The Sun. — London, England, 1839-03-16 00:00:00

-PATL`NING EDITION arguments against the Corn-laws was, that as we had not o oßbrtE4gi:lar dealing in corn with the Continent, we could not a supply when we were pressed by occasional d !e ' r eitY• Now during the last threG or four we had littl e if any dealing in corn with the Contnent, but Set when the time of scarcity came was it impossible for 'es to procure a supply ?—( Cheers.) Did we want a s uPPly now ?—( Ch eers .) Th ey b a d now taken for home. consumption 1,740,000 quarters . Th e C orn -l aws h a d kiven a greLt stimulus to Ir e land. l a 1807 E ng l an d i caPorted from that country 463,000 quarters of wheat. The trade in wheat was then made free. In 1838 we im ported 3 ,471,000 quarters.—( Cheers.) But the Irish gentlemen opp os i te , b e i ng determined to act upon a rigid principle cf justice, were willing to sacrifice the ad taniage which their country derived from the Corn-Ilw!, for the sake of the general welfare. He honoured this principle, but he certainly could net discover whether Ire could could derive any advantage from tho ports of this country being thrown open to grain from Prussia and Po land--(Cheera.) They said you can establish manufacto, vies in Ireland. How ? Would the hair o -ta. ion of foreign corn into England give facility for establishing manufacto ries in Ireland, whose chief produce was corn ?—( Cheers.) He could not understand this. The Hon. Member for Wolverhampton had advanced two arguments. The first %vas that the low price cf foreign corn enabled hf°r:eign manufacturers to manufacture at a very low Price, and that the people of this country should be permitted to purchase their corn wherever they could get it at the lowest price. The Noble Lord had gsaid that the Corn-law did not fulfil the prediction of Mr. i n ning in p revent i ng fluctuations. The Hon. Member .obLaobiny by don said, that it wou ld d erange our commerce mostH creating a su dd en d eman d f or b u lli on. The .. Member for the Tower Hamlets, said, that a total te Peal of the C orn- l aws, would open vast regions for the use of our people—that there was no climate which might flat produce us ma and give it in exc h ange f or our ma , . fee 'ttres• lie (Sir R o b er t P ee l) un d erstoo d t hi s -4 an excellent argument to be addressed t o th e rDele gates, but not so convenient as addressed to the land vcersi because the Hon. Gentleman had stated that the -u PPIy was unlimited, that the introduction of seam nevi gotion had diminished distance, that the introduction of !elohinery bad diminished the cost of production, so that, to fact, these Hon. Gentleman made it appear that there twas no limit to the supply. But what said the Hon Mem er for Lo who on this subject, he considered cer w London, 1 Tel a higher auth or i ty t h an t h e H on. Member for the wer Hamlet s . I n fact, he considered his authority on * subject e s much higher than the authority of the other Hon, IVlember as the City of London was superior to the el, "fel" Han l e ' s. —( A laugh.) Ile was a gentler! an exten t connect e d w i th commerce, versed in the history it commercial sp ecu l at i on, of high character, sound judg o,ent, c apable of fmnding a consequential a rg u men t, an d o f f i t l F r ing into reasons in support of what he had advanced. f is g entleman says that the utmost supply we can expect ter " l all parts o f t h e world amounts to ore million of (per tlste wheat, and the price we must pay for it is 455. per itl.arter, and the Hon. Member for Sheffield agrees with 11 18 O p in ion These Hon. Gentlemen say that we have no l e a: t t il ° f.'nY supply of corn ' from France,. Belgium, Hol ton, Pa'n, or Portugal, and that Odessa is at such a (lis c, and the price there so enormous, that we could never -ar ry 01 d • a prefitable trade in corn there, and that we must aleptiend for our whole supply upon the ports of the Baltic; that su ss the Hon. Member for London, we cannot expect th i I ply to exceed one million of quarters annually. If ratioele so there must haw been some monstrous exagge pes.,; Was it possible that the corn-laws could have im all t ',' - ` a tax of 2 5,000,000 on the people of this country. If gi,eoro , ot i i .amtoeoo:ld be hopel from a free trade in corn was quarters at 455. a quarter, what great exag ()Ora aeration Offthe dangers arisinc, from foreign competition t o w on t i l latinf ac turers must th e re have been if this importation peti t i onl gnable them to enter success f u ll y i nto th i s corn of ti , and yet w e were to l d i t there was a repeal b it e Co rn- l aws manufacturers would be able to enter h i : i this competition. He took their own facts as the citi es of his arg ument. He took their own high autho -61,3' and he sa id , appealing to these facts as true, and wh at * Propositions as credible, that he would examine lo w , wo uld be th e consequence of this repeal of the C orn - Pr esent ' which was so much sought after. Why, under the 710 n Corn-la ws t h ere had been an importation of Peet uOO q u arters, so th a t a ll t h e i ncrease t h ey could ex have w:n114:1 be 250,000 quarters, f or wh i ch they would th e i r ``) Pay 455. a quarter. Now this was according to titi ott "n showing. How this was to destroy the cornpe the „of their foreign rivals he could not understand. How Otto nel . gi A , manufacturer was to be interfered with by h e tllung 250,000 quarters of wheat from the whole world wa.C(nad not comprehend. The Belgian manufacturer , co: sub , not to similar Corn-laws to ourselves but of a more sp.nlifnlicated nature. We could get no corn from France, ren t ',, or Portugal, and how were we to pe tition o ''7 this additional importation the compe ,to preventt those countries. —(Hear, hear.) How were we 47 , e e , the United States from manufacturing, since the .c.. manufacturers of Europe had increased 40 per loo t' ; those of Franc e 27 per cent. ; those of England eent, fer ce n4 . Pro "of ; and those of the United States, 167 per rosperity• How could we hope to undermine the manufacturing the United States ? He' had not said on a E ut ea h e: tet, considered that he contemplated this with pleasure,. ...ern, becausenst ered it an inevitable result, and he abjured Treace, andhotker nations, from the long continuanceo ki ri e , e i.t e increase in their population, and the s i ll ': a States, from the gradual exhaustion of profit to ~amPloyment, had engaged in manufactures, not of t%naider that w as a syrnpton of the declining prosperity Sie te , " e ntry- At the ti me o f t h e war w i t h t h e U n i te d R at e , a ottid b,manufacturer oof Bi rm i ng h am h a d sa id t h at t h ey rnPorted verrun with vermi n , b ecause t h ey h a d hi t h erto Ras rtot stmlletheir mousetrap s from Birmingham, and there 4 41°Usetr lent ingenuity in the United States to construct settl e d tor P. Really the manufacturers of this country The y thi i.eBeMble that worthy manufacturer of Birmingba . .m. othe r cou r '' that they have no other resource of preventing of corn i ntries from manufacturing but by raising . the a prme . Gent of n those countries. He now came to the r law s h ri the Noble Lord, who said that because these and hoe not produced a steadiness in the price of of the exi t i,; that he founded a sweeping condemnation . sthas:ei-UgthsaYBt t it e 'nu ' u r ,....,` °tlght t b Corn-laws,g 1. The Noble Lord had as. and a strong presumption o a f cha , n d , as prevent flurt.u % at as an e a ( nd object of the Corn-law to c c e'rtainly the Noble Lord had proved r „ at 1.1.• Cannier, to have held out that hope; the '' C a ,, rn ,"nt of th; Noble Lord went to prove that Mr. th: 7. i ng Was a bad prophet, but it did not follow that N ob r e l 'ire the law should be changed, and he would ask the t o , e Lord by w h at system o f Corn-laws he could hope e,,'"vent a fluctuation in price.. Had th e N o bl e L or d 44 r read the w or k o f M r. Tooke, in which he price to account for the fluctuations in the N f" ce of t h e various articles of consumption. , . Tcoke a tt empte d to show that a similarity in seasons erevailed through the corn countries of Europe. He h - J.l atte mpted to show that countries situated in nearly the sa me latitude had the same vicissitude of seasons ; and in t tPport of that proposition he bad referred to the opinions o f Mr. Law. Now, when that was established, what se earity, he would ask, was there that there would not be ! fl uctuating price in corn ?—( Hear.) Because, if there "ki any truth in Mr. Tooke's statement, when the harvest 14 England failed it was likely to fail in many riklher countries. It was said that an increase of the ation justified a repeal of the Corn-laws, and almost i m el the same breath he was t o ld t h at agriculture must be th!l r ?,!ed•—( Hea r , h ear .) T he Nob le Lord had said tho :I(4tthe duty was repealed, or a fixed duty was imposed, e sequence would be t o i ncrease the prosperity of the ti . °til l .p trY, and the prices of corn.--( Hear, hear.). He (Sir eor e eel ) thought that the complaint was that the price of told the too high—( Hear, hear)—but the Noble Lord W ool ent that if they did with corn as they had done with th e ~..Te that would be that it would not diminish (8 r %e . e of corn but raise it,—( Hear, hear.) Now he sh own % "'eel) thought the Noble Lord ought to have ee nr _ the House that the taking off the duty on wool had thitt.Fe steadiness of price.—( Hear, bear.) How was it i Tra,rdiN4oble Lord and the President of the Board of Dij on ~,, ` 4 not go on to show that.—( Hear.) Had the opened'pe wool been steadier since the ports had been ;-•-(Hear, hear.) In 1825 the duty was reduced to Wool w elln Y.--( Hear, hear.) In 1819 the dut on trwhielisiatiahpeance a 1b.,. in 1825 . it was reduced to a penny, ice er _ a continued since. Now what had been the 4 1 819 wool before and since the repeal of that duty ? I t' ti ' Wha t' the duty was 6d., the price . of wool was in 1 . ; 14 1820 • i 4 8 22 i t it was Is. O. ;in 1821 it was ls. 6d. ; ; Wes i s. / L a s Is- 6d. ; in 1823 it was is. 6d., and in 1824 o_, a p erf '''' In 1825 the duty was removed, and there jP there beet' free importation. Now since that period i:wa Wnmeen steadiness in price ? Why in 1825 South 1 8a 28 2 it tc, s 9 w d as I . s. , in 1826 it was ls., in 1827 it was 9d., in 4 2 8.. •, In 1830 it was ls. 2d., in 1831, is. 2d., in l'estlitte4s.so that, so far from there having been any , 44 Itot oe I n Price, there had been such a fluctuation as 1 1 1 .1 . 1 eotit s weiufkrred before.._( Hear, hear.) Then the ar ti,‘lta. that if '' respect to wool, resolved themselves into e , what had occurred with respect to that ar th " a r b„ e . wo, ti P b P 'cabl e to corn, the probability was that \Nr• th at °t6 e no security for increased steadiness in price, Nv o l t i ll 4 4 ,4 Price would be increased.—( Hear, hear.) f itrn , l 'erin iri , ',to the farmer, the Honourable Member for titi N's b tit i\nn had stated that the present was not a g'rlar art 4 had question. That the farmers were ` 11. • ViLl e i tof rnen.—( Hear, hear.) hvi '" 11, p 1,,, farl e `n sh e ,_`'E L- -CertainlY, the Honoura_ble Member ee tak'ners,,...,,,tethat he had had much dealing with . 11 t )le a it t ; - )1 . at laughter.) But he was very much mis- A ~,, i„ „.n. Member 'had not stated that they were sir r. VD , '"'gtence.—( Hear, hear.) Me trib R64 I R,,S—No, no , a rid or sa ER I PEEL —Did not the Honourable lie, der n Y they were men attached to localities r ,,,, v , it th en. _nt be p ersuaded easily to remove themselves. ti lin, ~ were . men attached to localities who had not the op stett4thnot' t 4l he alc d ulg the Most of their means as other classes had. Ir a , , e whole theation in agricultural produce materially oi kt °be d o „ ' Ofpresent generation e—alear, hear.) What ad s of cultivlttivith those under lease, when bad land was thrown N tik e ed p erio S 4 ? What with those who had arrived at an ot e 'Peerd goof,. r ife who had no facility of undertakmg met'. ti gh„n, au(}l no , 'Om.. ear, hi ar.) The question then was, what ,il le , Avi ng 0 ,. gwe to.oight ? Had a case been made out upon 4.,:teld, ~,,.. ' '"e Manufacturers or of the Members for London or 1.4 or , _ ai or th'! entering into ;committee with view to the total k letua v t. Cor thiaw _ , 5 or the application of a a fixed duty instead b • 4 ' Or in g Que. He could understand those who were in 41 1 th ~ a total r l a th. a ' no t • epeal.(Hear hear.) They proceeded upon the ~, t, t,i , tt.. rwithstanding the Complicated relations of society 441a_ j4, 11 ' ,4 1 ' ,, t IY, notwithstanding the amount of our debt and t 4 opt of .`,Jr` . noes, yet still those very incumbrances, and that very oti:l;%er'puriteY constituted a reason why they should not submit (t oe rne lo , ii „ e---- (liear, hear fear) They therefore argued that tl,t,rQray wax to applY this r , reat pr,nciple of political th e , 11 (41,,, pt v i ' r e e, ° the cheapest markets'for the purchase of what. 'Qur, theist'a Tr : kar, hear.) if it were wise to purchase in let e ,tarkot that which the manufacturers required, of (I, l !„l:!ti neipi vi e Ild permit th e farme r to act upon the same benevo. kopi'tsterim cheer Purchase for himself that which he required.-- 1% 'eti r o 1 `Qeer s ) It .„ . e q) i. ,„, tha. _ ia,as said that no more burdens had been t ri.,, ,, t ~, !„ , , n any other description of property. Ile (Sir R. ttiv ~,,L:c nuted that t,t. F..r. , -* hold , Ts thlt . ' l'. (c h t , 4 or ' pd r vi 1,0;.ri ..,pil• (I - t. 1 ' ''''- ;to call for a il!aision oi: that que, 611 1 , - ` 1 4.) • Cop ' 5 tortes with t:,e. , ,„ riu,ition, of lie I. I'M Mr. FIELDEN felt compelled to I `ratd__olPlttehthe nurob,:r of the poor which the factories adjournment of the debate. ..,eers)—and then lLt Hon. Members say whether strangers were then ordered to w --- --- - _ _ rithdraw, the manufactories contributed fairly for the support of the poor.— (Cheers.) Were tithes no tax upon the land ? Was the land•tax no burden ? What would they say of the legacy duty, and the s'amps upon conveyance;? He would not speak of the malt tax, because some Honourable Members said it was paid by the consumer; but by levying so enormous a tax on malt and spirits it diminished the consumption. Of course they were bound to apply the principle of purchasing where they could get the cheapest, to the long list of manufactured articles.—(Cheers). If it was good to buy corn in the cheapest market, it was a'so good to buy silk. (Cheers, and counter cheers). Would it not be decorous, before they came to the farmer, to apply that principle to manufactuf ed articles ? (Loud Cheers). Shear the pigs, before you Recce the sheep.—(Loud Laughter and Cheers). Just reverse the order of proceeding. After they had visited the farmer, what security had he ?—(Cheers). Before they applied the 1 rinciple to the farmer, they would make this distinction—according to pali. tical economy, there is a distinction between taxes imposed for protection and revenue. (Cheers, hear, hear, and counter cheering). Then let notice be given next week for a committee to consider the laws respecting the duties on these articles.—(Hear, hear, hear) In the first place they had men of business to deal with.—(Tory Cheers). The poor ignorant farmer who had not studied political economy—(A laugh) —was not yet thoroughly convinced of the wisdom of that rule, that they ought to buy at the cheapest rate; but the trader, being a man of intelligence, and a man of business—(Loud laughter from the Tory benches)—and not the least attached to locality—they would be able to convince him of the wisdom of the application of the principle; and supposing he should hesitate for a moment, they might just say, because you pay a higher price for corn, that is no reason why we should pay a higher price for buttons.—(Hear.) When they had reduced the prohibiting duties on all these articles, what security had they against the exportation of capital to for cign countries. Corn was cheaper abroad, and it was likely English skill and capital and enterprise would be employed there, and that the produce of that skill and industry would would be transmitted, fno import duties were imposed upon foreign manufactures, to compete with them in the English market. It appeared that her Majesty's Government were not agreed as to the policy of a total repeal of the Corn-laws. They staid they were willi'ig to permit a change, and the project they were inclined to was a fixed duty. The difference between the advocates of a fixed duty and of a total repeal was as irrecencileable as between the maintenance of the present system and the latter.—((Hear, hear) The Government say they are in favour of a fixed duty, but what advance did that snake in the question ?—(Cheers.) They made no advance unless they stated what they meant. Did they invite the House to go in to Com mittee, in the hope that under the influence of Mr. Bernal they would be inspired with greater sagacity ?—(Laughter,) If they had the slightest notion of what the fixed duty was to be why not pro claim it.—(Cheers.) They invited the House to go into Commit tee on the application of a gentleman to whom they were opposed, and who was for total repeal, but they said "Go in•o Committee, various schemes will be proposed, and we hope to be able to find one—(Hear, hear)—the smallest donations will be thankfully ac. cepted."—(Rears of laughter.) They pet forward nothing to guide the House or public opinion. If they gave a duty on importation they must give a drawback on exportatiori.—(Hear, hear.) Was it ever known that on so exciting a question a Government would ask the House to go into Committee without telling them what they intended?—(Loud cheers.) He could understand their saying that the question ought to be settled, and that they came down with the authority of a united Cabinet. He could understand their saying that they saw no prospect of a set tlement—that agitation was a great evil, that as there were irrecon aeeble difference.: of opin on, that they would not go into Commit. tee—that they would have no baiting with delusion, and no fishing for popularity.--(Loud cheers.) But to invite them to go into Corn. mittee without having any plan to propose, WPS a course perfectly ir. reconcilable with either the practice or dut) , of a Government.— (Loud cheers.) He had read all that had been written by great au thorities and political economists upon the subject, and without disparaging that noble science, which treated of the principles upon which the advance of commercial_prosperity and social happiness depended, he must say, that after having read all that was written by the most eminent authorities on the subject of corn, with a view of determining the principles upon which a fixed duty should be imposed, and highly as he respected those au thorities, he had retired from the task in greater despair than he had commenced it. He had read all that had been said by Malthus, Ri cardo, and M'Culloch, but he had vainly sought for any simple and intelligent guide in their lucubrations. Ricardo proved that Adam Smith was totally erroneous—(A laugh)---and observed that his (A. Smith's) error lay in supposing the value of corn to be constant. Ricardo endeavoured to show that the price of corn was low in a rich country and high in a poor country; while Adam Smith contended that the price of corn was high in a rich country and low in a poor country.— (Great laughter.) He (Sir R. Peel) had then referred to the recent work of M`Culloch, who discussed the important question of whether there were any peculiar burdens on agriculture, and he de signated tithes, the land_tax, the poor and other rates as these burdens. Mr. M`Culloch said that neither of those opinions was right.— (Hear, hear.) He would refer to another eminent writer on Corn. laws, Colonel Torrens, and instead of throwing light upon the con flicting authorities, he made the obscurity ten times greater.— (Laughter and cheers) Colonel Torrens said that Adam Smith was fundamentally wrong—that the French economists were quite wrong—that Ricardo and his followers were quite wrong, and that he should also refute Mr. Malthus.—(Great laughter.) A.a the Gallant Colonel had devoted one whole chapter to that undertaking. Now, if they were to go into Committee, they might rely upon it that the obscurity would not be much cleared up by the sagacity of her Majesty's Ministers.—(Cheers.) The conflict would not be between those on that side of the House and those on the other, but between the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton and his supporters, for the Government repudiated a total repeal, and yet• did not know what to substitute for it. Now, would it not there fore be the wisest course in them to refuse the Committee ? (Cheers.) Whattemptation should ho (Sir R. Peel) have to enter the Committee after the letter which the Noble Lord referred to last night ? in which, in the year 1822 he warned his constituents against too readily falling in with political economists. The Noble Lord had certainly, as he had stated, a perfect right to change his opinions, but they could never obliterate from his -memory the epigrammatic defence which he had left there of the opinions he was now about to abandon.—(Laughter and cheers.) The Noble Lord referred to Sir Joshua Reynolds, who, in surveying the paintings of his early years, turned away in c an did despair of being able to surpass the first comparatively inexperienced efforts of his pencil. The Noble- Lord said that the lot of the great painter would not be his. But he (Sir R. Peel) apprehended that it would.—(Cheers.) The skill and fidelity with which hesketched a political economist in 1822 would never be surpassed by any subsequent attempt.—(Cheers.) In exhibiting his gallery of po; litical sketches'and referring to his later works—whether Ws histo rical sketches—(Laughter) —his vindication of the resistance of the Summer's and the Russell's to Papal yranny—.(Cheers and laughter) whether his fancy sketch, in which he vindicated O'd Sarum— (Laughter)—and referred to the example bequeathed by the credu. lous servant who gave old lamps in exchange for new—the old and tried fabric for the untried burnished imitation—whether as a por trait painter—(interruptioe.) (Sirß. P.) was not surprised at the interruption,perhaps theHon.Gentleman from whom it proceeded had also sat for the sketch — (Laughter) —whatever the recent work might be it could not in vigour, skill, power, and fidelity, compete with that celebrated sketch of a political economist.—(Cheers and laughter.) After that he (Sir R. Peel) should never go out with a political economist without thinking of the dangerous company he was in.-(Laughter.) But if the Government should come down now, and propose their plan of alleviation—even though they should convince them of its feasibility, still he (Sir R. Peel) should hesitate before he should agree to it. He should take higher con siderations into view—he should state the fearful consequences that might ensue to the' country if, in the contingency of war or famine, she should have to depend for food upon foreign relations. — (Cheers.) They said the interests of commerce would prevent tfhoreeiganmhbosittilolinty ofin fuotnuere.greTat mheyitar a t tl livedy he t i overruled n 'e al l those which ll those considerations, and directed all his powers to the destruction of this country.—(Cheers.) Nor could they be sure that now the commercial interests of nations would always controul their desire for conquest. Looking to the state of the Peninsula— to the state of affairs all over the globe—he had not the confidence which other Hon. Members indulged in, that the spirit of men, like ambition, had relaxed, and that the thirst for glory and Power would no more prevail over the desire of the steady acquisi tions of commercial gain.—(Cheers.) Before they determined to favour the agriculture of Poland at the expense of the agriculture of Great Britain—let them first remember that the encouragement which the Legislature had given to agriculture in this country had been the main stimulus to the draining of fens, the reclamation of waste and poor lands—the improvement of the social condition of the population, and their general health and happiness. He should be sorry to see cultivation receding from the tops of the hills to which it had climbed, and the whole country a series of manufacturing towns, connected by railways travelling through an abandoned rural district; he would admit that this might increase the wealth of the country, but the change which would take place in the social condition of the people would be an afflicting one. They would refuse to yield this question even to ti a authorities of a united Cabinet ; but when he saw that the oflic al authorities in the Cabinet were divided upon this subject, that Members in that House were at direct variance with their colleagues in the other, that the Cabinet was conflicting and disunited, that the arguments were unreasonable, and the statements contradictory, lie must refuse to defer to their authority, and, notwithstanding the language of the Noble Lord, he would not consent to throw the protection of agri. culture into the lottery of legislation, in the hope of drawing the prize of a good Corn.law.—(Loud cheering, which lasted some mi nutes.) Mr. BROTHERTON rose, but could scarcely be heard for the confusion which prevailed in the House. We understood him to defend the Manchester Delegates and manufacturers from the charges which had been brought against them of lowering the rateof wages. The Hon. Member entered into statistical details, the object of which was to show, that at the present time the agriculturist was receiving three pieces of ca!ico for the price he paid for one in 1513, while, at the same time, the manufacturer was still paying as dear for his bread, and that during all this their wages had not been lowered ; those who had introduced the improvements in manufac tures were receiving the benefit of them, but that this benefit bad wholly been reaped by third parties. The Hon. Gentleman being unable to obtain a hearing sat down amidst loud cries of " Divide." Mr. Fielden rose and made several attempts to address the House. When the Speaker had succeeded in restoring partial silence, Mr. FIELDEN moved that the debate be adjourned to Mondry, The noise upon this was redoubled, and cries of " No, no," " Di vide, divide," resounded from al parts of the House. The confusion lasted for ieveral minutes. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who spoke amidst great noise and con. fusion, hoped that the House would be enabled to come to adecision that night. Postponing the debate,and resuming it again on Monday, would be of the greatest inconvenience to the public service.— (Heaa, hear). If the debate must be adjourned, he trusted that it would be resumed on sonic other day than Monday, but considering that it was not now very late, he hoped the House would not con sent to the adjournment.—(Hear, hear). Mr. FIELDEN said, that according to the regulation adopted, every Member was totally prevented from stating his opinions upon the presentation of petitions—if any Honourable Member attempted to say anything on the presentation of a petition, he was instantly told that he must reserve himself for the debate, and now he was to be prevented from expressing his opinions upon a subject of the great importance cf the present sub. ject, upon the proper settlement of which he would venture to say, depended the prosperity, the happiness, or the misery of the country. If it would be more convenient to the House to adjourn the debate until Tuesday, he would have no objection. Of this he was deter. mined that the debate must either be adjourned or he would divide the House upon that question.—(Cries of Hear, hear, and Go on.) Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN said that although be was not one who was desirous of the debate being adjourned, yet, as it would ap. pear singular that upon a subject so deeply affecting the interests of Ireland only one Member from that country should have spoken, he was anxious to let the people of Ireland know that that occurence was not voluntary on the part of the Irish Members, for he had him self attended four nights in that House, and had not been able to address it.—(Cries of "Hear, heur," and "Go on.") He must enter his protest against the debate being concluded without an oppor tunity being given to the Irish Members of being heard. *Mr. EWART rose amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide," and great confusion. He wished to know whether it was the intention Hon. Members to hear him or not 1 If the House would allow him to go on, he would adopt that course which he thought was for the benefit of the country, but he would not attempt to ad. dress the House if he was to be interrupted.—(Cries of " Go on, go on," and great confusion.) Was he to understand that the House would allow him to go on ? Mr. FIELDEN rose amidst much confusion. He hoped if the Hon. Member meant to asldress the House, he would confine him. self to the question of adjournment.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Go on, go on.") Mr. E WART considered that the proper person to decide that question was the Speaker. The SPEAKER s-id that, in strictness, the I-Ton. Member for Oldham, having moved the aclkiurnincr.t of the House, was entitled perscvere in his motion for an THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, The House divided, when the numbers were— For the Adjournment 6l Against it .... Majority On our re-admission to the Gallery we found Lord J. RUSSELL on his legs. The Noble Lord said that he certainly should wish the House to come to a decision upon the question that night.—(Loud evies of " Go on.") Mr. T. ATTWOOD having been particularly charged by the Honourable Member for Kilkenny, with being an advocate for a breach of the public faith, had no hesitation in charging him with being an advocate of public plunder.—(Roars of laughter and cheering.) Mr. HARVEY could not permit it to be understood that he interposed his individual wishes against the obvious sense of the House.—(Loud cheers.) So far as he was personally concerned, he had no desire to prosecute the division further, but would rather be pleased to see it withdrawn; and he was the more ready to do so, because there was a motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury, which stood upon the books for Thursday next, materially bearing upon the present question, when those who were desirous to deliver their opinions might have an opportunity of doing so. At the same time, if the Hon. Member for Wigan thought fit to persevere, he (Mr. Harvey) should vote in favour of this motion, and he would do so because he was more anxious to hear others than to speak himself. But he was a little surprised when he called to mind the length of time they had been debating the question, to find that not more than fifteen Members had spoken at an average of an hour and a half to two hours each.— (Laughter.) When he called to mind the painful infliction some of Vaese:speeches imposed on him—(Laughter and cheers)—he was not a little surprised to find the extreme advocates of free trade and free opinion, among the monopolists who wished to keep all the speaking to themselves.—(Rears of laughter, and cries of " Go on," " Ad journ, adjourn.") Mr. EWA RT rose and was received with loud cries of " Go on." He said that he was convinced, that even were he to go on then, in the first place, he would net obtain a proper hearing. He thought, therefore, the wisest course was to submit, and in conformity with these views he felt it necessary to move an adjournment of the de bate till Tuesday. Strangers were then again ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the adjournment Against it Majority against the adjournment 320 On our entering the gallery we found Mr. FIELDEN on his legs, stating that as neither Monday nor Tuesday seemed to be approved of for the adjournment of the Debate, he would move that it should be adjourned to Wednesday, Lord J. RUSSELL had no objection to the adjournment to any other day than Monday. An Hos. Minter= objected to the adjournment of the debate; he should therefore move that the House should not adjourn— (Laughter)—and take the sense of the House upon it.—(lncreased laughter). An lIoN. MEMBER moved that the debate be adjourned for 373 six months. (The scene now became absolutely indescribable. The body of the House prrserited a crowd of Members standing—several some times spe&king at once—the calls to " Order" of the Speaker un heard,* amidst the loud and reiterated cries of " Monday," " Wed nesday six months!"—" Divide," " Chair,"" Question.") After something like order had been restored, a conversation took place, which ended in the debate being adjourned till Monday, on the understanding that the Army Estimates should be first taken merely as a matter of form. The House adjourned at Three o'clock. Previous to the adjournment a call of the House was orde red for Monday. CORN-LAWS. MEETING OF THE DELEGATES—(YESTERDAY.) The Delegates met again at three o'clock at Brown's Hotel, J.. 8, Smith, Esq., in the Chair. Mr. Ewart, M.P., Mr. Scholefield, M. P:,and Mr. Villiers, M.P., were also present. The CHAIRMAN said that the deputation appointed yesterday had waited on the Lord Mayor, who received them v,,ery kindly. His Lordship fully entered into their views, and said that he would afford every facility to the Delegates in approaching the Common Council, if an interview should be desired.—( Hear, hear.) But he said the all-absorbing question with the Com mon Council at present was, a measure affecting their own rights and interests—( Hear)—and therefare it was doubtful whether at the present moment the subject will meet with that attention which it deserved. His Lordship, however, left it to the Delegates to say, what they wished to be done under the circumstances. The deputation said they were afraid that the Common Council laboured under some misapprehension in consequence of not being acquainted with the fact that while we claimed a right to free trade in corn, we were willing to give up all protection on manufactures. If they had been acquainted with this fact, they would not have petitioned for a fixed duty. He had no doubt they would obtain the co-operation of the City of London in the objects which they had in view.—( Hear. ) Mr. T. H. A. CLAYTON, Of Bradford, said that a communica tion had been received by the Bradford Anti-Corn-law Associa tion, to which were attached the names of fifty-six individuals, who, as industrious and intelligent operatives, felt to their cost the iniquity of taxing bread, to the injury of our trade. The whole affair was unsolicited and unprompted, and accom panied by more than the sum requisite to constitute each a mem ber. The following was the document to which he referred : " We, the undersigned, wish to enrol ourselves as members of the Anti-Corn-law Association, under a conviction - that by adding strength to the Association it will be more effectually enabled to carry out the objects for which it was called into existence ; and by endeavouring, as far as possible, to facilitate its proceedings we shall be advancing our own interests; and by placing ourselves at the source where every information can be obtained, we shall be ready to embrace every opportunity for bringing about this desirable object, namely—the repeal of the Corn-laws." Mr. BYLES, of Bradford, said he rejoiced at this circum stance, because there had been a separation' between the work ing people and their employers at Bradford.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BOULTBEE moved that the suggestion be acted upon, as the delegation were in want of all the assistance they could get. The Ctrs IRMA N said the only objection was that there would not be a Comtnon Council until Thursday next, and that they were so much engaged at present. Mr. BOULTSEE said whenever they proceeded to take any subsequent measures for the total repeal of the Corn-laws, it would be of great importance to obtain the assistance of the Corporation of London; and it was desirable to act upon the suggestion as soon as possible. Air. JonNsoN said if the Council did not meet until Thurs day, it might be inconvenient for the Delegates to remain so long.---( Hear, hear.) One good resulting from the exertions of the Delegates was, that they had now obtained the patient attention of Parliament, which was never the case before.— ( Hear, hear.) 1. had also elicited from the opponents of repeal their best arguments, and it would afford an opportunity of ex posing to the country the absurdity of those arguments, and the untenable ;rounds on which they stood for the sustainment of this monopoly.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that no substantial thereprotection c could be no interest givenst which toany showedthis manufacture more strongly than and tiie silk trade,because that was a trade which admitted of thegreatest degree of fancy, and it was said to be protected by a larger duty than any other—the duties averaging about 30 per cent., while on many ethers it was under 20. Alhough he was not personally engaged in the silk trade, he wished to make a few remarks, and he should be borne out in his observations by a gentleman from Nottingham, who would affirm that he was in a better state, employed a greater number of hands, and that his profits were equally great as under the prohibitory system, and that business was more abundant. According to thereturns of Mr. J. D. Hume, the average import of silk, in the years 1765-6-7 (the commenceir. ent of prohibition), was 715,000 lbs. ; in 1785-6-7 (20 years afterwards), 881,000 lbs. ; 1801 to 1812, the average was 1,110,0001b5. ; 1815-16-17 (50 years after the prohibition, and the first three after peace), 1,315,000 lbs. ; 1821-2-3 (three years previous to the change), 2,399,000 lbs. In the three quarters ending Oct. 10, 1831 (being only five years after the change), the quantity was 4,312,000 lbs. That showed the result of the change, and what could be done when people were thrown on their own exertions. It might be important to state, that the people of Coventry who were engaged in that branch of the trade which was the most interfered with, had been in a better condition than any other branch for the last two years. He had ascer tained from one of the largest houses in the City (that of Messrs. Morrison and Co.), that the quantity of silk which they buy is very small, compared with that of the first years of importa tion. In Manchester, where the manufacture was confined principally to broad silks, they not only successfully competed with France, but were actually making better and cheaper goods ; and the people of Coventry could compete with foreigners in every shape, except a few fancy rib bons. Under the restrictive system, it was a fact that England was not an exporting country at all, except in the article of silk hosiery ; but when industry was left to it own resources, the exports in 1836 were nearly a million sterling. This showed that every trade, when thrown on its own re sources, must prosper more than under a protective or pro hibitory duty.—(hear, hear.) But it must have been ob served that the Cern-law question was supported in conse quence of the exclusive taxes paid by the land. He would not go through a long array of figures on the subject ; but there was one point which had not been previously referred to. Great stress was laid on the amount of county i ates. hi round numbers the amount was about 600,000/. a year, but did it follow that boroughs did not pay rates for similar purposes?—( Hear.) He had in his hand an official return of the rates for the county of Derby and for the boroughs, and in taking that county, he was taking a fair epitome of the state of th country generally. The county sates for the five years ending 1838 amounted to 37,5481. Gs. 211, the yearly average bring 7,5091. 13s. 3d. The borough rates were for the same five years 13,416/. 9s. 7d. ; the annual average being 4,8801. The property as sessed in the county was 912,3401., and in the boroughs 88,206/. Now that being the case, the counties should pay 50,5741. yearly, but es the rate only amounted to 7,5091. there was an actual balance in favour of the counties of 43,C65/. And yet they had the impudence to claim exclusive pro tection because they paid County-rates.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) He would contend that the amount paid by the inhabitants of borough towns in the shape of local rates were more by ten times the amount in proportion to the property than the amount paid by the agriculturists in the shave of county-rates. With regard to calling on the City of London to en-operate with the Delegation, he was of opinion that could be done as well by the Delegates in their collective capacity. The fact was, the people were in need of better instruction on this sub ject. This he trusted they would receive, and when next the Delegates met together, and meet again they would, if this ques tion were not carried, he had no doubt that they would find not only the Corporation of the City of London, but the people of the kingdom generally would be ready to ce- o p era t e with the Dele gation for procuring a total and immediate repeal of the Corn laws.—( Hear. ) Mr. WALMSLEY said the apathy of the Corporation of the City of London, on the subject of a repeal of the Corn-laws, had been alluded to. There were some individuals belonging to that body, who took a vast interest in this subject. and he would now introduce to the meeting two gentlemen who were mem;.ers of that body, Mr. Norris and Alr. Green. Mr. PLI NT, in allusion to what Mr. Johnson had tated rela tive to the effect produced by the prohibitory system on th e silk trade, would state, that having had occasion to make researches on this subject previou3 to delivering a course of lectures, he had found that the silk which, up to 1824, had been the creature of protection, had only doubled itself during a period in which the cotton trade, which had never been protected, but had always been left free, had increased upwards of fifteen-fold, thus showing the withering effects of the falsely called protective system. Mr. Jomsrsosr would show the advantage of leaving trade free by what took place in the silk trade. Previous to the removal of the protection, they employed a machine, called the Dutch mull, to twist the threads which made from 400 to 500 turns a minute, they now employed a machine which made 5,000 turns a minute—they employed three times the number of labourers in the silk trade, and the amount of money wages was as great. Mr. BEAN could bear testimony to the truth of the observa ions of Mr. Johnson. Mr. NORRIS said that, having been intreduced to the notice of the Delegation 'as a member of the Corporation of London, he regretted that he was appearing now only in his individual capacity, as he should have been de ighted to have joined the Delegation as a representative of bat Corporation. He could assure the Delegates that the Cor ',m took a great interest in this subject. At a very full meet '.o Common Council, the subject had been debated from one o'clock till seven, when the debate was adjourned, a most unusual occurrence in that body, and the discusion had ended by their petitioning for a gradual repeal, with a view of iL of ultimately introducing a free trade in corn. The citizens of London, having at all times access to the Govern ment, were not aware of the importance of a Dele gation like the present ; —it was something quite new to them—when they understood the subject better they would more fully sympathise with them. He had himself proposed an amendment in the Common Council for a total and immediate repeal. He admired the zeal of the Delegates, and hoped they would be successful in the House of Commons. Mr. GREEN appeared as an individual, not as a Member of the Corporation of the City of London. He thought the • change produced by a total and immediate repeal, would be too sudden, and was in favour of a gradual repeal of the present duty, so as ultimately to bring about a total repeal. Mr. COBDEN said the Association was based on the funda mental principle of advocating the total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws. The question was thoroughly discussed at Manchester, and the decision come to was, that that should be their bond of union.—( Hear, hear.) He was glad that they had had the opportunity of communicating with the Lord Mayor, as his Lordship had been kind enough to intimate that he thought there would be no objection to the Delegates appearing at the Bar of the Curt of Common Council, although they had been refused access to the bar of another place. The Delegates would be able to state to the Corporation of London the reasons that had induced them to advocate a total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) He would take leave to refer. to the speech of Lord Melbourne in the House of Lords last night, and he sincerely wished that some of the plain common sense that he heard in the Delegates' room, could, by possibility, be brought in contact with the Members of the House of Lords —( Hear, hear.) While stand ing at the bar of their Lordships, last night, he turned round to a friend near him and ejaculates with some astonish ment, "am I in the House of Peers ?" for he had never thought that so much delusive ignorance and prejudice coald have existed in the assembly of the Peers of England.— When he heard the Prime Minister of England state that he considered free-trade doctrines—doctrines advocated by Adam Smith, and every great luminary connected with political economy, that he considered them wild and mad, he confessed he was not a little startled ; but when he heard from the Pre mier himself that he was unaware of the distinction between duties for revenue and duties for protection—when lie found that the Premier had so little discrimination that he treated them as advocates of the destruction of the revenue when they advocated a course that would increase the revenue, he was perfectly astonished.—( Hear, hear.) But lie had impugned their honesty, and had said that when the manufacturers stated they wanted no protection, " that was all very well; it seemed liberal enough ; it seemed like generosity itself ; but at the very time that they were expressing themselves thus liberally and generously, they knew very well that there was such a thing as a public exchequer which must be sup plied, and that those duties which afforded them a protection, which they pretended to despise, must necessarily be kept up for the sake of the revenue. Theref ire, the manufac turers were perfectly safe in throwing these duties on the carpet, and declaring they were ready to part with them." These were the sentiments of the Prime Minister, in speaking of the representatives of all the great manufacturing towns. What was the fact? It was well known to every one in that room, known to every one who pretended to have an acquaint ance with the concerns of the courttry,except the Prime Minister, that the revenues derived from manufactures was a nullity— there were no manufactures imported.—( Hear, hear.) We could not be great exporters and great importers if the same article, and the national greatness of England vested in the exportation of her woollens, cottons, silks, linens, and hardware. —( Hear, hear.) She could not, therefore, be an importer of these articles, and this, he should have thought, was self-evident to every one, but it still seemed to be unknown to Lord Melbourne.—(Hear.) If the duty derived from wool lens, cottons, silks, hardware, and linens imported, together with the duty dorived from corn imported during an average of years were deducted, he did net apprehend the revenue would suffer more than 200,0001. or 300,0001. a year. Were they to suppose that the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Premier were se utterly unfit for their offices that they were not qualified to make a substitution for that amount of re venue ?—( Hear, hear.) Was it not possible to tax other articles ? And were they to be placed in this situation that the commerce of England was to be ruined because they had Ministers of such wesk capacity that they were ob liged to take the revenues from those sources formed by their predecessors, and had not talent enough to revise the taxation of the country to the extent of 200,0001. or 300,0001. It could not be too oft n repeated, nor too well known, that all they sought was the power of exchanging the products of this country for the products of other countries; and while such prohibitive duties were levied OR corn, it was impossible there could be any trade, or that the population or revenue of the country could increase.—( Hear, ht'ar, hear.) If the revenue was deficient on the sth of July next, that deficiency would be solely attributable to the shackles imposed on the industry of th 4 country, which prevented the increase of our wealth, and prevented the consumption of those articles from which a revenue might be derived. Mr. WEIR, of Glasgow, thought that his Friend, Mr. Cobden, had wasted a little superfluous wonder on the proceedings of the House of Lords.—(Laughter.) He would be surprised at nothing which they might do. Their Lordships, without impugning the accuracy of the decla ration of Earl Fitzwilliam, had thought proper to give a direct negative to the proposition, on the sole ground that it would tend - to shake the stability of the Corn laws.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Was it to be borne that a hereditary House of Legislators should vote black was white, rather than do justice to the country ?—(Cheers.) Were 224 hereditary Legislators to be allowed to vote that was false, which not one of them had dared to impugn in the course of his remarks ? He would just allude to an expression that had dropped from Lord Maidstone. That Noble Lord had said the proposition ought to have been met by a silent negative ; but his Lordship might feel assured that such a line of conduct would not be tole rated.—( Cheers.) Two years ago the proposition was met by a silent negative, but winched been the consequence ? Why they had seen that when any Member in the House sat down, who had impugned the Corn-laws, the supporters of those laws rose in covies of 20 and 30 at a time.—( Hear, and laughter.) The question could no longer be met by silent contempt, nor could it be put down by any such course.--( Cheers.) He observed that towards the close of,the discussion last evening an attempt had again been resorted to by the friends of the Corn laws to put down those who wished to speak, and to force on a premature decision without discussion. Every such attempt on the part of the Legislature only tended to impair its dig nity, and to shake the confidence of the people in it as a legis lative body.—( Cheers. ) The CHAIRMAN then read a letter from Cirencester, stating that petitions had been sent from that place, and from the agri cultural labourers of Dunsburne and Winstone, to Sir Wm. .Molesworth, fur presentation in the House of Commons, pray ing for the repeal the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.) Mr. STANSFIELD, of Leeds, said that thinking a great deal of information might be conveyed to the working classes in the shape of a tale he had written to Miss Martineau on the subject, and had received from her the following letter:— '° In referene to your wish that I should prepare a small tract on the Corn-laws, for the information of the working classes, I should have been strongly tempted to do this some time ago, if I had not already put the best of my knowledge on that subject into one of my political economy tales. In the tale " Sowers not Reapers," I have treated the subject better than I could do it now ; and I find that some of our publica tions on that subject have completely availed to give the Americans an understanding of the case. In con sequence of your message, I have asked my publisher how low he could bring the price of this tract for circulation among the working classes at the present crisis. He is willing, as I am, to forego all advantage, and to present the tract for the price of the paper and print. He would sell it at 6d., if it was purchased in quarters, hundreds, or fifties. We are enabled to offer you this, by the tract being stereotyped ; and I really know of no way in which I could be so likely to be of use to the good cause, as by the diffu sion of what I wrote when my mind was more full of the topic than now. I trust you will receive kindly what I say, as pro ceeding from a sincere desire to be of service. " I shall be happy to know whether you approve my proposal or not. " Believe me, Sir, truly yours, " HARRIET MARTINEAU." He thought that for this liberal and handsome offer Miss Martineau deserved the thanks of the Delegates ; and he there fore begged to move the vote accordingly. He himself had read the work mentioned by her, and felt convinced that it would be essential service in enabling the agricultural labour ers and working classes to understand the question.—( Hear. ) Mr. Joins Horooswoimr, of Halifax, seconded the motion, and, after a few observations from Messrs. Barker, Plint, and Johnstone, it was carried unanimously. Mr. MURRAY then refuted the statements made by the Duke of BUCKINGHAM in the House of Lords last night; that Nobleman had charged the manufacturers with fomenting discord throughout the country ; but he, although not a manu facturer, but an agriculturist, would th r ow ba c k th a t charge on the Noble Duke and his two hundred followers, for the wealthy landlords had done more for the last 20 yea-s to create agita tion on this subject, than all the manufacturing interests put together.—( Hear, hear. ) The meeting then adjourned. ANTI-CORN-LAW DELEGATION DINNER. —...,,, The Anti- Corn.law Delegates dined together ye sterda y evening, at Brown's lintel. Upwards of sixty gentlemen sat:down to dinner. J. B. SMITH, Esq, the Chairman of the Delegates, prc. sided. The cloth having been removed, The CHAIRMAN gave " The Queen," which was drunk with all the honours. The CHAIRMAN, in giving the next toast, " The total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws," observed, that one of the objections urged by Lord Melbourne against any change in the existing system, was the inconvenience of cl - ange. No doubt change was an exceedingly incon venient thing for his Lordship, and probably a change of Ministry would be a change that he would both seriously feel and greatly dislike.—(Cheers and laughter.) B ut the manufacturer felt the inconvenience of change as well as his Lordship, and t he y did not like to change their customers.—( Hear, bear.) . There were ma n y Delegates present who could inform hi s Lord ship that they did no t sell one-half, or one-qu arter the goods to some of their customers that they formerly had done, and in fact, that in some instances, they had lost their custom altogether—that was the change they complained of.—(Heart hear). They looked beyond a change of Ministry, which was the only thing, that seemed to enter his Lordships mind.—(Cheer; and aughter). The toast having been d rank, t h e Chairma n called on Mr. Plint, of Leeds, to respondto it. Mr. PLINT then rose and was received with great applause. He had been called upon rather suddenly and unexpectedly, but he understood the toast he had to reply to was " Free Trade."—( Hear, bear). No one had been a stronger advocate for fre e trade than himsel f ; and he had always based his advoca c y of free tradeon th e b roa d principle, so well maintained by Dr. B . °wring and others, at one of their great Manches ter Meetings, viz. — t h at they were not seeking their own advantage merely, but the advantage of all other nations.—( Hear. hear). He main tained that the old protective system, was a system ) of gross, narrow selfishness. --(Hear, hear, h ear No one could look over the history of our o wn country. and mar's the legislation, especially of that pe r i o d so often ' quoted by th e little statesmen of the present day, without seeing that the whole aim was to gratify the selfishness of this country at the expense of others. If an ambassador was sent out to a foreign country, all that was expected was that he should make a treaty of commerce the effect of which would be to make us rich and them poor. If a man did that, be was considered the very beau ideal of a clever diplomatist; and that was the system upon which cur commercial legislation had for a long time b een con ducted. Ile could not conceive anything mo re se l f i sh blind, or s t up id, t h an suc h a system of commerci a l legisla tion. C o bb ett, h e b e li eve d, notwithstanding the gigantic force and power of his intellect, fell into many errors upon this subject. vet he Coll CeIVC it s no advantage' to England to Lave poor neighbours.—( Hear, hear.) But he trusted that the present generation wou ld act on a more en li g h tene d s y s tem, for they might depend MARCH 10, 1839 upon it that if they made other countries rich they would make them better customers, and nobody had a right to complain if, in seeking advantage to others they vre:e seeking their own.—( Hear.) All they wished was to carry out that honourable principle laid down in the Scripture of Truth, " That which a man pours into the bosom of his friend he is sure to receive back in his own bosom tenfold." He would fling back the imputat;on of selfishness upon thosewho made it. They did not want to injure even the landlord, and often as he had spoken on this subject, the language of vituperation with respect to that body had very seldom fallen from his lips. —( Hear, hear.) He had remarked that even in the House of Commons the same course had been adopted. He trusted that that course would still be pursued, for they might depend upon it that they would succeed against the selfishness of the landlords much in the same way as they overcame the enmity of a man "by heaping coals of fire on his head," not by destroying him, but by melting him to kindness.—(Cheers.) He trusted that having been so ur.expectedly called upon, the few observations he had made would be kindly received.—(Cheers.) Mr. COBDEN rose to propose the health of a Statesman which he was sure they would all respond to with the ut most enthusiasm. Were he to enter into that Nobleman's career, he would have to go through the last five and thirty years of this country's politics. He would have to go thrcugh the history of the fight for the emancipation of the Negro( s the advocacy of National Edu cation, he should have to describe the man who took the lead in advocating injured female royalty, and the states man whose genius was now actually at work in the cause of fret dom of trade. He need not say that he had to pro- pose to them the health of Lord Brougham.—( Immense cheering. ) This tcast having been drank nithnine times nine, The Cuaremstr then gave the health of Mr. Villiers.— He found it difficult to express his admration of the very able manner in which that gentleman had advocated the re- peal of the Corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Villiers was one of the most rising men of the present day—(Cheers) —and he looked forward to the day when the Hon. Mein- ber for Wolverhampton would occupy an important station in the councils of the nation ; he hoped that time would come soon.—( Cheers ) The toast was drank with great enthusiasm. Mr. WEIR, before proposing the next toast, would state that he had had the pleasure of knowing Mr. V:lliers for some years; but that be had never known any one who possessed, a greater moral courage, or a more compre hensive mind, blended with that judicious caution, which was the best warrant of future eminence—never to grapple with a subject of which he was not perfect master.— ( Cheers.) He was a most efficient advocate of their cause, and he believ,d the country would find in him one of those who were now pursuir , a career of public life, and who weuld take a bold and decided lead in advccating the cause of humanity and justice—(Cheers.) And now for the toast he had been requested to propose. It was luckily one that could speak for itself; and its importance could not be di minished by the inefficiency of its advocate. It was the Press—that portion of the press who had advocated their cause—(Loud cheers)—and he was happy to sec among them one who had been their most efficient and devoted friend, Mr. Murdo Young. (Great cheering,.) In all ages had there been men who thought and felt for the interests of mankind, and had left on record words and thoughts which would pass from generation to generation, but before the invention of the Press there was a difAculty of communication to any great extent. The instrument of which he was now speaking bad been the means of ea abling men in their private circles to speak to millions, and had enabled them to secure against the perishing tooth of time those words and those thoughts which were more valu able than any material objects could be.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Scarcely bad this engine started into existence when it was brought to struggle against a dominant hierarchy. hat ruled CverEuroiewithuncontroulable sway. Tb-is implement win brought into the field against them, and it raised a cry in Germany, which echoed back a louder strain in the island of Britain, shook to its centre, and emancipated millions.—( Cheers. ) Nor was it alone in this respect, that the Press was an important engine. But in the present day, when different districts had one com mon interest, and it was necessary they should act toge ther at the same time to attain the same end, this instru ment acted like an electric chain, along which the sparks of the mind were carried in one moment.— (Cheers.) From the Land's End to John O'Groat's [louse one simultaneous movement in behalf of a good cause could be effected by its instrumentality. Those who were in the South could have sentiments echoed back from the " Far North." It was a series of echoes which vibrated the thoughts, the feelings, and the energies of collective millions.—( Cheers.) It was the life's breath of freedom, and without it we perished. They were bound to preserve it, and to maintain its freedom and independence.— ( Cheers.) It was desirable that every thought and opinion entertained by it should have fair and free utterance. It was important that every one who was adverse to them, as well as those who acc , rded with them, should have the power to come into the field of discussion. At the same time it was necessary, as well as important, that those who had the wielding of this powerful engine should perform that task with thorough consciousness, with deep and honest convic tions, and support the sentiments they entertained.— (Cheers.) Whether they agreed or disagreed with them it was alike their bounden duty to support them in the free expression of their thoughts.—(Cheers.) They wished that those who differed with them should have a hearing, and all they asked in return was that the men who did un dertake this task should prove by perseverance in one de voted line of conduct, by freedom from all undue bias, by their consistency, that the sentiments they did advocate were their honest sentiments. That was all they asked. He claimed for all who were engaged in this profession the same free right of speech, and the same respectful at tention. It was natural - that they should feel more warm for those who agreed with them than for those who differed with them. They owed a debt of gratitude, not only to those who in the laborious retirement of their closets, threw off from day to day arguments in support of the current topics of discussion, but to those who elaborated and faithfully re corded the principles and efforts of those engaged in dis cussion. —(Cheers.) lie would mention Smith, Ricardo, and others, to tihorn they owed a feeling of deep gratitude. There were many engaged in the periodical Press who deserved their sincere thanks, and cordial support. It would appear invidious were he to name some, because he might exclude others, but there were few men who had done more in pursuing an independent and unshackled course, than the gentleman he had named in connection with the Press, to render more efficient and pow erful the instrument which be so powerfully wielded.— (Cheers.) They could not forget the time when Britain stood up as one man in the great struggle of 1831, and when, through the medium of The Sun, they received intelligence with amazing speed from all parts of the kingdom. The Sun had gone on with increased splen dour, and its talented Proprietor had gone on in his bril liant career, daily increasing his energy—daily increasing. his activity—facilitating the interchange if thought be tween all ends of the empire, and uniting all as one body for the great ends of equity, truth, and justice.—(Cheers.) Almost before the blow was struck at Manchester, did The Sun cast itself into the ranks of free trade, and raised that cry which he hoped would be persisted in till their struggle was at an end—the total and unconditional repeal of the Corn- laws —(Cheers.) Much did they owe to him who first raised that cry, and he called upon them, in expression of their own sentiments and the sentiments of those who sent them there, with flowing bumpers to drink the health of Murdo Young—long life and prosperity to him.— ( Loud cheers.) In conclusion, he begged to pro pose " The Press which advocated the cause of free trade, and Mr. Murdo Young." This toast having been drunk amidst great applause, Mr. Melte° YOUNG rose to return thanks, and was loudly else( red. He was not much accustomed to public speaking, but the speech of the gentleman who had just sat down was enough to make a stone speak, and the warm reception with which his name had been received had quite over powered him. They had been pleased to couple his name in connection with the Press, and had alluded to the illiberal part of the Press. Now he would beg leave to return thanks for the illiberal as well as the liberal Press ; thanks for the liberal Press who sup ported their cause, and thanks for the illiberal Press who opposed it ; feeling that good sense and discretion would very soon induce them to turn ro un d an d a d vocate their cause.—( Cheers ) With respect to himself little merit whcaisomudlwudehdotoos. supported i pti m oer ft t si ce r edr w tha l i i im a n t iy h a e npod h sw a s d ehso d se o wd n r e— ostoem li m e eu h e a n d b m et a t n e y a th ro an un h d e manage ment and some little energy, but his friend Mr. Weir had 28C , ibcd to him more merit than he deserved.—(Cries of " No, no.") He supported all measures that were for the good of the people at large, on the principle that what benefited the great body must benefit individuals.— ( Cheers.) He had supported free trade in other departments as well as corn, because he was certain that the more the benefits of life were diffused amongst us, the more happy should we be.—(Hear, hear.) On that inciple be had hitherto proceeded, and on that principle he should continue to proceed.—(Cheers.) It was un necessary for him to speak of the merits of the Press, especially after the eloquent and poetical disquisition of his friend Mr. Weir, who had shown that he was both a poet and a philosopher.—( Cheers.) With respect to the cause they all had at heart, he sympathised with them and with the great masses they represented, and he had long felt that the Corn-laws were an unjust and odious impost on the energies and industry of the people. He was glad that such a strong feeling now existed on this subject, which he believed had latterly increased in con s, quence of the high price of corn.—( Hear, hear.) With all their exertions he was afraid the Anti-Corn-law party were only at low water mark.--( Hear, and laughter. ) They could be no lower let the enemy do what they would, and when things were at the worst, it was said they were sure to mend.—( Laughter.) They ought to take courage from that ; they could be in no worse situation, but were sure to be in a better.—( Cheers.) He thought that in some instances they had taken a wrong course, for they hod tried to convince those who were convinced before hand.—(lleac, hear.) They had sought permission to appear at the bar of the House of Lords to tell the truth, but the Lords knew the truth—yes, like congenial spirits they believed and trembled—and did not want to be told that which they already knew too well.—( Loud cheers.) The thing that galled them most was to be told that they were interested individually—that they did not act for the general good, but that selfishness guided their conduct. It was said that from time immemorial the land lords had ruled. No doubt they had always made laws for the many, but they always left a loophole of escape for themselves, as the lawyers did in all Acts of Parliament.— ( Laughter and cheers.) The landed aristocracy certainly appeared to think that they had a right to devour the people ; and the young aristocracy taking example by the old vultures, thought they had an hereditary right to plunder.—( Laughter.) They appeared to think they were born to the right of doing wrong.—( Continued laughter.) He would advise the gentlemen assembled, humble as he was, to take a leaf out of his book. The ,Sun Newspaper at one time was at just as low an ebb as the Corn law question was at the present moment, but he had succeeded by perseverance, always believing that nothing was impossible. —( Cheers. ) In nine cases out of fen he had accomplished what all the world said was impossible and useless to attempt. The landlords said it was impossible to carry the repeal of the Corn-laws, and therefore that the opponents of those . I laws need not go on in their agitation. But he (M r . M. Young) would say, " Agitate ! agitate ! agitate ! and you will improve at every step."—(Loud cheers.) They had only to return to their various con stituencies—tell them how they had been defeated, and how determined the landlords were that bread should remain at a high price. Perseverance would achieve miracles.—(Hear, hear, hear). It was all very well for Lord Melbourne—feasted with all the dainties of the Palace—( Hear and a laugh)—to tell starv ing men that corn was not too dear !—to exhort them to be quiet—to say that agitation , forsooth, was unpleasant —unpleasant enough, doubtless, it was for Ministers.— ( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") But politics apart— whether Whig, Tory, or Radical were in office, the people would assert their rights, and that in no ht.mb!e tone. Let them show the Ministry that they were not only ardent, but determined in the cause of justice.—(Hear, hear.) Governments, indeed, were ready enough to encourage agitation to keep themselves in power and the Tories out, and when that object was a'tained, they would wish ag,itation to cease, and then it would be but just to tell Lord Melbourne and his brother W logs, " Fight your own battles yourselves without the aid of the manufacturers."—( Hear.) The Tories were entitled in some degree to respect, for they did not disguise that they were rogucs—( A laugh)—the‘,- did not say one thing and mean another—(Hear)—though with all their cleverness they had shown themselves great fools, for if they had carried this, and three or four other questions of national importance, they might have been in office now, and no Corn-laws to oppose.--( Hear, hear.) The Tories, like the despots of the Continent, knew well thati the people were well fed the reign of tyranny might continue.— ( Hear, bear. ) In whatever event, however, the oppo nents of the Corn-laws had but on:: course to pursue— to agitate !—(Cheers)—and in any case they must succeed, for if Lord Melbourne remained in power, it could only be by granting the repeal of the Corn-laws. If the Tories came in, they would never be able to stand against the cry for that repeal.—( Hear.) And as to the Radicals, they did not intend to take office at present. —(Cheers and laughter.) He hoped that they would soon see the error of their ways, and make common cause with them for the attainment of that great object, which they avow as their principle.—(Loud cheering.) Mr. lIYLEE; (of the Bradford Observer), begged to be allowed to take a part in returning thanks for the compliment which had been paid to the ss, and to express his determination, so far as lay in his power, to co-operate in promoting the great and good cause in which they were all enlisted.—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN said the meeting could not do better than drink the health of another free-trader, " The Lord Mayor of London, and free trade in coals."—(Cheer s.) Drank with considerable applause. The Hon. E. MURRAY said that although he came from a very distant part of the country, and not connected with the City of Lon don, lie was much interested in th - e destiuctioa of thecoal monopoly, which had been so vigorously opposed by the Lord Mayor. lie might just mention one fact, that a few weeks ago a tenant of one of his colleries happened to send some vessels to the Thames laden with coals, and afterwards wrote to say that he had laid there fur a fortnight, and not a sack ot coals had been delivered.—(Hear.) The CnsinusN next gave " The Metropolitan Delegates." Drunk with liud cheering. Mr. G. A. YOUNG, the Delegate for Marylebone, in returning thanks, said lie came from a borough, the inhabitants of which were most anxious to promote all questions affecting the cause of Reform, whether political or economical. He had been requested at the af ternoon sitting to make some observations—which, however, in consequence of the many interesting speeches which had been de. livered, he had not been able to make—upon the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke (Sir dames Graham) — a speech replete with misrepresentations of facts and illogical deductions. The Right Hon. Baronet was pleased to state some peculiar opinions upon the subject of wages and free trade, and our foreign trade, and more particularly with reference to the cotton trade. The Right Honourable Gentleman stated that all over the werld—a low price of corn led to low prices—and what illustrations had the Right Honour able. Baronet to produce to establish that proposition ? Hindostan and &icily !—(Hear, hear). It would seem then that there were no such countries as Ireland and America.—(Hear, hear). Did the Right Hon. Bart. know what were the relative prices of food and of labour in the free States of America.—(Hear, hear). Some Hon. Gentleman had sneered at Dr. Bowring as a " Philosopher," and no doubt the most sovereign contempt was entertained for philosophers by Agricultural dumps.—(Hear, hear, hear). But would it not be worth while for such statesmen to inquire whether there were no reasons in the actual state of India sufficient to account for the impoverished condition of the natives other than the amount of food ?—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had fallen into the common error of mistaking effects for causes.— (Hear, hear.) Did the Right Hon. Baronet suppose that the im poverishment of the natives was caused by the amount of food, and not by the nature of those institutions which had brought them so low in the scale of humanity—bound down as they were by ancient customs and ancient laws from the free exertion of human labour, whether mental or physical.—(Hear, hear.) having travelled both in India and in the United States, he (Mr. Young) was hound to say that he could not take the Right Hon. Baronet's opinion upon these points. —( Hear. hear.) Another question had been brought forward by some Hon. Members—the extreme danger to this country of our re. lying upon foreign countries for the supply of the raw material in the cotton manufacture, and this was alluded to, as showing the danger of depending upon foreign nations for the supply of corn. The Right Hon. Bart. the Member for Pembroke had-recommended the cultivation of cotton in our East Indian possessions, being more confident in a supply from those possessions than from America ; but he (Mr. Young) thought that there was much more probability of a certain supply from a free and intelligent people than from 100,000,000 natives kept down only by the power of the bayonet, and our dominion over whom might perhaps be wrested from us.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The most extraordinary part however of the Right Hon. Bart.'s speech was the conclusion in which he spoke thus. "It has been alleged that the repeal of the Corn-laws was only a question of the diversion of capital into a new channel, and that labourers might be dealt with as a commodity without feelings of attachment and fond associations—as a commodity which might be transported from one part of the country to another, without in convenience or injury. But how much suffering and sorrow lay under such smooth and soft and gently flowing words. The change that is contemplated would affect the manners, the habits, and the existence of those labourers. A change more cruel could not be attempted than from the breezy call of incense breathing morn,' to the sad sound of the factory bell, a change from the thatched cottage, the blooming garden and the village green to some dark garret or dark cellar in a noisy alley of a crowded city,' a change from the rural walk and calm enjoyment. of the rustic Sabbath to the pestilential debasement and debauchery of congregated mul titudes."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Why, in looking over the 3d Report of the Poor-law Commissioners, he (Mr- Young) found that in answer to a certain question proposed by Sir James Graham, an agricultural labourer stated that he had to maintain himself and family upon 9s. 6d. a week, of which he had to pay To. 6d. for bread.—(Hear, bear.) Would a repeal of the Corn-laws, and a return to the principles of free trade, reduce those labourers to a worse condition ? It could not be.—(Hear, hear.) A great deal of that poetical picturing which had been re sorted to by the Right Hon. Baronet and others upon ibis question, was somewhat misplaced —a great deal of the " poetry of rural life" was to be traced to the capital invested in land by t he manufacturing and commercial interests,—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") In all countries it would be found that the refinements and en joyments of rural life were produced from other sources than mere agriculture.—( Hear, hear.) A large portion of Eastern Eu rope exhibited two classes—a democratic nobility, arrogating all the powers of the State.—and a rural peasantry, between whom and the other class existed none of those common interests and mutual pursuits which linked together the extremes of society.—(Cries of " Hear, h'ar.") Why was it that in the commencement of the mid dle ages in the midst of a broken and shattered people—a mere frag. merit of the vast mosaic of the Roman Empire—from a few muddy huts at the mouth of an Italian river, arose the vast fabric of the Venetian Republic—in spite of the most tyrannic LI and un just of Governments. To what was this to be attributed, but to that spirit of commerce which gave birth to the " Queen of the Adriatic."—Cheers.) And how was it the peasantry of Holland converted their native morasses into abodes of the Arts, and of wealth—was it not by the spirit of commercial enterprise—but for which there would have been the indigence, and the ignorance, which characterizes mere agricultural communities.—(Cheers.) Mr. PUNT remarked that as a vast deal had been said about the necessary connexion between a low price of food and the distressed condition •f agriculture, he wculd ask gentlemen present con nected with cotton, woollen, silk, and flax manufactures, whether they had ever known a more prosperous reriod in our commercia history than 1830 to 1836.—(Elear, hear)— aril yet during tha' period there had been the most extraordinary run of good seasons Mr. COBDEN wished to advert to a point much dwelt on, both by the aristocrats and the " tail end," that a repeal of the Corn-laws would render necessary an adjustment of the national debt—the ave rage price of corn f.,r the last three years of the period which had first been tram,' had been heavier than for half a century before, and that the revenue had never been more prosperous.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. NURSEY would observe that, from 1815 to 1820, there were a series of bad harvests, and labourers were in a bad condition. From 1820 to 1825 there were good harvests, and the labourer could ap. ply a larger portion of his wages to other purposes. The low prices of corn in 1833, 1834, and 1835, produced the same effect as low prices from 1820 to 1825.—(Hear, hear) In 1835 there was ex treme difficulty in obtaining hands, and wages began to rise, and if the same course had continued wages would have soon been as !nth as in America, and the prosperity of the country would have been doubled.—(Hear, hear.) When bread was dear more of the wages of the labourer must be applied to the obtaining of food, anti their consumption of manufactures must be diminished — trade would be depressed, and wages lowered. On the contrary, when bread was cheap, the labourer could purchase more of other articles —trade flourished, and wages rese.—(Hear, hear.) The CIikIRMAN then said, as one of the legal advisers of the Dele gates was present, to whom they were much indebted—Mr. Parkes —he would give that gentleman's health.—(Cheers.) The petition which had been prepared by Mr. Parkes for them had been spoken of in the highest terms by men of all parties as a document remark. able for its temperate and argumentative character.— (Cheers.) The toast having been drunk with great cordiality, Mr. PARKES expressed his grateful sense of the toast. Ile re gretted that his professional aid of the great national object of the Delegates—the repeal of the Corn-laws—had been so limited by the refusal of the House of Commons to hear evidence. Had the legis. lature allowed an inquiry he should zealously have contributed his humble exertions to present the case in the most convincing form. But, separating his professional and individual rela tion to the Delegates, he might say that, before the past and present year, and when not professionally ,• interested, ha had been a sincere and ardent advocate of the rcapeal of the Corn-laws. He would also add that, before he was retained he had ado iscd members of the Delegation of the certain unsuccess ful result of their labours. He (Mr. Parkes) was well-informed on the constitution of the existing representative system. Ile had no hopes of any real modification of the Corn-laws, much less of any repeal of those iniquitous statutes, from the defective consti tution of the Legislature. What that constitution was before the Reform Bills of 1831.2 all of them present well knew. Ile con fessed that he had fallaciously hoped that the amended representa tion of 153'2 would h ave led to the repeal of the laws. But he was deceived, and why was lie deceived ? From the notorious alloy in the original Bill of Lord Grey for improving the representative sys tem. One of the best provisions of the original Bill was the proposed reduction in the numbers of the House of Commons. On the fatal result of General Gascoigne's motion the original numbers of the Com mons were maintained ; and the portion intended to be reduced was given almost exclusively to the counties. Then the franchise was swamped with the Chandos clause— deluge class of 100,000 electors whereas all other classes enfranchised slid not amount to half the number. The result was an over whelming addition of the agricultural interest in the gross representation. Thus the numbers of the Representatives and the franchise were delivered over to a class. And what was the result of Borough or Town representation ? Lord John Russell in 1531, proposing the Reform rills had stated three hundred as the minimum constituency of a town. To effect this rural boundaries were added to the ancient town electoral limits, thus patching on to little towns an addition of agricultural influence.—(Hear.) And with all this patch-work we had now upwards of 40 Members of the House of Commons returned by less than 300 constituents. Ile had calculated to Mr. Cobden the majorities and minorities on the Corn-laws, to a dozen weeks before Parlia ment met. No Ministry could "tarry the question of repeal in Legisl Aures constituted as the present Houses of Lords and Commons. Ile (Mr. Parkes) at no public meeting would deceive his friends and brother advocates. They had no i-sauce of obtaining their object of free trade in coin under the llpresent constitution of P a rli amen t. The Deputies must tur n their exertions to a further reform of the Constitution EVENING EDITION. of the House of Commons, and a short time would soon t combine the nation in one unitcd and practicable p l an of a more improved and popular representation.—(Loud cheers.) They had no jury before whom they could state their case for honest and impartial decision. They would never really alter I the Corn-laws without a more real representation of the people u n _ i less extreme scarcity produced a "sedition of the belly, ,, —a mode of legislation by agitation and brute force !, highly to be deprecated and deplored, but which might t accidentally and dangerously compel consideration of the question, and perhaps repeal. He, however, only expected a repeal of the .: law from a further reformation of the Commons House of Parlia. 0 ment, ni vilely, a reduction of the number of Representatives, an equalization of the electoral body into equal divisions, a limited duration of Parliaments, and the extension of the Suffrage to all classes morally and intellectually qualified to exercise the elective franchise with a‘lvantage to their fellow countrymen. (Loud cheers.) When this was effected—and a few years would bring such a representation—then he should not fear the House of Lords, however selfishly constituted or blindly disposed. The Lords would yield to the voice of such an amended constitution of the Commons; the Lords would and must succumb to public opinion.—(Loud cheering.) Mr. JOHNSTON': said he cordially concurred in the opinions whi c h had been expressed by Mr. Parkes, and he believed that such were the opinions of the intelligent people of the north of Scotland.—. (Hear, hear.) Nothing could be hoped for from the present con stituency, who had proved themselves unworthy of the electoral franchise by returning unworthy members—(Hear, hear)—and he considered that no beneficial object could be attained for the country till, by an extension of the suffrage, more honest and faithful members were introduced into the House of Commons. (Hear, hear). He thought the speech of Mr. Parkes a most valu able document, and trusted that it would be extensively circulated.— ' (Hear, hear.) He had stood last night five hours in Noe House of Lords, and had never blushed so much fur his country, as when he heard Lord Melbourae speak upon this great subject in a manner, which in his (Mr. Johnstone's) opinion, unfitted the Noble Viscount for holding the high office which he did an this commercial state (Hear, hear) The increase of population could not be put a stop to, and how could food be obtained for that increase, unless this country could exchange its surplus industry for the productions of other tra ries.—( Hear, He was happy to find that there were a few Noble Lords in the House of Peers who supported the Anti- Cern-law cause, and he begged to give their healtlis, naming more particularly the Earl of Radnor. The toast was drank amidst great cheering. The Hon. E. Munitav, in returning thanks, said he thought the Earl of Radnor entitled to respect and to gratitude for his long advocacy of Liberal principles.—(Hear, hear) Now, as to thos other of the agriculturists who supported the repeal of the Corn_ laws, some did so from a regard to the interests of all classes, and some from a mere regard to their own interests. He supported the repeal for both of these reasons, believing that the repeal would benefit the whole community, and therefore, of course, the agricul turists as a class.—(Hear, hear ) The agriculturists in their ptose. perity derived great benefit from the produce of wool, the light soils were receiving high profits, and any measure injuring manufacturers, would recoil fearfully upon those gentlemen whose property was of that nature.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman having been voted to the Chair, on the retirement of Mr. Smith, proposed the health of that gentleman, which was received with all the tumours and great cheering. The company then separated. PLATE FOR THE LORD MAYOII. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sitt,—l beg to inform you that at a public meeting held last evening, of the gentlemen who have subscribed to purchase a piece of plate which is to be presented to the Lord Mayor, for his exertions to suppress the monopoly in coals, it was unanimously resolved, that the warmest thanks of the meeting be presented to you, for your kindness in giving publicity to the objects of the subscribers.—l am Sir, your most obedient servant, J. WALKER, Chairman. Prince Regent, Liverpoo-road, Islington, March 1, 1339. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. ROME CIRCUIT—MerDsroArs, Martell 14. THE OT rERDEN MURDER. Samuel Seagers, aged 31, and a shoemaker by trade, was indicted for the murder of Hannah Giles, at Otterden. on the 2d of February, by shooting her with a pistol. The particulars of the case have already appeared. The Jury found the primer guilty. Justice LITTLEDALE then put on the awful coif, and pro ceeded to pass sentence of death in a very solemn manner. His Lordship told him that he had been convicted by a jury of his country of the crime of murder. Patiently had they listened to a prolix case, and in the end bud deli berately and long considered before they delivered their verdict. It was very seldom indeed, that in cases of mur der the sentence was ever mitigated, in his case it certainly could not be, for the offence was one of the most aggra vated of its kind. His Lordship hoped that the statement he had voluntarily made was the dawning of compunc tion on his mind, and he hoped that during the few days he had to live it would ripen into sincere repentence, so that he might find that mercy hereafter which world be de nied him here. His Lordship then pronounced the sen tence of death according to the prescribed form, and or dered that, when executed, the prisoner should be buried within the precincts of the gaol in which he was confined. The prisoner heard the solemn address attentively, but perfectly unmoved, not a muscle appeared to work, and this remark will apply to his demeanour throughout the te dious ordeal. The trial lasted ten hours. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. BOW- STREET. Mrs. Susan Ayrstead, a widow, keeping a provision shop in Middle-row, Holborn, was yesterday summoned before Mr. Minshull and Mr, Charles Thiselton, a county Magistrate, under the sth and 6th of \\'R. IV., chap. 63, by Mr. Henry Reeves, Inspector of Wtights and Meaures for the third metropolitan division, for having in her pos session ten unjust and incorrect weights produced, deficient in eight ounces and a quarter, and which were found on the counter, in use for weighing articles to her customers. In answer to the charge the defendant said she had eight children to support, and at the time her husband died several weights being lost, she got them replaced with the weights produced, which she supposed vvfro correct. Mr. Mrssnutt said she ought to be fined in a penalty of 51. for each weight, but as she bad lately lost her husband. and was the principal support of a heavy family, he would mitigate the penalty to 51., in the hope that it wou!d serve as a caution bow she conducted her business in future. Jam s Hammond, c-al and potatoe dealer, Great Wh'te Lion -street, Seven Dials, was also summoned for usinr, i„ his business eleven weights produced, which were tested as being incorrect and unjust, together with one p-ir of scales produced, on the end of which was attached a hook technically termed a "Jerry," which caused the draft to bo against the person purchasing, in the weight of five ounce; and a half. The Defendant said that the business was carried on by his sister, and on her setting up he sent the weights to be stamped in the regular way, and if there was a hook at tached to the scales the purchaser Ed the power to object to it. Mr. Mrssnum., on examining the weights, discovered that ,the lead had been picked out of the bottom of each of them, and after severely reprimanding the Defendant, ordered him to pay 51. for using false weights, and a similar penalty for the incorrect teaks, with costs, or be sent to prison for two months. The Defendant said he had no goods or chattels to meet the demand, and was ordered to be locked up. EARTHQUAKE IN THE WEST INDIES. BARBADOES.—By the Islam we have received Barbadoct Papers of the date of the ad of February. Their columns are filled with the details of the disastrous consequences inflicted on the West Indian Islands by the recent earth quake. In the island, beneath the soil of which the visi. tation appears to have concentrated its fury, the Military Hospital, the Treasury, the Court House, and the Com_ missariat, have become one mass of undistinguishable ruins. Upwards of 350 houses were levelled to the ground by the shock, and the terrified inhabitants who sur vived the calamity were compelled to huddle together in tents raised in the public squares. At the dawn of the morning which succeeded the day rendered memorable by this direful catastrophe, upwards of 300 corpses were exposed on the public greens, and eventually buried in hecatombs of 30 or 40, in a common and name less? grave. Information subsequently received acquaints us that 700 bodies had been dug from the ruins of the habi tations which the earthquake had hurled down. The most essential service on this trying occasion was rendei ed by the crews of five French ships, which, as it providentially occurred, were anchored in the harbour of Martinique; and the colonial ',Tors are eloquent in the praises which they lavish on the humane and intrepid mariners who interposed in the rescue of the sufferers. We fear that the extent of the mishaps which this visitation has inflicted has net yet been accurately ascertained. The shock of the earth quake was felt at sea 170 miles from Trinidad—at Deme rara, Trinidad, Grenada, and llerb:ce severely, although in none of those districts did an accident occur. At St. Kitt's the shock WAS barely perceptible. We regret that the late hour at which the information we quote was re ceived, renders it impossible to cite it in detail ; certain it is that the prognostications, in which the papers with which the Islam's arrival has furnished us, appear to hazard ilr w a a t r i: rant us in believing that the recent earthquake and dis astrous will prove to have been one of the most dire , ,t ever astr been ousjudre victims. entsofwhich the West Indian col onists have Sir David Roche has paired off with Sir Robert Bateson, until after Easter. • Sir Robert Heron, for Mr. Villiers' motion, has paired off with Viscount, Andover, " Against," on the Corn-law question, after the debate of Friday. We understand that the New Novel of fas Lion. able life, entitled " The Fergussons," which is attrihuted to a member of a Noble Family, much distinguished in the literary and political world, will, in its style and subject, and in the easy but somewhat satirical descriptions of the manners of the upper classes, remind the reader of those distinguished productions, " Treniaine," " Matilda," kx tl " Granby." If this be true we are sure the public will hail this new writer with much satisfaction. Mr. Colburn, of Great Marlborough-street, i ns just completed an arrangement fur the purchase of t h e copyright of the " Life and Correspondence of the Rip,ht Hon. Henry Grattan," by his son, the present Member fo r Meath. This publication will doubtless throw more , light on the real state of Ireland, for the last fifty ye ars, th a n any production that has yet appearet!, or is likely to app6 ar . i TIIE METROPOLITAN. —This periodical i.,, very rich in its contents this month, as may be readily imagined, when we state t h at there are co ntributions by Mrs. Gore, Mrs. C. 13. Wilson, Richard Howitt, M a i or y 2:ld an d d iso ontLers. With such a the I3 arr : ster, n r. s Calder .sainson Campbell, Fi s h e r , A 3 l l r r . s. C. A G bd . galaxy of names, vtell known in literature, it would be singular were it not ver),. interesting. A French N-Nal officer's story of " The Pirate" begins excellently, and u' if its continuation sustains the interest excited, it will be a t. first-rate narrative. There are a number of ne w ~,,, - dotes of Burns and his family, in the " Habits and Opinions''---: of the Poets." The " Curiosities of Legal Experience" has a fearfully vivid sketch of the Lord George Gordon riots in London, besides the good story in which this is embodied. In short, this is a very capital specimen of tha Metropolitan," which ranks amongst the first of the works to which it belorirs C / • ~... a cdontan Mercury. was ',hat sr.) the The rac- hick ye Sank 838, year ease at of bed. arcr laws tool the of the ❑ to. by aOl2 orn was ,rcis re 3, Iwo .WO ter, i n e )11d 00' the