The Sun. — London, England, 1836-10-15 00:00:00

Flea and the triumphs we have won togaher, without taking a retrospect of them—( Hear.) In all that is delightful in human ex i stence, there is and must be, from the consti ;anion of human nature, something painful , and my only . Pang in meeting so many of my friends here is that I can not but recollect, full as this room is, and greatly pressed together as is this assembly, that there are wanting some to the ear l y, of the brightest ornaments, which eneared m e • its associations.—(Cheers.) The Right Honourable Gentleman then enumerated a number of his old friends amongst the citizens of Limerick who had been removed from amongst them. He then continued :—I shall not enumerate any more names ; but it is important to say that we can look back up on t h e virtues attached to them, not only as an ex ample to their fellow-citizens, but as marking by their sup port the truth, the honour, and the integrity of the cause in which they were engaged. I shall not say any more upon this subject, but I rejoice that there are still many amongst us who represent, not only the names, but the (worth and virtues of those to whom I have alluded.— Loud cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman then pro ceededti t o o b serve, that they had still represented amongst iem the o ld i n d ependence of Limerick, who had fougt their battles in bad and boisterous times, and it was to him cha glory t o congratulate them upon their exertions.—(Loud eers.) In looking back upon the troubled periods to which he alluded, they would be compelled to take a long • retrospect indeed ; and the eye would glance from hill top to hill top, and would lose sight of one object whilst it dwelt u pon another—(Hear)—many difficulties had been opposed to them in the outset, but they had overcome them all, and t it was now i m p or t ant to t hi n k not on l y t h at t h ey h a d ( r i umnhed, but also to consider why they had triumphed.— Hear.) double They had been v i c t or i ous by th e a ppli ca ti on o f a principle, which would never fail to be successful, whethe r in a contest for municipal right or in the vindication of national rights and national honour.—(Cheers.) That Principle was to make no mean sacrifice of public principle, no timid or vacillating concessions to those by whom they had been opposed ; and whilst they boldly sought for that to a , • hich they k new th ey were ent i t l e d , t h ey li m i te d t h e i r d emands within constitutional bounds ; for had they exag gerated their demands on the one hand, or been timid or fear ful on the other, he would ask those gentlemen present who were well acquainted with the local circumstances to which he referred, if the one error or the other would not have been equally fatal to their views ?—(Hear and cheers.) And he would ask them all, if they could have been charged wi : _th the a d op ti on o f a mere vac ill at i ng, tempor i z i ng po ' i eY, would they have deserved success ?—(Cheers)—or on the other hand, if they had been wild, visionary, and un reasonable in their views, would they have merited suc cess ?—(Hear, hear.) He was sure they would not, either on n the one h an d or th e o th er , an d t h e su ff erers wou ld h ave been his fellow citizens, for he still claimed the privilege of calling them so.—(Hear, hear.) But they felt that they were excluded from rights which they were entitled to as sert ; they sought for them, and for no more, and the real / ;ay in which to make a claim to your own rights was in doing so to proclaim that with the rights of others you will not interfere.—(Loud cheers.) The victory they had thus achieved was an important lesson not only to themselves, but to others also, and in the course of the observations he would make to that meeting, he ' w ould point out—and they well knew the facts of the case, and the truth of the evidence upon which he would rely .- --that the success that had crowned the efforts of Li merick to obtain her rights was a most mature and prac tical lesson as to the mode in which both they and others should persist in the course of future political eve nts.—(Hear, hear.) In regard to the present meeting of his fellow -citizens, he undoubtedly did not meet them in the same relation in which he formerly held towards them ; but he did not meet them with less affection on his part, be cause he was the representative of another constituency, b ut he would say to them as he bad said to that constituency, that an individual returned to serve in Parliament, no mat ter for what place, was sent there to perform duties which were not confined to the limits of a municipality, or of a county ; he was the representative of the people at large, and mound to perform his duty towards that Constitution which had brought him within its reach. If then there Was one tie broken which had existed between the people of tirnerick and hi mse lf, it never th e l ess ena bl e d b ot h hi m an d t hem to say, that they met under circumstances which Placed them both in an advantageous position ; he met them there as their guest as well in relation to the friend !hip that existed between them, as to the high office which It was his Majesty's pleasure to confer upon him ; but he met thefts with no selfish object on earth, either directly or i ndirectly, either for himself or for any one else ; he met them as friends, as fellow citizens, and fellow countrymen, ;laid let it not then be said that in any course which he adopted towards them, he was swayed by personal interests, or that for his own advantage he had turned aside from that line of action which should be pursued by an ho aest man.—(Hear, and loud cheers.) It was his duty on an occasion like the present, frankly and openly to declare the truth without seeking favour, or desiring to flatter pre 4ncliee•---(Cheers.) His simple object was to speak plainly and u T ut sguisedly the feelings of his heart.—(Loud cheers.) bey had heard from their President, a gentleman dis 'lnguisbed by the abilities which adorned his public cha racter, and no less to be valued for his great intellectual "(torments than for his private worth, and whose steady coars e in public life )sad shown that public spirit is re eon eileable with calmness and deliberation—(Loud cheers) nth at Gentleman had said that he (the Chancellor of th e thexchequer) owed his political existence to them— bear)--to b e sure h e did—(L ou d c h eers ) ; an d if t h en w as were any crimes unwhipped of justice for which he ; I " answerable, he saw many now present who were Z i . s° responsible for them ; for he saw many around him ° bad m a d e themselves responsible for his political ,"" lduct, an d h e w i s h e d therefore that he would be a ll owe d i .a .saY a few words in defence of those who had held him a at the political font of his godfathers. He did not b„ ( nv wheth er o r no t he had any godmothers—(A laugh)_ 1 ; 4 of thi s h e was sure that there could have been no old if°,ln, the amongst them, for they would not have succeeded .ert. had been. But in defence of those sponsors who ejf i i heen answerable for him, he trusted he would be allow say a few words in respect to general politics,— a s .;: a hear.) G rea t events had passed since their early -'ciations h a d b egun . It was now just eighteen years aip licc he had b een ca ll e d into political existence at their de fo'e;. for th ey must reco ll ect t h a t th e h o nour was un soug ht eh °Y •but they had been pleased to seek in him a e o -rn Pion to fight their battles, in which they had con- Zed together.—(Hear.) On this point, however, there that s cune difference of opinion between them, for whilst • attribilted their triumphs to him, as their leader, he theit to those troops which were not under his ti l . - : ~.t a and, b u t with which he co-operated. Let him ask what p os i t ion were political affairs at that period , e tiot ,"ear, hear.) h i e was then free from any personal sta t -cet ion whatever with either of the great parties in the aff•;tiexcept as he might have been influenced by private • "l or private friendship. The whole political world ~.41left . 1 open for him to choose from ;he had not been pi: upon by them (his constituents) for even the shadow of sichj l g e ; they had limited their views in that respect to his % Fr l ag the battle which was peculiarly their own, but it was a le ee for him then to have given his support to the Govern (tilt of Lord Liverpool as to the Opposition of that day.— ki ll e ar, hear.) By what, then, had his course been deter tatne4 ? Prom early lif e lie had not been an indifferent spec r 4f the struggles which separated the friends of popu e4tlastitutious, from those who were the stronger advo- Wo t Z l °f an increase of the prerogatives of the Crown ; he tre at ' have been ashamed if he had been indifferent to those Wh o f PartY interests. There were arrayed on one side men Pt;„ . C ° o l first t o last had been the steady advocates of that • „ eil _ the i n ', e which they felt to be essential to the well-being of I'ietC: r ests of Ireland ; for ho would say that the Whigs, th►s p in office or out of office, had always maintained knew be without religious freedom, Ireland could knew- that either prosperous or content.-(Cheers.) . He t hat „ A u ° they had abandoned office, in order to maintain of ; 41 eiPle ;he knew that they had refused office, in Were t 0 s upport that principle ; he knew that to it they • 1 1 W h e ned, no less in opinion than in political consistency at el:(1,:""r. On the other side, he saw men who were the a divfdand eloquent supporters of a principle, but who were It haad o e h d hand, and on their part there was no sacrifice, no 4ad anent of office in support of consistent principles, (11 a° effort a ear mane to create a religious peace in Ireland.— -4 cheers..) Here he saw then, those two parties in ' t, each other ; and he had decided at once to give Wittl e rPurt to th ose men w h o uncom p r omisingly fought the t htli r c onstitutional liberty.—( Loud cheers.) Since t v eot ° n,g interval had passed, and at length the course ono ,n o t, ; nod brought the party to which he was attached . g ,t'eat Power.—( Hear, hear.) In the mean time 1130 had been effected by the party to which he was s etk i •---t .-aear)—and now that he was on that subject, Pr ol e by those chronicles of events which he was at to se l• e th a • were now circulating at a much cheaper ag).,hell heretofore among the people—(Great cheer -1,0,4 fe s . air hy them that of late their opponents had 'Kt of dining together also, and bad likewise Aft e „. Ton ( ' d . dinner • b elivoring their sentiments . .in speeches ° 4 s t e .\ occas . ion u s t there we, a one portion of their conduct on \ l'ho I l ie w c vvhi h he would not imitate.—( Hear, (I,•_ , not b . ° - not speak in .an unkind way of any man . ea t• en velog present, had not cia opportunity of yin opp.,Lrnself•--(Loud cheers.) In public life there t o e tefor e, "' n t lities enough for recrimination. and it was i lu eon vert -a_ms opinion, an unworthy course to attempt 8 1: , ould L l ' a ssembly, like the present, whose proceed toli.:ldis ue marked by harmony and union, and where • e used they should be those of kindness, of to to 'ori d l itt‘ "et t sueiain charity ; it was bad taste, he would say, set assemblies into arenas for mere personal 1 ° attaek ar, and loud cheers.) His purpose then was an y man, or any party, and he wished merely to say in defence of themselves, that the measures of his friends were those, in the first place, to which they had pledged themselves, and in respect to them there were no sudden turns, no waverings or vaccillations—there were none of those to whom he had attached himself who were one opinion to-day, and of another on another day.—(Loud cheers.) They were Reformers, but were consistent Re formers—they had been emancipators, but were steady, con sistent emancipators, both in and out of office.—(Loud cheering.) He had said this much in justification of the line of policy which he and his friends had pursued. But since the progress of events had been alluded to, what great, he would say, what mighty, changes have been introduced, and achieved through the instrumentality of the representa tives of a free country, and by the constitutional Ministers of a constitutional King, possessing, as they did, the confidence of the House of Commons, without which no Ministry should or could exist.—(Loud and continued cheering.) They had fought the battle of the Dissenters, and had con quered.—(Cheers.) They had fought boldly for reform, and had achieved it.—(Loud cheers.) They had established the municipal liberties of Scotland and of England, and if they had not procured equal rights for Ireland was it their fault?—(Hear and cheers.) Were they to be responsible for that ?—(No, no, and cheers.) Those triumphs which they had won could never be wrested from the Whigs.— (Loud cheers.) He would now wish, with their permis sion, to refer to the transactions of the last Session of Par liament, and in reference to it he did not consider that it had been as justly dealt with, as he felt assured those pre. sent were disposed to deal with it.—(Hear, hear, hear.) There were two great parties in the country which had evi denced their determination to deprecate altogether the events of that Session.—(Hear.) One of these was the Tory party, which was still strong in power and influence ; but although it derived its name from Ireland, he did not know that it had any further connection with it ; and even as regarded the name, it was not one of good omen in this country.(Laughter and cheers.) That party, however, wishing ardently to undervalue every act of a Reforming Government, and every measure which proceeded from the House of Commons, wished it to be believed that nothing had been done during the last Session. That was, how ever a point of difference between that party and him ; and he must confess that when an argument came from that quarter with the design of undervaluing the exer tions of the Gover n m en t an d t h e H ouse of Commons, he could not but doubt the evidence which emanated from such a source.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He would ask, then, had there been nothing done during the last Session of Parliament ?—(Hear.) Now, although those who were especially eager to achieve the full extent of con stitutional liberty, at once might say that nothing had been done while anything remained to be done ; yet, when he compared the result of the last session with those which preceded it, when the Tories were in power, they did not' appear to him to be without their use and their advantage. When he looked to the claims made on the principle of re ligious liberty, which above all others it was their duty to enforce, and which it was for the public interest to maintain, they found that Catholic Emancipation had been achieved ; that the disgraceful Test Acts had been repealed ; and he would ask, were they not bornd to follow up those measures by a concession to the just claims of the Protestant Dis senters?—(Hear and loud cheers.) Two of the grievances complained of by that great body had been removed, and he would ask, were these trifles ?—(Hear.) How long had a repeal of those grievances been sought for ?—( Hear.) If fruits were to be valued in proportion to the time they re quired before they came to perfection and maturity, then how long, he would ask, had they struggled for the Marriage and the Registration Acts ?—( Hear.) They had, however, accomplished both of these, and yet they were told, upon Tory authority, that they had accomplished nothing. Was the settlement of the English tithe question nothing ? The accomplishment of that measure had foiled all the efforts of Mr. Pitt ; it had been sought for by the agricultural interests as a means of relief, it had been wished for and desired by the Church in its own defence, and he would ask now was it nothing to have achieved that im portant question during the last Session of Parliament ? (Loud cheers.) There was one more point to which he should allude, and in which he individually felt an interest, and he trusted that they participated, and lie would again ask, had th ere b een no thi ng d one d ur i ng the last Sssion when they considered the great difficulties attend ant upon that question, which gave the means of acquiring political knowledge to the people at large, and thus afford an important branch of instruction among the great mass of the inhabitants of the empire ?—(Hear, hear.) Many difficulties of an opposite character had been at tendant upon that question, but, in effecting the great good which it would undoubtedly produce, it was to him a matter of pride and satisfaction, and, he considered, fully justified him in saying that the session had not been lost. —(Hear, and cheers.) In former times the achievement of any one of those questions to which he had alluded would have been an event worthy of note, but the people had been of late living upon the high diet afforded by the Reform Bill, and then the Corporation Bill, and if the Government were driven to propose lesser measures, it was because the greater ones had been obtained.—( Hear, hear.) They could not have the Reform Bill twice, but having ob tained it, the Administration applied itself to remove lesser grievances than had been remedied by that measure.— (Hear, hear.) But there were two classes of persons of a widely different character, who considered that the last Session of Parliament had been fruitless, for not only the Tories, but the more eager class of Reformers, thought that by proving that because Government had been unable to carry any measures of great advantage, the public should underrate the legislation of the last Session.—(Hear, bear.) To both of these classes of individuals he would say—but he was far from putting the partisans of popular institu tions, those who were dissatisfied in consequence of their thirst for greater advantages, far be it from him to place them on the line with those who not only regretted that any concessions had been made, but who would, if they could, wrest from the people those concessions which had already been granted to them, far be it from him to place both those classes of individuals in the same category ; but both the man who would giv e no thi ng , an d h e w h o had got half what he desired, said that nothing had been done, or disputed the utility of that which had been done.—(Hear.) He should be sorry to be mistaken as to his meaning in making those observations, or that it should be considered that more still remained to be done, which ought not to be effected ; he had no such meaning, but he considered that because they had not been able to obtain all they desired to obtain immediately, they should not be dispirited, nor let those words of despondency escape them which he observed in many of the publications of the day. They should not think that the last session had been lost, but that they had, on the contrary, advanced in the cause of truth and of the Constitution, and this would have the effect of exciting them to exert themselves to procure further beneficial measures. —(Hear and cheers.) In respect to himself, in relation to the office he filled, he had little observation to make, as it happily had not been his fate, as Chancellor of the Exche quer, to impose any new taxes upon the people ; and he was sure the assembly would not require from him then any justification for a Minister acting under the authority of others ; but since he had been placed on his own responsi bility, of late years, his operations had been limited to the reduction of those burthens which more particularly pressed upon the people.—(Loud cheers.) He could not, however, vindicate the events of the last session without acknow ledging that reasons existed for the disappointment which the people at large, but the people of Ireland in particular, had sustained, and he felt deeply the cause of that disap pointment to the people of Ireland and the empire. He said the empire, because he knew of no distinction which should exist between any portions of it ; and if any loss occurred to Ireland it was a damage which the whole empire sustained.—(Hear and loud cheers.) Ireland might be the strength and the glory of England, but under the influence of misrule it could be to it but a source of weakness—its bane and its calamity.—(Hear, and loud deers.) He would say, then, to England, that in one respect the welfare from the good government of Ireland was of more value to it than even that of its own ter ritory ; for England had long possessed those blessings which just and equal laws partially administered, and the absence of religious factions always presented.—To the British statesman, therefore, in England little re mained to do ; but to the British legislator and states man who desired the welfare of all Britain, and who pos sessed a heart of sensibility, the field of Ireland was open ; there he could serve, and could win the affections of the people, and if he was wise he would make Ireland prosperous. —(Loud cheers.) If he looked to the chance of foreign ag gression, she would b e to h i m h i s strength ; and i f he looked to the resources of the country, Ireland would be to him not a mine of lead, but one of gold and diamonds—and in the imperial Crown of Britain, would be the brightest of its or naments.—( Loud cheers.) Much, however, still remained to be done for Ireland, and here were two great measures con nected with it, upon carrying which not only the honour and credit, but the existence of the present Government depended—(Continued cheers) ;—and could not the Go vernment say proudly, that whilst it maintained its existence in reference to two Irish questions, it nevertheless did not undervalue the duty which it owed to Great Britain, for the interests of Great Britain demanded the tranquilliza tion of Ireland, because on the tranquillity of that coun try the strength and independence of the empire depended. —(Loud cheers.) To give tranquillity to Ireland, then, was fighting the battle of the people of England ; and they were promoting the interests of York and of Middle sex, in putting an end to the discord which distracted Ire land.--(Cheers.) With respect to the two Irish measures to which he had alluded—they were the Irish Church Bill, and the Bill for reforming the Irish Municipal Corpora tions.—(Hear, hear.) He would, however, reverse the order in which lie had mentioned them, and would address himself first to the second of these measures —the Corpo- ration Bill ; and the experience of Limerick bore gene rally upon that question. The corporations of England and Scotland had been reformed, and the question was, what reform, if any, in this respect should be conceded to Ire land.:—(Hear, hear.) Government had started the question, without pledging itself to any details, that a system of mu nicipal government was necessary for the cities and towns in Ireland ; and it was stated that there were persons in the great cities, such as Limerick, Cork, and Belfast, men of wealth, intelligence, integrity of mind, and lovers of order, who would be fair repositories of political power—and he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) wished that those who doubted this position were present there, and heard the observations which had been made by their President that evening, and witnessed the loyalty and feeling with which the various toasts relating to the institutions of the country had been given and received. He wished they had witnessed the enthusiasm with which these sentiments had been re ceived by the people—those very persons who were said to be unworthy of political institutions.—(Hear.) This would be the best contradiction to the calumnious assertions.— (Loud cheers.) Why, the people of Limerick had achieved a municipal reform of their own, and it was on record, as given in evidence before the House of Lords, that magis trates, men of high character, and military men of rank— and he was sure that every one of them stated what he be lieved to be the truth—at that time stated in evidence, that if the Limerick Corporate Bill were carried, not one of the quarterly meetings which it provided could be held without the attendance of horse, foot, and artillery, and that their homes, their commercial establishments, would be absolutely invaded.—(Loud laughter and cheers.) Now there was not a single argument which had been brought against the gene ral question last year that had not been before adduced in the case of Limerick, and he would here ask his friends if all those threatened calamities had occurred ? Had their trade been interrupted ?—(No, no.) Had their industry been cramped and fettered ?—(No, no.) He had often before met them in that chamber of commerce—there he had re ceived his earliest instructions in the science of commercial transactions, and when he said that their trade had been doubled within the last ten years, and the shipping interest of Limerick had increased in a ratio of from 5,0001. to 100,0001. value, he considered that _it gave the best pos sible answer to the statements made last year.—(Loud cheers.) Then regarding religious animosities, he would ask, had they been augmented in their town ?—(No, no.) Had, he would again ask, those rights which were conceded by legislation, and by the Constitution, been productive of an increase of religious animosity, or would they be likely to do so ?—(No, no, and cheers.) He said, then, that the experience of the case of Limerick contradicted all the as sertions to the contrary : but it was stated by his opponents " Oh, the people of Limerick are well-conducted men— men of intelligence and sense ; and that the very air of Gar ryowen was sufficient protection from violence." But were not Cork, Waterford, Dublin, and Belfast, equally capable of managing their municipal affairs? He hoped, therefore, that Irishmen would assert their rights ; for he could not help thinking that the application of the same principle that had been adopted towards Limerick would be attended with the same results. He would say this to the objectors to his theory, and would ask them to give him the means of af fording them another example. He would say to them, pass the Municipal Bill, and he would give them twenty more examples of the benefit of Reform. But what had been the mode of proceeding adopted by the opponents of reform or alteration ? Why, they who seemed to regard a sword-bearer or a mace-bearer as an object to be venerated with a regard surpassing the love of man, had been the very first to come forward and to propose that all those in stitutions and their dignities should be swept away. Now, he for one, would never fix a brand upon the fair front of the institutions of the country, and say that of those insti tutions which had been planted there coeval with the Plan tagenets the people were unworthy and unfit to partake. Let it not be said that they were seeking after novelty in demanding Municipal Institutions. No, they asked merely for what was their own ; for that which had been granted to them by the former Monarchs of the country. .It was only the close borough system which was of modern growth ; and let them, then, as Irishmen, declare that they would never be contented if their country was kept in the condition which was threatened by the opponents of liberal and equal laws. The next point to which he would refer, and it was one of more difficulty than that to which he had just alluded, was the Irish Church question—(Hear) — an d he was happy to have the opportunity of making some ob servations upon the subject in the Irish Assembly, for he would repeat what he had always declared on the hustings, and as frequently as possible in principle, that there was no man, be he whom he might, be he a member of an Epis copal Synod, or of an Orange Lodge, who was more sin cerely attached to the Protestant Church than the indivi dual who addressed them—(Hear, and cheers)—he had found this avowal met with no auspicious response by Ro man Catholics, for he had said that he was willing to do full justice to them, but not by doing injustice to others. —(Hear, and cheers.) The Protestants of Ireland were a great and important class, to whom their Roman Catho- lie fellow subjects were willing to render all that belonged to them, but nothing more.—(Hear, hear.) And were he a candidate addressing them as a constituency, he was sure he would not get a vote from them if he did not declare his adherence to his creed, and his resolute determination to maintain it.—(Cheers.) This was the principle on which they met as Irishmen ; this was the principle on which he would ask for their applause, for their cheers, and for their sympathy.—(Loud and continued cheering.) For if it were said that he came amongst them to court popularity, and that using false means to do so he was unfriendly to the community to which he belonged, he would reply th a t h e wou ld no t t rus t a C a th o li c wo was. indifferent to the creed he professed ; and he was sure that none would trust him if he were indifferent to the welfare of his own religion.—(Hear, hear.) The question then was—whether the proposed measure tended to be injurious to the interests of the Church 2—(Hear) --but in his opi nion it did not, and could not.--(Hear, hear.) It never was so intended ; in fact, the principle of it had a directly contrary effect, for it looked to the amount of duty to be performed ; and yet it was said that remuneration should be proportioned to the amount of labour was an unreason able and unconstitutional doctrine. It appeared to him, however, to be a doctrine that flowed from the most com mon and best understood principles ; for, as an illustration, if any of them had a waggon laden with eight tons weight which he wished to be moved, he would apply eight horses to it for that purpose ; but if he merely wished to move a wheelbarrow, he would have it done by his garden boy.— (Hear.) It was provided, therefore, in the Church Bill, that the established clergy should be well paid, in reference to the duty they performed, and that any surplus which re mained, after all just demands had been satisfied, should not be applied to improper purposes, which might be sug gested by a Government seeking popularity and applause from ill-judging men ; but applied, as trusts were by the Court of Chancery, if not to the original purposes for which they were intended, to the next best uses in which the whole community had an interest.—(Hear, and cheers.) And then, as Protestants, were they to be told that edu cation was adverse to Protestantism, for it was to that purpose that any surplus was proposed to be appropriated.— ( Hear, hear.) That was the doctrine of the present Govern ment, and to it they were determined to adhere ; that was the principle upon which the present Government was founded, and under one modification or another, he trusted he should live to see it carried into effect—(Cheers)—but there could be no doubt of success.—(Cheers.) They were told that the Upper House of the Legislature would prevent it. Now he would speak with every respect of a co-ordinate, though he doubted its being a co-equal, branch of the Legislature.—(Hear, and cheers.) He would speak with respect to the power given to that House by the Con stitution ; but if experience derived from the past was true, it proved that if the cause was right and just, and was sup ported by the House of Commons, sooner or later it must be triumphant. They were aware that the House of Lords had opposed the Emancipation Act, the Re form Act, and the Test Act : but the cause of liberty had been triumphant, and they had fought them all suc cessfully, and they would fight the Irish questions in the same way and with the same results. But in order to gain the battle, they must use the same means—they must , use the same constitutional agency which they had used before, and not play the game of the Tories, and by hunting after novelty enable that party to reproach them as desirous to subvert the Constitution, when by constitutional means all the good which they desired could be attained.—(Hear.) Sooner or later their object would be gained ; but there was a wide distinction between these words : for that which was wrung tardily and reluctantly from any body of men, however good the end achieved, at last they gave— he would use the words of a Noble Friend—" the lamp, but the talisman was lost."—(Loud cheers.) But, on the contrary, where blessings were conceded because it was thought right they should, they were not extorted as a boon by violence, but as a claim by justice, and those two systems acted as differently upon both parties as the charity be stowed for purely Christian purposes, and that which was given by the proud and ostentatious man for the purpose of making friends, by prostituting even charity to the uses of the mammon of unrighteousness.—(Loud cheers.) But he had occupied too much of their time, although lie could scarcely have said less than he had upon the present occasion, and he would now say that as a Mi nister of the Crown, and in his capacity as a Member of Parliament, he would be faithful to the King, an d t o t h e relations which existed between him and his constituents ; but , was bound to the empire at large by the ties of duty, but especially to the citizens of Limerick by the ties of affection--(Loud cheers) —and whenever it happened— and he cared not how soon the period arrived—that the conflicts of political strife closed on him, and that he re turned to those dearer duties connected with home and his country—living in that county as a country gentleman, he TILE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOB_EII 15, 1536. hoped to enjoy the affection and friendship of those by whom he was surrounded, and he should always be most happy when, by his advice or co-operation, he could tend to the benefit of their county.—(Loud and continued cheer ing.) He was sorry he had detained them so long, and the best apology he now could offer them would be by proposing the health of their Chairman. The toast was drank with loud applause, and the Chair man returned thanks in a short and eloquent speech, and concluded by proposing " Our native Land." —(Applause.) The CHAIRMAN next said, long opposed as they had been in feeling and in interests to the Governments which had heretofore ruled the empire of which that country formed so important a part, it was now indeed a sincere gra tification to them that a Ministry had accepted office which had distinctly recognised an altered eourse o f p o li cy towar d s it.—(Cheers.) Let them, then, hope and trust that they will realise the national aspirations, and, cheered by the sympathy of the empire, hold on their course, and as the people relied on their wisdom, so they might depend on the affection of the people.--(Loud cheers.) Let them hope that Englishmen would co-operate with them, and thus pre vent a dilapidation of the Constitution, by appeals to national or sectarian prejudices, but give them their aid, persuaded that their own rights were not less involved in the struggle than those of Ireland.—(Cheers.) Above all let there be no disunion amongst themselves, let them carefully guard against the return to power of that faction which had so long trampled on the rights and liberties of Ireland.—(Con tinned cheers.) Let them give their zealous and firm sup port to the present Ministry. Let them temper their enthusiasm, and, by any sacrifice short of a sacrifice of principle, unite to maintain them in power, for even bad laws well applied were better than good laws improperly administered.—(Loud cheers.) The Chairman concluded by proposing " Lord Melbourne and his Majesty's Ministers." The toast was drank with the warmest applause. The CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER said that after the time he had already occupied in intruding himself upon their attention, it would now be his duty to return thanks, not for himself, but for the honour that had been conferred on his colleagues, who he hoped would use acts rather than words in thanking them for the compliment bestowed upon them ; and he might say, that the Irish Government, which had been formed by Lord Melbourne—(Loud cheers)—that Government was the best pledge he could have given that impartiality was the principle by which he was determined to govern the country.—(Cheers.) He had given them the vigour, the intelligence, the ability, and the popularity of Lord Mulgrave, as the representative of the Sovereign ; and the irreproachable faith, honour, and candour of Lord Morpeth, a n d even i n th ose w h o acted un der their direction, there was not an individual who was not interested to maintain the credit and the glory of the empire by discharging their duty towards Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) This was the course which the Government was determined to pursue. It had been urged as a reproach to them, that they owed much to the support of the Irish Mem bers. Now it was the glory of Government that it owed to them that support, and he would now state, in the presence of two Hon. Friends, who would be ready to contradict him if he stated what was not the fact, that they owed this support to no compact or contract whatever—to no al leged Lichfield-house abandonment of independence —to no compromise of principle. That support was given to the Government by the Irish Members as far, and no far- ther, than they considered they could contribute it con sistent with their duty to Ireland.—(Cheers.) That sup port was unbought by any compromise on the part of Go vernment, and he was sure they might rely upon it, so long as they performed their duty.—(Loud cheers.) Again he would say, that no compromise whatever had taken place on either side ; and whilst a more hearty support had never been given by any body of men, a more honourable support had never been accorded to any Government.— (Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman then concluded by proposing " Prosperity to the City of Limerick." The CHAIRMAN then proposed the health of " The City and County Members."--(Loud applause.) Mr. D. ROCHE, M.P., returned thanks in a brief but ex pressive speech, in the course of which he lauded the exer tions of Government to procure for the country those rights to which it was entitled ; he also denied that there was any compact between Government and the Irish Liberal Members, save a wish on the part of both to serve the best interest of the empire.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. S. O'BRIEN, M.P., also returned thanks on behalf of himself and his colleague, the other county Member ; he stated that this was not, however, ao occasion upon which he was called upon to enter into political matters at length ; but it was delightful to hear a Cabinet Minister, for the first time, explain to the people of that country his opinions of the way in which it should be governed. He concluded by again thanking them for the honour they had conferred on him. The CHAIRMAN then proposed the health of Mr. O'Con nell, which was drunk with enthusiastic applause. Mr. O'HARA returned thanks. Mr. ROCHE then proposed the health of Mr. Vernon Smith, who returned thanks, and observed that he was much pleased with his visit to that country, and wondered that a nation for which God had done so much, man had done so little for. He assured the meeting that it was the positive and natural wish of the people of England to do justice to Ireland, and no effort of his would be wanting to forward her interests.—(Cheers.) Several other toasts were proposed and speeches made by Mr. Rice, jun., Ste. &c., and the meeting separated. STOCKPORT. GRAND DINNER TO H. MARSLAND, ESQ., M.P. (Abridged from the North Cheshire Reformer.) The grand dinner given by the liberal constituency of the borough of Stockport, to their independent repre sentative, Henry Marsland, Esq., took place on 'Wed nesday, in the Manor Court Room, Vernon-street. The demand for tickets was much greater than the supply. The number of gentlemen who sat down was about 250, being as many as the room could accommodate. In the absence of the Mayor, from serious indisposition, the chair was occupied by JONATHAN THORNHILL, Esq., one of the borough magistrates. Among the guests of the evening were Henry Marsland, Esq., M.P., Richard Pot ter, Esq., M.P. for Wigan, Thomas Thornley, Esq., M.P. for Wolverhampton, Charles Hindley, Esq., M.P. for Ashton, John Howard, Esq., of Hyde, Samuel Stocks, Esq., of Heaton Mersey, and Thomas Steel, Esq., jun., one of the Aldermen for the borough. The CHAIRMAN gave " The King, the Princess Vic toria, and the rest of the Royal Family," " The People," " Lord Melbourne and his Majesty's Ministers," " Henry Marsland, Esq., our worthy, liberal, and independent Member."—(lmmense cheering.) Mr. MARSLAND then rose and said—Gentlemen, To many of you, were Ito recount the events of the last ses sion, the result might appear very unsatisfactory. True it is that the hopes of the Irish people, of being placed upon an equal footing with ourselves, have been disappointed, and that the religious opinions of the many have caused their civil rights to be sacrificed upon the altar of the temporal interest of a small body of the community. True it is that the Irish Church still exists in its native deformity, a source of alarm and uneasiness to her friends, of weakness to the state, and a stain upon us as a Christian people ; but the tide has now set in ; from this moment each succeeding wave will approach nearer the landmark, and shall assist in washing away the stain of plunder, oppression, and injustice One would have thought that there was nothing intended by Parliament towards the Irish Church, but what every sincere Christian would have been desirous to accept. And was it not so ? Was it intended by Parliament to restore to their original purposes the overflowings of the Irish Church ? Was it intended by Parliament to appropriate them to the spread and increase of the Catholic religion, or the religion of any other sect now existing in Ireland ? No. The Parliament simply declared that what was not required for the use of the Protestant Church should be applied to the purposes of general education. One would have thought that the requirement, that the minds of the Irish people should thus receive the benefits of education, and be made to feel its humanizin g power, that the supp or t o f all parties mi g h t fa i rly be claimed, in order that a stop might be put to many of those fearful scenes of outrage which have so frequently disgraced the history of Ireland. If there ever was a legitimate source from which these sur plus funds might have been taken, one would have supposed this was it ; that this was a neutral ground on which men of all parties might have met ; and the Catholic, the Dissenter, and the Churchman would have hailed with equal joy a proposal which had for its object to scatter light over that rock upon which every conscientious believer must sup pose his own faith to be founded. But our hopes have been disappointed. Yet there is no reason for us to de spond ; for though we have much to lament, we have not cause to be entirely discontented. By the disposition shown by his Majesty's Government to grant to Ireland what is just and reasonable the minds of the people have been calmed and conciliated, the turbulence of the peasantry, arising from a smarting sense of their wrongs has been abated ; and relieved from a collection of soldiery though still exposed to the terrible severities of the law, they now seem more inclined to obey a just but mild and paternai Government, than rush to those excesses which only in jure their cause and alienate from them the minds of so many of their best friends.—( Applause.) It would have been hard indeed if the Catholics were to be defied, and th e Dissenter s to be insulted at the same time. The Dis senters have reason to congratulate themselves upon the passing of the Marriage Act. There is also the Registra tion Bill for births, marriages, and deaths, which breathes no sectarian spirit whatever. But if there be one Act of which we have all reason to be proud it is that noble Act for widening the sphere of knowledge and information, by diminishing the t ax upon newspapers . I n d e p e ndently o f th e great mora advantage which may ultimately follow from this Act, I regard it as a weight and a level by which the people of this country may be raised to an elevation from which they may discharge with more advantage all those duties which, as citi zens, they may be called upon to perform. I make not these observations byway of approval of all that has been done in the last session, for I know you have reason to be dissatisfied, Much remains to be don.; which might have been done, but you all know there were obstacles which Ministers could nei ther prevent nor overcome in Parliament, in which the Liberal cause is sustained by so slight a majority. I know not whether this state of things will long endure. I hope Ministers will be true to themselves.—(Cheers.) I h ope they will not endeavour to conciliate their enemies by dis gusting their friends.—(Cheers.) If we cannot have the Irish Church Reform Biil, let us not tamper with the Eng. lish Church.—(Cheers.) Let us not have such a paltry effort as we saw made in the last Session—let us not sane tion by any future legislative measures the'payment of sucl high salaries to the Episcopal Bench—(Cheers)let us not sanction the transplanting of Bishops to a soil which is not congenial to their own nature or agreeable to the inhabi tants.—(Loud cheers.) I hope and trust that the present state of things will not be allowed to continue, and that rather than we should be called upon to waste our time, and I may say our health, upon such unprofitable proceed ings, Ministers will again appeal to the sense of the people. —(Cheers.) The people arc crying out aloud for a Reform in the Hou se o f L or d s . I te ll thm they can obtain that Reform only by effecting a still further Ref orm i n th e H ouse of Commons.--(Hear, hear.) Let the people do this ; let them elect an overwhelming majority of Members of the right sort as their Representatives in the Commons, and this majority will soon teach the Lords that those obstacles which they now oppose to Reform must be overcome, and that every abuse and corruption must vanish at the will and the determination of the people.—(Cheers.) I thank you from my heart, Gentlemen, for the high honour you have this day conferred upon me ; and in conclusion, I beg to propose the toast of " The Reformers of the Borough of Stockport."—(Cheers.) Mr. CHARLES BAKER returned thanks, and proposed the health of " Edward John Stanley, Esq., M.P., the Liberal representative of the North Eastern Division of the county of Chester."---(Long continued cheers.) The CHAIRMAN said the meeting must deeply regret the cause which had prevented the Mayor from partaking in the festivities of the evening. He would, therefore, pro pose the health of " Thomas Steel, senior, Esq., Mayor of the borough of Stockport, with our best wishes for his recovery." THOMAS STEEL, JUN., Esq., returned thanks. . The CHAIRMAN proposed " The Clergy of all denomi nations." The Rev. Mr. NEWSHAM, of Edgeley—This, gentlemen, is the first time I have ever had the honour of attending a meeting of this sort, and it shall not be the last.—(Cheers) The reason it is the first time is, that I have been confine within the closets' of my college, pursuing my literary hours ; and although I have not previously been able t'ss sanction meetings of this nature with my presence, I assure you my very heart and soul has been with you.—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN proposed—" Civil and religious liberty all over the world." The Rev. Wm. SMITH—" Civil and religious liberty" is the test of every true Reformer. If there be a man, let him be of what creed he may, or of what party he may, who feels not that his thoughts run more freely and his heart beats more warmly at the utterance of this senti ment, then I disown that man as a Reformer.—(Hear, hear.) " Civil and religious liberty," Sir, ten years ago, would have met with very few who would have responded to the sentiment in an assembly like the present. Ten years ago supporting or advocating such a sentiment would have branded us all, not with the name of " Re formers," but with that of " Radicals." Thank God, the time has gone by when any individual need be ashamed of the name of Radical—(Cheers)—whi c h means, not as our enemies would express it, that we are at the root of so ciety, that we are the very dregs and refuse of the com munity, but that we go searchingly and heartily, and essen tially, to the root of all abuses that exist in ourselves, or exist in others.—(cheers.) We want, Sir, a further re form in the House of Commons. We want a more inde pendent method of electing our representatives ; a method which shall set at nought every attempt at bribery and cor ruption, and which shall protect the voters from threat or in timidation. We want, in one word, the BALLOT!—(lmmense cheering for some seconds.) We ask for no more, we will not be content with less. Give us the Ballot.— (Cheers.) And as a natural consequence, give our Mem bers in the House of Commons an increased responsibility. —(Hear, hear.) Give us an opportunity of recalling them more frequently to the bar of their constituency—give us these things and we may laugh to scorn that " glorious mi nority," called the House of Lords.—(Loud cheering.) These things we want ; and these things, with perseverance and industry, we shall have. lam sure the meeting will join me in wishing success to the Government that is anxious thus to extend liberty and right to Ireland, and in toasting—" Lord Mulgrave ! may equal laws, and an im partial administration of them, be extended to our fellow countrymen in Ireland."—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN—" Richard Potter, Esq., M.P., and the Reformers of Wigan."—(Cheers.) RICHARD POTTER, Esq., M.P.—lt gives me very great pleasure to meet the liberal and enlightened electors of Stockport on an occasion like the present ; for I know of nothing more delightful than the constituent body assembling face to face with their member, to make any explanation that may be necessary to the right understanding of each other. Notwithstanding the opposition of the House of Peers, we did, as my Hon. Friend stated, succeed in ob taining some few measures beneficial to the country. My Honourable Friend omitted to mention to you the Pri soners' Counsel Bill. That anomaly existing recently in our laws, by which counsel might be employed to speak against a prisoner accused of any crime, when the prisoner himself was not allowed to employ one, is now happily removed. The gentleman who last addressed you so eloquently (Mr. Smith) alluded to the Irish Church Establishment. What was it we wanted to do with the Irish Church Establish ment ? Only that her surplus revenue should be applied to the moral and religious education of the people. But the Lords refused to agree to it, and I hope we shall never offer them such good terms again.—(Loud cheers.) lam convinced they are the greatest enemies of the Irish Church who prevented this arrangement, and we her real friends who proposed it. I hesitate not to say that I consider Mr. O'Connell as the Liberator of Ireland ?—(Renewed cheering.) I believe Mr. O'Connell has done more, and is doing more for his country than any man who ever lived upon the face of the earth—(Continued cheering)—and Jam proud to have the privilege of calling him my friend.— (Immense cheering.) You are aware that several attempts have been made by the Tories to thwart and run down Mr. O'Connell. We were told in the case of the Carlow busi ness that Mr. O'Connell would be annihilated, but the report of the committee acquitted him, and hurled disgrace and confusion upon the heads of his enemies. Whilst upon this subject, I perhaps may be permitted to mention a cir • cumstance in some degree connected with myself, or rather with my brother, Mr. Thomas Potter. You are aware perhaps that a paragraph appeared in sonic of the papers, charging Mr. Potter, of Manchester, with having purchased Mr. O'Connell's vote upon the Factory question, for the sum of one thousand pounds. I must apologize to you for mentioning the subject. What are the facts ? The factory question was discussed in the House of Commons on the 9th of May : Mr. O'Connell was not unseated till the 15th or 16th, and until after those dates the subscrip tion was neither heard nor thought of, and it was for the purpose of remunerating him for the immense expense he had been at in defending his own seat and that of his son's. My brother had no more to do with Mr. O'Con nell upon the factory question, or Mr. O'Connell with him, than any gentleman here present.—(Hear, hear.) It was a weak invention of the enemy—of the Tories—(Hear , hear)—and I do not regret that they made it because it shows the desperate state to which they are reduced. — (Hear, hear.) The question which now naturally sug gests itself to the mind of every man of liberal principles is this, " What mu s t be d one w ith th e L or d s ?"—(Cheers.) I cannot help agreeing with Sir Robert Peel that the struggle between the Peers and the People must take place in the House of Commons—and that it is by union only we shall be enabled eventually to overpower the Lords.—(Cheers.) A t no distant time, pr o b a bly ear ly in s pring, a of Parliament will t a ke place-,--(Hear)—and dissolutionthen you, Gentlemen, as a part of the constitutency of England, will be called upon to return representatives to the House of Com mons. I have no doubt you will then fearlessly d o your duty, for it is upon you and upon the l iberal constituency of the country that the cause of liberty must mainly depend........ (Hear, hear.) I hope we shall all be united to effect a common object, that the Whig will not quarrel w i t h t h e Ra dical, nor the Radical quarrel with the Whig, because if we begin to quarrel amo n g st o urselves we sh a ll i nev it a bl y let in the Tories, and ruin and misrule will again commence. The Hon. Member repeated the toast, and then sat down amidst loud and continued cheering from all parts of the room. The CHAIRMAN proposed " Charles Hindley, Esq,, and the Reformers of Ashton-under-Lyne." M r . 1-1/NDLEv, on rising, was most loudly cheered. We belonged not to that set of men who are capable of calling their fellow-men, whether they live in this or other climes, whether they arc from England, Scotland, or Ireland, " aliens in blood, and aliens in religion !"—(Loud cheers.) We belong not to these, and to these we never shall be long.—(Cheers.) These are trying times for this country. These are times when in the contemplation of what may be, my own heart, I can assure you, has felt many a pang. —(Continued cheering.) These are not times when allow ances can b e mae for timid vacillation, and un certainty. Let every man, therefore, understand his princi ples—let him be true to them, and depend upon it we shall obtain good government. I say with your Hon. Member, that my first anxiety is to see the House of Commons more closely identified with the people.—(Cheers.) If I were offered one of two things, an extension of the suffrage with vote by ballot, or Peerage Reform, I should say " give me an extension of the suffrage with vote by ballot." I bold it to be a clearly defined principle of the British Constitu tion, that every man has the right of voting in the election of members of the House of Commons, and if that i ight were exercised, and the House truly and thoroughly to re present the great body of the people, could the Lords then resist ? I have had a toast entrusted to me which I have very great pleasure in giving. It is " The Reform Associa tion of Great Britain."----(Cheers.) I see a gentleman whom I have often had the pleasure of meeting in London, connected with that association, whose efforts in the cause of Reform have been productive of much benefit. He is the brother of your worthy Town-Clerk.—(Cheers.) I may say he is one of the Directors of the political railway. The Hon. Member concluded by coupling with the toast the toast the name of James Coppock, Esq., of London. Mr. JAMES COPPOCK said—ln the year 1819 when he quitted Stockport for' the Metropolis, he could little have expected to see a company professing the principles of re form —principle s the greatest boast and the greatest security of this country, assembled in such numbers in this town. Little could he have thought that in the town which in 1819 sent its troops of yeomanry to flash their sabres upon the field of Peterloo, he should see such a meeting of re formers as the present. But contrast Stockport then, with Stockport now. For all political purposes it was formerly but a dead weight in the representation of Cheshire—its voice was then unheard —an occasional visit from the party representing the county —a mayor feast—a few toasts to be said or sung, these were the utmost bounds to which the political feeling of the town extended. Stockport, it was true, had its corporation—it had its Mayor, whose highest power was in the vulgar language of the town and neighbourhood, to dislodge the swine from any dungheap he might himself choose to occupy. The reform bill of 1832 gave Stockport political importance—the Municipal Reform Act gave Corporate Reform —and now Stockport had the right of choosing two members ; it bad its Mayor with real power, its magistrates, and a free corporation—still less than this, could he have expected to address his fellow townsmen in acknowledging the reform association of England —an association of which he was the humble, but the zealou s instrument. Long years of misrule had consolidated Tory power—from the Lord Lieutenant of each county down to the very parish bellman, each functionary was decidedly Tory. The Bench of this district bore ample testimony to the fact, that knowledge of trade and commerce was not deemed any qualification for the magisterial bench—half-pay officers were deemed the fitting instruments to dispense justice.. In every county the same mode prevailed, and Reformers found that by union alone—by a total sinking of individual aims, and uniting in one common purpose, could reform be supported against Tory corruption and intrigue. The Re form Association was founded upon that basis. Union among Reformers was the one thing needful, and without that little could be effected. It was in vain for Ministers to lead, if the people did not follow—in the hands of the people was the power, in the hands of each constituency ; upon the votes of the people of Stockport depended, whether Reform should have two able zealous advocates in the House of Commons, or be as at present virtually unrepresented. Whether it had arisen from a desire to let the Tories down by degrees, he could not tell ; but Stock port had so managed its representation, that if its two Members had always staid at home, and given the amount. of cost in attending Parliament to some public charity, t1- 4 e town would have benefitted, and the Members saved much trouble. This surely would not continue. Stockport ~ nest at the next election return two sincere Reformers. But let not disunion creep in among you—the Tories act as one man, one impulse moves them. Sink all minor differences, unite for one common purpose, and let that purpose be the return of true Reform Members for your town, and then you will aid the grand cause which has brought us here this evening, the Reform of all abuse in Church and State. Mr. Coppock, after some remarks upon the corrupt appli cation of Corporate funds which had taken place until the passing of the Corporation Reform Bill, gave Municipal Re form, and the Corporation of the Borough of Stockport. Mr. GEORGE OLDFIELD acknowledged the toast on the part of the Corporation. It was only by unity and energy that Reformers could expect to gain the great objects they had at heart. He hoped the sentiments uttered at this meeting would be long remembered, and that the principles by which it was actuated would soon prevail. The CHAIRMAN proposed Thomas Thorneley, Esq., and the Reformers of Wolverhampton. Mr. THORNELEY assured the meeting that he felt highly honoured by the invitation of the Committee, and that he had not lost a single post in replying how much pleasure it would give him to be present. It is not very material to enter into the question of a reform in the House of Lords at this meeting—there is another question of a more pressing character, and that is the election of the next House of Co nuions. You are aware that this House of Commons was elected under the Peel Administration. It is a House not strong enough for a Reform Admi nistration like that of Lord Melbourne—it is a House of Commons which in my heart I believe does not fully represent the people. I hope Parliament will be called together in January next. I hope that then a good measure of Municipal Reform for Ireland will be intro duced—that other measures will follow for the general good of the country, and if they are thrown out by the House of Lords, I do sincerely hope there will be an immediate dissolution of Parliament.—(Cheers.) Then it will depend upon the people of this United Kingdom, whether a House of Commons is returned strongly imbued with liberal principles, and it shall be seen whether the voice of the country answers to the appeal that " these re forms shall take place." The Tories say there is a re action in the country. I deny it. I totally deny that the country is or has been opposed to the principles of reform. After some allusion to the advantage of a Chamber of Com merce being established in Stockport, the Hon. Member stated that in his opinion it was quite impossible the corn laws, as they now existed, could long continue. Mr. HINDLEY p ro p ose d " The Borough and Trade of Stockport." SAMUEL STOCKS, Esq., replied to this toast in an ap propriate address. He concluded by proposing the health of " Henry Coppock, Esq., Town Clerk." Mr. COPPOCK acknowledged the honour conferred upon him, and in conclusion he proposed " The Liberal Magis trates of the county of Chester." Mr. JOHN HOWARD responded in a suitable address, for which we deeply regret the length of the previous proceed ings have prevent e d us from finding room. Mr. Alderman BROWN replied to the toast of " The Vice-presidents and Stewards," immediately after which the company retired." THE COLD YEAR.—In 1816, it will )e recollected by many, there was a frost in this country, even in Virginia, in every month of the year. Has it not been so in 1836 ? Philadelphia Pvper. DAHLIAS.—Have any of our readers been able to raise a light-blue dahlia ? That is the horticultural prize most sought after. Decandolle, we believe, said it never could be found.—Edinburgh Mercury. The potatoes in this neighbourhood are very abun dant, and will be sold very cheap ; but tho wheat crop is short. The barley has yielded well, but its colour is consi derably against it.—Sherborne Journal. A Lille Paper states that a young painter named Staler has discovered, in an old manuscript, the secret of painting on glass as it existed formerly. He has, it is said, already obtained the most brilliant results. APOTHECARIES' HALL —Names of Gentlemen to whom the Court of Examiners granted certificates of qualification on Thursday :—Charles Ray ; Thomas Sou thaw Burman, of Stratford-on-Avon ; Allen France, of Honley, Yorkshire ; James Askeywood, of Uttozeter, Staffordshire ; James Walford Fillett, of Colchester ; Henry Weeks, of Barnstaple, Devon ; Richard Robinson Alderson, of Everingham, Yorkshire ; Hugh Birt, of Stor rington, Sussex ; William Kaye Jackson, of Denby, York shire ; J o h n Thomas Dolman, of York; Thomas Booth, of Bradford, Yorkshire; Adoniah Vallack, of Kingsland, Plymouth ; Marc Antony Bazille Corbin, of Guernsey; Samuel Day Ferebay, of Gornal, Staffordshire. The Coal Hole Tavern, in the Strand, is undergoing very extensive alterations and improvements, preparatoryt ) the ensuing season. The contemplated marriage between Viscoun t d'Haussonvillc, Secretary to the French Embassy at Brus sels, and Mdlle de Broglie, (laughter of the Duke de Brog lie, and President of the L'ouncil, is expected to be solem nised at Paris in the Course of the present month. The parish t)f . St. George in the East is in a state of some excitement, in consequence of reports which are curlett respecting the complaints of the paupers, at the meagre fare doled out to them by the guardians elected under the Poor Law Amendment Act, and the deprivation. of their weekly half-holyday, and of the table beer hitherto allowed them. The children in the workhouse have been frequently heard crying for more bread ; and on Sunday last, when some of the parishioners visited the house, the inmates complained of their short allowance, and also of the quality of the soup. A new master has been recently elected by the Board, the former one having, it is reported, charged for more rations than there were paupers ; but itis believed that the food was actually distributed among the inmates.—Morning Hera.d. CLIMATE IN THE UNITED STATES.---The sun is blazing hot to-day, and it is one of the warmest days of the year. Fruits are very cheap. Peaches for example * sell for a shilling (a York Shilling) a bushel.—New York Paper of the 20th ult.