The Sun. — London, England, 1844-03-26 00:00:00

;tepee' ace of 000• W TI ' rou lS • ove r (10; i of" 14 Y .------' ;i1 ) „.. In-t erferenee with industry ; and the other, as h c't Stated, in bringing forward a kind of Jack '')(l°4litesition, and setting the question in a Ifo rent light. He confessed, that if a i tii t the regulation even of adult labour, tn l a Report of Commissioners properly k ke , were brought in, he should not like 'Ni t U pon himself th e responsibility of object '4 ' The resentquestion resolved itself into lt 'aZ il ta 1 P q eY, whether young persons of twelve, `"tig - o ' o o r fourteen years of age, were injured by tll ti . TPelled to work twelve hours a day, and ho , If this p er i o d were re d uce d f rom t we lv e h our s fo lzr s, it would b e p oss ibl e t o g ive sufficient zv i to r that amount of labour, and leave profit '4l to the capitalist Tina manufacturer to induce latices I've Qmplo-iment to the vast population N s , ...ir e te nt and Yorkshire; or whether it would he to 'with the general interests of the manufac ie th ill 'Zce this diminution. This was the goes :lllV.Jught, and the Government maintained it Ni t .' Injurious to all those interests, and that the 1 k to l°4 of the Noble Lord would excite discon i °ll gst the masters and the operatives, and 4,,,,, diminution o f employment. He gave the 's;::llerit every credit for being actuated in the tir t ,,, the y were about to adopt, by conscientious ki,, - ) and for taking every fair means to . prevent le, e °rlsequences to the manufacturing interests, °lithe other hand, he thought the other party ' tle t i , those new principles, could not be at all i t i'' as revolutionary in their support of the e lid r 43 ,n,• He should wish to apply himself to a e ntc a rm of all the bearings of this great and 14, 4 4,, 118 question before next Friday, and he th !utit the Noble Lord opposite would also con- I: matter before next Thursday, and state to 1,, , "'5.e his views, and the course he intended to tll.llt thought it a wise course to adjou rn this it „ . • then b ot h t h e H ouse and the country would b°l3Portunity of considering the matter. Nearly Se a rs ago, a Committee consisting of fifty-ono 14 - 1/1 8 ',._ w , li° se party views differed from each other \Pde "on as those of Hon. Members Ith) took a part 4 4. l)ate , and the result of their suggestions was to 74 statutes which had for their object to in 'lt the exercise of labour, and he hoped the ,?k consider this matter well before Friday NT would entreat the Right Hon. Baronet oppo to to was surrounded with his present difficul , t wre his attention to the best means of putting i tho o the great competition which at present existed t hi t tir ) and to consider whether other legislative t r 41k , could not be adopted that would have the h. tutl fenlloving the sources of commercial distress. In i nt nstanee he fully concurred in the course lt o, l ll i k4 k eti the Government. He hoped Ho n. Gentle toti consider well before they would adopt or "1ppi„ 44 4 ,7 restrictions which would tend to limit trade and commerce of the country. 43 ORTHWICK trusted that the Noble Lord for Dorsetshire would afford every facility , t b °ase for gaining information with respect to N y - n he intended to pursue, between this and tee 'n L.AILLER wished to make a few observations ?trPretation put upon what he said the other N t t he Right Hon. Baronet opposite. The Right ,‘thh..?net h a d taken advantage of one expression O r i - 'q fallen from him (Mr. C. Buller), and which 1. 811 13 sequently explained. The Right Hon. 1t7t 4h ,..." i al misunderstood entirely what he said, and ki t - Voting his eech, he drew inferences from it t ile House an sp d the country under a most erro- Npression. What he (Mr. C. Bulle r ) said 0k‘0„, 4 new state of society had arisen owing to rlalation of great masses of unskilled labourers )j, , tii t r tg3yns, and that consequently it woul d be ' 4 l eY were to legislate now upon the same p rin. o la those upon which they did formerly, and that keen i to utile should support the motion I k eERT PEEL said her Majesty's Govern -6tlltidhe adopted that course which they thought of ,, most in accordance with the views of the ma b,,N4 ~,s ‘ ne House, and were willing to make every con l'titi,"°rt of a sacrifice of their own conscientious 6,NIA g'• If he understood the Hon. Member for ii,,,,%°qedaright, h o had stated that this questio n should Vitt tn - °Pon not in an abstract light, but that they Ote k jisider it as the first step in a bold and novel liti4 t `' lti t legislation, and that the principle was not to to this measure alone, and consequently that teady t o f o llow up the new principles and t l l / 104 to the old. Ire would further state that he was carry legislative interferen hewith labour fullest extent, as far as could con tqeo or without risking a greater evil. The tlema n had protested against the remarks 0 0 , 44 been made upon his speech. The object of 4 s lament in introducing this measure was to try l tt N ee ,, s ucb a one would be likely to give sat isfaction f n try, and in doing so, he thought t he y were n g one of the first and highest duties of a res kN Government. li?ie te :ANDON said he hoped the Noble Lord woul I,,:tli b „, In the course proposed by her Majesty's i,,o,;:ent t o withdraw this Bill, and bring in a t k lt „ Re thought that the House was in favour of ‘lt o - carse, and thought it would be better if they I:,,44eserve any expression of opinion on the dura- Oi ll e period of labour in the factories until this I N I Ati was brought in. When the Bill was first c t lt" n, her Majesty's Government attached much nee to it than they did now. He would en iiretst, to reconsider this proposit ion—to consider „ I °n in which the public sympa th y was now g t `" consider the feeling whic h was risin g u p Itj t , it ,Zlanufacturers themselves, and to consider whe -I,'tto,Zl safe to postpone, from year to y ear, the final of this question. tb RRISON said that he believed, in his cTi k.i'llt,iFitt a Ten Hours' Bill would not only be in carried, to the labouring classes, by lowering %Nit e r; but he believed that it would prove fatal Il i ; IV to the cotton trade, which constituted almost kilott, e of the export trade of this country. Ile . said 4 trade, because the cotton trade was widely Qiii c (with respect to the operation of this Bill) . to %Ztt * ti le woollen or the linen trade—all of which ItAtti t i e „ r e better e ' stablished, and better able to bear 014 7 0 , than the cotton trade. In the silk-throwi_nog. Wet maehinery was superior to that of the f V% 'in the woollen trade the advantage was . not . so 44 . : (i httt in the linen trade, owing to the inventions Otit te _heen recently introduced, more especially by tl‘Ali 'tall, we were enabled not only to beat other l e t . / 4, 4: 1 1 , 13 . 1 _ 1 t, he understood that some of our menu '4l at 1r actually established houses for the sale with V_ott e ,, t raburgh. But the persons connected . '`ur. 'Ora& had to contend with a growing com an America, not merely in Massachusetts, but le k tf t eo li - '„ e whole of the United States, cotton mills 4 1 „ eil" k ilually rising up. Any attempt to limit the 1414t0 hour in this country he looked upon as a fetal N t h, export trade. Although at present our 1 1 , 44t uttl t snore activity than for some time past . it k ' yet h e thought there were symptoms which 'tt nn t ade . " him to indicate that the present aspect of th e not continue ; and he had no doubt that t te l next session of Parliament, the country 1 4, 4 )1 1, g-Itis Prediction had been verified. . r§get t 'A.NLEY said that his Noble Friend (the tVor Liverpool) had made two complaints 1 1 04 1 . liit,,,,l,Majesty's Government, in both of which he j)1 to ht his Noble Friend was labouring 41,1attrL sta lie. In g the first place, his Noble Friend Nl3pa aced"lat her Majesty's Government, some time „te ; to attach no value to this question. Yet N t atop'"'t they tried to magnify it into a matter of f itt e r. ti tlee. Now his Noble Friend must r ecollect i Majesty's Government, from the first, had de kitttp tt ,a Most emphatic manner that it was the ir in °pese the motion of his Noble Friend the uorsetshire. He believed They were gene th-ar!ed to be sincere in that determination, e 1 . 40 a ~`'neY were abilityeprived in consequence, upon this 41 5 4 '411 1 '1 e ' the y and support of his Noble Friend t t i;Yr for Dorsetshire. Now he (Lord Stanley) th ! 6 would show that the Government had not Vv ika l3 subject as of a matter of slight importance. hi s .4 10 difference with respect to the principle be -144 B4, 1 :"oble Friends and her Majesty's Government. b t i t t , t ed the principle of interference with factory Ite,ol, 4 ,Lthere was . a material difference with respect gat 'ata t t''n one important question and one involving tli o4 c onsequences. He (Lord Stanley) believed ne t s Nd„ c onsequences would be fearful to the opera tht..sl thci the manufacturers of this country. Ile be thefe„oit), the very parties for whom the Noble Lord, 1 1 4 , .N.-411*.otildt be Dorsetshire, had taken so deep an hi lt is ue the very parties that would suffer most 5(4, 1 , 4 Prop oan • ion, should it be adopted. This was Ale e ' at a, S tanley's) conviction as to the result , eithe r Il e 'V future time, of his Noble Friend's princi et the° co life ased that the Government would be de -50411---.4„eontry if they did not strongly express their lto b. ed founded upon temporary circumstances, but ,`'tir,gily ' 4 P general principles and the condition 1 1 °41 - Milt t ho manufacturing interests of this not be-„.., it would not be safe—that it ;It "at an „ ruse—that it would not be prudent to Ike °, expectation as to what they might do this lqear that next year, or that what they did not do 1 , 4 111, 4 , u eY inig'ht do the year following. He be ;./ k-tted P° l l reflection it would be seen by those who "e i. Noble Lord, and he believed that it would of th tek considered labouring classes themselves, if they de- It t e nhieensidered this subject, that if the proposition f iltrabl e . Lord were to be carried, it would inflict tvi a i i in.lary on those whom the Noble Lord cape -49r. , t to serve. 4 -WES , tt , e al thought no one ought to complain of Vtlhiroguanner in which the Noble Lord had ad ;4) b ad e o r this subject.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. eeted to the Government Bill when it t; l e t of introduced, t ,e Moult because it did not embrace the sub 118t "en wont% He had, however, been glad to see Ns : alooer rne o a r t turn its attention to the subject, seeing e qi h, _ later the condition of the labouring 4 01 , If the e cotTtry would force itself on their atten %-- ~hicmed r strietion of the hours of labour were to be b Y aci a r i e t d.uction in the amount of wages, the Go ip i,tCtsw_ould, n their power to adopt measures at once t il l th e . 4e s for e Item operation, compensate the labour the the toss they might sustain from the reduction q' cites ' lie therefore to th nd an felt no apprehension on ti f °pe rm . y reduction in the amount of the wages sli t ,, stied red ive .. B _. w . o ho were to be affected by this Bill ; ni o „ of t h is tit' n were to take place, the working hi, Lae G o _ rn country would then have a stronger claim p ioae tb e e i ec e t 1 . 1 3 1 , 9nt for those measures which would t he a , were t h e , I compensating them for their loss. .e„, ; t em of ~.g!neral grounds upon which he thought might be adopted without any ya 2 trki tt ,. ; _t7 l , l loUrs ifitatOr i::V_ne manufactures of the country. The awed t .relloe had been tried since 1833, and it by a great augmentation of the commerce THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 26, 1844. rates in his neighbourhood, and stating that the unpo% I Sir R. PEEL said, whilst he thought the House had polarity of the tax was so great that, in the better not prejudge the question by going into discussion parish of Kilallan, no one could be found who into it—that he considered the suggestion as to wo uld undertake to collect it, and that in con- assessors was well worthy the consideration of the sequence a collector was obliged to be sent Committee. He doubted the policy end propriety down from the office of the Commissioners in Dublin, of placing Members on the Committee, who had and that he was obliged to be protected in the perform- suffered from these election petitions. The Mem ance of his duties by two companies of inrantry, a troop hers that he should propose to form the Committee of the 10th Hussars, two sub-inspectors of police, and 50 were the following, and he thought the House would rank and file of thet'body, together with two stipendiary egree with him when they heard the names, that those magistrates ; also the forces from the Stromboli steamer, Members had had a tolerably good insight into the the I)ee, and another vessel of war, were employed to cases of controverted elections. collect the rate; and that, notwithstanding all those forces, The following were proposed as a Committee: — and the rate to be collected was under 2001., more Lord J. Russell, Lord Granville Somerset, Mr. Charles than one-third of the rate remained uncollected ; and I Boller, Mr. Wilson Patten, Sir George Grey, Lord Dr. Kirwan also stated that the collectiox of every ls. in Sandon, The O'Conor Don, Mr. Pakington, Mr. that neighbourhood cost 11. sterling—the natural come- Hawes, Mr. Hogg, Mr. Escott, Mr. Locke, Mr. Wynn, quence of attempting to force a rate from a population who and Sir Thomas Fremantle. were scarcely above the condition of paupers themselves. The motion was agreed to, after a few words in ex- The Hon. Hember then read an extract from the writ- planation by Mr. COLLETT. ings of Mr. Daly, as to the operation of the present law, Mr. R. soon obtained leave to bring in a Bill to stating that an armed force was required to carry it out, annex detached parts of counties to the counties by which in his opinion formed one of the strongest con- which they were surrounded. stitutional objections to it. It was also stated that The House adjourned at Eleven &Clock. 2/. 12s. a year was the average allowance for paupers; whilst that of the Commissioners was 1,500/. He hoped that the returns would not be refused. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 25. The LORD CHANCELLOR tOOk his soat on the Wool sack at Five o'Clock. Sir J. GRAHAM said the Speaker was so just and invariable in enforcing the rules of that House, that he had been unwilling to interrupt the Hon. Gentleman in the speech which he had delivered. Raising, as he had done, a question in reference to the administration of the Irish Poor-law, on a motion for going into Committee on the Mutely Act, he would not encourage a further violation of those rules by following the Hon. Gentleman in his remarks. Suffice it to say, that he hoped there would be no delay in presenting the returns for which the Hon. Gentleman had moved, in the course of the pre sent session. With respect to the antecedent sessions, as the orders were dropped orders, it would be necessary for the Hon. Gentlemen to renew them. With respect to the operation of the poor-laws in Ireland, he had already stated that if it should be the wish of Irish Mem bers to have a Committee appointed to inquire into that subject, a motion to effect that object would not be op posed by the Government. Captain PECHELL was proceeding to say that the Right Hon. Gentleman had not answered his Hon. Friend's remarks in reference to the employment of the naval force in Ireland in the collection of the poor-rates, when The SPEAKER said he bad not interrupted the Hon. Member who had made this motion, because it was im possible to say that he would not conclude with an amendment to the motion for going into Committee ; but as he bad concluded without making any such amendment, the Hon. and Gallant Officer would be quite out of order in making any remarks on the subject of the Irish poor-law.—( Hear, hear.) MUTINY BILLS. The Earl of BESBOROUGIT presented a petition from the Dissenters of Derby, praying that so much of the poor-law which authorised the payment of sa laries to Protestant clergymen attending in union workhouses, might be repealed. Petitions against the unions of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor were presented by the Bishops of LICHFIELD and BANGOR. LUNATIC POOR IN IRELAND. Lord MONTEAGLE gave notice that, on Thurs day, he should move for certain correspondencewhich the Irish Government had entered into on the sub ject of lunatic asylums in Ireland. . LABOUR OF FEMALES. _ The House then went into Committee on the Mutiny Captain PECHELL referred to the employment of the Comet and the Stromboli on the river Shannon to assist in collecting the poor-rates. Sir J. GRAHAM said the facts wore these :—On the coast of Galway there was a formidable, organised, and protracted resistance to the payment of poor-rates; and, at the instance of the Lord Lieutenant, two steam-boats were sent to the Shannon to assist the civil power. He was quite prepared to justify the proceeding, under the circumstances which gave rise to it. Mr. MORE O'FERRALL thought that the present was not the proper time to discuss the Irish poor-law, and he would not, therefore, enter into that subject. On the discussion of the clauses, Sir H. HARDINGE said there was a novelty in this Bill, inasmuch as it gave power to the Secretary-at- War, in certaincases, to convert barracks, or parts of barracks, into military prisons. The Bill having passed through Committee, the House resumed, the Chairman reported progress, and the re port was ordered to be brought up to-morrow. The House then went into Committee on the Marine Mutiny Bill. Sir C. NAPIER complained that the punishment of marines employed on shore was not sufficiently defined. There was another object to which he wished to call the attention of the Government. It was to this peculiarity in the Mutiny Act, that the punishment of death should be suffered for every crime, or such other punishment as a court-martial might choose to inflict. Now, in many cases it occurred that it was necessary for the officer in command of a ship to inflict punishments ac cording to the rules and practices of the navy, and he wished that the last clause of the Act should be so framed as to make those rules and practices the lawful guide, without reference to the higher penalty of death. As at present, the practice served no purpose of example. He himself remembered a case, where a court-martial had, under the Mutiny Act, sentenced a man to death, but recommended him to mercy on account of a wound in his head. The punishment was commuted to fourteenyears' transporta tion. This punishment was never known in the ser viee, and it had no effect whatever in the way of exam ple. He recommended that the Articles should be so modified as to leave it is the power of a court-martial on the spot to determine the amount of punishment. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said, that the subject had been referred to the Admiralty before. The Gallant Officer was aware, that when marines were employed on shore on foreign service, they were in a very different position to that of doing duty on board. Mr. MORE O'FERRALL said, that the same diffi culty alluded to by the Hon. and Gallant Member for Marylebone had been experienced in the employment of the Marines in the relief service in Spain, and he thought it ought to be removed. Captain PECHELL thought it very hard to punish a man who on shipboard fell asleep upon his watch after a hard day's work, as a sentinel in the army who fell asleep at his post. Mr. HERBERT said that an alteration in this respect had been extended to the marines. The clause was agreed to, the House resumed, the Chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again to-morrow. The Indemnity Bill was read a third time and passed. The Gold and Silver Warehousing Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday next. The International Copyright Bill was read a third time and passed. The report upon the Dean Forest Bill was brought up anal agreed to. The Night Poaching Prevention Bill passed through Committee, and the report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow. CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that in the course of last session, when the Bill for the trial of Controverted Elec tions was mentioned in the House, he had undertaken to propose the appointment during the present session of a Committee of the House, to inquire if any amend ment could be introduced into its mode of proceeding. In fulfilment of that promise he 'had now to move that a Select Committee should be nominated for that purpose. He proposed this measure merely for the pur pose of considering whether any amendment could he made in the present course of proceedings, and not with a view to discuss and report as to the jurisdiction itself. The important question of the jurisdiction ought in his opinion to be carefully reserved for the considera tion of the House itself. He had no wish to hinder Hon. Members from discussing this great question in the House, but he wished to confine the object of the proposed Committee to the suggestions of amend ment in the existing system as it stood. He had endeavoured to make the Committee as fair and as useful as possible by placing upon it those who were looked to as authorities, and who would come prepared to assist in rendering the existing sys tem as perfect as possible. lie did not see any neces sity for entering into a statement, or inviting discussion, and he should, therefore, content himself simply with moving the appointment of a Select Committee, to in quire and report, whether it would be desirable to make any alteration in the law at present in force in respect to the trial of Controverted Elections. Mr. GISBORNE said, he should have been gratified if, upon the present occasion, the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) had stated what he thought of the, present law from the experience they had been enabled to have of it. The object of the Bill had been to remedy that which had certainly become a crying evil, and it was a question of interest to ascertain how far in the Right Hon. Baronet's opinion an amendment had been effected. For his (Mr. Gisborne's) part, he was inclined to think there had been some amendment. He had that morning looked at the Journals of the House, to find, as well as he could, how far party feeling might be supposed to hare influenced the decisions of Committees. He found that twenty-five Committees had decided conform ably with the politics they were supposed to entertain; and that eight had decided contrary to the opinion supposed to be entertained by them. He was also bound to state that in the latter Committees there appeared to be much less conformity in the political opinions of its members than the former ones. There was one amend ment in the practice of the Committees which he thought might be introduced with special advantage. He was no lawyer, but he understood that in a common law action a party could give notice to his opponent that if he did not admit certain points he should then prove them at his (the opponent's) expense. Now this practice might be advantageously admitted by the Committee, for it would effect a great saving both of time and of money. There were other points which presented themselves to his notice, but as the House seemed indisposed to discussion at that time, he would not enter on them. He hoped, however, that on the Com mittee there would be some Hon. Gentlemen who had suffered in these matters, for, as they best knew where the shoe pinched, they would best assist the Committee in coming to sound conclusions. Mr. COLLETT hoped the House would adopt some course to save Members from persecution. He had some time back been declared by a Committee of that House duly returned to serve for the present Parliament for the borough of Athlone, and he thought . the matter was at an end, and he should be subjected to no further annoyance. He had, however. been forced before another Committee, who, on the 7th of this month, had again declared him duly elected " to serve in the present Parliament" for the borough of Athlone, and he was again threatened not merely with another petition against him, but with an annual attempt to wrest his seat from him. Sir GEORGE GREY thought the Right Hon. Ba ronet had pursued a very wise course in keeping the question of jurisdiction for the consideration of the House itself, and confining the labours of the Select practice Comm it t a e n e d t o p r t c h e e e consideration c o f o m a m m i e t n t e d e m s e o n n t s c i o n n t thero verted Elections. Mr. FRENCH hoped that neither Ministers nor ex- Ministers would be allowed to sit on the Committee. Sir E. COLEBROOKE suggested that Committees should have the assistance of eminent lawyers to sit as assessors, and assist in declaring the law and making their proceedings conformable to it. pet weight required for riding the handicap ? (" Hear," and laughter.) Was that, he would ask, the legislation they were to proceed with ? Such, however, wa.a the course which was opened to them by those who exclaimed so much on the subject of factories, and were very prodigal of their own ad vice and of other people's money.—(Hear, hear.) But then it was said, that the whole system as regarded women was contrary to nature, that it was impos sible for them to pay proper attention to the nursery, and (as we understood) suckling their children. And those who read Tansillo's poem might expatiate on the subject. But he would ask, how many wives, and sisters, and daughters of their Lordships, and of Members of the other House of Parliament, volun tarily exempted themselves from following what, in this respect, was called the first law of nature ? They excused themselves from undertaking that duty because their various avocations interfered with it. Yet they had never heard that any mischief resulted frm the practice ; but they were told that the children of women employed in factories were swept down in scores in consequence of their mothers not be ing able to attend to them. Now be conceived that the petition which he now presented to their Lord ships bore out a very different view of the case. He could now clearly state, and predict to their Lord ships, what the question in futuro would be, namely, whether ten hours' work was to be paid for by twelve hours' wages ? If such a principle were adopted, away at once would go the profits of the manufac turers. Those two hours were all important to him. He could not compete with foreigners if he were obliged to give the same wages for a less amount of labour. And let it be recollected that in France, in Germany, in Switzerland, nay more, in America, no such restrictions were known. It would be impos sible for the manufacturer to prcceed, without lower ing his wages. But some thought that Parliament might interfere—that nothing more was wanting than the wisdom and unanimity of the Legislature to re duce the hours of labour, and at the same time to prevent wages from being lowered in the same ratio as the time of employment was contracted! O! inane caput ! To prevent such a reduction would be impossible. It was argued, that the proposed altera tion would be greatly conducive to health. The ability to eat heartily was an acknowledged con comitant of health ; but with decreased wages how was the operative to satisfy nature ? Would his situation be at all improved ? He firmly believed that those who now advocated the principle of re duced laoour would eventually discover their error, and find, that the best friends of the poor were those who - did net restrict nor interfere with their in dustry.—(Hear, hear.) , He was as certain as that the sun would rise to-morrow that many months would not pass over their heads before men would be awakened to a sense of the follies they were now committing, and begin to be awake in good earnest, and find that he was the best friend ,of the poor who did what he could to help them, and did nothing to injure them in pursuit of a vague fantastic theory which his own imagination might have con jured up, or which other men's hallucinations might have inoculated him with. He hoped and trusted that meanwhile no harm would be done to the work ing people, for whom it was chiefly that he now spoke —to the manufacturer, whose interests were the in teresta of the working people, and who, in fact, could have no interests apart from them, and that no page would be added to our statute book, before it was too late to reflect on the mischief and the misery which might result from it—sanctioning any such pernicious principle (if he might so call it) as that of which he had now deprecated the assertion. Depend upon it, we could not stop here.—(Hear, hear.) If we were to legislate for these workpeople, we must for all others.—(Hear.) Women in our colleries had suffered much ; and he was one who had tweed (re luctantly, and protesting against carrying it further, and predicting those consequences which had hap pened) to a measure for ameliorating their condition. But there was a spectre which haunted him more than it did the manufacturer; which haunted him as the friend of the labourer, and, above all, of those very children themselves—it was the mischief of Parlia ment interfering to prescribe how much work a man, or a woman, or a child should be called upon to endure. Of the two, he protested he would rather have a Bill to regulate the rate of wages, and affix a mini mum of wages,t than a Bill to affix a maximum of work. He held the one just as much against all principle as the other ; but the first would not pro duce so much mischief; and it would be entirely nugatory—you could not fix the rate of wages.— (Hear, hear.) Those who said the Legislature could compel employers to give twelve hours' wages for ten hours' work did not know what they were talk ing of. Let them talk elsewhere than in Parliament, and of other matters than these.—(A laugh.) They were talking of subjects as utterly unknown to them, and of which they were as hopelessly ignorant, as of what was passing in another planet.—(Laughter.) Humanity they had not studied. He believed many of them to be worthy of, and he felt for them the highest respect—as most estimable, honest, conscien tious, and, on other subjects, well-informed men; but he hoped he should not be accused of saying any thing disrespectful to them, nor against moral prin ciple itself, when he added—" so much the worse ;" for nothing was more fatal, and, above all, in popular assemblies, and in countries where there was a free expression of public opinion, than respectable, honest, conscientious, and amiable men, when they had taken up some notion such as that of which he had spoken, and acted wildly, enthusiastically, fanatically upon that notion. He had had presented to him draughts of two Bills proposed to be presented, calling his at tention to the much greater sufferings of semptresses in London, Westminster, and country—(Hear, hear)—working from early in the morning to late at night ; fed on an extremely miserable pittance—on bad or second-rate, cheap, indifferent food—little of animal food. These were extreme cases, no doubt— such was not the state of all or nearly all ; he hoped in God it was not so, at least.—(Hear.) But their wages were low from the vehement competition. Every poor girl who had no rich parents to support her, and who chose conscientiously to lead a chaste life, was a competitor for that kind of work, and the con sequences were, naturally, most lamentable. They suffered exceedingly ; and the diseases, of which a frightful catalogue had been presented to him with one of the Bills (which he should never present, as it was not his duty to present such impossible specula tions to their Lordships)—the diseases, arising chiefly from their posture of work—diseases of the diges tive organs and of the lungs, &c., were of the most frightful and fearful character. But his answer had been, that if Parliament legislated for these and other such cases (for there were other cases even worse) Parliament would become the nuisance of the nation instead of its protector, by the utter disregard it showed to the necessity of man's position in this world, and to that first fact and law of our existence —which he once had occasion, for another purpose, but in favour of the working classes (for it was against the corn-laws), to allude to—the law of abour— " Continua has leges mternaque fcedera certis Imposuit natura locis, quo tempore priminn Deucalion vacuum lapides jactavit in orbem : Unde homines nati, durum genus." Lord BROUGHAM rose to present a petition from the coal and ironstone miners of Lanarkshire, in which they complained of the distress which they endured in consequence of the .course which the Legislature had, some years ago, deemed it necessary to take for the regulation of their labour, by which many females were deprived of the means of earning their subsist ence, at an age when it was impossible for them to turn to any other species of employment. The peti tioners therefore besought their Lordships to allow those females, under whatsoever restraint or restric tion their Lordships might deem fitting for their pro tection, to resume the only employment by which they could earn a livelihood ; and, if not too late, to save them from the consequences of that cheap hu manity, of that false philanthropy—(Hear, hear) — which at present seemed to have obtained possession of the Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) It was a one-sided humanity, as well as a false humanity, inasmuch as it professed to maintain the rights, to support the inte rests, and to relieve the sufferings of those individuals who were its chief object, while it inflicted, at the same time, the deepest wounds, through hypocrisy and shortsighted policy, on the very parties whom it professed to correct.—(Hear, hear.) He had been for a very long time a fellow-labourer with others in many good works for the amelioration of the condi tion of the people. He had constantly, throughout his political life, been their advocate and supporter, when oppressed, according to his feeble means. Would that his means had been ample in proportion to his good wishes and anxious desires. Surely, then, he, who had always exerted himself to promote the com fort of the people—he, who never in his life had given a vote, or written a line, or mid a word, that tended to their oppression or neglect—but who had endea voured, through good report and evil report, to do whatever he could to serve their best interests, tem porary or permanent—he, who had studied to-keep up the rate of their wages, and to keep down the price of their food—he, surely, had some right to be heard, when the question related to the comforts, the sub sistence, to the labour and to the hardships of the working classes.—(Hear, hear.) When it was said that many were engaged in unhealthy occupations — that many were worked too hard—that frequently they laboured heavily, and were too lightly fed ; while all this must be admitted, still, he feared that those priva tions, those sufferings were the inevitable lot of human nature. But he would not be perverse enough to call them oppressions—he would not be rash enough to call them oppressions—he would not be impious enough to call them oppressions on the part of man, until he had heard from some learned doctor how much of these evils could be removed by human means and human laws ; and how much of them were the inevitable consequence, the unavoid abble result, of the mysterious decrees and inscrutable dispensations of Providence.—(Hear.) Therefore, he said, " Show me any means, within the scope of human laws, to remove those evils—show me any better course of legislation to do away with those sufferings—show me any better rule of conduct by which our rulers may be able to avoid those mischiefs —and then, if those means be not resorted to, we may use the word oppression.' " But, until that was de monstrated to him—until it was proved that the means of removing these sufferings were within their reach, and were neglected—he would not admit that the evils complained of were the mere result of op pression, though he allowed that they were heavy afflictions and calamities.—(Hear, hear.) But cer tainly he would never be a party to anything which, under the semblance of humanity, was calculated to inflict greater evils on the labouring population of this country than even those which they now com plained of. But, he would ask, was all their sym pathy to be confined to the spinners of cotton and carders of wool ? Was no suffering to be found amongst other classes of society ? Could any half dozen of occupations be named in which workmen and workwomen were employed, with respect to which no right to claim compassion could be found ? Not a few of the many occupations in which operatives were employed called as much, on various points, for legislative interference, as did the number of hours during which children ought to be employed in cotton factories. Here he begged leave to state the opinion of a great authority on this subject. Coming from so grave a quarter—coming from a man who was so thoroughly conversant with the question —coming from one whose whole public life was de voted, as far as in him lay, to the benefit of the people —coming from an individual who, to the last hour of his life, laboured for their good—he meant the late Sir Samuel Romilly—that opinion ought to be re ceived with respect by all parties. What was that eminent man's answer to him (Lord Brougham) when he demanded his assistance, on a similar occasion, many years ago ? He requested Sir S. homily to af ford his support to a Bill which was then pending in the other House of Parliament, to which he (Lord Brougham) was friendly. The object of that Bill was not the restricting the hours during which children should be employed, but was meant for restraining the ages under which children should not be suffered to work in factories—and what was the answer of that great and good man ? " I," said he, " will do no such thing as support such a Bill. an you stop your legislation there ? Have you no recollection of other trades ? Do you forget the glass-blowers--the coal-heavers—the steel-file makers, who are inhaling the seeds of pulmonary disease from morn 'till dewy eve'—the painters, who breathe an atmosphere poi soned by the fumes of white lead—the brass-founders, who handle and manufacture brass in all its forms, and who are, in consequence, often paralysed by it ? Before you proceed with restrictions in matters of this kind, reflect that Providence has so ordered it—and doubt whether you can interfere satisfacto rily. Above all things (said he, and this particu larly referred to the employment of children) — above all things, beware that you do not introduce something artificial in the place of those parental affections which Providence has, most wisely and beneficially, implanted in the human breast. Beware lest, in taking this course of legislation, you proceed to stifle, to drown, to extinguish those natural affec tions which are the real and legitimate support and protection of children."—(Hear, hear.) Such was the opinion of Sir S. Romilly. Now, the sufferings of some classes, the misery of others, and the com parative wants of all (except those who were born to the enjoyment of affluence) must be admitted, must be regretted, and ought to be prevented, if the means of prevention were in their power ; but how could they be prevented when they grew out of those dispensations of Providence with which man must be content ? If any man wished to ascertain whether these miseries were confined to manufactures, let him go into the country—let him view the agricultural districts. He would there see men, inured only to agricultural labour growing prematurely old at 40, and decrepit at 50. They would then perhaps change their opinions with respect to enforcing restrictions on manufacturing labour. Let them read the most lively description that ever was given of the happi ness which attended an agricultural life and compare it with the reality, and he feared the two things would present a very different aspect. On the other hand, a poet of great eminence had described, with all the accuracy of a Dutch painter, what he supposed to be the wretchedness- of a manufacturing life ; but if he had lived in a manufacturing district perhaps he would have drawn a less highly coloured picture. Now, how far was this course of legislation to be carried ? Were they to call on the Legislature to provide so that dropsy should not be the lot of one man in consequence of his exposure to atmospherical changes, or that other complaints arising from their employments should not afflict other men ? Would any Noble Lord or Hon. Member of the other House consent to a law which would prohibit his coachman from driving him to a party and then waiting for him until five o'clock in the morning, to the inevitable injury of the servant's constitution ? Were no more races to be run for amusement, not for the purposes of gamb ling (for he did not mean to say anything offensive), by the introduction of a measure to prevent an infant from being taken at seven years of age, and half starved, to reduce him to the condition of a dwarf, that at-eighteen or twenty he might be of the pro- It was not fit to repine at it—they might lament it ; and they should do all they could to relieve it; and among other things he proposed the removal of all restrictions from trade.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) It was no answer against his argu ment, "Why do you not repeal the corn-laws ?" He did not wish to do the wrong thing, lest he should injure the effect of the right thing. He was against such interference, as calculated to produce nothing but misery to workmen and masters—especially to the workmen • and it was his business to do his best to prevent such grievous error, which in those who governed would be a crime. Their Lordships being a body eminently Conservative, from their reluctance to enter upon wild and hazardous speculations, it was more important sound viaws should be maintained and kept up, and applied in practice among them. After a few words from the Marquis of NOR MANBY, the petition was laid on the table. The Marquis of NORMANBY presented a peti tion, praying that Parliament would prohibit the en listment of boys, under fourteen years of age, into the army from union workhouses. THE CASE OF MARY MILLER. The Bishop of EXETER rose to move for copies of all correspondence from the Poor-law Commis sioners, with respect to the case of Mary Miller, who hung herself in the Penzance Union. He said this unfortunate female's moral character had not been impugned, and having applied to the union for relief, she was admitted, when the master, instead of placing her in the probationary ward, ordered her to be confined in the refractory ward, or, in other words, put her in prison. After being in the workhouse for some time, she succeeded in procuring a situation out of the house as a do mestic servant, but was unable to keep it, and conse quently was again compelled to apply to the work house. She was subjected to the same treatment, although, being rather superstitious, she begged and prayed that she might not be confined in this cell, or if so she would commit some desperate act. Her entreaties were in vain, and she was again placed in it. After WM6 time, she succeeded in effecting her escape into the women's sleeping ward, where she got into bed along with another female; as soon as the master was informed of this, he entered the room, where a great number of females were in bed, and com pelled this wretched woman to get up and dress her self, when he dragged her down stairs, and with the assistance of three other persons, dragged her across the yard without her shoes; and after inflicting several violent blows upon her, threw her head long into the cell, which he locked. In the morning, a female pauper went to him and told him that Miller had hung herself, and his answer was let her hang. Another application was made to him with the same result ; but upon the third female calling upon and manufacturing capital of the country. The experi- ; mart had been tried, and had succeeded, and he was of opinion that the ten hours' system must be combined with other measures which would leave trade unfettered. Mr. AGLIONBY said that the Noble Lord the Mem ber for North Lancashire had, in his opinion, justly proved that the present question was one of detail and not of principle, and he had also set aside the question of Jack Cade legislation.—(Hear, hear.) He for one was not afraid of the term, and he thought too much had been made of it.—(Hear, hear.) When he heard the term it did not strike him as anything peculiar. He believed the Right Hon. Gentleman who had used it would rather that he had not done so, but hard words broke no bones. He acquitted the Right Hon. Gentle man of any feeling of disrespect when he used it, and he must say that he heard with admiration the straight forward, candid, and manly speech which he had made. —(Hear, hear.) For himself he would not be bound by old systems, but would act as altered circum stances required. There was a curious difference in the reasons of those who supported the Govern ment from those on which the Government themselves brought the measure forward. He could understand the reasons upon which the Hon. and Gallant Member for Westminster and the Hon. Member for Montrose acted, for they protested against all interference; but the Go vernment had interfered, and their whole proceedings were founded on interference. He considered it was the duty of the House to interfere to protect those who were under the undue control of others. He did 'not think that they ran any risk of endangering the manufactures of the country by reducing the hours of labour from twelve to ten, but it was no doubt a matter of very grave importance. He could not go the length of the Right Hon. Baronet, in saying that twelve hours was the point up to which they wore justified in interfering. Mr. E WART said he was one of those who were in favour of an Eleven Hours' Bill, and he thought if the Government had adopted the compromise of eleven hours they would have satisfied all parties. He would interfere with the rights of labour, so far as to give protection to women and children, who were unable to protect themselves. The Noble Lord opposite said that the manufacturers of Lancashire would be satisfied with an Eleven Hours' Bill. The Noble Lord the Mem ber for Liverpool, and others, signified their intention of supporting such a proposition. He was therefore sorry the Government did not adopt it. There was a time for compromise, and he was afraid the Government had acted most unwisely in allowing it to pass by He would support the Government in that measure, but after their stern declaration to-night, he could not sup pert them. Dr. BOWRING said he did not agree with the Hon. Member who had just sat down , that an E l e ven Hours Bill would give the satisfaction he seemed to think it would. There was a great diversity of opinion on the subject. From all the information he could glean, a great majority out of doors was unfavourable to interference. Among the working-classes there was such a desire to have the experiment of a Ten Hours' Bill tried, that lie believed the Government must interfere. his own opi nion was certainly opposed to interference, and he be lieved the time would come when those who opposed legislation on the subject, would be looked on by the working-classes as their best friends. He believed the experiment must now be tried, but he was afraid the working-classes would rue the consequence of their own wishes. He believed it would prepare the way for a fearful and frightful crisis, and he thought the sooner it came the better it would be for the country. Mr. MITCHELL said that the adoption of the ten hours would prove ruinous to that branch of manufac tures which consisted in spinning yarn. The result of it would be that many persons would be thrown out of employment, or that the manufacturers would lose one sixth of their profit. He believed that ultimately the loss caused by the reduction of the twelve hours to ten would fall on the working- classes themselves. Mr. ESCOTT must say that if the question before the House had been whether the measure of the Noble Lord (Ashley) was for the relief or injury of the people, if he wanted an able witness to prove that the measure was injurious to the people, he would cite the Hon. Member for Bolton (Dr. Bowring), who stated that the measure was in itself ruinous in principle, and if carried into operation would be deeply injurious to the people, and yet the Hon. and Learned G entleman stated that he would be a strenuous advocate of that measure. Dr.BOWRING—The Hon,. Gentleman misapprehends me.—(Order, order.) Mr. ESCOTT would state, in a few words, why he voted against the measure of the Noble Lord. He had certainly thought that the Bill of the Government was a salutary measure, though not perhaps proceeding upon a principle which could be altogether considered sound—(Hear, hear)—but still it was a measure for the improvement of the existing state of the law. He (Mr. Escott) had come down to the House fully prepared to give every attention to the arguments of the Noble Lord ; and, he must say, that his principal reason for opposing the Noble Lord's mea sure was that, in his speech in support of it, the Noble Lord produced no argument, from first to last, to show that the measure when carried into operation would be for the benefit of the people. So far from it, that the Noble Lord expressly stated, that he would not argue upon the commercial view of the question—that whether the pecuniary interests of the people would be promoted by his proposition was a question which he would not discuss. Ile (Mr. Escott) must further say, not that the measure of the Noble Lord, if carried, was in itself revolutionary, but the statements and arguments with which it was brought before the House. were, in themselves, decidedly revolutionary. The chief argument, indeed, seemed only to embody a threat of violence if the alleged grievances were not removed. With respect to himself, he felt it his duty to say that the course taken by the Government in opposing the Noble Lord's measure, was the only one that could be taken consistently with their own honour, because the only course consistent with the true interests of the people. Dr. BOWRING explained that he had stated his own views on the subject, but that from communications which he had with the town which lie represented, he was convinced that nothing but an experiment would persuade the working classes of the erroneousness of their views upon the matter. Mr. BROCKLEHURST was at a loss to know why this Bill should be introduced at all. No person had pe titioned for it ; but now when it was brought perma nently before the country, it assumed a very serious aspect. For his own part, he viewed with great alarm legislative interference with labour ; and, with respect to manufactures, he thought they had been doing many unwise things for several years past. In consequence of our unwise legislation, the growth of manufactures was fostered in countries which otherwise never would have dreamed of such a thing. He had voted for the ten hours' measure, because he thought it the better of the two courses proposed, though he did not approve of many of the doctrines of the Noble Lord (Ashley.) However, he trusted that, on Friday next, the measure which would be introduced would be such a one as he could support.. The SPEAKER then put the question that the order of the day for going into Committee on the Factories Bill be read, for the purpose of postponing it to Friday next, which was agreed to. POOR-LAWS (IRELAND;. On the Order of the Day for going into Committee on the Mutiny Bill, Mr. FRENCH rose, pursuant to notice, to call the attention of the House to the neglect of the Poor-law Commissioners to furnish returns ordered by the House in a reasonable time. The SPEAKER said that if the Hon. Gentleman meant to bring forward his motion as a case of privilege, it would be a most unusual course before an order of the House had been made that the returns should be fur nished forthwith. When such an order was made, and the returns were not in accordance with it furnished forthwith, then it was competent for the Hon. Gentleman to bring 'forward his motion on a question of privilege. Mr. FRENCH said he should take care not to do any thing irregular, and he would very shortly state the reasons which induced him to complain, and which led him to the belief that the delay in furnishing the returns had been both systematic and intentional on the part of the Commissioners. Returns had been ordered by that House on his motion, and he had a right to get those returns, and lie insisted upon getting them. The returns ordered by the House on the 12th February, 1843, were for the names and local situations of each of the union workhouses in Ireland, which had not a suf ficient supply of fresh water. On the 4th of March following, no return having been made, he took occasion to complain of the delay, and to point to it as a contempt of the authority of the House, and to move that Mr. Nicholls and Mr. Lewis, the Commissioners, should be called before the House to answer for their contempt. Afterwards there was a return made, professing to be that which he moved for, but it really was not so. On the 11 th of August , 1843, he moved for the names of the Assistant Poor-law Commissioners in Ireland, th names of the respective unions to which they were attached, and the number of their attendances at each union workhouse during the preceding six months. That return could have been made in six hours. On the 6th February in the present session, he moved for a return of the names of the places where police soldiers were employed in collecting the rate, and specifying the number of men employed, and the amount collected. No return, however, of this kind had been made. Ho thought that those delays might be attributed either to pressure of business or to accident, but when he reflected that the continuance of the useless expense of that despotic Commission rested entirely upon the state of ignorance in which the Government had been kept as to the real operation of the poor-law, and the opinions of the Irish people upon it, the conviction forced itself on his mind that the delay in presenting those returns had been, on the part of the Commis sioners both wilful and intentional. The returns he had called for this year, if honestly and cor rectly given, were calculated very much to undeceive the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, as to the real state of affairs in Ire land. Should the Right Hon. Gentleman, by any acci dent whatever, he cared not what, arrive at the truth, he (Mr. F.) was convinced, from the Right Hon. Baronet's clearness of mind and firmness of purpose, there would be a speedy end put to both Commission and Commissioners in Ireland. The Hon. Gentleman then, in reference to his motion for a return of the number of soldiers and police employed in the collection of the rate, read an account in which it was stated, that in February last, at a place called Bellow, 700 soldiers and police were marched to meet the peasantry, w h o , to the number of 300, armed with pitchforks, &c., had assembled to offer the most determined opposition to the collection of the rate, and even resolved on waging war to the knife, but that fortunately, owing to the humane exertions of a magistrate in the neighbourhood, Captain Kelly, of Fairfield, the colli sion was prevented, and the people peaceably dispersed. The Hon. Gentleman also read, from Dr. Kirwan of the county Galway, a most respectable Roman Catholic priest, a letter describing the difficulty of collecting the him, and saying she was sure the unfortunate women was dead, he proceeded to the cell when he found her quite dead. Col. Wade examined into the circumstances of this case, and he made a representation to the Com missioners in London respecting it, and they imme diately sent down a peremptory order for the dis missal of the master and mistress. The guardians refused to comply with that order, and they addressed a memorial to the Commissioners, entreating them to allow the man to remain in his situation. The Com missioners then and more strongly than before, ex pressed their reprobation of the conduct of the master, and peremptorily insisted on his removal, and he was then removed ; but his 'removal was attended with a vote of thanks from the board of guardians by whom he had been appointed. If these papers were pro duced he (the Bishop of Exeter) would pledge his veracity as to the accuracy of the circumstances he had just related. L'ord WHARNCLIFFE said there was no objec- tion on the part of the Government or the Com missioners to produce these papers, but he did not think, after the statement of the Right Rev. Prelate, that any benefit would result from their production. The Bishop of EXETER said that, if he knew that the present board of guardians were not the same in dividuals as those during whose tenure of office the circumstance which he had related had occurred, he would not press his motion. Lord WHARNCLIFFE said that more than one half of the present board had been elected since the occurrence tpok place. _ _ _ After a shOrt conversation the motion was withdrawn. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that some time ago the Right Rev. Prelate (the Bishop of Exeter) had brought a charge against the same board of guardians with respect to the appointment of a chaplain to the particular union to which the Right Rev. Prelate had referred. In answer to that charge the board of guardians had put themselves in communication with the Commissioners in London, and the result was a full tindieation on their part. Now he thought it tt ould be but justice in the Right Rev. Prelate to move for the production of that cor respondence. • The Bishop of EXETER hoped the Noble Mar quis would himself move for the production of these papers. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then moved for copies of all communications made to and from the Poor-law Commissioners, respecting the appointment of a chaplain to the poor-house, Penzance. The motion was agreed to. Messengers from the Commons brought up certain Bills, which were read a first time. . . The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented a petition from Caithness against any alteration in the corn-laws. The House then adjourned. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S-YESTERDAY. Owing to the absence of a majority of the subscribers at Northampton races, the betting was limited in amount, and with very little influence on the prices as last quoted. The horses most in request were, Tacita, for the Chester Cup ; and for the Derby, Running Rein, the Sister to Grey Momus colt, and Campunero. The following were the closing ave rages: CHESTER CUP. 10 to 1 agst Col. Cradock's Pagan—taken 13 to 1 agst Mr. Bristow's Pharaoh—taken 22 to 1 agSt Mr. Tuting's Tacita—taken to 501. 23 to 1 agst Mr. Stephenson's Freedom—taken 25 to 1 agst Mr. Heseltine's The Prior—taken 25 to 1 agst Mr. Milbank's Sir Robert—taken 25 to 1 agst Mr. Plummer's Alice Hawthorn—t & aft off. LOO even between The Prior and Sir Robert—taken _ . TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS STAKES. 7to 4 agst Mr. John Day's The Ugly Buck-6 to 4 taken once. 9 to 1 agst The Buck winning this and tl:e Derby— taken to a score. DERBY. 10 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's lot—taken 27 to 1 agst Sir G. Heathcote's lot—taken to 1001. 6i to 1 agst Mr. John Day's The Ugly Buck—take 7 to 1 7 to 1 agst Mr. Crockford's Rattan 16 to I agst Col. Peel's Orlando—taken 20 to I agst Lord Maidstone's Cockamaroo—ditto 20 to 1 agst Mr. A. Wood's Running Rein—taken to 150/. 1000 to 25 agst Mr. Scott's Sister to Grey Momus colt— taken three times. 50 to 1 agst Sir G. Heathcote's Campunero—taken freely 800 to 10 agst Sir G. Heathcote's Akbar—taken twice. PYTCHLEY HUNT RACES.—MONDAY. The Trial Stakes of 10 sovs. each, with 40 added. Mile and quarter. (7 subs.) Mr. John Day's St. Lawrence, aged, 9st 71b (J. Day, jun.) 1 Mr. Braithwaite's Gaiety, 3 yrs, 6st Mr. G. Ongley's Queen of the Gipsies, 4:yrs, Bst 61b 33 Mr. Raworth's Vibration, 5 yrs, 9st lib 7t04 on St. Lawrence. Won easy by a length. The Althorp Park Stakes of 10 sovs. each, with 30 added, for twe yrs old. Straight ran in, about half a mile. (7 Subs.) Mr. G. Ongley's Mystery, Bst 21b (Sly) 1 Mr. Booth's N'ew Ye.ar's Day, Bst 21b 2 Mr. S. Scott's f, by Sir Hercules, d by Comus, Bst 21b The following also ran : —Lord Spencer's Joseph, Bst 51b— Mr. Sherratt's ' 'Tottenham Bst 51b—and Mr. Gardner's c, by Slane, out of Cinderella, Bst 51b. Betting-5 to 2 agst Mystery, and 3to 1 agst Mr. Gard nor's colt. Won cleverly by a length, New Year's Day beating Sir Hercules filly by a neck. The Great Northamptonshire Stakes of 25 soya. each, 15 ft, and 5 only if declared. Two miles. (71 Subs. 47 declared.) Mr. Gregory's Vitellius, 4 yrs, 7st (T. Williams) 1 Mr. Berri Von's Father Mathew, 3 yrs, sst 21b Mr. Worthington's Hooton, 4 yrs, 7st 21b 3 The following also started but were not placed :—Lord Chesterfield's Knight of the Whistle, 6 yrs, Bst 121b—Mr. S. Scott's Mosque, 6 yrs, Bst 21b—Mr. Raworth's Venus, 4 yrs, Bst—Mr. Sadler's Belissima, aged, ist 101b—Mr. Phillipson nd Ajax, 6 yrs, 7st 91b—Mr. Gardnor's Captain Flathooker, 5 yrs, 7st 71b—Mr. Huugerford nd Arcanus , 5 yrs , 7 st 41 b — Lord G. Bentinck's Naworth, aged, 7st—Lord Maidstone's Wiverton, aged, 7st—Lord Exeter's Czar, 4 yrs, Est 101b — Mr. Oliver's Grace Dailing, 4 yrs, Est 8 1 b — Mr. R. Watson's Antidote, 4 yrs, Est 81b—and Mr. F. Ongley's Roderick, 5 yrs, Est 81b. Betting-3 to 1 agst Vitellius, 7to 1 agst Hooton, Bto 1 agst Arcanus, 8 to 1 agst Belissima, 10 to 1 agst Knight of the Whistle, 10 to 1 agst Mosque, andlo to 1 agst Father Mathew. The horses got off well, and ran in a cluster to the top turn, where Belissima took up the running, followed by Vitellius, Father Mathew Mosque, and several others ; the pace good ; they ran in their order to the dip, where Vitellius went in front, was never afterwards caught, and won very easily by a length ; Father Mathew second ; Hooton a bad third, and everything else beaten off. The Tally-Ho Stakes of 25 sovs. each, 10 ft for horses not thorough bred. 2 miles. Gentlemen riders. (5 Subs.) Mr. Manning's Fairplay, 4 yrs lOst 91b (Capt. Clark 1 Mr. Bevill's Europa, 4 yrs lOst 91b (Capt. Oliver 2 Lord Maidstone's Wiverten, aged, 12st 31b (Owner 3 - Won by a neck. The Farmers' Cup of 50/., once round and a distance, Gen tlemen riders, was won, in two heats, by Mr. Flesher's Lot tery, 6 yrs, llst.l2lb ; beating Mr. Harris's Victoria, 6 yrs, 12st 21b; Mr. Wesley's The Lawyer, 5 yrs, list llb ; and Mr. Cowley's The Hackney. The races were fully attended, were conducted upon a greatly improved system, and went off with uncommon eckit. The only Derby bets we heard were 600 to 100 agst The Ugly Buck (afterwards offered) ; 15 to 1 agst Orlando ; 2,000 to 35, anA 1,000 to 15 several times agst Campunero ; 25 to 1 would have been taken about lonian. For the Chester Cup 100 to 6 was laid several times agst Cattonite ; 20 to 1 agst Red Deer ; 25 to 1 agst Hooton ; 30 to 1 agst Everton ; and 33 to 1 agst General Pollock. HAMBURGH PAPERS. ST. PETERSBURGH, MARCH 12.—The Bulletin of the Laws published to day, contains the convention con cluded last year between their Majesties the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia, for a. regular convey ance of the mails between St. Petersburgh and Cron stadt on the one part, and Stettin and Schwinemunde the other. Each Government will employ a steamer 250 horse power ; the two steamers are to be built the most eminent establishment in England, and with possible perfection. This convention will not be car !d into effect till the spring of the year 1847. FROM THE LOWER DANUBE, MARCH 6. The accounts received from Southern Russia respect ing the state of things in the Caucasus are not favour able to the Russians. A great number of soldiers (espe cially Poles) of the regiments already arrived had de serted to the mountains. The aversion of the Polish soldiers to the Russian service is so great, that they rather submit to the hardest service and the greatest privation among the mountaineers . (where no enviable fhte awaits them), than follow the Russian standard. Many of them take the opportunity to escape into the interior of the country beyond the mountains, whence they either return to Europe, or engage in the service of some Asiatic power.—Mwtheini Journal. BERLIN, MARCH 20.—His Imperial Highness the Grand Duke Alexandria has arrived from Russia. BERLIN, MARCH 21.—The above illustrious stranger has left for Vienna. of in all Tic SPORTING EVENTS EXTRAORDINART.—BeII's Life in London, of Sunday, the 31st inst., will contain copious accounts of all the exciting sporting events of the present week, including Northampton, Croxton-park, and Epsom (Spring) races; the two Grand A r tilitary Steele Chases and Match at Northampton ; High IN ycombe, Grantham,Uttox eter, and Blackburn Steeple Chases ; Caledonian Coursing Meeting; aquatic matches; Angling Episode, No. 3, by Ephemera; hunting appointments and runs; pedestrian, pigeon shooting, canine, and other sports; together with the lively entertainments of the " Fancy " on Tuesday, em bracing three "assauts des amines." Office of Bell's Life, 170, Strand, price 6d., which, if inclosed, or six postage stamps, to Mr. Clement, jun., will ensure a paper in due course of post. Bell's Life, of March 24, contained the lists of the horses training at the Curragh, by Messrs. Keegan, Walsh, Cleary, Igoe, llarrison, Lyons, Jaques, Farrell, Conolly, Dunn, Davis, King, Monaghan, Wynne, and Macken, with accurate reports of the Sandemount, Kildare, Mullingar, Dundalk Grand Irish National, Wicklow, and many other Steeple Chases. THE HAIR.—Of the numerous compounds con stantly announced for promoting the growth or reproduc tion of the hair, few survive, even in name, beyond a very limited period; whilst " Rowland's Macassar Oil," with a reputation unparalleled, is still on the increase in public es timation. The singular virtues of this successful invention for restoring, preserving, and beautifying the human hair, are too well known and appreciated to need much comment. The very facts of the high and distinguished patronage it enjoys, its general use in all countries, together with nu merous testimonials constantly received in its favour, are au thorities which stamp its superior excellence and title over all attempts of a similar nature. Being universally preferred, its consequent great demand excites the cupidity of un principled shopkeepers, who vend the most spurious trash as the " genuine" Macassar Oil : whereas the genuine article is. wholly the invention and property of A. Rowland and Son, and the amalgamation of its costly exotic materials renders abortive any attempt to discover its component parts—thus proving the imposition of all other articles bearing the title of " Macassar Oil." The genuine article has the words " Rowland's Macassar Oil" on the wrapper.—All others are fraudulent counterfeits ! THE THEATRES. DRU.RY-LANE. Duprez appeared here last evening in the character of Ferdinand in Donizetti's opera of the Favourite. This opera has been so repeatedly performed at this theatre during the present season, that it must be familiar to all playgoers. It was originally composed for the Academie Royal de Musiquc, the character of Ferdinand was writ ten expressly for Duprez ; and as no composer knows better than Donizetti how to " tit" the artistes who are to create his characters, it is to be expected that Duprez would achieve a perfect triumph, and he certainly more than realised the highest expectations that could have been formed of him. The opening duet with Borrani, the Superior of the Convent, was exquisitely gi ven _ Duprez was the very beau ideal of a young, energetic man, passionately desiring to exchange the quiet and gloom of a convent for the tumult of active life. He is a lover, too, an ardent and impassioned one, and his manner of giving the words, "I love her," in answer to the remonstrances of the Prior, was beautiful ex ceedingly. He was admirable, too, in the grand martial scene with which the act concludes, when, having ob tained his commission as an officer in the Guards, be joins his brothers in arms. In the third act we find that he is married to his lady love, not knowing that she is the favourite of the King. He is spurned by his old companions in arms—he knows not wherefore. Indig nant at this treatment, he is about to attack them, when the Monk enters and informs him of the disgraceful nature of the alliance he has contracted. His bride enters at that moment, accompanied by the King, and Ferdinand spurns her from his presence, casting to the earth that collar of knighthood which is the badge of his dishonour, and breaking that sword with which he had heretofore fought so valiantly in the cause of his ungrateful sove reign. The acting of Duprez throughout this scene was magnificent. The struggle between love and duty was ' finely delineated, and there was something very beauti ful in his manner of throwing himself into the arms of the Monkappealing, as it were, to religion to fortify him in the execution of that duty which he owed to him self, and seeking refuge from the miseries which over whelmed him in the calm and quiet cloister, from which he had formerly been so eager to escape : The burden of the last act falls almost entirely upon him, and nobly did he sustain it. The beautiful opening scum in the cloister was given with the most exquisite pathos. There was a holy calm, the calm of despair, in his manner of entering the chapel to take the vows; and then, when he was as it were dead to the world, when Leonora again seeks him, and his former love was gra dually awakened, there was a subdued tenderness about his acting that was most pathetic. His Ferdinand is . a. perfect triumph, and we are only sorry that he can ap pear only twice more in this character. As a whole we prefer it even to his Arnold. His reception was most enthusiastic. The house was crowded to the ceiling long before the rising of the curtain. ST. JAMES'S THEATRE. FRENCH PLAYS. Madame Albert is an artiste in the highest sense of the word. She is a delineation of character. She ap peared in two pieces last evening, in characters of about as opposite a nature as can well be imagined ; but still both characters. In the first, Un Secret, she is the wife of a baker ; she has been discovered alone with a young man—her husband accuses her of infidelity—circumstances seem to prove her guilt—yet still she preserves her secret, and h is not until her husband insists on a separation that she informs him that the young man is the son of one to whom she, in early life, had been under great obliga tions—who had been stamped with infamy, and reduced to beggary, by the loss of a portfolio containing a large sum of money, which had been found by a person who had appropriated it to his own use, and that, to save that person from infamy, and at the same time to make restitution to the young man who had been his victim, she had sold her jewels, had sought interviews with him, and had exposed herself to those unjust suspicions, from the effect of which she was suffering. That person, whom she had thus screened from infamy at the risk of losing her fair fame, was the very man who had sought to convict her of dishonour — her own husband. Nothing could be finer than the acting of Madame Albert throughout this try ing scene. It was true tragedy, and tragedy of the hi gh est order. In the second piece, Une Dame de t Empire, s he appeared as the vulgar wife of one of Napoleon's Generals, who had been raised from the ranks. The General is a. great favourite with the Emperor, and his vulgar wife is of course feted by all the ancienne noblesse who are desirous of basking in the sunshine of the Imperial Court. She kept the audience in a continual roar by her gaucheries and her vulgarisms, while she exhibited at the same time such strong good sense, andsuch thorough good heartedness, that it was impossible not to respect her ; a feeling which no one entertained for the re fined but selfish beings who seemed so horrified at her vulgarity. It was the combat of nature with art, and nature triumphed. She was called for at the fall of the curtain, and loudly applauded. The house was exceed ingly well attended; not only were the boxes and stalls fully occupied, but the pit and gallery were erunded. HAYMARKET THEATRE. Last night a piece,:somewhat in the style of the French vaudeville, entitled, Lolah; or, the Wreck Light, was pro duced at this theatre. The plot is of too slight and un connected a description to enable us to convey an idea. of its construction to our readers. The heroine, who is a foundling, and the adopted daughter of an old British Commodore, was personated by Madame Celeste, who infused into the character a vast deal of feeling, charac-. ter, and animation. Mr. Holl and Air. Howe, in the characters of rival suitors, acted with considerable spirit, and Mr. Strickland personated the old Commodore to the life. The piece, which was sadly deficient in inci dent and consistency of plot, was indebted for success solely to the exertions of the different performers, among whom Mr. Buckstone, a pretender also to the hand of Lolah, must not be forgotten to be mentioned. On the whole, this little piece was favourably received. MR. O'CONNELL IN LIVERPOOL. From the following correspondence, which has taken place between Mr. Rathbone and Mr. O'Connell, it will be seen, that a public meeting of the Reformers of Liver pool will be held, in the course of the present week, at the Amphitheatre, to express sympathy towards the people of Ireland, and that the Hon. Gentleman will be present on the occasion : " Liverpool, 19th March, 1844. " My Dear Sir,—At a respectable private meet ing of some of the leading Reformers of Liver pool it was determined to take the opportu nity of your passing through Liverpool to have a public meeting expressive of our deep sympathy with the wrongs of Ireland, and to protest against the violation of the constitutional rights of the subject in the conduct of the State trials in Ireland, to request that you would be present at that meeting, proposed to be in the evening, at the Amphitheatre. I am desired respectfully to re quest your consent to be present at the meeting, and your causing us to bo informed, at your early conve nience, if you kindly consent, to say what day you can fix to be in Liverpool.—l have the honour to be, with sincere respect, your faithful servant, " WM. RATHBONE, Chairman of the Meeting. " D. O'Connell, Esq." " London, 20th March, 1844. "My Dear Sir,—l had the honour to receive your letter of the 19th instant, stating the desire of the lead ing Reformers of Liverpool to hold a meeting to ex press, publicly, their deep sympathy with the wrongs of Ireland, and to protest against the violation of the con stitutional rights of the subject in the conduct of the recent State trials ; and, also, desiring to kno.v whe ther I would consent to be present at such meeting. I have the greatest satisfaction in announcing my ready and cheerful assent to be present at the intended meet ing. Indeed, it delights me exceedingly to find that the Reformers of Liverpool are ready to unite with so many other numerous classes of intelligent and enlightened Englishmen in expressing their regret at the misgovern ment of Ireland, and their deep disgust at the mockery of law and justice exhibited at the late State trials in that unhappy country. " The monstrous nature of the accusation ; the pack ing the jury ; the fraudulent abbreviation of the list of jurors ; and, perhaps more than all, the one-sided charge of the judge ; these facts have elicited from the lovers of fair play in England, as well as from the admirers of, the purity of jury trial, a unanimous expression of ab horrence of the entire system of partiality and delusion practised by the minions of the present Administration during the recent trials. " If Friday, the 29th instant, will suit the convenience of the gentlemen who intend to hold the meeting, it shall suit mine. If an earlier day be selected by them, I shall feel it a duty to adopt their day. • I have the honour to be, very respectfully, my dear Sir, your faithful and obliged servant, " DANIEL O'CONNELL. " W. Rathbone, Esq." The Committee of the Reform Association met at two o'clock on Saturday for the purpose of rnaking . the preli minary arrangements, when, after some discussion, it ap peared that it was impossible to obtain the use of the Amphitheatre on Friday eve ning, in consequence of the performances which are going on there at present, and that the majority, of the Committee were of opinion that an evening mee ting was preferable to a morning one, as it would enable the operative classes to be present in, greater numbers than might otherwise be the case. Under those circumstances, Thursday evening next was fixed upon for holding the meeting.—. Liverpool Albion. THE MARCHIONESS OF LANSDOWNE'S ASSEMBLY.-- Last night a splendid entertainment was given by the Mar • chioness of Lansdowne, at Lansdowne House, to about 300 •• of the leading members of the beau monde at present in town.. Three salbons were opened on the occasion, with the connect ing ante-rooms. Among the company were the following : His Excellency the French Ambassador and Countess de St. Aulaire, his Excellency M. Dedel, his Excellency Baron Nieumann, his Excellency Count Pollon, his Excellency Mr. Everett, Baron Lebzeltern, his Excellency the Belgian Mi nister and Madame Van der Weyer, M. and Madame Hum melaeur, the Marchioness of Clanricarde and Lady Elizabeth Burgh, Marchioness of Sligo and Lady Catherine Browne, Earl and Countess of Rosebery and Ladies Primrose, Vie countess Palmerston, Lady Ashley, Lord Campbell and Lady Stratheden and lion. Miss Campbell, Lord Brougham, Mr. Harcourt, Viscount Ebrington, Baroness Langsdorff, Baron and Baroness de Rothschild, Viscount and Viscountess Joce lyn, Countess of Radnor and Lady Mary Bouverie, &e. PARISH OF ST. BOTOLFII, BISIEWSGATE.-01 1 Sa turday forenoon, at ten o'clock, a vestry meeting of the parish of St. Botolph, Bishopsgate, was held in the church.... to make a church-rate; also a rate for the support of the poor. The Rev. Dr. Russell, the Rector, in the chair. A four penny rate fer the charges on account of the church, having been agreed to, Mr. Smart, vestry clerk, stated the various items chargeable to the account of the poor-rate, which • amounted to about 1,6001., and said that a tenpenny rate- on a rental of 41,0001. would produce nearly 1,687/. A tenpenny rate was then agreed to. wet! f luso ara ble drive n Lding d hot- i ° dein the ° , 0 al °I thi our s 3 , 140- Olt ofvu Fib ° if ;e0" the ar' ala