The Sun. — London, England, 1836-05-18 00:00:00

di stribution of th e force in question, and not at all applicable wthe existi ng state of society in Ireland. The clause took the the p ower from the Lord Lieutenant of increasing !he constabulary force in districts where it might be want !ll, though he was tolerably sure their Lordships did not intend to produc e that effect. He would theref ore p ro - Pose to remedy this by the addition of an amendment which would provide that wherever the force, in a particular Philty or district, had been increased by proclamation, or an application fr om t h e l oca l mag i stracy to the Lord Lieutenant the latt er s h ou ld h ave the power of meeting the exigency that might still continue to exist, by keeping up that force to its present amount. .Colonel PERCEVA L and Mr. F. FRENCH called his Lord ship's attention to the wording of particular clauses in the amended Bill. Lord MORPETH explained. A ll'• JACKSON said that if the Noble Lord would not j e xcept the F r i en dl y B rothers ' Society he would move an ad u'lntent of the House. .Colonel PERCEVAL said that the Orange Society, as be ing a political society, might be excluded, but the Friendly Brothers' Society, which was merely social, did not come under the regulations. The F r i e ndly Brothers' Societies, w hich were memerely social, had spread over the country, and Were not objectionable on p o liti ca l groun d s . After a few words from the CHANCELLOR of the Ex cliEntlEa, and Mr. O'LOUGHLIN, Colonel COLE moved that the House be counted, which• was carried, and there being only 31 Members present, The House then adjourned, at a Quarter before One o'Clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, Mar 17. _ The Earl of S HAFTESBURY too k hi s seat on th e wool 'lack at a few minutes to Four o'Clock. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. , A Message f rom th e C ommons b roug ht u p th e Cl y d e 14 avigation Bill, with the Lords' amendments, to which the C ommons had agreed ; also the Dawlish and Teignmouth 11 .°ad Bill, the British Alkali Company Bill, and th e bukinfield Waterworks Bill. The Bills on their Lordships' table were advanced a stage. PLURALITIES AND BENEFICES. On the motion of the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, the Pluralities and, Benefices Bill was read a third time and Passed. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY presented a peti tion from Belfast, praying for the commutation of the Punishment of death. The petition was signed by an in dividual with whom he understood the Noble Earl uPposite (Mulgrave) was intimate during his tour int o that Part of tie country ; and he was rather sur- Pised, knowing that the Noble Earl was about to Proceed to attend his Parliamentary duties, that it had not keen entrusted to him for presentation. The petition was i ngued by Mr. Finlay, proprietor of the Northern Whig, a gentleman who, by his writings, had tended much to set that Part of the country in a flame. He begged to ask the Noble Earl whether that gentleman (Mr. Finlay) was 'pot about to be appointed to a stamp office under the Noble Lord's patronage ? Earl MULGRAVE had no objection to answer the question of the Noble Lord. He might have seen the gen tleman to whom the Noble Lord alluded, but he bad not the honour of being an intimate acquaintance of his, al though. he h a d no d ou b t h e was a very respecta bl e man. With respect to his (Earl Mulgrave) having given Mr. /inlay a stamp office, he had not done so, and for this re ason, although many others might perhaps be given, the Place was not in his (Earl Mulgrave's) gift.—(A laugh.) . fl, Lard LOND ONDERRY, as we understood, would floe an opportun i ty i n the course of the night's debate, of l 'rioging the charges against the Noble Earl before their Lordships' B ar . H e cou ld not place the least confidence in the Noble Lord's Administration, and with respect to the case of Mr. Gore Jones, to which he had on a former oc casion called their Lordships' attention,he must say that by the Noble Lord's appointment in that case, he had grossly insulted the Magistrates of the County Down. Earl MULGRAVE was perfectly ready to enter upon ?;8 defence whenever the Noble Lord thought proper to bring the matter forward, and he trusted he should be able to discuss it with perfect temper, and with a recollection of the ancient terms of intimacy which had subsisted between himself and the Noble Lord. He complained of the want of courtesy in not giving him notice of the petition which he had presented en that subject.—(The conversation here dropped). CHURCH DISCIPLINE. The Bishop of EXETER wished to ask the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, whether or not any measure Would be shortly brought under consideration on the sub ,iect of Ecclesiastical discipline ? He had himself felt the Inconvenience of the present system, during the last two or three years, and he wished to know if any hope might be ea tertained of a speedy remedy. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the Bill for the Ref o r in th e E cc l es i astical Courts bad been postponed, so th at it and th e Bill a b out which the Right Rev. Prelate en quired, s h ould be introduced and passed through the Bill h i se together. He had thi s morn i ng t h e draft o f the I .ti his h an d s, and he could assure him as little time as possible would be allowed to elapse before its introduction. Petitions S ABBATH OBSERVANCE. wer e p ti nns for the b e tt er o b servance o f t h e L or d' s D ay L EN, reSe nted by L ord ELLENBOROUGH, the Earl of Ro and the Marquis of BuTE. Th e M a Con from thrqu'VisAN DIEM E N'S LAND. that sop, of CLANRICARDE presented a pea ' I nhabitants of Van Diemen's Land, praying role s 'e eontroul might be allowed them over the rove r of theiraised in th at colony. It was a subject well worthy attention L dships, and of his Majesty's Minis ters,, or M m ne petitio n was, h owever, w i t hd rawn, on account o f einformality. Th e E art of THE CANADAS. ABERDEEN wished to correct a mistake u e. nact ' n ,nught lead t o some misunderstan di ng on t h e su bj ect o f a e a ll uded to a statement made in the other House o Th f Pe arlia.ment by the Under Secretary of the Colonies. c o° st !,bJeet under discussion referred to the Legislative Journals of Lower Canada, and it was stated in the public ..onreials that the Hon. Baronet to whom he alluded men q d, in the course of his speech, that the instructions f ‘, maven to Lord Gosford did not essentially differ from those i l o en to L or d A mherst. Without denying that the instruc t° n , i s generally were couched in the same spirit, he felt bound j a'L 7nY most s t rong l y t h at upon t h e quest i on o f t h e L eg i s - T e Coun c il th ey were ent i re l y diff erent. lastel/xi GLENELG was not aware what had taken place " night upon t h at part i cu l ar quest i on. He scarce l y `etight that his Hon. Friend the Under Secretary could said that upon the point of the Legislative Council, 4,l7rlnstructions were of the same natu re ; u p on th a t point e was a clear distinction. HIGII SHERIFF OF WEXFORD. l. the Earl o f WI NCHILSEA , i n pursuance of t h e no ' r ee he h a d b efore given, now rose to present a petition from P. Leigh, j un ., E sq., comp l a i n i ng of being remoaed 1 :11 the office of High Sheriff of Wexford, after having been urinated to it, and approved of by the Lord Lieutenant. g: Petiti on h av i ng b een read, the Noble Earl sa i d i t u a t with unfeigned regre t, th a t f rom a sense o f public 1,,r 3', he %ye s o bli ge d to b r i ng t h e case o f t h e pet i t i oner w 're the H ouse . I t must b e i n t h e i r L or d s hi ps ' reco ll ec t - " that h e h a d b roug h t t h e case b e f ore the H ouse upon 0 form er occas i ons . H e ment i one d t h at now i n or d er to ch ew fts th e N o bl e E a rl w h ose con d uct was comp l a i ne d o f, " 1/1 t he had not gone out o f hi s w ay in order to seek the . p r esent opportunity ; he had received no satisfactory expla ttieo then, or the present notice of the case would not —4 ve been brought on. He had given those opportunities in order to see the Government state the public grounds Pon which suc h an ou t rage h a d been committed upon the eel itlgs of this gentleman, both public and private. The pe titioner state d t h at f rom some source b e c ollected :h at he had been removed on the ground of his being Orangeman—( Hear, hear, hear,) —he complained ti. ` that, f or h e most strongly den i ed that h e b e l onge d t o _ n _at soci e t y. I f such were the groun d s o f hi s remova l, o a nd the .Government. bad found out that they were in error, 1. 4 Ought in justice to that gentleman to have taken either o pportunities afforded them, to have come forward and o ' 4l his wounded feelings. On booking at the returns 41 1 the table, he felt bound to call the attention of ,e House to the unaralleled manner in which the i Noble Earl at the head of the Irish Government had n *Tiered, most unconstitutionally, in the appointments of c "ill's in that country. He had deviated in the most ü b n- Costitutional manner from the invariable rule practised lis t s a predecessors, viz.,---that of departing from the ITeich were sent in by the Judges of the counties Could only state that he sincerely hoped the Noble Earl ld be able to give a satisfactory explanation of the purse lie bad thought proper to pursue ; because he must maintain if' no satisfactory explanation took place, that the ni rse that had been adopted by the Noble Earl was one of ti_est ungracious, and he had almost said of an unconstitu t,eual character.—(Hear.) He denied that it was i n ". power of the Crown to make a selection for Sheriff ‘ '' ll lt a b l out reference to the Judges ; this was not his indivi with ° Pmion, but it had been decided in many cases. In one serverespect to Lincol, a person who bad been appointed to ctsi _ ; as Sheriff by the n King refused to do so, and upon the c „" i _uon of the Judges being taken, they were unanimously of irtnn.inol;ittetldiat the King in appointing a person as Sheriff an error. It was true that since that . 10 (1 that opinion had been differed from, because, in the i n elg Pf Queen Elizabeth, when the Judges could not sit v estrninster Hall in consequence of the plague, the e.,e,!1 nominated the Sheriffs herself. Unless, therefore, re: ' 01 ) 1 e Earl could set aside all that had hitherto taken ce in the (Lerd ele c ti on o f Sh er iffs, be must say that in his W inchilsea's) opinion, he had exercised a most proper authority, especially when it was considered that the fife persons named by the Noble Earl were the decided supporters of his Majesty's present Government.—(Hear.) He did not mean to enter into the consideration of whether the gentleman was a Member of the Orange Society or not, and he did not deny the authority that was vested in the Noble Earl ; but he thought it was a a very extraordinary stop s to take—that a gentleman having been once appointed, to remove him from an office, when at that time he had not been declared by the Crown, or any officer of the Crown, to have been guilty of any offence. This question was one of great constitutional impprtance, and ho hoped it would be in the Noble Earl's power to afford a satisfactory elucidation of the different facts he had stated. The Earl of MU LGRAVE would commence by return ing thanks to the Noble Earl for the very courteous manner in which he had brought the subject forward. The Noble Earl's observations separated themselves into two heads, Ist. with regard to the general list of Sheriffs, and the selection made from it by the Lord Lieutenant ; and secondly, with regard to this particular case. He meant first of all to say a few words on the general head, and upon this he would commence by stating that though the law was probably the same in the two countries, nothing could more distinctly differ than the practice of appointing the Sheriffs of London and Dub lin. The Sheriffs in Ireland were never appointed by any meeting of the Judges, or any persons representing the Exe cutive. The first name on the list was always taken. He had, exercising the power he conceived vested in him, taken a new ground of objection to the Judges' list. He felt it his duty to exclude from the high office of Sheriff any one and every one who was connected with a secret political society. The whole responsibility of this measure he took upon himself, and would abide by it. He suggested to his Majesty's Government the line he meant to take, and it received their full approbation.—(Hear, hear.) Upon that approbation he acted. He appealed to the law officers of the Crown, and men of high judicial station, and he had their concurrence for deviating from the recommendation of the Judges in certain ca s es . H e , th ere f ore , felt himself justified in not applying to the Judges again. But his con duct was not without precedent. In 1830 the gentleman recommended as Sheriff for Tyrone was objected to, and his nomination was cancelled. So, in the county of Lime rick, a Mr. Lyons, who was appointed, was superseded for the Knight of Glynn by the Duke of Northumberland. In 1830 the Marquis Wellesley appointed, in some cases, gen tlemen as Sheriffs in place of those recommended by the Judges. All this showed that the recommendation of the Judges was not constitutionally or legally binding on the Lord Lieutenant. Then as to the case of Mr. Leigh— it was publicly known that he intended to appoint Mr. Leigh, and for several weeks previously he received memo rials from different parts of the county of Wexford, stating three grounds of objection to the proposed appointment. First, that Mr. Leigh was believed to be an Orangeman ; secondly, that he was a strong political partisan ; and, thirdly, that he possessed no property in the county. In answering these memorials be stated that he could net act upon either of the three grounds of objection, and therefore Mr. Leigh, up to the day before the publication of the lists, was to be the High Sheriff of Wcxford. On that day he heard through the Solicitor-General of Ireland, who learnt it from some other gentleman, that Mr. Leigh belonged to an Orange Lodge, and that the gentleman in question could point out the Lodge to which he belonged. Under these circumstances, and acting under the belief that Mr. Leigh was an Orangeman, he (the Earl of Mulgrave) thought it his duty to pass him over,: and he appointed another gen tleman, in every respect qualified—possessing more property in the county than Mr. Leigh, and who was willing to take upon himself the duties of the office. There were at that time some circumstances connected with the county of Wexford which, though they would not have induced him to sanction any injustice towards Mr. Leigh, would have made him extremely unwilling to except him from the rule which he had laid down with respect to the exclusion of Orangemen. It was stated in the petition that Mr. Leigh had appointed Mr. Reid his Sub-Sheriff. It was most de sirable that gentlemen who filled that office should possess both , temper and discretion ; but a short time previously this gentleman had shown a singular want of temper and discretion. Mr. Reid was employed by a gentleman of the name of Howe to levy a distress, and he seized several stacks of corn. 'An auction commenced, but, there being no bidders, this Mr. Reid, in the face of the people, deli berately set fire to the stacks. This case he thought was one completely unparallelled, and which of itself was suffi cient to show that Mr. Reid should cease to be the Sub- Sheriff of Wexford. He was not aware that he had left untouched any points to which the Noble Earl had alluded. If, however, in the course of the discussion any further observations should be made by Noble Lords opposite, he trusted that he should receive the indulgence of the House, and be permitted to answer them. In regard to this individual case, he very much reg retted that Mr. Lei g h should feel himself hurt by what had taken place. It had never been his intention to act unjustly towards him. He had proceeded alone from the belief that the information conveyed to him placed beyond all doubt the fact that Mr. Leigh was an Orangeman. He would now, through the Noble Earl, express to Mr. Leigh his regret—for he sup posed he was bound to adopt the allegation in the petition —that he bad been misinformed on the subject. Viscount STRANGFORD said that he should explain to the •House the case which had occurred in the year 1829. In that year Mr. Lloyd, one of the Members for the county of Limerick, died, and in January, 1830, a vio lent contest took place between Colonel O'Grady and the late Mr. Massey Dawson. Colonel O'Grady was returned by a small majority, but he was subsequently displaced, on petition, by Mr. Massey Dawson. A general election in the year 1831 was then considered inevitable, and Colonel O'Grady wcs in the field as an avowed candidate. From the very circumstance of there having been a contested election the Government was bound to be particular in the choice of a Sheriff, particularly in a county where a Judge's son was a candidate. Accordingly the return was passed over. In doing this it was quite clear that his Ma jesty's Government had no political' end in view, for what they did was to appoint to the office the Knight of Glynn, a Catholic Emancipator, a Reformer, and one of the few members of the Grand Jury who had signed a requisition in favour of Reform in Parliament. This occurred dur ing the Lord Lieutenancy of the Duke of Northumberland. The Earl of RODEN said that he greatly regretted that a high officer of the Crown should have been guilty .of a dereliction of duty in passing over the usual, natural, and constitutional course which had always been pursued in the appointment of sheriffs of the different counties in Ire land. The first phantom that so much frightened the Noble Earl was, that an individual belonged to an Orange Society. He (the Earl of Roden) would say that the indi viduals of which those societies were composed had at heart, quite as much as the Noble Earl, the interests and welfare of their country. The Noble Earl, he supposed, imagined that an Orangeman was incapable of discharg in g the duties of sheriff. The Noble Earl, he should say, had acted most ungracionsly in passing over the opinion of the twelve Judges of Ireland, and why the Noble Earl had done so, he confessed be had not, heard satisfactorily ex plained during the present discussion. The Noble Earl had said that this gentleman possessed no property. He (the Earl of Roden) was informed that his father derived an income from the county of Wexford of at least 5,0001. per annum. He sincerely regretted that any circum stances should have arisen to call from the resident gentry of Ireland any feeling against the person appointed by his Majesty to govern Ireland ; but he hoped that after the statement which had fallen from his Noble Friend, the Noble Earl would see the necessity of going back to the old and constitutional mode of consulting the Judges of the land in the appointment of sheriffs. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that as the sub ject of the appointment of sheriffs had been referred to by the Noble Earl who had just sat down he should make one or two observations for the purpose of setting the Noble Earl right, with respect to the point that the mode of ap pointment was similar in both countries. With respect to England, lie never understood that it was not within the prerogative of the Crown to appoint as sheriffs under any circumstances persons who had not been recommended by the Judges. Such appointments had undoubtedly been made by the present Government, and he believed by the precedinr , Government. In a great many instances the Crown had exercised the power of appointing sheriffs sum marily. Whether the Crown had power to compel per sons so appointed to act, was a question which be was not now prepared to answer. The Noble Earl had stated that he understood the law and practice was uniform in England and Ireland. In this he could assure the Noble Earl be had been mistaken. He (the Marquis of Lans downe) believed that there was no law which prevented the Crown from appointing in Ireland persons without any recommendations whatever.—(llear, hear, hear.) By the first of Henry VII. all the existing laws with reward to the appointment of sheriffs were abrogated, for the purpose of vesting the appointment in the Crown. From that time it had remained vested in the Crown, and no Act of Par liament had since been passed which divested the Crown of that power. Undoubtedly it did so happen that abuses prevailed, and that Sir Robert Peel, when be went to Ire land, though he did not introduce an Act altering the law on the subject, expressed a wish, in fact laid down a rule, by which the Judges were required to communicate with the Government, and to give their advice in the appoint ment of the sheriffs.—(Hear, bear.) His Noble Friend had stated to the House the peculiar circumstances under which be exercised the power in the case of Mr. Leigh. He had exercised it upon creditable information, and at a time which admitted of no delay. He therefore thought that his Noble Friend stood fully acquitted, and that be had th e satisfaction of knowing. that if any mistake had bee n committed, it would not be attended with any coil consequences or any inconvenience. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said that the eon duct of the present Government had disgusted the people of Ireland, particularly the inhabitants of the northern pro• vinces. The appointment of constables had been in the proportion of ten Catholics to one Protestant. He also complained that an •officer at the Castle of Dublin had been removed, after a service of between thirty and forty years, without any cause. The Noble Marquis also stated that an insult had been put upon the magistracy of Ireland, in the proceedings which had been adopted in the case of Mr. Gore Jones. The Earl of MULGRAVE said he supposed the Noble Marquis alluded to the removal of a most respectable gen tleman, Sir Stewart Bruce. That gentleman, who had held the office of Gentleman Ushel' at Dublin Castle, was re moved on account of his.advanced age. He had taken tie trouble to procure a return of the number of constables ap pointed since he had held the office of Lord Lieutenant. The number was, Protestants 91, and Catholics 21. Dis missed, 1 Catholic ; Constables promoted—Protestants 2, Catholic 1. An allusion had been to the transfer of the Assistant Barristers. He (the Earl of Mulgrave) had made these transfers because he had resolved not to appoint any' Assistant Barristers to a county in the circuit in which he had practised. He had also a return of the number of Assistant Barristers appointed. Two Catholics and four Protestants had been appointed. One Mr. A. Lyle had subsequently been promoted. He did not take any merit to himself for these appointments. He had only endeavoured to select the most efficient persons, and he thought it would have been unwise to exclude any because they were Catholics, or be cause they were Protestants. With respect to the case of Mr. Gore Jones, he had every reason to believe the magis trates were satisfied. Mr. Gore Jones had given evidence before a Committee,:which the magistrates thought threw a slur on them. The magistrates, instead of applying to him (the Earl of Mulgrave) thought fit to direct the public at tention to the matter. Mr. Gore. Jones then thought proper to prosecute them for a libel. Ile (Lord Mut grave) had not felt himself justified in ordering an investi gation, either by means of a:Committee of the House of Commons or in a Court of Law, and he had consequently declined to interfere in the matter further than to remove Mr. G. Jones from his situation iu the county. He had seen a Right Hon. Gentleman, with whom he certainly wa s not politically connected, but who was then one of the Members for the city of Dublin, and from whom he learnt that it would be impossible for the magisteatcs and Mr. G. Jones to go on together. Upon that information he had deemed it fit to remove Mr. Jones, not thereby intending to express any opinion as to that gentleman's conduct, nor meaning that he should remain unemployed, for he (the Earl of Mulgrave) meant to employ him. He believed him to be an efficient officer.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord opposite (the Marquis of Londonderry) had said something of an intention to appoint Mr. Jones to the county of Down. Now he could: assure the Noble Lord he had no more intention of making such an appointment than of selecting the Noble Lord himself for the sheriff of the county of Down. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said a few words in explanation which we did not hear. The Earl of MULGRAVE continued—The newspa pers from which the Noble Lord had collected his informa tion were then misinformed and incorrect in their state ments. As to his (the Earl of Mulgrave's) reception at Ulster, he would say that he was perfectly satisfied with it, and the best proof of that was that he meant to go there again. He wished to say one word to the Noble Viscount opposite, who seemed to imagine that he (the Earl of Mul grave) imputed something like blame to the Government of the Noble Duke. Now nothing could be further from his intention—neither did he mean in the slightest degree to make any insidious reflections upon the Orange society. He sincerely respected the Noble Earl who was so inti mately connected with that institution, for his straightfor ward public conduct ; and to the society itself he enter tained no feelings of dislike further than that it was a se cret, exclusive, political' society—(Hear)—and conse quently he should not have felt himself justified in appoin-. ting any person to the office of Sheriff who continued a member of that institution. He felt happy at having the opportunity of confirming with his own mouth what had been said before, that no man could feel more inclined to forget all that was past in reference to that subject. He had no desire to withhold an appointment from any one on the ground that he had once been an Orangeman. In proof of the sincerity of that desire he could state that already he had appointed a Nobleman, formerly connected with the Orange Institution, upon a declaration that that connection had ceased, to the office of Lord Lieutenant. He was anxious to do all in his power to confirm and strengthen the sound advice which had been given by the Noble Earl and Illustrious Duke opposite to the brethren, on the occasion of the late dissolution of the Orange Society ; and he had therefore taken no retrospect of any statutable offences at the last Assizes. Henceforth he trusted a spirit of tran quillity might be preserved in the country, and that Irish men would be united as Irishmen.—(Hear.) He was not aware that be had any thing further to address to their Lordships, and he begged pardon for having detained them so long, but he had been anxious to make his statement to the House upon this subject. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY explained. The Earl of WI NCHI LSEA replied, and the petition was laid upon the table. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS (IRELAND) :BILL. The Report of this Bill was brought up by the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, and received. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that it had been usual to consider Wednesday as a day on which no impor tant business was to be brought forward, and that that prac tice had been adopted for the convenience of his Majesty's servants. The consequence of that understanding was that he and other Noble Lords were in the habit of making en gagements for that day. Now, under these circumstances, he begged to ask the Noble Marquis opposite, whether he would have any objection to reserve the third reading o f this Bill until Friday ? There were many persons besides himself who, lie knew, were engaged on Wednesday ? The Marquis of LANSDOWNE opposed the sugges tion of the Noble Duke, and, after a desultory conversa tion, in which Lord Ellenborough, Lord Holland, Lord Lyndhurst, the Earl of Haddington, and the Duke of Richmond took part, it was ultimately determined that the third read reading should take place to-morrow (this day.) The Duke of RICHMOND gavo notice that on the third reading he should move the same amendment as he had moved on a previous night, for giving Corporations to the large towns. Their Lordships then adjourned at half-past seven. STAMP DUTY.—The reduction is a boon, a very great boon indeed to the provincial Press, for which it must be ever grateful to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.—Stajr)rd shire Examiner. SPAIN REVISITED.—This is an amusing work, by the author of " A Year in Spain." This traveller writes with great buoyancy of spirit, and describes what he beheld with great animation and some share of wit. Ile is not a h e avy statistical calculator, nor does he linger on the road to cull simples or collect a herbal. His narrative consists of anec dotes of individuals, adventures at posadas, descriptions of public buildings and institutions, sketches of roadside scenery, & c . Ile is a shrewd observer of men and manners, and his observations arc the result of experience :.nd judgment. The book will prove very satisfactory to a large class of readers.— Times. We received, on Saturday, a regular file of papers from the Cape of Good Hope to the beginning of March. The paper of the 27th of the preceding month furnishes us with the particulars of an extensive journey into the interior by Mr. D. Hume, in which he penetrated much further to the east ward than any trader who had preceded him. Ile describes the country as highly beautiful, salubrious, and fertile, and re markably well wooded and watered. At a distance of 31 days' journey from Lattakoo, he came to a river called the Peban, meandering through a delightful tract of country, clothed with luxuriant vegetation, and which, after receiving many tributary streams, flowed through the mountain chain which stretches through this part of the continent, and shortly afterwards falls into the Lamporpo, which then takes a course due north to a distance which has never been ascertained. Mr. Hume tra versed its banks until he had reached more than n degree be yond the tropic. He describes this stream as the Nile of this part of Africa, as without it the immense tract of country through which it flows would be perfectly uninhabitable. The Peban is a remarkably fine stream—the face of the country is highly embellished, and its banks had been occupied by a dense population, all of whom at the period of Mr. Ilume's arrival, had fled to the mountains, under apprehension of an attack from the people of Masselikatsi. Although the country was clothed with luxuriant pasturage, there were few cattle, the cultivation of the soil being almost the sole support of the inhabitants, and the principal grain sown is millet. Pumpions, melons, and calabashes are also produced, and the neighbourhood abounds with game and wild animals, amongst which are the lion, elephant, and r hi noceros ; an d the rivers abound with hippopotami and alli ga t ors . Th e mo untainous region in the neighbourhood was infested by a flying insec t, supposed to belong to the order hy meno pt e r a , t h e sting or bites of which is attended by fatal effects both to cattle and horses. He speaks of the disposition of Masselkiatsi towards Europeans as being extremely favourable to the prosecution of researches in this part of Africa. Mr. Bulwer's " Devereux" forms the twelfth volume of " Colburn's Modern N ove li s t s ," an d a no bl e p ro duction it is. With us it has ever be en an es p ec i a l f avour it e ;we delight inits minute analysis o f h uman mot i ves , i ts master y over cha racter, and the thrilling i n t eres t o f it s stor y. In all his heroines, and no on e ever gave more o f poetry to women than Mr. Bulw cr , we d o no t thi n k h e h as ever excee ded the graceful, the spiritual, the devoted Isaura. And with hew noble a pr e f ace h as he introduced thi s e diti on ! It throws . a " dim religiou s li g ht" upon it s aut h or ' s c h arac t er . It Is touched, we hope, with the poet's melancholy, rather than the philosopher's. We remember nothing more beautiful than his remarks upon the inefficiency of words to convey the bright ness and beauty of thought, ending with this striking and memorable expression—" Man made the language ? and God the genius. "._Court Journal. TE' SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 1k36. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. ' In the tone of the most unprincipled Tory journal t indicated the exi s t ence o f an apprehen sion in that quarter that the h ere dit ar y a b et t ors o f abuse is i clearly e have, in their zeal to do public mischief, over-, ste pp e d the 'limits of prudence, and done damage to their own already fractured cause, in the attempt to crush the great principle of liberty, civil and religious, in these realms. We yesterday looked in vain, through the columns of the hireling paper in question, for a defence of the Copley scheme of corporate annihilation, which, but a little week ago, was eulogised as the per fection of scuud policy, and held no to the gaze of ad miring corruptionists as the beau ideal of enlightened statesmanship. Where we expected to find a high flown panegyric, under circumstances that, from honesty, would extract an impassioned vindication, lo ! there was nothing more than a snivelling attempt at smartness. For reasons - sufficiently understood by the public, Lord Lyndhurst was puffed, and the cunning of the learned charlatan contrasted with the manly and increnious candour of the Presi .s3 ___ dent of the Council. We can pardon this helping the lame dog over the stile, and we are sure Lord Lansdowne will forgive it, more especially since the mercenary calumniator of the Cabinet did not ven ture on, this occasion to brawl, in its usually uncouth fashion, against the course which the Noble Marquis avowed his intention to pursue, in reference to the psettdo•amendments framed by the prime schemer of the Carlton Club, for the destruction of Murfieipal Government in Ireland. As long as the Tore or gans avoid misrepresenting the conduct of Govern ment and of Reformers generally, they may indulge in personal abuse to the top of their bent, without provoking a rebuke or reply from the Liberal party. Nay, we shall with some sort of pleasure read these literary onslaughts, as they always indicate a dread on the part of the Tories to grapple with reason, or to condemn measures which have manifestly attracted public approbation. That the Ministerial measure for the purification of the corporate system in Ireland, and the declaration of Lord Lansdowne that Ministers will not soil • their hands by touching the noxious amendments" of the Carlton Club, have won the approval of the country, must, we think, appear pal pable to any one—be he Whig, or Tory, or Radical —who has scanned the editorial columns of the Tory Press of the metropolis published yesterday. The Standard, instead of pouring its pious wrath upon the head of the Minister, for denouneinr, the fraudulent propositions of the ex-Chancellor, devotes a couple of " mortal columns" to Maria Monk (so charitable is your Tory saint, that he makes it a rule to let virtue defend herself, while all his powers arc put forth in defence of the profligate), and a canting parson named Martin, who has, it seems, been accused of using potent gold rather than Scripture in making converts to orthodoxy ; the twaddler of the Herald has vented his ire on our foreign diplomacy—a science in which Grandmamma is so profound an adept ; " Zeta," of the Post, has fallen beneath a paralytic stroke ; " Runnymede" has given holiday to his• rhodomen tade, and the roarer of Printinghouse-square is as gentle as a sucking dove. Indeed, the last of these worthies has essayed a diversion in favour of the unfor tunate Tories, and in lieu of a swaggering " leader," pointing out the abomination of granting a participa tion in British institutions to eight millions of British subjects, the world is favoured with a . lugubrious dis quisition upon Irish Tithes. At a more fitting time we shall take this thesis to pieces, and-point out the numerous actual and relative falsehoods with which it abounds ; but at present we have one iron in the and shall not play the enemy's game by letting that cool. The question which now engrosses the attention of the empire, solely concerns municipal reform in the sister country ; and the dexterous attempt of the Titnrs to put the public on a different scent, is itself proof pregnant of the dismay which the frank and patriotic declaration of the President of the Council has carried into the ranks of the corrup- tionists. Emboldened by former concussions to their vicious caprice, the Tories laid to their souls the flattering unction, and worked themselves into a belief, that as the change they effected in the Bill for the reform of municipalities in Great Britain was, for peace-sake,. acquiesced in by Ministers and the House of Commons, the plan of wholesale destruction which they invented against the civic institutions of Ireland, would, almost as a motter of course, be accepted by Government and the representatives of the nation. One of the journals in their livery, actually boasted, within a week, that the wordy opposition to the Copley scheme WILS mere bravado, put on to cover cowardice ; and c onfidently informal its readers that the King's Ministers and the Commons would defile their cha racter, and, after some blustering, gladly concur in the nefarious " amendments." And what is the nature of these " a mendments," forged in corruption's smithy, which the Reformers of England were thus taunted by the Tory scribe with a readiness to accept ? They have been wrought upon the principle that an integral portion of the empire should be governed in provincial fashion, and. thrt a third of the King's subjects at home arc unfit for freedom, because, forsooth, the majority of them happen to profess a forum of the Christian faith which squires not with our own notions of orthodoxy, but which has already been solemnly decreed by several Acts of Par liament not to be hostile to the peace of society, or to the welfare of these united islands, or incompatible with the possession of British liberty, and the due dis charge of those various duties which attach to British citizenship. This is the leading principle upon which the amendment-mongers proaecded. It has been re pudiated by the responsible advisers of the Crown ; and it only remains for the House of Commons and the people themselves to aid the Administration in their glorious struggle for popular rights, by declaring their abhorrence of the principle and clauses of Lord Lynd hurst's Bill, and their determination to extend to Ire land that beneficial system of corporate government which has already been established in Great Britain, and has worked so well here ; or, by their apathy, to frustrate the salutary intentions of the reforming Ca binet, to paralize its energies, to inflict upon Ireland gross insult that will fester for centuries, and produce a gangrene in the right arm of the empire, and finally to restore again the broken crutch of Toryism, and re-es tablish the ascendancy of that party, the history of whose past sway is written in the blood of the people ; who have fattened upon public plunder, andgloated upon oppression ; to whose ears the sweetest music has ever been the wail of the tortured ; and the monument of whose disastrous rule will be found and looked at with loathing by the present and all future generations, in that voluminous pile of sanguinary statutes now fortu nately exploded, by which the rights and liberties of England were abridged and destroyed, and unhappy Ireland made a vast theatre of continuous disaffection and constantly recurring civil war. Can a doubt he for o ne momen t entertained 'respecting the side the peopl e of England will take ? Who will dare to 1 uiititled pi t u y il r d an cr t e s d who tlw liirad pockets f c o k r et so s long alld a ly crue asperse the character of our countrymen, by supposing them ca p a bl e o f rang i ng t h emse l ves b es id e t h ose titled an period, so flagrantly op pressed th eir persons ? L aying as id e a ll con sideratiol l of that justice which we owe to the Irish Reformers, by whose valuable assistance we benefited so largely during our own stru , gle with the Tories for the resto ration of British independence—losing sight of that debt of gratitude we owe to the present Government, for th e signa l serv i ce i t has ren d ere d t o t he sacred cause of civil and religious - freedom at home a nd abroad —ther e i s i n t h e very hatred we owe to Toryis m for it s p rotracte d career of rapacity and i n j ustice, a superabu n d ant cause w h y —i n the efforts which a Re forming Administration are making to amal g amate effectually the different p ar ts of the empire , to restore , or rath er t o b r i ng peace to Ireland, and to plant the roots of s oc i a l h app i ness a nd prosperity in that coun tr y , so lon g the victim of misrule, a prey to intestine dis cord,, and a source of annoyance and grief to Great Britain —the people of England an d Scotland, and the Repr esentat i ves o f thesepeople in the House of Com mons, should at once and boldly throw their p ower, their might, and their hearts into the ranks of the Minist r y. That all these reas ons will influence the public mind th er e cannot be a shadow of doubt . Alread y the pop u l ar array i s f orm ing.. Liverpool has met, and, despite th e t r i c k er y o f the Tories, recorded its .resolve that justice shall be done to Ireland, and that Dublin shall participate in that wholesome system of civic. polity which has been already wrung from the reluctant gripe of the corruptionists for Liverpool itself. Ro chester, Tiverton, and several other towns meet to-day for the same purpose ; and before the lapse of a week, we are sure the flame which was lighted in the great commercial emporium of the manufacturing districts will have spread over the length and breadth of the land, enlightening the peoplo, exhibiting the infamy,of the conduct pursued by the Tory Peers, and pointing out the mode by which the " lofty Lords" may and will be convinced of the mischievousness of their de sign, and scared from a persistance in their contem plated tyranny and injustice. It is at length time to reduce these madmen to reason—or, if they have eaten too copiously of the insane root, to cut short their career of malversation. A nation can never prosper while the rights of the many are exposed to perpetual pe ril from the machinations of a handful of privileged patricians, whose conduct, unfortunately, leaves too much room to apprehend that they do evil that evil may come of it.—Morning chronicle. An evening paper of yesterday, repeating the sub. stance of a paragraph in a Ministerial morning jourua to the same effect, says, that " there is not the slightes foundation for the reports circulated in the Oppositior journals of the resignation of Viscount Melbourne It is not only in our power to state the absolute false. hood of such reports, but that there never have existed any grounds for them." It may be remarked, without much liability to the charge of hypercriticism, that there is something like superfluity in the above con tradiction ; for if the reports be now unfounded, that Lord Melbourne has resigned (resignation being but a single and undivided act), it follows, of course, that they must always have been unfounded. But is it fair or manly, in the Ministerial truth-tellers, to im ply that the reports in question have been confined to the " Opposition journals ?" Is there an individual in London ignorant that the reports were current throughout all classes of society, even the lowest, before ever the " journals " thought themselves justified in giving them any confirmation ? No man who is not himself an arrant scoundrel, will imagine for a moment that the editor of a newspaper, or any civilized being, would wantonly, or on wounds short of absolute notoriety, put in circulation statements which involved the honour of families, and the good fame and social existence of woman. Our contempo raries, therefore, ought to have been more careful of their expressions, and not through negligence let it be imputed, on their authority, to the " Opposition Journals," that the reports concerning Lord Mel bourne proceeded from such journals only, and would have had no existence but for them. It becomes us not as public journalists to take any high tone of in dignant and blustering morality on occasions like the present, or to drag the affairs of private life before the political world. But there arc facts which, when they cannot be suppressed, call into play the rights of pub lic decency, and create political necessities out of personal indiscretions. Without the slightest wish to bear hard upon any individual, but, on the con trary, feeling sincere regret for what has been as serted with regard to certain domestic circumstances, and their consequences, as they affect all the parties interested, which have formed the topics of universal conversation within the last three weeks, we cannot shut our eyes or ears to that which every one else is reading or talking, of incessantly. Now, as for Lord Melbourne's reported, or rather anticipated, resigna= tion, and its understood motives, is it not notorious that a gentleman whom we shall not name, but who felt himself injured in a tender point, had a case pre pared by his solicitor, and laid before two eminent law yers,and that these learned counsel concurred in opinion that there was abundant evidence to go before a jury ? Supposing, then, that a Prime Minister happened to be the party whose proceedings were about to be thus complained of and investigated in a court of justice, is there, let us ask, or can there be, a second voice upon the moral impossibility of his remaining at the head of the Cabinet while his name and conduct were held up in such a light to the community ? • If the expected suit be carried on, it is inevitable that the Noble Lord resigns his office ; and how can the suit be relinquished unless a second opinion, adverse to the first, be deli vered by the same, or equally eminent, Counsel ? The notion of a compromise in such a case as this—a com promise of an injured husband's honour—a sale of his lawful redress, and of his right to be relieved from a yoke which has been rendered intolerable to him, a source of wretchedness to his children, and of degrada tion and disgust (if the alleged facts be true) to every branch of his. noble family-I—that notion is in itself so monstrous and extravagant, that we arc confounded at the gross ignorance or ineonceiyable baseness, in either of ivhich it must have originated. If, as is, not openly perhaps, but not obscurely, insinuatid, a " compromise" be in the wind—that is to say, if the peace, comfort, freedom, and honour, of a deeply-injured family should be sold, to screen the offending parties, or more pro perly speaking, one of them, against certain appre hended results of a legal process, then we say that to hint who is covered with the infamy of an act so sordid, vile, and unnatural, England, nay, Christen dom, affords no place of shelter ; but we repeat that the supposition is monstrous—impossible.. For the sake of the Noble Viscount (we say it most unfeignedly) our hope is that he will at once resign, and, politically speaking, that willt is quite disinterested, because it does not appear to us that the affairs of the O'Connell Government would suKr sixpennyworth of damage from his Lordship's retreat.—Times. It will give pleasure to every friend of his country to read an authorized contradiction of the report, so eagerly propagated by the anti-reform faction, of the intended resignation of Lord Melbourne. The re port in question, as we have already stated, is not only false, but there never was any ground for it. Nothing of the kind was ever in contemplation. We should willingly stop here, but a sense of duty compels us to say, that a recent discovery proves that ancient name, and exalted rank, do not necessarily imply in their pos sessors correct feelings, and proper candour, towards a political adversary. 'Fhe unprincipled clique of male and female intriguers who have violated the sanctities and on.raged the decencies of private life to effect an anti-na tional object, but who, fortunately for the best interests of Enzland, have been discovered, and their insidious pur pose frustrated, ought to be held up to merited execration. The proper hour for their exposure has not yet struck, but they may rest assured that it is at hand, and that when it does arrive, we shall be proud to hold them up to well-earned infamy. In the meantime the very parties who have been attempting, not only to play their own game, but the game of Russia also,—for be it known that the conspiracy is a Russian con spiracy—have already reaped some portion of the mor tification which their anti-national malignity, and po litical enmity, so richly deserved. They are scorned by their Russian employers because they have not been successful in ousting from his place the Cabi net one of the ablest Ministers of the present times, and they arc scouted by all the gentlemen of their party, in consequence of their malignant attempt to convert an alleged private occurrence into a public accusation of political incompetency. Notwith standing all the entreaties of the base and low-minded of the Tory faction—of Lords A. L. It. S. W. W., and, proh pallor ! Bishop * * *—the Duke of Wellington would have nothing to do with the matter— Lord Lyndhurst cried bah ! upon the first mention of it—Sir It. Peel all but turned his back upon the sup pliant advocates—and, in a word, the gentlemen of the party unanimously declared, that though it might suit the ultras, it would not do for those on whose talents and principles the Conservatives .could place reliance. So much for this mare's nest. In a day or two we inay have something more to say upon the subject. The lies so industriously propagated by the faction, will, as we stated on Saturday, speedily receive a sa tisfactory refutation.—Morning Advertiser. The following portentous paragraph appeared in a Ministerial Paper of y es t er d a y. 'At will be perceived that it consists of but two sentences, though it contains the condemnation of so many : " That cloud which has for a time overhung the conduct of Ministers, and obscured their best intentions, is now bu rs: through. H av i ng l a b oure d l ong an d va i n l y to : nye the House of Lords, having incurred public displeasure, and the bloc . " preaches of that p er fidi ous party w h om they sought to shield-t teem the resent men t o f an i nsu l te d nat i o n, in thei r ;atone s to establish harmony between the hereditary and E lective branches of' the Legislature, Ministers seeing that their intended efforts' only embittered the hostil it y of political op ponents, while it offended and estranged friends, have at knol:h resolved to discharge their duty to the empire and to themsekm, and to leave to the decision of the public the question now in issue, not between the Cabinet and the expelled faction, but between the Representatives of the people and the Tory ma jority in the House of Lords, and between the twenty-thiee millions who compose our empire at home, and the few hun dred of corruptionists who form the Carlton Club." When our readers have done laughing at this long winded bombast—this modern imitation of " ancient Pistol's" peculiar manner they will probably ask themselves what this hubbub of words can be all about I What does it refer to ? Has Lord Brougham come back to. town, or has Lord Melbourne vacated his premiership in favour of Daniel O'Connell ? Is Mr. Whittle Harvey to be thrust vi et armis upon the archiepiscopal throne of his Grace of Canterbury? Alas ! for the lovers of wonderful events ! Not all nor any of these things has taken place. This mon strous and most ludicrous rant refers to nothing but two short speeches made in the House of Lords, one of them by that " good man dull of the Cabinet, whose title in the peerage is " the Most Noble the Marquis of Lansdowne,, and the other by that sagacious, well informed, virtuous, and veterinary Nobleman, the Marquis of Clanricarde. What magic there was in these words to , drive the " crazy person who wrote the above extravagance into such a lamentable frenzy, we really cannot tell, but the attack must hive been very bad indeed; for in another part of the liamc rhapsody, upon the same speeches, he speaks of 44 1 1 re ,<7-,/orious career of wise and enlighte - * policy wliic i the Ministers are pursuing. The whole affair seems to have been a pompous blunder on the pant of Lord Lansdowne in the first in stance, and then - some maladroit mortification at that blunder having been so coolly met by Lord Lyndhurst, who put the Nphle Marquis right as to what he was to do. It is lmlucky that when Lord Melbourne is unable to bear the fatigue of the House of Lords he can get no one with more astuteness than Lord Lans downe, or more consideration than Lord Clanricarde, to proceed with the routine business of the Govern ment. Lord Lansdowne, loolaing as wise as he posEibly could, asked Lord Lyndhurst if he meant to propose the recommitment of the Irish Muni cipal Corporations Bill. Lord Lyndhurst, with his courteous bow, intimated that it was the duty of the Noble Marquis himself to do so. Upon this Lord Lansdowne was unguarded enough to get vexed, and said that he would move, since it was Isis duty, and continue to move, the Bill in its further stages, but he would not adopt either the principles or the details of the Bill, and he would only proceed with it for the purpose of affording the other House the opportunity of considering whether they were able to recognize or identify the Bill as they sent it up. Lord Lyndhurst, who always treats Lord Lansdowne and persons of his character with the kindness that one shows to children— _ _ _ " Ut pueris olim dant crustula blandi Doctores, elementa velint ut diseere prima"— assured the Noble Marquis that he meant no dis courtesy whatever ; and upon this Lord Clanricardc said something which we think we have seen bd.= in some dozen or two of Mr. O'Connell's speeches. Upon this foundation, and no other, is the ridiculous fustian of the Ministerial print built up. How- poor the cause must be, and how intensely absurd its advocates, when such a bubble as the above extract is blown out of the little dish we have described it does not require much calculation to estimate. There never was a mo:ncnt in which the 'Ministry was less cared about than at the present. Universal contempt and indiffe rence for it, and for its measures, prevails throughout the country ; and not all the insane rant of all the in flated bloekhcadism that it can take into pay will make the facts otherwise. The majority in the House of Lords may do as they list with the Irish Corporations Bill, and the public will not trouble their heads about it. They know it is a scheme thrust upon a weak and unwilling Cabinet by Mr. O'Connell, and they know Mr. O'Connell quite well enough to be sure that what he proposes is not worth caring about, except when there is some danger that he may succeed. We are happy to say that, thanks to the •House of Lords, there is no such danger with respect to his Corporations Bill for Ireland. As for Lord Lansdowne, we suspect that he is simple enough to think that his colleagues are in earnest in wishing the O'Connel l Bill to pass. He is left to Mr. S. Rice, who makes use of him without the risk of letting him know more than is necessary. linked the vessel of his Lordship's understanding is not so capacious but that it might be very apt to overflow if much were poured into it. His health is, therefore, consulted by not letting him too much into political se s. But no other human being with the same me - f information as i tr o Lord Lansdowne, or even with i 'y int3 . o less means, can, we suppose, entertain a doubt that the Govern ment desires nothing better than to see all Lord Lynd hurst's amendments to the Irish Corporations Bill pass both Houses. Mr. O'Connell will indeed be vexed if that should happen, and the conspicuously foolish ar ticle from which we have quoted has probably been written under his dictation. We perceive in several parts of it something like threats against the House of Commons, if the " liberal Members" of that House should dare to agree to the Lords' amendments. This denoteth a foregone conclusion. We dare say Mr. O'Connell has some mason to suspect that Ministers in the House of Commons arc not now disposed to oppose the Amendments, and he would be very glad to raise a storm that should compel them to do so, if he could. But lie cannot ; the people of Eng land see his cloven foot in the . Bill, and arc glad to have it altered.—Morning Post. One of the most mortifying 'points of Lord Mel bourne's situation must be admitted to be, that, not withstanding the destitute state of his Administration in the House of Lords, both in point of talents and numbers, as compared with its opponents, two Noble Lords, Earls Grey and Spencer, who were the leaden: of the Whig Administration in the two Houses ori ginally, never opened their lips, or come to the rescue of their late colleague, when borne down by his assailants. What can this prove, but that. the Noble Earls in question spurn the state of vassal'Ne to which the rtnnp of their former party has allowed . ;'self to be re duced? And ought not such an astound. n g and un dcniable fact to speak volumes to Lord i ‘ : elibourne himself, in proof of the fallen and degradet, Psi" tion in which he allows himself to be plat- 11 . 11 But this desertion is not all the mortification which lizs submission to Mr. O'Connell has entailed upon Lord Melkaurne. Many other influential M embers of the OhF Whig party, though not known as frequent speakers in Parliament (and therefore not missed or noticed as the two Noble Earls in question arc) have, we arc assured, evinced the most unequivocal 'disgust at seeing the descendants of the Whigs of former days and the more modern associates of the Marquis of Rockingham and of Mr. Fox, succumbing to a mere demagogue of the lowest class—to one who converts his influence over the lowest classes of his countrymen into the means of gratifying his own avarice. What. would be thought in private life of any one who lent himself, his house, his title, his influence and connec tions to forward the acts of a common s windler, if by so doing he could receive in return the tempo rary support of so questionable au ally ? How ever mortifying the parallel, it comes much nearer to the reality than those Avho are blinded by the pretence of mock patriotism Inv,- at first be inclined to admit. That delusion cannot last ; and we must do the person to whom we are alluding the justice to say that his objects are avowed, and pursued with as little reserve and equivocation as may be. We wonder, then, seeini , what they ate, they should, as well as their author and his dupes, ho spurned by all honourable ' high-minded mit of all partte:.4 Are the persons mho direct the ['Waits of an cripire like this to be the obse , qmot . bondsmen of Nuch a taskmaster? To such a question there can be hut one answer from honourable hip s . The p a ges of history `rill have been already sullied by suer' an alliance ; and though the blackened sheet cannot be cancelled, we have a right to hope that hilt few more suc h will disgrace the volume--a volume . contrasts which render the pre s ent i l t i " Cl ‘ c l : 6 r i r c a l :la t t e i c o ' ii sn tl ‘itc i v e more mortifying, and its removal the more peremptorily incumbent upon those who by dis inuance, co untenancing its cont . may speedily effect its Herald. overthrow.--M orni ng About 200 eini,crants from parishes h the Iloxne Union, embarked at Ipswich, on Friday; for Quebec.— Suf. folk Chronicle.