The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. of public charges, there would, in fact, have been a reduction of about 15,0001. The increase chiefly consisted of parochial rates—an increase, not only enormous in amount, but perfectly unjustifiable in principle.—( Hear, hear.) There was no reason why railways, of all commercial enterprises in this country, should alone be subjected to assessments upon the profits of their trade.—( Hear, hear.) The grievance was so unjust and intolerable, that they must endeavour to obtain redress from the Legislature. The total amount which they now paid in the form of duties, of parochial rates, and of in come-tax, was about 64,000/. From the accounts there appeared to be 116,820/. applicable to such pur poses as the Shareholders might be pleased to di rect. The Directors recommended a dividend of three per cent. for the last half-year, which would require 102,6781., and would leave a balance of 14,1421. The Directors con sidered that this balance was not more than suffi cient to enable them to ensure a dividend of three per cent. for the next half-year, and, therefore, it It was that they proposed to retain that sum. He hoped that the income of the current half-year would exhibit a further in crease, but for any material improvement, they must now look to the completion of the branch lines. The Report of Mr. Brunell as to the state of the works on these lines would, he thought, prove highly satisfactory. There could be no doubt that the Bristol line, as far as Exeter, and their own line as far as Oxford, would be opened in the early part of the ensuing year ; and that the line to Cheltenham and Gloucester would be opened in ample time to fulfil the requirement of the law, which limited the period to June, 1845. The project for the exten sion of the line from Exeter to Plymouth was also advancing satisfactorily. At the last meeting the Directors were em powered to raise 150,000/. towards that undertaking. In order to secure the passing of the Bill in the present session, it became necessary that the railway companies interested in its com pletion should contribute a larger amount. The Directors had taken upon themselves the responsibility of raising 475 shares at 50/. each, and of course they would dispose of those shares as soon as possible. In Cornwall a very earnest wish had been manifested for the continuation of the line towards Fal mouth. He hoped the period was not remote when the line would be continued as far as Falmouth. The works at Swin don were now completed. There was one subject connected with that great establishment which he was sure would be interesting to the Proprietors ; he referred to the religious instruction of the men and the useful and moral education of the children.—(Cheers.) In deference to the religious feelings of a portion of the Proprietors, the Directors had thought that the best mode of accomplishing this object was that of private subscription. The amount which had been received by subscription for the church was about 4,600/., without taking into account the assistance which they might expect from those bodies which were in corporated for the purpose of promoting church building. The amount raised for schools exceeded 6,000/. The Directors still required further aid, however, from the munificence of the Shareholders. Besides the religious instruction of the workmen, and the education of their children, the Directors thought there was no better way of obtaining a sober, industrious, happy, and contented class of workmen than by giving them the means of innocent recreation.--( Hear.) A library had been established by subscription amongst the workmen themselves, and the Directors felt it to be their duty to encourage this de• sire in the workmen for their own improvement. The Direc tors were in treaty for the purchase of a piece of ground for the purposes of cricket and other manly spirts.—( Cheers.) He hoped that those Proprietors who, from conscientious scruples, were unable to contribute to the building of the church, would contribute now to this object, against which no such scruples could be alleged.— ( Hear, hear.) There was one subject which now excited considerable attention among those interested in railways—he meant the inquiry in relation to them which was now pending in the House of Commons. If he abstained from making any remarks upon this subject, his silence proceeded only from a sense of the delicacy of his po sition as a member of the Committee. He believed that the Government were disposed to deal with railway interests in a fair and friendly spirit.—( Cheers.) He should go to the inquiry deeply impressed with the magnitude of the interests, and the vital importance of the principles involved in the investigation—on the one hand, desirous of giving a libe ral and just consideration to the claims of the public, and on the other steadily watching the legitimate interests of railway proprietors.—( Cheers. ) Several resolutions would have to be proposed after the Shareholders had resolved them selves into a special meeting for the purpose of considering them. FROM TIIE, EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—:when we said that people would not fight Va these d: 4 ,7 5 about points of faith, we did not mean to iay that they would not squabble about the appropria ti.:4l of Church revenues. We should be guided by one principle, and by one alone, on that subject, in a country Like Ireland. We need not say, perhaps, that ours is not the principle of Sir J. Graham—that so-and-so was esta blished at the Reformation, and ratified by the Act of Union. Other things were established soon after the Re formation, which have been altered since. The wise King Jamie, who planted Presbyterians in Ulster, restored Episcopacy in Scotland. England has not maintained that Episcopacy—or else that too might have been " ratified" in the Act of Union with that country. Suppose it had, and that discontent at our hierarchy had continued undiminished. Would the date of its establishment have been any good argument in its favour ; Would it not rather have been an ai-gu ment. against it, as something no time could naturalise ? 01 :r principle, then, as to Irish Church mat ters, is not thatof Sir James Graham ; or that still more naively stated the other (lay by the Herald. The `Herald said that " Peace between the two contending (ecclesiastical) parties (in Ireland) is morally impos sible. Away, then, with all false pretences and delu sive hopes of this kind ! Let the question be reduced to its simplest and only intelligible form—that the mere majority of the people of any country, no matter how ignorant or how superstitious, ought to prescribe what the faith of that country shall be ; and that to maintain a particular fbrm of religion, merely because it is true and divine, is an act of bigotry, and an exhibition of religious intolerance." We are quite of the Herald's opinion that peace between the two Church parties in Ireland is impossible ; so long as either have material objects to defend, or obtain, which they think worth struggling for. But the He rald's idea that the faith of a people is not to be at all consulted in prescribing the faith of a country, that people who think differently - are to decide what is true and divine instead, is precisely the assumption which (if nothing else) would deter us from turning Roman Catholics. That the Roman Church makes that as sumption is sufficient to keep us out of it—but in Pro testants we look upon it as quite preposterous and suicidal. What, then, is the principle on which we should proceed in the Irish Church question? It ap pears to us a very simple one—that of cutting down the real matter of contention. Sir James Graham con tends for continued preference of the Protestant Church. To this we say that a Protestant Church is very will among a Protestant people, It is even very well among a Catholic people—provided it is not preferred. We 117140.1.(1 not unteach Roman Catholics the lesson that they cannot expel Protestantism from their country. We would not knuckle under to their ascendancy. We should think it worse than the present—worse in all respects except one—that it would at least express the popular opinion, and therefore would not remind the people of conquest and degradation. We do not wish to attach to this sentiment more weight than really belongs to it. We do nut believe, and have seen no proof, that the Protestant clergy are particularly un popular, since the conversion of tithe has removed them from collision with their parishioners. But they are not the clergy of the bulk of the population ; and there fore the avowal of political preference for them is the avowal of preference for an institution professedly in tended for the bulk of the population, and rational pre ference for which can only be founded on its fulfilling that intention. Substitute N for R, and instead of ra tional preference you have national preference. But what has our national preference to do with the Church of the Irish people ? What has the choice of a Church for another people to do with political union with that people ? Sir James Graham says everything. We say nothing ; and worse than nothing. It is a topic of dis union. That churches will not be fought against in these days we indeed believe ; but will they be fought for ? The Herald affirms they will ; and that the people of England are quite ready, if necessary, to do battle in the cause of the Irish Establishment. But mark the much less enthusiastic tone of Lord Eliot:—" There were agi .tators in Ireland who would not be satisfied with any measure short of the actual subversion of the Church, and he did not believe that that House, or any Parlia ment that might be summoned in this country, would consent to a total subversion of the Protestant Church." Nothing short, then, of the total subversion of the Pro testant Church appears to Lord Eliot likely much to stag ger the Parliament or the public. Now that. is just our opin ion too. And the sort of proposition we should found on it would be the division of Irish Church revenues among the three principal communions, Romish, Anglican, and Presbyterian—and the equal division—as likely to be attended with least dispute and difficulty. Lord John Russell indicated the policy of some such set tlement ; but it is not upon his, or any other party anthority, that we throw out the above sugges tion. That suggestion is founded on the view which seems to have prompted former measures—so for as they went—the view, namely, of diminishing the odium of the endowed and ascendant Church, by diminishing its ascendancy, and paring down its endowments. We would have done with the ascendancy, and the exclusive endowment altogether ; and when there is no bone of contention between sects, big enough to be worth wor rying one another for, we shall expect them—not, in deed, to cease quarrelling. but to cease disturbing the State with their quarrels. STANDARD.—The debate on the state of Ireland was resumed last night in the House of Commons, and again adjourned. The commencement of the discussion was unusually heavy, but it improved regularly in in terest with the last three speeches—Mr. Young's, Sir George Grey's, and, above all, Lord Eliot's, which was really excellent. But, after all, what remains to be said, upon the state of Ireland, that has not been said a thousand times ? or what practical remedy for Irish evils can be proposed that. is not al ready in active operation, or the necessary preparations for which are not earnestly pressed forward by the Go vernment ? The Opposition speakers are, therefore, limited to vague common-places, or to querulous and very unjust accusations ; but they can propose no thing definite, and they can prove nothing wrong. Their speeches, therefore, necessarily amount to nothing, and to be obliged to read, or listen to, hours of spoken nothing, is very wearisome. The Conservatives have a great advantage in this respect, for though such "special nothing " is dull in itself, very pleasant commentaries in verse or prose may be made upon it, as one of " The poets of Charles's days, The mob of gentlemen who wrote with ease," has sh own, and we doubt whether the verses of the poet in question upon " the elder brother even to shade," are better in their way than the speeches of Sir James Graham and Lord Eliot, in reply to Lord John Russell and Company. Something must be done for Ire land, say the Whigs and the ultra-wise Conservatives. Softly, gentlemen, we say. Suppose one of your selves thrown into a fever by bodily or mental exer tion ; what do you think is the first thing that a skilful physician would order in your case ? Would he physic you while still rolling in a rumbling diligence over the paved road of the Continent, or leave the pen in your hand, and the midnight lamp before you, while applying cupping-glasses and blisters ? No ; you are well aware that the first thing he would order is rest—rest which would probably work a cure by itself—rest, without which all other means of' relief would be undoubtedly in effectual. Before you prescribe your nostrums for Ireland, then, would it not be just as well to try what may be the effiet of that rest which the Government has won for her, more par ticularly as no two of you are agreed upon the proper nostrum ? how that rest has been won will be seen in an article which we have copied from the Morning Herald of this day ; the article is long, but we entreat that it may be carefully read, not merely as a complete vindication of the Attorney-General for Ireland, and of the Government which has the honour of having selected and supported such an officer, but as a vindi cation—of the British Constitution itself. Peace has at length been won for Ireland. The Repeal Association is already . melting away. Mr. O'Connell absents himself' upon -one false. pretence ; for what business has he here, .after having sworn that he would not set his foot in the Saxon Parliament ? The newspaper pro prietors withdraw on another false pretence, for it is not true that their newspapers were made evidence against the conspiracy because they were implicated; their "newspapers were made evidence against the con spiracy, because the conspirators in a corporate cha racter circulated those newspapers at their own charge, and in that way these newspapers would be evi dence, though the name o f a s i ng l e person connected with them did not appear upon the books of the conspi racy. Thus, the monster nuisance has been abated, and still we are told that nothing has been done ; and we are stunned with projects, the only possible effect of urging which, besides disturbing the present peace, must be to call into existence another like monster nuisance. The Secretary then read the Report. Mr. Wistiaw, in moving the adoption of the Report, com plained of the inefficient accommodation for third-class pas sengers, and suggested that a day train should be established for that class of persons. Mr. NicnoLsoN seconded the resolution. With reference to the subject referred to by the Hon. Proprietor who had just spoken, he begged to say that, in consequence of the complaints which had been made, he had himself travelled by a third-class carriage on this line, and he found no reason whatever to com plain of any inconvenience. —(Hear, hear. ) Mr. WILLIAMS, M.P., concurred with the mover of the resolution in the view which he had taken of this subject; and stated that, if the Directors did not make some alteration in the present arrangements, he should himself make a pro posal upon the subject. Mr. VOUSLEY deprecated any interference with the Direc tors as regarded this matter. The poor were in a better con dition now than under the old coach system ; and if the Share holders interfered the result would probably be that they would, by-and-bye, have to complain of low dividends. Several other Proprietors expressed their opinions on the same subject. The CHAIRMAN, in reply, contrasted the accommodation now afforded for third-class passengers with the most expen sive and luxurious mode of travelling formerly known to them, namely, the outside of a stage coach, where they were exposed to all the inclemency of the weather ; while by far the greater number were either compelled to walk, or jolted along the road, at the rate of two or three miles an hour.--( Hear, hear.) At all events, he hoped the Proprietors would not interfere until after the inquiry before the Committee of the House of Commons had been completed, and the evidence had been laid before the public.—( Hear, hear.) After a short conversation, the motion for the adoption of the Report was put and carried. Mr. WILLIAMS, M.P., moved the following resolution : " That it is the opinion of this meeting that a statement of the receipts and expenditure of this Company should be sent to each Proprietor four days previously to each half-yearly meeting." Mr. WisnAw seconded the resolution. After some discussion the resolution was withdrawn. A resolution was then passed declaring a dividend of 3 per cent. upon the profits of the last half year. A resolution was then proposed for the purpose of procuring an amicable settlement of the differences of this Company with the Birmingham and Gloucester Companies. A resolution was also passed for the construction of a branch line between Twyford and Basingstoke. The four retiring Directors were then re-elected. The meeting then resolved itself into a special meeting, fur the purpose of considering the propriety of applying to Par liament for a Bill for making a railway from the Great Western Railway at Pangbourne to the town of Newbury ; and a resolution in accordance with that object, and generally with the other objects stated in the notice paper, was passed, after some discussion. A vote of thanks was then given to the Directors, after which the meeting separated. GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY COMPANY. The half-yearly general meeting of the Proprietors of this Company , was held at the Paddington Station yesterday, at one o'clock, Mr. C. Russell, M.P., in the chair. The meeting, as stated in the notice, was made special, &c., for the purpose of considering and authorisingi the Directors to make application to Parliament, in the present session, to alter and enlarge - the powers of any Act or Acts relating to this Company, or to the Cheltenham - and Great Western Union Railway Company, •or to the Oxford Railway Company, as well as the propriety of .joining or becoming parties with any other person or persons in *applying to Parliament for a Bill for making a railway from the treat Western Railway at Pangbou r n e t o the town of New burParliament of agre e i ng w i t h any person or persons w h o s h a ll app l y 40.0tir liame n t f or suc h Bill , as to the expenses of such orapplica of the construction of such railway, or for taking on lease or use of such railway when made, upon such terms and .conditions as may seem pr oper. The CHAIRMAN said, the Directors would perceive by the 'accounts that the receipts fo r o the last half-y ear amounte d to :377,7971., whilst those to 359 ,h 37 e 6i corresponding h a lf-y ear fin 1842 amounted o n l y During that interval their line had been extended eig ht miles and th ree quarters. r The increase in the receipt s , therefore, ie was ie r more than propor tionate to the increase of di s t ance.— ill Gad been effected in that portion o f the TsA reduction expenditure over expenditure !ftwhich the Directors had cont ro l. For the last half-year of 1842 was P 9,417/. he !the last half-year of 1843, 129,436/. thatat fi rst flight would show no reduction of expendit ure ; but itt tolust be borne in mind, first, that in the latter period they had 'been working nine miles more than in the preceding one, and tsecondly, that there was a portion of the expenditure hover which they could exercise no control. The ltduty, rates, and taxes, for the last half-year of 1842, !amounted to 19,223/., those for the corresponding period in 1843 to 26,6291., showing an increase in those charges aef 7,4001. The expenditure being equal, it followed that the decrease in the charges of the establish ment, over which the Directors had control, was as ',surly as possible proportionate to the increase in those which were beyond their power, or about 7,500/. 7When the Directors undertook a revision of the expenditure, last year, they led the Proprietors to think that they would be Ikble toeffect i redaction of about 11,000/. But for this increase 1 THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 16 : 1844, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 15. The SPEAKER took the chair at Four o'Clock. NEW MEMBERS. Mr. SOTHERON, for North Wiltshire, and Mr. MAHER, for Tipperary, took the oaths and their seats. The Hon. Members were introduced by Mr. M. J. O'Connell and Mr. Estcourt. Mr. WATSON presented a petition from a number of soli citors in the metropolis, complaining of the high amount of compensation given to the six clerks, whose offices, in the Court of Chancery, were abolished under the late Act, and praying the House to take the subject into its consideration. WEEKLY AN TI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE MEETING AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE The usual weekly meeting of the League was held last night, in Covent-garden Theatre. The attendanoe was as large as on previous occasions. At seven o'clock the Chair was taken by the Hon. C. P. Villiers, M.P., when the following gentlemen were on the platform :—W. J. Fox, Esq., Joseph Parkes Esq., W. A. Wilkinson, Esq., Ralph Ricardo, Esq., J. P. Burnard, Esq., W. D. Christie, M.P. , P. A. Taylor, Esq., Dr. Cooke Taylor, T. F. Gibson, Esq. ' S. G. Hall, Es q ., P a tt erson, Esq., Preston, Esq., W. S. Burton, Esq., He nr y K ee li ng, Esq., William Clay, Esq., Arthur Patti son , E sq ., W. T . Hodgkin, Esq., Pennock Tigar, Esq. (of Beverley), Jabez Johnson, Esq. (of Manchester), John Bell, Esq., M.P., Thos. Wakley, Esq., M.P., Charles Williams, Esq., Dr. Simpson, T. Mason, Esq., D. Aumonier, Esq., T. Ruston, Esq., J. Phelps, Esq., G. Ridout, Esq., Wynn, Esq., Sir Valentine Blake, John M'Leod, Esq., J. Cox, Esq., Dr. Hitchman, Summers Harford, Esq., F. Roe, Esq., M. Thackeray, Esq., J. Dyke, Esq., W. A. Thomson, Esq., Wm. Vgar, Esq., George Lambert, Esq., Thomas Bateman, Esq., John Thompson, Esq., J. Anderson, Esq., . George Osborne, Esq., Richard Lloyd, Esq., Samuel Drewell, Esq., Wm. Reynolds, Esq., Thomas Harbottle, Esq. (Manchester), W. J. Scott, Esq. (Manchester), C. 0. Boyce, Esq., John Yardley, Esq., John Burtt, Esq., E. Jackman, E sq ., G rant , E sq ., R . H arrison, Esq., Mark Perkins, Esq., J. D. Gaskell, Esq., Joy, Esq., Sir William Baynes, Bart., F. H. Toone, Esq., W. Roberts, Esq., John Chadwick, Esq., F. Scheer, Esq., N. Overbury, Esq. (Westbury, Wilts), R. Overbury, Esq. (Westbury, Wilts), W. H. Birchall, Esq. ( London), H. Birchall, Esq. (Leeds), M. H. Basnett, Esq., Michael Stocks, Esq. (Hali fax), Henry Edwards, Esq., Fullerton, Esq., Joseph Ro binson, Esq., Richard W. Cole, Esq., James Harmer, Esq., Professor Key, &c., &c. The CHAIRMAN, in opening the meeting, after some pre fatory remarks, said the objects of the League were identified with the interests of the country at large, though they we re op posed to sinister influe nces i n both Houses of Parliament. They lived in times when there was no chance of good go vernment, except through the influence of enlightened public opinion. The gross misrepresentations of the objects of the League indicated the fears of their opponents. What they wished to do was to produce in the public mind a sense of the evils which flowed from the present system of commercial re striction.—(Cheers.) Since the last meeting of the League in that place, that word which had been thought effectual to stay the cries of an injured people in the sister country—(Load cheers)—he meant conspiracy, had been applied to the meetings of the League in that theatre. How far that ex pression was applicable he could not pretend to say, but the use of the term showed how much their progress alarmed the advocates of monopoly.—( Hear, hear.) They had the authority of the head of the Government for saying that their principles were founded on common sense.—(Laughter and cheers.) Whatever progress, therefore, they might have made was a progress towards the carrying out of common sense principles. —(Cheers.) What kind of sense those exhibited who had an object precisely the opposite of theirs, it was not for him to say.—( Laughter.) NO other answer had been given to their charges against monopolists except such as was conveyed by vulgar abuse ; and such a weapon would never be effectual against the League.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Those who had conspired to reveal and make manifest truth would not fear the censure of those in authority ; but they would re joice in it as a proof of the triumphant progress of their cause.—( Cheers. ) Mr. IluaME then came forward to address the meeting. He said he had been for many years an anxious labourer in pro moting the great object for which that League was formed. He looked with great satisfaction at the progress which had been made in that question. In a House consisting of 600 Members, be made a motion, the object of which waste remove gradually the duty , on c !rn, he found but thirteen supporters. ( Hear, hear.) Very different was the state of things at pre sent. Every hour's experience showed that the objects of the League were based on immutable principles, and every day brought fresh adherents to the cause. He had been detained that evening from attending the committee room of the League, by remaining in the House of Commons to witness the arrival of a great veteran in the redress of grievances.—(Loud and long-continued cheering.) One of his reasons for accept ing the invitation which he had received to address the meeting was, that it would afford him an opportunity of expressing his opinion as to the manner in which public meetings had been assailed in Ireland, by the proceedings against those men who had been placed on their trial in that conntry.—(Cheers. There was no great public meeting in this country which would not be assailed in the same manner if the 'parties had courage to carry out their own wishes.—( Hear, hear.) It became every man w h o f e l t interested in the cause ' of üblic liberty to come forward an d protest against thisinterference lest he himself should become its victim. Since he last had the pleasure of addressing such a meeting as that which was there assembled, an important change had taken place in the 1 country. Formerly they were met by a general assertion that the monopoly of food was necessary, not for the landlords but for the labouring population, for whose benefit alone restrictive laws were imposed and continued. But the evidence had since been withdrawn ; the truth had come out ; and it was now avowed in the speeches made by the League formed against the Anti-Corn-law League—( Hear, hear )—that these laws were continued in order to maintain rents and to keep up prices. This was a most important step in the progress of their career ; for no honest man could now stand up and declare that these laws ought to be continued. It was for the mass of the people to say how long exclusive laws should exist.—( Cheers.) Another most important change had taken place. The Prime Minister of England, Sir Robert Peel, had, in 1842, declared himself a convert to free-trade principles, and he expounded those principles in a manner which would do credit to any statesman. How mor tifying to find that the man who had made such declarations should now submit to be dictated to by the landed interest of the country.--( Hear, hear.) The Duke of Richmond had told him that if he ventured to propose any altera tion, lie should go out of office ; and at a meeting of the opposition League, he was told that the country gentlemen placed him in power, and i f he did not support them, they would net suffer him to retain power.— (Laughter.) This was the state of the question. They now knew their relative positions. In a country which had all the requisites for making its inhabitants happy and powerful, their wealth was interfered with, their privileges were nar rowed, and they were kept in a state of great misery and suffering, in order that monopolists might continue to flourish. He knew no reason why certain capitalists should have pro tection, whilst merchants and manufacturers were amerced for their , upport.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The League demanded that all restrictions should be removed. The people had wherewith to buy ; their warehouses were loaded with goods ; their ships were ready to convey English manufac tures to all parts of the world. Should monopolists be per mitted to say that they should not enjoy the fruits of their industry ? He had cut out from the Times a few days since thirteen or fourteeen advertisements of different institutions, formed for the relief of destitution. Was that state of things to be permitted ?—( Hear, hear.) He was an advocate of free trade generally, but the most important branch of it was free trade in corn. Let them secure that, arid they would soon have free trade in everything.—( Cheers. ) Mr. CHRISTIE, M.P., next addressed the meeting. He congratulated them that no Government proclamation had as yet been issued against the Anti-Corn-law League ; though, two nights ago, Sir James Graham had uttered what must have been intended as a warning to the Anti-Corn-law League. He said that the altered circumstances of the times required an alteration in the law of conspiracy, and, quoting a maxim of Madame de Steel, he said that, now-a-days, leagues held their meetings in theatres, and traitors built conciliation-halls, to disseminate sedition.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was not from Sir James Graham that such language might have been expected ; for the Home Secretary had refused to allow the police to attend the meetings of the League in that theatre, thereby giving testimony to their peaceable character.-- (Laughter.) He reerred to the adhesion of Lord Morpeth to free trade principles, as an event of great importance, and ex pressed a hope that Lord John Russell, the leader of the Oppo sition, would follow his example.---( Cheers. ) Mr. W. J. Fox addressed the meeting in a powerful and eloquent speech. He commenced by referring to a state ment that the Corn-law League had dwindled into in significance. It had dwindled, he said, from a revenue of 50,0001. a year to one of 100,0001., from small local gatherings to such as he then beheld. It had dwindled from petitioning the House of Commons into appealing to its masters. The League was not dependent either on Sir Robert Peel or on any other party leader, and nothing could stop its progress. The dicta of parties would have no influence over it. As well might it be supposed that its success would be retarded or prevented by the bellowing of the hull in Tamworth Park. —( Great laughter.) He then referred to the combinations against the League, and to the charge of conspiracy brought against it, neither of which, he said, in the least alarmed its supporters. He expressed his sympathy with those who were to be punished for the use of free speech in the sister isle. Mr. O'Connell did not, however, need their sympathy, for even in a dungeon, if he were sent to a dungeon, he would rule—and in the thoughts and hearts and devotion of the nation would be served.—(Great cheering ) Many charges had recently been brought against the League ; amongst them was the charge that they sent paid lecturers about the country. The greatest lecturer of all—one who spoke with undying power to the heart of humanity and the cause of free trade—was the love of justice. Another charge brought against the League was that they had forged petitions —and it was stated that a man had been employed to copy signatures from the tombstones in a churchyard. There was at least great shrewdness in the rogue, for many were the victims of monopoly lying cold in the grave.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The corn-laws were said to be maintained for the benefit of the labourers. The landholders loved the labourer ; they loved him so much that they took care that his fine proportions should not be spoilt by too ample living. —(Hear.) He was gifted with twenty-pence a day if the weather were fine, and with nothing if it were wet. It was said that the corn-laws was retained as a security for the agricultural population. He denied that the landholders had any title to that appellation. If they were to designate the occupations of men by the use which they made of their pro perty, the Marquis of Westminster would he one of the greatest b icklayers in London, the Duke of Bedford one of the most distinguished dramatists and musicians, and the clergy of Westminster Abbey professors of prostitution.—( Great laughter.) The landed proprietors of England were formerly the nation,- but they were so no longer. In order to make them the nation they must turn back the wheels of time, and bring the country back to barbarism. They had many advantages, but they were not content with them.—(Hear, he ar .) They might depend upon it that feudalism was past, and that the spirit of feudalism could not govern this country. The spirit of feudalism must succumb to the genius of humanity. The spirit, the principles, and the power of feudalism must stand by and make way for the rights of industry, and for the pro gress of the nation, towards commercial, political, and intellec tual liberty. (The Hon. Gentleman concluded amidst loud and long •continued cheering.) The CHAIRMAN then stated that Mr. O'Connell had con sented to attend the next weekly meeting, an announcement which was received with vociferous applause. The meeting then separated. CENTRAL CRIVIINAL COURT. OLD COURT. (Before the RECORDER.) Henry Sheminine, aged 30, was indicted for a misdemeanour in obtaining money by false pretences. From the evidence adduced, it appeared that the prisoner had been a seaman on board her Majesty's ship Phantom, and he had gone to lodge with a woman named Brown, in the neighbourhood of Wrapping, and he represented to his landlady that he was entitled to upwards of 2001. as prize money, for the capture of slaves on the coast of Africa, the Phantom having been engaged in that service. Upon the faith of that representation she had advanced him various sums of money amounting to 361., and according to her state ment she had even pledged her own clothes and other articles to raise the money. It subsequently turned out that the prisoner was not entitled to more than 461., and that he had already received the greater part of that amount from a ship agent, to whom he had sold his interest. The prisoner, in his defence, declared that the prosecutrix, while he lodged in her house, charged him double the value for every article he had, and that when he borrowed one pound ofher she charged ten in his account. The jury found the prisoner Guilty, and the Recorder sen tenced him to eighteen months' imprisonment. In consequence of an intimation that there was some pro bability of the prosecutrix getting part of her money, the sentence was ultimately annulled, and judgment respite(' until the next session. Elizabeth Brown, who was convicted on Monday of rob bing a Mr. Robert Clavering Savage, with whom she had been first connected as chere amie, and afterwards as a do mestic, was sentenced to two years' imprisonment and hard labour. The Court then adjourned to Monday, the 4th March. SENTENCES, &c. At the termination of the session a number of prisoners were brought up to receive judgment, and some to have the sentences which had been passed instanter revised. The sub joined are the principal sentences:— Transportation for Life—T. Lawrence, T. Edwards, J. Davis, alias Blythe, 11. Robinson. For Twenty Years—J. Smyth, alias Boodle. For Fifteen Years—J. Lawrence, C. Edwards, Thomas Ed monds, J. Marabello, W. Johnson. For Fourteen Years—J. Stagg. For Ten Years—P. Murphy, J. Boyd, J. Davis, J. Frost, J. Hert, W. Hammett, J. Hutchinson, W. Wicking, P. Con nor, T. Connor, N. Kershaw, J. Reeves, T. Friend, W. Murdy, T. Smith. For Seven Years—W. Holder, H. Cooper, W. Hammett, 11. Anscomb, J. N. Watson, T. W. Jones, H. Payne, G. Pellett, J. Hughes, E. M. Jones, E. Thompson, G. Hureum, 11. Alford, A. Shepherd, J. Green, S. Hurman, S. Johnson, H. Neal, C. Evans, T. Leaton, S. Brown, 11. Williams, G. Neal, T. Hook, 0., Fran c i s , W. Hengk. IMPRISONMENT AND HARD LABOUR. The convicts hereafter named. were sentenced to be kept to hard labour, in the House of Correction, for the counties wherein their offences were alleged to have been committed, for the following periods : For Two Years—Mary Cook, Emma Knight, C. Brown, E. Todd, S. Trussler, W. Knight, G. Curtis, S. Hansford, W. Handiford, C. Scott. For Eighteen Months—J. Petrie, T. Smith, E. Winter, T. Broadle, C. Beckley. For One Year—T. Parr, G. Bowles, S. Mullins, S. Pettitt, G. Jones, W. Smith, H. Jefcott, H. Melford, E. .Nugent, C. Murray, S. Broughton, alias Judd, T. Brown, J. wood, G. Stokes, T. Goodman, W. Anderson, R. Emery, T. Tyson, J. M'Carty, J. Sponser, G. Gardener, S. Collicutt, T. Jefcott, H. Milford, W. Henderson. For Nine Months—G. Griffiths, J. Elmes, T. Cunningham, S.. Bears, S. Jones, alias Casey, W. Glenell. For Eight Months—J. Harradine. ' For SiX Months—W. Scurrow, Maidon, J. Jefcott, W. Anderson, J. F. Watson, R. Eldridge, T. Higgins, W. Sawyer, ' T. Britain, E. Kelly, W. Jones, Sarah Smith, Elizabeth Rey nolds, Mary Lewis, Elizabeth Fowler, Mary M'Carty, Jane Penn, Emily Ferns, Elizabeth Reynolds, Mary Hen kess, H. Jones, W. Drumscourt, A. Kelly,- W. Tait, C. Wil liams, W. Dear, T. Smith, T. Stacey, J. Baker, W. Ward, 'l'. Scott, T. Allen, G. Webb, C. Allen, IL Hadden, H. James, P. Bendon, J. Wilson, H. Knight, T. Felix, S. Headford, F. Sullivan, F. Graham, T. Hursant, B. Burton, C. Harnett A. Bentley. W. Funn. , For Four Months—T. Willock, H. Hancock, T. Smith, R. May, T. Durrant, Mary Lewis, Sarah Ann Hunt, J. Bartho lomew, J. Hickinson, N. King, T. Webb, G. Griffiths. For Three Months—G. Chadwick, F. D. Legron, E. Hank ings, G. Chapman. W. Holmes, C. Rumbell, G. Fudey, E. Mayes, T. Turner, E. Llls, 11. Joyce, W. Way, alias Ro berts, H. Cunningham, W. Berkley, I'. Henderson, T. Blake man, J. Defour, T. Thompson, I'. Parker, J. Sharp, J. White, T. Berry, 11. Way, J. Tush, T. M`Ginty, T. Henderson, J. Harris, 'W. Warde, G. Lamb, W. Pratt, W. Lawson, D. Collorn, Ellen Turner, Sarah Williams, R. Simmons, W. Anderson. For Two Months—J. Fennsburv, C. Hemmings, J. Jen kins, J. Williams, T. Byrn, J. Smith, T. Williams, Mary Ann Knight, D. Callaghan, T. Raskelly, W. Churchill, J. Gabruth, T. Briggs, 'l'. Connor, T. Read, J. Stedman. THE FRENCH ARMY.—It appears from a recent return that the French army has, at this moment, 75 regi ments of infantry of the line, and 25 of light infantry, each of 3 battalions ; 10 battalions of chasseurs d'Orleans, 2 foreign regiments, 3 battalions of light African infantry, 5 battalions of zouaves, and 3 of native tirailleurs in Africa ; 3 regiments of marine infantry, 30 companies of marine artil lery, which number is to be extended to 40, and 6 companies of )vorkmen in the ports. The cavalry is formed of 2 regi ments of carabineers, 10 of cuirassiers, 12 of dragoons, 8 of lancers, 13 of chasseurs, and 9 of hussars, each of 5 squa drons; 4 regiments of African chasseurs, the three first of 6, and the other of 5 squadrons ; 15 squadrons of spahis, and the cavalry school of Samnur. The artillery is composed of 14 regiments, of which 10 have 15 batteries, and 4 have 14; 1 regiment of pontonniers, 12 of artil lery workmen, and 6 squadrons of park artillery. There are 3 regiments entrineers, 1 battalion of ouvriers d'administra tion, 4 squadrons du train des equipages, and 4 companies of workmen of the same branch. The veterans consist of 8 companies of non-commissioned officers, 4 companies of horse, 10 of fusiliers, 13 of gunners, 1 of engineers, and 2 of artil lery. In the compagnies de discipline, there are Bof fusiliers, and 4of pioneers. The above is exclusive of the sapeurs pompiers and municipal guard of Faris, and the gendarmerie of the department. CORN-LAWS. Lord WORSLEY presented petitions from places in Lin colnshire and Scotland, complainin,g of the conduct of the Anti-Corn-law League, and praying that the House would not consent to any reduction of the present inadequate protection. METROPOLITAN BUILDINGS. The Earl of LINCOLN moved for leave to bring in a Bill far the better construction of buildings in the metropolis. COMMUNICATION WITH AMERICA. Sir VALENTINE BLAKE gave notice of his intention to bring under the consideration of the House a motion for a Select Committee to inquire into the expediency of promoting a more speedy communication between this country and Ame rica, by establishing steam carriages in connection with the grand canal across Ireland, and thence by steamer across the Atlantic. Sir R. PEEL was understood to state that the discussion o the question would be premature on the present occasion. ARMY IN IRELAND. Lord CLEMENTS gave notice that on Tuesday next he should move for a return of the salaries and stations of every officer who had been sent to Ireland on particular or secret service. Also for a return of the expense of the military and police force in Ireland during the year 1843 ; also, for a return of the expense of erecting barracks and police stations in that country ; and fo r severa l re t urns con nected with the registration of arms in Ireland. RAILWAYS. Mr. WALLACE gave notice that, on Thursday the 29th, he should call the attention of the House to the general state of railway communication throughout the United Kingdom. THE CLONTARF MEETING, Colonel RAWDON gave notice that, on Thursday the 29th, he should call the attention of the House to the circumstances attending the issue of the proclamation against the meeting at Clontarf. He also gave notice that he should to-morrow move for certain returns connected with the expense of the army in Ireland. _ POOR-LAW. Mr. LIDDELL, on behalf of Lord Ashley, postponed the motion of the Noble Lord, which stood for this evening, re lating to the administering of relief to the sick poor. FACTORIES BILL. Sir J. GRAHAM moved the Order of the Day for the, Committee on the Factories Bill, for the purpose of postpone ment till to-morrow fortnight. Mr. HINDLEY wished to know whether it was probable any further postponement would take place. Ile knew that many of the provisions of the Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet had given great satisfaction in the manufacturing districts. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said it was his intention to proceed with the Bill on to-morrow fortnight. The Committee on the Bill was then postponed. EDUCATION. Mr. WYSE mowed that an address be presented to her Ma jesty praying that she would be graciously pleased to direct that the Minutes of Council taken upon the subject of education in Great Britain be laid before the House.—Agreed to. ELECTION COMMITTEES. The names of those Members of the House, who being sixty years •f age are exempted from serving on Election Committes, were called over. Sir R. PEEL moved for exemption from serving upon Election Committees as long as he had the honour of holding the office of First Lord of the Treasury.--Agreed to. Similar motions were made by Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as long as they had the honour of holding their respective offices --Agreed to. Mr. GREENE moved for exemption from serving upon Committees as long as he continued to discharge the duties o Chairman of Committees on opposed private Bills.—Agreed to. The SPEAKER called upon Mr. Hume.—(Laughter.) Mr. HUME—I beg to be excused—(Laughter) —on ac. count of age. i pi gt ithhrseett eepctiorooir:ciemenodl late antoi nrsoieydfbaGs PUBLIC BUSINESS. Mr. HUME wished to know from the Right Hon. Gentle man, the First Lord of the Treasury, when he would bring for ward the estimates? Sir R. PEEL said he proposed following the course adopted during the last session, and would waive the right of proceeding with Government business, on Government nights, during the debate. Mr. HUME said he supposed the estimates then would come on on Monday. Mr. TRELAWNY postponed till Monday the motion of which he had given notice for a Select Committee to inquire respecting the Duchy of Cornwall. rot '.‘ te r e . fGorlßanSOteNquatrlysotoptoosttphoenteadwhsits.emleotttoiogntoforraamSt'tetgle.ct Com- The other motions on the paper were also postponed. The Offences at Sea Bill was read a third time and passed. STATE OF IRELAND—ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. ROSS rose to move the Order of the Day for the ad . journed debate. He said he was heartily in favour of the proposition of the Noble Lord (John Russell) for a Select Committee to inquire into the causes of discontent and dis affection which prevailed in Ireland. He had listened with great attention to what fell from Honourable Gentlemen oppo site ; but he confessed that although ha heard some intimation of measures which were not only unobjectionable, but even having some amount of good in them, still he had heard no thing from the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Department, of a disposition to remove the complicated maladies of Ireland, or any intimation of an intention to deal out that measure of justice which had been so long and so ear nestly sought.—( Hear, hear.) He thought, therefore, that the interference of this House was more than ever essentially necessary to the welfare of Ireland—indeed, for the safety of the whole empire.—(Hear, hear.) So little did the Right Hon. Gentleman seem to regard the complaints of the Irish people—so little did he attend to their rights, that he was at issue with the great body of the people of that country—with the majority of their representatives, who constituted a formid able minority in that House—(Hear)—with a great mass of the people of England and of Scotland, and with all the world who are spectators, to whom his policy in Ireland appeared to be in explicable. It must appear inexplicable and astonishing to any foreigner who read our history, to observe that after a connexion of six centuries, and a nominal incorporation of forty-three years, no real union or consolidation of interests had taken place. It must be astonishing, that with the opinion of statesmen and of sages in favour of a more con ciliatoryas of p acsotuf arhgraeiecect;6olnr aiytn:hadtithiheeeedv eeßwnx obsti nately bent upon persisting in the unfortunate course, that was calculated to fill the whole civilised world with astonishment. The vast empire of India was governed by an attention frontier t i i t er wer ewel v itgi administrationr n e g e aot nh e rsfa t e ea l nasetamsbmmt i aosoo aoe e fnnnpll vsttui proper absolute, pua7taetps laws.-- ( roaa: a nnwnHo s dshee.tgfnhotrtdr . w ell conciliation ; but in Ireland, to th is moment, no such promise The gaols u m d l S ofw s tn i be b t p acify irl l a w cho i du l l wasntry alone me was n eminently were erewanting. soothed successful. by i w , exer ciseeaas rof f) held moral out. power It was Legislature awsaoi empty—the soldiers useless. l(ttelTahhfxrheepgtoheet Hear, r r defi a mt n Ge h q l ehioeuonevi feelings a l e grerwi impartial, . nuo)a a nnlfsj t d i uhet tranquillization n rstt tiehe o (dhs f ial l dor r . e , ee l oa a ßpnr n oot d pai s continued the u,olspopular rights, tignhthat t he course, sam e and trao h g a u d i l l e t n t y would have continued. it happened during that time that this country became involved in difficulties with one of the colonies ; and, in allusion to that subject, a Noble and Learned Lord in the other House quoted from Mr. Fox a passage, to which he (Mr. Ross) would refer, and w hi ch had previously been cited by a Noble Lord in this House ( Lord Jehn Russell). He had no doubt that the Noble Lord conceived the use made of the quotation was more able than just.--( Hear, hear. ) The Hon. Gentleman then read an extract:from a speech of Lord Brougham's, and went on to ask where was that parental care exhibited for Ireland of which the Noble and Learned Lord had spoke—whose c omplaints were now unheeded—whose hopes disappointed? Were they those of the people of Ireland ? And with respect to the political leader of that people, Mr. O'Connell, he must say, it was unfair to charge him with want of sincerity in his endeavours to serve his country. The men who were called " O 'Connell's police" were appointed in good faith to preserve peace and order at the repeal meetings, and very successful they were in carrying out that object. He repeated, he believed that Mr. O'Connell was perfectly sincere, and it was a very hard thing indeed to proceed against him by criminal prosecution for his exertions. Had he not frequently said, thatone Gentlemen drop of ebn me looeelwn charge db g e e too dear a price for any g oo d he could obtain ? and upon what ground, he asked, would Honourable Mr. O'Connell with being a hypocrite, and say that his words were smoother than oil, but that his thoughts breathed nothing but violence ? [Here the Honourable and Learned Member for Coil( ( Mr. O'Connell) entered the House. His first ap pearance at the door was the signal for a loud and enthusiastic burst of applause from all the Members of the Opposition, which, as well as those on the Ministerial benches were much crowded . The cheers as the Hon. and Learned Gentleman walked up the floor of the House, were renewed again and again, and as he took his seat in his usual place, Mr. Hume and several other Hon. Gentlemen around crowded forward, and shook him warmly by the hand. Mr. Ross, who was addressing the House, was then about to resume his observations, when the applause again burst forth, and was continued for some seconds, when the excitement ceased ) Mr. ROSS proceeded to ask, was it wise in them to treat the man who had been received in the way in which Mr. O'Connell was received at that moment, as they had treated him ?—(Loud cheers.) They might put him in a gaol.—( Loud cheering.) How much safer would they be if they did so ?—( Cheers. ) 'What security would there be if he declared—( Continued cheering, and cries of " Oh, oh.") He treated this as a political question. He asked them to pursue the same course in Ireland which they had pursued in Canada.—(Cheers, and Hear, hear. ) Had they well considered the consequences of alienating the Irish people. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the Arms Bill, the only consequence of which was that it caused alarm and consternation in Ireland, and all persons were anxious to procure arms. He knew himself a clergyman of the Established Church, who went about the country procuring arms for the Orangemen, and large collections of arms and ammunition were made for them on the easy terms of paying for them by instalments. lie believed that the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland was aware of this. In one place 3,000 arms had been registered. What, then, ought to be done in such a state of things? In the first place, he thought that the religion of the majority of the peopl e o f I re l an d oug ht t o be scrupulously regarded. The affections of the people ought to be cultivated, and every abuse ought to be found out with a keen eye, and cut away with a firm hand. Such were the means they ought to adopt instead of fruitlessly scattering the revenue of the country in supporting troops in Ireland. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the opinion of Lord Bacon, who, after giving a very flattering de scription of the fertility of Ireland, and her bold, hardy, and active population, said that they ought to unite the hand of man with the hand of nature to elevate and raise her. An Hon. Gentleman said last night that the discontent of Ireland was owing to the physical discontent of her people. He denied that that was the fact. No doubt it not was those one cause who w cause; but ere the poorer d oor i e s r oo c o l t a e s e se te. classes of Irelandltwas were the educated class who felt themselves to be inadequately repre sented and who were most discontented. Notwithstanding what had been said by the Right Hon. Gentleman to explain the striking off of the Catholics from the panel, he confessed that he was not altogether satisfied. He was not satisfied that the proper measures had been taken with respect to Mr. Dunn; and with regard to Mr. Hendrick, some charge appeared to be hanging over him which no one could guess at. The people of Ireland were discontented at the manner in which justice had been administered. It was not very gratifying, and could not be very satisfactory to the people of Ireland for him, the Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, to say that he spoke under correction of the counsel for the Crown. That was not language which, in his opinion, ought to be used by so high a judicial functionary. Th ere was no medium or safe course between a government of conciliation and a government of violence. He did not believe that her Majesty'e present Government contemplated a government by force for any length of time ; and as to the other course, that of conciliation and concession, he knew it would be very disagreeable to them and to those who supported them ; it would require great patience, great moderation, and some considerable sacrifice, but they must make up their minds that Ireland must be a Popish country. He knew that it was difficult, but they must make up their minds to it—not less than had been done in Scotland, of which country the institutions were in many respects at greater variance with the Anglican Church than with the Roman Catholic.—( Hear.) They must arrive at equality. They must not remain in addition, substract ion. and division ; to arrive at equality, they !MIS , go to the rule of proportion—to the rule of three.—( Laughter.) But by no pos=sibility could they reconcile the present state of the Church to the feelings of the people or to justice. Could they by possibility make up their minds to go the length which he, and others on his side of the House, thought they ought to go, they would no longer have to say that Ireland was their difficulty.—( Loud cheers.) The Hon. Member sat down amidst much cheering, in which his concluding sentence was quite lost. Mr P. BORTHWICK said that in the able speech which the House bad just heard, the Honourable Gentleman did not say what remedies he would propose in the social, civil, or ecclesiastical institutions of Ireland. If the Hon ourable Gentleman proposed to establish the Roman Ca tholic Church in Ireland as the Presbyterian Church was established in Scotland—and he ( Mr. Borthwick) thought that by far the most equitable and feasible arrangement—yet he believed that the Hon. Member would have no more determined opponent to such a proposition than the Noble Lord who sat beside him ( Lord John Russell). With respect to the late trials, he must confess that he had looked upon it with dread. He thought that one result of it must be that it would increase the influence of the Libe rator, who would now be regarded by the people not merely as an agitator, but as a martyr in their cause. However, it would have this advantage, that it world enable the Government to advance to Ireland with measures of conciliation, when they were in a condition to say that concession had not been extorted by intimidation—when they had put an end to those multitudinous meetings which disquieted Ireland, and, he might say, alarmed Europe. What benefit (IA they expect would arise from a debate on the sufferings of Ireland in that House? Why, none what ever—or rather the effect of a debate, which would be nothing but an interchange of charges between the opposing parties, would be but to embitter the animosities which dis tracted that country and add to the fuel that consumed it. That would be the effect of a debate, and not a remedy for the evils of the country. The Honourable Gentleman who had spoken last said that Mr. O'Connell was perfectly sincere in his desire to benefit his country. lie (Mr. Borthwick) for one never had the slightest doubt that the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork in his long career had only in view the good of his country. But he was not to judge of the lion. and Learned Gentleman's motives, but of the results of his career, and if he were asked whether it were better to assist the Minister of the Crown in proposing re medial measures fur Ireland. er aid in taking from that House the power of legislating for that country, he could have no hesi tation in giving the preference to the former course. With re spect to the motion of the Noble Lord (J. Russell), he must certainly oppose it, because no good to Ireland could result from it. Suppose that, instead of Lord Normanhy, an Orange man had been Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, would it not have been considered very unfair to quota the opinions and policy of such an ultra-Lord-Lieutenant, as a precedent for future Lord-Lieutenants. He craved permission of Hon. Gentlemen opposite to consider that sympathy for the people of Ireland was not entirely confined to themselves—they should give Hon. Members on this ride of the House credit for acting, according to their honest convictions. No measure could be more calcu lated to confer any practical benefit on the Irish people than the motion of the Noble Lord, nor hardly any measure more productive of mischief.—( Hear) No favourable issue could be anticipated from it, and he felt it to be his bounden duty to give that motion his most strenuous opposition. And in - so doing he would not be actuated by any motive of indifference or dis like to the interests of the people of Ireland, and he sincerely wished that the government of that people might be carried out in the spirit of affection and good-will, in such a manner as would secure ultimate peace and prosperity to that country. There was a disposition on the other side of the House, to attri bute every vote given in favour of Ministers to a haired of Ireland—that was a most unjust aspersion. The Noble Lord had alluded to the term " aliens," used by the Lord Chancellor. lie thought sufficient explanation had been given to the House that that word had not been used in an invidions sense. The Eng lish aliens in the same sense as the Irish were in the way Lord Lyndhurst had used the word.— ( Hear, hear.) They were aliens to the Irish as the Irish were to them. He could hardly wonder at strong expressions having b: en used by the Hun. Member for Cork, when the Noble Lord, the Member for London, condescended to have recourse to such paltry party sub. terfuges. The agitator .vas no longer the Member for Cork, but the Noble Lord, the Member for the city of Lon don. Agitation had been transferred to the benches opposite. The Hon. and Learned Member for Cork had been received in that House in a spirit of good- will. He participated in that spirit. But as they sat in that House as legislators, he was of opinion those who so received him after his conviction must be inimical and hostile to the good of the State.--( Cheers.) He (Mr. Borthwick) had the greatest respect for the abilities of that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and he believed he was sincere in the policy he pursued, though he was net very coura teouslv received even by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman himself, when on one occasion he said so. Now that the law had been vindicated, he did not wish he should receive any punishment.—( Hear, hear.) 'I he people of Ireland would now perceive that the language addressed to them by Mr. O'Connell was not to be tolerated. They would see he was not to be a Viceroy over her Majesty, and was not to supersede both Houses of Parliament. He thought the empire owed the present Government a debt of gratitude for putting down the agitation, and he now hoped that they would follow it tipo by developing the great resources of prosperity in Ireland, and would pull up all those noxious weeds which would tend to foster any similarly obnoxious agitation: Sir H. WINSTON BARRON said he did not rise for the purpose of answering the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, but he rose to ask whether, after this country had pos sessed Ireland for 700 years, they were still determined to keep her by a military occupation ? The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, confessed that she was to be so held, and no Hon. Gentleman denied it. Now he would ask in sober sadness, as an Irishman—of the people of England, of the people of cotland, the people of Wales, of the whole civilized world, whether this was a state of things which could be borne by any men of spirit who had hearts to feel or kends to act? He did not say it by way of menace, but he asked them did they think the people of Ireland ought to submit to it ? They would not submit to be kept in military bondage by any nation.— ( Cheers.) You would not submit to it yourselves. You extracted Alagna Charta from one King, and you brought another—he would not then inquire whether justly or no—to the block, because he attempted to encroach upon your liber ties ; and when you would not submit to be tyrannised yourselves, do you think the people of Ireland will submit to it ?—( Cheers. ) It was not in human nature to submit to it, and the people of Ireland would not long submit to it. He would never join in any armed opposition to the laws of the land—he would never unite in any military array against the Government, if such arose in the country ; but did they think that seven millions of Irishmen had the same reasons for not doing so which he had ? The country , was poor and distracted—it was in a state approaching to disor ganization. They had many grievances to complain of, as he was prepared to show, upon the authority of men possessed of large fortunes in the country—men of rank—men who seldom mix themselves up in political agitation. A petition had been presented to Parliament by men representing property amount ing, at least, to 800,000/. or 600,000/. a-year. The Hon. Gen tleman then referred to the petition agreed to at Charlemont House, and setting forth the grievances of the country. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the address of the Irish Mem bers at the close of the last session of Parliament. They sot forth the grievances of the country, and, amongst other things, they complained that the resources of the country were not developed. This, in his opinion, was one of the greatest evils afflicting Ireland. The second demand of the Irish represen- - tatives last year was, the recognition of perfect equality with regard to ecclesiastical and educational arrangements between the several religious classes into which the population of Ireland is divided; the third was a more ample representation ; the fourth, a franchise adequate to giving full expression to public opinion ; the fifth, an assimilation of municipal rights in both countries ; the sixth, that Ireland should participate more largely in the benefit of the public expenditure. That was a matter which had been sadly neglected by the British Legisla ture—by English Chancellors of the Exchequer—and by none more than by the Right Hon. Gentleman, whom lie saw oppo site. The seventh demand was, that, in the administra tion of the Government, the profession of the Roman Catholic faith, should be no longer a ground virtually, as it had ceased to be one legally, of exclusion from official situations. And on this subject he must advert to the anomalous position in which Ireland found herself. There was not a place of honour and emolument there which was not filled with men totally ignorant of, and unconnected with, Ireland—men who first set their foot on the soil of Ireland ashen they went to fill a situation there. Then, with respect to legislative representation, Ireland ot as entitled to at least 130 Members. Why, he askesi, should not Ireland have as many voters, in proportion to her population and resources, as Eng land ? Were not the voters in that country as independent, and as worthy of the franchise, as the voters in England? Were they not rather more independent, for it was a well-known fact that a tenant in England never ventured to vote against the wishes of his landlord, while, in Ireland, the voter invariably voted according to his conscience. He knew an instance of his position with respect to the English voter, which bore him out in his assertion. In a county of England with which he was acquainted, a Noble Lord possessed an estate, the tenants upon which always voted for a Whig candidate at elections, because the Noble Lord was of Whig principles. The heir who afterwards inherited the estate was of opposite principles, and what was the consequence ? Why, the tenants voted at the last election for the Conservative candidate, a thing they never did in their lives before. With respect to taxation, which was a matter of the utmost importance in an inquiry into the state of Ireland, very erroneous statements were very in dustriously circulated. A writer, in whom Honourable Gen tlemen opposite seemed to have great confidence, had written a pamphlet on this subject, which was filled with mis representations from beginning to end. He meant the late work of Mr. Montgomery Martin. By such productions Englishmen were led to believe that Ireland did not bear a fair share of the taxation of the empire. But he would cite the opinions of men whose authority on the subject certainly could not be outo eighed by that of Mr. Montgomery Martin, how ever much Hon. Gentlemen opposite might think of that per son. Lord Fitzgerald, the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer in the year 1816, when proposing the consolidation of the Ex chequers of the two countries, stated that Ireland had, in the sixteen years that elapsed since the union, paid 78,000,000/. in taxation, which was 47,000,0001. more than she was bound to pay; and the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), in the year 1822, stated that it was then al lowed, on all hands, that the contribution to the taxation of the empire of two-seventeenths from Ireland, was more than she was able to bear. Mr. Leslie Foster bore similar testimony as to Ireland's being overburdened with taxation. Had the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her Majesty's Government no remedy to offer for such a state of matters ? He (Sir H. Barron) believed that the Right Hon. Gentleman was placed in a false position with respect to Ireland. He believed him honest in his intentions and opinions, but he was diametrically opposed to the party who supported him in that country, and how then could he hold office with honour to himself and benefit to the country while such was the case. The Right Hon. Gentleman ought to retire from office when he fouttd he could not benefit the country by his administration, or he ought to adopt measures of a really beneficial nature. The trade and manufactures of Ireland had been de clining apace ever since the union. The Hon. Baronet then quoted extracts from the speech of Dr. Boyton, a Conserva tive, in order to show that the trade and manufactures of Ire land had declined since the union. The Doctor said that the imports and exports of Ireland had vastly diminished, that thousands of people were out of employment, and had not the slightest means of obtaining their daily bread. Was it not the business of a great statesman to prevent the continuance of such a state of things without attempting a remedy? Public works. such as railroads, opening the mines and collieries, and clear ing waste lands, should be set on foot. The condition of the people was getting worse from year to year, and by conse quence, crime had increased, for, in the year the Whigs went out of office, it required only a military force of 13,000, now double the number are requisite. The Irish people should be governed, not by the swore., but by enlisting their affections He was sorry to say that those newspapers which were said to represent the I. ish Government, such as the Mail and the Packet, wore continually pouring out the vilest abuse on the Catholic people and their clergy; and these attacks were echoed on this side of the Channel by the 7imes, which used such phrases as " surpliced ruffians," and a " demon priest . hood." He did not attribute the feelings which gave birth to them to the English people. God forbid. He did not believe the sensible portion of the English people were actuated by such feelings. But what were they to say to the declamations at Exeter-hall—what were they to say to the printed emanations of that assembly which were circulated through hundreds of thousands of the people of England and Ireland. and which contained such expressions as " the awful perjury of the Catholic Bishops of Ireland," and " the repeal of the fatal Emancipation Act ?"—( Hear, hear.) He regretted that some Englishmen lent themselves to such disgraceful proceedings, and participated by their presence and approbation in such heinous slander of their fellow-subjects. The appointments in Ireland of the present Government had been most objectionable. Chief Justice Pentiefather, one of these appointments, had lately distinguished himself by what was aptly termed a speech to evidence. An Irish barrister, who was not at all interested in the fate of the traversers, described the charge as " a speech to evidence," and as being still more exceptioeable in its manner of delivery than in its matter. lie said there never was a more disgraceful exhibitien at the Irish bar. This same Chief Justice Penne father had, in charging a jury, a short time ago, in a prosecu tien far libel against the editor of a Dublin newspaper, actually told the ju , y that what they were about to try was a most dia bolical libel. Then, as regarded the appointments of Baron Lefroy, and Mr. Justice Jackson, they, too, were highly excep tionable. Why, the Duke of Northumberlaud would not let Sergeant Lefroy go on circuit on account of his violent politics; and the appointment of Sergeant Jackson was equally objec tiocable, for the same reasons. He did not deny that both were very upright, honourable men, but they were totally unfit for the situations they now filled. The dismissal of the ma gistracy was a most unwise step, particularly the dismissal of the stipendiary magistrates, in whom the people justly placed confidence.—( Hear, hear.) But what could he say to the State trials, a packed jury, a pistol Attorney-Ges neral, and a Judge Jeffreys, as an Englishman ha I wittily remarked to him (Sir H. W. Barron) He asked, in the name of the people of Ireland, and in the name of every thing sacred and dear to man, that that people might be go verned on principles of equity, impartiality, and justice, and that the present system of ascendancy and misgovernment might cease for ever.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. J. W. REPTON opposed the motion of the Noble Lord, and thought that the Government had acted wisely regarding the Irish State prosecutions. He would not detain the House longer than to say one word with respect to the Catholie priest hood. lie was a sincere member of the Church of England ; but he thought that any attempt to oppose the Catholic clergy would be insane, fur it would create an agitation more for midable than that which had just been put down.—( Hear. ) Mr. MORE O'FERRALL said that in the whole course of this debate, which involved so much the character of the Government, the House had heard no expression of opinion on the part of any member of the Government connected with Ireland, except a Lord of the Irish Treasury ( Mr. Young). —( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Secretary for the Home Department, indeed, had declared his views with respect to the future government of Ireland. He had spoken out. He bad told them that he was determined to govern that country in a constitutional manner, but that it had always been occupied by force, and must he governed by force. So far as Ireland was concerned the " dodging" system was given up, and the Liberal party would know how to act. He hoped the Irish Liberals would unite with those of this country, and no longer divide their strength.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Ba ronet plainly told his intentions about Ireland, but he said no thing of his views respecting the commercial policy of England. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he had not used the words that Ireland should he korerned by force. Mr. MORE OI 2 ERRAL I.—lf the Right Hon. Gentleman did not say so in precisely these words he said so substantially. He said it was absolutely necessary tornaintain the Established Church, and he was determined to do so. Now, surely that was anintimation of his determination to rule by force, for the Established Church could not be maintained otherwise than by force.—( Cries of " No, no, no," from the Ministerial benches.) But the Right Hon. Gentleman had gone further, he did say that Ireland had alwas been occupied by force, and if he (Mr. O'Ferrall) had not remembered exactly the words which followed, their meaning was certainly to the effect, that the Government must he maintained by force. Force was ne cessary to mainta:n the Established Church in its present false position. No one could deny that the ministers of that Church interfered very materially with secular affairs.—( Hear, hear.) He had known cases in which clergymen had recommended to the landlords that they should get rid of their Catholic tenants and fill up their places with Protestants--( Hear, hear) —and there was, therefore, a strong feeling among the peasantry in that country, that they should be dispossessed of their farms to snake room for Protestants. The clergy placed them selves in an anomalous state, and he believed that the half secular, half religious, character of the Church was the great cause of the excited state of that coun try. Now let the House consider what was the effect of the late with respect to the certificates If he (Mr. More O'Fer rail) had occasion to prove, in a court ofjustiee, that he was a Christian, a certificate of baptism from a Roman Catholic priest would not be legal evidence ; and the same rule applied to the certificates of marriage.—( Hear, hear, hear.) So with respect to the registration of wills, no matter in what part of the country a man may live, he must register his will in the diocesan courts, and everybody knew in what way the bu siness of those courts was neglected. Now, this was a purely secular matter, and there was no occasion whatever for the clergy to interfere in it, as there was already an establish ment for registration in Dublin, which worked very well.— ( Hear, hear.) He thought that the Liberal party in Ireland ought to unite with the English Liberals, upon such a ques tion as the repeal of the union. He never did, and never would conceal his opinions upon that question. But this he would say, that the result of the union must be this, that England must be lowered to the condition of Ireland, er Ireland raised to the condition of England.—( Hear.) The condition of the people of this country was much worse since the union, and was becoming worse from year to year. The emigration of Irish labourers into this country had increased from year to year, and was increasing ; and if something was not done to raise the Irish from their present poverty, the degradation of the English labourer would go on increasing. He said this to show that it was not Irishmen alone, but every man in that House, and every man in England, was interested in im proving the condition of the Irish people—(Cheers)— Gentleman opposite cheered, as if they agreed in that opinion. —(Cheers.) If they did so, why, then, not take the proper steps to effect it ?—( Hear, hear.) It might be prejudice— and to a great extent he admitted it was—to think that they were not disposed to do so. But the measures they spoke of adopting were but little calculated for the purpose. ( Hear, hear.) Certainly the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir James Gra ham) proposed to give the Catholics the power of endowing their own Church, but it was to be borne in mind that the Ca tholics had already, and richly endowed their Church. They had built churches in every parish. They had established throughout the country rich ecclesiastical foundations, but their churches and church lands were taken from them and given to the Protestant clergy ; and in many of those churches, in the most extensive parishes, no service was at this day celebrated by the clergy who possessed them. Now, what security could the Catholics of Ireland have that if they availed themselves of the proposed law a similar plunder might not again be perpetra ted ? The Right Hon. Gentleman promised also to introduce a measure for the better registration of voters, but he (Mr. O'Fer rall) would not say anything of its merits until he knew what it was. But he understood, from a newspaper report, that the Right Hon. Baronet had said to a friend of his that the contemp lated division of the counties would strengthen the Tory inter est.--( Cheers and laughter.) It had been complained that the subject of the late State Trials ought not to have been introduced in this discussion; but he thought that it was not possible to have omitted it in the consideration of his Noble Friend's motion. Now, what had been the effect of those trials upon public opinion ? What was the opinion of the public as to :,the Constitution of the jury? Catholics were rejected, and it was said that they were re jected, not because they were Catholics, but because they were Repeaters ; but the fact proved otherwise, for they were not Repealers.—( Hear, hear. ) Yet if they had belonged to that society, why were the members of the society in Dawson street not objected to, when it was known that they had very strong feelings against the accused? To this it had been an swered, that it was difficult to get an impartial jury in Ireland. But that ought to have been con sidered, by those who asserted it, a good reason for having no trial at all.—(" Oh, oh," from the Tory benches.) What, then, had been the case ?—(Hear, hear.) Could any man believe that it had been a fair conviction? If he (Mr. O'Ferrall) thought that it was a fair conviction, he would have honestly owned it in that House. The trial had not had the effect that it was intended, and ought to have had. If it had been shown to the people of Ireland that the traversers were tried in a fair and satisfactory way, the conviction would have produced an immense moral effect, but the only effect it could now have would be to create distrust in the administration of the law, and the universal belief of the people that the proceedings were all unfair from beginning to end:— ( Hear, hear.) There was a strong feeling certainly that the accident which happened to the jury list happened on purpose. He did not think so, nor did he say it ; but he would say that great and culpable negligence had been ex hibited.—( Hear, hear.) He did not wish to speak of the Attorney-General in his absence, but he would say that, from the beginning to the end, there had been a system of blunder. ing highly discreditable. There was nothing new in such con duct of law proceedings in Ireland. There had always been an indisposion on the part of the judges and the law authorities of the Crown to apply to the practice of the Irish Courts the principle of justice and good sense which prevailed in the ad ministration of the Criminal law in England. In 1776 an English lawyer was appointed to a Judgeship in Ireland. He found that it was the practice in the Criminal Courts there that the grand juries found the bills of indictment upon written evidence and without examin ing the witnesses.—( Hear, hear.) He remonstrated on the subject with his brother judges, and recommended the English practice of examining viva voce before the jury. But the Irish judges replied that there was no necessity for any change, for the Irish mode was good enough for Ireland.—( A laugh.) So the practice continued to the year 1816, when Mr. Horner proposed a Committee to inquire into the subject, and they re— ported that the practice was to find indictments upon written evidence in all cases excepting that of rape, in which the unfortunate female who was injured was compelled to go before the jury ; and he brought in a Bill to alter the law in that respect, and to require the indictments to be found upon examination. But he met the greatest opposition from all the authorities connected with Ireland, and especially from the juries. However, the next year Mr. Horner brought in his law, and in Committee there was only one alteration made in it, by the introduction of a clause authorising the finding upon written evidence in some cases. The clause- was intro duced by Lord Castlereagh, but it was struck out in the House of Lords by Lord Ellenborough, who said that it was the worst clause in the Bill, and that they must not give the Irish gentlemen so much rope as they would desire.—(Laughter.) lie also introduced a clause directing that the judges should explain this Bill to the grand juries. Accordingly, one judge, Lord Norbury, in expounding the Act said, that it did a great injury to Ireland in attacking the reputation, of the judges, and compelling jurors to examine witnesses.—( Laughter.) He mentioned this to show that it was not a new practice in Ire },and to interpret the law against the prisoners. They had the admission of one of the judges that what was law in England in favour of the accused, was not law in Ireland. They saw the severity—almost the animosity with which the Chief Justice addressed the jury. —( Hear, hear, hear.) But they had also seen another difference between the practice of the English courts and that of th e I r i s h . If two men were brought before a magistrat e in E ngland, and one of them dared to challenge the other, he would be imme diately committed to prison. He remembered the case of a gentleman who, being examined in the Court of Queen's Bench here, in what he conceived a very offensive manner, as soon as he was dismissed from the box, he sent " a t!isree-cornered note" to the offending counsel, and in four hours he was sent to Newgate—(Hear)—and very properly. However, that was not the case in Ireland—(Hear)—where a gentleman, filling the position of the Attorney-General, trans gressed in a similar way, the Court passed it over, which he contended ought not to have been the case. Ho believed that the object of the Government was not vindication, but that the whole conduct of the proceedings was wrong, and they had failed to carry out their object, which was to impress the public that justice had been done. The people felt very indignant at the rejection of all Roman Catholics from the panel. He would not have felt indignant if they had been rejected only as repealers; but the fact was that they were not such. He should have thought no more about it, but he found that it was the servants of all work of the Government who took that invidious task upon themselves. He found that another of the law functionaries had, at a public meeting, spoken in a most out rageous manner of the Catholic people of Ireland, and of the Catholic Members of that House.—(Name name who ? who ?) When he saw that the a Noble Lord, a ielen ber of the present Government had distinguished himself by using i. s. "; most insulting language towards the Catholic Members Parliament and the whole Irish people—when he found that s the man who never did sne act , good or bad, without a persouall object, and who was looking for the place of the other Noble Lord, had spoken in a similar strain, he was bound to come. to the conclusion that it was the systematic policy of the Government. He thought that the Right Hon. Gentlema n had spoken with more asperity than was necessary of the res ult of the trial. He had got a verdict, but when the constitutio n of the jury was con s ider e d, it was impossible to avoid the in ferenee that the proceedings were unfair. The first ho officer of the Crown, at a public meeting. had expressed him. self in offensive terms respecting the conduct and motives o f: the Irish Catholics in that House ; but when the matter wa s. mentioned over and over again for ten years, he never had th e manliness or candour to state whether he held those opinions -( Hear, hear.) Putting all these things together the people said now " there is a Tory Government in England, and there n was nothing to expect. It' the man to whom we must leek up cannot obtain justice, how can we?"—( Cheers.) What had been the conduct of their underlings in office? What c ould. be expected when the Government suffered their higher officers to act as they had done ? Was it not a matter of c ourse that, the underling should say, " Oh ! strike off that fellows he's a Catholic ; the fellow will swear on his thumb."—( Hess-) The belief has been confirmed in the public mind in Dubbin by the result of the trials. He admitted that the Governmen t. had got a triumph, but they were in a more difficult positiom than before. The country was exasperated more than ever, and believed that the verdict was not obtained by fair means. He thought that the difficulties of the Government were ren dered insuperable; but if he ventured to state in that House what his opinion was of the consequences, it would be said, perhaps, that his anticipations produced the result. But this he would say, that there was no consideration on earth which' w mid induce him to stand in the position of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Attorney-General.—( Hear, hear.) Much of the responsibility, also, rested with the Noble Lord oppoiaa (Lotd Stanley). He knew the rashness of the Noble Lori• in his courage and his readiness to attack any person what, ever, but he was sorry that the Noble Lord's antagonism and : animosity were called forth in Ireland. He assured the House that they would never have heard of the repeal of the union if it had not been for him—( Hear, hear)—who did more to exasperate the people than any other Member even of the present Government ? He knew the Noble Lord's strong ani mosities, which he never hesitated to express, and no doubt he (Lord Stanley) thought that the Government had nothing B ut more to do than to maintain the army and the income-tax. if any struggle should arise, what was to become of those who had taken no part in the agitation ? He would tell the Noble Lord that he held a position which was of great responsibili t y - The Noble Lord's Right Hon. Colleague had told him that be had reduced the troops in Ireland ; but he, Mr. O'Ferrall) would tell him that if he meant to govern by tbe sword, it must be a long one and a strong one. He had said that there were 23,000 troops in Ireland, but if they pursued their present policy, he world wish that they were fifty times augmented. Sir J. GRAHAM rose to explain. He understood the Right Hon. Gentleman to have said that he (Sir J . Graham) had said that the policy of th e G overnmen t wou ld b e to retai n Ireland as a part of the Briti s h dominions by military fa r '' . " alone. What he said was this, and it was in the recollecti on of the House, that the Established Church of Ireland should be maintained in all its rights and privileges.—(Hear, hear.) I I : stated that it was necessary, so late as March, 1843, to inc re r ° , s ,, the military f o rc e of I re l an d, an d th a t w hen th e y came into office the military force in Ireland was diminished. He we nt on to state that it became necessary to increase the armyr ee ' ° consequence of the attempts which were made to overawe tn" Government by the demonstration of physical force, and he added, that it was not to be the permanent policy of the Go vernment to hold Ireland by military force, but after 'inch' eating the supremacy of the law, and net leaving to force 0 ° the one hand or yielding to intemperate counsel on the other' they would retain to the Crown of this country that inestimable portion of her Majesty's dontinions.—( Cheers. ) Mr. SHAW said that he would not nave troubled the nous!' at least not at the present time, had lie not been so pointed l y referred to by the Noble Lord opposite, and his Right WT I ; Friend ( Sir James Graham), during the present debate, w i e l regard to the omission of the sixty names from the genet e jury list. It therefore became necessary for him to trouble t'e House with a few observations, and, in doing so, it would D, ; requisite to refer to the details of the Act of Parliament un d° which the special jury was made out. (The Right Hon. G en ; tleman then went on to detail what was requisite to be d °° under the Act of Parliament.) A great deal of misrepres e n tation had gone abroad with regard to the omission of tn" ... „ names from the list. Now the real facts of the case w e y these. Instead of sixty or sixty-five names being o mitte thirty of whom were said to be Roman Catholics, th ere were nineteen names omitted, and five were wrongly placed ° ( 1 the list; and this happened in transferring between 4,000 o at 5,000 names. The result was that, instead of their being names on the general list, there were only 717. Great 6 _ 5 1 citement prevailed in Dublin respecting those trials• al, counsel and attorneys on both sides attended his Court to a, tend to the making out of the general list. The Court $s for nine hours on each day from the Bth to the 14th of Novell; ber. The parish collectors made out a general list, which I ' o revised in his Court. When revised a copy was gi ce ho to the Clerk of the Peace, who handed it to Sheriff. Dublin was divided into twenty parishee; from which a list of 4,000 names was made. In consequen t , of the difficulties the collectors had to make out a full lts d there were about 600 persons whose names were omitted , a a io which were afterwards added to the 4,000. The great strugg io was to have the names put at the top of the list, t o enable the to be on the Special Jury. The names were t o b e arran t -.6 according to rank and property, and it was required that thee'd should be nine classes of qualificati ons . If a person estab li ti, his right to be placed on th e li s t, hi s name h a d to b e i n terlin and a cross was placed o pp os it e to hi s name to draw t h e atte e , tion of the offi c e r t o i t , th at i t m i ght be transferred b y thef lo gistrar. He took ea c h o f th e 20 par i s h es ; and w h en t he eia' „ of each were di s p ose d o f , h e considered that his ju di c i a l fa li b - e i tions were perform e d, an d i n t h at op i n i on h e was confirmed.' Mr. Justice Pe rr i n . B ut t h ere was a duty of an administrative, nature to be performed, name ly, t o h ave the general list P r e ° 3 perly arranged according to rank and property. He orderre, the registrar so to arrange the list, and to put the names in gistraroo rf gu1a g744,16,00 tt ho namesoks alk7ai nl o tgo r fg d : e rat r. h . edtrih,ffe andrhe enrcec Specialuwere,tf t Jo uf er t ny h tt e vh r_e elf i f oms o ut r r e .tt 4 ss : r4a,,:el he came to the explanation as to how they were Omitted. and did so from the stateme n t ma d e t o hi m b y th e reg i strar , an' te was bound to add, after the strictest invest iga ti on ma de into subject by himself, that he was satisfied of the truth of 0, statement. He stated, that as a list from each of the teT b ' e , parishes had been returned separately. he thought it n Olll or more simple to take each class by itself. He took up the g, or e, ral list and read the marked names. There were, ther e ' eo te nine classes for each parish, which he placed on separate sheet' of paper. There were, therefore, 180 sheets, that is , tw e ed." parishes multiplied by the nine classes. These lie called : 0 , and checked with the original list : having. as he thought , as to pleted this, he put by the general li s t. The next step wg. make, from the nine classes of the different parishes, one g en es ' ral class to constitute the general list. F o r this purP, ° l, o o laid on the table the several she e t s f or use . One 0 ' ` isot sheets, containing 15 names of the class called traders, belongsne to St. Audeon's parish, was mixed with the blank shee t P t eat laid aside. Then upo n go i ng ov e r t h e names he font'', bag' four of the names we re a lt oge th er over l oo k e d, a nd tha or e others, not having the proper crosses opposite their nam e '. t , se transferred into the commou list instead of the special loose as to be omitted altogether from the special I nr Y er rea• Thus it was that the omis s ion o f twenty-f o ur names oce" a bl. With regard to the remaini n g thi r ty-six the Right Hon nu ee rlf Gentleman was understood to say that they were iroP r 7 o ree. put on th e li s t, an d, as one i nstance , h e sa id that the .ios of William Saurin, of Stephen's-green, who was deadtopeis one of the names. His Right Hon. Friend had expee e o _,d to regret to him that there should be any error, with reed ca' those lists, and he would not obtrude upon the House t e e s eng' pression of his own regret. The fact was, time was P r ra ta and he was over-fastidious to have everything done acc U ry be and correctly. Immediately after the list was Mad e e - ve rr, wrote to one of the officers of the Court, hoping that es ha d thing was complete. On being informed that some na m e, be been omitted, he wrote to the Sheriff to put it rig eo re' the Sheriff was advises! not to touch the list; which 000 ceived. The four names which had been omitted were , , of Sir George Roe, the late Lord Mayor ; Mr. HO t n e d tha t Reynolds, and another gentleman, and when he flrseer,'", this was the case he immediately wrote to the Hig n lii veld saying he thought he might insert their names bin 0 %0 4 the 24th section of the Act of Parliament. He th en tei' to give on amendment of the list to the High-Sheriff, named upon himself the responsibility of adding the Upon searching for the fifteen names which had been _u s o4 . ,' from the list from St. Audeon's parish, the sheet 0 q rc: they were placed was found amongst the blank 5 , 11 , ; ° / . 0 : 1 , the then spoke to the officer of the Court, and said, ger , have committed this error you must go and in'" d te Ibi s solicitors of both parties of the error."—( Hear.) Ho f O l e ; Omitted _na,j(!e.O upon his own responsibility, and from a sense With regard to the fifteen names on the mislaid sltsie,eeht_ih":teie, inquiteewhether they were Protestants or not ; but siorit/ae was, judging from the names and localities, that the n' reoes iel e ri, them were Roman Catholics, but the majority of nine were Protestants. Considering that they , Jen"' 'or through between 4,000 and 5,000 names, he did n ° o ty- 0 - there was any very great negligence in omitting tw eos eet eit , names, and in the chance of a ballot among such a he 741, he did not think, if they were not omitteds,rwho 1 30 could have been much different from what it was• as a I R ° at would allow him to add, also, that the regietrar w °m eet ti el Catholic.—( Hear, hear.) If lie believed for one in ee e ar , he fraudulently or corruptly left out those nan% or , ba t expose him and subject him to punishment.-o:_rooseesod He knew net what might be said in that ~:es belle s o f in the city of Dublin, where he was k n own srt r eo sb!;_ o t , no person of any class or creed would think t o % lending his countenance to any such thing.— ( ( , t- ' o " ot iee both sides of the House.) He was satisfied no su n pa pr arty kind could have influenced him to valet; 000_0 ceeding.—( Hear, hear.) He leLl t ie ra v r ed th l a h t a t th it e p a t i e tue r " e ;o s e n t : mistake on the part of his reel'. omitted, but he was content to take himself.b had b ee i n s ea sibility and blame of what had occurred. -un se bn" c"' lete s,e tacked, and was subjected to the abuse of hire d those who followed him in this debate might attL e wirr kga he was content to submit to it all.—(Cheers .) accused of negligence, but it was unintention al. 00 010 0 0 f the House for the credit they gave to hi ' the ,gr a e ctis,, ° (Cheers.) He would now advert very briefly' tet t sa t isf y Lord Noble v question before the House. He heard with grea ed The y s what had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet r elav d. h he was not quite prepared "to .Litohrdr,eghaorwdevtoer,thseeeEmsetdablished Church in t hoeg " s w tr i i l k li e n .- t2 ( %C.°huen ic s. b ) eer ll9)e-- ob ß e d li there the advocate of the Protestant Church b e the Protestant religion as established by law sn u , t he 11 40! in connexion with the State in every portion u_i eare d woof Kingdom.—( Cheers and counter cheers ) 3 1 to a y I lie to be strange political morality in the Noble lew ouas iort g t because the majority of the people were above eot e es r eito Established Church should not be upheld in 11 a the Frcit o° °' Ihe Noble Lord ought to recollect that cot have laos Parliaments which passed the union would :I. sensed to that measure if they did not believ , r an d en . 7 .t , e s (Chet a . it o f r o.. th e Church in Irelan I was to be upheld. — . as ebeerisn.g) preferable He spoke t o o of a territorialc ong r ega but the fo r n characteristic of a sect, the latter was the es _o potiero e blishment.—( Cheers. ) The Right Hon. 11 _, e j o the . , o oo, alluded to the alterations and improvements m a a o ", on izer, o es Protestant Church, and said it was unjust an ,u seort , e bee s ,e t after the Roman Catholic occupiers were relieveret! " ..6 t eey rates and tithes to attack the Protestant Chu ,P t ,%eite e t ioti t one, i o distril:eu_tcw ofraws.tt:eis, her in Ireland.—(Opposition cheers.) There °se e to e ie nr that the Irish Members were very much ° pp m o pts , e Nothing was more calculated to keep vra a , u v a r eo jwaci s h r on this subject ; but English Members Were, in more violent in their attacks than the . 1 . ( Hear, hear.) All they wanted was domestioef ea Gods an elelk" cal cheers. ) Let them have it in the namee ar, hear. ) 000 0 , up their prejudices towards each He v „, stroog s tas t , lish gentlemen seemed to think no language b'rtli l'" e lic aril to use towards those who were Irishmen by , Th at iu reli e ion, and Conservatives in politics. —settled nd tie What he wished was, that nothing should be u 0 _ Acs , an Ile was his opinion with regard to the Emancipate:le se ise •_ e i e eo expected to be met on the other side in a stin o l u l d the m certainly considered the Roman Catholics le !f ejne tie", 0 ,. to leave the Protestant Church unattacked if lerna i l n i,i a rel oes . conceded. —(No, no.) Certainly Mr. Can n • t r ' that su ee. Plunk t d and others were of opinion that J boo sure were passed, the Established Church wow