The Sun. — London, England, 1845-05-22 00:00:00

perience, added to the example presented them in Russia —he cestinued in the same opinion ; he would ask him, were his fears all abandoned—was his alarm mitigated ? And he felt curious to know, would the man who told them, in 1838, that his fears were justified, tell them, in 1845, that those fears were ground less, unworthy, and fanatical ?—(Loud cheers.) If it was desired to govern Ireland wisely and well, this result could not be accomplished by putting the reins of Government into the hands of Irish bishops and aßoman Catholic hierarchy. This plan had been pursued in France, but what had been the consequences ? Why, the Government had been shaken to its centre, and anar chy, confusion, and bloodshed had been the result. — (near, hear.) And this, probably, might be the un happy effects in Great Britain. Religious peace and pri viregee were not to be scorned, and he would appeal to his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of State whether these things were to be obtained by the policy now pur sued towards Ireland. His Right Hon. Friend wished to allay the agitation in Ireland, but, he would ask, was the present measure the best means to do so ? When the measure for Maynooth was originally proposed, the agitation in Ireland was nearly quieted. The receipts in the Conciliation Hall had been diminished, and the monster meetings had ilearly ceased. He would tell the Government that the moment the announcement of the proposed measure had reached the Irish shore, agitation bad been re-commenced. The consequences were, that assemblies had been held, of so portentous a character, that a question was asked by an Honourable Member the other night to know what was the meaning of these meetings. He would inquire, was it intended to make the Roman Catholic priesthood amenable to the law, or was it intended to render the law subject to the hierarchy ? Was the law to be placed under the domi nation of any body of ecclesiastics of any class ? He should be told that this state of things was foreign to the first principles of the Constitution. It was well ; but he would say that the priesthood of Ireland were to be Ibund the filmiest and most unflinching friends and ad vocates of repeal, and, therefore, no peace could be had with the Roman Catholic hierarchy, for it was pledged th agitation, and to such was the government of Ireland to be delivered. To this course he felt sure the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for Ireland would object. The caves he had quoted from at a former period, re gatiding the conversion of Roman Catholics to Pro testantism, would give no peace to Ireland, even if all its inhabitants were changed from their original belief. He would refer the House to the report that had been made, and if they recurred to the trial at Tralee, they would find his statements confirmed is every parti cular, as to the part taken by the Catholic priests in suborning witnesses, to make a pretended declaration of faith in the Protestant religion. From a report, also, which had been made by a Committee of the House in 1835, it would be found that Roman Catholic priests had on many occasions instigated and persuaded the ignorant peasantry to take part in opposing the just and legal claims which their landlords had on them. The Hon. Baronet might disapprove of these statements, but he could not controvert them. And again, in 1839, he had heard of a man who had been condemned by the magis tracy, but because he had served the priesthood, they had stepped forward unanimously as a body to protect the criminal from the sentence so richly deserved, and to snatch the just victim of the law from the hands of justice. There was another circumstance, too, in Ireland, which would not be tolerated in scarcely arty other country on the face of the earth. A priest there might denounce a man from the altar. He would inquire was it not inconsistent with the liberty of the subject, and contrary to the law, that any person should be publicly . exposed, and held up to party vengeance at the mere whim of a Popish priest?—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member then read a statement from a paper which he held in his hand of a case of prosecution in which the plaintiff had been denounced by the priest, and on the same evening that the curse was uttered the unfor tunate victim was murdered. lie would ask the ques tion then whether any ecclesiastic was authorised by his religion to denounce any man? He was quite sa tisfied that no Ministry could ever succeed in governing Ireland ley means of the priests. He would ask whether the College of Maynooth had ever produced, during the fifty years it had been established, any per son, who, by his learning and attainments, had added anything to the literature of the country? With the exception of Dr. WI - late and Dr. Higgins, who were both great writers in newspapers, and in the habit of inlminating in broad sheets their peculiar opinions, he believed Maynooth had never produced any literary character of any note. It was a blunder to sup pose the Irish people would be satisfied with the large endowment of Maynooth, and that the agita tion regnant in the sister country could be calmed by it. To suppose so was contrary to reason and common sense. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Go vernment, by insisting on the measure, had split his party into pieces, had caused confusion and jealousy amongst those who were before united, and had driven from his side his firmest friends, to enjoy, for a brief season, a victory gained over his former supporters and earliest associates. Mr. MACKENZIE then rose, and said he would trespass on the attention of the House for only a very few minutes. He had not been understood in an expla nation he had lately given in another place on the matter of the Maynooth question. He spoke at Peebles, before people who had great confidence in his honour, but his speech had been misrepresented. What he said was, that the small grant to Maynooth had done mis chief, and that he would support the large grant as an experiment. He further recommended the people of Ireland on that occasion to cherish the Union as the people of Scotland had done, to repudiate agitation, and to devote themselves to the cultivation of the land. This was a slight sketch of his speech at Peebles, and such were still his opinions. Mr. WYSE thought the tenor of the speech of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Newcastle was far from being satisfactory, and was much more likely to excite than to al lay agitation in Ireland. He did not recognise either in the number of the petitions, or of the signatures, what might be termed the universal will of the people of Eng land, or anything approaching to it. Every mode had been resorted to to inflame the public mind on this ques tion, and he would ask those who boasted of a million of signatures, why they had not paid the same attention to petitions signed by 800,000 of the Irish people for revi sion into the State trials ?—(Hear, hear.) The peti tioners might be classed under three heads—those who thought it a misapplication of the public money upon financial c onsiderations--those who were opposed to en dowment—and those who opposed it on religious grounds. He thought the financial argument so weak that it could not be entertained by any sensible man.— (The lion. Member read an extract from a petition which prayed against the grant on this ground.) If the English people objected to the grant because it was applied to exclusively Irish purposes, he would answer them by saving that Ireland contributed in return towards the support of English and Scotch establishments. It should be recollected that at the time of the union the debt of England was 400,000,0001., whilst the debt of Ireland was only 23,000,0001., and taxation upon Ireland had increased in proportion, as was admitted by a Committee of that House. Then as regarded the Pro testant Church, was there not ample evidence to show that immense sums were devoted to the maintenance of the Protestant Church, even in Catholic districts. The Commissioners of Public Instruction in Ireland had re ported that out of 2 , 000 p arishes of which Ireland was , composed, 217 of them did not contain a single Protes tant, and yet a Protestant rector and a Protestant church were supported in them. Another, return showed that in 1776 the Roman Catholic populatas 1,300 0,00; the Episcopalian , 545,000. In 1834 the C ion was 1,300,000; the EpiscoPalianl 545,000. In 1834 the Catholic popu lation was more than 7,000,000, whilst there were only 752,000 Episcopalians. The Catholic landed proprietors were obliged tot, contribute towards the support of the Protestant Church as welt as their own, and the expense of maintaining the Catholic clergy was very large, thus the Irish people were obliged to support two Churches. There were 2,000 parish priests, 1,128 curates, besides the bishops , wh om the Catholics paid. At the time Maynooth was founded there were no less than twenty-seven professors, and 278 Irish students in the colleges of France, Spain, Portugal, and Italy. He was not prepared to say, either there or elsewhere, that the Catholic Church in Ireland would be prepared to take upon it any alliance with the State if any restric tion were to be put on its discipline. If the Catholic Church were to be endowed, he did not see why the monastic institution; should not be endowed also. But this grant was entirely different in character from any hic h involved the tenets of the Catholic Church. The grant when once out of their hands would be beyond their reach. Its object was to elevate the Roman Catholic clergy in the country. He believed that there was no opposition to this object, but it was opposed because it was likely to promote the tenets of the Ca tholic Church. Yet when the Regium Donunz was given to the Presbyterians, and when any gift was to be made to the Dissenters, no mention was made of the tenets of the party on whom the gift was bestowed, and it was only when the Roman Catholic Church was in question that any fear was entertained, or any obloquy was thrown out. And this brought him to the third point of his observations. Many petitions had been pre sented in that House, in which the Catholic Church had been charged with all sorts of evils. Why this was going back to the days of Lord George Gordon, when all the virulence of sectarian zeal was let forth, in order to crush the freedom of religious opinion. The Roman Catholic religion had been charged with the abomina tions of anti-Christ, but he should like to know when anti-Christ lived and when he died. He would beg them to remember that the Catholics were Christians, and he should wish them to remember that many princi ples were entertained in common, and if the Catholic religion was false, how was it that it had lived so long ? The charge of persecution had been thrown ou t, b u t he might retort it on those by whom it had been applie d. By far the better plan would be to sink all differenc es, and to avoid those disputes which plucked out of the (19spel the bright gem of charity, and tended to divide 'non from each other, and to excite those points of dif *rence and division which was opposed to every in terest of humanity. We should hear no more of these charges. Many extracts had been made from the pas sages of certain books of the Catholics, and an attempt was made to fix upon them certain principles which they could not acknowledge. In a speech of his on a former occasion, he had made quotations from the books of the Protestants to show their equally objectionable sentiments. Ho bad do ne this with no view to recrimi nation—with no object to throw a false colour on the c haracter of their opponents. In doing this he had been accused of uttering ds wor which were not in Luther's works, but such was not the case. He had acted honestly, tend he did not ascribe any false prima ries to the Protestants, b ecause he believed that any isolated peesages should give a colour to a whole creed. An attempt had been made to attach to the it o.moaun..C.ae tholic priests an imputation of sedition ; but sh _id c b e recollected that many of these priests were ins o allian 'with the English State. If there was any dition, it was to be ascribed to their own system and its laws, and was occasioned by the principle adopted in 1688. The Catholics bad, it was true, acted with energy of late ment.—(The Right Hon. Gentleman then read at length an extract from a speech delivered by Lord Cas tlereagh in 1817, in which he said that the spiritual and temporal welfare of the Irish people would be best pro moted by giving a superior education to the only instruc tors to whom they would listen.) —When he (Sir J. Gra ham) was told that to ensure the affections of the Irish people, it was necessary to restrict the power of the priests, and to direct the religion of the people, his answer was,—" It is," said the Right Hon. Baronet, " impossible—l defy the House—l defy the Le gislature to make the attempt."—(Great cheering.) But he would only say this, that no Minister of the Crown ever produced a measure with a more sincere desire to fulfil his duty to his Sovereign, and to conciliate the af fections of his estranged fellow-subjects.—(Cheers.) The House had been told that this measure had been ex torted from her Majesty's Ministers by the reminis cence of past agitation and the threat of more. — (Cheers.) He had been asked why did not the Govern ment put down Ribbonism ?—(Hear, hear.) He had been asked why he did not put down monster meetings? To that he had answered that he had used the law in its utmost force, and beyond its legitimate force he would not exert it ; and on the whole he must say, with full confidence and perfect sincerity, that no Minister of the Crown could have felt more satisfaction in recommending a measure to the British House of Commons than he felt when he asked the House to assent to the third reading but they had their associations, with O'Connell at their head, and the priest of the present day could act with a courage of which the priest in 1796 would not dare to conceive. They should recollect that the Irish people were now aware of their rights and of their power. They felt that they were now worthy to stand by the side of Englishmen—they felt their own growing power and wealth, and the results of their application to industry. Let them, then, not hear any more of toleration. — (Hear, hear.) The Catholics of Ireland felt that they were entitled to be looked upon as an integral portion of the empire, as those who were to be considered with a re ference to their numbers, and their wealth, and he antici pated therefore the passing of this vote as a measure of necessary justice, but he would not assume an attitude of defiance; he would not replicate on their opponents, but would on the contrary meet them in a spirit of harmony, and trust hereafter both Catholic and Protestant would ,go on together in a spirit of harmony, and mutually assist in promoting the general benefit.—(Cheers.) Mr. DARBY said, that with respect to the question now before the House ' he (Mr. Darby) had looked at various times over the Acts of Parliament, and on re viewing the whole subject, he came to the conclusion that the object of the Act of Parliament was not the propagation of Roman Catholic principles, but a desire to keep out revolutionary doctrines. The College of Maynooth was founded with that view, and it was ex pected that those who professed the Roman Catholic faith would have supported it. He had heard a Right Hon. Member (Mr. Macaulay as we understood) speak of secular education, but the present endowment went beyond that. They were now about to grant an endowment over which they could afterwards have no control, and the House had received no assu rance that the Government would not, at a future period, extend still further benefits to that institution. As far as they could judge from the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, he thought that the College of Maynooth was likely to look for still greater assistance. It had been asked why was Belgium satisfied, and why were other Roman Catholic countries satisfied? lie should answer, simply because they were Roman Catholic countries, with a Roman Catholic Established Church. Hon. Gen tlemen spoke of past revolutions. He (Mr. Darby) would tell those Hon. Members that no revolution had ever taken place in that country that was not in its very origin and nature a religious revolution ; and he believed that the objection this country entertained to the measure before the House had its foundation in that which had originated those very revolutions—he meant religious scruples. He considered that that was really the principle on which the people throughout the country opposed this grant. If the Right Hon. Baronet should tell him that they intended to go still further after this feeling bad been exhibited, he should then ask that Right Hon. Gentleman if he thought that the an tagonistic principle which characterised the different sects of religion in that country—he would ask if he expected that antagonistic principle would altogether cease, and the Protestant people of this country become indifferent to the further extension of Roman Catholic principles? Hon. Gentlemen had spoken of Protestant ascendancy in Ireland. If by that was meant a display of party ban ners or party processions, he, for one, would regret the existence of such an ascendancy. But, if by Protestant ascendancy was meant that principle which had seated the present family on the throne, that principle which formed the basis of their laws, and was intermixed with their very Constitution, he said then that, as an admirer of the British Constitution, he should support that Pro testant ascendancy. To that extent and to that only, he repeated, he would maintain Protestant ascendancy, for when that ascendancy ceased, he believed the Constitu tion of the country would cease also. When that Con stitution was destroyed, it would be time to speak of equalizing all sects and denominations—(Hear) — and they might then, perhaps, connect the Roman Catholic Church with the State, which could only be done, he firmly believed, at the expense of another revolution. While he admitted the utmost toleration in religious matters to all classes of his fellow-countrymen, no matter what their religious opinions might be, he still maintained that the State should not connect itself with another Church which he, and the majority of her Majesty's subjects, believed to be instrumental only in the propagation of error. He could not help thinking, seeing the feeling which had been exhibited in all parts of the country with respect to this proposed grant to Maynooth, that if the Government attempted to go further, they would raise a feeling in the minds of the Protestants of this country that could neither be allayed nor compassed. If the Government did not go further than the present measure proposed to do, the boon would be worth nothing ; but he contended that this was an endowment to propagate principles which were antagonistic to the Protestant Constitution. With respect to the voluntary principle, he would not advert to it, and he was sorry to find that it had been mixed up in this question at all, but be must say that what he had heard the Hon. Member for Sheffield argue in favour of that principle, he (Mr. Darby) wished that, for the sake of his own consistency, he should not hear anything of the kind from the Hon. Member again. The House would recollect that the Hon. Member had very warmly taken up the appropriation question which the Noble Lord the Member for London had afterwards adopted, and when it served his purpose he threw it away. The Hon. Gen tleman took it up again, but found it so troublesome a toy, that he did not know how to deal with it. He thought that was an attempt to endow a Church which the Constitution of the country repudiated, and he said this without any reference to the opinions of Hon. Mem bers of the Roman Catholic faith, although he consi dered that even their opinions were not at all times con sistent, for while they at one time declared the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church unchanged and un changeable, at an time their language was quite opposed to that decr,,,p.. Holding these opinions, he considered it his duo ix) vote against this measure—a measure which proposed to endow the Church of Rome, although at direct variance with the whole spirit of the British Constitution. Sir J. GRAHAM said that, however he might differ from the Right Hon. Member who had spoken from the benches behind him on other points, he yet agreed with hale on this, that it was desirable that no unnecessary delay should take place in the final settlement of this question, and holding that opinion, he (Sir J. Graham) should not have then risen to obtrude himself on the attention of the House, did he not conceive it his duty to do so, in consequence of certain expressions rela tive to the conduct of the Government as regarded Ireland, but more especially :did he feel it his duty to reply to certain observations which had emanated from a Right lion. Gentleman who, in general, sup ported the Government. Before, therefore, he dealt with the general question, he should take the liberty of caning the attention of the House to those observations which had personal reference to himself ; and, in the first place, he could not avoid noticing the remarks which had been offered by the Right lion. Gentleman the Member for' the University of Dublin, and it was the more painful for him now to do so, as that Right lion. Member had, on former occasions, given his cordial sup port to the general measures of the Government. That Right Hon. Gentleman had taken occasion to charge him (Sir J. Graham), in the most distinct manner, with neglecting the duties of the department of the Government over which he presided. He had also charged him with improperly assuming to himself a too great control over the affairs of Ireland. He had also been similarly taunted by the Hon. Member for Newcastle. He could only say, and he was bound to state thus much to the House, that in the discharge of what he thought was his duty, he had exercised a control over the affairs of that country, with the consent of Parliament, and with, he thought, the approbation of the other members of her Majesty's Government. There had been a very general feeling exhibited of late, and he (Sir J.. Graham) was persuaded that it was a growing one, that the adminis tration of Irish affairs should be assimilated as much as possible to that which was observed with regard to that portion of English and Scotch affairs with which his department had to do. And he would say further, that it was impos sible adequately to carry on in a proper manner the ad ministration of that country unless Parliament should consent that such an arrangement should continue. In the management of the affairs of that country he had had the advantage of the assistance of Lord Eliot and Earl De Grey ; he had been in constant communication with them ; and if there was at any time any difference of opinion between them it did not disturb for one hour, nor for a minute, the general harmony of their in tercourse. lie had at that very time the pleasure of being in constant communication with the present Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland (Lord Heytesbury), and while he gave that Noble Lord credit for the sound principles and the pure motives by which he was actuated—an opinion he was sure that would be reciprocated from both sides of the House —yet he should feel it his duty to exercise the most independent judgment on what ever matter was connected with the administration of affairs in that country. With respect to this mea sure particularly, there existed the most perfect una nimity between himself and that Noble Lord. With respect to the charge that the Government had un equally distributed the patronage in Ireland, an Hon. Member had referred to one instance, when he alleged that some person—some nameless individual—had not received that promotion in the courts of law, to which he was justly entitled. lie (Sir James Graham) was not aware of the particular case to which that reference had been made, but of this he was persuaded, that not one appointment connected with the law courts of Ire land: had been made unworthily, for no judge could possibly act upon more strict principles of equity than his Learned Friend, the Lord Chancellor of Ireland. No man was more attached than himself to the Protes tant Church or more zealous in the maintenance of it, but he felt bound to tell his Noble Friend that he was a firm believer in the great principle laid down by Burke, when he stated that whenever a religious ques tion arose, it ought to be decided on political, and not on theological grounds. The arguments of the Hon. Member for Birmingham last night were totally at va riance with common sense.—(llear, hear.) His Hon. Friend opposite had referred to the disturbed state of Ireland. He (lid not mean Yo deny that. lie felt as sured that crime against the person was rife in Ireland, but the Roman Catholic people of Ireland would on the subject' of religion bear comparison with any people in the world. (Laud cries of " Hear, hear.") I p l: o l t zd ta b n e t e s n o t v o e l r d ei t g h n t he was rgot s t o e v n er t e h i a g t n he w as hadaawls saeoais Protestant gtthrhtue e ; but t w Minister as no to t t o a be forgotten millions Minister o f of a Catholic Pro testantsubjects.—(Great cheering.) Much h ad b een said about Exeter-hall and its still small voice sure that the course they had pursued in that place w w :s B c s al to do anything but good No one could doubt, mightir iitd be attempted to be put aside, but they could diminish the influence of the Roman Catholic priest hood over the people of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) In all the vicissitudoa of political life, the late Marquis of Londonderry had steadfastly adhered to this p a p s ,i_ pie, that it was the duty of the Government to provide for the education of th eext C r a u th t ol f i r c om pri L es o t r h d oo L d o . nd i o i n e d w err ou y ld s read to the House an rsopaegechh:anwdheS,nectbreattariylluosftrsioxe pEoerrsi)linewiosrerdpeeapsatrlet.: people of this country. These were the arguments; this was the instrumentality, this was the stratagem, this was the fraud —a pious fraud, no doubt—(Loud cheers)—but such a fraud as, he trusted, would not long abuse the minds of the people of England—nor would it effect that which it was intended to do. He did not pretend to approve of all that was taught at Maynooth, neither did ho approve of all that was taught by Dr. Sanderson, the Regius Professor at Oxford. Neither did he approve of all that appeared in Blackstone—he could not assent to the doctrine of male prohibi tion malurn in se. He would take the class-books of Maynooth as a whole. If there was such a great objection to the princi ples taught at Maynootb, be should be happy to take the sense of the House, and would readily vote for a Committee of the House of Commons for inquiry to ascertain what there was that was defective, and he trusted the Government would support it. There had been a deal of casuistry employed to assail Maynooth, but, unfortunately, casuistry did not always attain what it aimed at. If there was evil in the class-books "it was the evil to be found in Aristophanes, and the mischief contain ed in the first six satires of Juvenal. Casuistry was like sur gery—it disclosed all it was most necessary to conceal—the concession was laying open the inward feelings by which human nature was actuated—that anatomy of the heart by which the whole of its internal corruption was laid bare. But he did not dread investigation. What he looked at were the moral results of education at Maynooth, and he was glad to find - that the Right Hon. Baronei the Secretary for the Home Department was disinclined to listen to the trash which had issued from the lips of sophistry ; for even on that most dan gerous ground of the confessional he felt assured that the repu tation of Maynooth would come out honourably and unscathed. Would an) man be prepared to say—could any man take upon himself to prove—that the confessional had been perverted to such iniquitous uses as had been suggested in that House?— ( Hear, hear.) Would it be presumed to be upheld as a fact, that the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland were so utterly, so of the Bill. Mr. SHEIL, who was greeted with very loud cheering said that he had heard with infinite pleasure the speech which had just been pronounced, and every one upon his (Mr. Sheil's) side of the House had heard it with acknowledged pleasure. It was something refreshing and pleasant in those times of angry politics to hear a Conservative Minister quote Hume, and Grattan, and Burke, and make up his hand-book from abstracts of their speeches, teaching the British House of Com mons Irish policy from the 'doctrines of Irish patriots. The Right Hon. Baronet adverted to the correspondence of Edmund Burke. But he would call the attention ofS, the House to the works of Edmund Burke, in which he stated " that if that business was conducted as it ought to be, and as it would be, they ought to expect more good from it than from anything which had passed in their age." And to what was it he alluded ? He saw many gen tlemen on the other side of the House who considered Edmund Burke as the greatest statesman of his time. Those gentlemen were, however, strongly opposed to the endowment of Maynooth, and they conceived that they ought to blame the Minister by whom the measure had been introduced. How surprised, then, ought they to be when they found that these words were used by Edmund Burke, in reference to the College of Maynooth ? They were taken from a letter from Edmund Burke to Dr. Hussey, who was after wards appointed a Roman Catholic Bishop. He was a man of great talents and great accomplishments, and he was perfectly aware of what the Hon. Member for Newcastle adverted to in his reference to the criticisms of Cumberland, and he (Mr. Sheil) was sorry be did not bring Cumberland down with him. Dr. Hussey had been sent by the Duke of Portland to Ireland at the instance of Edmund Burke ; and it appeared by this correspondence that the measure had originally been in troduced for the conciliation of Ireland, when the fidelity of the Roman Catholics of Ireland was a subject of very erroneous surmise, and when a Roman Catholic in that House was sufficiently adventurous to warn them of their injustice, they were apt to mistake his first admo nition and to father that production upon the effect of his ire. But when they came to look at that correspondence of the Ca tholic priest with a great Protestant statesman in all the secrecy of confidential communication, they must feel that great atten tion should be paid to the fact. Edmund Burke, though a Protestant, and educated in a Protestant University, was all his life accustomed to the society of Roman Catholics, and was perfectly acquainted with their feelings. He denounced the in fluence of the Penal Code upon the people of Ireland, and had left his tracts, by which everything that had since been written on the subject had been incalculably surpassed, He was aware of the principles and feelings of the community. and he had acted as a mediator between them and the British Government. Two measures had been produced by the Bri tish Government for the concilation of Ireland—one a relaxation of the penal code, and the other for the conciliation of the Church Establishment of Maynooth. The first was unfortu nately a bad one, and did not come into use, to the great dismay of Edmund Burke. But the Government adhered to the second one. He spoke of the establishment of Maynooth as most important. He did not look upon the amount of the grant to Maynooth from the great height that he took his view ' • his sight was not even directed to it, and he did not allude to it. The Member for Newcastle adverted to the enterprise of Theobald Wolfe Tome, but for a purpose to which it ought not to be ap plied. His memoirs were fraught with instruction. For several days several French ships of the line, filled with troops with 100,000 stand of arms, were anchored in a harbour in the south of Ireland, from which Theobald Wolfe Tone said that he could throw a biscuit on shore ; and it was au extraordinary fact that, in 18 years afterwards, the French Emperor put up his glass, and turning his eyes to the horizon, thanked God in vain. The rebellion of '9B succeeded, and it was put down, as every rebellion would be put down. But by what course? How altered here and hereafter may be the respect of any Govern ment which by the denial of justice, a fatal procrastination, or by fatal indecision, would bring about such a terrible circum stance. They would ask him why he brought these things forward merely for the purpose of showing what were the cir cumstances of Maynooth. The Catholic clergy were faithful almost to a man. The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Colquhoun) might say that the history of the rebellion was open to him as well as to him (Mr. Sheil), and he might raise up his eyes to heaven; but surely it was unnecessary for him after having spoken two hours to have recourse to pantomime.—( A laugh.) Let them go from 1795 to 1822, and they would find that the Roman Catholic clergy did not take any part in political pro ceedings. Could they deny that? When did they take part in political proceedings? When the Catholic Association was formed it arose then, within its influence. It was then that the great sacerdotal Association commenced. The Honourable Member for Newcastle, he understood, had adverted to Dr. Doyle, at the same ti3m, admitting his great talents. But it was not with him (DiTDoyle) that the great ecclesiastical agitation in Ireland had commenced—it was with the Hibernian Portuguese, the Augustinian Friars, not with any clergyman educated in Ireland. Dr. Doyle pub lished a pamphlet of what they might call a very seditious cha racter..-of a character with respect to which they would not call upon him (Mr. Sheil) to pronoun, any judgment. He went so far as to say that if there was wrench invasion, and the First Lord of the Treasury was then at the head of the Home-office, he (Dr. Doyle) said that in such a case it should net be the duty of the Roman Catholic clergy to join in repel ling the foe. That was an occasion on which Maynooth was to be put to the test, and Maynooth published a declaration which he (Mr. Sheil) had with him. Let them hear what he was now about to quote from that publication. It was far better than any extracts from Tallacosius, Cappadocius, and Thomas Aquinas. It was a protest from Maynooth--a protest of the establishment from which Gentlemen on the other side stated that sedition in Ire land flowed, and it was sent to every district in that country. These were the words of the priests of Maynooth, who were alleged to have taught ultra oriontane doctrines. " The Roman Catholic clergymen of St. Patrick's College of Maynooth, in consequence of a recent publication in allusion to the domestic education of the Catholic clergy, deem it a duty that they owe to their religion solemnly to state that they wish to inculcate allegiance to the Sovereign and respect to the authorities under that Sovereign, and that they have been guided therein by the tenets of the Catholic religion contained in the following pre cepts, &c." And then, continued the lion. Gentleman, are quoted several passages from the Scriptures, and several ex tracts from Tertullian, referring to the penalties to which Roman Catholics were liable by non-allegiance. He could not help thinking that the perusal of that document ought to convince any honest antagonist as to the doctrines taught at Maynooth. Mr. COLQUHOUN wished to . know whether Dr. Hig gins had signed that document? Mr. SHEIL—AII the professors signed it. He had not got their names, but the professors of those doctrines, which they had impeached, had given their signatures. Was not that suf ficient to show them that it was an authoritative account, and to carry with it great importance. He said that it would con vince any such honest man as the Member for Newcastle. They must recollect what the fortunes of the Catholic student were.— (Hear, hear,) He returned to the people from whence he came—he became an ecclesiastic—he was not free from contagion, he caught and propagated it ; hut he would assert, that in Maynooth no doctrines against the Eng lish interests were taught, and he defied them to prove any thing of the kind. That measure was received with gratitudo in 1795—it had been received with gratitude in 1e45. He as serted that the great body of the Catholic hierarchy gave their unqualified approbation to this measure. The professors of Maynooth had expressed their thanks to the Right Hon. Gen tleman ; and more than that, there had been no Protestant demonstration in Ireland against the measure. He did not regard the Right Honourable Gentleman the Recorder for Dublin, or the Member for the University, as spokes men of the Protestants of Ireland. He asserted that they were more solicitous for the peace of the country, when the security of their country depended upon it. The first thing the Right lion. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department did, was to ascertain the real feeling of the Irish people. He had not been inattentive to the feelings of the people of this country, but he had exhibited a noble con stancy. He had not given way to the clamour which had been raised. Yet it was not that the Right Hon. Baronet was in sensible to public opinion, for he hac: plainly shown this in his conduct on the Factory Bill. But he was aware of the difference between the unjust displeasure of English discon tent and the just displeasure of Irish discontent. He well knew that English discontent would only, at the worst, affect the position of the Government in power, while the justice of Irish discontent would shake the e he p pl ee the solidity of the State. It was th e Di ss enters of the coun try ry who were chief people were w e opposers re n e a v erse f thetogirta,nt for . where reitw werea s evident their county meetings—where were their great demonstrations —where were the great expostulations of the great body of the clergy ? He was aware that the Dissenters had their special purposes to serve, and he could well understand their policy. —(Laughter.) He was extremely sorry to speak of the Dis senters as he did, and to assert that he had grounds for the opinions which he gave. The policy of Ireland was not to be regulated by the feelings of any part of the English public. When they should think less of Popery, and more of church rates--when they should right themselves, and not attempt to wrong the Catholics—then would he be the first to assist them in obtaining relief from their grievances ; and when they sought for a Committee, he would be the first to help them to a remedy.—(hear, hear.) He be_ lieved that the Dissenters did not grudge them the 26,000/. a year, but they opposed it because they thought that a part of the doctrines taught at Maynooth were in opposition to the prin ciples of the Christian religion. The Hon. Member for Bir mingham had entered into this part of the argument, and he should notice it for a moment, because Christianity was alto gether founded on truth, and because truth was always one. All the charges of controversy were sure to fall upon the intent of particular passages or words. He was not going to enter into a polemical discussion. He knew not how to express the excessive meanness of the expedients which had been resorted to in order to excite public feeling, and to induce a false im pression with respect to the doctrines taught in the Class-books at Maynooth. The Hon. Member for Durham had handed to him a tract, which had been issued by the Wesleyans. They professed to give a testimony as to the head class books of Maynooth. They cited Mendoza, Tallacotius, Cappadocius, Thomas Aquimas, Eellarmine, Monatus, and seve ral others as the class-books at Maynooth. He'( Mr. Sheil) had made the most diligent inquiries of those who were most com petent to give him information, and he found that only three of the whole number were used as class books at Maynooth, and that in these neither Bellarmine nor Mendoza were included. The compiler of this publication had made extracts from the treatise of Baillin upon the keeping of oaths. This compiler had stated that this authority declared that the superior of a religious order had aright to absolve any of the members of the establishment from their oaths. These were strong words, but what did Bailli n say, that " the superior of a d f ‘4s or er had the power to absolve an inferior roul all these oath the super i or as ct. ? which came within the power of they complain of 8 5 4 .1 1 i . This w;s the qualification. Thus Baillin..( Cheer s . ) ) A copy of the tract had been sent t o hi m b y the 11 Mem ber for Durham. The tact had been ext ens i ve l y distributed to affect the minds of the fearfully sunk in debauchery. - -- - -( Hear, hear.) No, the clergy of the people of Ireland stood far too high above ouch an impu tation—(Cheers)—the clergy of the people of Ireland, amidst any phase of political and religious adversity, stood unble mished and unsuspected.—(Cheers.) In the performance of their duties they sought not ease, pleasure, or convenience, but endured pain, sickness, and death.—(Cheers ) Then, were not the daughters, the wives, the mothers of Roman Catholic Ireland the very essence, the very ideal of all the domestic virtues—( Cheers)--and were not the Roman Ca tholic men of Ireland, with all their faults, honest, faithful, temperate, and, with all their lamentable misfortunes and defects, most marvelously abstinent.--(Loud cheers.) Great were the crimes that had been committed in Ireland ; but how few of them were there that had not their origin in fearful misgovernment ?—(Hear, hear.) Appalling were the murders that stained the annals of that country, but did they bear anything like a proportion, either in number or in character, to those committed in this vast metropolis?— (Hear, hear.) And whatever might be the extent of those crimes of agrarian ferocity that darkened the Irish people's fame, those most inclined to render still darker that deep stain, should at least admit, that but for the Roman Catholic clergy it would have been increased. tenfold.—(Hear, hear.) In fact, there was not a Secretary for Ireland of late years, be his political feelings what they may, who had not admitted that it was through the influence of the Roman Catholic clergy that the people of that country had been restrained from acts of violence that no other people in the world, with the same provocation, could have been with held from.—( Hear, hear.) These were facts, indisputable facts, upon which he relied—facts, which required no eloquence to establish—facts, which no eloquence could controvert, and which fully justified the Right Hon. Baronet in bringing for ward this measure.—(Cheers.) That measure he (Mr. Sheil) was happy to observe the Right Hon. Baronet had determined to carry out with a courageous perseverance—(Cheers)— and he (Mr. Sheil) had no hesitation in saying that if the Right Hon. Baronet persevered in this course as he had done from the commencement, he might rest assured that he would achieve the restoration of peace in Ireland, and establish a system of peaceful Government in that country of a character far more desirable than any he could ever hope to establish by force.—( Cheers.) Every speck that now dimmed the dazzling horizon of that country would be removed ; peace, happiness, and order, would spread over the land, and the Right Hon. Baronet would be entitled to the lasting gratitude of the Irish people.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. PLUMPTRE, amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide," rose, and said he would detain the House but a short time. He differed from the Right Hou. Gentleman who had just sat down as to the booki read in Maynooth, and he called upon the Government not to rely upon the Right Hon. Gentle man's statement.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") He meant to say that the Right Hon. Gentleman was mistaken, and he would, upon the third reading of this Bill, which he supposed would take place to-night—he would, upon the motion that the Bill do pass, move for a Select Committee to inquire into this sub ject.—( Laughter.) He had repeatedly solicited the Govern ment to afford an opportunity for the thorough investigation of this subject; but the Government had shrunk from the ordeal, and refused the inquiry. —(Cries of " Divide.") He begged to assure the House he would be very brief ; but he had a few remarks to make on some observations that had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, in reference to certain expressions that had been used at Exeter-hall. He begged to assure the House that there was a wide distinction between love for the Roman Catholics and ab horrence of their religion.—( Loud cries of " Oh, oh.") He would maintain that Ireland had not been, and would not be pacified by such measures as this, and, therefore, in his own name, and in the name of his Protestant constituents, he did most solemnly abjure this measure. —(Loud cries of " Divide.") Mr. Sergeant MURPHY said he could assure the House that if they would bear with him for a few moments he would not press on their time by making a speech.—( Hear.) When he entered the House that evening he had not the slightest in tention of saying a word, nor would he now have risen to do so but for the .repeated personal allusions made to him by the Hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lync. In one of that Hon. Member's observations he charged the people of Ireland with the practice of bigotry to such an extent as to control and hamper the free exercise of opinion by those who differed from them. It had been said that the measures of the Government, so far from conciliating even the members of the Maynooth establish ment, had created a spirit of persecution throughout the entire Roman Catholic population of Ireland, both clerical and lay ; and that assertion kad been attempted to be proved, by a re ference to a trial where, it was urged, the system of prosely tism pursued by Catholics had been discovered and exposed. It was for the purpose of defending the Irish people from that aspersion, that he had then risen, and he would retort upon the Hon. Member for Newcastle the charge of " proselytism " by a similar quotation from evidence on a trial. In a college established in a remote district of Kerry, at a place called " Dingle," a clergyman called Gaher appeared to have been practising this system of proselytism, but the evidence elicited from one or two of the witnesses was worthy of attention. One old man, who had served in the navy under Lord Rodney, de posed to being met by the clergyman of the parish, and solicited to attend Church on the ground that he would get plenty of wine there ?—( Laughter.) And he had sworn that that con sideration, coupled with the prospect of getting a belly-full, had induced him to go to Church.—( Loud laughter.) But there was another witness to whose evidence and name he solicited the most earnest attention of the House. The name was especially interesting—he thought apposite at the pre sent juncture. A Mrs. Peebles—( Roars of laughter)—a Mrs. Peebles—(Renewed roars of laughter, from all parts of the House) —on being questioned as to her sudden conversion replied, " I think necessity compelled me, and I kept my place."—(Continued laughter.) There was a system of pro selytism for the Member for Newcastle.—(Hear, hear.) But one more quotation and he had done. An old man at Kerry was similarly visited by a very zealous proselyting minister, under whose especial guardianship he had been taken. He had a horse, and that horse he had lent to the minister, on the terms of 5/. 105. a year, payable in weekly instalments— (Laughter)—but when he came for his money, he was told that the hire of the horse was a nudum pactum.—( The remainder of the sentence was lost is the bursts of laughter which followed this observation.) There was a system of proselytism for the Member of Newcastle to digest ! And with its exposure he would close his remarks, which he had merely made, to justify the sneer with which he had met the asper sions cast upon his co-religionists in Ireland.—( Cheers. ) Mr. FERR AND (who was received with loud cries of " Di vide") —promised not to delay the House five minutes while he offered a few observations on the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government. In 1839 he found himself in a minority in that House, but believing that the ma jority of the country was in his favour, he bade them fight the battle of the Constitution in the Registration Courts. They had done so, and had raised whit they called the " Conser vatives" to power: they obeyed his injunctions and had been betrayed. Yes, the Right Hon. Baronet had betrayed them, and leading them on into the very 'heart - of tbe enemy's camp, had won for himself the ho nourable cognomen of " The Marotto of Conservatism." But he would warn the Right Hon. Gentleman, that as the battle of the Constitution had been fought, and fought suc eessfully when the Whigs were in power, so also would it be fought when the Conservatives were in power. —(Derisive cheers.) As sure as there was a dissolution of Parliament, to which the Hon. Baronet had been defied, so sure would the traitors meet with their deserts.—(Cheers.) The Learned Member for Dungarvon had said there was no Pro testant feeling in Ireland against Maynooth, and talked of the meeting of a few gentlemen in Galway as evincing the opinion of the great Protestant body. He had mentioned the name of a Mr. St. George, and be (Mr. Ferrand) would also quote a gentleman of that name. In a letter which he had received from that gentleman the soundest principles of Protestant opposition to the grant were enunciated. This was the authority of a Protestant clergyman in Ireland, and he would hope that no more would be heard in that House about the sanction of the Irish Protestant having been given to the grant. Why even the Roman Catholics were not uni versally satisfied with it, coming, as it did, from the hands of the Conservatives. What had Mr. O'Connell said on this matter ? He had stated that the Conservatives had betrayed the Irish people, and would deceive them still further. Let the people only trust in him (Mr. O'Connell) and he would give them the repeal of the union, and grants to Maynooth would speedily foliose. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had told the people of Ireland they should have anything short of repeal ; and, as an earnest of his honest intentions, he had offered the Maynooth sugar-plum.— (Laughter.) But was the Right Hon. Gentleman more to be trusted in than Mr. O'Connell? Mr. O'Connell had never betrayed the Irish people, but the Right Honourable Baronet had ; and not only had he betrayed them, but he had also seduced many Honourable Members in that House to give their support to the proposed measure, under the belief that they would not compromise their seats if they so voted. He could, however, tell them a different story. During the Whitsuntide recess he had been down in the north, and, from various inquiries he had made in that quarter, he felt satisfied that the majority of the constituents of the various Members who had voted in favour of the grant were determined to visit with great severity upon them the great dereliction from their duty of which they had been guilty. Capt. LAYAItD rose amidst loud cries of " Divide," which continued nearly the whole time the Hon. and Gallant Gentle man was speaking, and he was barely audible in the gallery. He was understood to say, in reference to a s p eech which had been made ye s t er d ay in the House by the Right H o n. th e Member for Dubli n , that the Right Hon. Gentleman had been so long in taking leave of his former love, and expressed so much regret at parting, that he considered a lingering affection still remained. He did not, however, express the same love when he bid adieu to the Right Hon. Secretary for the Home Department, and he thought that heavy damages might be recovered in any court of justice for the breach of promise. The Hon. Member then quoted from the old nursery rhyme— r that you " It is good to be merry and w ise, It is good to be honest and true, It is go o d to be quit of you r old l ove Beforesse ' t He would a Gentleman had been guilty of gross hyp ocr i sy , an d had cheated hi s old friend s . T he Hon. and G a ll an t M em b er then went on to say he w ould wil lingly give his supp or t t o a ny liberal measu re that was brou ght forward in the H ouse , no matter from. w hat p art y it m i ght originally emanat e . H e had heard that 30,000/. had been con sidered too much for the grant to Maynooth, but in his opinion thirty times 30,000/. would not be more than sufficient to atone to the Irish people for the wrongs that had for centuries been done to them, especially when the gross ignorance under which they laboured was taken into consideration.—( Hear. ) He could bear witness to the zeal and fidelity of the Irish priesthood, and he felt sure that they would do all in their power to preserve tranquillity and order. He hoped the Right He saw by this mornings in the course he had adopted. s papers that th e Ri g ht Hon. Gentle man the Secretary at War had conferred the sum of 2001. a year on the Catholic priests. ire hoped that such munificent THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 22 , 1845. and liberal conduct would be generally adopted, for thereby much of the irritation and excitement which prevailed would be allayed. He thanked the House for the patience and atten tion with which they had heard him.—( Great laughter, occa sioned by the fact that during the whole of the Hon. Member's speech the House was a scene of uproar, so that scarcely a sen tence of it was audible in the gallery.) He would give his hearty support to the third reading of the Bill. Lord F. EGERTON rose, and the House became per fectly silent. He said—l shall not long trespass on the time of the House, for I am physically and mentally disqualified from doing so.— ( Hear, hear,) I have listened with pain to the speeches of the Hon. Members for Kent and Knaresbo rough, and must protest against their being supposed to re present the opinions of the Protestants of England.—(Hear, hear.) I will not take it upon myself to say that no Protest ant voice has been raised from Ireland in opposition to the measure; but I will confidently say that the Protestant voice of Ireland is far from being unanimous.—( Hear, hear.) I speak as the representative of a considerable portion of the community. 1 have been in communication with my con stituents, and though I acknowledge the propriety of freedom of opinion, and though I know that a large body of the people of this country are opposed to the grant ( Hear) and that their opposition to the measure is deeply rooted in some of the best principles and feelings of our nature, I still maintain the wisdom of this policy, and deny that there is anything like unanimity in the opposition to it. I must, I say, protest against any such assumption.—( Hear, hear .) With respect to the speech de livered by the Hon. Member for Knaresborough, there is no thing in it which I feel myself bound to notice.—(Loud and long-continued cries of " Hear, hear.") I might, perhaps, from old recollections of Ireland, state my belief, that in ad- ducing the name of St. George, the Hon. Member could not have meant the St. George that was mentioned by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. Mr. FERRAND—I said so. Lord F. EGERTON—The Mr. St. George to whom the Right Honourable Gentleman lead alluded, was a resident Protestant proprietor ; and I think Hon. Gentlemen opposite will concur with me in what I state.—( Hear.) The speech of the Hon. Member for Knaresborough, to which I allude, was delivered on a former occasion, and as I was not then in the House, I will now take the liberty of saying a few words upon it. The Hon. Gentleman quoted, and I think quoted directly, a speech of mine at an election, which reflected with unjusti fiable asperity on the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Nottingham. Sir, I wish to explain to the House that those allusions made by me to the conduct of that Right Hon. Baro net were totally unjustifiable in point of fact, and that I regret having cast those aspersions upon his name.—( Loud cheers.) With respect to the question before the House, I have very few opinions to offer on it. If anything has occurred in the course of the debate at all likely to modify or change the feelings with which I first entered into the discussion, it would not be the able speech of the Hon. Member for Newcastle-under Lyne, which has gone further to confirm and strengthen me in my original opinion. Much of that speech contained a very able picture of the state of Ireland. I admit this; but what is the first question which must naturally suggest itself? Is it not this—What are you about to do? What remedy are you about to propose, for a state of things which has but one parallel in the civilised world, and that parallel is to lee found in the island of Corsica, which is a very close one ? What remedy does he propose ? What does he say we ought to do ? He says, to administer and uphold the law.—( Hear, hear.) Well, Sir, I believe in my conscience that there never was any one Administration, since the union, in which the Secretaries for Ireland had not ardently and anxiously desired to do so. make no distinction of parties. Men may be mistaken in their policy and in their opinions, but I say again, I believe there was not one who did not wish honestly and fairly to adminis ter the law. There is, therefore, no further use in discussing such a remedy—it is perfectly futile and unnecessary. I said before, and I now reiterate my perfect conviction, that if you treat Ireland in the manner proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman—if you are to proceed with the administration of affairs there on the principle which the party that the Hon. Member advocates profess—if you are to legislate for it on the assumption that the Irish people are idolatrous—ft is better and safer for you to abandon dominion over that country altogether.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) I do not talk of the repeal of the Union —I think it is a mischievous project, but I think it is better to go further—to reparation itself.—(Renewed cries of " Hear, hear.) If you support this principle you must carri it out to the proper and legitimate extent.—( Hear, hear.) this prin ciple will involve the administration of the law in Canada, Malta, the Mauritius, India, and its dependencies—( Heat hear)—in those parts placed beyond the sphere of all but a staternan's vision, " Where half the convex globe obtrudes between." —( Hear.) Can you believe it possible that that national anthem, which, to use the expression of a figura tive American, " girdles the earth with its music,"—will have the continuity of its chain broken ? Can you think that that flag should be hauled down which had been planted on the heights of Quebec by Wolfe—or that country which had been won by Clive and extended by Wellesley, should be restored to the dominion of barbarous tyrants—that England, which had risen like a giant after the loss of half a hemisphere in America, would have yielded to the blow, though she might have felt it. Can you believe that England would adopt a line of policy so fatal ?—( Hear, hear.) Political economists may write as they have written, that England would be all the better for the loss of these dependencies (an opinion in which I do not agree), but I never saw a page written by any political economist, how ever paradoxical, in which it was not admitted, that if Ireland was stricken from the empire, the last page of the history of England's glory was not turned over for ever.—( Cheers. ) Sir, do I say that the measure before the House is a direct means of preventing such consequences as these? Do I say that a donation of 30,0001. or three times 30,0001. is a sure re medy which you are to give as a preventive to consequences such as these ? Far from it. But Ido say, that under the cir cumstances in which this question now comes before the House, after the principles which have been laid down in its proposi tion, and after the expectations which have been raised, I am deeply anxious respecting this measure, not because I am under deep apprehension, but I am under deeper anxiety than I ever felt, as there are some features in this debate which occasionally remind me of the old times. They remind me so strongly that I could almost see the graceful figure of Mr. Canning rising here to reply, while a sonorous peroration of Sir Charles Wetherell was still ringing in the House. Never did I feel greater anxiety for the successful result of a measure before. We are called upon to resist this measure on the ground of reli gion. I have avoided treating the subject in a religious point of view, and I have done so, because I for one do not like " To rush in where angels fear to tread." Whatever may be the faith of the Roman Catholics respecting auricular confession, I have a great objection to making a confessional of your chair, Sir.—( Laughter.) But I take on myself to say that no Scotch Calvinist on the hill more truly believed his book than I do the book of truth on which I found my belief. lam certainly not inclined to allow the dictation of the Pope or a council of common authorities. Ido not be lieve in the infallibility of any human authority, and those who do I respectfully treat as persons in error. But I could net de nounce that as error without assuming to myself something si milar to infallibility.—( Loud cheers.) 1 read the sacred volume by a glimmering and perhaps a fallible light, but still it is a light of my own, for young men do not see visions nor old men do not dream dreams—no miracles are performed at the doors of Exeter-hall. The cloud does not go before me by day, and a bright flame does not irradiate by night my march in the wilderness. I believe, indeed, that there is a light for my guidance, but I do not feel sufficient confidence to enable me to say hat those who are pursuing other parallel, or, possibly, widely-diverging paths, are under a sad delusion, and are diverging to their rum.—(Loud and continued cheering.) Our goal is a common one. I hope, and pray, and believe, that many of us may reach it in com mon.—( The Noble Lord sat down amidst loud and continued cheering.) Mr. M`LEAN next rose to address the House, but he was heard with great impatience, inasmuch as the majority of his observations did not reach the gallery in anything approaching to a connected form. He said, was it not a fact that they believed on that side and on the other also that this was a merely initiatory measure, and that it would be succeeded by other and greater measures of a similar character. He would put it to them not as illustrating an argument, but as exhibiting a fact, that at a late meeting of the heads of the Roman Catholic persuasion in this country, the Noble Lord who proposed a vote of thanks to the Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Government said that the person must be more than purblind who believed that a paltry grant of 30,0001. was intended as a final and isolated measure, and if the House would allow him to refer to one sentence ---( Loud cries of " No, no," and " Divide, Divide," during which the Honourable Member in vain attempted to utter a single word)—to refer, he said, to one sentence -(" No, no," and great confusion)—of Lord Beaunsont's, to show what the universal feeling of the Catholics was on this occasion.—( Renewed confusion, and cries of " Oh, oh.") Lord Beaumont, in proposing a resolution, said that the person must know little of the human heart, and must have studied to little purpose the political history of his country, who could imagine that a mere grant of 30,0001. would satisfy a great majority of the sister country. He knew that he had but little claim on their indulgence at that late hour.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and laughter)—but the conscientious re pugnance which he felt to this measure had induced him to oppose the Right Hon. Baronet; and that repugnance also com pelled him to state to the House—( Cries of "Divide, divide," " oh, oh," " order, order," and immense confusion, during which the Hon. Member, having in vain attempted to make himself heard, sat down. ) Sir R. PEEL rose to address the House. He could not but admit the reasonableness of the demand which had been made for the immediate discussion on the present subject. He could not, however, allow the present discussion to pass without some observations from him. He must allude to the observations that had been made by the Hon. Member for Newcastle. It had been said the Government that ex isted at the present moment had done much against the Col lege of Maynooth. Now he had read many authors on the subject, and their opinions generally were in its favour— (Loud cheers.) There can be no doubt that the Catholics had done all they could to put an end to any outbreak between them and the Protestants. He could not but admire the course that had been pursued by Lord Castlereagh on this subject. He believed the Hon. Member also said, that this vote to Maynooth should not be made at the same time that the su perintendence of that college should be as exclusive as it was at present, while he admitted that the Government had done much to preserve the integrity of the Protestant Church in this country. But now let him ( Sir Robert Peel) remind the Hon. Member of what the Government had done in respect to the state of Ireland in the year 1843. In that year the Government had 30,000 soldiers in Ireland, and 10,000 police, to preserve the peace, while they had upon the coast a strong naval force for the same purpose.—( Hear, hear) In fact, they had done all that the law empowered them to do for the maintenance of peace in that country.—( Hear. ) 'fhe Hon. Member admitted that those means had had the effect of asserting the majesty of the law ; and that another of the consequences of them was, that the repeal rent had been much reduced. That, then, was the moment when the Government thought proper to propose measures for altering the constitution of the country, and submitting to this House remedial measures for the great complaints of the people of Ireland, and had the Hon. Member said that such was not the proper time for doing so. The Government had proved their determination to resist every attempt at force or intimidation, but they were also determined to consider whe ther there were not other measures which were demanded for the pacification of Ireland. But the Hon. Member said " Give protection to property—denounce the priests—enforce the law." Now, let him ( Sir R. Peel) ask what was the meaning of " enforce the law " in this country ? The only remedy left in any country where the law was not suspended was trial by jury ; but trial by jury was not available when the great mass of the people were in such a position as the people of Ireland were in at that time. Under these circumstances, then, her Majesty's Government addressed themselves to what they conceived to be remedial measures, and they had adopted this course with all the foresight of the consequences which would be likely to arise.—( Hear, hear.) Ile could assure the Hon. Member that he deeply regretted the cession from him of his political friends, who, honestly and conscientiously disap proving of the course he had adopted, had withdrawn their confidence from him ; but, notwithstanding that, he must ever claim for a Government charged with responsible :duties, that right to examine their own judgment, without which, no Go vernment could discharge those duties with credit to themselves or advantage to the country.—( Hear, hear.) He would also remind Hon. Members that there was a most material misap, prehension on their mi n d s as to the position of a Minister. — He was as proud as any man could be of his present position, but he denied that he was under any personal obligation by reason of that position—( Hear, hear)—and he would much ra- ther be placed in the position of a private, independent Mem ber of that House, than hold office for one moment under the servile tenure that some Hon. Members would seem to imply he should submit to, or in the course he should adopt in the advice he should deem it advisable to give to the Crown.— (Loud cheers.) And without reference to this man or to that, he would ever claim for himself, in whatever position he might be placed, the right of the exercise of private judgment, or, as the Minister of the Crown, to give such advice to her Majesty as he deemed most conducive to the best interests of this &eat empire. (Loud cheers.) But he had been taunted with a total disregard of public opinion. So far as the expression of that opinion was founded upon religious considerations, he had the greatest possible re spect for it ; but taking the general aspect of that opinion into account, he begged to say that, so far from being inclined by it to waver, it determined him to persevere—(Loud cheers) — and this he said without in the slightest degree assuming any arrogant defiance of his political opponents ; but it was a course he had been induced to hold by great political conside rations, and the opposition he had received only induced him to adhere to it with steady perseverance. —( Cheers.) If he thought the opposition to this measure was to be successful, and to be regarded as a triumph, he would despair of ever seeing anything like the establishment of an amicable relation between Great Britain and Ireland ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) On these grounds, then, he would say it was of the last importance that, in order to investigate the evils of Ireland, the Government should not lightly abandon the course they had taken, and, therefore, he would say that . . he, and those:who acted with him, were, now and foi ever, irrevocably pledged to those measures.—(Cheers.) He was convinced and satisfied as to the policy of the course he was pursuing, and. therefore, he had persevered in it, notwith standing what had been said by Hon. Members as to th sfeel ings of the Roman Catholic clergy towards this country. They proposed to endow Maynooth, — and he never heard any objection to the grant on the part of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. He found, on the part of the Roman Catholic hierarchy—on the part of the professors of Alaynooth, and on the part of the Roman Catholic priests generally, that they were grateful in accepting this grant. He must alvo say that it had produced by the expression of a kindly feeling that effect which he expected it would produce. One Gentleman had read a letter from Dr. Higgins ; another Gentleman read a letter from Dr. M‘Hale ; and the Right Hon. Member for Oxford read an extract from a French newspaper, to prove that they were wrong in the course which they pursued. But he ( Sir R. Peel) would have thought that a quotation from a French newspaper would have been better applied in showing that they were right in the course which they adopted. —( hear, hear.) Who could have expected that the agitation was at once to be subdued ? Unless they showed that a feeling of gratitude ought to influence those who were affected by the kindly disposition of the Government, they must expect agita tors to be dissatisfied. He did not think that an angry speech made from week to week was to be held as an indication Of the feeling of the people. They supposed that the Protestant feel ing of Ireland was represented in_ the north, and they supposed that the Roman Catholic feeling was represented by the Conciliation Hall. Nothing could be more erroneous. There was an intermediate mass of Roman Catholics and Pro- .estants who were not influenced by either of those. He thoroughly believed that the course:pursued by her Majesty's Government had greatly diminished the agitation, and had se cured—he would not say their confidence—in the Govern ment ; but he must say that it had diminished the desire of the great body of the Roman Catholics of Ireland to connect them selves with turbulence and agitation. They could not expect that the influence of such a measure was to be at once felt. He thought that the Roman Catholic Gentlemen who sat in that House were much fairer representatives of the Roman Catholic feeling in Ireland than those authorities to whom reference had been made—( Hear, hear)—and he thought that those gentlemen had acted in perfect fairness in the sup port which they had given to the measure of her Majesty's Government. Before he concluded, he must give expression to his deep sense of the honourable and disinterested motives by which the great body of those who were opposed to him in political opinions had been actuated in that support. It would be unbecoming in him to offer, and in them to receive, any expression of his gratitude for the course they had taken. He was sure that they had been influenced by a high sense of public duty. He perfectly knew that in proposing and in resolutely adhering to this measure what the consequences would be, namely, to alienate from him Honourable Gentlemen whom he highly respected. He had no demand upon the gentlemen from whom he had met support, but a continual support was hardly due from those who were his continual and uniform supporters for a long series of years. Yet prepared to act upon a deep sense of duty they were deter mined to incur any risk which might follow, and if the results of their measures be not to conciliate the support of opponents they would be to engender a kindly feeling between Ireland and Great Britain, and would increase the chances of maintain ing a perfectly amicable connexion and relation between these two parts of this great empire. —( Cheers. ) Lord .1. RUSSELL—Sir, as 1 have addressed the House on former occasions upon this subject, there are but few ob servations which I wish now to offer to it. They are rather observations referring to the part I have taken on this subject, and to the present state of Ireland, than to the immediate con duct of the Government. I wish, in the first place, to address a large body, who have not been much represented in this House, whose sentiments I have heard very little of in the course of these debates, but whose opinions I am accustomed highly to value, and who I am sure have come to their conclu sions from conscientious convictions ; I allude to the large body of the Protestant Dissenters of England. I find that they, dif fering very much from many who oppose this measure on the other side of the House, say that they are quite ready to do justice to Ireland, but that that justice ought to be-done in another manner.—( Hear, hear.) They say, " Grant every franchise which Ireland can claim to :put her on an equality with England, but do not do any fa vour to Romanism ; if the Established Church be objected to, reduce the power of that Church, but do not give that power into the hands of the Roman Catholics." Now, I am not going to dispute as to the preference of one over the other. For my own part, the view which I took of the state of Ireland many years ago was rather in accordance with their view than with the tendency of the measure now before the House ; but in proposing our measures we met with opposition so strong, not only in this and the other House, but likewise (I must admit) in the country, that many of those measures were retarded for years; and with respect to one of the principal—proposing to reduce the revenues of the Established Church of Ireland—we entirely failed, and were obliged to propose a Tithe Bill without that proposition.—(Hear, hear.) If we had taken the course re commended by the gentlemen to whom I now refer, let them consider what would have been the result. We should have been successful, I have no doubt, if we had joined the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, in defeating this measure on its first in troduction, or on the second reading; but should we have ob tained that which the parties referred to say is required by justice to Ireland ? Should we have obtained measures for the reduction of the present Church Establishment in Ire land ? Would those who should urge such a measure then have been aided by those who assist them in opposing the grant to Maynooth? It is evident, not only by what passed four years ago, but by what has passed this year, by what has passed on the motion of the Hon. Member for Shef field (Mr. Ward), that we should have been utterly defeated in that attempt, and that while the Maynooth grant would have been lost, we should have been entirely unable to carry any measure tending to remedy the inequality existing in Ireland. —(Cheers.) Why, then, what was my duty ? Seeing that I could not carry the measure which 1 thought the best and most favourable to the freedom of Ireland, when I saw any measure of a different kind, proposing not to reduce the Pro testant Church, but to elevate the Catholic Church, and thereby to produce something nearer equality—was it not my duty, if I wished for the welfare of Ireland, to give my best support to that measure, from whatever Ministry it might come, and whatever might be the tendency of my vote with respect to the party who might remain in power ?—(Loud cheers.) But I cannot refer to this subject without taking some no tice of a speech made in this House by the Noble Lord the Member for South Staffordshire (Lord Ingestre), who said very plainly—and I give him credit for his frankness—that although this was not the measure against which he voted in opposing the appropriation clause—although it takes nothing from th Protestant Church of Ireland, yet if this measure (which he will now support) had been proposed by the late Government, he would have voted against it.—(Cheers.) 1 am one of those who will stand up for the advantages of party. I think party spirit a most useful thing, that it tends to make men zealous on behalf of great principles, and to bring them into fellowship for great purposes, and has enabled men, by bringing their different talents and capacities into one concen trated effort, to carry most excellent measures, which would otherwise have failed—(Hear)—but yet party has disadvan tages belonging to it ; it very often inspires a blindness and a bitterness in those who belong to party ; and while the Noble Lord is an instance of all the advantages which are to be de rived from party—( Cheers) —I think he is a proof also of its disadvantages.—(Renewed cheers.) But this is not the first instance. I remember some years ago, what I thought a most remarkable and most melancholy case of party beat, at a dinner in Staffordshire, one of those assemblies which then met for the purpose of abusing the Government of the day, when the murder of Lord Norbury was made an instrument of party warfare, and its announcement was received with cheers, as if it was the means of attacking the Government for being wanting in the energy with which justice ought to have been administered in Ireland. Sir, lam happy that I belong to a party which does not use such weapons.—(Loud cheers. ) But the Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel) has alluded to the present state of the Government and of Ireland. The Right Hon. Baronet has said, that such was the state of Ire land in 1843 that the ordinary resource of law, which must be executed by trial by jury, would not be an efficient instrument for the purposes of the Government of Ireland. That, I have no doubt, was a true confession ; but, at the same time, it is a very sad, I might say a humiliating, confession, for any Go vernment to make.—(Cheers.) It shows a disposition in the people of that country not to convict even in cases where it is to be supposed that the law is in favour of the Executive Go vernment ; it shows a disposition such as has not existed in this country, I believe (with the exception solely of the years 1794 and 1795), since the Revolution of 1688 ' • it shows an alienation of the people of Ireland from the whole system of your Government.—( Hear.) I hope that disease may cured, that we may now be on our way to better times ; but there must be other measures—( Cheers) —recourse must be had to a further policy—l don't know that I should say of conciliation—l don't want to use the word— but of justice towards Ireland. Nor must we any more hear that old cry of " Ott, how ungrateful the Irish are? --(Cheers.) We give this grant to Maynooth, and yet they are not thankful." This has been the continual parrot cry ever since you first relinquished the atrocious penal laws. You said, " Only think of these Catholics—we have allowed them to educate their own children, and yet they are net grate ful. We have allowed them to have priests of their own chil dren, without fining, transporting, or imprisoning them, and yet they are riot grateful. We have permitted them to ride horses, which may be of the value of 1501., and yet they are not grateful for the indulgence. We have allowed them to go to mass, and yet they are not grateful. We have allowed them even to inherit landed property, and yet this barbarous and savage nation will not be grateful—they still ask for other things." To be sure, Sir, they ask for other things, and they will ask for other things—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Sheil)—uiitil with respect to England and Ireland there is a perfect and just equality.—(Loud cheers.) And then when you can say that there is perfect arid just equality I shall fear nothing from this cry for a repeal of the union, formidable and powerful as it is, among great masses of the people of Ireland at the present moment.—(Cheers.) I think we should then bring the ad vocates of repeal to fair argument on that question. I wooli', put before them an assembly meeting in Dublin, with an Irish House of Lords, such as the Irish House of Lords 'would be then constituted—a democratic assembly in Ireland, first par !Piling with that House of Lords, and breaking it to pieces, as they would naturally do—next inflicting fines on absentees— next quarrelling with the English, because the manufactures of England were sent to Ireland, and endeavouring to get up manufactures of their own, in a spirit of jealous manufacturing rivalry—then proceeding in a spirit of enmity towards those who hold property in Ireland who did not agree with the majo rity ; and in that manner forcing on, before a very long time, a quarrel with this country. Then would be a quarrel not for repeal—not for having two Legislatures —but a quarrel as to whether England and Ireland should be united under the same crown. The independence of Ireland might turn out to be the dream of some young enthusiatic, and I will not deny some patriotic, men in Ireland, but the idea of Ire land existing as an independent country would be found the shallowest dream that ever occupied a fantastic brain. — (Cheers.) It wo u ld b e f oun d that the enemies of England would make Ireland the battle-field with foreign countries. What, then, I ask, would be the situation of Ireland? 'What then would become of her now advancing commerce, of her now improving agriculture? What would become of these rights which she has in common with Englishmen —rights which we so dearly value, and which have been extendedh to us? Whv, Sir, all would be lost ! All wo uld perish in tat conflict—England would be weakened.—(Hear.) But that 1 do England would be conquered by Ireland is a su pp osition not imagine any lion. Gentlemen indulge in.—(Hear, and a laugh.) England would be a sufferer, but Ireland uld pe a ten times worse sufferer.—(Hear, hear.) She Would be made the subject of some other foreign power, with her com merce and agriculture torn to pieces—with her reli g ious dis tinctions made more bitter than ever, and with all hope of he! proceeding quietly and tranquilly in a state of prosperity ant! freedom utterly and entirely lost.—( Hear, hear.) But before I can hope to put that argument with any effect, before I el"!. argue it in detail, before I can make it a matter on which I can expect Irishmen to listen coolly to reason, I think I am bound on every occasion, and in every way to show thatll. there is any privilege which Englishmen enjoy and Irish hear. / , men with to have, we are ready to grant it.—( Hear, Whatever - may have been the former proceedings of country, whatever indifference I may admit that England has displayed towards Ireland in former times, I - am prepared.t? say that there is a great change of opinion and of feeling wit ° regard to Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) There may be a difference, as to what should he done, but there is a desire to de some; thing for Ireland. Why, then, if such be the desire, ata I " bound to say to the Government do not stop short bere.-.: ( Hear, hear.) Do not be satisfied with this measure. —( in 11!tr, hear.) But be satisfied with this—that you have seen measure that it is not party difference that will make tr o e . oppose you when you bring forward a measure which is be re, fieial to Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) That, whatever o bstac f you meet with, it will not be from an anxiety on the P mt of this those who have lost power to repossess office.—(l-lear, kes That you may expect a majority of this House to go y wito y eiy, if ou will farly and boldly dclare yor itentons, and r the as the Right i Hon. Gentleman e declares u he n will i r ely, llP °fl an d value of those measures themselves, for the 9 11 1V r i w ill acceptance that they will receive. —( Hear, hear) not say that there are not great difficulties in the "7_ i r o. will not conceal, that I think those difficulties have beet; , mensely increased by the course pursued in all u o ot do say that, whatever may be those difficulties, we shall lessen them by shutting our eyes to their greatness ale e ; o f w portance, and that the only way becoming the ebarac seadilY this great country of meeting them, is to meet them the and without flinching, and to rely on Providence for issue.—( Great cheering.) Barone t Mr. G. PALMER complained that the Right H 0 in sa ying had cast a most unjust aspersion on his own pattY'L -- d that it that they had withdrawn their support from hiniP,'" k their was too much for them to expect that he should ask t heir his advice. The Right Hon. Baronet had withdrawn on Past years; D party ; he had broken all the pledges w hi c h he ha d g taking office. tot b ale Sir R. PEEL said that the Hon. Gentleman L ew free' greatly misunderstood the expressions which bai i „; to those him. He was sure that he had done ample n ; and gentlemen who had differed with him upon that el him he had said that he was convinced that they diff er ''' . ebarg' from conscientious feelings. But when he had hl ner fectil with being a traitor to his party, he did think hina, se ,' r o ffiee °°, justified in saying that he would not consent to re'l tk , wish" the servile tenure of an unqualified subserviency to - of any portion of his supporters.—( Cheers.) The House then divided, and the numbers were For the motion ......... Against it Majority in favour of the third reading f peg t h e o „ Mr. T. DUNCOMBE then lose to propose u r- . it e os ; ‘ , se motion, of which he had given notice:—" An d con that the powers and provisions of this Act shall 0103, 11 ,, and be in force longer than the Ist day of Ang„u s o Aiseae a : t. „ o , from thence to the end of the then next session of -- aerati_.7 Taking the present state of public feeling into °°,_"i, • rol"„: he did not think that this was at all an unreasouo";fleast" tion. There had been petitions presented against thi s t itioaa 60 P e ol. which were signed by about 1,300,000, and 00.1,, n 0 in favour favour of it, which were signed by about 1 6, " -- (01 1141 0 When he saw what he might say was the unaohnoto 00 a the country on one side, and the opinion of the ° " the other, he felt that he had a strong right to ask for re s dort, e , tion of the Bill. He believed that if this clause se re o it would act in the shape of a message of pe ace to In f• deb' - constituencies of this country. be n o. Sir R. PEEL said thal he was desirous that toot r-to should be terminated that night, and if the Hon. S h e e gon ers sisted in his motion it would be necessary to Pre ss , fi t s bad cep' a division. There were many cases in which t o - noe a us e voted in perpetuity, and this, therefore, wou ld f°- se bees o 3- tion. He objected to the insertion of this elaulto'olda°lo while it removed none of the evils complained of l„ded t° pletely neutralise the good effects which were 10w- Os° produced Strangers by th e were then ordered to withdraw', - divided, when there appeared— 14 5 For the motion ....................... 2 4, Against it Majorit aaint the motion a do The motion was consequently lost. ,pd oft and The other orders of the day were then disP°- House adjourned at Half-past Two o'clock. Cf. P I SPORTING IN TELL IG , s sD•a'., in' GORHAM BURY RACES.-----Nv D ' t i y it if ;dill Unfavourable as the weather was on the firstsegoodea ste dito finitely more so yesterday, the rain having cle f t he Of ° dig from twelve o'clock until after the last hea t r ote° 1 s il. g inu tes o„,„ 6 111 amateur jockies, was not run until within a, __ stan ces, r g ol which, owing to the too liberal indulgenfceew in The attendance, under such unfortunate nirn":"„ n e ese. ,j, st 0 , i' ill ow not be otherwise than small, and the interest It is a n d • gri sport was most completely destroyj o , c tiva a g °° 'o o° however, that is altogether fro T ook. cordingly, as the only place of i Careless's t r a i eh ° and rain, the stand and l‘i r • „„ n ' ed hi, pet ment enclosure beneath it were pa" ls f teu -1 ro studied comfort. With reference to the rer o f the i s diminution boot dot tinuanee of these races, owing to the fund, consequent on the diminution ,of the ganabi t t io t, b 1 8 . 4150 can only repeat such a step is in conten 3 P, l4 lof ifFsisio nothing has been decided on. Should the Ds!. 00 1 A 1 ,8 determine on closing his park, the St. Albanit„e;o3, 101' t he have to resort to their original locale, NO Nlan's ''' rt ioa : 0 3 0111 fear, with small chance of retaining even tt, P ° ., des.. o loo, patronage that has been so cheerfully and " c o l or Pr ow accorded to Gorhanibury. The weather must h o op t y for not repeating the list of fashionable names Pu b osilg „ refuge notice of the first day, and for the brevity o f our of sport yesterday. 1 , h i t 'Ailio* sePf P O l The Double [leaded Oak Stakes of 20 sous nib; w o o 100 added ; for three yrs old ; colts, B°7 ' One j Bst 21b ; n inners once, 41b ; twice, 71b es tt'" (Li e) 0 a half. (12 Subs.) ..... ••• ~„ I Mr. T. Dawson's Crim. Con. ..• ................. ... .'' , ........ .''' .. lg° Mr. Greville's Sir Francis .... .• ......... or. Lord Vernlam's Maynooth .................. ...- ~ __ $ 4, The following also started :—AIr. Ilessel,titei,Sir Mr. Mostyn's fby Glaucus, out of March r I ' D y. COP Wynn's Stoker—and Mr. Booth's New Y' e n '' st 2 e ri°' af ( Betting-7 to 4 agst Maynooth, 3to '',„or. ,s l'' . .h e o 4';o 1 agst Sir Francis, and sto 1 agat the °'''',,,, L i v .- G - 0, ''" • Crim. Con. made steady running all the, i iirati 0 00 1 ' caught, and won very cleverly by a length, for 00 came near the finish, beating the favourite by 3 fe e I° o * the others were defeated early a • th . 01, Sweepstakes of 5 sovs. each, with 25 adde s ' st illtuir,l• ist 41b ; four, Bst slb ; five, six, and ag ed ' 12 04 1 &c., allowed 31b. Winner to be sold fa r Oa' ) S (7 Subs.) al , • .. 5 (i' 1) •'... Mr. John Day's Voltri, 4 yrs ... ........... ••• ..... l i t .oo , Mr. Death's Isleworth, 6 yrs .................... : .......... liv i , Mr. Stephens' f by Wintonian—Lu c y 13 ,-, 111k :le? ° Aar° The following also ran :—Mr. G. '-'°,7 11. ''' ar th 4 yrs—Mr. Booth's Camelino, aged—' "". ~.t Isle e ie; golian, 6 yrs. b W le o ear Kea Betting-2 to 1 agst Voltri, and sto ••• b y t.-• is io t OO and the Wiatonian filly. Won in a ca nter . O s cl ; f°l. 4/P the Wintonian filly a bad third. The wi h e a rat edd e r a pern 1 The Park Stakes of 10 soya. each. wit' 41Ie ; I/ ) gst rjst, yrs old colts, Bst 71b • and fillies, ( extra. T. Y. C. (12 ' Subs.) p s leia l " . ,•' " 5 Duke of Richmond's Tug Net, by Ells" .....". ..."Sit Mr. Hook's Buttress ... . , ................. i r ... ...;01, ,, Lord Verulam's f by Moloch, '' . out of Cor al° a s fi t° e Pee i 1° . i , e ltioe , plol• ag o, • The following also ran : __Mr. re r Boo th 0 pi ' ell W. W. Wynn's Anna Bullen, .and Mr. eo fO, O O r° i Betting.-7 to 4 agst Tug Net, 3 t'' I peer , ,be%t'af pap, 1 agst Buttress, and 7 to 1 agst Alos ° De er 111der d i ti lsina was made by the Corumba filly, Aloose wh ich ° ,l i pai i :ite, Tug Net and Buttress closely laid UP) ' ll fro et,° tb, /0 O r to the rails, where the favourite went in early a lento e 4 the lead to the end, won cleverly i l e Y ngtba _ Pl ° jam. t: i rig ,s beating the Corumba filly by two • h 0 a • 61 bib up at the finish. h with A 95 ,i ' 511 7 ' 511' The Pondyard Stakes of 5 soya. ea 7 e ib , icri 6 o , : ; 9 y s i i;; eo twcoos i c er" , yrs old, 7st 41b ; four yrs, est and aged, 9st 51b ; mares and 0 1 _ y ear, 3 ctsin i j maiden horses, 41b ; winners once thts , , ,s , c . , ttii) extra ; the winner to be sold for 150 1 . (V .. $ ( li Subs.) Lord Exeter's Deodara, 3 yrs ............... ••••*" ... ...' " rd • C • b ir i Ilr. Hook's Wild Roe, 3 yrs .................... ...,.;,,j 0 ~, Mr. Pearce's Florein, 3 yrs ........... V.: .......... Taili . et The following were not placed :--3":aag.thldhtinairslig Baron, aged—Mr. Coleman's Devil -au' —m t., Plata } 4 0 —Mr. Booth's Priscilla Tomboy, 6 Yll--Giaucort 4,.."0, Alban's, b yrs—and Mr. Haynes 's fby .1.4 01 a t r t V all 1 ° f ea rs e 3 yrs, bolted. to I ag' d 4 t° fl a 113 sto 2 agst the Volage filly, 3 ,1 Ft a re, gtb•_..ti if' Tailors (taken), 4to I agst Wil - -°f it le ° ' Or - ° ad , cilia Tomboy. Won by three parts :_ on dter 9, eddy bad third. The Volage filly bolted a , old n sal* 1 u 5 ft I , '„ 1 / winner was claimed. c 0.., ars e, v 0 The St. Alban's Handicap of 15 aa e vt tan elca a je ton j ~, 0 Officers, &c. riders. Heats, tb „';... 0 5 bala ..„. 5 ~,', 0 Mr. Parr's Europa, 5 yrs, 10st 61b (a" ..,.. ....•'.. 0 '(/) 0 Mr. Clifton's Pedlar, aged, lOst ....iib. .• .l b ~. 0 0 0 Lord Glamis's Arcanus, 6 yrs, 13rt 5 yrs , lis t ..••• 0 5J r Lord Caledon's Auld Lang Ynat,.,,,_ • 1 . ...• r(j f t •• • 0 o ii Mr. Rowland's Tariff, 6 yrs, lOst in , , , : re d, i ,. ~• 0 A to Mr. Pearson's Miriam (late Myste.rVt 6 1 ... • ',..• t o, ; i i Captain Boyd's Conqueror, 6 yrs, ly, .. ...... •'t 11400 e io Mr. Bolt's Hampton, 6 yrs, lOst ~1 . 3 to I %riff • 0 09 t First Heat-5 to 2 agst E Pedla r an d veil - p f er I agst Arcanus, 6to 1 Lang a bad tb_ t pi:100 s. length and a half Auld Sync 6to a l a g'bv WI cla tifo Vona ha rd he ld, .t 4 to _ t be went for the heat. Second to 1 agst Tariff and Pedlar. w°"'4l,lird t ie" cetw e.P nothing up with the first two- a en tirely . t he race ropa, who won by a head , placed. g coo°. cl Dimßy BETTING ON 111, gt Fasloloo 9 to 4 agst Idas '25 to i ritigst gicirthiegotoeo 7to 2 agst John Day's lot 30 to . _,3t A. ~ ~1030 7to 1 agst Alarm—taken 30 to : t, nit FuOuavto- a 7to 1 agst Weatherbit—tkn 50 to I.nst I;olo°_fter j,e sto 1 agst Forth's lot 50 to I..spt Irool"bas,"'" 14 to 1 agst The Libel 50 to I Cola ° 0 9j 20 to 1 agst Pantasa 50 to 1 4 tif •a , go" og 20 to 1 agst Doleful ü bie he 0 I, WI i 0 t The Libel was at one time at 20 to arrive d quoted as above. Clear-the -way bs9 bourhood of Epsom• 6 to 1 asst L°Aald'yg.Wgd3,l\rritctb3l4en 6to 1 agst Lancashire i . iir. ptiooro; 14 to 1 We Glee--taken: orit y of Poo , A - 14-ri- RErEa LE R. ---We have tbe eutt;st be wag notioccd the breeder of this horse, for stating death a ° 8 :0 00 ' the Derby by Captain 'Williams, wh°serfiedfroln 0 few days ago. Ile is therefore disq ua ' ______,/// bets againsthim are void. _____---------- williol __ 0 .81.171' 5' go. Ch arie or 0 1 On the 18th inst., in Russell -square, 00 1$ Tabor, of a son. On the 18th inst., ..oreet, W. B. Call, Esq., of a idnauljghPtPeerr. PO ° 13erIceley 0 1. ' 1'13° D/EP- cbegoide, or , On the 20th inst., at Queen-street, ato sd , Walter, aged 53. iisopstes /, On the 20th inst., at Mary-street, et Robert Kinnis, aged 89. epit:4,J, Y V 111 ----- () /40. 0 011$1)-- .C. 'OO London : printed and Published by. s„ ftle'eo , Strand, Printer, at * '' .10;11P rand,St in the Precinct of the 114v.°1'' Middlesex,Tharsday, ay 22t 10' ~~,