The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-03 00:00:00

to avoid exciting suspicion, and taking a knife in his teeth to defend himself from sharks, which had been attracted by the whale, swam to the ship, after a hard struggle of an hour and a half, during which two sharks kept him company, but did not offer to molest him. Having reached the ship he dived under, seized the rudder at the heel, and climbed to the star board cabin-window, through which he made his entry. Laying aside his clothes, and ascertaining that no suspicion existed of his being on board, he groped about fur arms, and found two cutlasses and two muskets, which he loaded. While loading one he heard some one descending the stairs. Running thither he grasped a cutlass, and a struggle en sued. Mr. Clough succeeded in throwing his an tagonist, thrust out one of his eyes, and left him for dead, having been severely wounded himself in the contest. No sooner had he left his supposed victim, than he got up and furiously renewed the at tack, but finally fell down from loss of blood. Mr. Clough, going again to the gangway, saw another person with a cutting spade : he shot him from below, through the heart, but just as he fired the spade was thrown at him, and dis abled his left arm. A third person came to the gangway, with another spade, but soon went forward. Mr. Clough then hailed the boats, which were very near, told them he had killed two of the mutineers, and was himself dangerously wounded, and urged them to come at once on board. They refused, as they had heard but one dis charge, fearing only one had been killed, and they did not think it safe. After about half an hour, hearing no noise, they came aboard, struck a light, and went into the cabin. The man with whom Mr. Clough had first con tended was found on the transom, his eye hanging on his cheek, and his body covered with gore. He did not move, but merely groaned, whereupon Mr. Smith the mate, fired a musket at him, and one of his men thrust him through with a cutting spade; he was thrown into the sea. The deck was tracked with clotted blood ; the headless body of Captain Norris was found, with that of one of his murderers. The other mutineer jumped overboard, but returned, sur rendered, and was taken to Sydney. The Sharon com pleted her voyage under Mr. Smith, Mr. Clough act ing as second mate. This is an extraordinary nar • native, and in some of its details almost in credible. If it be entirely true it is difficult to tell whether most to admire the heroism and daring of Mr. Clough, or to despise the cowardice of Mr. Smith and the crew. The Mercury says that the owners of the Sharon have given Mr. Clough the command of a fine ship, which, if the narrative be true, he has well deserved. We , believe the fact of this mutiny was reported some months . ago, though its details have never before been so fully • stated. on it by the exposures which had already taken place. A majority of fourteen in a House of ninety Members, saved Sir James Graham from the implied censure of the motion. Thus, by implication, the House vote d that the rights of hospitality, due to foreigners resident in this country, may be violated ; their letters detained ; their contents examined ; and the worst description of espionage exercised against them by the Government, without regret on the part of an English House of Commons. These fo reigners thus treated neither were, nor were they suspected to be, engaged in any conspiracy or seditious correspondence against the British Government, on whose good faith and protection they had cast themselves. But some foreign State, with the fears characteristic of despotism, chose to regard them with jealousy, and sought to entrap their connexions still within its power, with whom they might correspond. By inducing the British Government to intercept their letters on their passage through the Post office, and thus to perform the ignoble office of spies upon these exiles, the vile purpose was sought to be accomplished. No blame can be cast on the foreign Power which asked such acts at the hands of a British Minister. But what will be said—rather, what ought to be said—by a British House of Commons of the compliance of a British Minister with such an application? Is not a refusal to express regret at the conduct we have described, very much like an approval of that conduct? STANDARD.—Mr. Sheil brought forwerd the Mazzini case once more last night, in a speech marked by the Right Hon. Gentleman's peculiar style, but the House was a thin one, and the speech failed of the usual effect of Mr. Shell's speeches ; it however had one good consequence, in callin g forth from Sir J. Graham not only an ample and unreserved dis closure of all the circumstances connected with the opening of Mr. Mazzini's letters, but also a very curious and interesting sketch of what is believed to be Mr. Mazzini's political his tory. This person, who has been hitherto supposed to be a mere wild political dreamer, a sort cf Italian Sieyes, manufac turing, as an amusement, constitutions for his country in his present safe retreat, was, it appears, regarded in France, in Switzerland, and in Belgium as something not quite so harm less. Sure it is that he did not favour England with his pre sence, or Mr. Tom Duncombe with his friendship, until he had found it convenient, if not necessary, to withdraw from the three free countries referred to. So long ago as in 1831, Mr. Mazzini, with other fugitives from an unsuccessful attempt at rebellion in Italy, fled to France, and domiciled themselves at Marseilles, where they soon organised a society under the name of " Young Italy," of which Society Mr. Mazzini was President. This Society appears to have kept up an active correspondence with the malcontents still remain ing in Italy, and to have maintained a hot war upon the established Italian governments, through the medium of publications at Marseilles and in the Maltese journals, This was an occasion of considerable annoyance to the Governments assailed, who remonstrated with the French Government, and, through the British Minister at Florence, Sir Hamilton Seymour, with the Government of this country. Neither the British nor the French constitution, however, al lowed the power to silence the appeals of "Young Italy," and so the war of journalism went on until some Italians, either employed by their Government, or volunteers—which is not known— entered the field against the association at Mar seilles, making the attempt fairly to write it down. This was undoubtedly a legitimate course, and one which would delight men confident in the strength of their cause. It was a course that we wish to be adopted by all despotic Governments, and there would soon be an end of despotism. The process of literary defence is a process of moral ablution, which forces those engaged in it to really purify themselves, that they may appear pure. If the "Young Italy" of Marseilles had been in earnest in pursuit of the freedom of their country, they would have rejoiced in nothing more than the opportunity of discussing the political rights which it ought to enjoy. We have not, however, now to learn from the confederacy of Marseilles, that political conspirators are not always true to their profession—indeed, it has long been well understood that they who claim a monopoly of the love of " liberty " are lovers so jealous, that they will allow none to share with them the favours of " the mountain nymph." The confede rates of Marseilles were no exception to this general rule. . MEL AND. REPEAL ASSOCIATION. I DUBLIN, MARCH 31.—The weekly meeting of the :Association was held this day in the Conciliation Hall, Caleb Powell, Esq., M.P.for Limerick, in the chair, who congratulated the meeting on the glorious demonstration in favour of repeal which had lately taken place in Kil• kenny, and which, he observed, clearly demonstrated that the spirit of '43 was still triumphant. Mr. O'CoeeEta. handed in a number of remittances, and read a mass of correspondence which accompanied them. In reference to a letter from a parish in the county Kildare, complaining of apathy on the part of the repealers with regard to the registry, Mr. O'Connell urged the absolute necessity of an immediate registra tion. It would, in his opinion, be much better to return Tories than pretended friends. For hie part, he had no - reason to quarrel with the Tories at all ; their measures were admirable, and he was almost afraid he would have to fall in love with Sir Robert Peel himself.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman then ad verted to the outrages which had been recently com mitted in the north of Ireland on unoffending Catholics, but as an investigation into the matter had been directed by the Government, he would abstain from going into particulars. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN brought forward the report of the judges appointed to consider the essays on the repeal of the union. The report stated that there were forty eight essays sent in, each of which the judges read sepa rately, and on the termination of their labours they corn pared their nptes and opinions, and unanimously awarded the first prize to M. J. Barry, Esq., (barrister), the second to M. Staunton, Esq., Alderman ; and the third to an " Irish Protestant." The judges expressed their regret that they were not at liberty to mention the name of' the author of the latter essay, as the publication of it would expose him to persecution. The Hon. Gentleman announced that the Committee of the Association had determined on offering a prize of 100/. for the best his tory of Ireland down to the present time, such history to be delivered to the secretary of the Association on or be fore the 30th May, 1846. Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the proposition, and ex pressed his conviction that no man was calculated to write a history of Ireland unless in heart and feelings he was thoroughly Irish.—(Cheers.) He wished the his tory to be written in a manly, uncompromising, and can did spirit; that all facts should be stated clearly and dis tinctly, and that all partiality should be studiously avoided. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN, M.P., then moved the following resolution :—" That the Committees of this Association be empowered to support the efforts now in progress for promoting the industrial education of the Irish people, and that they be instructed to report whatever mea sures they may recommend for adoption." The Hon. Gentleman dwelt at considerable length on the necessity there existed for the formation of polytechnic institu tions, and for the promotion of industrial knowledge, and dwelt on the equity of having the public establish ments in Ireland supplied with the produce of Irish industry, Mr. J. M‘Neves (barrister) seconded the resolution. M. O'CONNELL announced that he had received an invitation to a grand public entertainment in Dundalk, which would take place upon Ascension Thursday, and another in, the county Meath on Corpus Christi. He would take that opportunity of calling the at tention of the Association to the propriety of having a grand banquet and procession at Clontarf on the 30th of May.—(lmmense cheering.) The Hon. Gentle man, adverting to the late intelligence from America, said there was much to deplore in the annex ation of Texas to the United States. He beheld with horror the annexation of another slave state to the union—it was deplorable to witness a further accumula tiou of such human misery. It was idle for the Ame ricans to talk of liberty, and practise slavery. Fur his part, he would repudiate any assistance from America if tainted with human blood ; and he was glad he had that opportunity of denouncing the atrocious system. The President talked likewise of seizing Oregon—he would certainly do it, and would then point to the disaffection existing in Ireland for impunity,—(Cheers.) The Spec tator had announced that the Government had only to make a few concessions pro forma to Ireland, and the Irish would rush in all their chivalry to the banner of Queen Victoria. Yes, England should have the assist ance of Irishmen, which would enable her to obtain Oregon, and prevent the annexation of Texas ; but the equivalent should be justice to Ireland, and the restora tion of her domestic legislature.—(Cheers.) After some other routine business, Mr. O'Connell an nounced the rent for the fortnight to be 4731. 95., and the meeting adjourned. THE COLLEGE OF MAYNOOTH. In pursuance of a requisition very numerously signed, a meeting was held this day at the Rotunda, for the pur pose of considering the Ministerial proposition of an in creased grant to the Popish College of Maynooth, and to adopt petitions against it. The meeting was nume rously and respectably attended. The chair was taken by Mr. Grogan, M.P., on the motion of Archdeacon MeonE, who, in putting the pro posi,ion, regretted that he did not see more of his bro ther electors of the city of Dublin on the platform. They were taunted, he said, with having acquiesced in the grant of 8,0001. to Maynooth, and that the principle was the same, whether the sum were large or small. But their present object was to abolish the grant altogether. --(hear.) The larger the grant, the more the religion of Popery would be confirmed ; and the baneful effects which have resulted from a Maynooth education would be extended.—(Hear, hear.) THoetesost (who acted as secretary to the meet ing) read the requisition, to which it :appeared there were attached the names of fifty clergymen and four hundred laymen. The Rev. Mr. PRIOR, at the request of the Chairman, then opened the business of the meeting with prayer. Th e R e y. H. M. EYRE moved the first resolution, which was as follows:—" That it is the opinion of this meeting that the Protestant religion, as by law esta blished, is according to the sacred word of God, and that it is but a just acknowledgment of his gracious Pro vidence to attribute to the maintenance of that religion, under his divine blessing, the many mercies and the prosperity which the British empire has enjoyed." This meeting, he observed, was not a political meeting, but a religious one, and assembled for a religious purpose. They were met to oppose the disgraceful proposition of enormously increasing the grant to Maynooth College. They maintained that Protestantism was true, and they called upon the Government not to depart from that principle. We are ready, he said, to rally round the ihrone for it, and never to surrender in its defence. — (Hear, hear.) They were asked to multiply the teachers of Romanist error, and spread it more widely than ever. All concessions made to Roman Catholics had failed to satisfy their priesthood—whom nothing could satisfy but the destruction of the Established Church. He called upon this meeting to protest solemnly and religiously against the guilty conduct of the Minister, as calculated to bring down the judgments of God upon the nation. The Rev. SA:SIUEL WALKER seconded the resolution. England, he said, was about to continue, or rather to ag gravate a great crime. It was therefore his business, and that of every clergyman, to cry aloud and spare not on such an occasion.—(Hear.) Ministers were inex cusable in this business—so was England—for they knew well what Popery was. As to Sir Robert Peel— (Tremendous hisses)—if he were a truly religious man, he could not act thus. He called himself a physician ; but his system was evidently homeopathy. Ireland complained of too much Popery ; but Sir Robert Peel thought to cure her by giving her still more of it. He thought that a hair of the rabid dog must cure her.— (Laughter.) The Rev. Gentleman then enlarged with great eloquence on the iniquity as well as impolicy of the contemplated measure. The next resolution was moved by the Rev. T. D. GaIEGG, who was teceived with immense cheering,wo.v ing of handkerchiefs, &c. He rejoiced to see so large a meseing assembled, and to know that on this question the most perfect unanimity prevailed amongst Protes tants. The real power of the nation was its Protestant heart, and that heart was now against Sir Robert Peel. The Protestants of Ireland were three millions, and the total population being but nine millions, the odds against them were not worth speaking of. He prophes cicd that Sir R. Peel's present proposition would be his downfal.—(Hear, hear.) The Rev. C. M. FLEURY supported the resolution, and maintained that the Minister was guilty of treason to the established religion of the country iu entertaining Lis present project as respects M a y nooth. The Rev. ROBERT M‘Getes said he did not conceive how the Protestants of Ireland could have remained silent on such an occasion as the present, and then en tered at great length upon the general subject. Ho had written to the President of Maynooth College, with a view to draw from him some explanation or extenuation of the class books and divinity taught in that institution, but had received no answer to his letter. He then en tered upon a long detail of Romish errors, and denounced in the strongest manlier thegrea d t an n g at e t r o o n u a s l a c n r d im s e ou o l. f . countenancing and teachin g such destroying delusions. After ether similar displays of self-interest and bigotry the Christian assembly broke up. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. NORTHERN ClRCUl7'.—Liverpool, April 1. CROWN COURT.—(Befere Mr. Justice COLTMAN.) Ann O'Donnell was indicted for the wilful murder of her illegitimate child, by strangling it. Mr. Halton conducted the prosecution ; the prisoner was not defended by counsel. The particulars of this case were not suitable for publica tion. Itappeared generally, that from the appearance of the prisoner, the persons who resided in the same house were in duced to think that she had been delivered of a child. The prisoner at first denied that such was the case, but she sub sequently admitted that she had been so delivered ; that the child lived for some little time, and that she afterwards wrapped it in an apron, and put it up the oven chimney. The body was found there. There were a few slight marks on the body, not sufficient to account for the death, and which, in the opinion of the medical men, might have been inflicted in the process of delivery. The prisoner was found Guilty of disposing of the body, with intent to conceal the birth, and was sentenced to be imprisoned for two years. Jane Leach was indicted for bigamy. Mr. flulton was for the prosecution, Mr. Wilkins for the THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. The Message of an American President is, under ordinary circumstances, an important political document; but the inaugural Message of a new President is more peculiarly so, while recent events in America give to it an interest of the gravest character. The very unex pected turn which the Texan question has taken, has certainly come upon this country somewhat by sur prise ; but before we advert to this intricate point of our relations with the United States, we shall examine the general features of the Message. We wish to ana lyse it, to separate it into its component parts, to anato mise it in fact—in order to discover the political physio logy that is likely to form the groundwork of Mr. Polk's administration. We may pass over without comment all the laudation of America, the virtue of its citizens, and the perfection of its demo cratic institutions, unequalled, in Mr. Polk's estimation, since the creation of the world. The corol lary from all these, however, deserves attention ; for he invites all the nations of the earth to follow the example of America ; that is, he tells the people of the Old World that monarchy is altogether an error of the dark ages ; and he invites them to shake it off, and to em brace the glories and advantages that are offered by de mocracy. Such is the spirit, almost the language, that pervades every part of the Message ; while among the other glories and advantages of their institutions, do mestic slavery is not forgotten ; for it is to him " a source of deep regret that in some sections of the country misguided persons have occasionally indulged in schemes and agitations, whose object is the destruc tion of domestic institutions existing in other sections ; institutions which existed at the adoption of the consti tution and were recognised and protected by it." Viewing the democratic institutions of his country as a work of the most consummate wisdom, the new Pre sident evidently thinks that America should labour to extend to other countries the blessings that she herself enjoys ; and that as the end justifies the means, this object alone would entitle her to extend her dominions without any very rigid attention to the rights of other nations. Various passages in the Message exhibit this feeling. " Who shall assign limits to the achieve ments of free minds and free hands under the protec• tion of this glorious union ?" asks Mr. Polk ; and referring to the annexation of Texas, he says, " Foreign Powers do not seem to appreciate the true character of our Government. Our union is a confe deration of independent States, whose policy is peace with each other and all the world. To enlarge its limits is to extend the dominion of peace over additional ter ritories and increasing millions." With such views of universal philanthropy, it is easy to comprehend that the acquisition of territory, no matter in what way, will be the leading characteristic of Mr. Polk's administra tion. After stating his intention to use all the means in his power for the annexation of Texas, the new President goes on to say, " Nor will it become in a less degree my duty to assert and maintain, by all constitutional means, the right of the United States to that por tion of our territory which lies beyond the Rocky Moun tains. Our title to the country of the Oregon is clear and unquestionable ; and already are our people pre paring to perfect that title , by occupying wives and children." According to this doctrine pos session is all that is necessary to perfect a title ; where ever an American citizen thinks proper to plant his foot, the soil becomes his. The claims of England to the territory in question, the negotiations that have been carrying on respecting these claims, are not so much as hinted at. Great Britain is evidently a country beneath the official dignity of Mr. Polk to notice ; and it is altogether a curious feature in the Message, that no allusion is anywhere made to the relations which subsist between the Government of tho United States and any of the countries of Europe" ; There is, on the contrary, a sort of repudiation of these States, implied in the following passage :—" All alliances having the tendency to jeopard the welfare and honour of our country, or sacrifice any one of the national interests, will be studiously avo'cled ; and yet no opportunity will be lost to cultivate a favourable understanding with foreign Governments, by which our navigation and commerce may be extended, and the ample products of our fertile soil, as well as the manu factures of our skilful artisans, find a ready market, and remunerating prices in foreign countries." Although the allusion is made in general terms there can be no difficulty in understanding that England is the power designated in the first clause of this paragraph. Eng land will remonstrate against, if she does not resist, the annexation of Texas. She will exert her influence with that republic to prevent such a consummation ; and she will, therefore, in Mr. Polk's view, " jeopard the wel fare and honour" of the United States. Again, England claims a portion, at least, of the Oregon territory, to which the President says the United States has a clear and unquestionable title, which they are preparing to perfect by taking possession. here also England " jeo pardy the welfare and honour" of the Union, and he gives us timely warning that he has a rod in pickle for us ; he will studiously avoid all alliance with us ; and we firmly believe that this will be the least offensive part of his policy towards this country.—Shipping Gazette of Last Evening. defence. The case having been proved, Mr. Wit.KlNs addressed a few words to the Court, admit ting that he could not deny that the prisoner had been guilty of the legal offence charged in the indictment, but urging the circumstances of the case in mitigation. Some witnesse I were called, from whose testimony it appeared that the pri soner was some years ago married to her first husband, Leach, with whom, however, she only lived two months. During that time he treated her with great cruelty, having, as was alleged, been disappointed in not receiving some money which he expected with her. At the end of that time he turned her out of doors ; and she returned to her friends so altered as to be scarcely recognisable. Leach then went to America. The prisoner received the highest character front a number of witnesses. It appeared that up to the time of the present prosecution being set on foot she had been living very happily with the person to whom she was since married. To be imprisoned one month. Several other cases were disposed of during the day, which were, however, of no public interest. STRANGE STORY. SPIRIT of the I'UBLIC JOURNALS , FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OT Vag r GLOBE.—Sir James Graham is to the CatainDet 7. of Sir Robert Peel what Jonah was to the mariners of Tarsh' h Almost every storm that rages against the policy of Ministers i s directly or indirectly , by some measure whie l herifrg rs tutted with, or emanates from , the department over which the unfortunate Home Secretary presides. If not more damaged, Ministers have been mo re humiliated and dis g raced in the estimation of the country, by the impertinent interference an d pertinacious adherence to wrong doing which seems to fiiaracterise the Right Hon. Baronet's department of the Government, than by the enormities of the income-tax, or the paltering commercial policy of Sir Robert Peel. Another of those annoying discussions which— though they, end in a majority in favour of the Government in Parliament—elicit facts which generally produce deeply- . seated contempt and scorn beyond its doors, cane Dir last night in the House of Commons. Mr. Shed moved, in specific terms, •' the regret of the House that letters .addre,ssed to a foreigner residing in this country had been evened without his knowledge ; and that information in refer eace to disturbances in the Papal States, obtained by such means, should have been communicated to a foreign Power." The detention and opening of letters at the Post-office, by au thority of warrants issued by Sir J. Graham, as Secretary of State, had been already the subject of long and fierce de bate, on various forms of motion, and had been inquired into by Select Coinmittees of both Houses of Parliament. It was, therefore, scarcely to be expected that any additional facts toutd be imported, or new matter be introduced into the his mot Arr. Shell, with considerable tact, so shaped his ion as to exclude direct censure upon the act of de. •• l in , and opening the letters of a foreigner r esident in tat , . this country' and confined the motion to an expression o f regret on the part of the House, that such a course f oce A i ng should have been adopte d. The motion o pr . was in this form of an abstract proposition, involving no vfooeeding. It might, t herefore, have been ulterior the House of Commons without doing adopted by Additional injury to the Government, any positive gomeecretarv, than had been already inflicted through its THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 3, 1845. AMENT. the Bill ; but he thought there would be great difficulty in carrying its enactments into effect. Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought, that after the expression of a hope by the Noble Lord at the head of the Woods and Forests, it would have been better had this measure . been deferred until after the introduction of the Health of Towns Bill. He should, under these circumstances, vote against the second reading of this Bill ; at the same time he gave every credit to the Honourable Gentleman for the ex cellence of his intention, and for the pains he had taken in the details of the measure. lie granted that a great nuisance existed, but he did not agree in the particular mode of remedy advocated by the Honourable --- ever, assent to that part of the Bill which proposed to allow children to work during the summer mouths from nine in the morning till nine, because in that time there was generally no necessity for artificial light. It hap pened that in the slack time of the year, when the chil dren employed at this business were more at liberty, the schools for the education of the children belonging to that class were generally shut. Depending upon the experience which he had had, he would offer a sugges tion to the House that, as in the case of the other fac tories, they ought to make provisions for the education of the children, there were circumstances which called forth for provisions of the same nature. For four months out of the twelve they could very safely afford some education to the children. The arrangements which he would propose was, that for one hundred days in the year, about one-third of the whole year, the chil dren employed in these factories who had not attained the age of thirteen years, should attend a school insti tuted for the purpose, for three or four hours in the day. He thought that this would be found applicable, and if adopted would turn out as he had hoped; the Noble Lord (Lord Ashley) referred, and with great accuracy, to the fact that in America the course now suggested to the House was adopted ; during that part of the year in which there was a slackness of business, there was a por thee of the day appropriated for the education of the fac tory children. The same system was adopted in Aus tria. He hoped the House would see the necessity of the education of these children ; and he would state to the Noble Lord that, if the House should be of opinion that such a reformation as he had suggested should be adopted, it would be very advantageous that the Bill should be made a substantial measure. The Bill, as it now stood, had reference to many other matters to which he would not now allude, for he did not think them objectionable ; but if it should be adopted with the amendments suggested, he did think it would prove very advantageous, and make the future regulation of the trade perfect in all its parts, as far as the calico printing trade was affected, without affecting the regulations of any other branches of the trade.—(llear.) The Noble Lord (Lord Ashley) having paid much atten tion to this subject, he might be prepared to go much further in proposing modifications, that he (Sir J. Graham) was not acquainted with ; but, on the whole he hoped the Noble Lord would consent to limit himself to the boundary he (Sir J. Graham) had proposed, and when they went into Committee upon it, he would give it any assistance in his power, so as to enable it to go through the third reading at as early a period as possible, so as to bring it to bear with effect with the least possible delay. With these considerations he begged to say, he should give the Bill his assist ance.— (Cheers.) Lord ASHLEY said he was yesterday made ac quainted with his Right lion. Friend's intentions in respect to this Bill, and therefore he could not say that the course now announced by his Right Hon. Friend had taken him by surprise. Ile looked upon the result of the amendment to be, to a certain ex tent, disadvantageous. For instance, the Bill did not go to the extent he wished in reference to the bleaching, dying, and calendering branches, which were in some measure connected with calico printing. The next ad vantage he lost was the protection to children under thirteen years of age for a limit to labour ; and though they would be protected from night work, still they would be liable to be compelled to work sixteen hours in the day time. The Bill now proposed a protection to children at and under eight years of age, by which they as well as females of all ages were excepted from night work. He should admit also, that he would gain a great many other advantages by the concessions of his Right Hon. Friend ; for instance, he (Lord Ashley) would be spared the necessity of wearying the house by long and fruitless divisions, and he would also have the benefit of the approval and co-operation of many great proprietors and capitalists.—(Hear, hear.) This he conceived to be a great advantage, for any law carried in opposition to them, could be rendered either ineffectual or exceedingly vexatious.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, although he would reserve his opinion for a future occasion, yet he would say he received with thanks the offers now made ; and he was delighted to find that many of those heretofore opposed to him, were now about to-co-operate with him.—(Hear, hear.) He would accept of the offer which the Government had made, and ho did it with satisfaction and delight, because he hailed it as the commencement of a grand co-opera tion on the part of all employers—for one great and grand effort for the improvement and protection of the working classes of the British empire. Mr. M. GIBSON said it was a matter of fact, that at present a great number of the calico printers did not take children under the age of eight years into their employment, and did not suffer children to work at night. It was a matter of great doubt whether they should legislate, where there seemed to be a disposition, on the part of individuals, to perform what legislation could but imperfectly accomplish. In reference to that part of the proposition which referred to education, he thought it overlooked one most important considera tion—it was designed to educate the children during the " slack," or the times when they were unemployed ; but these were precisely the periods when the masters had no control whatever over them, and could not, therefore, be held responsible. If they prop ised to raise the character of the labouring classes at large they should look to the agricultural dis tricts, which sent an almost continual stream of labour ers into the manufacturing districts. This labour coming from a poisoned source was identified with that which naturally belonged to the manufacturing districts. Until they directed their attention to the moral training of the whole population he contended they would not effect any great practical good, if any good at all. The Noble Lord did not define what he meant by " work," which was necessary, for a person might be in a print work for many hours, but it did not follow that during all that time he was employed in work injurious to health. The question was whether the amount of work usually perforated there was so irjurious to health as to call for Parliamentary interference in order that its du ration might be lessened. Until somebody showed that the whole existence and condition of the factory la bourer would be benefited by the diminution of the hours of toil, nothing was proved. The true way to im prove that condition would be to cheapen the price of the necessaries of lite, so that by working a fewer number of hours he could purchase as much food as at present. It was not fair to diminish the poor man's fund, even though motives of philanthropy were the assigned cause. Why could not the Legislature compel the farmer to require the children whom he employed to produce a certificate that they had been so many hour- at school as well as the manufacturer? If it was right in one case it was equally right and proper in the other. — (Hear, hear.) This was done by the farmers in Ireland. It was rather hard upon the capitalists and employers in the manufacturing districts that when they were im proving the moral condition of the people around them they were compelled to submit to legislative regulations for the hours of labour and for education, whilst at the same time people utterly uncultured, who had not the advantage of any moral training, were con stantly poured in upon them, and the odium of their unlettered condition thrown upon those employers. They should at once proceed to deal with the agricul tural districts, and he called upon the Noble Lord to attend to the moral training of the poor in Dorsetshire. Mr. Horner, the factory inspector, in a pamphlet pub lished three years ago, recommended that a general plan of education and moral training should be adopted throughout the country. There should be no further delay in the adoption of this principle. After what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department, he did not think it ne cessary to make further observations at present, but would reserve his opinions until the details of the mea sure were brought before the House. Mr. COWPER wished to see the same principle ap plied to the manufacturing as to the agricultural dis tricts, but thought their condition differed a good deal. The same class of persons were not unemployed in the one as in the other—none so young were employed in agriculture as those commonly employed in manufactures. He liked the principle of giving leisure to the labouring classes, and was glad to see that principle was gradually gaining ground. He felt entirely satisfied at the course pursued by the Right Hon. Gentleman. It was m os t desirable that there should be as much unanimity as possible on a question like the present ; and he thought they should advance gradually with public opinion- in changes of this important nature. Mr. HUME said that he did not see the necessity of into rfering with the use of labour at all, but that if they did interfere to any extent, they ought to interfere with every class in the community. Let the children of all classes be cared for equally, and he would not find fault with a well-intentioned but erroneous object. He did not believe that the children in manufacturing districts were at all worse off than those in the agricultural dis. tricts. He had himself seen, during the late inclement weather, in several parts of the country, children exposed to all the severity of frost and snow, for the day to gether, in the care of farming produce, and engaged in keeping birds from the land, and these were children whose tenderness of years was such that he was con vinced they were more in need of the care of the Noble Lord than the children in the manufacturing districts. His Hon. Friend the Member for Manchester (Mr. M. Gibson) had stated that children under fourteen years were never employed by manufacturers in his district, Mr. M. GIBSON—Eight years, not fourteen. Mr. HUME—WeII, under eight years then. Now, if the condition of these children was to be complained of, what did the cause of complaint arise from ? Why, from this—that they were the introductions from the a d g e p r i l c o u r l a t n u i r e al i g d n i o s t r r a i n c e t s e , t a h n a d t b th r i e o y u g w h e t r e u s p n i n e s e u t c e h a t os alltatet ofe evil influence s o f t h e v i ce and immorality b' of dlargecom munities. Wh a t h e w i s h e d f or was, t h at some compre hensivepn2wreeo: rntc, profession measure wuaiiarhiiiier,wih,nfhgstahhatoennhgl s e,rei h we o oda u mgit l dee d hsnrtea b re e aeti i oe n v t o r r o y du e c l e a d by ss o the th G e commu nity v er n - Icomplain t philanthropy, oof w rise it a nh s ei , gt Government c v po i r c uo e ilitdroy H a; e sa t u h niii i d at ohi g oe h n t ody i i t do t cf v o m en s ds ia t d l o t ea e rt dot theta e t y f t r of d everye Government itbh t i o e for all the evils which arc a n e f rom t h e t. e. they were guilty. The Noble T of which era who had introduced this measure made a pretence to a de t ee of feeling fo r th e lower classes whistle 110 wa s sorry to sy, borne out by the act s o f the Noble Lord, was and thosebutlittle w h who acted with him, Th ey pro f essed that the people were y overworked, and y e t on every occas i on the voted for measures to keep food d ear , an d thus compelled the over work of which they complained. This was only a mea sure intended to interfere with commerce, and he thought that the better plan was to leave commerce alone but if it was to be inte r f ere d w i t h, l et i t b e done by ' Par liament, and in a direct m anner . Th e busines • the Ho s which use had now to de wee to difthse education, and not Ace so as to, prevent the exhibiti on o f those natural ties Whioli all over the world proved the best protection for children, and, in his opinion, by attempting to make food dear they destroyed, o r a t l east largely marred, that natural affection which all parents were disposed to show to thgiv children. They kept food up as high as possible. They tried to keep wheatat 80a., thee at 605., thee at 505., and it was this which obliged the overwork of which they complained. The parents of these children were driven by distress to the manufacturing districts , and their parents thought that it was better to send the children to work, in order to obtain a subsistence, rather than suffer them to starve. He (Mr. Hume) thought, as he had previously said, that it was better not to interfere with commerce at all. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Home-office had referred to the several ob jections taken to the system upon the continuity of the days or the term of day-work which the children were required to perform. Now, it was well known that the manufacturing industry of the country was supplied by children from the agricultural class, and he thought that the protection of these children might well be left to the natural affection of the parents, and to the common feelings of the community ; and he thought if any mea sure at all were passed, it should be introduced by the Government, and be a comprehensive measure, affecting every portion of the- industrial classes—the farming children as well as thb children in the manufacturing districts—and not be of that character of partial legisla tion exhibited by the Bill before the House. Mr. P. BORTHWICK said that he rose to congratu late the Noble Lord on the extent of success that he had achieved, and the position which he had attainee by his laudable efforts. The Hon. Members for Manchester and Montrose had stated their belief that the protection of the children might well be left to the natural affection of the parents, when, by their own showing, the children were already grievously neglected. He thought, under all the circumstances, the Noble Lord had done wisely in acceding to the proffers of the Right lion. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that, in the present state of the debate, he might be permitted to allude to a peti" Lion which he had presented the other night from a very large body of operatives in Lancashire, who complained that they were frequently compelled to work fifteen, twenty, thirty, and even sometimes forty hears at a time, in these print-works. This, of course, included night" work. It was right to observe that they did not assent to the principle of the Noble Lord. Their position went farther than the Bill before the House ; for they desired to impose a restriction on machinery, and they thought that if there were an imposition on machinery, there would be no interference with their labour. lie had thought it right to caution them from expecting all encouragement, and he was glad to find, from the repre sentations of the Noble Lord, that some of the master!. had also petitioned for the restriction of the hours of labour, and, above all, for the abolition of night-work . He had intended to oppose the second reading of the Bill, but he must say that the concessions of the Go vernment, as expressed in the declarations of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Home-office, had pieced the matter in a very different position, and he thought the Noble Lord had exercised a very wise discretion in acceding to the proffers of the Government. Mr. ESCOTT said that he was entirely opposed to the whole principle of this Bill , and he was astonishe, after all the previous declarations of the Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Home-office, to hear biro accede to the second reeling of this Bill, until he round that the Right lion. Baronet had accompanied his ace cession with the reservation of striking out, in the Cotir mittee, all those clauses which might be obnoxious to him ; and he (Mr. Escott) felt convinced that the Righ t Hon. Baronet would take care to make such alteration s • as would make this Bill a very different Bill when it came out of the House, to what it was when it Wen t into it. The Hon. Members for Manchester and Mold trose had made speeches against the Bill , and yet vroula not give any decided opposition to it, although they re; presented large manufacturing districts. He believe': that great mischief had been wrought , within t he lad ` few years, by this sort of piecemeal legislation. Mali attempts had been made, during the last twenty-five year s ' to direct the use of labour ; but it was a well-kneel circumstance, that not a single Act had passed throug h Parliament, which had not proved a grievous wron' and which did not require another to remedy the evilg! it produced. If they looked only to the measure %Ole': had been passed for the regulation of apprentices, Wheat' was the effect of that ? Why, that another Act 1111, immediately required to interfere w ith t h ose who ever" ( not apprentices. And what was the consequence that ? Why, that an immense number of women Weil brought from different parts of the country into Us, manufacturing districts. And last year they we "" obliged to interfere with the labour of these woniee' The Hon. Member for Montrose had said that tw o should introduce some measure of this character into tb agricultural districts. He would tell the Nob le Ler ; that he dared not introduce such a measure into tb agricultural districts.—(" Hear, hear," and a laugh , from Lord Ashley.) Well, then, what he meant to 01 was, that they could not carry such a measure into effe c in the agricultural districts. It was, in his opinic ° ' unwise and inexpedient to attempt to legislate on the evils. The law of England was sufficient for the a' pose already, and the evils would remedy themseice* and he thought, therefore, that the Bill was unnecessa r y and might be mischievous. Mr. BROTIIERTON said that he totally disagreed what had fallen from the Hen. Member for Winchester; He had had large experience during the last thirty ya m in the manufacturing districts ; and he well reneenebee what was the case thirty years ago. He had at that Oa stood almost alone in the attempt to obtain legi slatil' interference for protecting the children in those districts' The late Sir Robert Peel was the first individual t otn : troduce a Bill for the restriction of the labour of ch ildre : in manufactures, his object being to reduce the labour tut ten hours and a half each day. At that time it wa s li e ° o at all an uncommon thing for children of six and s ef ' years of age to be kept at work for sixteen, seventeelk and often eighteen hours in a day ; and he (Mr. pro; therton) thought that the restriction to twelve hours Wei a great boon. lie therefore rejoiced in the concession' the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Home D t . 7, 1 pertment, and he thought that the Noble Lord had 07, a very wise discretion in consenting to agree "t; them. It would not only be well for fp children, but also for the masters themselves. bp thought that the legislation advocated by the bi r ° Lord had been most advantageous to the working eltiese be and he begged to congratulate the Noble Lora en eee t wisdom exhibited in acceding to the wishes of the Illeleed Hon. Baronet. lie trusted that all his measures I'm*" be equally beneficial to the manufacturing population . Lord F. EGERTON said, as far as his experierece went, he believed that on the whole a great and si b i; stantial benefit had accrued from legislation upon lee a subject. It required, no doubt, great watchfulnes s the framing of such measures, and he therefore Of gratulated the Noble Lord on the wisdom of the re l e c i sure which he had brought forward that evening. 't -aif himself great credit, and w o uld be of permanent We , i"' to those that were to be benefited by it. ig Mr. P. AINSWORTH thanked the Noble Loru, e c e the name of the co ns tit uenc y w hi c h h e re p r esenten+ his exertions in their behalf. He thought that te e measure before the House th a t evening would be of t" greatest service to those engaged in print-works. e e l s Lord ASHLEY t r u s t e d th e Hou s e w o u ld allow r; 0 1 to refer to a letter w hi c h h e had that morning reee' e d, from an ope ra ti ve i n L ancas hire. The writer stilt cs that in the very mill in which he had worked sill ' 1826, the improvement in consequence of the Factle Act was so marked in the morals and manners ° l eg e children, that they did not appear to be the seine P e sons. The Bill was then read a second time ; to be ° Sr mitted on Monday next. pt On the motion of Mr. EWART, the Muscat be Arts' Bill was read a second time, and ordered to committed on Wednesday next. SUPPLY.—ARMY ESTIMATES. ~• On the order of the day being read for tete e' °- mittee of Supply, Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said, that if the o°°-i t s e would not object, he should propose to take the 1 0 0 upon the third estimate, relating to the increase of e, number of men, as the assent of the House les s Le cessary to that vote before introducing the Mutiny ""fer The House might take the discussion on the vote ti le the amount of money required, He trusted there 10 be no objection to this proceeding, PROSECUTIONS Ff TOOR-RATES. ;ti g Sir JOHN EASTHOYE hoped that, before g ( , ) ," t o into a Committee of Supply, he might be allow, e 7 n et call the attention of the House to the two peti t l'e o cl which he had presented at an early P e lee of that evening. He would take up time of the House as shortly as possible9.oo explanation of the circumstances to which these pet bee p imprisoned i s h o Te n a e hr dai hearing g n arr ase c otd o fte n ht hh s eo e nai a q sdi u )php e ee n o ae c v rnee liberated,rb o pt ey f e,r t oi d h brf e e eul b n ttt yh o ai t n ef referred. The petitioner complained that he had nor' d e t v i o a e s s :t . a e k s li e o n e rd o w e ut against him for the amount o f -° %e go to gaol. ee e P ere r a ow slo aa m ne n r. ttsedynesi non-payment : :L sh f wg e: i i rab es c e e P i.ti cto : thatw as if fnot he permitted i ii e r t e e e d g t; dt 0 - t ik/ o. but h , w a h e e d n he e wae attended, stated L t o, I t E o a p it a h y o t p h e e ) c h o a s d t s w h r e it in te ti n st te House that stoning, and re gaol of Leicester, and he - He g (Sir t h o . the committing e befo re - meg° t he stating his intentie,•d :g e t he hini su t le o : o t uarato il it of the ease to some Hon. g Member, bet h ° o ( tbe and rihc e eis w ed as J tin L e asthope) in endeavouring to procure redress e lee hade party, should unintentionally injure the other:nipp bringing lay there. He tot e, enesdwienroyfrogmrieLveeidcesttoer say rie7 s t eat an n exc a that 0 letter admitted, in substance, the fee-geese he had stated them. There was no denial that for parties had been committed, on the second evarran'ecoes the longest peri o d it vas pos ibl e f or a mag istrate to were mit them. There was no denial that the partie,s de ed, nut heard in the second instance. It was said, t et' that the parties had been summoned, but had e n e ° poor tended. The petition affirmed, however, that t ",," e e eses man and woman did appear, but were preventeu bsi going into the magistrate's room, because th e e .i e erl brought no money. They were prevented by t",,°. o v parties whose duty it was to take them before, t" t ees gistrates, and, without the opportunity of a h e aring. nd tee were sent to gaol. It was a most painful case ; pe el could assure the House that it was with the Iltal t)s o f ite that he came there to represent the circumstance; 004 The case had produced the greatest excitement , n Ot t he in the town he represented, but throughotitce bog county also, and every person there Wail W i !.,,i00 with the most earnest attention the deternelebieete to which the House might come upon this s li e 'bee. He would beg leave to ask the Right Hon. Baroneteeee, ther the facts of the case had come to his knowl7r and if so, whether h e h a d ma d e it the subject of t t l e a cial inquiry? H e b egge d a l so t o as k whether any r; aria had been received from the committing ma gistrates . rob et whether it w as th e i ntent i on o f t h e Right 13° Of es to take the prop er s t eps so as to preve nt the nee ositY 0 sitY ese his (Sir John Easthope's) again troubling th e upon the subject ? a t Barone J. GRAHAM sa id t h a t th e Hon. Bs_e 0.r!50 his been so obligi ng as to not if y to him that Inorne,- intention of bringin g th e subject under the co t e lly Lion of the H ouse . H e h a d , in addition , at ti l i ng re: k eriod of the even i ng , presente d two petitions ileg ra - E g op/ terenee to the same cir cums t a nce. lie (Sir ""-- IMPER I We find in the New Bedford Mercury (American paper) a long and minute account of a mutiny which oc curred on board the whaling ship Sharon, in Nov., 1842, and of the manner in which the ship was retaken from the mutineers by a single person, Mr. Clough, the third mate. The Sharon, after a cruise near the Caroline Islands, procured supplies at Ascension, and was preparing fur the voyage, when eleven of her crew deserted, and were not retaken. She shipped a new crew of 17, in cluding six natives of the islands. On Sunday, NOYGM• ber 6, in latitude 2 degrees 20 seconds north, longitude 162 degrees east, both boats were lowered in chase of whales ; Captain Norris, a Portuguese boy who acted as steward, and three of the nati ves being left ?ri board. The boats soon captured a whale, which . the ship took alongside, and the boats went in pur suit of another. At 3 o'clock p.m. the boat of Mr. Smith, the mate, being about a mile and a half from the ship perceived a signal fly ing, and pulled t owar d s her On coming within hailing distance, they were told by the boy, who was aloft,. that the natives had killed Captai n then, naked, leaped upon the Norris, and were in posses siondared the crew to come on boa'ril. b ti . tes e el' the na tives, . entirely and, brandishing . a spear, missiles had been collected for their guard at each side, and hammers ut b much injury. armed . native stood use, and were hurled furiously at the boat, though witng pins, , and and other The mate then waited for the other con sulted as to the best method of retaki n n " It was proposed that the boats should retaking the ship, board her, one upon each side, at the sam an e ne ' but Mr. Smith, the mate, who had become m aster tlme ; by the captain's death, proposed that both crews , should make the attack with one boat, and leave him in the other. This proposal was received with no favour, the men declaring they would sooner start for the nearest land and risk the chance of escape. Mr. Clough, who acted as Mr. Smith's steersman, h a d several times darted his lance at the savage cm the taffrail ; but the distance was too great and he 're quested to be rowed nearer ; but Mr. Smith thought the danger too great and refused to approach the ship. Mr. Clough proposed several other devices, but, in default of aid from others, resolyed to re take the ship himself. He accordingly, after dark, was taken by the boat ahead of the ship at some distance, NORTH (VALES ClRCUlT.—Claster, Apr (Before Mr. Justice CRESSWELL.) SENTENCE ON WINTERBoTTOM FOR FORGERY.—At the sitting of the Court this morning, the Attorney-General prayed the judgment of the Court on John Kenyon Winter bottom, who was tried at the Winter Assizes in December last, before Mr. Baron Gurney, on a charge of forgery. Tha trial excited an unusual degree of interest, from the fact of the prisoner having filled the office of chief magistrate of the borough of Stockport, and also the responsible one of town clerk, besides being the legal adviser of many influential families in the county. After some delay the prisoner was placed at the bar. He appeared very much emaciated, and was greatly agitated. His Loßpsuip then proceeded to pass sentence upon him in nearly the following terms :—John Kenyon Winterbottom, at the last assizes held in this place you were indicted under the statute of the Ist of Wm. IV., c. 66, and that indictment charged you with having in your custody and possession, a certain bill of exchange in this form : Manchester, Dec. 20, 1839. "At seven days' sight pay to Mrs. Elizabeth Isherwood, widow, Miriam Isherwood, spinster, Ann Magdalene Isher wood, spinster, also Anna Maria Isherwood, now the wife of Chas. Bellairs, Esq., or order, the executrixes of the late John Isherwoed, Esq., five thousand pounds in full, for loss under policy No. 11,012." And that you feloniously did forge on the back of that bill of exchange a certain endorsement, which was as follows: " Ann Magdalene Isherwood," with intent to defraud John Petty Muspratt and others, as trustees of the Pelican Life Office. The second count charged you with having a bill of exchange in your possession with a certain forged en dorsement on the back of it, namely, that of Ann Magdalene Isherwood, and that you, well knowing the same to have been forged, did offer, utter, dispose of, and put off, the sail last-mentioned bill of exchange, with intent to de fraud John Petty Muspratt and others, as trustees of the Pelican Life Office. There were other counts in the in dictment charging you with the intent to defraud Abraham Wildey Roberts and others, and also with intent to defraud John Jackson. The jury found you guilty of having uttered this bill, with the forged endorsement on it, you well knowing. it to be forged. Your counsel at the trial took seve ra l objections which were reserved by the Learned Baron who tried you for the consideration of all the Judges. The objections were, first, that the bill of ex change being made payable to the order of severul per sons, could only be negotiable on the endorsement of all the payees, and that, therefore, the forgery of the name of one person only was not a forgery of the felonious character alleged in the indictment. On the case being argued before the Judges, these objections were unavailing. The Learned Judge before whom you were tried reports the objection to those counts which charged the intent to defraud John Jackson, to be founded on a misapprehension of the evidence. It was supposed that you had not obtained money from the bank of which he was the manager. The Learned Judge reports that you had crone so, and therefore this objection was unavailing. [His Lordship then read the clause et the statute above referred to, and then proceeded.] Now the question considered by the Judges was, whether this endorsement of Ann Magdalene Isherwood was a forged endorsement on the bill of exchange, within the meaning of the statute, and after hearing the case elabo rately argued by counsel for you, and after discussing it among themselves, the Judges were unanimously of opinion that, although the property in the bill of exchange could not be transferred without the endorsement of the others, yet that it was necessary that Ann Magdalene Isherwood should endorse the bill, and that a forgery of her endorse ment is a forgery clearly coming within the meaning of the statute I have quoted. The judgment is that this con viction is a valid one, and you must now receive the sen tence which the law awards for the offence of which you have been convicted, and I am sure I need only refer to the report of the Learned Judge who tried you to show how serious a case bad been made out against you; that it is, in reality, a forgery committed under circumstances of very great aggravation. The Learned Baron states, in his report, that yon were a solicitor at Stockport, in considerable practice ; that up to this time you had always main tained a respectable character ; that you were the con fidential adviser of Mr. John Isherwood, of Marple Hall, in this county, who died in the year 1839, leaving his wife and daughters as his executors. Having been employed on some business after Mr. Isherwood's death, you got possession of the policy, which, without their knowledge, you presented to Mr. Tate, agent to the Pelican Life -office. Mr. Tate proposed to pay you a bill at seven days' sight. These terms you accepted and obtained the bill, being told at the time it must be endorsed by every one of the payees. These endorsements you subsequently professed to have obtained, and then paid it to your credit in the bank at Stockport, and in the course of a month afterwards you drew out of the bank upwards of 4,0001. All this was clearly proved to have taken place without the knowledge of the executrixes, while you were amusing them by telling them it was neces sary a Canterbury probate should be taken out before the money could be received, but that the office was pay ing interest for it. It appears that you were confidentially consulted by this family, and it must be apparent to any one who considers the case, that there is scarcely any class of men in the country who have more power for good or for evil than attorneys. Scarcely any class of men are trusted to such an extent, and incur such responsibility as they do. If an estate is to be purchased or sold, an attorney is employed to transact the buisiness ; if a marriage settlement is to be ex ecuted, an attorney is called in ; or if a will is to be made, their professional assistance is generally obtained, and they are frequently entrusted by the family in arranging the affairs of the deceased. Such was your employment ; and it is very painful to find that a man who has hitherto maintained so respectable a character shoal(' so grossly have betrayed the trust reposed in him. I cannot but regard your case as one of the most aggravated in its complexion I ever heard of, and therefore the punishment must be in accordance with your offence. The sentence of the Court is, that you be trans ported beyond the seas for the term of your natural life. The prisoner was then removed from the bar supported by two of the assistants in the gaol. He appeared to be deeply affected, as also did many others in Court. Wni MALICIOUS SROOTINCL—James Berry, 23 , John Hammond , 30, George Hammond , 22, T homas Hammond, 28, and Webb, 40, were charged with maliciously shooting at John Eden, with intent to murder, to maim, disable, disfigure, or do him some grievous bodily harm. The case arose out of night poaching, with which the pri soners were also charged. It appeared that on the night of Sunday, the sth of Januery, the prisoners and several others were out in a cover belonging to Mr. T. Langford Brooke, at Mere Hall, in this county, when a party of keepers in the employment of Mr. Brooke came up. A fight commenced, one of th e k eepers g i v i ng th e first blow and during the affray the prisoner B erry fi re d hi s gun at John Eden, but the latter being in a sto o pi ng close to hi s h ead. grievous The jury The remainder'nf th e position, the shot went over his shoulder b 0 dfoundharm, all Guiandltyh e o i f , e shooting d w ge i t s h en i t n e t n e e n e t d t t o he d n o i to is years' transport a ti on , day Was ozcupied with Mint cases. The Earl of Falmouth has contributed 501., and Lady Bassett a donation of 1001., to the local fund for the extension and improvement of the Penryn Docks and Fal mouth Harboui, HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 2. The SPEAKER took the chair at Four o'clock. The Pudsey Gas Bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. W. PATTEN presented a petition against the Liverpool Guardian Gas Bill. THE GRANT TO MAYNOOTH. Mr. ORMSBY GORE presented a petition from Wrockwardine (Shropshire) against the increased grant to Meynooth College. Mr. STURT presented petitions to the same effect ; but the designations of the petitions were not heard in the gallery. Lord RENDLESHAM presented similar petitions from Wycombe and several other places. Lord ASHLEY presented several petitions to the same effect, and also several against the sale of intoxi cating liquors on the Sabbath. Colonel VERNER presented petitions from places in the north of Ireland against the grant, and in favour of the Church Education Society. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN and other Hon. Mem bers presented petitions against any increased grant to Maynooth College. Mr. M. GIBSON presented three petitions from Bury St. Edmund's, Sudbury, and another place in Suffolk, praying that no grant of public money should be given to any description of priests whatever.—(Laughter.) PROSECUTIONS FOR POOR-RATES. Sir J. EASTHOPE rose to present petitions from Ann Ward and Thomas Lukin, prisoners in the House of Correction, in the county of Leicester, complaining of their imprisonment, with hard labour, for the non payment of costs arising out of their inability to pay poor-rates. These persons were now undergoing a sentence of' imprisonment, with hard labour, in the prison of Leicester for the non payment of poor-rates, and he was so convinced of the illegality and injustice of the whole proceeding, that he had requested his Hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury, in the event of his (Sir John Easthope's) absence, to present these petitions, so that not a moment might be lost in laying before the House the case of the petitioners. When he explained the nature of the petitions, he thought the feeling of the House would be so generally in favour of the prayer of them, that no impediment would be allowed to interfere with the speedy redress of the grievances complained of. Thomas Lukin,it appeared, was assessed in the sum of five shillings to the poor rates of the parish. He could not pay it, owing to the poverty of his circumstances ; he was summoned by the magistrates at Ashby-de-la- Zouch, and a distress war rant was issued to raise the amount upon his goods and chattels. He had not, however, sufficient in his house to defray the assessment, and he was in consequence, on the 11th of July, committed to the gaol in Leicester. The inhabitants of that town, hearing of his great poverty, paid the rate, and he was released from prison. In a short time after he was summoned for the costs, at least four times the amount of the principal ; but if he had not had sufficient to pay the rate he certainly could not be expected to pay the costs. He was not heard before the magistrate, but was again incarcerated in the gaol of Leicester. The petitioner prayed that imme diate redress should be given. He (Sir J. East hope) might add that the petitioner had a wife and four children. He could refer to his employer, and all who knew him, for the excellence of- his character. The next case was that of Ann Ward, and it was very nearly similar to the other. She was a widow, her husband having been killed eleven years before. She lived as a lodger with her daughter, and was assessed to the poor-rate in the sum of three shillings. She was also committed to prison, and the people of Leicestet shire interfered, and paid the money. A distress warrant was afterwards levied for the costs, and the petitioner was committed, with hard labour, a second time to prison, in default of payment. It was his impression that these cases required redress, and he hoped the House would take the earliest opportunity of giving it. The SPEAKER said that according to the rule of the House, the Hon. Baronet should have previously given notice that he would move that the petitions be printed, before calling the attention of the House to his motion. He could row move that the petitions be printed, and then take the first opportunity of bringing the matter before the House. Sir J. EASTHOPE lamented exceedingly that he had not done so ; but he would now move that the petitions be printed with the votes, and to-morrow he would bring his motion before the House. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. Lord SANDON presented a petition from Liverpool, signed by 1,400 persons, praying foe the repeal of the enactment abolishing imprisonment for debt, passed last session, upon the grounds of no equivalent punishment. Mr. COBDEN presented a petition from the calico printers of Stockport, praying that the -Bill brought in by Lord Ashley, should not be passed into law. NAVY HALF-PAY. Captain PECHELL presented a petition from one hundred masters and paymasters in the Royal Navy, complaining of the manner in which they had been treated let the Board of Admiralty, iu not awarding to them that portion of half pay which the late Com mittee of Inquiry into the state and condition of naval officers had awarded to them. The Hon. and Gallant Member at the same time intimated that he would draw the attention of the House to the case of the petitioners, when the navy estimates came under discussion on Friday, on which day he would move that the petition be printed with the votes. DUTY ON MALT. The Hole. and GALLANT MEMBER also presented a petition from the maltsters •of Brighton and Lewes, praying the Howe to abolish the duty on malt. NOTICES OF MOTION. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS gave notice, that on the House going into Committee on the Army Estimates, he would call attention to the present condition of regimental staff officers, paymasters, &c., with a view to Parliament taking into consideration the expediency of extending to that meritorious class of officers the privilege of retiring under certain circumstances upon full pay. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' ACT. Mr. 11. BERKELEY gave notice of his intention on a future day to move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Insolvent Debtors' Act, passed in the last session of Parliament. The Hon. Member also gave notice that on the 25th instant he would move for a Select Com mittee to inquire into the past operation of the same law. MAYNOOTH. Sir R. INGLIS presented several petitions from places in the counties of Oxford, Cornwall, and other parts of England, against any further grant to Maynooth. Colonel SIBTHORP presented petitions from the mayor, clergy, and a great number of the inhabitants of the city of Lincoln, and from another place in the county of Lincoln, to the same effect. SMOKE -PROHIBITION BILL. Mr. MACKINNON moved the second reading of this Bill. Mr. HAWES opposed the Bill as impracticable, and he should therefore take the sense of the House upon it. He hoped that the Hon. Gentleman would withdraw the Bill for the present, and wait for the general Bill of the Noble Lord opposite. Mr. BORTHWICK supported the Bill. Mr. ORD had but one or two observations to make in reference to this measure. The Hon. Member assumed provisions of the Bill had particular that there existed a smoke nuisance which could be p ut down, and the reference to the occupiers of chimneys and furnaces. Who were occupiers of chimneys?—(Laughter.) He and other Hon. Members on that side denied the practi cability of complying with the requisitions of this Bill. The Earl of LINCOLN said that a Bill should be introduced for ttae purpose of constituting local bodies to take into consideration the effects of smoke in their dis tricts ; it would be peremptory to appoint inspectors before that could be done If the Honourable Gentle man still persevered in his intention to refer the Bill to a Select Committee, he (the Earl of Lincoln) would vote for the second reading of the Bill. He was sure, when the Hon. Gentleman reflected upon the large amount of property destroyed by the smoke nuisance, he would not be inclined to throw an y impedi ment in the way of le g islation u p on this sub j ect. A short time ago a nursery-gardener in the neighbour hoodextensive chimneys, of this metropolis wa s in the habit of raisin g ex pensive and valuable plants , but, from the erection of two he was compelled to abandon a lucrative occupation. Now by the introduction of some patent apparatus into the two chimneys he believed the gardener was afterwards enabled to resume his business with his former success. The experiment was tried, and the nuisance was abo lished. He did not wish to trespass longer on the atten tion of the House, but would conclude b y sa y in g that if the Hon. Memb er pressed his motion to a division he would vote for it, but he would earnestly recommend the Hon. Gentleman to postpone the second readin g until the Sanitary Bill had b een i n t r oduced. Mr. LABOUCHERE t h oug ht the best mode would be to withh o ld t h e cons id erat i o n of this matter for the present, as th e G overnment b a d announced their inten tion of bringing forward a measure w hich would embrace it. It would b e a mere waste o f time ender such circum stances to ref er t h e matter to a Select Committee. He would vote ag a i nst the secon d re ading of the Bill. Mr. SPOON `lt hoped his Hon. Fr iend the Member for Leamington wou l d postpone t h e second reading of this Bill. Supp ose the most com plete apparatus were to be employed f ar e ff ecting the o bject which the lion. Gen tleman had in view there was nothing to compel the workmenthereto put it int o e ff ec tive use. and without their was co- operation i t would be u tt e rly futile to at tempt to carry the Bill i n to effect. Besides, a very great doubt whether the consumption of smoke would not comp el a ver y much larger cons umpt i on of fuel. The Hon. Gentleman oppo site (Mr. H awes) had complaine d that this Bill was a mere waste of go further and say, that if they attem pted to carry this legi s l a ti on , b ut he (Mr. Spooner) would Bill into eff ec t they the countr a s would not only entirely would excite such an amount of op position throuprevent any b ene fi t b e i ng derived from it, but which wo uld y also very gre at l y militate against any really g ood mea• sure. Anoth er inconvenience arising from the mea s ur e, as it stood, ghout claiming to b e exempt from its opera ti o n. He believed, was, that every manufacturing interest was indeed, that there was a notice on the books for exclud ing the i -rem trad e i glass trade, o r any trad e ? lie trusted, other nuisance than thattofroamdeliwvi:liloiling therefore, that the Honourable Gentleman would not and if the iron trade, why not the press this Bill it was quite an impracticable measure. Ho did not a nuisance at all; _f h o o r us h es e , ebyeelnieivieidt were that be lieve that the smoke from manufactories was any greater withdraw it, and leave an opportunity for a really good and lie trusted that he would therefore measure to be introduced at a future period. Lord FRANCIS EGERTON said that he could not possibly assent to the assertion that the smoke from manufactories was no nuisance, or even a small nuisance, for he knew that in the place which he had the honour to represent it vvas felt to be a great nuisance, and he conceivers 'that to talli, of tbis period for legislatidli on the subject being too early, or that discussiQn was unnecessary in that House, was quite beside the facts pf tip case. Ife was favour a bl e t o th e object Qf Gentleman. Mr. BROTHERTON said that the details of the Bill might be greatly modified and improved. In that case, he hoped that the lion. Member would not press for the second reading of the Bill. He should remark that there were chimneys belonging to certain manufactories in Manchester, where there was a strong feeling on this subject, from which there was no more smoke than from a private dwelling-house. There was no doubt that great attention would be paid to the correction of the Bill by the Select Committee. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that no one could be more competent to make a suggestion on the matter than the Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken. It was impossible to make any rule with respect to the suppression of a general nuisance which would not create some local nui sances. The Select Committee would consider whe ther the provisions of this Bill could be safely adopted. He was very certain that the time of the Committee would not be lost. Under standing that the Bill was not to be pressed until the measure for improving the sanitary condition of large towns was before the House, he thought there could be no objection to the second reading, and refer ring the Bill to the consideration of a Select Comrnitiee. Mr. HAWES was perfectly satisfied with the course proposed by the Right Honourable Gentleman, but he should like to know whether the Committee would have power to take evidence upon certain points of the Be. B. Mr. RICARDO reminded the Hon. Member for Lambeth that the Government were going to introduce a Bill affecting the same subject. and it would be there fore all labour lost to make any inquiry into the nature of this Bill. For his part, he would rather the matter should rest with the Government, entrusted to the hands of a Committee. There were two parties affected by this Bill. The one was the party who was annoyed by smoke; the ( ther, was the party who lived by smoke. Now i he could only say, on the part of his constituents, that they would have to give up business altogether if they were not allowed to smoke. They were now in a state of uncertainty, and there was no doubt they would re main so until the intentions and measure of the Govern ment on this subject were before the House. Mr. WILLIAMS said a few words, after which Mr. MACKINNON said he wished to say a few words in explanation. It should be recollected that a Com mittee of that House reported that the nuisance of smoke could and ought to be prevented; and added, that if the Government did not take up the matter with a view to legislation, some individual Member ought. Was not that recommendation worthy of regard? lie had merely followed the recommendation of the Committee. The Right Hon. Member for Taunton had accused him of putting himself forward on this occasion, when the matter might better be left in the hands of the Govern ment. But in fact, he had done nothing more than act upon the instructions of the Committee. If the Noble Lord (Lord Lincoln) did not feel inclined to proceed with his measure he (Mr. Mackinnon) should proceed with the present Bill, but not otherwise. The amendment was then withdrawn ; the Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be referred to a Select Committee. INFEFTMENT (SCOTLAND) BILL. The LORD ADVOCATE postponed the second reading of this Bill till this day week. HERITABLE JURISDICTIONS (SCOTLAND) BILL. This Bill was read a second time. CALICO PRINT WORKS. Mr. M. GIBSON, having inquired whether it was the intention to proceed with Lord Ashley's Bill for the regulation of calico print works, presented five petitions from various manufacturing places against any restric tion of their labour. Mr. HAWES presented _petitions from West Ham, in Essex, and other places, to the same effect Lord ASHLEY presented a petition from 500 opera tives at Crayford, in Kent, expressing their desire that the measure should pass into law, suggesting some amendments ; and stating their wish that even a modi fied measure should be passed, rather than that the Bill should be altogether lost. On the motion that the Bill be read a second time, Sir J. GRAHAM said that when the Noble Lord first brought the measure before the House he deemed it his duty to give it his most earnest and anxious con sideration. Ile believed the Bill was ir.troduced on the I2th of March—(Laughter)—and with a view to the discussion which must certainly arise on the second reading, he bad endeavoured, with the assistance of his colleagues in the Government, to institute such inquiries as should place thein'in the posses sion of the fullest information respecting every portion of its details that it was possible to obtain. For that purpose he had made it his business to extend his investigations to every part of the manufacturing dis tricts of the United Kingdom. The House was aware that the factory inspectors had certain districts assigned them, in which they had respectively appointed sub-in spectors. It was the business of these sub-inspectors to place themselves in personal communication with the individuals most looked up to among the indus trial classes. Into the hands of every one of these sub-inspectors a copy of the Bill had been placed, with instructions to ascertain the effects its clauses were likely to have on the manufacturing community; and since the first reading, on March 12, lie had assembled these factory inspectors, and a portion of the sub-inspectors in London, in order to get the most precise infor mation, and the fullest information which through their inquiries had been obtained. Ha had given to the Bill itself, and to the information which he had received, his most earnest attention. As he had stated to the House at the time this Bill was introduced, and as he stated now, it was his most anxious desire to give his full acce dence to the measure of the Noble Lord (Lent Ashley), and it was a sense of duty alone which restrained him from giving his support to the object of the Noble Lori. He would further state what had been the result of the inquiries as to the information which had been received, and which had determined himself and his col leagues as to the course which they intended to pursue with respect to this Bill. If he assented to the second reading of the Bill, he begged it to be distinctly understood that neither himself nor the Government would consider themselves for one moment as pledged to all the details of the enact ments proposed by the Noble Lord, many of which it would be his painful duty, but still his duty, to resist. lie was bound to sly that there were many pro visions in that Bill to which he could not assent, but still he was not prepared on the part of the Government to deny that some regulation respecting the employment of children and females in print-works was necessary ; and, admitting that necessity, he could not oppose the second reading of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) When as senting to the principle of a Bill on the second reading, it was not usual to go into details, but when he recol lected the importance of the interests involved, he thought it was right that he should state to the House what were the provisions of the Bill to which he ob jected, and what were the amendments which he, in Committee, intended to suggest as preferable to the pro visions proposed by the Noble Lord. In the first place, he objected to the great extension of the objects of the Bill, which was apparent from comparing the interpreta tion clause with the title. The extension which must take place in consequence of the construction which must be put upon the first clause of the Bill, he hail the most insuperable objection to. The title of the Bill referred only to the labour of children em ployed in calico print-works, but by the inter pretation clause the operation of the measure was extended far beyond print works. By that clause the provisions of the Bill were extended to all mills, or se parate houses where dying, bleaching, or calendaring was carried on. If this was grounded on analogy with the Factory Bill it would be found that no analogy existed between them. In factories the labour was de pendant altogether on machinery which might be stopped at any fixed hour. But the converse of the fact applied to the subject at present under discussion ; it was un connected with machinery and depended almost entirely upon the state of the atmosphere. He was bound fur ther to state that it appeared, as far as his inquiries ex tended, although in print-works children were exten sively employed, yet that in dying, bleaching and calen daring, the number of children employed was very few. His first objection was to extending the provisions of this Bill beyond print works to bleaching grounds, dying manufactories, and calendaring works. There were peculiarities connected with those works, which he had specified at considerable length on former occasions ; and one of the most painful circumstances connected with the trade, was that the demand, and consequently the labour, was not continuous throughout the year. There was a very great demand for labour at certain periods, while at other periods there was a great falling off. The trade, during the spring and autumn, gave employment to an increased number of workers, and demanded an extension of the hours of labour ; but after that period the demand relaxed, and many of those workers were, comparatively speaking, unemployed. During this period of the time, every thing depended on the work being executed with the greatest possible dispatch. Everything, in fact, was secondary to the promptitude with which the market was supplied ; and he so far therefore disagreed with the Bill of the Noble Lord, that its provisions did not meet these peculiar circumstances. He was not, therefore, prepared to assent to that part of the Bill which enacted that children should only work eight hours each day, or on alternate days twelve hours. Having stated his objections to the Bill of the Noble Lord, he should now refer to those provisions, after the second reading, to which he would be ready to assent. He would say, on the part of the Government and for himself, that they W er e q 44 prepared to accede to that part of the Noble Lord's measure which restricted the hours of labour of children under eight years of age. lie agreed to the provision of the Bill which proposed to do away night- work by children, because the same principle had been more than once affirmed by the House in reference to females. In the Act of last session the House thought it right to regulate the night labour of females in factories, and he was therefore now prepared to agree to that part of the Bill which provided that children between the ages of eight and thirteen should not be • employed in calico factories at night. It now became ne cessary for him to make allusion to the Noble ford's definition of a 604. The ISoble I,ard prlpsed to e4ahlieh' a • doitbie definition, varying in winter and summer ; but, upon the whole, he (Sir J. Graham) was , inclined to think it would be better to have only a single definition of the night,—(liear, hear.) ge would, how- haute. him ti lie w,