The Sun. — London, England, 1839-06-14 00:00:00

rV=I.V.C•-rsnTT4ON. NATIONAL :11DUCAT.ION. Berkeley-house; London, June I I, I 539. To the Rev. Wm. Lord, Theo. Lessey, Joseph Roberts, Charles Prest, Win. Paterson, Win. Clegg, James Shear, Henry Fish, John Woodrow, Joseph Bowes, WM. Howarth, Robert James, Joseph Collier, and Wm. Radford, Wesleyan Ministers, residing in the City of Bristol. Gentlemen—When I received your letter, embody— ing your " sentiments relative to the proposed grant of public money for the promotion of the scheme of na tional education approved by a Committee of the Privy Council," and read your statements that in forwarding a petition against the " proposed measure" to my honour able colleague, P. S. Miles, Esq., you " should have been glad to have solicited my assistance on this occa sion, hut presuming that you knew my views on this sub ject you did not think such a course either respectful to tie or just to yourselves ;" and when I further read your disclaimer of all " political grounds" whatever in your proceeding on this subject, and with reference to me personally the following paragraph, " We wish not to interfere with your rights or duties as a Member of the Legislature in thus using our privilege, and in thus doin g our d u t y . We sumit, however, with great respect the foregoing [reasons] to your careful consideration, before you consent to a scheme con scientiously regarded by many of your constituents as prejudicial to their best .and dearest interests, and ut terly repugnant to every Christain and Protestant feel ing of their hearts." —I certainly did not conceive that a communication so guarded, and with such disclaimers, was intended for publication ; still less that its publi cation would have anticipated the brief reply which I readily made to it, to the effect that " on the principle assigned by you I Felt bound to support the measure, conceiving that sectarian differences should not stand Te e the way of national education ; and still less again did I conceive that such a publication would have been continued subsequent to the receipt of my reply, that reply being retained unpublished in your hands. Fhave, therefore, been somewhat startled on having ray attention just drawn tc . .. he circumstance of your letter so advertised in all the Bristol papers, a fact which but for the kindness of a friend might have escaped my 'notice; 'as unfortunately my copies both of the Briitol - Gazette and Mercury, have this week failed to reach me. 1. low, Gentlemen, although neither in the principle nor in the practice could I exactly see the necessity of your conclusions, that because of the assumed opinions of a Member of Parliament adverse to any given peti tion, he might not, therefore, without disrespect to him self, or injustice to the petitioners, be asked to support the prayer of such petition ; yet, viewing your letter in the light of a private communication, I could not but admit that the ground you took was high, entitling you to the more considerate attention, and fully respecting your disclaimer of political bias, I looked upon the corn neinication as friendly —friendly even in its warnings, and I endeavoured to reply to you in the same spirit and en the s ame p r i nc i p l e w hi c h h ave ever governed me m all my communications with my constituents— that of perfect freedom and perfect sincerity. Allow me, however, to add, that the case is now somewhat different. Between your averments and my ilea of a private letter, there was a consistency which is loot upon publication. To me your disclaimer of every political object is sufficient for all purposes, after it has once been made ; but to the public, who run as they read, and especially to those over whom your station and respectability give you a very natural and powerful influence, there is an apparent political bearing to which, apart from all considerations of motive, and in justice to the priueipte and the party I represent, I am constrained thus distinctly and publicly, but in the most friendly and respectful feeling, personally to yourselves, to advert. I might, indeed, avoid all the danger of misapprehen sion, and, as the contest is for the present gone by, suf fer its merits to lie at rest until public opinion becoming right, as it assuredly will, may render that which is true and just expedient also ; but I prefer to abide by the cause which alone I have consented to represent ; and, believing that in the view which you have taken of the Government plan of education you are acting preju dicially and adversely to the only principle which jus tifies dissent, I cannot shrink from the ordeal before which it has been your pleasure to place me ; and with equal sincerity and candour, as respectfully and as firmly, I beg leave to state a little more fully my sentiments on this subject, with the reasons which Iced me to conclude that, as you have misappre hended somewhat the nature of the Government pro posal, so are your fears groundless, and your opposi tibn to it something which you are called upon, as Protestant Dissenters, at your leisure to reconsider. In the present state of politics there are many ques tions sufficiently defined to admit of the most distinct Understanding upon them between a candidate and a constituency ; but, after election, questions must always arise on which the Member will have to exercise his judgment ; and the foundation of his decision should, I conceive, be in consistency with his pledges made, and with the general and broad principles upon which he has limy amt" into Partiathent. Thus, at my election, the :propriety' of - a repeal of the present Corn-laws, and of S'lffTtage• extension and protection,- were distinctly can , vased,-and :an honourable understanding come to up on them. :But '.t.liequeition 'of education did - not,. as I re . eiernber, arise ; and in decidin g u p on my present course, • kVA reference to that question, I must, therefore, be . . , atisfied that it is not inconsistent either with the ques tions to which I stand pledged, or with the broad prin ciple of policy' upon which my election was secured. That principle was civil and religious liberty all over the world. The question of education is raised in Parliament. What reference then does it bear to those pledges, and to that principle? Education, independent of its connec tion with, and subserviency to religion itself, is a question of franchise ; for ignorance not only leads to superstition and to the support of superstitious creeds, but it is pleaded as a bar to the extension of political rights. Wishing then, as a Protestant, for the exten sion of education as one means of extending religion, put:fied from superstitious observances, I desire it also as a Reformer, that it might lead to and afford a broader end safer basis to our representative system. I desire most ardently, then, on both these grounds, "that the people should be widely —universally educated ; and believing that this cannot be done without the aid of Government, I am bound to support Government in its attempts to secure this desirable end and great na tional good, taking care that in the act the greater principles of civil and religious liberty, and of religious liberty especially, be not entrenched upon. You say, " We most decidedly object to the intended scheme, not on any political grounds —not as political partisans —not from any desire or intention to embar rass the Government—but on the higher principles of conscience, and our full right to religious liberty." All other motives you repudiate, and at the time you add, " We decidedly object to the claims of any sect or party to the exclusive right of educating the children • of this nation, and to the awarding of the public money to any such sect or party for that purpose." I object with you to any such exclusive claim, and I supported the Government plan because it at once practically broke through the claim set up in opposi tion to this plan by High Church intolerants—an oppo sition to which, permit me to say, Dissenter s have given a support which has alone rendered it effectual—an op position founded in the Hied, Church party on princi ples, as avowed, the very reverse of those which you assign, and I am sure truly assign, as the motives by which you are actuated. For these reasons I supported the Government in its proposal, upon the principle of " conscience," and of the " full right" of not alone the Wesleyans, among whom I have the pleasure to number (nanny friends, but of all to " religious liberty." Our conclusions, then, being so remarkably dissimilar, while the principle is so alike, let me for a moment exa mine your objections to the Government plan, in con necsion.witlrythe'prin itself. You object 1. -" As Protestants, to being taxed for the teaching, and maintenance of false and injurious systems of re ligion." 2. " Against the national support of schools, in 'vrhich it is proposed to use notoriously corrupt and un faithful "Versions of the Scriptures, accompanied by notes which we consider' directly subversive of the fun (tamental truths of Christianity, and - which inculcate :he most absurd and pernicious dogmas of Popery." 3. " Against the establishment of schools on prin ejples which recognize for all the purposes of national education in a Protestant country the Popish version of the Scriptures, as cf equal value and importance with the authorized translations.' 4. Because after payment to the cost (through taxa tion) " It would be impossible that the children of Wesleyan methodists should avail themselves of its ad vantages without being subjected to danger, arising from the exhibition of rival sects contending for rival versions of the Bible, and from the spirit of doubt, if not of abso. lute infidelity, to which such exhibition would assuredly tend." These objections I have read very carefully, and could I be satisfied of their correctness, the Government plan of education should have met with my most earnest opposition ; but I have read that plan with equal care, and I feel bound to say that I do not think your objec tions apply to it. Government proposed to found a school for the train ing of teachers, such schools to include a model school of Children front the age of three to that of fourteen }cars, in numbers sufficient to form an infant school, as Well as ono for children above seven years old. In the benefit of such an establishment, to the sup port of Which all sects would have contributed in pro portion to their several extents, was not each sect enti tled t o share in the same proportion : Most certainly veg. Then came the choice of three difficulties. Ist. , i--- i chnol without religion od• k school on the princi , , P .lihe supremacy of oi.nnea-re.ed'.d3d._A school upon l i at designated a school without 1 c irle of equality 4.. i N • it was not , . k „i Le hOght of, much less att vv em it out God . -API' . pled'The second you a f 3,5 *inst. The third is a pr e` inst the second. creeds. The , Tdbiyl:evirtuethe would oov e r n len ' tylout your own idea on the principle your "- • r" ) ses your- 0, the ur . , 1 i todoxn? It proposed— ' ,J, .~+"' 4r ; - 771Tit — teliglan 'fined - he cuincinediNii& and regu late the whole system of instruction. 2. That it should fm—t-his purpose be considered ge neral and special. -- : 3. That periods should be set apart for peculiar doc trinal instruction. 4. That a chaplain should be appointed for the spe cial religious instruction of children of the establish ment. *5 - s-fliAt - the number of children connected with any sect in the school warranting the appointment, and a licensed minister of that sect should be also appointed for -their special instruction. 6. Otherwise the parent or natural guardian of the child to be permitted to secure the attendance of such licensed minister : the instruction to be given apart. 7. Roman Catholics, if their parents or guardians re quire it, to be permitted to read their own version of the Scriptures, either at the time fixed for reading the Scriptures, or at the hours of special instruction. 8. No certificate to be granted to a candidate teacher unless the authorised religious instructor attest his con fidence in the character, religious knowledge, and zeal of the candidate. How, then, are your objections made out ? and how are they consistent with the position you occupy, and with the principles you profess as Protestant Dissenters? Would you exclude altogether special religious in struction ? or would you enforce:one faith upon those who profess another, on the penalty of exclusion ? The parent who insists, at school, on the religious training of his child, and that his religious training shall he in the hands of the pastor of his own communion, is not likely to have neglected that duty elsewhere. What, then, did the system propose? That in affording education, op portunity should not be denied for fulfilling the higher duty, and that in affording opportunity it should be afforded on the great Protestant principle of liberty of conscience to all. Government seeks not to teach systems of religion, much less those which are false and injurious ; it seeks only not to exclude religion, and, in order that none may be excluded, it renders liberty of conscience ass acred within the school as in the house of the parent, or the Church to which that parent belongs. Then if the children of Churchmen from their number shall have what seems most convenient, an appointed minister with an appointed duty, is not the Dissenter's child under similar circumstances similarly entitled ? Next, the Catholic is endeared to his own version of the Scriptures ; and et me remind you, that as the wind blew more fiercely, the traveller drew his cloak more firmly about him. The Catholic will not accept the Protestant version—shall he have none ? And how does the permission to use this version, if the parent wish it, render it of equal force or recognise it as of equal authority with the version authorised by law? There is no pretext for saying this iu the Government prtah, - and I am bound to attribute the statement to sonic misapprehending information received from some other source. As little ground is there for the fear of doubt and infidelity arising from the exhibition of rival sects contending for rival creeds, simply because such a state of things could not have existed under the proposal of the Committee of the Privy Council on Edu cation, for the desire for special instruction would have been made by special, and therefore private, application to the governor of the schools, and it would been given, as you must now see, apart, as the readings of the Romish version might have been, and would doubtless, on the slightest representation of offence to Protestant feeling. I have now gone through all the points which arise upon your objections ; and have endeavoured to show you how in some instances you have been misinformed as to the actual facts, and in other instances have mis taken their probable consequences. In doing this, I have placed some of the difficulties which arise under your view, in the form of questions, and have done so, not imputing any conclusions to yourselves, but with the view of bringing the difficulty more directly under your notice, as I feel convinced that whatever your conclu sions may be, you will bring to the reconsideration of the subject the most entire honesty of purpose. But allow me to add, that while I will yield to no man in attachment to the Protestant as opposed in doctrine to the Romish faith, I cannot consistently with my principles allow religious distinctions to operate prejudicially to political rights. If I could, I tell you frankly, that the line I should be compelled to draw would exclude more sects than one, and you may rely on it that the only safe principle for all is to include all, for that there is no medium between all and none, but one dominant. I believe that as education rightly administered is the great remedy for political errors, so also by subserving the cause of truth and strengthening the mind against superstition would it be found one means of removing errors in religion. As Protestants, therefore, relying on truth; I conceive you to be interested in the spread of education. I have al ready said that I am interested in it as a politician as well as a Protestant. I look to education as the great regenerator and safeguard of the institutions of the country. I know not how a sufficient commencement is to be made without the aid of Government. I can conceive no means of effecting this but upon the princi ples of religious equality, and while I must express my regret that a jealousy of Roman Catholicism, to me inexplicable in men who should have more faith in the foundation of the Protestant creed, has for the time set this measure Liside, let me hope that further consideration may induce us all to agree to some system, which, as far as practicable, shall carry out the •views of all who mean honestly and wisely by the cause; and if, consistently with the principle, the Protestant faith can be better guarded, the amended system shall only have my more earnest support. In-the meantime, I cannot he insensible to the fact that the course pursued by a large portion of the Dis senters on this question has materially prejudiced their peculiar and just claims on the consideration of the Legislature, and extended the period during which they will yet have to pray for redress.—l am, Gentlemen, with the sincerest respect, your very obedient servant, F. HENRY F. BERKELEY. ARMED ASSOCIATION.—We understand th a t about one hundred and fifty inhabitants of Loughborough having formed themselves into an association, and aophed to Lord John Russell, to be provided with fire arms, for the purpose of protecting themselves, their application his Lordship has complied with, DOUBLE MAIL.— LIVERPOOL AND DUB- Ltx.—lt was expected that the arrangements fur this desir able object would have been completed and in operation on the Ist instant, but the measures on the London and Bir mingham railroad for facilitating the conveyance of the mail trains will not, however, be complete until the 20th instant, when the Admiralty steamers will, it is expected, leave at eight o'clock in the mort,ing and eight in the the evening. A number of passengers for Ireland arrived by the mail train from London in Liverpool on Satur day morning, in the hopes of finding " all right," and, consequently, great disappointment was felt when they ascertained they should remain in Liverpool all the day. The vessels chartered from the city of Dublin Company, by the Admiralty, to enable them to carry this arrangement into effect, are of a very superior class, and the accommodation they afford the very best. The Prince made the passage from George Pie..lohad to Kingstown harbour on Wednesday evening last in ten hours and eighteen minutes, notwithstanding she had to contend against the flood-tide for the first three hours after leaving the Mersey, and had no assi.3tanc: from wind during the entire passage.—Dublin Evening Post. STEAM-PACKET COLLISION ON TIIE Rt- VER.—Tuesday morniiig, shortly after nine o'clock, the steam-ship Waterwitch, Captain Gibson, sailed frmn the St. Katherine steam-packet wharf for Hull, with a con siderable number of passengers. About the same time the. Diamond Company's steam-packet G m took her departure from London-bridge wharf for Gravesend, also crowded with passengers. When the Waterwitch reached opposite to Downe's wharf, Lower East Smithfield, she took the ground, in consequence of being heavily laden, and the tide remarkably low, and remained fast. The Gem, which was following in her track close astern, br_fore her speed could be checked, struck the Waterwich on the starboard quarter, and did some damage. The Gem had her side covering-boards on the larboard-paddle floats com pletely cap away. The greatest alarm prevailed, par ticularly among the female passengers, whose screams were heard at a great distance. Several watermen imme diately put off to the steamers, and several of the passen gers, more frightened than the rest, on board the Gem, mite on shore. Fortunately no person received injury, and, after a short delay, both vessels proceeded down the river. The collision was purely accidental. M. ARAGO A CAPTIVE.--M. Arago, while employed in 1809, by the Instittee of Paris, to make ob servations in reference to the longitude, was obliged to hurry out of Spain, and sought refuge in Algiers, where he was detained prisoner. Mr. Blanckley immediately went to the Dey to solicit leave for him to quit the coun try, and endeavoured to make him understand that the re searches of the philosopher were for the benefit of mankind in general. The Dey answered, that if be were of any other nation he might listen to such arguments, but that no Frenchman should leave his kingdom ; and that if he wished to find the longitude, &c., he might take his spy glass,. and go up ono of the mountains in that vicinity, which would answer his purpose quite as well as in any other part of the world. And thus terminated the audience with this enlightened Prince. NEW INVENTIONS.—It is no slight evidence of the inventive spirit of the age, that, almost at the same time, three apparently equally important discoveries, in the department of the fine arts, should be made in Paris, St. Petersburg, and Berlin. Whi:e Daguerre, in Paris, found out how to produce the most accurate copies of objects in a chemical way, by means of the action of light ; while Jacobi, in Petersburg, transformed by a gal vanic process, engravings on copper into works in relief, without destroying the former; an invention, by means of which it is possible to multiply, in a mechanical way, o:l paintings, with all their biilliancy of colours, and that with a fidelity hitherto unattainable, is approaching to perfec tion at Berlin. The inventor, Jacobi Leipman, has been led by his studies of colouring, and the mixing of colours, to the idea on which he has been already engaged ten years, till he has recently been enabled to accomplish the difficult object which he proposed to himself.—Foreign Monthly Review. BRUSSELS, JUNE 9.--N umerous su b scr ipti on s continue to be received for the sufferers by the inundation at Burght. In order to register the deaths of the victims, it was necessary to hold an inquest to ascertain the identity of the bodies. The official account states that only thirty bodies have yet been found, which were identified the day before yesterday, and buried yesterday evening in the cc. metery of Grimberghen. Trtr Stilkr,-+JOVIION% PilT DA r, J-TM7/1 14. leM. MAIL PACKET STATION. CONTEMPLATED REMOVAL OF HER MA JESTY'S MAIL PACKET STATION FROM FALMOUTH. • SoUTRADIPTON, WEDNESDAY NIGHT. A very respectable meeting of the merchants and inha bitants of Southampton, to consider the propriety of me moralizing the Government to make that post the station for the arrival and departure of the mail packets. in case of its being removed from Falmouth, was held at the Guildhall, Southampton. this afternoon, The late Mayor, JOSEPH Loan, Esq , was called to the Chair, in the absence of the Mayor. L'eutenant-Colonel HENDERSON rose to submit the first resolution. It was now upwards of seven years since he was first engaged in endeavouring to establish a Company for making a Railway from Southampton. He was appointed Chairman of the Committee which was formed for that purpose, and he would now give an account of his stewardship. In the year 1832, the period to which he was alluding, it was found that after all the exertions that had been made, the requisite amount of capital could not be obtained. In 1833, determined that he should not be accused of being lax in his efforts to effect that great undertaking, he went to London, where several men of influence took up the measure, amongst whom were the late Chairman of the Com pany, Mr. Wright, the present Chairman. Mr. Fasthope, Mr. Humphries, and meny other gentlemen of capital. Still the amount subscribed was insufficient, and to obtain further funds he went to Manchester, where he got ac quainted with Mr.. Langston, by whom he was introduced to Mr. Lloyd. For three days he walked the streets of Manchester without having obtained one single share sub scribed for ; during that time he called thrice on Mr. Lloyd, who heard him patiently, and on the last occasion said to him, " I feel quite satisfied with the explanations you have given me, and I will take 200 shares." On coming oat of Mr. Lloyd's office, Mr. Langston shook hands with him, and told him lie would soon have his share-list filled ; and so it was, for in three days 400 0001. was subscribed in Manchester. They carried their Bill into Parliament, and after much skirmishing before the Committee, they found they were still a hundred and fifty thousand pounds short, and which sum must be obtained before they could take forcible possession of a single acre of ground. Accordingly, it again fell to h:s lot to endeavour to get the money. He went into Scotland, where he very soon got the 150,000/. subscribed for. The work was proceeded with, and, as the engineer had ob served on Monday last, there was now no doubt of its en tire successful completion in twelvemonths from this time. In connexion with the railway the docks were also at first projected, but as it was thought that both together would prove too stupendous an undertaking, the docks were stopped for a time. He was happy to see that they were now taken up by other patties; the share list was com pleted, and the works would very soon be commenced. There was one point connected with the docks which bore very strongly on this question, and that was the intended formation of e tidal basin, in which there would be at all times of the ode a depth of from 18 to 20 feet of water, approachable at all tides, and at all seasons of the year. He believed that the largest steam-ves-Tls did not draw more than 15 feet water, and for the Post-office packets the depth would be amely suffedera. Some time ago it was his lot to have communication with se veral gentlemen in London connected with the project of the steam navigation of the Atlantic; amongst - them was Mr. Beckford, the son of a gen tleman well known and respected in this town, who was largely connected with the Vest lndia interest. He fre quently saw him, and pointed out to him the advisability of making this port the station, if Government would consent, for sending the mails, by steam vessels across the Atlantic. It was then suggested that one steam vessel should be sent to St. Michael's or Terceira, or if the harbours in those places should not be found fit fir the purpose, to the island of Madeira, and that on its arrival there, three vessels should start simultaneously, one to Halifax, Boston, or New York, one for the West indies and Mexico, and the third for the more southern parts of South America, as low as Rio Janeiro. He had an interview with Sir John Bar row, the Secretary of the Navy, and Col. Maberley, the Secretary of the Post-office, respecting the subject. He had expected to receive a refusal, and to have cold water thrown on it, considering the number of gun vessels em ployed in that service, and the amount of patronage such employment places in the hands of the Admiralty ; but he was surprized to meet such a cordial reception, and so far from any obstruction being thrown in the way by the Admiralty, Sir John Barrow assured him, that they were ready tc enter into a contract with any parties who would undertake to convey the mails, by steam•vessels, across the Atlantic Ocean. He therefore hoped he should have been able to effect the formation of a Company, on a grand scale, got up for the purpose of establishing steam-vessels for the navigation of the Atlantic, to start from the Port of Southampton, but he was much disappointed to find that he had been anticipated, and that another Company had been got up, who had contracted for conveying the mails, by steam to H ilifex, New York, or any other Ports, north of New York, fur 55,0001. alear. He saw Mr. Kinnaird, the head of the Company, and pointed out to him the advantages of making Southampton the port to start, from the depth of water, and the facility of approach._ Mr. Kinnaird promised him that regard should be paid to the claim of Southampton, but he had been told— he did not know if it was true—that that gen tleman had since received a bonus of 20.00(1. for half his share in the Company, and that the parties who had taken it were connected with Liverpool and Bristol. If that were the case he feared there was little chance of Southampton being made the port of departure u n l ess t h e G overnment ordered the Company to do so, fOr be did not see why the merchants of London should be compelled to send their letters for America to Liverpool,—.:tie did not see why, the vessels should not start from Lotion direct. It was his own opinion that if the matter were brought properly under the notice of the Government they would compel the Corn pany to sail from the mot direct port. This question was of very great importance to Southampton. Ile, believed that no port possessed so many advantages, taking into con sideration the depth of water, tire tranquil stme of the river, the railway to Loudon, and the Tidal Basin, which perhaps would be completed in twelve months, and ready to receive the largest steam vessels which still ever be employed in the navigation of the Atlantic. The resolution which he had the honour to propose was to the following effect : " That this meetine taking into consideration the pecu liar advantages which the Port of Southampton affords for the esteblishment of a Pest-offiee packet station, regard being had especially to the safety of its harbour—the facility of departure at all seasons of the year, and all times of the tide—its contiguity to London, and its railway com munication. now on the point of completion—resolves that a Committee be appointed fit the purpose of drawing up a memorial to the proper etithorities, with power to ap point a deputation to wait upon such authorities, and to take proper steps, as the Co nmittee may deem requisite. to extend the benefits which must result both to the town and to the public service, from the attainment of this important object." Captain WARD, R N., said that after the lucid state ment mule by Colonel Henderson, it was almost unneces sary for him to do more than move a vote of thanks to that Gentleman, but as the usual course was that every resolu tion should be seconded, he would second this one with great pleasure. With respect to the exertions made by Culonel Henderson, in first pa omoting the formation of the Railway, he had been joined with that Gentleman in the first progress of the work, and no Gentleman, he was sure, could have displayed more energy and zeal than that Gentleman had done. ledeed, had it not been for his .perseverance, he, (Captain Wa.d) was coevinced there would hive bsen no tail ase from London to Southampton this day. He aorthuted to th it gentle nun's exertions the great ued rteking which will , end to make this port a naval and mercantile arsenal—equal to any in the kiegdam. There was not one port better adapted to the object which they were met to endea weir to obtain—from the facility of approach—the safe ness of the anchorage—the advantage which it derived from its p culiar tides, of its being high water longer than at any other port—its central poshion, and its near approach by means of the reilsvey to London, by which the dangers of the Channel would be avoided. Their good neighbours of Portsm oath had boasted of the advan tage of their situation for a packet station, but riotwith stiinding the xcellence of that port as a naval arsenal, he would not cones de one particle to them on this point. The aproach to this place was quite as good, if not better than that to Portsmouth. He considered that the Government ought to keep Portsmouth as a naval ar senal, and net allow it to be mixed . up with mercantile affairs. He had been greatly employed there during the war, and he had fiequntly experienced the greatest difficulty in . g ettin g in and out of the harbour from the crowd of transports and merchantmen, sod the rapidity o the current. He had great pleasure in seconding the re solution. Before he sat down he bad one word with re gard to the docks. He begged to produce the plan which had been agreed to at the last meeting, and wnich was calculated to afford the greatest accommodation tof mercantile shipping. Not only had the whole of the shares been subscribed for, but those who had refused to pay until that had been done were now paying up, and there was no doubt that the works would very shortly be in pro gress; and he was convinced that there were many here whose heads were not yet silvered over by age, who would live to see this one of the first mercantile ports of the kingdom. J. B. Hoy, Esq., (late M.P. for Southampton) said he had one'or two observations to make at this stage of the proceedings. On reading over the report of the meeting at Pcirtsmouth he had been struck with the advantages possessed by Southampton over that town, one of which was that in the former case the steamers would lay at Spithead, and passengers would have to go out in open boats in all weathers, whereas if the Station were established at Southampton pissengers would have only to walk on board from the pier or docks. He said it was stated that the mails could be forwarded from Portsmouth to London within six hours ; but surely with the Railroad they could be forwarded in 3-1- or 3 hours from Sot*bamp ton. The Railroad was originally projected at a very small meeting. His friend, Mr. Le Fouvre and two or three other gentlemen, had waited on him in the Isle of Wight, as a deputation, and he had the honour in the House of Commons to be the Chairman of the Committee on the Dock Bill, which he looked on as the consequence of the Railway. The harbour of Southampton had been cele brated in former times as a resort for mercantile shipping, but with the Docks and Railroad, should the station be removed from Falmouth, he considered the appeal in favour of it would be irresistible. The resolution was then put from the Chair, and car ried amidst great cheering. Captain Weer) then proposed the following resolution : .‘ That the Committee consist of the Mayor, J. B. Fly, J. Ede, G. Brown, J. W. Drew, and J. Lobb, Esqrs., Col. Hendersole, Capt. W ard, R.N., Messrs. Bienvenue, Keele, Chaplin, Witt, Channel, Buchan, and Le Feuvre. Seconded by W. D. BROOKS, and carried unanimously. Mr. La FEUVRE then proposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Lobb for his oncduct in the Chair, which was carried by acclamation. It was agreed that the Committee should nave power either to request the Mayor to sign the memorial, or to submit it for the signatures of the inhabitants, and votes of than; were given to Col. Henderson and J. B. Hoy, Esq. Before the meeting broke up, Col. Henderson men tioned a plan which was in contemplation for 'erecting a Mercantile Exchange, where the tradesmen •f the town might find a point of union. The plan had been prepared by the architect of the London and Sonthampton Railway, and an application would be made to the Corp-)ration for the site. The meeting then, having entered into a subscrip tion to defray the expenses of the Committee, broke up. METROPOIATA/N POLITICAL SU‘IMARY. The Courier, in an article on the Ballot, very justly observes, that " the Tories are unable to conceal their vexation at the rt solution to which Ministers have come, to leave the Ballot an open question. This concession i is itself sufficient to bar Sir Robert Peel and his friends from office for the year 1839, and the interval between this and the next Se:lion will, we trust, be profitably spent in preparing the whole Liberal party to act with union and energy at the next general election ; for the present House of Commons, though it may suffice to keep the Tories from office, does not possess the means of corn !minding respect for its decisions from the other House of Parliament, and as long as the latent struggle between the two Houses continues, it is impossible that the legis lation of the country can be carried on to the satisfac tion of any party whatever." It adds, in allusion to the nut cry which the Tory cacklers of the press are raising aLainst the Govern ment for making the Ballot an open question, that " of all people in the world, however, the supporters of the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Ptel ought to be the last to make it a matter of reproach to public men to consent to remain in a Cabinet not united on a great and momentous question. Lord Liverpool's Cabinet was from its very commencement, di , ided on the ques tion of CatholicEniancipation ; yet , ne i t h er the Duke of Wellington nor Sir Robert Peel, unbounded as their zeal then was for the entire exclusion of Catholics from all share in the Government or Legislation of the country, ever manifested the least reluctance to accept of scats in a Cabinet which left Catholic Emancipation an open question." The itandard thus enlightens its readers on the ad• vantages of education :—" Whoever considers the state of the mass of the population seventy or eighty years ago, and has manliness to confess the truth, trill acknowledge that before the middle of the last century, the peasantry of England could scarcely derive any possible advantage. from a general diffusion of book and paper knowledge—we s iy from a general diffusion, because at all times the possession of a singular accomplishMent must profit the possessor exactly to the extent _Prat it is singular. Goldsmith's flute-playing, as he tells carried Urn prosperously over the Continent until he reached countries where every peasant played as well as himself.' So it was in England at the time of which we speak ; the one or two in a parish who could read,' and write throve better than their illiterate neighbours ; but the argument from the particular to the universal fails here, as it always fails. Had all the parish been raised to their level they would have been so much the worse in those respects in which they had an advantage, without their neighbours being anything- the better." The Globe has a leading article on the Eastern ques tion, from which we extract the following observations: —" The permanent interests of France, however, are those of civilized Europe ; the independence of the other members of the great European family against despotic en creaehment has become essential to her own ; and France knows well the dangers her peace and freedom would have incurred of late years from Russian preponde rance, or from English hostility. United, France and England can dictate justice and moderation to the world. In alliance or connivance with Russia, France might hope to share in the spoil of her neighbours, as Austria and Prussia were deluded to do in the last century, and each of them have bitterly repented since. The policy of France, however, like that of every state which has reached a certain stage of national progress and moral development, has ceased to be naturally or essen tially aggressive in character. War amongst equals is a game at which all must lose. The great security of peace in Europe is the equslity of civilization, where every country has much to lose and little to gain by attacking others. There is only one European- Asiatic power, which has much to gain and little to lose (in her present state of organization), by systematic encroachments upon all her neighbours . —by force, where the victim is feeble—by fraud, where her force is inade quate, and at wham it is childish to call names for 41 disposition which is - the law of her beini, but most in dispensable to constantly alive to the dangers which result from her neighbourhood." LAW INTELLIGENCE. HOUSE OF LORDS, Juxß 13 The House sat to-day for the purpose of hearing Scotch appeals. The Peers in rtttendanee were the Lord Chan ce lor, the Marquis of Tavistock, and Lord Montagu. GRAY V. FORBES. The LORD CUANCELLOR, after hearing Counsel in this appeal on b e h a lf o f the aupellant, ordered the judgment of the. C tkirio-Lolow to- be zu k tVirrna4 vw; FLEMING V. DUNLOP. The - Loan Ciuvsecer.t.on gave judgment in this case, which was argued a shott time since, reversing the deei.. sion of the Court Session. BF, Cr: V. M`C.4Lf. This case came li...fort:their Loritiliipl, upon appeal from the decision of the Court of Session, in an action of mul tiple poimiine% TMS:atgumenk,-, which hal not concluded at lour o'clock, will be resumed .te.m,, , row (this day). COURT OF AXCHEQUER, Jrx2 13. VASTELLO V. BfORGAN. • This was an action brought to recover compensation in damages ter an alleged a-sault and false imprisonment. Mr. PLATT and Mr. LEE appeared as Counsel for thi plaintiff. No one appeared on the part of the defendant From the evidence ad , inced it appeared that the plaintiff, on a night in June la , t vtlir, went to the Blue Posts in the Haymarket, and asked payment for some pictures he had done for the defendant, who was landlord of the house. The defendant said he would pay the amount (41.) in a month. The plaintiff upon this made some re marks offensive to the defendant, which called from him some very offensive epithets, but, not contented with that, he followed it up by striking the plaintiff in the face, from which he drew blood. He came in front of the bar and gave the plaintiff into the custody of the police ; he was detained in the station.house all night, but was at once discharged by the Magistrate next day. No Conical appearing for the defendant,the Jury, under his Lordship's direction, returned a verdict for the plaintiff, with 25/. damages. Mr. PLATT ;:polied for speedy.execution. Mr. Baron GURNEY said that was not the first time the case had been before the Court. It came now before the Jury on a rule fur a new trial, and from what he remem bered of the case, he was astonished that no defence was made. He was afraid there was some irregularity, that no notice of trial haul been given; under thche circumstances he should not accede to the application ; execution must issue in the usual course. WILSON V. BASSETT. This was also an action for compensation for false im pris,nment. The pisir.t,ff with defendant. and others were engaged in a game at a public house, when defendant miswd his purse. Ile called in the uolice, who would not allow any one to leave the room until the purse was found, or V.e matter settled: The purse was nut found there. The matter did not occupy more than a tew Verdict for the plaintiff. Ihmagrs one farthing. , . POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION.HOUSE. Wectiesday a youi'Lt ni , m-Ll Fraiieis as brought 1.. p 10, ea twor• tAu L.rd XL.y - or, charged with having presented a check for 701. which he knew to he forged, for payment at the house of Masterman, Mildred, and Co. The prisoner was a clerk in the Van Diemen's Land Company's ,ffi e. He had stated that he had found the check, and that he intended to hand over the proe , eds to the Secretary, ant a most excellent character bad been given of him. M. Bush had no objection to.„ have the prisoner re manded for a week, and the Lord Mayor accordingly ap pointed Wednesday for the final consideration of the case. Wednesday the witnesses all appeared, and Mr.. Bush intimated to the Lnrd Mayor that the banking-house had come to the deterrninatiow, after having made inquiries into all the circumstances of the case, to persevere in the prosecution. ' The witnesses -then• detailed the particulars more at length, and their depositions were taken down. Mr. Mildred said, that when he saiv the forged check for 701. 10s. he was quite staggered at the resetriliddrice which the writing bore to his, but he knew at once that he had give n no chock foi that money. In answer to a qur•stion from the Lord Mayor. it was stated that the check for 70/. lOC., which Mr. Mildred had paid into the Van Diemen's Land-office had never been presented in th e b anking house of M a g erma n and Co. Mr. Tebay, a c l erk in the Van Diemen ' s L an d Offi ce , stated that h e saw the check for 701. 104. lying on the desk in the o ffi ce, and he recollected the pr i soner h av i ng rt quested Mr. Mild red to cross it. Witne4 was in the office on the naornrng after the transaction at Masterman's banking house about the forged check, and saw the pri soner, but the prisoner did not say a word to him on the subject. _ _ Daniel Forrester, the officlr who took the prisoner into custody, produced a letter, part of which the prisoner tore off and attempted to burn. Witness prevented him from doing so. The letter was nut read publicly. Mr. Humphreys asked Mr. Ewens what account the prisoner had given to him of the matter?—Mr: Ewens re plied that the prisoner said he picked it up in the office, in his (witness's) atyience, and took it to the banking-house with the intention of handing the money over to him in the morning. Mr. Bush—Th ere are variations i n t h e acc ount s g i ven by the prison er . I accuse him of hav i ng p re se n t e d t h e check for pay ment, knowing it to be a forged i n s tr ument. The LORD M Ayoß _ Have you anyth i ng t o s ay, p r i soner? Prisoner—Nothin g more . I l eave the case in the hands of my attorney._ Committed for trial. Yesterday t wo well-dressed young men , n a m e d A rno ld , UNION-HALL. were brought before Mr. Jeremy, charged with attempting to strangle a policeman of the P division. After hearing the evidence of the different witnesses, The Magistrate said that the charge against the defend ants was of so serious a nature that be should send it be fore a jury, the utmost fine that he was empowered to in. flict for such an offence being quite an inadequate punish ment. Mr. D. BROWNE said if the Hon. Member would allow him he would explain. The petition had been for warded to him by the Archbishop of Tuam—he believed the only Archbishop of Tuam now existing—and attached to the name were the words " Archbishop of ,Tuam," In forwarding the p,tition to him Dr. Nl' Hale stated in his letter that if the presontation of the petition with the term Archbishop attached to it was irregular, he might erase it if he pleased. Deeming the ad dition to be irregular, and that it would only give occasion to an idle discussion in that House, lie had erased the term " Archbishop," but he could not for a moment suppose that there would be any objection to receive the petition, merely be cause the term Archbishop appeared in the prayer of it. The House -must be aware that there were no provisions in any law to prevent his (Mr. Browne's) describing Dr. M'Hale as Archbishop of Tuam, although it might be illegal in him to assume it. He did not suppose that the House would show so in tolerant a disposition as to reject the petition simply be cause it came from a Roman Catholic clergyman. Me. LAW trusted the House would not allow the petition to be received. The Hon. Member had truly stated that it originally bore, in addition to the signature of Dr. M•Hale the style and title of Archbishop of Tulin, and that he had authority, as that person was pleased to designate himself, to erase the title he had affixed to his name, in order to avoid discussion. The Hon. Member had removed the title so annexed, but the petition was in the description and heading of it the pe tition of a supposed Archbishop of Tuam, when no such Bishop by law existed. The Honourable Member had truly stated that when the Archbishop of the Pro. testant Church had ceased to exist, the person assuming the name of the Archbishup of Tuam might not have brought himself within the penalties of the Act, if he was merely designated " Archbishop" by another, but when he assumed a title belonging to the Protestant Church, he appeared in a character which by law did not belong to that gentleman. He, therefore, objected to the House receiving a petition from an individual assuming a title to which he had no legal right. It would be trifling with that House, when an Act of Parliament had been passed prohibiting any person from assuming a ttle belonging to the Protestant Church, that any one should be now allowed to be heard by that House by that title. He trusted the House would vindicate its dignity by rejecting a petition in which it was attempted to evade the law of the land. Mr, WARBURTON contended that according to all practice and precedent the petition might be re ceived. There might be some objection to any party describing himself as Archbishop of Tuam, but the petition also came from clergymen professing the Roman Catholic religion. There was nothing more common than for petitions to be signed by the Chairman of a meeting on behalf of the meeting. They were constantly received, and upon the same principle the petition ought to be received as that of the Roman Catholic clergy. Mr. WYNN regretted that a petition so headed had been offered to the House. Such discussions it was CHURCH LEASES. Mr. LAM BTON wished to ask the Noble Lord whether it was his intention this session to introduce any measure founded on the recommendation of the Com mittee on Church leases. The holders of that property could not at present borrow money on that security, owing to the unsettled state of the question, and it w as of importance that some measure should be enacted as speedily as possible. Lord JOHN RUSSELL was fully aware of the im portance of this subject, but from the many difficul ties attendant on the subject, be should not be able to bring any measure on that subject forward during the present Session, but early next Session he hoped to be able to submit to the House some measure on this subject. NATIONAL EDUCATION. Lord STANLEY gave n otice that on the motion for this House going into a Committee of Supply, h e should move that an humble addres s be presented to her Majesty her Majesty, praying to be graciously pleased to rescind the Order in Council of the 25th of 1 IMPERIAL PA RL/AMEN T. ROUSE OF COMMONS, ✓v 13. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. The Grantham Small Debts Bill Committee was re. vived and permitted to sit again. From the statements of Mr. Christopher and Mr. Greene it appeared that the Committee had not been able to sit to-day. owing to the absence of the selected Members, and the - former Honourable Member suggested that in cases (like the present) of unopposed Bills, the Committees have power to sit in the absence of the selected Members. The Report upon the West Croft (Nottingham) Canal Bill was agreed to. The Bradford (Wilts) Improvement Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Sir H. FLEETWOOD the Pres ton and Wyre Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. The Tyne Dock Bill was read a third time and passed. The Birmingham Canal Bill, on the motion of Sir EARDLEY WILMOT, was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. M. PHILLIPS, the Man chester and Birmingham Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. Lord SA NDO N moved that the Committee on the Liverpool Churches' Bill be revived. The Noble Lord was understood to say that this motion was rendered necessary in consequence of the non-attendance of the Members of the former Committee. After a short conversation, in which Mr. CHRIST°. PHER and Mr. GREENE took part, the motion was agreed to. On the motion of Captain!ALSAGER, the Croydon, Mertsham, and Godstone Railway Company's Dissolu tion Bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. GREENE presented a petition from Bolton, against the Ministerial plan of education. Lord COLE presented four petitions in favour of a universal penny post. Mr. THORNELY presented similar petitions from parishes in Norfolk. Mr. DILLON BROWN presented a petition from the Catholic Archbishop and Priesthood of the Diocese of Tuam, against the national system of education in Ireland. Tue petitioners stated that they considered the educatio❑ of the people of that Diocese was exclu sively vested in the Catholic Clergy, and that such being the case, they could not give up what they con scientiously believed to be their rights. The following is the petition The bumble petition of the Archbishop of Tuam and Clergy, professing the Roman Catholic Religion, most humbly showeth, That your Petitioners beg to approach your Honourable House with the unfeigned assurance of their devotion to the throne and person of our most gracious Sovereign. That whilst they give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, they cannot be unmindful of the other precept that issued from the same Divine source, of giving to God the things that are God's. That the Religious Education of their respective flocks is a duty solely and exclusively belonging to the spiritual authority of the Pastors of the Church, and which they cannot re sign into any other hands without a renunciation of those obligations which they owe to its Divine Founder. Petitioners beg to impress upon your Honourable House, that religion, to be effective, must be definite in its creed, and that any plan that would attempt to 'combine the discordant tenets of different sects of Christianity in a vague belief would be utterly subversive of its foundation, and equally at variance with that solicitude which Protes tants feel for articles of the Established Church, as well as with the zeal with which Catholics have clung to their faith under the most adverse fortunes. Petitioners further beg leave to observe, that in the diocese of Tuam alone there is a Catholic population of 470,000 persons, and there is not more than one to fifty of all other religious creeds. That petitioners conceive it utterly unreasonable that for one in fifty they should submit to a system of Education fashioned for a mixed popu lation of all Christian sects, and regulated by a ma nifest preponderance of Protestant principles and influence. Petitioners, therefore, seeing no hope of accommodation with a body whose pretensions are so arbitrary that they cannot be submitted to without the most imminent peril to the Catholic faith, since it undisguisedly supersedes the authority by which that faith is protected, take this solemn opportunity of assuring your Honourable House that hence firward they hold no connexion whatever, pecuniary or otherwise, with that Board, and they will use all the spi ritual influence of their sacred office to withdraw the chil dren of their respective parishes from so dangerous a con nexion. Mr. LAW moved that the petition be rejected. He thought the Hon. Member bad stated that the petition was signed by a person calling himself the Archbishop of Tuam, and thereby incurring penalties under the Statute. Would the Hon. Member be good enough to state if that were so ? Mr. D. BROW NE—lt is signed " John M'Hale." Mr. LAW—How is it headed ? Mr. D. BROWNE—It is stated to be the petition of the Archbishop and Clergy of the Diocese of Tutim,but it, is not signed by John M'Hale, describing himself as the Archbishop of Tuam. - Dlr. LhW---Tile utoecciou -arises—upon a petition .which is described as.that of the Archbishop of Team, some person having falQely as‘umed to himself that title. Mr. O'CONNELL rose, and exclaimed with great vehemence, " The word falsely is inapplicable. It is false to say so." Sir R. INGLIS called on the Speaker to protect the House from the Hon. and Learned Member. That Hon. and Learned Member was unrestrained by any thins out of that House, but he bad now dared to desig nate a statement made by his Hon. Friend the Recorder of the city of London, and Member for the University of Cambridge, as false. He trusted the Speaker would call on the Hon. and Learned Member to withdraw the expression —to apologise to him—to apologise to his Hi►r.. and Learned Fr:end—and to apologise to the H ouse. Mr. O'CONNELL rose, but was met by loud cries of " Order.' The SPEAKER said that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, as he understood him, had used an expres sion which was most disorderly, and it was only r.eces• nary to state that to induce the Hon. and Learned Gentleman to retract the expression, and to apologise to the House. Mr. O'CONNELL said the moment the Speaker had offered such an opinion he should at once withdraw it in the fullest manner. The SPEAKER—The question is that this petition be now brought up. Mr. O'CONNELL apprehended that the question properly arose upon its being l a id u p on th e t a bl e . The - Clerk then read the heading of the petition, which was stated to be the humble petition of the Archbishop of Tuam. Mr. O'CONNELL—That is enough. Sir R. INGLIS who, with two or three other Mem bers had examined the petition, said it was signed John M‘Hale, with a cross affixed to it, and there was an erasure after it. He begged to ask the Honourable Member for Mayo whether he was cognisant of any erasure, which was very visible ? To his eye the words " Archbishop of Tuam " had been craged. most desirable to avoid, but the attention of the House having been drawn to the objectionable wording of the petition, it became their duty to reject it. If the petition hid stated that it was the petition of Dr. M'Hale, Archbishop, and other Clergy of the Roman Catholic Church, it would have been in order, but in that case the petitioner assumed a title which seemed to claim jurisdiction throughout a province in Ireland, which was expressly prohibited by Act of Par liament, therefore it must be rejected. Mr. O'CONNELL—The Hon. Member who had just sat down was certainly mistaken, for there was no law, within his knowledge, to prevent any person from giving the title of Archbishop of Timm to Dr. M'Hale. That Prelate was an Archbishop —was recognised as such—for if he conferred orders upon any person, they were recognised even in the English Church. There was now no Province of Tuam in the Established Church, therefore the assumption of the title by him was not against the Emancipation Act. The Ho nourable and Learned Member for the University of Cambridge, had himself admitted that no action would lie against Dr. for assuming the title of Archbishop. There was the petition in which it was perfectly evident that the title had been as sumed by the reverend prelate. Let them bring their action and try the case. He was entitled to make the assumption both in point of law and in point of fact. There was no reason why the petition should sot be laid on the table. The title of Archbishop of Tuam in the Established Church bad been destroyed by Mr. Stanley's Bill ; and that being the case, Dr. M'Hale had a perfect right to assume the title of Archbishop of Tuam. Sir R. INGLIS was not prepared to vote fur tne rejection of the petition.—(Hear, bear.) The name, " Archbishop of Tuam," having been appended to the petition, the party, by himself or his agent, had erased that signature, and withdrawn it as far as he could from the petition. Practically, therefore, Dr. M'Hale had admitted that the claim which he at one time was dis posed to urge, was untenable, and had finally and pub licly renounced the title. The law was not violated by the petition as it now stood. Mr. D. BROWNE begged to state that it was not the intention of Dr. Al'Hale to renounce the title of " Archbishop of Tuam," but that he claimed it as strongly as ever. Dr. M'Hale had written to him, authorising him to erase that designation if he thought it was contrary to the privileges of the House, and would cause the petition to be rejected ; but he still claimed that title, because he believed himself to be the only existing Archbishop of the arch-diocese of Tuam. Mr. FRES H FIELD said the petition, by its head ing, purported to come from the Archbishop of Tuam, and the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church. The reason ther4org yhy they should not receive the peti tion was that it was offered as the petition of the Arch bishop of Tuam and the clergy of the Roman Catho lic Church. If, therefore, Dr. M'Hale had put a mere mark to the petition, that would have been an Adoption by him of the title at the head of the petition. He should vote for the rejection of the petition, because he believed such a course was essential and necessary to the dignity of the House, and the maintenance of any Protestant feeling that might still exist in it. Dr. LUSHINGTON wished the House to consider what would be the feeling excited in the minds of the people of Ireland by this discussion, and he could not help reminding Honourable Members that it was a matter of the utmost importance that the House should retain the confidence, and if posssible the esteem and affec tion, of seven millions of our fellow-subjects in Ireland, though they happened to profess a faith different from the Established Religion.—( Hear, hear.) But when this debate went forth to the public, and when they saw an im portant petition, possessing not only the signature of one of the Prelates of their own Church, but of numerous other Priests and Ministers of that Church, about to be rejected from the consideration of that House upon such a ground of informality, he must say that the Catholic people of Ireland would believe they were anxious to avail themselves of every technical objection which the law allowed to shut their ears to their petitions, and avoid examining into the grievances of which they complained.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He felt it therefore a matter of infinite importance the step they were about to take on this occasion. Now that the Union had taken place, and the Emancipation Bill had passed, the House ought to consider the petitions of the people, come from what quarter they might, whether from Catholics, Protestants, or Dissenters.—(Cheers.) Let the House look to the objection itself. He would first suppose, for a moment, that it was a misdescription of one individual in that, petition. Perhaps if might be possible to find, some time or other, a single instance, but he defied any one to show generally, where a petition signed by persons giving to themselves a certain description, unless in the case of corporations, that this House had exercised this jealousy to examine into the right and titie of such individual who might have signed the petition.—( Cheers.) Let them show one instance in which they had rejected the petition of hundreds, because a man had ascribed to himself a title which did not belong to him by law. But how stood this case ? The utmost extent to which they could carry_ it was this, that here was a title which the House did not acknow ledge, but they did not say it was a violation of the Act of Parliament.—(Cheers.) If it were—if he had assumed the title of any existing Protestant Archbishop or Bishop, then the House might be called upon to exercise its vigilance, and there might have }won memo groam.l the netition. Ref there was no one who claimed to be the Protestant Archbishop of Tuam—there was no provision in law -against-gr.-Remain Catholic Bishop calling-himself a Bishop, and taking any title except a prohibited title ; Was it worth while, was it decent, was it wise, was it prudent upon an objection of this kind, to reject an im portant petition, containing statements appealing to the people of this country.—(Cheers.) Sir GEORGE CLERK said the rejection of any petition coming from an influential body was a step whicn ought not to be taken, unless there was a strong case for it. The Hon. Member for Mayo bad an easy mode of allowing the House to escape from its present difficulty. He had been authorised by Dr. Al' Hale to remove from one part of the petition the words— " Archbishop of Tuam," but in the heading of the petition the title was assumed as much as if it was appended at the foot of the petition. He trusted the Hon. Member would withdraw the petition to make this correction in it, and thus relieve the House from the difficulty in which it was now placed.—(Hear.) My. DILLON BROWNE had no authority from the Archbishop of Tuam to make the alteration suggested, and could not consent to do so. Mr. GOULBURN said, as the assumption of the title was not justified by law, the House would not be justified in receiving the petition. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he felt himself ill able to give an opinion, because the greater part of the discussion had taken place before he had entered the House. He certainly wished the House could be re lieved from the difficulty.—',Hear.) There was an ob vious objection to rejecting a petition if it could be avoided.—(Hear, hear, hear.) On the other hand, there was the statement 'at the head of the petition that it was the petition of the Archbishop of Tuam, and the Hon. Member for the county of Mayo had said that he was not authorised by Dr. M'Hale, nor by the clergy signing the petition, to with draw that designation ; and this placed the House in a position of considerable difficulty—( Hear, hear)—for it was assuming a title before the Howie, which title Par liament could not recognise.—(Hear, hear.) However much he should regret E 0 iii 3 rat, if the question were pressed to a division, he Russell) must vote against the reception of the petition. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL begged the Noble Lord to recollect that there was no violation of the letter of the Statute in the petition—that was admitted.—( No, no, from the Opposition, and Hear, hear, from the Mi nisterial side.) Now, as the Statute was of a re strictive and penal description, surely the House would not, in opposition to the usual practice of the Courts of Law, - strain the Statute beyond its clear and distinct provisions. The House divided, when there appeared— For receiving the petition Against it Majority against accepting the petition —B3 _ . METROPOLIS POLICE COURTS' BILL. Mr.- LA W -gave notice that on Monday next,..on the motion that the Speaker leave the chair for the pur pose of the House going into Committee on the Metro politan Police Courts Bill, he should move as amend ment that the Bill be committed that day six months. Mr. HAVES moved for certain returns connected Pith the Britih Museum.—Ordered. Mr. HODGES wished to know from the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Homo Department whether it was the intention of any Member of her Majesty's Govern ment to introduce a Bill into either House of Parlia ment for the amendment of the Tithe Commutation Act, with a view to remedy certain inconveniences which had arisen. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that it was the inten ,ention of the Government to introduce a measure of he nature alluded to by the Hon. Gentleman. vEvr,va rniT April last, authorizing the formation of a Board for the superintendence of national education. Mr. G. W. WOOD brought up the Report of Committee on Public Petitions. • BANK OF IRELAND. Sir. Ir. SOMERVILLE wished to know whether it was the intention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to introduce any measure during the present Session, for the regulation •f the system of Banking in Ireland? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that it was his intention to bring in a Bill on the subject adverted to by the Hon. Member, and be was now only waiting for an opportunity of doing so. Mr. O'CONNELL wished to know whether the object of that Bill would be to continue the present system of Banking till 1842 ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUE R said that that was not the object of the Bill. JAMAICA BILL. Sir R. PEEL said it might be convenient to all parties to state that the sense of the House would be taken on the third reading of the Jamaica Bill, in 11° far as the clause relating to permanent legislation went. Lord J. RUSSELL—The motion would be to omit the whole of the first clause. Sir R. PEEL.—Yes. Mr. BERNAL then Drought up the Report of the Committee on the Bill, which was ordered to be en ' grossed, and read a third time to-morrow. Oa the motion of Mr. V. STUART, the IVaterford Fever Hospital Bill was read a third time and pasted': CANADA. On the motion of L or d JOHN RUSSELL the , Order of the Day was read for resuming the adjourned. debate on Canada. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then withdrew the Cana da Resolutions with a view to bring in a Bill. Lord STANLEY said the objection he had take ° was to the Resolutions having been confined to the course to be adopted by her Majesty's Government, being desirous of expressing no opinion as to the 0- pedicncy and practicability of uniting the two Pr e " vinces until they should see the details of the mss' sure by which that was proposed to be carried into effect. The Noble Lord having withdrawn the Re go ' tions, which as h e (L or d S.) conceived improper l y pledged the House to the affirmation of the prineil 3l ..!' without havin g an y i n f ormat i on on t h e su bje c t, hi s (Lord S ) purpose had been answered. He could hav e no objection to the Noble Lord bringing forward tha t Bill. On the contrary, he was anxious to see h o° ' the Noble Lord proposed to deal with it. 0 ,, e was convinced that it would be sa ti s f ac t or y to a" parties —to themselves and to the Canadians---th st the intentions and views of her Majesty's Government should brkeelvte as - early and= as distinctly as possible' and he regretted extremely that it had been felt iilo4 sible, by her Majesty's Government, to bring forwarn 1", and carry through any ac t o f l eg i s l at i on i n th e course the present Session, by which that permanent arrange: . nsent could be eff ec t e d.—(Ch eers .) Th ere w ere such' interests involved in the question, that. he was sureeWh it i ever might be th e ir v i ews , i t was i n fi n i te l y b e tter th at no partial discussion, and, least of all, a dismis slo4l of an irritating nature, should take place on this' occasion. He begged to express his satisfaction at, ths withdrawal of the Resolutions, and cautiously abstain e from expressing any opinion on the subject were in a situation to discuss the principle.—( B ear.) in Lord J. RUSSELL then rose for leave to bring - two Bids on this subject, but in consequence of the great noise occasioned by Members leaving the flog i e ' we could scarcely hear what the Noble Lord said. r u ll understood him to state it had been his wish, in with drawing the Resolutions, to avoid unnecessary discossn and he thought it was not requisite for him °D ta e . occasion to enter into details. He would state gee rally that he proposed there should first be a c ertain it. l " till ti!ey terval before the union should take place, and that certain powers should be entrusted to the Government of t his country and the Government of Canada for the pa" pose of effectin g c h anges i n the legislation. the - Bill he intend e d t o i ntro d uce for the purpose demerit ing an an A c t o f t h e l ast Session, he proposed in th first place th a t th ere s h ou ld be a-. alteration in th 4. clause of the Act of Parliament upon which ther e Was so much differ ence o f op i n i on i n the last Session of Par' liament, and whi c h diff erence o f op i n i on extend ed itself to the Judiciel Bench in Canada It had been stated here on high authority, but certainly countenanced by any legal authority, that the P" passed last Session, did not enable the Governor to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, or to take such meat sures as were necessary for the immediate supProzs ilicli of insurrection. One provision of the Bill be intended to introduce was to alter that clause generally known by the name of Sir William Follett's Clause. He at e° proposed to introduce a clause to provide fo r wutehing; and lighting, and' roads: By the Act , as it now stood, that power would expire in Novem ber 1841, and he proposed that it should be con' tinned till March 1842, and it might be, that they would have a united Assembly of the two provinces before that time. Of course, if it should he found that it was the general wish of the provinces that a united Assembly Asada be formed before that period, special powers might be granted by the Goyera ment for that purpose. The resolution which he pro:. posed, and which was now embodied in a Bill for the union of the two provinces, provided that there should he a central district at Montreal, in which the Government would be carried on, at d where t?...1,1 meet, met 11146 Lucre should be two districts in Upper Canada, and two other ' districts' — in Lower Canada. It was 'proposed that these districts should have Municipal Coutias within them, which should have the power of imposing rates for local purposes. He should not now entereto the reasons which had justified him in departing froe his original proposititon. It was originally intender' that there should be Local Commissioners connected with the legislature of Canada, in order to ascertain and fix the districts for members of the Assembly, hu c t in consequence of the change in his intention, it had. been deemed advisable that the enactment s hould he carried into effect by the Imperial Parliament, e; e receiving all the local information that could be on' tained with respect to the boundaries. (The noise her e became so great, that there were loud cries of " Ba r " bar," and the Speaker interfered, to compel Member s to take their seats.) The boundaries of the district would not be defined in the Bill, but th e y would be introduced in the schedules. It proposed that the central and the four °" hey districts should be divided into nine separate elec toral, divisions, so that there would be on the whole, soPr o , ing each subdivision returned two Members, the a would be 90 Members from the entire five divisions. _ t electoral districts, and it was proposed in addition tn , f_ , the four largest towns should return two MemberseoZ making 98 in the whole. He had already stated, the principle on which the Legislative Council shoald;„ formed, and it would not be necessary to go ove now. It would be much better that the House show see the Bill in the first instance. He should, there` fore, content himself with moving for leave to bring in • Bill to carry these objects into effect. Sir R. PEEL said he quite agreed in the necessiti of postponing the discussion upon so important am e sure till it was seen in what way the Noble posed to execute it.—(Hear, hear.) H e now' to know from the Noble Lord what his views teer with respect to the constitution of the Legislative Council, which was a very essential point, and whetherto the elective franchise for the districts which were constitute the Municipal Authorities, was to . be we° tical with the elective franchise for the Deputies. , Lord J. RUSSELL said it was not propose(' depart from the principle that the Legislative Cutle r ,. Lord pZ should be named by the Crown, but that some sector eg i r ties should be taken for the selection of persons „id joying the confidence of the people, as that they sh f °`; have passed some public offices, or been Members e 13 1 Assembly. As to the second question of the Hon. Baronet, he intended to propose that the D_l . tin cipal and the political franchises should correspond ta , _ Sir R. PEEL inquired if the Crown were to re in its power of re-appointment ? the Lord J. RUSSELL answere d ( w e believe) in affirmative. b e tter to Mr. C. BULLER agree d t h a t it w ould b e discuss this gr ea t su bj ect a ll at once , a nd when l bit by properly before th e - H ouse , i nstea d of taking what bit, so that the N o bl e L or d f orgot a t one. , .-- ti he remembered at anoth er , an d ex pl a ined w ith I before cision to-day what h e h a d state d mo re clearly d ti (Hear, and a lau g h.) It was ver y difficult to t , N oble L Tide t ord present whether the me asure which the o f proposed would not b e w orse than the abandon ment of the project of union a ltogether.—(Laughter.) Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. to bring in a On the motion that leave be given.t camette Bill to amend the Act for the Temporary Provision for the Government of Lower Canada, Mr. C. BULLER said the p owers of the Council should be more extensive than they were at present, or there could be no efficient government. There yeas not even the power of imposing taxes. Sir C. GREY said the Council had the existing revenue, which he believed quite sufficient for the cur rent--the ordinary expenditure. He was convinced that things were now in a better position for the sate tlement of Canadian affairs than they were before. Leave was given to bring in the Bill. cluuse l \ s lE uP Tl t i. o o 2 P , O w L er l e S a, P r O ce L d l t C o. E Clause 30, aft er a f ew wo ' BILL. - The House then went i nto C omm i ttee on t h e rds from Mr. F. NI AULE, was agreed to with a few verb al amendments. On Clause 31, proposing the raising a fund for Super' beingannu ations from stoppages and the application of fine°' put, Captain BOLDERO said he should oppose the clause, it was a most objectionable plan of providing 11 fund for superannuation. It was the duty of the 9 0- vernment to provide the police with superannuating, without subjecting them to pa y these deductions. Mr. FOX M A ULE said the clause had undergonl great consideration, and that the deduction propoea would be very trifling. Sir ROBERT PEEL could not conceive the puhlio ~ j ~~ 1