The Sun. — London, England, 1839-05-04 00:00:00

EDITIONT • DIPERiAL PANL/AMENT. _HOU SE OF LORE S, MAY 3. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack at Five o'Clock. Lora POLTIMORE presented a variety of peti pra3ing for the adoption of a uniform penny po!tagC. Lord ROLLE presented a petition to the same effect. The Duke of SOM ERSET presented a petition from a place in D.!von, to the same effect. Lord BROUGHAM presented petitions from various printing otlices in the City of London, to the same effect. Tile Marquis of BREADALBANE presented a p, tit;en from :1 place ui Stirlingshire, praying for Church Extewion in Scotland. Lord H ATHERTON presented a petition from the Guardians of the Poor of the Great Union of Salop, Chester, and other places, expressing unqualified appro bation of the New Poor-law Act, and praying for its re-enactment. Lord PORTMAN gave notice that upon ehe House resolving itself into a Committee upon the Church Dis cipline Bill, he should move certain amendments which he now laid on the table, with a request that they might be printed, Lord ROSEN presented a petition signed by many hundreds of the inhabitants of Liver pool, against any further grant to the College of Maynoooth. The Noble Lord also presented a petition from a place in Ireland, praying that soldiers of the Presbyterian religion might be allowed to attend their own places of worship. Lord BROUGHAM wished to know whether it would be convenient for the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, and also for the Right Reverend Prelates, that the second reading of the Church Discipline Bill should be postponed from Tues day next, as it would be almost absolutely necessary, regard being had to what was upon the Votes of the House of Commons for Wednesday night, that the debate should take place by their Lordships on the Beer Bill on Tuesday night. The LORD CHANCELLOR, after conferring with several of the Right Rev. Prelates, said there would be no objection to postpone it till Thursday night. Lord BROUGHAM said Thursday would be Holy Thursday, and as their Lordships would probably not sit on that day, they would probably think it right to sit on Wednesd ? The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he would postpone the second reading till next Monday week. Lord 13 RO UG H A 111 then gave notice that on Tuesday next he should move the second reading of the Bill to abolish the Beer Law. Lord ABERDEEN presented petitions from Fife shire, Ayrshire, and several other places in Scotland, praying for Church Extension. The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE presented a peti tion from the Grand Jurors, Magistrates, Landowners, and others of the county of Down, in support of the Corn•laws. Lord MELBOURNE presented a Message from her Majesty The LORD CHANCELLOR read the Message. S ee the House of Commons' Report.] Lord MELBOURNE moved that the Message be taken into consideration on Monday next. The Marquis of NORMANBY said, that the Noble and Learned Lord near him bad given notice of his intention (as we understood) to move for an Act by which the franchise in Antigua, was raised from twenty to fifty pounds currency, and which had bees confirmed. He wished the Noble and }seamed Lord to give him the date of that Act, as he had not been able to find it. Lord BROUGHAM said he should be able to give the Noble Marquis the date of it. Lord NORMANBY said he had no knowledge of it. He had had every person in the office searching for it this morning, but there was no trace of it to be found, and certainly he (the Noble Marquis) had no recollection of any such Act passing, or that it had never been con firmed. Lord BROUGHA.M was glad to hear that there was no recollection of its confirmation, but he should be able to give the date of it in a very short time. Indeed, 'if the House had been likely to have sat for any length of time he should have been able to have furnished it before it rose. . Lord ROSSM ORE presented a petition from the county of Down approving of the Government of Lord Normanby. NATIONAL EDUCATION. The Bishop of LONDON, seeing the President of the Council in his place, wished to observe w ith regard to a minute o f the Privy Council, dated April, 1839, that 'he had looked with the most anxious wish to find in that paper the indica tion of some scheme which might be calculated to remove some of the chief difficulties that had hitheito stood in the way of such a system of National Education as would conciliate all parties. He can• didly confessed he did not expect to find such a scheme, because he had been led to believe, from the present, state of religious feeling that such a scheme was im i- pracsicable, but he confessed he did not expect to see such a scheme as was embodied in that paper, which ap peared to Din], on the most mature and he hoped not uncandid consideration, to imbibe all the vices or the Irish system of education, without having that justification or rather palliation of the scheme which perhaps might be found in the very peculiar and un fortunate circumstances of the sister country. Any system of education that was to compris. all classes of Dissenters, (which was the principle contained in that paper), if crried into practice at all would not be a system of religious instruction, it would be a species of instruction that would lead to indifference, to generalism, ' and perhaps to something worse. If that principle were admitted by the Legislature it appeared to him that the Church might as well, as far as her connection with the State was concerned, at once abrogate her functions. According to this minute, if the Privy Council thought there was a sufficient number of children in a Dissent ing sohool to warrant the .appointment, a Dissenting minister would be appointed, who was, in the document, called a " licensed minister." If that principle was adopted with respect to one class of religion, it might be adopted with respect to others. Each class might have its licensed minister, and there would be in one insitution for religious education five or six teach ers of different religious opinions, diametrically opposed to each other. The result would be that those children would be brought up in the principles of the wildest latitudinarianism.—( Hear:) It gave him infinite pain to : speak in language that might appear to be strong, of a system which perhaps the promoters of it might think was for the benefit of the country, but it would be the heavi est blow that had been struck at the religion of the country for many years, and they could aim no heavier blow at the Church than by attacking. her through the medium of religious education. When the paper is question was laid on their Lordships' table, unless he conceived further discussion was rendered unnecessary by the turn the question might take in another place, he should bring it in a more formal and solemn manner before their Lordships. He felt it to be his boundereduty to resist all attempts to force on the peo p.e a system ef national education which was not found ed o n'the princip!es or t h e E s:a blislied Church. Ile was convinced that ere long th e ta bl es of both Houses would he loaded with peti tions beseeching their Lordships not to do that which the Committee of the Privy Council bad recommended i and, in conclusion, he begged to move that the minute of the Privy Council to which b e h a d 1 eferred be laid on their Lordships' table. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that if the Right Rev. Prelate had contented himself with merely moving for the production of this order, it would have been granted as a matter of course, and it would not have been necessary for aim to trouble their Lordships with one word. But as the 'Right Rev. Prelate had lent the sanction of his name and practice to a custom frequenCy of late introduced into that House, of pro ceeding by premature discussion to endeavour to create an unfavourable impression against a measure wi:hout notice of any such discussion, he was bound to offer a few words in explatiation. Ile would state distinctly that whenever the Right Rev. Prelate brought this sub ject in a farinal and regular manner before the House, he should be able to induce their Lordships to believe that the character which the Right Rev. Prelate had given of the systerr of education proposed to be in troduced under the Order in Council was the reverse of what was intended, and what would be proposed.— s( Hear, hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate had stated that the proposed sylatem of education would produce all the vices of the Irish systtin. Now he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) denied a system which had been established by Parliament and adopted by two Goverements, could justly be called vicious. But he also denied that the proposed measure could be said to resemble that Irish system, seeing that the principle of the proposed mea sure was, that the doctrines of the Church of England cannot be excluded, whereas, the principle of the Irish system was, that those doctrines could not be included —a small difference which the Right Rev. Prelate had not noticed.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The school to be established by the Order in Council was not one for general education, but for the best means of training schoolmasters—a distinction most important—for if it were desirable that means should be adopted for perfect ing, as far as possible, a system of education, it followed that the education should apply to the training of mas ters of all denominations. The Right Rev. Prelate had contended that no assistance should by afforded by the State, direct or indirect, to schools not founded oa a connection with the Church of England. 'Why was it t o be expected that the people of this country would submit to pay for a general system of training, to the benefits of wh ic h no n e were to b e a d m i tte d b ut t h ose who wer e in conformity with the Church of England ? —(Hear, hear.) At the same time it should be no ticed, that the master s of Church schools would care fully be instructed in the tenets of the Church.—( Hear, hear.) To the production of the Order in Council there would be no objection, and he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) hoped there would be a time for full and fair discussion.—(Hear, hear.) The Bishop of LONDON observed that he used , the term " vices," as applied to the Irish system, in the classical sense. of its being defective. Lord BROUGHAM said it was the apprehen on of the controversy which had thus been commenced that had induced him to postpone his Bill on the subj ct of education. Be you assured, my Lords (continued the Noble and Learned Lord, in a most impressive tone), that if we are now to grapple with this question—if the Church of England persists in maintaining that claim which has been raised by the Right Reverend Prelate, to superintend, as the national church of the country, the education of the youth of this country—be you assured, my Lords, that the people will not submit to the fas;oured.Church ; and I myself will lead them in their resistance.—(Hear, hear.) I acknowle dg e the right of the Church to an establishment by the onsti. tution of this country—l grant this title to endowment —but there is not a shadow of a right which the Church claims to have the exclusive controul of educa tion in this country—and there is no foundation for the claim in the law or the Constitution of this coun • try,—(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord went on to say, that the Government could at present dispose as they pleased of the unconditional annual grant of education. His opinion was, that there were but two courses to be taken in a country where all men did not belong to one Church, either to give secular instruction, and secular instruction only, in public schools, supported by public money, leaving it to each individual parent to communicate religious instruction to their children, and to have pastors of their own persuasion, or that whatever religious instruction was given should be confined to the religion of Churchmen, and that the same religion which Churchmen's chil dren was instructed in, the Dissenters' children should be instructed in also.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Those were the only two courses, unless, indeed, it was meant to be laid down, and which surely was adopted, that the Right Rev. Prelate would be the last to countenance. that the money of the people should be taken as well from the Dissenter as the Churchman's fund, for the purpose of teaching the Churchman's chil dren, and excluding the Dissenter's children, and whose parents had paid just as much, according to their means as the parents of the other children.—(Much cheering.) If any man living in this country, could think of enter taining such an idea as that, he was quite sure that he would not be bold enough openly to state it.—(Hear, hear.) But if any one did put forward such a propo sition, he knew well that it would be urged in vain else. where, he meant in the quarter where the money must come from,—(Hear, hear.) But it would be found, that not only the representatives of Dissenters would resist it, but even the Representatives of Charchmen, would be taught to tell Parliament, that if they meant to tax Dissenters as well as Churchmen, to raise a fund for any purpose whatever, they must al low the Dissenters to participate in that fund as well as the Churchmen, otherwise their efforts to raise such a fund would be fruitless. As a friend of toleration, and of civil and religious liberty, he would say that, highly desirous as religious instruction was, it would not be possible to obtain it ; but it would not be desirable that it should be obtained upon any less Catholic, less libe ral, less just, and more contracted principles.—(Cheers.) The Bishop of LONDON said the House would remember that he had never brought forward such a proposition, as the Noble and Learned Lord had de molished with such vigorous blows. He never stated that the Dissenters were to be taxed to educate the children of Churchmen, to the exclusion of the children of Dissenters. On the contrary, he said that was not the manner in which the children of either could be taught, consistently with the great principles of religion. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that, at all events, if a system was adopted upon the principle, which evidently influenced the whole of the observations of the Right Rev. Prelate, every Dissenter's child should be excluded from a participation in that system. Lord BROUGHAM said he did not state that the Right Rev. Prelate had made the proposition he now repudiated—he only wished to know if there was any man bold enough to offer such a proposition. It was a monstrous doctrine, a doctrine which he bad seen in print, and which he was sorry to say was taken from what had fallen from the pulpit. . _ Lord ABINGER said if such a fund were raised, the equitable, nay undoubtedly proper course would be to make a grant out of that fund to each class of religious persons, according to the amount each had contributed, if it were possible that that could be ascertained, but he did not see how that was practicable. For one he had always been of opinion that any system of general education must fail. He could not see how it was possible that any one national system could be adopted in a country where there were so many different views of religion. He was afraid, therefore, that the good in tentions of his Noble and Learned Friend opposite, who had given the subject the most profound attention, as well as of the Noble Marquis, must fail, and that they would never be able to establish one national system. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said it. was not proposed to alter the system of making the grants to the different schools, though there was a difference proposed in the principle of making those grants. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY certainly un derstood his Right Rev. Friend near him to say that he made no objection whatever to this grant being in part bestowed on Dissenters as well as on Churchmen. He expressed his pleasure of what the Noble Mar- (quis had said, whi c h h e h o p e d wou ld ten d to repel the apprehensions entertained by a great portion of the Church of England, that there were plans on foot for enforcing a general establishment of schools from which the teaching of any peculiar doctrines should be excluded. If any plan of that sort were to be submitted, he should feel it to be his duty to give it his strongest opposition. It was evident that two sys tems of education could not be taught in the same school. Either religion must be entirely excluded, or the children at the particular school must be taught ac cording to some peculiar system. He did not apprehend that the members of the Church of England imagined there was any other system so good as their one. The address was then agreed to. MESSAGE FROM THE QUEEN. The Duke of WELLINGTON inquired whether the Noble Viscount opposite had any objection to state to the House the course which he meant to pursue on Monday, when he should move that the message from her Majesty should be taken into consideration. Lord MELBOURNE said that he should move a general address in answer to her Majesty's message, very much to the same effect as that which was given in 1791 in answer to an address very much of the same nature as the present, when a message was brought down from the Crown recommending a separation of the two colo nies. He should not call upon the House to pledge itself to any particular opinion, but merely to thank her Majesty for her gracious Message, and to state that the House would take into consideration that Message for the purpose of adopting those measures calculated to carry the Message into effect, and not intending, to pledge the House to an expression of any particular opinion on the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The Bishop of Exeter, Viscount Duncannon, Lord Hatherton and Lord Portman presented petitions from various places in favour of Mr. Rowland Hill's plan of postage, and then the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COJIMONS, 111,41- 3. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before four o'clock. Mr. RUTHERFORD, the liew Lora Advocate of Scot land, took the oaths and his scat for Leith. On the motion of Mr. CAVENDISH the Dronfield Enclosure Bill was read a third time and passed. EASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY BILL. Mr. BARING informed the House that, in conse quence of the non-attendance of some of the Selected Members, it was found impossible to constitute the Committee to proceed to business this day. Sir E. KNiTCHBULL thought that some new mode should be adopted relative to Members attending, as the present system seemed to be attended with great inconvenience to Members, and expense to the parties. It would be better to abolish the Committee of Selection altogether than be subjected to such con tinual inconvenience. Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE defended the conduct pursued by the Committee of Selection. Every exertion had i'ie, eg ,t made by that Committee to ensure a ivmper attendance of Members. He hoped Ole House would pause before they abolished the Committee of Selection, for in his apinion it would work web the moment it became properly understood. Before that it would not have had a fair trial. It might be a matter for consideration whether the attendance of the selected Members should not be made compulsory. Mr. GREENE said it might sometimes happen that the Committee of Selection did not give a long enough notice to the selected Members ; but as the system be came better understood, that would be remedied. Sir A. DALRYMPLE did not think the principle of selection was a good one, and in his opinion the busi ness would be much better preformed under the old system of the Speaker's List. Lord G. SOMERSET said the suggestion thrown out last week had not received proper consideration — that proper notice should be given to those Members selected, and that they should in writing inform the Committee as early as possible, if it suited their other en gagements to attend. That was the only plan which would be successful in his opinion. He would never agree to the proposition of the Hon. Member for Hamp shire, to make the attendance of Members compulsory. Mr. CHRISTOPHER said, while waiting in one Committee which was actually sitting, be was asked to sign a paper making it necessary to attend another at the same time. Mr. E WART said the Committees were too large ; the private business would never be well done until the Committees were reduced to seven Members, and no local influence ought to be allowed to sway the Committee. No Member having an interest in any matter before a Committee should be allowed to be in the Committee, except as a witness. He was now going to say a very bold thing, but his belief was that Committees would never properly be attended to till the Members were paid for their attend ance.—( Hear, and laughter.) Mr. DARBY could not agree that a Member ought THE SUE, LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 4. 1839. to be paid ; but unless the existing system was made I more perfect, it had better be abolished altogether. Sir DE LAC Y EVANS was opposed to the pro position of paying Members, but agreed that it would be more convenient if a more limited number of Mem bers were appointed to sit on Conhnittees. 'the Committee was then ordered to be revived, and to proceed on Tuesday next. On the motion of Mr. LOCKHART the Wishaw and Coltness Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. The Ballochney Railway Bill was also read a third time and passed. The Monkland and Kirkintilloch Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. A CLAND, the Bradford Improvement Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed. The London and Croydon Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. LONDON AND GREENWICH RAILWAY BILL. On the motion of Mr. W. ATTWOOD, the Lon don and Greenwich Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. GREAT NORTH OF ENGLAND RAILWAY BILL. On the motion of Mr, PEASE, the Great North of England Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. GREAT CENTRAL IRISH RAILWAY BILL. Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE brought up the Report of the Committee on the Great Central Irish (Albridge and Mullingar) Railway Bill. LONDON AND SOUTHAMPTON RAILWAY causes whence arose the disturbed spirit of the ' colonies. He stated that there were six capital source: of those disturbances .—Dissent, form of Government, religion in the northern provinces, manners in the southern, education and the remoteness of situation from the mother country. Did none of these operate in Jamaica ? Did not Dissent operate there ? They must recollect that this country owed the pos session of Jamaica to the conquering arms of Cromwell. So far therefore the same cause operated in Jamaica as in North America before the revolution. Burke said that the religion of the northern' provinces sufficiently accounted for the spirit of liberty that prevailed there. In the southern provinces the same influence did not prevail ; but there was another, namely, " manners," and he spoke of Carolina and Virginia, which were slave-holding provinces. Where there was a vast multitude of slaves, as in these provinces, those who were free, were far more proud and jealous of their free dom. Such was the case with their gothic ancestors— such was the case with the Poles, and such would be the case in all time with all holders of slaves. They might diffuse the sentiment out of which it originated, but it was human nature.—(Hear, hear.) Burke said the last cause was hardly less powerful than any of the others. 3,000 miles of ocean divided them and no contrivance could could prevent the effect of distance in weakening power. Seas would roll between them, and months elapse, while the want of a single explanation might be fatal to the connexion. In the present instance they had that difficulty to deal with, and 3,000 miles of ocean interposed an obstacle to the administration of the affairs of that colony. After the restoration of Charles the Second in 1661, the first regular form of Government was conferred on - that Colony. The formation of the House of Assembly was of rather a later date, but in 1661, on the first burst of enthusiasm against popular movements and the first burst of loyalty, a Council o' twelve was appointed to be elected by the Crown. A few years afterwards the House of Assembly was constituted, and in 1678 began a series of attacks on the privileges of that House on the part of Charles the Second and his Ministers, which were completely defeated by the perseverance and fortitude of that Assembly. He mentioned all these things in order to prepare them for the explanation, that although the negroes greatly exceeded the whites—although the colony was limited in extent, they might find greater difficulty in administering its government from home than they would have inferred from the circumstance of its being a small and isolated colony.—(Hear, hear.) He begged them not to suppose that Jamaica would be an isolated Colony, and that no sympathy or fellow feeling would be excited among the other colonies. He would take the smallest of them, and would read an ad dress not couched in the language of menace, but an appeal which would produce so much the greater effect. It was the language of the address of the House of Assembly of the little colony of St. Chris topher's ; therefore let them not think that Jamaica would not find sympathy from the other colonies ; and as in 1838 they had suspended the Constitution of Ca nada, and in 1839 the Constitution of Jamaica, so in 1840 and 1841, he dreaded lest the same effects should be produced, and there should be no other resource left but to suspend other constitutions. The address of the Assembly of St. Christopher's was agreed to without any knowledge of the intentions of the Government with regard to Jamaica, merely on their own account. They stated that they should, by all constitutional and legal methods, uphold their rights and privileges—that they knew their weakness and their poverty, and their inability to stand against power ; but they felt they should find sympathy among the other British colonies, who knew their cause was good—(Cheers) —and they feel strong in their weakness, rich in their poverty, and they should proceed cautiously yet firmly to uphold their Charter and Constitution.— (Cheering.) Therefore, when this measure went out let them not flatter themselves that the indignation it would occasion would be confined merely to Jamaica.— (Cheers.) Unless they could clearly manifest that they had justice on their side—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches)—they would excite a degree of sympathy in the other colonies which would completely abstract the success of the measure.—(Cheers.) He did believe that when they sent out these Bills giving three Councillors—and for all he knew these three Councillors might be three Aide-de-camps of the Government--power of imposing unlimited taxation on the colony, they ought not to flatter themselves that it would meet with universal ac- quiescence.—(Cheers,) bid they recollect the year 1774 ? An Act was passed in that year for doing away with all doubts respecting the regulations of the colonies of America and the West Indies.—(Hear, hear.) He would read the recital of that Act, (The Right Hon. Gentleman here read the recital of the Act alluded to, which stated that the power of tax- ation, by the Parliament of Great Britain, of the colo nies -bad been found to create uneasiness, and that many ,of the colonies would be willing to raise contribu tions for, the'exigencies p, t 1 St A te.) In order to re move this„uneasiness,.lt_was decided 'that the King and Parliament of Great Britain,would..uo.t.iropose any tax on the colonies. 'And Achen , 'he referred to the Act preceding this, he found it was intituled " An Act re pealing an Act passed in the 14th year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled An Act for the better Regulpion of the Government of Massachussets.'" This Act for the Government of Massachussets, which they had been obliged to repeal, was a regulation of the Bri tish Parliament to levy a tax, and this Act they had taken as the model of their Act for the Government of Jamaica. These were considerations which alone ought to have weight, and he felt that when they considered the origin and the descent of the society to which this measure was to be applied, they would grant that they were entitled to the rights of British subjects. The Act itself was a most serious measure—the state of the society to which it was to - be applied was most serious ; but if any thing could aggravate the danger of this Act, it would be most certainly to pass this Act on false pretences. Nothing could more tend to tower the cha racter, or derogate from the authority of Parliament— nothing could tend to make this precedent at all times dangerous, more particularly so on this occasion, than to pass this Bill on false pretences.—(Cheers.) He could imagine that public considerations of profound po litical reasoning might render the suspension of a po pular form of Government necessary ; but if the Go vernment found this necessary, he would advise them for the sake of justifying themselves in the eyes of the world, to studiously put forward their reasons fur so doing.—(Cheers.) When his Noble Friend proposed the abolition of slavery, he might have conceded that the question of a suspension of the Colonial Govern ments might be entitled to consideration. It might be said that they were about to make a great experiment, the issue of which was necessarily uncer tain. That they had determined to emancipate the ne groes—that they foresaw great local difficulties—that the Assembly, which was constituted for a state of slavery, was not fitted for any other condition—that there was something in the state of society requiring the interposition of superior authority—that, therefore, the Government bad determined, in order to protect, the claims both of the slaves and of the remainder of the population, and had consequently determined to under take the local government. They might say that another great experiment was about to be tried, and that the ne gro population, although they had acquired their freedom, had not yet acquired the right of the elective franchise. If they thought that it was absolutely necessary to sus pend the authority of the House of Assembly in order that the. negro should enjoy civil and religious liberty, these reasons might be applicable to o th er cases , and should only be adduced now, because there was some- thing peculiar in the state of Jamaica. But if that pe culiarity did exist, why suffer it to be a lurking mo tive for the Bill, instead of inserting it in the pre amble ?—(Cheers.) He was not aware that that dan ger existed which was apprehended by some gentle men. It had been suggested for the purpose of in ducing conciliation towards the Act, that it was desirable for the protection of the whites. if so, then why not say so ?—(" Hear," and cheers.) Why not say that in consequence of the irritable conduct of the House of Assembly, the Imperial Government consi dered them unfit to legislate upon this point, and why not also state what limitation they intended to prescribe to the precedent they were about to introduce—what their justification was for such an act of limitation ? (Cheers.) He (Sir R. Peel) could not say from any communications he had had that such apprehensions for the safety of the whites, as seemed to actuate Hon. Gentlemen opposite, was felt in Jamaica. The state of the elective franchise in Jamaica might demonstrate that there was no such danger. The elective franchise in Jamaica was only granted to those who possessed a house and land to the value of 101. a-year currency, which was equal to 71. sterling. It was a mistake to talk about 40s. franchises in Jamaica, for no such institution existed, but a 301. leaseholder in occupation was entitled to the franchise. In the enjoyment of freehold rights now there was no distinction between the black and the white population, nor was there ineligibility to seats in the House of As sembly. There were now eight Members of the House of Assembly who belonged to the coloured population. He rejoiced at that, for the negroes had now a perfect right to influence the House of Assembly, and no doubt they would do so in the course of time. Now did they apprehend that the franchise was to limited for the necessary change ? or if they considered that the fran chise was too extensively enjoyed by the ncgro ment were justified on the grounds which they rested this Bill, that they had no vindication, in jus tice or equity, for the coerse which they proposed. He agreed with Mr. Canning in the sentiments which he expressed in 1824, with regard to the power of Par liament over the Colonies : "No feeling of wounded pride, no motive of questionable expediency, nothing short of a clearly demonstrated necessity, should induce us to moot the awful question of the transcendental power of Parliament, over our colonial dependencies. That is an arcanum of the empire, which ought to be kept within the penetralia of the Constitution. It exists, but it should be veiled. It should not be pro duced upon trifling occasions,—on temporary refrac toriness. It should be brought forward only in the utmost extremity,—when all other remedies have failed to stay the progress of some moral or poli tical pestilence." (Hear, hear, hear.) Now he could not say that he considered this " utmost extremity" had arrived.—(Hear.) Let the House con sider the nature of the proposed measure, and the cha racter of the society which it would affect. He wished that be could impress the House with one-half of the deep sense he entertained of the vast importance of this question—of the apprehension which he felt for its consequences —and the general un easiness which it might excite in other Colonies.— ( Hear, hear.) The enacting clauses of the Bill were included in two pages. It was certainly brief and compendious—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") —and wisely so. Its absolute necessity required its passing, but it was neither more nor less than the establishment of complete despotism.—(Hear, hear.) In the days of colonial misgovernment, it surely would not be thought sufficient to promise that the despotic power would not be abused.—(Hear, hear.) The Imperial Parliament would not trust to those lucky accidents by which tyranny might be averted, but would carefully provide those guarantees whereby a nation would be protected against it.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But this Bill suspended a popular and representative form of government, which had endured for at least 150 years. He wished not to be charged with the slightest exaggeration in describing this Bill, but he would ask if there was any colony under the Crown not having , a charter, never having possessed any popular rights t of representation, which was subjected to such regulations as this Bill imposed upon the Island of Jamaica ; was there ever any conquered colony, which immediately after the heat of conquest, had been subjected to such regulations as these ? In the case of a conquered colony there were generally some stipulations for the maintenance of existing laws, and for the upholding of the rights and privileges of the people. No such stipulation for the maintenance of the existing laws, or rights, or privileges of the people of Jamaica were to be found in this Bill. The powerwhich it gave the Government might or might not be abused, but it could not be denied that it took the Government out of the hands of the constituted authorities, placed it in the hands of Commissioners with unlimited powers, and upon whom there was no check from the local authorities, and whatever laws were thus passed might endure for 18 months. An Act had been passed last Session suspending the Constitu tion of Canada, but of that Act distinct noti ce h a d been given. Th e A ssem bly had refused the Supplies ; resolutions were passed giving distinct notice to the co lony of the intentions of the Government, and, the colony still refusing the supplies, the Bill was passed. Bat did they pass a Bill like this ? Not at all. There was not a word in the preamble of the present Bill stating the in tention of the measure, but in the Canada Bill the pre amble distinctly asserted the Bill was passed with a view to ensure the formation of another Constitution. (The Right Honourable Gentleman here read the preamble of the Canada Bill, and laid particular em phasis on that part which stated the measure to be merely of a temporary nature). There was not one word of this sort in the preamble of the Jamaica Bill ; and did not the Ministers know that a part of the support they received on this Bill was founded on the hope that the Bill would be of permanent duration ? He knew that it was said the Bill was to be tempo rary ; but were they not aware that there were some who gave it their support, in the hope that this tem porary eclipse of public liberty would not be allowed to expire —that there were some who hoped that if this disastrous twilight were once extinguished, there would be fou n d no Promethean fire by which it might be renewed ?—(Cheers.) He did not think they would find it such an easy matter to re-establish popular power in the island, if they once put an end to it. Did they believe it possible that the island would tamely acquiesce in the loss—that the Bill would be received by the inhabitants with satisfaction ? Was it in human nature that they should do so ?—(Cheers.) After the demonstration of public feeling which had been shown by the proprietors of Jamaica in this country, did they for a moment sup pose that the three salaried Commissioners would give satisfaction.—(Cheers.) They were to be given the power of unlimited taxation.—(Hear, hear.) Their principles were, that the people should not be taxed without their own consent that power was to be taken from them, and was- to be- .given the Governor and Council a Governor in the appointment of whom the people had no voice. He saw an incredulous smile upon some faces opposite ; was there any limit to the taxation ? They might impose any taxes they pleased—there was no limit to the nature or num ber of the acts they might impose. Suppose they met with resistance—with opposition—could not they at once suspend the Habeas Corpus Act.—(Cheers.) The press of that country seemed tolerably violent : suppose it were to persevere in that course—suppose it were to use inflammatory and inciting arguments against the Bill, and the acts of the Governor and Council—what check was there upon, the Council? Could they not at once abolish the liberty of the Press. He might be told that it would not be done, but where was the security for that ?—(Loud cheers.) -He did not for a moment say that the Council would resort to such measures, but where was there any security against the possibility of abuse ? During the continuance of the Bill there was no security, no constitutional security or guarantee —all depended upon the single will of the Council. There was none.—(Cheers.) They gave that guarantee in the case of the rebellious colony. In the case of the island of Jamaica, which had not yet learned their intention, they refused any such guaran tee.—(Cheers.) In Canada you impose this re straint. The Council you appointed in Canada, had no such power, you said they should have no power to impose any tax, or duty, or rate, or impost by any law or ordinance; except so far as they were then payable.—( Hear, hear.) The new Council imposed upon Canada had power only to keep on such taxes, rates, or imposts as they found in existence ; they were prevented from increasing them or ex. ceeding them in any degree. Their whole consisted in con ti nu i ng t h ose impositions which they found existing when they entered upon their offices. No such security was t a k en for Jamaica. In respect xtwn, to liberty, in respect t o p roperty, in respeet to taxation, the power now taken, departing from the precedent of the Canada Bill, was perfectly unlimited ; nor was he in error as to the nature of its provisions. What was the society to which they were to be applied. Let it be borne in mind that this colony of Jamaica represented one half of all our possessions in the West Indies. A temporary despotic authority was about to be established over one-half of the population of our West India possessions, in which he included our dependencies in South America. The precedent in the first instance applied to one-half of the population of our dependencies in the West Indies and South America, and also to one-half of every thing that constituted the importance of Colonial possessions. The whole population of Jamaica was equal to one-half the white population of our West Indian posses sions. The slatest estimate of the total revenue of our West India and South American dependencies, was 540,000/., sterling. The revenue of Jamaica was 300,000/., being more than one-half of the whole amount of revenue. The expenditure of all our colonial dependencies. was 551,000/. The expenditure of Ja maica was 300,0001. He believed this was greatly 'un derrating both the revenue and expenditure of Jamaica. —(Hear, hear.) But the whole of the taxation was to be raised by the new Council, and the wltple of the expenditure was to be appropriated under their direction.—(fletar, hear.) The imports of the whole of our West India and South American depen dencies were estimated at 5,806,000/. The imports of Jamaica at 3,000,000/., being more t han one-half. The total am ount of exports was 9,932,000/. The exports of Jamaica were calculated at 4,000,000/. He men tioned this, that the House mig ht be well aware of the importance of the prece dent, and the ex tent to which it was about to be a pplied. It was in about t o b e appl i ed to t h e G o vernment of one point o f populat i on—one h a lf in point of revenue— one half i n po i nt o f tra d e o f the whole of re our Nest Indian and South American possessions.—(Hear, hear.) So much for the importance of the colony. Now he entreated the House to recollect the nature of society in that colony, and the people whom they were about to legislate for. Their power was unlimited, but they were not free from the obligation, whether, in point of c onstitutional right, they were warranted in suspending this Constitution. It was impossible to hear such matters broached with out recollections being awakened of fearful conflicts. There might be great differences between the United States and the West India Islands. The power of the mother country over the latter might have greatly ex hausted that which it had over the former in 1774, but he entreated the House not altogether to disregard some simi litudes there were. He wished they would read again the speech of Mr. Burke upon conciliation, and to consider whatever might have been the differences between the United States and the West Indies, how far the present differences with Jamaica bore a similarity to them. Mr. Burke had said that there was no colony in the British empire, in which there was not a refrac tory spirit ; and the difficulty they had to deal with was, to solve the problem of how tha t refractory s p irit sh ould be allayed. It was one of the hard conditions of their lot in governing a Representative Assembly, to meet with a refractory spirit ; it was therefore necessary that every alternative should be resorted to before extreme mea sures were adopted. Mr. Burke enumerated several BILL. On the motion of Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE, the London and Southampton Railway Bill (Portsmouth Branch) was read a third time and passed. Mr. Alderman COPELAND presented a petition against the London Bridge Approaches Bill. Mr. DIVETT presented a petition from Exeter, in favour of a penny postage. Similar petitions were presented by Sir S. Lushington, Mr. A. White, General Evans, Mr. Kelly, Sir J. Y. Buller, and Mr. Barnard. Mr. KELLY presented a petition from Ipswich, praying for a discontinuance of the grant to the Popish College of Maynooth. Mr. LOCKHART presented a petition from Glas gow in favour of a penny postage. Sir J. Y. BULLER presented a petition from Exeter against the continuance of the grant to Maynooth ; also a petition from traders at Torquay, complaining of the conduct of the Newfoundland House of Assembly. Lord MAIDSTONE presented a petition from Kent, in favour of an extension of national education on religious principles. Mr. GODSON presented a petition from Kidder minster, complaining of the inequality of the rating under the new Poor-law Act. Lord G. LENNOX presented a petition from Sus sex in favour of a penny postage. Lord SANDON presented a petition from Liver pool, signed by 4,500 persons, against any further grant to the Popish College of Mayrooth. Also a petition, praying for protection to, and further encouragement to, the Church in Canada ; and two petitions from parishes in Lichfield, against any plan of national education not founded upon the principles of the Established Church. Mr. KEMBLE presented a petition from Peckham against any further grant to the College of Maynooth : also one from Richmond, praying for protection to the Established Church in the Colonies, that Bishops and Clergymen might be sent wherever they were wanted, and that no colony should be established without pro vision being made for the religious instruction of the emigrants : and one from the Licensed Victuallers of Warrington against the Beer-laws. LordDUNGANNON presented petitions praying for the protection of the Established Church in Ca nada ; one from Stockton-on-Tees, complaining that in the Ecclesiastical Revenues' Bill no provision was made for the spiritual welfare of the diocese of Durham ; two petitions against any further grant to the College of Maynooth. He had another petition with the same prayer, in which he cordially concurred ; but as the language used in it was rather strong, he begged leave to call the attention of the House to it, as he doubted whether it might be received. The petitioners humbly prayed the Honourable House to withdraw the grant of 5,000/., which was now made to the Roman Catholics, in order to pay to executioners and murderers of the loyal Protestant subjects of her Majesty.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") He considered that these words were rather too strong.—(Laughter.) He did not think that he ought to be interrupted in the discharge of his duty. Having read the prayer of the petition he submitted to the Chair whether the House could receive it or not. Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought that the Noble Lord had acted very properly, and in the manner that was to h expected from him. He thought that as the language was so strong the petition was evidently not receivable, it would be better then it should be with drawn, and that the House should not be called upon for an opinion respecting it. Lord DUNGANNON would at once accede to the proposition of the Noble Lord, and having performed his duty by offering the petition, he would at once with draw it. JAMAICA GOVERNMENT BILL. • Sir S. LUSHINGTON presented four petitions in favour of the Jain:ilea Government Bill. One of the petitions was signed by Thomas Clarkson and Thomas Fowel! Buxton, and another was from the Baptist Mis sionary Society. • Sir R. FERGUSON presented a petition from the Anti-Slaveiy Society of Nottingham, to the same effect. CANADA—MESSAGE FROM THE CROWN. Lord JOHN RUSSELL appeared at the bar witt the rollowing message from the Crown : " Her Majesty - thinks it proper to acquaint the House of Commons, that it appears to her Majesty the future welfare of her Majesty's subjects in Upper and Lower Canada, would be promoted by the union of the said provinces into one province for the purpose of legislation from and after a period to be fixed by Parliament. " Her Majesty, therefore, recommends it to the House to consider such measures as may be snbmitted to them for this purpose. " Her Majesty is persuaded that the House of Com mons will combine a due regard for the peace and se curity of these important provinces, with such provisions as may be conducive to the welfare of England, and the permanent freedom and prosperity of her North Ameri can people." JAMAICA GOVERNMENT BILL. Mr. T. DI7NCOMBE presented a petition from merchants and others interested in the trade of Ja maica, praying the House not to destroy the legislative Assembly of that colcmy, in the prayer of which peti tion he cordially concurred. - - 'rho Order of the day for the House resolving itsel into Committee on the Jamaica Government, Lill hav ing been read, Sir ROBERT PEEL said he had hoped it might have been possible to have spared the necessity for the present discussion, and that some arrangement might have been come to with respect to the Government of Jamaica, without the necessity of any party conflict, or even any very serious division of opinion as to the course which it might have been advisable to pursue. He had the strongest impression that it was desirable to exhaust every alternative before proceeding to the forfeiture of the Constitution of that important colony, to the suspension of the system of representa tive Government, and to the establishment of a despotic and arbitrary Government—(Cheers)—in the place of that which had prevailed for 150 years. He thought also that in the event of necessity for interference being demonstrated by proof, too unequivocal to he doubted, he thought it was of the utmost importance that the measures necessary to be adopted, in consequence of the continued refusal of the local authorities to exercise their functions, should be adopted by as strong and as unanimous a concurrence of public sentiment in this country as it might be possible to obtain.—(Hear.) It was from the joint impressions —the expediency of postponing the application of absolute suspension till after every other alternative had been exhausted, and the expediency of necessarily and ultimately supporting the measures to be adopted by the almost unani mous voice of Parliament—that he had ventured to make the proposition he had done to her Majesty's Government. It might be from a very imper fect acquaintance with the %Vest India Colonies, and from the absence of any local interest in them, that he had overrated the magnitude of the measure, and had taken a different view of it to her Majesty's Government. The House had heard no message delivered to them with respect to Jamaica—(Cheers) —but they had heard that night a message from the Crown, suggesting the union of the Canadas. The House had heard no message from the Throne lamenting the necessity of sus pending the Constitution of Jamaica, but they had heard it proposed that the ordinary forms of the House should be departed from, with respect to that measure, because the notice relative to it had dropped in consequence of the failure of a House. It was proposed, as a matter of course, to proceed with that Bill. Now he must confess that there were other reasons than the mere abstract merits of the case, which had induced him to hope that the example which had been set with respect to the Canadas last Session, would not have been followed in the present Parliament, with respect to Jamaica. He ' was in hopes that it would not have been considered necessary again to call upon the House to suspend another popular form of Government in Jamaica, but it seemed now to be a general rule of the House to suspend popular Constitutions. The Colony of Jamaica had had no notice of these proceedings. Surely it would have been better that this measure should have been delayed, in order that the Assembly of Jamaica might have been commn nicated with, and if after that communication they had remained obstinate, then the extreme penalty which was the object of the present call might have been enforced. He had another and more powerful reason. After a most careful examination of the papers which had been laid before the House upon the subject, he declared in perfect sincerity, that he did not consider the Govern- I tion, why did the Governor calk of three hundred thou sand coloured persons ? But he would remind those who entertained such apprehensions for the safety of the whites, that it must be a long time before the ne gro population, however industrious, could come into the possession of the franchise in sufficient numbers to endanger the peace of the island. And again he would remind those who apprehended black ascendancy in the House of Assembly, that a person to be eligible to a seat in that House should possess a freehold of 3001. a year, or of a sum of money to the amount of 3,0001., and that therefore there was no great fear of undue preponderance of coloured Members in the Representative Body. But now he would come to the consideration of the freedom e njoyed under the existing law. The late Secretary for the Colonies s rid that some restrictions ought to be introduced in distributing the franchise to the negro population, far example that they should read and write before they were admitted to the ,i-anchise. He would not discuss that proposition now, but be was sure that the House of Assembly would not ee disinclined to import such a restriction, or any others calculated to support the authority of an equitable Go vernment.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Why did they not distinctly avow what their reasons were in introducing the Bill? He was sure that they held hack the principal reasons.—( Hear, hear.) However, he had a right to judge of the Bill by the reasons he found in the preamble, and no other. If they had stated to him the reasons and the grounds upon which they in reality felt obliged to bring for , ward this Bill,he might upon high public considerations have yielded to them, seeing the necessity there was for their intervention with the Constitution of Jamaica. But he had a right to consider the Bill upon the justifi cation which their own preamble contained, and if the reasons he found there were not just and cogent, he had a perfect right to refuse his assent, without taking into consideration the other collateral reasons which they had suggested, as their real vindication.—( Hear, hear.) Their preamble recited that the House of General Assembly of Jamaica having refused to comply with the just demands of the Government, unless cer tain conditions were allowed which Parliament could not agree to, it was expedient to abolish the legislative functions of that island for a time, except those that there were necessarry to preserve the faith of the island in connection with public credit ; and whereas it was necessary to made some temporary provision for the enactment of laws for the maintenance of the public welfare, be it therefore enacted, that the Go vernment of the General Assembly should be sus pended. This was the whole of the preamble on which the framers of the Bill rested their vindication. They said not a word of' the unfitness of the General Assem bly to legislate —not a word about the peculiar circum stances of Jamaica in reference to the elective fran chise. Their allegation was that the House of As sembly had refused to exercise its legislative functions, and that therefore it was necessary for the Imperial Government to step in. This was the penalty which was to he inflicted on the House of Assembly, and on the population of the Island. The framers of the Bill professed to feel great regret and mortification at being obliged to resort to this measure.(Hear, hear.) They alleged in their preamble, that the House of Assembly had refused to discharge their functions, and that they also had shown some resentment ever since the passing of the Emancipation Bill, and also that they had persevered in a long course of general misconduct, and a refusal to co-operate with the Imperial Govern ment. Now as the Members of the House of Assembly were absent he would summon witnesses to give testimony to their character. He would not summon interested or party witnesses, but he would summon their own declarations and the assertions of the Governors of their own choice.—(Cheers.) The whole period, from the passing of the Slave Emancipation Act, he should divide into two parts ; the first ending in 1837, and the second extending up to the present time. He would remind them that the House of Assembly continued to act until 1837. In 1833 the Negro Emancipation Act was passed. The Imperial Parliament met in 1834 ; and the King's Speech in alluding to the beneficial results of the Act for the Abolition of Slavery, through the British Colonies, stated that the conduct of the Legis lature of Jamaica, in carrying the measure into effect, justified his Majesty in looking for the most happy results. In 1836 Lord Sligo relinquished the Govern ment of Jamaica. In writing what he stated would probably he his last dispatch to Lord Glenelg, on the 23d of August, 1836, his Lordship stated that ha left the administration of the Island to his successor, in as easy a state, as could be imagined.—(Cheers.) The new Governor, Sir L. Smith, in meeting the House of Assembly of 1836, assured the members that he did not forget that they had given the first honourable example in executing the wishes of the Imperial Par liament by their preparatory Emancipation Bill.— (Cheers.) Now he (Sir Robert Peel) would ask, were these honest compliments or not ?—(Laughter and cheers.) Sir Lionel Smith, in sending his dispatch to Lord Glenelg, in the same month, inclosing copies of his address to each branch of the Assembly, and of their replies, said lie was happy to assure his Lordship that both had manifested" a disposition to conduct the public business in a spirit of cordiality and a strict regard to the interests of the country." Now the Gentlemen on the opposite side might say that they had thought it ex pedient to use very civil terms to the House of Assembly, while they in reality disapproved of their conduct, in order to coax them into concessions ; but surely, if the Governor had thought it expedient or necessary to cajole the House of Assembly, there could be no motive for cajolery or empty and dishonest compliments between the Local Governor and the Secretary of State for the Colonies.—(Cheers.) On the 4th of March, 1837, the House of Assembly was prorogued. The Governor then" acknowledged the attention which the Members had paid to his communications, and of the zeal and good understanding with which they had de voted themselves to public business during a Session . of unusual duration." Now, why did they not state r in their preamble, " whereas there have been continual • compliments between the Governor and the House of ; Assembly, and whereas these compliments were never intended by us—(Laughter and cheers)—and whereas there should be no obstacle to this Bill"—let them insert this in their preamble, our posterity would be astonished at the contradiction between the compli ments of the Governors and the terms of the enactment, and they would seek' in vain for any clue to that mis conduct forwhich it was alleged their Constitution should now be suspended.—(Cheers.) On the 13th of March, 1837, the Governor, in writing to the Secretary of State, sent home copies of the law for the classification of the apprentice population. He stated also that " the Chairman of the Committee appointed to bring in the Bill had received his (the Goarnor's) communications in a most friendly manner, and had at his suggestion struck out two clauses which seemed likely to militate against the Imperial Abolition Act."—(Cheers.) The Secretary of State in replying on the Ist of May, 1837, to the Governor, stated that it was very gratifying to him to find that the result of his recommendation had been so successful.—(Cheers.) True this Act, after four months' operation, was found to be unsuccessful, but then that issue did not detract from the praise of the Ist of May, and he would only ask the Hon. Gen ; tlemen opposite whether all their praise of' the House of Assembly up to the Ist of May, 1837, was mere hollow compliments and cajoling pretests, and whether they now called upon him to disbelieve all that had been solemnly stated between the Governments here and in Jamaica, respecting a friendly understanding with the House of' Assembly, and to vote that that Assemblte on the ground of continuous misconduct, was unworthy of the confidence of this House ?—(Cheers.) On the .24th of October, 1837, the Governor expressed his satisfaction at having witnessed the efforts of' the Assembly during the preceding session to improve the condition of the negro population. He (Sir R. Peel) asked was this truth or not?—(Cheers.) If it was not was it wise to state it, and if were what ground was there to introduce this measure in 1839 ?—(Cheers.) The Governor added that he was sure the apprentices would continue their liberal exertions for the benefit both of the masters and the apprentices.—(Cheers.) It might be indeed that the Hon. Gentleman opposite could pro duce other dispatches, completely at variance with those which he had quoted ; but he could not think of legis lating upon such conflicting evidence, while it appeared on the records of Parliament that up to the 3d of Oc tober, 1837, there was no evidence to show a justi fication for a Bill to suspend the Constitution of Jamaica and the functions of the House of As sembly. He would now take from the close of 1837 to the present time. He (Sir Robert Peel) deeply regretted the course which had lately been adopted by the House of Assembly ; nothing could have been more unwise. It would have been infinitely bet ter if they had co-operated with the Government. He was not there as the advocat e of the House of Assem bly. He blamed their language and he blamed their acts ; but the question was, whether that language and those acts ought now to justify the House in suspending the Constitution ofJamaica, and placing the liberty and property of the whole population under the control of a Governor and Council ? Why had they not accepted the suggestion ? Why had they not tried the lapse of time,that great assuager of heat and animosity ?—( Hear, hear.) If they had done so, he had promised them after that trial that they should have his support to carry any measure which the necessity of the case might require. He could not see that the time for resorting to extremity had 'arrived. He did not ask them to make any concessions. He wished them to retain the Prisons Bill. All that he asked was, that they might use the language of explanation and conci liation, and if those failed then he would join with them in any course that might be thought expedient to adopt to assist them in carrying on the business of the colony, if the House of Assembly refused to do so. The Mi nistry had refused to grant his request, and he had now no alternative but to state as strongly as he could that he dissented from their propositions.—(Cheers.) He thought he had shown that no grounds had been made out for the course now to be pursued before October, 1837. Since that period two important measures had been passed, one for the abolition of the Apprentice ship and the Prison Act—the latter of which had led to the conduct that had been pur sued on the part of the House of Assembly. He begged the House to bear in mind that, on the cur tailment of the Apprenticeship in 1833, it was provided that it should continue till 1840—that provision was made for the purpose of enabling them to pass prepa ratory measures. In 1838 there was"a great fer ment in the public mind demanding the abolition of the Ap prenticeship altogether. The Government determined to resist that, and they did so successfully, but that re sistance was made upon the fact that the national faith was pledged, the Ministry declaring that they would abdicate their offices, rather than be parties to a measure that would have such an effect. They expres sed their determination not to yield to public clamour, but all their declarations were founded upon the fact that EVEN' 1 N'er the faith of the public was pledged to the planter, that the apprenticeship should continue to the year 18-10. What (lid the Legislative Assembly of Jamaica do , upon receiving intimation of the course intended to be pursued by her Majesty's Government ? Why- they themselves curtailed -the time of the existence of the apprenticeship. Was, that done through generos it y , or was it done from fear ? If it was done from genero sity, would they not make some allowance for the A s ' sembly ? But they would deny that it arose from gene rosity, but that it was done through severe pressure and oppression—granted. But still it was done—the com pensation was taken away, and no equivalent was given' He would admit that it was done through fear ; bu t being so, they ought to make some allowance, for the irritation of men who wore callbel upon, without Com' pensation, to relinquish that which they had been told they were to hold till 1840. He now came to the Prison Bill—coincidences were sometimes unfortunat e. —(Cheers.) Government received on the 16th of July an account of the Colonial Legislature having, by its own act, erminated the apprenticeship in Jamaica, althoug h it extceeded the limits of 1837. He must advert to the manner in which Sir Lionel Smith addressed the House of Assembly, after the passi n g o f that law- Ir-1e stated that he anticipated the best results from the passing of that measure, and on the 15th June, 1 838 ' in dismissing the Assembly to their homes—that bly which was now thought had so misconducted them' selves that they were to be deprived of their existence' and the Constii ulion of Jamaica was to be destroyed ---- the Governor in his address upon dismissing them CO n ' gratufated them on the Act which they had passed for the abslition of apprenticeship, and expressed a ferven t hope that it would ensure to the colony those advantages which equal liberties under wise laws were everywhere found to produce. He trusted farther that byt their example, they would prepare all ranks to We e d the approaching change in a spirit of kindness a° mutual good will. He expressed his sincere convict ° that it would be a source of great satisfaction to t hem ' that so excellent a m easure had been passed by a sa l ' . "1 taneous act of the House of A ssem bl y of Jamaica. " e , Government received th e d espa t c h con t a ining th a t speech on the 16th of July 1838 , and on the very n e ,ef i i day they introduced i n t o th e H ouse o f L or d s the P l ' which had been passed for the regulation of the Pri sees t in the colonies. On the very day after the G o vernme n had received i n f orma ti on o f t h e f act o f t h e House of Assembly passing a Bill for the curtailment of the er prenticeship, they i n t ro d uce d a Bill for the re gulatio n t of prisons. Was not that, he would ask, a nl es unfortunate circumst ance ?—(G reat.c h eer i ng .) He west as ready as any man to concede to the G o vernint that an Act for the regulatio n o f t h e pr i so ns in t ". -- t colonies was a wise me asure —h e did not w i s h to see I repealed, that was not hisobject in now adverting to it''' . all that he was doing now was to account for the irrita-t lion of the House of A ssem bl y . Af ter t h at P r ison A c t , had been passed, could it be said that the Gc lvere ; o e s had taken the course mo s t lik e l y to reconc i le a ll Parti ? in the colony? Wh a t was t h e course that he purstle-se Why, the moment th a t A c t arr i ve d i n the co loor e it proclaimed it, and that was the first intimation the House of Assembly had its existence.—(C hner-.. When he first called the House of Assembly together' the, he did not state an ythi ng to t h em with respect to Bill—all that h e s t a t e d was t h at certa i n d es patc e " would be laid befor e th em , b ut not stat i ng w h a t th e :e despatches were. W as that, lie would ask, a e l :W I likely to create rec onc ili a ti on ? W as that the course thaat was pursued in the colony of Barbadoes ? 'Vag tije the course pursued by Sir Evan M'Gregor ? No', h l et' did not say that he w ou ld commun i cate desPa‘cw-th but he communi ca t e d th em . —(Ch eers. ) Now' --eps respect to the present Bill—its preamble did no t S port it—it did not sh ow the necessity for this viol e 0 interference, an d it was upon that ground that. he rr fused his assent t o th e Bill. H e thought the e of Commons was not the assembly that should be g ro a t to resent irritation and insult. He thought, 10 01 " 1 '' their own conduct—(Ch eers )— t h ey oug h t to h es ot some sympathy for oth ers . —(Ch eers ) Th ey ought ler to be severe censor s , f or th ey wou ld h ave t h es e PI es assemblies breaking o ut now an d t h en i nto s trong l e d guage, and they mi g ht d epen d upon i t if t hey v ig • that language severely th ey wou ld coon separate tb.etbe selves from this country.—(Ch eers ,) Why ought A House of Commons to be jealous 2—(Laughter-) b a d fortnight had scarcely elapsed since they They manifested a jealousy of the House of Lords. j o s thought that that House had shown a dispositi rea on t° to terfere with th e i r p rocee di ngs , an d t h ey were dY o f resort to a most extraordinary course for the purP se t hs manifesting their jealousy.—(Cheers.) That was we last indication. What was to be the next ? Why' are to approach the House of Lords, and invite t. to punish the refractory House of Commons of _J o make, notwithstanding we have stated that the 1 1 ° r n s es of Lords has used intemperate language and i rate sv i e ference with our rights—notwithstanding one week it to are to vote it a nuisance, in the next we call upon the _f co-operate with us in inflicting a penalty on of Assembly of Jamaica, and leave it to the House 11 Lords in that country to tax the p e ople. Ye twe noo o that House not to be jealous, for they may depend "n , it their brethren the Lords of Jamaica will exercise 1: 4- 0 perly the powers given them, that popular assemblies Scr troublesome there, and therefore we, the House e , e Commons, call upon you, the House of Lords, to s U r i , port us in this Bill. If the House adopted s tleh ns t course, would not they be placing themselves in ul e - o t invidious position ? and it was on that eccoeto that he entreated the House of Coninw ns e forbear as long as they could, and to look w ith sow / sympatho and lenity on the excesses of Assembly. If they were extreme to mark their seri:, of all intemperance —to mark every violent expressionur every act of indiscretion—if they had ne fraternal ; r Y to pithy—if they were ready to pluck out the rag e bielt their brother's eye, but considered not the beam w ioo s the House 51_ was in their own—still he thought, from considernrit o re of public policy, he hoped that the example t he y ie about to set would not be visited upon themsel l vel ' o eo order to abridge their own privileges. He them to remember that what judgment they b - t eel also would they be judged—that what meas ure eV' meted to other s , so s h ou ld i t b e mete d to t hem egje that (Cheers.) He move d t h at t h e Bill b e committe day six months.. itr Mr. LABOUCHERE then rose, but was (I° l o ,* . e audible for some m omen t s , i n consequence o f th e s t o o d made by Members le av i ng th e H ouse. W e und er d s w ith him to say that no one was more deeply imnres se OO P the importance of the subject then under discussiouretted he was. The Right H o n. B ar t. s t ate d t h a t he r e gpo se that he as a party leader felt himself obliged to the Government in passing th a t measure . He ( 1% r ; ttea agreed with him in that ; but h e more d ee ply r eg- eart that such a question should a t a ll b e made 3 di' question.—(lmmense cheeri ng .) I n the pres e , l4 t en' sided state o f p ar ti es in th a t H ouse , if the gr e ; the lonial interests of this country were to be meat the battle-field o f p ar ty—th en h e wou ld say et'asre greatness and the integrity o f E ng l a nd had ' et 10 -- away.(Great cheers.) Th e Ri g ht H on . ri _area ti er gol d studiously kept o f v i ew t h e state o f t h e ease, httoold the Assembly of J a m a i ca and that House, and tb eal i be his (Mr. L.'s) duty s h ort l y to l ay i t before of The Right Hon. Baro ne t a l so sa id t h at un less a a e v - o so° r necessity were made out— t h a t un l ess the G° E d C t ' could show that the saf e ty o f th e i s l an d reclu i lr ill e they were not justified in b r i ng i ng i n suc h a Itiliti b t perfectly agreed i n th e d oc t r i ne l a id d own by Hon. Baronet, but he had not the slightest elt' ll i t y b e ,„ he would succeed in showing that that nee ess- hat,' - come, and that that House had no alternative sof eb'Y e ' ' subscribe to the conditions of the House of A s oe ser or take some course to constitute a legislative C so letc't. the colonies, to pass those laws which were 0 d t sbie ld necessary for the present -state of Jamaica ,lo , w° n es the House of Assembly h a d d ec l a red , not. On the 30th of Oct. the House of Asse— re. summoned, the Session was opened by the Upon Aer (Sir L. Smith) in a very temperate speech' eonsiTbr ceiving that speech the House proceeded t ° B , oe tile o f 1.- four resolutions, which resoluti on s were e pe son s passed, and those resolutions contained the ors° the House of Assembly for the course theY a P ry dit He stated their own reas ons , f or they were v t he° rent ones from those which were ascribed to _ an tea s gentlemen in this country. The Hon. Gen tle n ee s ! 1 .1 , the resolutions very indistinct ; the subst n u t , e lo tl o c i that they considered the Act of ParliaMeigeto B o a contained the present Bill:a violation of their: lo ot, n es j privileges as British subjects, and that it he t t hey `: .at tba ture ; ti t : / j ought to have no force in that country ; lost all confidence in the Imperial Legislate O ut; their usefulness had ceased to exist, and that le righ ts best consult their own honour, a nd t` eaco °P al i of their constituents, as well as the P frorn well-being of the colony, by abstainingure oouro legislation until her Majesty's gracious Pica s o j e a ` ve e r be known whether the inhabitants of JaT pos'i treated to be treated as 'subjects, with be tjed of making their own laws, or were to conquered colony. Upon receiving an answer ee t upon these resolutions— the P res Sir R. PEEL—Do you now allude t o he Assembly ? but be t Mr. L A BOUC HE RE —N O —( Cheerss eiv job s t t a would come to that v er y s h or tly. Upon ree for ale, answer the Governor prorogued tbe. Assem b i lY e sP eee , days, when he called them togetheseand m: for to them, urging the necessitywhich lony, and enumerated the several questions „ oe ae sWe__ he had propositions to lay before them. ". to their l:re to that address was, that they adhered u _ iness , lutions, and refused to proceed with any' basin AseenilleYr of legislatio,uto Governor, upon this, dissolved the House i nee enl a y, New elections took place, and on the 18th eo to tne ity the new Assembly met, but they adhere . r er tion of the old Assembly, with even a 1 a a es von reccliv very P co p than before, the division being 40 to roP erif ins this answer the Governor concluded „ toe tor as anti with them any longer, and he profroorg " m easisr es ery , that b it was utterly hopeless to atternr to li e g e t he purpose of writing to this country lutelY eess ted in the state of affairs were abso 013 , 1 , dee. 'P t d ° LI o a ct A l s a s ws a Le, 0 1 tion, and " tice to, and protect the negro popu u S n ir eie l ; itohneelpreSsmenitthsysstaeimd would enact