The Sun. — London, England, 1845-11-15 00:00:00

FREE TRADE BANQUET. MTN. ER AT BIRMINGHAM TO THE HON C. P. VILLIERS, MP. BIRMINGHAM, THURSDAY NIGHT.—This evening the long announced public dinner to the Hon. C. P. Villiers, Member for Wolverhampton, and the leader of the Anti-Corn-law party, took place in the Town-hall, and was most numerously and brilliantly attended. It is calculated that between 700 and 800 gentlemen of all shades of political opinion sat down to dinner. The chair was occupied by Mr. W. H. Smith, the newly elected Mayor of the borough, having on his right Mr. Villiers, the guest of the evening, Mr. Scott, MT., Mr. Bright, M.P., Mr. G. Fox, Colonel Thompson, Mr. Craw shay, Alderman James, Alderman Beale, Alderman Van Wart, Mr. Clark, Mr. Beilby, Mr. Bolion, Mr. Blake, of the firm of Bolton and Watt, of the Soho Work, ; and on his left, Earl Ducie, Mr. Cobden, M.P. ; Mr. William Brown, late candidate for the southern division of Lan cashire ; Mr. Thornely, M.P. ; the Low Bailiffof Birmingham ; the Rev. Mr. Bache, Unitarian minister; Alderman P. H. Muntz, Alderman Room, Alderman Weston, and Alderman Scholefield, Mr. Lucas Chance , of the Sporlane Works, Mr. Geach, and other gentlemen of influence and station residing in the town and neighbourhood. Mr. Alderman Phillips, the late Mayor, occupied the vice-chair. The principal gallery was filled with a numerous assembly of ladies. The arrangements throughout were most admirable, and reflected great credit upon the managing committee. After Nan Nobis, Domine had been sung by the profes sional gentlemen in the organ gallery, The CIIMRMAI4 said, now he was about to commence the discharge of the duties of the honourable situation in which he was placed, he cold assure them most unaffectedly he felt in the deepest degree the onerous character of those duties. But he assured them that he would endeavour to discharge them to the best of the abilities which he pos sessed, and the powers at his command. His first duty was to congratulate them upon the highly honourable assem blage of guests congregated that day.--(Cheers.) His second duty was to announce to the meeting the names of gentle men highly and equally honourable, who, but for circum stances not anticipated, would have been present on that occasion. He would not read letters, but he might mention that amongst other communications he had one from Lord Radnor, who, on the score of old age, extremely regretted his inability to attend. His Lordship, however, felt the deepest interest in the meeting, not only on account of the compli ment intended to their honoured guest, but also because he felt a deep interest in the success of the sacred cause they were assembled to promote. He (the Chairman) had also to regret the absence of not one only, but both of the Members for the borough of Manchester, but he was commissioned by his friend, Mr. Mark Philips, to say the present was the wedding-day of his only brother—that was his apology for absence. The same reason kept away Mr. Robert H. Greig, who, as brother-in-law of Mr. Philips, was detained by the same happy event. He (the Chairman) had hoped for the attendance of one or both of their own borough Members, but he was disappointed. He should have been happy to see Mr. Muntz in the hall that evening; he should have been happier still to have seen their friend Mr. Spooner—(Laughter)—for differing, as many of them did, from the political opinions of that Hon. Gentleman, they all acknowledged his worth and respectability.—(Hear.) lie was authorised to state that Mr. Mintz would have been present, but it so happened that he had an engagement with Prince Albert at Windsor that day; and their Hon. Mem ber also assured him that he would, upon every occasion when the question was brought before the House of Commons, vote for the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) He (the Chairman) had also hoped to have seen that evening Mr. Ricardo, the Member for Stoke, and Mr. M. Gibson, the Member for Manchester. Both gentlemen had promised their attendance, and as trains were arriving hourly, probably they might during the night have the pleasure of their company. He begged it to be understood, that this was not a political or party meeting, but strictly a social one—( Hear)—intended as a compliment to the Hon. Member who had conferred such invaluable assistance on the cause of free trade.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman, after calling upon the company to assist him in the maintenance of order, and in a few words passing a high eulogium upon her :Majesty. called upon the company to fill a bumper to the health of The Queen." The toast was drunk with great enthusiasm. The healths of " Prince Albert," "The Prince of Wales," and " The Queen Dornager," succeeded, and were drunk with the customary honours, as was the toast of" The Army and Navy." The CHAIRMAN said, he was about to propose to them the health of their honoured guest, Mr. Villiers, who had done them the honour of accepting their hospitality on that occa sion.—(Loud cheers.) In performing this part of his duty, he was sure he would not for one moment insult Mr. Villiers, or disgrace himself, by addressing to that gentleman undue flat tery a nd vain compliment. But it was due to the meeting that be (the Chairman) should state why it was that they had in vited the lion. Gentleman to visit Birmingham that day. It was simply this—because he was the advocate of public principles in which they all concurred, and was a man whom they all admired. But he might be asked what those prin ciples were? He would answer in two words— the principles of commercial freedom—the rights of labour, the rights of property, and, in connexion and dependence upon them, the advancement of the happiness and welfare of the entire so cial race.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman, after some fur ther complimentary observations. concluded by proposing • 'The health of the Hon. Charles Pelham Villiers, their distin guished guest."—(Loutl cheers, repeated three times three.) Mr. Conner begged to act as fugleman. Let them give three-times -three Birmingham cheers, such as should be neard at Tamworth. The Hon. Member's suggestion was adopted with hearty responses. Mr. ViLLIERS said he was sure that the meeting would readily believe that he could not rise without great em oarralernent duly to acknowledge the peculiar honour which had been done him that evening. When he considered the flattering circumstances under which he was their guest, and the friendly manner in which they had received the sentiment with which the Chairman had accompanied I the propos'l of his health, he (Mr. Villiers) honestly declared that he felt great difficulty in conveying adequately to them his sense of the condescension and consideration with which they had honoured him. He could hardly consider himself entitled to se much condescension; there were men at their board that evening who were possessed of more talents than himself, and who, he was sure, had done more service to the great cause fir the advancement of which they were met there that evening than he had been able to do; in fact, lie only diftfred from those men in having had a seat in the House of Commons longer than they, but he believed they would bear him out in saying that when they came into the House of Commons they did not find that he had been idle, but that he had been and was at the time toiling on, as he bad been for a long time, with difficulties greater than any which they had had to encounter. Since be (Mr. Villiers) had been honoured with a seat in the House of Commons by the favourable sense which was en tertained of hint by a great body of constituents in the neighbourhood, he had endeavonred to do his duty—(hear) —and he would say, that his apprehension of his duty was never to prefer his individual interests, or the interests of a class, to those of the public, and he had it not on his con. science that in any one single instance had he preferred the advantage of himself to what he considered his duty to the p u blic; and be could only say that if the course he had taken in public life had met their approbation, and if that which he had done in his efforts to support the cause which they were met that evening to celebrate could be construed to bea public service, their approbation of that course gave him, they might rely upon it, the highest reward for what he had done, and the highest encouragement to persevere in the 'course that he had hitherto pursued.—(Hear, b ea r.) They * knew how the House of Commons was constituted and the feelings of that body on this matter, and the way in which they were identified with this law, and that those whose hostility to that law was dispalyed there acted at the greatest disadvantage •; but he could an swer, he thought, for the distinguished men who were pre sent on this occasion; and he could answer for himself, that the one consideration which had cheered them on more than another had been, that sooner or later the intelli gent portion of the community would appreciate their endeavours. He accepted this meeting as a sign of the prowess of the cause, and a most gratifying verification of what they had all along been expecting. If they coincided with him and his friends around him on this great question, it was meat important that they should not underrate the importance of their declaring themselves distinctly without loss of time. Why they who sat in that House had had the most conclusive proofs that their opponents, the supporters of the corn-laws, had found at length that they were wrong, and they felt that, being wrong, the evidence was pressed upon them by their own. Ministers, and by the circumstances of the country, which they could not dispute, that they could not any longer maintain the corn-laws consistently with the interests of the community. But one thing they did not know ; they seemed ignorant Of the opinion of the people; they appeared to want some sign of the opinions really entertained by the intelli- gent portion of the public; they seemed to think that if the people chose to keep silence the public therefore coincided with them in opinion, or were undecided at least with re gard to the operation of the law. He did not believe that the aristocracy of this country were better than any other men ; but he thought them much like other men—(Hear, hear) and that if any of them helped themselves to anything which they had not a right to, but which they thought worth keeping, why they were very loath to give up. They were like other great bodies that the meeting knew of; they would not move till the steam was up. It was not a gentle force that would stir them. Sir James Graham had said some time ago—and it was one or the things which he had not unsaid since—that the aristocracy, if they opposed public opinion, were totally without power. (Laughter, and cheers.) That was undoubtedly true. What, then, was it which stood between the advocates of corn-law repeal and that result? He answered, the want of some clear, intel ligible, unmistakeable expression of opinion.—(Hear, hear.) He thought it most gratifying to see this manifestation of opinion in this great town—a manifestation which he looked upon and accepted, not as made in favour of a person or a party, but of a great principle.—(Loud cheers.) He believed that if the commerce of this country continued restricted, as it was at present, the people might as well be with out a great part of the liberty they possessed.— (Heer.) They had acquired the power of thinking what they pleased—of praying how they pleased —of saying what th e y pleased—and the result had been, that the people had become the greater. and the circumstances of the country the better for it. The people, in consequence, have grown mere intelligent, more peaceful, more enterprizing, more ac tive than any other nation, and it was precisely for that reason that commercial restraint was such a fetter to them , fur what was it to a man to be possessed of more intelligence or % ore skill than his fe ll o ws if he were restrained from dis pos* of it to the best advantage—if the comforts of life wereyond his reach? He asked if that was not the con diteW of millions of their fellow-countrymen ? He asked, also, if destitution was not what all who heard him were ex pecting to fall upon those millions every hour? Then did any man believe that Providence had brought about that re sult ? No. It was the result of human legislation, it was the direct consequence of the law which they were that evening filet to assail—a consequence which had been foreseen, and of which the Govenment had been warned over and over again. By the laws which they enacted, the Government drove a large portion of their people to the most inferior kinds o f food, and then, if any of those visitations arrived which might be expected to occur, they were reduced to des stitution. That was the consequence of making fcod difficult to be obtained. It was passing laws for bringing about destitu tion. He said, that no man who bad been a party to such legislation had any right to talk about the visitation of Pro vidence. He had lately seen that Lord. 4 k p Russell had expressed h itnself with great eloquen ce on the ae stitu t ion of thi s country, when addressing lately the citizens of Edinburgh, and to much that the Noble Lord said in praising this country every reasonable man would assent; but he (Mr. Villiers) said that every . man would deny throughout Europe that the corn-law in this country operated against :.he power of the Government. They might point to a despotism, and make comparisons between this country and it unfavourable to the latter, but where did they see a despotism in which there was anything to exceed the prac tical injustice of the law which was passed to make the wealthiest aristocracy in Europe still wealthier by means which exposed milli ons t o wan t.—(Loud cheers.) They knew that the. substitution of the sliding scale was asserted to have sprung from a desire that food might be abundant in this country, and that we might be independent of fo nigiferi, Now was the moment to observe the operation of that precious device—(Hear) —that contrivance which was to make food abundant and the country independent of foreigners. They had attempted to establish sliding scales in Holland and Belgium ;"but the moment there arose a deficiency of food, how did these scales operate? Not one moment had been lost in sending those scales to where the people hoped they never would return from. He knew of no better instance than that of Holland by which to illustrate what he was urging. Holland, upwards of two centuries ago, did not grow a grain of wheat ; but Holland, by the description of every person who wrote about that time, was the granary of Europe. What was their condition now? They had instituted this miserable device of a sliding-scale, and what had been the consequence? They were compelled to resort to compara tive free trade when a deficiency of supply arose. What, then, did people read in the journals ? What did they hear ? The Ministers had been meeting for four hours a day all last week for the purpose of seeing how decently they could get rid of their scheme. That was the real state of the case, and the only scruple that they seemed to have was that, as they were the authors of the scheme, it was necessary to consider what would be the opi nion of them thrbughout the country if they destroyed their own work? As to that, the opinion of the country, he was persuaded, was that if there could be one act more foolish than the establishment of this sliding scale, it would be, in present circumstances, not to get rid of it alto. gether. It was promised at the establishment -of this scale, that it would make us independent of foreigners, and it was asked was not that a great advantage? But what was the case now ? That was its greatest misfortune that it makes us not entirely dependent on foreigners, and that in consequence foreigners had not enough to send us; for when the Legislature devised this notable scheme, to, render us in dependent of foreigners, they also brought it about that foreigners should not be dependent on us, and having taught them not to be dependent on us, they cannct wonder that foreigners are not likely to have provided for us ; but the organs of monopoly said that they were ready to meet the emergency, and that Sir Robert Peel was ready to meet everything that can happen ; because he was ready to give a bounty—(Hear, hear )—on the importation of food. l'Cow, that was very good o air R. Peel—(A laugh)—and it was very reasonable in the organs of his Government to recom mend that he should do so; but he (Mr. Villiers) would like to know who was to pay that bounty ?—(Hear, hear.) He thought Sir R. Peel would not pay that bounty, but that the people would pay it, and that, therefore, the people were not only to pay too much for their food per manently, but to pay a special tax in order to defray the bounty. He did not think that there were ten people in this country who believed one statement that the friends and authors of the sliding scale made in its defence. What was the meaning of the anxiety which existed previous to the harvest time? This country was dependent for its supply of food upon the seasons. Whether they should have abundance or scarcity, dearness or cheapness, turned upon the weather in the month of August. They had had so much experience lately of the consequences of food being dear or cheap, that no person in the country was unprepared for what might be the result in one case or the other. People had an idea that if food was abundant And cheap, money would let plentiful, credit would be good, manufactures would flourish, revenue would be ample, wages would be high, and the country generally would be prosperous; and they entertained just as confident an impression that if food was dear money would be scarce, manufactures would be depressed, wages would be low, local burdens would be increased, and all the capital otherwise available for public works—such as railroads and other similar undertakings—would be immediately with drawn to pay the increased price of food. It was perfectly natural that people should be anxious to know whether the harvest was likely to be good or not ; but then the question arose, whether this anxiety was necessary—whether they ought to depend only upon the harvest—whether, being satisfied it was desirable that food should be cheap and plentiful, they ought not to adopt every means to effect that object? There was one fact which ought to be impressed on the mind of every person who was a supporter of the principles of free trade, and who wished to meet the argu ments of the monopolists—namely, that there was not one single article of consumption for which there was a great de mand in this country, and which was subject to the regular principles of commerce, of which there was ever a deficient supply, or of which the supply was ever limited —(Hear.) They fancied they knew a man's character when he arrived at the age of twenty-one; they ought to know something about this law, which had attained the age of thirty-one.— (A laugh.) He wished to know if any man could say a single thing in defence of that law?—(Hear, hear.) It excited the greatest anxiety throughout the country regu larly every two months; it threw the people into a state of confusion regularly every four years; it had occasioned great loss to the country, and constant privation to the poorest class of the population.—(" Hear," and cheers.) When he (Mr. Villiers) first went into Parliament he used to hear it argued that dear bread was advantageous to the country; that it secured the people high wages; and that it wa. necessary to enable them to pay the national debt. But now he heard nothing of this kind from the supporters of the corn monopoly. They were adiged to admit that an abundance of food was a great blessing; and they said, " Only give us time ; let us adopt all the improvements we can, and then we shall have as abundant a supply of food as we can gain by importation." Now, he had a great objection to wait, or to trust these men. If a gentleman said, " Leave me a monopoly, in order that I may benefit the public," he greatly mistrusted such an individual. He mistrusted the agricultural protection societies, because he never found them endeavouring to carry their professed objects into effect. If some twenty-five of the nobility and gentry of a county were to assemble and inquire whether they could not improve the condition of the tenant-farmer, and is lead him to profit by the lectures he was urged to attend, he (Mr. Villiers) would confess that they gave some proof they were in earnest. Suppose the gentlemen of whom he was speaking were to draw up and agree to some declaration to this effect :—" That whereas we have been in the habit of making the farmers political tools —(Hear)--of placing them wider every possible disadvan tage, extorting from them the highest rent we could get, giving them the smallest possible advantages for making their produce profitable, and making them religiously pre serve a species of vermin it is our pride to destroy—C" II ear, hear," and great cheering)—and that the result of this has been that their farms were badly cultivated, and the people of this country were under-supdlied with food, we agree to recommend all landlords to give leases to their tenants— (Hear, hear)—to secure them in their tenures—to afford them every inducement to invest capital in the soil, and to allow the vermin before-mentioned to be de troyed ;" he had no doubt that the lectures of Liebig, and the in ventions of Mr. Smith, of Deanston, would receive the careful attention of farmers, and that they would soon see a great improvement in agriculture. But so long as they confined themselves to giving lectures, and did nothing beyond, he did not think the persons of whom he had been speaking had any claim To their confidence. But there was another reason which made him pause before he trusted the advocates of a corn-law. Those persons had recently said, with great plausibility, to the opponents of monopoly—" If you will only leave us protection a little time we shall soon be able to do all you want." Now, whenever bread was abundant and cheap, no persons were so angry and discontented as the very people who thus appealed to them for their confidence. If those whom he (Mr. Villiers) was then addressing had happened to be in the House of Commons one evening about the middle of last session they would have witnessed a singular scene, which confirmed the views he had just expressed. They might have seen a rustic looking gentleman with a number of papers in his hands, ad dressing the the house with great vehemence and indignation, and assuming a threatening attitude towards the gentlemen on the Treasury bench. Had a stranger entered the house at that moment he might have supposed the speaker to be a humane and honest man, complaining in indignant strains of some injustice committed against the poor. But in such a supposition he would have been grievously mistaken, for he would have learned that this gentleman was a member of the protection party, and that the papers he held in his hand were the prices current of all the animals and vege tables produced by the members of the agricultural protection societies upon their property.—(Laughter.) That Honour ' able Gentleman went through every item in those returns with the greatest minuteness, and he indignantly assailed the measures of the Prime Minister, contending that, from their operation, the price of pork, bacon, and flour, had fallen so much a stone below the price which existed at the these when he and his friends formed the Administration. The gentleman to whomm . he referred and his friends made charges of breach of faith, and held out threats of with drawal of confidence; and they seemed to have a strong case against the Minister of the Crown. That was what was termed in the House of Commons a practical debate, (Laughter)—and there was a gentleman representing the protection party and the landed interest of the country, occu pying the British House of Commons for two hours and a half in complaining of a great fall in the price of the neces saries of life.—(Laughter and "Hear, hear.") He was delighted to see the other day that that speech had attracte.l the attention of a gentleman whose observation on the subject had been much commented upon in the papers lately. He alluded to Mr. Escott, who stated that when he heard that speech he saw that the game of protection was up.—(Great cheering and laughter.) That was a true remark. The game of protection was up. (Renewed cheering.) This matter seemed to have struck a great many other persons in the same light. The attention of a nobleman, distinguished for his philanthropy, and for whom he entertained great respect seemed also to have been attracted by Mr. Escott's oration ; and the Noble Lord to whom he referred said, speaking of his experience during the last session, that he saw the corn-laws were doomed.—(Hear, and cheers.) The Noble Lord meant "detected."—(A laugh.) He trusted the Noble Lord would turn out a good prophet, and that these laws, having been detected, would speedily be doomed.— (Loud cheers.) There was also another gentleman, a captain in the navy, who had, after some years' deliberation, come to a conclusion on the subject. That gentlemar. said, " There were two things I heard during the last session, I heard that the population is increasing by 1,000 a-day, and I heard that the object of protection is to make the necessaries of life as dear and as scarce as possible." "Why." he continued, "this is worse than the Chinese. The Chinese do everything to feed their people. They encourage the introduction of food into the country, while we are doing pre cisely the contrary." The Honourable Gentleman to whom he was referring told the people in his own counts, that " this won't do ;" and he had, it appeared, become a convert to Anti-Moncpolist principles. These circumstances had had a very beneficial effect in the House of Commons. Lord J. Russell, shortly afterwards, thought it high time to bring before the country the condi tion of the working classes, and he came to the conclusion that that which bore most heavily upon them, and pre vented them from rising to their proper position was this law, which rendered the necessaries of life scarce and dear— (Hear, hear)—and he called upon the House to take the sub ject into their consideration. He (Mr. Villiers) was curious to notice how the Government received that proposition; for while they wanted to glorify themselves for the 'prosperity of the country, they also wished to stand well with their own friends. Sir J. Graham did not oppose Lord J. Russell's motion. He acted as a man usually did when he agreed with the mover of a resolution, but found it inconvenient to say so. He moved the previous question, bat Sir James thought, like Mr. Escott, that the game of protection was up; and he made in his speech a clean sweep of all the rubbish that had ever been uttered in favour of protection.—( Hear, hear.) He ventured to say that there never was a speech delivered by any one of those who advocated free-trade of so much power as that speech of Sir James Graham by way of answer to these who opposed the repeal of the corn-laws. There was not one of them who had ever supported the repeal of the corn-laws by a better speech. That their opponents had never ventured to meet it. The simple minded gentle man to whom he alluded never apprehended this result; he complained that things were so cheap; he did not go into the consequences of the corn-laws. His friend had told him after that speech of Si r J ames G ra ham, w hy, you will weaken your case if you go on to reply to him. He was told that the Secretary of State had done still better than he could do, and that coming from him the argument would have more authority. He, therefore, had nothing more to do but ten days afterwards to move for the repeal of the law. He moved accordingly, but he gJt no answer to his argu ments, except this—that the corn-laws having failed, it was a pity to disturb that which was, nevertheless, the exist ing law.—(Hear, hear.) For his part, he thought it required nothing but an earnest, decided, vigor ous, and determined attack to secure the destruction of the law. He had been in a minority on the last occasion; but there were several names in that minority that had never appeared in a corn-law minority with him before—the names THE SUN, LONDON, SATITR-DAY he believed, of persons who no longer were content to think it sufficient that by their absence from the House they should abstain from opposing the repeal of the law, which had been admitted to be a fraud upon those for whom it was devised, and an enormous wrong to those on whom it ope rated. He was therefore glad that the Howards, and the Cavendishes, and the Fortescues, and the Russells all added to the numbers of that minority, because they could not endure to see that which was a fraud on those for whom it was devised, and an enormous injury to the people, going on any longer. He did not see how those persons who, lohe ther really or pretendedly, were the friends of humanity could any longer complain if they overlooked the existence of a law which produced so great and grave evils as its conse quences. On the ground of humanity, therefore, he asked that these laws should be abolished, of which the operation was most calamitous on that class which was least able to resist them from physical causes. This law they now had prac tical means of appreciating. There was a deficiency in the harvest. Prices had now reached the height at which Sir J. Graham had said that destitution and crime were rife throughout the country. Was there, then, ever an opportu nity at which matters were more ripe for action? IVere they ever in a better position to call upon the Government to do something to ameliorate the prospects of the country? —(Hear, heat.) The Government had decided nothing. They waited for the men of Birmingham to sugget t to them what ought to be decided. Let them gladden, then, the hearts of millions, by calling on the Government to strike to the ground and abolish at once and for ever the ridiculous system which denied their food to millions, and urging them to call Parliament together, either to do the deed, or to sanction it; and if Parliament refused, to call upon the elec tors to test whether the present Parliament were the real re presentatives of those enfranchised millions who earned their bread by the sweat of their brows. He called upon them to act, and he was quite satisfied they would not do so without success.—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then gave the health of Earl Ducie, who returned thanks. The CHAIRMAN begged leave to propose " the health of Richard Cobden, Esq., the distinguished opponent of all mo nopolies.—(Vehement cheering.) Mr. COBDEN, on rising, was greeted with loud cheers. He said, that he felt deeply indebted to the assembly for the kind manner in which they had received the announcement of his name. He also congratulated them on the aspect of the meeting; and observed, that this demonstration put into the hands of Mr. Villiers a most powerful weapon against the common enemy, which that gentleman would wield for their common benefit in the House of Commons. He did not ap pear before them, after the full exposition which had been given of their principles and views, to make an argumentative speech. Facts were before them which demonstrated to the conviction of all what were the consequences of those prin ciples which they had met to oppose. They found them selves, under the operation of those principles, verging as nearly as possible upon a state of famine. This, as Mr. Villiers had well explained, was the consequence predicted from these restrictive laws by every writer or speaker on the subject, from the time of the celebrated protest of Lord Grenville, in the House of Lords, in 1815, down to the most recently•published pamphlet in opposition to the corn-laws. The matter fir their consideration was, what was to be done in the present state of this question? It seemed that they bad been deluding themselves when they entertained the idea that the Government was going to do something. It seemed that they had not even such a Government as some of the Continental States possessed. Were they not gratified to think that they were unworthy of as good treatment as the Russians, and Turks, and Dutch received? When the Dutch, and Germans, and Turks, and Russians, and Belgians, found there was likely to be a scarcity, they took that course which common prudence dictated, and which any community out of Bedlam would at once pursue, if left to the exercise of their unbiassed judgment. Finding there was a probability of an insufficient supply of food at home they opened wide their ports, and admitted importations from any part of the world. This was what the people had expected our rational Government to do. What was the question which thirteen noble men and gentlemen had been sitting in the Cabinet day after day to discuss? Whether they, from their own rents and revenues, should make large purchases of grain from abroad to supply the wants of the people of this country? No. Whether they should vote a subsidy from the taxes of the country, and levy new taxes to cover the amount to purchase food? - Nothing of the kind. The mighty difficulty they bad to decide was this—whether they would allow the people of this country to feed themselves? and it appeared the Cabi net had decided that they should not.—(" Hear," and cheers ) Rumours were afloat, he could not tell how well-founded they might be, that there was a division in the Cabinet on this great question. They were told that Sir R. Peel and Sir J. Graham on the one side, and the Duke of Welling ton and Lord Stanley on the other, were at variance on this subject ; and they were told that the . Duke had decided that the people of Enand should not be allowed to feed themselves.—(dear, hear.) Now, they were at issue with the great Duke on this great question.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Cobden) believed that the people of Birmingham had before tried the mettle of that noble warrior. —("Hear, hear," and cheers.) The Duke of Wellington was a nobleman whom they regarded with honour, as possessing those qualities which were held by men in the highest estimation. He possessed high courage, great firmness of resolve, and indomitable perseverance. They admired such qualities in any man, and the Duke had bad a great field of enterprise on which to manifest his endow ments.—(Hear, hear.) He would not like to see the Noble Duke, who had now grown old, and who had conquered so often in the field—he would not like to see that Noble Duke sustain another defeat, before he descended into an honoured grave.—(Hear, hear.) He would, therefore, remind that noble individual that he had never yet entered into a contest with Englishmen in which he had been successful. As the great battle to which he (Mr. Cobden) had been alluding must be and would be fought, he could only express a hope that the Noble Duke might live long enough to test the qua lity of his countrymen again.—(Cheers and laughter.) But, after all, it was not the Duke of Welling. on against whom they were arrayed. Who was at the head of the Govern ment of this country? Sir IL Peel. He (Mr. Cobden) had sat in the House of Commons in the palmy days of Sir R. Peel's prosperity, and when Sir Robert brought forward his measures, acid dictated to his servile colleagues what his policy should be, the little monosyllable " I, I, 11 was con stantly on his lips.—(A laugh.) "I do this," "I call upon you to support me in doing that." "I act upon my own honest convictions." " I look for a posthumous fame." " I will do nothing as the Prime Minister of this country which I do not think is for the benefit of the community." He (Mr. Cobden) would take the Right Hon. Baronet at his word. Al though he was the Prime Minister of this country, he was, as Prime Minister, responsible for his act.ons. Many attempts had been made to shirk thatresponsibility ; and an endeavour had been made to show that those who talked of such respon sibility intended to do personal violence to Sir R. Peel. He (Mr. Cobden) knew that Sir R. Peel was ashamed of that plea ; but some of the newspapers had now fallen back upon it. He (Mr. Cobden) could only say that he would not touch a hair of Sir R. Peel's head.—(Hear.) But what was the meaning of the responsibility of a Minister? The Minister of this country was responsible by the Constitution for every act of the Sovereign. The Queen alone could issue an order for the opening or the ports; and her gracious Majesty would have taken that step long ago, but that the Con stitution prevented her from doing so till Sir Robert Peel presented her with the decision of the CounciL— (Cheers. ) They were, therefore, only pursuing a legiti mate constitutional course when they brought Sir R. Peel to the bar of public opinion, and declared him to be respon sible for the acts of the Government.—("Hear,"and cheers.) It had been proposed that, for the relief of the poor in Ireland, great public works should be undertaken, that railways should be made, lands drained, fisheries started, and boats and nets supplied to the people. He (Mr. Cobden) would recommend, in the place of these suggestions, a repeal of the existing corn-laws.—(Cheers.) The ports f Belgium had been opened for the importation of foreign corn, they did not there expect to feed the people merely by pickaxes and shovels, by giving them work without furnishing them at the same time with food which they may purchase with the pro duce of their labour. The Irish people would undoubt edly suffer much from famine, owing to the failure of the potato crops in all parts of that country. That affected not only men who were able to labour on railroads and public works, but women, children, the aged, and the dis abled. Those were not persons into whose hands they could put pickaxes and shovels. He would venture to pro phecy a recurrence in Ireland, in the ensuing spring, of those events which occurred in that country in the spring of 1822, when the famishing flocked by crowds into the towns and were fed by the charity of the inhabitants. But the question was, where was subsistence to be obtained for them, now that their own crops, upon which they had depended, had failed? It must be bought elsewhere; and not a moment ought now to be lost in accumulating stocks of grain, for if they deferred doing so till the time of pressure—spring—arrived, that commodity would probably be double its present value.— (Hear, hear.) The monopolists were tampering with the present state of things. The organs of the Government, day after day, represented the state of affairs to be much more cheering than it actually was. Why, what was the state of things in Ireland ? Could a wide-spread conspiracy have beeu organised to deceive them by false representations ? Had they not seen that masses were offered up in the Catholic chapels throughout that country praying the Deity to avert the impending calamity? and that the Protestant Primate and Bishops of Ireland had ordered similar prayers to be offered up in the churches of the Establishment? The boards of guardians also had memo rialised the Government on the subject. He (Mr. Cobden) was convinced there were not a dozen men in this country who did not feel it a solemn and melancholy truth that the country was placed, by the deficiency of the crops, in a most unfortunate and perilous position; and yet the Government were tampering with this critical moment of their welfare, and were apparently unprepared with any measure to avert the calamity.—(Hear, hear.) Now, then, was the time for the people of this country to speak out. It had been said there had been scarcely any demonstration in the country in favour of opening the ports ; and why ? Because there were hardly two rational men in any town who did not expect that every post would bring down from London the decision of the Cabinet that the pats were already open.—(" Hear," and cheers.) But that expectation was now past ; and he thought it behoved the people in every town in the kingdom to meet together, as they were going to do at Man chester, and call upon the Government to open the ports.— (Hear.) When the ports .were once open he was sure they would never be shut again, and that was the reason they had not been opened. Where was the necessity to hold four or five Cabinet meetings in order to tell them that corn could not come in ? Some men said, look to your native produce: but that was not thought reasonable in anything but corn. He had heard Mr. Gladstone eloquently advocate the free admission of lard, hides, and flax, because (he said) they were the raw material of manufactures, and that, there fore, it was necessary that a cheap and abundant supply of those articles should be had. The argument which applied to corn, was forgotten when they had to deal with lard, hides, and flax. He would whisper in the ear of the advocates of the corn-law, that corn was the article on which rents were fixed and tithes regulated.—(Cheers.) Let them riot deceive themselves, and fancy they would get all at once a free ad mission of corn—that was to say, wheat. There was no of to admit Indian corn free of duty. Lord Sandon wrote to his Liverpool constitutents that they did not mean to oppose the admission of Indian corn. Why? Because they did not fix their rents or regulate their tithes on the price of Indian corn. The truth was, the opposite party bad not a man of average intellect that dared to support their cause ; they. could not appeal to a statesman of any eminence who had delivered a dictum in favour of the system; they had not a writer on their side; they stood alone in this age, and yet these people governed as absolutely and more tyran nically than the Grand Turk himself—(Shame)—and they would find tools for themselves who would work against their own convictions. No doubt Sir R. Peel was at least as good a free trader as he (Mr. Cobden) was, and he had no doubt that Sir R. Peel bad a wish in his inmost heart that lie should be the man to carry out these principles, but he had been tampering with his policy, that he might adapt it to the ignorance of his party. Now, there was one consolation —they had run the fox to earth at last.—(Cheers.) He could not double on them any more. The Hon. Gentleman, after remarking on the pleasure it would have given him to have seen the Right Hon. Baronet as a Lancashire man carry ing the abolition of the corn-law, went on to urge on the meeting to make themselves county voters by buying 40s. freeholds, and also to examine and purify the re gistries by means of local organisation. The people must be prepared to act for themselves. They must come out m their multitudinous strength, in Yorkshire, Lancashire, and every part of the country; now that they saw the mighty edifice of monopoly tottering, and that its walls becmn to crumble, they should concentrate their ener gies, and level it to the ground in all its crimes and blood; and the peaceful ploughshare should pass over its ruins, and full and enduring prosperity should bless our land.—(Loud cheering.) The CHAIRMAN then proposed "the Health of Mr. Bright, M.P.," which was drunk with loud cheering; and the Hon. member returned thanks. Several toasts were drank, and the company did not break up until an advanced hour. THE ARMY. GENERAL ORDER. _ _ HORSE GUARDS, Nov. 8. . . At a General Court-Martial, held at Leeds on the Ist of September, 1845, and continued by adjournment to the 18th of the same month, Lieutenant William Augustine Hyder, of the 10th Hussars, was arraigned upon the undermentioned charge, viz. : " }or conduct unbecoming the character of an officer and a gentleman ; for that he, the said Lieutenant 'William Augu. - tine Hyder, being quartered with his regiment at Bailin collig, did, on or about the 17th day of October, in the year 1842, at Inchera, near Cork, and with' intent to deceive his commanding officer, Colonel Vandeleur, endeavour to-pre vail on Silvester Oliver, Esq., to lend him a horse to remain for two months at Ballincollig aforesaid as his second charger, he, the said Lieutenant Hyder, proposing at the same time to the said Silvester Oliver, Esq., that no one should, during such two months, get upon the said horse." Upon which charge the Court came to the following decision " The Court having maturely weighed and considered the evidence in support of the prosecution, together with what the prisoner has urged in his defence (and laying out of their consideration the letter addressed by Major-General Henry Wyndham to Colonel Vandeleur), is of opinion that he, the prisoner, Hyder,_Lieutenant William Augustine of the 10th Royal Hussars, is Not Guilty of the charge pre ferred against him, and does, therefore, acquit him of the same. " The Court having acquitted the prisoner, Lieutenant William Augustine Ryder, of the 10th Royal Hussars, of the charge preferred against him, cannot refrain from ani madverting in the strongest terms of disapprobation on the violent, coarse, and uncalled-for language which he, the prisoner, has had recourse to in his defence, in allusion to the character of Silvester Oliver, Esq." Her Majesty has been pleased to approve and confirm the finding of the Court. Her Majesty has been pleased to observe, that it appeared that after the assembly, and during a short adjournment of the Court, a civilian, the principal witness for the prosecution. did, in the presence, and with the acquiescence of Colonel Vandeleur, the prosecutor, destroy certain documents, which, at the instance of the prisoner, such witness had been duly required to bring with him for production before the Court —one of such documents being a letter having reference to the subject-matter of the charge against Lieutenant Hyder addressed on the 9th of May, 1845, by Colonel Vandeleur to the said witness; and her Majesty has been pleased to ex press her displeasure that Colonel Vandeleur, hastily acting, as he declares, under an impression that these documents were not in a state fit to be produced in Court, and that the fair copies in his possession would be much better, should have acquiesced in a proceeding the impropriety of which must, on reflection, be obvious to him, notwithstand ing that Lieutenant Hyder, having been acquitted, has not suffered prejudice; and notwithstanding that Colonel Van deleur had in Court, and was ready to produce a paper which he alleged to be a true copy of such letter; and as to the authenticity and truth of which Colonel Vandeleur, who wrote the 'letter, the clerk who copied it, and the witness who received it, might have been examined, if Lieutenant Ryder had thought fit so to do. Her Majesty, however, has been pleased to remark, that much irrelevant matter appears to have been gone into, and more particularly that the character of a witness for the prosecution was irregularly and unjustly sought to be im peached by examining witnesses to particular facts supposed to have Liken place many years since, and unconnected with the matter before the Court; whereas according to esta. blished law and practice, evidence to the general character of the witness for veracity was alone admissible; and further more, that witnesses were irregularly examined to contradict the evidence of that witness on matters totally irrk levant to the issue. The Commander-in-Chief directs that the foregoing charge preferred against Lieutenant William Augustine Hyder, of the 10th Royal Hussars, together with the finding of the Court, and her Majesty's confirmation thereof, be entered in the general order-book, and read at the head of every regi ment in her Majesty's service. By command of Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington, Commander-in-Chief. JOHN MACDONALD, Adjutant-General. IRELAND. ORDER OF ST. PATRICK—LORD FARNHAM. DUBLIN. Nov. 12.—A chapter of this most ancient illus trious order was held in Dublin Castle this day, for the pur pose of investing Baron Farnham with the badge of the order. The following knights were present :—Earl Roden, Earl Donoughmore, Eall Wicklow, Earl Howell, Earl Rosse, and the Marquis of Ormonde. His Grace the Archbishop of Dublin, the Very Rev. the Dean of St., Patrick's. the Very Rev. the Dean of the Chapel Royal, the Ulster King of Arms, Sir William Leeson, Sir B. Morris, &c., officers of the order, were present. At two o'clock his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, Grand Master of the order, entered the Presence Chamber, accom panied by his Aides-de-Camp and officers of his household, Sir Thomas Fremantle bearing the sword of state. The knights soon afterwards entered and took their seats at the board. _ _ _ _ . Baron Farnham was then introduced, and; kneeling, re ceived the honour of knighthood. His Lordship then was invested with the badge of the order, having taken the oaths prescribed. The names of the several knights were then called over by Ulster, and all retired. The Presence Chamber had a brilliant array of beauty and fashion to witness the ceremonial. THE POTATO CROP. The Right Hon. Edward Lucas, late Under-Secretary for Ireland, is to be chairman of the commission for carrying out the plans contemplated by Government, in consequence of the disease in the potatoes.—Evening Mail. The Premier's reply to the letter of the Mansion-house Committee was received this day, and is couched in the coldest terms of official politeness, merely promising to lay the statements of the Committee before the Queen.—Thid. The panic is obviously abating. The provincial journals say little about it; and our numerous correspondents are silent.—lbid. MEETING AT ARMAGH. A meeting of the Armagh Provident Committee was held on Friday last. There were present—Wm. Paton, Esq., Cap tain Algen, Rev. Dr. Robinson, Thomas Dobbin, Esq., Dr. Colvan, Lee M‘Kinstry, W. C. Gage, John M'Kinstry, A. Lyle, Esqrs., Dr. Robinson. Wm. Gardner, Esq., Dr. Curving, R. M'Endow, James Bennett, Esqrs., Rev. Mr. Flavel. Mr. Paton informed the meeting that the guarantee fund now amounted to 1,3001., and that the Provincial Rink had agreed to make the necessary advance to the extent of 6001., on the security of the subscription list. Mr. P. further stated, that the works in progress for the manufacture of farina would be completed and in operation about the end of the week, and that about seventy tons of potatoes had already been laid down for the purpose of being manufactured into starch. He then read a letter from Colonel Rawdon, M.P. for the borough, inclosing 50/. The letter was ordered to be entered on the minutes, and the thanks of the meeting were unanimously given to Colone - Rawdon. TIIE BELFAST MEMORIAL. The following letter has been received, acknowledging the receipt of the memorial adopted at the late Belfast town meeting in favour of the opening of the ports : " Whitehall, Nov. 7, 1845. " Sir,—l am desired by Sir Robert Peel to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the Gth instant, and of the me morial of the inhabitants of Belfast which accompanied it. " I am, Sir, your obedient servant, " J. Heldman, Esq." " G. ARBUTHNOT. CHIEF JUSTICE PENNEFATHER. The Freeman's Journal, this morning, says, there is a rumour that the Lord Chief Justice will not resume his seat in the Queen's Bench this term, in consequence of indisposi tion. His Lordship himself expects to be able to come down to Court in a few &tr. FURTHER REWARD. The following document has emanated from the meeting of magistrates at Nenagh, on Monday. " Whereas the late Patrick Clarke, of South-hill, Esq.,was barbarously murdered by two armed assassins, on the lands of South-hill, in the county of Tipperary, on Friday, the 31st day of October, 1843:—Now we, the undersigned, for the more effectual discovery of the perpetrators or conspirators of said murder, do hereby promise to pay the sums respec tively affixed to our name to the following Committee R. U. Bayly ' Ballinaclough, Nenagh, George Jackson, Mountpleasant, ditto, J. R. Minnitt, Annabeg , ditto , Joseph Pollock,hTa ba i teatit,.3i.tiito, S u perintending Magistrate, ditto, Hugh to be given for such information as will lead to the apprehen sion and conviction, within twelve calendar months, of the person or persons who perpetratedthe said. murder, or con spired to commit same ; and we further promise to pay a sum not exceeding one-fourth of said sums, to be paid on applica tion being made by the said committee, to enable them to procure private information anti pay the necessary expenses. Donolghmsre, Lieut. .. £P" 0 0 0‘ George Garvey, J.P. - • • • £5 0 0 Dunalley, D. L., J.P.• •.. 25 0 0 Thos. George Stoney, J.P 5 0 0 George Jackson, J.P..... 50 0 Edward Waller, J.P. . 50 0 U. U. Bayly, J.P. • 50 0 Thos. Butler Stoney, J.P. 50 0 Bloomfield, J.P. •• • •... 500 1. Walker, J.P. . . J. R. Minnitt, J.P....... 500 R. E. Phillips, J.P. 40 0 Caleb Going, J.P....... 50 0 Thomas Dancer, Bart.... • 50 0 Richard Gason, J.P. .. • . 50 0 .Michael Power, Distillery, !henry Trench, J.P. •• •• 5 0 liolYeros s •• •• ••• • • • 50 0 Jonathan W. Walsh, J.P. 5 0 The several rewards offered now tonount to upwards of 8401. COMMUTATION OF PUNISHMENT. The Government have commuted the sentence of death passed on Martin Mahee (Tierney) at last assizes, for the murder of Timothy Cleary, the bailiff of John Cardon, of Barnane, Esq., and have directed that he be transported for the period of his natural life.—Nenagh Guardian. EVENINGS AT HADDON HALL. —The Literary Gazette, in its notice of this elegant work ,observes:—" This splendid volume is certainly one of the most beautiful pro ductions we have seen, and may well supply the place of any annual that has ever adorned the press. The illustrations, by Cattermole, are perfect gems. Within the limits of a few inches in length and breadth, are expressed the highest thoughts and imaginations of the painters art. Great in chivalrous power, and in the display of mortal combats, either single-han ded or by multitudes, these subjects are re lieved by others of touching sentiment and pathos, by ex quisite landscapes, by extraordinary accidental effects, and by the noblest flights of poetic imagery. The natural and supernatural are equally fine; and all are stamped with the genius of this admirable artist. The literary accompaniment to these illustrations is not unworthy of them, being con tributed by several writers well known to our literature, not to mention the elegantly simple and natural productions of the accomplished editress. It is an annual most fit to be offerNl at the shrine of beauty, taste, a nd intellect." [ADvEgusgmENT.l—The Atrapilatory, or Liquid Hair Dye, the only dy e t at really answers for all colours, and does not require re-doing, but as the hair grows, as it never fades or acquires that unnatural red or purple tint common to all other dies. Ross and Sons can, with the greatest confidence, recommend the above dye as infallible, if done at their este bli,hment ; and ladies and gentlemen requiring it are re quested to bring a friend or servant with them to see hew it is used, which will enable them to do it afterwards without the chance of failure. Several private apartments devoted en tirely to the above purpose, and some of their establishment having used it, the effect produced can be at once seen. They think it necessary to add, that by attending strictly to the in structions given with each bottle of dye, numerous persons have succeeded equally well without coming to them. Address Ross and Sons, 119 and 120, Bishopsgate-street, the celebrated Perruquiers, Perfumers, Hair-cutters, and Hair•dyers. N.B. Parties attended at their own residences, whatever the distance. EYE NJ NG NOVEMBER 15, 1845. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE monanste PAPERS OF THIS DAY. TIMES.—Sir Robert Peel certainly is a man for a glow. He is a very presentable Premier. Whenever the public drama supplies the opportunity of an effective scene, there he is at his post, " property" and all, in high spirits, and good working condition. He has never the least objection to take his part in a tableau representing the national history, even it the reality should have had time to get rather stale. Tam worth is the place where he comes out moat freely. In that provincial firmament he stars it with an overpowering pro digality of splendour. The character in which he is just now astonishing the natives is that of the Prince of naviga tors. So well does he act the part, that if one did not hap pen to know the contrary, one would certainly conclude that the Trent Valley was the very first railway in the world, and Sir Robert the Columbus who had first suggested the bold adventure. The spirit pervades the scene. Every thing around expands into heroic dimensions. Tam worth becomes the pole-star Of our earth's admiration, the very pivot of human affairs. All England and Ireland, from Manchester to London, from Dover to Dublin, from Glasgow to Southampton, converges to the ;rest centre ; railroads and post-office direct thither their streams; the metropolis of government on the one side, and the metropolis of trade on the other, make their dutiful sp proaches; the Trent spreads its riches around ; and in the middle of all things, culminating over the whole civilized world, stands Sir Robert Peel. We will secure our seats in the great amphitheatre, and take carat() miss nothing of the show. The railroad itself is a good one. It is a natural line. It does for those two great lines, the London and Birming ham, and the Grand Junction, exactly the same service that Oxford-street East (if that is its name) does for old Oxford street and Holborn. It makes them one. It also follows the natural valley of the Trent; and rivers, which have lost the only use which Brindley could discover in them, have now nothing to do but to indicate lines for railways. But the railroad is a very third-rate character in the present perform ance—no more than "Wall," or the Moon, in Pyramus and Thisbe. It is only part of the " property." So we will confine our attention to the principal character. The Premier decends, not from the clouds, but from the steps of his carriage, and treads the favoured soil which, under his auspices, is to become the world's new centre. It is with real concern that we discover lie is lame. SoMe people offer the vulgar solution that it is the gout. We cannot believe it. The grandeur of the occasion suggests a more ; mysterious cause. The corn-laws and " .political friends" are at the root of that sore. That is the fatal sting. There is the serpent which has bitten the Philoctetes, who, helpless as he is himself, yet holds the fated irstruments of our common deliverance. However, to what's before us. Next to Sir Robert Peel, the most remarkable object in the field is a wheelbarrow, bearing of course the same propor tion to the common specimen as the Premier does to com mon men. " A very handsome mahogany navigator's wheelbarrow was prepared fur receiving the turf; which was to be dug by the Right Hon. Baronet; it was designed by Mr. Holmes, of Liverpool, and was richly carved; it bore on each aide of it the arms of Sir R. Peel, with his motto—" Industries." The spade appears to have been still more idealized. It was fitting sceptre for a railway king. So great an anxiety was felt that it should be worthy of the occasion that the ar ticle first made was rejected. 'We should like to know why It is not usual for Sheffield to yield to its Warwickshire rival in matters of taster Did the original spade contain any offensive emblems—one of those mystic wheat-sheaves which procured the summary rejection of a splendid velvet waistcoat after it had actually adorned and com forted the Premier's bosom? However that may be, Bir mingham was more successful, and supplied a beautiful fabric, representing the conversion of the shield of war into the -pade of peace, and modern industry crowning ancestral honours. 4 . The spade originally intended for use on the occasion was manufactured expressly for the purpose in Sheffield, but upon being inspected by the Committee appointed to attend to the arrangements, it was not approved by them, and at a very late period Messrs. Elkington and Co., of Birmingham, were requested to make one in electro silver plate, which they succeeded in finishing in time. The metallic part of the spade is in electro-silver, and shaped somewhat in the form of a heraldic shield, still preserving the characteristics of a spade. On the front are engraved the arms, crest, and motto of the Right Hon. Baronet, with the following in scription underneath:—'The works of the Trent Valley Rail way from Stafford to Rugby were commenced on the 13th day of November, 1845, on which occasion the first sod was turned by the Right Han. Sir Robert Peel, Bart., M.P., upon lands in the parish of Tamworth, and county of Stafford,' and on the reverse the official seal of the Trent Valley Rail way Company, together with the names of the Chairman, Mr. Edmund Peel, the Directors, Engineers, Solicitor, and Secretary, &c. The shaft or tree of the spade was formed from a piece of old English oak, the upper part divid;ne into two branches, forming the handle, appropriately carved with oak leaves, acorns. &c., and highly polish , d." The Chairman of the Company, Mr. Edmund Peel, is quite alive to the importance both of his railway and of his illus trious relative. "The nation," be said, "was now looking to him (Sir Robert) with the utmost anxiety, but with the utmost confidence "—an —an amalgamation of alarm and re pose which will pass the fusing powers of Hudson him self, or even of the ingenious compounder of her Ma jesty's Ministry. The confidence Mr. Edmund Peel feels in his railroad, happily for the shareholders, is considerably less alloyed with anxiety. On this point he speaks with a very comfortable degree of assurance. In fact, we must con fess he goes a little beyond us ; he says, " I believe that there is little doubt that Tamworth will be the centrical sta tion of England, and I have reason to expect that the post office will be placed in this town." As for Sir Robert, it is quite delightful to see him with his spade and his wheelbar row. If he does not handle them very dexterously, his mind is in the work. He is to have the toys for his private amuse ment, and evidently appropriates the railway into the bar gain. It is the Premier's own. " I have given," he says, " a cordial support to this undertaking." " I gave it that support from a sincere belief that it was calculated to be beneficial to this district, in the interests of which I must take naturally a warm concern; but I sup ported it also from a conviction that the success of this undertaking would be condicive to the public welfare. I thought th public welfare would be promoted by establish ing a more direct and immediate communication between the metropolis on the one hand, and Dublin and a great part of Ireland on the other; between the metropolis and the west of Scotland; between the metropolis and that great com mercial and manufacturing district, of which Liverpool and Manchester are the capitals. It is probable that on the com pletion of this railway, Dublin will be brought within, in point of time, 14 or 15 hours of London—that a letter posted in London in the evening of this day can be answered from Dublin on the morning of the day but one after—that is to say, that Dublin in respect to post-office communication will stand exactly on the same footing as this town stands on at present. There is every reason to believe that Manchester will be brought within six or seven hours of London. I said on a former occasion that it would be brought within eight hours, and that statement was received with incredulity. I am sure I am not guilty of any exaggeration when I say that Liverpool and Manchester, at probably no remote period, will be brought within six or seven hours of London. It was in the conviction, therefore, that great public benefit would result from this undertaking that I gave it my warm and unremitting support." For our own part, we think Sir Robert might prophecy' more very safely. That London and Manchester are not al ready within five hours is owing to the disgraceful bungling of our railway - system in that very part of the country where it ought to have been the best. We are involved in a laby rinth of railroads, and it is as much the Premier's fault as any other man's that we have not more direct lines. The lines between London and Manchester are only of the same mile age as the very circuitous line between London and Exeter. The latter journey is performed every day in four hours and a half. We may safely, therefore, go beyond the Premier, and p r ophecy that Liverpool and Manchester will be brought within four or five hours of the metropolis. The rest of Sir Robert's egotism—and there is quite the usual amount—is of a more venial, because more sentimental, character. We pass it, and can only notice with sincere approbation his advice to the directors to make their carriages, especially the devoted third class, more comfortable and humane. The comfort of the public will, at last, we hope, become a condition of rail way monopoly, or an item of railway competition. One good thing the Premier did say, and as the air of Tamworth seems favourable to boldness of thought, and to candour of expres sion, we quote it for the benefit of those free trade allies with whom the speaker must before long stand or fall : " We must always admit that the passage of a railway may be productive of some individual and partial disadvan tage—that some inns may have reason to complain of the loss of their traffic, and some retail dealers of the diminution of their trade. It is impossible to deny it—it is impossible not to regret that that is the case; but what is it but saying that for the great body of the community you have substi tuted a cheaper and better mode of communication, and given them access to wider markets." If Sir Robert does not perceive the obvious application of this sentiment to the most important problem of the day, he is, to use a a poetic license, the dullest of his hearers. CHRONICLE.—In our notice of the Birmingham dinner yesterday, we could only refer to one or two of the many striking points in Mr. Cobden's admirable speech, but it was a speech abounding with matter of the most stirring kind, and one which will assuredly awaken a response in the heart and mind of England. Mr. Cobden's oratory may be said to be all bone and sinew. There is no waste or surplus matter about it. It is pervaded by a spirit of life and energy which imparts freshness and interest to the mast familiar things. Mr. Cobden disclaimed argumentation on the merits of the general question, and in doing so expressed the sentiment of the nation. The reasons for and against the corn-laws have done their work, and may be laid on the shelf. They are, like arguments on the question of religious toleration, of his torical interest merely. Opinion is settled as generally' and as decidedly as it ever can be by mere discussion. All that remains is to bring legislation into harmony with it, and th's is a mere question of time, and of the strength and tactics of adverse parties. For a brief space within the last month, Mr. Cobden, like all the world, cherished the delusion that the end was at length ce me. He, too, suffered himself to imagine that "Peel was the man." But that dream is over. Sir Robert is the same man he always was—great on small occasions, and small on great ones; oracular and decisive upon a question of com peting railways, but dubious and procrastinating in the presence of a great conflict between opinion and institutions, and without a particle of that resolute temper which might settle all by one bold and skilful stroke. Peel, it is clear, is not " the man." Fortune opened to him a splendid pros pect, a little dangerous and difficult perhaps, as the openings to great things are apt to be. He surveyed the perils and his heart failed him. It is not of such stuff that heroes and deliverers are made. The man who would liberate the commerce, and sweep away the nefarious impost from the bread of England, must be ready to tell the Duke of Wel lington and Lord Stanley to do their worst, and to trust him self, with entire reliance, to the indomitable spirit of that peo ple with whom, as Mr. Cobden truly said, the Duke of Wel lington " never yet entered into a contest in which he was not beaten." The great work which Sir Robert Peel shrinks from doing is one that he will be obliged, before long, to see done. " Some one else will have to do it," and the man will not be wanting when the time arrives. That time will be when the intelligent middle classes of England show themselves resolved to carry out their own principles. The contest has become a mere trial of strength between them and a portion of the landed aristocracy ; and it continues only so long as the overwhelming powers of one of the parties are suffered to lie dormant. The upholders of corn laws now hold their ground through the forbearance or the inertness of their opponents. They are like a spaniel snatch ing a bone from a lazy mastiff ; the prey will not bedropped until the saucy robber feels the teeth of the plundered owner in his flanks. Mr. Cobden is right in saying that theprotection supporting aristocracy will not give up their privileges without a struggle. Every hour of the struggle maydo them mischief, and in the tight for the bread-tax far more precious advantages will be endangered if not sacrificed; but still the struggle will go on. The people will have to manifest their strength in order to bring it to a conclusion. Mr. Cobden, therefore, and the League are right in concentrating their attention and their efforts upon the Parliamentary franchise. The counties in which our great towns are situated may all be won, and their accession to the principle of free trade would be deci sive in Parliament. The divisions of counties, for instance, which surround London, Manchester, and Birmingham might, by the process which Mr. Cobden describes, be ren dered strongholds for free trade. The law annezea the right of voting in counties to the possession of a forty-shilling free hold, which any one who can invest a sum of fifty or sixty pounds may purchase. Such a purchaser becomes, in every point of view, moral as well as legal, as fully entitled to the franchise as the purchaser ref an estate of ten thousand a-year. It is the mere rav ing of disappointed faction to call such a franchise a faggot or fictitious vote. It is no such thing. The real possession of a certain property is the sole condition prescribed and contemplated by the law for the enjoyment of the right of voting. A hundred pound rent-charge from a landed proprietor to his son or,dependent, when the transfer is merely nominal, is a fictitious andfraudulent qualification. A fifty-pound tenantcy-at-will, where the occupier dares not call his soul his own, is a good qualification in point of law, though it is destitute of every characteristic which proves property to be a test for choosing legislators. But the forty- Shilling freehold, which the industrious tradesman or mechanic may purchase with his savings, is a gored and honest qualifi cation. It marks, as far as any such qualification can, the presence of independence, frugality, and intelligence, and the right of voting which it confers is a legitimate reward and useful stimulus to the efforts of men who possess those quali ties. We trust, therefore, that wherever there is a great town population it will use the means at its disposal to re dress its own grievances. The method pointed out by Mr. Cobden is •simple, practical, and unobjectionable, and the alarm which it has already excited in the ranks of the Pro tection party should encourage us to adopt it as rapidly and completely as possible. POST.—It is very satisfactory to find that in one im portant agricultural county no grounds exist for alarm with respect either to the grain or rotato crop. We have on more than one occasion stated our impression that on both these subjects there had been much of exaggeration ; and we re joice to find, on the authority of practical men, that in Essex the crop of wheat and other grain (with the exception of oats) is an average one, and that the produce has been well got in; whilst as a set-off against the partial failure of the potatoes we have the fact that so much larger a breadth of land than usual was planted this year, as to go far in the way of compensation for the falling off occasioned by disease. We feel little doubt that the state of things ascertained to exist in Essex will be found much more general throughout the country than has lately been supposed; at all events it would be well to know what are really our prospects of a supply of food, and we think that other counties ought to follow the example of Essex in this as in other matters re lating to agricultural questions. Reports from committees of the various agricultural protection societies might very easily be drawn up ; and we feel assured that the effect would he to remove from the public mind a great deal of un necessary anxiety. The Essex report to which we have alluded is in these words:— " Your Committee, finding the enemies of British agricul ture were anxiously propagating a report that the country was on the very verge of a famine, have instituted inquiries, in order to ascertain the probable produce of the late harvest, and the state of the potato crop in the county of Essex, and they confidently express their belief that in the county of Essex an average crop of wheat and other grain (with the exception of oats), has been produced and well secured ; that, consequently there is no ground to apprehend any scarcity of food for the sustenance of the people. In addition to this gratifying result of their inquiries, they would also add that from the lateness of the harvest not more than eleVen months' consumption will be required from the present crop. " Your Committee are of opinion that the potatoes will giVe about half the usual yield per acre, but this will in a great measure be compensated by . a larger breadth of land than usual having this year been planted, and an extra quantity of turnips and other vegetables grown. " Your Committee beg to observe that the present price of wheat barely exceeds the average of the seven years preceding the year 1835, upon which the Tithe Commutation Act was based ; and that, notwithstanding the clamour that has been raised, the price scarcely exceeds the average avowedly con templated by the framers of the existing Act that governs importation. " Your Committee, taking all these circumstances into con • sideration, cannot but congratulate themselves that their efforts, in conjunction with those of other societies, have not been exerted without a corresponding benefit, as from the returns that have been made, it will be found that this coun try, under the system of protection and encouragement given to agriculture, is at the present time, by the blessing of Pro vidence, less liable to suffer from scarcity than any of the Continental States; and your Committee are satisfied that the advance that has taken place in several descriptions of grain since last harvest has arisen more from the demands of those Continental States than from any deficiency of our growth. "Your Committee ha'7e the fullest reliance that the framers and promoters of the present corn-law will not be intimidated into measures that would produce effects so ruinous that they cannot be contemplated without the deepest apprehension; for, if confidence should at this time be destroyed amongst the cultivators of the soil, the inevitable result would be to deprive the agricultural labourers of em ployment, and to inflict distress and suffering on every class of the community." In the latter part of this document we have a remarkable practical commentary on the senseless cry that has lately prevailed in favour of opening our ports for the admission of foreign grain. What supply could possibly be looked for from people who are, at the present moment, supplying in our markets the deficiency of their own harvest ? Ii ERALD.—Some of our Contemporaries, in default of other grievances, have been complaining of the metropolitan improvements, wide streets, fine shops, plate-glass windows, &c., &c., &c. Now we can see no great harm in all these. It costs little more to build a handsome house than an ugly ore, or to build houses regularly than to huddle them to gether in disorder • and as to wide and straight streets, they must he acknowledged a general convenience. Laudatores temporis acti as in some sense we are, we must defend from the charge of innovation the taste for building handsome com mercial houses. There yet remain some' noble mansions in the most mercantile part of the City, and err n in the desola tion of Bethnal-green and Spitalfields there stand the re mains of dwellings that might well have accommodated a peer, though it is plain they must have been occupied by persons engaged in trade. In proportion to the extent and wealth of the metropolis it probably has now a smaller num ber of fine shops and fine counting-houses than it bad two centuries ago ; for, after all, how few are the fine streets compared with the extent of this overgrown city ? They are the more noted, because, being the principal thorough fares, they present the strongest motive for decoration, and are most frequently traversed. The denouncers of fine streets and fine shops, however, take a line of argument that requires to be considered with a little attention. The fine wide streets, say they, are made at the expense of the dwellings of the poor, for whom no other place is provided. This is, to some extent true, though not to any very great extent, for probably the number of the dislocated poor does not ex ceed a few thousands, and the evil—for though a small and transitory evil, still an evil it is—has some compensating advantages; among these advantages we must count the breaking up of severalfionites of disease and vice. For our part, though we do not agree with the Times that distemper, demoralisation, and death, are the proper and desirable drains of a metropolitan population, or, rather, because we do not agree with the Times in this respect, we cannot weep over the exenteration of St. Giles's, or s sigh at the threatened fall of Field-lane and Saffron-hill. To remove the poor from such styes, even at the cost of a little inconvenience to the poor themselves, can be hardly regarded as a serious injury. One of our Contemporaries calls upon the Government to interpose in this matter. But what can any Government do in such a case ? Here we have two" millions of human beings compressed within five or six square miles built over with bricks : is a Government to say—. " You must not let in light and air upon this living fur nace. You must continue to preserve your -foetid ac cumulations of wretched dwellings until they shall create a pestilence that will soon provide house-room enough for you all ?" This no Government will dare to say, or be wicked enough to meditate. The metropolis must be permitted to expand as it has been expanding; and within the last twenty years the metropolis has extendd locally in a ratio far be yond the increase of population, enormous as that has been. Still comes bask the question of the dwellings of the poor. It is quite true, as stated by the complainants to whom we refer, that the labouring poor cannot, without great expense of time and labour on the part of many of them, take up their abode in the remoter suburbs. It will not answer for a labouring man to lodge at a distance of from four or five miles from the proper place of his, labour. Upon this con sideration we have long suggested the erection of what we called" labourers' barracks" in the central part of the City. And we have shown that the erection of such barracks might be made a profitable speculation, though estimating the rent of a single room at no more than one shilling andpixpence a week. Such barracks we have little doubt will arise, sooner or later. Meanwhile, we see other elements of improvement approaching, that will, we think, go a great way to make room for the poor of the metropolis. Take the range, north about, from the West India Docks to Chelsea, andj survey the myriads of neat streets of small houses that have grown up within a few years along the line of the Blackwell Railway, at Hoxton, Islington, Somers Town, Camdenyown;Portland Town, Paddington, Bayswater, Kensington, &c. &c. Make a corresponding circuit on the south side, and you will find a proportionate amount of neat small houses in neat streets. Within the entire circuit are many such streets and many such houses of a little older standing. Now here, we predict, will in a few years be found ample accommodation for the labouring poor, not by re moving them from, but by even bringing them nearer to the scene of their labours. The process by wich this prediction is to be fulfilled is simple, and, in ouropinion, certain. All men love the fields better than the streets, and to occupy a cottage and garden rather than a numbered house in a small street. It is the economy of time necessary to a close attendance upon business which determines a great proportion of the present inhabitants of London to remain where they are. But let us suppose the termini of all the railroads to have found their way into the heart of the City, and the clerk or manu facturer at his own home, who now has his residence in Walworth, Hoxton, or Clerkenwell, will be just as near his place of business, as regards time and convenience, anywhere at this side of Edgeware, Barnet, Croydon, or Richmond. This will cause an immense emigration of the humbler middle class —just that class whose retirement will make room for the la bouring poor. There is one order of the community whom we have not enumerated among those whose emigration we antici pate. We speak of shopmen and shopwomen. - Whenever good sense and humanity, nevertheless, shall be so far successful as to enforce a' much earlier termination of the hours of shop business, these, too, will be among the emigrants, and not the least interesting or the least happy of the retiring body. At present the only railroad which approaches the centre of the City is that which debouches at London-bridge, and from the vast population that has accumulated upon Blackheath and its neighbourhood, and in the direction of Croydon, one can calculate with some- approach to certainty the prodigious drainage of people from every part of the metropolis when all the railroads east, west, north, and south, shall have found their way- to its centre. We must exaggerate extravagantly indeed if the removals do not exceed four or five fold the number of persons displaced by those improvements that add so much to the beauty, com fort, and health of the metropolis. ADVERESER.—The tribute paid the other day to the Member for Wolverhampton, was one which that gentleman most justly deserved. There is not to be found in the ranks of the corn-law repealers, a single individual who has laboured more zealously or unremittingly in the cause of cheap bread and free trade, and assuredly no one surpasses him in the consistency with which he has advocated that cause. Ever since he identified himself with the anti-mono polist principle, Mr. Villiers has boldlyand uncompromisingly maintained his views. Opposition did not daunt him, ner did the still more discouraging circumstance of the apathy of pretended friends, divert him from his purpose. For seve ral years he stood almost alone in his championship of the anti-corn-law cause. To his annual motions and speeches in opposition to the corn monopoly, is in a great measure to be ascribed the encouraging aspect which the cause of corn-law repeal now presents. It is fitting, therefore, that the services of such a man, now that the question is evidently on the eve of being carried, should re ceive some acknowledgement from the country generally. The demonstration which took place at Birmingham, on Thursday, must have feen highly gratifying to Mr, Villiers. The expression of the sense which those present entertain of his services in the cause of corn-law repeal, was not, like many votes, of a complimentary kind, passed at public meet ings, a mere matter of form. It was honest and sincere. assemblage felt what they expressed. And, it is r;' - ' e!le they but expressed the prevailing feel;-, 6ut to acid' country respecting the services ee . _throughout the verhasofton 44 and.— web the Fember for . Tirol: • to CAM unre s tricted an ....e........7...m.....mr.e5emmw............1.1.-- commerce in dorm Mr. 10 1 evening. He hit Sir Robert Feel some hard blows---;! ,to come. Mr. Cobden's refere.nee to the Cobden's speech was the oP eeuti I°f he which the Right Hon. BEronet must feel for many l'.l, o f the Minister, must be gall and wormwood to the Premier,3 The lion. Member for Stockport plainly told the iibie that he is not to be deterred from holding bim res pO, l ao . for his measures, by a re:Leinbrance of a celebratectc _.,1,,,, a respousibilif tor. trap affair in the Common., when Sir Robert br_o,misttei insinuated that he was instigating persons to a05 a 1,.., he him. The Minister did not hineielf believe What It sought to impress on the Haase and the countilitenee was not only a most reprehensible expedient to s t er an opponent, and crush him as a public man, ,b, u m ost ceedingly clumsy withal. For a moment, It o s have been painful to Mr. Cobden; but the thing,n.w.o soon seen through, and then the attempt to„' J o s Mr. Cobden recoiled on the Prernier himself. Il l ' s to s righteous retribution. It is to be lived it will °per:Ate., , warning to other public men, nut, in their anxiety to rt.'',,, troublesome opponent,' to have recourse to inendaciousf t'e, dients. The responsibility of Sir Robert Peel e very , d'.` ivo , comes more and more grave. It was, at the time the a„00. rable incident we hare referred to occurred, simplY a r r the sibility for the injury done to trade and commerce, ..Y It Minister's maintenance of the cons and other monopolieF.,rhe is now a . responsibility affecting the lives of milli"' .et. corn-law question has at last assumed an appAlling ol'of It has become a question of life or death to va.t mas se r i s h her Majesty's subjects. And should any of thein Pe . o f through his obstinate adherence to a monopolist. cou.Petbe policy, he will be made to feel that there is a meaning 111 word" responsibility" he never discovered before. rO , THE HARVEST IN THE N O ~ ' SUN TO THE EDITOR OF THE ,' „yea, SIP.,—T have just returned from a jour ne y to .Aildeistrict§ and having traversed some of the finest agficultural in the east of Scotland, I can, alike from my Pers°ll3' 4-oly servation, and from replies drawn from various pepon petent to give correct information on the subject, conna;tei state that the crop of this season has, throughout the s oh took, proved a most abundant one. I never helot, 1 „ : ( teeming stackgarths ; and more than on e farmer, on 011 hazarding the remark that the yield wou ld not he ; o il equivalent to bulk, replied, " Though that may bet s ` d ' o ut of still have more corn out of this year's crop than we ba, the is . that of the last." Nor did I hear much complaint "I „ to r feriority of the quality, which I believe to be pr o thing, below an average. So soon as the rents begi n L „ ° ( litiel l on the agricultural body, and the corn gets into a ti t C 7 s trie l to be taken into barn, there will, not only in t ile 0 - ' under'notice, but throughout Scotland, be such larij so sulk plies sent to market, as must tend to lower prices ° t l a t ime, I of bread stuff very considerably, and at the ssal" fondly trust, to dispel much of the uncalled - fo r (cettinerios the extent to which both ignorant and designin,F i l) „ Ong' have excited it) alarm that seems to pervade then ° be tee dom as to the supply and price of food. Let it alo. membered that the crop of this season has about teo,o" of twelve, months' consumption to meet. A The industrial classes are not merely subjecte. -oforr4 diate suffering from the present fictitiously high Pr ic _Lpy but the further spread of a groundless panic will fea"; do ing tend their mi ery, by driving capital for a time Co lu .„, o r sr e the period of the year when the privations of the the generally the most severe) from active emplor lel ' a id great marts of industry. It ought to lie the des ire c irco r Ject of every true patriot and philanthropist, un der + , gO,, stances like the present, while erecting beacons —,,t11 against danger, to exhibit, at the same time, tbe ribesr safety. If capitalists and men of business, divestingargies selves of idle fears, would direct their means ns tbee l into the channels of wholesome investment and traq , re:, s c t a o n re b a e , n a o nd d t o h u e bt ep c i o n ti e fi n d s ei e ic n e d ispqiuurleduitssooenf thebe nnivers:i;gd°' flow again in a regular and healthy course en ; ti ; l'i f e o t r i h bet i considered how much better remedies and applian c— „ber 11 " tial evils could be sue - crested and provided in a. a coi l ' sound state of public feeling and action, than dun,ilerogie,ll: dition of unnatural and unnerving excitement or o i er ug ht I have to apologise for so long n letter—perhap s ° la have said for presuming to calculate on the insertion been b i 9 valuable columns, of my letter—from one who inis bi i ‘ h, little accustomed, and is not well qualified to pi l ; sentiments. Your obedient sere Nov. 10,1845. MURDER OF A WIFE BY g HUSBAND. (From the Eastern Counties Herald.) t port , The neighbourhood of Mill-street, where a g, c3 „,, ch e- t ti of the Irish poor reside, in Hull, was the scene n'l t t l e de 4 s , citement throughout Sunday last, in consequenc e °' lebe l ns during the night of a poor woman, th e wife of I , l jenc e-, t o under circumstances detailed in the f o ll o wing ein,oebazier appears that the husband was habitually irritab le, habits, and frequently cruel to his wife, who was tr, for of an infant of three months. That he had affec t , l° -Kife $ 5, child is not doubted, but his conduct towards M o d crA lie pears to have been unreasonable, tyrannica l, vy, When the child cried it was his habit to kick his ° I o clo c , of these kicks, on Sunday morning last, about otle.vor Pi inflicted upon a most sensitive part of her person, e boe o effusion of blood, which resulted in death in tll , ll hoes e ., The husband was found at the Lord Durham public:i„ half-past one, and when told of his wife's conditivn Ol,O fessed to go for a doctor, but did not return t, had not done so up to the hour of the inquest ,`,,',/,.sn' - . t held before Mr. Thornev, at the Joiners' Arms, i n fe ll° on Monday, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, when het ing witnesses were examined:— y Fullerton, wife of Michael Fullerton, o f - labourer, deposed—l live in the same house wh ere . ' ceased and her husband, Patrick M'lntyre, reslaed ;d bt I s s the deeeased at nine or ten o'clock on Saturday n'seo ' She was then very well. She went out betwee n ele sbe 0 0 twelve o'clock to look for her husband, and whil e d s ai4,o, out her husband came in, sat down in my room , t he his pipe. In a short while he went upstairs t,c l - DP leo which was crying, and then he went out to look .4 to e de He had been drinking plenty. I then went ups t 3 1"; ,/ ale 031 child, and as I was bringing it down stairs I 53 53 „ y ire de ceased coming into the passage, and when she -, tile.; L a said, " Oh, Lord, Mrs. Fullerton, Pm flooding aw 3) ,',:eat, a ' o al kick he gave me has cured me." After that sli c my kitchen, and I got her to sit down upon a cln" iln "01 0 1. was running from her person upon the floor, and 0 11 quarter of an hour after she had been in the kitchetier, Judy M'lntyre came in, and also Catherine 13 , 1 ors tia t ie, sopped up the blood, and then the deceased wal k e " P into her own room. I took the child upstair s L,,sitif f o r ceased laid herself down on the floor at the m ,,, - I‘)A,D I never saw Patrick M'lntyre after he went out a" his wife. While I was upstairs with the dene i l fainted, and I gave her some water. I rernain e ,Z e Ole( about a quarter of an hour, and then left her in '' s sif Judy M'lntyre and Catherine Butler. I nev e r afterwards. T w ag e°"llo4‘ On re-examination this witnessadded—When 10 4 , down stairs with the child, Mrs. Nancy M`ln t Yplettd first who spoke, and she said, "Oh Lord, Mrs- A dv, am flooding away." I then said, "Did you see she said, " Don't you see I did ?" and I hea r( ,) st e t M'lntyre call out from the end of the passage I n a l le se“,,P " I'll make you stop in the room, and mind the en" - h asi" 3 " be running out after me." lam sure it was the " 1 voice I heard. , Michael Fullerton, of Mill-street, labourer , live on the low floor of the house in which the tie ce i a . 4 The deceased was in my room as lat e as one o' cji : a nus was then well. She went out to look after her lit he %to while she was out the husband came back, and tl i ie ,, - diag l o out again, and in a few minutes she came back bl e d her ~00 my room. I heard no noise or quarrelling. I bear, w e ' r ,ls as she was in the street, "In the name of God, l e ' n f t ere l o l into the house," and then she came in. Sh e - tte , iter went up stairs. I found her husband in a public-hcates s ' e pt told him to go for a doctor. This was in a few roi ri t t e the woman had come into the house. h ose d to for a doctor; he had been drinking. The -publicTl6oft the Lord Durham. The husband made no oh„' e ,: o r.„ - ,0 4 me about his wife when I told him to go for a ' l t ee deceased did not shout or scream, or I should for i be it. I have never seen the husband since I sent n i " .- doctor. Joseph Agar Locking, surgeon, deposed—Aho nt A t ; r° ; ed , , A on Sunday morning last, I was called to the r i , c e e , found her sitting upon the floor near the fire-fl - ov i p er much exhausted that she could scarcely speak.. - a f her and found blood issuing from the lower psi' b e en j ' son, which was bruised, and which might have af sioned by a kick. Her death was caused by loss 00 0 but I should wishto have a further examination. after° The inquest was then adjourned to Wednesday 04 0' 0 for a post mortem examination to be take n. , ;61 0- The additional evidence taken at the adjourne° . " de , as follows 0 0.51 Pt't!. the Mr. Joseph Agar Locking—l h a ve made s h i - vie examination, in pursuance of the order given j a rg last court. I examined the wound, a nd found A . to es d ' o lu rated wound about the size of a walnut. [The I I c i'lo 6 ceeded more particularly to describe the wound. vie not be certain that I saw ruptured veins and arterle. o f t ot part of the person is composed of a great number „ t o .ke r vessels. I have no doubt that the bleeding eel e , ll tegli ° part, and from the injury there,. which ,o° with the shock to the system, was the cause of Lliek injury was such as might have been inflicted 13Y 3 fl i v g shoe. The lungs were congested, as also the 'lThebre branc of the windpipe. I should not say that the c of the lungs caused death. n elfr Catherine Butler, 62, Mill-street, single W0n174 fiber —She heard the deceased tell Mr. Render thill'ig.isie" husband who had hurt her. This was after he extreme unction. James Jennings, of Mill-street labourer, denosearo'circt 1 t M'lntyre and his wife togeth er inkill-street, on Sunday morning. I was in my own house '''' ; „ s t my window. She was lyin kickingstil on the flags, eg a- ffe ' e V" Dodd's wall, and he was h hard g er very W. - de 1 her several times. lam positively sure of three. I , o h could not speak to four, before he let her getghisl)„t as not speak. Before he gave h er th e l as t blow ( 1 % - her rt. 0; she called on him, for the honour of God, to le', jet Pvn aunpdagfteetritnhteo lastthe hlhouse.uiT; as she m adme,aanoansw creepinger. jet j e t Nei" struck her another blow with his fist, and kn o ,;, ° t e ct s h in elt; r ri against the wall. She then got up, and war, - k$01;;:t A house. He went up Mill-street, and I kept T., e aSilt a t . " - 4, window, for I had seen so much I could eat nom Thee, 1 41$ 1. There were several other witnesses in attend a r i iny they could speak only to the same thi n gs, thej call them. . $ slolss The Coroner read over the evidence, The jury returned a verdict of " Wilful rat irder Patrick Mlntyre, the husband of the deceased. 131 be s ee! 0 0 REPRESENTATION OF ANTRIM.—it W illl 0 13' i f Or; a notice published e l sew h ere , th a t th ere is a 3 1 1 , t° representation of the county Antrim, by th e liro ° atsof; Irvine, a Scotchman, the late Member. 3 I r • dismis,ed of Lisbui ne , sa id h e wou ld cons Est a g pile vas first vacancy, in order to have an oppor* unity °I th e old o,- As his gratitude to G overnmen t f or hi s - n i sc fr harge fo r - gistracy. Here, now, i s a char,,.e i n Antria l " Commodore."—Dubtin Pilot. BIRTHS. eoter, 00 . 6, On the 28th of Septir,th er , at N ew Forest, .3[ 0 " „ " itic" J 1 , ' the wifa of T. Haff•,,iden, jun., Esq., of a son. NAV 0f , 0 11 On the 1011) inst., at Purbrooke, Hants, the Colonel E, ›l'apier, of a son. tile P41 411# On the 11th inst., at the Avenue, Pook hanl43ll ' of , ' . _Ai Sers, Fsq., of twins--a son and daughter. the wife Pr- On the llth inst., at Highlands, Northill, Beds, Holmes, Esq., of a d aug ht er. to w t . ( On the 12th inst., at Richmond, Surrey, i lls'. -6 of " 6 Esq., of Chanceiy-lane, of a son. (t or , 0 01' 0 MARRIT,D O . pot On the 4th of Sept em b er, at Cali . u " nid tta, at the - /1 0 11. Peirie, 11. C. M., t o S arah, eV 4 wine -merchant, Londoe. 1 „.--..-,.. est daughter of D'ff• 1 98 DIED. ed 9 °' O . On the 6th inst.. On the Bth '. 'at Ref-ding, G. Adams, r) B_s_4 . ,l. ( :!, -- q ui , sfe' Hon. Lad.,'- .nst., in Chapel-street, Gr sv...- seed 66, O„ ,- dary Coots. . ale 9th inst., at Weskingham, Mr. P. Creak e e r ettrO• 0, On the 12th inst., W. Johnson, , p i pe Esq., of UMW' Tili Als o - 0 , nO TO'" lOW London : Printed ana Published /by I,IUB- s wot& , Strand, Printer, at The Sari oqr c.e, No. 112, 018.! , , • of the Savoy, 111 the Ceuett of bUddloPe* , 10 1 1840, t lo4 r et ( ( tc, 34 , 1 z, th, bni b Ta 4, l 2any 1 411 14, with 1 , 4 , 4 . 44 k4r: ; 1 " for i;Ltter. 0f tt t I eG akeck tkh ' vaz 1 l'r4