The Sun. — London, England, 1845-07-24 00:00:00

STITI - s Institution wag Ise Tavern, when sat down to a n ner that rdlect! he establishm ent ' its members, an ekness, with tbe ble Toney paY B - bilged to c"' di n g to the n" n which the So6S°:, ince the. " t bs embers, and man Challis Brady, Begl rhe nstitution, air, and wsri'T of the eve T. Duncoow" is regret that hre ring the ple asure Chai r 'he worthy the zeal of t he le working ores, as about to 1° , 4 ; nstitution." I f this institution, is, and sufferinro humanity h ad sty as the r e ' e , n j o f mankind , ' h i tion, Make v i , e 1 otherwise be, t endeavour ri`4 nade man ar, the rich.- - R ie Ippon of , u ch . ;Int of preeert , ° r nisei vec ---(ges vo , they were, of vas the fat he :l sequentll, chef ar, hear.) 1, 0 ,e as to meet lost prudent ti d to afford W ilt add ation m en cale of soCiev. r lies." itu _ t he ordance ; to ol upon hig h a so. " a t r by co— nabin 'fear, hear') Q uid dPersons W a pa , d UP at p p!. it p! , the whole a 00 0 " rectors -9 n into ersons to e in busin c ,;l d if they 56 ; I was nc , n 1 quisite rit of h gli)° ,r.) --(Hear, he w h nee which cop . ctahle Ma° , oe went ah° u ., t d,er t last a 9 - „ o k; foo i ;br r, hear , ) ' 7° o po' P r the y out b e , litional w en grit O is— s. low o pt er.) . orthy C hP insti' • Friendif ;istic tern'' t° 10 respond the Mea ls' was at weof pt' w h ich fol ° ' hat a 10°`- s of ON e F . as dioi Is ° eceiveo. l a s the St; ( cllO seed, th e 411 0 7, ady, 1 0 :oce es of tis t pan y. severs e ' to the ere LLOYD'S SI-UPPING. LoNDox, JULY 23.—Wind 11a7s day aiikitoon, N., light bseeze and hazY, with drizzling rain at tii:;cs. Dzer., JULY 22.—Wind N.E., mcdorate.—Arrd. from the River, and skl.-21. Indus, Cragg, Algoa Bay. 22. Southampton, Brown, Calcutta ; Opamer, Wilson, Algoa Buy. PnaTsmourn, JULY 22.—Wind E. to E.S.E.—SId. Malabar, Pare, Bombay : Mediator, Chadwick, New York; Aurelius, Quebec. OFF TIIE JULY IS.—Lyria, llabula, Ric Janeiro. FALMOUTH, JULY 22. —Wind E., fresh breezes.—Off port, Emerald, Batavia or Jamaica ; Dalmatia, Boston. fur IBM. is. Hamburgh, Delane, New York, for Hull ; Montreal, Douglas, Quebec. 19. Strabo, Matanzas, for Hamburgh; Matilda, Guadaloupe, for Havre. 21. Victoria, Morgan, New Yolk; Stokesby, Quebec. LtviatrooL, JULY 22.—Wind E., light.—Arrd. Camilla, Buenos Ayres; Governor, Trinidad; Paralenoli, Woodbury, New Orleans; Rochester, Peabody, ditto; Jacob Purnell, Martin, ditto; Thomas Peter Cope, Merchen, Philadelphia ; Joshua Bates, Boston. BEISTOL, JULY 22.—Wind E s.E., fresh.—Arrd. Liverpool, Potter, Antigua. Ski. 20th, Elizabeth, Ebbett, Quebec. GLOUCESTER, JULY 22.—S1d. 21st, Independent, Kirkley, Quebec. OFF HOLYHEAD, JULY 21.—Wind E.N.E.—Amity, Montreal. Coax, JULY 20.—Arrd. Water Witch, Le Hugnet, Labrador. Off, Scotland, Savannah ; Intrinsic, Davidson, Quebec. KENsALE, JuLv 19.—Arril. Lord Sandon, Feneron, Quebec. 'OFF CAPE CLEAa.—Hero, Grant, Borneo; Royalist, St. John's, New Brunswick. Wasrror.r„JuLv 18.—Arrd. William and Anne, Quebec. SHIELDS, JULY 20.—Arrd. Ilewson, liewson, Miramichi. 2 llehtmxs„JULY 20.—The Helica, Trevance (previously reported as the Elegant), which sunk in the rands on the 4th inst., has been aised to-day, and brought on shore at high water. EAST INDIA stIIPPING. Arrivals at 711Q11a—Frederic Warren, March 1, from Boston ; Sarah, Bth, from Macao ; Samuel Enderby, from the South Seas ; Semiramis, 9th, from Macao ; her Majesty's ship Samarang, 11th, from Sooloo• Cecile, 13th, from Macao. Arrivals at Bombay— Prince Of Waterloo, May 31, from Liverpool ; Clara, Crow, from London ; Louisa, Wycherly, from Liverpool. Departures from Bembay—Earl of Balcarras and Kusrovie, May 31, to China. Arrivals at Macao—Royalist, March 18, from West Coast; Amelia, 18th, from Chin-chew; Isabella, Gray, 27th, from Singapore. _ . _ Arrivals at Hong-Kong-Her Majesty's ship Sapphire, March 8, from Amoy; Red Rover, 29th, Harlequin, 30th, from Calcutta; Earl Grey, Monism, from Bombay; Cacique, Eldred, from Singapore; Vixen and Milne, from Amoy; Pantaloon, 31st, from Shanghae ; Minerva, Brown, from Annoy, and sailed April 2 to Manilla ; Emu, Smith, from Bom bay ; her Majesty's ship Samaran, April 1, from Manilla ; Constant, Heuiery, 2d, from Madras ; Eliza, Patterson, from TutticeirCen. Arrivals at Maur;tius-Eliza, Sparkes, April 11, from Singapore ; Jane Ceary, from the Cape ; Active, April 20, from Buenos Ayres, and sai!ed, May 2, to Madras ; Amelia, Mulpolland, 21, from London ; Guiana, Talbert, 23, from Adelaide; Eclipse. Austen, May 1, from London. Departures from Mauritius-Flowers of Ugie, April 25, to Liverpool ; Marian Watson, to Spluey. Departures from Colurnbo-Thomas Jones, May 13 ; Eleanor, Lancaster, 28; Phcebo, 30 ; William and Mary, Brown, June 3 ; Lemnos, 3; Louisa Munro, 7, all to Lon don ; the latter put back, 11, and was to sail again, 12, to touch at Point de Galle ; James Turcan, May 14, to China ; Melville, 21, to Cochin ; Wanderer, 22, to Mauritius ; Jose phine, t!4, to China. Arrival-, at Singapore-Medina, James, April 12, from Ba tavia, and sailed 12th May to Liverooi ; Sydney, Scholefield, 14th, from Hong Kong, and sailed 15!h to Bombay; Arte raise, 15th, from Batavia, and sailed 6th May to IMa-ao ; Har binger, kith, from Liverpool, and sailed 12th May to Bombay; Sir Wm. Compton, 19th, from Bombay, and sailed 21st to China ; James, Boorman, 20th, from Bombay, and sailed 7th May to Chi na ; Co r cyra, 2uth, from Bombay, and sailed 23d to China, Prince Regent, Spears, 21st, from Mauritius, and sailed May 12, to Bombay; her Majesty's ship Daedalus, 22d, from Plymouth and Cape, and sailed 26th to China; Queen, 23d, from Batavia, and sailed May 1 tcrPenang ; Flying Squirel, 241 b, from Hong Kong, and sailed 25th to Hobart Town ; her Majesty's ship Cruizer, 24th, from the Cape, and sailed 25th to Penang; Regina , from Bombay, and sailed to China; Alexander, Apsey, from Liverpool ; Iranjce Cowasjee, 25th, from Galle, and sailed 28th to China : Bintang, Wright, 26th, from Galle; Sylph, 28th, from Hong Kong, and sailed to Calcutta ; Jam setjee Jeejeeboy, 23th, from Bombay, and sailed May 3 to Siam ; Osprey, Hunt, 30th, from Hobart Town, and sailed May 9 to China; Arid, 30th, from Borneo; Mumford, May 1, from Sydney, and sailed 19th to Manilla; Pantaloon, 2d, --- 1 10 m China ; Fair Barbadian, 3d, from Lorn ; Cock, Pilot, from !Manilla ; Sisters, fram Hobart Town, and sailed 9th ; Passenger, sth, from London , he: Majesty's ship Osprey, 6th, from England and Cape ; Hope, Goss, 7th, from Bombay, and sailed 9 h to China ; Cleopatra, Alcmene, aid Victorieuse, Bth, from Batavia Island; Queen, 13th. from Bombay, and sailed to China; Teazer, 15th, from Madras ; Vixen steamer, from China; Sir Charles Forbes, 16th, from Bombay; Fire Queen, steamer, from Calcutta ; Buckinghamshire, 18th, from Bom bay ; Canopus, from Batavia ; Good Success, 19th, from Bombay. Departures from Singapore-Alexander, Johnson, April 19, to Shanghae ; Norfolk, 19th, and Glenbervie, May 1, to Lon don; Felicity, 2d, to Liverpool. Arrivals at Batavia-Black Nymph, April 18, from London; Franklin, 21st, from the Cape. IMPROVEMENT OF HALIFAX HA RBOUR. (From Willmer and Smith's European Times.) We intimated our intention. in our last publication, of throwing out a few suggestions fir the improvement of lialifax harbour. In fulfilling this promise, we do so with a becoming sense of our inability to treat the subject in a manner becoming its importance, as our acquaintance with the locale is necessarily imperfect., and was picked up dining our passage to and from the Port in question in the spring and autumn of last year. But, however unworthily we execute the task, we only claim for our crude conceptions the attention to which, upon investigation, they may be found entitled. If they are worthy the consideration of the practical and expe rienced our object is answered, and being so, their adoption cannot be too speedily enforced ; if other wise, nothing less humiliatine can overtake them, than a speedy transit to that three with which, it is said, « good intentions" ore rivc.n. In either case the llhour, sneer as it is. will n t ! eve been fruitless, for we shall hav e eased our mind of a duty which we owe to our Mends in Nova Sieotia, chose welfare we shall ever take a liv e l y interest —to the splendid str aners, and to the live s so d property which th.• are constantly carry lngml es i to itself and from their d on The present age pr upon being. par exce ' llen . re, the age of me chanical progressi••n, and the triumphs of art over ob stacles which in other times have defied human in genuity, show that the Crest , r has not hmi,ed man's faculties in working out his own redemption. The chief, merit, however, of the suggestions which follow is, that they are readily executed ; they involve, in pro portion to the magnitude of the interests at stake, but a trifling pecuniary outlay, and cannot possibly deter by their va-tness or complextrv. The present position of th e port of Liverpool—with one exception the greatest maritime pert in the world—demonstrates sufficiently how sciei cc and capital can triumph over - great, and all but ininperable difficulties, and vessels of the largest tonnage can now at any hour enter a harbour where, formerly, such an advantage was unknown—unlooked for—undreamt of. The first approach to the shores of Nova Scotia. is marked by the inconvenience and the dangers of the fogs so prevalent at seasons of the year; in other respects the most favourable. The system ( f ball buoys intro duced at the entrance into the Mersey, at Liverpool, Would obviate much of the difficulty and danger arising from the state of the atmosphere on the shores of Nova Scotia. The establishment on Sables Island, so honourable to the people of Nova Scotia, and so beneficial to the trade of the world, proves that they require but a hint to for ward any design in the cause of humanity ; and we take the liberty of suggesting that bell buoys Ehould be laid down in such places as may be found, after careful atten tion to the subject, to be the most suitable. The loss of the noble steamer the Columbia would, in all probability, not have occurred, if a bell buoy had been near the place where she struck ; and when we consider the extraordinary difficulties which the uncertainty of the tides at the entrance of the hay of Sundy presents, W e should say that the extreme point of the western Coast would be a suitable place for one. As the eastern coast is much lower than the western, and less bold, and very dangerous ledges of rock run tut on different parts of that coast, it would seem to be absolutely necessary to have bell buoys there, and a selectio n o f t h e po i nts wou ld b e eas il y made. For in- Sta nce, a bell buoy on the Rock Head would be a great advantage, There is at present, we believe, a buoy, Ent it is dumb, and the bell would be found of incal tillable utility in giving warning to the mariner of his positio n . A nother b ell buoy on the P o ll uc k R i p, moored 21 t hirty-five fathoms, is dssirable. In addition to these there ought to be another bell buoy in forty-five fathoms Vtel, which are goca iundings, off the lighthouse, • W• by W., distanee about five miles from the light- The dumb buoy at TI ru npcap shoals ought to ot - converted into a bell buoy. A light on Jedore Head, of the most dangerous parts (3f the coast, and er °a the White h is t Islands, about ev twenty-sel miles ft anoth om the a r bour, would complete the necessary safety guides ; • Present 150 miles of the eastern coast is without a solitary light. The detention of the mail for a few hours (and hours m aY be said to be days with the steamers when com pared with sailing vessels), in which all America, we ) , 1 , 1 , a y,•'-aY the w h o l e wor ld i s i n ter e sted, is a subject of so ..'_ r en importance that should it be deemed necessary we doubt not that ali nations would readily contribute to c arry out s o use f u l a d es i gn , even u p o n the most ex tensive scale. ti But besid es t hi s, there h ave b een ti mes , an d th ose v ine s may come again, when hundreds of men-of-war s• n a ,,, ve been employed on the North American station - ; we respectfully solicit the attention of the Admi alty to a subject in which the highest interests of the empire are involved. rte coasting trade of Nova Scotia, as well as the „ s It her:es, the great business of large portions of the Peopl e o f t h at province, are de ply interested in what er wo u ld f ac i litate the approach to the harbours all the world whi c h i s carr i ed on from Halifax would like- Wise feel th e b enef i t of these well-intended suggestions, sh ould they h e carr i e d out, as we }ipe will be the case, with the p'rie and judgment that the undertaking de mands, a The just pride': f scion tee, which has produced almost 14 magical p rec i s i on i n the passage of our celebrated :earners, is i n d ee d h um bl ed, when, at the moment the e n Y!ttitt may be said t o b e comp l ete d , a b arr i er i s sud denly presented to her entrance. Hew cheering at such l Unsuent would be the welcome sound of the mariners' "'"h giving confidence to the commander, and happiness colhe P' a•zsengers ; and the spl en did steamer, b urst i ng .dlythrough the fog, would a ff or d anot h er proo f of thepower of art to overcome the obstacles to humeri e nterprise, and g i ve d e li ght and satiEfaction to thousands whose deepest interests are concerns d. Mr. Vernon Smith has paired off with Mr. Buckley for the remainder of the session. M ajor -General Morison paired off with Lord ileniker on Tuesday,the 15th inst., in favour of Lord Palmerston's notion on the Spanish treaties. LIGHT -HOUSE ON THE GOODWIN SANDS.— On Saturday evening last some of the elder brethren of the Trinity Board put down an iron tube of two feet six inches in diameter into that part of the Goodwin Sands which is most dangerous, as a p r eliminary to the erection of a light. house thereon. It is on the Calipers and at a short di stance f rom a bank, which forms a steep 'thto declivity to the depth of ten fathoms. The tube descended 22 feet the sand in an astonishingly short time, by the application of " 1 % Pott's process, in which atmospheric pressure is the principal "Mt IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS. July 23. The House met shortly after Twelve o'clock. SECOND READINGS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that the following Bills should be read a second time :—The Customs Laws Repeal Bill, the Customs Management Bill, the Shipping and Navigation Bill, the Customs Regulation Bill, the Warehousing of Goods Bill, the Smuggling Prevention Bill, the Customs Allowance and. Bounties Bill, the Trade of British Possessions Bill, the Isle of Man Trade Bill, and the Real Property Bill. The Bills were all read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday, at twelve o'clock. SMOKE PROHIBITION BILL. On the motion that the report on this Bill be brought up. Mr. WARD expressed his decided opposition to the Bill, and moved that it be read this day four months. Mr. MACKINNON express4l his surprise at the opposition of the Hon. Member for Lambeth (Mr. Hawes) who had been a member of the first Committee that ever sat on this subject; but he hoped that the opposition would cease, as he had taken the Bill up at the earnest desire of several persons in Lan cashire and the other manufacturing counties ; and he trusted, therefore, that the Bill would be allowed to pass. Sir CHARLES LEMON said that his steam-engines stood either upon the top of a mountain, or on a bleak moor, or some where where it could not possibly affect anybody. He should, therefore, move that the clause of which ho had given notice should be introduced into the Bill. The SPEAKER said that this proposition could not be entertained until it was decided whether the report should be received or not. Mr. E. B. DENISON said that he had received several ap plications from Yorkshire to oppose the expenses of the Com missioners under this Bill being saddled on the county rates, and he should decidedly oppose any Bill which was to be worked at the expense of the agriculturists for the benefit of the towns. Mr. HAWES opposed the Bill on the ground that it was a different Bill to that to which he had been a party. Mr. VILLIERS supported the Bill, and stated that this re port was founded on the evidence which had been submitted to the Committee when the Hon. Member was present. Mr. HAWES explained that he had been only one day in the Committee, and had stated to the Chairman his inability to be there more. Sir W. CLAY opposed the Bill on the ground that it was impossible to adopt any apparatus for the consumption of smoke in soap and sugar matufactor:es. Mr. MUNTZ said that he was in the habit of using 9.00 or 300 horse power in driving machinery. At one t ime he would be using 50 horse power, and ten minutes afterwards 150 horse power, and he did not think that any business required greater variety than his, and he would not be selfish ; he should not oppose the 1311, but he trusted they would all be served alike. Mr. WILLIAM S said that those ironraasters who had tried to put in evidence in opposition to the Bill had most signally failed in their object. Mr. ESCOTT said that everybody opposed the Bill who had any personal interest to serve. After some further discussion, in which Mr. P- ROTHEROE and Mr. A DA MS joined, Mr. WA KLEY said that the subject was one of such im• portance that it ought to be taken up by the Government. He should advise his friend, the Member for Lymington, to withdraw the Bill and leave it to the Government, after the report of the Committee to take upon themselves the responsi bility of introducing a measure in the next session, as no independent Member was strong enough to carry such a measure. Mr. G. DUiVCAN did not think the measure would answer the purposes for which it was intended. He agreed with the Hon. Member for Finsbury that the Bill should be with drawn, and the responsibility thrown on the Government. Mr. MACKINNON then moved that the report be brought up. Mr. WARD withdrew his amendment on the understanding that Sheffield seould be exempted. Sir C. LEMON then moved fot Mr. Godson, that the fol lowing clause be added to the Bill :—" Provided that nothing contained in this Act shall extend, or be con s trued to extend , ° to any steam or tire-engines used or employed in or about any mines, collieries, iron works, coke works,glass works, or pottery works, or for the purposes of winning and working, making, burning, calcining, or manufacturing °Limn, lime, coke, iron stone, and glass respectively, anything herein contained to the contrary not thAanding." Mr. - HAWES said that there seemed nothing to be done now but to move exemptions to this foolish Bill. He begged to give notice that it was his intention to take the sense of the House on every exemption. He should move that Ireland be exempted, that Scotland should he exempted ; and, on the this d reading, he should move that England be exempted. Sir C. LEMON said that the clause was placed on a diffe rent footing to any others, and he trusted, therefore, it would be adopted by the House. Mr. B. DENISON objected to the clause. After some further discussion the House divided, when there appeared— 'for the clause ... 20 Against it Majority against the clause —23 On our admission to the gallery we found Mr. MACKINNON moving that iron -works, copper-works, &c., should be exempted from the operation of the Bill. Mr. HAWES said that the House had already decided it would not entertain such a clause. Mr. WA K LEY would put it to the Hon. Gentleman whether he could carry such a Bill as the present during this session ? Mr. WILLIAMS said the Hon. Member had done all he could to abolish this measure, and he (Mr. Williams) con sidered that he had been extremely ill used ; if it was his case, he would give up the Bill altogether. MACKINNON withdrew the clause. Mr. WA KLEY than moved that the first clause should be omitted. Mr. B. DENISON seconded the motion. Sir J. GRAHAM trusted the Hon. Member for Lymington would not persevere with the Bill. Mr. MACKINNON was determined to press the Bill to a Lard J RUSSELL could not support the Bill further ; he thought, however, that inquiries might be made during the recess, which would lay the foundation for the introduction of an effective Bill during the next session. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that his Noble Friend at the head of the Woods and Forests was about to lay on the table of the House a Bill for the health of large towns, in which the subject they were now discussing would form part. If, there fore, the Hon. Member would withdraw the Bill for the present session, he, on the part of the Government, would undertake that scientific inquiry should be made on the subject.—( Hear. ) After some further discussion, Mr. MACKINNON then withdrew the Bill, upon the understanding that the Government would issue a commission on the subject, and if it should report in favour of the measure, that the Government would introduce a Bill next session. REAL PROPERTY BILL. This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. DARBY COURT BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed: STAMP DUTIES BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. MILITIA PAY BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. SMALL DEBTS BILL. On the motion of Sir J. GRAHAM, the House went into Committee on the Small Debts Bill (No. 3). The different clauses, with a few verbal amendments, were agreed to, as were also the schedules, and the report was ordered to be received to-morrow at twelve o'clock. ESTATE BILLS. Mr. GREENE moved that all estate Bills brought from the Lords be allowed, during the present session, to be read a second time on giving one clear day's notice after the report from the Committee on petitions for private Bills shall have reported either that the standing orders have been complied with, or that no standing orders apply to such Bills ; and that the Committees on all such Bills be allowed to sit, on giving one clear day's notice.—Ordered. DUDDESTON AND NECHELLS IMPROVEMENT IIILL. Mr. SPOONER moved the third reading of this Bill. Mr. MUNTZ said he had that morning received a request from his constituents to take a las+ division upon this obnoxious Bill. It would operate most unjustly upon his constituents, and he therefore moved that the Bill be read a third time that day six menths. Mr. SPOONER said only two alterations had been made in the Bill, but they were not of such a nature as to give his Hon. Friend a right to say that it had come from the Com mittee in a more defective state then when it was referred to it. Mr. BROTHERTON said there were seven boards within the borough of Birmingham, many of which were self-elected, often causing much useless expense to the inhabitants. The objections to the Bill were so various, that he could not con ceive what had induced the licnse to place it in its present state. Sir C. BURRELL said that there had been no good ground shown for reversing the decision of the Committee. He sup ported the third reading of the Bill. Mr. HUME said it was proposed to pass a Bill which would prevent union of action and economy of system in the town which it affected. The amount paid for the collection of rates would pay for all drainage. He knew nothing of Birmingham personally, but was well aware that the principle of the Bill would affect most injuriously the interests of that town. Mr. NEWDEGATE supported the Bill. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the Bill .. Against it ... 52_ Majority —26 LONDON AND YORK RAILWAY BILL. Mr. BECKETT DENISON said the select Committee ap pointed to inquire into the merits of this Bill had this day come to a decision, after a protracted sitting extending over a period of 73 days, and with the exception of two branches to Wake field and Sheffield, the Committee had declared that the whole Bill was proved. He had now to make an application to the House to divide the London and York Railway Bill into two or more Bills. Mr. MILES seconded the motion. . Mr. WARD did not rise to make the slightest opposition to the decision of the Committee, but he merely wished to make a statement on behalf of the proprietors of a competing line to one of the branches, who had been put to considerable expense during the 7 3 days, in securing the attendance of witnesses and counsel before the Committee. The promoters of the Sheffield and Lincoln line, he believed, was a competing line to one of the branches omitted by the Committee, and they con sidered that it was extremely unfair that this motion should be allowed to pass without a previous notice, and in fact before the report of the Committe had been laid before the House. Lord COURTENAY wished to state the grounds which had induced the Committee to strike the two branches out of the preamble of the Bill. The Committee had done so simply upon the ground that there were other lines before the committee which might be considered as competing lines with those branches to which the Honourable Member had referred, and in justice to the promoters of those lines, the Committee did not think it right or fair that they should come to a conclusion upon those branches until these lines had been under their consideration. With regard to the proposition of the Hon. Member, he could state that the Committee had no possible objection to it. Mr. BROTHERTON suggested that the proposition had better be postponed till to-morrow. Mr. BECKETT DENISON said there was not the slightest wish on the part of the promoters of the London snd York scheme to prevent the fullest possible discussion taking place in Committee upon the two branches and the lines mentioned by the Honourable Member for Sheffield. The only object they had in view in makin g this p ro p osal was to enable the Committee to go on wit h p arts of their Bill, the preamble of which they had that day p roved, in order that it might not a f b e e w w kej , i b t rd b s ac f k ro o m r thrown air. ‘ WARD D r atonctihAeirn.exEtscseosiTo, whichn. were quite indistinct, Lord G. SOMERSET wished to know whether his Noble Fiiend would state his opinion to the House. whether or not this motion should be granted. If he thought that the motion should be granted, he ( Lord G. Somerset) viould, of course, give his vote in favour of it. Lori COURTENAY said he could not at present express his opinion as to whether or not the application should be granted. An opportunity would be given for adjudicating on a portion of the scheme, on which portion the. Committee did not think th Inselves at liberty to adjudicate. Sir JOHN ',own-IER hoped that the Hon. Member would postpone his motion to another period. Mr. DARBY expressed an opinion that the motion ought not to be postponed. Mr. DENISON then said he would withdraw his motion. THE S UN, LON DON,_ T URSDA MORNING, JULY 24, 1845. LONDON AND CROYDON RAILWAY. The London and Croydon Railway Enlargement Bill wa3 read a third time and passed. MANCHESTER AND LEEDS RAILWAY, No. 2._ 1 ters. The Honourable Gentleman then commented on the conduct of the missionaries of New Zealand, and said that he was bound to say that though many of them were very exemplary characters, yet there were some who looked too much to the gain of worldly treasures. He would net mention the merits or demerits of the New Zealand Company, but he would say, that the natives would not pay two-pence an acre for land, and they would not pay custom-house duties ; and if they sent out 10,000 men to the colonies they could not enforce them to do so. If the matters in New Zealand became worse, it would be necessary to keep up a native army and a large navy in New Zealand. Jealousy would thereby be created amongst the bat lyre', and the most evil consequences would result. There were only two motives by which to keep the natives in awe, and those were fear and re spect. There could not be a better man in the world than the Bishop of New Zealand, but there was a set . of low-minded men in New Zealand, who termed themselves missionaries, and those men had done all they could to poison the minds of the natives. They had, in the Mahore language, designated the English settlers as devils. What he (Captain Rous) would advise would be to send out a Brigadier-General with 1.000 men in two ships of war, and he would deprive the New Zea lard Company of their charter, but would give them a fair remuneration for what they had done. He would guarantee their land to the settlers, and give them remuneration for their labour hitherto performed, and he would abolish the protectors of the natives, and would appoint more protectors of Europeans. Mr. WARD explained that the 40,0001. to which the Hon. and Gallant Officer had alluded, had been divided into 1,600 shares, and the title deeds had been deposited in the hands of the Honourable Member for Essex (Mr. H. Palmer.) He would remind the Honourable Member for Westminster, that when the New Zealand Company sold their land to the settlers 15s. in the pound of the produce of thedand was paid to furnish labour for the land so sold. He was very much (reposed to agree with the Hon. and Gallant Member that it was not necessary to have a representative Government in New Zealand, and he was much pained to hear his Hon. Friend the Member for I.iskeard dwell se much upon that point. If he had had the conduct of this question in the last debate upon it, he would not have divided the House upon it. Fie would have rested upon the immense admission of the two Right Honourable Baronets opposite. This was a national question. Ten thousand men and women had left their native country, and had given up the advantages of civilised life, and it was painful to' see their prospects blighted by these squabbles.—( Cheers from the Ministerial benches, followed by counter-cheers from the Opposition.) He need not say that he did not like that cheer. He could wish to see these squab bles at an end. The first duty of a Government, taking all the circumstances into consideration, was to take steps to put an end to the present evil system, and they could only do that upon clear and definite principles. What hid been the conduct of all the officials in New Zealand? Why it had been •to treat all the settlers as enemies. He thought it a most unfortunate circumstance that the Go vernment of this country should have been entrusted to such hands as Captain Hobson and Captain Fitzroy, the former pa ralysed by disease, and the latter with a mind harassed, if not deranged, by the circumstances which he could not controul. He did not make any distinction between the two Governors; one was nearly as bad, or at least as incompetent as the other. It had been said that if the Northern Star steam packet had not arrived with 220 soldiers the colony might have been lost, and this was answered by quoting an opinion of the Noble Lord's near him, the Member for the City of London, that one hundred soldiers were sufficient to preserve the peace of the island. —(Hear, hear.) That might at fret sight ap pear a very plausible argument, but the Noble Lord assertion had been made in reference to a country not divided with fearful virulence against itself, net when the people were cutting each other's throats, not where native and colonist were inspired with animosity and engaged in downright war fare, but of a country at peace both among themselves and among the foreign settlers.—(Hear, hear.) But how had the alarming state of the colony been treated by the Government ? Why, all regard for the property of the natives had been for gotten : the disputes were alone between the Government and the Company, disputes as disreputable to the one as the other. The Government did not care for the practical matters of the case involving the interests and safety of 10,000 English settlers, and a vast amount of native population.—( Hear, hear.) This pettifogging conduct was more especially unworthy of Lord Stanley, and he was sorry to see the two Right Hon. Baronets opposite adopting and defending that conduct. If allowed to carry out their own liberal views, for he was willing to admit the good and laudable intentions of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her Majesty's Government, and the Secretary of the Home Department. But they were shackled by their colleague the Secretary for the Colonies, who impeded their measures and frustrated their best endeavours. Why did they not manfully resist such baneful influence, and boldly carry out their wishes. reference at home they would be mistaken. While this in quiry was going on they would have fresh disturbances and fresh outbreaks. They ought to have had a man of higher rank, such as Lord Ashburton, commissioned to settle all these disputes upon the spot. The expense would be as nothing in his mind. He felt strongly on this point, but from what he knew of Lord Stanley, he felt assured that this dispute would be speedily at an end, and the same prosperity restored which had fist marked the proceedings of this Company in its origin. He thought that it was necessary, to bring this dispute to a conclusion, that all the circumstances ought to be stated. Sir R. PEEL said, that before entering on the main question he wished to make one or two observations. chief point was to disencumber the question of some of its minor difficulties. In the first place, he would say that Mr. Stephen was, in his conviction, an in dividual of the highest integrity. From family con nexion, from personal position, and from all those things that distinguish the character of a man, there was every reason to believe that no imputation whatever could be thrown upon his character. Whatever might be the impression on the public mind, though he had no connexion whatever with Mr. Steieen, and did not even know him, yet this he would say, that a man of finer ability, nobler integrity, or of more amiable qualities, did not exist in the employment of Government. He felt bound to bear this testimony to the character of Mr. Stephen. He would now refer to another individual equally meritorious, and for whom he entertained the very highest respect, an officer whom the Gal'ant Commodore opposite had, in his opinion, unjustly aspersed, lie meant Captain Robinson, and the manner in which that individual had conducted his operations in New Zealand, the efficient services he had rendered—services which, though in themselves not peculiarly distinguished by the amount of numbers engaged, were yet of more real importance to the country than many not confined to the same narrow limits, and he thought that the House would not wish to see ser vices so conducive to the public advantage, and merit and ability spent in the service of the country go unrewarded. That officer had latety set a gallant example to others engaged in the service of her Majesty. He had been seriously wounded in a successful effort to quell a disturbance in the colony ; and here, on the floor of the House of Commons he (Sir R. Peel) begged to say that that coedurt should not bass unnoticed.— ( Hear, hear.) He repeated that that Gallant_ Officer should be rewarded, not merely because of the act of justice to him but for the encouragement of others.—( Hear, hear). He ( Sir Robert Peel) felt it an act of duty to reward such conduct at the very earliest opeortunity. ( Loud cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member who brought forward this motion, said it was incumbent on the Govern ment to assign a reason for the course of policy they bad pursued in New Zealand. After the recent discussion which had taken place upon this very subject, he (Sir Robert Peel) thought that some good and sufficient reason ought to have been shown for calling the attention of the House again, at this period, to the affairs of New Zealand. Certainly this mode of procedure was not calculated to allay or to reconcile differences; it bad, in his opinion, rather a tendency to widen the breaches which unfortunately already existed between the two authorities in this country in whom the management of the affairs of the colony was confided. Such a reason was unquestionably re quired, for surd/ the Hon. and Learned Member should have been the most anxious to forget past differences, and to avoid—studiously avoid—useless discussion, and not to throw difficulties in the way of a harmonious settlement of that colony. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman admitted that he could not himself assign any sufficient reason for this motion. He ad mitsed that the present state of New Zealand, and the unfor tunate conflict which had there lately occurred, did not justify this motion. He (Sir R. Peel) thought that it ought rather to have been discouraged. But the Hon. Gentleman said, " Now I will assign the real reason for this motion." He could tell the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that if it were not well founded he was incurring a great responsibility.—( Hear, hear. ) He ( Sir R. Peel) did not deny the perfect right of the Hon. and Learned Member, or of any other Hon. Member, to make this motion in the House of Commons. He did not deny their or his right to bring this motion forward in his or their places, as a Member or Members of this House of Parliament ; but he objected to this motion at this time, on the ground that the welfare of New Zealand, and the interests of this country would not be benefited by a discussion of the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The only ground, then, that could be assigned for this motion, was that language was held out by himself and his Hon. Friend (Mr. Hope), in the course of last debate, which was at vari ance with the policy lately pursued towards the colony of New Zealand. He (Sir R. Peel) was indeed acquitted of any in tention of gaining a majority, by holding out a delusive hope. But, said the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard, that language was calculated to have had bad effects, and Mem bers were induced to vote with Government, or at least not to vote against them.—( Hear, hear, from the Opposi tion.) He said that the course of conduct subsequently pursued by the Government was at variance with their pre vious language. Hewes about to examine that, but should not relieve him from the necessity of dividing on the question.— ( Hear, hear.) He was about to defend himself and his Noble Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies, but should con fine himself to this point. He should enter into no examina tion of past differences with the New Zealand Company. He would remember that the New Zealand Company now existed, and that it was desirable for the public interest that a co operation shculd exist between them and the Government —( Hear, hear)—and he still retained the opinion he had formerly expressed, although late circumstances had forced him in some degree to alter his course of policy.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member fur Liskeard said that he could not refer to any particular expression in his ( Sir IL Peel's) speech, his remarks would apply to the general tone. 'I hat speech he ( Sir R. Peel) freely admitted might have been made in a conciliatory tone. It perhaps avoided all reference to past disputes with the Colonial-office. lie wished to look forward to peace; he had no desire to look back upon differences and disagreements-4 Hear, hear ) —and he wished to promote an early and satisfactory arrangement of those differences.—(Cheers.) But every word of that letter which he wrote to the New Zealand Company—every letter and every word in that letter—he was prepared to maintain.— (Cheers.) If the Hon. and Learned Gentleman expected some explanation on his part as to the topics in that letter, such explanation he was not prepared to give. He would not supersede his Noble Friend in the conduct of the Colonial-office, for in his opinion he most cordially con curred.—( Hear, hear.) He believed his Noble Friend to be influenced by a sincere desire to promote the welfare of the New Zealand Company as far as he could consistently with his duty to the Crown, and his faith to the country. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman asked if he meant to imply approbation of the whole of the past policy of the country as it respected New Zealand? That was not the point. The real question was, whether the correspondence which had taken place since his speech was delivered was at variance with the sentiments he had then expressed.—( Hear, hear .) He abstained from noticing any other part of the subject. He would con tent himself with asking this one question, was any part of this communication at variance with the declaration he had made in that House? For his own part he said no. Now with respect to the general spirit of that de claration be admitted that the general tone was conciliatory. Had his Noble Friend acted otherwise ?—( Hear, hear.) Had he shown any indisposition to receive the deputation from the Company, even after the imputations which had been so liberally delivered on his conduct ? He had not had an oppor tunity of reply, and yet he did not exhibit any other than a desire for friendly communication with the chosen deputies sent to confer with him ; and in order to prevent mistakes that had occurred before, it was suggested that minutes of the con versation should be taken, and that they should be considered a record of the interview. Now, as respected the general character of his instructions, he would refer the House to the dispatches sent to Captain Grey with respect to the New Zealand Company. In these dispatches he spoke of the policy of bringing the claims of the New Zealand Company to a fair and amicable conclusion. What could a Minister say more ? ( Hear, hear.) That Gallant Officer's instructions were similar to those given in a former instance to Captain Fitzroy—they bound him to no particular rule, but left him general powers. His Noble Friend bad acted with a desire to avoid all cause of complaint in selecting Captain Grey. If they had selected some individuals from that House, it might have been asserted that they wished to build up family influence, by sending out a person there, with a handsome salary, who knew nothing of the country. But that could not be urged against the appoint ment of Captain Grey. If - they were wrong in this, they at least acted from a sincere desire to settle the differences in New Zealand. But how did his Noble Friend conclude his dispatch ? He said that his general instructions to Captain Grey were— to remove all obstacles to the prosperity of the colony, and to bring so 'some conclusion, if possible, the discontent ex isting on the part of the New Zealand Company. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to say that he (Sir R. Peel), speaking in the House of Commons, and exercising his influence with the House of Commons, made a declaration and gave the House an assurance which his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies afterwards failed substantially to carry out. The Hon. Gentleman, in' fact, had told the House that he (Sir R. Peel) had said that he thought that with regard to these distant colonies, the system of representa tive Government was the best that could be applied to them, for securing peace and tranquillity, but that he believed the best mode to be adopted at. present for securing the contentment of the inhabitants of New Zealand was to establish local Govern ments. Now, that was not what he did say, but the particular declaration that he made was this—lle said it was quite clear, seeing how the settlers were spread over the northern parts of the island; that it would be ne easy matter to apply the priniple of representative Government according to the rule adopted in this country, and that he believed the best plan for them to pursue, was to form municipal bodies, giving them extensive powers of local taxa tion for local purposes ; and these municipal bodies might afterwards form the germ of a future representative govern ment, It was impossible that these local bodies should have supreme powers, because it would be inconvenient and create confusion to have one law in existence in one part of the colony and another in another part. He apprehended that the constitution of the franchise, as respected these municipal bo dies, was exceedingly fair and liberal, for every male above the age of twenty-one was entitled to a vote for a muni cipal representative. That it might hereafter be found necessary to extend the system of representative Govern ment he was Certainly not prepared to deny, but this he would say, that the time had not yet arrived for the House to take that question into its serious consideration. He hoped he had now given a satisfactory answer with respect to the declaration which the Honourable Member said he had made on a former occasion.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") With respect to Auckland, he hoped that he had proved to the House that he had said nothing which had not been fully borne out by the instructions of his Noble Friend. With respect to the treaties, he had said that nothing could be more unjust than to depart from those treaties. He believed that the whole ques tion before the House resolved itself into this—Was the Go vernment prepared to take possession of the land, or to secure to the New Zealand Company the property of the land which they had purchased? ( Much cheering.) He admitted that the New Zealand Company had a right to be put in possession of their lands, provided that was not done to the damage of the rights of the natives.— (Cheers.) He wished to show the House that it would be un just to his Noble Friend the Secretary of the Colonial depart ment, if they condemned his policy in a matter which involved the question, whether the Crown had or had not a title to the lands upon the right of discovery. When motions adverse to his Noble Friend were made, he was entitled to ask upon what grounds they were made? The Right Hon. Gentleman then read extracts from the reports of the Committees of the House, respecting the right of the British Crown to the sovereignty of New Zealand. What construction was to be put upon those statements ? Did they not place the Government of this coun try in a position which rendered it necessary to interpose ? They had stipulated on the part of the Crown that, as the price and condition of their sovereignty, the natives should not be called upon to relinquish their land,excepting upon fair cession. His Noble Friend did not contend that there necessarily was, on the part of the native chiefs and tribes, a claim to all the waste lands, but his Noble Friend thought, after the engage ments which had been made, that the rights of the natives ought to be ascertained before they determined what lands the Crown should lay claim to. If the native tribes could establish any claim, it would he to the interest of the colony that that claim should be allowed. That was the spirit in which he had spoken on a former night, and that was the spirit in which he spoke now—a spirit not in hostility to the New Zealand Company, but a spirit consistent with a sincere desire to see that , Company restored to prosperity. A pledge had been given to the natives of New Zealand, and that pledge, however unwisely given—and he admitted that it had been un wisely given—that pledge ought to be maintained. Conside rations of policy should induce them to adhere to that pledge. ,They might depend upon it that the seeds of future government in New Zealand would be very imper fectly sown if they did not do so. Let them beware of i taking the same course as France had done with respect to - The Manchester and Leeds Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. WEST LONDON RAILWAY EXTENSION. The Lords' amendments to this 13111 were taken into con s.ideration and agreed to. ACADEMICAL EDUCATION. The O'CON6II DON presented a petition in favour of a general system of academical education for Ireland, from a county in Ireland. 111 r. ESCOTT presented a petition from a private soldier, named William Follet, complaining that he had been illegally dismissed the service, and praying for inquiry. The Hon. Member gave notice that, to-morrow night, he should move that the petition be printed with the votes. Mr. SCOTT presented several petitions from turnpike trusts in Scotland against the Bill for abolishing spirit licences to toll-bars in that country. COUNTY RATES BILL.—PRIVILEGE. Uponthenio!i;n that the House go into Committee nn the Conn.} , Rates Bill, Mr. F. FRENCH rose and said, I see, Sir, in the public papers a report that a breach of the privileges of this House has been -committed, in regard to a speech being published in the Times newspaper of yesterday morn ing, which is attributed to me, and declared to be in correctly attributed—in fact, that I never made such a speech. Now I dare say that there are many Ho nourable Members in the House at the present moment who can bear me out in 'stating that every single word reported in that speech was spoken by me in this House. I sat by the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, and on the Ministerial Benches sat the Prime Minister, the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment, and many other persons, and every one of them will vouch that the report in the Times is literally and wholly correct.—(Hear, hear.) I came into the House without any idea of speaking on the subject, but an opportunity appeared to me to offer itself, - and I made some notes while in the House. I happen to have those notes still in my possession, and I have compared them with the speech, as reported, and ,they bear out literally the accuracy of everything in the speech. Now a reply to that speech has come from another quarter—a very powerful quar ter. It is perfectly true that from long practice the individual me) , wield his weapons with greater dexterity than I can, but I have yet to learn that, when occasion may require it, I can not strike as hard a blow as he can. I neither court nor far him, but it is not my intention to carry on a war of abuse, which would neither accord with my own feelings, or be con sistent with my position as a-Member of this House. I think I may trespass on the House for a ft w minutes, while. I state toy position with respect to this matter. The House is aware that for many years I have taken a good deal of interest in the subject of railways for Ireland. Some }ears ago, when a pro position was made for constructing railways in the south of Ireland out of the public funds, I opposed it, believing that a line to the west would be more conducive to the interests of the United Kingdom, and tend more to develop the resources of Ireland. In the year 1841, shortly after the Right Hon. Gen tleman at the head et the Government came into power, 1 brought the subject at considerable length under the notice of the House. The railway—the Irish Great Western- - ehich gave rise to the present question, was not got up by solicitors or engineers, as these things usually are—it was a Noble Friend of mine and myself who were the promoters of the line. We expe rienced the greatest hostility as well from a rival company as from all the stock-jobbers in the kingdom. Every possible ex pedient was resorted to, to throw obstacles in the way. Not withstanding all this, shares to the amount of from two to three millions of money were applied for. I will now state shortly the circum-tances connected with the allotment of these shares. All applications were placed in a committee of directors. It had been stated, however, that considerable negligence had been shown with regard to these applications. I can say, how ever, in-reference to this point, that a respectable company in Edinburgh, Messrs. Miller and Hope, stockbrokers, had the selection of the applicants in that part of the country, and I am quite sure that they would allow no individuals on the subscrip tion list unless such as were respectable. In London the lists were deposited with Mr. Hazeltine, and severed persons, including the solicitor for the Bill; and Mr. Harris, another solicitor, went round and inquired into the respectability of the parties. A provisional Committee was also appointed to inquire into the application, and to make the allotments. Shares to the amount of two millions were thus allotted. Notice was subsequently given, that unless the subscribers paid up the calls, the depo it on the shares would be forfeited. In consequence of the deci sion respecting the standing orders, the money was not to be had. General Caulfield and others then came forward and said that they would pay up the money and take there shares. It was a mis-statement, however, to say that the direc tors had held any shares in the company for the pur pose of trading in them with a view to profit. I never in my life held above forty shares in this or any other railway. 1 hold these at this moment. I have never parted with one of them ; and. under these circumstances, I think it very hard that it should be imputed to me that my exertions in behalf of this line had been influenced by any pecuniary or sordid motive. I assure the House that to the extent of forty shares I am interested, and no further, and my loss could not, in any case, exceed 30/. There are a number of other things connected with this matter, which I do not think it necessary to introduce before the House. I admit they occur in the speech I made ; but I must advert to one statement which represents me as canvassing for the support of a powerful individual in another place. That is perfectly true.—( Hear.) I did see that gentleman for about two minutes, and that was all ; and I asked him to withhold his opposition until my Noble Friend should be in his !dace to answer the allegations. I was not be fore aware, that my powers of reasoning were so great, that in an interview of two minutes I could convince this gentleman. It has been asserted, also, that the statement I made with respect to the agents were untrue. The statement which I did make before was, that there were interviews with the agent, and that five letters were written—and that, I repeat, is true. So far, I was correct. It was said that the agent was not permitted to open the subject. As to browbeating the witnesses, I had not done so. I received the evidence from themselves; and with reference to Mr. Parkes, whose name was mentioned, he merely proved that in farty railway schemes the system was the very same PS in this one. There is another circumstance to which I wish particularly to refer ; I allude to some words which I spoke under great ex citement. lam anxious that that imputation should not re main, and I am prepared to state that the strong personal ex pressions which I made use of towards that individual was under a mistaken feeling, as I have since found that he did not make use of the expressions which I did ; but althoueh he made use of words to the same effect, I have no hesitation in with drawing all the personal expressions which I made use of to wards that individual : and further I will state, as every man should do, who has made a mistake as I did, my regret that I used any expressions, offensive either to that individual or to any other person: Mr. CLIVE said, as Chairman of the Committee to which the House had referred the Bill, he might be permitted to say a few words with respect to the share list. The Committee did not permit an examination of the share list, because the parties did not call upon them to do so. He thought it right to state this, as it might be inferred, from what had subsequently taken place, that the Committee bad not paid that attention to their duties which they ought to have done. Lord J. RUSSELL—" Nec sine te possum, nec eheu vivere tecum !"—( Loud laughter. ) Mr. WARD—The Noble Lord near him hail suggested a very apposite quotation, " Nee sine te possum, nec eheu vivere tecusn." That was indeed too true, but he conjured the Right Hon. Baronets to protest against and repudiate the conduct of their colleagues, to deal promptly with the danger now in creasing rapidly in the colony, and, by an act of worthy liberality, protect alike the settler and the native. _ _ , Mr. G. PALMER hoped, considering the situation of four teen thousand British subjects, that sufficient protection would he afforded. They had not even been allowed to protect them selves ; and from necessity they had formed themselves into militia bodies, to resist the aggressions of the natives. He was quite certain that neither Lord Stanley nor the New Zealand Company would wish to promote any difficulty or disagree dainhtes t w o aa be g m eiL ade e l e e r t ta th in em th b ey e referred o t l ne f u t t h i i ineer t e hG w eei were r ep e r on a wm n e y ern c t st o o, m a complaints the colony. promote the proper interests of Sir C. NAPIER observed that the island of New Zealand was a most fertile spot, and susceptible of the highest improve ment, and he thought that the Government had not extended sufficient protection to its colonists. Several murders had been committed in the vicinity of the Bay of Islands, and the murderers, with one exception, had escaped unpunished. The only protection that was afforded was derived from a French frigate which happened to be in the bay at the time. Independent of those murders, several out• rages bad taken place at Falkland, which also went unpunished. It did appear to him that the colonists, seeing the Government so supine in assisting them, had considered that they were left to defend themselves froin the aggressions of the natives in the best manner they could. He had no doubt that the disastrous a i t e s t % i V g a a i t r i a e u n , at o whichfur further r t e unpunished.xeesses. Having a constitutedving stated the proceedingsprimary opinionu t the great neslect of the Colonial Department in preventing the massacre at Wairau, he would allude to the last catastrophe that had taken place. The first dispatch of Governor Fitzroy stated that the natives seemed to entertain a general dislike to the British Government. The natives cut down the flag-staff at Auckland four times, nor was it to be wondered at, when a half-civilized people saw that they could cut down a flag staff with impunity, they would cut it down a second, a third, and a fourth time. He would allude now to the Gallant Go vernor's dispatch, which was a most extraordinary document. Although he had said Auckland was in danger, nothing for its defence had been done. A letter had been written from a ma gistrate in the Bay of Islands which required the presence of the Governor there, but he refused, on the ground that he could not leave the seat of Government. Such conduct was not in any way defensible. He was persuaded that if the Governor or any officer of experience had been there, the colony would have been saved from the disastrous fate which it eventually suffered. He would ask what would have been tPe fate of the 125 British subjects in the Bay of Islands, if an American frigate had not been there to succour them ? Did not this fact furnish a disgraceful reflection on the English Government? His Gal lant Friend opposite had said he thought that the Governor acted perfectly right in remaining at the seat of government, but would it not have been better to have sent hack the North Star to have armed all the colonists, to have imported more troops, and have attacked at once John Heki, and prevented him from taking possession of Auckland. He thought it his dut y , as aßritish officer, to state these facts ; the only manner in which he could account for the con duct of some of the officers at New Zealand, was, that there must be something in the climate which infected their minds. Too much praise could not, however, be given to Captain Robinson for his gallant and intrepid conduct.—(Hear, hear.) eo Everybody in the B ay of Islands must feel i nde b te d to t h at brave officer, and he h oped that the Adm i ralty wou ld f ee l i t to be their duty to pro mote and reward him for his brave con duct.—(Hear.) H e regretted being obliged to comment on the conduct of any o ffi cers in the service, b ut he f e l t i t to be his bounden duty, a s a Member of Parliament, t o d o so. He would not trouble the house with further observations. Lord INGESTRE sa i d he was anx i ous to b ury i n o bli v i on every topic which c ou ld l ead to irritation that had b een men tioned in former d e b ates. Ile felt bound to state that when the deputations waited on Si r Robert Peel, they were treated with the greatest court esy and consideration. The Right Hon. Baronet referred th em to Lord Stanley, and that Noble Lord evinced the utmost d es i re to promote the objects which the de putation had in view. M uc h had been said about a loan, but he was not asham e d to say that the New Zealand iompany would, had the titl e to their lands been guaranteed by the Government, been anx i ous to obtain a loan, so that they might more readily eff ec t t h eir purpose, and promote the welfare of the colony. It wou l d have been most desirable to have re moved the capital f rom Auckland to Port Nicholson, for the ineonvenience was v ery great, b ut Lord Manley was averse to it. He would apol og i se to the R i ght Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of Stat e f or the Home Department, and the Under- Secretary for the COl onies, for any harsh expre.sions which he might have use d towards them. He must say, that notwithstanding a ll t h e o bl oquy th at had b een cast upon the N ew Z ea l and Company, that he had never seen a body disin terested motives to pr omote great nat i ona l objects. He would in justice to Captain Fitzroy say , t h at lie believed his disposi tion was to du the best, thou g h h e th oug ht th e Ens of policy pursued by him had been irjudi c l ous . R egar di ng t h e recen t lamentable events which had take n pl ace i n N ew Z ea l an d, h e must say ' that to he i theht thought y l w a o i tual belongednd haveatoi theb thoughne e a n t i averted vwe si,i l ion rg was os 1 a proper and deci ded lin e of conduct towards the natives.— (Hear.) As men treatyhn landetoef act v from parer or more admit to the fu llest exten t the rights of the natives—he w ould not admit the construction put upon that treaty by the G ov ernment. E under the control of the Crow n. In either ca s e th e inter pretation put upon the treat y by the Governm en t cou ld no t t u the g of be sustained. He did hope that, in spite of all the angry feel ing which had been engendered by this discussion, all party feeling would be allowed to subsid e , an d that course be mutually agreed upon, which would the colony, secu re t h e interests of the em pire, and the welfa re of colony, - Mr. HAVES said he was most anxious that all party feel ing should be laid aside in this debate, and that the question should be entirely considered on its merits. He believed the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of th e Goverment was anxious • to do what was right , . and he hoped the debate would not be brought to a close without an expression of opinion, on the part of the Right Hon. Baronet, which would be sati s factory to both sides of the House. He had al ways thought that the waste lands of New Zealand should be in the hands of the Crown. Because this had not been the case, New Zealand, in stead of being a flourishing colony, was in a de plorable state. He agreed with the Honourable Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) that local municipal institutions should be formed in the colony, from which Members of the Legislative Assembly should be selected, and who, as a matter would bring much local knowl I to bear et ge on the of course, interests of the coun tr y . The policy which had been pursued towards New Zealand had led to occurrences of a disastrous nature ; and it was now time that another and a better course should be adopted. The Colonial-offiee, for instance, had pursued a line of conduct which plainly evi n ced th a t Government was • the policy of the to destroy the utility of the New Zealand colony.—(Hear, hear.) This he could prove by a reference to various documents, if it were ne cessary to do sae Nothing could be more mischievous than the obstructions which were thrown in the way of this com pany. Great companies , l ike the New Zeala n d C ompany , ef fected and brought about fected great good , results w hi c h th e Go vernment could not achieve. He wished to speak with respect of the Colonial-offlee, but he could not divest himself of the belief that that department of the Government had been mi-- led by information supplied to it, and had consequently adopted a mode of policy towards that colony which could not be easily justified. They would now have to held possession of that colony by force of arms, instead of measures having in view the conciliation and the peaceful government of that colony. They would not effect any great good until the Go vernment asserted their right to the waste lands of the colony. And what was the opinion of the Committees of that House ? Just this—that unless the Government. took the whole soil of New Zealand under their control, confusion and strife would be the consequence. If they thought they could settle it by a The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that what had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman opposite will, I trust, have the effect'of allaying that feeling of irritation which the expressions he made use of on a former evening appears to have occasioned. lam sure lam the last person in the world who would wish to pursue this subject, as such a course cannot fail to be painful to all parties. Perhaps the Honourable Gentleman will allow me to avail my self of the opportunity now afforded of suggesting to Hon. Members who sometimes violate what are the fixed rules of this House, which we are bound to obey, not to call into question the acts and conduct of Members of the other House of Parliament, who may have acted in their legislative capacity. lam sure the only mode of securing a proper feel ing of respect, and a proper observance of our own feelings, is to show that we are not desirous of violating them. I think we may do this, by abstaining from alluding to statements which have been uttered in another place. I have thought it my duty to avail myself of this opportunity of making these observations to the House. Mr. ESCOTT said he had been in the House the whole of the time the Hon. Member (Mr. F. French) was speaking, and never heard one single ssntence of the speech.—( A laugh, and cries of " Hear, hear.") Mr. DARBY said a few words, but not with reference to the speech referred to. Sir J. Y. BULLER said that he objected to the expenses of this Bill being put on the County Rates Bill. Mr. M. GIBSON also objected that the clause was unne cessa,y to carry out the provisions of the Bill. After a few words from Mr. DARBY and Sir J. Y. But.t.rn, The House divided, when there appeared, on the division for the 11th clause, that for the addition of the terms instead of the full and fair value of the property, the words " at the rate at which the property was valued to the poor," For the addition ... ... 43 Against it Majority for the addition —32 The other clauses, up to clause 31, were then agreed to. Mr. M. GIBSON thought this was the proper time for moving the amendment of which he had given notice, and he should therefore move the following clause :—And whereas by an Act passed in the session of Parliament holden in the fifth said sixth years of the reign of his late Majesty, intituled, " An Act to provide for the regulation of Municipal Corporations in England and Wales," it is enacted, that after the grant of a separate Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace to any borough, it shall not be lawful to assess any messuages, lands, tene ments, or hereditaments, within such borough, to any county rate thereafter to be made, but every part of such borough shall thenceforward be wholly free and discharged from con tributing otherwise than as thereinafter provided, to any rate or assessment of any kind, of and for the county in which any part of such borough is situated ' • be it therefore enacted, that nothing in this Act contained shall extend to render any such borough, or any property situated therein, liable to be assessed, or to contribute to county rate, save as in the said recited Act is mentioned and contained. The amendment was agreed to. The other clauses were then gone through, and on the preamble being submitted, Mr. HAWES wished to'know if the evidence had justified the cone%ision at which they had arrived. Mr. E. DENISON said that it was certainly very desirable to know whether the lands appropriated to public bodies was to be considered as amenable to this Bill. Lord G. SOMERSET said that he could not be answer able for the Government, but so far as his conceptions went, those lands which were not subject to the property-tax would not be subject to the provisions of this Bill. Mr. DARBY said, that the investigation ought to be made by those who had to ascertain the rack-rent, and not according to their figures, but according to the real value of the land. Mr. G. PALMER thought that the country ought to be altogether re-valued. The difference of value had led to such serious differences in the country that he thought for the sake of justice the country ought to be re-valued. Sir J. Y. BULLER said that the machinery of the Bill was perfectly easy. The Bill then passed through Committee, and the report was ordered to be received to-morrow. The House having resumed, went into Committee on the Death by Accident Compensation BM. After a few verbal amendments, Clause I was agreed to, as were also clauses 2,3, 4, and 5. Some amendments to some of the clauses being withdrawn, the Bill pa.sed through Committee, and the report was ordered to be received on Friday. The Deodands Abolition Bill then passed through Com mittee, and the report was ordered to be received on Friday. SLAVE TRADE. Sir R. PEEL took the opportunity to present some corre spondence with respect to the slave trade which, on a former occasion, he did not think it his duty to produce. NEW ZEALAND-2 -ADJOURNED DEBATE. Capt. RODS resumed the debate. lie said that he wished to know in what capacity the New Zealand Company came before the House? He wished to know whether they came there as supplicants, or as patriots demanding redress, or whether they wanted a loan of a sum of money ? The answer that he received from the Member for Cockermouth the other night was, that if became to the New Zealand house he would show him the accounts. He did not think that it was a proper busi ncss for them to borrow money from the country when their capital was said to be 300,0001., and they had not paid up 100,0001. He thought that they had forfeited all their char- Algiers. Taking all into consideration, he would put it to the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Liskeard, whether he would press this question to a second division? He would tell the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that he would not succeed in establishing a distinction between himself ( Sir R. Peel) and his Noble Friend. His Noble Friend was desirous of fulfilling the assurances which he (Sir R. Peel) had given. He (Sir R. Peel) would not undertake to supersede, in the discharge of his proper functions, a Minister who, he believed, discharged his duties with almost unexampled ability and with a desire to promote the interests of every colony which had been com mitted to his charge. Mr. ROEBUCK explained that he did not mean anything offensive to the Secretary for the Colonies in the observations 4 he had addressed to the House on Monday evening, nor to the missionaries, whose cause the Right Hon. Baronet the Mem ber for Oxford had espoused. Lord J. RUSSELL said that before entering on the imme diate subject of discussion, he considered it due t o ma k e a f ew observations resp ec ti ng the Hon. Gentleman alluded to by the Learned Member for Bath, the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and the Hon. Member for Southampton. He repeated that he considered it due to bear his testimony to the efficient and laudable conduct of an officer engaged' in the public service. His ( Lord John Russell's) experience only confirmed the testimony which had hitherto been given of his powerful talents, long experience in all matters of colonial government, and unrivalled capabilities for conducting the business of the office in which he was eugaged.-4 Hear, hear.) No one could deny this, but that eminent person did use his talents, and his powerful talents, with an undue influence over certain interests, and was indisputably biassed by the Mis• sionary Society in this country. He bore willing testi mony to the extent of that officer's ability and integrity, but. he must, at the same time, state that the views and opinions of Mr. Stephens depended ma terially on the caprice or dictation of the Secretary of State. He thought that this debate had been made too much a question of debate between the Colonial Secretary and the New Zealand Company. He would take the sense of the House on the Go vernment of New Zealand, which, in his opinion, had led to the late disasters there. He was in hopes that the New Zealand Company, having been in communication with the Secretary of State, that the Company might have at length prevailed on him to take a more just view of the Company. He thought that the present was a question upon which it was now desirable to have the opinion of Ministers. He would inquire what they had done since 1841 to 1845, to pron.ore the prosperity of New Zealand? Had that co'ony made the progress which might have been expected ? Had anything been done in conformity with their resolutions from 1841 to 1845—he believed nothing whatever. It was said they sent out instructions for that purpose, but he must say that thqse instructions fell lamentably short of what ought to be dens._-( Hear.) His opinion, perhaps, went beyond that of others as to what ought to be done in the present emer gency. He thought that municipal institutions ought to be generally established, and that the fullest possible system of representation ought to take place. The council which had been called had found itself an insufficient representation. There ought to be some delegations from those municipal. councils, by which greater influence, greater weight, and greater strength might be secured fur the purpose of taxa tion. That was the principle of the British Consti tion. Let them not forget that principle, which had been said down by a statesman, whose name must be familiar to readers of British history. A discussion was related in the appendix to the Life of Mr. Fox, regarding Representative Government. In 1685, in the latter part of the reign of Charles 11., a period not remarkable for the free expression of political opinion, Lord Halifax, in discussing the question as to whether the c harter of New England ought to be renewed, said that it was repugnant to English habits that a Government, in which the opinions of the people were not represented, should impose taxes, and that a Government had no power to impose a tax on a free people, which did not arise from representation.—( Hear, hear.) He said he would not allow any man to take the money out of his pocket without giving him authority so to do. It was quite clear that there was a total want of confidence on the part of the settlers in New Zealand in the present Council and Government there.—( Hear.) Surely it would not he said that that had anything to do with the New Zealand Company. Had not a member of that Company a perfect right to call the attention of the House of Commons to the state of affairs there? Was it a matter to which the House ought to be indifferent, or was his Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. Bul ler) so " deeply responsible" because he ventured to say in the House of Commons that 12,000 persons had settled in the colony, and that they should endeavour that those settlers should participate in the benefits of free institutions. As regarded municipal institutions, the settlers in New Zealand were not now, in 1845, so far in advance as they were in 1841. Lord Stanley said that it was at present impossible to establish representative Government these. He said that it was impossible to give them the franchise. Unless they supposed the annihilation of the natives in a very short time, this argument against representation would have the same weight for the next century to come.—( Hear.) Here was a conclusive reason against municipal institutions. The Govern ment was very liberal in commending the principle. Nothing, they said, could be more desirable than a representative Government. There was nothing that they would not say in its favour, but there was nothing they would do for it. The Right lion. Baronet would pronounce a panegyric on it in the most beautiful terms, and with the most highly finished periods, but declined to act in accordance with those opinions. With respect to the question of land, the view taken by him in 1839 was the view taken in 1831 and 1832 by Lord Ripon, his predecessor in office, from which he could not well depart. At the former period New Zealand was acknowledged as a nation, and its independence was acknowledged by the Crown of this country. '1 hat might have been a wise or a foolish step, but they could cot, after this, have claimed land by right of discovery, and so renounce the act of the Crown.—( Hear, hear.) He believed his Noble Friend, who, by the loss of that great man, be ars a titl e which will be ever memorable in English history—(Loud cheers)—his Noble Friend had lately said that he did not approve of this step. The treaty of Waitangai gave the natives possession of the lands, fisheries, and forests, but the construction he had put upon that treaty was those lands which the natives en joyed or occupied.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet said, in reference to the interpretation of the treaty, that it was a plain matter of faith; but the Right Honourable Baronet, in endeavouring to support his view by a comparison with the treaty of Utrecht, gave the latter such a construction as its framers would never acknowledge. The Right Honourable Baronet, as well as the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department, said there might be some waste land to which the natives might not have claim, but the greater part they owned as much as the High landers of Scotland owned the Highlands there. They must adopt one of two lines of policy. They must either treat New Zealand as a civilised country, like the Cape of Good Hope and other colonies, or as an uncivilised nation. In New Zealand there were vast tracts of land which belonged to the Crown, and which were consequently at its disposal. It was true they might adopt the plan of Sir James Gipps, and say " We may take these lands which belong to savages, and use them as we will." Sir Thomas Wentworth said there was an immense tract of land, consisting of 100,000 acres, which were pur chased at the rate of one-eighth part of a farthing per acre. Were they then not right in saying that the right of preemption was in the Crown? No settler could obtain land from the Crown. If a person wished to go from this country to Auckiand, and sought a grant from the Crown, he could not obtain it, as he would be told that it did not belong to the Crown. With respect to mediation between the savages of New Zealand and this country with respect to their lands, parties in that case would no doubt try their fortunes in New Zealand, but then it came to this, that this arbitration might not be binding, although the Noble Lord, who was not easy to satisfy, seemed to think differently—that the land thus disposed of might be claimed by different tribes. One would come and receive a certain sum of money, whilst another would come and say that the other had no right to receive the money ; that he could murder the father and mother and brother of the - chief who had received it ; and that he had a pre ferable claim to it, so that those desirous of settling in the colony would stand but little chance of receiving the lands under such an award. Persons, instead of saying " They should like to go out to the colony, and three hundred more will go out with us—we shall take some capital in the hope of founding a settlement ;" instead of saying that, they would go to the Emigration Commissioners and seek for land in South Australia, or in any other colony than New Zealand. Captain Grey might say that now he was Governor, he would treat the natives with the kindness which they deserved as British subjects, but at the same time telling them that he would not be trifled into submission. He might say this, and condemn the policy of the Secretary of State. The question then before the House was this--whether the House would act upon its own unbiassed opinion, reflecting the unbiassed opinion of persons out of doors without reference to party. He feared that New Zealand would be sacrificed to the Secretary of State, and that party interests would be consulted.—( Hear, hear.) But New Zealand—in spite of the taunts which had been thrown out against it, the time would come when the Government would act in a different way towards New Zealand—when they would be un willing to sacrifice the interests of that important colony to prejudice or obstinacy, and when it would be placed on a simi lar footing with their other colonies ; but in the meantime they exposed that colony to the greatest dangers, and if they agreed that night that nothing else should be done for it, they would compel those who had its interests at heart—would compel parties, session after session, to take steps to prevent the people of New Zealand from being treated as enemies, instead of friends.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. G. W. HOPE rose amidst cries for a division, and was understood to say that Captain Fitzroy was recalled on account of his conduct towards the natives. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the motion Against it ... Majority for going into Committee of Supply-66 The House then went into Committee pro forma. The remaining orders of the day were disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. WINDSOIt, JULY 21.—This morning Sir Charle Yonge, Garter King-at-Arms, arrived at St. George's Chapel Windsor, and superintended the placing of the banners over their respective stalls of the following Honourable and Most Noble Knights of the Garter : —On the Sovereign's side, the Marquis of Abercorn and Earl Powis; on the Prince's side, Earl de Grey and Earl Talbot. IMPUDENT CARRIAGE ROBBERY IN REGENT STREET.-Tuesday afternoon an impudent carriage robbery was committed by some expert thi eves i n R egent-street. Some ladies had been making purchases of silks and other valuable articles, which were in parcels, placed on the seat of an open carriage, and during the time the ladies were making other purchases in a shop, some adroit thief opened the carriage door, unobserved by the coachman or footman, both of whom were on the coach box. When the ladies returned to the carriage they found, to their dis may, their valuable purchases bad been stolen. LONDON AND WINDSOR DIRECT RAILWAY. — n Tuesday, a meeting of the Committee, consisting of Captain Forbes (in the chair), Captain Seymour, Messrs. Clarke, Bed borough, Sharman, Barton, Berridge, sen., and Roberts, who were appointed at a full assemblage of the inhabitants, held at the Town-hall Windsor, for the purpose of forwarding a memorial to the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, praying that they would endeavour to obtain the sanction of the Crown for a railway to pass over the royal property in the immediate vicinity of Windsor, took place in the Council Chamber. The letter received from the Woods and Forests, in answer to the memorial r f the inhabitants, and to the request of the Committee to be per.. mitted to wait on the Commissioners as a deputation, for the purpose of more fully detailing the views of the memo r i a li sts, and pointing out the advantages the town would derive by a din - et railway to London, having been read by the Chairman, in which it was stated that the Commissioners of Woods and Forests deerd to r ecommend her Majesty to give her sanction to the Cron property in the immediate vicinity of the Castle being interfered with by a railway, it was resolved unanimously that another letter should be written to the Board, again urgently soliciting that t h e y would consent to receive a deputation from the Committee, and at an early period, in order that they might be put in posses sion of every circumstance conn ected With the proposed undertaking. An application having been made by a member of the Committee, on the part of the press, fur a copy of the letter received by the Chairman (Captain Forbes) from the Woods and Forests, it was negatived. • The pitmen of this district have been holding various meetings during the week, at all of which the delegates who at tended recommended that preparations should be made for another strike , —Newcastle paper. -raw THE FRENCH IN ALGERIA. The followirg defence for the atrocious massaerQ in the Dahra appears in the Ilioniteur Alyerien, of the 15th inqtant " In order that the public may be able to appreciate that fatal event, it is necessary that they should know how important it was, in a political and humane point of view, to destroy the confidence which the people of the Dahra and other districts placed in the grottoes of Ouled Rhia ; all those tribes, considering perfectly secure those abodes, proved themselves at all times extremely unruly. Under the Turks, they repeatedly refused to pay the taxes, and when the cavalry of the Government pre sented itself, the entire tribe sought refuge in the caves and could not be compelled to pay their quota of the tribute. Abd-el-Lacier himself was treated in a similar . manner by the Ibehas, in their two revolts against him. He succeeded, however, in reducing them by means of his great moral influence, which enabled him to prevail upon the neighbouring tribes to blockade them and cut eff their supplies, hut such an expedient would be inefficient in our hands ; the Arabs do not serve the Christians as they woull serve Abd-el-Kader. Colonel Pelissier, after a successful ghazia on the terri tory of the Beni Zentes, summoned the Ouled Tthias to submit. A portion of the tribe reluctantly acquiesced, but the others having declined doing so, the Colonel was bliged to attack them. Their warriors, beaten in the field, withdrew into those famous grottoes, where they had beforehand placed their wives, children, cattle, and furniture. Colonel Pelissier invested them,'not however without the loss of several of his men. When the in vestment was complete, he attempted to persuade them to come out through the medium of some Arabs who had repaired to his camp. The latter were fired upon and one of them was killed. Nevertheless, by dint of per severance, the Ouled Rhias were prevailed upon to open a parley, which lasted the whole day, to no effect. They always replied, " Let the French camp be re moved, and we will quit the caves and submit." Colonel Pelissier repeatedly promised to respect their persons and property, not to treat them as prisoners of war, and merely insisted on the surrender of their arms. From time to time they were told that an abundance of fuel had been collected to warm them, but they obstinately refused to capitulate, and night was fast approaching. Was Colonel Pelissier to be deterred from his purpose by their obstinacy? The soldiers and chiefs would have loudly blamed him. The political consequences of such a de termination would have been fatal, for the confidence of the natives in the security of their grottoes would have increased. Should he attempt to carry theta by force ? This would have been almost impossible, and, at all events, he would have lost many men in that subterra nean war, a result equally unsatisfactory for humanity. Should he content himself to blockade them for fifteen Mays ; he would have lost a most valuable time for the submission of the Dahra, and could have afforded no assistance to Col. St. Arnaud, who was also operating in that district. After consulting awhile he determined to recur to the extremity suggested to him by the Governor-General, in a case of such emergency. A number of faggots were thrown from above into the entrance of the cave, which were afterwards s, t on fire. At one o'clock in the morning Col. Pelissier, moved by pity, caused the fire to be extinguished, but, unfortunately, it was too late, the catastrophe had oc curred. This cruel event, which afflicts us all and strikes our imagination by its novelty in the annals of war, is not, in reality, more barbarous than many other prac tices in European warfare, which are not reproved, be cause of their being regarded as indispensable evils. War, policy, and even humanity require that recourse be had to every means, however energetic they may be, to hasten its termination as speedily as possible. This is also serving the interests of philanthropy ; for wars. protracted by the use of feeble means, are the most ruinous and the most destructive of human life. Those incontestable principles once admitted, we ask if the siege of the grottoes is more cruel than the bom barding and famishing of the entire population of the strong towns in Europe. It is apprehended that the catastrophe of the Ouled Rhia will fill the hearts-of the natives with a deep hatred for us. The Arabs will cer tainly feel hatred towards us: that feeling has always i6ted, and is likely to last much longer. This event will not increase it much; but it will inspire them with a salutary terror, which will be equally favourable to the victor and the ♦anquished. The Arabs now per ceivieg that they must submit to the French yoke, that they possess no longer any secure retreat, will lay down the:r arms and quietly employ themselves in agricultu ral and comm-rcial pursuits, which will soon repair the evils of war. If, on the contrary, they had merely ex perienced an easy repression, in accord with the in judicious ideas of philanthropists, they would be often tempted to revolt, in order to recover their indepen dence, and those repeated insurrections would be at tended for them with disastrous consequences, which weuld render their situation much more cruel than it is at present, in consequence of the teKrible blow with which they have been visited. It has inflicted upon them a serious injury, it is true; but its effects are merely momentary. "The interests of the victorious army, and of the en tire of Franc have also their rights. If, by out forbear ance, we suffer the spirit of revolt to endure, we shall often be compelled to repress, and conseepiently to.sateri fiee the lives of a greater number of soldiers and more money than if, from the onset, we had made an example. To follow such it course would not be serving the inte rests of humanity and philanthropy. Energetic reps es sions produce the same results in all countries, whether in ordinary warfare; chit wars, or eateutes. It is prefer ab'e, for the sake of society and humanity, to strike one decisive blow, than to be obliged to strike often." EXTRAORDINARY SCENE, ROCHESTER, JULY 22.—Yesterday the Rev. George Davis, Captain Thos. Baker, and James Smith, Esq , County Magistrates, assembled in Petty Sessions, when the case of Henry WOolmer, alias Spriggs, who appeared on a charge of cruelly ill-treating a dog - on the 7th inst. at Hailing, near Rochester, the property of Mr. Solomon Brice, lime-burner, was gone into. The defendant was agamekeeper to the Rev. Mr. Formby, of Windsbury, one of the County Magistrates of this division, who tcolc his seat on the bench. The defendant, in conjunction with another um, named John Gammon, had been previously served with an information . for the same offence, and were to have appeared on Friday last to answer the charge. Gammon did appear, and was fined 205., and costs 15s. 6d. The defendant did not appear, as he was summoned in a wrong name, and consequently another summons was issued in another name, and on the de fendant being called on to plead, 'I he Rev. George Davis, the Chairman, with a degree of warmth of expression, said to the defendant, " What is your name?" Answer—Woolmer. Did you ever go by the name of Spriggs ? Answer —My name is Woolmer. - The Rev. Chairman —Answer my question, Sir, and don't treat the magistrates with impertinence. The Rev. Mr. Formby rose, and said, " I think the man has given a very proper answer, and submit that he is not to be treated with such harshness. He is here to answer a complainL" The Rev. Chairman, finding himself thus interrupted, took his hat and said he should leave the bench. The Rev. Mr. Formby observed, the sooner the better. Captain Baker told Mr. Formby that it was his opinion, as well as his brother magistrate's, Mr. Smith's, that his observations were extremely discourteous and uncalled for towards their worthy Chairman, who had tilled the situation of Chairman of this Bench for the last twenty years, and considered that Mr. Formby ought in justice to express regret for what he had done. This Mr. Formby refused. Mr. Baker remarked that during the twenty years' servitude of their Chairman he had given great satisfaction. This Mr. Formby doubted, for he had heard with deep regret that in almost every case brought to this office the Rev. Chair man had most shamefully browbeaten both men and women. When a man or woman came to the Court the it fe:lings were naturally embarrassed, being strangers to the course of law; and because of that were they to be treated with insult. Captain Baker inquired of the Rev. Mr. Formby whether he intended to sit on the bench as a magistrate in the case, because that would depend on their Rev. Chairman returning to , the Court. The Rev. Mr. Formby said he did not intend to sit as a magistrate. He had employed Mr. Prall, the solicitor, to attend on his servant's behalf ; and the cause that in duced him to make a remark on the conduct of the Chair man, was the manner in which he spoke to his servant, and was compelled to say that he would not have spoken with that harshness to a dog. After several angry expressions had passed between the magistrates, impugning each other's characters as gentlemen, the Rev. Chairman entered the Court again, when another animated discussion ensued between the bench and the solicitor, Mr. Prall, who contended that the Court was not in a condition to proceed with the case, and said he should advise his client to leave the Court at once, the magistrates contending that, as the defendant was before the Court, they dared him to leave it. On this the Rev. Mr. Formby rose from his seat and took his servant out of the Court, and they were followed by the solicitor, The ease, without the defendant's appearance, was gone into, and as there was not sufficient proof to sup port the information, the case was dismissed. ELOPEMENT.—On Wednesday a young lady and it matrimonial it appeals, was entertained of the young gentleman, vicinity ofLondon , wheolosepedrelfarotimonßs i a c n h d mo fr n i d en e d n s reside in existence of an y attachment between them, ,until they dis til() party of which they were members, after appeared from • dinner. The occasion se lectedby them for showing their adventure. No suspicion, preference of each other was that of a water entertainment. Soon after the boat, in which were congregated twenty-three or twenty-four individuals, arrived at Richmond, the party dined very luxuriously, and it was agreed that they should walk about the grounds near which their vessel was moored, and assemble at a stated period to finish the day's entertain ment. At the appointed hour all the company wore present, except the young persons to whom we have alluded, and rot a syllable was heard about them down to the arrival of the rest in London. The G azette of the Senate of St. Petersburgh publishes an Imperial Ukase relative to the rights of hereditary or personal nobility acquired by the service of military and civil offices The ukase places certain restrictions on the existing privileges with a view of checking the enormous increase of the class of nobility, but maintains the principle of elevation. COMPETITION IN WILD BEASTS.—Wombwell's and Hylton's wild beast caravans having pitched themselves on the Green at Glasgow during the fair, within a short distanve of each other, competition between the rival showmen induced them to re• duce the price of admission to one penny, and one of Hylton's outside orators became 'so powerful In his harangues, and so in vidious in his comparisons, that he was called before the magis. trates on Friday, and was made to pay I Os. 6d. for his lv,ipassioned eloquence. COPYDOLDS.—The fourth report of the Co pyhold Commission has just been presented to Parliament, It states there has been a considerable, and it is a gradually e'Atending, in crease both in the number of enfranchisements and the value of the land enfranchised. The principal enfranchiser vents have t a k en place in the ecclesiastical manors. Since th e last report of the Commission was presented 36 enfranchisement hav e taken place.