The Sun. — London, England, 1844-07-01 00:00:00

0.7 btrD Xlitttort INTERFERENCE WITH HOURS OF LABOUR. DISSENTLI:NT- I. Because all reason and all experience have pro m:tweed clearly and absolutely against interfering by laves with the right which individuals have to employ their capital and their labour according to their own views of their .own interest, and so long as no immora llty is committed, and no encroachment is made upon the rights of others, all persons are entitled to dispose of their property and direct their industry as they think most conducive to their own benefit, or their own comfort. 2. Because of the two, Labour ought to be the most scrupulously protected from all interference, inasmuch as. it constitutes the sole posSession and only power of the great bulk of the people ; inasmuch as the labourer cannot flee, like the capitalist, from vexatious oppres sion, and inasmuch as any interference with his free exbrtion operates directly upon the great mainspring of the whole social machine, producing consequences which eau neither be foreseen nor counteracted, and affecting interests the most serious, extensive, and remote. 3. Because the folly of all such interference with % capital and labour is as glaring as its injustice, there lying no one truth in any branch of science more incon testible than this—that individuals can judge far better of their own interests, whether as regards their gains, or their health, or their comforts, from their nearer percep tiOn and perfect knowledge of all the circumstances upon which their interests depend, than the rulers, who can only see the same things from a distance and in the general, and it being a truth equally beyond dispute that individuals will always pursue their own interests more unremittingly than the State, which has neither the means of providing for each man's benefit, nor the constant incentive of personal feelings to keep its care and attention ever awake. _ _ . 4. Because the present means affords a proof how dangerous it is for the Legiala•ure ever to take any step in . a wrong direction and depart from sound principles, under the influence of a temporary pre ;sure, and how in evitable the consequence is that the mischief will not stop short where it began; for no sooner did the law prohibit the employment of young persons above twelve hours a day, than attempts were made, and proved very success ful, to restrict their employment two hours more; and no sooner did the law prohibit adult females from being suffered to work of their own free will in mines, than the present measure declared adult females of all ages incapable of judging for themselves how long they should work in factories, absolutely forbidding them from la bouring above a certain number of hours, as if it were an offence in an able-bodied woman of thirty or forty to work as long as she pleased, and ordering her, under severe penalties, only to earn a certain sum by the day, m return for the labour of her own hands; to all which may be added the fact that many persons have supported the present Bill, and some have propounded a still further extension of the scheme, upon the declared ground that, after the Legislature had once begun the system of in terference, it was too late to question its propriety, and there was no possibility of stopping short where the for mer measure had left the question. 5. Because it is the grossest absurdity for the Sove reign to pretend that he knows better than his subjects how long they can work with safety to their health and comfort, to prescribe how much they shall gain by their laboitr, or generally to take upon himself the manage ment of other people's concerns, an absurdity as great as the labourer would commit who should take upon himself the work of government and dictate to the law giver in what manner his measures ought to be framed. 6. Because it is the grossest blindness to imagine that the happiness of children is better promoted by the ne cessarily general and careless superintendence of the State as the common parent of all, than by the special and near watchfulness of the individual parents over their progeny, whom Providence has wisely entrusted to their care, creating feelings and instincts expressly adapted to the purpose, and of far greater force and far more constant operation than any mechanism which rulers can substitute, although the inevitable conse quence of providing such substitutes must be to weaken th,9 parental instincts, upon which, after all that the law can do, the lawgiver must in the end be forced to depend. 1. Because it is the grossest hypocrisy to pretend that the interests of morality can be promot .d by interfering with the labour of the people, inasmuch as idleness is the root of alt evil, inasmuch as grown-up women, if pre vented from working when and how they please, are far more likely to employ their time viciously, and in courses Mich no law can restrain; and inasmuch as no attempts are ever made, or even thwight of, to promote morality among the upper classes Ly any compulsory provisions whatever. 8. Because it is the groSsest inconsistency to single out one branch of industry for the subject of experi mens—how much tyranny over the capitalist and the la bourer may be safely exercised; and to affect an especial care for the health, and comfort, and morals of one class alone among all the numerous bodies of work men, for whom the wants of the community find em ployment, it being quite notorious that the sufferings are equally lamentable, which many other classes have una voidably to endure from toil and want, the caprice of employers, and the vicissitudes of the seasons ; the hard-. ships of their lot in life, and the effects of errors in le gislation; the order of nature, and the faults of rulers. 9. Because as instances of this glaring inconsistency may be cited, the facts stated in the Reports of the Poor law Commissioners to the Commons House of Parlia ment touching the zorulition in different districts of hus bandry. Labourers beginning to work at a very tender age, exposed to extreme hardships in their daily toil, and running no small risk of hiying their morals impaired as well as their educatiarrneglected. Women and chil dren do the work of which they are capable, and they begin their employment as early as five or six, and even, in some instances, four years of age. They have in some places to walk seven miles and more to their work, re tern home unpaid when the weather is unfavourable, and when paid, receive extremely small sums. They go to work at seven in the morning, and continue till dark; in summer till nine o'clock. Unless they can finish a cer tain task of work they get no wages at all. There is no classification of ages or of characters, and the most pro fligate persons associate with those of ,tender years and comparatively innocent habits. Some of the re pors disclose a frightful amount of immorality as the result of this admixture ; and the returns of illegitimate pauper children for the whole kingdom show that there is a far greater proportion of them in agricultural than in manufacturing districts, in. the proportion of to one upon an aver age. Now ail these sufferings, though exceedingly to be lamented, have never been deemed fit subjects of legiabstive interference, nor have the severe sufferings, both. in health and morals, of many manufac turing districts, ever been so regarded, all interference being confined no the single branch of cotton-spinning, for this reason, among others, that were the compulsory enactments of the law extended over all the branches of induStry, this - co entry would cease to be the habitation either of wealthy capitalists or thriving labourers, but would be left .to the advocates of the new system of meddling, and the inmates of the workhouse under their protection. to. Because the most glaring evils in the condition of the poor, both parents and children, are daily under the eyes of the Legislature, and are so far from being checked, that-they are encouraged by its members for their own convenience, because these evils could , only be eradicated by imposing restraints upon the natural liberty of the people, arid: interfering with the voluntary contracts Made for their employment. The practice of - women suckling the children of others devotes hundreds of thousands of children to diseases arising from insuffi cient nutriment, procuring the death of many, and tend ing little to improve the national character. This prac tice has been blamed by all moralist., lamented by all persons of a sentimental cast, and objected to by politi cal reasoners, but no au'empt has ever been made to re strain it ; lawgivers justly deem it to lie beyond their proper province ; and, refusing to interfere with the la bour of females capable cif judging for themselves, al though the interests, and even the lives of helpless in fante, might seem to claim protection. I I. Because, however deplorable may be the devotion of young children to labour instead of instruction, and however desirable may be the liberation of females from all but domestiework— one of the surest proofs of advanced civilisation, this can only be the slow and spontaneous growth of that progresaive improvement in the condition, and, with the condition, in the habits of the people; and it is manifest that when the,' lawgiver interposes with re straint upon capital and labuur, he is certain to retard that progress, to worsen the co edition of the people, to prevent their habits from mending.. and thus to produce or exacerbate the very evils whew he affects most to dread. 12. Because the grossest delusions have been, and, in many instances, too successfully, practiced upon the working classes, persuading them thht measures like the present are for their benefit, and that the laws Are more their friends than their employers, an absurt:t notion has thus been propagated, that by Act of Parniment viten may receive Wages without doing work ; and they have been taught to suppose that the question is not -whether they shall be permitted to work as much as they please, and earn as much as they can (which is the real matter in dispute), but whether they shall for the secee wages work a longer or a shorter time ; and an .e.pial wild fancy has been made to prevail, that the gain of the master is made at the workmen's expense, whereas every reflecting person must perceive that, in exact pro portion to the increase of capital employed in any trade is the amount of remuneration which can be afforded to the labour whereby that trade is driven. L 3. Because the wants of society present a fair and an ample field in which the provi &lit humanity of the Legislature, as well as of emi nent individuals, may be exerted for the improvement of the people's condition upon rational principles, and without violating any right of the subject, or any rule of sound policy ; by amending the criminal law and the police system, so as to protect the young from the con tamination of ol• . offenders; by rendering the punishment of all offences speedy and certain, instead of leaving it to mere hazard P • by unfettering industry from the s h ac kl es under which the rolics of a barbarious age still leave if to pine ; and above all, by bestowing upon the poor, the in estimable blessings of a sound education, providing the means of infant and adult training, and "leaving the peo ple to avail themselves voluntarily of the advantages thus wisely brought within their reach. (Signed) BROUGHAM. [AD VERTISE DISEASED STOMACH.— URE EXTRAORDINARY by HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.—Mre. Aikins, widow of the late Captain Aikins, residing at Connaught-terrace, FAlgeware-road. This lady had been in India, where her liver and stomach became dis eased, so much to that she could scarcely keep the slightest, food on her stomach. She was tery weak and debilitated, and suff.ired continually from sick headache, a nervousness, and lowness of spirits. In six weeks, however wonderful it may appear, she was restored to a high state of health by this unrivalled medicine, which is a certa'n remedy in all liver, bilious, and stomach com plaints.—Sold (also Holloway's Ointment) at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand (where advice may be had gratis), and by almost all respectable Yea !dors of Medicine througliWt the 0/Jailed work}. SUN OFFICE, Secen o' Clock. JUSTICE TO IRELAND. GREAT MEETING IN COVENT GARDEN.—(THIS DAY.) Mr. T. DUNCOMBE (in continuation from our Second Edition) said he hoped they would unanimously adopt that resolution. — (Load cheers, and cries of "We will.") If so, he felt con fident that there was not a single enlightened constituency in England which would not follow such a noble example, and if it were so followed the release of Mr. O'Connell and his fellow-prisoners would be certain, and they would even tually secure to the Irish people that that justice would be done them whir he hoped they would never cease to require. Mr. SUMMEe HARFORD seconded the resolution. He had been told that morning that he must not come there to-day, because it would not be a respectable meeting. He would ask any one who saw them assembled there if such a body of persons as he saw there assembled before him were respectable or not ?—(Hear, hear.) He was glad to see a meeting so numerous and so respectable assembled to assist others in vindicating their rights.—(Cheers.) If they did not vindicate the rights of others, let them look to their own, or the unconstitutional principles which were now adopted in Ireland would soon be adopted here.—(Loud cheers.) As an Englishman he had always felt deep sym pathy for Ireland, and he was prepared to come forward and vindicate the rights of that country as willingly as he would those of his own.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He was aware there were others better qualified to address them on the subject of Ireland, but, as an inhabitant of Westminster, he-could not refuse himself the satisfaction of coming forward to second this resolution.—(Cheers.) He hoped this was only the beginning of a demonstration which would extend to every part of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and would show , that the people were determined not to be trampled under foot by any class whatever. It was absurd to expect that the Members of Parliament would stand up for the rights of the people unless the people told them, in language that could not be misunderstood, that such was their duty, and that they expected them to per form it.—(Loud cheers.) He hoped that in a short time they would effect the liberation of Mr. O'Connell and his friends, who were the victims of an act of extraordinary tyranny.—(Loud cheers.) He would not detain them longer, but would content himself with saying that there was no one more attached to the cause of civil and re ligious liberty than himself, and he should as an humble instru ment be always ready to raise his voice in favour of the people whenever he could be of the slightest use to them.—(Cheers.) The Hum BAILIFF said, that Colonel Rawdon, M.P. for the City of Armagh, in Ireland, was desirous to address the meeting in support of the resolution. Colonel RAWDON, who was received with vehement cheer ing, said, that he was not in the habit of taking any share in the political proceedings of the City of Westminster, bat he attended here this day, as an elector of this city, to protest with his fellow-citizens against an attack whiCh had been made upon the Constitution.—(Cheers.) He was also here as one of the representatives of the Irish people, calling on the people of England to express to the Government of this country their sense of the insult which had been inflicted upon Ireland.—(Great 'cheering.) He would here emphatically state to the meeting, that trial by jury had been tampered with—(Renewed cheering)—and nowhere was it better known than in this city of Westminster. Now great were the benefits which arose from that institution. The electors of Westminster knew, and had often proved, that trial by jury was the bulwark of their liberties—he would not say of their lives, for he knew that they agreed with him in valuing more their liberties than their lives. He had told them that the constitution had been invaded, and he would tell them why ? Magna Charta, of which every Englishman had heard and was justly proud, enacted that by the right of trial by jury it was meant that every Englishman should be tried by Ins equals. That was the opinion of an eminent lawyer, Judge Blackstone. Magna Charta stated farther that ne man should be imprisoned without a lawful judgment, and equal justice should be done to every man. He believed that this provision of Magna Charta was confirmed by the Bill of Rights; and he now stated in the presence of the English press, and in that great meeting, that the Bill of Rights had been invaded. It stated most expressly that juries should be duly empannelled and returned.—(Cheers.) Now, the Lord Mayor and citizens of Dublin, and numerous other bodies, had petitioned the House of C ommons, and complained (he believed with justice) that the jury ad not been properly empannelled.—(Cheers.) He thought it was so, and he believed that all the meeting thought so too.—(Cheers.) Was he not right then in saying that the Bill of Rights had been invaded.—(Cheers.) Well, then, they knew that this might , Gbe only the first step.—(Hear, hear.) But it was in the power of the constituency of England to put a stop to the inroads upon the Constitution.—(Renewed cheering.) He was convinced of this as much as of any fact recorded in his tory, that the liberties of this country were maintained by, and were based upon, free discussion.—(Hear, hear.) But there had been in Ireland an attempt to suppress free discus sion, and it was for that meeting, and meetings like it, to say whether the same thing should not be done shortly here. — (Loud cries of " No, no—never more," and vehement cheering.) There had been a new construction of the law of conspiracy—in fact, it was as much a new law as a new constrilction of the law. He did not know but that by that new law the Government might not make his Honourable Friend, the Member for Finsbury, as great a conspirator as Daniel O'Connell.—(Great cheering and laughter.) That was the fact ; for, mind, if they took this meeting, and put to that the dinner which he (Mr. Duncombe) attended the other day not far from this market, and on the same subjecf--(Laughter)—and if they were to put this meeting and that speech, and one dinner and another speech—(A laugh)—they might, under their new law, make up a very good case of conspiracy—(Cheers and great laughter)—and the Hon. Member for Finsbury might be in dicted and imprisoned: He knew that the people of England were just, and that the people of Westminster were pre-eminently intelli&ent, and no attack upon liberty could be made without their protesting against it, in this place— (Covent -garden Market)—and they were assembled here now to protest against an encroachment on the trial by jury.— (Hear). It might be proper for him to allude shortly to one name which was introduced into the resolution—he meant that of Daniel O'Connell.—(lmmense and long-continued cheering, with waving of _hats, and handkerchiefs for several minutes). He (Col. R.) wished to tell the meeting that he was no follower of Mr. O'Connell's. He did not belong to him. He had no party, but his country.—(Hear, hear), (At this time a gentleman who was stated to be a " Captain Ackerley," had procured some stool or chair upon which he elevated himself close to the hustings z _and addressed the meeting in so vociferous a manner, as to drown the voice of the gallant Colonel. He paid no regard to the indignant cries of " Shame, shame—off, off," with which he was assailed from all parts of the meeting. At length, by a sudden rush of the enraged crowd, the captain and his rostrum were over turned together, and the eccentric orator, it would seem, pat completely hors de combat, for he did not again present him self to the meeting. Order being restored) — Colonel RAWDoN proceeded. The country, and, indeed, mankind were under .a deep debt of gratitude to Mr. O'Connell,'who had ever advocated the rights of freemen, what ever their colour or religion might be—(Cheering)—and were they, now that he was in prison, to hesitate in coming forward in his cause?—Cheers.) It was because he was in prison that he (Co.-. sael Rawdon) raised his voice in his favour. He had never done so before. But as a Member of Parliament—a representative of the Irish people—and also as an elector of the great city of Westminster, he should be ashamed of himself if he did not denounce the unconstitu tional proceedings of the Government.—(Cheers.) Sir T. Wilde, a lawyer, of whom they had all heard, defended the agitation for which Mr. O'Connell was imprisoned, and he defended it upon the ground that no redress of grievances was ever obtained without agitation.—(Hear, hear.) It was for that reason they were assembled here this day, to agitate and discusa their grievances, and to send their petition to the House of Commons. He thanked them for the manner in which they had heard him ; and he con gratulated the country upon the generous sympathy which had been evinced for the oppressed in Ireland, which would do much to produce harmony between the two countries.— (Hear, hear.) Let them not stop to see what had been done in Ireland repeated in England ; but if they were not both watchful and energetic that would be done. — (The Gallant Colonel retired amidst loud and repeated cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried by acclamations vehement and long continued. Mr. DEvosrowr, late Member for Cheshire, came for ward to move the next resolution, which was, that a peti tion founded on the resolution just agreed to be presented to Parliament. He thought that the whole country, and more especially the constituency of West minster, were under great obligations to the distinguished and patriotic Member for Finsbury, for having directed the attention of the electors of this city to points, which for some cause or other had been suffered to sink into apathetic desue tude.—(Hear.) That had not always been so. Some years ago such conduct on the part of the Government as they were now assembled to consider would have kindled a flame in Westminster that would have aroused the whole country. The most distinguished man in Ireland had been subjected to imprisonment at the very time when a writ of error was pending which might declare him innocent ; and we had scarcely recovered from our suspense at this when we discovered that the Government was reading our letters in the Post-office.—(Cheers) As far as the petition went, he thought it was extremely good, and he felt extremely honoured in being called on to propose it. But he urged the meeting not to think that by this petition they would strike at the root of the evil. There were two machines of legislation, and they might as well petition the two hands of a watch to set the works right as petition those machines to cure the evils of Government. They had themselves the constructi n of one of their% machines, and if they had made for themselves a bed of thorns they must lie on it.—(Cheers, and cries o f " True, true.") The only way, as we under stood the Hon. Gentleman, to obtain a redress of grievances was, that the people should properly exercise their power of electing the House of Commons. He concluded by moving that the petition be adopted as that of the meeting. Mr. AP Lnon, in seconding the motion, said that the last time he had the pleasure ofmeeting his brother electors in that place was on Cue occasion when Sir F. Burdett was defeated. Nir Francis was now in his grave, and they might let his faults sleep with him. — ( Hear , hear. ) But he (Mr. M‘Leod ) never felt so much . pleasure in coming before them as he did in the - cause of M.r. O'Connell, a man who deserved so much of his country, ar;d who had committed no offence, and broken no law.--(gear.) The very judge that sentenced him shed tears whiLs,t he pronounced the will of the Court, and observed that the most remarkable part of Mr. O'Connell's conduct wh's his constant and successful endea yours to preserve the pet , ,ce and prevent disturbance. Well, that might be Irish law—t° send a man to prison for keeping the peace. — (Laughter.) Would they let him out soon if he promised to kick up a row ?—(Cheers and laughter.) It was a dangerous thing for Englishmen to look on quietly at such things, (Cheers.) The Government who had acted so in Ireland, would send every maxi in that meeting to prison if they dared.—(Ch • --eel's.) In seeking the redress of wievances the people had no right to destroy property, to be riotous, or to commit depredations upon each other ; but they had a right to meet in thousands and tens of thousands to petition Parliament fwredress.—(Cheers.) He was satisfied that England and Scotland had been too remiss in not st eing justice done to Ireland, and that they would suffer for their remissness, unless they came forward now and said to Ire land " We will see justice done to you, when we see the most just, wise, and humane of in sent to prison."—(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) For his part he (Mr. M‘Leoo declared, as a Scotebman, that if justice were not speedily done to' Mr. O'Connell and the people of Ireland, he himselt would become a repealer.—(Great cheering . ) Indeed he was not certain 'how far he might g o yet . 4. laugh.) At first he had a drop of the Whig poison in his political constitution—(A laugh)—then he be came a Radical—and now he was liappy to say that he was a thorough Charnst : and if t he Government went on i n the same minter, he must go- on In his o wn course, and be a repealer--(Clneers and laughter.) He was inclined to believe that Lord Iloyvick was going on the same road with himself, and he thought that Lord John Russell would not be a very iong march behind them, if he had not lost his love of place.o.-cCheers andlo,ghter.) He had never , seen assemble there so magnificent a meeting as the present. nor ever one more orderly. He was proud of that, for no thing. the enemies of [the people would desire :more then to see rioting. ".If we were so," said he, "they would drink our health and bad luck to us."—(A laugh). He concluded by seconding the resolution, and reading the petition, which was adopted unanimously, amidst the most enthusiastic cheering. Mr. F. O'Comeon then rose and addressed the meeting as Irishmen Englishmen, and Scotchmen. The resolution which he had to propose was big with importance. It was that the petition they had just adopted be presented by that vene rable and patriotic Nobleman, the Earl of Radnor, to the House of Peers ; and by Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, Esq., to the House of Commons. He was not sure that on that day he could have been able to stand before them ; but on an important occasion like that he could not resist the tempt ation of having a flying shot at corruption.—(Laughter and Cheers.) It was said, and said truly, that when bad men conspired, good men united.—(Continued Cheers.) So it was then. Bad men in that country, as well as in Ireland had conspired against the liberties of the people. They had tried to confine within improper limits the time-honoured liberty of free discussions.—(Cheers.) They were there met that day to demand j ustice as well to preserve a sacred right. No doubt their present spy Go vernment thought that by their oppressive application of a bad law to Ireland, they might in time communicate the same to England also.---(Cries of "No, no.") Ireland had been now persecuted for upwards of seven centuries. This day (some of them might be aware of the fact) was the ann niversary of the batte of the Boyne. "July the first, in Oldbridgc tower There was a famous battle, And many a man lay on the ground Amid the cannons rattle.' They were there that day to declare that the Irish people had recognised a great principle—(Cheers)—promulgated by their great leader, and they were there also to express their opinion that when that leader was imprisoned within the walls of the Richmond Penitentiary, it was not only an insult to the people of Ireland, but to those in that country also who recognised the same principle. They had read in the daily papers of the disgraceful tampering with the jury list ; of the impediments thrown in the way of the traversers' counsel ; and they had read also the charge of the Chief Justice. — (Cries of " Oh, oh.") Yet, notwithstanding all these efforts to crush and destroy the spirit of liberty in that country, it had arisen, and would further rise, in spite of all opposition. —(Great cheering.) Many Irishmen had been trans ported for less (offences they were called) than that they were then committing: many Irishmen were then strangers from the land of their birth for less than that. And he (Mr. O'Connor), for one, if marked for transportation to-morrow for a similar offence would still discuss the advantages of a sepa rate Legislature for Ireland.—(Cheers.) They would ulti mately be able to achieve that great object. It they followed the maxim of their incarcerated leader—if they remained tranquil they would assuredly beat the " Iron Duke," and Sir James Letterbox into the bargain.—(Great laughter, and cheers.) The very judge who had passed sentence upon Mr. O'Connell said that he and he only had preserved the peace of Ireland.—(lmmense cheers.) It was an event in the history of the times to see Englishmen, Irishmen, and Scotchmen meeting there that day, and uniting as one man in denouncing the wrongs that had been inflicted on Mr. O'Connell. And why were these wrongs inflicted? Day after day the Legislature were repealing Acts of Par liament standing in the way of their own licentiousness, and was it more difficult to repeal the union than any other Act? It had been well said by gentlemen " that three million Irish slaves could rivet Eng land's chains," and now they had four millions of those very slaves. He (Mr. O'Connor) doubted much if Mr. O'Connell would receive with pleasure an account of the proceedings of that day, if some expression of faith in the principles he bad so long and so con sistently advocated, did not accompany that account. He believed that if Westminster that day expressed in favour of repeal, that neither Sir Robert Peel nor Sir James Fouche —(Laughter)—would dare to carry their war further in Ireland.—(Cheers.) He had, never attended a meeting with greater pride or pleasure than he had that;; but one thing he would request of them. When Mr. Smith O'Brien.was addressing the persons met in the Conciliation Hall in Dublin, he said that one petition " wanted the principal merit, because it did net speak of the repeal of the union." Let them not forget to speak of it. He had to announce that a meeting would be held that evening in another place to petition Parliament in time for Mr. Duncombe to present it on the morrow, not to allow Sir James Graham to open all their letters.—(Great cheering, and loud cries of " Shame, shame.") He would' remind them that every fortifica tion was [defended by its little bastions, and if they wished to overturn the great citadel of corruption, they must first sap ,the little bastions. They ought to look upon Ireland and repeal as man and wife, and to say with holy writ, " What God hath joined let no tyrant put asunder." He would again remind them that his resolution was to the effect that Lord Radnor should present their peti tion in the Lords, and that Mr. Duncombe, the Member for all England—(Cheering)--shonld do the same in the Commons. In conclusion he would merely say that after this resolution was disposed of, an address to Mr. O'Connell would be sub mitted to them, which if they heard, would, he bad no doubt, raise—as an Irish saying had it—the very cockles of their heart with ecstasy.—(Great cheering.) The Rev. Dr. WADE said that he had for twenty years attended meetings in Covent-garden, but never had he with more pleasure than on that occasion risen to.address a few words to the audience. He had never seen a larger or a more respectable assemblage, and they conducted themselves with the propriety to be expected from the friends if justice of good order, liberty, and humanity. — (Great cheering.) He only wished that that great man ;O'Connell himself was there present to see them. It would do his heart good. But although he was not there with them that day, if they but put their shoulders manfully to the wheel of' liberty they would soon see his'face and that of the other traversers among them. They would hear their voices discussing and advocating the principles of liberty over the world.—(Great cheering.) He (Mr. Wade) appeared on that platform more articularly in his character of a clergyman of the Church of England, yes, and a beneficed clergyman too--( Laughter)— and he was neither cautious nor afraid to pay his tribute of respect to his fellow-clergymen of the Roman Catholic Church.—(Great cheers.) Mr. O'Connell had laid down a rule of action excellent in the highest degree—namely, moral in opposition to physical force. That line of conduct did much credit to the clergy of the Catho lic Church and to him. The Roman Catholic clergy had set a noble example, and he was proud to see that one of them, Dr. M•Ghee, was on that platform.—(Great cheering.) He was glad to hear that in the churches of Ireland prayers were offered for Mr. O'Connell and the other traversers. He trusted the meeting would join with him in a similar duty. The Rev. Gentleman then, in a very expressive man ner said, may our hearty sympathy be with our fellow-men, the millions of Ireland, and may God Almighty, who is the God of nations as well as of individuals,l free them (the traversers) from their present situation, and hold them up as martyrs for our good example. The resolution was then put and carried amidst acclama tions. Mr. O'CONNOR then moved and read a long address to Mr. O'Connell. It was written upon vellum, and was surrounded by a beautiful illuminated border in scroll, or rather arabesque, representing the shamrock, its stem, leaves, and flower entwined. The manuscript is surmounted by a neat drawing of the ancient harp of Ireland. and another ancient harp of a somewhat different form was placed at the bottom of the page. The address was couched in the most laudatory terms, and expressed the gratification of the meeting at the humiliating position of the Government , and the glorious height to which Mr. O'Connell had raised his country. The address was seconded by Mr. WHEELER, and was car ried unanimously. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE then said that it was hardly ne cessary for him to assure the meeting, that if honoured with the presentation of their petition to the House of Commons, he would do it with the greatest plea sure. He could not, however, help expressing his regret that neither of thb Honourable Members for the City of I Westminster were there—(Cries of "Shame on them ")—to receive the petition from their hands. But in that business he would act as their organ in the House of Commons. He should have great pride in doing so, as it would in fact be only fulfilling a pledge he had given to Mr. O'Connell at a dinner given to that gentleman at a theatre not far distant. He (Mr. Duncombe) then said that in the event of Mr. O'Connell being imprisoned, the people of England would rise in their thousands, and force a venial Government to set him at. liberty. He was glad to see that the city of Westminster had that day risen in fulfilment of his pledge, and he hoped that the enthusiasm would soon become a nation.— (Cheers.) He begged to propose a vote of thanks to the High Bailiff of Westminster for his courteous and admirable conduct in the chair. Consuls-General, Consuls, and Vice-Consuls in the trial of British subjects guilty of offences in the Ottoman Porte; and Malta is the place appointed for holding such trials, I and the punishment of such offenders. TATTERSALL'S.-THIS EVENING. QUARTER TO SIX O'CLOCK., THE LATE DERBY. 4 to 1 on Orlando GOODNVOOD STAKES. 12 to 1 on the field 15 to 1 agst Croton Oil 17 to 1 agst Best-of-Three 20 to I agst Franchise 20 to 1 agst The Currier 20 to 1 agst The Pride of Kildare GOODWOOD cur. 2 to 1 on the field ST. LEGER. 4 to 1 agst The Cure 7 to 1 agst Ithuriel 12 to 1 agst Red Deer IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships assembled et Five o'clock. The Earl of MOUNTCASBEL presenred a number of petitions from Ireland, against the Dissenters' Cha pels Bill. PRIVATE BILLS. The Duke of RICHMOND complained of the renewal, this session, of the practice of canvassing Peers on the subject of private Bills. He thought they ought to adopt a resolution upon the subject, condemnatory of the practice. _ . _ - Lord BROUGHAM was glad his Noble Friend had alluded to the subject. He thought it was an insult to a Peer to be canvassed on a private Bill. The Earl of SHAFTEStURY said he fully concurred in what had fallen from the Noble Duke. Lord CAMPBELL thought parties might be allowed to send circulars stating the nature 'of their clauses. The Earl of WICKLOW thought it an insult to any peer who was canvassed. on the subject of a private bill. , The subject then dropped. PENAL ACTS. In answer to a question from Lord BEAUMONT, The LORD CHANCELLOR said he should proCeed with the Penal Law Amendment Bill as soon possible. PARTY PROCESSIONS IN IRELAND. In answer to question from Lord MONTEAGLE, The DUKE of WELLINGTON said it was the inten tion of the Government to renew the Bill for the sup pression of party processions in Ireland. Lord ABINGER presented a petition in favour of the Colchester and Harwich Railway. Several petitions were presented against the Dissen ters' Chapels Bill. SUGAR DUTIES BILL The Earl of DALHOUSIE rose to move the second reading of this Bill. He felt that he would not be justi fied in taking the discussion on the Bill to-night, as many Noble Lords had left the House with the under standing that the discussion would . corne on, on the third reading to-morrow. After• a few words from Lord BROUGHAM, the Bill was r.ad a second time, passed through Committee, and the third reading ordered f , r to-morrow. LIBEL BILL. In answer to a question from the LORD CHAN CELLOR, Lord CAMPBELL rose and was (LEFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL presented 39 petitions from different parts of Ireland, praying for a repeal of the union ; 22 petitions from different parts of Ireland against the renewal of the Bank Charter ; and 39 peti tions from various parts of Ireland, signed by 49,984 individuals, against the County Registration Bill, com monly called Lord Eliot's Bill. . Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from Pimlico against the practice of intermural interments. The Earl of HILLSBOROUGH presented a petition from the County Down, in favour of the legalisation of Presbyterian Marriages in Ireland. Mr. ROEBUCK moved that the petition of the Rev. I). Dobree, Rector of the parish of Forest Testeval, in the island, of Guernsey, presented June 28, be printed with the votes.---Ordered. _ _ Lord HENNIKER presented a petition from the Suffolk Agricultural Protection Society against certain clauses of the Bank Charter Bill. _ . Mr. S. WORTLEY presented a petition from the manufacturing operatives of York against the truck system ; also, four petitions from Gisborne and other places against any alteration in the corn-laws. Mr. MUNTZ presented a petition from the Birming ham and Gloucester Railway Company against Mr. Gladstone's Railway Bill. Mr. M. PHILIPS presented a petition from the savings' banks of Manchester, complaining of the reduc tion of interest on savings' banks deposits to 2/. 15s. per cent. per annum ; also a petition from the Birmingham and Manchester Railway Company against the Govern meet Railway Bill. NOTICES OF MOTION—DUTY ON TOBACCO. Dr. BOWRING gave notice that he would put a ques tion to the Government to-morrow, with regard to the alleged intention of the Belgium Government to place a differential duty on the importation of tobacco, to the prejudice of British interests. The Customs Duties (Isle of Man) Bill passed through Committee. Sir G. CLERK presented a petition from the letter pressprinters of Glasgow against working on the Sunday. The order of the day for going into Committee on the Land Tax Commissioners Names Bill was read for the purpose of being postponed until that day week. The Colonial Postage Bill then went through Com mittee. Mr. SOMERS presented a petition from Sligo against the Irish Registration Bill. The order of the day for going into Committee on the Copyholds Enfranchisement Bill was read for the purpose of being postponed. Mr. LABOUCHERE said the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) had intimated that he would bring in measures which would have the effect of removing the distress amongst the coopers. He begged now to ask him whether he had been able to mature any scheme which would have that effect ; and if so, whether there was any probability of its being brought forward in the present session ? Mr. GLADSTONE said what he had stated was, that there were two modes in which it had been proposed to afford relief to the coopers ; one a reduction of the duty, and the other a substitution. With respect to the former mode it would not be the duty of the Govern ment to propose any reduction of the duty on staves in the present session. He had received a good deal of statistical information, which he had no objection to present to the House, which would show that the state ments made to the Right Hon. Gentleman with respect to . the coopers had been coloured to an unwarrantable extent. As regarded- a substitution, the Government had not yet arrived at any conclusion. They were not aware, in fact, that the trade were press ing for its adoption. YEOMANRY CAVALRY. The motion was seconded by Dr. M'GIIEE. The Malt BAILIFF returned thanks, and said, that as long as he was honoured with the situation he held, he should have no hesitation in callingfrequent meetings if all conduct themselves in the same orderly manner as they had done that day. The meeting then after three hearty cheers for Mr. O'Con nell and repeal, and for the High Bailiff then separated in the most quiet manner. Mr. BRIGHT put to the Right Hon. Secretary of State for the Home Department the question of which he had given notice on Wednesday last, as to the forma tion of a corps of yeomanry at Rochdale. On that day he presented a petition, signed by 6,000 persons at Rochdale, praying that the House would not sanction the raising of a troop of yeomanry in that district, and he grounded his question on the allegations of hat petition. It stated the force was expensive and needless, as breaches of the peace rarely took place in that district ; it also stated that the members of this troop of yeomanry were all of one political party ; that in c ase o f an y breach of the peace occurring, the force would be wholly inefficient, as it was naturally cowardly when brought in contact with danger.—(oh, oh, and Order.) Mr. MILES rose to order. He wished to know whe. ther it was competent to an Hon. Member to throw out against so valuable a body the charge of cowardice. The SPEAKER said the Hon. Member was in order in asking the question. Mr. BRIGHT continued. He was stating what were the allegations of the petition ; it said that such a force was not only cowardly, but cruel 'also, as cowardly per sons generally were. It said that the regular forCe was a better one in all respects, as for neigh bours to fire on each other raised ill blood and enmity, that might take years to assuage ; and that young men were called away , from their business and shops to their injury, as they had not the means of af fording to play at soldiers in this manner ,• it was inju rious to themselves and detrimental to the district. The question he wished to ask of the Secretary of State was, whether the Government would give encouragement to the formation of such troops, and if so, whether he had any objection to lay on the t a bl e t h e corr espondence that had taken place on the subje c t p Sir J. GRAHAM said that th e H on . Member for South Lancashire having notified to him that a number of persons in 'the district of Rochdale had offered to raise a troop of yeomanry, he (Sir J. Graham) referred that communication to the Earl of Derby, the Lord- Lieutenant of the county. The reply of the Noble Earl was, that he saw no objection to raising such a troop, and on. that official opinion he had advised her Majesty to accept the services of this troop. The Hon. Gentleman and the House were aware, that in August 1842, manufacturing di s t r icts were much disturbed ; that property and ' lif e were in danger, and an application had been made to him of the most urgent kind for military aid to'give assistance to the civil pow er. Objections had been raised to the employ ment of troops of yeomanry in the place where they resided. His Noble Friend, the Member for South Lancashire,' in consequence of that, had ordered the Bolton and Wigan troops to proceed to Preston,: yet, notwithstanding, sac h was the: state of things in Bolton. that the Mayo r set a t nought the or ders that had been issued by his Noble Friend, and detained the Bolton troops th ere f or t h e protecti on o f the lives of the inhabitants of the town. That was no doubt a great stretch of power, and he (Sir J. Graham) doubted the discretion of it; but nevertheless this yeo manry, which had been design a t e d as "hired assassins," were detained in Bolton for the p urpose o f p ro t ec ti ng lif e and property. He (Sir J. Graham) could not forget the state of Rochdale at that time ; he hoped that such a state of things would not return again ; but yet, on the Fart of her Majesty's Government, be felt bound to ac cept the services offered by these enterprising and loyal individuals.—(Hear, hear.) MOROCCO. Lord PALMERSTON, seeing the Right Hon. Baro net at the head of her' Majesty's Government in his place, wished to put to him a question with respect to the affairs of Morocco. Events had taken place in THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 1, 1844 that quarter of the world which were of serious conse quence, as bearing upon most important interests of this country. That such was their character was not only an opinion of his own, but of many other individuals, ' who had stated to him that they had had communica tions with the Government of France upon these matters, and received from it explanations and assurances which they considered satisfactory ; of course they would not have considered them satisfactory if they were not so: both as to diplomatic forms as well as substance. It was usual, when matters were taking place in any part of the world in which Great Britain had an important interest at stake—the Government generally took means, by officers of their own, to secure accurate information of what was passing. Now the question which he wished to put was, whether, in the present instance, any persons had been employed, or were about to be employed ; or whether it was in tended to have any Military Commission with regard to the transactions that had taken place on the frontiers of Morocco, and whether any naval officers or ships had been placed on that coast to inform the Government of the events that were taking place there, or whether the the Government simply trusted to the accounts casually received, ? Sir R. PEEL, in answer to the question of the Noble Lord, begged to assure him that her Majesty's Govern ment had felt it to be their duty not to be dependent on the usual sources of information. Her Majesty's Govern ment had given such directions as they thought neces sary to ensure full information, and they had also directed the adoption of such a course as would tend to the real protection of British interests. Colonel FOX wished to know from the Right Hon. Baronet whether the statement which had appeared in the morning papers with respect to the course pursued by the Governor-General of Gibraltar at Ceuta were correct, and whether those proceedings had been sanc tioned by the Government. Sir B. PEEL said he had not seen the paragraph al luded to, but he could say this, and that was all he could state, that Sir Robert Wilson had been at Ceuta. QUEEN-SQUARE.-(THIS DAY.) An elderly person, named Mrs. Moore, who resides in Pirk row, Bayswater, stepped into the witness-box, and said she had an application to make ; and on being requested by Mr. Bond to state the nature of it, she proceeded to do so in an emphatic and eccentric manner. She said, a person had let her the house in which she lived, and in which he occupied rooms. The other day he came to her bed-room, and in a threatening tone demanded admis sion, which she refused. He then said he should make her a prisoner, and tied the door with a rope to the bannisters. He also threatened to cut off her head with a razor which, she believed, he had in his hand ; and he had repeatedly threat ened to put a distress on her goods for rent, although she had offered to pay him every farthing she owed, and offered to do so if he would give her a receipt for the amount. In short, she had been so annoyed and harassed by this person, that she feared her life was in danger; and on these grounds she earnestly begged the protection of the Magistrate. During the time the complainant was making this state ment, which she did with great volubility, the Court was convulsed with laughter r . Mr. BOND, who had, during Mrs. Moore's address, evinced great impatience, from her rambling incoherent expressions, told her that he could not interfere in the matter unless he really believed her • life was in danger; her only re medy was by an action at law. She had better apply to a solicitor. Complainant—Can you recommend me one, Sir ? Mr. BoND smiled and shook his head. The complainant then left the Court. MARYLEBONE.-(THIS DAY.) Two men, named Peake and Arthur, attired in the garb of working men, were placed at the bar before Mr. Long, charged with stealing a hat and a handkerchief from Mr. Quelch, an elderly person, who stated that he was clerk to a coal-merchant in Camden-town. Front the statement of the prosecutor and other per sons, it appeared that Mr. Quelch, who was slightly the worse for liquor, was. proceedng along the St. Pan cras-road, towards King's-cross, about twelve o clock on Saturday night, when the prisoners, who were stran gers to him, came up and endeavoured to enter into conversation with him, and there was no other persons in sight at the time. The prosecutor increased his speed to wards the toll-gate, as his suspicions were aroused; he bad only.proceeded a few paces, when Peake placed his hands on one of the prosecutor's trousers pockets, no doubt for the purpose of ascertaining what money he had, and of robbing him. Mr. Quelch asked him what he meant by such con duct, but Peake made no reply. Shortly afterwards Peake snatched a new hat from his head, at the same time throwing an old one to him, and placing the stolen hat on Arthur's head, who, with Peake, immediately ran away, but were fol lowed, and after a smart pursuit secured and conveyed to the station-house, where the hat, in which there was a handker chief, was found on Arthur's head. The prisoners, who bad nothing to say to the charge, were committed for trial. A Supplement to Friday's Gazette was this after noon published, regulating the authority of her Majesty's ORANGE PROCESSIONS, Mr. WYSE said he wished to ask the Right Hon. Se cretary for the Home Department whether or not it was the intention of Government to renew the Act in regard to orange processions, which expires on the Ist of August next ? Sir J. GRAHAM said, judging from the experience of past 3 ears, he had reason to hope that the Protestants of the north of Ireland would, on the ;approaching anni versaries, abstain from processions as they had so wisely done for years past.—(Loud cries of " near, hear," espe cially from Sir R. Peel.) But he was prind to state that there were two Acts of Parliament about: to expire, both of which were of very great importance. Ift• alluded to the Act for the suppression of secret societies and unlawful oaths, and to the Act for the suppression of Orange pro cessions. A Bill was already on the table 61 the House for the renewal of the former Act, and it was , the inten tion of the Government, in the present state of affairs in Ireland, also to propose the re-enactment of tike Orange Processions Bill. He was, however, happy to say that Government, under all the circumstances, felt jastified in limiting the duration of the new Bills to the .31st of August, 1845.—(Hear, hear.) THE IRISH MAGISTRACY. Mr. ROSS wished to ask the Noble Lord, the Secre tary for Ireland, on what ground the Lord Chancellor of Ireland had " thought fit" to reinstate Mr. O'Driseoll on the roll of magistrates. Lord ELIOT said he must protest against such expressions as the H onoura bl e G ent l eman hod applied to the Lord Chancellor of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) With respect tol the question itself, he begged to say that he had received a letter from the Lord Chan cellor, stating that having received a memorial, signed by 2,900 pers , ins of all ranks and classes in the county of Cork, praying for Mr. O'Driseoll's re-instatement in the magistracy, and being assured of that gentleman's restoration of health—(Laughter)—he had thought fit to accede to the prayer of the petition. Mr. ROSS—Then I give notice, that on Friday next, I shall move for all papers, letters, and correspondence upon this subject. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Sir ROBERT PEEL said he would take the oppor tunity of moving the second reading of the Irish Regi• tration of Electors' Bill, to explain, as far as it was in his power to do so, the course which Her Majesty's go• vernment proposed to pursue with respect to those bills which had been already submitted to Parliament, and were now waiting the sanction of the House. Those Bills were all on the paper for Thursday, Wednesday, and to-day. There were, however, some Bills which were not yet introduced, but which he had reason to suppose would cause very little trouble or debate. lie was sorry to say, however, that a vast mass of business still remained to be transacted. Ile would, however, go to the paper for Thursday. There was, first of all the Poor-law Amendment Bill. It was the intention of the Government to proceed with that Bill.—(Hear, hear.) There were also two other Bills, of a most salu tary nature, having reference to the Duchy of Cornwall, which it was most desirable should become law as soon as possible. These Bills would introduce a very great amendment in the management of the busi ness of the Duchy of Cornwall, and he, therefore, trusted those Bills would not provoke any opposition. With regard to the Metropolitan Buildings Bill, his Noble Friend, the First Commissioner of Woods and Forests, proposed to proceed with that. On Wednesday there were two Bills under the charge of the Govern ment, and; with those also it was the wish and inten tion of her Majesty's Government to proceed. There were the Bill for the Regulation of Joint-Stock Coin panies, and the Joint-Stock Remedies at Law and Equity Bill. Then, with regard to the business on the paper for the day—there was first the Registration of Electors (Ireland) Bill. He had already given notice that it was not the intention of the Government to pro ceed beyond the second reading of the Bill, as from the serious differences of opinion which existed respecting it, it would be quite impos,ible that it could pass into a law during the present session. There was next the Municipal Corporation eland) Bill ; he was sur prised to hear that any objections were entertaincll to it, as the object of the Bill was to extend the provi sions of the English Municipal Corporations Act to Ire land. But as it was so connected with the Registration of Voters Bill, that in the opinion of many persons con nected with Ireland they should be both proceeded with simultaneously, he would not press the Municipal Cor porations Bill during the present session, though he regretted the necessity for delay. There was then the Railway Bill, which was a Bill of considerable importance—(Hear, hear)—and which, he was sorry to say, was likely to meet with opposition from existing` railway companies, but as it was of im portance:with regard to Railway Bills now before the House, and those which would come before it next session, that the intentions of Parliament should be known with respect to their future legislation on railways, h e p ro p ose d th a t th e y should proceed with the, Bill during the present session. With regard to the Saving s ' B an k s Bill an d t h e L an d Tax Commissioner Bill, his Right Hon. Friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, would proceed with these Bills. With regard to the County Courts Bill, he would rather postpone making any final announcement upon it, till this day-week, by which time he expected that the opinion of the House of Lords would be made known with regard to two Bills now before them. The Superior Courts Common Law Bill, and the tSmall Debts Bill were mot Bills of which' her Majesty's Government had char ge , b u t w hi c h 'the Honourable and Learned Member for Chester bad under his care. The Chaplains to Hospitals (Ireland) Bill, and the Courts of Common Law Process (Ireland) Bill, were Bills under the charge of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the Member for the City of Cork, and which he, therefore, could not be responsible for. With regard to the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill, he had to announce on the part of he r 11I a j es t y ' s G overnment t h at it was not their intention to proceed with this Bill — (Hear)—as from the mass of b us i ness b e f ore t h e H ouse , and the opposition which the Bill was 'likely to receive, seeing they had not yet passed th e fi rst c l ause t h roug h Committee, notlikely that they could pass it during the. present session ; it was the intention of her Ma jesty s Government to proceed with the Unlawful Oaths (Ireland) Bill, and also with the Copyholds En franchisement Bill. The next five Bills it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to proceed with the Customs' Duties Bill, the Bank of England Charter Bill (to the bringing up of the report of which this evening he hoped there would be no opposition)— (Hear, hear)—he must say that he met with no persevering or factious opposition to this Bill ; it was fully discussed, and from his experience of the manner in which the opposition to the Bill had been conducted, he had every reason to hope that the second stages of the Bill would be allowed to pass without discussion. They proposed to proceed with the Education Bill—the Linen Manufactures (Ireland) Bill, and the Charitable Loan Societies (Ireland) Bill ; the Aliens Bill, he believed, was under the charge of the Hon. Member for Gateshead. Her Majesty's Govern ment proposed to proceed with the Protection of Purchasers (Ireland) Bill, and also with the Co lonial Postage Bill. The number of these Bills was large, but still he h o p e d th a t th e y were no t likely to lead to any seri o u s o pp os iti on . Th ere was one Bill ready to be introduced which was of importance as a corollary to the Bank Charter Bill, and which it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to pro ceed with--that was a Bill to establish new regulations for such joint-stock banks as might hereafter be established. It would not apply to existing companies, but would be merely prospective in its operation. There was also a Bill of considerable importance, which was not as yet under the consideration of the House, and which it was the intention of the Government to introduce, and that was a Bill founded on the report of the Select Committee appointed to consider the manner in which the House exercised its jurisdiction with regard to contested elections. That Committee had consisted of gen tlemen who • had been appointed on account of their . extensive acquaintance with the subject, and the report it had suggested certain alterations in the existing law. Therefore the principle of the Bill had already been for some time before the House. It was the intention of the Government to introduce a Bill founded on the recommendations of that Committee, and his Noble Friend the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancas ter, who had been a Member of the Committee would propose a Bill to carry the recommendations of the Committee into effect. He had now gone through the various Bills, and had stated the intentions of the Go vernment with respect to each Bill. At the same time he must reserve to himrelf the power of modifying the dc clarati3n which he had just made according to the progress which the respective Bills with which the Governm en t was determined to proceed might make in the House. Colonel RAWDON said there was one Bill of great importance to the North Ireland to which the Ri g ht Hon. Baronet had not alluded , and which was not yet before the House—he meant the Presbyterian Marriage Bill. He should be glad to know the intentions of the Government with respect to the measure. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that as a general rule he thought it was better that he should not allude to mea sures which were not before the House. The measure to which the Right Honourable and Gallant Mem ber had alluded, however, was one of so much importance that he felt it his duty to deviate from the rule, and to state that it was the intention of the Government to persevere with the measure, which he thought would give entire satisfaction to the parties concerned; and he hoped another session would not pass without that measure becoming the law of the land. After a few words from Mr. WODEHOUSE, which were inaudible in the gallery, Mr. FRENCH asked if it was the intention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to persevere with the Com mon Law Courts (Ireland) Bill. Sir R. PEEL said his Right llon. Friend would give an answer to-morrow. Alr. J. BRIGHT wished to know if the House was to understand that no bill of any importance, other than those which had been mentioned to-night, would be in troduced this session. Last year a most important bill, the Chelsea Pensioner's Bill, had been introduced at the close of the session. Sir R. PEEL replied, that if he were to answer the ques tion literally, he should answer that there were other bills to be intended, for instance the Appropriation Bill- (a laugh)—the introduction of which, he thought, would give general satisfaction, as indicative of the approach of the close of the session : but if the Hon. Gentleman ask if the Government contemplated the introduction of any measure of importance, he would reply that they did not. Yet still he would not pledge himself not to introduce any measure of importance, if circumstances should arise to render it necessary. Messengers from the Lords brought down certain Bills, which were laid on the table. Mr. MACAULEY reminded the Right Hon. Gentle man, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, that he had expressed his intention of introducing a Bill for the regulation of the medical profession during the present session, in order that it might be laid on the table, and that the profession might have an opportunity of considering it during the recess. He wished to know if it was the intention of the Right Hon. Baronet to introduce the Bill. Sir J. GRAHAM had frequently given notice of his intention to introduce the Bill. Ile did not wish, how ever, to make that motion without stating in detail the provisions of the measure. It was his intention, before the close of the session, to ask leave to lay that Bill on the table, and he wouid take that opportunity of stating that before the close of the session, he should also move for leave to bring in a Bill on the subject of the Law of Settlement, which he would lay on the table, in order to give time for its consideration during the recess. Mr. FERRANI) wished to ask the Right Hon. Ba ronet at the head of the Government whether he posi tively intended to proceed with this New Poor-law Bill? Sir R. PEEL said he proposed that the third reading of the Bank Bill should be taken on Thursday next, and that the New Poor-law Bill should be proceeded with on Friday. In case the Bank Bill and the New Poor-law Bill were disposed of on Friday, he proposed that the Railways Bills should have precedence on Monday. IRISH REGISTRATION BILL. On the order of the day for the second reading of the Irish Registration Bill being read, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said, as an English Member he rose to protest against this most enor mous waste of time ; more especially as they were about to establish a precedent which was unknown in the proceedings of that House. He was not going to discuss the merits of this Bill. What he complained of was, that after the Right Honourable Baronet had withdrawn three or four important Bills, he asked them to proceed with a Bill which could not pass Through its stages in the present session. He had looked over the journals of the House, and he could not find any other instance of a Minister of the Crown dragging his supporters through the mire, as the Right Hon. Baronet was about to do again—(Hear) —for the purpose of having a Bill read a second time, and then saying to those supporters, " You may now go about you business ; I do not want , your votes or your aid any longer, as we d o no t mean t o proceed any further with the measure. Did they mean, when it was proposed that the will should be read a second time that day six months, to accede to the proposition ?—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Shell.) The people of Ireland would consider this an additional insult to that already inflicted upon that country. He had received a letter on Friday from a gentleman connected with Ire land, and who was now the head of the Repeal Association, entreating him to use all his influence with English members to prevent the people. of Ireland from being insulted by the second reading of this Bill. He was asked not to allow the Bill to be dis cussed in the absence of the Hon. Member for Kil kenny, and the Hon. Member for Cork, the latter of whom represented a constituency consisting of about 700,000 inhabitantS. They had just heard that a magis trate had been reinstated in the commission of the peace in compliance with the requisition of 2,245 inhabitants of Cork. Why, then, did they wish to proceed with the Bill, which was an insult to the people of Ireland ? The Right Hon Baronet said the other evening, that he wanted to ascertain what were the opinions and feel ings of the Irish Members with respect to this Why did he not know them at that moment? If they wanted to know the opinion of the Irish people, let them read their petitions, asking the House to reject the Bill ; or let them read the opinions of the Mayors of the different Corporations of that country. Although they had an immense amount of business to transact, yet they proposed wasting another evening in discussing the obnoxious clauses of a Bill that was not to be carried on. He would be no party to such a discussion, and he would now take the sense of the House, as to whether its time was to be wasted in a discussion that could have no practical result.. He should not ask the House to give any opinion, one way or another on the merits or demerits of the Bill ; the only question he should submit was, whether they could allow the public time to be wasted in a futile discussion on the motion for the second reading. He therefore moved as an amendment that the House do proceed with the other orders of the day.—(Hear, hear.) The question having been put, Sir R. PEEL said, with respect to the period of the session at which the Bill was proposed, he begged to observe that the second reading of the Bill was fixed, and a period when it would have been com petent for the (Hon. Member for Cork to be in his place, and that he postponed the second reading at the express wish of the gentlemen at the other side connected with Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the second reading was fixed for the first day after the Easter recess. That Bill provided the same general system of registration for Ireland that prevailed in England, and it was important that her Majesty's Government should know whether the House approved the principle. The Bill provided a new franchise, and lie must, therefore, perse vere in asking the House to pronounce its opinion on the principle of the measure. (LEFT SPEAKING.) DUTCH MAIL. THE HAGUE, JUNE 27.—The Session of the States- General was closed yesterday by his Excellency the Mi nister of the Interior, who addressed the Chambers in the following terms :- 6' Noble and Mighty Lords,—The session which is about to close has produced a happy change in the pro vinces of the kingdom. " The consequences of the disastrous events which oc curred in the last year gave reason to entertain the most serious apprehensions for the financial interests of the kingdom. _ _ ''But the perfect understanding that has prevailed between the Government and the Chambers, when it was necessary to agree on salutary measures, and, on the other hand, the exemplary co-operation of the nation in car rying them into execution, have opened to the country a cheering prospect. " The budget which has been recently adopted, the savings which have been made in the funds which were disposable for the last year, and the suppression of a considerable number of special funds, are so many facts which bear witness to the zeal of the Government, not only in providing for the regular course of the affairs of the country, but also for the effectual improvement of its permanent interest. " The settlement of our financial interests has, however, required so much time, that it has not been possible to lay before you other important subjects of legislation. It has been necessary to confine ourselve to some special projects of law, most of which have met with your approbation. " Important matters are, therefore, reserved for you next session, besides others emanating from Art 6 of the Fundamental Law, and those on the tariff of import, ex port, and transit duties. " If the spirit of concord continues to prevail in the energetic efforts which we desire to make, in order to promote the interest of the country, we may hope for the most favourable result. In the name of the King, I de clare the present session of the States General to be closed." The Stoats Courant publishes a Royal decree relative to the disposal of the first instalment of the capital sum of eighty millions of florins, at 21 per cent. interest, in scribed to the credit of the kingdom of the Netherlands in the Great Book of the kingdom of Belgium, conform ably to section 6 of Art. 63 of the treaty of sth Novem ber, 1842, POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (SATURDAY.) GUILDHALL. Mr. I?cbert Reeves, a pawnbroker, carrying on busi ness in Redcross-street, Cripple ate, appeared before Messrs. Aldermen T. Johnson and Hooper, to answer an information filed against him by a man named M`Callan, a common informer, for having exacted a larger amount of interest than was allowed by the Pawnbrokers' Act, to which offence he pleaded not guilty ; and Mr. Hum phries, the solicitor, attended to defend him. James Hurst stated, that on the 27th ult. he was en trusted with a duplicate to redeem two books, which were in pledge for 45., in the name of Ann Parker, from the 15th of April, 1843. He tendered ss. as payment, and received 7d. as change, sd. being charged as interest, which was an overcharge, 31d. and four-tenths of a far thing being the legal and just amount of interest due on the loan. M‘Uallan having stated that that was all the evidence he had against the defendant, Mr. Humphries proceeded to cross-examine the witness, from which it will be pretty well seen the kind of crea tures that so callously pounce upon and victimise timid tradesmen, who prefer compromising the affair to being dragged before the public, and their affairs made known s:i a police-court. Mr. Humphries—Now, Mr. Hurst, do you know this Miss Anne Parker—did you ever see her ? Witness— No, I do not. Mr. Humphries—But you have redeemed several pledges in the name of Anne Parkcr ? Witivss—Yes' I have ; perhaps about four. Mr. Humphries—What are you by trade ? 'Witness —A bookbinder. Mr. Humphries—But you don't work at the book binding now ? Witness—No, Ido not ; lam painting and decorating Mr. I . ll‘Callan's house. Mr. Humphries—Oh, indeed ; you are then a painter and decorator, besides being a bookbinder. Pray, in what capacity did you start in the world ? Witness— In a little dragooning —(Laughter)—about so:.ven years ago. - Mr. Humphries—And you then turned a life-guards man, and afterwards a policeman. Witness—Exactly so.—(Much laughter.) Mr. Humphries—ln fact, within the space of seven years, you have been a dragoon, a life-guardsman, policeman, painter and decorator, bookbinder, and, above all, a common informer's witness.—(Continued laughter.) Witness (with an impudent air)—Just so, I can turn my hand to anything.—(Roars of laughter.) Mr. Humphries—Not a doubt of it, sir. You have no regular occupation, either in the bookbinding, painting, or soldiering ? Witness—None whatever ; I get my living the best way I can. Mr. Humphries—Now, how does M'Callan pay you ? —by the job ? Witness—No, by the lump. Mr. Humphries—How much did-you get for the day you called at the defendant's? Witness—five shillings. I called at foal- other pawnbrokers on the same day. Mr. Humphries—And you go out in the hope of the unfortunate pawnbrokers making a slight overcharge, so that you may lay an information against them? Wit ness—lf they charge too much I certainly do inform against them. Mr. Humphries—You have been in Mr. M'Callan's employ some time, and given evidence in numerous cases? Witness—l have so. Mr. Humphries—ln fact, you are paid for swearing, are you not? and are also paid before you do swear. Witness—l am generally paid before I give evidence. Mr. Humphries then in a very spirited manner ad• dressed the Bench, and submitted that the defendant could not be convicted upon the evidence of a man like Hurst. They proceeded quite in a systematic manner to ensnare their victiniF, and in the hope of convicting them, it was evident that they would strain their con sciences to the utmost to answer their purpose. The Magistrates then consulted together, and after a few minutes Mr Alderman JOHNSON said that they fined the de fendant los., hut remarked the worthy Alderman, not one fraction of it will be allowed to the informer. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. Inn. Dunn, Esq., of Tredegar-square, and Henry Nor ton, Esq., of Russell-square, gentlemen, were brought before Mr. Ilardwick, charged with having assaulted Mr. Willshire, confectioner, 332, Oxford-street. There was a , second charge against Dunn fur having also as saulted the police From the statement of Mr. Willshire, it appeared that the defendants brought two females. into his shop the previous evening to treat them to some pastry. The conduct of the defendants while in the shop was noisy and unbecoming, and when one of them began beating with his whip upon the table, it was necessary to make an ap peal to them to behave themselves with more propriety. The defendants demanded to know what they had to pay, and when told the price of the delicacies they -had con sumed was 4s. Gd., one of them told Mr. Wiltshire he was a liar. Mr. Willshire was eventually paid, but was subjected to great abuse, and ultimately he was struck by Mr. Dunn with his whip. Assistance was called, and some of the journeymen came to protect their mas ter, but they could not interfere time enough to prevent Mr. Willshire from being again beaten with the whip, and also struck by Mr. Norton. In consequence of this iiolent outrage the police were called, and then the de fendants made their escape out of the shop, but they were pursued and taken into custody. When police constable C 68 laid hold of Mr. Dunn, ho was asked . vliether he had any charge against him, and on being told he had none, but that Mr. Willshire had insisted 0n being releas e d, a n d g a ve th e cons t a bl e a smar t p us h r blow in order to effect his object. It was further stated that the defendant did not appear to be sober. The defendants said they were quite sober. They had been dining at Verrey's, and had drank not more than about two bottles and a half of wine, and this would not make them drunk, as Mr. Verrey would prove, if sent for. With respect to the charge, they said the affray had arisen in consequence of some remarks having been made on the behaviour of the ladies who wore then under their protection, and whom they had just met with in Regent-street, and at their solicitation treated to some refreshment. Mr. Hannwicx. said the evidence to establish an assault on the police was sufficient to satisfy him, as well as that a gross assault had also been committed on the complainant. The law gave magistrates a power to commit at once to the House of Correction, where a charge of assault was proved on a constable, and in the case of a poor and uneducated man this power was frequently made use of. Persons of station and educa tion, guilty of the s ame mi scon d uc t, were l ess en titl e d t o forbearance, for they had the means of knowing their duty to society, and the necessity for respecting the laws, which persons in an humbler station had not. If the defendants had been assaulted they would have ap plied for protection to the police, and it was therefore but right that the police should be protected in their turn. Taking the whole of the charge into account he was very much inclined to think that a money penalty was an inadequate punishment, and that it was his duty to commit at once to the thuse of Correction. Mr Dunn exhibited undisguised alarm at this intima tion, expressed his sorrow for what had occurred, and added that if any assault had been committed on the police, which he certainly never intended to commit, it was of a very slight character. Mr. HARDWICK said the slightness of the assault was the only circumstance of mitigation in the case. He de sired it to be understood that when the police were sub jected to ill-usage in the execution of their duty, it was his determination to inflict the punishment of imprison ment, and not to impose a fine, and neither the rank or station of parties should shield them from the penalty of their misconduct. Mr. ITAanwicK then adjudged Mr. Dunn to pay 5/. for the assault on Mr. Wiltshire, and 5L for the assault on the police. Mr. Norton was fined 51 for the assault on Mr. Willshire.- 7 —The fines, 15/. in amount, were im mediately paid. The parish authorities of St. James's brought John Horne Diamond, a person dressed in handsome sailor's clothes, before Mr. Hardwick, for having deserted his his wife and children. It was stated that the wife was the daughter of a clergyman named Pascoe, who died suddenly a few years ago in the pulpit while preaching a charity sermon ; up wards of 9,0001. was collected for the support of the widow and her children, one of whom was the present complainant, who having picked up the defendant, a common sailor, married him, and gave Lim the control of some hundreds of pounds, which eel' to her share. Her husband soon squandered the while of the money by the most reckless profligacy, and he then abandoned her and went to sea. The wife had suffered very great privations, and had been obliged to have recourse to the parish. The husband, who had never contributed a farthing towards the support of his family, recently re turned from sea, and took up his quarters in the next street to where the wife lived ; but he mever made the smallest inquiry about her, though he was very particu lar in inquiries about the mother, who lived on the pro ceeds of part of the charitable fund, at whose death a portion was likely to come to his wife. The defendant said he had not the means of supporting his wife. Mr. Buzzard, the vestry-clerk, said the man came home with money, spent it upon himself., and then went another voyage. _ Mr. HAitnixcic said no punishment coruld be too great for such unprincipled and unfeeling conduct. He should go as far as the law allowed, and send the defendant at once to the House of Correction for three months. GORMANDISING EXTRAORDINARY. - The other week, a person resident in Walton, with a stomach of no ordinary capabilities, undertook for a wager to eat three pounds of bacon, and drink four bottles of ginger-beer; and two quarts of buttermilk, which he performed to the great astonishment of a numerous assembly of spectators.—Lan caster Guardian. BIRTHS. On the 25th ult., at Grove-place, North Brixton, the lady of Samuel Lovejoy, Esq., of a son. On the 25th ult., at the Rectory House, Piddletown, Dorset, the lady of the Rev. J. W. Routh, of a daughter. On the 26th ult., at Cambridge-terrace, Hyde-park,- the lady of W. Grant, Esq , barrister-at-law, of a daughter. On the 26th ult., Mrs. E. C. Banks, Mecklenburgh-street, Mecklenburgh-square, of a son. On the 26th ult., Mrs. F. W. Johnson, Gibson-square, of a son. On the 26th ult., at Tottenham-park, the lady of Joseph Rawlings, Esq., barrister-at-law, of a son. On the 22d ult., at Harley-placa, Clifton, the wife of Com mander W. S. Thomas, R.N., of a daughter. On the 24th ult., at Frederick -street, Gray's-inn-road, Mrs. Joseph Mansell, of a daughter. On the 26th ult., at Peckham-grove, Mrs. Frederick Evitt, of a son. On the 26th ult., at Calverly-park, Tunbridge Wells, the lady of A. W. Ward, Esq., of a son. On the 27th ult., at Wandsworth, the wife of Frederick Cotton Finch, Esq., M.D. of a daughter. • On the 27th u lt., at Blackheath-park, the lady of Alfred Jackson, Esq., of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 7th of May, at Andover, George Jones, Esq., R.A., to Gertrude Loscombe, second daughter of the late Major Loscombe, of Andover. On the 25th ult., at Stamford-hill Chapel, Upper Clapham, the Rev. Henry Robbins, M.A., of Wadham College, Oxford, to Agnes, third daughter of the late John Gorton, Esq., for merly- of Worksop, Nottinghamshire. DIED. On the 25th ult., at Kennington Villa, Kennington-lane, Surrey, Elizabeth Ann, Oe wife of Mr. Charles Palk. On the 26th ult., at Margate, Mr. William Akerman, of St. Martin's-court. On the 26th ult., at Woolwich, George, youngest son of Captain 11. G. Teesdale, Royal Horse Artillery. On the 27th ult., at Tottenham-park, the infant son of J r - Rawlings, Esq., barrister-at-law. On the 27th ult., at Epsom, Jane Rickard, relict of the late Captain George Browne. On the 22d ult., in London, William Simpson, Esq., of Brook House, Cambridge. On the 24th ult., Mr. J. Halsey, late of Jewry -street. On the 24th ult., in Portman-square, Charles Morris, Esq• On the 2Gth ult., at Dorking, Miss Bell, of the Park, Cheltenham. On the 27th ult., in South Audley-street, Mr. J. Testar. On the 27th ult., in Tilney-street, Park-lane, Anna Maria, wife of the Rev. S. Johnes Knight, Rector of Welwyn, Herts. On the 28th ult., at Clapham, Mrs. Amelia Wood, widow of the late Colonel IV. H. 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