The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—The aid which the Lord Chief Justice of Ireland has contributed to the result of the State Prosecution, is strangely overlooked by the Tory press. We did not, of course, expect much in the way of commendation. Praise would have provoked an examivation of its several part, and a comparison with the charges of some of the English Judges, on trials of a similar description to that by which Mr. Chief Justi ce P enne f at h er h as o b ta i ne d present distinction and future fame, would have tended greatly to its disparagement. But we did not anticipate that the party organs which are chuckling over the verdict would, in the same breath, pronounce the strongest censure which any arrangement of words could express on such a composition. Yet such :is the fact ! Of the charge of the Chief Justice, the Times—in the very sentence in which satisfaction, rising into exultation, that " the verdict is gained," is expressed—finds itself compelled to pay homage to truth and fair play, by admitting, with " regret," that " the elabo rate exposition of the Chief Justice, sound as it may have been, savoured too much of the advocate." The Standard also—yes, the Standard—rewards the " advocate" of the Bench with a doubtful compliment. The fact is, that the Chief Justice —in his anxiety to leave nothing unsaid which could contribute to the common purpose of those who coun selled and those who conducted the prosecution—said too much. The stern impartiality of the Judge became merged in the zeal of the partisan. The scales of justice were held by a functionary who, instead of concerning himself to preserve the equilibrium of the balance, took care, by his mode of twitting it, that the advantage should be given to the accusers. To use the language of the Times, his charge to the jury was the speech of an advocate, going every length for a conviction ; not a careful exposition of the law, and an impartial application of its enact ments to the case which the jury were imponelled to decide upon as between the Crown and the traversers. We are not about to follow the Learned Chief Justice through the flounderings of his speech, which, in the judg ment of the Standard, perplexed, rather than assisted, the minds of the jury in arriving at a decision. His Lordship was thus (in the opinion •f that journal) instrumental in obtaining for them the undesirable ex tension of their deliberations, and the consequent de tention from their families, until Monday, instead of returning to their homes, as they hoped to have done, on Saturday night. Our purpose is, rather, to cull some of the more elniice specimens of judicial impartiality and decorum frtf,m that extraordinary speech. From these an opinion rely be formed of the whole composition. Added to the proofs already furnished during the progress of a State Prosecution in Ireland in the middle of the nineteeth century, they will excite wonder in many—perhaps some may weep. Alluding to the ad dresses of some of the counsel for the traversers, the Chief Jus tice remarke:l, at the commencement of his address to the jury, that, " they (the jury) had heard a great deal of assertion and declamation." On a part of Mr. O'Connell's speech, delivered in his own defence, the comment was, that "he (O'Connell) had lavished some personal abuse upon Lord Beaumont." Of Mr. Tierney (another of the traversers), the Judge remarked, that " he had had a little pet meeting of his own ;" while of some repeal meeting spoken of by one of the witnesses, the witti cism was applied, " he (the judge, in his summing up) sit posed it was a Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge." This raised a laugh throughout the Court ; and, being a laugh at his own joke, the Chief Justice did not interfere to suppress it. (If the temper which the Chief Justice brought to the undertaking of summing up the evidence, an instance is afforded by the conduct for which he deemed in necessary, on the Saturday morning, to apologize to the Learned Counsel (Mr. Fitzgibbon) he had on the pre vious day most improperly assailed. One great defect is per cept ible in this address to the jury, which must forcibly strike the mind of every one who reads it—the length to which the remarks by which the criminatory evidence was enforced, while the extenuatory and explanatory portions of the evidence were eit!ter wholly omitted, or slurred over as unworthy of consi deration ! STANDARD.—Sir Charles Napier and his gallant army are to be envied. They last night received the uuanimous thanks of the House of Lords, and the all but unanimous thanks of the llou eof Commons, for the conquest of Sinde. This is a tribute, happily foe our country, often before claimed upon just grounds by British generals and British troops, but we doubt whether it was ever more justly merited, and we are sure that the honour was never so highly enhanced by the manner in which it was conferred. In the house of Lords the ex-Governor-General of India ; in the House of Commons the leader of the opposition seconded the motion, but this is not all—laudari a titular() is the nobles'. ob;ect of ambition—but how can the prodigal commendation of . the greatest of s3ldiers b e a ppreciated? The speech of the Premier in proposing the vote of thanks in the House of Com mons, wanted indeed that weiglst of high military authority, which no speeeth but the Duke of Wellington's could possess, but it was a noble panegyric worthy of its object, and of the speaker. Providence places the administration of the affairs of such a country in the hands of statesmen who, when the public interests are concerned, regard nothing but the ability to serve and the merit of the honour ed instruments whom they employ, and who fling from them with disdain all lesser considerations, when the great consideration of the public good is in question. The Napier family are Whigs, or something more, but this circum stance avails nothing with S.r R. Peel when the public service calls for the exercise of genius and valour—or when the able and gallant public servant is to be rewarded by the gra titude of his Sovereign and fellow-subjects. It is not a Govern ment like Sir Robert Peel's that would supersede Beresford by Whitelecke. A feeble opposition to the vote of thanks was raised by Lord Howick, supported by the precedent of " the untoward battle of Navarino ;" but there is no analogy what ever between the cases. The mildest explanation of the battle of Navarino ascribes it to an accident, but an accident which due care would have obviated, and which, even when it eccurred, ought not to have led to a battle, which, how ever it might terminate, must prove detrimental to the honour, or to the best interests of England. The gallantry of our sailors saved us from the disgrace of defeat ; but in other respects English honour was deeply wounded, by the attack upon our ally ; and English interests were fatally compromised in the destruction of the Turkish navy. In the case of Stride there was no accident, the war was forced on by the treachery of our enemy, and the result was equally glorious and beneficial. As to the rule, that thanks are not due except upon a declared war, it would preclude a nation from an ex pression of gratitude to those who might protect it from the most terrible of dangers —an explosion of unsuspected ar.d un provoked treachery. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Curren, of Feb. 13 ) SVGA E.-There has been a lively d eman d f or British Plan • tation Sugar for grocery and refining purposes ; prices have further advanced for all descriptions, and rule is 6d to 2s above those of this day week for brown, grey and common yellow kinds, and 6d to Is per ewt for bright yellow qualities. To-day there was a strong desire shown on the part of all parties to purchase West India Sugar, but buying was checked by the scanty elsow, the business done on the whole may be considered geed, 400 hhds and trcs finding buyers at prices equal to those of Friday, and in some eases rather above. REFINED.-To-day the home trade purchased Refined goods readily, paying stiffer rates; brown Lumps for the scale fetched • 77,, and standard Lumps 78s to Ids 6d per cwt ; contracts have been entered into for forward delivery. Bonded Crushed Sugar was in excellent request, and first quality fetched 25s 9d to 26s per cwt. Loaves are wanted ; sales made of Turkey double Refined, 21 to 41bs, at 35s to 38s; Hamburgh 6lbs 33s 64 to 31s; 9 to 10Ibs 30, to 31s. NIA uRITIUs.-This afternoon the trade were disposed to buy Mauritius Sugar, brown, low middling, and grey sorts main tained the former currency, but good and fine yellow went 6d per cwt lower ; fine brown fetched 57s 6d, good 56s 64, fine yellow 653 6cl to 669, good 64s 6d to 655, middling 62s to 63s 6il, middling grey 59540 61s, good 62s to 635; 20 casks of Ceylon fetched 58s for low yellow, and 608 6d for middling bright. EAST INDIA.-The brown and low yellow qualities of Bengal Sugar have been disposed of to a large extent at stiffer rates ; white and strong yellow sorts have been in good de mand at the previous currency ; Manilla, brown, 14s 6d to 16s 6d, and yellow 17s to 185 6d ; Java 16s to 22s per cwt. FOREIGN.--A better demand has prevailed for white de scriptions of Brazil, and full rates have been given. The tran sactions in yellow Havannah have been trifling, but purchases cannot be made upon easier terms. White is held for previous quotatians. Of Foreign Sugar none has been submitted to public competition. MOLASSES.-West India at an advance on previous rates of 64 to is per cwt. Bengal Syrup has been inquired for, but the suppy is small. Haney has been in good demand, and better prices paid for all descriptions. Cour/A.-West. India at. full, and in some cases at better priced; common aarts at the previous currency : Para at 28s to 29e, and Bahia at 30s to 33s per cwt. Rust, BRANDY, AND HoLLarins.--Jamaica Rum at full rates; 25 to 31 overproof, of middling quality, 2s 8d per gallon; fine kinds are worth ss. Proof Leewards Is 101e1 to is lld per gallon. Demerara, 2s 104 to 3s is the worth of high strength, and 26 per cent overproof 2s 8d to 2s 9d per gallon ; Calcutta Ram at is 7d per gallon, proof. For Brandy higher prices have been again given. Cognac, best brands of the vintage of 1838 fetching-hhds 5s 11d, puns, 5s 9d ; ditto 1839, hhd s 5s 84, puns 5s 6d ; ditto 1840, hhd s 5s 6d, puns 5s 44 ; ditto 1841, hhds 5s 4d, puns 5s 2d ; ditto 1842, hhds 5s 3d, puns 5s Id, and inferior marks 3s to 4s 6d per gallon. Geneva, chiefly for Canada, at Is 9d to Is 10d; the home trade have been paying 2s 441 to 3s for small parcels of fine pale. English Corn Spirits at lOs to lOs 24 per gallon, cash. To-day West India Rum at stiffer rates ; Jamaica 30 to 32 per cent. over proof 2s 104 to 3s, good middling and good 3s 3d to 3s 9d, fine and stsperior 4s to 54, and proof Leewards Is 11d. Calcutta proof at Is 74 per gallon. COFFEE. -Business in West India Coffee has been restricted by the scanty and very indifferent supply at market ; there are ready purchasers of all clean qualities at stiff rates, bat there are scarcely any remaining in the importers' hands. This af ternoon Plantation Ceylon Coffee was in excellent demand, and full rates were paid. Plantation sorts all sold, fine ord dark fetching 71., fine ord p a l e 77 5 , fi ne fi ne or d pale 841 s, much mixed and rather broken 60s 6d to 613 6d, bold triage 55s 64, inferior 25s to 25s 64, and low 15s to 20s ; the good ord was all taken in at 66s 6d, 65s offered. Mocha bought in at 68s 6d to 69s for mid pale yellow, and Rio at 56s for middling. TRA.-To-day the trade were desirous to purchase Tea, and a good demand prevailed at the public sales; of the quantity offered, amounting to 17,990 packages, 5,000 were disposed of, the lower qualities of Congou fetching full rates, but fine declining Id per lb. Pouchong brought very full prices, and other kinds of Black Tea the former currency. Green Tea went stiffly. SAGO. -This afternoon Pearl Sago sold at stiff rates ; good small white fetched 24s to 24s 6d, mid brownish 17s 6d, good mid grey 21s to 21s 64. Sago Fleur sold, mid 18s, and da- Thaled 9s t o 13 s 6d per cwt. Tapioca brought 3441t0 44 per lb. Ruca•-Of c l eane d Ri ce several parcels have been d i spose d f, Patna at 13s to 17s, and Carolina 21s to 26s per cwt. To day Madras and Cargo Rice were disposed of privately at 8s tid to 8s 94 p er cwt. ; middling white Bengal fetched I Is, and good I Is 64 per cwt. lenioo.-In all descriptions of East India holders manifest f rmne is, and nothing is pressing for sale. Sp anish Indigo is wanted, but few p arce l s are to be met with. TALeovv.-With American Tallow the market has been abundantly supplied. South American brought 34s 6d to 40s for fair to fine quality ; North American 35s 641 to 40s 3d ; New York melted 395 to 403 6d ; East India 39s 9d to 4ls 94; Sydney 33s 9d to 40s 9d; Beef Tallow 40s to 40s 9d per cwt. Importers of Russian have submitted to rather lower prices on the spot • the rates paid have been 40s 9d to 41s per cwt for P. Y. Candle of the first quality ; second sort at 39s to 40s 6d per cwt. For delivery in the last three months of the year at 41s 6d to 41s 94 per cwt. Toe n Tallow is 42s per cwt nett cost. To- day P. Y. C. on the spot at 413 per cwt. OILS -Ond Oil at 331 per ton ; other descriptions at the former currency ; Southern, 33/ 54 to 36/ for middling to fine quality; Seal, 321 lOs to 321 15s for straw, an-1 301 to 30/ 15, for brown ; and Cod Blubber aid Dregs, 25/ lOs to 26/ ss. Pale Seal Oil, 35/ lOs per tun. Sperm Oil has met with less attention ; British at 671 to 681 10s per tun. For i Z4 a ;V W A Fie s 'Oil prices have fallen 30; to 403 ; Cochin, first , , snia.l4, to 31s 64, and second and third quality 28s to ,c l e -qps 41 7 _cit. Palm at 24s to 275, and very common at r ,s. : : - ••••---21, , wield : - E.'.ielliorth 28s to 28s 6el per cwt. Rape Oil at 36s gla •zi g -,- , ,- .. , 40 . 1514 et, 04;85 per cwt for brown. Olive Oil at the f0110w e,..4.:-.Z i fojttiotet*,'• •0 i li 46/ to 461 10s, Spanish 43/ to 431 10s, '-', ~“r i i-Jo3lsklptyil,4 to 42/ I fts per tun; Linseed Oil at 26s 64 ed - 4ft. ' "er./.% n the spot. • /a , ,--, .. _ __ *A 11 S I TUESDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE. EItRAT m in the list of Sheriffs appointed by her Majesty in Council, for the year 1844, published in the Second Sup plement to the Gazette of the 30th of January last : Leicestershire.—For Archibald Algernon Henry S . Mawr, Esq., commonly called Lord Archibald Algernon Henry St. Mawr, of Burton on the Wolds; read, Archibald Algernon Henry Maur, Esq. commonly called Lord Archibald Alger non Henry St. Maur, of Burton on the Wolds. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUAR Y 14, 1844. Sir J. GRAHAM would have preferred that the Hon. Gentleman should have given notice of the question. With re spect to the returns which had been presented to Hon. Gentle men that morning, they had been moved for to enable the No ble discount, the Member for Plymouth ( Lord Ebrington), to ascertain the number of troops placed at the disposal of his fa ther, when conducting the government of that country. That five regiments had been withdrawn from Ireland in the course of the time mentioned in the return for general s erv i c e, was un d ou bt e d. There were five regiments of cavalry and four battalions of infantry withdrawn from Ireland, from the Ist of September, 1841, to the Ist of March, 1842. With respect to the other question of the Hon. Gentleman, he had to state that, on the motion of the Hon. Member for Coventry, an order had been given to produce a return of the rank and file stationed in Ireland from the Ist of Janliary ? 1835, down to the Ist of January, 1843. SMALL DEBTS BILL. Mr. ROEBUCK wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite whether the Bill introduced relative to the recovery of small debts, by the Hon. Dlember for Chester, was brought in with the sanction of the Government ? Sir J. GRAHAM said, so far from it, that the Hon, Member for Chester had brought in his Bill as embodying a rival scheme to the measure introduced by her Majesty's Government. STATE OF IRELAND. Lord J. RUSSELL then rose, pursuant to notice, to bring forward his motion for a Com m it tee o f t h e w h o l e H ouse to take into consideration the state of Ireland. He said he felt deeply how much he stood i n nee d o f t h e i n d u l gence of the House in the performance of the ardu ius task which he had undertaken. He would not tres pass further upon their indulgence, by making any apology for taking that task upon himself ; nor, however he might feel his own inability for such a task, could he for a moment doubt that it was ri g ht th a t the H ouse o f Com mons of the United Kingdom should make inquiry into the condition of the kingdom of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) They had before them, notwithstanding the somewhat fel lacious returns presented by the Right qonourable Gen tleman, the notorious fact that Ireland was filled with troops, and that the barracks in which these troops were posted had been fortified. They had heard, too, that morning, of a regi ment of infantry being drawn up in the yard of the Castle of Dublin—that preparations had been ma d e as if th e Government were in instant_ expectation of a civil war, and that the country was occupied and not go verned by those who now held the r e i ns o f p ower . He said, and he said it witlaconsideration, that Ireland was not governed as it ought to be. The Government of this country mof peace, but the p resen t G overnment ent of force. Th e Ki ng o f t h e F renc h h s o h fa should t told n edt the wea government v po a p g le o o e f rn that country that Algeria would soon be reduced to a government of peace.—( Hear.) Her Majesty had told her people the same thing, and yet what was the case? Why the military . were circulating through the whole of Ireland, while' st was proclaimed that peace was ex isting in the United Kingdom. Was it not curious that it should now present an appearance utterly at variance with true government ?—( Hear, hear.) We have received to-day an account, most extraordinary it was, that the man upon whom the Irish people looked, and from whom they had received, or by whose instrumentality they had received, Catholic Emancipation—(Cries of " Hear, hear") — was it not curious that that man should have been found guilty of a conspiracy, and would, probably, by the Judges of Ireland be condemned to imprisonment ?—( Hear, hear.) Did the House believe, if that circumstance took place, that it would be a guarantee for the peace of Ireland ?—(Great cheer ing.) He could see no hope for the prosperity or the futere interest of Ireland in the adoption of such a course. They ought to insure their affections, and by that means they would insure peace.—( Hear, hear, and great cheering. ) The consideration of this subject had led him to venture to propose a question to the House, in the shape which he would ultimately state. It had led him to consider the question of the whole condition of Ireland, and he had shaped his question ex pressly for that purpose. He was not about to recur to the state of Ireland during the last year, but he wished to look upon the situation of that country for some time past. He would take it for granted that it was the wish of the House that the maintenance of the union should be preserved ; but, consistent with that maintenance, he trusted that the House would consider it was bound to do that country justice. Assuming such to be the opinion of the House, he would ask whether the engagements which had been entered into at the time of the union had been all fulfilled, either with regard to existing laws, or to the passing of future laws for the improve ment of Ireland ?—(Cheers. ) And if they had n o t, h e would ask the House to go with him into Committee, in order to consider the measures which ought to be adopted to reconcile the people of Ireland to our rule —(Cheers.) He would advert to the address which had been presented by both Houses of Parliament to his Majesty George the Third, in the year 1799, just before the union. In that address both Houses had stated that it was their firm persuasion that a complete and entire union between Great Britain and Ireland, upon equal and liberal principles, founded upon a similarity of laws and of constitution, would conduce tothe mutual interest and security of the two countries, and tothe allaying of those discontents which had unhappily existed in Ireland— would afford the means of opposing the attempts of the foreign enemy, and would conduce to the stability of the empire. The two Houses had not been content with that declaration, they had further declared that in their opinion it would be for the real interest both of Great Britain and Ireland that the principle of the union should be a common enjoyment by both countries equally of the blessings of the Constitution.— ( Cheers.) Now he would ask whether the laws proposed for the two countries had been founded upon equal and liberal principles—(Cheering)—if the laws which had been passed since the union had ex tended fully the blessings of the Constitution to Ireland— (Cheers)—if Ireland was bound to us by a sense of mutual affection and interest—(Cheers)—and if the people of Ire land were united to us by a full enjoyment of the blessings of the Constitution ?—( Hear, hear, and loud cheering). These expressions of their sentiments had not been confined to the address which had been presented by the two Houses of Parliament. They had received he sanction of Mr. Pitt, the Prime Minister of the Crown, when he introduced that measure into the House. In opposition to those who said that Ireland would be subject to a foreign yoke, he asked whether a union, entered into with the free consent of both countries, and upon just and equal terms, could be branded as subjecting Ireland to a foreign yoke? Was it not a free and voluntary association of two countries for the common benefit of both, in which each would have its proportionate weight of importance, which would secure equal laws, reciprocal affections, and which would render them both invincible ? And then the Minister con cluded by quoting that remarkable passage:— " Non Ego, nee Tsneri s halos paribus jubebo Nec mihi regna peto ; paribus felegibus amber Invictre gentes."—( Hear, hear.) Sir J. GRAHAM—The poet adds— ., ststernm in fsedera mittant." uhdte cheese.) ) H eers. )e hoped he wou ld reco ll ect Lord J. RUSSELL was glad to p erce i ve th e Ri g h t Honourable Baronet recollected the quo t a ti on accurate l y. At the same time ther e were given assurances , not by the positi ve d ec l arat i on o f t h e Ministers of the Crown , yet by th e i r a dh erence, that the Roman The ( Csheneetirms'ent.— ss and sentiment.—(Laud would be more lik . ely to e n j oy t h e r i g h ts of British sub heels under the union than if Ireland continued to have a separate Parliament. Lord Sichnouth declared such an opinion ; but those hopes were destined to be disappointed. But, b e f ore h e entered upon that subject , he wished to call the attention of the House to another part of the law and constitution of England, namely, the administration of justice. It might be sai d that the laws were the same in both countries. Nominally, the Irish had the same laws, and trial by jury existed in both countries ; but was it so in fact? That it was not so was made matter of perp e t ua l comp l a i n t i n Ireland, and more than once in that House. On one occasion a Member of that Howe, who in those days was accustomed to represent, with great force and eloquence, the grievances of those who were oppressed, whether in Europe or America, whe white or black—he meant . Lord B roug h am — state d i n that House, in the year 1823, in bringing forward a petition complaining of grievances that " the laws of England esteemed all men. It was. sufficient to b e b orn w i t hi n t h e King's allegiance to b e entitled to a ll t h e r i ghts any subject of the land enjoyed. None were disqualified, there was no dis tinction between a natural-born subject and an alien. Such was the liberality of the system in times called barbarous, that even if a man was an alien born, he was not deprived of the protection of the law. In Ireland the law holds an oppos it e doctrine. The sect t o w hi c h a man b e l onge d joined to his religious opinions, and the forms in which he worshipped his Creator, were reasons for his not enjoying the same privileges as his fellows. Such a system was most cruel and unjust."—( Cheers.) Such was the statement of Mr. Brougham, in those days when Mr. Brougham was the advo cate of the oppressed.—(Cheers and l aug h ter. ) W as th a t th e statement of a man ignorant of the state of Ireland ? The same facts were stated in most powerfullanguage by Sir M. O'Logh - lin, in his evidence before the House of Lords, in 1839. He said he had been in the habit for nineteen years of attending the Munster circuit. On that cir cu it it was t h e cus t om o f th e Crown to set aside from the jury all Roman Catholics and all liberal Protestants ; and he stated it as his belief that this practice was carried to a greater extent in other circuits. He stated one case of this practice occurring as late as the year , 1834 when Lord Wellesley was Lord-Lieutenant, and when Mr. Blackburne, the present Master of the Rolls, was the Attorney-General. He stated that in one case, not a political case, 43 persons had been set aside, and that 36 of those were Roman Catholics, and seven of them were Protestants. Amongst them were magistrates and leaseholders, and persons of considerable property. He said that the practice was so well known, and constantly followed, that men of liberal opi nions, whether Roman Catholics or Protestants, had ceased attending the assizes, that they might not be present when such an insult was offered to them. Now, were these equal laws ? Did that resemble a jury in Kent, Surrey, or Yorkshire ? Let him ( Lord John Russell) ask, after what he had stated, whether the promises held out by Mr. Pitt had been fulfilled ? Were the laws equal—were they administered with impartiality? —(Cheers.) Was it not rather what Mr. Brougham had truly characterised as the distinction of a sect and a party—of those ho called themselves Protestants, which, in fact, was now in Ireland a political denomination ?—(Loud cheers.) Was it not, in fact, a supremacy of political Protestants, corrupting the sources of public justice and defrauding the people of what had been gnaranteed them by the Constitution ?—( Hear, hear. ) And what was the effect of this ? He thought he could state it to them. Sir Michael O'Loglilin said, " in his opinion it was a system w hi c h was f raug ht with the most injurious effects on the ad m i n i s t rat i on o f j ust i ce in Ireland, disturbing her peace, and depriving the people of the confidence they ought to have in her institutions." Now he (Lord J. Russell) would ask of the House, could, it be otherwise—(Cheers) —or could they wonder, if such was the case, that in Ireland the poorer classes of the people, rather than resort to the regular tribunals of the country, took any other course rather than go to them for the settlement of their differences amongst themselves— even the wild means which revenge and the w orst passions of our nature would prompt'—( Hear, hear.) These bad feelings were prompted by the unfair administration of justice, and w ere no t so inherent in the Irish character as many persons wished to prove. He could vouch it, and in support of his opinion he would relate en anecdote, on the authority of Lord Donoughmore, which occurred at th it great Clare election, which, in f ac t, se ttl e d th e question of Catholic Emancipation. A big, brawny fellow came to the Committee to complain that he had b een i nsu lt e d by a person. "Why , ' was the reply, " cannot you take your own pert ?" You are bigger than the mar, who insulted you. " Yes," said h . e, stretching forth hi s brawny arm, " I could soon have had satisfaction if I had chose n to take it, but all violence and quarrelling has been forbidden by the Association, and, therefore, I could not punish the fell o w as he deserved." Now , if a man thus showed obedience to the behests of an Association, why wa s it ? Because he hart confidence in the Association---he knew the law which had gone forth had been framed by men who had the same f ee li ng an d s ympathies as himself, and who did not set up th e t yranny o f a sect as the measure of justice. —( Cheers.) This, then, was his first complaint, that from the period of the union up to the year 1835, there had been no im partiality in the ad m i n i s t ra ti o n of justice. He might be told that Lord Wellesley was an impartial Governor of Ireland. He admitted that he was, and that Lord Anglesea was the same. But it was the misfortune of both, that tho ug h they might have endeav oure d they had, unhappily, failed to cor rect the abuses in the Chief Secretary's Office.—( Hear, and loud cheers.) There was the place in whi c h all bad political p ass i ons and prejudices centered. It was not the fault of Lord Wellesley or Lord Anglesea that they did so. He would now proceed to another question —the franchise of the people of Ireland.—( Hear, he ar , ) And he knew that it might be objected, as it had been objected in considering the state of Ireland, that they ought not to look to this question of political franchise and power, because it was said it that would not give bread to the hungry, or employment to the tittemployed.—( Cheers.) He did not admire or concur in the wisdom of such an assertion. Ile did not find any record in the history of England for such an assertion.—( Hear. ) Ths benefits of a free constitution were the best works by which they could confer benefits on a free country. In 1792 Mr. Pitt, in his celebrated speech on. the fin inces of the country, eulogised greatly the principles of Adam Smith, and said that benefit to a country was to be found in nothing but free institutions. —( Hear, hear.) Mr. Fox, at a subsequent period, followed in the same line of argument and asserted that the true privileges of the people were to be found in free institutions. It was known that when men had such institutions a greater stimulus was , siven to industry, and the poorest man could look upon the richest with pleasure and satisfaction. Such were the principles en which these great men felt that the people ought to enjoy the Constitution of 1792, and was he now to be told that such a constitution was a farce, and that it ought not to exist at the present moment.—( Hear.) He would tell the present Ministry that the best course they could adopt with respect to Ireland was to secure to every man the enjoyment of equal rights, by which means they could alone teach them to appreciate and bless the benefits of a free Constitution.--( Hear, hear. ) In the year 1793, in a moment of alarm, the Irish Parliament passed the measure whirl) they had before rejected, and gave the right of voting to the forty-shilling freeholders. The franchise thus conferred became, in the hands of the landlords, a means for filling their estates with miserable dependents, who were brought up to vote at elect ions. Dr. Dingenan had foretold that such a mode of carrying elections would recoil upon its inventors, and so indeed it did. G. eat abuses had arisen, and persons of every shade of politics were desirous of applying some remedy.—( Hear, hear.) In the year 1829 the Right Honourable Gentleman, after, in the Speech from the Throne, they had been recommended to agree to measures for the general settlement of the affairs of Ireland, had proposed a higher rate of franchise. He had given to Ireland what had been generally supposed at. the time was a 101. franchise, but which had turned out to be in reality a 201. franchise.—( Hear, hear.) Inasmuch as it was required that the person claiming the franchise should possess 10/. over and above the usual property derived from his freehold or leasehold, as the case might be. In the Reform Act it had been intended to reduce the franchise to 10/.—( Cheers.) A Noble Lord, now a Secretary of State, had blamed him (Lord John Russell) for any defect which might have occurred in the Reform Bill. No doubt, he had trusted much to his Noble Friend Lord Duncannon, with whom he had consulted on the subject, and that Noble Lord had given it as his opinion, that the object which they both of them desired would be accomplished thereby, but they had since found, that looking to the decision of the majority of the Irish Judger, they had been in error in the construction which they had placed on the clause.—( Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman when he had pro posed that change in the franchise, stated that he proposed to give Free facilities for the attainment of it--that a person claiming it had only to go before the assistant-barrister, where, if the claim were allowed there should be no appeal, but if it were re jected then the claimant might appeal to a Judge of Assize. But some years after, not content with the diminution of the franchise which had taken place by the inter pretation put upon it by the judges of Ireland—not content with the diminution in the number of voters which had thereby taken place,—a Noble Lord opposite, not then in the Government, though now sitting on the benches opposite, proposed a Bill to correct what he called the evils of registration in Ireland.—( Loud cheers.) That Bill was so contrived that by sending the claimant—the poor Irish voter—from one appeal to the other--( Hear, hear)—by trans mitting him to a great distance, through intricate pas• sages and by costly doors, it discouraged him from seeking the franchise, and those only who were favoured by the landed proprietors of the country would be entitled to enjoy it. —(Cheers. ) Such would be the effect of that Bill. At that time, they, who were in the Government said, that though Ireland was far from enjoying all she ought to have by law, yet as there was a period of tran quillity, it was most desirous to allow the wealth of the country to increase during that period, believing that angry passions would be assuaged, and that animosities would be likely to abate, by not introducing any question likely to be the subject of vexatious contest into this House ; but the Noble Lord refused to allow this.—( Cheere. ) He thought it neces sary to press his Bill at all times.—( Cheers.) At all times and in all seasons—in season and out of season.— (Cheers.) The last House of Commons decided they would entertain that Bill. It was the opinion of a Noble Friend of his ( Lord Morpeth)--and in mentioning his same he would venture to say, that no man ever held office in Ireland more desirous of improving the eondition of the people of that country—( Loud cheers)—it was the opinion of Lord Morpeth that since the House deter mined to entertain the question it would be necessary, in jus tice to the people of Ireland, to propose some clearer definition of the franchise, to relieve it from all dispute and liti gation to which, as it existed, it was subject ; to make a large and extensive franchise, and to establish upon that new franchise an important system of registration. What was said to that ? Why, an indignant refusal to enter into a consideration of the subject was given. What were the words of the Right Hon. Baronet the present Secretary of State for the Home Department ?—" I am determined to stand by the Reform Bill.—( Cheers and laughter.) Let its provisions be improved when necessary, but I am determined to guard the franchise as it stands." Such were the opinions of the Right lion. Baronet. The Noble Lord opposite went further, because that Noble Lord accused his ( Lord John Russell's) Noble Friesid, Lord Morpeth, of bringing in his Bill under false colours, and false pretences. such was the charge made against Lord Morpeth. Was he justified in saying that?—(Cheers. ) He (Lord John Russell) appealed to the silence for two years of her Majesty's Government.—( Cheers.) Ho appealed to their silence, after having put that Bill forward as a measure of party opposition.—(Lond cheers.) But had he nothing more than their silence to appeal to ? Yes, he had the Queen's Qeech.—(Cheers. ) Ile had the specific declaration in the ueen's name, advised by the whole of her Majesty's present Cabinet, that it was not safe to adopt a new system of regis tration without, at the same time, adopting a more extensive franehise.—( Cheers.) Why, then, he looked back with these lights, and with the experience of their measures, and he looked back to 1840 and 1841, and he recalled to the Noble Lord the time when he said that Lord Morpeth brought in his Bill ender false colours, and he said that the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, which was passed when the flame of insurrection was popular, by which Bill Roman Catholics were made eligib'e to office, and seats in that House, and he referred to the measure which was brought forward by the Noble Lord (Stanley), and he asked what would have been the consequence of that Bill if it had been carried? Why, in the first place if a Ministry such as the present had been in power, scarcely a Roman Catholic would have been placed in any office ; and in the second place, hardly a Member would have been sent to that House except the nominees of Protestant landlords.—(Cheers.) The whole of the Bill of 1820, in fact, would have been rendered ineffectual.—(Cheers.) It would have been in effect a crafty and invidious manner of repealing that Bill.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord in intro ducing that Bill repeatedly raid that he had been advised to introduce it. He ( Lord John Russell) believed it had been recommended by persons more crafty than the Noble Lord, and persons of a different nature.—(Cheers. ) Such, then, was his answer to the Noble Lord, who accused Lord Alorpeth of fighting under false colours. Such was his complaint with respect to the state of Ireland, as to the fran chise of that country. And when the Ministers of the Crown, now in office, shrank from the responsibility of maintaining doctrines which they avowed when in opposition, and hazarded the peace of Ireland by such flagrant violation of all the princi ples of justice, he must say that his confidence in them did not encourage him in waiting until those measures were brought under discussion in that House. He had no belief that there was any intention on the part of Ministers to give a full and fair franchise to the people of Ireland. He asked them to go into a Committee of the whole House to consider, among other important matters, the question of the franchise— ( Cries of " Hear, hear ")—and let them hear what the representatives of the people of Ireland would say on the sub ject of the franchise. Let them beware lest, under the name of an extension of the franchise, the measure proposed by Alinisters, might not be a measure for giving increased power to the Protestant landlords of Ireland, in order to e'ect men of their choice, and net the choice of the electors, as Members of Parliament.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He came now to another subject, to the eligibility of Roman Catholics to offices in Ire land.—( Renewed cries of Hear, hear.) ( The Noble Lord then quoted an extract of a speech from Sir Robert Peel, in which the Right Hon. Baronet said that it would have been better if the penal acts affecting the eligibility of Roman Catholics to office had not been repealed at all, than, when repealed, not. to be practically acted open.—( Hear.) lie ( Lord John Russell) would ask to what appointments had the present Government preferred Roman Catholics. They had hail the appointments of a Master of the Rolls, of the Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, and of three or four Puisne Judges, and yet they had not appointed a s i ng l e R oman C at h o lic.—(hear, hear.) In fact, they had scarcely appointed a Roman Catholic, in a na tion of Roman Catholics, to a single office of trust or power since their accession to office. And yet that was the power they professed to give by statute. That statute spoke of un just preference and unfair sespicion, and the course that had been adopted towards Ireland was a course of unjust preference and unfair suspicion, considering their talents, and the number of that people.—( Hear.) He now came to an objection that had been made that would induce hint to enter a complaint and protest that the whole Roman Catholic body were opposed to the present Ministry.—( Hear, hear.) If such was the case, how came it to be the fact ?—( Hear, hear.) Hitherto the Roman Catholics had acquiesced in such doctrines —( Hear, hear ) He never heard such charges made against them.— ( Hear, hear.) On the contrary, they had been charged with having too great a wish for arbitrary power.—( Hear, hear.) How came it, then, that the Roman Catholics opposed the present Ministry ?—( Hear, hear.) He could easily answer that question—( Hear, hear)—and in doing so he was autho• rised to make • a grave charge against some of the present members of the Government.—( Hear, hear.) It had been asserted some time ago that Mr. O'Connell and others had united to endeavour to excite feelings of among the people of Ireland to the people of England.—(Hear, hear.) That was no doubt an offence at law. They had had a charge in their favour from the Chief Justice. —( Cheering and counter cheering.) They had had a verdict of a jury in their favour. There could be no doubt but that in the opinion, both of the Government and of the Crown lawyers, that was a grave offence, and it did right to bring men, aye, eminent men, to the bar on such a charge-4 Hear, hear. ) But had there been no persons doing this, reversing the words England and Ireland ?—( Cheers.) Had there been no per sons who had endeavoured to excite in the people of England feelings of hostility and ill-nature towards the people of Ire land ?—( Renewed cheering.) IThe recommendation of the two Houses had been, that the two countries should be bound by reciprocal affection, not one-sided affection, not affection on the part of the people of Ireland to be returned by feelings of hostility and ill-will on the part of the people of England. Had no person in this country endeavoured to excite feelings of hostility in the minds of the people of England, by calling the people of Ireland aliens ?—( Cheers.) Affixing to them a term which belonged only to persons born out of the Queen's allegi ance, and used for the purpose of depriving them of the benefit of those corporations which had been granted to the people of England.—( Cheers.) He would ask why had not the Attor ney-General prosecuted this person in the Queen's Bench ? (Cheers. ) How came it that they had had no speech of eleven hours stating the enormity of his offence ?—( Renewed cheers.) The answer no doubt would be, that the words had been spoken in Parliament, and were protected by privilege. But had that person in any way been deprived of the confidence of the Crown ?—(Cheers.) Had he been marked as a person not proper to be admitted into the Queen's Councils ?—(Cheering and counter-cheering.) On the contrary, he occupied the highest place there, and he was at the head of the magistracy and of the law in England, and stood there as the person to direct the prosecution against Mr. O'Connell, for having ex sited feelings of ill-will among the people of Ireland.—( Cheers. ) Had they ever heard of anything so monstrous as this ?—( Tre mendous cheering. ) He did not believe that that person held his situation on account of any superiority in his judgments in the Courts over which he presided, for he believed that no duties were more highly paid, or performed more carelessly, than those which were performed by that functionary.—( Im mense cheering, and counter cheering.) It was on account of that declaration—on account of that hostility to the people of Ireland, that that person had obtained his office.—(lmmense cheers from the Opposition, answered by groans from the Mi nisterial side of the House.) Well, Government had had their conviction—they might have their superiority in this House, but they should not prevent him from advocating what he thought was the cause of the oppressed.—( Loud cheers.) A Noble Lord opposite laid great stress and emphasis on having a Pro testaut Government, a Protestant Constitution, a Protestant ' Sovereign, and a Protestant Church, its this country, and he explained that what he meant by the word Protestant was, they should not have any minions of Popery in that Government. ( Hear, hear. ) These were the words of the Member for Worcester; but were they not terms of abuse, and were they not contumelious terms ?—( Loud cheers.) Was his Right Hon. Friend Mr. Sheil—was Mr. Wyse—was Mr. More O'Ferral, were these minions of Popery ?—( Cheers.) But more than this, two years ago, a Right Hon. Gentleman brought forward a motion of want confidence in the existing Government, which was carried by a majority of one, and the appointment of those three gentleman to office had beets alluded to, of whom he would only say that they were hardly placed in a position high enough for their merits. The Hon. Member for Canterbury (Mr. Bradshaw) a constant supporter of the present Government, and one of that majority, attacked those appointments; and said that each of them was a direct insult to the nation, and that the Government was upheld by a body of Irish Papists who were elected by savages not more civilized than the inhabitants of New Zealand.--(Loud cheers.) Such was the language used at that time, and now they had prosecuted some of the ablest men in Ireland, and to conviction, for endeavouring to excite hostility against the people of England.—( Loud cheers.) His belief was, that these directions against the people of Ireland were part of the stock in trade of the party now in power. He believed that they worked upon the prejudices, the honest but ignorant prejudices, of the people of England. They made them believe that th e R oman Catholics were about to hold the highest offices in the State, and they thus animated them, for their own purposes, against that portion of the empire.— (Loud cheers.) He alluded to this subject, because it was now said that the Roman Catholics could not be placed in office because they belonged not to the political party in power ; but, he asked, what man of the least feeling, of the smallest ,spirit, could join a pasty who treated with contempt and insult, and unendurable injustice, the great body of the Roman Catholics, who belonged to an ancient religion, and who constituted more than 6,000,000 of the people of Ireland?—( Great cheering. ) Having stated what he thought was the injustice done to the people of Ireland with regard to the administration of justice, with regard to the franchise, and the disposal of power and patronage, he would now review the conduct of the different Governments with regard to those subjects. From 1836, the gentlemen who held the offices of Attorney. General and Solicitor-General for Ire lan 1, determined to give a new direction with regard to the administration of justice ; and for this purpose they directed the Crown solicitors that Catholics and Protestants should be equally entitled to serve on juries, excepting cases of special objection. It appeared by the evidence of Sir Michael O'Loghlin, that after three years' experience of this system, the confidence of the people of Ireland in the administration of justice was greatly increased. Evidence to the same effect was given by Sir W. Somerville ; and let it be recollected that this evidence was given before the Lords' Committee of 1839, which was appointed to inquire into the state of crime in Ireland, under the administration of Lord Normanhy.—( Hear, hear.) The evidence showed that crime had greatly diminished; that there was more security for life ; and that property was worth more by four or five years' purchase, than it had been some years before.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to the muni cipal franchise, the late Government were of opinion that the same principle should be adopted in Ireland and in England. This House agreed with them, but the House of Lords rejected the Bill. But had not the people of Ireland good reason to complain ? The late Government were not in the same posit ion with regard to administration and legisla tion. It appeared to him, and the people of Ireland were of the same opinion, that on the whole it were better for them to have a Government whose administration was favourable to them, although their legislation in their be half has obstructed them—than that they should have a Govern ment whose laws would not be more favourable, and whose administration would be adverse to them.—( Hear, hear.) In 1841 the Right Hon. Gentleman had Ireland delivered over to him in a state of political tranquillity.--( Cheers.) He did not wish to exaggerate. He knew there were evils to be cured, which could not be done in a few years ; but the temper of the people had improved.—(Loud cheers.) They had more confidence in the administration of justice ; the national wealth of the people had increased ; the price of land had advanced ; life and property were more secure ; and per sons were more willing to embark capital in the country. lie had seen, in the appointment of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Eliot) the germ of a hope that things in Ireland would go on smoothly. The Noble Lord himself was in favour of impar tiality. At the commencement of the present Ministry, he (Lord John Russell) had expressed an opinion in favour of that appointment. His (Lord John Russell's) belief was, and he stated it now, that notwithstanding the wrong and injustice they had suffered, the Irish people would have suited their own interest better if they had remained in tranquillity, until, by a gradual increase of strength, they could have produced such an impression on the Government and the Parliament of this country, as would have been irresistible in favour of just prin ciples. That was not the case. Those who had pos sessed more peculiarly the confidence of the Irish people, were indignant at the treatment they had sustained. They maintained, with great force, that a remedy for those evils never could be obtained from the English Parliament. They said the only remedy for them would be found in a re peal of the union. It was a matter for consideration with the Government how that cry was to be met. The Government might, either by a motion of their own, or on the motion of the Hon. Member for Limerick, who asked them temperately to consider the subject, have done so. The Government refused to do this. They stood with confidence on the Act of Union. Tney said they would not inquire into the fairness or the justice of the Act of Union, but they seemed determined to act up to its very letter. What was the consequence of that ? It appeared, from the indictment lately prepared, that meet ings had been held in Ireland at which between three and four millions of persons had been present. These meetings were held for the pupose of agitating the repeal of the union ; and resolutions were passed in favour of such repeal.— ( Hear, hear.) Was it not alarming to find so great a portion of the population of Ireland was discontented? More than forty years after the union the people of Ireland declared that nothing but repeal could give them satisfaction. The people made various speculations upon the intended con duct of the Government, and various opinions were given. Some said they thought the meetings were clearly illegal, or accompanied with circumstances of illegality ; the Govern ment should at once issue a proclamation to prevent any fur ther meetings. Others said that such would have been a very unwise course; if the meetings were allowed to continue mere numbers would not produce any considerable effect, and at length the leaders who presided at these meetings would desist of their own accord, or else resort to some steps which would be clearly illegal, and on such steps proceedings would be grounded. The Government took neither of these courses. They dismissed some twenty or thirty magistrates in the most strange manner.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The Lord Chancellor of Ireland declared that certain persons who were in the commission of the peace in Ireland, could not hold that commission because they held repeal opinions and attended repeal meetings, and that after a Member or Members had made certain declarations in the House of Commons they should be dismissed for acting contrary to those opinions, although, as had been pro perly remarked in that House last night, the sentiments of the Right lion. Baronet respecting repeal could he only known by a breach of the privileges of that House.—( Hear, hear.) In fact, these could not be known, except through the newspapers, and the magistrates of Ireland were not aware that the Times, the Morn:7w Chronicle, and the Herald, were the recognised organs of Ministers and of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) But yet these magistrates were dismissed because they did not act in accordance with the opinions so delivered. Those proceed ings—this dismissal, did not diminish the danger of those meet ings—did not lessen the numbers who attended these meetings, and many magistrates were dismissed, in whom the people placed the greatest trust, and who were the means of removing from the magistracy of Ireland, by that confidence, the odium which formerly attached to that body. Those meetings were allowed to go on from March until October, and then suddenly, early one morning, the Lord Lieutenant and the Chancellor landed at Kingstown—the meetings which had been hitherto held undisturbed were decried by proclamation, and their sup pression immediately direeted.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear. ) There was one circumstance attending that proclama tion of a very extraordinary character. He alluded to the meeting which was to be held at Clontarf. All the arrangements had been made for that meeting, and had been published and declared at the Donnybrook meeting, which preceded it some time previously. In fact, it had been uni versally known, for many days before, that a repeal meeting was to take place at Clontarf, yet not a single step was taken for its prevention, but a proclamation was issued upon the Saturday afternoon which immediately preceded the Sunday on which the meeting was to be held. 'Those who issued that proclama tion were responsible for the time at which it was issued.— ( Hear, hear.) He would not say—he should be sorry to make such a statement—that they had issued it in the hope of blood shed—( Hear, hear)—but in doing so they had acted with a carelessness that showed they had not a sufficient value for.life. —( Hear, hear.) What had prevented the people from coming up in crowds ?—( Hear, hear.) What but the exertions of Mr. O'Connell and his associates ?—( Great cheering.) Not the care of a paternal Government—( Hear, hear)—but by a few irresponsible men, and one of those had become a victim in the cause of peace.---( Hear, hear.) Did not it therefore be come that House to make an inquiry —(Hear)—a strict and searching inquiry, why that which was known to all the world was not known to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and the Council in which he issued the late proclamation ? (Hear, hear.) He was not one of those who approved of meetings that were calculated to excite tumults, or might end in forcible intimidation.—(Hear, hear.) Previous to the commencement of the meeting at Clontarf, the proclama tion he had adverted to had been issued, stating that it was dangerous to the public peace, illegal, and unconstitutional.— ( Hear, hear.) What had been the result of that proclamation ? Far different to what it would have been but for the inter ference of Mr. O'Connell.—(Hear, hear.) But, however, much they might triumph in sending Mr. O'Connell to gaol, let them not forget that Mr. O'Connell had on every occasion persuaded the people to keep the peace, and dissuaded them from violence.—(Cheers. ) At the time that he (Lord John Russell) had held office, he had on several occasions felt anxious as to the course which Mr. O'Connell might adopt. At the time the outbreak took place among the Catholics of Canada, he had watched the course of Mr. O'Connell with the greatest anxiety. Mr. O'Connell had held up the conduct of the insurgents to odium, and had warned all who had any con fidence in him not to be guilty of a breach of the peace. Again, when outbreak was threatened by the Chartists of England, Mr. O'Connell told the Irish people that the object of the Chartists could only be obtained by physical force, and that a resort to physical force could not be justified under any eircumstances.—(Cheers.) Then, again, at the time of the agitation respecting trades unions, Mr. O'Connell had not only exposed his popularity, but his life, to discourage the movement in favour of trades' unions. —(Cheers.) These things were worthy the serious consideration of the Govern ment; and when multitudes were assembled for the purpose of discussing the obvious and admitted grievances under which Ireland laboured, surely it was some safety for a Government to know, that at the head of that movement was a man who had always persuaded the people to peace, and dissuaded them from a resort to physical force.—( Cheers.) It was singular that the Government should have taken no steps to put a stop to those meetings, until the time at which the Clontarf meeting was to have been held, and they had nearly come to an end, but having done so, they might very well have stopped them, and waited till Mr. O'Connell should have taken some other steps too dangerous to pats unnoticed. But they had thought that it would be better to have recourse to a prosecution, and that prosecution was for all these meetings which they them selves had allowed to pass, for all those acts of which they had taken no notice—(Cheers)—for articles in news papers—which might have been prosecuted as seditious libels— ( Loud cheers)—acts which had been suffered to proceed without interruption for nine months together, while ono of the persons prosecuted had only joined the Association at a late period, when it might well have been supposed, from the supine ness of the Government that there was nothing illegal in it, and that any person holding repeal principles might safely join it. —(Cheers.) They did not prosecute them for these separate meetings but for a conspiracy, and he had been reminded by this prosecution most strongly of the prosecution against Horne Tooke and Hardy.—( Cheers.) They had brought together acts extending over a period of nine months in pre cisely the same manner as h a d b een d one in that instance, and which had brought down upon the prosecutors the eloquent denueciatiens of Erskine.—( Loud cheers.) These persons were indicted for conspiracy to obtain some common end by illegal me ans . Th ose means were the meetings which had thieoenn for su nineffered thelbliyonths._ Hear, Government hear-) to go had without rea i d nterrup tion able and temperat e s pee c h of th e Attorney-General for Ireland, the able and equally temperate speech of the Solicitor. General, and the able, but by no means temperate, charge of the Chief Justice—(Cheers and laughter) ; and, for his seen part, he could not but come to the co el ot, sion that the meetings attacked were either legal and inuoceo, or illegal and criminal. If they were legal and innocent, the: could the attending them, or any number of them, constitut..; crime? If they had been illegal and criminal, why had h e :, been - allowed to pass nine months unnoticed 1—( Surely the Government did nut expect that these recettnege would cease of themselves, when no notice had been give../ their illegality ?—( Cheers. ) It had been said that they L ii s 4 been suffered to pass unnoticed, because the Governmen t not at the moment a sufficient force in Ireland to suppress ttleo; It was impossible to believe that such could be the case. IL to impossible to believe that the Government would seek the e at entrap men—(Cheers)—that they would conceal l i e uto opinions for the purpose of sweeping all these pets"' • a their net—( Loud cheers)—that they would seek to obta o ie et conviction for acts which they themselves had pa' , e d . unnoticed.—( Cheers.) The indictment was for .conster,iteido Cheers", and it appeared from the charge of the Chief Justice, that d, present . law of conspiracy was not the an c ient law of the Is By the ancient law of the land, the combination o f peot; edf secret to commit injustice was necessary to be P/H e sis in order to s u b s t an ti a t e th e c h arge o f coespiraey.---( ois es hear.) The a lt era ti on i n th e l aw h a d no t been ive by statute. 'the new l aw o f conspiracy was wha t o ie Bentham would call judge-mad e l aw , and he had read anool from the last edition of Hale' s Pl eas o f th e C rown , which sl far, that the law of conspiracy had o f l a t e b een carr ied e." ll Ler e ther than it ever had been in ancient times, and tha t be . Ellenhorough had stated that it had bee n ca r r ied far en° ll6 oa t ( Hear, hear.) He (Lord John Russell) thought tha t . g IQ caution should be used in the appli ca ti on o f that doetrairediog meetings held for the discussion of publi c s ubjects. Ae e° bo gs o to that doctrine, any person m i g h t b e i nvo l ve d in a L a i' of conspiracy.—( He a r, hear.) T a k e th e A n ti-Corn - of League, for instance. Suppose that, in censequene_eoo scarcity, violent speeche s s h ou ld b e ma d e , and should be guilty of riot ; it m i g ht b e very p ro per t° I to an those person s f or th e i r con d uc t, b u t w h a t wou ld they say i s o f indictment f or cons pi rac y w hi c h s h ou ld i nc l u d e th e Marg n oe s Westminster and Mr. Jones Loyd, because they were le t r. ) hers of the Anti-Corn-Law League ?—( Cheers and laug h in to Or, if a Government of a different opinion should cern e sse ie power, he could not see w hy th e A gr i cu ltural 1 -`4°,.) might not be indicted for con s pi r a c y. —( Ch eers a nd laug b / o rac h The being present at an illegal meeting, as he had said u e was merely a single point to be proved by evidence, aye ° r $ and the jury could come to a clear decision upon it. - 13 ° t ot conspiracy ev rything was involved, everything was itairl o at where the law and the fact w e r e a t suc h a distance ,p 1 each other, and it required the utmost cl earness of h e ad an, u o j understanding to consider the subject. It was obvious tby this law of conspiracy might be used for the oppression °f [led subject, but what was the remedy ? It was that which eve 01 in the case of Hardy and Horne 'fooke. It was a fa ir ete s• impartial trial by jury.—(Ch eers . ) W as th ere su ch a Lion in Ireland ?—(Loud cheers.) He returned to the s e ` at , it ment which he had quoted of Si r Mi c h ae l O'L og hlin, l," o bst had been the practice since th e un i on t o s t r ik e off Ca ,e e and liberal Protestants from the jury. He begged the H e g e o k to consider what had lately taken place in Ireland. In th s e place, it appeared by affidavit that in the general list et : v - te , sons qualified to serve on:special juries th ere w ere sixty ° omitted. se Mr. SHAW (Recorder o f D u bli n )—Th a t has not stated on affidavit. e to Lord J. RUSSELL said it was s t a t e d i n th e challeegot the array. (The Noble Lord here read the challenge.) e el flight Hon. Gentleman opposite contradicted this sla te ' ° el' but he (Lord John Russell) believed that it had be en the mitted by the Attorn e y-G enera l an d th e l aw o fficers e l go e, Crown upon demurrer.—( Hear, hear.) The High t Hit/ Gentleman denied this, but the traversers said there sver e , of names omitted, and Mr. O'C on n e ll sa id th a t thirtY""',: e r those sixty were Roman Catholi cs , b e i ng a muc h greate r portion than was on the array when it was finally s t r uck• ct b at (Lord J. Russell) did not c h arg e an y p erson wi th filne 'beet even supposing that it was d one i nnocen tly, an d with the it intentions, still he thought, un d er th e c i rcu mstan c i e to " r at was the duty of the law officers of the Crown and the Gore r ' t itself, to see that no advantage was t a k en o f th e circule are ote se It was the custom formerly i n I re l an d t o exe mpt eel Catholics from juries and on this occasion ten persa e ' t eef been rejected by the law officers of the Crown, becau' r e so lll' were Roman Catholics. This p rocee di ng was of itself e ig ht cient to deprive those State p rosecu ti ons o f th e moral n aoe se which they would have justly had under other cireue" t o sic' If the object of the Government had been to ensure a e t e eets tion he could understand the mo d e of p rocee di n g—if ' hi 0 0 in the case of a private individual, where a private rig e king contested, he could very well understand this made of r e a jury. The Noble Lord then r ead an ex t rac t fromJO, deuce of Mr. Keasmis, give n b e f ore a C omm ittee o 'l 1 1 House in 1839, when Mr. Kemmis was a" ke to be r he did not think th a t pl ac i ng th e grea ter n oc atg of Protestants on a jury where, i n th e ordinary II n ot of the panel, the Catholics would p re p on d er ate, I p hee packing a jury ? Mr. Kemmi s sa id h e th oug ht not; an ere asked what he thought pa c ki ng a j ur y s i gn ifi e d, he said ir te p ting in a jury to convict or acquit." Ther e were its / Roman Catholics among these forty-eight ; and all t e a tbre verscrs with the exception of Mr. Steele, were Roman v ecsl lies ; yet from this roll was s t u c k o ut a ll th e R o man Ca t , 1 , - 1 _ a circumstance which would i n du ce th e p eo pl e of I re j3 It believe that the jury was appointed to convict.—(H eA t r e . e oti l l was impossible that, under suc h cir c u ms t ances , the peer' a ttic believe that their lead ers h a d b een t r i e d b y a fair and n f th e jury. He co u ld ve r y we ll understand why members that Repeal Association should be excluded from the jur) -° ser re he would himself object ; but two of these ten persoti%too, not, and never had b een , members of the Repeal Ass°o,rre; and had never cont r ib u t e d t o i ts f un d s. H e a‘Bs, fore. bound to believe that these two g entle e 11°' had been objected t o so l e l y b ecause they ever fool man Catholics, and that the other eight, whether they Pr soa tiss repeal principles or not, would have been excluded er sle they were Roman Catholics. He h e ld in his hand anr ee eer davit of one of these gentlemen, declaring that he had !eve been a member of the Repeal Association, and had ° subscribed to its funds. With regard to the proceedi n coilt the trial itself, he did not mean to enter into thern• d respect to the conduct of the Attorney-General, it ha a d ready been !wade a subject of comment in that House , T he he had been excused by the Ministers of the Crown. 40 Attorney-General, in a court of justice, When the Judges " about to enter, surrounded by all the majesty of justiee' e r, the midst of a great anti important trial, so far lost his tei e rflo and outraged decency, as to invite a breach of the peace. c os had been excused on the ground of irritation loY„ s h of the members of her M a j es ty' s G overnmen t ; but e i f 'first allowance was made for the feelings and irritability of te e pee law efficer of the Crown, should there not also be seine A she ' ante made for the exclamations of the Roman Catholie' , ' had been for years subjected to the grossest impuratisetred ( Hear, hear.) Had not their priesthood been &floral,' j 7," demon priesthood ?—had not their religion been slande re Ne o had not the people been called barbarians, and worse &le o the Zealand-srs ?—and yet they were held less excusable l e e / do' Attorney-General, who had transgressed the bound , ; b oo cency. He perceived, by the newspapers of that daY , _, Mt . ; meeting had been held to ce l e b rate t h e liberation led Pai Oastler—( hear)— and a N o bl e L or d w ho preen - i s el all kinds of compliments to Mr. O es tl er , w h o was recog n be lt the organ of the f ee li ngs o f a party, b ut who, PerhAP-irece given expression to th e f ee li ngs o f t h at party with te o ° o hs liveliness—h e cou ld not b ut remember that e xpreo l be c ot , ' fallen from this same M r. O ast l er w hi c h m i g ht well pared with th e s p eec h es w hi c h h a d b een matte by tnololoo victuals who were the subject of the State prosecutions in ti, 01 0 .9 With regard to the traversers who h ave b een conviet e e log ep a they shall have received their sentence your procee" . s e oll e 4 ; be at an end for the p rese nt. B u t wou ld thi s have AO'r, tho se Bating effects ?—(Cheers.) What do y o u expect fr °l tr iore o i proceedings ?—( Hear, hear.) M r . O'C onn ell, as a ee t ss, pliant speaker—as a man who h a d f orce d th e Govern o l er jeie4 Parliament of England into the concession of the E "'obiert if Lion Act—as a triumpha n t s p ea k er , was , no d ou bt, at; o uch o f admiration to the people of Ir e l an d, b u t h e doubted re ssli er Mr. O'Connell, convi c t e d by a j ur y, purpose ly and e l ,P o grit Protestants—(Loud cheers)—convicted and sent and suffering for the people of Ireland, for whom h e e s P e e such results—suffering, perhaps, in health, le e r advanced age, in a prison, would not h a ve 3 Ir e greater hold upon the affections of the people eieattirs laud—he very much doubted if the sutTeringtbee e A O whom you imprisoned would not have more symP 3til e,et t , b , triumphant leader whom you disliked.—( Cheers. ' re staie er e consider what they could do with regard to the fut n h ' ee fli t Ireland—whether there were not measures—leh et us , was not a course, by which they might rea the people of Ireland to this eoun tr Y: e re evils of the present state of things must be felt iseer oot ce e o f If they considered the finances, what expense must i l oot joa re s to govern Ireland by military force and the er e arid fortresses If they considered the state of their f e ouri tri e d lations, and if any differences exited between this °0 fit o g, any foreign State, what advantage would not his Pl c feeb t ea have with both countries united, arid supported by cry les and affections of the United Kingdom—(Cheers)decia req, Minister of Foreign Affairs, who represented a div l . . 0 0 . '1 one portion of whom was governed only by force u,e e ererjo (Cheers ) On every account they ought to s ettle Le o , ii bee te , state of affairs. Let them take care care, if theY, ell the p r e' maintain the union, that the people of Ireland had all r t nests of that union, all those advantages which the% / A' o u mised, and which had been sanctioned by the i te : s siee . "l ( 1829. Let them have no partial administration of I w o.) Cr partial, no sectarian administratiOn of justice.—( C e ettil d e h $ the House went into Committee, his first r esolution cro e se eet e spect this subject. He would next endeavour to f % le to "' tr y, franchise for the people of Ireland as might be agre e - e oll e ot and conformable with the law prevailing ie at,c e e' If they could not have a 40s. franchise, they slip.. O, sof have one equal to the fran c hi se i n thi s country, e etre t .l r el nell complained that the whole of the agricultur ai t o f l o e. Ireland had not more electors th an th e single cot:) of pee that while Wales h a d 36,000 electors, the cou n kn• see which was nearly equal in population, had only 2, iie j if ite were obvious ineq ua liti es , w hi c h mus t be reenetook aml I r . wished to pr ocee d i n concer t, an d acte d i n g ood notbise to the engagement s o f M r . Pi tt i n 1799. It fra ° ' the, O'Connell alone wh o s p o k e o f t h e inequalities Of e'utteoinor" in the two cou n t r i es ; b ut the Right Hoe- Member for Wat er f or d, an d the Duke of Leiesle r s ' „gre e or e, Charlemont, who were no levellers, no agitators' the re " de' representing it as a great evil. They oug . n then in „l7. to set about a cure. They ought to a cl • claration of the Right Honourable Gentlema h,y Jf be of There were two courses they might pursue. tr oy r a t tamed the law as it formerly stood, they had pity. 11° cerity of scruples, justice to all parties, and Sec u , , heare o , he they passed the Act they lost the whole.—( Hea'resoeitiot,ject should, therefore, assert that principle in an) , : i , to st, s e j a ck should propose to the House. He came n ° t o of ` r jee tl) , which nearly touched and related to the peo n fe .t o fec upon which they atte opted to legislate, but ° ers oe•,, ea r.), either for the people of Ireland, or for any, par, t et, alluded to the Ecclesiastical Establishment .• 4 otet' e a nd Wherever that was advocated it was invarte e e Yd e feee.: 0 ,5 our Establishment raised jealousies, produced _ . , l ' noip te 'of dell stated, evila. With rard to the voluntary P7 o ,.,ers e e° stated, that the evil of it would he that the : we , ligion wonld be dependent upon their flocks t o o,T tica i e gti .otte I that, being so, they would join in every act ofcltoue lis t !„„ire i —( Hear, hear.) With regard to the last obi(' c i,_u siast ica b l s) ci it was evident ) every where. But the le v in er l t r e e d l . and Ti c ie om pe b o in pl e e ci fe b l o t th th t a h t e th o e l y ij:e .e t r i e nn e s xc t i oe u e d i ci a ' L c i h i i t h e l e a e r s , r. : ,h e g e a r l r ir . :! : —that there was a class paramount over them; e e tor ekeY tie l t e But then he would come to the evils of he F .. u t ? ir l e j a ea ciple. What was the fact with respect to tn_ a onle the clergy of six millions arid a half of the e n,e o _l o , t ode were supported by it. But it was said that ty t ee . to whom the greatest praise was due, were cOrcey, and political discussion more than any other se t ot . go tut"v ins Quarterly Review he had seen it stated th at, % the % r e, ) or other, it was necessary to remove the clergy Iru_, thee' var. and the platform. Would it not be better l ,h ea r, o f th e unite both systems in one great pririciple7, t k ain ieg to the Then with respect to the union. if the lea'a a nt i a table es . oh' terms of_ the union was rot in accoedance or I r sce el'e er ,) rs • e woe some people of Ireland, for his own part he could n° par, n e the jection to the alteration of the Act of -.no- • ~,ja re ; s ee t He confessed that he did not think they e e ' oialo e e c tet re' grievances of the people in Ireland, but uy t . or o ne ow e . alteration in the Established Church. He The e l ec t "' e ffectiv e ' be en t ea think that the voluntary system would be ea ,. e t he should prefer would be one that woule c e ea eretans e rt°, putting the Established Church of Engl , a u n r l di a i n io t ilt ( Roman Catholic and the Presbyterian Cit however, chit' but j of Ireland, upon an equality. Ile did no n _, 3 tin that could be done at the present ,rl- 0 fair e' the HOll5O would only proceed in a fPir" DOWNING-STREET, FEN. 9, 1814. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Major Henry Cres wicke Rawlinson, of the Ist Bombay Grenadiers, in the service of the East India Company, to be a Companion of the Most Honourable Military Order of the Bath. ST. JAMES'S-PALACE, JAN. 31. The Queen has been pleased, on the nomination of Lord Forester, to appoint Henry Sibley Hodgson, Esq., as one of her Majesty's Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms, Tice Blewitt, who retires. WHITEHALL, FEB. 13, 1844. The Queen has been pleased to present the Reverend Regi nald Hobhouse, Master of Arts, to the rectory of St. Ives, in the county of Cornwall, and diocese of Exeter, the same being void by the death of the Reverend John Jope. The Queen has been pleased to present the Reverend John Lamont to the church of Croich, in the parish of Kincardine, in the pre , bytery of Tain, and shire of Ross, vacant in conse quence of the Reverend Gustavus Aird, late minister thereof, having ceased to be a minister of the Church of Scotland. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Glamorganshire. Royal Glamorgan Light Infantry Battalion of Militia—J. N. Lucas, Esq. to be Major, Feb. 5 CROWN-OFFICE, FEB. 13. MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT. DEVIZES—WiIIiam Heald Ludlow Bruges, of Seend, in the County of Wilts, Esq., in the room of Thomas Henry Sutton Sotheron, Esq., who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. WILTSHIRE NORTHERN DIVISION Thomas i lenry Sutton Sotheron, of Bowden-park, in the said County of Wilts, Esq., in the room of Sir Francis Burdett, Bart., deceased. WHITEHALL, FEB. 2. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Robert Azlack White, of Grantham, in the county of Lincoln, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. WHITEHALL, FEE. 5. _ _ _ The Lord Chancellor has appointed Thomas Sismey, of the town of Huntingdon, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. The following places have been duly authorized for solemniz ing marriages therein, pursuant to the Act of the tith and 7th William 1%., cap. 85:— Independent Chapel, East Retford, Nottinghamshire. St. Wilfrial's Church, Hulme, Lancashire. Roman Catholic Chapel, Richmond, Surrey. Ducie Chapel, Cheetham, Lancashire. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. JOSEPH RHODES, woolstapler, Leeds. BANKRUPTS. JOHN FAULKNER, builder, Danvers-street, Chelsea, to surrender Feb. 22, at half-past eleven, and March 22, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assig nee, 13asingliall-street ; Ward, Lincoln's lon-fields. JOHN MILNER, engine manufacturer, Brook-street, New road, Feb. 22, at half-past one, and March 29, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Follett, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Rivington, Fenchurch-buildings. THOMAS AMOS. builder, Kingsland-road, Middlesex, Feb. 27, and March 26, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, official assignee, Abchurch-lane ; J. and W. Sheffield, Leadenhall-strcet. EDWARD MANSFIELD MARKS, upholsterer, Mor timer-street, Cavendish-square, Feb. 24, and March 26, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official as signee, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry ; Ivimev, Chancery-lane. GEORGE FIELD, packer, Bond-court, Walbrook, Feb. 21, at two, and March 27, at eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Lackington, official assignee, Coleman-street ; Cot trill, Throgmorton-street. ROBERT TURNER, fancy cloth manufacturer, Al mondbury, Yorkshire, Feb. 26. and March 27, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Young, official assignee, Leeds ; Robinson, Huddersfield ; Bond, Leeds ; Clark and Co., Lin coln's Inn-fields, London. THOMAS II 1G GI N SON, pawnbroker, Liverpool, Feb. 2:3, at twelve, and March 20, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Cazenove, official assignee, Liverpool ; Thompson, Liverpool ; Norris, Allen, and Simpson, Bartlett's-buildings, Holborn, London. JOHN HOOSSE BARRY, merchant, Liverpool, Feb. 27, and March 27, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Turner, official assignee, Liverpool ; Sharp and Jackson, Bed ford-row, London ; Miller and Peel, Liverpool. THOMAS LAY, grocer, Dudley, Worcestershire, Feb. 21, at twelve, and March 25, at eleven, at the Birmingham Dis trict Court. Bittleston, official assignee, Birmingham ; Collis, Stourbridge; Smith, Birmingham. RICHARD LANG, tallow chandler, Mill-bridge, York shire, Feb. 24, and March 26, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Hope, official assignee, Leeds ; Jaques and Edwards, Ely-place, London ; Watts. Dewsbury. NOTICES OF INSOLVENCY. E. Pither, cattle-dealer, Webb's-lane, Hammersmith. J. Simmons, wheelwright, Ilardingstone, Northamptonshire S. Tarry, shoemaker, Maseby, Northamptonshire. J. Wheeler, soap-boiler, Bugbrook, Northamptonshire. W. Copson, hatter, Grantham, Lincolnshire. M. Westphal, commission agent, Woodstock-st., Hanover-sq. 11. Carman, draper, Holywell, Flintshire. W. Thomas, stone merchant, Cardiff. 1. Tummond, tea dealer, York. J. Lilley, grocer, Birmingham. C. I ligginson, schoolmaster, Filkins, Oxfordshire, W. Dawson, saddler, Chesterfield. R. Pool, clothes dealer, Manchester. W. Brown, biker, Waterloo-road, Surrey. T. Rolfe, jun., journeyman wine-cooper, Great St. Helen's, Bishopsgate street. R. Williams, shoe manufacturer, New Brentford. J. Ilargreaves, shoemaker, Blackburn, Lancashire. 11. Rogers, parish clerk, Melverley, Shropshire. I. Pritchard, tailor, South-row, New-road, St. Pancras. W. Hinchliff, haberdasher. Chelsea. 3. 'r. Morgan, butcher, Fackenham, Worcester. G. Taylor, butcher, I'oynton, Cheshire. J. Woodhouse, Chorlton-upon-Medlock, Lancashire. J. Willey, butcher, Manchester. D. Bates, card maker, Huddersfield, Yorkshire. C. A. Petterson, book-keeper, Leeds. T. Owen, retail beer sell, r, Liverpool. W. South, jun., brick maker, lleedness, Yorkshire. J. Jackson, grocer, Skipton, Yorkshire. J. Croft, patten maker, Leeds. J. Davies, miller, Dyserth, Flintshire. W. Cooper, corn dealer, Ryde, Isle of Wight. T. Bland, market gardener, Christchurch, Monmouthshire. D. White, Gloucester-place, Walworth. C. Nurse, plane maker, Maidstone, Kent. J. Laws, ginger beer maker, Wells-street, Cripplegate. R. Mayes, grazier, Ravensden, Bedfordshire. ; C. S. - Sharman, tea dealer, Bedford. J. Peachey, pawnbroker, Wcllingtonsstreet, St. Luke's. - W. Pearce, hosier, Nottingham. .r. Campbell, Boston, Lincolnshire. J Hambson, warehouseman, Hulme, Lancashire. J. Marsland, weaver, Bradford, Yorkshire. B. Wood, waterman, Mirfield, Yorkshire. J. Mantle, perfumer, Bedford. R. Bremridge, boot maker, Hampton. J. Bond, tailor, Ardwick, Lancashire. C. T. Oliver, clerk, White llart-court, Bishopsgate-street. H. C. Carpenter, olerk, Coborn-street, Mile-end. B. Smith, builder, Northampton. F. W. Winsor, warehouseman, Trafalgar-place, Walworth. W. Hemming, coachman, Birmingham. R. Bassam, blacksmith, Hingham, Norfolk. J. Hands, stationer, Birmingham. T. S. Atkins, tax surveyor, Leicester. D. Armfield, provision dealer, Prestbury, Cheshire. J. Fryer, grocer, Chorley, Lancashire. W. Proekter, card maker, Rochdale, Lancashire. C. Knowles, schoolmaster, Gawsworth, Cheshire. T. Leach, labourer, Tongend, Lancashire. R. Forrester, town carter, Chatham. G. Penny, grocer, Totnes, Devonshire. H. Cope, coal hider, Old Radford, Nottinghamshire. W. P. Stokes, compositor, Haberdashers' -street, Hoxton. J. Bills, lodging-house keeper, West-ham, Essex. W. Kington, Newington. E C. Pulliblank. comedian, Edwardes-square, Kensington. J. W. Turnbull, glove manufacturer, Exeter. SECOND NOTICES. J. Routh, Camberwell-grove, Feb. 19, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Graham, official assignee. R. Routh, Camberwell-grove, Feb. 19, at half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Turquand , official assignee. E. A. Evans, tobacconist, Great Surrey-street, Blackfriars road, Feb. 19, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Graham, official assignee. T. B. Day, Hanover-square, Clapharn•road, March 6, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Lackington, of ficial assignee. J. Mullins, schoolmaster, Lewes, Sussex, Feb. 24, at half past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, official assignee. R. Levick, clerk, High Holborn, Feb. 17, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee. J. Smallshaw, gunner, R. N., Landport, Hampshire, March 5, at eleven, at the Court of „Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee. J. Cox. miller, Ipswich, Feb. 17, at one, Court of Bank ruptcy. Edwards, official assignee. W. Pullin, plasterer, 'ruck-street, Shoreditch, Feb. 27, at half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee. R. G. Cattell, jeweller, Buxton -street, Clerkenwell, Feb. 24, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, official assignee. J. Mort. jun., grocer, Little Bolton, Lancashire, Feb. 20, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Stanway, official assignee. W. Forster, whitesmith, Warrington, Lancashire, Feb. 19, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Stanway, oflioial assignee. G. Berkeley, farmer, Eastington Longdon, Worcestershire, Feb. 21, at one, at the Birmingham District Court. Valpy, official assignee. 1. Robson, farmer, Thornton, Yorkshire, Feb. 17, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Fearne, official assignee. G. Buckley, woollen-cloth spinner, Almondbury, Yorkshire, Feb. 19, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Young, of ficial assignee. G. Foulds, stone mason, Bingley, Yorkshire, Feb. 19, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Young, official assignee. T. Pycock, farmer, Atterby, Lincolnshire, Feb. 17, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Frame, official assignee. T. Joy, beer s e ll er , Li verse d ge, York:hire, Feb. 17, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Hope, official assignee. W. Peat, jun, Yeadon, Yorkshire, Feb. 17, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Hope, official assignee. B.S. Taylor, veterinary surgeon, York, Feb. 17, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Fearne, official assignee. J. Hallam, jun., piece maker, Skipton, Yorkshire, Feb. 17, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Hope, official assignee. T. Corlass, licensed victualler, Keighley, Yorkshire, Feb. 17, at eleven. at the Leeds District Court. Fearne , officialassignee. B. Woffenden, woollen yarn maker, Dewsbury, Yorkshire, Feb. 17, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Fearne, of ficial assignee. M. S. Lotinga, surgeon, Bishopwearmouth, Durham, Feb. 26, at twelve, at the Newcastle-upon-Tyne District Court. Baker, official assignee. C. Armitage, engraver, Sheffield, Feb. 17, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Hope, official assignee. J. Walker, table knife manufacturer, Sheffield, Feb. 17, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Fearne, official assignee. S. Walker and J. Walker, jun., cloth weave's, Greetland, Yorkshire, Feb. 19, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Freeman, official assignee. [Dividends, &c., To-morrow.] S • - ALMON FIS HING AT DT i h n e in fi li s je hr taken of salmon connnen , :ed on Thursday last.c The.akenatthe Doon-foot greatly ex cee d e d t h at of former many seasons past. Thirty-three clean years, i at least i for averaging between seven and nine pounds each. vest-1:4:1,V, six or seven have been caught daily. The result is satisfa:• l - ' tory, as showing the beneficial effect of the protection af tim led to the ricer.—Ayr Observer. TRAIT OF A DUELLIST.—Lord Camelford com manded the Favourite sloop of war, and Commodore Fahie :he ;,hip Ptrdrix, 11Ir. Peteron holding the rank of Firm Lieutenant on board: the last-named vessel, Cormhodore Fahie had left Antigua a short time before, to take tempo rary command of the fleet, then anchored before St.. Kitt's ; and during his absence Lieutenant Peterson was of course left in command of the Perdrix. * * * * Lord Camel ford and Lieutenant Peterson were unhappily at variance ; and perhaps to mortify his rival, Lord Camelford ordered Mr. Peterson to take the watch on the very evening that a gay ball was to be given at Black Point to the naval officers Unfortunately, Lieutenant Peterson entertained the idea that as he was in command of the ship Perdrix, in the absence of Commodore Fahie, he was superior officer to Lord Camelford, who only commanded a sloop ; and in consequence of this false impression, he positively refused to - obey his Lordship's orders. The disastrous evening ap proached, and the Lieutenant retired to his quarters above the capstan-house, in order to dress for the festive party. Arming himself with a pair of loaded pistols, and telling his boat's crew to attend him, Lord Camelford quitted his retire ment, and stationed himself directly between the capstan house and the guard-house (now called the Commissioner's house), and there waited the approach of Mr. P e t erson , w h om he had already summoned to attend him. Upon the unfor tunate young officer making his appearance, accompanied by some of his friends, his Lordship again commanded him to take charge of the watch for the eve ning: the command was again refused ; when taking one of the pistols front his bosom, Lord Camelford immediately tired, and the ball passing through the breast of the brave but inconsiderate Lieutenant, he fell a corpse upon the ground, the deadly stream welling from the wound, and stain ing, as it flowed, the gay ball-dress which he wore. No sooner did the well-aimed weapon do its work, than drawing the other from its resting-place, his Lordship turned to the Second Lieutenant of the Perdrix, and pointing it at him, asked if he would obey his orders, or meet the same punish ment as Mr. Peterson? Life is sweet ! the second in com mand saw his friend stretched at his feetwith the red blood gurgling around him, and, fearing the same fate, he obeyed Lord Camelford, and took the watch.—Antigua and the Antiguans. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Fes. 13. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'C!ock. The Report of the Poor-law Commi,sioners was presented, and ordered to be laid upon the table. Mr. W. WILLIAMS presented a petition from certain county-rate payers, residing on the line of road between Fish. guard and Haverfordwest, complaining of the misapplication of trust funds, and praying for inquiry. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from the Society of Friends, expressing their disapprobation of the practice of voting the thanks of the House to the Army for military ser vices, and beseeching the House to withhold its sanction from all acts of ',Tine and bloodshed. Mr. FEItR AND presented a petition from the frame-work knitters of Nottingham, Derby, and Leicester, praying the House to appoint a Select Committee to inquire into their grievances. Mr. HUM E presented a petition from a place in Scotland, praying that the grievances of the people might be investigated and inquired into before voting the supplies. NORTH BRITISH RAILWAY. Mr. FOSTER presented a petition, praying for leave to bring in a Bill for a Railway between Edinburgh and Berwick. . COURTS OF LAW IN SCOTLAND. Mr. WALLACE postponed until the 27th inst. his motion fixrd for this evening on the Judicial Establishments of Scot land. DON CARLOS. Lord JOHN MANNERS gave notice that on the 29th inst. he should move a humble address to the Crown, praying her Majesty to U3C her influence to effect the liberation of Don Carlos from captivity. CORN AND COLONIES. Mr. BUTT gave notice that on this day fortnight he should move a resolution, that it is expedient that the laws affecting corn in India, Australasia, and other colonies, should be assimi lated to those now in force in England. SIN DE. Sir E. COLEBROOKE gave notice that on the 27th inst. he should bring forward a motion, to the effect that the demands made by the Governor-General of India upon the Ameers of Sinde were inconsistent with the honour and true policy of this country. BUSINESS HOURS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. W. WILLIAMS gave notice that his dropped motion, notice of which stood on .the paper for yesterday, that no new business likely to lead to discussion be brought on in the House aft r twelve o'clock at night, he proposed to bring on on the 27th instant. Colonel RAWDON postponed the motion of which he had given notice till the 27th instant. PA RENT AND CHILD—THE POOR-LAW. Mr. FEHR AND gave notice that he should, on a future day, move for a copy of the Minutes of the Poor-law Commis sioners, which had received the sanction of the Secretary of State for the Home Department, as to the separation of mother and child in the Poor-law Unions. THE BANK. Mr. W. WILLIAMS moved fur several unopposed returns as to sovereigns, half-sovereigns, and the amount of deposits and securities in the Bank of England at certain stated periods. WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES. Mr. ALDAM moved for an account of the quantities and declared value of British woollen manufactures exported from the United Kingdom in the year 1843; specifying the coun- tries to which they were sent. SMUGGLING. Mr. HUME moved for a return of the number of persons convicted on charges of smuggling.—Ordered. ORANGE SOCIETIES (CANADA). Mr. LEADER said that he had a question to put to the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies. One of the pro.- vinces of Canada being Catholic, and the Catholic religion being established in that province by statute, and cases of vio lence committed by Orange societies having occurred, a Bill was passed during the last session of the provincial Parliament fur suppressing those Orange Societies, which Act was, he be• lieved, little more than a transcript of one passed by the Impe rial Legislature. Sir Charles Metcalfe, the Governor, had re served his consent to that Act, and he (Mr. Leader) wished to ask whether that reservation was approved of by the Govern ment, and whether the consent of the Government was to be refused to that Act ? Lord STANLEY said he had ascertained by inquiries that, on the 9th of December last, Sir Charles Metcalfe did reserve his consent to an Act for the suppression of those associations in Canada. That Bill had not been transmitted to the Govern ment by Sir Charles Metcalfe, and not having any information as to its contents, he could not answer the question of the Hon. Gentleman. Mr. LEADER said this was some time age, and asked when the Bill would at rive ? Cord STANLEY said there had been one mail since the 9th of December, by which Sir Charles Metcalfe might have trans mitted the Act ; but, in the circumstances in which he was placed, it was not unreasonable to suppose that his time was so occupied as to render it difficult, if not impossible, for him to have transmitted it. No doubt in a short time he should re ceive it, but he did not think the omission of one mail formed any great subject of complaint against the Governor. CHARITABLE TRUSTS. Mr. C. BERKELEY begged to ask the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary of State whether it was the intention of Government to introduce any Bill this session with regard to charitable trusts, and if so, whether any provision in it would relate to ancient charitable bequests. Sir J. GRAHAM said it was the intention of the Govern. ment to introduce a Bill on the subject of charitable bequests. That Bill would be introduced in the other House of Parliament. COURT OF SESSION (SCOTLAND). Mr. WALLACE wished to ask the Lord Advocate, in virtue of the provisions of the Act 2 and 3 Vic. c. 36, passed in July, 1839, for the purpose of raising the salaries of the Judges in the Court of Session, and regulating the arrangements of judicial business in that Court, whether, since the 29th day of July, 1839, when the sala r i es o f a ll t h e Judges were raised and made payable forthwith, the sittings of the Court of Ses sion have been extended, for the purpose of " diminishing the arrears of business," which the said Judges were empowered to do. 2dly. Whether any regulations have been passed by Act or Acts of Sederunt, " for carrying into effect the purposes of the above Act," " by diminishing the arrears of business," or otherwise, as the Judges of the Court of Session were em powered to do under the Act. 3dly. Whether, to his know edge, any Act or Acts of Sederunt have been pa sed for the above purposes, which may be expected to be laid upon the table of this House this session, in terms of the Act. The LORD ADVOCATE, who spoke in so low a tune of voice as to be scarcely audible, was understood to say, that varioua powers had been given to the Court, having the ob ject in view which had been stated by the Hon. Member. With respect to the latter part of the question, he could not say that such Acts had been passed (as we understood). MEDICAL CHARI'T'IES IN IRELAND. Colonel CONOLLY wished to ask the Government, if it was their intention to introduce any Bill relative to Medical Charities in Ireland this session. Lord ELIOT (as we understood), said it was the intention of the Government to do so. STATE OF IRELAND. Mr. HUME said, before the Noble Lord (J. Russell) proceeded with his motion, he would remind him of what passed in the last session of Pa r li amen t w i t h reference to ad journed debates. He would throw out the suggestion that if a debate were adjourned, it should be adjourned to a particular hour, in order to allow time for disposing of the regular business of the day before the discussion commenced. In the last session great inconvenience arose from the accumulation of business, and he would suggest whether it would not be possible to avoid that evil in future, by adopting the course which he proposed. Mr. ROSS said he held in his hand a petition relating to the subject about to be brought before the House by the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London. It was signed by 180 inhabi tants of the town of Belfast and its neighbourhood, some of whom were Presbyterians, whilst the rest belonged to the Church of England. It contained the names of the Deputy-Lieutenant for the county ; of merehants, manufacturers, shipowners, and re spectable tradesmen living in Belfast, of a few members of the legal profession, and of one private gentleman. It set forth that the petitioners were deeply interested in the welfare of Ireland, and viewed its present condition with the utmost alarm ; observing that the nation was tilled with discontent, and that the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers was such as to lead to apprehensions of civil war. The pe titioners considered that the discontent prevailing in Ireland was deep-seated and wide-spread, and that, until its causes were removed, peace could not be secured on lasting foundations. They then went on to complain of inefficient representation; stating that while England, with a population of about 15,000,000, had 471 representatives, Ireland, with a population of 8,000,000 had only 105. In England they said the Church of the many was the Established Church of the land, but in Ireland the very reverse was the fact. In Eng land persons professing the religion of the many were seated on the Bench, and in nearly all important situations; but in Ireland scarcely any Catholics were to be seen in emi nent situations. All these were causes of great discontent. There were other matters of great importance affecting the welfare of Ireland, to which the petitioners earnestly entreated the attention of the Legislature, especially local taxation. The petitioners prayed that the House would take the state of Ireland into its serious consideration, and adopt such measures as were calculated to avert the dangers now impending in that country. Mr. HORSMAN wished to put a question to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. A return of the number of troops stationed in Ireland during the year 1842 had been ordered by the House ; but he observed that return, which was only placed in the hands of Hon. Members this morning, was made out in a peculiar manner, by which it appeared that the number of troops withdrawn from Ireland during the last two years amounted to considerably more than those sent to Ireland. He thought as far as he was informed that must be incorrect. Therefore he wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman, in the first place, whether he could explain how far that was the case or not—viz., that the troops withdrawn from Ireland, rank and file, were more numerous than those sent there during the last two years, as from the return it ap. peared that since the year 1841 eight regiments were sent to Ireland, and five regiments of cavalry, and four battalions of infantry, were withdrawn. fle asked the Right Hon. Bart. for inform a ti on , b ecause h e was una bl e to un d erstand the return t ißn e irczel inclusive." st en ,o, n Ireland.ln Gentlemant iieduringx thenext p years oll,efe the objected wished o which was headed " A return of the number of troops guar , t a ot n h d aes dktot whether n urn t s o d l o B t : h O ne , 3 -give3 to 1843? jail