The Sun. — London, England, 1821-04-03 00:00:00

Individuals, the Right lion. Mover's rivals at the bar, in rank, talent, and eloquence. The lion. Member then proceeded at great length to argue against the expediency of passing- this Bill ; he S aid that th e ' excuse made for passing it was the irritation which existed ; but unfortunately it :las not calculat e d t o remove th a t i rr it a tion : ou t- e contra r y, it was re j ecte d b y t h e C at h o li cs, though some lion. Members seemed to wish to niflict it upon them. But besides the objec !l3ls which *he felt against it on account of Its ' i nexpediency, he had others derived from the religion of the Catholics themselves. He had been informed that several individuals who had been engaged in the rebellion of 1798, which he should always designate a Popish conspiracy, had withdrawn from it, because they found that the object of the Popish priests engaged in it was Jaot to establish liberty but popery, not to found .A. republic but popish despotism.—( Loud cheers mingled with loud laughter.)—Looking at the Provisions of the Bill before the House, the Powers which it proposed to give, and the powers , W hich, under its operation, would be still Is ali uekl, he (Mr. Ellis) could view it only as a solemn humbug. What could be said of a mea sure which gave to the Catholic the right of vot ing in the election of Members of Parliament, 411 d denied him that franchise in the choice of a ch urch warden—which refused him a hand in the r epair s of the parish church, and yet committed t° his care the whole fabric of the constitution ? i-, seemed as though Hon. Gentlemen deemed the animosity of the Catholic directed against the m i . alls of the buildin g , and not against th e wor - P carried on within it. Equally anomalous 'vas the, scheme of entrusting to Catholic Judges the presid ency o f courts o f c ommon l aw , an d re fusing to persons of that persuasion judicial au thority i n ecclesiastical courts. The whole was ?Ile great mockery. He (Mr. Ellis) expected to h" accused of prejudice. If he was prejudiced, is prej u di ce was on e o f somew h a t extraordinary g r owth. He had himself been nursed in all the 'Flings of Popery ; he had cherished the warm est desire to give liberty and equality to creeds Of every class; and nothing less than a convic ,ti" of the dangers to be apprehended from the unrestrained freedom of the Catholic faith had compelled him at length to take up different opi nions. Mr. ROBINSON said, it was not his intention e ven , to attempt a defence of the Right Hon. XBOVer of the Bill against the unreasonable attack -w hich had been made upon him by the Hon. and •I...earned M e mb er w h o h a d just sat down ; though It was fortunate that that attack had been made in the Right Hon. Gentleman's absence,(llear, hear!)---If the Hon. and Learned Member thought the Rt. Hon. Mover not able to ascer -1441 the opinions - of the Protestants, surely it was POt too much to reject - the authority of the name less Barrister, who had been quoted as being in Pimiession of the opinions of the Catholics. - - (Cheers.)—But he (Mr. It.) believed, that not 'Withstanding the ravings of-Mr. O'Connell's elo quence, the measure would be generalfy satisfic ttl. He had heard the Hon. and Learn e d , -I 'tubet With regret, when he referred to the troubles in . Ireland; because he considered lie as the raking -up of the ashes of a fire, which had hoped was altogether extinguished. The -11 °n• and Learned Mem-her had-spoke with all the Zeal of a convert. He (Mr. It.) was also a con- I4 t; for his early impressions were adverse to itpresent queStibn, and h e entertai n ed a n here a gay admiration for every thing connected with she Resolution ; though he had now brought .to self to giVe his steady and cordial support t!ie present Vpon the question of 4 ngei, the opp3sers of the . Bill referred the t- i muse to the time previous to the ReVolution. grey had, however, a right to look also at what s l4'qd .taken place since - the Revolution with re ,,zl.- to our for e ign polity, in this respect a. slight examination would prove that no war Which we had been engaged since that period been connected with religion. [The Right O. Gentleman, In support of the argument ; lere. entered into a review of the wars in which * e had been engaged Since the Revolution.] A nd d ur i ng t h e w h o l e ' o f t h ese wars w h at h a d L o e cqthe - of the po w er o f th e P o p e ? Th e Mutt ers 'of th e V a ti can h a d b ecome t h e bruitun litl 4en of the Catholic Church ; and hi fact the gr eatest" blow ever given to the Papal power had t e .en given by th e l a t e E m p eror J ose ph o f Ans.. 1 114---- (Clieers.)He really could not see upon e'llat ground any man at the present day could , h ".itire up a fear of the power "of the' Pope. So 1 - 1 40 . 1 for th e gen e ra l p r i nc ipl e ; an d h e wou ld W very ahertly address himself to the detail. Pon this subject the Right ,Hon. Memb e r f or t} 4 :""duild err y (Si r G eorge Hill) h a d o b serve d,. e t he thought no honest Protestant could take Oath after the passing of the present Bill. no doubt the Right lion. Member consi eed a fo rm id a bl e d anger, as i t m i g h t b e Con qerect. a 'solemn - requiem to his sitting in that L A . °s ee----(A laugh.)—ln his (Mr. R.'s) opinion, i ( w ever, the oath m ean t th a t the Pope had not 11 ' 4 1 kind of legal power which he possessed when r 4 State R e ligi on was C athol i c. If i n deed the 'Ott liotL Gentleman's argument was correct, eY were all perjured nos:.--(hear!)--For even joration of the Catholic religion in this country Nruitted ri certain degree of power in the Pope. jeits , ers.) . -Another arau men t o f t h e Ri g ht Hon. ' ' ' '4lnber Was founded Upon a quotation from a .I • 31% -Drumgoolc, who he (M r . R.) un d ers t oo d ', v as a physician with ou t p a ti ents. — (A laugh.) -7-- if they were to take the opinion of this Doctor 4 S those of the Catholics, they might with *equal itistice take the nonsense of Mr. Hunt as the sense-of the country.—(A. laugh, anti, hear, hear!) third objection of the Right Mem tier, and which was the last topic upon which he should touch, -was the probable conduct of the frisk Protestant Nobility and Gentry in case the present Bill should pass. He (M. R.) was glad that. the Right Honourable Member h a d lti.ii,_usse!f furnished 7 hitn with an argum e nt ag a in s t Imaginary danger. The Right H o u r - able- Member, while he opposed the Bill, had .imseif :said, that if the Bill should pass, he would du all in hisf6oli power t o • assuage irritated Wherever cgs was they might ex i s t. He (Mr. ft.) 'AO Ord Ow Right ffou. Member' was a man of honour, and would keep his promise. Tire was satisfied too, that the Irish Protestant Nobility and Gentry would take the same line of conduct, for he was satisfied they were too generous, too just, to take any other—(Cheers) ;—and he hoped to see the Catholic and the Protestant in that House with no other feelings towards each other but those of kindness, of friendship, and mutual desire for the honour and the happiness of their country.—(Loud and continued cheers.) Mr. GOULBURN op - posed the Bill. He would shortly state his sense of those dangers which he conceived must arise from admitting Catholics to political power. He thought the admission of the Roman Catholics to political-power imprac ticable, when it was considered that they held principles hostile to a chief part of the Constitu tion, and particularly when this hostility was not a factious, but a conscientious hostility. He did not mean to say that a Catholic would 'not be as ready as any man to protect the country, in case of internal convulsion or foreign invasion ; but he thought it impossible fora conscientious Ca tholic to discharge part of the duty of a legislator, namely, to retain inviolate the Protestant Church in its discipline and regulations, so as to render it subservient to the improvement of the people. Catholics did not pay an entire allegiance to the Sovereign, and on the ground of paying a divided allegiance were aliens excluded. On the same ground Catholics ought to be excluded from a share in legislation: . He did not apprehend im mediate danger from the admission of Roman Catholics, neither did he think that the House would be immediately filled with Catholics, who would propose a repeal of the restrictions in the present Bill. He did not think the Catholics so deficient in prudence as to make such a proposi tion, neither was it by such means that such a measure could be carried ; but he did think that a party of Catholics, by watching opportunities, and by steps , almost imperceptible, might ulti mately gain such a party as would enable them to carry their ulterior object. What were the consequences to be apprehended from such a party, if there were a Monarch in different to the ProteStant religion ?—(lfear, hear !)—He knew the Constitution guarded against the possibility of the Monarch being a Ca tholic; but if there were a Minister attached to his own religion, would L not be likely that he, by the ordinary influence of Government, might ob tain the support of many professing the Protestant religion to carry his object. They were told that the present Bill would only admit six Catholics into the House of Peers, and that, they could not be expected to carry any measure in opposition to the Protestant majority. But he would ask, where would be the impediment to a Catholic Minister to augment the number, and to make a respeetable party to give sanction tohis mea sures ? Though the Catholics had been admit ted to all other offices, yet there would be some security if they were excluded from the Bench ; but as the House had thought fit to admit them to that high station, he thought the only check to the machinations of a•Catholic Minister taken away. If the statement of the Hon. Member for Cork were true, that the effect of the Bill would be to imprison the whole Catholic priesthood of Ireland, he (Mr. G.) denied that this could be called a measure of conciliation. Lord BrNNrivo rose, amid loud cries of Ques tion ! Question ! He thought the dangers spoken of by the Gentlemen who opposed the Bill ima ginary; and contended that the Catholics in fact possessed political power, but that they wanted the means of enjoying it. lie did not think that even a Catholic King could, in opposition to a Protestant Parliament and a Protestant people, effect any alteration in the Established Religion, which the Acts Union of Scotland and of Ire- Lahti made part of the fundamental law of the land. The English Catholics suffered a hard fate with patience, and the thee was now come when their patience should be rewarded. They were differently circumstanced from the Catholics of- Ireland, hut that very difference rendered their present claims of the- highest importance. Mr. liuTcnixsoN explained, amid cries of Spoke ! Spoke ! .Mr, PEEL said he Was anxious to have the last opportunity of addressing the House.. He could not allow the observations of the Member for Limerick to pass unnoticed, when he called upon their ancestors to fulfil the'obligations of the treaty of Limerick. The House was now unfettered : if it were a questiOn of good faith, there was no discretion to exercise. The articles of Limerick were familiar to every one ; and ex cept the first article, there was no possible argu ment to be founded on this subject. By that article their Majesties . undertook to give the Roman Catholics such• privileges as they'could procure for them. But the terms were privilege in the exercise of their r,414r,i0n as in the time of Charles the Second, In his reign they were ex cluded from every office by the fact of the Oaths they were obliged to take. The Parliament 'in Dublin took the Oaths of. Supremacy. No argument could be founded on the articles of Li merick, and such an argument could only increase the disappointment of the Catholics and the result of their success. The two chief con siderations, that , weighed with him on this measure were, in •the first place, because of a most material change in the Constitution ; not perhaps a certain change, but - one which, must be viewed with great alarm and anxiety. Changes generally should be so viewed ; but where these changes referred to matters of reli gion, they become subjects of especial considera tion. In the present instance these changes were most . material, for they net only affected the Protestant Establishment, .but: they also af fected the relation of the Catholic Religion with the existence of the State. .Every man who va lued the existing Establishment must necessarily look to these changes ; and if he only looked to the Consequence of these changes, the result must lie, at least a' careful investigation of the claims now preferred, on the part of the Roman Catho 7 lies. He did not 'speak of changes to excite a prejudice ; he talked of Changes as they shbtild be viewed. Thi: - ! second objection he bad to the mi , asure.was,. , the undefined state in. Which the Roman Catholic Religion wOuld stand with re spect to this country.. The Rettoration and the Revolution, ex vi tenioris,ihewed the change, and it was of the utmost importance to mark it. There were three great periods in our relation to the Roman Catholics, during which a divided allegiance was completely put down. Exclusion from power wttS hitherto the security ; but now, when, , about to de troy that, it was forced upon him to idols at the state of existing circumstances. The'relation of the Catholic religion with the State was now to be settled ; and he asked if the present Bill was to be considered as a final settlement between both religions ? If this Bill were passed, was' no settlement to be made on that important point ? It was in vain to imagine thdt things cdtild rest where they now were ; and who was to say the present Bill might lead to no futuro 'explas nations—to no future misunderstandings —to no' litigated controversy between zealous partisans on one side, and doubting Protestants 'on the other ? The manner in which it was already re ceived, shewed they must prepare for contro versy. The question should be considered, and met as it existed. Bishops in every diocese, Priests in every parish, and Consistorial Courts ins the plenitude of their power, would by this Bill be recognised ; and was the House aware of the influence which would thus be exercised ? He did not argue against visionary fears - or imaginary dangers, but he- argued against an ex sisting power of which the House seemed not to be aware. Looking to other systems of religion, the influence of the Clergy was little; looking to that of the Roman Catholics, it was immense. The importance of the influence of the Roman Catholic Priests was not to be regulated by their fees alone. Then with respect to education, he had lately had a letter from Mr. Newenham, and he had to state that the Roman Catholic Priest withheld the ceremony of the Eucharist from a woman Who allowed her son to attend his school, alshough the Douay Bible was the school book. The Roman Catholic peasant could not be swerved from hi 3 belief; and if the influence of the Priest could be so exercised as he had stated, he (Mr. P.) was justified in saying, the existence of the Roman Catholic religion with reference to the State should be precisely known. The oath to the Pope might be a cc ommo d a t e d ; b u t they would be only legislating in the dark if they did not know the authority of the Bishops, the heads of the Roman Cathelic Church in Ireland. This oath to the Pope was, " Jura, privilegia,, et honoree servare, promovere, et augere jurabo." Now, hew was such an oath - consistent with...se curity to a Protestant Government ? He did not mention this invidiously, and he quoted it in the language of their oath, inn order to prevent the possibility of misconstruction. This perhaps was a distant danger, but it was one against which it behoved the' Legislature to provide.—(Hear, hear !)—lt was inconsistent to acknowledge the powers of these persons us Parlia mentary Commissioners. To remove scruples would be a good, and to abate prejudices highly important. But give the Bishops a legal juris diction, and you would soon have them claim to appear in their robes - . For could it be imagined no ingenuity would be exercised on their parts, to assert what they would call a right, and which you would' scarcely refuse to acknow ledge as such, when you gave them that legal title, which was-hitherto denied them, as the best security to - a 'Protestant State ? These were portant questions, and now was the time to con sider them. Claims for temporal rank were al ready considered, when-the Lord Bishop of. Kil dare was in the Chair—not the. Protestant, but the titular Bishop. He was there so denomi nated, if he were to believe the newspapers ; and was the House to be blinded to the claims that hereafter would be made ? Conflicting jurisdic tions would in this way not only be establish ed but recognized, and recognized iu opposi tion to all that the wisdom of their ancestors had established. He was adverse on these grounds to an establishment for the Catholic Clergy.— But then, with regard to the power of the Pope, he .(Mr. Peel) was asked if he saw any appre hension ? He saw none. lie 'knew the present to be a domestic question, to be decided on by domestic grounds. At -the Restoration, when the Pope was threatened by the French Ambas bassador with 500 men; the only answer of his Holiness was the very unsatisfactory one of mar tY rdom.—(Hear, hear !)—There was no analogy between the case of Hungary and that of the Irish Roman Catholics, as 'to extorting conces sions. But if there were; could they 'hope to pass the measure as one of conciliation ? There *as all the difference in the world in the situa tion of the two people and the two countries. Were the Catholics of Ireland the few, as they were the many—there might be some party in the argument; but when the circumstances were al together changed, the shadow of a semblance was entirely done away. The great point for deliberation was, the relative situation of Ca tholics with .a Protestant States if once this Bill were passed into a law. That was his main ground of objection. Splendid declamation did not alter his vieWs, what he felt and stated in 1817, he felt and stated on the present occasion. He was at all events consistent ; anti if tine union of the House declared the Roman Catholics should be admitted to the highest offices of the State, he would endeavour'to reconcile himself to it. His objections were formed on principles, and were still unanswered. lie had no idle apprehensions of one power or another, his fears were for the safety of the Protestant Constitution. Preserve that if they could, compatibly with the existence - of the Roman catholic religion and its unbroken hierarchy ; if they, succeeded, they would do more than he was aware they could accomplish. The influence of their prelacy and priests was hitherto undenied ; if that influence were consi dered as not inimical to a Protestant State, he hoped, in the event of passing the present Bill, the House would have no reason to call him a false prophet. Ile felt sincerely what -he said s and he did not wish unnecessarily to inctunber the question ; he reposed every confidence in the wisdom and intelligence of the House ; but, at "the same' time, he Wished them to know the extent of the measure they were about to carry into a law. Ile had al ready stated his two main objections to the rnea sure; first, a change ilt the mode of administer . ing the Constitution; and 'secondly, the strange relation in Which the: Roman Catholic 'religion would be placed in With •reference to the State. On` these tOpicS hC rested his resistance 'to this Measure. The influence of the Catholic Clergy did not Seem to • be understood; but he did not wish to:exaggerate it to answer any improper or invidious purpose: The whole case should be stated to know its truth ; and in taking the part he did, he. Merely discharged ' conscientiously his duty. The state of the. question was this—there being two -nations, which had been United - for twenty years s two islands, separated by a greater spice than that which' :divided them from their inveterate enemy ; and the two islands' professing different religions, the eltiestion was, how should .the Protestant .religion be maintained in the Catholic :country ?- It might be said, that one or isio Catholics could have HO weight in the HOuSe ; but he contended that the representation of- Ireland would always have considerable influence;' so would the execu tive Government of Ireland ; and he believed that so great an influence - would the Catholics procure that they must regulate the administra tion Or justice in that country. Many questions would naturally arisehetween the Catholic and Protestant, • and it Would' be impossible to pre serve -that impartiality which ought to be pre served. If, then, it were u rg e d th a t d a n ge r would be the natural result of a refusal of the Catholic Claims, he' Would say, that, on the other hand, he saw so much danger, inconvenience and I hazard in the conflict which would unavoidably ensue between Protestant and Catholic interests, were the queStion •decided in favour of the Catho -1 lic Claims, that whatever part the House might take, the Course was pregnant with mischief. Such was the view which he felt disposed to take : , in either case s he saw difficulty and danger"; and he, therefore, in the humble exercise of his own judgment, chose that path which appeared to him the ' safest.- Ile thought that the House had a right to require the proposed securities. They had been admitted by the Pope, and by many of the Catholics themselves, and he did not see on what ground they could be resisted. Besides, he had seen Resolutions signed by Catholic Pee , - lates, which went much further than the. securi ties now demanded. But when the Hon. Gen tleman demanded whether he (Mr; P.) thotight that the ClauSe would be productive of satisfac tion in Ireland, he fairly answered that he thought -it would not. - • But he feared that the hardship• of the- securities was not the true ground of complaint. He would • say nothing for the purpose of throwing difficulties in the way ; but regarding. the reception of the law in Ireland, he believed that the view taken by the lonourablo Gentleman was correct. The . Bill of Securities might bp enacted, but how was it to be carried into execution? - They moat pre pare themselves for the conscientious declaration of many, that they could not take the Oaths 'pro- Posed. What Would then be the consequence? Would they fine and imprison ? He believednot,' but if they did, let them not lay. the flattering unction' to theii soul, that such *Measure would repress discontent. If he had had any: experi-. ence on the subject ; if he kneiy any thing . of the. clergy ';' if he knew - any thing of the effect whieh 'concession might produce ; if he knew anything: Of the peaVet"Wheli would sall.remain in the hand_ of the demagogue, he,could not believe 'that har mony and tranquillity would be produced by °a. measure like the present. -There was A sornething. in the refusal of the RomanCatholics•to take - the. oath which excited his suspicion. If Catholics ht every other country could take it, if the Pope hiniself had sanctioned it, then he could not help suspecting that there must be more than thenio tisies alleged, Which could account for the'non ,compliance of the IriSh Catholic. With regard, to the Stencture'Of the Bill itSelf; after it had been madelled by such able artists, it could not be •ex pected to afford much ground for criticism. • Yet he imagined-that too -much confidence had - induced carelessness ; for in the -1 first -lines, which he con ceived were - intended to be molt importantS there occurred a mistake which he wished to see•dor rected before theßill reached the House of Lerds; It was declared -that the Protestant religion was by " the-Act for preserving theCrown„and.secur-! hie the liberties of thesCrown,declared to be 'per manent and inviolate." What .'was"- the . Act to' which allusion was made If -the: l lth and 'Nth of Mary and William was . the Act alluded to,.he hoped that the framers of the Bill would atleast' look to that Statute, before the,. Bill was. taken . to the Lords. He would not press the subject further. Believing, as he did, that the Measure now proposed would not produce tranquillity, or tend to consolidate the interests of the two coun tries, he•should vote against .the third reading of the Bill,—(The .11on. Gentleman sat down amidst the loudest cheers.) Mr. Casss - isas would not:folloW the Rt. TlO'n. Gentleman „through, the ' ery extensive and la-' boured aegument which he had endeavoured with so much perspicuity and force to establish; - as against 'the present Bill; if, like - his-I-lA-Ilan. Friend, he (Mr. C.) could believe that religious animosities 'would be more, likely to behealed,, and the excluded Catholic morelikely to partici-, - pate in the actual- benefits-of -the-Constitution, if this Bill should not pass, he shOuld be the less disposed that night .to press the House to a . cotn-' pletion of the .present sneasure, inasrisuch as th'O, great object which he had at heart in the support which .it was in. his. , limited 'sewer te . gise to it . Would then be accomplished: -''lle thought,hew ever, that the House Was to fools at this present proceeding not as an act commencing a . nest' .sn ... ries of acts, but as a crowning act of mercy fol lowing, ati:l i'e pursuance of a . variety- of othors. The great qbestion was, "wliettierofpbti the pass ing of the present Bill, there st - Old • not' be . a 'more whelesoine state Of - lasi 'than for merly. The Right lloneurable -. Gentleman then went on to argue that it was: Its- be: 0:- thered from the murmurs of the Clergy thati ht iflak this Bill' might be considered. a boor. to the laity, and thsst ity - prOvisions -- -Veeria-noti'vr that terrible - and" dangerous character which' s '•4: of ita-entanies represented. ' ale. next tone era u pen 'the nninher - of • Catholic Members thafiv re' - t likely to be introduced by it into ParliaMent, , . contending h in c.optradiction,to• the opponents of, the measure, that iosteacl.of "lb front Ireland end 30 from. - England? the. Utmost 'that wouht fireta , bility tie -returned wotild be a dozen in the wlmie:' AAMitting, however, that"more Might obtain. on.= . -trance, allowing- even, that the viSiou Ole hundred Knights was to be realized, still lie asked in - what way would they be able to:sot -the destruction of the- Constitution? The. Dater side who talked so.much of danger was liOnaci..6 .show from whence it would Proceed,_and.tioW it would operate—in what, way the Catholic Repre sentatives would *succeed in corrupting_ the rekt. 7 - of the 56'2 Members, or at least the .whole of the- minorities tin the late chvisions on this sub : .-- ject, ,and.the,greater part of the supporting ma,- jorities.—(ilear.)—lle contended that the me - sure was' eminently calculated to conciliate, the high, and to cement the - Qnion ; the recentns of *which was . to be considered an advantage in stead of an objection*, lintimuch as expectatiolk.......- indulged since. that event were now to be alized ; promises, and pledges - were to be ' filled before hope were so delayed as to tuaki-- , sick the heart.. To this consideration must ttle • House come at last, whatever fate Might attend', the Bill elsewhere, viz. —whether it was:not tie-- cessary to incorporate the hearts and. feelings ,or fent. milliOns of Catholics in the same man ,ner we had incOrporated their laws, their corn-_ . merce, and their institutions ?—whether they should bo• united. to Great Britain firmlv- - and effectually, or- leave them in an island,Of their own, and by a mistaken. policy coerce them .proportion to -our dagger?-whe ther they should be continued under the threat of repression and subservience, or raised to 'a level with ourselves. The Boa: Gentleman who :hid: . introduced this Bill with an eloquent precision.:,. that NyOuld not have disgraced Tacitus, .pointed::* out in his speech, as in a funeral processiou,--oe . ' statues of thane great orators who had distinguish- - - ed them - selves in this question. - Among the names he (Mr.. Canning) had missed one now no more, never second in- the zeal of his reSistance,:r but whose place had this session been amply: supplied by an lion. and . Learned Gentlema n (Mr. Ellis,' we understood,) from the same couf:-:' try ; indeed so-amply and efficiently, so much in the spirit and manner of th e grea t or i g inal; that little was left to he desired. As applied to that honourable substitute he might 'perhaps be al, . lowed to parody two well known lines " The tone and topics opening to the view, " Methinks I see my Duigenan here anew !"—(Laughtnr.) - He might observe,, : in passing, that the mode in . which this question had been argued had of .1a , te:7,.. much changed . .. I'orinerly nothing was heard el::: in conjunction.with this measure but a totterinlT throne, a tremblinn• crown,' a shaking scep t re -..;,:!' but now the chief d ' angerwas described as thre4t- - -- ening thoSe exalted parish officers, churchwardens and overseeis; and "ono lion. Gentleman; di ire.- gal:ding all his. previous terrors, h a d .introdlk.eci. a special clause for .their .protection. " Modo regtt,.attinetetratchas, , • • " " Oinnia magaloinens ; bit tnihi intnsa ttki ; eir ", - Cnaphisalis • ,„ Comparative ,trines now contented one who b-. fore had dealt only with the.tuost tnagniti4trt declarations, andilie (Mr. Canning) trusted that a grateful ;posterity„ 'won Id remember hina mlth bec.onting honour who had thus . placed •Snch not round the church, but round'its seers.—(Bear and 11a9gItter.)- - ReferringiOtC(o !I some general consideratiwts, the, Itt. Hon...Gett. • - ex•pressed . his decided opinion that the, provisiou • for ;the Catholic .Cler_gy ought to be made . a !natter ofsu&sequent consideraiion. kletlesired.the to contemplate the'Catholiesin their real Charac,• ter,maintaining tha ca . pri,ori, a Church of England. man would be metre ready to admit•to vilegrs one who disagreed .merely on sucb . a .4c- culative nratter..as the doctrine of transubstaft,tir, tion, than one who denied the.great.fundameittal-1 doctrines' of the the . Atonement , 'aita . '" • the Divinity t of our - Saviour. • Yet • every •da - y - 7' DisSertieri 'Were`ad . mittea :to takelbe.Oath at the:,-. table, anti to....shace ..the honours:and labours..ui •v• legislation.: There were more -points .of ment the Church of man •the CatholiC, , than 'between the • Chnrcii laud titan -and the Dissenter. Let, not -the' lioise• dwell only on points of differetK.e•:-.Let-it also to .those of resemblance.: lei• it.-.recollect " that Catholics and ~ Protestants were felroirW.;" * . • • 'were united, by naarrt4go,:.. , and the ties of social life—that * 4 Io the gloiiotif and wdl-foughtet 'fitla They - kept together is their•ctiry,'' or rather that had . 49ne' before ,the.i.t.. Protestant in .resistatiee to fo ; reig-ii `gether they had framed and supp4rt . ed - the colt, stitution, and together 'they ;0u1.;14. , t.9 enjoy" rtt (I fear l)--The time was tiowOomevheit pit blie feel_: iti . g.was decidedly in favoor of thee.oxicessio,pro,— • vided it were : :temperately earne d,and ti provid'-: ed these whom it was to selieve did.- 7. nof dai:ll the cop from thfir hear;.: , hear. !)--For the' teturer of Parliament he 'answer bu t . the' ter.Oper of iiie catitolk" • he could not be goarkntee:; if, howr4iver,.they had'. ; a spark of rittiotierri, or if they felt that' Ovefo . i.': wqkhas their inSt.,rM . -tors,they pretetd-,t ed to e*perience, they wo:01 not. in pede the greys of legislation by•hopeles ; and•interminable.'' aoitatiatis: Itegar,dless of.interziatkquabbles party eaVils, let the itott•se now consummate Cult' :- gren t: work 'which, 'l4 - lien . onCe. i:owstr; . m - iated b 4 :: sooner or la,ter roust be. tintred heering,) tO f!.:1 when the riumb+ifwei%.*-- 'For'thetVO - r:_artirik - 2t 6 ilAioilifta liiToiliasof-le Bill fe- 1 4dirtiikion iriWthe44:,:d!ety, V'Ef;ri oun respz:Cunet-theqfp;At.. tlesaiehe woutilii6% fri . Villvrthe fou'l. 'in a . his4; l ' otiject betog .ont:TNI ea lbw :Fc nail. K conehiliM f; ti;fltt - Ali. Wbe,reas. kA,th.f. ornittal. •' 'o4 :CIA' • B.r- I‘ , l.4(ll<ailt( , :';t :the y . 'a r. , st;:irtipi ;to ",tt), - ;:‘: - Soz4 ,, c4411: nos t9 ' l4\ie'4lll-iiiPAC: . . his Citd : Kf.;Aiitik:gr-tl:j4;azne!trSti4'sn. •• .4.01 V 14,1 * (1 - CA3TIAIR CL'Xckb .0i , 211 . 9:r01 1. V."40 4* , ir k tfetiqt o ' 4 'Al Ale ; Ht7 1 44. 4 43, 4 3‘,4,14 . <441i!1*44 tlittillitkkPqtl3l ; itt? OA. 4 2: 4 ' t ll - 1 Y•-4 1 / 2 04,. ' t Several verbal aniena L ;M:l2N It VS! trl.ll when,- ofter a (tips Oticryiltiptiri ftz s riric,ll:ol-cii I Ne.o t i Weid p..sat , ,awilatsterett Ata_ t;),• t•iir wp Nto RT. he 0 - nit thu wcr! 'of, .40-• joaracd at Four '(213:;11,7',' •