The Sun. — London, England, 1836-07-01 00:00:00

're )be froturn which was to be had for the great sacrifices they had snide ? Of what use was the Reform Act to the country if the House of Lords were to reject and treat with contempt every measure which was sent up to them for the purpose of realising those fruits which the Reform Act gave the promise of ?—(Hear. ) Who was to direct the proceedings of the Go vernment—the minority or the majority ? Were the people to yield to the Lords, or the Lords to the people ?—( Cheers. ) But they were told that matters were to go on in this way for another year. The doors of tlrit I-louse, then, were to be_ closed without their having grented a single .re.quest of the people of Irel an d. With ';; . hat confidence coul .tt the rere . sentatives of th e people of Ireland go 'Leek to their censti tuents and tell them that this House %yes willing to grent them what they asked, 'Jut the other House refused to listen to theie just demands. `;l 7 asthere one single measure of reform which the people of Ireland had a right to expect, and whi c h t hi s H ouse 'was dispoeed to gi ve t h em , that the House of Lords would consent t o pass ? Till means were found to compel thees to act in conformity with this House, there should Wit be D e ice—there ought not to be peece—either in Ns country or in Ireland.—( Cheering,) He trusted filet the people of this country would rouse themselves and demand for their fel low citizens in Ireland that justice av'hich we were pledged to afford them. The Noble Lord said there was hope; but what a mockery was it to people who were suffering as they were, that there was distant hope that the time might come when justice would be awarded them ? He differed with the Noble Lord as to pis grounds of hope. He believed that no thing was to bre expected from the House of Lords till the Peers were made responsible to the people. There existed no responsibP;ity of the Lords to the people at this moment. The only greund of confidence, therefore, that he felt, was his be lief t'eat measures would be taken to force the Lords to con cur with this House in its views of the necessity of giving Re fo-..rn to Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Sir ROBERT PEEL—I must say that I did not expect, on this day, that,we should have been called on to take into consideration the amendments of the House of Lords ; still less did I expect that we should be called on without notice, and en the instant, to pronounce in favour of the rejection of those amendments.—( Hear.) At the same time, though I s h a ll re cord my dissent ;rein the prop os i t i on of, the Noble Lord, though I cannot consent to postpone for three months my consideration of the amendments, still I shall not think it necessary to record my dissent by means of a hostile vote. At the eame time, while it is my conviction that justice to so important a matter demands delay, it is only fair to obs erve , tha.'.: in th e s p eec h ma d e b y the Noble Lord, this seems to be neirnitted. In the first place, the Noble Lord himself at taches great importance to some of the declarations con tained in the reasons of the House of Lords, and he has said there are some expressions of the House of Lords which make him hope for en amicable settlement of this question at a future period. If, then, that be the Noble Lord's view— if that be his deelaeation with respect to the reasons submitted by the Lords, it would be but decorous to afford us every op portunity for considering them—(hear, and cheers)—and we ought not at once, hastily, and perhaps after not a very in telligible reading of this answer, to be called upon at once for an immediate—a final determination.—( Hear, hear.) Another rease,a for delay—one that in my opinion makes it most de airAle is, that I think the Noble Lord has placed a most emroneous interpretation upon the document of the Noble treed to which he refers. For instance, the Noble Lord says that one of the objections made by the Lords is, that the Cor porations are to be confined to 12 cities and towns. The Noble Lord procured considerable laughter amongst his friends by declaring that the Lords wish to extend Corporations—that they were the supporters of more Corporations than even the Commons were desirous of giving. The Noble Lord stated that the objection of the Lords was that there were not more than twelve towns that were to have Corporations. I think that the Noble Lord, in stating this, came to a most erroneous conclusion.—(hear)—aid if erroneous, it is only an additional reason for his having taken the precaution of having these rea sons of the Lords. printed. The House of Lords, I may ob serve, in the :source that they have adopted, have taken one that is in cemtormity with the opinions of no inconsiderable minority in this House, a minority certainly—but no inconsi derable minority in respect to numbers, in respect to station, with regard to respectability, and I am bound also to say (of cou r s e I do not refer to myself) in respect to ability.— (Chcers from the Opposition Members.) Upon the first day of thi s session the question was discussed whether we would bind ourselves, by any preliminary proceeding, to extend - the principles, such as we had given them, of Corporate Re form, to England and Scotland, also to Ireland. On that occasion the Lords, by their amendment, carried without a division, declared that they would give no such pledge. In the Commons I moved an amendment, similarly expressed with that adopted in the Lords, and declining to give that pledge. The amendment was negatived only by a majority of 41.—( Hear, hear.) I believe that the course I then pro posed—speaking with all respect of the decisions of the House of Commons—l believe that the course I then proposed to pursue, a course in which I consented to one great principle of Abe Bill, namely, the dissolution of existing Corporations, the extinction of the monopoly of power confined to one party, making a sacrifice of the present power held by one party in the state--I think that the principle proposed, in making that sacrifice, in dissolving those Corporations, but at the same time declining to establish other Corporations, under the apprehension that the evils would not be removed but trans ferred, I did, and I do believe, that the proposition that was then made by me was the correct one._( Hear, and cheers from the Opposition side.) I concur, therefore, in the course which the House of Lords has adopted.—( Hear.) It was conformable to the course which I took myself, and I should be ashamed if, in the face of a majority, I shrank from that avowal. ---( Hear, and cheers.) I concur, too, in the substance of the conces sions made by the -House of Lords. The Noble Lord says that the House of Lords 'nave rejected from this Bill its vital and popular principles,,—(Hear, hear, from Ministerial Mem bers.) I must say '.;nat a greater exaggeration of a difference between us never yet was heard or made in the House of Com mons.—( Hear t hear, and cheers from the Opposition benches.) What is the extent of the difference between us ? The Noble Lord Protases that there shall be Corporations in twelve cities and tow ns. This he does with the assent of the House of Commons. The Noble Lord makes a proposal of very cum bersome, and in my opinion, very objectionable arrangement. But then the Noble Lord proposes that 22 other towns and cities, which have already the option, if the people choose to ;adopt it, shall have the 9th Geo. IV. Now, whether they shall or not desire Commissioners under that Act, they are compelled to adopt that Act. But at the same time the Noble Lord leaves all the existing Corporations in possession of such power as they hold now, after having lost the manage ment of the Corporate funds. The Lords permit the towns and cities in Ireland, not as we (lid, to take the Act, whether they wished it or not, but the Lords allow that the inhabitants shall call for the operation, of the Act the 9th George IV. It was objected in (:',ebate here, that supposing the in habitants called for the operation of the 9th of George IV. still the properV of the Corporations was to be vested in Commissionrers appointed by the Crown. Of all the objec. irons, ur ge d against the Lords' amendments this was the most strongly pressed. The Lords, by their amendments, Nee left to the inhabitants of cities and towns, not al. ready governed by a local Act, the option of having the Sth George IV. So far they insisted in their first amend ments, and that Corporation property should be vested in 'Commissioners. But it is now decided that if any town is now governed, by the 9th George IV., or shall be hereafter governed in each of these cases, then the Corporation pro perty is vested in Commissioners chosen by the popular voice. The Noble Lord admits that this is an important admission.—( Hear, hear, from Lord John Russell,) But then the Noble Lord has been complaining that the vital and, popular principle of the Bill is extiagnished by the blouse of Lords. These two declarations are inconsistent. Though I dissent from the proposition of the Noble Lord for the amendments being summarily rejected, I am bound to say that in the present temper of mind, in respect to this Bill, I do not . see any advantage to be obtained from a postponement of the discussion.—( Hear, hear.) lam bound to say so, I do not think that any nearer approach could be made towards a settlement by protracted Conferences. The Noble Lord complains of the animadversions of my No ble Friend upon a speech delivered here by the Noble* Lord. The Noble Lord ought to recollect, he ought to reflect that if any offence has been committed, he has been the first to commit one. I put it to the Noble Lord, if a Peer of Par. liament, admitted by courtesy to listen to our debates, had gone into the House of Peers, and there declared that he had heard with his own ears, " hisce auribus," certain expressions, and commented upon those expressions, and charged him with having used these expressions, I appeal to the Noble Lord, whether or not he would think a Member of the HOUR(' of 'Commons, so charged in the Heine of Lords, would not, in :stead of involving himself ill a question of artier, or appealing to privileges, adntinister such reasoned{;, chastisement as was in his power to Hear, cheers, and laughter.) lam sure tnat is the course that would be pursued by the Noble Lord.—(Rear.) The Noble Lord has expressed his sur prise that on the second night of the debate there was no re ference to the speech delivered by my Noble Friend. He seem', to think that a former colleague of my Noble Friend ongat on the second night of the debate to have interfered Wah some explanation on the subject. Surely the Noble Lord is not under the impression that I slunnk from "'fending my Noble Friend from imputations twit upon him. The Noble Lord refers, I suppose, to the explanations called for from me by the Hon. and Learned Member for Tipperary. 'Upon that occasion I declined to give one, and was asked this question—Do you subscribe to these words ?Do you adopt them ? My answer is am here to explain my own senti 'rents and my own opinions.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers from the Opposition Members.) I have frequent opportuni ties of explaining my individual opinions. No one is to apply to me Words use d b y another, and then to ask me whether I subscribe to th ose wor d s ?—( Hear, hear.) I had not heard OM 'words. I asked for an interpretation of them, and I got f ul' my Noble Friend's answer, that he wished to give an ex- Planation of them himself. My Noble Friend wished to re serve himself For the opportunity of explaining. them himself in th e mat', of Lords.—( Hear, hear, an d c h eers from Minis 1. teria lN fi .embers.) I d o no t k now t h e purport of that cheer. 7 ". ch' oble F r i en d h as exp l a i ned them.—( Hear, and repeated ers from Ministerial Members.) At least, he has put his bwrl construction upon them.—(Cheers.) There is only one other poi nt re f erred to by the Noble Lord to which I feel it no% necessary to advert—that in which the Noble Lord spoke of certain alterations taking place, and his despair of the main teen4nee of th e B r iti s h C onst i tut i on. I confess I heard with 'cep regret this from the Noble Lord—( Hear, hear)—from 4 Minister of the Crown, too, that he had reason to despair of the maintenance of the British Constitution.—( Hear, hear, disdainald cheersany M from Opposition embers. ) For myself, Sir, I ;such despair.—( Cheers.) I do not entertain a doubt that the British Constitution will be upheld.—( Hear, and cheers.) You say you must not refuse to do justice to Ireland. No doubt you must not. But then you have no ti ght to prescribe to us, to enforce upon us, that which is your opinion constitutes justice.---(Cheers from the Opposition Members.) Hon. Gentlenten may say that Noble Lords shall not wantonly exercise this potter; Hots, Octitlemen may declare that they shall not eketeist the privileges with which they were vested by the Constitution for their benefit. No doubt they are not to rl- Fponsible for the power thee -- .o. They erg ve to constituents. .:Aereise. They are not 1'01)01141v their - e are ; they are responsible to nod—to eOrisciences—( Hear 1 from Mr. O'Connell, an'l laughter)—and to their intelligesit fellow-coentryinte.-- ( Cheers from the Opposition Members.) And no doubt they feel and act upon that responsibility.---( Hear.) I believe that the House of herds will continue, as they have done, to give satisfaction in the exercise of a public duty —a duty that they owed to the people. 1 believe, that on account of the great functions with which they are entrusted, it is absolutely neces sary that the power they peSscs stidnid be maintained. If thc37 think it not necessary i 6 3 4 .01(1 to the first impulse of po pular passion, 1 believe they are not only encouraged and satisfied in tittle own consciences by so doing, but I believe they will be supported by such a mass of public opinion in this Country—(Cheers)—by such a preponderating mass of the intelligence and public opinion in this country, as will long secure the British Constitution from the dangers which some appear to apprehend.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition Members.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The Right Hon. Gentleman has said in the course of his speech, that he was not prepared to declare that any benefit could arise from a postponement of the discussion ; on the contrary, that a postponement of the discussion would be likely to raise feelings which might hereafter increase the difficulties, and which might hereafter throw obstacles in the way of your adjustment of this question.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Undoubt edly, in stating this, the Right Hon. Gentleman was quite correct ; for if that which we are now debating were to be put down for discussion this day se'nnight, instead of leading to a more permanent settlement, it would be more likely to give excitement to feelings rendering that settlement more difficult. Does, then, the Right Hon. Gentleman complain that we have not delayed the notice of this subject for a week, when that delay would not aid the views of any one of us ? —(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman knows it; he feels that' this is the best course that we could have pursued, and it is one by which we are ready to abide. I mean no disrespect to the Hoet of Lords ; on- the contrary, I look to their amend ments, and I find that they justify the whole course we have taken. We have had notice sufficiently notorious of what was done by the Lords. Did the Lords hold out to us the expec tation of their taking another course ? Could we look to the arrangements of those differences, with the views they main tained ? No; and in the sentence to which the Noble Lord has alluded, and to which I attach great importance—in that sentence, in which they speak of some period, I hope not a very distant one, in which those differences may be settled-- they fairly tell us that they cannot yield upon that point to which we attach so much value. When we knew they were decided upon that point —a point upon which a majority of this House stood pledged—it would be childish, worse than childish, it would be mischievous, if we did not take a course justifiable in vindication of our principles, and justifiable in reference to our own dignity. We have, in doing so, taken a course the least likely to embitter the differences between us and the other House. The Right Hon. Gentleman has referred to the majority of 41 in support of the address. But does it rest there? That majority of 41 was converted into a majority of 86, and this, too, after repeated discussions on the Bill.—(Cheers.) Here, in maintenance of the argument, I trust I may be allowed to offer some reasons, and in so doing, to support the hopes of the people of Ireland ; and that they may with confidence look forward to the future adjustment of the question to which refer, let them look to the elements of which that majority was composed. How often has it happened that those who seemed to consider the Irish aliens in blood, and who by doing so were injuring the British connection, how often is it that by them the majorities in this House were anatomised? How often have they attempted to raise invidious distinctions ? How often have they declared that the Irish Members at one time and the Scotch Members at another outweighed the English Mem bers, as if they were not all equally Members of Parliament? How often has this been done by them to raise distinctions when it suited the advocacy of their own opinions? These, then, are now to be told, that such national distinctions can be no longer commented upon. I rely, for this, upon the majority of 86— (Cheers.) It is, then, not only for such persons, but it is especially for the people of Ireland I state this—they who had been led to think that justice could be procured in an English Parliament, I have to tell them that, on that occasion, tho free votes of British Members declared that an end should be put to the abuses of which they so justly complain.—(Hear, and cheers from Mr. O'Connell and other Irish Members.) I pro ceed now, Sir, to another branch of the argument. The Right Hon. Gentleman has stated that we have no right to ask him respecting the sentiments of his colleagues—that we have no right to suppose that the opinions that have fallen from another are his; that we are only responsible for our own opinions. Let me then entreat of the House not to take the version of my Noble Friend's opinions from the commentary which the Right Hon. Gentleman had passed upon them.—( Hear, and cheers.) Attend to the commentary upon that speech. The Right Hon. Gentleman charges, not an individual merely, but a Minister of the Crown, with a breach of his duty, and declares that there was danger to the British Constitution. That was not my Noble Friend's observation, nor his argument. What did he state ? That, upon a review of the fucts, he saw no such danger to exist. Why did he state that? I repeat it, because the confidence he expressed is my own—he expressed my own hopes. I cannot, Sir, look to the past, without being confident of the future. It is not the first time that good measures have been intercepted in their advance to the Crown by the unworthy delays, or unnecessary jealousy, of a party.— ( Hear, hear.) I feel that there is no danger to be appre hended for the British Constitution, but, as has been rightly said by the Catholic question, there is danger in the postpone ment of it.—( Hear.) Upon the Reform question, I might appeal to the Right Hon. Gentleman himself for his know ledge of this fact. There were then appeals like those we have heard to-night. We were then told, as we have been told in this debate to-night, in answer to such appeals, that power and dignity cannot and ought not to arrest the progress of liberal legislation. ..uu;11 Sir R. PEEL was understood to ask who was to decide what liberal legislation was ? The CHANCELLOII.of the EXCHEQUER—Perhaps, we were not the right judges of it. lam not one to except upon his judgment on this point, or to question his authority ; but it so happens that on all great questions the Right Hon. Gentleman was against us. Upon the Test and Corporation Acts he was against us ; upon the Roman Catholic question the Right Hon. Gentleman was against us ; upon the Reform qnestion he was against us ; upon Municipal Reform he was in many of its leading principles against us. Undoubtedly ho felt that he was thoroughly right; but the difference is, that in the long run we succeeded, and the Right Hon. Gentleman did not.—( Hear, and cheers.) The experience of the past is with us ; but the weight of authority I am willing to concede is entirely with him.._( Hear, and laughter.) Now, as to the question between the two Houses, this is to be observed, that the public exercises a just authority over the deliberations of the two Houses. To it belongs the duty that it exercises of weighing the measures and proceedings of both—it looks not to abilities so much as to facts, nor to speeches so much as to spirit and principles that actuate them. If the acts are just—if the representatives are influenced in accomplishing them, by the feelings that sway their constituents—there is no authority within the land that can ultimately resist them.----( Hear, hear, hear.) These are the hopes which I hold out to the people of Ireland. I feel it to be my duty at once to tell them we have fought your battle in this House, and in answer to the taunting observations that have been made respecting English Members, I tell them, that if there had been even their unaided votes to sup yort them, those unaided votes could hare defended and maintained the liberties of Ireland.—( Hear, hear, and cheests.) I tell this for their consolation also--for I wish to temper with consolation the severe lesson that has been inflicted upon them, for I well know that " hope deferred" with nations, as with individuals, " makes the heart sick."—( Hear, and cheers.) I think it impossible to conclude the observations which I have felt it to be my duty to make, without saying again, that I trust that the public at large, and those who read history here after, will do justice to the moderation and calmness evinced by the House of Commons, when the principles for which they were contending were in peril, when a mighty stake was et issue, and that confident in the support we must receive, we abode by principles which to their fullest extent we have em braced, and that having so resolved, we never shall abandon those principlcs—discharging our duty to the people of Ire latidssethat we never will abandon the pledge we have given in Yesisting the repeal of the Union—(Loud cheers)—on the present occasion we redeem that pledge by the course we arc pursuing. One word more, and I have done. It is in re ference to our part of the argument, that has been used upon the present and former occasions. It is said that this is au insult and a wrong to Ireland, because we compel the people of Ireland to adopt the 9th George IV. Now, with respect to that Bill (the 9th George IV.), there was a long discussion between the Right Hon. Member for Cambridge and myself when the Bill was proposed. At the time that Lord Melbourne was Chief Secretary for Ireland, the Bill was laid upon the table of the House, but there was no hope of pissing it that year. It was presented and carried in the fol lowing year. In one clause of this Bill, on which the impu tation is cast that we may seek to make it compulsory, there was a clause to this effect, that " in all cases where the popu lation, exceeded 5,000, the Lord Lieutenant was positively di rected that the Act be carried into effect." Lord STANLEY made an observation which was not heard in the Gallery. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The Act was varied the next year. I have seldom known the - Noble Lord quick arid make a false point. In the view I took of the Act. I thought it quite fair that it should be optional with the parties. Here, however, we were unanimous in destroying the Corporations, and we must substitute something else. In order to give the means of administering the Corporation re venues, it was absolutely necessary that there should be an authority contemporaneous with the destruction of the Corpo- • rations to be put an end to.--( Hear.) I feel every confidence that we shall succeed ; I feel every confidence from this post ponement ; I feel every confidence that in adhering with the same temper and firmness as we did to the English Bill last year, and as we do to the Irish Bill this year, that public opi nion will accompany and support us, and that sooner or later we shall succeed—l say, and I trust, soon for this measure carried next year, will not bring with it all the benefits it would if conceded this.--( Hear.) Let us be wise in time. —( Hear, and loud cheers.) Mr. O'CONNE L L—Sir, I do not think that it ever fell to my lot to hear a more unstatesmanlike speech from the Right Hon. Baronet than that which he has just uttered. That upon an important question like this the Right Hon. Baronet should stand up to advocate delay, under the mere formal pretence of having the Lords' reasons and amendments printed, was in itself quite astonishing, and showed the weak- THE SUN LONDON - , Pitin AY, JULY 1, 1836 ness of his position and of his arguments. nut the Right up. tie was perfectly willing to leave altogether did Of the iiiinmgmetdhieatuelnyhana,nreer himself on this very question any comment upon individnals. Unfortunately the priieosoiutnilt.t, Baronetf b r. . )::!: e t a -r F.., - --svq ' ueneeg Which Woull syslelii nista at tile pi - O'ent goon in all its strength, but of that pro - tonging tills discession.—(Hcor.) He en-. he did not treat. 111 was persuaded thai .4 mipici revise sWered himself ede l lsettlto ntt lilt' liill'46ride In aLcilditig Li , i r lie thOgi detlY6 eieftitili slit il'e' #tp ee the real Mends to 1 4 .1` - e§' rof &Aka' diVisitelliptin liii!i iiiieSiiciti 4.1 . 6 64fially tici he , Ireland id preVent that demand for the felie'id oi t'S Vniew admired.. the Right lion. Bareriet reecilleeted thai ille 1 ;0;:- 1 4, 111cih he had alvkayi Considered to be detrimetiftii td ttbd mer diVlsion of 41 had lately ,Sli - ellen into Bd, and he feared best interests of ili44 two cedriirleS: When he expressed that on andtliei- ditision the majority lLduld again is dqehled. _ ; that opinion he was quite Wlllisl to oolfdoWledge the' (dlslei'S.) But whilst I admire the .aight Hon. fla4Sonet's I,Nitdess ()t i the argensient, of the lion. and Istainid iNleni prudence in this matter, Ido not think he has shown himself 1 bee toef Rillsen4, that if the people of Ireland could riot . r 65ttally prudent in standing forward, as he has done, to ad- get justice done in the is4igting state of things,, they would vise the House of horde to persevere in the course they had' be perfectly warranted in gettnig jiaOlo'e for tlieniselies. taken sip., if tlso p eo pl e o f England were to rally round the (Hear, hear.) In his view the two ceiiiilii;l44 i4efe Sp' &Use of Lords and the Crown in this matter, as he says closely united in feeling, in language, and almost by 61Odtf; 1 they would, what chance of justice would remain to Ire- that he believed it t o b e h es t f or the welfare of two nations I land, but in a re p ea l o f t h e U n i on b etween the two thus connected to be placed under one Government. But if countries?__( Hear, hear, hear.)—The Right Honourabl e ' the larger of the two should withhold from the smaller any Baronet adopts the House of Lords, he becomes a partici- peculiar privileges, and should create marks of distinc pator in all their outrages against I Ireland, an d w h en at l ast the trod between them,. than he would co n f es s it was t h e r i g h t o f seven millions of p eo pl e who are wronged in th ese A cts are th e sma ll er to vindicate to themselves th a t g o ve rn m ent w hi c h driven to rank themselves iii open hostility against their Lord- was denied them, and that at any price and by any separation. ships, the Right Hon. Baronet flatters himself that he may —( Hear, hear.) He was not, nevertheless, without hope calmly tak e -up hi s p os iti on an d direct the storm.--( Hear, that they would still be induced to listen to the calm voice of hear.) I know all this may be sneered at, but we are in a reason when addressed to them by their best friends. He temper to bear it. Scotland obtained her measure of Muni- trusted that they might be swayed by the opinions of that man cipal Reform tw o or th ree y ears ago; England hers last year; who •had ever remained true to them under their ldii# soffer and this year Ireland might have had hers at the tim e this Bill inns—(he meant the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilketifit) went up to the H ouse o r L or d s . It has been admitted on all —by that influence which, however it might be scouted by hands that the Corporations of Ireland have beco me gr o s s ly some in that House, had ever been exercised for the promo corrupts that they have been perverted, even in th e admini s _ . tion of the tranquillity and happiness of the Irish people.— tration of justice, to party purposes and unblushing partiality. (Hear, hear.) In conclusion, he would only say, not in any All this has been admitted; even the Hon. and Learned Re- feeling of anger, and with no desire of using bitter language, corder for D u bli n cou ld not deny it ; and yet all this is to re- but seriously and gravely, that it was his opinion that the main for another year at least. I appeal to the peopl e o f E ng _ people would be subjected to the same impediments and diffi land whether it is just that things which no man ha s h a d th e culties so long as there was a reformed Parliament opposed by audacity to defend should be continued in Ireland for tw o year s a House of Lords that was irresponsible. If the people of after similar abuses had been swept away from England. England were desirous that the House of Commons should —(Hear, hear.) I t e ll t h e Ri g ht Hon. Baronet that continue a reforming House, he had little doubt that they the people of Ireland will not be content with the 9th would stretch out a hand to assist in removing the abuses George IV. ; and there is a no th er thing, n ame l y, the ap- which must arise f rom th e con ti nuance o f an i rrespons ib le pointment o f sheriffs, which they will never consent to give body.--(Hear, hear.) up. Ido not mean the absolute appointment, but the choice Mr. DILLON BROWNE said—What is the question of three, out of which one is to be chosen, and with power t o before us ? Whether Ireland (I use the repudiated term) reject—this is a right which the people of Ireland do and will shall have justice or not ?—whether there shall be a union or demand.—(Cheers.) Look at the position the case is brought not ?—whether she shall enjoy English rights and institutions, to, and it is you who have done all this—( Pointing to the or be dishonoured and degraded. There was much warmth on Opposition.) It is you who have done this injury to Ireland, the Opposition side during this debate. Why ?—because declaring that she shall not have what England and Scotland Hon. Members calculated on a different result—they thought are permitted to enjoy. It is you who have adopted the man ' they might change their position, and sit on this side of who said that the people of Ireland were aliens in blood, ali ens the House, and that his Majesty's Government might be in religion, and aliens in count r y t o th e people of England. It induced to resign their trusts. But I trust that no false is you who have injured the people of Ireland, and then in- delicacy shall induce the Ministers of the Crown to desert stilted her.—( Cheers.) And then you talk about avoiding their posts and forget the duties they owe to their country. agitation. You may have got rid of the normal schools of What species of Government might we hope for? In all agitation, but wait till you see what finished agitation y ou w ill probability we wou ld h ave th e N o bl e D u k e at t h e h e l m of soon have about y ou . F or f rom t h e h our i n which I stand the State. I shall not call him an alien in blood, but though here till I see Corporate Reform in Ireland, I promise you an Irishman, I believe heldoes not triumph in the accident you shall have plenty of agitation.—( Hear, hear, hear, and a of his birth. We would have him performing in his double laugh.) As to these reasons, as they are called, of th e character—for while he advocated Church monopoly in House of Lords, cant and hypocricy could not be carried another place, he would, with the dexterity of a ventrilo further. I actually blushed for Ireland when I heard a quist, speak the same sentiments through a certain Hon. Noble Duke read them in the other House. Oh ! what a Baronet in this House. We would have two Hon. Baronets state of misery and degradation are we reduced to, that you in this House answering sophistry by argument, and what cannot meditate an act of injury against Ireland but you species of Government might we hope for for Ireland ? We can find one who was born within her shores to assist would have, Secretary to that country, an Hon. and Gallant in perpetrating it ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) What hope has and Worthy Baronet, ready booted for tithe campaign ; and, Ireland now? The pledge of the House of Lords ! Why, perhaps, we would have the Noble Lord the Member for Lan they have violated their pledge a thousand times. All cashire, by a special act of favour, Viceroy in that country, disguise has now been thrown off by them—all the disputes whose affection for the Church, and whose advocacy for Re about petty details have been thrown overboard ; they have form, form one of the strangest anomalies I have ever read in come to the principle, and the principle they reject also. The the history of a Statesman, and whose political career strongly Right Hon. Baronet halloos on the House of Lords to persist reminds me ef those grotesque figures which we read of in the in rejecting this principle, and then he tells us that their Lord_ Italian writers, whose bodies were half reversed, for while his ships represent the people of England ; and moreover, he find s feet were moving in one direction, his heart and head were out that they have a responsibility also. A responsibility s o , turned in another. Oh I I trust that his Majesty's Govern too, had Mehemet Ali, who told his people, " You are all re- ment will not, through a false delicacy, deliver us into power presented in me; and as to responsibility, Mahomet be praised, of those men ! The question was then put and agreed to. I am responsible to God."—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) This REVOLT IN THE TEXAS. is the tyrant's reponsibility. If I were disposed to be profane, Mr. B. HOY said he was anxious to know from the Noble I should like to know how we are to bring that responsibility Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether he had re to bear—bow to make it avail in human affairs ? If their ceived any communication relative to the establishment of sla- Lordships are quietly resigned to endure the punishments of very and the slave trade in the Texas. the next world for having done all the mischief they can in Lord PALMERSTON observed, that the inhabitants of this, hurrah I for thei r L or d s hi ps ' respons ibili ty to God—hur- Texas wer e i n a s t a t e o f revo l t aga i nst t h e M ex i can Govern rah for the high priest and the prophet of Mecca.—(ol), - oh ! ment, and the result of that revolt was not as yet decided. hear, hear I) After all, perhaps, you are right. It is almost He should, however, state that no communication could have impossible to speak of the subject without approaching the taken place between Texas and the British Government. profane, but it is him you should blame, and not me ; blam e Mr. B. HOY announced his intention of bringing the sub him who treated us, in the first instance, to this mighty then- ject under the consideration of Parliament. logical discourse on the responsibility of the House of Dr. LUSHINGTON wished to ask his Noble Friend a Lords. The Lords did not dare to mutilate the Eng_ question with reference to Texas. He was desirous of know lish Corporation Reform Bill to too out rageou s an extent, ing whether any information had been received of the impor and for this very simple reason—they saw the organized tation of slaves from Texas into the United States. Though and menacing determination of the peopl e o f thi s country, and he believed there was no treaty between this country and the they were afraid to meet it. But the Lords d o not fear th e United States which could compel them to put an end to such people of Ireland, and therefore they refuse to do her justice, a system, yet they were bound not to sanction a continuance of This is the real reason of their conduct. Every one knows such a practice. that it is almost impossible to suppose that a Bill of utility to Lord PALMERSTON replied that no such information Ireland can ever be passed into law. If you talk of bringing had been received by Government. in such a measure, the answer immediately is, "What possible PRIVILEGES OF PARLIAMENT. chance have you of passing it through the Lords. "—(Hear, Sir J. HAMMER, in moving the resolution of which he hear)? But is there really any one so i nsane as to suppos e h a d g i ven not i ce , o b serve d t h at there was no ground whatever that this can l ast f or ever? Having succeeded by dint of for presuming that he was actuated by party motives in bring peaceable agitation in obtaining one portion of Catholic eman- ing forward the question which he meant to submit. It was cipation from your hands—( Hear, hear)—yes, a portion, for en fair, straightforward, plain, intelligible, and constitutional after all that Act was but a part of the justice we looked for-.- grounds, without any admixture of party spirit, that he claimed having forced that part from the Right Hon. Baronet and the consideration of Hon. Members, of all politics, sects, and from the Noble Duke, who, in 1828, talked about conquer- persuasions. The Hon. Baronet, whom increasing confusion ing Ireland with the sword, and in 1829 found it more agree- in the body of the House gradually rendered perfectly inau able to put it in the scabbard—l tell you that the people of dible in the Gallery, then proceeded to contend, that the very Ireland defy your menaces for the future. Neither the Noble circumstance of the Hon. Member for Bath being identified Duke nor your minority shall ever be permitted to trample with a political party in Canada, rendered him an incompetent upon Ireland with impunity.—(oh, oh I and cheers.) In the judge upon a question relating to general colonial policy; and name of the Irish people I give vou this defiance. Do not after a speech of great length, of Which, for the reasons we think that I mock you when I talk so to you. I tell have stated, we arc unable to give even an outline, concluded you that if you refuse to do justice to us, we are by moving the following resolution :—" That it is contrary to able to do justice to ourselves.—(oh, oh ! and cheering.) the independence, a breach of the privileges, and derogatory to I have given up the a g it a ti on o f t h e ques ti on o f t h e t h e character o f t h e H ouse of Commons, for any of its Mem repeal of the Union, and now see what an argument you have hers to become the paid advocate in Parliament for the con given me in support of it. I know the present Government duct there of either public or private affairs of any portion of are disposed to do all they possibly can in order to obtain jus- his Majesty's subjects." tice for the people of Ireland. Let my support of them be Mr. ROEBUCK said, it was in consequence of the evi misrepresented as it may, I shall support them, because I Bence given by some witnesses before the Committee on Ca know that there is no alternative between a systern , of uncom- nadian affairs, which sat in 1827-28, that it was determined promising despotism in Ireland, and the maintenance in power by the House of Assembly of that colony to retain an agent of the present Ministry.—( Cheers.) I shall continue the ex- in Great Britain. For that office lie had the good fortune to periment I have entered upon, of obtaining justice for Ireland be selected ; and he now heard it, for the first time, asserted, without a repeal. I shall persevere in that experiment as long that the duties it imposed were incompatible with the situation as it seems to be compatible with justice to my country, and lie held as a Member of that House. As to the duties at no man would pardon me if I were to go further.—(Hear.) tached to the situation, he could assure the House they were This is my det erm i na ti on . alike i m p or t an t an d l a b or i ous ; i n fact they occup i ed nearly Mr. D. GASKILL said—the Hon. and Learned Gentle- the whole of his time. He was required continually to watch man had talked a great deal about the rights of the people the whole proceedings of the colonies, and of that House on of Ireland, hut he would ask, had the people of England colonial matters; and he was frequently required to give at no rights also ? He would tell the Honourable and Learned tendance at the Colonial-office—a branch of duty in which Gentleman that the independ ence o f the other House of Par- much valuable time was consumed. But he wished to liament was one of the rights of the people of England— know what was the difference between his case and that of ( Hear)---a right equal in authority and in importance with the Governor of the Bank of England, or of a Bank or East that of the very existence of the Monarchy itself ; equal with India Director? The Hon. Baronet's resolution, if it af that of the Hon. and Learned Member to sit in that House footed him, must affect other Hon. Members holding such as Member for Kilkenny.--( Hear, hear.) He maintained offices. What was the difference between the two situations? the right of the other House to modify, amend, and reject, Surely the Governor of the Bank of England, or a Bank or any Bill sent up to it to be as as full acrd indisputable as that East India Director, came into that House with as much pro of the House of Commons to originate a Bill in the first in- possession in favour of particular opinions or particular doc stance. The Legislature of this country consisted of a trines on subjects relating to those Corporations, as he could monarchy, controlled by two assemblies, the one sitting in lie respecting a Canadian question. If there was any dif their own right, the other as the representatives of the people. ference between the two cases, it consisted in this, that as his If these two Legislative Assemblies could not go on any connection with Canada was a matter open, clear, and before longer together, the fault was owing to the Reform Bill of the whole world, there was no danger likely to arise from his the opposite side of the House, which had worked such an advocacy or vote on any particular question ; while in other innovation as to threaten the destruction of the Constitution, instances Members voted and advocated measures in which and introduce what Mr. Canning had styled as a " Crown the public supposed them uninterested, but upon the result democrady."—( Hear, hear.) But fro was happy in believing of which, in all probability, they had a heavy stake depending. that they had not come to that yet; he trusted th e y never How was it in respect to those two great questions—the re would reach such a state of affairs.-_( Hear, hear.) After newal of the Batik and East India Charters? Why hundreds all, what was the real ground of objection and cavil to these of Members, who were far more beneficially interested in the amendments of the House of Lords? Not because they re- result of those questions than he could be in the result of fused justice to Ireland, but because they refused to vest addi- any question relating to the colonies, voted upon them. He tional power in the hands of the Hon. and Learned Memb er contended, then, that if the proposed resolution was to be for Kilkenny—because they would not hand over the Protest- put in force, it would sweep from the House one-half of its ants of Ireland to his keeping;—for these reasons were the Members.--( Hear, hear.) But he had even a still stronger Lords branded at the most contemptible of public meetings, view of the case to put to the House. If any set of persons by all the vilest epithets, as tyrants and liars 1...--(Cheering.) had a right to complain of a representative undertaking to He did not pretend to know what course his Majesty's Minis- manage the affairs of a colony, who above all others had tors might take up when this question came again to be it ? Surely they were the constituency of that person.— mooted. They might rigidly adhere to what they termed ( hear.) Now he wanted to know if his constituency had ever the principle of this measure, or they might determine to complained of his having been chosen the agent of the House meet the views of the House of Lords in a better spirit of Assembly of Canada? He wished to know, moreover, if of conciliation. Whatever course they adopted, the people it was likely his constituents, had they disapproved of his of England would watch their conduct with anxiety.— acting as agent for Canada, would have paid all his election ( Great cheering from both sides of the House.) A few exeences ? If his constituents thought his acceptance of the months would show whether the party which supported the agency was a breach of trust, they knew well that, on their Government at present were as united a body as they representing that opinion to him, he would have immediately were represented to be, but which the speech of the Hon. resigned the trust they had confided to him. As far as Par- Member for Middlesex was ill calcUlated to confirm. . liament was concerned the authorities were with him—as far Mr. ROEBUCK said, that if the House of Lords conti- as law was concerned he was borne out—and as far as the nued a little longer in the course they had taken up, there was question depended upon common sense be left it to the House this consolation, that the people of England would awaken in to judge. time to a right appreciation of their Lordships' institution as a Mr. D. W. HARVEY could not help congratulating the branch of the Legislature. It might be that there \was at pre- lion. and Learned Member for Bath upon his being able to sent a majority of the inhabitants of this country favourable to support his case with reference to thieve of Governors and Di the preservation of the House of Lords in its existing condi- rectors—between whose positions and his he was free to say tion ; but this he was prepared to maintain, that there never there was a strong analogy. He must, however, observe that was an institution to which the public became so rapidly op- it would give him much satisfaction to hear from the father of posed as they had to the other House of Parliament within the Parliamentary law (Mr. Wynn, as we understood), who took lasi five years.—( Hear.) From the conduct of that body, ex- so prominent a part in the discussion upon his case some years per:ence was gathered of its practical operation. And he was ago, in what consisted the difference between it and that be convinced that by a quiet revolution, what he believed to he fore the House ? The fact was, lie (Mr. Harvey) was the vic essential to the good government of the country would be tim of the weakness of pretended friends, and the absence of ultimately and effectually secured—namely, the total extinc- those great names which the Honourable and Learned Mem tion of the irresponsible character of the House of Lords.— ber for Bath brought to his protection. Injustice, however, ( Hear, hear.) Last year he had prophesied that the House was not on this account the less pointed or the less painful ; of Lords would reject what the people of England desired. and, unfortunately, the longer lie lived, the more convinced Had not th e eve nts which had occurred justified t h at pros I le became of the persecution to which had been s ubjected. phecy? Were they not now checked and thwarted in the --(Hear, hear.) From the first hour of his political exis passing of every useful measure for the benefit of the nation tence, he had been the victim of party and of prejudice, by an irresponsible body of legislators, amongst whom, al- and so he found to the last hour of his life he should continue. though there might have been found some great and enlight- Through the rancour of party, he had lest 3,0001. a year, cued men, whose conduct was prompted by higher, and purer, though, if he had availed himself of the subterfuges others and nobler motives, the views which actuated the great majo- had recourse to, he might still have continued in its receipt. rity were of a grosser nature, and were grounded on private From the Tuesday night upon which it was decided by that and person peculation ?—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Order.") House that his position as Member incapacitated him from This was the character which uniformly attached to the House acting as a Parliamentary agent, up to that hour he had not of Lords this was the character which would uniformly attach directly, or indirectly, received the tithe of a farthing. __(Hear, to it, until—(Renewed cries of " Chair.) hear.) Had others been as conscientious ? Was there, or was The SPEAKER said that it should be recollected by the there not, hypocrisy in a great deal of the political and moral Hon. Gentleman, that that House would always expect that feeling of which others so loudly boasted?. He considered whatever was addressed to it by others should be addressed in himself a wronged man, and how did he prove it? Why thus, respectful terms. The Hon. Member ought also to bear in for one instance. In the newspapers of that morning he saw mind, that tire other branch of the Legislature was entitled an advertisement of a railway Company, and appended to that to be addressed in the same respectful terms as those which ' advertisement, under the title of standing counsel, was the they required with respect to themselves. , name of an Hon. and Learned Member of that House. Now Mr. ROEBUCK—He did not refer particularly to the ex- "ghat did the term "standing couns e l" mean ? I t meant a' isting body ; he spoke of the system under which it had grown man who stood, with both h an d s open , rea d y to rece i ve a bribe ion ich ag ea. oa all oCasions.--:(Laughter.) He thot%ht that the Hon. aid Leitifteit Member for Bath Was perked) , justified in re ceiving par - Mint fof 11.4 services as Cariadiatt agent, and he had no doubt he gave an eqUit silent for it ; but he Could not licip thinking it was the extreme of it4ustice and mutt dis gusting hypocrisy to visit him with punislimenii and for the saMc °Renee to let eff the Hon. and Learned Metnlier . / tricrely Nesuise ho had' beets able to rake up some few precedents in his faVottr: Mr. SCA 11/JETT declared that if he were the only per son' to vote in favour of the motion, it should not be unani mously relect ed. .Mr. L 1301I T CHERB could well conceive that that lion. Gentleman, connected as he was with the colony by the ties that bound him to it, might feel it his duty to become its agell, Nl' the purpose of obtaining fort it what he thought was justice. lie (lit, Labouchere) for one, r'e'spected the Ilon, and Learned Gentlenta;l fv not shrinking front his connection with the colony. But he felt tywn case to be quite ti diffe rent one; and had, therefore, done Itliff's he considered it to be Ids duty to do. He would also frankly confess, that al though he thought it very important that every ro]ony should be represented in this country by an accredited agent, he did not think it was desirable that that agent should be in Parlia ment: The tendency of such a practice was to connect any differences which might arise between the colonies and Go vernment with polities, and to involve the colonies in party ' questions with which they had nothing to do. He knew, how ever' thsit a contrary usage had obtained among many of the greatest ortittnlents of which that House could boast ; and he especially remembered having had a conversation on the sub ject with Sir James Mackintosh, who told him he should be perfectly disposed to accept the appointment of agent for Canada. Mr. HUME thought that every colony ought to have an accredited agent in Parliament. Lord J. RUSSELL would move the previous question. Sir J. HANMER made a brief reply. • The House then divided— For the previous question Against it 67 Majority SMALL, DEBTS COURTS. Mr, C. BULLER moved that the standing orders relating to Bills for the establishment of Small Debt Courts be re pealed, and that all such Bills be henceforth treated as public Bills. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER doubted wheeler the motion would attain the object the Hon. Member had in view, and therefore he requested his Hon. Friend to withdraw it. After a short conversation, in which Mr. C. WYNN and Mr. WAKLEY took part, Mr. C. BULLER said that be would not press his motion at present, as it appeared to be contrary to the feeling of the House. Mr. GILLON postponed his motion relative to the une qual rates of taxation on internal communication until a future day. COMMITTEES ON PRIVATE BILLS. Mr. RIGB Y WA SON proposed a resolution that the system' which permits Members of the House of Commons to vote in Committees on private Bills without having heard the whole of the evidence adduced, is inconsistent with the first principles of justice, and ought to be altered. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought the system relative to private Bills should be altered, but he did not think that the course proposed by his Hon. Friend would answer: on the contrary, if carried out, it would in terrupt the whole proceedings of Parliament. Mr. RIGBY WASON said he would withdraw the mo tion for the present. Mr. HUAIE did not anticipate any opposition to his motion, and should therefore at once propose the following resolution : —That any payment or premium, or agreement to pay any sums of money as head money to electors at an election for Members to serve in Parliament, whether made by a candidate or by any one acting on his behalf, is a gross violation of the freedom of election, of the order of this House, and of the rights and liberties of the Commons of the United Kingdom. Col. SIBTHORP did not exactly know what head money was, but he objected to a motion of such importance at that late hour, and should therefore move the adjournment of the House if the Hon. Gentleman did not withdraw his motion. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was sur prised that there could be the slightest objection to such a simple proposition. He could not have anticipated that any Hon. Gentleman could hesitate as to the objectionable effect of paying head-money. Was there any one in that House who could get up and justify the payment of head-money?— (Hear.) If there was not, why should not the House at once sanction the motion ? If there was a difference of opinion, let the House divide, and show who were for the payment of head-money, and who were against it.—(Hear, hear.) For his part, he was decidedly opposed to the payment of head money. _ _ _ Lord SANDON protested against its being supposed that those who opposed the adoption of the resolution at that late hour should be regarded as favourable to the payment of head money to the electors. After a short discussion, Colonel SIBTHO RP moved the House do adjourn. The House accordingly divided— For the adjournment Against it Majority Mr. HUME, however, subsequently consented to withdraw iis motion for the present. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and he House adjourned at Half-past One. 35 RADICAL REMARKS. The following passages are taken from Colonel Thomp son's last letters to the Hull Association : THE BALLOT.—" Why does Mr. Grote insist upon the phrase, " that Votes be taken secretly by the way of Bal lot ?" In the first place, it is tautology ; iu the second place, the aristocracy, when they employ the ballot, as they always do, for their own convenience, know better than to thrust forward unnecessarily the word which gives the cue to the opponent to revile. Truly, the " children of light," in some degree maintain their old character. I took occasion for the first time I believe, in the House of Com mons, to put in the strong facts displayed in the military law. Lord John Russell says voting: is a trust, and there fore cannot be done secretly ; and there is staring him in the face all the time a law he has helped to pass in twenty successive years, by which men discharging the most serious of all trusts are directed and obliged to give their votes secretly. Tell our friends to buy, borrow, or beg, a copy of the Rules and Regulations for the Better Government of His Majesty's Forces, and read in Article 90 the oath required to be taken by the President, Members, and Judge Advocate at General Courts Martial ; not forgetting to look at Article 88 for the Declaration required from Medical Officers constituting a Military :Medical Board. These last, in addition to declaring that they will not dis close the Vote or Opinion of any particular member, de clare in express words that they will not disclose or disco ver their own." TITHE COMMUTATION BILL.—" Lord John Russell will go down to posterity as the man who tried to get rid of the evil of Tithe, and could not. He will be pointed at as the Legislator who knew all the mischief of Tithe, but found hops and cabbages too strong for him. We are told that the object of the removal of Tithes was to secure a great benefit to the agriculture of- the country now de pressed by them. But it appears the agriculture of hops and gardens is to remain as it was. Every man who has land which he could profitably cultivate in hops or garden ing if it were not for the institution of Tithe, is to remain as it was. The Home Secretary has no bowels for him ; he had a week ago, but since that, he has had a joke against Mr. Hume.' • Sturges Bourne's Act is a piece of insolent injustice. It is one of the slave's collars slipped on our necks in the Tory times, and which the existing Government refuses to remove. When all have equal suffrage, the rich have pre cisely the quantity of influence which is their due, neither more nor less. Suffrage, is the right of entering into the great market of political influence ; and to say that if all men enter equally, the rich will be defrauded of their due, is the same fallacy as to say that if all men enter the gate of a market alike, the rich will be deprived of the proper influence of their wealth. The question is net of their en- Wino., but of %hat their respective influence will be after wards.' A rich man, if he is not a bad man, can always carry with him the votes of some dozens, or it may be hun dreds, of the poor ; just as he can obtain the venison and the pine-apple which may cost as much as a hundred meals of the poor man who enters by his side. And what would he thought of him if he maintained, that the only way for him to enjoy the privileges of his wealth satisfactorily, was that the poor man should be kept out of the market alto gether. If anything could hasten the alteration of a rule which kept the poor man out of the market to help the rich, it would be the addition of another rule which de creed, that of those who , did enter, the guinea of the man who had two guineas in his pocket, should buy twice as muc h as the guinea of the man who had only ono." Mcn have been for some time employed in boring an artesian well at the abettoir of Grenelle. They have gone to the extraordinary depth of upwards of 1,000 feet, constantly brierring up chalk mixed with flint. The director of the work, however, expects that they will soon reach water, as the chalk has become greenish and sandy, which always indi cates an approach to water. • BREACH OF PROMISE OF MARRIAGE.—An ac tion of this nature was tried before a special jury in this city on Wednesday, in which Miss Maria Boulter was plaintiff, and Mr. Samuel Workman defendant. The jury found 751. da• mages for the plaintiff, stating at the same time that, had the circumstances of the - defendant permitted, they would have awarded greater damages, in order to prevent similar breaches for the future. The Judge, in summing up, stated that it was the first action of the sort that he had ever known to be brought before the court within his experience, a period of 30 y cars. —Montreal Paper. Among the railroads projected by the Company, the chief office of which is at Rome, is one from Naples to Otranto, a distance of 180 miles, which will be divided into three stases, and will have branches to towns of lesser im portance. It is said that one is also to be carried from Na ples to Reggio. A vary great number of the shares of the Company have been taken by the English.—French paper. COURT CIRCULAR- -.....-- ie. -•-• -.HI His Majesty, attended by Sir Herbert Taylor, left town at half-past seven o'clock on Wednesday evening, Da iris return to Windsor Castle. The Duke of Cumberland came to town yesterday,. from ka residence at Kew. Mr. Mark Phillips had an interview with Viscount Mel bourne yesterday. Arnett, Dr. Clark, and Dr. Sims, had an interview yes terday with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in Down•itig street. Among the arrivals by the last steamer from Hamburg asst Dr. Lanpenberg, the distinguished Antiquarian and Anglo- Saxon Scholar, formerly Hanseatic Minister at Berlin. The Lords of his Majesty's most Hon. Privy Council re sumed the consideration of the Mauritius Slave Reg,istratiert. question yesterday. Their Lordships assembled at 10 o'clock, when Dr. Lushington concluded his address. Mr. Pember ton, K. C., was heard in reply. There were present, the Lord President, the Lord Chancellor, Lord Denman, Lord Vi vi ford, Lord Langdale, the Chief Justice of the Common Plc as, the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, the Vice-Chancellor, Sir J. Bernard .Bosanquet, Mr. Baron Parke, Sir Herbert Jenner,. and Sir J. Vaughan. The Hon. W. Bathurst was the Clerk of the Council in Waiting. ►SPORTIN G INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALDS-YESTERDA y. The betting was so flat as to render comment unnecessary ; a few engagements were made at the following prices : THE JULY STAKES, P. P. 9 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Fille de Joie filly 3 to 1 agst Lord Orford's Angelica filly No others mentioned. Two or three small bets were made about the Angelica filly at 3 to 1, but not until the majority of the subscribers had left the room. STAKES AT LIVERPOOL. 2 to I on "Vulture agst Trapball, p.p.—taken THE coonwoon CUP, P.P. 4 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's llornsea—take 9 to 2 11 to 2 agst Sir E. Baker's Brat.' 8 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Silenus Bay Middleton is declared not to start. 000nwoon STAKES, r. P. 5 to 1 offered on the field 10 to 1 agst Lord Tavistock's Oak Apple—taken DONCASTER ST. LEGER. ti to 1 agst Lord Wilton's Gladiator—taken freely 5 to 1 agst Colonel Westenra's Wedge 8 to 1 gctst Mr. Mostyn's Trapball—taken freely 11 to 1 agst. Lord Westminster's Rachel colt 12 to 1 agst 111 - r, Orde's Beeswing—taken 500 to 30 agst Mr. Allanson's Vulture—taken Towards the close a be,, of 1,000 to 100 was taken about Bees wing ; 500 even was betted between Gladiator and Wedge, but the former had the call subsevent.tY• ASCOT 0171, 1837 . 500 to 100 agst Lord Jersey's Bay. Middleton, p.p., has been taken in the course of theklast two or thick' days. FASHIONS FOR JULY. ( From the London and Paris Ladies' Magazine' of Fashion.) For peignoirs de chanibre, jaconot in smallragur..es, bordered all round with trimming of the same; festonne en cl-e,:es de coq, the sleeves wide and falling, attached to the arm by a band the width of a finger, trimmed with a narrow lace, the pe i g noir operi,4l front, with petticoat of Scotch cambric, embroidered in 2t running pattern above the hem. For morning wear, a dress of plain Cashemere of dark grey, open at the side, end with liserees of black velvet; in stead of bows, pointed buttons covered with velvet ribbon.. A printed. muslin, the groond sable blue, corsage high and plain, with a ruche round the throat. For walking dresses, printed muslin in large detached pat tern ; corsage a la vierge, with d.raperie in the centre, con fined by a narrow band ; wide sleeves, with epaulets tight to the arm, and edged with a narrow trimming at the bottom of the sleeve ; a wristband, coming half-vva,v up the arm, trim med to match ; the top of the skirt trimmed with two flouncos. A dress of gros de Naples, in large checks of lilac and white; tight sleeves, with three rows of ruches on the top of the sleeve ; corsage plisse, with piece carree. A dress of gros de Naples, blue Haili, with small rayures of white ; the skirt very wide, a fiche collerette, a la paysanne ; a Leghorn bon net, ornamented with poppies and corn-flowers. For evening summer toilettes, a robe of India muslin, with volans a chefs, and on the head a wreath of real blue-bells ; a scarf of India muslin, embroidered in tambour in blue and gold. A dress of white organdy broche, with white ; the skirt ornamented with a double row of rosettes of pale pink satin, forming tablier ; the corsage plain, with a cape forming a point before and behind, with three rosettes in the centre ; the pelerine trimmed with lace, and formed jockey on the sleeves, which are demi- courtes, with manchettes of lace. For coiffure, a bow of black velvet, with a simple rose. BANKRUPTCY COURT, THURSDAY. JOHN MABERLY'S BANKRUPTCY. A meeting of the creditors of Mr. 'Moberly, the banker, was held to-day for the proof of debts. Mr. FRESHFIELD attended for Mr. G. R. Smith, to enter a proof against the estate of the bankrupt far -13,600/. The claimant advanced money in 1828 to the bankrupt to the extent of 1000/., and a mortgage deed was (riven by the bankrupt as security. This deed was dated in June 1829, but in the following month, Mr. Smith purchased stock, which was placed at the bankrupt's disposal ; which increased the claim, including interest, to rather above 14,300/. The application now was to allow proof to be tendered for the whole advance, including interest. . Mr. GORDON, on behalf of the creditors, objected to the proof. The whole of the advances, included the amount paid for the 5,0001. Consols. It was not contemplated by the parties that the advances should bear interest. Mr. FRESHFIELD said the 10,0001, had been advanced by Mr. Smith on the promissory notes of the bankrupt, and a demand for repayment having been made soon after wards, the claimant had a right to interest up to the pe riod of the bankruptcy. Mr. Commissioner FOHDLANQUE said it had not been ;Dade clear to him that it was intended the advances should bea; interest and he must reject that part of the proof. fig itcpression was that Mr. Smith could claim the addi tional an,:ount beyond the sum for which the deed was given. He would allow a proof for it to be made, subject to future consideration. The further proceedings were then adjourned. The Duke of Rtujand, accompanied by the Mar quis of Granby and Lord Forester, have embarked on board the Clown yacht, belonging , 0 the Duke of Pottland,, on an excursion to the northern coast of Europe. His Grace will return to England in time for ti:e commencement of grouse shooting on the Moors, on the 12th pf August. It Is well known to agricultur:sts that no crop is benefited by warm sultry weather like wheat, and we may therefore expect now to hear more favokrable accounts of approaching harvest than those which have ytt reached us. Mr. Tegg has paid into the Chambetlain's Office 4171., the fine and fee for not serving the office of Sheriff. A second line of railway is contemplated between Liverpool and Manchester. The steamboat Ferdinand 1., belonging to the Steam Company of the Danube, has, during the last month, made her passage from Constantinople to Galatz in 56 hours, and returned in five minutes less than 51 hours. Between the 18th and 24th instant, 18 packets arrived at Calais from England, bringing 365 passsengers, and 16 took their departure with 271 pamengers. A connoisseur seeing the other clay at a shop door in Brussels a picture, for which the dealer liked only 110 f., immediately bought it. The picture was a nV-d'ceuvre of Jordaens, for which he has since refused 10,000 f. - - DRUNKENNESS.—In the debate last Wednesday on the Spirituous Liquors Sale Bill, Colonel Thompson is re ported to have said, that " whenever this subject was mooted the poorer classes were always attacked, but he, speaking from bis own observation, eould state that he had seen more dis graceful scenes of filthy drunkenness among the rich than he had ever witnessed among an assembly of operatives. Drun kenness was more prevalent amongst t;. , e better classes of society than amongst the more humble ranks of society." Mr. Brotherton said, " it was evident from what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Hull, that education oft.suld not keep people sober; nor could they make people by Act of Parliament. He thought that the precedent and example of the higher classes would do much." The Bill was Lost. WHIGS AND RADICALS.—The DIM numerous and poorer, who as having the keenest feeling of the e vil are probably the most active, go by the name of Radicals. Those among the rich who have the intelligence to foresee the inevi tableness of change, and the virtue to resist the temptations held out to individuals in their situation to maintain an int,l - distinct from that of the community, arc commonly calked Whigs. The two together, make the mass which is moving irresistibly to the conquest of every useful reform ; and the only matter of complaint, on which a man may be allowed to look sulkily upon occasion, is that the government denomina tine. itself Whig, should be so often behind the tone of those who t in the country are kriown by the same cognomen. • MR. COLDURN'S Two NEW PUBLLICA We are requested to state the " Diary of a Das:nnuyee,." in 2 vols., and Mrs. Gore's New Novel, entitled " Mrs. Army tage, or Female Domination," in 3 vols., are published this day by Mr. Colburn, 13, Great Marlborough-street, and may be had, by order of all booksellers, and at all the Libraries. The Pilote de Calvados affords us the following amusing anecdote :—An old officer of rank died lately in the canton of Harcourt, bequeathing a large fortune to his nephews on condition that lie married within twelve monthv, but not young lady to which he was known by the testator to be at tached. The year was drawing rear to a conclusion, when the nephew took the expedient of marrying an old woman of eighty-five, with whom he, of course, does not cohabit, but whose poverty he has converted into comparative affluence. The two lovers are waiting anxiously for the death of the good old woman. A letter, from Vienna states that the residences of several Polish students have been searched, in consequence of their keeping up a correspondence with some of their fellow countrymen who are refugees in other countries. Several al-tests have also been made.—Paris paper. I of eir NIS ire 'as ion it- he 1I Ise r 0,11,1 , 11,1 al', an