The Sun. — London, England, 1836-06-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We noticed yesterday, in connexion with the spite ful scurrilities of O'Connell, some droppings from his vocabulary, which had been picked up by the slander ers of the Evening Press in the joint service of Derry al an and Downing-street, and turned to the honest urpose of bespattering the Times. Together with commentary upon these outpourings of the Trea ury slop-bucket, there appeared a distillation from them in the pages of a morning print, mixing up some special abuse of Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, Mr. Walter, Sir G. Sinclair, &c., with what was meant to finish by a deadly assault (for about the ten thousandth time) upon this journal. The company assigned to us is not such any upright and fearless man need be ashamed of, and the charges shared be tween them . and us are such as it implies no small merit to have provoked from a quarter like that whichhas uttered them. The words " desertio n of p rinci p le," " revolting tergiversation," " betrayal of trust," " de sertion of friends," &c., are parrot phrases, which the pot-house journal has, in its regard for public mora lity, so misused as to deprive them of all definite mean ing—of every serious hold upon the attention of Eng lishmen. These accusations may, one and alj, be summed up in the favourite nickname of " renegado," which the envious and foul-mouthed cur that snarls at us as regularly as the day star rises has repeated for years past at th. 6 conductors of the Times. Now, what is a renegado ? According to the Dictionary, it has two s ignifications—first, a man who abandons his faith ; second, one who deserts his party. We should like to hear it fairly and broadly stated, in which of these senses has the Times ever been a " re negado ?" We should be glad especially to have the application of that opprobrious term explained with re ference to our conduct during the last six years, and to the principles and objects of a Reform policy. What principle then, or what article of political " faith," has the Times in any instance abandoned ? From what professions or measures have we swerved ? Emancipation—The Test Act—the Bill of Parlia mentary Reform—the release of Dissenters from the legal restraints imposed upon them in respect of mar riage and baptism—the reform of English corporations, by getting rid of self-election—the extinction of ralities—the reform of church discipline—the commu tation of tithes—a poor law. for Ireland ; —what more would any English or Irish patriot of sound mind and constitutional spirit require ? and from which of these great fundamental measures—of a real and solid re dress of grievances—of a prospective, enduring, and impartial good—have we ever for one moment flinched, or failed to advocate with all the zeal of which earnest and honest public writers could be capable ? What shadow of apostacy is here? Had we ever promised more than is comprehended in such views of national policy ? Have we ever performed less than was implied in such a promise? To the abstract principle, that a state has power, we mean moral, as well as actual power, to em ploy any portion of the _public resources, including the revenues of an established church, to whatever uses may be deemed by the Legislature most righteous, after the interests of religion itself shall have been fully and completely provided for, we gave our assent, when, as a mere abstraction, it appeared to have been broached for no pernicious or criminal purpose,—when our belief, in common with that of two-thirds of the community, founded on repeated, confident, and solemn assevera tions by parties assuming to be well informed, was, that the income of the Irish clergy amounted to six times that which it has proved to he,—namely, 3,000,0001., instead of less than 400,000/.,—when the Whiffs, not having yet sworn the destruction of the church, ap peared by their numbers capable of stemming the tor rent of Popish and revolutionary violence,—and, lastly, bffora it had become manifest that the working of such an abstract principle, once voted, being left implicitly in the hands of O'Connell and the priesthood, would by them be turned to the practical ruin of the Irish church, through a system of pinching, - screwing, and plundering, which, under the guise of" employing" a surplus,. would be really busied in " creating" one, and vesting its proceeds in the discretion and polity of those who were pledged to its destruction. Was there . any abandonment of principles, or betrayal of trust, or apostacy, or tergiversation, i n withholding from O'Connell that which, with equal knowledge of the true financial statistics • of Ireland, we would have refused to Lord Grey, had he asked it, which he did not, and still more to Lord Melbourne, who objected to the very principle of appropriation, until he ceased to have a will of his own ? But if we have abjured no principle of state policy, what patty, or man, have we ever de serted to whom our faith was pledged ? Can any party much less any faction in the state—presume to say that we ever tied or bound ourselves to support it—that we ever, by word or deed, have compromised the inde pendence and free agency of this journal ? We ask them each and all—each and all we defy them—to bring forward even the faintest plea for accusing us of such a surrender of our perfect freedom ? When we saw those in power who promoted our own measures for the public interest, we co-operated with them, we encouraged, supported, and to that extent defended them ; when they did or attempted that which we dis approved of, we boldly and sternly, and to their dis comfiture, attacked them, on the points with regard to which we differed ; when they were succeeded, noini bY their own followers, but really by those who had denounced and persecuted them for not pnrsuing a course subversive of the monarchy in church and state, we shook the dust from off our sandals—we waged war openly against a power which was already belligerent against the British empire, arid towards those of whom the Times had never been a friend, it became a•dectared and inexorable enemy. Does Lord John Russell or Mr. Daniel O'Connell pretend that we ever sought their political alliance—that we ever hound our selves to assist them, or even tolerate them, as Minis ters of the British Crown, or dispensers of the execu tive power, or guardians of British liberty or of the Protestant-religion ? We should think they will not. All those great principles, and all those specific mea sures within which, as it ever appeared to us, were embraced, or through which would be promoted, the most sacred rights, and the most precious interests of our country, we have continued to this hour to main tain and to abide by. We strove to enumerate them in a preceding part of this article. The atrocious fraud of substituting Irish priests for Protestant cor porators, and varnishing over the trick by calling it a grant of " equal rights". to Ireland and to Great Bri tain, is me of which the more intelligent classes of our countrymen begin to be already conscious ; and we fear not that the resistance we have opposed to such a scheme will lose us one friend whose good wishes and sympathy would not be disgraceful to those on whom they were inflicted.—Times of Saturday. One of the best " signs of the times," is the attempt which " The Times" has at last ventured to make to prove its honesty and consistency. Long did our Contemporary remain silent on the delicate subject of its own character, and most ludicrous, indeed, was the effort on Saturday to show that all the world are in a delusion respecting its apostacy. It is not a renegado not it—it never deserted its principles and its friends : — it never was guilty of any betrayal of trust. It re mains precisely where it did—true to its principles and its friends as a needle to the pole. The observa tion has often been made that hypocrisy, by simulating virtue, affords a proof of the esteem in which virtue is held ; and we are in like manner justified in infer ring, from the attempt of the Times, lame and laugh able though it be, to show that it does not merit the reproaches which have been heaped on it, that betrayal of trust, desertion of principles, and apos tacy, excite only loathing and disgust on the part of the people of England, and that there fore the Times has experienced .to its cost the truth of that maxim that honesty is the best policy. Though Barrington and Bill Soames might find few persons disposed to give credit to their asseverations of innocence, yet the very attempt to de ceive the public into an opinion of their moral worth would be in some sort a tribute to the morality of the age. Pope Leo the - Tenth did not even affect purity ; and the fact that all succeeding Popes have either pos sessed or affected it, is . a proof that the moral tone of • Europe was greatly raised by the Reformation. We honestly confess, therefore, that we were delighted with the effort of the Times to shake off the. character for everything foul, base, and dishonourable, which it has acquired. The evidence thus afforded of the efficacy of the punishment which an offended and indignant public can bestow on apostates and renegades, will prove by no means one of the weakest safeguards to principle and consistency. But then to prove that black is white, is indeen an uphill effort ; and it is just such a task as this which the Times has under taken. " What principle," exclaims our Contempo rary, "or what article of political faith has the Times in any instance abandoned ? From what pro fessions or measures have we swerved? Emancipa tion, the Test Act, the Bill of Parliamentary Reform, the release of Dissenters from the legal restraints im posed upon them in.respect of marriage and baptism, the reform of English corporations by getting rid of self-election, the extinction of Pluralities, the reform of Church discipline, the Commutation of Tithes, a Poor-law for Ireland ; what more would any English or Irish patriot of sound mind and constitutional spirit require ?" Why, as to Emancipation, the Test Act, and the Bill of Parliamentary Reform, the Times cannot now swerve from them, for they took place before the apostacy. It endeavours, however, by sup porting the men who are the deadly enemies of those. measures to prevent them bearing the fruits for which they were demanded. As to the reform of English Corporations, the Times did indeed most strenuously labour for it before its apostacy ; but after that event lustily did it labour to second the efforts of Lord Lynd hurst and the Tories to defeat the measure in the House of Lords. How the Standard and other old Tory papers may feel under this attempt of the Times, we do not know. The Standard and the Times were bitterly opposed to each other to the middle of November, 1834. The Standard and the Times arc now advocating the same measures, and supporting the same men. One of them must be an apostate. The world generally give the Standard credit for con sistency ; but we leave it to our evening Contemporary to determine which is the renegade. The reform of Church discipline is so conveniently vague an expres' sion that it may mean anything or nothing. The ex. pediency of a commutation of tithes is allowed by al parties ; and as Mr. Walter is ambitious of the rep tation of the poor man's magistrate, the Times sup. ports a Poor Law for Ireland, as it opposed the new Poor Law for England. But what are all these to the purpose ? Is there a man whom the Times now supports whom it did not abuse down to the middle of November, 1834 ? Is it not notorious as the sun at noon-day, that the Times is labouring to support the men whom it reviled, and to thwart the men whom it supported down to that period. That it has thrown its shield around Orangemen and ultra-Tories—that it is opposed to every liberal measure, and labours to pre vent the Reform Bill from having its necessary fruits ? Did it not in July, 1834, say " That the Tories waited only until the session of Parliament should be near expiring to oust the Whigs, and to play such gambols during the seven months' vacation (perhaps knock up a general war for one of them) as might enable them to divert the spirit of the country, to throw an unnatural share of power into their own hands, and turn a dissolution to the credit side of their account with fortune. 'We told the Whig Ministry not to wait for the ripening of such machinations." And did not the Times, the moment the machinations were successful, go over to the Tories, and abet them in their ,gambols r Did not the Times, in August, 1834, tell us that the Orangemen instituted " civil war, that is, a civil war to be carried on by English men, money, and resources, for the exclusive benefit of these same. blood-thirsty Orangemen ? Did it not speak of barbarism in the sacerdotal vestment, and ask, " is it for such unhallowed warfare that Britain must gird herself with the sword ? Take for granted that England should enter the lists and choosing the • Protestant for her temporary ally, should put down, as she might do at her own pleasure, the party whom she thought it most just and expedient to humble—do these firebrands of the old ascendancy dream that she would ever again establish her own supremacy on the wretched foundation of one sectarian_ coterie ?" And what has the Times been doing ever since November, 1534, but advocating the Governm2nt of the wretched founda tion of one sectarian coterie ? What has it been doing but endeavouring to excommunicate the great holy of the Irish people because they are Catholics ? Did not the Times, so late as November 6, 1834, tell us that " the Tory party would march into Downing street to that very same patriotic and popular tune to which the Duke of Wellington marched hastily out of it. Next, they do not promise any Corporation Re form. They do not promise any perseverance in the - system of Law Reform. They will not admit Dis senters to the Universities, nor do they promise to in demnify that body by chartering an University of its own. Such are the pledges, affirmative and negative, whereby the Tories flatter themselves that they can seduce the people of England to trust once more to their . political guidance." And yet the Times in a few days supported these same Tories, though they did not promise Corporation Reform, though they would not admit Dissenters to the Uni versities, and though they did not mean to give any efficient Law reform. Did not the Times tell us that the Duke of Wellington was " not an eli gible Minister for us Englishmen ?"—that " there never existed a Minister more ienorant than the Duke of Wellirrgton, while in office, of the wishes and opi nions of his countrymen "—that " his political horizon extended no further than from Downing-street to the Horse-Guards ?" How o f ten h as the Times told us that Sir Robert Peel was hypocritical and trea cherous ?" On the 22d of June, 1832, the Times charged him with heaping " reproach and shame upon the Duke of Wellington," and observed if the Duke ever forgives the candid speech " of Sir Robert, he is more pigeon-livered than we think him." Did not the Times eulogize Mr. Edward Ellice for " his vigour, his straight-forward conduct, and his good sense ?" and has not the Times lately been representing that gentleman as the very reverse of 'straight-forward ? What paper published the following reasons for new modelling the Pees ? " Suppose the Peers and the nation are in direct opposi tion to each other upon a point esteemed of high importance to the people, which must give way—the nation or the Peers ? There is no getting over that one argument. If the Peers, a, small body of four hundred individuals, should (which we trust they never will) think fit to stand forward in hostility to the whole people of England—if their Lord ships choose to employ the powers granted to them for the general purpose of concurrence in measures of legislation, to ends of discord and embarrassment—they bring the po litical community to a dead look ;' they in truth deprive the country of the advantages of Civil Government, and make it obvious, that either their particular character, or the nation itself, must be altogether new modelled." This was the language of the Times in 1833. But we will not fatigue our readers with an enumeration of parties, principles, and men, supported by it previous to November, 1834, and opposed by it since that pe riod. In every thing it is the opposite of what it was. If this is not being a renegado, what does renegado mean ? We should recommend to Mr. Effingham Wilson to give another " Extraordinary Times," en riched with the illustrations of apostacy it has afforded since the appearance of his publication ; but we fear that the public are now too indifferent about the Times to remunerate him for such an undertaking. When the apostacy was fresh, and the public were first struck with such an unparralleled instance of profligacy and tergiversation, they were naturally desirous of refresh ing their recollections of the past. But indignation has given way to indifference, as the Times knows to its cost, and the effrontery of the denial of apostacy will only provoke a smile. The Times has been now too long an object of disgust to the people to excite much attention to anything it may do. Its decline has been more rapid than that of any journal of which anything is known ; and though, like Colonel Char terms, it might wish a new character, it cannot shake off its infamy.—Morning Chronicle. We earnestly entreat the serious attention of our readers to the following startling document TO THE EDITOR 01' - THE TIMES'. Sir—The following is an answer from the Poor Law Commissioners to the petition of the clergy in the seve ral parishes contained in the Eastry Union in the county of Kent, requesting permission for the paupers in that union to have the liberty of attending divine service in the parish church. "TO THE CLERGY OF THE SEVERAL PARISHES IN THE EASTRY UNION. " Poor Law Commission-office, Somerset-house, June 9. " Gentlemen—The Poor Law Commissioners for Eng- THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JUNE 20, iS36. land and Wales have had under their consideration your letter of the 18th of April, and also the letter of Mr. Ran dolph of the Bth of the same month, urging that permis sion should be granted to the paupers of the Eastry work house to attend divine service in the church at Eastry. The Commissioners have given to these letters that careful at tention which the nature of the subject to which they re late, and the number and respectability of the parties who have made the communication so justly demand. The Legislature having confided to the Commissioners the important task of maturing and carrying into operation the workhouse system, they have devoted the most anxious attention to the devising of such regulations for these esta blishments as shall, on the one hand, provide for the poor a certain refuge from destitution, and, on the other, shall ren der these asylums less eligible than the dwellings of the in dependent labourer, or of those who, by industry and fore thought, may secure to themselves a provision for their old age, and the commissioners have arrived at the conclusion that these objects cannot be obtained if those who take re fuge in the workhouse are allowed to quit its precincts and return to them again, unless they go out with the bona fide intention of procuring the means of support by their own labour, or through the assistance of their relatives. " The Commissioners, moreover, are satisfied that any relaxation of this rule, however plausible, and appa rently unobjectionable, may be the grounds of such relaxa tion, will, notwithstanding the best devised precautions, lead, in a great number of cases, not only to irregular conduct in those to whom the indulgence may be granted, SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. LORDS' AMENDMENTS TO PRIVATE BILLS. Mr. I3A RNARD moved that the Lords' Amendments to the Newtown Abbot Improvement Bill be adopted. • Mr. LOWTHER moved that the Lords' Amendments to the North Midland Railway Bill be adopted. An How. MEMBER moved that the Lords' Amendments to the South Eastern Railway Bill be adopted. SOUTH DURHAM RAILWAY. Mr. BAINES brought up the Report on the South Dur ham Railway Bill. DUBLIN AND DROGHEDA RAILWAY. On the motion of Mr. CHAPMAN it was agreed that a message be sent to the Lords to request permission to examine the Marquis of Lansdowne, and the Marquis of Conyng ham, before the Dublin and Drogheda Railway. METROPOLITAN SUSPENSION BRIDGE. Mr. TENNYSON D'EYNCOURT brought up the report on the Metropolitan Suspension Bridge, which was ordered to be taken into consideration on Wednesday next. Mr. WA SON presented a petition in favour of the measure. On the motion of Mr. ANGERSTEIN, the Chelsea Hos pital Estate Bill was read a second time. KILKENNY ELECTION. The SPEAKER informed the House that John Power and others who had petitioned against the return for Kilkenny, had not entered into the necessary recognizances. The order for taking the petition into consideration was then discharged. Captain BERKELEY presented a petition from Glouces ter, praying for the abolition of the punishment of death. Colonel THOMPSON presented a petition from 2,600 retailers and drinkers of beer, of Preston and its vicinity, praying for an eqtialization of the hciurs for the sale of beer. Mr. OSWALD presented a petition, praying for an altera tion in the Factory Bill. Sir J. BECKETT presented a petition from'the mortga gees of a road in Yorkshire, against the Turnpike Trusts Con solidation BiII.‘JEWISH DISABILITIES. Mr. HINDLEY presented a petition, praying for the admission of the Jews to all the rights and privileges of citizens. Mr. SHAW presented petitions from the clergymen of the parishes of Armagh and other places against the Irish Tithe Bill. They felt bound to proteSt against any invasion of their rights and properties, and were willing to endure any privations rather than allow their successors' rights, as well as their own, to be confiscated. Mr. M'KINNON presented a petition from Marylebone, praying that that House would not in any way interfere with the privileges and independence of the Lords. It was signed by 1,000 persons, and spoke the feelings and wishes of the great majority of the wealth- and respecta bility of the borough. The petitioners lamented to see notices put on the books of the House, the only tendency of which was to degrade the Peers in the eyes of the people. The individuals by whom those notices were entered had no intention, whatever of carrying their measures forward. What was it, therefore, that was intended to be done by those no tices ? Why, to degrade one branch of the Legislature by holding out that that House had the power of re-organising the House of Lords. For his own part be believed that each branch of the Legislature was equal in their rights, and he was not aware of any occasion in which the House of Lords had interfered with the privileges of that House, and he did not see, therefore, why that House should interfere with the pri vileges of the House of Lords.—( Hear, bear, hear.) He trusted that the object-the petitioners had in view would he realized, and that no degrading notice, such as he had re ferred to, would again be placed on the books of the House of Commons. Mr. WYNN deprecated notices of the kind alluded to in the petition being given, if not intended to be complied with. The SPEAKER thought, after the concurrence of the House, that notice should be given of any motions Hon. Mem bers intended to make. keter a short conversation between Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Mackinnon. and the Speaker,— Sir J. WROTTESLEY said that it should : be recollected that the House of Lords had helped to re-model this House alio% years ago.—( Hear, hear.) Tile petition was then laid on the table. FACTORIES BILL. Lord ASHLEY presented a petition from 59 master manu facturers of Yorkshire in favor of a ten-hours' Bill. Mr. COLLIER presented a petition from the Dissenters of Plymouth, in favour of the Registration of Marriages Bill, and for the abolition of Church rates. Mr. B ROTHE IZTOI I / 4 -1 presented a petition from the opera tives of Preston, complaining of the low rate of wages. Mr. SCHOLEFIELD presented a petition from 30,400 in habitants of Birmingham, in favour of the Irish Municipal Bill as it originally passed that House. The Han. MEMBER presented several other petitions to the same effect. but to disorder in the workhouse itself, and to the conse quent disturbances of those for whom it is most desirable to secure a tranquil abode. " The Commissioners, entertaining the conviction of the necessity of continuing the restraints adverted to, have not been unmindful of the importance of providing for the in mates of the workhouse, and especially for the aged and the sick, that religious consolation which you so properly appreciate, and they have accordingly, after consulting with the ecclesiastical authorities on the subject, directed the appointment of chaplains to workhouses, whose especia duty it is to attend to the spiritual wants of the paupers therein, and who not only celebrate Divine Service within the walls of the establishments, but also visit during the week those why are respectively confided to their charge. " The Commissioners have also been careful to direct that morning and evening prayer should no longer be neg lected in the workhouses, and that attendance thereon should be duly enforced by the master, under the control of the Commissioners. " If the spiritual aid thus provided for the paupers in the workhouse be contrasted with the opportunities which are afforded to the aged and infirm, who by their own ex ertions have secured independence, the Commissioners think that, having regard to the infirmities attendant on age, and to the practical obstacles which of necessity prevent parties so circumstanced from going to church, you will come to the conclusion that tir Commissioners, in their anxiety to provide effectually for the religious instruction of the aged and infirm paupers, have not fallen short of the principle above laid down ; and that in fact they have placed the pauper, as regards the supply of his spiritual wants, in a better condition even than the independent labourer. " By order of the Board, " E. CHADWICK, Secretary. " To the Rev. George Randolph, Eastry Vicarage, Sandwich." Now, although •we readily admit, that after what the Poor Law Commissioners had already done, neither we - nor any others could have any just reason for surprise at whatever feats they might happen to have in store ; still, we were not. prepared for this. Badly as thought of the Commissioners themselves, and of the despotic powers with which they are intrusted, we would not have heard their enemies, say that among the " Chad .‘Vick Papers" there would ever be found a decree which forbade the performance of a duty that all di vines, of whatever sect, have placed among the first duties of a Christian—viz., the duty of attending PUB LIC WORSHIP. We should have said, that however the the so-called " Friends of the People" might op press the poor—might degrade, half-starve, and impri son them—still it was impossible that the functiona ries of a Christian Government would venture upon so gross an insult to the religion of the land as to say that, because a man has the misfortune to fall into po verty, he shall be disqualified ipso filet° from enter ing his parish church. Yet such is the appalling fact, as our readeys see ; and we have no doubt they will see farther when the subject is mentioned in the House of Commons, that the Government and its supporters will defend this excommunication of the poor. What course the defence of so gross and arbitrary an interference with a primary duty of the Christian may happen to take we will not attempt to anticipate ; but of course the religious Mr. Poulter, and the still more religious Mr. Buxton (if you believe I themselves, as in courtesy you must), who have sealed with their saintly approbation a measure that takes churches away from The poor in Ireland, will find quite as much to praise in this decree of the Commissioners, which takes the i poor away from the. churches in Eng land. This will be consistent enough in these very religious gentlemen. But what will Lord John Rus sell say in defence of this 801 l of excotninunication of the Poor Law Pope and Cardinals at Somerset-house, for whose acts he, as Home Secretary, is responsible He cannot defend it by quoting or misquoting Paley ; for though Lord John Russell naturally pounces upon the loosenesses and latitudinarianisms that occasionally occur in that eminent writer—as insects,. avoiding the sound parts, invariably settle upon sores ortcars—still, as a general authority, Paley will not answer the purpose of a person of Lord John Russell's caste, either in re ligion or politics. Nor need we scck long for the reason. Paley's liberality is at least sincere, con sistent, and impartial : Lord John Russell's, on the contrary, is of the lip only, and always lop-sided. Leaving his Lordship, therefore, to rummage his coin :non-place book for some fraction of a sentence unfairly quoted from some man with a name, we shall proceed to do that which he will not venture to do—we shall quote Paley, without garbling him, on this subject. Paley,•after working out the proposition that " the worship of God be a duty (21 . religion, PUBLIC WOR SHIP is a NECESSARY institution,' proceeds thus:-- " Beside the direct necessity of public worship to the greater part of every Christian community (supposing wor ship at all to be a Christian duty), there are other valuable advantages growing out of time use of religious assemblies, without being designed in the institution, or thought of by the individuals who compose them. " 1. Joining in prayer end praises to their common Creator and Governor has a sensible tendency to unite mankind together, and to cherish and enlarge the generous affections. " So many pathetic affections are awakened by every exercise of social devotion, that most men, I believe, carry away from public worship a better temper towards the rest of mankind than they brought with them. Sprung from the same extraction, preparing together for the period of all worldly distinctions, reminded of their mutual infirmities and common dependence, imploring and receiving support and supplies from the same great source of power and bounty; having all one interest to secure, one Lord to serve, one judgment, the supreme object to all their hopes and fears, to look towards—it is hardly possible, in this position to behold mankind as strangers, competitors, or enemies, or not to regard them as children of the same family, assembled before their common parent, and with some portion of the tenderness which belongs to the most endearing qf our do mestic relations. It is not to be expected that any single effect of this kind should be considerable or lasting ; but the frequent return of such sentiments as the presence of a devout congregation naturally suggests will gradually melt down the ruggedness of many unkind passions, and may ge nerate in time a Permanent and productive benevolence. " 2. Assemblies for the purpose of divine worship, placing men under impressions by which they are taught to consider their relation to the Deity, and to contemplate those around them with a view to that relation, force upon their thoughts the natural equality of the human species, and thereby promote humility and condescension in the highest orders of the community, and inspire the lowest with a sense of their rights. The distinctions of civil life are almost always insisted upon too much, and urged too far. Whatever, therefore, conduces to restore the level, by qualifying the dispositions which grow out of great ele vation or depression of rank, improves the character on both sides. Now things are made to appear little by being placed beside what is great. In which manner superiorities that occupy the whole field of the imagination will vanish, or shrink to their proper diminutiveness, when compared with the dist - ance by which even the highest of men are removed from the Supreme Being, and this comparison is naturally introduced by all acts of joint worship. IF EVER THE POOR MAN HOLDS UP HIS HEAD, IT IS AT CHURCH ; IF EVER THE RICH MAN VIEWS HIM WITH RESPECT, IT IS THERE : and both will be the better, and the public pro fited, the oftener they meet in a situation in which the con sciousness of dignity in the one is tempered and mitigated, and the spirit qf the other erected and confirmed." We are perfectly well aware that, supposing there to be, as we believe there is, as much of truth as of eloquence in this passage from Paley, we have, to use quoting it. t n he poor man a v Foru,lg a a v r o I p v h i n r g a s i e t , u c c h u e t t o r t u i r e, own that t , 1 , 1 r i o r a e t v s e " r holds up his head, it is at church : if ever the rich man views him with respect, it is there :" we know that certain spirit sellers in the county of Lancaster, praying for an alteration in the duties on spirit licenses. we have furnished the advocates of the Poor L aws, Sir R. PEEL presented a petition front the Central Corn and especially the more " liberal" among them, with. mittee of the Handloom Weavers of Mancheste r, com p lainin g what they will consider an authority for preventing, if of children under 10 years of age being compelled to work in possible, and by whatever means, the poor man from factories for 12 hours and upwards. The facts stated in the ever setting his foot. over the threshold of a p lace of petition were precisely those which led him to vote for a evival of the Bill upon the subject. As the law now stood public worship.—Tames. it was openly violated, and he saw no hope for the removal of that violation, unless the Bill to which he had referred was re vived. The Hon. Member also presented another petition, the prayer of which he could not support, though he felt for the petitioners—it was from the handloom weavers, praying for the establishment of a board of trade. EXCISE LICENSES. The Right Hon. BARONET also presented a petition from Scotland, in favour of the Government measure for regu lating the excise licenses in Scotland. PARISH CLERKS. The Right Hon. BARONET said he had another petition to present from certain parties calling themselves the Incorpo rated Society of Parish Clerks, stating the very great hard ship they would sustain by the Bill respecting the registration of births and marriages passing without provision being made for allowing them compensation.—( Hear, hear.) They stated that their offices were freehold, and that many of them had relinquished other employments in the full persuasion that their rights would be protected, or if not, that an equivalent would be given them. They suggested that in any measure connected with registration, their situation would be taken into consideration, as many of the petitioners were advanced in life and had no other means of procuriing their subsistence. They concluded by praying the House to take their case into their most favourable consideration. GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. Mr. A. SANDFORD moved that the amendments made by the House of Lords, on this Bill, be agreed to. After a few words from Mr. PRYME the motion was agreed to. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS ACT. On the motion of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL the Lords' amendments in this Bill were ordered to be taken into consideration on Friday next. PAPER DUTIES. Mr. HUME gave notice, that whenever the Chan cellor of the Exchequer proposed to reduce the duties upon paper, he would submit a motion to the effect that a drawback be allowed on the stock in hand, agreeably to the prayer of the petitions he was about to present. TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE. The Hon. MEMBER said in the mean time he would present two petitions from Glasgow, praying for the total repeal of the stamp duty on Newspapers. Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN presented a petition from Galway in favour of a system of poor-laws for Ireland. Mr. POTTER presented two petitions for the repeal of the duty on Newspapers. Mr. ROEBUCK and some other HON. MEMBERS pre sented petitions to the same effect. Mr. Serjeant JACKSON presented a petition from Cork, for the better observance of the Sabbath. Mr. WAKL EY presented 68 petitions from various towns, boroughs, and districts in England, for the total repeal of the stamp duty on Newspapers. In no one of them was the pro position of the Hon. Member for Northamptonshire ever hinted at, and such a proposition could be considered in no other light than as an insult to the people of England, and he trusted it would not be sanctioned or tolerated in that House.—( Hear, and laughter.) Mr. HAWES presented a petition from the Mechanics Institution of South Lambeth to the same effect. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord STANLEY begged to ask the Noble . Lord (J. Rus sell) whether it was his intention to bring in any measure on the subject of Church rates during the present Session. Lord J RUSSELL said that it would entirely depend on the decision of the House of Commons as to the expediency of appropriating any of the Church reaenues as a substitute for Church rates. The Report of the Committee had not yet been printed, and he did not think the opinion of this House could be had in sufficient time to enable the Government to bring in a measure during the present Session. His opinion on the question remained unchanged, and if a Bill was not introduced this Session it would early in the ensuing, one. Mr. HUME said the country expected a definite answer from the Government as to their intention upon this question ; he did not think the answer of the Noble Lord would be deemed satisfactory to the Dissenters.—(Hear, hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL was quite aware of the anxiety which prevailed amongst the Dissenters upon this subject. They were already in possession of his sentiments; on the question ; and he could only repeat, that his opinion was unchanged. Lord Althorp, when he brought in his Bill, said that be ceuld not consent to abolish Church rates, unless a substitute was found ; and, until this was provided for, no measure could be brought in. Mr. HUME said the Deans and Chapters had money enough to form a fund for the purpose. WAR IN SPAIN. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER having moved the Order of the Day for the House going into Com mittee on the Stamp Duties. Mr. GROVE RICE said he wished to know from the Noble Lord opposite whether this county was one of the bel ligerent parties now carrying on the war in Spain ; and if so, whether we were called parties to the war under the names of intervention, non-intervention, or any other, had the Noble Lord entered into any arrangements for a cartel of prisoners. Lord PALM ERSTON said this County was acting under engagements entered into with Spain and other Powers, under the articles of a treaty. Mr. J. PRICE said only one part of his question had been answered. Was there any arrangement for a cartel of prisoners, in case any of his Majesty's forces should have the misfortune to fall into the hands of the opposite party ? Lord PA LM E LISTON'S answtr was very indistinct. We understood him to say that of course they would be entitled to the benefit of the stipulations of Lord Elliott's treaty. STAMP DUTIES. The House then went into Committee—Mr. Baines in the Chair. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then rose and said, that on a former occasion he:had taken the liberty of stating his general views on the subject of the reduction of duties on Stamps. To that statement the Hon. Baronet the Member for Lancashire expressed an intention to propose to the House, and another proposition for the reduc tion of the duties on soap. On that occasion, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) promised to take the discussion in such a shape as ro enable the House fairly to consider the motion of the Hon. Baronet, and as the . House had now re solved itself into a Committee of the whole House, the Hon. Baronet would be enabled to bring the subject forward. The course which he meant to pursue on the present that occasion was simply to move a single resolution, it was expedient that the duty on newspapers should be reduced from 4d., less the discount to be Id., this being a reso lution in committee of the whole House if his resolution should be carried, it would become an instruction to the Com mittee upon the Stamp Duties Bill to make alterations in the Bill accordingly. In tue resolution he should pre sently move, he reserved those disputed questions which bad been matter of discussion between the Right Honourable Baronet and himself. Also as to the size of the news papers or anything of that kind. He thought that it was much better to deal with those questions separately, and to bring fairly before the House the plain and intelligible principle on which he proposed to proceed. With this object in view, and also for the purpose of affording the Honourable Bart., an opportunity of moving his amendment, lie would move that the duty now payable on newspapers should be removed, and future duty be payable on every piece of paper whereupon a newspaper was printed a duty of Id. subject to such provisions with respect to size of the newspaper supple ment and so on as may be provided by any Act passed in the present session. Sir C. KNIGHTLY then rose to move the amendments of which he had given notice. A similar motion had been made by the Hon. Member for Lincolnshire some time ago, and the only reason alleged by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, for not agreeing to it at that time was, that the state of the finances would not permit him to make so large a reduction with safety to the public creditor. He ( Sir C. Knightley) propos ed that a small portion only of the duty on soap should be taken off, and which would in his opinion be much more beneficial than reducing the duty on Newspapers. First, it would be greatly beneficial to the farmers, as it would increase the con sumption of soap, and must consequently increase the demand for home produce, as the fat of animals was used in its manufacture..—(Hear, hear, hear, and great laughter.) It might be said that the farmers did not require relief, and he ( Sir C. Knightley) admitted that they were in a more pros perous state than they had been, but still it was only a gleam of sunshine in the midst of their distresses.—( Ironical cheers.) At one time when they asked relief to a large amount, they were told it could not be granted, and now when they asked a small boon he trusted it would not be refused.—(Opposition cheers.) He believed there was no instance of a farmer com plaining of the price of newspapers ; while there was not a farmer in England who would not rejoice at the duty being re duced or altogether taken off soap. If he ( Sir C. Knightley) were to vote for the rpeal of the duty on newspapers, instead of the duty on soap, how could be face the farmers and ask them for a vote?—( A laugh.) Would they not point out totheir daugh thers and wives who could not procure clean garments on a Sunday.—( A laugh.) In London, newspapers were abundant, enough, and there was not a street which did not teem with coffee-houses where the papers might be read by calling for a cup of coffee. He had had the curiosity to send a friend into one of them to ascertain the number of papers received there, and it was found that they received the following.—[The Hon. Baronet here proceeded to road a list commmencing with the Morning Papers, then the Evening, and followed by all the Weekly Papers, and Literary Publications down to the Penny Magazine. The reading of the list excited much laughter.] These papers were taken in in London, and after they were read they were sent to all parts of England—he fancied at a greatly reduced price—less by half. To be sure they were rather blotted and thumbed for want of Soap.—( Loud laughter.) But what (lid the London papers say ? Why, the Times, the .Standard, the Morning Post, and the Morning Herald, were on his side of the question.—( A laugh.) and what, he would ask, was said by the papers on the other side—the Globe. (Hear hear.) (The Honourable Baronet here read a long extract from the Globe newspaper derpreceting the removal of the Stamp Duties upon News papers.) That paper (he went on to state) was supposed to be the 'organ of the Governrnent.—( Hear, hear, and loud laughter.) What, on the other hand, was the opinion of those who were enrza9- , ,-1 in the soap trad,s. ? (The HoriourAble Baronet here read an extract from a set of resolutions passed by the Society of Soap M a nufacturers, calling upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer to reduce the duty on Soap). One of the arguments used by the Chancellor of the Exche quer was, that the penny dutty would, from the great in- TITHES. Major MACNAMARA presented petitions from parishes in the County Clare praying for the extinction of Tithes. EMANCIPATION OF THE JEWS. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL presented a petition numerously signed . by the inhabitants of Edinburgh praying that the civil disabilities affecting the Jews might be removed. TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL presented a petition from Edinburgh, most numerously and respectably signed, praying for the total abolition of the stamp duty on newspapers and adyertisokments ; also the repeal of the duty on paper. The Hon. Member also presented a petition in favour of the Copy hold Tenure Bill. VEXATIOUS PROSECUTIONS. Mr. BETHEL presented a petition from a magistrate of the county of York, of the name of General Wharton, com.: plaining of the expense and annoyance he had been put to, by reason of a vexatious and frivolous charge brought against him for something he had done in his capacity of magistrate. When the prosecution was commenced, he applied, upon affi davits, stating that the prosecutor was a man of straw, and unable to pay any costs that might be awarded against him ; but the Judge had refused to compel the prosecutor to enter into recognizance to pay expenses, stating that he had no power to do so. The action had since been tried, and a verdict given in Eivour of the petitioner, but he had been put to great expense and inconvenience, and was unable to recover anything from the plaintiff, he being, as was alleged in the affidavits, a mere man of straw. He complained that if the magistracy were not protected in the discharge of their magisterial duties against such harassing, vexatious prosecutions, the laws of the country could never be fairly or duly administered; and he therefore prayed that that House would adopt some measures to indem nify parties in such situations against the expense of actions of this nature. Colonel PEEL objected to the reception of the petition, on account of the length of time that had elapsed since the oc currence had taken place to which it referred. Mr. WYNN concurred with the Hon. and Gallant Mem ber that the petition ought not to be received. Mr. D. W. HARVEY said that the petition was sent to him to present last session, but not thinking it a proper sub ject for that House, he wrote to General Wharton to that effect; but unfortunately he mislaid the petition, or he would have handed it to the Hon. Member for Yorkshire. The abuse however which he received from the Gallant General was a sufficient penalty for his neglect.—( A laugh.) Mr. BETHEL said he was not answerable for the allega tions contained in the petition. Mr. BAINES said no blame could attach to General Wharton for his conduct in the transaction. , Si;:IiOBERT PEEL thought it would be an extremely bad precedent if petitions of this nature were to be received. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL expressed himself to the same effect. After a few words from the SPEAKER, the petition was withdrawn. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS (IRELAND.) Mr. H. BULWER presented a petition from the parish of Marylebonne in favour of the Irish Municipal Bill, as it ori ginally passed that House. Mr. HUME supported the prayer of the petition. Mr. JACKSON presented a petition from Cork in favour of the Lords' Amendments to the Irish Municipal Bill. Sir W. B RABA ZON presented a petition from the county of Mayo, signed by the High Sheriff, the two Members for the county, and many of the wealthy and respectable inhabitants against the Irish Municipal Bill as amended by the Lords. Also two petitions from the same county, praying for a re form in the House of Lords. Mr. R. D. BROWNE had been requested to support the prayer of the petition from the County of Mayo, and as he perfectly concurred in it he did so with much pleasure. Mr. POWER presented a petition from Balliane, in the County of Wexford, in favour of Corporate Reform, and against the Lords' amendments. The petition was most numerously signed. Sir E. WILMOT presented a petition from two manufac turers of paper in Manchester, praying that they might be allowed a drawback upon the stock in hand when the duty was taken off. Mr. HUME presented four petitions to the same effect. The first was from the manufacturers of paper in London, and the other three were from workmen in their employ. They said their labour had been uncertain in consequence of the unsettled state in which the matter had been for some time, and praying that the House would allow the duty to be taken off immediately. Lord J. STUART presented a petition numerously signed, praying for the total and immediate repeal of the Stamp Duty on Newspapers. The LORD-ADVOCATE presented petitions in favour of the Commons' Bill for reforming the Corporations in Ire land, from the Magistrates and Council of Leith, Glasgow, and other places. Mr. DUND AS presented a petition from the Glass Mer chants of the Shetland Isles, complaining of the heavy duty on Glass, and praying that it may be removed. Lord FRANCIS EGERTON presented a petition from c rease in the circulation produce as much as the . present: duty of three-pence farthing.—(Hear, hear.) This would_ make good for soap, if the Report of the Conrrnissione.rs was It was for the Ho use to cay which . was the best.—(A laugh.) He had gone on a Saturday night to the Post-office out of curiosity, in order t o see the mails, and he had frequently seen them so per.v heavily laden that it was dangerous to travel by them. He onquired the cause, and was told that it was owing to the ii.nineu e quantity of newspapers. If therefore the Chancellor 'f Or Exchequer was right in saying that the penny stamp Woutd produce quite as much as the threepence-farthing stamp,' it must follow that the quantity of newspapers would be tre bled ; and if so, there must be - a tax raised for their convey ance. This was a tax which pressed heaviy upon the poor man, he paying the same duty as the ric h man.—Hear, hear.) He asked the Chancellor of the Exche q uer to reduce, the duty 75 per cent. for the p oor man, and 35 p er cent, for the rich one. He asked for the reduction of this duty on behalf of the farmer and the poor man.—(Cheers.) asked the House to improve the mind of the people by purifying the body.—(Cries of Hear , hear.) He move d that the duty on hard soap be reduced from 1. 1 ,-d. to Id. , and the duty on soft soap from ld. to one farthing. Mr. C. BARCLAY rose and was l e ft speaking. HOUSE OF LORDS. the The House was occupied in hearing wit nesses u p on Stafford Borough Disfranchisement Bill, from three to sve o'clock. MANCHESTER AND LEEDS RAILWAY. On the motion of Lord KENYON, the Manchester and Leeds Railway Bill was read a third tirite, and passed. The Earl of RODEN presented a petition from certain Protestant Dissenters, praying for the abolition of church rates. Lord ST RADBROOKE presented a petition from a paro chial union, complaining of the unequal manner in which the rates were levied. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. A message from the Commons brought up the Merthyr Tidvil Railway, and the Hull and Selby Railway Bills with their Lordship's amendments agreed to ; the London and Dover Railway, and several other Bills. IRISH CORPORATION BILL. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that as he understood the Irish Corporation Bill, with amendments, would not be printed till Wednesday, probably the Noble Lord at the head of his Majesty's Government would think Friday too early day for the discussion upon the measure. Lord MELBOURNE certainly thought that if the Bill and the amendments would not be printed till Wednesday, it would be more convenient to put off the discussion till Monday ; was agreed to. The Earl of WINCHILSEA presented a petition from Canterbury, in frvour of the Lord's amendments to the Irish Muncipal Bill. JEWISH EMANCIPATION. The Duke of CLEVELAND presented a petition from the borough of Sunderland, praying for the emancipation of the Jews. UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH. The Earl of ABERDEEN presented a petition from the Lord Provost, Burgesses, and Town-Council of Edinburgh , against the Bill for the regulation of the Scotch University. The Earl of ROSEBRRY that the pctitionert could not have attended to the provisions of the Bills, otherwise they would have seen that none of its provisions would deprive them of their rights of pasronage, which, as he believed, they 11 5 a exercised with great advantage and benefit towards the educa tion of the public. POST OFFICE. The Duke of RICHMOND rose in pursuance of his motion, and after a few observations upon the fourth Report of the Commissioners of Enquiry, and urg ing the necessity of continuing the office of Postmaste r General in place of a Board of Commissioners, as recom mended by the report, gave notice that he should, when the Bill came up to their Lordships' table, move that it be re ferred to a Select Committee, because he was not satisfied with the evidence that had been given.—(Hear.) He did so in order to give his Majesty's Government th'e chance, if they thought fit, of referring it at once to a Select Committee, and not to tall him hcraafter it was too late in the Session to do so. Lord LUNCANNON rose to reply to the Noble Dulof bnd was left speaking. HYDROPHOBIA.—Saturday morning the inha bitants of Holborn and the passengers therein were alarmed-' by the appearance of a mad dog, which bit several persons, une of whom was M. Austin, residing at Winchester-row, Pee tonville ; it was soon followed by several persons, armed with weapons, all of whom it managed to outrun, but on arriving in. Southampton-buildings was stopped by a man catching bold ot it by each ear. Sergeant Thompson, D 4, who was passing at the time, went up, and having made a slip-knot in a piec e of rope he had in his pocket, put it round the dog's neck, and, with his truncheon, soon despatched it. In the afternoe° another dog in a rabid state was observed in the Waterloo road, but was happily destroyed without having done any mischief. Yesterday morning, between ten and twelve o'clock' , another dog in a rabid state ran through the city , an d at :al foot of London-bridge bit a little boy of about eight years ° c r . age. A labourer, who was at work on the spot, pursued af. killed the dog. The little boy was conveyed to the hoSPitaji_ CHASE EXTRAORDINARY.—LateIy at Carets one of Mr. Wombtvcll's caravans of wild beasts was overturned on the Wigton-road, and a number of the animals , chiefly °I the monkey tribe, bad escaped. The animals, of course, We re , highly delighted with their restoration to liberty , and many 03. them clambered up the trees, .‘ mopping and mowing" at the keepers, who endeavoured to reclaim them. The farmers living in the vicinity immediately rendered their aid to join in the pursuit, and with their dogs commenced one of the Most ludicrous chases ever beheld in that part of the country. The cunning monkeys proved that they had not forgotten the ca pering of their wild state, and one of them having taken re fuge in a field containing a quantity of cattle, and being ratheri hard pressed by his pursuers, jumped on the back of o ne s the cows, which immediately started off at full gallop's's:3'm nished, no doubt, at her strange jockey. The monkey k r r. its seat well, but was at length secured by one of the keers The whole of the animals were ultimately secured. SILK MANUFACTURE AT CREFELD, n l . S : NISH PRUSSIA.—Our silk manufactories were never so flour's"- ing as at present. They have arrived at such a point that they may boldly rival all the manufactories of Germany, and in sole respects even those of Lyons. The velvets of Lyons a ,. Genoa have already been obliged to yield the palmt ° The orders we have received, even from America, have long time been considerably increasing. At the e nd of las t century we had 150 manufactories of ribbons, 26 2 looms 't(., silk tissues, and 496 looms for velvets. It will be easY.4 judge of the immense increase of industry since that Per e i l „, from the fact that, at the period when we were under the "i„ minion of France, the house of M. Laycn, who may b e cons dered as the founder of this branch of industry, employed be tween 4,000 and 5,000 workmen.—Frankfort Gazette. b ., A gentleman who has been up to town on the s u irit ject of the Railways, describes to us in fearful terms the s P; a , of cupidity exhibited not only in the vicinity of, but evet d , had the Committee-rooms of the different proposed lines of r , ; fr , He says, and his statement is borne out by what we p the viously heard, that no means are left untried to secure r a il, support of influential parties, and that where solicitatio ns bribes are unblushingly offered. If such be the case , the •Isi terest of the public must materially suffer, since thefiftly merits of the different lines must give way before the r his influence of Mammon. Our correspondent assures us 0 3 0 belief that unless , a general resolution be adopted hi to t House to curb this rapacious spirit, some dreadful crisis ° l ox , ensue. It is but fair to observe that Lord George Le :a n :ton the Chairman of the Committee of the London and Br 'r„ to Railroad, at a public dinner the other day, took oceas'°t-bat allude to this subject, and positively denied the reports heir members of Railroad Committees got well paid for their trouble. " They had" observed his Lordship, o a great of of hard work to do, and as a recompense the abuse f fa r parties." This flat contradiction of his Lordship will gehich, to silence the reports to which we have allude d, and SY o f with his Lordship's denial, we leave to the cons ideration the public.—Brighton Herald. • Amongst various other ornamental iroproveraeolli: which have lately been made at the west end of the metrt a ite a very elegant and ponderous iron pillar, placed on a g` ha s pedestal, with three lamps forming a triangle on the eel l a ce, been erected, by command of his Majesty, in Waterlol eg . a Pall-mall, opposite to the Duke of York's monument,,Dendoo. very superior construction to any other of the ki nd in ij a wed The pillar and the iron railings which surround it are P 4 t he very tastefully in imitation of bronze ; upon the front of pedestal are placed the Royal Initials " W. R." en d a utfortn , and round the railings is erected an elevated stone P., oc which will be found a great convenience to people how° casion to cross the road in that direction. Sc7(ADVERTISEMENT.)— SAVORY, t _ e o ffers . 47, Cornhill, London,"'infor'sins th üblie,tha llt 1 :4; 511 V 1 : SII:VER WATCHES, on the celebrated PATENT L tc can CONSTRUCTION, (the most. accurate on which a , i '7 es t iffy be made) for SIX GUINE AS EACH, with all the 1 ,.„ r bow , provements, e. the detached esca p ement, j ewelled in w", a i n . capped, hand to mark the s econds, hard enamelled dial, and "' taming power to continu e g oin g while winding up. Second -hand N.B. If in extra Watches purchased in exchange. —..........:—.. BIRTHS. isoi On the 1 8 th i nst., in Cumberland-street, the lady of Lane Christie, Esq. , of a daughter. On the 17 th inst. , at Ryde , Isle of Wight, Mrs. T. T. Haring' ton, of a son. MA RR LED. Yesterday, by the Rev. Andrew Brandram, the Minister o f th; Church of St. John the Baptist, in the Savoy, Miss 31ary i' 3 ll , t. Keene, of Savoy-street, to Jr. Robert East, of the same pr/ C. On the 18th inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square, Mr• w o . Jones, of Great Surrey-street, to Sara h, eldest daug hter of Mayhew, Esq. of the same place. On the 18th inst at Siddington, near Cirencester, Mr. J . ° 4. 11 r , Chamberlen, of High . ; orth, Wilts, to Mary, eldest daughter of "' J. Plummer, of the or at On the 18th inst., at r pl ace. St. Pancras, E. B. E. Gainsforlip Esq.' of Cheapside, to Miss Matilda Sayer, of Burton-crescent. DIED. On the 18th inst., in Woburn-square, Edward Turner, E s q'' late of the Hon. East India Company's service. Ste' In Wellington-crescent, Ramsgate, Henry, the only son of phen Richards, Esq., of Tavistoelc-square. , .; ow On the 17th inst., aged bi, Sarah, wit of M. A. butt, naught-terrace, Edgeware-road. ------- London: Printed and PublishedOUNG. of 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the curn) of Middlesex. MIP litr e that t4l, Co Vlll pat sea