The Sun. — London, England, 1836-10-17 00:00:00

wit.li more at stake, shivers for the consequences— Vaen Exchequer Bills, rarely if ever assailable by . panic, tumble to a discount, and Three per Cents. are tottering, and no man sees a remedy but in some total change of the financial a dministration, of which the present ostensible conductors are at once distrusted and despised, it is not Mr. Spring Rice, but the O'Con• nell Cabinet, that is hooted at and pelted with city dirt, and rolled in the kennels of Lombard and Threadneedle-streets. So when Mr. Spring Rice deafens the groundlings at Limerick, it is the whole O'Connell farrow that grunts and squeaks through him. Thus much to check , any undue inspirings of self-flattery or personal importance in this itine rant bagman of the Administration, who opens 11;: e box of Brummagem wares, and by dint of puffing would force them upon. the Limerick marled. With regard to that effusion of the Right Hon. Gen tleman, which is called his " speech," it appears to labour under one disqualificatio n which the poet meant when he referred to creatures that want " dis course of reason." It was throughout a specimen of -volubility and tediousness, and uttered under an evi dent feeling of its unfitness for any rational or edu cated audience. It had, indeed, one other property — viz., that of being common-place, which is its most useful attribute in our eyes ; for though every topic treated of by the speaker has been long since ex hausted, save those which bore exclusively upon him self and Limerick, and every thing like argument , argument openly refuted, t h e resort to siecn materials proves that they constitute the whole political magazine of the faction represented by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, and that with them the entire case of Mel bourne, Movement, and Co. is at an end. Mr. Rice begins by asserting, that no compromise whatever was made by :4inisters on any occasion with the Conser vatives, forgetting that the complaint brought against them by the Radicals of both countries is, that they, the Ministers, have in fact compromised not one, but almost every great principle of so-called—but mis called, Reform—viz., the ballot, universal suffrage, and the overthrow of the House of Lords, which has been the cause of all this late noisy tumult between the parties. The Right Hon. Gentleman thinks proper to forget likewise, that the same Ministers have really compro mised, that is, given up to the Conservatives, a large amount of those enactments which originally formed part of the English Municipal Bill, the English Tithe Bill, and the Irish Police Bill, every one of which they accepted from the House of Lords, after being purged of many of their most democratical, corrupt, and ruin ous, that is to say, according to the movement estimate, their most valuable provisions. The attempt of Mr. S. Rice to mystify the revolutionists of Limerick on that point will hardly go unpunished by-and-by. But the Right Hon. Gentleman seems unwilling to throw the whole weight of mystification ei i one side, and as he begins by a claptrap assurance to the Radicals that he and his colleagues nearer gave up a particle of their mischievous designs to conciliate the Conser vatives of either House, he ends by an opposite de claration, though of tie same claptrap nature, the silly purpose of which is to delude the Conservatives, by asserting that the Ministers made no compact with the revolutionists, English or Irish, at Lichfield-house or elsewhere ! He appealed to two gentlemen present for the. truth of this announcement, but we should have been better satisfied had Mr. Sheil been present, and the appeal been addressed to him. However, it sig nifies not a great deal by what fencing with mere for malities the unfortunate Ministers attempt to break loose from the charge of being leagued with the parti sans of revolution. What is the value of their denial ? It amounts to a negative upon the existence of parch ment instruments signed, sealed, and engrossed, lodged among the archives o f th e j o i n t consp i racy, an d acces siblee, to the public for a stated fee. The substance of the accusation they dare not negative, because it is self-demonstrated. It is proved by the duration of the Ministry to this hour, by the state in which they would be left to-morrow, if O'Connell and his tail de serted them, and by the contrast between the conduct of the very men who compose the present Cabinet befor e they were dependant on the O'Connell gang_ that i s , before the dissolution o f L or d Melbourne's first Ministry, and since they have become so by his return to it in the spring of 1835. The appro priation clause, or any measure of hypothetical me mace against the Irish Church, was positiv e ly repu diated by Lords Melbourne, Lansdowne, and Al thorp, Mr. Spring Rice himself, and the rest of them, before their dismissal from office in 1834. Why was it subsequently insisted on ? Why was the stone which, while builders of the Constitution, they had rejected, made within six or eight months afterwards the corner-stone of that Pandemonium which they engaged to build upon its ruins ? It can not be said that the sense entertained by Ministers of the fruits to be expected from an alienation of Irish Church revenues from Protestant uses had changed between their dismissal and their reinstatement in office. Lord Melbourne himself avowed his consciousness that it would prove a heavy blow to Protestantism and a grievous loss 1 Good God ! does not all England yet see the flood of light let in upon the character of the Government, and on the prospects of the country, by that tremendous avowal ? Here was the King's Prime Minister coming forward with a formal propo sition to Parliament, which in the same breath he de clared to be one of the most calamitous nature, if adopted. What then was his motive for recom mending it —what was the pressure—what the necessity lender which he flew in the face of his own plain an undisguised convi c ti on ? I t cou ld not be one which affected te nation, or the empire itself, because it was pretty clear that the alienation clause could not be forced through Parliament, even through the House of Commons, unless it had the support of Lord Mel bourne and his colleagues, whose opinion he delivered, and in whose name he spoke, when he thus pointedly and solemnly condemned the measure he was com pelled to bring before the assembled Peers of the em pire. What then would happen, what public calamity, as the result of his Lordship s abstinence from intro ducing that fatal measure ? Nothing, as we have be fore said to the country, but to the Whig Cabinet the loss of O'Connell's protection. The broad and hate ful truth then is, that the necessity for destroying the Protestant Church was nothing more than a necessity for keeping some dozen Whig placemen in the receipt of their salaries, in the corrupt multiplication of offices 'before unheard of, and in the base perversion of the patronage so created, to the reward of services, and the encouragement of practices, more iniquitous, dis graceful, and subversiv e of our coustitutional monarchy than any of which English history offers an example. One frightful picture of a system so compounded is that the King's prerogative and the peculiar safeguards and interests of the Crown h ave now for ei g hteen months been vested in men whos e own selfish interests require that they should facilitate the gradual encroachments of democracy upon the Regal and Aristocratical powers of the State. The arms of the Monarchy are thus turned against herself, and she is sacrificed by her own sworn servants. Nor is this to be gathered only from the indiscreet but providential frankness of the Ki ng ' s Prime Minister. The daily clamorous, ostentatious boastings of the public enemy himself prove to the whole world to what disastrous ends each successive demolition of the outworks of our Constitution is to be directed. O'Connell and the priests have spoken no other language for this twe;lvemontli than that the con cessions of a part of Protestant security, and of Eng lish powe r , are good 'Jnly, and no otherwise satisfactory, but as means f ur overturning them altogether !—ay, they proclaim, it. It is their watchword with all Papist s like, themselves. It is their flag of defiance again s t ', tie English name and nation. When this foolish mountebank at Limerick talks about his love for 4 ' religious liberty," and the rights of the Irish Papists to " equal laws," as his motive for supporting the appropriation clause, and the erection of Popish corporations, has he the face to deny that they are all so many words without meaning, or having none but a wicked and dishonest one ? What " reli gious" liberty do the Papists want which they have not ? Are we to be duped by t h e i mpu d ent art i f i ce of cloaking political supremacy, and the power to per secute and plunder Protestants, under the names of " religious liberty" and equal " laws ?" Why, they ;lave hown the cloven foot already, and under a new e.,' I IN . Term. Their Papist Committee of insurrecti on h ave - '-'-'---- toeitri` . rculating written mandates in all quarters, de --r*ll, ---iii of landlords why they do not grant leases, c. , , i =-_.-cs.• - : t i;•?- • i - '" . _.v and register tenants, and place at the disposal of the rebel committee all the elective machinery of Pro testant estates. One member, a Mr. Evans, who came in for the county of Dublin under O'Connell's patronage at the last election, has, among many others, been whining publicly at the manner in which they screw him up. What a blockhead must be every man who cannot foresee the ine vitable march of the tyranny to which he subjects himself on enlisting in the service of the tail and the priesthood, or who $ - 11 " t; t ills eyes to that gulf of fathomable bory.„' - a ° e down which he 11 ', I;sr speedily be hurled. NI7 g e pity them not, because their own vanity ( I °_.'iudes them. But to save them is impracticable, were it worth the trouble. As for that illustrious in= dividual, Lord Cloncurry, so tenderly alive to the wis dom of concord among Whig-Radibals, and so anxious for the dignity of the Peerage, while he tamps Kith its constitution, we willingly confess that the " dignity" of the now existing Peerage might have been better pro vided for some forty-five years ago, had the experiment of creating Peers for life been tried upon his Lordships father; otherwise, the letter which this personage ad dressed a few days back to Mr. Sharman Crawford, utterly unworthy of the slightest attention either in Ireland or here. It is understood that Mr. SiniUg Rice means to follow up his Limerick triumph With an ovation which has been recently decretkt to him by th e monied interest of London. We 'wish the Right Ho nourable Gentleman better than that he should long wear the description o honours which await him at his first appearan.ce on 'Change or in front of the Bank of England.--. Times. to do so ?—{No, no, and cheers.) He said, then, that the experience of the case of Limerick contradicted all the as sertions to the contrary : but it was stated by his opponents Oh, the people of Limerick are well-conducted men— men of intelligence and sense ; and that the very air of Gar ryowen was sufficient protection from violence.' But were not Cork, Waterford, Dublin, and lielfast, equally capable of managing their municipal affairs ? He hoped, therefore, that Irishmen would assert their rivht. • c- ' • • ur-Era eaold not help thinking that the av•-i , had been PA- _.,,yiteritian of the §allie Wimple that —.pod towatdt *bold be atibiided with one same results: Ike WOOkA Say ,thiS tO tike Objectors to his theory, and tronld Attc thenk to giVe hid% the means of af fording themu another 'example: .liould say to them, pass the Municipal mill, and he *mild give them twenty more examples of the benefit tit . Actol . llr,' Then, a,..atA ) With tegaa to the Irish Church Bill, we filtd ib the speech of the Chancellor of the Exche quer the following manly and . judicious remarks; — It was provided," said he, " rtt the ehoeoh till, that the established clergy he well Paicl; ieforence to the doty , tlitypet•fdrine(l., tbit Lbrplus which re mained, after all jnit eletnainit had been satisfied, should not he appROCI tti itbproper purposes; wlih h tbight be sug gested by tt Government teekin* Po& arity and applause fitrn ill-judging mein i b\A applied, as trusts were by the Court 'Of t'litknai•y, if not to the original purposes for WWI they were intended, to the next best uses in which the whole community had an interest.—(Hear, and cheers.) And then, as Protestants, were they to be told that edu cation was adverse to Protestantism, for it was to that purpose that any surplus was proposed to be appropriated.— ( Hear, hear.) That was the doctrine of the present Govern ment, and to it they were determined to adhere ; that was the principle upon Atoll the present tiditrtiment was founded, and under One nini:Oentibil, ht another, he trusted he should live to gee into effect—(Cheers)—but the're could h'd doubt of success.—(Cheers.) They were told that the Upper House of the Legislature would prevent it. Now he would speak with every respect of a coordinate, though he doubted its being a co-equal, branch of the Legislature.—(Hear, and cheers.) He would speak with respect to the power given to that House by the Con stitution ; but if experience derived from the past was true, it proved that if the cause was right end just, and was sup ported by the House of Commons, sooner or later it must be triumphant, They were aware that the House of Leds tiAa opposed the Emancipation Act, the Re forth Act, and the Test Act : but the cause of liberty had been triumphant, and they had fought them all suc cessfully, and they would fight the Irish questions in the same way and with the same results. But in order to gain the battle, they must use the same means—they must use the same constitutional agency which they had used before, and not play the game of the Tories, and by hunting after novelty enable that party to reproach them as desirous to subvert the Constitution, when by constitutional means all the good which they desired could be attained.—(Hear.) Sooner or later their object would be gained ; but there was a wide distinction between these words : for that which was wrung tardily and reluctantly from any body of men, however good the end achieved, at last they gave— he would use the words of a Noble Friend—' the lamp, but the talisman was lost.'—(Loud cheers.) But, on the contrary, where blessings were conceded because it was thought right they should, they were not extorted as a boon by violence, but as a claim by justice, and those two systems acted as differently upon both parties as the charity be stowed for purely Christian purposes, and that which was given by the proud and ostentatious man for the purpose of making friends, by prostituting even charity to th e uses o f the mammon of unrighteousness." But we must have done. We have not devoted more space to the speech than it deserved, for it is not only the first Ministerial speech since the close of the Session, but a most important speech on two vital questions—but we may have devoted more than was necessary, in consequence of its ample promulgation, not only through our own columns, but that of other journals of high respectability and extensive circulation. Its marrow must have been thoroughly sifted ere now, and the prominent points which we have marked for special consideration, have been duly weighed and thoroughly appreciated.—Morning Advertiser. b again referring to the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer at Limerick on Wednesday last We have, before entering upon it, an imperatiVe duty to perform, not only to our evening, but also to some of our Sunday Contemporaries, and that is to return to all of the foimer, with Une solitary exception, not worth mentioning, our best thanks for the very hand some manner in which they have been pleased to no tice the exertions of this journal to furnish the public with the earliest report of the first Ministerial speech , since the close of the Session of Parliamentand to the Sunday Times, (a greatly enlarged and highly popular Journal) the Spectator and the At/44, among the latter, for exhibiting to ivards it the same kindness. One or two of the latter (Sunday journals) borrowed the report without acknowledgment of the source from which they derived it ; and one of them, " our highly esteemed contemporary " (to borrow the language of the paper to which we allude in its usual mention of the Times,) the Observer, which pretends to be a Mi• nisterial paper, and . to possess the first Mitkiatttial news, 'did better than all of the pilferers referred to— it had not a line upon the subject, and in consequence left its readers to look for a report of the meeting, some eight days after its late, in an abridged form. However, all this is nothing. We are greatly obliged to our contemporaries ; and having such honest-minded journals as The Sun, Globe, Courier, and Standard, to notice in a manner, more handsome than our exer tions deserved, the slight efforts which we made, we care not for the contemptuous indifference of the one, or the sordid dishonesty of the others, who have thus maltreated ns. With regard to the speech itself, it has created apparently as much disappointment in some quarters as it has afforded gratification - mothers. The Spectator and Globe seem dissatisfied because the Chancellor of the Exchequer has, in their opinion, shirked the most important question now under consi deration--that of Peerage Reform ; but on reference to it, it will be found, that although he did not dis tinctly speak out upon the subject, he not only did not shirk it, but declared in the most distinct and positive terms, that whatever opposition popular measures might meet with in a certain quarter, nothing could withstand the determination of an united majority of the House of Commons to carry whatever measure it willed. To this extent, and to this extent only, do most of the speeches of all the Liberal Members of the Commons House of Par liament who have hitherto met their constituents go— and is a Minister of the Crown to be blamed be cause, instead of perilling the loss of a great ques tion, he discreetly determines to be guided by that which, after all, forms the undeniable fulcrum of extensive and certain reform—we mean that public opinion which has not yet been thoroughly collected upon the subject in question, and which can make and unmake Cabinets at its will, just as it can carry or kill any innovation upon established usages and prac tices which any party, however honest, respectable, or praiseworthy, may think proper to propose ? Upon this point there is, therefore, no blame to be attached to the Chancellor of the Exchequer—no indication to be derived from his speech that the Cabinet means to truckle to the House of Peers, or to retreat from the policy which it has hitherto pursued—but the re verse ; for the manner in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer addresses his late constituents assures us that corporate reform and church reform will not only form the first and most prominent measures of the next Session, but that Ministry will urge them for ward with the utmost determination, and that upon their adoption or rejection they are determined to stand or fall. Alluding to the events of the last Session, which he characterized as not wholly lost to the pub lic, he observed that— " He could not, however, vindicate the events of the last session without acknowledging that reasons existed for the disappointment which the people at large, but the people of Ireland in particular, had sustained, and he felt deeply the cause of that disappointment to the people of Ireland and the empire. He said the empire, because he knew of no distinction which should exist between any portions of it ' • and if any loss occurred to Ireland it was a d amage w hi c h the whole empire sustained.—( Hear, hear.) Ireland might be the strength and the glory of England, but under the influence of misrule it could be to it but a source of weakness—its bane and its calamity.—(Hear, and loud cheers.) He would say, then, to England, that in one respect the welfare from the good government of Ireland was of more value to it than even that of its own ter ritory ; for England had long possessed those blessing s which just a nd e q ua l l aws part i a ll y a d m i n i stere d , an the absence of religious factions always presented. To the British statesman, therefore, in England little re mained to do ; but to the British legislator and states man who desired the welfare of all Britain, and who pos sessed a heart of sensibility, the field of Ireland was open ; there he could serve, and could win the affections of the people, and if he was wise he would make Ireland prosperous. —(Loud cheers.) If he looked to the chance of foreign ag gression, she would be to him his strength ; and if he looked to the resources of the country, Ireland would be to him not a mine of lead, but one of gold and diamonds--and in the imperial Crown of Britain, would be the brightest of its or naments.—( Loud cheers.) Much, however, still remained to be done for Ireland, and here were two great measures con nected with it, upon carrying which not only the honour and credit, but the existence of the present Government depended—(Continued cheers) ;—and could not the Go vernment say proudly, that whilst it maintained its existence in reference to two Irish questions, it nevertheless did not undervalue the duty which it owed to Great Britain, for the interests of Great Britain demanded the tranquilliza tion of Ireland, because on the tranquillity of that country the strength and independence of the empire depended." With regard to the Corporation Bill of last Session, the Chancellor of the Exchequer furnished, in his speech a most unanswerable answer in its defence : " The experience of Limerick," said he, " bore generally upon that question. Why, the people of Limerick had achieved a municipal reform of their own, and it was on record, as given in evidence before the House of Lords, that magis trates, men of high character, and military men of rank — and he was sure that every one of them stated what he be lieved to be the truth—at that time stated in evidence, that if the Limerick Corporate Bill were carried, not one of the quarterly meeting s which it provided could be held without the attendance of horse, foot, and artillery, and that their homes, their commercial establishments, would be absolutely invaded.—(Loud laughter and cheers.) Now there was not a single argument which had been brought against the gene ral question last year that had not been before adduced is a th ll e t c h a o s s e e of threatened m eri ck e , a a l a n m d i t b i ees w h o n u d l d o e h e e n r r e r e a s d h i s H fr a i d e n t d h s e i i r f interrupted ?—(N o , no.) Had their industry e d an dfettered ?--(N 0, ) He had often bef ore beentrade c r been ainp met them in that chamber of commerce—.there Ae had re ceived his earliest instructions in the science of commercial transactions, and when he said that their trade had been of douLbierlmedwioikthhinadtheiolcarsetatseedn y io ear a s, ra an t d io th o e f sp ro ip to s ping interest iOOOL to 100,0001. value, he considered that it gave the best pos sible answer to the statements made last year.—(Loud cheers.) Then regarding religious animosities, he would ask, bad they been augmented in their town ?—(No, no.) Had, he would again ask, those rights which were conceded by legislation,' and by the Constitution, been productive of , an increase of religious animosity, or would they be likely Among the different kinds of business which are to occupy the attention of the Magistrates this week, at the Middlesex Sessions, is that of considering no less than 80 applications for musical licenses to various public and other houses of entertainment, one-half of them being new applications. We are curious to see how this matter will be dealt with. It is one of con siderable moment to the whole community, and appears to require more discretion—not to say disinterestedness —than has been at all times found to reside in the body to whom it has been entrusted. We would set out with saying that we are strongly in favour of affording to the middle and lower classes of the community every rational species of amusement which their means and occupation will enable them to reach, and that under no other restraint than is necessary to preserve deco rum, and to prevent a pleasure being converted into an abuse. This point, as far as the Magistrates are concerned, has apparently been hitherto but little attended to. Witness the gin palace and the drun kenness. Witness the facility with which mere drink ing houses (some of them named after Magistrates themselves) are licensed, compared with the extreme sensibility which is exhibited when a concert or a dance is asked for. We are not among the number of those who think that the manners of a people can be formed by Act of Parliament ; though we believe that bad laws, and a bad mode of administering even good ones, have much to do with misdirecting both habits and opinions. The two prominent vices which the present mode of licensing public-houses lead to, are drunkenness and gaming ; nor do we think that fine and imprisonment, or all the other terrors which law might invent, would be half so effectual in checking these, as would be effected by turning people's habits, tastes, and pur suits, into other channels. But this is held to be impossible. Habits of drunkenness are said to be inveterate—and that even in the face of the exten sive changes which the actual self-denial of Tem perance Societies is daily bringing about both here, and still more in America. Indeed, such sworn foes to harmony are some of our modern Magistrates, that even street music is an abomination in their ears ; and could they but make the laws as well as execute them, we doubt whether a penny-trumpet would be allowed to be sold at Bartholomew Fair. Yet, in spite of these learned sages, whose dictum happily is yet neither law nor Gospel, there are many who think with ourselves, that were something besides drinking and gaming permitted in public-houses, there would be ultimately a great improvement in the habits and morals of those who frequent them. We are not desirous of seeing public-houses converted into theatres, nor is it necessary that " tipsy dance and revelry" should ac company the relaxations we would 4sk for. But look ing at the present evils to which we have alluded as those which might be lessened, if not eradicated, by a system of less restriction than that which we see now prevails, we are inclined to think that the Magistrates at the Sessions would be performing a wholesome ser vice were they to open the door rather more widely than they have hitherto done to amusements and gra tifications more rational and harmless than drunkenness and gambling ; and that the rational and thinking part of the public would not be much horrified were they to see the splendid gin palace stript of some of its gewgaw attractions, to decorate the orchestra and the concert-room. At any rate the experiment seems worth trying, especially as we have not heard that, as far as it has yet gone, it has produced any prejudicial result. If man were a mere stationary animal, then, like a sheep or an ox, he might be turned year after year into the same pasture, but as he is in his nature progressive, that fact should ever be borne in mind.— Morning Herald. It were a matter of curious inquiry for the moral anatomist whether in the representations which the Alinisterialists give to the public through the news papers stupidity or effrontery does the more prevail — whether we should attribute their perversity to the dullness which cannot perceive error, however appa rent, or that audacity which will not shrink from false hood, however gross. Deceived by this dullness, or impelled by this audacity, they have ventured once more, with reference to the appropriation clause in the Irish Tithe Bill, to laud their patrons, and to rail upon the advocates of the Protestant cause. They tell us that the clause was politic, and the opposition to it bigotted, factious, and foolish, because, had it passed, it would have given satisfaction to the Irish people ; because it would have given them a kind of rever sionary interest in the property of the Irish Church ; because it would have made the new law be received by them with thankfulness, and obeyed with cheerful ness. These reasons are either most stupid or most false. Upon what authority—with what degree of probability —can it be pretended that a Bill which recognized the right of the Protestant clergy of VIE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1 36. Ireland to even a part of the ancient property of the Church would give satisfaction to the Popish 'agita tors of Ireland ? How can any litinian„efeattire who has eyes to seen and ears Bear; till rit}g t so gross a fallaq a 016 pOsibility of satisfying these people, while a shred or atom of the Protestant Esta blishment is left Far he is from us, ind eg d, to say that Wit alp 8t itidegli it were id the' " - 1111114 t if,di3o; p'dr tide of atithdritY irid Vested by law iii the lirdte.qtant Established dhnicii, gk'e sAtigt4tithj to these people. din cot-Maier! 16; UHatt it'efo a l this .given up to them the thanifestatiOn of their dissa'tiAttOon would be even then more insolent and uidre cruel, more full of danger td dig Otatiii Alfa id the Church, than now it is. of all the impudent erfc/L-,' that ever have been atteriipted to lie thrust upon incau tious heareisi sly that i n s the roost gross which pre tends that the " tipptopridtion cisiise have won the Irish agitators into " satisfaction" with a na tional est'ablishilient Of the Protestant religion in Ire land. They who put forward such a Oaten-ton ' must suppose (unless with them stupidity takes the place of thought), that the persons they address are wholly inattentive to the lessons of experience. How often have measures been proposed which we were told would " reconcile," and " conciliate," and " satisfy" the Irish Roman Catholics ? When the penal laws were re moved, which removal left them full toleration in the exercise of their religion, notwithstanding the political dangers inseparable from it, then we were told that they would be quite satisfied ; and we believe the greater part of their Clergy of that day (a very different class from the rank weeds which the Maynooth Sterqui linium has shot forth in such abundance), really were satisfied. Then came the demand to vote for Mem bers of Parliament, the real point of the fatal wedge which they have never since ceased to drive, with the united forces of hatred and ambition—that, too, was admitted, on the supposition that the " satisfaction" of the Roman Catholics would be the result. After this followed the opus magnum, the Catholic Emancipation Act, which every one friendly to it said, and many most sincerely believed, would not only give the Irish Roman Catholic " satisfaction, ' but would fill them with the most lively and long enduring sentiments of gratitude and affection for the British Legislature and Government. Gra tissimus error. A most fatal delusion it was, though not unworthy of a generous nation. In bitter disappointment have they who most promoted it la mented over the insolent violation of every promise which years of deceit had made them look upon as though they were ascertained certainties. But even since that great disappointment, which might well have taught all men how utterly futile is the ex pectation of a Protestant State to conciliate the Irish Roman Catholics, have they not had the Church Temporalities Bill, the Suppression of Protestant Bishoprics, the abrogation of parish cess, equivalent to our Church rates, and Lord Stanley's Tithe Bill ? And where is the " satisfaction," where the " conciliation," for the sake of which these con cessions were made ? Do we not find—have we not found for half a century—that everything which the British Legislature has done to satisfy the Irish Roman Catholics has been followed by a demand for something more, and the existing dissatisfaction is always more fierce and more insolent than that which preceded it, so that, apparently, that which is done to remove a sense of grievance does but make that sense more keenly felt and more vio lently expressed? It is, then, an insult to our expe rience to tell us that if we had passed the appro priation clause we should have given satisfaction to the Irish Roman Catholics. It is as much as to tell us that we are such fools as to be capable of being de ceived for ever by a repetition of statements which we have over and over again found to be fallacious. But, if we had no experience at all upon the matter, the pretence that the appropriation clause would have in the least satisfied, or in the smallest degree allayed the agitation of, the Irish Roman Catholics, would at this day be a most stupid or a most false pretence. Will the Ministerialists say that they have not read Mr. O'Connell's letter to his constituents, which they were themselves the first to publish in London, within the last fortnight ; or, having read it, will they say that it is not true, and that they know the intentions and the sentiments of the Catholics of Ireland better than he knows them ? And if they will not say so, how monstrous the pretence that the appropriation clause, or any other clause, of the proposed Irish Tithe Bill would have satisfied the Irish Roman Ca tholics ! Mr. O'Connell has been very explicit on the subject. He says he looked upon that Tithe Bill, as upon every other Bill of concession which has been passed, or proposed to be passed, with reference to Ireland ; he looked upon it as an instalment, and had he got it he would at once have gone on for the rest. He says that he never will be satisfied (and he is the leader of the political Roman Catholics of Ire land) while any such thing as tithes, or payment in lieu of tithes, continues ,to be the lawful right of the Protestant Clergy. He has been very candid upon that subject, and has taken care to leave no room for doubt as to his views. He admits that until the Pro testant Church is as fully divested of legal endowment as the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, he will not be satisfied ; and there is no doubt much more behind, which he does not admit. He says that he would have been glad to have obtained the appropriation clause, but why ? Not that it would have satisfiedffied him ; no such thing : but because the principle of that clause being conceded to him, he could proceed with much more effect to the accomplishment of his ultimate ends. Now we appeal to the common sense and impartial justice of the public whether there can be imagined more excessive stupidity, or more matchless effrontery, than that of the Ministerialists—the perpetual parasites of Mr. O'Connell—who notwithstanding these his candid avowals, yet pretend to say that if the appro priation clause had passed it would have soothed and satisfied the Irish, and caused to take place that mi racle, their obedience of the law ? Away with the vain delusion=-the Romish Church in Ireland will be satisfied with nothing but a reversal of that which was done when the State religion was reformed. O'Con • nell talks of repeal of the Union. What he wants, and what those whose political Minister he is want, is a repeal of the Reformation. For this cause they whose principle it is to do evil that good may come are content to convulse their country with intestine strife ; to encourage and train up in crime a passionate people, who are swift to shed blood, and reckless as to conse quences—even those consequences which most imme diately concern themselves. For this cause they did much when well nigh in despair, and will they not do much more when flushed with hope, and, to all human appearance, nearly within grasp of their object ? Let them but obtain half as much in the next ten years as they have done in the last, and the thing is done—the Reformed Church indeed they cannot destroy, but folly and wickedness may destroy its national esta blishment ; and upon those levers the Roman Catholic agitators will press with a ll th e i r s t reng th. 'With what satanic merriment they receive our concessions ! —Morning Post.' We devote considerable space to the interesting pro ceedings at a public dinner given by the Conservatives of Ripon to the representatives of that borough. Of the Radical festivities at Cupar, in honour of the At torney-General ; and the Limerick display of Mr. Spring Rice, the brief description we have given will probably be enough for our readers. The description of the latter exhibition we borrow from a Radical weekly contemporary„ who laments that Lord Mel bourne has not gi ven a hi n t t o M r . Spring Rice to re frain from spouting nonsense at public dinners. We are of opinion undoubtedly that such a hint might be useful to the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Sir G. Grey, and to Mr. Charles Wood, and, we may now add, to the Attorney-General, were it not that an ad monition against spouting nonsense, proceeding from Lord Melbourne, after some of his Lordship's speeches of last session, would have a good chance of being laughed at by his voluble subs, as well as by every body else.—Morning Post. WHAT'S IN A NAME ?—lt is somewhat singular that the head keeper of an establishment for insane persons at Hoxton is named Whippem. A lawyer in Lincoln's Inn fields rejoices in the name of Settle ; and the name of the gaoler at Bow-street Office is Shackell. POLICE INMLLIGENCE. MANSION.HOUSE I . A ycitirigt tidtiptc , sAbl e appearance ant! good ad dregs std an elderly man, named Julie horner, Wiidl3kW Wefe brought before the LORD MAYOR, by John ollatged with having defraudc4 i;:eat number of tradesmt 080:ds; Weans of an establishment which they had formed fa 11/4 ptirpA'; dilso4e2:rooltt was crowded with victims. Wharton; &Pinot in fie ft.W±!v of Messrs. Christie, iiaiteri; draceelmrch- street, 400 Dr'a't ; iti 11`ug9st, Lee called at MS hodie ., applied for a consideral l 9l6 vantity Of hats, and directed that sdaipliYos:irottltl be sent to Cl,aries C 0.,, .ship-chandlers, ilniori4tai'l4; Wapping, No. 328 ; after :+144/ ordered hats to the airim:Mt of 751. When the samples weld tc, the amount of 2/. t 31., the,c.omplainant distinctly inforMed J'ee that the house did rioftilii *ithout ready money. They tici/er afterwards saw the hatS Gr dig liffom_tx. The LORD MAYOR-- Bice you, in your bill of parcels, in. elude the hats you sent as a sample? Mr. Wharton re plied lii flri affirmative. The LoitD MA-M-4 am very sorry for it, for yeti sent them merely for appfoiial, not intending to give credit car them, and if you had not enforce" them as a debt I should have committed Lee for trial. Edward Holmes, of Providence-row, Whiteoisapel, about ten weeks ago, sold to Lee five hundred gallons of cider for vinegar. Lee did not pay, but turned the cider into money. Horner, who pretended to be porter, was a regular pal tper, or rather accomplice, in the robberies committed. Witness called three or four times a :day for the money, and, had opportunities of seeing a great deal of what took place. Lee was always to be found when his partner thought fit that he should be seen—when anything was to be got—(A laugh)—but was always absent when money was required. Upon one occasion, Horner said to witness when he called for his money, " Yoe would have had your money, but something serious has happened : in fact, master has made away with some of the fixtures, and he is trying to settle the matter, because you see, they might make it out en act of felony."—(Laughter.) This took place in premises in Lime-street, where Mr. Lee took a shop and parlour, to continue his trade more agreeably. (Laughter.) The LORD MAYOR--I am afraid that the cider charge is a mere debt. A poor fellow named John William Taylor, deposed with a most rueful visage that he had fitted up Lee's Counting-house at Wapping ; he was promised payment most positively at the end of the job, but never received a farthing of his bill, which amounted to 10/. The LORD MAYOR—I lament that your charge, my poor fellow, amounts to no more than a mere debt. Mr. Gilbert Wills, of No. 12, Lime -street, let a shop and parlour in his premises to Lee ; there were fixtures and moveable fixturas in the shop ; witness received a note from Lee stating that he had let the shop and parlour, and afterwards received the key in a parcel ; a pair of scales and other articles were missing, to the value of between 4/. and 5/. _ _ _ Lee declared that Mr. Wills had commissioned him to sell the articles in question, in the course of his walks. — (Laughter.) Edward Holmes repeated his evidence about the pri. Boner's schemes, and the observations he heard Horner make relative to the robbery of the fixtures. Witness said that he had closely observed both, and he believed the man was as great a thief as the master. " I assure you, my Lord," said the witness, that I paid very particu lar attention to the two gentlemen, and two neater thieves could not be found.—(Laughter.) I saw many a poor fellow who called for his money walk off in a very melan choly way." Horner—lt's a shame for this man to tell such false hoods. He has no regard for truth at all, and cannot be an honest man. Lee—l am a much-injured man, my Lord ; I hope you will remand me till I have an opportunity of showing how I have been abused. The LORD MAYOR—I shall give you time, and I dare say that on Saturday next we shall hear more charges.— Remanded till Saturday next. GUILDHALL. George Gray was charged as follows :—W. Meckiff, of Great Peter-street, Westminster, coal-dealer, directed the prisoner to take a horse to the Repository in Barbican, to be put up for sale ; but instead of taking the animal there, he sold it for 6/. to Mr. Glover, of Enfield, and left 4/.los. at the complainant's house as the sum he bad obtained for the horse.—Committed for trial. BOW-STREET. The Spaniard, Gomez Pelayo, who is charged on sus picion of having transmitted some letters through the Post office containing fulminating silver, or some other com bustible, was again placed at the bar. Mr. Peacock, the solicitor to the Post-office, said it was not his intention to offer any further evidence against the prisoner at this office ; but he had to pray that the Magistrate would send the prisoner to Liverpool, where it was intended to prefer an indictment against him at the sessions for the misdemeanor alleged against him. This having been complied with, the prisoner was removed from the bar, and subsequently con veyed to the House of Correction. At the evening sitting George Woodman, the driver of one of the omnibuses on the Paddington-road, was charged with having caused the death of Richard Cooper, a boy 12 years of age. John Toe, the conductor of one of " Sanderson's Com pany's" omnibuses, stated, that on that evening as he was riding behind his master's omnibus, the deceased being also on the step, the prisoner was driving his omnibus immedi ately behind the conveyance on which he was riding, and on reaching Broad-street, St. Giles's, witness's carriage was compelled to pull up, in consequence of some vehicles being before it. The pole of the prisoner's carriage was at this time close behind Mr. Saunderson's omnibus, and before the prisoner could pull up, it came in contrct with the boy's back, and literally drove his body through the door, his legs protruding over the steps. Witness directly took up the unfortunate boy, and conveyed him to the house of Mr. Berkeleymore, a surgeon in the neighbourhood, but before he was taken within the door, he groaned twice and died. The prisoner declared that the occurrence was purely accidental. He was unable to pull up his omnibus in time to prevent the pole striking the deceased. The prisoner, who appeared much dejected, was then re moved from the bar. MARYLEBONE. John Cooper, a veterinary surgeon at Hayes, was charged with having furiously and wantonly driven his cart against the phaeton of John Lewis, Esq.. of No. 4, Great James street, Bedford-row. The prisoner, who asserted that the occurrence was purely accidental, was fined 205., and ordered to make good the damages. UNION-HALL. Joseph Hines, a young man, was brought before Mr. TRAIL', for disorderly conduct in the Waterloo-road, per sonating the character of " Jim Crow," and singing the popular air in the piece now performing at the Surrey Theatre. A policeman of the P division, stated that on the pre ceding night his attention was called to a crowd collected in the Waterloo-road, and on goinc , up he saw the defend ant in the midst, with his face blackened, and a negro cap upon his head, and singint , " Jim Crow" as loud as his lungs would enable him ; he b was also throwing himself into the most grotesque attitudes, striking about with his arms at all the persons who approached him ; and the disturb ance which he created by his foolish conduct, rendered it impossible for the passengers to go along the footpath, and in fact caused such an impediment that it was found neces sary to take him away, as he refused to desist, expressing his determination of going through the character. When at the station-house he was quiet, but indulged for the greater part of the night in singing " Jim Crow" and " Yankee doodle," and nothing could stop him. The MAGISTRATE—WeII, young man, what have you to say for causing this disturbance? Defendant--I was only singing " Jim Crow," your Worship, and thought there was no harm in it. MAGISTRATE—There was no harm in singing the song, certainly ; but you had no business to remain in the road and collect a crowd, to the annoyance of the neighbour hood ? Defendant—l heard the song at the Surrey, and I was only practising a bit, as I liked the hair werry much indeed. MAGISTRATE---But you must practise at home, and not in the streets. Why did you blacken your face and go out into the road to sing the song? Defendant—l have a no tion of offering myself to a theatre, and I was trying just for to see how the public would be likely to receive me before I came out upon the boards, your Worship. If you let me go you shall not see me here again. MAGISTRATE — If you are bent upon going on the stage, why don't you offer your services at some theatre, and not prostitute your talents by singing in the public streets? — (Laughter.) Defendant—l only wants a patron, that's all ; if I had a line from your Worship I think it would do the business for me. If you likes, your Worship, I would have no objection to give a little specimen of what I can do, and no mistake. MAGisTRATE—No, I have no desire to hear your vocal powers, especially after what I have heard about the !wise and uproar you made in the station-house ; not satisfied with your performance in the streets, you gave a repetition of your singing qualifications in the s tation-house. Defendant—But my abilities, your Worship , are not confined to songs alone ; I can hack too, and that werry well, so they tells me ; and I only wants an hopportunity of showing managers what I can do. MAGISTRATE—You must have an introduction through some other channel. lam afraid, if you mention that you „-. have been at Union-hall, it will not be likely to tend to yo ur advantage by any means ; but as you promise not to giv?. g' 3 repetition of "Jim Crow" in the streets, I sh all nol:v tu charge you. Defendant—Thanked, Sir ; then I shall try Mr. Pav id g e and if he gives me a chance, I know that he wall mak e hit ; that's all as I wants. THE WOOLLEN TRADE• (rrorn the Leeds Aferc?try of Saturday.) gall LEEns.—The this week was about the same as last , and without an) tbe; quantity of goods' sold at th e Cloth a lt ration in prices. Business continues muc h the same ► warehouses. 1-lnootasriELD, TUESDAY.—There has been more business done to-day both in cloth and wool. ues in BRADFORD, THURSDAY.—The wool trade contin an extremely dull state, with little prospect of inunediatc improvement. HALIFAX, WEDNESDAY.—There has been but little de mend for any kinds of stuff goods in the ball to-day ; Pr ices ,' however, remain the same. Rather more business has be e ,, transacted wool this week, but there is no alteration IP price. WAKEFIELD, FRIDAY.—The same dull state of thing: continues generally to pervade the wool trade here that rather have noticed in our late reports ; the transactions 0.1 week have again been very limited, and on rather m ore . 1 1, a; vourable:terms for the buyer. The observation applies to short and long wools. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. VESSELS ENTERED INWARDS AT THE C TOM-HOUSE, OCT. 16. The Fanny, Thomas, from Malaga; Cholmley, r so n, Archangel ; Sarina, Oliver, Guernsey ; Delight, ; Honduras ; Alert, Palmer, from the sperm whale Co. Resolution, Craig, Charente ; Mark Breeds, Robins, , no • ? stantinople; Jane, Wood, Oporto; Kent, Tune, Boulob Harlequin, Middleton, ditto. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING, 0CT,%, 1 : c 6. The Chieftain, Pritchard, for Hamburgh; Princess ,`,ly toria, Brocke, Antwerp ; Hibernia, Gillees, Calcutta ,•letoo dd Phcenix, Baynton, Jamaica; William Jolliffe, Mir Calais; West Indian, Turner, Jamaica; Catherine, Rose , Calcutta. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO, Oc.r. 15 ' The Chieftain, Pritchard, for Hamburgh ; Batavier, lop, Rotterdam ; William Jollife, Middleton , Calais; ,ger; ance, Wallis, Malta ; Tyne, Mauter, Ostend; Krelist nesey, Matanzas ; Navarino, Gale, Guernsey; Her, v'Asp lant, Calais ; London, Person, Rotterdam ; Neptune, 11„in,a8.. 4 Ostend; Queen Adelaide, Fox, Havre • Caleaonia, ". tingham, Hamburgh ; Severn, Wauke, iombay. CLEARED OUTWARDS N ALLAST, Oar. i t. The Sultana, Scott, for Denia I Diadem, Walker, P a to ' Clementia, Wooten, Alicante; Five Gebroeders , Worcum. ARRIVALS AT LIVERPOOL, OCT. 15. n ag, The Beverly, Lawson, from St. John's, N. B. ; Brown, Onega ; Zeno, Lawson, Singapore; Lady "°' Scurr, Quebec; Jane, Granby, Cadiz. ENTERED FOR LOADING, OCT. 15. v p„ r ice, The Bouansa, Been, from Arica ; St. George, Africa ; Crusader, Wickam, Calcutta ; Morrison, lar'" ja-' Canton ; Bellerfronte, Genoa; Chandos, Johnstone' , maica; Henry, Allen, Leghorn ; Juno, Cock, Malt a; . t 1 Baring, Hoff, New York ; Formosa, Mitchell, New Orlesiej Intrepid, Newfoundland ; Visitor, Wakeham, Oporto ; g o n e • States, Turner, Philadelphia; Mary, Johnston., Sierra 10" Numa, Lawson, Sierra Leone; Killigrew, Noye, Seville. CLEARED OUTWARDS, OCT. 15 , pet The Portia, Searight, for Calcutta; Mary Warrall, G Out' Valparaiso ; Emigrant, Petre, for Savannah; Sportsman' s t et , chinson, St. Domingo; Loeme, Stettin; Mina, Goss, Self tin ; Dalhousie Castle, Mobile ; North America, Hoxie' oo York ; Alexander, Leeds, Baltimore; Matilda, WA's; Genoa; Ide, Philips, Malta ; Nautilus, Buenos Ayres; e t , varine, Anderson, Trinidad; Snowdrop, Sraith, Constanor nople ; Henry, Cunningham, Rio Janeiro; Caladonia , ~t rg i v an, Bombay ; Smyrna, Cornish, Malta; Mary Ann atl v ir. tilda, Major, Newfoundland; Providentia, Elsineur; Pearson, Gibraltar; Commerce, Flemming, Canton; Main, St. Mark's ; Rothschild, Lardly, Savannah ; vs' Roah, Newfoundland ; Thistle, St. Andrew's, N.B. SAILED. fot The Richard, Thomas, for Jamaica ; Bootie, Ni n " ° "'der , St. Thomas's : Carthage, Topham, Virginia ; Alexanope, Stewart, Jamaica; Mary, Wheelwright, Barbadoeb ; p r tins, Hamilton, Pernambuco ; Superior, Lowth, Jel' Finch, Elaineur; Margaret, Chelmer, Mobile; IntreP• .d, er ah ferson, Africa ; Belvedere, Baily, Charleston ; HesP M'Donald, Demerara. ‘) f Sir Hussey Vivian in his address to the electors to the Eastern Division of Cornwall declares " it is 501e 1 1 ,4 serve the Cause of Reform th a t I respond to your cal' ej cause in which the men of Cornw a ll have always °t e e s so determined a spirit ; and when th e d a y of trial c°:".„0: the same spirit will I trust be raised an d l e ad to a t il ; to phant issue. But it will be no triumph either to you e ° n ot me that I should obt a i n m y sea t by the loss to you 0 ' 'i r e most excellent County Member my friend Sir Williso d to lawney. From the first moment that it was intinlut e i me that the step you have n o w taken was in agitation , ' wt . swered, Sir William Trelawny's seat must not be el' 4e st gered.' To this I steadily adhere ; let him be your And 1 ° consideration : and if in conjunction with him you can succeed in returning me, (which in a short time / p i will have no difficulty in ascertaining) I shall be most 115 0 0 to place myself at your disposal. If on the contrary 9000 discover that the advantage gained by Lord Eliot by in of an early and active canvass, is such as to render my E a rlll pect of success a doubtful one, I claim from you 10 ' i , l s o intimation to that effect, that I may be at liberty shou",ir.. opportunity offer, and should circumstances make it de able to me, to obtain a seat elsewhere." 0, On Monday evening, about 9 o'clock a larg e bale belonging to Mr. John Pount, of Buckland Newtt'on, e ll e r taining four loads of unthrashed wheat, l 1 loads °f b el thrashed oats, the produce of Jour acres of barley and five sacks of seed vetches in bags, was discoversdrbt on fire ; and, notwithstanding every exertion was trit`e ot s, the inhabitrnts at Buckland and the neighbouring yi"a'bie the whole was entirely consumed, together with a sr f s , for eight horses, an extensive crib-house, pigsties , g ri , bad rious other buildings adjoining. Mr. Pount and farail retired to bed, and the alarm was given by one o f the; to vants observing a great and unusual light. It is fe ttre pt u nthra s have been the work of an incendiary, as the fire vi'lle ° seen was bursting from the internal part of the barn' Sherborne Journal. A numerous meeting of the Society for Pr° // or , an Asylum and Relief for Aged and Infirm Fishforfil,Pdo and Poulterers (especially calle.d) was held at Arld er , e 4, Hotel, Fleet-street, on Thursday evening, James g-e rl ' h i e ct jun., Esq., in the Chair. The Chairman stated the ° '''ged of the meeting was to provide an asylum and relief for 14 ' o r and infirm persons of both trades, their Fives, or , ‘ c g s 'or orphans. Several resolutions which dppeared high : l n - 0 51f ducive to the interests of the Institution were urisn' ln- go agreed to. It was also unanimously resolved to soliciut Alderman Harm er t o acce pt th e p r esidency. The vi r t Tilis° of the meetin g were vo ted to William Hills and ';vicee Stevens, Esqrs., for their acceptance of the office o f yea President of each trade ; also to the Chairman for an t es the able and impartial manner in which he had conclude.% „„a business of the evening. The meeting then separate° appeared well satisfied with the result of its proceedi.feci at A REASON FOR DISSENT.—When I re si t - blrs• Runcorn, there was a woman, of the name °' la c Johnston, who gave the best reason for preferring °°„ av iag of worship to another that I have heard. Mrs. 'i jo jist left the Established Church and gone to the I Si ° I, she chapel, was asked her reason for so doing ; t° whic h replied, " That it was on account of her pie being e- as , wher e ready when the Methodist chapel came out ; - when she attended the church, it was always overdo° Majoribanks's Tour. (ADVEATISEMENT• ) g PATENT LEVER WA T G I6 6 6 . With silver double-bottom cases .............................. Id With silver hunting cases ....................................... ..,h,,_ This celebrated construction (the most a ccurate on 11..„0t5, watch can be made) is now offered, with the latest 411Po/eel:e, i. e. the detached escapement, jewelled in four holes? der hand to mark the seconds, hard enamel dial , and rna intainl to% to continue going while winding up, at the above pric e,l'.:. Loriclou• SAVORY, Working Silver and Goldsmith, 47, pro ii,°" n' Cho ler BIRTHS. On the 10th inst., at Edinburgh, the lady of the “ John Murray, f a son. rgeon, of i t ' On the 15th inst, the wife of Samuel Solly, Es€l• 9 su the la" daughter. On the 15th inst., in Portugal - street , Grosvenor-square, of F. B. Long, Esq., of a daughter. the bld/ On the 14th inst., in Gloucester-place, Portman -square' of Count George S. Metaxa, of a son. MARRIED. f Pin' e. On the 13th inst., at Greenwich, Samuel, third son ° of Islrs• Blyth, Esq., of Langharn, Essex, to Phcebe, eldept daughter Slann, of Vanburgh-fields, Blackheath. j oeS On the 13th inst., at St. James's, Clerkenwell, the Ret pariel ofG u oN n vn t i h l tm e h r ie , n o g f lt3o t h tnh e .. si C r h s at u .r r 7 c ,a h tc Ai p l e i r s uk s te i n o ne n sv a e r y iA i Institution,.l F . .to bliss a guy , Frances Emily, second ydaughterl ham, to the former place. ' nif at ~ DIED. to Fu r On the 14th inst , Thomas Ritchings Smith, ESC!" ato ll ' . Inn, aged 65. . of 'A ril ' ~ On the 26th ult., Maria, wife of Mr. E. Browning, - 00 street, Golden-square. el‘rirel: jFaainuelksnsetre,o„, • On the 13th inst., aged 16, Henry Gurney, thir d s°° ° •-' SI P Sheppard, Esq., of Upton,_Essex. 6 1 8 1 9 4 ,, , of On the Iltk inst., at Windsor-street, Islington, ag wry r , Sarah Wisdoms, daughter of Mr. Thomas Wisdoms, • 1 , ,' • Barnet, llerts. _,...---- - ri/o,r -------::-_ cf i 0, ~ 4 London: Printed and Published by M URDO YOl?.11; co uP'J 112 Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in ~" - of Middlesex.—Monday, October 17, 1836. - . •