The Sun. — London, England, 1844-01-29 00:00:00

ji ii 1 s '% . , i %ecure .admi 4si on , were prese.it. We obserred \lr. ni a S. g'Brien, M.P., and several other influential and h ad r PlP ul dr 07. - mtlemen in the gallery. When the judges a-•:Ita their seats the most death-like silence pre h.,tyr.d every eye Was turned in the direction of the t orator , an d w h en h e rose to a dd ress t h e j ury we • never witnessed a more impressive or solemn scene. -t-he Right Hon. Gentleman then roceeded as follows: :. 1 -tay , it please your Lordships and Gentlemen of the ' J ury, lam Counsel for Mr. John O'Conn2ll. The im- Tortanof ee this case is not susceptible of exaggeration. "and I do not speak in the language of hyperbole when I say that the retention of the empire is directed to the , i. ' B l s et in whi c h we are assembled. How great is the trust ;_ 6'P ee s r e f d or nl ? iriye you--how great is the task I have undertak en 0 Conscious of its magnitude, I have ris e n t o swi m dress you, no t unmove d, b u t un di smaye d i n d ee d ; for this nio*.nent how many incidents of my ow n p o liti ca l com, back upon me, when I look upon my great r)entiaa't benefactor, my deli ve rer, and my friend ; but t ‘ he emotion by which I acknowledge myself to be h f o r° lnitlly stirred, although I will not permit myself be subdued by it, so li c it u d e f orms no p art . I j ve great reliance upon you—upon the ascendancy Principle over prejudice in your minds ; and I am Lot without reliance upon myself. Ido not speak in the ah l ?Fnagn of vain-glorious self-complacency when I say ie l '• I know. that lam surrourvied by men infinitely tdeseutupai, eriors ha every forensic, and in almost every in- Valification. My confidence is derived not from any tierweening estimate of my own faculties, but • a. thorough conviction of the innocence of my -- • "qt• I know, and I appear in some part not only as "n• advocate but a witness before you, I know him to be r,"eent of the misdeeds laid to his charge. The same ° °(l flows through their veins—the same feelings cir culate through their hearts. The son and the father are 4 411 Political regards the same, and with the father I th e toiled in no dishonourable companionship for more , ) ,!at half my life in that great work, which it is his zer prais e that it was conceived in the spirit of tor. e e - -in the spirit of peace it was carried out—and fti. in the sp ir it of peace it was brought by him its glorious consummation. I am acquainted 7s til th every feature of his character, with his ~, °tights, hopes, fears, aspirations. I have—if I may entur e so to knowft;ll cognizance of every pulsation ef "'s he, - .4,rt I—l am sure as that lam a living i t • b• ---s alat from the sanguinary misdeeds imputed to un e shri n k s with abhorrence. It is this persuasion `r ale impassioned—and I trust that it will prove touts ions — which will sustain me in the midst of the l ith xihaustion incidental to this lengthened trial ; will en able me to ove rcome th e ill ness u nder w hich I a m thi s - :eatent labouring ; will raise me to the height of this t r eat argument, and lift me to a level with the lofty `"Pies which I shall have occasion to treat in resisti ng a T r osecution, to which, in the annals of criminal i n tisprudence in this country no parallel c an b e vin na• Gentlemen, the Attorney-General, in a state 'tient of eleven or twelve hours' duration, real a long aeri es of ex t rac t s f rom s p eec h es an d p u bli ca ti ons , ex irding over a period of nearly nine months. At th e ; rrn ination of every passage which was cited by him, he ;aye utterance to expressions of strong resentment _Ohm the men by whom sentiments so noxious were z e ulated, in language so envenomed. If, gentlemen the jury, his anger was not simulated ; if his as I I lrnation was not merely official ; if he spoke si e felt, how does it come to pass that no , gle st e p was ever ta k en b y hi m f or th e p ur - C s e of arresting therogress of an evil represented by tr n t to be so calamito us?He toldyou that the country was the by incendiaris who set fire to the passions of ge Peopl e the whole fabric of society, according to the Att nr ,ttey-deneral, has, been a blaze for the last nine a -n tna ; wherefore hen did he stand with folded arms to oile,•at the.conflagration . ? - . Where were the Castle fire-en inf„ s ' --- -where was the indictment—and of the ex-officio 41;4/nation, what had become ? Is there not too much %ein to think that a project was formed, or rather that d• et Was con c o c ted, to decoy and ensnare the traversers, fiethat a conn i vance , amount i ng a l most to sanct i on , was berately adopted as a part of the policy of the:Govern of nt, in order to betray the traversers into indiscretions wnich advantage was, in due time, to be taken ? hav e heard it sa id th a t it was cr i m i na l t o t e ll the people to • their time;" but is the Government to "bide its time" order to turn populak excitement to a useful official l e tee „ ennt ? The publicairosecutor who gives an indirect erouragement to agitation, in order that he may after- N ar ds more effectually fall upon it, bears some moral affi d tY to the informer, who provokes the crime from whose enmiciation his ignominious livelihood is derived. Has thea A ttorney-General adopted a course worthy of his bar' office —worthy of the ostensible head of the Irish and the representative of its interests in the House ithranons? Is it befitting that the successor of Saurin, Plunket, who should keep " watch and ward" oJ e n ' . his high st a ti on ov er the public safety, should de ad to the performance of functions worthy only of a the of the French police ; and in place of being k l e sentin e l, s h ou ld b ecome t h e " A rt f u l D o d ger " of the th te ? But w h a t, y ou ma y as k, c ould be the motive of h_e R ight Hon. Gentleman for pursuing the course he h a Right adopted, and for which no explanation has been-et c:ll4e dby hi m ? H e w ill h a v e obtained no advantage 1.' 4441 Y SerViCeable to his party by prosecuting Mr. Bar ett, their r liar. Duffy, or Dr. Gray, for strong articles in /1„` n ewspapers ; or by prosecuting Mr. Steele, or Mr. n a i r fi ney, for attending unlawful assemblies. He did sh With linesif I may avail myself of an illustra b°„! derived from the habits of my constituents at t augrvon but cast a wide and firmly constructed t, in order that by a kind of miraculous • n he might take the great agitator-leviathan, him t; a Memb er o f P arl i ament, Tom Steele, the three edi zssof new s p apers, and a pair of priests in one stupen u hawl together. But, gentlemen, there was another o tiect still more important to be gained. Had the At tornv o j eenYt -General tt engerile,prosecuted individuals for the use of or for the attending unlawful meetings, each individua would be held responsible for his own ots but in a p rosecu ti o n for a conspiracy, which is en to every one of the objections applicable to con structive treason, the acts and the speeches of one man are given in evidence against another, although the latter the have been at the distance of a hundred miles when , c ircumstances used against him as evidence, and of hhe had no sort of cognizance, took place. By I,"ens .. e f e . utin g Mr. O'Connell for a conspiracy, the Attor thYF % , eneral treats him exactly as if he were the editor e the Freeman, the editor of the Nation, and f i v e ,, editor of the Pilot newspapers. Indeed, 'if eo „'„„ . r six other editors of newspapers in the th:'," r try had been joined as traversers, for every line in „„! .newspapers Mr. O'Connell would be held re rnsible. There is one English gentleman, I believe a na that jury. If a conspiracy were instituted iir i n.st the Anti-Corn-law League in England, would Mr' ci ,t, think it very hard indeed that Mr. Cobden and in -nright should be held answerable for every article la the C4ronicle, in the Globe, and in The Sun ? How thr.a portio n o f t h e case o f t h e C rown d epen d s upon aews I mplication o f M r . O'Connell with three Dublin wh o P e aPers ?—He is accused of conspiring . with men tho se ertainly never conspired with each other. For th at ' t, ,who know anything of newspapers are aware that th ere l'eY are mercantile - speculatio n s-,the property . in, of t , 1„s held by shares—and that the very circumstance koneir being engaged in the same politics alienates the to retors from each other. They pay their addresses re k ,, e s ame mistress, and cordially detest each other. I ea iro 'laber to have heard Mr. Barnes, the celebrated w hat Of of the Times newspaper, 'once ask Mr. Rogers k Manner of man was a Mr. Tomkins ;to which r. Illo rn 7g e rs replied, 4. he was a dull dog, who read the RerGli." Let us turn for a moment from the • to the antisliepeal party. You would smile I think 14, 4 1 s uggestiaa th a t M r . M urray M ans fi e ld an d M r . th e , t,''Y Sheehan should enter into a conspiracy toge at th .Those gentlemen would be themselves astonished of th e_ i mputation. Suppose them to be both members sta nce C onservative Association : Would that circum of „ a . be sufficient to sustain, in the judgment- of men %fil o M sense, the charge of conspiracy upon them ? and i i ttoen, the relation in which Mr. Duffy, Mr. Barrett, ethi:titr.ii,vGe....reakyly stood to the Repeal Association, is exactly as that in which Mr. Staunton, the proprietor e r th e Register, stood towards the Catholic Asso aews„• He was paid for his advertisements, and - his thesevaper contained emancipation news, and was sent to tri eal ,.wito desired to receive it. Mr. Staunton is now a hi s ve t' of the Repeal Association ; he will tell you that ehareennection with that body is precisely of the same hrs t : ri ete r, as that which existed with the ce l e - Pr ov e" oody to which I have referred ; he will eXer e i t ` - ' You, that over his paper Mr. O'Connell clo ne tes no sort of control, and that all that is of hi e b y him in reference to his paper, is the result at the own free and unbiassed will. The speeches made by hi_ 4 .ssociati on and public meetings were reported NI, . 4 u In the same manner as in the other public Jour e is not not tr e a conspirator ; the Government have u o d him as such. Why ? Because there were wl i f eh ynts in his paper The Memory of the Dead," o ', c a o lt n hongh in direct opposition to the feelings of s lieu, and which he had frequently expressed, h are , used in evidence against him. Gentlemen, I d oer enough to you to show how formidable is this rin e of . conspirac--of legal conspiracy —which is iar r emoved from all notions of actual conspiracy, to it.'ve.You further how cautious you ought to be in find -I'4 fight of your f e ll ow - c iti zens gu il ty o f that charge. thin ' een dants are indicted for conspiracy, an d f or no • lawkielse„ No c oun t s are i nser t e d f or attending un cooviocassemblies. The Attorney-Ge nera l wants a d"iater for conspiracy, and nothing else. He has indictmin these particulars from English usage tem;ments for a conspiracy, counts for at intr-olitg unlawful assemblies are in England uniformly fest o d tin ed. English juries have almost uniformly math- T a k e ~a n aver s i on t o fi n d men gu il ty o f a consp i racy. eas e : e ary Hunt' s case as an examp l e. Wh en t h at had bees tried England was in a perilous condition. It C ' r ani n Proved before a se cre t c ommittee of the House fmiler o ns, of whi c h t h e present E ar l o f D er b y, t h e b o d ies et' Lord Stanley , was the Chairman, that large 1 ' 0 46, 0 1 rn,e_n_were disciplined at night in the neigh- Of a OtnAlanchester, and made familiar with the use lie tins' An extensive organisation existed. Vast pub !utioaer"4,,eLiclvere held, accompanied with every revo- Ject__ y .i au ent in furtherance of a revolutionary ob rantYt Englisho°ffteh°enjury would not find Henry Hunt , but found him guilty, on the fourth eoy,,;,ponie ofthe indictment for . attending an unlawful assern artists were not found guilty of a _ t he -r w i o rtte r , l Y. , but ns were found guilty upon counts from which lileei4neafteiffilfliered.° pi ts t iracy" is left out. Gentlemen, the pro- Izi l l vlien the Union was carried, have not s:,ll,lifieensdeclar the prospects presented by him in his have not been realised ; but, if in °us 4 4 : 11 Y other rerlariedns_ have sustained a most gr i ev _ trourrtedisbaePrpeoini ftmEenngt-iii.fuZghlaisvhe peraepfietrarlelessinnkoitngadleenir i une s in the rocks of Mexico rather than embark them s Peculati r ,s connected with this fine but unfortunate e ' e nntry___ nr.e be Y d t er f i r . om the Union,. let one advantage at all Let English love• tn e s h p ri Ned. of justice—let ciples—let English horror of oppression —let "sh detestation of foul thiy.-*-let English loathing of LS. c , Mr. police, a cri7 TESSO£ e , ) f the 1.1:4 a 11)6'4; f Mr he ex- fEsisorp nt him Led the Court o f the, vebr eernais ewspa -1 un of the 'ilerk of spa pers nded . ing the E." s of the mphatic I e j tlSie brother his in 3n col" roceed . nd pre' °Blot" Crown se a the norroW , the trt; ;ranted t [Fiteice * 34- r , •CCOV eI *ea take las _ _ ..-take 6 the 4th ly meet' took 00 ,chat ly a fter a reP aal frolls . oft 1 oil tbe by aug , To ; carried . Lt his " 1 3 oce to tha t nae d 113 f LisEdoil 0 111 s ee . follo fr* tain ea Of nile t ption etle rg : tank s ; . ! p n . 04 1 osrti our as As"' 61. 1°5 ' • sous he ssl° tioellOf re. ~, ead i ' iat i° ' e ecli ill 1. „ fr . a dag i j 3n ed ni e heae the y irs cter' t ° 511 ea ali ct t in th A a oe- ~ rolfl l, , e de r Iti ^onstructive crime, find its way amongst us ; b It, thank God, it is not to England that I am driven exclusively to refer for a solitary example of the aversion of twelve honest men t.) prosecutions for conspiracy. You remem ber the prosecution of Forbes, and of Handwich, and other Orangemen of an inferior class, under Lord Wel lesley's adminstration; they were guilty of a riot in the theatre, but ,they were charged with having entered into a great political confederacy to upset Lord Wellesley's Government, and to associate him with the" exports of Ireland." The Protestant feeling of Ireland rose—ad dresses were poured in from almost every district in the country, remonstrating against a proceeding which was represented ai hostile to the liberties of the country, and a great stretch of the prerogative of the Crown. The jury did their duty, and refused to convict the tra versers. I recollect that the Irish Catholics at that time, heated by feelings of partisanship, were rash enough to wish for a conviction. Fatal mistake ! A precedent would have been created, which would soon have been converted into practice against themselves. self upon a similar occasion. The hour for intimidation was passel. Sir Walter Scott, after detailing in stances of the violence of Whi' she], and describing the rest of the Dean's letters, says —" Thus victoriously terminated the first grand struggle for the independence of Ireland. The eyes of the kingdom were now moved with one consent, upon the man by whose unbending for titude and pre-eminent talent this triumph was accom plished. The Draper's head became the sign ; liis por trait was engraved, worn upon handkerchiefs, struck upon medals, and displayed in every possible manner as the Liberator of Ireland. Well might that epithet "grand," be applied to the first grand struggle of the people of Ireland by that immortal Scotchman, who was himse!f so "grand of soul," and who, of mental loftiness, as well as of the magnificence of external nature, had a perception so fine; and well might our own Grattan, who was so great and so good, in referring to his own achieve ment, in 1782, addresses to the spirit of Swift, and to the spirit of Molyneux, his enthusiastic invocation. And may not I, in such a cause as this, offer up my prayer, that of the spirit by which the soul of Henry Grattan was itself influenced, every remnant in the bosoms of my countrymen may not be extinguished. A prosecution was not instituted against the great conspirators of 1782. The English Minister had been taught in the struggles between England and her colonies a lesson from ad versity, that schoolmistress, the only one from whom Ministers ever learn anything—who charges so much blood, so much gold, and such torrents of tears, for her instructions. In reading the history of that time, and in tracing the gradual descent of England from the tone of despotic dictation to the reluctant acknowledg ment of disaster, and to the ignominious confession of defeat, how many painful considerations are presented to us ! If in time—if the English Mi nister in time had listened to the eloquent warnings of Chatham, or to the still more oracular admonitions of Edmund Burke, what a world of woe would have been avoided ! By some fatality, English was first demented, and then was lost. Her repentance followed her per dition. The colonies were lost ; but Ireland was saved by the timely recognition of the great principle on which her independence was founded. No Attorney-General was found bold enough to prosecute Flood and Grattan for a conspiracy. With what scorn would twelve Irish men have repudiated the presumptuous functionary by whom such an enterprise should huve been attempted. Irishmen then felt that they had a country ; they acted under the influence of that instinct of nationality, which, for His providential purposes, the author of nature has implanted in us. We were then a nation—we were not broken into fragments by those dissensions by which we are at once enfeebled and degraded. If we were eight millions of Protestants (and, Heaven forgive me, there are moments when, looking at the wrongs done to my country, I have been betrayed into the guilty desire that we all were) ; but if we were eight millions of Protestants, should we be used as we are ? Should we see every office of dignity and emolument in this country filled by the natives of the sister island ? Should we see the just expenditure requisite for the im provement of our country denied ? .Should we see the quit and crown rents of Ireland applied to the improve ment of Charing-cross or of Windsor Castle ? Should we submit to the odious distinctions between English men and Irishmen introduced into almost every Act of legislation ? Should we bear with an Arms Bill, by which the Bill of, Rights is set at nought ? Should we brook the misapplication of a poor law ? Should we allow the Parliament to proceed as if we had not a voice in the legislature? Should we submit to our present inadequate representation? Should we allow a new tariff to be introduced, without giving us the slightest equivalent for the manifest less we have sus tained ? And should we not peremptorily require that cdrv s t eehoi distinctions t n te Imperial d s nit boroc f ycyuft rsioauel distinctionsnahpl sn t powerful, t ee r: co operating es then snt would inestdtahi saetbfl yroyo ruaboaresue: interests sdi a nne n otg detestable tl oseu wretched ranoobdub onlyer e to a colonial dependency, e h repugnant to the genuine spirit of Christianity, and thesub stitute a r p a if n urr But tmu a c eo n it and, tsoni from aw o t e roe n n o o a re a a f Irish should hold a business periodical i n t h metro polis s e s fur the charities of religion the rancorous anti pathies of sect ; but because they practically reduce us make the union a name, con vert a nation into an appurtenance, make us the footstool of the Minister, the scorn of England, and the commise ration of the wor ld . Ireland is the only country i n Europe in which abominable distinctions between Pro testant and Catholic are permitted to continue. In Ger many, where Luther translated the' Scriptures ; in France, where Calvin wrote the Institutes ; aye, in the land of the Dragonades and the St. Bartholomews ; in the land from whence the forefathers of one of the judi cial functionaries of this Court, and the first Ministerial officer of the Court, were barbarously driven—the mu tual wrongs done by Catholic and Protestant are for given and forgotten, while we, madmen that we are, arrayed by that fell fanaticism which, driven from every other country in Europe, has found a refuge here, precipitate ourselves upon each other in those encounters of sectarian ferocity in which our country, bleeding and lacerated, is trodden under foot, and our island, which might be the noblest in the world, is miserably degraded, and her national resources un developed by those who counteract the designs of nature and who become conspirators against the Providence of God. To the prosperity of our country, architecture has left us its magnificent attestation. This temple de dicated to justice, stands among the witnesses, silent and solemn, of the glory of Ireland, to which I may appeal. It is seen from afar off. It rises high above the smoke and din of this populous city; it is the type of that moral elevation, over every contaminating influence, to which every man who is engaged in the sacred administration of justice can ascend. The penal laws were enacted by slaves and relaxed by freemen. The Protestants of Ire land had been contented to kneel to England upon the Catholic's neck. They rose to a nobler attitude, and we were permitted to get up. In 1782, the Protestants of Ireland, who had acquired political rights, communicated civil privileges to their fellow-subjects. In 1793 they granted us the elec tive franchise—a word of illustrious etymology. There can be no doubt that the final adjustment of the Catho lic question upon terms satisfactory to both parties would have been effected, and without putting the coun try to that process of fearful agitation through which it has passed, if the rebellion of 1798, so repeatedly, and with a sincerity so unaffected, denounced by Mr. O'Con nell, had not marred the hopes of the country and essen tially contributed to the Union. Mr. Pitt borrowed his plan of the Union-from that great soldier to whom the gentry of this country are under obligations so essential. It must be acknowledged, however, that they make up the zeal of their loyalty for the republican origin of their estates. Oliver Cromwell first advised the Union. He returned 400 members for England, 30 for Scotland, and as many for this country ; a re port of the debates in that singular assembly was pre served by Thomas Burton, who kept a diary, and is stated in that book which I hold in my hand to have been a member in the Parliaments of Oliver and Richard Cromwell, from 1656 to 1659. It was published a few years%ago frOm a - MR in the British Museuni: The members from Ireland were English Soldiers, who had acquired estates in Ireland: Yon would suppOSe that they were cordially welcomed by their English as sociates, for they were Englishmen, bred and born ; and they had very materially contributed to the tranquilisation of Ireland. I hope I use the most delicate and least offen sive term. I acknowledge that I had anticipated as much before I read the book. What was my surprise when I found that these deputies from Ireland were considered to be in some sort contaminated by the air which they had breathed in this country, and that they were most un courteously treated by the English Members. A gen tleman whose name ought to be Copley, says, "These men are foreigners." The following is the speech : " Mr. Gewen said, it is not for the honour of the Eng lish nation for foreigners to come and have power in this nation. They are but provinces at best.' Doctor Clarges says, on behalf of Ireland, page 114, " They (the Irish) were united with you, and have always had an equal right with you. He that was King of I , :ngland, was King of Ireland or Lord. If you have not a right to sit here, you must in justice let them have a Parlia ment at home. How safe that will be, I question. Those that sit for them are not Irish teagues; but faithful per sons." Mr. Gewea again observes—"lt were better both for England and for Ireland that they had Parlia ments of their own. It is neither safe, just, nor honour able to admit them. Let them rather have a Parlia ment of their own." Mr. Antic observes—" If you speak as to the convenience in relation to England, much more is to be said why those who serve for Scotland should sit here. It is one continent, and elections are easilier de termined ; but Ireland differs. It is much fitter for them to have Parliaments of their own. That was the old constitution. It will be difficult to change it, and dangerous for Ireland. They are under an impossibility of redress Their grievances can never Gentlemen, we are living in the midsi'of strong political vicissitude. God forbid that I should even live to see the time—(for I hate to see ascendancy of every kind) —God forbid that I should ever live to see the time, or that our children should- ever live to see the time, when there shall be found Catholic Judges at a trial at bar upon that bench, and the entire of the Government bar who shall be engaged in a public prosecution, shall be Roman Catholics ; and when a Catholic crown solici tor shall strike eleven Protestants from the special jury list, and leave twelve Roman Catholics in that box. I. re-assert it, and exclaim again, in all the sincerity of my heart, that I pray that such a spectacle never shall be exhibited in this the first criminal court in the land. I know full well the tendency of power to abuse. We have witnessed strange things, and strange things we may yet behold. It is the duty, the solemn duty—it is the interest, the paramount interest— of every one of us, before and above everything else, to secure the great principles of liberty—in which we all have an equal concern—from invasion, and to guard against the creation of a precedent which may enable some future Attorney-General to convert the Queen's Bench into a Star Chamber, and commit a further inroad upon the principles of the Constitution. Gentlemen of the Jury, it is my intention to show you that my client is not guilty of any of the conspiracies charged in the indictment ; and in doing so I shall have occasion to advert to th several proceedings that have been adopted by the Government, and the evidence that has been laid before you. But before I proceed to that head of the division which I have traced out for myself, I shall show the jury what the objeA of my client really was. I shall show you that that object was a legal one, and that it was by legal means that he endeavoured to attain it. The Attorney-General, in a speech of considerable length, but not longer than the greatness of the occasion amply justified, adverted to a great number of diversified topics, quoted the speeches of Sir Robert Peel and of Lord John Russell. He adverted to the report of the secret committee of the House of Lords in 1797, and he referred to the great era of Irish parliamentary inde pendence, 1782. That he should have been so multifa rious and discursive, I do nut complain. In a case of this incalculable importance, we should look for light wherever it can be found. I shall go somewhat farther than the year 1782; but do not imagine that I mean to enter into any lengthened narration or elaborate expa tiation. Long tracts of time may be swiftly traversed. I do not think that any writer has given a more accu rate, or more interesting account of the first struggle of Ireland for the assertion of equal rights than Sir Walter Scott. He was a Tory. He was bred and born, per haps, in some disrelish for Ireland; but when he came amongst us, his opinions underwent a material altera tion. The man who could speak of Scotland in those noble lines, which were cited in the course of this trial, with so much passionate attachment, made a just allowance for those wlo felt for the land of their birth the same just emotion. In his life of Swift, he says, Molyneux, the friend of Locke, and of liberty published in 1698, " The case of Ireland being bound by acts of Parliament in England stated," in which he showed with great force, that the right of legislation, of which England made so oppres sive a use, was neither justifiable by the plea of con quest, purchase, or precedent, and was only submitted to from incapacity of effectual resistance. The temper of the English House of Commons did not brook these remonstrance.. It was unanimously voted that these bold and pernicious assertions were calculated to shake the subordination and dependence of Ireland, as ignited and annexed for ever to the Crown of England, and the vote of the House was followed by an address to the Queen, complaining that although the woollen trade was the staple manufacture of England, over which her legislation was accustomed to watch with the utmost care, yet Ireland, which was dependent upon and pro tected by England, not contented with the linen manufac ture, the liberty whereof was indulged to her, presumed also to apply her credit and capital to the weaving of her own wool and woollen cloths, to the great detriment of England. Not a voice was raised in the British House of Commons to contradict maxims equally impo litic and tyrannical. In acting upon these commercial restrictions, wrong was heaped upon wrong, and insult was added to injury—with this advantage on the side to the aggressors, that they could intimidate the people of Ireland into silence by raising, to drown every com plainant, the cry of "rebel, and Jacobite." When Swift came to Ireland in 1714 he at first devoted himself to literary occupation ; but at length his indignation was aroused by the monstrous wrongs which were inflicted upon his country. He was so excited by the injustice which he abhorred that he could not forbear from ex claiming to his friend Delany, " Do not the villanies of men eat into your flesh ?" In 1720 he published a pro posal for the use of Irish manufactures, and was charged with having endeavoured to create hostility between dif ferent classes of his Majesty's subjects, one of the Charges preferred in this very indictment. At that time the judges were dependent upon the Crown. They did not possess that " fixity of tenure" which is a security for their public virtue. They are now no longer thank God, " tenants at will." They may be mistaken— they may be blinded by strong emotions—but corrupt they cannot be. The circumstances detailed in the fol lowing passage in the life of Swift could not by possibi lity occur in modern times. " The storm which Swift had driven was not long in bursting. It was intimated to Lord Chief Justice Whitshed by a person in great of fice" (this, if I remember right, was the expression used by Mr. Ross, in reference to a great unknown, who sent him here) "that Swift's pamphlet was published for the purpose of setting the two kingdoms at variance ; and it was recommended that the printer should be prosecuted with the uttermost rigour. Whitshed was not a person to neglect such a hint, and the arguments of Govern ment were so successful that the grand juries of the county and city presented the Dean's pamphlet as a seditious, factious, and virulent libel. Waters, the printer, was seized and forced to give great bail ; but, upon his trial, the jury, though some pains had been bestowed in selecting them, brought him in not guilty • and it was not until they were worn out by the Lord Chief Justice, who detained them eleven hours, and sent them nine times to reconsider their verdict, that they; at length; reluctantly left the matter in his hands, by a special verdict ' but . the measures of Whitsheal were too violent to be of service to the Government ; men's minds revolted against his iniquitous conduct." Sir Walter Scott then proceeded to give an account of the famous Draper's letters. After speaking of the first three, Sir Walter Scott says, "It was now obvious. from the temper of Ireland, that the true point of difference between the two countries, might safely be brought before the public." In the Draper's fourth letter, ac cordingly, Swift boldly treated of the Royal prerogative by the almost exclusive employment of natives of Eng land, in places of trust and emolument in Ireland ; of the dependence of that kingdom upon England, and the power assumed, contrary to truth, reason, and justice, of binding her by the laws of a Parliament in which she had no representation." And, gentlemen, is it a question too bold of me to ask, whether if Ireland have no effective representrition—if the wishes and feelings of the representatives of Ireland upon Irish questions are held of no account—if the Irish representation is utterly merged in the English, and the Minister does not, by a judicious policy, endeavour to counteract it—as he might, in the opinion of many men, at least effectually do—is not the practical result exactly the same as if Ireland had not a single representative in Parliament ? Gentlemen, Swift addressed the people of Ireland upon this great topic, in language as strong as any that Daniel O'Connell has employed. "The remedy," he says. "is wholly in your own hands. . . . By the laws of God, of nations, and of your country, you are, and ought to be as free a people as your brethren in England." " This tract," says Sir Walter Scott, " pressed at once upon the real merits of the question at issue. and the alarm was instantly taken by the English Go vernment, the necessity of supporting whose domination devolved upon Carteret, who was just landed, and ac cordingly a proclamation was issued offering 300/. re ward for the discovery of the author of the Draper's fourth letter, described as a wicked and malicious pamphlet, containing several seditious and scandalous passages, highly reflecting upon his Majesty and his Ministers, and tending to alienate the affections of his good subjects in England and Ireland from each other." Sir Walter, after mentioning one or two interesting anecdotes, says—" When the bill against the printer of the Draper's letters was about to be presented to the grand jury, Swift addressed to that body a paper en tiled' Seasonable Advice,' exhorting them to remember the story of the Leyone mode by which the wolves were placed with the sheep on con dition of parting with their shepherds and mastiffs, after which they ravished the flock, at pleasure. A few spirited verses, addressed to the citizens at large. and enforcing similar topics, are subscribed by the Draper's initials, and are, doubtless, Swift's own com position, alluding to the charge that he had gone too far in leaving the discussion of Wood's projects to treat of the alleged dependence of Ireland. He concludes in these lines— be redressed. Elections can never be intermixed. Though they were but a province, there were courts of justice and parliaments as free as here pray that they may have soon to hear their grievances in their own nation, seeing that they cannot have them heard here." Sir Thomas Stanley observes—" I am not to speak for Ireland, but for the English in Ire land The members for Ireland and the electors are all Englishmen, who naturally claim to have votes in making laws by which they must be go verned ; they have fought your battles, obtained and pre served your interests, designed by the famous Long Par liament, obtained by blood, and sought fur by prayer solemnly.' You may ask of me, wherefore is it I make these references ? I answer, because the institutions of a country may change the Government —may, in its form, undergo essential modifications ; but the basis of the national character, like its language, remains the same and to this very day thereprevailsin the feelings of English men towards this country what I have ventured to call elsewhere the instinct of domination. Towards " If, then, oppression has not quite subdued At one your prudence and your gratitude— If you yourselves conspire not your undoing— And don't deserve, and won't bring down your ruin— If yet to virtue you have so me pretence— - If yet you are not lost to common sense, Assist your patriots in your own defence; That stupid cant, ' he went too far,' despise, And know that to be brave is to be wise ; Think how 11:i struggled for your liberty, And give him freedom while yourselveS are free." At the same time was circulated the memorable and apt quotation from Scripture, by a Quaker (I don't know, gentlemen, whether his name was Robinson, but it ought to have been)—" And the people said unto Saul, shall Jonathan die who bath wrought thy great salvation in Israel. God forbid ! As the Lord liveth there shall not one hair of his head fall to the ground, for he bath wrought with God this cla so the people res cue d Jonathan and he died not." Thus admonished by verse, law, anti Scripture, the grand jury assembled. It was in vain: that the Lord Chief Justice Whitshed, who had denounced the Dean's former tract as seditious, exerted him and procured a verdict against the prisoner, the Protestants of Ireland, when the Papists were ground to powder, the very same feeling prevailed, of which we see manifestations to this hour. The question is not one between Catholic and Protestant; but the question is between the greater country and the smaller, which the greater country endeavours to keep under an ignominious control. Many of the men who voted for the Union lived to repent it ; and Lord Clare himself, when designated as a plebeian peer by a great Whig patrician, lamented the mistake he had committed. The Union was carried by corruption and by fear. The shrieks of the rebellion still echoes in the nation's ear. The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, and martial law had been proclaimed. The country was in a state of siege—the Minister had a rod of steel for the people, and a purse of countless gold for the senator. .He ap peared with a crop of Cadmus to the one, and like the shower of Dance to the other ; but in the midst of that parliamentary profligacy, at which even Sir Robert Walpole would have been astonished, the genius of the country remained incorruptible—Grattan, Curran, and tbrigh t her e s a t l i o g f h t t u h p o o s en this, famous th o h i li n e . g n h , e who s tpa s m re part names fo e u s r h c i a s s t t o r s y o , never fora moment. yielded to a sordid or ignoble impulse. All the distinguished men of the bar were faithful to their country. Sir Jonah Barrington, in his history of the Rise THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY MORNING, JANUARY 29, 1844. and Fall of the Irish Nation, has quoted the speeches of I been disgraced by the necessity that existed for holding two the most eminent men of our prof e s s i on ; a mongst which Speci a l C omm i ss i ons of death, and had been degraeel by those of Mr. Goold, who argued th e ques ti o n of right one rebellion—and, to crown all, we were a t l eng th i nsu lt e d 1 with equal eloquence and subtlety, Mr. Joy, Mr. Plan- by being told of our growing prosperity. This was not the ken, Mr. Bushe, and Saurin are cons pi cuous . L or d Pl u n- painting of imagination —it b orrowe d no thi ng f rom f ancy. ket denied the right of Parli amen t t o d es t roy it se lf. Mr. It was, alas ! the plain representation of the facts that had occurred—the picture in sober colours of the real state of Saurin appealed to the authority of Mr. . Locke. The same must s Q il k ltited country. There was not a man present but course was taken by Mr. Bushe, whom we have lost so the triiore misery e e e n x r isted than he had described., lately—Bushe, whom it was impossible for those by whom Such beingewsat ten i yea re i%:, i f ee tl d ie t U a nio t n im it the noblest eloquence was justly prized, not to admire— would not be difficult historytO convince whom it was impossible for those by whom the purest all those calamities had sprung from any unprejudiced I measure. n Ireland nt worth was justly estimated not to reverence; and whom it was favoured by Providence with a fertile soil, an excellent was impossible for those by whom a most .generous and situation for commerce, intersected by navigable rivers, in exalted- nature could be appreciated not to love. The dented at every side with safe and commodious harbours, Attorney-General has stated that the opinions of these emi- blessed with a fruitful soil, and with a vigorous, hardy, nent persons, delivered at the time of the Union, oughtt generous, and brave population ; how did it happ en , th en , that the noble qualities of th e I r i s h p eo ple we re perverted— to be held in no account. l am not surpr i se d t h at tha observation should be applied by him to Lord Plunket, that the order of Providence was disturbed, and its bless when I recollect he so recently quoted one of his Lordship's i i it gs was t worselie ensino neglected? The fatal cause was obviouss— aphorisms, when he was endeavouring to induce the low from that accursedn.liat mthoseurdeeplorable prophesied. eecsoulßdeffoorl- Court to break through all its rules, in order to assist the Act of Unionpassed, it had been was proved that him him in the eagerness of his pursuit., All the finesse of the tradeof the country and its credit must fail as capital form was to be thrown down in order to accelerate the was drawn from it—that turbulence and violence would in career of her Majesty's Attorney-General. But what crease when the gentry were removed to reside in another reason will he give for not attaching any value to country—that the taxes should increase in the same proper the authority of Mr. Saurin. He said Mr. Saurin tion as the people became unable tospay them ! But neither expressed his opinions in mere debate. So that the the arguments nor the prophetic fears have ended with our present t rils. It has also been demonstrated, that as most important priniciples solemnly laid down in par liamentary debate are to be regarded as little better ra n t:. asTtenatueren continuest' t m s o long mustanc theoe evilsexp e r a i e e e n i c ml e n of than mere forensic usseveration. I can now account for facts which we have now had, leave no doubt of the truth some speeches which I heard in the House of Commons of what has been asserted respecting the future; but, if regarding the education question. I think, however, there be any still incredulous, he can only be of those who that if such doctrines be propounded in the House of will not submit their reason to authority. To such persons Commons itself, they would be listened to with surprise. the authority of Mr. Foster, his Majesty's Chancellor of You have heard, gentlemen, in the course of this trial, the Exchequer for Ireland, would probably be conclusive, something of the morality of war, and also something of and Mr. Foster has assured us that final ruin to our country the morality of rebellion, which the Right Hon. Gen- must be the consequence of the Union. I will not dwell, Mr. Sheriff, on the miseries ()1 country; I am disgusted tlema,n was pleased to substitute as a synonyme for war ; but of the morality of Parliament, I trust you will not t h Lhee to trust t myselfshewith Union the has produced, Ilan of d I t l l l t o not form an estimate from the specimen presented to accumulati e on rn of sorrow that must overwEelm the attend opinions by her Majesty's Attorney-General. But these if the Union be not repealed. I beg to call the atten opinions were expressed before the Act of Parliament tion of the meeting to another part of the subject. The was passed. Surely the truth of great principles does Union, Sir, was a violation of our national and inherent not depend upon an A c t o f P ar li ament. Th ey are not f or r i g ht s ; a flagrant injustice. The representatives whom we an age, but for all time. They are immutable and MI- had elected for the short period of eight years had no perishable. They are immortal as the mind of man, authority to dispose of their country for ever. It cannot be incapable of decomposition or decay. The question pretended that any direct or express authority to that effect was given to them, and the nature of their delegation ex before you is not whether these principles are well or eludes all idea of their having any such by implication. They ill-founded, but you must take the fact of their having were the servants of the nation, empowered to consult for its been expressed into your consideration, where you have good; not its masters to traffic and dispose of it • at their to determine the intent of the men upon whose motives fantasy, or for their profit. I deny that the nation itself had you have to adjudicate. The great authority to which a right to barter its independence, or to commit political the traversers appeal giVes them a - right to a political suicide; but when our servants destroyed our existence as toleration upon your part, andshould induceyou to think a nation, they added to the baseness of assassination all the that, even if they were led astray, they were led astray guilt of high treason. The reasoning upon which those by the authority of men with whom surely it is no dis- opinions are founded is sufficiently obvious. They require no credit to coincide. But whatever we may think of the sanction from the authority of any name ; neither do I pre abstract validity of the union, you must bear in mind that s tend to . give them any weight by declaring them to be con- Mr. O'Connell has again and again stated that the Union ze n e t: ll ° l u , 1 S i conviction o m n y d 3 ia " in t i le bt , n i i f o itu ad wt u, a t l e rt e h; o r r it i T to : inluce being law must, as long as it remains law, be submitted and a crime for its basis, I appeal to j - that of hiss g a l Il e c s iii 1?, to ; and all his positions regarding the validity of the present Attorney-General, Mr. Saurin, who in his place in union have no other object than the constitutional in- the Irish Parliament, pledged his character as a lawyer and citement of the people to adopt the most effectual means a statesman, that the Union must be a violation of every through which the law itself may be repealed or modi- moral principle, and that it was a mere question of prudence fled. The union was a bargain and sale. As a sale it whether it should not be resisted by force. I also appeal was profligate, a n d th e b arga i n was a b a d one ; f or b e tt er to the opinions of the late Lord High Chancellor of Ireland, Mr. George Ponsonby, of the present Solicitor-General, Mr. terms might have been obtained, and may be still ob tained . , you do not become the auxiliaries of the Bushe, and of that splendid lawyer, Mr. Plunket. The Union ' was therefore a manifest injustice; and it con testants were suppressed. Not a single English member muststbe still criminal, unless it shall be ludicrously said that was abstracted, and there can be no doubt we stood crime, like wine, improves by old age, and that time mollifies in such a relation towards the English members, injustice into innocence. You may smile at the supposition, that wo were completely nullified in the House but in sober sadness you must be convinced that we daily of Commons. But, gentlemen, one could perhaps suffer injustice; that every succeeding day adds only be reconciled to the terms of the union, bad as they another sin to the catalogue of British vice ; and that if the Were, if the results of the union had been beneficial Union continues it will only make the crime hereditary, to this country. We are told by some that our menu- and injustice perpetual. We have been robbed, my factures and our agriculturalproduce have gr ea tly aug - countrymen, most foully robbed, of our birthright, of per our ; but a hat is the condition of the great bulk of our independence ; may it not be fully to ask how this consummation of evpermittedi us mourn the people of the country, which is, after all, the con- fectany ed ? for it was not in disastrous battle that p our sideration which, with Christian statesmen, ought to lib ert i es were struck down; no foreign invader had de weigh the most. The greater happiness of the greater spoiled the land; we have not forfeited our country by any number is a Benthamite antithesis ; but there is a great crimes ; neither did we lose it by any domestic insurrection; .deal of Christianity condensed in it. When travellers no, the rebellion was completely put down before the Union from France, from Germany, from America, arrive in was accomplished; the Irish militia and the Irish yeomanry this country, and contemplate the frightful spectacle had put it down. How, then, have we become enslaved? presented by the misery of tne people, althougn pre- a A e la c s ! England, that ought to have been to us a sister viously prepared by descriptions of the national miser, 1 ,. and bredle r n Eng ngl n and, whom we had loved, and fought la dovhom we have protected, and whom they stand aghast at what they see, but what they could we do protect—England, at a period when, out. of 100,000 not have imagined. Why is this ? How does this seamen in her service, 70,000 were Irish —England gland ;tole state of things arise in a country which Bacon, and upon us like a thief in the night, and robbed us of which Spenser, notwithstanding their masterdom the precious gem of our liberty, she stole from us ' that over the English language, seem to be at a loss for which not enriched her, but made us poor indeed.' Re language sufficiently glowing to describe ? If we look at flect, then, my friends, on the means employed to effect this other countries, and find the people in a miserable con- disastrous measure. Ido not speak of the meaner instru dition, we attribute the fault to the Government. Are ments of bribery and corruption. We all know that every thing was, put up . to sale—nothing profane or sacred was we in Ireland to attribute it to the soil, to the climate, or omitted in the Union mart. Offices in the revenue, corn to some evil genius who exercises a sinister influence mends in the army and navy, the sacred ermine of justice, over our destinies ? The fault, as it appears to me, and the holy altars of God, were all profaned and polluted is entirely in that system of policy which has been as the rewards of Union services. By a vote in favour of pursued by the Imperial Parliament, for which, on this the Union, ignorance, incapacity, and profligacy obtained account . the union is to be condemned. Let me see, certain promotion ; and our ill-fated, but beloved country, was gentlemen, whether I can make out my case. I shall degraded to her utmost limits before she was transfixed in sla go through the leading facts with great celerity ; but very. But Ido not intend to detain you in contemplation of ' in such a case as this I should not apprehend the im- those vulgar means of Parliamentary success, they are within ' putation of being wantonly prolix. Your time is, in- the daily routine of official management ; neither will I direct your attention to the frightful recollection of that avowed deed, most valuable, but the interests at stake are fines- your which is now part of history, that the rebellion itself timably precious ; and time will be scarce noted by you wee fomented and encouraged in order to facilitate the Union. when you bear in mind that the effects of your verdict Even the rebellion was an accidental and a secondary cause will be felt when generations have passed away—when _the real cause of the Union lay deeper, but is quite ob every heart that now throbs in this great assembly shall v i ous —i t i s t o b e f oun d a t once i n the religious dissensions have ceased to palpitate—when the contentions by which which the enemies of Ireland have created, and continued, we were once agitated shall touch us no further; and all and seek to perpetuate among themselves, by telling us off, of us, Catholic and Protestant, Whig and Tory, Radical and.separating us into wretched sections and miserable sub and Repealer, and Conservative:shell have been gathered divisions; they separated the Protestant from the Catholic, where all at last shall go down in peace together. The and the Presbyterians from both ; they revived every anti first measures adopted in the Imperial Parliament were a quated cause of domestic animosity, and invented new pre continuation of martial law, an extended suspension of t li e e x d ts a o n f d raT u ur ; t b e t d it, us ab t ove a1 i 1, 0 7 countrymen, they be the Habeas Corpus Act. Mr. Pitt was honestly anxious to repeat c' that assertion until we et came to t ando believe tlej7 co it n . tu the ed to carry Catholic emancipation, and to make at the same succeeded in producing all the madness of party and reli timey a provision for the Roman Catholic clergy. You may pious distinctions, and whilst we were lost in the stupor of —some of you mar—perhaps, think that Catholic insanity, they plundered us of our country, and left us to emancipation ought never 'to have been car- recover at our leisure from the horrid delusion into which rued ; but if it was to be carried, how much we had been so artfully conducted. Such, then, were the wiser would it have been to have settled means by which the Union was effectuated. It has stripped it forty-four years ago, and without putting the country , us of commerce t and e wealth—it has degraded us, and deprived through that ordeal of excitement through which the Im- us, nameno en!) , o f of our eee ur t stat i r as a nation, but even of perial Parliament, by the procrastination ofjustice, forced t foreigners make our n lZ . s, for are governed by foreign r Members it to pass ? Mr. Pitt, by. transferring the Catholic ques- who nominally represent Irelandl'-er e i n the Vin t dr s ed , ailed the Lion from the Irish to the Imperial Parliament, destroyed Imperial Parliament, were they really 'n on; l representatives, t his own administration, and furnished a proof that, in what influence could they, although unbought and place of being able to place Ireland under the protection unanimous, have over the 558 English and Scotch of his own genius, he placed it under the control of the Members? But what is the fact? Why that out of strong religious prejudices of the English people. Mr. the hundred, such as they are, that sit for this country, Pitt returned to the first place in the Ministry, with- more than one-fifth know nothing of us, and are unknown out, however, being able to make any stipulations for to us. What, for example, do we know of Andrew Strahan, the fulfilment of his own engagements, or the realise- printer to the King? What can Henry Martin, barrister tion of the policy which be felt to be indispensable at-paw, o f us may, for the rights and liberties of Irishmen? Some for the peace of Ireland. The Roman Catholic Peeled te aT re , a p d er a hars,for our misfortunes, have St he ev e e n ns, ce b ni u - t question was brought forward in 1805, and was lost in an P who knows anythin verbose ef onepamphlet e, one of Jam es Hughan,one Gackin, Imperial House of Commons. Mr. Pitt died after the or of a dozen more whose names I could mention, only be battle of Austerlitz, and was succeeded by the Whigs. cause I have discovered ofspeaking to them for the purpose They proposed a measure, which the Tories, who drove you about them ; what sympathy can we in our sufferings them out on the "No Popery " cry, c arried in 1 816, and expect from those men ? Wh a t s o licitude for our interests? then introduced the new doctrine, that the usefulness of What are they to Ireland or Ireland to them? No, Mr. public measures is to be tried far best upon the princi- Sheriff, we are not represented ; we have no effectual share ples on which they were founded, than by the parties ii . i n tl i ie legislation ; the thing is a mere mockery. Neither is by Whom Alley, .warp accomplished. The expulsion of the Imperial unloPe'ri l al Parliament competent to legislate for us; it is the. Whigs from office in .1806, may, in your judgment, Englanwdlealdy a machine to legislate with discernment for have been a foitiinate roceeding • but fortunate or un- additional einncel but : with respect to Ireinntldit 'lists It .the have that arise from want of . interest fortunate, it furnishes another ' f that the Govern proof and total i, gnorance. Sir, when I talk of the utter ignorance ment of Ireland had been made over, not so much to in Irish affairs of the Members of the Imperial Parliament, I the Parliament as to the great mass of the people do not exaggerate or mis-state ; the Ministers themselves are by whom that Parliament is held under control. in absolute darkness with respect to this country. I under- The Tories found in the portfolio of the Whigs two take to demonstrate it. Sir, they have presumed to speak of measures—a draft-bill for Catholic Emancipation, the growing prosperity of Ireland; I know them to be vile which the Duke of Wellington, then Sir Arthur Welles and Profligate; I cannot be suspected of flattering them; ley, the Secretary for Ireland, flung into the fire ; and yet, dad the e "audaecTt aret,ol.do not believe that they could have b an Arma Bill, to which clauses have been recently added, ; sookeu s by his irlaj est l y n , seg a in x the ee sp ie ee n ch ha s d upg e sed k t newa which even Mr. Shaw declared were e wantonly severe' that; ih tact, Ireland was- in/§4 l c ) t r and s increasing y poverty. You may conceive that an Arms Bill, with all its moles- Sir the content to take their information from apen tations, pen tations, may be required ; but it is beyond question that, gice s ~ .-1 : henchman, a beat styled Sir Francis D'lvernois, in the year 1819 , when England was on the verge of a who eel pee of the pa m Plitetis which it his trade to write, rebellion, no such Bill was ever propounded by the Bri- has Owed by excellent sales of vulgar arithmetic, that tisb, Ministry; and granting, for a moment, for the sake m ou a r nu f f e st i u t res are. flourishing; °dr commerce extending, and of argument, that some such Bill is reuisite, how scan y. consummate. When you detect the Ministers for almost th emselves in such gross ignoraisce as, upon such authority, half must a country have been governed . to place , an'ia It' &Lee d. it . 'll of Rights be . isu mg hoo as were in the mouth of half a century, if this outrage upon the Bill our revered ti.verei ' what think fitness of the Insur- . required ! Having passed the Arms Bill and .„,.. , r‘a im_ nine minor imps of legislation to make laws for Ireland? In-. rection Act, its appropriate adjunct, the Imperial r deed, the recent plans of taxation sufficiently evince how la ooth. in ment, proceeded to reduce the allowance to A h_ Y t n hat it Orel .littrie" aehiatuiParliament is to legislate for There is but one opinion regarding Maynoot conceive that ean Irish Parliament, it is impossible to should be totally suppressed, or largely and munificently o ressive and they would have adopted taxes at once endowed, and that an education should be given to theo P s h itowl ege&eininous to the country, and , an Irish Parliament, ac- Roman Catholic clergy such as a body exercising such . %alined with the statel objects, country, ol and individually vast influence ought to receive. There are some who interested to tax me ri r think that it were better that the Catholic clergy were season of distress, P n e o l lffi e ctilty inwraYsing have, n e ce e even 1 n this 1 - educated in France. I do.not wish to see a gallo-Hiber- plies. The loyalty and good sense of the Irish nation would nian Church in Ireland. Parisian manners may be re- aid them; and we should not now perceive taxation unpro quired as the test of Irish morality, and I own that I ductive of money, but abundantly fertile in discontent. There am too much attached to my sovereign, and to the con- is another subject that peculiarly requires the attention of flexion of my country with England, to desire that the Legislature; but it is one which can be managed only by these conductors of French ambition, that these instru- a resident and domestic Parliament—it includes everything ments of French intrigue, should be located in every that relates to those strange and portentous disturbances parochial subdivision of the country. State to an Eng- which, from time to time, affright and desolate the fairest lisp Conservative—point out to him the importance of districts of the island. It is a delicate, difficult. subject, and opening a career for intellectual exertion, h y holding one that would require the most minute knowledge of out prizes to genius at Maynooth , and he will say, it is the causes that produce those disturbances, and would demand all the all true. But the English Government are unable to • • • individual safety was connected with the discovery - why ? Because the rel . • carry the measure. jections to the people of En g land . are in the way. An- extent of evil that may be dreaded from the outrages I al other of the results of the Legislative Union: In 1810, a lude to, if our country shall continue in the hands of foreign decade since the Union had elapsed, the country was in empirics and pretenders; but it is clear to demonstration, a miserable condition —its destitution, its degradation, that, no man can be attached to his king and country who were universally felt, and b y none mo re than the Pro- does not avow the necessity of submitting the control of this testants of Dublin. A requisition was addressed to the Political question to the only competent tribunal—an Irish High Sheriff of the city, signed by men of the greatest Parliament. The ills of this awful moment are confined to • domestic complaints and calamities. The great enemy weight and consideration amongst us. A mee ti ng our of the world extends his influence and his of the liberty was called, Sir James Riddle was m the chair. At that power from the Frozen Ocean to the Straits of Gib meeting Mr. O'Connell attended. He had in 1800 raltar. He threatens us with invasion from the thousand made his first speech against the Union, and in 1810 he ports of his vast empire; how is it possible to resist him came forward to denounce that measure. The speech with an impoverished, divided, and dispirited empire. If delivered by him on that occasion was precisely then you are loyal to your excellent Monarch—if you are similar to those numerous end most powerful harangues attached to the last relic of political freedom, can you he which have been read to you. He is represented in 1844 sitate to join in endeavouring to procure the remedy for by her Majesty's Attorney - General as influenced by the all your calamities—the sure protection the against all the unworthy most guilty and the most motives. The pee- IJ on threats of your enemy—the Repeal of in .Yes, restore to Irishmen their country, and you may defy the ple are to be arrayed together, in order that at a signal invader's force ; give - back to Ireland her hardy and brave they suay rise ; and that a sanguinary republic should population, and you have nothing to dread from foreign power. be established, of which Daniel O'Connell is to be the It is useless to detain the meeting longer in detailing the head : a view somewhat inconsistent with the magni- miseries that the Union has produced, or in pointing out ficent coronation, which, however, degenerated into the the necessity that exists for its repeal. I have never met puff of a hat-maker at Mullaghmast. If these are the any man who did deplore this fatal measure which has des objects in 1844, what were , the objects in 1810 ? The poiled his country ; nor do I believe there is a single indi same arguments, the same topics of declamation, the vidual in the island who could be found even to pretend ap same vehement a djurations, are employed. G en tl emen of probation of that measure. I would be glad to see the face the Jury, I will read that speech to you :..._ of the man, or rather of the beast, who could dare to say Mr. O'Connell declared that h e offered himself to the he thought the Union wise or good—for the being who could " meeting with unfeigned di ffidenc e. He was unable to do say so must be devoid of all the feelings that distinguish humanity. With the knowledge that suchwere the • justice to his feelings, on the great national subject on which meats of the universal Irish nation, how does it happen that they had met. He felt too much of personal anxiety to allow the Union has • lasted for ten years? The solution of the him to arrange in anything like order, the many topics is easy—the Union continued only because we which rushed upon his mind , now that after ten years of question despaired of its repeal. Upon this despair alone has it silence and torpor, Irishmen again began .to recollect their continued—yet what could be more absurd than such de enslaved country. It was a melancholy period, those ten s air? If the Irish sentiment be but once known—if years, a period in which Ireland saw her artificers starved the voice of six millions be raised from Cape Clear —her tradesmen begging—her merchants become bankrupts to the Giant's Causeway—if the ' men most re k mar - —her gentry banished —her nobility degraded. within able for th • •King and . their loyalty to their attachment to that period domestic turbulence broke from day to day into a open violence and murder. Religious dissensions were ag- constitutional liberty, will come forward as the gravated and embittered. Credit and commerce were anni- leaders of the public voice, the nation would, in an hour, grow too great - for the chains that now shackle you, and hilat e d—t axa ti on augmented in amount and i n vexa ti on . - Besides the " hangings off the Union must be repealed without commotion and without " of the ordinary ass i zes , we h a d difficulty.- -Let the most timid amongst us compare the pre- sent probability of repealing the Union with the prosr ect that in the year 1795 existed of that measure being ever brought about. Who in 1795 thought an Union possible? Pitt dared to attempt it, and he succeeded. It only requires the re solution to attempt its repeal. In fact, it requires only to enter tain the hope of repealing it, to make it impossible that the Union should continue ; but that pleasing hope could never exist, whilst the infernal disFonsions on the score of religion were -kept up. The Protestant alone could not expect to liberate his country—the Roman Catholic alone could not do it—neither could the .Presbyterians—but amalgamate the three into the Irishman, and the Union is repealed. Learn discretion from your enemies—they have crushed your country by fomenting religious discord, serve her by aban doning it for ever. Let each man give up his share of the mischief, let each man forsake every feeling of rancour. Yet, I say not this to barter with you, my countrymen, I require no equivalent, from you ; whatever coarse you shall take, my mind is fi xe d' ; I trample under foot the Catholic claims, if they can interfere with the repeal ; I abandon all wish for emancipation if it delays the repeal. Nay, were Mr. Perceval to-morrow to offer me the repeal of the Union upon the terms of re-enacting the penal code, I de clare from my heart and in the presence of my God, that I would most cheerfully embrace his offer. Let us, then, my beloved countrymen, sacrifice our wicked and groundless animosities on the altar of our country; let that spirit which heretofore emanating from Dungannon spread all over the island, and gave light and liberty to the land, be again cherished amongst us—let us rally round to the standard of old Ireland, and wo shall easily procure the greatest of political blessings, an Irish King, an Irish House of Lords, and an Irish House of Commons." Gentlemen of the Jury, I entreat you to take this speech into your box—to compare it with- the speeches read on behalf of the Crown, and by that com parison to determine the course which you ought to take when the liberty of your fellow-subject is to depend upon your judgment. At that aggregate meeting, in cluding so large a portion of the Protestant inhabitants of this town, with the High Sheriff of the Dublin Corporation in the chair, a series of resolutions was passed against the union. It was determined that peti tions should be presented to Parliament, and that they should be entrusted to Sir Robert Shaw a'd to Mr. - Grattan. Sir Robert Shaw, in his answer, stated, that he had supported the union in Parliament, and that his opinions upon the subject were unaltered. The follow , ing is the answer of Mr. Grattan, and th a t answer at"- ' fords a proof of the falsehood of an allegation often made, that a great change of opinion bad taken place in the mind of that illustrious man with respect to the Le• gislative Union : " Gentlemen—l have the:honour to receive an address presented by your Committee, and an expression of their wishes that I should present certain petitions and support the repeal of an Act entitled the Act of Union ; and your Committee adds, that it speaks with the authority of my constituents, the freemen and freeholders of the city of Dublin. I beg to assure your Committee, and through them my much-beloved and much-respected constituents, that I shall accede to their proposition. I shall present their pe tition, and shall support the repeal of the Act of the Union, with that decided attachment to our connection with Great Britain, and to that harmony between the two countries, without which the connection cannot last. I do not impair either, as I apprehend, when I assure you I shall support the repeal of the Act of the Union. You will please to ob serve, that a proposition of that sort, in Parliament; to be either prudent or possible, must wait till it is called for and backed by the nation. When proposed I shall then—as at all times I hope I shall—prove myself an Irishman, and that Irishman whose first and last passion was his native country. " HENRY GRATTAN." " Backed by the nation!" Mark that phrase. It ocurs again and again in the speeches of Mr. O'Connell. Mr. O'Connell again and again declares, that unless backed by the nation nothing can be accomplished by him. And if it be a crime to apply all the resources of his intel lect, with an indefatigable energy and an indomitable perseverance, to the attainment of the just means de scribed by Mr. Grattan in the phrase, "backed by the nation," then is the son of Daniel O'Connell guilty. But it will be stronger, indeed, if, in the opinion of twelve men of plain sense and of sound feeling, it should be deemed a crime to seek the attainment of Repeal by the only instrumentality by which Mr. Grattan said it could be effected. What is the meaning of " backed by the nation?" What is the nation? We say, the Irish Catholics. The enormous majority of the peo ple are the nation. We say the Irish Protestants, who have the property of the country at large, being in the exclusive enjoyment of great intellectual advantages, and who are united, organised, and determined, are the Irish nation. The Irish Catholics and the Irish Protest. ants are both in the wrong. Neither constitute the Irish nation. Both do. And it was the sustainment of both that Mr. Grattan considered to be indispensable to make the proposition in Parliament either prudent or pos sible. That just object—the combination of all classes and of all part'es in this country—Mr. O'Connell has laboured to attain. You may think that he has laboured, and with labour in vain, to attain it ; but you cannot consider it criminal to toil for its accomplishment • and if you co nce i ve t h at was his object, and the obj ec t o f his son—or ifyou have a reasonable doubt upon the subject, you are bound to acquit him. In 1812 Mr. Perceval lost his life, and efforts were made to construct a Cabinet favourable to emancipation : the project failed, and a State prosecu tion against the Catholic board was resolved on. Mr. Burrowes was the counsel for the defendants, and at the outset of his speech he boldly adverted to the fact that not a single Roman Catholic was upon the jury. He said " that the exclusion of Roman Catholics from the jury was calculated to bring the administration of the law into disrepute ; and he expressed his solemn, and I believe sincere, conviction, that the Protestant jury which he addressed resented the office which had been. assigned to them, and were indignant at a selection from which so many inferences might be derived. It might at first appear likely that a Protestant jury would take an address so bold in bad part; but they gave Mr. Burrowes credit for his manly frankness, and they acquitted the traversers. The Crown resorted to a second prosecu tion; means more effectual were adopted, and a conviction was obtained. Mr. Saurin did not deny that the R.,- man Catholics had been excluded. He was of opinion that Protestant ascendency should everywhere prevail, and not least in those public tribunals, which are armed with so much authority, and exercise so much influ ence over the fortunes of the State. I did not blame Mr. Sarnia. He acted, in all likelihood, conscien tiously, and whatever were his faults, duplicity was certainly not amongst the number. I saw him in the height of his power and in his fall : he was meek in his prosperity, and in his adverse fortune he was serene. The lustre of adversity shone in his smile; for his faults, such as they were, his home, an almost inevitable inherit ance of antipathy, furnishes an excuse. How much more commendable was his conduct and the conduct of the Government of the day, than if they had been pro fuse of professions they never meant to realise, and had offered an insult to the understanding as well as a gross wrong to the rights of the Irish people ; and yet I shall not be surprised if, notwithstanding all that has hap pened, the same cant of impartiality shall be persevered in, and that we shall hear the same protestations of solicitude to make no distinction between Catholics and Protestants in all departments, but more es pecially in the administration of the law. The screen falls—" the little French milliner" is disclosed— "by all that is horrible, Lady Teazle ;" yet 'Joseph preserves his self-possession, and deals in senti ment to the last. But if, after all that has befallen, my Lord Eliot shall continue to deal in sentimentality in the House of Commons, the exclamation of Sir Peter Teazle, " Oh, damn your sentiment I" will break in upon him on every side. The Government, .as I told you, in 1812 succeeded in their State prosecution. What good for the country was effected by it ? Was the Ca tholicquestion put down, or did a verdict facilitate the Government of Mr. Peel, who was soon after appointed Secretary for Ireland ? He was an Irish Member. You are surprised at the intimation. He was returned for the borough of Cashel, where a very small, but a very discriminating constituency, under the influence of some very weighty arguments, though they had never seen him, and, I believe, he had never seen th e c h a p e l o f St. Cormack, were made sensible of his surpassing merits. It has been remarked, that young statesmen who are destined to operate upon England are first sent to dissect upon this country. Mr. Peel had . a fine hand and admirable instruments, and ho certainly gave proof . that he would give the least possible pain in any ampu tations which he might afterwards have to perform. Ile was decorous—he avoided the language of wanton in sult ; endeavoured to give us the advantages of a united despotism, and " dwelt in decencies for ever." Yet, was his Irish government, and he must have felt it, an utter failure—he must have seen, even then, the irresistible arguments in favour of Catholic Emancipation ; but he had not the moral intrepidity to break from his party, and to do at once what he was compelled to do afterwards. The Insurrection Act was renewed, the disturbances of the country were not diminished, and Ireland continued to reap the bitter fruits of Imperial legislation. A new policy was tried.after Mr. Peel had proceeded to Eng land, and the notable expedient was adopted of counte racting the Secretary with the Lord Lieutenant, and the Lord Lieutenant with the Secretary. We had Grant against Talbot, and Wellesley against Goulburn. It is almost unnecessary to say, that a Government carried on upon such a principle was incapable of good. The Roman Catholics of Ireland had been led from time to time to entertain the hope that something would be done for their relief. Their eyes were opened at last by the disingenuous dealing of George IV., who only sipothered his laughter with the handkerchief with which he affected to dry his eyes ; and Daniel O'Connell, feeling that liberty could never be achieved by going ttrough the miserable routine of supplication, founded tie celebrated Society, by which results so great were almost immediately produced—the Catholic Association wis created by him. He constructed a gigantic engine by which public opinion was to be worked—he formed the smallest wheels of his complicated machinery, and by put it into motion by that continuous current of _elo quence which gushed with an abundance so astonish nig as if from a hot well from his soul. A vast or gAnisation of the Catholic millions was accomplished : the Catholic aristocracy the middle classes— the entire of the clergy were enrolled in this celebrated confederacy. The Government became alarmed, and in 1825 a Bill was brought in for the suppression of this famous league. Mr. O'Connell proceeded to London and tendered the most extensive concessions to the Government. An offer was made to associate the Catholic Church with the State. If the Catholic ques tion had been adjusted in 1825, and upon the terms pro posed, it is obvious that the fearful agitation that dis turbed the country during the four succeeding years would have been avoided. Not only were the offers rejected, but the Bill for the suppression of the Catholic Associa tion was carried. It was, however, laughed to scorn, and proved utterly powerless and inoperative. The energy of Mr. O'Connell now redoubled. The peasan try were taught to feel that the elective franchise was not a trust vested in the tenant for the benefit of the landlord. A great agrarian revolt took place, accom panied, beyond all doubt, with great evils, for which, however, those by whom justice was so long delayed are to be held responsible ; the Berestords Were overthrown in Waterford ; in Louth the Forst r e e rs cie re c: ceived a mortal gash, and at length the grea:,C1 a tion gave demonstration of a zu oral power, whose exist - - - ence had scarcely been conjectured. I remsmbetto have seen the late Lord Fitzgerald—an accomplished, an en- DA man-1 mking with astonishment at the vast and living mass which he beheld from a window of re room in the Court-house, where that extraordinary c,mtest was carried. There were sixty thousand men beneath him—solser, silent, fierce. He saw that some • I thing far more important than his return to Parliament was at stake. Catholic emancipation was accomplisht d. And here I shall put two questions—the first is this : Do you think that up to the 13th of April, 1829'.. the day on which the R:.)yal assent was git en to the , Catholic Relief Bill, the system of Government, insti tuted and carried on, under the auspices of an Imperial Parliament, was so wise, so just, so salutary, so fraught with advantages to this country—so conducive to its tranquillisation and to the development of its rates resources—that for nine and twenty years the 'anima ought to have been regarded as a great legislative blessing to this country ? The second question I shall put to you is this—Does it not occur to you that if the present indictment for a conspiracy can be sustained, an indictment for a conspiracy might have been just as reasonably preferred against the men who had associated themselves for the attainment of Catholic emancipation ? There is not a count in this indictment which, by the substitution of " Catholic emancipation" for " R, peal," might not have been made applicable to the great struggle of the Irish Catholics in 1828 and 1829. Money was collected by the Catholic Association. In America, and more especially in Ca nada, strong sympathy for Catholic Ireland was ex pressed. In the Chamber of Deputies, M. Chautesu briand adverted to the state of Ireland in the language of minacious intimation. Enormous assemblages were held in the south of Ireland ; but more especially in the county of Kilkenny. Speeches were delivered by Mr. O'Connell, and by others, fully as inflammatory as any which have been read to you. Yes ; what would have been thought of an indictment for a conspiracy against Mr. O'Connell, against the Even ing Post, the Freeman's Journal, the Morning Register, Dr. Doyle, and my friend Tom Steele, who was at that time, as he is now, a knight-errant against oppression in every form? Would it not have been deemed a monstrous thing to have read a very exciting article in three Roman Catholic newspapers, against the men by whom perhaps they never had been perused ? Such a thing was never thought of. There were, indeed, pro secutions. The individual who now addresses you was prosecuted for a speech on the expedition of Wolfe Tone. The bills were found ; but Mr. Canning declared in the Cabinet that there was not a single line in the speech, which, if spoke n in the 'reuse of Commons would have justified a call for order, and he denounced the prosecution as utterly unjust. The prosecution was accordingly abandoned. But, gentlemen, if I had been prosecuted for a conspi racy, and held responsible not for my own speeches, but for those of others, in hew different and how helpless a position should I have been placed? Have a care how you make a preced nt in favour of such an indictment. Ditr;ng the last nine months, the Attorney-General had ample opportunities, if his own statement be well founded, of instituting prosecutions against individuals for what they themselves had written or done. In this proceeding, %hose tardiness indicates its intent, you will not. I feel confident, become his auxiliaries. A Coercion Bill, if the repeal of the union is to be put down, would be preferable, for it operates as a tempo rary suspension of liberty; but the eff. es of a verdict are permanently deleterious. The doctrire of conspi racy may be applied to every c nnbination of every kind. It is directed against the Repeal Association to-day ;it may be levelled aga;nst the Anti-Corn-law League to. mor row. In one word, every political society, no matter how diversified their objects, or how different their constitution, is within its reach. The Catholic question having been considered, the Tories were put out by a conspiracy formed amongst themselves. The Whigs came in, and the Reform Bill is carried—how ? A. hundred and fifty thousand men assemble at Birming ham, and threaten to advance on London • a resolu tionnot to pay taxes is pass d and applauded by Lord Fitzwilliam. Lord John Russell and Lord Althorp become the correspondents of the Birmingh.:m union. Cumber is reduced to ashes ; Bristol is set on fire ; the Peers resist, and the Whig Cabinet with one voice ex claims "Swamp the House of Lords!" And who are the men—the bold, audacious men—conspirators, in deed, who embark in an enterprise so fearf u l, and which Could be only accomplished by such fearful means ? You will answer Lord Grey ?—Yes. Lord J. Russell ? —To be sure. Lord Althorp ?—No doubt about it. But is our list exhausted ? Do you remember Mr. Hatchell asking Mr. ROSS " Pray, Mr. Ross, have you any acquaintance with Sir :Tames Graham ?” It is not wonderful that the Attorney-General should have started up and thrown down his buckler over the Se cretary of the Home Department. Sir James Graham has Ireland under his control. From the Home-office this prosecution directly emanates. Gamblers denounce vice—drunkards denounce debauch—against immorali ties let wenchors revile. When Graham complains of agi tation his change of opinion may, for aught I know, be serious ; nor have I from motives of par. tisanship the slightest desire, especially behind his back, to assail him ; I will even go so far, for the sake of argument, as to admit that his conversion may have been disinterest: d ; but I do say, that he is, of all men, the last, under whose auspices a prosecution of this character ought to be carried on. The Reform Bill becomes the law of the land—the Par , Eminent is dissolved, and a new Parliament is summoned and called together under the Reform Bit—and the very first measure adopted in that reformed Parliament is a Coercion Bill for Ireland. The Attorney-General read a speech of Lord John Russell's in favour of co ercion. Ile omitted to read the numerous speeches sub sequently made by that noble person, in which his mistake with re -pect to Ireland is honourably con fessed. Gentlemen, I shall not go through the events of the last ten years in detail. It is sufficient to point out, to you the various questions by which this unfor tunate country has been successively convulsed. The church question—the tithe question—the Municipal Bill—the Registration Bill—these queetiona with their diversified ramifications, hare not left us one mo ment's rest. Cabinets have been destroyed by them. The greatest parties in the State have fought for them. Ire land has supplied the fatal field for the encounter of con tending parties. No single measure for the substantial and permanent amelioration of the country has been adopted; and here we are, at the opening of a new session of Parlia ment, with a poor-rate on our estates, a depreciating tariff in our markets, and a State prosecution in her Majesty's Court of Queen's Bench. Such, gentlemen, are the results of the system of policy adopted in that Imperial Parliament, whose wisdom and whose beneficence have been made the theme for such lavish panegyric. Gentlemen, I do not know your political opinions. I do not know that there is any one man among you favourable to the repeal of the union ; but if every . one of you are fearful of that measure becoming ulti mately the occasion of a dismemberment of the empire, still its discusssion may not be useless. If the councils of the State were governed by no other considerations then those which were founded upon obvious justice; or if mea sures were to be carried by syllogisms, and Government was a mere matter of dialectics, then all great assemblages of the people should, of course be deprecated, and every exciting adjuration addressed to the passions of the people should be strenuously reproved. But it is not by ratiocination that a redress 2f grievances can be obtained. The agitator must sometimes follow the example of the diplomatist, who asks for what is impossible, in order that what is possible may be ob tained. It must strike the least observant, that when the Go vernment complained most vehemently of demagogue audacity their resentment is the precursor of their concessions. Take, as an example, the Landlord and Tenant Commission, which there are some Conservatives think will disturb the founda tions of property, and against which Lord Brougham ad dressed his admonitory deprecation to Sir Robert Peel. For my own part, I think it may lead to results greater than were contemplated; for it appears to me to have been chiefly intended as a means of diverting public attention from the consideration of the other great grievances of the country. The main source of all these grievances I am convinced, is to be found in the colonial policy pursued to this country. The Union never has been carried into effect. If it had, Ireland would not be a miserable dependeut in the great imperial famil. The Attorney-General expressed great indignation at the motto at Mullaglimast—" Nine millions of people cannot be dragged at the tail of any nation on earth." That sen timent is taken from a paragraph in the Morning Chronicle newspaper, and I have no hesitation in saving that I at once adopt it. To mere numbers, without intelligence, organisa tion, or public spirit, I for one attach no value. But a great development of the moral prowess of Ireland has taken place. Instruction is universally diffused. The element's of literature, through which political sentiment is in directly circulated, are taught by the State. Ireland has, ; if I may so speak, undergone a species of transformation. By one who had seen her half a century ago, she would be scarcely recognised. The simultaneous, the miraculous abandonment of those habits to which Irishmen were once . fatally addicted, at the exhortation of an huinble friar, is a strong indication of what might be done by a good Govern ment with so fine a people. Without saying that the tem perance niovement affords a proof of the facility with which the national enthusiasm can be organised and directed. I think it is one among the many circumstances which should induce us to think that we have come to such a pass in this country, that some great measures for its security and for its. happiness are required. I perceive the great literary organs of the IVliig party has recently suggested many bold men-, sures, which it represents as necessary for Ireland. There arc numerous difficulties connected with sonic of the propo sitions to which I refer; but there is one which I consider, to be as practicable as it is plain and just. It is recommended. that the Imperial Parliament should sit at certain intervals in this great city. I cannot see any sound objection in the Imperial Parliament assembling now, in the month of Oc tober, for the discharge of Irish business alone, and that all imperial questions should be reserved until the London session commenced, as it now does, in the month of February. The public department's, it is true, are all located in London ; but during the Irish session a refer ence to those departments would not be required. Such a session might be inconvenient to English Members ; but the Repeal agitation and a state prosecution, like the present, are attended with inconveniences far greater than any whirls English Members, in crossing the Irish Channel, would en counter. The advantages which would accrue from the realisation of this project are of no ordinary kind. The intercourse of the two countries would be augmented to such an extent, their feelings would be identified. National pre judices would be reciprocally laid aside. An English domes. tication would take place. Instead of lending money upon Irish mortgages, Englishmen would bring funds to Ireland ' and live upon them. Flue absentee drain would be diminished. ' The value of property would be very nearly doubled. Great public works would be undertaken, and the great natural en-. Mesmients of the country would be turned to account. nil L city would appear in renovated splendour. Your terce!4 ; would be shaken by the roll of the gorgeous equipages in which the first nobles of the country would senate house, from which the money changer shouldlsd blaze with hq driven. The mansions of the aristocracy .wo uld of thi be boneto that useful luxury which ministers to the g rati fication f f would not deem the seat of her Parli.T. affluent, and to the The Sovereign hersel • re,idoneo. The frippery of the vice. employment and the com f orts o the poor. ment unworthy of lic e We should look upon royalty should behold the ' itself, and not upon the tinsel „. we regal court all the pomp Queen o not upon time tinsel image: we shioumltl behold tie dasmd, c o; v' lr .e el, t i: l a j n :; d "a o ' f e S • cot and, in • her imperial regality, with a diadem—the finest diadem ita the world—glittering upon her brow, while her court. tenarice beamed with the expression of that sentiment which becomes the throned monarch better than the crown, We should see her accompanied by the Prince of whom it is t _ ss , . . . , . .. I