The Sun. — London, England, 1845-07-01 00:00:00

not the Roman Catholic merchants in Dublin hare an opportunity of having ►heir sons educated at Trinity College, Dublin. The Roman Catholics were quite con tented that so much should be reserved for the Protestant Clergy as was necessary ? Why not open twenty scho larships to the Roman Catholics in Trinity College, and provide endowments which should be also open to them ? He had taken this opportunity of offering a few sugges tions to the Government, because he was really anxious that the Bill should succeed. His present impressior was, that if this Bill was enacted in its present form it would prc've a nullity. They must remember that the Bishops- of Ireland were chosen by the people, and en joyed perfect confidence, and whatever they recommended was to be considered as an exposition of the opinions of the Catholics of Ireland. He should have thought that they had had sufficient experience in the Charter school, not to mention other analogous cases, of attempting to govern schools independent of that opinion. If they proceeded on their present principle, they might as well withdraw the Bill altogether. Lord Stanley had given them a system of poor-law, which was Carried against the wishes of the Irish Members, and it eltimately proved a failure. He should like to see the Government doing justice to Ireland by consulting the opinions and the feelings of her people. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he had hoped the Bill would have bent allowed to go into Committee without any more discussion on its general principles. The Hon. Member admitted the necessity for a measure of this kind, and, therefore, he (Sir James Graham) con sidered the best course would have been for him to allow the Bill to go into Committee, and when there to consider what amendments were necessary for the efficiency of the Bill. He was not prepared to say thigt he was opposed to all the amendments pro posed by the Hon. Member, though he would beg lo ob serve that the principles involved in them had been fully discussed both by the Noble Lord the Member for Lon don, another Noble Lord (Lord Mahon), and other Members who had suggested alterations and amend ments. The Hon. Gentleman accused the Government of corrupting the minds of the people of Ireland. But he had such an opinion of the importance of diffusing general intelligence that 1:e believed there could be no greater means of preventing their corruption. The reli gious education of the students was not neglected. It was provided for, first, under the care of the parents themselves ; secondly, under the care of the persons selected by the parents or guardians ; and, thirdly, by the heads of the Halls, who would be chosen by the professors, subject to the approbation of the Crown. With respect to the representation of the Right Rev. Prelates, since that was made several amendments had been made in the Bill. Tne colleges were intended for secular education, and that only. Religious instruction was not to he given there. Mr. O'CONNELL said he would not retard the House by expressing his sentiments, and thought it would be useless to do so after the declaration of the Right Hon. Baronet. He agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet in thinking the House ought not to submit to the dictation of any body of' persons, however respectable, and how ever henourahle. What signified the expenditure of money,aild the appointment of professors, if they did not attenri to the advice of the Right Rev. Prelates, the Bill would not sucesed, Ti.e Righ` II _et. Baronet said the Bill had been much altered. lie was in possession of the opinion of those prelates, which showed that the alterations made had created no change in their minds. The lion. and Learned Gentleman then read a letter dated Maynooth College, June 26, from Archbishop IVPITaIe, which set forth the unanimous opinion of the Prelates as to the immoral and irreligious tendency of the Bill remaining twaltered. Some of the prelates were of opinion that they should petition Par liament, taking the memorial already published as a model for such petition, but subse quently Agreed not to do so, in consequence of the disrepect with which the opinions of the Prelates had been already treated in Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate further described the Bill as a heinous and revolting act, and again mentioned that the opinion of the Prelates expressed in the memorial re mained unaltered. The Bill (continued the Hon. and Learned Gentleman) was justly considered as a tempta tion to youth to neglect their duty, which they owed to the first principles of religion. Some words in th e letter might be too strong, but it was, at all events, characteristic of the strong feeling which the Bill had created in Ireland. The object of its promoters was of course success, and how could they expect success when the opinions of two thirds of the people of Ireland were in strong opposition to it. His object was to obtain re ligious as well as secular instruction for the people. This the Bill had not done, and therefore he objected to it. They bad positively done nothing by these alterations. They ha i to be sure, given permission to enact a Bill for religious purposes, but this provision/ was only negative, for, according to the decision of Lord Chan cellor Sugden, that power existed already. The law was quite settled on that point. There was no longer any doubt but Catholics might endow schools and convents, as the Right Hon. Baronet had said. This measure propagated darkness; common charity would be promoted best by giving each sect instruction in their own religion ; let them give one hall for theology to the Roman Catholic, another to the Protestant, and another to the Presbyterian, but as now arranged they left all in original darkness, and defeated their own intentions. The Protestants comprised the wealthiest in Ireland, and the present measure virtually allowed wealth to triumph over religious poverty by leaving endowment to voluntary bounty. He should take one division on an early clause, not from any hope of success, but be came he felt that he should have done his duty to his corThcience and his country. He protested against the measure, because he regarded it as totally irreligious, and giving a one-handed permission to darkness and irreligion. Lord J. RUSSELL considered the observations of the Learned Member for the county of Cork of the greatest importance, accompanied as they were by the opinions of the Reiman Catholic prelates. He could not go the length of designating the measure a penal enact ment, but thought some weight should be attached to the observation of it being dangerous to faith and morals, and certainly if pissed in opposition to the wish of the hierarchy of Ireland, it would not at least be useful. He should not oppose its going into Com mittee ; in that stage it might possibly be amended, bat if it came out of Committee with the stigma unremoved, he thought the Bill ought not to be sent over to Ireland. One r , CI4 r provision he considered very objectionable—he meant that of thy- appointment of professors ; but as amendinente on that ,uO . k.t would be subsequently pro pased, he should rec rv;r any further remarks till that The H oe , thee riete into Committee on the Bill. On the first clause being read, proposing that 100,0001. be appropriated for the erection of three colleges, appor tioned in sums of 33,3331. 6s. Bd. respec:ively, Lord J. RUSSELL rose to move an amendment. He moved th et in line 17 of the clause, the words be inserted " including the building of the halls hereinafter men tioned," and that they leave out the words "not exceed ing 33,3331. 6e. Bd. for each such college." Sir J. GRAHAM opposed the amendment as decidedly at variance with the principle of the Bill. It would be introducing the principle of religious education as a part of the scheme if they allowed this provision to be intro duced into the 13 . 11. He therefore decidedly objected to what the Noble Lord propesetd. He considered that the 100,000/. would be little enough fur the other purposes A . the Bill, without eppl; ing any of it as the Noble Lord desired. If it was the opinion of the House a discretionary power might be invested in the trustees, but the amend ment was at variance with the principle of the Bill. Mr. WYSE said that he differed from the Right Hon. Baronet as to the principle of the Bill. There was no necessity for considering the halls and the colleges as bound OR the same principle, for they were indeed essentially dE'erent. If it was objected that no grant could be made fie. religious instruction in the halls, yet that objection was overruled in the colleges. If the governing body of the colleges were not worthy of the confidence of the Catholic community, then indeed the objection might be made, but if it were, though he should object to tho supremacy of one governing body over the proceedings of another as being incompatible with that supremacy which ought to be held in each, yet, under the circumstances, he did not see that the amendment was opposed to the principle of the Bill, and ielvas entitled to his support. Mr. Sergeant MURPHY thought that any aid con tributed out of the public purse would be contingent on • any contributions of the nighbourhood. Sir R. PEEL said that the Government had made a much more liberal provision, fer they had proposed that 100.0001. should be appropriated to the erection ofcolleges, halls, and other edifices, but without the appropriation of any portion for the resideeces of the professors. Yet they would not refuse any aid for the secular instruction of the youth sent to these colleges, and it would be un reasonable to refuse the same aid for the religious instruction of the pupils. They were ready to receive these contributions for the endowment of these halls, And they were quite ready to allow the use of the pulpits in those hulls to the clergy of th e C at h o li c body. (gear, hear.) The object was not to conciliate the Catholic body, but to adjust the respective claims of the several parties. Was it not then reasonable to say the Roman Catholics, the Presbyterians, and the Independents s should provide for their own religious instruction? They were willing to provide for the best secular instruction of those bodies, and he thought that it would be unreason able to provide for the r, ligtous instruction of theßoman Catholic pupils, and he thought, therefore, that any ade •judication of money out of the public • contrary to the p r i nc i ple of the Bill. purse would be Mr. VERNON SMITH —The object of this amend nient was not to test the validity of the grant, but to • elicit the feelings of the people. He contended that it was a bad principle to leave the moral supervision to voluntary contributions. He quite agreed with his Hon. Friend (Leril J. Russell) that the professional system what had the llon. was quite unfitted e:e Ireland. Now, Genl ternan toll t" ;a tte ether night, why, that these eeleges weee ,ieteieled for benefit of the middle e - !assee. The studies r active life of that class began at 17 or 18 years of age, and at that time it was in which 'relieious instruction was most especially needed, and yet thele:g'rit Hon. Baronet proposed to leave this religious instruction to the voluntary feelings of the people. He thought the effect of such arrangement was not likely •to prove very satisfactory His Noble Friend wished to ••:b tablish with more certainty these halls which seemed 'likely te provide for erhication of the Roman Catholic pupi;9. Mr. SILL `X said th this que - ,tion of the balls na tnrally led to the endowment of the Roman Catholic Church in general, anal a he knew that if they endowed one professor they must endow others, this proposition was clearly in opposition to the Bill. He thought, therefore, that the Noble Lord ought to be able to ex plain the grounds on which he thought this endowment should be made. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that, as was shown by 'the ohgtrvations of the Hon. Moinhor for Waterford, it lwas the proposal of the Government not to give re• ligious education, but only a secular edncation for the people of Ireland. Now, as the , clausi now stood, it W 4 clearly contrary to the principle of the Bill. The Ro man Catholic hierarchy had required that the students should attend Divine worship on Sundays. Now, with regard to the question as to whether there should be any religious instruction, he had no objection to the instruction of the Roman Catholic pupils by Roman Catholic priests. Certainly it was not wise to leave the pupils without any religious instruction. He had not sufficient acquaintance with the constitution of Trinity College, but he did not think that there should be any doubt as to what was to be the system pursued in it. Either they must open Trinity College, Dublin, to Roman Catholics as well as to Pro testants or they must altogether close it, and although he thought this college should be opened, yet it cer tainly was not wise to interfere with its present govern ment. Yet, notwithstanding his objection to this, he thought that there should not be one sort of education for the Protestants and another, which though inferior, was good enough for Roman Catholics. On this ground, therefore, he thought that it would be advisable to make this provision for the religious education of the Catholics. Sir J. GRAHAM said that much had been said of opening Trinity College to all sects without distinction, but with certain minor restrictions Catholics were equally eligible with Protestants to be received into that University. The Noble Lord had argued as if it were a necessary part of the economy of the intended Government colleges that students should re side in them. But this residence was not compulsory, but voluntary, and in contemplating such, they were actuated by several motives ; one to have the students under the supervision of their superiors, and another to simplify the arrangements for educational and domestic purposes. The Noble Lord's argument, he re peated, would have been unanswerable if the attendance of students at these halls were compulsory ; but as that a.tendance was voluntary, his amendments were alto gether unnecessary. Mr. C. BULLER said that every alteration made in the Bill had deteriorated it, because it interfered with its original principle. He was ready to accept this Bill as it stood, on the assurance of Government that a university system would be ultimately adopted for the college one now contemplated, because the real essence of a university education eonsisted in the power to give degrees, which would be found excesdingly useful afterwards to scientific men; and they could not expect, unless they gave this advan tage, that these colleges would be crowded with students. The Roman Catholics of Ireland bad a right to an equally good education with that given in Trinity College, Dublin, and this plan would give them that. He had no desire to depreciate the advantages of moral and re ligious training, but experience had shown that religion was not inculcated in their national universities. Why, e hen he was himself at Cambridge, it was customary " to buy off" attendance at chapel, and it was a rule that gentleman commoners were asked to attend chapel only on Sundays, while pensioners were required to be there every day. It was monstrous. It seemed as if the souls of noblemen and gentlemen commoners did not require that watchful attention which was expended upon the lower classes of collegians. He remembered, also, a man being found reading a novel in chapel. One would suppose that his superiors would have said, " You are not in a proper frame of mind to perceive the beau ties of Christianity," and they would have tried by rea soning to show him his error. But let the House mark the difference. That gentleman was, for the remainder of his terms, obliged to attend chapel morning and even ing.—(Laughter.) He regretted any alteration in the principle of this measure. The system had been found to work well in Scotland, and none in that House would undertake to say that the Scotch were a nation of Atheists. They could not be considered the least reli gious portion of thepmpire. There the students were not obliged to go techapel, or to attend theological lec tures ; and he knew, from a friend of his who had studied in Edinburgh for a year and a half, that a mural superintendence was exerted far superior to that of Ox ford or Cambridge. He was not compelled to attend chapel, bat he was a resident in the house of a clergy man, where practical lessons of Christianity were taught him—(Hear, hear)—and so with the universities of Lom bardy. In Padua and Modena, the system was the very same with that of Edinburgh. He trusted that the Go vernment would not introduce religious tuition into their Bill, because, as surely as they did so, the measure would be inefficient for Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) This was a scheme to give classical and scientific education to Ire land, let the parents or guardians look that their reli gious education be attended to. He would support the original Bill, and he trusted that the Government would adhere to it. Sir R. H. INGLIS said that he should not then enter further into the discussion than to make a few observa tions on what had fallen from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had just sat down. In answer to his statement, and the cheers of other lion. Members, he had no hesitation in stating, that in no class of society had a greater improvment taken place than in the University which he had the honour to represent. With respect to this Bill, his great objection to it was that it excluded reli gion altogether, as a matter essentially connected with the interests of the State, and still more so as connected with its duties. The provision which the Bill proposed for securing a proper superintendence of the religious and moral instruction of the pupils was manifestly inade quate ; for it left to the president of each college the un controlled power of giving and withdrawinglicences to the masters of the boarding-houses, and there was no clause which required the master to see that the stu dents did their duty to God, by attending to divine worship, as well as their duty to man, by obedience to the laws of the land, and the laws of conventional morality. He would not now detain the House by re peating the further reasons which he had previously ex plained, in former discussions, for supporting the pro position of the Noble Lord the Member for London. Mr. BERNAL said that the reasons alleged by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford, for sup porting the amendment of his Noble Friend the Member for London, were precisely those which induced him to oppose the amendments. He warned, and implored the Government, if they wished the measure to succeed, to guard against being seduced into making it a religious Bill, which would excite against it an amount of popular hostility altogether unprecedented. He contended that this was not a proper moment for introducing a dis cussion as to the principle of the Bill. They were now considering only the propriety of introducing the word " halls" after the word " colleges." Having been himself a student at Cambridge, he was able to say from his experience that every attempt to enforce theological study must be a failure ; and in Ireland the attempt could have no chance whatever of success. Sir R. PEEL said that even after all that had been said by his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Oxford. he remained convinced of the importance of extending to those classes who had been hitherto excluded from it, the advantages of an academical education. He could not at the same time admit, with the Hon. Gentleman opposite, that the discipline at Cambridge was the same now that it had been thirty years ago. If the parents and guardians of children did not take care of their reli gious instruction any measure in that House would be completely absurd. Mr. SHEIL thought that the principle of the Bill was at stake. The Government thought that if they received the suggestion of the Noble Lord, they would make a secession equivalent to the abandonment of the measure. He did not agree with his Hon. Friend the Member for Weymouth on this subject. On other matter:, he would have difficulty in differing with him. Not only the Roman Catholic Bishops were unanimous with respect to the inoperation of this Bill, but every Roman Catholic Member in that House, and every Irish Member at his side of the House, concurred in his view that this me le sure was ineffective—he might almost say fatally so.— (" No." from Mr. Ross.) He would wish to except the Hon. Member for Belfast, where the religions education of the Presbyterians was provided for. And why not provide for the religious education of the Roman Catholics of Cork ? The Presbyterian clergy and laity , received instruction in Belfast, both those who were in tended and those who were not intended for the Church. Those who would be Irishmen—with a single exception, the Member for Belfast—concurred in thinking the Bill to be defective. His Hon. Friend said, beware of. exciting the people of England. He (Mr. Sheil) would say, beware of governing Ireland in conformity with the prejudices of the people of Eng land.—(Hear, hear.) The prejudices of the people of England were not to be held out to them, and he thought that the Minister of England would agree with him on that subject.—(Cheers and laughter.) They paid the Roman Catholic clergymen for attending the barracks and garrisons of Dublin, and also for attending the sol diers wives, with the enormous salaries of GU a year. The priest at Templemure was paid that for attending the barracks. He (Mr. Sheil) knew it, because he him self had made the suggestion to the lion. Member for Coventry, and that sum was now paid. They paid the Roman Catholic clergy for attending the poorhouses, and in common conscience what was the reason why they did not pay Roman Catholic clergymen for attending in places of secular instruction in which spiritual instruc tion was peculiarly required ? He wanted their reason, and he wanted it specific and plain, and he could not forbear from mating an observation, that they were con stantly saying that they were willing to pay the Roman Catholics, and he heard constant insinuations that the settlement of the Roman Catholic clergy was of paramount importance, and ought to be undertaken. It happened that in 1825 the Secre tary for the Home Department was not a Member of the I louse when Lord F. Egerton brought forward his motion, but he took the opportunity of stating that if he had been in Parliament he would have voted for it. The Secretary at War made a speech in favour of it, but they said that the Roman Catholic clergy would not take the money. They had paid on other occasions, and exhibited a desire to pay then—was that consistent with the present mea sure? The Catholic Bishops asked them to appoint the clergy at the smallest pittances, but the Government would not appoint them. They said that they feared the prejudices of the English people; if such was the case, this would not be a message of peace, but would add to the long category of prostrations which constituted the governing policy of this country with respect to Ireland. Lord BERNARD made a few observations refer ring to the period of history when the Church of Rome became reunited with the Church of Ireland. Fie would be ready to admit the want of education that existed at all periods of time from that epoch to this moment. Ho knew the wants of the poorer classes of the people at the present day ; b ut h e would contend for i t, that Trinity College was sufficient for all the pur poses of giving educati on t o t h e middle classes, and then establish societies for the education of the poorer classes, such as the Dublin Society. He (Lord B.) would not speak so much at length upon this subject but that he was intimately acquainted with th at part of Ireland where, he believed, it was intended that one of these 1 colleges should be established. At a meeting held in Cork, at which the Hon. Member for Waterford pre sided, that Hon. Member declared that he was in favour of a system of education which should be based on - religion, and that religion founded on the Scriptures; and a gentleman proposed a resolution at that meeting to that effect, and if that should be acceded to in this Bill it should have his most cordial support; and he hoped her Majesty's Government would agree to the insertion of a clause having such an object in view. Before he sat down he would only say one word, and that was this, let the arguments in favour of this Bill, as well as those against it, stand or fall by their own merits. But if the real object of the Government was to improve the condition of the people of Ireland, by introducing capital into that country, by which to give employment to the labouring classes, who were the great majority of the people of that country that were really in want. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, before this discussion should go any further, he thoueht it right to say a few words, and then answer the question of the Right lion. Gentleman the Member for Dungarvon. He begged to say he wished to be distinctly understood as declaring that he never did contemplate this or any other measure as a panacea for the ills of Ireland.—(Cheers.) Though he looked upon this measure as one of vast importance to that country, still it would be far from affording any ' thing like a means for an improved condition of the , physical wants of the labouring classes in that country. —(Hear, hear.) As to the question of the Right Hon. ; Member for Dungarvon, lie did think that even in the Committee it would be well that the House should adhere to the principle of the Bill ; but at the same time he should say that the point now under dis • , cus•ion would form an object for an ulterior amendment. —(Hear, hear.) With respect to what had been said about having a department for the qualifications of chap lains, he would say that if the State were to adopt the domestic form of giving religious instruction, they could not fail to tarn their attention to some of the schemes they had seen so intimately connected with that system. And this brought him again to the point in reference to the appointment of chaplains. The Hon. Member had said, " Let us know the intentions of the Government on this point ;" and he (Sir J. Graham) thought the Hon. Member was right in asking this question. If those chaplains were to be selected in obedience to the feelings of some persons in this country, he did not think it would be conducive either to the happiness or peace of the people of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) This was his opinion, and this was the opi nion he had given expression to when voting on the Maynooth question on a former occasion, which, he was sorry to say, was a measure that had run counter to the opinion of the majority of the people of this country. lie was not in Parliament in the year 1825, and, therefore, was not compromised by any vote come to by the House then ; but, when he was in Parlia ment, his vote on this question did not compromise his opinions. He did state that, personally, he should have no scruples on religious grounds in supporting such a grant, and, therefore, it was quite clear that, on reli gious grounds, he was not opposed to the appointment of those chaplains, and certainly was not swayed in bis opinions by any servile adulation to the opinions of the people of England or of Scotland.— (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") But it had been asked, why not support now those appointments ? His answer was that such appointments would, in his opinion, extinguish every hope of establishing a go&l understanding in those institutions ; for if religious instruction be given in those colleges it should be either a social or a separate system of instruction. If it were to be a social system, then that should be done to which on religious grounds he had an objection, namely, there should be a sort of distinction of religious opinions which would tend to introduce a republican system of religious instruction that would be most objectionable; therefore, he conceived that the instruction to be given in the colleges being founded on the plan of that of the national education would be the best, and religious in struction was not included in that system. He did think it would be of the last importance if the Pro testant and Catholic scholars could be instructed in one institution, with a view to bring about a softening down of religious antipathies. But if the principle were ad mitted in the south of Ireland of giving religious in struction in the colleges, the Roman Catholic students should have Roman Catholic chaplains, and in common justice the Protestants students should have the same. So likewise should the Presbyterians and the Unitarians, and even the Jews perhaps would require a rabbi and a synagogue—(Laughter)—and all the other chaplains would require separate places of worship also. On these grounds he did think it would be better to avoid any of the inconveniences which would attend such a state of things, and which would in his opinion lead to a scene of chaos worse confounded. He had now stated his ob jectioa to this amendment, and he would conclude by saying that, if it should be carried, it would be incon sistent in principle, fatal in effect, and anything more injurious than the proposition of the Noble Lord he could not conceive. Mr. ROSS regretted being obliged to vote on this oc casion in opposition to those with whom he had been in the habit of concurring ; but he feared the proposition would be so injurious that ho could not concur in it. Lord CLIVE did not think the amendment of the Noble Lord the Member for London involved the prin ciple of endowing these fabrics. It was merely intended to provide the buildings and nothing more. Mr. LEFROY opposed the amendment. He fully concurred with the Hon. and Learned Member for Lis keard, in the view he had taken on this subject. Mr. BELLEW said that if this measure was fairly understood, he did not think there would be much op position to it. Mr. ROEBUCK said that one observation of his Learned Friend the Member for Dungarvon desrved more than ordinary notice. It was that Ireland was not to be governed by the prejudices of the people. In that opinion he fully concurred, good feeling amongst all should be preserved. The Honourable Member had asked, why the principle was not applied to the English colleges? He answered, because that was not the best sys tem of education, which the circumstances of England allowed. Could they teach each separate sect, or could they endow every denomination which existed in this country ? Such a system would be impolitic and im • practicable. As to the proposition of the Noble Lord (Russell) it struck at the very principle of the Bill ; the 17th clause gave the power to private individuas to erect halls in the college ; but for what purpose could chairs of theology be adopted in a college founded for mixed secular education ? Why should not a geological hall be established, where the author of "The Vestiges of Creation" could deliver lectures.—(A laugh.) The Government proposition was simply an application to public utility of private money, but the amendment wholly contravened it. He gave his vote for the endow ment of Maynooth on very different principles—he gave it in spite of its religion, not in consequence of it—and he was in favour of the present measure, because it acted upon his long-confirmed opinion of the superiority of independent secular education. The Government, in bringing it forward, bad adopted not an irreligious, but a wise and a bold course. They had acted in opposition to the wishes—he must be allowed to say, the unjus tifiable prejudices of the country. They had despised fleeting applause—that applause which might have been naturally gratifying to them—but under a sense that it was a duty they owed themseves and their country, they had chosen a course which not only was creditable but, he ventured to predict, would prove beneficial in its results.—(Hear, hear.) , Lord J.RUSSELLcouId not wonder at the support which the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath (Mr. Roebuck) gave the clause and the Bill ; he had always contended for secular education, and as different sects existed in the country for leaving out religion altogether, he must say that the Government measure carried out that principle to its fullest extent, and he was not surprised to find the Hon. Member delighted with its provisions.—(Cheers.) But the measure went further, it went to destroy the endowment of all religion, and controverted the principle of Government Church Esta blishments. Such was the doctrine laid down by the Right Hon. the Secretary of the Home Department (Sir J. Graham), a doctrine which the great advocates of the voluntary principle had ever contended for, but it was new to him to bear it from the Treasury benches. It struck at the root of all establishments, and hitherto had been disavowed by the Ministers of State.—(Cheers.) The amendment he had proposed was much more limited than the Hon. Member for Bath (Mr. Roebuck) had as serted, it was rather, as the Noble Member for Shrop shire (Lord Clive) had stated, that as the Government erected halls for the secular education of all, so this ' would provide for religious instruction —(Loud cheers.) That was the mode in which he conceived it would operate. The Government had stated their wish to promote the erection of halls, such was the whole principle of the Bill, and his amendment merely went to promote religion as well as secular education ; if such a system was fatal to the measure, if religious in struction was considered contradictory of its whole de sign, its supporters must of course object to tht nomina tion of Roman Catholics.—(Cheers.) It had been said, that if all the amendments taken together should be passed, the whole complexion of the Bill would be al tered. So he thought, but altered for the best.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) The Secretary for the Home Department had said that he (Lord John Russell) was in error in imputing an exclusive spirit to the constitution of Trinity College, Dublin.—("Hear, hear," from Sir J. Graham.) He was ready to admit that as to the permission of Roman Catholics to obtain an education thero he had been misapprehended ; but from the fellowships Roman Catholics were excluded, and as to the four medical professors —one for botany, one for chemistry, and two others for medicine—the regulation was that they must be Protestants. It was only a short time since he had seen an advertisement in a Dublin paper, inviting competition for the chair of che mistry in the university ; besides other qualifications, it was there stated that the candidate must be Protestant. —(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") That he considered intolerance.—(Loud cheers.) Religious tests ought to be abolished. If a chemist, remarkable for his talent, and more especially for his proficiency in chemical re search, was to be considered incompetent to instruct others in science, he did not hesitate to say a bigoted and persecuted spirit dictated such a course—(Hear, hear)—and yet it was what those must support who re jected his clause upon the grounds of its being a recog nition of religi in the measure. This clause he should press to a division ; but if unsuccessful, the other, of which he had given notice, he would withdraw. Sir R. INGLIS, i n exp l anat i on, admitted that the Right Ilon.Baronet (Sir R. Peel) was right, and himself wrong in their interpretati on o f c l ause 16. , Mr. S. CRAWFORD wished to bear testimony to the truth of the Right Hon. Baronet's statement respects ing the Belfast Institution. No imputation was ever made from the religious education of the students being left in the hands of their parents. He considered the measure involved the question of the national system of education—a system which had worked so successfully, and therefore opposed any proposition which would interfere with its efficient working. He had opposed his own Church in defending this opinion, and should resist the Noble Lord's amendment even at the same risk. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the Amendment 42 Against . Majority against the amendment —75 The clause was then put and agreed to, Clauses 2, 3, 4,5, 6,7, 8, and 9 were then read, and severally agreed to without discussion. On clause 10 being read, _ _ Mr. WYSE rose to object to it in its present form. It provided that the Government should have the appoint ment of the professors, not only in the first instance, but afterwards. There might be some reason, he admitted, in the Goverment having the first appointments. but not in the subsequent ones. Even as it regarded the first, he did net think that the Government ought to take any step without consulting the ecclesiastical au thorities at the head of the leading denominations in Ireland. Leaving, however, the first appointment out of consideration, he could not consent that any subsequent appointment should be vested in the hands of the Go vernment. In Scotland, the appointment of many of the professors was in the hands of the town councils of the cities in which the colleges were situated ; others were appointed by the head of the universities, or a ma ' jority of the professors. This practice worked well there. He thonght something of the kind would be better than vesting the patronage in the hands of the Government. On the continent, and even in the University of Dublin a similar mode prevailed to that he was about to pro pose. He would now move as an amendment to this clause, " that on any future vacancy in the professorships of the intended colleges, such vacancy be filled up by such candidates as, after due public examination, before competent examiners hereafter to be appointed, shall be declared by them (being otherwise qualified by character and conduct) to be the most competent to the duties of such professorships." Sir R. PEEL thought that the better system would be to treat each of these questions separately. It did appear to him that there was no difference between the Government and the opinions of the Hon. Gentleman. He did look forward to the time when these colleges might grow into a university. The question was, what was to be done in the interim. They thought that it would be unadvisable to take the power out of the hands of the Crown of appointing the professors. There was certainly nothing to prevent the Grown constituting a Board in Dublin to investigate the qualifications of the professors. It might be desirable that there should be a great competition for the fellowships, and with respect both to these and the professorships, they must adopt the principle of competition, or they must leave it to the responsibility of some authority to appoint to both. lie thought it better to avoid everything like favouritism, and he had no doubt but those colleges would hereafter give the supply to those colleges themselves. lie could conceive that no greater stimulus could be given to young men than the prospect of one day filling those professor ships under which they had studied. The colleges had to be founded and built, and after the appointment of the first professors, say in 1848, the attention of Parliament might be directed to the subject. Above all things, it was necessary to avoid everything like party spirit, and he did hope that, in the first place, the appointment of those professors would be left to the Crown. Lord EBRINGTON thought that it was necessary to see their way in the appointment of these professors, for what had been the conduct of the Government in respect of the National Church and the Board of Edu cation. He must confess, that to him it was of a very dubious character, and he did not exactly like these sudden alterations in the mode of proceedings, and he somewhat distrusted those general expressions of good will to the people of Ireland, which might mean any thing or nothing. In respect to the Board of Edu cation, he remembered that it was about eighteen months before the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had shown himself there, and he must say that he was anxious to see that the intentions of the Government were explicitly stated. Mr. O'CONN ELL rose to object to the clause before the House. He would recommend the House to keep a close hand on the powers sought to be obtained by Go vernment in this matter. The Right Hon. Baronet had boasted of the success which had attended the Charitable Bequests Bill. He (Mr. O'Connell) did not think that the success which had attended that Committee was so marked as the Right Hon. Baronet seemed to think it. With respect to this clause, he objected to it because it gave an unlimited authority to the Government to ap point to everything and to remove those whom they had so appointed without any cause. There was not the slightest restriction on them. They were not even re quired to name their elves. The House should have the name and number, and the power given to each. The Bill as it at present stood had been viewed with abhorrence by the priesthood of Ireland. He had heard it said that the Government were deserving of the confidence of the Irish people, but since they came into office what had they done for Ireland ? Had they not appointed to the offices in Ireland, persons the most opposed to the in terests of the Irish people Had they not appointed bishops, the most inveterate in their hostility to the prin ciples of the Roman Catholic Church ? Had they, in fact, appointed a single liberal in Ireland ? Had they not rather deprived of the magistracy in Ireland those gentlemen who were anxious to have an independent Parliament for their own country ? And yet the Right Honourable Baronet called upon the Irish Members to give him their unlimited confidence in every thing. He was opposed to the clause. Sir J. GRAHAM said the Government neither asked nor expected any compliment at the hands of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork. They had endeavoured to consult the best interests of the country, in the ap pointments made in Ireland. The Hon. Member for Waterford (Mr. Wyse) had eulogised the system pur sued in Scotland, of electing the professors to their uni versities, but that system, he was perfectly certain, could not be pursued in Ireland, and for many reasons. He had stated more than once, that all the regulations of the collages would be such as to prevent any religious jealousy. In the course of a few years, Parliament would be enabled to judge of the efficacy of the system, and to alter if it could not approve of it. He hoped that the Honourable Member for Waterford would not press his clause. After a few words from Mr. WYSE in explanation, Mr. WARBURTON and Mr. Fox MAULE supported the proposition of the Government. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said, that if they did not change the present form of the Bill, whatever steps they might take to pass it, they would not satisfy the people. Mr. SHEIL said that they had a perfect model in Trinity College, Dublin. They were considering two methods, one was a selection by means of public com petition, and the other was by the choice of the Crown. Which was the best ? In the former case they would be selecting men of known experience, and in the other instance they would become objects of suspi cion, no matter how pure were their motives. Their appointments might in future bo good, but their past appointments deserved a vast deal of con demnation. Taking the appointments in the bench and in the church in the aggregate—there were no doubt some exceptions—they were not such as to conciliate the people of Ireland. Were they to trust to experience or to hope?—(Hear, hear.) Mr. SHAW said there was an erroneous impression as to the amount of emolument given to fellows. It was stated by an Hon. Member opposite to amount to 2,000/, but it only amounted to 1,5001 Do what the Govern ment might, the gentry of Ireland, Roman Catholic as well as Protestant, would still send their children to the Dublin University. He had no doubt these new colleges would supply the want that now existed for an interme diate education, and it would keep nearer home many who were now too young to be sent to Trinity College, but who were now obliged to go there. He had beard the Hon. Member for Waterford say that a system of practical education was wanted for Ireland, such as for qualifying for engineers, &e., and in that expression he fully concurred, and so far these new institutions would ne valuable. Lord J. RUSSELL said he should confess that as they got on with this subject not much light was thrown upon it by the arguments elicited. The First Lord of the Treasury said that Ireland should have a new university at which a certain degree of education would be con ferred, but from all he had heard on this point he should say he was not much enlightened by it. It appeared that the Dublin University ras one in which only the higher classes in Ireland were educated ; but he did think the system followed in that in stitution should be better defined than it had been. He did not think the Right Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down need despair of finding men who were in favour of the existing system of national education in Ireland, to fill any vacancy that might occur in the bench of Bishops. He would be ready to support his Hon. Friend with regard to the words at the end of the clause, and he would vote for leaving them out. Lord J. MANNERS would be prepared at the proper time to vindicate the course the Irish Bishops had taken on the subject of national education in Ireland. The Committee then divided— For the amendment . Against it Majority against the amendment —96 Sir HENRY W. BARRON then moved the followipg amendment to the same clause (10):—That, previous to the first appoiatment of any rector, president, head of college, or professor, under this Act, the Board of Edu cation in Ireland shall have p ower t o present three names to the Lord Lieutenant of I re l an d, who must select one of the said persons to fill such office. He wished to press the amendment on the attention o f the House. Sir JAMES GRAHAM observed that be was greatly afraid that the amendment proposed by the Hon. Gen tleman would have a tendency very considerably to diminish the efficacy of the Board. He was satisfied if the amendment were carried one or two Members would refuse to act ; and he therefore trusted that it would not be pressed. The amendment was then put and negatived without a division. The original motion was then put, that clause 10 stand part of the Bill, on which the House divided, when there appeared— For the motion 129 Against it Majority for the motion ---105 Clauses 11, 12, and 13 were then read and agreed to. The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and asked !cave to sit again to-morrow (this day). The House then resumed. MERCHANT SEAMENS' BILL, On the motion that the House resolve itself into Com mittee on this Bill, _ . Mr. Wawn, Mr. Foster, Dr. Bowring, and several other Hon. Members, objected to going into Committee at such a late hour of the night. Sir C. NAPIER was in favour of going into Commit tee, as the measure was one that ought not to be delayed. The gallery was then cleared for a division, when the numbers were For going into Committee Against it 22 Majority ... .. . The Chairman reported progress, and asked leave to sit again on Wednesday. FOREIGN LOTTERIES. On the motion of Sir JAMES GRAHAM, The Foreign Lotteries Bill was read a second time. STATUTE LABOUR (SCOTLAND) BILL. This Bill was read a third time. On the motion for going into a Committee of Supply. Lord PAL•MERSTON wished to know in what state the completion of the contract stood with respect to the supply of muskets ? Captain BOLDER() said that 14,000 had been com pleted out of the contract. Lord PALNIERSTO wished to know what mea sures had been taken for ensuring the defence of the dockyarls ? The system of steam navigation had en tirely altered the whole of tlac practice of naval warfare, and he thought that some provisio❑ ought to be made to meet it. Sir R. PEEL said that votes had already been taken on this point, both in the ordnance and navy estimates. What they were precisely he would not say, but the engineers were, at the present moment, engaged at Sheerness, Chatham, and Dover, in ascertaining what the state of those ports was, and as soon as they had finished their duty they would officially report to the Government. Sir C. NAPIER wished to know whether any means were to be taken for organising the coast-guard and fishermen along the coast as sea-fencibles, as had been done in former years. It was a matter of great import ance, and ought to be attended to. Sir R. PEEL said that there was no point which h s.d not been attended to by the Government ; but s%hether any measures would be taken for the organisation of the sea-fencibles, he could not at the present moment say. The report on supply was then brought up, and the items severally read. _ _ _ DOGS BILL. On the motion of Mr. LIDDELL, the Dogs Bill was read a third time, and passed. LUNATICS BILL Mr. M. SUTTON moved that the House do go into Committee on the Lunatics Bill. Alr. T. DUNCO MBE objected. He thought the Bill had not been properly examined by Hon. Members and should, therefore, take the sense of the House on the subject before the Speaker should leave the Chair. kr. M. SUTTON . said that if the Bill were not then proceeded with, it could not possibly be read on Wed nesday, and failing that day, he did not see that any other day could be given for the purpose. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE did not wish the Bill to come on at all. He thought it would be better to have a Par liamentary inquiry, as there had been none since 1816 on the subject, and many abuses had crept into the whole system of treatment of lunatics since that time. Then a Bill greatly superior ,to the present might be brought in in the course of next session. The House went into Committee, pro forma, and then resumed. FRAME-WORK KNITTERS. Sir HENR,Y HALFORI) said that on to-day he should move that the House resolve itself into Com mittee to consider the alterations necessary to be made in the Act 5 Geo. IV. cap. 6, with the view of benefiting the frame-work knitters. ALLEGED MISCONDUCT AT THE BOARD OF ORDNANCE. Mr. HAWES moved the following Select Committee on the South-Eastern Railway petition :—Mr. Hawes, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Roebuck, Lord Worsley, Mr. Hayter, Mr. Tancred, Mr. T. Duncombe, Lord Ashley, Mr. Pakington, Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr. Vernon, Mr. Tatton Egerton, Sir R. H. Inglis, Mr. Liddell, and Sir Charles Douglas. Sir G. CLERK requested (as we understood) that the request of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Oxford, that his name might be erased, and that of Col. Wood substituted.—Agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Twenty minutes past One. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen held a Court and Privy Council yesterday afternoon, at Buckingham Palace. An investiture of the most Honourable Military Order of the Bath having been appointed, the Knights Grand Crosses assembled at two o'clock, and were robed by Mr. Hunter in their mantles and collars, and afterwards passed into the Green Drawing-room, where they were called over by Bath King of Arms. Her Majesty, who wore the mantle and collar of the Order, having entered the Throne-room, the Knights Grand Crosses were conducted to the presence of the Sovereign. There were present — His Royal Highness Prince Albert, Acting Great Master. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, his Grace the Duke of Wellington, Viscount Strangford, Viscount Combermere, Admiral Sir George Cockburn, and Admiral Sir Edward Codrington. The officers of the order wore their mantles and chains. There were present, Algernon Greville, Esq., Bath King of Arms, and Albert William Woods, Esq., (Lancaster Herald), Gentleman Usher of the order. Ad miral Sir Robert Waller Otway, Bart., was introduced between Sir George Cockburn and Sir Edward Cod rington, the two Junior Knights Grand Crosses present, preceded by Bath King of Arms (bearing the ensigns of the Order on a crimson velvet cushion) and the Gen tleman Usher. Tne Sword of State, borne by• Sir William Martins, Gentleman Usher, having been handed to the Queen by the Lord Chamberlain, her Majesty was graciously pleased to confer the honour of Knighthood on Sir Robert Otway therewith. Her Majesty, assisted by Prince Albert and the Duke of Cambridge, afterwards invested Sir Robert with the Ribband and Badge of a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of tke Bath, and also presented him with the Star of a Military Grand Cross of the order. Sir Robert having kissed hands, then re tired from the presence of his Sovereign. Her Majesty was pleased to command an investiture to take place of the Knights Commanders of the Bath. Colonel Sir James Dennis was introduced by Bath King of Arms, and the Gentleman Usher of the Order, and kneeling near the Queen, had the honour of Knight hood conferred upon him by the sword of the Gold Stick in Waiting. Sir James was afterwards invested by her Majesty with the Ensign of a Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath, and having kissed hands re tired with the usual reverences. Rear-Admiral Sir Edward Chetham Strode was re ceived at the door of the Chapter Room, by Bath King of Arms, and the Gentleman-Usher of the Order, and was conducted to the Sovereign. Sir Edward kneeling was invested by her Majesty with the - ribband and badge of a Knight Commander of the Bath. The ceremony being concluded, the Knights Grand Crosses and the officers of the Order withdrew from the throne room. Immediately after the investiture of the Bath, the Queen had an investiture of the most distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George. The Knights Grand Crosses of the Order assemb!ed in their mantles and collars. There were present — Field-Marshal his Royal Highness the Duke of Cam bridge, Grand Master of the (Men Field-Marshal Prince Albert, Admiral Sir Edward Codrington, Lieutenant-General Sir Howard Douglas, and Mejor-General Sir Patrick Ross. The officers of the Order present were Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas, the Chancellor, and Sir Charles Eur wicke Douglas, Icing of Arms. The Knights Grand Crosses and officers of the Order h av ing entered the Throne Room, his Royal Highness Prince George was introduced between Sir Howard D o uglas, and Sir Patrick Ross, the two junior Knights Grand Crosses present, when her Majesty was graciously pleased to invest his Royal Highness with the Ensign of a Knight Grand Cross of the most distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George. The following Knights Commanders of the Order were present at the investiture of the Prince : —Sir Richard Plasket, Major General Sir Frederick Stovin, K.C.8., Sir Joseph Rudsdell, and Lieut.-General Sir Francis Count Rivarola, K.C.H. The ceremony being ended, the Knights and Officers retired from the presence of the Sovereign, with the usual reverence. Her Majesty's Honourable Corps of Gentleman-at- Arms lined the throne-room during the investiture. Lord Wharncliffe, Lord President of the Council had an audience of the Queen. Her Majesty held a Privy Council. It was attended by his Royal Highness Prince Albert, the Lord Presi jent, the Commander in Chief, the First Lord of the Treasury, the Secretaries of State for the Home, Fo reign, and Colonial departments, the First Lord of the Admiralty, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancas ter, the Chief Commissioners of the Woods and Forests, the Secretary at War, the Lord Steward, the Lord Cham berlain, and the Master of the Horse._ Mr. Henry Lytton Bulwer, her Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary to the Queen of Spain, and the Hon. William Bingham Baring, Paymaster of her Majesty's Forces, were, by comma nd of the Queen, sworn of her Majesty's most Hon. Privy Council, and took their re spective places at the Board. Her Majesty having been pleased to appoint the most Hon. Richard, Marquis of Westminster, to be Lord Lieutenant of the County of Chester, his Lordship took the usual oaths. The Queen having been pleased to appoint Sir Stephen Richard Glynne to be Lord Lieutenant of the County of Flint, Sir Stephen was sworn into office. Some reports of the Judicial Committee were confirmed. The Hon. William Bathurst was the Clerk of the Council in Waiting. Sir Edward Drsbrowe, G.C.H., her Majesty's Envoy Extraodinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the King of the Netherlands, was presented to the Queen at an audience by the Ear! of Aberdeen, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to take leave on his return to the Hague. The Right Hon. Henry Lytton Bulwer, her Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Queen of Spain, was presented to the Queen, at an audience, by the Earl of Aberdeen, on his return from Madrid. The Marquis of Downshire had an audience of the Queen, and delivered to her Majesty the insignia of the Most Illustrious Order of St. Patrick, worn by his late fath ,, r. The Lord Chamberlain had an audience of the Queen. Tht Court was attended by Lady Portman, Lady in Waiting ; the Vice-Chamberlain, the Captain of the Hon. Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms, Sir Benjamin Smith, • Viscount Combermere, Gold Stick in Waiting ; the C.S. daptain of the Yeomen Guard, the Treasurer of the Household, the Comptroller of the household, Lord Rivers, Lord in Waiting • Lord George Lennox, L or d in Waiting to Prince Albert ; Sir George Philip Lee, Lieutenant of the Yeomen Guard; Mr. R. Ormsby Gore, Groom in Waiting ; Mr. James Bunco Curling, Adjutant of the Hon. Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms ; Mr. Ellerthorp, Adjutant of the Yeomen Guard ; Colonel Berkeley Drummond, Field Officer in Waiting ; Messrs Wortley and Gordon, Pages of Honour - in Waiting. The Yeomen of the Guard were on duty in the grand ball and staircase, commanded by Captain Sadler, the Exon in Waiting. Prince Albert went yesterday morning to the review in Hyde Park. His Royal Highness was attended by General Sir George Anson, Major-General Sir Edward Bowater, and Colonels Bouverie and Wylde. The Duke of Cambridge, attended by Baron Knesebeek, was also present. The juvenile Royal Family were taken their accus tomed ralks and rides yesterday in the royal gardens. The Judge Advocate General had an audience of the Que(n yesterday, and submitted to her Majesty the pro ceedings of some courts-martial. The royal dinner party at Buckingham Palace, yes terday, included their Majesties the King and Queen of the Belgians, her Royal highness the Duchess of Glou cester, his Excellency M. Van de Weyer, the Lord Chancellor and Lady Lyndhurst, Baroness d'Hooghvorst, Lady Caroline Murray, the Earl and Countess of Had dington, the Earl of Liverpool, Lady Rivers, Lord Port man, Lord George Lennox, Colonel Sir Edward Cust, and Major de Moerkerke. Sir J. Hope had an interview with Sir George Cleik yesterday at the office of the Board of Trade. Dispatches for the Governors of Van Diernan's Land, New South Wales, and the Mauritius were sent off last evening from the Colonial-office. The Duchess Dowager of Cleveland had select dinner parties on 1 hursday and Friday at her residence in Seamore-place. Sir Montague and Lady Cholmeley have arrived at Farrance's Hotel from their seat, Easton Hall, Lincoln shire. MAGAZINE DAY. BLACKIVOOD' S MAGAZINE. The writer on the Marlborough Dispatches" returns to these important documents with the laudable purpose, among others, apparently, of correcting some miss:ate ments, and doing justice both to the Great Duke, and the editor of his "Dispatches"— Sir G. Murray. In the former article it was stated, in very plain language, that the dis patches and letters published in French could not have been written by Marlborough, as he had not sufficient knowledge of the language, and was too little familiar with the epistolary style of the country to venture on communicating his sentiments in French. The error is corrected in these words :—" Like many other men destined for future distinction, Churchill made no great figure as a scholar, a circumstance easily explained, if we recollect that it is on the knowledge of words that the reputation of a school-boy—of things, that of a man— is founded. But the dispatches now published demon• state that before he attained middle age he was a proficient at least in Latin, French, and Eng lish composition ; for letters in each, written in a very pure style, are to be found in all parts of his cor respondence." It could hardly be otherwise when it is known that Marlborough served at least five years under the most celebrated French generals of the day, and learned the art of war in the same camp with men whom he afterwards defeated in many pitched battles. But the writer does a great deal more than correct a few errors—he gives us a concise and interesting memoir of the illustrious General up to the battle of Blenheim, with occasional anecdotes not familiar to English readers. Indeed Marlborough, as is justly remarked, is better known on the Continent than in his native country. The French nurses used to frighten their children with stories of " 11.1arlbrook." Napoleon hummed the well known air " Illarlbrook s'en va a la guerre," when he crossed the Niemen, and but for the popular pages of -Voltaire, Marlborough " would be virtually unknown at this moment to nineteen -twentieths of the British people." Voltaire in a few words draws a virid picture of one great quality to which he, as well as the Great Duke of our own time, owe theirimmortality. "He had above all the generals of the age that tranquil courage in the midst of tumult, and that serenity of soul in danger, which the English call cold head (tete froide). It is perhaps this quality, the highest gift of nature to a general, that gave in former times the English such advantage over the French on the plains of Poitiers, Cressy, and Agincourt." The other articles in this number fully maintain the character of Maga. North, with a lingering look to wards the old English poets, again returns to his criti cisms by way of supplement, for he had announced their termination in his last notice, but we do not regret the circumstance. One sentence, indeed, atones for pages of tedious comparisons and poetical disquisitions. Never were words more true uttered than those here subjoined. Let them sink deep into the minds of youth, and urge them on to the study of languages, which not only tends to humanise the mind but to give the only true knowledge of the divine works of antiquity. It is impossible to translate fine writing—poetry should never be attempted. Homer, and Horace, and Lucian, and Chaucer, and Burns, can be understood only in their own language. "We fall back upon the old conviction," says North, " that verse is a sacred, and song an inspired thing ; that the feeling, the thought, the word, and the musical breath spring together out of the soul in one creation ; that a translation is a thing not given in rerurn natura ; consequently that there is nothing else to be done with a great poet, saving to leave him in his glory." The " Opium-Eater" is more gloomy than ever. The sorrows of life (for he seems to count for nothing its many joys) make him sick of ex istence, and prefer death to birth. " Death we can face, but knowing, as some of us do, what is human lite, which of as is it, that without shuddering could (if' con sciously we were summoned) face the hour of death ?" The following verses on " The Fall of Napoleon," are by the Russian poet, Pushkin, translated by T. B. Shaw, 8.A., of Cambridge. We can find room for only three, but they are a fair specimen of the rest : " 0 thou, of whose immortal story Earth aye the memory shall keep, Now, 'neath the shadow of thy glory Rest, rest, amid the lonely deep! A grave sublime nor nobler ever Couldst thou have found for o'er thine urn The Nations' hate is quench'd for ever, And Glory's beacon-ray shall burn. " There was a time thine eagles tower'd Resistless o'er the humbled world ; There was a time the empires cowcr'd Before the bolt thy hand had hurl'd The standards, thy proud will obeying, Flapp'd wrath and woe on every wind — A few short years, and thou wert laying Thine iron yoke on human kind. " And France, on glories vain and hollow, Had fixed her frenzy-glance of flame— Forgot sublimer hopes, to follow Thee, Conqueror, thee—her dazzling shame! Thy legions' swords with blood were drunken-- All sank before thine echoing tread ; And Europe fell—for sleep was sunken, The sleep of death—up•n her head.' COLBURN'S NEW MONTHLY. Mr. Harrison Ainsworth is now the editor of this magazine, and he opens the number with an admirable tale, " Cecco dcl Orso." The hero is an Italian Con dottiere, and the scene is laid in Forli in 1448, and in the space of nine pages and a half we have a romance which, in the hands of ordinary scribes, would have been dilated into a three volume tale of " intense interest." Short as it is it is Mr. Ainsworth's masterpiece. The author of " Hillingdon Hall" gives us his " Thoughts upon Inns," and most quaint and amusing thought s th ey are; and Mr. Francis Ainsworth gives us a most in teresting account of the " Principality of the Captive Jews in the Valley of the Euphrates." Then follows one of the best occasional poems we have ever read:— WRITTEN AFTER WITNESSING THE PER FORMANCE OF A YOUNG AMERICAN ACTRESS, IN 'CHRISTINE OF SWEDEN.' BY CHARLOTTE CUSHMAN. I. In sooth a queen ; a gentle, loving queen So true to nature, as to cheat the will From all observance of the mimic scene, To bow in reverence of thy matchless skill. Thy brow, which well the diadem became. Beam'd with the light and purity of truth ; While the clear eye flash'd well and wild the flame, From the soul's altars, fed by hope and youth. 11. And then, the high-wrought tales of woman's love. Shackled by chains of custom and of state, Which the fond heart strives vainly to remove, Preferring to be loved than to be great. From thee, the tale came like a pleasing dream, Cheating the heart, and robbing it of care— Alas ! that this all bright and glorious theme Should wild Delusion's fleeting raiment wear. 111. We may observe thy course; and watch thy star, Brighten with years along the Drama's heaven, No envious clouds thy onward fame to mar, All threatening tempests from thy pathway driven. With such rare powers to cultivate the Mute, Genius to model, judgment to refine ; Who may behold thy flight, and yet refuse To crown thee champion of the Sacred Nine ?' This delightful tribute to the excellencies of a rival proves that whatever may be said of the envious nature of actresses there is at least one, and she the greatest, in whose bosom that passion has no place. " The Ass Eating Thistles" is a tale illustrative of one of .sop's fables. It is from the pen of the author of " Peter Priggins," upon whom the mantle of Theodore Hook appears to have fallen. " The Robertses on their Travels" are as amusing as ever, and the author of the " Stories of Waterloo" continues his "Lights and Shades of a Gentleman on Half-pay." " Recreations in Natural History " consist of some most amusing anecdotes illustrative of the sagacity of elephants. Thew are followed by an exquisite lyric, entitled " Beauteous little Mary," from the pen of Ed ward Kenealy. The " Chest of Cigars," by Lancelot Wagstaff, is a quaint and humorous story, told in excel lent style—the sort of story that we are wont to expect in the New Monthly. Dudley Costello contributes a tale entitled " The Fiddler of Frankfort," and Thomas Miller contributes a poem entitled " The Grey Old Ash Tree." Mr Oxenford is doing good service in the cause of literature by giving us selections from Jean Paul Frie derich Richter. Jean Paul is one of the most original, and certainly the most witty, of German writers. With the exception of M. Heine, he is, perhaps, the only really witty writer that Germany has produced ; but he is not merely witty—there is an under-current of deep and thoughtful phiknophy running through all his writings —take, for instance, " The Molucca and Spice Islands in Scheeran," which Mr. Oxenford has given us in the present number. It is one of the most biting satires ever written upon monopolies, and as such we recom mend it to the attention of the League. It is too long to extract, but as a specimen of Jean Paul's style, we cannot resist giving the following, on Body and Soul:— • "BODY AND SOUL. " Gratings of flesh and bone stand between hu man souls ; and yet men can fancy that there may be such a thing as an embrace upon the earth, when it is only the gratings that knock together, and behind them one soul only thinks upon the other." The last adventure of " Hereward the Saxon," by Thos Knight, is a stirring tale of the brave but ineffectual struggle of our Saxon ancestors against the Norman Conqueror. The number also contains a review of the opera season, and of several new books which have been recently published. A supplement is delivered gratis with the present number of the fi ew Illo,ithly. It con tains all that has hitherto been published of tha " Reve lations of London," by the editor, and the work will henceforth be continued in the pages of the New Mont* FRASER'S MAGAZINE. No political article graces ". Regina" this month, and readers who delight in grumbling will therefore be greatly disappointed. Since the end of May the State coachman has been driving at a frightful rate, the May nooth affair has been settled, the Colleges Bill is in a fair train, free trade is triumphant, and the corn-laws are doomed to destruction. No High Tory, therefore, could write on politics without weeping and lamentations, and re-echoing the doleful strains of Newcastle and Win chilsea. But the calamity is too great to be entirely passed over. The " organised hypocrisy " is be coming every day such a prominent feature in the Cabinet especially chosen for the preservation of Church and State and the triumph of monopoly. that absolute silence is impossible, and in a character of Lord Lyndhurst care is taken to telllhim,:amidst the most fulsome praise, that he is a desperate renegade, and fit company for Peel and his other associates. " Lord Lyndhurst, like his brethren in the Ministry, was a conscientious anti-emancipationist in August, 1828 ; he was a stanch emancipationist in April, 1829. He took up both sides with equal facility. Again, he was one of the most powerful and effective agents of the Conservative party in undermining and overthrowing the Whig Go vernment. He is now one of the foremost of those who are acting as a Government on \Vhig policy." The rest of the number, however, is abundantly cheerful, if we except the three epechs of the (French) Re volution," the first of which appears under the title "Destruction," and gives a horrifying pic ture of the violation of the royal tombs in the Cathedral of St. Denis and the disinterment of the bodies of some twenty or thirty Kings and Queens and scions of an illustrious line at the instigation of Barreret the aFsociate of Robespierre. Those who delight in wonders and few do not, will find plenty of them in " Animal Magnetism and Neurhypnotism" which throw all our modern mesmerisers into the shade. We give the following as a specimen. It is abridged from Os borne's " Court and Camp of Runjeet Singh," and is given as a proof that a man may be buried for mqiiths without feeling any inconvenience. After detailing the particulars respecting a certain Indian buried for a month and rising from his grave alive, the writer adds : " There is this difference, however, between the two in• stances, in the latter he was actually buried in the earth for ten months, a sentry set over him night and day, and a crop of barley sown over his grave. This was witnessed by Gene , ral Ventura, and performed in the presence of Runjeet and his court. The Maha Rajawas so sceptical about the matter, that he had the Fakir dug up twice in the ten months, when he was found to be in exactly the same position, and in a state of perfectly suspended animation. At length, at the end of the ten months, he was finally taken up, in the pre sence of Captain Wade. His tongue was precisely as he him • self had placed it before his sepulture—forced back, and filling up the gullet. By the application of the usual resto ratives he came rouud, and was perfectly well again in two hours. We ought, perhaps, to state that there are other in stances recorded of the interment and exhumation of this " Poets, Painters, and other Shadows" will be read with pleasure by all who take delight in the fine arts, using the term in the most general sense. It is written in a spirited and also a poetic style ; takes, on the whole, a very correct view, according to our judgment, of some of the more remarkable poets and painters who have afforded such enjoyment to men in the civilised state. It contains also a great deal of in formation respecting the works of Reubens and other Dutch painters, and still more respecting the Italian school, without exception the first of modern times— whether we look to painting, poetry, music, history, or novels, or, indeed, any of the arts which distinguish Italy from all other countries, and make her'yet, though conquered and a slave, the first in taste, in execution, in beauty, and description, among all her proud and power. ful rivtls. " Gracia capta Romam cepit," said Horace, but with all his prophecies which have been fulfilled to the letter, as far as time has gone, he never ventured to say, that when Italy was subjected to the same fate with Greece, she would still shine in all her real glory, and teach her barbarian conquerors that they could not subdue her. We could give many extracts from this article, and confirm our statement, but we are compelled to omit them for want of space. TAIT'S MAGA LINE. The more interesting articles in this number are " Mitchell's Fall of Napoleon," and the " Politics of the Month." We looked for something good in another, entitled " Ireland and her Avators," but it consists chiefly of extracts from " Saints and Sinners," supposed to be written by the Private Secretary of Mr. O'Connell. What Tait, however, says is to the purpose, and espe cially the remarks at the close of the brief notice :-- " What care the great body of the British people for the Established Church of Ireland ? Is there one man in ten among us who recognises the principle of ecclesiastical establishments in any shape, who will hesitate for is moment in replying to the plain question, what ought to , be the established church of a Catholic country ?' The " Letters from Naples" contain little or no news, and merely repeat statements respecting the habits, poverty. and idleness of the people, and the beauty of the climate—facts generally known to English readers. In commenting on the fall of Napoleon, the writer concurs in the opinion of the author, that this great General had been much overrated, that he bad committed faults with out number, that his crowning victory at Marengo, to use the words of Cromwell, was an accident, and if there had been active and fit generals opposed to him, his areal must have been annihilated. Of this there can be little doubt. The battle was completely gained, and had Melas done his duty all the efforts of Dessaix and Killer man would have been in vain. Austria, in fact, was the good genius of Bonaparte up to the Russian campaign ; her wavering and vacillation, her want of moral courage, carried him to victory, and the very same qualities 10 Prince Schwarzenberg had nearly decided the day in his favour in 1814, when a million of enemies were fighting against his troops on the plains of France. In a very brief notice of " Sybil" we find these remarks:— " Its tendency or avowed object—for the real one, after all, is in the first place to entertain—is well understood. Mr. D'lsraeli is for the hour the fashionable preacher of the cir culating library; and he suits his sermons to the times and his audience, with much more tact than the author of Hawk' stone, Hannah More, or even Miss Edgeworth." We have room for only the following extract from the political article. It relates to the banking and currency system of Scotland, and is entitled to much weight. We may remark that, in the same article, the magnifi cent demonstration of the zeal and resolution of the free traders, afforded by the Covent-garden Bazaar, is re garded as the greatest stroke yet made by the League, and to it is attributed the remarkable change which ap peared in the House of Commons on the motion brought forward by Mr. Villiers:— " The small space left us we wish to occupy with a few words on a matter affecting Scotland alone, but affecting the most vital interests of that country—Sir Robert Peel's inter ference with the banking and currency system of Scotland. That interference we deprecate in the strongest terms, as highly detrimental to Scotland, while useless to the empire at large. Throughout the whole Scottish community, there exists on this subject no difference of opinion. All classes, Tories, Whigs, and Radicals; landlords and tenants of both houses and landed property; rich and poor, creditors and debtors, are unanimous in. deprecating any meddling with A system of currency and banking which has existed so long, and has been found to work so well. The suitableness, to e different community, of the Scottish banking and currency system, we are not called on to prove. Possibly in a com munity so large as that of England, so busy, so wholly ab sorbed, as are both public companies and private individuals, with their own affairs, so ignorant and regardless of the af fairs of others, it might be productive of less unmixed be nefit. But here, in Scotland, where not only banks and other public companies, but private individuals, have so much more leisure, so much more curiosity, and know each other so much better than do the two millions of London citizens, our system of banking leads to none of the mischievous re sults which possibly it might produce in England. We have had no such swindling company in Edinburgh or Glasgow as the Independent and West Middlesex Assurance Company. That monstrous and impudent fraud was openly carried on in London; and it was reserved to a citizen of Glasgow to expose and break it up. In Scotland we have no equivalent to that rapacious and dangerous, although perhaps useful and even necessary personage, the English bill-broker. Losses by private loans are with us things comparatively rare; the banker acting as the careful and intelligent agent between those who have money to lend and those who require to borrow." DOLMAN'S MAGAZINE. The present number of Dolman is an excellent one. The opening. paper, " An Adventure in the Pacific," is from the pen of James Welsh, an American writer, and is dated from Baltimore. It is a most spirited descrip tion of the eruption of the Conseguina, a volcano of Central America, in the year 1835. The greater number of the papers in this Magazine are devoted to the de fence and propagation of the faith of the Roman Catholic Church, and, differing as we do with the writers in opi nion, we cannot but admire the talent which they display, and honour them for the absence of that odium theologicum which has hitherto been the besetting siu of all contro versial writers. BIRTHS. On the 25th ult., at Boulogne-sur-Mer, the lady of John B. Lousada, Esq., of ()Afield Lodge, Sussex, of a daughter. On the 25th u lt., i n Ul s t er -pl ace , th e w if e of J. Gardiner, Esq., of a daughter. On the 27th ult., at Kirkhallam Hall, Derbyshire, the lady of the Rev. G. S. Ebsworth, Vicar of Ilkeston, of a eon. On the 28th ult., in Bedford-square, the wife of Mr. Ser jeant Bellasis, of a daughter. HARRIED. On the 19th ult., at St. Dionisßaekchurch, London, A. Stratton, Esq., to Rosa Maria, only daughter of Deputy Commissary-general B. F. Telfer. On the 26th ult., at St. Pancras Church, Middlesex, the Rev. Raymond S. Daniell, 8.A., to Caroline Emma, youngest daughter of the late G. Jackson, Esq., of North Reston. On the 28th ult., George S. Pedler, of Fleet-street, to Hannah, third daughter of T. Rideal, Esq., of the Paragon, Brixton. 2111k11. On the 23d of January, at Sierra Leone, Mr. F. R. Frank land, midshipman, her Majesty's ship Penelope. On the lath ult., at Tours, Mrs. Louis Monteuuie, aged 30. On the 20th ult., at Hamble, near Southampton, Alex ander Ritchie, Esq. On the 21st ult., at Parsonstown, the lion. Mrs. Henry Powys, the wife of the lion. Henry Powys, Captain in the 60th Royal Rifle Corps. On the 23d ult., at Headfort House, Mrs. G. Tuite Dalton, wife of G. T. 'l'. Dalton, Esq. On the 25th ult., at Illandecques, near St. Omer, Robert Croft, Esq. On the 25th ult., at Spy-park, Wilts, Louisa Elizabeth, wife of the Rev. Wadham knatchboll. On the 26th ult., Henry Hubert, Esq , of West-hill Lodge, Hastings, aged 88. On the 26th ult., Henry Campbell, Esq., late of the 92a Highlanders, aged 49. On the 28th ult., at Uxbridge, Mrs. Sarah Savery. On the 28th ult., in North Audley-street, Margaret, the wife of W. P. Hamond, Esq. On the 28th ult., Mrs. Ann Winn, widow of the late G. Winn, Esq., Normanby, Lincolnshire. London Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, 0 1 Nr o . 112, St:rano, Printer. at The Sign Office, No. 112, Stra-1. in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County of bliddiestt, Tnalty, July 1,184 i. C 12,00 Toth In e lIEETI str eet, 'Mans L° 1716 Place at DAY, Ju Jai WI Bo Iti/ WI Tlekets gtewards of Cl N.B. A 14e _ N ° sth J une, Ata M by the Co °f a Luna Counties < We, the Substitute verness, don, in And bel leave to s ment, in Your supp we kill d( to learn y to have al kind enou or before The pri tion of pat in the nor surface eq about 250 to the ins this wide the insara wards of some to tl tug about on accour comrnunil Jury, and To abal and destil oeltral at other luni ties. A s for the ad The fur contributi fare of th, human su be require the pens Progress 1 curing 81 With Mel will be of more one The•rules termined mitted tc system 01 of the dis control a CONTRT 'NYE] Scotiat of p 46 clerld, Sir Alexi kis s -m a, The Earl G eneral ,hornas 11. p, w' 1. Gr The 336 oth e wi THE SUN, LONDON, TUESD.iilir EVENING_ JULY 1, 1845