The Sun. — London, England, 1821-04-18 00:00:00

which establiihed the purest system of Christian faith, but had to the utmost possible degree suc ceeded in securing the religious and 'civil liberty of those who dissent from it, whether Catholic or Protestant Dissenters; and now he mentioned the Protestant Dissenters, he should observe, that the framers of the present Bill seemed to have forgotten them aitogether,—(Hear !)—and to . have overlooked the fact that so many great Statesmen had .thought ,it. necessary to defend the ChkirA against them, by refusing -repeal ,the T.ist-aed Corporation Acts.. But they Were told thak this they 'were wrong,- and that they .let • the, Chtirch .Establishment take its 41s4ee. He was .Ofa- different opissiOn ; .if he sveev at the, last. OR of his life he shbuld as ser;•fhat an established religion was the greatest befit to a people,.ntit. to make. the Church poli tttal,- but to tnalse'the State religious. ;—(Hear!) —arid he was firmly convinced that the interests of religion wouldAe better . Consulted by saying, Pir.s. there should be a Worse religion established, avi a,n enlightened , toleration, than by saying tboe should be no establishment ; for he believed th4st- in the preseet state of society, the existence of an -establishment was the best way of promot -14 the religious an 4 civil interests of every man in.tb:e country.—(Hear !)—He could not agree that -the Mode in which the discussion had pro .cestled had , bronght them to the true question in this:r..ase ; he would not go into those early scenes o. -the history, of this country before the Refor rnation, when there were a Popish King and Po pish Houses of Legislature acknowledging the authority of the Pope. But the House would go alOng with him in saying, that never were there Pretensions so unfounded as those set up by the Pope, and even as those which were acceded to; 'and he would also do justice by•admitting, that never was the love cf liberty more strongly dis played than in those struggles with the Pope. But that was not the period to look to; for, till the period of the Reformation, the question of foreign influence was never looked at in the same point of view or with the same interest as now. He :wished their Lordships would read the various • statutes respecting the King's supremacy, passed in the reign of Henry VIII. But he could not pass the earlier times of our history without pay ing a tribute to those great men, who defended, . bat did not lay the foundations of English liberty, which were laid at a much earlier period ; for the. Church of England having lived in this • conniry before the Church of Rome was brought . W hat the supremacy approved by the Pope in this country had been he could only know frnn the statutes of the country. If they read the- Ist Philip and Mary, c. 8, they would see what supremacy at that time of day was. There cettid be nothing more humiliating, there could t be a more debased and degraded record re .ep.ecting a nation, than that absolute submission of all the States of this Realm to a Foreign Pre late.' He begged their Lordships to read it ; he hardly knew a man who had read it. No man who would read it would fail to arise alive and : trembling, lest they should open again the door to that lion which .had so nearly devoured us.— Those who framed the present Bill seemed not . to know that there were common law oaths as 'well as statute oaths. But lawyers would tell them that the old Oath of Allegiance was the wrie as the modern Oath of Supremacy. Allegi ance, according to the common law, was un divided allegiance. Lord Hale said, that the Oath of Supremacy had become absolutely necessary to inform the people that they co:ild not have a civil allegiance distinct from' ecclesiastical or spiritual allegiance. It was introduced to " unrivet" (that was his ex pression). those errors which had crept into the minds of the subject, and to explain in what man - nen he pledged 'himself to the Crown, as the head of th e civil and spiritual state of t he country. The Bill before them appeared to him (the Lard .Chancellor) to be framed with the ex press purpose of undoing what the Oath of Su premacy. meant to ,effect. The greatest men, , Seldon, Clarendon, Locke . , and Lord Somers, had .not hated Popery on account of its religi (las tenets, but on account 'of its tendency to in .troduce:slavery and subjection to a foreign power. Mr- Locke, indeed, had said, that because the Ce.tholics acknewledged foreign 'authority, they could not tie. at 'all tolerated in a State.—The Rey. Prelate (the Bishop of Norwich) shook his head--,he (the LOrd Chancellor) could shake, h;r. head'. laugh 1 .)•-•-:-He thought Mr. 1 4 Ocke ha . d.a.,;one too:far-4111a he had lost on that hccasfon the.autrian Uiuderstanding. When the :Reformation had . made some progress, Queen Eli salsostbssent ,forsli an . ittipisnition to . her subjects, Ella. c.. 1, To his utter • aitonishatenr, he (tlse.lorsl - 0.) had seenit - dehlared, that this ad rnoo:tionovsts an exposition of what the Oath of f - shipess'sna.cy . tneant; . ,. lie " would co the length of , Sayress, thatseitinsi tho indiyidowl..who vtai . then addressing their Lordships, or ,those Who passed that..Reolution as to .Queen Elizatieth's'admoni-, not . knoW . .the meaniii of common lan .was evidezit to hint that;it had nothing jails's; ,world to do with the oath` of Sakeinacy. It.irs . .assiii.d.hy ;. theaciVocates of the Present bill, that .the Pr . otestant Vistablisherient was sec lied in plO.ce by the acts of William antr Mary ; in the - secolitl place by the .troion with Scotland; • arid thirdly,, and 'post effectually, by the Union He was ready to, agree to all this . ifthey perinitted - the means 'to- remain by which the establislimentwas secured, They had heard other places, of paper and pirchment.eonstitu . .tiActils, .but what was the Act of Settlerneht but a .pape.rnonstitutiou, if 'they took away the means .ny which its provisions were effected ? It Was 10.14 bill, that the Catholics were ready to ahjere all allegiance except what 'referred to re ,ligious belief. Then, why; he asked, was not the oath, framed accordingly ?: He begged any one .i.oresacl that oath, and to ask whether it was not - • left entirely to the mind of the person who took ..tiae..,oath, to . say what was matter of belief or not? •I.t.e.was willing to give credit to the Catholics for more s,koopuas and integrity than the present bill attributed torthem. But why was the person Who belonged toiflie Church'of England togive greater pir)dgesfOrtheseCtlrityofthechuich than the Ca.. tholics? We, the Protestants, were to give the rope no authority at all ) the Catholics were to except matters of belief, with no definition of what they considered matters of belief. It was not Titus Oates, or the Popish plots (which they were continually laughing at and giving thanks for), that induced King William to, pass the Acts respecting the Catholics`; but he plainly de clared, that it was necessary that a Protestant King should have a Protestant Government (the IDeclaration against Transubstantiation bad been taken not twelve months ago by the King on the Throne). It was not thought enough that the King should be Protestant alone, but that the Legi,slature and all the Officers•of State should be Psotestaaits. All 'these enactments were ex pressly declarea'to be not only essential but fun damental, and as far as that Legislature could make them, perpetual. Though he acknow ledgedthat the Legislature of to-day could not, bind the- Legislature of to-morrow, yet this was undoubtedly the strongest way in which they could express an opinion, that the system was not only essential but exclusive. It was necessary to remember, that they could not pass this Bill of Conciliation [so called, he supposed, from set ting together all parties by the ears—(A laugh), unless they would to-morrow repeal the Test and Corporation Acts. They must take this system of Legislation altogether in opposition to the Bill of Rights and the Act of Settlement, which declared, that the person who wore the Crown should be Protestant, and that he should be sur rounded by Protestant Ministers and Officers.— The Noble and Learned Lord referred to the 136, 14th, and 33d of the late King, and the oaths imposed under them; he desired to know what circumstances had happened since 1793, to induce them to dispense with all the oaths which were then thought necessary ? It was worthy of consideration, too, how, under the present Bill, they intended to protect this country from that public exercise of the Catholic religion, which could not be permitted without disturbing the harmony of the people. In the first Bill, a march was stolen upon the Protestants by calling the Catholics 44 his Majesty's Roman Catholic sub jects." He could not call them by any other title than that which was given to them in former Acts, "his Majesty's subjects professing the Roman Ca tholic religion." By the Bill before them, the Ca tholic Church was recognised in every part of the kingdom. Were we to have Catholic Archbishops of Canterbury and York, Bishops, Deans, and Col legiate Bodies? Was every part of this country to see that species of Catholic establishment, which if net now a misdemeanour, only failed of being so under a forced construction of recent statutes? They should act, if at all, fairly and with manliness, and if they wished to allow this open display of the Catholic religion, they should avow it and acknowledge their error.—(Hear !) —He now wished to consider the Bill as a mea sure of conciliation, and he would ask, whether they had heard any thing from Ireland within the last seven or eight days, which could lead them to suppose that it would be accepted by the Catholics as a boon ?—(Hear !)—But, oh! we were not to mind the Catholics. We were to bring in a Bill to conciliate the hearts and minds of all classes of the community, but we were not to care whether the Protestants would grant it, or the Catholics receive it—but conci liated they must be. This put him in mind of a story he had heard of a person in the High lands, who was seen driven along by a fellow with a cat-o'-nine-tails. A passenger naturally asked the driver w hat he Was doing with the man who was driven ? Oh," said he, C 4 lam going to make a volunteer o. him."—‘A. laugh !) This was the nature of this forced conciliation. Under the Bill, he was to have no choice of his religion, nor the Chancellor, nor the Lord Lieu tenant and Chancellor of Ireland. But yet Roman Catholics were allowed to be Judges. This was one of the most monstrous proposi tions he could conceive, for if they allowed persons without the qualifications to hold those offices, it was a call upon all persons of that religion to point at the Throne as the cause of their exclusion. It was curious too, that this Bill allowed the King 's Councillors. to be Catholics, but required t hat the Chancellor should be not a Catholic. The. Privy Councillor was forbidden by this Bill from giving advice on Ecclesiastical matters; and he was made the judge of what was Ecclesiastical or not. But the oath of the Privy Councillor was to advise his Sove reign in all matters without distinction. It was said, however, that the Legislature which im posed that oath, could unmake it. So that the Privy Councillor would say, "True, I have sworn to-day that I will give my Sovereign advice in,, all.matters, but there was an Act of Parliament Made yesterday to say; I . shall 'not." By the Bill too the Ecclesiastical Judges were to be Protestants, but in Westminster Hall the Judges might be-Catholics. Now any one who knew the• nature of our laws would know, that our temporal and- Ecclesiastical Laws were so bound tip together, that it was impossible to separate them.--(Rear . !).—lt would of course happen un der this• Bill that a Pretestant Judge would have to decide in Doctors' Cosurnon.s, and a Catholic Judge in Westminster Hall, on the same ecclesi astical cause.—(Hear !)—This, under . the provi sions of the Bill, they could not, possibly avoid. Asior the dignity of K ing's• counsel, .it was not an office, and it was to be remarked, that they. did not take any oath on being appointed, so that place, was,perhaps,alriady more open to them than was generally. supposed. From the year 1688 to the present time, this country had been governed by a Protestant King, Protestant _Peers, and Pro testant Commons, who had supported religious liberty as it' had. never before been supported.— held that no person was punished by being excluded from political power. . It was the giv ing the elective franchise to which in, his con science he believed the.present motion was to be attributed.—(Hear, hear, hear !)—They were now to open the doors of Parliament to Catho lics, who were to come there under the King's summons, to consult of the arduous business.of the English Church";. he felt that the country was' well now, and lie would not hazard the destruction of its blessings., What might happen was the subject of conjecture = what had hap pened - was the subject of experience. The Noble and Learned Lord then alluded to the present regular establishment of- the Catho . lic Clergy in Ireland; he could acknowledge, he said, a Bishop or Dean of the Popish persuasion, but he could not acknowledge a Bishop Or . Dean of the Popish Church in this kingdom.—(Hear, hear !)—yet, in Ireland, though they existed only by sufferance, the Catholic Ctergy had Synods and Consistorial Assemblies, and inter fered in judicial matters. They took on them selves,in their Ecclesiastical Courts, to pronounce sentence of excommunication ; when restitution of conjugal rights was , sued for, they undertook to prevent it by the sentence of their Courts. Was it then to be wondered at, that the Catho lic Clergy were unwilling to subject to inspection the bulls and rescripts from the Pope ? The Noble Lord concluded in a low tone of voice, which prevented us from catching the whole of his sentences below the Bar, by declaring his conviction, that the Bill endangered the Protes tant Establishment, and by expressing his hope, that the names of Grey, Grenville, Lansdown, Holland, and Spencer, would not go down to pos terity, coupled with a measure injurious to the religious and civil liberty of the country. The Bishop of NORWICH explained. He ob served, that the Learned Lord on the Woolsack had not quoted Locke fairly. In his 2d and 3d letter, he maintained the right of universal to leration, though he declared, that there were some doctrines, such as the proposition that Kings excommunicated by 'the Pope might be deposed or murdered, which might fairly exclude the holders from the benefit of that toleration. Lord GRENVILLE, in rising to deliver his sen timents on this question, said he should not in all probability have troubled their Lordships with the expression of his opinion had he not felt that there was something about this subject which would prevent his being absent from the discussion of it with any satisfaction, or from giving a silent vote in favour of what he had so often advocated in that House. His opinion on this question he foultd was not to be shaken by the lapse of time. He knew of no way in which the Legislature could convey satisfaction and gratitude, always attendant on a great benefit to the united people of this Empire, than by giving a vent to those great principles of political jus tice and religious toleration which were involved in their agreeing to this measure of relief to the Roman Catholics of Ireland. When he offered himself to the House as an humble advocate of a measure of that degree of importance which no imagination could exaggerate, and no illiberality deny, he ought first to express the joy and thank fulness he felt at the altered condition in which it appeared before them on the present occasion. —(Hear, hear!)—The question now for their ,consideration was not arising from the suggestion of the Catholic themselves as to what was best for them, but a measure for their benefit coming to that. House with the recommendation of the other branch of the Legislature, after a long and mature deliberation, carried on with a temper and calmness, wisdom and deliberation, which had given to his mind a degree of satisfaction he had seldom before felt nt the contemplation of the conduct of the Legislature. The object of the measure was to relieve a great portion of their fellow-subjects 'from' disqualifications to hold political power in the State. Such a mea sure, having such a tendency, and being brought before them in such a manner, were they to reject it immediately--were they, as had just been recommended to them, to refuse to deli berale upon the principles of it, which was the natural course at that stage of a Bill: but to forestall the business of a future period of its progress, and go into a minute con sideration of the meaning and even the words of some of its clauses ?—(Hear, hear, bear !) He did hope that that was not the way in which a Bill to relieve, a great portion of their fellow subjects—to admit 4,000,000 of their countrymen to a full participation in the laws of the empire, would be treated. He hoped the House was not about, by such an act of instant rejection, to de clare that, in its opinion, - the subject was not worth the consideration of the House. There certainly were cases in which the House might with propriety exercise its right of refusing to' enter into the discussion of a subject. But he was at a loss to discover what arguments could be urged upon any principle of wisdom as regard ed the relations with the other House, or drawn from any principle of justice, to refuse to enter into the consideration of the question then before them. Even though he admitted with the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, that every one of the clauses of this Bill was faulty, and re quired alteration, he could not agree in the con clusion he had drawn from that circumstance; but should, on the contrary, arrive at a conclu sion directly the reverse. Instead of refusing to discuss the principle of the Bill on that account ; he should urge the second reading of it, in order to arrive at that stage in which they might come to the consideration and erlientfatron of every one of those clauses. In corning to the consideration of this subject, it' appeared that there is in this United Kingdom a difference of religion. He agreed in all the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack said as to the inseparable influence of religious principles on the prosperity and hap piness of every nation. lie agreed with him in all the panegyric he had bestowed on the Esta blished Episcopal Church of England, which was the purest in doctrine and the best in disci pline over every other - in the world, and of the necessity of preserving and upholding not only the faith itself, but also the form of its ecclesias tical institutions inviolate. He would, however, venture to say, that if it were possible to unite the two establishments under one head, the greatest blessings would result. It was useless to talk of this; for he asked, did reason,teach them to expect it, or did experience entitle them to indulge the hope of it ? It was only wasting time which ought to be actively spent in unavailing wishes after an unattainable object. 'lt was the unhappy policy of this coun try to pursue a course of confiscation and persecution in order to eradicate 'the Catholic faith. So far, however, fro.n accomplishing that end, the means employed had the opposite effect, as it was' in the nature of things, and contributed only to root that faith more firmly in the breasts of its.prOfessers. Amongst the opponents of this measure in favour of the Catholics, there was a difference of opinion which rendered it difficult for others to know which way to steer their course amidst such. Contending: currents. They had but one duty to perform, and yet the propo sitions of the adherents in opposition to their Bill were directly the reverse of each other. The Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack said, it was their duty to leave matters as they regarded the Catholic's, in the state they were placed in by King William at the Revolution ; without making one iota of change or alteration. The other part of their opponents said, " leave matters as - they are now, there is no cause to change." Now, which of these two courses did the House mean to follow ? He believed there was no one who did tot know that the funda mental principles of the state of things at present was diametrically opposite to what they were at the time of the Revolution. Of the two propo sitions, he certainly felt best able to reconcile himself to the approbation of that which recom mended them to adopt the principles of the Revo lution on this subject. They had all heard in de tail the horrors of the system pursued at that time. They were told by Lord Clare, that the lands of the Catholics were confiscated 700,000 acres more than covered the soil of that kingdom. By that meaning to say, that some of the land had been- confiscated two and three times over. He did not seek to rake up the ashes of past dis cords, but merely to justify the cruelties on . One hand, which were 'called for by the cruelties of the other ; for. it was one black characteristic of the first acts of cruelty that they did not end with their own guilts, but created retaliation on the side of the afflicted. He should not follow the Noble and Learned Lord into the detail he had gone into on the laws in flicting these cruelties. He was satisfied with knowing what they were intended to produce, and happy that nothing remained of them but that last remnant which they were now called upon to destroy. Their Lordships knew that similar. predictions and gloomy apprehensions ac companied every step towards the removal of those laws ; but had any one of these predictions been verified ? To give an idea of the spirit in which these laws were originally adopted towards the Papists, he would read extracts frosi a work published at the time of the enactment of some of the principal of them. It ran as follows :—" We look on the Papists to be altogether as inconsi derable as women and children ; their lands are almost entirely taken away from them—the de scendants of the hereditary proprietors of the soil are almost all deprived' of the soil of their ancestors, and almost bereft /of the power of ever acquiring it again. If they ever should - possess the means, the' power of . . purchasing should be taken from them. By this means the little that remains- to the inhabitants of the soil of this coun try will daily crumble away. To prevent their thus crumbling away - , many turned Protestants, and perhaps many more will." Not only their property but the faith in which alone they lived was taken from them ; for as their Priests died away others were not allowed to supply the place. Their Lordships would - perhaps be astonished that such sentiments should ever be printed and publish ed; but they would be more surprised when they heard that it was the production' of a Rev. Di vine. Not, only were these sentiments openly answered, but the' system there laid down was recognised and acted upon. The writer ex presSed a hope that this would favour the great work of conversion, and he thought, tinder such a system, the Clergy would succeed in bringing over great numbers to the Established Church. This system, it was thought, would he beneficial, and preferable to one which united them to the constitution, and 'gave them an interest in the well-being of the country by affording them the adVantage of being governed under equal laws ; depressed as they had been, reduced to the situa tion of hewers of wood ansl drawers of water. When it was argued that they were placed in a situation in which they-could do no mischief, he would say that they were so circumstanced that they could do no good, bnt on the contrary, were likely to do nothing but mischief. The system of depressing the Catholics had been acted upon previously to the Revolution, and for 80 years afterwards, down to that happy period of the late reign, when it wasthought Wise to adopt a more liberal and conciliating course. The present sys tem was imperfect, and he agreed with an animat ed writer on this subject, that that which pre ceded, execrable as it was in its purpose, and detestable in its means, merited at least the prac tice. of being unform, consistent, and well fitted to the Object which the Legislature, in adopting it, had in their view, which was to depress the Catholics to the lowest state to which the mem bers of any community could be reduced. 'Some thought by .repealing several laws that stood in the black catalogue, the rest might remain,and that it was only by retaining these that the Protestant interest could be secured. This was the impression on the minds of some of those who were opposed to the present Bill. He would contend, on the contrary, that if they recurred to that system they must take the whole of it. It consisted of a gradual accumulation of laws to depress those against whom the Measures of the Legis lature were, directed. It .would be found that the first law against the Catholics of King Wil liam was followed by other laws in his reign and in the reigns of Anne, George.l., and George I 1., and the Catholics were depressed by accumulat ed perSecUtions, till it was at length discovered that that was not the course which wisdom'would pursue, and different measures were adopted. The loyalty of the Catholics had been proved, but if it was 'assumed that they were incapable of being trusted to .participate in the blessings of the Con stitution, the melancholy conclusion to which that' assumption would lead, was this—that late as it was to do so, the'Legislature must retrace its steps, and either expel them from the community altogether, or depress them as they had formerly been depressed. A Noble Friend of his, for the illustration of .his argument, had referred to one of those tales which formed the delight of their childhood, and which he, for one; even now, could peruse with pleasure e and lotd re , minded the House of the story which repiesents . . an individual JO have removed the seal from a jar or chest, tinder which a genitis had been confined from the time of Solomon . . The chest:opened, a black tall pillar of. smoke, N7hich ascended' from earth to heaven, had issued, from which, at length, presented to the view of the individdal, the Genius, in the form of an enormous Giant.---, His Noble Friend had inferred; 'that the restric tion removed from the Catholics, their religion would spring up like the Genius from the chest in, the form of a Giant. • His Noble Friend was a s little late in the application of this fable. It was not now that the chest was to be opened, it" had been opened when those immunities and con cessions were' granted which the Catholics had so long enjoyed. The Spirit had already gone forth, and had • happily become a Giant great in" power, in strength, and in extensive influence, and possessing the means of doing goad or evil in a most extraordinary degree. 44 'Tis excellent to have a Giant's power;" and it was now for thens to consider whether it was likely to be used tyrannically - as a Giant. The question. was 'not at present whether the Giant should be unloosed. That had been done in 1788. The seal was re moved from the chest the moment the Catholics. of Ireland were lifted from their former state of depression to hold the great and commanding in fluence which now belonged to them. His Noble Friend ought to pursue the story which he had brought to their recollection, If he did. so, lit.. : believed that he would find that the in:l - Rich-al who had releaSed the GeniuS,and bean punished b him, had afterwards _the address by some Means to persuade bins to diminish himself again, and re-enter the chest. This was the part which the House had now to take upon itself. They were to reduce the Giant--- - --that this they were to tell the people of Ireland, to give up those commer cial and other pursuits in which they have been encouraged to engage, and in the success of which the country had long been accustomed to rejoice, regarding it as one of.the greatest triumphs of the age. This was the task which the House ought to take upon itself, if it acted upon the views of his Noble Friend. There was another alterna tive. They might pursue that system of concilia tion Which had replaced the former. They might remember that, in the reign of the late King (he grieved to say it), for the first time since the Re volution, a light of surpassing splendour burst on the Catholics of. Ireland. Jt w.as thought that, instead of depressing the Catholics, as in former times, it would be better gradually to re lieve them from the disabilities under. which they had laboured. Following up this plan, they t c a less. But, i ns t ea d o f t hi s , , they were told by and by his N o bl e and. Learned Friend him grantsharm- the the Consti tution him self, that they wer e t o. s t an d where they slow o ifagn their and by . continue caotutiai tcrhyi ,ng rendertllern to conciliate Ca tholics, were as no cause existed to juOfv innovation. He could hardly think this . practicable. the Bill of 1793 passed, it was necessary • tlsat some pause should be made before the conces sion now proposed should be yielded in favpur of the Catholics. He agreed that a 'great chaqe ought to be gradually made, because it was . „great change, to prepare and reconcile the minds_ of men to it. Had he considered that. the Act of 1793 was never under anyspossible circumstance; to be departed from, he should have objected. t° it, that it was one of the most atorrialonS and incon gruous measures that could gave been .adopted' and taking this ,view of it he could never h.° ve s agreed to it. ould any man say that it wa Sl r ' v inconvenience to Ireland to have the higt' s classes of her community degraded anti ed as objeci:s of sUspicion and distrust, as they were less entitled to countenance than ao t i other class of . alien.?o wished an end put !, such a state of things, and desired , to'see . •so °c ` Eatery. measures carried, that would make -17)ea , 1 ,, E worthy of being trusted, by sh e wing t 'ss, they were considered t o b e trust-woeti l Y" 11 itteLL wished to make th em wor th y o f b e ing 14 . 6 1 by te l to share the bl ess i ngs o f th e Constitel° 11 ' • sliewink them that they were thOught. titled to such countenance. The apPre lle- P, s t entertained by his. Noble Friend on the sl' u3 the of admitting Roman Cath o lics to• places ins b no t GovernMent he thought groundless. ft be a d to be supposed that any Catholic would vs,utbi; vanced to the highest of the situations whi ci is Bill opened to them, till he ad proved 1 1, be conduct through a long course of years th a bp, was a loyal and well affected man, and car, o f notwithstanding his belief in transubstantia t ,T.Zo , faithfully discharging all the duties o f a o n i - ova , subject. He supported this Bill, noCtig in . w hich tion, but as perfecting that great work ia t for tf they had been happily engaged for the 1 a , 5 .„ 5 , years. He now called upon their Lords'ur • L be t agreeing to this measure, to wipe ou fr° l ° t blot 00 Statute-book the last remnant of .that were stain which remained when the Cath olics pa( concerned, and which must remain there SO eits ee as the present systeM was upheld. The.stit'b e , must' ultimately triumph. Whatever- mle , the close of. that day's debate, 'it was 110 4 , 0 0/ 4 matter in favour 'of the Catholics that 7, s a d go forth how much of all that was illustrip o u 1414 venerable supporied their claims—it wr•L t n , t oes)t matter that it should be known with sw" l 7 oeee sle e ci their cause had been pleaded. Ileth, r e 73 ta li n ding h e to shew that the Catholic, notwlti' s b e slience advanced a claim to pay suPer i c r was capab le , •ss o to law, and the' revealed• law of G° l e hst obe of satisfying human laws by Yielog l g . , been tbe thence to the Government. But it ha", __ ot . for lot of the Catholics to be persecuted u professed to . 0 any opinions which they pr.oi them 14 others, taro, but for those which those their condlic that them drew the inference was likely to prove incornpa, they resided. h is being of the -State in which ta ined, alv" ot enter was mode of 'imputing sentiments n anted by facts, , drawing conclusions not war! . persecution, an. the great fountain If/ alli of the world down t : ( 1 1 from which .were iourwptorsteedd to .abandoning' t o b ,f 4 1 1 1 o . ho satisfactory manner, that those w been so from the beginning could Y ie the doctrine of %transubstantiation., to a „ . . 0 , the present day. It had been p • • The- Cortmw" : the most full and undivided - 1 :10 1 c te ip st i azt o S f o ti v i e e r ir ei r g e n l ,: g w w i n t . hout proved vi s . s e . t_h i nt_thele;iv,de,o.ll.l,..is•l