The Sun. — London, England, 1839-10-24 00:00:00

EV V:NING .EDIT I ON. LORD BROUGHAM. false; but that is Mr. Shafto's affair, not ours. Whether Mr. Shafto originated the fabrication ) or whether he were only the copying machine em ployed by some person of More fertile imagination than ltirrise)f, is a questich that we do not feel called Upon at this moureht to discuss. In the tweantime we shall content ourselves with public;hing two letters—the first from our own re porter at Penrith, whose expression, that " com mon fame has proved itself a common liar," will have been explained by our previous observations. With the second letter we have been favoured by Lord Methuen ; it has reference to the communi cation that appeared in our yesterday's publication from Comte d'Orsay PENRITH, Tuesday Evening. " On my arrival this evening at Brougham Hall (which is about a mile from this town) I found that common fame in this, as in many other instances, has proved a common liar; and your readers will, I am sure, be as delighted as I was to learn that Lord Brougham has escaped without any injury, and that Mr. Leader, M.P. for Westminster, and Mr. and Mrs. Shafto and Mr. Edwards, who ac companied him in the carriage, were equally fortunate. The driver of the carriage which was hired from the George Hotel, Penrith, has received several severe contusions, having been kicked by the horses in a most severe manner, and his life was for sane time considered in danger. Mr. Shafto's servant, who accompanied him on the box, was also much wounded. It appears that Lord Brougham, with his party, had set out to vi ew a property of his at a a few miles distance, on the way to an expedition to the Lakes, and for that purpose engaged the lan dau ; but they had scarcely proceeded seven or eight miles when, by the accident of a bolt slipping, the springs gave way, the driver and servants were thrown forward on the horses, the horses reared, kicked, plunged, and finally overturned the carriage, though fortunately with no more serious results than I have mentioned. Lord Brougham and Mr. Leader walked back to Brougham Hall, and sent on a car riage to their friends, and the whole party set out on the following day for the Lakes, whence they are expected to return to-night or to morrow. The driver is recovering, and Mr. Shafto's servant was well enough to accompany his master on Sunday. " I have hastily penned the above in order to give you the earliest opportunity of contradicting the Unfortunate rumours which this accident has given rise to." lin this way at has been the case in England. Surely the Dutch are not so wanting in intelligence, but that we might, however lite in the day, profit by their example. With a debt so immense, pressing upon the energies of the people, measures ought to have been taken to prevent the ruinous sapping of our resources being carried to anything like the extent it has for the aggrandisement of nations which may by and bye become our enemies. The great cities and defences of all kinds of the United States, for instance, may be said to have been almost wholly produced by British treasure, the folly of part ing with which is but too apparent when we come to reflect for an instant on the circumstance that while the debt of the borrowing country is entirely paid off, that of the other, enormous as it is, has undergone no sensible diminution. The Dutch are a provident people. No nation can be more scrupulous in the performance of their en gagements, both public and private ; and if we do not profit by the useful lessons they set us in economy it is our own fault. We understand that gold coin is now flowing into the market pretty freely. The principal arrivals are from Paris. An early improvement may, therefore, be reasonably looked for in the exchanges. CATHOLIC DINNER AT CORK. A grand dinner was given to the Roman Catholic Archbishop and Bishops, and Mr. O'Connell, at Cork on Monday. This dinner took place in the great room of the Chamber of Commerce, which was tastefully decorated with evergreens and devices. Above the Chair was a transparency, and above it a bust of O'Connell. Shortly before dinner a congratulatory address was presented by a deputation of the citizens of Cork to the Most Rev. Dr. Crolly, and the other Bishops present. It is unnecessary to give the address, as the following reply of Dr. Crolly fully states the sentiments which it contains : "Gentlemen—We beg leave most sincerely to assure you that the expression of your respect and veneration for the ministers of our holy religion, conveyed in your address, affords us the highest gratification. " Your kind attention to us on the present occasion is in perfect. accordance with that dirveted attachment to the ancient faith by which the Catholics of Cork have been at all times so eminently distinguished. " We give thanks to Almighty God that you recog nise in our conduct that increasing zeal for the spiritual welfare of our faithful flocks, which has been at every period the characteristic virtue of the Irish clergy. " We are not surprised that the calumnies which have been uttered against our religio n have excited your indignation ; but we beg you to recollect that the true Church has been at all times attacked in the same man ner. Her divine Founder was persecuted even to death, and he distinctly warned his followers that men would revile and speak every evil of them, even as they had spoken of himself. The only return a Christian can make in such circumstances, is to pray for those who revile and persecute him.' The only means of defence recommended in the Sacred Scripture is, to let our light shine before men ;' that, beholding our patience and forbearance under grievous calumnies, they may learn from our example that spirit of charity which is the best proof of the truth of our religion. " Again, Gentlemen, be pleased to accept the strongest assurance of our high esteem and very sincere regard, and be convinced that the splendid monuments of zeal, piety, and truly Christian charity, which we have beheld since our arrival, will not be easily effaced from our mornory." The Chair was taken by Mr. O'Connell shortly after seven o'clock, at which time the room was thronged to inconvenience. On the right and left of the Chairman, we observed Dr. Crolly, the . Roman Catholic Archbishop of Armagh, and nine other Bishops; Mr. Roche, M.P. for Cork; Mr. Barry, M.P., Mr. Lyons, Mr. W. Fagan, Mr. J. S. Murphy, and a number of the leading commercial men of Cork. A large number of the inferior clergy was also present. After the cloth was withdrawn, Mr. O'CONNELL rose and said, that it had been his fortune upon many occasions, since the happy accession of the present Sovereign to the throne, to call for a full bumper to pledge her health and happiness ; but on no occasion upon which he had that high honour had he felt himself disposed to say that the occasion was suit able to the dignity of the toast.—(Hear, hear.) The present, however, differed from all others to which he had referred, and it struck his judgment that the Sove reign herself might condescend to receive something of pleasure from a toast thus offered in the sincerity of their hearts by such a company as that by which he was surrounded.—(Loud cheers.) He stood then amongst the dignitaries of that Church, whose vo taries were more numerous than any other religious persuasion in her dominions.—(Hear, hear) The Ca tholics outnumbered any other religious persuasion that existed in the British isles.—( Hear, hear.) They had got the majority—he did not reflect upon any other creeds by saying this—he merely used that lan guage to give expression to a fact, and i❑ vindication of his assertion that the Sovereign might feel proud of the expression of the loyalty and affection of a meeting like the present.—(Hear, hear.) The dignitaries of the Catholic Church had no interested motives for their loyalty. Their respect and affection towards their So vereign arose from the highest and the purest motives, and they not only respected " the powers that be," but thought loyalty and obedience to others—(Cheers) — even in these awful times of persecution, when the head of a wolf and the bead of a priest were estimated at the same value in the eve. of the law—even at that dismal period of Ireland's history, the same spirit of loyalty was preached from her thousand altars by the predecessors of the prelates by whom he was surrounded. —(Loud cheers.) Yes, he would say to the Archbishop of Armagh, and to his brethren, theirs was the genuine loyalty of principle, and gloriously did contrast itself with the interested clang of the factious tongues of those who were loyal when they had power ; or, in other words, the liberty to oppress, but whose serpent tongues were only employed to malign and to traduce the Sovereign, when ranged, as our glorious Sovereign had ranged herself; on behalf of her people and against that faction.—(Cheers.) They must all remember " The King, God bless him !" which used to issue as the watch-word of that faction, and for any one who dared to speak a word against him the black-hoh was too good, and the lash and the torture merely a fit requital. But where had the loyalty of those men gone to now ? it had completely vanished, and they eagerly en tered into e very plot and every chambermaid conspiracy : and even when the purity of the Royal mind was such as to lead her to shudder at the appearance of vice, and because she was too good to tolerate even its appear ance about her, that miserable malignant faction still clung to their calumny ; nay, they would, as he had said before, deprive their Sovereign of her life if they possessed the power.—(Hear, hear.) The present Sovereigu was the first of the line of Brunswick who had ruled this empire with an impar tial sway over all classes of her subjects. The House of Brunswick had seemed to have come to the throne for the purpose of excluding one portion of its subjects in these realms, and as the partisans of the other.— (Hear.) If that had been their design, it had been thoroughly worked out by one King after another of that line ; but they had now at length arrived at that period of the dynasty when that system of rule had happily ceased, in the contemplation of the glorious po sition taken by the Sovereign, under whose maternal authority they were placed.—(Hear.) He trusted she would ere long, in another sense, be a mother. This was no vain aspiration of his, for it was said that a young Prince, one of a family remarkable for its good sense and good feeling—it was said that he was about to share her Throne. If this contributed to bless her with those domestic ties without which authority was a mere dream, an empty bubble, he hoped it might be so; and if so, they would still show that theirs was no transitory or conditional loyalty, but that they would re?ttain as true to the Throne as was the dial to the sun, and leave to ethers to talk of that loyalty which depended on their possession of the power to oppress. He would conclude by pro posing " The Queen, and may her counsels produce the prosperity and contentment of her people."—(Cheers.) The toast having been drank with all the honours, Mr. O ' CONNELL said, the next toast he had to propose was, " The people, the true source of all political power."—(Cheers.) This was a toast which giving it in the place he did, required from him rather an apology than a preface. As regarded himself he was the advocate of popular rights all over the world. He was the decided friend of human liberty in all coun tries, in every class, of every creed and colour.—(Loud cheers.) He had, however, still to apologise for in troducing in an assembly so composed as the present, such a sentiment as " The people—the true source of all political power." They had not met that day for any political purpose. They had assembled to pay the tribute of the respect of the Irish Catholics to the Ca tholic hierarchy of Ireland, in the presence of the Arch bishop of Armagh, and his right reverend brethren. They had met to show the respect in which the people held their unendowed pastors—that was their present purpose ; and he would say that the people of Ireland as well deserved the affections of their pastors as their pastors deserved the regard and the veneration of the people. They had at all times been faithful, true, and sincere. —(Loud cheers.) In all the other countries of Europe, when their Governments were deluded to stray from the Catholic doctrines by force or fraud, or by a comtination of both, they took the people with them but when the Government forsook the Catholic Church in Ireland the people adhered to it—(Loud cheers)—_ and it was singular that this Government—all powerful as it was for mischief and wrong and impiety—never theless failed as the wave that passed harmless at the foot of a rock in inducing the Irish people to apostacy. Semper fidelcz had been their motto during 300 years of persecution. Yes, and after that period of persecution had any of them become apostates or deserters ? ( Hear, hear.) No, they had come out of it as lively and as faithful as before.—(Loud cheers.) But it was not thus alone that the people of Ireland had af- forded an example to other nations, but another great moral miracle had been worked amongst them under the irfluenc.e of Father Matthew. Here Mr. O'Con nell referred to the spread of temperance societies in Ireland, and enlarged upon the growing benefit de rived from their establishment in Ireland, as tending to eradicate that vice from which the greatest crimes had resulted, and pledged himself that the Irish would be as faithful to this moral creed as they had been to their religious faith, and in the moral as in the religious struggle.—(Loud cheers.) Tne toast was drunk with loud applause. The eext toast was, " The health of the Duke of Sussex, and the rest of the Royal Family resident in England." Mr. O'CONNELL said the next toast savoured some what of politics, but with those present it was with no angry political feeling they suggested it. The toast was, " The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland." The pledge of that Nobleman to follow in the footsteps of Lord Normanby was an ample guarantee that his administra tion would tend to the amelioration of Ireland.— (Cheers.) He was glad that those who had framed the toast had made it personally complimentary to Lord Ebrington, before they referred to the pledge to which lie had alluded, for no one deserved a compliment, for the sincerity and manly determination of conduct which he had evinced, more than that Nobleman.—(Hear, hear.) He was not disposed to exaggerate the difficul ties by which he was surrounded in the administration of his (7)fice ; yet they were many, and there was none greater than the fawning hypocrisy with which the Tory faction treated him, so long as they could se parate him from the course of policy pursued by his illustrious predecessor.---( Hear, hear.) But now when they saw that he identified himself with the course of administratio n pursued by Lord Normanby, their disappointment was only equalled by their malig nity, and Heaven knew that it was difficult to calculate a greater quantity than the abundance they possessed of the latter.—(Loud cheers.) Lord Normanby had been the first Viceroy who had proclaimed equal justice in Ireland. For six hundred years they had read not the history of Ireland, but that of her oppressors— ( Hear, hear)--and he would ask if they could point out any of them (if he excepted Lord Fitzwilliam) who lied, however, been but the Lord-Lieutenant of a day— who had intended honestly, and acted fairly towards this country, except Lord Normanby—(Hear, hear) — and with what cordial hatred had he been persecuted, because of his honesty, by the enemies of Ireland.— (Hear, hear.) In that capacity the man of the first genius and talent in the country had ranged himself against Lord Normanby.—(Hear, hear.) Why, then, should they not toast with alacrity and sincerity the Lord-Lieuten ant who had displayed such manliness in the cause of Ireland, and with ten times more of gra titude, because he had identified his administration with that of Lord Normanby?—(L ou d cheers.) The toast was drunk with enthusiasm. Mr. O'CONNELL then rose and said that be had come to the toast of the night, and without any un worthy affectation of inferiority such as their kindness would at once contradict, lie must declare his utter incapability to do justice to it. A thousand recollec tions crowded upon him—in ages of ancient glory, of more modern utility, and of future prosperity, rushed to his mind. He thought of Ireland, and of her fate— d the unbroken success which now placed amongst them the successors of St. Patrick and the other saints who had spread the light of Christian truth amidst the dark ness of pagan superstition in which their ancestors had been plunged. He thought of the long and severe struggles this country had gone through, and of the beautiful image which the Church afforded of a hier archy unbroken as the dignity of that Church had been constantly preserved. He thought of the an cient Palmyra with its majestic pillars standing perfect in solemn grandeur where all else was a desert. There was the perfection of the edifice ex hibited on every side, and thus stood the edifice of the Catholic Church amidst the desert of evils that sur rounded it, exhibiting still its unbr o k en co l umns an d t h e undimini s h e d strengt of its arches. There it stood, perfect as when first its altars were gilded, and all the majesty of its architecture complete.—(Loud cheers.) With regard to the Rev. Prelates who had that day honoured them with their company, they greeted them with the honour and respect due to them as represen tatives of that hierarchy who had ever been the faithful guardians of their religion, and whose piety thoughout ages of persecution had ever been preserved unaltered. They were entitled to their deepest gratitude.—(Hear.) Should he be silent, or might he expatiate upon the words of the toast, which he could not possibly strengthen? He could not deny to himself the pleasure of saying a few words more upon that topic. He had before spoken of the fidelity of the people ; but could the people have remained faithful unless their clergy deserved their vene ration, and had been faithful guardians of the fold ? ( Hear.) Would it have been possible for the flock to continue in the right path if the shepherd had deserted and gone over to the enemy ?—(Hear.) No, it would have been impossible, and in this England and Ireland presented a powerful contrast. When the most vicious of the human race had made what they called a Reformation in England, they took with them all the hierarchy there except two—(Hear, hear) — whereas, when in Ireland the same power was exerted, amongst all the Irish Bishops only two were found un faithtul, and one of those was an intruded Englishman —Dr. Browne.—( Loud cheers.) There was a contrast ! —( Hear, hear.) Yes, in Ireland the shepherds were true, and their flocks knew and adhered to them. and the predecessor of the present Bishop of Ferns in the day of persecution left his princely establishment behind, and carried his conscience to a land where he endeavoured to earn a subsistence by teachin g little children to spell and read. He was faithful, as all p resent wou ld b e un d er s i m il ar circumstanc es — as f a i thful to the peOple as the people had been to them.—(Loud cheers.) The scaffolds reeked with their blood, but they were still unshaken, and it was with pride he could say, that one of his (Mr. O'Connell's) own family, a bishop, had sealed with his blood the sincerity of his faith.—( Hear, hear.) He had spoken of the fidelity of the people, and why should he not also glory in the unbroken solicitude of the pastors ?—(Hear, hear.) The people had their merits, but these were concentrated by the care of their pastors. Three times had these pastors, since the Re formation, been elevated again to political power. Three times since then had Catholicism been restored. They had been perSecuted, • but did they retaliate when they obtained the power of doing so ? No, even Pro testant historians testified that the only Church that had ever been restored, and which did not return persecution for persecution, liad been the Catholics of ' Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) Those were glorious in stances. The first of them occurred in the time of Mary ; the second during the Parliament of Kilkenny and the reign of James 11., and instead of persecuting they gave refuge to the fugitive Protestants who, in the reign of Mary, took refuge with the Corporation of Dublin.—(Hear, hear.) These facts should go forth trumpet-tongued.—( Hear, hear.) For if the case of retaliation could be used against the Catholics, how would it be exulted over.—(Hear, hear.) No, the breach of treaties and of solemn compacts was on the other side ; and what was the cause of this ? Was it for any purposes of human utility, for the, purposes of education and the spread of knowledge? No, but for the anti-Christian purposes of persecution and of rendering ignorance perpetual by Act of Parliam en t. —(lea had: t:, bear.) If M or ti mer O'S u lli van or Mageo ed: been able to make out such a case against tie,Rosetan Ca-' tholics would they ever have heard the,end,44 it ? 1 -- (Hear, hear.) Let them cast their eyes 411;trojtd,' how ever, and ask themselves in what country aette.tPistes.: tantism persecuted by the Catholics ?—(lleasa f ! he ar .) He would challenge O'Sullivan and Magee' to point them out. In Spain and Portugal Protestants h e ld high offices in the army and navy ; and„in.fact, there was no country in which Protestantism was,persecuied by Catholics. The only religion persecuted was the Catholic.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The abominable inon_ • stet. who ruled Russia w..s not satisfied with perse-• cuting Catholicism in Poland, but endeavoured by per secution to compel two millions of his subject s in another district to adopt a persuasion which they could neither believe nor respect. The honourable and Learned Gentleman referred to the persecutions recently practised against the Catholics in Prussia, and placed in contra-position the conduct of the Catholics throughout Europe, where they possessed power in re ference to Protestantism. And why, he would ask, did not bigotry do its work in Ireland? Because the Irish Catholics numbered seven millions, and every man amongst them had two hands.—(Hea r and loud cheers.) After some further remarks on the conduct of the Cler gy, he concluded by saying their Bishop s had existed since the days of St. Peter, and their successors would endure till the second coining of their Divine Masten— (Cheers.) The toast was drunk with loud and continued cheers. Dr. CEOLLY (the Catholic Archbishop of Armagh) then rose amidst loud applause, and returned grateful thanks in the name of his brethren for the kindness ex hibited to them on this occasion. The present, he said, was the first time he had ever the honour of visiting that great commercial city, and he must say that the monuments of charity which there abounded had afforded to him the greatest delight.—(Hear, hear.) Yesterday they had assembled to consecrate one of thb most splendid edifices in Ireland, in honour of the living God, and it must be most delightful to every sincere Christian to find that this splendid church had been erected by contributions from Christians of every reli gious persuasion and denomination.—(Loud cheers.) He bad travelled fiom one extremity of the kingdom co the other, and monuments of a similar nature bad pre sented themselves to him on all sides. In Carlow, Kil kenny, Waterford, Dungarvon, and Cork—in all of these places he bad seen ample proof s of increasing in dustry, and all that he had seen led him to hope for the approach of prosperity to their nativ e land.—(Loud cheers.) For these great blessings they were deeply indebted to their most gracious Sovereign, whose bene volence was the brightest ornament of her throne, whilst the justice with which she wielded her sceptre was its most permanent security.—(Cheering,) What could be in th e R oya l counc il more up d r e i l g ig h h t tf m ul in to d, ee t e h r a y n in t d o ivi s d e u e al possessing an honest and chamber Catholic Councillors joining with Protestants in the administration of the most important matters connected with the State, and co-operating with them for the promotion of the improvement and happiness of all the British dominions.—( Hear, and loud cheers.) Let them look to the Home Department, and they there found the unparalleled Normanby —(Loud cheers)—they there found that Nobleman who had been the first to give confidence to the Irish people in the justice of the administration of affairs in this country.—(Cheers.) He it was who could not rest content with the information had at second hand in the castle of Dublin, but who visited all corners of the island, and like a pillar of light darkness was dissipated wherever be came, and the truth was brought home to his powerful mind with reference to the state of the country. He had also the spirit to act upon his conviction, and thus darkness and bigotry dis appeared from the face of the land.—(Loud cheers.) Perhaps, however, their gracious Queen wanongst all the men in her empire could not have selected as his sue- cessor, more worthy of her confidence, a more honest and impartial governor than Lord Ebrington.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) His mind he (Dr. Crolly) himself knew was sound, his heart was honest, and he had no doubt he would hold the reins of government so impar tially, as shortly to establish his right to the purest af fections of the Irish heart.—(Cheers.) Formerly the best portions of the British Constitution had in Ireland been perverted to the worst purposes of corruption. The trial by jury had been made a curse instead of a blessing, but now Catholic judges were upon our benches, and went hand in hand with Protestants in the due ad ministration of the law. They worked together ear nestly and zealously to support and promote virtue and righteousness, and to punish vice and crime. —(Cheers.) He well remembered the difficulties that Catholic prelates had to encounter, when the poor Catholics throughout the country were beset by the snares of proselytism, when the landlord and his ag ent, and the wealthy bigot endeav oure d b y their br ibes, their money, their promises, and their threats, to bring the children of the poor to places where their faith would he placed in danger before their minds were able to defend it.— (Hear.) Now, however, they enjoyed the blessing of an impartial board of education—(Hear)—the Ca tholic Archbishop taking care that there should be no encroachment on the one side or the other ; and thus whilst the schools were spreading over the land, all the apparatus of a good moral education was afforded, and the children of the poor could enter them without any one asking them to alter or abandon the faith in which they bad been brought up.—(Hear.) These facts were sources of great satisfaction ; but there was also another to which he would allude as one calculated to diffuse virtue and happiness throughout the land. Every province, every district and county, had now as guardians of the poor respectable persons of different re ligious persuasions —these were generally men of infor mation, and although they formerly stood aloof from each other they were now brought into contact, and had too much sense to disturb the establishments over which they presided with nonsensical dissensions. Their reason would set at work to discover the wants of the poor man, and by what class paupers were generated. Thussthe asperities which had existed would be worn away, and men of different religions would live in harmony, and speculative opinions would no longer interrupt the course of Christian charity in the land. —(Great cheeering.) He felt that there were bright prospects before them. It was true they had not yet arrived at that point of justice which alone could be satisfactory to every rational mind ; but he hoped soon to see the seeds which had already been sown ripened to a plenteous harvest of pure equity in all departments of the Administration.—(Cheers.) For these purposes, and to achieve these ends, the Clergy would work with the Laity.—(Loud cheers.) They could not forget that, not long since, persecution raged in all its horrors in this country—and that in the days of trial their flocks had followed them in the darkness of night to worship their God under the starry canopy of heaven, in eaves and glens, and hidden places ; and could it now be supposed that their pastors would apos tatise when their people had a right to expect a re turn of that affection which they had so warmly and sincerely evinced ?—(Loud cheers.) No ; the prelates would work with their flocks for that justice which was the ground-work of national contentment.— (Loud cheering.) He now requested them to fill a Dumper in earnest.—(Hear.) The benefits to which he had referred had been the fruits of emancipation, and here (pointing to Mr. O'Connell), they had the parent of that great and important benefit.—(Loud cheers.) If they now could stand in the attitude of freemen—if the yoke of degradation had been cast off their necks, he had there before him the powerful arm which had broken the fetters that had enthralled them.— (Loud cheers.) If Ireland was now tranquil from Cape Clear to the Giant's Causeway, there was the powerful tongue which gave to them advice—there was the mind which had given to them direction.—(Loud cheers.) The mouth of the parent of the sons of Erin was opened, and his voice, as the voice of peace, reached equally the lowest cabin and the most gorgeous mansion. By his tranquillizing power the sounds of discord had been lulled, and the land was now a land of peace. He would challenge all history to find another patriot who had secured the freedom of a great people without the shedding of one drop of h uman bl oo d . —(G reat cheering.) He concluded by proposing •• the health of their beloved and respected liberator—the pacificator of his country—Daniel G'Connell." The toast was received with long-continued cheering. Mr. O'CONNELL returned thanks in a lengthened and eloquent speech, for which, from the late hour at which the report necessarily arrived, we cannot find space. He urged the people to . renewed energy at the registries, and declared his assurance that the clergy would lead them on ; and concluded by stating that, old as he was, he was prepared for many future years of struggle. He then proposed old Ireland as she ought to be, and concluded, as he had somewhere heard it expressed, " Ireland her own, or the world in a blaze."—(Cheers.) Mr. O ' CONNELL then declared that he was a Minis terialist in the House of Commons, for whatever might be the sins of the Ministry elsewhere, they were the friends of Ireland. He therefore proposed " Her Ma , jesty's Ministers." The toast was drunk with loud applause. Mr. WALsti spoke to the toast. The CHAIRMAN then proposed the health of the Catholic Clergy of the second order. The Rev. Mr. FOLVEY returned thanks, and declared that the clergy were ready to lead their flocks to the registry, and to unite with them in one cause for politi cal freedom. Several other toasts were proposed (the subjects of which were forwarded in a previous: communication) after which the company separated. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF Tills DAY. (From the Morning chronicle.) The Tory journals are still in full cry for their own fixed principles ; they hunt for them everywhere ; every point of the compass has been tried, and all to no purpose ; Protestant ascendancy, scripture educa tion, the Dissenters, the Reform Act, and a dozen other topics have been started ; but with no better re sult than to confirm the reproach of the Quarterly Review that the party has ruined itself by a " fluctuat ing policy," and th e wan t of " fi xe d principle." We hope our Contemporaries will pursue the subject ; for opposed as we are to whatever can permanently cha racterise Toryism, we.yet hold that to be very respect able as compared with the ihypocritical, sophistical, temporizing, slimy, double-faced policy which h as mar k ed the leadership of Sir Robert Peel. That such an organ as the Quarterly Review has spoken out against this mass of varnished rottenness, is a good sy m p tom . I t is good, not merely as indicating a division in the camp of the common enemy, but as tending to . a more honest and honourable plan of warfare. Toryism is essentially an evil ; but the evil must be materially abated as Tories become honest men, disdaining sub terfuge, repudiating trickery, declining to cater for every vulgar prejudice, b ase pass i on, and sinister interest ; and, in conformity with the suggestions of the Reviewer, spurning Peel p o li c y f or i nte l l i g i ble, though it may be mistaken, principle. The " fixed principle" of yester day—for these Tory principles are like Lord Brougham, " kicked to death" one d ay, an d re-appearing the next, only that in him the falsehood was in the death, with them the falsehood is in the vitality—the fixed prin ciple of yesterday is " the safety of the Established Churches in the United Kingdom, and of the Pro testant religion, of which these Churches are the fort resses." We have read of a religion which has a firmer fortress than the temporalities of any Church. But, waving that point, we ask whether this safety was con sulted in the hostility to, or the adoption of, Catholic Emancipation ? Is this safety consulted by practically proscribing any class from honourable employment on account of theological opinions ? Is it consulted by sus taining an incessant struggle for an obnoxious rate, of which the entire amount paid by Dissenters is represented as an inconsiderable fraction ? Is it consulted by throw ing insuperable difficulties in the way of national educa tion, or by opposing, on merely financial gr oun d s, an in creased facility of communication ? Is it consulted by making every question a Church quest i on — b y stirring up bigotry and animosity through th e l and, and creating a fictitious antagonism between estab lished religion and the just claims and interests of millions? To us the very reverse appears to be the fact. The greatest danger of Church or religion is in the party policy of Toryism. In fact, the entire article on " British Policy" is in form an attack upon the Melbourne Ministry, but in spirit a complaint of the Janus tactics of the Peel policy. The censure runs through the whole argument ; not sparing even Sir Robert Peel's master, the writer describes how, as he thinks, the Duke o f W e lli ngton became a party to a " flagrant violation of public pride and public principle" (p. 471) ; he involves the Opposition, in both Houses, in the same censure, representing them as " participat ing in their ow n di s h onour " (p. 473) - ; he terms their conduct " mysterious" and "incomprehensible" (P- 481 ) ; in them, he says, " the heart of the British oak shows TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING POST. Sut,—Seeing in your paper of to-day a letter from Count d'Orsay, in which he alludes to a most infamous representation of the manner i❑ which he reported the death of Lord Brougham at this Club, and as I ant the individual to whom he made his first communication here, I feel myself called upon to bear my unequivocal testimony to the kindness and good feeling with which it was throughout made. Anything asserted or hinted on the contrary, I can only assure you, is a downright falsehood.— I remain, Sir, your obedient servant, White's Club, Oct. 23, 1839. METHUEN. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS (WEDNESDAY EVENING.) TIMES.—Among the incidents which have assisted to produce the greater abundance of money which now prevails, may be mentioned the recent liberation of 347,900 quarters of Foreign Wheat. from Bond in London, and probably 250,000 more in the different outports ; but it should always be borne in - mind that there has not existed any real scarcity, the difficulty arising solely from capitalists locking up their funds for their own protection during the late very critical state of the Money Market. That alarm once removed, there would soon be a full supply, and a decline, of course, in the rate of interest. Among the importers and dealers in corn, however, the release of the Foreign Wheat from bond will afford a very seasonable aid.. Some uneasiness appears to be entertained with respect to the result of the weekly board of the Bank Directors to-morrow, although money remains compa ratively easy in the English stock-market. ' HERALD.—The address of the King of the Ne therlands, on the opening of the usual Session of the States• General, on Monday last, has been the chief topic of conversation here, and perhaps more conse quence has been attached to it, in our gossiping circles, from the fact that no other intelligence of the slightest moment has been received to-day. The tone of this speech is considered here to be rather favourable, as re gards the few matters of foreign politics and the internal state of the kingdom upon which it touches, and the letters received from Holland chiefly hold to the same opinion. There is no direct allusion to the necessity for a new loan, but it appears that the financial condition of the Dutch colonies requires revision. The great diffi culty which prevails is alluded to in the following para graph, by which it is to be understood that Belgium has not fulfilled the financial engagements which are due under the treaty of London The regulations of the transcriptions of that part of the public debt which, according to the treaty of London, is to be charged upon Belgium, has not made so much pro gress as could be wished." These advices also bring the important communica tion, that the Dutch Government had, according to the usual form in all cases where foreign loans were about to be contracted, given its sanction to the firm of Messrs. Hopo and Co. to raise a loan for the United States Bank of 10,000,000 of guilders, or 800,0001. sterling, in 10,000 bonds, of 1,000 guilders or florins each, with interest, pad able half-yearly ; but these accounts do not define whether the interest will be at 6 per cent.., or more. Money continues comparatively easy, and in the House has not been worth more than 4 a 5 per cent. ; in fact, there has been no speculation going on of any moment during the day, and the British and Foreign Securities have closed heavily. CHRONICLE.—The price of wheat at Mark-lane to-day does not vary from Monday. It is understood. however, that the average duty on foreign wheat will be 13s. Bd. We observ e i n th e L ee d s M ercury a very satisfacto r y account of the result of Dr. Bowring's at tendance at the bite meeting of the Germanic Com mercial League. It is said that the Prussian Govern ment, as the head of that League, offered to make con siderable modifications in the tariffs on wool and cotton goods, if the British Government would reciprocate by modifying the duties on corn and Baltic timber. This, it is well observed, affords a complete answer to the ar gument, " that even if England should agree to re ceive foreign corn, the growers of that corn would not consent to take English manufactures on any better terms than at present." And no one can fairly dispute the justice of the remark made by the writer of the Mercury, that " if after this, there is any doubt on the subject, let the British Parliament put the matter to the test, by authorising their Government to modify the obnoxious duties on corn and timber to such an extent as to produce at all times a regular trade in these commodities. Sooner or later this enlightened and humane policy must be adopted ; and, if the people are wise, they will press for its adoption in the next Ses sion of Parliament, when the question can be legislated upon calmly and deliberately, rather than wait to a season when the modification or repeal may be demanded by famine prices. We suspect that another fortnight's rain at the latter half of the month of September in the present year would have produced a repeal of the Corn laws during the winter of 1839 40, but under circum stances not very favourable to sound and deliberate legislation." We trust that the appearance of Dr. Bowring's re port will fully bear out the statement made by the Leeds Mercury, and we have reason to believe that it is substantially correct. Mr. Baines, one of the Mem bers for Leeds, exerted himself most strenuously last Session to induce the British Government to send a proper person to protect the British merchant at the meeting of the Leagu e , an d i t was ma i n l y t h roug h hi s representations, we believe, that Dr. Bowring was at length entrusted with that important office. It could not have been confided to abler hands, and the people of this country are certainly much indebted to Mr. Baines for having been the means of originating a mis sion which promises to be attended with such beneficial uences. POST.--There was hut little passing to enfage at tention in this part of the town to-day. The arrival of the Dutch Papers, containing the speech of his Majesty King William, on opening the ordinary Session of the States General on Monday, was the only novelty. Some interest was taken in this address, although it re fers with, perhaps, rather less than ordinary minuteness to the financial and commercial affairs of the kingdom. His Majesty confirms what we mentioned some days ago, as to the backwardness of the Belgian Government in Paying up the first instalment she engaged to pay to the Dutch Government, in pursuance of the late treaty. The arrangement "has not made so much progress as be could have wished." The prospects held out to the public with reference to the state of trade, navigation, and . the u se f u l arts, are sufficiently encouraging. It r ious pla ces , more especially i n was Intended t o e ff ect some other improvements in va and, while th e condition of the Treasury• g but v ag uely alluded to, th ere appears to be thee doimmediateof p re ak ss c u s r for l m t o i n s ey st . ated in these papers that the King had au thorised the hou se o f H ope and Co f to raise a loan in H o ll an d f or the sum o Amster 10,000,000 guilders, in bonds of 1,000 each, forrattf United States' Bank at Philadelphia. t h e f cu th ch e 1A permission no foreign loan can b e raised in his 'Ma jestys dominions, and there is certainly no count r y on the face of the carth where the public would have been suffered to be so shamefully plundered (From the Times.) 1 The intelligence of Lord Brougham's death, be lieved so generally, and with so much confidence, throughout the whole of Monday last, and on At!. thority supposed to be so unquestionable, °we'd no part of its circulation to this journal, the only one among the Morning New papers of Tuesday by which the disastrous incident was not assumed for fact, and made the occasion of some sort of obituary article. That there was an accident, and a fearful one, i is perfectly true. The axle of the Noble and Learned Lord's carriage having broken, the horses kicked out and ran away. But his Lord ship and his companions, one of whom was his E niece, Miss Eden, were happily extracted from their perilous condition, and walked back several miles to Brougham Hall. It is necessary to add, that there must have been at, work a shameful spirit of impudence and inhumanity to send forth from any quarter a statement so positive, so detailed, and circumstantial, as that which in our Tuesday's num ber, and after minute inquiry, we found ourselves justified in treating as a fabrication. That man's ifeelings are not to be envied, still less his moral character respected, who could offer an outrage thus cruel t o th e very numerous personal friends of I Lord Brougham (than whom no man in society has more, if so many), and above all, who could give cause to the remotest risk of a tale so dreadful making its way to the ears of the Learned Lord's wife r.nd daughter, separated from him by at least 400 miles, and therefore cut off from the means of speedy relief to their anxieties. Had a man with the attributes of Lord Brougham, and filling his position in the eyes of men, been really destroyed by such an abrupt, and, what we may almost term, unworthy casualty, the shock would scarcely have confined itself to the bosoms of his friends. Those political adversaries who deeply censured his eccentrici ties, or even who looked upon him as an agent and a statesman with the utmost distrust or con tempt, would have been startled by the contempla tion of so large a mass of living activity and vivacity struck motionless by the mechanical violence of a moment. Should Lord Brougham have even sunk under the more ordinary visitations of disease and suffering by which God's creatures are for the most part re moved from earth, the political world must have toted down, and for some time, though perhaps no' long remembered, the disappearance of one of its busiest and most stirring. members. Our Contemporaries have made the late inhuman a falsehood (whether a written forgery, or a verbal mis representation, it matters little) the text for laboured commentaries on the Learned Lord's procedings, his life, and public character. To expatiate at length Upon such topics would require an exercise of • pen or speech, almost as cumbrous as his Lord - - ship's own productions. He has been for a period equal to that of an entire generation the most vokminous of writers, the most voluble of debaters, and of actors, if not the most efficient and suc cessful, at any rate the most restless and indefa tigable. Had he abstained from writing, speaking, and attempting, nine-tenths of • that with which he has loaded the name of Brougham, he might have ac complished in each department whereon his multi farious efforts were, in a great measure, worsted, a success as signal as his failures have been noto rious and memorable, and have enrobed himself with a graceful and flowing reputation —n o t one composed of shreds and patches, here exposing his nakedness, and there oppressing him with a griev ous and unwholesome weight. There is scarcely a subject on which Lord Brougham has not put himself forward as the *author of one or more publications—history, theo logy, metaphysics, mathematics, political economy, literary criticism, biographical criticism, constitu tional dissertation, partry controversy without end. " Omne fere scribendi genus tetigit." Alas Iwe are unable to add, " nullum quod tetigit non orna vit ." In fact, there is no one general topic dis cussed by Lord Brougham with regard to which he has contributed either substance or beauty to the thoughts which preceding writers had expended on it, Where any radiance appears to burst from him, it is but a stream of sparkles from a firework—there is neither steady light no animating warmth. For I discoveries in science, moral or physical, none who know or study this itinerant would ever dream of r B enrehin g i n any o f hi s numerous productions. For racy illustrati ons o f t h e nature or cha ' rireaeste and rofma n , even where nought but illustration of s ome truth previously recognised and acquiesced I n Might be needful, we must refer elsewhere than .to the declamatory effusions of Lord Brougham, whose faculty is that of mere expression. To him th e creative is not given. He is an advocate, and nothing more—an advocate who gains attention without inspiring any deep or enduring interest— an advocate who entertains his audience, who strives to cut away objections or obstructions by the edge of sarcasm, not by the force of reason— an advocate who can be vehement, but never ear nest, who exhibits heat of temper but not of pas sion, and could as rarely win the sympathy of jurors as he could the sober sanction of the judge. Lord Brougham has been in a perpetual whirl- Pool, created by the velocity of his own movement round his own centre. Nothing, however, has been sucked into the vortex thus formed by him but the weakest, craziest, and most diminutive craft that floated. For a man of Lord Brougham's untiring restlessness and noise and tumult, like unto the r ushing of mighty waters, no man has ever failed so Palpably in the accomplishment of any one de cided effect, beyond that of deafening the world, and keeping people alive to the circumstance that ther e was within their hearing an indefatigable and incessant paper-mill. Instead of being able to make himself a standard on which men's hopes and confidence should be fixed, and round which, in times of danger and perplexity, they should rally, this being of various vivacity and bustle has been compelled to stand, or rather to pirouette, alone—not because people have felt no want of leaders, for never was there a period when superin tending wisdom was acknowledged to be so ines timable, or a mind framed for the government of other minds would have commanded such submis sive and devout obedience—but because, after long experiment, men have found that Lord Brougham ha s the gift of speech, but not of action—because they cannot rely upon his fickle and wayward spirit ----because his co-operation is precarious, his spirit of intrigue incorrigible, his ambition wild and in definite, his absence of fixed principle and steadfast Purpos e as cons pi cuous as i t i s terr ibl e, b ot h to followers and to colleagues. • In society, as one of the most agreeable, amus ing, witty, kindly, and convivial of associates, there is no individual capable of filling the space which would have been left void by Lord Brougham's un timely exit. There are a multitude of friends who loved him for what he was and is, as there are of observers who have admired him for what he might have been. But solid post in the great political world he has none--followers he has none—reason able prospects of influence or power, or gratified ambition, he has none. There is no party, whe ther ~ Movement" or Conservative, that would venture to employ him otherwise than as a transient ally — as a partner, or a colleague, n ever . S ett i ng aside a ll a ff ect i ona t e or private feelings, those mein hers of both parties who are best acquainted with Lord Brougham, and have tried him, would, after a little while, have felt his removal a lightening of many cares and a release from many imminent em barrassments. F or it is by impulse of temper or of Pique, more of a selfish than even a capricious na- ' tore, and abstracted from all broad or distant consi- ' derations of national or general good, that the cours e of this impetuous, and in some respects formidable, adventurer on the scenes of public life . has hitherto been shaped and directed. conse (From the Morning Post.) i n Our paper of Tuesday last , we stated that we ha d - On the preceding evening despatched a special reporter into Westmoreland, who should furnish us ,with th e aut h ent i c d eta il s o f t h e acc id en t t h a t h a d happened to Lord Brougham. S ueh a step o n our p a rt may now appear to have been , prem ature an d unnecessary ; yet at th e ti me we t i nought w e had good arounds for adopting it, nor "a ve subsequent events induced us to alter our opi nion. We kne w t h at a l etter h a d been received from Mr. Shafto : we believed then, and we still . beli eve, that letter to have been genuine. At least Mr. Montgomery, to whom it was addressed, , co nsidered it aut h entic, and he has long been fami -8117 r . with th e handwriting and signature of Mr. a lt is quite true that the information con tained io that letter has since proved to have been TOE SUN, LONDON, 1 1 11U11 DAir, 0C OftEa decay" (p. 492) ; 4tyil iiierti e iticitisi:vely ai yeast, he raises his lamentation— " Age, thou Of tfiaie&'ci Rome, thou bast lost the breed of noble bloods. And thus he works his way, through successive cen sures; to the emphatie conclusion above alluded to— that by fluctuating policy, and not acting upon fixed principle, they are inevitably ruined: That the lie viewer's tactics Would not he eqaally ruinous to his party, we by no niedfis intend to assert. Out object is to show that we did not pervert his meaning; but took the passage before quoted, in strict acteedanee with the spirit of the article. Whether the writer's plan of an irregular warfare, reducing Sir Robert Peel front the head of a disciplined corps to the occasional com mandant of a band of lawless Cossacks, will answer their purpose, it is for them to consider. There is an air of d esperat i on i n t h e very propos i t i on . Such loosening of the bonds of faction is the natural fore runner of a break-up. It confesses defeat, and fore bodes dispersion. According to the RevieiVer ; the influence of the Peel policy, in present circumstances, is to frus trate the effect of a Parliamentary victory (p. 508) ; to leave the Monarchy the worse for a Ministerial defeat (p. 500); to allow the destruction of the Constitutive " the Parliament and the nation standing silent specta tors of the scene ;" to " confound the country,' end " sully their character" (p. 51 1) ; and to demoralise, debase, and harden the public mind (p. 512. Such is the Tory estimate of the Tory leader. And yet they :vould inflict on the country the calamity of having this temporising, tricky, unprincipled, and inefficient leader for its Prime Minister. And there are politicians of a different class who would tolerate him also, in the hope that the two parties would bid against each other for popularity. It would be well to inquire whether office would be more likely to make the Tories bidders for po pularity, by good measures than opposition. If in the thousand and one tricks which they play for the sake of regaining office, the expedient of popular measures is wholly passed over, it would be little likely to recommend itself to them whence once they were seated on the Treasury bench. The expectation is et variance with all experience. The penny post age question is alone sufficient to show its fallacy. After the manner in which the Tory press backed out of its previous declarations on this subject ; after the la boured sophisms of Peel in opposition to a change of which h e p ro f esse d to recogn i se the beneficial charac ter ; and after the elaborate effort of the Quarterly Re view to damage a Reform when its adoption can no longer be obstructed, it is quite clear that Toryism holds very cheap. the credit of promoting any !Ilea.' sure for the well-being of the community. It proceeds on a different plan, and bids, not for popularity, but for the support of sinister interests. In place, as in opposition, when it wants more strength, it will bid for bigots, it will bid for monopolists, it will bid for ignorance and corruption ; but it will never bid for the good-will of the people. We have a specimen of the sort of liberal competition that may be anticipated from it, in the fact that, the Whigs having made the Ballot an open question, the Tory oracle declares, that to vote for the Ballot is " regicidal." (From the Morning Advertiser.) We cannot too often repeat that we do not like the calm which at present prevails in the political world. `We fear it is of evil augury. We are apprehensive it portends a coming storm, and such a s t orm as h as no t burst on th e h ea d of the country for a long series of years. It is clear that there ought not to be a calm at the present moment. The elements of contention and discord are more rife now than they ever were at any previous period within the experience of the present generation. The Liberal party are in office ; but the Tories are movin g heaven and earth to sup plant them ; and th e friends and supporters of the ex • isting Administration must admit that they retain their situations by a very precarious tenure. Their majority on one most important question towards the close of last session, the question, namely, of a national education, was only two ; while on various other matters of the deepest interest, it was as small as twelve, and on no occasion higher than about thirty. Since then their general majority has been reduced, owing to the favourable results—favourable, we mear, to the Tories—of single elections, at which Tory machi nations and Tory corruptions almost invariably triumph. Between the gains of the Tories in this way, and the ten or twelve Membera of easy political virtue, who are always ready to side with the party whom they suppose most likely to prove the strongest, the prospects of the Melbourne Administration are certainly not of a bright complexion. They must enter on the approaching Parliamentary campaign under disadvantages of very formidable character ; and, need we say, that they who have to fight under circumstances of a disheartening kind—who feel that they are every moment liable to be defeated—cannot acquit themselves with the spirit and heroism of raen who are confident of victory ? Why do we make these admissions? Why proclaim the perilous position in which a Liberal Administration, and, above all, the Liberal interest, are at present placed ? Is it to dishearten the friends of the movemeut cause ? Is it to paralyse their hands, or to caeca them to slacken in their exertions in favour of their princi ples ? Our object is precisely the reverse. is is only by being made fully aware of danger, that the requisite precautions can be taken to escape it. What we aim at is, to arouse the Reformers from the unaccountable lethargy with which they have been seized, and under which they have laboured for some time past. This is not the time for supineness or inactivity. It ever, on the contrary, there was a moment when the closest union, and the putting forth of their greatest energies, were requisite on the part of the Reformers, the present is that moment. Again, we repeat, that the existing calm is deceitful. It is impossible, with parties so nicely balanced as they now are, both in the Legislature and the country, that another session of Parliament can pass away without some great political changes. The hosts of Tory corruption will, beyond all controversy, come into terrible collision with the reable army of Liberals, and the result of the conflict will be decisive either way. If the Tories triumph, their triumph will be lasting. The Reform cause will not only be weakened, but crushed, at least for a time. The vanquished Liberals will become disheartened, and when they may again rally their spirits, and sufficiently recruit their forces to meet their opponents on the battle-field with success, is more than we can tell. No one can contemplate without feelings of the deepest alarm the probable series of oppressions to which the nation may, in such a contingency, be subjected before the days of their domination shall have come to a close. It is for the people of England to say whether the Tories or the Liberals shall triumph in the approaching contest. If they rally round the Reform party in the Legislature, and support them with earnestness and vi gour, the triumph of Liberal principles is certain. If they do not extend such assistance to their representa tives—if they do nut make common cause with them, the Liberal cause will be trodden in the dust. (From the Morning Herald.) It will be seen by our Irish correspondence that the much talked of Papist manifestation in Cork has com menced. This convocation of the Romish clergy has been arranged, with a view, of course, to political ob jects. Mr. O'Connell will, undoubtedly, take his in. structions from the men, who, after all, sustain him in his desperate struggle against our Protestant institutions. As to the repeal cry—that is supposed to be distasteful, at the present moment, to the Romish priesthood. The time is scarcely ripe for it. That cry if prolonged, must force the Queen's Ministers into an attitude of anta gonism to the agitator ; and the Papists are not yet ready to grapple with a Conservative Government. (From the Morning Post.) To bear modern Whigs talk as they sometimes do alinut . " principles," is enough to make a misanthrope smile.- What can there be deserving the name of ,principle in men who seek popularity by asserting that the most important institutions of the country have, and ought to have, no other foundation than the ex isting national will ? If we call submission to the ea price or the temper of the day, even upon the most material points of government, by the name of prin ciple, we shall only puzzle and confound that which ought to be kept clear. There may be a principle of adaptation to fluctuating circumstances, but even then, the circumstances must be foreseen, and the mode of dealing with them determined upon. The principle of having no principle is an absurdity ; and yet this would appear to be the fundamental policy of the modern Whigs. But while these Whigs ftom time to time assert that nothing in the State should be more per manent than the popular disposition respecting it,yet when the popular disposition runs counter to their interests we do not find any alacrity on their part to yield obedience to it. And thus it happens that their course is always tortuous and false. Nor is it possible that it should be otherwise, so long as they profess that the popular will, or public opinion, or the spirit of the age, or anything of that sort, is the foundation of their policy. For it is absolutely impossible that in a continuous course of government the lie should not be practically given to this profession. It is true that policy may be modified, and the manner of conducting it considerably influenced, by the genius and temper of the times. This may be done honestly and openly, though great caution should be observed, lest the substance of sound polies. should be thus invaded upon. But as to a Government actually in conformity with the fluctuation of the popu lar will—a government of the people by the people-- the thing is as impossible as that a body should be at rest and in motion at one and the same time. What_ ever Government, therefore, professes this doctrine must inevitably act a lie. The nature of men and of things will not permit that it should be otherwise. They wlio in reality and truth bring the affairs wofillaofeomthienumnitoy_ supremeari power— intoenstucmh u a st pa b s e s that the n p , r it e b va t il h in e g they who do this have achieved andtei k o de stroyedf government, It itsie_idilee, .the ' n, c iY to ' the government of the Nature abhors such disorder ; reasontre is frnnowngso vuponernmiet r stern °l3l condemnationthemselves, a fr impiety of men who will not abide r : re ligion turns away to solitude and prayer, y s e y r s , t s e li m o , c k n e n d r a s t h the obedience to a rule. In this country there is but one plainlynd that t p, e a i r •i t l y ni l e v ii h t i :01 s the , practical principles of Go party of the Tories. VI4.:N liss''G EDITION. . ISECOND E DITION. I f---ap--- THE FUNDS.-(CLOSIiNG PRICES.) L - . BRITISH FUNDS ' rank Sto c k 17',1 ; India Suck 245W 3 per Cent Red S94 . Ditto Bonds 3 per Cent. CC iIS• lO Ditto Old Annuities....,...., 35y per Cent. Red 1175 Ditto New Annuities .. 7 ' Nei+ 3,4 per Cent 9`.% Ex. Bills, I,eoll/.......2d ...,.... 3 sus Nov s er Cent.. — , Ditto 50•.1 2 (L.s• Lang Annuitie s to expire Ditto 5001 3 pm. Jan. ;W I .................. 13 11-16 , B an k S toc k f or Opg Jan ,Ilic9 .................. I Consols for Act FOREIG N FUNDS Austrian, 5 pet cent ............ !Portuguese Bonds, sper cent. flir..lgian, 5 per cent. .............. !Ditto, New Ditto .. . Brazilian Bonds • !Prussian, 5 per cent Buenos Ayres, 6 per cent — !Russian Borids, 5 per cent —lll Chilian, 6 per cent !Ditto, !Metallic _ Colornb,an, 6 per cent - !Spanish, 5 per cent 2l/N 13 1 4 I Ditto, 1824 - ;Ditto, Deferred Danish, 3 per cent • — /French, 5 per cent. —f. —c. Greek Bonds, 1825, 5 per ct. Exchange Mexican, sper cent — I French, 3 per cent Blt. 30c. Ditto, 6 per cent., 1525 9, i, , Dutch, 214 per cent. Peruvian, 1823.6 per cent — !Ditto, 5 per cent. llo}l SHARES • •-•— Great Western Railway Ditto New Shares — London and Brighton Railway •_. ...... 16; 3 London and Croydon Railway (Trunk) ! 4 Manchester and Birmingham Railway Ditto ditto Extension sl South Eastern and Dover II. York and North Midland Railway 37 SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. (From the Globe.) . _ Recovered from the state of perturbation into which it was plunged by the heartless hoax practised upon it by the alle g ed fatal accident to Lord Brougham, the public mind now naturally . ...everts to the origin of the the disco f‘oerrgye r a s n • d o r e fraud xposu ; r e and f i r t e s q u a i u r e t h s o satisfaction t b j y ). Orsay, to whom the report was traced, has explained the part he took in the affair. We published his letter yesterjaY ; and think it due to Count D'Orsay to state that tt.e explanation it gives is candid, circumstantial, straight forward, and consequently satisfactory. But Count D'Orsay's letter implicates another party ; of whom the public have a right to demand, as no less due to himself than to the public, insulted and outraged by the contemptible and heartless hoax practised on its sym pathies, an explanation or specific contradiction of the statement of his part of the affair, so seriously affecting his honour and probity. The statement we allude to is contained in the following part of Count D'Orsay's letter to the Post— '. The facts of this business, so far as I have had any thing to do with them, arc as follow :—Mr. Mont gomery, a friend of Lord Brougham and Lord Wel lesley, called upon me on Monday afternoon in a state of the most distressing grief. He had received a letter from Mr. Shafto, dated Brougham-hall, Saturday, detailing the dreadful occurrence very nearly as it was detailed in your paper of I.his morning. Mr. Montgomery, when he calleal upon me, was on his way to Fern-hill, to communicate the contents of this letter to Lord Wellesley, and I never saw any one in a more deplorable state of grief and agitation than Mr. Montgomery was. This morning I had a letter from Mr. Montgomery, written at Fern hill, and he was as strongly as ever under the distress ing conviction of Lord Brougham's death. It has since come to my knowledge that Mr. Shafto's letter was intended as a joke. I leave others to explain the mo tives for so heartless a hoax." It will be seen by the above extract that Count D'Orsay has no suspicion that the letter was a forgery. He does not even assume that Mr. Shafto's name had been used by some unprincipled and unfeeling person to obtain credence for the string of falsehoods the letter contained. It is " Mr. Shafto's letter, dated Brougham Hall ;" and again—" Mr. Shafto's letter was intended as a joke." If these representations of the genuineness of the signature verifying the contents of the letter be founded in truth, Mr. Shafto will find that the perpretation of such outrages on public feeling as that caused by the letter in question vvillisubject the offender to consequences which any man, having a regard to persona! honour and character, would desire to avoid. The offence would subject a plebeian to the treadmill : one moving in the sphere of polite society may escape visitation from the laws ; but lie will henceforth find that some other and more satisfac tory authority than his name or word will be requisite to procure for any statement of his credence as to its integrity. The Earl of Clarendon is, we understand, to be ad mitted to a seat in the Cabinet, and to receive the ap• pointment of Lord Privy Seal. We make this an nouncement with unmixed satisfaction : the aid of the Noble Lord's well-known talent, and the confidence which his acknowledged integrity of principle properly inspires, will enable him to serve his country efficiently as a Member of the Government. DEATH OF THE. DUKE OF ARGYLL.—W e regret to have to announce the death of his Grace the Duizo of Argyll, which took place on the 22d inst. His Grace was in his 72d year. having been born in Sep tember, uuti. He succeeded to the family titles and estates in 1806, on the death of his father, John, ' the fifth Duke ; he has left no issue by his mar riage, and is succeeded by his next brother, Lord John Campbell, who is married, and has issue several children ; his eldest son is in his niiieteeni.h year. The late Peer was Duke and Earl of Argyll, Marquis of Lorn and Kintyre,. Earl of Campbell and Cowal, Viscount of Locher and Glenilla, Baron Campbell, and Baron of Lorn, Inverary, Mull, Morven, and Tiry, in the Peerage of Scotland ; he sat in the British House of Peers as Baron Sundridge and Hamilton ; he was also a G,C.8., a Privy Coun cillor, Keeper of the Great Seal of Scotland, Keeper of Dunstaffnage and Carrick, Lord Lieutenant, Vice- Admiral of the Coast, and Hereditary Sheriff of Argyle shire, Lord Steward of the Household, one of the Keepers of the Crown and Regalia of Scotland, and an Official Trustee of th e B r i t i s h Museum. (From the Courier.) Some days since we took occasion to draw the atten tion of the public to the difficulties which the new Go vernor-General of the Canadas bad to encounter, and to his deplorable deficiencies, physically and mentally, for the task. It would seem, that the Ministry at home, with its peculiar infelicity of selection for public duties, had contrived to misplace the most unfit person possible in the most arduous office out of Great Britain ; and with the like infelicity which pervades almost all its acts of practical government, to displace the most efficient man that could be found for the tranquillization of the Cana das, under the embarrassing circumstances of their po sition in respect to the parent country in their allegiance, to the United States in their temptations, and to each other in their rivalry. This state of things nannot fail to give alarm to all thinking men in this country. .If it is to be made a question whether it is worth while for Great Britain to retain her colonies or not, let that goes-- tion he fairly brought before the British public, and we shall be ready to argue it. But if it is wise to consider the Colonies as of so great value to the British Crown, that !heir loss would go far to d es t ro y G rea t Britain as a g re a t an d independnt power, would strike a fatal blow at her commercial prosperity, and spread distress and ruin throughout her population, then too much caution cannot be taken to conciliate our colonial interests at home and abroad. Is there any man hold enough to assert that the recent appointment of the Go vernor-General of the Canadas is ealculated.to produce that conciliation, and that respect for the authority of the parent country, which are so particularly desirable in the present position of Canada ? Is it' not' 'fititorious that the appointment has given the greatest , dissptis faction, a ) ihis excited the greatest fy ri a4{ home and abroa d It is with pain and reluctance that we make observations which seem to lii, c lesP c 'ecially pointed at an individual ; but it is the question of the preservation or the loss of tee 4f . the most important of the British Colonies Oat we have to deal with : all personal considvrationi . must give way to the paramount importance Of ibis consideration. These colonies are in dange-tiod in endeavouring- to rouse the public attention to this fact, • we do hut repeat the general opinion when we .say, that reparation of Ministerial misgovernment, and of Lord Durham's perilous imprudences, would task the energies of a statesman of much greater calibre and loftier pre tensions than Mr. Thomson. --- (From the Standard.) We have frequently bad to complain of the heart less, unmanly, and indecent liberties, taken with the Queen's name by those who are loudest, in their pro fess:ons of loyalty and affection to her Majesty. The most flagrant outrage of the kind that we have yet seen is, however, the following passage in a late speech of Mr. O'Connell's, at Cork : " They all must remember the cries of The Kirg, God bless him !' which used to issue as the watchword of that faction, and for any one who dared to speak a word against him the black hole was too good, and the lash and the torture merely a fit requital. But where had the loyalty of those men gone to now ? It had completely vanished, and they eagerly entered into every plot and every chambermaid conspiracy ; and even when the purity of the Royal mind was such as to lead her to shudder at the appearance of vice, and because she was too good to tolerate even its appearance about her, that miserable malignant faction still clung to their calumny ; nay, they would, as he had said before, deprive their Sovereign of her life if they possessed the power.—(Hear, hear.)" There can be no doubt that Mr. O'Connell here alludes to the melancholy case of the injured. Lady Flora Hastings, and that be directly imputes to his in- noccnt Sovereign the cruelty and injustice of which the lamented Lady Flora was the victim, and which Lady Portman and Sir James Clarke have yet only dared to insinuate against her Majesty. As to the rest, let Lords Melbourne and Headfort write a commentary upon Mr. O'Connell's text, and they may call in to help them Mr. Robert Owen, the apostle of " Socialism," whom the Primicr lately introduced to his maiden Queen. A son of Dr. Rodney, of Dublin (a very intelli gent young gentleman), is appointed Secretary to Mr. Afore o'Po-rat, M.P., at the Admiralty Boa r d,— Evening Paper. 4