The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-02 00:00:00

1 3 were e being an im treeable ens had which ockport. the pre- Awe not Ng year, there.! --- - peopleprospect There eral had nl, and ere re; n creme" Mere °sited in ere fre, savings ion with this in* egard to gh from re tardy• Ira was not bat feel ashamed of themselves for having ail awed. the. Chinese so far to have out-stepped them in ert mire eiples of commerce. By the Chinese tariff, every artici. of food was admitted free of duty. Let the Right Hon. Baronet tad his colleague. follow that example. We had been called barbarians by the Chinese, and he thought the Win was not misapplied when the principles of eur tariff were considered. He would take that opportunity of referring to one subject, which he thought was highly credita ble to the character of this country and honour-I.le to the iii dividual in whom it had originated. He alluded to the supplemental treaty which had been concluded by her Majesty's Plenipotentiary. By this treaty every nation wa admitted to trade with our recent possessions in China. He thought this most praiseworthy, and an honour to the c iunti He (Mr. Hume) had propo ed an amendment to ens of the Paragraphs of the address, which was to this effect— " That whilst we acquiesce with your ithijesty in the commendations bestowed on the officers and men employee in our late military operation in Sinde, we with• hold any expression of opinion respecting the Political negotiations pending with, and the dethrone- Lent and im.eisonment of, the A meers of Snide." He found that before he came into the House, a notice had been given, by which the subject would be brought before the Beare on an early day. For his own part he protested aßainst the whole proceedings that had been taken again.t that unfortnnate ceuntry.—( Hear, hear. ) He thought Eng laud had disgraced itself in the e)es of the world by the pro ceedings they had adopted in Sinde. The Hen. Gentle man who hid seceeded the address hail teiked ot the peaceful progress of cemmerce; he hoped in dieing • o hr did net Include Ind a. where by armies conquests had been effected in total violation of every erigegement this reentry end mace. The Right Honourable Baronet ought to have some forward with further information on this subject at the close o , the last 'Onion ; and if he had done so, he would have removed a great deal of the strife and bloodshed that had taken place in that uountry.--( Hear, hear. ) Now it might be curious for the House t• know the statements that hid been made iu King's, and Queen's speeches for .he last twenty-five yeers ; for ttiat time, both in war and peace, the same stetemeet was mad• with respect to the estimates. They were always told that they had been framed with strict economy. regard being hail to the public service. Now he thought the House ought not to take such a statement from a Minister of the Crown, unless they had a control over the estimates, which they had not. It was impossible for the House, or any other person, to believe that they world have suitable estimates laid before them while these things cen tinued, and, for the purpose of obviating such a state of things, he should move an amendment.—(Laughter.) lie had no doubt the adoption of such a course would not be very Pleasarable to many, for they thought. as long as they lot m one y, or money's worth, it was all right. If once the money left the Exchequer it flowed through so teeny rivulets that there was no knowing how many persons enjoyed a share of the public money. It was the moot Im portant duty of Parliament— it was the only duty that Puttee scent was capable of executing efficiently—(A taugh)—to Beep a guard upon the public expenditure. With regard tothe estimates they ought of adept the plan which was adopted in France and Belgium. There every estimate was sue mitted to a Committee. The Committee hail the head of the department before them, and called upon him for any explanations they might require These explanations Were laid before the Chambers before the estimates were ap- Proved of or rejected In this country we had erred in no , adopting a similar course. He was pleased to observe from the 'lent paragraph that there was an improvement in several of the branches of the revenue. Ile admitted that there hail been " i mProvernent in some articles iit commeree. hut he feared that that improvement was only partial. He believed it de gr`g▪ itgried upon the opening of the ports of China, tint the improvement in the trade of America, he n could net see any prospect of its continuance. But, Illettever might be the improvement, it was impossible to dens t he existence of great distress and destitution. (inc of the eldses to which he attributed the evils of the country, was the Wart ef the means for the people to exchange the products o' their industry for the means of support. In short, he attri buted thole evils to our restrictive commercial policy. The Right Hon. Baronet had very acutely left out of the speech all allusien to the corn-laws. Now when the Right Hon Baronet, • in bringing forward the tariff, had so ably and clearly expounded the doctrines on which the commercial policy of this country ought to be conducted, he was either right er wring. He (Mr. name) believed that he was right, but he asked the Right Hon. Baronet why had he stopped short ? The con duct which the Right Hon. Baronet was pursuing in doing so was sure to give general dissatisfaction. He was to glad to *el opposite several gentlemen who hsd taken part in a meet ing got up to oppose the Ater-Corn-law League. 'lb could not be ileum-ant ef the operations and influence in the League. They now admitted that the League was a great fact, tree they got up meetings to oppose it. The Right Hon. Baronet has admitted that the time might conic when the principle., of the League might be carried out ; he had never said that free trade in core should never be granted. He had acted unwisely in thus leaving the subject in doubt and difficulty. Those inte rested in support of the law got up meetings to oppose the League. One of them had been held at Steyeing ; it had been tailed a meeting of tenant-farmers. Among the inures of those present he read those of the Earl of Egmont. the Eerl o Winchilsea, the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Gage, Sir C. Clifford, Sir C. Burrell, Colonel Wyndham ; there was a whole page filled with the names of Noble Lords and Hole Members,and these were all tenant-farmers. —( A laugh. ) Why, had there ever before been exhibited such a farce 9 —t A laugh.) He accused them, at these tenant-farmer meetings, of abuse the most foul, and of language the most discreditable Now. he would venture to •a y, that in all the Anti - Corn-law meetings that had b een held in England and Scotland—and hoe numerous they had been was known to all—( Hear, hear) — no language to be compared for its vulgarity and d iscreditableness to that employed at the tenant-farmers' assem blages had ever been uttered. But what he had t• maintain was that the Right Hon. Bart. at the head of the Government Was doing great injustice to these ti nate-farmers in leaving them in the state of uricetuunts which he did, at 0 net telling them of his stetermination to propose a total repeal.—( Laughter.) Why he hopee he would do that. for, from a proposal or an advocacy of a fixed duty be had entirely precluded himself, as well by his votes as his speeches He thought all classes, but. more especially the tena n t-f armers . had a rig h t to complain of the Right Honourable Baronet for not mentioning the subject of the corn-laws in the speech from the Throne. The question was, did the Right Hon. Gentleman mean to do something this session in refer ence to the corn-law, or did he not?—(Hear, and a laugh.) He (Mr. Hume) believed that he did not intend to do anything this session, for in the ye:, 1841 he had brought to book the Noble Lord near him (Lord John Russell) because he had not introduced into the speech from the throne the subject of the corn-laws, and yet, at a subsequent period of that session, he hail brought it under their consideration. He said, why not put that into the speech from the throne as the advice tendered by Ministers, and then broach the subject afterwards ? and from this he (Sir Robert Peel) had volunteered the expression of his convic tion that the subject of the corn-laws was an after- thought of the then Ministers, and resolved suddenly upon by them. Though, then, the Right Hon. Baronet might have no intention of interfering with the corn-law, still the country had a right to expect him to say something in reference to them and to the Ministerial intentions. What said the Duke of Richmond? He said that the were entitled to know distinctly the inteti tions of the Government—that it was their duty to ask, cot in the language of threat, or even of reproach, what was meant by them, and that they were entitled to tell the Minis ters of the Crown that suspense was the worst of all evils, the cruellest of all punishments, and that they required to know whether the protection they row enjoyed was to be conti nue d Or . tint . —(Hear , h ear .) N ow hi s (11r. Hume's) compl a i n t a n zs,ttat the speech from the throne was, that in it no I , e e l " whatever was taken of that important lute c!" This course of conduct on the pa r t o f th e Bern This was mere to the detriment of the landed interest than of any other. If the landed interest thought itself the great s interest which it did--and that it was a gre a t interest he was ready enough to concede—then it had a very just ground ef complaint indeed. He would refer to other meetings of tenant-farmers—the one at Northampton. " The Anti-Corn-law League," said Sir C. Knightley, " rank Sit ting them th e w h o l e r efuse of mankind."—( L aug ht er . ) The House might suppose that that included everything, but such was riot the case. " This League, called the Anti-Core law League, is, I think, the most pestiferous society since th e Jacobin Club, in the date: of the French ett iltitien•" (Great laughter. ) " the object of one section of those gentlemen is to overthrow the present Go ',eminent." He denied it.—(Laughter.) He did not be'oag to the Anti-Corn-law League, but he repelled that charge With indignation. 't Of another section, the Radicals, the ob ject is to overthrow the Constitution ." He gave the lie unreet to that.—(Laughter. ) Ile was a Radical, he had been 11 Radical, and he still avowed himself one ; and he id:ela te d t h at any man who stated what he had j ust read a s a calumniatiation of himself, and of all with whom he t a i e l t _ c _de—(Hear, hear. ) He went on to say, •‘ I conceive the is about a s much affection between the one party and e other, as th ere was b etween J onat h an Wild an d J ac k Shep eu r r d."—(Great laughter.) What was the affectioe that existed bet ween the Right Ho n . Baronet and many o f th ose from inn he r ece i ve d su pp or t h e c ou ld no t th en inquire . s ir Charles then went on to excuse the League of isq uina blasphemous publications, and ii.devent publications, soil scattering them all mound the country. Now the Anti rn-law League contained, he believed, man) of that class who were more careful of pubic morals than almost any other c lam in the country.--( Cries of " Oh, oh.") lie thought this att empt was highly discreditable to sir Charles Knightley, a nd those with whom he was connected. There were other meeting s at which the language used, and the mode of speaking o i f i Partic u l ar individuals, were equally unjustifiable lie t : might such things were in a great measure attributable to the arson :n which the Right Honourable Baronet had Placed himself, by not eerryii se out his o'n inten t) ' cm '. He was 'riot igeorant, indeed. of the infli ealties of the Right Honour able Martinet's posit in. .e recollected a speech made in that House by the Right 05 . Baronet opposite, in which he told hen 'j Lnrd be zutv that if he knt.w ariy measures which he believed to be sesitial to th e p rosper i ty an d we lf are o f t h e country , lie was b ound, as a Minister of the Crown, having taken an oath to p ro mote the i n t eres t s o f th e coun t r y , t o b r i ng f orwar d cr o t r , measures; arid if he abstained from doing se es r , , fear o f no t carry i ng t h em , h e oug ht no t t o ..11 his situation a moment. Let the Right Hon. Baronet t ) : do what he asked the Noble Lord to do. If the Right 1 7 r n• Baronet believes that the principles ot free trade are the , o.i cl'er principles fur a free country—aud who can doubt ie— the! not propose them ?--e Hear, hear ) But he left coentry in a state of excitement—league against ', a gue — while t h e country was t orn i n pi eces . H e sa id was the duty of the Right Hon. Baronet to speak out .!h5 tnd let the Duke of Richmond and Sir H. Verne know what licintended to d o . Commercial restrictions were the cause of e d istress of the country, and every person was bound to re d.," that distress by contributing toremove them. Nothing was rereueinia,esedlast session, it was a mere blank. Pauperism in throughout the county, which was left without A. recoil took place. because it was impossible things C e o e ° , ldf. ge on as they had been going. 'I hings were now getting , orn ' t er• The Ho si Seconder of the address alluded to wee% in stances of this improvement. One was a case in a reduction had been made in the number of Pe . r s 4,O(Z s re ceiving relief in one union, from 12,000 to to t But was it not the duty of a Government Bean care and provide the means of working for 4,000? tVinieri that the corn-laws, and all other prohibitory t h r e e: o 4 o t - hj , to be considered and amended, he regretted that contained no notice on the subject ; but he doubt. trutteel t would have a declaration from the all night doubt. aronet, which would do away with H aljurinus to all cla e proprietors themsellit,es.; Was confident that the corn-laws were •es to the community, even t • the lustiest • Was the Common and and that they would become more and more injurious, it was upon that account he said that it t i z d e e t d wo by ri ri va i ls h o institutions forject of all to remove them. There were relieving the distress of the metropolis, ps . and Ministers of the Crown ; there were tnaion, in eve institutions for this purpose; there were besides the eotton, r i l e parish ; notwithstanding which the distress • oontinued. increase of treble had taken place in this. and all theirwoollen, and hardware trades, but notwithstandieg n 2ed, and the 1 charitable institutions, the distress conti 'Lie!' might, y ad daily reports of persons dying of hunger ; co. Aerate "chit them therefore, to call on her Majesty's Ministers to portationa of f is removing all restrictions on the im am every article of industry. Nothing but ehrr4l)l,?ylearsiet: twoZld afford substantial relief to the e N oti o n ti t I l e t oe_ lt that the repeal of the corn-laws would lower wa es. urislciered that • impomble, be - citra4 wages wtra lowe g r io En laud than .. in ARV _ coentry in the . world.—(Cries of •Oh ! oh !" ) Yes, he repute.. it —where could they get K shirt made for I Ld. and a knife and lock for the same price? So great had been the distress, that many had been anxious to get a paltry sum of three halfpence for twelve hours' labour. Was it possible, he would ask, to conceive such a state of things? The truth was, in the country pauperism was increasing ; the poor-rates, which had been reduced, were now rising rapidly, and paupers were increasing ; added to this, prices ere - failing, and how was this? why, because men had no work by which they could get money. In his opinion the House of Commons was doing great injury to the country, and he called upon them to reconsider their course. If the Right Hon. Baronet would only postpone the address till Monday, in order to afford an opportunity to the peo i tle of knowing what it was that the address contained, he was sure if the Right Hon. Baronet. would adopt that course, as quick as the post could bring them, the grievances of the people would be poured into that. House. Now i' was his intention to move two amendments, hr considered the distress that existed in the country was owing to two caustic, one the existence of the corn-laws and other prohibitory enactments, which if put an end to would remove that distress and suffering, and the other was the great increase of taxation. Her Majesty, in her speech—or rather her Ministers, in their speech—had been cautious upon that subject ; but these taxes caused misery to the people.—( Hear.) He regretted to see taxation increased to the extent it had teen when it ought to he reduced. Then, again, with respect, to the income-tax, that impost instead of falling on the wealthy had fallen very heavily on the poorer classes. He believed the larger portion of the people had been iibli e ed to pay that tax, :lel the trouble of get ir.g i• bark was such that the money t:O , VIOL considered worth it. 'the Right Hon Baronet did not tell them, as lie did in 1828, that a Finance Committee should be appointed to see where the excesses of the expenditure had taken place. He thought her Majesty ought to have called upon her Ministees to look to the distresses of the people. What was the of having eeace, when they were obliged to seep se. a war esteblishment ? He was anxious that. the House s ieuld not hr led ass ay by a species of trickery. If they wished for an example of the evil effects which must follow from aiiy breach of faith with the public creditor, let them look across the Atlantic.—( Cheers.) He had always opposed everything like a breach of faith with the public creditor, although he saw these on the benches opposite who had, in their speeches and their writings, recommended a breach of the public faith.—( Cheers and laughter.) Fer every pound that was withheld from the public creditor, the country lost milli.ins.—( Hear, hear.) Teey had recently had an example of the effect of upholding public credit. What occurred in Virginia? There had been considerable difficulty in raising funds to meet the interest of the debt. The Governor had recommended the House to raise a tax to pay the interest due to the public creditor. A small sum, amounting t about 800,000 dollars, had been raised for that purpose, and the effect had been that the stocks which had been at 45 or 50, rose immediately to 70 and to 8•2. Three-fourths of those funds were held by inhabitants of the State, who thus found that their capital was doubled, and that they were able to exchange it, and to use it for any purposes which they might require. Every State in America which had broken faith with the public cre ditor had suffered, would suffer, and ought not to recover until they had regained public credit, by paying their creditors. He agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet as to the necessity of maintaining public credit. That person was the greatest enemy to the working classes who should recommend a breach of the public faith with the national creditor, for the working classes would suffer more severely in consequence, than any other. The most effectual way, however, to maintain the pub lie credit, was by a reduction in taxation, to lessen the burden of the people. If less were taken from them by the income tax, they would be more effectually enabled to contribute to the other taxes of the country. the public credit would have been more effectually preserved if, instead of raising five millions by an income-tax, a reduction had been made in our establish ments. Alt that was wanted was that they should set free labour, the industry and the commerce of the country.—( Loud cheers.) They had ships rutting in their harbours for want of employment, with which they would have been furnished if we had had free trade. He scarcely pitied the ship-owners, for they had been the greatest monopolists, and they were now paying the penalty of their folly. Much had been saidabout commercial improvement. Let the Right Hon. Baronet lock to every trade except those connected with the woollen and cotton manufacture, and he would see nothing but distress. Our condition could not be a wealthy one as long as there were millions of money unemployed and capital lying dead. Nothing but ex'ending the outlets for our exports, could furnish the means of emplosment. "they were told that if *hey did this it weal e: t give iricrea:•e of employment ; hut he % tented that position. Essen these States in which the miss , stringent reguletiens existed against our commerce, had been compelled to take more arttcies from us whenever we relaxed our commercial code. Our commerce with France had been tre bled. There was not a bushel of wheat imported which did not give additional employment to the people. It did riot lower the price of British produced wheat, but it afforded a full meal to those who had only before had half a one.—( Hear, hear). The articles of butter and ileese hail not been affected by the tariff, although a Noble Lord, speaking in the enlightened county of Buckingham, had complained that the farmers had been al ruined by the duty having been taken off cheese—( A laugh )—and when they looked at the article of live cattle— why the whole of the cattle imported in the course of last year wou d not have matte a single breakfast for the working people •of this country. They had every right to complain of the Right Hon. Baronet, because he would not carry out the ante principles of commercial policy which he had enunciated. —( Cheers.) He believed that over-taxation was one of the evils under which this country was labouring, and he thought that many of those evils had been produced by the con Ala of the Right Honourable Baronet. With regard to the subject of the revenue, if it were properly looked into and fain , stated. it would present a very different appearance to that which it was assumed to have by the Ministerial pasty. If they would deduct the amount received for the ineorne-tax, the revenue derived front corn. and ti.e amount received from China, instead of speaking in the glowing terms which they did of our financial situation and our returning prosperity, they would find their as.erted increase soak down into a revenue less by a million and a half than that of last year. Re verting to the condition of the working classes, let them look at the reduced rate of wages, an . they would be compelled to say that they were in any thing but a state of comfort. When the time rrived at which the [tight Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government would propose a c ,ntinu.Ltion of the income tax, he would b eg t h em to b ear mind that there would be y n it- furt o her oc i c n a fi si i( o tt n ron, fo if r the it, y would Drily sirs aw wh ay ater with er the r tram.nele of industry, and give to capital its fair and legiti mate expansion. The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Cardwell) in seconding the address to the Crown, had said much in praise of the home market, holding it up as the best, if not the only one for this country. Why, for his (Mr. Hume's) part he could see no difference between the home and the foreign. When a man could sell his articles better at home he would sell them at home, and if he could find a readier malket or a better price abroad he would sell abroad.—( Hear.) Here peop l e were constantly protesting against foreign markets, and holding up home mar kets as the only good for the country, and what was our actual condition? Take the agricultural parishes, Were they not now burtheced by persons thrown upon theta for relief, thrown back from manufactures, which were rendered idle and unproductive by the very system which he (Mr. Hume) complained cf, but of which Hon. Gentle men opposite desired the continuance. These poor people, thus thrown back upon the agricultural parishes, were so thrown, by their own narrow policy and unjust laws. Let them give employment to the people, and they would very soon find all their difficulties at an end. Their disasters were not limited to one class of the people—the agriculturists were suf fering the same as the manufacturers—they were both to be pitied, and ought to be relieved. In order that these matters mil-ht in a proper way be brought under the attention of the Crown, he should move certain paragraphs to be added, by way of amendment, to the eleventh paragraph in the proposed address. (The Hon. Gentleman then read his amendment, which was to the effect that the industry of the country was shackled by laws of repression which ought at once to be re pealed, and the principle of free trade fully acted upon—that monopolies should no longer be permitted—and that her Ma jesty having announced the prospect of continued peace, very consieerable reductions might and ought to be made in the naval and military services, and the various overgrown esta blishments of the country.) The force now in Ireland was larger than that of 179'2. it was a question at importance both to Ireland and England whether such a force shonld be con tinued. Why was it maintained? Because they would not do justice. When the ;:ion. Member for Cork introduced the question of repeal in that House, he opposed him, believing that repeal would be injurious to the best interests of both countries. But they raust now make their selection between two courses ; they must either remove the ss ell-founded com plaints of the Irish people, or they must let them have repeal. —( Hear, hear.) If he believed that justice would not be done to Ireland by the British Parliament he would himself become a ri pealer.—(llear, hear.) What was the feeling of Irishmen themselves in reference to their present position? He bad in his hand a copy of a petition agreed to be presented to that House, not bs the riff-raff, who they were told were the only supporters of Mr. O'Connell and repeal, but at a meeting at which the Duke of Leinster pre sided. (The Hon. ',Member then read the petition, which de scribed the state of Ireland as one of deep-seated and wide spread discontent, and stated that the petitioners considered that until the c.tuaes of complaint were removed, peace could not be secured on a tasting tooting ). He thought the Ritht Hon. Baronet (sir Jame■ Graham) and the Noble Lord his colleagtv, might have learned something from their experience in 18.34. when, as Aleinlit , rs of the Gose , rnment. of that day, they brought i.. a Cuero it Bill for Ireland. What was the iesulr of that measure? Why, it was a perfect failure. When, subsequently, injustice cease t, when a desire was mani fested to remove all causes of complaint, Ireland immediately responded to the new feeling ; and at one time the army was reduced from :2.0,000 to 8500, and troaps were sent over to assist in maintaining the peace in Yorkshire. What had oc curred sine.e ? They had refused justice to the nation, after pled Zing themselves to remove all grievances, and the• contitry was tieluged with a naval and military force which wss a disgrace to any Ministry in a time , tf peace. Ihe Noble Lord, who had proposed the address, said that he (lid not wish to raise any topics of dispute. Why, unless they stated what they were preitar, d to eo, the Mi nistry were shirking their duty.—( Hear, hear.) They wanted the moral courage to bring the subject fairly before the House, and they did not redeem the pledge which they had given, to propose all measures which might be necessary for the welfare of the country. Mr. S. CRAWFORD said he wished to move an amend- ment to that part of the address which referred to the esti mates. He wished to and to the paragraph the following worth :—.‘ To assure her Majesty that her faithful Commons will be always desirous to vote such supplies as may be found just and necessary for the public service, but that under the existing circumstances of the country we shall deem it our first and most important duty to inquire Into the various grievances complained of by her people and to devise such measures as shall be most effectual for the removal of alljust causes ot complaint." It was their duty to inform her Majesty of the causes of the complaints of the people. That House was the proper organ of communication between the people and the Crown. They possessed no other, and it was therefore their duty to represent to her Majesty what the wants and wishes of the people were. The people had at various ti mes represente d t h ose gr i evances to that House, but their complaints were not listened to, and they therefore believed that they were not fully or fairly repre sented in that House. By representing their grievances to the Crown, her Majesty night, if she so thought fit, desire her Ministers to inquire into their grievances. They complained of the accumulation of property white the destitution of the great body of the people was every day increasing. They com plained that the means of living of the working classes were lessened, and that while the taxes on food were continued they sought to give relief through the administration of the poor law. He would not at that time cuter into the subject of the poor-law, though he had strong opinions upon the subject. taken the grievances of the people were not inquired into, it became their duty as Members of that House to take all fair and reasonable means to Jame their consideration npon the House, and if possible to obtain redress for them. It was to be regretted that references were not made in the speech from the Throne, but that not being done, it was their duty to make those references in the address. He maintained that it was only their duty to inforts the Crown of all the core : plaints of the people, and it was the best means of securing o stability of the Cro'n. It w& with that view he brought THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 2, 1844. orward his amendment, feeling it absolutely necessary that when there was nothing in the speech but accounts of pro - perity, while great distress pervaded the great mass of the com munity, so severe that the population could not be afflicted with them, and at the same time subordinate to the law, the Crown should be informed of the real state of the country. He had re ceived instructions from his constituents at Rochdale to adopt the measures which he now proposed. Of course he meant no discourtesy to her Majesty, but he thought it right to give her that information which they ought to receive from the repre sentatives of the people. He should not press on the conside ration of the House any arguments on the subject, further than to move that the amendment be added to the 10th paragraph in the address. The address, which was an echo of the speech, and the amendments, having been put by the Speaker, and no Member rising to address the House, strangers were ordered to with draw, when Mr. WARBURTON rose to address the House. He did so because he thought that any Hon. Member who intended to vote should state his reasons for doing so. If the Hon. Mem ber who had moved the amendment—he alluded to the Hon. Member for Rochdale—meant by that amendment to stop the supplies until the grievances of the people were redressed, he could assure him that that was not the vote he was inclined to give. Formerly, when the Crown ventured to commit Mem bers to the Tower, to stop the supplies was a justifiable pro ceeding. They knew one another well ; they knew that civil war was inevitable, and that the House of Commons was fully prepared to support the cause of the people. In those times the evils of stoning the supplies were not of the extent which such a proceeding would now entail on the Crown. Colonies at that time this country had none ; hut if they stopped the supplies now they would throw all the foreign establishment of the country into confusion. Formerly the Crown had va rious revenues by which it was supported, but now the reve nues of the Crown were little or nothing. At that time the stopping of the supplies was just ; but it would not be so now. He thought with the Hon. Member for Montrose that the estimates were capable of large reduction, and that in addition to that reduction a larger deduction might be made in the naval and military service of the country. A con siderable alteration might be made in the collection of the revenue. When he came into the House he had no intention of addressing it, but as his vote might be liable to misrepresen tation if he gave it for the motion of the lion. Member for Rochdale, he thought it right to say thus much, and with this explanation he should vote for the Hon. Member's motion. Nil% WALLACE had not, when he entered the House, en tertained any intention of addressing them that evening, but he felt bound to offer an explanation of the vote which he in tended to give in favour of the amendment which had been proposed by his Hon.' Friend 'the Member for Rochdale. He agreed with his Hon. Friend the Member for Kendal, as to what had been the former practice of the House, but to such a condition had the people now been brought, that the House must proceed a little faster and a little further than they had hitherto done, or they would be brought to a stand still.— ( A laugh). This was not a time to be fastidious, and he would support the Hon. Member for Rochdale in hi! attempts to stop the supplies. whenever he might be of opinion that circumstances might require it.—( A laugh). Hon. Membees might laugh, but !perhaps they might have an opportunity of judging on the subject before the session was over.—( Re newed laughter). He did tact say when he would do it. He would not say whether he should de it on the first occasion that the supplies were proposed, or not, but whenever he should see occasion he would do so most assuredly. He supported the amendment of the Hon. Member for Rochdale. Lord JOHN RUSSELL would have been satisfied with giving a silent vote against the amendment of the Hon. Mem ber tor Rochdale, had it not been for the speech of the Hon. Member for Kendal, and for that of the Hen. Member who had just sat down. After that speech, however, he thought he might as well take the opportunity of delivering his sentiments, not only on the motion now before the House, but on the general address, which had been so ably moved and seconded by the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman opposite.— ( Hear, hear). With respect to the motion of the Hon. Member for Rochdale, if the Hon. Gentleman meant to say that the House of Commons ought to have the power to inquire into and to redress grievances, why, if the majority of that House were persuaded that it was fit to inquire into certain matters, and thought that certain remedies were necessary, he knew of nothing in the address which could prevent such a ma jority from engaging in such inquiries, or from adopting such measures ; and the insertion of those words proposed to be in serted by the Hon. Gentleman would be totally unnecessary. --- ( Cheers). But if it meant that it was intended that a minority not tthe for honourthe pain of that House should stop the proceedings of the majority— sahowofsoeftisyldio sf s ,tt t t : h. necessary the (se sniuunpn,ptl r, buteys—ftosf supplies—necessary, until were f hat a n t minorityth se hhp leei o em :7 — i la n el i ann r l i te n ie s nnegas :v na h e'Ar i e. v r a : o l s i IP' the majority should be forced upon them by obstruction and delay—he would at once say that to steps of that kind he would never give his sanction, and that he would never give any vote which should tend to that purpose.—( Loud cheers). He thought that in the first ease there was no need to introduce the words proposed, which were merely superfluous; and in the second cave, he was glad to embrace the earliest opportunity to express his dissent from projects which he had seen had been broached elsewhere, of forcing the opinions of a minority, by means of obstruction and delay upon a majority of that deliberative House of Parliament.—( Cheers. ) With respect to the speech from the throne, and to the address itself, he was glad to find that the topics touched upon were treated in such a manner as to meet with his concurrence, so far as his vote on the address was concerned.--( Cheers. ) The Hon. Member for Montrose had said that it would be the better course, as there were so many topics touched, that the House should have time to deliberate, so as to form an opinion upon each topic. According to the method which had in former times been adopted with regard to the speech of the. Sovereign, it might, perhaps, have been advisable to adopt the plan proposed by the Hon. Member for Montrose ; but according to the method which had been adopted of late years, and which, perhaps, was more adapted to our own times, it had been more usual, both in the speech and the address, to treat the various topics touched upon in such a manner as not to oblige the House to come to any opinion on matters of doubt and controversy—not to call upon the House to express any decided opinion except upon questions which had been over and over again discussed, on which Members were tolerably agreed, such, for instance, as the maintenance of the legislative union with Ireland.—(Cheers.) On other topics it had of late years been usual to thank the Crown for the com munication which had been made, and to reserve those other topics for separate discussion or separate motions.—(Cheers. ) With respect to the annexation of Sinde for instance, if he had been called upon to thank her Majesty for having under taken a military aggression against Sinde, he must say he should be anxious to pause and inquire before expressing an opinion on the subject, but the address had beers very properly framed, anti it only called upon the House to thank her Ma jesty for the information she had been pleased to communicate to them, and for the promise of further papers and information. The Hon. Member for Montrose had complained th a t t h ere have to had been twenty-three different topics introd uce d i nto t h e address, but while these topics were treated in th: s manner, he apprehended introduced hendedthatif i t n h t e o re th h e ad ad b d ee re n ss s , 3 oftihnesteHadouse would 23 different very little difficulty in paying the compliment to the Crown of agreeing to the address without a division. There was one topic which had been treated of in the spe ec h, not, however,oe in such a mariner as to preclude him from voting in favour of the address, but en which he thought it necessary so say a few words He meant the state and condition of Ireland.— ( Hear, hear.) Ile agreed that while the proceedings to which allusion had been made were pending before the judicial tribunals in Ireland, it would be impossible with a due regard to the proceedings of the Courts of Justice to discuss topics which involved the conduct of persons who had to defend themselves before those Courts. It was therefore impossible at present to discuss those questions f u ll y . But he wished now to be most decided and pointed in precluding himself from any supposition that he gave his approbation to the conduct which had been pursued by the Government —to their most unfortunate proceedings—or to the measures which the Crown was now pursuing or proposed to pursue with refer ence to the calamities which now ,afflicted Ireland. With the few words he had thus uttered he quitted that subject. A friend behind him had just reminded him that he had given notice of his intention, at an early day, to bring the whole state of Ireland under the consideration of the House, and he fully intended to do so, subject, however, to the circumstance that by the time hu had fixed for his moti, n, the trials now pending would be brought to a close.—( Hear, hear.) If this a,ere not the case—it at the time fixed the trials were still pending —then he should venture to ask the House to give him the preference of the earliest day after their con clusion.—( Hear, hear.) There were several topics treated on in the speech, in which he was most happy to express his concurrence. Ile was very glad to find that with respect to China a commercial treaty had been made between the two countries likely to be advantageous to both, and that the Chme , e Government and our own had both been of the same opinion, that the advantages we had obtained for ourselves should be extended to all other nations. He quite agreed in the sentiment expressed by the Hon. Member for llontrnse (Mr. Hume) that conduct like this was becoming such a great nap ion as England, evincing as it did a conciliatory and noble feeling towards other nations, and a continued and un abated confidence in our own resource• and enterprise.—( Hear, hear.) He was glad also to find that after the panic which had been expressed at the exceeding might and power •f the Emperor of China—(Loud laughter)—that the dread which formerly pervaded those now on the other side of the House at the almost irresistible strength of three hundred millions, had somewhat abated—(Loud Laughter)_ and that it was now with them matter of congratulation that we had not submitted to the ignominy —(Hear, hear)—of having British subjects confined and threatened to be put to death if they did not agree to certain peremptory terms. We had vindicated British honour ; and so far from the result being as calamitous as then it was predicted it would be, our just demands had been enforced by the naval and miliiary skill of the commanders and forces, and by the diplomatic skill •f Sir H. Pottinger, acting under the directions of his Noble Friend the Member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston) ; and we had obtained terms which, so far from being dishonourable, gave hopes of advantages greater than even they had a right to expect.—(Cheers). The speech alluded to the good under standing which we now enjoyed with France, and to the pacific relations which existed between us and the principal Powers of Europe. He most unfeignedly rejoiced at these intima tions, and trusted that our policy would continue to insure that good understanding. He ( Lord John Russell) was one who had been frequently taunted on the subject of the French alliance—with being too fond of that alliance, in contempt of other alliances with the more despotic Powers of Europe. It was imputed to them that, after the alliance had lasted a considerable time, they were the cause of breaking that alliance and good understanding. Ile was happy to find, by some declarations recently made in an Assembly of another country, by persons of autho rity—by the late Prime Minister of France and the present Minister of France—that if there had been any decline in the intimacy and good understanding, that such was not owing to any act on their parts, but because France, for various rea sons, and from various motives, began to look to other ideas and other feelings, which, as he thought, she ought never io have done, and then the good understanding between them would never have been impaired. With regard to the treaty of July, 154 1, he was most happy to find, from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, that France had now reverted to her ancient policy, thereby signifying that, for a time, there had been a depar ture from it. That ancient policy had been to maintain the integrity of Turkey by the protection and assistance, not of one or of another, but of all, the great Powers. In that spirit they had acted, and in that spirit he thought France ought likewise to have acted. But, unhappily, she had wan dered from her usual track, and turned to worship some Egyp tian idol—(♦ laugh)—that for a time had charmed her. But glad was he to find that she had deserted that new track, and returned once more to her ancient and her true policy. Glad should he ever be that our good under standing was renewed with that great country. which he looked upon as one of the most inteldgent ansi power ful in Europe, distinguished alike in letters, arts, and arms. Other parts of the speech turned upon the present state of our industrious population. Ile was happy to hear from the Hon. Gentleman who had seconded the address, that there were great signs of improvement in the manufacturing districts. He had no doubt that although there had been exaggeration in some quarters, much real and solid improvement had taken place. If they came to inquire into the causes of that improvement they would no doubt find that one of the greatest causes was the abundance of the harvest of last year and the year before. He was making some inquiries the other day with respect to the price paid for food by some poor families. He found that in one family there was this year a saving of one shilling a week for the consumption of bread. If they considered the number of families who must be in the same condition, it seemed not improbable that some Millions had Seen raved in food ) to be devoted - to the purchase 'or - clothing - and other filings of which the poor stood in need. It was obvious, therefore, that the bounty of Providence had much to do with the improvement to which reference had been made.—( Hear.) This was quite independent of any policy which might be adopted with respect to corn. The experience of the last year could hardly be quoted in favour of any particular law ; for he doubted whether, if they had a law prohibiting the import of corn, the effect would have been very different. But as the Hon. Member for Montrose had spoken on that subject, he would venture to say a few words as to the disadvantageous position of the landed interest and the farmers as to the policy of the Right Hon. Baronet. There were many schemes bearing upon this subject. One was the old scheme of protection for all articles of British industry. That policy still had numerous advocates. Another opinion was the direct reverse of that, that there ought to be no protecting laws at all, that there should be no taxes except for the sake of revenue, and that they should beware, in imposing taxes for the sake of revenue, that they did not do anything by which the price of any article of domestic industry would be enhanced. There was a third opinion, which was the opinun held by the Right Hon. Gentleman, and very nearly that held by himself ; that although the first opinion was totally erroneous, and although the second was absolutely true, yet, in the condition of this country, having to raise the interest of a debt of 800 millions— having, also, to appoint numerous establishments—and having, for these purposes, laid on many taxes at various times, and of various kinds, some pressing on one class of industry, and some on another—in making the change from what was erro neous to what was true, they should make it with great caution, and they should rather look to having a fair competition, with some advantage to their own consumers, who had been, hitherto, unduly favoured, than go at once into a system of total and entire freedom. Now this last principle was, he conceived, that upon which the Right Hon. Baronet had founded his tariff two years ago. But the fault. of the corn-law was, that it did not carry the principle far enough. The corn-law, if it were good for anything, was founded on the principle of protection to British industry. All those who now defended the corn-law defended it upon that ground. It was a law which was left alone; it was a law which was repudiated by their policy with respect to all other articles; and it was a law which could not be defended, except upon a theory which they themselves (the Ministry) said was indefensible.—( Hear, hear.) Now that appeared to him to be placing the whole landed interest at a disadvantage. If they said. " Let all classes of British industry be protected, for that is the true principle," they might tie up the corn-laws in a bag with the rest of the laws, and they would then have strength to resist any inroads which it might be attempted to make. On the other hand, they might defend making corn a source of revenue. But whilst, as regarded other articles, they hail adopted a moderate duty, as regarded that article in which the majority, both in the House of Lords and in the House of Commons were deeply interested, they had a duty of 40 per cent., that duty shifting and changing in a way which every commercial man declared to be irreconcilable with sound principle. When, therefore, gentlemen attending agricultural meetings expressed a hope that the Right Hon. Baronet would come forward and declare that the corn-law was binding in all perpetuity, he did think that they made the most extravagant request that ever he heard.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet told them last year that he did not mean to alter the corn-law that session ; but that as regarded the future he must be guided by the condition of the country, and the probable effect of any new commercial law. He thought that was the only answer which the Right Hon. Ba ronet could fairly be expected to give ; but he would be much surprised if he now found him saying, " I am so enamoured of my law, that I am determined to stand by it."—( Hear, hear. ) He spoke thus much with regard to the subject introduced by the Hon. Member for Montrose. He did not know anything more to add, than that he gave his concurrence to the address. He did not want any addition made to it of the kind alluded to by the Hon. Member for Montrose, and he would give his de cided negative to the amendment now proposed.—(Hear.) Sir R. PEEL said that, before adverting to the motion of the Hon. Member for Rochdale, or the observations of the Noble Lord, he was sure the House would excuse him for expressing the satisfaction with which he heard the speech of his Noble Friend who proposed, and the speech of his Hon. Friend who seconded, the address.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Montrose, who was their political opponent, stated distinctly that he never heard an address moved and seconded with greater judgment or with more ability than on the present occasion. —( Hear, hear.) He was sure the ability they mani fested, combined with the sincere and unaffected diffidence exhibited on their own parts, gained for them the favourable opinion of the House, and he hoped that the favourable opinion of the House would induce them to overcome that feeling of distrust and diffidence, and to apply , their abilities to the service of the country.—( Hear, hear. ) It was his duty to state his decided opinion upon the amendment of the Hon. Member for Rochdale. He apprehended that motion was intended as the foundation of measures to be adopted for the purpose of stepping the supplies. If he concurred with the lion. Gentleman in entertaining the opinion he entertained with regard to the advantage of introducing more of the democratic prin ciple into the Constitution, he should be equally energetic in deprecating the course indicated by him.—( Hear, hear.) lie could conceive nothing more injurious to the popular prin ciple of the Constitution than the abuse of the privilege which a minority of that House possessed. The power of adjourn ment was one which it might he well to act upon on certain occa slims, but it was given under the greatest responsibility, and unless used with great caution by Hon. Gentlemen they would only injure the popular principle and those interests of which they were the sincere—he was bound to suppose—and the strenuous advocates.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman would stop the supplies till the people obtained a redress of grievances. But what various opinions were there with regard to those grievances, and the mode of redressing them? and if the Hon. Gentleman, and those who acted with him were to form the Government of the country, and possessed a great majority, they would be setting an example which might he used against themselves, and a privilege, intended for other purposes, would be used to obstruct the the public business.—(Laughter.) The privileges of a minority were important as a protection against an oppressive majority, but he had seen no case in which a mi nority would be justified in resorting to it. But, above all, that great instrument which the House possessed of stopping the sup plies was one which it was of the utmost interest to them should remain intact, and one which should not be inconsiderately and unjustifiably used, bet reserved for some great and important occasion. —(Cheers.) It was not to be resorted to because a small minority differed from a great majority as to what was right. Ile had seen many occasions in which, at the com mencement of a session, the Hon. Gentleman, and those who sat on his left, came forward with strong declarations as to their intentions, which in the course of the session they saw reason to alter ; and he had that confidence in the good sense and sound judgment of the Hon. Gentlemen which induced him to call upon them to reflect, and to consider whether, being the guardians of this great ',popular instrument by which popular privileges, interests, ant rights, might have to be defended they ought to resort to it on trifling and unimportant occasions. Ch e ers). With regard to the speech of the Hon. Member for Montrc, , e, he agreed with the Noble Lord that it was much better to abstain from introducing anything into the speech from the Throne which might lead to a division, and for this reason, that if it were otherwise, the Government would possess a great advantage. They knew the entire of the speech, and if they wished to carry any particular paragraph in the address, they might by a large majority do so by getting pledges of opinions from some parties and by issuing summonses for their friend' to attend. He thought, therefore, that it was better if possible to avoid anything that would lead to a division. The Hon. Gentleman (the Member for Montrose) had said that it was impossible for them to give the consideration worthy of the House of Commons to the 23 paragraphs of the address in a few hours. He said that they should at least have 24 hours ; but he (Sir R. Peel) very much doubted whether the important and various subjects alluded to in the address could be satisfactorily decided even in that time. The Hon. Gentleman did not show his usual modesty and dis trust in his own opinion, for notwithsta n ding the shortness of the time he came prep are d w i th three or four amen dments, and he stalled upon th e H ouse not to lose a moment i n p l e d g . ing themselves to them,_(Laughter. ) He thought that it was for the public i n t erest that they should not ra i se a sepa rate discussion on all t h e matters introduced i n t h e s p ee ch. He was of opinion th s t t h e present practice was f ar pre f era bl e to the ancient practi ce o f reading it at the C ounc il the d a y ' before. He was glad t o b ear that the genera l t eno r of the speech met with th e approbation of the Noble Lord. With regard to I re l an d , the satisfact i on w i t h w hich he heard that approb a ti on of the Noble L or d was not much lessened by th e small taunts w i th w hi c h he indelgcd in the course of his spe ec h. Wi t h regar d t o France, the No ble Lord, in his own vindication, referred to a period when there existed a cUfference of sentiment and action between this country and France. He would not refer now to the causes which produced those differences, but he contemplated, and he believed the House concurred with him in contemplating, with great satisfaction the re-establisment of better feelings between both countries—( Cheers)—and he thought it was infinite!) better not to disturb that feeling by any refer ence to former times till a period arose when they would have an oppportunity of discussing the s ubject. The discussing the amounts of blame to which each party might be liable, would be likely only to revive animosity , w hich could H effect no good purpose ; but lie saw with satisfacti on that the was almost unanimous in expressing their satisfac tion at the re• establishment of better feelings between both countries, Opposition he never con cealed his sentiments as to the policy of having a good upon which the interests of peace and civilisat ion so much depended.—(Cheers.) When in under standing with France, and it was better that he should explain what he meant by a good understanding. — ( Hear , hear.) He did not mean Ay secret engagement which might g ive offence to others. That understanding ought to be patent and o p en. They sought not to interfere with the prerogatives or rights of others. —( Hear, hear.) They coveted no invasion of terri tory. They desired not to diminish the just influence of others. They wished not to propagate opinions with regard to the systems of other countries.—( Hear, hear. ) Their ob ject was not to weaken the affections between the people and the Sovereign—( Hear, hear) —but the 'time was come when they were to ask, whether the interests of those countries were op posed to each other—whether there was any necessity for their fomenting party feelings?—(Cheers.) If there was no obstacle to a good understanding existing between the two countries, it was for the interests of hu manity and civilisation that that good understanding shoulei become established.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Did England covet any of the Possessions of France, or France those of England? Did the: desire any extension of territory at the expense of each other ? Were their institutions op posed? They had each a representative Government, and they had each responsible Ministers. On the part of this country he would say at once that he was perfectly certain that a good understanding could not be cordially or permanently maintained at the expense to either country of any con cession of any point of honour, or any compromise of prin. ciple.—( Hear, and cheers.) It was virtually necessary for a cordial and permanent understanding between the two countries that it should be known there were no secret engagements or special contracts with which any other country could find fault. On the part •f England, he could say that no concessions were made by France, or the French Government. There was no compromise, no concession of any right, or of any kind, in any particular whatever ; but, from the position of both countries, standing as they did, at the western extremity of Europe, and almost similarly situated with regard to that great quarter of the globe on the other side of the Atlantic, and governed by similar institutions, there was nothing to prevent a friendly under standing between both countries. But if there was to be in every country in the world, a French party and an English party, he could only say that England anti France wou ld b e t h e curses of the world. There would be no advantages in constitutional institutions. He had read that very day a letter from the re presentative of that c ountry in Athens, that able and distin - guished individual, Sir E. Lyons, which proved that a good understanding should exist between France and England. It was by the understanding which subsisted between them that Greece now possessed a limited monarchy with all its preroga tives. The letter to !which he ref erre d was date d on t h e 10th of January last, and he rejoiced to know that M. Piscatory, the Minister of France, decidedly approved of what had been done by both Governments. The rreepprreesseennttaattiivvie.ss, if he might presume to say so, of extreme of one class of opinions in th a t House—the po pular opinions, and the -Noble Lord opposite, the head of a great party in that House, declared their concurrence in the sentiment he ventured to express. The great body of the people of this country had no wish to refer to past animosities, and those national antipathies, which ought to be buried in oblivion. They admitted the glary of France—that it was inferior in military glory . to no country in the world—that it obtained that reputation in war by the skill of its great com manders, and the national valour of its men ; but be hoped that France herself—and her great an d powerful—vrould not flecuricg a reputation of which t h e could no t atan l i n think it n t e o ce h s e s t ary to stir up hostile f ee li ngs f ur t h e purpose of need.—(Cheers.) He hoped that this general concurrence of the house of Commons as to the value of havin g friendly relations subsisting between both countries would prove to France that this was also the honest opinion of the people of England.—(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) With respect to Ireland, he would imitate the example of the Noble Lord. The opinions of the Government had bean de clared in her Alajesty 3 speech regarding that country. The law would be maintained, and those who violated it would be tried before the legally constituted tribunals of the country. It was impossible to refer to the subject of the present legal sroceedings, without, in some manner or other, prejudicing the parties who were the subject of it. The Noble Lord fixed a particular day for his motion regarding Ireland, anticipating that the trials would have then concluded. On that occasion the political state of Ireland would be brought under the consideration of the House, end he would, therefore, abstain altogether from reference either to the particular subject of the trials, or to the events neces sarily and immediately connected with them. The only other subject of very great importance was the subject of the corn laws. The Hon. Gentleman stated that in 18•10 he (Sir R. Peel) had complained that the Government had not brought under consideration the important question of the corn• laws in the speech from the throne. He remembered havirq made these observations, and considering the magnitude of the subject, and the complicated interests involved in them, he thought it was the duty of the Government, as they had made up their minds regarding the question of the corn-laws, to intimate their intentions through the speech from the throne.--( Hear.) The Honourable Gentleman said that as the subject of the corn-laws was not mentioned in the speech from the throne, he apprehended that they did not mean to alter the corn-laws.—( Loud cheers from the Ministerial side of the House. Amongst which the vehemence of Colonel Sibthorp's cheer was distinctly audible, and excited laughter from the Opposition.) If the Government had it in contemplation to submit to the House a proposition for altering the system of corn-laws, he would have thought it his duty to mention it in the speech from the throne. The Noble Lord said he thought the agricultural interest, which he sometimes defended—(Laughter)—had a right to complain of the course the Government were pursuing. The Noble Lord said there were three different opinions regarding the corn-laws. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I said with respect to commer cial policy. Sir R. PEEL—One of those opinions was, that it was de sirable to protect articles of foreign produce—that the present protection was not sufficient—that they ought to be regardless of the imports from foreign countries, but that the true policy was the protection of native industry. Another opinion was the total and immediate abolition of all duties—a protection which merely existed as the means of raising the revenue should be incidental. A third opinion was—and the Noble Lord said that he thought he had the honour of concurring with him ( Sir R. Peel) as to the general principle, namely, that although it was true in a new state of society there should not be protec tion to native industry, yet in a country having such vast inte rests, burdened with so large an amount of taxation, it would be dangerous at once to apply the abstract principle of free trade, as they world thereby incur the risk of disturb ing capital and injuring vested interests by the removal of that protection. He thought it would be wrong to apply to this country the principles that might be abstractedly right, and he thought such application would produce confusion and distrac tion.—(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) The Noble Lord said the difference between them lay in the fixed duty and the fluctuating scale. He ( Sir Robert Peel) re tained his own opinions, but he agreed so far in principle with the Noble Lord regarding its application.—(llear, hear, and cheers.) The Noble Lord proposed protection by a fixed duty; lie (Sir R. Peel) thought it was better secured by a sliding scale. The Noble Lord said that the Members of that House and of the other House of Parliament had sub jected themselves to an imputation by maintaining protection ; but would they not, if a fixed duty were established, be also sub ject to that imputation ? The Noble Lord asked why this tax should be laid upon foreign corn, and not upon home-grown corn; and the Noble Lord instanced the cases of barley and malt,as a proof that revenue was raised from home produce. If revenue (he said) were raised on barley and malt, why should it not be raised on home-grown corn ? Why not pursue as to wheat the same course as to barley, and why not subject the foreign and the home barley to an equal duty? He stated last year, not because it was in the contemplation of the Go vernment to alter the present law, but when pressed to make a declaration on the part of the Government—he did say that he would not, under all circumstances, pledge himself to adhere to the present law, for he thought that was a course inconsistent with the duty he owed his Sovereign and his country. lle did not say that because he contemplated a change.—(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) The Hon. Member said that there were two courses—either to maintain the pre seat law or to repeal it. As for the fixed duty, he thought it would be impossiole for the Government to maintain that. He (Sir R. Peel) thought whenever the present corn.laws were repealed—whenever that revolution took place in the present system of corn-laws, he (Sir Robert Peel) would not be the supporter of it. He said now, as he said last session, that though he would not think it consistent with his public duty, he would not conciliate support by en gaging to adhere, under all circumstances, to a par ticular law he repealed, he did not contemplate any altera tion in the present law. The price of corn since the operation of the present law—(Renewed cries of " Ilear, hear," from the Conservative benches)—the price of corn since the ope ration of the present law was as fixed as at any former period. Let them look to the price of corn for the last 4 or 5 years, and its variati , ,ns. He held in his hand a list of the prices of corn for the last 54 years—since 1790—the average price of wheat was 50s. Id. In 7 years of that period the average price of wheat was less than during the last four or five years. He thought the present law had operated favourably. He hoped that the general state of the country would justify the expectations re garding it in the Queen's speech. Trade had revived in some of its most important branches. It should be remembered that great changes were made in the commercial policy of this country in the year 1843. When he (Sir R. Peel) last year stated in that House that there were indications of the improvement of trade, his observations were scouted with derision—that nothing could be greater or more hopeless than the depression. The iron trade was still in a depressed state, but he hoped the consumption of that article in branches of manufactures in which it was much used would cause its im provement. With respect to the revenue he would not pourtray its condition in bright colours. In the present year the usual deficiency had been avoided, and there was amply sufficient to meet existing charges.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped the Go vernment had met Parliament under improved circumstances. —( Cries of Hear, hear," from both sides of the House.) Looking to their foreign policy they had not adjusted all the questions of difference in the United States, but they had re moved those immediate obstructions to a good understanding which two years ago threatened the relations of amity between the two countries. In France, without a concession of either Government, he was justified in stating that a friendly under standing between the countries had been established ; that friendly understanding would be mutually advantageous to them in every quarter of the gloise in which their interests weree concerned. He hoped that that de pression which caused so much suffering among the working classes—would at last be converted into grow. ing prosperity. There still existed in many parts of the country distress which they could not view without sympathy. He hoped they had been justified in stating that they (the Government had fulfilled their duty, and that they had met Parliament after having fulfilled the promises which they made, and the prospects which they held out, and that they had not been wanting in their duty to the Sovereign or to the country. The Right Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amidst great cheering. Lord PALMERSTON said he had viewed with great satis faction some of the announcements made. It was very grati fying to learn that the distress which continued so long and so severely was beginning to disappear—that the revenue was beginning to recover, and, with the addition of the income-tax, was likely to exceed the expenditure. Whether these results would have happened earlier from the measures which the Governs silent, of which he (Lord P. )had been a Member, had proposed was another question. —( Laughter from the Ministerial benches. ) He would imitate the example of those who hail preceded him, in not referring to the state of Ireland. He could not but remark upon the dilemma which his Noble Friend and the Hon. Members on that side of the House were said to have been w w l i i t a h t o e u v t er i — mp t oi h t reduced. It was said that one was for a fixed duty on foreign corn, and another for levying a duty upon all corn produced at c h o:s e is . ten l c f y abolish all customs duties. But there was no inconsistency articles coming from abroad, and there would not be any in consistency a t s i a o i n d why ef m a n t: y t oandcuotryn produced corn caotmi home.ng fr o h a e b road doc trine of the Right Hon. Baronet was much more extensive than they were aware of. They were for an indirect d grtt aei luoxagtit:ayl results. generalt and no good reason had been shown why foreign sioon. pcae c Asra o c nrwettn satisfactionorevelnel a s tta h yhas o ani u o,tdaa l t ta d dhv tel bhir,tee n i iccel o oehns t mu Ipehmacr l l e visdi soli fbetnuigeelteeshnst. subjected stmhoaH bicenls participated,tt hii by which satisfactory an indirect t3cnh, heiinnhoidepnti grantedstirv.ltreeah aci was n h he ion t tal py n rdrr g ; l btp a blec n oie) s t Aßnt l wt ROBERT e.Raeiss,nE,mreEoxa PEEL—It Niee_nlbet:d7tot the se aeaEvnsne supplementary pyol English llhoedtmhGf Government, aec morerro nyumnt peaty. e r nva strongly tt 0 1 .0 ), rn the gbyy the latter glleaavt ditesu levied duties imposingy . was on admitted, th e t m Lo l t world ; that was a very wise and fitting condition. Whether the Emperor of China, it was entitled to commendation. Si than himself th tne e lyt d hs e ti s as i t r e a dc b o le iun n n e t s : s hye of continuing on terms of aFtrellcili'ranee, Chambers and by o w n h e i c o l i f would prove mutually advantageous. ( Hear, hear. ) the greatest Ministers that country ever had, that between the years 1830 and 1836 there was a most cordial union between that country and England, and the effect of that union had had a most material tendency in preserving the peace of the world. They were constantly taunted during that period of six years— certainly not by the Right Hon. Baronet, at the head of the Government, nor by the Honourable Members at that moment immediately surrounding him, but by persons of that party to which he then belonged and with which he was now acting, with being subservient to the policy of France. lie ( Lord Palmerston) stated, whenever that unmerited reproach was made, that that alliance would last as long as the interests and policy of the two countries, real or supposed, were identical ; and that when those interests, real or imaginary, were no longer identical, whenever they began to diverge, the alliance would at once become less cordial. The interests of the two countries had become less identical, not because England had parted from France, but because France choosing, as she had a full right to do, to change her views, the policy of the two countries necessarily became divergent. But tie must say that in that transaction in which divergence became most apparent, the course which England pursued was the same which she bad marked out for herself long before, and which she had steadily followed out with the co-operation of France. Their course of policy from the first was to rescue Europe from the dangers which threatened her from the un happy state of Syria. England never bed any selfish objects in view, and if she had had the misfortune to differ with France, she at least differed from her along with the other Powers. Glad was he now to find that the coldness and irritations which succeeded those events had disappeared, and that now a cor dial and complete understanding existed between the two countries. He could not, however, avoid expressing some re grets that the results of this cordial understanding were not in all respects the same which so strongly and happily marked the union of the two countries on the former occasion. 'The re sults which followed the good understanding between France and England, from the years 1830 to 1830, were, he was proud to say, conducive to the interests of liberty and happi ness of mankind in general. The result of that understanding was, first, that Belgium was rescued from being subdued atid annexed by force to the Netherlands. The next result was that Portugal was freed from the despotism of Don Miguel, and admitted to the enjoyment of free and censtitutionaCgovern ment. The next result was, that Spain enjoyed the inestima ble advantages of popular institutions ; and another advantage of that alliance was, that the two nations laid aside their jealousies as maritime Powers, and agreed upon those treaties of 1831 and 1833, which, by conceding the right of search, aimed the most effectual blow in putting down the slave trade. Now, if he looked at what might probably be the result of the present union between the two countries; he was sorry to say he could not see, nor dare he hope to see, fruit of the same kind. He saw—whether in consequence or not remained to be proved—he saw in Spain, that that person, who, by the admis sion of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposit" (Sir R. Peel), had been the main cause of peace and the chief preventive of anarchy—he saw him expelled the country, popular liberty suspended, military license triumphant, and Spain governed by proclamations instead of by law.—( Hear, hear. ) That was the state of Spain. He greatly feared that another result of this alliance would be, that the progress which had beer. made towards the suppression of the slave trade Is ould be interfered with. That, indeed, thu;:e treaties villa had produced this progress were about to be rescinded; and he would tell the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagues, that if they were done away with, a great blow would be given, and a great injury inflicted on the general interests of humanity.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had adverted to the fact of the treaty which was signed last year between England and the United States, as having removed all causes of present misunderstanding, and facilitated most materially the settle ment of others. He (Lord Palmerston) regretted to say that he could not see, in the last speech of the President of the United States, when speaking of the Oregon territory, any manifestation whatever of that feeling of conciliation and good will which they were so positively assured was to he the result of the treaty of last year.—( Hear, hear.) He saw exactly the same language with regard to the Oregon territory as they had I been accustomed to see with respect to the North-Eastern boundary—the same talk of arms—the same advice to establish military posts.—( Hear, hear.) He could not, therefore, but , fear that the same arguments which had been successful with England, in regard to the North-Eastern territory, would be used by America, and expected to prevail in regard to the territory on the shores of the Pacific. In February, 1842, it would be in the recollection of Hon. Members the speech from the throne announced that Government was in negotiation with several Powers, which it was trusted would lead to conventions founded on just principles, and which would lead to great commercial advantages to all parties. Now they had never yet heard who were these several Powers, nor what was the result of these negotiations. It might be presumed, however, that amongst .the Powers thus alluded to were France, the United States, Portugal, Spain, and Brazil. He (Lord Palmerston) believed that with none of those Powers had con ventions been concluded. They perhaps would hear, if not that night, then in the coterie of the session, what were these negotiations, and what were the results of them. They knew that with the United States the determination of the English Government to maintain the sliding scale forbade success to any negotiation—they knew that with Portugal negotiations had not succeeded—they knew nothing likely was to be done in Spain—they knew there had been negotiations with Brazil, and questions might probably be asked, negotiations being at an end, why they had not there been successful ? They had indeed been informed that the cause of the want of success was this—that the British Government said they were prepared to admit Brazilian sugar, the product of free labour, but not sugar the produce of tree labour ; and, consequently, that slavery in that country must be abolished, or at all events considerably modified. The offer of the British Government might have been made in good faith, but if it was, then it showed little knowledge of the feelings, habits, and prejudices of the Brazilians. He (Lord Palmerston) would as soon think of asking English gentlemen to alio'. ish the corn-laws, as expect to see the Brazilian Government abo lish slavery. The one was just as likely as the other. Ru mours had prevailed of the intention of Government to pro pose some considerable ameliorations ef the criminal law. If such intention did prevail, they might reasonably have ex pected some allusion to it in the speech from the throne. To it, however, he could offer no objection, for instead of pledging them to so many things, as supposed by the Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume), it pledged no one to anything. In deed, there was nothing in it, and, therefore, he should give his vote for the address in answer to it, and against the amend ments which had been submitted to the House.—( Hear. ) Mr. ROEBUCK said the debate of that evening presented a most ex.raordinary spectacle. He had always learned to be lieve that the time for the proper consideration of the subjects which had only been hinted at was upon the occasion of making an address to the Crown. But the Noble Lord the Member for London (Lord John Russell) had taken to the error that an address to the Crown was a mere form, and that sentiment had been re-echoed by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, so that they were to understand that the bu siness for which they had met there was merely to listen to two speeches delivered by gentlemen in somewhat extra ordinary dresses, and that such was to be the sum and substance of that night's debate. Ought it to be believed that at the moment when the very union was threatened that nothing was to be said on that matter or on other questions of vital policy ? For at that moment they must all know that the danger was imminent of a dissolution of the union. They could not escape from that danger, and yet at that precise moment were they called oe by the leaders on both sides of the House to be silent on the subject. Did that become the position of parties in Parliament, did it become the position of the Ministry, to be utterly silent, callous as it were, in such anxious and vital cir cumstances, to the happiness and prosperity of the two countries? There were at present two particular questions which deeply interested and agitated the two countries ; the one the corn laws, and the other the legislative union between England and Ireland. And both these questions by both sides of the House were consigned to entire oblivion.—(Cries of " No, no.") He thought great danger would accrue to the union by the course of conduct which the House chose to adopt that night. —( Hear, hear). He thought that the House was playing O'Connell's card, when it allowed the report to go to Ireland that it suffered the present proceedings in that country to pass without comment.—( Cheers). They were doing all they could to effect the separation of the two countries in passing over altogether the question which agitated all Ireland from end to end.—( Hear, hear). O'Connell would say that the House had done more for him in passing over these questions in silence, than he could have effected for himself.—(Hear.) Whatever might be the result, upon the Noble Lord the Member for London must rest the sole responsibility, because he stood forward as the great leader of the Liberal party in this country, of passing over those two great questions, the repeal of the cern-laws and the repeal of the union. —(Cheers). He (Mr. Roebuck) was obliged to put aside the substantive motion which he had intended to bring forward respecting the grievances of the people. He did not at all agree in the opinion that the trials in Dublin would be affected by the discussion which he bad proposed to bring forward. But he was obliged to postpone his purpose, because he was deserted by the great body of the Liberal party in that House. Lord HOWICK did not think that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had rightly represented the opinions of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, or of his Noble Friend who sat near him. He (Lord Howick) did not think that because the House did not enter into a discussion of all the topics which might be alluded to in the speech, the address was a mere form. It would be very inconvenient on the occasion of moving the address to enter into the discussion of a great num ber and variety of topics.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said, and said truly, that the present state of Ireland was highly momentous. But he would ask the Hon. Gentleman whether it would be convenient to take up the discussion of these two great questions, the corn-laws and the union, in a debate upon the address ?—( Hear, hear.) The Queen's speech was of great use in laying before the House the general topics of the session. But if the House was to go into a discussion of each of these, it would be a useless waste of time, since the subjects must come before them one by one in a more tangible form.—( Hear, hear.) When, therefore, the Hon. and Learned Member said that in voting the address without the discussion of those subjects, they were consigning the grievances of Ireland and the corn-laws to obli vion, he had most grossly misapprehended both the Right Hon. Gentleman and his Noble Friend.—( Hear, hear.) On the part of his Noble Friend and himself, he would say that not one moment should be lost in bringing before the House both these topics. At the same time he must express his most entire concurrence in what had been said on both sides of the House, that it would be most inconvenient to bring forward those questions respecting Ireland during the present trial.—( Hear, hear.) It would be impossible to discuss the measures which were necessary tot give peace to that unhappy country, the objects of the present trials, the policy of the Government, and the manner in which the prosecution had been conducted. Could they enter into a discussion of that description without appearing in that House to be making speeches which would be addressed, not so much to the House as to the jury which were to try the case ?—( Hear.) It was an evil, unavoidable in trials of this description, that they enlist political feeling, and there was in Ireland no evil greater than the effect of political feeling upon the administra tion of justice.—(Hear, hear.) 'I hat was the curse of Ireland—(Loud cheers)—and would it be wise to make the jury -box now, snore than ever, the scene of party warfare ?—( Cheers.) No; but he trusted that when the trials were concluded, his Noble Friend would bring these subjects before the House ; and he trusted that the House would see the necessity of taking measures, before toe late, to rescue Ireland from the danger with which that country and the nation were threatened.—( Cheers.) As to the corn-laws, he thought the question too large to be discussed on an occasion like the present ; yet he could not help remarking upon what had fallen upon this subject from the Hon. Bart. opposite. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that he would not con sent to a fixed duty for the sake of revenue, and he made that declaration in such a manner as to render a compromise be tween the two parties impossible.—( Hear, hear.) Whether the Right Hon. Gentleman was a good friend to the agricul turists, or was consulting their interests in making such a compromise impossible, it was not for him to say; but he ' thought that the time for compromise was not yet gone by. When the Hon. Gentleman, and those who acted with him, came to that determination, they reduced the question to this: " Are we to maintain the corn dews, or is the importation of corn to be free.—(Cheers.) That was the state to which the ques tion was now brought.—(Cheers.) And whenever it was brought to an issue he (Lord Howick) would adhere to the opinions which he had'avowed since he first set foot in that House in Parliament, and on the hustings, in a purely agri cultural county, in favour of the free importation.—(Cheers.) After the opinions which the Right Hon. Baronet had expressed it would be idle for those upon the Opposition side of the present House of Commons to make any proposition for a fixed duty. But if the. Right Hon. Gentleman should hereafter re-consider his opinion and give them the offer of a compromise, he (Lord Howick) for one would gladly close with the offer.—( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down, he must express his cordial con currence in thosu principles of foreign policy to which the Right Hon. Baronet had given expression. He believed that there was no greater curse to the world, to civil , sation, and humanity, than the carrying on in every court in Europe, a petty struggle between a so-called French and English party. —( Hear. ) He abominated the whole system.—(Cheers. ) He thought that we ought. to abstain from giving advice to other nations as to the mode of their carrying on their own affairs.—( Hear, hear.) When our Minister ventured to give his advice to the Court at which he represented us, he grew, by little and little, more exasperated against those whom he could not influence, and more attached to the party which ap peared to yield to his counsel. In nine cases out of ten where this conduct was pursued, two factions were raised—a French faction and an English faction • and the unfortunate country became the prey of both.—(Great cheering.) He cordially agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet in depre cating that sort of interference, and he could not help object ing to one expression made use of by his Noble Friend, the Member for Tiverton, in adverting to the affairs of Spain. "The late Regent had fallen from power, and the state of things was such as one could hardly describe as a military despotism." Now he (Lord Howick) concurred with his Noble Friend in regretting what had recently occurred in that country. But at the same time he, rejoiced that the Right Hon. Baronet and the French Government had abstained from taking any part in those affairs.—(Cheers.) He hoped that the people of Spain would settle their own affairs without any interference, for he thought that was the only way in ) which they could return to a state of security of person and property.--( Hear, hear.) He did not mean on that occasion to pursue the topic further, but from had what fallen from gentlemen on both sides, he did not think he could have abstained from troubling the House so far. —( Cheers. ) Mr. WYSE could not allow it to go abroad, that the repre sentatives of Ireland were insensible to the condition in which the country stood at present, or that they would lose any op portunity of expressing their indignation at the condition in which it was at present placed, and their anxiety about the dangers to which it was exposed, or that they shrank from the . - expression of their opinions on one side or the other. They did not wish to throw any obstacle in the way of justice, or to interfere with the sacredness of the jury -box; but, at the same time, he, for one, was determined not to allow that debate to pass over without expressing his opinion that all the questions connected with the present pro ceedings in Ireland should be gone into on the earliest occa sion. He went home to his constituents with the statement that nothing had been done for Ireland but a Bill of Pains and Penalties, and he came back to that House with feelings of still greater exasperation and indignation. The result of the course which Government was pursuing would be, to leave only two parties in Ireland, whose animosity to each other would be more bitter than ever had been known even in that country. The question was now raised, whether the future rule of Ireland was to be in the spirit of judicial tyranny or as a close corporation? The O'CONOR DON entirely concurred in what had fallen from his Hon. Friend the Member for Waterford, and he Wished it to be understood that if he concurred in the a j d r ; dress they would take the opportunity otbringing_the - atten of the House to the grievances of Ireland. Mr. MILNER GIBSON wished to explain in a few words why he would vote for the amendment of his Hon. Friend. The proposition of his Hon. Friend was simply this. He ! wished the majority of that House to redress the grievances of the people at the same time that they provided for the expenditure of the State. He was glad to find that the Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Government had taken the advice of the Noble Lord the Member for London, and that he had given a pledge not to maintain the existing corn-law.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Gibson) drew the inference from the speech of the Right lion. Gentleman, that he would not yield to any unreasonable re quest from the agriculturists to pledge himself to maintain the protective system. They could plinly..see in the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, that when he intended to maintain any particular line of policy that he would pledge himself to maintain that policy. They saw that he would pledge himself to maintain the legislative union between England and Ireland. He (Mr. Gibson) knew perfectly well that neither the Right Hon. Baronet, nor any other Minister in the present state of the country, would authorise a speech which pledged the Go vernment to maintain a protective policy ; or that any Minister addressing the House upon his general views would do any thing more than say "at the present particular moment I have no measure to submit to the consideration of Parliament." The Right Hon. Baronet had taken a most judicious course. He had left this an open question.—(oh, oh.) He had pledged himself to no longer a period than a month. He had said that if the abolition of the corn-laws were to take place within a month it would be most disastrous to the eountry. He (Mr. Gibson) defied the Right Hon. Baronet, or any other Minister, to stand up in his place that evening, and say in so many words, " I will maintain the existing corn-laws." He (Mr. Gibson) was glad the Right Hon. Gentleman had taken that course, because he differed in some measure with his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose, that it was desirable that the Right Hon. Baronet should pledge himself on the question—especially if he pledged himself tc maintain the protective system.—(Laughter.) Knoa ing the authority the Right Honourable Gentleman was in the country—know ing the great consequence attached by the occupying tenantry to any distinct enunciation by the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to this question. If he were to do so the pro. prietor of the land would say to the occupying tenant, " You may have faith that protection will be maintained—you may agree to pay higher rents—you may contract safely to take leases at higher rents, for the Right Hon. Gentleman will never give way." That would be the course taken by the landed proprietors if any distinct pledge were to be given by her Majesty's Government. He (Mr. Gibson) hoped the oc cupying tenantry of the country would see how unstable a foundation they had in former times rested upon. He hoped they would see how dangerous it was to place faith in any re. presentation that protection would be maintained. He ( Mr. Gibson) would take the advice given by Honourable Gentlemen around him, and not trespass longer on the attention of the House, as there would be other opportunities of discussing these important ques tions. But he hailed with great satisfaction the movement which the Hon. Gentlemen opposite had taken upon themselves to conduct, in support of the protective system. He thought it quite right, if they believed that the protective system was for the benefit of the labouring classes or the great body of the industrial community, that they should express their opinions in public, and all he asked of them was to confine themselves to ratianal argument and to intelligent reasoning, and not allow themselves to be betrayed into abusive and discreditable language.—(Cheers and laughter.) The use of such language could not be justified on any side in the discussion of public questions. He could only say that if ever he had been guilty of it himself he would be very happy to express his sorrow for having been so betrayed. All he desired was that that this question should be discussed, by the two great inte rests of the community in a rational and intelligent spirit ; and he believed that if it were continued in that spirit, the landed proprietors would see that a system of free trade was more conducive to the commercial and manufacturing interest than one of restriction ; and that if free trade were to be adopted, the landed proprietors themselves would share in the general pros perity which would accrue to the country at large. Sir R. PEEL thought it was hardly necessary for him to answer the Hon. Gentleman. He apprehended the Hon. Gentleman meant to be facetious, because he was himself smil ing. The lion. Gentleman had said that he ( Sir R. Peel) was the advocate of the abolition, 'within a month, of all pro tection to agriculture. That he (Sir Robert Peel) had said was that if such a measure was carried within a month nothing but disorder and confusion would ensue.—(Cheers.) The Hen. Gentleman said that all he (Sir R. Peel) had said en the subject of the corn-laws was that he was not prepared to consent to a repeal of the corn-laws within a month. What he had really said—and the House would recollect it, was that the Government intended to propose no alteration, and that if they had intended any alteration it would have been mentioned. The Government had never contemplated any alteration, and they did not then contemplate any alteration. He said he believed that every man who well considered the duty of a Minister of this country who proposed to conciliate support, would see that on the part of the Government, in matters relating to the imposition of a duty not involving a great public principle, he could not involve an eternal principle. Mr. PLUMPTRE confessed that after the speech of the Hon. Member for Manchester he would not have been satis fied. But after the explanation of the Right Yon. Baronet he felt perfect satisfaction. He represented an agricultural con stituency, and he felt convinced that the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet would prove perfectly satisfactory to them. He could assure Hen. Gentlemen opposite that they would never succeed in putting down the agricultural interest by clamour and combination. He trusted the Government would be firm in their determination to uphold the agricultural interest, for if it were once injured every other great.interest of the country must suffer. ..Mr. BROTHERTON said, that although he intended to vote with his Hon. Friend the Member for Rochdale, he wished to guard himself against the supposition that he intended to enter into a compact against the granting of the supplies. He would never do so, because he believed that such means would never attain the object they had in view. He had lately been waited upon by members of his own constituency, who had called upon him to enter his opposition to the granting of the supplies. His answer to them was, were he to grant their request, they themselves would be the first to turn round and condemn him for having done so. They would discern that a small minority were wasting the whole of the session in useless divisions against the majority, while the grievances of the people remained unconsidered. He could never agree to such a course as that. With respect to what had fallen from the Hon. Seconder of the address, he (Mr. Brotherton) was ready to admit that improvement had taken place in some of the branches of our manufactures ; but in making that ad mission, he must say that there was every reason to expect that that improvement could not continue. He must confess that he did not draw the same inference from the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet as the Hon. Member for Manchester. He fully understood the cheer which followed the declaration of the Right Hon. Baronet, that a fixed duty would not be pro. posed by him. The country would.soon see who were their mas ters. The landed interest would press them to starvation point, and then, relaxing a little, would save them from'actual death. It was clear the Right Hon. Bart. intended to keep up the sliding scale. If it should please Providence to afflict us with another bad harvest, what would be the condition of the pea.. plc? Were the landed proprietors determined to keep up their protection at the expense of the lives of the people ? He, while he had the power, would use every endeavour to get rid of this law, which was a disgrace to the statute book. He saw the Hon. and Gallant Member for Lincoln present. Now, he had read in a newspaper, that at a meeting where he was present they talked of the League, and the language used by them ; but it was said that if Mr. Cobden came to Lincoln shire they should throw him into the river.—(Laughter.) Was not that holding out a premium for assassination ?—( A laugh.) Were men to be threatened with being drowned when they went to a place for the purpase of doing good? Now, there was a Mr. Chaplin, a great landed proprietor, he was in possession of upwards of 20,000 acres of land, which within the present century was not worth Is. an acre, and now it was worth 255., and yet that individual wanted protection.— ' (Hear, hear.) What protection, he would ask, had the poor man ? None. —( Hear, hear.) It had been attempted to be shown that he had protection, that protection was given to the farmer arid labourer, but neither one nor the other had been shown.—( Hear, hear.) And now the landed class clung to protection because it was beneficial to them. He felt no doubt that the people would feel the injustice of these things, and would so be enabled to put an end to them. Mr. VILLIERS and Mr. MUNTZ rose together, but the latter gave way, and Mr. Villiers proceeded to address the House :—He felt greatly indebted to his Hon. Friend, the Member for Montrose, for moving the amendment he had done. He had mentioned the subject to him, and his (Mr. Villiers') only reason for either not seconding the motion or moving it was that it was his intention to bring the corn-laws before the House in a distinct form.—(Hear, hear.) He must confess that he did not altogether think the mode adopted by the Hon. Member for Montrose the most efficient mode of bringing so important a subject before the House.—( Hear, hear.) The constitnencies had had the subject most ably and faithfully dise cussed before them, and they ought to have an opportunity of asking their Members which way they intended to vote. This subject had been brought under the attention of the consti tuency by a great combination of intelligence, worth, and in fluence, but no fair discussion had been taken on the subject in that House.—(Hear.) Indeed he felt that this question must be discussed out of doors, and, in fact, carried there, before it could be carried in that House.—( Hear, hear.) And if there was any doubt upon that subject that doubt had been removed by what had taken place that night ; because the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government had shown that he felt he could not maintain the present system or abandon it.—(Hear, hear.) That was the situation of the question. Those who took independent views of the question felt it was not tenable or consistent with the interests of the people. Ihe Bight Hon. Baronet felt that by the principles of the Constitution lie could not abandon it. The Noble Lord, then Member for the City of London, had said, in so many words that it was necessary for the landed interest and the aristocracy, and that they had a direct interest in the question. —( Hear.) Since the revolution of 1788 the aristocracy had governed the country. The Government was not the Government of the Queen, but the Minister was the Minister of the landed pro prietors ; they it was who governed the country.—(Hear. ) It was not, therefore, to be wondered at that the Right Hon. Baronet would not alter a law which he knew if he did he would not be safe in his place in the Government for a month, or a week, or a day ; in short, that his Government would be at an end the moment he abandoned a system from which the people suffered so much, and the landed proprietors received such benefits._(Hear, hear.) The protective policy was the most important question that could be agitated in this country; it was the question upon which everything must turn in the country, for it effected the physical condition of the people in every respect.—( Hear, hear.) The present protective system could net be maintained consistently with the good of the people of the country. He thought it did not become the Right Hon. Baronet to countenance demonstrations against the proceedings of the Anti-Corn-law League in order to en deavour to persuade the people that the repeal of the corn laws would be injurious to them. He had read a work in the Foreign and Colonial Review, in which he believed the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade, had some share. The Government were claiming praise for the improvement of the general condition of the country ; but what were the causes of the fluctuation that had taken place in that condition they were not told. Now the whole ef the question was handled in the work he' had alluded to, which had been just put forth, which was a consideration of the commercial policy of the pre sent Government in lowering the duties and the tariff. It was in that work viewed under five heads : —lts effects on trade; on increased demand for manufactures ; increased demand for employment ; its effect on shipping ; and its effect on agriettl .- tore; and in that work the very arguments held out by those who were advocates for free trade were prominently put forth. It was said it was impossible to have free trade and protective duties ; this very work proved that by free 1 trade the people would have cheaper clothing, cheaper dwellings, ' and cheaper every thing, if they had free trade.—(Hoare hear.) This work stated that its effects on trade were redac t ' tion of duty, increased consumption, and increased trade. That in every respect increased consumption of foreir it ar .e t: ; Iles led to increased demand for manufactures; . that in. a E creased demand for employment would be inere e as t ect e by re f ln trade ; that its effect on shipping was to isereas tr l t s fo i extensive improvement t 7 culture trade, a wasel also the tinetit, importation forcf cattleships ;; and e i ts e f fect e. e t e , improvement in were the sentiments that had been put agriculturists. These ' trade would follow, and be participated in by forth under the especial patronage, he Right tlietilon. d, of G t e h n e tl P em re a t I u I d e nt of the Board of Trade. That n last session, had been charged with heing the author of t particular article in this Review, and he did not deny it.. Now was not this, he would ask, trifling with the people? The population f this country was increasing at a frightful rate,