The Sun. — London, England, 1839-01-25 00:00:00

tohear evidence or a motion for the repeal?—( Hear.) If it was a motion to hear evidence no time should be lost in bringing the matter before the House. He thought it would be better to have the Delegates there, on the very day of the meeting of Parliament. There was some difference of opinion, he believed, as to whether it would be best to adopt the course he bad mentioned, or to proceed at once to the right of the House to discuss petitions. Mr. 'WEIR thought the Delegates could settle that with the Members in London. Mr. FLINT said their object ought to be to inundate and deluge the House with petitions before they made any formal demand. Mr. EwART said the first thing to be done was to get their petitions well heard—( Hear, hear)—and there was no rule of the House of Commons, he believed, which prevented a Member insisting on being heard.—( Hear, hear.) If a Member chose, he could persist, and by perseverance he would not fail to be heard.—( Hear, hear.) When the Delegates met in London, and saw " how the land lay," they would be able to judge of the course they ought to pursue. Mr. FINCH, M. P., thought it was a matter of the utmost importance that the Delegates should assemble in London on the first day of the meeting of Parliament, because if they learned that the Government intended to propose any mea sures on the sui- jest, they would be in a better situation to judge what mode of proceeding they ought to adopt. After some further conversation, it was moved by Mr. COBDEN and seconded by Mr. BOVLTBEE, " That the dele gates appointed for the furtherance of the objects of this meeting be advised to assemble at Brown's Hotel, Palace yard, Westminster, at 12 o'clock, on the 4th of February." Carried unanimously. Mr. VILLIERS moved, and Sir Wm. MoeEswonTn seconded a vote of thanks to the Chairman, after which the meeting broke up. THE GREAT CORN-LAW MEETING AT MANCHESTER. BY EXPRESS. THE ADJOURNED DINNER. The Members of the Anti-Corn. law Association with such of the Delegates and Members of Parliament as had not left town, re-assembled this evening at the Corn Exchange, for the purpose of going through the remainder of the toasts, and hearing the statements of some of the Delegates upon the subject of the Corn-laws. The room was fitted up in the same style as yesterday, and at a quarter past five the Chairman, J. B. SMITH, Esq., ac companied by several other gentlemen entered the room, and were received with much cheering. The CII AIRMAN said—Gentleman, I believe it is a most unpre cedented proceeding for any party to adjourn a four o'clock din ner one day to a dessert on the folllowing day, but our proceed ings are altogether unprecedented. I now, Gentlemen, call upon you to fill your glasses. I believe it is an unusual pro ceeding to propose such a toast as I am about to give you, after adjournmet.t of a dinner, hut the occasion is so interesting and the announcement we have heard since our last meeting is of such an interesting character that we should not be doing justice to our own feelings if we omitted again to drink the health of " Our Queen—long life aed happiness to her and her intended union. "---( Cheers.) The Chairman's allusion was to the announcement in The Sun newspaper of the intended n-.arriage of the Queen. The CHAlRMAN—Gentlemen, I can scarcely find terms in which to propose to you the toast I am now about to present to your notice. The able and indefatigable advocate of the Repeat of the Corn-laws—Mr. Paulton.—( Loud cheering. ) I have called thus early on Mr. Paulton, because you would not otherwise have had an opportunity of hearing him this evening, as he is about to proceed to Oldham to lectun on the Corn-laws.—( Hear.) Mr. Paulton then presented himself, and was loudly cheered. He said—Gentlemen, I feel doubly proud of the position I occupy before you this evening. I feel proud, in the first place, to receive a compliment of this kind from the men of Man chester, and I feel proud, in the next place, that auy humble exertions of mine would tend to propel forward the mighty movement in which we are all engaged. As I have two hours' speaking yet to perform, I shall be very brief in my remarks just now, and I trust that will be a suffi cient apology for not obtruding more th , ,n a few sentences on your notice.—(Hear, hear.) It will, however, I dare say be matter of desire to hear the result of my mission in the dis trict through which I have passed. Gentlemen, I have lec tured in seven counties, and I have addressed, on this mighty question, upwards of 80,000 human beings—( Hear, hear) — and I can say, from my own experience, that the charge which is brought against the working classes, of an unwillingness to co operate on this question, is totally opposed to the facts of the case. No body of men in the community are more heartily or willingly disposed to co-operate, if the middle classes will only join the front phalanx and shew a sympathy with the condition of the working classes. Again, it has been represented, that the Chartists, a powerful body of men, are doing all that lies in their power to oppose the Anti-Corn-law agitation. At every large meeting I have addressed, the leaders of the Chartist party have invariably attempted to interfere with the Aati- Corn-law agitation, and to propose exclusively the agitation of the Universal' Suffrage question. But, Gentlemen, I have met them upon open'ground, I have discussed the question with them aid I have put it to the common sense of the working classes, and they have invariably responded—if you show us that the middle classes will come forward, and that they evince sym pathy with the condition and sufferings which, since the Re form Bill, we have undergone, then we will come forward and let the mighty machine out of the nicks.—( Great cheering ) _Every where do I find that class of politicians in the count r y called the moderate policy men. My opinion is that you ishould guard seriously and sedulously against the interference of these men. When I hear them talking of the moderate policy of a fixed duty, it reminds me o f a remark made by • Mr. Dyer, at the meeting at the Chamber of commerce here, wherein he speaks of there being no modera tion in injustice. If that be so, why should there be any mo deration in our demands for justice?—( Hear.) This policy, .Gentlemen, perhaps, will afford you half a moment's diversion xvitile you are cracking your nuts and eating your oranges. It rewinds sue of the anecdote of a friend of mine, who, by way of illustrating the system more forcibly, threw it into rhyme : " I told you half an hour ago, Your Lordship's heel was on my toe; And now your stick is in my eye." " Sir, I'll remove it by and bye " —(Laughter.) Now, this by and bye policy does not suit me, and I trust it will not suit the merchants of Manchester. The aristocracy have had their heels on the toes of the na tion, and now they have got their sticks in the eyes of the nation ; and shall we turn round, and politely ask them to take the stick out of our eye 1 No, if they dal not quickly remove them, we should at once break their sticks, and lay them on their brainless heads. I have been'.charged in the course of my mission with using language too vituperative of the aristocracy. When I look to the history of legislation in this country, and see the mighty injustice written on every record, bearing reference to the condition of the landowners, it reminds me of an expression of Blucher, who, when in the highest dome of St. Paul's, and looking at the extent, and wealth, and magnificence of the vast city spread beneath him, the immense population, and the whole of that mighty and heart-stirring scene, suggested to Liie imagination only the words and idea of Oh, what a plander I" It does appear to me that the Aristocracy, looking forth from the heights of legislative politer, have seen only in the vast wealth of the country, not the means of happiness to the people—not the source of true enjoyment to the people, but only as the source of plunder to themselves, whom they legislate for.—(llear. ) If the rotten carcass of injustice is not to be dissected, simply because the stench may affect the nerves of some scion of the aristocracy, the vampires of society will still batten upon garbage till the end of time, and the wounds of humanity will continue green and bleeding for the mere sake of filling the gallipots of the State physicians with golden fees. I now, 'Gentlemen, gratefully feeling the kindness of the men of Man chester, take my leave of you ; and whatever objections ma) be taken to the conclusions I have arrived at, these persons may take my arguments and reasonings, and arrive at their own conclusions, although some of them, I dare say, will shirk mine,—( Cheers.) tE The CHAIRMAN said he had now the pleasure of introducing ts:them Mr. Ewart.—( Vehement cheering. ) Mr. Ewart w as distinguished for his free trade principles, and particularly in endeavouring to remove the duty on sugar and coee. He hap pened to have in his ha nd a paper that had be ff en sent with some samples of West India and Brazil sugar for their Anti- Corn-law Museum. They were aware it had been announced they intended to have in the Museum not only samples of English and foreign manufacture, but also to have samples of all those articles on which there was a monppoly duty. The paper he held in hand was sent with the samples. Al, was marked West India sugar, 40s. cwt. ; 13 2 Brazil sugar, 265. per cwt. They were, therefore, pay ing 50 per cent. more for West India sugar. C 1, was Brazil sugar, 225. per cwt. C 2, Brazil sugar, 235. per cwt. They bad also a sample of coffee, and there the difference was still more remarkable. West India coffee was worth 955. per cwt. Brazil coffee of the same quality 445. per cwt., one-half of the same price. It was a remarkable circumstance that a sample of Brazil sugar was bought in Liverpool by a coffder ee dealer for exportation to the Ca p e of Good Hope, in or that it might be there landed and re-shipped, and sent back again to Liverpool, merely to s ave the duty of 6d. per lb.— (Hear, hea r .) The duty on Brazil coffee coming direct from Brazil was 15d. per lb., but if it came from a British colony the duty was only 9d. ; and West India coffee being 100 per cent, higher than Brazil coffee, it was a profit able speculation to send coffee out all the way to the Cape of Good Hope, to bring it back again to Liverpool, and then it is sold as West India Coffee. Mr, Ewart had distinguished himself by his advocacy of free trade in sugar and coffee, and therefore it was that with plea sure be introduced Mr. Ewart to their notice. who was also a strong and eloquent advocate for the repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. EWAaT then mounted the table, and was received with enthusiastic cheering. When the cheering had subsided, lie said—Fully aware , Gentlemen , that the - main object of this great assembly and of that great meeting which inspired by the spirit of free trade holds its great metropolis in Man chester, depends mainly on facts for workin g conviction on the public mind, I come not here to detain you at any length from hearing the development of those facts from practical manufacturers themselves, who have assembled in this town armed with documentary evidence, with figures of arithmetic, to counteract the figures of declamation, and with the most incontrovertible arguments to subvert the so p histri es of their opponents—(Loud cheering.) But, Gentlemen, on a Tendon of free trade, and above all of free trade in corn, it is impossible that I, who long have represented the 1 free trade interest of a great adjoining town, should allow my self on an occasion like the present, to sink into opprobrious and ignoble silence.—( Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, what ever efforts I can humbly lay at your disposal, are, I assure you, most readily yours. True to the cause which we origi nally engaged in together, I will stand or fall with you, and like you I take my stand on no mode rate principles—moderate is too good a word.—( Hear.) I would say on no compromise of principles.—(Cheers.) I exhort you to march forward boldly with your banner un furled, as I see it worthily inscribed in this room—" the re peal, the total repeal, and nothing but the repeal of the Corn laws."—( Cheers.) It is most unusual to see, after such a meeting as last night, an assembly so numerous as this, and which proves that the spirit which actuates you is not tempo rary or effervescent, but that it springs from conviction, and from a part of the steady and well-founded con victions of your own minds.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Gentlemen, I have considered it my duty to attend the meet ing of the Delegates of the different towns assembled here to day. I confess I heard with astonishment the details they laid before us of the appalling increase of the trade of fo reigners, and of the alarming decrease of our own.—(Hear; hear.) It was to be expected, that so soor. as the silent but steady operations of peace had made themselves perceived, that those foreign nations, which had long been behind us, would make certain decided advances, but that those advances would be so rapid, and in such a disproportionate ratio to our own advances, was what some of us were not prepared for, and which strikes us at once with alarm for the future, and fills us that under any clreurnstances could foreign grain be impoe e i into this . Geritlernen.—(Laughter.) 1 now give you, " Earl Fitzwilliam and the country at less than from 45s to E.os. the quarter.—(Hear, hear.) Now, few enlightened Peers who sup; Oct the repeal of the Corn-laws."-- I say that the agriculturist of Scotland, even at the high rents which he (Much cheering.) at preient pays. to which the English rents bear no comparison, if he Colonel Teostesox having been called upon by the chi - Armen to pro could procure a steady price of ees, to eos. the quarter, would a pose the next t ast, was received with the most enthusiastic cheering. thousand times rather have that than the system now-a-days which He said, before 1 propose a toast which has been committed to my care, leads us to have grain one year at 395., and the next at ass., or I must take a Ivantage of some of the impo rant facts we have just 90s. the quarter. Under such circumstances farming is a mere lot- heard sated by our frier& from Nottingham ; and I beg that I may he tery, and a lottery of the very worst description,a lottery in human allowed to impress upon your minds, from these facts, the utter unu. food. Besides, lam far from being convinced that it would Wily and absurdity of the i lea so often thrown in the face of the m nu. trots any soil out of cultivation because of the introduction of free facturers, that they have protecting duties.—(He r). Now go to That would not be the case, and I will tell you why. Since Nottingham, and look at the loom the pride of their city, and of their re war agricultural produce has fallen in value. You may all recol- hearts, driven out from its strong-I old ; and ee htn the ci.mfort tI a: tea the time when grain was selling at 120 s. the quarter, and you is given them, that they have a protecting duty of twenty per cent have seen it within the last three years, in 1835, at 398.—(-tear, on foreign stockings. (Hear, and cheering) I ask you, was hear.) Has that had the effect of throwing land out of cultivation ? there ever such a trumpery vision put before men whom it was intended It has not by any means.—fLouri cheers.) On the contrary, we are to t elude?—(Cheers,) Let me take that case as an example of going on, day after day, improving our waste lands, but I will tell _all the protection these duties have promised you. I will put the you what would rejoice the agriculturists—if you will, by the free im. ca:' of Nottingham, and I will contend, that if the trade were free, the . portation of foreign grain, render the price steady, then we will know Tern toes of the Easot 5, who are u sderselling them in the foreign exactly what we are about. Besides, it must be recol l ect ed that we have market, would new be warmed by Nottingham:stockings. — (Cheers and in Scotland leases, and most of those granted within the last 19 years, laughter) Then come the monopolists, who have put down the trade, are grain leases, that is to say, in one year we have 90s. or 100 s a quer- and they say, " Oh, you have protection."—(h?ear.) Gentlemen, that t o Protection is a preteetien against nothing Will • you take and accept ter for grain, and another year 39 5. or 45 5. a quarte r, and acco r din g the price of grain, so is the amount of the rent we receive. What, so feeble a plea as this, that you have protection against the interference o then, is the effect of the existing laws upon the landed proprietors ?f foreigners, wren, but for your enemies, foreigners would never have Why that in 1835 he received just half the amount of rent that he re. been permitted to interfere ?—(Hear, and cheers.) They have urged th sby taking advantage of the circumstances in which the trade is .. ejects this year. What condition (toes that place the landlords in ? That they get into dents and difficulties, because they don't know the Place,! ; but let me here remark upon one remaining fallacy, which , amount of their incomes. If in one year they receive 5 , 0001 . and in the tiring my short stay in this town 1 have heard much impressed upon next year 10,0001., that will be eventually ruin to them if they be not the rather se. drive minds of the Manchester manufacturers—(Laughter) —a great bugbear I am told, and this is that if the trade with the con. more attentive to their affairs than landlords generally are. I contend, therefore, that the present laws are not prejudicial to them. With re. tinent in Coin was opened, the agriculturists there would lay on duty on that Corn, It has been held out to you, in lerrorein, that the move. gard to the effect these laws have upon the price of labour, and the to by working man's comforts, it is clear that in many , ways they are most moot here re that consummation. If t h a t was th e case,abolish the dot e. on C o r n w ould be met what duties prejudicial to his interests.—(Hear.) Sir, I need not go to Russia abroad to prevent would be our conduct? they contend that we would not be acting con. or Prussia, or any of the other nations of the Continent, to find out the sistently if we did not all cut our own throats, lest somebody else comparative weight and price of their loaves, but I will take the penny should do it for it for us.—(Laughter.) Suppose, however, we take our 1 oaf of 1835, and compare it with the penny loaf of 1839. Why, the loaf of 1839 is within one ounce of being only half the weight of that chance and escape, some of us may be missed by the assassin, at least we s tould hope so. But ha. e not the inhabitants of the s e co u ntries of 1835.—(Hear, hear.) The labourers are Paying the same price now, in 1839, that they did in 1835, while the one loaf is double the weight also a just sense of their rights ?-(Hear, hear.) We have heard of the other—that of 1835 was 13 ounces, while that of 1839 is only that these countries contained nothing but agriculture 7IA ounces. Now, gentlemen, in the face of that statement, how dare that their manufactories were few and small. What chance then d any man come forward and assert that the present system has no effect woul ma there be that the manufacturers would be able to near down the upon the price of labour ?—(Hear) I ask you if the wages of the demands of the more name: Gas aril powerful class who are interested labourer has increased in the same proportion as the price of bread ? in opening a free passage for their corn to this country ? (Loud c he e rs.) • It has not. The labourers throughout the ceuntry receive the Why, in the middle of the war, when it was attempted to stop the trade in pitch and tar with Russia, ask the Czar or his successor what same wages now as in 1835.—(Several voices, " Less, less.") was the result—that very Czar was found dead in his bed one morning. That may be so here, gentlemen, but in some parts of Scot and with all his despotism, he could not keep his subjects' hands from land we have seen the condition of the labourers, and we are making some addition to their wages at our own cost. At all his sublime throat. (Great laughter.) Such was the condition of those rulers who on the continent attempted to go against the interests of th events their wages has not increased ; and when it is considered that a overbearing masses of their subjeCts. I mention this fact, to show yo man earning from 10s. to 11 s. or 12s. a-week, is abl e with the same how small may be your tear, how unreasonable your apprehensions. sum to purchase only half the quantity of bread that he could in 1835, —(Cheers.) But now, gentlemen, there is a new cause of terror. those men who propagate among the working classes that these mon- News has come from London, and the "Globe'' received this day in. strous laws are in their favour are villains and scoundrels, and ought form us, that unanswerable argumen s hare beet p at forth against the not to be believed.—(Hear, and cheers.) Then they say manufactures removal of the Corn Laws, in the " Quarterly Review."—(Great laugh are not so material to agriculturists as many people would lead them ter.) It is Lot the first time I. hive met the " Quarterly Review," and. to believe; I could show you many facts to prove the advantage agricul. turists derive from manufacturers. I will give you one instance, which escaped Scot free.—(Laughter.) I have endeavoured, as was my duty, occurred in the county with which I am connected the county of to inform myself as well as I might touching the bearings of these un answerable arguments, and so far as I can gather it, from the source of Clackmannan. It is very small in size, not more than ten miles rho Globe's information, it appears to be this, that the landowners and square. Fifty years ago the rental of that country did not amount in their organ reckoned up all the evidence and arguments used when all to 5001. a year. Within the last fifty years it has increased, and the they laid on the Corn-laws, and especially dwelt upon the necessity value of the land in that county, solely from the manufactures which there then was to make compensation to the landlords for the fall of have been introduced into it, has increased to above 150,0001. a year. price attendant upon the peace. You of riper years answer me one —;Chests.) We area small county, but, next to Lanarkshire, we pay question; is it in your memory that the landlords ever offered you more taxes, more revenue to the Government, than any county in compensation for all your sufferings by these wars ?—(Loud cries of Scotland. Does not that show the importance of manufactures?— " No.") Why, gentlemen, it was in nature, that when those wars, that (Hear, hear.) If any of you wish to establish a tnanufactory in Clack. were as much theirs as any other .persons, and rather more—(hear) - mannan, I will give you the land for nothing, if you will build your had cut off the supplies of food, that they should have reaped the bee mills upon it, and allow me to derive the advantage that nefit ; but is it justice., that other classes who have borne,. the ills will naturally flow from it.—(Cheerr and laughter.) If you abolish the an d m i ser i es of these wars should be made to compensate th e l an dl or d* Corn-laws you will give a great and incre as i ng va l ue t o large portions for the return to peace ? — (Loud cheers.) One more argument being of my native country—thOse portions wh ere th ere i s no cultivation at all here I think it right to mention, because it comes from men of profound —you will give a great and increasing va l ue t o the billsacide wallies gravity, solemn and wise, and it is this. You are then told that the' ee of Scotland—you will raise the value o f a ll th e s h tur 'yu landlords, in a case of this description, which they took especial care to will raise the value of the wool. Even a lth oug h it should 'pias eshavetheeef. keep to their solves, did so burden and weigh down themselves by enact feet of putting some of our land out of cultivation , what would it be ments;which they matte in thtir own disfavour, that they have a right for? Not because we could not grow cheap grain, but because we according to the principles of political economy to lay a tax on your food might find it more profitable to make use of it otherwise. One other in order to di,burse themselves their expenses. Let me offer an observation with regard to the working classes. I would impress on antcaite to your attention on this point, the tale is not every man present, on every master, and on every individual who unites original. I claim nothing but the application.—(Hear, hear.) In the as I hope we all do with the working classes. I would impress on them the empire of China, records go back to the time when the use of fire Was urgent necessity, not of addressing them in large bodies, but familiarly unknown for culinary purposes. It did so happen that one day a house entering into their cottages, sitting down with them by their fire-sides, was burned, and a poor pig therein was roaster). The flavour of roast entering upon a free and frank discussion of those subjects that are in- meat for the first time saluted the Chinese council and people, and it teresting to them, and you will find the great majority v ill go along was voted so good that " the Brother of the Sun an d M oon, " the. with you in this good cause, the abolition of the Corn.laws. (Cheers.) Chinese mperor, enacted that a roasted pig should b e supp li e d to the I call on you not to fear the great body of those working men who are Royal table every day, and that a house should be set on fire to coos now called the Chartists, because I know it is a fart that there are it —(Roars of laughter,) Now, gentlemen, is or is not that the invea mighty divisions in that body on this subject; and I have but little ti on o f th e landlords, first say that they have taxed themselv , doubt when they see you are really and truly its earnest—when they and then that they must put you and the country t° see that this agitation is not a- Whig agitation for party purposes the enormous loss and expense which we all feel and bewail, bY —is not an agitation that the master manufacturers may derive the this clumsy aid urnatu al mode of :legislation. Give me th e benefit from it, but that they are truly interested in it, a great body China man and his pig, for he is the more reasonab le of them, the majority of the Chartists will unite with you most cm'. man of the two—no differerce do I see, except that which ' P dially in attaining this object.—(Cheers.) We held a meeting the nga test our own legislation.—(Hear,• and laugh er.) Truly did 0 1 other day in Edinburgh for the purpose of agreeing upon an address frie d who prec ded me, threw out dark hints about people who ar e to Lord Durham. We were told we dare not hold a meeting. We not here wanting wisdom. Gentlemen, it is not here that old won° did, however, and carried it through triumphantly. Lord Durham mud be looked for, but it is right that they should learn some to il ' wrote an answer, and I firmly believe you will find i n L or d D u th am mason of our opinions.—(Hear, hear.) Excise me, gentlemen, If . 1 a cordial supporter of the cause you have at heart. (H ear , h ear. ) In c m ,eak with earnestness. I stand here for the poor an—to advocal` conclusion, I wou dobs,ve in the words of Lord Grenvill e , th a t mo the cause of" th ~ sp( ctre-like manufacturer." Now does nothing snail them when they in i ve t n a t in e the l ley t i t r i t a so t :fr te le, rm ? Was there ever such a Po °6 impoly is the parent of scarcity and dearthness ; and I would pray that. the present members of the house of Russell would take a lesson I , i r n e g ss s io th n r a o i w id n in in jus t t h ic ei e r , ought Only out of the book of their noble relative—that they will think as he didrewarded n r d who ed b sub b having ' I be a r ' and follow his example.—(Loud cheers.) of " H ar ,hear.") Now those men who h ave suffered. t h e mole The CHAlRMAN—Accustomed as we are, Gentlemen, to hear the fro m this ' iniquitous system, are not so advanced in th e k now l e de empty declamations of landlords, it is really quite refreshing to hear a of t - e facts of their position as others. They have not th e rational one.—(A laugh) I propose that we drink the health of the same means of obtaining information. Their time is passed in hal e Hon. Mr. Murray.—(('heers.) The toast was drank with three times and severe toil, while you have been gathering the fruits of knowledge , three, the results of which will fall in happiness on yourselves and th em ] (Chetrs.) I know that you are all awake to the great delusions n t ' tempted to be practised on you by your enemies. With regard to an °. the question th..t ha. been alluded to—the factory question—l lines not what are your sentiments, but I speak my own feelings. It is p e t sib'e that there may be hard masters, but it always has been my 61. "" p.esuasion that the main outcry which has been raised against the far' t try evils, was neither more nor less than a blind to distract attentiel from the real question.—(Hear, hear.) It men are overworked' 4 children are reduced to toil, while their years are tr,iequit to i t ' what is the cause, but some great evil in our rzenerat polief , which drives them to that sad necessity. Are' you to . st il l thin cause of these poor people by charity.—( l l - fear, hear, hear here is real charity . By meeting in this manr,er wet you .dea ce ' them and yourselves from the tyranny that oppresses them. Give tha t answer to those who speak of the factory evils —go the wise way to w0 r .. 4 ~,i and aid us o remove the Corn-laws, and tl en you will find:yourselvesu`; nefited.— (Loud cheers.) Genii( nren, I need not txcase myself for,wine ift up this l ist time I shall address you—(Cries of " No, no' 1-with an !!" hortation once more to take my advice., and ask enough.—(Hear and 1 laugh.) You will find to efforts spartd to make you fall shot t of the P L ' of your desires. I tell you now k it e thi ng , that as a l as t resor t the Isel . ; lords, like a bunted fox, as a last shift of their craft, will tell you 07 there must be a shilling duty on corn for the sake of having - statisti c "; returns of the quantity of that commodity imported. Now, how rat e 3 ,7 miilions, think you, wc,uld:you pay in the course of a few years for ti" sake of indulging the taste of these statistical amateurs ?—(1 - let hear, and laughter.) I ask you, would it not do as we there was a bounty of a shilling a quarter on the foreign corn i l l ' ported.—(Thunders of applause.) I see, gentlemen, that you alr'i with me. I have been wandering much from the object for which ; rose, and I must now return to the original and real object of m y a ppearil i t ' hefore you. I was sent here to do honour to the citizen i n thi s gees " assembly, whom the public voice has called to the honourable sit UP tion of your chairman.—(Loud and general Cheering.) You are l e _' timately acquainted with these energies and 'virtues which have led r"„ to confer on him that highly distinguished office. I shall be muchmistat fr if the country does not learn to take up the same estimate at 3°f, hands, and if the recollection of your energies be not prese rve d in °- shape of the memory of him who is the chosen Chairman of - the .Ass e6l' bly at Manchester, who put down the Corn-laws, and gave to E n glan d A' the title to lea a commercial country.—(The Gallant C o l one l ret ool" his seat amidst loud and long continued cheering) • The toast was then drank with all the honours. The CHAlRMAN—Gentlemen, I rise to return you sincere thse ! for the kind manner i n w hi c h you h ave drank my malt . ' With your encouragement and, support Ido not doubt of our final sus cess.—(Cheers ) The grea t es t mar k o f respect you can pay to the rj to stick by me.—(Cheers.) Encourage and support the Committee, a n then, when we have won the battle, we will meet again and rejoice 0:, gether.—(Loud cheers.) Then we will i nv it e our f r i en d s t h e l en dlor,' —I don't mean the chaw.bacon landlords—(Laughter.) There i , ,I pleasure in the company of stupid men ; but I mean suc h en li g hten' landlords as the Honourable Mr. Murray.—(C on ti n u e d c h e ering': ) Gentlemen, I have now the pleasure to g i ve y ou , as a toas t y the Deputation from Bolter). , e it Mr. H. ASHWORTH returned thanks, They had undettaken aP end worthy cause, and he hoped they would do n o thi ng un j us t o r e ll' worthy in effecting their object, which was the total and immediate r e ; peal of the Corn-laws. Th e manu f ac t urers h a d t h e i r alternatives--°A was, which he hoped would never t a ke e ff e ct, th e e xp u l s i on o f c aPit - skill, and indu s t r y f rom th e country. —(H ear, h ear, an d c h eer ing ) He had hoped in the buoyancy of commerce the trade of , the couri er / i f might again recover a healthy tone.—( Hear, hear.) If cheap : food 4 , not come to them, why might they not g o t o it ?--(L ou d cheering' ) ', I leaving these things they wou'd not run the risk of encountering ', overbearing landed aristocracy, giving theirs dear food and discuss i° ,,' time-bills with their own work people. They could not long g 0 °, with ruin staring them in the face without an effortto improve th ej , condition, and their last alternative was, a reduction of wages.. P i o they coolly contempkted starvation wages.—(Loud cheers.) We tl „ . ‘ the working men stand up in favour of an isolated few. the g ainers " d ' these laws, and disregard the interests of those who employed th ern ? - i , (No, no.) In what would all this end, if the wages of th e working n i' " had to be reduced ? The consequences were dreadful to . contt WWI, In seeking to improve their condition as manufacturers, ,they did ii seek to wrong any other interest, they only sought that Which / fr t, rightfully theirs, and they m us t as k it, though respectfully, r# earnestly and manfully. -- (Cheers.) It was said these da r ts ; were to protect the landed inte res t. H e w ould as k, Genth eme n, ir hr i, had b tcome of that Protection ? After 23 years' protection, the agri c° t tural peasantry—once " their country's pride"—now become the 1,1 °, - $ pauperised and ignorant of our working population.—(Cheers.) The of years' protection had done n o thi ng f or th e f arm er—fi l e yeomanry +' by.gone days—deluded by the f a l se h opes o f th e " f armer ' s frieo,: e hed sunk, and lost th e i r capital, and were nrsw become 'y creatures of their landlords, not daring to stand by tr ie 1 own d opinions at an e l ec ti on. —(H ear, h ear , an d l ou d c heer v e nn did the landowners appear the richer for it ? 04 the contrary, i f ,e, I migt judge from th e i r cont i nua l cry to P al li er:emit of " Give, V A . ,' give!" they were a l ways f u ll o f poverty ; and the words "too b e ''' 00 written by Lard Liverpool upon an urgent applic a tion, reminded -: of the great effrontery and sturdiness of aristocratic begging.—(Che e r In working eut of th e new P oor- l aw , i n w hi c h t h e landovifi f t, bad taken so conspicusus (he could not say disinterested) a P ° ;st . they here pleaded the necessity of refusing crat-door relief in aid of sv a : , to the poor persant on the ground that they ',sere thereby exalting tbe c ': f , racter of the able-bodi e d l a b ourer i n ma ki ng hi m d epen d on hi s o wn e % ,.. f t tions for suppf,rt, and that he wo.ild 'hereafter thank all benefae t ;id there who supported the N e w Poo r La'm Bill. Now he (Mr. A.) o°- rd say, cut off the pr o t ec ti ve d u ty i n a id o f ren t s, w hi c h th e teed'', f has wrung from the country as thep/ ea of right; convinced him therejos that you exalt him as an indecent' ent landlord, and in days to con e will have to thank his enlightened benefactors of Manchester—(Ch eer- u. Let the landlords lay ash'‘e their plumsy protective snachine.iy, and ' ° 4 stitute the self-acting ma c hi nery o f se lf - i n t eres t—and instead of pars l a g t their patriotism for havin g (by the aid of their tenantry) produced of blades of grass where ty , s l y one grew before, let Ihem learn, troll' ~i unpretending manulac' .urers of Manchester, that in this respe ct he lof only studying his own ' business, and had no higher claims as a benefe c r e to his country_thae i the manufacturer who produced tw o or tile shirts at the r. l ; vious cost of one.-- (Cheers) The farmer , 'O. ceasing to rely ' °T •on the fluctuating averages of the markets, and tr: i p i! ing no hinge-, tc, his landlord's generosity in returning a portion 0 ' ~i l l d nominal re Mal , would take longer leases, embark his capital an vi ,i as the fa,-..mer, s of Scotland had done, and acting upon a corgeCt vi e 4 . w his o a inte rest, would raise the best of cattle and the b est of er pd emrearativ ely regardless of the bauble inducements, the ec oj isr,ary pr ize meddles of the landlords,—(Hear, and loud C h o e t i tie regre :den thht amid all the profusion of ta l e nt around, one sbou ,0 I absent:. .his friend Richard Cobden.—(Cheas.) He was provelltal Mr. Mutual' returned thanks. Mr. Rewsoe rose to propose the next toast, and said, Gentlemen, I • Tee only reason 1 can assign to you for my temerity, in attempting to address a few words to you, is that I made a few statements to the Association connected with the stanch of manufacture that I am en gaged in. I was urged to say a few words at the Chamber of Corn. mere; as to the overwhelming competition with which the cotton hosiery of Nottingham had to contend ; and finding, as I uid, on that occasion, that the Newspaper reporters are excellent at inflating heavy matters —(Laughter) — if any statement that I can make can, be made available, in any way, to the great cause that we ale engaged in, it will amply satisfy me fur the pain and em barrassment I feel at this moment —(crest cheering.) Gentlemen Tnose who were present on that occasion will perhaps recollect some of the statements then made. I have found since, from conversation with a gentleman from Kimnitz, that the Saxons have increased in this branch 1,500 per cent. I find that white they have increased in the cotton manufacture 15 per cent. we have only increased 10 per cent.: now if they go on for twenty-four years more, increasing in the same ratio, they would not only supply the whole world by exportation, but would export goods to the moon.--(Great laughter.) The Saxons, I understand, the last two seaeons have been in Leicester buying up yarns to commence their manufacture in this part of the trade. I consider this, as regards the Leicester people, in the light of a notice to quit ; and let me tell them, after receiving such notice, they will speedily be served with the ejectment from the markets.—(Laughter.) It has been stated by a gentleman of great statistical knowledge that there has been an increase in the number of frames of all kinds since 1812,from 29,590 to 33,000, making an increase of 3,000 frames, or about 10 per cent. In Saxony, in the same time, there has been an increase of stocking frames of 1,500 per cent.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Now this important branch—the staple manufacture of our country, which amounts to about two millions per annum, and which was discovered by, and has been in the possession of the country since the year 1589, or two hundred and fifty years, mould these laws con tinue for a few years and no new circumstances arise on the Continent, even with a protecting duty of 20 per cent., this manufacture would speedily disappear from amongst us. The Saxons have, within the last four or five years, doubled the whole of their cotton menu. facture of all sorts ; in the last twenty-four years the whole of our ex ports in real or declared value has only increased about 6 to 10 per cent., though the increase has been in the same time in the ex ports of France about 212 per cent.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Neither figures of arithmetic nor figures of rhetoric can mere fully demonstrate to my mind the exceeding ruinous impolicy of these wicked and odious laws, —(Cheering.) Our friends from Nottingham are gone, and I only am left to say a few words more on our disasters. I saw a remark in a speech of one of our friends at Liverpool, that posterity would wonder such laws were ever enacted. Let him recollect that a Legislature, in a former age, passed laws to burn our grandmothers as witches; and can you wonder, then, that the lawmakers of the present day should pass laws (how. ever intended) that have the effect of starving their grand children ?—(Great laughter.) Though much may be said on both sides, I think the advantage decidedly in favour of the present legislators, though I cannot say so much for the sufferers of the present time. The old women, 1 conceive, will have greatly the advantage over them with posterity, as they were generally poor, ignorant and friendless, and could not be expected to make a stand against their oppressors, but the sufferers under the present law are seen stalking about every day, at least, in the apparel of men, and,: one would have supposed, capable from their intelligence to have watched over, and taken care of their own interests. But, up to the present time, how stands the fact ? Whatever posterity may think of the wisdom of the legislators of the two eras, or whatever they may believe of the witch. craft of our grandmothers, we may be assure.] when speaking of the permanent misery and mischief indicted on the country by these laws, they will never accuse us who have suffered them so long to diserace the statute book of being conjurors.—( Laughter.) Don't de. opals then ; we have tee got red of the law against witchcraf e though t old ladies themselves could make no effete ; but strange to telt, though the judges and lawyers of the crown, of that day, all at once stayed their hands, they could not, or dare riot, at once attempt their total repeal, as there would have been a similar c ommotion in the houses o f Parliament in that day, and especially amon gst the Bishops, as th ere w ill b e i n 1839 in asking for a total repeal of the laws we complain of. But re collect, Gentlemen —and I hope it will be a warning to the coming Par liament—the law against witchcraft was at length entirely repeeled= and as mischief enough had been already perpetrated, no new ones of a modified character were enacted in their stead —(Hear.) We have a Minister at the head of the department for Trade and Com. merce, who, if there is any fitness in things, is chosen by his colleagues for the office on account of his knowledge and extensive information on such subjects. Have the Government and the Legislators consulted and followed the advice of this official authority on this subject, as they would have called on the Judges in matters of law ? No such thing!— (Hear, hear) —perchance they may have taken the advice of the Minister of War, or the Home Department, as if, in wanting to make a will, you call in the physician, or, if sick, the lawyer. Indeed, for years past, various heads of this department have been in advance of the legislator, the general Government, and the country, on such subjects— especially that great man whose untimely loss we so much deplored—he had the courage to make the first attack on this hydra, this monster evil monopoly. And in opposition to an outcry raised against bim by ig. norant millions who were fearful of suffering by a change of which they understood not the spirit. And however various the opinions that may have been expressed respecting the manner in which the pre sent head of that department did his duty on a late occasion, I have heard but one as to his sound and extensive knowledge and strong convictions on that subject. Indeed, a subordinate officer of that de partment has just written a work that would have done credit to the greai father of political economy, Adam Smith, himself. —(llear, hear,) With all these varied light on this subject what is .it we want to enable us to rub off this corroding rust that is so deeply tarnishing the brightness of our national prosperity. It is the wish and the will of a united people asking simultaniousty for their rights. In 1815, to their credit be it spoken, ten Peers entered their protest against the passing of that Bill, and who clearly saw its consequences. Amongst many other powerful reasons urged by them. Take the following:— " We cannot persuade ourselues that this wilt ever contribute to pro duce plenty, cheapness, or steadiness of price—monopoly is the parent of scarcity, of dearness, and of uncertainty."—(Loud cheers.) Fut the riches of all is, and I am sure if you do do not recollect it you will excuse me for naming it. The protest goes on to say, on all these particulars, as regards this question we think Parliament almost entirely uninformed. Let no one say that we have not had patience, we have had a long fit of it, it has lasted twenty-four years. Let those speak now who never spoke before, and those who used to speak still speak the more.—(Great laughter and cheering.) I had nearly forgotten my toast. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 25, 1839. with a determination to remedy the evil from which our presen complaints originate.—( Hear, hear.) We have found, in al that pertains to our manufactures that nothing has been so be neficial to them as the principle of free competition, and that from the time that great principle was introduced into our Le gislative Acts, a new vigour appeared to be imparted to our manufactures. The great strength of Britain lies in her ca pital, loaded as that capital is with taxation in all directions. There are only two ways of availing yourselves of the advantage of your capital ; one is by cheapening the price of the provisions of the people ; the other is by facilitating in every possible mode the exchange of your productions. Gentlemen, in one part of the country we are seeing the gigantic efforts of steam navigation filling our rivers, and sailing across our inland seas ; and in another we see it, making its first great stride across the Atlantic, baffling the tempest, and riding securely through the hurricane. We see, on the other hand, a connection by rail ways, established from the remotest parts of the country to the metropolis, extending the facilities of communication between man and man ; but unless we superadd to this great modern improvement that other species of communication between nation and nation which consists of freedom of exchange, and giving facilities in every possible manner to the interchange of our commodities for theirs, all these great undertakings will be in vain.--( Hear, hear.) They will be the efforts of a mighty but a falling giant, who raises his monument only in the hour of his dissolution.—(Cheers.) And, Gentlemen, while we hail the offsets of competition, and feel that ite blessings have been so perceptible, we naturally ask ourselves the question, why it is that that competition which is so advantageous to the manufacturer, may not also be of some slight benefit to the agriculturist; and why if we under stand the free and open action of unrestricted rivalry, the same principle may not safely be administered to our agricultural friends also ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Gentlemen, poli tics ought not to be introduced on an occasion such as this; but it is impossible to advert to this question without tracing to its source the real origin of those partialities which are perceptible in the differences prevailing in favour of the landed interest of this country.—( Hear, hear.) It is not a political allusion but an historical alk sion to say that, in our le g islature, the landed interest has most unquestionably hitherto possessed the predominance, and possessing that predominance it has arrogated to itself a privilege unknown to the other classes of the community.—( Hear.) Is is for the abrogation of all those privileges (for all those privileges are unjust) that we form such meetings as I see before me at this moment. I am using no harsh terms when I say the landed interest of this country have been the spoiled children of the state.— ( Cheers.) Let us now try whether they would not be bene fitted by being let loose from their leading-strings—whether the healthy action of free air and open exercise would not im part to their hitherto restricted limbs some of that heal thy vigour and vitality, without which neither agricul ture nor commerce can flourish.—( Hear, and cheering. ) But this is not a question between manufacture and agriculture. No, it is not a question of classes ; it is a question of the community against a part—of the whole against a few. It is no narrow, no isolated, no local question ; but it is a na tional one. It is not the question of the landed interest or the aristocracy against the commercial and manufacturing, in terest ; it is the question of Great Britain versus the land owners; and with that title as the denomination of the cause we plead, we come boldly into Court, and we put ourselves before God and our country.—( Cheers.) It was once said by Lord Chatham, as much as a hundred years ago, when he ventured in the House of Lords to remind some of those epi curean Senators, who listened in soft repose while he made some of his eloquent declarations—he disturbed the slumber of many a venerable and gouty Lord—(A laugh)—by asking them, whence they derived the princely revenues which sup ported them and their establishments ? And great was their astonishment, when he said, " It is from the trade with Ame rica that your Lordships' revenues have been increased four fold."—( Cheers.) It is from the trade of this country that we have seen the landed property wrought up to an amount al most incredible, and we naturally ask how came they to merit this extraordinary and this unexampled preference ? We are told they submit to a great aggravation of taxation, but for my life I never could discover where this invisible taxation was to be found.—( Laughter.) If we turn to any other country we find there is something in the shape of a property tax imposed on the landed interest of these territories. Either there is an Impel Fouciere, or you will find that same direct contribution must be paid by them, and that they are the great feeding ar teries, what Lord Bacon calls vence portre, of the State.— ( Hear, bear.) They are the persons who pay the taxes in England ! Adam Smith tellS us the land tax was originally proposed to be a direct tax on land, which, by a success ful management of the Legislature of this country, became almost no tax at all, or else it bears so unequally—it is so small in some places, and so much larger in °tears, that it can scarcely be called an impost, and thus the landed interest has escaped from that which was originally a legitimate burthen to be borne by them.—( Hear, hear.) The vast property of this country is buoyed up and supported by this country's trade and manufacture, and I should like to know, with this evidence of past times and of modern times staring us in the face, whether we can say the agricultural interest are unjustly oppressed, or even that they come in for their fair share of the burthens of the community. But a few years ago you will recollect it was said the poor-rate exhausted almost the whole of the income of the landholders. By the poor laws the estates of landlords have been improved to the extent of twenty or thirty per cent.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It appears to me this case should be looked at as that of Eng land, Ireland, and Scotland, against a portion of the community, and that we have a right to ask from any Administration which governs this country that oe a question shown by do cuments and facts to be so vitally important to the nation, any Government ought to take it up as a na tional question and to stand or fall by it.—( Loud cheers. ) If it were merely supporting or encouraging manufactures or trade, such a request ought not to be made ; but what we rest it on is tl:is, whether it is not a question involving the conti nuance of the prosperity of the nation, and if it so involves it it is a national question, which deserves the support, even if that support involved the forfeiture of place, of any patriotic Government.—( liter, and cheers.) Gentlemen, I confess should like to see a Government in this country which would stake its future existence, setting aside all future plans and reforms on the two vital questions which concern the pros perity, the happiness, and the peace of this country; one of these is free and unrestricted trade in corn, and the other the universal education of the people.--( Vehement cheering.) It appears to me, Gentlemen, that in future times, and even in the present, any Government which stakes its existence on measures so intimately interwoven with the welfare of the com munity, would deserve well of the nation, and command its support. It might be swept hack from the helm of Govern ment, but it would arise again, and speedily regain its power and influence.—(Cheers.) Like the giant in the fable, when smitten to the earth, but like the earth and the great commu nity over which its principles extend, it would again spring back from the earth with renovated vigour, and borrow that strength from its very fall, which had been for a moment only wrung from it by the superior power of a too influential adversary. I see not for my o*n part how any Ministry can long continue at the head of affairs without boldly meeting the all-important question which conies before us this evening. Will my Lord Melbourne meet this question ?—( Hear.) I think he would do well to do so. Supposing he does not—will or will not Sir Robert Peel meet this question ? We know that Sir Robert Peel has been what is called an expediency Minister ; and an expediency Minister is not, perhaps, the very highest character which can be conferred upon a political man. I trust that the present Government will show that they arc something even beyond expediency Ministers ; but we must be aware of this, that even an expediency Minister is better than ado nothing Administration.—( Hear.) Ido not believe that the present Ministers can go on doing nothing.—( Hear, hear.) I believe that the popular impulse, which now declares itself springing from this great centre in Manchester, and develop ing itself throughout the manufacturing districts, and all over the land—l believe that in the face of that agitation, no Minis try can continue to go on doing nothing,_( Cheers.) The cause which we advocate will always triumph in the end—it is the deeply seated cause of justice, which, although it may be baffled for a few short years, or procrastinated for a century, still whether it be political, or religious, or commercial, justice will eventually triumph—it will force its way through senates end palaces—it will make its course past the very penetralia of Ministers, and arise with still greater power even in the presence of King's..---( Hear and cheers.) And now, Gentle men, when I allude to that name, I feel in my own mind a perfect conviction that the admirable education which our pre sent Queen has received is of such a nature—is so well grounded upon those common principles of political economy, that when her Majesty knows what are the complaints of her manufacturing population in this empire, she will ask certain pertinent questions, and demand certain reasonable explana tions, without which she will not be satisfied, that one part of her people should be oppressed to pay an unjust preference to another. I cannot believe but:that:not only the knowledge of the Queen, but her feelings will interest her upon this most vital question—( Hear. hear)—l cannot possibly believe that she will not demand whether or not justice is on our side, and that she will not be satisfied without a full explanation of whether we are or are not unjustly treated. — ( Cheers.) But this question, being a national one, forces itself before Senates, before Ministers, and even Princes. It must be heard—it calinot be thwarted. It is founded upon justice and reason, and it will finally make its way, and the principles upon which it is founded, before Commons, before Lords, and within the precincts of the palaces of Ministers. But let us not be content, looking on it as a national question, to regard it as one affectin% merely the interchange of com modities throughout the world, but as men bound to look for. ward to the promulgation of the doctrine of free trade, and above all of a free trade in corn. We are, many of us, bound up _ . by mere national prejudices and local views ; but we must not consider it in this light, we must look still further, and in so doing we will, depend upon it, justify the ways of God to man, for God told us to " increase ;" that great fiat was issued at the time of our existence, and all human legislation should be conducted with a regard to that great principle which was in terwoven with our existence, and to defeat which is to defeat one of the ereat objects of creati9n, and one of the most perfect designs of Providence. ( Cheer.. ) No person will more perfectly develop these great principles than you will, in advancing this great question with firmness, but without violence—with vigour but without any of those means which, while they add nothing to the force of vigour, deteriorate considerably from its effects. With the utmost vigour, but at the same time without anything which can diminish your characters as gentlemen and men, you will advance firmly, bent upon the utter annihilation of those odious laws ; and having done that. you will feel that you have done that which England expects from each of y ,u, that you do your duty."—( Great applause.) Gentle men, the flame which has been lighted in Manchester, already makes its radiance perceptible throughout the whole extent of this kingdom—already it begins to scare away the evil-omened birds of ignorance, and prejudice, and they flee away, staggered and stunned by its astounding light. Conducted by you it beams on the path of truth—it confounds and dazzles error, and finally aroused by you, this genial and overpowering light will cheer while illuminates the world.—( Loud and general cheering. ) The CHAIRMAN said the text toast he would give them although it was not in the regular routine, would be the dcpu tation from the Anti Corn-law ik-soci , ..tion of Wolverhampton. —( Cheers.) They had distinguished themselves upon that question. They had made it a sine qua non that their Members should be advocates of the total repeal of the Cort-laws, ( Cheers.) To that town they owed their valuable advocate Mr. Villiers, whose adaiiia'ile speech they had last night heard, and it was that town that had established, efter Man chester, the first anti-Corn-law Association. Mr. GEORGE WYNNE regretted that his other colleagues from Wolverhampton had left him in the lurch, and he the more regretted it, because the chairman of their Association was well acquainted with the subject; but he would be want ing in duty to the place that sent him there, and to the com pliment that had just been paid him, if he did not say some thing on the present occasion. Nothing had pleased him more in all that had been s rid in that room than that it was not to be considered, in any sense of the word, a party quest ion. He presumed it was so meant, although the word political had been used, because it was at present the very first political question. It was a question upon which they might call forth the assistance of all parties. They might call upon the Do structives, for no laws were more destructive than the Corn laws. The next party who did not go to that extreme, and who were the friends of education, might be appealed to be cause you could not educate the people until you had filled their bellies. To a third party, who were the opponents cf exclusive legislation, the question recommended itself because there was no legislation more exclusive than that upon the Corn laws, and they could not strike a grew or blow at it then in tk;sr as ting its mightiest iniquity.—( Loud cheers.) Much had been said of the 'evils of the factory and of the Poor-law system, I but none of the measures introduced for effecting reforms on these subjects would be of any value unless the Corn-laws were repealed.—( Cheers.) It was a question not of party — not of a single grievance, but it was en., which applied itself to everything in their national and commercial policy. The first great maxim of their ration was that there should he freedom,' the next were peace and plenty, but he would ask, could there he freedom in a commercial country where com merce was not free ?—( Hear, hear. ) Could there be peace where there was such a system of imposts, and taxes, and vexations imposts, which had on one occasion led to the American war, because they resisted the tariff of duties which had been imposed by England? Would it not be the interest of other countries to keep at peace with a country which Providence had constituted a manufacturing nation for the rest of the world ? England had been called the manu facturer of the globe, and the neighbourhood from which he had come, that of Wolverhampton, which had long been cele brated for its hardware manufactories, standing as it did, along with Birmingham, Sheffield, and other manufacturing towns, was now suffering as much as any other part of the I- ingdom from the operation of those unjust laws. It was well ascer tained that there was not a single manufacturelin Wolverhamp ton, that they were not now manufacturing upon the Continent, and these articles were daily sold to parties who bad been the customers of England. —( Hear, hear.) He held in his hand a book which contained a list of prices of hardware arti cles manufactured in Germany, and it contained every article manufactured in Wolverhampton. That book contained the name of each article in English and German, and what was the meani•.g of that ? Why, that the Germans were taking their goods into the markets which were formerly supplied I,y the English—that they were to be taken to the American co lonies, marry of which only enforced a restrictive duty of five per cent. He had been Lady in New South Wiles, whi re the re a duty of only 5 per cent. It appearer: by thar book that the German manufacturers were making these artistes 50 per cent. under the price they could be made for at Wolverhamp on. If, therefore, the restrictive duty was only five per cent. they could beat the English manufacturer by 45 per cent. —( H ar. ) The book being printed in German and English was incontro vertible evidence that it was intended to send the articles into the markets, formerly supplied by the English, for it was well known that the English goods were purchased by parties who could not speak the language, and yet only knew them by their English names. Many of the gentlemen present were not perhaps aware of the importance of Wolverhampton. In a radius of six miles it contained a larger population than Birmingliala in a radius of tire same extent—all its interests were manufacturing interests. It contained no resident gentry, for no• body would live in the smoke and filth of its furnaces, who pos sessed an independent fortune. Its bane hitherto had been the Corn•laws, arid if not speedily repealed its ultimate ruin would be the Corn-laws. Mr. Ewart said that the question was one between Great Britain and the landed interests, but he was pleased last night to hear one of the speakers say, that it was for the interest of the landed proprietors that the Corn-laws should be repealed.—( Cheers.) It was well known that the land of England would never have been so valuable but that the commerce of the country had made it so. How much more valuable was it not in the neighbour hood of towns, than in isolated country districts ? ( Hear, hear.) How ranch larger a sum did the landowners receive for a small patch of ground in the outskirts of a town than in the more remote places. Why was it that the farmers were now, instead of bringing up their sons upon their own lands, sending them into towns, aid ince, the warehouses of merchants. It was because the land without trade could not support them. If the present system were continued, they would be no longer able to erect factories or purchase land for the purpose, and its value to the landowner would be proportionably decreased. If the present system was continued much longer, the Wolverhampton mechanic could not longer afford to purchase butcher ' s meat or other food for which land was required, an d in t ha t way also the profits of the landlord would fail. Mr. W}nne concluded by apolo gising for having detained the meeting so long. The CHAIRMAN, in proposing the next toast, said he bad a piece of information to give to the deputation from Leeds, which they would not much like to hear. An agent had been in Manchester from Leipsic, who had offered a friend of his an immense quantity of woollen cloth manufactured at Leipsic, and suitable for the Chinese market. It ae Purchased nearly '0 tier cent. cheaper at Leipsic than at Leeds, and it was important that the people of Leeds should be acquainted with that fact. " The Deputation from Leeds." Mr. PLINT returned thanks. lie wss sorry that the facts which had just been communicated to then by their worthy Chairman on the subject of Prussian manufactures were by no means unknown to the woollen trade of Leeds. The circumstance had been alluded to at a public meeting last week, and a friend of his, two years ago, had informed him that an American merchant, who had been in Russia, said that if Russia was as near New York as Leeds, he would not buy a single yard of woollen cloth at the latter town, because he could buy theca better and cheaper in Prussia.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the woollen trade, it was not, perhaps, so easy to estimate the difference in price and value as in articles of hardware, where they could be exactly compare d a nd asce rtained. The quality of razors scizzors, or sickles, could be easily ascertained ; but it was exceedingly difficult to disc over whether a cloth which cost Os. in Leeds and Cs. in Prussia, were of the same value, or what was the amount of the diftrence. In woollen cloth there were a number of articles t o b e ta k en i nto a ccount, the raw mat erial, the in di g o, and other stuffs us e d i n d ye i ng an d dressing it, and then the labour ; but where the valu e o f t h e raw mate rial was comparatively small, a s in the case of hosiery, w hi ch was only .5 per cent. of the whole, there the Belgians, Prussians, and Germans were sure to compete with them suc cessfully.—(Hear.)safety lie believed it would be found that ultimately there the case of the cotton manufacturers. Although he was not connected with the worsted trade, he would mention one circumstance, to show in what imminent peril the town of Bradford was at this moment placed. A friend of his had that morning told him that he had been invited to go and settle in G ermany —that he had strong inducements to go there, because the applicatio n of ca pit a l would be fa r more profitable than in England.—(Hear, b e ' ar. , ; Ile said that if he went he would take yarns, and yarns on l y, and take wit h him men to get them up," and he would actu a ll y make a pro fit of 30 per cent. by working up and finishing the arti c l e i n German y. Now that individu al, who was highly patriotic, debated for some time in his own miiid whether lie would expatriate himself, by which he could much more profitably em ploy his capital, and thus be instrumental in destroying the trade of England with the rest of the world, and assist in cutting the throats of his own countrymen a t home.—(Hear, hear.) He would take the liberty o f making a few brief remar ks u p on what fell from the preceding spe a k ers. Mr. P au lton had informed th em that he had always been successf u l when he had a ppealed directly to the g ood sense of the working class es. H e (Mr. PIMt) had foun d tha t to be time case, although he had o p posed them in some of their strongest preju dices, and some of those things they most loved and cherished. On the subject of combination, he hail waged a war with them through the co lumns of the " Leeds Mercury ;" and although it was pretty well known that he was the author of the letters, they showed that they properly estimated his motives. Not long afterwards they were blessed with a Municipal Corporation, and he congra tulated the people of Manchester in having also obtained one.— (Loud and long-continued cheering.) Not long afterwards, whether wisely or not he would not say, they subscribed ss. each until they had raised a sum of 1901. to bedizen their Mayor with a handsome golden chain. On the occasion of its being presented he (Mr. Plint) was, among others, solicited by the operative classes to go as the repre sentative of that body.—(Cheering.) They said they knew he had opposed them on a vital question,but they were satisfied of the integrity of his motives—that they had seen their error, and they now requested him to act as their representative.—(Hear, hear.) He would repeat, therefore, that whenever they threw themselves manfully and fairly on the operativer.classes, by acting in a spirit of kindness land conciliation, they would be sure to gain over the hearts of those to whom the appeal was:addressed. He would take the liberty of observing, that with respect to the remarks of Mr. Ewart on the sub ject of the education of the people, these sentiments found a response in his breast.—(Hear, and cheers.) Odd as it might seem, that question was a stomach question—(Hear)—for they might depend upon it, if they did not place a sufficiency of food before the people, education would not be attended to, and to tender it when the frame was mentally and physically exhausted was absurd. He agreed also with Mr. Ewart, that all legislation for limiting the hours of labour in factories was of all legislation the most absurd, and a tinkering which he alt Nether disliked.—( Hear, hear.) He would throw the respon sibility on the Iparents, and he would by education fit the parents for the exercise of that duty. Mr. Plint here alluded to the question put by one of the London Papers, of why it was that they were still building factories if they were so unprofitable, and obsei ved that it reminded him of the caricature of the lishman who thrust a red hot poker into a barrel of gunpowder, sup posing it to be whisky, and when he was 11, en into the air, his companion oxelaimed, "if you do not come down, I will tell the exciseman The reason he was there was because he could not . . _ help it, and that was the case with the manufacturers.—(Hear.) But a better answer might be' given, he apprehended. Up to this period the demand for years . had been going on increasing, and more machinery was being continually erected, which must then necessarily be worked. It had been stated that wages were always proportioned to the price of food, but that was false.—(Hear, hear.) If that were so, then there should be some defined quantity which the working classes were to consume. In Ireland the labourer was fed on potatoes and butter-milk ; in Scot land he lived on oatmeal. In the agricultural districts of England, a large portion of the agricultural popula. tion were supported by rye-bre id, barley:bread, and in some instances on wheaten bread and bacon, but in the manufacturing districts the men were supported by wheaten bread, and beef, and mutton. The demand for labour in Ireland was less than the supply of labour, and consequently the condition of the labourer was reduced to the lowest possible point. There were two simple principles that regulated the rate of wages. The first princip'e was this, that the wages of the labourer were to be dote mined primarily by the amount of the productiveness of the whole community. If the whole community were working on the best soils, and with the best implements, the amount of the produee would be large, and if there- was a demand for labour, and f Kid was more abundant than labour, then the remuneration would be large also ; and the proportion which :the demand for labour bore to the supply would always regulate the supply.—(Cheers.) What effect would the repenl of the Corn-laws have on the agricultural interest ? In that in terest he included the labourer, the' farmer and the land-owner, for he coutd not forget that the landowner was his fellow. _ . subject—his fellow-man.—(Hear, hear.) The solution of this question would be best settled by a short inquiry as to what' was the condition of English agriculture at this moment, and comparing it with the con dition of Scotch agriculture. Last night their worthy Chairman ad. verted to an admirable work which he sated had not before been no. ticed in pubUc. He (Mr. Plint) begged to say that he called the at tention of the people of Leeds to it last Tuesday.--(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They were aware of the contents of the book and would do their best to make it public. The book was a digest of grain, evidence presented to the Committee of the House of Commons in 1836, appointed to inquire into agricultural distress. On that oc casion a vast body of evidence was received, but the Committee took special care that they would make no report.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Why did they not do so ? Because the evidence cut two ways. It showefi the condition of the English agriculturists was bad, because rents had been extorted to the last shilling that could be got out of the pocket of the tenant. He would give them one or two very short questions and answers from the book. The first was the evidence of Mr. William Cox, a gentleman residing in the county of Buckingham (and they all knew that the Marquis of Chantlos was especially con nected with that county), and it was a most damning fact that in that county the condition, alike of the tenantry and the peasantry, was the worst that could possibly be. The Chairman of that Committee enquired " Are the farmers doing well or ill that occupy land of that descrip tion ? A great part have failed, and mote than half the re?t are, if they were to reckon, in a state of insolvency. What is the condition of the labourer I n the reighboi iood? The labourers are not well off in Bu k. inghamshire." Mr. P. read several further extracts, which he said went to show that the tenants of Buckinghamshire had been paying rent oat of capital, because the landlord had been killing the goose for the sake of the golden eggs.—(Cheers and laughter.) He would just observe, that the Scotch farmers had adopted every im. provement in agriculture up to the present tour, and that they had taken a decided lead in inventions. They had done that with respect to agriculture, which the enlightened men of Manchester had done with respect to machinery.—(Hear, hear.) The Scotch farmers stated that if wheat was at 40s. per quarter they did not care if the Corn laws were thrown off to-morrow.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He did not wish to say anything that might be unj,tst towards the body of the landlords—he would not be guilty of vituperative or abusive lan guage; but he must be allowed to say this, that the landlords had not half the wisdom, half the forethought, or the economy in spending the income that arose from his lands which the manufacturer chewed in ex pending his capital.—(Cheers) Need they go to Newmarket or Doncaster or Paris, or the hells in London, to see where the rents went ? (Hear, hear.) Supposing there were to be a repeal of the Corn-laws, and the rent-roll went down, what would be the consequence? Why that the landlords would become co-partners with the farmers in the cul tivation of the land.—(Loud cheering.) If they subjected the agricultural interest to that severity of competition that would arise from a free trade in corn, they would be able to supply their own markets with their own produce. It has been asked where would be the benefit of free trade in corn? Why, by free trade the' price on the continent would be brought to the same level as the price in England; they would pot a stand for a time to the embarking of fresh capital in manufacture. There was a certain class of our manu. facturers and merchants who took great alarm at anything like the no tion of free trade in corn, because, as they said, it would destroy the home market. Of what amount was the value of manufactured goods consumed by a family of five persons, who were not earning more than 411. a year ? Why. if it was estimated at 31. or 41. a head, that was the outside. lie was glad to hear from several speakers that they did not consider this to be a party question. In seeking the repeal of the Corn laws they did not seek to injure any one, but to do good to all. — t Hear, hear, hear.) He was glad to hear from a member of the Society of Friends that the same great first principles that had been applied in seeking for the removal of that great *tail] on our national honour, the Slave Trade—(Cheers)—were to be acted on now, and that, in seeking for the repeal of the Corn. laws, they were seeking for the happiness of man kind.—(Cheers.) What, after all, was the amount of increased physical comfort,•compared to those feelings of amity and love with the nations of the world, that would result from free trade ?—(Cheers.) War would then be an impossibility, because war would be destructive to all. In conclusion he would take leave of •them, hoping that the very high and nob-e example which had been set in Manchester would be imitated by the people of Leeds.—(Cheers.) The CIIkIRM.IN said, that,perhaps as the company had heard a good many speeches within the last two days, they would now like to hear a song, and he knew of none so appropriate as " Willie brewed a peck o' maut."—(Laughter.) This was sung in very excellent style by some professional gentlemen present. The CHAIRMAN said they were all aware that a meeting of the Dele. gates had been held that morning, at which much useful information had been given, and their plan of proceedings for the future decided upon. He could read to the meeting the resolutions which had le en adopted on that occasion. The CHAIRMAN here read the resolutions, which will be found in another place. The reading of the resolutions was hailed with much cheering. The Chairman then called upon Alderman Brookes to propose a toast. ALDERMAN BaooKES then presented himself, and was received with loud and vehement cheering. He was much obliged to them for the compliment. , There was an old adage and a true one—that half a loaf was better than no bread. John Bull was that very day stand ing up with half a loaf in his mouth (Loud laughter) The lion roared five years ago, as they were told last night, and he was now roaring again. He hoped there would be a great many young lions from that meeting, and it was perfect nonsense for these Members of Par liament to think of getting on without the people.—(Hear.) In his de. partment of calico-printing he did not now sell a hundred a-week, where he formerly sold a thousand or 1,5001. Why was that? because the Germans were now n•anufacturing for themselves. He had been for thirty years in business, and knew practically what had been the working of the Corn-laws. When the trade was young the effect was not so much felt, but now it was certain ruin on them. About seven years ago the calico printers petitioned Parliament for the repeal of the duty on calico pieces ; but their remonstrance was not the roaring of a lion, but only a squeak, and was therefore useless. They were at last obliged to call upon the gingham manufacturers, their opponents, who had manfully come forward, and they had succeeded in getting the duty taken off.—(Hear, hear, hear.) That was a proof of the advantages of unanimity. He could assure the meeting that if the foreign trade was destroyed, he would not be able to live. The trade with foreign countries was considerably reduced, and unless something was done, the manufacturers would soon be ruined. The worthy Alderman then complained of the vexatious regulations which prevented produce being sent direct to that country from abroad, which occasioned great delay, and entailed vast expense upon the manufacturers. He hoped the Reporters, of whom he heard there were upwards of 20 present, would prick the consciences of the landlords, expose them, and make them ashamed of themselves. Let them be exhibited in the first page of the paper, and exposure would make them smart. He felt that to be the case when his wife touched him with a curtain lecture.—(Roars of laughter.) He had almost lost his toast, which was the Hon. Mr. Murray, the Deputy from Edin burgh,"—(Cheers.) The Hon. Mr, MURRAY said—Mr. Chairman, when I came here I had no intention of addressing you. I came to listen to the facts stated, and the arguments adduced against the unworthy and iniquitous Corn law system. It appears to me that until lately the agitation of the Corn-law question has had its character much the same as that which attaches to the skirmishes in advance of an army. Until lately we Merely heard a shot now and then fired from the various towns in the country, just sufficiently loud to convince the advocates of the Corn. laws that the enemy were not slumbering, but it is only within the last few weeks that the real true and sound agitation has begun. The skirmishers have now been called in—the Manchester grenadiers have led the way, and the battalions assembled on this occasion, and increasing in every part of the country, are rallying with the men of Manchester.— (Cheers.) If their leaders were determined, they would secure the victory. As an instance of the effects which the proceedings of the Chamber of Commerce has produced in the part of the country from which I come, I may state to you that the inhabitants of Edinburgh have formed an Anti-Corn-law Association, although previously they were quite apathetic on the subject. I could not have dreamed of their getting up a meeting in Edinburgh, and petitioning against those laws a short time since, more especially as great dissension exists in the ranks'of the Liberals, but the details of your proceedings, which reached them had the effect of rousing the people of Edinburgh, and when I tell you that it was only on Thursday last, 2,000 citizens filled the largest room in that place, to aid in the good fight, you will feel asured that your agitation has not been without its erects.—(Cheers.) lam glad to say that there was perfect unanimity 014 that occasion. Our motto was yours'—" The repeel, the total repeal, and nothing but the repeal of the Corn.laws."—(Loud cheers.) There was no talk of surrender—no idea of compromise ; —there was the total abolition of all duties, and no substitution. Nay, I rather think we went farther, for we demanded not only the abolition of the Corn-laws, but the abolition of all other taxes upon human food.—(Much cheering.) I will not enter upon the details of the question before you, as you are so much better acquainted with it. You are aware that many of the other necessaries of life arc taxed heavily upon the poor mechanic. His bread is taxed, and upon every sixpence worth of cheese he has to pay 2d. duty. It is the same with regard to butter, meat, and other ar ticles of food, and there not only are the oppressive Corn-laws, but other taxes which oppress him.—(Hear, hear.) I had not time in Edinburgh, seeing that the meeting only took place on Monday, to adoptany regular deputation, and I had only time, as one of the Mem. bees, to put my foot into the mail, and be here in time to attend your meeting.—(Hear.) But although I am speaking the sentiments of the people of Edinburgh on this occasion, I am here also in another point of view. I am here as an individual whose bread and whose children's • bread depends, in a great measuae upon the produce of the soil.— (Hear, hear.) And lam here to entreat you to go on in the course you have adopted, and to use your best endeavours to obtain a repeal, and an immediate repeal, of these laws.—(Great sheering.) The situation of the agriculturists and landowners has been very ably stated to you by gentlemen who have already addressed this meeting. It has been said that the introduction of foreign grain into this country under the free t rade system will reduce the price to so low a rate that we, agriculturists, will not be able to compete with it. Gentlemen, I say that such will not be the case.—(Hear, bear, hear.) We have never feared competition in Scotland, not even from the English people where they were more advanced in agricultural pursuits. We entered the lists with them, and I say it with all deference in a meeting of Englishmen, we have fairly beaten them.—(Hear, and laughter.) It is my opinion, and it is not an opinion of yesterday, or one taken up when it has become a little more fashionable, but an opinion i f many years standing, that if we examine the details of this subject it is im possible to suppose that foreign corn can be imported into this country at so low a rate of duty as to threw even indifferent land out of culti vation. From all the evidence I have heard and read Ido not believe t t ending hc he talent C hairman drank ami( f t , tifc _ Navin r, tions of d° NO^ of obtai axe Nc 1111 11( contain NINE and up, perso n , a nY or VITII int , be al xv. G n( . t. I i 11 1 1 30; Cry, tn e c ,ftric vhic Th e if no co Rt