The Sun. — London, England, 1845-06-20 00:00:00

the New Zealand Company was not to le;d Sir G. Gipps to believe that aninquiry would not take place, but that a Com missioner of probity and impartiality would be appointed. The letters which he had quoted sufficiently proved the spirit whieh actuated the Noble Lord in concluding that treaty. In July the Noble Lord acknowledged the treaty of Wat tonga; and could it be assumed that the Noble Lord would, in November, act directly the reverse of what he had done in July ? The natives said they understood the treaty, for they said, " The shadow of the land goes to Queen Victoria, but the substance remains with us." This was the language of the chiefs. Captain Hobson wrote to Sir George Gipps in 1840 that a conspiracy was set on foot by low abandoned Europeans who attempted to instigate the natives into tumult, by saying that as soon as the English were strong enough they would seize upon all their land and sell it. The 11th clause showed that the Company had offered to forego every claim to land except teat which the Crown conferred upon them. On the 2(1 of December, 1840, the Colonial-office claimed all land in New Zealand which the chiefs granted, and Lord John Russell then said he was not aware of any other possessors of land in New Zealand, but if there were they should be legitimately dealt with. The New Zealand Company, in their report of the 'same year to their shareholders, said they were on the same footing as any other private individual. This was a mere mockery, for all other persons were limited in the maximum of acres, but the New Zealand Company were unlimited because they were an instrument in the hands of the Government.— ( Hear, hear.) About that time the Noble Lord appointed a special commissioner of great talent and probity. The Hon. Member for Coekeranouth said this Commissioner was not particularly friendly to the New Zealand Company. The instructions to the Commissioner were given verbally. The Commissioner was Mr. Spain, and he under stood the treaty as Lord Stanley understood it. Col. Wakefield, whom the natives called " Wide-awake," was also employed ; and he, on the 24th of August, 1841, wrote thus respecting the treaty, that a commission was to be ap pointed to inquire into the purchases made of the natives, and if the purchases of the Company were not vale!, full com pensation was to be made to the natives by the New Zealand Company.—(Hear, hear.) Soon after Col. Wakefield w rote home that he was proceeding with the investigation ; that some parties required compensation, and that tke New Zealand Com pany Company recognised their right of compensation. They had been told that since Lord John Russell had left office " liberality had changed into pertinacity ;" but on the 10th of June the New Zealand Company thanked Lord Stanley for his "liberality." Anybody who read Mr. Spain's report would know why a change in the proceedings took place, and why Col. Wakefield withdrew from the investi g ation. In October, 1842, the New Zealand Company took for the first time the instruction which they said was the Noble Lord's instruction, and which they wished it to appear they had held all alone. The conduct of Lord Stanley with respect to the new demands of the Company, at the close of 1842, was statesmanlike andlcon sistent in the highest degree. Yet the words " cold bloodesl " and " cruel " were applied to ho h him and Lord John Russell, in the documents of the New Zealand Company. Lord Stanley acted with great fairness towards the Company with respect to those demands, as he stated in his communications with them, that he would guarantee them a conditional title to the lands which they stated they then possessed, but that he should also afford the natives a similar power with respect to their lands. Conduct like this did not deserve to be characterised as that of a petti fogging attorney. Then the charge that he had violated his oath as a Minister of the Crown was as untrue, and therefore as little entitled to foundation as other charges which had been brought against him, respecting his conduct towards the New Zealand Company. They could not make such an im putation for the Noble Lord's instructions were not carried out in the colony as he desired them to be. The:agreement bearing date the lea' of November, 1840, was perfectly understood by Colonel Wakefield, and a proof of this was to be found in its being acted upon in the following spring. Ultimately, when the British settlers complained, Lord Stanley gave the Company a prima facie title to the land. He, therefore, called upon the House to negative the resolutions of the Hon. Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller), believing that no satisfactory con clusion could be arrived at in a Committee of the House, and that the subject could be better dealt with by the Executive. Mr. MANGLES proposed first to enter into the conduct of the Church Missionary Society in New Zealand, and secondly into that of the Company. For 30 years, that Society had been engaged in carrying good tidings to the aborigines of New Zealand and their exertions had met with great success. In referring to their conduct, however, he should not treat their errors in a hostile or scoffing spirit. He should discuss this subject in a candid spirit. There could be no ques ti on a b ou t the first steps of the Church Missionar Society. The devoted men who went out there approachedtthe shores of the land inhabited by that blood-thirsty people, and their first successes had been obtained in consequence of the very devotedness which they had exhibited. The reports from a few visitors to these islands had shown that they were fertile in the extreme, and it was at that precise period the attention of the Church Missionary was directed to them. It was no discredit to the Church Missionary Society to say that they were in no condition to take an en larged view of the future measures. They were opposed to colonisation, and objected to every imposition of the Sove reignty of this country. They maintained that, if converted to Christianity and civilised, they were perfectly competent to govern themselves, and that no assistance could be of the slightest service to them. He was led to believe that this was the feeling of the Church Missionary Society rather than , the facts of the case. After many wanderings they had at last found a settlement on the coasts of New Zew Zealand But they had not been able to exclude those lawless charac ters by which the country was infested. The runaway con victs and the sailors had brought to that country one of the most dreadful and fatal maladies with which Europe was visited. These and other causes had combined to prevent that influence which should have stopped the warlike propensities of the natives. Many desperate conflicts had :occurred in the islands, and some of the tribes had, in fact, been driven to the southward. All his arguments went to show that these wars did not arise in consequence of residence, but in spite of them. He had hia info rmat i on f rom a son of Captain Price, who was on duty at the islands at the time. One day, whilst in charge of the boats on the coast, he saw a chief parading the beach in a state of great agitation, in consequence of a woman attached to his household who had gone on board of one of the ships with out his permission. No sooner did the unfortunate woman step ashore than she was struck down senseless, without speak. ing a word, by the remorseless chief, who, without saying a word, ripped up her bosom, tore out her heart, and crunching it between his teeth, cast it on the ground. Another instance had been narrated, where, in consequence of resentment ex cited against the steward of a ship at the island, which resulted in the massacre of the whole crew, and the bodies of the unfor tunate men were absolutely cooked in their own ships'-coppers. It appeared before the Committee of 1838 that the lawless characters who came to the islands were every week increasing, and the consequence was that the moral state of the country was such as the Church Missionary Society could no longer contend with. In this state of things Mr. Dandison Coates had devised a plan for the restoration of order and right feeling in the colony. He had first planned that there should be a diplomatic agent constantly resident in New Zealand, that there should be courts of justice presided over by the New Zealand Chiefs, but that the administration of the law should be ultimately vested in Europeans. Mr. Coates had not pro vided for the expense of these establishments, because he con ceived that where there were so many British subjects resi dent it was the duty of the Government to make that provi sion. He (Mr. Mangles) did not mention this otherwise than to show what wild schemes people were obliged, to resorteo, to meet the case. The Church Missionary Society were ready to encounter any difficulty to accomplish their object, but they were too sanguine, and he did not wish to throw any disparagement on the missionaries; but he knew what the converts were, and when exposed to intercourse with Englishmen of ordinary religion and virtue—to say nothing of what the consequences would be from association with the wilful and depraved. They were not at all likely to be such Christians as Martin Luther. Many of the new converts had been ac tively engaged in the disturbances in the north of the island. The man who had cut down the flagstaff when Captain Wake field was destroyed was a Christian, as were also many others whose names had been mentiened in the late transactions. Hon. Members must be aware that many of these converts were men of very questionable character, and in the disturbances in the north of the island they had particularly distinguished themselves by their lawless and dishonest proceedings. All the evidence which had been adduced before them—the evidence of most respectable men, who were, from their knowledge of the country, well able to form an opinion, all led to the same thing. The President of the Church of Scotland, among others, spoke in the most contemptuous manner of the tricks which had been used to cheat the people of England into the idea that the New Zealanders wee able to govern themselves. Mr. Busby, the missionary, put a number of tine words into the mouths of the islanders, with this very view ; such words as " confederation," " poverty," " legislation,' and so on, words which their very habits of pronunciation *slid not have per mitted them to master. He did hope that Government would put a stop to this state of things, for in fact it was well known that up to this day the Government of New Zealand, under whatever name, was a Government unconditionally and help lessly under the power of the missionaries, and it was a well known fact, that nothing could be done respecting New Zealand, but some persons would be found run ning from the Church Missionary Society's offices :n Salisbury-square to the Colonial-office.—( Laughter.) The miseries of that island may be ascribed to that mismanage ment. The influence exerted there has set man against man, and tanght the white to regard the red as his enemy ; and again he implored the Right Hon. Baronet to take measures to settle these unhappy quarrels, and to restore that unfortu • nate country. More cruelties had been exercised towards the natives of New Zealand, by her Majesty's Government, than had ever before been thrown upon that unfortunate race; whereas, had they adopted a proper and decisive policy, the colony might have been fairly managed, and governed by a handful of clever Europeans. Government should have adopted the same decisive policy that Sir Charles Met calfe had done in Canada, and we should never have heard of the horrible massacres which had occurred in 'New Zealand. When a nominally independent native chief hired an assassin to butcher Mr. Frazer, Sir Chas. Metcalfe had both the assassin and the chief brought to trial, and on their conviction he had them both hanged. One such deeisiee step as this would have averted all the troubles which had lately fallen on the unfortunate colony of New Zealand. But no such policy as this was pursued by Governor Fitzroy, although he had been frequently advised to do so by members of t helegislative Assembly of the colony ; and hence much of the' misery and suffering which had fallen upon the settlers lay at the doo r of G overnmen t, an d wa s not to b e attributed to the course pursued by the New Zealand Com pany; He begged it to be understood as attributing no blame to the Church Missionary Soci e ty as a body, except that they had not a sufficient control over their agents in New Zealand, nor dtd he' beli eve that any person in this country connected with the Church Missionary Society had b e e n ac t ua t e d b y th e s mallest selfish interest. He would admit, too, that they were fully he entitled to purchase land from the natives, but purchases they had blamed them for the excessive by the New Zealanrcalads'because they were only authorised furthet than that, they Company to take a certain quantity, and with declaring his hearty"ght not to have gone. He sat down ( c l ioncurrenc e in the motion of the Hon. Member for Liskeard. 11r: COL QUHOUNq a u r ite agreed with the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, that it was not th e p l ace of a missionary to interfere i n t h e political .government of a colony, and he thought the Government of elr e Pealand ought to be conducted like the Government of this couwntrye, upon a system of vigorous of pro rioters, on administration, irrespective of a the one side, or a religious body on°ll.ht'seontYher._-_( Hear, hear.) upon this subject, He had carefully perused all the documents His tiet)rizm;et of the and had come to the conclusion that the Government r t r e nd the colony was not in a satisfactory state. Secretary to the Treasury bad most ably discussed tion, and so far as the Hon. Gentleman's argu ment went i ' t l" was perfectly demonstrated. The Hon. Gentlema n had clearly proved that the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London had put the same construction on the agreement with the New Zealand Company, as that placed upon it by the Noble Lord the present Secretary for the Colonies ; and in stead of bringing forward motions casting reflections upon th e Noble Lord, it would have been much better to have brought forward some proposition fur modifying and improving the government of the colony. There never was a period in the Colonial Government of this country, in which the rights and dignity of the Government were so well maintained, as under Lord Stasslay,, The Noble Lord had the quickest eye in the world diVcAtt e t Itripvgbce, the most sagacious promp titude to,ch{skle y...- (far , bear, and laughter.) He thought/that ads tatifai fff the , system by which we had so long tkrtutpptly-goierneel India might be well applied to our o e,olonies.—(Hear, hear,) He thought it was impos sible, Without throwing blame upon Boy I ty,te refuse inquiry into the condition of those persons who had embarked a large capital, perhaps for personal purposes, but certainly with an ultimate view to the greatness of the country. He would not go into a detail of the disturbances which had taken place, or of those which were apprehended, but he would say that it was incumbent upon the Govern ment to take steps for reconciling all conflicting interests, and for placing the colony upon a sound and secure foundation. A. comparison of the system of colonisation pursued by other na tions was in favour of the English system. What was the re sult of the French system in Algeria but to provoke the hatred of the natives? So much so as to render it unsafe for a French man to walk a mile from the capital of the province without a safeguard.—( Hear, hear.) He could not vote with his Hon. and Learned Friend on this occasion —(Hear, hear)—but he would call upon her Majesty's Government to state, not that they would condemn the past, but that they would modify and improve the future. Mr. SHELL said that, although the papers were exceedingly volrminous as to the controversy which had arisen between the Noble Lord to whom the Government had entrusted the con trol of our colonial empire, it was evident that there were some errors. In nine months after the treaty of Watonga there was an arrangement entered into which had never been fulfilled. A question had been raised as to the meaning of the treaty of Watonga, but no question had been raised with respect to the treaty that was entered into bet eeen the Government and the New Zealand Company in ISIO. There could be no contro versy on the mater. He did not believe, nor did he kno:v, whether the Hon. Gentleman opposite suggested that any con troversy could be raised; perhaps he alluded to the fact of Lord Stanley's having signified some doubt as to the mean ing of that agreement. But this he knew that in 1844 Mr. Somes, one of the most important members of the New Zealand Company, called upon his Noble Friend to give an explanation of that agreement, and his Noble Friend the Member for London adopted the explanation which had been given by the Company, and he was not aware that Lord Stanley ever intimated that a different explanation could be given. Plain sense and plain justice put to common sense this question—Had that agreement ever been fulfilled? Had the contract ever been executed? The Company laid out the sum of 100,000/. They laid the foundation of a great colony. They spent vast sums in the construction of public works. And what had they received in return? The question de pended on a few facts. It was a great and prominent fact that stood in high relief in this case, that an agreement was carried, and an outlay was made by the New Zealand Company, and nothing was received in return. That outlay was certain, it was acknowledged by the Govern ment, and nothing was given in return.—( Hear, hear.) That was a great fact, which no earthly intrepidity of asseveration could controvert, which no sophistry could get over. His Noble Friend sent instructions to the Govern ment of New Zealand to carry that agreement into effect. He could not conceive a circumstance stronger than that which he had mentioned—an original agreement, deliberately made after the treaty of Watonga, not ratified by the Govern ment. His Noble Friend went out of office, and Lord Stanley came in, and, to his ( Mr. Sheil's) great surprise, the Noble Lord came at once into conflict with the New Zealand Com pany. They called upon him to fulfil the contract—they en treated him—they expostulated—they remonstrated in vaiss. At the time of the unhappy altercation that arose between the Government and the Company, his Hon. Friend the Member for Cockermouth, finding that all chance of justice at the Co. lonial-office was at an end, applied to the House of Commons. Now; let the House of Commons and the country mark what had taken place. The Committee which his Hon. Friend moved for was not resisted ; they (the Government) invited him to it. The Government formed the Committee. That had been often mentioned, bet the fact was so important when compared with the result, that reiteration was not in appropriate. How was the Committee constituted? The Government appointed five Whigs, and ten—what should he say ?—(Laughter.) Ten of then:habitual supporters. That was the constitution of the Committee—five Whigs and ten Conservatives. And among these Conservatives was placed the Hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary of the Colonies. Among them was placed a Gentleman whom he saw opposite, not then, he believed, the Secretary of the Treasury, but who had proved in the House, not out of the House, his qualifica tion. Another Member was Lord Jocelyn, since made the Secretary of the Board of Control, and another was Lord Francis Egerton. He thought that it would be admitted that a Committee more favourable to Lord Stanley could hardly be found. The Committee met, the case was throughly in vestigated, all the documents were laid before them, all the instructions respecting the treaty of Watonga, the different agreements, and the whole mass of papers, swollen to a mighty ponderance, under which the tables of the House sighed. They examined their papers, which showed the nature of their property and vast tracts of millions of acres, on which a human foot had never left a vestige. After a most laborious inquiry—and surely he was justified in saying a most impartial investigation—to what conclusion did they arrive—with a large majority ? To the conclusion to which his Hon. Friend invited the House to come. They reported against the Government.—( hear. ) That was another thing on which the merits of the case depended, and on which he would de pend. The Committee appointed by the Government, with a majority of ten, found a series of resolutions inculpating the Colonial-office. That was a fact. But there was more to be presented to the attention of the House and the country, whose opinion on this subject was of more importance than any de cision to which the House might arrive. Lord Stanley, in his commentaries on the report, said that the Committee was not unanimous. He said that the resolutions were carried by nar row majorities. When he (Mr. Sheil) saw the statement made by Lord Stanley, he analysed the majority and minority, and looked to the division of the Committee which took place. Now, he found that in the resolutions most strongly condemn ing Lord Stanley, and the whole of the policy upon which the affairs of New Zealand were conducted, he found that, in what he called a narrow majority, there voted against him his Hon. Friend the Member for Pontefract, an habitual supporter, an useful—and not only an useful, but an ornamental—supporter of the Government. He found that an honourable and most accomplished Gentleman, elected by the Government to move an address at the commencement of the session—he meant Mr. Charteris—he found that he also voted against Lord Stanley. He found that Lord Jocelyn, an Irishman, who, he was sure, on this investigation, might have remembered that Lord Stanley was once the Secretary for Ireland--( Laughter)— he found that he, whom they had elected as the Secretary of the Board of Control, voted against Lord Stanley. But though last in enumeration, yet the first in account, he found that Lord F. Egerton, a man of great rank, of the highest position in this country, of great talent, and of inestimable worth—a man, of whose services the country had been de prived by causes which all of them had concurred in lamenting, he found that he voted against Lord Stanley. Nay more, he was not content with voting against him—he found that he was the very man who moved as an amendment clauses strongly condemnatory of Lord Stanley. If the House was not aware of it, let them mark the words in page 20. What words could be more significant? An amendment was proposed by Lord Francis Egerton, that these words be added—" That the government of Lord Stanley was productive of very inju • !ions consequences." That was the whole ease. The entire of the resolutions of his Honourable Friend might have been com prised in those expressions, and that resolution thus denunci atory of the Government, moved by way of an amendment. So strong was the conviction of the Noble and virtuous Lord of the justice of the treaty, that not satisfied with the justice of the re solutions moved by the friends of the Company, he moved the amendment to which he had just called their attention. He said he would rely on facts, and be would ask them when they should do him the honour to advert to his observations, not to answer him (Mr. Sheil) but Lord F. Egerton, when they would defend Lord Stanley. After the Committee had reported what took place, one would imagine that when Lord Stanley had read the report of the Committee he would have retraced his steps—he would have acknowledged his mistakes—his policy would have been altered, or, at all events, that he would have entered into some sort of amicable com munication with the Company. What course did he take ? He wrote a dispatch, and he seemed to have thought that as the case was against Lord Stanley, he ought to make a cross case of Lord Stanley against the New Zealand Company. His dispatch contained a series of animadversions on the Company. A report was drawn up, in which it was stated as colonial law, adverting to a principle laid down by Sir George Gipps, a famliar principle, namely, that barbarous tribes had no vested property in any land. Lord Stanley's course was to dispute the premises and expatiate on the merits of the New Zealand Company. Let him call the attention of the House to the state ment in seriousness made by his Hon. Friend (Mr. C. Buller) in his masterly speech—( Hear, hear)—that the most powerful chief in New Zealand founded his title on the ground that he had put all the former inhabitants to death.— ( Hear, hear.) The report had no effect on Lord Stanley, but a great effect on the public mind. When it was found that no grant was to be made to the Company— that the Government would not act according to the decision of the Committee of their own nomination, the merchants and great capitalists of London assembled together, and presented petitions, to which he begged to call the attention of the Government, and to the most able exposition of the facts by his Hon. Friend the Member for Sunderland last night, who, with his usual comprehensiveness and wisdom, pointed out the faults that were committed. He (Mr. Sheil) did not pretend to say that nothing had been said comparable with the matter which was set forth in the petition of the merchants and traders of the City of London. That petition was presented on, he thought, the 18th of March, 184.5. He had seen the First Lord of the Treasury armed with petitions from the mer chants—he had seen him stand up in the House of Commons, and, with the emphasis peculiar to himself, expatiate "upon the importance of the support derived from that great body, and, if these were his remarks, surely it would be felt that the petition which he was now about to advance, not only con demnatory but denunciatory of their conduct, was deserving, if not of the attention of the Government, at all events of the attention of the public. The petition stated that the differences and disputes in the colonies had pro duced dissatisfaction and complaint, which brought the new formed settlement, and the Company almost to the verge of de struction. The petitioners, in common with the whole commu nity, begged for a Select Committee to inquire into the state of New Zealand, and the proeeedings of the New Zealand Com pany, and stated that, as it appeared from the report that the New Zealand Company had been exposed to hardships and ill treatment, the result of the policy of the Colonial-office, they called for prompt interference and redress. By whom was that petition presentee ? Not by a Whig—not by an antagonist of the Colonial-office—not by a factious partisan ; it was presented by John Masterman.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") This petition was signed by two of the Hots. Members for London, the one a Whig and the other a Tory, and yet it was quite apparent that that petition expressed the sentiments of his Noble Friend near him. Let him ask Hon. Members of the Government opposite had they read the names of those who had signed that petition ?—( Hear. ) He found attached to it the names of merchants of the first city in the empire ; men of unexampled opulence, and those whose signatures stood first in the ranks of the commercial men of this, the great metropolis of the commercial world.—( Hear, hear.) What would be the answer of the Govern ment to this petition, or rather what had been the answer ?—( Hear.) Had it not been in effect to blight the prospects of the British empire in that region, and to place the property of the emigrants in that country under a perpetual cloud.—( Hear, hear.) The colony had been said to have been made bankrupt, the progress of trade and agriculture stopped, the plough had been arrested in its operation through the field and the axe in the wood, and the emigrant had, in fact, become an exile, and, in the recklesss spirit of ferocity to which in justice had driven him, blood had been profusely shed.— ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland had said that the blood of Englishmen was crying aloud for satisfaction for what they had suffered since their emigration to that country, for that a feeling of just indignation had been b e t aa n pbepe g annr e o n dav d oten e te r t e onh d fdeeitdt a h. t the disasters by which their emigration had iearem, authoritativeness policy ) i oy Let, b e : g h ae anynnd, longer wh o ps (sophisti cation, hs d snet pursued, abandon attended.—( cation, and vote in favour of the motion of his Hon. Friend. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said t n hat, after the o b serva ti ons Hon that had fall en f rom the Right H sat down, a s we ll as those of the Hon.. Gentleman w wh h o o h h a ad d in troduced the subject, he had risen merely for the purpose of expressing his entire concurrence in many o f th e o b servations s t d a e t s had theouse.ear, h f e a 1 l efinonfsreo.m_(HHoona.r, m h e o m ar.) ers on the subj ec t, at b oth He would assure Hon. Members opposite that he was far from attemptin g for to he felt deeplyvalue r v e e s r s y e greatd with th e i importance meas n o r a f b f thise knowing, subje ct valneth at a h s h e e i s did,l n s theo tf New Zealand were of to this country, naval supremacy of this country, and the advantages the har bours of New Zealand afforded to that navy, as well as to British commerce ; and he could also appreeia , e the value of the geographical position of those islands, which, he was aware, ormed the key to the traffic between this country and the ' China Seas, all which he was willing to admit were matters of great moment to the commercial inte rests of this great commercial empire.—( Hear, hear.) He was also bound to state that an additional reason he had for concurring in the observations of his Hon. Friend opposite was, that he was sensitively alive to the fact, that the increas ing population of this country required a well-regulated sys tem of colonisation.—( Hear, hear.) Having prefaced this question with those observations, he now begged to assure the House that he did not intend to follow the Hon. Member op posite (Mr. Buller) in all the details which he had laid before the House, but he feared he should be compelled to detain the House while he entered into a few of them. He was ready to admit, distinctly, that much of what had been stated last night, in reference to the affairs of this island, were traceable to the two causes mentioned—namely, the mode of emigration and the abaence from the island of those who could have exercised an efficient and effectual control.—( Hear, hear.) He had no wish to weary the House by entering into a statement of the manner in which this colony had been governed under former Administrations, he would rather now pass over that, and come at once to the histo-y of the transactions connected with the mode of carrying out the treaty of Watonga. The Hon. Biet-onat then read a passage from the treaty, by which it ap peared that certain rights and privileges were to be pre served to the natives and the emigrants respectively. He might be permitted to state that it appeared to him that the principal difficulty which his Noble Friend at the head of the Colonies had had to encounter, since he became the servant of the Crown had been the task of reconciling the treaty of Watonga, which he would assume as binding, with the charter granted to the New Zealand Company, also given by the advice of the Noble Lord. The difficulty of reconciling these two engagements was stated, he thought, very forcibly, and, as he thought, very fairly, in a paper which had been presented to the House, containing a discussion which had lately arisen between the Government and the New Zealand Company. The New Zealand Company said—" It is impossible to reconcile the missionary system with colonization. The object of the missionaries has been to prevent colonisation, and to preserve the nationality of New Zealand." The House knew the opinion pronounced by the New Zealand Company, with re ference to the two documents—the treaty of Watonga, which proceeded on missionary principles, and the agreement with the New Zealand Company which was founded on the past system, namely, the system of colonisation, as contradistinguished from the missionary system. That was upon two antagonist docu meets. He entirely concurred with the view of the New Zea land Company with reference to the two engagements. The Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had contended that, consistently with the engagement into which the Crown had entered with the New Zealand Company, it was not just to call on that Company to prove their titles to land, to which they were legitimately entitled, before a court of appeal, exercising judicial authority in New Zealand. He ( Sir J. Graham) must say that the view taken by the Right Hon. Gentleman in that particular was entirely at variance with the recorded opinion of both contracting parties. The Right Honourable Gentle man then read some very lengthy extracts from the correspondence which has taken place between the New Zealand Company and the Government, and also with the New Zealand Company's agent at New Zealand. The Right Han. Gentleman said that a misunderstanding com menced immediately upon Lord Stanley's taking office. Now the fact was that no such misunderstanding arose until 1842. He ( Sir J. Graham) was sorry that when his Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Treasury addressed the House so few Mem bers were present.—( Hear, hear.) But those who had the advantage of hearing him would concur with him (Sir James Graham) that his Hon. Friend had used arguments respecting the treaty of Watonga,"which were irresistible, and which he (Sir J. Graham) would not weaken by repeating. Up to the year 1812 no differences had arisen with respect to the nature of the contract between the Company and the Crown, namely, that they should prove their title before Commissioners of Inquiry exercising judicial functions. In 1842 disputes arose of a serious aspect, and it was the desire of his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies, if possible, to devise the means of adjustment upon the disputed points. He first indicated the mode of adjustment as early as January, 1843. The instructions to Captain Fitzroy were given under a con tract with the Company, that he should be allowed to act independent of that corporation. He did not wish to enter fully into the whole conduct of the Governor there appointed, nor all the subjects of disagreement between him and the Company ; suffice it to say, that his reed] was founded on allegations—subsequently proved to be correct—that he had disobeyed the instructions furnished him. There had been a condition always recognised by the Company, forming part of the original engage.nent of 1640, and subsequently con firmed by the Colonial Secretary who succeeded the Noble Lord the Member for London, that the selection of land should be made within certain specified limits ; and that the Government should receive from time to time full and effi cient information of the land divided there. But since Captain Fitzroy had arrived no selection had been made by their agent, and consequently no report had been re seived by the Government at home. The Hon. Member for Newcastle- under-Lyne had said that great allowances were to be made for Captain Fitzroy's errors, in consideration of the difficulties which he had uninterruptedly encountered. la that sentiment he heartily concurred.—( Hear.) It was true that several acts of disobedience had detracted from his merit. The issue of the inconvertible paper, and the subject of embroiling the settlers with natives on whom dependence could be placed, had unqustionably decreased the confidence of the Government in their officer, And, while the remission of all duties of custom was equally indefensibble ; at the same time it would be remembered that the delieulty of levying sustoms, extending over three thousand miles was a duty extremely difficult to be performed—Hear, hear) — but their being remitted, without any appeal or remonstrance to the Home Government, was highly injudicious. The Hon. Members for Lambeth (Mr. Hawes) and for Liskeard (Mr. Buller) had made severe comments on the coarse pure sued by the Colonial Department, and had suggested the pro priety of entrusting the entire management of their affairs to the natives. Mr. BULLER dissented. What he had said was, that local self-government might be successfully attempted. Sir J. GRAHAM—The Government had been charged, also, with attending to home interests and home influences alone. He would not combat that proposition, but would ob serve that if the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) at the head of her Majesty's Government, casting aside the interests of 100,000 New Zealanders, at the Antipodes, had yielded to considerations of home interests and influences, he would have experienced much more ease, and much less opposition from Members on either side of the House.—( Hear. The Hon. Member for Liskeard (Mr. Buller) had quoted the advice of the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston) that they should no more suffer the nonsense of the colonial office. Now, without offence to the propounder of that suggestion, he would say that, considering that the Noble Lord the Member for London (Lord John Russell) was then at the head of that department ; and, remembering the character of the then Under-Secretary, nonsense was not likely to emanate from that office.—(Cheers.) However, it was not to the past that he would refer ; that was infinitely of less importance than the future.—( Loud cheers.) It was impossible to hear the speech of the Hon. Member for Coventry (Mr. Ellice) and not see that the manly and vigorous sense of that speech—(Cheers)— demanded an explicit reply from the Government.—(Cheers.) He for one would answer as candidly as was consistent with his duty. The first question propounded b 1 the Hon. Member was, what was the construction put by the Government on the treaty of Watonga ? His answer was that her Majesty was enti. tied to the entire sovereignty of that island. subject of course to certain contingencies and engagements—the prime engagement being that the natives should be protected in the possession of land and property ; and the right of land being vested in the Crown, that they should enjoy all the rights and privileges of British settlers. Such engagements should be religiously observed.—(Hear, hear.) That brought him to a consideration of a point of some importance. The words of the treaty were " in possession of the natives," in the letters patent granted at the incorporation of the Company, there was a marked difference, the expression then used was "lands occupied or enjoyed," the concurrence of both words " occupied " and " enjoyed " implied that some difference was intended between them. By an Act of the local Government, the sale of occupied lands (by the natives) was prohibited, yet pre-emption on the part of the Crown must have been contem plated. They could sell something to the Crown, therefore it must imply unoccupied land ; if so, it plainly recognised the right of the native to sell such unoccupied land. The Government had been asked what they intended to do with respect to the land. The Government intended to do that which Captain Fitzroy bad been instructed to do, but which he had omitted to perform. It was proposed, 'within a limited time, to call upon all the natives and settlers to come forward, in order to prove their titles to the land and register their names, and all parties failing at the expiration of the time to register their names, the right of sovereignty being secured under the treaty of Watonga, the unclaimed lands would, of right, be vested in the Crown. In strict conformity with the treaty of Watonga, the Crown will also become possessed of a large portion of waste land in New Zealand. It had been asked, how does the Government intend to deal with the New Zealand Company. Positive instructions.trill be given to the Governor to put them into possession of lands within the assigned limits of which they shall make a selection, and of which they shall retain the possession. He had been asked, whet are the inten tions of the Government with respect to the duties on New Zealand. He considered the remission of the customs duties was a most ill•advised act. He was quite ready to jus tify the statement made by his Hon. Friend the Secretary of the Treasury, that orders on the subject had been given 'to the Governor of New Zealand, which he had not properly attended to. He had then been asked a question of more importance than the rest, what were to be the institutions under which New Zealand was to be governed. He would answer that it was the wish of the Government, and directions had been given to the Governor, that municipal institutions should be given to all the settlers under the New Zealand Company, and if any farther institutions should be required, the Governor was instructed not only to enlarge the powers of the municipal institutions, but also to increase their number. It had been stated, in strict accordance with the principle of colonisation, that concentration was not desirable. Dispersion was the most prudent way of colonising large islands ; by dispersing the multitude, a better local government within the districts, and a safer general government would be secured. It would be said, however, that this was still an imperfect Government, and that representation after all was desirable. He was not, however, prepared to acquiesce in that proposition. A solemn engagement bad to be observed. The natives were entitled to all the rights and privileges of British settlers. I f the repre sentative form of government was to be adopted, the natives must be admitted to a share in it. If they were admitted in their present state of civilisation it would be premature, and if, on the other hand, they were excluded altogether, it would be inconsistent with justice, and would have a tendency to increase discord, and promote a spirit of dissatisfaction. At all events, he was satisfied suck a system would not prove of the slightest utility under the cir cumstances in which the colony was at present situated. Again, the Right Hon. Gentleman had asked what was to be the law of succession to landed property, and more especially was primogeniture to be maintained, as the right of succession in that country. He thought the Right Hon. Gentleman would not have pressed that question upon the Govern ment. It was a general rule of law that British subjects, in whatever quarter of the globe they might be, as they were still under the domination of the Crown, should carry with them all the rights, privileges, and immunities of the British law and of the Constitution. This was the only exp'anation the Government could give ; and if any one asserted to the contrary, it would be a violation of the general law. He had endeavoured to give a most explicit answer to the Right Hon. Gentleman, and he trusted he would be satisfied with it. With respect to the errors that had been committed by the Governor, the Home Government had marked their sense of them in the most pointed manner. The question had then turned to the appointment of a successor. The Right Hon. Member for Coventry thought that no appointment could be a judicious appointment which was not sanctioned by some gentlemen in England. The Right Hon. Member for Somersetshire was rather of opinion that his Noble Friend had been guilty of some indiscretion, by not giving some specific and written instructions to Captain Fitzroy.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Sussex had said, do not fetter the new Governor with positive instructions; tell him the particulars in which his predecessors had failed—point out to him what is right, but leave him entirely to act on his own discretion. He (Sir James Graham) entirely concurred in this. Captain Grey was the person that had been selected as the new Governor. It would not be denied that Captain Grey reportsse gr teoa thatta bi 1 i i House,es . that a a t f o the rm courseeca si pursuedo it had been capt stated,. Grey, is m iss a s i e L in .d . r ' d z to g t h r t a h t t o: l l) ' i pp t fO o ,Ifinlottwhinecedu.atbwoTrukleituhees onlyint .. oe s rbij i c i 6iit l y:;ll : f of rnaltkucroisit: bilay, he could not cuneeai that they had erred most greatly in point of judgment. They did not calculate en the warlike propensities of the savage race, which ha been well shown THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDA EVENING, JUNE 20, 1845 new Governor. He (Sir J. Graham) could not see what Captain Grey's rank in the army had to do with his qualifica tions for the office. He possessed truth, combined with expe rience and ability, and these were the principal essentials for the station. He did not wish to detain the House at great length, but he should be unjust to his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) if he did not state what was his strong impression on the interests of the unprotected natives. He did not admit that that was the end in view, but if it was the end, then the motives which led to it could not be impugned. He was sure his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) had acted from the most eenerous and humane feelings. Cer tainly the House had to consider whether the colonial govern ment, as administered by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell), end also as administered by his Noble Friend, had been that which was calculated to serve the interests of the colony and maintain the dignity of the mother country. It would be for the House to consider all these matters, as they were justly entitled to do ; but in taking such a course they ought to weigh well the difficulties by which the administration of affairs in this colony had been surrounded, awl the evils that would result from the adoption of such a course as that recom mended. They ought to take into their most serious con sideration whether it was just or politic to pass a vote of censure on what had already been done, perhaps from a mistaken policy, yet still, he believed, from the best intentions. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he was called upon to address the House, as he wished to make some exp'anations of what had taken place between the Colonial Department, and the New Zealand Company. He would first address himself to the difficu'ties in which the colony had been placed, as between the chief advisers of the Crown, on the part of the Legislature of this country, and the colony of New Zealand. On a previous occasion, he had stated that the proper course to pursue, with regard to New Zealand, was to treat with the natives for the property of the colony. He was in hopes that the course which he advised to be taken would lead to an amicable settlement of the question. But the course taken by the treaty about that time prevented that course to be taken. The Honourable Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, as also the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, had stated that the principal difficulties which the present Go vernment experienced in the management of New Zealand, were principally the fruits of their predecessors. These state ments having been made, he (Lord. John Russell) was obliged to refer to them, and in doing so, he would have to enter into some matters of detail. He was there to perform the task im posed upon him. He had been highly complimented for the course he had pursued by the Honourable Member for Coven try (Mr. Ellice) who was an intimate friend, and also by the Honourable Member for Newcastle-under-Line, with whom he was not on terms of intimacy. and with whom he had never any political alliance ; but still, holding opinions different to these Honourable Members, he felt bound to state the reasons why he so differed. An Hon. Gentleman in the course of the debate, said that gross blunders had been made in the engagements entered into with New Zealand; and another Hon. Gentleman said it was difficult to reconcile what he ( Lord J. Russell) had done with the interests of the country. Had he made such mistakes as had been alledged, he should consider himself unfit to hold the high office he had held. But he was obliged to state the facts of the case. The islands of New Zealand were recognised as an independent State in 1839. In that year C sptain Hobson was sent out, with power to treat with New Zealand as an independent territory, and, if necessary, to take the country under the protection of the Crown. Captain Hobson was successful in concluding the Ireaty of Watonga, by which New Zealand became a part of the British dominions. The treaty was not a long one, yet the Hon. Gentleman who had qu ,ted it only read a part of it, he had not read it all. He would, therefore, read it to the House. The Noble Lord then read the treaty, calling parti cular attention to a passage, to the effect that her Majesty guaranteed to the natives undisturbed possession in their lands, estates, and fisheries, as Img as they wished to retain possession of them ; and that the chiefs, on the other hand, should give to the Crown the right of pre-emption of such land as was not required by them, at such prices as should be mutually agreed on. The treaty was, therefore, made up of two parts—first, securing to the natives the lands; and, secondly, reserving to her Ma jesty the right of pre-emption of such lands as the natives were disposed to part with. An Hon. Gentleman had claimed the enforcement of the treaty, but if so, let them have the whole of it—not only that which relates to the interests of the natives, but with regard to the rights of the Crown. With regard to the first part of the treaty, he held that the inter pretation to be given to it should be the same as that of stipu lations in which islands have been ceded to this country in times of war. It ought to be considered like treaties with foreign countries, and interpreted in a manner consonant with the common law of Europe, and in which all civilised nations were agreed.—( Hear, hear.) What had been the case with regard to Canada, Triuidad, De merara, and other places? They did not say that the natives of these places should have possession of all the lands that might be in their country. In the treaty that was made after the war of 1756, no such course was adopted with respect to Canada. No, they said that the property which the natives held in their own right, and which they were actually in pos session of, should be secured to them—that no one should dis turb them in the enjoyment of this—but with respect to the waste lands, it was distinctly specified that they should be held as the lands of the Crown.—( Hear, hear.) It was hardly necessary to go so far out of she way as Sir George Gipps went with respect to the doctrines which were main tained by public writers.on the subject. He would net there fore quote Mr. Weeks or any other authority in reference to it. The Honourable Gentleman the Secretary of State quoted several paragraphs to show the sense he attached to that article in the treaty with respect to the waste lands, and he also quoted a passage from the instructions of Lord Normanby, which appeared to coincide with his views, but he forgot to state that there was another passage in the very same page of a different tendency.—( Hear, hear.) One would have thought that any Hon. Gentleman who wished to state the purport of these instructions fairly should not have omitted that passage which distinctly stated " that with respect to such lands as were now actualy occupied or enjoyed that the undis turbed enjoyment of them should be secured." A little further on there was a passage to the same effect, " that no one should i"terfere with or molest any occupier in the enjoyment of his property." The Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of the Treasury alluded to Mr. Spain as a country attorney. Mr. CARD WELL said that he did not mean to speak of Mr. Spain or his profession in a manner disrespectful or dero gatory to that gentleman. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—What he was about to re mark was that if is was the character of an attorney to make a point by a quirk or a quibble, the Hon. Gen tleman himself showed more of that character than the gen tleman referred to.—(Laughter.) Before, however, he came to the further arguments of the Hen. Gentleman, let him say that in carrying out those instructions anything contrary to the treaty of Watonga ought not to be construed against the natives. The most fair, liberal, and just construction should be put upon that treaty. With respect to those lands in the possession of the natives, they should be left to the full enjoy ment of them ; but, on the other band, to push the words of the treaty to such an extraordinary length —to push them be yond the treaties of all the civilised nations in Europe—to put such a construction on them with those ignorant savages—he would neither call it fair or honourable, but fatal to the inte rests of this country, fatal to the interests of the colony, and giving them up a prey to every adventurer who chose to settle upon their shores.—( Loud cheers.) There were 100,000 in habitants in the island. Supposing the country to be 100,' . 00 square miles in extent, this would be one person to the square _mile ; but on the middle island it was stated in one of the papers that there were only 1,500 inhabitants. There was not, however, a part of it but was claimed by some portion of the native tribes. That was a roost extravagant doctrine. It was perfectly absurd.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that the House would not sanction it, and he hoped that the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies would not sanction it, as it would be not only injurious to the country, but also the colony. Such being the statement of the case, that the country would be governed by the letters patent which he had read, and by the instructions to which he referred, he had not the foresight to suppose that any dis putes were likely to arise with respect to the waste lands. He th ni.eht that a liberal construction would be pot on the treaty of Watonga. He was not singular in this opinion, for Major Bunbury, in one of his letters, had stated that all the waste lands ought to be taken possession of, and settlers placed on them immediately. Some time afterwards a question arose with respect to transactions in which the New Zealand Company were involved, and his acquaint. ante with that Company first began under circum stances which were not of the most pleasant nature. The view which he took of this Company, and in this he agreed with Mr. Huskisson, was, that it was meet essential for the purpose of colonisation. He ( Lord J. Russell) was of opinion that a Company like this could do far more for the proper management of emigrants than the Government. As soon as he found that a quarrel had been going on for some time be tween the Colonial Department and the New Zealand Com pany, and he endeavoured, through Mr. Soames, as soon as the power of the Crown was declared to be paramount in that colony, to effect some amicable arrangement, so that neither the Government nor the Company might have any unfair ad vantage, or by which the people of New Zealand might be in jured. It was said by the Right Honourable Gentleman that the agreement was quite inconsistent with the treaty of Watonga. Such, however, was not the opinion of the Committee which sat last year on the affairs of New Zealand. In what manner was it inconsistent? He (Lord John Russell) was stated to be of opinion that the agents had purchased large quantities of land, which they were ready to surrender to the Crown, whereas he (Lord John Russell) was willing to admit them to terms simtlar to those granted to other persons who were compelled to surrender a certain number of acres of lands to the Crown, in proportion to the ex pense they had incurred—that for every ss. expended they should receive an acre of land. But there was not a word said in that agreement as to the peculiar number of acres which they had purchased or anything basing that agreement upon the number of acres which they bad purchased.—( Hear. ) The Crown could have had no difficulty in carrying out the terms of that agreement to their full extent. Then the question arose—what were they bound to under that agree ment? He was of opinion that the Company had a title to land not exceeding the number of acres which had been a.lotted to them under the award, or that a quantity of surplus land would be left, which they would have to surrender to the Crown. He believed the Company had acted fairly in o this matter. But, suppos i ng the case t h a t it should be fouud on investigation th a t th e i r purc h ases o f l an d were not good, or, supposin g they were p urc h ase d f rom people who had no title to dispose of them, the C rown h a d no r i g ht to make such grants. But he owned that he did nut think the Crown could have fulfilled their agreement.—(Bear, hear.) But it was in COTI - of the expense of bringing out emigrants, and on account of their being bound to surrender a certain portion of land to the Crown, and of the expenses which would be thus entailed upon them that that agreement was made.—( Hear.) And the agreement was a prudent one. But that there was any want of consistency in that agreement with the treaty of Watonga, seemed to him most extraordinary. The mis takes of the Company had been their mistakes—they had fallen into the error into which they had fallen. But taking all the peculiar circumstances into account, Government was still bound to carry out that agreement—(Hear, hear) —and he did not see while they held good faith with the natives that they should break good faith with the New Zealand Company. H e was at a l oss to know w h e ther the concealed correspondence which t oo k p l ace b e f ore Captain Fitzroy went out was treatin g th e C ompany fairly. All that the Govern. ment were bound t o d o wit h respect to the land was, to make compensation to the Company for the expenses they were put to. Now, he thought the Government was bound either to put the Company in'o possession of their land or to make them some compensation.—( Hear, hear.) He thought that they had a fair claim in point of compensation, and he did not think that there was either anything in the treaty of Watonga or in the agreement to relieve them from that obligation.—( Cheers.) He might now state shortly what occurred to him was the proper course to be pursued by the local Government. He thought the local Government seemed to have included in it some most earnest and most zealous individuals. They seemed to have as far as possible consulted the interest of the abori gines, and the feeling was str ong ly s h are d by himself and by Lord Normanby, that the aborigines had suffered dreadful ca lamities. He thought it would be found an impossibility to be any time in the Colonial.office, there to read the miserable condition of the few aborigines left in' North America, without being touched by a feeling of horror at the sufferings they had undergone, and could not wonder that the :oval Government of New Zealand should have been impressed with the same feel inst.; but while he gave them ererbt for thi: rrponrous snnii- by an incident related by the Hon. and Gallant Member for Westminster (Captain Eons) to the House. A chi f went into the midst of an encampment of another tribe ; he watched—he observed them, and, in a short time after leaving, he returned and exterminated them. Captain ROUS—It was a party of the enemy, and they were encamped in time of war. Lord J. RUSSELL did not doubt the correctness of his Hon. and Gallant Friend's statement. All he (Lord John Russell) meant to show was that those individuals had extermi nated one another. He was well supported in this opinion by a letter of the Governor's in the papers presented on the first of June. The Noble Lord read the letter, which stated that in the island there was a total disregard of British law and authority, and, continued the Noble Lord, he came to the conclusion that we were not strong enough to enforce or main tain either. And why was this? Because they had shown a want of firmness in resisting unjust demands. They had con founded kindness with what, in fact, was not such, with some thing which led to a foolish inconsistency, the conse quence of that conduct everywhere, but more par ticularly .where savage life was concerned.—( Hear.) Having been told that they were entitled to more than another, one perhaps having git one hundred and fifty pounds for his land, while another perhaps got two hundred and fifty pounds, and not knowing what entitled one to more than the other, na turally gave rise to a feeling of discontent ; and the tribes be came discontented not only with the arrangements for the land, hut with the whole of the regulations established in the island. Then, again, a chief went to the Governor, and said, We ob ject to that flag of yours, and if you will only take it down, we shall all he at peace. It was plain from this, that even the chiefs knew what the flags meant. They thought if Captain Fitzroy took down the flag, he would at once renounce his sovereignty over New Zealand, and then their customs and the whole land would be restored to them, to enjoy them as they had done before. It was necessary, then, to consider of some plan for the purpose, and he owned that he wished the plan that had been made out by the Right Hon. Baronet were such as to preclude the in tervention of Parliament. Hequite agreed with the opinion that the House of Commons should not interfere without there was grave cause for interference, but if there was grave cause for interference, it was their bounden duty to do se.—(Cheers.) It was their bounden duty to see that the colony, in which 100,030 persons were living under the British flag, was not de ranged, or even overturned by the mal-administration of its laws. The Right Hon. Gentleman told them their scheme for the future, and with regard to land there was to be a tax on the wild man, and there was to be registration of the land oc cupied by natives, but nothing was said how the registration was to be conducted. It was easy enough to conduct a regis tration in the county of York, but in a place like New Zea land it became a matter of some difficulty to do so, They had done here what they had done in other places ; they had but maintained the right of the Crown. Hut to maintain the right of the Crown was not to wrest from the ignorant natives their lands by trick and stratagem.—(Cheers.) Mr. Spain said that he had travelled over the country—over millions of acres of valuable land where the human foot hail never trod—land which showed the utmost promise if culti vation were applied to it. The Crown had at their disposal that land. But if they said that this land was to be registered as belonging to the natives, and to be taken away because they paid no land tax on it, they could not expect that the nation would see the justice of this proceeding.—(Cheers.) He owned that this appeared to him a great injustice, and likely to create a real insurrection. The Right Hon. Gentleman proposed that there should be a municipal form of government. One of the first measures would be to establish a municipal form of government; but he should like to know what the form of that municipal government would be? He did not object to a municipal re presentative constitution in New Zealand. Then they should fix the capital where the great body of the settlers were, and appointing a government elected from the people, they could settle the claims of land in accordance with the votes of the great body. He believed, seeing what Captain Hobsoe and Captain Fitzroy had done—seeing the errors into which they had fallen— seeing the dangers into which they had thrown the colony—he was of opinion that the joint united sense of the settlers, speak ing through their representatives, could alone extricate them from the embarrassments into which they had fallen. Captain Grey was to be the Governor of the colony. Now he dif fered with those who said that a man of character and authority should be sent out, or a person who had had longer experience in command. He was of opinion that it required all the vigour of life of an able-bodied man to bear tip against the fatigues which a Governor of New Zea land was expected to undergo. He was of opinion like wise that if they appointed a man of rank like Sir Henry Pot tinger, they must give him absolute authority. They must give him for a time despotic power. He would much rather have a pence' of inferior name and character, who had not served, or had so many years of experience, assisted by the people of New Zealand to manage the affairs of the colony, than have a person of higher authority, and enjoying absolute power. Of Captain Grey he knew nothing, except as to his public conduct. He had seen the reports with respect to the colony of New South Wales, and they were such as to induce him to ask him to accept the government of South Australia, which contained one of the difficult problems to be solved in the colonial government. Captain Grey had now for four or five years administered the affairs of the colony, and he had solved the problem with a degree of energy and success that he could hardly have expected. He said, then, that if they could give him good institutions to work with, Captain Grey was the man to succeed in extricating the colony, and in gaining the confidence and good will both of the settlers from this country and the aborigines themselves. Noman could better have shown himself, by a memoir he had written, to be acquainted with the manner in which the aborigines ought to be treated and turned to the usages of civilised life ; but when they sent a man to undertake this government, it was necessary that they should send him out divested of all petty squabbles upon the subject, and therefore he was ready to go with his Hon. Friend into Committee on the matter. He was not pre pared to say that the resolutions come to by the Select Com mittee of last year would be fitting resolutions to be a4opted by a Committee of the whole House ; but they ought to look to resolutions which should have regard for the future establishment of a free and independent constitution that was likely to give confidence both to those who were there and any of our people who might be disposed to undertake to settle in that fine colony. It was not unworthy of the House of Commons to undertake such - a task. It was their proper function, and if they did not do it, it would lead colonists to believe that in that House they could find no redress. If they did it, however, he thought at the end of that investigation they could console themselves with the reflection that they had undertaken the task that was unpalatable to the Government of the day, they had assisted in laying the foundation of a noble colony, which at present formed a part of this mighty empire, and which in future time would extend English majesty, English institutions. English liberty, and the English name in that part of the world. Sir R. PEEL—Sir, it would be unfortunate if any diffe rences connected with party consideration, or any conflict that may have been carried on between the Colonial Department and the New Zealand Company, should divert our attention from considerations of what is due to the interests of that colony, which is the immediate object of our deliberation. I willingly admit that the interests of that colony are recom mended to us by many considerations. When I look to the extent of the colony, the line of the coast, the quantity of land capable of cultivation and of improvement—when I look, above all, to its position, and to the new importance it has acquired by events that have been recently passing before us, by the opening of the trade with China—l agree with the Noble Lord, that there appears every probability, so far as we are able to form a judgment, that this colony, if its interests be duly regarded, and its welfare fostered, is destined to occupy a most important station in the world. I agree with the Noble Lord that it relation with this country is most important. Shrveying the whole of the unoccupied portions of the globe, I know of no part of that globe more calculated to afford a profitable outlay for the capital and for the employment of the superabundant population of this country. Every consideration, therefore, I willingly admit, recommends to our cordial attention the interests of that important colony. The question is, whe ther you will leave the continued charge of it iu the hands of the executive authority, or whether you will to-night assume to the House of Commons the function of determining its future government. Now, what is the course which her Majesty's Government has taken, under circumstances which I admit to be somewhat critical ? We have disapproved of the conduct of Captain Fitzroy, the Go vernor of New Zealand, for whose personal character I enter tain the highest respect, and for the difficulties of whose posi tion I must make great allowance.—(Cheers.) Yet, we have signified to him in the most formal and authoritative manner, that his conduct in the administration of affairs in the colony we did not approve of; and then, though with great reluctance, but in the performance of a necessary duty, we have removed him from the post which he undertook exclusively from the highest and purest motives.—(Loud cheers.) We have shown, therefore, in the first instance, that we have no desire to consult the interests and feelings of friends to the prejudice of the public good.—( Loud cheers.) We have made an ap pointment, or contemplate the immediate appointment, of a successor. The policy of that appointment has been questioned by some, but I happen to possess the highest authority for the judicious selection we have made. For the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) did himself select Captain Grey for the situation which he now fills—that of Governor of South Australia. But some other gentlemen tell us that he is not of high rank enough. Why, as for these native chiefs of New Zealand, do not Hon. Gentlemen believe that they attach much more im portance to the past success, the character, and the energy of the man, than they do to the conventional rank which he may happen to hold. He holds the rank of captain in the army ; but he has been successful in rescuing a colony from difficul ties which were deemed to be very great by those who ap pointed him. The Noble Lord says he presumes we shall give him instructions to enter into personal squabbles with Colonel Wakefield ; I must say I think that is a most unworthy sugges tion.—(Cheers.) We shall give him the assurance of entire confidence; we shall entrust to him, so far as is con sistent with the Constitution and law of this country, an unfettered discretion, laying down no doubt the general principles by which we think he ought to be guided ; in the difficulty of issuing instructions at such a dis tance, under the circumstances in which that colony is placed, the discretion he will have will be unfettered by any particular instructions.—( Hear, hear.) Now, with respect to the future government of this colony. Looking at its distance and the great difficulty of issuing orders from this country for its government, I for one am strongly inclined to think that representative government is suited for its condition.—( Hear. ) It has not the objection which might apply in a penal colony. You have rescued New Zealand, at any rate, from the evils attending penal establishments. I speak only of the general principle ; I think there ought to be a form of government constituted for New Zealand, in connexion with those who are immediately interested in its local prosperity, assigning to them a due weight and influence in the administration of affairs. In short, I cannot think what assignable interest this country can have in New Zealand, except in the promotion of its pros perity. Why, our connexion with it, depend upon it, must depend altogether upon that connexion being a profitable one. —( Hear, hear.) It is impossible, at the distance we are from the country. that we can seek any advantage in a connexion with New Zealand, except that which may result from re ciprocal interest, and, above all, from the promotion of local prosperity.--( Hear, hear. ) At the same time, it is impossible not to see the great advantages of a representative govern ment. The Noble Lord says, that. Auckland has been im properly selected as the seat of the executive Government. I apprehend there were reasons for it at the time it was so selected as the seat of the civil and military arrangements; and the removal of the executive Government from Auckland must depend not upon local or general considerations merely, but upon what shall be most advantageous to the colony.— ( Hear, hear.) Considering the distance of the settlements that are extended over the northern island, it would be no easy matter now to apply the principle of a representative government according to the construction we place upon it. I believe that by far the best plan would be the formation of municipal governments, with extensive powers of local taxation, and powers of meeting all local demands to be established in the first instance. In the opinion of Mr Burke the farms of representative government in North America did grow directly out of those municipal institutions. I do not think it would be wise to adopt the suggestion of the New Ze a l an d C ompany, to make a proprietary' government here. I believe the best form of government will be that the Crown here should superintend the external regulations of that country, and that the local executive government should wine ee rh ;:‘••-rnn' W. ~•1 three authorities established? Would you have the drown and the Company, each exerciseing control over the local govern ment ? That is a system of goverment so .ntried and so Lao- malous, that I cannot think that success would attend it.— ( Hear, hear.) With respect to the Now Zealand Company, I think it important that they should retain in full exercise the powers committed to them with regard to settlement and commerce. I believe that Company may be made a useful instrument of government, not exercising any control over the local, government, but as a great commercial Company, acting on enlightened principles, and assisting the executive Government in devising means of emigration and employment fur the surplus population of this country.—( Hear.) As to the question of revenue, it is very difficult, at such a great distance, to do more than to lay down general principles. But wide all my respect for Capt. Fitzroy, the abandonment of all revenue constitutes a serious mischief. —( Hear.) The Customs regulations should be re-established, if there is no other mode of raising a revenue less onerous to the people of that country.—( Hear, hear.) The fact of their having been abandoned does not constitute, in my mind, any objection to their re-establishment.—( Hear, hear.) As I said before, it would be unfortunate if our personal and party conflicts prevented us from paying due attention to the inter ests of that colony. If I wanted a motive for so treating those interests, it would be furnished by sympathy for those who went out thither expecting to find a prosperous home. Having sail this, I come to the particular m Alton of the Hon. Gentleman. I come to that motion which was intended, according to the speech of the Hon. Gentleman, to affix censure and condemnation on my Noble Friend. I shall vole against the motion, because the resolutions which the most competent judge of the affairs of New Zealand, who has read more, and written more, with respect to New Zealand than, 1 believe, any other man in ex istence—because those seventeen resolutions which he has pro posed have nothing better to encourage one to agree to them than that they are admitted to be inapplicable to the state of affairs in that colony. -( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) That would he enough to make me determine to oppose them. Yes; I admit there is one resolution which has a direct reference to the case of New Zealand—that which declares that respect should be paid to the treaty of Waitangi. Everybody says he is ready to respect it. ; but there is a great difference of opinion as to the mode in which that treaty should be respected.—( A laugh.) But the Hon. Gentleman inter.ds his motion to be a condemnation of my Noble Friend.---( Hear, hear.) Now, in order that you may judge of the justice of these imputation. upon my Noble Friend, I want to recal your recolleeion to the circumstances under which you were connected with New Zealand at first. Your feelings then were very different. 'f here was a different impression on the public mind with respect to colonial engagements eleven years ago, when your relations with New Zealand began. In 1.834 there had been a strong feeling in Parliament and amongst the people of this country, that England was justly chargeable with injustice in its treatment of the aborigines. That was the prevailing feel ing in 1834. That public man, whose death has been sincerely lamented by all who admire the devotion of great talents to the cause of humanity—l mean Sir Fowell Buxton—in the year 1834 in this House moved an address to the Crown to this effect—" That, deeply impressed with the duty of acting upon the principles of justice and humanity in the intercourse of this country with the native inhabitants of its colonial settlements, the House calls upon the Crown to adopt different principles from those heretofore acted upon in some of our colonial pos sessions." In 1836 a Committee was appointed at the instance of that same Sir Fowell Buxton ; evidence was taken, and in 1837 a most full and able report was made. This is one obser vation in the report. The Committee say---" It might be pre sumed that the native inhabitants of any land had an incon trovertible right to their own soil—the plain and sacred right which seems to have been understood in this coun try." In 1839 arose the question whether we should form a new relation with New Zealand. Lord Normauby was acting under the influence of that report. When we say that Lord Normanby made an imprudent engage ment, that he wrote unwise dispatches, it is easy for us to lay down those doctrines with regard to Lord Normauby as you are now disposed to do with respect to the conduct of Lord Stanley. But we do not remember what the public fe ling was in regard to our relation with the aborigines which induced Lord Normanby in 1839 to act as he did. It was under the influence of that feeling, in the spirit of which the dispatches were written, tl,as your relation with New Zea land was formed, and which now constitutes the difficulties with which Lord Stanley has to contend. The first dispatch which Lord Stanley wrote referred expressly—and I cite it as a proof that what lam stating is correct—to the report of your Select Committee, and your adoption of the principles of that report, which had made a deep impression on the public mind, with regard to the relations you should establish with the aboriginal natives of any country in which you might form a settlement. It is not the executive:Government, but you who are responsible, then ; for you agreed to the ad dress to the Crown praying the Crown to protect the rights of the aborigines ; you are responsible for the doctrines laid down by the Committee.—( Hear.) Well, the question arose, shall we establish a relation with New Zealand ; Lord Normanby expressly referred to the report of the Committee. Lord Normanby says:—" I have concurred with that Com mittee in thinking that the increase of national wealth and power promised by the acquisition of New Zealand would be a most inadequate compensation for the injury that must be in • flitted on this kingdom itself by embarking in a measure essen tially unjust, and but too certainly fraught with calamity to a numerous and inoffensive people, whose title to the soil and sovereignty of New Zealand is indisputable, and has been so lemnly recognised by the British Government." You have acknowledged New Zealand as a sovereign and independent state. I think you were wrong in that.—( Hear.) You acted under impressions that were honourable and natural, but im pressions which induced yeti and the executive Government to adopt a course not only calculated to weaken your authority, but which was injurious to the natives themselves.—( Hear, hear.) I think that it would have been infinitely better to hare commenced relations with New Zealand on the ground of prior discovery than on the ground of cession on the part of the chiefs. Ido not hesitate to say that the treaty of Waitangi was most unwise for the natives themselves. I think it would have been much better fur us to have asserted the right of sovereignty with the usual formalities, rather than to have accepted sovereignty by cession from the chiefs. Look to what took place in 1839—100 k to the instructions you gave to Captain Hobson, woo was to form the treaty. They were to this effect :—" New Zealand is independent. The Queen, in common with her Majesty's immediate predecessor, disclaims for herself and sub jects every intention to seize on the islands of New Zealand, or to govern them as part of the dominions of Great Britain, unless with the free and intelligent consent of the natives, ex pressed according to established usage first obtained. The Government have resolved to authorize you to treat with the aborigines for the recognition of her Majesty's authority over the whole or any parts of those islands which they may be willing to place under her Majesty's dominion." Here, then, were instructions to Captain Hobson to accept a partial do minion from these chiefs I Observe what Lord Normanby says in his instructions to Oaptain Hobson. He says :-- " These, however, are impediments to be gradually overcome by the exercise, on your part, of mildness, justice, and perfect sincerity in your intercourse with them (the natives. )"_.- (Hear, hear.) You now profess to find that the missionaries are inconvenient auxiliaries. What said Lord Normanby to Captain Hobson ? He said,—" You will, I trust, find powerful auxiliaries amongst the missionaries, who have won and deserved the confidence of the people, and among the older British residents, who have studied their character and acquired their language." —( Hear, hear.) It is therefore rather hard to turn round now, and after accepting the aid of the missionaries in esta blishing your authority, to denounce them as land-jobbers.— (Hear, hear.) These methods obviated the dangers of the acquisition of large tracts of country by mere land-jobbers; it will be your duty to obtain by fair and equal contracts with the natives the cession to the Crown of such waste lands as may be progressively required for the occupation of settlers resort ing to New Zealand. There is, then, no claim here on the part of the Crown to possession of the territory in consequence of sovereignty, but Captain Hob:on is merely directed to treat with the natives, according as the wants of the settlers might arise, for lands not actually enjoyed or occupied by them, but for the waste lands of the islands, with the express admission that those lands were of no value to the natives ; for Lord Nor manby proceeds:—" To the natives or their chiefs much of the land of the country is of no actual use." Is it net clear that Lord Normanby 's instructions to Captain Hobson were to take the lands, not by any prerogative of the Crown, but by cession from the natives? I now contrast the language you hold now, with respect to these engagements, with the language held then. The New Zealand Company state, that with respect to these contracts they had always had serious doubts whether the treaty of Watonga, made with native savages, would be treated by lawyers otherwise than as a praiseworthy device for amusing and pacifying savages. I be lieve that there are a good many lawyers.in the New Zealand Company ; and this may be the language of lawyers ; and if you hold this doctrine, you will vote for the resolutions of the Hon. Gentleman, for they are founded on such a doctrine.— ( Hear, hear.) But what was the language of statesmen? Was it that those engagements were a praiseworthy device for amusing and pacifying savages ?—(llear.) The Noble Lord opposite wrote to Captain Hobson as follows :—" Among the many barbarous tribes with which our extended colonial em pire brings us into contact in different parts of the globe, there are none whose claims on the protection of the British Crown rests on grounds stronger than those of the New Zealanders. They are not mere wanderers over an extended surface in search of a precarious subsistence, nor tribes of hunters or of herds men, but a people among whom the arts of government have made some progress; who have established by their own customs a division and appropriation of the soil ; who are not without some measure of agricultural skill, and a certain subordina tion of ranks, with usages having the character and authority of law. In addition to this, they have been formally recognised by Great Britain as an independent State, and even in assuming the dominion of the country this principle was acknowledged ; for it is on the deliberate act and cession of the chiefs, on behalf of the people at large, that our title rests." That was the language held by statesmen. You must hear before you come to the vote which the Hon. Gentleman asks you to adopt. Do not transfer the responsibility to Lord Stanley. He is acting in pursuance of your avowed intentions, and before you con demn you meet hear the qualifications, reserves, and appre hensions with which the native chiefs entered into the treaty. Observe what Captain Hobson says with respect to the forma tions of the treaty. He had appointed a levee to be held at the house of Mr. Busby, at which the parties to this negotiation were invited to be present. Captain Hobson says:—" Pre paratory to the meeting, I had appointed a levee to be held at Mr. Busby's hots:Se, at eleven o'clock, to which I invited all the principal European inhabitants, the members of the Chnrch of England and Catholic missions, and ail the officers of this ship, and was highly gratified to find that nearly every one either here or in the neighbourhood favoured me with their attendance I then read the treaty, a copy of which I have the honour to inclose ; and in doing so, I dwelt on each article, and offered a few remarks explanatory of such passages as they might be supposed not to understand. Mr. H. Williams, of the Church Missionary Society, did me the favour to interpret, and repeated in the native tongue, sentence by sentence, all I said. When I had finished read ing the treaty, I invited the chiefs to ask explanations on any point they did not comprehend, and to make any observa- tions or remarks on it they pleased. Twenty or thirty chiefs addressed the meeting, five or six of whom opposed me with great violence, and at one period with such effect, and so cleverly,-that I began to apprehend an unfavourable impression would be produced. Revewah, while addressing me, turned to the chiefs and said, Send the man away ; do not sign the paper ; if you do, you will be reduced to the condition of slaves, and be obliged to break stones for the roads. Your land will be taken from you, and your dignity as chiefs will be de stroyed.' At the first pause Neni came forward and spoke with a degree of natural eloquence that surprised all the Europeans, and evidently turned aside the temporary feeling that had been created. He first addressed himself to his own coun trymen, desiring them to reflect on their own condition, to re collect how much the character of the New Zealanders had been exalted by their intercourse with Europeans, and how impossible it was for them to govern themselves without fre quent wars and bloodshed; and he concluded his harangue by strenuously advising them to receive us and to place confidence in our promises. He then turned to me and said, You must be our father. You must not allow us to become slaves. You must preserve our customs, and never permit our lands to be wrested from us.' One or two other chiefs, who were favour able, followed him in the same strain, and one reproached a noisy fellow named Kitigi, of the adverse party, with having spoken rudely to me. Kitigi, stung by the remark, sprang for ward and shook me violently by the hand, and I received the salute apparently with equal ardour. This occasioned amongst the natives a general expression of appl ause , an d a loud car from the Europeans. in which the natives ,joined; and thus tut Lo,tuess ut the meeting Owed, fur t h er cons id eration o f the question being adjourned to Friday at 11 o'clock, leaving, as I said, one clear day to reflect on my proposal." The conse queuce was that the treaty was piped, These were the dr. cumstances under which this inconvenien t treat y was made F and I ask, will you commence y ou r relations with th e colon r by an abandonment of the obligations you have entered i° C —( Hear, hear.) The Noble'Lord said that he had hems charged with having formed a contract wi th the New Zealand' Company inconsistent with the treaty of Watonga. He ins particularly severe on those on this side of the House who ha& preferred this charge against him ; but that was the very' charge that had been preferred against him within the!ast fort night by the New Zealand Company.—( Hear, hear.) wroci.f, perhaps, to attribute to any particular writer the 6tr thorship of a document signed by that Company; but 1 thinlg it eaui,t have been written by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite (Mr. C. Buller). It states that it is impossible to re spats concile the missionary system and that of the Company, the e the missionaries and the Company proceeded on systems dircetir opposed to each other, and that the treaty of Watonga oes` It it night based on the missionary principle, while Lord J. Russell acted on the colonisation principle. The charge, thaw, fore, of acting inconsistently with the treaty of Wa; lowa is not preferred by us, but by the Hon. a nd Learne Gentleman who sits near the Noble Lord, and with whom tl5 . Noble Lord says he is prepared to vote.—( Hear, hear.) D de . my Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) wish to act illiberally tower ._ the company ? His wish was, as the Company had pot: established a claim to any land,. or at least any offici:l' quantity of land, to assign to them all he could assign en a °e n ' ditional title, subject by other articles to a subsequent proveef of that title. With my Hon. Friend's imp ressions he could ely no more ; he said to the Company, " I will permit yo, within certain limits to choose the lan d you requirosbhia beOS the condition of a preferable claim being esta• hereafter," the onus of establishing that claim thrown on the adverse party, and the right ogle session being given to this powerful Company j ustly the House to judge if my Noble Fri end can be to y charged with harshness towards the Company. Ye ti e s censure him for his construction of the tre at y of lei te H e dge! but it was a bond fide and conscientious construction. blisla not admit the title of the natives to all the waste lands ; he ase" mits au obligation on the part of the native chiefs to their claim, but, unfortunately, no steps have beeenstate_ke./1- towards doing it. The Noble Lord opposite speaks of et registration as if it was like that of Yorkshire or Mddle_il !.•_ It is nothing of the sort. It is only to establish a valid title to the land. But the real question is this—whether you Tel.., just, after the reference made to engagements entered into 0 1 .. the instructions given by Lord Normanby, and after the app„ val of the Noble Lord opposite, you will now, by affinn in g d o or resolution., affix a censure on my Noble F riend, who In? _„ tir nothing mote, in my opinion, than maintain the.neTrurr. of the country, by respecting its engagements and the ing into effect those opinions which, whatever ma k ! twat doctrines you now hold, were the opinions oftil e ____. of of Commons ten years from this period. If the Ifor;tesi Commons in contradiction to that course, and by a be as perversion of those doctrines maintained by the COI.; treat the state of the aborigines, should now affirm that tli, of la: of Watonga enables the Crown to dispossess the e11.,, ie ac tor their land without full inquiry, you will lower the..e e ' fn public the House in the estimation of all who respect fidentl - ier e on engagements.—(Li,ud cheers.) If you affix a ° P one tvbe my Noble Friend, you will pass a censure oo 5 w ho has not yielded to the influence of powerful Peltice,4;33pan/ has not borne in mind that in this New Zealital idea ce 011 there are men high in character, and powerful in j e "" s od r e " this side the House—who might have procured Pesee_.,.tiet-e• pose by yielding to applications from those powerful 17 - 0 fe.. but who has thought itihis public duty, with a conscientle wer. Bard to what is due to the honour and good faith of thi c sr t ha d! ful country, to maintain inviolate the engageni eritl ete etr estrr contracted against the interests of the powerful auu he d i s tant, but maintaining the guaranteed rights of the Weets t and the unprotected.—( Great cheering.) in speaking of the treaty of Watonga, bad /owl ets Mr. C. BULLER rose to reply. The Right 1 1 °e' re ,,ard t° the land claimed by the natives, they should he r 'A t " i i , to prove it in a court of law—( Hear, hear)—a nd sfte they e rg° register it. If they failed in this proce,s, the° A wes e onfie' taxed for it, and the practical effect was that the lint. It we e ob• eated ; —( Hear.) He denounced such mean arti6"-co'resl DI the a violation of the law of natiens to impose ~ ject of which was to confiscate the land of the native d of these whole country there were 60,000,000 of acres, 8 :. t h e opi said, with ..a.,.d to nion of the Government, and such was the 58,31)0,000 belonged to the natives. That ".etation put on the treaty of Watonga. He agreed, however, ei t o f it. th e Lord the Member for London, in his c to the waste land. Supposing, however, the nstruetion its shatr interlg h the eleble t it never was designed that the Crown sho e uld gi v t e h i e l tenir t . construction of it, had the Government ' ht t t i d ;e p P tt -r tl er ;: e i er :i i sures to get possession of the land? They ' I 0 eta a afF tax to confiscate the whole ef the country.--‘, o ulat" , - 6 These monstrosities, which denoted the absence ol eo pite b O lt the course pursued by the Government. Let t b oot Belt Watonga treaty into the sea, but let thele wbo t that to obtain by secret and covert en s chee ring.' dare not attempt op.snly (Trerneneous n , bt 000. He was astonished, after the ..eech which tbe II t hat be could vote against the resolutions, as Baronet at the head of the Governmentq had deli ver' o r of h is ddress was in favour of them. He was mislead se I; sea % . e ° ° • the Government had net attem fed to mislead the t ,„ tign _ A e e ' to the management of New 13 Zealand in Pr f o re's": But the statements which they now p% n ot .0 for the management of the colony di sa fety ; his ()pollen give ffi •guarantee of its pith the a su went and he therefore cslled upon the House to deal f a irly jor Nee question and to give I rotection to the aborigines of land.—( Cheers and cries of " Divide, divide.") The House then divided, when there apPeare d-- iele For the resolutions... ........................... 23 Against .................................... . ..... _ . ...e1., Majority .......................... .. ........ ••• --- ,5C0 1 . # RAILWAY CLA (SES CONSOLIDATION t LAND) BILL. the whole tenor tlist The LORD ADVOCATE moved that the Lords' ments on the Bill be agr ',- eed to. hicb re. Mr. LA BO UCH ERE objected to the c lauses late(' to tolls on public highways. olls et Ultimately the Lords' Amendments were r e j ected division. las. SIR HENRY POTTINGER'S ANNUITY me - e ar This Bill was read a second time, and orde red to be witted this day week. ear nos The remaining orders of the day were then dispo sed the House adjourned at twenty minutes to Three o'oloek• PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. FRIDAY, JUATE 20. tSed ;'‘ The following Bills were read a third time, =sips North Wales Railway. North Woolwich Railway. ILO Eastern Union and Bury St. Edmund's Railway Y.-- Dundalk and Enniskillen Railway. Waterford and Limerick Railw. Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, ay and Ayr R a ilway (r ll isili°4' Branch). Whitehaven and . Furness Railway. vc , $O 4 The Lords' Amendments to the following Bill s ell Huddersfield and Sheffield Junction Railway. Dunstable and London and Birmingham Railway c°111 0 )' Leeds and Bradford Railway Extension (ShipleY Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester Railway. a re' ari The Epping Railway (No. 2) Bill was pres ented a first time. It. DOA C T Cockermouth and Workington Railway sidered; amendments agreed to; clause o ffered, ai i i t tee meats proposed, and referred to the Select COI "' Standing Orders. O; re Standing Orders Committee,—Resolutions reP° M 1. " That, in the case of the Great Southern 30'^onside""of Railway (Ireland) Bill, clause and amendment °' l e iloctite, tion of report, the clause 'for facilitating the °° t he Oti, dues' is of such a nature as may be entertain ed by 0001 l if they shall think fit, provided the following P. DM, added :—‘ Provided that nothing in this Act conta z o ' la te give, or he construed to give, to the said body norP ht or ph such right of access or inspection, or any other rie,„ , sn' vilege whatsoever, except for the purposes tolls as the said body corporate shall at the tim e ° .008 Mg of this Act be legally entitled to.' i use eaten " That the amendment to strike out the c-a be c ' power to vary tolls,' is of such a nature as mg . 6 tamed by the 1-I.use, if they shall think tit." A c o lerl, 2. "That in the case of the Londonderry and t ne s _, Railway Bill amendments on third reading, the Oon.Tl ments are of such a nature as may Le adopted those proro°at if they shall think fit, with the exception of tb7, (3 idon o to clause 40, which ought not to be adopted by t " that stage." d Ens' s ent S 3. " That, in the case of the Londonderry the ameno ~ef the use, tP Railway Bill amendments on third reading, are of such a nature as may be adopted by the lie of collecftb; loss, shall think fit." Report t) lie on the table. __ „I, 0 0 ,1 1 a. rr--_ NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE 13 ' — VI of Edinburgh and Northern Railway, —Considerati port; Tuesday, June 24. j a pe ..0 Epping Railway,—Second reading, Monday,aroup 1 i' ee . Bristol and Gloucester Railway (N O. 2 ) ( `' . 23, 9 ,2 °1 ; 0 Committee on Bill adjourned till Monday , Ju le re P .- 0 11 ~,,, r ee w••• • , tge Birmingham and Gloucester Railway (" ° r ort inil" . and Cheltenham Extensions) (Group F.) ,---- 100 ,r. , ' Bill, adjourned till Thursday, June '26, at one- 1;511" Manche,ter South Junction and Alt rinchaal Third nr e ading. Monday, June 23. Toe 2 ' of rwall Railway,—Third reading, Mon ' _...4 :_ -............M.MMiIII [ADVERTI,I6.MENT.]—SPLENDID ARBAY°13"'"080" 1000 0 1,,0N ' M. C-GLASS, producing the effect of a khpr yoa and so hvw ildering as to cause a doubt whe'w -0 in L radon or in old Rome. pile. ~„ " Arch follows arch, and pile succeeds to and osriqi .This unique apartment is devo:ed to cutting besitilry ing th , hair in, and with another having, n a lling; e 4 View of Naples, are on the ground-floor. 1,11 thing tention to their establishment, Ross a n ' ,Le., 'Ws to notice the advantages of their systeal" fogy s-00 never take apprentices nor young I ne e n n tile ..°- el country, nor object to customers asking i- r brw h e a; man to wait upon them ; every person has clean,,,,sb os they npver being used twice, without belt., (10 111 , and parties are not pressed to buy things t ll , l l3ish d r -' want. Address, Ross and Sons, 119 stud 1 2 " Ct gate-street. A O q'S ~ 10 0 2. Pr_ EADVERTISEMENT.F-AN EXTRAORDO- 0 I Or A DIiOiLDERED LIVER. AND STOMACH n' - t t." bj that Ot to PILLS.—To Professor Holloway. 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Duckett, Bart., of Hartham House, NV I 51,1061 sif Isle of Wight, th e 11 daughter of the late Lieutenant-Gcnera Sir:i4ght OA .cC.aßp.t,aainndGGeo.erg.eaF.: Duckett, only so.n o issw, Henry Pottinger, Bart. and niece to the -i* ;he , ( s )n wi t f i e le of 2 On the 14t p h ta. 111.1,11%_ kiag 4 . S of, La a tat Haliax -CON'S Scotia, Ellen inst., at 'the Vicarage, Ringwooa, Samuel B in errey Vince, 111 A flab OS. k'itz Herbert, of the Rifle Orig. the On the 15th inst., at A . 1;11 Id 11 11 Seston , Al On the 17th inst., in LoswereGrossaren'or-street, Wes antler Attwood, Esq., aged 52. - 1 Na I[' fiLtimu vy office, • t ic NO. 112, Strand. Prir.tvr, at The So* • the► Con Strand, in the Precinct of the SavoYf Middlesex, Friday, June 20,1545 li R r i. 111 -°,4t, E APi ,111 °tine, 1,4 3 S. c, L' Meta • 404r0,i