The Sun. — London, England, 1839-11-22 00:00:00

IiVENING EDITION. mour, by sending somebody to look into our concerns ; but it is an idle resolution of the House of Commons, and a vain and foolish attempt by the Government of Great Britain. Nothing will be done ; they will not re ceive your corn or timber. Don't waste your time, then in fruitless negociation." Now how are these people to be answered ? Do you mean that the present state of things shall continue ?--(" No, no.") With these facts, so obvious, so palpable, so irresistible, it does seem to me that ye ought not to lose this occasion of making a strong and energetic appeal--an appeal which I be lieve will represent the interests of the whole commu nity—(Hear)—and, in my experience of human . affikrs, he who has truth in his hand, and energy in his heart, never fails to accomplish the object and to reach the end of his efforts.—(Loud applause.) Dr. Bowring resumed his seat, having spoken upwards of an hour. Mr. HOLLAND HOOLE, said, that, in consequence of Lis having the honour to be the vice-president of the Chamber, it had devolved upon him to propose a vote of thanks to Dr. Bowring, for the very eloquent ad dress and communication which they had just received. He would only occupy two or three minutes in ad verting to this suFect, which so deeply interested their attention, and involved their interest. He ought to state to them, that there had been very great neg lect on the part of the Government of this country, in not attending to this subject at a much earlier period. —( Hear)—for this subject had been brought before them in 1833, to which fact he could bear his personal testimony. In April, 1883, he was in London, with Mr. Kirkman Finlay, and the late Mr. John Douglas ; and while in their company, and engaged with them in the transaction of certain business, in which they were mutually interested, he (Mr. Hook) received a letter from one of the most intelligent and rsspectable merchants in Germany—a letter which was now before him—announcing the great progress then making in the attempt by Prussia to form this League, and to extend it to all tile s urrounding states of Ger many. He laid that letter before his colleagues ; and Mr. K. Finlay, with his usual shrewdness, said, " That is a very imiportant communication ; I think you had better go with it at once to the Board of Trade, and call the immediate attention of the Government to it." Ac cordingly they All three went to the Board of Trade, and laid the letter before them, and Mr. Finlay urged upon them the necessity of paying attention to it. Tney were received, he must say, with very considerable indifference ; and the result was, that little or nothing had been done. He should not have ventured to ad vert to this fact, but for one particular circumstance. Last year Mr. Douglas, being iriManchester, sent him a note, saving he wished to see him. They had had almost naintercourse since April, 1833 ; and when he (Mr. Hook) went to Mr. Douglas's office, he said— ' " Mr. Hook, do you remember receiving'a letter from your commercial friend at Hamburg, which we laid be fore the Board of Trade, and the indifference with which we were received ?" He answered that he did ; and Mr. Douglas added, " You see, all that was fore told has come to pass ; and what between the Prussian League and our Corn-laws, our trade is in a state of ruin." He (Mr. Iloole) thought, therefore, that it was due to those who saw what was coming upon them, and the progress that was makin g in this exclusive system, to show, that that subject had long ago been taken up with all the energy they could command. He con eluded by moving with pleasure— " That the grateful thanks of the Chamber be pre sented to Dr. Bowring, for the promptitude with which he accepted the invitation of the Directors, and for the interesting and valuable communication which he has now made to this meeting." Mr. LEOPOLD REISS - said he had great pleasure in secoodin , ? the vote of thanks to Dr. Bowring for the very valuable and interesting communication he had made to the Chamber. He (Mr. Reiss) had been en gaged all his life in the export of British manufactures to the countries comprised within:the German League ; and he could bear ample testimony to the very great diminution, if not destruction, of this trade. The on'y articles, in his experience, that were still imported into these countries, were worsted goods, manufactured in the neighbourhood of Bradford ; but the other Bri tish manufactures which found their way to those countries were very inconsiderable, consisting of a few articles of peculiar and difficult manufacture. The difficulty of which, however, he had not the least doubt that the German manufactures would overcome in a very short time.—(Hear.) So little was it possible to pay the high duties that were levied on British manufactures by the Prussian tariff, that, in the house in which he was a partner they were obliged, when this tariff came into force, to return a large quantity of British goods from Germany to this country, which they had been in the habit of selling with great facility,—a circumstance attended with great loss ; as there was not only the expense incurred of sending them to Germany and back, but also, being goods provided expressly for the German trade, they had to be disposed of in this country at a great sacrifice. If they wanted further proof of the effects of this com mercial union, let them look at the German houses which had been in the habit of buying British manu factured goods. What were they doing now ? They would see many of them consigning their goods to foreign markets, or forming establishments there; others were agents, to buy goods for any country from which they could get orders ; even some might be seen getting goods up for English home consumption—(Hear)— while others were connected with the spinning, or manu facturing, or printing Cif cottons, so that, instead of being purchasers, they were now producers. And yet he would repeat, that if matters were placed on a more favourable system, Germany would still consume vast quantities of British goods. He could further add, that British goods were imported, not only by the German merchants,but by the consumers themselves. The German trade offered to us another advantage, which should not be lost sight of. It was not liable to those disastrous fluc tuations toovhich many of our important commercial relations with other countries were subject.—(Hear, hear.) There were in Germany a number of wealthy merchants ready to take up the trade at any moment. He wished, therefore, that this long-neglected subject, now that it had attracted the attention of the British commercial community, should not be allowed to rest till it was settled on such a liberal and permanent prin ciple as would, doubtless, prove mutually beneficial to both England and Germany.—( Loud applause.) The CHAIRMAN, in putting the resolution, said it would perhaps be agreeable to gentlemen present to give some expression to their sentiments in reference to the interesting communication given by Dr. Bowring. He had assured them, from the highest authority, that they now had the means of negotiating a commercial inter course with Germany ; and as they were assembled, he , tls - Ought that they would not wish to separate with out expressing some opinion upon that communication. Dr. Bowring would be very happy to hear any facts which any gentleman present might be able to furnish upon the trade of Germany. They had already heard some interesting ones from Mr. Reiss, and other gentle men present might be able to afford more. The reso lution was then put from the chair, and passed unani mously with loud applause. Dr. BtwaiNo, in acknowledging the vote, said, in thanking you for this great mark of your kindnesss, and assuring you how delighted I shall be in being en abled to give expression to your opinion, I may add, that I forgot to state, that I am at this moment en gaged in writing for the Government a report, which I believe it is inteit4ei l l to publish, in which I shall collect in greater detai , d in a more regular and precise manner than it is possible to do in an extemporaneous speech, a 'limber of interesting facts bearing upon this great quesiron. I have brought from Germany various specimens of the state of their manufacturing industry, wjaich I dare say will have some interest for gentlemen Prfeat, as they will show on what exceedingly cheap conditions goods are there produced, and what the sort of rivalry is with which you are now competing. Mr. Alderman COBDEN said he had a resolution, which he thought it expedient to offer to the chamber, expressive of a general feeling of interest in the trade with Germany.—He believed there would also be an ther resolution submitted to the meeting expressive of its approval of the general principles of free trade. He Would move— " That this meeting having heard with the deepest interest the able address just delivered by Dr. Bowring, upon the subjeot of our commercial relations to the States composing the Germ an L ea gu e , earn e stly invites public attention to the incontrovertible evidence thus afforded, th a t th e G overnments and people of G ermany are desirous of exc h ang i ng t h e i r product i ons f or t h e commoditio s of t hi s country ; proving from undoubted I authority, that we are prevented solely by our own re strictive laws from embracing the manifold advantages thus offered to us. Whilst this meeting is of opinion that the welfare of both the capitalists and labourers compos i ng the manufacturing community imperatively calls for the removal of all legislative restraints upon the trade of the country, and earnestly desires the abo lition or modification of theimport duties on the pro ductions of Germany ; and that a liberal commercial intercourse may be established with a people, whose in poe;:eualitar Britain.'ly adapt s.itutions, common oriqin, and charact er ,. them to become the friends and of He need scarcely trouble them with any remark s after the address they had heard from Dr. Bowrin g b ut it any gentlemen present felt that the evidence. which Dr. Bowring had presented, .necessarily restric e ted . as it had been by the almost official character of his position, was at all deficient,—that there was still wan wanting some evidence in addition to his, that the Germans wer e anxious to trade with us, and were willing to modify their tariff the moment we modified ours,-110 held l in his hand th at ev id ence. In Mr. Poulett Th oms on 'a speech upon Mr. Villiers's motion respecting the repeal of the ' Corn-laws, in which he broke through the usual tram mels of office, and, much to his honour, brought from the board of trade, and read to the House of Commons a letter which he had received from Mr. Macgregor, who Lite Dr. Bowring had been sent to Germany—Mr. Thomson, in that speech, said,— " But some time ago, a gentleman, Mr. M'Gregor, was sent to Germany, to inquire into the condition of the I German League ; and I have with me letters I have received from him, bearing on the subject now before the House, and which I will read. This is dated in 1836 :—. " lam perpetually told, that England must reduce her own tariff before she can reasonably expect Ger many to do so.' " And in reply to Mr. Nl‘Gregor, the Foreign Minis ter for Wurtemburg thus expresses himself : " lam opposed to anything like particular protec tions given to any branch of industry, being convinced that such protection is a general tax on the community. We have few articles besides coarse linens and natural produce, as corn, and cattle, and probably some of she wool which we send by the Neckar and Rhine to Hol land, that would find their way to your markets at re duced duties ; but settle the preliminaries of a commer cial treaty with Prussia, and I presume there will not be much difficulty in Wurtemburg adhering to it.' " I will read another extract in relation to our com merce with Prussia : " M. Kuchne, the Prussian Commissionary, is a gen tleman of intelligent views, and seems fully to compre hend the importance of a commercial treaty with Eng land, but argues our Corn-laws are the supreme ob stacle. He is at the same time said to be the most slilful Member of the Congress." " And again , 6; Baron Smit, the Wurtembur,g Minister at the Ba varian Court, the protector of the Germanic Union, tells me, that he can discover no objection whatever in meeting the views of foreign states, to a reasonable extent, in reducing the high duties in the Germanic tariff, provided that such states will act with something like reciprocity towards Germany ; but he also contends that the British tariff ranges much higher than the German tariff, as 20 to 30 per cent., compared to 10 per cent., and on linens, and every article from Ger many, as wood, corn, and some other natural produce, much higher." " On the 14th July, M. Kuchne said : " If any arrangement be entered into, you must begin at Berlin, and a reduction of your corn duties to a fixed rate must be preliminary to any understanding as to a reduction on our part of duties on your commodities. I alluded to the proposed reduction of the duty on timber, and such as would probably be made on some other ar ticles, as linens, Nuremberg wares, mineral water, &c. ; but he took his stand upon corn, saying the other re ductions were but of little consequence.' " So you see (continued Mr. Cobden) that, probably for the first time in the history of our commercial legisla tion, the country has been fairly appealed to ; and these facts almost from official authority, have been submitted to the knowledge of the commercial community. But I don't think that these evidences were required to prove to us, that Prussia or Germany in general would be anxious to trade with us. It is quite as much to her interest to trade with us, as it is to our interest to trade with her. Of the twenty-six millions, nearly of people comprised within the German league, Dr. Bowring will bear me out in saying, that seventeen millions are almost purely interested in agriculture alone. Their Govern ment is not under the sway of a powerful aristocracy. The feudal system is no more in Germany ; their Governments, though nominally despotic, are under the enlightened influence of an educated people ; and it is their interests and will be their practice, to adopt liberal commercial relations with you the moment that you will permit them. Then, it appears to me, that as to what Dr. Bowring has said, as to the feelings on the part of Germans, that we cannot trade with them ; that we are in the hands of a power that will not suffer us to trade with them, and that, therefore, they will not tr with us ; this is a most humiliating position for such a community as that of England, which is looked on with some respect abroad ; and it does become a question, whether we shall not increase that humilia tion, unless we take some decided steps, and show a degree of self-respect that shall justify the nations of the Continent in saying, " This is n o t a na ti on th a t will continue to deal - with us unjustly." Now, the re peal of the Corn-laws would be easier now than pro bably at any past time, or than is likely in future. Singularly enough, the evils of the Corn-laws are mani festing themselves in every possible phase of mischiev ousness and complexity. You :have now for the first time the great capitalists, the merchants, and the ma nufacturers of the country, all severely afflicted by this one great evil ; you have the banking establishments, and even the great Bank of the country, induced to turn the battering-ram of their power against this evil ; for they too are most :seriously afflicted by it. Then the shop-keepers in the rural districts, after two years of short crops and corn at 70s. a quarter, although they still trade with you for fustians and cottons, can only sell two-thirds of what they could when wheat was 503. a quarter. They are beginning to feel, for the first time, that the Corn-laws are robbing them ; and I believe, I may say that Government is in favour of the repeal of the Corn-laws, and that if they saw the people in favour of that, Government would commit themselves to a decided step. Such being your po sition, having the Government, the capitalists, the banks, and the shop-keeping classes with you ; having now, to a great degree, the labouring classes with you, for I saw only yesterday, by the papers, that the whole of the trades of Sheffield had had a meeting, and had de termined on the adoption of the question of the repeal of the Corn-laws in the Trades Unions, setting it aside from politics, and making it a question which the trades should agitate till they obtained the repeal. You have with you every class but the landlord class, and their deluded slaves the larmers. Then, it appears to me, that the course is clear, and that it behoves these capitalists, and more particularly the manufacturers, to make some efforts to inform the public opinion, to take the lead in this great question, to marshal all these forces for the next meeting of Parliament. How has every social change, how has every religious change, been accomplished, but by the parties appeal ing to the public intelligence, and by agitating for a public expression of opinion ? What gained the penny postage, the first-fruits of which are this day an nounced? It was accomplished, not by sitting still, and quietly wishing for it, but by a number of men stepping out, spending their money, giving their time, agi tating the community, and thus inducing a million of signatures. And think you, that the repeal of the Corn-laws will be carried by our sitting still at home, and lamenting over its evils ? I appeal to you as a matter of duty, as well as of interest ; not as a matter of politics, for we know no political parties here— ( Hear, hear)—and I believe that, on the Exchange, Tory, Whig, and Radical get the same prices for their yarns. I appeal to you, as fathers of families, and I ask you, if what Dr. Bowring has told us be true—that unless our Corn-laws are modified, instead of our sending 60,000 or 70,000 cwt. of twist to Germany (half our whole export of twist), that market will be shut for ever against this country—what will be the position of your families and your dependents ? It becomes you, therefore, to make a present sacrifice—to subscribe from your remaining funds for the agitation of a repeal of the Corn-laws ; and, unless you do that, you are deserving the ruin which the Corn-laws will bring upon you. Mr. Alderman ROBERTS seconded the motion, which passed unanimously. THOMAS BAZLEY, jun., Esq., Boroughreeve of Sal ford, said—Mr. President, I have great pleasure in pro posing for your adoption the following resolution, which is peculiarly in accordance with my own feelings and opinions : " That this meeting regards the present as the pro per occasion for reiterating its adherence to the opinion so often declared by this Chamber, that the prosperity, peace, and happiness of the people of this and other nations can be alone promoted by the adoption of those just principles of trade, which shall secure to all the right of a free interchange of their respective produc tions ; and this meeting, on behalf of the great commu nity whose interests it represents, feels especially called upon to declare its disapprobation of all those restric tive laws which, whether intended for the protection of the manufacturing or agricultural classes, must, in so far as they are operative, be injurious to the rest of the nation, unjust to the world at large, and in direct hosti lity to the beneficent designs of Providence." You have been pleased to appeal to me as the chief municipal officer of the adjoining town, and perhaps you will permit me to state, in my official capacity, that if I entertain any fear for the safety and security of persons and property within my jurisdiction— my ap prehensions are entirely founded upon our commer cial embarrassments, and upon the consequent depri vation to the poor of labour and of food. Sir, I feel that I have the honour of speaking of the inhabitants of a borough, loyal to their sovereign and obedient to our laws, and on whose good sense I rely to prevent disturbance in any extremity ; and on their behalf, I would, as a conservator of peace and order, pray our Legislature to give efficiency to the civil power by en abling the industrious freely to exchange their produc tions for the requisite comforts of life whenever they can obtain them. I prefer, however, takin g the liberty, Sir, of addressingyou in support of this motion, in my more appropriate character of a cotton-spinne r ; and as such, I will state those facts which the nature of my business enables me to substantiate. On several occasions, said Mr. Bazley, when, for the purpose of making mechanical alterations and improvements in our spinning machinery, we have caused inquiries to be made respecting men who had previously offered their services, we have learned that the talented artists in question had taken their labour and skill to foreign markets. Only yesterday, Sir, a competitor of celebrity informed me, that he had very recently obtained a sample of No. 230's cotton yarn, spun upon the Continent, of a quality equal to his own. Sir, should I be asked if our labour may not be taken to foreign markets, and if cotton yarns may not be spun in other countries, most certainly would I say yes ; but Sir, allow me to state my humble opinion, that if we may accept in return for our manufactures, such productions as other countries can give us, we then could profitably employ our labour at home, and render it the interest of our present distant opponents to mini ster to our wants, whilst we supply We theirs. have not too many shoulders in the land to share in the burthens of the State. We have not t oo many consumers and customers at home, that we need drive our industrious workmen far away. In my hand, Sir, I hold a letter from a friend, who, un able to combat difficulties at home, having lost his patri in a spinning concern, has been obliged t o l eave mony Mr. SAMUEL STOCKS congratulated the meeting on the very able, moderate, and correct observations made by his friend, Mr. Gardiner, because he agreed with him, that this measure was considered out of doors to be in the hands of a political party, and that certain Members, very influential in their position, kept away from that room on such grounds. He had asked a friend to come with him, and the reply was, " No ; you have become a political party, and I'll have no thing in the world to do with you." It was no matter whether they as free traders grappled with certain questions—men would be Tories or Whigs, whether we would let them or not ; and some would be Radi cals, and others Chartists. But in this cause he agreed with Mr. Gardner, they ought to be united one and all. It was known that his (Mr. Stock's) trade was intimately connected with foreigners ; he believed that the products of more than 3,000 looms passed through his hands every week, for foreign markets ex clusively ; and upon the common grounds of justice he claim e d f or the people with whom h e was connecte d, the workp eop l e, an equal right to protection by the authority of t h e S tate with those who were connecte d with the agricultural interests. The only interest these workpeople had in the agricultural interests of the country was to be their customers and they were good customers because they got good wages ; but if a stranger could read such speeches as that of the Duke of Buckingham , the other d ay , h e wou ld na t ura lly conclude that all who were in any way connecte d w ith the land, literally and positively fed an d supporte d the entire community of England, Scotland, and Ireland. the C orn -l aws to re mainplrfospurciehty w a e n r d e wthiesdcoamse,orwaellocwoiunlgd conceiv e the great fact. The fact is that a very large proportion of the country is maintained by the manufacturers, who fur nish to the extent of from 50 to 60 millions a year of Extract of a letter from Sunderland, dated 16th Nov. :—" The visit of the Duke of Sussex and the Earl of Durham t o thi s p l ace h as c aused great ceiaster_ nation amongst th e T or i es ; t h e p r incipal one, bow ever, tried hard to laugh away his feelings by marching first in the procession, and then begging to be intro duced to the exalted men he had so leng abused. Every body was disgusted, and the City Alderman's cause grows weaker every day." THE SEJN, LONDON, FRIDAY, NOVEAIBI4:II_22, 1839 his family in the care of friends here, whilst he seeks 1 an existence by contributing to establish rival manufac tures abroad. He is now upon the Rhine ; and he shows me, that, unless we change our policy, we shall, as a commercial people, be superseded.—(Hear.) Sir, may I ask, if in this country the infancy of her manu factures owed nothing to the persecutions, by foreign countries, of their artisans? We know the truth well ! Let us, therefore, forsake our untenable policy, and, by developing our natural resources, lead other countries to direct their energies into those channels which nature has assigned them. Sir, when I look around me, and see one most influential part of our community exercis ing their just right of sending their produce, which they obtain from the soil of our land, whether in metals, minerals, fuel, or food, to the best markets of the world, and retaining a monopoly at home ; when I see that upwards of ten millions sterling hare been abstracted from the springs of business to buy food for the whole country ; when I see our great joint-stock and monopo lising bank, the Bank of England, coercin x our com merce, and depreciating the value of our property, to repair their damaged circulation ; and when I see at home mills and manufactories deserted, and people starving, whilst decreasing capital seeks other and safer investment—l confess that I feel disheartening cause of alarm, and, I almost fear, of despair. Effectual re lief will, however, be obtained by freeing our own in dustry from fetters, and by practically adopting the principle that to be permanent sellers we must also be unrestricted buyers.—(Great applause.) With these sentiments I beg to propose the resolution which I have read. Mr. HENRY ASHWORTH, in seconding the motion, said it appeared very obvious that there was a strong disposition manifested to carry out the legitimate objects of trade, both on the part of the Prussian league, and of a great body of people in our own country. This, however, was obviously impeded by our legislative Aristocracy ; they appeared to be the only, or at least the principal, party, in hindering that which nature appeared to have designed. It therefore behoved them to consider whether that por tion of the community which was in possession of the energetic trading capital of the country would allow itself to be overpowered by a class of men who were the owners, or perhaps the nominal owners, of selfish interests in the soil. It was in fact a question whe ther the commercial body would allow themselves to be swamped at the discretion of the fifty-pounders. We had in this country a large body of men ' who, though not directly manufacturers or mer chants, were interested and involved in the success of manufacturing enterprise. If they looked to the parties who were engaged in railway undertakings, they found perhaps thirty millions of money embarked in railway projects ; and if they would examine the prospectuses of these bodies, they would find that they made their calculations of profit, not upon the business which had been done, or was doing, but upon a prospective increase of that business. Was it to be supposed that the owners of that property would stand icily looking on, and see their business decay ? Would they side with the aristocracy against us ; or would they come to the rescue ? It was important for the shipping and the canal interests, the carrying corn panics, whether by navigation or roads—it behoved these classes to consider whether they were doing their duty to the country, if they stood by, or sided with the aristocracy. He did not want to appear to be arraying a strength as if for warfare ; but he begged to remind the gentlemen in those interests, that if they stood by and saw us treated as we have been by the proud aris tocracy, it would be to their own loss. The necessities of the country also demanded that attention should be paid to this question. It was stated in Bolton last week, and was not contradicted, that the trade of that town is now in a very prostrate condition ; and when he stated what Bolton was enduring, it was well known to be endured by other towns in the neighbour hood. They were working three or three and a half days a week ; there were six hundred houses untenanted in Bolton ; in four streets there were more than fifty shops untenanted ; and the condition of the working classes there, as compared with 1833, was reduced to the extent of 7,000/. a week. This might be used as an argument of necessity ; but he would much rather place this question upon the basis of justice.— (Applause.) JOHN BROOKS, Esq., Boroughreeve of Manchester, having obtained the permission of his friend Mr. Behrens, would state that they had done business together for upwards of twenty years ; and twenty-three years ago he supplied his friend with printed calicoes for the Ger man market ; but, for the last two years, he had not cut one pattern adapted for that trade, as he knew it would be of no use. He found the Germans had gone into other trades, and, instead of him selling them goods for the German markets, they were absolutely opposing him in the South American trade ; so that we not only lost our customers, but found them becoming our ri vals in trade, and opposing us in other markets.— (Hear, hear.) Though all the German and other mer chants present knew these facts as well as he did, he mentioned them, because the public did not know them, and ought to know them.—( Applause.) Mr. ROBERT GARDNER said the subject under dis cussion is one of great importance, and I think we must all be well aware that it was upset before, by its being made a party question.--(" No, no.") I beg to re assert that—(Hear)--and I will not hesitate to say, that there is not a greater advocate in the country, or under the crown, than myself, or one more anxious, for a fixed duty ; but, the moment the question was taken up by a few, a very large majority turned round.— (" No, no.") I re-assert it. I would advocate a fixed duty. I think the law is a most pernicious one--that it starves our population, destroys our manufacturing, and is equally injurious to our agricultural interests. Had we a moderate fixed duty, and I think most peo• pie would admit a large fixed duty to begin with, we should act upon the foreign markets quietly ; but we do not go to the foreign markets till we are absolutely starving. Foreigners, seeing our prices are so high, raise theirs ; and we act upon them so suddenly, that we drive them, as well as ourselves, to starvation prices. If we are to attain this great object, it is the interest of all members of the community to unite, for it is the interest of the owners of the soil more than any other class of individuals, because, if we lose our manufactures, of what value can our soil be then ? Nrhy should an acre of land be worth more in England than in France or Germany ? It is our manufacturing that gives it its value. And you may over-tax the land yet the land does not leave the country, but, if you over-tax commerce only 24 2 per cent., it takes its flight ; and who ever knew commerce return ?—(Hear, and applause.) If I was the greatest landowner in the country, I could not sleep day or night ; for I should say, " Though I am in the midst of enjoyment now, my children, and my children's children, will be beggars." Therefore, if we would accomplish any great object, we must not be divided and torn, as we have been, by politics. It is really disgusting to me to see the way in which this town has been divided ; I say this disinterestedly, for I have the honour to be equally cast off by both parties. I am generally represented as a Tory ; and my preju dice is very much that way, if I saw common sense and reason with it.—(Hear, hear.) But my object is to advocate those measures which I believe to be for the common good ; and, as we have one cause and one interest, for God's sake let us unite to promote it.— (Great applause.) If two or three of us, when we walk down the streets, say that all the knowledge of the town rests under our hats, then, of course, all the rest are thrown aside ; but this question must be kept off political grounds. It is the question of the very ex istence or ruin of this country ; it is of the very last im portance ; and, therefore, let us not be determined, every one of us, to have our own will and pleasure, but rather let us concede and meet if we can ; for in the union of the whole is our strength. And if we do not unite, both Tory, Whig, and Radical, we shall do no good— we shall make no impression at head-quarters. If we unite, if we understand our interest, then I differ from the German States, who say we can do nothing. lam rejoiced to see so large a meeting, and I do think it is of the greatest importance that we should concede and meet each other, and that we should well arrange our business before we come to close quarters. I think much may be done, and that now is the time ; and that, if we lose our present opportunity,w e shall be, for a time, under less advantageous circumstances than we are pre sent.—(Great applause.) manufactures for the export trade. The manufacturers and artisans were as much entitled to protection from the Legislature of these realms, as the Duke of Buck ingham, and all who were connected with the land. In the spirit of conciliation in which Mr. Gardner had thrown out some valuable recommendations, he (Mr. Stocks) wished to suggest that, in arguing the question, we should abstain from language that must necessarily give offence, and carry no force of reasoning with it to the people, who, as we say, are posseessed of all the power in the country,—the Tories, as a body, the great landowners. He was firmly persuaded that, amongst that body, there were individuals who wished as well to the country, to its manufactures, and its general in terests, as any gentleman present ; and that these par ties thought their mode of working out their opinions and views was the very best for keeping the interests of the country together. If that should be so, he thought these honest-minded, but probably wrong-minded par ties, ought to be dealt with in all the courtesy and respect due to them, to their station and opinions. He felt confident, that, if the Chamber wished to have its opinions respected here and elsewhere, they must em ploy language and conduct which even the landowners would fairly appreciate. In 1883, when an effort was made in Stockport for the repeal of these laws, he felt confident that Government would be with us ; but, to his sorrow and regret, Manchester did not come forward in the manner it had since done, for the reason already stated, that certain influential parties, highly connected with the merchants and manufacturers of this district, believed in their consciences that the Corn-laws were the very salvation of the country, and the foundation of all its prosperity ; and therefore they would not touch these laws, save to support them. He knew many, even foreign merchants, with whom he did business, whose opinions were still decidedly of that character. He trusted, therefore, that we, who had made up our minds to roll away the reproach on this country, and to act in obedience to the dictates of that Divine Being who gave to climates their varia tions, and to nations the productions we all of us want, should feel that we were violating every prin ciple connected with Providence and reason, in in terdicting foreign intercourse by these high duties ; and that, if they were persisted in, they would ulti mately bring the greatest affliction upon all, from the highest to the lowest of the land. What he wanted, and hoped he should live to see, was the legislators of these islands turning their talents and attention to legislate for and not against die poor, and to make the food of the poor as cheap as was con sistent with every honourable principle. He wanted to see agriculture, by its improvements, double its pro duce ; and he was of opinion as a farmer (for he had a farm), that the whole of Cheshire might be made capa ble of producing two bushels where it now produced only one. How much better would it be for the far mers of Cheshire, provided instead of an enhancement of price, which would make the pound of flour so dear that the poor could not buy, it might be so multiplied in quantity so as in that way to pay them as much profit He thought it desirable, that the whole king dom should know the sentiments of Manchester on this great question. As an individual, he was for a total repeal of these duties ; he was decidedly of opinion, that it was for the best interests of the country to do away with them ; but he knew that many respectable friends of his were not of that opinion, but wished to obtain a moderate fixed duty. Going, then, upon O'Connell's plan, if he could not get the whole, he would take a part, what he could get. That would bring the question to whether there should be a fixed duty of 55., 10s., or Iss. a quarter. Then he had rather have a duty of 33. than 10s , of lOs. than 15s, ; but he did hope they should begin to do something to put themselves in a different position, and he felt confident that the very judicious resolution of Mr. Bazley, if passed, would have a very salutary and valuable effect. He wished, however, that all would refrain from harsh language, such as calling the agriculturists " stupid," and other epithets by no means kind or convenient. They tended to no good, but, on the contrary, excited dissatisfaction.—Mr. Stocks then mentioned that a lead ing Chartist, who, with that body, had actively opposed the efforts made last year for a total repeal of the Corn laws, had recently sent him a letter (which he had re turned), wishing him to turn his attention to the griev ante of the Corn-laws, to which, in fact, his attention had been turned during the last ten years. Mr. BENJAMIN PEARSON said he had been so much interested and gratified by the observations of Mr. Gardner, that be could not forbear to express the plea sure they had afforded him. There was one point, however, on which he had touched, which he (Mr. Pearson) felt he should not be justified if he were to pass over in silence. With respect to political parti sanship being the ground of his decision, he (Mr. Pearson) must utterly disclaim that. He was no party politican ; but he was a total repealer of the Corn laws. Mr. Gardner had said something of the advan tages of a fixed duty. He (Mr. Pearson) supposed they would all agree, that they must take as much they could get ; that if they could not get a total repeal, they must get a low duty ; but he did think it was utterly inconsistent for the Chamber for one moment to make a request for a fixed duty. If they believed—and he was glad Mr. Gardner had touched upon that— that the agricultural interests were best to be pro moted by a prosperous trade, and that they will certainly decline if commerce departs from our shores— it was a most grave consideration whether, seeing the progress which had already been made in Germany, we were enabled to bear a fixed duty, with expenses amounting to 23 or 30 per cent.—(Hear.) We must keep it in mind that we cannot, under any circum stances, obtain corn on the same terms as in Germany. If the agricultural interest were entitled to any protec tion, and he could never see why it should be, surely the expense of transit was an abundantly sufficient protection. And if our manufactures were excluded from Germany through the rival manufactures of other countries, did it not show that we could not bear a large amount of duty ? In 1815 a fixed duty might very well have been sustained, as at that time foreign ma nufacturers had not started ; but now it was so near and close a race, that we had nothing to spare, and, as a matter of justice to all parties, he thought they (the Chamber) could not plead for a moment for a fixed duty even of one shilling. His attention was first called to the subject by the distressed condition of the hand loom weavers, ten or twelve years ago. On this con dition the great extension of power-looms, no doubt, had considerable influence ; but they could not lose sight of the fact, that, while the weaver laboured ten hours to support his family and the State, he worked five hours additional in consequence of the Corn-laws. --(Hear.) Justice to the weaver forbade them to ask for the slightest duty ; for if for a moment they asked for a duty, they gave up the whole principle ; they ad mitted that the landowners were entitled to something. He could not see that they were entitled to anything. Let us act honestly ; and, if we thought we could justly demand a free trade in corn, let us ask for what we want ; and however we might be disposed to accept what he can get, he would ask for nothing but what we could with justice demand. For the sake of honesty, he really must say that he saw no more justice in an import duty on corn, than in a bounty on the importa tion of corn. He thought it would be just as fair for the merchant to receive a bounty on the' importation of corn, as it was for the landlord to get a duty laid on the import of corn. And how ruinous would such a state of things, such a bounty, prove to the agricultural interest ! It would be a species of retaliation that he would not for one moment contemplate, and it would involve our own manufactures in very serious evils ; but if they wanted to estimate the evils of the Corn•laws, let them just endeavour to calculate what evils would arise from a bounty upon the importation of corn. It could not be sustained by the nation at all, without the utter ruin of the agricultural interest ; and the duty on corn had only been sustained by that extraordinary state of our trade which had been produced by the extension of machinery. The landowners would, ere this, have been overwhelmed by the Corn-laws, if it had not been for our manufactures and our commerce.--(Applause.) The CHAIRMAN said it was gratifying to see such a response to the strong recommendations of unanimity which had been given by Dr. Bowring. As for himself he should be ashamed, if he could make that a mere political party question, which involved the dearest and most vital interests of every class and:party in the State. He hoped; if any gentleman had so viewed it or enter tained it, he would thenceforth dismiss such a notion from his mind as one that would cast shame on the cause.—(Hear, and applause.) He hoped that men of all classes and all parties would unite and pull together; for Dr. Bowring had told them, that unless they all caosutnhter then put ryas from on th verge e chair, and l a id as id e a ll m i n or differences, their common w of ruin. uimpasTsed re solutionhe una nimously. The vacat e d c h a i r was t h en t a k e n by JOHN BROOKS, Esq., Boro ug h reeve of Manc h es t er , and a resolution,. " That th e b est thanks of the mee ti n g be given to the President o f t h e Chamber for hi s con duct in the chair," hair o, was passed unanimously. The business then terminated at a quarter before two o'clock. At the close of the meeting several specimens of Ger man manufactures were shown by Dr. Bowring, amongst which w e recogn i sed cotton h os i er y es low as 3 s . 3d. per doz en pa i rs, and others as hi g h as 245. per d ozen , with E ng li s h marks viz., I m proved patent, two threads, 4ds. heels and feet," and which are sold in foreign countries as English manufactures. There were also cotton gloves as low as two-pence per pair to five-pence ; specimens of beautiful flannels from eight pence per yard, twenty-two inches wide, to 2s. 3d. thirty inches wide, resembling a light pelisse cloth ; and oth er articles exhibiting the like progress in manufacturing skill, and in prices below the reach of British competition. SPIRIT of tlid JULIE JOURNALS. FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF Tilt: (From the Times.) We have let pass, longer perhaps than we ought to have done, the infamous treatment experienced by an illustrioug arid exemplary woman at the hands of Queen Victoria's Ministers, through their hired agents of the Downing-street press. But yesterday's morning paper has so far outraged every law of decency l and every practice of civilised society, that further forbearance would be a gross insult to our readers, and downright treason to our own sense of duty, as subjects and as men. The intended victim of this ruffianly brutality is —guess who ? No other than Queen Adelaide, one of the most unobtrusive, inoffensive, amiable, and vir tuous ladies in this island! Queen Adelaide was com pelled, as is very well known, to try the climate of the Mediterranean for her health during the whole of last winter. On her voyage out or home, we do not recol lect which, the Hastings, which conveyed her Majesty, touched at Lisbon, and it certainly was whispered, we hope untruly, that whatever courtesies may have been received by the Royal invalid in that port, she was not indebted for an undue share of respect to any func tionaries or employes of Lord Melbourne's Govern ment. The slanderers who write for the Ministerial press have opened, however, a fresh vein of com mentary upon the visit of Queen Adelaide to Lis bon, and on her Majesty's proceedings there. " During her recent absence " (viz., her vale tudinarian exile, says this lying impostor), " her great delight in the societies in *hich she mingled was to indulge in ill-natured criticisms on the Queen (Victoria). When she was at Lisbon, for instance, the decrying Queen Victoria was her favourite theme. At the Duke of Palmella's she took every opportunity of sneering at her Majesty, whose most innocent gratifica tions were tortured into charges against her. Among other grounds of dissatisfaction with the Queen, was her visiting Drury-lane Theatre and the Opera. In the true Airs. Candour style the Queen Dowager observed that she was not aware whether her Majesty was a fre quent attender of Church, but it could not be doubted she was a frequent attender of the theatre ; and the enjoyment of an opera on a Saturday night was not, perhaps, the best preparation for Sunday devotions." Such is the decorous language held towards the widow of poor King William ! Now, it were useless to mince matters with fellows like the fabricator of these base falsehoods. There never yet were penned or uttered a series of downright untruths, more unmanly (ungentle manly is too weak a word), more mean and paltry, more flagitious and rancorous—nay, to those who have ever known Queen Adelaide, more despicably ludicrous, than those we have just quoted. There does not live a more kind or considerate, a more discreet or less uncharitable, Princess, or one who has always been more sensitive in her perceptions of what best became her own character and dignity in her relation to others. We defy and human being to bring evidence of her having ever ex pressed herself in terms otherwise than most respectful and affectionate towards the niece of her deceased Sovereign at home or abroad— in London, at Bushy, at Lisbon, or at Malta. We pronounce the whole tale to be one wicked calumny, and challenge the morning Cabinet libeller to pro duce one atom of credible authority for his wretched servants'-hall tattle. At the same time we will take leave to say, that if Queen Adelaide had (though she did not) hinted a serious disapproval of the never-ending scenes of frivolous and dissipated idle ness, plays, operas, balls, dinners, crowds, without inter mission, into which those whose duty it was to have advised better habits have, until recently, from the very first hour of her reign, contrived to plunge their inno cent and unpractised Mistress, the Dowager Queen might have said no more than many parents would be ready to sanction, as springing from genuine, conscien tious, maternal anxiety for the safe progress of ill-guided youth, responsible for much, yet unprepared in all things. Again, the monstrous charge is brought against Queen Adelaide, that "she is bent on mischief ;" that, " she is delighted to act a part which she thinks may annoy her Royal Mistress ;" that " she makes a parade of her Tory predilections, and of her hatred of all who" support the Government of Queen Victoria ;" that " she seems anxious to show her Queen how much higher she stands with the Tories than her Mis tress ;" that " the Tories use her as an instrument for annoying the Queen," and that she will assuredly " reap nothing but mortification from the part she is now act ing." Indignation and contempt are words of strong meaning—disgust and abhorrence are stronger still ; but we will venture to affirm that a new phraseology must be discovered before one half the force of scorn ful execration which the above string of rascalities to wards an esteemed and well-beloved Princess—a moral, corning in contact with Magistracies and municipalities of known Liberal principles, and industriously ferreted out every Corporation Magistrate hostile to the present Government. The Tories make no secret of the ad vantdgv which ti:ey anticipate from her movement : and in Leicesteni4e ti:e gratulations of the party on ac count of her derif:ypsirations in their favour know no bounds. If the Queer' Dowager look fairly into her situation, she will profit by , the remarks which have been with reluctance drawn from us. The public can never behold with satisfaction conduct, on the part of tarry Member of the Royal Family, indicative of a wish to afford evidence of di st ,:aion. The Queen Dowager ought not to suffer herself to be ex hibited as the partizan of a faction h t ;,:3tile to the Government of her Sovereign. Let her i ne For suaded that in seeking to afford gratification to the Tories, by entering into their views, and seconding their plans, she is rousing a jealousy in the nation, which would willingly evince towards her the respect to which her situation entitles her. A Queen Dowager enlisted in hostility against the Queen's Government is a very unseemly spectacle. Alluding to the reference in the Chronicle of yesterday, to the subjects of Queen Ade laide's conversations abroad (the scene of which was erroneously made the Duke of Palmella's—it was a higher quarter, and onr mistake arose from men tion having been made of the Duke of Palmella as one of the parties present on the occasion), the Standard supposes that the Queen Dowager was merely repeating Tory conversation ; " for really her Majesty is charged with saying very little that did not pass in the mind of every reflecting person in the coun try at that time when the Queen was dragged from the atre to theatre, night after night, and every night in the week, for the purpose, as it is now fully well ascertained, of alienating 1;;.r from her earlier and more quiet friends. " and fastening t h e bed-chamber ladies' chains upon her. We should be sorry tt; think so ill of the people of this country as to believe that they entertained the feelings here attributed to them. VV:: en was it ever before made the subject of reproach to y t h that it should have a relish for the innocent enjoyment: of the thea tre ? But if the theatre be more than an innocent enjoyment—if some of the wisest and best men ',‘la t • ever lived have considered it a valuable school, in ,vhich the workings of the human he:rt may be advantageously studied—and in which the les sons of experience may bo anticipated—who, more than a Queen—who, from her elevation, excluded from the collisions that in ordinary life sharpen the faculties —may derive benefit from the mirror of life presented in the drama ? Did Queen Elizabeth derive only amusement from the searching glances afforded by Shakspeare into the recesses of the human heart ? A queen ought to be debarred from no innocent means of enjoyment, and more especially when these means are peculiarly adapted to contribute to the development of the mental faculties. If Queen Adelaide's views cor respond with the views expressed by the Standard, we can only observe that they say little for her liberality, and less for her judgment. We are conscious of no want of respect for Queen Adelaide, and we would once more entreat her to shun the counsels which would array her against the Queen of these realms. Loyalty is a duty from which no subject is exempted. (From the Morning Advertiser.) Little fastidious as the Tory press has ever been as to •the means by which its factious objects may be ac- complished, it has surpassed it self in the bad taste and indecency which have cnaracterised its commentaries on everything furnishing the shadow of a pretence for mak ing injurious observations against her Majesty—the Queen regnant. " Awed by no shame, by no respect controlled," that press shrinks not from the utterance of any slander, however atrocious, nor hesitates to promulgate against the Sovereign calumnies which, if published against the humblest person in the State, would entail no trifling legal penalty. Not content with assailing her Majesty's public conduct, they invade the Royal privacy, and not only disseminate the most malignant reports to the So vereign's prejudice, but endeavour to excite discord and animosity between her Majesty and those most closely connected, both by kindred and position, with the throne. First, it was fiendishly attempted to sever the natural bond of affection which unites the Queen with her Royal and Illustrious Mother ; now it is attempted to infuse the leprous distilment of hate and hostility between her Majesty and the Queen Dowager ; and even, while affecting to offer congratulations on the approaching nuptials, the Standard occultly insinuates its obloquy in such terms as the following—" It is, in deed, a promise of tranquillity and honour to the So vereign's future life, and of benefit to her people, that she will have near her one faithful friend above the temptation of official salary, or the lure that influences needy dependents, who will tell her the truth ; and, EVENING EIMTit ')N ------. m of the i mand the respectfully enthusiastic admiratu those at Court English people? There are, it al 'P ears, ~ .hVT the —though no loyal subject will inch s d e among patience 1 Sovereign herself—who can no more .' 4 ea r withi ; t o h bestows o r temper the praises which the publi:' voice upon the venerated Consort of our late i ' itme ritt li King, re lic , ction on than if they regarded those praises as a l ow a the re their own want of those qualities that can e , p a tion that s peet of a moral and enlightened nation — a . rrir erever respects private worth and domestic virtue 1 frc•in the they are found, and admires them mos t whet be l most elevated station they shed upon so ciet y t uWI3Y. an I t 111.• influence of their endearing example. With lespised. popular Court and an universally odi ous and c Ministry, the Queen Dowager Adela id e is indee a'held in small estimation—but with them and their "n -neetions alone. They would make her very virtu \C s ' " Sanctified and holy traitors to bar." Like the curious Athenian who could n ot bear to i 'gar Arise des called the Just, these maligna nt persons ;are e nragea at finding that the universal voice of the British nation aelu;.:,wledges the exemplary worth of the g ood Queen Adelaide. Nor is national testimony of resi ?ect to the Dowager Q u 'een unmixed with a grateful re :col lection of the truly i: - _, l ritish spirit, the clemency, and manly virtues of the kinu'-hearted William IV. L iong , may she live to receive th,ci spontaneous t ribute of a nation's veneration ; it is the honourable re ward and We wi i sh the accompaniment of a life of boneficence. no more bitter punishment to her mal i g nant pc T secut. ors than that they may live long also, to wituess aa to weep for her well-deserved popularity. RIOTS AT NEWPON Y• CHARTISTS PLANS FOR RISING AT BI MINGHAM AND THROUGHOUT THE KIN v° DOM. NEWPORT, WEDNESDAY, ELEVEN P.g• The evidence to-day pre.sents additional proofs col 1. firmatory of the view I have all along taketa of the d , ;- signs of the Chartists throughots't the kingdo ,-n. From Je evidence of Morgan James, and ti.'at of another wit ec ss, George Hodge, you will be able to collect the .ole scheme. Frost was to take Newport, and, ore his thr ow in;und„ L-Inhaniab Williams, 2,000 under Jones, up rockets, the other bodies of men in reset nve--ssoo° straggling hundreds in the nighbourbood who vere onlY waiting to recnive the arms to be taken from the so or were then to march on to Newport, pull down th e house, and blow up the bridge, so as to preve nt the mails from passinr. Some of the delegates at mingharn were to be on the look-out, and if the V Teic h and other mail did not arrive hi a n hour and a half after its tim e ' the Chartists were to oo,mmence an attack on that t evn i s The whole North was the n to rise, and, as the wit Mes the expresses it, " The Chute was to become law of the land before cisly-light." This cert aielY was a very grand scheme, and' was only deficient in the trifling circumstance of a want of probability of suc cess, a matter which appears newt ' r for a momen t . have entered into the calculations' of these infattagte° revolutionists. THE EXAMINATIONS. la ay. W ED NEsuAY, Nov. 20.—Magistrates nfesent--,,f- av per, r J. Coles, Chairman ; Thomas Hawkins, Escl.,_Dre' of Newport ; Octavius Morgan , Es q . ; Esq. ;G. Hall, Esq. ; and W. F other g ill, }'sq. •th Jenkin Morgan was placed at the bar, cha,-ged to hi g h treason and sedition. r Maria Harper, wife of Wil l iam Har p er, vesp er wenlly, examined by Mr , Phelps —l know the , P1;0. Jenkin Morgan ; he resides at Pillgwenlly, in rough of Newport. He is a milkman and cli ti :n ed i ir c e d by trade. He supplied me %I ith milk up to the Pe' ba when the riats happened at Der_izes. At that time t prisoner called at my house, and I' said, " I understand the Chartists have .leen beaten at D e l vizes, but they could not expect any ot,vier, for the pe o l? to be in of Devizes are a quiet people, and don't %visit terrupted." He said, " I see what vou are for- - Y ° l are for the locusts eating up the fat of the latid ;" a n % I said, " No, far from that." I said, My huaban u always voted for reform, but he never wouli contenanee rebellion. The prisoner raised his arm in a great pas' Mr. Morgs u sion, and said he should like to see ever y on. e who was not for the Charter mown down like the grass. 1 T told him perhaps he might be mown down before me, and de sired he would not bring any more milk to my house. The prisoner said he did not care for that ; at id I re plied, no, perhaps not ; and if he would wish to see me mown down like the grass, he might probably put some thing in the milk to do me an injury. Morgan James sworn—l am a la bourer at Pill en lly. I have joined the Chartists. I know Joh,l Frost t well, and Jones the watchmaker of Pont- y - p ool ; ileY addressed the meetings. They said they would bra." the Charter by moral force if they could ; and tho. / would have it by force, if they could not have it by moral force. I know Jenkin Morgan , the prisoner. L saw him on Sunday, the 3d. He called on me at about eleven o'clock at night. He told me late was a cap id over ten men ; he called it a sect ion ; be sai" I was his man, and must come aloetg with hi°. I said I had nothing to protect myself if I e u a in gli z e along with him. I had a pipe in my band he did not then say where we were going, and the prisoner said you must bring that Wi t ' ' ll were out of the house he said we were go 'hg but after we the other side of Newport-bridge. He first s aid be was going to take Parson Roberts and all his family town. I asked him what was that for, and he s t c 3 confine them in town in the clock-house, servants' en all, and then he said he had other orders from ters; the secretary ; he was ordered to take possession 01 Mr. Crossfield's, where there is a great deal of Vi le der. He said Frost and his men, thousands and Ow l ' sands, were coming down that morning. He said theY were coming to Stow-hill to attack the soldiers a t tile poor-house. He said the Charter would be had bef° l° to the daylight, for they should take the whole town and the whole kingdom. He said Frost and his mesa also w ere to attack the soldiers. He said he, the prisoner and hie men, were to take the powder warehouse, and keep it for the Chartists. He said Frost and his men w ore to come down at two o'clock on Monday mornbag, the 4th of November. I went with the prisoner to tle other side of the bridge, in a field between the Caerleon and Chepstow roads. When we got into the field, the captain (Jenkin) and his men, and I along with them, stood. We were there about twelve o'clock on Sunday night, I suppose. He said there would be an insurrection throughout Ireland, Scotland, and every where at the same moment, and the Charter would A.he the law of the land a fter that ni g ht, and ever y man ° had joined them, aid did not come, would be the first man killed by them. He said if I met any one on the road I was to say " beans," and if it were a fr iend the Chartists, he would say " well ;" of we met did not say " well," we were to do w hat we liked in that case, for he was no friend to °S. When and if the p erson the soldiers were attacked, their arms were toeb taken from, and if they would not give them up peace' ably, to kill them all. If they beat the so ldiersbe H e t old said they would rule in Newport themsel ves. me the aiznal Frost was to give when he came t° th Stow ; he wa,;: to throw rockets up and powder in th e ,. air ; then as soon as they saw that, the prisoner a nd 113 : men were to go on dtity, and not before. I think stayed in the field till about three ,o'clock, and the n a _ made my escape home. It rained v. , rY very dark. I was wet to my skin. Next mor e ning they called me out of my bed, and said tiler° eeirlght be sands and thousands of the colliers coming. ,g at about eight o'clock. I got up ; i t was a man w ° ' , T t•- ns „ the dock called me. I went straight on the fa _ road towards the Court-y-bells Machine, and the?"' for their saw hundreds and thousands running bard, vt lives. I did not hear the firing ; I saw 1 1):: Frost running away by the Machine' I saw__ Price at the meeting at Duke's Town. W°7_ I was in the field I heard them call the prisoner ear, tarn ; he did answer all along. Jenkin Morgan 1 1 °.; the captain. The prisoner that night had a pike i n A hand more than a foot in length, en a long s tick, lik,! A mop-stick. We were to stand in the field until we Da:: the signal from Frost. The prisoner said the Chartist' were to come, some by Stow way, and some by wa ter 100 way, and from Pont-y-pool and Caerleon ; a nd thei were all to be there at two o'clock in the morning. , Frances Gibbons sworn.—l am the Gibbons. I live at Pill. I heave known prisoner about two years . I remember his cooing to my house o n tl!! Wednesday before the • riots. He came about 51 , lack in o the evening, inquiring for another man saw th e ntisoner talking to a man ,Thom I do not knort. I heard him 1.`,"! wife of Tho Ma. 11 that man not to be alarmed be pre, called for. I heard Frost's name men tioned--the soner said he was gone up to the hills to f e t c h the CO'; liers out. The prisoner seertiCd to be great• lY he said he expected there would be bloodsht.sel„.,.„' da y gwenlly and Newport before Sunday night or .IN ° morning. Moses Scard, police officer, sworn—l know the n e ur t soner. He supplies us with milk. I saw the priso,o: shortly after Vincent was taken. I said to him don't hear much of the Chartists vow ; it is a ll over m with them." I said this to him understanding hi is be a Chartist. The prisoner re p lied " Oh, no, it not ; you will see one of these day s what the Chartists will do. Mr. Protheroc—l am a collier, living near Blacicwoole George Hodge was then called and examined I was at home on Sunday night. Several men eso e . to my house that night. They were armed. Ther. was a gun or two, and a pike or two. They told Ina , 1 must go with them to Blackwood to meet Mr. Frost the Coach and Horses. The Coach and Horses is kept by Richar d Pugh. I was compelled to go witt! them. At the Coach and Horses I saw Mr. Frost and another man with biro, who was a stranger to me- There were a considerable number of men present. Mr. Frost advanced up to the Blackwood about thir t y yards, and said he would scour the Blackwood first. In Mr. Gegc h—Gentlemen, I think I am justified Mr. Frost; unless it affects the prisoner, appe aling to yo u to sto p this ; for this is evidence c learly to affect it is against Mr. Frosty and he is net present. Me. PrOthetoe. — ^ - 1 propose to show that it does al.,e°t the prisoner. Mr. Greach—Then Mr. Protheroe should go to that. - - earnest, amiable, religious, generous, and charitable with the knowledge of character which a man must ac woman—will excite throughout the whole community quire, and which a husband will not fail to act upon, of honest Englishmen, before many hours have elapsed. must purify the private and social circle' of the Court." Shame! shame! Is it because Queen Adelaide has The implication here involved must bear its own corn lost a worthy husband, and has not the psis ilege of sur- mentary, for as it is impossible to denounce it in terms rounding herself with a set of despised profligates for commensurate with its infamy, we shall leave it Ministers, that these vile bullies flatter themselves she to its fate, amidst the execration of all who revolt is left without protectors? Is it because she will not against slander, to whatever party applied, and who herd with the dissolute and licentious that she must be will not fail to experience the utmost abhorrence against persecuted for associating with the good ? Is it because those who, to promote a most accursed scheme of policy, Radical Corporations, when she approaches their several hesitate not to malign in the most unmeasured phrase neighbourhoods, hang back from paying her the oh- the Sovereign against whom even Tory ingenuity can servance in most instances shown to persons of her discover no tangible grounds of accusation, save—to exalted rank, that she is to be abused for not de- them the inexcusable one—that of refusing to be governed by their anti-national and ty rann i ca l counc il s . manding their attentions ? Is it because the most g irreproachable and distinguished families in England Notwithstanding several indications of a doubtful elm press for the honour of receiving within their walls a ratter, we cannot imagine the Queen Dowage r so an lady who can enjoy and appreciate the unstained purity mindful of her own position and of the absurdity o f en . of their domestic circles, that she is to be vilified for deavouring to compete, at the head of a faction, as a maki n g " a parade" of her Tory predilections, as if she rival with the Queen, endeared to the nati on by so could pay no social visits but with factious views? Her many associations. However, in pursuing its lu cu bra. " refusal to visit the Duke of Devonshire" is construed Lions just alluded to, the Standard remarks—" Surely into a crime! Does this vulgar blockhead know any it is an ill compliment to the reigning Queen to presume thing about the matter ? May not Queen Adelaide's that the existence of a virtuous and amiable Queen other and prior engagements have left her without a Dowager is of necessity either injurious or offensive to possibility of visiting Chatsworth f May not sufficient her. At all events, it is somewhat unreasonable to ex and satisfactory reasons have been assigned by her Ma- pect that Queen Adelaide will die (to immure or banish jesty for foregoing the pleasure she had promised herself herself would do no good, as her experience at sea and in under the roof of a Nobleman whom, if we are not mis- Lisbon has shown to her Majesty) in order to accommo informed, Queen Adelaide respects and likes? That date her Royal niece—still less reasonable is it to ox her Majesty had an y ?olitical feeling of such a pect that the Queen Dowager will depart from those relinquish her virtuous habits, far dearer to one like her than life." nature as visit, would induce :;, Pr to ptterly groundless. The atrocious purpose of these remarks forms a most we believe to makes " a apposite corollary to those which precede them. A But it seems that the Queen Dov , Z 4C parade" of her popularity, for the annO., - _'' ace 7 ? f, husband is desirable, chiefly, as h ere i mp li e d, i n or d er that is from pure spite to, the less popular Queen ' , to purify the private and social circle of the C our t ;" toria ! This is the suggestion of an actual fiend, not a ,to it would be altogeth er unreasonable to expect partisan of the reigning Sovereign. Where can Queen that , ( 2ueen Adelaide will die—still less reasonable Adelaide's popularity lie hid ? Must she become a is it to exrtst that the Queen Dowager will depart prisoner in her own house, lest her niece, or rather—for from those virtuoL's habits far dearer to one like her that is the real truth—lest the Queen's Ministers be than life—in order to a.:commodate her Royal niece.' jealous of the irrepressible outburst of public favour Such is the language of the Slmidard, and, had we not whenever and wherever Queen Adelaide appears ? read it more than once, we could not have believed Does Queen Adelaide hire mobs to fling up their that any journal was so utterly lost to all sense of hats and hurra for her ? Does she solicit accla- decency as to make such assassin-like imutations mations ? When yeomanry escort her, while their against the character of any woman, still less agsinit Whig Colonel absents himself, is that a parade of that of a young, amiable, and virtuous Queen. Bat Toryism in this maligned and insulted Princess ? the Standard must pander to the slanderous pruriency The fact—and a fact disgraceful to the Govern- of the parsons, so pleasingly titilated by the effusions ment—is, th a t it moves their gall to see a lady whom of Bradshaw, Gregg, Roby, &c., and this only can they hate, receive spontaneous proofs of affection account for such gross and diabolical imputations. from the people, which, to speak frankly, are dis• Even the Courier, which might be excused for some played with less eagerness towards a younger lady, excess of ardour as a renegade, in an article ably de equally, we are sure, in her own person, deserving of all fending the Queen Dowager from the charges of which reverence and honour, but whose popularity has, it is we cannot believe her guilty, and denouncing the ut notorious, suffered from her having so pertinaciously t e rers of the inculpatory allegations, thus justly reproves leaned upon th e i r o di ous councils, and clung to their its less scrupulous colleagues ;—" Surely it is time that disreputable society. The offence of Queen Adelaide the voice of universal reprobation should brand these is the being popular, which she could never be without assassin-like assaults upon the honour and character of deserving it : that she makes a parade of that ,which the the highest personages of the realm, who possess those people of England take a pride in demonstrating, those sacred claims of sex , bes i des high station , which should who charge he r w ith it k now to b e untrue . Th whole entitle them not to party forbearance alone, but to the system of tirades against the Queen Dowager affords protection and devoted affection f es? Ltry loyal subject, but another proof that the Ministry, being on their last of whatever political colour." With less reserve, how legs, are desperate, reckless, and confounded. ever, our Contemporary attributes the " insidious at (From the Morning Ch ron icl e .) tempt" to " Ministerial authors ;" and while eul og i s i ng We again tell the Standard that it is with reluctance the Queen Dowager, seizes with avidity an opportunity we allude in any manner to th e Queen D owager . We of repressing any extravagant adulation towards the can assure our Contemporary, th a t so f a r from wishing to actual occupant of the Throne. It is needless to cavil with the Courierpoint ; b b r a u n t d w t h e e cordially n r wound the feelings of th a t ill us t r i ous l a dy, we have always eite rate its appeal to as. felt an anxious solicitude to obs e rve towards her the re spect to which, as the widow of our late Sovereign, she is ea- " attempts with universal r,:':-:obation." titled. If w.e had been desirous of animadverting on the (From the Morning conduct of the Queen Dowager, occasions have not been The Ministerial print whose vitu noticed yesterday, seeks wanting, more especially during her absence from Eng. Queen Dowager we p issstion of the land ; but we felt for her bereavement, and we made its malevolence on the groundground that her Majesty, allowance for the influence of indisposition on the at Lisbon, dd in sundry conver speakG Great temper, and imposed on ourselves the restraint which ingly of her Majesty's niece, the Queen of t r o e we have till now observed. We had other motives, tain. This is merely a trumped-up story, too, for the exercise of forbearance. We saw that the less odious theand Tories attacks on one whose d incredible. between anxious to sow the seeds of dissension amiable character makes the story utterly between the Queen Dowager and her Majesty,by fwretched shift bolster up malig iscreetmake a - It is a fecting on all publi c occasions the most extravagant en- nity. Let us hear what evidence the Ministerial print thusiasm for th e former, whilst towards the latter they has to support its statements about the conversation of manifested at times indifference but oftener t disrespect. the_ Queen Dowager at ....Ir.hisbonu.bii,,Her Majesty's con- We saw that it was the aim of , the Tori f e r s om o th c e on p n a z s t j d u u d e o t i , n sooffairt,ashathsebeßenritisevor has any means of the Queen Dowager with their objects what the conduct of a they took in proclaiming that their honours were lad of the hi h es t rank and m ost exem p l a r y feeling not gratuitou s , as t h ey were deeply indebted oug y ht to be. hest British people will, therefore, treat to her zeal in th e i r behalf, We were un- this impudent tale about conver s a tion s at Lisbon with willing, th ere f ore, to f urt h er the ob j ects of the Tories, the contempt which malicious falsehood deserves. by assuming, so l ong as room was l e f t f or doubt, that (From the [horning Herald.) the Que en Dowag er was more than passive in the hos- If the Bedchamber Ministers think they will tilities which were waged through her against her strengthen their position, or improve their prospects, by Royal mistress. But when we saw that Queen Ade- giving instructions to their retainers of the Press to vilify laide see me d anxious to deprive us of the power of put- and persecute the Royal Widow of William IV., they ting a favourable construction on her conduct, by giv- only add another to the many great mistakes which they ing countenance to the Tory assertions, and suffering have already made. The exhibition of such petty spite, herself to be paraded through the country as the parti- of such unmanly malice, will sink them lower than ever san of a faction, allowing her visits and her audiences (though that_ is w th yd e lowestifficult de)inep a lowerpublic e d sti e m ep ation. to be governed excl us i ve l y b y po li t i cs, we f e l t ourse l ves , however reluctantly, bound to remain silent no longer. Still threatens." Into the private partialities of the Queen Dowager we The malignant and vindictive attacks just now di should never have thought of entering. Whether she rected against Queen Dowager Adelaide by the Morning refused to accept th e i nv i tat i on o f t h e D u k e o f Devon- organ of the Minist r y, are qu i te wort h y o f a Court that shire, or gave a preference to the mansion of some poisoned the mind of our young and inexperienced other nobleman, was a matter which we should no more Sovereign against one of the most amiable of her sex, have thought of canvass i ng t h an t h e arrang ements and persecuted the virtuous Lady Flora Hastings to for the management of her own establishment, death. Do the same kind " friends of the Queen" But the Queen Dowager has done more than in- suppose they will remove the weight of public odium dulge in private p ar ti a li t i es . She h as hoisted the flag of which has justly fallen upon them by traducing an il- Toryism, cper.ed Iler doors to deputationt , troin Orange pie to her sex of all lustrion.; lade, who is an ernaarient to that rank in me n and Tories, and closed them to deputations from which she moves, and a noble exam Reformers. She has gone out of her way to avoid I the virtues that grace the female character, and com.