The Sun. — London, England, 1836-07-26 00:00:00

appeal to the people of England, to the Catholics themselves, though not with equal confidence, on this point; he would ask them whether they had not received consolation and relief in the hour of sickness and distress from ministers of the Esta blished Church, and whether in such times any distinction had been made between the members of their community and the professors of a different faith ? Whether the Protestant clergy men had few or many parishioners in particular places, he held that they were equally entitled to that decent stipend which became their character and station.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the appropriation of any surplus, supposing one to exist, which he greatly doubted, he did not question the right of Parliament to interfere in that respect ; but he con tended that its interference would have the effect. of diminish ing the security of p ro p er t y , an d prevent i ng t h e i nves t men t of capital ; and although its power would not be disputed, its injustice would awaken feelings of indignation and astonish ment. To the principle of providing education for the people —always supposing that education to be connected with the Established religion—he had no objection. He had no objec tion to an annual grant for this purpose, but then it must be applied to purposes strictly in unison with the doctrines of the Established Church, of that Established Church which, he should never cease to maintain, was the Church of the majority of the people of these realms ; of that Established Church which found its strongest basis in the general conviction of the truth of its doctrines. This Established Church the Catholics had themselves confessed it was their object to sub vert. The Irish people had been relieved from the pressure of tithe. If he might believe the examination of Mr. O'Con nell, the pressure of which they complained was wholly unconnected with religion. They were told by that evidence that they complained of that pressure, whether they paid tithe to a clerical or a lay impropriator ; that, indeed, they consi dered the latter the more objectionable cf the two, as no service was performed in return. Considerable feeling existed in fa vour of a re-distribution of benefices, and a very exaggerated notion had been keeled of the wealth of the Establishment. No one would be more glad than he if their Lordships could succeed in persuading the other House of Parliament to ac cept those portions of the Bill to which no objection existed. There could be no doubt that the settlement of the tithe ques tion would be most satisfactory to the people of Ireland ; that it would be a complete satisfaction was, he feared, more than could be expected of any measure. He would pay no atten tion to the threats of civil vengeance which had been held out. IL. would pay no attention to the threats that if they refused -to pass the B i ll now, it would come back to them in a more aggravated shape. He would not believe that his Majesty's Ministers would make such an attempt. Lord HA THERTON said that if he could for one mo ment consider the Bill injurious to the Established Church in Ireland, educated as he had been in its precepts, and reared as he had been in its principles, he should be the last to sup port it. But he had been the advocate of the measure because Inn had long since arrived at the conviction that, surrounded as the Church in Ireland was by a hostile population, who were constantly dragging its abuses into light, there was no hope of its salvation but in an unsparing and unflinching removal of its abuses : and in giving that hostile population some interest in such a surplus of its revenues as should be proved to exist. It was very important, in the consideration of that question, to remember that the Church of England and the Church of Ireland were placed in very dissimilar situations.—(Hear.) Did any man believe that if the Irish people, with their present independent elective body, had an independent Parliament sittiag in Ireland, the existing Church Esta blishment could be maintained for a single session ? Did any man doubt that the people, with one loud and unanimous veice, would have demanded its reform, that the Commons verealci have refused it, and that the Pe: r=, from every consi deration of policy, would have ccnce.ded it? Ho (lid not ques tion the expediency of maintaining a Church Establishment in Ireland. He knee , that it bad long existed in that country, and that it had been maintained there, not by the feelings of the Iris}: people, but suecessfolly, to a certain extent, by the eoetinued prevalence of British pea er ; vast interests had alirileg up, which required protection ; he did not advocate the spolietion of those interests, but he unequivocally declared that there never was a plainer course of policy for the British Legislature to pursue than that which was open to them on this question. It was no doubt the object of his Ma jesty's Government, on the one hand, to show that a sur plus could be created, and of the Noble and Learned Lord, on the other, to show that no surplus could ever arise. After recapitulating the statement of figures made by Lord Merpeth in the lieuse of Commons, to prove that a surplus of 75,475/. did exist, and that the sum realized under the Church Tem poralities Bill rasher exceeded Mr. Finlayson's thm, in consequence of tine rapidity with which the lives ha I fallen in, the ' Noble Lord proceeded to say that by the proposed arrangement the clergy of Ireland would be placed in a better situation than tine clergy of the Esta blished Church in England. The average net income to be secured to the farmer was 282/. a-year, while that of the latter law( only thls/ , they being subject to many losses in the col lection, and having moreover to sustain the expense of employ ing curates. Their Lordships had brought before them a mea sure—lie bad stated it before, and he now repeated it—giving to the clergy an income of 80 per cent.. on the gross amount of their composition—a measure totally and entirely unconnected .iii) the question of appropriation, a n d th a t measure t h ey h a d decidedly and deliberately rejected.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The aporopriation clause was now the only price at which .it was practicable to adjust this question ; and if they wished to discharge the lanemwners and the tithe-payers of the bur dens which they now had to bear, that price must be paid. If thin principle were not now accepted, he very much appre hended that the question of suppression would speedily take place of the question cf appropriation. The present exclusive appropriation of the Church revenue of Ireland was the real source of all the frays and disputes, almost amounting to civil war, which at present destroyed the peace and obstructed the execution of the law in Ireland. The Church at the present moncent depended for its existence upon the four Barons of the Exchequer, and their deunhen Commissioners of rebellion. In the discussion of this question their Lordships should bear in mind this important fact, that the reformation had never taken effect in Ireland. For three hundred years, by a series of the most arbitrary and sanguinary enactments, by the disinherit ance of the brother in favour of a brother, of the father for the son, this country had endeavoured to support the quasi autho rity of that reformation in Ireland ; but all in vain. The Ca tholics of Ireland bad, by persevering efforts recovered all their civil rights, and now their Lordships were still in blind :ness, debating the question, riot whether the property of the Church should be divided between the two fa:larches according to the proportions of the population, not whether some portion, however small, should be given to the Catholic clergy, but whether, however great the tempora lities of the Established Church might be, however abundant its superfluities might be, not one farthing of its vast reve nues should be applied to the enlightenment or education of the Roman Catholic population of Ireland, forming, as they did, ten-elevenths of the constituency. There were esti./ churches in Ireland to which there were not more than ton parishioners attached ; and he would ask whether several of their Lordships had not been witness to a scene which he had he-held some years ago when he was in Ireland, of some hundreds' of poor Roman Cath o li c peasants crowding round the porch of the humble edifi ce w hi c h served them for a place of weTs.liip, forming a group of wretchedness, of filth, and rags, w hilet the walls of th e ne i g hb ouring Established Church echoed tilie footsteps of the single parishioner who be longed to it, or more frequently stood an untenanted and use less sinecure. In the diocese of Kilfinara, for instance, the Protestants bore the proportion of only two-thirds of a man per cent. to the population, and hence, if equal justice were pretended to be administered in Ireland, the clergyman would hardly have salt to cat with his meals. There were three 'dioceses in which the Protestants were only as one-fiftieth aof the population. These were a few of the glaring and u.adeniable facts of the case. If it could be answered to the se facts that there was a hope that at any distant period those facts might be altered and those proportions reversed, then, indeed, there might be some pretence in favour of the exclusive system which it was now endeavoured to maintain. —(Hear, hear.) Let their Lordships look back to the his ory of some years, and see from analogy whether there was any chance of such a .change ever taking place. He held in ids hand an extract from an article published, he honeyed, by Mr. Lister, in the Edinburgh Review for July, in which it appeared, on the authority of Sir Wm. Petty, that in the reign of Charles 11. the members of the Established Church were in .the proportion of 3 to 8 of the Roman Catholics, in 1733 they wore stated by one authority to be as 3 to 74, and by another authority as 3to 8; whilst another authority, Dr. Bourke, the Bishop Jif Ossory i n 1731, stated them to be as 3to 51. At present the number •of Protestants to Roman Catholics was on l y as 3 to 1.2 i; and he would ask in the face of this fact what reasonable hope was there that the Established Church could ever sta•nd upon a better footing with regard to the Roman Catholics than it did at present ? He did not mean to pronounce such an event impossible, but as long as the present system was persisted in, he looked upon it as out of the question. Liberality, and liberality alone, might in time effect what force and tyranny had vainly endeavoured to achieve. In Ireland alone it was thought prudent and fit to discourage and endeavour to repress the religion of the majority of the population ; and the consequence was that .they found a powerful Esta bl i shment, an d one not destitute of wealth, erecting itself in uncompromisin g opp os iti on to the Protestant Church, and the priests bringin g up their Roman Catholic flocks in a feeling of deadly hatred to Eng land, to her Church, and to her institutions. The tnoral edu cation of the Roman Catholics of Ireland could now no longer be neglected with safety to the State or to the Established Church. He had no doubt that this system must eventually 'prove successful, and therefore it was that he rejoiced to see that the House of Commons had a second time passed a mea sure calculated, as he believed, to put the Church of Ireland upon a more efficient as well as a more equitable footing, with better distribution of its funds. The Bishop of E PETER rose in consequence of what had f a ,:len from the Noble Baron who had just sat down, who had put forward observations in the course of his speech which Nobt'a Lords on that side of the House had hitherto ab stained from expressing. The Noble Baron had told the 1-louse that the Church Establishment of Ireland had be come thoroughly useless ; and that there was 120 hope, as long as it was maintained on its present footing, of peace being preserved for Ireland. The Noble Baron had, furthermore, especially challenged the House to consider what progress the Reformation had made in Ireland; and had finished by declaring, that no steps had been taken towards spreading the knowledge of the pure Christian religion in that country, an amnion to which he (the Bishop of Exeter) begged to give a most unqualified contradiction. True it was that the cause of the' Reformation had for a long time been taken up in a very un becoming temper: true it was, that since the days of Eliz abet. h, the Sovereigns of this kingdom had strangely neglected their duties, and had had done very little to enhance the value of those religious truths on which the stability of their thrones alepended. Shame be to their memories that such should hiavi,: been the case; but so it was, that until within the last 36 years there had existed too much of the im pure leaven in the management of the Church of Ireland. The result was, that down to a very late period the Church was ac tually in a state of beggary and starvation. He would refer to the letters of Sir H. Sidney and of Sir John Davis, to Clarke's history of Ireland, and indeed to any book giving any account of the state of Ireland during the 16th and 17th centuries, for a verification of the assertion, that the Church of Ireland was left in a state of the most disgraceful and degraded neglect until about half a century ago. The infamous resolution of 1734—he hesitated not to call it by that name—that infamous resolution of the Irish House of Commons, declaring that whoever paid agistment tithes was an enemy to his country, had ensured the poverty of the Church for ages to come. Since the Union, however, affairs had be gun to assume a different complexion, and, if he were asked to point out a spot in the empire where the Established Church presented a hopeful and gratifying appearance, he should refer with confidence to Ireland. He appealed to that Church, as it stood at present, with two thousand ministers, who would do credit to any Church Establish ment, and a million other members of that Church, zealous and vigcrous supporters of its principles, who, though they might occasionally give vent to the warmth of their feel ins.'s in irregularities of demeanour, which he was not dis posed to applaud, must eventually, by their generol conduct, lead to the diffusion of the vital truth, and the apprecia tion of the sober Christian spirit of the Protestant religion. He was astonished to find the party by whom this Bill was sanctioned pursuing the very injurious course that they had done for the last few years. According to a return, then on their Lordships' table, it appeared, that in spite of all the dis couragements which necessarily were offered to applications of this kind, there wrs an application for not less than 38 new churches, for enlarging churches already built, 147, and for rebuilding, 113. These demands were made from those who did not desire that the churches should be built gratuitously for them, but those who supplied a large portion of the ex pense themselves. Amidst all the distress and sufferings of of Ireland, these persons were ready to come forward with contributions when they sought that assistance which they thought they might justly hope for from Government.— (Hear, hear, hear.) Did not this fact afford them the hope that the Church was on the increase ? Again, with regard to glebe-houses. There was one undeviating conclusion to be made as to the general state of residence, and that was the means of residence afforded by glebe houses. It appeared that there were now 850 glebe houses, many built for clergy men with very small assistance from the State. It was in this state they were told by the Noble Viscount that they were to anticipate a reduction of the Established Church. They thought that the opulence of the clergymen of Ireland was so great that it was necessary to chock the exuberant state of their prosperity. Lord HOLLAND—No, no. The Bishop of EXETER did not use the words of the Noble Viscount, but he had a right to use the argument of the Noble Viscount, if, indeed, the Noble Viscount did make use of any arguments, and then apply that argument in his (the Bishop of Exeter's) own language. The Noble Viscount re commended them to strike off a large portion of the Protestant Establishment. Unless there was, then, an exuberant state of prosperity in the Church could the Noble Viscount be justified in striking off any portion of it? The Noble Baron indeed had said that the clergymen in the Church of Ireland would be better off than the clergymen of the Church of England. Now, what was the result of the Noble Viscount's figures? There were to be 365,3601. for the endowment of 1,250 bene fices, making for each about cool. a year. Now, he had gone through the calculations of the Noble Viscount, and com pared them with the enactments of the Bill, and he had first to remark, that tile Noble Viscount had forgotten,.when lie made his statement, what were the provisions of the Bill. In the first place, the Noble Viscount had no right to assume that the Commissioners would in all cases give the sum that he had stated. If they did so, they would violate the instructions of the Act. The Act prescribed a graduated scale, and if the Commissioners took the highest or the lowest part of that scale, they would be guilty of a grievous departure of their duty. The Noble Viscount then had no right to assume that they would take it at the highest. The necessary conclusion was, that it would in many cases be less than 3001. a year. Not only the Noble Viscount but the Commissioners and tax-gatherers, must also forget certain charges aga i nst th ose revenues —th e t wo an d a half per cent. tax, the benefice tax, and the charge for curates— before the incomes of the clergymen could be anything hke what the Noble Viscount had stated.—( Hear, hear.) First, they should have 123 benefices not worth more than 100/. a yeer. That was not the minimum, but the maximum. Taking them at 75/. a-year—and then there was the right to glebe— in no cane it was to be worth more then 451. a-year ; in those below 1001 a-year they might be well content with 25/. From this there was a deduction of 1/. 7s. 6d. ; the income then was cut clown to 98/. 12s. 6d. Such was to be the in come for these 123 benefices. The next class was more nu merous, for there were 675 benefices, with a population of from 50 to 500 ' • they were not to have less than 150/., nor more than 2001. a-year ; 175/. was a fair average for them ; 251. were allowed for the glebe-house. The 24 per cent. reduced them to 201/. Th er e we r e 211 benefices, with a population of from 500 to 1,000, and these were to have from 2501. to 300/. a-year. here then came into operation the various deductions, which reduced these, even with the aid ( f the glebe lands, at the highest to 3211. The Right Rev. Prelate here entered into calculations of the same sort, to show the reduction in the incomes of the clergymen which would be effected by the Bill then before the House. This Bill had done all that Noble Lords who sup. ported it could desire—it answered the objects of the moment. Noble Lords must be satisfied that in this way it had attained the only object it could serve—it carried the Administration through another year--and they trusted to the chapter of accidents for something else.—( Hear, hear ! and cheers from the Opposition Peers.) But all this while let them recollect what they were doing—they were not only encouraging a vio lation of the law of the land, but they were abetting and encouraging men in a gigantic scheme of perfidy and per jtay.—(llear; hear ! and cries of " Oh, oh !") The history of mankind furnished few examples equal to this. In listening to all the Noble Lords who had spoken upon this subject, he remarked that all had most cautiously abstained in mak ing, as they might have done, this the ground for their argu ment—that this Bill was essentially theirs, who in promoting it were guilty of the most tremendous perjury. He really con sidered that the guilt of the Roman Catholic agitators was sufficient to appal the very imagination.—(Hear.) 'Was it to be thought that a British House of Parliament could consent to a measure which was based upon such perjury? That it should do so without merely looking at it was quite sufficient to make one think that they had not fallen upon very honest times. Was there a Noble Lord who had spoken, was there a Noble Lord who would speak, who could stand up and say, that he did not consider every one of those Roman Catholics who supported this measure was not guilty of per jury and treachery ?__( Hear, hear, hear.) He asked any one of those Noble Lords—he defied any Noble Lord—he defied any one of them to say, that there was a single Catholic agitator free from the guilt of the most tremendous perjury in supporting this Bill.—(Hear, hear, and cries of "Oh !") He did not say this of every Member of Parlia ment only, but he said it of all Roman Catholics who sug gested this measure.—(llear, from the Opposition Peers.) The very condition for their having the privileges they now enjoyed was violated by them. In the consideration of this question of perjury, he had to mention one or two circum stances which were quite conclusive, on the authority of Ro man Catholics themselves. By the Relief Bill, all those taking any public offices were bound to take the oath pre scribed by that Bill. In Malta the Roman Catholic bishop had been nominated to be one of the Council for that island. The oath was of course tendered to him. As he (the Bishop of Exeter) understood, he began reading it, and when he, as a Roman Catholic, found what was required of him as re garded the Established Church, he did that which as an honest man became his duty—he refused to take the oath, and was not a member of the Council. The Noble Viscount was able to contradict him if what he stated were not the fact ; he re gretted he had not the Noble Secretary for the Colonies to refer to on this point. It (lid not, however, rest upon this au thority alone ; he could cite the authority of another Roman Catholic, of a member he believed of the other House, the Member for Wat er f or d (M r. Wyse), who published a " His tory of the Catholic Association." In a digest of circum stances there was to be found, under the date of March 5, 1829, the notice of the Relief Bill passing, abolishing the oaths of abjuration and supremacy, and requiring and substituting instead of these, the oath of allegiance to the Hanoverian line, and binding the Roman Catholics to a settlement of property, and not to injure or subvert the present Church Establish ment. Here then was the opinion of a Roman Catholic as to the sense in which the oath was to be taken.--( Hear.) He asked any Noble Lord whether, at the time that the Catholic Relief Bill was passing, the person would not be said to be tainted with illiberality who would stand up and declare that in seven years every one of the Irish Roman Catholics ad mitted into the House of Commons would do his utmost to subvert the Church Establishment; nay, more, that an officer high in his Majesty's Government—no less a person than his Majesty's Attorney- General—would be one of those to bring in a Bill for these purposes ?—(Hear, from Opposition Peers.) This Bill was brought into the House of Commons, bear ing the name of the Attorney-General on its back. That Attorney-General was a Roman Catholic. That Attorney.. General had sworn to do nothing to injure the Protestant Establishment in Ireland, and yet he had brought in a Bill to cut off that Establishment.—(Hear, and cheers from the Opposition Peers.) He repeated it, that Bill did make the Protestant Establishment completely dependent upon the Privy Council—a Privy Council of course nominated by the Secret ar y for Ireland—by a nobleman who, unless greatly sland ere d , was accustomed to attend to the recommen dations to fill situations of all sorts coming from the gentle men in question.—( Hear, hear, from Opposition Peers.) Now it was thought that such persons could be bound by their oaths ; and he had this upon the high authority of the Noble Baron (Lord Holland) near him. In a correspondence be tween that Noble Baron and Dr. Shuttleworth he found it stated, in a reply to aquestion from the Rev. Dr. Shuttleworth, whether Roman Catholics were to be believed, as bound by their oaths not to injure the Protestant Establishment, Lord H o ll an d, in 1827, replied, " I can only answer, that for the last twenty-seven years they have so repeated, solemnly, dis tinctly, and I believe sincerely, in their petitions, declara tions, and evidence upon oath." Upon this high authority?, then, he found that those persons had been perjuring them selves most grossly, by violating their oaths, by thus acting against the Protestant Establishment. All who concurred in concocting this Bill were guilty of that perjury ; for this Bill was an injury to the Protestant Church in that country. The Noble Viscount, who spoke openly and broadly., admitted it to be so, for he said that "it was a great discouragement to Protestantism."—( Hear, hear.) After this admission of the Noble Viscount, did not common sense proclaim against Ministers they were perjurers? Were they not then bound to refuse to make themselves parties to perjury and perfidy like this?—(Hear, hear, and cheers from the Opposition Peers.) Had there not been a solemn engage ment upon their part that as far as they were concerned they were bound to preserve that Church inviolate ?—(1-lear, hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate then proceeded to quote some pas sages from a pamphlet, which we understood him to ascribe to Lord Holland. The pamphlet in question related to the relief of the Roman Catholics from their civil disabilities, and the passages to which he particularly referred were to the effect that the Noble Lord had maintained the Protestant Irish Church and her enormous revenues. Now he would call on that Noble Lord, by his honour and his love of peace and charity, and he might even say on such a subject as this, by his faith as a Christian, to redeem his pledge—a pledge given, not in the heat of debate, but as a reason why concessions should be made to the Roman Catholics.— ( Hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate also referred to an opi nion delivered by the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) during the discussions on the Roman Catholic Relief Bill. That Noble Lord was represented to have said that he was ready to forego the hope of Catholic relief if he saw that the consequences of it would be that it would check the spread of the Protestant religion. He asked their Lordships what was likeiy to be the effect of the present measure ? This night they were called on to adhere to the faith of their forefathers, and not to sacrifice it to the expediency of the hour. Lord HOLLAND gave their Lordships his assurance that he should vote for this Bill, and he should vote for it for the purpose which the Noble and Rev. Lord said he was pledged to fulfil—(Cheers)—to take his chance of maintaining the Irish Church • and he considered he m a i n t a i ne d t h at Church th oug h it might be in some small degree dimi nished by this Bill in its enormous revenues.—(Hear, hear.) Enormous revenues, perhaps, the Noble and Rev. Lord did not consider them, who held such notions of Church reformation, glebe-houses, and agistment tithes; whose un derstanding seemed to be that a revenue of 600,0001. was not an enormous revenue for the Church. It might not be in the view of the Noble and Rev. Lord a matter of any importance, for large was the amount of the revenue in comparison with the number of their flock, their wants, and the duties to be performed.---(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Rev. Lord talked of the flourishing state of the Church and of the Pro testant religion in Ireland; he told them of a great many churches that had been built, of a great many glebe lands th a t had been improved, and thi s was the - evidence he brought of the progress of the Church. But did he tell them of any increase in the number of the Protestants ?—he did not understand these abstract notions of the Church. What he understood a Church to consist of was a great number of laymen and cler gymen professing the same religion. He did not understand the Church to be flourishing because there were more churches and a less number of people to go to them than there were formerly. He did not think the Noble and Rev. Lord had adopted a decent or decorous manner of answering ques tions in the House. It was neither decent nor decorous to quote pamphlets, as his had been quoted on the present occa sion ; bat the Right Rev. Father in God had set the example, and it was not impossible that he might yet some day find the inconvenience of having set such an example.—( Laughter and cheers.) It was well known at the time of the Union that Mr. Pitt contemplated two measures for the com plete separation of the Churches. It was impossible to nok at the proceedings of that period, and to contend that :he Union was any bar to that measure. The Noble Lord :hen proceeded to say that men who sat in that or in the other House of Parliament were not to be fettered in their judgment; and he w ou ld as k, was i t orderly for the Noble and Rev. Lord, whose sacred character was that of a preserver of peace, a promoter of good fellowship and charity, to lay down as a principle that one man should be the judge of the conscience of another ?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Was it for the Members of that House to stand up and arraign Members of the other House of Par liament of no less a crime than perjury?—(Renewed cries of " Hear, hear.) Perjury !—what did it amount to ? If a per son did not apply the same sense to a particular Act of Par liament as that applied to it by the Noble and Rev. Lord, was he to be charged with perjury? He contended that the At torney-General for Ireland had a perfect right, acting in his capacity as a legislator, to put that construction on the oath which his conscience dictated ; and no man had a right to pass judgment on another who so acted. Some stress had been laid on the present clause being made a condition of the Bill being accepted. Had Noble Lords so entirely forgotten the principles of the Constitution as not to recollect that there ;vas nothing extraordinary in the grant and condition going together? A complaint was made of the insecurity of the property of tithes. The House of Commons was perfectly right and acted in conformity with the old constitutional prin ciple in saving " We grant you the additional security you ask, hut we will take care, in doing so, that means arc taken to pre scree the peace of the country." The Noble Lord concluded by contending that the Irish Protestant Church, in its present state, was an anomaly, and that the only chance of preserving it was by securing to it the affections and confidence of the people. The Earl of WINC FILL SEA contended that the oath was framed for. the security of the Protestant Church, and that it had been directly violated. The measure was one which would strike a fatal blow at the existence of the Church. The larquis of CLANRICARDE trusted the time would come wizen their Lordships would take a more favourable view of this measure. After a few words from the Archbishop of ARMAGH, which were inaudible in the gallery, the Committee divided— For the clause For the amendment Majority On our return to the gallery, we found the Chairman put ting the question whether the 77th clause should stand part of the Bill ; the Committee again divided : For the clause 47 Against it 135 Majority BB The remaining clauses of the Bill were di spose d o f , t h e House resumed, and the report ordered to be received to morrow.—Adjourned at a Quarter before Two. LIST OF THE. MINORITY On the Division in Committee on the Third Clause of the Church of Ireland Bill.-48. Lord Chancellor DUKES. Argyll Grafton Leinster Sutherland MARQUISE 3, Clanricarde Conynghain Headtbrt Lansdowne Queensberry Tavistock Westminster EARLS. Albemarle Burlington Carlisle Charlemont EARLS. Craven Granville lichester Leitrim I%linto Radnor Scarborough Sefton Thanet VISCOUNTS. Duncannon Falkland Melbourne The Minority on till same Noble Lords, wit Bishop of Hereford, ar the addition of Viseot norben, and Langdale. Cleveland, together wit BARONS. Barham Crewe Ducie Foley Gardner Glenlyon Hatherton Holland Mostyn Plunket Saye and Sele Segrave Sea:ord StratiOrd Suffield Templemore Teynham BISHOPS, Bristol Durham Hereford ie Appropriation Clause was composed of th th the omission of the Lord Chancellor, the nd. Lords Barham, Crewe, and Teynham, and unt Torrington, and Lords Cottingham, Di- The Dukes of Norfolk, Devonshire and ith 32 other Peers, paired off. SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.) (FROM LLOYD'S.) DEAL, JULY 25. —Wind W.N.W.—Arrived the Enchan tress, Christie, from Mogadore; and Enterprise, Gibbs, from Belfast. Arrived from the river and remains the Tam O'Shanter, Freeman, and Christian, Gibbons, for Opoito; Tickler, White, and Fairy Queen, —, for Ceylon; Plumb, Strangleton, for Cadiz; Dungivan Castle, ---, and Clara, for Quebec; Harmony, Mattison, for Trieste; and Alexander, Todd, for Rio Janeiro. PORTSMOUTH, JULY 25.—Wind W. to W.N.W.—No arri vals. Sailed the Malabar, Voss, for Bombay ; and London, Winckle, for Calcutta. PLYMOUTH, JULY 24. —Wind W. N.W.—Arrived the Sym metry, Ritchie, from Quebec. FALmoirru, - Jrzy 24. —Wind S. W. to N. W.—Arrived the Lord Melville Packet, from Lisbon—sailed the 11th instant ; and Bragalia, Taylor, from Quebec. No sailings. DOVER, JULY 25.—Arrived off port the Elizabeth, Cran ston, from Alicant. SOUTHAMPTON, JULY 24.—Arrived the Andes, Holmes, from Miramichi. ISLE OF WIGHT, JULY 23.—Arrived off port the Henrietta, Lobb, from Rio Janeiro. PORTLAND, JULY 24.—Arrived off port the Bombay, Routh, 'rom Canton. LIVERPOOL, JULY 23.—Arrived the Otter, —, from Bra zil; Walter, Yorke, and John and Robert, —, from New Orleans ; Georgia, —, from Apalachiola ; Governor Troup, Smith, from Darien ; Corsair, —, and Clyde, Brown, from Quebec; China, Lorman, and Osage, from Charleston; Ame rican, Waterman, and Carrol, of Carrolton, --, from New York ; Lark, Power, from Newfoundland ; Cambyses, Hut chinson, from Archangel ; and Randolph, Sparburg, from Stettin. Off port the Dalmatia, —, from New Orleans; Carlton, --, and Sir William Scott, --, from Quebec. July 24.—The Attakapos, Cormier, from New Orleans to Tampico, was totally wrecked on the Bar of Tampico pre vious to the 16th ult., part of the cargo much damaged. Five ships outward-bound were on the Bar of the Mississippi the 14th ult. he Friends, Dyer, from Guernsey to London, struck on the Shingles on Sunday night, and filled--crew saved. The Ann, Pike, from Ostend to London, was on shore at Ostend on Sunday night, but was expected to be got off. SURREY THEATRE.—The unequivocal success of the ne w tragedy, represented for the first time last night, en titled Arnold Von Winhelried ; or, The Fight of Sempach, must operate as an incentive to playwrights, and as an induce ment to the "powers that be" of the small theatres to rageencou the " legitimate." Th e h ouse was crowded to excess, ery part of it being o ccup i e d b y anx i ous spectators, if not ev attentive listeners. This overflow was the cause of some con !usion, •and the "gods" were unusually obstreporous and up roarious. To the varied sounds not calculated for "ears po lite" were added the cries of some half-dozen infants, and the audible attempts to pacify the " little dears;" so that a fair hearing was not given to the play, the language of which be ing written in blank verse, exacted more tranquillity. The action of the piece was, however, thoroughly understood, and , as the plot was developed, the enthusiasm of the audience ma nife itself. The acting was certainly superior to that which it w our painful lot at times to witness last season at Covent garden. The getting up of the piece and the general mise en scene arc praiseworthy. Mr. Butler enacted the hero :he played with considerable talent; but he appeared to us to be less animated than he might have been. The tragedy was announced for repetition amidst a storm of cheering. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 26, 1836. PRICES OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Bank Stock. 3 per Cent. Red. oll4%Ffi i Ditto Ponds 3 per Cent. Cons..., .. ...... 91% I s, i South Sea Stock ......... ........ 3 1, , per Cent - Ditto Red. 09%Y. 1 New Ditto New 212 par Cent 90%1A% 3 per Cent. Annuities, 1751 — New 3 per Cent — Exch. Bills, £l,OOO ll 9 13 p m . i Bank LongAnnuitiestoexpire Ditto 500 — pm. Jan. 5, 15.60 15% 15-16 , Ditto Small Oct. 10, P:5O ... 15% !Ditto Commercial on. Jan. 5, 1980 — ) Ditto Advertised — plc. Jan. 5, 18•••=0 .„ — ! Bank Stock for Account — Aptil 5, 13'7,0 --!lndia Stock for Account J - tn. 5, 1570 — ' Consols for Acconnt Omnium pm. I PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK Au;trian Bonds — I Peruvian Bonds .. Belgian Bongs 103% i Ditto Account Ditto Account . Brazilian Bonds SS% , Ditto Accoin.t Ditto Account — Ditto New Bonds Boenos Ayres Bonds Ditto ACCount:::, 79 ~ Ditto Account —• Ditto, 3 per cent. 49 1 4v Chillian Bonds —' Prussian Bonds — Ditto Account — I Russian Bond s , 182.2 — Colombian Bonds 23 i Ditto Account . Ditto Account Columbian Bonds, :821 29 4 Spanish Bonds — Ditto Account 29 , A4 , Ditto Account — Dmish Bonds 76%. 7 ; Ditto Bonds, 1K34 38 % 1 4 ss Ditto Account F 74 Greek Bonds — 1 French, 5 per cent..... ... —I. —c. Ditto Bonds, IS-.25 _.— 4 per cent. —l. —c. Ditto Account 3 per cent.— --f. —c. Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent.... —l Exchangn l. —c Ditto Account — Dutch, 2 1 ,‘, per cent. ...... .....53%% Ditto, ti per cent.......• — 1 Ditto Account — Ditto Account — Ditto, 5 per cent lifjTi 3 4 4 Neapolitan ! Ditto Account — PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Sharp. British Iron 'Company Rhymney Iron Mining Company Birmingham and Gloucester Railway Company 5 5 %!4 Hull and Selby Railway Company 5 4 Erighton Railway Company South Eastern Railway Company , 4 3% 4% York and North Midland Railway Coir,pany 1 o %s 114 Anti Dryrot Company 7 !'' 9N Colonial Bank Canada Company 22 ' 37 rrived. Due 0 America 0 Brazil ituenus Ayres 0 Cart':4gen- 0 1 Dublin... Flanders 0 MAILS. (Arrived. Due.' Arrived. Due I France 0 1 Lisbon 0 0 Guam. &Jersey 0 0 ,Yalta I Hamburg 0 0 Mexico 0 0 Holland 0 0 Ostend 0 0 Jamaica 0 0 Swed"•i 0 , 0 Leeward Islands 0 1 Waterford 0 HMI WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW. At 'ming Pi minutes after 1. Evening...... 49 minutes after 1. ANNUITY FOR MR. AND MRS. BUCKINGHAM. LIB SC RI PTIO NS for securing a Moderate kJ ANNUITY on the Joint Lives of MR. and MRS. BUCK INGHAM, as unanimously resolved, on the motion of Sir Charles Forbes, Bart., seconded by .Joseph Pease, Esq., M.P., at the Pub lic Meeting held at the Freemasons' Hall, on the 10th of June, Lord William Bentinck, M.P., in the Chair, continue to be re ceived at the Banks of Messrs. Williams, Deacon, and Co., Birchin lane ; Messrs. Coutt s an d C o. , S tran d ; and Messrs. Ransom and Co., Pall-mall East; and also at the Committee-room, Albion Hotel, Cockspur- street, Charing-cross, where Subscription Lists and copies of the Resolutions may be procured. Sheffield Subscription £652 10 0 Other Provincial Towns 1,084 5 0 London Subscriptions 1,041 10 0 (Signed) CHAS. AUG. TULK, Chairman of the Committee. LEICESTER STANHOPE, Honorary Secretary. TICKETS FOR THE GRAND HORTI CULTURAL EXHIBITION and FETE CHAM PETRE in honour of the QUEEN'S BIRTH-DAY, at the ROYAL GARDENS, VAUXHALL, on t h e 1 1t h of August, "nay be had, at all respectable seed shops, and at the Secretary's Office, 5, Lancaster-place. Purchasers before the Ist of August will receive one in every five gratis. The Coldstream Band, the Band of the Horse Gnarls (Blue), and a full Quadrille Band, are engaged ; and the new Italian promenade, eight hundred feet long, will be thrown open. Tickets 2s. fid. each ; Children under eight years of age, Is. HAMBURG, JULY 1, 1836. FOUR DAYS OF DRAWING of the 68th HAMBURGH GREAT LOTTERY being past, and the Wheel being reduced to the trifling number of 6,000 (say Six Thousand ):fiekets,7-- TICKETS WARRANTED UNDRAWN are now Selling- at Bancomarks 140, or £lO, say Ten Pounds sterling. The First Drawn Prize of Bancomarks 300, receives the premium of Banco marks 10,000, and the Last Drawn Prize of Bancomarks 300, receives the largest premium of Bancomarks 100,000. The next Dav of Drawing, will be on 3d August. There will be a further rise in the price of Tickets before the end of this month. Orders for anything less than a whole Ticket, will, as usual, not be attended to; thus any person remitting less than Ten Pounds sterling, will only throw away the postage for sending and receiving back the money or Bank notes. HEINE BROTHERS CONTRACTORS, in HAMBURG. The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day at 10 minutes past Three o' Clock. -7_ ,,,, 4. .. , ,, 2 . -a.;... ,-,) t . ' ift ", •• -c: , nt. _ it ); 1> _ 'bl 4 LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 26, 1836. The Established Church Bill passed the House of Com mons last night, after a division on the third reading, in which a section of the Reformers recorded their protest against it. These Members, no doubt, felt that they could not conscientiously give their sanction to a measure of which they did not approve themselves, of which they knew their Constituents did not approve, and which, it cannot be dissembled, has greatly disappointed the expectations of the country. They knew also that their opposition to this measure would be attended with none of those political con sequences which the greedy crew, who live in the hope of a Chapter of Accidents turning up in their favour, have been anticipating from it. These hungry expectants, poor un happy creatures, have been chuckling at the prospect of a split between the Ministers and some of their supporters, by which, in the event of a new distribution of the loaves and fishes, they might perchance, come in for a belly-full. We sincerely condole with them on their disappointment. It is, we ac knowledge, a grievous one to men in their situation ; but still there is some good in every evil. They may learn from this severe trial a lesson to guard them from similar over wrought expectations, and similar disappointments in future. They may, perhaps, be made to understand that public men may support a Government in a general line of policy, without being bound down to every individual measure, and that they may even oppose that Government on some points without withdrawing their confidence on others. On moving the third reading of the Bill, Lord JOHN Rus- SELL entered into an explanation of some parts of the Bill which had been misunderstood, and endeavoured to show that the measure was not so bad as it had been repre sented. As far as regards the number of Bishops to which the Noble Lord adverted, a misrepresentation, as we stated yesterday, has certainly gone abroad. There is no in crease in the number of the Lords Spiritual. Two old Bishoprics are suppressed, and two new ones created in their stead. In that respect then we are neither better nor worse off than we were before. We cannot say that the Noble Lord was equally suc cessful in that part of his statement in which he eulogised the generosity and self-denial of the Bishops, in surren dering so much of their patronage, for the benefit of the Church. This panegyric, we cannot help thinking, rather out of place. We fully appreciate the meek and lowly virtues which adorn the Episcopal Bench, but we have never been able to discover self-denial among them ; and in this matter of patronage it so happens that their Lordships are trying hard to have a quid pro quo. They have, it is true, given up some patronage which they held, but they remunerate themselves for this sacrifice by seizing upon that which belongs to the Deans and Chapters. This is episcopal self-denial. The portion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S speech which gave the greatest satisfaction was that in which he announced that he did not mean to contend against the opposition which had arisen in and out of Parliament to the Church Reform Bills, by pressing the others forward this Session. These the Noble Lord gave up, and stated that the ques tion of Church-rates must be settled before they can be again brought before Parliament. We are glad of this. We see stronc , symptoms of dissatisf ac ti on b rea ki ng out among the Assenters, who regard Church -rates as the greatest of all their grievances, and who have been led to expect that they would, before this time, have been relieved from the odious impost. We must at the same time caution Minis ters against indulging the hope, that any thing short of en tire abolition, as far as Dissenters are concerned, will sa tisfy them. As long as the Churches are used exclusively for the worship of the Established Sect, and the church yards for the burial of their dead, the members of that Sect must bear the exp ense o f k eep i ng them up. Th i s even common justice requires, were conscience left out of the question. The House of Lords last night discussed in Committee the Irish Church Bill, on which occasion a more than usually animated debate took place, especially on the sub ject of the appropriation clause, which the Tories, headed, as it is fit such m en s h ou ld b e, b y Lord LYNDHURST, in sisted on having struck out of the Bill ; and, as a matter of c o urse, carried th e i r po i nt b y a ma j or i ty of 91 ! This is a victory which none w ill h ave suc h cause to rue as the vic tors. It is not the triumph of argument over sophistry, or of common-sense over prejudice, but just the reverse ; and as such it will be regarded by all the right-thinking portion of the Community. Doubtless their Lordships imagine that they have inflicted a severe blow on O'CONNELL by their decision of last night ; but they are mistaken in this, as in many other cases, for so far from weakening, they have strengthened his moral influence ; so far from diminish ing, they have added ten cubits to, his political stature. They have, in fact, armed him with ten-fold power as an Agitator ; and svVi an infatuation peculiar to themselves, supplied him - 6°m their own armoury with the very weapons wherewith he may best assail their Institution. Was ever such a dis interested set of Statesmen heard of ? Lord LYNDHURST, in particular, is deserving of DANIEL'S lastinc , gratitude ' for his whole speech last night furnishes the Agitator with sounder arguments in favour of a Reform of the Upper House, than any he has yet put forth. When that Reform takes place—which it assuredly will, and at no distant date, for events hurry forward now, instead of creeping on at their old snail's pace—it will not add much to their Lord ships' satisfaction to know that the deadliest shafts let fly against them have been drawn from their own quiver. Such, however, is the fact, as any one may see by reference to Lord LYNDHURST'S speech, which, from the first to the last sentence, proves nothing but the desperate extremities to which the Tory Peers are prepared to go in their support of the bloated Irish Church ; and, conse quently, the necessity of their being promptly stopped in their mad career. Did his Lordship attempt to argue the question of the appropriation clause ? Not a bit of it. He preferred instead to shuffle—to equivocate —to throw out, here a slander, and there a menace—to turn fact into fiction; and fiction into fact—and then, by way of apposite wind-up, to say that he had spoken and acted throughout according to his conscience. We believe him. Some men's consciences are as elastic as Indian-rubber, and, like the stomach of the ostrich, will enable them to digest any thing. Lord MELBOURNE'S reply to the " Whig-and-something more"-ex-CHANcELLoa was firm, manly, and unanswera ble. Not a sophistry did he leave unexposed —not a slander unpunished. Anticipating their Lordships' decision, he stated that he " would not persevere in the measure, deprived as it would then be of the principle of appropria tion, the principle . to which he stood pledged ;" and added that " nevertheless he for one would not resign, so long as he was supported by a majority of the other House of Par liament, and he believed of the country also." This deci sion will annoy the Tories, as much as it will gratify the people. The Bishop of EXETER'S speech, or rather spoken pamphlet, was every way worthy of him. He assured us that the Church of Ireland so far from being rich, was in reality half-starved ; but he was careful to add, that it was now beginning to present a " hopeful and gratifying ap pearance." Will the good Bishop vouchsafe to tell us where these appearances are to be found ? Are we to look for them in the double-barrel of Parson BERESFORD'S blunderbuss, loaded by his own ghostly hands ; in the bloody field of Rathcormac, where another Parson figured in the un-apostolic character of commander-in-chief of an army of tithe-proctors ; or in the Exchequer-writs which are now flying all over Ireland, like a plague of locusts ? If these be "the hopeful and gratifying appearances" of which the Episcopal pamphleteer speaks, pray Heaven a speedy end be put to them ! The pious Prelate went on to accuse the Catholic Members of " tremendous perjury," in presuming to vote for a reform in the Church ; and stated that their guilt "appalled the very imagination." What drivel ling cant is this ! Perjury forsooth, to assist in the endeavour to support a tottering Church, to reform its abuses, and emancipate it from the grinding despotism of Mammon ! Conduct like this may appal an Episcopal imagination, but the people will view it with far different feelings. The spotless Bishop added, that the Parliamentary behaviour of the Catholics, as respected the Protestant Church, almost induced him to think that we had " not fallen on honest times." Possibly the " times" may not be quite so " honest" as they ought to be; still they are vastly superior to those which raised a JUDAS ISCARIOT to the Episcopal Bench, and enabled him to raise his mitred head among the Nobles of the land, solely by virtue of his apos tacy!— Verbuill sap. The forthcoming number of the British and Foreign Re clew, announced for publication to-morrow, contains an admirable article on what it emphatically calls the " Irish Question." We regret that the great length of the Parlia mentary debates must prevent us from noticing this article before the appe arance o f t h e wor k , of wh i ch it forms so in teresting a part. The writer truly says, that the question at issue is not the Tithe question, nor the Orange question, nor the Corporation question—it is essentially the Irish question. " Until it be thoroughly determined," writes the Reviewer, " whether there is, or is not to be an Union between Eng land and Ireland—not a parchment Union—not a treaty of Limerick Union—but such as beseems two powerful, intelli gent, and independent nations; until it be perfectly under stood on what terms it is to stand, whether Ireland is to be the subject, and England the sovereign, or both to be equal, both co-hei itors of the same advantages and rights ; until this be a reality, and not a phrase —a living, moving, effective prin ciple, in all things, and at all times—the great practical axiom of all our policy—legislation for Ireland must be a constant contresens,' a Sisyphean labour ; painful to one party, insult ing to the other ; utterly fruitless, and unsatisfactory to all." This is sound doctrine ; nevertheless, the writer must be aware that the terms of the Union between Great Britain and Ireland can only be ascertained by the legislative la bours of Parliament. The declaration of Ministers, a pa ragraph in a King's speech, or a simple vote of the House of Commons, could give to Ireland no assurance of equality and independence which she does not possess at present. Professions are nothing without acts ; and if the latter be sufficiently liberal, the former are un necessary. When Ireland is placed on a level with England when it will not sound in her ears as a mockery to call her the Sister Kingdom —when her facilities to improve her social institu tions are equal to those of England—then will she have received the only proof worth accepting of her indepen dence and equality as a nation. The vile system upon which the Tories acted so long— the plausible pretences which they had ever ready when justice to Ireland was demanded or prayed for by any por tion of her people, is well exposed by the Reviewer. " Up to this hour," he observes, " the title of the Irish people has not been acknowledged, or acknowledged only, for the purposes of imposts, or in the moment of appre hension. Talk of a tax—talk of the Repeal question—talk of independence, and you will hear enough of identity, and equa lity, and justice, and the one race, and the single family, and the common country all around. But the moment the Irish call for a practical proof of this justice—the moment they as sert this equality—the moment they act on the family privilege —the moment they look for their portion in the common inhe ritance—" what share have they in David ? " is instantly the answer. Now we frankly say—one thi ng or anot h er . If I re l an d is to be c o n s id ere d as England, as Lord Stanley avers, when church taxation is in question, in the name of that consistency which is policy, if not politics, let Ireland be also considered as England, when municipal franchises are in question. If Ire land is to be looked on as Ireland only, when common rights are in question—if Ireland be organically irrecoverable sepa rate; as Lord Lyndhurst holds, let her also continue such when there is a question of churches and impOsts. But really it is much too grand inquisition a kind of logic, to incorporate for the burthens and to separate for the franchises—to associate in the privilege of suffering, and to reject from all enjoyment in its compensations. One point only in all these contradic tions seems thorougly settled—in all its inconsistencies, the party was consistently true to its own ascendancy. Whatever course Ireland takes, the result is precisely the same. Witches being witches, whether they sank or whether they swam, were sure one way or the other to perish. If Ireland makes no stir about her rights, she does not care for them : her brutalised population are so sunk in the mire of thraldom, they do not even understand the meaning of liberty : to give them English franchises is to throw pearls before swine : if, on the other side, she stirs, threatens, demands, down come the very same personages with solemn spaeches to the majesty of the laws, and with very violent lessons on sobriety and de corum, and how Englishmen are not to be bullied, and will never give the slightest relief (such was the phrase a month before the Relief Bill) on compulsion. If she does not agi tate, there is n o reason w h y E ng li sh i nstitutions should be forced upon her; and if she does agitate, there is every rea son why they should be refused. So that, between doing and not doing, whether active or passive, she is sure to be ever in the wrong, and her masters as sure to be ever in the right. Every means is taken to keep her below England, and then she is taunted for not being her equal." The death of M. ARMAND CARREL, Editor of the I National, is the severest blow the Republican party has received since the elevation of Louis PHILLIPPE to the throne of France. He had fought a duel with M. EMILE GIRARDIN on Friday last, and received a wound of which he died at St. Maude at an early hour on Sunday morning. , About twelve o'clock the preceding evening his physician announced his recovery hopeless, after which he calmly re signed himself to the will of heaven. His death took place at five o'clock. He was one of the most upright and truly honourable men in France—a man whom his bitterest political enemies pointed to as a model of patriotic self-denial. His love of republicanism, as it exists in America, was a species of enthusiasm in which he indulged from boyhood, and which no subsequent political changes tended to cool. He was one of the principal leaders during the revolution of 1830, and assisted in placing Louis PHILLIPPE on the throne —an act for which he afterwards solemnly, and at the bar of the Court of Peers, implored the forgiveness of God and his country. His death has created a great sensa tion in Paris. Men of all classes bewail his loss as a public calamity, but especially the Republicans, who looked up to him with feelings of confiding veneration. AI. EMILE DE GIRARDIN is the Editor of La Presse, a new political Journal, which has just started into existence. As the National will be likely to publish a biographical sketch of its late Editor, from the pen of some of his early colleagues, we shall not now enter into any details of his short but glorious career, as a patriot and political martyr. Hence forth his name will be synonymous with patriotism, em bodied i❑ its purest and noblest form. The Paris Papers of Sunday, the whole of which we have just received, are filled with comments upon the determina tion of the KING to omit the Grand Review during the ce lebration of the " Glorious Days," for which preparation s had been made, by special command of his MAJESTY. The subject was discussed in six Cabinet Councils, at which the KING presided, but of the reasons for the omission nothing further is known than that they were of a character so grave as to affect the life of the Sovereign. On Saturday, Prince TALLEYRAND arrived in Paris, and had a long interview with the KING. Of the arrests of sus pected persons that took place on that day, an account ap peared in this Journal of yesterday. The number of indi viduals arrested is said to exceed 150--perhaps 50 would be nearer the truth. PARIS, JULY 23.—Since this morning workmen have been employed in taking down the platform which surrounded the triumphal arch, and which was to receive the personages who were designated to be present at the inauguration of that mo nument. The King and the Royal Family left Neuilly to day, and arrived at three o'clock at the Tuileries, where they intend to reside for the present. A Journal announces that the conferences between M. Thiers, M. Sebastiani, and M. Ouvrard, relate to a proposal to marry Queen Isabella 11. with the Duke of Bordeaux, who would fill the Throne of Spain. On these conditions, the hand of the Archduchess Theresa would be given to the Duke of Orleans.--/Ifessager, Feb. 24. • Letters fro‘m Bayonne of the 20th instant, state that a rumour prevailed there of the Carlist expedition in the Asturias having received a check by the forces under Es- PARTERO, in consequence of which GOMEZ was compelled to retreat. This appears improbable. By another account the expedition had reached Almazan on the 16th, and that no troops intercepted their line of march on the capital, whither GOMEZ was resolved to proceed. CA' BRERA, who is now at the head of 25,000 men is reported by the Carlists to have surprised a column of 1,000 Chris tinos at Morayo on the 14th inst. After an obstinate engagement the QUEEN'S troops fled, leaving 400 of their number in the bands of their enemies. In Saragossa the Mendizabalites have obtained as signal a triumph as at Madrid, none but decided enemies of Isturiz Cabinet having been elected Deputies. In all the large towns the Liberals who supported the ex-Premier will be or have been elected in preference to the other candidates. Two other important rumours are in circulation. The first states that the army in the north of Spain will be divided into two grand t ;eliyisions, one of which will be entrusted to the sok:com mand of General EVANS, the other to remain under the command of CORDOVA, who is to retain the title of General in-Chief. By this arrangement the British Legion is to be augmented by a force of twenty-five thousand Spa niards. The other report is, that CORDOVA secretly quitted Vittoria, and is at present with the REGENT at La Granja. We must in justice to ourselves here observe, that we give these reports as mere rumours—nothing more. They may be every word a fabrication, for what we know to the contrary. THE FUNDS.-(T1IIS DAY.) CITY,.7' WEL VE O'CLOCK We have received New York papers to the 3d of July, Que bec papers to the 26th of June, and Montreal to the 28th of June. The papers of the 2d of July say : " Judging from all the accounts which have reached us, we should think our country was in a very bad way. Almost all the crops are represented as likely to yield but a small return. Cotton, rice, wheat, Indian corn, and we know not what else, are all unpromising —even the sheep have lost more of: their wool than common." "TILE MONEY MARKET. —The late good news from I:1-fash iagton, relative to the surplus revenue, has already restored confidence, and eased the money market. Things are about to wear an improved and comfortable aspect, if the Deposit Bank unite in their operations, in order to prevent hasty and inexpedient curtailments." The Montreal Papers have the following : " The Provincial Parliament by proclamation stands fur ther prorogued to the 25th July next." The Quebec Papers state that in Upper Canada there are: few complaints of the crops. In Lower Canada the wheat crops are backward, and suffering by drought. They have hack only partial showers for nearly a month past. Of money and exchange these papers state that the principal sales of mer chants' Bills were made at 9 per cent. cash. Our arrivals this morning are. the French and Hamburgh mails ; and ship-letters from Canton, Prince Edward's Island, Quebec, and New York. THE FUNDS. Consols which closed yesterday at 91i, continue firm, with an improvement to 91-1 4 for the Account; same for Money._ This is owing to a great scarcity of Money Stock in the M..ir ket. Exchequer Bills, 9 11 ; India Bonds, 2 disct. par ; Bank Stock, 2121; India Bonds, 2584- 2691. In the Foreign Market, Spanish Active Bonds r..re rather buoyant this morning, and have reached 381 at, which price they are at present • Passive, 111 : 2-; Deferred ,1-1 , 16; Portuguese, 78i 79i; Three per Cents., 491; Colombian, 291; Mexican, 321 331; Dutch Tivo-and-a-Half, 551 4. F-PA ST ON. Consols conti nue fi rm at the mo RAL s rning' quotations, 9ii E for the Account; Exchequer Bills, 11 13; India Bonds, 1 disc.- par. ; Bank Stock, 2121 :1-; India Stock, 2581. Although we have no further arrivals from the Penirv, u ls, the Spanish Securities • continue buoy ant . Spanish P.,.ctive, 381 ; Passive, 111 ',I; Deferred, WI; Portuse, 79 ; Three per Cents., 492- ; Colombian, 29f; g urj VA- 33. THREE, c, 0 CK. Consols for the Account, 911. Mr. George Robins 's Sale of extensive ands, Virginia, i s necessar il y postponed from the 2d to the 9th Of August. It is rumoured that as, little as 2001. may pur ,.th ase at the sal e , one t h ousan d acres ofthis land. DREADFUL ACCIDENT AND LOSS AT BLACKFRIAR S ' BRIDGE (THIS MORNING).—A OF LIFE -past seven o'clo c k t hi s morning, an accident, attended withbout I ralf the loss of tw o li ves, and severe injury t o several persons, occurred at the w or k s now going on for the repair of lilackfriare Bridge. The workmen engaged in the second arch from the City side of the bridge have for some time completed a scaf folding, by which they are enabled to extract the decayed arch stones and insert new ones in thr,ir place. About twelve workmen were engaged this mornin g in performing this diffi cult work, and were about to lift a heavy stone into its place near the c rown o f the arch, when two of the; spars of which: the scaffold was composed broke short off,, precipitating the stone, with two men, from the scaffold on to where other men were working below. Two masons, named John Martin and Thomas Colley, one of whom was at work above the scaffold, and the other below it, were killed. Mar'cin never spoke a fter he was picked up, and his body exhibited a most dreadful spectacle. Colley showed some signs of life, and was imme diately removed to the Hospital, on the way to which, how ever, he died. Two other men, who were most severely in jured, are now in Bartholomew's 'Hospital. The foreman 01 the gang of masons is also hurt, but not severely. Several of the men had very fortunate escapes from the falling ti m ber and stones which flew about them in all directions. On their coming ashore, the men appeared perfectly horror-struck, from the sudden death of their companions, who are both married men. Extract of a letter from Stockholm, dated the 10th inst. :—" Great preparations are making for the King's tour to the coast. Our navy and maritime establishments are the admiration of all who visit Carlscrona. The fortress of Knugsholmen is nearly completed ; it is already mountedi with upwards of 360 pieces of cannon. His Majesty was never better ; he works regularly eight hours a day, bolds councils of Ministers, and receives all foreigners who are pre sented to him." At Overton sheep fair last week, stock of all des criptions underwent a reduction of from 3s. to bs. a-head. One lot of lambs sold as low as 6s. a piece, but the majority etched from 18s. to 265. AMERICAN FINE WRITING.--An American Paper, The Nantucket Inquirer, in describing the fes'„i va i of sheep shearing, expresses its regret at the bad sta',, e o f the weather, which it says considerably impeded the e mu „ me nts of the day, and concludes by informing its reader., th a t Pro vidence had set his face against the whole ma'Aer," and that the winds and the rain evinced the greate st flatulence and fluviosity." NEWCASTLE ELECTlON.—Zonsiderable activity has been manifested by the differ,..mt parties in the town. A great many gentlemen have hr,en proposed at the various meetings which have been held, Mr. Hodgson, of El' icks Lord Nugent, Mr. Moorson-4, and many other persons w ere spoken of. At one of the meetings for securing the. Liberal representative a divisim i took place, Mr. Aytoun and Mr' Ellice being both proposed. A majority appear;. n . in favour of the latte r gent l eman, a requisition was despalched to him he, however, declined standing. Captain . 1312 ).ckett of Wylam, was then requested to become a candidate.. ; he accepted the invitation, and on Thursday morning atf:ived and addressed ,a numerous assembl age . A letter has ' been received from Sir Matthew, in which he declares his willingness to stand. The act of Toleration night aptly be styled, an ac for permitting Almighty God to receive the worship of hi 9 creatures. THE WEATHER,—The wither, during the k, precedi ng l ast W ednesday, was very unseasonable, cold windS from the west having prevailed, accompanied with rain. Ve getation has consequently been checked, and haymaking ope rations are almost at a stand-still. During the last day or two , however, the weather has become warmer, and it is hop e d the hay harvest may now Proceed without further inter ru ption- The major part of the bay in our neighbourhood is s till un cut.--Kendal Mereury. In the House of Hereditary Legislatirl,n there is 1 10 disgrace in murdering the King's English slightest scratch on the skin of a dead 'language is next tc; treason. How comes it then, it may be asked, that some our Lords are really well informed, sen.sible men? The truth but to inflict the of is, that the materiel is good, caid that nature is sometimes too' C'aptain Blakiston. strong for education.- 01 Saturday last a large sturgeon, whi c h me asuredl seven feet si x i nc h es in length, and weighed ab ou t s ix stonei , t was caught i n t h e Geswick stake nets. This fish, though far, above th e usual size, wa s not f u ll grown, and was considerea on that accoutei. unwholesome, and not fit for use. This is the r in siz e an d weight, havingsecend instat - ice, withi n t h ese f ew weeks of a sturgeon, been taken.—Keiso,.pfignide. ( ADVERTISEMENT.) The NEW FLAT GOLD WATCHES' are offered in dotible-bottomed engine -turned cases, witlaecursteAY finished vertical movement' s , jewelled and warranted for Seveo Guineas each, or, with highly-finished h or i zontal movements, var . ' ranted at Nine uinea s each ; at T. Cox SAVORY'S, Working Goldsmith, Silversmith, and Watchmaker, 47, Cornhill, London._ ondcn: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, °f 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No, 112, Strand, in the cowl of ItliddlesaZ%