The Sun. — London, England, 1821-03-03 00:00:00

and visit a person who was in-great distress. The - Etrgl i ishman, for the reason stated, lost no time in complying with the request, and he was directed to, a. prison, where he found his friend in a dun geen half-filled with water. He had lainthere for lonic time, but the reason of his detention he was utterly at. a loss to conceive—he was con scious-of -no .offence against .the State, and the onlythirig sOtiChlo'ccurred tb him as at all likely to fad "to - this outrage on his person, was a cotr versatiOn which he recollected -to have had with a fri;3ltd ;Caw time previously, about disposing of serge corn which lay on his hands. Po this tri iar jirCirrustance, and this alone, he attributed is4riSoninent, and hejudged rightly that the. m6.nopOliiing'Alinistes was . ' Connected with it.- I , ..arraished with this clue; the English officer-be `himself ; he went without delay to the Ministes---queStioned him as to the fact—received at first 'an evasive' answer,' but was at length. teld.Oaistly, by the candid Italian, that he had eo 'in sending the Neapolitan to prison. - 71Vh - at did he then - do ? He returned to. the . prison, and learned front the gaoler, that the priSenerwas'in fact confined by order of the li nist;:r. Again he returned to the officer's house, ss . te did not nick* him ; he saw 'his secretary, and this latter confirmed - the informa r-eived from ,the gaoler. He learned, too,- was not confined for any' crime, because the Minister wished to have a, place of safety, Where he could speak Stith him. The Neapolitan was eventually re leasied,,by the interference 'of his English friend; isnt'lle.-(LordL.) could not'say how long he had been confined. Was this A stateof things to be protected ? or were' the Neapolitans to be treated a's:disturbers 'of general tranquillity, if theY,Strove to get ridof it ? Anothet•reason as si-gnol was, that the Constitution was forced upon the ,King that, against his will, 'he was corn .. p • ; elted to give his sanction - to a foreign and a Spa oish Constitution. With 'regard' to its -being a Spanish Constitution, he (Lord L.) did not now, like a Noble Friend of his (Lord Holland), on a founer occasion, feel : himself called upon to de feria that Constitution. He 'would not say whe ther it Was, or was not, the tnoSt'fit Constitution for Naples. He would only-say that there was itothing extraordinary in - the Neapolitans taking a Constitetion from a people who were of • the sante . religion and governed by a monarch of the same family with thetnselves. The British Constitution they.'Could not have,. for the King had two. years before rAitsed it in-the case-of Sieily. , Besides, the Neapolitans had the sanc tion of the British for their' adoption of the - Spanish COnStitUtion. Did not - Lord William Bentinck, in_ 181-1, address to' them this procla mation, when he called upon the Italians to de fend their liberties; and put themselves - in the same position that Spain then was in ? His cords Were,: " Warriors of Italy, assert your rights and your liberty ; call upon us, and we hasten to your assistance, and when our forces are-joined to yours, sve'Svill make such an et:tart as will -again - place 'ltaly in what she was in her best days, and what Spain is now.'' 'And in an earlier passitge" Portugal, Spain, Sicily, and Holland attest the liberal principles of Great :Pritain ; Spain, by, the great - undertaking which, with her Allies : she "accomplished,. &c." What • cas that undertaking, but the recovery of her .liberty ? or what did the Noble 'Lord call upon the Italians .to do, but to imitate the example of Spain? And was it forgotten, that the Austrians, who now protested against the existence of that liberty even fot: rinhour; were then parties to, and sanctioned the. cirCulatiOn of that Proclamation. The . power which the Anitrians now had, was owing to the results of thoSe excitements to libarty which they had 'hitherto sanction ed... When , war was made Upon Buona parte, his -attacks - 'Upon the independence, anti interference irt . the internal affairs of nations; was made a prominent cause: Yet the Austrians w stit, : to war now, because some chancres had b,stnspade in the internal government of ' Naples. And .what Were the circumstances in which they argued that the interference of a Foreign Power .vos defensitile . In almOst.every possible case. For ; said the Austrian Declaration, when a Re , volution was brought about by a Sect--an army— by private' meetings in a country where public in aeliugs were not 'permitted ?—where a' Press was, not-suffered to exist. In all these cases, the . interference of a Foreign Power Was justifiable: . • - Nons, s was it possible to effect a Revolution by anY other than some of these means ? ' The Allies certainlyhad abstract ideaS of :Reiolutions very different from corporeal ones. Their reasoning re minded hira of a passage in Swift, where Marlinus ,S'crillirrus and his fellow-pupil fall to logical rea souingond a dispute arose as to the most abstract' idea of a Lord MayOr " Mar. Sergi —I think so many .tliinfzs necessary to a Lord ,layne,.tt:at I can have no idea'of one, without a gold sing and chitin."' . : _ " ./Npf/..4l : gri:farther, fur I cannot conceive a Lord. Mayor if he ikas hands, eyes, nose, or legs."—(A lau01.) S') it was with the . Austrian. They would admit of,s;,ltartges . , but they should not be brought about by a, sl..ct, an army, by private meetings, or in fact , any of those means which were .indispensiWy uecessary to such an undertaking.. 'Mien ro'o- . . .lutions were accomplished in this way, their ab stract ideas of them were gone, and they thought •• theniselves called upon to interfere and - crush : them; Bat were they equally vigilant when li berty -was invaded--did they'. Interfere when Ferdinand of Spain overturned the Spanish Con stitution? Were nochanges.to be permitted, but .such as took . place at the will of an absolute Mo . narch ? 'Ile: was now' come to the second • part,_ namely, what would be the probable • consequences of the. Allies 'continuing to act upon the principles avowed by them in their declaration. If-Austria, failed in its attempt upon '.Naples, then would the principles of liberty on which the Neapolitans acted, extend themselves, perhaps, into the very States of the Allies. If, on the other hand,AnStria succeeded, he would ask in what way could their power he maintained,*bUt . ,by military occupation, and would not 'that in effect make. Naples a province.of Austria ?.The success of despotism could' be . but 'transitory ; and the revolutionary feeling in Spain, and in France, had been already much existed by the progress which had been made. In the former country, the revolution, which was at!complished without blood, was not likely to terminate to peaceably. At Paris, it had' driven that party which were occasionally called the Likreaux, or tare Jaco bins, almost into an extremity of excitement. It was not yet too late for Eno - land to interfere, in former times it used to be accounted the fosterer of every spark of political liberty on the Conti nent. The greatest eulogium which Lord Bacon passed on (Queen Elizabeth was that she as sisted the struggles of tlic Hollanders feu' theif - 11- belly. The steps taken in the 'Low Countries that. time; were, similar , to those lately' taken in Naples.;•. the Hevolution . was brought about by a Sect ' , assisted,by,a military force, We should not digit* . too severe eritics 7 --let us only consider that : the Neapolitans are engaged in .defence of ,the most gloriOuS cause un der .Heaven—thp proeervationof their liberties. He might, on,the,question before their Lordships - , apply a quotation, once quoted by an 'illustrious Statesman, Lord Chatiam,at .an early stage of that unfortunate contes( which - separated for ever thC American colonies,from England :--,-- .'• : "Be to thtir faults a little blind, . Be to their virtues very lsind, And clap the padlock on her • • • That passage, might be . very, properly applied" by England at the present moment, if she ii-otild.sum mpu up virtue .enough to remonstrate against the conduct of the Allied Poiirei-L--irshe - would countenance„ in a manner worthy of her character, those maxims of Ulla ersal despotism which those Powers professed in the tace of an indignant world. It might be ,Said that - 4 Was now'too . late for England toE) interfere he . didnot - think so. If he were satisfied, that the struggle wai'o'ver; that the. liberties ; .of Naples : bad been cloven `down, and, cveyy foot. 9 t. h 0 soil occupied b German soldiers., still would he say. that was not too late for this country at least to vindicate' her own character=to disclaim principles of the Holy Alliance. but when he " looked at the conse quences which those principles were likely to , . upon Europe, when he saw before him the mighty, events which were '44 to - grow out' of that contest, which perbapS° had already cOm- - nienced,, he thou 4. it .was right and Wise for England, .at the very CO:tnineticement . of 'that contest, solemnly, to protesCigainsttlie principles professed at the COngress at TrUppan and at Lor. bach ; , to Tecora,her,disapprobatiMi of' those principles,, and thus to :preserve that character which hitherto bcen , the sonrce of her real glory and her solid pOWer: With that . • bnpres tion ,upon : his - mind, he begged to read to the House the propoition . whichlt Was . his intention to submit to the consideration of. their Lordships— " To thank his Majesty for having been graciously pleased today before this tionse. a', Copy of the.Dispatcli to his Ma -1 jest y s Missions at Foreign Courts, on the circular communi catioh addressed by the Courts of Austria, Prussia 'and Rus sia, to their several Uissions, relating. to the recent transac tions in the Kindom of Naples.; to express the satisfaction whiCh we feel that his Majesty has declined hecomii . ,g a party to the measures in question, considering' heat to be no less repngtiant to the fundamental principles of the Consti tution, than• destructive of the estabiished law of Nations; and to express an earnest hope that his,Majesty will exert all his • influence with the Allied Powers, if not too late, to prevent or to'repaie the consequences of measures which may eventually disturb the general trampfillit y of Europe ; and which, espe cially when considered , in combination with the doctrines that have been advanced in their justification, are of most dangerous example to tile independence of Sovereigns, and the security, of Nations.!' Earl BATHURST said, that the part which Eng landhad: taken in the recent transactions of the Continent was that of perfect - lieutraliiy. The Government of England declined to give any opinion upon the subject ; but the proposition .of the Noble-Marquess went to this,: that we shotild abandon the point of . neutrality—that the Go-. vernment 'of the. Country should abandon the system which it had always professed an inten tion to follow, -and should express an opinion hostile to the conduct of the Allied Powers. lie would beg of the Noble Marquess to look at the Address—tO weigh. its language, and to ask him self what system it was which England should . • follow if she should once abandon the. system of neutrality ? Was-the Noble Marquess prepared to say, that England should adopt means to pre vent the interference of Austria ? 'Were they or were -they not to abandon the system of netttra lay 'which they-had declared their intention to abide by ? lie confessed he. had not heard from the Noble• Marquess any thing to convince him that England was, bound to abandon that system ; and if she. did, he had yet.to learn what system. it was that, in that case, she ought to pursue. If England-should say to Austria=" We see no dan ger in the revolution of Naples—we do not see upon what ground you attempt to interfere, and therefore we forbid you from proceeding farther" — Austria might answer—" If you do not see danger in that event, we do—and if we choose to see danger, we have.a right, on the principle of self defence, to interfere, and we have a right to call for your assistance.'? He (Lord B.) did not well knew how England should then act: With re spect to•the revolution, he would not give an opi nion upon it; he would not say whether it was right Or wrong, beeause he had not the means of deciding; but it was not too much to say , from all' that had . transpired, that it was a Revolution effected by military force, and carried, perhaps, against the King, and many of the people. Never was there a - Monarch that -less merited the hostility of his peo ple than the old King of Naples. Ouhis return to his -Throne, he placed in stations of trust and con - fidence, men who had before opposed him ; he did so in the fond hope-of attaching them to his Government, but they overturned his authority. The-King-was universally beloved- . —no discontent had manifested itself on - the eve- of the ReVolu tion—no ebullition of popular feeling disturbed the Metropolis when a sudden explosion took place--the Monarch's authority disregarded—and a Constitution demanded from him in the course of eight -days—a period scarcely large enough for an ordinary to furnish a dinner. Under such circumstances. Sicily declared against the new order of things ; on which the new Government of Naples sent -a military force to that country, and by fraud and violence finally obliged it •to submit. At that -time the Prince Cimitilli was sent to England, as Ambassador from Naples.— He was not received• - at Court,. because 'to receive -him would-be to declare the Sicilians as rebels — The Noble Lord next proceeded to observe on the Manifesto of the Allied Powers. The State Paper asserted, that the Revolution had been brought about by the Carbonart ; and that the object was not to establish a Neapolitan Con stitution, but to promote a general Insurrec tion. It was no part of his duty:to defend that: M'anifesto ; but when it was• asserted by the: Noble Marquess, that whilst his Majesty's Go ye-RI-Mott-declared that they would-take-no part in. the contest, they yet countenanced the principles laid down by the Congress, he certainly put 'a. construction on the Circular Letter-written by his Noble- Friend' the Secretary:.• of State which it did not bear. The concluding sentence of the-Circular Dispatch of his Noble Friend was in these words The difference of. sentiment which -prevails between , them and the Court of London -on this- matter, you may declare, can make no alteration whatever-in the cordiality and harmony of the Alliance on-any other subject, or abate their Common -zeal in giving the- most com plete effect to all their existing. engagements." He (Lord- Bathurst). contended that that passage did. not bear the construction -put upon it- by the• Noble - Marquis . -With respect. to the Declara, tion of the Allied Powers , „ they stated,. as he had before . said,. -that • the' -Revolution -had been' brought about by the • Carbonari, • whose object was general insurrection ;- they stated that the King had been obliged to adopt-the- Spanish new Constitution in the course of five .days, .and that the whole people were by no means:favourable to the state of things So ,violently ~established. With respect to the Address -of ,the,-Noble Mar, guess, he (Lord Bathurst) could not . think that the present was the. time to propose _it.. If the House'passed that. Address, -they w.oold only . pro long the contest, -by holding out hopes to the Nea politans. Under present circumstances, seeing that resistance would be unavailing, they might disband their soldiers and , submit. - -But if they. should re ceive, intelligence that their Lordships,hadagreed to the Address before them—their- hopes. would brighten=ithey- would hold their. arms •in- their hands—they would place- themselves on, the hills WhiCh overlook the - ocean to watch the-:expected succour from this country—they would ultimate ly fall the victims of -their own credulity, and of the declarations of that House. If this. country were to declare war against Austria--if, she presumed to- go a step. further,-,he. certainly would doubt the wisdom of such a declaration— but it would be at least intelligible—it would be open and fair. If the House were not prepared to go so far . as that, he submitted that it would be unwise to interfere Lord ELLFiBOROUGII said, the objection of the Noble 'Lord, who had just sat . dOWn, applied to the • latter. part of the Address: To the first part there WaS no objection, for it merely went to epreSs the approbation of this- House of the conduct of Ministers, in condemning 'the' princi ples of the Congress: If it was right for Minis ters to'express that disapprobation; he ,contended it was perfectly right 'for the House' to express its ,satisfaCtion at' the part - they acted. if the Noble Lord .had applied 'more closely to the Words . of the latter parthe would not give them the interpretation- hebad done, for they only stated we ought -to interfere,' to' induce . the Austrians to withdraw their troops.—He was convinced that his Noble, Friend, looking at thd 'affair With the eyes of a Statesman, would Ile fully impressed with the change!: to.Enrope—to ourselves, perhaps ; more than to Austria herself. If , the situation of Austria were looked at, her necessity for relying: on her military . force; that force . drawn only from her own population, and which mass she could move at once to any _point attacked ;' if 'the consequence Of the movement of her force to the south-of Italy,.so distant as to find it difficult to act for the general interests of the Empire were considered, no' movement could appear so preg nant with danger to herself; and- looking- at; it merely in that point of view, it would be the im perious duty Of his Majesty's Ministers to endea vour to arrest them.:—,(Hear,; hear !)—But 'were the 'difference - bet Ween the present situation of Italy and What 'it was previous to the Freneh Revolution taken into account, that the Ita lian soldiers participated in' - the victories of, France and were animated by military , glory-Lthat the French have imparted know ledge of political'matters to the people,. and that by annulling the old law of primogeniture, now re-established, every young man in the country was arrayed against the - existing laws.—(Hear, hear !)—Were all these matters considered and viewed with the eyeS Of statesmen, it would be universally agreed that no measure could be fraught with Sornuch danger as that of the Aus trian movement. He did not think that the. Austrians would meet with any material - opposi tion in the first instance'; but when he recollected what had been achieved by Spain—(Hear, hear!) lie could not calculate on the 'effect which the occupation of the Neapolitan territory by the Austrians would produce, - particularly on France. What movement could be ,so :dangerous to the Government of France as 'that of taking part againSt the people, thereby placing the pasgions and feeling of France 'against the French Government—(Bear, hear !)—I t . would be impossible, (looking as he did to the move ment of the Austrians) not to foresee that it might interfere with the liberties and happinesi of rope. In forrner contests the hearts of the peo ple of England and of the Continent were With Government ; what was'the case at present ? The feelings of every nation in Europe were against us. Looking, as he did, at the situa, tion of the -country, he could foresee-few occasions on which war would. be. popular ; but on none could Ministers be so certain of the sentiments of the country being in uni son with them; as if• war should unfortunately grow out of our interference to prevent the subjugation of Naples by foreign Despots. TO 'the-motion of his Noble Friend„ he would pro -pie to add," That his. Majesty would, be gra ciously pleased to direct-his Ministers to use all possible endeavours to avert from this country the dangers likely to be the consequences of the pre . - sent movements on the Continent„ and thereby secure the tranquillity of the "British . He would ask, were there no measures promising a successful result short of %var.? 1-1 iS Noble Friend had asked, " Do you think your .remonstrance would drive 'the Austrians back ? Undoubtedly not—but circumstances might arise which would render the friendship of this country an ob ject to Austria. In- -the Revolution of Sicily we pledged the honour of Abe 'nation not to allow that country to be placed in a worse situation than that in,,, which . it . was then—vet st4f King had, in 1816 or 1817, annulled that ConstMkign, By a pledge ofeur own Galernmentavo were called upon to declare that the Sicilians should have no other Constitution imposed upon them than their ancient one, and which has been since violated by the -King and Government of Naples. Ile knew the attachment and devotion of the people of Sicily to this •country.- We -thi2lit be therefore certain of the support of the Sicilian people in any,negoCiation with Austria ; thus at once sub duing the Carbonari, of whom so•much had 'been said,• and: all other -parties. Our interference; war called for•by .former pledges. lie did not understand -the Address: in the same sense as the Noble .Lord opposite did—for, we would be only giving our - colicurrenCe to principles by which it' was - impossible' his Majesty's Ministers . should 'not be. actnated. The House 'would show, by agreeing - to the Address" proposed by the Noble Marquess,, that it was determined to sup port Ministers in their efforts - to tranquillize Eu rope ; thus doing great'benefit to our own soim try, credit to ourselves, and contributing to gene ral libeify , Od general happineSs. ' • The - Eirl'of WEstmbiii.D said, the Noble Lord had not contended so much that their Lord shiP.s should interfere, by arming against - Austria, as against the existing, Government of Naples, calling on you to' defend Sicily against that coun try.. On a late occasion, the' Noble . Lord had attributed all 'the' distresses of 'the country to continental wars in - which this country had no interest. Whether we make' war: or peace, the opposition was -stire to .be the same. ' If we in terfered now ire should deserve -to be charged even With insanity itself; for - the' Noble Lord contended we ought to array 'ourselves against all. the Powers - of Europe. Whatever our acci dental distress, he trusted'that the country would alwa3's have - Strength'enough to - vindicate its ho nor and interestS; and this' strength. would be best preserved by. observing - in the present in stance the strictest neutrality. On,the Declara tion' of the . - Allied Powers, it 'appeared 'to him the answer of his Majesty's' Government was suf. fident.. Looking - at the Neapilitan'Revolution, brought about. as it was., by secret' associations and military, he saw nothing that claimed our sympathy, for military Revolutions were not re markable for being.favourable. to freedom. Our interference would be, , in fact, dictating to Na ples:a form of G overnment, and therefore a de parture from the -neutrality profeSsed in our De claration. The Earl of DARN LEY contended, that stand ing as this country does, it was bound to inter fere, to, protect from military .occupation and despotism a country whose only offence _was a love of liberty:: In an animated tone, the "Noble Lord called upon Noble Lords whose ancestors had defended those principles which the Holy Alliance was about to, subvert, to interpose be tween the people of Naples and the Allied Mo narchs. His Noble Friend had taken a fair vieW of the consequences of this march of -the .Austrian armies. He would ask, by what means wds Austria enabled to do this ?—by the money of this cuuntry(Hear, hear !)—for Austria owes to Great Britain no less a sum than eighteen nail lions—(Hear, hear !)—the principal and interest of a debt due for twenty years. The Austrian Government was . therefore bound to pay respect to the interference of this country.—(Loud cheers.)—He understood his Noble Friend only recommended moral interference, and in that point of view, would support the motion of hi . S Noble Friend. . , Lord CA LTHORPE said, that we owed it to :Austria, by the.ties of 'ancient friendship which subsisted between the two countries, to advise, her not to proceed in the measures she had adopted; to exert that moral influence which this country possessed over .her,: and to. warn her against the danger,. even of success, and of the still. more disastrous sconsequences',of -failure.. She. .might return from Naples ; and.have to meet .the de mands of her own country, for perhaps a still less Monarchical Government' than that. they were attempting to. crush.. She. would thekhave .to meet such demands, perhaps with a defeated, certainly with a diminished army, and an ex hausted treasury. . . The Earl of ABERDEEN said,. that the NOble Lord, without any further information as. to the grounds of the invasion of Naples, called upon the House. to depart from-that line. of neutrality, of which it had, by its vote,' so recently approved. liegged to be understood to. express no ap probation of the principles of the Holy Alliance, or its assumed right to interfere in the internal regulations of other nations. Austria, as a mem ber of that Alliance had ; no doubt, called upon •the others to support her,- and.therefore he enter, tained no doubt that they would support her.— Whether Austria 'can or- cannot be justified in in terference with Naples; or: any-other country, was not - in the present instance the question.— . Although there was something captivating in the name of liberty, still that world not be a suffi cient ground for our interference, -merely.- . on that account ; although there -was, al ways something magnrimous in- supporting the weaker. party, stilkit- was . not a necessary consequence that the -weaker party was always in the right he-should therefore oppose the motion. - 'Lord Hot.LAND,:said, that it was not only the conduct of Austria, • but , the language which it had used in its manifestoi' upon which his Noble Friend and Relation had called upon the House to vindicate its own character and honour. Aus tria had • declared directly that Great Britain not only 'agreed in the general principles upon which it acted, but it also declared that Great Britain' concurred in its general views; The Noble 'Lord then read the' passage ; to :which he alluded, and asked if Noble Lords opposite would stand up in their places and say- that this Government held any uniformity, with tite views and principles set • forth in that mom strong' and 7 disgusting. • paper ?--Thai paper' went' on to. state r that although. .this uni-• formity 'of principles was entertained, yet that certain particular and weighty reasons pre- vented out Co-operating in their plans. The'x particular and weighty reasons were the Par. , liament and the free press of this Country. The Noble Earl opposite (Earl Bathurst) said that the whole_object of the Address Was to aban don a,situation of neutrality. When the Noble Earl said that, he (1., rd B.) would say that the object was to preseNe the character of this country by declaring a real and positive neu trality. From some of the speeches which he had heard that night, and from what had been expressed by that part of the press Which was countenanced by Ministers, he believed that the system of neutrality intended to be acted ou'was that of leaning to Austria, and opposing Naples". Another Declaration, that which had proceeded from his Holiness the Pope, would give 'a 'tole rable idea of the" Sen S e. Which . our neutrality was - understood abroad. lle had heard that th e Papal Minister had been admitted at Troppau, and that he had there 'intimated the intention . or his Holiness to act upon the English system . Of Neutrality. Accordingly, out comes this decla— ration, recommending, to his People,' if the troops of one party shall enter his territory to receive them with all Christian charity and kindness. But if any of the _miserable class' Meaning- - the' other side, they are.to ,be opposed by all the force which can be raised against them. This was how the Pope unJerstOod the system of neutrality adopted by this country. his Lordship then Ciirn, mented upon what he termed the atrocity, wicked ness, and hypocriSy of, the Holy Alliance, and confessed that the subject was one which consider ably ruffled his temper ,What had from his Noble Friend and Relation had `kindled in hi mind a degree of hope that Naples might make an effectiKe resistance ; and partidniarly when hL reflected upon what bad been done by Switier land, by America, and by Spain. If the Housf, rejected the present motion, this country would not preserve a real neutrality, but a system Which, under the. Mask of neutrality, assisted the stronger party to. oppress _the weaker. He had no idea that a remonstrance on our part would lead to a war. Ile did pot, think it likely that war would be the consequence. of such a step ; but if it should, still he' would not hesitate to proceed, because he thong4t die honour of the nation de manded it. , Lord LIFERPOOI, *as willing to allow that a great part of the speech whiCh the House hail just heard was most eloquent declamation, and he was not, sorry that he had heard it ; be-cause it induced a hope that they were coming back to old principles, and to the habits of old times- The House . Would well remember that at the pe riod, when the liberties of Holland were over turned—when the liberties of Switzerland were overturned—when the liberties of Naples wee overturned—when the liberties of all Italy. were 'overturned, the Noble Lords opposite set up. no acclamations against - oppression and- injustice. The cry then was peace—nothing but peace, with the Power with Was carrying - nothing but war and tyranny through the' different countries which he had mentioned. Not a Word was tit- Wed then for the expiring' liberties of those countries, but they were to be quietly left to the straip of the oppressor. But 'the chariu which bound the Noble Lord 4 to silence 'at that time was, that these acts_ were perpetrated by - a re- Volution:ay power. A. revolutionary pos=er might overturn any thing, might do any thing ; but if an established government interfered with another state, though asserting, as a cause;" the danger of its own right and security, the alarra was to be taken, and such declaratiOns were to be indulged in as that which the House had jiist heard. He was glad, however, that they hati returned to this, ancient method of viewing such questions as • the present. He congratulated the House upon that return, and believed that it was the only good likely to arise out of the present motion. He thought the Address proposed by the Noble Marquis to be unprecedented in its nature- He had always conceived that the Constitution vested the power in the Crown of making treaties, declaring war, and the fulfilment of other de ties ; and if he could discover throtigh - the ob scurity of the Address what it really meant:4. 4 seemed to contain a sort of admonition - as to'tht discharge of such duties.. Why were the Go- - .vernment not left to the responsibility' which, at tached to their official conduct ? And it' thcf ,were acting wrong, the, Address .told __them ue" thing at all of what they ought to do ; it left e them exactly where, they were, with_ a sort of admonition of no utility whatever. It called upon them to use their influence .with Foreign Powers. , Upon this part of the subject, he wa l perfectly willing to allow that this Governine" t did possess some influence With the GOVertnne u " of other countries. But that influence 'could 01 Y exist while it was exercised in a priVate and roil t i manner. The declamation which had been us e that night was more likely than any thing else destroy it. The Noble Lord had, in the end °` his speech, allowed that'he was ready to ente f f into a war, if it should prove the conseqnunCe the present Address. if this was the intentio':' of the other side, he would say, " 'None of ,'" c " indefinite remonstrances. •Whymit speak out once, and insist upon the object which you ha.s:, in view The real question for the 1.1 0115 r to consider was, whether neutrality was, : was not, the policy which the interests of ti lw . country demanded ; and if it was, whether t a system upon which the' Government 'now ac t `: at was .a system of neutrality ? lie contended t i. u ot it was. ,•The Noble Lord then obserYed, the Manifesto of Austria did not represent En s of land as agreeing in the principles 'and vie ws , a n ue that Government ; but that it only comprehe ec the .parties to the Holy Alliance—the ° r ile Powers of, Austria, Russia, and Prussia• J o f next came. to the question 'whether the „, t a syste conduct adopted by the Government had nu_ 1 been coosideted by Foreign - Courts as of strict neutrality. And if he, had not been raL5: informed, the Minister of thi4 country at iNiapi! li had made a declaration of the principles ne e , which we acted to that Government, wh i c h de claration claration had given perfect satisfaction in quarter. He was confident that it would wise give 'the greatest satisfaction throug:l.vectt Europe. Mr. Fox had said, upon the su l i of forming. a Constitution, - if they c ould gr 1.11!::