The Sun. — London, England, 1839-03-16 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, MARCH 15. ROYAL ASSENT. The Royal Assent was given to-day by Commission to the Transfer of Aids Bill, and the Poor Relief (Ireland) Amendment Bill. The Commissioners were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, and the Earl of Shaftesbury. The House adjourned during pleasure. The LOAD CHANCELLOR took his seat at Five o'Clock. Lord HADDINGTON presented a petition from Notting ham, against the Beer Bill. Lord RAYLEIGH presented petitions from a great many places against any alteration in the Corn-laws. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from St. Alban's against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Also a petition from the Justices of the Peace of the county of Sussex, praying for an alteration in the Beer-laws. _ Lord KINNOUL presented petitions from Perth and its neighbourhood, praying for Church accommodation in Scotland. Lcrd ROSEBERY presented petitions from Fifeshire, Ktur.ss, and other places, against further endowments to the Church of Scotland. Lord BRADFORD presented a petition against any altera tion In the Corn-laws. The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE presented petitions to the same effect. A Message from the House of Commons brought up the Preston !tailway Act. The Marquis of BUTE presented a petition from the Low Chu, ch, parish of Kilmarnock, signed by upwards of 5,000 per sons, praying for Church Extension in Scotland ; also petitions [ruin Maybole, Newtown upon Ayr, Drummond, Dumfrieshire, and Argyleshire to the same effect. Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from the county of Kent, for an alteration in the Corn-laws. Lord REDESDALE presented petitions from Cambridge sLiro, Lincolnshire, and 'Wexford against any alteration in the Co:LI-laws ; also a petition praying that the Act for the Re t,itt:ation of Births and Marriages might be repealed. GLASGOW CORN-LAW PETITION. _ _ _ Lord BROUGHAM said he had a petition before him—(the petition was of an enormous size, and attracted universal ob!ervation when it was carried by the officer of the House to the Noble and Learned Lord's seat) — on a vestioa of very great importance, and from the second city, it he excluded Dublin, in the Empire—he meant the great fmari-31ing City of Glasgow. It was the result of a great public meeting, aed signed by no less than 43,000 persons—being by far the greatest number that ever signed a petition which had Peru presented to that House before from that city, or kern any part of Scotland upon any question that had :gitated the public. Indeed he was not aware of more than one cr twa petitions that had ever come to that House from any plAce. in England, signed by a greater number of persons. It ;13 on the euhjcet of the Corn-laws, and that subject had been lidely under discussion that he should do no more, 'nt, than simply state that it prayed for an imme and entire repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Hear. ) The Noble and Learned Lord said that by the indulgence of :dr. Wright, the Editor of the late most valuable work, the " Memoirs of Lord Chatham," he had had an opportunity of seeing a very important speech of Mr. Burke's, which, - • it was as well a literary as a political curiosity, he would 1 to :their Lorthhips. It was made in the year 1770, and not authenticated he thought it necessary to state - Tits a very important blank running froml76B t 01774 amentary history of that period. There were no me- at pees moira whatever, except what he was going to state of the his tory of the Debates of either Home at that time. But Mr. `.'right had succeeded in discovering a depositary, of which he had ,btlined some information four years ago,and from which he obtained four volumes of most valuable documents, most aLly ;ill.l judiciously made up. They did not pretend to give e‘or wo:1 a every speech, but adopted the best course, that of Eqt:Oing out the best performances and giving accurately the best I'a is of those speeches. This document was dated the 6th of 1770, and it stated—J. Mr. Thomas Townshend said, I shall give no opposition, but we are clearly not ripe for the amendment." The amendment was to abolish the then Corn-laws, the very question that was now agkatin c ; the country.—( Hear. ) "We are clearly not r.l;e, for the amendment." Mr. Burke said—" Not ripe ! In my opiMon we are ripe for the question till we are rotten. There is no such thing as land interest separate from the leading ioterest—what God has joined together let no man try to sepa 'ate."—( Hear, hear.) "He who separates the interest of the os4rner from the interest of the grower, starves this country." 'sr, hear, from both sides of the House.) The Noble and , ed Lord was aware that both sides of the House might 'et; with this so far, but then Mr. Burke went on to say, " Don't talk to me of a high price, or a low price of bread--of encouraging or discouraging . the true price— tho just price of corn is its natural price in the univer sal market of tin world, for it has no tendency to fluctuate, t is your Corn-laws which will make it fluctuate. ( Hear. hear.) Now he could not but think it a remark able circumstance that this speech of Mr. Burke's should have haen found just now a speech so much in comirmation of the two propositions that had lately been urged before their Lordships by his Noble Friend and himself. It was an extraordinary circumstance that they should have found the high and most unanswerable authority of this great man in support of their propositions, who, it was always to be ob served, however he might have changed on other subjects,had ro :i.gh out life particularly abided by one opinion on the subject of the Corn-laws. The Noble and Learned Lord hoped that some stain would be taken to enable Mr. Wright to pub lish the four volumes of documents to which he had referred. As a matter of public utility and of national utility this was to be desired. He was sorry to have been in formed that the encouragement heretofore held out for the publication of those volumes had not been sufficient to induce Mr. 'Wright to undertake it. He spoke now ho Never in the presence of those who were able to appreciate what ho stated, and he was sure that a subject more t'eaerving• of the attention of her Majesty's Government could not be brought be fore it, nor could a better object be attained by any source of encouragement. Lord WICKLOW said, as the Noble and Learned Lord had laid so much stress upon the opinion of Mr. Burke, he • was anxious to recall to the recollection of the Noble and Learned Lord (if that Noble and Learned Lord had ever be fore seem it) an opinion of another description of that same very able statesman, which he (Lord W.) had happened to meet with. Upon looking over some of the speeches of Mr. Burke, published by Mr. Price, he ad found the following. Their Lordships would recollect that the Noble and Learned Lord had made his observations, and read his opinion from Mr Burke upon the occasion of hii presenting a petition from the City of Glasgow. Mr. Burke s a id— an d t hi s was on the sub j ect of the 'Corn-laws---" 'The cry of the people in cities and towns, though unfortunately, from fear of their multitude and combination, most regarded, ought in fact to be the least attended to on this subject, for citizens are in a state of utter ignorance of the means by which they are to be fed, and they -contribute little or nothing except in a circuitous manner to their own maintenance.—(Hear.) They arc fruges consumere nati.' They are to be heard with great respect in matters within their own province, that is in trades and manufactures, but in anythi ng th a t relate; to agriculture, they ought to be listened to with the same - deference which we pay to the dog mas of other ignorant and presumptuous men."—( Loud cheers.) Now, this being a recorded opinion of Mr. Burke's, he (the Noble Lord) begged to offer it as a set-off to the opinion of Mr. Burke brought forward by the Noble and Learned Lord. Lord BROUGAAM was obliged to the Noble Earl for giving him an opportunity of setting him right. The fact was, that what the Noble Earl had read was not an argument against him at all. All Mr. Burke said was that the landed interest and agricultural interest should be prevented from setting up against each other, and he says that there is no affectation in this nor no courting of vulgar opinion. He was not courting vulgar opinion; and all he had heard on the other side with respect to the prohibition of exportation, and there was not a poor porter who read his paper on his bulkhead, who had not the same ideas as those he heard on the present occasion. —( Hear, and laughter. ) The Noble Lord then presented petitions from Fife and Lan caster to the same effect. He had a petition from Chepstow, in Monmouthshire, with a different import, praying for a reduction of postage, and in favour of Mr. Rowland Hill's plan. The Noble Lord then moved for a copy of the Report of the Committee on Postage which had been laid on the lable of the other House. —.Agreed to. _ After a few :words from Earl FITZ WILLIAM and the Earl of WICKLOW in explanation, the conversation dropped. CORN-LAWS. Lord BROUGHAM then rose to submit the motion of which he had given notice last night, or rather that morning. He would simply submit his motion, considering the present sitting a continuation of the last ; and wishing their Lordships to consider all the arguments he had used last night had been now used. He was anxious how ever that their Lordships' opinion on the subject should be re corded. The Noble and Learned Nord then moved that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House to tyke into consideration the Acts regulating the importation of foreign corn. Vi,,count MELBOURNE did not see that anything that had passed last night should make any difference in the decision to which their Lordships would come. Lord BR OUGHANI—Except that what had passed was the strongest confirmation of his proposition, and exemplified the necessity of inquiry, inasmuch as that no two Noble Lords were agreed upon any one point connected with the subject. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and their Lordships divided, when the numbers were— Contents Non- Contents 6l Majority against the motion Adjourned. HOTIS&OF COMMONS, iILtAcH 15. The SrE4ivufAook the chair shortly before Four o'Clock. Mr. BELL bight in the Glasgow and Carlisle Extension Rai:way Bill, Which was read a first and ordered to be read a second time. BANNERMAN brought in the Aberdeen Harbour Bill, and the Aberdeen Market Bill ; which were read a first and oril3red to be read a second time. On the motion of Capt. PECHELL the Epsom Road Bill was real a third time and passed. The :►lalton Enclosure Bill was read a second time and or dered to be committed. Mc. HOPE brought in the Birmingham and Gloucester Railway 13i11, which was real'a first, and ordered to be read a second time. Mr. DUGDALE brought in tho Birmingham Canal Bill, which was read a first, and ordered to be read a second time. Mr. HODGES brought in the New Cross Road Bill, which vvai read a first, aqd ordered to be read a second time. Mr. BARNARD obtained leave to bring in a Bill to erect a pier at Deptford. Mr. PRINGLE brought in the Glasgow and Renfrew Road Bill, which was read a first, and ordered to be read a second time. • On the motion of Sir H. FLEETWOOD, the Pre.ton and Wire Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. Lord GEORGE LENNOX presented a petition from a parish iii Sussex, against the repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. WILBRAHAM presented a petition from the farmers Of the Southern Division of Cheshire against any alteration in the Corn-laws. NORTIIEIIN AND EASTERN RAILWAY BILL. The Report of the Committee on the Northern and Eastern Railway Bill (No. 1.) was brought up ; the Committee found that the Standing Orders had been complied with, and 'cave was given to bring in the Bill. CORN-LAWS. Petitions were presented by Mr. Eaton from several parishes in Rent; by Mr. York, from Cambridgeshire ; by Colonel Ituith ' rook, fro m Somerset • by Mr. T. Palmer, from three Pari s h es in ES3CX ; by Mr. W. Bennet, from Wilts.; by Mr. P A 4 'eY, from B er k s hi re; and by Lord Granville Somerset, from 'oinnouthshire against any alteration in the p r e sen t system of Corn -laws. ' the PA GET presented a petition from Beaumaris, against F.cclesiastica Duties and Re venues Bill . _ i‘j' kNIE and S GRAHAM presented a p e ti t i on f rom th e D ean __ r 'flamer of Carli s l e , to t h e same effect. that the presented a petition f rom Y or k , pray i ng , • min of spirituous li quors on the Lord's-day might be pronibited ; also the C from the same place, against any further t.,,•-,,,nt to the College of Maynooth. Mr. that so,.`,fie'ristßY presented a petition from Strabane, praying i the' 'f the Presbyterian congregation might be allowed to attend ir places of %y - orship, in the same wac as Protestant and Ronan Catho_lic_spldiers were permitted to attend theirs. Mr. G ALLY ANIGIIT presented petitiors from Nottin - ham .gainst any - • stVitlii.f national ducation not founded u g n t0101 . 44 014i 6 .k ablished Church.e Srlik4lll4taiii:i-____ /.. ) li . ) f ::::/iskA, -.(,;l\r' ' ''r.SAFilitet` Q\ , ,•'!-, ' t ., ' • i,:tl %),.. - ;._ :- F fft ' , ".;:y•-n. —— - : NORTH UNION RAILWAY. Mr. ESTCOURT brought up the report of the Committee on the North Union Railway Bill, stating the Standing Orders had been complied with. ECCLESIASTICAL DUTIES AND REVENUES BILL. Mr. F. MAULE moved for an adress to her Majesty for a copy of a petition from the county of Anglesea, against the Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues Bill.—Agreed to. Lord DUNGANNON presented a petition from Long Sutton, against that Bill ; and also a petition against any further grant to Maynooth. COUNTY RATE. Mr. F. MAULE moved for a return of the county rate in each county in England and Wales for the maintenance of the prisons, for 1536, 1837, and 1838.--Ordered. Mr. O'CONNELL presented petitions from Ireland, praying for an equalization of political rights with England. About a Quarter to Five, Nlr. Palmer, Deputy Usher of the Black Rod, summoned the House to hear the Royal Assent given in the House of Peers to several Bills (for which see Lords' report). On the return of the SrzAiczu, MAYNOOTH COLLEGE. Lord DUNGANNON postponed his motion respecting Ma)nooth College. till after the Easter recess. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that he should not bring for ward his motion with respect to Education inTrinity College, till after the Easter recess.—(Hear, hear). 11r. WARD gave notice, that on Thursday next he would bring in a Bill for the better regulation of Common Sewers. FACTORIES. Mr. M. PHILLIPS begged to ask the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Home Department, what arrangement he in tended to make respecting the Factory Bill, if he was not able to bring it on on Monday next ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL feared that he should be obliged to postpone the measure till after the recess. NORTH AMERICAN BOUNDARY. Sir S. CANNING begged to ask the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he had received any information from Washington as to the course the General Government of the United States meant to take in consequence of the transactions that had lately taken place on the frontier. He also wished to know whether the negociations which had been going on with respect to the disputed territory were likely to be brought to a speedy determination. Lord PALMERSTON had received very little information on the subject from Washington. The circumstances were only generally known, but the details had not yet reached that place. Sir S. CANNING—What was the date? Lord PALMERSTON—The information had reached them a few days ago by the Great Western steam-ship. The nego ciations with respect to the boundary question were still going on, and he believed that the best feeling existed on the subject on the part of the American Government. COUNTY COURTS. Mr. MILES would wish to ask the Noble Lord, the Secre tary foe the Home Department, a question. It would be in the recollection of the House that that Noble Lord had proposed to bring in Bills altering the entire jurisdiction of the counties. He had prop Jsed bringing in a County Courts Bill, having already brought in a District Court Bill. The Noble Lord had also announced his intention to bring in a Bill giving to the Magistrates in Petty Sessions summary jurisdiction in cases of petty larceny. As these measures would have a great effect on the county rates, he wished to ask the Noble Lord whether it was his intention to lay these two Bills before the House previous to the holidays ? Lord JOHNN RUSSELL said that the Small Debts Bill was already in the hands of the printer, and would most likely be delivered to Hon. Members to morrow. The Petty Sessions Bill was nearly ready, and he trusted it would be in the hands of Members the beginning of the following wee k. SUPREME COURT AND PRISONS BILLS (SCOTLAND). Sir GEORGE CLERK wished to ask the Noble Lord what was his intention relative to the Orders of the Day on the Su preme Court (Scotland) Bill, and on the Prisons Bill? Lord JOHN RUSSELL was understood to say that he would postpone the consideration of those Bills to Monday se'nnight. CORN-LAWS.—ADJOURNED DEBATE. _ _ On the Order of the Day for the adjouraed debate on the motion for the House going into Committee for the considera tion of the Corn-laws, Mr. HUME said that although the debate had already extended over four days, yet he did not believe if the national importance of the subject was considered as it ought to be considered, that too much time had been wasted on this subject. If any questions had more particularly occupied his attention since he had been a Member of that House those questions were the question of a free trade in corn, and of a free trade in every article of consumption. The other point which had occupied his attention was the re duction of the expenses corresponding to the change that had taken place at the conclusion of the war. He had always raised his voice for a reduction of the enormous expenses that had been brought on by the war. He was anxious to im press upon the House the necessity of returning to that sober state which they were in before the war, in order that the peqple- at large might benefit by the change from war to peacs. Unfortunately the House of Com mons had taken a different view. He considered that the most fatal step of all which they had taken was passing the Corn-laws in 1815. If they had adopted that course which wisdom and policy pointed out the landed proprietors, whose property had increased in value during the wars, and whose rents had risen nearly double in amount, would have pursued a very different course. During the wars the profits of trade had been enormous, and the means of purchasing had been doubled and trebled in price, In many cases money was amply sufficient, and all parties seemed in prosperity. The only party who suffered was the public as a body, who were charged with the enormous debt. The Corn laws had passed to limit the amount of food, and therefore it was that he had always objected to them. What had been the re sult i,f the laws passed in 1815 ? Why, although those laws had been passed avowedly with the view of securing steadiness of price in corn, and avowedly with th e v i ew o f protec ti ng the farmers and labourers, their only effect had been to keep up high rents and benefit the landed proprietors.—( Hear.) This had been called a labourer's question, but it was a mea sure which separated the community into two classes—the one benefited by the increased rent of land—the rest subsist ing on what they derived from capital, from manufactures, from commerce. It was unjust, inasfar as it taxed a large pro portion of the people for a benefit of a few—it was unjust, in agar as it prevented the free application of capital to the means by which employment might be given in this country, and it thus tended to lessen the power of the state by diminishing the means of paying the taxes. If ever there was a question more easy of solution than any other it was this :—that while the interest of the debt had increased from nine millions and a half to thirty millions at the close of the war—instead of contriving means by which the industry of the country might make these taxes light to the bulk of the people they actually added, in the form of Corn-laws, an addi tional tax, equal to half the interest of the national debt. It was his object to show that he was not alone in the view which he had taken, but that every individual who wasof eminence as a political economist, would be found to bear out this opinion, and which be had always endeavoured to explain to the House. For twenty years he (Mr. Hume) had on various occasions brought this subject before the House. Now greater distress existed at the present time than perhaps at any former period. Every object for which the present Corn-laws had been passed had failed, and the farmers and their labourers, whom it was intended to protect, had been injured by its opera tion. The House had been engaged in considering the question of agricultural distress more than any other subject. He held in his hand the proceedings of six Agricultural Com mittee. The first was in 16120, a few years after the passing of the present law, restricting the importation of wheat till it reached 80s., amounting to an absolute prohibition, and that Committee had stated that since the Act was passed, the dif ference was so great between Continental and British corn as to be double that price. The Committee of 1821 bad made a re port upon the subject, which contained a very important para graph—and let it be recollected that this Committee consisted entirely of agricultural gentlemen—the Committee stated that the effect of the Corn-laws of 1815 was at one time to make prices very high, at another to reduce them very low— to agravate the evils of scarcity, and to increase the pressure caused by superabundance.—( Hear, hear.) In 17 months, between January 1816 and June 1817, the price of wheat varied from 535. Id. to 112 s. 7d.—equal to 111 per• cent.—in three months from June to September 1817, the price varied from 112 s. 7d. to 74s—a decrease of 51 per cent. Had fluctuations so rapid and so extensive existed in any other commodities of universal supply in any other country ?—( Hear, hear.) In Holland, where till lately there had been no Corn law, the price had never varied more than 40 per cent—gene rally not more than 15 per cent. In England, from 1770 to 1793, the variation was seldom more than 30 per cent.—never except in one year of scarcity did the difference amount to 56 per cent. In 1833, a gentleman had shown to the Committee the fluctuations during the war, from 1793 to 1814. Every body knew that the variations depended upon the cessation of war ; but the variations had existed notwithstanding the laws of 1815 and 1828. From 1817 to 1828 the variation amounted to no less than 143 per cent.: he was not speaking from infor mation now, he was speaking from documents which were on the table of the House ; but from that time down to the present the variations had amounted to as much as 211 per cent. He held in his hands returns showing that the difference of price between France and England, since 1819 to the present year, was in favour of France to the amount of 43 per cent. In many places the difference was 100 per cent., in other places 80 per cent., but the average was 43 per cent. upon the whole. Why, then, should Gentlemen resist the mo tion, and say that steady prices ought to be kept up? That only showed what would be alleged by those gentlemen who deviated from principle. He had shown the fluctuations and the situations of the farmers—te them ruination and beg gary was the result of the laws, as was shown by the Commit tees of 1830, 1831, 1832, and 1836—a1l showed the same re sult, that the agricultural interest was in those years in great distress. He thought it but justice to state, that this protective system first began with the manufacturers, and Adam Smith had expressed his opinion as to the short-sighted policy of this system. Adam Smith had said it must be evidently to the interest of the nation to buy in the cheapest market possible—that this proposition would have been universally admitted, had it not been for the interested sophistry of those who were interested in confining the consumption to manufactures. What Adam Smith says with regard to the manufacturers, applies to the present condition of the landed interest. They had followed the example set by the manufacturers, thinking to reap advan-• tage from it, but they had failed. This opinion of Adam Smith's struck him to be a self-interested proposition. The Noble Lord, the Member for Stroud, had stated one or two instances last night ; and he would state another, which appeared to him to bear on this subject, with a view to showing that the present system was injurious to the landed interest. Adam Smith had denounced the policy of encouraging agriculture by the destruc tion of manufactures—that policy he (Mr. — Hume) now ar raigned.—(Hear, hear.) The country had been losers by hat policy. Adam Smith said that about fifty years be fore his time, the counties in the neighbourhood of London had petitioned Parliament not to agree to any Bills for opening turnpike roads to distant parts of this country, because on ac count of the cheapness of labour those counties would supply the London market at a cheaper rate, and the petitioners would be ruined. Turnpike roads, however, had been opened, and these disastrous consequences had not followed ; on the con trary, rents had risen and cultivation improved ever since that time : and he contended that such would be the result in this country if the present laws were repealed, and the fears of the landed interest on this head were as unfounded as the fears of the persons referred to had been. The manufacturers were anxious to press upon the House the necessity of making changes in the present law, and he thought the House had acted most unjustly and unwisely in refusing to give them the opportu nity which they had asked of proving their case : they bad come before the House with clean hands, and their requests therefore ought to be taken into consideration. He (Mr. Hume) was against restrictions upon any article, and more es pecially upon an article of such vast importance as corn. He wished to make one observation which deserved the attention of the House —that from the passing of the Jaw in 1815 they might date the misery and wretchedness of the hand-loom weavers, for the industry of that class had been so undersold in other places that it was impossible for them to meet the competition of other countries. Gentlemen had spoken again and again of the necessity of employing agricultural labourers, but they had not taken into account the immense increase in the population of this country, and that that increase had taken place almost entirely in the manufacturing districts. While the population was thus increasing, they were adopting the means of starving it, and of driving it to leave the country. It ap peared from the population returns that in 1790 the population of this country was 8,540,000, 1810 it was 1 0,407,000, in 1830 it was 13,840,000, and it was now estimated at about sixteen millions, so that from the year 1790 to 1830 the population had increased 5,300,000. Now he asked how they had been em ployed ? In 1811 he found that in every 100 of the population 35 were employed in agriculture ; in 1821 33 were employed in agriculture ; and in 1831 it was reduced to 28, so that the re striction laid on by the Corn-laws, instead of providing for the employment of the agricultural labourers, had actually lessened the number employed. In Scotland manual labour was as much as possible substituted by machinery. Where had the in creased population in England been employed? In manu factures. So that while stinting and limiting the power of employing manufacturers, the advocates of the Corn laws, were limiting and stinting the supply of food. He (Mr. Hume) recommended that the doors to industry should be opened—that food should be rendered cheap—and thus the people would be happy, instead of starved, as they had liithertobeen by these laws. For the present detestable mo nopoly gave is the few—to the rieh—the power of starving mil lions.—(" Oh, oh," from the Opposition.) That was strong language.—( Hear, hear.) But it was only giving things their right names.—( Hear, hear.) And it was surprising to him (Mr. Hume) that those religious gentlemen, who were so acutely sensible on the subject of the factory children, were not equally so on the question of the Corn-laws. He held in' his hand a comparative statement of the population in manu facturing and agricultural districts in 1801, in 1811, in 1821, and 1831. Take Manchester for instance—in 1801 the popu lation was 90,399; in the next ten years it increased 2 per cent. ; the next ten years, 40 per cent. ; the next, 47 per cent. • and in 1831 the population was 227,030. The population of Bristol had increased from 63,000 to 103,000 ; Dundee from 26,000 to 45,000; Chester had ad vanced to 191,000 ; Lancaster from 672,000 to 1,336,000 ; York from 565,000 to 975,000; thus hail t'ae manufacturing population increased in the time he specified. But within 30 years the average inci ease of the agricultural population had been only from 10 to 15 per cent. During the first 10 years of the 30 Buckingham had increased only 9 per cent, Here ford 5, Rutland none, Salop 16, Wilts 5. From 1821 to 1831, Buckingham had increased only I per cent, Rutland 5, Salop 5, Wilts 7 ; let them compare that increase with the increase of 30 or 40 per cent, which he had shown had been the moderate increase of the manufacturing population. But in some manu facturing districts the increase had been still pore, the ratio of the increase in Manchester, within the last 30 years, he had already given. In Liverpool it had been 101 per cent, in Bir mingham 73, in Leeds 99, in Paisley 78, and so on in various other districts. During the whole time our surplus population had been maintained by manufactures. The gradual produce of our population was 500 per day—( Laughter)—and surely it was the business of the Government that those mouths should be filled, instead of limiting their provisions, v,hich they did by main taining the present Corn-laws. The Honourable Member for Yorkshire had stated that this country was too highly taxed to enter into competition with foreign countries. But he would remind them that if this country were surrounded by a wall of brass, we should still have the interest of the national debt to pay out of our own means—that is, if we were honest e^ough— (Laughter)---and he must say that it was only the landed in terest he found who were inclined to meddle with the national faith entered into by the country with its creditors, always ex cepting the Honourable Member for Birmingham—whereas now it appeared that the value of our exports in 1836 had been 77,932,0001.; in 1837, 84,883,0001.; in 1838, 72.377,0001.; half of which was paid by the lab 'suers who received wages for their work in the manufactures exported to that amount. Taking into consideration the taxes, the labour pai I upon tea, sugar, beer, spirit, and tobacco, he was sure that out of every pound ;le earned 55., or at least 75., went into the Exchequer. Remem bering that our national debt amounted to nearly 1,000,000,000/. including the annuities, he would ask them was it not of para mount importance to take off the shackles of trade, and give still more extensive employment to the labourers who paid so much of our taxes? He would have the labourer paid in gold and silver, and not in rags, he would here remark. —( Laughter. ) Thus they would be employed at high wages and high prices, which would make a difference of 40 per cent. over the pre sent system, to the advantage of the taxes and every depart ment of the State. On referring to the important paper read last night by the Hon. Member for Sheffield, he found that the English labourer was worse off than those of any other country in Europe ; in fact, while the latter had had their wages ad vancing since 1815, the wages of the English labourer had been diminishing under the baneful influence of that period.—( Hear, and ironical cheers.) He deeply regretted that Minister, should make thi a divided question.—( Hear.) Her Majesty's Secretary at War, the Secretary for the Home Department and the President of the Board of Trade, had stated that this question was one of the utmost importance to the interests of this country, and yet when they were in the Cabinet the and their Colleagues could not rgree to it.— ( Laughter.) Elsewhere a distinguished Member of her Majesty's Government who had a very great influenee over the country, and who also had very great influence at Court.—(Laughter.) That distinguished personage had the night before said, as the reports in the morning papers showed,—" I declare be fore God that this is the wildest and the maddest scheme that ever the imagination of men conceived"—(Cheers from the Corn law supporters)—" that is to leave the agricultural inte rest without protection."—(Cheers.) Now he (Mr. Hume) had hitherto thought that the wisest and most discreet men had been selected to carry on the affairs of Government, but the conclusion from what that high personage had said was that his colleagues were absolutely wore than madmen.—(Great laughter.) (He Mr. Hulce) regretted very much that he could not now produce the evidence that had been taken three years before by the Commissioners for inquiring, into the state of the hand-loom weavers ; as that evidence would havelsupported'allihis opinions ; the returns of death would show that while the Legislature had the power, it had not the will to relieve, and that thousands and tens of thousands had died of famine. The Corn-laws were killing the hand-loom weavers by inches ; it could be proved that when food was scarce and employment scanty, the death amongst the populations had been two to one compared to the deaths in times when food and employment abounded. It was very fine indeed to talk of our bold peasantry. Why where were they now ? There was no agriculturist now better than a pauper.—( Laughter and iropi cal cheers.) Since Hon. Gentlemen doubted, he would prove it. He was a Member of the Committe upstairs last year. They first proceeded to inquire about Sussex. On the 19th of April, 1837, several labourers were examined before the Committee. They had all wives and numerous children, and stated that their wages were, some of them Sc., some of them Bs. 6d., some of them 75., and one of them lls. 6d. a week. They stated before the Committee how they distributed this income, by which they supported themselves, and in all instances the amount for bread was two-thirds of the whole in come. Not believing it possible that people could remain under such estate of things. he himself visited Wiltshire and Devonshire very often after that, and found the average wages there to be 85. a week. Some received 95., others 75., and the average was Bs. The corn was then at 565. It had since been 70s. and 80s. ; and he would ask, what increase of wages had there been to the labourer, to enable him to procure the "same proportion of bread for his family that he had been able to procure when the corn was at 565.? It had indeed been said that wages had been advanced 2s. 6d., but he could assure the House that that was only in the Northern dis tricts. And this was the state of the bold peasantry of Eng land. It was an insult so talk of such a thine. There was no such thing in existence ; and he hoped he should hear no more of our bold peasantry, because, if a peasantry, in the very next grade of that to actual starvation, was a bold peasantry, why then, and then only, was ours a bold peapsntry.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) They were unable to procure the necessary comforts of life. They actually stated before the Committee that they never tasted any animal • food from January to December, and they were absolutely without the means of procuring necessary clothing. Surely the House under such circumstance was called , upon to consider why such a state of things existed. For his own part he b e li eve d it t o b e on account of the Corn-laws, and that therefore there ought to be a change in them. The manufacturers of this country as serted that by our restrictions cor n i n ever y o th er part was kept fifty per cent. below the price at which' it was in England, and that the consequence of that was that the manufacturers could not produce articles which chiefly required manual labour at a rate to enable them to compete with foreign markets. In reference to Ireland, was the peasantry there better off now than they were in 1815? Why, it it was clear that the system had been a fleecing system ever since that period. 'There was no possible way of improving Ireland, but by taking money there, and encouraging manufacturing in that country with it; but so long as Ireland was merely enabled to produce the raw produce, so long would it remain as the Poles were, in po verty and wretchedness. The remedy for their state was to give employment. What were they to do to give employment? —( Hear.) Why, he would say introduce manufactures into Ire land ; and if it were asked where would they sell them, his an swer was, that , the wide world would be the market for them. He had been told that the landed proprietors had particular claims against an alteration in these laws, in respect of the land-tax. He wished the House to be undeceived in regard to that. He could show that no landed interest in Europe was so. lightly taxed as the landed interest of England. The land tax here amounted .to not more than 4 or 6 per cent., whereas in France it was very nearly 40 per cent. In Belgium it varied from 22 to 24 per cent., and throughout Prussia he believed it to be generally higher. Therefore he denied that the land here was taxed in anything like the proportion to the land in other parts of Europe. Then as to theimnoediate tax—there was not a person, in the country who did not pay a great deal more taxation than the landed proprietor. The clamour, therefore, and outcry of the land being so heavily taxed, was totally unfounded. There was therefore no plea for sustaining this restriction, ex cept, indeed, what had been stated last night, viz., that the landed interest of this country was strong, and had great power. If it were true that the landed proprietors were stroug, and had great power, he would say, let them do jus tice.—( Hear, bee...) When he saw only twenty-four men in another place against 224 who would at all countenance a change in these measures, or go into a Committee upon them, or agree that the Corn-law Bill had not answered the object ; what hope, he wouLl ask, was there in this coun t ry ?--( Hear, hear.) They might talk, indeed, of physical force, and the opposition of force to force, but whowere the parties that were drawing to that deplorable event ?-44lear, hear. ) He would say, without the fear of contradiction, those who resisted justice.—( Hear, hear.) If the people Were driven to despair by hunger, privations, and every thing calculated to produce dissatisfaction, was it not fair that he (Mr. H.) should make an appeal to that body, declared by one of themselves only last night to be a powerful body, that they should be just ? (Hear, hear.) Ile therefore pressed on Hon. Gentlemen the necessity of considering the situation in which the country wa s placed, and of endeavouring to give some relief to their petitioners. The Hon. Member then read an extract from the writings of the late Mr. Cobbett, to the effect that so long as the Corn laws!he existed, working classes. there food be no come in amelioration and wagesn t he w condition oodl o not fall but would rise, for they did not depend upon the price of food, but upon the demand for labour. Repeal the Corn-laws, and they would give more labour to the population, and then its price must necessarily rise. If any sacrifice was to be made, it was to be made by the richer class, and not by the poorer. He would support a total repeal—he had formerly advocated a fixed duty, but he would pray the House to go into Committee, and totally repeal all restrictions upon trade, and then he had no doubt England would rise far above any difficulties she had ye' seen. Colonel WOOD and several other Members rose together, but the Gallant Colonel was caged upon as having first caught the Speaker's eye. He said he was very anxious to answer a few of the observations of the Noble Secretary at War, but as he was not in his place, he would not say more than that he and his Noble Friend, the Secretary for the Home Department, and the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade, had taken a very erroneous view of the question. They had said the pre sent law was intended to put an end to all fluctuations in prices, and they read the prices at various times. At the moment he thought the prices quoted were not correct, and he spoke to the Right lion. Gentleman, who told him the prices were only those for the week, when every one knew that the averages were taken at six weeks, and Mr. Canning's argument, which had been much misrepresented, was, that the high price of one week would be balanced by the low price of another. However every one knew that even the six weeks average did not regulate, the arrangem en t s o f th e agr i cu lt ur i st ; but this he would say that there was no agriculturist in the country who would not say that the Bill of 1828 had made prices less fluctuating than they had been in any former period. Again, it was said that these laws had not prevented agricultural distress ; but in those sears when such distress existed did not every one know that they were years of great abundance which had brought down the prices to a very low average, and that in those years there was no importation whatever, so that the Corn-laws had no thing to do with that distress. The Right Hon. President of the Board of Trade and the Noble Secretary at War argued as if this was a new law, but it was merely a very great amelioration of the law of 1815. He perfectly agreed with the Honour able Member for Kilkenny, that the Act of 1815 was a complete failure, but that law was the con- seqence of . a Committee appointed in 1813, because THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDA.Y, MARCH 16, 1839. our gold and silver was all leaving the country for foreign corn, 1 which was then at a very high price, and the Committee re ported that it was not only impolitic but dangerous to rely upon foreign countries for the supply of corn. The Committee was re-appointed in 1814, and they reported that when we were most m want of corn, foreign nations had put a heavy duty upon its export, and that so great was the improvement at home in the produce of wheat, that, by some slight encouragement, enough might be growls to supply the whole nation. A Bill was introduced for the purpose of regulating the import by the Hon. Member for Dundee, and the price was then fixed at 1055., but it was modified down to 804.—( Hear, hear. ) The Right Hon. Member told them last night that he had altered his opinions, and would support the motion. Then came Mr. Huskisson's Bill as an amendment to that Bill, from a fluctuating duty, but it was not supported, and it was lost ; in 1815 the Legislature took up the question, and upon that occasion both sides of the House agreed that 1 some regulation should be made for the importation of foreign corn. At that time the present Lord Deere, and the present Lord Western went manfully into the question, and sa id they would give the landed interest protection till the price of corn indicated a scarcity, and then they would insist that the ports should be open. He considered that a graduated scale of duty was the best sys tem by which the importation of corn could be regulated. The Act of 1815 was an experiment, and he admitted it had failed, because when the prices rose a fraction above a certain point, ports were thrown open for a certain period, and the markets glutted, although there might be a sufficiency of corn in the country for the home consumption; and, if the prices fell a fraction below that point, the ports were closed, although the country at that time might be actually in want of foreign corn—these defects were remedied by the graduated scale.—( Hear, hear.) He thought that on this subject we should not consider what were the wishes of the King of Prussia or the Emperor of Russia, but should take care of ourselves. The Noble Lord the Secretary at War, had entered into a long detail of the time which cer tain quantities of corn had remained in bond in this country, and had stated that some of it had been taken out to be thrown into the Thames. Ile regretted that any one should have so completely failed in their speculation; but this corn had been bonded in 1831, and not destroyed till 1837 or 1838. Now he would only ask why it had been suffered to remain so long, instead of being exported? This sys t em o f bonding corn had been introduced by the Bill of 1815, and it had been stated by Mr. Rose at that period, that his object was to induce foreigners to transfer their corn from the mouths of the rivers which were frozen up during a greater part of the year, to this country for exportation ; so that by massing this country the entrepot for foreign grain, we should always have a suf ficiency of corn to fall bank upon in the event of a failing in the harvest. Why, he would ask, had not the Noble Lord adopted the measure brought forward last year for facilitating the grinding of this corn for th . purposes of exportation, as a Cabinet measure ?—( Hear. ) His Hon. Friend, the Member for Kent, had spoken in favour of the measure, and would have voted for it, but for the intemperate speech of the Hon. non ber for Wolverhampton, to yards the close of the debate. He (Colonel Wood) had voted in favour of that measure, because he considered that it would be advantageous for this country to become an entrepot for foreign corn ; but this was one of the evils of oven questions. But had this corn been taken out of bend, and thrown into the English market, it must have dis placed an equal quantity of British corn, and left it to rot in the farmers' barns. It had been stated that at the end of the harvest_ in last year, there was not more th an s i x wee k s ' con sumption of corn on hand, and if this year the crops should fail, doubts had been expressed as to whether sufficient corn could be grown in the empire for the use of the population. He found by a reference to Mr. Marshall's tables, that there were 20,000,000 of acres of arable land in the kingdom ; this divided by 4 would give . 5,000,000 of acres for the growth of wheat. He took the pro duce at 22 bushels an acre—one bushel of flour would make IS loaves, and supposing each individual to consume ane loaf and a half in a week, each individual would consume 5 bushels of wheat per head, per year : these 5.000,000 of acres, would produce 13,000,750 quarters of wheat annually—the consumption would be 10,000,375 quarters leaving a surplus stock of 3,000,375 quarters of wheat; thus proving that the growth of wheat was equal to the consumption. It had been attempted to represent this as alandlord's question, but in the county which he represented a meeting of the inhabitants had almost unanimously resolved to maintain the present system. A petition to that effect had been signed by the Lord Lieutenant, by the gentlemen, yeomen, farmers, shopkeepers, and labourers, and he thought they un derstood their own interest as well as the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. He believed the lower ranks of society knew well that cheap bread meant low wages, and if the manu facturers wished to lower wages to the Continental standard they must make the labourers subsist on Continental diet— Continental labourers subsisted upon rye bread ; but he hoped the day would never come when the English labourer should not be able at one o'clock in the day to have his lump of wheaten b read—his slice of bacon— Mr. O'CONNELL—And his pot of beer.—(A laugh. ) Colonel WOOD—Yes, and his pot of beer—and he hoped the time would come when the labourers of Ireland would be able to substitute wheaten bread for potatoes. Their soil was productive, their agriculture Was improving, and their people industrious, and• they only wanted quiet to be pros perous ; and he would beseech Hon. Gentlemen connected with that country not to vote for this Committee, for depriving Ireland of the preference hitherto shown her in the English market, and opening that market to countries more poor than herself. Some Gentlemen advocated a fixed duty. A total repeal he thought had few advocates, but many were disposed to advocate a fixed duty. It appeared to him that if a fixed duty had been imposed during the last Session, in the course of the recess, Ministers would have had one of two courses to pursue, either to have called Peril tment together for the purpose of repealing that duty, or to have issued an order in Council to that effect. Mr. Jacob had been exa mined upon the point whether a fixed duty could he sub stituted for a graduated scale, and he hod stated his opinion that it could not : so with respect to Mr. Canning; he had stated his opinion to be that a fixed duty never could be ef fectual. He lamented excessively that Ministe. s had not taken a leaf out of Mr. Canning's book. He thought in spite of the agitation which the Right I-lon. Gentleman, the Pre sident of the Board of Trade had boasted that lie had set on foot—(" Hear, hear," and cries of "No, no")—he thought that in spite of the forebodings of the contest between the higher and the lower classes—( Hear, hear)—that it was clear that a graduated scale had done some good, and that instead of the landlords, the tenants, and the peasantry, being separated, they had become united, and he had ns doubt that if they were assailed by what was called the pressure from without, they would unite farther for the purpose of resisting oppression, and upholding the country in that proud position which she had for centuries maintained. Mr. MARK PHILLIPS then rose to address the House. He begged to state that the observations that had just been made by the Gallant Officer opposite with respect to his Right Hon. Colleague, the President of the Beard of Trade, were totally without foundation. His Right Hon. Friend had never stated that he had put in train the agitation that had taken place upon the present question. He (Mr. Mark Phillips) believed that the words used by his Right Hon. Colleague were, that he did not regret that that agitation had sprung up.—( Hear, hear.) Frequent allusion had been made during the de bate to the Chamber of Commerce of the town he had the honour to represent. He (Mr. Mark Phillips) felt bound to complain of the statements of the Noble Lord the Mem ber for the county of Salop. That Noble Lord had stated that the Chamber of Commerce of Manchester had been guilty of causing all the agitation on the present sub ject. The Noble Lord had stated th'at it appeared to him that the Chamber of Commerce had resorted to the most unjustifiable means for the purpose of getting up agitation, and that they had done all in their power to foment in subordination. Now he (Mr. M. Phillips) must give that statement the most unqualified denial. He held in his hand a petition which had been distributed with the votes two days ago, from West Norfolk, and if that petition was t o be taken as expressing the opinion of the agriculturists of Norfolk, and of the country generally, it was important no doubt that it should be extensively circulated, in order that the manufacturing interest might know what they had to expect. That petition commenced by stating that the petitioners had read the resolutions of the manufacturers of Manchester, and they deeply deplored their short sighted views. The petitioners felt bound to come for ward and attempt to resist their designs, by showing what would be the real effect of the repeal of the Corn laws on not; only the agriculturists, but the manufacturers themselves. Ile (Mr Mark Phillips) was one who had no wish whatever to deny any right to the agriculturist for the purpose 'of advancing the interest of the manufac turers. All that he wished was that the rights of each should be preserved. It appeared to him that during the whole course of the present debate, some great mis takes had-been made by those who had spoken on the sub ject.. One great mistake which many gentlemen had made —those who had advocated the cause of the landlords—that those who were the advocates of the repeal of the Corn laws wished to depend upon an entire supply from abroad. Now, that, in his opinion was begging the question. The advocates- of repeal-were too - fond of their own trade to wish to be dependent on other countries. Many statements had been rnide by his Iron. Friend the Member for the North Riding of Yorkshire, to which it was necessary for him to refer. He had stated, in the first place that cheap corn made the labourer the dearest tread. Now he (Mr. M. Phillips) could not understand bow his Hon. Friend the fact was the very reverse thatomn made the e t h o e u . m t su ch anf a Co ntinen t. e a t u p r e r o r Hon. Member bad also stated P s o oTs f hi t te h io e n ,c ; ountry had no right to contend against the existing laws, inasmuch as they had invested their capital with a knowledge of those laws, and therefore that they hall no right to complain. If such an argument was to stand good, the result would be that no person had a right to make any - complaint against the existing laws. It might as well have been said that the people had no right to make complaints against the monopolies that for. merly existed in trade, and that the monopoly that existed in the trade with the East Indies ought never to have been removed. The Hon. Member had made a most extraor dinary admission on the part of' the landlords, He had stated that the re:urn of corn sold in foreign coun tries was as fedi. to one, whilst in. England it was as eight to one; .by his own statement, therefore, showing that the English agriculturist had a protection of a hundred per cent. over the foreigner The Hon. Member also went on to state that with regard to the number of individuals con nected with the woollen and cotton trade he could only reckon about 355,000, and upon that he had built up an argument that those who were calling for repeal were only a few dissatisfied individuals. The Hon. Member in that calculation bad stated the mill-owners at 3,286, but he had altogether omitted to state the number of bleachers and weavers connected with that trade, which he (Mr. M. Phillips) believed, at a moderate computation, might be set down at 800,000. He had also forgotten to include in his calculation, the calico printers, the e ngravers, and the block•eutters. Taking all those individuals to g e ther , he (M r . M . Phillips) did not believe that he should he going too far, if he set down the whole number of indi viduals dependant upon the cotton trade , at 1,K10,000 person s . I t was then stated that Foreign Potentates might be inclined to take advantage when the stock of, corn was low, to insist upon a heavy eu:y upon articles shipped from their own ports. If they chose to fix a tax u p o n their own subjects, no doubt there might be found Potentates rash enough to make such a tax, but for his own part he thought that the best mode of preventing Foreign Potentates from having recourse to such proceedings, was to e nter i nto more firm and friendly relations with them —great fears had been expressed of this country not receiving supplies from foreigners at all. He thought that that was begging the question. He did not think that any serious apprehension could be entertained upon that subject, and as far as he understood the connection be tween one country and another he believed that the corn. mercial relations entered into between them were the best source of amity. The Hon. Member tben proceeded to read the opinion of Mr. Porter, of the Board of Trade, re lative to th e connection between t hi s coun try and Ame rica, and st a t e d that the e ff e ct of the relations of this countrywith th e U n i ted States,was that out of 1 000,000 hags of cotton, 800,000 were exporte d f rom the United St ates, and yet we h ave never exper i ence d an i nco nveni e n ce . Th e Hon. Member for the North Riding of Yorkshire, stated that the trade of Switzerland had nothing whatever to do hand by the total repcalers, and on the other by the fixed with the operation of the Corn-laws, nor had that of China duty men—men by the way who were characterized by hay and the East. Now he (Mr. P.), who represented the ing no fixed duty whatever to propose.—( Laughter.) And manufacturing interest, entertained a directly opposite a person of the class which he now defended would have too opinion. He stated on a former occasion, that Switzerland much reason to exclaim, "I am one of those who feed all, exported two-thirds of its present cotton manufuctures, and and who are yet abused by all—in short, lam a fanner I" met the English manufacturers in the markets of the United ( Great laughter and cheers.) States. On that ground, which we ourselves oc- Mr. HOB HOUSE—The Hon. Member for Lincoln cupied a few years ago, they were now fast supplant- shire, had said that very unfair attacks bad been made by ing us.—(Hear, - hear.) Then with respect to China, the manufacturers upon the agriculturists. But he (Mr. bad we the exclusive supply of manufactured goods to the H.) could prove that most unfair and unfounded attacks had Chinese markets? No such thing. In 1834, not less been made by the agriculturists upon the manufacturers. A than 166,000 pieces of cotton goods were imported through specimen of these attacks would be fourid in a speech of the Canton, the produce of America, against 75,000 pieces Noble Lord, the Member for Lincolnshire, at a meeting in in the same year, the produce of English looms. If, with that county not long since. The Noble Lord then said— the growing population of America, they became greater " I consider the opposition to the existing Corn-laws to consumers of tea than heretofore, we were not safe in have been got up by persons who do not sincerely wish China ; and as we had to send our goods into that market, well to the working classes, but who are mere popularity the question of the Corn-laws bore directly on our supply. hunters."— (Cheers from the Opposition.) Now that The Hon. Member made some observations with respect cheer proved that the Hon. Gentlemen were identified in to Saxon wool. He said that considerable orders had feeling with the Noble Lord. But he (Mr. H.) would been received in this country, because the Saxon hosiery meet those calumnies by asserting that a more honourable, had proved to be of an inferior description, and it was found high minded, intellectual class of men than the manufac necessary again to come to the English market. That might turers did not exist.—( Laughter and cheers.) He (Mr. II.) be true, but he did not consider it would be of a perms- was not influenced by such disgraceful motives. He for one nent character. While the Saxon manufacturer could was no popularity hunter. Last Session he supported produce 25 per cent. cheaper than we could, there was the motion on this subject, when the supporters were 99, great room for improvement in the quality, and the Saxon and the number against it was 300 This showed that he might shortly again make his appearance in the same was a free agent—and so were all who acted with him. markets with an amended description of articles, and Com- H e did not apprehend, with the lion. Member, that low pete with us as successfully. The Hon. Member for Lin- wages must always produce low prices. On the contrary, colnshire had accused the manufacturers of this country as the price of labour, would depend, like other commodities, being men of a sordid disposition, and caring little for the on the demand. Mr, Burke, in an able treatise in 1793, interests of those whom they employed. The Hon. Mem- showed that labour was a commodity the value of which ber only a few weeks ago was addressing a great number depended on the wants of the purchaser. The Hon. Bart. of landed gentlemen at a meeting in the metropolis, and he the Member for Pembroke, would not admit that labour said, inasmuch as the manufacturers of the country had was a commodity. But he would confidently set Mr. flourished between the time of passing the Corn-law Burke against him, and let the House decide between in 1815 and the year 1820, it must have been the them.—( Hear, hear.) He was glad to see that the Hon. result of that law.—( Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. Phillips) Member for Lincolnshire bad at last admitted that the thought if the manufactures of this country did flourish, it manufactures of the Continent had grown and flourished was rather in spite of this law, than because of it.—( Hear, within the twenty-five years of peace. Now, he (Mr. H.) hear.) The Noble Lord, the Member for Shropshire, had would ask the House, whether, when peace had diffused talked of the manufacturing population not petitioning. such blessings—when capital had accumu l ate d— w h en s kill He bad petitions from every t ra d e i n t h e b oroug h w hi c h h e and industry had migrated to those shores, they would now represented relative to the operation of these laws, stating maintain these odious restrictions, and thus still increase that they viewed them as laws affecting their interests. that capital by the destruction of our own manufactu- But did the Hon. Member expect the operative portion of rers......(Cheers)—those manufacturers, out of whose funds the community to be the first to petition th e House, rather that odious, unjust, and tyrannical war, which not they, than the party who employed them, and who were more b u t th e agriculturists had commenced, was paid for ? likely to anticipate coming events ?—( Hear, hear.) When ( Cheers, and " Oh, oh," from the Opposition). As for agricultural distress had arisen the labourers or the far- the rural population, every one of the arguments advanced mers were not the first to petition, but the land- b y th e other side, applied to his case, though, perhaps, owners had been the parties to lead the van.— not so directly. They had heard the instance of the (Hear, hear.) From what he knew of the feeling bonded corn, which, after being imported from St. Peters of the manufacturing community, there was a 'deep burgh in 1831, was thrown into the Thames in 1837. and intense feeling in connection with the operation of Sarely such a trade as that, if profitable to the im these laws, and bow could it be otherwise? The hand porter, must be highly detrimental to the country. loom weavers, and others, had seriously felt the difference A s for the defeat of the object of the present epstem, between the price of provisions in the early part of this it was proved by the fact that the returns for year and the last. In many instances the price had been the last few years showed that the fluctuation as nearly as possible, double. In January, 1838, flour was in the five years had been so much as 65 :per cent., ls. Bd. per dozen lbs. ; and in 1839, it was 2s. 9d. to 33. namely, from 395. 4d. in 1835 to 645. 7d. in 1838. The Potatoes had been driver, upwards, in consequence of Right lion. the Secretary-at-War and the President of the the increase of price, and while they paid sixpence per Board of Trade had already demonstrated how the farmer score pounds in 1838, in 1839 they gave a shilling.— cuff red in cheap years after having been tempted by ( hear, hear.) He was somewhat at a loss to discover on hi g h prices to force bad lands into cultivation. Taking what peculiar grounds the landed interest sought to con- all the vexatious and injurious fluctuations entailed by the tinue these laws.—( Hear, hear.) Had the manufacturers present system, he thought the agriculturists, on the a voice in the matter? Decidedly not, for at that time whole, would have reason to rejoice in a discontinuance, Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield, and Leeds, had not a as well as the manufacturer and the labourer, the voice in the Legislature-4 Hear, hear.) He re- Government, and, finally, the country at large.--( Hear.) gretted that the House did not accede to the request It a , p and from the report of the Committee of Petitions made by the different trades, to be heard by evidence at that the petitions presented this Session for a repeal of the bar of the House.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the Corn-laws had received 418,000 signatures, while burdens which was stated to press so heavily on the land, those on the Opposition side had not received half that he wished to make a few observations. It appeared to amount. He beseeched the House to concede the de him that county and highway rates were paid in towns as mands of the people, and not wait until a convent was ex well as counties, and if they looked to the malt tax torted from them. He would rather see this an open• they would find that it fell upon the consumers, question with this Cabinet than a close question on the who were precluded from drinking wine on account otlisr side of the House. The eyes of the people were of the high duties levied upon it. He did not see why anx;ously directed to votes that would be recorded that such strong complaints should be made by the landed in- evening—(Cheers)--and he hoped that, while they per terest, that they were the peculiar objects of taxation, but ceived that Hon. Members on his side the Douse voted the misfortune was, that while the House had levied taxes with impartiality—( A laugh from the Opposition Benches) generally on the community, the landed interest found that —they would not perceive that Hon. Gentlemen on the they had taxed themselves.--( Hear, hear.) He was not Opposite side were linked in a close compact to resist this disinclined to enter into the consideration of the pressure motion. It would be no unfair conclusion to draw from of the burdens of the people with as great an anxiety to this, that the Members on his side the House, even those do justice to one class as another, but that the people of who voted against the motion, were actuated by reason; this country should be called on to support laws decidedly but when they saw on the other side. the Mem injurious to themselves, merely for the benefit of one portion leers for great towns uniting with the Representatives of of the community, was unjust and impolitic, and for that agricultural counties, they must come to the conclusion that he would never give his vote.—( Hear, hear,) He stood they were so confined by the trammels of party as to be there as independent as any Member of the House. He unable to co-operate with that side of the House. He was not actuated by any pressure from without—( Hear, h o p e d that they would not give people reason to suppose hear)—either by constituents, or by any body of that they were actuated by party considerations. In order Delegates in the course which he was taking, but it could that he might clear his conscience to the country, and not not be denied that when the people made known their appear a partisan of this odious and unjust protection upon opinions through bodies of Delegates, there must be some Corn, he should vote for the motion of the Hon. Member great grievance which it behoved the House to consider. for Wolverhampton.—( Cheers.) When he stated his opinion to be in favour of the total Sir ROBERT PEEL said that this was the fourth and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws, it was not merely night of the discussion of the question of the Corn-laws, as the representative of a commercial community—as a and, as he had no intention to avail himself of the daily commercial man, but in connection with the landed interest discussion of this question, on collateral topics with which itself.—( Hear, hear.) H e a d vocate d t h e tota l repea l , b e - they had been threatened' by the Honourable Gentleman cause he was convinced that in the course of a few who spoke last„ the mention of which occasioned infinitely years they must come to it, and he would rather choose more dread in his mind than the threats of physical force the present time for doing it than when the Continent _( A laugh)—he was anxious to take that opportunity of should have male great preparations for the coming event, d e liverin g his opinion on this subject. The Honourable and might flood us with that quantity of corn which the inn- Gentleman had deprecated a spirit of unanimity on that side gination of many Members now saw ready to enter our of the House, because that spirit of unanimity exhibited a ports. There was an observation made by the last speaker remarkable contrast to the spirit which existed on the other in the debate of last night, to which he would just allude. side of the House, and in her Majesty's Government. If the He said if we were driven from the markets of the Conti- Honourable Gentlemen had said he deprecated unanimity nent there was a place of refuge for us. Where ?In central am o ng th e agricultural classes, because those classes felt Asia.—( A laugh.) If the Honourable Member had made their interests were affected by the present motion he could himself better acquainted with the facts be would have understand what he said, but this motion tended known that it was not likely our heavy manufactured goods to shake the interests of all classes of the would be used by the Hindoos, or those living at the foot community, and it was not the representatives of the the Himalaya mountains—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") agricultural classes alone, but the representatives of corn- He hoped Hon. Members would look to events which merce and the representatives of manufactures, who were about to take place; they were rapidly losing their joined with the representatives of agriculture, in deferring markets on the Continent, and although their exports had to the wishes of their constituents and consulting their in been referred to with some triumph, he feared it would be terests by considering it their absolute duty to repel this found that they were losing the nearest and most valuable motion.—(Hear, hear.) There were two ways of dis of their markets, and that they would be driven to those at class i ng questions of this kind. The first was to refer to a great distance. He did not hesitate to say, and that topics affecting partial interests, and appealing to the feeling wzs general both in and out of the House, that if passions and feelings of those a dd resse d. Thi s was i n . some alteration did not speedily t a k e pl ace , th e b es t i n t o - finitely the most convenient course, and the most pals rests of the country would be jeopardized, industry table in addressing a popular assembly. There was an would be depreciated, their capital would be transported to other method which was not so likely to meet with favour, other countries, and the landed interests would receive a that was to state arguments for and against the question blow—inflicted by themselves—which would recoil upon fairly, to give each its weight where you concur in them, their own heads.—( Cheers.) to state that concurrence, and where you differ to state After a few words from Colonel WOOD in explanation, the reasons of that difference ; and foregoing the advan- Mr. HANDILY said, one would suppose from the length- vantage to be derived from appeals to the passions, this ened speech of the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, that the pre- was the course that he intended to pursue.—( Cheers.) sent was the first night of the debate, instead of its being the Before the Session opened, when he saw the agitation fourth night. He felt bound to take the first opportunity of re • of this question commenced, and the B:tard of Delegates pudiating, on behalf of those whom he had the honour to represent, the charge w hi c h h a d b een made out of doors appointed, he had ima g i ne d th at t h e d epresse d state o f for months past—that th e l an d ed interests had arrayed commerce and manufactures wo u ld h ave b een ma de the themselves against the working classes.—(Hear, hear.) ground for demanding a change in the Corn-laws, but at On the last occasion, when he had the honour of address- the commencement of the Session the Hon. Member for in the House, he had congratulated them that no popu• Kendal, in seconding the Address, bad stated that the far feeling had: been excited out of doors, but he commerce of the country was, on the whole in a state of was bound to believe, from information he had lately re- prosperity.—( Hear, hear.) This statement had met ceived from Manchester, that a strong feeling had been ex- with great but unmerited indignation and obloquy, cited there against the Corn-law agitat or s. (H ear , and had lost him the confidence of his con s tit uents bear.) When they had failed to create an excitement in at Manchester. These statements had been denied, London, and returned to those whom they called th e i r but now, on the fourth night of the debat e , no t a s i ng l e constituents when they resorted to the mis era bl e an d fact had been mentioned to p rove th at tra d e or manufac tures were in a depressed state. A s t a t ement h a d b een unnecessary expedient of closing their mills and putting the operatives upon what was called sho r t made, that the trading man u f ac t urers h a d d ecaye d. Th e work when, with a degree of audacity whi c h lion. Gentleman had deni e d th e f act , an d t hi s h onest de he could not characterize, they calk el thei r con diet had occasioned him muc h un f a i r an d un j ust censure, stituents together for the purpose of reiter a ti ng th e votes but it would have be e n i n va i n ;f or hi m to attempt to sup of confidence which they believed they possessed—they press the fact, whatever advantage he might have derived were indignantly expelled from that hall by the very opera- from its suppression, because it would have been proved tives whom they sought to controul, and w ho k new as we ll by the returns produced.—(L ou d cr i es o f " H ear , h ear .") as they could tell them, that their ai m was no t t o i ncrease It was said, indeed, that th e ex p er t s ' h a d i ncrease d, an d w their comforts but their own p ro fit s .—( L ou d c h eer i ng f rom when it was found impossibl e t o ma i n t a i n t h at t h e genera l the Opposition benches.) In fact the whole object of state of the exports was unsatisfactory, then a new ground was taken; it was then said it w as t rue th a t th e genera l these men, was t o re d uce t h e operat i ves to commerce of the country had increased, but it was in the the state of degradation of those of P russ i a an d S axony . raw material. The Hon. Member for Manchester had —( Hear.) He had read the greatly exaggerate d s t a t e - ments which had be en ma d e on t h e ot h er s id e , w i t h re- spoken since of the decal of trade, and had prophesied that spect to the falling off in their trade, but lie believed that that the country was approaching to ruin.i He ( Sir R. Peel) paid arose merely from the improvements which had been made the greatest respect to the statements of that Hon. Mem. in the manufactures abroad, and it was clear that England ber, but he would ask of him to verify his argument by could no longer be the exclusive workshop of the world. reference to some public documents. —( Hear, hear.) These parties had entirely failed to prove that the Corn- Now what did the paper which he held in his hand state laws had produced that state of things, or that the repeal with respect to commerce and manufacture? Why it would remedy the evils complained of. He believed much of showed that the total amount of Bi itish produce in rianu the loss of their trade arose from their sending inferior facture sent out from the United Kingdom, in the year goods to the Continent, instead of satisfying themselves 1837, was 36,228,0001.—that was during the time when with moderate profit.—( Hear, hear.) He had conversed corn was low—and, in 1838, when it advanced, the total the other day with a gentleman resident in Germany, who amount of the exports, was 43,300,0001.—(Cheering.) told him that the cloths lately sent were indifferent in tee. He supposed it would be said by the Hon. Gentlemen ture, and the prints• inferior in quality. He had never opposite that those exports were merely woollen yarn and beard what corresponding reduction in the price of manu- cotton yarn.—( Hear, hear.) Now he would look factures would follow a reduction in the price of bread. to what the articles were. In woollen manufac- The average price of wheat since the present laws had tures in 1837 the exports were 4,660,000/. In 1838 come into operation was 565. the quarter, and in France it they were 5,793,000/. In silk manufactures in 1837 was 40s. Now an addition of 16s, to the quarter of wheat the exports were 503,000/. ;in 1838, they were 778,000/. was something short of thr e e half-pence on the quartern In hardware and cutlery, in 1837, the exports were loaf, and taking each family at six, the consumption would 1,460,000/. ; in 1838, 1,507,0001. In earthenware, in be ten quartern loaves a week, which would make a diffor.. 1837, 563,000/. In cotton yarn, in 1837, 6,955,0001. ;in mice in the labourer's wages of Is. 3d. a week. He asked 1838, 7,438,0001. Now what was the total amount of was that the difference in price which would authorize articles into which labour entered? Why in 1837 the them to introduce such a sweeping change?—(Cheer s .)export o f ar ti c les, exc l us i ve o f cotton yarn, was If the benches below him h a d not been unfortunately empty 13,640,0001., while in 1838 it was 16,700,0001. —(Great —(this allusion created great laughter in the House, there cheering.) Then, with respect to the exports in linen not being a single member of the Government on the manufacture; in 1837 they amounted to 2,133,000/. ; and Treasury bench)—he would have asked the Chancellor in 1838 to 2,990,0001. Now, after such a statement as of the Exchequer whether he would give the labourers spi- that, the Hon. Member for Manchester might argue as he *its and beer at a less price in such a case, and he would Pleased, but he (Sir R. Peel) would say to him, " Take have asked the Right lion. Gentleman, the President of that paper in your hand and tell me why it is unsatisfac the Board of Trade, whether he would reduce the duties tory."—(Great cheering.) How could he trust to such on tea, coffee, and sugar? Probably the answer would be, statements made by the Hon. Member in his place in that the question was one surrounded with difficulty.—(A the House of Commons, when he found laid upon the laugh.) He asked, what was to become of the population table of the House, from the highest authority, the document which would he abstracted from agriculture ?—they could to which he had referred, showing that the last year had not transfer to the loom and shuttle the population of Kent been most prosperous ?—( Hear.) Perhaps it might be and Sussex, and Norfolk and Suffolk. If the Noble Lard, said that this was the official value, and that the declared the Member for Stroud, was present--(Great laughter)— value ought to be looked at—that it was true that the offi he would ask him, were his (Mr. H.'s) constituents to be cial value bad increased, bat that that was no index of quan protected in the raw material of wool, by a duty of 2i per city. Unfortunately for those who would put forth such cent., while the constituency of Stroud were protected by a argument, what he had been reading was the declared value duty of 20 per cent. on cloth. He would remind the of the article exported.—( Hear, hear.) It was always to House of the burst of indignation with which the Hon. be remembered that the increase between the years 1837 and Learned Member for Dublin was received when he and 1838, to which he bad averted, was in declared value talked of the cant of national faith. Let them repeal the from 36,000,0001. to 43,000,0001. Now he would look to Corn-laws, and he (Mr. Handley) would join in the the shipping—the British shipping entered inwards in odium of t h a t assert i on . I t h a d b een asserte d t h at a fi xe d 1837 was 12 , 2 52 ; i n 1838, i t was 12,890 ; th e duty was likely to make prices steady, but he asked total of ships entered inwards in the K firste t ;ear e was wheth er t h e i e were any two art i c l es more fl uctuat i ng t h an 18,113, w hil e i n t h e secon d i t was 19,w wool and tallo w , on w hi c h a fixed d u ty was i mpose d ? H e fore the furth e r th e y wen t i n t o that official peandal, per til thre that the . e more found on an average o f 23 y ears t h at t a llow had ranged the statements of the Hon. Member for But from 98 s . t o 31 s . the cwt., an d woo l f rom 2 s . 7d. to 3 s. 6 d, pr lb. Now the growth of gra i n i n thi s coun t r y was f rom took other grounds—the three fi manufacturers were recovering, were orhabdne out. failed; thenit ty was first had it was impossible 50,000,000 to 60,000,000 o f quarters a year . If t h ere was s a id th e p ro fi ts were small, t but one-fifth of this qantity required, namely, 12,000,000, to have any test of the amount of profits; but that there had b een there would be 20,000 ships required to import th e corn, supposing it was found . estimating the tonnage of each at 200 tons, and th e average immense to interthe price of t hat manufactured p rota werefiarticlesd—i. number of passages made by each at six i n th e y e a r ; an d they wer . e not Th from at that vras the ground upon which Admi ra l that number of ships the coll ec tiv e N av ie s o f t h e wor ld min!'hed could not supply.—(Cheers.) He ;void.) conclude by \'‘rtivirthrnquLadithma P n roceedel—( Langhtcr)—lie n c an t Al . i but he found that , no pe r; " - , eating upon the House to oppose the motku of the Hon. s u 4po a r n t him in that view of the question. dlrleew(cSoinecilutl Member for Wolverhampton. If the questio n once wen t into Committee, the agriculturists would be attacked on one Peel) wished that Gentlemen before they EVENING EDITION. sinus, that the reduction in the value of the article ex ported must necessarily be co-incident with the reduction of the profits, would lint turn to the evidence given by the Manchester manufacturers in 1830. (The Right Hon. Bart. here referred to the evidence of Mr. Henry and Mr Bird, the latter of whom had filled the office of President of the Chamber of Commerce.) If they found in any market the price of cotton manufactures decline, let it not be attributed to the decrease in the price of labour, but to the improve ment in machinery and the advance in mechanical skill. _ Mr. Lee gave a comparative statement of the price of manufactured cotton per lb. in 1812 and 1830. In 1812 the price of the raw material was 2s. per lb., in 1830, 101 ; in 1812 the price of labour was Is. 6d., and in 1830 it was Is. was the T h r e e q es u e a e nt e it f y of labour n sas one-third t v dimie less, et,eh.—(ii and Hear, ar,hetahr.at) They had beard of overstocked markets. What was the statement of Mr. Kennedy on that subject in 1830? The question was put, " Do you know that English manufac tures in India an, selling below prime cost?" The answer returned was, " There is not a market in the world that is not. sometimes overstocked."—( Hear, hear.) And if he believed that certain markets had been overstocked, and that there had been a temporary lull in consequence of the extraordinary activity of last year, should he be justified in concluding that the manufacturing industry of the country was on the decline? What was the fourth allegation with respect to profits? Large manufactories were built, and it was said that profits were so small that they could not gain anything but by the extent of their business.---: ( hear, bear.) The man with a large capital could employ enormous machinery, and the same effects must follow to the small manufacturers as had done to the hand-loom weaver.— ( Hear.) The Preston mills had been referred to as having been closed, but he had the satisfac tion of knowing that some of them had been re-opened , and that the apprehensions which had been entertained were not verified.—(The Right Hon. Baronet then read a letter in confirmation of his statement.) But the last and most important statement of the manufacturers was this that the quantity of manufactured goods produced had in creased in consequence of the reduction of the wages of the workman, exacting front him a degree of labour which he was unable to bear; and with all this prosperity the con dition of the manufacturini , labourer and artisan was worse than before. He conceived' that to be a most important subject—he looked at it with the greatest anxiety, because he was convinced that unless the question of the Corn laws could be shown to be consistent, not merely with the prosperity of agriculture, with the maint en a n ce of the rent of the land—but, unless the ground could be taken that the maintenance of protection was con s i s t en t with the general interests of the community, and es p ec i a lly of the artisan and labourer, the Corn-l a ws were p ra ctically at an end.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) But be would look at what had been the effect upon the comforts of the poor, of this increased price of provisions during the last year in some of the towns where manufac tures were chiefly carried on. The documents to which he would refer *were the returns of the Savings' Banks. In the first place, he wished to refer to the state of the. Saving Bank in Liverpool, the principal place of commer cial export. Ile would take the average of four years , ending 20th Nov. 1829-30.31-32, and the last four years. The average number of new accounts in the Bank, in the first period, was 1,300, and the last four years 2,040. The average of deposits in the first four years was 55,0001., and in the last four it was 80,000/. A grea t d ea l h a d been said about Nottingham being particularly distressed. He had been able to compare the rcceipte. in the Savings Bank for the three months ending the last day of January, 1838, with the receipts up to January, 1839—in the first year when provisions were low, in the second when the increase in price had taken place. In the first year the amount of deposits was 12,2701. wad in the second 13,2111. It might be said that the payments out had increased, but the contrary was the fact, the payments out had ditninished. Those who felt interested in the condition of' the labourer would be glad to find that the operation of the Corn-laws had tended to place him a condition of comparative cons fort at present, and also to put something by for an evil day. Ile had gone also to Leicester, which he understood had suffered from the competition of foreign hosiery. He had taken the number of depositors under 201., because whenever they found the small retail shopkeepers and people of that class able to make deposits, it was a proof of pros• perity among the labourers and artizans. He found that the number of depositors in the year ending November , 1838, below 201., was 916, and the number in the year before was 794—that the sum deposited last year Was 10,7421., and the year before it amounted to 9,843. Not to confine himself to the hosiery and cotton manufacture, be had asked what was the state of Birmingham, so far as the condition of the Savings Banks afforded an indication of prosperity in that class? The amount of deposits for the three months ending January, 1838, was 12,2971., and the amount for the three months ending Ja nuary, 1839, was 14 , 8701. Th e H ouse m i g ht ask what were the payments out, and it appeared that in the former year they were 9,9001., and the latter year 8,5001. —( Cheers.) He had also taken Glasgow and Manches ter, and with respect to Glasgow he had received the most satisfactory but astonishing statement. He could si?g, avoid making an extract f r om it t o th e H ouse , an d i t wo uld• show that an enormous increase had taken place in Glas gow, under the operation of a system which had given protection to agriculture. In 1812 the population of Glass gow was 103,000, and in 1838 it was 262,000, that in crease having taken place under a continued protection to agriculture.—( Hear, hear.) In 1812 the customs °' Glasgow received at the Broomielaw was 3,0001., and in 1838 the amount was 486,000/.—( Cheers. In 1812 the Harbour-dues were 4,8001., and in 1838 they were 40,20 01 . —(Loud cheers.) The supply of coal to Glasgow in 1831, during the operation of the present s Is' tens of Corn-laws was 561,000 tons, and it appears that instead of the laws having diminished its manufacturing prosperity, the consumption of coal had increased from 561,000 tons to 1,200,000 tons.—( Cheers. ) He w ould now read to the House the extract from the third annual report of the Glasgow Savings' Bank, and it began by making a comparison as to the average amount due to each individual depositor below 20/. in the year 1838, as cons pared with 1837. It appeared in 1838, the average . was 5/. 17s. 11d. ; and in 2837 it was 5/. los. sd. showing a small increase of 2s. 6d. What was the comment made on that fact by the Directors? The great number of stew accounts and the very small weekly deposits, was the true and grati fying cause of the slow apparent increase in the value of the deposits among those classes for whose benefit the savings' banks were instituted.—(Cheers.) The balance due to depositors in the year ending 1837, was 48,2 451 ' and in the year 1838, it was 90,2601. In the first of these years, the number of factory operatives, and persons em ployed in warehouses, who were depositors, was 3,824, an d the number in the last year was 6,341. He then took the case of Manchester, from whence complaints had first pro ceeded, and where the system of agitation had commenced --(Cheers from both sides of the House)—that system of agitation for which the Right Honourable Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade had claimed credit-- ( Renewed cheering)—that system of agitation which by the aid of the Government press, would have been carried on if those who had commenced it could have confined it within convenient, bounds—(Cheers)—if they bad known how to guide and controul the popular feeling. But they soon discovered that agitation could not well be confined to hostility to the landlords, but that there were others who, availing themselves of the lessons that had been taught - them, would agitate against the agitators themselves—whe would tell them, whether truly or not he would not under take to say, " you who profess hostility to the landlords and the aristocracy, who impute to them selfish motive* think of nothing but your own profits, and grinding doffs the poor. We will not be parties to this agitation—we" will not lend ourselves to your schemes—we suspect your object is to increase the profits of the cotton-spinner , and, by lowering the price of corn, lower at the same time the price of wages."—(llear, hear, and loud cheers,) He abominated, as much as any roan, the doc trines that had been mixed up with the opposition to the Corn-law Delegates, but at the *same time there might be a salutary lesson taught to those who thought it was easy to form a combination, and commence agitation, and fowl they could prescribe limits by which physical force an d agitation could be kept separate.—( Hear.) He would now take the report of the Manchester and Salford Savings Bank for the year ending 4th of January, 183 9, which the Directors must have been reviewing at the very time the Corn-law agitation was proceeding' Among the Vice-Presidents and Trustees he found the names of the Right Hon. C. P. Thomson, Mark Phillips, John Joseph Brotherton, and George William Wood.--- (Great laughter.) It appeared that there were since the previous year, 3,346 new accounts opened—that 20,455 1 nad been deposited—that there were 42,697 former 'de positors, and the number of accounts open was no% showing an increase on the previous year of 1,67 2 . —(Hear, hear, hear)' Those returns came down t ° the 4th of January, 1839, yet the proiperity of the manu facturing classes was not yet exhausted. The population of Manchester and the neighbourhood afforded scope for much more. Amongst the depositors in the Savings; banks were 1,721 weavers, 5,634 factory persons, 11,7 74 ; artificers and tradesmen, and others in a small way 0 ' business. Now he (Sir R. Peel) would say that he con fidently hoped, putting aside the arguments of the Ha l t Gentleman opposite, and putting aside th e cre dit . which was due to them as prophets, but relying altogether on tli , l official documents which he had cons u lt e d, th a t it would be seen that there was no evidence whatever of the silage t decay of the manufacturing interests of the se ve ral gree d manufacturing towns, or that commercial prosperity h d. been lessened, or the comforts of the poor diminish(' Upon these statements most certainly they could not esti blish any basis to prove the absolute necessity of a reps e of the Corn-laws.--(Hear, hear, and cheers.) (Sir R. Peel) was desirous, as far as he could, to Ceti Bider every argument to which he thought any sreig d could be attached. But he trusted he would be exnui e if he should omit those statements that bad been now re peated for the fiftieth time. He was anxious that tv - ' Anti-Corn-law Delegates might see th a t i n the course , the debate the arguments and the representations which a they bad made had not been overl oo k e d. The debate ba d now been resumed partly on another ground. It ini j, been said that the interests of the community in genfr a a , and of the agricultural clas ses i n part i cu l ar requ ired a r o " . vision of the Corn-laves. He would admit that the fl°, Gentlemen who advanc e d th ose propos i t i ons we re rigu a t ; unless those on his sid e cou ld s h ow—w h a t he f o r convinced was the fact —namely, that protectioteleg - agricultural interests was not only desirable, as but consistent with the general welfare of the community, b e as being also conducive to it.—( Cheers.) But before came ask wha g Gen , t h e Hon- f tba tleman at the opposite side had taken advantage present high prices of corn in a time of temporary Corn to raise a prejudice against the present system o. or a laws. He would submit that that was- not a sais,e srat o prudent course after the advantage which, to a toiruesent extent, they had derived for several years from thrello, in system. The present Corn-law came into (We t ' increas e 1829. Had its general action caused a g r h e :3oth Se," of price ?—( Hear, hear.) In the eeyears from:t erage price tember, 1830, to 30th September, 1838, the f_ . ly ras that a of wheat had been 545. a quarter. I _ l _ 70 3, 'eery high pri , ..e compared v;t1) „1" 0 it was time of pee,e, tile average was 553. 4d. r 17 1, the o n e of ; in 1789 it was 565., since which time _ no „ the torah body had had to endure heavy burdens. fs:arcity