The Sun. — London, England, 1844-08-08 00:00:00

... Gen. Sir T. Blakeney (one of the Lords JUstices). 1840 ... Lord Viscount Ebrington. 1841 ... Chief Justice Bushe (one of the Lords Justices). ... Earl De Grey. 1842 ... Ditto ... Sir E. Sugden (one of the Lords Justices). 1843 ... Earl De Grey. The warrants issued in Ireland do not exceed three per annum, on the average. Each warrant comprehends on the average, about two persons. The only warrant which bears the signature of the late Chief Antics Bushe, one of the Lords Justices, was issued with a view to obtain a clue to a murder : but, it appearing that the magistrate to whom it was sent had applied for it ter another purpose, that of ascertaining the state of the country, this was not assented to, and the warrant was not acted upon. There are no data to show how many letters were opened under each warrant, nor how long each warrant remained in *Tee ; 4 of the 31 warrants bear the signature of only the Secretary for Ireland. More than a third of the warrants concern Ribbonism, which wore a peculiarly threatening as pect in one particular year. The letters in Ireland are not opened by the Postmaster-General, but by a confidential clerk in the office of the Chief Secretary for Ireland. The Committee have, in conclusion, to lay before the House the following observations for their consideration, arising out of the facts which it has been their duty to state :- 1. With regard to the utility of the warrants issued in furtherance of criminal justice, their annual average in Great Britain does not exceed six, and this number of warrants dried not extend to the letters of more, on an average, than twelve pounds a year. There is no evidence what ever to show in what proportion of cases these warrants lead to discovery. On the one hand, therefore, it will be doubted by some, taking into account the strong moral feeling which exists against the practice of opening letters, with its accompaniments of mystery and concealment, whether it is xorth retaining in this class of cases. On the other hand it must be admitted that these are not the cases in favour of which public feeling is most enlisted ; and that of all that give rise to the exercise of this power, they present the least emptation to abuse. 2. With regard to the utility of such warrants, for the de tection of seditious conspiracies, or other practices endanger ing the public safety, or the discovery of the views enter tained by those who engage in them, it would be unreason able to deny that, in certain cases, this practice may have aided the Executive Government in various ways, and amongst others which are more and more obvious, by informing them of the real strength of the conspirators and extent of their combinations, and thus preventing the Ministers of the time from taking exaggerated views of the force arrayed against the State, and claiming extraordinary powers to meet appre hended danger. Still, however, the argument derived from the smallness of the number of warrants as compared with the number of persons who may be supposed to entertain such criminal designs, is not to be lost sight of; while, on the other hand, it must be admitted that the number of those to whom this class of warrants would apply, as being the chosen leaders of multitudes, would not be very great. The warrants of this class have amounted, on the average, to little more than two a year, which would extend to little more than four persons. The greatest number of warrants of this description, issued in any year within the present century, is about sixteen, extending in these cases to between forty or fifty persons. In addition to the argu ment derived from the smallness of the number affected, it must not be forgotten that, after the publicity given to the fact, that the Secretary of State has occasionally recourse to the opening of letters as a means of defence in dangerous and difficult times, few who hereafter may engage in dangerous designs, will venture to communicate their intentions by the medium of the post; and the importance of retaining the power, as a measure of detective police, will consequently be greatly diminished. The last argument, however, supposes that there is no absolute certainty that a letter may not be intercepted; and it may appear to some, that to leave it a mystery whether or no this power is ever exercised, is the way best calculated to deter the evil-minded from applying the post to improper uses. It must also be remembered that if such a power as this were formally abolished, the question would not be left quite in the same condition as though the power had never been exercised or disputed ; by withdraw ing it, every criminal and conspirator against the public peace would be publicly assured that he should enjoy secure possession of the easiest, cheapest, and most unobserved channel of communication, and that the Secretary of State would not, under any circumstances, interfere with his correspondence. It must not be forgotten, however, that at present other rapid means of communicating their views are of easy access to the evil intentioned, and that, as far as in ternal order is, concerned, the same rapid means afford the Government unexampled facilities for suppressing tumult. If the result of this inquiry had been such as to impress your Committee with a conviction of the importance of the frequent use of this power in the ordinary administration of affairs, they would have been prepared to recommend sonic legislative measures fur its regulation and control ; and it might not be difficult to devise regulations which would ma terially diminish the objections to its exercise; as, for example, that no criminal warrant should be issued except en a written information on oath ; that a formal record should be preserved in the Secretary of State's office of the ;;rounds on which every warrant had been issued, of the time during which it has remained in force, of the number of ietters opened under it, and of the results obtained. It is, however, on the other hand, to be considered whether any le gislative measure of this kind might not have an indirect effect in giving an additional sanction to the power in ques- Veil, and thereby possibly extending its use. Under these circumstances, it will be for Parliament to con , der whether they will determine upon any legislative regu eition, or whether they will prefer leaviag the power, on its present footing in point of law, in the hands of the Secretary of State, to be used, on his responsibility, in those cases of emergency hi which, according to the best of his judgment, its exercise would be sanctioned by an enlightened public opinion, and would appear to be strongly called for by impor tant public interests. EXTENSIVE FIRE and LOSS of LIFE MANCHESTER, TUESDAY.—A serious calamity by fire I.cte late lust ingnr, ty which a largo new pile of warehouses, and their valuable contents have been entirely destroyed. The property in question, known as the Irwell-buildings, is, or rather was, situate at the corner of Blackfriars-street and Parsonage, and comprised the warehouses of Messrs. Robert Charlton and Sons, calenderers and packers, and Mr. Richard Rostron, merchants; also those of Mr. Garser, M. Henri Jacquet, Mr. M. Ralli, Mr. H. Fiescher, Mr. J. Heisted, and Mr. Mendel, all foreign merchants. The warehouses were six stories in height, had been but recently built, and, like all those of modern construction in this town, contained a great quantity of wood. The fire was first discovered about 20 minutes after 10 last night, by the policeman on duty, and also by a man named Wm. Chorlton, of Salford, a tripe-dresser, who was passing at the time. It was then confined apparently to one window in the third story of Messrs. Charlton's warehouse, in some parts of which the hands were at work at the time. It is remarkable that about ten minutes before the attention of the police had been drawn , to the premises, and all then appeared perfectly safe. A little after six this morning a circumstance occurred which proved fatal to one of the men in the employ of Messrs. Charlton. In the rear of that part of the premises occupied by Messrs. Jacquet and Fiescher was what is called a cat-head, an instrument used for hoisting goods from carts into the third and fourth story. The woodwork being burnt away from it, it was expected to fall, and the men were cautioned to keep away from the spot. John Irving, a joiner in the employ of Messrs. Charlton, and Thomas Jackson, a packer, were, however, on the spot when the " cat-head" fell. Jackson was severely wounded in several parts of the head and body, and Irving was killed on the spot. Up to this hour (11 A.m.) the engines continue play ing on the smouldering embers. The wall next Black :riars-street is still standing, as are portions of each of the other walls, and also a very tall chimney at the south-west corner of the building, which is almost en tirely unsupported, and which has a very threatening appearance. At present all the thoroughfares round the place are stopped. The aggregate loss will probably not be less than 20,0001. The building had only been erected two or Ihree years, and most of the warehouses were well stored ith goods. THE FATAL ACCIDENT AT WORCESTER. The following are additional particulars of the sad ecurrenee announced in The Sun on Tuesday.— It appears that shortly after six o'clock (the hour at hich the men usually quitted their work), 15 of them, who were working on the side of the river opposite to the city, entered a small boat, for the purpose of rowing to the contrary side, and near to which a great portion of the works are going on; no sooner had the unfortu nate men entered the boat than (as was seen by some persons from a distance) it was apparent it was too heavily laden, and, as if by some fatality, or from an al most complete disregard of life which men in this walk of life generally exhibit, no sooner had they quitted the bank of the river, than, either not being aware, or altogether regardless, of the danger to which they had subjected themselves in having so much overladen the boat, they gave way to their usual mirth and frolic, and in an instant, and before they had reached the middle of the river, which is scarcely at this spot more than 15 yards wide, the boat capsized, and every man was, of course, precipitated into the water. The occurrence was seen by some of the labourers at the works, and assistance procured as speedily as possible. Meantime the poor fellows (only three or four of whom were swimmers) struggled in the water, and strove in vain to bear up against the rapidity of the current. The spec tacle of 15 human beings struggling in the water is de scribed by an eye-witness as one of the most heart rending description. By the time the boats had reached the spot. three-fourths of them had sunk to rise no more. Three only of the party were saved, and these, when taken from the water, were in the most exhausted state; but, the propor means having been taken, they were, after a time, restored. A few minutes after this another of these ill •fated men was taken from the water ; he was conveyed to a public-house a short distance from the spot, and, although every possible means were resorted to, he died n short time afterwards. By this time hundreds of the inhabitants had congre gated near the spot. numerous boats were launched, and the river dragged, in order to recover the bodies of those who had disappeared ; but the rain was falling rapidly, the wind blowing strongly , and for upwards of a n h our their search was not attended with success. About nine o'clock, however, four more of the bodies were disco. vexed, and shortly afterwards a fifth, but life was, Of course, extinct. The search was continued until long after dark; but at midnight no more of the bodies had been discovered. During the time the search was going on the scene on the banks of the river baffled description—a father was raving almost frantically after his son, who had thus been suddenly snatched from him ; and as there was consi derable uncertainty as to the names of the men who were in the boat, wives and even children were threading the assembled crowd in the most painful excitement in search of husbands and of fathers. POLYGAMY•—T. Tyrrell, comedian, was brought up at the Cork police-office on the charge of bigamy, when two wives appeared—Ellen Callaghan, since mar ried to another man; Maryanno Barrett, actress, whom he married in Cheltenham ; but a third wife, Sarah Clayton, since married also, did not appear. Miss Cowell, an actress whom he was on the eve of mar riage, attended, and the prisoner is to be tried at the . )resent assizes. iIvIPER/AL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, August 7. Their Lordships met at Half-past Four o'clock. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE HOUSES. Lord CAMPBELL gave notice that ho would to-mor- , row call the attention of their Lordships to a point of difference which had arisen between the two Houses of Parliament—one of which was, an amendment in serted in the Common Law Process Bill, and the other was in the Common Law Courts of Ire land Bill, by which the appointment of the prothona tories and other officers of the Courts were to be vested in the Lord Lieutenant, instead of in the Judges. He would advise their Lordships not to agree to those amend ments of the other House. The Merchant Seamen's Bill was read a third time; and on the question that the Bill do pass, The Earl of HADDINGTON moved an amendment, which he said should have been made before, but that, as it involved a question of money, it was thought that there would be an objection to it elsewhere. He now found that the objection would not be raised, and he, therefore, moved the addition of the clause by way of amendment. After a few words from Lord COLCHESTER and Lord CoLvILLE, the amendment was agreed to, and the Bill was passed. Messengers from the House of Commons brought up several Bills. OTAHEITE. The Marquis of NOR NIANBY gave notice that he would to-morrow present a petition from Leeds on the subject of Otaheite, but he did not wish to raise any discussion upon the subject. THE CHARITABLE DONATIONS AND BEQUESTS (IRELAND) BILL. Lord WHARNCLIFFE moved that the amendments of the Commons be agreed :o. Lord HATHERTON highly approved of the Bill. But he was not disposed to go with the House of Com mons the whole length of their amendments. After some conversation the amendments were agreed to. A message from the Commons informed their Lord ships that the House had given permission to the Earl of Lincoln to attend and give evidence befure the Com mittee of Post-office Inquiry. Mr. Greene and others brought up from the Commons several Bills. A conference was appointed between the two Houses on the subject of the Commons' amendments on the Com mon Law Courts (Ireland) Bill. The report upon the Poor-law Amendment Act was brought up and the amendments were agreed to. The Lords appointed to confer with the Commons on the Common Law Courts (Ireland) Bill, reported to the House that the Commons disagreed with their Lordships' amendments, and gave the reasons assigned in writing. On the motion of Lord CAMPBELL the Commons' reasons were ordered to be printed. The Arms Bill (Ireland) went through Committee. IRISH FISHERIES BILL On the order of the day for the Committee upon the Irish Fisheries Bill being read, The Earl of WICKLOW moved the rejection of the clause which takes away the power of appeal to the magistrates at quarter sessions. The Earl of GLENGALL supported the Bill. The Marquis of NORMAN BY said that if this Bill had not been introduced by the Irish Secretary it would never have reached their Lordships' House. The Bill introduced three important innovations. The first was the employment of the constabulary in the prevention of poor fishermen from exercising their calling. The second innovation was the proposed mode of appeal, which would place justice almost out of the reach of the poorer class of fishermen. He objected, thirdly, to the circumstance that a Bill of that importance was introduced to that House without their Lordships being informed as to whether or not it was to be dealt with as a Government measure. —(Hear.) Lord MONTEAGLE said that the Bill inflicted a great wound upon the character of the magistrates of Ireland, especially in the clause which took away the power of appeal to the quarter sessions. If the legisla ture showed a distrust of the magistrates in that respect, the people would distrust them in other matters. If this Bill were passed it was so imperfect that there would be a necessity for a new Bill next year. The Marquis of NORMANBY thought it would be better to postpone the Bill to next session. _ . - The House then went into Committee on the Bill. The Earl of WICKLOW reserved his amendment un til the bringing up of the report. The Bill went through Committee, and the report brought up, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. The Arms (Ireland) Bill also passed through Com mittee. The House adjourned at a Quarter past Seven. HOUSE OF COMMONS, August 7. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly after Twelve o'clock. POST-OFFICE: Mr. T. DUNCOMBE moved that a message should be sent 1 to the Lords, requesting a copy of the report of the Secret Committee on the Post-office.--Agreed to. The lION. MIL3III/M, on presenting a petition from the colliers of Durham complaining of the sending of paupers to distant parts of the country, wished to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whether it was true,. as had been stated in one of the public papers, th o c,l;s waisnam had intertere(l between, the 'ilitsters and men in the mining districts to sup ply labourers for the mines in Northumberland and Durham, and whether it was his opinion that it was part of the duty of the Poor-law Commissioners, or Assistant Commissioners,• to interfere in such cases?—(Hear, hear.) Sir J. GRAHAM said, the Honourable Member had been good enough yesterday to intimate to him his intention of putting the question he had now asked. He had, how. : ever, had no opportunity in the interim of conferring with the Poor-law Commissioners on the subject. He could state positively, however, that according to his understand ing of the poor-law, there was nothing in the provisions of that Act which would justify any interference on the part of the Poor-law Commissioners in matters of this kind. Sir John Walsham, he was aware, had for some time resided in the northern districts, and possessed landed property in Here fordshire and South Wales, and might have interfered in his private capacity, but as an Assistant Poor-law Commis sioner, he was quite sure he had not in any way inter fered.—(Hear.) ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Sir R. PEEL gave notice that he should, to-morrow, move that the House, at its rising, should adjourn to Satur day, as there were some communications which he under stood it was necessary to make between this House arl,d the House of Lords respecting some amendments to Bills ; and on Saturday he should propose that the House should ad journ to some distant day, of which he would give notice on Saturday. THE FRENCH IN AFRICA. The RIGHT Hoax. BARONET, in answer to a question from Viscount Ebrington, respecting the conduct of the French on the coast of Africa and the ,Gaboon River, said that a me morial had been received by her Majesty's Government On' the subject, which had been referred to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; but he did not feel at liberty to go fur ther into the matter at resent. Lord PALMERSTON complained of the policy of the Government in giving way to other countries on several oc casions. They had begun by a great concession to the United States, which they had been told would produce the best effects and the most permanent good-will on the part of the Americans, and would perpetuate harmony and good understanding between the two Governments of England and America. What had been the result ? Why, after the cession of a great part of the disputed territory, other ques tions with respect to the Oregon territory, the right of visit, and ether subjects of serious moment were raised. The Government had also, in deference to the French Government, counselled the Regent of Spain to submit to great indignities and attacks upon his authority in the case of Saivandi and M. Lesseps at Bar celona, the consequence of which was that the Spaniards, seeing that the Regency was not supported by the moral aid of the English Government, the Regent fell, and important English interests were sacrificed. The Noble Lord then pro ceeded to contend that that policy which sought temporary peace at the sacrifice of the rights of the country must tend to difficulties of a more set ious nature than those which it was intended to put an end to.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Government appeared to be shaping its policy not for the interest of the country, but for the purpose of ascertain ing how far things done by them might bear upon the in terests of the government of foreign countries. Such policy might be founded on good intentions; but any system of purchasing momentary tranquility at the sacrifice of future interests could not work out the advantage of the country that should adopt it. With regard to the treatment of Mr. Pritchard by the French, be thought the right of sovereignty could not justify it.—(Hear, hear.) When it was said he was not the consul of this country, that was a statement totally without foundation. What, he would ask, made a man a consul? A commission from his Sovereign, and that commis sion Mr. Pritchard held at Otabeite ; and when the Govern ment of the island was arbitrarily deposed by a foreign Power, Mr. Pritchard, though he refused to interfere, still was consul, and the treatment he had received was most unjustifiable. Sir R. PEEL denied that the present Government had made any concessions that were injurious to this country or ite honour. He thought, and had always done so, that the policy of the Government ought not to be the maintenance of any foreign Government. The leading principle of a British Administration was to support British interests and British honour. Nothing was so inconsistent as making com promises to any Government. The invariable result of such proceedings would be no satisfaction, but fresh demands on the part of other countries. The Noble Lord had began by adverting to the Boundary question. Had he done anything, he would ask, to settle that question? Certainly not. The present Government undertook to di so, and they had accom plished their task in so efficient a manner, that the thanks of the House had been given to Lord Ashburton, who had so ably effected so desirable an arrangement. The resolution was carried with the concurrence of many of the Noble Lord's friends. The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London had also distinctly stated that be did not blame the Government for the course which they had pur sued with regard to France. He was not surprised that the Noble Lord was smarting under a sense of the indignity which had been offered to him. Then again, with respect to Texas, nothing could be more unjust than to attempt to make her Majesty's Government responsible for the course pursued by the United States towards Texas. As re garded Algiers, the Noble Lord had himself acquiesced in its occupation by the French, provided they did not attempt to extend their power on the side of Tunis or Morocco. Con siderations of wise policy had induced him not to demand the evacuation of Algiers. With respect to Spain, he did not apprehend that Espartero entertained the same opinion as the Noble Lord. But if Espartero had the hold upon Spain which he supposed, how did it come to pass that no effort had been made by any party in Spain to restore him to his position. It was easy for the Noble • Lord to say that he fell in consequence of advice given him by the Government. He believed his fall was attributable to the notion that he was a firm friend of the British Go vernment, and wee receiving support from it. He perfectly admitted that the Government had not acted in every respect on the principles of the Noble Lord ; but, as regarded every object of importance to this country, he con tended that there never was a period when the name and • honour of the British Government stood higher than they did at that moment.—(Hear, hear.) Lord PALMERSTON explained. Mr. FORSTER could not but express his regret at the unsatisfactory nature of the answer given by the Government to the question of the Noble Lord. If the French were allowed to proceed in this course on the coast of Africa, this country would not have an inch of ground left ezcept that which was occupied by its forts. The Gaboon River had I e a very important station for British trade. Sir R. PEEL said he had stated that the Gaboon River was not within several hunched miles of any part of the Bri tish territory. Captain PECHELL wished to call the attention of the , Right Hon. Baronet to the fishery vestion. They were at present uninformed what steps the I rench Government had taken to carry out the views of the convention. He hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would have no objection to state what was the present state of French legislation in reference to the articles of the convention. Sir R. PEEL was not able to give any precise information on that subject. On the order of the day for reading the report on the Roman Catholic Penal Acts Repeal Bill, Col. VERNER said he had to complain of the precipi tancy with which this measure had been hurried through the House. A measure of such importance ought not to have been brought forward only three or four days before the termination of the session, and in the absence of the Hon. Member for the University of Oxford. Mr. MACAULAY said—Would any Gentleman get up and say that there was a single enactment repealed by this Bill which was not a disgrace to a civilised and Christian country ?—(Hear, hear.) If any Gentleman would rise up and affirm that, there might be some force in the Hon. Mem ber's objection.—(Hear, hear.) He was quite satisfied from his personal knowledge of the Hon. Member for the Univer sity of Oxford, that he would not have opposed this Bill. Colonel VERNER said his objection applied to the period at which the Bill had been introduced. Mr. SPOON ER complained that he had been misrepre sented in what he had said with respect to a peti t i on a g ainst I this Bill. lie appealed to the House whether he had treated the petition, as had been stated, with disrespect or levity. Sir R. PEEL could bear testimony to the fact, that the Hon. Member had not treated the petition with levity, though he had the manliness to say that, after learning the object of the Bill, he felt bound to give it his support. The object of the Bill was to remove what was as in ,'nimhrance to the statute-book.—(Hear, hear.) There co . tld be no danger in passing it, because the laws repealed were not, and could not be put in force.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. NAIVES hoped that the Government would, in the next sess.4on, proceed still further.in this course. Mr. MON'4,-;IiTON MILNES was sure the Right Hon. Ba ronet would fiCd full co operation in that House in any mea sure of that kind which he might introduce.(llear, hear.) Every day there growing up in the country amongst men who thought on :hese matters, a strong feeling that the Church of England couli not receive legitimate, fair, or just support from measures of a similar character to those which were now being abolished.—(,'!eers.) Colonel VERNER said he was ~fraid he had been misun derstood. He had not said one word in opposition to the enactments of the Bill. After a few words from Mr. HARDY and Toff. WYSI the m ead a third port was received, and the Bill was ordered to be time at Three o'clock to-morrow. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' BILL. -- - On the motion for the third reading of this Bill, Mr. KEMBLE presented a pk tition from Bermond sey against the measure. The petitioners prayed that the operation of the Bill, if passed, might not be extended to debts incurred before its enactment. Mr. MONCKTON MILNES proposed to insert the following clause:—" And whereas, since the 11th day of November, 1842, the duties of taxing master in the Court of Bankruptcy have been performed by one of the deputy-registrars of the said Court, and the duties of such deputy-registt ar have been performed by Thomas Acton Warburton, Esq., barrister-at-law; be it enacted, that such person shall be paid by the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, out of the fund placed to th,: credit of the Accountant in Bankruptcy, intituled, 'The Secretary of Bankrupts' Account,' such remunera tion for his servic.3s, not exceeding eight hundred p.,unds, as the Lord Chancellor shall think reasonable, and by his order in writing shall direct." The facts of the case were these :—Mr. Richardson, who had been registrar in Mr. Commissioner Evans's Court, had since 1842 acted as nixing master in ILnkruptcy, and Mr. Warburton had performed the duties of deputy-registrar in Mr. Commissioner Evans's Court without remuneration. The Lord Chancellor was of opinion that under the pro visions of the Act of 1842 he had no power to award Mr. Warburton compensation, but the present motion was made with the concnrrence and approval of the Lord Chancellor. Mr. BICKI-lAM ESCOTT seconded the motion. • Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that the Lord Chan cellor had had nothing to do with the original appoint ment of Mr. Warburton, who had been selected by Mr. Commissioner Evans as deputy-registrar. It ap peared to him it was a speculation on the part of Mr. Warburton, which had turned out a bad one, and he had now abandoned it, not having performed the duties for two months. It had appeared to him that the best thing would be to confirm Mr. Richardson as taxing master, and to appoint Mr. Warburton registrar; but things had assumed, since he last addressed the House, a different aspect. The Lord Chancellor had promised the office to a gentleman whos.) case l.ad b3en brought before the House by the Hon. Member for Liskeard—a gentleman who had been deprived of his office by the Act regulating the Court of Exchequer, without compensation. He had at the time admitted that the case was a hard one, and bad pledged himself to consider it favourably. That gentleman was Mr. Lee, and to him the Lord Chancellor had promised this 'office. Under these circumstances, although he did not like the principle of barristers performing the duties of public offices on speculation, yet he must admit that Mr. Warburton had performed his duties most efficiently, and he would leave the proposition in the hands of the House. Mr. C. BULLER expressed his approval of the kind uud..,..oldcr.to wtAy in which both the Right Hon. Gentleman and the Lord Cninn.o,l,n l,ad nt:tca in the case of Mr. Lee. With regard to the case of Mr. War burton, it could hardly be called a speculation. It was clear that the duties must be performed, and Mr. War burton had undertaken them under the express sanction of the Lord Chancellor. Parliameut had sanctioned the experiment, and having so sanctione,l it, was it fair to take Mr. Warburton's services for a year and a half without remuneration? If they could a.-range so as to give Mr. Warburton the promise of an office it would be the best arrangement, but they had no right to put such conditions on the Lord Chancellor, and theyefore he should support the motion. Sir R. PEEL considered that Mr. Warburton had a fair claim to remuneration. Under ordinary cirCum stances he would have most probably been appointed to an office under the Act, but the House had heard how' that office had been disposed of. He thought the claim of Mr. Warburton to remuneration was clear, and he should give the motion his cordial support. Mr. HAWES said the arrangement was one which had conduced to the public benefit, and he, therefore, considered Mr. Warburton was fully entitled to compen sation. Mr. R. YORKE considered Mr. Warburton had taken up this office as a speculation, without proper authority, and .he should certainly take the sense of the House against the clause. Mr. WAKLEY would support the Hon. Gentleman if he divided against the clause. The principle was so obnoxious, and it opened such a door to corruption that he certainly thought they ought not to sanction it. This gentleman had undertaken it as a speculation, for there were no funds out of which he could be paid. Mr. M. MILNES thought there were funds. Mr. WAKLEY—Then he had made a mistake. As a lawyer he ought to have known better, and he ought to suffer for his ignorance. The principle sought to be es tablished was a most dangerous one. Sir .T. GRAHAM explained. Mr. B. ESCOTT did not vote for this motion as a case of compensation ; he voted fur it as payment for la bour done. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL admitted that his first impression had been adverse to the claim of Mr. War burton, but when he considered the case, he thought it probable that Mr. Warburton might have been induced to believe that the Lord Chancellor had power to award him compensation, and he really thought that Mr. War burton was fairly entitled to compensation. Mr. lIENLY thought the Lord Chancellor had just as much power to give Mr. Warburton a berth now as he eTer had. It struck him us a speculation, and if he had any claim it ought to have been brought forward by the Government oa their own responsibility. Mr. MONCKTON MILNES replied. Strangers were then ordered t o w i t hd raw , an d th e House divided,. when there appeared— For the clause 44 Against it Majority in favour of the clause —39 The clause was then agreed to, and ordered to be added to the Bill. The SOLICITOR•GENERAL then moved certain verbal alterations in various clauses. Mr. SPOONER moved, as an amendment, that the operation of the fifty.fourth and fifty-fifth clauses should be postponed until the month of March. He was aware that he was occupying a very un gracious position in appearing' there to advocate the continued imprisonment of various poor debtors now waiting for their liberation. Ile objected to the clause because it would inflict a great injury on industrious artisans in large towns. Ho admitted that the state of discipline in small debt prisons was bad, but they ought not to pass a measure of this nature merely rn on account of local al-administration in prison discip line. He cautioned the House against attempting to remedy one evil by calling a greater one into existence. If this Bill came into operation at once it would be impossible for the labouring man to get credit, and credit was necessary to his subsistence. and it would certainly greatly palliate the evil to which the labourin g c l asses w ould be exposed by this Bill to defer its coming into operation until the month of March, in order to give them time to prepare themselves for the change which was about to come upon them. To show the beneficial operation of the power of ordering imprisonment being conferred on Courts of Requests, and the small amount of imprisonment actually inflicted, he would state to the House that since 1808 the number of cases in Courts of Requests throughout England had amounted to about 4,000 annually, the number of execu tions amounted to about from 1,000 to 1,200, and the num ber,of persons imprisoned amounted t 9 only 150 annually. He had presented a petition f rom t h e Chamber of Com merce of Bristol, pressin g th e necess i ty o f d e l a y ; peti tions to the same effect bad been presented from Man chester, from the shopkeepers of Southwark, and other places, and they all prayed fo r d e l ay . If t hi s Bill were carried in its present shape, it would inflict a great in jury on the large body of trad esmen w h o h a d g i ven credit to the labouring classes on the faith of the law continuing in its present state. He had received various letters from different tradesmen, who complained that if the power of imprisonment was taken away, they would be deprived of the security on which they had given persons credit. As they diminished the fear of im prisonment, they took away the stimulus to pay. The House had had no opportunity of examining the evidence upon which the House of Lords had decided in favour of this Bill. He should have liked to have had a Committee of Inquiry before the House decided in favour of this Bill, for although those who had intro duced it were perfectly competent to decide upon general principles, yet they did reit possess that practical know ledge of the subject which would enable them properly to legislate upon it. It would be a dangerous experiment THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY monNING, _AUGUST_ 8, 1644 to change, the system of credit so suddenly as it was proposed to change it by this Bill, and he besought the House to pause before they acceded to the Bill. He concluded by moving that in the 54th clause the words "from and after the passing of this Act" be omitted, and the words " from and after the 25th of March next" be substituted for them. Mr. KEMBLE seconded the motion. This was an ex post ficto law against the creditor, by depriving him of the security of imprisonment, on which security he had given his debtor credit. He had returns from a Court of Requests for the year 1839. In that year, 5,682 causes had come on for hearing ; 2,543 executions had been issued against the person, and only 25 against the goods: 1,741 of those executions had not been carried into effect ; 990 of the persons taken had been discharged before the terms of their imprisonment had expired, and 478 only had suffered the full period of the imprison ment. It was well to consider the case of debtors, but creditors ought to be considered also. Mr. H. BERKELEY had presented a petition against the Bill which had been agreed to at a most respectable meeting of tradesmen in Bristol ; but after the statement of the Solicitor-General and the Right Hon. Baronet, he was convinced that legislation was necessary, and that he could not hope for delay. He had stated as much at the time, although he had stated his objections to certain clauses. He thought it would be advisable that some little delay should be interposed before the Bill came into operation ; but if the Government were determined that the Bill should come into immediate operation, he would advise the lion. Member for Birmingham to withdraw his motion. If he persevered in the motion, he (Mr. H. B.), although he wished for delay, would be compelled to vote against him, for he believed it would be be a greater evil to lose the Bill than to have it come into immediate operation. Sir J. GRAHAM had never heard a fairer speech than that of the Hon. Member for Bristol. He be lieved that if the measure ought to come into ope ration at all, it ought to come into operation imme diately. With regard to the working classes, it was said that the Bill would entirely deprive them of credit. If that were the case, it could make no dif ference to them when the Bill came into operation. He could not think that legitimate credit would be at all narrowed. Many were annually imprisoned, without he believed much benefit to the creditor and to the system of credit. With respect to the shopkeepers, he could think of nothing more unwise than the measure proposed by the Hon. Gentleman. Every creditor during that six months would pursue his unhappy debtor to the utmost, as the gaols would be crowded, and the amount of misery which would be inflicted would be appalling. The Bill gave the creditor a remedy against the property, and if the debtor gave up all his property, what more could the creditor require?—(Hear, .hear.) No doubt it was a shorter and more summary p r „7iss to sieze the person than the goods of the debtor ; but it was most unjust in cases where a debtor hat? no property to apply the torture of im prisonment, in otter to extort from his relations and friends the means o: paying debts which they were not morally or legallycx...`dupon to liquidate. The Bill was supported by the Members for the Tower Hamlets, Finsbury and Lambe:.! , .. and the consti tuencies of those places were shopkeepers anJ not debtors. The measure had been well considered, and had received the highest legal support. It was appr oved of b y the Lord Chancellor and the ex-Chancellors, by Mr. Justice Wightman, by the Chief Baron, by the law officers of the Crown—all the authorities were in favour of it. The case of Scotland, too, was a case in point. There the power. of imprisonment for small debts had been aboliShed, and although that measure had been opposed by the same arguments as this measure was opposed, yet it was now admitted that the system had worked well in Scotland, so that they had authority and experience in favour of this measure. He was persuaded that in exercising greater caution in re spect of credit, the retail shopkeepers would be conduct. ing their business on a safer and better system, and the poorer classes would be benefited by being freed from the system of extortion practised on their relatives and friends by the system of imprisonment. He therefore pressed upon the House the necessity of rejecting the motion. Mr. NE WDEGATE thought it would not operate favourably on the morals of the poorer classes that they should be permitted to evade the guarantee of their liberty which they bad given to enable them to procure the means of subsistence. He should vote with the Hun. Member for Birmingham. Mr. BROTHERTON could not bring his mind to the conclusion that it would be wise to adopt the motion of the Hon. Member for Birmingham. The arguments of the Honourable Member were against the principle of the measure, and not in favour of delay, and the House was almost unanimous in its approval of the principle. Mr. HAWES said the Hon. Member for Surrey had given some accounts respecting the Court of Requests in Surrey, and the number of cases brought under the consideration of that Court. The lion. Member, how ever, said nothing about the costs which were incurred in that court, and which were, he understood, enormous. lie (Mr. Hawes) contended that the present system of imprisonment was not beneficial to the creditor ; on the contrary, it was greatly to his disadvantage. That system was only calculated to feed revenge in relentless creditors without producing any beneficial result. Under these circumstances he could not support the motion of the Hon. Member for Birmingham. Mr. 'LARDY could not see why imprisonment for debts under 20/. should be abolished any snore than for debts amounting to 401. or 501. He should support the motion of the Hon. Member for Birmingham, believing that delay was necessary, in order that small shop keepers might make themselves acquainted with the provisions of this measure. When a poor man asked for credit, he . said, "I have no goods, but, if I do not pay, you can imprison me." It was, therefore, unjust to abolish the present system. Mr. WAKLEY would put it to the Hon. Gentleman whether such a system of credit was founded on a good basis. No, it was not—it was most injurious and de moralising. The only sound basis for credit for the poor man was good conduct and good character. The Honourable Member for Southwark (Mr. Humphery) had just told him that a great number of persons were confined for debt in the Compter prison, and the highest debt was 9s. Was not that a disgrace to a country like ' this ? The present system was only calculated to feed vi syengeful feelings ; and if they were to continue it, that instead of being called the House of Com mons, oug ht to be called the House of Shylocks. For the' sake'of the working cl a s ses he was quite con tent. to i'ective this Bill. He believed it would be bene ficial to s h o pkeepers th emse l ves . Th e H o n. Mem ber would s e rre his constituents much better by allowing . his motion to t negatived w i t h out a di v i s i on , i nstead of m aijorities that the principle of the Bill being left in a minority. As the House had deter mined by large should be adopted, he hoped the Bill would come into operation the moment it had received the royal assent. Mr. SPOONER sat,_ he should be content to let his motion be negatived without a division. Mr. T. BUNCOMBE co.acurred in what had fallen from his Hon. Colleague, and .‘"e minded the Hon. Member for Birmingham that it was that' town which had taken the lead in the opposition to the system it was sought to abolish. The motion was then negat i ve d without a division, and the Bill read a third time and pas'red. ART-UNIONS. Mr. WYSE moved the further consid,fration of the Lords' reasons for rejecting the amendments Com mons on the Art - Unions Bill. Mr. T. BUNCOMBE said the object of fais Hon. of the Friend was to insist on these amendments being r •.i.a.ined. The Lords were not satisfied that the parties ,ifigi nating these Fine Arts distributions had acted like the Art-Unions in ignoraeco of the lavr e But they had follow e d i n the footsteps of the Art-Unions, and when among the share holders and patrons were such men as the Duke of Cambridge and Lord Denman, how could they imagine that they were breaking the law ? The House, he un- ' derstood, was to meet to-morrow, and, if necessary, he should have no objection to a postponement of the question. After a few words from the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, Mr. WAKLEY said, till the Art-Unions were stopped by the Government, no one was aware that they were illegal ; and it was on the faith of their being legal that the parties alluded to by his lion. Colleague had commenced their proceedings. He was perfectly wil ling to leave the matter in the hands of the Govern ment, confident that full protection would be given to all parties. Mr. B. ESCOTT was not sure there was not a dis tinction between the two cases. Art-Unions were es tablished for the encouragement of art without a view to the profit of individuals, whereas the other was that of individuals. engaging in lotteries with a view to profit. Mr. ACLAND said the parties had been driven into the course they had taken, in consequence of the loss the art.unions caused them, in self-defence. Sir J. GRAHAM said, as this was a question of in demnity for the past, he thought both parties ought to have an equal benefit from it, as they had both acted in ignorance of the law ; at the same time, it would be for the Government to consider whether the use of lotteries, either by companies or individuals, should be tolerated in future. As far as he could promise it, the Members of the Government in the other House would support the suggestions of the Hon. Mem ber for Waterford. The amendments were then ordered to be sent back to the Lords for consideration. A message from the Lords brought up several Bills. On the motion of Mr. T. BUNCOMBE, the follow ing return was ordered, namely, A return of the name of every person employed in the General Post-office, with the date of each appointment, the nature of the duties performed by each individual, the amount of salary at tached to such duties, the fund from which such salary is paid, distinguishing what portion, if any, is derived from fees ; also, a similar return from the General Post-office, Dublin. SAVINGS' BANKS. The Lords amendments to the Savings' Banks Bill was agreed to, after a few observations from Mr. 11U3IE and the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. MEDICAL PRACTICE. Sir J. GRAHAM moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the better regulation of Medical Practice throughout the United Kingdom. The Right Hon. Baronet warmly complimented the medical profession in this country for thenn high stated the various professional legal position operations they t t h h and duties of the profession were now carried on. The hel d underin science, i the object of the present Bill, however, was to amend many of the provisions of the present imperfect law. To put down quackery was hopeless ;but he thought en couragement ought to be given to the clever man. H., proposed no restriction to private practice.—(Hear.) His principle was this, that none should be eligible to fill medical or surgical offices except those who were declared to be so by compe tent authority. He proposed by this Bill to repeal all acts and charters which imposed restrictions on the medical profession. The most imports . ❑t fsature of the Bill was the establishment of a Council of health in the metropolis in direct connection with the executive Government. The composition o f the Council of Health he proposed to be this :—The Re' gins Professor of Medicine in Oxford, the Regius Professors of Physic in Cambridge, Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dublin; one phy sician and surgeon, chosen by the College of Physicians in England, and one physician in Scotland and Ire land. Then, in addition to this, six persons were to be appointed by her Majesty, with the advice of her Privy Council, and of those six one was to be a physi cian of the English rural districts, and one a surgeon. One physician arid one surgeon were to retire annually, but he proposed that they should be eligible for re•election, with the consent of the Crown. He then proposed that the Council should have a secretary in London, and also in Scotland and Ireland. Ho then proposed to have a register kept of all the phy • sicians and surgeons ; that the present bodies should have power of granting licenses, but it should be at the option of the Council of Health whether they would register them or not, and every person that was not registered could not hold any public situation. He also proposed that all persons that were registered should be exempted from attending juries and other things to which they were at present liable. To those who were now practising ho proposed to give twelve months, to apply to be registered. lie proposed to im pose a penalty of 201. on those who practised in any public office without registering. He proposed that no person but those who were registered, or who had practised before the passing of this Act, should be en titled to rocover at law for any charges for attendance or medicine. By this means registration would be the means of showing who were competent practitioners, and who were not. The Right Hon. Baronet concluded by moving for leave to bring in the Bill. Mr. MACAULEY seconded the motion. To the ge neral principles on which the measure was founded he felt bound to give his approbation. He believed that the measure would give the greatest satisfaction. Mr. WARBURTON approved of the principle of the measure though he would not pledge himself to its details. Sir J. GRAHAM, in answer to a question from Mr. Gaily Knight, said that he proposed to repeal the Apo thecaries' Act altogether, and to deprive them entirely as a body from granting. licenses to practice, but he in tended that they should be associated with the College of Physicians in doing so. Mr. G. KNIGHT thought the medical profession would not like very much the despotic character of the Council that was proposed by the present Bill. Mr. WAKLEY was sure that the present Bill would not be satisfactory to the medical profession. He be lieved that the Right Hon. Baronet had a desire to put the medical profession on a better footing, but be had been wilfully earwigged and deceived in the present case.—(Hear, hear.) It was perfectly impossible that the Right Hon. Baronet could ever carry this Bill. He should feel it his duty to use every form which the House allowed him, to prevent the measure from becoming law. He trusted the Right Honour able Gentleman would reconsider the question, and not be led away by the advice that had been given him in the Home-office. Mr. HAWES supported the Bill, believing it would place the medical profession on a better footing. He thought that the importance of the measure could not be overrated. After a few observations from Sir J. GRAHAM, leave was given to bring in the Bill. Sir J. GRAHAM postponed until to-morrow his motion for leave to bring in a Bill relative to the law of settlement in England and Wales. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Sir J. GRAHAM said that, with respect to the pro ceedings of the House, it might be convenient that he should state that the House would sit to-morrow at three o'clock, fur the purpose of receiving any Bills the House of Lords might send up, and that on Friday, instead of Saturday, his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government would move the adjournment of the House. The other orders of the day having been disposed of, the House adjourned at Eight o'clock. LATER INTELLIGENCE FROM OTAHEITE. SKIRMISH BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND NA- TIYES. The Favourite, South Sea whaler, lately arrived, brings news fourteen days later from Otaheite. A skirmish had taken place between the French and the natives. By means of a tele graphic communication which the French have already esta blished in the Island, orders were cosiveyed a day or two be fore the Favourite left to one of the French steam-frigates, then lying in the Bay of Papeete, to embark troops and pro ceed to Tairapu, forty miles distant, and situated at the other side of the island of Otaheite. At the time of starting she had 150 soldiers on board. This order is supposed to have been caused by an outbreak, the particulars of which, as far as could be gained, are as follows : A number of the natives who now live in encampments up the mountains since they have been expelled the town, were seated taking a quiet meal, when some Frenchmen came upon one party, consisting of two chiefs and their wives, and seized hold of the women, whom they attempted to drag on board their boat, then lying moored on the beach a short distance off. The chiefs resisted this aggression, and were immediately shot. A third chief then rose up and ex claimed, "What, are we dogs, that we arc treated thus ? We are a quiet people, and wish for peace, but you will not let us have it." Whereupon the French fired at him, but, missing their aim, he gave the signal to the natives for an onset. At the first charge 15 Frenchmen were either killed or wounded, and a second attack almost immediately taking place, between 30 and 40 more of their number were killed or disabled by the Otaheitians. Soon after this transaction had taken place, it was reported that many of the French had deserted, saying they had only been brought out to be shot at. The men generally do not seem at all contented, for they appear half-starved and are badly clothed. The re gulation that no one is to be allowed out after eight o'clock at night is strictly enforced against the natives and foreigners, but the French themselves seem to pay little or no attention to this order. Just as the Favourite was getting under weigh the crew saw the French steam-frigate return from Tairapu, but the wind being favourable for their passage, and they having been delayed a long time, they did not put back to learn whether any more fighting had taken place. When the Favourite left, a French whaler, commanded by an American, had been detained twelve days at Otaheite, and was still there waiting fur dispatches for the French Go vernment. The Favourite brought dispatches to the Govern ment at home. She had a very quick passage. The following letters from the island, dated March 29, ap pear in a French paper, called the Courier de la Gironde. They were brought by the Reunion, a South Sea whaler : " The affairs of Otaheite are getting into a worse and worse condition every day. The natives are in open opposition to us, and engagements have taken place at East Point. The island has been in a stale of siege ever since the 3d, and the natives assembled in the mountains constantly threaten our establishment. A French sentinel was attacked. and dis• armed by some of them on the night of the 2d, and the men of the post having pursued them, one was taken prisoner. On being interrogated, his declarations compromised Mr. Pritchard, who was arrested and confined in a blockhouse. The captain of the English steamer after wards procured his liberty, on giving his word of honour, and engaged himself in writing, not to land him on any point of the Society Islands. The Charte frigate arri ved at Papiete, March.l6, with a reinforcement of a company of infantry for the garrison, now composed of a company of artillery and three companies of infantry. The sana tory state of the troops in the garrison is satisfactory, notwithstanding their labours and watchings The natives have with them in the' mountains a number of adventurers belonging to all nations, and several English convicts, with which the Society Islands are much infested. A deputation from the islands of Morea and Eimee lately came to the Go vernment, protesting the devotedness of the people of those countries to the French. These envoys declared that they were entirely strangers to the disturbances that had broken out, and offered numerous presents to the Governor. The aforea is the island on which the French flag was most recently ~ 0 this step, the Queen yielded to the ad v i ce o f so me ,*ated, and is one of the most considerable of the Society who inspired her with doubts a s t o th e in tentions Nearly all the property of Queen Pomare is in it. On of the English. As her privy cou nc ill or , Mr. o l e f a i r l i er in gta Pritchard,. was no longer present to excite leer to an ener getic resistance, she sent a feminine embassy to the Governor, to endeavour to make a compromise. M. llruat would not enter into any terms. He intimated that Pomare must sur render at discretion. We do not know whether the Queen will accept this, but it is generally expected, and then tran quillity will be restored—the departure of Pritchard will then have produced its fruits. The Gambler Islands, where the apostolic labours of the French missionaries have been crowned with the most happy success, are about to be added to the French possessions in Oceania. The tri-coloured standard has been raised there, and the people demand a garrison of French soldiers. It is intended to send them a company of the 6th Regiment of Marines, as soon as all is quiet in Otaheite. In the meantime, an English sloop of war, stationed at the Sandwich Islands, is seeking a pretext to take possession of this group. the importance of which is vary different from that of the Marquesas, the Society, and the Gambier." The letter of the Emancipation of the same date says : "Hostilities have commenced. The. entrenched camp at the Bay of Taravau, near Tarabou, was attacked on the 21st. On that. day, about two in the afternoon, two shots were heard from the direction of the hill on which the first advanced sentinel was posted. Captain Mariani, of the staff, comman dant of the bay, immediately sent out two parties—one of voltigeurs, commanded by an officer, the other composed of sailors, under a midshipman—to make reconnoisances in the ravines that run down the bay. The sailors, having an In dian for their guide, fell into an ambush, and received a dis charge, which they returned with but little effect, because their guns had been loaded for three or four days, and the weather being damp, many of them missed fire. The sailors beat a retreat over the coral rocks and through the brush wood, under the fire of the enemy, which killed one man and wounded another. Captain Mariani, hearing the firing, sent out an officer and thirty men to cover the retreat of the sailors. At five o'clock, another attack was made upon the same hill, on which ten men were then placed, and to whom a reinforcement of thirty was sent. The moment these came up to the position, the natives decamped. Soon afterwards, a line of fires extended in a curve round the fort, from the back of the hill to the Queen's dwelling, showed the number of the assailants. They returned a well-directed discharge from a double rank. Forty voltigeurs deployed as tirailleurs, and, taking excellent positions, ably seconded the musketry of the fort. A howitzer, weßserved, directed its grape-shot, on the points where the tire seemed to be the best sustained ; and the Embuscade sloop, moored about a quarter of a league from the field of battle, threw with success several shells, and gradually caused the enemy's fire to cease. It was now seven o'clock, and night came on, consequently it was impos sible to pursue our foes through the impracticable ravines in which they sheltered themselves; but shots were repeated till after midnight. On receiving the first intelligence of these events, the Governor embarked in the steamer Phaeton, and came to the point. Our loss has been two men killed, one carried off by the enemy, and 'seven wounded. The loss of the insurgents cannot be known ; but, on the following day, five dead bodies were found. We reckon that they must have had 50 men put hors de combat." A MomTEA TRAlN.—Yesterday morning at half past eight, the train which started from London-bridge for Brighton consisted of forty-eight carriages, containing six teen hundred persons, and propelled by four engines. The majority of them were parties going to Brighton Races with the cheap excursion tickets, which were issued thi s mornin g And will be continued during the races, at half the usual fares GREAT ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE MEETING &T COVENT•GARDEN THEATRE. The last meeting of the Anti-Corn-law League for the season took place last evening at Covent-Garden Theatre. The meeting was advertised to commence at half-past seven o'clock. The doors were opened at seven, and within ten minutes afterwards every part of the theatre was crowded to excess. There has not been any meeting of the League in this theatre so numerously attended as the meeting of last evening, since the memorable occasion when Mr. O'Connell attended, immediately after the conclusion of the State trials in Ireland. A great number of ladies were present in the boxes. At half-past seven o'clock G. Wilson, Esq., Chairman of the League, took the chair, amidst loud cheering. He was accompanied into the theatre by R. Cobden, Esq., M.P., T. Milner Gibson, Esq., M.?., W. J. Fox, Esq., James Wilson, Esq. (of London), and several other leading members of the League. These gentlemen were all loudly cheered. Among those -present we observed—George Wilson, Esq., in the Chair ; Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P. ; Hon. C. P. Villiers, M.P.; Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P.; Benjamin Smith, Esq., M.P. ; Arthur Pattison, Esq. ; W. J. Fox, Esq. ; R. G. Welford, Esq.; Colonel Tucker ; Rev. Dr. Louis ; Rev. Robert Philip. Messrs. W. A. Wilkinson, P. A. Taylor, G. Poulter, S. Harrison, Fearon, J. P. Burnard, John Bickers, John Walker, 11. Leavors, J. Faulkner, James Henry Lewis, T. B. Farren, Jarvis, J. P. Williams (Manchester), Myles, Luke Elcoate, B. W. Cheshire, Owen (Man chester), Rogers (Margaretting, Essex), Press Granger, H. T. Stainton, A. Fordati, Joseph Lindley, W. P. Knox, Joseph Ralph, James Phillips, J. C. Worthington, H. Ashton, J. S. Thompson, T. B. Warren (Bristol), J. Ridge, Delmire, Whitehead, Blunt, F. Oliver (Cambridge), Dr. Sewell, W. J. Adams, R. Bell (Leeds), W. C. Jay, H. Hogard, C. W. Cobby, James Wilson, John Blakeway, Ri chard Ware Cole, Thomas Leslie, J. H. Const, Ben jamin Thorne, Robert Davison, Jones (Northampton), William Cooke, Joseph Lambert (Leeds), Henry Pritchard, J. Chalmers, James Butterworth (Roch , dale), Thomas Chadwicke, John Poulton, Richard Trass, Edward Harman, J. P. Delafous, W. Geesin, J. Kingsford, Thomas Lattimore (Wheathampstead), John M`Cartney (Manchester), James Crofts, Henry R. Claypole (Liverpool), Henry L. Keeling, Robert V. Smith, David Price, Thomas Tebbutt, Joseph Phelps. Capt. Whitehead (Nassau), Rev. A. M. Walker, N. Overbury (Westbury, Wilts), William May, Esq., (Mayor of Ipswich). The SECRETARY having read the minutes of the last meeting, which was held on the 4th of July, it was moved by Mr. James Wilson, seconded by Mr. Arthur Pattison, and carried unanimously, that the minutes be confirmed. The CHAIRMAN then came forward to address the meeting, and was greeted with loud and long-con tinued cheering. When the applause had subsided he spoke as follows :—Ladies and Gentlemen,—After an interval of five weeks we are again assembled here to resume, for one night more this season, the business proceedings of the League. It becomes my duty to state to you what are the operations in which the Council of the League have been engaged since we last met, in order that you and the public—at least that portion of the public which takes an interest in an alteration of the corn-laws—may be enabled to judge how far those operations are likely to contri bute to the settlement of the question which it is our duty here to dispose of.—(Hear, hear.) I do this with a greater pleasure, because many persons are apt to believe that when the proceedings of the League appear to be less prominently noticed, or, rather I should say, when they occupy less space than usual in the public journals, that there is a corresponding di minution of effort on the part of the League—that the League is, in fact, suspending its labours. Such an idea, however, would be most erroneous.—(Cheers.) Our first business is not so much now to educate and instruct the people, as to act upon the electoral body generally.—(Cheers.) As was stated by Mr. Villiers at our last meeting, this important question has made great progress in the House of Commons, but still the House of Commons, as at present constituted, presents no reflection of the public mind on this question at this period. It therefore devolves upon us, as our bounden duty, so to stimulate the elec.• toral body, that when they are next called upon to act, they may do it after due and timely prepara tion.—(Cheers.) The League, therefore, proceeded like men of business, to consider the best mode of carefully attending to the borough registration throughout the kingdom.—(Cheers.) They selected 140 boroughs, in which they thought there was a reasonable expectation that an impression might be made. They selected as agents to go those boroughs men acquainted with the subject of re gistration in all its parts—men thoroughly qualified to undertake the business, and who would transact that business in as workmanlike a manner as any men.—(Cheers.) The Council sent these men down to the boroughs ; they visited them ; instituted inqui ries, and reported the results of those inquiries to the Council. In some instances, they found that the registration had been totally neglected. In many, that it had been only partially attended to, and in others that it was entirely in the hands of legal agents — that is to say, that the boroughs were completely in the power of the bribers. In a few instances only had it been found that the subject had been properly attended to. These agents immediately set about to remedy these defects ; they formed committees in places where none had hitherto been formed, and had exacted pledges from the free traders of the different boroughs, that the subject would be attended to. Now, although this is a work of very great importance—a work which cannot be brought to perfection in a single day—l believe that the first great impulse has now been given to put in array that constituent body in whose hands is the destiny of the country, and who alone can de termine the fate of this and of all other monopolies. When, therefore, you hear it asked what the League have been doing, you can say that the Council will be occupied, at least until after the revision courts, in devoting their whole attention to the question of re gistration in all its branches and in all its parts.— (Cheers.) I do not purpose to enter into details on this subject at the present moment ; but I will simply state that, in the City of London a registration asso ciation has been organised, and the success which has attended their efforts is such as will effectually provide, even now, against the return of any mono polist to Parliament for that city. In South Lan cashire, also, a registration association has been organised, the results of which have been equally satisfactory ; and I firmly believe that, do what they will in the shape of objection, I believe that that county is effectually wrested from the hands of the monopolists, and that, with ordinary attention on the part of the free traders, no monopolist candidate can ever be returned for that division of the county.— (Cheers.) But although the subject of registration has occupied the greater part of the attention of the Council, it is by no means to be understood that we intend to relax in our attention to the holding of public meetings at the proper time for holding them. Since our last meeting in this theatre, meetings have been held at Gravesend, attended by Mr. Bright ; at Preston, attended by Mr. Thompson and Mr. Moore; at Salisbury, attended by Mr. Moore and Mr. Thomp son ; at York, attended by Mr. Moore, Mr. Thomp son, and Mr. Falvy ; at Newcastle, at Carlisle, and, though last not least, a meeting had been held at Northampton on Monday last.—(Loud cheers.) Now it has often been brought for ward as a matter of complaint against the League that we do not throw open the doors of of this theatre, or of the Free-trade Hall in Alanches ter, to the opponents of our principles. Our answer is, simply, that we have never yet been able to find accommodation sufficient for our own members at these our meetings, and when we have accommo dated all our own members, and have room enough to spare, it will be quite time enough to decide who else shall be admitted.—(Cheers.) But let it not, therefore, be supposed that the League have sought to shun discussion. Last year, Dlr. Cobden held thirty meetings in the open air, which were open to all the world, and at which the opponents of the League might have met him had they chosen.— (Cheers.) On Monday last a similar meeting was held at Northampton. That meeting had been con vened by requisition. Twelve hundred freeholders had signed a requisition to Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright, calling upon them to come and address the freeholders in the open air at Northampton. A requisition had also been sent to Mr. Stafford O'Brien, the Member for that division of the county, by the freeholders who had supported him at the last election, requesting him to meet Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright on that day, in order to discuss the question at issue. Another requisition had been pre sented to Mr. Feargus O'Connor—(Hisses and faint cheering)—signed by 1,250 freeholders, asking him to attend also on that occasion. No w there was here no mystery—nothing like packing a meeting. It was an open meeting, known to all the world, held in the open air, with proper not ice, and consequently afforded the best possible opportunity of ascertaining the public opinion of the county of Northampton. Well, the meeting was held, Mr. Stafford O'Brien declined to attend.—(lronical cheers and laughter.) Mr. Feargus O'Connor attended, and the sup porters of Mr. Stafford O'Brien supported Mr. Feargus O'Connor in the views which he took on the subject. Now the issue was taken in North ampton, the least favourable district for the discus sion of such a subject, because it is well known that in Northamptonshire the extreme suffrage principle has obtained a support perhaps beyond what it has ob tained in any other town in the kingdom. Mr. Cob den, however, carried his resolution by a considerable majority—(Cheers)—and this fact was testified by the chairman----a man of great influence in that part of the country, but one in whom the Chartists placed unlimited confidence.—(Cheers.) So much for the the charge of packing. But while we are thus mak ing progress, I regret to allude to the losses which we have experienced among our supporters since last we met. We have lost Mr. Scholefield, the Member for Birmingham, and Mr. Travers, the excellent chair man of Mr. Pattison's Committee at the last election for London. I am sure that the loss of those two most consistent supporters of our principles will leave a void which it will be difficult to fill. N° men were ever more beloved in private life, or by their virtues more secured the esteem and f riendship of all who had the pleasure of their acquaintance. (Cheers.) But these men possessed talents beyond ordinary men ; for, while they conducted great cow mercial operations, they at the same time felt the strongest interest in the well-being of every other class of the community, and did their duty by . those other classes—(Hear, hear)—and the best wish b e could offer to Birmingham and London was, that 1 1 double portion of their spirit might rest upon ea ch one of their remaining citizens, and that when they died their memory might be respected by as 1111 ; merous a body as that by which the memory 01 Mr. Scholefield and Mr. Travers was now res pected. This, then, is the 24th, and last meeting of the League, and I venture to say that the League is very differently estimated now, compared with what it ws.' when we held our first meeting in Drury-lane.."' Where is the man now who would charge us wit!: being abettors of assassination ?—(Cheers.) An yet the Prime Minister and others scrupled not to say as much.—(Hear.) Where is the man now who would dare say so, or where are the organs c, public opinion who would say so; and, above all, where are the persons to be found who would believe either him or them if they so charged us ?—(Hear' hear.) It is true we were threatened with opposit° by the Society for the Protection of Agriculture' `There is this body now ?—(Cheers.) H a d they accomplished all those things for which they wer e established ? Had they increased the wages of the labourer, or made him satisfied with Bs. a -week ? The incendiary fires of Suffolk show that they ar e not satisfied.— -(Hear, hear.) And if this Socie t y, possess the power they profess to ha ve , never h a d 0 1 body a finer opportunity of exhibiting themselves advantage than those fires presented to them. nut they could not check incendiarism there, for they had no hold on the affections of the working classes' .—(Hear, hear.) They knew that whatever wort; gages and marriage settlements might be paid out of the proceeds of the corn-laws, they themselves could expect nothing but abject penury and want, anal! was on that account that this Society had not made way in those districts in which it might reasonably be N expected they would have influence.—(Hear, hear'/ It will require greater strength than that of t h e Protection Society to put down the League. We gf, on from day to day, and from year to year, gatherin g strength, sometimes from victory, and sometime even from defeat; and we are proceeding now steadi l y to that great point which would be victory itself' (Hear, hear, and cheers.) This question h as obtained a greater progress than any other question ever bad , and we must ultimately be successful.—(Loud e keers'; Mr. Gibson will address you this evening.--(Cheers: ) I regret to say that Mr. George Thompson ig iit in Scotland, but his place will be suppli e d by da le, Cobden—(Loud cheers)—and the proceedings W' be closed by Mr. Fox.—(Cheers.) Mr. T. M. GIBSON, M.P., then came forward, 0 ! was received with loud cheers. He sa id it had bee; his good fortune to have been present at wa n .; meetings of the Anti-Corn-law Le ague , b u t neve, had he witnessed a more spl en did assem bl age tit; was gathered within these walls thi s even i ng , and 11 said it was justly to be deemed matter for congrats lation that their farewell meeting for the season h received such a signal mark of public approbatio It was impossible to conceive that a cause was retrr, grading—that a question could be less grounded is the public mind, when they saw such a vast assene t blage as that which was now gathered within th s bo theatre. There were many who would lead thew suppose that, because public meetings were not frequent, and because there had not appeared many speeches of late in the provincial and metrop; litan papers, that therefore the cause of free tri! a was not occupying that place in the public inl ° s , which it once did. There never was a greater 113 ' st take than that. It frequently happen e d that tO work was the most telling which was the most qu i l e d and from the description which they had just hearo c o the proceedings now being carried on by the Coll; of the League, it struck him that they were tabl.„ f;. that course which must ultimately lead to victory..., (Hear, hear.) He was not one of those who felt ye ... ," confident in their present electoral institutions. ~t (Hear, hear.) He was aware that they could o e ", hope for ' those full and generous effects which tb til l e might have from a more liberal representation of, 'd people ; but this he did believe, that th e g reat u° ti of the electoral class in the country were intelligea.t; and that when they were once awakened to the !n e rd of any question, they would use the power they 1 1 . 0 of returning a majority to the House of Conind, opposed to monopoly; and he trusted in God they sc° ll do l at the next general election, throw aside all Pa r ~ interests, and seek to promote the happiness, vir' e d and moral and physical welfare of the people , " t o return a majority to the House of Commons, 11 °" 01 ) support any particular set of parti.ans—(Hear, — an y particular set of men, whether ins or ° ll , o t who might be looking for the sweets of office' at to support the great principle of free trade, an,c l „ir principle alone.—(Cheers.) Their excellent C het man had alluded to the efforts of the Anti. Corn League, and he intimated the want of success on : f part of the Protection society, and that august b . 6,1: the Central Society fur the Protection of 1 3 10 Agriculture.—(Laughter.) Now, it did hapeea, be there were some salient points which inigh' i l e s, quoted in proof of the little success of those boT e i t . It might be shown to demonstration that ° o h progress had been backwards, if there was any tr i pe in vulgar arithmetic, for in 1839, when not hal g et effort was made by the Protection Society W b ; e o petitions sent to Parliament that had 0 11' made last year, the number of s i gn atures be r tamed was 318,000. What was the nlbif of signatures obtained during the present year ? i v,„3 after all the great assemblages of distinguishe, u beo titled monopolists, only 287,000 signatures ha a l og obtained; 4,000 petitions, with an average 110 5 of seventy-four signatures to each petition, _ 0 00, they could get.—(Cheers.) The number of pet i rt of showed that there was no want of zeal on the P ta res the Protection Society, but the number of sign s showed that there was a deficiency of zeal on til;:he of the agriculturists themselves, for it was fr ° • 4 lll agricultural districts that the petitions prin ci rol came. It might be said that the Anti-Co rn- 0 1 League had not petitioned. That was true, thef t bef not petitioned for this very good reason, benau s Aleg' found it was a useless and vain attempt . —'k a tle' hear.) It was thought that the efforts of the g e I men connected with the League might be bet thl rected. It was, therefore, given up, but wb e ' o bs' , free-trade party had petitioned the Legislatur e . the was the result ? They began to petition 10 OP year 1839, and they sent in petitions le , 500,000 signatures. They left off petitionit e re./ year, with 1,700,000 signatures.—(Loud cP S This showed a constant increase of signet° let their part, whilst the petitions of the Central S: c btei for the Protection of British Agriculture.--4 10 ° Le t —showed a constant diminution of signature s ' a jor_ e j them get rope enough ! He would say n ° l o o l ‘7 6 But he thought that any impartial man who around him and asked himself what were the jo sPi l of society—what were the cravings which fested themselves, not only throughout thepoteh dominions, but throughout the greater part d o o n , would find that they were intimately connec oa t physical want.—(Hear.) He would find that.ii thee of the great wants of society could be met ! l a of ti) f had first ameliorated the physical co nditl ea ttl eir great body of the people.—(Hear.) They o f tb desires to educate the people; of complaint s io e 0 ( 0 ignorance; of their want of moral training e juot a youth, but what was the use of attempting ti t JO7O and sow the seeds of virtue among a people ~,n o rf.:o l by deep distress, living in a state of hopeles s ) o f people in such a state were not in a nac hers o cl to receive either the admonitions of the Pr` pee i i, the teaching of the moralist.—(Hear, hear.) an d f e w upon it, if they wished virtue, knowledg e f„ p oro. gion should take root amongst the labourr: 0 01 0 4 . 0 1 tion, they must ameliorate their physicaL_„ f icultf o i They must first endeavour to raise the M il be!, 0 labourer from the hopeless condition in vin' ire i o seemel to be placed. They would look !lin here , ti p diminution of crime unless that conditto_ot tered. The labouring population could 1 2 0e iety.7. he to those who held a higher position in so d r n ot any feeling of affection, seeing they arr, and y 0! cast by or thrown aside as useless ben' t he fa r at treated as well as the brute creatures fed.uue papeqoo, of the aristocracy. When they read in Y ou tlailnr itt er fine shows of agricultural produce the go,' and other places ; when thev rea d __L' A when t hey and pageantry at those meetings ; eaten; the heard of oxen too fat to walk or to be ges i of , cto must not suppose that this was eintbhieertipoi"o4r distri ct condition of the poor labourer in been b t r be oto from which these fat animals br_ o , the f b „beell' ) They must turn their thoughts tr o (Lou d 1 1 00 4 to the lean and neglected peasants ' a ll the g lut They must carry their minds from a threat oiled pageantry to the incendiary n s , dee p a , n bo di letters, and to all those symptoms the g rell :i fe n discontent which now prevailed the agricultural population. t r ing g i ltu th r e e o i l ri f y lls o e f o 7 days since, to mention these e an tb irper t . _ l, Commons, and he quoted _ I ng l: n d ' 0 4 ( 10 014 " clergyman of the Church of b his posit ion that the agriculturallabourer Was