The Sun. — London, England, 1821-01-29 00:00:00

TilE LONDON ,TOURNALS. [DAILY EXTRACTt', FROM THE MORNING rArERs.I prornine Chronicle.] Our private communications froM Paris, con firmed by a Gentleman who arrived last evening, assure us that the Government of Aladrid.have giVen peremptou orders to their Envoys, to de liver in a Protest to the Governments of Austria and France, against the unduct of the Allied Sovereigns with regard to Naples, ana from the former to demand an explicit explanation on the subject of such stigmas as have been thrown out against the Spanilh Constitution, in the late De claration laid before the . people of Europe; and e naturally suppose the protest will be extond ed to the other Allied Powers. • [British Press.] The :Ministers having, in the discussion. of Lord A. Hamilton's motion, expressed their determina tion to pursue towards her Majesty the system of punishment which they had commenced, have thereby discountenanced' every hope of seeing the existing. differences in the Royal Family Lnully and tranquilly adjusted. They have sot the voice of the people at defiance, ,Ind are satisfied to witness the continued irritation of the public wind, rather than submit to the smallest sacrifice in a matter of no intrinsical importance. We know not, neither do we much care, what the pecuniary grant may be -Which they mean. to submit to the House ,of Commons on Wednesday, for money must be a matter of secondary interest compared with the allowance of that respect and observance which belong of right to her 'Majesty at Queen. In deed we cannot conceive how the Ministers can reconcile the proposal of any allowance to the Queen in. her political capacity, with their refusal of all those marks of distinction and honour which appertain. to her rank. [Morning Post.] The Opposition have made their grand effort, and never was defeat more signal than that which they have.experienced. Availing themselves of the temporary delusion, produced by the most infamous expedients of a base and mischievous faction, to hold up flagrant guilt as -perfect inno— cence, and the most depraved licentiousness as pure virtue, they came forward on the question of the Liturgy with so powerful an aid of adscititious circumstances, as to have filled them with the vain hope of cer tain victory, and the consequent immediate pos session of all power in the State. The event, however, has most woefully. disappointed their expectations, and the vote of Saturday has-set the disgusting and abhorrent question at rest, by es tablishing the rectitude and wisdom of that ad -vice by which.his Majesty was led, to the adop tion of. the late .painful, but most just and neces sary measures, as well with regard to the , honour 9f his Crown as to the character of his Country. This is the second discomfiture Which interested faction has experienced in the course of the few days .that have elapsed since the commencement Qf, .the Session of Parliament ; for in their short sighted view of the affairs of Naples, and in fond anticipation of complete triumph, they made all the arrangements necessary for a vigo rous assault ; and so certain were they o,f success,. that, without examining the ground, they opened one of. their heavy batteries on the first day of the Session. Their defeat_ was signal; and yet it would be too much to hope that it will render them more circumspect for the future. It must certainly have been a great mortification for them to find that they had procured a triumph, instead of embarrassment, for their opponents. It was a great act of indiscretion, at the opening of the Parliamentary campaign, to shew the un assailable character of one great branch of Mini sterial policy. They will not get over this mis take ; and it proves that they are as bad tacti cians as they are shuffling and arrogant politi cians. [New Times.] Most heartily do we congratulate our readers on the political occurrences of last week, crowned as they were with one of the proudest triumphs ever obtained by the good sense of the Nation over folly and faction. •A majority of 101 would in any case be considered as . strikingly impres sive ; but in the present instance the Whigs had sustained a far more complete discomfiture before the Debate began. They had been compelled to abandon the very idea of an Address for plac ing the name of Queen Caroline in the Liturgy ! Let us reeent on the whole extent of this deter- Mination. When the Queen came to this country her chief legal adviser openly declared in Parlia ment, that the omission of her name in the Liturgy was not a matter of serious importance. He af terwards negociated for.an equivalent to it. Mark that! An equivalent, for what we are now told is a violation of the Canon and Ciyil„the Common and Statute Law, a shaking of . the very founda tions Of the Monarchy—a gross illegality—a niOnstrous injustice !—For all this there was to he an eqnivalett; but the negociation broke off, and then for the first time began some murmurs that the Queen had a right to be prayed for by. name. Still nobody stirred to- vindicate that right either in the competent -Courts of. Law, or in the High Court of Parliament. What is most astonishing a very learned Lawyer, who 66 from ifiemoment the Order in Council issued, had re solved to oppose it," and who thought it " gross ly illegal," " unconstitutional," 64 monstrous," 66 wretched," 66 miserable," " contemptible" — even this Learned Gentleman, we say, slept over the matter from the 12th of February, 1820, to tilt: 26th of January, 1821. [Mc Times.] The very singular issue of Lord Archibald Ha milton's motion is such, we apprehend, as will give satisfaction to no party, even as a stage of the business. f t decides nothing—it leaves all to be done. hereafter. Lord Archibald proposes a Resolution, the effect of which is to condemn Ministers for the erasure of the Queen's .name from the Liturgy ; and Ministers simply propose and carry—an adjoarnmgmt of the House: When we conslder the can thathas kern - made through out the kingdom for the re-insertion of her Ma jesty's name, and find this to be the reply to it, we.should say that :it is not.exactly like giving those who ask for bread, a stone; but it is re questing those who ask bread, - only to put off their time of feeding-. Much indeed was said about the Queen beforethe House adjourned, but this, what ever sev.ue may pretend, will, as we before hinted, really satisfy no party; for those who have slandered her Majesty will regret to find that their masters have ventured to say nothing against her in de bating the question, b6t have ascribed to her all the oral homage due to her station. We confess we are almost afraid to notice this fact ; for, as her Majesty is known to be a defenceleSs.unpro tected woman, and as much advantage, it is also well known, may be gained by abusing her, and none by defending her, the omission of abuse may . be soon supplied: yet, as the case now stands, all the Ministers have done is to assert simply the legal right to exclude the Queen's name—a right of exclusion,therefore (vested in the Privy Council), which may affect any other Queen as well as the present, or any other Prince. OBSERVATIONS ON THE POLICY TO PE PURSUED TOWARDS THE NEAPOLITANS. The general policy about to be adopted by the British Court is essentially Peace, and non interference with foreign nations ; in other words, that it is not the purpose of this country to inter pose between Naples and the Allied Sovereigns, or, at least, not to enforce our interposition with arms. If this principle is to be rigidly acted upon, we directly and decidedly disapprove of it, as unworthy of the station of England in Eu rope, and as a narrow, and most mean view, both of our duties and interests. There are three reasons which justify, and indeed require, a powerful nation to - interfere in the quarrels of its neighbours I.—The first is, where these quar rels menace to alter and disturb that relative po sition of the States ►vith each other and with Europe in general, upon which the security of the whole, and of each other (and the per manence of the general peace,) rests as upon its basis in other words, the balance of power, properly so called, and fairly so considered. The' second is, . where an assault is made upon those principles of public law, private property, and great general ele ments, upon which not only the particular so cieties of single estates but the common wealth of Europe depend ; and the third; where our own interests are immediately and directly con cerned. An example of the assertion of the first of these principles was in the Russian armament, as it was termed, of Mr. Pitt, when the Empress of Russia had taken Ockzacow by assault, and therein made her first step towards the disturb- ance of the general European system, by the ag grandisement of the Russian Empire. An example of the second, was the war (a war for ever ho nourable to the virtue, wisdom, and courage of the British empire) against the armed jacobinism and atrocious irreligion and immorality of France. The third reason requires no example. But is it not almost undeniable, that this inva sion of Naples, if executed by these armed des pots, will fall under both these principles, and will constitute a state of things rendering it a duty to interpose effectually ? Will it not.disturb the settlement of Europe under the Peace of Parr, and the Congress of Vienna ? Has Russia come forward without some promise—some secret ar ticles on the part, of Austria ? And if we suffer Naples to be invaded and subdued to the passive endurance of slavery, as an example to the ex isting impatience of the Austrian States in Italy, shall we not be compelled to inter pose (and interpose suddenly, and at a great cost) if the two parties should proceed to divide what remains of Turkey Fe Europe on this side the Danube ? And as regards the second principle, is not the assertion of legi timacy, in the extensive sense adopted by the Holy Alliance, —and is not the assertion of the right of foreign interference, in prevention of domestic reforms, in direct hostility with the British Constitution, and with the principle of national independence, as recognized and adopt ed by the public law of Europe ? Ought the people of England, as a. free people, to allow the assertion, by arms, of this " right of Kings," in severance and distinction from the rights of the people ? Ought they to acknowledge this right of property in perpe tuity of Kings in their monarchies as they are, and that all reforms and alterations shall be ren dered impossible, by this confederacy of Kings to maintain their own despotisms ? Suppose, as we have before said, such a guaranty of Kings had existed at the time of King James the Second—would the Revolution of William the Third-have been accomplished ? or would not this country—this free, noble, and high-minded country, have been at this time bound down un der the basest servitude. to the meanest tyrants ? Such is the necessary effect of these guarantees of existing institutions ; they assert neither more nor less than the unchangeable property and es tate of kings in their governments ; and are effec tually confederacies against the progressive im provement, liberty, and welfare, of the human race. It is one source of consolation, that the common sense of mankind will not now endure the assertion of such principles ; and that, if the attempt be made, the Russian hordes will have to encounter the free Germans rising in mass against . them. We anticipate this event, if these barba rous principles be carried too far, —and what is more, we wish it; for, being born under the blessings of a free Constitution, we can have no hesitation in choosing between kings and their people, where their interests are unnecessarily brought into an anti-pesition.—(Bell's Weekly Messenger.) The accounts of the Revenue .of Ireland have been presented to, the House of Commons. The whole receipt for the financial year,- ended Ja nuary 5,' 1820, was 4,251,902/. That for the year ended January '5," 1821, is 3,605,416/. be ing a reduction in one year of- G,16,4513/... A POLITICAL VIEW OF THE TIMES ; on, A DISPASSIONATE INQUIRY INTO THE MEASURES AND CONDUCT OF THE MINISTRY AND OPPOSITION. tNo. I.] " Per ros, Quirites, et gloriam majlrom, tolerate adrersa et consulite Iteipubliew."—-Fragm. SALLusr. This is by far the most able pamphlet we have seen for many years. It is written with great vigour, perspicuity, elegance, and impartiality; and, generally speaking, we concur with, the Author in many of his views of the present time's, and of Public Men and measures ; but there are many other serious grounds of complaint which, we think, he should not have overlooked, and from which, in our opinion, arises in . a great measure the dissatisfaction of the rational and respectable part of the community. Indeed, the evils we allude to are admitted to exist, by im partial men of both parties, in the upper ranks of; life, and that they ought to be removed. We most cordially agree with this admirable writer in the line of conduct which ought to be pursued id the present state of the country—and, " with regard to the Government, we may say," with him "that the true poliey of Ministers, and the general line of conduct which they should adopt,can hardly be mistaken. " It is their interest, as it is their duty, to commiserate the dis " tresses of the people, if they cannot remove them —to hear " their grievances, if they cannot redress them—to consider " their petitions, if they cannot grant them. A generous na " tion, like England, will learn to endure with patience the " evils which it perceives to have been necessary, and will " be in some degree consoled by flatting attention paid to its "complaints, and sympathy expressed ter its affliction. The " Members of the Cabinet, too, must recollect, that these af " flictions, if not caused by their misconduct, have at least " occurred under their Administration. Prudence and jus " lice, therefore, will enjoin them to make large allowances " for the-existing spirit of discontent;—and it will be manly "in them to acknowledge, that whatever may be the mis " chief occasioned by the labours of pitriotism, or the licen " tious press, yet that these instruments of disturbance could " could not have had half their present effect in a flourishing " state of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures. The " Ministers, for their own sakes, while they have sufficient " nerve to resist the infatuation of the mob, should have suf . - " ficient prudence nut to irritate the people by unnecessary " oppositioo—To•day a change of measures may he sntlicient— " to-morrow nothing may satisfy the people but a change of " mcai. They will look with suspicion on every alteration in " the system, if they cannot trust the Government by which "it is adopted. A Ministry in this country, which is once "thoroughly hated and despised, may pursue the most popu " lar measures—but it will never regain the lost confidence " and affections of the nation. The Ministers have their " own burden to hear as well as the people ; yet they have " a buiad and open way before them—their real interest is " ni.t involved in ant; intricate labyrinth of perplexities.— " They ought most particularly to take . care that no abuses " are suffered to remain which will admit of a speedy and " effectual removal; because every single abuse furnishes " a plausible pretence of opposition and invective against " t hemselves. They must endeavour, by every method, to " preserve peace and respectability abroad—good order and " harmony at home ;---4 hey must avoid every .appearance of " useless expenditure—they must despi e the wretched sys " tern of paltry shifts and temporary expedients—they must " enter upon some regular and extensive plan to improvc, "the public revenue, and lighten the overflowing burden of " the National Debt—they must put our commercial regula " lions upon a more enlarged and liberal basis—they must " inform themselves accurately, and in the (Mail, of the " mutual relations and the actual state of every portion of " the community—they most begin nothing which they are " not resolved to bring to a conclusion—they must seem to " have reliance on themselves, or how can they expect the " Confidence of th'e.people?" To enable our Readers to form a correct idea of the Author's style, we give his preliminary observations, and as opportunities present them selves, we shall give them , further extracts from this interesting-publication : " The.stuily of Politics, in its true and ancient significa tion, was that high and noble science which embraced all the social relations and interests of man. It regarded him in his mast exalted character; not as a wretched and helpless indi vidaal, but as a constituent number of a regulated Collllllll' nity. It taught him his own dignity, as well as his duty to his species. It contained aII the arts within itself which can strengthen or adorn a nation ; it bound society together by all the ties Which can give safety or value to existence. It dwelt not in mere theory or speculation, but it entered into the real buginess of life, and directed public affairs Ott the most. extended scale, and in the most momentous occurrences. It was, in this sense, the most sublime and comprehensive branch of human wisdom: it was the study of Kings and Legislators, the nurse of civilization, the guardian of common wealths: and even morals, as they attended merely to the re gulation of private and domestic --conduct, formed a suln.rdi nate part of science, inferior in utility and importance. But this meaning of tire term seems no longer understood—the grandeur anti elevation of the study are no more. In the stead of the finest and most magnificent attaiement of the human intellect, there has sprung up among us a bastard and de , xent rate science, assuming to itself the name of politics , which as much mistakes the office as it disgraces the title. It has descended from those universal and immutable princi ples, which are founded on the firm basis of acknowledged equity, to particular views and temporary purposes, wavering with the uueestainty of individual opinion, and varying with the iluctnatiisn of personal interest. It grasps no primary maxims of law and government ; it undertakes no generous labours for the public good : it pursues only the petty designs of faction, the low objects of vulgar ambition; the miserable contest for power and preferment. It is the science of sup planting a rival, of influencing a party—and not unfre qaently of deluding a multitude, and throwing a kingdom into confusion. The politician, in those•older times of which have been speaking, was a man who first. studied with at tention the law of nature and of nations, and the grand rules on which all Government is founded, that he micht after wards apply the maturity of his knowledge to the due main tenance of the Constitution under which he lived, and the universal welfare of the community of which he was a mem ber. He was not a Statesman only in his closet ; but he exa mined, together with the past history of the land, the existing genius and temper of its inhabitants. He had no party but his Country—no public wish, but its prosperity. — Our modern politicians no more resemble such a character, than a Greek of the present day resembles Lyeurgns or Pericles. They arc either Theorists, who, lost amid the chimeras of metaphysical abstraction, frame in their disordered fancies something which Burke would call ' a monster of a constitution who chase, with eager fond ness. some visionary plan of impracticable improvement ; who never take into consideration the actual disposition, of the people, or the peculiar circumstances of. tire - times; who can neither make their systems fur men, oar adapt men to then systems : its short, they are either speculative projectors, car they are something worse—they are dangerous innovators, and factious alarmists. They affect to admire the glorious fabric of our constitution ; they wish, therefore, as they say, to restore their original stability and beauty, some parts of it which arc decayed and t o tt e ring to their fall. But their ef forts. in reality, would tend to demolish the whole. edifice, and level with the very ground, like the devoted temple of Jerusalem, that proudest monument of human reason, erect. ' ed by the wisdom and vi r tue of our forefathers. They.flatter the Multitude by filling their minds with wrong notion s and extravagant pretensio n s ; they tire impelled by a wild desir e of transient notoriety, and forget that for true public virtue tits re is such a reward as l a sting r e putation : they court the fickle affections of the populace, while they negle ct the solid approbation of the country. In their &twit-sighted views. they lOok only to' the advancement of their party and them selves—yet esen their own interest they seem little to under stand. In pursuing their object, the means are generally as ridiculous as the end is-despicable. I might trace other fea tures in the portrait—but I already sicken at the task. It is a portrait a hich no lover of his country can contemplate with pleasure. I may be compelled, perhaps, as I proceed, to de pict in stronger colours our modern politicians and our modern pat riots• Yet, whet occasion is there to give in detail the dem iptian of use!) characters, when the examples, how ever we might wish to forget or oserlook them, daily and hourly. farce themselves upon our notice ? " These are general remarks ; but they are closely connect ed with the subject before us—a Stied' of the present period. and the existing posture of affairs. Let us apply them more particnlarly. I would say then, that the present syssrm politics in this country, and -the present race of politic ant, are one great cause of our difficulties as a nation. The pub• lit men on all sides are pulling a different way; and while they are madly engaged in contending with each other. Eng land herself is torts and lacerated by their divisions. Oa the other hand, a little harmony anti moderation, a- mutual ob livion of the past, and a inutscil forbearance for the future -ma a temporary truce to angry discussions on minor points, and R sincere regard for the general interests of the empire, might yet, in a short time, relieve us from our apprehensions, and extricate us from our dangers. This is the It ;ulnas principle which, in the following rtbservations, I shall endeavour to establish. Whatever be the On'ClitiOn, I need not be ashamed of the design. Other incidental points, which I shall state hereafter, will indeed naturally beblended with it ; for we must endeavour, in the first place, to distinettish with acen rail, and precision the teal evils and the real causes of tlrose tils: and, in the second, to point out t hose retnedies, which are not only the hest in themselves, but the most practicable in their application. The nacre knawledge must he nugatory and useless; and may even iocrease the distemper by the alarm which it excites : yet without such knowledge we shall begin to act upon mistaken principles ; we shall administer our reme dies at hazard, like the political.empirice who surround us ; and, instead of removing the disease from the body politic, we shall aggravate its symptoms, and fix it more deeply and more permanently in the constitutton. At last, however, we must arrive at the conclus i on, that the most disastrous evil under which we labour consists in those interested factions which dismember and distract the State, while they prevent that 'mien and co-operation, which, if they cannot emu' e, must at least tend to advance the national and common wel fare. - .And surely, if it be owned that our preset!t politics are part of a dwindled, and confined, and mischievous system, it will lie lint too easy to prove, that thieve never was a period in this country which called more earnestly and more im• iteratively for either enlarged policy or genuine patriotism. " I have lived in times,' said Lord Grey, big with ex traordinary events, without a parallel in the annals of the world.' And who is there among us, whose beat tis not an echo to the sentiment of his Lordship ? We have, indeed, been thrown into an age pregnant with confitsimmn, and marked out, as it were, by Pt ovidence, for uncommon "oc currences. Revointion upon revolution, and convulsion upon convulsion, have passed before our eyes on the inighzy theatre of the universe, with the same rapid succes sion, the same wonderful vicissitudes, as on the stage of mi mic representation—or rather, the dramatist would nut ven ture to exhibit such surprising changes as the Historian must describe. Kingdoms have been the scene, anti their Sove reigns the actors. %Vats—the most extensive in their scale, the most complicated in theit operations, and attended with the -most unprecedented variety of fmtune—have carried mourning and desolation into every country of Europe but our own. The gigantic designs of despotism, the policy of state, and the aehievements of military valour, have been but playthings in the bands of that Eternal Destiny, which seems to have had a special design, while it chastised the madness of ambition, to show the nothingness of power, the insecurity of thrones—and to convince mankind, that monarchs are not exempt front the miseries of humanity. " Of this last assertion, England; although preserved from those more violent calamities which have deluged surround ing aations with tears and bloodshed, may yet afford ex amples, which are fresh in the recollection of us all. On this account, too, after having been conspicuous for the heroic generosity of her efforts in the common , cruise of Europe, she has become once mere a spectacle for the world : and, per haps, among the events, without. a parallel, which it has been the lot of the existing generation to witness, the subiect now agitates anti distracts the nation is, after al). the most remarhahle. Nor will it be matter of astonishment, that these proceedings have worked up the feelings, both of par ties and of indtviduals, to. fever and almost to delirium — when we remember, that while they possess the great est public impottance, they blend with it that more intense interest, which the heart naturally takes in domestic troubles—and more especially in the domestic troubles of royalty. If, indeed—and the fact is notorious—those amour t he dramatic writers, who have been most distinguished for their knowledge of human nature, have invariably found their most moving subjects in the internal disagreements of princely families, even of another country anti a remote pe riod—we cannot wonder that such an intensity of interest should be excited, when these very eircithistancts, involvine our own age and nation, occur in their momentous reality tamfore us, when, too, we are told that not - merely the locums of an individual but the safety of the empire is at stake! " But it is not the interest of the subject, however great or universal, which has tempted me to the discussion of it. The mind most be at last weary of the proceedings which have so long mid anxiously engrossed 'its thoughts; or even were it otherwise, I shoull bill as low in my own estimation as I should deserve to fall in the opinion of every honest men, of every party in the State, if, front the mere tempta tion of discussing an interesting topic, the little weight which I could throw into the scale should he employed to foster anti keep alive the portentous disturbances of the coun try. Nor indeed is it see pleasing a task, whatever he the opinion of our modern patriots, to dwell upon the national dissentious and the national infatuation. If, therefore, the question regarding the conduct of her Majesty were now likely to rest, I should lie most unwilling to revive it. But it is too evident that the agitation of the piddle mind has not subsided, and that hoth parties are preparing •for a renewal of the struggle. There is every reason to fear that, with the opening of Parliament, the fury of faction will not only re commence, but rage with greater violence than before, em bittered by deeper hatred and tome iuveterate animosity. A sincere wish to avert such evils has been, as I have stated. toy principal inducement for reviewingl he transactions of the period. The endeavour may be unsuccessful, lint at least it is honest. For my own part, I have the firmest cenvic tion, that to give a connected and impartial statt went of the whole proceedings on this occasion, would be the best and surest method to demonstrate the senseless natore of the present onteryngainst the Government, to arrest the pro gress of popular delusion, and to satisfy the mind of every man, who has n o t his own views to accomplish in the confu sion of his country. There are . men too, among us, who would religiously preserve the remembranceomf these occur rences in the same garb of falsehood, and distortion, and ex aggeration, with a hich the zeal of modern patriotism has laboured to invest them. Even now, they, represent the ob jects with the features enlarged, and the colours heighten ed—that front the horror of the picture the impression may lie more strongly retained. Never will these transactions be suffered " to sleep and be forgotten," while they can excite angry feeling in the mind of the lowest of the popu lace. Thee will fonts one of the. common-places in the rhetoric of our modern demagogues, together with the riots at Manchester, the emplm.yment of spies, the miseries of the people, and the inequality of the representation. It be comes, therefore, of importance, that among the sounder part of the community, the impression should be true as well as deep; and that, when we toils back upon these proceed input some future moment, we may view then) in their just bearings and dimensions, a d d be able and willing to distill guisit the real circumstances of the ease, and the seal motives of the parties. The present petiod is, besides, a history in itself; and must engage the serious attention of our most re mote descendants. The future philosopher will turn to it for an instructive display of the huntan heart, - and. the future historian will see in it some of the most awfol proceedings in the annals of - his country. From considering, therefore, earnestly this extraordinary case, and from deeply feeling its importance, the following question has occurred naturally to me mind; when the existing generation has past away, when the accusers and the accused sleep together in the grave—and when the party violence of the ointment is forgotten--what description must be given by history of the transactions of this period ? I would endeavour to remove myself from the age in which I live—from the faction, and misrepresentation, and madness. that surround me—and anticipate in imagina tion the records of impartial posterity. " But who, at a moment like the - present, shall pretend to perfect impartiality? Who can hope—when he is obliged to perceive on all sides such violence of invective. such repug nance to reason, such prematurity of decision—that he alone has kept himself uninfected by the epidemic phrenzy of the nation ? 4 thousand circumstances may give ant involuntare bias to the mind a thousaod prejudices may lork there, of whose existence we are ourselCeS unconscious, and of which, if their exiatence was pointed out to us, we should be unable, to trace the origin. Early habits, prepossessi ons, or cen neXiens—nay, even some casual caprice—may aid time natural deceitfulness of the heart. W.e may not be willing to ae kolowledge it to ourselves ; yet may sit down to the investi eation with a wish at least to believe every thing on the one side and nothing on time other. We may have lived with pet sons to whose autlunity we are accustomed to pay deference, who have brought into action all their 'ingenuity and acute ness to represent One view of the case in the darkest or the brightest colours; or if, on the contrary, we have met with persons outrageous and intemperate in favour of one party, that very circumstance may have engendered in out minds art inclination to time other ; and from a natural dislike to itli heralitv of sentiment, we may have undertaken the defence, without imeirg well acquainted with the goedness of the cause. Any of these things is snfficient to exercise over the mind a secret but powerful influence. Who then, I would ask again, shall say that Ins own heart is free from prejudice in any ease —more particularly, then, in a case like the present, which involves both a public and domestic interest, and in which personal feelings are mixed tip with political partialities ? dare not make the assertion of myself: although. in forming my opinion, there is none by which I MU Tensible of having been actuated. .1 would, therefore, advise any man who may tie inclined to.follow me in these remarks, in the ratan, place, strictly to exablitme the nature and origin of his own . senti merits; and, inihe second, to read the opinions which are , here offered to bilsonsideration, with that cantiort, and even with that suspicion, {Nina I W 00 1 ,) myself use in the perusal of-any production, confianporary with preceadiugs of so seri- ties and so agitating acharacter. I wmild mare earnestly con jure hlm to do so, wherever those opinions seem to bear hat d upon her Niaiesty. He must not suffer himself to forget her sex, her diznity, and her misfortunes : he must keep in mind that she is a vvoman—t bat she is an unhappy woman— and that she is still our Queen. I would conjure him: to give credit to no assertion which is not establish, ed either by proof or notoriety ; anti to place reliance upon no argument, which dues not appear,. upon dispas sionate teller:lion, to have reason, instead of sophistry, for its foundation. At the same time, it should be recollected, that an opinion on either side—however strong; however de cided, I %sill cVett add, however erroneous—may hr still devoi4 of all taint of prejudice or partiality, as haring been the re ' stilt of cool judgment after long deliberation. For my own past, I can affirm with the confidence of sincerity, that in the following view of the whole proceedings I have admitted no designed mi statement ; I have tortured no circumstances to my own purposes; nor wished to attribute to any measure any other character, or any stronger influence, than would be al lowed it by common sense, and unperveited reason." • The Author, then, in a very impartial manner, enters on an able exposition of the whole of the QurEN'i Life, i❑ all its bearings, which occupies about eighty-six pages. We think, he attributes too much importance to an individual, mentioned in these pages, to whose talents we pay our un qualified homage ; but of whose discretion, con sistency, and sincerity, we do not, in common with many of the friends of Mr. PITT, and Mr. PERCIVAL, entertain the same high opinion. COUNTRY MARKETS AND FAIRS, DURING THE LAST WEEK. LEICESTER, Jan. 2O Wheat, 58s 9d ; Rye, Os Od ; Barley, .2tIN hd ; Oats, 23s ed Beans, 1.39 s Od ; Hog Prase, 0(l Pale Malt , Od ; o at _ meal,.2ss Gil per bowl of 1-1011)s; Fine Flour, per s..ck, ()Os Oa Seconds, 48s Od ; Thirds, 45s 0,1. _ • _ Nl:tut. ET AII BoicOU 23.-WheAt. bni a 68s ;. Rye, —5 a 5 ; nalleY( 2ss a 275; Oats, 18s a 21s ; Beans, old; 3Ss ; Pease —s a 325; Malt —3 a —s; Finc Flour pc; sack, 50s Seconds, 4Ss ; Thirds, 455. Jan. 2.4.—Wheat, 5Cs a 665; Barley, 254 27s ; Oats, 20s a 2?s ; - .Beans, a Sas—Old, 465. Lou nitconoucti, Jan. 23.-IVhcat, 68s; Batley, - 265; Oats, Igs ; Beans, —s ; Malt, 68s ; line Flour, per sack, Sts ; Seconds, 475; Thirds, 44s (M. Nottwien WEEKLY RETVIIN's. The Assizes of the. different Sorts of Bread, set the 23d day uC .January, 1821, f o r the City anti Comity of Norwich, to tale place on the 25th day of January, 1821, and to be in foice for seven clays. • Average pita: of Wheal-31. Is. OF Wheaten per Quar te or Fine Bt encl. vz dr 0 7 '2 Stand:lrd 11,“ ten 111 cad. II). tqc. dr, 0 7 8 0 15 0 1 6 8 2 13 1 b 10 lioucchold or Alc•al 13re,id. I>>. oz. dr. 0 7.15 0 1S 1i• 1 7 13 2 15 I 0 5 15 5 'enny Loaf 'Wo Pently hrre o 14 1 5 Six Penny' I 210 12 Twelve Penny . 5 5 8 At Norwich, per Cheat C 63 pd fiqs Oil Oat, :uaYter. 21s Oti a 24s Od New 56s Od a fi3s Oil Beans ea; od a 28s Oil Rye Bar Try 2 sOd a 25s Od Nla,lt, per Cnih.als Od a wis od Peas, White 42s Od a 44s OS I Best Flour 4i>s Od 4i3s Od --Grey . 309,0(1 a 32s Od per sack. ,Coals, 40s 4d a 4-2 s 45 per ehalilron. Rough Tallow 5s 1111 per stone. Dipt Carnilesi 9d—Mould, 1111 per lh. Average price of Fresh Butter in Norwich Malliet, from 841 a 19;i per pint. LYNN, Jan. 95 —Oar Market on Tuesday was pretty well supplieti with Wheat and Barley; the former, for prime sAnt— ples, fully supported last weeh's prices ; but the latter wac not SU hriSk in sale, Sid, may be noted about is. per quarter lower. Oats and other Articles sold on flinch the same terms-as last week. Flour unaltered. Wheat 523 Od a 62s Od I Oats, Sec... —s Sec.. —s Od a Oil Pease, Wh. —s Barley 22s Oil a 25s 011 I Grey SOs od a —s Orl a Oti a :Rs 041 Fine . —s Oet a—t Od. Brans ..... 95s OA a dis Od Oats . l6s Od a 228 Od Fine Flour 50s Od per sae; YAnNsoui it. Jan. 25.—Oar Market has been ahnndafttly supplied with Barley lhis week, Which wet a dull sale at twat to 2s. per quarter cheaper. Wheats are lower. say 2*. per quarter. Oats, Peas, and Beans, - ate each Is. per quartvs cheaper. Wheat, White Os a tits - I _ Red .... 58ss Ws 214 . : 4 6 7 0: Batley (Malt) .... 23s a 24s Beans --- (Gr.) 91S a 2.2 s --- New a--=s Oats' lt is a 20s Hour, per sack.. 47. s a"S DoNcasTca, daft. 20. Pet Load. Wheat .... 15s Od a 20s CAI I Bean Superfine .. 91s Od 6.1 New Old Rye Per quartur. Oats Superkoe Fine Dew —s od a—s Od Grinding .. 23s thl a 25s ad Ltv.:trovr. CORN. EXCIIANuE, 23.—The best IriAr Wheat continues to-hr , taken off rather freely, at an advance of from -2,1. to 3d. per 70113. but the other ►ands remain at last voted.; Barley has been taken off at late prices. Oats 'were dull in'sale, at a decline of Id. to 2d. per 451b,—Malt, Rye,- Bean's, and- Peas, were rather lower.—Flour Is. per sack dealer. Wheat, English Foreign • -- Irish 7.s :id a 8s Od Barley, English Foreign Oats, Potatoe Malt, Fine .. Beans, 'IS sad a 43s tkl , per quarter. English Flour, per 28ii1bs. 44 a 45s—Seconds, a 42s — American Fl our , — s a —s per barrel of 1961b5. net. Import of Grain for the Week eliding 52. Wheat, 19,873 (its; 11.3 e, 47 ; Oats, 22,1>60; Barley. 2,Gar ; Beans, 92 ; Pease, 231; Oatmeal, 2,57 U; Flour, 3,2 t sacks, 1,778 barrels. . GAlNssoßouGli. Jan. 9.3. Wheat -- New Rye 30s a 53s Od Oats l7s a 20* -011 30s a 32s Ott Beans . . Lovrit, Jan. 21. What 4ss a 59s oil Barley e3s a eGg Os! Oats Rye —s a—S Lid Pease -s a --,s qd CANIRHIDGE, Jan. 20. Wheat Rye Barley HtiNTINODoN. Jan. Co. Wheat 44c 9,l'a (fl i9d Oats Barley .... 24s (Id a 28i 0.11 Scans CIl ESTER, Jan. 20. Wheat. per, plarter, Winchester measure, 51i 7d—Barley, 28s Bd—Oats, 18s 4tl. • NANTWICH, :fan. 20. . • ••, Wheat, per 75 lb. es 3d a_ es lod—Barley, 38 fits, 4s Od a 4s 'id—Oats, 3s Od a 3s :id. I THE AE.MY.—On Monday last, the 2.2 d a corporal and private of each of the cavalry regiments, except the 12th, at present stationed in Ireland, arrived here on their way to London, to learn new exercises, which are to be taught !` the different corps there.—( Liverpool Courier.) In the ships now fitting up for the next voyage of discovery, the births are all to be placed in the centre of the vessels, and the gangways are to pass round the"sides. • RECORDER'S REPORT.—Saturday the Recorder made a Report to his MAJEsTi Of the Convicts under sentence or death in Nevvgate, capitally .• convicted in December Sessions last, .when Jo.; seph Colvin, firennj Tobin, Joseph Martin, James Reeves, Joseph White, and John Davis, for high way robberies, were ordered for execution on Wednesday next. The others were respited during pleasure. LONDON: Printed by 3. B. CARSTAIRS, of No. 49, Great Ormood-strict, Queen-square; and poldisbed by W. A• I SCRIPT'S, of No. 7, South Molten-street, at THE St•N i; o!ice, No. 112, F•trand ; ,whery Mveatisenients, Order', ?' &c, (Fos:-paid).atust be add cssed. , 1 7 I I 1 ...., 4;,-, ....., 7.4