The Sun. — London, England, 1839-04-05 00:00:00

✓i lanket lodg let the good indict- )scoe's h e pri. nglish, s . 6d. ,sed to in, and ifferent 1 of !t. rich be other re him him as to his on the ned to e other 9 him• e d that fury, if ntity of Id then to bal l persons h e eon )n bat Lpere The • ners be 3 to be )at tpa oertf 0f i at al o, a l ": pocka' tor wl s of be y V 1 ere, s. ter, gnu g h a t be refi3 l4 er poi aw the ientifica Guilty o i P eru MIS OP o f boo tee . saw tbe also"' bop• of iigbt asion to sepdigg Cd keo to l° lowtbs' - ry o ppt e ll as e neßp ,topii ler& A d v ow iv coo: ,a .by him I " Off t,l et ° ), severed er bee n n tbet 1 be i get . lildrea. ?erg t(r ted. t preSeti , at tbe s. en into Bt judt.' bee ° t , tee ° nn t o l arilie°l;, tea f°l'' Ntolu foti," o 4043: fath er ,' ildr eo y ildre? a 10111 P 4 to t , eat a ;forta", ~• ...10., O.'''. I . I VENING RDITION FACTS FOR FARMERS. ry e are continually told by Sir Robert Peel, the Duke of Buckingham, Sir James Graham, the Duke of Richmond, Mr. Cayley, and the other leaders of what is called the landed interest in both Houses of Parliament, that the Corn-laws are in tended for the benefit of the farmers and the agri cultural labourers :—the landlords, who passed these laws in 1815, with the Parliament Houses surrounded by soldiers to keep off the enraged mob, assur e us that the;r only aim was to put money into the pockets of the tenants and labourers, — that they deriv e no b ene fi t themselves from the Corn -laws. One thing is certain, these laws do put a great deal of money into somebody's pockets. The very lowest sum at which the difference be- tween the price of the corn sold every year in En gland, and the price at which the same quantity is sold on the Continent of Europe, is fourteen millions of pounds sterling. This immense amount of money is paid by the consumers of agri cultural produce, over and above the price at which it might be bought from the French or Germans— it is paid by the labourer, the artisan, the widow, the orphan, the old man, and the babe—for all eat bread, or oatmeal, or barley cake. But who pockets a ll this gold ? T hat is the question which we are now to inquire a b out . Th e l andlords in the Houses of Lords and Commons tell us that the farmers and labourers get every farthing of it ; whilst they gain nothing themselves but blame and ill-will for hav ing framed the Corn-laws. But we must not think that all the landlords veral, as in P ar li ament tell the same story. There are se- Lord R a d nor, E arl Fitzwilliam, and Sir Geor ge Strickland, who tell us that the Corn -1514 inflict g mor e reat injury upon t h e f armers and la bourers ; and th at t h ey were passed only to put Y into the pockets.' of the landlords. Which o f these o Neith er , until w posite stories must w beeve we have examined b o th. e We li have h eard a great deal on one side ; let us now hear w hat Earl Fitzwilliam says on the other. His ers Lordship, who is hi mse l f one of the greatest land own in England, h as published three addresses to the landowners of England. The first appeared in February, 1831. The next came out in April, 1 , 835 . And the third and last was published in danuary, 1839 . These three addresses are now printed in a che a p form, stitched t oge th e r, a n d a ll Tay be botight of Ridgway, the ulisher, icea "l4, Lond on, or ordered throueh p a b booksell P er in any country town, at 6d. Every farmer or labourer who wishe s to know the truth of this question, about i;_nths, and perhaps which all the country is sure to be agitated for many years to come, will buy dresses Lord Fitzwilliarn's first, second, and third Ad c to the Landowners of England on the to orn-laws." We have given the title of the work prevent mistakes ; and now we shall give a few short extracts, in order that our readers may judge of the sack by the quality of the sample. 0 His by begins with an inquiry into the coos god of the Corn-laws upon the most nume °us body of agriculturists. We give his own word s : o urer in b F irst of a ll, l et us examine the case of the la husbandry. ho Lnok at his habits and circumstances—consider d e : i v lar ge a portion of his-slender income is expen a in the purchase of bread and flour —and can fi l : e Y d of you sineve at the conclusion that he is bene tbi, from hornliardly being the case, that probably, there is a class of labourers more interested in having , bandy c heap than those who are engaged in hus co n Y ; because there is none that spends so much, up on ' Para tivelv, upon the necessaries, and so little the comforts, or the luxuries of life. His Lordshi ev er y ins p now a pp ea l s to exper i ence ; and th e follow. n abo ve t h e age of fifty can tell whether Period of th --ing statement of facts be true :—Did the is su e so-called agricultural prosperity, which . 18 10, P r Z e i d o have reached t labourer y bring comfort into the cottage of the t h e firs. Did it give him a greater command over ‘ necessary of life ? Did it enable him to obtain s th us -ornething beyond the necessaries of life, and times those to, raise himself in the scale of society ? To ti me landowners who took advantages of the landowners to those tenants whose landlords d id not T boureri, e but whether ' know well that it brought wealth ; ether it brought comfort to the la otherxcept in districts where enclosures or to mprovements, which cannot be repeated, were .. actu a l is' ne verth p el ro gress, is a very diff erent question. It efor e ess, a que s ti on w hi c h must b e so l ved , b • We can determine whether agricultural pr o o u s- r penty y into your presence, .. can be trulpredicated of that period of . . men who ni.Lory. s.. th e ummon, therefore, remember those illing to give ti mes, and who are able and w are old enough to both Let these inquiries Y" an account of their then condition.. e situations. Make them in them • districts of old enclosure—make in be made in various districts of op en field—make them in the north, and in the middle, and in the south of England, e xcludin p on articular spots wh ere suc h g ly those i mprovem ents were in actual progress ; as, when ° nee finish e d, canno t be repeated. If your inquiries are so con d ucte d, I am much mi sta k en if you will not find that the boasted peri o d o f agricultural prosp er i t y was , to the labourer, a season of distress —and the one during which he began to fall from his former station to that lower condition to which re now see him reduced in many parts of England. Lord Fitzwilliam tells us that a labourer, his wife, and three children consume every week about five gallons and a half of wheat, or day two-thirds of a bushel. Now the way in which we must judge of the condition of the labourers in different years is, by first looking at the price of wheat, next at the rate of wages for the same time, and thus learn ing how much there is to spare over and above the money laid out for bread and flour. His Lordship gives us a table of the rates of wanes, te price of two-thi rds of a bushel of corn, and the h difference l over and abov e th e money required for bread in a thirtytabourer years. He says, that fro m 1803 to 81.0 the l a b ourers ' wages in May were steady at en shilling sk D • ,„ a-wee . During these seven years, telliwheat rose steadily in price, and the five and half ons of wheat, which cost the labourer four shil lings and eightpence hi 1803, cost him eight shil lings and tenpence in 1810 ;—so that whilst he had 64shillings and fourpence to spare for clothing and (i . ther coliforts in 1803, he had only one shilling and :70pence in 1 810. The following is the table fur wihshee by Lord Fitzwilliam. Let every reader, Stud y n : aPPens to be an old man with a good memory With 't,and explain to younger men how far it a g rees his experience. Sb owi TABLE b evort,e, the W AGES in MAY, an d th e DIFFERENCE of "' AGES `HEATICE between TWO-THIRDS L'uSHEL of Difference between \ r ear Prices of Wages and Price, War es a W eek. two-thirds of a being Money to Bushel of spare for Clothing Wheat. and mitt r " - ---...,„,... 5.....5. Comforts. ,-- 179., S. d. a. d. a. d. ~.,, ••. ...... 7 0 4 4 2 8 1g9.;,113 ......... 7 0 4 2 210 0 ... ...... 7 18 0 , ". 0 5 9 1 3 ...... 7 0 2 5 110; ......... 10 0 9 5 9 10 0 2 j B °, s 3 ... ... 9 0 5 7 3 5 4 .......... 10 0 411 5 4 1 8 05 .... ''" 10 0 5 0 5 0 18 ° ......... 10 0 7 3 2 9 18 07 ....... 10 0 6 7 3 5 I°4 .... 10 0 6 0 4 0 _lo g .... 10 0 6 6 3 6 181 0 ... •••• 10 0 8 0 2 0 11 :411 ..• ..... 10 0 $lO 1 2 1 812 ..... 12 0 710 4 2 1 .. 813 ... .... 14 0 1 41.1 •• ..... 14 0 10 6 3 9 1, 41 5 ... ...... 14 ' 9 9 1 411 6 1 7 11 'Bl6 ....•.... 12 0 lBl7 '•••..... 11 0 5 4 6 9 1 818 ......... 1 2 0 6 3 4 7 9 1 419 ......... 1 2 0 7 0 4 3 0 5 0 1421 18 20 " ....... 1 5 11 ......... 12 12 0 6 la 6 6 6 ' 182 2 ......... 10 0 4 6 5 6 8 23 ... ...... 10 0 182 4 . 9 3 8 6 4 ........ 0 1 4 5i 4 4 6 8 25 .'' ..... 10 0 5 4 8 18 2 g ' ........ 1 1 0 58 5 4 ..... "• 11 0 410 6 2 2 ... • ..... 11 co 48 6 4 1828 ••• .. ''• 11 0 .. 11 0 5 0 6 0 ....... 56 5 6 Lc.47. ------- ----. - --- - _ Let it not be forgotti re ly justly observes, " rates increases wi t h t h e 1611 and if you exatnin e t h find th a t a high pri followed by an i ncrease o of table be correct, then i f h was th e loxes alwa s b wheat !n, that as Lord Fitzwilliam the pre3sure of the poora'- rise in the price of corn ; e Parliamentary returns you ice of corn is immediately in these rates." If the above it is clear that the labourer's een greatest when the prices 't, and that he had the least to spare when the price of wheat was highest What then becomes of the assertions of Sir Robert _ Peel, the D u k e o f Buckingham, Sir James Gra- : THE LORD LIEUTENANT . ham, the Duk e o f Richmond, Mr. Cagle 3• ' and Durerx, A PRIL 2.—Lord Ebrington will arrive to Excellency %sill be welcomed with enthusiasmorn , morrow about twelve o'clock, at Kingstown, and his mensurate in some degree with the others, who tell us that the high price of corn is , erood for the labourers. It is plain from the above b table, that Lord Fitzwilliam speaks the honest truth, public feeling. At any time, observes ' the Dublin an resen illlen intensity of when he tells the world that the Corn-laws are "a , Evening Post, Lord Ebrington would receive a cordial system from which the agricultural labourer is suf- greeting. But as he comes at a very critical and tering more than any other part of the community." anxious period —as he must b e regar d ed as the exponent t Since it is quite clear, then, that the labou rers do system is menaced asPeakflimvih p t erial policyinlrelandwilen exis i i t te s not pocket the fourteen millions sterling, gained by not only a d om i nant motive Orangein invasion—there the public mind for an somebody from the Corn-laws, let us next see what emphatic display of popular sentiment, but it is an im- Earl Fitzwilliarn says about the effect they produce perative duty which the citizens of Dublin and the upon the farmers. people of the vicinity, have to discharge to themselves, Having considered the effect of high price upon tothei e rchildren, and to th e country , to exhibit to the the great mass of the agricultural population, con- whole empire, thmanifestation confidence i o the t h e y Queen'swill L make ke to morrow of ).i their by entireieu si sting of labourers, let me now call your attention tenant, their invincible determination to resist the dis to the situation in which ) our tena n t r y, th e owners grace and ruin with which they are menaced by the of farming stock, have been placed by, or, at least, Tory desperadoes of the House of Lords. notwithstanding the successive Cor n Bill s w hi c h This sentiment is not confined to Dublin. It is ge were passed since the peace. The object of the law neral. It pervades all ranks, from the Peer to the hum of 1815 was to keep the average price of wheat at, bi th e e it w m ,h 7 , i h n ob tl i i i e t y l a o n f d . i r e i l a t o d is h b eade h d D and ko u o r f e L d oi o o n ste b r y s. a quarter, below the Earl of Charlemont, the Earl Y t of Meath, the Earl of or as near as possible to, 80 which it was stated by the witnesses, and admitted Miltown, Lord Cloncurry, and other noblemen in the by the Committee of the House of Commons vicinity of the metropolis. See, in particular, the re in 1814, that wheat ( su pp o sing the existing port of the proceedings of the county of Kildare yester rents to be continued) could not be produced day—the proceedings at the Corn Exchange on the in England. To this Bill I gave my assent ; same day—and, particularly, the very important speech and of all the important questions upon which of Mr. O'Connell. There can be no doubt that these I voted, in the course of twenty-five years demonstrations will be reiterated in every county—in of Ir e l an d. during which, with one short interval I have sat in every great tow n Parliament, it is the only one upon which I regret the part that I took. I am and have been for many years satisfied, that the measure was founded on the most erroneous principles, and that it has been attended by the most disastrous consequences. In this case allow ire to draw your attention solely to the effects which it produced upon your tenants. Relying upon the wisdom and power of the Legislature, they were induced by it to expect those prices for their produce, which the law and the proceedings that led to its enactment, held out as the prices of grain to be maintained. They entered upon and con tinued upon farms, the rents of which were founded upon the prices held out to them by Act of Parliament. If prices rose to an extravagant height, as they did in 1817, in consequence of the defi cient harvest of 1816, the expectations of the farmers and land valuers were raised still higher ; while on the other hand, if they fell below the Par liamentary standard, the fall was attributed to some accidental and transent cause, and was disregarded in fixing rents, both by the landlord, the valuer, and the tenant. During the interval from 1815 to 1822, the 'armor experienced the most extraordinary fluctu ations in the price of his merchandize, fluctuations arising from the variations of the seasons, but aggravated by the state of the law, which either rigorously prohibited, or indiscriminately admitted foreign corn. What, however, lam particularly anxious to direct your attention to, is, the utter inefficiency of the law to accomplish either of its two purposes, of protecting the farmer from too low, or the consumer from too high a price. In the spring of 1817, wheat sold at 120 s. a quarter ; in the winter of 1821-2, it sold at less than 40s. a quarter ; the average of the year 1817 being 945., and that of 1822 being 435. The highest price in Oxford, at Lady day, 1817, was 1485.; at Michaelmas, 1820, 665. ; at Michaelmas, 1822, 525. a quarter. The conse quence of this state of things cannot have escaped your recollection. Great difficulties had been felt by the agricultural interests in 1814, 15, and 1816; but the difficulties of all former years were surpassed by the distress of the winter of 1821-2. The insolvency of tenants, at this period, was un paralleled in the history of the agricultural classes, and the inefficiency of the Act of was so uni versally acknowledged, that an alteration in the law was made in the session of 1822 ; but the al teration being contingent upon circumstances which never occurred, no permanent or prac tical change took place till the year 1828, when the present system was adopted. During the period therefore, from 1815 to 1828, the prohibitory system of 1815 was in virtual operation. How far it secured you from a diminution of rental, and your tenants from insolvency, every landowner in Eng land can testify. lam here, however, principally entreating your consideration of the effects pro duced upon the agricultural capital of the country. Year after year the value of the farmer's produce had been diminishing, till it fell to little more than half the price at which Parliament con sidered that he could be remunerated for his in dustry. Year after year he was deluded by fal lacious hopes, excited by the law itself ; his rent was paid out of his capital and not out of his profits, till that capital became insufficient for the proper cultivation of the land, and then ycu yourselves began to feel the calamity, by which many of your tenantry had been already overwhelmed. Compare then the situation of that tenantry, under the protection of the Corn-law of 1815, with what it probably would have been had the trade been avowedly free : or if you had been contented with the protec tion afforded by the law of 1804, under which it would have been practically free. Prices would, indeed, have lowered, but no such extravagant hopes would have been excited—no such erroneous cal culations would have been made ; rents would have fallen to a level corresponding to the price of grain, the agricultural capital of the country would have been unimpaired, and the land would have remained in a better state of cultivation. Your nominal rentals might hare been diminshed, but your rents would have been collected with facility, and you would not have been driven. time after time, to the wretched expedient of returning a per centage to tenants at each successive audit, in order to in them to remain on their farms—an expedient proclaims to your fellow-citizens, that those resort to it are in the habit of demanding their tenants a larger rent than they are cap of paying. Nothing, I must confess, is mare stressing to me, than to witness these half-yearly annunciations of this mis-called liberality of certain portions of the land interest. Has it never stru c k you, fellow-citizens, that this is no evidence of li berality, but rather of extortion ; that the return of part of the rent may be proper, when called for by temporary calamity, by the effects of flood, or storm, or by some accidental misfortune overwhelming a particular tenant, or class of tenants ; but that, when resorted to habitually, it is not to be justified; that it convicts those who have recourse to it of con tinued attempts to extract from their tenantry a rent not warranted by the value of agricultural produce ; and that, so far from proving the liberality of the landlord, it affords testimony of a very different quality ? Thus plainly does Earl Fitzwilliam also show that the farmers profit as little as the labourers by the Corn-laws. He has proved from experience that these laws have beeil so many snares to mislead and ruin the tenants, with the delusive bait of high Act-of-Parliament prices. So far from their profit ing by the Corn-laws, he has shown that farmer and labourer have been equally injured by the legis lation that was pretended to be for their exclusive advantage ; and at last Lord Fitzwilliam comes to the candid admission, that, " whichever effect we consider, whichever branch of the dilemma we take, the Corn-law is guilty." The Corn-law cannot be guilty. The Noble author here falls into a mere form of expression, that does not properly express his meaning. The law- makers are guilty. If we search a ' little further we shall, however, find that he tells us very plainly who the guilty persons are who have made these laws, and why they have been made. " The painful confession must be made," says his Lordship, " that our own bene fit is the true object for which this obnoxious code is established." His Lordship tells his brother land- owners that they, the landlords, pocket every farthing of the profit derived from the Corn laws—a profit amounting, as we have before said, upon the very lowest estimate, to fourteen millions of pounds sterling every year. As a landlord, Earl Fitzwilliam tells his brother land-owners that they are guilty of all the evils, crimes, miseries, and physical and moral deterioration, which are in flicted upon the people by the Corn-laws. He could not have heaped upon the consciences of a body of men a more terrible responsibility than this. He ;ells them, moreover, in solemn warning, that the hour of retribution is certain to arrive. We shall close our notice of his Lordship's labours by quoting the most consoling passage in the pamphl ets : " Laws, based as the Corn-law is, in injustice and partiality, can never be of long en durance. They are only fit for fair weather—they cannot resist the storm.' your duce that who TOM able THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 5,1 S the people were in a situation of the utmost uncertainty and danger—the Tory party in England were increas ing in their opposition and hatred to the people of Ireland. The Ministry had been struck down by the House of Lords, and if the House of Com mons did not wipe away that vote, he could not answer for the consequences which he much ap prehended. That motion was made by the avowed enemy of the Irish people—by no other than the deputy grand master of the Orangemen. Only the grand roas ter himself was engaged in breaking up constitutions, be would, no doubt, have been the mover in person, instead of his deputy.--(Cheers.) Th e Duke of Wellington, when he granted emancipation, was compelled to do so by the force of public opinion. We, said Mr. O'Connell, will again raise the same ferment in the public mind, and there is little likelihood of the Tories enjoying much comfort, if they even succeed in coming into power. Mr. O'Connell concluded a brilliant speech by proposing the following resolution " That an aggregate meetinr , of the Reformers of Ire land of all c l asses, b e held' in Dublin, on Thursday next, the 11th of April instant, in order to prepare an address to her most gracious Majesty, and a petition to Parliament praying for the continuance in office of her Majesty's present Administration, and for the total exclusion from power of that party which has always proved itself the most inveterate and implacable enemy of the country." This resolution was warmly seconded by Mr. Ser geant Cu/cal', M.P. and passed with general acclamation. The Earl of Charlersiont having been removed from the chair, and Sir Thomas Esmonde called thereto, the marked thanks of the meeting were given to his Lord ship for his patriotic conduct on all occasions where the interests of his country were concerned, after which the meeting separated. COUNTY KILDARE.—GREAT MEETING IN FAVOUR OF THE GOVERNMENT. In pursuance of a requisition, addressed to the High Sheriff of this great county, to convene a meeting of the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, and Freeholders to address the Most Noble the Marquis of Normanby, on his re tirement from the Government of this country, a very large and most respectable meeting took place on l as t Monday a t N aas ; ever y p ar t of the Court-house in which standing room could be obtained, was occupied. The nobleman and the peasant were there, vieing with each other. Amongst the leading personages who took a part in the proceedings, were the Right Hon. Lord C:oneurry ; the Earl of Miltown ; the Very Rev. the Dean of Cloyne ; Richard M. O'Ferrall, Esq., M.P. ; Robert Archbold, Esq , M.P. ; Henry Grattan, Esq., M.P. ; O'Connor Henchy, Alexander Mansfield, Peter Purcell, John 11. Nangle, Esqrs. ; Rev. M. Tierney ; M. C. C. Roberts, W. Wolstenholme, Esqrs.; Sir John Kennedy ; Rev. G. Doyle ; the Hon. F. Pon sonby ; Rev. Carney ; Rev. -- Tracey, P. P. Kilcock ; Henry Burgh, William Graydon, of Killeshec, and John Mansficid, Esqrs. The High Sheriff took the Chair. The Dean of CLOYNE proposed, and Mr. A RCII. LOLD, P., seconded the first resolution. Lord CLONCURRY moved the second resolution ; and said he would not say how many requisitions he had signed, or how many public meetings he had attended during the forty years which he had been amongst them ; but he would say this, that a more respectably attended meeting he had never seen than that which he had the honor of addressing.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure the High Sheriff and the gentlemen present that he was at his post in the House of Lords when that requisition was set on foot ; and his absence should, therefore, ac count for his name not being put to it ; for there never was a requisition on behalf of his countrymen sent to him that he did not s ign.—(Loud cheers.) But what made him so anxious to attend this. meeting was the attacks that he had seen made against the Mar quis of Normanby and this country in the Houses of Lords and Commons.—(Hear, hear.) One objection against the country was, that a general conspiracy against the law existed in Ireland. That was a sweeping and a severe attack against the people of this kingdom. But, thank God, it was one that, without at all entering into circumstances, could be defeated—it was an objection that could not be defended. Oh he forgot, a conspi racy does exist, and no man can deny it. In 1829 the Parliament of England—the Commons and the Lords, and the King of that day—yielded to the imperative de mands of the people of Ireland. They yielded to the de mands of the entire people ; for he (Lord C.) might say that the Catholics of Ireland formed the great body of the people, seconded by all that was good, by all that was industrious' and virtuous amongst their Protestant fel low countrymen, headed by the first Noblemen of the land, the Duke of Leinster—(Great cheering)— whose absence that day was much to be lamented, but which was caused by the death of one of his family. Some six or eight Peers headed this virtuous portion of the Protestant community, amongst whom he (Lord C.) had the happiness to reckon himself.—(Hear, hear.) Those Noblemen headed the good and virtuous Protes tant people of Ireland in demanding for their fellow countrymen equal rights and equal justice—they de manded no more, and they would not be satisfied with less, If the people of Ireland were Protestants and not Catholics, and if a small portion of the people were Catholic, and kept the patronage and plunder of the country to themselves, the Parliament of England would, very soon have redressed their wrongs, and would not have permitted them to remain for centuries groaning under misrule and oppression.—(Hear.) He (Lord C.) gave credit to the present Ministry, and to those who preceded them, for the beneficial measures which they had carried into effect in favour of Ireland— that system of injustice, hitherto pursued, had been over thrown, and the people of this country might hope for happier days than they had hitherto enjoyed, for he should say that when lie was a young man be scarcely , dared to hope that he would ever see equal justice ad ministered in his own loved country.—(Hear, and cheers.) But with respect to the conspiracy to which he alluded, it was necessary to trace it to its origin, and to those individuals who concocted to those men who for centuries had battened on the misfortunes of Ireland, and who rioted in their luxury at the expense of those to whom they refused to mete out even-handed justice.—(Hear, hear.) Those men, in 1829, when emancipation was granted, said, we will con spire, and we will prevent those who have been placed upon a footing with us from becoming members of our corporations, in either city or town—we will prevent them from having a fair participation in the rights, pri leges, and immunities from which they had been so long debarred, hut to which they have now been made eligible. That had been done—( Hear)—and that is the conspiracy to which he alluded, and it had suc ceeded to a great extent—(Hear, hear)—and he (Lord C.) was sorry for it ; but the fact could not be denied, for a Committee of the House of Commons had made an expost's of their system, and by that exposure the fabricators of that foul conspiracy were placed in such a predicament as to render it totally impossible for them to show their faces amongst the honest and virtuous portion of mankind.—(Hear.) They were driven to " hide their diminished heads" in holes and corners, lik the bats and owls. Their deeds were dark and infamous, and, therefore, they dreaded the light of reason, truth, and justice. In fact, they literally conspired against the Sovereign and against her sub jects.—( He ar, hear.) It was not necessary for him (Lord C.) to tresspass at any length upon the time of ' the meeting. His sentiments were well known, not only to the people of Kildare but to the people of Ire land. He would not, therefore, trespass upon the time of the meeting any longer, as there were men much younger than he was waiting to address p the meeting, wouldmeetlng, and he was most anxious to hear them. He conclude by reading the resolution, which it was put into his hands for the purposo of submitting to the meeting. The Noble Lord here:read the resolution, and concluded by saying that he most cordially concurred in the sentiments contained in it. He was, he slid, throughly convinced of the propriety of that resolution. He (Lord C.) had conversed with the Noble Marquis since his departure from this country, and his whole anxiety was to serve Ireland, and to preserve that statio n which he so justly held in the hearts and in the affections of Irishmen.—(Hear, hear.) H e (Lord C.) would say one word upon the subject of mercy, which it was said ho had abused. li e was not in the habit of intruding himself upon his Lord ship, for he (Lord C.) was now at that time of life which induced him to prefer the silence . of retirement t o th e bustle and confusio n of an active : but he (lid call upon his Lordship for a remission of a sentence passed upon an individual whom he thought deseravpepdeaarceodmmmous-t commu tation of his sentence, and his Lordship anxious to grant the requ est—but, said he, I will give you the notes of the Learned Judge, go and hear what he says , a nd if he does not sa ti s f y you that he deserved the punishment i n fli cted upon him, I will pardo n him.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) Baron de RoaEcx seconded the resolution. The third resolution was proposed by the Hon. F. PONSONBY, and seconded by MARMADIIKE ROBERTS, Esq. Sir JoHN KusNEDY proposed the fourth resolution, and JOHN H. NANGLE seconded it. The Earl of MILTOWN said that it was his pleasing task to propose that an address, which had been pro posed by a Committee of gentlemen selected for that purpose, should be presented to their late most excel, lent Lord Lieutenant. — ( Cheers. ) H e had not, as yet, read the address. Of this he was convinced, that it could not too a dequately express what the people of this country owe to the Noble Lord who so lately held the reins of Government in this country, but although he had not read that Address, the Committee to whom its preparation was intrusted was a sufficient guarantee to him (Lord M.) that it would be such a one as would be fit to present to our late Noble Viceroy. He (Lord M.) should trespass upon the time of the meet ing but for a very short period, indeed, as there were others to follow more adequate 'to address them that he (Lord M.) was. The Marquis of Normanby was ac cused by his enemies and the enemies of the people of having administered the law with justice and mercy. That is the only charge brought against him by the enemies of the people and of good government—that having seen the Orange mode of administering the law —that having witnessed a strong system of coercion, the pitch-cap, the triangle, the riding-house, and, finally, the gibbet, resorted to in order to render the Orange regime pleasing to the people—that having seen all these put into operation in vain, he tried what mercy might achieve.—(Cheers.) He did that, and no more, and if his plan has so admirably succeeded in tran quillising this country—if mercy and forgiveness could do so much, must not that system which the enemies of the country carried into frightful operation be bad ? And is not its total failure a degrading proof of how base that mode of governing a generous people must have been, when, in place of tranquillising the country, it drove it almost to the brink of ruin ?—(Hear, hear.) Another great crime brought against the Noble Mar quis was this—that he, or his Secretary, ventured to remind the proprietors of Ireland, " that property had its duties as well as its rights."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Yes, that truism appeared so strange to every one of those Noble Lords, who sent forward a very factious address, that they made it a great charge against him and his Government, and they were cheered in the House of Lords when they brought for ward this most grave and serious accusation against the Noble Marquis—but did those " most potent, grave, and reverend Seignors" believe that they will, every one of them, have to appear before another tribunal, before which the peasant and the prince are equal, with whom the rights of the peasant are as sacred as those of the prince ? Did they believe that although they may escape punishment in this life, there is a great and a terrible account to be rendered hereafter for the use which they make of the power with which God's providence has invested them, not for their own aggrandisement, but for the welfare, the benefit, and comfort of the poor ?—(Cheers.) And so help him God, it was his firm belief that they will yet be tried and brought to account before that awful tribunal, for the misery they have caused, and not only that, but they will be held responsible for the crimes that have been committed, and the blood that has been shed by those poor creatures whom they have driven to desperation • and destruction. The crimes of the oppressed will be visited upon the head of the oppressor.—(Hear, and cheers.) The Government, like Lord Normanby had been assailed. He (Lord M.) came not there to defend any man or set of men. Measures not men had always been his principle, and although he was not one of those who looked forward with dread at the resumption of office by a Tory ministry—oh! no—he did not dread that, for even if a Tory Ministry came into power to-morrow, the people of Ireland were too strong to permit any set of men to rob them of their rights—(Cheers)—but if a Tory Ministry crept in upon the shoulders of Lord Roden, the people of Ireland should rally together—they should become united as one man—for the appearance of the Tories once more in power would be the beginning of a despe rate struggle in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord concluded a very eloquent and animated speech by saying, that he had to attend another meeting of his fellow-countrymen in the county of Dublin, where he would express his sentiments more at length upon the subject. He then moved that the address should be read and adopted. Mr. O'FERRALL, M.P., was the next speaker. He was succeeded by Mr. GRATTAN, who concluded a long and eloquent speech, by stating his intention to move, when the Sheriff vacated the chair, an address to the Queen, praying of her not to change her present Mi nisters. At the suggestion of Mr. PONSONBY, Mr. Grattan afterwards withdrew the address to her Majesty. Several other gentlemen addressed the meeting, amongst whorß was a Protestant clergyman, the Rev. Mr. Hoare, rector of Clunc, who sat down loudly cheered. ' A vote of thanks to the High Sheriff was then unani mously passed, after which the meeting separated. PRECURSOR SOCIETY—MEETING AT THE CORN EXCHANGE. The adjourned meeting of the Precursor Society was held last Monday at the Corn Exchange. The chair was taken by T. O'Mearta, Esq. Mr. O'Connell's arrival was here announced by loud and continued cheering. Mr. Ray read the minutes of the last day's proceed ings, and the correspondence, including a letter from Mr. Richard Murphy, Secretary to the Stalybridge (Manchester) branch of the Precursor Society, enclosing to Daniel O'Connell, Esq., 2/. is., being second re mittance from the patriotic Irish operatives of that locality. Mr. O'CONNELL—I have great pleasure, Sir, in moving that the honest men whose names are mentioned in that letter he admitted members of the Society ; and I have still greater pleasure in being enabled to mention that the Irishmen resident throughout England, how ever they may universally and cordially concur with theni in advocating the principles of Universal Suffrage, and Triennial Parliaments, and Vote by Ballot, have kept aloof, with very few exceptions indeed, from the torch-light and dagger men—( Hear, hear, and cheers) —and I may go still further, and say that the number of Chartists themselves who advocate the prin ciples of violence and physical force is exceedingly small ; so that if you take away some eight or ten from the entire body, you will have a lot of as honest and as ra tional men as any in the world.—(Hear, hear.) If, then, the great mass of the English Reformers be so sound and healthy a body, why should they not confine themselves to those just, and reasonable, and legitimate objects, for which the entire.. people may co-operate with them ? Let them do so, and the entire people will come forward as one man, and hold out to them the hand of fellowship and good feeling.—(Cheers.) Mr. O'Connell then observed that he was the advocate of Household Suffrage. It might be said that Household Suffrage would exclude some of the worthiest and most intelligent of the com munity ; but he would give to every father of a fa mily, or married man, or widower, the right of voting, even although he might only be a lodger. As to Uni versal Suffrage, it was not possible that it could exist. The women are taxed, and yet it is not proposed that they should have votes. Persons under 21 years of age are not to have a vote—or those convicted of disgrace ful crimes—or those who labour under idiotcy or insa nity. There is no such thing as Universal Suffrage.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) The Learned Gentleman then al luded to Annual Parliaments, and said that if a person were only elected for a year, it would not be worth while making a struggle against him. In the United States they had not the example of Annual Parlia ments. lie would say, let the period be three years at once. Then he was for the principle of free trade. —(Hear, hear, hear.) Free trade in everything, for monopoly could never be any good to a people. The Corn-laws, notwithstanding that wiseacre, Mr. O'Dowd, could not be of any use to the people, and, among other reasons, because they did not give fixed prices ; but they were of use to the grinding landlords, who, when there were high prices, ground their te nan t s t o th e d us t, and left them to shift for themselves when prices were low. Mr. O'Connell concluded by referring to the in equality in the Parliamentary representation of Ireland as compared with England. Several letters were read, inclosing contributions to the Precursor Society. Mr. O'CONNELL handed in the subscripton of his twentieth grandchild—(Daniel John O'Connell). The motion was received with laughter and acclamation. The CHAIRMAN—May God make him a better man than his grandfather.—( Laughter.) Mr. FITZGERALD rose to move a series of resolutions calling for returns in the House of Commons of the tenants who had been dispossessed in Ireland from the year 1830 to 1839, with the number of their families, and other particulars relating to them. He moved the returns as an assistance to the Noble Lords in the in quiry which they were about prosecuting so zealously into the state of Ireland. Mr. O'CONNELL suggested that, in point of order, Mr. Fitzgerald could not move those resolutions without giving previous notice of his motion ; however, if he thought fit, his present observations might stand as a notice of motion for next meeting. Mr. FITZGERALD said that he could not be in town on the next day of meeting, and the resolutions were consequently withdrawn. Mr. O'CoNNELL—Mr. Chairman, I now rise, in pur suance of a notice given on the last day of meeting, for the making of regulations for further extending the Pre cursor Society ; but I do not rise, Sir, so much for the purpose of moving on that notice as for the postponing any motion founded on it to the next day of meeting.— (Hear.) The events which have taken place, and the symptoms which are appearing hourly in the political world, seem to warn us that we have no necessity to take any such measures.—(Hear and cheers.) In Dublin the arrangements for next Sunday are complete, and all pre liminary matters perfectly arranged. A preparatory meet ing was held in Limerick yesterday, to make similar ar rangements, and preparations of alike nature are making in every part of Ireland. Thus, I hope all Ireland will arouse itself on this important occasion. All Ireland will be up and stirring.—(Cheers.) You are aware that a meeting will be held to-morrow (this day) at a theatre in Dublin, and you know the object for which that meeting is called. The circumstance of the sea son causes the meeting to be held in such narrow limits as those of a theatre, although there are names to the requisition of persons who would be sufficient more than twice to fill the theatre ; but it will be necessary to make a demonstration, and after to-morrow we will show Lord Ebrington what kind of reception is pre pared for him in Ireland.—(Loud cheering.) We will show him how ready Irishmen are to express their gratitude even before they receive an act of justice, when they know that the good will and desire to perform it exists.—(Hear, and loud cheers.) The meeting to morrow will be adjourned to this day week, and must be held in the Coburg Gardens, or on the piece of eTound which we have inclosed on the northern road near Glasnevin, or on the green at Harold's-cross, or in some such place, where the people can show them selves in all their numbers ; and then our enemies may come if they chose and count us.—(Cheers and laughter.) This other and distinct agitation is got up for the purpose of merging the entire people in the IRELAND G TO ADDRESS LORD EBRINGTON (Abridged from the Dublin Evening Post.) . _ - This day one of the most important meetings ever witnessed in this city was held at the Adelphi Theatre. The meeting was called in pursuance of a resolution of the Reform Registry Association, to prepare anaddress to our most Gracious Sovereign,imploring hersupport of the principles of pure and impartial justice, as administered in this country by her Majesty's present advisers—to consider the propriety of presenting an address to his Excellency Viscount Ebrington, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and to make arrangements to form a deputa tion to meet his Lordship on his landing at Kingstown to-morrow. One o'clock was appointed for the chair being taken, but long before that hour the building be came occupied in every part. The chair was taken by Lord CILARLEMONT, who addressed the meeting in a speech eulogising the Queen and the Irish policy of her present Ministers, particu larly praising Lord Normanby, in whose " bosom burned every virtue." Lord Ebrington was the prototype of Lord Normanby, while in some re spects he had the advantage over him. Lord Normanby came a stranger, but he became aware of our wants by going through the country, and by con sulting her friends. Lord Ebrington, however comes prepared upon all those points.—(Cheer s .) Himself a landed proprietor, coming periodically to this country— living among all classes—studying our wants, our feel ings, and our wishes, he comes prepared to plunge at once into that official business which took Lord Nor manby some time to understand. Look to his career : has he ever flinched ?—(No; never, never.) Has he not supported every measure that was brought forward for the people's good (advantage)?—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord concluded by returning his most sincere and heartfelt thanks for the high honour conferred upon him by electing him Chairman, and sat down amidst loud cheering. Sir WILLIAM CHATTERTON moved the first resolu tion, which was to the effect, that—" The proceedings reported to have taken place in the House of Lords, tending to prejudice the fair and impartial administra tion of justice, have filled us with alarm and indigna tion ; and we deem it the duty of every considerate and honest man in this country, to use his best exertion to disappoint the malevolent schemes of the enemies of the present Government in Ireland." JOHN APDONNELL, Esq., seconded this resolution, which passed am;d great applause. The O'CoNOR DON moved a resolution, expressive of the confidence and regard of the Irish people in the Marquis of Normanby. GEORGE ROE, Esq., seconded this resolution. The resolution passed unanimously. Sir THOMAS ESMONDE moved, and G. Ey...Ns, Esq., seconded, a resolution of confidence in Lord Ebrington, and suggested the propriety of preparing an address on his arrival. THOMAS DixoN, Esq., Q.C., father of the bar, rose to propose the following address : MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY-.--In address ing you for the first time as Vicegerent of our gracious and beloved Sovereign it is not to comply with the mere formalities of etiquette, or to utter the common-places of a professing loyalty, that we approach you. No, my Lord, it is to welcome to our country an individual who has already shown himself amongst the most zealous ad vocates of that which alone we claim, justice to that country and to its people. It is to convey, through you, to the foot of the throne, the expression of our grateful sense of the careful consideration for the inter ests and earnest sympathy with the wants and wishes of Ireland, which have been displayed in the selection of our_Viceroy. You come to us, my Lord, not unknown or unap preciated. We have had you amongst us as a resident landlord. We have watched your consistent course in the Commons' House of Parliament. We have hailed with delight your first declaration in that House to which you have been recently called ; and we rejoice in your arrival amongst us, holding the delegated au thority of the Crown, " to administer the laws, but not to alter them." with feelings of the fullest confidence in your knowledge, as a landlord, of the state, the wants and the wishes of the people ; in your acquaint ance, as a Legislator, with the laws which direct, con troul, and relieve them ; and in your determination, as Viceroy, to combine both in the Administration of the Government, tempering justice with mercy, but showing to the nation at large, that, while in obedience to the laws lies the great duty of the people, in the just, the temperate, but the firm and unshriking enforcement thereof must be placed the duty and the glory of the Viceroy. The announcement of your Excellency's appointment to the Government of Ireland was met in various quarters by attacks upon your Excellency's conduct and principles, to which we do not desire now more par ticularly to allude, further than to assure your Ex cellency that we ever regarded those attacks as wholly groundless and unprovoked. We, however, gladly ad vert to a declaration which they are reported upon one occasion to have elicited from you, fraught, as we can not but consider it, with happy auguries for this coun try. We refer to the declaration that, in entering on the Government of Ireland, yo ur E xce ll enc y had before your eyes the bright example of your illustrious predecessor. It is not long, my Lord, since that illustrious Nobleman, and beloved friend of Ireland (to avail our selves of an expression which we gladly adopt) "reaped the rich harvest of benevolence from millions of Irishmen, which marked his departure from this country." Your principles, my Lord, and conduct through life. have sown the seed of similar benevolence deep in our hearts, and we trust that, by this your first welcome to the Vice-royalty of Ireland, you will be enabled to per ceive that it it has not fallen upon sterile tracts, nor on regions likely to disappoint the hopes of the careful hus bandman. We doubt not that, under your watchful eye and fostering hand, that seed will continue to flourish until you shall have reaped many abundant harvests of the gratitude and affection of Irishmen, and that when ever your career (and we pray that it may be long amongst us) comes to a close, you will retire rich in our warmest blessings, and our most fervent prayers, as well as followed by our deepest regret, leaving to future Go vernors the name of " Ebrington" as that of " Nor manby" is now, as an illustrious example of the benefits which may be: conferred on a nation by men deter mined to do justice in all things, to administer the laws according to their spirit and intentions, and to govern, not for the asscendancy of any party, but for the gene ral good of all. PETER BURROWES, Esq., was proud to be even enabled to appear as the seconder of this address, which passed with great acclamation. Mr. HENRY GRATTAN, M.P., moved the following resolution :—" That we denounce as enemies, alike to the peace and prosperity of the people, and to the strength and security of the throne, all those who seek to restore the dominion of faction in the exercise of injustice and oppression towards the people of Ireland. We demand the continuance of a just and legal adminis tration of the laws. We demand the suppression of factious superiority, and we will exert all the means in our power, legally and constitutionally, to resist the restoration of Orange domination in this too afflicted country." IGNATIUS CALLAGHAN, Esq., seconded this resolu tion, which passed unanimously. Mr. ST. GEORGE, High Sheriff of Leitrim, moved, and Mr. SWEETMAN seconded, a resolution to the effect that they invited all the friends of Liberal opinions to come forward and express their decided and firm de mands for justice ; and in the course of his speech hoped that all temperate men, who desired peace an 4 d order in their common country, would come forward and resist the attempts on the rights of the people of Ireland. Sir Wm. SOMERVILLE offered his full support to Lord Ebrington, feeling as he did that that Nobleman whilst he would eschew all ascendancy—would yield equal rights to all pities. He (Lord Ebrington) had ever acted on that principle, and it was his adher ence t o that course which brought down the foul and savage attacks of the enemies of the bulk of the people. H e moved a resolution that no flags or banners should be used at the procession to. morrow. Hon. Captain SouTHWELL seconded this resolution, which passed. Mr. O'CONNELL rose and was received with an im mense burst of applause which lasted for some minutes. When silence was restored the Hon. Member for Dub lin commenced by observing, that he had a great deal to say to the meeting. That was a period of great peril— pursuit of come measure to reform the existing state of Ireland. Hence, Sir, I now postpone for a week my motion which I have given notice of, as I trust that by that time all Ireland will be ready to come forward and join us ; and if that be not threugh the medium of the Precursor Society, that it shall be by some other immediate instrumentality ; but I promise that I will not give up one instrument until I have another :o work with—(Cheers)—and if they do not come for ward, and that my expectations are not fulfilled, I will be ever ready to fall back upon my two millions of Pre cursors.—(Cheers.) But I consider, Sir, that it is my duty to invite all those who have hitherto kept back from the struggle, either through a desire to procure Court favour or other motive, now to come forward, and unite with us on common ground, where we may all join heart and hand for the good of Ireland. I wish to impress on every one that hears me, that, without giving up one atom of what is necessary to do jus tice to Ireland, we now give an opportunity to every friend of his country to unite with us.— ( Hear, hear.) Let them reflect what the consequences will be if the Tories come again into power in this unfortunate and long misgoverned country. Let them tremble at the idea of the horrible system of grinding tyranny and oppression which they would then be subjected to. Woe to the press if it dared to publish a speech breathing a manly or independent spirit ! Woe to the press which dares to publish one bold or manly sentiment of its own !—(Hear, hear.) For my part I have taken my resolutien on that subject. I will not send my letters for publication to any Irish paper. I will have them inserted in the English papers in the first instance, and they will then be only copied into the Irish papers. They dare not prosecute them in England, and they will be ashamed to prosecute the Irish papers for copying that for which they dared not prosecute them in England. (Cheers and laughter.) I say this, not that lam afraid that the Tories will come into power in this country— (Hear, hear)—but because I know it is possible that such may be the case, and I wish to anticipate the evil even in the distance and in imagination. Let those who are apathetic, if there be any such, look back to what has passed, and recollect all the horrors of the Cromwellian persecution—the cold-blooded massacres and the frightful atrocities—the horrid code of penal laws enacted by a barbarous and bigoted soldiery, and which was so atrocious and horrible that a French writer said that it was written in letters of blood, and should be read only by the light of hell fire.—(Hear, and cheers.) If the Orangemen could point out a time when w e were gu ilt y o f such atrocities—if they could show when we made an international bargain, and then violated that bargain, in defiance of all laws, human and divine, and followed up that violation by the other atrocities which I have mentioned, how they would triumph over us ; and if, in addition to all that, we give existence to those laws which turned father against son, and son against father, and the mother against the daughter of her bosom, and which rent and burst asunder every tie, the most sacred and the most tender of the human breast—if all that horrid and dismal fabric had been the work of our hands, how would they curse us! They would never cease to utter execrations against us. But for our part we have but to look back to the pages of our eventful history, and we will find abundant instances of all the treachery, and all the duplicity, and all the bar barity which I have mentioned ; and we may be per fectly convinced that they would be as ready and as fresh to-morrow to enact the whole scene of their past iniquity over again.—(Hear). It is impossible to miti gate their hostility, or to conciliate them in any possible way. After emancipation was carried I spent five years striving to do so, though I wished for repeal as I do now. I endeavoured to amalgamate Irishmen together as the best mode of advancing the general interests of the country and to heal divisions and party jealousies. During that period I never said a harsh word, or one that tended in the slightest degree to revive the recollection of what they had done be fore. I courted them—l addressed them by letters, and in my speeches at public meetings, at public din ners, and elsewhere ; and did I succeed in effectuating my object ? Yes, I succeeded in showing that it is impossible to conciliate them.—(Loud cheers.) They laughed at me, they turned me into ridicule, and actually in the House of Commons I was also laughed at by Colonel Verner, for having attempted to conciliate the Orange party. But does not all this show what they would do did they once get into power? Does it not show to demonstration how the people would be treated the moment that faction would be enabled to wield that despotism in which they had so long delighted ? Since the passing of the Reform Bill have we not continued in the same spirit of conciliation, and how have we been met? Does not a system of intimidation, to a most abominable and atro cious extent, exist at the present moment—a system of clearing farms and turning out the mother with her helpless babe to expire in the ditches, and on the high ways'? Is there such a proceeding paralleled in the world—where fathers, with their children and daughters perishing in early youth by famine, are made victims of a cruel and barbarous practice which would hardly be had recouse to by the most ferocious savages in their most ferocious /warfare ? Yet the Orange land. lords inflict all this on their fellow-countrymen, or, as I would call them, if they would not think it too great a compliment paid them, their fellow creatures. So virulent and malignant is the faction that they have raised a shout of violent execration against Mr. Drummond for what they call an offence which he has been guilty of—namely, by saying that if property has its rights it has also its duties.—(Cheers.) They should not be told that, and forsooth, because they are told so, it is an offence, and why ? Oh, they knew well they had violated all their duties.—( Hear.) Just like the pickpocket who is caught in the commis sion of that mean offence. He loads his accuser with abuse, couched in the lowest language of Billings gate, and thus it is with these brawlers and abettors of a malignant faction. No, Sir, there is no conciliating that faction ; and should they unhappily come into power, I ask those around me to look to the country or city to which they may belong, and see what irritation the people would labour under, and what oppression they would be subjected to. A. friend of mine, whom I see present, Mr. Scott, and who was an agent in Clare in the year 1828—glorious 28 !—I ask him what would be the state of Clare if the shoneens and Orange Magistrates were again re-organized, and the people delivered up to the tender mercies of the Orange landlords ? Take, again, the county of Tip perary. Suppose Lord Glengall or Lord Donough more got into power there —suppose, for one moment, that the people were placed under the dominion of that faction—what would be the result? Why, Sir, even now it is difficult for them to put up patiently with what they endure ; and what, I ask,would be the consequences then ? Take the Corporation of Dublin, with its Joneses and Thompsons, both of whom are Englishmen, I be lieve—(Several voices, " Oh no, Jones is an English man, but Thompson is not.") I don't know who is worse ; but take them and sanctified Mallet, let them loose on the town, and is there a single man who would not owe his safety to his own personal exertions ? ( Hear, hear.) If these creatures arc let loose, with all the hope of peculation and plunder, it would be im possible for any man to answer for the peace of Ireland. —(Cheers.) If the Orange faction get into power, no man is loyal who does not assist me to keep away its fangs from torturing the people.—(Cheers.) Resistance would be inevitable, and no man is a friend of the Queen or of his country who does not come forward and asssist me in proclaiming that tyranny shall not be practised in Ireland.—(Loud cheering.) Let the House of Com mons be made to understand the machinations of the Tory party in this country ; let all Ireland be aroused against the bigoted f ac ti on , for every one understands the difference between the spirit of Orange domination and that which administers fair play to all without dis tinction. The present Government have performed their functions in Ireland well, and although I may be told that the English Radicals in the coming contest may unite against them, I do hope such will not be the case, for, whatever may be thought of their ge neral policy, of which I am not the advocate, the single question will be, on this occasion, will Ire land be better governed by the present Administration than by any other which may be likely to succeed them—(Cheers,) The fact is clearly to be seen. It is as clear as noon day ; for surely we do not want to call witnesses, and were that necessary, the Irish people would willingly come forward. It is, Sir, exceedingly unfair to deny the goodness of the intentions which ac tuated the Irish Government, and the spirit of impartial ity and fair play which was evinced on all occasions. I am not about to lose my temper, for nature made me ex ceedingly good humoured, and it is not many things that will fret me ; but this I will say, that it is enough to make pleasant and well intentioned men angry to hear the outcries which are raised as to the state of Ire land at this moment—(Hear, hear.) Surely some of you who hear me must remember the day when in the north of Ireland, it was no uncommon thing to have one, two, or three Catholics shot frequently, and that without any provocation. There was no fair or celebration of any particular day that the Orange men did not quarrel with their Catholic countrymen, and then fall back on their fire-arms, and shoot two, three, five, and sometimes more of their unsuspecting victims.—(Hear, hear.) Was there a period during that state of things that they did not commit these bar barities with the greatest impunity, the Jury who tried the offences being sworn brothers and fellow-Orange men, and often passed the sign from the jury -box into the dock.—(Loud cries of" Hear, hear.") surely, Sir, all remember these things, and also the frightful re-ac tions which took place—re-actions which made it neces sary to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, to put the In surrection Act in force three times, and even at the com mencement of Lord Grey's Government, to pass the Co ercion Bill, by which so many calamities were inflicted on Ireland.—(Hear.) Suppose a man now rose in the House of Commons, and called for a Coercion Bill, for this country, what case would he make? Lord Stanley no doubt showed an immense number of murders and riots, and other disturbance which flowed out of the system of taking land. He, indeed, showed an immense number of crimes to have been committed, and no one had a better right, for it was the ran- G EDffl ON tour of his Government which provoked them.-- -(Hear.) But, I repeat, what case could be made out now to call for a Coercion Bill ? There are fewer crimes beyond comparison perpetrated for the same pc pulation than in England. I demonstrated in the House of Commons that there are three murders committed in England for one in Ireland—(Hear)—and that they have gone on augmenting in the same ratio. On the 15th instant I shall produce a beautiful litany of mur ders, and other atrocious crimes, which, if done in Ire land, would induce some one to stand up and demand a Coercion Bill.—(Hear, and cheers.) I'll show, Sir, from the Assize returns, the relative state of both countries as regards crime, and first take my own county, where, out of a population of 300,000, only two or three people were convicted of stealing pigs and sheep, and where the Assizes only lasted three days. - Show me any county in England that can exhibit such a miserable—l ought rather say glorious—list of offences.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Sir, we are come to a period when a rally must be made for Ire land. The Precursor Society will do so, but we want the rest of Ireland to rally with us.—(Cheers.) When I find others coming forward I wish to give them a free stage, and will not, therefore, on any account interfere, but, on the contrary, join with them heart and hand. —(Hear, hear.) I will make use of the political cii of rhodium to coax them as they do rats—( Laughter) —and let them, if they choose, take their station in the front of the battle. It is on that account, therefore, that I will not move the motion of which I have given notice till the next day of our meeting, which I will move at rising do adjourn till this day week, the day after that which the great meeting will be held. We will then know what generals and commanders we shall have for the people, and should they come forward as they are bound to do, we will join them with alacrity. Should the leading nobility and gentry then go with the popular movement the nation is at their service--(Hear)—the people are at their will ; there is no great danger that the peace of society wi►l be dis turbed, or that injury will be inflicted on persons or property.—(Hear, hear.) We gained one glorious political revolution, without breaking any law, or vio lating any commandment, I trust, of God.—(Hear, hear.) The people did that, irritated as they were, in many instances, by desertion and betrayal of their cause, and the causes of suspicion which existed, as well as the insults and oppressions which they endured. They are now trained, and ready to follow in the track of any man who will stand between Ireland and the Orange Tory despotism of the Peel and Wel lington faction.—(Cheers.) We had had the magic of being always right, and if those to whom I have allu ded will now join us, we will follow in their wake ; if they do not, we have our own resources, and I, for one. never despaired of my country.—(Loud cheers.) Toe I democratic movement is abroad, and making a mighty progress throughout the world. Even in Egypt the Monarch is obliged to obey the uprising and mighty power of the human mind. He cannot now, as for merly, exclude the Christians from his dominions, but is following steadily in the track pursued by the rest of Europe. The Grand Seignior at Constantinople is no longer the despot he was wont to be, but is directed and controlled by the voice of public opinion. From them across to Washington the principle of democratic liberty is felt—in fine, its mighty effect; are felt all over the earth. Spain and Portugal have felt the influence of the same spirit, and although they have been tarnished by the shedding of human blood —yet those evils in themselves show that man is march ing forward, and that the power of any despotic Govern ment —conquerors or tyrants—cannot resist its progress. —(Cheers.) There is only one thing necessary to in sure success, and that is to improve the law of man ' whenever it is found necessary, and to act according to that of God. It is only men who pursue such a course that arc likely to make the movement beneficial, and it is such that are to be found in Ireland. Those who have kept back heretofore are now preparing to go with us, from which I prognosticate the best results, and it is, therefore, that I will postpone my motion until this day week. Mr. GUTHRIE next rose and addressed the Society in a lengthened speech, demonstrating the identity in prin ciple and action of any dominant party in Ireland during the period of the English sway with those of the present Tories, and concluded by passing a glowing eulogium on Mr. O'Connell, for his transcendent services to his native country. _ _ _ Mr. - SHEA LALOR said that on the last day of meet ing he had given notice of two resolutions, but, after consulting with his friends, he had then come to the determination of withdrawing them, because it was not proper to throw even a pebble in the way of the current of public business, for, as Mr. O'Connell had ob served, theugh they might not approve of the policy of Ministers, they should delay telling them so until some more convenient opportunity. That body was always adverse to making any inquiries respecting the religious principles of any man, and provided he was attached to their cause they cared not to inquire whether he was Catholic or Protestant. He had taken the red book, and gone over all the names in it, and he would on the next day of meeting lay a statement of the re sult before the meeting. He would then mention the result which he came to after reading through the entire, and it was, that wherever there is no salary at• tacked to an office, it is sure to be filled by an Irish man, but if there was a salary, then an Englishman was sure to be appointed.—(Loud cries of " hear." and ' laughter.) He might instance the . Board of Educa tion, where there was no salary, and where all the members were Irish.--(Hear.) If Lord Not - inanity was possessed of the facts which he had collected, he would be much better able to combat the observations of his opponents. The entire of the salaries at tached to the courts of law in Ireland, amounted to 1'25,8901., per annum, and of this what, he would ask, was the amount received by the Catholi cs ? It was only 22,750/. ; while th e Protestants .re ceived 103,7401.—(Hear.) But, if such was the case at present, how was it a few years back, when scarcely a single Catholic held any kind of office ? His iten tion was to calculate the amount received in salaries by Catholics and Protestants since the Union, and the contrast which it would present, would be such as he was confident would astonish the people of England. In the Court of Chancery the amount of salaries was 41,320/. a year, 6,800/. of which went to Catholics, and the remainder to Protestants. But it should be recollected, trifling as this amount appeared, that 4,500/., or by far the larger portion of it, went to the Master of the Rolls, who was only appointed a few years ago, and never, he could add, was such an ap pointment made ; for he would appeal to their most inveterate enemies if there ever had been half so good a Judge on the bench. In the Queen's Bench the salaries were 24,750/.. of which only 1,750/. went to the Roman Catholics, and out of that sum he was rejoiced to state there was paid one man who most thoroughly deserved his situation—he meant Patrick Costello.—(Hear, hear.) There was another officer in the Court of Chancery, who also was strongly entitled to promotion, that was Mr. Fitzsimon, the Clerk of the Hanaper, who was possessed of more poli tical modesty than any other man he ever knew.— (Hear, hear.) But he trusted that the time would come whe❑ his modesty would be no longer a bar to his preferment.—(Hear, hear). In the Exchequer there were 39,950/. salaries, of which 11,400/. were possessed by Catholics. But they should recollect that nearly half that sum was possessed by the new Chief Baton, whose appointment, he would add, was a blessing to the country, and was so much wanted after the extra- —.„—.-- - - ordinary decisions in tithe cases that w ere so o f ten given by that court. Mr. Lalor concluded by giving - notice that he would, on the next day of meeting-, move that it be referred to the committee to report on the calcula tions which he had prepared. After some observations from Mr 13Aantrr, Mr. O'CONNELL said—Since I moved the adjourn ment to Tuesday, I find I have an engagement on that day, and it will be therefore necessary to postpone the meeting to Wednesday. 1 now move that we again call on every parish in Ireland to meet on Sunday next, the 7th instant, to vote petitions to Parliament, praying for a continuance of a just and impartial administration in Ireland. Mr. M'NEVIN seconded the motion, which was car ried unanimously.—The meeting then adjourned. SCOTLAN D. ING FEMALE RADICAL MEET_ On Monday evening last, a public meeting of the female inhabitants of Glasgow and vicinity, was held in the Methodist Chapel, Spreull's-court, Trongate, to hear a deputation from the Universal Suffrage Associa tion, as to the propriety of their taking part in the movement for Universal Suffrage. The place was nearly full—there could not be fewer than 250 females prasent, all of whom were neatly attired : indeed, we have seldom seen a more respectable and attentive audience. Mr. CUMMING, in the course of the proceedings, alluded to the evidence given by Sheriff Allison, before a Committee of the House of Commons, relative to the general character of factory girls, which, he observed, contained the most atrocious falsehoods ever put in print ; and if they had been properly represented, suc h charges would not have not have been allowed t o go forth to the public, without a contradiction from either of their so called representatives. The meeting adopted resolutions to use every lawful means to carry out Universal Suffrage, and then peace ably separated.—Scots Times. CORN.LAWS. 'fo-day a public meeting is to be held in Glasgow to receive the report of our Delegates missions to London. What . that report must be, it is :ill be of ' au energetic easy to guess—what the ulterior measures of our Anti. s C a o y r ; n Corn-law wAssociationthat, inilaaty they be, course, character, creditable to the intelligence and embodying themos most firm e resolvefoolish a nd theo i f ni qu t men ous ofim imposts which respectingich flourish the fiscal system of Britain.—Scots aoulin ot their of several THE CHARTISTS. (From the Scotsman.) 'We cannot hut regret that so dicgrfierful a "r • on be' gS in Oth er )et ter. in the w hich 0 ,01. it ckere