The Sun. — London, England, 1836-12-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. It 'has I..een stated on something like authority that Lord 7L;rndhurst is to remain in Paris till the meeting of Pee cliament ; consequently cannot be present at the Glasf 'ow dinner to Sir Robert Peel. It has been also stated that the Noble and Learned Lord was not. even invited to the Glasgow dinner. Why the N oble and Learned Lord was not invited it would be as impossible for us to state, as why the design of proposing him as Lord Rector, which was Conti tlently announced in the Tory papers, was abandoned. We arc bound, however, to assume there were good reasons for the preference given to Sir Robert Peel. The Right Honourable Baronet owes much to Glas gow, for the honour shown to him by the Glas ow students, nserved as a reproof to the unarateful r iories, who, led away by their new-horn enthusiasm for Lord Lyndhurst, had all but forgotten the man who was so indispensable to them two years a go , th a t a Government could not be formed without him. It has been made evident 'uy the Glasgow invitation that the reckless leadership of Lord Lyndhurst, how cver much it might flatter the Lords, is not exactly a recommendation to the more reflecting Tories. • may venture to predict, thien, that Sir Robert will again he in the ascendant. The thick and thin Tories have often expressed the wish that the Right Hon. Baronet had less respect for himself, and more readiness to throw himself. ni the breach when Toryism is in jeo pardy. But Sir Robert probably remembers the anee ,dote of Voltaire, who, on being told that Frederick of Prussia owned that he was using him for his purposes, and that when the orange was sucked he would throw away the peel, remarked that he would take care of the orange-peel. Sir Robert thinks of his owti character as well as of the views of the Tories. The Spectator on what authority we know not, states that " Lord Brougham meditates a grand flare-tip at the opening of the session." In that case Lord Lyndhurst may find, if Lord Brougham did him a good turn when he was discarded by the Duke and Sir Robert, he may repay himself with interest.—Morning Chronicle. The Times, in its levelling days, never laboured so effectually, perhaps, as it did to destroy +le Irish Pro testant Church. It has modestly told us that it bestowed the blessing of Reform ;ri Church and State on the nation. We suppose 'part of the bargain be tween it and the Tories is That it should set the Irish parsons on their legs affP...in. Alas, for the twaddl e it daily utters in that l iiopeless cause I Without being exactly a believer 'in the power of the Times to have prevented Refonn in Parliament, we yet must own that the Irish Ca. holies do certainly owe an acknowledg ment to our unprincipled Contemporary for the encou ragement it afforded them at a critical period, when they were rrot so well assured as they now are of the sym pathy of the people of England with their efforts against the Established Church. Were any proof re quired of the insincerity of the writers in the Times, it would be found in the utter absence of the power which they certainly possessed when writing in su p port o f the good cause. We have here a confirmation of the truth of the poet's observation 4' Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just." The hirelings must perform their appointed task, but they perform it like men who despise themselves for meanness of spirit. In former days the Times was often hated, but it was never despised. The enemies of Reform then staggered under its heavy blows. They were well directed, as well as vigorous. The big blus ter is a poor substitute ?or its former energy and elo quence. The author of a clever pamphlet (the Letter from a Lay Dissenter) speaks of " the bludgeon of the bully of Printing-house -square, who, with all the tack and d',;licacy of a drunken Irishman in a row, knocks down his friends when he cannot reach his foes, and bellows forth the thunder' so peculiarly his own—less effective albeit than it might be, if it could be understood by readers residing more than half a mile from Billinsgate." The efforts of the Times may, more aptly we think, be compared to the attempts of an unpractised hand to use a flail against an adversary, and finds to his sorrow the force of his instrument on his own head. The bungling nature of the warfare carried on by our Contemporary, with its ridiculous boasting, only serves to amuse the Reformers, whose indignation against it has been succeeded by a feeling more akin to contempt. Who., for instance, could be provoked by such twaddle as formed the staple of a long No-Popery article in the Times of yesterday, of which the following may be taken as a fair specimen : " Now what we want to impress upon the public mind of England is, that these two measures (i. e., the appro priation clause and the Irish Corporation Bill), which Lord Melbourne, although he himself tells us that one of them, and must bo equally conscious that the other, would be 'a heavy blow and grievous injury' to the Protestant religion in Ireland, thinks fit to make the I....inges and lifts of his Administration, arc, in truth, however distinct as to form, completely identical in principle and design—being framed for one and the same obvious e•ad—viz., the total subjugation and subversion of the Protestant Established Church, and of the entire fabric of English and Protestant power. Lord C. Manners justly lool:,s at the subject as we have placed it, insisting that 4 tb..e same principle' of enmity to the Pro testant race and 'Church pervading the universal policy of the Whig Min r .sters breaks out more especially in these two measures." What r, falling off since the time when Lord Grey was day - after day reproached for his tenderness towards the Irish Protestant Church ; and the idea of main taining a Church merely because it was established, was the constant ridicule of the Times And does the Duke of Wellington (exclaimed the Times- on the 29th of February, 1832), fancy that because the right of time Church of Ireland to tithe is founded on the letter of the law, the Government must therefore be blameable for not enforcing the payment of that impost ? Does his Grace mean to pledge his word for the possibility of maintaining an institution from age to age, merely be. cause it is an institution ? Why, the penal code against Catholics was as much protected by law as is now the pay ment of tithe to Protestant clergymen. Yet who was it that gave the finisher to the penal code, and defended the act as being one, not of choice, but of dire necessity ? So Lord Grey and his Colleagues—and indeed every man, of the least common sense, in the community— admits that the continuance of tithe is impossible, and that if a thousand laws were made for its enforcement, not one of them would be obeyed. When the Noble Duke and other Noble Persons talk of the King being sworn to pre serve the int eres t s o f th e Ch urc h,' w h at do they mean by the interests' of the Church ? Is it the interest of the Church to demand tithe from the peasantry, and receive nothing but execrations ? Is it for the interest of the Church to quote Acts of Parliament, and be met by an appeal to arms ? The fact is, that laws may be obsolete before they are repealed, and that any law which would compel a whole nation to do what it is determined not to do, must be executed, not by writs or processes, but by armed soldiers !" Father O'Malley is now merely acting on the recom mendation of the Times on the Bth of Feb., 1832 Does he (Lord Grey) flatter himself that in the pre sent temper of Englishmen, this nation will consent to make war upon Ireland for the sake of her 1,000 or 1,800 Churchmen and her 22 Bishops ? When the Church of Ireland exclaims, Will you rob me of my property ?' she is answered, Why have you abandoned your *part ? ' Why have you diverted from uses ecelesiastied: to uses personal —from the poor to the pluralist--these ample revenues which originally were designed !'or distribution between' the Bishop, the fabric of the the poor, and the clergy ? . . . Two of these "jtaimants, indeed, have been pro vided for—the all. and the Rector have swallowed up • • •, ..nis can never stand. We h a ve l o ng ago declared, ar:u we are daily more persuaded, that composi tion will no longer do—that commutation will not do—that any r:rfort, by mere violence, to coerce the Irish nation into u payment of tithe, must bring at once the State itself into a desperate and fatal collision with the people. There is no diserfAit in capitulating betimes with necessity." 'file Times has for all possible cases a ready an swer to the Times. There is no reason why, on ac count of its present apostacy, the public should not be nefit by its past labours.—Morning Chronicle. Ministers have begun to try what looking big as long as they can will do for a preliminary to the open ing of the campaign in the House of Commons. Their last Sunday-school lesson concludes with these words : "•'-." We have more than ordinary pleasure in stating, that in the approaching session there will be the most perfect union among the Reformers of all classes, and consequently a determined opposition to their enemies, the Tories ; and, by a previous passage, it appears that "the common enemy must assuredly be defeated in his efforts to disunite Reformers for the purpose of triumphing over the cause to which all Reformers are attached." Now, let the public think for one moment to what extremities these poor devils must have been driven, before they could have attempted to palm upon the people of England such nefarious honscnse as is comprehended in tte nhe've :fox- We,are assofed of "the 'inlet perfect knion " among the. R&formersofnil classes, Very well. 1:s cl`,'e. \V big Ministers call themselves "4e'rei-iticrs ? " If so, we ' must inlet from their itXanifesto one of two things —eillserthat '44 't b ,',e sake of this "perfect union" thee', the Miiiist&s, have wholly abandoned their opposition to he ballot, household suffrage, an elective Peerage, short Parliaments, with one or twa other trifling modi fications of the Monarchy, and will co-operate with their revolutionary fellows in realizing all skech " re forms ;" or that the Radicals, to wit Sir W. Moles worth, Mr. Grote, 'Mr. Joseph Hume, and the Irish faction of O'ConneP s Woulfe, Sheil, and Co., beet agreed to make 4 'burnt-offering of the said ballas c., and help Ministers to maintain the tionstitution of 1 Parliament under its existimi !nrm. Which of these 1 sacrifices, we beg to ask the framer of the manifesto is it, of which he wishes to insinuate the truth ? Has the Melbourne rump reversed the law of nature, and given rrecedence to the tail, which now and then so severely lashes it ? or is the tail to be contented with hanging in the wake of the rump, and back ing its declared resistance to all organic change in the Constitution ? One or other of these ques tions must be answered in the affirmative, or the assertion of a " perfect union" between the par ties is a flagrant falsehood, inasmuch as no one of the measures we have alluded to is of a nature to admit of neutrality or compromise. A man who deems the ballot to be utterly degrading and ruinous cannot unite with him who considers it an essential and paramount ; flood so with the peerage, universal suffrage, and the flood rest of them. To place the politician who condemns such extravagances in the same class with the po litician who loudly applauds and eagerly calls upon his countrymen, as Sir William Molesworth dots, to " agitate" for them, describing both by the common name of " Reformers.," is a childish absurdity or a gross and impudent fre:ucl. There can be nothing " common" between steels men, so far as public principle is con cernel There may, indeed, be some common scheme or plot for a selfish purpose, in which the nation has neither share nor sympathy—a conspiracy for place— a conspiracy for patronage and plunder. But it is for " Reformers'' to meddle with such abominations ? If the Whigs, on the other hand, still pretend that their system of reform presupposes the maintenances of the church, and state, and monarchy, while, as is noto rious, both English and Irish Radicals denounce all three as grievances fit only to be swept away before the march of mind, we submit that it is not with the latter body we are to attribute to the Whigs any common name designating political alliance or partnership, but manifestly with Sir Robert Peel and the Conservatives, who arc, one and all, solemnly pledged before the country to as much reform, that is, as much beneficial change, as may be consistent with the " maintenance of church, and state, and monarchy." When the Whigs, therefore, assure us of a perfect union between " Reformers," is not the mere natural construction of the phrase, that they mean to express their readiness for a co-operation with those who ac knowledge the same general limits to the reform prin ciple which they do, rather than with the party who spurn at all such limits ? 'We nevertheless challenge either the revolutionary Radicals or the 'Whigs, if the union between " Reformers " be meant to signify that those two factions are the uniting powers, we chal lenge one or both of them to get rid of the alternative, the conditions of which we set out with explaining, un less upon the highly creditable supposition that one or other faction, though still adhering to its own doctrines and despising those of its worthy ally, is to support by its votes the policy which it reprobates, and act directly in the teeth of its declared opinions. For a union pro duced by such a desertion of principle, the country, we imagine, is far from unprepared, nor is there a great deal of difficulty in conjecturing from which side the sale of conscience is most likely to proceed. Why should the Radicals make a sacrifice of their long cherished assault upon the Constitution ? We believe that with many of them the scheme is one of fierce and reckless fanaticism, rather than of selfish profit ; and what would they gain by its surrender to the Whigs ? Nothing under heaven but the remote chance • that, at some distant period, and under some possible change of circumstance not to be traced upon any ex isting map, they may be able to bring round the offi cial Whigs, and the Conservative opposition in both Houses, to tolerate these revolutionary chimeras. • There is another consideration also which we know has influence with many of the long-sighted Radicals. It is, that the sins of the Whig-rump Government fall in a large proportion upon the heads of the revolu tionary party, and entail upon them immeasurable dis grace and scandal. It is past all doubt that there never has been recorded on the page of English history an Administration so selfish or corrupt as this. Never was the public revenue so lavished in bribes under the name of salaries—never was jobbery carried to such a shame less pitch—never was the actual amount of patronage so wasted on despicable tools—never was ingenuity so ransacked for the multiplication of offices before un heard of, that fresh swarms of hungry minions might be stimulated in their daily task of packing and per verting all the local and subordinate institutions of the country to the uses of faction. Why, the myriads of new placemen, appointed to work out the insidious designs of the " no patronage" Cabinet, will frighten Europe when they come to be unkcnnelled by some old fashioned friend of economy and justice in the House of Commons I And well know the Radi cals how keenly the eyes of all England are fastened on these misdoings. They well hnow that a club or clique more rapacious than the ten or dozen families who form the etat major of the Whigs never existed on this earth, and never preyed upon a nation. We shall have them paraded before the people of England. Each household of aristocratic Whiggery is asink of insatiable greediness and corruption, as well as a haunt of exclusive and morbid arrogance. One day, in their former cha racter, that of which alone the people need have cog nizance, they shall be unrelentingly exposed. But do they flatter themselves that the Radicals are not aware of this ? Do they dream that the Radicals are not aware how odious it makes Whiggcry to the whole English nation ? And why should not the Ra dicals feel indignant at being made sharers in the un popularity of those whom they have kept in office, without being sharers to any decent amount in the spoil ? It is not then for the Radicals to give way, or to yield one inch of their utopia of democracy, for which they would get nothing in exchange. It is the Whig,s who make money of concession. It is the Whigs who will sell their consciences, and put the price into their pockets. Their sole notion of govern ment is their individual gain. In the meanwhile, see how the humbug tells in Ireland, where the genius of Whiggery is little known, being seen through the medium of O'Connell's, and other Papist re presentations. Mr. Woulfe—one of that faction which reviles the people of England as an alien race, but will not submit to be called aliens by us in return ; this learned personage has been making a speech at Cashel, wherein he bedaubs the Mulgravc Go vernment with compliments taken at second hand from his master, for the " happy relation" between it and the " Irish people," meaning thereby the rebel association and its adjuncts. The " relation" is in telligible enough : " claw me, and I'll claw you." We never read more trash than in this electioneering effu sion ; and the taste, common sense, love of truth, and integrity of the speaker, arc in nothing more discernible than his misrepresentation and abuse of Lord Lynd " of eve r y wor d" whi c h O'Con hurst ; his adoption nell uttered, when he boasted of making corporate bodi?s normal " schools of agitation" (not peaceful agitation, the report of his sp eec h did not say t h at , though the word ~ peaceful" was f o i ste d i n after wards) ; and, fi na lly, the Learned G ent l eman ' s grave assurance to the credulous beings whom he imposed upon, that Mr. Richard Shell, another Jack-the- Giant-Killer, had committed such havoc on Tory nerves in the House of Commons, as to m a k e Si r Robert Peel and Lord Stanley quail in his pr esence , and rather sit silent a whole evening than expose them selves to the terrors of a castigation from that dealer in rhetorical artifices I Oh I oh ! oh I—Times. It is not without reason that several correspondents ask us wherefore Lord Melbourne, or Lord Mul grave, who represents him, has yet appeared to show such an ominous indifference to the words and acts of it SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, DECEMbEiI, 26, ISM. the Irish rebel associat,ioli. ,t r.ttacked, even ,Fersectit 7 ,4; by t ile hig-Radiral Go verilrewn't) 'a4t finally abolished, on the ground or pretext of their forming a society instituted for party purposes, insulting to that I.4rsiT pnrticii. of the people of Ireland wh6 17'cie hostile to the esta Wished 1 - OiO,Nl thereby risking the violation of tkt Filet: by provoking factions ColliSions, We can speak dispassionately iipon this stibject, from having at all tinio 'elear of Orange politics and proceedOn find from having rather approved than otbctwise the remonstrances for years past Adth:cs' , ,ed to the Orangemen of Ireland, nrgilig• tliein to dissolve their institution. Oni. riding was, that neither badge nor pletifo `l\'AS Necessary towards binding honest men and l'OyAl subjects to stand by Church and State, and by each other against any public enemy ; and that the mere circumstance of such a confederacy affording topics of jealousy and boisterous complaint, or plausible excuse: , for associations among the adverse party, in their objects more culpable, and far more dangerous in their nature, was cause sufficient for every considerate sub ject of his Majesty to desire its dissolution. But, on the other hand, it ►s no more than justice to ask, what was there of an unconstitutional, much more of a cri- initial, character, in the declared and well-known pur poses of the Orange Society, that should make its existence a matter of regret on any other considerations but those of mere expediency ? So far otherwise, that there have been dines, distant as well as comparatively recent, when the preservation of Ireland to the British Crown was mainly owing to the Orange Protestant spirit. What was the animus which upheld and di rected the Enniakilleners and men of Derry in 1688 ? Was it very different from that which inspired the Protestants of the North of Ireland in 1798, down to the very hour of the institution separating two years ago, and now while we are writing ? What was that spirit? A sincere reverence for the policy of the revo lution, and for the memory of its enlightened and illus trious leader—a manly attachment to the Constitu tional doctrines of civil and religious Ilberty----a reso lute love of British connexion—a loyal devotion to the Crown of England, as worn by the Protestant House of Brunswick—a conscientious dread and hatred of political Popery, another name for arbitrary power ; in truth, it was nothing more nor less than an offshoot of those principles of government and reli gious faith, which have for centuries prevailed amongst ourselves, transplanted to Ireland, and manifesting in all things a full sympathy with the race whence it ori ginated. Is there, frankly speaking, any crime in this ? Ought brave and loyal Irishmen to be ashamed of attributes in which upright English Protestants glory ? We do not deny that the practical fruits of the Orange institution, or rather of. its peculiar organi zation, were attended with inconvenience to the Go vernment, and chiefly because it countenanced a spe cious argument against the crushing of other leagues, of which the secret bond was not duty, but crime—not loyalty, but treason and rebellion. One effectual reason with the friends of good government for yelding to the clamour against the Orange body was, that its dispersion would unfetter the hands both of the executive power and of Parliament, and enable them, without the possibility of reproach, the one to legislate, the other to administer the law, in fearless repression of all self-constituted and seditious bodies, which might propagate openly a spirit of disaffection among the people, and encourage them to acts incompatible with the public safety. This release from supposed embar rassments has been enjoyed by the Whig-Radical Ad ministration ever since the dispersion of the Orange men. How has the free agency, thus through their own threats and manceuvres obtained, been exercised by the justice-loving Whigs ? A society of a far dif ferent complexion from anything Orange, Protestant, English, or Constitutional, has sprung up in Dublin, un der the very nose of the Viceroy. It meets daily, by ad journments; it addresses itself to the nation which it assumes in defiance of the law and of the spirit of the Constitution to represent and govern. It is a House of Commons passing laws in the shape of resolutions— levying taxes in the guise of subscriptions—deputing Commissioners, after the fashion of the Long Parlia ment, and of the French Convention, to the several counties of the kingdom, to inflame the multitude and impel them into a course of action utterly hostile to the religion of the State and to the proprietors of the soil—operating by all the means of coercion, corrup tion, and superstitious inflence, upon the possessors of the elective franchise that they may return to the Im perial Parliament creatures and vassals of the rebel con federacy. The whole genius of this new power is at open war with the laws and institutions of the realm. It is the College-green Parliament in every thing but name, and prepares with impunity that real alienation from Great Britain which may be followed by an ostensible rupture with her whenever the opportu nity shall be found. What was there in Orangeism to compare with this ? And yet it goes unpunished. Unpunished I—nay, encouraged—cherished—courted by the Ministers, as being their master's work. Why, it appears from this day's post that a member• of the band has just been made a Pi ivy Councillor 1 I and this is just, and wise, and impartial government ! this is discountenancing faction I—this is supporting the Constitutional Monarchy, giving stability to Bri tish connexion, and security to King William's crown I Had a tenth-part of the lawless audacity of this rebel association been exhibited by the loyal aristocracy of Ireland, in a spirit of resistance to rebellion, and of attachment to the Church and State, Parliament would long since have been called together, and a coercion or insurrection bill, of unprecedented rigour, would have been proposed against the treasonable usurpers of all legislative and magisterial authority within the United Kingdom.—Times. The requisition for a great meeting on the subject of Peerage Reform in the Borough of Marylebone is pro ceeding with great, but not unexpected success. Signa tures are pouring in in all the localities where the re quisition is deposited, and, where the vital and pressing object of the requisition is made known. We were not deceived in our calculations that the inhabitant householders of this populous borough—as remarkable for their industry and wealth as for their intelli gence and public spirit—would not be behind other boroughs, nor behind the pressing demands of the age, in the great career of Reform. Cheap and good go vernment is the just demand of the educated and com mercial classes. The independent and intelligent com mercial men of Marylchone know perfectly well, that a Government ?flaw Houses permanently thwart ing each other, is not even a barely tolerable state of things. Certainly, the " wisdom of our an cestors" never contemplated or conceived a neutral or epicene Legislature. This is not a species'of govern ment to which Englishmen have been accustomed ; nor is it a species of government which they can either respect or tolerate. It is not, we believe, decided whether the organizing Committee will present the re quisition to the vestry immediately, or whether they will prefer to wait till the signatures—daily increasing— give practical and irresistible proof of the feelings and opinions of one of the most popular and populous of the metropolitan boroughs on the question involved in the requisition. It is a question which we must em phatically designate as " The Question"—Peerage Reform. That is a question to which all other politi cal questions must, in accordance with the plainest dictates of common sense, the practical habits of men of business, and, indeed, the very nature of things, be deemed, for the time, subordinate and secondary.— Morning Advertiser. The day has long since gone by when the country could be frightened from any of the great purposes on which it had determined, by the outcry of such pur pose being unconstitutional. Some time ago that out cry would have been effectual in putting an extin guisher on any efforts which some bold spirit, in ad vance of the age in which he lived, might have made to accomplish a Reform of the Upper House. The more timid Reformers would then have been easily frightened from their object by the getting up of a clamour that that object was unconstitutional. It is far otherwise now. The Reformers have learned a lesson from experience. The charge of acting in oppo sition to the principles of the Constitution has been so often preferred against them of late, that they have ceased to pay the least attention to it. Hence they no inure heed the noise which has been recently made by the Tories, about the alleged unconstitutionality of proposing Peerage Reform, than they would the whistling of the idle wind. They know it is the old story Wheneviq the coirei!tiflri Of, avy abuse has been trary, Sir Robert Peel did not intend that the; el.msb to contemplated : they know it Will t.; ; P I have adverted should really admit the Itot;il4 a.; still, so long as there is a Conservative in eXlSris:liqt , tTertiee 4 the' C orpo rations in proportion to their numb.!rs , , a i nd I . lot that , , mid an evil ObP retnedied, We Maintain that no , th o . so 6 0(0 6.,- t:0"13 . 0 t): , the hands of 1110f0 111 adeCikiv.i 4 cd with 60 s)lilt1 of CO eXcinsire party; then that the Emlo, , 4ition Act, the Constitution, than a thorough reform of the tippet es tar as this' c l a uso %vent, wa4 crittaitent and delusory-- I-Luse: What 18 the great design of the Constitu- a fact ‘which the more lament, becatm I am sin lion tilidentbtedly the happiness of the people. cerely anxious that th 4 outinet of Sir Robert Peel, in re- Does the House of Lords as at present constittited spset to that great work, shoUld 00 down to posterity with tend to promote the people's happiness ? It mle- cut s niably does the very reverse. It frustrates their hap- When fir R. Peel framed the Ematio;pation Act pincss, by defeating all those great measures which all that he intended wnfl that Roman Catholic:, :11101.11d the Commons, as their representatives, send up for its be equally admissible with VrOtostants into the ex'- , concurrence. It is therefore, we hold, in perfect con- fisting Corporations, by the existing cim oc ls o f - sonance with the spirit of the Constitution, so „eyess. With this the Roman Catholics or Jrala n d to modify the Upper house as to secure its cor- professed, both before and for some time after ill' dial co-operation with the Lower House, in enactment, that they would be entirely satisfied. those great and important measures which it pro- And now we have this most remarkable example of poses for the national amelioration. If all the charges the value of their professions and promises, that which the Tories, have at different times sought they claim. in virtue of that measure that the Cor to fasten on the Reformers, of passing unconstitu- porations which existed at that time shall be de tional measures, were well founded, there would not stroyed, and other Corporations put in their place, so now be a particle of the Constitution remaining, constituted as to secure to the Roman Catholics the Catholic emancipation was unconstitutional—so was absolute monopoly of authority in nearly the whole the rep ea l o f the Test and Corporation Acts. The of them. The effect of the Emancipation Bill Reform Bill was not only according to the Tories, un- might have been to introduce gradually into the constitutional, but it was utterly destructive of the Con- Corporations of Ireland Roman Catholic Members stitution—not a fragment, they seriously assured us for proportioned to the numbers, the wealth, and the some months afterwards, remained after that measure intelligence of the Roman Catholic body. This became the law of the land. The last remarkable un- progressive change in the Corporations would have constitutional act of the Reformers was, the Munici- been consonant, no doubt, to the principle and spirit pal Corporations Reform Bill. On these three occa- of the Emancipation Act. But we must observe that sions the poor Constitution was a heavy—on one of Mr. Woulfe exhibits more of the spirit of active en them a fatal—sufferer. It always, however, was fortu- croachment and assiduous ambition which have always nate enough to recover from the terrible blow. We distinguished his sect and party than of the cautious doubt not it will yet survive another s t ro k e —at a ll and candid temper which gives weight and accuracy to events, we know the nation will be fool-hardy enough political reasoning, when he infers from this tendency to put its powers of endurance to the test, by sub- in the Emancipation Act the justice of an auxiliary jetting it to the process of an efficient reform.— measure, abolishing the old corporations and creating Morning Advertiser. new ones, for the exclusive benefit of Roman Ca- In reverting to the splendid speech of the Irish So - tholics, and giving authority in these bodies in propor licitor-General at Cashel, on Wednesday last, which, lion to numbers merely, without the least regard to by means of an extraordinary express, appeared ex- wealth or intelligence. Mr. Woulfe supplies th e clusivel means, indeed, in another part of his speech , of ex y in the columns of the Morning Advertiser, it to all our Contemporaries of the evenino posing the theoretic fallacy and estimating the prac we owe tical mischief of the inference he has attempted to draw press, with one contemptible exception, and also to from the Emancipation Bill. The Hon. and Learned several of our Sunday fellow-labourers, to record our Gentleman says : obligations to them for the handsome mariner in which " There is not, at the present moment, one of the they have been pleased to notice our successful es - offices, franchises, or civil functions which the Constitution ertions. Our numerous and daily increasing readers pla ces i n th e hands of the subject, which is not enjoyed or cannot but be aware that to furnish them with such possessed—and necessarily enjoyed and possessed—by one early, abundant, and important intelligence, upon sub- religious denomination to a greater extent than by the jects affecting, not only the welfare of Ireland, but other.—(Hear.) Take for instance, the office of justice of the stability and union of the United Kingdom, it the peace ; there is not in the range of our civil policy an must have cost us no small sacrifices either in person office more important in its nature, more influential, more or in purse ; but we have accomplished, in capable of being made the instrument of o pp r ession.— a great degree, the objects which we had in (Hear.) Well, is that office to be abolished because the proprietorship of the soil places it in the bands of a greater view ; and we as cheerfully forget the one, as number of Protestants than of Catholics ?—(Hear.) Are through the generosity of public support, we are royal commissions to issus into every county upon the Tory enabled to despise the latter. We have furnished plan for the g overnment of corporate towns to supersede our readers with the best, as well as the ear - the office of grand juror, because the important powers Best intelligence upon all subjects connected with vested in that office fall of necessity into the same hands the welfare of the people of Ireland, upon which the and for the same reason, in a greater proportion than in Government and the Legislature will have to decide those of Roman Catholics ?—( Hear.) On the other hand during the ensuing Session of Parliament—we have is the elective franchise to be abolished, or is it to be at proved to the people of Ireland, that a large mass of tached to an unconstitutionally excessive qualification , be cause the majority of electors must, from the circumstances their brethren in England sympathise deeply with the o c rthe country, be Roman Catholic ?—(Hear, hear.) Sir, wrongs and contumely which they have sustained, and the principle of the Tories with respect to Irish Corpora that they are determined that justice shall supersede tions w ould inevitably lead to these results, if it be sound. the one, and atonement be made for the other—we It would call for the simplification of our system into a have brought the people of both countries to a better despotism, by the assumption of all the powers and privi knowledge of each other's mutual situation, feelings, leges of the subjects of the Crown.—(Hear, hear.) That must be the result if they withdraw from Ireland all cor and wishes—and, if we be not greatly mistaken, we have also kindled in the bosoms of both a feeling of porate bodies, because of the preponderance of Catholics , - for if that reasoning be just then must they withdraw all union and mutual regard, which no efforts of the institutions from every other class in which they have a pre- Tories, however malignantly and perseveringly pursued, ponderance equally great." will be able to extinguish. These are glorious results, Here Mr. Woulfe admits that, in virtue of a neces well worthy of a ll th e t o il, trouble, anxiety, and ex- sity which the distribution of property in Ireland has pease to which we have subjected ourselves ; and that created, the offices of justice of the peace and of we are not greatly exaggerating them, we have the grand juror are held by a greater number of Protes most ample and satisfactory proofs before us, in nu- tants than of Roman Catholics. This is enough to merous letters of testimony, and approbation, and gra- show that the corporation scheme, which would have titude from the sister country, and in the outpouring given all corporate power and authority to the latter, of its grateful spirit in almost all its recogn ized chap- overlooked altogether two out of the three de nels of public sentiment.—Morning Advertiser. ments of the social constitution which the Irish The Solicitor-General of Ireland, Mr. Woulfe, has Solicitor-General enumerates, viz., wealth and intel been delivering a speech at Cashel, with which the ligence. So much for the theoretic view of the ques- Whig and Radical journals affect to be highly delighted. tion ; and, as to the practical, what good could be ex- It is a clever and eloquent speech undoubtedly, but it petted from corporations, the officers and authori . abounds in evidence that the speaker is under the in- ties of which must, according to their own most fluence of prejudice, rancour, and bad faith—qualities ingenious advocate, be, ex necessitate ref , of a diffe which must be supposed to reign paramount in the rent genus and class from those whom the demands bosoms of the great mass of the adherents of Mr. of societ y , exercisin g on this occasion an irresistible O'Connell, since we find that one of the most able and sway over the conduct of successive and conflicting respectable of their number has not been able or has Administration, calls to the offices of j ustices of the not oared to exempt himself from their influence— peace and grand jurors ? Mr. Woulfe and his party, qualities, too, we must be permitted to add, which, so if they entertained a sincere desire to give tranquillity long as they are habitually exhibited, must militate, happiness, and prosperity to Ireland, would, we be and ought to militate, against further grants of political lieve, find some more rational mode of accomplish in g ect than a scheme for establishing perpetu al power to the body in which their dominion is so plainly that obj shown. The speech of Mr. Woulfe is principally contrariety of character and purpose between the rul made up—with the exception, indeed, of some corn- trig powers of corporations on the one hand, and jus. monplace generalities we might say wholly made tices of peace and grand jurors on the other.—Morn up—of animadversions upon the celebrated words -`). Post. of Lord Lyndhurst, and of arguments in support of the Irish Corporation Bill of last Session. Upon each of these topics, or rather the Irish Solicitor-Gene ral's mode of treating them, we beg permission to offer one or two observations. However natural and consistent it may be on the part of Mr. O'Connell to play the part of a captious word-catcher, and to la bour with pertinacious industry to fix upon a political opponent a meaning which he diavows, this dishonest rhetorical artifice will never be resorted to, unless by those who seek to inflame rather than to enlighten their hearers. We regret, therefore, to find Mr. Woulfe entering into competition with Mr. O'Connell in an art at once so mischievous, so easy, and so vul gar, as that of misrepresentation. The argument of Lord Lyndhurst was, that so long as the Roman Ca tholics of Ireland, under the influence of such men as Mr. O'Connell, maintained the character of aliens, so long it would not be prudent to invest them with greater political power than they now enjoy. This is an ar gument of which it is much easier and more profitable to Mr. O'Connell arid his confederates to misrepresent the import, than to elude the force. It is a sound and statesman-like argument ; and Mr. Woulfe could not have afforded it a stronger confirmation than by em ploying, in the service of anti-British agitation, a mean and fraudulent misrepresentation of its meaning, ut terly unworthy of his reputation, and manifesting even in him, one of the best specimens of his class, qua lities which are entirely alien, and must remain so, we hope, for ever, to the character of Englishmen and Protestants 1 With respect to the Irish Corporation Bill, Mr. Woulfe insists that it is a measure which must become law, in order to carry into effect tke spirit of the Act of Union, and the manifest intention of the Emancipation Act. To the argument drawn from the Act of Union, we need pay no further attention than to remark, that the people of Great Britain have not yet become accustomed to that particular mode of maintaining the spirit of a compact, public or private, which consists in the violation of its letter. Did the British or the Irish Legislature, or any considerable portion of either nation, contemplate that, in consent ing to the Act of Union, they were, in effect, giving their sanction to the suppression of all the existing corporations of Ireland, and the erection, in their place, of Mr. O'Connell's normal schools of peaceful agitation ? Mr. Woulfe will scarcely venture to answer this question in the affirmative ; and, un less he can do so, his argument founded upon the Union vanishes into air. It is indeed, an ingenious translation, and no more, into the argu mentative form, of Mr. O'Connell's threat, that he will agitate for a repeal of the Union, unless he is allowed to have everything his own way. The appeal to the Emancipation Act is equally illusory and abdrtive. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman says— " There is an express clause in the Emancipation Act that the Roman Catholics should be admitted to the Cor porations, any charter, or bye-law, or former statute to the contrary notwithstanding.—(Hear, hear.) Now I ask, did Sir Robert Peel mean, when he framed that great charter, that the Roman Catholics of Ireland really should partake of the corporate offices: and the franchise, according to their number, their wealth, and their intelligence, as they partake of the elective franchise or any other constitutional privileges they enjoy ? If he did so mean, then the Corpo ration Bill of Ministers did no more than carry that intention into effect.—( Hear, hear.) It did not upon such a suppo sition transfer to the Roman Catholics the powers incident to Corporations in greater proportion than was intended by the Act of Emancipation.—( Hear, hear.) If, on the con. EXTRAORDINARY SUPERSTITION Some very remarkable facts have just been brought to light at a trial that took place on the 9 th and 10 th of this month at the Court of Assize des Bouches du Rhone, in France. It must be mentioned, however, that, though the trial be so • recent, the circumstances that gave rise to it occurred twelve months ago. They were shortly these : On the 7th of December in last year, a little after two o'clock in the morning, the watchman at an abattoir in Marseilles observed something that looked white on the pavement close to the door of the charity hospital ; and on examinig it closely he found it to be a corpse. At the same moment three persons, who appeared to have been waiting at the corner of the street, ran away and were not over taken. The watchmen called for assistance, and two of the night patrol having come up the body was ascertained to be that of a quack, named Antoine Arnaud. The hands and feet were tied together, but the clothes were not re moved ; and the head was covered with several handker chiefs that served to conceal a large wound in the throat. At the Hotel Dieu it was found that the body had been opened by a longitudinal incision from the breast, which had been subsequently sewn up. The wound in the throat had divided several arteries, and must have caused death from excessive bleeding, though no blood was anywhere visible. The medical men were astonished to see that the intestines, the heart, the liver, and the various organs had been apparently torn from their places, and afterwards crammed into the pectoral and abdominal cavities, without any care or proper arrangement. Notwithstanding the rough manner in which they had been handled, however, all the organs were entire, except the liver, of which nearly the half had been taken away. Of course no time was lost by the police in making such an investigation as might lead to a correct knowledge of the facts of the case ; and they ascertained that the de ceased had been some years resident at Marseilles, where he carried on the double profession of day labourer and quack doctor. It seems that he took the greatest and most disinterested care of his patients, for it could not be disco vered that he ever received money, except in a solitary in stance, when 1,500 francs had been given to him by a man in better circumstances than the persons who usually em ployed him. After a few inquiries there was good ground for believing that he had fallen a victim to a system pres cribed by himself. His system of medicine was decidedly the most extraordinary ever heard of. Whenever a patient applied he gave the following directions : I am about t o t a k e a so p or ifi c , an d w h e n I am asleep you will pierce my neck %with a knife. ( Vows vie plongerc,-; an coutcau dans le col.) The blood issuing from the wound will entirely cure your disorder." It appeared that this sin. gular prescription had often been followed, for numerous scars were observed in his neck. To his liver Arnaud as cribed still more wonderful properties than to his blood. " he repeatedly said, " I should iippear dead, from loss of blood, give me some of my own liver to eat, and it will at once restore me." The police at length, after having arrested and examined several persons against whom there appeared no proof, traced the house in which the deceased had last been seen alive. It belonged to a young woman named Camille Viacca, who had been for some time under his care. A long series of circumstantial, but seemingly decisive, evidence, left no room to doubt that to the too-faithful adherence to his own presciption by this woman and one of her friends the death of Arnaud must be attributed ; and the case was brought before the regular tribunals. But here an unexpected dif ficulty arose. Notwithstanding the skill of the public pro secutor it was exceedingly puzzling to know how to frame the indictment. Homicide had clearly been committed, but evidently without " malice afore-thought." The death of the practitioner was obviously the result of his own instruc tions ; and his liver had evidently been cut out for the pur pose of preserving his life. An immense crowd was present at the trial, when several witnesses proved the directions given by the deceased. M. Lieutaud, acting for the Pro cureur-General, left the case entirely in the bands of the jury, who discharged the prisoners. THE CHURCH RATE IN LAMBETI Ti) THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Stn, —. , .1 fl,sireil hy the Churchwnrciens of the parish of LAmbeth to trattr-nit yon au account of the c!ose of the poll taken yesterdu in thiJparish no the cp.testion of Church-rates. Do. 24. J. B. CLARK, Vestry Clerk. For the rate Against it Majority for the rate BY PLURALITY OF VOTES For the rate Against it .... 25 . 314 ~ 230 Majority for thc. rate TOTAL LOSS OF THE WINDSOR EAST INDIANIAN. " On hoard the Asseerghur pilot brig, Aug. 30. " The poor Windsor is a total meek, having struck yes terday afternoon in the lower part of the Gaspar Channel. Immediately afterwards we found five feet water irt the hold, and at the next sounding, fourteen ; so that any attempt to lighten the ship by throwing the cargo overt, oard be came hopeless, and, indeed, by the time the laul)ch and yawl were hoisted out, we had just time to save ourselves , as the sea was making a breach over the upper deck. "C, were unable to rescue a single article from the wreck, Ana, arc here, on board the pilot brig, just as we stan d, some Pi us without jackets, others without hats or shoes. " Through God's mercy we have all escaped with our lives, except a poor woman, Miss Blenkin's servant, who was drowned by the swamping of the stern boat. The poor ladies have borne up wonderfully well. Of course the first thing was to place them in safety, and they were got o ut of the ship a very shor time after she struck. " The whole business was like a dream, from which I seemed struggling to awake ; and it was only this murning, when we saw our good ship lying over on her broadside, with the stumps of her masts just above water, that I could convince myself that the Windsor is no more." It is stated that the ship, freight, and cargo, are all in sured in London. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Leeds Mercury.) THE TRADE OF LEEDS--A larger quantity of goods were sold at the Cloth Halls last Saturday than has been sold on Any one market day during the last two months, and on Tuesday there was a fair average market, without any alteration in prices. In the warehouse there has also been a little more doing, and the opinion is gaining ground that if prices continue steady, we shall have a good demand for the spring trade. BRADFORD MARKET. —TI ere has been some improve ment in the piece market to-day. The lower qualities of six-quarter wide Merinos have beN'e more sought after, and in several instances rather better prices have been obtained. There is considerable business doing in yarn ; we should say there is an increased demand, and the. prices obtained are rather higher. Considerable business P..as been trans acted in the wool market during the week, at firm prices. HALIFAX MARKET.—There is no new featvre in the piece market to-day ; there has been a moderate attend ance of buyers, and a moderate share of business has been transacted with quite firm prices. There is considerable activity in the wool market, and staplers' stocks being light, prices have shown a tendency upwards ; spinners, how ever, buy with much caution, and, as much as possible, op pose high prices, knowing how difficult it would be to ob tain a proportionate advance upon yarns. ROCHDALE FLANNEL M A RKET:There has been veil little business doing to-day ; the few piece: that have been sold are at reduced prices. Wool has been steady, and maintained the price of the previous week. WAKEFIELD WOOL MARKET.—We have lio.d a brisk demand for deep combing wools. Middle hop!, which have hitherto been so much neglected , ha v e been re,Ad y sale, and at an advance in price of 10s. per pack, this week. It is difficult quoting the price of Middle Wether?, there are so few in the market ; but notwithstanding the previous advance on them, they would be sold at more mo ney. There has been more inquiry for Down and Short combing wools, without any improvement in prices. A fair business doing in Blanket wools, and prices have a tendency to advance. Fine Clothing wools are without alteration either as to demand or price. TRADE OF MANCHESTER: Things are generally look ing better at Manchester than for some weeks past. Cot tons and calicoes have rather improved in price, and are ie demand. Fustians are better, and checks, gingham, and coloured goods generally, seem on the move. The spring orders are coming in, and some of the American agents, it is suspected, who did not intend doing anything yet, begin to see that the strikes of the workmen have kept down the stocks on hand so effectually that they have now but little time to lose, if they wish the orders they propose to give should be executed in the season. LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, DECEMBER 24. The Market has continued steady throughout the week, with a regular demand from the trade, who have bought freely at V. to 1 / I d. advance on Surats, and full prices for all kinds, save new Bowed , which continue to be offered freely at a further deline of %d. to Vtd. per lb. The better qualities of the Bahias at auction brought very' good prices, whilst common and ordinary sold at corresponding low rates ; the Demeraras and Berbice at moderate prices. Speculators have taken 1,000 American, 500 Surats, and 100 Bengal ; and es porters 160 American, 200 Bengal, and 110 Surats. The import this week is 14,184 bags. The sales are— d. d. 1 230 Sea Islands.... 21 to 32 - Stained ditto... 0 0 7,000 Boweds 7i —ll Uplands 0 0 600 Alabaman 8 —loh 4,300 Oa 7 —lll d. d. 950 Maranhams to 13 2,380 Pernams lot 3 Madras 0 0 West India 0 -- 0 Barbadoes 0 0 Demeraras 0 -- .leans 2,060 Surats -1 6 i 610 Bahias Carthagenas - 350 Bengals ...... 4 44; 630 Bahamas Total, 21,310 bales. The sales in Cotton to-day are 2,000 bales, at yesterday's pri ces, with a steady market, and consist of 150 Maranhams, 11%d. to 12d. , 150 Bahias, 10d. to 10 1 4. d. ; 50 Surats, 6d. to 6 1 4 d. ; 100 Carths" genas, 7 1 / 4 d. ; remainder American, from 8 1 44. to 10 1 / 2 d. ; a far Orleans, 111/2d. Taken on speculation this year Same in 1835 Forwarded to the country unsold this year Same in 1835 Increase of import this year compared with the same date last year Increase of stock Increase of quantity taken for consumption Decrease of quantity taken for export Comparative View of the imports and Exports of Cotton into .rf_. from the whole Kingdom , f rom the Ist of Januar y in the 17til inst.., and of the Imports and Exports for the same period last year Into the Kingdom this year. Bags. 746,64 1 , 171,930 7,375 202,50 5 34,372 American South American West Indies, Demerara, &c. .. East Indies Egypt, &c. Total of all descriptions Same period last year. Bags. American South American ... Wrest Indies, Demerara, &c. ... East Indies Egypt, &c. _......-- Increase of Imports as compared with same period last year, Exports in 1836. American, 21,956 ; Brazil, 6,392 ; East India, 69,59 3 ; West India, 30; Other kinds, 20. Total in 1836 Same period last year Stock. 97,9 94 105,551 Dec. 23, 1836 Same time, 1635 2V ,72° .• 190e96° r - I . T. COX SAVORY, Goldsmith, &c., 47, ` - ' °i " t of London, informs the Public, that he has a considerable vareiejers SECOND-HAND GOLD WATCHES, any of which h at EIGHT GUINEAS each. They have all b een easefully ex amined, and are warranted. —Watches purchased 111 117'11 S. On the 25th inst., the Lady Albert. Conynghani9 of a d berton, aughte l l'i _ On the 20th inst., at Fifehead, Shaftesbury, .I%lrs. Pem Saville-row, Lundon, of a son, still-born. -- MARRIED. On the 22d inst., at West Rounton , Yorkshire, the Rev. Frank Boweher Wright, to Lucy Louisa Octavia, fourth daughter of al Rev. M. J. Wynyard, Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty, 111 Deputy Clerk of the Kin's Closet. or On the 24th inst., at South Hackne y , William Cousins, Es, 04' Bristol, to Maria Ruding, daug hter of the late J. Stephens, of the forer lace. On the m 20th p inst., at Evertor, Nottinghamshire, the Rev. Fre d , Trevanion, youngest son of J 13. Trcvanion, Esq., of Caer - hays Castle, Cornwall,- to Lavinia Sophia, only daughter of the late ____.......... Captain Percival, It• ___.—. DIED. On the 23d inst., at Salisbury, aged 54, Anne E lizabetb, re : ljg . t of the late J. H oddin g , Es q ., o f th e same p lace, and daughter) r Gibson, Esq., of Turnham-green. On the 23d inst., at Stoke Hall, Bromley, aged 15. William, fourth son a Sir R. On the 19th inst., at Edinburgh Sir Michael Shag Bart., of Greenock and Illackhlll, M.P. for Renfrevvshire. On the 7th fast., at Balfour, '' -,' ,i ' (filbert 13e+hune, B51:1" in I ift.s itre, . of Balfour, aged 71. Stewart, On the 19th inst., at Overton, Hants, Bryan Troughton, Esq" aged 84. On the 18th inst., at Uprni ns ter, Essex, the infant son of WWI Sterry, Esq., aged four months and ten days. On the 21st., at Brighton, Thomas Hamilton Esq., On the 22d inst., at Cardiff, Susan, relict of the late Win. To good, Esq. aged 54. 0.. London : Printed and Published by 31URDO YOUNG, of 1 0 . 112, Strand, at The Sun Office No. 112, Strand, in the ountY of Middlesex. --Monday, December 26, 1636.