The Sun. — London, England, 1844-06-15 00:00:00

s persona, and they ought to have further informa tion on the subject.—(Cheers.) He would do his best to arrest this system of prying into letters on the part of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. He told them that this warrant no longer existed, but he did not tell them when it ceased to exist, nor when it was issued. He should like to see a copy of that warrant, and if the House did see it they would be able to ascertain to whom it was ad dressed, and on whose authority this extraordinary proceeding had been adopted. The Right Hon. Gentle man said that no other letters had been opened. He (Mr. T. Duncombe) said that the letters of Lovett, Mazzini, and the other gentlemen, had been opened, read, and examined, at the Post-office, and that they bad afterwards been returned. A copy of that warrant ought to be before the House of Commons, and he should therefore move that a copy of that warrant be laid before the House.—(Cries of " Order, order !" from the Ministerial benches, answered by cheers from the Opposition.) Well, then, in order to give Hon. Members an opportunity of expressing their opinion, he would move that the House do now adjourn—(Cheers)-- and he would take the sense of the House, if he Stood alone, on the question of the manner in which the Go vernment had interfered with the most sacred privileges of the subject. Mr. WALLACE said that when the Post-office Act had passed, in 1837, the Right Hon. Member for Taun ton had assured the House that the Bill contain nothing but a consolidation of the former Acts. The House be lieved that it was a consolidation only, and not an alte ration. The word authorising this interference with letters had been introduced secretly, and without the knowledge of Members. The Bill had been passed under the idea that it was only a fair consolidation, whereas it was an unfair and unjust alteration of the former• Act. With regard to the practice, it was nothing new. He had frequently drawn the attention of the House to it. It was one of the accusations which he had been in the habit of bringing forward year after year, while he was agitating the question of Post- office reform. The Secretary of State had excused the practice, and he (Mr. Wallace) believed that at the present moment there was a regular machinery at the Post-office for the pur pose. There was a room set apart for opening letters and examining them, and he believed that persons had been sent abroad to study in the school of Fouche, how to open, fold, and reseal letters in the Post-office in London. He maintained that the same perfect and entire freedom which was extended to a man's person should be extended to his correspondence. He admitted the power to open letters was given in the Act of Parliament ; but he denied that it ought to be there. At the time when franking was the privilege of Members, he (Mr. Wallace) wrote on the outside of all his franks and letters "Please to reseal and forward this letter after you have read it, and do not burn it,"—(Loud laughter)—and many of his letters were subsequently re-endorsed—for they had been shown to him by their recipients—" this is one of Mr. Wallace's (the Member for Greenock) own letters, be sure and forward it."—(Great laughter.) He was ex ceedingly sorry to be obliged to say any thing about the consolidation of the Post-office Acts, but it was when they were consolidated that this abominable authority had got in. This had been discovered in the Act soon after it had passed, not by himself, but by a friend, and it must have got there in a manner he would not particu larly characterise. Mr. LABOUCHERE said, as so heavy a charge had been brought against him—for it was in the year 1836, when he was in office, and by the department of which he was at the head, that the consolidation of the Post-office Acts was effected, he was sure the House would in dulge him for a few moments, whilst he said a few words in explanation and in self-vindication. His Hon. Friend said he at that time gave a power to the Secretary of State—(Cries of " No, no ")—so he (Mr. Labouchere) had understood his Hon. Friend. Now he had a distinct recollection of what the law was before the con solidation, and his belief was that such power existed , at that time, and had existed for years and years before. At that time he did what he professed ; he did not alter the law, but he consolidated all the laws having any rela tion to the Post-office. But he would read the words of the old Act. They were, that no one shall open letters " except by express warrant under the hand of one of the Secretaries of State, for every such opening, detain ing, or delaying." With respect to the right itself, in his (Mr. Labouchere's) opinion, it was a power proper to be vested in some person whose responsibility would be a sufficient guarantee for its proper exercise. He admitted the responsibility was great, but still he could easily imagine cases where the necessity for such a power would be imminent.—(" Hear, hear," from the Treasury benches.) Ho knew nothing whatever of the particulars of the present case ; but he upheld the neces sity of a power, under proper responsibility, to open or to delay letters, and he would not consent that such power should be taken away. Dr. BOWRING could not deny that there might be cases of extreme necessity, in which the exercise of such a power as this might be called for. But these cases could only and ought only to have reference to our own domestic affairs, and he was sadly afraid that home affairs could not be stated as the cause for the present interference.—(Cheers.) If the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham) would only state that the power had been exercised on account of, and solely for, home affairs, the matter, is his opinion, could easily be settled. —(Hear, hear.) If he did not do this, there could only be one inference that the letters were opened, not for an honest English purpose, but for a discretable foreign one.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. WARBURTON sail the words in the Act were the same as those in the previous one. Mr. HUME—No, they are not the same. Here is the old Act ; read the words yourself.—(Mr. Hume here handed the old Act to the Hon. Member for Kendal.) Mr. WARBURTON (having read the clause)—Then, he must say, he liked those words better, for according to this old Act, a warrant was required for each separate opening, detention, or delay. He did not agree with the Hon. Member for Finsbury in saying there ought not to be this power vested in the Secretary of State. But he thought that this power ought to be exercised only in cases of great importance and emergency, and he thought there being a separate warrant required for shOwing each letter was a salutary provision, and he wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentle man whether he issued a separate warrant in each case in which a letter had been opened ? Sir J. GRAHAM (with considerable hesitation in his manner)—l really must appeal to the House, Sir. In the statement I made at first I said that I had gone the full length of explanation that I thought consistent with my duty. I must, therefore, repeat that Ido not con sider it consistent with my public duty to proceed in any further explanation. Mr. WARBURTON—Then I collect from the an swer of the Right Hon. Gentleman that he will not inform the House whether he acted legally or not.—(Cheers, cries of " Order, order," and " Spoke, spoke.") Mr. ROEBUCK thought with the Right Hon. Gen tleman, the Member for Taunton, that this power, vested in a Secretary of State, ought to be exercised with great caution. He thought the Secretary of State ought to be re sponsible to the House of Commons, and it would be well if there should be ordered to be placed on the table of the House of Commons, every six months, a return of the number of letters opened under a Secretary of State's warrant. Mr. HUME had never heard it avowed by any Minister before that he had given any authority whatever for opening private letters which were passing through the Post-office. He was of opinion, that notwithstanding what had fallen from his Hon. Friend, that in a free country such a privilege ought not to exist. (Cheers.) They were told that the slave the moment be touched the soil became free, but by this privilege being vested in the Secretary of State, the man who was free upon that soil became a slave himself. It appeared to him to be an attack on public liberty. He would ask how long the warrant which the Right Hon. Gentleman had issued had been in existence ? It might have been existing for many months past. Why should such a system of espionage exist—why should her Ma jesty's Secretary of State be made a police-officer for the protection of the Emperor of Russia, or any other individual? Such a thing was a disgrace to the coun try. It was discreditable to the man who attempted it, and dishonourable in a House of Commons that would sanction it. He thought they had a right to demand further explanation from the Right Honourable Baronet. We were at perfect peace in this coun try, and no plots were in agitation; consequently there was no necessity for such a privilege being exercised as that which had been taken advantage of by the Right lion. Gentleman. This appeared to him to be one of the most disgraceful transactions he had ever heard of. He differed with the Speaker, in thinking that this was not a case of pressing grievance. They had a right, he said again, .to demand an explanation _from the Right Honourable Gentleman, for the act was a most discreditable and disgraceful one, and the Bight Hon. Baronet might depend upon it that if ho did not give that explanation it would not be the last time he would hear of it. He trusted, therefore, that the Right Hon. Baronet, for his own sake, would give the ex planation which had been required of him. Mr. F. FRENCH said it was evident from the answer tsf the Right Hon. Baronet, that both he and the Post .office authorities had been guilty of misdemeanour on t 'lire() or four occasi ons , f or it must be evident to every one 74 from the answer whi c h h ad been given by the Righ t H on. Baronet, that only one w arrant h ad b een issued, inasmuch as he had stated that " the " warrant had bee n withdrawn. Mr. 'ATSON begged to call the attention of the House tot 'he words of the Act of Parliament. It was certainly a m ost unconstitutional exercise of p ower, and most unpopt tlar, to open the letters in the Post-office, and therefore... *le Act of Parliament should be construed strictly. He -.wanted to know from the Government and law-officers of the Crown what interpretation they would put on ;the Act of Parliament. There was a great distinction .between warrants to open particular letters which would . pass through the Post-office on a particular day, alit ge,neral warrants to open particular letters, direct e d to a partl:eukt;•individual.—(Hear.) The House should recollect wlnet a . : , truggle there was about general warrants as to service. Iles would call the atten tion of the House to the t wo A c t s of Parliament on the subject. The first Act was the 9th of Anne, chap. 10, sec. 40, and the words of it were—" Exc. 'pt by express warrant in writing, under the hand of one of her Ma jesty's principal Secretaries of State for every . such open ing, detention, or delay.": Could any one, giving . 't fair in te rpretation to those word s , say t h at i t meant t. hat you were to have a warrant to be kept in force till rove lied to open all letters coming in a particular handwritin" ,to a Particular individual —(Hear.) Now let th em se e' bow this non.smmbealrterd .by the stat u t e p ropose d b y the Taunton. The Ho use wou ld ref fleet that that A ct or Parliament was to consolidat e P ost o an Act passed n Acts. Th e wor d s i n t h at were, "to open, detain, No , w or delay letters in obedience °an express warrant." at was meant by an exp m i ss warrant—it meant an ex w an -ant to open letters, by writing under the hafatiesso;v Secretaries of State. Ia all e of the princip 1 look back to the Acts of Parliament which exiatvo,l matters they mu before, and doing this they would find that there must be an express warrant for each opening.—(Hear, hear.) As he understood the Right Honourable Gentleman, he said that he issued a warrant against one of the individuals who was not now in existence, and it could have only reference to one letter. If trea son was suspected the Government could only act on in formation—that information would be as to a par ticular day or hour such a letter would pass through the Post-office. On that day it would be found there, and that was the only power given by the Act. This was a matter of deep consideration, and it therefore should be well considered. Mr. CHRISTIE said that the Right Hon. Gentleman had on one occasion stated that he was three years in the Home-office, and during those three years he had expended but a trifling amount of secret serviee money. He could now account for that in conse quence of the system of espionage which was adopted. He wished to know from the Right Hon. Ba ronet, whether having:stated that he had issued a warrant with respect to one individual, he had issued warrants against others, not stating names, and in how many cases ? _ _ _ Mr. WALLACE explained. Mr. DUNCOMBE said, that as he had no other way of obtaining the opinion of the House upon this very dirty transaction, upon which all explanation was re fused, he should divide the House upon the motion. The gallery was then cleared, but the motion for ad jourment was negatived without division, it being under stood that Mr. Duncombe would bring on the subject on a future occasion, on going into Committee of Supply. BANK CHARTER. Mr. WODEHOUSE gave notice of an amendment on the third clause of the Bank Charter Bill. Mr. HLTME gave a notice respecting the same Bill. Some mistake i n the wording of the Hon. Gentleman's notice caused much laughter. SUGAR DUTIES. Mr. LABOUCHERE said he wished to repeat a ques tion he had formerly put, and to have an answer before the House went into Committee on the Sugar Duties Bill. He wished to know whether, in their Custom house laws, there was any such thing as a certificate of origin required as to produce imported from foreign countries ? Mr. GLADSTONE said that any inquiries of this kind were conducted at the expense of the Custom-house authorities. Mr. LABOUCHERE— Then there is no such certifi cate required ? Mr. GLADSTONE was understood to reply in the negative. The House then went into Committee on the Sugar Duties Bill. On the first clause being proposed, Mr. PHILIP MILES rose to move—" That from and after the 10th day of Nov., 1844, the duty upon sugar, the produce of British possessions, be reduced to 20s. the hundred weight ; and, that the duties on sugar, certified to be the growth of China, Java, or Manilla, or of any foreign country, the sugar of which her Majesty in Council shall have declared to be admissible, as not being the produce of slave labour, shall be as follows : namely, brown, Muscovado, or clayed; the cwt. 30s. ; white clayed, or sugar otherwise prepared, and equivalent to white clayed sugar, the cwt. 345., with five per cent. thereon." He said that as the Bill had been allowed to pass through several stages without any discussion being taken on the principle 'of it, he trusted that the Committee would allow him to make some observations before he pro ceeded with his amendment.—(Hear, hear.) There were several reasons which prevented him from concurring in the proposition of his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. In the first place, he did not think that that was the proper time to bring that question forward, unless her Majesty's Government were pre pared to look the whole question in the face, and to set it finally at rest.—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He did not hesitate to tell the Government that if they were not prepared to uphold the West Indian colony by granting to it sufficient protection, it was far better to throw off the mask, and frankly say so, than to encou rage a partial outlay of capital under the idea of a con tinued prohibition, which, in the end, must be irre trievably lost.—(Hear.) His Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government, when he brought forward the tariff, expressly stated that he thought the Govern ment ought not to look at one part of the question with out materially considering the whole. It would have been a much more straightforward course for her Ma jesty's Government to have come down on that occasion declaring that they wished to make some alteration in the sugar duties, and to cheapen the article for the con sumer, than asking fur the continuance of the income tax. His Right Hon. Friend, in the speech which he made in 1841 on this question, quoted several passages .from a pamphlet which was notorious at the time, and finished his quotation with one which he would take the liberty of reading to the House, observing, that the Right Hon. Baronet then expressed his entire° assent in the view of the writer. "The prosperity of the West Indians," said the writer, "can only be continued and ensured by extensive and systematic emigration, and by the temporary continuance of the present protective discriminating duties upon sugar." They were now about to extend a free system of emigration without continuing the discriminating duties. The shortest period which could be allowed for the satisfactory work ing of this experiment was two years; but it must be attended with great expense to the colonies, while other countries would have the benefit of an immense supply of labour et a very trifling expense, and thus be able to raise produce at a much cheaper rate to supply the market which this country Ns ould open to than. They had been told, in the discussion on this subject, that this measure was a stop towards free tirade. When he coupled this statement with ,the measures which her Majesty's Government had brought forward, it did occur to him that the thoughts of the Treasury bench were running in that direction. If they were in favour of these principles, he for one could not blame them ; but he begged them not to ask him to go with them. If they intended to shape their course in that direction he would ask them to carry out their principles a little further, and give their colonies the benefit of the first steps in that direction. He thought that when an alteration of the duty took place the West Indian colonies were as much entitled to fair con sideration as the agricultural and other great interests of this country. A tax of 73 per cent. was imposed upon the staple article of production, and as the price diminished the per centage increased. He had listened with considerable attention to the speech of his Right Hon. Friend in introducing this measure, but he had told them nothing beyond the fact, that on the very day when hegave notice of this measure the price of sugar in this country was 2s. higher than in the corresponding period last year, and that in November their treaty with Brazils would cease, and on that account it was incumbent on them to make some alteration. The President of the Board of Trade said that he was disappointed in his cal culation as to the supply to be derived from India. He believed that if they placed the sugar duties on a firm footing, within ten years they would give such a stimulus to its production in India as would secure to them a large supply. In 1836 the supply from India had been only 25,000 tons, and it was now 50,000 tons.—(Hear, hear.) By encouraging the growth of sugar in India they would be increasing the demand for English manufactures, which would not be the case if they encouraged the growth of the sugar in Java, because in that island a duty of 50 per cent., ad valorem, was levied upon all kri fish manufactures. He thought this measure was uncalled for, because the supply of sugar for India would be greater than the demand. He thought the continued prevalence of the easterly winds was sufficient to account for the present small excess of price. He found that the stock of sugar in the United Kingdom, on the 12th June last, was 38,100 tons against 31,000 tons, the amount of the stock at the same period last year, and that in London alone, the excess of stock in January, 1844 and January, 1843, ,was 3,000 tons. The average price of sugar in 1841 was 385., in 1842 it was 37a, in 1843 it' was 365., and in 1844 it was 375. , being a trifle higher than it was i n 18 4 3 , b ut l ower than it was in 1841 and 1842. On the let of June the stock on hand was 40,000 tons, and the supply this year would amount to 125,000 tons from the West Indies, 60,000 tons from Bengal, 50,000 tons from Madras, 30,000 tons from Mauritius, making altogether a supply of 260,000 tons. The consumption in 1843 was 202,000 tens. This, therefore, would leave an in crease over the amount of consumption of 58,000 tons on 3lst December, 1844 ; the stock on hand at the same period last year amounting enly to 40,000 tons. The Right Hon Gentleman might deny that the supply would be such as he had stated, but he had in his possession letters from the colonies confirming his statements. The Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colo nies, on introducing his measure relating to Canadian corn last session, had stated that a great protection ought to be ex tended to the productions of the colonies, and that they ought to be treated as integral portions of the empire. The Govern ment had now altered their policy, and seemed prepared to sa crifice the colonies for the ben efit of the mother country. A few weeks ago the duty had been taken eff wool. That was for the benefit of the mother country'; but was it for the be nefit of the Australian colonies ?—( Hear, hear.) Was it not exposing them to foreign competition ? The Government had now commenced operations against the West Indies. The House of Assembly of Jamaica had last session agreed to a memorial to her Majesty on the subject of the duties of that colony. He would read some extracts from that memorial, notwithstanding the remarks of the Hon. Member for Wolver hampton, who stated that the remarks in it were exaggerated. [The Hon. Member then proceeded to read extracts from the memorial in question, in which the memorialistsistated that several coffee and sugar plantations had been abandoned in consequence of the want of a supply of labour, and that universal gloom pervaded the island. The memorialists concluded by stating that they always looked to their gracious Sovereign and to a Conservative Government, to afford them protection. ( This passage was received with loud ironical cheers and laughter from the Opposition.) The memorialists went on to state that a reduction in the duty on colonial sugar and coffee would afford them relief, but that, if a reduction took place in the duty on slave-grown sugar, it would ruin them, and render nugatory the benefit of the slave emancipation.] The mea sure proposed by the Government would produce great dis satisfaction in the colonies. In order to show that the state ments of dist ress were not exaggerate d, h e wou ld rea d t o th em an weaset Indian estates. T sses i he accounts had es during the last lw e nfurnished year o n t o twelve him by one mercantile house alone. On the first estate the loss had been 2501. ; on the second, 2,4201. • on the third, 8321. ;on the fourth, 5,083/. , th fi f th, '47o/ ;on the sixth, 3,440/. ;on the seventh, *o n n n B ti, olBl. the . eighth, 10,2011. ; on the ninth, i),25 9 t / ii i e twel e fti tent 7 h io l . 42/. ; n o d n the eleventh, 4781. ; and, - on the Right Honourable Gentleman would en ; dea a vour yet d o persuade the House that the measure he would secure the prosperity of the West Indian Fio r l oP° i " With respect to the certificate of origin, the general fe on l' e n s g . was that of dissatisfaction and distrust. The colonists thou ght el that the temptation of the amount of duty between 345. and 635. would be too great, and that all precautions against the introduction of slave sugar would be useless, and that it would inevitably find its way into this country. If the Government could not prevent extensive frauds in their own Custom-house, how would they be able to prevent frauds in Custom-houses abroad]?—( Hear, hear.) He considered that there was a great probability of sugar being imported from the States of Ame rica. They might expect to see many shipments of sugar from that country. The Government might obtain a considerable increase of revenue from this change, but he contended that this increase would be at the expense of the colonists. He wished to say a few words on the subject of coffee. The duty on coffee was reduced from eightpence to sixpence. He was assured that the people of this country would not buy Brazilian THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 15, 1844. coffee, because of its bad flavour. But this disturbing of th e duties bad the most pernicious effects. What confidence could the merchants have in the stability of the present state of things ? —(Hear, hear.) The motion that he had brought forward was the result of mature consideration on the part of those most interested in the subject. Other countries had a system of differential duties. Looking to the wording of the Bill, he was - informed by those whom he consulted on the subject that the higher quality of Java sugar would be introduced under the Bill. He thought, at all events, they should not be left to the whim of Custom-house officers.—( Hear, hear.) He was told that compensation had been given, but could that be called compensatian which did not give the West India interest one-fifth of what they ought to get ? He thought that if they had a free system of immigration in the West Indies they would not have so much to complain. (Hear, hear.) But that was not allowed, and now their colo nies would be worse than useless, unless they were supported by a sufficient discriminating duty. In Jamaica, Trinidad and Guiana, the price of labour was 4icl. an hour, while in Barbadoes it was only 2d. ; the consequence of this was that it occasioned a difference in the value of estates. It had been stated that the land, particularly that of Jamaica, had been worn out. He had travelled over the island, and could contradict that assertion. They might be sure that as long as their colonies existed they would require protection. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, might suppose that his proposition would have the effect of injuring the revenue, but he did not think such would be the case. The colonial sugar markets could not be in a worse condition than they then were, and the shipping interest connected with the West Indian trade was in a most depressed state. He wished the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer would pay a visit to his estates in the West Indies, and then he would see that those territories which formerly produced the cane in abundance, were now overrun with wood and weeds. St. Domingo, formerly so productive, was now in a most impoverished condition, which might be chiefly attributed to the emancipat ion of the slaves. He did not come forward to ask any exorbitant protection in favour of the West Indian colonists. He only asked so much as would screen them from total ruin. He had hitherto given his consistent support to the Government, but he believed it to be his bounden duty to oppose them on this occasion. He felt it useless to appeal to the Treasury benches, as he knew he should find no mercy there. He felt it equally useless to appeal to the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, who were in favour of a free trade in sugar. But he turned with some degree of confidence to the agricultural Members.—(lronical cheers from the Opposition.) They surely ought to support the colonists, as the case of these men might very soon be their own.—( Laughter.) The same principle applied to both. The only difference was, that here we grow corn, there they grow sugar.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman concluded by proposing his amendment, and expressing his regret that he had not been able to address his arguments in a more effective manner to the House. Mr. BAILEY seconded the amendment, and observed that the Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Board of Trade, had, in combatting some arguments of the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, misquoted the re turns of the price of American sugar, or rather misrepresented those returns, in order to suit his own purpose. The Right Hon. Member quoted the returns of the price of sugar at New York, which set forth that the price in that city was from 353. to 403. per cwt., whereas the average price in New Or leans, as appeared from late returns, was only 225. per cwt.— ( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member then quoted from the last official returns of the United States, which stated that in New Orleans sugar was only 25 cents per lb., or 255. per cwt., and these documents further specified, that since the American tariff had been passed the increase of sugar had been very great, particularly in the State of Louisiana. In truth, the Bill was brought into the House under a false pretence—( Hear, hear) —and the arguments of the Government in supporting it were grounded upon false data. Slave-grown sugar would not be kept out of the English market by the Bill. By this Bill America would be enabled to send sugar to this country at a cheaper duty than it could come from our own colonies. If this were the case, then a vacuum would be created in the sugar market of America, and that vacuum would have to be filled up with the slave-grown produce of Cuba and Brazil. This Bill would, therefore, be indirectly an encouragement to slavery and the slave-trade. Now, he wished to ask the Right Hon. Ba• ronet whether it was his intention to enter into a treaty of commerce with Brazil ? If he did so, the first article of that treaty should be to place Brazil on the footing of the most fa voured nation. He (Mr. Bailey) thought the people of the country had to complain of the course which the Government had taken on the subject. To show the necessity for this Bill, the Government ought to have shown that the supply of sugar this year was less than the demand. This, however, was not the case, for the returns showed that the stock in hand this time last year was 31,000 tons, while this year it was 38,000 tons. He believed that the vacillating and uncertain course of her Majesty's Government would, if persisted in, involve a large portion of the empire in the greatest destitution and distress. Mr. EWART could not support the proposition of the Hon. Gentleman, because it maintained a difference in the duty on sugar in one part of the world and sugar grown in another. He did not believe that the proposition would be of that benefit to the country which the ion. supporters of it had anticipated. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought the speeches which the two Hon. Gentlemen who had pro posed the amendment had delivered, applied but ill to the re solution which had been submitted to the Committee that even ing. The Hon. Member for Bristol had stated that the reso lution of the Government would give protection to the slave trade, but he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would ask whether the Honourable Gentleman's own pro proposition would tend in any way to discourage that trade? To come more closely, however, to the proposition then be fore the House, if he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) were prepared to agree to any further reduction of the duties on sugar he should not be willing to make them as suggested. Did he think such reduction desirable he should prefer to effect it in such a way as to give an advantage to the con sumer, and also very probably to throw some of the money into the pockets of intermediate parties. He must, however, be permitted, whilst speaking to the proposition itself, to congra tulate the House that there was so much agreement between it and that which he himself had had the honour to submit to their consideration.—(Murmurs from the back Ministerial benches.) His Hon. Friends behind, by the proposition which they had submitted, showed that they agreed with him that there ought to be a distinction made between colonial and foreign sugar, and they alto agreed with him that whatever was the reduction, it should be made as early as possible. His Hon. Friends behind him also told the House that he had rightly estimated the amount of protection that they required.—(Loud cries of " No, no," and expressions of surprise.) Why, they proposed precisely the same amount of protection as he had proposed, and the only distinction between the two measures was this, that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) sub mitted a measure without a reduction of revenue. There might, perhaps, be some fraction of &difference between them, but he confessed he looked upon it as of so minute a character as not to be worth one moment's consideration ; and, there fore, he was justified in saying that even in the view of his Honourable Friends behind him, ten shillings protecting duty was looked upon as ade quate and sufficient. If then the protection was the same in both cases—the same according to the plan of the Go vernment, and the same according to the suggestion of his friends—if they had the same advantages hereafter against com peting parties as they themselves proposed—what was the be nefit they proposed to attain by the course they were now pur suing(? The end would he this, that there would be a loss to the revenue, no benefit to the consumer, and the duty that was sacrificed they hoped to get into their own pockets in whole or in part. Now, in discussing the two proposals before them, it was the duty of the House to consider how they would operate on the different interests affected by them. To begin with the case of the consumer. With respect to his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) proposal his friends behind him stated that in its working it would only give to the consumer the advantage of one halfpenny in the pound. He freely admitted that the benefit was small, and not as good as might have been wished. But his object had necessarily been two-fold--to consult the comfort of the consumer, and to regard the interests of the re venue. Now it was necessary to state that when he made up his mind to propose a measure in reference to the sugar duties he acted under the pressure of a feeling which still exercised it self powerfully upon him, that during the latter part of the year which had to arrive there would probably be a considerable scarcity in the article of sugar. And this expectation he had founded, not on loose statements, but on a careful consideration of facts communicated to him, and on a consideration of what had occurred in antecedent years. These expectations were confirmed by the West Indian party themselves. From the best sources he could consult he had come to the conclusion that the supply of sugar for 1844 would be about 227100 tons, or equal to that which they had anticipated in 1843. He well knew that owing to the great drought in Jamaica, the failure of the crops had been most extensive, and he could speak with the more confidence on this point, because his own property, which was situated in by far one of the most fertile portions of that island, had partaken of the general unpro ductiveness. The crop in all the district he referred to had fallen so, that where they counted by hundreds they now only counted by tens. He had also been informed, on the very best authority, that a number of estates had been given up. And therefore, when he had to make his estimate of the probable re ceipts of sugar, he could not but come to the conc l us i on that they must not calculate for this year on a larger import than for the year 1843. There were a number of persons, how ever, who complained strongly of the way in which the sugar duties were levied—of the annual discussions—( Hear, hear) — upon the subject, and of the unsettled state in which property and trade were kept by it.—( General and loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He was ready to admit that the present in security which existed on this subject was a great evil, and that it was most desirable to put those duties on a more stable footing. And when the time came that the income-tax must be taken into consideration, in connexion with the great sub jects of the trade, commerce, and revenue of the country, it would be for the House to make up its mind whether it would not recur, as regarded the sugar duties, to that state of per manence to which ithad formerly rebelled, butto which perhaps hereafter it might properly prefer to return.--( Hear, hear. ) But let him see what effect the proposition of his friends be hind:him would have upon the consumer. What would be the effect? Why,.,that during the intervening period be tween this and the time they proposed that their scheme should come into operation, they would paralyse the trade.- they gave an intimation to every man who was now about to buy not to do so. The effect of that would be to stint the market to the greatest possible degree, and all that incon venience would result to the consumer which a contracted market necessarily occasioned ; and this, too, would take place precisely when most mischief would be occasioned ; when, from the abundance of iruit, the demand for sugar ought to be the greatest and the supply ought to be accorded to the largest extent possible. In considering this question they were bound to look at its effect on the revenue. He antici pated from this alteration a loss, at first, of 660,000/. to the revenue, against which was to be placed the increase that would probably arrive in the latter part of the year. It was necessary that they should keep the revenue up to its usual amount, or they would not be able to give the House that fair opportunity of discussing the continuance of the income tax, which it was most desirable the House should have. With respect to the risk that it was said would arise from the admis sion of Java and Manilla sugars into the home market, he had made diligent inquiry into the subject, and he could not discover in the warehouses of London any Manilla or Java sugar of a higher quality than the usual sugar in the market. He did not, therefore, see the necessity of any additional item in the tariff; that would only lead to great doubt and confusion. Whether it might be possible t 3 draw a more clear and defi nite distinction between the different sorts of sugar he did not know, but it was a point well deserving consideration. At one period he made a proposition of that kind to the House, which, however, was not favourably received.—(" Hear, hear," from Lord John Russell.) There was a combination against it of Members on both sides of the House; and his only consolation under the difficulties of the ques tion was the confession of Lord Sidmouth, in his place in the House, that he thought the attempt was extremely praiseworthy ; and he regretted that he should ever have opposed it. His Hon. Friend had entered into a variety of topics that were rather applicable to the general principles on which a country should be governed than to the immediate question before the House. He knew that there was a great objection to the principle of free trade, as applied to this and other questions. This might to some extent be owing to the d f o br b eoe l m o q n u du s y o jetndhg.e what hr Buta pas h e he h e a t d hwo a al c si g q hn u to i acquired af os from uh iat t ta h u e l e reason, wa b y e i w n t eo e w bn h e i t c hd h ee t i e t ; h or ne a d t t e e n n d i n n g g p p a a r r t t r e s s:_t l o t r w ec a o s n b c e : c l e au t hwe he in h t e a r d e s t t r: tried t t h o e reconcile r w c n t h that of the consumer —that he had exposed himself to the im putation of having brought forward a measure that was dis- appointing to every interest it applied to. His Hon. Friend said it did not assist the revenue, that it did not please the free traders, though they would vote for it, and that it still less pleased the West Indian proprietors, because it admitted to the home market, at a reasonable duty, what had been before ex cluded. When they discussed thisquestion, they must bear in mind that there was a great and growing feeling in the public mind against any protection beyond what the necessity of the case required • and in fixing the sum which h e th ou ght the justice of the case required, he considered it better to fix it at the amount he had done than to be under the necessity of making further reductions hereafter. It was disagreeable to be placed in opposition to those with whom he generally acted, and for whom he had a great personal esteem ; but he could assure the Hon. Gentlemen that he had acted in the present case under the certain impression that the measure was one for their own ultimate interest. He believed the worst thing that could happen for the colonies was, that sugar should rise in price, in this country, to the level at which it had been ; and whatever the colonies might have suffered—what ever they might have lost by the suppression of the sys tem of apprenticeship, which was prematurely cut short— yet the feeling was strong that considerations of individual interest should give way for the general good of the community. Notwithstanding all that had been said on the subject, he firmly believed that the measure was a sound one, and that it was not adverse to the permanent interest of the colonies themselves. He recommended the measure to the House, and he thought the House would concur with the Government in the view he had taken. Mr. LABOUCHERE said the speech of the Right Honourable Gentleman had strongly tended to increase the impression he felt, when the financial statement of the Govern ment was made, that the discussion of this question, and that of the income-tax, ought not to have been separated. He regretted that the Government had severed these two questions. The House came with great disadvantage to the discussion of them, but they could not help themselves. They were in Committee on the sugar duties, and they must discuss them in the best manner they could. It was his intention to support the motion of the lion. Member for Bristol. The question was the choice between the measure of Her Majesty's Government and that of the Hon. Member, and he considered the plan of the Hon. Member the best of the two.—( Hear, hear. ) He would now proceed to consider this question with regard to the interests of the consumer, the West Indian interest, and the revenue, and, as compared with the scheme of the Govern ment, he thought that the proposition of the Hon, Member for Bristol would be far more beneficial to the consumer in this country, whose interests should be first in their regard.— ( Cheers.) How the Right Hon. Gentleman could argue that the measure of the Government would be more beneficial to the consumer was to him perfectly astounding.—( Hear, hear. ) Perhaps the Government intended to: re-open this, question next year in connexion with the income-tax, but if that were so, was there ever an important public interest treated in such, a way as the W/st Indian interest was by the present Govern : ment?—( Cheers. ) It was desirable they should have some • explanation from the Government on the subject, because the language used by the Government had spread consternation amongst the merchants, and produced a perfect stagnation in trade.—(Hear, hear.) The principle of the Government measure, if principle it had, was that they should exclude slate-grown sugar, and quarrel with their best customers to give every encouragement to free labour produce. But no body believed that they could obtain that object. Not a single Minister had said that in his conscience he believed they would be able to do so ; but the Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Beard of Trade, said that if it came in it would not be on their consciences. Mr. GLADSTONE denied that he said se. Mr. LABOUCHERE said he should be sorry to misrepre sent the Right Hon. Gentleman. He was under the impres sion that he said so ; but it was, at all events, utterly absurd to suppose that they could exclude sugar. He held in his hand rather a curious document. It was an extract from the Ha vannah Price Current, of the 9th of May. This was when it was understood what would be the general features of the measure of her Majesty's Government. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the measure of her Majesty's Government could not have been known then. Mr. LABOUCHERE said he thought it was pretty gene rally known what that measure would be, after the discussion which had taken pl ace on t h e su bj ec t f the Brazil treaty.— ( Hear, hear.) At all events, the merchant who wrote the extract he was about to read, made a pretty accurate guess. He said that during the last month large purchases of sugar had been made, and at a higher price, in consequence of the London advices of March, from which it appeared that there was an intention of an alteration in the English duties, which, though indirectly, would increase the quantity of Havannah sugar exported to Europe.—( Cheers.) He was more inclined to believe the merchant who wrote this, than the calculations and prophecies of her Majesty's Government, who would per suade them that the system of certificates would effect the exclusion of slave-grown sugar from this country. It was a perfect delusion to suppose that they would have such an effect. He hoped they would have a more satisfactory expla nation from her Majesty's Government than had yet been ob tained on the subject of those certificates. It was a system entirely novel in their Custom-house regulations. The notion of certificates of origin coming from foreign ports, and de pendent for their accuracy on the signature of foreigners, ex cept that they were to be seen by her Majesty's Consul, never, he believed, came into the head of any Government except that of her Majesty's present Government.—(Hear, hear.) Then what a duty did they impose on her Majesty's Consul ? How was their Consul at New Orleans to act and decide upon , the different representations which would be made to him? The fact was, that the scheme of the Government would get them into interminable difficulties with foreign countries. These who thought that the scheme of the Government was better than that of the Hon. Member for Bristol, were of opinion that the sugar of Java, Manilla, and Siam, would not come in at the low duty of 30s, but at the high duty of 345. He (Mr. LabouchereMoubted that it would be so. He held in his hand a return' upon which relianee might be placed, of the average price of the various descriptions of sugars in bond in the months of May, June, July, and August, in the years 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, and 1843. Not to go through the whole, he would take that for 1843, and he found by it that the average price of Java, Manilla, and Siam brown sugar in bond averaged 19s per cwt. The price of white Brazil sugar during the same month was 235., and of yellow sugar 17s. 6d. The price of Havannah white sugar was 285., of brown, 19s. The consequence he deduced from these figures was this : that the greater part of the sugar produced in Java, Manilla, and Siam,land in bond in London at that time, must have more closely resembled the brown sugars which would be intro duced under the 30s. duty than the white sugar which would be introduce a t 345. His opinion was that they would have a considerably larger supply of brown Muscotiado sugar at the low duty than of the white sugar at the high duty, and that consequently the consumer would be greatly benefited.— But he would not consider exclusively the interests of the con sumer. He would also consider the interests of the West India planters, and he rejoiced that on this occasion he could support a plan that reconciled their interests with the interests of the consumers. (Hear, hear. ) Then, with regard to revenue, it was not alleged by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer that he felt any great alarm at the motion of the Hon. Member for Bristol on account of the re venue, nor in his ( Mr. Labouchere's) opinion was there any fear on that. account. He would vote for the scheme of the Hon. Member for Bristol as preferable to that of the Government. Any attempt to distinguish betiveen slave grown sugar and free-labour sugar would be fraught with' diffi culty and danger, and would he proved to be altogether nuga tory. It was most important that there should be a permanen setilement of this question, and confidence amongst the mer. cantile interest was far better than a duty of Is. more or lessf For the reasons he had given he should support the motion o the Hon. Member fur Bristol.---( Cheers.) Mr. GODSON could not congratulate the body to which he belonged on the Right Hon. Gentleman's advocacy. It was not pretended that this was anything more than a temporary measure. It was understood by all parties that it would be made known next year precisely upon what footing the duties were to be placed. He looked forward to a time when there would be a duty of 14s. or 150. and that change he believed would be a real benefit to the consumer. In the meantime, he be lieved the alteration would not make a difference of more than 5,000 or 6,000 tons in the year. The question was often asked why there should be any difference at all between the duty on colonial and that of foreign sugar. He thought the simple answer to that objection existed in the fact that the colonies were their own. All the instruments used in the production came from England : their rates were all the same; there was the same Church Establishment ; there were, in all respects, in fact, similar expenses ; and that being the case, he thought it w as but just that there should be a distinction made between th e co l on i es an d f ore i gn coun tries. He regarded the prese n t measure as an i n di cat i on of what was to take place next year. If the duty were reduced down to 15s. next year, the free-labour sugar would, of course, be admitted, and then would come the question of the admission of sugar from Cuba and Brasil, in which the question of the slave-trade should not be lost sight of. He would not vote for the motion of the Hon. Member for Bristol, because he thought that by doing so he would pledge himself to consent to a larger extension of the principle in future. Mr. BERNAL thought the arguments of his Hon. and ; Learned Friend were most inconclusive. If he was such a friend to a general settlement, why was he so enamoured of the pre sent proposition ? Why did he not oppose this at tempt to take a tithe of the change en that occasion when he expected a final settlement next year ?—(Hear.) They must look their difficulties in the face ' He considered the course advocated by his Hon. Friend oppo site one in which he was imperatively called oa to concur. He had heard it hinted en that side that there might be some conspiracy in the proposal of 345. in reference to the free grown sugar of Manilla and Java. He did not believe that any conspiracy existed. The Hon. Gentleman then made a detailed statement of the process of claying and refining sugars, and explained the difference between clayed sugars, Muscovado sugars, and bastard sugars. He was surprised to hear the statement of the Hon. Member for Dumfries, that the differential duty between the Muscovado and the clayed sugars had been reduced at the solicitation of the West India body. He believed that a solicitation to that effect might have ema nated from the grocers and the refiners, but it had certainly not emanated from the West India body. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that the Custom-house officers could not distinguish between the Muscovado and the clayed sugars, but he really could not imagine that there could be any difficulty in distinguishing between them. If no difference were made between clayed and Muscovado sugar, a great hardship would be inflicted upon the West India body. No clayed sugars were prepared in the West Indies—he believed none were prepared in the East Indies or the Mauritius, and it would be a great hardship if the clayed and crushed sugars of Siam, which had undergone a partial process of refinement, were admitted at the same duty as the Muscovado sugar. The words of the Bill were " clayed, but not refined ;" those words were calculat e d t o pro d uce confusion. He protested against being fettered in any subsequent transactions by supporting this measure, except that he admitted that the West Indians could not expect any protection beyond 10s. He thought the West Indians ought to have some relief afforded them in th'e article of rum.—( Cheers.) It was ridiculous that it should be excluded from the markets of Scotland and Ireland by the differential duty at present existing—( Hear, hear)—and he was also of opinion that molasses should no longer be excluded from the distilleries by the pregent absurd regulations. Mr. BOUVERIE, in allusion to the statement which had been made, that there was a conspiracy among the West India body to carry this motion, would observe, that although there was'no direct evidence of conspiracy, yet, it they admitted the doctrine of conspiracy as laid down in another country, there certainly, was evidence of a conspiracy among the West India body to carry this motion.--( Cheers and laughter.) If he could be convinced that the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol would not create an additional differential duty, he would support it, but as far as he could understand it, the effect of the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol would be to create a differential duty of 14s. instead of pne of 10s., as proposed by the Government, and, therefore, he should vote against it. Hear, hear.) In a revenue point of view, it was of importance that the money raised to carry on the Government should be raised in the manner the least bur- densome to the people, but it was also a fundamental prin- ciple that no portion of the money so raised should go to any purpose except to the support of the State.—( Cheers..) Now what was the operati on of t h e diff eren ti a l duties? A differen tial duty of 41s. per cwt. gave the West Indian and the East Indian proprietors a monopoly of the market. Whatever amount of differential duty was imposed, if it did not give a monopoly, it gave a bonus to the whole amount of the differen tial duty.—( Hear, hear.) He could not see any reason for giving an additionel bonus to the West India proprietors. Even at a differential duty of 103. 6d., which was proposed by the Government, the West India proprietors had, during the last four years, received 2,050,000/., and th e a dditi ona l half penny proposed by the lion. Gentleman would give them 818,000/. more, which would be taken from the purposes of the State, and must be raised out of the pockets of the people to supply the deficiency. Now if everything went well with the West Indians, there might be some excuse for continuing this system ; but they had always been complain• ing of suffering and loss since they had been under the system of protection. It was useless for them to say that the abolition of slavery had produced these losses and sufferings. They made the same complaints before slavery was abolished. He held in his hand a memorial from the West India proprietors, in 1801, containing the same complaints. It was clear then that they did not prosper under the system, and he would recommend them to try another. Let them try the system of free trade.— ( Hear, hear.) Why should not free trade answer with regard to sugar as well as it had with regard to silk ?—( Hear, hear. ) They had better at once make the change, and consent to an equalization of the duties. Mr. F. BARING was not surprised that the Chancellor of the Exchequer should be anxious to confine the discussion to the proposition immediatiately before the House, and should not diverge into a discussion on the principles of the measure. He could not but recollect the arguments which had been used against the proposition which he had submitted to the House in 1641—how slightingly and contemptuously the arguments he had ventured to use had been passed over. He had been assured by the Right Hon. Gentleman, the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, that there was no necessity for alteration— the prices would fall—that there would be an ample supply for the West Indian Colonies and for India, and that the most per fect reliance could be placed upon the estimated amount of the supply. He had ventured to suggest that the estimates might be exaggerated, and that the supply would not equal the de • mand. The Right Hon. Gentlemen found that the arguments which he had then used were now used against himself by the Hon. Gentlemen behind him. Night after night had he (Mr. Baring) been taunted with these estimates, and now the Right Hon. Gentleman whe had so taunted him told him very coolly that they might be mistaken in their estimates, and that, in fact, no reliance whatever could be placed upon them. —( Loud cheers.) Another weighty argument was, that a great experiment was going on in the West Indies, and they were asked how they could reconcile it to their duty to introduce the competition of slave-grown sugar pending that experiment. What were they doing now ?—( Cheers.) The price of West India sugar must be regulated according to the proposed plan by the price of free-labour sugar. Now, if they had as ample a supply of free-labour sugar as they wanted, its price must be regulated by the price of sugar in the markets of the world ; that was, by the price of slave-grown sugar.--( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman gave a pro tection of 10s. and a shade, which he calculated at 2s. Now he (Mr. Baring) bad proposed a protection of 125., so that there was no great difference between them. The great ar gument against his proposition had been, you are encouraging slavery. What were they doing now ? He admitted they were not doing it directly, but they were doing it as surely as if they took 10,000 tons of slave-grown sugar. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool had told them that they were indirectly encouraging slavery, but the Noble Lord had given no notice of a resolution now, as he had in 1841. (Cheers and laughter.) The Government had adopted a most unfortunate course in stating that they would re-consider the question next year. Whatever they intended to do they should do at once, so as to disturb the markets as little as pos sible. They should not leave the markets for one whole year in fear of they knew not what.—( Cheers and laughter.) He had heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer say that nothing could be more unfortunate than for a Government to hold out an expectation of change. At the commencement of the present session his Hon. Friend the Member for London had asked the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Governs ent if he intended to alter the sugar duties, and the Right Hon. Gentleman had replied, that he could only suppose that such a question could be put by the youngest Member in the House. But the Hon. Member for London now had his revenge. The Right Hon. Gentleman would not tell him three months be forehand what he intended to do; nothing could be more in jurious to trade. But now for a whole year they left the colo nial interest under the announcement of the proposed reconsi deration ; nothing could be more injudicious or more inconsiderate. The Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down, and who had addressed the House so well—( Cheers) — had stated it as his opinion that there was concealed under the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol some intention of a proposal for giving additional protection to the West India interest. If he had the slightest idea that such would be the effect of the proposition of the Hon. Gentleman, he would not support it, as he intended doing. He did not believe it would give any additional protection to the West India in interest beyond reducing the price of sugar, and that was a legitimate advantage to which they were fairly entitled. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had fairly stated the pro position of the lion. Member for Bristol, and he admitted that the protection proposed by each of them was the same. He feared the sugar of Cuba would come into this country.— ( Ironical cries of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Yes, he did not wish to see the Government of this country defeated in its main object; and if slave-grown sugar was to be received, he wished it to be received only in a fair, open man ner.—( Hear, hear.) In 1841 the question of clayed sugars was brought under his consideration, and he proposed a gene ral duty of 365. Between the time of his announcement of this plan and the period of its being brought under the full consideration of the House, he received so many, and such forcible, remonstrances, that he became perfectly convinced that it would not be wise and discreet to put all sugars under the same rate of duty. The consequence was, that though he had announced his plan, he made the desired alteration in it. The opinion of the late Mr. Hume, on which much weight should be placed, was, that there ought to be three scales of duty. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, it was true, told them that it was the opinion of the Custom-house officers that no difference of scale could be made. Well, he (Mr. Baring) was not disposed to place much weight on the opinions of these gentlemen, for when they understood what the Chancellor of the Exchequer's opinions were, they generally contrived to square theirs accordingly. What was impossible to-day with them might become possible to-morrow. He held in his hand an extract from the American tariff, and there he found that the duties were divided into three classes. Nearly the same system prevailed in Holland. He felt bound to say that he thought the Chancellor of the Exchequer be haved extremely fair in his statement regarding the revenue. He entirely agreed with him in thinking that there would be a considerable loss in the falling off in the revenue, but he knew it would be only temporary, and felt confident that the revenue would recover itself in the course of next year. He regretted that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not based his system on a more definite and permanent principle. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that there would be a reduction of 800,0001. by the reduction of colonial sugar, and they would get 20,600 tons of sugar in addition to what was at present re ceived. By this additional 20,000 tons we get back 600,000/. of revenue, so that there was only a lose of 9.00,000/.—a very small risk when compared with the good it would certainty effect for the colonies. Mr. Huskisson was a careful, steady man, yet in 1829 he proposed a reduction on colonial sugar to 275., and foreign sugar to 665. On that occasion Mr. Hus kisson was met by the argument of the reduction of the revenue. The change was made, and it was anticipated that 542,0001. would be lost, but there was not one-half of that sum lost. He hoped and believed the reduction of the Right Hon. Gentleman would be attended with all the success anticipated by him. Mr. GLADSTONE said the Right Hon. Gentleman had (and he was not surprised at it) sought to distract the atten tion of the House from the real question under the considera tion of the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman talked fluently of frauds and certificates of origin, but they had nothing whatever to do with the motion of the Hon. Member for Bristol. The great charges against the Government were that they disturbed and unsettled public mind and left the colonies to the chance of the future. Now the fact was the Government could not have made a final settlement of the sugar question at present—the consideration of the income-tax alone was sufficient to prevent a decisive arrangement. He did riot think it would be justice to the country to agree to the proposition of the Hon. Gentleman. If they did so, they would take a short-sighted view of the interest of the colonial producer. He granted that they had no reason to suspect that there would be a deficiency of supply, if they measured the supply by the supply of former years. But was the demand likely to be the same as in former years ? Had there not been a great change in the state of the country? Now what was the state of the market for the four months during which the sugar duty remained in a state of uncertainty—that was the four months which elapsed before the declaration of the Chancellor of the Exchequer ? If they compared the prices of the four months of this year with the corresponding four months of the last year, they would find an average rise of 4d. in the prices of the present year. He therefore said that they might fairly expect a scarcity this year. A gentle man named Ripley, with a deputation from Liverpool, had waited upon him (Mr. Gladstone) upon this subject, and he stated that the measure of the Government would have the effect of reducing the price of sugar lid. per pound, taking the prices then ruling. He would beg the House to remem ber that this year the Gasetted average price was higher than it was last, when it was known that the measure which 's as to be proposed would not be a permanent one. One great object of the proposal of the Government was to so arrange as to be a great benefit to the consumer. The Go vernment had been induced to propose this measure front a sense of the great evils attending an absolute state of uncertainty. This Bill went to create a permanence in this great branch of our commerce. It would establish the duty which was to he imposed upon sugar the produce of slavery, and the sugar the produce of free labour, and also to fix the amount of protection to the colonists, which was to be main tained. lie complained that the measure of his Hon. Friend the Member for Bristol would have a most injurious effect on the trade in sugar in this country. He asked his Hon. Friend the Member for Bristol- whether the reduction which he proposed in British Plantation sugar was to be a permanent arrangement ? He would take the answer either one way or the other. Did his Hon. Friend contemplate a further reduction in the duty next year ? If he did, then what became of his argument respecting the permanent settlement of the question ? If he did not contemplate a further reduction in the duty, then he (Mr. Gladstone) said that his Hon. Friend was not just to the colonists in the protection which he imposed, nor was he just to the consumer in this country. The Hon. Member for Bristol had not given any reason for re-opening the question of those duties at a future time. Re ference had been made in the course of the debate to a letter which was published that day ( Friday) in the Times newspaper. That letter was written by a gentleman who had long been connected with - the West Indies. But that Gentleman had assured him this day, that although he disapproved of the pro position of the Government, he would prefer it to the measure of the Hon. Member for Bristol. He did not object so much to the principle of classification as to the mode of classification proposed by his Hon. Friend the Member for Bristol. Accord ing to the present law great injustice was done to the producers of inferior sugar of British colonies. The distinction proposed by Hon. Gentlemen opposite would operate most injuriously on the colonies. He thought that the measure of the Govern ment was the best that could be proposed, and he called on the Committee to support it. Mr. M. GIBSON (who rose amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide") said that he had come down to the House disposed to vote for the motion of the Hon. Member for Bristol, but, on examining more carefully the terms of the motion, and looking to its objects, he found that th e o bj ect o f t h e H on . M em b er , and of those who supported him, was to give the West Indies a protection of 14s. per cwt. A gentleman in the City, who was well acquainted with the subject, told him that he (Mr. M. Gibson) was not "awake to the trap" for the free traders. —( A laugh.) When he saw the anxiety of the West India in terest to oppose this proposition, he looked on with suspicion. —( Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, regarding as he did, that both the propositions before the House contained the principle of protection, but believing that the measure of the Government went further in the direction of free trade than did that of the Hon. Member for Bristol ( Mr. Miles), he should certainly give his support to that of the Government. Mr. HUME said that his own opinion was, that the mea sure would greatly assist trade, and that, say what they might, or do what they might, there would he no pro hibition to slave-grown sugar. Indirectly it would be admitted. Indeed, his opinion was, that there would be a very considerable addition to the supply of sugar. Slave-grown and free-grown sugar would get into the market alike. But what the House ought to consider was not the interest of the West Indian planter, or any of the many inte rests that had been referred to in the course of the debate, but the interest of the consumer. That was the only light in which they ought to look at the question. The plan of the Hon. Member for Bristol he (Mr. Hume) did not hold to be a good one. But a good sound plan never would be got until they changed their plan altogether. During the time he (Mr. Hume) had been in that House, he had witnessed three attempts to make discriminating duties, but they had all failed. Under the plan of the Government there would be a large supply of sugar from America, and the consumer was certain almost immediately to have a benefit of one half penny per pound in the price of sugar. Mr. COLQUHOUN said that whilst the friends of the Government plan trusted that by it the consumers would have their sugar at a halfpenny per pound less, it ought also to be known that by the plan of his Hon. Friend the Member for Bristol, the reduction to the consumer in the price of his sugar would be one penny. The Right Hon. Gentleman had strangely enough stated that this year's supply of sugar must be looked upon as a decreasing one, whereas it would turn out to be an increasing one. The stock of sugar was greater now than it had been previously known to be. We had a stock at the present moment of 40,000 tons, and yet this was the time selected for the introduction of the Government measure, and for the singular statement in support of it made by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It had been said that the rod was over them ; but they were driven by the rod of stern necessity. They could not go beyond the amount of duty named by the Government. He had heard nothing in the arguments of either of his Hon. Friends that induced him to change his resolution to vote for the amendment of the Hon. Member for Bristol.—( Hear. ) Mr. ESTCOTT said he knew that many West India pro prietors had been ruined. He knew, also, that it was the duty of the Government to apply a remedy to their case. They had been reduced to this condition under a prohibitory system, and he wished to ask the Hon. Member for Bristol whether he, thought his proposition wou ld b e t h e cure for the condition in which they were placed ?—(Divide, divide. ) Dr. BOWRING rose amid loud cries of "Divide." He said they had a right to take the benefit of the declaration of the Hon. Member for Bristol, that he did not mean to aug ment the amount of protection ; but it was perfectly clear that a duty of 103. upon 20s. was a somewhat greater amount than 10s. upon '24s. He felt a great disposition to support his Hon. Friend, because a reduction of duty would tend to cause a re duction of cost.—(Hear, hear.) The amount of duty was one of the elements of price, and whatever diminished the duty must diminish the price of an article. At that hour of the night, and with the House so impatient, he should not detain it, except to inquire what the Hon. Member for Bristol, with such a re sponsibility resting on his shoulders, meant to do with the pro position of his Hon. Friend? Mr. COLLETT said, as a free trader, he should support the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol. 14r. JAMES said he should not attempt again to move the flinty hearts of her Majesty's Government with the bad case of the West Indian proprietors, but he wished to make one re mark on something th a t h a d fallen from the Right Hen. the President of the Board of Trade. He understood him to say that next year it was in contemplation to apply the principle of an ad valorem duty to sugar. If he would do that he should have his vote. He would also ask one question. Was this foreign sugar to be brought in in foreign vessels, or was it to be imported in what were called foreign bottoms? Mr. GLADSTONE said it would be imported according to the provisions of the navigation laws. Under certain con ditiona it would be allowed to be brought in foreign vessels. Mr. HAMPDEN said he was unwilling to enter into the subject at all, but he was urged to it by the instinct of self preservation.—( Hear, hear.) He avowed at once that he had a personal interest in the question.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He did not ask them then for any deference; they might re ceive his arguments with all the distrust and suspicion which attached to the opinions of an interested man.—( Hear, hear.) As for his facts, he should only use those that were deplorably notorious.—( Hear, hear.) He should not go into the whole question of the policy of commercial restrictions. He should only ask them not to enforce them with greater stringency on the West Indies than on any other country. They must re member that they could not apply the same principles now, in their present complicated circumstances, that they could do if they were beginning to establisn a system of trade de novo. With the high prices and heavy burdens which existed in this country, it would be impossible for them to con tend with other nations without protection. They were de priving the West Indian interest of protection, and the conse quence was that the proprietors were abandoning their estates. If the object of the Government was to benefit the consumer, they could effect that object by adopting the proposition of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Bristol, and at the same time leave a small profit to the West India roprietors. He rose with pain to opp ose h er Majesty's present Govern ment, but he thought their conduct relative to the West India interest, was cruel, unjust, and tyrannical.— ( Hear, and cheers.) He had on more than one occasion voted with her Majesty's Government against his own con scientious judgment.—( Great laughter and ironical cheering. ) He repeated it, and he would tell why he did so. It was be cause on certain important national questions the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government could take a wider survey of those questions than he could, and had also access to sources of information beyond his ( Mr. Hampden's) reach. For these reasons he considered it more - prudent and patriotic to surrender his own opinions to the Right Hon. Gentleman's judgment.—(lronical cheers.) But there were certain ques tions upon which he could not vote with the Government—as the New Poor-law and the present question.—( Cries of " Question, question," " Sugar, sugar.") He considered British merchants more likely to come to a sound conclusion on this subject than any Minister, however large his comprehen sion. If the cheapening of sugars to the extent of a penny were so great a boon surely this country should contribute something towards the national benefit. Lord JOHN RUSSELL was not one of those who blamed the Government for having proposed an alteration in the sugar duties. He did not think that the reasons given in favour of these proposed alterations were so strong as those which had been urged in 1841 in favour of a similar motion, but they were nearly as strong, and of a very similar character, and, therefore, he did not blame the Government for having proposed the alteration--( Hear. )—but he did think that the manner in which they had brought the proposition forward, the nature of the proposition itself, and the proposal that another alteration should be made next year, had introduced great dif ficulties into the question.--( Hear, hear.) With re gard to the qu es ti on b e f ore th e House to-night they had to consider the proposition of the Government, on the one hand, and the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol on the other. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Presi dent of the Board of Trade, following the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had shown that the great objection to the proposi tion of the Hon. Member for Bristol was the evil that must follow from the reduction of the duty not taking place before November. No doubt some evils would follow from that pro position, but they were the inevitable results of the manner in which the proposition of the Government had been brought forward. If that 'proposition had been similar to all former propositions of a similar nature which had been brought for ward for the reduction of duties, the reduction would have taken place at once both on foreign and colonial sugar. But the House had followed the guidance of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, and had adopted the proposition of the Government, and made a distinction between free labour and other sugar, and the Hon. Member for Bristol. had, consequently, been obliged to frame his proposition accord ing to that decision. Having so framed it, it appeared clear that the reduction would not be less than 9s. The reduction of duty proposed by the Hon. Member for Bristol would give a reduction of ld. per lb. on sugar more, which would be a great advantage to the consumer, and on that single ground he pre. ferred the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol to that of the Government.—(Cheers.) But the Hon. Member for Manchester said that the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol would give a greater protection to the West India interest Now, he did not think that the proposition would give any greater advantage to the West India interest than the proposi tion of the Government. He did not think that the Hon. Mem ber for Manchester was well founded in his facts. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had stated the subject with great fairness,. he had stated that the protec tion given by the Right Hon. Gentleman's proposition, and that given by the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol was equal ; therefore, in point of protection, the two propositions were equal—there was no superiority of protection afforded by the proposition of the Hon Member for Bristol. —( Hear, hear.) His Right Honourable Friend the Member for Taunton had stated that the sugar imported from Siam, Java, and Manilla would, in general, be brown sugar, and not white clayed sugar, which was imported from Brazil and Cuba, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade had assented to that statement. It would be of little advantage to add anything to the authority of the said state ments, but the returns of the imports of sugar into the United States from Siam, as published in the newspapers, showed that the sugar from that country was chiefly brown, and not clayed sugar. It would, therefore, follow that there could be no great advantage in the way of protection in the 14s. as compared with the 10s. duty. If, therefore, only the sugars of Java, Manilla, and Siam, were admited, there would be nothing gained in the shape of protection by the adoption of the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol ; but if the clayed sugars of Bristol and Manilla were to come in, then, in deed, it might make a difference. On the whole, he thought the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol was more ad vantageous to the consumer, and,therefore,he should support it. The great advantage gained by the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol was, that it would increase the consump tion. The Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade said it was impossible to consider this question in a large and comprehensive manner, because it would be necessary in that case this year to consider the question of the income tax. It would be very desirable that the House should know whether or no they meant to continue the income-tax, and he saw no just reason why they should not state it. The present proposition created great alarm among the sugar growers, and it was calculated to prevent capital from being employed—to diminish the energies neces sary to well-directed enterprise, and had already produced great disturbance in the market. He saw no reason why the whole system should not be considered and finally settled this year. He did not say that the proposition of the Hun. Member was a perfect settlement of this question, but in the difficulties in which the House was placed, he considered it preferable to the Government proposition, and should vote for it. Captain BERKELEY would support the Government pro position. Mr. MILES replied. In answer to a question of the Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade, he would say that he did not intend his proposition, if carried into effect, should be permanent. Captain GLADSTONE then rose, but was not at all audible in the gallery. Mr. RICARDO rose, but was met with loud cries of " Divide, divide," and great uproar. Captain BERKELEY —If this debate is not allowed to go on, I shall move the adjournment.—(Uproar.) Mr. RICARDO said that before he could support the amend ment of his Hon. Friend he wished to know whether his lion. Friend would be willing to give up the 45., for if he did not consent to do so the amendment, in point of fact, would be to establish a differential duty of 14s. per cwt.—( Great uproar. ) Lord HOWICK rose amidst great up roar , an d said I only rise to explain to my Hon. Friend that he is in a mistake as to the form we now are about to vote. The Hon. Gentleman has moved certain substitutions for the clause as proposed by her Majesty's Government, and the question will now be put that the words proposed to be left out stand part of the question; and if we have a majority on the first question and negative the Government proposition, it will then be competent for any Hon. Gentleman who wishes to propose an amendment on the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bristol, to move to leave out any part of that proposition. The question, there fore, upon which we are now to vote is not the adoption of the amendment of the Hon. Member for Bristol, but aye or no, will you, or will you not negative the plan of her Majesty's Government. As I believe that plan to be a bad one, I shall vote against it, but I am not pledging myself to adopt the amendment of the Hon. Member for Bristol without alteration or substitution. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. The Committee then divided, when the numbers were— For the original motion Against it MAJORITY AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT —_2o The announcement of the result was received with tre. mendous cheering. Sir R. PEEL said:that the Dissenters' Chapel Bill was fixed for Monday next, but he thought that the resolution of this night was of so much importance that the Committee should take precedence of the other business. THE SALMON FISHERIES BILL. _. The House having resumed, The Salmon Fisheries (Scotland) Bill, after a brief con versation between Mr. Warburton, Mr. Drummond, and the Lord Advocate, passed through Committee. COMMERCIAL MARINE COMMITTEE. Mr. HAWES, in resuming the discussion on the nomina tion of this Committee, complained of the partial complexion of the Committee, and particularly objected to the ora l° of the name of Mr. Foster. After some discussion th e f o ll ow i ng gentlemen dition of Mr. Foster) were nominated as the Committe,e; Mr. Lyall, Mr. Gladstone, Viscount Sandon, Mr. Aaron t'''."fic: man, Sir William Cl a y, M r . Lidd e ll, M r . Bingham 13 V;,,, Mr. Stuart Wortley, C a pt a i n Gl a d stone , M r . Hutt, Itfr. vi a Baring, Mr. Ross, M r . D enn i stoun, M r . H awn , and gr. P a Barclay. (with the st COMPANIE. 'a t° On the motion of CANAL Mr. GLADSTONE, leave was gl O 0 111, bring in a Bill to empower canal companies to vary their rates, and charges on different parts of their navigations.. Mr. JAMES mov e d f or a return of the quan t ity of DT I , made sugar, from potatoes or other things, upon which a i , p, cise duty has been p a id, i n th e years 1841, 1842, an, ot os, ree respectively ; together with th e amoun t o f duty paid tu. and in what manner th a t d u t y was ascerta i ne d.—Agd4 k , Mr. FRENCH moved for some returns from the fiastical Commissioners of Ireland.—AnTeed to. CUSTOMS FRAUDS. IrCO On the motion of the CHANCELLOR o f the E- -- ,„i e rt QUER, the following Members were nominated a Committee on Evidence tak en b e f ore th e Revenue C°, s° , - „ 1 e I sioners :—Mr. Pringle, Mr. W a ll ace , M r ., Trotter, t' °- Rolleston, Mr. Hume, Mr. Henley, and Mr. Tufne ll. The House then adj o u rne d a t a Quarter to Two. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (YESTERDAY.) MANSION-HOUSE. o dd A case of smuggling came on which exposed an system of imposition. Martin 111' Donald and William Debois, the Irishman, with a countenance very like that 01 03 , foreigner, were charged under the following ch .° stances. h , icag A Custom-house officer stated that as b e along the Minories, the prisoner Debeis bid dressed him in a confidential tone, and invited the into the Horse and Trumpet public-house: Old Jewry, to see some • - which ha d ru le. cigars a low ' t o smuggled, and were to be had at Re accompanied Debois, who introduced hi ° e re latter 4 ill‘Donald, up stairs in the public-house, and there lc . 15 exhibited to him a quantity of cigars, and some sh be lll ' et i and handkerchief's, which the defendants said ha d h .jog smuggled. They also stat e d th a t th e y h a d a vess el 7leti at Blackwall, in which immense quantities of su lti c les goods were stowed awa y, cons isting of teas, boo the shawls, hankerchiefs, and t o b acco . A seizure ° I of tobacco was subsequ en tly ma d e , an d som e shr„ s r of English manufact ure were a l so ta k en b y the 0111— the revenue. goer , Coleby A. Davis, an extrem e ly ac i ve r ev enue 9 - h be stated that, in consequen c e of' the information will e " t y received from the first witness, he proceeded t° , D ot public-house and seized th e t o b acco , th e defenda l i e eti being licensed to sell the article. They were 11tetn se ll hawkers, and, therefore, they w e r e a t liberty to s e ' re of shawls land handkerchiefs th e y ex hibit e d, which W e four English manufacture, but in order to get three O the n , times as much as was the val ue o f th e g oods, it 1 " - ,he,,' practice of such pe rsons t o p reten d t h at t h e articles •ci o f had to dispose of were contraband. Many peoPl e ' its r eesl the higher classes too, opened their mouths the mite be' they heard the wo r d " smugg l e d" ment i one d, in W e l i e g lief that they would get a capital bargain by c le loll with such adventurous persons, and they were regg e to humbugged. When witness went to the publicloslo ger all os make the bargain he saw a highly respectable who lodged at the London Coffee-house, doing h us aa l eei in the cigar way with M'Donald, and who, the ra,lo - knew that witness was about, ran off with all tin"" able speed, onald asked the first witness whether the s h o o? and handkerchiefs were sh own t o hi m as foreign g ° —The witness replied that they were. s e c lag M'Donald said that w as qu it e i mposs ible, as ' 1- e c lag prove that he had purch ase d th em o n Th urs day 1 : 11° tlie at the warehouse of a gent l eman w h o res ided De n ' Nlansion-house.—(Laughter.) , are The LORD MAYOR—That's the thing / 1 ' very convinced of. Y :based thee sor 51 ' .or _ou purchased these for five fifteee lings each for th e p ur p ose o f se lli ng t h em for sixteen. t ees s M'Donald—But I purchased them after the 1 ' says he saw them with me. a for The LORD MAYOR—You might have exh ibit fr e sale the exact patterns of these easily enough. 5 fal ao doubt that you succeed extensively in the trePtsinif thus lay for the lover s o f smugg li ng, a nd they C er of are not to be pitied. n a m e C. A. Davis called forward a t a il or , of the Nicholas Rosa, who produced two shawls, Whig bu t ,tated he had purchased of M'Donald for 21. 45 ' v which, upon being submitted to the judgment of a„ keeper, were pronoun ce d t o b e wort h at mostDeshase each. The cigar gentleman wanted him to Pu r d get cigars also, but he declined, and he thought he 115 an excellent bargain in the shawls. haw - ' M'Donald—My Lord, I am a regular haw pedlar. volt n$ F aye The LORD MAYOR—N O d ou bt o f it ; and t that occupation aux ili ary to t hi s pre t en ce, t qwfice smuggle silk and other articles of the kind fran A But the direct charge against you is, that you ha' cigars for sale without being licensed. e on M`Donald—There, I confess, I have been an agg r eon` but I intended to take out a license, as I can Po 13 After all, my Lord, it is doing in a little wax %wag done by high tradesmen i n a grea t wa y. It is shillings where people in Regent -street g et pounu s ' e The LORD MAYOR—At all events we have a cat having cigars for sale without a license instituted eb you, and I fine ,r M`Donald—l can't pay it, my Lord. la m a s Pv" a cheek-mouse. (Of The LORD MAY O R—The n y ou mus t go t o prise" three months, to hard labour. Debois—But you don't mean anything of that for me, your Lordship? t The LORD MAYOR—Certainly I do. You mu st the fine, or go to prison too. ore Debois —Why neither the tobacco nor shawls mine ; I was surely not so bad as the other. 0 The LORD MA YOR —I can ma k e no distinct io cannot by the Act of Parliament inflict a smaller pen The defendants were then committed to prison...s go It appears that enormous quantities of cige,.' b e manufactured in London from the very worst t u u6 cl L l and sold at a guinea or twenty-two shillings 3 P C) t st foreign cigars ; that hogsheads of the cut-throScreoll called British brandy is sold as smuggled brandy, and that British gin, of very inferior gyed bu upon which th e fl avour o f the juniper is r ei°l3 sta d ; aniseed, is passed off u p on those who enco urage /6 filers in Hollands by fellows like the defendants. red tia; above case, the ladi es and gentlemen were assure bee the goods they were invited to purchase n e brought over, as bales of wool, in a yacht. CLERKENWELL. William Neale was brought up for final ex 3 i - of ', O charged with wounding Mr. Osman, landlor", os Red Lion public-house, Cow-cross, so s erions'Yojic" endanger his life. The prosecutor was in ette „; b. t and seemed to be suffering the most intense angl: nigh r The evidence went to m rove that on Sun da} last the prisoner was behaving in a disorderly at the bar of the Red Lion. The landlord desirf s ' t cie s to leave. The prisoner refused, and became ythen tb sc 1,0 1, lent. The landlord attempted to expel him , ft , ' prisoner, with an oath, declared he would " he',., s ecas and had no sooner done so than he kicked the Pru c ith twice in a delicate and vital part of his pers °ll ,f P l l, l l O his might. The landl or d f a i nte d f rom excel' d c ler,",(l One of the blood-v esse l s i n th e reg i on o f the w e "' ruptured, and profuse hemorrhae.e took plac e ' be since then been confi ne d t o hi s a t d. wore os t Dr. Joshua V e rdy, o f St am f or d- s t re et, 5 t he o . o e when he arrived the prosecutor was suffering or ae ° be t excruciating pain from th e i n j ur y, an d was t°l; big in danger. Had the blows b een s t ruc k all '- „ s c h death would probably have ensued s tag e The prisoner was committed for trial. William Harris, the driver of the metropoliatlorl carriage, No. 334, belonging to Mr. Hedges, and a trilicog the badge 3,341, was charged with ov erturnil i fosy, containing 216 bottles of ginger beer, and °° , l lkit°P the property of a poor costermonger, 6 •10 to the amount of 1/. lls. e on' ea It appeared, fro m th e ev id ence o f Mr. Ca ra totig attended on behalf o f th e M arqu i s o f Anglea e Y s oc e ss Saturday eveni n g l as t, th e M arqu i s ' s car riage W" sirit", o e down Holbor n , t owar d s t h e Bl ac k wa ll ra ilwaY,4 o , b e d and the Marquis were i n th e carr iage. fa re e d. driving at a very slow pace, and when they h:* be jefe- Fulwood's-rents, w h ere th e s t ree t i s n arrow, the c` -,1 ant, in attempting to drive his omnibus berb! nt s fe! A, riage, pressed upon the wheel of the latter , wiff e cte;i 6 % it against the truck, wher e by the damage w, Ets ci . ht Other evidence, confirmatory of the a,n ° o - ' pa/ been tendered, the def en d an t was o blige" amount of the damage and the costs. er g ' 10 12 BIRTHS. tv 131°° oft' On the 11th inst., at Southampton-stree f Mrs. R. G. Hennell, of a son. lady ° tO• On the 12th inst., at Cadogan-place, the mine 0 0 ' M‘Malion, Esq., of a son, who survived but a f.e,f„ rt of e On the 12th inst., at Camberwell, Mrs. G• 13 " On the 12th inst., in South-street, Grosvenor-eci fl oe 'r. W. Cap ron , o f a ( l aug h ter , lady ° On the 12th inst., at Cockspur-street , the rob° Eisenberg, Esq., of a son. On the 12th inst.. at Fretherne Rectory, the lady of the Rev. W. L. Darell, M.A., of a (-; e tad,' 0 On the 13th inst., at Surrey Parsonage , 1-" he.lY Rev. James Sherman, of a daughter. Aet the .1. On the 12th inst., at Carlton Villas, Maida-vw 10 5. A. Mendes, Esq., f a daughter. —Ace, On the 12th inst., in King-street, Covent-PA- C. Stevens, of a son. ri ot, G , o u tt g c b e t s e t r . )1 0 , MARRIED. . CA lliP ie 6 On the 11th inst., at Ockly, the Rev. William ,John M.A., to Charlotte Hay-don, daughter of Esq., of Leith Hill-place, near Dorking, Stsrr.i v. iiati , On the 12th inst., at St. John's, Wappig , IL to Phillips, Esq., of Trosnant Lodge, PontyPon' `Vil„or, daughter of the late W. Maud, Esq. ,-(r a iter pf On the 13th inst., at Surrey Chapel, Mr. da u g hter of Nelson-square, to Harriet Eliza, youngest J. Newsom, of High-street, Se,uthwark. t) Pt; DIED. ' , Teo' On the 20th of January, at Bronti. Bungonia' 1 .O,N'. .1 , Wales, Mary Anne, the wife of W. F. Baker, Ele ct P c ' f On the 26th nit., at Dover, Mrs. .1• C• Lew. of • C. , Lear, late of Milton, Gravesend. ~,, Wif e On the 3d inst., at Frankfort-on-the -Main, EP-- R. Roper, Esq., Roscommon, Ireland. a a 67 * On the Bth inst., at Greenwich, Mr. I. Piper, g a ~C., i On the 9th inst., at Brompton, A. J. Jellicoe, xl' i t Sol i eld On the llth inst., William Tennant Harrison, 'Pe r ' R. Harrison, Esq., of Doughty - street. ; e S On the 11th inst., Bridget, wife of Mr. Dan--IPI of Sebbon's-buildings, Islington. aged Oa?' On the 12th inst., at Clapton , M r. W. Wilson, a d, p- On the 12th inst., at Prospect - p l a c e , EdgeWar e-r° of Mary Cook, aged 81 . t,ter On the 13th inst. , at Bexley , Em m a, youngest dill"' Mr. Firmin, of the Strand, London. ----- 40 0 r j ! London: Printed and Published by lITURDO, No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sum Orucebogaw Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in th e Daiddiegex, Saturday, June 15, 1844, 4 Loion be held In intio 4,7ir will be Y, azv N ' was Mau". u I: 44d aY a for Pr .• - t tiztts COAST 1/ TA c o Om N ;PRIti t t liltrE held ( ) Al it N it r 1 0 ttt rile t , Dec re g 1 / 4 4t b i at 'll4l 4 l %ttlaree