The Sun. — London, England, 1836-04-29 00:00:00

member of the causes set down for hearing during the five years e,efore that period was 1,830 ; the average number during the :wat?7eears after was 2,236. What the number is now lam not a sudden but it greatly exceeds what I have stated. Now here is tdvidhe_nr! increase—we see the pressure of business taken off, Ind Probability presented of obtaining speedy justice, and y,there is the very great increase which I have described 1830 hills say suddenly, I mean that there is an increase from Court n o at tention tro s filed to 2,236. Hnvingcalled your Lordships' at the proportion of the business found to exist in the Chancery at these several periods, I will next advert to certain proceedi ngs in this House, which are immediately eonn s ected with th e present subject. I need not tell your*Lord hi i e % that great difficulty has always been felt—in modern at least-as t o h ow th e a ttention of the Lord Chancellor was e to be divided between his duties in the Court of Chan- C Y,and his duti es in this House. In the Court of Chancery tO 7 e s r t fu e ral ; syour Lordships know, a most important duty your Lordships are also aware of the r!ture of the duties he has to perform here. There appearsto the to have commenced, from the year 1813, owing itTunreitslougrrteat pressure of the business in this House and in of Chancery, a sort of contest between the two jurisdictions for who should have the services of the Lord Chancenor for the time being. Accordingly, in 1813— w hereas_, it had been the practice for the Lord Chancellor to e:feach morning in the Court of Chancery, and to coma to forslouse not long before the public business commenced, b ei the Purpose of proceeding with the appeals—in 1813 , it be og fou n d t h at d evot i ng so sma ll a port i on o f the day to the aring of appeals not only occasioned great expense to the Parties, as it und ou bt e dly did, but also interfered with the due 6 a , aninist rat i on of justice, i t was d eterm i ne d th a t the L or d that a wereancellor should sit in that House the whole of the days devoted to the hearing of appeals, and it was fixed that, on three d a ys i n th e we e k the Lord Chancellor should so t in this House. That arrangement greatly interfered with the business of the Court of Chancery in various ways. It in terfered by taking him out of the Court of Chancery during the session of Parliament for three days out of the six ; it t.terfer e d a l so b y b rea ki ng i nto t h e di scuss i on . Almost all the cases which came before the Lord Chancellor are cases NWring a solemn inquiry, are complicated in their details, t aa h: f! give rise t o mor e than one day's discussion. Now, no tug could be more inconvenient—and it is an inconvenience _wnich exists at th e p r esent time—than for any regulation to exist which made it necessary for the Judge in the Court .of Chancery almost invariably to break off in the middle of the cause. It hardly ever happened, either in this House or in the Court of Chancery, that the hearing of the cause ;as finished i n one d a y, and the consequence has been that 1 " has scarcely ever happened that a cause could be pro ceeded with without interruption. If the hearing of a cause Was commenced in the Court of Chancery, it had to be broken off that the Lord Chancellor might give his attendance in this i vase. here to begin the hearing of a cause which had to be n off for public business, and the next day the hearing of the unfinished cause in the Court of Chancery was re 2tinted. It is obvious that where great attention is required -t o a detail of the facts, where the case is important and so Fc'ta . plicated as to require what the whole mind be devoted to It• to order to master the subject in its various bearings, laothing can be more inconvenient than for the individual to • re withdrawn from its consideration till it is concluded, and be withdrawn from its consideration in order to give attention I to the cause of some other parties, a cause, perhaps, of ' e qual difficulties, and demanding, no less than the other, Wo6tvided attention. This state of things showing, I will 1143 t hiy the necessity, because the history of the past pro eeedine• of the Court of Chancery and of this House, proves that the,-e is no absolute necessity ; but it shows the advan tage of a ,change — it establishes at least th is, that when a man has comme need a difficult task he should be permitted to go °fa with it to the end. As I shall have more particularly to a pply these observations hereafter, I will leave the subject the preeent, requesting your Lordships not to lose sight the princ:ple for which I contend, that according to the natural coostitution of the mind, it must be incon venient to .whoever has to attend to an important duty, to have his mind diverted frnm the business - before he has b rought it to a close. It so went on from 1813 for the Welt ten years ; and in 1823 a Committee of this House mad e a report, one passage of which I will take the li 'eny of reading to your Lordships. At that time there Ras a gr ea t arrear o f ap p ea l s . There were 225 appeals Wiltin g unheard in this House ; there were five years of ar 'ears; tlest is, the parties who appealed, according to the then State of business, had to wait five years before there wt s any Pru se , aPect of their appeals being heard. The report contains passage ; it is near the commencement, and on that re- Port, and on he opinions so stated, all the subsequent recom r. elada , ions o f this report proceed :—" There is n o w a mani fest impossibility that any person ho ldin g the Great Seal can "d the t i me that is required for the business of the Cou rt of ff Chancery and the House of Lords, and all the other great and arduous duties that devolve on him." As a remed y for this, t hey prapese that there shall be appointed certain distin g uished I ndividual ( , law) era, for the purpose of assisting i n hearing tsp. Peals and writs of error in, this House. They propose that certain per ;ons shall be appointed spec iall y to p reside over the hearin g of appeals; that such an indivi dual mi g ht not be a ''''ember of this House, but that the individual who shall be so appoint e d to preside at the hearing of appeals shall ha ve p ower to declar e his , opinion as judges and privy councillors do when l'equired. A return is on your Lordship's table, showing what of the course adopted in pursuance of that recommendation f the Cotrrnittee of this House, and commencing' with Your '" 24 . L ordships will find that the sittings of this Ho use were divided between the Lord Cha ncellor and ib the other persons who were appointed to pr eside over hew ing of appeals. Lord Gifford appears to have iyen the first who presided in that character. L o rd Gif ford Was a peer. Then there was the Lord Chief B a r o n ; - "fa there was the Master of the Rolls, who was not a Peer ..7 1 3e p res id e d f o r a considerable time as Speaker of the House . 0 heix a eals. At , the same time there was a considerable - ' 4111 4.r0f days on which it appears the Lord Chancellor sat. There was then, as I have stated to your Lordships, an ar rear 0 f five years of appeals ; there was a necessity, there ures f sitting on every day but Saturday , and five day s in th e 4 We, this House did sit. The necessity of the case justi fied the t a rrang ement. There being an arrear of five years' , and an impossibility of a suitor being heard without tatting for five years, some special remedy was called for -"w .„,_e do tparture from previous practice—some course which C o uld enable this House to hear the appeals that were before „But: was that a course which anyth i ng but necessit y ° um ju stifv ?—( Hear, hear.) Your Lordships' Court con fab "aka tl3O highest court of jurisdiction—it gives jurisdiction t ° ell other Courts—it is that from which there is no appeal - wbose decisions of law are to be taken as law in al l other c 00r.`-a ; and is not that jurisdiction the jurisdiction which is hid ( ,d not only to the assistance of the individual wh o holds the 11 4 '.hest judicial office, but is it not expedient that ever y Other istr:s c h e ti on where they clash should give way, to give a reecedonc? to this House, and limit the course of a pp eal ? I th r t u t say that others may not be competent , but whoever ho lds Is , nigh, est judicial office in this country, he is the individual h i " ougl. i t to preside in the highest judicial cou r t o f this u gdona. I will here suggest another inconvenience, In all sa„„°urts of law there is a great advantage deri v ed from the Mind ividual presiding, that there may not be a judge one P l y of tb inking a t on e time, and at another time another judge erexrahaps equally em i nent, equa ll y co mpetent, but possibly not t h etlY of the same way of thinking. It has been found that been nU clges have had their decisions most revered, and have ist successful, who have the longest presided over their t e - e B P"ti. re Courts. They have an opportunity of seeing the ef die of their different decisions, and of varying them accor ding the varying state of society. Thus it was that Lord "‘%ie ke is said to have " built up a system of equity." The tii :essit 2 r of the case justified the course which was taken, and ssisf l . ' 2 St: It was, that after a certain number of years, by the 30 )(1 ' 4 tic 3 of individuals, the great ernes was very much sins @a d• Though, however, it was much subdued, yet it se t, b ed constant exertion to keep it down ; if the exertions were It elax xi only for a time it would inevitably rise up agai be n. test i n( a thorefore for the interest of the subject—it cannnt t e " 1 the enitor, that any accumulation should be permitted th at ' s ' in this House. I take it to be an admitted principle tti tete sheeld be found the means of speedily hearing it s l 4 4 l ll ' peals that are presented, and the individuals whose duty be to hear those appeals are not only the highest per eta 1 officer s o f th e Crown, but persons who should sit tently, and not be taken, as chance may direct, from th e _ ta jet Having called your Lordships' attention to of th e business of this House, and to the various ni s ods to wh i ch I have adverted, I w ill now s t a t e to your Cr eii ips what i s th e p resen t state of the business of the a oar at d... t. of Chancery. It has been said—and inaccurately -tb at the present arrears of the two Courts — l mean maiC r os irt o f Chancery and the Vice-Chancery , though id Y speaking th e y are perhaps but one — it has been z that , ,the present a r rears ar e 800 causes : they are not sa• e ,tr such ; it app ears t h at t h ey are no t quite 700. They are h -flora ichan 6 00 , b ut they are not 700. The average num enof causes which have been disposed of its the last three rs is 1,1'02 ; th e average num b er set down for hearing is bps mess .Thorefore there is, according to the present state of ere in the Court of Chancery, not only a large arrear 11. there ought not to be any ; but, comparing the average ' 0 1)D• of causes set down for hearing with the average num .l. causes heard, there is an increase, which must make a Pt tle.‘i_clerable annual addition. It follows of necessity, that the __'. o c r at machinery of the Court of Chancery is not adequate to ‘.. T oni s m hi the duties required of it. My Lords, it would be most cg to me if it were • for when I call your attention to he increase which has taken' place in the average, from 1823 m b Own t the present time, it would indeed be most extraordi .eiY.s whe t n ha i t t s ‘ vhich was c . onsidered only adequate to the busi s v ery n asuch extended. I have stated, my Lords, what is he 3re sees.sroaf ti h m original hearing of causes which comes be f of the courts whose duty it is to hear and t 2; ii?°sistue:teofobtrls then in the first instance. I will next describe rera ge '!" appellate jurisdiction. It appears that the ra number of appeals in the Court of Chancery from b t , srio .. can the average number of appeals standing for So to 1. 30. the 1 average number from 1818 to 1831 varies from do not give this as an accurate average, but as ; L zie f i ..serneeral laretult from the figures. The average for some time y a as 441 i n eac h year. In 1831 there was a most Are r exertion made. A Noble Lord, whom I am s h o u ,, ti t t u h call my friend, and whose absence on account of !r,t2l..tiev,e_ry individual who hears . me, I am sure, deeply . la -that Noble Lord made, in the year I have named, a 6 s t miraculous exertion, and the result was that in 1831 no • th O . I Z 147 appeals were heard. These efforts, added to , r 0 ve'd extraordinary exertions of my Noble Friend, as is pow u y the preet state of his health, went beyond human Of : Noble s tns , however, that the public had the benefit 3 e ) ci i hl e Friend's exertions. The 147 appeals were dis- WQre the year. The arrears of the Court of Chancery N y au c e time annihilated—there here no arrears of which \ t /s complain—still it was evident the slightest in- a ' terruption would produce a fresh accumulation. At the pre sent moment I may say there is no arrear. It has been my fate:to see what I believe has not been seen before for a cen tury past—a paper for the causes of the day containing two ap peals, with a note at the bottom announcing, ‘` There are no further appeals ready for hearing. That I attribute to no ex ertions of my own, for I have not the time, if I had the abi lity, to subdue that arrear of business. Ido not attribute it, then, to any exertions of my own, but to the exertions of those who have gone before me. Since I had the honour of being appointed the First Commissioner of the Great Seal, it was not in the power of myself or my brother Commissioners, con sistently with the performance of our other duties, to devote a large portion of time to the hearing of appeals in the Court of Chancery. In fact, there were but two days in each week devoted to that purpose. Before I accepted that appointment, T .thought it my duty to consider whe ther I could perform the duties of without neglecting the other duties which it would be incumbent on me to per them, and the arrangement I made was with the Vice-Chan cellor, that not one or the other shonld be less devoted to their courts than in former years, but that left only two days on which it was possible to sit, with the addition of some days that were borrowed from the vacations to make up the time. It is a mistake to say that the appeal business of the Court of, Chancery cannot be kept under ; it is down now, and may be kept down without devoting a large amount of time to that court. Two days from the month of April till January were sufficient for that purpose. When I come to another part of the subject I beg your Lordships to recollect what I am now stating, because I think it proves that the Lord Chancellor may not only get through all the appeal business of the Court of Chancery, but will have a considerable proportion of time which he may 'devote to other business.—( Hear, hear, hear.) I have now brought down to the present time the state cf the Court of Chancery, and in a few words I will call the atten tion of your Lordships to the state of the appeal business in this House. The last year was one most favourable to the dis patch of business of that description. There was my Noble and Learned Friend to whom I have alluded; and my Noble and Learned Friend the Noble Baron, whom I see in his place, who devoted much of their time to the dispatch of the business of this House, and a large number of appeals were disposed of. in addition to that most grievous cause, (it is supposed Small v. Attwood) which occupied the time of this House during a considerable portion of the last session, and which, I am sorry to say, must occupy a very large por tion of the time of this House whenever we think it our duty to resume the consideration of it. It is obvious, then, that the appeal causes in this House cannot be kept down without a constant and vigilant attention to the interests of the suitors. They may, however, be kept down by devoting that portion of time to them which was given to them last session. The case to which I have referred is an illustration of the necessity of having a powerful machinery in this House to keep down the arrears. According to the calculations made by the par ties in that cause, if the bearing of it Isere to commence im mediately, and proceeded at the rate of three days in the week, it would scarcely be completed within the probable du ration of this session. If that be the state of things, what is to become of the other suitors ? That involves a serious ques tion for this House to decide. Is the attention of the House to be denied to this particular cause, or is this cause to be heard, and is a hearine. ui to be denied to the multitude ? That question, I say, must be decided by the Committee of Appeals. But let me now say, that great inconvenience arose from this House not having the power of exercising, throughout the year, the jurisdiction which belongs to it, as the ultimate Court of Appeal of this kingdom. There is another part of the jurisdiction of this country which is nearly connec ted with the appellate jurisdiction of this House, and to 1 which I wish to call the attention of your Lordships—l mean the jurisdiction of the Privy Council in matters of appeal.--(llear.) Not only has the Privy Council to dis charge all that business which peculiarly belongs to it, aris ing from the colonies, but by a modern Act of Parliament, all the important functions of the House of Delegates.,,-Various other duties are also imposed on it by modern Aefi of Par liament. It appears to me that, by some modification of the existing system, it might be made as good a tribunal for dis charging these important functions as could be devised. The Bill establishing the judicial Committee of the Privy Council had this defect—it did not make it the duty of any one in dividual to superintend and watch over the judicial business of that Court.—(Hear.) There. were numerous individuals who constituted the members of the Judicial Committee, and there was no one whose duty it was to attend to it, or who was answerable for the proper performance of the duties. The consequence was, that that high tribunal has been open to the great inconvenience of a change from time to time, even from day to day, of the officer's who attended to ad. minister justice there. Such are the inconveniences that exist at present in these three great tribunals—the House of Lords, the Privy Council, and the Court of Chan cery. It is now my duty to endeavour to find some remedy by which those inconveniences can be remedied. My Lords, in applying ourselves to the consideration of this question, it behoves us to consider it well. In the Court of Chancery, the great, the crying evil is, the want of an individual who might be at the head of that Court to perform the importaut duties belonging to it, and who could devote himself to those duties without having his attention. directed to other matters—with out being called away to other duties. As in the case of other legal tribunals, he should be able to devote his whole time, his whole talents, and his whole industry to the high duties of the Court entrusted to him. Why should the Court of Chancery be placed on a different footing from other Courts? Is its businei, less important, or has he who pre sides over it less important functions to perform ?—( Hear.) I thick I have stated enough to show that whether we regard its functions or the amount of property under its control, it far exceeds in importance any other Court, or, I may say, all the other Courts put together. The first measure then which I have to propose is to provide for the Court of Chancery a per manent judge--(Hear, hear)—able to devote himself to the business of the Court, and whose attention should not be called away to other subjects. The great evil which exists at the present moment in the appellate jurisdiction of this House is, that during the greater portion of the year it is shut from the suitor.—( Hear, hear.) It can only, as at present constituted, administer justice during the period of the session ; for six months therefore—for one-half of the year, those who are suitors to this House, who are appellants or respondents, have no tribunal to apply to. They have no means of bringing their cases on for decision during that time, and if they cannot accomplish their object of having their appeal heard during. the session, there is an end of the appeal for six months to come.—( Hear, hear.) The case which I before referred to exemplifies this strongly. It proceeded .for 19 days, and then, from the length of the argument, a question arose as to what probability there was that it would be concluded during that session. If it was not to be finished in that time, it was obviously unjust to press one party to complete his case, inasmuch as during the recess, the facts might escape the recollection of thoSe who would have to de cide upon it, and then to allow the other party to commence his case at the commencement of the next session. The only just course, therefore, which could . be, taken was to prevent the case from proceeding further, the parties having permis sion to resume it next session. Unfortunately, it happens that it is impossible to resume the discussion before the same in dividuals who heard it before. What course, then, can be adopted ? This evil arises from this House not being able to continue hearing appeals after the close of the session. The very case which I have just described may occur again. The argument may be once more commenced ; from its great length no man can prophecy, with any certainty, when it will be concluded. Suppose it were commenced, and suppose, owing to the length of the discussion, or to the session being speedily terminated, the parties are left in.the same predica ment as before.—(Hear, hear.) Could any thing be more injurious—could any thing be more destructive to their in terests ? The expense is perfectly enormous—it is fright ful. What remedy, I say, can be applied to the evil ? As this House constitutes the highest tribunal for ap peals in this country, and as the suitor may sue where he pleases, in my opinion he ought never to have this Court of justice shut to him. Close it if you please, so far as concerns its legislative powers ; prorogue it or adjourn it according to the old constitutional form, but allow it to con tinue to sit for strictly judicial purposes. It is then said that connected with auy scheme for the improvement of the judicial system, something ought to be done with regard to the Court of Review. When I speak of that, I must call to your Lord ships' recollection the period when it was established, and the purpose it was intended to answer. I believe these were the circumstances. I have lived long enough in the Court of Chancery to know that there was not a grievance more press leg than the necessity of attending to the business of bank ruptcy. The subject being brought before the House of Com mons in 1823, Sir S. Romilly stated that of all the sugges tions he bad heard for redressing the inconveniences of the Court of Chancery, none were so likely to be beneficial as the removal of the bankruptcy business of that Court. I believe that was the universal feeling—beyond all question it was my own, and when the proposal came into the House of Commons I thought it my duty to support it.. The complaint is that the Court in question has not sufficient business to do ; the prin. cipal.grievance is that the machinery is too large. The ob ject in instituting the Court of Review was to substitute for a body of not fewer than 70 Bankruptcy Commissioners a limited number of competent individuals, who should devote their whole time and talents to the business of bankruptcy, and all points connected with it ; and I must, in justice to the Noble and Learned originator of the measure, state to your Lordships that so far from its having proved a failure, there is not a single trader or merchant in London who has had any thing to do with matters connected with bankruptcy since it came into operation who does not confess himself deeply sen sible of the great advantages i.e has derived from the institu tion of this Court.—( Hear, hear.) It is no doubt true that the business before the Court of Review ha's :become considerably, less than it was at one time, but this is precisely owing to the efficiency of the system, the labours of the Commissioners of Bankruptcy, and the appointment of official assignees, whose services have been found of very great advantage. It is, in fact, as I have said, the very success of the measure which has rendered its machinery too extensive for its present require ment; one part of the system has operated so successfully that the other part has become almost superfluous under ex isting circumstances. For, my Lords, I will not disguise from you that at the present moment the Court of Review has not adequate duties to perform ; and I am also ready, quite ready, to admit that it is the duty of Government not only to direct attention to the existing evils in the s) stem of law, as in every other department df the State, but to sec and consider how these evils may be remedied. In reference to th e Court of Review, howevk though, the fact of its greatly lessened extent of its business be as I have admitted, yet I cannot say that I think any change in it can at the present moment be safely or satisfactorily made : and I will in one word give your Lordships my reason. My Lords, a measure was last year sent up to this House from the House of Com mons, which your Lordships had not time to attend to at the late period of the session at which it came before you. I el- THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 29, 1836 lode to the Bill for the abolition of imprisonment for debt. My Lords, it is my intention, at the earliest possible moment, after I have found time to consider the details of this Bill, to bring it under your Lordships consideration. By ,the Machinery of this Bill, if it he carried, a good deal of additional' work will be thrown upon the Court of Review, and I therefore con ceive that your Lordships will agree with me in thinking that, at least until the fate of this Bill is finally decided—and as I intend to bring it forward as soon as possible, that period can not be far distant—it would not be wise to precipitate at the present moment any alteration in the existing establishment of the Court of Review.—( Hear, hear, bear.) My Lords, there is another suggestion which has been made, which I am disposed to view very favourably, and which I trust will also meet with the approval of my Noble and Learned Friend near me. My Lords, it has been suggested that very great in convenience continually arises from having the equity juris diction of the Court of Exchequer existing as a separate sys tem. That it is not only inconvenient in itself, but that it ne cessarily interferes with the other departments of the Court, since that Court has become a Court doing so much business, arid invested with so much importance as a Court of law. My Lords, it is necessary on this point that we should inquire what is the extent of the business done by this Court as a Court of equity. I have already stated the progress of business in the Court of Chancery ; the returns from which this statement was derived contain also a statement of the number of bills filed in the equity side of the Court of Exchequer. As I have stated, the average number of cases before the Court of Chancery for the last three years, has been 1,300, there having been a gradual increase iii the business before that Court for a number of years past. The ,returns from the Court of Exchequer are from the year 1820 to the present time; and, unlike those from the Court of Chancery, exhibit no increase, but on the contrary, a slight decrease. The average number of cases before the equity side of the Court of Exchequer, in the period I have mentioned, appears to be but 120 a-year, while that before the Court of Chancery i s 1,300. My Lords, what has been suggested on this subject is, that the equity jurisdiction now performed by the Court of Exchequer should be tranferred to the Court of Chancery ; to which it more properly belongs, but, as your Lordships will at once see, this cannot be done in the present state of the latter Court, unless some further judicial aid be given to it. Here, however, it is suggested that the machinery now in existence for the purposes of equity in the Court of Ex chequer, which is now kept in operation for transacting the business of 120 cases year, will, if the proposed change be male, cease to be required at that Court; and the question is, therefore, whether it cannot be made available for the dispatch of the thus increased business of the Court of Chancery? This is a point which well merits consideration. My Lords, if what I am now about to submit to your consideration should meet with your assent, and that of the other branches of the Legislature, its beneficial effect will be to make a great altera tion in the Court of Chancery, by furnishing it with the means of carrying into effect its duties with more facility than it has hitherto had the power of doing, by leaving it in exclusive possession of its head, whose undivided attention will thence forth be applied to the business before the Court; and I can not but think, that until we have had full opportunity of see ing how the additional facilities thus afforded will enable the Court of Chancery to get rid of the arrears of business be fore it, and to dispatch new cases, it will be hardly advisable or expedient for us to make any of the further alterations which have been suggested.—(llear, hear.) With this feel ing, in what I shall have the honour to recommend to your Lordships, much of that which has occupied the attention of the public, and much of that which many distinguished and Earned individuals have suggested as expedient, has been omitted. At the same time, my Lords, those parties who think that more ought to be done upon this subject, who con ceive that the plan suggested is not equal to what they look upon as the necessity of the case, must, I think and hope, agree with me that, at least as far as it goes, it is a decided improvement on the existing system—( Hear, hear)—and is a considerable advance towards promoting the final rrsult which their view of the case leads them to desire.--( Hear). Your Lordships will admit that it is, at any rate, safe not to do too much in the first instance ; and that having once set on foot an improvement, which it is .anticipated will be satisfactory and efficient, not to take additional steps until it is found that the first attempt has failed in producing the desired object.—( Hear. ) My Lords, I am sanguine as to the entire success of the rneasure I am about to propose, for I conceive that when we have decided that there shall be a judge at the head of the Court of Chancery whose time and talents shall be solely applied to the business of that Court, there can be little or no doubt but that in a short time lie will succeed in keep ing down the appeal list, and will effectively dispatch all the original business of the Court.—( Hear, hear). My Lords, if this hope be realized, and if the person at the head of the Court of Chancery shall succeed in keeping down the business of that Court, as far as that Court is concerned, the object is attained.—( Hear, hear). Upon the course to be pur sued in the dispatch of appeals in this House, I will repeat, that if your Lordships shall sanction the proposition for keep ing open this House throughout the year, as a court of appel late jurisdiction, the evils which are so severely felt will be speedily and satisfactorily remedied.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the Privy Council, no objection exists, except it be the want of a permanent head to the Council ; which objection may be obviated in the way I have already suggested. The general result would be this, that the Lord Chancellor for the time being would be at the head of all the ultimate appellate jurisdiction of the country, by presiding at appeals in error before the House of Lords, and at appeals before the Privy Council. By these means, by providing for the Court of Chancery a judge whose sole duty it shall be to attend to its important duties, and by the House of Lords sitting in its ap- - pellate judicial character, notwithstanding any prorogation or dissolution of Parliament, in order, like all other Courts of justice, to be always accessible to suitors, all the objects which I have stated in the opening of my observations will be amply fulfilled. My Lords, for the important purposes I have mentioned, two Bills have been prepared, an outline of which I will now proceed to lay before your Lordships. The first of these Bills is relative to the administration of justice in the Court of Chancery. It provides, in the first place, that after the appointment of a judge to be at the head of that Court, to be appointed according to the provisions of the Bill, the Lord Chancellor shall cease to exercise the jurisdiction in that Court. It then gives power to his Majesty to appoi n t t h e said judge for that Court, under the style and title of Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Chancery ; and that all forms and appeals heretofore addressed to the Lord Chancellor, shall, for the future, be addressed to the Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Chancery. The Bill then provides as to the precedency and salary of that judge. The Bill is now in blank as to both the one and the other of these points, but I appre hend that your Lordships will conceive that- the head of a Court so important as the Court of Chancery ought to be put as nearly as possible on a footing with the Lord Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench.—( Hear, hear.) The Bill then proceeds to provide—and the difficulty we have had in satis factorily arranging this point has been the sole cause of my delay in bringing forward the measure—the Bill then provides or the separation of the processes of the Court of Chancery from those under the Great Seal. The provision is, that all writs in respect to processes from the Court of Chancery shall be passed under a seal, to be called the Court of Chancery Seal, instead of under the Great Seal as here tofore, but that all others shall continue, as now, to be passed under the Great Seal. The Bill then proposes an apportionment of the officers now attached to the Great Seal between the Court of Chancery and the Lord Chan cellor, and makes regulations as to fees and emoluments. Some of the officers must necessarily be attached to the Lord Chancellor, and the others can remain attached to the Court of Chancery. The Bill further provides that the Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Chancery shall be ap pointed during life and good behaviour, and shall be removable upon an address from the two Houses of Parliament. This, my Lords, is the outline of the provisions of the first Bill. Thu second Bill relates to the appellate jurisdiction of this House, and provides, that in order to facilitate the dispatch of appeals before your Lordships, that your Lordships shall sit for the purpose of hearing appeals in error, notwithstanding any prorogation or disSoltition of Parliament. It further provides that the Equity Judges shall be subject to summons before your Lordships, in the same manner that the Common Law Judges now are ; and that the Fame power of summoning shall remain in your Lordships, notwithstanding any such prorogation or dis solution of Parliament. It further provides that the Lord Chancellor shall be present at all sittings of the Privy Council to hear appeals, with the proviso, however, that in the Lord Chancellor's necessary absence, the Lord President shall haVe Power to appoint any other Member of the Judicial Committee to take his place.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I have now put you in possession of the extreme grievances arising from the overgrown state of the Court of Chancery. Your Lordships have now before you the very important question to consider, whether the suggested plan does not appear efficient to improve to a satisfactory extent the administration of justice, and the two ultimate appellate jurisdictions of the country, and of that Court by which questions involving much of the property of the country have to be decided.—( Hear, hear.) Lord LYNDH U R ST wished to understand whether it was intended that appeals from the Vice Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls were in the first place to be made to the Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Chancery, or directly to the House of Lords ?—( Hear. hear.) The LORD CHANCELLOR said the Bill provided that such appeals should be made in the first instance to the Court of Chancery. Lord LANGDALE could not but observe that the Bill of his Noble and Learned Friend would still leave political and judicial functions of the greatest importance united in the Lord Chancellor.—( Hear, hear.) Moreover that it would have an appellate jurisdiction and an original jurisdiction united in the hands of the Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Chancery. — ( Hear, hear.) That it would have a court of appeal between the original hearing in equity and the appeal to the House of Lords. All these were points of grave importance.-Hear.) Lord A BINGER coincided in the objection taken as to continuance of the union of political and judicial functions in the Lord Chancellor. He would, however, beg to say a few words upon what had been observed by the Noble and Learned Lord who brought it in, in reference to the equity business of the Court of Exchequer. The equity sittings in that Court were confined to two days in the week, and the consequence was, that as suitors found it extremely difficult to obtain a hearing, the business before the Court had very considerably fallen oil. The Court of Eechequer, as a common law Court, had, since the Bill which he (Lord Abinger) intro duced in the other House, wheveby the monopoly previously enjoyed by a few individuals in the business before it was broken up, and solicitors from all parts admitted to practise there, become as competent a common law Court as any other. There was no reason why equal efficiency should not be communicated to the equity side of the Court of Exchequer. Lord WYN FO RD was quite certain that the objection of the Noble arid Learned Lord opposite in reference to ap peals to the Court of Chancery would, if acted upon, save the suitors great expense and incenveninnee.—(Hear, hear.) He quite agreed, too, in the objection respecting the continued union of the political and judicial functions of the Lord Chan cellor. With these two exceptions, he was bound to say that the Bill received his cordial approval.—( Hear. ) The Duke of WELLINGTON said there was one thing he did not clearly understand, and this was, what was to be come .of the House of Lords—of the jurisdiction of the House of Lords—after Parliament should be prorogued or dissolved ? —( Hear, hear.) Was it intended that the jurisdiction of the House of Lords was to be exercised in the absence of the House, or was the body of the House to sit as a court of appel late judicature after his Majesty shall have thought fit to pro rogue or dissolve Parliament ?—( Hear.) The LORD CHANCELLOR said the plan undoubtedly was, that for the purpose of hearing appeals in error, the House should sit notwithstanding any prorogation or dissolution, but for that purpose only. Viscount MELBOURNE said he had understood his Noble and Learned Friend on his right to express his feeling that he could not entirely concur in - the measure, an opinion re sponded to by the Noble and Learned Lord opposite ; but when they came to state the general ground upon which they differed from the measure, it was the that the Bill left the union of the political and judicial functions of the Lord Chancellor presiding in that House untouched.—( Hear.) Now he would only beg leave to observe (as was understood) that while the measure as now proposed had been framed so cautiously as to admit of any future alteration which their Lordships might deem necessary, had such a change as that pointed at been introduced in the first place, it might have been difficult, if objected to, to recede, and to return to the state of things which now existed.—( Hear, hear.) The Bill had been framed with the greatest care, and he trusted that it would receive their Lordships' assent.—( Hear, hear.) The Bill was then read a first time and ordered to be printed. The House then adjourned. WHAT WILL THE LORDS DO? (From the Dun !fries Tinis.) What m ill the 'Lords do? is in the mouth of every one—so as to be tiresome. The reply is plain and simple—" They will play the fool." How can any one be so weak or so absurd as to suppose that the House of Lords, composed as it now is, should act with discretion, and much more so with wisdom. Unfortunately the great body of their Lordships are of that age and of that school as to be buried in ignorance. To many, and to the most violent, Nature has been unkind. What can be expected from men of such mental capacity as the Duke of Newcastle, the young Duke of Beaufort, late Marquis of Wor cester, the Earls of Winchilsea and Falmouth, and Baron Ke nyon ; then the infirmity of the Earl of Vane, known commonly as the Marquis of Londonderry ; and the affliction that has fallen on the Earl of Roden—his bigotry, his religious preju dice. What can be hoped for, while there is yet so much honest darkness as hangs over the Earl of Mansfield —poor man t One cannot but respect him, for one feels he is sincere in his opinions, but yet one pities him, for he is not deficient in intellect,—that he in these days should be at least two centuries behind the great body of his fellow countrymen ;—what makes his blindness the more lamentable is, that, as a boy at Westminster, he showed capa city ; and distinguished himself at Oxford—that he is a good scholar, and not wanting in information, and in private life is not only a respectable, but an estimable gentleman. There are several Noblemen in his unfortunate condition : they live to and by themselves—they mix not with the world—they move in limited circles—they are governed by antiquated opinions, and can neither believe nor understand the intel lectual changes which have taken place, not only at home, but abroad ; nor the progress in knowledge which has spread ovbr the mass of the population of the empire and of Europe. My Lord Mansfield adheres to all the habits of his boyhood. You may read the man in remarking his dress. The tight web pantaloons, the Hessian boots, and a particular cut coat, and old fashioned hat. His Lordship may be supposed to have a horror of the power of steam, or is ignorant of its application and the changes which it has produced. He is a good classic, but has made little or no advance in the knowledge of the sciences ; and as his Lhrd ship is, so are many of his compeers. These are of a certain age, and will work out by degrees, and be succeeded by a race more suitable to the general enlightenment of the present and forthcoming period. What can be expected but folly from the House of Lords, or even worse than folly, when the represen tative Peers of Scotland and Ireland are returned by such constituencies as now exist ? In Scotland in particular where an unprincipled Renegade directs, and in Ireland, where the majority of the Peers are bigotted, corrupt, intolerant, or un principled. What is to be hoped from a bench of Bishops nominated from such motives as the greater number of the Prelates have been? Their political subserviency. What can be looked for from a body where there arc so many lawyers, who have been advanced to the honours of nobility for their apostasy and political profligacy ? What can be expected of a body who shall select for their leader such a person as my Lord Lyndhurst, talented enough indeed, and a power ful speaker ; but can anything more be said of his Lordship, who was known at College, and for many years after being called to the bar, to be so extreme in his political and religious opinions, as would even now cause an ultra-Radical to be driven from all decorous society. But what is to be the remedy for the folly and the profligacy of their Lordships may be well inquired into? 'Why, it must be patience and firmness on the part of the people ; honesty and boldness on the part of the House of Commons; perseverance and dignity on the part of the Ministers ; and good sense and patriotism on the part of the Executive. Let these bodies do their duty, and the folly and infatuation of the House of Lords will fall harmless, and the country be saved from the fatal consequences of their designs, and their hostility to the in terests of the people. The Lords will only lose their little remaining consequence, if they continue to array themselves against the interests of their country. Let the people be true to themselves, let the Commons be virtuous, the Ministers firm, and the King patriotic, the Lords will soon fall below zero and become innocuous. u what is to be the crrectie of their f o lly ? What is to arrest their mischievous puropose ? v Patience and the force of public opinion; the general expression of the voice of the people. It must be loud and universal, but tempe rate and constitutional ; let there be no violence, no threaten ing% not even abuse. Let petitions of remonstrance flow into the House of Lords ; let the Throne be encircled with ad dresses from the people. It is idle of wrong-headed and de signing men, as well as wicked, to attempt to mislead the people by proposing organic changes in that branch, and very important branch of the Constitution ; the present body of the House of Lords is an integral part of tlie Constitution, and cannot be changed and got rid of without dissolving that Con stitution, and erecting it afresh. Could such a change be made without a revolution, without a struggle of blood, and the destruction of property? It could not be ; and there is not a rational and honest man, one conversant with public life, or who has any knowledge of his country, who can gain say such a truth. Who would desire a revolution ?—only the profligate, the desperate, and the unprincipled. When any public man proposes organic changes, whether it be Mr. O'Connell himself, or any other public man—be he whom he may—they only proclaim themselves fools or knaves, and should be mistrusted by tile people, and driven from their presence. The Lords will inflict on themselves their own merited punishment—the contempt of all right thinking and intelligent men ; they will reduce themselves to harmless in significance. The Lords have often proved the friends of the people, they have been the pillars of the State, and though they may be now mischievous, they may again become bene ficial. As long as ministers command by their measures and their conduct the support of the Commons and the approval of the public, they may be indifferent as to the opposition of the Lords. It is only to be lamented that the progress of public business is retarded and agitation kept up in Ireland. Let the Lords reject the Irish Municipal Bill, it will not affect the Ministers ; they will still retain office. Let them but com mand their hold of the people, and they are unseatable by any faction of the Commons, or the grand body of the Lords. There need to be no dissolution ; the present majority is large enough. Dissolution would only be a vexatious Measure ; it would interfere with business and disturb trade, which is now every where flourishing. Too large majorities are unwieldy, and they might become unmanageable. Again, the ultra- Radicals might run riot—they are now held in awe—and that is a guarantee to the public that they cannot be mischievous more than the Tories, neither should be relied on by the people. LINCOLN APRIL FAIR-THURSDAY Up to the present time, each day of this great Fair has been exceedingly well attended by both buyers and sellers, and prices generally have been satisfactory. On Monday the supply of horses of a superior description was about equal to former years, though the principal transactions were effected in the stable-yards. A few foreign dealers purchased at high prices, and numbers were sold at prices ranging from 1001. to 2001. On, Tuesday the show was, as usual, of a more varied description; and, owing to the vast number of buyers, all sorts commanded good prices. The same may be said of Wednes day's sale, with the addition that the venders of good hack neys, owing to the prices of the preceding day, became rather too exorbitant in their demands, and many were left over to this day's sale. There is not so much alacrity in purchasing to-day, except for superior cart-horses, which continue in de mand, and at good prices. Several have been bought for the London market. There are plenty of an inferior description, , but they are not much looked after. The Sheep Fair to-day has been well supplied ; the num ber being nearly 25,000, and the show being reckoned the fines of many years. There has been great variation in prices, ranging from 403. to 565. A few pens of fine hogs were put up at 675. ; but although they were generally admired, they did not go off at that figure, and it was late before they were disposed Of at 635. The fall in the London markets of Mon day bad the effect of impeding a brisk sale ; although nearly the whole was disposed of at figures something under what was at first anticipated. Hogs out of the wool were scarcely looked at. Fin grass hogs fetched 555. 6d. The show was entirely of the Lincolnshire breed. There is already a great influx of cattle for to-morrow, and it is expected prices will be rather lower. FATAL ACCIDENT.—it is our painful duty to re cord a melancholy loss of life from drowning, which took place on Monday morning, the 25th inst., at Wouldham, near Ro chester. The lion. Francis De Grey, one of the younger sons of 'Lord Walsingham, a most promising and amiable young man, about 21 years of age, imprudently entered the water with all his clothes on to secure a boat that was drifting down the Medway, although repeatedly urged by the Rev. Gentleman with whom he lived not to do so; unfortunately he was unable to reach the boat, and becoming exhausted, he surf:, notwithstanding the most strenuous efforts to save him of his friend, who narrowly escaped the same fate. Aftlr a search of some hours the body was picked up a short distance front th soot where it sunk. PUBLIC &EETING-BRISTOL. (Abridged from the Bristol Gazette of Thursday.) A Public Meeting was held on Monday at the Guildhall, in pursuance of the requisition contained in our last week's paper, for the purpose of " considering of the propriety of the resolutions of the Town Council on Monday, the 18th inst., relative to the rejection of certain persons nominated to be Magistrates, and to the conduct of Sir R. R. Vyvyan in the House of Commons ; to express their sentiments, and to de termine upon such proceedings thereon as they may deem ne cessary." At half-past one the Hall was completely Hui in every part, when on the motion of R. Bligh. Esq. W. P. TAIINTON, Esq. was called to the Chair. As soon as the applause which greeted the nomination of the Chairman had subsided, he rose and addressed the meeting to the following effect—Gentlemen, in consequence of certain resolutions passed at a Special Meeting of the Town Council on Monday last, it occurred to some gentlemen in this town that it would be desirable to obtain the opinion of the citizens in general upon the subject at issue ; and a requisi tion, signed by upwards of 80 gentlemen, was presented to the Mayor asking for the use of the Guildhall, and which use was very readily granted. You are therefore now met here to consider of the two resolution% of the Council to which I have referred ; the first of which calls upon Lord John Russell to furnish information as to the grounds upon which he acted with respect to the appointment of Magistrates, and the other proffers a vote of thanks to Sir Richard Vyvyan—( Shouts of derision and hisses)—tbanks to Sir R. Vyvyan—( Renewed laughter and hisses)—Gentlemen, I will state it gravely if I can--for his conduct in the House of Commons, in taking Lord John Russell to task. I need not observe that both those resolutions were carried by a considerable majority in the Town Council, but we are now here to know what is the ex pression of the opinion of the citizens at large. When the Municipal Reform Bill was passing through Parliament, Mi nisters were anxious, in the spirit of the old elections, to vest the appointment of Justices in the Town Councils. Who op posed this ? Lord Lyndhurst and the Tory Lords ; they said the power should rest with the King and none else ; and they carried their point. Lord John Russell endeavoured to mitigate this as much as possible, and said the Government would give due weight to the recommendations of the Councils. He never said he would, give them any number they might choose to fix on. But there are some parties to whom, if you give an inch, they will take an ell. In the instance of Bristol, I believe he has given all due weight, and more than due weight to the aforesaid recorwgiendation. If we had the choice of the Magistrates, as in the good Saxon times, by free ac clamations in this Hall, I doubt whether the same list would be chosen as it even now is. At all events, in the number to be considered, 18 is more than sufficient, and why the Town Council should dictate to the Crown how many should be chosen, is to me quite unreasonable. If then 18 were suf ficient, what had Lord J. Russell to do? On 24 being handed in, it was necessary to make a selection somewhere. They say this subject has been dealt with as a party matter, but look at the list, and say whether it was possible Lord John Russell could have been actuated by party considerations. What are the first names on the list? those of Mr. Fripp and Mr. Payne ; if there are any two determined party men in this city, I have no hesitation in saying those gentlemen are. Would he not, then, if he had been influenced by party motives, have struck his pen, through their names? whilst, if he had wished to save appearances, could he not have retained one or two others, who do no good—of no power of intellect, or of any other power—( Cheers)—and thus have left the party not so strong as now? I fully believe that Lord John Russell acted from wise and good motives, and not from the party considerations which have been imputed to him. Gentlemen, there is one other subject upon which I need hardly waste a word. If a person gets up in the Senate and prefers against the Minister of the Crown a grave and specific charge of being actuated by corrupt motives—a charge only to be wiped away by an acquittal under Parliamentary impeachment—when that person sits down and afterwards says that his accusation means nothing but supporting a party, but will neither substantiate nor retract his former charge ; is not that a most lamentable exhibition for any man with a mo ral sense or a sense of justice ?—( Loud cheers.) What then shall be said of a body, who seeing a person in such a dis graced state, identify themselves with him in feeling and in character ?—(Cheers.) As to the obligations you are under to Sir Richard Vyvyan, I leave that in your hands—if you think he has or has not done that of which any other man would have been ashamed, you will have an opportunity of ex pressing your opinion. When the day comes that lie will have to appear before you on the hustings to solicit your votes, do not forget the glorious speech, the eloquent display, for which he has received the thanks of his supporters.—(Mr. Taunton concluded amidst loud applause. ) S. WARING, Esq.—Our opposition, Gentlemen, is so ludi crous at this moment that Momus alone could do justice to it. The mis-called Destructives assembled in public meeting to support the prerogative of the Crown I Against whose at tacks? Why, forsooth, against the attacks of the party, who, so long as they could do so, perverted it to exclusive and de spotic purposes, and have always claimed for themselves all power and loyalty par excellence. If we must discuss the sub ject seriously, the fact is, that a factitious majority of the Town Council, instead of attending to the real interests of the city, have travelled out of their province to catechize the Home Se cretary, and to call in question the prerogative of the Crown. It really appears to me that their ignorance of what is right is only exceeded by the impudence of their conduct—l cannot speak less plainly. What did Lord John Russell propose ? Simply to give due weight to the recommendation of the Town Councils. lam sure vou will join me in believing that his Lordship has performed all be promised, and that both in fix ing the number of Magistrates at eighteen, and in omitting the six names in question, his Lordship acted uprightly, and in a manner the most conducive to the true interests of this city. I will not presume to surmise what influenced Lord John Russell in his choice—he is above suspicion and needs no defence, but let us take care that the city does not share in the degradation which the factitious majority of the Council have brought on themselves. Before I read the resolution I have to propose, there is one point I must touch upon—the hypocrisy of the Tory party in now affecting so much horror of a Ministry being guided by the political opinions of candi dates for the Bench, whereas their own uniform practice has been to keep the country in absolute thraldom by this very system. Witness the dismissal of the venerable Earl Fitz william from the Lord Lieutenancy of the West Riding of Yorkshire, in 1819, because he could not applaud the massacre of the people at Manchester.—(Cheers.) Mr. W. then moved his resolution. T. J. MANcHEE, E sq ,_W e are met here this day to con sider the resolutions of the Town Council of Monday last, the first of which, with the permission of the meeting, I will read. It is, " that a respectful application from this Council be made to the Secretary of State for the Home Department, request ing information as to the ground upon which this reduction in the list of magistrates recommended for appointment in this borough has been made, and the reasons by which his Majes ty's Ministers were governed in excluding the - six gentlemen who were unanimously recommended." This application might be at once met by requiring to know by what right, legal or constitutional, the information is sought from the confidential Minister of the Crown. The power of appointing the magis trates is vested by a recent statute in the King. Ministers are responsible for the exercise of that power. If any corrupt motive can be substantiated against them, they arc liable to impeachment, but the power of impeachment rests with the Commons of England, not with the Town Council of Bristol. —( Hear, hear.) I will show, Sir, that the complaints of the Bristol Tories are hypocritical and inconsistent with their own conduct ; that in fact they set Lord John Russell an example of omission or rejection to which his Lordship might tri umphantly- refer. in answer to their memorial. I need not tell this meeting that the late Corporation was a close self elected body ; that the Aldermen were ex officio Magistrates, appointed by each other, and that neither the citizens of Bris tol nor the Crown had any voice in their election. Now look ing over the names of the present Magistrates, who we must keep in mind were appointed by the Tories themselves, I find that, in preparing their list of new Magistrates, the Tories have rejected three of those gentlemen, three whom they had already thought qualified for the office, and who, by this omis sion, will be degraded from the rank to which they had been elevated by their colleagues. The selection made by Lord John Russell produced no such effect as that. But, Sir, I have said that, admitting that the selection was made on poli tical grounds, what right have the Tories to complain that a liberal administration should make liberal appointments? Did they not set the example of adhesion to party ? For fifty years were not the counties inundated with Tory Lord Lieu tenants and Tory Magistrates? I beg leave to second the motion. The resolution was then put, when a forest of hands was held up for it. For the negative there was a solitary dissen tient, who occupied a position in the dock. The resolution was then carried with tumultuous shouts of applause. J. ADDINGTON, Esq. moved the second resolution, condem natory of the conduct of Sir Richard Vyvyan, in a speech of considerable length, in the course of which he read several extracts from the debate in the House of Commons, to prove the feeling excited among men of all parties at the rash and unfounded attack made by the Hon. Baronet upon Lord John Russell; but from the very low tone in which Mr. A. spoke, h e was quite inaudible at the table. Rev. Mr. EDG EWORTII.—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I know it is not necessary that the illustrious descendant of the house of Russell should look to us to shield him from the at tacks of Sir R. R. Vyvyan.--( Cheers and laughter.) Nei ther is it necessary for us to furnish inf orma ti on to t h a t H on . Baronet who now unhappily for us, because I think disgrace fully, represents us.—(Loud cheers.) He is ignorant of the real state of things here, and for aught I care may remain so. But it is due to ourselves to show to the rest of the kingdom that Sir R. Vyvyan, in using th e l anguage attr ib ute d to hi m by the press, did not represent th e f ee li ngs an d th e sent i ments o f the citizens of Bristol. Sir R. Vyvyan as a Tory, and one of those who are for ever boasting of their loyalty, and their peculiar respect for the prerogative of the Crown, should have known that when he reproached the Noble Lord for the per formance of his duty, he indeed attacked the Throne. Sir R. Vyvyan then goes on t o c h arge L or d J o h n R usse ll w i t h cor rupt motives and corrupt conduct in so advising the King. The Noble Lord answered him by generously and constitutionally telling him (fro m th e R usse l ls you are sure to hear language in accordance with the principles of our Constitution) that he would not blame the Hon. Baronet for his attacking him as 3 responsible Minister of the Cr ow n ; but he would maintain that if Sir R. Vyvyan did not at once and without delay co. of mc forward and su b stant i ate hi s c h arges, hi s con duct was th a t a calumni a t or , an d hi s i mputat i on o f corru pt inO . t . lve s .. and unf oun d e d . —(L ou d c h eers .) O ug ht not bit: onu l. either t o h ave pro d uce d th e p roo f s o f Is hardybs;ean urged on ticments, or failing t o d o t h a t, ac k no wl e dged that , restraint by that desperation which seems now to a ctuate ) all the doings l lye by a sudden impulse of bad temper, or ga ( of the Tories, and manfully retracted his charges, if not the °- , .4- ~ A 1. 77 ii . „ same day at least the next. But !Nam that dayetct„e4, not done so, and as he still unfortnnately,•and disererli,i ; us, represents the city of Bristol -41 - lear l. hear)-4'11,- ; K, - 4,... raf. gess of Bristol, fcel the danger ittatang in li*_, , e. The resolution I hold in my hand, der fi l l.liqpir . 11 ° part in the conduct of our representative ; it' 'atAa ndemns the proceedings of the majority of the Town-Council on the same subject ; I ask this meeting, can they, as hon.•st men, join in the expressicn of thanks which has been offered by this lux row majority to Sir R. Vyvyan ?—( Loud cries of `• No, no.") Do you approve of their conduct ?—( No, no.) The resolu tion declares you do not.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried as before, with tl.e same dissentient. H. VISGER, Esq., moved the next resolution. The Resolution was put as before, with, as the Chair:flan observed, the " glorious minority of one." R. Bhock, jun., Esq.—Mr. Chairman, a Resolution has been put into :ay hands which I rise to propose with the great est satisfaction. (Mr. B. read the resolution expressive of thanks to the minority of the Town Council, which was re ceived with loud tokens of approbation.) Notwithstanding th e majority claims to be composed of the elite of Clifton and St. Augustine's—the fashionable gentry of the west end—( A voice " The worst end")—it has been shown to you that the minority represents the feelings of the majority of the citizens, and I know they have and will retain your support, which they look to as their best meed and reward. If you take care in future that all vacancies are filled up with men of equal sense and ability, we shall in a short time have nothing to dread. W. HARWOOD, jun., Esq.—l have great pleasure in rising to second the motion for a vote of thanks to the Liberal mino rity in the Town Council. That minority have been grossly misrepresented both in public and private ; it has been indus triously insinuated that the fact of six gentlemen having been rejected from the list of magistrates was the result of 'some. communications from the Liberal members of the Council, that: in fact they undermined in private what in public they had! supported. Now this is an accusation so grievous, a calum ny so heavy, as must sink to the dust the reputation of any man against whom it is proved, and I do not envy the feelings of that mare who can spread such a charge, knowing at &se, same time that it is totally without foundation.—( Cheers.) They have also been charged with inconsistency in not sup porting the Memorial to Lord John Russell, calling for informa tion, when they did not object to the names which have been struck off; but it appears to me there is no inconsistency in the case ; eighteen magistrates being the number allotted to. Bristol, six must have been rejected, and the Council have ma more right to question the motives of Lord John Russell iw advising the Crown as to the exercise of its prerogative in this particular case, than they have in any other. As to the vote of thanks which was passed to Sir R. Vyvyan, I feel myself; as one of the constituents of Bristol, degraded by it; it was most prepostereus.—( Loud cheers.) The Chairman put the motion, which was carried with three hearty cheers. J. W. HALL, Esq.—Gentlemen, I thank you all for the very handsome manner in which you have passed the Resolu tion. RICIIARD Asti, Esq.—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen.—l rise as one of the Town Council to express the gratifica tion which I feel from the vote just passed. We have heard that efforts were made to induce the Home Secretary to reject the names of several of the Liberals from the list of trates, but when it was found that the attempt had proved abortive, and that six of the Conservatives had beer omitted, it was resolved to resort to the unconstitutional measure which • has been the occasion of our meeting. In instances where Liberals who had been recommended by Town Councils were not accepted, I have not heard of their having indignantly ap plied to know the reason, but they appear to have manifested their loyalty by submission and acquiescence, whilst the Con servative members of the Bristol Council, notwithstanding their professions of superior reverence for the royal prerogative, have requested information from his Majesty's Government, which it would be highly improper for them to give, and which was refused to the House of, Commons although de manded by no less a man than Sir Richard Rawlinson Vyvyan, Bart., the redoubtable champion of rotten Boroughs. and close Corporations.—( Cheers.) I have only to add that the ap proval by this meeting of the conduct of the minority of the Council affords me the highest satisfaction. W. HERAPATII, Esq.—Although I have taken no part in the meeting, yet I signed the requisition, because I conceived it essential that the inhabitants of Bristol should have an op portunity of showing that the votes of the Town Council were not their's. You have now done so, and I trust it will teach them in future to show more deference to the opinions of their contit nen ts. —( Cheers. ) Mr. HERAPATII again rose and said, as the principal busi ness of the day is over, and there is a resolution unappro priated, I beg leave to move it with a little addition of my own—l mean to add the name of Sir Richard Vyvyan as one of those to whom the resolutions and proceedings of this day is to be communicated.—( Loud laughter and cheers ) J. W. HALL, Esq., seconded the motion. The Resolution was carried unanimously. The Chairman then left the chair, when, on the motion of R. BRUCE, Esq., seconded by Mr. MANdHEE, the thanks of the meeting were voted him by acclamation, for his ability and impartiality in conducting the business of the day. The meeting then, after giving three enthusiastic cheers for Lord John Russell—three groans for Sir R. Vyvyan—and three cheers for the Liberal members of the Council, broke up at a quarter past five o'clock. A PLAN FOR THE RELIEF OF IRELAND. In unhappy Ireland there are from six to seven millions of unproductive and unprofitable acres—one million of which might be appropriated : —and, if put under the management of Commissioners to be appointed by Government, every acre of this land (which is not now worth is.) on an outlay, in wages of labour, of 51. per acre, would be rendered adequate to support a poor labourer and his family, during a whole year ! For this purpose, a fund of 5,000,0001. would be required ; which, at 4 per cent. interest, would be an annual charge to the country of 200,0001.:—and, I will ask, is there any way under heaven, in which one million of families could be main tained, in a state of idleness —or, in a workhouse—for fifty times the sum ? There are to be seen in Ireland and in Scotland, numerous instances where O. whole family is supported by the produce of a single acre of land, carefully cultivated; and that, too, after paying a rent to the landlord of 1/., 21., or 3/.—according - to situation and circumstances. ft is, by settling the labouring poor in this way, that the country can escape a convulsion, most appalling at the present moment to contemplate ! Let a labouring man, with his wife and children (making five individuals) be placed upon an acre of land, worth no more than 1/. per annum—he will, with the assistance of his family during the spring season of the first year, or, in about three months, make it capable of producing their whole sup port for the rest of the year : and, an allowance of Is. per day for three mouths certain, for work—of which he is himself to have the benefit—will, at once, convert a discontented and dangerous outlaw, into a happy and valuable subject. The three millions of half-fed and half-clothed objects, who now present so deplorable a sight in Ireland, may be said to be, not only a heavy burden and drawback, but a ruinous loss to the United Kingdom. The consumption of their wretched food consisting of potatoes and butter-milk, adds nothing to the revenue of the country ;—and their equally wretched clothing (which is chiefly composed of rags, collected in Eng land and Scotland) gives no encouragement to our manufac • tures. Their miserable food, too, is principally given them, in charity, by--or taken by compulsion from—the class, scarcely a remove from their own degraded condition : for it is a well known fact, that the poorest Irish peasant will divide his last pittance with a fellow-creature who requires his assistance. If, therefore, these three million of wretched beings were enabled to support themselves by honest industry, the class immediately above them would be relieved of a positive exac tion of 15,000,000/. annually : —for, it is no exaggeration to say, that the smaller holders of land, in Ireland, bestow to the value of 5/., annually, on their starving fellow-countrymen. Here, then, we have 15,000,000/. saved, and added to the wealth and resources of the state ; and 15,000,000/. more would be added by the productive labour of these people ; who are now not only idle, and useless members of the community —but are, in fact, dangerous domestic enemies. The country would thus become enriched, by a positive addition to its re sources to the extent of 30,000,0001. annually ;—and the tide, whose current is, at this moment, enereasing in rapidity to wards the destruction of the country, would be arrested, and turned ; so as to flow in a glorious stream of prosperity and happiness to the most civilized country in the world;—on whose escutcheon the grievances of " Ireland" has too long remained a most disgraceful stain I ! ! In addition to the 30,000,000/. annually, which would be saved and called into existence, by providing profitable labour for the three millions of idle beings, who are now pining in misery and want—in addition to the blessing to the country of having these stretched beings converted into contented, happy, and loyal subjects—they would, of course, become consumers of taxable articles ; and thus would the revenue be encreased to a considerable extent. Except in the consumption of whisky and tobacco (to ob tain which they will resort to any expedient), these three millions do not, as has already been shown, contribute towards the support of the state. Were they enabled to support them selves by their own industry, in the way I would advise, they would become possessed of the means of acquiring the nee , - saries and even comforts of life ; and they could afford to chase, in food and raiment, six times the value of what they at: present can procure. For instance, the man who drags out a wretched existence upon his miserable food of potatoes and butter-milk—which, in the market, could not be worth more than 2d. per day, o r 31. per annum—would be able to live, comfortably, on food making the three worth Is. per day, or 181. per year. In raiment, their present int ; ent for 5/. each, or expense cannot exceed 2/. per annum. It', instead of this, th e destitute Irish population were properly clothed, it Nv ould take, at m i l leapt s , 6 . o f. o , , f v o s r oep;eorryt• o i a n d i i i v , i d f u o a o l d , an d annually ra o c l u d s customers created s at f o o t r i 15,000,000/. annually, to become consumers to the extent' of 241. each, or 72,000,000/. annually. So that our Colonial produce, and our manufactures would at home, to the additional amount of 57 ' 000 ' 000/ t( meet the payment o f whic h the means and resources are now dor m Nv h i o n iusrii there ipy can od provedistracted lreland .on e . teo the whole of them put -ei And, " mhol derived from any of our Poi g Colonies') or so much from one-tenth of such a benefit i 4 20,000,0001. being applied together? to make an expe o t West Indies -on what pretence 1 that l sum bo o ence ean x one refused to restore Ireland to one-fourth of. we l o ie n ar ti o a f .. her to be t . what 1 ature d i ! , --the strongand ' vigorous right-arm of the empire' I shall now proceed to state my views as to the means by which the evils existing in Ireland could be remedied. By an outlay of 5,000,0001. for the labour necessary to