The Sun. — London, England, 1839-05-31 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN. COMMON COUNCIL.--( YESTERDAY)) A Court of Cognition Council was held ye's'rert4V for the dispatch of bu?,iness. The proceediitt - attracted unusual attention and interest, from its l_ttt`ring been announced that the Tory party would mttsttt in strong force te tp•po - se the resolution for an Address to her Majesty for her conduct on a late trying occasion. Th.. Wenches on both sides of the Hall were completely e,•tammed, and the space appro priated to strangers ‘', - as also filled long before the hour appointed for commencing the proceedings. At twelve o'clock, the Lou, NIA von having taken his seat, the minutes of the previous Court were read over. Mr. PF.NtnEwrox was proceeding to address some ob servations to the Court relative to certain accounts sent in by the Lord Chamberlain and other civic officers, when he was called to order, on the ground that the requisition took precedence of all other business. Mr. Pemberton said he would give notice of a motion on the subject for a future day. ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN. The Cork then proceeded to read the requisitions ad. dressed to the Lord Mayor to convene the present Court. When he had concluded there were loud cries of " Read the names." Sir PETER LAURIE hoped the names only of those gen tlemen who had signed the requisition themselves would be read. 7 . 7 ( Hear, hear.) A :MENDIER said that every one of the eighty-two gentle men had signed the requisition with their own bands. The LORD MAYOR said the requisition ?;ad been al dressed to hien, containing the same words, and some parties had signed all four of the requisitions.—( Hear, hear.) He supposed the best way would be to read all four, with the names a ttac h e d to eac h . —( }leer, bear.) The Clerk then read the four requisitions with the names. Mr. ASHURST rose and said he was surprised at the course that had been taken by some members on the pre sent occasion. His Lordship knew what the ordinary practice with respect to these requisitions was, and it had not bsen deviated from in the present instance—namely, 4hat some parties did not like to put their names down in the first instance until they had seen the names of others who would undertake the duty of bringing forward the ques tion in the Court.—( Hear, hear.) in order that the Lord Mayor might not be misled, an alphabetical list of the names had been made out, and the signatures reckoned, no name being counted twice, and it was then signified to his Lordsnip, as was the fact, that there were eighty-two sign%tures to the requisition.—(Cheers.) He perfectly well understood the nature of the cheers with which the reading of the names had been received, and it was attempted to be insinuated that the requisi tionists would practise upon the Lord Mayor ',hat which he was confident no man who had attached his name to the requisielon would do, an imposition as to the number of the signatures.—( Cheers.) There was one other point which he wished to refer to, namely, that Mr. Pe seeress had obtained in writing the authority of two gentlemen to affix their signatures to the requisition.—( Hear, hear.) Having stated these facts, he now rose to move that a loyal . and dutiful address be presented to her Majesty, on the recent trying circumstances in which her Majesty was placed. It had been insinuated that those who had signed the requisition had attempted something like an evasion of the principles embodied in the Address. In order that the Court might see that there was no such intention on their part he should read the resolutions which it was intended to submit, and which in fact embodied the substance of the Address to her Majesty. Mr. Ashurst then read the resolutions as follows : " That we cannot, however, refrain from expressing our desire that the responsible advisers of her Majesty will in future, by a steady and progressive course of rational Reform, command the support of such a majority of her people and of the House of Commons, as will effectually prevent the recurrence of a crisis similar to that ‘n which ber Majesty and the country has been recently placed."— ( Hear, hear.) " That we would also with profound respect express to her Majesty our ardent hope that such measures may be introduced into Parliament, and be earnestly advocated by her Majesty's Ministers, as will extend and confirm the liberties and franchises of her people, recognize equal civil rights without distimstion of sect or party, improve the condition of the working classes, and promote the cause of universal educatien, and which, by purifying and reforming our institutions wherever abuses exist, may se cure to th e Th rone the only safe and permanent basis for a Constitutional Monarchy, the sincere affection and support of a free'and. contented people."—(Cheers.) " That tier Majesty's conduct, in the trying circum stances in which she has been recently placed, has elicited our warmest sympathy and admiration." " That from the constancy and amiable feeling mani fested by her Majesty in relation to her private 'and do mestic friendships, and the calm determination with which she has sustained the just prerogative of the Crown, we infer, with confident satisfaction, that her Majesty will, on all occasions, evince the same firmness and steadfastness in maintaining the rights and liberties, and in promoting the welfare and happiness of her people."—( Hear, and cheers ) He would now offer a few observations to the Court as to the peculiar situation in which her Majesty was placed. The object of the resolution was not to promote the cause of either section of the Aristocracy which had had the Go vernment of the country in its hands, but to show that they appreciated the firmness manifested by her Majesty in the trying circumstances in which she was placed. They had a mixed Constitution, and it was their business not to spe enlate upon what ought to be, but what was. Looking at the political position of the two parties who had had thc Government of the country in their hands for so long a period—seeing that the Tories, as in the instance of the Reform Bill, had shown that they did not possess 1 the confidence of the people—that notwithstanding' the length of time they had been in power, and notwith standing the strength of their influence they had been ex i pelled from that power by the people, and the Reform Bill adopted, it was clear that they did not possess the confi dence of the people of England. Now with regard to ! the Whigs, they came into power urging the people 1 against the other party, and telling them that they would bring forward certain measures which would much con duce to the welfare of the people. They certainly made promises such as no other party had ever made before— (Hear, hear)—and yet they had placed themselves in such 1 a position before that people, that although they came into power in their confidence six or eight years ago, they were obliged to resign that power, leaving the country in such a state that one portion of it was armed against the other.— (Hear, hear from Alderman Brown.) He was glad to hear that cheer, because it showed him that the worthy 1 Alderman felt the truth of what he was stating with regard to that party, and it showed him also that he must come to the conclusion, that the result of their Government had I placed the Cr own i n a pos i t i on o f extreme difficulty. He I would now call th e a tt ent i on o f t h e court to the peculiar circumstances in which the Queen was placed. Sir Robert Peel was called upon by her Majesty to form an Administration, and he stated, before the as sembled Commons of England, with reference to the con duct of her Majesty---." I must say that it is utterly impos sible that any one could express feelings of regret more natural and more becoming, in parting from her servants, than her Majesty had done on this occasion, nor prin. ciples more strictly constitutional with respect to the formation of a new Government." Now let them remember that that was the statement of Sir Robert Peel himself, after all the circumstances had occurred, and after he had made up his mind as to what statement lie should make to the House of Commons. He would now show, by Sir Robert Peel's own letter, the course taken by the Queen was the most proven that could have been adopted by her, Sir Robert Peel said, that " having been a party to the vote and proceedings of the House of Commons which led to the present difficulty, nothing should prevent me from tender ing to her Majesty every assistance in my power. I 11 thought a paramount obligation was imposed on me to take that course."—( Hear, hear.) Her Majesty had then given to Si r R. P eel all the power he could desire, and i on Wednesday - night he met the whole of those who were , to form his Privy Council. They discussed the matter, and came to a determinatio n that all the Household Ladies, and all, should be required to give up their offices.—(" No, .? no," " Yes," and uproar.") Her Majesty conceded what l could be wished or expected with respect to that part of the Household which is filled by noblemen or gentlemen holding seats in the House. The difficulty arose with respect to certain portions of the establishment which is filled by the Ladies of the Household. Her Majesty then }levity , expressed her personal feelings with reference to 1 the Ladies of the Household, he who created the difficulty at the very moment she expressed that feeling went home and resigned the Commission with which he had been intrusted into her Majesty's hands, and in the conclusion of the letter he prayed that her Majesty's wishes might be realised, and her personal feelings consulted. He would now read that part of the Right lion. Baronet's letter, and contrast it with his refusal to form an Administration. A MEMPER asked wh a t p a p er h e was read i ng from? r, Mr. ASDHURST Tice Spectator.— (Loud cries of " read the Times," and. much confusion.) He was quite easy when he found such small objections taken, be cause it was then evident that their opponents felt the great principles involved in the question were against them. —( Loud cheers.) They were never in the habit of making trifling objectimea when they had good grounds for opposing a question, Sir Robert Peel expressed an anxious desire to cods , S'it the feelings of her .slajesty—he went home and wrote the letter which they were all aware of, and if the Worthy Alderma i concurred in the concluding erayer of that letter, he would vote for the resolution now Before the Court.—(A laugh.) " He trusts he may be permitted at the same timalto express to your Majesty his 1 grateful acknowledgments for the distinction which your I Majesty conferred upon him by requiring his advice and ' assistance in the attempt to form an Administration, and his earnest prayer is, that whatever arrangements your Majesty may be enabled to make for that purpose may be most conducive to your Majesty's personal comfort and happi. ne55 5 ".......( Cheers.) Here, then, was a Gentleman who reis'ueed to consult her-Majesty's comfort. , Mr. LAMBERT JONES begged that the whole might be I read.—(Hoer, hear.) l Mr. ASITURST had yet to learn that when a gentleman was conducting an argument he was to read matters which had no reference to the point he was maintaining.— ( Hear, hear.) It would be the business of those who fol lowed him, if he omitted any thing having reference to the matter, to supply the deficiency. Look at the constitu. tutionel feelings and sentiments by which Sir R. Peel was influenced on that occasion. The aristocracy in the reign of George the Third set on foot the false cry that the in fluence of the Crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished. The object of that was to direct the attention of the people from the increasing influence of the aristocracy themselves.—( Hear, hear.) He denied that the influence of the Crown bad increased-- it was from the aristocracy that the danger was to be apprehended. He would now show them how near the i people of that country had been to that danger, from which they had b een rescued by their Queen. —( Loud cheers.) Sir R. P ee l stated as his reason for not ac cepting office that the Commons of England were against hi m , that the people of England were against him, and that he dare not go to a dissolution.—( Loud cries of glint b,"cathe 0 ~I nl u t ,e li confusion. if No , n(), " and Gentlemen interrupted the force of Mist he was stating. I (Cheers.) The ini`Les were always famous for their love of order, and nothing affected their feelings so much as wnen they thought themselves likelz to 1 - .TOp He would prove from Sfr a ndse'rt, 1'44: 1 .' 2 2 t Via words, that he did not Ties'eis confidence of the people of Eng land,Eng- land,and that he dared not dissolve the r i 2 arita- Went. He said —" I should begin the Govern ment in a minority. I could not overlook important fact, that in the ttotite I I should not comment ecititnAntibg a majority." There he evidently tithe - Med that with reference to his own principles the House of Commons was against him. —( Hear, hear.) And with reference to a dissol'Atiek4.. he said, " After the frequent tnat had taken place, and th'e bakadeatk kli•A',,e of parties, it was my deep conviction that it was my duty to make every effort in the first c'estance to conduct public affairs through the intervention of the present Parliament. Would those Gentlemen who denied his statements now contradict hint Hear, hear.) Under such circumstances what were the conditions the Tory party wished to impose upon her Ma jesty? They said to her —" You shall not have y our w ill -.-you shall hand over all authority to us, and we will under._ take to conduct the tiovernment of the counter s despite of the opinions of the people as eepressed through their representatives." Such was the position in which her Majesty was placed by the two sections of the aristocracy. The Whigs had incited the people against the Tories until i they themselves bad lost the confidence of the people ; l 'while the Tories, notwithstanding the power and influence they had so long retained possession of, were in 1834 obliged to yield to the voice of the people, and the Reform Bill was carried. Had her Majesty submitted to the demands of the Tory party they would have gone on despite the wishes of the people—they should have had a monarchy in name hut an oligarchy in truth and in fact.—( Heat, hear. ) From. that position her Majesty had. rescued the country by her firmness and independence, and the address which he now proposed merely acknowledged / the gratitude of the people for their deliverance, while it tendered to her their affectionate regards.—( Cheers ) They said nothing about who they may be. Loud cheers.) As to the Whigs, he most sincerely said that he wished most heartily that they had acted with more sincerity than to have recommended her Majesty to entrust the interests and privileges of the people to the care and tender mercies of the Tories. For that act they hail entirely lost his confidence.—(Loud cheering.) There was a sentiment in which the worthy Alderman must heartily join ; it was just suited for him, inasmuch as some few years ago these were the very wet'ds which they heard so frequently from his own lips.—(Laughter.) " Ra tional Reform" might almost be fathered upon the worthy Alderman. He (Mr. Ashurst) would be glad if the worthy Alderman would take up the resolution—take it up part by part, as he had done, and show the grounds upon which he objected to it.--( Cheers. ) He asked if these were opinions that ought not to be ex pressed to the Sovereign? Let those who object to them tell the Court what portions they objected to or disapproved of—let them give their reasons for objecting to principles so clear, and then they would have a plain and clear expo. sition of the doctrines of Toryism.—( Cheers and laugh. ter.) If they did not want to have an equality of civil rights, for God's sake let them show the advantages of the inequality.—( Cheers.) If they did not wish for uni versal education they would probably tell the Court where the immense advantages lay of the education of the people being confined to one sect.--( Loud cheers.) It would really be matter of instruction to him to find out any advantages in an inequality of civil rights, and the confiding the education of a whole people to any one sect. Perhaps the Worthy Alderman would state why in his opinion the condition of the people should not be im proved—it was well known that those classes were now nearly in a state of open rebellion—it was as well known that they never cried out unless they were hungry—he would be glad therefore to know why their condition should not be improved, and why they should not be educated except by the Church.—( Cheers.) He submitted the re solution to the Court, and he hoped those who followed in the debate would stick as close to the text as he had done, and tell the Court upon what grounds they would negative the resolution.—( Cheers. ) Mr. NORRIS was very glad to seize the first opportunity of subscribing to every sentiment contained in the resolu tion so ably proposed by his Learned Friend, and which he felt proud to second. He agreed in all that had fallen from his Learned Friend, and would take up the time of the Court but for a very short time, while he at- tempted to explain why he stood in that position. It peculiarly became that Corporation to express their hope that her Majesty would surround herself with men whose whole aim would be the happiness of the people. Were they not to do so, they would neglect a great public duty, and abandon a great public principle.—( Cheers.) He hoped that Court would not attempt to stultify it self, by abandoning those principles for which they had so long contended. He hoped that no member of the Court would attempt to make it do so, for the paltry object of a party triumph. He should tell the Court to approach the Sovereign and ask her to identify herself only with such men as would bring forward measures to produce those results which were enumerated in the reso lution. He could not conceive that there could be any opposition to the motion—if opposition came at all it must come from that party who, during the reign of four Kings, had had exclusive possession of power—( Loud cheers) — yet had done nothing for the people. He called in aid the evidence of the great leader of that party, Sir Robert Peel himself, in order to show that the conduct of her Majesty was deserving of the thanks and gratitude of the people. He said that nothing could be more natural or more becoming than her Majesty's conduct, nor was it was possible to have been more constitutional with respect to the for mation of a new Administration.—( Cheers.) These were the words of Sir R. Peel, and he therefore called upon all those who identified themselves with him to support the resolution, which thanked her Majesty for conduct so highly praised. No opposition could be raised that did not make shipwreck of all the former doings of the Court ; no opposition could be offered to the resolution but from those who were alike the enemies of monarchy and the rights of the people.—( Loud cheers.) Let them present an Address to the Crown, containing those senti ments of " civil rights without distinction of sect or party," and calling for an amelioration of the condition of the working classes, and then they would have put in a prac tical shape the speeches which had been so loudly cheered at the wardmote elections.—(Loud cheers.) With re spect to the last and most important feature of the resolution, he would mention with feelings of proud exultation one fact which was conclusive in favour of the resolution. If there was any one feature in the conduct of the Corporation of London, it was the splendid example she had set for the equality of rights, but more particularly for her exertions for the diffusion of universal education.—(Cheers.) Within the last fifty years the Corporation' had awarded sums of money amounting to upwards of 70,000/. for the benefit of insti tutions for the poorer classes, and for the spreading of universal education.—( Loud cheers.) He was desirous that the Executive Government should have that splendid example set before them through the medium of her Majesty, whom they would supplicate to have that example so far carried out that no Ministry should be allowed near the throne who would not extend it to the nation. He hoped that no opposition would be raised—he trusted that the resolution would be passed unanimously.— ( Loud cheers and laughter.) He was sincere in that hope—he would not disgrace any gentleman in the Court by supposing gratuitously that he would stultify himself by casting such a slur upon his loyalty. If such a gentle man was to be found, let him, or the party to which he belonged, no longer assume a virtue while they had it not.—(Loud cheers.) Let them no longer arrogate to themselves the title of the best friends of the country—( Loud cheers)—nor impute to those who were the real friends of the peace and welfare of the people all sorts of wishes for destruction. Thanking them for the courtesy with which he had been heard, he should conclude by cordially seconding the resolution of his Learned Friend.—( Cheers.) Mr. ANDERTON of Bridge-street, regretted that he felt bound in, justice to his own opinions, to move the previous question.—( Cheering.) He thought he should be able to show that the course which his friends, who had moved and seconded the address, bad thought proper to adopt, was a cause not calculated to increase the character or the respec tability of that Court, or to promote the interests of those whom they represented. Some gentlemen might endeavour to forget the way in which that Court was treated on a very recent occasion. He did not forget it.—( Hear, hear.) Neither did he forget that the persons who who were her Majesty's Ministers then, were her Majesty's Ministers now, and that the persons who dictated the answer of her Majesty on that occasion were the same persons who would dictate the answer of her Majesty on the present occasion. —( Hear, hear.) His friend who had moved the Address had stated that he was not a friend of the Whig Govern ment. Then why interfere ?—( Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. Anderton) contended that this was a question which might well be left to the Ladies themselves.—( Hear, hear.) Whenever any mischief was going on a woman was al ways at the bottom of ii.—( Laughter. ) Speaking for himself, he could say that he had never got into any mis chief int where it might be attributed to a woman. Sup pose the Tories, instead of the Whigs, had been in office for the last five or six years, and that the Whigs, on taking office, found Lady Lyndhurst, instead of the Marchioness of Normanby the companion of the Queen—would not Lord Melbourne, with all his knowledge of the female sex —( Cheers, laughter, and cries of " Order, order")—would not Lord Melbourne, he would ask, have wished to have removed Lady Lyndhurst ?—( Hear, hear.) And what would have been the opinion of his Liberal friends had her Majesty shown the same firmness in such a case as she had shown now.—( Hear.) He admired firmness in a female as much as he did in any person, but sometimes what was called firmness was obstinacy.—( Cheers.) What was the firmness of her Majesty's grandfather, whose statue was at present behind the chair of the Lord Mayor? It was nothing more nor less than obstinacy which lost this country America, and threw us into an expensive war, the effects of which we still felt.—( Cheers.) He was one of those who thought persons had better be guided by the opinion of others than by the opinion of themselves—( Hear, hear) and, perhaps, some of his friends might think that observa tion was very applicable to himself.—( Laughter.) He thought it would be impolitic and injudicious to send up such an address, and the only way of getting rid of it was to move the previous question. Then, as to what had been said about the Ministerial plan of education : he was as firm an advocate for general and universal education as any one ; he was an advocate for reform in Church and State—an ad vocate for shortening the duration of Parliaments—in fact he was in favour of all reforms ; but he had asked himself whether he could conscientiously support this address, and he had come to the conclusion that he could not. He had long been of opinion that that Court dealt too much in politics, and if they only attended to their own affairs—performed their duties to those who sent them there, and attended less to politics, it would be much better for themselves and the citizens of London.— ( Hear ) Their business was municipal and not political. With regard to education every man must admit the more that was diffused the better, and he hoped the time would come when every man would be able to read the Bible— ( Cheers) —for without religion education was futile.— (Ch eers .) IL,ll,gion was the basis of education, and the man who was not religiously educated, in his opinion had much better not be educated at all.—(Cheers.) In con clrsion be wneicl o b ser v e `concis'tent that Court t:-, Send up an address to her Majesty, praying her to remove her Ministers, as the people, and more especially , the citizens of London, had been disappointed in their ex pectations of them.—(Cheers.) Sir PETER LAURIE rre to record 1 0 amgndrnent. He vi.oeSitlerb.`d less than an attempt I to strengthen the hands of the Ministers. He would not dwell on *what had taken place in the P.aalace. That was rather a delicate itihject—(Latighterl—and he would rather , (Note of others, than make any state ments of his own. Lord Melbourne had stated that " the formation of a Conservative Government had been impeded only by an erroneous impression."— ( Hear, hear.) His relation the Member for Hertford had stated that Sir ltobert Peel's Government was upset by t*o Ladies of the Bedchamber. Sir R. Peel had not asked for the removal of all the Ladies, but only of a few ; and it was his duty to endeavour to make the Court as pure as possible.—(" Hear, hear)'' and " Oh, oh.") But was the business br this great country to be stopped and re . :alysed on account of two Ladies ?—( Hear, hear.) He thought it would be very inexpedient to go to the Crown with any such Address. He thought the Address was in tended by the mover and seconder as a censure, for surely a more severe censure could not be passed than to say they had not the confidence of the mover nor the confi dence of the country. Was there any party who had con fidence in the Government? Had the Conservatives? None.--( Cheers and laughter.) Had the Radicals? None.—( Cheers. As to the Whigs they were defunct. The Whigs have betome Conservative.—( Cries of " To. ries,") Tories if they liked—the \Vhigs would be proud of the name of Tories. Three-fourths had become To ries, one miserable fourth had become Radicals. That was admitted by all. Conservatism was gaining strength every day ; and so strong had it already become, that Lord John Russell and Lord Melbourne stated they had not the confidence of the House of Commons, and therefore they resigned.—( Cheers.) Whst had the Whigs done for the country ?—( Cries of " Nothing.") In eight years they had created 82 peers, and there wore now more hereditary legislators than there were representatives of the people. —( Hear, hear.) His friend, who had moved the address, said they wanted an extension of the suffrage. Let hire read Lord John Russell's Letter to the Electors of Stroud, A pamphlet to which he (Sir Peter) Conservative as he was, would be proud to attach his name.—(Laughter.) Therefore the gentlemen who wanted an exten sion of the suff-age had no friend in Lord John Russell.--( Hear, hear.) Well, the Whigs had been called back to office, and they had patronage; but had they power? They had the Court favour, but they had not the confidence of the country; and the question was, whether Court favour or the confidence of the country would keep them in office ?—( Cheers.) There never was a Govern ment that did less business. They brought measures into the House, but they never carried them. There was but one net which they completed, and that was to give a re ceipt for a quarter's salary.—( Laughter.) The Conserva tives said nothing against the Queen, but they did hope the Queen would have a pure Court, and that Sir Robert Peel would shortly have the management of the affairs of the country. He would then form a Government in which the country would have confidence, and trade and com merce would again prosper. He cordially seconded the motion for the previous question.—( Cheers.) Mr. STEVENS did not consider this was a party question at all, otherwise he would not have signed the requisition ; and if the address or resolutions contained any thing by way of buffeting the Government he would have joined his friends in supporting the previous question. He considered the Address was nothing more than a manifes tation of the respect of that Court to her Majesty fur the feelings she had expressed, and the conduct she had pur sued in the support of those principles which, if acted on, must tend to the salvation of the country.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Alderman BROWN could not help remarking how very anxious certain gentlemen were that this should not be considered a party question, but he thought the tendency of the Address, and the intention of its supporters was to bolster up the present Administra tion—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no,")—and to give them an opportunity of keeping their places at the expense of their consistency, and to afford Lord J. Russell an excuse for swallowing his letter to the electors of Stroud. No one need be afraid that Lord Melbourne and the other Ministers would desert their Royal Mistress till they were absolutely compelled.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Her Majesty, owing to the advice she had received, had done more to injure the monarchy in the estimation of the un thinking.—( Cheers, and cries of " No, no," and uproar.) The country had the misfortune to he governed by a Ministry, that had lost the public confidence and esteem, who never possessed the confidence of the House of Lords —( Laughter)—but who by the assistance of the Irish tail, and other persons whom he would not more particu larly advert to, had been able to command a majority in the House of Commons. The privileges of the citizens of London which had been respected by every Govern ment hitherto, a Radical Administration had sought to cut up, arid the citizens were met with a super cilious grin, when they ventured to tell the Sovereign of the inconsistency between the promises and the prac tices of Ministers.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) As to what has lately taken place elsewhere, he would maintain, notwitstanding all that had been said about the desire of Sir Robert Peel to remove from her Majesty the com panions of her youth, and notwithstanding all that had been said about misapprehension, that in truth no mis apprehension existed, and that whatever in point of form might have been the requisition 'of Sir Robert Peel, it was in deed and in truth, understood between his Illustrious Mistress and himself. that the only question between them was the Ladies of the Bedchamber. —(Cries of •• N0...n0." and cheers.) Instead. therefore, of sending up this address, they ought te condole with her Majesty on the evil counsel she had received from her Ministers, and pray of her to dismiss them from her pre sence.—(Cheers.) With respect to the Government plan of national education it appeared that it was reserved for the Government of the present day in a Protestant country to propose that Roman Catholics should be allowed, with the aid of the nation's money, to instruct youth, and to read to them their version of the Scriptures. —( Hear, hear.) When it was recollected how Popery was increasing, and that some of the leading members of that religion had lately said it would soon become the established religion of the country, a proposition might be made to introduce Den's Theology into those national schools.— (Cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh.") After some further observations on the same subject, the Worthy Alderman sat down, declaring that he cordially supported the motion for the previous question. Deputy CORNET said that signatures had been obtained to the requisition by misrepresentation.—( Cheers, and cries of " Order, order," and great confusion.) A MaMBER stood up and said—l am one of the requisi tionists, and I deny that statement in the most positive terms that language can furnish.—(Order, order, and Hear, hear. ) Deputy CORNIY contended that it was a party matter, and that would be seen from the names attached to the re quisition.—( Cries of " Order," and " Shame.") It was attempted to jeopardise the monarchy, and alienate the affections of its best supporters, by trying to bolster up what he considered to be a most impolitic measure. He had no hesitation in saying that her Majesty, in taking such a course, was not benefiting the country over whose destinies she was called to preside. He regretted that her Majesty had not for her advisers the men who lived 2,000 years ago.—( Roars of laughter.) He asked them, was advancing the Roman Catholic Religion the way to pro mote the best interests of the country, or to give stability to the Crown of these realms ? Were they not, by such a course, supporting a Ministry who could not live a single day without the support of the men who were pledged to promote the cause of that religion ? ( Hear and laughter.) Let them recollect that the race of the Stuarts lost their heads and their crown by promoting and encouraging that religion. Ile trusted the time would never come when the Roman Catholic religion would ob tain the ascendancy in that country. Even the Dissenters would admit that the Church of England had ever been a most lenient mistress, and had admitted of toleration in the most extended sense. The present question had nothing to do with their corporate rights. There was no threat ened invasion of them, and therefore they had nothing to do with it. Let them recollect the reception that had been given to the Corporation of London on a recent occasion, and the manner in which they had been sneered at and taunted by a Minister of the Crown while standing at the very foot of the throne. Whatever others might think, he for one, was firmly re solved never to put himself in such a position again.— ( Hear, hear.) Alderman Wit= was glad the question before the Court had been put upon a proper footing. There could be now no mistake.--(Cheers.) He had originally de cided not take any part in the discussion, because he thought that Court had too frequently lent itself to do the dirty work of the Ministry. They had too often lent themselves to promote mere factious objects of contending parties in the State. They had done the cause of reform great mischief, and they were helping on the system of plunder which had been partaken of by both parties. It appeared to him that Sir Robert Peel had attempted to inflict a vital stab upon the monarchy. Was not the whole affair a lamentable proof of the object of those in power to continue the system of back-stairs and under hand influence, by removing from about the person of her Majesty all who were obnoxious to them. The wildest Republican could not have done more harm than Sir R. Peel had attempted, for the doctrine, if he had succeeded, would have been that the Soverign was nothing, and the oligarchy everything. The Worthy Alderman then quoted the authority of one, whom he said he considered the greatest man of his day, for the purpose of showing that the object of the aristocracy had always been to render the Monarch merely a State cypher, while they retained all the power in their own hands, and concluded by supporting the resolution. Mr. BAYLIS said that the Whigs had treated the Cor poration of London most unjustly and contemptuously. With respect to the Police Bill, they had been beaten by the Whigs with whips, but if the Tories came in they would be beaten with scorpions. One of their leaders, when breathing the atmosphere of turtle and venison at the Mansion-house, had talked largely about the rights and liberties of the Corporation of London. They had seen him again when he was on the very threshold of office, only two nights afterwards, sneering with the most bitter sarcasms at the citizens of London. There was dis ingenuousness in every word that had been uttered by the Right Hon. Baronet on that occasion. He regretted very much the course taken by Mr. Anderton on the present occasion, and he hoped, if he remained attached to the party he had lately taken refuge with, that he would take a lesson from them and learn that they did not allow themselves to be se• parated by any minor differences of opinion that might arise. He would vote in favour of the Address, and he trusted that there would be few opponents of it, were it only to separate themselves from the violent, the unmanly, and indecent course taken by the organs of the Tory party. They might talk of the Chartists and the Radicals, but there never was any thing so vile or indecent as the man ner in which these organs had abused tho Liberty of the Press, and assailed the Sovereign and the Ladies of her Court . .—(Hear, hear, a lid cheers.) He would coil- THE SUN, LONDON,FRIDAY, MAY 31, 1839. fess that ie would tiot wish to make the Monarch a cypher—(Cheero—end fio ,was convinced that the rights of tic pcoplr: we:.c nc'er SQ ,53 when, the .just prerogatives of the Crown were rapt'ck:—:;Che%ls.l It was a narrow view to take of the conduct of Sir ik. nit? , n state tha he merely demanded the dismissB,l of two La: dies of the 3edchamber. A groat deal of sophistry had been made tw of On this subject, but he would turn to the honest declaeition elf the Duke of Wellington, and it was quite refreshng to eiqiglitfortiterd steeliest after the myeircation f'ad teßers, plalc,e,6'n thie stYb ject in the 'Luse of Commons. Sir etobert Peet Egye ttiat he only required the dismissal of two Ladies of the ged chamber—the Duke of Wellington said that it was neces sary that any cne who took charge of her Majesty's Go vernment should have absolute control over the Household. The Duke toes oti to illustrate Iris position by stating that the Queen might hold political conversations with the Ladies of he- Household, and Beet on to say that ano malous influence had been excited by means sit &inverse tion. But had the Queen no personal friends .% \t as she to be denied all social intercourse ? And yet, if the in , terpretation of the Duke of Wellington be correct, he would ask the Court whether there was not as much danger of anomalous influence ekefted threstgh the medium of conversation bthei personal being friends of the Queen 83 by the Ladies of the Bedchamber. If the Duke of Welling ton's position be correct, the Queen must be shut out from all social intercourse whatsoever.—(Cheers.) If anything was more gratifying than another, under the present cir cumstances, it was that both sections of the aristocracy had declared in the anise of Commons that they did not possess the confidence of the people. The Queen had placed things in such a position that the party in power could not exist vtethoutobtaining the confidence of the people. The House of Commons had too long been the scene of a merely party struggle, and the question on which the Government was upset was proof of this. Was it to be believed that men who had on various occasions exhibited no qualm 3 of conscience at suspending the British Consti tution should conscientiously feel objection to altering the Jamaica Constitution. Was it to be believed they really imagined that a Constitution which was suited to 300 planters, was also suited to three or four hundred thousand tree men.—(Cries of " Hear.") If any thing were wanting to show the necessity of pursuing a straight forward course, it would be the interpretation which had been that day given by the worthy Alderman of Tory opinions. He had stated how many stings yet remained in the Tory tail, wherewith they could sting the people if they should ever again come into power.—( Cheers, and cries of " No, no.) There was no mistake about it, and there should be no mistake.—(Cheers.) Mr. R. TAYLOR would endeavour to confine himself to the question, and not to follow the example of discussion which had been set him. tic had not heard any valid ob jection urged against the address. A charge of disingenu ousness had been urged against those who had brought this address forward, He could only answer for himself, and he would ask the worthy Alderman if be meant to charge him with disingenuousness. Mr. Alderman Beovrea had before stated that he meant nothing personal in what het had stated. Mr. R. TAYLOR would vote for the Address, without any view as to the political effects it might produce. He confined his attention to the act of one individual of tender years, who bad been placed by the Constitution of the country in a situation of great responsibility, and laying aside all constitutional subtilties about the Sovereign doing no wrong, he would say that &ten a Sovereign was placed in a situation to act on her own responsibility. The Queen was so situated when she was clo seted with Sir Robert Peel, without advisers ; for, constitutionally speaking, if she acted under the advice of any one Sir Robert Peel was her adviser. She had told Sir Robert Peel that his proposition was repugnant to her feelings, and he would say that those feelings were of the most amiable and most virtuous kind.—(Cheers.) It had been said that Sovereigns should make a sacrifice of their feelings, and the instance of her predecessor had been mentioned. He had given up Ministers of the Crown to whom he was attached, and the Queen had done the same, but the principle had its limits—he had never been called upon to give up his private friends, which the Queen had been called on to do. —(Cries of " No, no.") If the principle insisted on was worth anything . , it went to that extent.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Sir Ro bert Peel had borne testimony to the virtues and the moral excellence of the Ladies in question, and the Queen was to be deprived of their society solely because their re latives were attached to the rights of our brethren in Ire land—( Loud cheers, mingled with cries of " They were wives of the Ministers,") Was Lady Burlington, one of the the prosecuted Ladies, the wife of a Minister? Had Lord Burlington ever held office under the Crown ? No, but he was attached to the rights of Ireland. That constituted the offence. Her Majesty had said that she never held political conversations with the Ladies of her Bedchamber ; and, had she consented to their dismissal she would have been guilty of disloyalty to her people, because she would thereby have acknowledged that they had exercised an influence over her in politics. The con duct of Sir Robert Peel was reprobated in the higher Tory circles.—( Cries of " Order," mingled with cheers.) It was now the fashion of the Tories to sneer at the Constitution, because it allowed a young female to occupy the throne.—(Cheers.) He was surprised at the ribaldry connected with the sex of the Sovereign which the mover of the amendment had introduced.— (Cheers, and cries of "No I") He considered that inge nuousness and attachment, of friends formed one great or nament of the female character, and he was surprised to bear the Worthy Alderman state that those concerned in this transaction should be held up to public execration. Let the Worthy Alderman remember that it was the per sonal conduct of the Sovereign of which he was speaking —conduct which ought, in his opinion, to be held up to public honour, and which would in future years be held up to the credit of the young lady who now reigned over us. The resolution was not brought forward with any party views, and it only besought her Majesty to call to her councils those who would carry out the principles of Reform. lie felt it was their duty as citizens not to neglect to address the Crown when called on to give their opinion as to the conduct of their Sovereign, and he should support the original motion.— ( Cheers. ) A Hon. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, said that it appeared to him that Ladies interfering in politics were like bulls in china shops.—( Cries of " Question.") Mr. BOWMAN said he considered it impossible to con sider this question other than a political one. He felt great regret at being obliged to allude to any of his friends in terms of reprobation, but he belived that this affair had been got up solely with a view to bolster up the Melbourne Administration.—( Cries of "No," and cheers.) It had been said the Queen had expressed leer regret at parting with her Ministers, he could readily believe it, because they possessed those courtly manners which were more acceptable to the young Queen than the sterner virtues. It was not for him to say whether, as fathers, they should like to see their children surrounded by such persons as the present Prime Minister, supported as he was by a Noble Marquis, who had appeared in our Law Courts, and by another Noble Marquis, who might yet be called on to account for his manner of administering the affairs of Ireland—( Cries of " Order")—but he chiefly objected to the present Ministry that they held place and power at the beck and power of one to characterize whom he was at a loss for an expression of reprobation sufficiently strong. They were dependent upon O'Connell and his gang.—(Loud cries of " Order," mingled with cheers. ) _ _ An HON. MEMBER rose to order, and said he himself was A l a d P e r r m e c a u n r s s o r, W. h . d H t E y e r G e A TE were sa i several e P s o r i e u c t u : o r s n o rvis le as y verb r r.y cbaerresfoufllythderaCwonmmuponfoCr catchingotubnecpilu.----rpo(sCehoefers.) those gen tlemen who held different shades of opinion. He did not complain of that, for it was the proper mode of party war fare to take every advantage they possibly could. The question under discussion was one of great delicacy—it was not upon every slight occasion that the Corporation of London ought at once to fly to one of their greatest privileges ; a frequent going up with addresses would tend to bring addresses into contempt.—( Cheers.) What had her Majesty done ? Not one word would come out of his mouth disrespectful to her Majesty, but he would again ask what bad she done ? On the recent occasion she had taken no step of decided importance. She had made no sacrifice which called for any expression of feel. ing upon the part of the country.—( Cheers.) The pre sent Ministers had stated publicly to the Parliament, that having lost the confidence of the House of Commons— they never had that of the House of Lords—(Cheers) — that having lost the confidence of the people, they could no longer carry on the government of the country, nor dared they appeal to the constituencies.—(Cheers.) In such a situation they did not advise her Majesty to send for the Radicals —no, they were afraid that by so doing they would lose the support of from 40 to b 0 of the Old Whig party.—(Cheers.) They therefore advised her Majesty to send for the Duke of Wellington and Sir R. Peel, and they must have sup posed that they were the best fitted to govern the country in its present circumstances. Her Majesty sent for Sir R. Peel, and she fancies or supposes some erroneous impres sion --(Loud cheers.) She supposed t hat he (Sir R. tPeeres,l)awnid they adshedto remove the whole of the Household, while in fact he w i s h e d to remov e only a few.— ( Che ers.) In the mean ti me h er M a j es ty consults with her ol d Minis v advise done, e thatoe a ,and immediately letter be a Cabinet wr itten Majesty. That was Council wa s h e ld o f t h e o ld Ministers—(Laugh ter) —and they very naturally pronounced the letter as perfect in its every part.—( Laughter.) The letter was sent, and they all knew the result. Now in all that what bad her Ma jesty done —what sacrifice had she made ? The Courier said she had said in a very emphatic manner, " She could not and would not part with the friends o f her y outh." Now what was th e fact ? that she was not introduced to any one of the Ladies whom it was intended to dismiss until the year 1837.—(Hear," hear, and cheers.) She had formerly been intrusted to the care and attendance of the Duchess of Northumberland—whether that Noble and good Lady had been dismissed on not ho did not know, but certainly she was the earliest friend the Queen ever had. He cared not whether there were precedents for the demand of Sir R. Peel or not—times —a change of times rendered the making of a precedent nec essar y , and cer tainly the p resent times fully justified the course taken. The Ladies proposed to be removed were not the wives of Noblemen independent in politics. No, they were the wives of Ministers who had just been displaced, and one of them was the wife of a Nobleman whose conduct in Ireland was even row under a course of inquiry before a Commit. the of the House of Lords. —( Cheers.) It was rather to() much that now when the nation WAS threatened from abroad, and when rebellion was almost on the eve of breaking out at home, that we should have been deprived of a firm and strong Government—that we were to lose the benefit of a firm and strong Government —one which had been advised by the Government going out, and all for two or three Ladies of the Bedchamber.—( Cheers and laughter.) H e thought no case had been made out which should induce the Court to adopt the Resolutio n, or take it u p in the shape of an address to the foot of the throne.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said and often repeated that had these Ladies been removed her Majesty would have been deprived of the consolations of friendship. He had already shown how long those ties of friendship had lasted ; fait vtaa not e'rery one present convinced of ',the utter falsehood of tile rropoeition Was it not a noted fact that every Sovereign had ihe'it own private friends, while those the Household were often Lid d'il'agreable that they end' the Stsvereign seldom exchanged word?. The reso lution wid Clai:Oly intended to bolster up the present Go vernment.—( No, nd., 9 1114 Wanted progressive Reform. Was it in the shape of more ttaiWn'Asions—of a force of spies, under the name of a Rural Polit' , l/ Was it in a Metropolitan Police Bill, or a system of Poplall VAuca tion ?—.( hoed cheers.) The present Ministers, it was conplained, ?tali done nothing—that was true—and it flicky 7 —tireir tinte wee so much taken up in in trigues, tdr ptyrioS - ei of keeping place, that no time was left them for pertoril;!::, 1 !! the bats - mess of their offices.— ( Cheers.) It was now propeed Ofaa there should be a penny postage throughout the countey, Maw that seemed to him to be no more than a plan for taking ono million from the ptiblto revenue which the public must make up in the shape of some net! say. This was one of the plans for keeping in office an unstable', en incapable, and a useless Gcaternment.—( Cheers.) He hoped the result of that discussion sa...eald be that they would net go up with an address to the Cl'dtin'a flattering and fulsome address— but that they would lend Meir support to the formation of a Government which would mainteia the sovereignty - of the country both at home and abroad.--( Cheers. ) Mr. LAWRANCE rose amidst loud cries of " Divide" and much confusion. He said he was not at all surprised at the reception he had met with, as it had been the tactics of the party during the whole discussion—even so early as when the Resolutions were proposed the mover was hooted and hissed with the evident intention of putting him down. The worthy Alderman ( Browne) who had made so foul an attack upon all classes of Dissenters—(Order) —had stated that he was now almost reconciled to the Church, but he had forgot to state what the difference yet was, or what sect in the Church he had joined--whether the Pusey ites or any of the other" ites" into: which the Church itself was split. The worthy Alderman who had vituperated every sect— Mr. Alderman BROWNE rose to order. He was in the recollection of the Court, and he denied that he had vitu perated any body or class. He was told by some one behind him that he had no occasion to take any notice of the observations of Mr. Lawrance, for no person vsould.pay attention to or believe them.—( Uproar. ) Mr. LanKANCE, would give the lie to any person who dared to say that his word was not believed, and he charged the Alderman with knowingly uttering a falsehood.— (Cries of " Order, order.") The Loan MAYOR said that such language was not jus tifiable in that Court. Mr. Laweasce was quite aware that he was out of order, but such a gross and unfounded, such a false state ment having been made in that Court respecting him, that was the only place where he could meet it. He was perfectly willing to meet the Alderman before any tri bunal he pleased, and put his character, either for probity, honour, or honesty, in competition with that of the Alder man.—( Cheers.) It was denied by some that that was a political question, but such a question could not be dis cussed without being made political. He did not like the present Ministers, but he did like them much better than the Tories—(Cheers)—but the resolution said nothing of any Ministry that were not in favour of progressive reform. That discussion would do great good, for the speeches made that day would show that Toryism was now, notwith standing the pretended paring of its claws, still the same as it ever was—( Loud cheers)—as violent and virulent as before. When they thought they had an opportunity of obtaining power they commenced by attempting to bind the Sovereign hand and foot.--( Loud cheers, and cries of No, no.") It was so, so far that they wanted to oblige her to tuna away from her presence all those who were on terms of intimate friendship with her Majesty.—( Cheers.) He did not, however, believe that that was the . reason why Sir Robert Peel gave up the formation of a Government. Ho did not think Sir Robert had dealt ingenuously in his explanation respecting the difficulties he had to encounter. lie (Mr. Lawrance) did not believe that it was the Chamber women that stood in the way, but that the Right Hon. Baronet found he could not carry on the Government without appealing to the country, and he perfectly knew that if a Tory Government were enthroned in office, all classes of Reformers would join heartily, and the consequence of a general election with a Tory Govern ment, would be the loss of fifty of his present minority.— ( Laughter.) Sir Robert knew that well enough, for ho had not dared to try the experiment when the power was in his bands.—( Cheers.) He would give his candid sup. port to the resolution. Mr. Alderman HttowNa, had not intended to hurt the feelings of any one. He was certainly being greatly mis represented by the Gentleman when he interfered, and might have spoken hastily.—( Cheers.) Mr. DE JERSEY rose to address the Court, amidst bond cries of " Question, and divide." He insisted upon his right to speak for a considerable time, but the Court ap. peared determined not to hear him. This scene of confusion lasted some time, but not a word which fell from the Hon. Gentleman was heard, so that whether he was in favour of the resolution or amendment we could not hear. During the confusion several motions for an adjourn ment were made and withdrawn. At last Alderman WIIITE formally moved an adjonrn ment of the debate, which was seconded, but only about a dozen of hands were held up in its favour. Mr. Ds JERSEY again attempted to address the Court, but was obliged to give way to Mr. Alderman T. Wool), who was also received with disapprobation, but at length obtained a hearing. He said he rose in consequence of what had fallen from the worthy Alderman (Browne), respecting education. That worthy Alderman had read some very strong remarks upon the subject of education, and as he did not disclaim them, they west be taken tu be lots own. tie bad, however, made some exceptions in favour of one or two sects, he ( Alder man T. Wood) supposed for the purpose of satisfying an itching conscience.—( Cheers, laughter, and cries of " Di vide.") If the Court meant that upon such an im portant question one party only was to be heard—if it decided so, then he would be contented, and would leave the Court, because as all who supported an universal education without respect to creeds, had been denounced as infidels, and every other term of re proach had been heaped upon them ; and as he, in com mon with a number of very enlightened and pious men, supported such a plan, unless he were allowed to say a few words justice would not be done. He was the more de termined upon the matter, because only a short time ago, in his official capacity, he had seen the baneful working of the exclusive system in one of the public hospitals, the Governor of which had come to the Court for the sanction of his conduct in refusing the benefits of the charity to two children because they could not produce a certificate of baptism having been performed upon them by a clergyman of the Established Church.—( Hear, hear.) The previous question had been moved, which, if carried, would negative the whole of the resolution.—(Cries of " No, no.") It would read so to-morrow, and if gentlemen would take the trouble to think, they would find that such would infallibly be the result of the amendment being carried.—(Cheers.) He would give his hearty support to the resolution, because he was anxious to give his support to the Crown— those opposing it were, in fact, denouncing the Crown.— (Cries of "No, no.") Their position was tenable upon none but party grounds, they lauded Sir Robert Peel as a man of sound principle, sound sense, firmness, activity, &c. but most certainly he was not a brave man, or he never would have been afraid of the rustling of a few silk gowns. —( Cheers.) The real reasons for his flight from office were not known. Either he would not or he could not serve the Sovereign, and therefore whichever of the posi tions were the proper one, he took up a position respect ing the Bedchamber Women, upon which to escape.— ( Cheers.) The Tories had always boasted that they were the only friends of good government and order, but now in proposing to negative the resolution which had been proposed, they were acting as the supporters of the present state of anarchy,—they came out in their true colours, as the champions of disorder and confusion.—( This gave rise to much confusion). It was impossible that they could shut their eyes to the fact that there was now a very great demand for education : without the interference of any sect or party, he hoped it would be granted, and though he trusted it would always be founded upon the great truths of religion, he hoped no sect would have any power over it.— ( Cheers.) The opposers of the present resolution declared that they would adhere to the old sectarian plan.—(No, no.) Undoubtedly their conduct showed that, and that they were deserting their duty as Englishmen, who ought to rally round and secure it in the affections of the people. —( Cheers. ) Sir M. Wool) said he was informed that in his absence it had been said of him that he was sent down to the city by the Ministers to rouse it, and attempt to regain their lost popularity. He wished to know from the worthy De puty whether he had made use of such words ? Mr. Deputy CORNEY said he certainly had mentioned them as a rumour which was very generally whispered around that place. Many members had heard it besides himself.--(0h, oh.) It was the common topic of conver sation. Sir M. WOOD was perfectly aware that it had been most industriously whispered round, and he knew that the first whisperer of the calumny was the worthy Knight near him ( Sir P. Laurie). He assured the Court in the most in dignant language that the rumour was totally false—that it never had any foundation except in the heated imagina tion of the worthy Knight, that he had never seen Lord Melbourne upon any subject, and always communicated with the Ministry on behalf of any of his constituents by letter, and that the idea of the Court was first suggested to him by others in the Hall of that building. He trusted that that would prove a lesson to the worthy Knight and the worthy Deputy, and that in future they would not whisper without foundation. Mr. Alderman COPELAND could bear testimony to the feeling which the worthy Baronet entertained towards the Government, for it was not many nights since he heard him tell them that they had been guilty of a gross breach of faiths towards himself. As he was upon his legs, he would say that if this Address were carried up it would be a deep disgrace to the Corporation. Had they already forgot the reception they had received on a late occasion ? He must say that he felt ashamed of the whole discussion. Mr. OLD supported the amendment. Mr. HEPPELL again moved an adjournment of the be bate, but it was again lost. Mr. WIRE then rose amidst much interruption. He said he would not detain them long if he were listened to with patience, nor would he have addressed the Court at all had it not been for the observations of the worthy Alderman, who had professedly got up for the purpose of confirming the Hon. Baronet who spoke before him. He, however, said it would be a disgrace to send up the address, and in that he was joined by the worthy Alderman for Billingsgate.—( Loud laughter.) He was about to show that all those who professed Tory principles, as well as those who professed Liberal principles, might consistently vote for the resolution, because there could be no disgrace attached to it. The Hon. Alderman for Billingsgate had relieved him from saying a word upon the first part of the address, because he admitted that upon the late accession the Queen had been placed in a situa tion of much delicacy and difficulty—that was all the re solution affirmed. Then, what party were opposed to have a firm Government?—(Cheers.) Could any one be firm that was not pledged to the measures named in the resolution ? not unless the Tories were enabled to stop the great march of improvement. The human mind must go for ward —it was now impossible to check its advance, and the institutions of the country must also pro gress, and they could not do so better than by a rational Reform. After enumerating the ♦arious topics cited in the resoluticn, he remarksi some said that we had now civil liberty ; but was that the fact ? Not many years ago the Livery of London had elected a gentleman to a high and respectable office in the Corporation—he performed the duties of that high office with honour to himself, with ad vantage to the City, and in such a manner as to call forth the unanimous thanks of the Liverymen ; yet when that same gentleman was elected by his fellow-citizens to fill the same office as the worthy Alderman for Billingsgate, where was the civil equality ?—(Cheers. ) Their opponents pretended to be afraid of the present Chartist agitation ; if so, let them agree to the Address—let them get a Government to act upon its principles, and in six months that agitation would have passed away.—( Cheers, and loud cries of " Divide.") Mr. ASIIURST said he had only waited till the debate was over for a reply. Everything had been so well stated by his friend who had just sat down, that he would waive that right.—(Cheers.) The show of hands was then taken, and declared by the Lord Mayor to be in favour of the amendment. A divi sion was called for. The Court divided, when there appeared— For the previous question... 13 Aldermen. 106 Common Councilmen. 2 Tellers. 121 For the Address 4 Aldermen. 69 Common Councilmen. 2 Tellers. 75 Majority against the Address, 46. The announcement was reccivel with great cheering from the Tories. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MA r 30. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. On the motion of Mr. BE:TIIELL, Raike's Estate Bill was read a first time. 111 r. B. SMITH presented a petition from the corpora tion of Norwich, and another petition from the inhabitants of Norwich, against the Norwich Improvement Bill. SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY BILL. On the motion of Mr. HODGES, the South-Eastern Railway Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. BIRMINGHAM CANAL BILL. Mr. T. ATTWOOD presented five petitions from coal owners and others against the Birmingham Canal Bill. SMALL DEBTS BILLS. On the motion of Mr. B ROTH ERTON, the Eckington Small Debts Bill was read a second time. Mr. GREEN gave notice that in all these Bills he should resist the clause whereby minors are liable to be sued. On the motion of Mr. BROTHERTON, the Chester field Small Debts Bill was also read a second time. LONDON AND BIRMINGHAM RAILWAY BILL. The London and Birmingham Railway Bill was read a third time and passed, after some amendments had been agreed to. Lord TEIGNMOUTH said be had been instructed to move the insertion of a clause for an additional station at Camden-town, but was informed that it could not be enter tained, in consequence of the requisite notices not having been given at the Private Bill Office. BIRMINGHAM EXTENSION RAILWAY BILL. Sir E. WILMOT said that on Tuesday ho presented several petitions against the Birmingham Extension Rail way Bill, which were ordered to be referred to the Committee. The Committee met on Wednesday, and found that they had not been presented within the requisite number of days, and that they coul d not receive them. The circumstances of the case were . these. On the 14th of this month the Bill was read a second time, and the House adjourned on the 15th to the 27th. The notice of the Committee was given for the 22d. No business was done on that day in consequence of the election of Speaker, and, therefore, the only day for the presentation of these petitions was Tuesday last, and, con sequently they could not comply with the Standing Orders of the House. There was no lache on the part of the petitioners, and he therefore hoped the House would, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, direct these petitions to be laid before the Committee. Mr. M. PHILLIPS had a petition from the solicitor for the Bill, praying that this course might not be adopted. The petitioner stated that it was yesterday mentioned to tho Committee on the Bill that it was intended specially to apply to the House on the subject—that there was no reasonable ground for the application, and that the parties had the means of preparing the petition within the usual period prescribed by the Standing Orders. Perhaps no Bill had ever become the subject of so much notoriety in Parliament as the present one, and never had there been a case in which parties had less right to plead surprise. The petition for leave to bring in the Bill had been presented on the 11th February. The Committee commenced its sittings on the 22d, and the opposition before that Committee was most unexampled. The SPEAKER said the proper course for the Hon. Member to pursue would be, to move that the petition he printed, and to bring it before the House for consideration on a future day.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. M. PHILLIPPS of course bowed to the sugges tion of the Chair ; he would only mention that the agents for the petitioners had been in the Committee-room during the proceedings, and therefore the neglect, if any, was their own. Sir E. WILMOT wished to state that the Committee had not at all decided the merits of the question ; it had only come to the opinion that the course alluded to could not be pursued consistently with the regulations of the House. After a few words from Sir E. KNATCHBULL and Mr. BROTIIEZTON, both of whom were understood to recom mend that the petition be printed and considered hereafter, Mr. W. PATTEN said the late Speaker had sug gested that these cases should be left to the Committee for decision. An HoN. MEMBER moved that the Standing Orders be relaxed in this case. Mr. BROTHERTON said this case involved an im portant question, whether or not the Standing Orders should be departed from. If the parties could have pleaded ignorance that would have boon some excuse for the application. Sir E. WILMOT said it was not from ignorance that the application arose, but from the impossibiliiy of the parties being able to comply with the Standing Orders. Lord STANLEY said it must be a strong case which would induce him to relax the Standing Orders, because the House had, upon very good grounds, declared that it was necessary, in Railway petitions, that three days notice should be given to the parties on the other side, in order that they might be prepared to meet the allegations, and in the only case in which hardship could arise to the peti tioners, an exception was made by the Standing Orders, when the petition was founded on matters which had arisen before the Committee, but when the cir cumstances were all known, if they once made a deviat'on from the rule which required notice to be given, they would receive endless applications, and defeat what appeared to him to be a very salutary rule.— ( Hear, hear.) Lord SANDON said in this case if the parties had been required strictly to adhere to the Standing Orders, they would have had imposed on them an impossibility ; now what was the facto On the day after the second reading of the Bill, the Hourse adjourned to the 27th May, when it met again for the purpose of electing a Speaker. He had the petition in the House at the time, but was precluded from presenting it by the circumstances to which he had alluded ; he, therefore, thought he had made out a case which would show the House would be doing the greatest possible injustice by shutting out parties whomigbt have the greatest possible interest in the Bill. —( Hear, hear.) Ile, ther e . fore, trusted the House would not refuse the application. Lord STANLEY—After the statement made by his Noble Friend, which he was not aware of before, would withdraw all opposition, and, therefore, suggested that it be an instruction to the Committee that they hare power to take these petitions into consideration, notwithstanding the Standing► Orders have not been complied with. Mr. FINCH believed the statement of the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool was not quite correct. The second reading took place on the 14th. On the 15th the House met again, and the petition might have been pre sented, when it would have been in time to go before the Committee. The SPEAKER then put the question, that it be an instruction to the Committee on the Birmingham and Manchester Extension Railway Bill.to take into conside ration the petitions presented on Tuesday last, against the said Bill, which was agreed to. Mr. M. PHILLIPS then moved that the petition be referred to the Committee. The SPEAKER asked if that was one of the petitions which was presented on Tuesday last. Mr. PHILLIPS said it was intended to draw the atten tion of the House to the circumstances mentioned in the Committee. The SPEAKER intimated that it could not be re ceived, and Mr. PHILLIPS said he would withdraw it. The Rampton Inclosure Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. M. PHILLIPS the Manchester and Leeds Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Sir GEO. STRICKLAND, the Rishworth Reservoir Bill was read a third time and passed. The Great Milton Inclosure Bill was read a second time on the motion of Mr. GRIM SD ITC H. The Report of the Committee on the Brighton Gas Bill was brought up. Mr. INGHAM presented a petition against the Redcar Harbour Bill. Mr. GROTE presented a petition from certain water. men of the City of London against the Deptford Pier Bill. Mr. CRIPPS presented a petition against the London Cemetery Bill. On the motion of Mr. BAINES, the amendments of the Lords to the Great Western Railway Bill were agreed to. The Bury and Haslingden Roads Bill was read a third time and passed. EDINBURGH RAILWAY BILL. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL moved the third read ing of the Edinburgh, Leith, an d Newhaven Railway Bill. Sir G. CLARK opposed the third reading of the Bill, believing it to be brought in more for the purpose of in creasing the price of s hares in the Trinity Harbour eith, scheme than any other o b j ect. Th e ATTORNEY GE NERAL said that the B ill was approved of by the inhabitants of Edinburgh, Leith, and Newhaven ; the objects of the measure were well known, and down to the present hour not one petition had been presented against it. Under such circumstances he felt bound to porsevere in moving the third reading. The Bill was then read th'rd e a The Camber (Portsmouth) Quays Bill was read a third time, and passed. On the motion of Mr. LE ADE R , the Brompton New-road Bill rts.s read a second time, and ordered to be committed. EVENING EDITION. PENNY POST. Mr. WALLACE presented petitions from different ' places, in favcs , -anr of Mr. Rowland Hill's plan for a univer sal penny post. On the SL•EAKEK calling upon all Hon. Members who had similar petitions to present, a complete host of Mem bers rushed to the table.. which caused considerable confu sion and much laughter. Mr. Ayr in favour of Education• in Scotland, and in doing so c he begged to state, as this U 'vas the first opportunity he had had of addressing the House since the Right Hon. Gentle man had filled the Chair, he intended to address the House on the I resentation of all public petitions. The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Member must be aware that a certain course had been laid down with respect to the presentation of petitions (Cheers) and until it was the pleasure of the House that that system should be altered, it must be persevei ed in. —(Great cheering.) Sir ROBERT PEEL pr‘.;: -, ented a petition from Tam worth in favour of a penny pos , `• NATIONAL EL'UCATION. _ _ The SPEAKER here desired that such Hon. Members as had petitions respecting national education would forth with present them. The House instantly became a scene of extraordi nary confusion. About twenty Members rose simul taneously in all parts, and the noise was so great that for some minutes none of them could be heard ; at last 1 Sir E. KNATCHBULL rose to order, and expressed an earnest hope that Honorable Members would preserve more order and decency in their proceedings. —(Loud cries of Hear, hear.") Several HON. MEMBERS presented petitions against the Government scheme, but from places the names of which, owing to the cause just alluded to, we could not catch- However, the announcement of their objects, was hailed with loud cheers from the Opposition. When the House •. became more orderly we heard the following : Mr. Freshfield, from Falmouth ; Mr. Hodges, from Gravesend—( Cheers from the Opposition);—Mr. Green, from Lancaster, and other places ; Lord Stanley, from some 20 or 30 parishes in Lancashire, including also the town of Bury ; Mr. Packe, from Market Harborough ; and Mr. Hogg, from Beverley, by Mr. Colquhoun, from Glasgow, Elgin, Manchester, and various other places ; also from 556 Sunday-se'lool teachers of Salford ; by Mi Palmer, from Essex, and Mr. Heathcote, from Rutland. Mr. BAINES presented six or seven petitions to the same effect, against the Government system, from parishes in Devonshire and other counties. --( Loud cheers.) Mr. TURNER presented a petition to the same effect from Truro, and said he concurred with the petitioners in thinking that there was considerable damage in the Go vernment plan.—(Loud cheers.) Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND presented four similar petitions from the county of York, and we should mention that a large proportion of these petitions were signed by Wesleyan Methodists—and several were stated to be signed by Dissenters. Petitions to the same effect were presented by Sir E• Wilmot, from Birmingham ; by Mr. C. 'Wood, from the Wesleyan Method.;sts of Halifax ; by Sir R. Peel, from places in Yorkshire ai:d Southampton ; by Sir C. Knightly , from places in Northampton ; by Mr. Packington, from Droitwitch ; by Mr. W. E. Gladstone, from the Weeleyan Methodists of Newark ; by Lord Darlington, from two places in Salop; by Lord Granville Somerset, from Norfolk; by Captain Wood, from Middlesex ; by Sergeant Jackson, 1 fro m Cork ; by Sir C. Lemon, from Penzance ; by Mr• Christopher and Sir C. Styles ; Sir C. Burrell, from Hor sham; Sir T. D. Acland from Devonshire; Lord A. Lennox from Chichester; Mr. Chapman from Whitby; and Mr. Inglis from Huddersfield.. Mr. BROTHERTON presented a petition from Sal ford, in favour of a uniform rate of penny postage. Col. SIBTHORP presented a petition from the City of Lincoln against the Government scheme of education. Mr. PEASE presented petitions to the same effect from Darlington, Stockton, and another place in Durham' Mr. BROCKLEHURST presented a similar petition from a place in Lancashire. On being requested by se" veral Members near him to read a clause in the petition , the Hon. Member read the following passage:— Tbat the introduction of opposite and conflicting versions of the Holy Scriptures into the same school would,. become a formidable machine in destroying the faith 01 thousands; and they respectfully stated that, sooner than ' such a system should be adopted, they would rather return to the primitive simplicity of their forefathers, and ent? r into the kingdom of Heaven as little children , than go ), n Hell as Sophists and unbelievers."—( Cheers and laughter.ly ) Sir E. CODRINGTON gave notice that on a eathe day he should move for a Committee to examine into management of the funds entrusted to the Merchant zS I ~ men's Corporation, with reference to the Act s of Geo. I. and 4th and sth of William IV. CITY POLICE. Mr. HAWES gave notice that to-mo rrow move that certain Members, a list of whom he handed the the Speaker, should form the Committee t o whom City of London Police Bill was to bar referred. NATIONAL EDUCATION.--CALL OF Tfira HOUSE, he dshedoutlod so L or o e r t d ary A S o H f L s E t Y ate sai f d or th ti a l t e a H s o t m he e NDoebplaertLmoerirdt ..otlatcei at last fixed a day on which lie intendede submit a motion on the subject o f nationalo notice cation, he would take the liberty of g iving that on Tuesday next he should move the House b e called over on Friday the 14th June, being the day sr pointed by the Noble Lord for the discussion of that plan. -Hear, hear, from the Conser v at ive beaches.) ord J. RUSSELL—I beg leave to second that motion. General JOHNSTON gave notice that on Tuesday next he should move for certain returns connected with the Poor-laws. Mr. WALLACE gave notice that he should to-morrow more for returns connected with the Court of Session in Scothind. COLONEL PRINCE. Mr. HUME said, as there was a motion respecting Col. Prince to be discussed in the House of Lords to night, and as the result of that discussion would probably produce the papers which he required, be should with draw the motion of which he had given notice. LORD DURHAM'S EXPENSES. Col. SIBT H 0 R P gave notice that he should to-morrow move that there be laid before the House a return of the additional expenses incurred in the mission of Lord Da' ham to Canada, and all other incidental expenses. RESIDENCE OF LORD MORPETH IN IRELAND. Colonel SIBTHORP a!so gave notice that move on Tuesday next, that there be laid before this H e a return of the number of days that the Noble Secretary fort Ireland had resided in Ireland at his post, during the last five )cars.—( Loud laughter.) BUSINESS OF THE'. HOUSE. the Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved t hat the Orders of Day take precedence of notices of motions on Thursdar' unless by special directions of the Hmtse. After a few words from Mr. HLTME, rule Sir e R. PEEL wished the House to adlvere to some respecting notices of motions. Suppose there th a t paper for notices, it would be a great nlvantegreased he should notices only should be taken ; and if the HOug c P. a nd there might be another paper for unopposed mo til7, ai sia let it be understood that unopposed motions shoUldeat a d. till after the business was over. It would be of d e v,a• vantage to lay down a rule and adhere to it. without "-:„:0 tion, and when the paper was called confine it to t hose " had notices. The motion then greed to. On the motion was a F of Mr. OX MAULE, certain real° relative to criminals were agreed to. PRINTING THE BIBLE ( SCOTIJAND)., Sir JAMES GRAHAM, seeing th e Lord Auloo cate of Scotland in his place, wished to put a V e li ti coil to him. The patent of the Queen's Printer of th e t he Scriptures in Scotland, as he understood, expired on 11. , 17th of July, and he wished to know whether it was the tilt, tention of her Majesty's Government to renew that Patton Lord J. RUSSELL said that it was not the iotr s ive of the Government to renew the patent for an elecllyerY monopoly in the printing of the Holy S c riptures, hut peed facility would be given to preserve the purity of the peetion text of the Scriptures. Those means it was his intett to state on a future day. the Sir J. GRAHAM said the patent would expire on o d lith July, and with it the existing security • a nd he bf,Pb:e• that the measure would be introduced as speedi l y as Pes- NAPIER'S DIVORCE BILL. On the motion of Sir F. FRE EM A NTLE, that vol and witnesses in this case be called in, Mr. HUME said he could not help repeatin wha t b o f had stated on former occasions—his regret that t'he violated, the House should be wasted, and often decency v'e' t t i l e in inquiries of this nature ; and his earnest hope that Government would endeavour to find some other tribunal' —( Hear, hear.) A tu rned Lord J. RUSSELL said the Government 1 ,5 ` - • trer ne its anxious attention to the subject ; but felt the pro' danger there was in giving any new facilities l'r the f one of curing of divorces, and thus tending to injure the the public morals.—( Hear, hear.) M- in, and Mr. Sergeant ER E WETH ER then C was ea ' uns el ap stated the case on behalf of Col. Napier (" e ° peering for Mrs. Napier). The Learned S that the Colonel was married to his lady at BombaY i n y, and they lived together for many years incomplete har.lnl.o.no. having six children, of whom four were living. In 163.. Napier eloped with:a Mr. Elliot, and had lived with him fj i. therefore Li ° 4 since ; one child had been born subsequently, Thc Lrne, Napier had felt bound to apply for this B • dings had occurred 11/ Council stated further, as the proceed India, the Lord Chancellor's w arrant had been procure e rgeant —a verdict of c',500 rupees damages had been g iven T' ici for taking evidence before the Supreme Court of M si e tBdB2tr e ea , r d; Colonel Napier against Mr. Elliot ; and the House vir° s f find these facts verified at certain pages (naming that) the printed evidence. who v ra3 Mr. Elphinston (late Governor of Bombay), present at the m arriage, having proved it, Counsel and witnesses were ordered to withdraw. hot INUlpr."HwUhi.NclhE asked if ever a more complete far ce - fo u thle n a H o n yu House.—(Hear, (h mockery,li c i e h a r a " , been witnessed. Counsel referred to pages 5 and ts for r certain evidence, and then to acres 12 and 13' of p o cl t i p eee evidenc e, bngberuss.r_l cosiq r o- Hear, and a laugh.) th e e Government of the county would would permit such P the The Bill then passed through a Committee, an ahpdse ah b i re n . e sl t p : o u s ra s ps e r si s House resumed. MALTA. Mr. HAWES wished to ask the Hon . Member for re -I°- kenny whether he intended to perse v e re in his motion speeting Malta. t e. Mr. H ASV 11 ° E S then gave notice t hat he should t to Mr. HUME was understood to re p l y in the negaese early opportunity of calling t he attention of the take the subject. JAMAICA. he y eti° Mr. LABOUCHERE rose, in pursuanc e of t he had givet:, to move for leave to bring :n a Bill t° V Ms tl in 4 fee fine me sur der lan ar., Tic,