The Sun. — London, England, 1836-12-09 00:00:00

.__,.. ......--- SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. A philosopher of antiquity defined man to be a two legged animal without feathers. It would be difficult to bring Lord Wharncliffe, the Duke of Newcastle, and the Earl of Winchilsea together under any other definition. Cobbett used to say the standard of ra tionality for Peers differed from that for other men, and that it was enough for a Peer if he did not in eating run the fork into his cheek, or could be suffered to walk at large without danger of falling into a quarry. The Duke of Newcastle and Lord Winchilsea are no doubt rational Peers ; but were they Commoners, it might be difficult to determine their quality. Lord Wharncliffe, on the other hand, though far from pos sessing the enlarged views of a statesman, is a shrewd man in the ordinary affairs of life ; and from the man ner in which he long discharged the duties of Chair man of the Magistrates of the West Riding of York shire, he earned the reputation of a good man of busi ness. The party in which these three men are conspicu ous personages must be strangely united. To the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Winchilsea we should never think of appealing ; but Lord Wharncliffe is a man on whom argument is not altogether thrown away. His Lord ship, from the tenour of his defence of the House of Peers at Wakefield, , reminded us o f the French pro verb—gui s'excuse s accuse. It must have been clear to all who heard his Lordship, that he had strong mis givings with regard to the wisdom of the course pur sued by their Lordships, and that he was by no means free from anxious apprehensions as to the consequences to which that course may expose them. The nation i s indebted to his Lordship for wavering in good time, when the more reckless of his party were disposed to push matters to extremities in resisting the Reform Bill ; and notwithstanding his defence of his " order," we are mistaken if he will not soon be found counsel ling a more moderate policy with regard to Irish Cor porations. He never can approve of the insult offered by Lord Lyndhurst to our brethren of Ireland ; and his understanding must repudiate the shallow pre text of withholding from the Irish rights enjoyed by the English and Scotch, because, forsooth, the Irish are divided in religion. Why, the religious animosities have their origin in the denial of civil privileges on account of religion ; and equality of rights and privileges by destroying the cause would of course destroy also the effect. Lord Wharncliffe, by his laborious endeavour to defend the Peers at the bar of the public, proved that he was impressed with the truth of the position, that no body of men in this country can, with safety to themselves, set public opinion at defiance. Now a man of his discernment must be aware that the current is setting in strongly against their Lordships, and that there is hardly an open meeting throughout the country at which Peerage Reform is ntt favourably received. This is a sign of the times which there is no mistaking. In fact the Peers by casting off the people, and claiming irre sponsible power, have deprived themselves of the only sure ground of support in our day. To be favoured by the Peers would be sure to excite the distrust of the people in any man or any measure so distnguished. In the able pamphlet to which we yesterday alluded, .‘ The Conservative Peers and the Reform Ministry," a powerful appeal is made on behalf of Ministers on the ground that their measures were not acceptable to the Peers. " Is rot," says the writer, " the strongest proof of the efficacy and value of the measures of reform introduced during the past session to be found in the resolute and suc cessful opposition made to them in the House of Peers ? Had they been on the level of Tory patriotism—bad they with a treacherous show of remedy struck out the letter of the abuse, but kept alive its spirit—had they been so framed as to provide in appearance for the security of po pular freedom, while in reality they left its protection as in secure as ever—had the Bills been of this Conservative character, would they have been counteracted or cast adrift ? Would they have met with the fate of the Irish Municipal Bill, and the Voters' Registration Bill, and the Charitable Trustees Bill, and the long list of Bills swept away in the train cf them ? No. Their Lordships would have been but too happy to give them effect. They would have been most graciously received, and would have passed without the slightest effort of amendment." This argument ought to weigh the more with those who have any regard for the House of Lords since it is urged, not so much in the way of reproach to that body, as in justification of Ministers. They deserve well of the country—because they ate hated by the Lords. It is supposed that this is proof conclusive. When a thief praises a police officer, honest men ought to distrust him. A Ministry in favour with the Peers ought to be distrusted by the nation. We leave to any able actuary to calculate the probabilities of the life of any institution thus rooted in public odium. Will the Tories succeed in stemming this torrent of odium, by playing off against Ministers Mr. Daniel Whittle Harvey and Mr. Feargus O'Connor? We leave it to the former of these gentlemen to consider whether he has not overshot the mark when he finds himself so great a favourite of the Tories. He has great talents unquestionably ; but if there be any force in the words laudari a laudato viro, what is it to, be praised by those of whose censure all good men are desirous ? The fate of Mr. Hunt is sure to overtake in the long run all who tread in Mr. Hunt's footsteps. Mr. Hunt opposed the Reform Bill because it did not give annual Parliaments and universal suf frage, and the Tories praised him for his honesty and consistency "in going the whole hog." Mr. 'Whittle Harvey is a clever man ; but so was Mr. Hunt ; and the people of Southwark, though they may have been once gammoned, will some day be wide awake. We have more than once adverted to the inconsistency of those Reformers who make the successful opposition of the Peers a ground for withdrawing their support from Ministers. This point has been so forcibly put by the writer of the pamphlet that we shall here tran scribe his arguments " The Bills rejected by the Lords were cast aside because they openly recognised and gave effect to the principles which should be inherent in all political institutions. They went straight onward and at once to the redress of abuses. They did not curtail an excrescent shoot or two, and leave the root of the evil to flourish under ground. Their aim was to give a practical fulfilment to the promise of the Reform Act. Was it the fault .of Ministers that they did not succeed ? To this question all candid minds will return the same answer. Well, then, what better criterior can we have of the character of public men than the class of prin ciples which they advocate, and the tfOnest exertions which they make to carry those principles into effect? That they have been discomfitted by an overruling majority in the Upper House is no ground for reproach. If we disavow and reprobate our real friends because their efforts are for a time unsuccessful, we shall soon give our enemies full possession of the field. To estimate fairly the worth of those who would serve us we must take into account the resistance they have to contend against. If they obtain for us—not all we want—but all tht for the present is attain able, they have done their best. If, having so done, we reject their exertions as of little account, me may depend upon it that our best w ell-wishers will soon tire in our service. " The great question we have to ask ourselves, with re ference to the character and conduct of Ministers, is this : —H ave they disappointed the fair expectations of the people ? Have they, in the measures they have brought forward, justified the confidence reposed in there, or have they abused their power and lied from their trust? Th e reply to these questions is to be found in the ground of dis satisfaction alleged by the more sanguine of the Radical party. It is objected to them that they have permitted ually the most important even of the Bills which they did event But pass to be in part shorn of their strength, by adopting al terations that materially impaired their good effect: does not the very objection admit that they were originally meant to be more effective than the aristrocratic branch of the Legislature would permit them to be? Does it not admit that the Government has been faithful to its trust ; and that if the Tory Peers have looked exclusively to their own interest, Ministers have regarded the interests of the people? If they have not been supported by majorities strong enough to cope with the power and influence and authority of the Upper House, is the fault with them ? You complain that they have yielded to the Tyrant ; but have you given them the means of destroying the tyranny,?" —Morning Chronicle. The arch apostate journal—we need not name it— which the Quarterly Review some time since charac terised as the most profligate print in Europe, has dis covered a new proof of the impending dissolution of the Ministry. And what do our readers suppose is the circumstance which affords this " demonstration strong as proofs of holy writ," that the annihilation of the Melbourne Government is at hand ? Simply the circumstance of Mr. Wakley, Member for Fins bury, and Mr. Daniel Whittle Harvey, Member for Southwark, having chanced to differ the other evening at a public meeting, on the subject of whether or not Church Reform ought to be taken by instalments. Mr. Harvey will accept of nothing unless he gets all he asks for, and at once ; Mr. Wakley, without departing from one iota of the nation's rightful claims, is willing in the meantime to take an instalment, or part payment. Which of the two is the most reasonable man, and which is the most sincere Reformer, is a point on which there cannot be two opinions. We have no right, and certainly we have no wish, to impugn any man's mo tives ; but we may state a fact—one, by the way, to which a morning contemporary yesterday referred — namely, that people do express their doubts as to whe ther so shrewd a person as the lion. Member for Southwark could possibly so far practise deception on himself, as to come to the conclusion that the best way of attaining the object of a full and efficient reform of the Church—an object which he professes to have in view, in common with other Reformers—is by refus ing to accept of any concessions, short of the whole demand, which Ministers may be able to extort from a reluctant Legislature. Mr. Harvey talked, at the meeting in question, about being a tradesman, allud ing, no doubt, to his being the proprietor of a daily and weekly paper. Will he allow us to ask him, whe ther he is willing to extend the principle to his private interests as a tradesman, which he lays down as that by which he is determined to govern his conduct as a Member of the Legislature ? Mr. Harvey, like every other man engaged in business, must expect, in the nature of things, to meet with a greater or less amount of bad debts. If, then, a man fails in business, and owes the Hon. Member 1001., would lie rather lose the whole than accept an instalment of 501 . , or even 251., in the first instance, though still retain ing his right to enforce payment of the remain der as soon as his debtor is in a condition to pay him ? Of all men in the world, Mr. Harvey is the last who, in his capacity of private individual, would act *so foolish a part. Why, then, should he do as a legislator, what be would not do as a man of business ? But not only does the Hon. Member incur the charge of folly in the course he pursues in reference to the question of Church Reform ; he is guilty of attempt ing to vindicate that conduct'bv the most specious fal lacies. He conveniently assumes that those Refor mers who are willing in the meantime to accept of that particular measure of Church Reform which is comprehended in the assertion of the. appropriation principle, have no wish or intention to press further reforms in the Church. Mr. Harvey knows as well as we do, that this is a most unfair representation of the facts of the case. No one knows better than he, that if there be one point on which Reformers are mo r e cordially agreed than another, that point is the necessity of extensive reforms in the Church, and the desirableness of accomplishing those re forms with the greatest practicable expedition. Mr. Harvey knows more than this. He knows, that if all Reformers were to adopt the same line of con duct as he does, those Reforms would never be accom plished at all—not, at any rate, without a revolution. He knows also that those are the only sincere and practical Church Reformers who are willing to accept the desired reforms in instalments, because every suc cessive instalment they receive puts them in a condition more effectually to demand the remainder. Will the Hon. Member for Southwark permit us to put one more question to him I Why does he not apply his "queer" principles on the question of Church Reform to those other measures of Reform which are from time to time brought under his consideration as a Member of the Legislature ? He avows himself to be a Radi cal Reformer. Why, then, did he not abstain from voting on, the question of the Reform Bill, when it was only, in his view, an instalment of what the coun try had a right to demand ? Here the Hon. Gentle man; on his own principles, subjects himself to the charge of the grossest inconsistency. A word now as to the alleged fatal consequences to the Ministry, which a Tory Morning Journal so confidently pre dicts from the recent freaks—to call his conduct by no harsher name—of the Hon. Member for Southwark. It is necessary to remind the print in question, that this is not the first attempt of the kind which Mr. Daniel Whittle Harvey has made to play into the hands of the Tories by dividing the Reformers, and consequently embarrassing the Mi nistry. It needs no great stretch of the memory to recollect his conduct when the appropriation principle was last before the House of Commons. His dex terity, however, on that occasion went for nothing. So it will on this. The Ministry then survived his " ingenious device." So it will now. Reformers continued as united together after it as before. So they will still in spite of the cunning effort made the other day at White Conduit-house. to divide them. What, if these repeated efforts to eject a Reform Mi nistry, and to throw the country—bound hand-and foot—once more into the clutches of the Tories, should recoil on the Hon. Member himself ? His own " ejection" from Southwark was very nearly the price of his anxiety to serve the Conservatives last Session. We should not wonder, and certainly few would regret the circumstance provided it occur, were the conse quence of any similar attempt next Session to be the sending him to Coventry by his constituents. Did we speak without book, when we warned the Reformers the other day to be on their guard against the designs of persons attending and spouting at public meetings as Radicals of the first water, but who have no other object in view than to retard, if not ruin, the cause of Reform, by sowing dissension among its real friends ? We repeat the warning now. Such persons are infi nitely more to be dreaded than the open Tories.— Morning Advertiser. Some of • the Whig Journals, acting upon the well known principle of divide et impera, are zealously at work endeavouring to create jealousy in the ranks of the Conservatives ; and Lord Lyndhurst and Sir Ro bert Peel are naturally enough singled out for this laudable purpose. The Right Hon. Baronet is kindly told that he is likely to be eclipsed, and his by-gone reputation, as head of his party, superseded, by the novel and superior splendour of the Noble and Learned Lord ; and a gentle hint, in the shape of a feeler, is thrown out to the former, that were he to join and carry with him a sort of Juste-milieu-ism to the ranks of the Whigs, he might retain his importance, free from the encroachments of his supposed rival. Both these ideas are as unfounded as they are ridiculous. This is the first time we ever heard that in the affairs of this or any other country there was only room for one man of commanding talents. The happy state of mediocrity which distinguishers our present rulers may naturally enough puzzle them, when they behold two shining lights in the opposite horizon ; but people in general will be better pleased to see distinguished talent increasing, and every office in the State filled by persons competent to fulfil their functions and to command respect. No doubt Sir Robert Peel was, till lately, more distinguished for Parliamentary, if not for Statesmanlike talents, than any of his party ; and that during the late Session Lord Lyndhurst burst upon the public in a new and splen did character. But what is there in that to create jealousy with Sir Robert Peel ? Jealousy is the vice of little minds, and one therefore of which Sir Robert Peel's cannot partake. And the writers we allude to, as well as those who prompt them, may rest assured, that in starting the idea they are again venturing upon a forlorn hope, the desperation of which must be ap parent--if no t t o themselves, to every one else. Still more preposterous is the idea of Sir Robert Peel being now inducedd to join their ranks, by any temptation which th e y could offer. There was a time, perhaps — about the period of Lord Grey's retirement from office .when the Whigs had it in their power to have formed a strong Government, by a parties in the union of the heads of the t wo influen tial State . That op portunity, however, they let slip ; if, indeed, they ever con templated it. A. subser v i e ncy to Mr. O'Con nell, ending in the disgraceful coalition of Lichfield House, sui ted their views bette r , as k ee ping, for a time among at themselvesleast tlie ; sweets office more exclusively andi of it is isnow too late, even were To talk of tshiervitsoobienretlipneeedl, t t l o ni r t e in p g, air w th ith eir t p h a e st d e rregs error. of the Whig is a proposition too superlatively ridiculous discussion. No upheld by the 0 Connell Tail, ou s to admit of No ; Sir Robert Peel ha s a course to pursue, plainly pointed out.—Morning Herald. The first decided check to the revolutionary im pulses stimulated by a factious perversion of the Re. form Bill, was given unquestionably by Sir Robert THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDA Y, DECEMBER 9, 1836 Peel in his address to the electors of Tamworth ; and from the moment when this generous and confiding , nation extended to the Right Hon. Baronet that con fidence which he so nobly ratified by his subsequent Government, scarcely a day has passed without fur nishing new evidence of the re-ascendancy of reason and judgment among the constitutional Reformers of England. Symptomatic of this, in the first in stance, was the general election of 1835, whereby the number of Conservative senators, as compared with the preceding Parliament, was more than doubled in the House of Commons : while even in those places where constitutional candidates were defeated, the number of votes in their favour was in general not merely twice as great as the suffrages they had received at a former contest, but in most cases within a decimal of beating their Whig-Radical opponents. What hap pened immediately on the back of Sir Robert Peers resignation is not yet forgotten by our readers. Trans mitted from all quarters, and signed by millions of our countrymen, we had those numerous addresses of congratulation presented to the ex-Government which were so fittingly pioneered by that proud document from the city of London, whose splendid array of sig natures by the thousands occupied for days the co lumns of this journal. Next came the mortifying in terdict which the 12,000 gentlemen of South Devon and Hants put upon the " for -God's-sake-take-me" of two of the famished hounds of the Lichfield kennel, whose hunger for office had compelled them to fasten themselves upon a recoiling King and a disgusted peo ple. Immediately afterwards, when Mr. Whig Lit tleton was shelved with a Peerage, Staffordshire spoke out its loathing of the Melbourne hypocrites, by electing the Conservative Sir Harry Goodricke. The return to principles of loyal and constitutional reform now began to be apparent in every part of the kingdom. In proportion as electors became convinced of the selfishness, meanness, and treachery whereby Whig-Radicalism has rendered itself a synonym for infamy, one constituency after another struck in with the general note of reprobation against the despised Whigs ; and as often as Parliamentary seats happened to become vacant, the counties and boroughs of Britain seemed absolutely to vie with each other in manifesting their complete recovery from the revolutionary fever, and their convalescent testimony in favour of Conserva tive practice. Meanwhile, the distrust of the O'Con nell Ministry, so extensively entertained by many noblemen and gentlemen favourable to liberal measures, was gradually ripened into hostility by the progressive developments of the revolutionary clique. The powerful protests of Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham against the Popish and democratic policy of their quondam colleagues were strengthened by the concurrent sup port of many of the oldest and truest Reformers in the country. Nor were these declarations of the more dis tinguished Whigs, proclaiming their secession from a party whom they could no longer countenance without personal dishonour and a sacrifice of pub lic interests, anything else than what our Scotch friends would call the braird of that perennial har vest of sound patriotism which has since widened and waved over every district of the land. Hav ing the purification and maintenance of our national institutions as its principle of attraction, the Conser vative cause drew within its circle, and incorporated into an immense mass, all the homogeneous elements of the old State parties which had formerly been di vided, not so much on essentials, as on questions of mode and time. Then arose in every part of the king dom those patriotic associations, whose crowded, trium • pliant, and incessant meetings, not consisting exclu sively of Whigs or Tories, but comprising the united worth and intelligence of both, have given such an irrecoverable blow to democracy and Derrynanery in all creditable society, as has already put them out of fashion preparatory to putting them out of life. The example thus set by the educated classes, was spee dily followed by multitude of reflecting artisans. So that, while old and tried Reformers—such as Sir George Robinson, Lord Charles Townshend, and countless others, were daily, one after another, de nouncing the perfidy of the jobbing and revolutionary Liberals whom they felt impelled to desert, a similar de monstration of constitutional sentiment was extensively exhibited among our honest English operatives, who, disgusted with the tyrannical poor-law of Ministerial Whiggery, have recently rallied in great strength around the Conservative standard. Well, but still there has been no re-action ! So say those poor, deserted, and " despised Whigs," whose instinctive wish to retain office is father to the flattering thought. So say those still poorer retainers of theirs, who, figuring in their morning and evening liveries of shabby-genteel, cannot hear to have it surmised that their masters and them selves are among the victims who have seen better days. To give these latter the praise due to their fidelity, we own that they are the very Caleb Baldersons of the political family now fallen into decay ; nor are they slow, unskilful, or unscrupulous in practising all the ingenious arts that may best sustain the tottering credit of their house. Unfortunately, however, there are certain guests of the ruined castle, as well as certain scullions in its kitchen, whose love of truth or tattle is continually ex posing its impoverished resources and its limited domain. We shall give, in the first instance, the testimony of Lord William Bentinck, whose disclosures, as an at tached connexion, must doubtless have disconcerted the honest Calebs in no ordinary degree. When his Lordship was in Glasgow the other day, endeavouring to conciliate his firmer constituents, and to put them in the best possible disposition for welcoming the visit of Sir Robert Peel, he fearlessly broached the follow ing question in answer : " Whence arose the re-action they had witnessed in the public mind ? Simply, from the conviction that there was no end to the demands of the Reformers." Now this same Lord William, who dined Provost Mills, of Glasgow, and his chained bear, Bailie Lums den, so sumptuously last May, is scarcely less distin guished for his sagacity than is the Bailie for his am bitious purchases of curious old plate and his indig nant refusal of the anti-dry-rot agency. With a judgment, therefore, mellowed and matured under the suns of Bengal, the ex-Governor of India not only admits the full extent of " the re-action" he had wit nessed in this country, but (going a much greater length than we do) virtually asserts that that re-action can be put an end to only by putting an " end to the demands of the Reformers." Whatever of Whig resources and prosperity this confession may indicate, we make the trusty Calebs heartily welcome to. Take next the recent grumblings of a Sunday menial, whose indifferent commons and hopeless toils have induced him to give up his place at a month's notice. Un able to save appearances any longer under the empty larder and kitchen squabbles of his fellow servants, he gives the following " warning," in which it is dif ficult to say whether the civil or the surly be most predominant : ~ We have long given a disinterested, and consistent, support to the present Ministry ; but it is now our convic tion, which we feel it a duty to avow, that in its existing form, and ' per se,' this Cabinet cannot stand the assaults of the next Parliamentary Session ! A mere Whig Mi nistry, without the full support of the reform section in the Commons' House—not to speak of the mass of the nation out of doors—cannot front the thickly -packed and united array of the Conservatives, even in the Lower House, for a single month !" But, of course, there is no re-action in all this. Alas, for the unhappy Whigs !. Degraded, disgraced, and despised by their own special bondagers, it were scarcely within the rules of humane chivalry to give them another lunge.— Times. At a select meeting of the principal inhabitants of Lambeth, which took place on Wednesday,the will be bKe seen of Kerry was one of the gues ts ; and, by the report of the proceedings which appears in an other part of our paper, the opportunity was embraced to introduce the Right Hon. Gentleman as a fit and proper person to represent that important borough in the next Parliament. The occasion required that Mr. Fitzgerald should make a speech explanatory of his views of public affairs at the present crisis ; and the sentiments he expressed, no less than the ability with which he proclaimed and defended them, made such an impression upon the assembly, while on the other hand the warmth and cordiality with which the ex position of his political principles was received, made such an impression on the Right Hon. Gentleman, that before they . separated the loyal and respectable hosts, and their Right Hon. guest, had become mutually pledged to each other, the latter to stand forward on the first opportunity as a candidate for the representation of the borough, and the former to use every exertion in their power to secure his return. It would, indeed, be difficult for the Conservativrs of Lambeth, or, we might justly add, for the loyal constituency of any other British borough, city, or county, to find a candidate upon whom it would be more honourable to them or more advantageous to the cause of the Constitution that their suffrages should be bestowed. The long public life of Mr. Fitzgerald attests that his qualifications for the arduous task which he offers to undertake are of no common order. He enjoyed during the long period in which he represented his native county in Parliament the boundless confidence and esteem of his constitu ents, together with the highest respect of Statesmen, who ennobled the House of Commons by their pa triotism and talents, at a time when the standard of ex cellence in that assembly was, by the confession of all mankind, much more exalted than at present. These are distinctions to which few of the public men who remain to us can lay claim. But none of these is the proudest or brightest distinction which illustrates the honourable name and sheds lustre upon the public course of Mr. Fitzgerald. He was deemed worthy by Mr. O'Connell and the Popish party, of which that gentleman is at once the leader and the slave, to be placed among the first in that list of proscription by which they demonstrated the hypocrisy of all their professions, while petitioners for political power ; and their ingratitude and perfidy towards those who, having fallen into the generous mistake of trusting to what they said, assisted them to attain their object. To have been proscribed by those who select, with unerring instinct, whoever are most eminent for talent, public virtue, and patriotic zeal; is a recom mendation to confidence and favour which can scarcely be withstood by any body of British electors, now that the policy and motives of the proscription are fully un derstood. It is needless for us to notice in detail the excellent speech of, Mr. Fitzgerald, since its own merits and the interest of the occasion on which it was delivered, will ensure its universal perusal. The Right Hon. Gentleman gave, perhaps, the clearest and the most suitable exposition of his political principles, when he said that he is decidedly opposed to all the four revolutionary projects, which the Members for Lambeth, a few days ago, stamped with the seal of their public approbation, in deference to a bare majority of a disorderly mob, assembled in the same room in which the Lambeth Conservative leaders held their well con ducted meeting. The Knight of Kerry will support the constitutional character and independence of the House of Lords, which those who now misrepresent Lambeth, while they obey any mob that may be collected together within its boundaries, are pledged to destroy. The Knight of Kerry will oppose universal suffrage, be cause he knows that this extension of the franchise is only sought for the mischievous purpose of depriving the property of the, country of all share of political power. The Knight of Kerry will resist the project of secret voting, because he knows that it would degrade the character of the people, and lead inevitably to the establishment of a system of secure and wholesale bribery. The Right Hon. Gentleman will withstand any proposal to shorten the duration of Parliaments, because he does not desire to keep up perpetual and unwholesome excitement in the public mind, and because lie does desire that Members of Parliament should have time and opportunity to do something more than to canvass incessantly either to obtain or to secure their seats. On these several subjects Mr. Fitzgerald is determined to ascertain whether a ma jority of the electors of Lambeth are in unison with him, or with their present representatives. We will not insult the electors of Lambeth by supposing that the issue can be doubtful.—Morning Post. M. Bouvier, a French surgeon, has discovered a mode of curing club feet, by cutting across the tendon Achilles. A letter from Galicia contains the following parti culars :—" The penitentiary system of Russia is the most dreadful that can be imagined. The Russian system kills the body, but the Austrian one kills the soul. The poli tical prisoners are thrust into dungeons where light never penetrates, and where they have scarcely room to move. They are whipped at fixed intervals. Out of ten persons, three are reckoned to die from this harsh treatment, and seven turn mad. On leaving prison some are no more able to recognise their nearest relations. This severity has turned several Polish refugees into idiots, and several Ger man students as well."—Messager. RUSSIA.—No one (says a recent writer) who has not visited Russia can possibly conceive the shameful treat ment of the peasantry by holders of public situations. If a man wears a red collar to his coat ; if he has a double headed eagle, or the name of the Emperor stamped on his buttons, he has a right to tyrannise with impunity over all the postilions and waiters, and over the villagers and Jews. But great as are the sufferings of the serfs, from the arbi trary exercise of authority by the agents of the Govern ment, it is not to be imagined that the circumstances of those agents themselves, or those of the citizens, or even of the Nobles, are much better. In Russia, whoever is sus pected or informed against, is seized and imprisoned, with out distinction of rank, age, or sex, and without even the semblance of legal procedure. On Friday the river had risen to five metres seven decimetres, by the scale at the Pont de la Concorde. On Saturday it was at six metres exactly, having gained in the interval three decimetres, or nearly one foot. Yesterday it was two decimetres higher. All the cellars in the Cite and in the neighbourhood of the Hotel de Ville are filled with water. The Quai de la Greve is covered to the depth of two feet ; the doors of the houses are barricaded, and the inhabitants have taken every means to prevent the water from entering the ground-floors of their houses ; this, how ever, has been, in most instances, impossible, where the doors are on a level with the ground. In these cases the inhabitants have been driven to take refuge in the upper stories. We are happy to state that the authorities have taken such judicious measures of precaution at all points where the river has overflowed its banks, that as yet no serious accident has occurred.—Paris Paper. The Lord Pembroke who collected the statues and medals at Wilton was a great humourist. He chose that his eldest son should always live in the house with him while unmarried. The son, who was more than of age, and had a will of his own, often chose to live elsewhere. But let him be ever so distant, or stay away ever so long, his father still insisted on supposing him present ; every day gravely bidding the butler tell Lord Herbert dinner was ready ; and the butler every day as gravely bringing word that "his Lordship dined abroad." Marrying for the ' third time at 75, he maintained strict dominion over a wife whom other people thought safely arrived at years of dis cretion, and quite fit to take care of herself. She had leave to visit in an evening, but must never on any account stay out a minute later than 10 o'clock, his supper hour. One night, however, she stayed till past 12. He declined supping, telling the servants it could not be 10 o'clock, as their lady was not come home. When at last she came in a terrible fright, and began making a thousand apologies, " My dear," said he very coolly, " you are under a mis take, it is but just 10 ; your watch, I see, goes too fast, and so does mine : we must have the man to-morrow to set them to rights ; meanwhile, let us go to supper."—Lord Wharneliffe's Lady Wortley. Died on Friday the 21st of October last, at Phila delphia, in the 78th year of his age, Gilbert Robertson, Esq., his Britannic Majesty's Consul in that city. As the deceased had many friends in great Britain who were attached to him, we extract the following account from the obituary of a Philadelphia paper :—" It is not our purpose to enter into any details relative to the merits of the deceased as a public functionary. The continued approbation of his Sovereign is sufficient proof of his having satisfactorily per formed the duties of his responsible office. Cherishing an ardent and unabated fondness for the land of nativity, we have reason to believe that he had entertained the most kindly dispositions towards the country in which he was des tined to live for nearly half a century. Commemorative of him only in his private capacity is the ensuing notice inten ded. No one of this community was, perhaps, more widely or advantageously known, and none, certainly, whose death would be more generally or deeply lamented. Long resident in it, he sustained by the weight of his character and the polish and amenity of hid address, the highest posi tion in society, to which he largely contributed by a singu larly liberal and refined hospitality. Bred in the old school of manners, he presented the best and among the very last specimens of his peculiarities. Dignified and courtly, he was still cordial and gracious, and it was impossible to ap proach him and not to feel respect, or to conciliate his inti macy without this sentiment being converted into the warmest affection. The whole of his qualities were elevated, robust, and manly. Eminently distinguished by truth, sincerity, and frankness, he never forfeited those virtues on any occa sion, and seemed uniformly to turn with instinctive disgust from all that is mean, sordid, diminutive, or wily Thus generous, open, and unreserved, he commanded entire con fidence, and secured to the last moments of existence a band of faithful and devoted friends, who watched over him in his lingering illness with the tenderest solicitude, and now deplore his decease as an extinguishment of no small portion of their purest happiness." LAW INTELLIGENCE VICE-CHANCERY COURT, DEC. 8. THE MARQUIS OF BREADALBANE V. THE MARQUIS OF CHANDOS. Mr. TINNEY replied this morning to the arguments urged by the other side in support of the injunction, and after re stating the objections put forth in his opening speech, parti cularly dwelt on the fact that all Scotch lawyers held it to be necessary that the child should give her express consent in so many words to abandon her title to legitim. In the present case it never had been asserted that any such con sent was either given or implied, or that the Marquis or Marchioness of Chandos had any thought of legitim at the time they signed the marriage articles. The LORD CHANCELLOR d►rected the parties to hand up the documents referred to, that he might have an opportu nity to examine them before he pronounced his opinion on the motion. ROLLS COURT, DEC. 8. DODSON a. LYALL. In this case, which was not concluded yesterday when we went to press, his Loanstin. said, before he gave judg ment or the case he should look through the pleadings and the cases cited at the bar. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, DEC. 8. MEEK AND OTHERS V. BAKER. In this case, which was not concluded yesterday when we went to press, the Jury returned a verdict for the defendant TAYLOR. V. BIRNIE. This was an action brought by the plaintiff, George Taylor, a mariner, against Mr. Birnie, the son and executor of Alexander Birnie, who had been the sole owner of the ship Elizabeth, to recover wages for service rendered on board the said ship, during the space of about twenty-four months. The plaintiff, at about the age of seventeen, having gone out in another ship belonging to the same owner, called the Ann, and considering himself ill-used, left her upon arriving at the island of Rotuma in the South Seas, where in May, 1833, the Elizabeth arrived, having been cruising in the South Seas, on a whale voyage, From that island to Hobart Town, Van Diemen's Laud, the plaintiff worked his passage on board the Elizabeth. At Hobart Town the former captain left the vessel, and a new captain took charge of her. The old crew were then dis charged, and amongst other mariners the plaintiff was taken on board. The vessel left Hobart Town in December, 1833, and arrived in England on the 28th of September, 1835 ; and for the services rendered by the plaintiff during that time the present action was brought. The Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff for the full amount claimed. EXCHEQUER COURT, DEc. 8. YOUNG V. SLARKE AND ANOTHER. This was an action to recover a sum of 1201. for goods sold and delivered to the defendants. The plaintiff was a glass-manufacturer, and the defendants carried on partner ship as painters and graziers. One of the defendants suf fered judgment to go by default, and gave an acknowledg ment of the debt. The other defendant put in a plea deny inc, the partnership, and relied upon a return of a portion o f the goods which were damaged. A great deal of evidence was adduced to prove that a partnership existed at the time of the delivery of the goods, the charges for which were fair and reasonable. The Jury found for the plaintiff, and his Lordship awarded speedy execution. ERLE V. ORBELL. This was an action to recover compensation in damages for assault and battery. The defendant pleaded not guilty, and also that plaintiff committed the first assault, to which there was the usual replication. The plaintiff was a solici tor, and the defendant a horse-dealer, both residing at Rom ford. The parties made bets at the races at Chelmsford. The plaintiff went, in company with a gentleman named Robertson, to defendant, to pay the bet which he had lost. The defendant began, after some little time, to abuse Mr. Erie for being concerned in a former lawsuit against him, when the assault took place. The Jury found for the plain tiff, with 10/. damages. PREROGATIVE COURT, DEC. 8. Among a mass of other formal business, the Court de creed that, " In the goods of Miss Vaughan, late of Man chester-square, deceased," a fac-simile probate should pass to the will and codicil annexed, in which legacies were be queathed to the amount of 130,000/., and to which a pe culiarity was attached, viz., that it bore no date, and that no mention was made of either an executor or a residuary legatee. MARSH V. GEE. This was a suit respecting two testamentary papers left by Mr. Thomas May, who died in December, 1835, at Barnstaple. One of them bore the date 15th June, 1835, and left Mr. Richard Gee, one of the parties in this suit, sole executor and residuary legatee. The other, dated the 16th of December, a few days previous to his death, ap pointed Mr. Marsh, the promoter of this suit, sole execu tor and one, with Mr. Gee and others, of his residuary legatees. An allegation exceptive to the testimony of Mr. Robert Jones, a principal witness for Marsh, has been ad mitted. The case now came on for hearing. The Learned JUDGE decreed in favour of the will bear ing date December, 1835, and that the costs should be paid out of the estate. COURT OF BANKRUPTCY.—Dxe. 8. A. ANDERSON'S BANKRUPTCY. A meetinc, of the creditors under the commission issued against this bankrupt was held to-day, further to consider some points connected with the estate, the party having been engaged, previously to 'the date of the bankruptcy in 1812, as a banker and merchant, and to adopt steps to de clare a dividend out of funds recently arising from money obtained as a compensation for book debts confiscated in 1807 by the Danish Government. Mr. RUSSELL attended as Counsel for Mr. Bain, to sup port his right to a sum amounting to about 94/., paid to him by the official assignee, for having assisted in procuring payment of a claim for about 2,0001., on behalf of the es tate, upon the Danish Compensation Commissioners. The Learned Gentleman said statements.had been made at the last meeting, and behind the back of his client, which had been made public, and which, if uncontradicted, would tend to do Mr. Bain injury, it having been stated that he had re ceived a greater amount for his services than was necessary. Mr. Bain had established an agency in Copenhagen, to ob tain full information relative to the claims of British subjects upon the Danish Government for the confiscation of book debts, and had given the first information to the official assig nee that the estate of Mt. Anderson had a claim. Mr. Bain had undertaken the recovery of this debt, and had succeeded. It had been argued that if any party were entitled to com pensation it was Mr. Shillito ; but that gentlemen had not done anything for the separate estate. Mr. Bain was a Parliamentary agent, and, having been frequently engaged in such transactions as the present, was enabled speedily to obtain the payment of the claims made on behalf of the estate, out of the fund for the compensation of British sub jects for the confiscation of the Danish Government. Mr. Bain had agreed to undertake the duty for 5 per cent. on the sum recovered ; he had succeeded, but still he had been improperly held up to the world in that Court as hay ing received money improperly. He (Mr. Russell) trusted that the Commissioners, would think the amount paid to Mr. Bain by the official assignee was proper, and that the unfounded statements made against that gentlemen would be refuted. Mr. MURRAY, the solicitor to the assignee, had not said one word, tending to impute any improper motive on the part of Mr. Bain. He "objected to the payment made by the official assignee, on the ground that it was unnecessary to employ an agent to obtain the money. The assignees were aware that the bankrupt had a claim, as an entry ap peared on the ledger to such an effect. The COMMISSIONER said that he had made inquiries as to the course adopted in similar cases, and he felt satisfied that it had been necessary to employ an agent. The only question was as to the amount which ought to be paid for such assistance. Mr. Bain was examined, and after stating the steps he had taken to obtain information relative to the claims of British subjects, he said he had been employed in other cases where the claimants had become bankrupts, and had received from ten to fifteen per cent. on the amount reco vered, but had received less than five per cent. The list of British claims obtained by his agent in Copenhagen was had prior to that procured by the British Ambassador, and sent to this country. The Commissioner said there was a very general impres sion that an agent should have at least five per cent. for his services ; but if the question arose on a prospective case he should consider that too much. As the payment had been made, he did not see any reason to disturb it. A question arose at the last meeting as to whether, un der the Bankruptcy Law, the official assignee was liable to the penalty of 20 per cent. upon monies received on ac count of the bankrupt's estate, and not immediately paid into the Bank of England. A point also stood over for consideration, whether unclaimed dividends so held came under the same rule. The Commissioners held that if the penalty was pressed he was compelled to enforce it ; though he was of opinion that the clause arose in consequence of an oversight. Mr. MURRAY submitted that 20 per cent. ought to be charged upon the amount. The COMMISSIONER held that this was not the intention of the Legislature, and as the clause was highly penal he should give the benefit of the doubt to the official assignee. The official assignee explained that the error arose in his having been called upon to make out the returns by the Court which prevented the possibility of balancing his ac counts so promptly as usual. The COMMISSIONER felt assured that the circumstance arose from inadvertence ; but as it had been called to his knowledge he was compelled to enforce the penalty. A dividend was then ordered to be declared ; but the am ount was not stated, the eigtmlations not being completed. POLICE INTELLIGENCE . _ HATTON-GARDEN. Yesterday Eliza Jenkins, alias White, was finally exa mined, charged by Mr. Hewitt, the master of St. Andrew's Workhouse, Gray's Inn-lane, with having stolen 43 shirts, value 6/. The prosecutor, being sworn, stated that the prisoner was a pauper in the workhouse. The parish was in the habit of receiving linen from various army clothiers for the purpose of making up Shirts for soldiers, and he (the prosecutor) was privileged to employ the female paupers to do the work, and he appointed the prisoner as forewoman over the others when he entrusted her with the linen. On Sunday last a pawnbroker's duplicate for five shirts was found in the work house, which the prisoner claimed, and on beinc, questioned she confessed that she had pledged others , and she delivered up 37 duplicates. Mr. LAING inquired whether he (Mr. Hewitt) was ac countable for any losses that might happen in the work house ? Mr. Hewitt—The linen was delivered into my Fos -- session, and I am accountable for all my acts, under a cer tain salary, by the new Poor Law Bill. The overseers have no more to do with the management of the workhouse than a stranger or foreigner. Mr. James Hodson, foreman to Pratt and Son, army clo thiers, of Charing-cross, proved that they were in the habit of delivering linen at the workhouse, which he marked, and that the shirts produced consisted of their linen. A host of pawnbrokers proved that the shirts produced (43) was pledged by the prisoner in the name of Ann and Mary White, from the month of September to the present month. The prisoner said nothing in her defence, and she was fully committed for trial. MARLBORO UGH-STREET. The office was yesterday crowded to hear the examina tion of a person assuming the name and rank of Major Willins, of the 12th Lancers, who is charged with having defrauded a number of tradesmen by false representations. In the event of the prisoner's discharge a number of sheriff's officers were in attendance with writs against him. Mr. Hayes, upholsterer, of Bond -street, who was the cause of the apprehension of the prisoner, produced an authenticated document to Mr. Chambers, by which it appeared that a true bill had been found against him that morning at the Westminster Sessions for felony. Before the prisoner was placed at the bar a gentleman told Mr. Chambers that he had received a letter from Bath, requesting him to see the prisoner, as it was suspected that the prisoner was a person who had been swindling tradesmen in Bath about three years ago. The prisoner having been put to the bar, the gentleman said, " This is the man. He has been travelling over all parts of the kingdom levying taxes upon tradespeople. My name is Marshall, a tailor and draper in Bath. The pri soner called on me about three years ago and obtained goods. He gave the name of Willis then." Prisoner—l gave the name of Williams. I never went by any other name. Mr. CHAMBERS—What is the name you went by before that of Williams ? Prisoner—l shall not answer that question. Mr. Sanderaon—His own name is Levi. He obtained goods from me as Major Kerr. He said he was the son of the Marquis of Lothian, and had three suits against his relatives in the county session. I found out that all this was untrue. Prisoner—You have got security for every farthing I owe you. Mr. Sanderson—l certainly have a sort of mortgage on some houses which your wife has a reversionary interest in ; but I do not know if the security is worth anything yet. You gave me a forged bill, which bill I have in mY possession now. Mr. CHAMBERS—I cannot take notice of any simple contract matters ; if any one present can show any felony or false pretence, I am ready to hear him. A Tradesman—He represented himself to be Major Willins. ...... Mr. CHAMBERS—That is only a bare lie, and a tradesman is supposed to be in a situation to detect anything of that sort ; but to make it a felony there must be some sort of false token. The prisoner must have produced a bill, or something of the kind. There is no charge before me against the prisoner ; he therefore stands committed on the certificate of indictment. Several persons came forward claiming property from the prisoner. One claimed several horses, another the lease of stables, and another some cabriolets. The prisoner promised to enter into an arrangement , and was then removed. MAR YLEB ONE. Yesterday Mr. Carter, the barrister, residing at No. 4, Langford-place, Lisson-grove, was summoned before Mr. Hosams, charged with keeping a dangerous and ferocious dog, which had torn the trousers of a gentleman's se rvant named Richard Bell, residing in the same vicinity. Mr. HOSKINS (to defendant)—You must keep the dog muzzled ; and I should recommend y o u t o make the com plainant a suitable recompence. Defendant—l'm sorry I can't comply with your request. I have no objection to make the man a recompense, but I cannot upon all occasions have the dog muzzled when he goes out. Mr. Hosxms—Then I shall 'require you to find security to keep the peace, that his Majesty's subjects may not be bitten by your dog. Defendant—l have no bail with me. Am Ito Consider myself in custody ? Mr. Ilosxms—Certainly. After being detained about an hour the defendant was was liberated on entering into his own recognizance of 501. Joseph Jackman, William Summers, and William Ayers, three men in the employ of Mr. Runey, artists' colour my nufacturer, of Rathbone-place, Oxford-street, were brought before the sitting magistrates, Messrs. SHUTT and Hos- KiNs, on a warrant, by Dutch, an officer of , the establish ment, ch arge d on suspicion of having poured a quantity of spirits of turpentine over one of their fellow-workmen , named William Kibble, and then setting fire to it, by which the poor fellow was so frightfully burnt as to leave scarcely a hope of his recovery. The prisoners asserted their innocence, and said that the occurrence must have been accidental. They all as sisted in extinguishing the flames. Mr. SHUTT—Can the sufferer identify any of the pri' soners as having committed the offence ? Brother—l don 't think be can, though he strongly suspects them. Mr. SHUTT—When will your relative be able to attend* do you think? Brother—Really I can't say. I'm a fraid he'll never live. Mr. SHUTT—There is no evidence upon which I can detain the prisoners, and they will be discharged upon pro' raising to attend when called upon. The brother suggested that they should be held_to bad; but this was refused, and they were discharged. TALES OF THE WOODS AND FIELDS.---Th o high reputation acquired by" The Two Old Men's Tales , has, we are happy to find, induced their Author to Furnish us with a second series under the above title. These Tales fully sustain the distinguished celebrity of their predecessor s they evince an extraordinary power in tracing the s trong emotions of the heart, and show with singular, skill the P lll of those deep feelings which agitate impassioned na.tures. Their great characteristics are grace and pathos ; a nd their truths are of the most touching description. They ar e u ' throughout full of interest, and cannot fail of affording a Tic' treat to all who may peruse them. SILVER CANDLESTIG from Five Guineas to Six Guineas per pair. An elegant aid eite n : sive variety of Silver Candlesticks of new and tasteful patterns , rying from nine to ten inches in height, may be selected f rom at ' d above price, at T. COX SAVORY'S, Working Silver and Gold smith, 47, Cornhill, London. N.B.—A Pamphlet, with Drawings, Lists of Prices o f Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks, &c., may be had gratis , o r will be forwarded in answer to a post-paid application. Plate, B IBM?. On the 7th inst., Mrs. George Henry, of Finsbury-circus, of 5 daughter. MARRIED. On the 7th inst., at Melcombe Regis, Thomas, second son of the Rev. M. Onslow, Rector of Bradford Peverell , Dorsetshire, to Lucy Anne Katharine, youngest daughter of the late Rev. J. Lockwood, Vicar of Croydon, Surrey. On the 7th inst., at iVandsworth, William, second son of Th° 9 ' Herring, Esq., of Belise, Hampstead, to Elizabeth, eldest daughter of T. Chapman, Esq., of Wandsworth. On the sth inst., at the British Embassy , Paris, Edmund °3" en' Plunkett, Esq., to Eliza Louisa Money, widow of the late Jam es Money, Esq. Ge nf On the 6th inst., at St. Peter's Ch urch, Bedford ; the Rev. Maclear, to Catherine, relict of th e late Rev. J. Youn g , Vicar Cockerham, Lancashire. On the 6th inst., at Friern Barnet, John, second son Miler Esq., of West-end, Hampstead, to Mary, third daughter of Ge° Smith, Esq., of Colney Hatch. DIED. On the sth inst., at Richmond, William Thomp.s, eldest sort ot W. Chapman, Esq., aged S. On the 6th inst ., Anna Maria, eldek daughter of the late ReY• E. Parker, Rector of Bacton, Sufolk. On the 7th i nst., at Park-corner, Hants, aged 51, Sir J. Llo y d Dukinfield, Bart. On the 7 t h inst., in Lower Brook-street, Thomas Park inson, Esq., aged 61. On the 7th inst., in Upper Wimnole-street, Emma,. the -wife of oFfrvacll?,..l3cruersncaenndt: Esq. On the 31st of Jul Esq., and eldest daughter- of S. N. C awley, Esq., July, at Rajcote,:aged 26, Lieutenant Walter Var don,lst Regiment Bombay - Light Cavalry, second son of S. A. Vardon, Esq., of Oxford-terrace Hyde-prl o tte, wife of R. Four'ark. On the 6th inst., aged 29, Annie Chi Esq., of Lansdowne-place, Cheltenham. On the 7th in s t., in Albion-street, Hyde-park, William Onw orth• youngest London : P r i n ted and Publis hed b y MURDO YOUNG" ' 4 O °P t : 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. ,836. 112, Strand, in e of Middlesex. —Friday, December 9,