The Sun. — London, England, 1845-06-05 00:00:00

and he thoseht that that was the best way of bringing the people of that country back to a sense of their duty as members of an em *e of which they formed a part. Nothin g for this wield be Lkted except by conciliation, and he should, there fore, vote for the Bill as part of a great experiment for giving contentment to the people of Ireland, without any danger to the establithed i‘.slitutions of the country. The Earl of HARDWICKE said thathe wished to explain himself on a point to his Noble Friend who had j ust sat down, which seemed to give him much anxiety. The supposition which the Noble Duke entertained that he wished to appro priate the revenues of the Irish Church to the support of the Roman Catholic clergy was erroneous. What he had said was, that if the Roman Catholic Church was to be endowed he did not know where the endowment was to come from, as it could not come out of the Consolidated Fund. He had further as serted, that if there was, as was asserted, a church without a congregation, without a soul to go into it, nor any probability of there being any, that the endowment of that church might, with safety and wisdom, be taken from the Protestant Church, and applied to the support of the ministers of the Roman Ca tholic faith. He had yet another point to touch upon, and in that case he should give a very short answer to a very long re mark. For his opinions he was solely and entirely responsible. That was the answer to his Noble Friend. Earl SPENCER said he wished to say a few words on this question, not because he could so far flatter himself that any thing which fell from him was at all likely to influence their Lordships, or that he could adduce anything new upon the subject on this the third night of the debate, which he trusted would be the last.—( Hear, hear.) He thought that her Ma jesty's Government was entitled tohigh credit for the line they had taken, and he thought that those who had takes any part in the promotion of this measure, as was the case with the friends with whom he had acted all the days of his Me, should share hi the obloquy and clamour which had been raised throughout the country. With respect to the speech of the Noble Duke, in which he made an attack on the Noble Earl op posite, he might remind the House that the very same impute tionshad been thrown out on the passing of the Catholic Eman cipation Bill ; and with regard to this being an isolated measure he thought that it was one of the very best features of the measure that it was not an isolated Bill, but was the pre cursor of other measures which would be of essential service to the country. On principle he was sincerely attached to a Church establishment. He thought that it was one of the highest duties of the State to provide for the temporal and spiritual interests of the people, but it was a still higher duty to provide for the spiritual interests of those under their care, and for this reason he should always support the Church establishment of the country. The Right Rev. Prelates who spoke against the Bill gave no reason for their opposition to it, but those Prelates who came from Ireland did give a reason. They stated that the Church of Rome was an antagonist Church, and yet the laity of our own Church and the clergy also, but certainly a great majority of the clergy, believed that there was some secret value in their ordi nation, some peculiar value in the authority which they derived from their apostolic succession, and yet this virtue was derived through the Roman Catholic clergy, in some of the worst and most corrupted ages of that church. There was, it was true, some difference of opinion between the two churches. But was the Reman Catholic church to be called an antago nist church? He was personally opposed to that church, be cause he believed that nothing ought to be held as true which could not be proved by, or inferred from, the Holy Scriptures, and the P.oman Catholic church derived part of her faith from other sources. But they believed in the same Saviour—they inculcated the same morality, and were equally energetic and successful with any Protestant in giving religious instruction to the whole of the people. He did not see anything, then, to prevent him from giving his assent to this Bill; and the more so, as there was in the Catholic faith nothing that was con trary to religion. And if the objectors to the measure would only look around they would see that, as the Noble Earl had stared, there was no country in Europe in which the Roman Catholic subjects, whether they lived under Protestant or Roman Catholic sovereigns, were not loyal and orderly in their deportment. But it had been said that the doctrines of the Roman Catholic church were the same they were in ,the days of error and persecution.—(Hear.) But was that the case? No one could say that it was.—(Hear.) He would ask if Noble Lords who made use of the statement that the Catholic religion had changed, believed it ? He must use serious words in what he stated—the Roman Catholic reli gion had sever changed, because those who were members of that religion interpreted some portions of Scripture as placing it under the direct influence of the Holy Spirit. Yet if it had changed it was but human. Let them look at the course of the Reiman Catholic religion. In ancient times crimes of the most violent nature were perpetrated by those professing that faith, while, for upwards of a century, such occurrences had not taken place. There was another objection which would be of more importance if it were applicable to the case. Quota tines were made to the affect that the dissatisfaction and discontent existing among the Catholics of Ire land were caused by the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, and in order to prove these quotations, a Neble Duke went through a catalogue of the assizes to show the connexion between the doctrines taught to youth and the crimes set forth in it. How had England treated the popula tion of Ireland ? They began by exterminating them—they degraded them by penal laws, and therefore made them bad subjects. Ireland could not endure the penal code which was in force—they resisted it, and it was modified. They asked the people of Ireland to assist them in carrying their union with that country ; it was carried by their assistance. But. they broke the promise which they made to them, and, after a con tenticn of nine-and-twenty years, that promise was performed, and.the Catholic Emancipation Bill was carried—not on the ground on which they all stated they were actuated in supporting it (Hear)—not on the grounds of justice or truth ( Hear) (because they had no right to deprive people oho differed with them in religion of certain rights) but because they could not resist it any longer.—( Hear, bar.) He hoped that the measure tefore their Lordships would not be an isolated one, and if they pursued the policy they hail commenced they would not only confirm their union with Ireland, but render that country, by a steady system of impartiality and concession, the strongest instead of the weakest part of the empire.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl who moved the amendrnett (Earl Roden) said that the Protestant religion had not had fair play. He ( Earl Spencer) most en tirely agreed with the Noble Earl. He thought Protestantism had not had fair play, for when they had irritate 1 the great body of the Roman Catholics, and had broken the promises which they had made to them, and when they were under the influence of penal laws, they presented them with the Pso testant religion. Nothing, could be more unwise or more likely to engender a feeling of hostility to the Protestant religion, and to prevent it from having fair play. Presbyterian Scot land was in a constant state of anarchy and confusion until they gave her the Presbyterian form of Church Government, when prospority:and peace followed.—( Hear, hear.) Ireland was in dais state of confusion, and the only way was to adopt a duffler policy towards Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) As a first step in that direction, he should give the measure his best support. Several Nimble Lords rose, but after some conversation they gave way to The Bishop of NORWICH,viho said he was anxious to state to their Lordships why he intended to give his vote sincerely to the measure before the House. He was going to make an apology for rising to address their Lordship, but he did not think it was necessary. No apology was necessary from a man who .gave his: opinions honestly. But he thought that, from the situation in which he was placed, ,he ought to give some explanation why he chcse to ;ire his vote in favour of the measure. He did so because they could be little aware of the obloquy which every individual, more especially those of his profession, was exposed who dared to come forward in a case of toleration and of mercy towards those who differed from them. He heard from a Noble Lord some harsh expressions tewerds those ecclesiastics who were about to vote in favour of the measure. He insinuated that they were like faithless shepherds abandoning their flocks. That was like other lan guage which he had heard. He was shown a pamphlet last week, which was written, he was sorry to say, by a clergyman of the Church of England, and addressed to those Bishops who were prepared to vote in favour of the grant to Maynooth, and in which they were accused of falsehood. Stronger lst i guage was used, which he would not insult :twin Lordships by repeating. It accused them of being heretics, and infidels, and as anti-Christian, and that they were apoitates from their holy religion. A Right Hon. baronet in another place was called by another Rev. Orator—he trusted, for the honour of the Church of Enelaed tint he was a Dissenter—he was denounced before a large audience that he was an anti-Christ. He (the Bishop of N orw i c h) was Protestant in his feelings altogether —nay, more, lie hail reason to believe that he was opposed to the opinions, part and parcel, of the Romidi creed, which opinions were upheld and supported by many who had signed anti-May nooth petitions. He declared that he was averse to Popery in whatever form or shape it appeared—he was especially averse to that Popery which entered into Protestant denominations. he was everso to it in every shape or way. Every denomina tion was anxious to cull for itself a maximum of toleration, and to give others a minimum. He would say a few words with respect to the petitions presented to the House. That they had been numerous beyond all precedent he would not deny, but that they represented the feelings of the people of Eng land, he was inclined from close investigation rather to deny. He had taken some pains to analyse those petitions, and he was prepared to say that they were not the resell of a spon taneous feeling, but were couched in the same language, and in the same words, and were issued from an office in London, and disseminated hi various parts t f the country, for the purpose of being signed, and for the purpose of collecting sobscriptions. He knew a town with a population of 9,01)0 persons, from which ten petitions had emanated. They were scattered over the town, and in every ward, and the number „f signatures was only 220. With respect to the members of ids own profession, he believed that a very large proportion were in favour of the measure. Of eleven pamphlets which he had seen on the subject, three were written by clergymen against it, and three by laymen in favour of it. He thought ft their Lordships had taken the same pains to analyse the petitions as lie had, they would have corroborated the testimony he had given. He was ready to allow that the Dissenters had sent. petitions, but they were opposed-to the grant on the ground that they were opposed to all endowments. He would Teed a circular addressed to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, - which was adopted at a meeting of Dissenters held in London in the course of last month. The Right Rev. Prelate then . . read portions of the circular which sympathised with the griev acces of the Catholics of Ireland, and specified them as most 'tlrtjust and oppressive, and attributed the grievances inflicted . -on them to the Anglican Church in Ireland, and that they,would use their utmost exertions to remove the grievances under which they laboured. The Earl of WIN CHILSEA asked from what body of Dis *enters the address emanated. The Bishop of NORWICH said it emanated from a confe enee of Prote s t an t Dissenters, held in Crosby-hall, London. Int petitions to whi c h h e h a d alluded did not enter into a corn with large principles, but details. But it was their duty fo'banish erroneous t it was oneousdo t trines, and t o com b a t error w h erever Obey found i no matt er w h at station heir lttty—it was the d u ty o f ev e r y ma n , filled, to do his best to combat any er ror which cuunteraeted the religion of the Gospel every 113 an, more or less, ought not to countenance error. He bs:lifrred, therefore, that it t the Chu rc h o f E ngland was the best in Christendom -- that contained better elements than any oilier church, and at the same time he must say that the church; free as it was, altogether destitute o f error....- (:Hear, bear.). Y e t he could see in its o elements the one naen side oscillation to the 4 fearful oscillation —from Calvinism gates of Popery on the other. Hear, hear.) There were emors in all human affairs, and it was their duty to co n t r ib ute to remove them by the best means in thei r power. The con duct of England towards Roman Catholic reland was unpa ralleled bad been in the history of any denominat ions opposed by treated with asperity, and their doctrines ands—be firtolerance and unchristian conduct. And how ceuded ? They had altogether failed in accomplishing g l ey r i n b n a; they intended. The Roman Catholic population of n was 6,500,000. There were 1,500,000 of Protestants, which not more than one-half were members of the Established Church. Ten years ago, before the Ecclesiastical Commis• sioners subdivided the diocese of Norwich into different *sees, one Bishop, for 3,0001. to 4,0001. a year, had a greater number of persons under his spiritual care than the whole eighteen Protestant Bishops of Ireland. There might be consolidated unions in Ireland, but that argu ment equally well applied to his own diocese; and when they spoke of unions and consolidations, he thought that the less they said upon the subject the better. But again they were answered that the Roman Catholics of Ireland were worse than any ROman Catholics on the face of the earth—more un manageable, more intractable. They might be so. But, he would ask, why were they so ? He would (no matter what his own opinions were), for the sake of argument, admit that they were so; he would allow that they wero more unmanage able, more intractable; but was it not they—they, the Pro- testants, that made them so ? He would not foil ew the speech of the Noble Earl who had just sat down, and ..esai nt out how the Roman Catholics of Ireland had been treateet I by the Pro testants of England. They had heard it said thna the Roman Catholic religion was patronised and upheld ie. Canada be cause it was a conquered country. 13ut It. li nd was also conquered by Henry the Second, and it ha I . been treated as a conquered province from that time to this. Could they, then, be surprised, after knowing how they had 2 icon treated, that they should look at our religion, beautiful a: d mild as it is, through the glass of party, with suspicion and distrust. An other argument had been touched on by the NG 4)1 a Lord who had just sat down, namely, their unchangea bi eness. Most true, their principles were unchangeable. I ey were un changed. But in practice they were most du et ile, and they would change yet more and more, as fello se. subjects and fellow-Christians. He would appeal to what lac had himself seen in the Grand Duchy of Baden. There were numbers col lected of Church of England members in the epis copal town of the duchy, and what did the Roman Catholic Biel top do ? Did he crush the Lutherans and persecute the Churl h of England men? No. He sent for one of the Church :rectors of the town, and said " There are a number of Luthe ans who have no place in which to perform their religious tie se. There are a number of Church of England members who I love no church to meet in, I command you, therefore—(their .L erdships would observe that it was not a request, but a comma ; and)—that the rector should open his church, and that in the , morning the Roman Catholic form of worship should be pert armed a little earlier. The Lutherans then to have it for the': r own peculiar worship, and the church again to be open twice : a day, morning and evening, for the members of the Church a: England." He did not say that the same could be done in thiar ountry, but at the same time he thought they might cultivate a closer friend ship with the Roman Catholics, by approxim: isa .ng to a similar liberality. It had been said, and said me st truly, that the Roman Catholic priesthood educated at Mayne:3g ills were so ig norant that they were not fit to be associat , ed. with clergymen of other persuasions. They were now about tc try a great ex periment for their benefit, and he would ask eel iould they allow things to remain in their present stagnant position? Was it nothing that they could by such measures as th is advance the progress of education and produce a better use derstanding be tween the two countries? He should only tr espass on the attention of the House on one other point. Let them suppose that in Ireland • thing s were re versed, that affairs were altered, and tl tat instead of six and a half millions of Roman Catholics, and not quite a million of the supporters of the Church of Eng land, and other Protestants—not in all a million and a half? Supposing that they had a Roman Catholic Government, and' that that Go vernment had in a moment of kindness and benevolence, prof fered such a measure, and that the six and a half million of Roman Catholics had opposed it. What should they, the Pro testants, have said then ? Why they would: have denounced them most properly as bigoted and intol erant. He (the Bishop of Norwich) would have headed the rrry, and denouncd the Roman Catholics in the strongest language. Why then should Protestants denounce a Bill, which if they had been in the place of the Roman Catholics they woreld b ave hailed as a measure of the noblest Christianity. lie would trespass on their Lordships' time no longer. It was his intention to vote for this measure, because he considered it a religions question, inasmuch as it was associated with justice and. benevolence and love. He would vote for it, because he considered it a Christian measure, inasmuch as it partook of, and put in practice that noble and permanent feature of the Saviour's Gcrspel—" do unto others as ye would that they should do unto you." He should vote for it as an experiment in the right direction— (Cheers)--as an experiment in favours of education, and education under any form must elicit truth, and as truth was elicited—and here he hoped Noble Lords of the Roman Catholic faith would not think that he steak's harshly—he spoke as a Protestant Bishop, and he said tle at as education advanced truth was elicited ; and he trusted, - that in the very same proportion as truth was elicited, the Roman Catholic persuasion would be erased from the minds tend hearts of the Irish people. It would then be found that this measure, which was now so much denounced, would be in_ an aftertime, and by a future generation, esteemed one of the moat wise, most beneficial, and most useful passed in the 19th century.— (Cheers.) He rejoiced to find that her, Majesty's Government had brought this measure forward, and he only regretted that when Noble Lords on the opposite :side of the House were pre pared to bring forth a measure :similar in character, they did not receive that support from the Members of the present Go vernment which they so truly deserved. But he said he re joiced, and he did so sincerely, that past differences were for gotten, and that both parties came now forvrard in a body to support the Government; and he would rids) give them his cordial and hearty support in this measure of. justice to the Ro man Catholics of Ireland.—(Cheers.) The Earl of MORNINGTON said Vett he was aware that many Noble Lords of greater ability than, himself were anxious to address the House ; but he could not allow the measure to pa ss without making one or two obser cations upon the subject. The reasons which had actuated s l oe illustrious William Pitt in the foundation of this inetitutiere, had been a desire to educate the Irish priesthood at home, in order that they might escape the demoralising influence which a residence in France would occasion. lie would, ';eith the permission of their Lordships, quote some evidence taken before that House at the pe r i o d w h en that Minister—tk e greatest England had ever known—was about to found the College. The Noble Lord then quoted evi dence taken..ccfore the Ilcuse relative to the power of the Pope to absoloe subjects from the allegiance due to their sovereigns, and the degree of civil authority which it was as sumed he had the right of exercising in this country. The Act of ISSW had given emancipation, and though it had not carried out to its legirimate extent the spirit of justice and restitution, was that a reason why the Legislature should now hesitate to complete it ? When it was said that oppor tunities for education should not be accorded the Roman Ca tholics, it was tacitly declaring that members of that cemmn nion were not fit to be entrusted wills political power ; for a more extended and liberal education was but the earnest and forerunner, if nut the essential principle of political influence. If the system of teaching adopted at Maynooth be bad, by giving the students the means of getting superior, they would be the first to seek sounder education for themselves.— ( Ilear, hear.) The Catholic religion, when impressed on ignorant minds, was pernicious, but when instilled on educated and erudite minds it was sublime in principle and beneficial in its effects, and that man of the Anglican Church who could not entertain respect for tenets of the Gallic—not the ultra-mentaine or jesuitical—Church, was not liberal or wise. A mistake had been made by his Noble rela tive, and other Lords who had adopted the a :me course of argument, in asserting that the Roman Catholic religion was imbued with principles dangerous to the Constitution, and sub versive of civil liberty. Such might have been originally the tendency of those tenets; but was it fair, was it true, to assert that their consequences were still so fatal ?—( Hear, hear. ) That argument, however, had been plausibly supported by an appeal to the nature of the concordats of the Pope. But what influence or authority had in reality those concordats? Lord CLANC A RTY—None at all.—(Hear, hear. ) The Earl of MORNINGTON—I thank the Noble Lord for that reply; it is the very one I desired. It establishes my position, and, as the lawyers say, puts the Noble Earl out of the record.—(Loud laughter.) The Noble Lord, in coat inuat ion, observed, that the Papal concordets were founded on the principle of the peace of Europe, as settled in the year 1649, and ratified susequently in 1815. Rut the authority of the Pope was now virtually a nullity. He could not translate Bishops, and his power over the minds of the priests was less than the Archbishop of Canterbury pos sessed over the English Church, independent of the Crown. The Pope had objected list year to the agitation for repeal in Ireland. lie had expressed his approval of the Bequests Act, but his opinion was disregarded, and even his authority received a check. In Germany, however conflicting the reli gious tenets of the people, L u th eran , C a l v i n i st , an d Catholic lived together in harmony and brotherly love; and that, not because they compromised their principles, but that they tolerated other and dissenting creeds. Let such a creditable course of unity and charity be adopted between the Roman and Anglican Churches in this kingdom, and let the spirit which pervaded and dictated the present measure be car ried to its fullest extent, and the consequence would be the suppres-ion of error, the promotion of religion, the happiness of the people, and th e g l ory o f t h e U n i te d Kingdom.—( Hear. ) Lord COLCHESTER, feeling as he did the strongest ob jection to the Bill, and intending therefore to give it his de cided opposition, wished to offer a few remarks, if perchance they might induce that House to pause before it sanctioned a measure so fraught with evil. The feeling that dictated the petitions agninst the Bill, emanating not only from Dissenters, though he remembered the time when the opinions of Dissen ters were respected by the Noble Lords opposite, but from the Milted Assembly of the Church of Scotland, from the great body, both lay and clerical, of the Church of England, from the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge-- Lord BRO ITO 1-1 AM—No, no. No petitions have been pre sented from either of those Universities. Lord COLCHESTER believed that petitions had been laid on the table of the other House from influential individuals, if not from the Corporations of both Universities. Lord BR OU G II A NI again dissented. Lord COLCHES rER would not argue that question, but the feeling that dictated such universal protests against the measure, would not die ; whether the Bill was carried or not, the spirit of the country would still remain as decided and un compromisingly against it. As to the contract originally urged as entered into at the Union, he could discern no such understanding whatever. Mr. Grattan, indeed, in his address upon that occasion, had alluded to a compact for educating the Irish people, but nothing was mentioned either directly or re motely of a permanent endowment of the College of Maynooth. The principle then recognised was that an institution should be endowed by the country and frum the funds of charitable parties, but it comprehended no such system as State endowment, whether temporary or permanent.—( Hear. ) It appeared to him, therefore, that the grant was only an an nual one, in aid of private contributions, and was not intended to be permanent. If it were intended to be permanent, why should the Government think it necessary to limit the grant to twenty years ? Ile did not think that the College of May nonth had any especial or particular claims to the favour of Parliament. He read extracts from the books taught in May nooth to show that the system of education, and the discipline adopted in that college, were such as a Protestant Government ought not to encourage, and much less ought to endow. He did not think that the effect of the proposed grant would be any more than to give an increased salary to the professors, without at all improving the education of the pupils. With every consideration which he had been able to give the subject, he came to the conclusion that the measure would give as much dissatisfaction in England as it would tend to encourage disaf fection in Ireland. He wished for the fullest toleration to the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland. He was in favour of the Bills for the institution of colleges in Ireland for the better education of young men preparatory to their ecclesiastical in duction to the priesthood. Ho assured the House that tt was with no hostility to the Roman Catholic portion of his fellow subjects be felt bound to oppose this Bill. Lord MONTEAGLE said that he rejoiced in the expression of opinion which this discussion had elicited. He rejoiced that ail parties in both Houses had shown on the part of the United Parliament that there was no occasion for the severance of the empire, and that there was a sincere desire upon the part of Whigs and Tories, English, Irish, and Scotch—(Cheers)—to do every justice to the people of Ireland.—( Cheers.) Not withstanding what they had beard on that subject he should state what he considered the peculiar importance of the Bill. He thought that it was the most important measure that had been presented to Parliament, he would almost say, since the union—but he should say unquestionably since the relief Bill. In its practical effect on the popula tion of Ireland he thought that it ought to be considered more important. If their Lordships looked back to the history of Ireland, disfigured as it was, confused as it may be, by perpetual civil commotions, they would find that all their contentions during latter years had resolved itself into one great severance—not a severance of nations, but a se an v te er t ance of religion, w hi c h un f ortunately had placed the Pre s: thets on one aide of th e supposed line, and the Catholics other. When his Noble Friend had stated that the the statement because he believed e 5o far in n a y s Protestant Church was not most church that e he th e a e t u lt was the most tolerant persecuting church, he cheered the Chud r j e u h dg n e f , E th n e gl w an is d est and enlightened aiste m d. en thought that the governing party in Ireland He with a degree of astute wickedness which was intolerant, the annals of the world hanever surpassed. They persecuted the pries the Irish, and they perse cu t e d t h eir religion. The I g atu te of i esl of King William in Ireland wa s th e commencement ofaegi l re slation of injustice, and a violation o f f a ith. What did theydo with respect to education? In the height of their baseness they made it criminal on the part of a Roman Catholic to get education at home, and they made it criminal if they went in quest of it abroad.—( Hear, hear.) They had been active instruments in carrying out their own wicked legis lation. But he thought that those days were gone by, and he wished that their Lordships would not imagine that he referred to those matters for the purpose of making any exaggeration or creating excitement. He used those arguments in favour of the present Bill, and to show that the curse of the Legislature was, that they created a separation between themselves and the great majority of the people of Ireland—between themselves and their religious instructors, and between themselves and those who used the greatest influence amongst that people. Anti that was almost the first time in which the Parliament of the United Kingdom had touched that sore place with a view of healing it. They were now disposed to deal with that religion as one which was preferred by the body of the people. He took the liberty of moving for a return which was now on the table of the House and he wished to call the attention of their Lordships to it, in order to show the falsity of the idea that they were now called upon to do something new, that they were now unprotestant , ising England, and that they were unchristianising the king ' dom. Nothing could be more false ; and it was more flatter ing to those who made statements to that effect, to suppose that they were ignorant of the facts, than that they were guilty of flagrant misrepresentations. The return which he alluded to showed the conduct of this country with respect to the religious instruction of the colonies. The return showed that which ought always to be the case—that in the discharge of their colonial duties they considered that there were moral and re ligious responsibilities engaged, and how these duties had been performed had been shown on the face of the returns. They showed that 163,0001. were appropriated in one year to the Church of England; 29,0001. for the Church of Scot land. Wesleyans, and the various denominations of Protes tant Dissenters, were allowed 46,0001., and they appropriated to that very Church of Rome, for the actual instruction of the people of the Church of Rome, for paying their priests and their Bishops, the sum of 6,oool.—That2 was not the intro duction of the present day, it was not the act of his Noble Friend, but it was the act of their predecessors in office. One of the latest of these colonial establishments which had been founded, and which be would cite to illustrate the pr:nciple he had laid down. He alluded to the proceedings with respect to New South Wales. In this colony the voluntary principle was not laid down—a principle which he disliked as much as any Noble Lord opposite, for he did not like to see religion treated as an immaterial thing left to shift for itself. Ho thought it was the duty of the State to protect religion as much as any material interest. But he must tell their Lordships what principles had been acted on. There all religions were protected—all religions were endowed in proportion to their number, and the result was in New South Wales most satis factory. He would ask any Member of the Right Reverend bench whether there was any colonial establishment under the dominion of the Crown in which the Church of Eng land had been more successful —in which its prin ciples had taken a deeper root—more prosperous in any way whatever than it was there, under this system of endow ment ? The Right Rev. Prelate must be aware of what he had stated regarding this colony from the reports which reached their Missionary Society. But his object in referring to this was not to show that Parliament had endowed error, for if they went upon that principle they must disavow all past legislation ow these subjects. Oh, but some might say these were but colonies, then would their Lordships say to the people of Ireland, we will do more for the remotest, the most insignifi cant colony that exists, than we . will do for you. We pay the Roman Catholic priests in Australia—we pay them in Van Dieman's Land, but to the priests in Ireland, for their educa tion we consider it would be sinful to contribute.—( Hear, hear.) As to the argument of the increased sum proposed, it was preposterous, for if the argument was worth a straw it would go for the withdrawal of all grants.—(Hear, hear. ) The only alternative then was to make the grant avail able for the proposed intention.—( Hear, hear.) Were they prepared to say to the people of Ireland—" we will regard the religion of Roman Catholics wherever the flag of England waves, we will consider the claims of Catholicism wherever it is to be found, except en Irish soil, but when we come there we will tell you that the book called Secundus Secundi stands between us and the discharge of our duty. ( Hear, hear.) The Irish Roman Catholic peasant wished to have their priests educated—the Roman Catholic Bishops wished their pastors educated in a manner that would be creditable to the Church, but what ;do you tell them ? " You admire Thomas Aquinas—you have Maldonatus on your shelves, and we cannot therefore assist you." My Lords, that would not be satisfactory.—(Hear, hear.) It would be as illogical in point of fact as unsatisfactory to the Irish people.—( Hear.) But the case didnot rest there. 'They were not to encourage error it was said—it was a national sin to do so—the religious world were invited to join in this op position. Exeter-hall sent forth its petitions, and its walls re-echoed its debates. He had shown then that they supported Catholicism elsewhere—that they had sanc tioned instruction in Catholicism from the year 1795 in Ireland, but they had gone farther. He held in his hand the report of the affairs of the East India Company. He found, in respect to Bengal, they supported there a Mahotnetan College at Calcutta—that they supported another at Benares, and just let them hear the reason. The Noble Lord then read an ex tract, the substance of which was as follows, from the report t— " The Calcutta, or Mahomeden, College was founded at the request of several distinguished Mahomedans. There have been grants of money ; inspection and inquiry ; a course of science was taught there, comprising natural philosophy, law, astronomy, geology, oratory, rhetoric, &c. The salaries were there fixed." In like manner, at Benares, there was a Sanscrit e Collee, founded " for the pres erva ti on and cultivation of the laws, literature, and religion of the Hindoos, and more parti cularly of the laws of the sacred city." Were they, after this, disposed to go back to Ireland, and say, " We have founded the sacred city of Benares—we have provided for the instruction of the Mahometans, we have provided for the Hindoos, but from those who are near to us, and ought (and I believe are) dear to us, we will withhold this grant, and argue against the grant, on the ground that we will not condescend to increase error." He was of opinion that the Christian religion, in auy modification, or in any sense of the words, was not error. Let them prove to him that that religion was error as compared with that of Hindoos and 111alsomedan, and then, indeed, they would be justified on this ground in withholding the grant to the people of Ireland; hut whilst they patronised the re ligion of the Hindoos—whilst they supported the sacred city of Benares, he did not see how they could refuse the people of Ireland.--e Hear, hear.) One word more; they bad built a Roman Catholie church at Surat, and Roman Catholic churches in other parts of the Presidency of Bombay. The argument was suggested to him by his Noble and Learned Friend on the Woolsack (Lord Brougham) —who did not advert to it because he wished as much as possible to impress the subject ; and what had foreign countries done ? Did they treat the religion of the people adversely because it differed front that of the majority, and would this be used as an argument for 'treat ing the Roman Catholics of Ireland in the manner they had dune? No such thing. Let them look to France. Look to other countries where there were differences of religious opinions, and see whether this would be a safe lesson to read to the people of Ireland. We might tell them that foreign coun tries showed more respect and deference to the religion of Protestants in foreign countries than England showed to the people of Ireland. He was perfectly warranted in saying that this question presented at least one peculiar characteristic. Then no one had suggested any alternative, any proposal, or remedy, in case the present grant were removed. The Noble Earl ( Roden) did not say his motion was an alternative, but, with the frankness and honesty which characterised him, said that he did not propose the motion in any serious light, but purely as an objection to the Bill. But what were they to do? Were they to pass the Bill or leave the law as it now stood—or were they to repeal that law? Those who argued against the present state of things in May nooth could not vote fur the continuance of the present grant — by their own account they could not permit the present state of things to continue. A suggestion had been made in the other House for the removal of the grant, but nobody was found to support that proposal. Surely those on the other side who would oppose any grant, could not be favourable to the Irish Roman Catholic prieshood receiving a foreign education. Would not the arguments of ultramontane doctrines and fo reign influence be stronger than at present, and Mr. Lord, a high rut hority on these matters, said, referring to the College of Rome, " What can we expect to get from Rome lint foreign influences, bigotry, and superstition." This, upon the Noble Earl's own showing, would appear more objectionable. In the course of the Noble Earl's opening speech, in moving the amendment, he referred to a great and high name—clarum et venerabile nonan one which must excite the sympathy and command the respect of the people of England. He meant Mr. Wilberforce.—(hear, hear.) From the manner in which his name hail been intro duced, those who were unacquanted with his character and Parliamentary conduct might suppose that Mr. Wilberforce was against the Roman Catholic religion, arid especially against the grant to Maynooth. In the words which Mr. Wilbef force used in 1808, he could see no such expression.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The question at that time was whether under the peculiar circumstances of the case the Percival Government was or was not justified in continuing the in creased grant made by their predecessors in office ; but what did, he say on that occasion ? He called attention to that because the name and authority of Wilberforce were high, and must have the greatest influence on the minds of persons op posed to the grant. The Noble Duke the Secretary for Ire land observed that he would not object to the grant on prin ciple ; he had never said he would object to the grant on principle. The Noble Duke, referring to Par liamentary documents, stated distinctly that he objected to the increase, because there was already a sufficient number of priests for the population. Mr. Wilberforce, in place of objecting to the Maynooth grant—instead of saying anything condemnatory, said, " I am for toleration—we not only tolerate but lend encouragement to the Roman Catholic re ligion." Mr. Wilberforce did net condemn that—if he had condemned it he would have voted against the small vote as against the large ; but he spoke in approval of it contrast ing the conduct of the people of England with the conduct of other countries, in which they regarded toleration as the dis charge of a national duty, that they not only tolerated—that was they had not only ceased to persecute and withdraw disa bilities, but they had done an act of grace and favour like that of founding Maynooth. Another name had been used which had great influence—he meant the name of Alexander Knox. A more pious, respectable, and respected man could not be named, and the best proof he could give of it was the fact that he was the intimate friend of Bishop Jebb. Well, then, he (Lord Monteagle) would now show their Lordships that the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Roden) was mistaken when he stated that Mr. Knox was opposed to the Maynooth grant. The Earl of RODEN said his statement was, that Mr. Knox was opposed to the proceedings in Maynooth, not to the grant to it—quite the contrary. Lord MONTEAGLE—WeII, then, he would show the House that Mr. Knox was not only not opposed to the grant, or felt unfavourably towards Maynooth, but that he had, in fact, always been favourable to it. It appeared by an authority he had now before him, that Mr. Knox was at one time made the medium of communication between the Government and May nooth. He was examined before a Committee in 1826, after he had been twenty years in the appointment he (Lord Mont eagle) had mentioned, and his evidence was to the effect that he applied for an increase of the grant to Maynooth and got it; therefore, it was quite clear that Mr. Knox could not have taken a salary for twenty years in that situation if he did not give his entire approval to Maynooth.—( Cries of Hear, hear.") The Noble Lord opposite had made a speech on this subject, which certainly had made a great impres sion on the House, particularly in reference to what he had stated about the occurrence in Dingle ; but he (Lord Mont eagle) would say that all these statements should not be taken for granted ; or that, at least, some allowance should be made for the state of feelings of the different parties.--( Hear, hear. ) He (Lord Monteagle) had also heard something said about the Catholic people not keeping their oaths, and he would have a word or two to say about. that presently ; but in reference to the Dingle case, the parties charged were tried by a mixed jury of their own countrymen, and a verdict of guilty returned against them. Now, he believed they had all heard of certain proceedings that had taken place in the island of Ach:le. He (Lord Monteagle) had heard a statement of the particulars from an eye -witness,a barrister and a relative of his own, and he (Lord Monteagle) could not but say that these proceedings were such as would be sufficient to bear down all human restraint before it.—( hear, hear.) The circumstances of the occurrence were these—certain missionaries went to the island Achilo, and a certain personage, of whom they all had heard a great deal, namely, Dr. Alachale, upon hearing of this arrival, proceeded to the island to offer up the solemn sacrifice of the mass. All the Catholic people of the island bad assembled round their clergy on the occasion, and their form of s were worship thus engaged ed in offered up in the usual form of ecclesiastical pomp and sol emn it y ; b ut wh i le the Roman Catholic peop l e prayer, u pin thethose midst missionaries o fthat camelalarge e cr o amongst wd them, a n d, h o ldi ng what they called a consecrated wafer," asked the people was that what they called th e i r G od ? In co nsequence of tilts there was a rush forward made by the people, and he ( Lord Mont ' eagle) would say, that he knew not what people in any country would not have done the same under the same circum stances.—( Hear, hear.) This act of those missionaries was what some Noble Lords might call indiscreet ; but he ( Lord Monteagle) would call it a most intolerant act. However, upon that occasion the . Roman Catholic priests came for w a r d, and rescued those missionaries, and protected and defended them, and this through the means of those very men whose miuisters had been so go grossly and wantonly insulted, the public peace had been preserved. —(Hear, hear.) Under such circumstances he would ask their Lordships would they be sur prised to hear that the public peace had been violated ; he would say thatif the people had remained passive at the time of that occasion they would have shown themselves not men, but less than men to have done so.._( Hear, hear.) The Protestants of Ireland, it had been said, had expressed themselves as hos tile to this measure ; some persons who had arrogated that title had sent in )etitiona certainly, but he denied that they were the Protestants of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He was a Protestant, and as such he should say that more in jury than service was done that establishment by such facts as that there were some parishes in Ireland with rich emoluments but no parishioners ; while in others there were parishioners but clerical ineflciency.—(Hear, hear.) Yet he would never be the man tc consent to the endowment of the Catholic Church out of the revenues of the Protestant Church._ (Cheers. ) He sad heard the Noble Duke say, that the Ro man Catholics mere there, and what was to be done with them? He was glad to 'sear that admission, for there was a period in Ireland—the yet 1758—when it was declared from the judi cial bench, that it was assumed that there was no such thing in the country as a Roman Catholic.--( Hear, hear.) He be lieved the Cathodes of Ireland felt the sanctity of an oath as mach as any Protestant, and it never could be said that they had ever vielatee their oath of allegiance to the Crown. Such being the case, why was it to be said that those who vetted for this grant were those who assented to violate the oath of allegiance ? He had ever found the Ca tholic priests delounce the violation of the law, and ho had known them not only encounter risk, but even death, in sup• port of the law—l Hear, hear)—and as an example of that, he might mention the Rev. Mr. M'Queeny, who was shot in so laudable a work--( Hear, hear.) In Clare the Catholic priests had even teen refused access to their own chapel, in consequence of their efforts to uphold the law. While he said this he must admt that many of the priests were politically excited, and there might have been foolish, and indiscreet songs sung on St. Patrick's day at the College of Maynooth, but while he said this he must at the same time ad mit that he should be sorry to hold himself responsible or any man for the soup that had been sung at Trinity College. It was said that there was great evidence of the opposition of this country to the Bit in the petitions that had been presented. He objected to those petitions being considered as any evidence againstthe grant is Maynooth. Many of them were p re s en t e d by Dissenters, and what did their petitions amount to? Were they against Maynooth? No, but against any Church en dowment at all. He rejected them, therefore, altogether as bear ing upon the qeesion. The politics of the last ten years he believed had caused the great excitement on this subject. He was sorry to say that Ireland had beers the battle- field of party ; every thing Irish or Roman Catholic, both in Parlia ment and oat of doors, was held up in a way to cause excite ment, and those parties had conjured up a cry for which they were now suffering. He did not recur to the past with any feeling or desire to be reproachful. It had been said in the other House of Parliament, that, in reference to this Bill, the Government of the Noble Duke opposite was entitled to the deepest gratitude of the people of Ireland; and, as an individual member of that country, he sincerely tendered them his most unqualified thanks.—( Hear, hear.) A wiser, and a better, and a more conciliatory measure than the present could not have been proposed, and were ho disposed to apply the magnifsiag eye to all the circumstances of the case, it would be impossible for him to find anything to lead him to think that Government had been actuated by any other motive thaw that of doing good in intro ducing this Bill—( Cheers.) They must have known, from their past experience and from past occurrences, that the measure would be objected to by many of their supporters, while, on the other hand, they were doubtful whether it would be acceptable to those whom it would most and immediately affect. At thesame time the Government must have felt it to be a just and right measure, and having introduced it he trusted their Lordships would pass i . And he would here remark that the majority upon this measure was a majority which would fall not merely on the question of Maynooth, but also upon the question of repeal. It would prove the most signal defeat to those who had endeavoured to raise the cry that from the Imperial Parliament no justice, no conciliation, and no kindness to Ireland was to be expected.—( Hear, hear.) Why, it was palpable that the contrary was the fact. Let them look through the annals of past times, and they would find that the Irish Parliament refused all inquiry into the question of tithes, while the Imperial Parliament removed the abuse of tithes altogether. The Irish Parliament adopted the most vexatious and most odious system of taxation, reaching the pockets of the humblest of the people, and this abominable system the Imperial Parliament had destroyed.—(Hear, hear.) The Irish Parliament passed the Penal Acts, but the Imperial Parliament abolished them. He said, then, the Imperial Parliament had a claim upon the consideration and respect and affection of Ireland. Whatever might be told to the people of Ireland, their feelings, their interests, ant he could say their religion, were respected and regarded much more, and much better by the Imperial Parliament than they could be by a Parliament of their own. —(Cheers. ) The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S said it was not the peculiar nature of this measure as connected with the interests of reli gion, nor was it the want of unanimity on this subject observ able on the bench of which he was an occupant, that made him desirous to trespass upon their Lordships, but there was another consideration he had in view in rising to address their Lord ships. After the differences of opinion which had been exhibited on this matter he was extremely anxious not to give a silent vote on this occasion. He respected the opposition out of doors against this measure, and the turn it had taken was such as absolutely prevented him giving a silent vote. He be lieved unfair means had been taken to abuse the public opinion upon the subject, and, moreover, although the opposition presented a very compact and united front, it was impos sible for their Lordships to conceal from themselves the fact, that that front covered as great a difference and repugnance of opinion as existed between those who supported and de fended the measure. —( Hear, hear.) And that observation applied no less forcibly to those who contended for the volun tary principle, for some were in favour of religious voluntary principle, while others advocated a political voluntary principle, and the two were as wide and as far assunder as the poles. It had been a matter of doubt with some, whether any principle was involved in the Bill, and on the whole lie was inclined to think that the Bill touched upon little that could be called principle. He could perfectly well understand that those who objected to the annual grant, could object still more strongly to the increase, and he could just as easily understand that those who assented to the annual grant might not be sa• tisfied with the policy or the wisdom of the present measure, but he really could not see how those parties could dissent from the Bill on the ground of anything like principle. —( Hear. ) The principal object which he had in addressing their Lord ships was, that he might have an opportunity of explaining the principles on which he supported the present measure; but he could not do so until he had cleared th e way b y remov i ng some of those objections which had so powerfully influenced the public mind, and until he had shown why th ose o bj ec ti ons h a d not affected his opinion in voting against the proposed grant. He would briefly notice one objection with respect to the pre sent subject. It had been ass ume d th a t t hi s measure was essentially a sacrifice of principle to expediency, and we had been assured it was right to do evil that good might come. That pri n cipl e was not r i g h t i t was evident ; but he would wish their Lordships to remember that the dictum was totally inapplicable to the present case. The cases to which it might be appropriately applied were those only in which there was unmixed good and u nm i xe d ev il, or unmixed truth and unmixed error. If the maxim were to be applied to the present measure, it must be expressed in very different terms. The question was not will you do good in order that evil may come, but will you do good with a slight admixture of evil, or will you refuse to convey truth, if it be a truth, amalgamated with the smallest quan tity of err or. This objection would apply to all the arguments that had been raised against the present measure, and all the fallacies that had been brought forward to compete it would be completely answered, if it was inquired had anything better been proposed as a substitute than that which was now offered. Ile would say, do all the good you can when you can n ot d o all the good you wish. He would now proceed to another point, which embraced many considerations withi n it s sphere, but he would confine his obse r v a ti ons t o on l y one. The present measure bad been stigmatised as a measure that sanctioned idolatry and superstition. They had been told by the Noble Earl that idolatry and superstition were very hard names and harsh terms, but they were not only harsh terms but also very loose and indefinite terms, and they conveyed a general idea of some kind of religious error, while, at the same time, they suggested feelings of contempt and hatred, but they performed the latter part of th e i r office more effectually than they did the other. He would widi their Lordships for one moment to consider the state of religion among the most savage, degraded, and uncivilized races that were : known of either in ancient or modern times. Think of the v o t ar i es o f Jugger naut, and of the miserable idolatry of Iceland and the South Seas, and then say what stronger terms could b e a ppli e d to them th an th e epithets of idolators . and superstition. —( Hear. ) Ile would ark if they had now for the first time to form the coronation oath, would it not admit of a fair and reasonable doubt that it was necessary or expedient to put w wets into the mouth of ;the sovereign of this realm, to testify his ad herence to the epithets that would stigmatise many of his subjects as idolators and superstitious. It was doubtless, however, that these terms would be objected to if they were taken in the fullest meaning. Those words were not intended to be made the subject of a discussion, such as had been heard from the Noble Duke on the cross benches. He would say that in public documents it would be better to avoid language which must necessarily give birth to angry and unpleasant feelings on every roast- There was a solemnity annually performed by the Church of England which i was a thanksgiving for deliverance from great danger, and he hoped that that solemnity would never be abolished, but ho feared it was made use of for the purpose of re-creating religious animosities, and it was in his opinion a matter of congratulation from their Lordships that they were dis cussing the present measure on the 4th of June, and not on the eve of the sth of November. As to the coronation oath, which might contain the words superstitious and idolatrous, it was absurd to suppose th a t th e Sovereign of this realm could ever be bound to set himself in opposition to the constitutional interests and wishes of his people. He was only speaking as to what superstition and idolatry were. There was, however, another point. We were told that the present was a measure in which id o l atry and superstition would be sanctioned. If there were no error in it, he would freely admit there was no gainsaying it.--( Hear, hear. ) He would illustrate his view of the subject by reference to the fact that in the Government of Saxony—a country where the great mass of the people were Protestants-20,000 dollars had been granted to relieve the Roman Catholics when they were placed in difficulties. He could not see that in doing this the Ro man Catholic religion had been recognised. If that was so, as he stated it, then he would ask did the present measure sanction the Roman Catholic religion in any other way? It was a question of calculation which persons of a great variety of opinions might join in supporting, without its leading in any way to the sanctioning of religious error, more than in the other case which he had given. He believed that this gran t would neither strengthen or perpetuate the Roman Catholic religion. —( Hear, hear.) There was one other matter to which he would refer before proceeding to state, as succinctly as he could, hisreasons for supporting the Bill. L was a point contamingy the essence of the question. He did not see there was an sufficient ground for the amendment of the Noble Earl pro posing a Select Committee to inquire into the character and doctrines of the College of Maynooth. The inquiry proposed by the Noble Earl either went too far, or did not go far enough. For his part, he agreed with the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, and with a Rieht Reverend Prelate who had already spoken on the questicu, both of whom said that such an inquiry was altogether u nnecessary. But, admit ting that it was necessary, it was not ssfficient to take the Col lege of Maynooth—they must take a much wider range. They must not oply ascertain the present condition of that college at the present moment, but also what it was at a former time, when the:professors of that establishment were loyal and true in their attachment to Anti-Jacobin principles. They should not only do this, but they should ascertain the class-books and course of education in other Roman Catholic colleges in England, Scotland, and Ireland ; and also learn the kind of books employed in the coheges on the Conti nent—at Rome, Lisbon, Palermo, and other cities, where Roman Catholic students would have to be educated, supra- ing the College of Maynooth was abolished: - He fully admitted ' the existence of the passages which had been taken from the class-books used at that institution, and which had been so often ehployed against this measure—passages selected with the most anxious and jealous scrutiny to make against the Roman Catholics. And how stood the case ? The most flagrant injustice had been inflicted on the Roman Catholic religion by the epurse taken. It was represented that the doctrines taught would have the effect of poisoning the source 'of domestic morals, and inculcating persecuting, unconstitutional, and de grading doctrines. He bad read those books from whence those conclusions were purported to be drawn, and he could 4e no difference in the general scope or tendency of what they taught: and the books of the most eminent Christian writers. As an evidence of the spirit of the Roman Catholic books, about which so much noise had been made, he would refer to a work of the highest authority in the Roman Catho qc Church, which so far from inculcating doctrines dangerous to morality, gave the most correct and liberal interpretation of the Confessional. It stated that it would be impossible and improper to use the Confessional in any instance in which the passions could be excited, or the purity of the parties con- ' fessing should be violated. The Right Rev. Prelate here read an extract from the work, the name of which did not transpire, to the foregoing effect, and also to the effect that the doctrines of passive submission were taught. As a practical illustration of the effect of the Roman Catholic religion, he might further refer to Ireland, the poorer class of which, in Morality, would bear comparison with the people of any other country in the world. But he would not found any argument on the difference of opinion between those Roman Catholic writers and any Protestant moralist. What had been the influence of such works, after all ? Did any of them believe that a Roman Catholic was less aware of the sanctity of an oath than a Pro testant? There was one other point which he wished to refer to with reference to this subject—he meant the accusa tions that had been raised against the instruction adopted in the College of Maynooth. It was said that the doctrines inculcated were dangerous to political principles—that they adopted ultra montane doctrines with regard to the supremacy of the Pope. He admitted that such principles were asserted in their works, but he was prepared to ,say that they had not had evidence to provethat such doctrines were taught, whether they were ultra montane, or whether they were the doctrines of the Gallican church. He ventured to assert, that so far from having rea son to apprehend with fear the extension of the Papal power, they had, in a political point of view, every reason to wish that the Pope had far greater influence in Ireland than he now had.—( Hear. hear.) The Pope was the ally of despotic Governments. He was not the ally of Espartero but of Don Carlos ; he had no sympathy with Louis Philippe, but with the exiled family of the Bourbons—not with the reign ing family of this country, but with the exiled Pretender. So far, thee, from there being any connexion between the Pope and Irish agitation, there must always be the greatest variance between them.—(Hear.) The Pope was well aware that the agitation in Ireland proceeded from persons who held precisely the same principles as those entertained by the democratic party for whom the Pope en tertained the greatest dread, with respect to their influence and his power at home. There could therefore be no alliance. The doctrines taught in the College of Mavnooth would not de pend on the words or professions contained in their books, :but on the spirit and disposition of the teachers. This opinion was entertained by a great body of the Catholics in that country. Whenever they accomplished such a state of things as would render the Irish people happy and contented, be would venture to say, that they would hear nothing more about agitation among the Irish priests, for it was the natural tendency of their religion to suc cumb to those in authority. He was borne out in that testivony by history. If they did not adopt the Bill they would commit a great national sin ; by adopting it they would go a great way to efface the guilt of that oppressive Government which they had for so many centuries inflicted on Ireland.— ( Hear, hear.) That ought to weigh upon the consciences of this nation, and be called upon them to avert that retri bution and that guilt by adopting the measure before the House. In the second place this was a measure of policy. It was part of a large and liberal policy.—(Great cheering.) It was neces sary that this measure should be passed for the safety of the kingdom. It was a system and course of policy absolutely necessary for the welfare of the empire. This was the basis on which the whole interest of the country rested, and if they at tempted to put it on any narrower basis, they would so far un dermine property as to render it perfectly unsafe. Their Lordships were now simply invited to give to the Roman Ca tholic Clergy in Ireland in this respect in the same condition as those who are engaged as Roman Catholic ministers in the colonial dependencies. If they thought that they were not to regard expediency, but principle, he perfectly agreed with them; but that in no way affected the question at issue ; and he thought that this was a matter of principle, and he was quite satisfied tvith his own conduct in giving his adhe sion to the grant which they were that night called on to make. In the third place, they were now called upon to make good one of the promises they had made at the union. At that time an engagement was made that in the event of the union being effected that Ireland should enjoy the same advantages as she possessed in the enjoyment of a do mestic legislation, and he believed that if that promise were not kept it:would be at the risk of a disruption of the union and a dimemberment of the empire. He had stated that this mea sure considered in itself, or as a part of the policy now pursued with regard to Ireland, was a measure of conciliation. But they were asked where were 'the signs of conciliation? Had it really conciliated the Irish people? He admitted that it might have very imperfectly effected that object, but what were the reasons? It could not be expected that a century of misrule could be immediately and in stantaneonsly remedied—(Hear)—and they were now paying the penalty of their former errors. Even the opposition now offered neutralised and prevented the beneficial results of that measure. This was the effect of their own conduct, and yet they were the very persons who used the argument in this case, that Ireland evinced ne appearance of being coo ciliated.-( Cheers.) He would only say that the effect of this opposition of their Lordships would be, if successful, most dan gerous to the peace of that country. One of the arguments used by the opponents of this measure was, that the present State allowance for the purpose of educating the Roman Catholic priesthood would eventually lead to the giving of an endowment to the Roman Catholic Church - itself. He could foresee no such result. He was glad to observe, too, that one of the Right Reverend Prelates (the Bishop of Exeter) who had addressed the House in opposition to the Bill, had made reference to Dr. Arnold, for he trusted that that prelate would now study the works of that divine, and in that study he would at once meet his (the Bishop of St. David's) encouragement. Dr. Arnold had made the following der eration :—" Good prelates and worse Christians have talked so long about the beast and Antichrist, that the question of charity, as regarded their duty to their fellow-Christians, had been neglected as if by common consent." But what need had they of such testimony, how ever high ? Had they not that of the present Chief Minister of the French kingdom? Had they not that of the distinguished Nobleman, who had just left the British shore, after effecting a treaty which, he trusted, would preserve peace between the two countries? And had they not the testimony of one,pf the first authorities in Russia to the advantages arising., CO any-, kingdom from the mitigation of religious rancour, and the al layment of all animosities between contending creeds? He Was very sorry for so long occupying their Lordships, but he had felt it to be his duty to state to the House the grounds upon which he supported the Bill. —( Hear r hear. ) There were then loud cries of " Divide, divide," which, however, gave way to The Earl of CEIARLEVILI.E, who assured their Lord ships that he had great unwillingness to oppose any measure which was calculated to give satisfaction to his Roman Catho lic countrymen. He lived amongst them, and he loved them —( Hear, hear)--and it was painful to him to be compelled to say anything which could wound their religious feelings. After the observation of the Right,Rev. Prelate, for whom he enter tained every personal respect possible, he hoped that he would not be offended with him (Lord Charleville) when he stated that he listened to his speech with extreme regret. He would wish to call the attention of their Lordships to the point whether there was anew principle involved in the measure proposed by her Majesty's Government, and as to this being an endowment for the first time. The Act of 1793 was an endowment of the College of Maynooth, and the trustees were appointed for the purpose of establishing, endowing, and main taining the College of Maynooth. It was then intended to remove some of the disabilities, pains, and penalties under which the Roman Catholics labonred. ( Here the Noble Lord made a long pause, and took a written paper from his pocket, which he looked at—there were loud cries of " Hear," and great laughter. The Noble Lord dropped the paper and re sumed, but again stopped. The same impatience was manifested, upon which the Noble Lord said he was suffering from great pain, and having said so, referred to the paper again, and went on, but with great . hesitation.) A question was raised whether the class-books at Maynooth taught a different system from that of Maldonatus and St. Thomas Aquinas. In the canons sanctioned by the Pope, and published in 1839, it was stated that ecclesiastics were not bound by the oath of allegi ance to their Prince, but that they might resist even Princes when the rights and honours of their Church were at stake, even for their own advantage. Kingly power was subject to, and bound to obey the Church. This was written by Jesuits, and he thought it would not be difficult to show that the Col lege of Maynooth was jesuitical. Whether his Noble Friend opposite denied or admitted this fact, he should, at all events, vote for inquiry. The Noble Baron (Lord Clifford) last night asked of the Right Reverend Prelate if he had read the report of the Commt:sioners of Education, and the evidence of the Reverend Peter Kenny, a 'Jesuit. He need not more particularly call the attention of their Lordships to the letter of Dr. Kenny. ,But this he would say, that that Rev. Gentleman was educated at the Jesuit College of Palermo, where the form was gone through of asking certain questions in reference to the religious feelings of the candidate for admission' as well as the country of his nativity. When Dr. Kenny left college he became Vice-President of the College of Maynooth, on the recommendation of the Rev. Dr. Murray, who gave him the highest , character as an accomplished divine, which he (Lord Charleville) could not of course say he did not deserve. Dr. Kenny left that college soon after' for Cluges, and while there, it appeared by his own. letters, that he had admitted at Maynooth no fewer than 200 of the pupils to the fraternity of the Sodality of the Sacred heart of Jesus. Now, let him call attention to the words of the Noble Duke near him, is April, 1829, when the Emancipation Bill was introduced to their Lordships' House. Upon that occasion, the Noble Duke gave it as his decided opinion that monastic institutions should not be permitted to increase in Ireland. He would now call their Lordships' atten tion to the 34th clause of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, and by that their Lordships would see whether or not the provisions of that clause had not been carried out, in reference to monastic institutions in Ireland. The Noble Earl then read the 34th clause of the Emancipation Act, which enacted that any person becoming a Jesuit was guilty of a misdemeanor, and subject to banishment for life. Now, if they proved that persons in Maynooth were admitted to take up that order, he did not see how a Committee could be refused to them. He had no reason to believe that the Roman Catholics of Ireland had any interest in this question. They considered it as valueless. He could not understand what good was to be derived from the measure. If this Bill was to lead to ulterior measures, he could easily conceive a strong desire on the part of the Roman Catholics to have the Rill passed, and he thought the House ought to know distinctly from Government, before they sanctioned this Bill, if they intended to follow it up with other measures of a more extensive character. Ile was surprised that the Noble Duke should admit his igno rance of what was going forward in Ireland at the time he spoke on the question the other night. He had himself re ceived newspapers on Friday morning last from Ireland, and it was extraordinary that her Majesty's Government should be so blind to what was being enacted in the Irish capital at that period, as not to inquire into the result either on Saturday or Sunday. For the particular information of the Government, he would read an extract front two letters he had received on Mon day. lie referred to the levee recently held in the City of Dublin. The Noble Lord here read the extract, which described the im posing appearance of the procession, and the proceedings that subsequently took place in Conciliation-hall, with the address of Mr. O'Connell, and the oath taken on the occasion. The oath was a pledge binding all those who took it to make every exertion to achieve legislative independence for Ireland by all moral, loyal, and constitutional means.—( Hear, hear.) It was a dangerous and deplorable state of things for a country to de pend for the preservation of its peace upon the exertions of one man, who could thus, at any moment, call together such hundreds of thousands of individuals. He thought the Go. vernment might have taken other steps for the good of Ireland, than the bringing in a measure of this kind, if they wished to secure the peace and welfare of the people of Ireland. Lord STANLEY said, whatever regret to or her Majesty's Government might have felt, he could assure the NobleEy] - who had just sat down that regret was sincere. He should regret if they lost the support of the Noble Earl, or of other Noble Lords who considered that the Government were un worthy of the confidence reposed in them by proposing the measure before the House. He still repeated that in the per formance of the duties which they owed to the country, and which had guided the Ministers of this great empire in discharging the functions with which they had been trusted, they had acted consistently, and with a desire to pro mote the peace and the prosperity of the country ; and he knew not what were the measures which the Noble Earl sup posed they ought to have adopted. He (Lord Stanley) knew not what those steps were which ought to have been taken in consequence of the proceedings which he said had taken place—but this he would say, that that department of her Majesty's Government to which the peace of the country more' especially belonged had got the earliest information of what had taken place, or what was likely to take place in Dublin. They did not hear of a demonstration which was likely to disturb the public peace, or that in those proceedings there was any viola tion of the law of the land, and if that result should be upon an occasion intended to celebrate the anniversary of the conviction which was subsequently set aside by a judgment of their Lord ships' House on technical points of law—if the crowds who went to pay their respects to Mr. O'Connell, and to express their opinions—if a much larger proportion of the population of Dublin, as his Noble Friend had stated, in boats and ships came with flags to see the procession—if all these things took:; place, and if no interruption of the peace took place—that no violation of the law took place—that in the opinion of the officers of the law there was nothing in the proceedings of that day that made any man amenable to the law. He (Lord Stanley) himself thought it was the duty of the Government to watch that there was no interruption of the public peace, and that they were not called upon by such an occasion to come forward and see that the proceedings were not beyond or above the law. He could not think that great part of the Noble Earl's speech was pecu liarly applicable to the subject-matter ; neither did he pre cisely understand why the Noble Earl drew a distinction be tween the proceedings of some days in Dublin and of others. He did not think the Noble Lord (Lord Roden) was serious in proposing the amendment which he had brought forward. He distinctly stated that he brought it forward—not because he had the smallest idea that it would lead to an inquiry not that it would affect his vote, but to stop and defeat the measure that had been brought for ward by her Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear.) He brought forward his amendment for the purpose of an inquiry into the doctrines taught in the College of Maynooth, and of the discipline of the College. And why ? Because he could prove that since the passing of the Catholic Relief Act, certain young men in that College had been admitted into the society of the Jesuits. The Noble Earl said he was prepared to prove what he had stated. If such a thing had happened— if, in opposition to the Act of 1829, any young men had been introduced from that college into the Society of Jesuits. he was liable to be banished for a misdemeanor. If,therefore, the Noble Earl, or any one else, was desirous to proceed, the law was open to them. He (Lord Stan ley) understood that the amendment was not to be a sub stantial measure, and the question was, would they accept or reject the measure proposed by her Majesty's Government. He conceived that such an inquiry as that proposed by the Noble Earl would be entirely useless. Ho would admit, nay, he would say, that if the inquiry were to be instituted according to the motion of the Noble Earl, it should be made with a view to elicit the practice of the officers rather than proving from the books of the College the exploded doctrines which might be gathered from the text-books, but which were utterly repudiates by the professors of Maynooth. At the best, such an inquiry must prove most unsatisfactory and unprofitable. They had no right to institute an inquiry into the doctrines taught at Maynooth, but they hada right to inquire into the manner in which the professors and the pupils had acted in the exercise of these principles. Into this they had a right to inquire. But this was the course that had been pursued by the professors of that College. In 1798, when there had been great suspicion of the feelings and allegiance of the denizens of Maynooth, and when the doc trines taught there had come into question, an inquiry had been instituted into the doctrines taught at that establishment, and of their effects on its pupils, and what was the re sult ? They had found, on inquiry, that there was cause for sutpicion, and they acted accordingly. About that time a number of pupils had been to Maynooth, and the first thing that was presented to them was the offer of the oath of supre macy. Many of them had, doubtless, availed themselves of the kissing the thumb instead of the ook, and all those little means of equivocation which were so well known, and well ap preciated by those" who wished to take an undue and im proper advantage of it. In this instance the oath of supremacy and allegiance had been tendered and accepted, and when the test was tried it was itund that both the students and the profes sors were equally anxious to Support the character of all in the establishment. With such a fact before them, were they to slander away the character of those who had the guidance of the College of Maynooth ? What was the character of the oath which was prescribed to the students on entering the Col . . lege? It contained provisions for the whole of th . ose duties, which, as members of a social community, they were bound to fulfil. That was the declaration of the time, and' it was fully borne out by the politics and proceedings of Maynooth ; and when, in 1793, the inquiry of which he had spoken had been instituted, it bad led to the expulsion of several students from the Colle g e.— ( Hear, hear. ) With regard to the doctrines taught at Maynooth, it was very true that Dr. Crotty and Dr. M'Hale differed in opinion as to the doctrines taught at Maynooth, yet they still both agreed in the principle that they were opposed to the ultra-montane prinsi ples which had been so feared by certain professors of the Roman Catholic doctrines in that College. It was true that the feelings of the country had been represented as being op posed to the Roman Catholic religion; but if he could under stand the country right, he was right in asserting that the opi nion of the country was gathered from the petitions made to the House; but the fact was, that those were the petitions of sectarians, and not of the body o 1 the people. Now he found that a great majority of the petitions which had been presented to that House, had proceeded from Dissenting congre gations, who held that no religious denominations ought to be maintained by an endowment from the State. It was a matter of principle, and they prayed that net Maynooth alone, but that no other establish ment connected with the Church should receivean endowment. To the Noble Lord who bad spoken that evening, he would say that neither from Oxford or Cambridge had any petition been presented is opposition to the measure before their Lordships. A NOBLE LORD—Nor from Dublin. Lord STANLEY, in continuation—Nor from Dublin, and if Noble Lords would carefully examine the signatures ap pended to those petitions, they would find that of the Members of Oxford and Cambridge who had signed those petitions—( Hear, hear)—a preponderating number were in favour of this measure . But of the petitions emanating from dissenting congregations, he would say, that they were founded on a supposition altogether erroneous—they were founded on an apprehension that the measure tended to the in jury of the Protestant, Chursli, ..and to the promotion of the Roman Catholic faitl2,..;-)loz . he could as-ure their LorylshiPs that if he thought thil that - measly° would tend in the slightest degree to the injuri , of the Protestant Church, if he thought that it tended to injure them in their temporal, or still more, to injure them in their spiritual in terests, he (Lord Stanley) would be the first to refuse his sanction to such a measure, he would be the very first to denounce that measure, and he would continue his op position to it to its very latest stage. He was afraid that the distinction was not sufficiently marked between those measures which, while they benefited the Roman Catholic Church, in jured not the Protestant Establishment. And he:was one who did not think it necessary to injure the one in order to advantage the other. He did not think that the benefit conferred on the one must necessarily injure the other. That was no new opi nion of his, and without pretending to any bastard consistency, he could inform the House that in all times there had been no change in his opinion, on the subject under dis cussion ; there had been no alteration in his votes. He could well imagine that many of their Lordships, who, pre vious to 1829, would have been desirous of witholding poli tical power from Roman Catholics, and who were opposed to the present measure on the ground of argument, that if they entrusted political power to a people ignorant, they would pervert it, to them he would say, it was better to en trust that political power to an educated than to an unedu cated people. In the year 1821 he had strenuously resisted a proposition which he believed to be inimical to the interests of the country,_ but that did not prevent him in 1825 from voting for a measure of larger compass than the present measure, brought forward not for an annual endowment only to the College of Maynooth, but for the relief of the whole body of the Roman Catholics. He had been asked whether it was not a necessary consequence that this endowment of the Col lege of Maynooth would not lead to the endowment of the Ro man Catholic Church. He saw no such necessary conse quence—he saw no such probable consequence. They had for fifty years given a constant annual aid to the College of Maynooth, and he could not see that its perma nent endowment necessarily led to an endow mentof the Church, any more than that an annual endowment for the one, should lead to the annual endowment of the other. He saw obstructions in the opinions and in the prejudices of the people of this country ; ho saw obstructions and objections in the Roman Catholic clergy themselves ; he saw many and great objections in the way of this endowment, but he would say that if any such objections existed in his own mind, religious scruples would not prevent him from supporting the motion. Where was the injury to the Protestant Church? Was it an injury to their temporal or to their spiritual interests? He knew none such, but it did appear to him, that if an in jury to their temporal interests were to be apprehended, that was still more strongly to be apprehended from an unendowed than from an endowed establishment—from a body of men who had been refused every thing, than from a body of men who had been themselves endowed fur the promotion of reli gion. If they looked to the spiritual interests of the Church, or the influence which the education of the Col lege of Maynooth would have upon the morals of the youth, he would say that such a danger might be appre hended, if Catholics and Protestants received the same educa tion from Roman Catholic teachers ; but that not being the case, he could conceive no such danger. There were some who indulged in the dream that, at some future period, in consequence of some indefinite or un defined legislation, the whole of the Roman Catholics of Ireland would be within the pale of Protestantism. No one could wish to see such a consummation more than he did ; but, looking at the experience of the past, and the pro bability of the future, he confessed that he regarded such a vision as wholly Utopian. Confessions from the Roman Catholic religion could not be impeded by this measure, be cause if the measure should have any effect upon Roman Catholics at all it would not be to make them worse, but. rather to make them less and better.— ( Hear, hear.) He was deeply sensible of the many errors and failings of the Roman Catholic Church, and as strongly con vinced of the superior purity of his own Church, and the truth and doctrines of his own Church ; yet if he were en trusted with the care of a being whom he loved best in the world, say for instance, a child of his own, he should much rather prefer bringing it up in the profession of the Roman Catholic religion than leaving it wholly destitute of religious instruction.—( Hear, hear.) Rut this was not a parallel case with Ireland, for a large proportion of the people of Ireland were Catholics. They would be Catholics and must be Catholics, and the question for them now to consider was, whether they should be instructed Catholics or not.—(Hear, hear.) Whether they would suffer their priests to be ignorant, illiterate and unlettered on the one hand, or well educated and well instructed on the other.—( Hear, hear.) Then, again, looking at the matter in a religious point of view, he was far from thinking that he was doing anything hostile or at variance with his religious professions, and he said as a Chris tian, not less than as a politician, that it was right, and wise, and good, that they should give their Roman Catholic fellow• subjects the best possible religious education in the form of warship they preferred to receive it in.—( Hear, hear.) He would not go over the ground of argument which had been followed by his Noble Friend, who was connected with the county of Lime rick, with regard to the question of principle, so far as the same measure might apply to the colonies—( Hear, hear)—but he would simply simply content himself by reminding their Lordships, that so far from the measure introducing any new principle, he might mention that in Ca nada, Malta, and other countries to which England was bound or attached by treaties or otherwise, Roman Catholic institu tions were endowed and supported out of the public funds.— ( Hear, hear.) He had carefully examined all the authorities in favour of the endowment of Maynooth and against it, and from a full oomparison of all that he had heard, and of all that he had read, he could come to no othe r conclusion, gm that by a superior education of the Catholic priests in Ireland an T he of the character of the people would be attained. :T. Noble Lord then read at length extracts from speeches of ,' d Grattan, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Burke, in which those distinuis" statesmen expressed themselves as favourable to tic: endowment of the Catholic priests in Irela nd ' t believed that the opinions of those great men were borne ou. by the facts, and that a great improvement in the character td the priesthood in Ireland had followed from the arrangrne.ut which connected the education of the priesthood with the Government of the country. He did not wish to oppose t e statements of his Noble Friend opposite (Lord Beaumont) as t° the interpretation which might be pu t upon certai n religious obligation.. Lord BEAUMONT explained. Lord STANLEY idat he had fully accepted the owls' nation of the Noble Lor said d, L and he was happy to have one otoore! occasion of arguing with ( Hear. ) The Noble Lrd then read at great length from the speeches of Grattan and Berke, in favour of the endowment of a Catholic College in Ireian the l Their general line of policy now was to afford education to people of Ireland, and to add to the improvement of their clergy. In the measures which they had taken, they were not prescribing the course of study which wasej° be adopted at Maynooth they were wi making a better provision for their comfort, he wer e taking care to do away with the filth and indecency, he woulda say, to which the students were now exposed. They were taking into consideration the maintenance, and were ots. to give them the same station which the clergy of their Tie; persuasion were placed in. ((Hear, Ira.) And t with wished that the students of that college would no t leave it,_ a feeling of disgust at the inconvenience and indecto:Y_ to which they were exposed, but with a feeling of ratn t th e e !h h e ig G he o s y t er e n la m ss e . nt two Why, if they looked for their subsisting'eoto, of men of high talent, if t d h i e d y With regard to the professors it was said that they were nrv.cel, for the sum of 1201. per annum t Under seen, aive cumstances did they expect these professors eioe__,lu i l ? all their energies to the duties a their e 5 . 1 .0 wt,harelytedets•pettaitno t het s such theta l c i The sum voted was trifling, and the sum which thetheyo7:.4 called upon to pay in comparison to the magnitude of _ _".17; was trifling. There was no new principle contemplated,. but new system. Some were afraid of ulterior measures . 11° . in not deny that he wished this measure to be considereciti a' induction of the design, temper, and spirit in which t_bels meant to administer the Government of Ireland_ ,"at measure of conciliation and favour. They bad been toer n d to it was said that the measure had been declared in Ira who have been extorted from their fears, but the Noble Lord, the said so at the same time admitted that the Goverarnetti the the powers of the law to put down agitation. It wa:ation of same year that they acted rigorously for the Pre' er , t , Ildl , the peace of the country that they passed the 13W% alion al and when there was no indication of foreign war, disturbances.--( Hear. ) Where, then, °r ; s ae of wa s tne J U d fool o saying that the measure had been estorte di n edt their fears. His Right Hon. Friend, Sir B. Peel say in the other House he was influenced by the tbr!".:but hostility of America, in bringing forward this roee w ;l s what he did say was, that it was a happy thieg i ll o r ' the message of peace to Ireland, on the very day 7 e i l egl fri American news arrived. The measure would be re,... ti l ta the I B r i i s s h h o p p eople might have, at least they Ireland with gratitude and satisfaction, for whatever r,. The measure might not conciliate such firebrands ef the 11° s gitr Lion, but it would, he repeated, be hailed be Higgins, nor those whose trade l e , w ith satisfaction by all sensible and loyal wee. meansof pre- If they expected that this measure would be the is o f the clueing a feeling of immediate gratitude bethe breaLted, st Irish people, he feared they would isaPP°LorclhiP6 least, for some time; but let their b they ore t e a v u e g r h b t ear by in an m u i n n e d r t r h in a g t w a i u se tho a r n i d ty ho w ly b rn ie a h /w7 l :! e se no oot ra o go c i come by i ty n g evil, b ( u c t l o e v e e r r s co ) m e l evil h b:y s g ni o e od as , u a r n e d s h re o t e u l r d:b e fie rece s o r - if d. t . ti nes to the wh were grateft%reb them study to remove that feeling by a constant scLatilis w ean!: lt wa s " , i . Y o the g r '... " and by this means alone, could they hope to in heaits;ch tude of the Irish people, and secure a place i n oyin C hu tit (Hear.) Let this country firmly uphold t heir out the le . og ete athishmpigeohitae._be( Hecaarll,ehdearin. )gratitude -0 t,, e of k i n in all its spiritual and temporal rights throug.n.„ a t the, -a ao d and breadth of the land in Ireland ; but lot tb"" t h o hatio , h , v , time take the Roman Catholic people kinclif bY r o of eu: ' c i show them that you mean to treat them uP°, 3 ,„, c s bar"l'; 1 ,,,, to (Hear.) This measure was now in their Lwrt;')in refekr,°;"oo - fe bt a hu r at s th a e s i t to li tand woulde ns r ae ei e, u r l t t uba o et f e night'sntfhairinstbreodtteur rvido:ltie,:hait: ilia,„) l e a t fo , t r lb t e `; ri - iy i, o t r i d r : ships should regret it.—( Cries of . passing of this measure they would sct° o f 01 1 . 11 o ral by which the moral and political uo j i en e a rd 0 1 ' 0a gine empire was cemented ; and while he woul" he r c o uld °() . 1 a ntrY and dismay the rejection of the Bill, yet -: e v olve follow r ot s uch “etle;:r.:111:1)2ari '‘tr.03",111,1::;(i that their Lordships would, by such a step in joy follo in the fearful eonsequences that would a rta Joas ° a result of the debate. th e 1 Strangers were then ordered to withdraw' 51.15 t... divided upon the amendment, who's there OP° 155 .. Not Contents .......... ' -.90 WV" .. Contents ................................ _ .. The NoAtiaCoi ority against the amendme original . , House again divided upon the Contents,ntenptrse,spenretse.n..t. ................. .." . 1 . 111 . 1 : 4 ! there appeared— Proxies... ........................ .•• _____,...,.6 , la r ) Proxies .................................. .. .:_, 69 57 .. '-'l'Cleeli' Majority for the second reading ...... y ou r o ' The House then adjourned atQuarter past The STEAMER took the Chair at Four 'l?;(l),.,,e'odiourt) '1 110 USE OF COMMONS, .11 1 :! .e __hen tlieerie being only thirty-three Menal•••••••''''.sPresent' the II °- --- it. CounT CIACULA , 0 , 0 0, . . of pe ~i , o tio , 'Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duehn s ' e l de lir!' e g, attended by La Baronne de Finguerlin and M. •nr, a , iaor,ti, :al, left Boulogne at half-past eight o'clock yeste,°‘.li'ieen!),l.,,h. Bel "er;,onnveyed across the channel in tl!e ir itoyl,ilsrera A m an l and in d u C t o e an s p l a r i n ggian steam.packet to Folkestone. Toe eoet h-ba we ra railway, e.ses travelled to town by a special train on the received by the Marquis of a Orm lade, I' G ro om ' 0 'a aWaiti'i- a l carriages and four, which were s in readiness at the - or ied $ proceeded to Buckingham Palace, where the , ' utieg slig" it d oil j , a ha i r es n i t :F ti llg wu r a os tnrocit.oicstulho c eS ka ell . Yr t mi : : :. lrl i a i tY'errGeUr °t'llss;'•ra:f 't:thttaeitiiti iga],:st'e s t a ht 4 ° : The Royal Duke and Duchess were receive ~, La 1 4 from their carriage by the Countess of Gainsbocelp kfri;eo twenty Queen, Waiting . ; the Hon. Misses Murray and Kerr. 11 .1. Vet to in Waiting ; Lord George Lennox, Lord in ° itias,, e , Albert ; Colonel Berkeley Drummond'GroonLia,erry 10 P the Queen • Grey, Prl" , and the Hon. Colonel the Majesty. , . a 6 ° ill 3 to Her Royal highness the Duchess of Kent pat ,_ e. er illustrions'visitors soon after their arrival at the palac e. l el / 0 „. The Queen and Prince Albert rode out on horse A terday morning, attended by the,lion. Miss Kerr au' .00,0 ries in Waiting. afare l" 0 4 Her Majesty the Queen Dowager, attended by the_ .ter oy , ..4 of Ormond, Lady in Waiting, visited the Quee r !: Yeeesoert "-- parteok of a dejeune with her Majesty and P 0 he V ille : the Prince of Leiningen. •dby t - rosg The Queen and Prince Albert, accompaniee 03.101110 a st of Leiningen, and attended by the Countess 0 . 1 i ONO - 5 Thei r and the Hon. Colonel Grey, visited the Flormicornio.. e floc' the gardens in the Regent's-park yesterdaY,, carebri‘eW 0 Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchessi_Ot'ed t he il , companied ,by the Princess Mary, also °' l Itel al hibition. 0 th e ' terilaY 1 The Royal Family were taken airings Ye s e rdei „ re st , , . 6 1 Gardens of Buckingham Palace. p a ja,ce I ir la) t, The Royal Dinner party at. Buckingham gent, tbe No included her Royal Highness the Duchess of . Litut e ortl e Highnesses the Duke and Duchess de PleT,_"flord„_et,ol, Maria Dawson, La Baronne de Finguer;rei d o Pi Lennox, Colonel Sir George Cooper, i‘l• Dies er ' and Captain Francis Seymour. de d d a ring The and of the Grenadier Guards atten ~. and performed the following pieces :--- , it. ..iell o ' Pot Pourri " Der Heise Durch die la e Polonoise—Lindpaintne r. ICubner. Walser, " Die Rhein Lauder”--- : tocr 'rl• Polka, " Ernestinen."--Hilmar. „ .... ziatlpa' ° IV. Quick Step, " Die Fabnen Wacht, ure d 1a1r.,,,,JaY , His Royal Highness Prince Albert honp aee on ii_ s oni Callcott with an interview at 13uckingliato i'„aeoforTteolde• when several of the new patent transposilsro . til , t at ion ~(' submitted to his Royal Highness by Mr. A° , is o ppro „a, 00 - ' The Prince was graciously pleased to express o, a 00003 a..-- the instrument, which, by his Royal flighness p a rk§ 'n th e named the Royal Albert Pianoforte. siring i Her Majesty the Queen Dowager took an po w" yesterday in a landau. i s ited i be Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent / 0 ,0,1 l i,, of Gloucester yesterday at Gloucester House' t joe, etteord by Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Caathr',,,P h 00,,,,„ Lady Augusta Cadogan and Baron !Cue:teret )esit'ertao, Archbishop of York with her company His 0 , 10 0 eo ~.. her residence in Grosvenor-square. H . Ajusl e 'ir Ct`!,,, the Noble Directors of the Concert of Anclen ._ . , ip g 1% , er vit , A deputation from the Bank of Ireland, Wein so toter Ds. l o s v thwaite, Mr. George Carr, and,Mr.Wilsone, ~..‘,, a t ~ with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yest W. , We ° 0 40 4 the residence in Downing-street. hop s a• , The Right Rev. Dr. Fleming, Catholic Di' oterdigi. We° land), had an interview with Lord StanleY ,r ie Ile. , 1 , Colonial-office. 'fhe Rev. Dr. Collier and ' s terd l Y . e ve " it ham had also interviews with his Lordship e w , jet eili vo ws' A deputation from the Dublin Bank baci.ideece j ° ao Sir Robert Peel yesterday, at his official re' & iris, ing-street. and t he the tir d The Governor of the Bank f Engle ° a pt ° „ of the Excise had interviews with the Cha u a.S O l O` chequer yesterday. iipr c e in Sir Trevor Wheler has left his residen -,' street, for North Devon rfi. •---..........."" co eo- vie CA'r 4. ).-" r il TILE HisToßr or MasiGaltE'r„ .str,tiou-ildita L (Second and Cheaper Edition, with ~,L11.,71/ o ad,.n . , g eol' s o are not at all surprised (say:s tho tvi:`,Le o f a if th e We e a Gazette) that this work should, in the c O s one of aop est io have reached a second edition. TbiS , ' ho t has ,` in tic lite t • leo" vs stirring narratives of facts in donies ,_ _ ore , IP , . ochet for many years. Most of the incidentse_ , et Itsaid e , vivid recollection of hundreds of perso 3 ;troy the ,t,,,,„ wich and its neighbourhood. power=Thliol that A.O gres i Vo fact, the adventures related are so e _ i , st- ,, ,, e ,1 . . d is worth a hundred romances. Its int' 7 01 , 0 of ' o ' le 111 e a , enhanced by the names of the characterS,e_t catela o f lr o f still living, being correctly given. Mali& .rs, ‘,. Cobb°, ' Oa ° jo some time in the service of Mr. and eri-desert!.(o"l.olll,o,4 wich, by whose kindness she was ne rector of %'‘ 'cll De P O their sons, the Rev. Richard Cobbold, _,,,, eg , w131.,,,0e Suffolk, is the author or editor of these vni.O . l i i i, tate ' very ably produced from original papers "" possession. . I ,lo‘ Oa' /3/7? Va. Aberostv i On the Ist inst., at the Willovvs, ear ' . pal v. tne William Woodhouse Secretan, of a soiiiinte d pstea - ' On the Ist inst. , at Heath Lodge, David Powell, Esq. , of a daughted. ig . the the 3fA ßli LED- „ BO sSer", of 'nibas'Y ' -4 1 ter On the 28th ult., at the British L on , , d, ,,, b Rev. C. R.. Bradley, M.A., to Sarai,? late J. Friend, Esq., Denmark -hill, Su rrey a ole r iniit'' 0 DIED. . , ..,i co ~.,, i se Foirro,-, 0 1 Lw On the 4th inst., at his house atan tbor of Je ll ' ) Charles llaultain, R.N., lk.H.. &e- , CaPtilli Navy List." Norfoll, 1, e„ On the 31st ult., at Yarmouth, ~ oge d 7a• coo 0 Tupman, late of the 2d Ceylon Regicaenie ,„,•,,e,os .1 plac , ao•' roe On the 31st ult., at Montague ,. lat e c aged 75. , he Esq., of e t f he Gi l l s l t sv i e o ll s - t T r Sarah' Bertrand, wiaoss, of , ,fliter o f Bertrand, of the 14th Foot aged 72. , t he datio ' iarlow, Sera., On the Ist inst., at Great Di , ~f Mr. J. Cheshire, of Newington, S u rrey , m. j56,9 1 1 , DiuRDO 1 v so , I o f London : Printed and eublisned ht ~,,o 0,0,00 No. 112, Strand. Printer, at Dic,.„ f:, jo 020 v- Strand. in the Precinct of the_ Dltv`"." raddleges,,Thursday, juzie 5,. WA' THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAi EVENING, JUNE 5, 18 rr: )