The Sun. — London, England, 1844-07-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. r mom TUE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—The Bill for repealing the union of the two Walsh bishoprics received its ;Teeth-blow on Thursday last. The Duke of Wellington then struck it down by a •sudden ts-zs of the Royal. Prerogative—a " State trick," which was kept in reserve, as a dernier resort, to prevent the con fu .on and disruption whici it would have caused in the Ministerial ranks, had it been allowed to enter the House of Commons. There the discussions would have separated Gladstone from Peel—Goulburn must have supported the Bill, or vacated his seat for the University of Oxford—while the Ministerial benches would have been again in a state of most admirable insubordination. With the additional bitter ness which Church questions generally infuse into debate, the scenes that were enacted on the Sugar Duties would have been repeated. Such a Bill was to be got rid of at all hazards, and by any means. The dan g er was imminent. It required no ordinary skill , on the part of the Ministers, to extricate themselves from the difficulties of their position. The (tails on either hand were obvious. On the one side was the Church, demanding the preservation of the two sees which were threatened with amalgamation. Lifting up their mitred heads, and raising their episcopal voices, the Bishops protested against the dangerous interposition of the State with the spiritual functionaries of the Church. Those of the lay peers who sided with the Bishops in their crusade against the Government, denounced, in terms more caustic than courteous, the "manoeuvre" by which the Duke of Welling ton, acting iu the name and on the behalf of the Ministry, had frustrated the vote by which the Lords had de clared for the retention of the Welsh bishopric sacrilegiously threatened with extinction. All this was bad enough. But Prime Ministers possess peculiar means of softening the wrath of Bishops. The gentle spirits which inhabit episcopal breasts, keep not in remembrance the offences of Cabinets. Peers themselves are placable when the acts which they disapprove are committed by the Government of whose general politics they approve, and which has honours and rewards at its disposal. To strangle the Bill iu the house of Lords with the silken cord of the Royal Prerogative, was, doubtless, a course less fraught with danger than to allow it to enter the Commons. There it npuld be the signil for renewing dissensions not yet healed ; of reviving altercations between the Ministry and its friends the sounds of which have scarcely ceased to grate upon the sensitive ears of the Premier. The Bill was, as we have said, and for the causes we have ex plained, knocked on the bead by the Duke of Wel lington on Thursday last. Its fate was alluded to last even ing by Earl Powis, its author; who complained of the treat meat the measure had received from the Government :—" He believed lie oould say, that during the whole period the House of Hanover was on the throne, there was no precedent to be found for such a course as had been adopted in this case. There was no measure that Parliament had expressed a wish further to consider, in which the Crown had interposed its authority to prevent that further considerationof the matter." His Lordship, however, felt that it was vain to contend with the power which had been brought to bear upon the measure ; and he therefore withdrew it from further notice. The Bishop of Salisbury pronounced the funeral oration over the lifeless corpse of the Bill, martyred by the sacrilegious hands of Minis ters—strangled by a " manoeuvre" for State convenience. We dismiss the reproaches and remonstrances which the Right Rev. Prelate addressed to the Government, for the purpose of in troducing, what appears to us of much more importance—the imputed infraction of the union between the Church and the State, which has been committed by Ministers, in their mode of getting rid of the difficulties that embarrassed them, in connection with the Bill being introduced into the House of Conarnons after having passed the House of Lords. We stop not to investigate the validity of the grounds on which the Bishop of Salisbury rests his accusations of the Government. STANDARD.—EarI Powis last night withdrew his Bill for the severance of the dioceses of Bangor and St. Asaph. A debate of considerable length preceded the withdrawal of the Bill, but the topics of this discussion related rather to the regularity of introducing such a Bill without the appro bation of the Crown previously obtained, than to the merits of the Bill itself. We think that there is some (per haps not useless) obscurity involving the question really debated—the right of the Crown to set a preliminary veto lipon Or introduction of any class of measures. We know ;that in practice, the Crown and each of the two Houses severally have been allowed an exclusive initiative in particular cases—the Crown, where Crown property, or pri vilege, or grants to individuals may be concerned, the House of Lords all measures touching the peerage, and the Commons in the matter of taxation. Thjg, all are aware, has been the practice of the three branches ofMie sovereign legislature ; bait woaild be difficult to trace that practice to any distinct law. The natural explanation appears to be, that in each of. the cases, the Crown, the House of Lords, and the House of Commons have, upon just and prudent considerations, divested itself of the initiative of propositions, by proposing which first it might inconveniently compromise itself with one or both of the other branches. This is plainly the opinion of Lord Brougham—an excellent authority- upon a question of Con stitutional law—for his Lordship maintains the perfect legality of a member of either House of Parliament introduc ing any measure, subject only to the self- imposed orders of the House to which he belongs.. According to this view, which is, we are convinced, the just one, it is a rule esta blished by the House of Lords, and not the prerogative of the Crown, which has unfavourably determined the destiny of Lord Powis' Bill. As we have said, how ever, the question is obscure, and not uselessly obscure. It is better to avoid the definition of naked rights among powers wilt* cordial co-operation is necessary for their acting with success. " Definitions lege suet perieulosee" in more senses than one ; for, questionless, reciprocal concessions tend much more to harmony of ac tion than a separation of powers by stern legal barriers. Of the merits of the Bill withdrawn last night we have little to add to what we have already said : we could heartily wish that St. Asaph's might retain its bishop, and that Manchester might have a bishop also ; but we cannot shut our eyes to the difficulty of completing this arrangement or to the danger of opening anew the adjust ment of the ecclesiastical establishment so long ago ef fected. Lord Powis' ,Bill, if successful, would not be a barren precedent, nor would the use made of it be limited to the episcopal order. The union that it would sever, is a part of a plan wisely, and with the best, intentions, contrived to render the resources of the Church to the utmost extent available for the religious in struction of the people, with the view of being able to call boldly upon the country to supply the deficiency that might be found after this effort and its sacrifices had been made, and had been made manifest. We have a confident hope that the effect will be to stimulate the people to go before the Legislature in de manding a large extension of the means of the Church's utility and the sphere of its influence. Such, we have no doubt, is the purpose of Sir Robert Peel. In the dispensa tion of Church patronage he has done all that a minister could do to advance the Church in the favour of the public. The bishops of his appointment are surely men the best calculated to reflect honour upon their sacred office, and to render the office itself popular, even with multitudes who have been hitherto indif ferent or insensible to his value. We are convinced that even now the appointment of ten or twenty new bishops (such bishops as Sir Robert Peel has appointed) upon newly es tablished bishoprics, would be gratefully welcomed by the nation ; nor would any difficulty be made be cause of the augmentation of the Church influ ence in a House of Lords 'so largely increased br lay peerages ; but the temporal provision is still to be considered, and for that the newly awakened zeal of the public is not yet sufficient. We have, however, no doubt that in good time all difficulty on this head will be made to disappear, if only the plan of the Prime Minister shall be permitted to work without interruption. It is be cause the success of Lord Powis' Bill would seriously impede the progress of that plan, that we are reconciled to the failure of the measure. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of July 12.) Seta'..—To-dav importers of West India Sugar succeeded in obtaining rather'higher rates, making the advance for the week, 6d to Is ; from both Sugar Refiners and Grocers the demand was good, the former paying prices varying from 55s • to ells for low to fine. grey; and the latter 58s to 66s for mid ' dling to tine yellow, 57s to 57s Gd for inferior, and 54s to 56s 6d • per ewt for brown. The purchases are 830, making the total sales for the week 3,450 blids and tres, including a public sale this afternoon of 218 hhds 7 tres and 47 brls of Trinidad, which went at fell market rates, and fetched 59s to GOs 6d for tine-yellow, 59s to 58s 6d for good, 563 to 57s for middling; and 54s 641 to 53s 641 for :ow dark; and 553 Gd for drainage damaged; a public sale of 130 hhds Barbadoes Sugar is de clared for Tuesday. IlLerseo.—To-day large parcels of Refined Goods were taken by the home trade at 73s 61 to 743 for brown, and 75s to 754 Gd per cwt for standard lumps, oeing again higher rates. In bonded crushed Sugar extensive purchases made for forward delivery at 258.9 d to 265. Mauttrrius.—This afternoon buyers of Mauritius Sugar purchased with increased freedom, and the large quantity of 10,743 bags 35 casks at public sale was all disposed of; fine . yellow fetched GOs to Gls Gd, good 58s Gd to 59s Gd, mid 56s ' to 58s, low 556 to 554 Gd, mid and good brown 51s to 54s Gd, low to mid grey 55s to 575, and good to fine 58s to 606 6d yer cwt. East' Txnfe.--41engal has met with more attention, and by pri :rata treaty a good business has been transacted rather alms - 3 the rates of last Friday. This afternoon at public sale I,f) casks of Manilla Sugar sold Is per ewt under former rates; g4;.od yellow went at ISs, good mid 17s, low brown 14s, mid 15' Gd, very low wet in pots lOs to 12s per cwt. In Bengal Sugar several purchases were made privately, and' rather higher rates given : there was no public sale. FOREION.-r\7laite Havannah at full prices. For yellow former rates are fu:ly supported. This ' afternoon the market ' presented a firm appe4rance for Foreie - n Sugar ; brown Bahia sold in- transhipment at 18s, and yellow Havannall in small parcels at 183 to 21s for mid to good. Mot.Assz.4.—Tor West India rather lower rates are ac 63Pi0- Renga Molasses are noC much Wanted, but at pre sent there are not sellers upini lower terms. Cocoa.—Foreign has been taken Sparingly and previous . • rates are with difficulty sustained ; British Plantation fetch full prices: Trinidad at 40s for the dark red, and Grenada 35s to 375. This afternoon Trinidad at 46s for good dark red, and 39s to 403 for grey. f tewes.—White Pepper has been taken sparingly at the Fes/ions currency. Holders of Cassia T,ignea manifest firmness. .f4s afternoon importers of black Fcsoper were inclined to realise Sumatra Ad under the rates of Coe last auctions — good light black Sumatra selling at lid, sea damaged first' class 2itl to 24d, second ditto `?,id to 21d, third ditto 2Ad to 2td ; 53 bags white all sold at 5d to shd for good quality. Pimento at 33d per lb. for good mid. COFFICE.—The demand has been brisker for all clean qualities of West India Coffee this week. Importers have been less inclined to realise, and the rates previously este hashed are fully sustained. Mocha has met with more at tention but not at better prices. , This afternoon several _parcels of good ord Ceylon were disposed of privately at stiffer rates ; sales made at . 51s to 51s 6d per cwt • at auction 340 bags - Plantation were offered. bat hither rates being required. nearly the whole was taken in ; Mid coloury at 81s 6d to 531, good mid Ms to 87s; a few l o ts pail berry fetched 90s. Of Padang two parcels, amount ing to 926 bags were offered, nod partly taken in, at 28s for good Ord mixed brown, and 3043 Gd t 6 2Gs 641 far sea damaged; :620 bags, however, sold at Us 6d to 29s for good brown retied . mixed. Tga.-Anporters of . Tea still manifest firmness, and have refrained front offering, any at auction, but as many parcels se a laid down, public sales may be' looked for. A better da me:Al has been 2Zperienced for Congou, and prices have Natio,* stand. Twankay At is 2cl Co Is 24 per lb. for ord. 'Vol -oune , Hyson thou are few Fcr rul,perioll, Gunpowder, ee-e ) m 1 purchase'te, but holders will not berg lower rates. P r ices ucre are still lower than th ey were last ysli fir black, but are I. than . :4 that paled for green Tea. 1. ' ; 11 ! 4 14-er - • e 4 4 ' 1 i 4014 F the lower liejilite 47 51 , 'M user, AND 4(.41A5. or of Jamaica ItUm easier rates We howl pl,4n quality, 2120 34 per cent OW taken this week-, proof, at 3s to 3s ld ; 4 :4; %Ito 35 aver, fli y, gs 10d to 3s • but poet 444 one sorts, i Worth from 3s 1 3,0 4s, az: held firmness. f i gewards V` ". . tit 9s nil td 2a-'3d per ganen,_;roof strength. Dernsrfirii C., : 4ronglkakttlitita at, Bto 3s Sd.; cailco4. at Is ltd to is Ilid c4fori Canon proof if h certificate. For lireaegi,v Olders have been -.. ..5.44-41eatibWto get a 4vance in prices. ...,...,, Cognac, dies tn'ands of -• - --r the iiistag4 ,of 838, hhds at 53 4d,'putrs ss2d ; ditto, 1039, IN 4 Wide Ss 2d, - ptias 5s ; ditto, 1940, Ws 5s Id, puns 4s lld ; .ditto, 1841, hhds ss, puns 4s 10d ; ditto, 1542 hhds 4s 9d, puns 4s 7d; middling ' and good middling, of various marks, . 3s to 4s 6d; low 2s 8d to 2s lid per gallon. Geneva is 10d to is lid ; fine, for duty is worth 2s 8d to 33 . 4 d. The English grain distillers have advancEd the price 2d, and the market is firm at lOs 4d per gallon, cash. RlCE.—Bengal, middling white fetched its to Its 6d; Java, middling bold yEllowish white at 9s 6d per cwt. Madras at 8s to 9s per cwt. for yellow. In the valae of cleaned Rice there is no variation. Patna at 13e t 16s, and Carolina 21s to 26s per cwt. SAGO.—Common small Pearl at 123 to 13s 6d, the better qualities at 14s to 23s per cwt. Sago Flour at Is to 19s. Arrowroot sells more freely at stiffer rates; St Vincents fetched 40 to Sid; Bermuda is ld to is 4d per lb. Tapioca at 2d to 6d per lb. This afternoon Bermuda Arrowroot mostly taken in at is to is 3d per lb. Lenrc.o.—To-day 784 chests have passed the sale. The biddings have been as brisk as on any preceding day, and the rates previously established have been fully supported. Of 3,624 chests which have hitherto passed the sales, proprietors bought in only 194 chests. OILS.—For all descriptions of common Fish Oils rather higher rates have been paid ; Pale Seal fetching 361 to 3615 s ; Cod 331 15s to 341; and Southern 31/ to 33/ lOs per tan. Prices are still on the advance for Sperm Oil, fine British 83/ to 841 .per tun. Linseed Oil at 25s 9d to 26s per cwt. Rape is not much wanted ; 38s is the value of pale, and 37s per cwt. for brown ; for Palm previous improved rates are fully supported. Cocoa Nut at 28s to 30s per cwt. Olive Oil is offered at further reduced prices; Gallipoli at 461 to 47/, Spanish 44/ to 451, and Barbary 431 to 43! lOs per tun. For , Fish Oils prices are higher than at this period last year, but are 4s to 5s per cwt lower than at thit time for Linseed Oil. This afternoon Palm Oil went at 26s to 27s 6d per cwt. TALLOW.—There has been less activity in the Russian Tallow Market, and some parties are more inclined to sell ; on the spot 41s to 41s 6d per cwt paid for P. Y. Candle. For delivery in the last three months of the year, 42s 6d per cwt is the general quotation. Town Tallow at 40s 6d to 41s per cwt nett cash ; other descriptions sustained the former value. This afternoon New South Wales Tallow at 41s to 42s 9d, and 32s to 40s 6d for other sorts ; Cape sold at 40s to 44s 9d ; East India at 41s ; Italian at 40s to 41s, and South American at 37a 6d to 41s 6d per cwt. GE.—(YESTERDAY.) Gibraltar — Leghorn 3O 45 Genoa 25 85 Milan Venice 47 Naples 39 Palermo, per oz llB Lisbon 54 Oporto 54 Rio Janeire 23 Bahia 23 Buenos Ayres NewYork,2ldyssight Philadelphia PRICES OF BULLION, PER OR. Foreign Gold, bars..£3 17 9 Portugal Gold Coin 3 17 5 New Doubloons 0 0 0 New Dollars 0 4 101 Silver in Bars 0 4 113 COURSE OF EXCH . Noble Friend's notice, that he intended to enter into the question of the Sinde-territory, but he thought that his inquiry would relate solely to the question of the Pun jaub. He (the Earl of Ripon), however, would advert the whole of the topics which had been introduced by the Noble Marquis. His Noble Friend had said thatlie spoke entirely upon public rumour as to certain operations that were going on. Now, public rumour in this in stance, as was generally the case, had greatly exagge rated the truth. The rumour it appeared was, that an army of 80,000 men was collecting in the Punjaub for the purpose of invading and conquering that country. He could tell his Noble Friend that this rumour was en tirely without foundation. He knew of no army being in existence in that part of the world, except that which was under the command of Sir C. Napier. With respect to our military force in the north-west, it was right, perhaps, that he should make a few remarks. It was perfectly well-known that within the last few years it had been deemed indispensably necessary that a large portion of the military force in the Presidency of Bengal should be concentrated in the north-west provinces. Everybody who was at all acquainted with India knew that that portion of our territory was most liable to sudden attack. It was, therefore, indispensably neces sary at all times that it should be an object of care, and it would be obvious to everybody who considered for a moment the actual condition of the Punjaub, that, that part of our territory ought not to be left without ade quate means'of self-protection, particularly when it was recollected that that country immediately joined the Sutlej. It would be recollected, too, that the affairs of the Lahore settlement were administered by an indepen dent chief, who ruled remarkably well. That country was now very flourishing, and cultivation, he understood, had greatly extended ; and this very circumstance was likely to prove a temptation to depredators. He said, therefore, that they were bound, in good faith to the Sikhs, and by principles of public policy and justice, to take care that our position in that quarter was secure. With this object, a force was maintained there by Lord Ellenborough and the Indian Government, and he (the Earl of Ripon) could assure, the House that neither the authorities in India nor at home had any wish or desire to obtain one inch of territory in that country. Their views were essentially pacific. Nobody could say, under the circumstances in which that country was placed, how soon it might be necessary to defend ourselves. or at least to defend those for whose defence the British army was supported. He trusted, however, that he had said sufficient to allay the fears his Noble Friend entertained. With respect to Sinde, his Noble Friend asked if he (the Earl of Ripon) had heard the rumour that it was intended to extend our territory still further beyond the banks of the ,Indus. He had never heard of such inten tion having been entertained, and he could say that no such intention was entertained—(Hear, hear)—either by means of negotiation or anything else. It was perfectly true that in the neighbourhood of Shikarpore incursions had recently, been made by an armed body, and there could be no doubt that they had committed great cruel ties. But the number was small, and he trusted that measures had been taken to prevent a recurrence of such a misfortune, and that means had been adopted by which the inhabitants would be protected, and confidence estab lished for the future. The last question his Noble Friend had put to him was whether her Majesty's Government would be prepared to lay before Parliament before the end of the session, detailed information as to the state of affairs in Sinde, especially with respect to the revenue, and the power of meeting the expenditure of the country. He (the Earl of Ripon) was not pre pared to give his Noble Friend that assurance, although her Majesty's Government were certainly desirous of giving every information they could upon the subject. But, he certainly was not prepared to say that they were in a condition to lay the information asked for on the table of the House. The Noble Marquis must recollect the positron of this country with respect to Sinde. Holding that country so recently, it would be .premature to communicate any information respecting it, which, after all, might be imperfect, and, if imper fect not valuable. With respect to the revenue, he could only say that it had not equalled the expenditure, but then it must be remembered that they had been called upon to administer a perfectly new system, that was to say, s new system so far as conducting the affairs of that country upon just and reasonable principles was concerned, and in doing this they were obliged to incur considerable expense. Sickness had occurred; but it had occurred as much amongst the natives as others, and, from all he had heard, there was no reason to expect that that sickness would be of constant recurrence. There were very few parts of India in which, from time to time, sickness which was fearfully destructive did not occur. He believed he had now noticed the whole of the topics touched upon by the Noble Marquis. BANK CHARTER The Earl of RIPON then rose to move the order of the day for going into Committee on the Bank Charter Bill; and in doing so he said he would briefly explain the grounds upon which this measure had been sub mitted to Parliament; and in doing this it would not be necessary 'for him to detain their Lordships at any length in discussing the principles of currency and banking, as that subject had frequently been under con sideration in their Lordships' House. It was, however, necessary for him to state to their Lordships, in the first instance how it happened that this question was b roug ht before them in the present year. In the last Charter Act provision was made that the Bank Charter might extend to the year-1855, but that after'the expiration of the first ten years it might be competent to Parliament, after giving notice, to revise the regulations of that Act, if circumstances should occur to require it. It was quite clear, therefore, that Parliament, at the time they passed the last Act in 1833, did not consider that the provisions of that Act were so complete or so perfect as entirely to meet the object intended, and they no doubt considered that grounds might arise, after experience had been ob tained, for the recommendation of the provisions of this Act. The provisions of the law were, that notice should be given at the expiration of ten years if it should be thought expedient to make any change; but in case no such notice should be given, then the charter was to con tinue for the full 21 years. When the period, therefore, arrived, it was competent for the Government to recon sider this question. They felt that there were many con siderations which rendered it desirable that some step should be taken for the purpose of more completely car rying out the principles upon which the Act of 1819 was framed. When the last Act was proposed, many opi nions were expressed in favour of a system still more ex clusive in its character, as regarded the power of the Bank of England,' than that Act was expected to be. Many persons expressed an opinion —amongst whom was his Noble Friend, then Chancellor of the Exchequer (Lord Spencer)—in favour of one bank of issue in the country. Many persons went the length of saying that Government itself ought to be the bank of issue. But this opinion did not appear to have been generally enter tained. He (the Earl of Rip.-in) thought this would have been a measure of very doubtful policy, if it would not have been a dangerous one. He thought there were con stitutional objections to it. He doubted very much whe ther, if the Government had that power, it would really have the power of practically controllin g the currency so much as this theory would suppose. le thought that there would be great risk in the Government proceeding from time to time to relax the screw upon the pressure of a supposed expediency. That view of the subject, therefore, having been rejected before, was certainly not adopted by her Majesty's pr esent Government. But they certainly did think that, looking particularly to the effect of the law both here and throughout the country, they did think it was desirable that the Bank of England should become, not the sole_because, theoretically speaking, it would be so—but the main instrument for issuinging for the wants of the country, It appeared, and expe rie neeeopnapfiermr, confirmed d f i c t r , e t a h t a in t g a paper c urrency , an d p rov id the principle upon which the Act of 1519 was based, was not that of trusting everything to the convertibility of paper into gold, for it did not ap pear that that simple principle had the effect of prevent ing injurious fluctuation, as was shown in 1825, when the stock of bullion in the Bank of England was almost exhausted, and the credit of the Bank was only saved by the sudden arrival at Dover of a quantity of sove reigns from the Continent. The Government felt that it was indispensably necessary that something should be done to prevent the tremendous evil of fluctuation. It appeared to them that the only safe rule upon which they could rely was the foreign exchanges. If they were against us, the gold must go out. The present measure was intended to prevent the evil of fluctuation, and he believed that it had met with general approba tion in all parts of the country. The plan of the mea sure was, in fact, to limit the circulation of the Bank of England in the first place, and to limit the circulation of the country banks in the second. The limitation of the Bank of England tHey proposed to effect in this way —that they should be at liberty to issue notes to the amount of the securities which they held, and in exact proportion to the bullion they might have in their coffers. In order to effect this the Bank would be di vided into two branches—one the bank of issue and the other the bank of deposit. The amount of issue, in the first place, would be fourteen millions. It was quite ob vious that the sum of fourteen millions would be a very inadequate pro v i s i on f or t h e wants o f the country ; and, therefore, it w as provided that the Bank of England should be oblig e d to i ssue notes f o r all gold bullion that might be brou g ht to t h em f o r that purpose. Their Lordships would see how this stood at the pre sent moment. At the present moment the actual issue of the Bank did not exceed twenty-four millionS, so that if this scheme were now in force the actual issue would be fourteen millions on securities and seven millions upon bullion. But the bullion which they now held was very nearly, if not quite, sixteen millions, so that their Lordships would see that, so far from limiting them to 21,000,0001., they might, if they thought proper, extend that issue to 30,000,000/. ; but he did not mean to say that it would be desirable for them to do so. This mea sure proposed to limit the issue of country banks, but there was nothing to prevent a country bank—supposing it now issued notes of its own—to prevent it from giving up the privilege, and t a ki ng to the notes of the Bank of England. The country b an k c irculation would, th ere . fore, pro tanto, be duninished, and power would be given to the Bank to issue another number of notes on securi ties, equal to about two-thirds of the paper that should be displaced. With respect to country banks, it was proposed to restrain new banks from issuing paper. He believed that no scheme could have been devised which would not have had some prejudicial effect, and he be lieved that the limitation which had now been taken was just and reason a bl e, an d wou ld a nswer the purpo se f or which it was de s i gne d . Th e ac tual amount of currency which might b e in c i rculat i on under the provisions of thi s Bill- was about eight millions and a half, on an average of three • mouths. There were provisions in the Bill for securing periodical returns of the issues, and these returns would be made monthly. This he considered a very important part of the measure. He had now stated the- general p rov i s i ons of t hi s B i ll. The Government 4 1 4 teen tq iateod lice 9s little of nevelty as possible, "'they alight have raised a question as to whether the standard should iie gold or silver, and pro posed various alterations which would have been palat. able in sotto quarters; but they did not think it would have been expedient to introduce novelties in this moo Amsterdam CF. 12 5 Ditto, at sight l2 3 Rotterdam 2U. 12 5i Antwerp 25 90 Hamburgh M.B. 13 13 Altona l3 13); Paris, 3 days' sight 25 60 Ditto, 3 months 25 85 Marseilles Bourdeaux 25. 90 Frankfort on Maine l2ll Petersburgh, 3Us 37 Berlin Vienna, effec. 11. 3 M 953 Trieste, ditto Madrid 37 Cadiz Bilbao 36 Barcelona 36 Seville — POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (YESTERDAY.) MANSION-HOUSE. A boy named George Hayward, who has been some time pretending to be deaf and dumb, and by means of those begging a,ccoMplishments levying contributions on the public, was brought befOre the Lord Mayor, charged with having stolen a milk ewer, in Charlotte's coffee house, Bucklerabury. The prisoner, it appeared, went into the house and signified to the waiter that he wanted assistance. A boy in the service of Mr. Pontin, the proprietor, observed him slip a milk ewer under his coat, and quit the pre mises, and immediately followed him and caused him to be taken into custody. The prisoner said he had been obliged to resort to the way of supporting himself described, by sheer necessity, and that he could not resist the temptation to take the property as it lay so conveniently at his hand. The LORD MAYOR—You have been in prison before? The prisoner —Yes, my Lord, I know where it is well. The LORD MAYOR—Have you not been whipped ? The prisoner—Aye, right well whipped, please your Lordship. The policeman, in whose custody the prisoner was in troduced to the Lord Mayor, said the boy, while ex citing compassion for his apparent defects, was in the habit of cribbing anything that fell in his way, and ex ercised a great deal of ingenuity in the pursuit. The prisoner—Upon my honour I have been driven to this by want. The fact is, I did not know where to (Yet a meal. The LORD MAYOR—You say you have been whipped and imprisoned? The prisoner—Certainly I have, your Lordship. The LORD MAYOR—I find that you are of the worst sort, and I am assured that you are incorrigible. The prisoner—l shall not do this any more if you let me go but this once, my Lord. I do assure you, upon my honour, I'll turn honest.—(A laugh.) The LORD MAYOR—I shall not trust you. You shall go to prison for three months, and be whipped once a week, so that you shall retain a sharp recollection of being brought before me. The prisoner began to roar when be heard the Lord Mayor talk of whipping, and declared that, if his Lord• ship would only pardon him that one offence, he would never attempt to play deaf and dumb again, but talk like other boys, and get his bread honestly. He was then committed to prison, with hard labour, for the space of three months ; and while he remained in the cage, he gave to the whole house good reason to be lieve that he had effectually recovered the use of the organ of speech. A man, named Samuels, was charged with having called a person, with whom he had hadsome dealings, a thief and a swindler, and with having accused him of having made false entries in his master's books. The defendant admitted that he had heard the com plainant was no better than a thief, and that he had made false returns for the purpose of benefiting himself. _ The Loan MAYOR—Have you convicted the com plaint of theft, or any of the offences with which you have charged him ? Defendant—No.; but I can prove the truth of all I have said. .- The LORD MAYOR—Have you ever punished him ? Defendant—No ; but he deserves to be punished. The LORD MAYOR—If you believe him t.► be guilty of such offences, you must show his guilt in the proper way in a court of justice. You must not use such language. I hold you to bail to keep the peace towards him for thiee calendar months. CLERKENWELL. .Henry Hutchins, an ivory turner, residing in Ray street, Clerkenwell, was charged with bigamy. Three women, who, it was alleged, were his wives, were present, but it turned out that he had been mar ried only to two. The females seemed to regard one an other with the keenest feelings of jealousy and the pri soner with the bitterest dislike. Mr. COMBE said it would be desirable to prove the second marriage in the first instance. The second wife, Euphemia Mitchell, a black-eyed, gipsey-looking damsel, aged 23, deposed that she had been married to the prisoner on the Ist of August, 1842, in St. Dunstan's Church Stepney. The witness pro duced the. certificate of the first marriage: Mr. CoMBE—He represented himself as a bachelor, did he ? Second wife—Oh, no ; he told me he was a married man. Mr. COMBE—Then why did you marry him? First wife—Yes, that is the quostion. Second wife—l married him because be was sepe rated from his first; who, he said, would never trouble him. The solicitor for the prisoner cross-examined her as to the reason of the prisoner deserting her ; but she said she ran away from him because he treated her in so brutal a manner. Prisoner—That is a lie. Second wife—lt is the truth, You know you half starved me. The person represented as the third wife here stood forward, and was the very picture of famine. She said nothing, but her appearance spoke volumes. The second wife added that she left the prisoner two months ago, in consequence of his wicked conduct ; and she had no sooner left him, than he took up with the third woman, with whom he has since cohabited. The first wife, Hannah Hutchins, was then examined, She said that she was married to the prisoner on the 2Gth'ofJune, 1831, in the Church of St. Mary's, Isling ton. " They had five children, and lived, for many years after their marriage, in destitution. Four of their chil dren died ; one only survived, who was eleven years old, and who lived with the prisoner. He deserted her about four years ago, after treating her with cruelty. She gave the prisoner into custody at twelve o'clock on the previous night in the house of his wife or paramour. Mr. Costn - E—Why'did you give him into custody ? First wife—Because he is continually persecuting me. When ever I get a little work to do he' goes to the place, and speaks so vilely of me to my employQrs, that I am dis charged, at once. Prisoner—You are a disgrace to your sex. The woman produced the certificate of the first mar riage, and admitted, on her cross-examination, that she was cohabiting with another man, in Chapel-street, Islington, who treated her kindly, and the prisoner forced their only child upon her continually, but she was unable to support him. She wished to be pro tected from the prisoner's violence. Prisoner (excitedly)L-You are a vile, spiteful, wretched woman. Police-constable, Tate, 136 G, proved the prisoner's arrest, who was remanded for further evidence of a formal nature, Mr. COMBE intimating that he would send him for trial. _ _ • The three women then left the Court, seemingly re. joiced at the prisoner's incarceration. DINNER TO LEONARD HORNER, ESQ.—This gen tleman was on F iday entertained at a public dinner in the British Hotel, Edinburgh, as the founder of the School of Arts. Upwards of 100 gentlemen sat down to dinner. The Right Hon. the Lord Provost occupied the chair, supported by Lords Murray, Cockburn, Ivory, and Cunninghatne ; Archdeacon Williams, the Rev. Mr. Bennie, Mr. Maitland, advocate, Sir Wm. Newbigging, Professor Pillans, Drs. Trail, Maclagan, Allen, Thompson, and Alison; David Milne, Esq., advocate ; A. Rutherfunl, Esq., M.P., &c.. Professor Wilson officiated as croupier. The customary loyal and patriotic toasts having been given, the chairman, in a neat and appro priate speech, p ropose d " Th e h ea l t h of Mr. Horner," which was responded to, and the cheering which succeeded _having subsided, Mr. Horner returned thanks, and gave "The Rev. Mr. Bennie, President of the School of Arts, the Directors, and Prosperity to the Institution." Mr. Bennie having re .turged thanks, the croupier gave "The Advancement of the Moral and lutOectual Condition of the Working Classes," which he prefaced by a few introductory remarks in his well known eloquent and graphic styie. yarions after toasts sue • etede4 cpprtected with literature, art, science, 4e. and the company separatO about eleven o'clock. LOCHIEL.—This Chief and Lady Vere Cameron, visited Lochaber lately, and made a considerable stay 41 his noble mansion of Achnacarry. None of the " Sliochd D i min o D u " we= left unvisited by the worthy Chief and his amiable lady, who are emivared to the clan Ca meron, no less by the association of ancient dus i than by the usbanity and kindness of the present representa dye of " bravg Lochi6l."--Pkwerness Courier. THE SUN, LONDON, SAPTJRDAy EVENING, JITLY 13, 1644. sure. The more he reflected on the subject, the more convinced was he that all that was wanted was to give full and beneficial effect to the Act of 1819, and to secure that certainty which it was the object of this Bill ta attain. Under these circumstances, he trusted their Lordships would be prepared to go into Committee on the Bill. Lord MONTEAGLF, said he did not rise for the founded t d h v e o c c o a n te t d ra o ry n -, f i o t ri t i v l a e s r on iprinciplese t u g which BehilelGo o had a Government deserved in finite credit for the manner in which they h a d carr i e d occasions.r l desl of t opposing thought t th o forward this measure. What was more striking even than the courage of undertaking to legislate on such a question was the peculiar skill with which, by a con cession here and an arrangement there, with ou t an y material deviation from the principle on which this B:11 was founded, a measure of this description and mag nitude had been proposed and carried through Parlia ment with the least amount of opposition ever offere 1, he believed, to a measure of that nature. Nor could he help alluding to those high authorities from whom chiefly this measure had proceeded.—(Hear, hear.) He referred not to any Parliamentary authorities, e x cept so f ar as t h ose authorities were to be found in evidence before the other House of Parliament ; but he alluded more especially to the calm, sound, and practical attention which had been given to this subject by such man as Mr. Loyd and others who had devoted their minds to this question.— (Hear, hear.) Whilst, however, he concurred in the general principles of this measure, there were some parts of it to which he could not give his consent. The Bill had been properly called a complement to the Act of 1819. There was in this country a class of persons who objected to it on that very account, and who, for that rea son, considered it likely to be productive of evil conse quences. It was unnecessary for him to go at length, into the discussion of the point of difference, but he thought no one could hesitate to say that, after the events which occurred in 1797, and which were con tinued till the restoration of cash payments, it was the absolute duty of the Legislature to restore the coin to the state in which it had previously been. He knew it was said, "Aye, it was right to restore a standard, but, in restoring the ancient standard of the country, you inflicted a great wrong on the mass of the community. If they were to restore a standard at all, he conceived that they were limited to the ancient standard.—(Hear, hear.) They heard 'persons say, " What an injustice you inflict on the whole community by compelling them to pay in gold coin, at the Mint price, debts contracted in paper, subject to a depre ciated currency."' What an extraordinary fallacy was there in that statement.—(Hear, hear.) Did not every one who had considered the subject, know that although those debts might hare been contracted in a depreciated currency, they were so contracted subject to the obliga tion of paying in the full standard at the period subse quent to the restoration. There was no standard to which they could honesty revert, except the ancient one. Before he quitted this part of the subject, he could not help saying, in reply to those who were against re striction, on account of its pressure upon the productive classes, that there never was a grosser delusion than'the supposition that the productive classes of this country were interested in a continued depreciation of the stan dard. The natural effect was a rise of prices. —(Hear.) Ultimately, indeed, there might be a rise in wages, but it followed, at a long and painful interval, the rise of prices. In a depreciated currency they had an evil of the most portentous magnitude to all, but the evil pressed more severely on the labouring classes than upon any other class in the community. On this subject, as on many others, they had of late made very considerable progress ; and they were enabled to discuss it with the aid of experience. Experience had shown that many remedies hitherto relied upon were altogether valueless. Between the year 1832 and the present time, the cur rency of thiscountry had not been managed in a way which was satisfactory to the public, safe to the Bank, or con ducive to the interest of the labouring classes. They were now called upon to consider a new proposition; and they would be rash indeed, if they were to predicate the re sult. The experiment was one which the. Government deserved credit for making, for it was based on autho rity which fully justified its proposal ; but looking to the peculiar circumstances of the country, the state of the manufacturing interests, and its dependence on fo reign markets, and other matters, he could not agree with his Noble Friend that they were, by passing this Bill, laying the foundation of a perfectly safe and satis factory state of things. But if,. after the passing of this Bill, there should still be periods.. of pressure 'turd diffi culty in this country, he protested against the supposition that they were all to be attributed to the wark ing of this measure.•—(Hear, hear.) , Now; a great deal of controverejsduldw,been carried , on in reference to the principles upeneswhich this Bill was founded. They were told by some that it was perfectly absurd to imagine that any issue of promissory notes payable on demand could act upon the exchanges, or upon prices? provided 'the paper was convertible, and that, therefore, the mechanism of this Bill was altogether unnecessary. He could not, he confessed, adopt this theory. Would any man tell him that the doubling of the quantity of gold in the country would not have an effect upon prices. If that were the case, surely the effect with regard to paper would be the same, if that paper were convertible into gold. But this Bill was founded.on the very oppo site theory, viz., that by regulating the paper currency —the promissory notes payable on demand—they regu lated • all. He doubted whether there were not other things besides promissory notes and metallic coin which acted upOn the currency. He believed that bills of exchange and Bank cheques acted upon the cur rency—he believed that every ingenious commercial contrivance adapted for economising prices acted upon the currency. He wished to call the attention of the House,' to one branch of thi s s p ec i es o f currency, w hi c h was so entirely identical with promissory notes payable on demand, that it struck him as matter of surprise, that it should have been altogether omitted from the Bill. If it were right to regulate and restrain the issue of promissory notes payable on demand, he would like to hear how the Noble Earl would discri minate between an accepted post-bill at three or seven days' sight, accepted before it left the Bank, and put i n circulation with a general indorsement, and a pro missory note payable on demand. Ile felt some anxiety on this subject, lest through an omission the provisions of the Bill should be ren dered a dead letter. The first symptom of weakness in the Irish banks was the substitution of bank post bills for promissory notes, to such an extent that the former constituted one-third of the whole circulation. The Bill seemed to him to proceed too much on the fallacy that, by regulating promissory notes, they did everything that was required. The great merit of the measure was, he conceived, its approximation to a single issue. The first effect of a restriction on the part of the Bank of England would be to raise the value of money; but that would induce other banks to issue more money, because the profit would be increased. On this point the Bank of England had been just as much to blame hitherto as the country banks. They had seen its discounts increase just at the time, and almost in the ratio, in which its bullion was diminishing. In 1839 the amount of bullion was 8,300,000/. ; in 1840 it • tell 'to 4,200,0001. The discounts in 1839 were 3,700,0001.;-and in 1840, when the bullion had diminished nearly one half, the discounts had increased to 6,200,0001—',11ear ) Mr. Horsley Palmer himself admitted the fa.A' that, at the period when the amount of bullion was diminish ing, and the pressure was most felt in the market, the greatest demand was made on the Bank for accommoda Lion. If the principle of the Bill was a good one, he did not think the proper means had been chosen for carrying it into effect. It had been his fate to be Chancellor of the Exchequer at a time of great pressure, and he had had no greater difficultT in his office than was occasioned by his interference with the issues. lie should un doubtedly prefer to see the separation of banks of issue more completely carried out. The Noble Lord then read an extract from a speech of Mr. Huskinson's, of which' the purport 'was, that the withdrawal of bank notes from circulation increased the pressure in a monetary crisis, instead of diminishing it. He would next draw the attention of their Lordships to the fact that the harvests had considerable influence upon the currency. He was very well pleased to see that in this Bill some consideration was given to that view, and that the depreciation of the silver standard was not overlooked. Gold was increasing much in quantity, and on the other hand, silver was becoming so scarce, that it might have a preference as a standard—if scarcity was to be the condition of a standard, then gold. There :vas one consequence of the Bill which he c mld not un derstand, namely, that if the Bank and the Government should agree t increase the issues, the Government should go shares in the profits. He was strongly op posed to any such arrangement. It would be small comfort to a man who found his means of purchasing necessaries curtailed by this Act, that it was a symboli cal system.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Noble Lord concluded by thanking their Lordships for their indulgent hearing, and assuring them that he had not trespassed upon them from any motive of personal ambi tion or mere vanity. Lord ASHBURTON was saved some trouble by the speech of his Noble Friend who had just sat down. He must, however, dissent from the statements of' his Noble Friend, that the principles of banking were less under stood in former times than now. It was of the highest importance to the morality of the people ~to maintain a regard for the public credit. Every one who' recollected the difficulty which the country had in' returning to a metallic currency, would see the fallacy of the Noble Lord's dogmas, which were de livered in a tone of authority such as to lead to the in ference that all other persons were idiots except his Noble Friend himself. The period of paper money extended over the years from 1797 to 1810, which was said to be a return to the standard abandoned in 1797. But silver was formerly the established legal tender of the country. Any man might take silver to the Mint to be coined. The Duke of WELLINGTON—OnIy up to a certain sum. Lord ASHBURTON begged the Noble Duke's par= don ; that was precisely the mistake that was generally entertained. In 1774, the Act of Parliament first limited ; silver as a legal tender to 251. ; but that only applied to the worn and depreciated coin of the realm. Any debt might be paid in silver at the usual rate of 51. 2d per ounce. They had lately seen a similar principle in operation in the rejection of payments in gold, if the coins were beneath the proper weight. 'l'ht Act of 1774 was renewed in 1776, and again in 1783, when it was lost sight of, and was not again revived till 1786. But in 1798, there was a real prohibition applied to payments in silver ; the issue of silver from the Mint was also stopped, on ac count of an alleged temporary reduction in the price of silver, and it was feared by Lord Liverpool that silver . was becoming the substitute for gold. The reasons given by Lord Liverpool for this opinion were very unsatisfac tory. He said that a rich nation ought to have a rich and valuable standard, as if a man six feet in height was to be measured by a different standard from the man of . five feetl--(Hear, hear.) Against this he placed the' authority of Mr. Locke, who says that " GOld is not the Common money of the world, nor is it fit to be so." He would now come to therestoration of the standard—to that which was the old standard of England, that was to say, the standard as taken before 1798, and before the tampering with the currency, either by the Act of 1797, or by Lord Liverpool. There might possibly be some degree of equity, on n return to a state of peace, in making some allowance for the e altered condition of money,.;. but et ail events, it was unnecessary to determine on screw ing the standard up, till the debtor was made to pay the creditor more than he was liable to in the year in which the B ink Restriction Act was passed. He contended that the debtor was entitled to acquit himself according to the ancient standard, either in one metal or the other. If they had left him alone, and merely passed an Act allowing the country to go back to the standard that then existed, the consequence would have been this— that if he had owed the Noble Lord 100/. at that time, and the debt had continued up to the present moment, he could, accordin g to the present price of silver, have acquitted that debt for 91/.. 16s. Bd. This was a proof that the return to cash payments did screw up the standard. If there was any case in which there should be a statute of limitation, it should be on the subject of the currency ; they might as well go back to the times of William 111. or Elizabeth, as go back thirty years. On the question of a silver currency, he should state what had happened, during periods of great difficulty and panic, su:h as the year from 1825 to 1826, known as the great bubble year. He perfectly concur• red with the opinion expressed by Mr. Huskisson at that time, that the inability of the Bank of England to right itself in such difficult periods was greatly • increased by the inability of the Bank to use one of the precious metals, that' one being the circulation of all the rest of the world. When bills were taken up in Paris, Ham burgh, and Amsterdam, they were paid in silver. But the Bank of England having acquired that silver, was compelled to go and purchase gold 'With it, =in order to Make the settlement; and the relation between these two metals, produced great differences in that which it was necessary to keep the most steady, the unit of value, the pound sterling, which, in this country, was composed of gold and paper, and every kind of circulation. He alluded to the great fluctuations in the business of the Bank of England, that sometimes threw out money abundantly, and then held it in by a check, discounting at 2 per cent. at one time, and at 6 per Cent. 'at another, and con tended that it was useless to insist on the philosophical argument that the difference between gold and silver was sometimes as little as 1 per cent. The consequence of the discussion on this subject which he had with Mr. Huskisson was the evidence which he (Lord Ashburton) gave before the Committee, to the general tenor - of which he still adhered. He still thought the authority of Mr. Huskisson was quite equal to that of Lord Liverpool, and he stated that, to make the pound sterling fixed in value was a great mistake. There was an outcry in the country against paper currency ; but, in a commercial nation, having such vast commercial dealings, having such an immense debt, that all the coin and all the bullion of the world collected together would not pay it off—it was necessary to deal largely by paper credit in various shapes. The great object, undoubtedly, was to take care that that paper answered the purpose for which it was issued; that what it promised to do should be honestly and exactly done, and that those promises to pay should be met punctually. 'But the basis on which they were issued ought to be made as broad as it could be. In stead of taking one standard—a fanciful one, though philosophically it might" seem more certain—they ins muscly increased the difficulties of a difficult period, as the whole rested on an insufficient basis. What had been done in the cases of the several crises' which the country had undergone, and of which they had great varieties? The most formidable, was that of 1825 to 1826. . There was another in the year 1837-1838, in consequence of the derangement of affairs in Ame rica. In the case of the panic of 1825 and 1826, it was very well known that the Bank was almost reduced to its last sovereign. It was just enabled to say that it did not refuse any payment. But he remembered that on one occasion the officials of the Bank were anxiously watching theclock to ascertain if they had five minutes more to provide for. Mr. Richards, the Governor of the Bank, stated himself that they were likely to be run dry ; yet, - during the whole of that time the Bank had silver in its possession, and was at that moment in treaty with Mr. Rothschild to exchange that silver into gold, in which the Bank was to make its payments. That silver Mr. Rothschild was enabled to put into circulation abroad ; and it was stated in evidence before the House of Com mons that the financier made somewhere about 100,000/. by his patriotic exertions in helping the Bank of England out of its difficulties. (Hear, hear.) In 1836 and 1837, what was the condition of the Bank ? It was saved from failing by the Bank of France. Now, if they had. sustained two such crises in times of pro found peace, what difficulties might they not expect if they should ever be plunged again into a state' of war That consideration induced him to state his belief, that two years of an expensive war could •not be gone through without 'returning to the measures adopted in 1797. It should be remembered that, throughout the rest of the world, both gold and silver were convertible into each other, and were both equally available for the purposes of circulation, without the consequence of One driving the other out of it. Throughout the whole of the Continent, the two metals were found circula ting in harmony with each other but , if lie were compelled to make a choice of one ,of the two he should prefer silver. He should take it on the broad principle, that it was most important to be in con formity, in the matter of currency, with the rest of the world. It was a great desideratum to have the broadest possible base for the currency of the country. He should trouble their Lordships no longer on that question, but should confine hiniself to three words on the 'new prin ciple established bythe Bank Charter Act. He 'agreed with big Noble Friend,'that the first part of this Bill— separating the Bank into two departments —was wholly useless in operation. It might be la harmless regtild.- - lion, but in fact, it was a. mere delusion on parties not acquainted_ with the practical management or the Bank. The present issue of the Bank and the management' of the debt were divided into half a dozen depart ments, all distinct from each other, and whatever Act was passed it would be the same. The Bill stated that the Bank should only issue 14,000,000/. on its Oen account, and then to the extent of its bullion. The Go; vernment provision of the Act was the limitation of 'the circulation, and it . conteMplated the gradual stopping of all the issues of the country banks. Now, if that limita tion was desirable, he acknowledged that the thing was well, and carefully, and judiciously done. The Bill had certainly conciliated the country bankers, as it had se cured them a monopoly of business for the present. If they acknowledged the thing 'to be right in itself; he must admit that it could not have been more cleverly managed. With regard to the check on the lime of ithe Bank of , Eneiand undoubtedly - the' Bank had occasion allye been a great offender in the matter of its issues ; but be apprehended, after all, that this Bill was an ex periment, and its working might not turn out so perfect as was expected. The limitation of the Bank of 'Eng_ land was, first to 14,000,000/. on its own paper, and then it 'might issue"to the amount of its specie. That specie amounted to something like 16,000,000/, which, with the 14,000,0001. of circulation it was allowed, would bring the whole amount of its possible circulation to about 30,000,0001.—the real issue of the Bank being between 20.000,000/. and 21,000,000/. Thus the law 'would have no immediate operation at all. The Bank had a large margin of 9,000,000/ or 10,000,000/, which would prevent the restriction from having any immediate effect. The check on the Bank might operate as some' check on the exportation of gold; but, for the home circulation, the Bank might be drained of every sovereign without a poUnd going out of the country. At the 'end of 1825, what took plaCe It was then proved that the demand for gold might arise from circumstances which could not be cor ;meted by the reduCtiOn of the issues. Saturday, the 17th of December, 1825, was the critical day to the Bank - of England to which he had referred. The lowest return the Bank of England made of its cir eulation was about 10,000,0001. The difficulty cor rected itself before the Monday morning following, but the relief was entirely owing to Mr. Rothschild: From the l Oth 'of December to the 17th they increased the circulation from 18,000,000/. to 24,000,0001:, from the 17th to the 24Vhthey•filethe - r increased it to 25,206,000!., and on the 31st of December, the last day of the year, they had- increased it to 25,709,0001. They had tn doubtedly begun, like timid men, who stood in awe of the responsibility which they were incurring, but they went on boldly, and that issue of bank notes saved the cii.culation of the country. Mr. Tooke, who was a phi loscipher of the . same school with Mr. Lloyd— `The Miirquis CLANRICARDE—No, no ;he is quite opposed to him: • Lord ASHBUR TON was happy to have such an authority on his side. Mr. Tooke had stated that that was a bold measure, but a most, successful one. One word as to the effects of the born dews on the circulation. Whatever 'might be the system of corn-laws, if, after depending for two or three seasons on the home supply, We' should, in consequence of 'the bad harvest, be com pelled to-import corn suddenly and largely from abroad, there woUld - undmibtedly be a large demand for bullion, awl they must run this risk under any system acorn laws. One word as to the indiscretion which was charged against country bankers ; He believed that those who thought to miinage the issues by the Bill would find it a More difficult job than they expected. The great reproach which was 'made against Mr. 'Stuckey arid the country bankers was . that they issued their notes without reference to the 'foreign exchanges. He had' known Mr. Stuckey many years. He was a most intelligent man, and ,perfectly understood what he was about. He thought the framers of this Bill deceived themselves in reproaching the beakers with inattention to the foreign exchanges. The slightest fraction—a difference of one-eighth per cent. might cause gold to go out of the'country,'and the same difference might occa sion it to Come back. If the country bankers followed these minute fluctuations they would be grossly mis taken in their calculations. Their issues must be guide) by the state of their neighbourhood. ' He looked . at this Bill as no party matter. lie believed it was originally a Whig scheme, and 'he had voted pretty steadily with his friends while he was with' them. But in all matters relating to the trade or commerce of the country, he had honestly considered the pro positions, and voted without any view to party interests. In the event of country banks sus pending their issues the Bank of England might increase its issues in proportion, and the profit of such issues were to go to the Government ; but how that profit was to be calculated, he confessed he was at a loss to understand. The Government might be trusted with power to check the increase in the circulation, but they ought not to be under the temptation, or to have the power of extending it. In time of war, Government Was always pressing the Bank for advances. In 1797 it was•not the Bank which got itself into difficulties, but it 'was the Government pressing the Bank. That pressure from the Treasury was fatal to the independence of the Bank.. it was never safeito give the Government •an extending power over the issues of the Bank. e.This wassea great experiment. It had been favourably received by the i public, and he hoped it would be successful. I The Earl of RADNOR had, in 1819, oppoied the re: turn to the old standard, but having the standard n°,_`' fixed, and having gone th roug h all the suffering , If thought it would be foolish to depart from it now• they were to have a joint standard of gold and silr e , d every debtor would pay in th e c h ea p es t co i n . If he Ow pay a debt of 1001. by 961. ss. he would do so. It " in fact, be giving every debtor an opportunity of his creditor, and the eff e ct wo u ld be that the creditor would take precautions to defend himself by i n creasis" w the rate of interest. In Fran c e th ere was no joint sta rt .dard. The standard there was silver. Lord ASHBURTON—GoId can always be proar e at an agio. The Earl of RADNOR said that proved that s ilver t was the standard, because if yo u wanted gold you std buy it. It was absurd for us to h ave a diff ere nt stands from all other countries, and he had never heard onl e good reason for having the standard a g old one. Oaf great object of the Bill was to limit th e c irculation ° 0 paper. Now, according to his view, it was unwise e , limit the circulation—it was unwise t o en t rus t anY Pell son with the power of doing so. The country Iv° u . always provide for itself the amo un t o f circulation It wanted, and no more; and it was an ac t o f presunoPti c , —he did not use the word in an offensive sense—in person to attempt to limit the circulation. A great, b ut ' he believed, an unfounded alarm, ex i s t e d i n many Pari s of the country lest the circulation should be s o digu" nished as to increase the price of corn. He thought Pc r o feet convertibility would give perfect security that more paper would be issued than was r e qu i r ed, beca use , the moment any depreciation took pl ace , it wo uld be r e k turned to the issuers. He did not think that the nu ll of England and the country bankers were amenable the reproach of having unnecessarily Increa - . t their circulation. That increase had, in 113 , ° ,1, instances, arisen from circ ums t ances ov er they had no control, and if th e y h a d f a ll en into On- - errors, and suffered from the m , they were the le l likely to fall into them agaiu. These difficulties he, mainly arisen from the corn laws, because wheneve r t large importation of corn to o k pl ace un d er the prese a . system, an immense quantity of bullion had to be ported to pay for it, thus affecting the course of the e. changes. The Bank was then obli ge d t o con t r ol its c' o culation, until prices were so reduced that goods w et '„ exported instead of coin. Now if a r ti c l es of luxu r such as wine and silk, had to be imported, the rise le price would lessen the demand, but quite the control?, was the case with r egar d t o corn , b ecause th e dearer P was the more nec e s sar y it was t o h ave i t, an d the lu °r , e j necessity there was to send out gold. Mr. Jones 1 ,0 ,,„ had fully explained this fact in his recent pamph l e t : l J the subject. The Noble Lord h a d s aid t h at suc h No". 4 , be the case under any system o f corn -l aws . B u t supP°, they had no system of corn-l aws , b u t an en tire fr ee trade. Would not tha't, by making corn a regular ~s , t title of trade, remedy the e v il. Th e f ac t was t "„it , they were attempting to introd uce a s liding for currency as well as for coin, - and lie thought that measure would only increase their difficulties. It sh" e nt be recollected that, in general, ther e was a l ar ge 0 1 ° 1 ! of deposits in the Bank. Now, when money was risl!',°, in value, these depositors would demand their dep"%, of course in bullion, which would still more i n crease! f ; difficnities of the Bank. This was:'`one of the miichlei, of attempting to do that by legislation which had best; left alone. If they provided that no one should is s tke notes without their being convertible into gold at i , f6 , option of the holders, they would ob v i a t e every "',, r l culty, and do all that was req u i r ed. Th e Noble ;.: 0 , concluded by eulogising the Scotti s h b an king sY s i' o . which had given the greatest satisfaction, a nd been P' duct Live L ive of immense benefit. Lord ASHBURTON explained. His argument ab °ll o the corn-laws was this. He contended that there V i re be times when we must be taken by surprise, and wh y ,l an unexpectedly largo demand f or f ore i gn c orn 01ti arise, which would require a consider a bl e e ff o rt to roe,,,the demand for bullion which would arise i n conseque ll „ c iJ no state of the law could obviate that, un l ess they c ° " 6 l govern the seasons. If, for instance, we had produ c e , sufficient for our own consumption for three or fourr 4 i,i and then had a bad harvest, a crisis, such as the one which he had alluded, would arise. The Bill then passed throuh Committee. The Sudbury Disfranchisement Bill was read a sec°. time. stag' The Bills on the table were then forwarded a and the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 12. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. i j i t Mr. PLUMPTRE presented two petitions for better observance of the Lord's-day, also a petition favour of church extension. Ur. GROGAN presented a petition respecting P I Irish jury list. Mr. ESCOTT presented a petition from the Soother ° Division of Hants, in favour of the existing cor n-10, 5 6 ' 0 ) Viscount PALMERSTON presented a petition I r d. 'd the engravers of Lo n d on i n f avour of art-un i n as,;tioo complaininc, of the neglect w i t h w hi c h a f ormer PO b ill y them had een treated. GREAT SOUTHERN b AND WESTERN RAIL tk (IRELAND) BILL. On thq motion for further proceeding with this on the third reading, Colonel RAWDON complained that there 1 1 15 h ts clause in the Bill which interfered with the vested r'g be of Colonel Fitzgibbon. He moved that this claus e expunged. no i' d Lord ELIOT said the clause only a ppli e d to deposited in the Court of Ch ancery b y this "i";;l company under the standing orders of that House. fees of Colonel Fitzgibbon were only taken upon te, ° li i r t, .paid into the Court of Ch ancery b y su i tors in the uclilie and therefore he (Lord Eliot) apprehended that clause ought to stand. After a _few words from Lord G. Somerset. 0 .0 Eliot, and the Solicitor-General, th e amendmentJ withdrawn, and the Bill was read a third tim e passed. GREENWICH PARK. s a ng Mr. AGLIONBY said he had a petition to pl o which he trusted would receive th e a tt en ti o n 0 - 1 1 Noble Lord at the head of. the Woods and E or ests%. o c was signed by a number of p e r sons res idi ng , or 114'3 property close to Greenwi c h P ar k, an d the valu e or which materially depended up on th e v i ew i nto t h a t 13c i tiful locality. The petitioners stated that they not have presumed to approach the House u pon, de subject if public ben e fit was not concerned in it to 2 - by as great an ext en t as pr i vate i nterest. The Park" W, one means or anoth er , h a d b een constantly diniin's' and they prayed that a stop might at once be L' pu further encroachments. R-LAW. 7 ' Mr. FERRAND presented five petitions from to tb a ships in 'the West Riding of Yorkshire 'against poor-law. NOTICE OF MOTION. t . V bE Mr. WAWN g a v e no ti ce th a t, on Monday 05,, should put a ques ti on t o th e Fi rst L or d o f the Ada';"-,10 to ascertain (as we understo o d th e H on . G e otle' fig th whether English ships were manne d w i t h a itre equal to that of ships in the Russian navy. LAND-TAX RETURNS. • ,tej Dr. BOWRING moved for certain returns coon ( ' with the land-tax.—Agreed to. MAYN'OOTH GRANT. Co fir Sir G. CLERK gave no ti ce th at h e s h ou ld i n t io mittee of Supply, this day week, move the eau° grant fur this college. r of Mr. BRIGHT moved f or re t urns o f the ntunbe.oo' murders and attempts at murder which had been witted in the county of Tipperary ; the number ° o; dictments which had bee n p re f erre d on those chnr!ilic, the number of true bill s w hi c h h a d b een returne d by o f grand jury, and the res u lt s ; s h ow i ng t h e nulnigoe° acquittals and convi c ti ons , an d t h e punishments in'" during the last ten years.—Agreed to. I ly SALARY TO THE CHAIRMAN OF THE DLESEX SESSIONS. Sir C. NAPIER wished to ask the Right Hon. e ptt tleman, the Secretary of State for the Home Depart el' if it was his intention during the present session t he troduce a Bill giving a salary to the Chairman Middlesex Sessions. no Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he had a ineasuf e , iii the subject of the a d m i n i strat i on of criminal jus'e-9 the county of Middl esex ; an d i n the Bill there provision for the appointment of a paid, magistre l preside over the administration of criminal justice. BRAZIL. t ha Mr. M. GIBSON wished to put a question W6iv Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty' s ro e' vernment upon a matter of some importance. In erre tion had reached this count r y th a t th e Brazilian Gcsy tha ment had prepared a new tariff for adoption aft 10th of November next, proposing a much higlicr..tel of duty on articles of British manufacture than e si i inO' at present. He wished t o k now f rom t h e Bight rit. Baronet wheth er h e h a d reason to believe that 91.1,-tV tariff would be ad o p te d an d was a lready prepare d Brazilian Government, ablic Sir R. PEEL said that h e h a d seen i n the I ) he i papers a st a t ement to the effect of that made by t lie" Hon. Member. Immediately upon seeing it, he Woe; to the Foreign- office for the purpose of knowing `lO 4 ther such information had been received, and he lid been info rme d t h at i t ha d not. Perhaps b y the the, mail he might b e prepare d to g i ve some answer 1° question. t Mr. MILNER GIBSON, wished to know whetl; ) e t r it el Government had had any correspondence with the I frog' Government relative to the importation of sugar Java, and whether they had any objection to 13/ 6 corresponden ce b e f ore t h e H ouse. fa" Sir R. PEEL sa id t h at h er Ma j esty ' s Gove rn p o p were in corre s p on d ence w i th the Dutch Governme nt ho t the subject, and also upon the differential dutiel ; d oe' he was not in a Condition to place that currespo° before the House. LAW OF SETTLEME`TT. io n . Mr. LIDDELL wished to 'know from the To° l4 o rr Gentleman th e S ecretary of State for the HomeP e j tb e ment, whether he was prepared with a Bill to no ° law of settlement this session. A re L Sir J. GRAHAM sa id that a Bill had been p on the . Subject, Which was ready for introdueti°'' e . leave.to bring in the Bill during the P • session, and it could be considered during the reC' . . • • ACCIDENT AT BOLTON. 00 : Mr. FERRAND w i s h e d to know frOm the Rig,""epart,; •Gentleman,th e S ec r etary o f State for the Holne t" - •ment,-wheth er h e wou l d l ay the evider-1, , e taken a w er e coroner's inquest, in the case of th persons killed at Bolton, on the table 011ie House. , i bje c t Sir J. GRAHAM said 11-t had considered the to which the Hon. Member adverted. He obser ve V, the verdict of th e j ury was one of' manslaught e f:Assip; notes taken wo u ld b e transm i tted to the Ju d ge °f 010, before whomthe case would u lti ma t e l y com e, sf 00'210 point of f a ct, h e d ou b ted of the possibility of t i'i , ss,„ o , to compel a r esu lt o f t hi s description. He must. C, did not.thinic it consistent w ith the ends of j us. l s fore the party was pUt.onhis trial, thattle 11°t,, OO P ' for -th'ei ;jag° shouldibe laid on the tallie,laf ,, th e and made matter of debate there.—(Hear.) Mr. S, Run. Ge bepartrn Courts I Sir J. consequr tained on the o Initteo of great irn fessed th the press In rep Sir J. to inqui had eon time for Possible session. Mr. J eeived at 13oltol No blan Brooks, great ne Whom tl The S time. The •T Amendn On cL Capta that just pal Act guardiar divide tl feeling 4 SUggeS Cause tr.( Sir J. the sug After pher, am out a Mr. th e e ff ee Within t 1 Sir J. he consii form, h e be ineon Mr. B collected of the c clergym: should, t Sir W by the Ti ajust an It was oE Mr. R the qua!i thei r fitn but , upon ,as now, body of t Mr. G. or the ch Rouse la would be zurnerou After kr. Bort After On cla Mr:ii Gentlem l "Wives of and sun footing a After 1 - {'Sir J/ 310 new h husband. Widow. woman, had dese] her in th her, if si After the Claus On cla t y' r eat n ni ar e Y t Gentle m Asylu m th e rem ; Placi ng he at -*e r e g r ' Thes e Vord (A "efor e t i Pro m i se, rlllestion Part O f i Would n, best prix lIIIPEII,IAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 12. Their Lordships assembled at Five o'clock. Several petitions were presented against the Dis• senters' Chapels Bill. GAMING. The Duke of RICHMOND took that opportunity of stating - to the Noble Lord opposite (the Earl of Radnor), that the Committee on the subject of gaming had de sired him to inform the Noble Lord that the evidence given by Mr. Russell before that Committee, had been supplied to the individual who was Chairman of the Committee on Gaming in the other House of Parliament. The Earl of RADN'OR said the evidence might have been supplied to an individual member of the House, but it could not have been supplied to the Chairman of the Committee, as that Committee had not been in existence since the 20th of May last. He thought that the whole of the proceedings were unfair, and that the evidence had been made an unfair use of. The Marquis of NORIIANBY said that the Noble Lord who spoke last had entirely misapprehended the state of the case. The conduct of his Noble Friend on the cross benches (the Duke of Richmond) had been influenced only by the most unimpeachable motives.— (Hear.) There was one point to which he would advert before he sat down. He had found it reported in a newspaper, which he held in his hand, that a very gross charge was made in another place upon the character and conduct of his Noble Friend. That attack must have been made by a young Member of the other House. 'Cne speech was reported in these words:—" I say that there is presumptive proof of a conspiracy between the promoters of the Bill in this House and the Chairman of the Committee in another House."—( Hear, hear.). He (Lord Normanby) had frequently had the misfortune to differ from his Noble Friend, but no one who knew his Noble Friend could doubt the integrity of his motives. Such a charge could only be made by a very young Member of Parliament. The Earl of RADNOR knew nothing of what had been said in the other House of Parliament on this sub ject. He only rose to state his opinion, that as the evi dence was printed only for the use of the members of the Committee, a very unfair use had been made of it. The Duke of RICHMOND said that complaint had been made that the individual alluded to had had no means of refuting the statements which bad been made before the Committee, and the evidence had been placed in the hands of the individual in the other House who had taken up the defence of the other individual. When he had undertaken to act as chairman of that Committee he was aware that if he did his duty and made a searching inquiry he should expose himself to attacks from men who gained their living by plundering the public. He did not care for their abuse, and he did not think it worth his while to answer their statements. He cared not whether attacks of this nature were made in the House of Commons or elsewhere ; he stood upon hischaracter. He knew that when young and zealous Members first entered Parliament, they were apt, in consequence of the novelty of the situation in which they found themselves placed, to take up what they considered cases of hardshifi without making that proper inquiry which older Members were in the habit of making. He would recommend these young men, before they attacked others, not to impute lightly to those whom they attacked motives by which they would not themselves be actuated under similar circumstances. Lord MONTE AG-LE, as a member of the Committee, was willing to share the responsibility with the, Noble Duke, who had completely vindicated himself from any charges which might have been brought against him. He was not aware of what had taken place elsewhere, but he knew that the Hon. Gentleman to whom allu sion had been made was the last person in the world who would avail himself of his privileges as a Member of Parliament to cast reflections upon any man. Lord CAMPBELL considered the Noble Duke had completely vindicated himself, as he had expected; but it was very natural that a Member of the other House should be surprised at finding that the evidence which had been taken before their Lordships' Committee had been communicated to other persons, for- it was contrary to the standing orders of the House of Commons to communicate the evidence which was given before Select Committees of that House until it should be reported. He was not aware of what had passed in the other House, and had been" anticipated by the Noble Lord who had preceded him in the vindica tion of the Hon. Member to whom the Noble Duke had alluded. There was not, he believed, a Member in the House of Commons who was more respected than that Hon. Gentleman was by both sides of the House. He was regarded and esteemed as one of the most rising men in that House, and would eventually become one of the most trusted representatives of the people. Messengers from the Commons brought up certain Bills. OPENING LETTERS AT THE POST-OFFICE. The Earl of RADNOR presented a petition from Mr. Mazzini, who stated that he was apprehensive that cer tain accusations were to be brought against him before a Committee of that House. He said that he was an exile, having deliberately given up his home and the comforts of his home, and having received sympathy and hospi tality in this country ; and he felt that he was entitled to such sympathy so long as he did not yiolate the laws of the country which had received him as a guest. He had for some time past received letters from persons to whom he was unknown ; from which letters it would appear to a stranger that he (Mr. Mazzini) was a co conspirator with the writer of those letters. He therefore prayed that if any accusations should be brought against him, he might be allowed to rebut them before the Committee. The NOBLE EARL gave notice that he should mov on Monday that the petition be referred to the Select C m matee on opening Post letters. The DUKE of BUCCLEUGH laid on the table the first report on the sanatory condition of the people. The Marquis of NORMANBY postponed his motion on this subject from Tuesday next to Tuesday week.' BANK CHARTER BILL. I Lord STRADBROKE presented a petition against the Bank Charter Bill. The Marquis of SALISBURY presented a petition from an individual named Payton, complaining, that in compliance with the wishes of a Committee of the Hduse he had expended 4,2501. in experiments, with a view to supplying the metropolis with water, and that he had received no remuneration. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH said that he could ,not find that any authorised order had been given to this gentleman by the Committee. Lord REDESDALE said that, when the Commit tee was proposed, he opposed the appointment ; and he was by no means pleased to find now, at the end of four years, that his own judgment was confirmed. He did not think that the Committee had any authority to employ this gentleman, nor did he think that that gentleman had any claim. After a few words from Lord RADNOR, in explana tion, the conversation dropped, and the petition was laid on the table. DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented petitions from various places in favour of the Commons Amend ments to the Dissenters' Chapels Bill. BANK CHARTER. The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL presented a petition from the Society for the Emancipation of Induatry, signed by Mr. Spottiswoode, their chairman, against! the B.tnk Charter Bill. He would read the petition if their Lordships would permit him.—(Cries of No, no," and lau.liter.) He,would, however, read the prayer of the pettoon, which was that they might be suffered to he heard before a Select Committee, to prove the truth of their allegations, and to pray that the Bill might! net receive the sanction of their Lordships. The allega,- tions which they sought to prove were, that the Bill of 1819, of which this was the sequence, had taken from the poorer classes 30,000,000/. annually ; and That the effect of the Bank Charter Bill would be so to increase pauperism, as to deprive the wealthy of the benefit of low price.—The petition was ordered to lie upon the table. AFFAIRS OF THE PUNJAUB. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE wished to put a luestion to tha Noble Earl opposite on the subject of udian affairs, which had recently, in consequence of lie increased rapidity of communication with this court, try, attracted in . ore' attention than they had hitherto done. It Wai generally understood that a large army was collected on the western frontier of our Indian tern- tory. bordering on the Punjaub; that Sir Charles N Tier was to take the command of that army; and that the Governor-General was about to leave Calcutta for the purpose of watching its operations. Now, it was impossible to forget the results of the last operations of an army of observation commanded by the same gallant officer, and superintended by the Governor-General. He did not wish to make any further allusions to a matter on which their Lordships had agreed to suspend their judgment, but he wished to ask whether the friendly relations which had hitherto subsisted between the Go vernment of Lahore and the Government of British India still continued, and whether there was any rea son to apprehend hostilities from that Government, or from any of the other inhabitants of the Sikh country? In the newly acquired territory of Sinde, the state of affairs was such as to warrant great anxiety. Sir C. Napier had thought it necessary to call together a meet in4 of the Beloochee Chiefs. He was not asking the Go vernment to tell them directly what were the instructions that had been given to Sir C. Napier as to the negotia tionshe was conducting. But they should naturally . be very glad of any information the Government could give them, and the more so, because it had been rumoured that there was a desire on the part of the Indian Govern-. ment.to extend their territorial possessions beyond the hanks of the Indus and the Sutlej. He was not going into the policy of the occupation of Sinde, but it ap ' pearei that the Indian Government had entertained the ' idea of passing beyond the banks of the Indus, although the best authorities had laid it down that we ought not tnseelt to extend our territorial possessions beyond thMa. He wished to know whether Sir C. Napier had been instructed to acquire, by negotiation or otherwise, any addition to tlir territorial possessions on the banks of the Indus or the Sutlej. Sir Charles Napier had conquered the province of Sinde with five thousand men, but to keep it he required a force of 16,000 merf, - in consequence of its disturbed state, the natives being le s secure now than under a less powerful Government. He was not about to question the whole policy, but it was a grave matter, and one that did require the consi deration of Parliament. He hoped before the close of the sesion some information would be given to enable them to judge of the real state of Sinde. The expense of the military establishment of India fell indirectly on this country. But the expenses were not the only evil, for there had been great loss of life. He thought that Parliament might not to separate without full informa tion being laid before it upon the subject. He wished, therefore, to ask whether tilp Goireriment 101414 be Ole to lay before Parliament, during the present session, airy statement of the financial affairs of . Sinde, apd also . . of the amount of revenue the East India Company de rii-gcl from that country ? Thq Earl Qf RIPON had not anticipated from his