The Sun. — London, England, 1844-05-02 00:00:00

MORNING ENTERTAINMENT BY MR. WILSON. Mr. Wilson gave his first Morning Entertainment on the Songs of Scotland, at the Hanover-square Rooms, yesterday, at two o'clock. In addition to many old favourites, including "Auld Robin Gray," " John Anderson, my jo," " The Birks of Aber feldy," " Wha wadna fecht for Charlie," &c., Mr. Wilson yesterday gave us two new songs, or rather two songs which he had not given in his former en tertainments. The first of these was a humorous ballad, the composition of the late Sir Alexander Boswell, entitled " Jenny's Bawbee." This admi rable ballad is a complete comedy of manners. Jenny, the heroine, is a damsel possessed of a superfluity of this world's goods, and she is consequently sought by a variety of suitors, among others by a laird, a lawyer, and a fop; each urges his pretensions, and each is in turn rejected by Jenny, who wisely determines to retain absolute controul over her Bawbee. The acting of Mr. Wilson in this song was replete with the richest humour. He threw himself completely into each of the characters, as they were respectively brought upon the stage, and by his changes of tone and raonner, produced an admirably dramatic effect. Jenny's Bawbee, if we mistake not, will henceforth become one of Wilson's most popular songs. The other song, " John o Badenyon," is the composition of the Rev. John Skinner. The singer is supposed to have tried all the various states of life in his search after happiness—to have been in turn a lover, a poet, a politician, a student, and, like King Solo man, to have found that all these things were vanity. Unlike the Jewish monarch, how ever, he does not come to the conclusion that all is vexation of spirit, for under every disappointment he finds solace and comfort in taking up his pipe and playing John o' Badenyon. The serio-comie ex pression of this ballad was given admirably by Wilson. The singing was much applauded. 11( e must not omit to mention his dramatic style of giving the admirable humourous ballad, " My jo Janet," and its modern imitation by Burns, "My Spouse Nancy," in each of which he exhibited the richest vein of humour. Beautifully as he gives the pathetic ballads of his native land, we are still of opinion that Wilson's forte is the humorous. In the characteristic humourous ballads of Scotland he is unapproachable. At the conclusion of the entertainment, Wilson announced his intention of giving a morning entertainment at the Hanover square Rooms, every Wednesday. The subject of the next entertainment will be Highland Melody and Song. The entertainment was very well attended. MR. LOVER'S IRISH EVENINGS. Mr. Lover gave another of his delightful Irish Evenings last night, at the Princess's Concert-room. The subject of last evening's entertainment was "The Irish Brigade," almost the only Irish national subject which can be touched upon without danger, and a glorious subject it is. The manner in which the Brigade was first formed, the intense love of their country which they exhibited during their exile, their brilliant achievements in Spain, in Flan ders, and in Italy, their gallant defence of Cremona, their brilliant charge at Fontenoy—all these are themes of inspirition for the poet-minstrel, and themes to which the gifted poet-minstrel of last night did ample justice. The entertainment was enlivened by racy anecdotes of humorous adventures, which could have happened to none but an Irishman ; of repartees, such as none but an Irishman could have given, as none but an Irishman could have told them. The songs, with which the entertainment was illustrated, were beau tiful and appropriate, and were exquisitely given by Miss Cubitt, Miss Rollo Dickson, Master M'Dermott, and Mr. Lover himself. The song, " Grief is Mine," which is new, is one of the most beautifully pathetic ballads we have ever heard. It was exquisitely given by Miss Rollo Dickson, who sang with an expression of simple pathos that went at once to the heart. Many of the audience were affected even to tears. The song was of course rapturously encored. " The Hand and the Glove," also a new song, is a most gallant, spirited, chivalrous com position, such as minstrels of old might have sung in castle hail, or lady's bower, and was also admirably given by Miss Rollo Dickson. If we mistake not, this song will be among the most popular of the day. In contrast to these, we had "the Birth of St. Patrick," a genuine Irish drollery song, with the most rich and unctuous humour, by Lover him. self, amidst shouts of laughter and applause, and of course loudly encored. This is the very beau ideal of an Irish humorous song, and will be treasured up by all !overs of wit, fun, and frolic, as one of the choicest relics of St. Patrick. For the future, every Irishman should, on St. Patrick's night, sing the Birth of St. Patrick as religiously as he sticks a shamrock iu his hat on St. Patrick's morning. The room was crowded by a fashionable audience, and every one seemed highly delighted with the evening's amuse ment. Mr. Lover announced that his Irish Brigade would be on parade on Wednesday evening next, and we doubt not but that there will be a numerous assemblageA to witness their manceuvres. MAGAZINES (CONTINUED). UNITED SERVICE MAGAZINE. The private journal of the late Sir Thomas Picton is continued in this Number, and in one of his daily entries we find a brief and curious allusion to a young Spanish girl with whom be seems to have been desperately smitten, while quar tered at her mother's house at Lerida, observing, " she is a perfect Venus de Medici, with the advantages of a pair of most languishing dark eyes and jet black hair, equal in proportion to that of the celebrated 'Eve' in the Palais Pitti Gallery. Heigho, I almost regret having seen her, being already— I know not how to describe the sensation." Sir Thomas Picton, from all we have read of his stern, rude character, is about the last person we should ever have suspected of falling a victim to the tender passion. The " War with China," though the subject is somewhat out of date, contains much amusing information. The " Waterloo Campaign " is evidently the production of a military man, but tells us little or nothing that we did not know before. FRASER'S MAGAZINE. An intelligent article " On Railways" leads off this Number, in which the cheapness and convenience o . this mode of travelling—notwithstanding the attacks made on it by interested parties—are dwelt on with much earnestness, and the railway pro prietors defended from the charge of being a set of avaricious, dishonest monopolists, who care nothing for the public interests, and look only to themselves. " Little Travels, and Road-sid e Sk e t c h es " i s a diary from the practised pen of Michael Angelo Titmarsh —one of the most successful magazine-contributers we have had since the days of poor Maginn. The writer gives an amusing account of his departure by a stage-coach from Richmond, on his way to the Continent, in company with one or two noblemen's footmen, of whom he speaks in this archly ironical manner :—" The footmen were like the rest of the fashionable world. I, for my part, felt that I re spected them. They were in daily communication with a Duke ! They were not the rose, but they had lived bside it. There is an odour in the English aristocracy which intoxicates plebeians. I am sure that any commoner in England, though he would rather die than confess it, would have a respect for these great, big, hulking , Duke's footmen.,We have then a description of a night- voyage by the 'steam-boat to Antwerp, and of the various prepara tions made by the passengers for their sleep on the deck of the cabin. There is a world of shy humour in this description. "An Episode of the limes of Phillip the Fifth of Spain" contains one or two stirring incidents, adroitly strung together, so as to keep the reader's interest alive through the narrative. "The Luck of Barry Lyndon" flags rather this month, chiefly from want of point and vivacity in the dialogue. "Marshal SoulP is a memoir, penned in an impartial, and even favourable spirit, towards this meritorious soldier of fortune—the only sur viving relic, we believe, of the military days of the empire. Ths earlier portion of Soult's career was one of almost uninterrupted success. He was one of the chief props of the Republic—the terror of the Austrians, and the scourge of the Russians when they entered Switxerland under Suwarrow ; he was con sulted by Bonaparte, who placed great confidence in his judgment, though he disliked him personally, on every momentous occasion ; and at Austerlitz he was one of the principal means of achieving that decisive victory. But from the fatal moment when he entered Spain, and measured swords with Wellington, the star of the Marshal's good fortune waned, and finally disappeared. Henceforth, he never ordered an attack, but to be defeated; his best-laid plans were all frus trated by the superior tact of his enemy, and at Toulouse he sustained the most crushing reverses The biographer concludes by saying that Soult alway s b talks of his visit to En g land as t, eing "one of the b r i g ht es t events of his who le life. The "F ac t ory Bill" is written in a languid, heavy, indecisive spirit, and we are somewhat at a loss to know which sid e the writer espouses of this question. We quote th e following amusing anecdote from the article on Railways : " We once heard an anecdote of a Quaker of the an cient city of N—. His wealth is incredible, and the liberality which dispenses it not less so. He received one day a letter from America, from a gentleman of whom he had never heard, requesting a loan of 1,0001 The writer stated that he also was a member of the Society of Friends, that he intended with this money to enter into a commercial speculation in which he was confident of success, and that, knowing Mr. —'s great wealth, he had determined on applying to :him. Struck with the singularity of this extraordinary request, and no doubt influenced by the ties of sect which prevail so strongly in that Society, Mr. allowed his liberality so far to prevail over his habits of business as to grant half the request. ' The rest the winds dispersed in empty air.' He authorised the applicant to draw upon him for 500/. The draft was paid, and nothing more passed for three years. At the end of that time Mr. thought he would ask after his Money. He wrote to America, reminding the other or" the debt, hoped his speculation had been successful, and trusted that he would find it convenient to repay the 5001. The answer was worthy of the first request. The American ac knowledged the loan, and said that his speculation had been perfectly successful, and that by this 5001. i.e had realised 1,5001. He then begged to remind Mr. - that the loan he had applied for was 1,000/., that he had only received 5001., and, consequently, had entered into the speculation to only half the extent which he had pro posed ; that Mr. -'s conduct had, therefore, injured him to the amount of 1,500/., that being the profit which Mr. had prevented him from making ; he must, therefore, consider Mr. - his debtor for that sum, and requested him to remit the balance due as soon as con venient. We heard this anecdote from good authority long before the events occurred which have induced us to record it ; and we may add, for the comfort of those who think that such demands ought to be resisted, that Mr. - recovered his 5001. after all." HORSHAM ELECTION. - - HORSHAM, WEDNESDAY, MAY I.—The election of a Member to represent this borough in Parliament, in the place of the Hon. Mr. Scarlett, took place to-day, in the l'own-hall. There being, at present, no returning officer for this borough, the High-Sheriff appointed Mr. France as his deputy, to perform the office. 'The only candidate in the field was Mr. R. H. Hurst, of Horsham Park, who repre sented the borough on three occasions, and who possesses very considerable local influence, inded to such extent, that it was almost hopeless to oppose him. Some mem bers of the Anti-Corn-law League sounded the feelings of the electors, but finding they had no chance of success, they retired, leaving Air. Hurst to waik over the course. At twelve o'clock the proceedings were opened in the Town-hall ; and the Bribery Act having been road, and the other necessary formalities being gone through, Mr. FRANCE addressed the electors, and said, they were assembled to perform a very important duty, that of sending a Member to represent them in the Commons House of Parliament, and he requested they would give every gentleman who might feel inclined to address them a fair and patient hearing. Mr. W. LINTOT, who was stated to be a member of the Anti-Corn-law League, then stood forward and said, he had great pleasure in proposing to them Robert Henry Hurst, Esq., as a fit and proper person to repre sent the borough of Horsham in the Commons House of Parliament.—(Cheers.) He should have felt great re luctance in proposing that gentleman if he had been a stranger, but as he was well known to them all, he felt that he had very little more to do. From his childhood he had been an associate with them, and was, in fact, one of themselves, and as a private gentleman and a ma gistrate he felt satisfied that lie merited all their good opinions. He bad, besides, represented the borough in two Parliaments, and his political opinions were well known. Mr. Hurst did not go so far with regard to some political questions as himself ; but he felt that it could not be expected a man should be found whe would vote accord ing to the opinions of every one of his constituents, and he, therefore, knew that some concession must be made, and he had no doubt that Mr. Hurst would take the political course which would coincide with the views of the great majority of those whom he represented. At the present moment there was such a great diversity of opinion upon almost every great political question of the day, that it would be almost necessary . for every man to have a member in Parliament, if he wished to have his particular views represented ; but as he believed that Mr. Hurst would fairly represent the general political opinions of the borough, he felt pleasure in proposing him to fill the office of their representative. He believed that he enjoyed the confidence of a great majority of the electors, and therefore there was no doubt of his success. and he felt convinced at the same time he would enter the House of Commons as independent as any man who now sat in it. He was also sure that while he sat there he would give his best attention to the important subject of the heavy taxation upon articles of consump tion, and the restrictions upon trade; and that he would give those subjects that consideration which their im portance demanded from every Member of the Legisla ture. He concluded by proposing Mr. Hurst in the usual form. Mr. H. MICHELL, who was also said to be a member 1 of the Anti-Corn-law League, seconded the nomination, and said that the qualifications of Mr. Hurst had been so ably described by Mr. Lintot, that very little else was left him to say. Mr. Hurst was known to them all as an old inhabitant of the town, and he would take that opportunity of saying that he had always expressed himself to be a zealous sup porter of all measures that tended to relieve the industry of the country from the burdens that were thrown upon it. In his address to the electors Mr. Hurst had expressed his intention to support all such measures of amelioration as would not effect the rights of property, and he (Mr. Michell) entertained the same opinion ; but he also thought that while they re garded the rights of property, they ought at the same time not to lose sight of those of labour.—(Hear, hear.) He considered they were also entitled to protection, and that those taxes which pressed so heavily upon the lower orders should be removed, although, of course, he did not wish in any way to break faith with the public creditor. It had been said that Mr. Hurst did not go far enough, but he would ask them whether, in the present state of political opinion, they were likely to get a Mem ber who &would represent them so well ? They had seen a specimen of the Conservative feel ing in the House of Commons on Monday night, when, although it was admitted that there was a surplus of revenue, nothing was done to milere tlie 41!. 'rho ants- nn wnnl had been remitted, which would enable the tailor to buy his cloth a little cheaper, and he could also get vinegar cheaper for his cabbage, and this was all that was done. —(A laugh.) In conclusion, he begged leave to second the nomination of Mr. Hurst, and he expressed his opinion that his conduct in Parliament as their represen tative would be such as to entitle him to their confidence in future. _ . . Mr. FRANCE then inquired whether any other indivi dual was to be proposed, and there being no answer, he declared Mr. Hurst to be duly elected. Mr. Holm' then addressed the electors, and after some preliminary observations he said, that he had four times stood before them as a candidate fur their suf frages, and he had been returned three times, and probably would also have been in the fourth, but that he would not make himself a party to arrangements which he felt he could not conscientiously countenance. — (Cheers.) He assured them that on no occasion had he felt so much excited as the present, and he could not and words to express his gratitude for the reception they had now given him, and also during his canvass, and he felt pleasure in stating that, all through the canvass, he had not heard an unkind word from a single elector, and the result of the canvass satisfied him that his return was certain. He would not now enter into a detail of his opinions upon those political subjects which at present were agitating the public mind. His opinions were well known. He was never an ex treme party man ; and, although it was known that he agreed in opinion with one political party, yet he never carried his opinions to extremes, and never refrained from expressing his dissent from any measure or measures v%hich he considered were not likely to be beneficial to the country at large.—(Hear, hear.) He very well knew th'e difficulty of such a position. It was very easy to go into Parliament with a political party, and to say yea or nay, as the leaders of that party dic tated, but he would never do so ; he had alwap acted independently, and he assured them he should ever continue to do so. Ile would not pledge himself to any particular line of conduct upon any particular question, but he should endeavour, when the opportunity occurred, to inform his mind upon any subject that might be under discussion, and be would give his conscientious vote founded entirely upon the arguments that might be adduced either for or against that particular measure.— (Hear, hear.) This was the feeling he had always en tertained, and he should continue to act upon it, as he felt convinced that whenever he met his constituents, either individually or in a mass, that they would never have an occasion to reproach him with departing from this course. The treatment lie had experienced at the hands of the electors during his canvass satisfied him that he possessed their confidence, and ho hoped that those who differed with him on former occasions would feel, that although they had so differed, the struggle had left no unfavourable impression on his mind. He did not consider it necessary to' say more on the present occasion—he should have a constant opportunity of seeing them, and he trusted that he should always meet them with the confident idea that they would feel that he had acted conscientiously as their representative, and that he had entitled himself to their continued support. He should be happy at any time to explain his conduct as their Member, and to listen to any suggestions they might think proper to make to him; and he could assure them that it would ever be his desire to preserve the in stitutions of his country, and to use his best endeavours to give to the people of this country that liberty which they had so long enjoyed, and to which they wero so well entitled.—(Cheers.) Mr. PADWICK then proposed a resolution of thanks to Mr. France, for the independent and straightforward part he had taken in the proceedings of the election, which, having been responded to by that gentleman, the electors separated. - LYCEUM TITEATRE.—The following distinguished persons have visited this theatre during the week : The Duke of Richmond and the Ladies Lennox, the Duchess of Bedford and family, the Marquis and Mar chioness of Clanricarde, Earl and Countess of Har ringtoa, Earl Fitzwilliam and family, Earl and Countess of Chesterfield, Countess Mostara, "Viscount Canterbury, Lord Andover, Lord Tenterden, Lord Ranelagh, Lord Sherborne, Lady Bolton, Sir Archibald Macdonald, Sir Charles Des Voeux, General Hodgson, Mrs. Russel Ellice and family, Capt. Polhill, M.P., &c. &c. Yesterday was the birthday of the Duke of Wel lington. Ile was born on the Ist of May, 1769, and consequently is now in his 76th year. been said and-written — rel o a U ti It ve T to EA th T e lES.— i‘ [ADVERTISEME NT C assemblageuch hasof female beauty celebrated Vandyke, this title. The portraits as e s t pf e ai r irta L hnf e tu l a Y I representationst .aolda notorietyionf.t Windsor Castle, are d by ouSbirt lePs those fair and suc cessfulpresent day. But how gratifying which e endures to the we are enabled to arrive at in favour of theour own conclusions ti es The polished observances of modern thehosl(ci,c expression iety seem to testor of have had their effects in subduing eyes akin to those that beamed upon the While a costume ever chaste and resplendent has super. atn. seded the stiff and formal sameness of the "old en time." And to these important advantages may be added a pleasing restorative and preserver of the complexion, Govvlaa's Lotion, in removing every species of cu taneous impurity, and sustaining a brilliant vivacity of tint, has long been appreciated in the highest circles. An assurance of the sterling remedial qualities of this invaluable article cannot be too firmly entertained by all who suffer from irritability and discolouration of the skin. the history of the corn-law of 1815, they would find that it was passed avowedly for the purpose of keep ing up war prices. That law was literally passed at the point of the bayonet, for the Members who went down to the House to vote for it were protected by the soldiery. That law was passed without giving the people time to petition against it. One petition against it was rejected, because the first name of the signatures was not written on the same piece of paper on which the petition was inscribed. That must he useful for them to know, should they petition the House on any other subject. It was very little use to petition it on this, as their petition would only go into the bag under the table.—(Hear, hear.) That law was hurried through Parliament with in decent haste, and Mr. Horner said of it, at the time, that it was an endeavour on the part of the land owners (who then, as now, commanded an unreason able majority in both Houses of Parliament) to save their rents from an unavoidable fall. Then, as now, we were told that so much capital had been invested, that it would be a great injustice to do away with it. So that because an injustice had been once committed it was always to be continued. Now, many farms in Scotland were taken at war prices, and the conse quence was that many of the landlords were owed large arrears of rents. When he came to his property he thought it was unpleasant to have one's head thus always under water—he, therefore, had all the land valued over again. —(Cheers.) Those arrears could be of no use to a landowner unless they were in tended perhaps to be used at an election.—(Cheers.) But there was a great outcry made by his neighbours when he made this valuation ; they said he was damaging the value of land. But he always asked them what was the use of this nominal rent if they did not get it ? It was only deceiving the farmers, and deceiving themselves. And what was the case in England ? If they looked at the Morning Post, they would see paragraphs chronicling the great liberality of this landlord and that—of the wonder ful example he had set of indulgence to his tenants, in having, at his audit, remitted them ten or twenty per cent. on the amount of their rents. Why, this only meant that the landlord could not get it ! (Cheers.) But the consequence has been, that the landlord, being under the belief that he had a larger income than he really possessed, lived in a manner far beyond what he was able to afford. And it was a very remarkable thing that the same journal did not now contain so many announcements as of old, of fetes, and entertainments. There had been a great reduction of establishments, and he (Lord Kinnaird) who had been behind the scenes, knew that one-half, or two-thirds of the agricultural landlords were in a state of great embarrassment, and that they were mainly anxious to maintain these laws, as a drowning man catches at a straw, in the hope that they would enable them to get out of their dif ficulties. But he could tell them that it would'only get them deeper into them. He had ascertained, from the same person who valued his land, what was the state of the land in England, and he stated that he thought that the land of England was universally underlet, and that it did not produce the same quan tity or the same profit as it might be made to yield. The landlords then were like pigs swimming down a stream, cutting their own throats. The landlords were clearly not benefited by these laws; the prices were going down. There might be one or two good years for them, as they were called—that was to say, years of scarcity, when the-poor man could not procure food for his family. But it was a miserable state of things to consider, that when Providence had blessed the country with an abundant harvest, it should be looked on, as Lord Castlereagh declared it to be—a cause of distress. An evil was, made out of what ought to be a blessing. They always saw that the seasons ran in a kind of cycle; they had a good harvest last year, and, by the blessing of Providence, it seemed likely there would be a better one this ; and perhaps they should have the farmers crying out for a Committee of Inquiry into the causes of their distress. There must be something wrong where this was the case, and the people's mind ought to be turned to in quire into it. But now for the farmers. Perhaps some might think that the corn-laws benefited them. But if they inquired of a farmer how the times went with him, he would say very bad indeed, there was no trade going. There must be something wrong in all this. Nothing was so productive, nothing ought to give so good a return, as the land. Yet he knew that many farmers had been reduced to abject poverty who had expatriated themselves, or were obliged to be come labourers on the land where they had held farms. This did not arise from improvidence on their part, but from this reason—that by the law they were pro mised a certain price for their corn. They calcu lated, on taking their farms, on getting that price. They believed what their landlords and their agents told them. But they did not get it, and they knew what the consequence was, and what would be the consequence so long as they continued any law so uncertain in its operation as the corn-law. He had visited several agricultural counties of England, and he confessed he had never seen such bad management or such imperfect calculation; the land was not made to produce one-half of what it ought to 40. —(Hear, hear.) Even within ten miles of London, he had asked the letting price of land, and had been told 303. per acre, for what was worth 3/. He had been told, also, that there were Scotch far mers who, on the same kind of land, were making fortunes at the latter price, whil e th e E ng li s h farmers were being ruined at 30s. But the Scotch were an industrious and acute race of men, who did not always believe all that was told them. But much of their superiority was also due to the Scotch agri cultural labourers, who were much more intelligent, as a race of men, than the Englishmen of the same class. They did not look upon machinery as an evil ; on the contrary, they considered it as a great boon. The reason why the Scotch farmer did better was because he had a worse climate to contend with than much shorter time forth e putting English farmer seed one day prevented the getting of a crop. If t h e Eng lish farmer had a little more to contend with, so as to exercise his industry, he would be much better off. The Commissioners that were sent lately into the agricultural districts to inquire into the state of the agricultural labouring classes, had furnished reports of the state of those poor people in Dorsetshire, Hampshire, and other purely a gr i cu lt ura l count i es, o f their ignorance, delitution, and immorality, that would harrow up one s soul. He had visited the pro perty of Mr. Bankes, who had boasted so much in the House of Commons of the happy, prosperous con dition of his tenantry, and anything more miserable than the condition those people presented, one could not conceive. True,. there was not so much misery compressed together in a small space as in localities in the manufacturing districts; but, in their detached cottages, one could see disease . brought on by want of proper food. He had an instance of that being the case, which came under his own observation. To one of those' wretched families. he allowed an order on a butcher for meat for six or eight weeks, and the change which took place from the improvement in their food in the appearance of this poor family, was a proof to him that if they had got good food they never would have been in the miserable condition in which he found them.—(Cheers.) So much for the boasted prosperity of the agricultural labourer. He did not want to abuse the landlords individually. He had travelled through many coun tries, and he knew of none in which the landlords were so inclined to do good on their estates as they were in England. But no individual charity could do good to any large extent. Employment was what the poor wanted—not charity. In Sussex, in the neighbourhood of a great corn-law man, who was pretty well known, there were schools, which that person had established there ; and yet he (Lord Kin naird) saw several children at their homes, who did not frequent those schools. He asked why the chil dren were not sent to school, and the reply he always got was, their parents' earnings were too small to admit of their paving for their education--that they to amounted only 6s. per week in winter, and 7s. per week in summer; and a woman , showing him a loaf, which she said cost Bd., asked him if he thought that sufficient to furnish food to three children and two full-grown people per day, and if the '2s. Bd. per week which remained was sufficient to purchase other articles, and also pay for education ? ll as it, then, any wonder how they lived, or rather how they starved, for they could be scarcely said to live ? (Hear, hear.) It was strange to hear the arguments to which the protectionists had recourse to support their doctrines. They would have it that they were the most numerous body in the State, an d therefore were entitled to the greatest measure of protection. They set down every one who was not a manufac turer as an agriculturist, ladies and all.—(Laughter.) In the Economist newspaper he saw a report relative to 27 counties, including the great majority of the pur e ly agr i cu ltural counties, such as Essex, Norfolk, Lincoln, &c. In those 27 counties were not included Yorkshire, Lancashire, St a ffordshire, or War wickshire—all m anu f ac turing or mining districts. When Mr. Brotherton, in the House of Commons, quoted that report to show that in those 27 counties, instead of the numbers of the agricultural population being 7.9ths out of the whole population, it was not 1-10th, they cried out, " Oh, oh," which meant that he told what was not true, and that they .did not be lieve him. Now, by the official returns, it appeared that not 1-Bth per cent. of those employed . in those agricultural counties were engaged in agriculture, even including children ; and the persons occupied in other trades, amounted to 281 per cent.; and it was for that small fraction of the community they were cursed with protection laws to keep up the price of food. Tt was a fact that, according as the population increased the proportion of it employed in agriculture diminished. In 1811, out of every 1,000 persons, there were 352 employed in agriculture , while there were 648 engaged in other trades. In 1821, the agriculture engaged, out of every 1,000 persons, 322 ; other trades, 678. In 1831, a griculture. engaged 281 out of every 1,000, and other trades 719, and as to 1841, THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENI Np, MAY . 2 5 1844. GRAND WEEKLY ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE MEETING AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE. Tho great weekly meeting of the Anti-Corn-law League, was held last evening, as usual, in the Thea tre Royal Covent-garden. The audience was as numerous as on any previous meeting, with the ex ception of the one at which Mr. O'Connell addressed the assembly ; the house was crowded in every part. Among the gentlemen present we observed : The Right Hon. Lord Kinnaird, the Hon. Charles Pelham Villiers, M.P., Benjamin Smith, Esq., M.P., Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P., John Lewis Ricardo, Esq., M.P., Sir William Baynes, Bart., J. Somers, Esq. (Bridgewater), Ralph hicardo, Esq., A. Aus tin, jun., Esq., Robert R. R. Moore, Esq., H. R. Ricardo, Esq., Arthur Pattison, Esq., Rev. Henry Townley, General Briggs, Professor Key, Colonel Tucket, A. Bauer, Esq., Rev. W. Todman, Rev. Dr. Marshall, W. A. Wilkinson, Esq., William M'Call, Esq., Samuel Harrison, Esq., Norman Wilkinson, Esq., George Lance, Esq., Dr. Cooke Taylor, George Wansey, Esq., C. Foster, Esq., J. Evans, Esq, Major Reid Revell, J. B. Scott, Esq. (Manchester), R. Palmer, Esq., R. IV. Cole, Esq., Peter Dixon, Esq. (Carlisle), Rev. J. W. Massie (Manchester), John Egan, Esq., Thomas Egan, Esq., W. Hibbit, Esq., C. Elliott, Esq., T. Nicholas, Esq., D. Miles, Esq., W. Chambers, Esq., W. Thornborrow, Esq., W. Starling, Esq., Henry Lloyd Morgan, Esq., J. T. Clay, Esq., J. H. Hulme, Esq. (Manchester), W. Leckett, Esq. (Manchester), George Nelson, Esq. (Manchester), J. P. Nixon, Esq., T. Keeling, Esq., H. Baldwin, Esq., W. Myles, Esq., G. Nott, Esq., Isaac Nicholls, Esq. (Plymouth), Joseph Starr, Esq. (Yorkshire), William Battison, Esq. (Town Council, Hull), James Evton, Esq. (Mole, Flintshire), John Williams, Esq, - W. Clarke, Esq., W. G. Mitchell, Esq., J. P. Burnard, Esq., W. Geesin, Esq., Robert Johnston, Esq. (Manchester), E. Eldridge, Esq. (Mayor of Bath), G. Beacon, Esq., Thomas Cowper Brown, Esq., W. H. Brown, Esq. (Lewisham). At half-past seven, Lord Kinnaird entered, accom panied by Mr. Cobden and several other gentlemen ; he was very warmly received by the assembly ; his Lordship immediately took the chair. The Secretary having read the minutes of the last meeting, which were unanimously confirmed, The CHAIRMAN came forward to the table, and was again received by enthusiastic cheers, several times renewed. He said, he must commence his ad dress by thanking them for the kind reception they had that evening given him. Often as he had oc cupied one of those benches, which he then saw so well filled, he but little expected that he should ever have found himself on the stage of Covent garden Theatre.—(Hear, hear.) lie hardly thought that anything could have induced him to have done so, had he not thought that he might in some measure promote the cause of free trade.—(Cheers.) And he should have approached the attempt with still more reluctance, had he not heard from other speakers from the same place, that in the audiences in that house on former occasions they had always found in telligent and indulgent hearers. On looking round on the countenances assembled there that evening, he felt certain of having the first, and he ventured to hope that he might count on the latter. When he saw the immense numbers here congregated, how ever, he could not help warning them that the num ber of persons that made a meeting an illegal one, not having been yet defined, they might perhaps all be liable to an indictment for a conspiracy.—(Cheers, and laughter.) Yes, the whole of them, ladies and all, might be conspirators; and though the Secretary of State for the Home Department had such confi dence in the good order and regularity of the per sons attending the meetings of the League, that he would not allow the police to attend to protect them, yet the same game might he repeated here that had been played in the sister country—the most wretched sys tem of the employment of spies.—(Cheers.) Yet he did not think that among the respectable body of reporters he saw below him, they would find another who would so far derogate from the character borne by those able gentlemen, as to act in that capacity for them. But for all that there might be spies pre sent ; he knew that some of the monopolists would be very glad to institute proceedings against them if they dared. But in this country, he was happy to say that they should—the ladies at all events—have a fair trial, which was not the case in the sister country. In their case, he did nor think that they should find a judge who, in his charge to the jury, would act the part of a public prosecutor ; he did not think there was a judge on the English Bench who would act so disgracefully. (Cheers.) When he looked around him and saw so many ladies present, it would be a matter of surprise to him what could have induced them to attend in such numbers to hear a discussion on so dry a subject as political pennomy , did he not know that woman's heart was ever open to tales of digtress, al.' :-.e -was cvcr zrady , to hear how that distress could be relieved, and how the condition of her fellow-beings could be ameliorated.—(Cheers.) He trusted, therefore, it was not curiosity alone which had led them to attend their proceedings , that evening, but a sincere desire to promote the prosperity and welfare of all classes—particularly of the humbler classes of society. That was the main object of the League. Because, while it said that capitalists would be bene fited by a repeal of the corn-laws, yet it was prepared to prove that the landowners would be benefited also ; and that, in consequence, no class would be so much benefited as the industrious and labouring part of the community, by opening sources of employment to honest occupations and industry, and by putting in practice a phrase, very commonly used, but not yet acted on to its full extent, allowing them to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market they could. As he said before, he hoped it was not only curiosity that had brought them there, but that they had come to receive instruction in what he held to be the sound doctrines inculcated by the League. And he hoped that if they were once convinced, they would all use their influence in this just and righteous cause. No one knew what influence one individual might have. It was like a pebble cast into a pool of water—the circle gradually spread till it extended over the whole surface. Such was the influence that must be exercised by any one thoroughly impressed with the justice of any cause. This he had seen exemplified in the result of the de putation which was sent by the League to Perth. shire, which included that able advocate of their cause—Mr. Cobden —(Loud cheers.) There was a manufacturer who told this deputation that he resided in the midst of farmers and ',agriculturists, though, by taking advantage of a large fall of water, he managed a spinning mill. He was surrounded by about thirty farmers, who, with the exception of one, were free-traders. That one farmer attended the meeting held at Perth, and he became so convinced of the soundness of free-trade principles, that, after the meeting, he was found arguing the question with another farmer, and supporting the principles he had adopted. Ho had been told by a friend, that while that meeting was being held, there was nothing to be seen in the market but the long faces of the mono list landowners looking for their tenants, who had all left their business to attend the meeting. The study .of political economy was no new pur suit with him. He had not taken it up for any party purpose, because he was early trained to it by those who were now no more. He had studied in the works of Adam Smith, of Ricardo, of Marcet, and in the more interesting works of Miss Martineau, which he would especially recommend to the ladies. While reading these works, he could not have thought it possible that he should so soon have seen examples of the truth of their principles, brought about, a; he had seen, during the last three years. This was prin cipally owing to the exertions of the Anti-Corn-law League. It was impossible to see any return moved for in either House of Parliament that did not corro borate everything to be found in the writers he had alluded to. Being himself almost en tirely dependent for existence on the produce of land, he had naturally turned his attention to a considerable degree to the subject. He had for several years past had a farm in his own hands, and during the last eighteen months, not having come to town, he had been carrying on i m p rovemen t s on his land, in order to see what could be done with it, and to ascertain if it were not possible to produce grain a great deal cheaper than at present; and he had come to this conclusion, that the corn-laws were more injurious to him - as a farmer and as a landowner than any benefit that their existence could possibly confer upon him. Had he only found that Mr. Cobden, and those engaged in manufactures, were of this opinion, he might have hesitated ; but he knew many landed proprietors who entertained the same opinion, though they still hesitated to join the League. He mentioned two instances of this. One was Mr. Murray, of Polnais, near Stirling, who held a large farm on his own hands, and who was considered an authority upon all farming questions. He con• demned the corn-laws so long ago as 1826. The other case was of a tenant of Lord Wharncliffe's— he approved of the principles of the League, but he could not attend its meetings. Perhaps it was from being under a Tory landlord. He (Lord Kinnard) was the more confirmed in his opinions when he saw them backed by such practical men. Now he wanted to know for whose benefit the corn-laws were men tioned ? The landlords affirmed that they did not continue them for their own benefit, though one of them, and he too a Minister, had let the cat out of the bag by asking how could they pay their jointures and their marriage settlements if the corn-laws were abolished ? In fact, " Rent ! rent! rent !" was their object. Others said, " Oh, no ! it is not that—the sacrifice to us would be nothing ; but it is consideration for the farmer who has invested his capital, and for the per agricultural labourer." But if they would look at the returns were not made out ; but if the same propor tion was observed, the number would be 240 out of every thousand employed in agriculture, and 760 in other trades. But the actual number engaged in agricul ture was also diminishing. In the year 1821 the number employed in agriculture was 6,500,000, while in 1831 it was 6,300,000. The only way he could account for that was, that it having been found that, in general, farms, to he advantageous, must not be small, the landlords had been enlarging their farms, and thus diminishing the numbers employed in that mode of life. It should ever be remembered that, if a nation be allowed a perfectly free commercial intercourse with other nations, an increase of population would always lead to an increase of wealth—particularly where the population was so industrious as that of England was. Besides as the population increased the public burdens were lessened to each. In 1811 the taxation was at the rate of 31 10s. 3d. per head ; in 1821, 21. 13s. 8d ; in 1831, 21. 6s. 5d ; and in 1841, 11. 18s. 10c1. per head, and the taxation had been reduced from sixty five millions to fifty-two millions. In 1821 the popu lation, divided into two classes, showed that 6,500,000 were employed in agriculture, and twelve millions odd were engaged in other trades, and the sixty-five millions of taxation were paid by those two classses in the proportion of thirty-six per cent. by the agri cultural, and 64 per cent. by the other classes. Thus they saw what ground there was fur saying that the agricultural body bore the heavier portion of the burdens of the State, or was superior in point of numbers to the other classes of the community. But those agricultural folks took good care of themselves. They had little or no direct taxation to pay. Their dogs and their horses were untaxed. One certainly could hardly blame them for taking care of theoi selves, for everybody would do it if he could, and he asked his hearers not to let those agriculturists do so any longer.—(Cheers.) If the people of this country were determined in their opposition to the monopolists, they would yield, for many of them knew they were wrong, and were will ing to give way if a bold front was shown against them.—(Cheers.) They had been saddled with the income-tax by reason of the restrictive laws which had been maintained, against the opinion of Mr. Dea con Hume and others, who, by evidence yet to be contradicted, proved, before a Committee of the House of Commons, that by lowering duties the revenue would be increased. With respect to that income tax, he remembered, when it was introduced, to have heard Lord Melbourne say, in the House of Lords, that it was a very good thing for a Minister to get hold of; but he (Lord Kinnaird) did not think they would readily get rid of it. As far as the prosperity of the country was concerned, he must say that, were it not for the income-tax, which was a tax upon the capital of the country, there would be the same deficit now as on former occasions in the national revenue. He had been told that if they did away with the corn-laws they would throw poor land out of cultivation. But to grow wheat on poor land was a clear loss of wealth. (The Noble Lord then entered into a statement of the pro duce and profits of a farm of poor land of his own, upon which he did not grow wheat, and which re turned a larger profit than if he had sought to make it produce wheat.) Among other things which the corn-laws did was that they rendered farming a gambling transaction.—(Hear, hear.) Now in his opinion the weather and its changes was quite enough for the farmer to contend with without the prices hopping up and down asthey often did.—(Hear.) The Act had been passed to keep up gambling, and he supposed, by and bye, that something of the same sort would be done with respect to corn, because it was very well known that the great monopolists had told the Ministry that if they did not do something for them they would turn against them.—(Hear, hear.) Every one who knew anything of the corn market must know that the price to be obtained for wheat was a complete gambling speculation, in consequence of the mode in which purchases and sales in that im portant article of lite were made. He (Lord Kinnaird) was told gravely the other day by a gentleman, when he said to him, " Why, you were promised 565. for your corn, but you do not get it," that he did not expect to get that exactly—he said they could pro duce wheat cheaper ; and that if they were only given time they would be enabled to sell it for 455. —(Hear, hear.) He said to him, " But, my dear fellow, if you were told to go without your dinner for some time, and that then you will have it cheaper, how would you I:ke that ?"—(Laughter.) He (the Noble Lord) had no hesitation in sayirg that, if the trade was carried on regularly, there would be a regular supply in the market. In the year 1812, when Napoleon tried to keep foreign wheat out of the English market, five or six millions of quarters were brought in, in defiance of him, though this country had certainly to pay for it at no small rate. —(Hear, hear.) He (the Noble Lord) was satisfied that the farmers were becoming daily more alive to the importance of consumers being able to buy ; their eyes were beginning to be opened to the fact that an injury to the consumer must he an equal one to the in-uducer.—(Hear, hear.) But then it was said that there was no certainty that other countries would take the manufactures of this country for:their wheat—now in his opinion there could be no doubt about it. Before be sat down he must make some observations on a pamphlet written by Mr. Cayley. That gentleman was a most honest man, but he (Lord Kinnaird) believed he had been deceived, and the quotations he had made from Adam Smith he could never have seen, or he would not have inserted them. This pamphlet issued from a society calling themselves a " Protection Society," but they would, in his opinion, be far more appro priately called " A Rent League."—(Cheers.) He thought when he went through the quotations, the meeting would be of opinion that it was a most shameful thing that men should be deluded by such false statements.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) (The Noble Earl then proceeded to comment upon the different statements in the pamphlet, and rebutted them most effectually, proving that the statements of Adam Smith had been erroneously quoted altogether.) Now, the leading members of the Protection Society, as they called themselves, in the House of Lords, adopted all that was stated in that pamphlet, because it was the avowed supporter of monopoly on which they lived.—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Kinnard) believed that if it was not for some of the members constituting that Society the Prime Minister would go the whole hog.—(Grreat laughter.) But they had told him they would turn him out if he did not do their bidding, and he was obliged to give way.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl after thanking the meeting for the patience with which they heard him, resumed the chair amid great cheering. Mr. RICARDO M.P., was then introduced by the Chairman to the meeting, and was received with most enthusiastic cheers. He was well aware how ill able he was to supply the place of Mr. Cobden— (Cheers)—a gentleman who had done so much for the cause—(Cheers) —who had always something new to say—(Cheers)—and who, he was sure, would never desert the great cause in which he had struggled so long and so effectually while it required his assistance. —(Great cheering.) He recollected an old story, in which it was told . how certain philosophers entered into a controversy as to the posi tion of a certain building, and after expending a great deal of argument on the subject, some one suggested whether they had not better go and look at it.—(Laughter.) Now, they had heard a great deal about free trade. They had been told that the enthusiasm on the subject was dying away. Now, the answer he would give to those who made that assertion was, "come and see."—(Great cheering.) The League had told them, when they first began the present agitation, not to be led away by any dogma of any party—(Cheers)—not to listen to the dicta of any class of philosophers, but to judge for themselves by attending their meetings, seeing with their own eyes, and hearing with their own ears, and then to determine whether they were not suffering under a crying and grievous injustice, which it was the object of the League to put an end to.—(Cheers.) The League had opened what had hitherto been a sealed book.—(Cheers.) They had made thousands, _tens of thousands, and hundreds of thousands of political economists—not by appealing to the passions, but by clearly stating the case, and asking the opinions of the people upon it.— (Cheers.) That man must be a bold one who could come there attempting to add anything to the state ments and views the League had laid before them, or the convictions they had produced. There was not a single injustice (and God knew there were many) connected with the corn-laws that they had not exposed and laid bare.—(Hear, hear.) He had not presumption enough to attempt to make any fur ther exposition of the injustice that existed. He came there for no such purpose ; but he attended on account of being disgusted with the place where their cause ought to be discussed and redressed, but where, instead of redress, the advocates of free trade met with nothing but insult and ridicule. He came from the oppressors to the oppressed—(Cheers)—to those who were the victims of bad laws.—(Cheers.) He had heard a good deal in that House about political eco nomy upon several occasions. He had heard it with respect to corks, and he was surprised to see the unas nimity that prevailed, until he discovered that no cork-cutters were present.—(Great laughter.) He had heard it with respect to plaited straw, but he could discover no straw-plaiters behind the Treasury curtain.—(Cheers.) The alteration of the duty on currants had been well received there, but he had never seen a currant bush in the place. They might do all these things, but once let the straw hive of monopoly break out, would come all the drones that had 'oeen glutting on the honey which of right belonged to the people—(Cheers)—and if their sting was as bad as their buzz, it would indeed be bad for the people. Now, how had they been treated in the House of Commons? Why, when first Mr. Vil liers brought forward the question of the corn-laws he was met with such hootings and cacklings as were held it impossible that these men could say, "(dire a disgrace to the House of Commons ; but when the us more protection."—(Loud cheers.) It was th 3 question became more important, then they began to grossest ignorance to belave that the agricultural talk about vested rights—(Cheers)—end when the labourers could be maxims to perpetuate slush question went further, then they began to argue ; and a state of things. ell classes complained now that the League had taken up the subject with of the present state of things, and they did not come such vigour and success, they had nothing but vested plain without reason. It was true a majority of the interests to talk about.—(Cheers.) Now what dal farmers in Somersetshire were opposed to the repeal vested interests consist of ? In his opinion it of the corn-laws. Why wire they so ? Because was a taking of something by somebody that they were told by those who had an interest in per did not belong to them.—(Loud cheering.) petuating the present state of things, that a repeal of It was no reason to say that the thing was not pur- the corn-laws would make corn much lower, and loined because it was purloined a long time ago that they would be altogether ruined. Some of these He supposed a great many of those who heard him silly farmers looked as it were with suspicion on the had been in France, and if so, they must be aware manufacturers, because they agitated for a free trade there were regular dustmen there, called cheffintiers, in corn. •Many of them said "the manufacturer.s, who were in the habit of picking up from the mass of agitate for cheap bread in order 'to keep wages low. dust which was thrown before the door bits of pa- Could there be a greater insult to common sense than per, and other things, which they carried away in such language as this.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not their bags to make a livelihood. At the time of the well known that wages was a marketable commodity, cholera the French Government supposed those heaps (Hear)—and that the prices of wages and bread never of stuf would cause that disease to spread, and they harmonised ? The demand for labour regulated the resolved upon prohibiting them. But the chef- price of bread. Others of these deluded men said foiziers arose and said their vested interests should not the manufacturers wanted to sink the price of corn, be touched.—(Laughter.) They had a vested lute- in order to invest their capital in land.—(Cries of rest ; the Government was afraid to touch it, and so " Oh, oh !" and laughter.) Such arguments were there they are to this day,—(Hear, and laughter.) more characteristic of the inmates of a lunatic asylum Madrid afforded another instance. There were in than of men pretending to common sense. If the that city persons who brought water into the city manufacturers, as Lord Radnor remarked, possessed from a distance, and when it was proposed to bring the power of applying skill, and capital, and industry , water into the city by aqueducts, which would con- then there was the greater likelihood of their being siderably diminish the expense, the water-carriers able to give employment to the - surplus population , protested they had a vested interest, and the citi- and the greater prospect of their enabling the con zens of Madrid were obliged to buy dear water.— sumer to buy a cheaper article. lie looked upon the (Hear and laughter.) But absurd and ridiculous. manufacturer as the "farmers friend." The agri' as those instances of vested interests were, they were cultural population should look for real protection not not near so absurd, so nicked, or so mischiev- to the landed proprietory, but to the manufacturers, who ous as the vested interests of the landowners.— would enable the people to consume their commodities , (Cheers.) What was their origin? There was a and to give a high price for them.—(Hear, hear-) long war with France, which raised the price of the Let the manufacturers prosper, and the farmers would necessaries of life. It was a curse to the people, but have nothing to fear. If the artisan had full employ" it was a profit to the landlord—(Hear, hear)—for went, the farmer would have no reason to complain. when the war was at an end the landlords, in whose He would then have a ready market for his beef and hands all the power then was, came down and passed mutton, for the people would have the means of buying* the corn-laws, with, as the Chairman said, the aid of At present the restrictive laws forbade these adven' those bayonets which had conquered the enemies of tages. It was said the farmers were against free the country.—(Cheers.) This law was the cause of trade. He had already said they were so, and he wits the artificial high price of corn. The landlords made sorry for it, but they might not care much for that. a vested interest for themselves ; but if they had an If a few of the landowners, such as the Noble Lord interest in scarcity the people of this country had a in the chair, would come forward, and advocate vested interest in plenty, and they hail a far higher free-trade principles, the farmers would soon law for this than any Act of the Legislature— follow in their train.—(Hear, hear.) He thought (Cheers)—a law which said that the goods of this there could not be a stronger argument in favour of world should not be confined to any particular spot free trade than the case of wool. When the duties for the benefit of any particular persons, but which on this article were about being reduced, some year' enjoined that, by means of exchange, the ago, the sheep-breeders exclaimed that they would deficiency of one country might be supplied by be ruined, and calamity was foretold to the co the superfluities of' othei countries, that each might munity ; but the fact was , that the wool-trade bad, enjoy his portion of those blessings which it pleased in consequence of the reduction of those duties, be' Almighty God to give for all.—(Cheers.) When come much better, and had been greatly improve d. they knew those things—when they must stare every Why should not the same results follow as regards tradesman, every manufacturer, workman, farmer, corn ? — (Hear, hear.) There was not the sl i g htest and landlord, provided he be honest, in the face, was doubt but such a result would occur. The land' it not surprising that the country remained quiet ? lords saw the farmers were an important class, Was it not surprising that such a state of things and deserved support; very true, but Wa s ,_ should be suffered to continue, when the represents- there no consideration for the great bit/A tires of the manufacturing towns stated that the of the community — those men who earned their b read people were starving, that thousands were i n th e by their labour and by their intellect ? That was th e workhouses ; and when they were told by an Hon. class that required protection — that was the class Gentleman (he, Mr. Ricardo, should be sorry to have which needed the sympathy of the Legislature. Th? it said of him that he made such a statement,) that question was, whether it was more prudent t o extena hundreds of thousands were rejoicing in oatmeal and commerce, and give general employment , an d p r°. potatoes? When they were told, even by a Cabinet duce general comfort, or maintain high rents for Minister, that two millions of quarters of wheat were the benefit of the landlord class ? The que s ," rotting in the warehouses of America, which, he said, tion of free trade would be soon agitated ag ain- ; 11 he would consider a national misfortune if brought the House of Commons, and he could Will here ?---(Oh, oh.) There was plenty of corn in the see what the result would be. Among othe r Ukraine, in Pultowa, and in the ports of the Baltic, arguments which would be adduced in favou r ( which they might receive if the corn-laws did not of monopoly, it would be said that a great number stand between them. When they were openly told petitions were presented against a repeal of the corn" that this would be a national misfortune, did they laws. Well , so there were some, but how were tho se _ consider the consequences ?—(Hear.) Was it not petitions got up ? He would tell them. It was th! possible, when they were thus building fortifications custom in the counties where they wished t o have : by means of iron laws around property, they ought to petition signed, to give a pint of cyder to eac h 101°, take care they were not creating enemies to property who signed it. Indeed, for a draught of strong c y der itself. Let them recollect what had been said, not the ignorant peasant came and put not only his ne n3 by a manufacturer, but by a servant of the Crown, to the petition but the names of his innocent childr en ' and what had been quoted by the Premier himself: and the babe at the breast, as ignorant of the r e '" that the people of this country had no objection to nature and objects of the petition as himself.—(Be ar ' any man keeping his property ; but if they saw that hear.) .Why, for a sovereign he could get a hog'' this property conferred some peculiar advantages, head of cyder, and he would be bound to say that he they might be given to think there was some anomaly would get a petition signed for any purpose evhs e t. in property, which they might endeavour to obviate. ever by all the rustics in a country parlsfe —(Hear.) He was driven to say these things only And then those petitions were held forth by th e in consequence of the mode in which they had been monopolists as an evidence of the disposit ion of the treated. He must implore of the people to help people of England towards free - trade principles. '.., them. They could only insert the nail—it would be had once called a meeting in hi s native parish, T . for the people to wield the hammer which would drive favour of free trade, which was numerously attende", it in. —(Loud cheers.) lie did not see the use now He explained his views and opinions to the occupir; in bringing any more free traders into Parliament. of land who attended, and they all signed a pet ee itul . If they had even 30 or 40 additional free traders in favour of free trade.--(Hear, hear.) An Xi% in the House of Commons they would not avail. Member had recently moved for an inquiry into to But there would be another election, and each man burdens which affected land. This inquiry was re el . in his own position ought to do the utmost.—(Hear.) fused, and for very obvious reasons—the majority u• Their forefathers had obtained civil and religious the House of Commons refused to grant even a CO; liberty for them at the point of the sword.—(Hear.) mittee to inquire into the tendency of the preen' He did not require such a sacrifice ; but if they corn-laws. He was convinced the period would s ° °° exerted themselves properly there was another arrive when the principles of free trade would 1 1 freedom which they might bequeath to their sons, triumphant, for, according to Scripture, the success 4; and that was commercial freedom.—(Cheers.) If the wicked would be but of short continuance. I,l_o tu they did that, he was quite convinced not one amongst looked for the triumph of the principles whi ch them would have reason to regret any sacrifice of League advocated, in the progress of information , ~L• time or trouble.—(Hear, b ea n Their names would in the result of a long and painful experience. .-Iwe be written in the annals of their country, and their sooner that triumph was achieved the bett er for th e posterity would say of them, these were the men people. After thanking the meeting for the kinthl e t who achieved the commercial freedom of our with which they had listened to him, the speaker country.—(Loud cheers.) down amid loud cheering. • Mr. SOMERS, a tenant-farmer, next addressed the Mr. C OBDEN then advanced to the fro nt of the meeting. After begging the indulgence of the great Platform, and was received with the most enthus iasts meeting he saw before him, that they would hear cheering and waving of hats and handkerc hiefs 4a patiently what a person in his humble situation in every part of a densely-crowded house, which lat iri , life might address to them, he said there were various for nearl y fi ve m inu t es. He said fortunate l y for 'lee classes of farmers in Somersetshire, to which county p hrenolo g ists wh o h ad examined h i s head had assn ~, he belonged. There was, first, the land agent, who him th at neit h er the organ of self - esteem n or the l i e: l a was also a tenant and land surveyor, but who soon of approbation were developed there, for if he n.e., found out that it was more advantageous to value possessed them they would have quite spoiled biro' 0 lands than to cultivate them. He did not belong to (Laughter and cheers.) At that late hour he 'ar t y that class. There was another class of farmers— not long trespass on their attention. It was adu ir some of whom he knew as Farmer So - and-so—who he owed to the Noble Lord who had taken the e"e, lived by means of Lawyer So - and - so, his neighbour. so kindly, and who possessed the true nobility of e li r a , —(A laugh.) He did not belong to that c l ass o f ture, who was the second of his body to com e f. O , farmers.—(Hear.) There was another class of farmers, ward and preside at their meeting, to than k e e, P a y , called tenants at will. When an election took for the honour he had conferred upon them. -I's place they were expected to vote for the candidate had answered his Grace the Duke of Richmond who was pleading to the landlord, and they did so .— since by the speeches of Mr. Lattimore an d -""„ ti e (Hear, hear.) He was happy to say it was no t 'his lot Hunt at that meeting. They gave him a further."„e, to belong to that class.—(Cheers.) Th ere was an - swer in the speech of Mr. Somers on that ev entß e ; other class who possessed l an d e d es t a t es , an d w h o oc - These men were tenant-farmers. These were an se Lo cupied the same. He was sorry to say it was not his to his Grace from farmers residing in the three g l : 4 , lot to belong to that class.—(Laughter.) There was agricultural counties of Herefordshire, Glouces'e're another class, but they were a poor crop, who took shire, and Somersetshire. They were not the Inf o. out a license to think for themselves, and who obeyed creatures—the serfs—the toadies of the landoev°lls,, the convictions of their own minds. It was his plea- They came forward, and boldly, mot o r sure to be able to say that he belonged to that class. and fearlessly gave utterance to their the y —(Cheers.) He looked to principles and not to men. timents, and were not afraid to declare that 'ins He did not look to individual interest, hut to what believed the corn-laws were injurious to the best in might turn out to be the interest of the many.— terests of the country. He was once travellinguth (Cheers.) Having stated to what class of farmers he Scotland, on the banks of the lake between Tarn, der belonged, belonged, he would now state what his feelings were and Killeen. It was late at night, and a Higing"ge with regard to free trade. On one occasion he was drove him who believed in witches and ghosts• wer e asked by a Somersetshire magistrate what were his said his father had seen many of them, and they„ sl ed sentiments with regard to free trade. He said he worse than the evil one who sent them. 4 , Just, 60 , was for free trade in everything all over the world. " he, as the factor over there, (pointing to Lord °rose —(Loud cheers.) He was a friend to free albane's seat) " just as the factor there is waur ver y trade, because he had heard there was a great the laird."—(Laughter.) They had not a w ho quantity of wheat in bond for which there wide choice amongst the free trade farrners4, is he would be plenty of consumers if they could get could speak at a public meeting like that; bu t % e rr it out, and he thought the system under which this could tell them from his own experience, that ea & was done, must be iniquitous. He was of the opi- ever there was a man of thought, and of in ueP t he nion of Earl Spencer, who said that free trade would ence, he was almost invariably found to be . 011 , to increase labour, and consequently increase wages.— side of free trade. — (Hear, hear.) In referentog (Hear.) It would enable the working classes to sup- free trade generally, he must congratulate the Ineeeseet port themselves in greater comfort. It had been said, on the progress which it had made duri n g the P, r a not that if the farmers stopped, all must stop. He could week. They had a budget. — (Hear.) He etruL• t he not see the thing in this light. He was of opinion say that it was a free trade budget, such v' w er, that if the farmer stopped, it was because all others Leaguers would produce when t h ey came into r the stopped before him.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the but still there were some little things done Toe farmers and manufacturers were bound together like budget of Mo nda y , and ever y thin g that ave4ers.) the links in a chain ; they were like the horses of the was done in the direction of free trade.—(C,Hectioa farmer's plough, but the manufacturer was the fore What ha d t h e Duke of Richmond and t he Prot e horse, the farmer was the hind horse — (Hear, hear) S ociet y been abo ut ? He thought t he y had v o rrigee —and if the first stopped, the second must stop.— raised themselves and declared that the st i s ees (Hear, hear.) The order of the day was protection, Minister should go no further.—(Laughter.) mdread but as the Divine word said, the tree was known by quite clear that the Prime Minister did not safe its fruit. Now what fruit had the tree of protection these carpet knights—he relied on the fre e tr ease produced ? He knew little of the state of manu- Now there was one thing that was well done, be`'" c i to Five' factures, but he was sure the manufacturers would it was totally and immediately done. H e re fs , fiv . e not spend their time in agitating this question if' the entire abolition of the protection upon woo" o f the they were in a flourishing state.—(Hear, hear.) H e and-twenty years ago, there was an uprising They knew little of the state of the artisans, but he was told Knatchbulls and. Richmonds upon this subje ct ' i they were more ignorant and worse off than the agri. insisted that 6d. per lb. should be imposed on f --; °re d r e cultural labourers.—(Laughter.) He believed that wool. Five years afterwards Mr. Huslcisson s""_ t he wa s a grand mistake; but the conditi on o f th e ar ti san had been told by Leeds woollen-manufacturenrs,toole was at best not an enviable one. Did th e y h ear no unless this duty was thrown off, the woolle he e ls murmuring among the ag r i cu lt ur i s t s ? Wh y many would be lost. By dint of great management:: 015; of the tenant-farmers in Some rse t s hi re were on the enabled to take off, in 1824, sd. o f t i e ; be' very brink of insolvency. H e came nex t t o th e agr i- chief which had been put on ; now t " Th e cultural labourer. It was sa id th a t hi s con diti on g ot rid of the other penny.--(Lang ried e would be rendered wor se by f ree t ra d e . L e t hi m Knatchbulls and Buckinghams of th e P e if tll5 hies.) to remind them of what the wages in Somersetshire which he had referred declared tha t s b e pber t were. Taking it at the highest average they did not exceed 9s. a week. Out of this ls. must be paid for duty was repealed there would be no more, ;_ se . the, employed—they would all go to the workV an a i tbo o rent (which was sometimes lower), then there were there would be no more mutton in the lan r ?„, ere is'er 4 Bs. to support a man and his wife and four children— all the shepherd dogs might be hanged. J - ,_" a i n ess " to find them in food, in fuel, and in raiment.—(Hear, now, however, going to carry on the n ri ll pro tec t ; hear.) He asked them whether it was not downright : t rade °" c l o so r • hypocrisy to say that it was possible to injure the con- tion. Why should they not carry on the sheep rearing and wool shearing without Y f able to a ,_„ dition of' such miserable people ?—(Great cheering.) Pr im plge It was stated that the corn-laws would reduce lish the duties on corn why had the N without protection ? If it were unreason. a min i s to them to pauperism—they were already in a condition abolished the protection on wool ?---( 14 1; l eot _ .o ‘ again, the subject of coffee ; that matter T w he euty on u a far worse than the paupers.--(Hear ( hear.) He had been a guardian of the Bridgewater union from the one o lonial ° gee d the tirely done—it was but half d commencement, and the average expense of support- coffee was, at that moment, 4d. on c d abolishe i ieft ing the inmates of the workhouse there was not less Bd. on foreign. Sir Robert Peel had he had 1 0 than 2s. 4d. per head per week.—(Hear, hear.) Then TheY we- tier . it should be recollected that the food for this work- the colonies with 2d. less protection. the nex t matt house was purchased at the wholesale price. The duty on foreign by 2d., or in other words, iii d hay the other half by and by. Now e co ffee uP le s not make tne poor labourers of Somersetshire—and they were notea , least with was sugar. Ladies could the worst off—were obliged to subsist on the three- they had the sugar—at ,,, , r 4 tighter.) for $ fifths of 2s. 4d. surely the poor men who tugged they could . not make it sweet.—es about this sugar, seent hard all day in the field, required as much sustenance they were in a little difficulty the . Geeerpol' as the pauper in the workhouse.—(Hear, hear.) • He scruple of conscience came over I, ,: