The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-01 00:00:00

AT ectable, rt, took 00,00 01 . le HP ersons; o'clock , • of the flowing derma!' gue)_, — rrell: ernley -clerk ; Ashton , Sefton, , par* tletuan idvert . Stock' [icy bY Enov. topoly , terfere I Pro" is best Ariti e cool 111 Se.) fly se ',e dis- Drking inking ,ere iii :%obden ed the or the sub- Before ckport ro? de tion of load° ras t he taste; for 623 as (I?; r dele .sforth' ofiel d ' 31nlan rkbeY, )ut th e j oei in e at all i ena aile of the tatio ll, „ t wel ,e tha t I . D I ; ,inUlepie. s°' aere ,en re u3 ar d, nine n d the wile° N r ie e' ddreSii I, e' er. 64' ini °ll4 11 0. Pr o, CO Ol. 'lll° ° r to 0 rare.'", 0 1,0 rio t ' ,%,;0 V i s it ec tor .1‘ t° se ore ae' Arif 9:1 0, 'ton Xi. 803 tot DRURY LANE THEATRE. We had the pleasur e of again witnessing Mr. Charles Kean's perforstams: of si.ichaisl , .his theatre last evening, and certainly, in the present day, the stage does not possess his equal. His conception of the cha racter is perfect. Richard is a fated being, and towards the close of his career he becomes more than ever sensi ble that destiny is more powerful than he; but, unlike Macbeth who is weighed down to the earth by the Weight of his destiny, and loses all decision of character or firmness .of purpose, Richard wrestles boldly with his fate to the last, strives to be the master of circum stances instead of their slave, and thus, although feared and hated, is respected for his indomitable courage even by his enemies. Mr. Charles Kean, it is evident, thus conceives the character of Richard, and his delineation of it is masterly. Admirably did he act the scene with the young Princes. The sense of his deformity hung upon him like an incubus, it was evident that he was agonised by the sneers of his little nephew Richard of York, and most truthfully did he delineate by tone, by gesture, and by look, the morbid sensitiveness of one touched to the quick;yet striving to hide the wound which is rankling in his heart's core. As he proceeds he warms in the part. His destiny, at first darkly shadowed forth, becomes more horribly destinct to his mental vision after he has attained the throne. He remembers Henry the Sixth's prophecies, and feels that his star is fated to succumb to that of Richmond; but, unlike Macbeth, he gives not way to despair, waits not to be baited in his den, he is up and stirring; and although for an instant Richard may give way to misgivings, he is speedily himself againt Nothing could be finer than Charles Kean's manner of giving the tent scene. It was perfect—equal to his father's, and that is the highest praise that can be bestowed upon any actor, for the world never saw Edmund Kean's superior. His dying scene was also magnificently given. It was full of genius throughout. After he has been twice thrust through by Richmond, he still rushes on to the fight ; he raises his sword to cut his adversary down—the weight of the sword is too great for his palsied arm—it drags the arm back, but still he retains his grasp. Never was the struggle between mental energy and physical weakness more beautifully exemplified. He concentrates his whole re maining force—the arm obeys the mind—the sword is again his servant—he aims a blow at his adversary, and, exhausted by the effort, falls dead. He was ad mirably supported by Hudson, as Richmond. Mr. Iludson is incomparably the best Richmond that we ever remember to have seen. His elocution was beau _tiful—his action graceful—and there was a soldier - like freedom, a gallant bearing in his manner that spoke of one 'hose lire had been passed in courts and camps, a brave and open-hearted soldier, the soul of honour and Of courtesy, a chevalier sans peur, sans reproche. No ex pense has been spared in putting the play upon the stage ; the costumes are gorgeous, yet most critically correct ; the arms are those of the period ; and, look ing at the groups of billmen and archers, the banners and standards, the nobles and the retainers, we can al most fancy we see the figures in some richly-illuminated old manuscript, walking from off the vellum, and strut ting and fretting their hour upon the stage. The marching of Richmond's troops across the bridge, and their subsequent deploying, was managed with great military skill, and the battle of Bosworth Field was admirably delineated. The appearance of the field after the fight, covered with the dying and the dead, With fragments of armour, and broken blades, was pic turesque in the extreme, and conveyed a more correct idea of what we imagine a battle-field must be " when the fight is o'er " than anything we have ever seen. The house, as might be expected, was crowded to excess in every part. Not only has Mr. Bunn commanded success during his present theatrical campaign, but he has done more—he has richly deserved it. ASTLEY'S THEATRE. Great praise is due to Mr. Batty for his admirable manage ment of this theatre, not only with respect to the scenery, dresses, and decorations, but especially for the variety of the • entertainments. Crowds nightly assemble to admire those Wondrous feats of horsemanship, so ably performed alike by steed and rider—to laugh at the frolics of Clown and Panta loon; and view Tam o' Shanter watching the gambols of the toldnight fairies, even as when drawn by the pen of Burns— , but above all, to behold this magic stage "revive the spirits of the mighty dead," and recal those stirring scenes which il lumine the commencement of this century. The Battle ( - )1 ' Waterloo is a theme which ever finds an echo in the heart of a Briton, and calls to his cheek the honest glow of patriotism and delight. Not only do we behold the c rowds of British faces kindling with joy at the remembrance of their victory, but we witness a far higher and nobler senti hlent, we see them applauding the acts of an enemy. Napo ' 4 ° ll , he who while he lived was, if possible, hated in Eng land, even as he was loved in France ; he whose n aalle was once the watchword of battle and de . struction, now walks the English stage amid the plaudits Of his former enemies. When he exclaimed that all must own he was called to the throne by the voice • of the nation, thunders of applause proclaimed the sympathy of a British audience with the power of the People—when he gave the cross of honour to the Highlander refusing to betray his country—when he declared, though he believed iu destiny, he depended on himself—and when he confessed the Courage and intrepidity of his foemen, again and again the voice of the audience illustrated the proverb, " The brave can never hate the brave." Though the renowned Waterloo wag but a st age , th oug h G omersa ll an d not N apo l eon s t oo d there, though the audience comprised but a f e w o u t of mil 11°119, yet their conduct is a sample of the feeling of this Country, towards hiM whom she vanquished in the field and towards whom, alas she neglected to extend the cle rnency worthy alike of herself and him. So it ever is with genius, in life thwarted, opposed, and hated. But when his bark is buried deep, Will envy be the first to weep." In the cold tomb that incloses the remains of the hero lies buried all the animosity of England, and now she only feels admiration for his genius and respect for his memory. We again repeat that great praise is due to Mr. Batty for thus exciting enthusiasm and awaking remembrance. We heartily wish him all the success he deserves—'twere unnecessary to wish him more. [ADVERTISEMENT.] THREE SUPPLEMENTS GRATIS, WITH THE "DISPATCH." GREAT NATIONAL TRIAL AT DUBLIN. The immense size of THE WEEKLY DISPATCH has, hitherto, enabled its Proprietors on all occasions to preset* a r f ' s and, at the same time, interesting account of the events ,; e ach week. It is, however, now found utterly impossible to ;le anything like a faithful report of the Trial of Mr. O'Con ; e and his Repeal associates, without excluding a great mass of 11 teresti ng domestic and foreign intelligence • the Proprietors, Inerefore feel that their journal, which has been for years, and - s new, honoured with more patronage than any other in ex istence, should be, in all respects, complete ; and, with that view, they i n t en d t o i nser t a summ a r y of the proceedings (luring the progress of the trial in their usual columns, and present to their friends and subscribers THREE SUPPLEMENTS. GRATIS, ' Which will be published in the following order, viz.:— Columns, The first on SUNDAY NEXT, February 4, containing Mr. Shell's speech, which may be 16 , considered the gem of oratory, Sixteen columns „_The s econ d the FULL SIZE of thel M EEKLY DISPATCH, on the Sunday suc ceeding the delivery of the Verdict, containinz Vepeeches of Mr. O'Con, Sir , t he Attorney-General nell and other O leading rnasel; together with the Summing up of the 48 "lidge, the Verdict of the Jury, and other matters I hour,ptance that may arise up to the latest for which the services of several short-hand writers of eminence have been engaged, Forty eight columns The third on the Sunday following (also of the 411 si ze of THE WEEKLY DISPATCH) 'Which will form the early portion of the trial, and ezabrace the proceedings from the commence bent to that stage at which the first begins; that every subscriber to THE WEEKLY 48 `DISPATCH will be in possession of a corn- Idete and faithful report of this great national trial which must become a natter of history, and ever be regarded as an event of no ordinary importance in after time 112 A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MR. O'CON r- -1,1 „ICL will p recede the account of the Trial, which will be wr itten by a gentleman intimately acquainted with the great Agitator," and consequently one who has treasured up nl auY reminiscences that will render the Biography a paper of Beneral and - absorbing interest. c _The Three Supplements, forming One Hundred and Twelv ._°!ltrans, will be printed uniformly with THE DISPATCH 7", 1 contain a quantity of matter equal to at least an octav '- ° -'unie of 600 pages. INCENDIARY FIRE NEAR IPSIVIC 11.—Intelligence rea ched town yesterday, that shortly after eleven o'clock on es -.3- night some stacks of wheat were set fire to in a ,fillm yard at Winham, nine miles from Ipswich, and which wa tunicated to the farm-house and other buildings. The . mount of damage is at present unknown. • INQUESTS.—SUDDEN DEA.TA S.—On Tuesday last t . t. in quests were held before Mr. Wakley, M.P., at tie sign . h () f the Red House College-place, Chelsea, on view of the h•-oodituesofof Mrs. Frances ' Baillie and Thomas Forder Hawkes, at Plymouth Dockyard, late master shipwright whose deaths suddenly took place within a few _ours, and within a few doors of each other. Martha . Baillie, a single woman, said she was sister-in-law of the first -named deceased (Mrs. Baillie), who was in her 44th and who resided in Whitehead's-grove, Chelsea. 'leas, with the deceased rand her husband (who is a ,cfi.achinaker) had been out on the previous afternoon to -flinlico, and returned home about ten. They went into the back of where deceased began to complain of a pain in - c ame of her head, and seemed to wish to lie down. She ie e much worse and was placed upon a cushion in the ' adn ur• A medical man was called in, but she died at two ‘)'clock. Mr. John Baillie, husband of the deceased, gave prvhi deuce to th e same effect ; the attack was apoplectic. , jury returned a verdi c t o f N a t u ral Death. Miss Sarah ' , ns (who w as deeply affected whilst giving her teyidence). said she h a d res id e d at N o . 23, Pelham ,tl,ce, Brompton, and th at t h e secon d- name d deceased Thomas Forder Hawkes, Esq.) was her uncle, who had lvaalso resided in Pelham-place, but at the time of his death s at 20, Whitehead's-grove Chelsea, whither he had gone I °F change of a i r. Deceased had been master-shipwright at P l3mou Dockyard.. He was seventy years of age. .0n evening last he was in his arm-chair, and whilst t _ n _l_k ,e in; to her he gasped, fell back, and became very ill. She ce 4() a. 3r\ s ed it"icl some restoratives, and then ran out and asked two ni gofor a doctor. Ten minutes before his death de _ee.c_ncoinplained of a pain in his side. He had taken sonic quite that da, and appeared much.better. Deceased was `4l;teed,a before medical assistance arrived. Mr. Perkins, 44 , said he had n o doubt deceased had di e d f rom aneu or some other disease of the heart. A verdict of natu ral .....,eath was returned. r. Ai Charles Nodier, a distinguished member of the Saturdayrencademy, and chief librarian of the arsenal, died on Inorning, of consumption, in his sixty-fourth year. --‘• other's death makes a third vacancy in the academy. THE EXPRESS TWITION. SUN OFFICE, Half-past Eight. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. THE ADDRESS. Lord '..ELDON (in continuation from our Third Edition) said—He would read in a few words the contents of a letter which was of a very different character from those usually quoted in that House. It was not written for the purpose of answering any questions which had been put in that House, in order to make up a case, but it was simply a narrative of dis • tress that cannot be pictured in words. The writer mentioned that in the part of the country in which he lived there was the most peaceful tranquillity, but that it was not the case in the neighbouring district, where many people nightly fortified their houses in expectation of a nightly mas sacre. She stated that her father frequently received bless ings from the poor people in walking along the roads pro nounced in a very striking manner, and these tco from persons with whom he was totally unacquainted, almost seeming as if they thought that something dreadful was about to happen to him, and that he needed those blessings. Such was the description of a clergyman among his own parishioners. It was not the actual evil of which he complained, but the apprehen sion that evils .were about to ensue, from the alarming state of the country—the real source of the misery was that he could not receive blessings from his own parish ioners, without an apprehension in the minds of himself and of his family being created—that there was too much reason for those blessings, and for invoking Providence to protect them. He would now proceed to speak of the other subjects in her Majesty's speech. Her Majesty spoke of the improved state of trade, and of the manufacturing districts—that they were in a considerably better state than they had been some time ago. He felt the truth of these observations though there might be some few exceptions which he was un willing to notice specifically. Among the blessings for which they had reason to thank Providence, and which had been men tioned by her Majesty, was the improved condition of the people and the increased demand for labour : that was a cir cumstance which would give them the greatest possible satis faction. A great blessing had been conferred upon them by Pro vidence in the very favourable harvest of last year. There was another subject, which, though not distinctly mentioned in the speech, he would say a few words upon. Her Majesty had not alluded to the corn-laws, and it was not therefore neces sary for him to enter upon the question at any length, but he hoped and believed that the protection which the agriculturists now received would be long continued to them.—( Cheers and " Hear," from the Ministerial benches.) For several successive years the annual produce was falling alive, and it was ex tremely gratifying to find that the prospects which had been held out by her Majesty's Ministers last year had been realised. Another very gratifying circumstance was, that the revenue had increased during the last quarter, and during the last year, and from this beneficial results might be hoped and expected. Among other sources which had added considerably to the revenue was the income tax which had been most successful in operation. Their Lordships had great reason to feel that the country fully appre ciated the sacrifice which their Lordships had made in consent ing to this tax. Their Lordships had shown an interest in the welfare of the country, and a desire not to oppress the working classes, which mus t secure f or t h em t h e gratitude and affection of the country. This tax had enabled the Government to go on without con tracting any further debts during peace—to make the necessary financial arrangements, the Bank Charter was then renewable, and their Lordships should devote as much of their attention as possible to those financial questions which had come more immediately under the attention of the House of Commons. Among the measures which were passed last year, and which may be considered as tending greatly to the happiness of this country were these measures connected with church endowment, and other ques tions bearing on that subject. Her Majesty called upon their Lordships in thanking Divine Providence for the blessings which the Church had conferred upon the country. The Church had made all the exertions that it could have made, and it was gratifying to perceive that in these matters upon which the Legislature had interfered—that in terference had been eminently successful. Within the last few days it had come to his knowledge that a gen tleman from the North (Dr. Cooke), the vicar of Leeds, who had been his own school-fellow, had done all he could to carry out, in the full spirit, every wish their Lordships could enter tain. He had given up one half of his income, and reiired into a smaller house than he before occupied. He had engaged to do everything by which a district, so large as Leeds, might be formed into twenty or thirty different parishes. He proposed to make exertion, that every poor man might have his pastor, and every poor child his school—this was highly creditable in itself, and must draw down blessings on his head. There were other circumstances connected with national education which were highly gratifying. Within three months 114, 000/. had been received, a circumstance which spoke highly for the p eo pl e o f thi s coun t ry , an d which must draw down the blessings of Providence There was another subject which had not been mentioned in the speech from the throne, but which was of so important a nature that he was unwilling to pass it over. Their Lordships would recollect the dreadful occurrenoe which took place last year of an officer, high in her Majesty's service, falling by the hand of his brother officer, who was nearly related to him. He feared there was little prospect of any measure being carried to prevent the reeurence of this evil. He perceived that the officer was obliged to leave her Majesty's service—or what was tanta mount to it. He was sure that if any measure could be brought into that House to prevent the recurrence of such a calamity as that which he had alluded to, it would be thankfully received by the country, and the service would not be deprived of many excellent officers. It was hardly possible to conceive anything more distressing than the condition of a man returning to his own home—to the sister of the woman whom he had made a widow. Even if their Lordships would not pass any measure, the expression of their dissatisfaction would be very thankfully received by all classes. He should not trouble them with further observations, and would conclude by moving that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, in conformity with the address which had been read to their Lordships. - Lord HILL felt great gratification in seconding the address. It must be very pie :sing to their Lordships that her Majesty had received assurances of continued peace from foreign powers. His Lordship then alluded to the state of Ireland. He said he hoped the landed proprietors of that country would assert the Government, in probing to the bottom the hidden grievances which most afflicts it. After a few further observations, his Lordship concluded by expressing his sincere hope that the union between the two countries might be preserved inviolate —that the Protestant institutions might be strengthened in Ireland, to restore tranquillity. Lord NORMANBY said that the Noble Mover of the ad dress had not confined himself to the mention of Ireland which had been made in the speech from the throne, but had ex pressed himself with what he feared must be termed an indis cretion in reference to the present trials going on in that country, as he (Lord Norrmanby) was of opinion that it was the wisest, most becoming, and most dignified course to preserve silence on tho subject. He would not at tempt to follow the Noble Earl, although he felt the deepest interest in the condition of the people of Ireland. His former connexion with that country had endeared them to him as warmly as if the accident of birth had strengthened the ties of affect ion which bound them to him. [ The Noble Marquis then ma le some allusion to the conduct of the Noble Earl's grandfather, in respect to the claims of the Roman Catholics, which was not distinctly heard in the gal lery:but excited considerable laughter in the House . ]—He was happy to say although he differed from no man more in his political opinions, than from the great grandfather of the Noble Earl—(Laughter)—h e begged pardon, the grandfather — in whom the Noble Duke opposite had found so in convenient an ally, in the campaign of emancipa tion—( Loud Cheers)—yet there was no person from whom he had experienced greater respect, or inva riably greater personal kindness.—( Hear, hear.) There were some topics connected with Ireland, upon which the speech did not touch, and upon which he did not intend to detain their Lordships, although he should have wished that they had not been altogether omitted. There was one subject, however, which was referred to rather more freely than usual in a speech from the throne, he meant the registra tion of voters, which was mentioned in connexion with its effect upon the limitation of the franchise. If the Government brought forward in relation to that subject the measures which the exigencies of the case, and the circumstances of the country, required, no one would more cordially support such measures than he There was an other subject on which he wished to say one word, and which he still felt considerable difficulty in approach ing. It was the appointment of the commission to inquire into the laws relating to landlord and tenant. There was no one who attended to the proceedings of that House but would ad mit that he (the Marquis of Normanby) took no light view of the subject of that inquiry, and that he was the person who wrote a letter to the magistrates of Tipperary, from which more than one of their Lordships had charged him with taking erroneous views. Yet the opinions which he expressed in that letter were echoed in the last session of Parliament by the highest member of her Majesty's Government. He would, howevor, have much preferred that the Government had in formed itself upon the points in which it was necessary to alter the relation of landlord and tenant, and had then brought in a Bill to effect a specific remedy. The speech told them that the Commission had full authority to investigate the question and to suggest remedies ; but he much regretted the extent of time, during which public expectation was to be kept in excitement. He thought that some declaration ought to be made as to the specific points to which the attention of the Commission was to be directed. Something ought to be done to counteract impressions which when once made it would be dangerous to disappoint.— ( Hear. ) He was sorry to feel himself obliged to say so much. But he thought that it was most desirable that something specific should be announced upon a subject respecting which there was so much misapprehension. He thought that in such a country as Ireland, where the means of information were much within the reach of the Government, no step ought to have been taken which could havo a tendency to mislead the public mind. lie had risen solely because he felt that from the situation which he had occupied in Ireland he ought to state the grounds upon which he did not, on the present oc casion, enter fully into the case of that unhappy country. He trusted that whatever evil might flow from present proceedings in that—he would repeat—unhappy country, it was accompanied with this good—that it turned the attention of the people of England to the manner in which the sister kingdom had been governed—(Hear, hear)—for he believed that up to this time the people of England were more ignorant of the actual condition of Ireland than of that of any other country in the world.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that there was no man of any country whatever who visited Ireland, but returned with the most friendly feelings ; and he therefore thought that the ignorance of this country respect. ing Ireland was the more unfortunate, as it served to keep up those distinctions which were the cause of all the discontent, to allay which every expedient had been tried, except to do justice. He might differ with the Noble Lord as to the terms. Every other means had been tried, except that of doing strict justice to Ireland; hut he hoped those who had hitherto supported the Catholic claims would now join i n remov i ng any i nv i d i ous distinction, religious or political, an d en d eavour to place the two countries en the same footing. He had a little departed from the strict line he had laid down to himself, of not giving any opinion or raising any question in connection with Ireland that might cause any difference, till the proper opportunity should occur. He should, therefore, say no more on this subject ; but being on his legs, he should merely say, as to the other points of the address, that he was never one of those who despaired of the resources of the country, though he thought that the Noble Earl had rather unfortunately alluded to one explana tion of the source of the present excess of revenue over ex penditure. He should not venture on another question which the Noble Lord had introduced, and which called a cheer f rom some of their Lordships, and whic h subject had been carefully excluded from the Royal speech—he meant the question of thereforeeorn. On n h that e s h oquestionnot he enter differed from into the any discussion o f Lord, i and t t The speech, in reference to the affairs of Sinde, had been so judiciously and carefully worded that they might concur in it without expressing any opinion. He should only state that he should join with great pleasure in any vote of thanks to the officers engaged in some of the most distin guished feats of arms that had been performed in that part of the world. He should do so with the more pleasure from his personal acquaintance with the Gallant Commander, and with Colonel Pcnnetather, of the 22d. Regiment, who was, unfor tunately, disabled by a wound at an early period of these events, He could not but feel gratified at the reference which was made in the Royal Speech to the late visit of her Majesty to the King of the French. He would yield to no man in his firm belief and conviction, that upon the good understanding between Great Britain and France depended the future well being of the relations of the various European nations. It was unnecessary for him to trouble their Lordships further on that occasion, but in conclusion he would intimate that he should probably on the 13th instant, call the attention of their Lordships to the sub • ject of the present state of Ireland. Lord BROUGHAM rose to express his great satisfaction at the fact, as the Noble Lord the mover of the address had correctly stated, of this being the first time within the experience of their Lordships, that they had been called upon to present in the language of truth to the House, an address which, from the beginning to the end, contained nothing but congratula tion. He never recollected an instance when the state of the country was such as to justify the Parliament in con gratulating the Sovereign on the fact, that no point of the political horizon was at all obscured. He rejoiced that the speech, and the consonant to the speech, the address abstained from entering minutely into a discussion of the affairs of Ireland. However great might be his wish to discuss that subject, he was restrained by his sense of justice—by a sense of justice towards the Crown—the party prosecuting on the one hand, and his sense, above all, of justice towards the defendants, whom he was bound to pre sume, until a vet diet of their countrymen should have pronounced them guilty, were innocent of the charge laid to them, from entering into that discussion without violating that necessary principle of justice, which militated against all discussion of the subject while legal proceedings were pending. Those proceed ings were inevitable—those proceeding were taken in the dis charge of duty on the part of the Crown. He would not enter into the question of whether it might be necessary for the Govern. ment to take further steps, seeing that he could only do so hypo thetically. But that Parliament would do its duty, should the law be found insufficient to support the constitution as by law established, he had no doubt—if the Government should be found at any time not sufficiently armed with powers to discharge their highest, their first, their most sacred duty to preserve the peace of the realm, and to maintain the constitution committed to their care. In such ease, Parliament would discharge that high trust faithfully, and under such cir cumstances, they would never Le found wanting. Although Parliament would not hesitate to arm the Government with any power for the maintenance of the law, yet he would much rather see the Government armed with power not for the purpose of displaying mere force and strength towards the people of Ireland ; not with a view of coercing, counselling, constraing, and forcing, but with a power and disposition to better the condition of the people of Ireland—to improve them in all those things in which they might be required to be bet tered—to gain them over rather than force them to submission —to show la parental and kindly feeling which a good and beneficent Government ought to be inspired with towards all its subjects, and perhaps most of all ought to be inspired towards that part of its subjects• (LEFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. THE ADDRESS. Mr. HUME (in continuation from our Third Edition) said— The Right Honourable Baronet ought to have come forward with further information on this subject at the close of the last session ; and if he had done so, he would have removed a great deal of the strife and bloodshed that had taken place in that country.—(Hear, hear.) Now it might be curious for the House to know the statements that had been made in King's and Queen's speeches for the last twenty-five years; for that time, both in war and peace, the same statement was made with respect to the estimates. They were always told that they had been framed with strict economy, regard being had to the public service. Now he thought the House ought not to take such a statement from a Minister of the Crown, unless they had a control over the estimates, which they had not. It was impossible for the House, or any other person, to believe that they would have suitable estimates laid before them while these things con tinued, and, for the purpose of obviating such a state of things, he should move an amendment.—(Laughter.) lie had no doubt the adoption of such a course would not be, very pleasurable to many, for they thought, as long as they got money, or money's worth, it was all right. If once the money left the Exchequer it flowed through so many rivulets that there was no knowing how many persons enjoyed a share of the public money. It was the most im portant duty of Parliament—it was the only duty that Parlia ment was capable of executing efficiently—(A laugh)—to keep a guard upon the public expenditure. With regard tothe estimates they ought to adopt the plan which was adopted in France and Belgium. There every estimate was sub mitted to a Committee. The Committee had the head of the department before them, and called upon him for any explanations ihiy might require. These explanations were laid before the Chambers before the estimates were ap proved of or rejected. In this country we had erred in not adopting a similar course. He was pleased to observe from the next paragraph that there was an improvement in several of the branches of the revenue. He admitted that there had been an improvement in some articles of commerce, but he feared that that improvement was only partial. He believed it de pended upon openithperovement in g of ihe the ports of Ain ofC e h r i i n c a n: ad on the improvement but he could not see any prospect of its continuance. But, whatever might be the improvement, it was impossible to deny the existence of great distress and destitution. One of the causes to which he attributed the evils of the country, was the want of the means for the people to exchange the products of their industry for the means of support. In short, he attri buted those evils to our restrictive commercial policy. The Right Hon. Baronet had very acutely left out of the speech all allusion to the corn-laws. Now when the Right Hon. Baronet, in bringing forward the tariff, had so ably and clearly expounded the doctrines on which the commercial policy of this country ought to be conducted, he was either right or wrong. He (Mr. Hume) believed that he was right, but he asked the Right Hon. Baronet why had he stopped short ? The con duct which the Right Hon. Baronet was pursuing in doing so was sure to give general dissatisfaction. He was to glad to see opposite several gentlemen who had taken part in a meet ing got up to oppose the Anti-Corn-law League. They could not be ignorant of the operations and influence of the League. They now admitted that the League was a great fact, and they got up meetings to oppose it. The Right Hon. Baronet had admitted that the time might come when the principles of the League might be carried out ; he had never said that free trade in corn should never be granted. He had acted unwisely in thus leaving the subject in doubt and difficulty. Those inte rested in support of the law got up meetings to oppose the League. One of them had been held at Steyning ;it had been called a meeting of tenant farmers. Among the names of those present he read those of the Earl of Egmont, the Earl of Winchilsea, the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Gage, Sir C. Clifford, Sir C. Burrell, Colonel Wyndham ; there was a whole page filled with the names of Noble Lords and Hon. Members, and these were all tenant farmers.—( A laugh.) Why had there ever before been exhibited such a farce.—(A laugh.) He accused them at these tenant farmer meetings, of abuse the most foul; and of language, the most discreditable. Now, he would venture to say, that in all the Anti-Corn-law meetings that had been held in England and Scotland—and how numerous they bad been wassknown to all—( Hear, hear) —no language to be compared for its vulgarity and discreditableness to that employed at the tenant-farmers' assem blages had ever been uttered. But what he had to maintain was that the Right Hon. Bart. at the head of the Government was doing great injustice to these tenant-farmers in leaving them in the state of uncertainty which he did, and not telling them of his determination to propose a total repeal.—(Laughter.) Why he hoped he would do that, for, from a proposal or an advocacy of a fixed duty he had entirely precluded himself, as well by his votes as his speeches. He thought all classes, but more especially the tenant farme rs, had a right to complain of the Right Honourable Baronet for not mentioning the subject of the corn-laws in the speech from the Throne. The question was, did the Right Hon. Gentleman mean to do something this session in refer ence to the corn-law, or; did he not?—(Hear, and a laugh.) He (Mr. Hume) believed that he did not intend to do anything this session, for in the yer.r 1841 he had brought to book the Noble Lord near him (Lord John Russell) because he had not introduced into the speech from the throne the subject of the corn-laws, and yet, at a subsequent period of that session, he had brought it under their consideration. He said, why not put that into the speech from the throne as the advice tendered by Ministers, and then broach the subject afterwards? and from this he (Sir Robert Peel) had volunteered the expression of his convic tion that the subject of the corn-laws was an after-thought of the then Ministers, and resolved suddenly upon by them. Though then the Right Hon. Baronet might have no intention of interfering with the corn-law, still the country had a right to expect him to say something in reference to them and to the Ministerial intentions. What said the Duke of Richmond? He said that they were entitled to know distinctly the inten tions of the Government—that it was their duty to ask, not in the language of threat, or even of reproach, what was meant by them, and that they were entitled to tell the Minis ters of the Crown that suspense was the worst of all evils, the cruellest of all punishments, and that they required to know whether the protection they now enjoyed was to be continued or not.—(Hear, bear.) Now his (I'ir. Hume's) complaint against the; speech from the throne was, that in it no notice whatever was taken of that important inte rest. This course of conduct on the part of the Government was more to the detriment of the landed interest than of any other. If the landed interest thought itself thi great interest which it did—and that it was a great interest be was ready enough to concede—then it had a very just ground of complaint indeed. He would refer to other meetings of tenant-farmers—the, one at Northampton. ",The Anti-Corn-law League," said Sir C. Knightley, " rank among them the whole refuse of mankind."—(Laughter.) The House might suppose that that included everything, but such was not the case. " This League, called the Anti-Corn law League, is, I think, the most pestiferous soviet} since the Jacobin Club, in the days of the French Revolution." (Great laughter.) " The object of one section of those gentlemen is to overthrow the present Go vernment." He denied it.— (Laughter. ) He did not belong to the Anti. Corn-law League, but he repelled that charge with indignation. "Of another section, the Radicals, the object is to overthrow:the Constitution." He gave the lie direct to that.—(Laughter.) He was a Radical, he had been a Radical, and he still avowed himself one ; and he declared that any man who stated what he had just read was a calumniatiation of himself, and of all with whom he acted.—(Hear, hear.) He went on to :ay, " I conceive there is about as much affection between the one party and the other, as there was between Jonathan Wild and Jack Shep herd.—( Great laughter.) What was the affection that existec between the Right Hon. Baronet and many of those from whom he received support he would not then inquire. Sir Charles then went on to accuse the League of issuing blasphemous publications, and indecext publications, and scattering them all round the country. Now the Anti- Corn-law League contained, he believed, many of that class who were more careful of public morals than almost any other class in the country.—( Cries of " Oh, oh.") He thought this attempt was highly discreditable to Sir Charles Knightley, and those with whom he was connected. There were other meetings at which the language used, and the mode of speaking of particular individuals, were equally unjustifiable. Hi thought such things were in a great measure attributable to the situation in which the Right Honourable Baronet had placed himself, by not carrying out his own inten- tions. He was not ignorant, v indeed, of the diffi culties of the Right Honourable Baronet's position. He recollected a speech made in that House by the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, in which he told the Noble Lord be low that if he knew any measures which he believed to be essential to the presperity and welfare of the country, he was bound, as a Minister of the Crown, having taken an oath to promote the interests of the country , to bring forward such measures ; and if he abstained from doing so for fear of not carrying them, he ought not bold his situation a moment. Let the Right Hon. Baronet now do !what he asked the Noble Lord to do. If the Right Hon. Baronet believes that the principles of free trade are the proper principles for a free country—and who can doubt it-- why not propose them.—(Hear, hear.) But he left the country in a state of excitement—league agains, league—while the country was torn in pieces He said THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, PEBATTARV L 1R44. it was the duty of the Right Hon. Baronet to speak out and let the Duke of Richmond and Sir H. Vet ney know what he intended to do. Commercial restrictions were the cause of the distress of the country, and every person was bound to re lieve that distress by contributing toremove them. Nothing was done last session, it was a mere blank. Pauperism in creased throughout the county, which was left without relief. A recoil took place, because it was impossible things could go on as they had been going. Things were now getting better. The Hon. seconder of the address alluded to some instances of this improvement. One was a case in which a reduction had been made in the number of persons receiving relief in one union, from 12,000 to 14,000. But was it not the duty of a Government to take care and provide the means of working for 4,000. Being of opinion that the corn-laws, and all other prohibitory laws. ought to be considered and amended, he regretted that the speech contained no notice on the subject ; but he trusted they would have a declaration from the Right Honourable Baronet, which would do away with all doubt. He was confident that the corn-laws were injurious to all classes in the community, even to the landed proprietors themselves ; and that they would become more and more injurious, i.nd it was upon that account he said that it was the common object of all to remove them. There were institutions for relieving the distress of the metropolis, h aded by Bishops and Ministers of the Crown ; then were even two rival institutions for this purpose; there were besides unions in every parish ; notwithstanding which the distress continued. There was an increase of treble had taken place the cotton, woollen, and hardware trade, but notwithstanding this, and all their charitable institutions, their distress conti nued, and they had daily reports of persons dying of hunger, they ought, therefore, to call on her Majesty's Ministers to co-operate with them in removing all restrictions on the im portations of food and every article of industry. Nothing but employment wou:d afford substantial relief to the country. They had been told that the repeal of the corn-laws would lower wages. He considered that impossible, because wages were lower in England than in any country in the world.—(Cries of h 1 oh !") Yes, he repeated it—where could they get a shirt made for lid. and a knife and fork for the same price? So great had been the distress, that many had been anxious to get a paltry sum of three halfpence for twelve hours' labour. Was it possible, he would ask to conceive such a state of things? The truth was, in the country pauperism was increasing the poor-rates, which had been, reduced were now rising rapidly, and paupers were increasing ; added to this, prices were failing, and how was this? why, because men had no work by which they could get money. In his ipinion the House of Commons was doing great injury to country, and be called upon them to reconsider their course. if the Right Hon. Baronet would only postpone the address till Monday, in order to afford an opportunity to the people of knowing what it was that the address contained. He was sure if the Right Hon. Baronet had adopted that course as quick as the post could bring them, the grievances of the people would be poured into that House. Now it was his intention to move two amendments, lie considered the distress that existed in the country was owing to two causes, one the existence of the corn-laws and other prohibitory enactments. which if put an end to would remove that distress and suffering, and the other was the great increase of taxation. Her Majesty, in her speech—or rather her Ministers, in their speech—had been cautious upon that subject ; but these taxes caused misery to the people.—( Hear.) He regretted to see taxation increased to the extent it had been when it ought to be redueed. Then, again, with respect to the income-tax, that impost instead of falling on the wealthy had fallen very heavily on the poorer classes. He believed the larger portion of the poor people had been obliged to pay that tax. and the trouble i.f getting it back was such that the money was not considered worth it. The Right Hon Baronet did not tell them, as he did in 1828, that a Finance Committee should be appointed to see where the excesses of the expenditure had taken place. He thought her Majesty ought to have called upon her Ministers to look to the distresses of the reonle. What was the use of having peace, when they we'. obliged to keep up a war establishment ? He was anxious that the House should not be led away by 'a species of tricker). If they wished for an example of the evil effects which must follow from any breach of faith with the public creditor, let them look across the Atlantic.—(Cheers.) He had always opposed everything like a breach of faith with the public creditor, although he saw those on the benches opposite who had, in their speeches and their writings, recommended a breach of the public faith.—( Cheers and laughter.) For every pound that was withheld from the public creditor, the country lost millions.— (Hear, hear.) They had recently had an example of the effect of upholding public credit. What occurred in Virginia? There had been considerable difficulty in raising funds to meet the interest of the debt. The c over nor had recommended the House to raise a tax to pay the interest due to the public creditor. A small sum, amounting to about 809,000 dollars, had been raised for that purpose, and the effect had been that the stocks which had been at 45 or 50, rose immediately to 70 and to B'2. Three-fourt s of those funds were held by inhabitants of the States who thus found that their capital was doubled, and that they were able to exchange it, and to use it for any purposes which they might require. Every State in America which had broken faith with the public cre ditor had:suffered, would suffer, and ought not to recover until they had regained the public credit,by paying their creditors He agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet as to the necessity of maintai t n o thinge working pub classes liceredit. who shouldThatpe recommend thersonwas a breach greatest ,h enemy of the public faith with the national creditor, for working classes would suffer more severely in consequence, than any other. The most effectual way, however, to maintain the pub lic credit, was by a reduction in taxation, to lessen the burden of the people. If less were taken from them by the income but they would be more effectually enabled to contribute to the other taxes of the country. The public credit would have been more efiectually preserved if, instead of raising five millions by an income-tax, a reduction had been made in our establish ments. All that was wanted was that they should set free labour, the industry and the commerce of the country.---t Loud cheers.) They had ships rotting in their harbours for want of employment, with which they would have been furnished if we had had free trade. He scarcely pitied the ship owners, for they had been the greatest monopolists, and they were now paying tne penalty of their folly. Much hadbeen said about commercial improvement. let the Right Hon. Baronet lock to every trade except those connected with the woollen and cotton manufacture, and he would see nothing but distress. Our condition could not be a wealthy one as long as there were millions el money unemployed and capital lying dead. Nothing but extending the outlets for our exports, could furnish the means of employment. They were told that if they did this it would not give increase of employment ; but be denied that position. Even those States in which the most stringent regulations existed against our commerce, had been compelled to take more a r ti c l es f rom us w h enever we re l axe d our commercial code. Our commerce with France had been tre bled. There was not a bushel of wheat imported which had not give additional employmen a t dLe t hoci o ermode t mp h :e e people. It did not lower the price of British produced wh ea t, b ut i t a ff or d e d a f u ll mea l to those who had only befo re h a d h a lf a one .—( H ear , h ea r). county t T a h r i e ff, a , r althought o i e f l articles u o e f k m l: a ll g t h t a e r andm Noblehe d having aop i ta et ti a bdnh d e eeei no dn n a r lw b a e hu e yg n ht r wa u nh i d n o e l we d ho e b f h t t h eh e ec ya d t u lto t l e(y)kspeakingtt taken the keia e netc e no thetuoiffes affected efcelohnrfeml eigaes by sherts_t ey hne : he he had would not have made a s i ngle breakfast for the working peop le ticle of live cattle— With regard to the subject of the revenue, if it were properly looked into and fairly stated, it would present a very different appearance to ithat which it was assumed to have by the Ministerial party. If they would deduct the amount received for the incorne-t ax , the revenue derived from corn, and the amount received from China, instead of speaking in the glowing terms which they did of our financial situation and our returning prosperity, they would find their asserted increase sink down into a revenue less by a million and a half than that of last year. Re verting to the condition of the working classes, let them look at the reduced rate of wages and they would be compelled to say that they were in any thing but a state of comfort. When the time srrived at which the Right Eon. Baronet at the head of the Government would propose a continuation of the income tax, he would beg them to bear in mind that there would be no occrsion for it, no necessity Whatever for its further infliction, if they would only do away with the trammels of industry, and give to capital its fair and legiti mate expansion. The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Cardwell) in seconding the address to the Crown, had said much in praise of the home market, holding it up as the best, if not the only one for this country. Why, for his (Mr. Hume's) part he could see no difference between the home and the foreign. When a man could sell his articles better at home he would sell them at home, and if he could find a readier market or a better price abroad he would sell abroad.—( Hear.) Here people were constantly pretesting against foreign markets, and holding up home mar - j kets as the only good for the country, and what `'Pere our actual conciliation. T a k e the agricultural parish=. they not burthened by person thrown upon them thrown back from manuf ac t ur es which were idle and unproductive by the very system which for renderedrele The address, which was an echo of the speech, and the amendment having been put by the Speaker, and no Member rising to address the House, strangers were ordered to with draw, when Mr. WARBURTON rose, and was (LEFT SPEAKING.) MAGAZINE DAY. ROOD'S MAGAZINE. This Magazine opens with 2 poem from the pen, we presume, of the Editoi, in which occur some beau tiful touches of feeling. It is, however, too much an echo of the " Song of the Shirt," but we can readily overlook this fault in consideration of the valuable moral it inculcates. The subject of the poem is the " Lady's Dream," and it describes a young female of rank and fashion who falls asleep, and in her dreams is visited by the ghosts of those wretched, hard-worked females who have worn away their lives in toiling night and day to furnish her, and others in her situation, with splendid apparel. We quote the closing passages of this vision. The lady herself is supposed to be relating it, and thus gives vent to her tardy remorse : " Of the hearts that daily break, Of the tears that hourly fall, Of the many, many troubles of life, That grieve this earthly ball-- Disease and Hunger, and Pain and Want, But now I dreamt of them all ! " For the blind and the cripple were there, And the babe that pined for bread, And the houseless man, and the widow poor Who begged—to bury the dead ; The naked, alas, that I - might have clad, The famished I might have fed ! "The sorrow I might have soothed, And the unregarded tears ; For many a thronging shape was there, From long forgotten years, Aye, even the poor rejected koor, Who rais'd nny childish fears ! " Each pleading look , that long ago I scann'd with a heedless eye, Each face was gazing as plainly there, As when I passed it by ; Woe, woe for me if the past s h ou l d b e Thus present when I di e "No need of sulphureous lake, No need of fiery coal, Tu only that crowd of human kind Who wanted pity and dole— In everlasting retrospect— Will wring my sinful soul ! "Alas! I have walked through life Too heedless where I trod ; Nay, helping to trample my fellow worm, And fill the burial sod— Forgating that even the sparrow falls Not uarnark'd of God! "I drank the richest draughts And Ate ivilateyer is pod-- Fish, and flesh, and fowl, and fruit, Supplied my hungry mood ; But I never remembered the wretched ones . That starve for want of food! "I dressed as the noble dress, In cloth of silver and gold, With silk, and satin, and costly furs, In many an ample fold; But I never remembered the naked limbs That froze with winter's cold. " The wounds I might have heard! The human sorrow and smart I And yet it never was in my soul To play so ill a part : But evil is wrought by want of Thought. As well as want of Heart !" She clasp'd her fervent hands, And the tears began to stream ; Large, and bitter, and fast they fell, Remorse was so extreme ; And yet, oh yet, that many a Dame Would dream the Lady's Dream ! The lines which we have marked in Italic convey an impressive moral truth. The " Strange Student" is a somewhat fantastic story, and relates to the suicide of an imaginative young man who falls a victim to his own high-wrought fancies. The story is not ill written, but there is nothing in it that calls for par ticular remark. " Nature and Art" consists of a cor respondence between two individuals, one of whom had gained a prize in the Art-Union Lottery, and describes the annoyance to which he was subjected owing to his acquisition of that prize. The correspondence is divert ing, and quizzes picture-lotteries in a very whimsical and good-natured manner. The" Installation" is a story, the scene of which is laid in Oxford, at the time when the Duke of Wellington was installed Chancellor of that University. The narrative is skilfully sustained throughout. " A Word for Bores" is a defence of these unhappy individuals, and is more ingenious than successful. " The Struggle for Fame" contains some sound advice, albeit in rhyme, to a young aspirant after celebrity. The poem is one that can hardly fail to please from the ease and grace of the versification. Of the few remaining articles the best is a notice of " Gautier's Travels in Spain." TAIT'S MAGAZINE. In Mrs. Gore's tale of " Blanks and Prizes," which is resumed in this Number, we find many of those smart worldly touches of reflection which form so conspicuous a feature in her tales of fiction. The narrative, however, is not one of her best, and of the characters introduced, there is scarcely one that she has not already pourtrayed. Nevertheless, it reads off easily and trippingly enough ; and we have been struck with the truth of this remark :—" The kins folk of modern times are apt to resemble crocuses, which expand like globes of gold in the sunshine, but shut up their hearts again as soon as the skies are overcast." The " Song of the Starved by Law," is a passable parody on Mr. Hood's " Song of the Shirt," which it may be remembered appeared a few weeks since in Punch. "Reminiscences of Mrs. Opie,"—which we are pleased to see are to be con tinued—contain an account of an evening spent by the authoress at Lady Cork's, in the memorable pear 1814, where she had the honour of an introduc tion to Prince Leopold, who had then just arrived in this country. The " Withered Flower, " is a simple, unaffected poem, but our readers shall judge for themselves : " They brought her from the city vast, To this dim forest dell : 'Twould ease, they said, her pain to tread The path she lov'd so well. They led her forth by hill and spring, And down the flowery den : They deem'd her childhood's haunts would bring Her childhood back again. The flower-buds glisten'd in the grass, The bird sung in the tree : A few short summers since, alas ! She sung as blithe as he. O tell me not, in summer time, Within this happy dale, That lady's eye could long be dim, Her cheek could long be pale ! Yet momently they lost their light, Like stars, when day's begun,— Or bluebells sweet, which chill winds blight, When summer days are done. And, hour by hour, life's sun sank low, A sunset sad and bleak— For death crept quietly and slow, Like twilight o'er her cheek. 'Twas now the golden autumn time, The old age of the day, Each flowery cup was folded up, Beneath the parting ray; When, as the Sabbath's dying light Stole through the lattice in, That lady closed her eyelids bright, Upon this world of sin. Each flowret ope'd its silken bell, When merry morning shone ; But noon and evening came—yet still She silently slept on. The lilies grow beside her feet, The violets at her head ; An angel might not grieve to meet With such a blessed bed. They brought her from the city vast, To this dim forest dell : Here first it sprung, and here, at last, The withered floweret fell." DUBLIN UNIVERSITY MAGAZINE. One of the most agreeable articles in this Number is a critical essay on the popular songs of the French poet Beranger, between whom and Moore the follow ing comparison is instituted :—" Moore's sentiment is enveloped in a vague and distant association ; the thought of Beranger is bare and has a definitive aim. The one resembles the sword of Harmodius, sheathed in its myrtles ; the other is the palpable dagger of Brutus. Moore's style is elegant and pointed, while Beranger's is simple and concise." the critic then proceeds to give translations of s ome of Beranger's best lyrics, and is, we think, successful in his versions. " Life of Gerald Griffin" is a laudatory notice of a recently published biographical memoir of the gifted author of " Gisippus." " Arrah Neil, or Times of Old," is a tale from the pen of that most prolific of living novelists, Mr. James. It is very tedious and languid in places, and bears marks of having been dashed off in breathless haste. In the " Episodes of Eastern Travel" we meet with some forcible sketches of the Nile, and the scenery in the neighbourhood of Memphis. UNITED SERVICE JOURNAL. We have here, among other papers, some sensible remarks on the state of affairs in the'East, under the title of " A Glance at Indian Affairs, Retrospective and Prospective." The writer is a strenuous defender of Lord Ellenborough's course of policy, observing that he "h a d h a d great an d unusual difficulties to cope with, and it is no small credit to him to have surmounted them hitherto with success, and to have extorted praise in some instances, even from those who would have gloried in his failure." A "Fortnight's Furlough" relates some interesting particulars respecting that Earl of Warwick who lived in the reign of Henry the Fifth. The remaining articles are of an average order of merit. COLONIAL MAGAZINE. There is considerable tact and judgment displayed in the getting up of this Magazine, which—as may be guessed from its title—is exclusively devoted to the consideration of colonial matters. The informa tion it gives us on these matters is copious and well digested ; and the Number is embellished with seve ral appropriate engravings. The article on the " Past and Present condition of the Cape of Good Hope " abounds in curious statistic details. BRITISH MAGAZINE. A monthly register of religious and ecclesiastical information; drawn ,up succinctly, and adapted to the tastes of clerical readers, for whom it is chiefly designed. In the present Number occur some judi cious suggestions respecting the " Religious Treat ment of Lunatics." SCULPTURE FOR THE NEW ROYAL EXCHANGE. The pieces of sculpture which are being prepared to fill the pediment of the new Royal Exchange are now nearly com pleted. They are the work of Mr. Westmacott, at whose residence we yesterday had the pleasure of inspecting them. The subject the artist has chosen to illustrate for this purpose is exceedingly appropriate to the occasion. It consists of a series of figures grouped together after the following manner : —The centre, or highest portion of the pediment, is occupied by a figure on a pedestal, representing Commerce, of ten feet in height. She leans on a helm, and is surrounded by all the emblems suitable to her character—viz., the beehive, the com pass, the cornucopia, &c. On the steps on either side are placed British merchants engaged in traffic with natives of every clime—the Chinese, the Arab, the Negro, the Greek, the Indian, the Armenian, and the Turk. These figures are between seven and eight feet in height. The composition is terminated, as it at tenuates, on one side by marine furniture—such as anchors, cables, and blocks, and on the other by different articles of merchandise. In this composition the aim of the artist seems to have been to embody in sculpture a modern subject and the sentiments of our own age. In prosecuting a task of no slight weight, he has apparently been deterred by none of the difficulties which would naturally arise out of such an undertaking, but has completed a work which, though doubt less not perfect, will, we apprehend, not disappoint the ex pectations of the inhabitants of the first commercial city in Europe. It is cut in Portland stone, in a broad, vigorous, and effective style. The area of the pediment, 13 feet by 30, will be exceedingly well filled, and the various figures are connected together without breaks or gaps. We understand that in a very short space of time this group will be elevated and fixed in the position which we hope it is destined to occupy for ages to come. Vegetation has been very rapid this month, and the young crops are rather too forward ; the grass corn is several inches over ground, and the blades as verdant as April or May. This unusual precocity of vegetation is re garded with some apprehension by the farmers, who deem it ungenial at this season. We learn that the wheat crop of England is also supposed to be growing too rapidly.— Cork Examiner. DISTRESS IN BETHNAL.GREEN.—The Society for the Relief of the Poor by District Visiting, under the presi dency of the Bishop of London, has - presented each of the districts of this parish with 50/., to be dispensed amongst the poor and destitute inhabitants. In most of the districts, visiting societies have been formed, for aiding the efforts of the Bishop of Londou for the relief of the poor. IRELAND. THE STATE TRIALS. FOURTEENTH DAY. (FROM OUR OWN REPORTERS.) DUBLIN, TUESDAY, JAN. 30. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH. 'PRE QUEEN w. DANIEL O'CONNELL AND OTHERS. At ten o'clock this morning the Judges took their seats on the bench. Mr. O'Connell and the other traversers having an swered to their names, the jury were next called, and two being absent, a delay of about five minutes took place. When all were assembled, Mr. FITZGIBBON, Q.C., rose and . stated that in this case it was his duty to address the jury on the part of 1)r. Gray, and from the course adopted by the Crown, in putting the eight individuals together upon their trial, it necessarily resulted that each of the traversers had the privilege of making a separate defence ; but, from the nature of the ev id ence , it was plain that as the charge was for a joint offence, the defence must also be joint. The accusation against the eight traversers was for un lawfully, maliciously, and criminally conspiring together, and that seemed in its nature rather a simple charge, for even a single act might constitute the entire offence, yet the Attorney-General had opened his case with a speech which occupied eleven hours, and between forty and fifty hours were spent in reading evidence, not in examining witnesses. Was it fair to call upon the jury to read over such a mass of matter to arrive at a just conclusion upon a narrow issue? And who could be safe—who could be defended ? What was a man to do when a vast body of matter might be flung down without explanation at the feet of a jury, in order that they might arrive at any conclusion from such a variety of premises? If Mr. Sheil, conscious of his complete abilities, felt a difficulty in approaching this chaos of confusion, and was conscious of the magnitude of the duty which he had to discharge, what must be his' (Mr. Fitzgibbon's) feelings ? Not those of emo tion, but of dismay. Eight gentlemen were now charged with the crime of conspiracy—an offence the most odious in every clime, and in every state of human society the most detestable. Who was the first of those eight gentlemen? A man pro-eminent in his profession —pre-eminent for his talents and for his many great virtues, and who, for a period of over forty years, was the ornament. of the bar. Who had he (Mr. Fitzgibbon) next to defend ? The son of that father—a candidate for success in the same profession, and just entering life, being not more than twenty-eight years of age ; and a third traverser, Dr. Gray, was also a member of another high and honourable profession. His opinion was, that the present prosecution was an unconstitutional, illegal, and unfair attempt now, in the year 1844, to devise a ministerial scourge for the purpose of lashing a free people. The three gentlemen who were highest in point, of rank at the bar, and who were now pursuing the ob jects of the Government in this prosecution, he (Mr. Fitzgibbon) could speak of as gentlemen, severally and individually—" gentlemen," in the best and most fa vourable sense of the word, and " lawyers," also, in the best sense of that word. But when he thus alluded to those three individuals, he spoke of them in ordinary matters, and in the ordi nary business of life. It had never before fallen to his (Mr. Fitzgibbon's) lot to be concerned in, or to have witnessed in a Court of Justice, a State prosecution, but it had been his duty to read many of them ; and if the three gentlemen acting for the Crown had fallen from their moral dignity, they were only following the example of much greater men than any one of them. He said this without disparagement to them, but they had only followed the fate of Lord Coke, whose virtues and whose dignity could not preserve him from acting the part of a Government lawyer in a State prosecution. His name had gone down to posterity with a foul blotch on it, and no friend of humanity could think of his at tack upon Sir Walter Raleigh without execrating the tongue that delivered it under the circumstances. The Attorney-General had, in his opening speech, observed that the jury would take the law from the Court, and so they would ; but the Court had not the slightest jurisdiction in the world to direct them upon the question of the guilt or the innocence of the traversers. .That was a pure question of fact, with which the Judges had nothing to do. In the case of Hatfield, who fired at the King, in the theatre, intend ing to kill.him ; he was taken in the act, and yet the Court had nothing to do with the intent of the accused, for that was for the jury alone. The Judges had not even a right to express an opinion upon the subject of the intent, because a jury could only act upon evidence on oath. He (Mr. Fitzgibbon) did not agree with the Attorney-General in the statement of the law as to what constituted conspiracy. Perhaps it might be said that Mr. Moore admitted the law to be as stated by the Attorney-General ; but Mr. Moore stood here for the Rev. Mr. Tierney, who had a peculiar case, for he never attended more than two of the meetings, and therefore there was no necessity for applying his mind to the law of conspiracy. The jury had heard a term used very much —" overt acts." The term was applicable to only two offences, that of treason and conspiracy; and treason was a crime that a man might be guilty of without doing any act at all—for if one imagined the death of the Sovereign, the forming the determination constituted the crime. In that case an " overt act " would be an act from the the doing of which the intention of killing the King was manifested. When the Attorney-General proceeded to state the overt acts charged against the traversers, be followed him in the hope that he would stop and call their attention to some one speech which could not have been spoken unless it had been previously spoken by more individuals than the one who spoke it—that he would rely upon some one speech which could not have been spoken unless by conspirators, that is to say, by persons previously engaged in a guilty combination. Ile expected some of the speeches would have been selected and shown to the jury as speeches that could not have been the emanation of a single mind, but concocted by more individuals than the man who made it. Did the Attorney-General do any such thing? In the whole eleven hours' duriiig which he read much from old newspapers, did he point out a single sentenee that must have been the result of a conspiracy ? Not one. Again, when he came to the acts of the defendants, did he fasten upon a single act and show that it could not have been the act of an indivi dual unless that individual had been previously en gaged in a criminal conspiracy? Again, he said the At torney-General did not do any such thing. How, then, did he attempt to argue there was a conspiracy? He (Mr. Fitzgibbon) would tell them—and he was sure he would not willingly misrepresent it—this was his train of reasoning. Many meetings had been held that were illegal meetings. These meetings were called by the defendants, and the defendants all concurred in calling them; and, pray, mind the word he used—concurred in calling them. They all previously consented they should be called. They were illegal meetings; and, ac cording to the law of conspiracy, if two or more agreed to do a legal act, but by illegal means, they were guilty of conspiracy. If, then, these eight defendants did all agree to call meetings, and, for brevity, he would select one —say the Tara meeting—that, said he, was an ille gal meeting; they had all agreed to call that meeting, and having so agreed, and the meeting being illegal, they were all conspirators. If two or more persons agree to do a perfectly legal act, but do so by illegal means, these two are guilty of conspiracy. Now, said the Attorney-General, they agreed to do a perfectly legal thing—to petition for a repeal of the union—but they agreed to do so by the illegal means of calling that illegal meeting and publishing these illegal speeches— and•all of them concurring in the legal object of petition ing for the repeal of the union, but by illegal means, they were all, to a man, guilty of a conspiracy. This was his law, and this was the law he (Mr. F.) had to deal with. He owned when he heard that law propounded in a court of justice, in a State prosecution, it startled him a good deal. The Attorney-General did not come there without some little books of authority behind him. He read the law from some of them. That he (Mr. F.) admitted— [Here the Learned Counsel ceased his address for a short time, and was observed speaking to Mr. O'Connell, who sat behind him. After the lapse of a few seconds he resumed]—Gentlemen of the jury, Mr. O'Connell, whose countenance in this case I deem most advisable, and his assistance, whether to suggest to me that which is neces sary, or restrain me, if I am wrong—has mentioned to me that he is obliged to go away, and I regret the cause to arise from indisposition. Mr. O'Connell here left the Court, and— hir. FITZGIBBON continued—He claimed the attention of the jury for a moment. There was the indictment ; they were told that this was an indictment at common law, the meaning of which was, that this case could have been sustained in the reign of Edward the Con fessor. -An indictment of the same kind had been sus tained before the Conquest. He (Mr. Fitzgibbon) told them this without the fear of being contradicted by the Court. When they approached the consideration of the question—guilty or not guilty—they ought to consider the time, the country, and circumstances of every crime, or alleged crime, which had been committed, and he was satisfied the jury in the present instance would leave nothing undone to enable them to arrive at a just con clusion. This was an indictment against eight mem bers of a political association ; against eight members of an association formed for the purpose of redressing an alleged grievance —for the purpose of procuring the repeal of an alleged bad law. Would the jury not be surprised to hear that, from the reign of Edward the Confessor down to the year 1794, there never was in England one single instance of the members of any political association whatever, from the days of Wat Tyler down to the year '94—not one single instance could be found on record of an indictment for conspiracy against the members of a political association? Now, was not that, he asked, rather an astounding fact? Was conspiracy a crime in those days, or not to be touched by the law? Conspiracy at a very early period, indeed, became the object of great solicitude. It was regarded as a crime so dangerous, so infamous, that it was looked on as a scourge, and very early became the subject of legislative and statutary legislation. He should read a description of the crime of conspiracy, and the law affecting it, from a high authority. He then read an extract from Ist vol. of Hawkins' Pleas of the Crown, page 444. The writer said that, for the better under standing the nature of conspiracy, he should consider, first. who might be said to be guilty of the crime of conspiracy ; and, secondly, how offenders were punished. In the first, there was no better rule than the 3d of Edward the First, commonly called the Statute of Treasons, which he (Mr. Fitzgibbon) said was passed to become a scourge in the hands of those whom it ought to govern and not to scourge. Hawkins oited the Act of Parliament, the intent of which was to make a final definition of what a conspiracy was. The Learned Counsel then read a long extract fro m the work which he held in his hand—which was to the effect that conspirators were persons who bound themselves by oath to do an illegal act—who bound themselves together to tyranise over others—to undertake malicious enterprises. Such (continued Mr. Fitzgibbon) was the definition given of this early statute, for the purpose of making a final definition of conspiracy. He was quite free to admit that, in the same book, there were passages which might be considered unfavourable to his case, but he (Mr. Fitz gibbon) would not keep out of the view of the jury that which the leading member of the Irish bar had done. He would not suppress from their view one single pas sage that might tend to explain the passage which he should cite, and he would not say whether this course was right or wrong The CHIEF J USTICE—W here is that? Mr. FITZGIBBON—On page 446. He then read a passage respecting the kind of conspiracies which should be prosecuted by indictment, and proceeded to say, that when society began to emerge from a state of barbarism, that confederacies of the most criminal and dangerous character were formed, and it seemed to be only a ra tional thing to have a law to punish such villains. He then cited the case of the King v. Edwards, which was an indictment for conspiracy, arising out of an attempt on the part of-the officers of a parish in England to ob tain possession of the money raised upon it for the bene fit of the poor. One of the pa *y charged married a cripple, not for the purpose of ifiatrimony at all, but to make her chargeable to another parish. There was an other instance of an indictment for conspiracy. A card maker conspired with the members of his family to bribe the apprentice of another card maker to injure the paste used by him, by putting grease into it, and thereby destroying the reputation he had gained in his trade They were indicted for a conspiracy, and this case was a fair illustration of the meaning of a con spiracy. No one knew of the conspiracy but the villains themselves ; no one could actually prove that there was a conspiracy but by what appeared to be done at various times by the several individuals. They gave money to the apprentice. The father gave money one day—the wife gave money another—on the third day one of the servants—another servant on the followingr day. Evi dence of these overt acts were offered, and the Court allowed them to be given to the jury, because the accused parties were all members of the same family—all in eluded in the same practice—all influenced by the same design—that of ruining the rival card-maker by these means. The acts of each separately could not be ac counted for, but it was left to the jury to consider whe ther the acts of all were not the result of a previous conspiracy. This he conceived to be a fair illustration. Justice BURTON—Where is that case ? Mr. FiTzeninosi—lt was reported in Strange, and well known as the card-maker's case. He would now call the attention of the jury to the definition given by the Attorney-General. He (Mr. F.) took it down from his own lips. He told them that conspiracy was a crime that consisted either of a combination to do some illegal act, or to effect a legal purpose by illegal means, and, in support of his view, he cited two cases—one the King v. Rose, in 4th Barnewall and Adolphus, pages 349-350. The defendants were indicted for combining to conceal the effects of a bankrupt. In this case Here was a conviction, and the jury found a verdict of guilty There was a motion for an arrest of judgment, and, in giving judgment against the indictment, Lord Denman said that the indictment ought to have charged they the parties combined to do an unlawful, or a lawful, act, by unlawful means. Thi s was a mere di ctum , or saying, and not the decision of a Court; qnd no judge should pay much attention to these, the mere " ipse dixits," if he' might use the word. These dicta were well des cribed by Sir Anthony Hart, when he said they were used to mislead one judge by misrepresenting another. He (Mr. Fitzgibbon) heard a judge of equal ability— the present B a ron Pennefather—repudiate the principle or practice of citing in one case what a judge had said in another ; for this reason, what was said in a par ticular case was said with reference to the facts proved, and not said as laying down a g eneral law, to effect cases that might be composed o very different facts. In the case of. the King v. Seymour, there was an in dictment against the officers of one parish for conspiring to throw paupers upon another, and after a verdict there was a motion for arrest of judgment, as in the former case. The motion was granted—the judgment arrested. Lord Denman spoke again, and supported his former dictum in the case of the King v. Jones. This was going a great way to establish the correctness of the point—the same high authority, speaking and acting similarly on two occasions. It so happened that in 1839 there was another case before the very same Chief Justice, of an indictment for conspiring against a set of persons who opened splendid shops and induced tradesmen to give them goods on credit. They were convicted, but there was a motion for an arrest ofjudgment, because it was declared not to be a case properly within the law of indictment. Lord Den man had his own dictum cited, but he would not receive it, and decided against it ; and so far as the authority of Lord Denman in this case went, there was no weight. CHIEF JUSTICE—Where is that case reported ? Mr. FITZGIBBON—It was the case of the King v. Keck, 2d Adolphus and Ellis. There was also a dictum of the late Lord Chief Justice Bushe in the case of the King v. Forbes, cited by the Attorney-General. That very able man did lay down the law pretty much in the same way.. In his charge to the jury he said— The CHIEF JUSTICE inquired where this case was to be fOund. Mr. FITZGIBBON—It was at page 347 in Mr. Green's report of the trial of Forbes and others, charged with conspiracy in Dublin in 1823. In that charge it' was laid down that when two or more persons confederated together for effecting an illegal purpose by legal means, it constituted the crime of conspiracy ; also, that they were guilty should the object never be effected. He (Mr. .Fitzgibbon) cautioned the jury against adopting text-books of law, which he compared to map-malting —the writers of text-books generally adopting those which they already found in existence. The Leagued Gentleman next adverted to the case of the King v. Edwards, in East's Pleas of the Crown, in which it was reported that the Court said the bare conspiracy to do a lawful act to an unlawful end was a crime. This was the bare dictum of the Court, describing au offence. In vain would they look for such a definition iu thi old books, or in the common law. No doubt it was to be seen in Mr. East's book—a man almost of the present day, but no authority. He was not a judge, but a re porter of the dicta of judges. In the case of the King v. Edwards, he made a commentary on the decision before him. He would now proceed to the second proposition of the Attorney-General, who told them if the defendants had been engaged in a common design to obtain the end sought, they were all equally responsible, and the acts of one were to be held as the acts of all. What was the common design ? To obtain the repeal of the union. One million, at least, of their countrymen had been engaged in that common design. If there be guilt in that design, then are the million guilty, and they are involved in one of the most serious crimes that could be charged against a subject of the realm. Nothing could be more monstrous or more unconstitutional than this. According to the Attorney-General, the act of every one of that million is to be taken as evidence against the entire. The conversation with a person totally Unknown to Capt. Despard, behind a hedge, should, ac cording to the dictum of the Attorney-General, be taken as evidence not only against the traversers here, but against all who had been at the meeting, or who mixed in the repeal movement. Could the jury, as men of common sense, or as honest men, give their sanction to a doctrine so utterly monstrous? That declaration of the unknown man behind the ditch, is adduced here as an overt act against the traversers. The jury were not there strictly to try whether any of the meetings were illegal—whether sedition was uttered at those meet ings. The meetings were in evidence to show that the repeal of the union was sought by illegal means. It was only in thatway that the question of illegality could arise. The meeting was brought in to show, that without pre vious concert amongst the defendants it could not have taken place. Could any rational being believe the story told by Captain Despard—that 2,000 able-bodied men had marched all the way from Shilmalier to Tara ? Did they travel in a balloon, so high in the air that they could not be seen ? Did they travel under-ground ? Did any human being see them on the way ? Where is the man, of all the police at the Tara meeting, to say he saw a single Wexford man at the meeting ? Cap tain Despard did not see one—nor did any body else. Captain Despard is a handsome-looking fellow, flippant, clever—a very ready witness, who came here to tell not a very probable story. If he (Mr. Fitzgibbon) had been a witness to such a fact, he confessed he would be very anxious to receive some corroboration of so startling a statement, that there were 2,000 able men—strong, fight ing men—at Tara, who had come all the way from Shil malier. And it should be recollected, too, that this Shil - mailer man volunteered this statement of the fighting men—men of bone and sinew, such as O'Connell wanted—to the Stipendiary Magistrate, the very indivi dual to whom it would be dangerous to communicate it, if it were a fact at all. The Superintendent of Po lice was standing in immediate contact with Cap tain Despard, and must have heard this story ; but he is not produced, and yet the jury were called to believe that such a conversation took place. Why was not Mar Westenra produced? He was there —the pretended Wexford man was there—they were all in a group, yet the Major was not produced. He thought he would be able to show them, in the progress of this case, a little of management. They were now in the year 1844, and should do things now a days in something of a more civilised style than in former days. It would not do that a man who had been the suggester of the matters charged should be produced as evidence for the prosecution. In reference to the devices on the Repeal card, if Mr. Holbrooke had been a noisy bustling person—a forward Repealer, a wearer of the repeal c a p, it wou ld no t d o to pro duce him, for testimony of that kind would not suit for a jury. No, he had two young men in his employment whose characters had not been impeached, and who had no connection with the movement, and they were produced. Holbrooke had been employed by the Association—he is now working for the Government—and if the facts re garding him had appeared, there would have been a cry of indignation. Was not there in that evidence of management, subtlety, and craft? Combine 'this with holding of Holbrooke with 'the story of the Wex ford man, and was it too much to ask the jury to be lieve that there was here some signs of contrivance Qn the part of the Crown ? The Attorney-General bad quoted Mr. Justice Coleridge in support of his monstrous proposition—he merely used the scissors. and cut out the dictum of that judge. It was, howeicokie Learnedolnlrfair t the man to give the entire of his4udgmenLf(T Gentleman here read from the judgme nt, to although the common design was the root of ch arge : 1 1:: that, here should be evidence that of conspiracY, Yet t m bi mit t ot , to use the u p s r , o a p n o d s i t a i b on su r o d f the Attorney there had been a previo us co n a n fiat, nd' inoi T is h tr e same means foj eii i e :r w m a o s version of the law of conspiracy. He concurred with the view of Mr. Justice Coleridge, taken as a whole. In the case quoted, he had spoken to the jury of acts proved, and there could have been no mistake as to his meaning. The monstrous proposition of the Attorney-