The Sun. — London, England, 1844-03-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 27, 1844. were deprived of the means of earning their subsist ' ence, at an age when it was impossible for them to turn to any other species of employment. The peti tioners therefore besought their Lordships to allow those females, under whatsoever restraint or restric tion their Lordships might deem fitting for their pro tection, to resume the only employment by which they could earn a livelihood ; and, if not too late, to save them from the consequences of that cheap hu manity, of that false philanthropy—(Hear, hear) — which at present seemed to have obtained possession of the Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) It was a one-sided humanity, as well as a false humanity, inasmuch as it professed to maintain the rights, to support the inte rests, and to relieve the sufferings of those individuals who were its chief object, while it inflicted, at the same time, the deepest wounds, through hypocrisy and shortsighted policy, on the very parties whom it professed to correct.—(Hear, hear.) He had been for a very long time a fellow-labourer with others in many good works for the amelioration of the condi tion of the people. He had constantly, throughout his political life, been their advocate and supporter, when oppressed, according to his feeble means. Would that his means had been ample in proportion to his good wishes and anxious desires. Surely, then, he, who had always exerted himself to promote the com fort of the people—he, who never in his life had given a vote, or written a line, or said a word, that tended to their oppression or neglect—but who had endea voured, through good report and evil report, to do whatever he could to serve their best interests, tem porary or permanent—he, who had studied to keep up the rate of their wages, and to keep down the price of their food-4e, surely, had some right to be heard, when the question related to the comforts, the sub sistence, to the labour and to the hardships of the working classes.—(Hear, hear.) When it was said that many were engaged in unhealthy occupations— that many were worked too hard—that frequently they laboured heavily, and were too lightly fed ; while - all this must be admitted, still, he feared that those priva tions, those sufferings were the inevitable lot of human nature. But he would not be perverse enough to - call them oppressions—he would not be rash enough to call them oppressions—he would not - be impious enough to call them oppressions on the part of man, until he had heard from some learned doctor how much of these evils could be removed by human means and human laws ; and how much of them were the inevitable consequence, the unavoid abble result, of the mysterious decrees and inscrutable dispensations of Providence.—(Hear.) Therefore, he said, " Show me any means, within the scope of human laws, to remove those evils—show me any better course of legislation to do away with those sufferings—show me any better rule of conduct by which our rulers may be able to avoid those mischiefs —and then, if those means be not resorted to, we may use the word oppression.' " But, until that was de monstrated to him—until it was proved that the means of removing these sufferings were within their reach, and were neglected—he would not admit that the evils complained of were the mere result of op pression, though he allowed that they were heavy afflictions and calamities.—(Hear, hear.) But cer tainly he would never be a party to anything which, under the semblance of humanity, was calculated to inflict greater evils on the labouring population of this country than even those which they now com plained of. But, he would ask, was all heir sym• pathy to be confined to the spinners of cotton and carders of wool ? Was no suffering to be found amongst other classes of society ? Could any half dozen of occupations be named in which workmen and workwomen were employed, with respect to which no right to claim compassion could be found? Not a few of the many occupations in which operatives were employed called as much, on various points, for legislative interference, as did the number of hours during which children ought to be employed in cotton factories. Here he begged leave to state the opinion of a great authority on this subject. Coming from so grave a quarter—coming from a man who was so thoroughly conversant with the question —coming from one whose whole public life was de voted, as far as in him lay, to the benefit of the people —coming from an individual who, to the last hour of his life, laboured for their good—he meant the late Sir Samuel Romilly—that opinion ought to be re ceived with respect by all parties. What was that eminent man's answer to him (Lord Brougham) when he demanded his assistance, on a similar occasion, many years ago ? He requested Sir S. Romily to af ford his support to a Bill which was then pending in the other House of Parliament, to which he (Lord Brougham) was friendly. The object of that Bill was not the restricting the hours during which children should be employed, but was meant for restraining the ages under which children should not be suffered to work in factories—and what was the answer of that great and good man ? " I," said he, " will do no such thing as support such a Bill. Can you stop your legislation there ? Have you no recollection of other trades ? Do you forget the glass-blowers—the coal-heavers—the steel-file makers, who are inhaling the seeds of pulmonary disease ' from morn 'till dewy eve'—the painters, who breathe an atmosphere poi soned by the fumes of white lead—the brass-founders, who handle and manufacture brass in all its forms, and who are, in consequence, often paralysed by it ? Before you proceed with restrictions in matters of this kind, reflect that Providence has so ordered it—and doubt whether you can interfere satisfacto rily. Above all things (said he, and this particu larly referred to the employment of children) — above all things, beware that you do not introduce something artificial in the place of those parental affections which Providence has, most wisely and beneficially, implanted in the human breast. Beware lest, in taking this course of legislation, you proceed to stifle, to drown, to extinguish those natural affec tions which are the real and legitimate support and protection of children."—(Hear, hear.) Such was the opinion of Sir S. Romilly. Now, the sufferings of some classes, the misery of others, and the com parative wants of all (except those who were born to the enjoyment of affluence) must be admitted, must be regretted, and ought to be prevented, if the means of prevention were in their power ; but how could they be prevented when they grew out of those dispensations of Providence with which man must be content ? If any man wished to ascertain whether these miseries were confined to manufactures, let him go into the country—let him view the agricultural districts. He would there see men, inured only to agricultural labour rowing prematurely old at 40, and decrepit at 50. They would then perhaps change their opinions with respect to enforcing restrictions on manufacturing labour. Let them read the most lively description that ever was given of the happi ness which attended an agricultural life and compare it with the reality, and he feared the two things would present a very different aspect. On the other hand, a poet of great eminence had described, with all the accuracy of a Dutch painter, what he supposed to be the wretchedness of a manufacturing life ; but if he had lived in a manufacturing district perhaps he would have drawn a less highly coloured picture. Now, how far was this course of legislation to be carried ? Were they to call on the Legislature to provide so that dropsy should not be the lot of one man in consequence of his exposure to atmospherical changes, or that other complaints arising from their employments should not afflict other men ? Would any Noble Lord or Hon. Member of the other llouse consent to a law which would prohibit his coachman from driving him to a party and then waiting for him until five o'clock in the morning, to the inevitable injury of the servant's constitution ? Were no more races to be run for amusement, not for the purposes of gamb ling (for he did not mean to say anything offensive), by the introduction of a measure to prevent an infant from being taken at seven years of age, and half starved, to rednce him to the condition of a dwarf, that at eighteen or twenty he might be of the pro per weight required for riding the handicap ? (" Hear," and laughter.) Was that, he would ask, the legislation they were to proceed with ? Such, however, was the course which was opened to them by those who exclaimed so much on the subject of factories, and were very prodigal of their - own ad vice and of other people's money.—(Hear, hear.) But then it was said, that the whole system as regarded women was contrary to nature, that it was impos sible for them to pay proper attention to the nursery, and (as we understood) suckling their children. And those who read Tansillo's poem might expatiate on the subject. But he would ask, how many wives, and sisters, and daughters of their Lordships, and of Members of the other House' of Parliament, volun tarily exempted themselves from following what, in this respect, was called the first law of nature ? They excused themselves from undertaking that duty because their various avocations interfered with it. Yet they had never heard that any mischief resulted frm the practice ; but they were told that the children of women employed in factories were swept down in scores in consequence of their mothers not be ing able to attend to them. Now he conceived that the petition which he now presented to their Lord ships bore out a very different view of the case. He could now clearly state, and predict to their Lord ships, what the question in future would be, namely, whether ten hours' work was to be paid for by twelve hours' wages ? If such a principle were adopted, away at once would go the profits of the manufac turers. Those two hours were all important to him. He could not compete with foreigners if he were obliged to give the same wages for a less amount of labour. And let it be recollected that in France, in Germany, in Switzerland, nay more, in America, no such restrictions were known. It would be impos sible for the manufacturer to proceed, without lower ing his wages. But some thought that Parliament might interfere—that nothing more was wanting than the wisdom and unanimity of the Legislature to re duce the hours of labour, and at the same time to prevent wages from being f m ap po ut s ! si T e lowered in the same ratio as the time of employment was contracted! 0! inane bl. o i i t re w v as ent arg s u u e e d h , t a ha r t ed th u e ct p io r n opos m e • d ouldbe i altera- HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 26. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'Clock. The Maryport and Carlisle Railway Bill was read a second time. BRIGHTON AND CHICHESTER RAILWAY BILL. Colonel WYNDHAM presented a petition against the Brighton and Chichester Railway Bill. Mr. PAKINGTON presented several petitions in favour of the Bill. Lord MARCH moved the second reading of this Bill. Col. WYNDHAM opposed the motion, and moved that the Bill be read a second time that day six months, as two-thirds of his constituents were opposed to the Bill. Lord ARUNDEL seconded the motion. He said this railway would destroy some of the best land in the county; and, if passed, would operate as a great injustice on the inhabitants of the county of Sussex. Lord A. LENNOX supported the 2d reading of the Bill. Capt. PECHELL also supported the Bill. After a few words from Mr. Goring, Mr. Curteis, Mr. J. A. Smith and Sir Charles Burrell, Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when the numbers were— For the second reading 99 For the amendment 4B Majority for the second reading —sl The Bill was then read a second time, and was ordered to be committed to-morrow. STRATFORD (EASTERN COUNTIES) AND THAMES JUNCTION RAILWAY BILL. An Hos. MEMBER moved the second reading of this Bill. Colonel Fox, Mr. Hawes, and Lord Mahon, presented petitions against the Bill. Colonel FOX said that the alleged object of this Bill was to carry coals, but if that were the only object there were already two canals which were sufficient for that purpose. His constituents were opposed to the Bill, and he should move that it be read that day six months. Mr. HAWES seconded the amendment. He could name several persons of property who were opposed to the measure, and almost all the people of Stratford were opposed to it. As no public advantage would be de rived from it, the expense of going into Committee ought to be avoided. Mr. WARD knew of no ground which should pre vent a Bill going into Committee which had been allowed to go into Committee last session. He hoped the House would not prevent the Bill being committed. Sir W. JAMES said there was no cause for opposing the Bill. The amendment was ultimately withdrawn, and the Bill read a second time. The Cwm Celyn and Blaina Iron Company Bill was read a second time. The Colchester and Harwich Railway Bill was read a second time. The report of the Norwich and Brandon Railway Bill was further considered for the purpose of introducing an amendment. ATMOSPHERIC RAILWAYS. Mr. SHAW presented a petition from Dublin in favour of the principle of atmospheric railways. LONDON AND SOUT BILL H WESTERN RAILWAY The second reading of the London and South Western Railway Bill (No. 1) having been moved, Mr. WALLACE protested against several of the clauses of the Bill, which enabled the Company to act as general traders, as Custom-house agents, as hotel keepers, as whartingers, as steam-boat proprietors, and in several other capacities totally inconsistent with their office as railway proprietors. He thought that this Bill ought not to be allowed to proceed further till the ob jections he had adverted to were removed. Mr. ANTROBUS hoped the Honourable Gentleman would allow the second reading of the Bill to take place, and defer his opposition till the Bill went into Committee. Sir W. HE ATHCOTE said that the clause complained of by the Hon. Member for Greenock had, he believed, been omitted by the Standing Orders Committee. Mr. LABOUCHERE would not oppose the second reading of the Bill, but he thought if the objection of the Hon. Member for Greenock was well founded, it might be pointed out upon the bringing up of the report. Mr. GLADSTONE thought the question was one for the Committee, and they had every security that the question would not be overlooked there. The Com mittee would report specially whether or not the Stand ing Orders had been complied with. The House might feel assured that the matter would not escape the fullest investigation. The principle was one of the very greatest importance. There was a general disposition on the tion would be greatly conducive to health. The part of all joint-stock companies, who were intrusted I ability to eat heartily was an acknowledg ed cosi with certain, powers for certain purposes, to err comitant of health ; but with decreased wages how ploy those powers for other purposes. Ile was the operative to satisfy nature? Would his hoped the attention of the General Committa• situation be at all improved '? He firmly believed on Railways would be directed to that point, and he hoped the House would do i t s utmost to check that those who now advocated the principle o f re- duced laoour would eventually discover their error, that disposition on the part of all joint-stock companies. There were cases in which an exception ought to be and find, that the best friends of the poor were those who did not restrict nor interfere with their in- maie. lie was not prepared to say whether or not the t, case of the harbour of Folkestone was of tha t nature, bu dustry.—(Hear, hear.) He was as certain as in every case in which it was necessary to make an ex that the sun would rise to-morrow that many ception, the matter should be subjected to the most mi months would not pass over their heads before men nute investigation. would be awakened to a sense of the follies they Mr. HUME considered that it was of the utmost were now committing, and begin to be awake in good importance that the principle laid down by the earnest, and find that he was the best f riend of the Right Honourable Gentleman as the one by which poor who did what he could to hel p them, and did the Howe was to be guided in its dealings with nothing to injure them in pursuit of a va g ue fantastic joint-stock companies should be known by t he whole country. If they once departed from the principle, they theory which his own imagination might have con would be open to all kinds of abuse. If the Committee jured up, or which other men's hallucinations might did not strike out all the words enforcing the proposed have inoculated him with. He hoped and trusted powers on the company, he was satisfied that the Bill that meanwhile no harm would be done to the work- would be rejected. ing people, for whom it was chiefly that he now spoke Mr. AGLIONBY agreed that great caution should be —to the manufacturer, whose interests were the in- exercised in all these cases. The public ought to be terests of the working people, and who, in fact, could carefully guarded, and they had many safe-guards. In have no interests apart from them, and that no page then rst place there was the Committee on Petitions — would be added to our statute book, before it was t there was the Standing Orders Committee—and too late to reflect on the misc h ie f and the misery then there was the Committee on Bills. I n the p resent instance all the provisions not strictly analogous with which might result from it—sanctioning any such first application for the Bill were ordered to be pernicious principle (if he might so call it) as that of the struck out. which he had now deprecated the assertion. Depend The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to upon it, we could not stop here.—(Hear, hear.) If be committed. we were to legislate for these workpeople, we must MANCHESTER IMPROVEMENTS. for all others.—(Hear.) Women in our colleries had On the motion of Mr. M. GIBSON, the Manchester suffered much ; and he was one who had agreed (re- Improvements Bill was read a second time, and ordered luctantly, and protesting against carrying it further, to be committed. and predicting those consequences which had hap- NOTICES OF MOTION—THE SLAVE TRADE. pened) to a measure for ameliorating t heir condition. r. M. MILNE next S begge moved to an give notice that h amendment one would motion of y But there was a spectre which hau n t ed him more than on M. the the Noble Lord the Member for Tiver it did the manufacturer; which haunted him as the ton (Lord Palmerston) relative to the slave friend of the labourer, and, above all, of those very trade, to the effect that it is the opinion children themselves—it was the mischief of Parlia- of this House that the treaties between ment interfering to prescribe how much work this country and foreign countries for the purpose of a man, or a woman, or a child should be called upon suppressing the slave-trade by means of a mutual o right to endure. Of the two, he protested he wou ld rather have of search, should be considered as part of a temprary a Bill to regulate the rate of wages , and affix a mini- experiment, to be at all times under the control of the mum of wages than a Bill to affix a maximum of two Governments. work. He held the one just as much against all principle as the other ; but the first would not pro duce so much mischief; and it would be entirely nugatory—you could not fix the rate of wages. — (Hear, hear.) Those who said the Legislature could compel employers to give twelve hours wages for ten hours' work did not know what they were talk ing of. Let th.m talk elsewhere than in Parliament, and of other matters than these.—(A laugh.) They were talking of subjects as utterly unknown to them, and of which they were as hopelessly ignorant, as of what was passing in another planet.—(Laughter.) Humanity they had not studied. ' He believed many of them to be worthy of, and he felt for them the highest respect—as most estimable, honest, conscien tious, and, on other subjects, wel l- in f or med men ; but he hoped he should not be accused of saying any thing disrespectful to them, nor against moral prin ciple itself, when he added—" so much the worse ;" for nothing was more fatal, and, above all, in popular assemblies, and in countries where there was a free expression of public opinion, than respectable, honest, conscientious, and amiable men, when they had taken up some notion such as that of which he had spoken, and acted wildly, enthusiastically, fanatically upon that notion. He had had presented to him draughts of two Bills proposed to be presented, calling his at tention to the much greater sufferings of semptresses in London, Westminster, and country—(Hear, hear) —working from early in the morning to late at night ; fed on an extremely miserable pittance—on bad or second-rate, cheap, indifferent food—little of animal food. These were extreme cases, no doubt — such was not the state of all or nearly all ; he hoped in God it was not so, at least.—(Hear.) But their wages were low from the vehement competition. Every poor girl who had no rich parents to support her, and who chose conscientiously to lead a chaste life, was a competitor for that kind of work, and the con sequences were, naturally, most lamentable. They suffered exceedingly ; and the diseases, of which a frightful catalogue had been presented to him with one of the Bills (which he should never present, as it was not his duty to present such impossible specula tions to their Lordships)—the diseases, arising chiefly from their posture of work—diseases of the diges tive organs and of the lungs, &c., were of the most frightful and fearful character. But his answer had been, that if Parliament legislated for these and other such cases (for there were other cases even worse) Parliament would become the nuisance of the nation instead of its protector, by the utter disregard it showed to the necessity of man's position in this world, and to that first fact and law of our existence —which he once had occasion, for another purpose, but in favour of the working classes (for it was against the corn-laws), to allude to—the law of labour— " Continua has loges wternaque feeders certis Imposuit nature locis, quo tempore primam Deucalion vacuum lapides jactavit in orbem : Uncle hamines nati, durum genus." It was not fit to repine at it—they might lament it ; and they should do all they could to relieve it; and among other things he proposed the removal of all restrictions from trade.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) It was no answer against his argu ment, "Why do you not repeal the corn-laws ?" He did not wish to do the wrong thing, lest he should injure the effect of the right thing. He was against such interference, as calculated to produce nothing but misery to workmen and masters—especially to the workmen ; and it was his business to do his best to prevent such grievous error, which in those who governed would be a crime. Their Lordships being a body eminently Conservative, from their reluctance to enter upon wild and hazardous speculations, it was snore important sound viaws should be maintained and kept up, and applied in practice among them. POOR LAWS. Mr. MUNTZ gave notice that, in Committee on the Poor-law Amendment Bill, on clause 56, he would move as an amendment that "It is not lawful for the said Commissioners to interfere with the management of the poor in any parish containing more than 20,000 inhabitants, where relief had hitherto been given under provisions of local Acts, without first obtaining the consent in writing of at least two-thirds of the guardians, or of a majority of the rate-payers. Captain PECHELY , wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department whether he would have printed ssith the Votes the amendments relative to local Acts ? It would be very convenient during the recess for Hon. Gentlemen to know the sentiments of the Right Hon. Baronet relative to local Acts. Sir J. GRAHAM said he had last night stated his intention of posponing the Bill till after Easter. Previous to the Bill going into Committee, he would take care to have the amendments in the JURORS. hands of Hon. Members. CATHOLIC In answer to a question from Mr. BELLEW, Lord ELIOT said he had received a communication with respect to the Catholic jurors who were challenged by the Crown in a case at the assizes of the county of Monaghan, that had perfectly satisfied him, that those jurors were not excluded because they were Catholics, but that in every case there were valid grounds for the exclusion. He also stated that the Crown Solicitor, acting on the informations, could not have taken any other course than he had done. He was prepared to go into the details of all these cases ; but the House would see that it could not be done without exceeding those bounds within which it was advisable he should confine himself. SCOTCH BENEFICES. Mr. HUME, seeing the Lord Advocate of Scotland in his place, begged to ask him when he proposed to pro ceed with the Scotch Benefices Bill ? The LORD ADVOCATE said he had postponed the Bill till after the 30th of April. THE EASTER HOLIDAYS. Sir R. PEEL said, he last night gave notice that he should move the adjournment of the House for the Eas ter holidays on Wednesday next. But he found that last year he had moved the adjournment on the Tuesday evening, and unless he had reason to believe that his moving it on the same day would cause inconvenience to Hon. Members who had Bills to bring forward, he proposed to move the adjournment on Tuesday next. TURNPIKE TOLLS. Colonel WOOD moved for leave to bring in a Bill to exempt from toll lime conveyed on any turnpike road in the Principality of Wales. In stating the,nature :of the measure he should not detain the House at any length. He wished the Bill to stand on its own intrinsic merits. Every description of manure, excepting lime, was ex empted from toll. In some districts the amount of toll was double the cost price of the lime. It was argued, in favour of the toll, that without it many roads could not be sustained. By Act of Parliament every description of manure, except lime, was exempted from toll. He considered that every road was a parish road, and being such, he considered it ought to be kept up by the parish. He thought he should be able to show that roads might be kept up without a toll upon lime. The Commissioners admitted that in England manure was exempt from toll, and the reason they gave for such exemption was, that the great proportion of articles used as manure were seldom transported to any dis tance ; that they were most frequently merely taken from one portion of a farm to the other. If that was the cnly reason the Commissioners could find for this exemption they took a very short-sighted view of the matter. Lime, the Commissioners stated, was of a different character ; it was very valuable, and could be profitably transported to great distances. Now they had heard a great deal of guano; that was brought from a great distance ; and was very valuable, so was Aberdeen waste, so was coal-dust, and yet all these were exempt from toll under the pro visions of the General Turnpike Act. Lime was the only manure subject to toll, and lime was the only manure within the reach of the Welsh farmer. He entreated the Government to concede the boon of exemption of lime from toll—a measure which more than any other would secure the tranquillity of the country. Colonel POWELL seconded the motion. Mr. HUME rose for the purpose of opposing the Bill. He dissented from the principle of allowing such exemptions at all. They had been made from time to time in consequence of the House being composed of agriculturists; such exemptions ought not to exist. Whaver ey might exempt was a relief to the farmer ; w te hatev th er was a relief to the farmer was a benefit to the landlord. He did not see why they should be relieved from what other people were obliged to pay. The turnpikes had been established, and their own Commis sioners told them that the money that had been embarked in them could not be repaid unless the tolls were exacted. He objected to the Bill, therefore, in both points of view, but his chief objection was the one of principle. He did not see why the landlords should enjoy these ex emptions. Mr. MANNERS SUTTON supported the Bill. Mr. Ald. THOMPSON said that the whole system of local administration in Wales required amend- I ment. He had hoped the Government would come forward with some comprehensive and adequate measure to relieve those grievances of which the people of Wales so justly complained. If the Bill proposed by the Hon. and Gallant Memer was to be the only panacea, he (Colon b el Wood) hoped the House would reject it. For his part, he would op pose it to the utmost of his power, unless it was in tended to be accompanied by some more extensive mea sure on the part of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) Sir CHARLES MORGAN believed that however desirable it would be to relieve farmers from the pay ment of toll upon lime, yet in several dis tricts it would be found impossible to do so without abandoning the road. The Commission issued by the Government had had a great effect in calming the minds of the people ; and as he hoped that some sa tisfactory measure would be proposed by the Govern ment, founded upon the report of the Commissioners, he would recommend that a partial measure, such as that of the Gallant Officer, should not be persisted in. He was very much afraid that the Bill would go down to Wales; it would be known that the Gallant Officer had brought it in, but he was afraid the course the Go vernment intended to adopt with respect to it would not be equally well known. Why, what had the Hon. Under-Secretary declared? That though the Govern ment would consent to the introduction of the Bill, the Gallant Member must expect no further support from the Government. If such were the determination of the Government, he thought the House would do no good by assenting to the introduction of the Bill. He thought it would not be right to exempt lime entirely from toll, but unless something further was stated of the intentions of the Government on this subject, he should most certainly feel inclined to oppose the intro duction of the Bill. Sir JAMES GRAHAM was decidedly opposed to the exemption altogether of the toll upon lime. If, however, he was asked whether Ministers would sup port the Bill in its future stages, he must certainly say they would not. He, however, thought it would be hardly just to his Gallant Friend who had proposed the introduction of the Bill, not to allow it to be introduced and printed, and sent to the Principality, in order to know their opinion upon the subject. Mr. F. T. BARING was of opinion that the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman had not justified the course which the Government proposed to adopt. He admit ted that in a common case it might be reasonable to al low a Bill to be brought in ; but in what state was the Principalityof Wales at the present moment ?—(Cheers.) What unfounded expectations were they not raising of permitting this Bill to be brought in ?—(Cheers : ) They admitted that the question of t hese tolls was exciting the greatest interest in the Principality, yet they permitted', Bill to be brought which they themselves declared the would put an end to on the s9cond stage. Now, at all events, this could not b 9 considered as a wise mode of dealing with the question.—(Hear, hear.) The report of the Commissioners was no doubt at present under the consideration of the Government ; and yet, while it was still under their consideration, they allowed a Bill to be b roug ht in relatlngto a small portion of that report, and which went distinctly to reverse the recommendation of the Commissioners. Mr. MORRIS would not oppose the introduction of the Bill ; but although he was willing to support every measure for the relief of the inhabitants of Wales, he could not consent to do injustice to a large class of per sons. The revenues of the trustees of the roads would be largely reduced by the abolition of the toll on lime ; and they were indebted in a considerable sum to the Exchequer for money advanced by way of loan. • He - quantity of her corn would reach this country. But trusted that on the second reading the Hon. and G: silent those the who from close o bs e rvation were well acquainted aint schemeMember would be prepared to propose some scheme for with • internal position of India, were of a different granting compensation to those persons, and also that he opinion, and the press of that country were all demand would use his best endeavours to induce the Chancellor ing a sin) il There rmea r s e ur l e for India to that granted to Ca of the Exchequer to forego the repayment of these loans. nada. a egaaerttsi in e extentdistricts a s i then Gre a t neighbourhoodßritain, which He was glad that, during the course of the debate, of the Ganges " a a ' s e lN la ,h r justice had been done to a large class of persons who were entirely g a r a o h T e n c f country, and the best had been most unjustly charged with fomenting the informed persons on the at stated et that wheat could recent disturbances in Wales—he meant the Dissenting be shipped from the Ganges j as a w o e t en the l6s. t. an l d 1 . 87. ministers.—(Hear, hear.) Those persons were remark- per quarter. But wheat alone w able for their peaceable demeanour, and for the respect respect to which his measure would benefit l a n r clii c t. e Flour l which they invariably paid to the laws.—(Hear, hear.) was an article that was imported into this country from Sir W. JOLIFFE said t hat lime was onl y partially India in considerable quantities. There was a most re exempt from toll in England. H e knew a p art of the speotable house in the City engaged extensively in the country that suffered materially in consequence of the importation of flour from India—he meant the house of toll upon lime. There were three small trusts, in all. of Lawson, Norton, and Co., from whom he learned that which tolls were levied on lime, and the consequence not less than between two and three thousand tons of was that, although lime was the manure the most easily flour were annually imported by them from India; procurable by the inhabitants of that district, and the and that there was another house in Liverpool best suited to the soil, yet they were precluded from also extensively engaged in the importation using it. He regretted that the Right Hon. Gentlema n of that article from India. He called on the had not stated his intention of doing something with Government then to concede what he asked. He regard to the General Turnpike Act. A large measure thought he had shown them that all the colonies which of reform was wanted to remedy these evils. In one he had mentioned had fulfilled the conditions on which locality with which he was acquainted, the mortgagee they had consented to give to Canada the advantages had seized the gates, and collected the tolls to pay the which he now asked for those dependencies of the em interest of his money, while the parishes had to main- pire. He knew that the great difficulty of the Govern tain the roads. There was little traffic there, and con- meat was that there were certain influential persons a sequently those persons who paid for maintaining the property in that House and in the country who were roads had also to pay the tolls. He could assure the strongly opposed to any change in the corn-laws. But House that, unless these grievances were remedied, the he asked Ministers if, in their government of the Nolo ' discontent which had disturbed England and Wales nial empire, they would be guided by the visionary fears would extend to other parts of the country. of a few men, who looked solely to their own interest. Mr. DARBY thought that the grievances complained The measure that he now sought to have effected was lof ought to be remedied rather by a General Turnpike one which common justice and policy called for as abso- Act than by such a measure as that which the Hon. and lutely necessary. Let them govern the colonies with a Gallant Member wished to introduce. He knew there view to their interests—with a view to fair and just was a great feeling on the lime question; but they ought dealing—and they might be assured they would never not to deal hastily with the question, involving, as it did, seek to sever themselves from the parent country ; but so many important interests. let the Government neglect the interests of those distant Mr. G. R. TREVOR said, the greatest difficulty he settlements, and there was reason to apprehend that, -at had in dealing with this qnestion was the necessity there the first convenient opportunity, they would withdraw existed for improving the roads in that part of the themselves for ever from the harsh rule of the home country in which he resided. A great deal of the in- Government. terest of the money borrowed for the purpose of im- Mr. MANGLES seconded the motion. India stood proving the roads was paid by the tolls on lime, and in a peculiar position, and had claims upon us which very little of that interest could be paid if the whole toll, were possessed by none of our colonies. Not only did on lime were abrogated. He thought it would be better that she support the army and navy, bat she remitted to this his Hon. and Gallant Friend should abstain from bring- country four millions and a half annually. He did not ing in the Bill. He did not believes that this toll upon lime think that India paid too dearly for the advantages she had anything whatever to do with the commencement of enjoyed ; but, •in common justice, we were bound to the struggles in South Wales ; for the gates through afford her every facility for paying it. which most lime was carried, and nearest to the lime Mr. GLADSTONE said that, though he could net districts, were the last attacked. He should not oppose accede to the motion, he was fully sensible of the im the bringing in of the Bill, though, as at pre sent advised, p ortance of the object the Hon. Gentleman had in view. he would vote against the second reading. He had no wish to prevent experiments from being tried Lord EBRINGTON said he thought it was a great with regard to the trade of India and Australia, but he grievance, and very unfair to the Welsh people, that the did not think the duties complained of were likely to mail coaches should be exempted from all toll. This ex- have that effect. The Hon. Gentleman founded his ar emption very much diminished the funds at the disposal guments very much on the conduct of the Government of the trust, and made the imposition of' other taxes ne- with regard to Canada last year, and he undertook to show cessary. He should feel it his duty to oppose the bring- that the circumstances were analogous. He thought the ing in of the Bill. Hon. Gentleman had entirely failed to make out his case. After a few words from Mr. VIVIAN, in support of The proceedings of last year themselves contained the the Bill, clearest indications of the intentions of the Government Mr. SAUNDERS DAVIES said he would support with regard to a motion of this kind. It was urged the introduction of the Bill. with plausibility against the Government, in the discus- Colonel WOOD said that, in answer to the Honour- sion on the Canada Corn Bill, that it was most unwise able Member for Cumberland, he begged leave to say and impolitic to disturb a question of such vast extent that Government were in no way connected with the in- for the sake of any benefits which might accrthe ue from troduction of the present Bill. the extension of the trade with Canada ; and answer The House then divided, when there appeared— to that was not a general denial of the fact, but a refe- For the introduction of the Bill ... . ..... 6B rence to the pledges which had been given by the Go. Against it 42 vernment in a former year. The Hon. Gentleman, Majority Leave was accordingly given to bring in the Bill. vernment would assent to this proposition. His Noble CORN-LAWS. Friend the Secretary for the Colonies, when asked Mr. HUTT presented petitions from merchants of the whether it was the intention of the Government to in city of London, and from other places, in favour of the troduce similar measures respecting the other colonies, introduction of corn from the British possessions in said he did not scruple to declare that the view of the South Africa and Australasia at the same duty as corn Government was, that such a question as the corn-laws imported from Canada. The Hon. Member then moved ought not lightly, and without grave cause, to be dis. " That this House resolve itself into a Committee of turbed. But were these colonies really in the same the whole House on the Corn-laws, for the purpose of position as Canada ? The Hon. Member stated that considering the following resolution—That it is expe- there were petitions from these colonies ; but he dient that corn imported into the United Kingdom from did not apprehend that any of them had pe the British possessions in South Africa, India, and Aus- titioned in the same sense, or by the same tralasia, be made subject to the same duty which is authentic organ, as Canada had done. Canada levied on corn imported into the United Kingdom from had petitioned by the highest public authorities of the . Canada." He would lay before the House, in as few colony for many years in succession, indicating a very words as he could, what he considered to be a great strong and widely-spread feeling, whilst the present pe grievance. In the course of the last session a Bill had tition emanated only from individuals engaged in trade. been introduced by the Government,by which certain dutie The Hon. Gentleman spoke in his resolution of placing were taken off corn imported from Canada to this country. the corn trade of these colonies on the same footing as The subject was very fully discussed, and received from that of Canada ; but he did not propose to lay a duty on the ordinary supporters of the Government a good deal the importation of foreign corn into them, as was en of censure. The supporters of her Majesty's Govern- acted in the case of Canada. Thus he omitted an essen ment being chiefly attached to the sliding scale, coin- tial part of the arrangement made with regard to Ca cided with their leaders on that principle, and attempted nada. The Hon. Gentleman asked where this duty was to lay down the proposition that it was the duty of the to come from. He (Mr. Gladstone) apprehended that Government to make the colonies entirely and solely sub- this 3s. might be highly inconvenient to many included servient to our own advantage. The Right Hon. Bart. in the resolution. The Hon. Gentleman called them at the head of the Government wisely rejected such exporting colonies, but he thought that hardly one of a wild and impolitic notion. The measure the Rt. Hon. them was entitled to that appellation. Take the colony said would give great encouragement to the agricultu- of New South Wales. That was manifestly an importing, rists of Canada, and tend to cement the union between and not an exporting, colony. The Cape of Good the colony and the mother country. It was precisely Hope was becoming more and more an importing, upon those grounds that he (Mr. Hutt) now came for- and not an exporting, colony. The distinction was, in ward to ask for a further relaxation of the corn-laws in fact, that in the case of Canada there was a rational ex regard to our colonies in Southern Africa, India, and pectation of establishing a trade of some extent—a trade Australasia; and he would show the House that these which, though it would not produce any powerful or vio colonies had still stronger claims on our sympathy and lent effect in this country, was still worthy of being taken indulgence than even Canada itself. They were at a into consideration as furnishing the means of assisting greater distance from England, and consequently more in the supply of the increasing population. There were exposed to the dangers which the vicissitudes of the other reasons which had induced the Government to sliding-scale occasioned. Again, they were farther from propose a change in that case. A panic had prevailed any corn-consuming country ; but the great argument in Canada, on account of the legislative changes in 1842, was that the Legislature had already applied the prin- and this was now an important reason for providing ciples of free trade to a portion of our colonial empire, for the extension of its trade. Now, had the Hon. and why should not those principles be applied to the Gentleman a right to say that these colonies taken in Cape of Good Hope and to Australasia ?—(Hear.) the mass were exporting colonies ? It was perfectly Why should not the inhabitants of those colonies obvious from their circumstances that they had a right participate in those advantages of a liberal legislation? to calculate upon any supply of corn worthy of being It was true these colonists had never risen against our taken into account in dealing with this subject. In Van authority as was the case in Canada ; they were mem- Diemen's Land, and in New South Wales, the price of hers of the same community—subjects of the same corn, in 1839, was 15s. a bushel and upwards ; in the Crown, and obedient and loyal to their Sovereign, and year 1840, the price of corn in Van Diemen's Land was why should they not receive as great favour as the from Bs. to 12s. a bushel, or from 645. to 945. per quarter; Canadians? The case of these colonies was not like in 1831, it was from 48s, to 80s. a quarter; and this in Nova Scotia or New Brunswick, which the Government the colony which was the most favourable to the ex said should be excluded from the Bill regarding Canada, portation of corn to this country. They had returns because they never produced sufficient corn for their which showed the total quantity of corn imported from own subsistence. The Right Hon. Gentleman at the all countries, from the year 1828 to 1841. If the head of the Government said that Canada was a corn- Hon. Gentleman would examine he would find, in the producing country, and could export it. He thought he first place, that they bad actually sent to the Australian would be able to prove to the House that the colonies to colonies from this country a much greater quantity of which he referred were in the same position. Australia, corn than they had received from them; and that in the though the country about Sydney might be an excep- last seven years of the period to which he had referred tion, seemed to be very well adapted for the production they had received no amount which was worthy of being of corn. In the southern districts, and about Port named. During the first seven years, the Australian Philip, corn had been grown in great abundance, colonies exported 2,589 quarters of wheat; during the and at a trifling cost. But the great granary second seven years, they exported 19 quarters of wheat of the Southern Ocean was Van Diemen's Land. to this country. During the first seven years they hu h appeared from a return laid upon the table of the ported 7,668 quarters of wheat in the form of flour; House, upon a motion of his, that a considerable quan- during the second seven years they imported 139,000 tity of wheat was imported ast year into this country quarters of wheat in the form of flour. This proved from Van Diemen's Land. It had been imported in that the change had been precisely in the opposite direc large quantities to the neighbouring colonies in the tion to that which the Hon. Gentleman assumed. Ob- Eastern Seas ; and, notwithstanding the fluctuation of jections might be taken to the terms of the H was, t n. Gen the sliding-scale, 1,30 0 quarters of it were im p orted into tleman's motion, but his great argumenthat this country. This was the first time that wheat, the having dealt with the produce of a particular colony in produce of Van Diemen's Land was brought into this a particular manner, they ought to carry out country; and considering the distance, and the disadvan- the spirit of that particularHe enactment throughout tages in its way, 1,300 quarters was no inconsiderable their colonial system. vented say quantity. It came into the country also in a remarkably more y his proposal the Hon. Gentleman would make fine condition • and after paying all the costs of freight, more anomalies than he would remove. If he were and the duty Of 55., it left a handsome profit to the im- anxious to make the system uniform, why had he not porters. There would be an extend ed trade with this begun b y applying to Canada herself the remission of country if the restrictions at present existing on the im- the duties enacted with respect to grain other than pottation of corn were removed.—(Cheers.) He had wheat? Perhaps he would say that they were insigni never seen corn equal in weight, and in the thick- ficant. But he apprehended that that was no answer to ness of the skin to that which was imported the objection. Now, there were other parts which it from Van Diemen's Land. It was sold at would be well to take into their consideration. The a price varying between 625. and "Os., when the average Aus forustralian their colonies had ; w ith t the East Mauritius they had a Indies and the price in in England was only 56 5. It a pp eared, from a pa- ti markets he per which he had received from Me ssrs. Buckle and Co., very c lose commercial intercourse; and with the nearer of Mark-lane, that the price of wheat in Van Diemen's markets reqng the occasional relief of scarcity, he Land was 385., the charges for freight were 10s., the thought there was no probability that any extensive duty was is., and other charges were ss. a quarter, trade in corn would be established between Australia and making a total of 58s. a quarter when imported into this this country. The Hon. Gentleman referred to the country. It sold at between 625. and 655. This was on the Cape of Good Hope. The Cape of Good Hope, with 6th of October, 1843. He was informed that the charge reference to this country, was not an exporting colony, of 10s. for freight was too low, and that the ship- though it occasionally exported small quantities both of owners could have but little remuneration. He was glad flour and wheat, as fine as that of any other colony. to find that there was a reduction of duty on all those If the Hon. Gentleman looked to the returns, he would articles which entered into the composition of vessels, find that those colonies were more importing than ex and he hoped the day was not far distant when the porting countries. He would find that the statements shipping interest would recover from its present depres- which represented them as exporting places were origi sion. With regard to Australia, he had a letter before nated by mere fussy, fidgetty persons, who spoke of him from Mr. Charles James Stephens, of Mark-lane, what they did not understand. The Hon. 'Gentleman which stated that the wheat produced there was equal included all those colonies which were mere importing to the best wheat produced in Essex and Kent, and that colonies. But he omitted that one which was in reality owing to the dryness of the cou ntr y , it was an exporting country—he meant Prince Edhe ward's Islan th d. very fit for exportation, and almost a s g ood With res p ect to India, he must say that agreed wi when landed in this country as when it was the Hon. Gentleman in thinking that every encourage shipped. He had other testimony to the same effect; meat ought to be given to that portion of the empire. As and various parties connected with Australia believed soo whete price of wheat in this country rose to 585., that if the duty was reduced to Is. it would be paying theof India was admissible at a duty of Is. a the settlers for the cost of increased production. Such, quarter. There was great difficulty in bringing wheat then, was the case:with Van Diemen's Land. It com p lied in the form of flour, from so great a distance, and under with all the conditions which the Right Hon. Gentleman such changes of climate. Yet, in 1841 and 1842, the said that Canada possessed. Now with regard to South average of wheat imported in the state of flour was Australia, which was founded about six years and a half 17,000 quarters. In 1843 the quantity imported ago, and which before that time was merely a " howling was no more than 4,800 quarters. Uoking at wilderness," inhabited by wandering. savages, it pos- the whole question, theed that he had heedanswred s en sed all the opportunities of carrying on productive all the arguments of Hon. Gentleman ; and id iustry. He referred with the greater pleasure to this, not conceive that there was any ground upon which the because he took an active part in the Bill under which House could agree to the motion.• the colony was founded, and had acted as one of the Mr. LABOIJCHERE had resisted in the last session Commissioners afterwards. The corn produced in it of Parliament the policy of the Government as to the was even superior to that produced in Van Diemen's corn trade of Canada. He regretted the interference Land. It sold at 7 2 s- in this c o u ntr y , w hen the average o f the Legislature in the trade o f the c olonies. But if price there was below 465. It would afford ins concessions were made in favour of one colony, why trade with this country, if he succeeded in cing the should not the boon be extended to all others? What Legislature to ag ree to his p ro posit i on . The Hon. Gen tleman then read an extract from the South Australian effect which the success of the motion would have upon Observer, for the purpose of showing the corn-pro- the agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.) The House was ducing powers of the country, and that it produced told that the motion, if carried, would create a panic. more than was sufficient for its own consumption. All If so, the strength of the agricultural nerves must be the settlers wanted was to discover places where they very weak. If the boon which was given to Canada might export their -superabundant corn. The Honour- was to be maintained, it ought to be extended to all able Gentleman - then read extracts from two letters other of the colonies. He asked them how they were from South Australia, dated the 27th of May and the to separate the case of Prince Edward's Island, Van 28th of June, 1843, to the same effect. He would now Diemen's Land, India, and New South Wales, from that refer to the case of South Africa, and the circumstances of Canada? He did not think that they would be act of the colony were not in any way dissimilar from the ing justly to the other colonies if they did not place other colonies he had spoken of, except that it occa- them in the same position as Canada. On these grounds sionally suffered from want of irrrigation. But the he would support the motion. colony at the Cape exported corn. He now came to the Lord STANLEY would only detain the House a few case of India ; and if the case was strong with regard to moments, for the subject had been so often before the the other colonies, it was much stronger with regard to House, and had been so ably treated by his Right Hon. India. The agriculture of India had advanced very little Friend, that it had been completely exhausted as far as since their possession of thatcountrY , audits manufact ures, argument was necessary. Ms Right lion. Friend op once so celebrated throughout the world, were sacrificed course taken commented upon the Inconsistency of the by the commercial and fiscal regulations of this country. course taken by his Right lion. Friend to the left, and It was strange that the advocates of protection were enstatd that he believed if the subject was not properlY quite silent with respect to India, and that the parties idered, it would create groat panic and alarm. Now, who would most oppose his motion were those who con- he (Lord Stanley) believed that to accede to the motion tinually raised at home the cry of protection to British of the Hon. Member would create far greater panic than industry. It alight be said that India would benefit the adoption of any other course. The proposition to little by the meatureheproposed, inasmuch asbutaemall admit, free of duty, the produce of all the colonies in the IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT : t it , LITERATURE. 441, 4 , P T1VE CATALOGUE OF MSS. AND 414 E BOOKS IN THE LIBRARY OF JOHN'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 'Cambridge, 1844. reins be unjust to the merits of a skilful and to confound this Catalogue with the e ll j ° ' such productions ; it is no mere mecha n eration of the manuscripts and scarce books the library of St. John's, such as any 4 'raw up wh o can count ten on his fingers, 4 _ Bl ifficient p a ti ence f or the task ; but the au w'o' ri !lev. M r . C ow i e , a tt ac hes to the name of t Such biographical particulars as it was ,„ r e obtain r es p ec ti ng its writer, together with do obtain concerning the period at which it was qt . : or supp ose d t o b e com posed. Great labour n siYe resear c h were, of course, necessary in to en able 'Mr. Cowie to amass these various 4 4 1! espec'tally as many of the writers in ques 'ken been forgotten centuries since—but he has s tartled by the difficulties of his task, but has v i li t with a diligence, an ingenuity, and a zeal , e , ,:tr never wilt be appreciated as they deserve e would gladly see a gentlemen of his in -0,01 r habits and scholarly acquirements, engaged °riginal work, for knowledge such as he ' Possesses ought not to be restricted to the and of catalogues. We subjoin a few of hi s comments. Referring to a curious old Nib MSS. presented by Dr. Horne to the furnishes us with the following brief par re fl rting the donor :—" This was Dr. Ho rne, " luehester, from 1560 to 1579. Wharton hued the instance of his zeal for learning. In 1570 the minor canons of his cathedral to get ?I'Y every week one chapter of St. Paul's l a'Latin ; and this formidable task was actu -4 B , 4 Pe t n e d by some of them before th e Bisho p , t h -",ebendaries, at a public episcopal visits of ekdhureb." Attached to a small MSS. by .ritzherbert, " De Naturd Brevium," we 1 4 ' I nteresting note :—" Anthony Fitzherbert, ihp "' of Henry VIII., born at Norbu r y , in He was at Oxford, but it is not known ipeollege, nor at . what Inn of Court he re 4„,,was a Sergeant in 1511. In 1523 he be t,7,_,Re of the Common Pleas. A remarkable 7. 1 u of him, that, foreseeing the distribution ," lands among the laity, he made his chil , tkr i k"uee that they would neither accept grants, 4 1 , e purchases of, abbey lands. He wrote many s ili) (l . r is besides the present. He died in 1538." litte ft , i n one more note, which is affixed to a beautifully written, with illumina 14t1 which once belonged to Bishop Nykke : kl ltt, 4h op's name mentioned as on the fly-leaf, , 1 6 probably Richard Nix, of Norwich, who died lie was the Bishop that punished the poet : 1 for his buffooneries in the pulpit, and his lallads against the mendicants. Anthon y Ye, Skelton was punished by the Bishop for n guilty of crimes, as most poets are." If I bee AL C atalogues were drawn up in the ma nner in Cowie has drawn up the one before us, a Ll t be rendered very amusing and instructive % P OST-OFFICE REFORM. W ora or.; . the Shipping and Mercantile Gazette.) 1 1 4 , 14 -41 , e e exceedingly to perceive that the public Ntength awakened to a sense of the propriety !1) 3 , t ,aonie demonstration of gratitude to a man OF4: l s personal exertions, has conferr ed an irn lieefit on the British community. W hatever c 7le dissentient opinions of financiers , or of offi- Vo t4 'onaries, no one out of the trammels of office illii l l iaonient hesitate to affirm that Mr. R owland th c Z'a.postal revolution, has wrought a solid, a pal ikii,ary saving in the annual expenditure of almost ildual in the empire. Looking at the uncom. Oili t . S tordiness of office routine, and et . the dogged 1 "41 1 ,1. of salaried subordinates , it almo st sur laZnan credence, at this time of day , that a man I N 71. 8) one of the people, naked of political p ower, Oi c ,,,:"'ith official influence, should, by the strength i.. 477 alone, have subverted the rooted and the (it . ° s ystem of our ancient Post-office. What inte- N h c ombat, what prejudices to beat down, what ki4ll 1 13 . 1 ts to break up, what perversities to master ! tj c „:l l s has been done to the last tittle of complete N., 'n triumph we cannot flatter ourselves ; we N Lie deceiving ourselves to suppose that the 111,Z . self-importance and of superciliousness have ~„ '''!lndely invaded without exciting the snarl, the LI ' 'and the sneer. But so much of this Herculean ft, social, accomplished as to spread over the wide NI iiir , 04 . ° 41 c,,_ ial, the intellectual, the commercial blessing Postage. t% bending our ears to catch the little discords k4it iN e 'upon the quietude of St. Martin's-le-grand , " °lnside public, ought to hug ou rselves in the L qiiitt tb vat at, iobns, w y the e instrumenta can speed lity of Mr.. Row and -440 our business or l our -'. % ?:to rude shock to our finances, moderate l oy"may be. Mr. Hill , si n g l y and alone, has 1 (31* - us ; a nd shall we, the recip ients of his „, 144 favoured by his genius and h is labours, be " 4A 144a •in showing our sense of the obligation ? He tclkzfavor un us, severally and indivi . dually, a ii arat 'avour pit is not in accordance with the ordi- L It c4 ter of Englishmen to shrink from an open 0 Qumble avowal of the gratitude which we owe ktftC,and spontaneous gift. A subscription either L. l lll. b _ ll l'out to be opened, with the view of affording kz! ,;, tr wi,„,d Hill a public testimony of the estimr!.- Is e of his services by the community which his a itt i : ;;;:r e y, e so essentially, benefited. We would not 'Sjonal compensation for Mr. Has exertions OkNktc, d within the cold formalities of a Parlia igla_ nt ; by a sort of legal liquidation of an I tt r i t ja account ; by a forced contribution .to . satisfy pr, Q, claimant. All this is too frigid and c h ., 1 for the occasion. We want a little more (4, 4 .. spontaneous burst of warm and well-orn -o%..natures. Scarcely is there man or woman i o t - t dot. who has not daily occasion to feel that C,4l ) ,"nliniited freedom of epistolary intercourse has 4 ) aght within the reach of incomes the most re t:t and coupled with this feeling is the conscious 14:ittia__Ulis great economy of the pecuniary resources ‘ eials has been achieved by the devoted exer- Oea t 're man. Every one knows that the pub lic„.ll_e,tor in this case is Rowland Hill. We '`Waae.d that there is not a well-regulated mind, ipliict mind of the least developed faculty, that m i re with avidity the ortunity of _rnark- t k ci .Ly his inward feeling fora pecumarybenerah. lalty.'V conferred upon every member . of the co _ kk k r lhat commercial and professional men, who ic l t d,,„galy by the reduction of postage, should . ac- Oti e lise their obligation by liberal contributions, is to . L'at• Dated, from their habitual liberality of senti- A ' Yet ont. we look with great confidence to the mass of tinc:atatious donations which will flow in from the ielti ck w bose fingers have been emancipated from the Ol. ° ! an isolating tax. Let the countless many illytm been initiated into the enjoyment of unre tlt oti l atereourse with distant families and friends but Nlkillalle eonsentaneous effort, feeble though it may in lot" t„y be, to show the current of ' their feelings to -14'444 man who has enlarged for them the sphere of kilter di sinterestedly and Mr. Rowland Hill will be cited % t ikes as an instance that men who work success• -4 at tim msinterestedly for the public good may safely ` - ' 4l a nation's gratitude. lhlk H AY MARKET THEATRE. h tragi n claY apiece, somewhat in the style of the French N lit e, entitl e d, Utah; or, the Wreck Light , was pro t. this theatre. The plot is of too sl i g ht and idea % description to enable us to convey an tkat l truction to our readers. The heroine, who ii , O ng, and the adopted daughter of an old British 4744 i °r e , was personated by Ma dame Celeste, who 0,2 N I I lt% the character a vast deal of feeling, charac- Ck te kttimation. Mr. Holl and M r. Howe, in the 11711 1 . 1 ! of rival suitors, acted with considerable spirit, 014: Strickland personated the old Commodore to t 44 ,, The piece, which was sadly de ficient in inci -0131: consistency of plot, was indebted fo r success 1 0 4 4 %, t he exertions of the different performers, among m i tILIC ' • Buckstone, a pretender also to the hand of m.el e m ust not be forgotten to be mentioned. 4 11 O 1 little piece was favourably received. tqltakrum 1 „ ty., .—ln our list of p f r o e r s , e , tga rs t . i ` 4 tla iari - ii- , rawing-room, yesterday, presentations b o a r n t eh, her 11, '''''3' the Duchess of Buccleuch," read " Mrs. Gibsone." '' l to la rgest quantity of waste la , ncl_ . in any eoun . ty 1° ~gl an d is in the North Riding of I orkbhire, there being ' 11,1 7,5 9 ,an 132,815 acres of common or waste land out of INT, ` --- Doncaster Chronicle. l'lti°l4'.4;AelAßA.—Aleasurements have been made of the 1, at , ~f water of the Niagara river, from which it appears hi tie„, ‘ `", e Motive power of the cataract of Niagara exceeds ea -'3l' f ortyfold all the mechanical force of water and 1/,,Net(orwer rendered available in Grebaitnßeryrittaiiinatfosrutffihecepsutrn otttiro,TParting motion to the mac r i o 41 )*Ct k „ tut manufacturing includinglaboursforaalsnlatrbgee ppoovrrteiornapofratihede ,i . tr o gts of the world, b •4rt, andPnthese products y steam te - s b t oa s t e s as an . d l s n t d ea ce mi , It 41.,1, their ships -of-war to the remo t Y th;',-, ll ' Probable that the law of :Ose;„`leater, puts forth in this single gravity, t waterfallo as m 0 more established oarlelin. the I l iAc.,"` A effective energy than is necessary ~ ottp„;:i. machinery of the habitable globe. Silliman' s , S AT b , 17 DUPLE OF DEVONSHIRE'S m C a gn ol i N n E . 41 1 t. ' E b Ate. The sale of the first portion of this t Messrs. Che ollection was concluded on Saturday, a James s. The kitte,vtie and Manson's Rooms, King-street, St. ! tit: f iti‘ .herymwue.lel attended through the week byjca?lnnn°iirissdeilvri-s 'Aim e,alers, but th ,,, biddin was confined to a few t b il i : s t , 3 f :: r tr th . a e t :t i l3 it n uti t init ' w ,o h was commissioned by the trustene.secof. purchasing o fully one-half of the c ll e _ y, , lonel Fox also purchased l t arg a l, y , ,Xtto',.eyond these gentlemen few persons bought 0_ 11 , t i 'll•e -. ' The sale on Tuesday commenced with the Greek It., "nd r ht°lns, which were continued through Wednesday ,e -.u rn T-tir 'daY, the lots sellin remarkably well. brass eoi n : t r , aeries was submitted on I. riday. Among; the q % W ere som e of extraordinary rarity ; a single speci ?a ,films of Pertinax walising 171., and one s of . ma ' l4 r L .,' 'vell preserved, and of the greatest rarity, with a ,lti - T,..7en Patia, being knocked down for 40/. Among the Lsr a c ons the two following were the most remarkable .--: 4 tia, I , :tus-; obv, his head ; rev. Hercules resting on his club , qv.. Ilservatori Au , gg extremely fine, 72/., and Allectits haft 1,_'13 head; re . v, i ' fiki " r tanding, holding a globe in hiii tr,,, r 7, d, and at his a feet I tZo s captives • ins. Oricus Aug., ex- I lriti t 'Y fine, 105/ ,• both urchased b ' v Mr. Cureton for the R,lth 4..lluseurn • The am p ount rellisea by the first day's sale 1 5 8/, V l -• 1 9s • • second ditto, 730/ 19s. 6d.; third ditto, ". A -8 ' ; fourt ' h ditto, 450/. 17s • ficl. ; fifth ditto, 585/. 34 -; sixth ditto, 6121 14 6d • • making a total of 71, ,_ 0, , 4. • HOUSE OF LORDS, March 26. The Loan CnAssamm.ort took his seat on the Wool sack at the usual hour. Messengers from the Commons brought up the Inter national Copyright Bill and the Annual Indemnity Bill, which were read a first time. Lord KENYON presented a petition from Denbigh shire in favour of protection to agriculture. The Noble Lord gave notice that on Thursday next he would pre sent a petition from the University of Oxford against the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from the pro vost, magistrates, and town council of Edinburgh, pray ing for the repeal of the Act of Parliament, which re quired that all,professors in Scotch Universities should sign the Confession of Faith, and be members of the Church. of Scotland. ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS BILL. On the motion for going into Committee on this Bill, Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from the Archdeaconry of Taunton, against that part of the Ec clesiastical Courts Bill, which related to the Arch deaconry of Taunton. Their Lordships then went into Committee. Upon clause 1 being proposed, Lord COTTENHAM said he hoped their Lordships would have no objection to afford the same powers of jurisdiction to this Bill as those which he proposed in the Bill introduced to that House in 1836. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he was unwilling to deprive those Courts of the jurisdiction which they at present possessed. He had been told by gentlemen connected with Doctors' Commons, that the exercise of this jurisdiction was attended with many benefits, and at a trifling expense. The Bishop of EXETER said the power of excom munication was absolutely essential to the stability of the Church, and without that power it could not exist. If the Noble and Learned Lord had any other means by which he could support the discipline of the Church, he hoped be would explain it to the House; but until then he would entreat their Lordships to scout any proposition which would deprive the Church of this jurisdiction. The clause was then agreed to; as were also clauses 2,3, and 4. On clause 5 being read, Lord COTTENHAM expressed an opinion that, as this clause went to convert donatives into presentatives, the consent of the Crown should have been given. He also thought there was some unfairness in the arbitrary disposition of the property of individuals. He was not prepared to move an amendment to the clause—no good would result from it—but he felt called upon to express his dissent to the clause. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the clause had been expressly recommended by those Ecclesiastical Commissioners whom the Noble and Learned Lord had so warmly eulogised the other evening, and in his (Lord Lyndhurst's) opinion was one of the most useful and necessary clauses in the Bill. After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM and the Bishop of LONDON the clause was agreed to. Clauses 6 and 7 were then agreed to. Clause 8 was then proposed. Lord COTTENHAM said the Bill proposed to establish throughout the country diocesan courts; that was to say a court in each diocese of England and Wales. Now, this was a proposition condemned not only by all those individuals who had considered the matter, but it was condemned by the reports of two Commissions which had been appointed with respect to this subject. It had also been con demned by the reports of two Select Committees — one of that House, and one of the other House of Par liament. It had also been condemned by many influential Members of the present Government ; and if their Lord ships decided in favour of this Bill, they would do so without having a single authority to support them. They would thereby perpetuate an evil to the coun try, without any reason having been advanced for it. This showed that although the Government had the power, they had not the moral courage to carry out a measure which they themselves acknowledged would be attended with most beneficial results. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he was quite wil ling to acknowledge his responsibility in taking up the Bill which had been introduced into the House of Com mons, and in the same state as that in which it was left, because it would effect much of what had been sug gested by the Commissioners. If his Noble and Learned Friend, or any other Noble Lord, could suggest any further improvement, he would be glad to give it every consideration. He thought this measure would be attended with most beneficial results, if they took care that there were proper and competent persons appointed to discharge the duties of judges in those Courts. When gentlemen of such high acquirements in the ecclesiastical laws as Dr. Phillimore and others whomihe could men iton occupied the judicial bench in those Courts, he felt confident that they must be attended with the best re sults. Lord CAMPBELL said it was true his Noble and Learned Friend had not accused them of destroying the right of property, yet that if they succeeded in carrying this measure it would be an infringement of the rights of property. His Noble and Learned Friend was wil ling now to abandon what he formerly owned. He stated that the Bill had been framed in 1835, and that he then approved of the abolition of all those jurisdictions, and he acknowledged that he did the same last year, because he said that it was brought into the House of Commons with his approbation quite as much es with that of Sir Robert Peel. It was true these Courts had existed for one thousand years, and it was a long experience of their inherent bad qualities which called for their aboli • tion. The Noble and Learned Lord (Lyndhurst) had said that agreeing to the present Bill would not hinder Noble Lords carrying their improvements further on another occasion ; but he (Lord Campbell) was satisfied that if next session, or any succeeding session, an at tempt was made by himself4ar any el his Noble Friends to amend the present measure, the Noble and Learned Lord (Lyndhurst) would be the very first to treat such attempt with derision. It was impossible that in these diocesan courts they could have good judges, it was impossible they could have good advo cates, it was impossible they could have good practi tioners. Why he appealed to all his Noble and Learned Friends behind him whether a case had ever come up from, York that was mot disfigured by the grossest blunders? Lord BROUGHAM—And followed by reversals.— (Laughter,) Lord CAMPBELL—Just so; and followed by re versals: and yet these Courts were to be retained, and though formerly condemned, were now to be loudly praised. The inconveniencies attending the jurisdiction and practice of these Courts were enormous; but they were to be retained to the annoyance of suitors, and the detriment of justice, on the mere pretence of the Noble and Learned Lord (Lyndhurst), that he could not carry a Bill enacting their abolition. Lord BROUGHAM said he agreed with every word that had fallen from his Noble and Learned Friends in condemnation of those ecclesiastical courts. They had neither eye nor head—neither bar nor judge—but yet they had a prison. —(A laugh.) However, he (Lord Brougham) was one who wished to get on when he could, and if he could not travel at a full pace, he was always disposed to take such step onwards as he could. This Bill was certainly a great amendment on the ex isting system. These courts were bad, very bad,—but then they were to be improved by the Bill.—(Hear and laughter.) Besides their Lordships should recollect that they were not prevented from carrying their amend ments further in future, and that the hands of the Le gislature were not tied up because of the present mea sure. After a short conversation, strangers were ordered to withdraw, and their Lordships divided, when the num bers were — Content Non-content Majority . On our re-admission to the gallery, we found that clause 9 was agreed to without opposition, as was also clause 10. On clause 11 being put, Lord COTTENHAM said that if a person were com pelled to institute a suit in the ecclesiastical courts, he was compelled to employ a proctor alone. He might have his own solicitor, in whom he placed the utmost con fidence, but that person was not allowed to act personally, but was compelled to employ a proctor. To illustrate the hardship of this, he would state from his own knowledge that in one case the proctor pocketed upwards of 6,0001 for which he never did more than sanction the use of his name by the attorney, who did the entire business. He would, therefore, propose that some provision should be made, by which attorneys should be permitted topractice in those courts. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, attorneys were allowed to practice in all cases which came from the ec clesiastical courts by appeal to the Privy Council. He knew that the gentlemen practising as proctors were in the greater number of cases men of high intelligence and education. His Hon. and Learned Friend must be aware that these offices were of such a nature, that it would be impossible to abolish them without making some compensation to the proctors, For many years a cry prevailed to abolish the office of Six Clerks ; and at length, the Parliament decided upon doing so, giving those officers compensation for the loss of their offices. Now, the sum required for this compensation was up wards of 40,000/. ; and the charge was so heavy that the Court of Chancery found it necessary to continue the fees in this office. After a few words from Lord COTTENHAM, the clause was agreed to. Clauses 10 to 12 were next agreed to without oppo sition. Clause 13 was agreed to, on the understanding that the title of the Surrogate should be amended on bringing up the report. Clauses 14 to 58 inclusive were then agreed to. On clause 59 being put, The Bishop of LONDON proposed that certain sequestrations, the proceeds of which went to the fund called Queen Ann's Bounty, should have precedence of all other sequestrations. After a few words from the LORD CHANCELLOR, the proposal was agreed to. Clauses up to 81 inclusive were agreed to. Clauses from 82 inclusive up to 89 were struck out. The remaining clauses were then agreed to, the House resumed, and the report was ordered to be brought up on Thursday. o urned at Nine o'clock, Th e ir Lordships adjourned [The following is a fuller report of Lord Brougham' s speech on Monday ni g ht than we were enabled to give yesterday morning LABOUR OF FEMALES. Lord BROUGHAM rose to present a petition from the coal and ironstone miners of Lanarkshire, in which they complained of the distress which they endured in consequence of the course which the Legislature had, some years regulation of thei 4 14 ester ktor lisrvu," rifia`L 1, at. ael./ 'r ,d Is Ws , see . - • gil otreet_► rignv 4 :. it til e , 1 001' at tb° 30, 11 nee. 3 0, signe e t • 30i Dee. - • 30 ,x$ Igoe' ele ies Viet le a sesn,l l App, ;ohs* ill. soi pr il - • W e l v‘c iar t ), ' t ' fti' ° i r.,:iro ti , Otte °I O tte° to e, pad dia t )o:de/co .+~ -