The Sun. — London, England, 1845-06-20 00:00:00

the New Zealand Company was not to lead Sir G. Gipps to believe tha eninquiry would not take place, but that a Corn-. .neissioner of probity and impartiality would be appointed. The letters which he had quoted sufficiently proved the spirit whieh actuated the Noble Lord in concluding that treaty. In July the Noble Lord acknowledged the treaty of Wet tonga ; and could it be assumed that the Noble Lord would, in November, act directly the reverse of what he had done in July ? The natives said they understood the treaty, for they said, " The shadow of the land goes to Queen Victoria, but the substance remains with us." This was the language of the chiefs. Captain Hobson wrote to Sir George Gipps in 1840 that a conspiracy was set on foot by low abandoned Europeans who attempted to instigate the natives into tumult, by saying that as soon as the English were strong enough they would seize upon all their land and sell it. The 11th clause showed that the Company had offered to forego every claim to land except that which the Crown conferred upon them. On the 2d of December, 1840, the Colonial-office claimed all land in New Zealand which the chiefs granted, and Lord John Russell then said he was not aware of any other possessors of land in New Zealand, but if there were they should be legitimately dealt with. The New Zealand Company, in their report of the ;same year to their shareholders, said they were on the same footing as any other private individual: This was a mere mockery, for all other persons were limited in the maximum of acres, but the New Zealand C ernpany were unlimited because they were an instrument in the hands of the Government. ( Hear, hear.) About that time the Noble Lord appointed a special commissioner of great talent and probity. The Hon. Member for Cockerrnouth said this Commissioner was not particularly friendly to the New Zealand Company. The instructions to the Commissioner were given verbally. The Commissioner was Mr. Spain, and he under stood the treaty as Lord Stanley understood it. Col. Wakefield, whom the natives called " Wide-awake," vial also employed ; and he, on the 24th of August, 1841, wrote thus respecting the treaty, that a commission was to be ap pointed to inquire into the purchases made of the natives, and if the purchases of the Company were not valid, full com pensation was .to be made to the natives by the New Zealand Company.—( Hear, hear.) Soon after Col. Wakefield w rite home that he was proceeding with the investigation ; that some parties required compensation, and that the New Zealand Com pany Company recogni se d th e i r r i g h t o f compensat i on. T hey had been told that since Lord John Russell had left office " liberality had changed into pertinacity ;" but on the 10th of June the New Zealand Company thanked Lord Stanley for his " liberality." Anybody who read Mr. Spain's report would know why a change in the proceedings took place, and why Col. Wakefield withdrew fro.n the investigation. In October, '842, the New Zealand Company took for the first time the instruction which they said was the Noble Lord's instruction, and which they wished it to appear they had held all along. The conduct of Lord Stanley with respect to the new demands of the Company, at the close of 1842, was statesmanlike andleon sistent in the highest degree. Yet the words " cold blooded " and " cruel " were applied to bo h him and Lord John Russell, in the documents of the New Zealand Compaay. Lord Stanley acted with great fairness towards the Company with respect to those demands, as he stated in his comnauuications with them, that he would guarantee them a conditional title to the lands which they stated they l then possessed, but that he should also afford the natives a similar power with respect to their lands. Conduct like this did not deserve to be characterised as that of a petti fogging attorney. Then the charge that he had violated his oath as a Minister of the Crown was as untrue, and therefore as little entitled to foundation as other charges which had been brought against him, respecting ' his conduct towards the New Zealand Company. They could not make such an im putation for the Noble Lord's instructions were not carried out in the colony as he desired them to be. The:agreement bearing date the 18th of November, 1840, way perfectly understood by Colonel Wakefield, and a proof of this was to be found in its being acted upon in the knowing spring. Ultimately, when the British settlers complained, Lord Stanley gave the Company a prima facie title to the land. He, therefore, called upon the House to negative the resolutions of the Hon. Member for Liskeard ( Mr. C. Buller), believing that no sat:sfactory con clusion could be arrived at in a Committee of the House, and that the subject could be better dealt with by the Executive. Mr. MANGLES proposed first to enter into the conduct of the Church Missionary Society in New Zealand, and secondly into that of the Company. For 30 years, that Society had been engaged in carrying good tidings to the aborigines of New Zealand and their exertions had met with great success. In referring to their conduct, however, he should not treat their errors he a hostile or scoffing spirit. He should discuss this subject in a candid spirit. There could be no question about the first steps of the Church Missionary Society. The devoted men who went out there approached the shores of the land inhabited by that blood-thirsty people, and their first successes had been obtained in consequence of the very devotedness which they had exhibited. The reports from a few visitors to these islands had shown that they were fertile in the extreme, and it was at that precise period the attention of the Church Missionary was directed to them. It was no discredit to the Church Missionary Society to say that they were in no condition to take an en larged view of the future measures. They were opposed to colonisation, and objected to every imposition of the Sove reignty of this country. They maintained that, if converted to Christianity and civilised, they were perfectly competent to govern themselves, and that no assistance could be of the slightest service to them. He was led to believe that this was the feeling of the Church Missionary Society rather than. the facts of the case. After many wanderings they had at last found a settlement on the coasts of New Zew Zealand But they had not been able to exclude those lawless charac ters by which the country was infested. The runaway can victs and the sailors had brought to that country one of the most dreadful and fatal maladies with which Europe was visited. These and other causes had combined to prevent that influence which should have stopped the warlike propensities of the natives. Many desperate conflicts had :occurred in the islands, and some of the tribes had, in fact, been driven to the southward. All his arguments went to show that these wars did not arise in consequence of residence, but in spite of them. He had his information from a son of Captain Price, who was on duty at the islands at the time. One day, whilst in charge of the boats on the coast, he saw a chief parading the beach in a state of great agitation, in consequence of a woman attached to his household who had gone on board of one of the ships with out his permission. Na sooner did the unfortunate woman step ashore than she was struck down senseless, without speak - ing a word, by the remorseless chief, who, without saying a word, ripped up her bosom, tore out her heart, and crunching it between Isis teeth, cast it on the ground. Another instance had been narrated, where, in consequence of resentment ex cited against the steward of a ship at the island, which resulted in the massacre of the whole crew, and the bodies of the unfor tunate men were absolutely cooked in own ships'-coppers. It appeared before the Committee of 1838 that the lawless characters who came to the islands were every week increasing, and the consequence was that the moral state of the country was such as the Church Missionary Society could no longer contend with. In this state of things Mr. Dandison Coates had devised a plan for the restoration of order and right feeling in the colony. He had first planned that there should be a diplomatic agent constantly resident in New Zealand, that. there should be courts of justice presided over by the New Zealand Chiefs, but that the administration of the law should be ultimately vested in Europeans. Mr. Coates bad not pro vided for the expense of these establishments, because he con ceived that where there were so many British subjects resi dent it was the duty of the Government to make that provi sion. He (Mr. Mangles) did not mention this otherwise than to show what wild schemes people were obliged, to resort t o , t o meet the case. inc Church Missionary Society were ready to encounter any difficulty to accomplish their object, but they were too sanguine, and he did not wish to throw any disparagement on the missionaries ; but he knew what the c inverts were, and when exposed to intercourse with Englishmen of ordinary religion and virtue—to say nothing of what the consequences would he from association with the wilful and depraved. They were not a t all likely to be such Christians as Martin Luther. Many of the new converts had been ac tively engaged in the disturbances in the north of the island. The man who had cut down the flagstaff when Captain Wake field was destroyed was a Christian, as were also many others whose names had been mentioned in the late transactions. Hon. Members must be aware that many of these converts were men of very questionable chaehhter, and in- the disturbances in the north of the island they had particularly distinguished themselves by their lawless and dishonest proceedings. All the evidence which had been selduced before them—the evidence of most respectable men, who were, from their knowledge of the country, well able to form an opinion, all led to the same thing. The President of the Church of Scotland, among others, spoke in the most contemptuous manner of the tricks which had been used to cheat the people of England into the idea that the New Zealanders we-e able to govern themselves. Mr. Busby, the mission** put a number of flew worth into the mouths of the islanders, with this very view ; sat words as " confederation," " poverty," " legislation," and so on, words which their very habits of pronunciation *aid not have per mitted them to master. He did hope that Government would put a stop to this state of things, for in fact it was well known that up to this day the Government of Mew Zealand, under whatever name, was a Government unconditionally and help lessly tinder the power of the missionaries, and it was a well known fact, that nothing could be done respecting New Zealand, but some persons would be found run ning from the Church Missionary Society's offices in Salisbury -square to the Colonial-office.—( Laughter. ) The miseries of that island may be ascribed to that mismanage ment. The influence exerted there has set man against man, and taught the white to regard the red as his enemy ; and again he implored the Right Hon. Baronet to take measures to settle these unhappy quarrels, and to restore that unfortu • nate country. More cruelties had been exercised towards the natives of New Zealand, by her Majesty's Government, than had ever before been thrown upon that unfortunate race; whereas, had they adopted a proper and decisive policy, the colony might have been fairly managed, and governed by a handful of clever Europeans. Government should have adopted the same decisive policy that Sir Charles Met calfe • had done in Canada, and we should never have heard of the horrible massacres which had occurred in New Zealand. When a nominally independent native chief hired an assassin to butcher Mr. Frazer, Sir Chas. Metcalfe had both the assassin and the chief brought to triel, and on their conviction he had them both hanged. One such decisive step as this would have averted all the troubles which had•lately fallen on the unfortunate colony of New Zealand. But no such policy as this was pursued by Governor Fitzroy, although he had been frequently advised to do so by members of thetegislative Assembly of the colony ; and hence much of the misery and suffering which had fallen upon the settlerelay at the door of Government, and was not to be attributed to the course pursued by the New Zealand Com pany, He begged it to be understood as attributing no blame to the Church Missionary Society as a body, except that thee had not " su ffi c i ent control over their agents in New Zealand, nor did he believe that any person in this country connected t, with the Church Missionary Society had been actuated by the 'mated selfish interest. He would admit, too, that they were fully entitled to purchase land from the natwes, but he blamed them for the excessive PirchaseNseteieharanmaad, because they were only authorised by the Company to take a certain quantity, and further than that, they his hearty concurrence not to have gone. He sat down with declaring in the motion of the Hon. Member for Liskeard. Ur. COL QUHOUN t q h u a it . e agreed with the Hon. GentlernaE ' who. had just: sat down, yolitica t l it was not the place of a missionary to interfere in the ovenrnent of a colony, and he thought the Government of New Zealand ought to be conducted like the Government of this country , upon a system of vigorous administration, irrespectiv e o aof proprietors, on on company the other . - the one side, or a religious body n this subject, He had carefully perused all the documents (Hear, hear.) and had come to the conclusion that the Government of the r t i:nd the colony was not in a satisfactory state. Secretary to the Treasury had most ably discuss,etY tion, and so far as the Hon. Gentleman's argument went e ir was s perfectly demonstrated. The Hon. Gentleman had clearly proved that the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London had put the same construction on the agreement with T - s - Fllthe New Zealand Company, as that placed upon it by th e r , 7 * - A ' °Lae Lord the present Secretary for the Colonies ; and in .— ad of bringing forward motions casting reflections upon the ' e Lord, it would have been much bet ter to have bro ught period in the i et a nd ,some proposition for modifying and improving th e gift went of the colony. There never was ap - Calanial Government of this country, in whic h the r i g h ts and trig:Pity of the Government were so well maintained, as under Lord Stanley. The Noble Lord had the quickest eye - ~,iii the world to discover a grievance, the most sagacious promp - "Aittide to devise a remedy.—( Hear, bear, and laughter.) He thought that an adapiaPon of the system by which we had so long Radio happily governed India mi g ht be well applied to our other colonies.—( Hear, hear.) He thought it was impos sible, without throwing blame upon any I yto refuse inquiry into the condition of those persons who had embarked a large capital, perhaps for personal purposes, but certainly with an ultimate view to the greatness of the country. He would not go into a detail of the disturbances which had taken place, or of those which were apprehended, but he would say that it was incumbent upon the Govern ment to take steps for reconciling all conflicting interests, and for placing the colony upon a sound and secure foundation. A comparison of the system of colonisation pursued by other na tions was in favour of the English system. What was the re sult of the French system in Algeria but to provoke the hatred of the natives? So much so as to render it unsafe fur a French man to walk a mile from the capital of the province without a safeguard.—( Hear, hear.) He could not vote with his Hon. and Learned Friend on this occasion —( Hear, hear)—but he would call upon her Majesty's Government to state, not that they world condemn the past, but that they would modify and improve the future. Mr. SHEIL said that, although the papers were exceedingly voleminous as to the controversy which had arisen between the Noble Lord to whom the Government had entrusted the con trol of our colonial empire, it was evident that there were some errors. In nine months after the treaty of Watonga there was an arrangement entered into which had never been fulfilled. A question hid been raised as to the meaning of the treaty of Watonga, but no question had been raised with respect to the treaty that was entered into between the Government and the New Zealand Company in 1810. There could be no contro versy on the mater. He did not believe, nor did he know, whether the Hon. Gentleman opposite suggested that any con troversy could be raised ; perhaps he alluded to the fact of Lord Stanley's having signified some doubt as to the mean ing of that agreement. But this he knew that in 1844 Mr. Sumes, one of the most important members of the New Zealand Company, called upon his Noble Friend to give an explanation of that agreement, and his Noble Friend the Member for London adopted the explanation which had been given by the Company, and he was not aware that Lord Stanley ever intimated that a different explanation could be given. Plain sense and plain justice put to common sense this question—Had that agreement ever been fulfilled? Had the contract ever been executed ? The Company laid out the sum of 10.1,0001. They laid the foundation of a great colony. 'they spent vast sums in the construction of public works. And what had they received in return? The question de pended on a few facts. It was a great and prominent fact that stood in high relief in this case, that an agreement was carried, and an outlay was made by the New Zealand Company, and nothing was received in return. That outlay was certain, it was acknowledged by the Govern ment, and nothing was given in return.—( Hear, hear.) That was a great fact, which no earthly intrepidity of asseveratioe could controvert, which no sophistry could get over. His Noble Friend sent instructions to the Govern ment of New Zealand to carry that agreement into effect. He could not conceive a circumstance stronger than that which he had mentioned—an original agreement, deliberately made after the treaty of Watonga, not ratified by the Govern ment. His Noble Friend w en t o ut of offi c e, and Lord Stanley came in, and, to his ( Mr. Shed's) great surprise, the Noble Lord came at once into conflict with the New Zealand Com pany. They called upon him to fulfil the contract—they en treated him—they expostulated—they remonstrated in vain. At the time of the unhappy altercation that arose between the Government and the Company, his Hon. Friend the Member for Cockermouth, finding that all chance of justice at the Co lonial-office was at an and, applied to the House of Commons. Now, let the House of Commons and the country mark what had taken place. The Committee which his Hon. Friend moved for was not resisted ; they (the Government) invited him to it. The Government formed the Committee. That had been often mentioned, but the fact was so important when compared with the result, that reiteration was not in appropriate. How was the Committee constituted? Tne Government appointed five Whigs, and ten—what should he say ?—( Laughter.) Ten of their habitual supporters. That was the constitution of the Committee—five Whigs and ten Conservatives. And among these Conservatives was placed the Hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary of the Colonies. Among them was placed a Gentleman whom he saw opposite, not then, he believed, the Secretary of the Treasury, but who had proved in the House, not nut of the House, his qualifica tion. Another Member was Lord Jocelyn, since made the Secretary of the Board of Control, and another was Lord Francis Egerton. He thought that it would be admitted that a Committee more favourable to Lord Stanley could hardly be found. The Committee met, the case was throughly in vestigated, all the documents were laid before them, all the instructions respecting the treaty of Watonga, the different agreements, and the whole mass of papers, swollen to a mighty ponderance, under which the tables of the House sighed. They examined their papers, which showed the nature of their property and vast tracts of milliorg of acres, on which a human foot had never left a vestige. 'waiter a most laborious inquiry—and surely he was justified in saying a most impartial investigation—to what conclusion did they arrive—with a large majority ? To the conclusion to which his Hon. Friend invited the House to come. They reported against the Government.—( hear. ) That was another thing on which the merits of the case depended, and on which he would de pend. The Committee appointed by the Government, with a majority of ten, found a series of resolutions inculpating the Colonial-office. That was a fact. But there was more to be presented to the attention of the House and the country, whose opinion on this subject was of more importance than any de cision to which the House might arrive. Lord Stanley, in his commentaries on the report, said that the Committee was not unanimous. He said that the resolutions were carried by nar row majorities. When he ( Mr. Sheil) saw the statement made by Lord Stanley, he analysed the majority and minority, and looked to the division of the Committee which took place. Now, he found that in the resolutions most strongly condemn ing Lord Stanley, and the whole of the policy upon which the affairs of New Zealand were conducted, he found that, in what he called a narrow majority, there voted against him his Hon. Friend the Member for Pontefract, an habitual supporter, an useful—and not only an useful, but an ornamental—supporter of the Government. He found that an honourable and most accomplished Gentleman, elected by the Government to move an address at the commencement of the session—he meant Mr. Charteris—he found that he also voted against Lord Stanley. He found that Lord Jocelyn, an Irishman, who, he was sure, on this investigation, might have remembered that Lord Stanley was once the Secretary for Ireland—( Laughter)— he found that he, whom they had elected as the Secretary of the Board of Control, voted against Lord Stanley. But though last in enumeration, yet the first in account, he found that Lord F. Egerton, a man of great rank, of the highest position in this country, of great talent, and of inestimable worth—a man, of whose services the country had been de prived by causes which all of them had concurred in lamenting, he found that he voted against Lord Stanley. Nay more, he was not content with voting against him—he found that he was the very man who moved as an amendment clauses strongly condemnatory of Lord Stanley. If the House was not aware of it, let them mark the words in page 20. What words could be more significant ? An amendment was proposed by Lord Francis Egerton, that these words be added—" That the government of Lord Stanley was productive of very inju rious consequences." That was the whole case. The entire of the resolution's of his Honourable Friend might have been com prised in those expressions, and that resolution thus denunci atory of the Government, moved by way of an amendment. So strong was the conviction of the Noble and virtuous Lord of the justice of the treaty, that not satisfied with the justice of the re solutions moved by the friends of the Company, he moved the amendment to which he had just called their attention. He said he would rely on facts, and he would ask them when they should do him the honour to advert to his observations, not to answer him (Mr. Sheil) but Lord F. Egerton, when they would defend Lord Stanley. After the Committee had reported what took place, one would imagine that. when Lord Stanley had read the report of the Committee he would have retraced his steps—he would have acknowledged his mistakes—his policy would have been altered, or, at all events, that he would have entered into some sort of amicable com munication with the Company. What course did he take ? He wrote a dispatch, and he seemed to have thought that as the case was against Lord Stanley, he ought to make a cross case of Lord Stanley against the New Zealand Company. His dispatch contained a series of animadversions on the Company. A report was drawn up, in which it was stated as colonial law, adverting to a principle laid down by Sir George Gipps, a familiar principle, namely, that barbarous tribes had no vested property in any land. Lord Stanley's course wag to dispute the premises and expatiate on the merits of the New Zealand Company. Let hirie call the attention of the House to the state ment in seriousness made by his Hon. Friend ( Mr. C. Buller) in his masterly speech—( Hear, hear)—that the most powerful chief in New Zealand founded his title on the ground that he had put all the former inhabitants to death.— ( Hear, hear.) The report had no effect on Lord Stanley, but a great effect on the public mind. When it was found that no grant was to be made to the Company-- that the Government would not act according to the decision of the Committee of their own nomination, the merchants and great capitalists of London assembled together, and presented petitions, to which he begged to call the attention of the Government, and to the most able exposition of the facts by his Hon. Friend the Member for Sunderland last night, who, with his usual comprehensiveness and wisdom, pointed out the faults that were committed. He (Mr. Shell) did not pretend to say that nothing had been said comparable with the matter which was set forth in the petition of the enerehants and ' traders of the City of London. That petition was presented on, he thought, the 18th of March, 1845. He had seen the First Lord of the Treasury armed with petitions from the mer chants—he had seen bim stand up in the House of Commons, and, with the emphasis peculiar to himself, expatiate upon the importance of the support derived from that great body, and, if these were his remarks, surely it would be felt that the petition which he was now about to advance, net only con demnatory but denunciatory of their conduct, was deserving, if not of the attention of the Government, at all events of the attention of the public. The petition stated that the differences and disputes in the colonies had pro duced dissatisfaction and complaint, which brought the new formed settlement, and the Company almost to the verge of de struction. The petitioners, in common with the whole commu. nity, begged for a Select Committee to inquire into the state of New Zealand, and the proceedings of the New Zealand Com pany, and stated that, as it appeared from the report that the New Zealand Company had been exposed to hardships and ill treatment, the result of the policy of the Colonial-office, they called for prompt interference and redress. By whom was that petition presenter ? Not by a Whig—not by an antagonist of the Colonial-office —not by a factious partisan ; it was presented by John Masterman.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") This petition was signed by two of the Hon. Members for London, the one a Whig and the other a Tory, and yet it was quite apparent that that petition expressed the sentiments of his Noble Friend near him. Let him ask Hon. Members of the Government opposite had they read the names of those who had signed that petition ?—( Hear. ) He found attached to it the names of merchants of the first city in the empire ; men of unexampled opulence, and those whose signatures stood first in the ranks of the commercial men of this, the great metropolis of the commercial world.—( Hear, hear.) What would be the answer of the Govern ment to this petition, or rather what had been the answer ?—(Hear. ) Had it not been in effect to blight the prospects of the British empire in that region, and to place the property of the emigrants in that country under a perpetual cloud.--( Hear, hear.) The colony had been said to have been made bankrupt, the progress of trade and agriculture stopped, the plough had been arrested in its operation through the field and the axe in the wood, and the emigrant had, in fact, become an exile, and, in the reeklesss spirit of ferocity to which in justice had driven him, blood had been profusely shed.— ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland had said that the blood of Englishmen was crying aloud for satisfaction for what they had suffered since their emigration to that country, for that a feeling of just indignation had been b‘ e a n px g p.nr e o n sv ii te e t r eo ed nfdedt a h t the .a_t(syHsete d a i me s , as oh te fe r a s peo.r b )i y cyL w e h t i , ch the th n e , ir the em se ig w r h a o tio d n id had t abandon th e i r splenetic authoritativenes being s anndy factious longer isop h pursued, isti cation, and vote ins favou r of the motion of his Hon. F r i en d. Sir JAMES GRAHAM saidthat, after the observations that had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, as well as those of the Hon. Member who had in troduced the subject, he had risen merely for the purpose of expressing his entire concurrence in many of the observations sidesthat h o a f d th f e alle H n otu fr e. om_r Hoenar. hear.) on the subject, at both He tt would assure Hon. subject to under feoirslhe felt value Members the o v p e p r o y s i gr t e e t a h t a i t m h p e o was g ne fa e r ofrflmthisa deeply impressed with the immeasurable value j tra t t of New Zealand were of to this country, knowing, as he drd ds , the naval supremacy of this country, and the advantages the har hours of New Zealand afforded to that navy, as well as to British commerce ; and he could also appre,la e die value of the geographical position of those islands, which, be was aware, ormed the key to the traffic between this country and the - China Seas, all which he was willing to admit were matters of great moment to the commercial inte rests of this great commercial empire.—( Hear, hear.) He was also bound to state that an additional reason he had for concurring in the observations of his Hon. Friend opposite was, that he was sensitively alive to the fact, that the increas ing population of this country required a well-regulated sys tem of colonisation.—( Hear, hear.) Having prefaced this question with those observations, he now begged to assure the House that he did not intend Lc, follow the Hon. Member op posite (Mr. Buller) in all the details which he had laid before the House, but he feared he should be compelled to detain the House while he entered into a few of them. He was ready to admit, distinctly, that much of what had been stated last night, in reference to the affairs of this island, were traceable to the two causes mentioned—namely, the mode of emigration and the absence from the island of those who could have exercised an efficient and effectual control.—( Hear, hear.) He had no wish to weary the House by entering into a statement of the manner in which this colony had been governed under former Administrations, he would rather now pass over that, and come at once to the history of the transactions connected with the mode of carrying out the treaty of Watonga. The Hon. Baronet then read a passage from the treaty, by which it ap peared that certain rights and privileges were to be pre served to the natives and the emigrants respectively. He might be permitted to state that it appeared to him that the principal difficulty which his Noble Friend at the head of the Colonies had had to encounter, since he became the servant of the Crown hail been the task of reconciling the treaty of Watonga, which he would assume as binding, with the charter granted to the New Zealand Company, also given by the advice of the Noble Lord. The difficulty of reconciling these two engagements was stated, he thought, very forcibly, and, as he thought, very fairly, in a paper which had been presented to the House, containing a discussion which had lately arisen between the Government and the New Zealand Company. The New Zealand Company said—" It is impossible to reconcile the missionary system with colonization. The object of the missionaries has been to prevent colonisation, and to preserve the nationality of New Zealand." The House knew the opinion pronounced by the New Zealand Company, with re ference to the two documents—the treaty of Watonga, which proceeded on missionary principles, and the agreement with the New Zealand Company which was founded on the past system, namely, the system of colonisation, as contradistinguished from the missionary system. That was upon two antagonist docu ments. He entirely concurred with the view of the New Zea land Company with referenee—to- the two engagements. The Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had contended that, consistently with the engagement into which the Crown had entered with the New Zealand Company, it was not just to call on that Company to prove their titles to land, to which they were legitimately entitled, before a court of appeal, exercising judicial authority in New Zealand. He ( Sir J. Graham) must say that the view taken by the Right Hon. Gentleman in that particular was entirely at variance with the recorded opinion of both contracting parties. The Right Honourable Gentle man then read some very lengthy extracts from the correspondence which has taken place between the New Zealand Company and the Government, and also with the New Zealand Company's agent at New Zealand. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that a misunderstanding com menced immediately upon Lord Stanley's taking office. Now the fact was that no such misunderstanding arose until 1812. He (Sir J. Graham) was sorry that when his Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Treasury addressed the House so few Mem bers were present.—(Hear, hear.) But those who had the advantage of hearing him would concur with him (Sir James Graham) that his Hon. Friend had used arguments respecting the treaty of Watonga,"which were irresistible, and which he (Sir J. Graham) would not weaken by repeating. Up to the year 1812 no differences had arisen with respect to the nature of the contract between the Company and the Crown, namely, that they should prove their title before Commissioners of Inquiry exercising judicial functions. In 1842 disputes arose of a serious aspect, and it was the desire of his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies. if possible, to devise the means of adjustment upon the disputed points. He first indicated the mode of adjustment as early as January, 1843. The instructions to Captain Fitzroy were given under a con tract with the Company, that he should be allowed to act independent of that corporation. He did not wish to enter fully into the whole conduct of the Governor there appointed, nor all the subjects of disagreement between him and the Company ; suffice it to say, that his recal was founded on allegations—subsequently proved to be correct—that he had disobeyed the instructions furnished him. There had been a condition always recognised by the Company, forming part of the original engagement of 1840, and subsequently con. firmed by the Colonial Secretary who succeeded the Noble Lord the Member for London, that the selection of land should be made within certain specified limits ; and that the Government should receive from time to time full and effi cient information of the land divided there. But since Captain Fitzroy had arrived no selection had been made by their agent, and consequently no report had been re eeived by the 'Government at home. The Hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyne had said that great allowances were to be made for Captain Fitzroy's errors, in consideration of the difficulties which he had uninterruptedly encountered. In that sentiment he heartily concurred.—( Hear.) It was true that several acts of disobedience had detracted from his merit. The issue of the inconvertible paper, and the subject of embroiling the settlers with natives on whom dependence could be placed, had unqustionably decreased the confidence of the Government in their officer, And, while the remission of all duties of custom was equally indefensibble ; at the same time it would be remembered that the dffiiculty of levying customs, extending over three thousand miles was a duty extremely difficult to be performed—Hear, hear) — but their being remitted, without any appeal or remonstrance to the Home Government, was highly injudicious. The Hon. Members for Lambeth (Mr. Hawes) and for Liskeard (Mr. Buller) had made severe comments on the course pur sued by the Colonial Department, and had suggested the pro priety of entrusting the entire management of their affairs to the natives. Mr. BULLER dissented. What he had said was, that local self-government might be successfully attempted. Sir J. GRAHAM—The Government had been charged, also, with attending to home interests and home influences alone. He would not combat that proposition, bat would ob serve that if the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) at the head of her Majesty's Government, casting aside the interests of 100,000 New Zealanders, at the Antipodes, had yielded to considerations of home interests and influences, he would have experienced much more ease, and much less opposition from Members on either side of the House.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member for Liskeard (Mr. Buller) had quoted the advice of the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston) that they should no more suffer the nonsense of the colonial office. Now, without offence to the propounder of that suggestion, he would say that, considering that the Noble Lord the Member for London (Lord John Russell) was then at the head of that department ; and, remembering the character of the then Under-Secretary, nonsense was not likely to emanate from that office.--( Cheers.) However, it was not to the past that he would refer; that was infinitely of less importance than the future.—( Loud cheers.) It was impossible to hear the speech of the Hon. Member for Coventry (Mr. Ellice) and not see that the manly and vigorous sense of that speech—(Cheers)— demanded an explicit reply from the Government.—(Cheers. ) He for one would Inswer as candidly as was consistent with his duty. The first question propounded b / the Hon. Member was, what was the construction put by the Government on the treaty of Watonga ? His answer was that her Majesty was enti. tied to the entire sovereignty of that island, subject of course to certain contingencies and engagements—the prime engagement being that the natives should be protected in. the possession of land and property ; and the right of land being vested in the Crown, that they should enjoy all the rights and privileges of British settlers. Such engagem mts should be religiously observed.—( Hear, hear.) That brought him to a consideration of a point of some importance. The words of the treaty were " in possession of the natives," in the letters patent granted at the incorporation of the Company, there was a marked difference, the expression then used was "lands occupied or enjoyed," the concurrence of both words " occupied " and " enjoyed " implied that some difference was intended between them. By an Act of the local Government, the sale of occupied lands (by the natives) was prohibited, yet pre-emption on the part of the Crown must have been contem plated. They could sell something to the Crown, therefore it must imply unoccupied land ; if so, it plainly recognised the right of the native to sell such unoccupied land. The Government. had been asked what they intended to do with respect to the land. The Government intended to do that which Captain Fitzroy bad been instructed to do, but which he had omitted to perform. It was proposed, within a limited time, to call upon all the natives and settlers to come forward, in order to prove their titles to the land and register their names, and all parties failing at the expiration of the time to register their names, the right of sovereignty being secured under the treaty of Watonga, the unclaimed lands would, of nest, be vested in the Crown. In strict conformity with the treaty of Watonga, the Crown wal also become possessed of a large portion of waste land in New Zealand. It had been asked, how does the Government intend to deal with the New Zealand Company. Positive instructions .gill be given to the Governor to put them into possession of lands within the assigned limits of which they shall make a selection, and of which they shall retain the possession. He had been asked, what are the inten tions of the Government with respect to the duties on New Zealand. He considered the remission of the customs duties was a most ill.advised act. He was quite ready to jus tify the statement made by his Hon. Friend the Secretary of the Treasury, that orders on the subject had been given to the Governor of New Zealand, which he had not properly attended to. He had then been asked a question of more importance than the rest, what were to be the institutions under which New Zealand was to be governed. He would answer that it was the wish of the Government, and directions had been given to the Governor, that municipal institutions should be given to all the settlers under the New Zealand Company, and it any further institutions should be required, the Governor was instructed not only to enlarge the powers of the municipal institutions, but also to increase their number. It had been stated, in strict accordance with the principle of colonisation, that concentration was not desirable. Dispersion was the most prudent way of colonising large islands ; by dispersing the multitude, a better local government within the districts, and a safer general government would be secured. It would be said, however, that this was still an imperfect Government, and that representation after all was desirable. He was not, however, prepared to acquiesce in that proposition. A solemn engagement had to be observed. The natives were entitled to all the rights and privileges of British settlers. I f the repre sentative form of government was to be adopted, the natives must be admitted to a share in it. If they were admitted in their present state of civilisation it would be premature, and if, on the other hand, they were excluded altogether, it would be inconsistent with justice. and would have a tendency to increase discord, and promote a spirit of dissatisfaction. At all events, he was satisfied such a system would not prove of the slightest utility under the cir cumstances in which the colony was at present situated. Again, the Right Hon. Gentleman had asked what was to be the law of succession to landed proFerty;and more especially was primogeniture to be maintained, as the right of succession in that country. He thought the Right Hon. Gentleman would not have pressed that question upon the Govern ment. It was a ,general rule of law that British subjects, in whatever quarter of the globe they might be, as they were still under the domination of the Crown, should carry with them all the rights, privileges, and immunities of the British law and of the Constitution. This was the only explanation the Government could give ; and if any one asserted to the contrary, it would be a violation of the general law. He had endeavoured to give a most explicit answer to the Right Hon. Gentleman, and he trusted he would be satisfied with it. With respect to the errors that had been committed by the Governor, the Home Government had marked their sense of them in the most pointed manner. The question had then turned to the appointment of a successor. The Right Hon. Member for Coventry thought that no appointment could be a judicious appointment which was not sanctioned by some gentlemen in England. The Right Hon. Member for Somersetshire was rather of opinion that his Noble Friend had been guilty of some indiscretion, by not giving some specific and written instructions to Captain Fitzroy.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Sussex had said, do not fetter the new Governor with positive instructions; tell him the particulars in which his predecessors had failed—point out to him what is right, but leave him entirely to act on his own discretion. He (Sir James Graham) entirely concurred in this. Captain Grey was the person that had been selected as t n h e new Governor . 71.:77.that. the e u: d c e p n r i e : that :i;ch C uyi a ca p mg t tat Grey po a report to that ssessed greatabilities. On a former occasion it had been stated, ole, and ought to be followed. Th v' obj i Zti l t l in - of the Noble I Lord to th e a • only appointment was the inferiority of rank of the new Governor. He (Sir J. Graham) could not see what Captain Grey's rank in the army had to do with his qualifica tions for the office. He possessed truth, combined with expe rience and ability, and these were the principal essentials for the station. He did not wish to detain the House at great length, but he should be unjust to his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) if he did not state what was his strong impression oa the interests of the unprotected natives. He did not admit that that was the end in view, but if it was the end, then the motives which led to it could not be impugned. He was sure his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) had acted from the most generous and humane feelings. Cer tainly the House had to consider whether the colonial govern ment, as administered by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell), and also as administered by his Noble Friend, had been that which was calculated to serve the interests of the colony and maintain the dignity of the mother country. It would be for the House to consider all these matters, as they were justly entitled to do ; but in taking such a course they ought to weigh well the difficulties by which the administration of affairs in this colony had been surrounded, and the evils that would result from the adoption of such a course as that recom mended. They ought to take into their most serious con sideration whether it was just or politic to pass a vote of censure on what had already been done, perhaps from a mistaken policy, yet still, he believed, from the best intentions. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he was called upon to address the House, as he wished to make some exp'anations of what had taken place between the Colonial Department and the New Zealand Company. He would first address himself to the difficuities in which the colony had been placed, as between the chief advisers of the Crown, on the part of the Legislature of this country, and the colony of New Zealand. On a previous occasion, he had stated that the proper course to pursue, with regard to New Zealand, was to treat with the natives for the property of the colony. He was in hopes that the course which he advised to be taken would lead to an amicable settlement of the question. But the course taken by the treaty about that time prevented that course to be taken. The Honourable Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, as also the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, had stated that the principal difficulties which the present Go vernment experienced an the mana g ement of New Zealand, were principally the fruits of their predecessors. These state ments having been made, he (Lord John Russell) was obliged to refer to them, and in doing so, he would have to enter into some matters of detail. He was there to perform the task ins posed upon him. He had been highly complimented for the course he had pursued by the Honourable Member for Coven try (Mr. Ellice) who was an intimate friend, and also by the Honourable Member for Newcastle-under-Line, with whom he was not on terms of intimacy, and with whom he had never any political alliance ; but still, holding opinions different to these Honourable Members, he felt bound to state the reasons why he so differed. An Hon. Gentleman in the course of the debate, said that gross blunders had been made in the engagements entered into with New Zealand; and another Hon. Gentleman said it was difficult to reconcile what he ( Lord J. Russell) had done with the interests of the country. Had he made such mistakes as had been alledged, he should consider himself unfit to hold the high office he had held. But he was obliged to state the facts of the case. The islands of New Zealand were recognised as an independent State in 1839. In that year Captain Hobson was sent out, with power to treat with New Zealand as an independent territory, and, if necessary, to take the country under the protection of the Crown. Captain Hobson was successful in concluding the Treaty of Watonga, by which New Zealand became a part of the British dominions. The treaty was not a long one, yet the Hon. Gentleman who had quoted it only read a part of it, he had not read it all. He would, therefore, read it to the House. The Noble Lord then read the treaty, calling parti cular attention to a passage, to the effect that her Majesty guaranteed to the natives undisturbed possession in their lands, estates, and fisheries, as 1 ,ng as they wished to retain possession of them ; and that the chiefs, on the other hand, should give to the Crown the right of pre-emption of such land as was not required by them, at such prices as should be mutually agreed on. The treaty was, therefore, made up of two parts—first, securing to the natives the lands; and, secondly, reserving to her Ma jesty the right of pre-emption of such lands as the natives were disposed to part with. Au Hon. Gentleman had claimed the enforcement of the treaty, but if so, let them have the whole of it—not only that which relates to the interests of the natives, but with regard to the rights of the Crown. With regard to the first part of the treaty, he held that the inter pretation to he given to it should be the same as that of stipu lations in which islands have been ceded to this country in times of war. It ought to be considered like treaties with foreign countries, and interpreted in a manner consonant with the common law of Europe, and in which all civilised nations were agreed.—( Hear, hear.) What had been the ease with regard to Canada, Trinidad, De merara, and other places? They did not say that the natives of these places should have possession of all the lands that might be in their country. In the treaty that was made after the war of 1756, no such course was adopted with respect to Canada. No, they said that the property which the natives held in their own right, and which they were actually in pos session of, should be secured to them—that no one should dis turb them in the enjoyment of this—but with respect to the waste lands, it was distinctly specified that they should be held as the lands of the Crown.—( Hear, hear.) It, was hardly necessary to go so far out of the way as Sir George Gipps went with respect to the doctrines which were main tained by public writers on the subject. He would net there fore quote Mr. Weeks or any other authority in reference to it. The Honourable Gentleman the Secretary of State quoted several paragraphs to show the sense he attached to that article in the treaty with respect to the waste lands, and he also quoted a passage from the instructions of Lord Normanby, which appeared to coincide with his views, but he forgot to state that there was another passage in the very same page of a different tendency.—( Hear, hear.) One would have thought that any Hon. Gentleman who wished to state the purport of these instructions fairly should not have omitted that passage which distinctly stated " that with respect to such lands as were now actualy occupied or enjoyed that the undis turbed enjoyment of them should be secured." A little further on there was a passage to the same effect, " that no one should ieterfere with or molest any occupier in the enjoyment of his property." The Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of the Treasury alluded to Mr. Spain as a country attorney. Mr. CARD WELL said that he did not mean to speak of Mr. Spain or his profession in a manner disrespectfgl or dero gatory to that gentleman. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—What he was about to re mark was that if it was the character of an attorney to make a point by a quirk or a quibble, the Hon. Gen tleman himself showed more of that character than the gen tleman referred to.—(Laughter.) Before, however, he came to the further arguments of the Hon. Gentleman, let him say that in carrying out those instructions anything contrary to the treaty of Watonga ought not to be construed against the natives. The most fair, liberal, and just construction should be put upon that treaty. With respect to those lands in the possession of the natives, they should be left to the full enjoy ment of them; but, on the other hand, to push the words of the treaty to such an extraordinary length—to push them be yond the treaties of all the civilised nations in Europe—to put such a construction on them with those ignorant savages—he would neither call it fair or honourable, but fatal to the inte rests of this country, fatal to the interests of the colony, and giving them up a prey to every adventurer who chose to settle upon their shores.—( Loud cheers.) There were 100,000 in habitants in the island. Supposing the country to be 100, 00 square miles in extent, this would be one person to the square mile ; but on the middle island it was stated in one of the papers that there were only 1,500 inhabitants* There was not, however, a part of it but was claimed by some portion of the native tribes. That was a most extravagant doctrine. It was perfectly absurd.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that the House would not sanction it, and he hoped that the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies would not sanction it, as it would be not only injurious to the country, but also the colony. Such being the statement of the case, that the country would be governed by the letters patent which he bad read, and by the instructions to which he referred, he had not the foresight to suppose that any dis putes were likely to arise with respect to the waste lands. He thought that a liberal construction would be put on the treaty of Watonga. He was not singular in this opinion, for Major Banbury, in one of his letters, had stated that all the waste lands ought to be taken possession of, and settlers placed on them immediately. Some time afterwards a question arose with respect to transactions in which the New Zealand Company were involved, and his acquaint ance with that Company first began under circum stances which were not of the most pleasant nature. The view which he took of this Company, and in this he agreed with Mr. Huskisson, was, that it was meat essential for the purpose of colonisation. He (Lord J. Russell) was of opinion that a Company like this could do far more for the proper management of emigrants than the Government. As soon as he found that a quarrel had been going on for some time be tween the Colonial Department and the New Zealand Com pany, and he endeavoured, through Mr. Soames, as soon as the power of the Crown was declared to be paramount in that colony, to effect some amicable arrangement, so that neither the Government nor the Company might have any unfair ad vantage, or by which the people of New Zealand might be in. jured. It was said by the Right Honourable Gentleman that the azreement was quite inconsistent with 'the treaty of Watonga. Such, however, was not the opinion of the Committee which sat last year on the affairs of New Zealand. In what manner was it inconsistent? He (Lord John Russell) was stated to be of opinion that the agents had purchased large quantities of land, which they were ready to surrender to the Crown, whereas he (Lord John Russell) was willing to admit them to terms simtlar to those granted to other persons who were compelled to surrender a certain number of acres of lands to the Crown, in proportion to the ex pense they had incurred—that for every ss. expended they should receive an acre of land. But there was not a word said in that agreement as to the peculiar number of acres which they had purchased or anything basing that agreement upon the number of acres which they had purchased.—( Hear. ) The Crown could have had no difficulty in carrying out the terms of that agreement to their full extent. Then the question arose—what were they bound to under that agree ment ? Fie was of opinion that the Company had a title to land not exceeding the number of acres which had been allotted to them under the award, or that a quantity of surplus land would be left, which they would have to surrender to the Crown. He believed the Company had acted fairly in this matter. But, supposing the case that it should be found on investigation that their purchases of land were not good, or, supposing they were purchased from people who had no title to dispose of them, the Crown had no right to make such grants. But he owned th at h e di d net th i n k t h e Crown could have fulfilled their agre ement..--( Hear, hear.) But it was in con siderationj of th e expense o f b r i ng i ng ou t emigrants, and on account of their being bound to surrender a certain portion of land to the Crown, and of the expenses which would be thus entailed upon them that that agreement was made.—( Hear.) And the agreement was a prudent one. But that there was any want of consistency in that agreement with the treaty , of Watonga, seemed to him most e xtraordinary. The mis takes of the Company had been their mistakes—they had fallen into the error into which they had fallen. But taking all the peculiar circumstances into account, Government was still bound to carry out that agreement—(Hear, hear) —and he did not see while they held good faith with the natives that they should break good faith with the New Zealand Company. He was at a loss to know whether the concealed correspondence which took place before Captain Fitzroy went out was treating the Company fairly. All that the Govern ment were bound to do with respect to the land was, to make compensation to the Company for the expenses they were put to. Now, he thought the Government was bound either to put the Company into possession of their land or to make them some compensation..--( Hear, hear.) He thought that they had a fair claim in point of compensation, and he did not think that there was either anything in the treaty of Watonga or i n t he agreement to relieve th m from that obligation.—(Cheers.) He might now state shortly what occurred to him was the proper course to be pursued by the local Government. He thought the local Government seemed to have included in it some most earnest and most zealous individuals. They seemed to have as far as possible consulted the interest of •the abori gines, and the feeling was str ong ly s hared by himself and by Lord Normanby, that the aborigine; had suffered dreadful ca lamities. He thought it would he found an impossibility to be any time in the Colonial.office, there to read the miserable condition of the few aborigines left in North America, without being touched by a feeling of horror at the sufferings they had undergone, and could not wonder that the local Government of New Zealand should have been impressed with the same feel - Untry, he could not conceal that they hod creed most greatly in point of judgment. They did not calculate on the warlike propensities of the savage race, which had been well shown by an incident related by the Hon. and Gallant Member for Westminster (Captain Rous) to the House. A chi f went into the midst of an encampment of another tribe ; he watched—he observed them, and, in a short time after leaving, he returned and exterminated them. Captain RODS—It was a party of the enemy, and they were encamped in time of war. Lord J. RUSSELL did not doubt the correctness of his Hon. and Gallant Friend's statement. All he (Lord John Russell) meant to show was that those individuals had extermi nated one another. He was well supported in this opinion by a letter of the Governor's in the papers presented on the first of June. The Noble Lord read the letter, which stated that in the island there was a total disregard of British law and authority, and, continued the Noble Lord, he came to the conclusion that we were not strong enough to enforce or main tain either.. And why was this? Because they had shown a want of firmness in resisting unjust demands. They had con founded kindness with what, in fact, was not such, with some thing which led to a foolish inconsistency, the conse quence of that conduct everywhere, but more par ticularly where savage life was concerned.—( Hear. ) Having been told that they were entitled to more than another, one perhaps having got one hundred and fifty pounds for his land, while another perhaps got two hundred and fifty pounds, and not knowing what entitled one to more than the other, na turally gave rioi to a feeling of discontent ; and the tribes be• came discontented not only with the arrang,ernents for the land, hut with the whole of the regulations established in the island. Then, again, a chief went to the Governor, arid said, We iib ject to that flag of yours, and if you will only take it down, we shall all be at peace. It was plain from this, that even the chiefs knew what the flags meant. They thought if Captain Fitzroy took down the flag, he would at once renounce his sovereignty over New Zealand, and then their customs and the whole lsnd would be restored to them, to enjoy them as they had done before. It was necessary, then, to consider of some plan for the purpose, and he owned that he wished the plan that had been made out by the Right Hon. Baronet were such as to preclude the in tervention of Parliament. Requite agreed with the opinion that the House of Commons should not interfere without there was grave cause for interference, but if there was; grave cause for interference, it was their bounden duty to do sts.—(Cheers. ) It was their bounden duty to see that the colony, in which 100,000 person; were living under the British flag, was not de ranged, or even overturned by the mal-administration of its laws. The Right Hon. Gentleman told them their scheme for the future, and with regard to land there was to be a tax on the wild man, and there was to be registration of the land oc cupied by natives, but nothing was said how the registration was to be conducted. It was easy enough to conduct a regis tration in the county of York, but in a place like New Zea land it became a matter of some difficulty to do so, They had done hare what they had done in other places ; they had but maintained the right of the Crown. But to maintain the right of the Crown was not to wrest from the ignorant natives their lands by trick and stratagem.—(Cheers.) Mr. Spain said that he had travelled over the country—over millions of acres of valuable land where the human foot had never trod—land which showed the 'utmost promise if culti vation were applied to it. The Crown had at their disposal that land. But if they said that this land was to be registered as belonging to the natives, and to be taken away because they paid no land tax on it, they could not expect that the nation would see the justice of this proceeding.---(Cheers.) He owned that this appeared to him a great injustice, and likely to create a real insurrection. The Right Hon. Gentleman proposed that there should be a municipal form of government. One of the first measures would be to establish a municipal form of government; but he should like to know what the form of that municipal governmen, would be? He did not object to a municipal re presentative constitution in New Zealand. Then they should fix the capital where the great body of the settlers were, and appointing a government elected from the people, they could settle the claims of land in accordance with the votes of the great body. He believed, seeing what Captain 1-lolison and Captain Fitzroy had done—seeing the errors into which they had fa'len— seeing the dangers into which they had thrown the colony—he was of opinion that the joint united sense of the settlers, speak ing through their representatives, could alone extricate them from the embarrassments into which they had fallen. Captain Grey was to be the Governor of the colony. Now he dif fered with those who said that a man of character and authority should be sent out., or a person who had hail longer experience in command. Ile was of opinion that it required all the vigour of life of an able-bodied man to bear up against the fatigues which a Governor of New Zea land was expected to undergo. He was of opinion like wise that if they appointed a man of rank like Sir Henry Pot finger, they must give him absolute authority. They must give him for a time despotic power. He would much rather have a person of inferior name and character, who had not served, or had so many years of experience, assisted by the people of New Zealand to manage the affairs of the colony, than have a person of higher authority, and enjoying absolute power. Of Captain Grey he knew nothing, except as to his public conduct. He had seen the reports with respect to the colony of New South Wales, and they were such as to induce him to ask him to accept the government of South Australia, which contained one of the difficult problems to be solved in the colonial government. Captain Grey had now for four or five years administered the affairs of the colony, and he had solved the problem with a degree of energy and success that he could hardly have expected. He said, then, that if they could give him goad institutions to work with, Captain Grey was the man to succeed in extricating the colony, and in gaining the confidence mid good will both of the set tiers from this country and the aborigines themselves. Noman could better have sho.vn himself, by a memoir he had written, to be acquainted with the manner in which the aborigines ought to be treated and turned to the usages of civilised life ; but when they sent a man to undertake this government, it was necessary that they should send him out divested of all petty squabbles upon the subject, and therefore he was ready to go with his Hon. Friend into Committee on the matter. He was not pre• pared to say that the resolutions come to by the Select Com mittee of last year would be fitting resolutions to be adopted by a Committee of the whole House ; but they ought to look to resolutions which should have regard for the future establishment of a free and independent constitution that was likely to give confidence both to those who were there and any of our people who might be disposed to undertake to settle in that fine colony. It was not unworthy of the House of Commons to undertake such a task. It was their proper function, and if they did not do it, it would lead colonists to believe that in that House they could find no redress. If they did it, however, he thought at the end of that investigation they could console themselves with the reflection that they had undertaken the task that was unpalatable to the Government of the day, they had assisted in laying the foundation of a noble colony, which . . at present formed a - part of this mighty empire, and which in future time would extend English majesty, English institutions. English liberty, and the English name in that partof the world. Sir R. PEEL—Sir, it would be unfortunate if any diffe- . rences connected with party consideration, or any conflict that may have been carried on between the Colonial Department and the New Zealand Company, should divert our attention from considerations of what is due to the interests of that colony, which is the immediate object of our deliberation. I willingly admit that the interests of that colony are recom mended to us by many considerations. When I look to the extent of the colony, the line of the coast, the quantity of land capable of cultivation and of improvement—when I look, above all, to its position, and to the new importance it has acquired by events that have been recently passing before us, by the opening of the trade with China—l agree with the Noble Lord, that there appears every probability, so far as we are able to form a judgment, that this colony, if its interests be duly regarded, and its welfare fostered, is destined to occupy a most important station in the world. I agree with the Noble Lord that its relation with this country is most important. Surveying the whole of the unoccupied portions of the globe, I know of no part of that globe more calculated to afford a profitable outlay for the capital and for the employment of the superabundant population of this country. Every consideration, therefore, I willingly admit, recommends to our cordial attention the interests of that important colony. The question is, whe ther you will leave the continued charge of it iu the hands of the executive authority, or whether you. will to-night assume to the House of Commons the function of determining its future government. Now, what is the course which her Majesty's Government has taken, under circumstances which I admit to be somewhat critical ? We have disapproved of the conduct of Captain Fitzroy, the Go vernor of New Zealand, for whose personal character I enter tain the highest respect, and for the difficulties of whose posi tion I must make great allowance.--( Cheers.) Yet, we have signified to him in the most formal and authoritative manner, that his conduct in the administration of affiirs in the colony we did not approve of ; and then, though with great reluctance, but in the performance of a necessary duty, we have removed him from the post which he undertook exclusively from the highest and purest moiives.—( Loud cheers.) We have shown, therefore, in the first instance, that we have no desire to consult the interests and feelings of friends to the prejudice of the public good.—( Loud cheers.) We have made an ap pointment, or contemplate the immediate appointment, of a successor. The policy of that appointment has been questioned by some, but I happen to possess the highest authority for the judicious selection we have made. For the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) did himself select Captain Grey for the situation which he now fills—that of Governor of South Australia. But some other gentlemen tell us that he is not of high rank enough. Why, as for these native chiefs of New Zealand, do not Hon. Gentlemen believe that they attach much more im portance to the past success, the character, and the energy of the man, than they do to the conventional rank which he may happen to hold. He holds the rank of captain in the army ; but he has been successful in rescuing a colony from difficul ties which were deemed to be very great by those who ap pointed him. The 1\ oble Lord says he presumes we shall give him instructions to enter into personal squabbles with Colonel Wakefield; I must say I think that is a most unworthy sugges tion.—(Cheers.) We shall give him the assurance of entire confidence; we shall entrust to him, so far as is con sistent with the Constitution and law of this country, an unfettered discretion, laying down no doabt the general principles by which we think he ought to be guided ; in the difficulty of issuing instructions at such a dis tance, under the circumstances in which that colony is placed, the discretion he will have will be unfettered by any particular instructions.—( Hear, hear.) Now, with respect to the future government of this colony. Looking at its distance and the great difficulty of issuing orders from this country for its government, I for one am strongly inclined to think that representative government is suited for its condition.—( Hear. ) It has not the objection which might apply in a penal colony. You have rescued New Zealand, at any rate, from the evils attending penal establishments. I speak only of the general principle ; I think there ought to be a form of government constituted for New Zealand, in connexion with those who are immediately interested in its local prosperity, assigning to them a due weight and influence in the administration of affairs. In short, I cannot think what assignable interest this country can have in New Zealand, except in the promotion of its pros perity. Why, our connexion with it, depend upon it, must depend altogether upon that connexion being a profitable one. —( Hear, hear.) It is impossible, at the distance we are from the country. that we can seek any advantage in a connexion with New Zealand, except that which may result from re ciprocal interest, and, above all, from the promotion of local prosperity.—( Hear, hear. ) At the same time, it is impossible not to see the great advantages of a representative govern ment. The Noble Lord says, that Auckland has been im properly selected as the seat of the executive Government. I apprehend there were reasons for it at the time it was so selected as the seat of the civil and military arrangements; and the removal of the executive Government from Auckland must depend not upon local or general considerations merely, but upon what shall be most advantageous to the colony.— ( Hear, hear.) Considering the distance of the settlements that are extended over the northern island, it would be no easy matter now to apply the principle of a representative government according to the construction we place upon it. I believe that by far the best plan would he the formation of municipal governments, with extensive powers of local taxation, and powers of meeting all local demands to be established in the first instance. In the opinion of Mr. Burke the farms of representative government in North America did grow directly out of those municipal institutions. I do not think it would be wise to adopt the suggestion of the New Zealand Company, to make a proprietary government here. I believe the bast form of government will be that the Crown here should superintend the external regulations o; that country, and that the local executi ve , r , ivernetent <honi4 three authorities established? Would you have the Crown and the Company, each exerciseing control over the local govern ment ? That is a system of govenutent so untried and so oho. . malous, that I cannot think that success would attend it.— ( Hear, hear.) With respect to the New Zealand Company, I think it important that they should retain iu full exercise the powers committed to them with regard to settlement and commerce. I believe that Company may be made a useful instrument of government, not exercising any control over the local government, but as a great commercial Company, acting on enlightened principles, and assisting the e tecutive Government in devising means of emigration and employment fur the surplus population:of this country.—( Hear.) As to the question of revenue, it is very difficult, at such a great distance, to do more than to lay down general principles. But with all my respect for Capt. Fitzroy, the abandonment of all revenue constitutes a serious mischief. —( Hear.) The Customs regulations should be re-established, if there is no other mode of raising a revenue less onerous to the people of that country.—( Hear, hear.) The fact of their having been abandoned does not constitute, in my mind, any objection to their re-establishment.—(Hear, hear.) As I said before, it would be unfortunate if our personal and party conflicts prevented us from paying due attention to the inter ests of that colony. If I wanted a motive for so treating those interests, it would be furnished by sympathy for those who went out thither expecting to find a prosperous home. Having said this, I come to the particular m•ition of the Hon. Gentleman. I come to that motion which was intended, according to the speech of the Hon. Gentleman, to affix censure anti condemnation on my Neble Friend. I shall vote against the motion, because the resolutions which the most competent judge of the affairs of New Zealand, who has read more, and written more, with respect to New Zealand than, I believe, any other man in ex istence—because those seventeen resolutions which he has pro posed have nothing better to encourage one to agree to them than that they are admitted to be inapplicable to the state of affairs in that colony. —( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) That would be enough to make me determine to oppose them. Yes; I admit there is one resolution which has a direct reference to the case of New Zealand—that which declares that respect should be paid to the treaty of Waitangi. Everybody says he is ready to respect it ; but there is a great difference or opinion as to the mode in which that treaty should be respected.—(A laugh.) But the Hon. Gentleman intends his motion to be a condemnation of my Noble Friend.—( Hear, hear.) Now, in order that you may judge of the justice of these imputations upon my Noble Friend, I want to recal your recollection to the circumstances under which you were connected with New Zealand at first. Your feelings then were very different. There was a different impression on the public mind with respect to colonial engagements eleven years ago, when your relations with New Zealand began. In 1834 there had been a strong feeling in Parliament and amongst the people of this country, that England was justly chargeable with injustice in its treatment of the aborigines. That was the prevailing feel ing in 1834. • That public man, whose death has been sincerely lamented by all who admire the devotion of great talents to the cause of humanity—l mean Sir Fowell Buxton—in the year 1834 in this House moved an address to the Crown to this effect—" That, deeply impressed with the duty of acting upon the principles of justice and humanity in the intercourse of this country with the native inhebitants of its colonial settlements, the House calls upon the Crown to adopt different principles from thole heretofore acted upon in same of our colonial pos sessions." In 1836 a Committee was appointed at the instance of that same Sir Powell Buxton ; evidence was taken, and in 1837 a most full and able report was made. This is one obser vation in the report. The Committee say—" It might be pre sumed that the native inhabitants of any land had an incon trovertible right to their own roil—the plain and sacred right which seems to have been understood in this coun try." In 1839 arose the question whether we should form a new relation with New Zealand. Lord Normanby was acting under the influence of that report. When we say that Lord Normanby made an imprudent engage ment, that he wrote unwise dispatches, it is easy for us to lay down those doctrines with regard to Lord Normanby as you are now disposed to do with respect to the conduct of Lord Stanley. But we do not remember what the public fe ling was in regard to our relation with the aborigines which induced Lord Normanby in 1839 to act as he did. It was under the influence of that feeling, in the spirit of which the dispatches were written, that your relation with New Zea land was formed, and which now constitutes the difficulties with which Lord Stanley has to contend. The first dispatch which Lord Stanley wrote referred expressly—and I cite it as a proof that what lam stating is correct—to the report of your Select Committee, and your adoption of the principles of that report, which had made a deep impression on the public mind, with regard to the relations you should establish with the aboriginal natives of any country in which you might form a settlement. It is not the executive:Government, but you who are responsible, then ; for you agreed to the ad dress to the Crown praying the Crown to protect the rights of the aborigines ; yeu are responsible for the doctrines laid down by the Committee.—( Hear.) Well, the question arose, shall we establish a relation with New Zealand ; Lord Normanby expressly referred to the report of the Committee. Lord Normanby says: —" I have concurred with that Com mittee in thinking that the increase of national wealth and power promised by the acquisition of New Zealand would be a most inadequate compensation for the injury that must be in flicted on this kingdom itself by embarking in a measure essen tially unjust, and but too certainly fraught with calamity to a numerous and inoffensive people, whose title to the soil and sovereignty of New Zealand is indisputable, and has been so lemnly recognised by the British Government." You have acknowledged New Zealand as a sovereign and independent state. I think you were wrong in that.—( Hear.) Yon acted under impressions that were honourable and natural, but im pressions which induced yeu and the executive Government to adopt a course not only calculated to weaken your authority, but which was injurious to the natives themselves.—(Hear, hear.) I think that it would have been infinitely better to hare commenced relations with New Zealand on the ground of prior discovery than on the ground of cession on the part of the chiefs. Ido not hesitate to say that the treaty of Waitargi was most unwise for the natives themselves. I think it would have been much better fur us to have asserted the right of sovereignty with the usual formalities, rather than to have accepted sovereignty by cession from the chiefs. Look to what took place in 1839—100 k to the instructions you gave to Captain Hobson, who was to form the treaty. They were to this effect :—" New Zealand is independent. The Queen, in common with her Majesty's immediate predecessor, disclaims for herself and sub jects every intention to seize on the islands of New Zealand, or to govern them as part of the dominions of Great Britain, unless with the free and intelligent consent of the natives, ex pressed according to established usage first obtained. The Government have resolved to authorize you to treat with the aborigines for the recognition of her .Majesty's authority over the whole or any parts of those islands which they may be willing to place under her Majesty's dominion." Here, then, were instructions to Captain Hobson to accept a partial do minion from these chiefs ! Observe what Lord Normanby says in his instructions to Captain Hobson. He says : " These, however, are impediments to be gradually overcome by the exercise, on your part, of mildness, justice, and perfect sincerity in your intercourse with them (the natives.)" — (Hear, hear.) You now profess to find that the missionaries are inconvenient auxiliaries. What said Lord Normanby to Captain Hobson ? He said,—" You will, I trust, find powerful auxiliaries amongst the missionaries, who have woe and deserved the confidence of the people, and among the older British residents, who have studied their character and acquired their language." —( Hear, Lear.) It is therefore rather hard to turn round now, and after accepting the aid of the missionaries in esta blishing relir authority, to denounce them as land-jobbers.— ( Hear, hear.) These methods obviated the dangers of the acquisition of large tracts of country by mere land-jobbers; it will be your duty to obtain by fair and equal contracts with the natives the cession to the Crown of such waste lands as may be progressively required for the occupation of settlers resort ing to New Zealand. There is, then, no claim here on the part of the Crown to possession of the territory in consequence of sovereignty, but Captain Hobson is merely directed to treat with the natives, according as the wants of the settlers might arise, fur lands not actually enjoyed or occupied by them, but for the waste lands of the islands, with the eXpress admission that those lands were of no value to the natives ; for Lord Nor manby proceeds:—" To the natives or their chiefs much of the land of the country is of no actual use." Is it not clear that Lord Normanby's instructions to Captain Hobson were to take the lands, not by any prerogative of the Crown, but by cession from the natives ? I now contrast the language you hold now, with respect to these engagements, with the language held then. The New Zealand Company state, that with respect to these contracts they had always had serious doubts whether the treaty of Wetonga, made with ;alive savages, would be treated by lawyers otherwise than as a praiseworthy device for amusing and pacifying savages. I be lieve that there are a good many lawyers in the New Zealand Company ; and this may be the language of lawyers ; and if you hold this doctrine, you will vote for the resolutions of the Hon. Gentleman, for they are founded on such a doctrine.— ( Hear, hear.) But what was the language of statesmen? Was it that those engagements were a praiseworthy device for amusing and pacifying savages?—( Hear.) The Noble Lord opposite wrote to Captain Hobson as follows :—" Among the many barbarous tribes with which our extended colonial em pire brings us into contact in different parts of the globe, there are none whose claims on the protection of the British Crown rests on grounds stronger than those of the New Zealanders. They are not mere wanderers over an extended surface in search of a precarious subsistence, nor tribes of hunters or of herds men, but a people among whom the arts of government have made some progress ; who have established by their own customs a division and appropriation of the soil ; who are not without some measure of agricultural skill, and a certain subordina tion of ranks, with usages having the character and authority of law. In addition to this, they have been formally recognised by Great Britain as an independent State, and even in assuming the dominion of the country this principle was acknowledged ; for it is on the deliberate act and cession of the chiefs, on behalf of the people at large, that our title rests." That was the language held by statesmen. You must hear before you come to the vote which the Hen. Gentleman asks you to adopt. Do not transfer.the responsibility to Lord Stanley. He is acting in pursuance of your avowed intentions, and before you con demn you must hear the qualifications, reserves, and appre hensions with which the native chiefs entered into the treaty. Observe what Captain Hobson says with respect to the forma tion of the treaty. He had appointed a levee to be held at the house of Mr. Busby, at which the parties to this negotiation were invited to be present. Captain Hobson says:—" Pre paratory to the meeting, I had appointed a levee to be held at Mr. Busby's house, at elevea o'clock, to which I invited all the principal European inhabitants, the members of the Church of England and Catholic missions, and all the officers of this ship, and was highly gratified to find that nearly every one either here or in the neighbourhood favoured me with their attendance I then read the treaty, a copy of which I have the honour to inclose ; and in doing so, I dwelt on each article, and offered a few remarks explanatory of such passages as they might be supposed not to understand. Mr. H. Williams, of the Church Missionary Society, did me the favour to interpret, and repeated in the native tongue, sentence by sentence, all I said. When I had finished read- ing the treaty, I invited the chiefs to ask explanations on any point they did not comprehend, and to make any observe tions or remarks on it they pleased. Twenty or thirty chiefs addressed the meeting, five or six of whom opposed me with great violence, and at one period with such effect, and so cleverly, that I began to apprehend an unfavourable impression would be produced. Revewah, while addressing me, turned to the chiefs and said, Send the man away; do not sign the paper; if you do, you will he reduced to the condition of slaves, and be obliged to break stones for the roads. Your land will be taken from you, and sour dignity a. chiefs will be de stroyed.' At the first pause Neni came forward and spoke with a degree of natural eloquence that surprised all the Europeans, and evidently turned aside the temporary feeling that had been created. He first addressed himself to his own coun trymen, desiring them to reflect on their own condition, to re collect how much the character of the New Zealanders had been exalted by their intercourse with Europeans, and how impossible it was for them to govern themselves without fre quent wars and bloodshed; and he concluded his harangue by strenuously advising them to receive us and to place confidence in our promises. He then turned to me and said, ' You must be our father. You must not allow us to become slaves. You must preserve our customs, and never p erm i t our l ands to be wrested from us.' One or two other chiefs, who were favour able, followed him in the same strain, and one reproached a noisy fellow named Kitigi, of the adverse party, with having spoken rudely to me. Kitigi, stung by the remark, sprang for ward and shook me violently by the hand, and I received the salute apparently with equal ardour. This occasioned amongst the natives a general expression of appl ause, an d a loud cheer f•• .in the Europe .n,. is • .. • tne ousiness of the meeting dosed, further consideration of the question being adjourned to Friday at 11 o'clock, leaving, as I said, one clear day to reflect on my proposal." The conse quence was that the treaty was pip e d. T hese were the dr. ctimstances under which this inconvenient treaty was marrul, and I ask, will you commence your relations with the coloat by an abandonment of the obligations you have entere d into f —( Hear, hear. ) The Noble Lord said that he had beets charged with having formed a contract with the New Zealand Company inconsistent with the treaty of Watonga. He wa!s . particularly severe on those on th i s side of the House who bath preferred this charge against him ; but that was the veer charge that had been preferred against him within the!ast fort. night by the New Zealand Company.—( Hear, hear.) It iri wrong, perhaps, to attribute to any particular writer the thank' lp: thorship of a document signed by that Company; but I it must have been written by the Hon. and Learned Gentlemara opposite (Mr. C. Buller). It states that it is impossible to re than . concile the missionary system and that of the CompanY , the missionaries and the Company proceeded on systems directly opposed to each other, and that the treaty of Watonga 25 1. based on the missionary principl e, while Lord S. Roa' acted on the colonisation principle. The charge, fore, of acting inconsistently w ith the treaty of Wa: tonga is not preferred by us, but by the Hon. and Learned. Gentleman who sits near the Noble Lord, and with whona„til there , Noble Lord saes he is prepared to vote.—( Hear, hear.) 1/11' my Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) wish to act illiberally tow the company ? His wish was, as the Company had net established a claim to any land , or a: least any sufficient' quantity of laud, to assign to them all he could assign on a c?)." dnional title, subject by other articles to a subsequent provisc of that title. With my Hon. Friend's imress i o ns be could drs no more ; he said to the Company, `p 1 will perm it I_„. ° t within certain limits to choose the land you requilly.n. the condition of a preferable claim being establl hereafter," the onus of establishing that clailn , 1 : 1 ` 1 ".. thrown on the adverse party, and the right of et session being given to this powerful Compaq- .. oir the House to judge if my Noble Friend can te_ i ma y charged with harshness towards the Company. Y o u a censure him for his construction of the treaty of WatonA r but it was a bond fide and conscientious construction• ile_dl nut admit the title of the natives to all the waste lands ; bl i; „1„, mite an obligation on the part of the native chiefs to taken -, their claim, but, unfortunately, no steps have heel' T roy towards doing it. The Noble Lord opposite speak s l os s. registration as if it was like that of Yorkshire or Midd.t. It is nothing of the sort. It is only to establish a valid tan; the land. But the real question is this—whether you i thieL e , just, after the reference made to engagements entered 10 a. 1.7. the instructions given by Lord Normanby, and after the li t i;„ val of the Noble Lord opposite, you will now, by affirn iing don" resolution', affix a censure on my Noble Friend, w ho bl i g_ or nothing mote, in my opinion, than maintain the. T eti , of the country, by respecting its engagements 0.4-6. ing into effect those opinions which, whatever may be doctrines you now hold, were the opinions of the . .. 1 '; of of Commons ten years from this period. If the 1070ifest Commons in contradiction to that course, and bg a manifest' on! perversion of those doctrines maintained by the tintin' treat,' the state of the aborigines, should now affirm ths- refs o f sii of Watonga enables the Crown to dispossess the c h aracter of their land without lull inquiry, you will lower the Chati:public the House in the estimation of all who respect fidelityY ensu re 0 2 engagements.—(L.ud cheers.) If you affix a on e lA ° my Noble Friend, you will pass a censure on . , w ;itio has not yielded to the influence of powerful Particeisopsoll has not borne in mind that in this New Zett il Tit fines °S there are men high in character, and powerftd in so"s-0,- d re , this side the House—who might have procured pelliea--' pose by yielding to applicatioos from those po werful rr o ps Ire' but who has thought itjhis public duty, with a 0 02 g, is ar s i ptatg a a guard to what is due to the honour and good faith Oto, it ful country, to maintain inviolate the engagements able sfr.g' contracted against the interests of the powerful soo the dig ests but maintaining the guaranteed rights of the Weak' and the unprotected.—( Great cheering.) i jara eete Mr. C. BULLER rose to reply. Th e Right 1 1 .c' " t ro od to in speaking of the treaty of Watonga, had said, wit a ired 0 the land claimed by the natives, they should be re r l ca rds 0 prove it in a court of law—( Hear, hear) —and afte theY I . register it. If they failed in this process , th en , as ca pa taxed for it, and the practical effect was that the lam' 2 is was cased.—(Hear.) He denounced such mean artifieeg• a s ob# .„ the re a ha a violation of the law of nations to impose a s- 2 ',,., .10 -- „ ject of which was to confiscate the land of the ita t ' . .„ - 4 of tilt whole country there were 60,000,000 of Or d ' --,,, die °F" 55,300,000 belonged to the natives. That w—tision putt nion of the Government, and such was the interrethe afeble• on the treaty of Watonga. He agreed, howev er ' •lor i t ' • tsit Lord the Member for - London, it never was designed that the Crown shot,'" ice they t°°-th s sl to the waste land. Supposing,however, Oa. ~owever, the p ro 1 o at construction of it, had the Government tak en a at 0 ° a 1 'I h a d p- hea r./ sures to get possession of the land? Mel ":„..( a r ' g tax to confiscate the whele of the coun' a ll ' s ".' sc eat o b th e These monstrosities, which denoted the ad s them p c seek in his eensitruivctioup 'ask vright the course pursued by the Government. L et a; n °t s Watonga treaty into the sea, but let ** - 2 s adeat ; l a .l to obtain by secret and covert mesas,n the n Hon.. ad w d b e r e ere tel dare not at tempt openly. ( Trernenoo R i g ht s''' e , He was astonished, after the speech which the ci, t h a t b . Baronet at the head of the Government h of could vote against the resolutions, as the ddress was in favour of them. He was ~r f e c tly al u a l ot oe a s the Governattempted r ". 1 d the I " O' merit had not to mi s t es p ast ti rd to the management of New Zealand in P t f 0 it s But the statements which they now P i l l a et '-': for the management of the colony e , ss feti his opinion give a sufficient guarantee of it s w ith tot and he therefore called upon the House to deal fairly f pier question and to give rrotection to the abor i g ines land.—(Cheers and cries of " Divide, divi de.") The House then divided, when there appeared` 172 For the resolutions... ........................... 2,23 Against ................................... - .... ..........-5 1 ,, Majority .............. . ......... . .... . ...... ••• i sCO's' RAILWAY CLAUSES CONSOLIDATION k m end' LAND) BILL. ad - A The LORD ADVOCATE moved that the Los."' metals on the Bill be agreed to. rr Mr. LA BO UCH ERE objected to • the clauses se" later! to tolls on public highways. se itbou t Ultimately the Lords' Amendments were re j ected division. nal , SIR HENRY POTTINGER'S ANNUITY -- co w This Bill was read a second time, and orde red to u° mitred this day week. f Oa The remaining orders of the day were then d i sp osed " the House adjourned at twenty minu t es to Three o'cloc k' PARLIAMENTARY BUSINES' FRIDAY, JUNE 20. The following Bills were read a third time, and p North Wales Railway. North Woolwich Railway. Eastern Union and Bury St. Edmund's Railway Na 2). Dundalk.and Enniskillen Railway. Waterford and Limerick Railway. (0 01111 Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr R ailwa y Branch). Whitehaven and Furness Railway. eci The Lords' Amendments to the following Bills wee to : Huddersfield and Sheffield Junction Railway. Dunstable and London and Birmingham Railway. color Leeds and Bradford Railway Extension (Shipley t° Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester Railway. The Epphig Railway (No. 2) Bill was presented anci re#l a first time. ' Cockerouth and Workington Railway Bill,--,, rteeV e P ° o on tl. tn sidered ; amendments aareed to; clause offered, An d itto 0 1/ merits proposed, and referred b to the Select Conn° Standing Orders. Standing Orders Committee,—Resolutions reporte'4estorts 1. That in the case of the Great Southern anuoasidela.- Railway (Ireland) Bill, clause and amendment on c,, ect ion tion of report, the clause 'for facilitating the o '4 dues' is of such a nature as may be entertained by t ' e viso 1 . 1 if they shall think fit, provided the following tar ohs added:—' Provided that nothing in this Act eont gl ;te 0 0 1 give, or be construed to give, to the said body e o . b u t or PI; such right of access or inspection, or any other rth sae vilege whatsoever, except for theurposes tolls as the said body cshall the tune ° orporate at Aviog ing of this Act be legally entitled to.'claus e e nter " That the amendment to strike out the be power to vary tolls,' is of such a nature as plat tamed by the House, if they shall think fit." , co ieran l i 2. " That in the case of the Londonderry aa,_ o ol eo_ Railway Bill amendments on third reading, tutbe ments are of such a nature as may be adopted by groP ° it t of colleeftp por if they shall think fit, with the exception of those Ou se In clause 40, which ought not to be adopted by the .. k illen that stage." a Eel"' hey Railway " That, in the case of the LondonderrY an nie oclin e he y Railway Bill amendments on third r eading,th e , a ,Toe, if t '" are of such a nature as may be adopted by the law - shall think fit." Repurt to lie on the table. TO, OF r r iC t Cp .N o lt ;; ) 33nt l ir, r ' ,ii l ,nsii C tii, Lt,i:Eitl:egsSe, GlVENBirmingham - — ------ -- A T THE - t i 0 0 °' r ai u nlil n : ! a_udcjes 24. 05 e Edinburgh and Northern Railway,—Considera Epping P4ail‘;j3aG•T i me Ai .... and Cheltenham Extensions) (Group F.) ,---Ce 0 ... , Bill, adjourned till Thursday, June 26, at one. f iliM' utcereri Gloucester i n e c id l t Railway reading,iiiißwl Manchester South Junction and Altritichat° aAaiiYlviona(d3N;Y(.,l2viureor2°3roiaire•-430 ot Third reading, Monday, June 23. Cornwall Rai1.‘22,22±,.2 ~e „ 22 g ,- - • day, 11112° 25. ... 1 T 0% ---- „ ~,: , N op- f j o jer [ADVERTI,EMENT.] —SPLENDID 10 1,- i o ng 0, 00 1 LOOKING-GLASS, producing, the effect of a , er yoa wad so bewildering as to cause a doubt wile' „ in L .ndon or in old Rome. A to P il° , r raar " Arch follows arch, and p il e succuv- , 0 ft it This unique apartment is devoted to cutting and beatit'st, inn th, , hair in, and with another havingro cit ilia be g vie& of Naples, arc on the ground-floor. I I Soas eh ily tention to their establishment , Ross all"' ___ 0., 'ibis to notice the advantages of their sYste ni tt fret° or pe never take apprentices nor young In e for the % h oof country, nor object to customers asking clean bru i t e d F man to wait upon them ; every person has __,,,. was Po t, they ver being used twice, without heZt v ,. de er and parties are not pressed W buy things : 20 ;13ish r want. Address, Ross and Sons, 119 and A COS gate-street. 1 1t1 O f.° [AnyErrtsEstENT.]—AN EXTBAORD , 0 0,0 gi rl OF A DIiORDERED LIVER AND STOMACH. " t 7. 0 thl t l7l Pim.s.—To Professor Holloway. Sir-Seeintg_ co inPl ale tb . of Aldborough was cured of a liver and stonlacu_d I have 0* means of your pills, I was induced to try them. 6'04/K1111,06 satisfaction to inform you that your pills similarhava co inP e of very short time, done wonders for me in a to ifs h ie tbi! when calomel and other medicine at last faile uld fli t " t oo ' relief. I send you my name and addrestbut vo woo pioa p per you did not make them üblic.—N.B. h i ' ce c e of t hil .eraf° l from a counsellor or barristerp of great etnineneotable r-, - , Or Temple , whose letter would be shown to any resPaosfai Sold (also Holloway's Ointment) at ProfessoLtlicine. tablishment, 244, Strand, and by Vendors of alv" Di ldi aril' if.irriTil ,1 *- Concorde, r°- On the 15th inst., in the Place de la Conco f lo bo William Hervev, o a son. t the w ife° On the 11th in at Ryde, Isle of Wigh , Lees, Esq., of a son. A. itrARRLED, b y the ir i t f eA On the 19th inst , at Hampton Court, so _ of _ _ he ls , Wards, Captain George F. Duckett, only fills, to 15 , „'!,:.,it1! , ~ Nirat 2l, , s,,nel P w slr Duckett, Bart., of Hartham House, 1 sir .1-4'v - floa• daughter of the late Lieutenant -Genera Right • ll4iaeintr.),,Gp.Coißtil.i,gnenr:lic,',;tiCt..H., and niece to the 4 °6 —0.1. a). Sco tia, Ellen l e. f . Oa the 21st ult., at llalifax. Nova _,: Drigs t he Se the with of Captain Fits Herbert, of th e 1.440,00c1, ' On the 14th inst. , at the Vicarage, A` o'll 94, do ,_„I 1, 1 0 Samuel Berney Vince, M.A. N6oll'loo P' On the 15th inst., at Ashfield Hall , et, ~.., '-' 9 , I l i - YO ' an O t:e n r t A h t e tv, l7 o t o h d, in E s s t q ., „ ir a i g L e o d w s e 2 r . Grosvenor,stre •--- ---------•,--- .---- .. - - m ugDO ple.,,ef i.,: , •07L . r ri?..:LeG Alla rUDItSDAI tit „ ..0 Oitieet i walt7 N o. 119 r Stro.n.,l t'rinter. at Tx.' o n strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy , Middlesex, Friday, Auto 20, 1845. , - St Fat ' itti these 1 +. 4: ; 1 11 Tg 1 ; ° 1; 4 8U ar ' '14,41 ?,;Cll 4 , tk t p,por 1 :411% e a ~gtf it '! l4 „ka b trec h t Nll,l THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAI EVENING, JUNE 20, 1845. 1