The Sun. — London, England, 1839-07-16 00:00:00

FINE A 1% TS. PORTRAIT OF THE DUKE OF WELLING JON. We were favoured last week with a private view of a full-length portrait of the Duke of Wellington, painted by Lucas, and intend, , d shortly to he engraved by Cousins. In this portrait his Grace is represented in a sort of hall-dress uniform, blue turned up with red, as master of the Trinity House. He is supposed to be standing in a balcony near a column, with the Report of the Dover Harbour in his hand. In the back-ground is the Tower. The attitude of the Noble Duke is none of the freest or easiest, but the skill of the painter has in a great measure surmounted this difficulty. The arms are folded across the breast, the figure is remark ably firm and upright—indeed almost rigid ; and the ex pression of the countenance denotes calm reflection. Possibly his Grace is speculating on the possibility of the return of the Tories to power—though, by the-bye, that can hardly be the case ; for if so, his face would exhibit more of sullenness and des pondency, than of calm thought. The likeness is one of the most striking that has yet been painted of the Noble Duke ; and, what is somewhat singular, and adds to its value, it is not in the slightest degree a flat tering resemblance. All his years and wrinkles are given him, without reserve or stint. The colouring of the picture is chaste ; but it is with the countenance that the artist has taken most pains : and he has fully succeeded. We should not omit to notice the admirable manner in which the " Wellington" boots are painted— we ought rather, perhaps, to say polished, for they wear all the appearance of having been anointed with War ren's " easy and shining" blacking. The stiff, glossy look of the leather is indeed managed with consummate skill. This able portrait is, we understand, to be hung up in the great hall of the Corporation of the Trinity. LITERATURE. THE RHINE, LEGENDS-TRADITIONS- HISTORY Br Jisigrir SNOIT'E, ESQ, 2 Vas. Bro. Westicy. It appears surprising, in this book-quacking age, that the vast store of Rhinish Records have not been col lected, full as they are of the wild and wonderous tales of lawless Lords and fairy elves. We thank Mr. Snowe for this most agreeable addition to our fire-side library. He has performed his task well, his diction is pure, and in good Saxon-English ; he writes with ease and perspicuity ; his work has also the merit of drawing a clear and marked distinction between the historical and the merely superstitious traditions narrated by other writers. The battles of the early civilization of Europe were fought on the Banks of the Rhine ; and we have here, in fact, the records of the habits, man ners, and modes of thinking, marking its earliest pro gress, in all the charms of the Arabian Tales of the Thousand and One Nights. The Rhine, the beauteous Rhine ! how many bright and pleasing thoughts does its very name bring to our green isle of memory ! The least imaginative traveller must have desired to Possess some account of the wild legends casually told, as he slowly progresses up the broad Rhine, marked as it is on every mile of its course by some tale of fairy, popular superstition, or burden of old song, and scenes of desperate adventure for love or glory. The work is embellished with various quaint wood cuts, and many plates in a new style of art, termed Zinco graph, which appears superior to its sister -art, Litho graph, in its clearness of line. Indeed, the frontispiece would scarcely be surpassed by a steel engraving ; it is also beautifully drawn, and does much credit to the artist, whose name, Butler, we do not recollect to have befor e seen to illustrated books. The work is well printed, and got up in a style which makes it a capital ' parlour book. GRATTANS LIFE AND TIMES. 2 lots. London, Colburn, 1839. The object of these volumes, as the Editor observes in his preface, is to present a sketch of Irish affairs at the period of the revolution of 1782, when Grattan was at the height of his celebrity, and foremost among the stirring patriots of his day. This sketch is given chiefly through the medium of public documents, and the epistolary correspondence with their friends in England, or those who played a leading part in the great Irish revolutionary movement ; the Editor contributes but a scanty amount of original matter, which was perhaps advisable, inasmuch as great historical incidents are best, or at least most emphatically, related by those who were personally concerned in them ; and also because his own style is so loose, and slovenly, and verbose in many places, that the less we have of it the better. What, for instance, is to be said for the following passage, which is one out of many similar ones that we could adduce ? The Editor, it should be premised, is speaking of John Forbes :—" In the midst of this political chaos, one man remained unmoved, unterrified, undaunted John Forbes—he was steadfast and inflexible from first to last ; he stood by the principle throughout. This indi vidual was incorruptible ; he was one of the most ami able and estimable of men ; mild and gentle in his man ners, but firm and-honest of purpose." Now surely if a man is " unterrified," there is no need to add that he is " undaunted ;" and if he be " steadfast and inflexible from first to last," it is equally needless to tell us that he " stood by the principle throughout," and was " firm and honest of purpose !" Slip-shod verbosity like this may be scrawled by any one who has mastered the first rudiments of grammar. It is a fine sample of what Sheridan justly called, " easy writing, but d—d hard reading." Mr. Grattan, however, can do better when he pleases, as is evident in the following sketch of Yelver ton, one of the most effective speakers in the Irish Parliament :—" Mr. Yelverton was a first-rate speaker. His style was short and strong ; he never wandered from his subject, either to the right or the left. He was endowed with a masculine understanding, and saw the strong point of every thing. He was deficient in his tones and manner, and he wanted taste. Unfortunately, he was too fond of conviviality, and that not always in the most elevated society. Ilis fault was indolence; like Proteus, he loved to lie at ease in his cave ; but when pressed and fairly brought into action he was superior almost to any man of the day. He had a great volume of voice, a rich flow of ideas, a rapid imagination, and an austere pathos. Mr. Grattan compared him to the rolling of the Atlantic wave, three thousand miles in depth. He did not speak much in Parliament, and had no ambition to excel there. But when he lighted up, and let himself out, nothing could be finer. His dig nity and loftiness of mind were very striking." The most generally entertaining portions of this work are, the Editor's brief hut spirited sketch of the public career of Wilkes ; and his illustrious father's account. of the character of Lord Chatham's eloquence in the House of Peers. EVENING EDETION. NY ADVENTURES DURING THE LATE IVAR, 2 Vols. Colburn, London, 1839. Captain O'Brien, of the Royal Navy, who is the author of these volumes, gives an account therein of his adventures during the late war, w hich comprise a narration of shipwreck, captivity, escapes from French jails, &c., between the years 1804 and 1827. This narrative can scarcely fail to give pleasure to the reader, for it is full to overflowing of striking incident, and recapitulates a variety of suf ferings borne with that cheerfulness and unshrinking fortitude which characterize the British seaman. On the renewal of hostilities with France in 1803, Captain O'Brien had just been promoted to a Lieutenancy, and, in the following year, he went out to join Sir Edward Pellew's squadron off the Spanish coast. On his voyage back to England in the Hussar frigate, he was ship wrecked off the coast of Brest, and compelled to sur render himself, together with many others of the crew, prisoners to the official authorities of that town. While resident at Brest, he was civilly, and even kindly treated ; but when he was marched into the interior of the country, nothing could exceed the harshness of the treatment he experienced ; he was transferred from jail to jail, just as if he had been a convicted felon ; at Laval, he " Was kept some time in the market-place as a spectacle for the inhabitants; and in every French town he passed through, was compelled to put up with the worst possible fare. After encountering many priva tions, and much insult from the French rabble, the author reached 'Verdun, where he remained some time. During his stay here, " Bonaparte," he says, " passed through twice ; the last time was after the treaty of Tilsit. The inhabitants had triumphal arches, &c., erected for him. Prince Murat was with him in his carriage. His guard was his favourite Mameluke, and the gens d'arrne s and young men of the town that met him to escort him through. I observed him bow with seem ing complaisance to the prisoners of war, who took their hats off as he passed. The ever-memorable action of Trafalgar was reported to us to have been gained by the French ; they boasted of killing the only he a ro Eng land h a d, and of taking the Prince de York, British three-decked ship, and another whose name I now for get. The truth very soon transpired, although they endeavoured as much as possible to stop all communica• tion between both countries." Captain O'Brien's de tails of his escape from Verdun, of his recapture, and of the mortifications to which he was subjected in conse quence, are narrated with much spirit and vivacity ; but, indeed, the whole work is full of exciting d etails, and verifies the trite adage, that truth is much more strancze and interesting than fiction. In the first volume there is a tolerably well engraved portrait of the author. CRANKIER. 3 Vols. Coliing, London, 1839. Cranmer is the production of a gentleman well read in English and classical literature, but, we suspect, un practised as a novelist. He possesses feeling, and some knowledge of character, but he is deficient in the con structive faculty—that is to say, he cannot concoct, or unrav e l a plot skilfully, or cast it in the mould of pro bability. Nevertheless, he has contrived to produce a very readable tale, abounding in strange and unforeseen incidents, anddeveloping in some of the more impassioned parts, energy of a superior order. The story turns chiefly upo n the adventures of a young man, R-ginald Cran mer, to regain possession of certain moneys and title deeds deposited by his father, just previous to I his death, in the castle of Furstenhoff—a Gothic pile situated on the borders of the Black Forest in Germany. Reginald is a youth endowed with rare physical and intellectual graces ; and previously to his setting out on his romantic expedition, he forms an attachment to Caroline Ponton, an artless, impas sioned girl who resides at Thornbury Abbey, in the im mediate neigbourhood of Dacre Hall, the ancestral seat of the Cramer family ; but fearing that during his ab sence she may forget him, or that some mischance may occur to prevent their union, he clinches matters at once, by prevailing on her - to meet him one evening at an old chapel near Thornburg Abbey, and there kneeling before the altar, to repeat with him the " words of the marriage service." She unhesitatingly accedes, shortly after which Reginald sets off for Germany, an d after eneoun tering and overcoming some few perils, succeeds in re gaining possession of his father's papers, notwithstanding all the opposition offered him by Baron Vesenmeyer, the owner of Furstenhoff Castle, who, it seems, has a strong interest in withholding the parchment do cuments from Reginald. On our hero's return to England, he is, of course married, after the orthodox fashion to Caroline, while his sister is at the same time married to his wife's brother, and his uncle, Major Dacre, to a widow aged forty-five ; and the tale concludes, leaving all parties in a state of the most un bounded connubial felicity. There are several clever descriptive sketches in Cranmer ; and the author pourtrays the characters that are usually to be met with in a sequestered English village, with a minuteness and readiness that convince us he draws from life. The prolific Mrs. Thompson, " with a few little tendrils, in the shape of five children, creeping picturesquely about her" i s we ll hi t o ff ; M rs. M ar kh am —the Lady Bountiful of the neighbourhood—is also a skilful portrait ; but we must protest azainst Silvertop. the village lawer, as a character which never had its prototype in real life. In his penitent clerk, Fordham, the struggles of a naturally good dispo sition with long confirmed habits of improvidence and dishonesty, are depicted with much force and truth of detail ; but the gem of the tale is Major Dacre, a jolly, frank, scholar-like soldier of sixty, who frequently reminds us, and this is high praise, of Scott's Major Bellenden, in " Old Mortality." PHYSIC AND PHYSICIANS, 2 hors. Longman, London, 1839. A somewhat unpromising subject has here been treated n a way not unlikely to make it popular. The author does not sound the depths of his theme, but plays at his ease among the shallows ; and has succeeded in fur nishing us with abundance of entertaining gossip, in the form of anecdotal reminiscences, &c., about the most celebrated physicians of past and present times. His accounts of Doctors Warren and Willis, and the method of treatment they pursued towards George the Third, when that monarch was seized with his first attack of insanity, is exceedingly curious, though some portions of it have already appeared in print. In the second volume, which, by the bye, contains the most readable matter—there are brief memoirs of the majority of our most eminent living physicians, which are neatly written, but in rather too uniformly panegyrical a spirit. We quote an anecdote, which used to be related by Doctor Wil liam Hunter :—" During the American war he was consulted by the daughter of a peer, who confessed herself enciente, and requested his assistance. He ad vised her to retire for a ti:ue to the house of sonic con fidential friend. She said that was impossible, as her father would not suffer her to be absent from him a single day. Some of the servants were, therefore, let into the secret, and the Doctor made arrangements with the Treasurer of the Foundling Hospital, for the reception of the child, for which he was to pay 1001. The lady was desired to weigh well if she could bear pain without alarming the family by her cries. She said Yes ;' and she kept her word. At the usual period she was delivered, not of one child only, but of twins! The Doctor, carrying the two children, was conducted, by a French servant, through the kitchen, and left to ascend the area steps into the street. Luckily the lady's-maid recollected that the door of the area might, perhaps, be locked, and she followed the Doctor just in time to prevent his be ing detained at the gate. He deposited the children at the Foundling-hospital, and paid for each 100/. The father was a Colonel of the army who went with his regiment to America, and died there. The mother after wards married a person of her own rank." P.ENCILLINGS OF POLITICIANS. Cunningham, London, 1839. These sketches are the production of one who holds strong political opinions, and boldly and frankly ex presses them. He is no Tory, neither is he a Whig, his notions on the subject of Reform being in advance of those entertained by the present Government. Per haps we should not be far from the mark if we were to say that he is a Reformer of the Durham school, who feels that Ministers must move, and move briskly and promptly too, if they desire to retain their hold over public opinion and effect permanent good. His sketches of the leading politicians of the day are all penned in a free, flowing, off-hand style ; occasionally, as in the portrait of Dr. Phillpotts, they are bitterly sarcastic in their tone ; but, in general, they are calm and impar tial. We have perused them with much pleasure, and so, we are sure, will the majority of our readers. A R GEN TINE. ith and Elder, London, 1839. Argentine za tale over which a lover of fiction may pass an agreeable hour or so, for it is short, is by no means barren in point of incident, and is penned in an easy unaffected style ; in short, it is one of those novels which neither soar above nor fall below mediocrity. LARDNER' S CY CL PrE D lA. No. C XV. Longman, London, 1839. The present volume of this popular Miscellany forms the second and concluding one of Mr. Foster's Life of Cromwell, a life skilfully and impartially written, accu rate in its details, and indicating in places considerable vigor and subtlety of thought. We have been pleased with the minuteness and spirit of the author's account of the closing days of Cromwell, and more particularly with the justice and eloquence of his reflections on the conduct that ought to have been pursued by Parlia ment after the crowning victory of Worcester. " The first act of the statesmen of Westminster," justly re marks Mr. Foster, " after the Worcester victory, should have been the passing of their Bill for an amended re presentation, and the dissolution of the l'arliament in which they sate. The next, the greatest, and most serviceable stone of the superstructure, should have been a fearless appeal to the people." The volume is embellished with a neatly engraved portrait of the fa mous John Pym. OREIGN Q UAR 7'ERL Y REVIEW —No. 46. _Blach, London, 1839. In point of mere scholarship we have not, in any one of the leading Quarterly periodicals, read an article more deserving of praise than that on " Greek Rhythm and Metres," which is very properly placed first in the present Number. We like it the better, that it is utterly free from that pedantic parade of learning, which so many scholars have brought to the theme, and which, instead of enlightening, serves only to bewilder and irri tate the reader. The introductory remarks are apposite, and elegantly turned, in proof of which we quote the fol lowing passage :—" If a neat, precise, critical under standing will thrust itself into the enchanted island of poetry, where music floats upon every cloud, and hangs upon every green tree, what is to be expected from such an untoward conjunction, but confusion, and babble, and discord? All criticism, indeed, of poetry, when attempted to be constructed by the mere understanding in a systematic, scientific shape, is a thine. impossible. The best things that have been s a id O a f' poets, have been said by those who would as soon have attempted to write a cosmogony of the universe, as to point out cri tically the beauties and the faults of their favourite authors ; but in the fulness of poetic love and reverence they have accidentally thrown out words that have ex pressed the character of this or that great writer with more striking truth and precision than pages of most erudite criticism could have elaborated." Many of our readers' recollections will, no doubt, supply them with proofs of the justice of these observations. The Reviewer's character of Bentley is forcibly pour trayed, but, we think, he underrates the critical perspi cacity of Person. In the elaborate account of " Ver sailles" we have some interesting, though scarcely novel, details of the progress of French architecture in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. " One of the great charms of Versailles," says the Reviewer, " and indeed of most of the royal and noble residences of France, as they were originally formed, is, that every thing is in keeping, and consistent with all around it ; it is all real ; no show, no make-believe ; royal, or noble, or ecclesiastical, just as the case may be ; and the eye and the mind are alike satisfied. We speak of things as they were, in France, not as they are." The essay on "Russian Literary Biography" is a clever, and apparently impartial biographical sketch of the well known writer Lomonosof, and his contemporaries. The essay would have been more acceptable, had it been more condensed. Symptoms of spinning nut are visible in parts of it. " Tieck's Collected Tales" gives a sort of analysis of the most popular fictions of this favourite German writer, of whose abilities the Reviewer speaks in the highest terms. There are one or two other ar ticles which we have not space to notice. ENTOMOLOGY.—A very fine specimen of a female moth (the Glory of Kent, tendromis versicolor), has beer, taken near Monmouth, and is now in the possession of Mr. W. Watkins, Monmouth. There can be no doubt but there are others in the neighbourhood, which show that they are not located exclusively in Kent and its vicinity. STATE OF TRADE.-AlthOllgh wools were sold at our fair last week a trifle lower than was anticipated they would have been, n o effect has been produced upon the prices of yarns, which have been selling for some weeks at barely remunerating rates, calculated upon wool at present prices. We understand the demand, though not yet very brisk for the home Autumn trade, is decidedly improving, and that several buyers for the American and Continental markets have been in Leicester this week. The houses in the fancy trade continue to be fully employed.—Leices tcrshire Mercury. IPSWICH ELECTION. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sir,-1 beg to send you a few facts relative to our dee tins. It is true that the TerieS have a majority of six— and why , ? Three persons in the firm of filnsome and Co., iron founders, would not vote, because Mr. Gibson voted in favour of the repeal of the Corn-laws; these men are Quakers, and profess everything Liberal—but mark the selfishness. One other of the same sort, C-, a linen-draper, ob jects to Mr. Gibson because he voted against Agriculture ; he is also a Quaker, and was at the last election Chairman at several meetings to secure the return of \Vason and Tutfoell. In the greatness of this man's apostacy he has discovered, and boldly asserts that lan believes, that the country would be as well governed by the Tories as the Liberals. These four individuals could and would have secured Mr. Gibson's election if they had acted honestly. Several other persons, acting upon similar principles, did likewise. Then allow me to draw your attention to the present Member, F. Kelly, Esq., canvassing the electors with fair and beautiful promises. To one he says (Mr. B ), after urging him to vote for the Tory candidate, but re fused, "Is it it." This the man will swear to. Is this fair play for a Member of Parliament, and a lawyer into the bargain, to canvass thus? We poor Chartists dare not go this length. Sir, trusting these particulars, which are facts, and no thing less, may be properly used, and I have no doubt they will, do not allow the public to be undeceived by the de feat of Mr. Gibson. We have a majority any day in favour of Liberal candidates. YOUR CONSTANT ADMIRER. Ipswich, July 15, 1839. NATIONAL PETITION. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sin,—lt having been mentioned in 7Yie Sun of the 13th inst. that I voted for Mr. Attwood's motion for a Committee of the House of Commons on the National Petition, which was not the case, as I voted against it, and stated in my place it was my intention to do so, I will thank you to contradict the same in your next publication. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, ANDREW WHITE. 3, Manchester-buildings, Westminster, July 15. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS TIME S.—Considering what alarm was felt and expressed in the City on Saturday at the announcement of the in tended sale of the "dead weight" by the Bank, the trifling effect produced by it on the Money Market of to.day is truly remarkable. In fact, the general impression is, upon more calm consideration, that it will lead to nothing, and that it is a mere demonstration meant to make capitalists lock up their spare funds, but which, now that they under stand the matter, they will employ just as they did before. This view is strengthened by the very imperfect iuforma• tion conveyed by the notice, to which nothing can be added, it seems, to-day on personal inquiry at the Bank. The chief accountant or the cashier, to which ever department the transaction may be assumed to belong, can state nothing beyond what appears upon the face of the document. If the Directors really meant that the notice should be carried into c ffeet to any extent, they would either have made it more explicit or would have fixed some day previous to the bithlings at which parties desirous of information could have been admitted to an audience with the Board to ask and receive explanations, as is done with Government loans and contracts. A pur chaser of these annuities wo ild be influenced in the terms of his offer by knowing how much of the " dead weight" the Directors intend to dispose of—whether a whole or a part only—and without that knowledge it will be imprudent in him to make any offer at all. If nothing is meant to be done, the notice is a very suitable one, but otherwise it is as destitute as possible of the forms which belong to trans actions of so important a nature. It need not be asked if any offers have been made to the Bank, as that is at pre sent quite out of the question ; all that has occurred is a few inquiries at the Bank, which have been answered in the unsatisfactory mariner above stated. Some of the heads of the great insurance offices and other public com panies of large capital are said to have met and conferred on the propriety of coming forward on this occasion, but they must necessarily be as much at a loss how to proceod as private individuals. One error is shown by this notice to have prevailed very widely last week, which is, the at tributing the large sales of annuities which took place to the Bank ; they must have been, on the contrary, for par ties who were aware of what was meditated, and who de sired to take advantage of the market before so large a supply was thrown upon it. Money is not more scarce than it was on Saturday, and nearly all descriptions of public securities are higher. The celebrated George Robins has prepared his readers for his great approaching sale of Tullichewen Castle, by a rich, eloquent, and glowing description of it, and of the contiguous scenery, with the silvery Loch Lomond, &c. &c. it extends to an entire column of small type, in The Sun of Wednesday. It is too long to allow us to transfer it to our own columns, but we can say that, for a rapid, comprehensive outline of the gorgeous and profuse natural beauties belonging to this splendid pro perty, it surpasses the best efforts, heretofore, of this highly imaginative and vigorous sketcher. Scenes, like these, which have given rise to the sublime inspirations of some of our most admired poets, might be apt to lead to the use of lavish and hyperbolical praise ; but here there is no un meaning pomp of expression, nothing of what sailors call " professional brine," but a vein of elegant couleur-de-rose description, as variegated and tasteful as that which winds through and enriches the most beautiful marble ; and like marble being the more beautiful by the means of the high polish that is given to it. —Exeter Flying Post, July 11. SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY l6, 1839. METROPOLITAN POLITICAL SUMMARY. The Courier of this evening, alluding to the Tory tac tics on the penny postage , scheme, says—" Sir Robert Peel declared, and the declaration should be particularly noted, that ' he would rather quit public life than give his consent to this plan.' Now, Lord Brougham has declared— and this declaration should also be especially kept in mind—that he knew' that the Right lion. Baronet in tended, had his Government been formed, to have adopted this very measure as one of his earliest plans. We dis pute not Lord Brougham's knowledge—we doubt not that he has excellent authority for his assertion. What, then, are we to think of Sir Robert and his romancings, about rather quitting public life than consent to this plan l" The Globe observes, in reference to Lord Broug ham's speech in the House of Lords last night Thu objections brought against the measure be the Bishop of Chichester were chiefly grounded on the great extent of efforts now making by the Church in the National Society, and in the several dio ceses, to promote education, and on the entire omission, by Lord Brougham, of the Church-clergy, or provision for their superintendence. Lord Brougham replied, in our opinion very conclusively, that his plan equally omitted ail provision for Disssnters, as such. lie might have added, if he had chosen, that his plan makes a burnt-offering of the dread Douay Bibles, and Rheirnish versions, to pacify all good Protestants." The Standard comments as follows on Lord Brougham's speech last night in the House of Peers; —" There was one point urged by Lord Brougham which seems to deserve par. ticular notice. His Lordship thought fit to impugn the statement of the Archbishop of Canterbury, as to the number of children now attending, mere or less regu larly, the eleemosynary schools in this country. Lord Brougham's contradiction of the most Reverend Lord, however, rests upon no sufficient ground. We arc from experience and observation almost disposed to believe that the Archbishop of Canterbury understated the truth; for as far as we have seen, there is scarcely in this country a child of parents who are fixed residents who does not attend one kind of school or another; the only children without opportunities of instruction, being the offipring, of persons composing those tides of wanderers who cons•antly flow through such places as St. Giles's, and similar dis tricts at Manchester, Liverpool," &c. &c. COURSE OF EX CH. Amsierdain. C.I. 12 SN, Ditto, at sight ......... 12 2y Rotterdam.... ........ 2 U 12 6 Antwerp... Hamburg. Altona.... . l3 12 yY Paris, 3 days' sight 25 30 Ditt0........ .......... 3 ➢ls 25 t 0 %larseilles. Bourdeaux Frankfort on Maine, ELM. 152 ?etersburgh,ruble...3 Us ION Berlin Vienna, elective t1...3 51 lO 5 Trieste ditto lO 6 Itaclrid 37 N GE, —THIS DAY.) ifibraitAr 4tl Leghorn lO 341 Genoa 25 70 Milan 3l Venice Naples IPalermo Lisbon 01.orlo 55 Rio Janeiro g7 lQ Bahia 27 Buenos Ayres ........ New York, 21 days' sight Philadelphia PRICE OF BULLION, per OZ. Portugal Gold, coin.... «0 0 0 Foreign Gold, in bars... 3 IS 0 New Doubloons New Dollars 'Silver in Bars Cadiz..... ................... 37% Gilboa Barcelona Seville 3616 THE LONDON GAZETTE. (THIS EVENING.) DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. WILLI AAI JO II N PLENTY, agricultural implement maker, West Smithfield, City. THOMAS CARPENTER DIXON, oilman, High-street, Gravesend. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. EDWARD MOGRIDGE, miller, Tipton Mills, Ottery St. Mary, Devonshire. BANKRUPTS. JOHN KENNEDY and SAMUEL HILL, iran dealers, Union Iron Foundry, Llanhilleth, Monmouthshire, to surren der, July 22 and Aug. 27, at the King's Head Inn, Newp or t. Hall, New Boswell -court, Lincoln's-inn,. London ; Prothero and Phillips, Newport, Alonmouthshire. JAMES THOMPSON, Manchester warehousemen, Man chester, July 31 and Aug. 27, at eleYin,at the Commissioners'- rooats, Manchester. Makinson and Sanders, Elm-court, Mid dle-temple, London ; Atkinson, Birch, and Saunders, Man chester. WILLIAM WALTER STUBBING, grocer, Manchester, July 27 and Aug. 27, at two, at the . Commissioners' rooms, Manchester. Payt e, Liverpool ; Vincent and Sherwood, Tem ple, London. JOiiN THOMPSON BUCKLEY, cheese-factor, Liver pool, July 27 and Aug. 27, at one, at the Claremlon-r [,jvernool. Vincent and Sherwood, Temple, London; arkett and Foster, Liverpool. WILLIAM HURLEY, innkeeper, Bickenhill, Warwick shire, July July 25, at twelve, and A ugust 27 , at two, a t t h e N ew Royal Hotel, Birmingham. Alichael, Red Lion-square, Lon- Amos the younger, Evesham. JOSEPH FAIRBANK, worsted-spinner, Bradford, York shire, July 26 anel August 27, at eleven, at the Court-house, Bradford. Hawkins, Fsloxam, and Stocker, Boswell-court, Lincoln's-inn ; Wells, Bradford. JOSEPH POULTON, grocer, Staffordshire, July 31 and I August 27, at three in the afternoon on each day, at the Eagle hm, Lane-end, Staffordshire. Norris and Allen, Bart ' lett's-buildings, Holborn, London ; Toulmin, Liverpool. JOHN THOMAS, baker, Rridport, Dorsetshire, August 1 and 27, at twelve, at the Greyhound Inn, Bridport. Templer and Son, Bridport ; Clowes and \Vedlake, Temple, London. THOMAS VINSON, tailor, Bideford, Devonshire., August 6 and 27, at eleven, at the George Inn, South Holton, Devon shire. Jones and Son, Size-lane, London. WILLIAM MAGNALL, linen-draper, Manchester, July 29, and Aug. 27, at one, at the Commissioners' Roams, Man chester. Matkinson and Sanders, Middle Temple; London ; Atkinson, Birch, and Saunders, Manchester. CHARLES JACKSON, silk-throwster, Macclesfield, Ches ter, July 30 and August 27, at three, at the Maccclestield Arms Inn and Hotel. Crowder and Maynard, Mansion-house-place, London ; Grimsditch and Welsh, Macclesfield. GEORGE COWPER, tea-dealer, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, August 7, at eleven, and Aug. 27, at (sine, at the Bankrupt Commission-room, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Heald, Austin Friars, London ; H ew i son , G rey. street, Newcast l e-upon -T yne. DAVID WORTHINGTON, flour-dealer, Manchester, July 27 and Aug. 27, at ten, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester. Adlington, Gregory, Faulkner, and Follett, Bedford-row, London; Cl aye an d Th ompson, anchester. HORATIO MASON, cotton-spinner, Calver, Derbyshire, July 30, at twelve, and Aug. 9 7, at six, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester. Walmsley, Keightley, and Parkin, Chancery-lane, London ;II urnphrys, Cunliffe, and Charlewood, Manchester. THOMAS BARKER and RICHARD AMSWORTH, cottton-spinners, Warrington, Lancashire, July 31, and Aug. 27, at ten, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester. -Makin son and Sanders, Elm -court, Middle Temple, London, Atkin son, Birch, and Saunders, Manchester. LEONARD COOPER and MATTHEW CASE, cotton manufacturers, Manchester, July 26, and Aug. 27, at two, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester. Sharpe, Staple Inn, London ' • Rowley a n d T ay l or, M anchester. SAMUEL KENT, victualler, Salford, Lancashire, July 31, at eleven, and Aug. 27, at one, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester. Bower and. Back, Chancery-lane, London; Owen and Gill, Manchester. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Fouro'Clock On the motion of Mr. W. EVANS the Belper Smal Debts Bill was read a second time and ordered to be corn. witted to the Derby List. On the motion of the same Hon. Member the Worksop -Small Debts Bill, the Glos sop Small Debts Bill, the Ecklington Small Debts, and the Chesterfield Small Debts Bill were read a second time and ordered to be committed. On the motion of Mr. B. WILBRAHAM the Oldham Small Debts Bill and the Warrington Small Debts Bill were read a second time and ordered to be committed. The Rochdale Small Debts Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. Lord G. SOMERSET moved that the evidence taken on the Small Debts Bills should be referred to the Com mittee on the general Bill.—Agreed to. The Rotherham, Grantham, Hatfield, the Nottingham, and Mansfield, and the Newark Small Debts Bills were severally read a second time and ordered to be committed. RATHKEALE (LIMERICK) INCLOSURE BILL. On the motion of Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN, this Bill was read a third time and passed. DEPTFORD PIER BILL. On the motion of Mr. BARNARD the Lords' amend ments to the Deptford Pier Bill were agreed to. Sir F. TRENCH presented a petition from Scarbo rough against Mr. Rowland Hill's postage plan. Mr. F. BERKELEY presented two petitions from Bristol against the Inland Navigation Bill. Mr. BRADLEY presented a petition from Hull to the same effect. Lord CA STLEREAGUI presented a petition from Donaghadee against any further grant to the College of Afaynooth. Mr. EASTHOPE presented a petition from the coach proprietors of the counties of Nottingham and Leicester, complaining of the hardships to which they were subjected in being obliged to compete with untaxed steam vessels and railways. Mr. HORSMAN presented a petition from East Kil. bride against any additional endowments to the Church of Scotland. Mr. HUME presented petitions from Louth and Meath, praying that Ireland might enjoy the same freedom as to banking as Scotland. Also a petition from artists, praying that the Royal Academy might be compelled to publish accounts of its receipts and expenditure. Mr. HODGE S presented a petition praying (we believe) that the case of the fruit growers might be con sidered in respect to the commutation of tithes. Mr. WA KLE Y presented petitions from St. George's and St. Andrew's, complaining of attempts which had been made to controul the just rights of the people for the local management of their own affairs, and particularly against plurality of voting ; and the New Poor Law regu lations. Also a petition from the Working Men's Asso ciations of London, complaining that a collection of per sons at Birmingham who had been quietly reading the papers had been brutally assaulted by the police ; and praying for inquiry. The Hon. Member said he was afraid it was too late for the inquiry this session, but he hoped it would take place in the next. Colonel SIBTHORP presented a petition from Sal ford, praying that her Majesty's wretched Ministers might be dismissed..—(A laugh.) Captain GORDON presented a petition rom the Society of Advocates of Aberdeen in favour of a uniform system of penny postage. Mr. EMERSON TENNENT presented a petition from a merchant named Perry, the proprietor of certain slate quarries on the Banks of the Shannon, praying for improvement in the navigation of that river. The petition was ordered to be printed. Also a petition from the spirit dealers of Wexford, praying for a repeal ot the existing licensing laws, and another from the grocers and spirit dealers of Dublin to the same effect. NEW WRITS. On the motion of: Mr. W. fib iSIES, a new writ was ordered for the Borough of Aylesbury in the room of Mr. W. M. Praed deceased. On the motion of Mr. E. J. STANLEY, a new writ was ordered for the Borough of Totnes in the room of Mr. Jasper Parrott, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. EW PAW. Lord GRANVN ILLE OO SO R ME L RSET gave notice that in the Committee on the Poor-law Continuation Bill he should move certain clauses with a view to amend the enactments regarding bastardy in the existing law. The Noble Lord then moved for certain papers and reports of the Commissioners, which were ordered. CHURCH-RATES. Mr. FOX MAUL L.' rose and said that, before proceed ing to read the orders of the day, he wished to allude t o a petition which had been presented the other day by the Hon. Member for Finsbury from John Thorogood, complaining of the treatment he had experienced in Chelmsford gaol, where he was imprisoned for non-pay ment of Church -rates. As that petition had been printed he thought it right the House should be put in possession of the justification of the Magistrates. Mr. WAKLEY rose to (order. Hon. Members on pre senting petitions were, by a Standing Order, precluded from entering into any details as to the contents of the petitions. This he considered a great evil on petition er s, but if the course p ursue d b y the Hon. Member were to be adopted, the evil would be infinitely worse, because, although the petitioner would not be heard, the allegations in opposition to it would be all laid before the House. lie would take this opportunity of stating that early in the next Session he should move that the Standing Orders relating to petitions he rescinded. Mr. HUME rose, but was met with loud cries of " Or der, order.") The SPEAKER raid that if the Hon. Member was not about to bring forward any question of privilege, he was clearly out of order. Mr. F. MA UL E was not about to bring forward a question of privilege, but as the petition had been printed, he thought it was but fur that the vindication of the Visit ing Justices should likewise be made known. He should, therefore, move that the papers be laid on the table. Mr. HUME suggested that the proper course for the lion. Member would he that the parties complaining should present a petition, and then when the House had the two petitions before it they could better decide upon their relative merits. Mr. T. D tiC 0 MBE thought this was an explanation of the conduct of the Magistrates towards John Thorough good, and ho thought the Honourable Member could make that statement in answer to a question from him; he would, therefore, take the liberty of asking the lion. Mem ber whether he could give any explanation of the treat ment of John :Thorogood, by the visiting Justices dur ing his imprisonment in Chelmsford Gaol. Mr. FOX MA UL E said he had a very full explanation to give, but ho thought the better course would be to lay the document on the table, and on a subsequent day to move for certain papers connected with the subject. Mr. GEORGE PALMER thought the lion. Mem ber was entitled to give the House an explanation. After a few words from Mr. GoULIIURN and Mr. BAINES, the papers were laid on the table. COURT OF CHANCERY. Mr. FRESH FIELD then rose to bring under the con sideration of the House the subject of which he had given notice ; the object of which was to show as shortly as pos sible the present state of the Court of Chancery, or ra ther of the suitors in that Court, and the advantages that would be derived from the assistance of the Court of Exchequer, and he would show the necessity of the proposed alterations by the returns alfch he would move for. He was aware that on a subject like the present he should be as brief as possible, and he should therefore confine his observations within a very narrow compass. It appeared that there were at the present moment 712 cases waiting for hearing, and when he talked of the hearing of a ease, it implied that a considerable delay had taken place before the parties were entitled to set down causes for hear lug. From the inquiries he had made, it appeared that it would take three entire years to diTos e of these 712 cases. The Honourable Member then stated a case in which the petitioners sought to recover a property of 30,0001. a year, and whose case had been considered and thought quite clear by Sir A. Piggot, Sir S. Romily, Sir V. Gibbs, Mr, Butler, Mr. Preston, Mr. Serjeant Williams, Mr. Serjeant Sheppard, M r. M a yne, and Mr Baur—y et a f ter t h e case haubeen before the Court for y e ars , tile p ar ty was o bli ge d to g ve up the prosecution.of the suit from the immense expense attendant upon it and from utter hopelessness in that case the delay . and expense had prevented him from arriving at the justice of the case. In 1803 an individual died, and his daughter instituted proceedings in Chancey 1809. She obtained her decree in 1912, but that decree to not in the nature of a verdict at common law. It merely said, that she had established her rights, but that an account must be taken in order to find out what amount. That account was taken before one of the Masters who made his first report in 1617, stating that 62,000 was due. That report seas sent to another master who made his report in 1822, and he found that only 34,0001. was due, but who, knowing that the case was 12 years in the Court, that the original decree would have been questioned, yet so it was, for the case was carrricd to the House of Lords, and then the judgment of the Court below was affirmed. But even now the case was not done with. The lady did not yet get her money. Lord Eldon, in 1827, re ferred the former Master's report to a third Mater, and he found that the sum des was only 18,500/. He had adduced those instances, not as instances of ex treme distress, but as showing what an amount of incon venience arcse from delay, and which in his belief greatly exceeded a positive denial of justice. Delay was worse than a positive denial of justice in its im mediate as well as in its remoter consequences. Ii the Court of Chancery was in such a state that at this moment it would require three years to clear off the arrears, was it not necessary the Court shouid have some assistance? Was there not a foundation laid to convince the House there was a great grievance which required remedy ? Up to a certain period the Court of Chancery had indirecly the assistance of the Court of Exchequer. —(Hear.) The Court of Exchequer being in 1817 a Court of concurrent jurisdiction with that of the Lord Chancellor. The two Courts might be said to be sitting all the term, and for a certain number of weeks after the term, and there was no day in which a party might not take proceed ings. At that time the Court never sat less than 123 di yi in the course of the year. The extent of business was not so great in consequence of having so much t o d o with tithe causes , b u t st ill th suitors derived considerable advantage from having the choice of going either to the Court of Chancery or the Exchequer. But in 1817 the legislature began to meddle with the Court of Equity, and the result of every act was to impair its efficiency as a Court of equity, although they increased its usefulness as a Court of common law. In 1817, the Chief Baron was enabled to sit in equity, while the others were sitting at common law. That facilitated the proceed ings in the common law court, but:the suitors no longer had their 123 days. The next change took place in 1830, when the Exchequer of Pleas was no longer a close Court, but all the Attorneys of the Superior Courts of Westminster were allowed to practice. The consequence was an im mense influx of business, and it became less possible for the Chief Baron to give attenti..m to the Court of Equity. The Hon. Member was proceeding to recommend that a Judge should constantly sit on the Equity side of the Exchequer; when An HCN. MEMBER moved that the House be counted. And there being only 38 Members present, the House adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'Clock. The Earl of RIPON presented a petition from the Aborigines Society on behalf of the Canadian natives. The Earl of RODEN presented a petition from Bristol against the Prisons Bill. Also several petitions in favour of a better observance of the Sabbath. The Duke of RUTLAND presented a petition from the stationers of London, praying, though they were in favour of a penny postage, that no measure might be passed to effect that which would require a stamp on the paper, as thereby their business would be materially affected. A Message from the Commons brought up the Muni cipal Corporations (Ireland) Bill, and several other Bills. SPAIN. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY gave notice that on this day week he should put certain questions to the Noble Viscount at the head of her Majesty's Government upon the correspondence that had been laid on the table relative to the affairs of Spain. RIOTS AT BIRMINGHAM. The Earl of WARWICK wished to put a question or two to the Noble Viscount opposite, upon a subject of great importance. Should he be premature in introducing the subject, he should be happy upon an intimation from the Noble Viscount to delay bringing it forward. But he must say that the importance of the accounts seemed to press with increased rapidity. Nevertheless, although he stood in the situation of Lord Lieutenant of that county, he had received no communication whetever on the state of Bir mingham, either from the Magistrates or from the Home Office; had he done so, he should have given any communication his immediate attention. He wished to know from the Noble Marquis whether there were a sufficient number of London police in .Bir mingham, and whether they bad all the extra assistance that was necessary to enable them to preserve peace and order? From the public accounts that were given, it did appear an extraordinary thing, after all the time for preparation which had been afforded, that the events should have been allowed to take place which were represented to have occurred. Those who were carrying on this Chartist outbreak against the re spectable inhabitants of Birmingham were neither more nor less than a portion of the political union that had been established for many years—a union which the Government had declared to be illegal, but the existence of which nevertheless had been connived at from that time to the present. Those very individuals had been supported through thick and thin by the Govern ment in such a manner as, he (the Noble Earl) verily believed, gave them the impression that their existence as a union was sanctioned.—( Hear, hear.) The power of putting an end to such a union had been allowed to re main dormant a great deal too long. He would be glad to hear from the Noble Viscount what his information of the state of Birmingham really was, and if he (the Noble Earl) could do anything in aid of the Noble Viscount's views in putting an end to the unhappy events there. Though be veryimuch questioned the pro priety of the Noble Viscount's policy in allowing those persons to go on so long, he (the Noble Earl) should most willingly give him his anxious support, and if necessary proceed this very night to Birmingham.—( Hear, hear.) The same language which had been held at the Political Unions long since was held now, and he regretted that some prompt step had not been taken before this. There were, moreover, Magistrates put into the list in the course of the last year, many of whom had themselves been Political Unionists and Chartists. Those individuals were placed in a very difficult situation, and he happened to know himself one or two of them who had encountered great personal danger. He trusted, however, that every assistance would be given to ber Majesty's Government from every quarter, when houses had been attacked, and such violent assaults had been made, as bad been reported to have taken place, to put an end to a repetition of such misconduct. Lord ME LB OU RN E said, if he understood the Noble Earl right, he had asked him what he understood to be the present state of Birmingham. With respect to that, he must say that the accounts he had received were of a very general nature, but he was assured from all that he had heard that the accounts of the newspapers were too true. some houses had been burned, and others pillaged and plun dered, but he believed that the quiet of the town was now restored How far the authorities of the town were to blame for allowing these things to go so far he was not then enabled to state. The Noble Earl then asked him whether there was a police force in the town of Birmingham sufficient for the purpose of main taining tranquillity in the town. In answer to that be had to state that he apprehended unquestionably that there was a sufficient military and police force to effect so desirable an object. The Noble Earl had then stated that he as Lord Lieutenant of the county had not been applied to on the present occasion—that no appli c ati on had been made to him either by the Magistrates of Birmingham, or any of the authorities of the; place. Why that course had not been taken he (Lord Melbourne) was :unable to state, or to give any explanation of it. The Noble Lord then proceeded to what he conceived to be the cause of the present outrage, and in refering to that, he stated that the Political Union had beelconnived at by the Government of his late, and that of her present Majesty, that the con duct of those persons had been so entirely supported by the Government, that people naturally entertained the belief that the conduct of those who had disturbed the peace of the town upon the occasion the Noble Lord had re ferred to, were upheld and supported by the Government. lie could only say with respect to the meetings that had been held and the language that bad been used in that town, and the opinions that had been uttered at these meet . ings, he had always in the highest degree disapproved of them. He had always been of opinion that sooner or later they would meet the results that had taken place, and so far from his being surprised at them, his only surprise was that these results had not taken place much sooner, and upon a more extensive scale. At the same time he con tended that her Majesty's Government had acted with per fect propriety in the course which they had pursued, and he thought it would have been extremely injudicious if lie had acted towards the political unions in any forcible manner. He believed the evils did not arise from the formation of these political unions, but that the evil arose from the Meetings that had been held, and the language which these gentlemen had given themselves the license to use, and which they had been undisguisedly holding forth to the people, that it was by force and violence they were to carry their objects and their designs. He ( Lord .11.) had always seen the danger of these proceedings, hut in the state of the law and the present state of the country he had not seen, nor did he yet see the means by which these proceedings can be put an end to, and he never knew a time or an occasion on which it wc.uld have been so extremely inexpedient to resort to strong measures. With respect to what the Noble Lord had said relative to these persons having been supported by the Government, he could state with the utmost con fidence that they never had been supported in anything that was illegal, or that could be considered an infraction of tilt law ; and with respect !• what wra imprudent or dangerous, it was impossible for the Government to take any stronger measures than expressing their disapprobation. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that, from the statement of the Noble Viscount, it appeared that there was no deficiency of force of every description, but it did appear that there was a deficiency or authority—( Cheers) —a deficiency on the part of the magistrates to keep the peace, and he should like to know who were responsible for these magistrates —(Cheers.) The Corporation of this town had been formed contrary to the advice which hod been given towards the end of last year, and with out having had the consent of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) But not only had the Corporation been formed, but magistrates had been appointed—(Cheers)—not by the Government, not by the Noble and Learned Lard on the Wo)lsack, but by the Secretary of State, in consequence of recommendations in a manner, in his opinion, contrary to the laws and constitution of the c iuntrv, and, as he be lieved, contrary to the intentions of Parlian eat, ‘‘h), when they passed the Corporations Bill, understood that the ma gistrates should be appointed in the usual manner by the Crown, and not recommended by any tarty or any body of mn n residing within the Corporate district. What had been the consequence? After a most dis graceful riot had existed for more than a week, fqr be believed upwards of ten &Ir. at least, this large town, one of the largest n anufacturing towns in the Kingdom, containing property to an innnense amount, and one of the mast respectable populations in the country had been treated like a town taken by storm—houses had been burnt down. Ile had been in many towns taken by storm, but never had such outrages occurred in them as had been committed in this town only last night; indeed, the eyes of magistrates appointed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, in their presence property had been taken out of houses and burnt in the public streets notwithstanding the presence of police and troops. This ought not to have been al lowed to go on under the eyes of magistrates and almost under the eyes of the troops, without an)thing being done to prevent these outrages. It wou!cl have been impossible formerly that these things could have gone on in this great country, oace so peaceable and so happy.— ( Cheers. ) The EARL of WARWICK said the Noble Viscount denied teat the Government had given any countenance to the Political Unions, but they hod a., pointed the very men who formed these Unions to the office of Magistrates, and they had appointed even Delegate Ceartists, and he had had much correspondence with the Secretary of State upon that point. He had the names of the parties, but he did not wish to mention them unnecessarily—but these were poitical union ists, and three or four Chartists now performing the duties of the Mag:stracv, but it was clear and made so upon the examination of Lo.att the Secretary to the Convention. From the position which he held in the county he had paid particular attention to the language used in that political union, and it was as violent as that used by the Chartists. Yet these were the very m2n selected by the Government to fill the office of magistrates. Lod MELBOURNE—The Noble Duke said there I was a deficiency of activity o ) the part of the Magistrates, aid he said that he could end no case parallel with it. Had toe Noble Duke forgot the unfortunate affair at Notting ham, where a mill was burnt, while two troops of yeo manry were standing round, and within sight.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) No duuht, they had acted under mistake as to the law, but they thought they could not act without the orders of a magistrate.—( Cheers.) These things arose suddenly, and he was informed that the police waited in this case also for the orders of the magistrates, who were not quite pre pared, not expecting any tumult that night. He was not fully informed on the subject— ( Hear, hear, hear)—and could not explain the matter either clearly or satisfactorily. He could easily conceive that a serious riot might arise without any fault at tach'ng to the conduct of the Magistrates. It might be attributable either to error or a mistake. lie did not know whether that was so on the present occasion, but it had been so in firmer times. As at present informed, he knew not wl at term to apply, but I e was dis posed to say it arose from timidity, and nut from any indis position oe the part of the Magistrates not to do their duty. The Noble Duke had said he had found no parallel to this outrage, even in towns which had been taken by storm, where there had been twe houses burnt. Lord L YN D H UR S T—Th irty. Viscount MELBOURNE—The Noble and Learned Lord would have an opportunity of addressing the House presently. He should think that in a town taken by storm rather more carnage would occur than had taken place in Birmingham ; and the thing was sufficiently lamentable without persons of the authority and station of the Noble Duke indulging in violent exaggeration. • Then as to the Magistracy - -in appointing the Magistrates; every thing had been done with the utmost fairness. The persons appointed were persons of great respectability, who either resided in the town or near tne town, or who bad a fair share in the business of the town. Such had been the composition of the magistracy, and with respect to the other matters of complaint that some of those per sons had been members of the political unions, and had used violent language—his (Lord Melbourne's) opinion on that subject was, that it cueht not to be a disqualification to serve as a magistrate. If the follies of nature operated as a disqualification, and they were only to appoint those who had acted prudently he was afraid they would be put to very great difficulty in finding Magistrates, because if he had to look in particular to the town of Bir mingham, for persons of sound discretion, for persons who had never committed errors, who had never used violent language, or had never written dangerous or ex travagant theories, he confessed he should not know where to find them.—( Laughter.) The Duke of WELLINGTON was rather surprised that the Noble Lord, considering the situation he held should only have known of the state of things in Birming ham by the accounts he bad seen—(Cheers)—and that he should not know at all whether the riots were owing to the absence of magistrates, or the absence of troops, or to the fault of the troops standing by, or to anything similar to that which had happened some .years ago at Nottinghm.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Lord knew nothing at all about the matter.—(Loud cheers.) That was not the way in which a country shonld be go verned.—(Hear, hear.) He had never known a town so treated as Birmingham in these transac tions. The Noble Viscount knew little about it, but supposed it to be Only a couple of houses burnt. Why houses had been " gutted," and the material burnt in the middle of the street. My Lords (said the Noble Duke with emphasis) that is an outrage which I never knew before committed in this country.—( Hear, hear, hear.) And not till this had been done was there any appearance of a proper force to preserve peace. These things have been going on, and the Government know nothing and do nothing.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Viscount MELBOURNE instantly rose, with every sign of great excitement, and sa id, Wh y d oes the N o bl e Lord say that ?—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial Benches.) When did these things happen? The night before last !—( Hear, hear.) How is it possible that the Government could have hitherto done anything in the matter ?—<Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.) Why does the Noble Duke say that nothing has been done ? Why should he suppose that nothing will be done by the Government ?—( Hear, hear, fiear.) During the time these riots have occurred iu Birmingham every step possible has been taken by the Government to prevent such outrage. What is the reason that the Noble Duke imagines the Go vernment will neglect their duty ? My Lords, I say that the Government have never neglected their duty--( Laughter from the Opposition)—with regard to the preservation of the peace—(Hear, hear,)—and the Noble Duke has no right to assume that we shall neglect our duty in future.— ( Hear, hear.) The Duke of WELLINGTON—I say, my Lords, that these riots have prevailed for the last tea days, and no steps have been taken to put them down effectually—to punish the Magistrates, who have neglected their duty, or those who have taken part in the riots, several of whom are now in Warwick Jail.—( Hear, hear.) Earl FITZ WILLIAM did not think the conduct of the Noble Duke on this occasion was quite fair, in wishing to punish the magistrates. What right had the noble duke to assume that they had not done their duty? It was merely an assumption which the Noble Duke made, and he ( Earl Fitz william) and their Lordships had as much right to assume the contrary. ( Hear, hear.) It ap peared to him that the Noble Dnke, in nis desire to make charges on this occasion had lost sight of what was just to parties. If they had been criminal, that they ought to be punished there could be no doubt, but it savoured somewhat of injustice towards the magistrates.oi Birming ham to say that it was a charge against the Government that they had not punished the magistrates for that neglect of duty which the Noble Duke at the present moment was incapable of substantiating against them. But let hint recal the recollection of the Noble Duke and the Lord Lieutenant of Warwicksntre to the fact that this was not the first riot which had taken place in the town of Birmingham. which had bean attended with consequences as disastrous as those which had now taken place, which, on compari son with those to which he had alluded, were not worth mentioning.—(Hear, hear.) And let them consider under whose auspices, and under what Government this had taken place. Let him call the recollection of the Noble Lord, who must be better acquainted with the history of Warwickshire than Ihe could possibly be, that in 1789 or 1760.—(" Oh, oh," from the Tory side of the House.) The Noble Lord did not like to have that re called to his recollection, when the High Ceurch mob destroyed the houses of Dr. Priestley and those who en tertained opinions similar to these he held. If his Noble Friend were to be blamed for what had now occurred, let the same test be applicable to the Ministers of that day. and he should like to know if the Noble Lord would try and condemn them on the same test. All he asked was that Noble Lords should recollect that similar eccurrences had taken place at another time, and if any charge was now made a similar one ought to recoil on those who wera in authority at the time. He trusted that justice would be done to all parties. Who had been guilty of this outrage and if it could be proved that there had been any criminal negligence on the part of the Magistrates, that these Ma gistrates had connived at the outrages of the people, had wilfully and intentionally connived at them, then let them be tried and punished, but not at the present moment when nothing whatever was known of the real facts of the case. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY could not help being struck with the degree of lightness with which the Noble Viscount had treated this subject, and also the nature of the answer he had given to what had been stated by the Noble Duke. These riots had been going on in Birmingham for days, and yet the Noble Viscount could not now tell in what state toe town was at this moment. There was not a Noble Lord in the House who was not equally well in formed upon that point with the Noble Viscount. What a lamentable instance of ignorance did this present on the part of Government. But after so much had been said about Birmingham, he would ask the Noble Viscount if he had any accounts from Newcastle and Sunderland ? Had the Noble Viscount any information of the number of pitmen that were now assembling in those places, as the Chartists were doing in Birmingham'; and were any preparatory measures being taken to pre vent as outbreak of such conduct as bad been shewn at Birmingham? These things were not to be treated in the right way, the Noble Viscount would at tempt to get over them. It might be very well for him to treat his (the Noble Marquis's) statements of the atro cities that were perpetrated in Spain with lightness, and in his usual good-natured way ; but he might rest assured that such a mode of dealing with such things would not do for the people of England. Lord MELBOURNE did not remember ever having treated any statement of the Noble Marquis, of the atro cities in Spain, or any other atrocities, with lightness. He had certainly bad information frem the towns which the Noble Marquis had mentioned that a great d e al of alarm existed there, and of course measures would be taken to preserve the peace of th I towns. Lord WHARNCLIFFE was surprisedthat the Noble Viscount should suppose that the peopl e of Birming ham, who had been all their lives used to Lion, should all at once calm down and . o bey t . h e authority of the law. The manner n trates of that town had beenappointed lc_ilactd t a fi n e d was not at all calculated to appease thepeople, and it wt $ his firm belief that the manner in which magistrates had been appointed in all the towns that had received Co r p ° . rationv, and the party course they had adopted, had led to to all the disturbance that had taken place.— ( Hear. ) The Marquis of LAN SDO WNE did not rise to offer any opinion to the House upon what had passed at Bir mingham, as he was confident that to form any opinion would be exceedingly un j ust towards the Magistrates of the town. If any N oble Lord acting upon V e advice of the Noble Marquis, did form an opinion and act upon it, they would in the highest degree be chargeable with a rash exercise of their functions. He rose merely, wi bout entering upon the question, to state ow improper it would be for the Government to pronounce any opinion upon what had taken place. The las: accounts of what passed at Birinn;bens, were h past twelve from the Mayor of Birmingham, and at hall-past two accounts were received from the Super. i ttendant of Police. Both the Mayor and the Super i itendant of Police stated that it was impossible for them t ) bring the whole of the facts under the considers tion of the Government because they were actully and EVENING EDITIO i engaged in p - eserving the peace of the town. g: Were they • or score they not right in havina thus devoted themselves to preserve the public peace? He concluded that such was the case, and it wnn!d be for them afterwards to make their statement to Lae Government in such a way as that it could be acted upon, but they certainly ought not to proceed to punish upon imperfect accounts received ten hours after the occurrences had taken place. The Duke of WELLINGTON would repeat what he had before stated, notwithstanding the correction of the Noble Viscount, that the occurrences were known before twelve o'clock, because he had been shown them , in the public Papers. It was said there were plenty of troops but yet a gross outrage had been committed— the town had been burnt, houses gutted, and the property brought out into the streets and consumed ; and he would again repeat that that peaceable town—that rich manu facturing town —was worse treated than any town had I ever been treated when taken by storm. He said that from his cwn knowledge, and he recalled the Noble Mar , qu:s to correction for venturing to deliver that opinion. Another statement that had been made was that there were plenty of troops—that there wa a wagon and suprrintendant of police, all that they had learnt from the newspapers, but they knew nothing, and it was clear the Ministers knew nothing. They had just been informed by the Ministers, and be would venture to draw this c mclusion from what they had :toed, that those Magistrates, who did not bid the troops interfere until the town was burnt, and the property of the merchants de stroyed, were irresponsible—( Hear, hear)—and it ap peared (bat there was no means of bringing these parties to trial. The Noble Earl (Fitzwilla n) had told their Lordships that a similar misfortune had befallen that town. \Vhy, it• the town was liable to these unfortunate acci dents that was a reason why her Majesty's Ministers should have taken the utmost precaution to preserve the public peace What he sai i was, that t sere wero m sans such as issuing a Sp cial Cornmissiaa of m.,king the sense of the Gcv( en mew, in regard to those transactions. There might be an innuiry instituted into the conduct of the magistrat s, the i'lslioble Marquis knew something, of iYs manner of pro ceeding, thouga in a co. t ary serve, something ought to be done to mark the opinion of Gov• r meet in relation to t sis ialp.-srunt subject. But it appeared that nobody had any rigtt to notice any of these things. Their Lordships should take care what they were about lest they should fail under the lash of the Noble Marquis. They should say nothina, in order that the Noble Marquis might not attack them as unjust, in stating that wrong had been dore—all 11,2 hoped was ti at he should not have another opprsr. unity o' waking sir lar observations.—( Cheers.) The Marquis of L ANSDO WNE had not denied the right of the Noble Duke or of any other No . )le Lord to advert the circumstances of the case or to form au noinion on them—but wkat ha did say was, with great submission tot`le Noble Duke that her 111-jasty s uuverrm ort were not wren; in abstaining• from forming al opinion on the circumstances which had taken place in the Town of Birmingham ‘rcthin seventeen hours of the occurrence, and still more were tl ey n )t wrong in abstain ing to form an opine,,, in the present imperfect state of information, and he still adhered to that opinion, and when the Noble Duke at ted that wrong hod been done, it was very easy so aln i- that. tut it was not so easy to form an opinion as to wl o were the wrongdoers in seventeen hours. He would say Oa, it was the duty of her Majesty's Government not to form a hasty Opinion, but to form a deliberate aid a mature opinion before they pro ceeded.—( Cheers.) The Duke of WELLINGTON was sure the Noble Marquis would not willingly or knowingly have misrepre seated what he had said. Ile had not alluded to the magistrates. hut to another set of men, to thOse who had been guilty of riots a few days ago. Those person: ought to nave peen brought to trial by this time, by means of a Special Commission. or by so.ne et e m ide. The Marquis of LANSDO WNE—There are a great number of persons taken up, and awaiting their trial. The discussion then dropped, and a great number of Peers left the House. (LEFT SITTING.) IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS. JULY 15. The SPEAKER took the chair at Four o'Clock. A Message from the Lords brought up several Bills. CITY POLICE COMMISSIONER. ' Mr. M ACKINNON rose to move as an amendment to the clause, disqualifying the City Police Commissioner from sitting in Parliament, that the following words be in ' serted in the seventh clause, at the end of the words " House of Commons," " for the City of London, or for ' any city or borough within the Metropolitan District." He considered that the clause, as it at present stood, must have been inserted in the Bill by mistake. It was perfectly anomalous to insert a clause of general dis qualification into a private Bill—it was copied from the Metropolitan Police Bill, which was a general Bill, and therefore was properly introduced there, but could not be with propriety introduced into a private Bill. The Police Commissioners under that Act were appointed by the Crown, and were removable by the Crown, and therefore they were properly disqualified froth sit ting in Parliament. But in this case the individual was appointed by the City of London, and was remova ble only, by an address of the City of London. Ile had heard that this clause had been intended against one indi vidual, but as he generally voted in opposition to that in dividal, he could not be supposed to have any private feeling on the question, but he objected to the clauso as it stood on principle. His amendment would pre vent the individual from sitting for any of the metro politan districts, including the Borough of Southwark, because it might be supposed, from his official situation, such an individual might have undue influence in those districts. It was a complete anomaly, and if the Right Hon. Gentleman could show him any instance of a general disqualification being introduced into a private Bill, he would withdraw his amendment ;_ otherwise, he should press it, and take th e sense o f th e House on the subject, as it might establish an inconvenient and dangerous precedent. Mr. WILLIAMS seconded the amendment. He did not see why the Commissioners should be prohibited from sitting in Parliament any more than the Recorder, the Common Sergeant, or the Lord Mayor. The citizens of London wished to put the police force under a gentleman with whom they had been connected for many years, and in whom they had great confidence—that gentleman was the Hon. Member for Southwark, and his belief was, that this clause was directed against that Hon. Member. He, therefore, opposed the clause. Mr. F. MAUL E could not agree to any alteration in the clause. The Hon. Member who had last spoken had placed him in rather a delicate p.sition by the insinuation he had made—( Hear, bear)—but he could positively state that this clause had been introduced without reference to any per son. The Committee to whom this Bill had been referred had looked to the Act of the 10th Geo. IV., which regu lated the police of Westminster, and it was found in that Bill there was a clause excluding the Commissioners from Parliament. It was but right that the citizens of London should have the whole time of the Commissioner, consider ing the salary they would pay him. Sir. HUME would not say that it did, but be thought it looked very like as if the clause was intended to apply to the Hon. Member for Southwark. He doubted very much whether it would be fair to persevere in this motion. If the Commissioner was not to be allowed to sit in that House, he did not see why the Recorder of London should. Sir J. GRAHAM could not concur in the amendment pro posed by the Hon. Member for Lymington. He must there fore come to the conclusion that this Officer ought not to possess a scat in that House. He agreed with the Hon. Under Secretary of State, that the introduction of an allu sion to any particular individual was not in the best possible taste, and only tended to embarrass the discussion, but whether it affected the feelings of an individual or not he thought they ought to agree to a general exclusion. Mr. D'ISR A ELI said the argument of the Right Hon. Baronet would go to disfranchise policemen as voters, and might be used as an argument against every officer of the State sitting in that House. The Secretary of State had multifarious duties to perform, was well paid, and the country was entitled to the whole of his time.—( Hear, hear.) This question would involve the discussion of a principle which bad never yet been settled, the propriety of official functionaries havirg scats in the House. He entirely agreed with the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, that the acceptance of office ought not to dis qualify from a seat in Parliament. Mr. VILLIERS agreed with the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down. There was no general principle on this subject laid down at all, and the argument of the Right Honourable Baronet would apply to a great many cases. To Lords-Lieutenant and county Magistrates for instance. No body of men possessed more important patronage than Lords-Lieutenant, and yet they had seats is that House ; two-thirds of the Members were county Magistrates, who possessed the important power of granting or withholding licenses; and he felt convinced that more votes were obtained from the fear of having licenses with held or from the hope of having them granted, than from any other cause. If the argument was of any force, it applied to county Magistrates. As far as he u n d erstood, the reason for these disqualifications, it was horn dread of the': influence of the Crown ; that did not apply in the present and the electors would see t h at the aiillistotionfiete.perTaohne, Corporation would take car e not to appoint Mem ber attended to their interests. He should therefore vote against the clause. Mr. HAWES supported the clause, and was anxious that all questions relating to the police should be discussed without party or political feeling. He objected for several reasons to the Commissioner having a seat in that House : the Secretary of State was the head of the department, and responsible for the conduct of the police. It might happen that a discussion might take place, and a difference of opinion be manifested between the Secretary of State and the Commissioner, and the police would not then be able to look up to one head alone for orders. He would have the appointment of the men, and his patronage would consequently be just as great whatever borough he repre sented. The police were intended to act as arbiters be tween different parties, and therefore it was important they should not exhibit party feelings. He utterly dis claimed any individual feeling on the subject, having al ways supported this clause. Mr. HARVEY would not permit the accidental and he was sure well intended reference that had been made to himself by the Hon. Member for Coventry to induce him to suppress the expression of his opinion on this measure. had The Under Secretary of State had that evening d great stress on the circumstance that one clause Common of the Bill received the sanction of a majority of the Council, although that majority was only * majority of one ; but h e h c had forgot to mention that a motion was made in the Com mon Council that the C o mmissioner should not be quail fled to sit in Parliament, but only four Members were found to vote in support of that motion. The House was now called on to establish a precedent for interfering with appointments vested in the people. There was not t h e same zealous anxiety for the security an d i ntegr i ty of that H House and its Members running through all their legisla tion. A Bill had been introduced the other night, giving to the Judge of the Admiralty Court a salary of 4,0004 a-year. That Bill had been brought in by the Govern ment. It was all very well to disclaim all personal inten-