The Sun. — London, England, 1844-07-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. mom Tita Immo .roasts b tr.srituatf: GLOBE.—We regret, of course; that the constituency of Birmingham have shown so perverse a fancy-that their Parliamentary repreeentation, like their pound sterling, should represent nothing at all. While this is matter of regret to a Liberal Opposition, assuredly it affords the party in p ower no ma tt er for exulta- tion. The new Member comes in on the express de claration that he is "no Peelite;" on the express pledge of opposing all the principal' Ministerial mea sures now pending, and adding the gratuitous sweetener to his supporters—that he would have ,opposed those which are carried—had he been in time 1 .The case is parallel, as regards Parliamentary !Conset'vatisele to what it would have been had Parlianteittery 'Liberalism claimed a triumph in the return of some Ultra-Chartist candidate, who had - expressly declared he was " no Rus sellite ;" and that he meant to oppose all the leading measures characterising the Whig party. Had the Tory candidate mounted Peel colours, it is evident he would not have been returned ; so that the moral drawn by the Government organ from the event is most ludicrously inappropriate. " Let the Young Englanders," says the Herald, " and the other discontented Conservatives, meanwhile take instruction from this unequivocal proof, that, whatever they may allege against Sir Robert Peel's administration, they must admit that that administration has advanced the Conservative cause throughout the country." It would seem that " the discontented Conser vatives" have matter of encouragement, rather than of warning ; and that Young England may live in hopes of flattering fraternisation with Young Brummagem. The only mode in which Mr. Spooner's return can be colourably argued as indicating that the present Mi nistry have advanced the Conservative case, is as afford ing a fresh token that the measures of Ministers have aroused the Conservative strength against them. They have been useful in rousing and rallying that " great national party" from its slumbers. So successful have fir Robert Peel's measures of the present session proved, in this point of view, that the Conservative candidate for a place like Birmingham finds no rheto ric so powerful as the distinct enumeration of those measures, with- a distinct note of reprobation attached to each! Mr. Spooner, in his first speech to his friends at Dee's Hotel, declared as follows:—" He was a true Conservative, but he confessed he was no Peelite. During the present session he had seen many deviations from what he considered to be a constitutional course of Government ; and under such circumstances he could not undertake to give a constant and undeviat ing support to the present Government." Mr. Spooner opposes the Poor-law Bill and Sir Robert Peel's currency measures, including the pending Banking Bill. Mr. Spooner would have opposed the Factory Bill and the Sugar Bill. It is difficult to, conceive a candidate coming in with a more complete and raisonne manifesto of "no confidence." "Allusion had been made to the Factory Bill, aye, and to the Sugar Bill. He had no vote on those subjects; but he would tell them, if he hal had, he should, together with upwards of 100 Members who are usually supporters of Ministers, have voted against Ministers ; and he should, together with Mr. Newdegate, their county Member (then on the hustings), have stuck to his vote, and no threat of turning out should ever have made him rote black was white on Friday, and reverse his vote on the following Monday." It may be perceived n - oat 'the above samples, that we can afford to speak impartially of this return. And our impartial (pinion is, that it dces pretty nearly equal dis credit to both parties. We need say nothing of the conduct of the local minority of the Liberals, who, un able to carry extreme views on their own side, ap pear to think it the-next best thing to give the victory t') extreme views on the other. If these gentlemen have convinced themselves that no bread is better than a half-loaf, we know no argument which can avail to prevent them', where parties are nearly balanced, from reducing themselves and us to the "no-bread" predicament. Neither can we think that the oppo site party derive much credit from their choice. Mr. Spooner may be, and *e believe is, a very respectable end - respected gentleman amongst his fellow-townsmen. But he represents no party of possible government, un less Birmingham could be isolated, like San Marino. The Birmingham notions on Corn and Currency" are as incapable of inflaencing actual measures, as Sir James Grahath's past opinions on corn and Currency" of af fecting his preeent conduct. STANDARD).—The Birmingham election terminated on Saturday, in the return of sir. Spooner. Taking it as an exponent of the prevailing sentiment of the county, it is impossible to exceed in rejoicing upon the occasion.• But twelve years have passed since Birmingham was the focus of that political discontent which overrun the liele of Great Britain. In Birmingham the politi i'al unions had their mirth, and there these unions lioueislied the longest and most vigorously. The "New 411-;:ill meeting" at Birmingham set the example of ; 01W p:iysical force demonstrations of which the Whig Ouveroment availed itself to control by intimidation the Crown and the Parliament. Finally, the army, as strong as both the c' ntending forces at Waterloo, with which the Legislature was menaced, was to come from kirrningh:stn. Yet such has been the happy inforevement of public feeling, that within less :had twelve years from these violent indications of discontent, we find Birmingham returning a Conserve , i vsO Member to the Howe of Commons, upon, cons f 'es464l.y, as pure, as calm, as deliberate, and altogether es unexceptionable an exercise of the right of election es any patriot can wish for. Dues this prove any dis creditable incensistency on the part of the electors of Birmingham ? Very far from it. It merely proves that these electors have not been blind or indifferent to the events of the last ten or eleven years, and that they - are manly enough to act upon the instruction of experience and of common sense. Twelve years ago few then living had . seen Whig principles practically applied tp government, Ilene had ever seen Conservative government. The Whig party was then in blossom, full of grace and of promise, the Conservative party was loaded with the just edium of the overbearing Tory policy. The bitter fruits of Whig principles were, however, soon to show themselves—the blossoms fell one by one—all those Who possessed the respect of the country by charac ter or talent dropped successively from the ftdminstration. First, Lord Grey, then Lord Stanley, Lord Ripon, the Duke of Richmond, Sir James Gra ham ; lastly, the greatest of all, the one man whose gigantic powers of mind had created the party, made it popular, and while' he countenanced sustained it—Lord Brougham; five yeers of the worst government that can afflict mankind followed—the combination of perversity And weakness—and the country suffered all the injurious and irritating effect. Meanwhile the Conservative party unfolded itself with consummate prudence, under the guidance of the great statesman, to Whom may be confidently ascribed its existence and its triumph. Sir Robert Peel taught the friends of the Constitution that to be imperious Or jealous over the people is' not, as the `.Tories were accustomed to suppose, necessary to good government ; but that it is not only more just but even more easy to preierve the institutions of the State by the said of the people themselves than in defiance of them— the distinction as,' we believe, between Conservative and Tory principles, and the ground upon which the people have.preferred the former to the negation. of at! principles, of which the Whig creed is apparently n.ada up. Parallel to this progress of the political mind of the country, and - largely contributing to it, as been, within the last twelve years, a prodigious improvement in the intelligence and in the religious sentiment 'of the nation—the work of the pro moters of education, and chief among these pro moters, oaf the clergy of the Established Church. The electors of Birmingham hate: merely followed in a great-and most happy revolution of o pi n i on , p ro d uce d by these causes. And if they are a 'little later in the road than others, it is easy to understand why they are so. Birmingham had to complain justly of a wrong be fore the Reform Bill ; its great population had grown up without any participation in the representative Legis lature Of the country . ;" and according to the maxims laid down by Tory statesmen they must continue for ever in 'that htimiliating . state of privation. The Reform Ministers Who 'ga've representatives to Birming ham a ppeared, therefore—until their purely selfish pur pose in the gift Was unequivocally proved, by the at tempt to make a " Reform Club" borough of the place— as generous benefactors ; and the violences which these reforening Miniaters countenanced, and ever prompted, in 1832, were, , by the people of Birmingham, regarded as a kind' of. pledge from which it would, be discreditable_ to swerve. This, however, we rejOice to see has passed away, the electors of Birmingham have since 1832 seen nine years of Whig government, and three years of Conservative government, and they have drawn from the comparison - the inference which a majority of the nation had drawn from the sad expe rience of Whig government alone, and without the contrast. : • • , NEXT- EASTER. The following curious article regarding " Easter-day, 1845."ia by ProfesSor de Morgan : " In in -article which I havo• prepared for the next number of the Companiot to the Almanac,' I have dis= . cussed the reasons why Easter day will 'next year fall, in apparent defiance- of the Act of Parliament, upon t h e eery day of the full- moon. But as an acci• dental application which I have received (and I — know that the superintendent of the Nautical Almanac has received another from a different quarter) makes me think that, the computers of almanaes will lee puzzled, and that the useless discussion of 1818 (when. the dis -crepency last.occurred) will be revived, unless some ono twill forthwith state the reason of the difficulty, I re witieet. that you, will publish some of the conclusions of the paper ; to which I refer, which will in due ;pee appear in the work: cited. ' And I hope that th ,, daily papers will give additional currency to Nine conclusions ; and I should reoommend that t t. e salt , ‘e thing should bo done---in , the almanacs. The rule ado, eteet in Ibis - country for finding Easter is th at . ~f the Ro, nan Catholic Church, as establi s h e d at:what is called t. be Reformation of the. Calendar by • P ope Gregory t h e t Thirteenth, in the year 1582 Th e mi thority forth s rule is contained in the papal b r i e f o f March Ist, 1. iB2, in which reference is Made, for all ex p!anations, to the then forthcoming work of the J esu i t Clavius, to whi en both the adjustment and explanation of the Calendai ?.had been intrusted. The British Par • lament, in allot 'sting . the rule of Clavius, made two mis takes in the exp l 2 ',nation of that rule. Their explana tion is, that Eas tee • Sunday is the Sunday: after the full oon which col nes ole-or next after the f2lse of March, and that if the moon &lion a Sunday, Easter Sun day is the next 3etnday. The two mists tk es are as follow :- 1. Instead full moon,' they should have said, reetrteenth (I,ty •of the moon,. the day of new moon being reckone. .1 a s the first.' That Easter, as well as tl e Passover, sea 4. always regulated, not by the full moon, but by le fourteenth day of th t emo u n, is of the utmost histori eat ,notoriety. And Clavius says that none but a fe , v who fancy themselves sharpsighted ever imagined that the fourteenth of the moon and the full u.oun were the 'same in the Church of - "2. Instead of the moon' of the heavens, they ought to have said the moon of the calendar,' which is a very different thing. The moon of the calendar is not even a mean, or uniformly moving moon to which astronomers refer the real moon ; but differs from it intentionally and avowedly, by two classes of arbitrary alterations, the first class intended for simplicity of calculation, the second for avoiding the possibility of the Christian aster falling on the actual day of the Jewish Passover. " In . the year 1845, the fourteenth day of the calendar moon falls on Saturday, the 22d of March, whence Easter is rightly made to be Sunday, the 23d, according to the law both of the Roman and English Churches, though the English statute does not well explain its own method. With regard to this country, it should be noticed that this statute enacts that Easter shall be kept by the' ca lendar, tables, and rules' annexed to the Act; and these agree with Clavius. " Of course any one is at liberty, as many did in 1818, to think that the statute should be altered ; and cer tainly it would be worth while to avoid misconception by repealing the faulty definition, and substituting a better one, in the Prayer-books of the Established Church. But if any oue should wish to advocate the repeal of the rules, and the construction of new ones agreeable to the existing definition, and astronomi cally true, he will perhaps pause when he finds that his own system would sometimes cause it to happen that St. Paul's Cathedral must keep Easter a week after Westminster Abbey, and would very frequently make a week's difference between the festivals of the colonies and the mother country.—l remain, Sir, yours faithfully, " A. DE MORGAN. " University College, London, July 11, 1844." LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF BANKRUPTCY, July 15. (Before Sir C. F. WILLIAMS.) EXTRAORDINARY FRAUDS.—IN THE MATTER OF WILLIAM BROMLEY. The bankrupt in this case, a solicitor of Gray's Inn, appeared to hear the judgment of the Learned Commis sioner pronounced, upon his final examination, and the Court was crowded with persons—some attracted by the extraordinary disclosures which had been made at the previous examinations, and others more immediately and painfully interested in the proceedings. Mr. Humphrey, as before, attended for the assignees, and Mr. Sturgeon represented the bankrupt. The case had been appointed for twelve o'clock, but owing to private business the Learned Commissioner did not take his seat till nearly two. Sir C. F. Wittalams—You wished, Mr. Sturgeon, at the close of the last day's examination, to say something in palliation of the bankrupt's conduct. I am willing to hear anything you may have to urg e now. Mr. STURGEON begged to state first, that, but little time had been allowed him to prepare anything like a fair statement. Sir C. F. Wimalats—Then no injury can arise to any one from a further postponement. Mr. STURGEON said that with the Learned Commis sioner's sanction, the few words he had to advance should be said now. It was a painful thing to stand in that Court, under any circumstances, but doubly pain ful for a gentleman like his client of respectable stand ing, who transacted great and important business, and through whose hands more than a million and a half of money had passed, in his capacity of solicitor for a Prime Minister of the empire (Earl Grey). Sir C. F. Wimuams—ls there any evidence of that? Mr. STURGEON—Yes, in the banker's books. Sir C. F. WILLIAMS —ls Lord Grey a creditor or debtor? Mr., STURGEON—A creditor. In fact the extent of the dealings of the bankrupt, not wily as a solicitor but as a speculator, was very great, and the Learned Com missioner was aware that when once this spirit entered the mind of a person there was no knowing to what extent in sPeculatien that person would proceed. Now, as far as the bankruist's accounts showed, he had been in receipt of from 3,0001. to 4,0001. by his profession, and from his property he had an annual rental of from 5,000/. to 6,0001. It was exceedingly difficult to say, what might not .be the bankrupt's reason aide expectations of repaying any moneys he might have speculated with ; and if on investigation of his ac counts his Honour s hould filid any .extenuating eir cumst Awes, he (Mr. Sturgeon) felt convinced that the Court would inetinv to give that leniency to the bank rupt of which he stood so much in need. That he had striven manfully against his evil fortunes was true, for, for a long period of his life he had not gone to bed on any one night till two in the morning, so anxious was he to restore to all the properties he might have taken the temporary use of. But would the creditors greatly lose by this unfortunate gentleman? He held securities on property which was valued at 120,000! Sir .C. P. WILL:Ams--I would compound for 120,000 half crowns, Mr. Sturgr on. I feel so much for you, on account of the difficulty in which you are placed between this Court and your client, that I will hear all you have to say in Mitigation ; but I will feel obliged if you will state nothing but %hat is founded on feats, lest it should get to the`piiblic through the medium of the public press. I cannot permit you to go on with these statements, be cause if I do I must reply to them. Mr. STURGEON was not aware that the amount of property stated in the schedule was contrary to the fact. Sir C. F. Wriu.sams—There is no voucher for it. You have no foundation for those statements but your instructions, and a kind and generous feeling towards the fallen. Mr. STuaorost—What he was contending for was, that the property in the balance-sheet was stated at 120,000/., which was proved from the banker's book and other sources. Mr. Bromley, lie was assured, would amend his schedule. He would, however, suggest that the creditors should meet to prevent the sacrifice of the bankrupt's estate at a nominal %glue. He complained that in the addresses of his Learned Friends on the pre ceding examinations of the bankrupt, they had used lan guage which, to say the least of it, was greatly exagge rated, as when his Learned Friend, Mr. Humphrey, said that he had twenty-three similar cases to those advanced by Mr. Clarkson. Mr. HUMPHREY—I have them now. Mr. STURGEON—Had written I'M- the list of such cases, and many of them he found (sixteen, no less), which Mr. Bromley could not, after the most careful considera tion, charge himself with. Sir C. P. WILLIAMS—HOW can you prove that ? Mr. STURGEON--Would prove by the oath of the bankrupt that on these sixteen cases no fraud had been committed. Sir C. F. WILLIAMS—I am sure that I can cite from the bankrupt's own books amounts to the value of 20,000/.; where, and I am obliged to say it, this cold and determined wronghas beet' committed. Mr. "STURGEON—No doubt ; but there seemed a deeper and hidden motive on the part of the learned gentleman retained by the assignees. There might have been money appropriated in three or four cases—a man' might do . so with the firm intention of refunding it ; but then it was stated that an amoflut of 90,0001. had been used in various acts of speculation, and every one of them . steeped in fraud, that it would be:painful, to go into. Therefore, he thought his :Learned Friend Mr. Humphrey was bound, in justice to the bankrupt, to prove these allegations. Why, in the list he held, he found the name of Earl Grey for art' amount of cash to have been invested in stocks, but which the assignees alleged had been misap propriated, and yet none of Lord Grey's family were there to press their claims. None of the family of Mrs. Hare were there, and her name was also in the list. He prayed the Court to consider that the bankrupt was in declining health, the result of his intense application to business, which had induced an affection of the heart ; his wife was also in the same condition, and he had a family of eleven children. He felt confident; that if the Court did not paralyse the bankrupt's energies, the creditors would- reap the result of his activity. He trusted that the future would not only exhibit a gleam of hope for the unfortunate gentle man beside him, but for those also who at present seemed •the greater sufferers. He was deeply contrite and penitent, and would do all in his power to give satis faction tothe assignees. Sir C. F. WILLIAMS said that the question before him was, whether or not he would be satisfied with the ba lance-sheet sent in by Mr. Bromley. He would not comment upon the figures quoted by Mr. Sturgeon, as the whole endeavour of the Learned Counsel had been to raise a feeling of compassion for his client. But he (Sir C. F. Williams) had a duty to perform, not only to the public but to the creditors, and not only to them but to himself also and to the unfortunate bankrupt; andle must say that he never, - in the - whole course of his life, saw abalance-sheet more calculated to excite the strongest feelingi of disappointment, and not disappointment only, than this sheet of M r . Bromley's. Mr. Bromley's trans actions reached over a long period—those which were blameable, and those which Were much more than blameable, hid extended • over ten and thirteen years. If there was one avocation more than another which re quired honour and integrity in its professors that of an attorney required them, for there wa's scarcely a fanaily, scarcely an individual, who, at some period or another, were not obliged to Consult an attorney. There fore, `"these, transactions of Mr. Bromley n o t only - injured iniself, but. cast a blighting influence over his profession. These transactions bad not been done on the impulse of the moment—on the spur of necessity. , No ; they bad covered a course of years. He hid dropped; on a previous occasion, an expression that if part of those transactions was not obtaining, money 'under false pretences, he did not know what was, and such,,, he felt convinced, Would' be the opinion of all honest and all estimable men in the profesition t , of the laW ; for' would' not • such doings as these be calculated to excite deep distrust'And suspicion? Would not men quote the unfortunate man's name when they wished to produce proof that their suspicions' and that their distrust was not a chitnera? 'And now to 'the balance-sheet. The bankrupt did not profess 'to shoiiin it that he had psssessed one sin *le shilling when he' coinineneed those speculations' and yet, at the time Of the issuing of the fiat his liabilities amounted to 141,5221. is. 11d. Out of' this there were creditors without security, without the shadow. of a shade of security, to the enormous amount t of 86,791/., and of the whole names in his schedule only those disiwn for an amount-of 4541 15s. held SEIM.- rities. On examining the 'balance-sheet, and scrati nislng the property valued at 120,000/., he was verily of opinion that it would not . realise 6,000/. The Learned Commissioner then recapitulated in detail the bankrupt's tran-actioss with Archdeacon Brymer, respectine the misappli6tion of various sums under the will of tbe late Mr. T:. Wilkinson ; and a further sum of 3,500 L, also appropriated to his own we, and other sums of greater or lesser amount, appropriated in a similar manner. Let them imagine four, five, or six families reduced, through the means of the bankrupt, from opulence to indigence ; from enough and to 'spare, to a loaf ; and would the Learned Counsel, under these circumstances, have them extend their sympithy to the creditori, or to the bankrupt ? He thought that ere men 'commenced to spectilate, they should first examine their banker's book THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY l6, 1844. to ascertain if they could do so upon their own resat - fives, without trenching upon property en trusted to their care. He never knew an instance (perhaps he might except one) where ruin did not sooner or later overtake the speculator without capital. The present was a sad instance—the speculator without a shil ling, the bankrupt in 141,000 L Such a case had never till then come before him, and never would, he trusted, again. He would, therefore, adjourn the further examination of the bankrupt, to give time for the amending of his balance-sheet, and he trusted that when he next came up he would be prepared to show the real nature of his property, for he might rest assured that pass he would not until the Court and his creditors were fully satisfied. After some further remarks and some discussion be tween counsel, as to whether the bankrupt should still receive his allowance from-the estate, the further hear ing was adjourned till the 29th of October, at ten o'clock. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, July 15, IN RE EDWARD CASMENT. This case, which excited considerable interest, occu pied the Court during the entire day. The insolvent had been a person of independent property, or was, at least, represented to be so ; and, upon appearing on his petition to be discharged, was opposed by a person named Williams, who was the detaining creditor, on the ground of having contracted debts fraudulently. It appeared by the evidence that the insolvent had em ployed two builders to erect houses for him upon some ground which he had purchased at Bermondsey—one of whom was the opposing creditor. In consequence of a disagreement between them, an action was brought againt the insolvent, and, to avoid the results of a verdict, he petitioned the Court of Bankruptcy, under the new Bankrupt Act ; but his petition was discharged with a severe reprimand from the Commissioner and the insolvent was arrested soon afterwards. Mr.. Commissioner LAW said there could be no doubt but that the insolvent had contracted his debts unfairly, and without the intention of payment. There was, also, another serious charge against him—of having made away with his property to the detriment of his creditors. As the case stood now, he should adjourn it to next Monday, when he could assure the insolvent a severe remand would be inflicted. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (YESTERDAY.) MANSION-HOUSE. A porter, named William Hickey, in the employment of the East India Company, was brought before Sir Peter Laurie, charged with having stolen some tea, which he deposited between his legs and his stockings. It appeared from the investigation, that, although a trust worthy and vigilant officer, is appointed to search the men employed by the Company when they are on the point of leaving the wareboase, plunder takes place very extensively there. The prisoner, who had been in his situation two years and a half, acknowledged, upon being asked whether he had about him any of the Company's property, that he had a little tea, and at once showed that he owed the appearance of gouty legs to the padding of about two pounds of tea in his stockings. Sir PETER LAURIE—Did he confess that he was guilty ? The witness replied that he had confessed his guilt, and that he begged for mercy in consideration of his wife and large family. It was, however, the deter mination of the Hon. East India Company to prosecute in every case of a similar nature. Sir P. LAURIE said it was quite usual for people to cry out against suggestions for sending cases of theft, to what were called paltry amounts, for trial. A severe judgment was passed upon those who committed the accused without any knowledge of the circumstances under which the prosecution was undertaken and perse vered. in, and nothing was more erroneous and dis ingenuons than the practice of condemning the magis tracy for committing for robberies of inconsiderable amount. In the present case the prisoner was confi dentially employed, and he had violated the reliance placed upon him by stealing as much as he thought he could successfully conceal, and the East India Company reasonably thought that, if they did not prosecute, they might calculate upon a pretty extensive imitation of the conduct of the prisoner. The magistrate had no option in such a case. notwithstanding which he was sure to participate with the prosecutors in the condemnation. The prisoner declared that he had never in his life before committed any offence of the sort. Ife was committed for trial. young Man, whe upon every occasion on which he i s apprehendd gives.. a different name, was brought up charged with having stolen a purse out of a lady's pocket that morning on London-bridge. 4 policeman stated that a publican, who said he saw tho prisoner dip his hind with remarkable dexterity into the lady's pocket, collared the prisoner, who very willingly consented to allciw himself to be searched. There was .)wever, no occasion for a search for the purse, as a per son in the crowd picked it up in the roadway and handed it to the witness. The prisoner had been in company with other persons, following up several respectable people for the purpose, of. robbing them, and had been t watched by the officers for. some time. Ile was, how- a ever, an uncommonly clever hand. n Sir P. LAURIE—\YeII, prisoner, what can you say to , this charge ? A - young man, who said he attended professionally for I the prisoner, submitted that the purse was found in the street, and there was no proof that the prisoner had ever r , had it in his possession. Sir P. LAURIE—Who were those gentlemen who were with you when the purse was missed ? The prisoner said he was by hims , :ll, and had not been in the com pany of any person the whole morning. Sir P. LAURIE—How, then, did this solicitor happen to know that you were in custody? I'he prisoner—A . Bl was going along with the officer a friend saw the situation I was in, and sent this gentleman to attend for me. Sir P. LATTRIE—NO doubt of it. The friends that were with you when you picked the lady's pocket took c ar e to employ him, but I shall take care to have the gentle man here who saw your hand draw the purse out of the lady's pocket. The prisoner's solicitor—Perhaps, Sir Peter, you would be pod enough to dispose of this case summarily. §11" . YETER 'LAußiz—Not at all, Sir. I must have yonr friend confronted with the person who saw his m4tions. The prisoner's solicitor—He is no friend of mine. Sir PETER LAURIE—He is a. friend of yours. You hake been employed by his confederates to come here to defend him. You won't point out to me the individuals who sent you here for him—will you?—(A laugh.) The prisoner's solicitor—All that I can say is, that I attend for him. Sir PETER LAURIE—WeII, I shall remand him, and further inquiries shall be made, - I Assure you. CLEI?KENWELL John Barrett, a fashionably-dressed young man, who give his address as a furrier, 72 and 73, Castle-street, Bristol, was charged with obtaining money on false pretences, by representing himself as the authorised collector of the Anti-Corn-law League. The prisoner when placed in the dock put his arms akimbo and burst 'put laughing. He cross-examined each witness with lawyer-like dexterity and minuteness. It appeared from the evidence of Mr. John Newman, a ,brass-worker t residing at No. 9, Plumtree-Street, B a tomsbury, that about six mon th s ago t h e pr i soner c led - on him, saying he had been requested to do so by Mr. Ingram, of 52, High , street, a member of th e Anti-Corn-law League. The prisoner then asked wit ness, if he were not a member of, the League, and upon his replying in the affirmative, he said, " I am a young man of fortune, and have become a member of! the Leag ue t o serve my party and my country. If you give me the two cards you have and a shilling, I will get them stamped for you by the Registrar of the League." He produced a book contain ing the names of several persons, purporting to be sub sdribers to the League. Witnesstold him that he should hive some better authority. The prisoner said—" That is:a useful suggestion, and I shall act upon it ; I will go to the League-office and get authority." He, thereup on , left the shop, , and returned in , half-an-hour, with a printed card, pasted in the book, and which purported to be authority for him to act as collector to the League. Witness then gave him his two cards and a shilling, the prisoner promising that he would get the cards stamped for him, so that he could attefid allrfutnee meetings of the League gratis. He never returned the chrds, nor did witness ever see him after until Wednesday last, when he accidentally met him at St. Giles's Church. The prisoner gave his name as Hutley, and denied all know ledge of the fraud. Witness having ascertained that several other tradesmen had been defrauded, gave him into custody on that (Monday) morning, at a coffee shop, where he lodged. Mr. Thomas W. Ingram, 52, High-street, St. Giles's, deposed that the prisoner .obtained the same sum from him. The prisoner said he was worth 5001. a-year, and that the order would " admit two to the boxes. ' - Mr. Alfred Saul, Secretary to the Anti-Corn-law League, said, the prisoner, whom he had never seen be fore, was not in any way authorised to act as collector to the League. About - six months ago a' printer living in St. Giles's called at the Anti-Corn-law League Office, and told witness that he had printed a number of cards, purporting to' authorise persons using them to act as collectors to the Anti-Corn-law League. They resem bled those described by the witnesses. Such cards bad not been printed by' direction of the League. The prisoner made a long and ingenious speech in his defence, and asserted , that it was a conspiracy—a league —got up by the League against him, because his father, who was a hatter in Bristol, was a notorious and strenu dus opponent of the Anti-Corn-law League. He said , lie would have counsel engaged upon the next examina tion, and sxpose theiwhole conspiracy.L--(Laughter.) Mt. Saville, a cOffee-shop keeper, deposed that the prisoner, who had lodged with him, had endeavoured to cheat him out of his rent ; and other evidence was given tending to inculpate the prisoner.. . -- Mr. Comm remanded him until Wednesday next, when it is expected similar cases will be brought against him. DEATH OF LIEUT. EDWARD ROBERTS.—The , ar rival of the Acadia brings the MelanchOlfintelligence of the death of Lieut. Edward Roberts, officer of her Majesty's mails, in the steamer, He was attacked by a fit of apoplexy previous to .the arrival of the ship at Halifax, and his recovery ivas' looked 'upon as so 'doubtful that' Capt. Jud kins *as sWordin as mail agent 'at that place. Shortly after his arrival at Boston he seemed to recover partially, but the dis ease afterward's took a niOre'serio'rkitirn, and he died-at- the MassaChusetts General Hospital' on the 27th June, aged 69,. Lieutenant Roberts had been in the British navy more than half a 'oentnrv, and held' a Lieutenant's commission since 1810. ' lie had seen Much hard service; and participated in no less than thirty naval engagements. He went out as mail agent in the Britannia on her first trip to the United States, had been in constant service since, and had crossed the At lantic over forty times. He has left a wife in Liverpool, but has no family. • HiS remains were deposited in a vault under Park-street `Church, Boston. - . .The mode of'popping the question in America now is, not " Miss, will you marry ?" but " Miss, are you in favour o f annexation.?' .b114:s;y) 1D:51,13 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, July 15. Their Lordships assembled at Five o'clock. The Earl of RODEN presented petitions from Caith ness and other places, in favour of the legalisation of Presbyterian marriages in Ireland. MR. MAZZINI. The Earl of RADNOR moved that the petition, which he presented on Friday last from Mr. Mazzini, be referred to the Select Committee which had been appointed on the subject of opening letters at the Post-office. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that the Com mittee which had been appointed was to inquire into the state of the law respecting opening letters by the Secretary of State ; and he did not see, therefore, how such an investigation could affect the character of Mr. Mazzini, or how such a Committee could clear his cha racter, supposing it to hoe been attacked ? He . (the Duke of Wellington), therefore, thought this motion of the Noble Earl was premature. The Earl of RADNOR thought if this were the case, that the decision of the Committee ought not to be biased by any statement which might be made with respect to the character of Mr. Mazzini. As the Noble Duke said the motion was premature, he (the Earl of Radnor) would withdraw it for the present, and reserve it for a future occasion. The motion was then withdrawn. Messengers from the Commons brought up several Bills. Several petitions were presented for and against the Dissenters Chapels Bill. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of the borough of Sud bury, praying to be heard by counsel against the Sud bury Disfranchisement Bill. The NOBLE and LEARNED LORD gave notice that he should move the second reading of the Alien B. to-night. PRIVILEGE. Mr. MANNERS SUTTON hoped the House would not agree to the motion. Mr. T. DUNCOMBk said the clause involved a new principle, and one of great importance. He objected to the power given to the Commissioners to fix the annual value which was to give a vote to the rate-payer. This power had never been given to the Commissioners, and he hoped it never would be. If the postponement of the clause was not consented to, he should move the omission of the words giving that power. Mr. WAKLEY entreated the Hon. Gentleman to postpone the clause. The clause was one that could not be discussed in the absence of the Right Hon. Baronet, who had charge of the Bill. Mr. FERRAND called the attention of the Govern ment to the power given by the clause to the overseers of the poor to appoint the district board that was to manage the schools of the poor. Mr. M. 'SUTTON could , not consent to the postpone ment of the clause. The power given to the Commis sioners was the same as that given theni by the 38th sec. of the New Poor-law Act. Mr. HAWES thought that the clause ought not to be discussed in the absence of any Member of the Govern ment who would be able to afford the House any ex planation. Mr.B. COCHRANE said that this showed how little was known of the new Poor-law. Here was a power possessed by the Commissioners which few were aware of. He thought that the power of the Commissioners ought to be curtailed, and not increased. Captain FITZROY thought that the conduct adopted by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, and by some on his side, was such as to afford any Government little inducement to bring forward a Bill to mitigate the operation of the new law. He thought the opposition to the Bill was an unfair one. He was as much opposed to the new Poor law as any one, and as such he was justified in not op-. posing a Bill which was a mitigation of that law He thought that the conduct evinced with regard to this measure showed who were the real friends of the poor. It was not enough to come down to the House like the Noble Lord the Member for Newark, to make flashy speeches, in order that they might appear in the news te the r es t h mask r e w n a ds s e n f o w t h take e taken r. o — ff t , h o o h s e w h hy , c p a a ll p e e d rs. the ß m u s and " Hear, hear.") Sir C. NAPIER said he did not know whether he was included amongst those who wished to stop the Bill. He had no wish to stop it, but it was no wonder that the Bill should be delayed when, on the last evening it was under discussion, a clause was for four or five hours under consideration, which, according to the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, was not applicable to the rural districts, and which the metropolitan districts did not want.— (Hear, hear.) • Why should such a clause be introduced into the Bill? He hoped this discussion would induce the Government to pay more attention to the Bills they introduced. They were now on the 24th line of the present clause, which he thought was a very improper one. He hoped they would not pass it. He considered it gave the Commissioners too much power, and therefore he should oppose that part of it. After a desultory conversation, Mr. M. SUTTON moved that the Chairman do report progress, and ask leave to sit again. The House then resumed, the CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Wednesday next, at Twelve o'clock. The House then adjourned till Five o'clock. Lord BROUGHAM then rose to call the attention of their Lordships to a gross statement which had appeared in one of the newspapers of the day. The passage in question, in the newspaper alluded to, the Britannia, stated, that Lord Brougham had given up his pet scheme of the new judgeship in the Privy Council, and in , obedience to Lord Lyndhurst had withdrawn the clauses relative to divorce. It went on to state that Lord Brougham no longer took any interest in the Bill, and the above clauses were taken out of the Bill during his absence. Now he (Lord Brougham) had on two occasions distinctly denied ever having applied for any situation under the new Privy Cguncil Bill ; and with' respect to the clauses that had been withdrawn, he could only say that he had re quested his Noble and Learned Friend on the woolsack - to withdraw them for him. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he could confirm what the Noble Lord had stated. The subject then dropped. E - COMMITTEE. tord SANDON appeared at the bar with a message frclm the Commons, requesting their Lordships to allow the Duke of Wellington and another Noble Peer to give evidence before the Post-office Comniittee sitting in the other House.—Leave was given. BIRKENHEAD DOCK BILL. he Earl of STRADBROKE moved the third reading of his Bill. - he motion was agreed to. - n the motion that the Bill do pass, he Marquis of SALISBURY moved the addition of certain clauses, and in doing so made some rather severe remarks on the conduct of Mr. Mallaby, the solicitor to :the promoters of the Bill. tJord BROUGHAM thought it was unfair for Noble. Lotrds to make grave accusations against absent persons. The Earl.of WICKLOW thought the Bill ought to be sent back to the Committee. pord MONTEARIiE thought the Bill a most ita pottant one to the trade and commerce of the country, and was one which o ug h t to pass w i t h the least p oss ibl e de may. The• House resumed its sitting at Five o'clock. The London and Croydon Railway Bill was read a hird time and passed. Mr.. HUTT presented a petition from Gat es h ea d, complaining of th e opening of letters by the Post-office authorities. Mr. WARBURTON presented a petitiOn from certain parties- in the eastern division of Surrey, complaining of the contradictory decisions of revising barristers. Messengers from the Lords brought down several Bills, and also asked leave for Lord Palmerston to be examined before the Postage Committee of the Upper House, which was agreed to. NOTICES OF MOTION—MR. WODEHOUSE AND MR. WAKLEY. Mr. WODEHOUSE said he had a notice of motion to give : but before he did so he hoped the House would allow him to say a few words in reference to what fell from: him on Saturday last. It had been intimated to him that the• explanation which he had given on that occasion to the lion. Member for Finsbury had not been satisfactory, and he had, therefore, no hesitation in frankly and explicitly saying, that when he made the allusion he referred to, he had acted under an erroneous impreSsion with respect to the trial. The Honour able Gentleman, it now appeared to him, from the explanation which he had given, had a verdict distinctly in his favour—that everything which occurred efterwards was also clearly in his favour, and, there fore, he (Mr. Wodehouse) feeling that he had done the Honourable Member for Finsbury an injury, felt it his bounden duty to make himself the instrument of reparation.—(Loud cheers.) He felt this to -be a duty which be owed, not only to the Honourable Member himself, but to all connected with him —(Cheers)—not only to his relations in private life, but to his connexions and his friends in public life, did he feel it his duty to make this ex planation. He (Mr. Wodehouse) hoped he would be 'permitted not to go any further into the matter, but at once to tender his: apology to the Hon. Member for Finsbury, and his thanks to the House for allowing him the opportunity of doing so.—(Loud cheers.) He now begged to give notice, that at an early period of the - next session he should move an address to her Ma jesty, praying she would be graciously pleased to appoint a Commission of Inquiry, with a view to restoring the standard of money on which it had been placed by the advice of Sir Isaac Newton.—(Laughter.) The SPEAKER having read the notice of motion from the Chair; - Sir ROBERT PEEL rose arid said, in reference to what had fallen from an honourable Member on a personal matter, , he thought, after the insinuation which had been made, and after the full and ex plicit expression of regret for that insinuation—an expression which he (Sir Robert Peel) believed to be sincere,' and which he was sure must be sufficient for an honourable and innocent mind—(Cheers) the Honourable Member for Finsbury might retire from the House that night, with the understanding that complete reparation hail . been made'to his feelings, and that he could carry his head as erect in public as any man breathing.—(Great cheering from all parts of the House.) And he was sure that he (Sir R. Peel) was only expressing the unanimous feeling of that House, in moving that they should put on record this declaration of their opinion. —(Continued and general cheering.) Mr. WAKLEY rose (evidently under very subdued feelings) and said, it was imp oss ibl e f or hi m to re f ra i n frbm expressing his gratitude to the Right Hon. Baronet for what had fallen from him, and he must also express his grateful acknowledgments to the House for the man ner in which they had - protected him in this most painful . affair.=-(Load cheering.) At the same time he must say that he received the expressions of the Honourable Member opposite (Mr. Wodehouse) in the same spirit in which they were offered, as a frank and honest expression of regret for what had occurred. -(Loud cheers.) That reparation he felt ought to be satisfactory, not only to himself, but to every member of his family; and he had a particular motive for making this declaration.—(Loud and general cheering.) Here the matter dropped. HORSE-RACING AND GAMBLING. Mr. CHRISTIE said that after the observations which had been made elsewhere, he thought the House would not refuse him an opportunity of making an explana tion. It had been complained in. another House that he stated there was presumptive proof that an improper use had been wade of the evidence delivered before the House of Lords. He had no intention of accusing the Noble Duke who presided over the Committee of the House of Lords of conspiracy.—(Hear.) Lord A. LENNOX hoped the House would indulge him for one moment. 'He only had to say that he thought gentlemen—he begged pardon, he meant to say " Honourable Members "—ought rather to in quire into the facts of the'cases which they brought be fore the House.—(Cheers.) IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. Mr. HUME wished to ask a question of the Right Hon. Baronet (.Sir J„Graham) respecting the law for abolishing imprisonment for debt.. He found that within the last twelve -years upwards of '12,000 persons had been imprisoned for debt, notwithstanding the Bills that had.heen broughi: in. professedly for the purpose of abolishing the imprisonment. Sir J. GRAHAM was understood to say, that he did not consider the Bills brought before Parliament to have any other object than the release of debtors against whom fraud could not be alleged. • •RUSSIA.• • • In answer to a 9uestionfrom•Mr..CHßlSTlE, Sir R,:l 3 .Ein,...said . that. thOe was no correspondence between Russia and this country which he could lay be fore the House. - Mr. WAWN wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentle man the Presid en t of. the Board of :Trade, whether her Majesty's. Government have taken, or intend to take, any measures at. the. Court of Russia, to get the vessels Of this country (not three years old) exempt from navigation dues in Russian ports, and to be placed upon an equal fooiing in that respect with vessels built in Russia, and belonging to Russian subjects. 7 - Mr. GLADSTONE sa id t h at no such attempt h ad been made ; nor was he aware that any was in contem plation. Russia had the privilege in consequence of the advantages conferred by the treaty. Lord PALMERSTON wished to know what were the advantages which Russia granted to England under the treaty as An equivalent to which English vevels were subject to a disadvantage as compared with those of Russia.' Mr. GLADSTONE—The . advantaee of hiving the ships of England received On tho footing of privilege in the Russian ports, from whatever quarter of the globe they might come. On the motion that the orders of the day be read, Mr. CHRISTIE rose and said he had understood the Noble Lord opposite to say that he should have pursued a course more consistent with the character of a gentle man and an honourable man. - Lord. A. LENNOX said he did not know what were the exact words which he had used, but he resumed that they wer e not un p ar li ame nt ar y, or e l se le would have come under the notice of the Speaker. - He was not in the habit of making improper imputations upon any Member of that Honse, bat i he triisted'the House would enter somewhat into his .feelings when he thought that a noble and clear relative of his had been grossly maligned by an Hoii. Member.---(Hear, hear.) The SPEAKER said that if had understood thO Noble Loid`to have made any imputation on the per sonal honour of the Hon. and, Learn , ,d Members he would have called upon to retract it at the time. But he • now thought th a t th e conversation-was irregular as there was no ,question:, before the House. Hon. Members would d(") well 'if they 'would confine their attention tp the•subject-mattera under the consideration of the House, 'be Earl of HADDINGTON supported the Bill. 'he Marquis Of LANSDOWNE thought it was the ,y of their Lordships to pass this Bill. lkfter a few w or d s f rom Lor d STRADIIROKE and Lord dotionam, he Marquis of SALISBURY withdrew his opposi , and the Bill passed. BANK CHARTER BILL. his Bill was read a third time and passed. ' -- DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL. rd MELBOURNE presented several petitions in fa ,ur of this Bill. - The LORD CHANCELLOR t h en rose to m o ve th e vao CoMmons' amendments to the Bill. He said that, in spite of !the opposition of certain Noble Lords and a Right Re Prelate in that H ouse , t hi s Bill h a d passed throu g h bo h Houses of Parlia ment . S t ill, h oweve r, the oppon en t s of he Bill were not di scom fi te d. Th e principle of th e Bi flaying been adopt e d b y b o th H ou ses, it only . re ir malined fur their Lordships-.to -consider- certain- --amend-. • ts, which had be en ma d e b y t h e H ou se of C ommons. r is was all they had now to d o ; but he und ers t oo d ,lis ta- most unprecode n t e d co urse was about t o b e td pted by a Rev. Pr e l a t e , w hi c h was that th e amend n is be considered on th a t d a y six month s . S uc h a n tion as this would be a slight upon the Ho use o f . .;o mons, and he could hardly think that any N o bl e . ..4 d would persevere in such a course. The amend 'lents were not of a complicated character, nor did they .ecluire any very grave consideration in order to under - a d them. Why, therefore, it should be proposed that ,h fiFald be postpiiied for six months, especially after ,h principle of the Bill had been affirmed by both 1 El uses of Parliament, he could not understand. The m ion was a most extraordinary one, and one the object of hich could only be to defeat the measure. The N le Lord then proceeded to explain the nature of the amendments which had been made in the Bill by the H use of Commons, and he concluded by earnestly cal ing upon their Lordships to give their assent to the a -ndinents which had been made. e h lc e .as ßis a h b o o p ut of LONDONtapnrsue adwmasitteadnthantnntshnealcourse h one, an one which was only to be ad o pt e d i n ex tr e and urgent cases. This Bill contravened th dictates of common sense, and was contrary to the maxims of' reason. Ther e was one chance lb the defeat of this measure, and he n ow i nten d e d to wail himself of this last opportunity of oppos i ng t hi s il l Bi I. It might be 'said that he was pertinacious in his sppositiOn ; but when h a e found formidablethat allar array ye marshalled arguments igainst the fundamental principles of the Bill h a d b een un saw thatin h answered, he thought House, ghtthat but he u it ,a y s b f e o e r a t m ifi e e a d v i i v rt t u h e e . there t was .a k ag fso ;i w n l s ege t d him that out of doors this Bill was looked upon as :a most dangerous one, and one to which the majority of; the judges and of the legal profession were decidedly opposed. He recollected no question —not even except ing the Catholic question—upon which the public mind hard been so .much. agitated. ' He believed, and out of doors it was generally believed, to be a measure hostile to religious truth, and one which would have a most dan gerous tendency. He concluded by moving that the Commons' amendments to this Bill be taken into con sideration on that day six months. The Bishop of DURHAM did not anticipate that the danger which the Right Rev. Prelate so much feared wouldfresult from the passing of this Bill. He looked upon the Bill as a measure calculated to do justice to all, and to bring the whole body of the Dissenting papule dem within the protection of the law. Under these cir cumstances, be could not fear that any bad effect would result from the operation of this. Bill. 'Lord BROUGHAM argued that if these amendments were to be rejected, a conference with the Commons would be appointed ; and if, in that conference, the Commons should consent to withdraw the amendments, the Bill would then pass, and the Right Rev. Prelate would gain nothing by his motion. Everybody admitted that the Bill had been improved by the amendments which had been rdade, and he, for • one, could not see on what pos sible ground, any opposition could be offered to them. He thought this Bill would prove as beneficial to the Trinitarians as the Unitarians, for it might happen that a case would be found in which Trinitarians were holding poesession of a Unitarian foundation. He con sidered this to be a Bill of peace, and as such he had al ways supported it. The Bishop of NORWICH had formerly looked upon this Bill as nothing less than a Socinian Endowment Bill, hut he had been deceived, for he now discovered that this was not a theological measure, but merely a mea sure of justice and—or-equity. "Many others had been Paced in the same situation, and having discovered their error, had deeply regretted having placed their hands to petitions which had been presented against the Bill. On , examination he had found that ,the majority of the peti tions upon this subject were in favour of the Bill, and that those petitions which were in favour of the measure were signed by very few persons. The question was not one of religion or doctrine, but a question of equity . and justice, and it was not for man to separate those princi ples which God had joined together. On these conside rations he should give his unqualified support to the Bill, for in doing this he was only acting on that prin ciple which taught them to do unto others as we would they should do unto, us.—(cheers.) The Earl of RODEN looked upon this Bill as a Bill of injustice, because it gave a property to persbris who had no right to it. He defended the course which had been adopted to reject this Bill, and contended that many precedents could be found for it. Lord COTTENHAM contended that this measure Was strictly Conservative in -its principle, for it was intended to confirm the possession of property to persons s W id h e o re h d ad the held it dntfomreagsrewaetrea number of years. He con. great improvement to the Bill, and he apprehended that that question was the only one which they had to consider. Lord BROUGHAM explained. Lord TEYNHAM felt that a deep wound was inflicted on religion by this Bill. The original owners of the property, respeeting which this Bill had been framed, would xather have suffered fine and confiscation—would rather have suffered death itself in Smithfield, than have lived to see their houses.of worship pass into the hangs of those to Whom this Bill would give them. After a few words from the Earl of GALLOWAY and Lord Litrretspx in support of the amendment, The House divided on the amendment, that the Com mons' amendments be considered that day three months, Content ... , 27 Non-Content Mzijority for the arrendments --73 .Presies—Ceni el a l4 - Non-c intent lO2 ' lqajority for- the amendment); —BB The amendments were then agreed to. The remaining Bills on the table were then forwarded stage, and their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 15. • POOR-LAW AMENDMENT BILL (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) On the next clause being proposed, Sir C. NAPIER moved that the Chairman do re port progress.. i. • :4 1. rt -~ q „...........----. ....—....--_—,—........ and not allude to previous debates.—(Loud cries of ing conviction impressed on him, that upon the conduct ” Hear, hear.") of that trial there was not a disposition to give die ac- Mr. DUNCOMBE said,' as his Hon. and Learned cased every fair advantage whieh they had a right to Friend the Memb er f or W eymouth had retracted the demand.—(Hear, hear.) 'rake for instance the conduct offensive expressions he had used in reference to the re- of the clerk of the Crown in the very beginning of the lation of the Noble Lord, he thought the Noble Lord proceedings--let them take the case of . Mr. Bon a should likewise retract the expression " grossly ma- Hughes, when he made a mistake in swearing that Ma ,ligned," which he had just repeated,—(Hear, hear.) Barrett was present at the meeting which he afterward s Surely that was not aParliamentary expression.—(Hear.) discovered he was not at, and which he (Mr. Hughe s) Lord ARTHUR LENNOX thought his explanation wished to correct when he saw Mr. Barrett at Judge had been satisfactory to the Hon. and Learned Mem- Burton's chambers.—(Hear, hear.) This was not 3 ber. He thought he had cast imputations of an improper question between man and man, but it was one involv nature on his noble relative the Duke of Richmond, and ing the interests of a whole community.—(Hear, hear.) on that occasion had he supposed made use of some ex- There were several other instances where a similar dis pressions which it appeared the Hon. Member did not position was evinced. There were demands made for like.—(Loud cries of " Order.") copies of the indictment—for the names of witnesses -a After a pause, the refusal of which showed a narrow spirit, and a bitter Lord A. LENNOX again rose and said, Sir, I will hostility to the traversers. The first claim by th e put an end to this discussion, which I know it is wrong traversers was, as he said' bef ore , f or th e copy of th e to proceed with. •If I h ave sa id anything personally indictment. Surely the spirit of British la w was—if n offensive to the Hon. M em b er , I b eg leave to retract it. man were indicted, he should know the accusation —(Laughter and cheers.) against him, and who were his accusers.—(Hear, hear.) THE IRISH TRIALS. The claim was not made in the' spirit of idle curiosity , The Orders of the Day were then read, and severally but as a matter vital to the defence of the accused-- postponed, and he had a right to know whether the indictment was 0' Mr. WYSE rose to bring forward the motion of which cording to the statute, and how, according to the terms he had given notice on this subject. He first presented and charges of the indictment he could best defend him a large number of petitions from several places in Ire- self. He looked to the statute and found that certain land, praying for inquiry. He had also another petition conditions were required. He now understood that the to which he begged to draw the attention of the House. reason leave of inspection was refused, was because the, It was from a n um b er o f no bl emen and gentlemen deeply Crown were desirous to press 'on the case, and interested in the tranquillity and prosperity of Ireland, feared advantage might be taken and debit' complaining in strong language of the state of that might be interposed. Well, and if there were country—of the discontent that universally prevailed delay, there might be delay and just delay.—(Hear) throughout it, arising from the bad administration of the There was the delay of justice and the delay of ina laW—of the inferior position in which the nation was justice; and the accused had a right to that delay wade ° kept—of the inadequate representation of the people—of would enable him to prepare his defence. The tra the existence of the Church Establishment, and stating verser's attorney applied for the caption ; the captioa the feeling that universally existed, that -Ireland .too, was refused—the Crown said the accused bad no had not her fair share of the legislation of right to it, but the judges were not so clear upon the the United Empire.—(Hear.) (The Hon. Member point. But he would not dwell upon these minute bet read some of the signatures to the petition, which in- painful grievances. He would come at once to the eluded the names of the Duke of Leinster, the Marquis grand question of complaint—the whole ground of the of Kildare, Lord Rossmore, and a large number of Irish triumph of ,the Government on this occasion—the jury noblemen.) In submitting to the consideration of the If a ll th e ot h er proceedings were dictated by 3 House the moti on o f which he had given notice a con- spirit of the utmost fairness, and if the jury were siderable time back, he begged to state that he came for- unequally, partially, unjustly, improperly selected, no ward on no insufficient grounds, and at no improper matter what might be the crime of the individual, the period, while the subject was one which he believed to trial was unfair.—(Hear, heir.) The tribunal was not every part of the empire was of the greatest importance. what a British subject had a right to expect. There He did not come forward without sufficient grounds, for was an essential want—a want which vitiated the whole he presented to the House on the 21st of March, a pea- proceedings, and which entitled the prisoner to say he tion signed by no less than 750,000 of the inhabitants of had not had a fair trial. He (Mr. Wyse) would under' Ireland, calling for immediate inquiry into the state of take to show them that tribunal was defective—most de - Ireland. Added to that petition, he had presented an- fective—and, if he did so, he would call upon the British other, signed by 26,000 persons, reiterating the same House of Commons, as the protector of the Constitu prayer. Other petitions had been presented, signed by tion and of the liberties of the people—as the pre' 49,000 persons, forming in the whole a large aggre- server of the purity of trial by jury —the greatest gate of the Irish p eo pl e , a ll pray i ng for palladium of the British people—to inquire inquiry. To these petitions had been added the one into the facts and see who w e r e th e defaulters. presented by the so li c it ors reta i ne d f or t h e traversers, He would call upon them to free themselves from the and that of the Corporation of Dublin, each demanding imputation of being participators in the injustice —t° the same inquiry. In opposition to these petitions, there listen to the people who cried out " Hear us." If they had only been laid on the table the one petition of Mr. would not do so, they would show more convincingly Magrath, and, after a careful comparison of that petition by their own act than by any allegation of the Irish with that of the traversers, it appeared to him, so far people, that they were not di spose d to d o j ust i ce to from modifying th e s t a t emen t s o f th e i r pet i t i on , t h at i t their fellow-subjects.—(Hear.) (The Hon. Gentleman had confirmed his opinion of its authenticity. When, to then alluded to two petitions which had been laid on the these was added the petition just laid on the table .of the table of that House; one from the attorney of the con v ictea, House, one not coming from men connected with the Re- and the other a counter petition. The Hon. Member peal Association, but from men, many of whom were then went on to compare these two documents, and ad' directly opposed to repeal—men who, from their pro- verted to the mode of getting up the jury list, which he perty, long acquaintance with Ireland, and high rank, were censured as most one-sided and unfair.) The proceedings fair representatives of the aristocratic opinions of that in the Recorders' Court for the revision of the jury list country, and when they all concurred in saying more resembled a bitter election . contest than that the country . was in • a state of division—that an equitable and solemn arrangement prepare discord prevailed in 'it, and that there were no hopes tory to a great and important trial.—(Hear, of relief from that state, ..except by complying hear.) ' There were two Conservative election • with the demands of justice, he thought he had some agents for the Conservative party, who . objected claims on the attention of the House. He believed that to those persons put forward by the repealers, Messrs. he did not come forwardat anamproper period. During Walker and. Jackson ; whilst the repealers made their the whole time the subject was pending in the law courts o bj ec ti ons to t h ose put forward on the other side. The' in 'lreland he had refrained from bringing it forward, greatest possible acrimony and bad ..feelings,was exhi and since that time he had been debarred from doing so bited, but the repealers had the greater cause, for they . in consequence of the long period that elapsed between were the accused:. The greatest accuracy was desirable his moving for certain papers and their being laid on the in those proceedings, and it should have been secured. table. The question was still pending before another Mr. Walker was not refused the opportunity of compare House, and he should not now have interposed, but that ing the lists. He was allowed to compare them with , he' trusted he should be able to show he was - dealing Mr. M'Grath. (The - Hon. Gentleman then read extracts with quite a distinct subject. Let it not be said, there- from the affidavit of Mr. M'Grath, in which the depo' foie, that he came forward on hisuffiment grounds, or at neat disclaimed that he was influenced by any improper • an improper period. As to the subject itself, surely motive.) He (Mr. Wyse) complained that the House of there was never one which demanded more earnest Commons should allow such irregularities, if they de- ' attention from her Majesty's Government. He had not served no other name, to pass unnoticed.—(Cheers.) the advantage of legal knowledge, and least of all could There were good grounds for believing that, notwith - • he' claim their attention .after the eminent men who had standing the affidavit of Mr. M'Grath, fifty or s ixty di4cussed and exhatisted the subject-` But this he would names had been omitted. One of the persons whose say, that he was an Irish Catholic—the representative of an names were omitted, wrote to the Recorder requesting Irish Catholic constituency—and he could not but feel, that his name should be inserted. To that letter be re- • with almost all hi s country - men, that Mr. O'C onne ll was- ceived no answer.---(Hear, hear.) (The H. em ber an, eminent man i n th e age i n wh i ch they lived. Ile then read the letter, and contended, from the on state M ments, coald not but feel that to his exertions millions of his that it was not fifteen or sixteen names omitted, but be fellow-countrymen owed the throwing open the gates tween fifty and sixty.) Mr. M'Grath admitted in his of :the Constitution, and that he himself had the power affidavit that distinctions of qualification had been an - • ' of addressing them in that place. He also remembered flexed to the names of persons in an improper manner. that Mr. O'Connell, though a Catholic, had no Catholic Suiely they would not on the opposite side of the House on'his jury. He remembered, as an Irishman, he had tell him that that -was the way in which- they them- . been adjudged by. a tribunal to a sentence which they selves would wish to have their juries formed and their . had heard in that House from an English jury and trials conducted ?—(Hear, hear.) And if they Would English judges he would not have been exposed ; and not, after the prima facie case he had ,made out, he., these questions, however c l ose ly th e y were now con- did not th i nk they would venture to say that inquiry , fined to Ireland, might soon be extended to themselves. was uncalled for. For his own Tart he was by no means Tie worst evils were these which crept- in- under the satisfied that there had not been more interference with saiction of justice; the worst - and most dangerous re- the lists than that of which they were already co g nizant. - sults , were those which were consigned to the He was entitled to think there were other grounds for • statute book, by the decision of judicial Men. They his motion than those even which had been s t a ted, and mi"ht not be able, perhaps, openly to assail the Consti- ' he might very fairly be permitted to demand. the oppore tution, but they might undermine it, and this undernsin- tunity and the means for inquiry. Leaving out of the in* was what was most to beapprehended. Give him a question the influence that one-tenth might have had on pe ple who had free disc us si on , a n d w h o li ve d un d er the- the *hole panel —not heedi ng w h at c h ances that circual le is of' equal laws, and he ca re d no t w h a t Mi n i stry er stance might have had in Mr. O'Connell's favour—there , wet Legislature they might create—that people would w as th e quest i on o f st i ll greater importance for the sooner 9r later vindicate . themselves in the eye of the . public, and that was to convince them that he had had wdrld. He did not Mean to discuss the cpiestion in con- a fair trial.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It would neation with its legal difficulties.... He should limit him- have been infinitely better to have had no trial at all ; self to the facts, of the case. He .eskedfor no condem- for if the people of Ireland were in such a state that nation or censure. of , the &averment. He should net they could not afford to treat them with that impel"' discuss points of law, nor enter into 'the subject in con- tiality - with - which they treated Englishmen, better . ne •tion with the matter before the House -of would it have been to have let the *evil - go on .-- L gds. Th e o bj ec t o f t h e G over n ment - - for many (Hear, hear.) And then let them reflect on the charge ( ye rs in Ireland' had been to neutralise the 'ques- which had been delivered by the- judge. That Lion of repeal. It was considered a matter of ch a r ge ca ll e d to hi s m i nd the times of Charles the importance in Ineland either to exorcise the - question Second, when: the judges extenuated evidence o n the of repeal from the country, or to crush it, to expel it s one side, and exaggerated it on the other, just to suit either gently or by mein force. • The opinions on repeal their own, or other people's purposes ; and when no were various some thought it a magnificent impossi- confidence was felt, of could be felt, in the justice of bility—many argued thatat would. be a good,thing if it the legal tribunals of the country.•—(Hear, hear.) cold be carried. Others, not only.eonsidered ;it could . He wo u ld no t go i nto any further question of the trial ndt be carried, but that if carried it would be a danger- itself ; he was precluded by the terms - of his motion otis thing for. Ireland, _Other: were apposed to repeal on from doing so ; b ut he would just ask the Minister this grounds that by it jrelard would be divided froth- , what he had gained by it ?—(Hear, hear.) What was her powerful aistei and expOs e d t o a ll t he j ea l ous i es an d • the result ? what the profit to the Minister ?—whO diecnsetoes of a r rival State.,Othe rs .considered it would the profit to the coun t ry ?—(Hear, hear.) W as the ba contrary tothe fundamental laWs'of the Constitution. Minister now more sa t i s fi e d w i t h the state of Ireland Each of, these parties were necessarily guidedbytaeir se- than when he first took the reins of Government ?---- veral opinions in their attempt to get rid of-this question. (Hear, hear.) The consequence of their conduct had If proper means • had been -adopted.- for the redress : of ; been this, that they driven even moderate men into t ese grievanc es ,- and goo d measures , h a d b een b rought immoderate courses. Every one was rapidly becoming fo ward, the-rep e al ag it a ti on w ould. h ave tota ll y d i sap- either on the one hand a repealer, or upon the other a p ared. But the o th er party w e re pla ce d . i n ' the posi- stern determined supporter of the Government. There i 1 tn of those who must either completely crush repeal , were no neutral men —none of that moderate, m iddle by violent means, or resort t 6 fraud awheie they could class, so healthy and usef u l i n a community.—(Hear , not use forc e . T o crus h re p ea l by v i o l ent means was hear.) But was the rep ea l quest i on done for ? - Had i t oat of the 'qneetion. •' A Coercion Bill, if pissed into a exploded ? No ? There they stood in dogged obstinacy is w, would only adjourn and 'not extinguish - the- ques- to the Government—in the worst position subjects could, titan of repeal. - The Government thought it a d v i sable possibly be in—sullenly writhing under feelings or to trust to the means at their disposal, for . crushing rea- animosity and of vengeance.—(Hear, hear.) TheY p nl. , 'During the fait aessiOnahe question of repeal was looked upon the laws with more of suspicion, with more a owed ; to make proOress. , They were all familiar with of doubt, with more of distrust and of dislike than ever• t e meetings thattook.,place, and' tlie, feequent appeals- —(Hear, hear.) But had the Government obtained its ade to the Government in that House, on the subject i immediate object ? No, they had not. They said they a dit appeared, from: subsequent evidence, that .even would put down the receipt of money from the public, t en the Geveinment'wereinotinsatentive to the course and the publication of a certain class of articles in the' o ' events. There was the obvious course , open . newspapers, but had they done so ? Why, there was t : them of - attacking the . meeting which : , Mr. , just the same organisation as ever—ju s t the sa me rami -1 'Connell beta , announced-the .general convention fications throughout the whole body of the; Irish people ta, be held in Dublin for the purpose o f d ev i s i ng a pl an —just the sam e sent i ments, seditious or not as they might of renewed action, It was thought that the Govern- choose to call them, 'published in the - newspapers; rent would-wait until that assembly h a d . b een convened, and more m oney than ever collected for the repeat d had they done so, there would have been less rent.—(Hear, hear.) They had seen the declarations of round of complaint, inasmuch as it would obviously the greater portion of the mayors and corporatiOns dew 1 ave been a direct violation of the .. Act against con- various liberal municipalities of Ireland—and what law; entions. The session, however, had not long closed guage did• they use to the Government ? - Again—did ,when the Government anticipated the meeting to be they think they had suppressed Mr. O'Connell or the held in November, by attacking the first meeting, which ' Repeal Association ?—(Hear, hear.) -They ,had done was to be held , near Dublin, namely, the meeting at neither, as those addresses to him from within the ea" lontarf, and not content with that, immediately pro- pire, and from without the empire, pretty plainly proved• eded to engage in the proeeeution which now foamed Did the Ministers never think how they, in fact, were .. e'subject of immediate inquiry. Whether the Go- upholding Mr. O'Connell ? That man did not attain et nment on that occasion were too' late or too soon— his high position by his own talents alone, b a t by the' hether they acted with hesitation or with prudence— wrongs, the folly, and the injustice of the Government hether it were a wise course -to risk at so-late a period towards his country.—(Hear, hear.) He created not the ea collision with an excited ;people, or 'whether it would revolution, but the revolution created him.--e(Hear, hear.) not have been, amply sufficient for their purpose to have Though he (Mr. Wise) wished to continue to form an instituted the prosecution without taking any notice of integral part of this country, he still felt that he was " he meeting, it was not his intention at present to discuss. an I r i s h man, an d i t was from respecting their several he act was sudden and unforeseen on the part of the Go- nati ona liti es t h at England must hope to keep her whole enfitirealaathollairit - arose - out - of - expressions which peopl e i n h armony and concord. It was .by .allowing ould not reasonably be viewed with apprehension when and consecrat i ng this feeling of nationality—by non ett considered the 'views of him from whom they fell. r i s hi ng I r i sh feeling, and respecting- Irish sentiments ' he It did appear, strange that, this meeting, .the last of the that England must expect to keep her.faithful and true whole series of repeal meetings, should be thatone WhiCh —(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") They must convince the Government had determined upon putting down. It the people of Ireland by every means - that they could , pow appeared-that there had - beea all along a serious that they were disposed to make reparation and atone intention on the part of the Government to indict for a ment for the past, by giving to the Irish equal rights , eonspiracy—that they ,aad watched every occurrence, and equal independence with the English for the future. had by connivance and apparent tranquillity, gave con- Until they were thoroughly conainced'that there was t ° adence to those who were carrying on what was called be a real union—not a parchment ' union-but a unioe tt conspiracy, to *educe, still graveracts, for which th e y o f r i g h ts, civil and relig ious--not as America was with: might be afterwards calied-Up far punishment.--a(Hear, England, not as . Belgium was with Holland, bu r bear.) But, •he believed there was something deeper as Scotland was with e England —until this 1 0 ' still than *bat .he had mentioned. ' his impression shown to be the moving principle, there could be.no con !was that there was a much more alarming conspiracy &knee, and, therefore, no real or lasting peace.-e(llen r ' ' texiatingaintae minds of the Government, who thought, hear.) It was not enough for the Minister to tell the lor affected ta,thialta that it was, not merely a combine- House he-would not call for coercion Bills—that he di d tion for the purpose of discussing rep ea l, b u t that there not desire to rule b y m ili tary law—but they -must to was a conspiracy actually - going on between certain Ireland by their acts as well as by their words - that Eng' members of the Repeal 'Association and - the Govern- land had made mistakes in her conduct, ana that she wa s ' nientnf America. - A - person had - been put in cotnrounicaa willing to repair them —that she was anxious to begin i 6 tion with,America e -•ohe who was'-to give information to new system—and that as wrongs could not produce ana l ; the GovernMent that, treasonable correspondence had thing but resist ance , th ey would now - try if kindness an d been carried on between Mr; Steele, on the one hand, justice - Could not lay the foandation of a solid and lasting and the son of P res id en t T y l e r , on t h e ot he r. That union between the- two countries, contributing alike !a, impression had been imprinted on the minds of th e ' th e peace an d prosper i ty of b oth.—(Cheers.) The Rig h t people by the language whi c h the Attoiney e G enera l H on . G ent l eman co n c l uded by moving for " A Sele ct . used at the commencement of. the trials. Th e bill C omm i ttee to inquire, in accordance with the-prayer • ° , l . of indictment had been scarcely placed bef ore th e t h e pet i t i on presented 17th June, into-the facts connocteai Court when the AtterneyeGeneaal_ announced that ther e w i t h t h e f ormat i on of the Special Jury, in the case (-) would be a second bill of' indictment, and. in d e in g . eq t h e Q ueen,atthe prosecution of the Attorney 1,, -General . used lang, _tinge Wiiieh was-WelPdigerving of the attention Daniel O'Connell and others." - .. •- . a, of the House... • The. lioaa and Learned 'Gentlem a n Th e motion was 'seconded by an Hole: Ganaeoataa stated; on the Bth of Novel:sl;er,, when the first bill . was w h ose name we could not learn. • ' - - - • t of presented to the grand . jury, 'that h f. e • would undertake L or d ELIOT sa i d, that upon hearing the first par to establish as wicked aria Nile a conspiracy .as ev e r the Right Ho n . G ent l eman ' s speech, - he fancied that he the disgraced this country." He (Mr o laryse),did I not know was under a del us i pe , an d that instead of being in ;0 whether that language was applicable to the first or t o th e 1 H ouse o f Commons on the 15th July, he was there .a second bill. With regard to the mode in which th a t t r i a l 1 F e b ruary last, diicussing the question of the State tri als ' , was conducted he had a right to- record his opinion of 1 At th at t i me the whole question was fully discusse d by the impressing made on his mind by it, and on the minds ; her Majesty's Ministers, and it was,. therefore, not f ir i Of the great body of the people of Ireland. - - Th rou gh all', coming at the p resent moment to enter into those au the proceedings,of that trial, s w e e pi ng as id e th e t ec h ni c ! j ects again, He would confine himself to the' Po n ' r 5 I calities of the law altogether, there was an overwhel ta - ' brought b e f ore t h e H ouse b y the Ri g ht H on . - 0600*V I .. . . ....: n :Zat,