The Sun. — London, England, 1839-05-07 00:00:00

he ,. iti -9 Y :er Ild ire vaS lad for he Orn jier r A the the Prophecies of those who had foretold that they would mi tigate tho ho-r o e s of sheers ?In 1 523 Mr. Ginning: its • irri it aoyarcl his areeivi mein to tin i e.,: me. ef :dr. ituaton, ieei , ei _,, ; ,.. e ,, i„ ; ,„, he! ,;,,, 1 , ,, T 0 4 : j -tilt :C.: : Lee:else:re would mitigate tee horrors of s!avere. iL ass deceived. I In 1824 he recommended the chartered colonies to enact the details of the Order in Council. Not one cf them had ( du ne so. In 1828 the resolution was again brought before the House in consequence of the neglect of the Colonial Le gislatures to mitigate the horrors of slavery. Mr. Can ning has distinctly said that he considered that the test of colonial legislatures, and did not anticipate any further re sistance from them. They had again resisted. In 182 S, Sir George M urray i ssue d hi s c i rcu l ar i n vain; an d , i n 18 30, a second Order in Council was treated with cot,- t"mpt by the Colonial Legislature. What probability was there then that the Jamaica Legi,lature would retrace their steps when they recollected that, in 1832. twenty millions had been voted as soon as the Colonial Legislature should satisfy this country that w t h r a o t n t a t ( th e y would ca rr y out t h e d eta il s o f t h e E manc i pat i on A ct country had con fid es ? i n th em , i n w hi c h t h ey were Cheers)— an d that the Jamaica Legislature had punctually deceived them. But bad there ever been any thing so horrible as the cruelty that had been committed? T he) , had been paid a high price on the express condition that w omen should not b e fl ogge d ; s t atemen t s were re ceived in this country that the flogging of women was still continued, these statements were asserted to be calumnies. and it might have re ma i ne d d ou btf u l w h et h er t hi s were t h e fact or no if Joseph Sturge had not gore to Jamaica, an d witnessed with his own eyes these horrible cruelties. The description of the treadmill in St. Anne's-bay, stated that the wheel was so contrived that if the apprentice !hissed but one step he was obliged to hang by the arm ' T ern an upper shaft while his body was battered by the machinery to such a degree that the sand on the floor was thickly sprinkled with blood. He (Mr. O'C.) asked Would they encourage cruelties such as these, at which from the Journal of the Visitors stated that at six in the Morning the time at which the punishment of the tread- ' mill is inflicted—they found two mixed gangs of men and p wo men, and th at many o f the women were indecently ex p?sed from want of covering. The labour and pu nishment were so severe that almost all the pri soners were su exhausted in fift een m i nu t es , an d t h e i r were so great that not o n ly was th e fl oor Sprinkled but also the steps and the frame of the mill w e re spatt ere d w i th blood. Was it for this, he asked, that have paid our 20,000,000/,—(Cheers.) The evidence of the black man who was bought out and sent to this country was confirmed by the report of the Cmnmissioners, P e cially in one part i n w hi c h he gave an account of twenty-Oned women from Hyattia-fields b e ing flog ge d mos t reacifully. Captain Pringle's report stated that the men 'a l women were c h a i ned separate and obliged to wear col ', and th at so b adly mere they classified that a convict tor lie, en might be se linked with a boy w h o h a d com mit esd his fi rst o ff ence. Captain Pringle would not be Permitted to examine th e p r i soners i n t h e gao l o f J ama i ca . th,. e were the doings of the Jamaica legislature, and as Y would not pass a l aw for the protection of the ncgrces we should do it for them, and should that would render it impossible for them to continue such cruelties, Sir Lionel Smith, in his defpatch of the 10th of ptember, 1838, stated that the planter; were still pre- Pdr ing fre-h mischief and further tyranny for the -e g'°es- In short, all the evidence went to show the no cessitr for s uc h a B ill as the present; but if an account should go out to Jamaica that this Bill were to be refused. "bat could we ereect the conduct of ti e planters to the th tl riu eg n r7 hchv s would , h e W• hen they w e re rende r e d insolent by their r the English House of C e mm on , ?—( Hear, ~.5 5, T.) The .gentlemen opposite talked of constitutional ''grais but they were only valuable when they were titter. c '''" l —( Ile r, hear.) Vifteen mentlas must elapse between the time for the registration of freeholders and the tune for i ng, and if t hi s Bill were sent out it would expose "ingest before this re, iod should arrive. If the negroms were , -equiring the franchise as rapidly as hail been stated, h w a Zid 1 :0: 31r Burge, the active agent fu. the Assembly, ' Produced lists to prove t h at statement. Th ey m i g h t talk as they would of the acquisition of property by negroes, and consequently of fret-holds, but the vigitent 'iris:tit:racy who own the land would take care to prevent t hem from becomi ng freeholde r s. All t h ey h a d to d o was to mak e t h e i r leases to them through trustees, which was P e "f the most o b v i ous t hi ngs in tne world. Lord Sligo' s uiphlet Oio•t•ed that several if the landlords burned the h ' ''-g r oes' crop; ou t o f sp i te. T h i s was a thing that would''''t be ventured upon in England ; but it would at any , rate help to s h ow what the f ee li ng o f t h e planters euwaids the negroes was. It was a prevalent system now to let a house only for three months to a negro, so that it' he attempted even to register, he was at once thrown out. There were now 17 laws expiring or about to expire.— Now, if the Legislature were to refuse to pass this Act, What was to be done ? Would the Legislature retract ? Would the House of Commons refuse the Prison Bill—or would the Assembly of Jamaica retract ? No—certainly not, in either o f t h ese cases. Nothing could be more paltry, and miserable than the pretext brought forward to show the necessit y f or Postponing this Bill. He called on the House to give the Government m t e hi e p to carry ow a e d rofprotecting the , ne groes, and thus enabl e out that measure for which so much British them conduct of the Jamaica Assembly,yh in been e p r a i }l d . a y i n T g o p e a s p s a e s d t one beneficial measure for the negroes, proved that they ought to be trusted no longer. Why did not the Right Honourable Baronet make an objection to the Prisons Bill, when it was passing through the House? The whol e ques ti on o f the negro emancipation would stand Upon the decision of the House to-night—lf the Jamaica Assembly were allowed to obtain a v i ctory over the H ouse ° Commons the consequence might be dreadful, and a concession to the interests of the planters now would en e9urage them to make greater demands, at another time. For all these reasons he would vote for the Bill. t Mr. GLADST ONE said it was a matter of surprise Zo him, that the Noble Lord itad not supported the motion t 4 e Right Hon. Bart. As a measure for practical pur of s ' th is Bill, however important it might be in point h principle had already been thrown aside.—Hear, rtehae.etoccoaulldaloidnly hear he ar.) He was of opinion that the people of Ja be ruled by a cordial union between th House Imperial Governments. The opinion of e; e ssouse was so much divided already, upon the ques etriiiZvehrat it was doubtful if the Bill would go through tau sta ge—a - tear, hear)--and as the Noble Lord it knovv that it could have no practical effect, why * for ce i t were de em to a division, unless indeed that he vi 'r e i; r eined to interpret a majority from the self-denominated iiiiheral party as the criterion of security to his government. P .„.pill, might be viewed in two aspects, either as a C e , "'II or a Bill on the grounds of general policy. Agile the it as a Penal 13,11, the Hon. and Learned hde thefoo the rthDerublin had said that it was called for because, Colo ' nies continued to use their legislative bad functions, Jamaica Assembly had abdicated theirs, and refused to resume, unless the Government would re peal the Prisons Bill. He thought that that asssertion n vioat,sn i tro t nt thought ma have a be mi sinterpretation of language ; but however th at g s 'or uid indeeent the language of the Assembly en respecting the Emancipation Act, he stating that the be no reason for this House to suspend forh functions of the Assembly.He could see no authority the Prisons Bill evidence to shore Assembly had re fused tolegislate unles.s We re withdr a wn, nor had he any stronger that the supplies were refused by them. As for the phrase of keeping faith with the public creditor, tt arose front l ariguge used by Sir Lionel Smith him se lf, In his a dd ress to the House of Asse ',ably. The As sembly had been determined to abstain from their functions nntil they should know whether her Majesty thought that that porti on o f h er subjects were to legislate for themselves. T he House of Assembly from Parliament d eman d e d no thing, but th ey h a d demanded somethi ng f rom t h e Go ' v ernment.._( Hear, hear.) It was to be regretted that the assurances which they demanded were not granted ; for it would have been extremely easy for Sir Lionel Smith to have stated that it was the desire of the mother country to give to the black population that liberty which she had bought at so high a price for her, and that it was equally her desire to see them live in amity with the whites.—i, Hear, hear.) It might be said that it was absurd on the part of the House of Assembly to demand this guarantee from the Government, but it must be recol lected that the House of Assembly was not altogether with o ut ground of complaint. It was absurd to suppose that there was nothin in the Prisons 811 that was calcu lated to create angry feelings, for, while he was prepared to admit that in suhsanrecetvh features of it w hi c h rendered e Prisons Bill was right, there m Were, hemust confess it m os t o bj e ctionable ; lo s ok an an Act of Parliament. He would entreat the House to at the manner in which it had been h urr i e d f o rward. Th been Governmentee When th e ques tion mighthave _., fairly laid h b a e d f before the t th cH time ouse of Assembly, and then the Bill was passed e nt i i n re g ly re de at p h a a r s t t e e d . b The G overnmen t in the Prisons Act a f rom all tire principles that bad hithert o been adopted in all Acts f or C o l on i a l L eg islation. It was supposed that P there was not hi ng i n th e Ii a mended Ab o lition Act. while Act different from the the contrary was Nest in the fact. What w as t h e f orm o f the Prisons Actfor the v die s? d in the same terms as if it had Wh y ' i con for the 'countyitwaspassed i the same terms as if it had for the co of Middlesex. It set forth nothing with re spect to the House of Assemhly , , va t s he , sla w y b e e s r , e o a r s, th it e i W s e c x s . t e lac litt planters. All that it said ) ' prisons ' in the colonies." tdie n t to make provisions for t it:tilgohnt orit not therefore be said— e you think nothing of the nothing of the black popu !ln.use of Assembly, you thin the slave owners, and therefore been i there stve want clelsnation ; and if that explanation had given, _.ll. One 1 7 44 1 have been no necessity for the present Bi ll. Pr ,'" great anomalies of the Bill was, that it stated that formtla were r equ i re d in Jamaica, but no P ower was given bui lding them. He denied the House of Assembly had ' ncen intern • t in its language. t wes the G__ er in temperate ' Ite know whether 1 . . . •uv nor wee twit they wishct , . What they said to the entitled really were interst'" of Parliament to deprive them ative functions or whether they riot of their legis and bona fi de ' to exercise them—that they could .. ant e th e I upon matters demanding their attentionl until TY knew whether they retained L I , a t. not a mie while the !-libstance was given to others. t to 13°ssi ble fo r the promoters of the Bill to contendttl; the Pr '' eee dioos of the Leeislature of Jamaica with respect t° the Pi icons Act, ' would be held as a justification , of the pe- , e , t "urse adapted towards them ; ho denied that the ) 11-UBl3 of Assembly ha,l dernairled the Reseal of the Pie "5 Actcontnded that they had merely dem stolcd i 4 ° ;he e xplaaati ori • and if that were so, it was not too much to i assert that the g ' ' rounds 011 which the present measure as P a !" mcasurea was ' brought ferward Were removed. He "icl now turn from the Prisons Act to the more general atil,himi achiticed in the course of debate. It had been - ,'"l by so me . p ersons tleit the continuous misconduct of i the L ee , slat ' em e of Jamaica effarded ample ground for the t i) e as ' i ''g of tile present 1210. re. Now, he would refer to --e sPeech of the Right Hen. Bart. the Member for.Tam worth fee -- da ^niw r so far as regarded that continuous . roiseond uct.—( .. lie tti • hear, bear. ) The Right Honoor able Barenet had ',. , a that not only Governors, but I, B ,, ccr eiaries of had roved individuals as had been alleged - . 7 t he Learned .Jwlge ' Advocate, tint orgars of the cerement G ov expressing opiniona of Perlinment tied of the o A r3-- be had shown that, their lalq,u , g , to the lioti , e b t ti , --4 ,s'inbiy was riot ,it ege tt o .c of an utimixcd , character. that it contained quite ;is much of commendation as o _ censure, and totally incompatible with the belief that those who used it could have contemplated such a proceed ing t - ,,,ards that body.—(Hear, hear.) Sir Lionel Smith congi ;Itul.ited the Ebtl.?C of Asi;,nibly on the Bills they had pissed, and he congratulated them on the good fiteling which they had evinced, while at the same time it was con templated to take away their Constitution ; if that were so, he did not hesitate to say that they involved themselves in the charge of bad faith, such as they made against the Jamaica Legislature. If the Government had really any intention of depriving the House of its privileges, for its conduot during these two yeare—if he were asked whether their conduct had been altogether justified, he would say that they had not legislated as English or impartial men. —(Hear, hear.) But be would ask, who in that House was totally tree from prejudice? Had they not heard the advocates of emancipation in that House most properly allege that the effects of slavery on the habits of the mind and character were malt injurious, and that they could not expect from such pencil's total freedom from bias. It was not, therefore, to be expected that they would have fulfilled the expectations of the people of Euge land. The question was this, had their conduct been such as to justify the charge of bad faith ?—if so, why not make-that charge, and if not, why allege the conduct they then pursued as a justification for the present Bill.— ( Hear, hear.) If, up to 1337, there was xo ground for such an imputation, he would venture to say, that in 1838 there was less ground than in any former period. So far as regarded their lanp,ruage he did not want to justify them, but as regarded their, legislative conduct it was perfectly justifiable. They were called together in the month of February, and it was charged against them that they had not legislated on the Prisons Act, but in that month the report of Captain Pringle had not been laid before them ; that, therefore, could not be made matter of accusation against them. Again, in June the only subject they were told to legislate on was the Abolition Act, and they met again in October, when these unfortunate circumstances took place. He defied the most ingenious person to extract anything from that conduct which could justify the present proceed ing. Ile contended therefore, that there were no penal grounds for justifying the present measure. Would any Hon. Gentleman point out a precedent for such proceed ing? What was the case in Canada? In Canada the supplies were stopped for four years together, mad then they had not ventured to suspend the Assembly ; and that step had not been taken until the Colony was in a state of open rebellion. Having given the legislature no notice, he denied that they wore in a position to proceed with the Bill. It was irreconcileable with common or political honesty to allow men to proceed in a certain course, which course was to inflict upon them the severest punishment that could be inflicted upon a legislative Assembly. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had alleged that that the Jamaica . House of Assembly had refused to legislate at all, and if that were so their ease would be . widely different, but be denied that such was the case. Now that the negro man was a freeman, the master was placed in a very different situation from the masters in England, because whereas labour was more plentiful than the demand in this country, in Jamaica the demand for labour was infinitely greater than the supply. His Right. Hon. Friend the Judge- Advocate lied shown, he was sorry to say it of one so lately connected with the Co lonial Office, but he had shown flinch greater ignorance of the Militia Law. Ha said the Governor had ne authority to prevent the meeting of the militia, and that from such meetings much commotion might be expected. Now the Governor was the Captain-General of the militia, and in that capacity could prohibit their meeting except at such time and piece as he pleased—that right had been often enforced by the Duke of Manchester. Then with respect to the Vagrancy Laws, it seemed to be for gotten that the laws of vagrancy were in Jamaica in the tame state of disuetude that they were in Englaud ; in fact, that they very much re-embled them. The planters wire the parties mot anxious to have them ehangad, and the Executive might rely upon the assistance of the As sembly towards their alteration. The next point was as to the LUX of Contracts. There was no one clt,s suffered so mudi from the want cf such a law as the planer; nu one so much wished for a well regulated Law of Contract as the master. Then came the Law of Ejectment ; that was a mAter of charge against the proprietor, whereas the fact was that he was perfectly at the mercy of the tenant. It was quite proper that no one should re quire an extravagant rent; a moderate rent ought to be laid and ought to be paid : but it was not, and the proprietor had no power of summary ek!et ment, and the consequcoca was that since the first of August there had wet been 501. paid fur rent in Jamaica. —( Hear.) The next point was the law of unoccupied lands. The Hun. and Learned Member for Dublin had said that the planters would not allow the negroes to become free- holders. New, that merely showed that he spoke totally unacquainted with the subject, for during the apprentice. ship great quantities of land were broken up and sold to the negroes. Then esme the heavisst charge of all, the law of the franchise. Now the fact Wks, that even before the Bill could go out there would be hundreds of the negro population in the possession of the franchise. The period required was twelve months, which ran from the Ist August last. So much was that the case, that even the Government itself, as shown in the despatches of Lord Glenelg, were of opinion that the franchise was too wide, and that the negro would acquire it before he had become qualified for using it. So far as the enfranchisement of the negro bad gone, the effect had not been to sow. distrust, but to amalgamate the two classes . How could those who spoke of training men to civilization by the po litical franchise, support such a Bill, as its effect must be to postpone the enfranchisement of the negro for an inde finite period? Upon the grou id of expediency they ought not to pass the Bill, because under the present laws the negro population were gradually acqui r i ng th e f ranc hi se ; if the Bill passed they would be at once let into the enjoy ment of it, and the consequence must be objectionable, be cause the black influence would be all at once thrown into the scale against the white. By being gradual it would be safe.—( Hear, hear.) If that Bill were passed the negro would be acquiring land in the meantime, and at the expiration of the term they would be thrown at once into the scale, and the influence of the black population would be preponderating. In order to promote the success of the great measure of emancipation, the Bill ought not to be passed.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Governor had refused the Assembly the opportunity of voting the supplies. Jamaica had offered supplies, and was it credible that the supplies had been actually re fused, in order that a new tribunal might be erected?— ( Hear, hear.) At this period—in that Parliament—in a Reformed House of Commons, and emanating from a Liberal Government—(Cheers) —a Bill was proposed which refused the tender of supplies from their fellow subjects in Jamaica, made in a constitutional mode, and which proposed, under the pretence of necessity, to erect a new unconstitutional supply, and a new unconstitutional tribunal by which those supplies would be regulated. It was because this was a penal Bill—because no charge of misconduct nag made out by the Government—bacsuse, on general grounds of policy, this measure was most in consistent —on grounds of prudence, most unexpected, and tending to perpetuate the separation between the different classes of the community, that he hoped a majority of that House would not sanction it, confident as he was that if they did, such an Act could only tend to bring the sove reign power of Parliamentary legislation into general dis credit, and to destroy the confidence of our fellow subjects throughout the Colonial Empire.—( Loud cheers.) Sir S. LUSHINGTON would state the reaanns which induced him to support the I::uscrit Bill. He supported it on the ground of imperious necessity, and for the purpose of ensuring justice and protection to 320,000 British sub jects.—(Cheers.) He supported the Bill, because in his conscience he believed that the continuance of the present state, he would not say of law, but of misrule and dis order, in the island of Jamaica, was as destructive to the great commercial and agricultural interests embarked in that island, as he knew it to be ruinous to the peace, the happiness, and the comfort of the mass of the community. —( Hear, hear.) What he wanted for Jamaica was jest and equal laws, affording to every class of her Majesty's subjects protection to property, encouragement to industry, and ensuring au effectual mode of obtaining payment of wages that were earned. But as Jamaica now stood, there was every possible discouragement to honest industry. Before he came to .consider some of the points stated in the debate, he owed it in justice and candour to the House doctrine, island. t r i l i s n t g i tu o t r i ex e l to declare his opinion, relative to the Constitution of that Hean Illasaohnitelliwnehdo ought t d t o o ct k ri n n o e w , as i a n e c law, that the British Parliament had never Por t acted directl or indirectly with the p ower of legislatingf y of Jamaica. Lo o ki ng to the reign ftieothe es, c aorudid what was the first Act t o be found r r A British Act of Parliament enacting that all the property in the island of Jam a i ca , rea l and personal, shouldbe the assets for paying the debts of all British subjects. He would ask whether that was not an act of legislation for the internal concerns of Jamaica. An Act afterwards passed prohibiting the Assembly by name from passing any reso lution whatever, to raise money or bills of credit, of any species or kind. Then there was the Act as to the credi bility of witnesses, which was also extended to Jamaica. Certainly after this there came the disputes with the Colonies in America. And it had been said that by the IS Geo. 3, the Imperial Parliament renounced the right of legislating for the Colonies. But the true construction of that Act was, that it renouncedithe right of levying taxes to raise money on the Colonies.—( Hear, hear.) He denied that the British Parliament could with a just regard for the Constitution of this country have deprived itself of that which might be called its teenseendentel power of le gislating for the protection of any of their subjects in any part of the empire.--( Hear, hear.) At the same time he allowed that it was safer if possible to leave to the Legisla tote of the Colonies the management of their own affairs, and he admitted that if he supported a measure to interfere with that management, the onus lay upon him of proving its necessity.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Now, Ise for one, would support the Bill upon the preamble.—( Hear, hear.) But because he did so was he therefore to discard all other circumstances from his consideration?—( Hear, hew ) Was he to disregard the experience of past times—was to shut his eyes to the extreorslioary combination of cir cumstances in the situation of 300,000 human beings just liberated from slivery ?—( Hear, hear. ) But the pre amble stood upon necessity ; and he maintained that the tiouse of Assembly had totally abdicated their functions in a season of the greatest emergency —et a period e hen they themselves had significantly exprese:d their know. ledge of the necessity for immediate legislation.__( Hear, hear.) They bad time given to them to consider their re solutiens—they again affirmed them—the Hous e o f As serebly. was dissolved —they had ample time afforded • them tolook • to the comittionf the island, and to ad upon them as legislators_ re sume the duties imposed the; aeain soleinrly sanctioned t ear abdication.—( Ulcer.) had been ingeniously ar eed that they 0 at condition ? Why, it g d e mand the repeal of the Prisons del not eemae B Certainly they did not in terms—but what was the construction universally put ui'" their resolution? That they they would not resume their functions till Parlia mentßritish had abandoned a British Act. —( Hear, hear • ) They had made a demand which neither parliament nor Govern merit could comply with without degradation to both. ( Cheers. ) Alternatives had been spoken of. \‘: hat al ternatives? Hew would the Right Hon. Baronet • • (Sir I R. Peel) word his conciliator} frieedly :e solution ?—(Hear, hear.) The Assembly said, " then suspend their legislative functions till her Most Gracious Majesty's pleasure be made known whether her subjects in Jamaica, now all bappdy in a state of freedom,are henceforth to be treated as subjects, by having the power of making laws as hitherto for their own government, or whether they are to be treated as a conquered colony, and governed by Parliamentary resolutions and Orders in Council, such as the late amended Abolition Act."—( Hear, hear.) Was the Imperial Parliament then to have a resolution inform ing the Assembly of Jamaica that they were not to be governed by Parliamentary Legislation ? Were they to repudiate the right of passing such Acts as the Amend ment Abolition Act, which was admitted by the Advocate of the Colonies to be clearly in furtherance of the compact? —(Hear, hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) remarkable as he was for the ex cess of his caution in that House, had faintly shadowed out Ws scheme, but had forborne to specify distinctly.— ( Hear, hear.) One thing was quite plain, that although it might be carried out by the Right Hon. Bart., it could not by Her Majesty's Ministers.— ( Opposition cheers). The Right Hon. Bart. had carefully endeavoured so to frame his opposition to this measure as while receiving the votes of his own party, to tempt those of some lion. Members on the Liberal side of the House, who, deceived by the character of the measure, were led away by the delusion that it would damage the liberties of the people. —( Hear, hear.) Now as to the previous conduct of the Assembly, several quotations had been made to show that the Home Government had approved of the conduct of the Assembly. But how was it that the amended Abolition Act passed, if not upon the ground that the Jamaica Legislature had neglected to perform their duty ?—( Hear.) Lord Sligo, addressing the As sembly, had said " the whipping of females, you were in formed by me officially, was practised ; and I call upon you to make enactments to put an end to conduct so re pugnant to humanity, and so contrary to law. So far from passing an Act to prevent the recurrence of such cruelty, you have in no way expressed your disapprobation of it."—( Hear.) Similar censure had - peen utte,ed upon other points, and Sir Lionel Smith had characterised the law of Jamaica as the worst of all slave colonies.—( Hear.) The whole conduct of the Assembly, in fact, from 1634, had tended to defeat the wishes, to destroy the hopes of the people of England.—( Hear, hear.) Was there ever a period in which protection to the negro had been secured in which humanity and justice had prevailed in that colony? --( Hear, hear.) Could he ever forget the horrors which had been perpetrated in that Island of men sentenced to be starved and burnt to death and all without one word of disapprobation?-- ( Hear, hear.) Was this to be borne ? How long were the English people to wait ? If this measure were rejected what might be the results before the House could he induced to perform their duty ?—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) What was the state of the militia ? Was the Governor to call out the militia on the footing in which it was at present consti tuted, or with all the emancipated negroes? And let it be recollected that the peace of Jamaica now depended upon about 1,300 regular troops.—( Hear, hear.) Then as to the law of the contracts, the injustice done by that at present was such that even English emigrants declined to cultivate the land.—( Hear, hear.) The state of the pri sons, too, imperatively called for legislation, but upon none of these subjects would the Assembly exercise t heir functions. —( Hear, hear.). It had been said that the Higlie of As sembly had consented to abolish the apprenticeship, either from fear or generosity, and that therefore some allowance ought to be made for them ; but the feet was that they bad abolished the apprenticeship because they hid determined that the anieui'leil Abolith;ri Act should not come into ratioie_( Hear, hear.) The Assembly had distinctly expressed their disobedience to the Imperial Legislature, declaring the previous Act to be illegal and unconstitu them:l, and, by pnbbshing this declaration, bad endeavoured to excite their fellow-subjects in the Colonies to rebellion against the Imperial Parliament. But was the Imperial Parliewirne in deference to their threats, to degr'rde itself by taking a retrograde course, which must be attended with nationaldisgraee?—(Cheers.) It was unjust, and, as he believed, unfounded, to incul pate the Baptist Missionaries—he did not believe one word of the charges which had been brought against the Baptist Missionaries of that island.--( Cheers.) The Baptist Missionaries had challenged their calumniators to the proof and had there been any one specific act of im proper interference on their part which had been proved to have taken place? He thought not. Many of the negroes were still, comparatively speaking heathens, sod what weuld they not have been had it not been for the exertions of these Missionaries, who lied at one time been positively forbidden the .estates? Why, they would hare had a whole population of heathens.—(Cheers.) Oae Hon. Gentleman opposite had spoken of the white popu lation alone as consisting of 140,000; to this was to be added the brown population, as constituting the persons of property of the colony; and yet, notwithstanding every person who paid taxes hsd a right to vote, the whole constituency only amounted to 2,200 votes. He enter tained a serious objection to anything like a permanen deposition of the Legislature of Jamaica, and it was with great regret that he had heard the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tam worth, say that the great recom mendation of this Bill in the eyes of some of its supporters was, that it might be of permanent duration. Connected as he was with the Anti-Slavery body in this country he could state that their original objection was to the mea sure continuing for five years.--(Cheers.( That they were unfted as one man in an anxious with to see this Bill passed, but for as short a period as would be consis tent with legislative protection to the negro.—(Loud cheering.) He deeply regretted that the Right floe. Gentleman should have deemed it his duty in his public capacity to have pursued the line of conduct which he had done.—(Cheers.) If the Government should fall in con sequence of this proceeding, they would fall in an attempt to administer justice to the great body of the people.— ( Cheers.) They would fall in an endeavour to uphold the success of that great experiment, the value and im portance of which to the great interests of humanity no man could calculate.—( Cheers.) They would fail in re deeming the pledge of the British Pariiameot —they 1,01.11114 fall in fulfilling the wishes of the British people—(Loud cheers)--and how would they fall, by a junction as unnatural as it was unexpected, a junction with Hon. Gentlemen opposite, with those Hon. Friends of his below him, who through their love of the shadow had dropped the substence—who forgot in lover of a Constitutional Government that the form of Government is nothing to the enjoyment of great rights, and that no Government can be just in which the laws are not for the benefit of the great bulk of the people. But if the result should be contrary to the expectations of the Fight Hon. Gent. what would be the state of the Island then? He felt that the Bill was imperatively called for by the state of society in Jamaica. He thought that it was calculated to promote good to all parties in the Island, and should give it his cordial support.—( Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheering, which continued fee some time.) Lord STANLEY should feel that he laboured under a great disadvantage if in following the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had just sat down he were called upon to cope with him in the discussion of abstract ques:- tions of law, or of a question in which abstract ai:id consti tutional law were combined ; but much as he respected and admired that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, nay the more he respected and admired him, the more was ho gt ieved to see him making use of his talents as a great constitutioral lawyer in the British House of Parliament—(Cheers)—in the ungracious and he trustee hopeiess task of supporting a measure of the most arbitrary character—(Cheers)—on denten had taken the Bill in his hand, but fearful of dis ttihvaet i ss; c h e i e c s h s i w ty a . s_p r ( r c ry h e e r b e the T h p e le f a lo o n r . ti a le nd tYr e n s t r — ne i d r" Je r n e - - cussing it on the grounds on which it had been bought frw it e s6e ar in d g —( a Ch ß e i c l i l re o ) r _ p i a m i t os d a i t s i c d us p s ground of State policy. This Bill was a Bill of Pains tt n i g i al t i i t es o , n bu tl r rift c h li e t' n d te o re f and Penalties. If it were not art :Act of Pains and Penal ties had they admitted Counsel to be heard at the bar ? They were told they were not bound by their preamble—if they were not bound by the preamble, why had they called Counsel to defend the Colonists against the charges in the preamble ?—(Cheers.) His Hon. Friend, the Judge Advocate, had said it wee not necessary to insert all the grounds of the Bill. He knew that in certain instances the preamble stated, " Whereas it is expedient to alter certain laws," but in this instance the preamble steted it was necessary to suspend the Con stitution of Jamaica. He felt that this was a Bill of indictment, which bed been doubtless framed under the counsel, and by the ad. vice and assistance of his Hon. and Learned Friend._ (Cheers. ) No," from Sir S. Lushington.) Did his Hon. and Learned Friend, who was known to take such an interest in this matter, mean to say that he bad never been applied to for his advice or assistance in drawing up t hi s Bill?—("' No," from Sir S. Lushington.) Then that argued a degree of rashness on the part of her Majesty's Government which he could not have believed ; that with his Hon. Friend's great legal knowledge aad constitutional judgment, ke should not have bean consulted.—( Laughter from the Ministerial benches responded to by cheers from the Opposition.) He was sorry that his Hon. and LePrned Friend should have supported this Bill on the ground he had done. They proposed a Bill affecting the rights of persons who knew nothing of the feet of such a Bill being introduced, but they gave them an opportunity of being heard by proxy before this invasion of their constitutional rights. Therefore it was necessary, if they msant to pass this 1311, to pass it on the preamble, in order to let the professional adviser of absent parties know what the charges were against which he ha.:l to defend them. —( Cheers.) And by the preamble they had meant to stand—by that his Hon. Friend had said the, would stand—(Cheers)—but the preamble broke down under them---( Loud checric,g)—and now they bad recourse to something else.--( Continued cheering.) Tha Hon. Member for Liskeard had said, that if the Bill stood upon the preamble he could not give it his support. Because the House .of Assembly refused to take certain steps, on account of the real or supposed bad treatment they had received from the Imperial Government, the House of Commons now declared that the functions of the Assembly should be suspended for two tears. But was that the reason the Hon. Member far L . isL , aril alleged '› Oh, nu; he said " I am net prepared to support the Bill bee.iuse it purposes to ste , pend the Assembly, but because the Assembly is an oligarchical body, and I detest all bodies of that kind. Compare the Assembly with a number of English gentlemen, composing a Governor and Council, and see the difference. In fact, es I never le e ae opportunity for the overthrow of en oligarchy, I must now upset this; and I say that at the time of the Eaten cipation Act rot only the Government of Jamaica, but those of all the other colonies should have been upset, because they are oligarchical." He (Lord Stanley) un derstood those grounds—he comprehended the argument when it stated tint the safety of future Governments could not be relied upon if the present Gevernments were permitted to remain in their existing. position. He had often heard Honourable Gentlemen opposite boast that they were supporters of the Government when, the Act for Negro Emancipation tans passed. But while they denied that the least credit wes due to the Minister who brought that measure in, they were read) to charge on him, not only the defects of its first introduetion, but els° its defects since.—(Cheers.) Ile fully concurred with the lieu. and Learned Gentleman when he said the EVE \ r ING EDITION. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 7, 1839. other night that no measure reflected greater credit on the generosity of any nation (a 'measure that could not have been carried without the enthusiastic determination of the country to accomplish it, no matter at what cost), but he was rather pained when the lion. Gentleman added that if he (Lord S.) understood the greatness of his task in 1833, he should have this Bill as a supplement to it. Now he (Lord S.) would - ask the House whether they believed the addi tion of such a Bill would have diminished the difficulty of passing the measure of Emancipation? If the Govern. ment of that day proposed the abolition of slavery and together with it the abolition of every legislative assembly in the colonies, did the Hon. Member believe that it would have been in human nature to effect it ?—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman said the Emancipation Act was 'one of the greatest failures he knew of. He (Lord S.) bowed with great submission to the opinion of a Gentle man whose own •-practice in Colonial legislation was so extraordinarily extensive, and for its extent so eminently successful,—(Cheers and laughter). He asked why did not he (Lord S.) avail himself of the in formation afterwards developed, to assiat in meeting his his first plan ? But he ( Lord S.) was too old a member of Parliament not to know that any private intervention of his with the Government would be officious, meddling, use. less, and obstructive of the public business. But if the Emancipation was not found to be a signal failure up to 1837, he (Lord S.) considered himself relieved from responsibility. But he (Lord S.) could not consider that measure a signal failure, which at whatever risk, gave un limited freedom in those five years to 800,000 human beings and their posterity—(Cheers)—without the loss of a single life—without much deterioration of property, and without an extensive violation of Constitutional rights.._. (Cheers). Lord Glenelg in a despatch of 1837 stated, that the results of the great measure of Emancipation had satisfied his most sanguine expectations.—(Cheers). This despatch was dated three years after he had bad the honour of serving her Majesty. When the Hon. Member for Liskeard saw that measure introduced, why did he not interfere and assist—but heinterferecfai h a counter project of his own on the Spanish system, that the Emancipation should be a gradual system—that the slave should bo allowed to work his own freedom gradually. If the system introduced by the Hon. Member for Liskeard were adopted, the people of Antigua would only next year enjoy the freedom they possessed. now.—( Cheers.) He would not argue with the Learned Gentleman as to the inherent right of the British Parliament to controul the Colonial Legislature. The Hon. Gentleman had spent a great deal of time in arguing a ease which few disputed. He had argued as if they were denying to the British Par liament the right of paseine. the Prisons' Bill. Th e y h a d denied no such thing ; they had admitted the right of the Legislature to pass it. He had stated in 1833 that he saw no limit to the power of the British Legislature except that limit which it bad drawn out for itself, namely, that of not interfering with the power of the Colonial Le gislature to make laws for the taxation of its own colony. The present Bill was not to introduce a specific law into a certain colony, but its object was to take away, einder a false pretence, sacred rights.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman opposite said he would defend the Bill upon its preamble, and he asked, in what werda of humiliation or supposition, was it expected the Imperial Parliament should address the House of Assembly ? He (Lord Stan ley) did not wish to see the Parliament of England making use of woids of humiliation. but he should recommend a frank, plain, and sincere mode of proceeding with the Co lonial Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) And if it was re quired he would say that they might take example from the message sent to 13erbadoes, and follow the footsteps of Sir E. Macgregor, upon the receipt of that message. lie did not say that that message would have been successful, but he thought the Government were to blame for not having tried it.—( Cheers.) He contended that the Acts of the British Parliament bad driven the Colonial Legisla ture to the course they had pursued.—( cheers.) What was the statement of his Noble Friend the Secretary at War, in 1834, upon the subject of emancipation e Why, the principle that he had laid down was that while the ap prenticeship lasted they could not trust to the planters, but only let the apprenticeship be done away with, and leave every man to carry his labour to the best market, and then there would be no necessity for in ternal legislation. If the functions of—the House of Assembly were to be interfered with, he thought such measures should be introduced as would give the least possible offence. His Learned Friend had stated that the House of Assembly did not complain of the manner in which the Governor had addressed them: Certainly they did not 1 What they complained of was, the Act being thrust upon them in the unceremonious manner it had been. His Learned Friend had alluded to the state of the law. Lord Glenelg had sent a num ber of queries on sixteen different points, telling them that it would be necessary that a considerable revision should be made in the code, in order to adapt them to the existing state of - affairs, at the same time observing that it was necessary to perform that revision alai great circumspection, to prevent, if possible, any col lision between the Sovereign power in this country and the Colonial Legislature—(Cheers)—and the answer to those queries were to be transmitted to the Colonial Office in this county.—( Hear, hear, hear ) What was the deliberate boast with - which the approaching crisis was met? They were forced to have a premature Act of Emancipation—they were not allowed to make ar rangements. The Right lion. Gentleman and Right Hon. Judge Advocate cheered when it was stated that no intimation was given of these laws to the House of As sembly. When were they sent out? On the 15th of September, 1838, three months after the total emancipa tion of the negroes by the Jamaica Legislature. That was the eat hest date of any instructions. They were tol not to legislate before they had received an intimation from the Governor at home. These intimations were sent out three months afterwards, and then it was complained that the Legislature had not made due provision for the eman cipated negroes, and that they were not to be trusted. Ready he must say that upon a subject se important and so difficult, it was desirable, that the instructions had been seat out earlier, and if the L-gistature had entertained some doubt as to making up their minds, they were excuse able from veer eareeeesteeere.....-............... flat, ]Gab Eh-pt. is:ls. On the 15th Sept. 1838, two points were dealt With-one was the Militia Law, and the Noble Lord the then Secretary of State for tli. Colot.ics, or whoever wrote that dispatch—( Hear, hoar)—sent out directions desiring certain modifications to to made in the Militia law—recommending the subject to the earnest considera tion of the Legislature, and which must have been taken into consideration in September, 1838. Suppose they had - acted upon these instructions, the ordinance would have been disallowed at home. Having given the direc tions on the 13th September, on the 15th November the, Secretary for the Colonies wrote that the Militia Law was so bad that no modification would answer, and that it must be done away with altogether. The Noble Lord (Gle nelg) had then proceeded to the subject of poll-tax,. and noticed that nothing could be more absurd than the principle on which it was based—that the rich and the poor should be taxed alike, was repugnant to all principles of English law, and he begged it might be altered ; if he had not read it, he could not have believed it, that so ales eurd a statement should have been made by a Colonial Secretary. Why, it was known to every man in Jamaica, and he thought it had been known to every Secretary and Clerk in the Colonial Office, that the poll tax was in the nature of an assessed tax—that it was not levied on the white and the black indiscriminately, but on every proprietor according to the number of slaves he possessed. --(Cheers.) So far from its being levied equally upon the rich and poor, it was levied from the rich alone, and precisely in proportion to the amount of his pro perty in slaves or cattle was the amount of that tax. —(Renewed cheers.) It was of great impor tance that that doubt should be cleared up. These final directions for suppleme n t ary legislation having been sent out, did they wonder th at t h e Legislature of Jamaica, which was so well acquainted with the nature of legislation in its own colony did they wonder that laws of this nature, about which apparently so little was understood by the Government at home, and which they were required to modify upon such erroneous opinions—could they wonder that they should manifest some little ill temper, or any feeling, or want of good feeling towards the mother country ?—(Hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member for the Tower Hamlets said that that was not done in haste— tliv.l they had time t o cons id er o f i t , h av i ng been prorogued for a day.—( A laugh.) Six weeks afterwards. they of wg e e dissolved, and for what purpose?f ft° that ke tre m co lo n n s s tituenc constituency of the island.l l a . t i o e n y g with them, and then We were supporting and Member wondered that having taken Hon. and Learned the sense of the constituency, they could not depart from the principles on w hich they had set out. He wou (I wish the Honourable and Learned Gentleman to put a similar case w ith respect t o England. He should like to ask him bow ho could reconcile his argument with the cas e of the dissolution at the t i me of the R e for m Bill, when an enormous majority was returned in ,favour of it. He should like to ask him w hether the Members so re turned would not have comm i t ted the gr ea t est act o f self stultification if they h a d gone directly contrary to the wishes of theitecotistituente?—(L oud cheerin g .) B ut if time was given to the Leeislature, time s was a l so g i ven to the Governor.—( Hear, hear.) His s Hon. a n d L earned Friend opposite admitted that if the the H on . B aronet, the Member for Tarnwo rth, was at bead o f a ff a i rs, he atte r very amicably.—( (Lordsettle the Stanley) m does not doubt that be Would beabletoe Loud cheers.) H likelyhe would. Hit H e F • thought it very .. n.Friend did not ask that be should be allowed to settle t t, h, _ , y uni asked of tho Government to settle it in the way .4 I, e pointed out, and that within twelve months they would have the unani mous assent o f Parliament to the measure they wante d now to have. Hoe. Th e Right Baronet off ere d them a equivalent to the necessity f the cave, and in the remedy isiature . re using to proceed to business, event of the Leg to continue such are were likely to to empower them for twelve months. Ilia Right Hon. Friend expire was not a party t uee ' said that the pre sent ..: _ . l lion, and that he did not wish to make it one. Its . Right W e ,. Friend had been threatened wit thewespssiibi ility of delay, but they e that rpor. ibi were ready to take ty upon them. They were willing to give her Majesty's Government assistance to pars such as would meet th e a law exieeneof the bownecessity, ed a they b y cese, sod if they 6 w ou ld b e wit ling to go along wit h them next t year i n f urther measures. —( Hear.) It was stated n that some Hon. Gentlemen oa the other side were extremely unwilling to destroy •, • but the Hon. Member destroy a free Constitution , •for Lis- Jarna;ca keard had designate d the House o f A ssembly a little miserable o li g archy of . overseers and attorneys, that they did not re present more tha n 3,000 out of a po pulation of 300,0 00, and therefore he had no hesitation in destroying the right of that Constitution, although he would not destroy one upon a more popular bz.sis. In the first pace, as to its being unpopular. W as t h e franchise so It admitted a large exceedingly high ? proportion of the free coloured, and of the free black population, and within a limit e d period it would admit an enormous amount of'the black population, and yet that was the moment when the present Government chose to overthrow it. As for their intending only to suspend it, that was a mere pretext. Did they mean to sa y that they won' I restore it? a lter the milit' to a law s , They were goingthe laws of vagrancy, and, in fact, the whole Constitution of Jamaica, and they would b a ‘e it that they were going to restore it. That pretext would not do, for they were going to give an entirely new or.e.—(Cheers.) What acre they going to do—they, the lovers of liberty—(Cheers) —the advocates of popular rights—(Cheers)—the friends of the negro— they who bad been contending that the negro had been for a long time intitled to all the rights of freedom— ( Cheers)—they were the persons to pr o p ose , a t t h e mo meet when the negro was just about to seize upon what they called the most valuable privilege, the political fran chise—they, and not the Assembly of Jamaica, were going to suspend those righ.ts for anindefinite period ?_( Cheers.) They were going to tell the blacks that their masters who were their equals, were unfit to exercise their political rights, and that he (the negro) was in too degraded a situation to be allowed to exercise that right which they had hoped to be possessed of in a few days. He knew they had the power to carry the Bill, for Jamaica was too weak to resist. How was it that they had temporised so long with Canada—Jamaica had never refused the sup plies—Canada had. For five long years they had left the Judges and Public Officers unpaid—they were allowed durirgehe whole of that time to treat their Governors and the Imperial Parliament with the utmost contumely and contempt, yet they abstained from exercising that autho rity, which in one single year they were about to inflict upon Jamaica because it was weak.—(Cheers.) Neither of the countries were able to contend with British power, but they ought to beware of how they weakened that moral force which did more to bind the allegiance of the Colonies than all our power. After quoting a passage from a speech of Lord Chatham, the Noble Lord said, let them beware how they named that spirit of moral hatred in Jamaica, which, if once kin dled, would and must spread among all our colonies. He trusted that such a feeling would never exist in Jamaica, boasting as it did of British origin.—(Loud cheering.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose, and said that the question then before the House was one vitally affecting the interests of a large population, inhabiting the island of Jamaica. It was a question so confined and yet so exten sive, that he must hope to meet with the concurrence of that House in it. He did not conceive that when there was an Assembly whose constituents of 2,200, for that was the number as stated by the Honourable Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Godson), which very little exceeded the Grand Council of Venice, which had the control of 300.000 N , grocs, and . which re fused to make the necessary laws for the transition state of such a large body from a state of slavery—he could not say that he would give every power to the few, and utterly neglect that which was for the great benefit of the great mass of the people.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord who had just sat down had referred to the case of Canada. He was glad that such was the case, for it gave him an opportunity of directing the attention of the House to the great distinction that was to be drawn between the oases. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had said they were to look only for one special reason when they proceeded to suspend the Constitution of Jamaica. He conceived that this result might be arrived at in two ways. First, that from the transition state of the black population, and the white population from being the mas ters of slaves to their equals. The transition could not take place with proper laws; still he thought that the Go. vernment would not have been justified in bringing in the Bill fur the Suspension of the Assembly without providing the means for legislation which was so much required. If the Assembly had represented the whole people, and had declared that fur some supposed offence they would not proceed with business, then the Government would not have been justified in acting immediately upon that declara tion—they would again and again have tried whether they could not by some means or other bring them to a better sense of their duty.—( Cheers.) But when they found the stoppage of legislation at the particu lar moment when imminent danger threatened the island, it was not difficult to arrive at the conclusion of what was the duty of the Executive. He could not con fine himself to the preamble of the Bill, though no one could deny its truth. The reasons for passing such a Bill must be connected with larger and higher questions. He confessed that they had not acted in the same manner with the Assembly of Canada. They waited longer, and told them that in such an event they would pass such a law-- that they would not agree to such terms as they had pro posed ; but in that country there was not a very large popu lation in a transition state from slavery. When those state ments were made with regard to an Assembly not governing those'who were slaves, but an Assembly said to represent, and truly to represent the majority of the inhabitants of Lower Canada, what was the course pursued byGentlemen oppo site ? Did they ask for further delay ? Did they eay the Go vernment had not been sufficiently slow in suspending the Constitution ? Did they cry out in favour of great prin ciples ?—( Hear, hear.) Did they quote M-. Burke and Lord Chatham on these occasions ?—(Lowl cheers.) So far from it that the language of the Noble Lord, when the resolution was brought forward was, that "he agreed with the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath that that was no time for indecision or passive conduct—that was a time when the Legislature or the Government must frankly accede or boldly deny—they must openly assert the principles on which they meant to act."—(Cheers, and counter cheers.) That was the language used by thea Noble Lord—(Continued cheering) —when it was proposed to give another year's delay to the Peopleand Assembly of Lower Canada. But now, when an Assembly not representing the people of Jamaica ,was to be interfered with—when an Act of far less abso lute and arbitrary tendency was introduced, the Noble Lord was for delay. After what had been said by the lion. Member for Newark and the Noble Lord, he would refer to what had been the course of this dispute with the Assembly of Jamaica. It was a dispute in which the Noble Lord himself had borne a considerable share. He (Lord J. Russell) at that late hour, would only take one part of the subject, because he should only fatigue the House if he were to enter into the whole of the topics. In 1824, Mr. Canning brought forward certain resolutions with respect to the freedom of the slaves, and the mode in which they might be emancipated. Among other things he said there should be an Order in Council against the flogging of females. In 1820 he repeated an Order in:Council to flint effect, and he said a Bill should be prepared on the aulject, and that if there was any question on which he was prepared to agree with Diamt,n, it was rho question of enrinireal punishment on females In 1833 the N o bl e L ord ( Stanley) in bring- ' ing forward the Emancipation Act, in a manner greatly to his credit, and in terms of great eloquence, said it was impossible to imagine there was any improvement in the condition of the slaves, while 'this practice was per. severed in. In that Act of 1833, there was no amend ment in that degrading system of flogging, and Lord Sligo, in bringing forward the subject in 1833, said a much more serious breach of the law was committed under the acting system. Was the system put an end to? They had seen that in 1824 Mr. Carmine proposes abolition ; that in 1826 the Noble Lord proposes abolition; that in 1835 it was made a condition of the Abolition Act; that in 1835 Lord Sligo declared it still existed in the prisons of Jamaica, and yet in February, 1838, Lord Glenelg stated the provisions of the Act for the abolition of flogging were set at defiance ; so, notwith standing the orders in Council, nothwithstandima the Emancipation Act, not w i t h stan di ng t h e attention of e the Jamaica Assembly had been repeatedly called to it, this dreadful and cruel practice, so contrary to all notions of the improvement in the character of the population of that country,w as continued up to 1838.—( Hear,hear.)What was done ? A Bill for the Amendment of the Abolition Act was introduced into the House of Lords, and on the second reading it bad the assent of every Noble Lord who spoke on the measure.—( Hear, hear.) It came down to the Commons and passed that. House wit h general consent. That Act was intended to put at end to the practice of flogging s The Honourable Member for Newark had said that was a justifiable act on the part of the Assembly, and that it was in further ance of the Emancipation Act. In sae ing that did the Hon. Member for Newark at all represent the feelings of the Assembly of Jamaica ? S o f ar from ii, 'that it was with respect to that very Act the Assembly had entered their protest. That was the way in which the Assembly of Jamaica treated an Act which passed unanimously both Houses of Parliament, and which the Hon. Member for Newark had told deem the Legislature was perfectly jus tified in passing ; and be it remembered it was an A ct for the purpose of putting an end to the horrible cruelty perpetrated in de fiance of the law of the Imperial Perliarnenn and carried into ffect in the prh ons and w or kh ouses in ' Jamaica, the Assembly looking on all the time, but never taking any effectual means in order to close and terminate the horrors that were going on.—( Loud cheers.) That was the As sembly which they wer e t o ld to compare to the proudest examples of freedom, and the names of Mr. Burke and Lord Chatham w . ere used to support the arguments of the opposite side--( Loud cries of " Hear, hear,") If they could have the happiness to hear what those great men would say on this subject, he was sure it would be in accordance with all the principles of humanity and true freedom which they eharished, and they would never think of perverting words which they intended to be for the real service of freedom to assist the purpose of those horrible oppressors. (Hear, hear, and cheering.) The Assembly had declared —which their advocates in this House had not stated, but had endeavoured to eoss over and evade it—the Assembly had declared that the Imperial Parliament had no right to interfere in the internal policy of the island. Now that, in his (Lord J. Russell's) judg ment, was an audacious declaratiou.—( Cheers.) When the Prisons Act arrived they refused to consider it. They did not say that it was not communicated to them in suffi ciently courteous language.--( Hear, hear.) No, they acted perfectly consistently. They said, "We have esta blished a principle that - the Imperial Parliament has no right to interfere with our internal regulations, and in ac cordance with that principle they refused to consider the Bill.—( Hcar,hear. ) It had been stated that the Council of Barbadoes, acting as a Privy Council, bad stated ob jections to the present Act—but then they had appointed Commissioners to assist in working it, out.— ( Hear, hear.) And the same thing would doubtless have occurred in Jamaica had not the, Assembly pertinaciously refused to consider the measure.—( Hear, bear.) Noe, in the state of transition in which a vast portion of the population of Jamaica were at present placed—as the Assembly of Jamaica would not act in this crisis, impor tant as it was—it became necessary that the Imperial Legislature should come forward and supply the defici ency. It was proposed indeed that it should be left to the Assembly again to consider of - the course which they should adopt. Buthe (Lame J. Raa - ; . ell ) believed, lacking to the manner in which the Assembly had •hitherto adhered to their resolution—that they would adhere to it still ; and the delay of one year, in the present state of the island, might be fatal to the future welfare of Jamaica:--( Hear, bear.) But then it was selfl that it would be wrong to pass this measure of suspension just before the negroes were eligible to vote at elections— t h at was, in fact, his argument, for if they waited to next year, the time for the negroes exercising the electoral franchise would have nearly arrived, and it might then indeed appear to imply a want of confidence in the negro population —an argument which did not apply now, because it would be some time before that period came.—( Hess..) In bringing forward the great measure of emancipation, the Noble Lord opposite had endeavoured strongly to show that the Colonial Assemblies were not to be trusted—( Hear) — and if this house consented to wait another year, even if the Assembly did pass a Prison Bill, that Hill might be unsatisfactory to the Governor—yet who could tell what quibbles might not be raised as to the sufficiency of the Act, and what support it might not find in that House, and so would justice be procrastinated indefinitely.— ( Hear.) Mr. Wilberforce had Zeelared that from 1797 to 1835, the Assembly had never passed any one measure of benevolence or justice toward; the Negro population. Was it to he expected that the Assembly would suddenly and totally change its character ?—( Hear, hear ) Yet the House was asked to reject this Bill, and thus destroy the only chance Of the negro's future happiness.— ( Cheers. ) Allusion had been made to the labours of those teachers who had been engaged in instructing the negsoes, and be (Lord John Russell) believed that to those labours was owing the tranquillity which had prevailed in the Island during the late momentous change which had taken place in the position of the negro population, which had been left by their masters in the darkness of heathenism.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord then noticed a declaration which had been transmitted to him in favour of the measure, signed by a number of very influential gentlemen connected with the Island of Ja maica, and went on to say that he had known of many others politically opposed to himself who had at first supported the measure, but wife had since changed their course,not because they had taken a different view of the necessity which there was for this measure, but because it had ben made a question for party.— (Tremendous cheers.) He' could understand that some persons might conscientiously believe this Bill to be unnecessary or injudicious, and he could respect those who conscientiously came to that opinion ; but this he would say, that if any ma❑ who was not conscientiously of that opinion should refuse his support to this measure, because it was brought forward by a party opposed to his own, the time would speedily arrive when that man would have to encounter the reproaches of his own conscience, and the reprobation of all right thinking men.—( Loud and long continued cheers.) The House then divided when there appeared For going into Committee 294 Against it Majority for Ministers The announcement was received with loud cheering by the Opposition, which continued during several minutes. On our re-admission to the Gallery we found the House in Committee, and Lord J. RUSSELL moving that the Chairman report progress, and ask leave to sit again on Monday, which was agreed to. — The House resumed, the other Orders of the Day were disposed of, and the House adjourned at Two o'Clock. NA rioNAL CONVENTION, (YESTERDAY.) There was a very numerous muster of the Delegates to-day, it being the period appointed for the preparation and presentation of the National Petition to the House of Commons. Mr. GOODE, the Delegate from Brighton, was unanimously called to the Chair. Mr. STUART introduced Mr. James Woodhouse, the new Delegate for Nottingham, in the room of Dr. Wade, who was politically deceased.—(Cheers.) He knew Mr. Woodhouse well, and he believed him to be an honest man. Mr. LOVETT introduced Mr. Hugh Williams, the Delegate from Carmarthen and Swansea. The proceedings of the last meeting having been read, Mr. Bailie CRAIG handed in 61. Is. 6d., which Le had received on account of the national rent from the county of Ayr. Dr. TAYLOR presented 171. from the Vale of Leven, Dumbartonshire, making in the whole upwards of 271. from that small village. Mr. RICHARDSON introduced Mr. Christopher Dean, the new Delegate for Manchester, in the room of Mr. Roe, resigned. Mr. LOVETT, the Secretary, handed in 12s. towards the National Rent from several pianoforte-makers in Bedford-square, together with 10s. from cabinet-makers in Gray's Inn-road. Mr. NEESOM handed in 2s. 9d. fiom Mr. Belcher, of Bow-lane, Cheapside, collected from the poorest per son in the neighbourhood. Mr. Moit handed in 2/. 13s. from the Universal suffrage Association of Busby, 31. from Kirkintulloch and 8/. 13s. 2d. from Kempsey. Mr. FROST handed in 1/.los. from Blackwood, in Monmouthshire. Mr. LOVETT then read letters from Ledbury, ap proving of the principles of the Convention ; from Darlington, requesting the Convention to send Dele gates there on ,Whitsun-Monday, stating that it was necessary to stir the people into action. From Hal stead ; from Markham, in Ayrshire, expressing the de termination of the people there to procure the Charter by every means in their power, as soon as they got the word of command. From Preston, stating that a public meeting was to be held there on Monday week, and requesting the attendance of sonic of the Members of the Convention. From the Wol verhampton Political Union, stating that it was their intention to have a public meeting in that town on Wed nesday week, and requesting that Messrs. Frost, Vin cent, and Pierce might be sent as Delegates from the Convention to attend the meeting. Mr. F. O'CONNOR introduced Messsrs. Brown, Powell, and Donaldson, the new Delegates for Birming ham. Mr. B. O'BRIEN introduced Mr. James Harris, the new Delegate for Shoreham. Mr. LOVETT, the Seervtary, read a letter from Wed nesbury informing the Convention that Mr. Hickman had been elected a Delegate for that place. Dr. FLETCHER bore testitlipny to the respectability of Mr. Hickman, but was Maid the notice of the in tention to elect him was too short. Letters were then read by the Secretary from the Glasgow Asscciation, stating that they would support the Convention in every laraul measure to procure the People's Charter. That it was their determination to have a great demonstration on Tuesday in the Whitsun-week, and requesting that Mr. 13. O'Brien, Mr. Frost, and Mr. Vincent might be sent es Delegates to attend it. From Bath, stating that a great public demonstration was to take place on Whit-Monday, and requesting. that Mr. F. O'Connor, Mr. Lawley, and ,Mr. Duncan might be sent as Delegates. From Tavistock, giving an ac count of the Meeting that had taken place there in behalf of the People's Charter. DELEGATE 1 , 011. THE TOWER. HAMLETS. Mr. NESOM had been requested by Mr. Drake, who had been elected a Delegate for the Tower Hamlets on Stepney-green, to ask whether the Committee had de cided as to his election, or whether they were disposed to do so. Mr. F. O'CoNNolt wished to know in what situation Mr. Drake was placed ? Had the election been declared informal ? Mr. LOVETT said that a protest bad been entered against it. - Dr, TAYLOR understood that the rule of the Conven tion was not to rescind a protest until the Delegate had taken his seat. The protest, which was from the residents of the Tower Hamlets, was then read. It denied that any Delegate had been elected for the Tower Hamlets, and stated that at the meeting a resolution had been carried, declaring it inexpedient that any Delegate should be elected, as the meet ing considered the Delegates elected at the meeting at Palace-yard sufficiently represented them. A letter was also read from au individual stating that no election had taken place, and that the Chairman had acted in a most illegal manner. Mr. F. O'CONNOR thought that the Convention would agree with him that it was greatly to be regretted that they had not established before the same rule with re spect to the election of Delegates. He thought though it was late they would do well to establish that rule now, looking at what had taken place. In what situa tion, he would ask, would the Convention stand, if they received the present protest ? Why, to do justice, they must receive every protest that was tendered, and the result would be that it would amount to another Spotiswoode conspiracy. The Convention could not go further than the House of Commons. In that House they did not judge of the election of any person until be had taken his seat ; he would put it to the Coneention,whether in fairness they ought to entertain the present protest. They had received Mr. Williams that morning, though his cre dentials bad not been produced. As to the statements that the Delegates elected at Palace-yard sufficiently represented the London districts, he would ask whether the course pursued by the people of Marylebone did not deny that-proposition. The people of Marylebone had elected a most able representative in his friend Mr. Cardo." He had observed invariably that all oppo sition was directed to the Delegates for London, for why he could tell, but it was the fact that the moment a Delegate was elected for any of the metropolhan districts, there was a squeamishness on the part of certain Members of the Convention to receive him. He thought such a course of proceeding was neither candid nor just.—(Cheers.) In the present instance the Convention had riot to deal With the case of Mr. Drake, but the principle of his return. —(Hear.) The question for them was, whether they would proceed to adjudicate en the quanication of a man before he had taken his seat. He knew nothing of Mr. Drake, but be was anxious to establish a precedent. For his own part, he thought it unjust to receive a protest before a party had taken his seat. Dr. FLETCIIER said if the chairman at the meeting at the Tower Hamlets, had not done his duty, his con duct ought to be brought before the Convention. Mr. HETHERINGTON ,tated that the return was not legal, inasmuch as the chairman was not an inhabitant of the borough. Dr. FLETCHER said he bad asked whether the chair man was an inhabitant, and he understood it to have been stated that he 'tvaF. If the chairman was not an inhabitant that was a strong fact against the election. He was sorry to see a determination on the part of some persons to overrun . the Convention with London Members. With respect to Mr. Coombes, who had taken an active part in this election, he was what he must call a perambulating delegate maker—(Laughter)—for the purpose of getting per sons into the Convention to do his work.—(Checrs.) It would have been a far more manly and open course to have got himself elected as a Delegate and have done it. himself.—(Cheers and cries of " No, no.") That was only his opinion, but it was an opinion the facts strongly upheld. If the principle of sending so many Delegates from London was persevered in, the result would be that there would be thirty or forty Delegates from E _EN ING EDITION. .... , I Lon on alone ; and if such was the case,- -what, he • woad ask, would become of the National Rent. ' (Loud cheering.) He objected to A body of London ' men having the absolute ccntrol over the Rent. If such a course was allowed with respect to London, Manchester, and other large towns, would soon follow the example. Mr. F. O'CottNort—Manchester has. Dr. FLETCHER—NO ; that town has only elected a Delegate in the room of one that has resigned. He thought th e arguments o f M r . O'C onnor in favour of this system were more like the arguments of a counsel in behalf of a client than anything else. With respect to the case of Mr. Cardo, the Delegate for Mnr3lebone, to whom Mr. O'Connor had referred, he begged to remind him that Marylebone had protested against the Delegates chosen in Palace-yard sufficiently represent ing the districts of London before the Convention es . .1 sembled, and therefore it was that Marylebone was ex- cepted. He felt bound to protest most' positively I against'any further Delegates sitting in the Convention for London, till the Delegates now sitting should be dis qualified from sitting in the Convention by the votes of their constituents. He objected to the representatives of London, who had contributed but a small proportion of the National Rent, having its entire management. Before he concluded, he wished to correct a rep9rtt that had gone forth to the world relative to the men of Mitcham. He had been represented as having stated that the men of Mitch/it-4 would allow nobody to vote who had not contribntei l' to the National R e nt. H e h a d not sa i d any such thing ; but what he stated was, that the election would be con e . fined to the districts that haxl paid rent.—(Hear, at(' cheers.) In conclusion, he begged to say, that every exertion on his part should be used sse put I an end to the attempt that was now in progress to swamp 1 the Convention with London Members, and if it was persevered in he would appeal to his constituents and the people of the north, and call upon them to see that they received justice.—(Cheers.) Mr. Bun:vs thought the Convention ought to come to some resolution relative to its time being wasted.--- (Cheers.) He hoped they would determine not to re ceive any more Members from the London Distriete, whether legally eleeted or not. Mr. HARNEY moved as an amendment that Mr. Drake should be admitted. Mr. JAMES TAYLOR thought that the Convention would be much better employed if they were , to set aside all other proceedings for the present for the p'ur• pose of taking into considerdtion the propriety of adept. ing an admonitory letter to the people on the late dis turbances that had taken place.—( Cheers.) He should, therefore, move an amendment to that effect. Mr. LOVETT said he could not receive two amend ments. Mr. HARNEY was determined to persevere in his amendment, because he thought it would have the effect of settling the question. Mr. F:O'CoNNoa seconded Mr. Harney's amend ment. Mr. O'BRIEN should like to make a few observa, Lions on the question, as he had hitherto abstained from making any r;mark on this subject. He much re gretted that the London Democratic Association had taken this line of proceeding in preventing the election of new members, for they were a party with whom he wished to act.—(Hear, hear.) The way in which they? should have acted was to call a public meeting and pro pose a vote of want of confidence in the present members, and go to elect new ones in their stead. It was aseumed that London had more than enough of representatives in the Convention. This he would deny, as there were only five members representing two millions, the other four being equally the Delegates from county district s.-- (Hear, hear.) He did think that those five delegates were not enough, out of fifty comprisinr•-the body, to represent one-eighth pa r t o f th e population of the country.—( Hear, bear.) But in o: der that there might be no objection to Mr. Drake's sitting in the Cm vention he (Mr. O'B.) would resign his seat for Londoa to make way for that Gentleman.—(No, no.) He Would do so, and sit for one of his country constituencies. He should be glad that the Convention would pass some definite resolution to prevent the increase of members for the London districts. If Shey did not do so, they would be kept day atter day in hot water, and prevented from attending to their more serious duties.—(Hear.) Mr. MILLER objected to the reception of Mr. Drake as a Delegate. Mr. HARNEY supported his amendment, and while doing so was repeatedly called to order, and in the end was compelled to desist, from the general cries of —(" Vote, vote.") • The CHAIRMAN put the amendment it was negatived by a large majority. . _ Mr. J. TAYLOR then moved, without any obseha, ticsn, that the standing orders be suspended, to consider and prepare an address to the people, advising them to., abstain from any breach of the peace. Mr. MILLER seconded the resolutioii, and after a few words from Mr. Vincent in support of it, it was carried. Mr. LOWREY then moved an address to the people He stated that the object of it was to advise the people that while they (the Convention) acknowledged their rrght to arm—yet they would advise them to abstain from doing anything that would tend to be con strued into a breach of the peace—by doing which they would endanger their yet remaining liberties, and bring the Convention into collision with the Government.-- (Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CosNent was opposed to this address, inasmuch as it was a one-sided address, and if passed by the Convention would not add to its influence, as it merely went to tell what they ought not to do, and never said what they ought to do. Had not the people a right now to be told that they were within the protection of the law, such ds it was, as well as those who now sought to trample on them ?. It was time, aye, high time, to tell the people that they had the right to arm, as well as those who claimed to be their superiors, when the Blues, those impersoni fications of dandyism, were ordered to go down to breathe, to them, the unwholesome atmosphere of Shef field.—(Hear. It was time, ay, more than time, for the Convention to speak out to the brave people of England, when advantage was taken of the present tranquillity of unfortunate Ireland, and the army brought tide after tide from that country to overawe the hardy sons of industry in their endeavours to procure some thing like a remuneration for their sweat and toil. Now should they not be vacillating and impotent in their decisions, when there was no doubt but that their enemies, and the enemies of the people, would strive to affix on them the unfortunate partial outbreak in Wales, which only resulted from the hardships endured by the ill-treated :portion of the community, who had the misfortune to be compelled to endure the tyranny of their hard task-masters.—(Hear, hear.) It was the duty of the Convention to be in a state that would procure for their cause the support of the multitude, and in no case could it be in that state better, than when in the midst of the millions,—(Hear, hear.) He always was of opinion, and nothing that has occurred lately, has tended to change that opinion, that the Convention should step forth, and use its moral power manfully, in order to guide the physical power of the people, for no better check could be had on the physical power of the country, than the Convention exercising to its full extent the moral power with which it was intrusted, to prevent Any thing like par tial outbreak.—(Hear, hear.) This was a sftcred/days a day on which was to be presented the groanings, the wishes, the aspergies of the houseless, of the hungry, of the opprersed, and of the enslaved for redress—to the few who assumed to themseivea the authority of passing bad laws and of ita.ving them wickedly administered.—(Dear, hear.) On this day, then, he would conjure them to show such a spir:t of unanimity, such a spirit of energy, and such a spirit of purpose, as would put to flight the aspersions of their enemies, who, if it should be othervkise, would say that they Tyre now, after braving hitherto all the storms and obstrudtions raised by them, afraid—and, that like per- 4 sons afflicted with hydrophobia, they durst not, froth fear of seeing the water, go near the River Thames.— (Hear,hear.) He was sorry that a former resolution of his was met by a successful amendment—if it had . passed the Convention would now be in the position which the Government had taken possession of, and their cause would then be in such' a state of high secu rity, that no machinations of the tyrants would endan ger them, nor no provocation should entail on the peo pie the necessity of taking part in any outbreak, unless from motives of personal apprehension.- Mr. O'BRIEN rose to order. He said he owed it to himself and to the country to say, that In the amendment alluded to, his motive for proposie.g it was that he considered that their duty compelled them to remain in London until after the petition was presenred and until the discussion on the Charter was had. —(Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CONNOR resumed. He merely; mentioned this, to show that they were taken by surprise, fur the very moment the Government found we should hold the simultaneous meetings, they assembled a gabinet Coun cil, and decided that nothing should be left undone to prevent these meetings.—(Hear, hear.) He never intended to throw any imputation on any person be longing to the Convention, he but merely instanced this as sheaving the necessity of adopting prompt and decisive measures— (Hear and cheers.) Mr. O'BeeeN.—London was the place they ought to be in then. He thought until after the presentation of the petition ; but now that new circumstances had sprung up, he would support any motion brought in for the adjournment to Bi r mingham., on c on di t i on that they should return in a week, in order to be at their posts during the discussion on the Charter.-- (Hear, hear.) The address now presented to them was one which was of the . lukewarm ki n d , of that soft and selk y discri p tt on that would be alike unworthy of them to adopt, or of the people to ac cept.—(Hear, hear.) Its statements of the people's duties were, if not altogether objectionable, at lcatst not recommendable.—(Bear, hear.) He was resolv'ed, ro master what the consequences were, come weal or come wo e, he would be found at his post, standing fo,reeercl for the rights of the universal people.—(Hear,heac.) The address, if passed in its present shape, would only throv. a wet blanket on the cause—would be the means