The Sun. — London, England, 1836-07-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF_THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. An attempt will, it is possible, be made, when the discussion of the Irish 'tithe Bill shall he resumed this night, to get rid of the appropriation clause. The mode, of proceeding may be this—to move the remis• sion of two-fifths of the tithes and tithe composition. Having thus proVided effectually for the prevention of a surplus, to hold out for '' appropriation," which would then, indeed, be but an abstraction, would he of no use. Should such a proposition emanate from my quarter, we think we do not trust to our feelings 'too much, or form too sanguine an estimate of the Character of the Reformers of the Lower House, When we declare our thorough conviction that it will be scouted as an insolent outrage upon the House it self, and an audacious insult to the country. What Was it that drove the driver of the Dilly and his pious friend, the Cumberland• Baronet, into the ranks of Opposition ? What, above all, hurled Sir Robert Peel from place, ovcrtuned his usurpation, and restored the Melbourne Ministry to power ? Was it not the ite rated vledge of the representatives of the people to make the prialciple of surplus appropriation, after the just wants of the clergy were provided for, a part and parcel of any measure for the adjustment of the Irish Tithe question which might originate in the Lower House, or should come down for its consideration from the other Legislative Chamber? - It was not upon a difference of amount of• clerical remuneration that three changes of Administration took place in nine months. A great principle it was which anni hilated a Tory Cabinet and reinstated a Whig one. Had the question been one of pounds, shillings, and pence, the Goulburns , and K natehbulls, and Stor monts would, to this hour, in all priebability, be dis pensing the patronage of the Crown, and fingering the public money. For what is the proposition which, we hear, there is an intention this night to eubmit to the judgment of the Commons? That out of every 1001. of tithe which may now be claimed by the tithe owners, 401. shall in future go into the pockets of the landlords of Ireland; thus reducing the income of the clergy to 601. per cent. of their present nominal income. Now the Bill of which Sir Henry Hardinge gave notice prior to the expulsion of his party from office, provided prospectively for easing the ministers of the altar of a larger amount than this of the burden of filthy lucre. True—the existing race of Protestant Episco palian clergymen were, by that Bill, to be secured 751. per cent. per annum ; but Time's scythe, as it mowed these down, was also to cut down the income of their successors to less considerably than 601. per cent. Yet the Tory Secretary's promise to introduce, ay, and to carry—for he counted upon the friendly support of the factious Lords—such a measure did not shield the Peel Cabinet from the fatal blow that was aimed at its. existence on the night of the 30th of March, 1835, when a majority of 33, in a House of 611 Members, again decided in favour of the appropriation to na tional purposes of a surplus, in order to obtain which, it became their imperative duty to take the necessary steps—steps consistent, however, with a due regard to the temporal interests of the clergy of the Established Church. In the present House of Commons that de cisive resolution was adopted ; and all the circum stances considered it must be irrevocable. To swerve from it would be a fatal abandonment of proper con sistency. But this, though a grievous fault, would be the least mischievous portion of such a proceeding. What was the object of introducing the appropriation principle originally into the question? Was it not to as suage the natural antipathy of Ireland against the com pulsory maintenance of the Established Church, which is not the Church of the people of that country, nor even of a respectable minority, but the Church of a mere handful of the Irish population? To conciliate the Irish Catholics and Protestant Dissenters to an Estab lishment which it is not in human nature that they should not view in any other than an odious light, to facilitate the collection of tithes by giving the tithe payers an interest in the fund which they at present have not, and to divert the now ecclesiastical revenue, in even a small channel, to the mental culture and moral improvement of the peasantry—the two leading uses of any ecclesiastical endowment—these were the objects, the wise and beneficial purposes, for which the present House of Commons ratified the resolution of the former, and solemnly repeated the resolution of the 30th of March, in the following more emphatic reso lution of April 7 : " That it is the opinion of this House, that no measure upon the subject of tithes in Ireland, can lead to a satis factory and final adjustment, which does not embody the principle contained in the foregoing resolution." And what was that principle ? " That any surplus which may remain after fully providing for the spiri tual instruction of the members of the Established Church in Ireland, ought to be applied locally to the general education of all classes of Christians." So did the House of Commons determine on the 3d April, by a majority of 25, in a Committee contain ing 500 members. These three distinct decisions of the present House of Commons we hold to be irrevo cably binding upon that assembly. It will not do to say, that indeed a bonus of 401. per cells. is given to the tithe-payers in lieu of the appropriation. Where the tenantry have long leases to run, they would benefit by such an arrangement ; but in countless instances the advantage would flow into the pockets of the worst landlords—without a hope of finding their parallels—in Europe ; and, ultimately, the whole of the deduction would swell their extortionate rental. Incomparably better would it Le for the Irish peasantry if the entire amount of tithes were collected, and a useful appropriation made of the 40/. per cent. But the Tories, who, if we have not been misinformed, arc prepared for the remission of 401. per cent. to the landlords, will shout " Sacrilege" against our /reposition. In the opinion of these hypo crites there iit3 nothing adverse to the Church in the enriching of the landed interest at the expense of the clergy ; but if the same sum which they wil lingly fling into the lay landl or d s ' h or d e be applied to the culture, moral or mental, or to the physical improvement of the poor peasant, then the ears of the nation are stunned by the factious howl about sacrilegious inter ference with, and diversion of, the consecrated trea sure of time Church. We cannot think that the friends • of Reform will play the vile game of these Pharisees. The empire is bent upon the appropriation of the sur plus which must remain after suitable provision is made for the religious instruction of the Irish Episcopalian Protestants, and the people will not be balked in their just expectations.—Morning Chronicle. The wise provisions made from century' to century, by the farmers and successive reformers of the Con stitution of England, for affixing to that Constitution, as its most valuable attribute, a power of self-adjust ment, are rendered more manifest by the occurrences of every passieg day. It speaks for itself, that the es sence of good and free government consists in its ave rage conformity to public opinion. The whole of internal genius o policy, and the spirit of our history, have served to illustrate this one great riding prin ciple. No institution, no course of measures, has ever long prevailed in England, which was not rooted in, and supported by, the general intelligence of the land. In correspondence with this characteristic of our political commonwealth, and indeed coeval with it and as a portion of it, some test of intelligence was early sought a n d esta bli s h e d. Property was fixed upon as the best collective and average test of fitness for in fluence over the a ff a i rs o f t h e community, and all the rights, powers, and functions, legislative or magiste rial, of British subjects, from the time of Alfred downwards, have been marked by a close reference to the possession of property in some shape or other, varying as to modes and incidents, but never as to the substance or the end. The great end of all was jus tice, synonymous with every political and private good. But if justice be the right ann of all human the best key to the attainment of justice he opinion, and the best general index of sound opinion be the possession of so much property as may afford m e ans ofinstruction proportionate to the nature and magnitude of the duties to be discharged ;'so there are other safe guards provided by the jurisprudence and constitution of England, for insuring to opinion that it shall be de liberately formed and that it shall be freely exercised. Impulse is the great antagonist power to opinion. It is impossible that where impulse, or, in other words, passion and precipitation remain unchecked, whether in the jurisprudence of a State, or in its political mea sures, the grossest absurdities and the most execrable injustice Should not disgrace and enfeeble the whole frame of society. Impulse has been restrained or frus trated in the administration of our laws by the nume rous provisions made for revising and correcting, through sundry modes of procedure, the errors of courts and juries. Nor have we at any time lent ourselves to the vulgar outcry against those delays and complexities of practice which, in man; cases, though confess not always, are but salutary precautions against irretrievable wrong. With regard to the framing of laws, nume rous regulations and methods have been devised for in suring that the sentiments of the nation out-of doors shall be ascertained with all essential accuracy—that within doors the opinion of Parliament shall be deli berately formed and freely exercised, and that each question 4all, in its most important bearings, be 'thoroughly understood before it be decided on by the - Legislature. Of such guards against - precipitation, the chief and moat effectual is the division of the legis lative body into two chambers—one representing the fluctuations of public feeling, though not in all in stances governed by the. ; the other representing more immediately and exclusively a mass of in terests of a deeper and more enduring nature — namely, those connected with the property of the soil—an assembly into which those individuals throughout the nation who are most independent in fortune, and most distinguished by abilities or public services, are certain sooner or later to find their way— an assembly which has scarcely, if ever, failed to adopt _those opinions which after standing the test of mature consideration, and the tug of con flicting interests, have generally prevailed among the people, but one which, from being less sus ceptible of sudden caprices, less prone to crude and abrupt decisions, and less subservient to designs, for the success of which a time of turbulent fury was essential has naturally become the object of fear and hatred to the authors of such evil schemes, and by reason of the very guardianship and protection exerted by it over the Constitution, has been railed against by those pub lic enemies of England as a power incompatible with their own. Another security for due deliberation in law-making is the number of readings, committals, and adjournments, which must regularly take place in both Houses of Parliament, between the first introduction of a Bill and its ultimate rejection or completion, in the form of an Act of Parliament. Now, it would never have occurred to us, as either needful or interest ing, to enter upon such elementary notices respecting the structure and action of the Constitution of this country, had not the course of the last two sessions afforded such abundant proof of their justice. Look at the different light in which the questions which have mainly occupied the activity of Parliament and the public attention, are now beheld by the people of this country, from that in which they appeared at the en trance of the present Melbourne Ministry into office. The Municipal Bills for England and Ireland were a pair of giants, the Gog and Magog of revolution. The Irish Tithe Bill was a monster whose jaws were to devour the whole Church and State. The House of Lords was threatened with universal vengeance, should it dare to oppose or question either of those plans for the new modelling of Corporations and for the overthrow of the Church, which were announced by Ministers as being precisely those which the " people of England " approved ; but which, in fact, were neither more nor less than such as the selfish in terests of the Whig faction demanded. Very well, the measures were with infinite parade of boast and in timidation brought into Parliament ; they were debated, they were tossed to and fro, they were made the daily text of clamour without, and of declamatory violence within. There was hardly one of those measures, not a single one, which was not employed by his Ma jesty's Prime Minister as an occasion for menacing the House of Lords with denunciations of national re sentment, and warnings of the fate which would befall that assembly, if it should venture to negative the revolutionary motions of Lord Viscount Melbourne. No such indecency was ever exhibited by a Mem ber of either House of Parliament as by the King's Prime Minister during the last and the present session. But what followed ? The English Municipal Bill was discussed in the House of Lords ; many of its provisions—the most anti-constitutional and dan gerous, in spite of his Lordship's frowns and menaces, were rejected, and others substituted for them. The Bill, on being sent down to the Commons was, with an ill grace, but in a chopfallen spirit, accepted : it passed into a law ; and the -democratic man of all work in the Commons (Lord John Russell) has since declared ex plicitly that . it was a good Bill, and had been a vast improvement on our Municipal Institutions. We need not add that no revolution followed. Then for the Irish Municipal Bill—it, too, was pressed upon both Houses of Parliament as a sine qua non of that demo cracy which dictates the measures of Lord Viscount Melbourne. It was debated in both Houses of Par liament—in the Commons fiercely—desperately in the Lords. A " collision" was, as usual, threatened by the Radicals, and implied by his Majesty's Ministers : but the House of Lords listened calmly, and reso lutely rejected the Revolutionary Bill. What has happened ?—collision ?—a vote of censure upon the House of Lords ? a declaration that the Lords were " a nuisance ?" No such thing ! The man of all work shrunk quietly into a corner. The Irish Bill, for creating in the heart of towns and boroughs a Popish power which never before existed, has been, by the Upper House of Parliament, contemptuously set aside. The Irish Corporations (which we much regret) remain what they have been, but what the Lords did not wish them to continue, exclu sive repositories of local power, because the Ministers Mused to abolish them ; and as for the House of Lords, it is exactly what it has been ever—only inure esteemed and looked up to than at any former pei iod, for a wisdom which no false pretences could embarrass, and a courage which no system of bullying .or intimi dation could shake. Now, finally, comes the Irish Tithe Bill. It was hoisted for the flag of the Mel bourne Ministers from the moment they entered upon office. They nailed the appropriation clause to the mast ; they called it the talisman of all Irish policy, and the hinge of their Ministerial existence. The Lords have already rejected that clause, and they are prepared a second, and a twentieth, time to reject it. Well, what says public opinion to this expedient ? Every hour it has lost ground with the community. The discussions upon it by both houses of Parlia ment have thrown upon it a useful light. The con duct observed with regard to it by the Popish incendia ries, both in and out of Parliament, have made the fraud still more intelligible. It was declared from the very first, by this journal, to be a scheme for the an nihilation' of the Irish Protestant Church. It was represented to be a foundation whereon to rest the machinery of the Papist revolutionary faction, for the entire plunder of the Protestant Clergy, and for the transfer of their subsistence to the Popish priests, under the disguise, amongst others, of estab lishing a fund for the education of Roman Catholic paupers. How stands the question? All, the most unfavourable of our predictions, have been boldly avowed. There is no longer the shadow of mystery about them. Even so lately as Friday night a partisan of the voluntary principle moved the House of Com mons that tithe should, not in name only, but in sub stance and reality, be for ever abolished, declaring that nought less than the " voluntary principle" would ever satisfy the " people of Ireland ;" and that all persons not in communion with the Church of Ireland should be " relieved from all assessment for its support." Mr, Daniel O'Connell pronounced the motion of Mr. Sharman Crawford to be founded on " eternal justice," and objected to it—not for the wrong it did time Church —but because the motion invalved a scheme of corn, pensation from the Consolidated Fund, which he de scribed as still subjecting the people generally to the cost of supporting the Established Clergy ; and 11r, Finn, another of the partnership, announced that the appropriation clause was the only part of the Bill of the smallest value to time " people of foland," for the plain reason that it loft an indefinite opportL, l o4 for " a ppropriating" just so much of the Church revenue as the dominant faction of the State might at any future time determine. At a subseqnent period of the same night Mr. Daniel O'Connell gave notice that his new improvement on the Irish Church Bill would be an increase of the deduction from tithe for the relief of the Irish landlords to 421. 10s. per cent., leaving them to their chance of compensation to the amount of 10 per cent. from the consolidated fund, if a Radical or Pap►st-ridden House of Commons should be graciously pleased to assent Then, are not the eyes of men by thiS time opened ? —Does this, as Lord Stanley asked with much good sense—does this savour of "finality ?" The plot is perspicuous. The Papists will the destruc tion of our temporal Church, and the wretched Mi nisters are conniving and sneaking accessories. The Papists boast of their resolution to-annihilate the esta blishment. The Ministers brim; forward mea.:iurcs, professedly for the support of the Church, and for the extension of Protestantism, which are eagerly caught up and supported by those who avow their eagerness for its destruction. Will not this open men's eyes? The question comes on in the House of Commons this evening, and for the last time during the present, or perhaps any other, session. It will he carried ; but if the Conservatives are honest men and true, it will be carried by a small majority. It goes to the House of Lords a measure already shattered and condemned. It will be there perempto rily rejected. What then ? Another collision ? " Bal derdash." - The Irish Papists will bellow a little, and agitate their own black and offensive waters, but Eng land will stand by and rejoice. England, and Pro testant Ireland, will hail the House of Lords with ac clamations of gratitude. England begins to know— thanks to the opportunities for discussion provided by our glorious legislative system—she begins to fathom the genius of Irish Popery. We speak not of its creed—of its creed we profess to know nothing ; but of its political action we assert this—that the priestly power, the overruling power of Popery, is undefined, is irresponsible to any human law, and pre-eminently to the law of England—that it coerces men in their agency as citizens and subjects, and by the means of an authority over which no magistrate of this realm has the least particle of controul—that since the dawn of history the Popish Priest has aimed at arbitrary domi nation—and that to aggrandize such a power, as we are called upon to do, in the name and on behalf of enlightened liberty, is an impudence and extravagance beyond all bearing.—Times. On Friday last we communicated to the public the intelligence that the long-threatened collision between the two Houses of Parliament had come and gone. Ministers, who had most wantonly provoked that col lision, whose great exploit of the Session it was to carry out the plot for placing both Houses in a hostile position, became evidently alarmed at the consequences of pushing on their own design to its completion. Their democratic allies having failed in their attempts to excite the people against the Lords, and no less than three elections, in the compass of a few weeks, having all ended in the signal discomfiture of the Go vernment candidates, Ministers became sensible of their rashness. The instinct of danger, which, to the dullest animals, supplies the place of wisdom, so far as is necessary for self-preservation, taught them to do the only wise thing which they have done during the whole of this discreditable proceeding, to get rid of it quickly. Hence the collision which - they - had la boured to produce no sooner appeared than they shunned it as a fatal portent. These conjurors could not bear the sight of the Frankenstein of their own creation. But to affect the confidence of eventual victory, amid the disastrous circumstances of a precipitate retreat, was a stratagem worthy of one whose whole policy is a course of crookedness and deception. Yet still to pretend to court a collision while flying from it could indeed deceive nobody. If they cannot compel the Lords note to submit to the degradation of registering the decrees of the faction, wielded by the Irish Agi tator, they know, or ought to know, that they will be less able to do it the longer they postpone the strug gle. The more the people of England see of the measures of a Government of which O'Connell is the irresponsible dictator, the less disposed will they be to support a Government whose policy so obviously tends to the subversion of their religion and liberties, and the downfall of that unrivalled Constitution under which this country became the pre-eminent nation of the world. No, the Melbourne Ministry may rest assured that the longer they delay the great effort which is to con summate their glory, by prostrating the House of Lords at the feet of the Irish demagogue, the more reason will they have to dread the re-action of that effort upon their own power. The returning sobriety and reflection of the people is certainly not favourable at present for the success of the mad attempt of Ministers upon the independence of the House of Lords, and, through that, upon our mixed Constitution. In each succeeding year, the people, schooled by experience, will be still better able to distinguish between rational reforms and those destructive designs which are carried on under false colours of reform. But though we cannot give Ministers credit for much political sagacity, it is pro bable they are quite as well convinced as we are that, if either at the present or any future time they were really to strike the threatened blow at the independence of the House of Lords, the recoil of that wild at tempt would shatter their power to atoms. The Lords being firm in adhering to their decision upon the Irish Municipal Bill, for the unanswered and unanswerable reasons which they have given, how could Ministers compel them to surrender their constitutional indepen dence and privileges, and to share with themselves the humiliation of bowing the knee to the Baal of Irish agitation ? Is it by inducing the King to abuse his prerogative ?—or by appealing to the people, and in ducing them to return a House of Commons, in which the Whig-Radical majorities would be so overwhelm ing that resistance to their will by the House of Lords, would look very like resistance to the expressed will of the nation ? As to the King, we feel assured that he would as soon take his hereditary crown from his head as the priest-ridden King John did, and lay it at the feet of the Pope's representative, as create a hundred Peers to promote the anti-Protestant and uncon stitutional designs of the Whig Ministers, and gratify' the boundless ambition of Mr. O'Connell. His Majesty has too good an understanding not to know that with the degradation of the Peerage the lustre of the Crown would fade, and the security of the monarchy itself be gone. An appeal to time people—will that be tried ? Threats to that effect were thrown out by Ministers and their scribes some time ago, but if they ever - seriously entertained such a design, the result of the elections for Merio nethAire, Essex, and South Warwickshire, must have cured them of their self-delusion. They know it will not do to appeal from the House of Lords to the country ; knowing this, they have contrived, as rapidly as possible, to get rid of the collision which they la boured so long and lustily to bring about. The - Lords having taken up the gauntlet which they threw down, I a t the moment that the lists were prepared, and the trumpets about to sound the charge, ;hey decline the battle, but at the same time solemnly declare .that it is not their courage that fails, but their convenience that does not suit. This is rather an awkward exhi bition of either the courage or the resources of the challenges of the Lords, for the latter have only acted on th:defensive. Had they yielded to the fierei and systematic intimidation which has been directed against them, they would have fallen without dignity —they' would have given a moral as well as political triumph te their enemies. As it is, they have acted in a man ner worthy of the successors of the ancient Barons of England ; they have reet intimidation by manly dc iiance ; they have repelled insults with becoming scorn ; they have, by intrepid and uncompromising firmness, saved their honour, and, what is more, they have saved their country,—Morning Herald. Time intelligence from Jamaica, which appears in another part of our paper, is of a most interesting character. Lord Sligo, like other and higher autho rities nearer home, hag found that " collision" between the constituted authorities of the State is not a pru dent or profitable game. His Lordship has diseo vered, like [us superiors at Whitehall, that constitutional rights, privileges, and durigi are not yet exactlywhat the Whigs in all climates would mho thom—words ab solutely without meaning. The collision at Westrnin ster and the collision at Jamaica- have had sub stantially the same result, although the Whig dis grace in the former instance has been somewhat better disguised. This t however, is n o t the only occasion upon record in which the worse man has corn 9 off hest : The Marquis of Sligo has done wrong, He is convicted' of having done so too clearly for cavil or dispute, He acknowledges, retracts, begs pardon, and, having had to do with really generous and liberal people, he is forgiven. He has been bold, straightforward, and impetuous, and the people of the torrid zone have so much sympathy with these qualities that on offering his confession and apology, the errors into which they led him have been o verlooked. The Marquis of Sligo, it must be admitted, and especially by those who com pare him with Lord John Russell, is a great man. The latter talks, and keeps his partisans talking, for six months about a collision that he and his majority in the House of Commons intend to hazard with the House of Lords ; and when the time comes to realise his big threats lie skulks out of the affair as qu i et l y as a l am b. He is, like his friend and master, O'Connell, a calculating assailant of the Constitution, goes no further than the precise point from which lie thinks lie can safely draw back, is glad of the as sistance of the mob, and will take all possible pains to excite them ; but if the mob do not prepare to take the lead in any meditated encounter, and place him out of the reach of danger, is quite resolved, from the be ginning, that there shall be no encounter at all. Lord Sligo is e vidently, and that is not saying much, a far better fellow. Blunderer though he be, lie has the merit of having thoughts, 'and feel ings, and courage of his own. He does not get up the expectation of a collision to gain a point, de termined beforehand that, unless he is well protected, there shall be no collision whatever ; but, having a fancy for a collision, lie confronts the responsibility and danger at on ce. " The torrid zone for ever l" say we ; and vet the difference cannot be entirely in the greater directness at Jamaica of the sun's rays. Lord John Russell and the men who surround him would never, we are persuaded, rise to the dignity of a bold, straightforward, or resolute course upon any subject, even though they were to live for a hundred years at the equator. The contrast between the present leader of the House of Commons and the Governor of Ja maica is scarcely greater, however, than that between the assembled Representatives, as, in courtesy we sup pose we must call them, of the people of Great Bri tain and Ireland, and the Jamaica Assembly. The Marquis of Sligo has had the misfortune to affront the latter, and has been compelled to retract and apologize; Lord John Russell and his colleagues have laboured with great assiduity and success to place the former in a ridiculous position before their constituents, and for this a hundred venal voices are ready, whenever they speak, to animate and cheer them with applauding shouts. As an apologist and a supplicant to the offended Assembly of Jamaica the erring and atoning Governor is not spurned, as Lord John Russell and his col leagues would certainly be, and by the men who now most loudly applaud them, if they were reduced to the necessity of assuming the same attitude before the House of Commons. The Jamaica representatives are generous, because they are stroncr. They know that they enjoy the confidence of their constituents, and they , can well afford to commiserate and forgive the occ asional offences which the portly Whig gentle man whom his Majesty's Ministers have sent among them may commit. But let not the Whig Ministers on any account be apologists or suppliants .to that majority which now vociferates applause when they speak, and votes submissively as they command. The charm would then be broken—the spell by which they controut the House of Commons would then be dissolved. The dread of a dissolution, or, what would be the same thing in effect, the hope of avoiding this greatest of all calamities to a large proportion of the Ministerial majority, would then be at an end, and those who now most delight to extol the Ministers and obey them, would be the first, and the loudest, and the bitterest to revile and to denounce. Collision, it will have been seen, is a disastrous game for the Whigs whether in America or Europe, whether played with rash impe tuosity or with frudulent art. We must not be mis taken, however, for the apologists of Lord Sligo merely because, in comparing his conduct in Jamaica with that of his Ministerial friends in London, we have acknowledged our preference for the former. The Noble Marquis's confession of his own folly and in discretion is so full and explicit indeed as to leave very little for us to add upon the subject. " Having been informed," says the Noble Mar quis, " by authority of more experience than my own, and to which it is my duty to submit, that the delivery of my message, relative to the Act in Aid, involved a breach not contemplated, as I before assured you, of the privileges of the Assem bly, I have only to express my regret at its having taken place." It might surely have been expected that the Noble Governor, if sent out to Jamaica, in pursuance of the Whig principle, of selecting men to fill the most important offices without a know ledge of the privileges of the local legislature, might have acquired some general notion of those privileges during his protracted residence in that valuable colony. His Lordship thought, however, that he had a right to dictate to the Legislature of Ja maica, just as the King's Ministers in this country imagined that they and their rank majority in the House of Commons had a right to dictate to the House of Lords. His defeat has not been more sig nal or complete than theirs, although it has been at tended by circumstances of deeper mortification. The " authority of more experience than his own, and to which it is his duty to submit," must mean, of course, the Ministers of the Crown ; but if we may judge from their own conduct, their admonition could have amounted only this, that " collision" is a thing to be threatened • in particular circumstances, but never with any idea of realising the threat, unless " col lision" should become decidedly popular, in which case the most should be made of it. To this it might, perhaps, be added, that " collision" should be avoided at all events, whenever there is the least danger of its interfering with the supplies. The Marquis of Sligo's plea of inexperience reflects the greatest discredit upon the Government which sent him out, the members of which, if they thought fit to appoint an ignorant and inexperienced man to such an office as that of Governor of Jamaica (and at such a time, too), ought unquestionably to have taken care to supply him with such sufficient instructions as would have saved the colon ( from any serious injury from his incapacity. The Noble Marquis confesses that the greatest inconvenience has arisen from the premature dissolution of the Assembly, which resulted from his abortive attempt to dragoon them into obe dience to his lawless will. And we think the people of England will generally be of opinion that injury or inconvenience front such a cause ought not to have been blended with the trying and hazardous experi ment to which the most important interests of Jamaica are at this moment exposed in consequence of an Act of the British Legislature.—Morning Post. Nortwithstanding that the proposition of appropria ting the surplus revenues of the Irish Church to pur poses of general education has been so frequently ap-, proved by large majorities of the House of Commons, yet the Tories are mustering their forces, as we men tioned on Saturday for another division this evening, when the subject will be again brought under conside• ration. The question has already been discussed ad nauseam, and therefore we do not expect that the de bate will present any feature of original interest. The justice and expediency of the propos e d appropriation are so self-evident as to stamp conviction without the aid of argument, and the motive of the Opposition is too firmly fixed in bigotry, selfishness, and intolerance, to be removed by any appeal to reason or sound po licy. In fact, though we consider it most important that the Liberal Members should be in their places this evening, for the sake of proving to their friends and enemies that they are vigilant of the national inte rest, yet it would be folly to expect any immediate practical result from the majority which is certain to sanction the appropriation principle. So surely as it will be carried by the House of Commons, so surely will it be rejected by the House of Lords ;—a striking, illustration a the effect of vesting legislative autho rity in an irresponsible body of men—cut off from all sympathy with the wants and wishes of the nation. How lung will the people submit to see the whole pro ceedings of their representatives defeated by an unjust and tyrannical oligarchy ? The conduct of the Lords makes the functions of the House of Commons a mere farce. Where is the use of assemblina, debatiog, A nd decidiug ou t subiccts l i one 4110144. 1 tbe 'Aber the questions ate predoonied' to a different result? Shall the Lords be permitted with impunity to held the Comiuons of England in such a contemptible light as that in which they have new placed them ? Shall we submit to be made the laughing-stock of our oppressors,—our representatives to be insulted and treated with derision, and the Lords to exult in their usurpation, and treasonably assert that they and not the Commons represent the people ? If we submit to such outrage, we shall deserve to be scorned and spat upon by every petty tyrant who may choose to indulge in such patrician amusement. We are surprised -that any friend of an Established Church can be so blind to its interests as to oppose the appropriation clause, which is in fact the means' of a temporary reprieve from utter destruction. The longer the question is left unsettled, the sooner will be the establishment of the voluntary principle, and thus the opposition is likely to be attended with at least one good effect, that of leaving the support of religion to be re gulated by the conscience of the individual. The Mi nistry are certain to have a large majority this evening, if their friends, and the friends of the people will only do their duty ; but never, until the House or Lords be reformed, need we expect justice to be permitted free and fair operation in our legislative eeonomy.—Morn ing Advertiser. COURT OF ALDERMEN. THE PRESENT CONDITION OF THE GAOL OF NEW GATE.—Saturday a Court of Aldermen was held at the Mansion-house, for the purpose of taking into coniideration a report presented by the gaol committee appointed to take evidence in Newgate on the state of that prison, and the conduct of those who superintended it. The subject, which excited a vast deal of interest, was discussed with strictly closed doors, and a great number of Aldermen were pre sent. The Court were some time occupied upon this sub ject, and finally adopted the report with unanimity. It was then determined by the Court that a copy of the re port and of the evidence taken before the committee should be sent to Lord John Russell, with a request that his Lordship would lay it before the House of Commons. After some business of no public importance, the Court adjourned. CHANCERY COURT-SATURDAY. GLASSINGTON V. TIINVAITES. Mr. TEMPLE appeared in support of a petition of ap peal from an order of this Court made in further directions in the cause on the 15th of July, 1834. It appeared that the plaintiff filed his bill in 1822, for an account of the dealings and profits of the Morning Herald newspaper, in which he had a share. An order was made by the Master of the Rolls in 1831, referring it to the Master to take the accounts between the parties. The Master proceeded with the accounts, and was preparing his report, when the plain tiff sent in certain objections. The plaintiff was anxious now to cancel all that was done since he brought in the objections to the report, so as to be at liberty to take ex ceptions to it or otherwise do as he may be advised. Mr. STUART was going to address the Court for Mr. Fynmore, who principally attended to this case, and whose conduct was brought into question by the petition of appeal, when The LORD CHANCELLOR said , it was not necessary to hear him. He was not disposed to set aside arrangements made by parties' Counsel or solicitors. He ordered the petition to be dismissed with costs. After further conversation, the costs of all the parties opposing this petition were ordered to be paid out of the petitioner's share of the fund, the subject of the suit. The party not being in Court, the costs could not be otherwise ordered. VICE-CHANCERY COURT.. SHERRIFF V. BERNARD. Mr. JACOB, on Saturday, moved to dissolve an injunction restraining the defendant from removing some erections on a piece of land, of which he took a lease from the plain tiff, to carry on his business as a ship-builder. The erec tions were made of timber sunk into mortar, upon the walls of sawpits, which the defendant made for the purpose of his trade. The case occupied the Court almost the whole day, the question being whether these erections were fixed to the freehold. His HONOUR said , the injunction must be dissolved as to the erections over the saw-pits, but should be continued as to the boundaries of the saw-pits. KING'S BENCH.-SATURDAY. MOSCATI V. LONGMAN AND OTHERS. This was an action brought by the plaintiff', who sued in forma pauperis, to recover from the defendants, the eminent booksellers, damages for a libel inserted in the Medical Gazette, of which they are the publishers and printers. The defendants had put upon the record a justification, stating that the article complained of was true, and therefore they were not guilty. Sir F. PoLiocic stated the plaintiff's case at great length, and contended there was nothing which could justify the libel in question. It appeared in the Medical Gazelle of the 26th of April, 1834, in the shape of a letter, and pur ported to be an answer to a pamphlet published by the plaintiff. . The libel was then read, which charged the plaintiff with being an imposter, a notorious liar, and incapable of speaking the truth upon the most trivial occasion, and the only excuse which could be offered was that the propensity for lying arose froth a species of monomania. The publication being admitted, the ATTORNEY-GENE RAL said lie should be able to prove every word con tained in the publication which was the cause of the pre sent action. Mr. S. Simes, a surgeon, became acquainted with the plaintiff in 1832. Heard him say he was a Marquis, and had accompanied Napoleon in all his wars. Plaintiff said he was a Knight Grand Cross—a Member of the Legion of Honour ; that he had protected the Queen of France in his chateau for many years. Heard him say he was the author of " Pelham" and " Asmodeus in London ;" that he had written several works for Mr. Bulwer ; that he used to carry a real Toledo blade which would tie round his body. On one occasion he heard the Russians break up their camp although they were 24 hours' march off ; that he gave Napoleon notice of it at the time, but he would not believe him—( A laugh)—that he could see in the dark ' • that he was acquainted with P r i nce Talleyrand and the Duke of Sussex ; that he knew 34, and could speak fluently 24 languages, and also thaf nature had given him the power of ruminating his food like an animal. Cross-examined by Sir F. Vouocx—The plaintiff made statements as having actually occurred. Edward L. Bulwer, M.P., was the author of " Pelham," and the plaintiff had never assisted him in the writing of the work. Cross-examined by Sir F. PoLLocx—Was acquainted with the plaintiff, who had written three or four papers, which witness corrected, and inserted in the Ncw Monthly. A part of a letter from a physician in Paris was read ; it stated that Moscati was a perfect phenomenon ; that he could not speak the truth, but that otherwise he never knew any thing bad of him. Dr. Elliotson—l became acquainted with the plaintiff in 1832. I first remonstrated with him on his habit of speak ing untruths. In 1833 I said, " Marquis, a lie is a thing an Englishman detests more than anything, so do give up this foolish practice." He started up, said he never would tell another, rushed out, and never came into my house again. He had always said be was a Marquis, the son of Marquis, and the grandson of a Count Moscati. . _ Mr. William Jerdan, editor of the Literary Gazette — The plaintiff cannot command a review in my publication. Cross-examined—l have known plaintiff several years. Ile is a person of considerable talent. Lord DENMAN said the Jury would, if they concurred with him, give their verdict for the plaintiff on the general issue, for the mere publication was not disputed, and for the defendants on the plea of justification. The Jury intimated their concurrence with his Lordship, and returned a verdict accordingly. COMMON PLEAS.-SATURDAY. LIBEL.---SHIPLEY 1.7. TODIIIINTER. This was an action brought by the plaintiff, a clerk in a Manchester warehouse, against the defendant, an indigo merchant, in Mincing-lane, for libel, and the defendant pleaded to the declaration, first, that he was not gui:ty of the publication, and next a justification. Mr. THEssIGER appeared for the plaintiff, avid Mr. Ser geant TALFOURD for the defendant. After hearing evidence, the Jury found a verdict for the plaintiff for the word spoken—Damages 501., and in favour of the deroudant for the letters, they not having been written with a malicious intention. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT. The Matters of the Petitions and Schedules of the Prisoners hereinafter named (the same having been filed in the Cpurt) are appointed to be heard, at the Court-house, in Portugal_ street, Lincoln's Inn-fields on TUESDAY, July 5, 1836, at Nine o'clock in the Forenoon. Walton, E., Lowes-more, Worcester, butcher. Marsh, M., Queen-street, Eclgeware-road, stage coachman., Rix, G., Teal's-terrace, Hackney-road, coal-meleti Daniels, A., Petticoat-lane, Whitechap4 ire,ite;elt Hammond, J., Hollis - place, qtecAi's,-;elms, Chelsea, gardener. Maris, CurtaiA-Tep t l, , Sb,erp4i, 4' 1(1 44 waiter in his Majesty's 949: 1 ?R5.. D.unthorne, Ncctog., war SecalTham, Norfolk, victualler. Boswoo.b, 0„ llorsemonger-lane, Newington, Surrey, shoemaker. Bewering t J. P., 'rysoe-street, Clerkenwell, linendraper. Doulevey, 1. , Queen -street, Lower-road, Islington,'school-master. Burwash, T., "Merideth-street, Clerkenwell, coal-merchant. There are at present only 15 prises us in confine ment for trial at the Wilts' ASsi4CS% POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MA NSION- HO USE. After the general business of the Mansion House was cone:tided on Friday, Mr. Chapman, one of the great house or Overend, Gurney, and Co., Lombard-street, applied to Al.imnan Winchester for a warrant for the apprehension of Thomas Harvey Forrester, a tallow-broker, who, he said, had absconded with tallow-warrants, under circumstances similar to those which distinguished the case of Laketnau some time ago. Mr. Chapman stated that a considerable number of lox warrants having been deposited with the firm es secum rity fora sum of money to the amount of 6,5001. Mr, For. rester, who was known to them as a man extensive and res pectable business as a broker, applied to them on Thursday the 30th of June, and received from them warrants for 458 casks of Russia tallow. He gave them a draft upon the Bank of England for 6,573/. 9s. 9d'., of the genuineness of which, in every respect, there was of course not, the slightest doubt, the firm knowing that he kept a cash account at the Bank. When, however, the draft was preseut , ,d, payment was refused, all Mr. Forrester's money havinifoeen previously drawn out. . . - Alderman WINCHESTER imardaiately granted the war rant, and said that it could not be entrusted to better hands than John and DaP.',el Forrester, the officers, who would use every exertion to find out-their namesake. The broker, it has- been ascertained, obtained upwards of 6,0001. upon the warrants soon after he obtained pos session of them. A reward of 1001. has been offered for his apprehension by Messrs. Overend and Gurney. The adventurous spirit of this delinquent was rather remarktb ble. He was seen at his counting-house in Threadneedle street, over the Baltic Coffee-house, as well as at the Royal Exchange, on Friday morning. It is expected that he is gone to the Continent ; but it is supposed that, like Lake— man, he will be at large by,and-by about the town. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Leeds Mercury.) HUDDERSFIELD.—There has been no visible change in the state of this market for the last three or four weeks. Business in general is pretty good. BRADFORD.—The activity we have so often had to re port in the piece -market continues unabated, and in six. quarters, especially low and middle sorts, trade to-day is particularly brisk. Prices remain very steady, although the demand for wool is extremely limited. Farmers are rather firmer. The Liverpool sales of New South Wales wool went off ld. to 2d. per lb. above the recent London sales. ROCHDALE.—The market this week was very well attended, but not so brisk as the last. Low goods were much in demand, and sold well. The trade in Rochdale is generally good at present, and building is going on to a very considerable extent. YORK.--The quantity of wool brought to this (Thurs.. day's) market, was not so large as that supplied last week, nor was the attendance of buyers so numerous, yet a con siderable portion of business was done, and last week's quotations were fully supported :—Good bred bog, 18i.d. ; half hog and ewe, 161 d. to 17d. ; all ewe, 15d. to 151 d. ; locks without cots, 101 d. to 114 d. ; ditto with cots, 11d. to 12id. per lb. UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE. OXFORD, JUNE 30. —0 n Sunday last Mr. William Burnett, Scholar of New College, was admitted Actual Fellow of that Society. On Monday last Messrs. Henry William Burrows and George Martin Bullock, Scholars of St. John's, were admitted Fellows of that College ; and at the same time, Mr. Thom a s Knapp Chittenden, C ommoner o f S t . John's (of kin to the founder), was elected and admitted Fellow; and James Bel lamy (from Merchant Tailors' School), and Thomas Garrard (from Reading School), were elected and admitted Scholars of that Society. This day Thomas Brancker, B. A., Orlando Haydon Bridgeman Haman, B. A., and Joseph Wall:er, B. A., were admitted Actual Follows of Wadham College; and Richard Congreve (from Rugby School) was elected Scholar of the same Society. On the same day Mr. Andrews, of Queen's, and Mr. But ler, of Oriel, were elected Fellows of Exeter. On Thursday last the following degrees were conferred : Doctor in Medicine.—William - Travers Cox, Pembroke. Doctor in Civil Law.—John Robert Kenyon, Fellow of All Souls'. Bachelor of Divinity.—Rev. Sidney William Cornish, Exeter, Grand Compounder. Masters of Arts.—Howell Jones Phillips, Worcester, Grand Compounder; Robert Laurence Roberts, St. John's, Grand Compounder; Rev. Robert Armitage, Worcester; Rev. Francis Smith, Trinity ; Rev. Wellesley Pole Piggott, New Inn Hall ; Rev. Hastings Harrington, Magdalen Hall ; Rev. William Allder Strange, Scholar, of Pembroke ; Rey, William Perceval Ward Oriel. Bachelors of Arts.—John Edward Cox, All Souls'; Hon. William Chetwyn4 Talbot, Seymour Phillips Allen, Christ Church ; Edward Charles Egans, Oriel. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. LUDLOTV RACES— THURSDAY. The Gold Cup, to be paid in Specie, by subscription of 10 sovs. each. Twice round, starting at the Mr. Farmer's Timothy, 5 yrs, Bst. lllb Davies 1 Mr. Painter's Matadore, 4 yrs, Bst. 31b... The Oakley Park Stakes of 10 sovs. each, h. ft., for half-bred horses, 12st. each. T.Y. C. heats. 5 Subs. Mr. Farmer's Bilbury walked over. A Handicap Sweepstakes of 5 sovs. each, 1 soy. ft., with 20 added by the Members of the Southern Division of the County, for horses of all ages. Heats, once round and a di s t ance . T he for feits to be given to the second horse. 4 Subs. Mr. Thorn's Miss Caroline, 3 yrs Lad 1 1 Mr. Farmer's Timothy, 5 yrs The Derby Races are discontinued, the Course having passed into the hands of parties who have refused their consent to the Races being held on it. Workmen are employed in pulling down the grand stand. Mr. Chifney's colt The Athenian, which occasioned so man y false starts for the D er by St a k es, will he put up by auction on Monday, under peculiar circumstonces, AQUATICS. THE GREAT SCULLERS' WAGER THIS DAY.—The crack wager amongst the ten picked men for the sovereigns given by his Grace the Duke of Buccleuch, comes off to-day. Watts, Phelps, Norris, Bartlett, Coombes, Royal, Ellis, Cobb, Brown, and. Lewis, are entered to contend. It cannot fail of being an out-and-out affair. The below-bridge style is adopted in the articles of rowing. They are to have four heats, but the precise distance cannot well be understood. The bills express it as " back and back." It will extend from Milbank to a boat moored off Waterloo-bridge, and the dis tances rowed twice over. Watts is reckoned the favourite ; but those who have paid attention to river sports for the last four years must remember what Norris could do. He is in the same condition now, and it not all unlikely that he may " tie Watts up." Bartlett is very good; and should the leading men foul they will not stand much chance of making up their lost time. Phelps came in next to Watts in the match for Lyon's sovereigns last year. All the crack boats are booked for the day. Last week John Ridout, of Beekington, having a dispute with George Tinbury, struck him (Tinbury) a violent blow on the back part of the head which terminated his exis, twice. —Bath Herald. PL AT E D ICE PAILS, with Silver Edges, are offered, price Five Guineas the Pair, PLATED CORNER DISHES, with Silver Edges, may be purchased, price Nine Guineas the Set of Four Dishes, with Covers ---the handles take off the covers so as to form eight dishes when required. T. COX SAVORY, Goldsmith, Silversmith, Ece, 47, Cornhill, London. N. 13. The whole of the first and second moors are fitted up as SHOW ROOMS, for the display of Plate, Plated Goods, &c. B Ili TII S. On the 4th ult., at Gibraltar, the lady of Lieut.-Col. Augustus postle, Ellis, of the 60th Rifl es , o f a d aughter. On the Ist inst., Mrs. And erso n, of Great St. Thomas A of a son. On the 30th u lt., a t C amberwe ll- gro ve, the lady of C aptain A. Nairn°, of a son. On the ' , 7th ult., at Windmill-hill, Enfield, Mrs. W. S. m artin, of a daughter. On the 2d i ns t., i n L am b' s Conduit-street, Mrs. W. T. Cl ar k e, of a son. On the Ist inst., at Cadogan-place, the lady of C. B. R eynani.. son, Esq., of a daughter. On the Ist inst., at Harrow, the lady of A. Lawson, Esq., M. p.. of a son. . MARRIED. On the 30th ult., at St. Sepulchre's, Mr. James Hickson, of West Smithfield, to Sopia, youngest daughter of C. Hill, E sq ., o f West Smithfield. On the 30th ult., at St. Martin's, Ludgate, Mr. John 11 . Cross, eldest son of the late J. Cross, Esq., of Charterhouse-square, and Grove House, Cheshunt, to Elizabeth, youngest daughter of the late Mr. Isherwood, of Ludgate-hill. On the Ist inst., at St. Mary's, Newington, Mr.`J. G. Strachan, of Basinghall-street, to Ann, second daughter of J. Vickers, Esq., of Surrey-square. On the 30th ult., at Reading, Mr. Frank Hart, of Nottingham, to Emma, third daughter of the late Nathaniel Loader, E sq ., o f 13asingtoke. On the 30th ult., at St. Nicholas Church, Nottingham, John Ingall Werg e , Esq., of E xgre ave Park, Notts, to F anny, second daughter of D. Melville, Esq., of the former place. DIED. Otlllto 30th ult., J. T. Simpson, Esq., late of the Coldstmam. Guards. On the 29th ult., at Hammersmith, Mr. Thos. Rapha e l 'Hobbes, aged 60, On the 28th ult., a t St. George's-street, Havtover-Nuare, Mr. Richard Barbaroux, many years the confidevit;.al Secretary to the late Earl and present Countesi Dowager of On the 29th May, in Madeira, Eliza. wife of the Rev. William Gibson, and daughter of the Bishop o 1 Chester. On the Ist inst., v.ged 74, D7 - r. - Scott, of Stevens' Hotel, New Bond-street. On the New Bond-street, Mrs. CoHitch, relict of the late eolliteh, F.sq., Queen's-buildings, Brompton, aged 84. London: Printed and Published by 3IURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand,, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the count/ of Alidffiesea. an Pi fr( or Er; E Trio, Pro, THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JULY 4,