN said, he was most anxious to take this opportunity to say a few words with respect to the Milan Commission.— . Feeling highly indignant on the subject of that 'Comnission, he had last season brought forward a• motion for an _inquiry into it. He was then told by the Noble Lord opposite, that that was not the time for such a motion, but that the pro pel' time would be after the end of the proceed- . . ings then pending in the Lords. When the Noble .Lord, however, was called upon, this Session, to . I;ring forward some investigation into the con du-tof that Commission, he replied What.a mockery it would be for us, on this iide;. to insti int- any such proceeding." This being. the case with thc, No-ble Lord, he could assure him and the Hou , c, that after the •experience he had of the divisi.diS which had lately taken place in that House, he (Sir IL Ferguson) should - not try the experiment. These divisions had shewn us Plainly that there were a number of intlividuals in that House who blindly- followed the Noble ". Lord, whatever course he might choose to take, and he believed if the Noble Lord were to move a vote of thanks to the Milan Commissioners, containing the most high-flown panegyrics upon them, 'a large majority of tilt How. would sup port the 'motion. It was plain, under these cir-• cumstances, that any motion lie (Sir R. FerguF.on) shonld propose on the subject, would not meet with 'success, dud that it would be folly in him to attempt it. Sir J. 141:16KINTO3ti rf.se to say, with reference to the Petition before the 'ffouse, 'that he consi dered 'ilieslate Addresses froni . different efergy= men anti' Presbyterians thioughout the kingdom, ought not (6 be supposed to . represent the senti ments of one of the most isefol . and intelligent silt of men, who entirely ansWerea the purpttses of the institution, the great body of tht Clerzy_, of the kingdom.. He begged aka to state, that he eutirely approied of the cOndual of the Ca!-, I, fat( "Member e fr ir, VergusotO, in declitilt:g to bring forwardany motion, re4qiye-to the Milan Comm4:::"..rftcr the experience he had had of the cop-Oct o 1 that,House, from. the late divi sion-A.... ,thi, at bject of Aho t se - diOsion's he did. not -desire to express any opinion ; he should' 'wive them to be judited by the country and by posteri ty—(Clieers; from. the 0 p'position.)- 2 -Thel'i. conduct justified the observations of his Gallant Friend: lie would make .. _but .one observation_ more on the subject of the. Milan Commission : he knew nothing personalty of it ; all he knew was, that there was a general suspicion with 're :spect to it,,,which.wa, not confined.to any party . in that House; but pervaded the Whole of Eu rope. He was, :therefo: . , , ,. somewhat astonished that persons holdinp a most respectable' Station in Society, and from what he had' heard of most re spectable characters, should not wish to clear themselvesr:=tip, the imputations cast upon them. jle nsioniShed that they did not claim it from the. justice of 'Parliament, that •an investigation should be appointed into -their conduct, whether to vindicate them of:not from those opinions en tertained with respect to them. He did not wish to wound the feelings of any individuals ; but he was still more asioniShed that his Majesty's Ministers, -Who were deeply Implicated in the object of 'the inquiry,_ should be 'backward in' instituting it, and allege expense as the apo logy. He believed that nothing -.was so cheap ly purchased as the :.honottr and ;character of a Government. They had often paid pretty largely for the reverse of thern,'and he thought the house might - spare a small su m t o re . move the stains cast upon the present Adminis. tration of this Country-by the Milan Commission. Lord C.A.TLEIi.E.AOI thought the observations of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman Wl ecessary and uncalled 'for on the present occa sion. If the Hon. and Learned Gentleman and his Gallant .r.riend, did not wish to provoke dis cussion, he thought they should have abstained from casting Obloquy on his Majesty's GO'vern ment,' or on any other persons. At the same time that the non - . and Learned Gentleman de clared that he did' not wish to wound the feelings of any indiViduals, he (Lord Castlereagh) did not think he was practiSingthe most liberal treat tnent'towards persons who were not present to answer for theinSelves. Ile could assure the Ilion. and Learned Gentleman, and perhaps he already knew it from his intercourse with the in dividuals, that it was impossible for any one to lie more anxious than they were for an inquiry into their conduct. ..But he apprehended that it was-not according to the principles of Parliamen, tary practice to institute any such inquiry. At the same time, - he could not see that these indivi duals were more exposed to suspicion than the Sheriff whO was brouglit before them the . night before was exposed to obloquy.and suspicion for_ the charges brouOt against him. Nor did he, think it necessary that the Milan Comtrission should undergo an investigation in t:tat House, any more than any individual against whom an accusation was preferred which had grown out o f doors, was bound to c ome t o 'that House for his purgation.—(Hear !) i%lr. BEsNirT observed. that the evidence which had transpired at the i3ar of the other Rouse went to prove that 3 talian Agents of this Govern ment had entered into subornation of perjury. This being the case, he thought it ought not to be the wish of the Milan Commissioners alone to have their conduct _investigated ; but if there were a spark of honour or ho ne sty, would nothis Lia jesty's Ministers come down to this House and dernaryl it also, instead of alleging the expense of such an inquiry as the reason for not entering upon it ? Talking of expense, would to God they had considered, not only the expense, but the character of the country, when they sent out this roving cominbsion !—The petition was then brought up, and ordered to be printed. Sir R. FEitsusoN - presented a Petition from the Royal Burgh of Dysart, in Scotland, and the adjacent parishes, praying for a Parliamentary Inquiry into the circumstances originating in the late proceedings against the Queen.—Ordered to be printed. , Mr. TlEas EY postponed the motion of an Hon. and Learned Friend of his, relative to the con nexion- of a Member of that House with the High Court of Chancery, to the 'lst of March. NA P I,Pg The SPEAKER having called upon Sir JAMt3 MACKINTOSH, whose motion stood next upon the Orders of the Day, Mr. WYNNE rose, and asked if the Honour able and Learned Gentleman would consent to Permit him to bring forward a short motion, which stood lower down upon the list. Re pro mised not to detain the House long. This proposition was succeeded by cries of " No, no !" and calls upon _Sir J. M ACKINTOSH and Air. Y N NE. The latter at length giving way, Sir T. MACICINTOSTI proceeded—He assured I the Hon. Gent. that he did not- rise. oal any in disposition on his part to show every courtesy to the HonoUrable Gentleman, and indeed, had he followed his own desire, he should certainly have yielded to him. The truth was,, that he had ~many reasons for wishing to postpone his mo tion ; but as these were in favour of duties in ferior to that he was about to perform, his feeling of the importance and urgency of the matter he was about to bring under the consideration of the Muse got the better, and convinced him that he was not at liberty to post pone his present tnption. The. delay ~Which had occurred since he gave no tice of his motion, had afforded him an opportu , in a way which he need not mention, of ascertaining what were the ntentions of all parties With , regard 'to the iluestion to which he, intend ed to. call the attention of the Hous e . Si n C e th a t time circUrnst2nces had transpired of the roostes aentfa itnpnitaiwe, not only with respect to the knoWiedge of the principles upon which th e partie . s acted; ,but which respected the well beio..g of this and of every other coon-. try which still retained the name of •li berty. It was very obvious that he alluded to 'the proceedings ,of Austria against . Naples every stage if which bore the stamp of the most unprovoked and unprincipled ag,gression of ,an unauthorized power. Natters bad no4':assil;ned an:appearance which it *as impossibse to foresee at any of its preceding stages. Since he had given his notice war had been -commenced, and perhaps ere this conclnded, aaainsi that nation. His opinion, however, on the s'ibject did not de pend on the course of events. Though the whole of the Neapolitan'territory 5h0.:11.3 he again over. run from the north and east.of Europe—thca a h the great Potentates of the North 'shard p oor forth their cooutless myriads through! . tin e Alps to - the Faro of Messina, it IVOIII !IV, a lt er his opinion with respect to his motioss. ne conceived whether they triumphed or ittsarin the attempt, it behoved every other nation- to take up the cause of another which- it Was attempted to trample under foot: In prosaortion as istjury and wrong was threatutseelh 'one nation, it behoved this country to interfere, to prevent 1L That House especially was bound to sliest , . that it took no share, nor ever countenanced such dishonOu sable acts. If a war had been conceived, which, re gardless; of its success or failure, would in his opi oioo cause a the torch Of civil dissention to blaze forth again throughout all Europe, he thought it was'the duty of this 'HouSe to see haw far his Majeky's Ministers had dischatged their duty in doing the utmost to quench the flame. What ever might be the fate of the'Neapolitans in this contest, it should tint deter them from purpling that course. 'Undoubtedly they had but little chanee s of .success 'in contending against disci plined::arniies and superiority of ,tnnbers, and tho-ugh:fhe,prt , selit age had produced illostrious examples of the success of nations against armies, it was scarcely to be expected that they shoold escape in this: case. Whether the Neapolitans, who imitated-the Spaniards in their Civil Institu tions, - w04.1d copy -their military example, it was not for him : to determine—at }tether they should_ take' to their fastnesses, which he believed -was - their only chance against superior numbers and superior discipline ; it did not.matter to hint as regarded his preaentonotion. He had never been a worshipper of fortune, nor a follower of events ; he had, and always should be, engaged in it struggle against tire undue exertions of power which tended to destroy liberty.— His opinion would not be altered, even should the ,Austrian armie,a plant their standard on the remotest confines of the Italian territories. —His motion waa to obtain information on the subject generally, in order ,to ascertain how far Ministers ,were implicated, from their bay ing. been engaged hr the late _deliberations:L s His Majesty's Ministers had, as the House knew, published /74,dispatch, occasioned by the circular of the Allied Powers assembled at Troppau. That circular would 'save him (Sir. J. Mackin tosh) a great deal of argument ; forahe princi ples of the ;conduct of these Powers towards Naples' were so clearly and strongly explained, that there could be ho doubt with respect to, them. This Circular of the Allied Powers stated very distinctly those principles, so very characteristic of those self-elected Dic tators of Europe, upon which they intend to act in their dealings with the mutineers of Naples, who had not yet learnt to assent to their dictation. This Maaifesto, got up at Troppau, and betrayed by their Minister at fiamburgh, exhibi..ed their principles, and she tv ed who were deemed their present subjects, arid all those whom they looked forward to as their future subjects in other kingdoms, as well as their vassals, whether in the shape of Kings, Em perors, Landgraves, or those known by other titles of Sovereignty. These Lords of the In man race, with Kings for their vassals, and sub jects for their slaves, in the grounds they put for ward for their conduct, urged clothing but this— that might constitutes right: Force was the only right they claimed to invade every nation in the civilised world. We, however, contended. the Honourable. and Learned faentleman, still claim some right to be free—we who still meet in free assembly and discussion, and are the words King, Lords, and Commons, equally, together with all other words which sound so harshly in the ears of those Lords at Troppau, we owe this at least to them, that they have not concealed the , principles which guided the first act of their power. They have not disguised those shameless motives which can only procure for them the execration of mankind:L.-But non melts. hic sermo,—he would appeal to the Noble Lord opposite, for a justifi cation of the. language he used. He had only, to appeal to his Majesty's Ministers, who had just ly characterized the measures of the Royal Tri umvirate. They had shewn to this Country and to Europe, in its true colours, the odious and flagitious cotntuct of those three candidates for the Dictatorship of Europe. He appealed to the Circular of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Cas a tlereaah). In ch3lng this he would not read it— he would abridge it by all those formulae of diplomacy which the Noble Lord would grant him were more necessary to answer the pur poses of etiquette, than conducive to real busi ness. Stripping this dispatch then of this for multa, this was what it said to the Allied Sore ve proposed to us for the con duct of. Etightedj principles which" are repug nant from the interests of mankind, subversive of the-rights of man, and destructive of the ex istence of all free society ; -and which, if fully acted upon, would render every man in Europe the subject or the slave of a Royal Triumvirate." ft was impossible for him to give any charge a greater colouring of heinousness than was con veyed in that language. As to the Carbonari, it .was impossible that airy thing could be said against ; the Carbonari, more disgraceful than what his Noble Lord had uttered a,sinst his-late colleagues. The Jacobites of France might have deserved every epithet that had ever been be stowed upon them, and he would ask the 'House whether any thing that had ever heist) said of Na poleon, surpassed' what. was contained in this in dictment of the Noble ..Lord against his late col. leagues at the congress of Vienna ? There was however an occasional mysterious style of express sioiawhich perhaps. conyeyed something 'still more severe than that Which he had aboyestated,lo those who understood it. He would observe, for in stance, that the first charge was not• sufficiently clears; such, at least,as he who had been accustom - - ed to criminal proceedings and legal iodicaments, should wish to have seenmore explicitly cooveyed. . . Ai far •as he understoki it, howeVrr, it appeared to be a chhrge against the Sovereigns of Russia, Prutsia, acid Austria, of calling upon this Govern tnvat to adopt measures directly repugnant from the fundaraental principles of the ConstitutiOn of p this kingdom. Of this charge_: no explanation had been liven. If he rightly inferred the mean ing of these articles of:impeoclkment, it was, tkat these 'Sovereigns had proposed as a system of ()O rations jot thr§Lcountry -to . liticOme a party to; that whiCh Would ple - dge The BritiSh Sovereign to invite into this country, with or without the con sent of Parliament, foreign troops. This he was to understand as the meaning of . the Noble, Lord's Circular. If he was wranz, the Noble Lord would give - him some indication of it before he proceeded. As the Noble Lord abstained from giving him any sign or mark of assent, or the contrary; he must argue as though 'he agreed to it. This, then, was the greatest offence that could be committed, in Contraven .tion of that trivial instrument, the Bill of Rights, which especially prohibited the introduction of foreign troops, with Out the concurrence of Par liament. Ile called the particular attention of the House to this part of the impeachment against Prince Metternich and Prince Ilardenburg, so ably conducted by the Noble Lord opposite. . Prince Metternich, it vented, had proposed, as a system of co-operation,. that the British Mo narch should invite into this country an army of one hundred thousand 'Russians or Austrians, with or with Out _the consent. of Parliament—that there should be established, in order to render the deliberations of that House more regular, a host of Cossacks or Croats in Hyde-park or on Blackheath. That was the crime which the Noble Lord imputed to his Noble Colleagues. lie should be ashamed of his countrymen if he did not think that all parties felt their blood boil with indignation at time thought of a Single foreign bayonet being called in to settle their disputes: : I f there could be any doubt in their interpreting Foreign Powers as to their theory, they had pointed out to us what they thought would be our fate, and in language not to be Misunderstood, what part they would act towards us. 'From the highest advocate of Divine right, to the wildest visionary for popular Government in that house, all must admit the truth of the Noble Lord's Charges against his Noble Aliies, after these pro pheeies,as to the fate of England.. The most serious part, however, on which that House required elu cidation 'Yet remained. Foreign Governments told us.that they had no doubt we should assent to ' this'policy, which would render England the most miserable Colony of the Despots of Europe ! This, then, after six years of peace, after repeat ed Congresses, was the abouchement des Rois— the produce of universal . charity ! We were told that not only that it was expected .we should assent to their detestable policy, but that the King of this country would sanction, the land ing of one hundred thousand Cossacks, or Croats, at Dover, without the. consent of his Parliament. Ile had heard, that when Gentlemen: of a certain description fell out, others of an opposite nature benefitted by it.' In the -glorious history, of Jonathan Wild, that hero was made to de plore.the fate of one of his ancestors in the time of Ckrles the Second, who, as time hero stated it, because he held out against the Government, and was braver and bolder than any of the rest of those who did the same, was barbarously con= detuned to death, in cold blood, by twelve men of the apposite faction.—(A laugh.)—=This feel- ing seemed to have crept into the cabinets of the Holy Alliance. The Noble Lord was charged with having, either by his silence or his language, contributed to the notion that he would fall in with the barbarous politics of Prince Metternich, Hardr'nberg, and others of the confederacy.— So that he was charged up to the 19th of January with having dissembled, with hav ing kept the rest of the band in igno rance, or rather with having made them be lieve they would a d m it a foreign army into Middlesex, apd become a party to the enslavery of Europe—(Cheers from the Opposition—returned from the Treasury Benches.)—He was happy to see the Noble Lord so much at ease; he had the peculiarart of appearing unaffected when that was g oing on which c ou ld no t f a il t o affect him. But that which was intended as an indication of an unruffled mind, .often proceeded from a different cause. The Noble Lord. perhaps, thought it . was . his (Sir J. Mackintosh's) language, when it was the language-of his own colleagues at Vienna. It was they who charged, this conduct and this lan guage upon him. He could not, however, complain either of Prince Metternich or Prince Hardenberg, for asserting this of him. For here they bad the Noble Lord latheiruts coyitentem rearm —they had the culprit speaking elOqUently in :aggrava tion of punishment. They had heard the Noble Lord himself state in that House all the henious ness of the charge brought by his illustrious Col leagues against him. They had the Noble Lord's. own testimony to the truth of what he (Sir J. Mackintosh) stated of the charge against the Noble Lord, in the Noble Lord's own impeach ment against his Colleagues. He did not say that , these persons were justified in their charge; for the Noble Lord denied the justice of it. 'nut he asked him whethei- he did say it, or whether he did not, whether there was not enough to jus tify inquiry. He could 'not escape the dilemma either that the• Noble Lord and his Colleagues had given rise to the, suspicion charged upon them, or the Allies had uttered the foulest and most unmerited calumnies. The Allies had stat ed that they expected -England would authorize and sanction the course they were-about to pur sue. They thus left it to be implied that she had given them reason to suppose her'authority world support them in their present views. The only way to - ascertain whether the English vernment , had committed the greatest of all crimes, or•whether the Allies 'had. sent forth the greatest of all calumnies, was to grant the "Pa pers called forly the present motion. As Prince Metternich and Count Hardenberg were absent, it was bet just that he should suppose that which they might,urge in defence of what they had ad vanced. The Allied Powers saw that the (1011n0 take■ by England towards Naples, in many in stances, was similar to their own ; they had a gli t to suppose that her intentions were the Szmo had refused to.rebeive the NI-1 nister sent frtim the new Government, Prince. eimitelii ; he could wish to know what Austria or Russia had done more. From this it was fair to suppose that England was willing to attack. Naples, though from rtain considerationsi which had been stated with mot humiliating eloquence visewhere than he could use there,shir tiis so reduced, by thegloriv irate conclt‘de4 advantageoe4lll,nceslinft4e, that - she dared not' commit hersechoNi course that might bring; tr‘r, to the brink of war. Sin. had manifested a hostile disposition, but her conduct .was that 04 an encinv • Hog to -,rvooto, , but yet n'r•4id to strike." We were not prepared to give thatvulgar assist ance which . friendly nations requir e d f rom eac h other to assist th em in their wars ; but we. proved ourselves ready to give what was delicately called of late years moral aid or suaconr, bat which he would take the liberty to call immoral aid or succour. He-contended, from the course' pursued towards France after Louis the Sixteenth. - had been brought back as a prisoner to his capi tal, when this country received M. Chauvelin as the Minister of France, that they were not bound to decline. receiving Prince Cimitelli.— The conduct of the Allies, however abominable their principle, was consistent, but the conduct .of this country, which still claimed credit for at tachment to the principles of libertv, was most • ' inconsistent with such pretensions, Gustavo-, altered the Constitution of 'Sweden in 1772, and made himself an A bsolate Monarch, his Minister was received. 'Flu same' thing wa.ao done' when the. Constitution of Detw!ark tt changed ; and this was the way Ore impartiality' of England was shown, by fe.vouring all loyal, -and by diocountenancing all Popular Revolutions. His Illustrious Clients, Prince.Matteroich end Count Hardenburg,.had some right to call this • Government to an account for the - uanecessary disapprobation they liad expaeSSed. What was singular in this business was, that that disappra bation was expressed not to the. Government of Naples, but to the Powers opposed to Naples. lle remembered many years agohearing a debat: in that House on some- of the events connected with the French Revolution, in the course of which a' celebrated speech by Dr. Johnsen against war was quoted. On that occasion Mr. Barke remarked " that the homily-was Amic able, and the invective against, war excellent, r was the speech altogether ; .buthe added, it wes useless to addreSsahe homily to thellause—it S not they who were disposed to be quarrelsome,. and instead Of. being read to them, the homily should rather have been read to the National Assembly and Jacobin . Club." Now what he woutd. safwas, that the English disapprobation of• the Neapolitan RevOlutiOn should rather have been. expressed to the Government of Naples, than to the Allies, or to the world at large., lie would. not defend the conduct which had' been purstled. by Naples towards Sicily, but this, though it might affix a stain to the character of the former nation, which no time could efface, had nothing to do with the question as to the independenci: • of Naples. The Spanish Constitution, which had been- athipted by Naples, he-did not proles; . to admire as the ITlO3t perfect form of Govern ment that could be imagined ; but , it might be asked,. whose fault was it that the Spanish Con stitution had been adopted ? Sicily had claimed an English Constitution in 1811, and to this they adhered till the conduct of the English Ministry" with reTcat to the,small Republics of Genoa, of Lucca, and Ragusa, had brought it into discre dit. It was not till the independence of 0101! States was annihilated by the smile treaty whic 3 - surrendered Parga to a Barbarian, that the Ita lians were alienated from England and its Con stitution. He then charged Ministers withl ring' ing into general discredit abroad this country, long the guardrail, the school, and the Inodel Ot liberty to all mankind. They had stripped Frig ' land of that which gave her a -nobler distinctliiil than all the glory of victory, or the strength 4! arms could bestow. They had stripped 14.7 - of this to gain the approbation of the . ;1 - .spots oe the Continent, by whom, ;a l .'"ar all, they were now arraigned and coi:lcted in the face 'of the World. The Noble Lerd. complained of the - proceedings of the Carbonari. . In this he re' sembkd Murat, who had been willing to allow them to Meet, provided they did so openly, .and let him know the precise time at. which Owl meant to march against his capital :and overthrow his power. -. For this he took credit to himself for being a most liberal Prince. Men of letters had objeeted, to the dramatic unity of the. French stage, which al:ow:ng- o f no change ("'' scene, made it necessary for conspirators to' meet and form their plans in the open market plac e ' whero.their motions might be observed by ever!' one. The Noble Lord and Murat .wished t° introduce this absurdity which critics had co''' . deraned on the stage, and were inclined to al low the Carbonari to plot in public.' It had heel: objected to the Revaiution that it .was beotte about by the military. In case et Revolution the military must of necessity side with one party- Was - it then to he laid down as an universal eiple - that - every revolution which -the milltai'Y favoured was unjustly effected ? That would he, most unreasonable and i m p o liti c . H e con d er nnea the interference of an army with the affairs of free State. He abhorred the army that crossed the Rubicon with Ccesatato attack the Republic, and approving of the coademnation bestowed by a writer of antiquity on those who acted such a il part, was anxious t o do all in his power to guru'," against that maionon omnium extremom• traced the history of the Carbonari, and shewea them to have -been excited by E ng l a nd, in the juA exercise of her belligerent rights, during the late war, to throw off the Yoke of France. -- How must the numb ers o f -th e C ar bonati have been increased-by th e c on d uc t o f E ng l a nd towards . Gelloll, Lucca; Ragusa,. and Parga. it had be en said by'a Mu c h l ame nt e d f r i en d o f, his in 181 5 , (Mr. Horner) " th a t Ital,v to her last- hour: was bound to depl or e th e perfidy of England.' This prediction w a s now_ p r oved. in. consequence of the' perfid v of- England, she had betaken her self to " broken cisterns, which y'otild hold it) water." d Itl i s ' o h a e i s i i . : , :e ..c ci o aa n t st rn it e il e t t i, h; i ga• ad h o a l d ,te b_e , e he ad ld• 4