The Sun. — London, England, 1844-03-13 00:00:00

and, his much injured country, he would care not how they hack i treated him ; he would forget it all in the prosperity of h is country, and co-operate strenuously with them. for the benefit of his native land.—(Cheer ing.) What ratrtrn had these Ministers made to this man ?_(Cheers.) What was their reply to the pro position • Why, the reply was this—that con cession had 54 y en it utmost limits, and that condign punish went must be his reward.—(Cheers.) It was quite clew r that the last act of that contempti ble drama, which had been played in Ireland, had yet I to be enacted ; and that the Government, halloed on by the blood-hounds of the Tory press—(Great, cheering)—mefutt to send their law officers of the Crown again into the Court o Queen's Bench in Dublin, there to demand the vengeance of the Court upon their victim.—(Cries of " Never, never," " No, no," and cheers.) Nay, at this moment you, could not go into way society, but if you met any person who -be longed to what was called the Orange faction, with that peculiar delicacy wbich invariably attached to all their proceedirus, they were heard cor.nmenting as to the number of years for which Mr.. O'Connell was to be incarcer ated.--(Laughter.) More than this, they might be Ynestrd speculating on the relative strength of the gaols of Irilmamham and Carrickfergus. —(Hisses and deli: riv-e laughter.) Deluded and short-sightei men! 'Did they think that by his incarceration in a p ison they could conceal Mr. O'Connell from the e: yes of his countrymen ?—did they think that imprisoning such a man that his virtues, and ti lat his patriotism, would be lost to their memories ?- (Loud cheers.) No ! He told them in their nan and he told them in the name of the people of England—(Great cheering) —yes, and in the - name of the toiling millions of England, that he dark soever might be his cell—how strong so ever might be his dungeon— how gross soever tk le indignities they might heap upon his head ; he • told Mr. O'Connell in that vast and gorgeous asse - ai, bly that he might lay his head in peace upon his pill ow, for that the petitions, aye, and the remonstrances tc ,o, of millions of the virtuous, the patriotic, and the go oj, would not only attest to his innocence, but won ld proclaim his liberation from within the very .%%. Us of Parliament itself.—(Great cheering.) He bal I told them before that he had already gone bey mad the limits he had assigned to himself, and he vk 'as satisfied that nothing he could urge would streni O'then the feelings they had towards their patriotic am 1 illustrious guest, and he should, therefore, conclud le his observations by saying, that they in honor wing Mr. O'Connell did honour to themselves ; and; farther, that they testified their sympathy and re! ird for a people whose rights and liberties, whose s7prosperity and happiness ought to be, and he was sur 13 were, as sacred to them as their own.—(Cheers.) 7rle had now, therefore, only to propose—" Health wad long life to Daniel O'Connell." Perhaps a more magnificent sight was never pre sented than that -filch offered itself to the eye of the observer at this me nr tent. The whole company rose, and from the point where the Chairman sat, to the opposite side of the house, and the very top of the gallery, there was of le moving and hurraing mass of human beings. The. ladies in the whole tiers of boxes rose, and the waving of their handkerchiefs betokened their heartfelt symptithy in the proceedings of the even ing, whilst the loud and earnest hurrOng of the mass of men seemed as though its reverberations were never to cease. At length something like silence was ob tained, and Mr. O ' CONNELL r ose, and said—l protest that in my long and varied life T; never was so embarrassed as I am at this moment—in truth I am not ashamed to say, I am almost unmanned —my feelings are overpowered. The dungeon Las no terrors to my mind— (Loud cheers) —and if to it were added the scaffold and the rack, they could not appal me after the awful magnitude of the compliment you have paid to me.—(Loud cheers.) Oh ! how ardent must be your love of justice ; how steady and severe your hatred of tyranny; how you must glory in seeing justice honestly and uprightly administered, women, with the intensity which you have exhibited to-night, you proclaim the hate in which you hold any partiality in its practice !—(Cheers.) What is my claim to your kindness and your support ? It is this—that you consider me the victim of injustice —(Loud cheering)—it is because you consider that the law has been violated in my person—because those in power have used that power in a spirit of iniquity, and in your integrity you know how to despise and hate them for it.—(Loud cheers.) Yes, you are able to turn defeat i n t o v i c t o ry, an d t o make conviction not a source of punishment but of triumph.—(Loud cheers.) Glad am I at what has taken place, because it has given me the opportunity (and I say it in all sincerity of heart), to be satisfied of the extent of sympathy that England has for Ire land—because it has convinced me, not reluctantly, but with some difficulty I admit, that there is a higher mind animating the middle classes and the better part of the upper classes towards us, and that we were born to b? united as a people, and to stand together against the world.—(Loud cheering.) Yes, I do delight in the events that have taken place, be cause in them there will result a mighty good to both branches of the empire. —(Loud cheers.) Oh, what a scene is this to-day ! When I see the rank and station—when I contemplate the wealth, the talent, the rink, and the virtue—when I think - of the manly determination here evinced, and mark the kindly feeling that glistens from those fair eyes. When I behold those lovely forms that turn this scene into a fairy land—when I see those sylphs those celestial beings animating us to our duty, and smiling sweetly upon us—l do rejoice in the incon venience I have suffered, seeing that in consequence of it I behold such a transeendant spectacle as this. Yes, they have convicted me ; but you ask how, and of what ? I am here to tell you of what. They have convicted me, not of a crime defined or definite; not of anything that you can read in the law-books ; but of something which the judges have spelt out of those law-books, and have put together to form a monster indictment. There is no exaggeration in this. —(A person in the centre of the theatre here exclaime " If you will come forward, Mr. O'Connell it will gratify the audience." Considerable interruption was caused by this circumstance, which was at length terminated lay Mr. O'Connell's leaving his position at the right of the Chair, and proceeding to a central pert of the building amidst loud plaudits from the boxes and the more distant portion of the assemblage. The Honourable Gentleman standing on one of the tables, went on to say)—The task which I was endeavouring to perform was that of vindicating you to yourselves—(Laughter)— o f en deavouring to prove to you that you were perfectly justified in the ardour ofyeur enthusiasm in supporting my own cause and that of the Irish people.--(Cheers.) The accusation which has been made against me, and apon which I have been convicted, is of such an enor mous nature, that it is inter es i ng t o every h uman b e i ng, whether h e be himself liable to a similar machination or not, to understand distinctly its bearings, its form, and its breadth.—(Hear, hear.) It is not a crime defined by the law, or definite—it is not a crime respecting the evidence of which there is any possible resort to law books, or to the conj ura ti ons o f men of my trade.—(G rea t aughter.) It is called, to be sure, a conspiracy; but there i s no thi ng o f pr i vate agreement there is nothing of arrangement there is nothing of plot or plan in it— (Laughter)—it is something that the judges imagine when they dream and make the public suffer when they are awake.—(Roars of laughter.) One of our female authors of celebrity, in the fulness of her feminine imagination, has depicted to the world an imaginary being, of extraordinary dimensions, and of ferocious capacity, and has denominated that being " Frankenstein." This conspiracy, which has been tried in Ireland, is the Frankenstein of the law.--(Great laughter.) As the one is uncouth at limb, unshaped in form, undefined and indefinite in nature, having nothing of humanity about it—so the other has nothing of law but its monstrosity. How was it endeavoured to be supported? By the history of nine months.—(Laughter ) What plot did it discl ose ? Wh y a plot which was carefully committed t o th ose keepers of secrets, the public newspapers.—(lmmense laughter.) N o t one witness was produced to prove any fact except that A and B were the proprietors of newspapers, and that they were members of the Association, and then the newspapers were read in detail against us, and the judges determined that that was evidence of a coaspiracy; and here I stand before you a " con victed conspirator."—(Cheers and laughter.) The his tory of nine months was given in this satisfactory manner. The chronology and dates of newspapers were all that varied from one week to another. — (Cheers.) The history of only one great meeting waa,detailed as it had appeared in the public prints. Was it alleged that any one of them was illegal; that there was force, or violence, or turbulence, or tumult at any of them ?—(Hear.) Not a particle of any such allegation could be made.—(Cheers.) Was it al leged that the magistracy of the country or the civil power of the country, or the idle or the timid, were intimidated or frightened at any one of these meetings ?—(Hear, hear) There wasneot, hr as e i a n r gli allegation of the kind.—(Cries of "Hear, 'lle meetings were peaceable—they were legal— every one of them was admitted to be legal—(Hear, hear)—but, by the dexterity of legal magic, though the forty-one were perfectly legal, yet the whole, taken together, formed a conspiracy.—(Laughter.) it is literally a mockery to say that forty-one legal meetings made one illegal one.—(Laughter.) Forty one cyphers would not make a sum, and yet the law was so decided in our case that forty nothings made something.—(Loud laughter.) Was it not to be looked on with scorn and indignation, and were not those men who planned this conspiracy, with trickery. worthy of Old Bailey practitioners, them selves conspirators, and ought they not to be branded with . infamy ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) What was called law to-day might be forced into a prece dent to-morrow : and if the question be allowed to repose,. there is not one of you whose case it might : i n n o t t im be ida to- te morrow.—(Hear, hear.) I say not this to you, or to warm you in support of the people of Ireland, for I would be the most mistaken , of hutian beings, if I was not already aware that it :is owing to no other motive but your own generous feel:mgs that you sympathise with them. I arraigned the e prosecution against me, and I am just in arraigning it , for their was nothing of legal form about it ; there • was nothing fixed or tangible which you might encoun ter. It was a monstrous shadow set up by the miscreant administrators of the law ; but there was nothing which could be met but by fair argument or by legal discrimination.—(Hear, hear.) I next arraigned the conduct of the judge, and I have this consolation, that no human being justifies him. The usual practice when a man is arraigned'. for his con duct in Parliament, for a Ministerial Member, if he be a Ministerial man, or for a Member of the Opposition, if he belong to that side of the House, is suddenly to get up and discover him to be a man endowed with every virtue, and then they eulogise him. This was the usual course in Parliament, and I appeal to those who are familiar with its proceedings; but no person was found to rise up and praise Chief Justice Penne father.—(Hear, hear.) It is admitted, since the days of Scroggs and Jeffries, such a one-handed charge, such a side-handed charge was never pronounced by a common-law judge's lips. He has taken you back to the worst period of our law. Why, I saw myself that he borrowed a part of the prosecutor's counsel, and as out of the fullness of the heart the tongue speaks, he talked of counsel on the other side. —(Groans.) Let it be proclaimed from the extre mity of Cornwall to the highest point of Scotland— let it go through the length and breadth of the land, that the conduct of the Chief Justice was not capable of being defended by any Government or any party. —(Cheers.) You see how I am coaxing him to pass a lenient sentence upon me. My next im peachment is the omission of the names in the jury list.—(Hear, hear.) Out of 710 names, 63 slipped by accident.—(Laughter.) We had a lot of them, and out of the entire number of names, 63 were absent. It was said to be an accident—(Laughter) —but out of the 63 names that were omitted, 27 were Roman Catholics ; perhaps yon do not know that I am of that persuasion. Your esteemed and excellent friend the Chairman, has told you that the Roman Catholics were indebted to me for Catholic Emancipation. He might have added with truth, and I might say with pride, that I sought it not by the assertion of any sectarian preference.—(Cheers.) I always considered that religion was a matter be tween a man and his Creator, and that there was no right or justice in excluding any man, on account of his religion, from civil rights ; and that every man was justified in worshipping his God accord ing to the dictates of his conscience. —(Cheers.) It was on that principle I sought and obtained eman cipation, and I would not have it on any other ground. It was on that principle that we petitioned for the Pro testants in England, and helped to obtain their eman cipation.—(Hear, hear.) Here is the hand that drew up the petition.—(Cheers.) It was signed by 28,000 Roman Catholics, and it prayed for the emancipation of the Protestant Dissenters in Eagland. After that petition was presented, Lord John Russell succeeded, and Peel was compelled to eman cipate the Dissenters.—(Hear, hear.) Pardon me for the digression, but it is incumbent upon me that we should understand each other well.—(Hear, hear.) The Catholics were in power three times, and ;they never persecuted a Protestant —(Hear, hear.) Oh, let us contend with each other in good and charitable and benevolent feelings, and take no credit to ourselves for any particular or sec tarian advantage, but in the establishment of liberty of conscience on a broad and secure basis.—(Cheers.) But I come back to the trial ; sixty-three names slipped out of the panel.—(Hear, hear.) Mark me, for one moment, for there is something technical in what lam going to tell you, but I think you will easily comprehend it. 'We challenged the array, as it is called, on account of the sixty-three names—(A voice, " It was villainy")—certainly it was not acci dent.—(Laughter.) We alleged that those names were fraudulently tak en f rom th e li st. 'W e alleged that it was done to the detriment of the traversers. That plea we put on the record; the Attorney-General had power to join issue on that allegation, and say that it was not in fraud. Th a t i ssue wou ld h ave been tried by triers d u ly sworn . -Th e A ttorney . General declined that issue. --(Cries of " Shame, shame.") He left the allegation to stand uncontra dieted, and it stands uncontradicted to this day. He relied on this, that he had judges who would tell him, as they told us, that as we did not know who had committed the fraud, we were without remedy.—(Laughter and loud cheer s .) It is literally true. lam here talking to the common sense of Englishmen—their sense of honesty, and above all things, to that noble adhesion to fair play, which is the highest and most dignified trait in the English character.—(Loud cheers.) It is curious that in no other part of the world can two men fight without the people who come up taking part with one or with the other. But in England it is proverbial, that no people ever come up to see men FO engaged, that they do not immediately insist on seeing fair play.—(Loud cheers.) I ap pml to that sense of fair play.—(Cheers.) There is no word to express it in any other language, and it deserves to have a word coined for itself. The fraud is undenied to the present moment ; and the only answer we got was, that as we did not know the name of the person who committed the fraud, we had no remedy. I suppose that a person is not robbed if he does not know the name of the lief who robs him. (Loud laughter.) If - ou were to go before Sir Peter Laurie, or any other of your white witches, and bring a man before him, saying, "I caught this man stealing my property, and just escaping from my premises with the goods," everybody would laugh, more than they do at Sir Peter Laurie, if it were said " Oh, we can't listen to your complaint if you don't know the name of the man." (Laughter.) Yet upon this most ridiculous assertion, we were told that the fraud should go unpunished, and that we should be punished for alleging the fraud. There remains one impeachment more of these proceedings, and that is my impeachment of the jury sworn. In point of law, Catholics and Protestants had an equal right to be upon that jury. —(Loud cheers.) In point of justice, it ought to be so. In fair play, it would be so. Chief Justice Fair-play will decide it for me at once. —(Loud laughter.) Yet what was the first step ? Ele ven Catholics, who were on the reduced list, were struck off by the Attorney-General.--(Cries of " Shame, shame.") They say that they were Re pealers. In the first place that was not true. That is one answer to it. In the next place, if it had been true, it is no reply—(llear, hear)—because, though to be a Repealer may be a great folly, it is not a crime. It is not a crime that makes a man an out law, and if they say that Repealers would have been favourable jurors to me, I ask whether the most vio lent anti-Repealers--men who voted against me three or four times over—could form a fair and impartial jury against me ?—(Cheers.) I use their own argument, I convict them out of their own mouths.—(Cheers.) I appeal to the common sense of Englishmen to say if Repealers would have been favourable to me, would not anti-Re pealers be favourable to others ? But recol lect it was more important to have an impartial jury on this trial, as the crime was not a definite one. Had it been murder, or robbery, or forgery, any human intellect could have judged of the nature of the crime, and would only have had to decide on the question of fact ; but here the crime was imaginary. One partaking more of identity than of reality. One which empha tically required a thoroughly impartial as well as intelligent jury. From that jury one Protestant was struck off— an intelligent individual one of a higher order of intellect than the others—that intelligent Protestant was sent to keep company with the eleven Catholics—(Cheers)—and they call that a fair trial. I call that a persecution rather than a prosecution. It was not a fair trial ; it was shifting, scheming management.—(Cheers.) I say I am not convicted by due courso of law, and in prison I shall feel that I am a victim—(Loud cries of " Never, never !")—and in that prison I shall have the feeling at heart that will raise me superior to the punishment.—(Cheers.) Why, I have plenty here to Open my prison doors—(Cheers)—but it would be very idle t o suppose that I am not thoroughlym event of th a t ki nd, But whatever country, I s h a ll re j oice in ysuleme suffering. —(Cheers.) d fho f er o e r rms a .y ; Whatever may be the infliction s which I may have cheerfully, for denounce r un th e e e to undergo, I. shall bear them sake of my country.—(Loud cheers.)—agand st the sun the whole of the. proceed p i o n: my never words will not be confined to these wall a . me ivr e d r the English language is s sets upon the countries in which that language isr spoken—wherever the accents of the English tongue are heard, will these my words be borne upon the wings of the press—(Cheers)—and throughout America, France, India, throughout every country in the world, will this my protest go forth against that which I denounce as a dishonest persecution—. (Loud cheers)—and my contemptuous defiance of those who have conducted it.—(Loud cheers.) But I shall be asked, no doubt, what was my object in holding those meetings. You will say it is true you ought not to have been convicted of conspiracy, but you have an account to render to us. Now, 1 have been accused of wishing to separate England and Ireland—l have been accused of unne cessarily meddling with an agreement entered into forty-four years ago, of needlessly reviving old causes of complaint, and creating new grievances to add to them. Now Jam quite ready to meet that charge, and I should be utterly unworthy if I were n o t ready here in the presence of you Englishmen, to justify everything that I have done, and to rebut every imputa tion which has been cast upon me—(Loud cheers)--. ( and to state to you the reasons why I have held ' these meetings. They say there is a union between the two countries. I utterly deny it.—(Loud cheers.) There is a parchment compact—(Cheers) —a parchment enactment—(Cheers)—but there is no real union. —(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) What is the meaning of a real union ? A perfect identification between the two countries—(Cheers) —that there should be no difference between Eng lishmen and Irishmen, except the accent—(A. laugh) that Englishmen and Irishmen should possess the same rights, the same privileges, and the same fran chises—(Cheers) —that there should be no difference in respect of rights and franchises between the men of Kent and the men of Cork—(Cheers)—between the men of Mayo and the men of Lancashire.—(Re newed cheers.) That England and Ireland should be one nation, possessed of precisely the same rights, the same franchises, and the same privileges.—(Cheers.) I appealed to the Parliament to make that parchment union a real one. The Tories, of course, refused, and the Whigs were equally complimentary.--(Cheers and laughter.) Ido not wish to weary this assembly by entering into the dry details of statistics. I will, however, draw your attention to one or two statements. The county of Cork, which I have the honour to represent, has 713,000 inhabitants in its agricultural districts, and upwards of 200,000 inhabitants in its cities and towns, so that the total population of Cork is equal to 850,000 inhabitants. Now, the inhabitants of Wales are 800,000, being 50,000 less than the inha bitants of the county of Cork. The county of Cork, with its 850,000 inhabitants, returns just eight Mem bers to Parliament ; and how many Members do you think Wales returns with its 800,000 ? Why, just eight-and-twenty.—(Hear, hear.) Well, now, surely one Welshman is not able to beat five Irish men.— (Cheers and laughter.) They are a brave and perhaps a somewhat intemperate race are those Welshmen—(Cheers and laughter)—but at the same time, I respectfully submit that one Welshman is not worth five Irishmen. Man for man, lam willing to admit their worth, but I cannot admit that as com pared with my own countrymen they are worth five to one.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) I can not admit they are entitled to return twenty eight Members for the 800,000 inhabitants, while the county of Cork, with its 850,000 inhabitants is only to return eight Members to Par liament.—(Cheers.) Now, ought that to last ? (Cries of "No ! No !") Is that a thing that ought to be changed ?—(Cries of " Yes, yes.") Then again let us look at the question in another point of view. The Parliamentary returns made seven years ago on the subject of the registration of voters, showed that there are 4,000 registered voters for the county of Cork, with a population of 710,000 inhabitants, while in Wales there are 36,000 registered voters. I was looking over the Parliamentary returns this morning, and I find the number of registered voters for Cork is now I,soo—but 1,500 !—(Hear, hear.) The votes for the largest county in Ireland are nearly extinguished by the operation of the Reform Act, while in Wales the number of voters has increased by 2,000. There are 38,000 registered voters in Wales, and 1,800 for the county of Cork. —(Hear, hear.) Nov, is that common sense (" No, no.") Is that justice ?—(" No, no.") Is that fairness, or is it honesty ? (" No, no.") I have endeavoured to obtain redress for the afflictions of my country.—(Hear, hear.) I have felt how great is the delight of being borne along, as it were, on the breath of the people. —(Loud cheers.) Oh, if you had seen the stalwart men leaving their work and flocking to the road-side to see me pass by; if you had seen their eyes beaming with affection as they looked on me, and their hands lifted up, which wanted but a word from me to strike the blow —(Hear, hear)—if you had seen the aged women with children in their arms greeting me as I passed by, and praying for my health and prosperity —(Loud cheers)—if you had seen the merry children, and heard the chirping cry as I went along—(Cheers) —asking for blessings on the head of him whom they called the father of their country—(Loud cheers)—oh, if you had seen and felt ,as I have seen and felt, th en y our h ear t s wou ld have expanded as mine did. You would, like me, here vow never to relax in your exertions to obtain equal rights and privileges for the land of your birth. Those men have been taught the lesson, of which I have declared myself the apostle, that no political ad vantage can be of so much importance as to justify the shedding of one single drop of human blood.—(Cheers.) This is the lesson they have been taught.—(Cheers.) This is the lesson they practise—(Loud cheers) — and this is the lesson they will continue to practise until the triumphant success of their efforts shall imprint the maxim upon the minds and the hearts of the wise and good of all nations.— (Cheers.) The Irish nation is entitled to more than 160 Mem bers in your Parliament. It ought to have them. For the sake of peace we will take less than our right —we will be content with 160, but that ill not give us one additional. Then with regard to the municipal franchise. Ire land is treated with the greatest injustice. In England whoever is rated to the poor-rate is a burgess, and is entitled to vote at municipal elections; but in Dublin, in order to be upon the burgess lists, it is necessary that a man should be rated at 101.—that is, he should occupy a 201. house, and that he should have paid no less than nine dif ferent rates. The consequence is, that not above one-third of those who ought to be on the burgess lists in Dublin are upon it.—(Hear, hear.) I now come to a subject which I have often alluded to else‘s here, and which, therefore, I will not shrink from mentioning even in this assembly—l mean, to the existence o f th e E ng li s h Ch urc h in Ireland. (Loud cheers, and cries of " Down with it.") Gentlemen, I appeal to you whether the Church in England, that has the State emoluments, is not the Church of the great majority of the people ?—(Cries of " No.") S o muc h th e worse. it ought to be.— (Cries of " No, it is not.") Well, that is a disputed question which I will not argue. The Church of Scot land—that is, the Church that has the emoluments— is the Church of the great majority ; but the Church of Ireland, which has no State emoluments, never has been the Church of the people.—(Hear, hear.) I do not want the emoluments of that Church for my Church—l would not a c c e pt th em . Th ere i s not -a priest who would not do anything sooner than accept them.—(Hear, hea r .) Th ere i s no Bi s h op i n the Irish Catholic Church who would be the vassal of the State. lam borne out in that by the course that has been pursued by the Catholic Bishops in Ireland ; my opinion is, that it would be detri mental to the state of the Church. The Catholic Prelates of Ireland have proclaimed, within the last six weeks, that they will not take a farthing of the money belonging to State endowments. I do not want to impute selfish motives to any parties, but can there be any d ou bt th a t t h e manner in which the Irish Church has been used is both selfish and unjust ? I do not think that there is a greater crime than that one man should pay for the religion of another, that religion being that which he did not believe. Upon that principle the great oppression of Ireland'. Established Church was founded. Until this system is put an end to it will be in vain to expect tranquillity in Ireland. My Friends, I wish you had seen the Irish newspapers. A short time since a very respectable gentleman, named Archdeacon De Lacy, died. He was the nephew of a Bishop, and, according to the advertisement with respect to the sale of his effects, he was such an ex cellent man—that he had eleven hunters—an excellent pack of hounds—and, as the advertisement stated, a splendid cellar of wine.— (Laughter.) But it may be said that these grievances of Ireland are rather speculative than otherwise. I don't think it will be said that the last is so.—(Laughter.) It is said that men might be just and rich without Corporate Reform. But is Ireland rich ? Let me state what the condition of the Irish people is. Forty years after the establishment of the union, the Commissioners on the Poor-law Inquiry reported that they found two million three hundred and eighty-five thousand in a state of destitution, upon a population of 8,000,000, namely, one fourth of the whole population ; and Captain Lar kom has reported that seventy per cent. of the rural population were living in huts in one room only—that thirty per cent. of the town popu lation families were living in one room, and in some instances several families were dwelling in one place. —(Hear, hear.) No sign shows grea t er m i sery than a decrease in the population. An increase in the population shows a favourable sign, but the retrogression of a population of 70,000 a-year, is a most convincing _proof of misery, dis tress, and wretchedness. Now, just to show you that what I am stating is correct, I will read you the description of Mr. Kohl, a German, who has been travelling all over Europe. He has lately published a book, in which is the following state ment : " I remember, when I saw the poor Lettes in Livonia, I used to pity them for having to live in huts built of the un hewn logs of trees, the crevices being stopped up with moss. I pitied them on account of their low doors, and diminutive windows, and gladly would I have arranged their chimneys for them in a more suitable manner. Well, heaven pardon my ignorance. I knew not that I should ever see a people on whom Almighty God had imposed yet heavier privations. Now that I have seen Ireland, it seems to me that the Lettes, the Esthonians, and the Findlenders, lead a life of comparative comfort, and poor Paddy would feel like a king with their houses, their habiliments, and their daily fare. " A wooden house, with moss to atop up its crevices, would be a palace in the wild regions of Ireland. Paddy's cabin is built of earth, one shovelful over the other, with a few stones mingled here and there, till the wall is high enough. But perhaps you will say, the roof is thatched or covered with bark. Av, indeed ! A few sods of grass cut from a neigh bouring6og are his only thatch. Well, b u t a w i n d ow or two a a pane of glass fixed i n th e wa ll , or the bladder of some a i l itnal or a piece of talc, as m ay often 'be e enit t are thousands of cabins in which not a trace of a is to be seen ; nothing but a little square hole in s tillea i s' a if it Va be llac°lnil Y There ian lint? What idle luxury we re t hi s! window front, which doubles the duty of door, window, and chimney; light, smoke, pigs, and children, all must pass in and out of the same aperture 1 " A French author, Beaumont, who had seen the Irish peasant in his cabin, and the North American Indian. in his wigwam, has assured us that the savage is better provided for than the poor man in Ireland. Indeed, the question may be raised, - whether in the whole world a nation is to be found that is subjected to such physical privations as the peasantry in some parts of Ireland. This fact cannot be placed in too strong a light ; for if it can once be shown that the wretchedness of the Irish population is without a parallel example on the globe, surely every friend of humanity will feel himself called on to reflect whether means may not be found for remedying an evil of so astounding a magnitude 1" And, in Ennis, the following statement was made at a meeting, at which Sir Lucius O'Brien presided : " At a meeting of the Guardians of the :Ennis Poor-law Union on Wednesday, Sir Lucius O'Brien in the Chair, Mr. Butler brought forward the resolutions of which he had given notice, relative to the exorbitant amount of Grand Jury C e ss now leviable, and which he stated was entirely borne by the occupiers of land. His object in bringing forward the resolutions was, to call attention to the matter, in the hope that thee• grievance would be redressed by the introduction of a provision into the grand jury laws, which would render the landlords liable for a moiety of the tax in the same man ner in which they are subject to poor -rates. " The Chairman and Mr. Carrick supported the landlords, attributing all their misfortunes to bad seasons, failures in the crops, &c. ; while Mr. James Mahon, B. Butler, Mr. Finucane, Mr. Knox, and nearly the entire Board, were of opinion, that the major part of the population were in a state of dreadful destitution—that pauperism was frightfully on the increase, and that nothing short of sound remedies should Le considtred." Why do I harrow you with these pictures ? Why, for the purpose of calling upon you to exert your selves in the cause of my unhappy country, and to do all in your power to render her happy once again. Does this misery that I have pictured to you arise from the laziness of the people of Ireland ? No. Do they not travel far and near to obtain work ? Do they not crowd your streets and your villages in hopes of obtaining work ?—(Loud cheers.) But then it may be said that Ireland is unproductive. Oh, no, 'tis one of the greenest and the fairest isles of the globe.—(Loud cheers.) Its crops are abundant, and its produce magnificent. —(Cheers.) It has the best harbours and the finest estuaries in the world. It has all those ad vantages ; and, added to this, it has a cheer ful, lively, and affectionate people.—(Cheers.) Then why is it that this misery exists ? From bad government. It is impossible to give any other reason for it.—(Great cheering.) Since the union matters have become worse and worse in Ireland. They have given us a poor-law, and that poor-law, I will venture to say, will cause rebellion in Ireland if it exists for two years longer.—(Hear, hear.) The poor-law will be the ruin of Ireland, and Minis ters are blind for not seeing it. They may send me to prison if they please, but they may depend upon it that the consequences of the poor-law will be awful.—(Hear, hear.) I have trespassed on you long, but how could I avoid expressing my gratitude and showing you that I desire at least your good attention, your kindness, and support.—(Cheers.) I have never shrunk from standing by you in any contest—l have always been at your side— (Cheers)—l have never given a vote that was calculated to increase the burdens of the English peo ple.—(Cheers.) But I have invariably supported every measure that was calculated to increase the extension of civil and religious liberty.—(Cheers.) I have ad vocated the cause of the slave in America, as well as the peasant in Ireland. I care not what their creed, or by what sun their face may have been burned —I care not what is a man's caste or what his lan guage, if I can but procure for him liberty from all tyranny.—(Cheers.) I stood by you in the Reform formed one of your majority. It promised much. It was spoiled in its manage ment. Its nursing mother looked unkindly upon her future child. In another struggle for freedom I also joined you. I shall always be with you in giving the protection of the vote by ballot, and for the shortening cf the duration of Parliaments. recollecting that short accounts make long friends.— (Cheers.) I owe this statement to you ; and now I solemnly assure you, that if I was not thoroughly con vinced that the establishment of a domestic legisla ture was essential to the comfort of Ireland, and that it was necessary to keep up the connexion between this country and Ireland, I would advocate it no longer. I never wish to see Ireland separated from this country (Cheers) —but to accomplish so excellent a measure, it is necessary that something should be done to give to Ireland what England ha s—a local Legislature. He wanted for Ireland that the laws passed there should be passed upon the same principle as in Eng land. (Cheers.) Such is the opinion of the wise and good, and such I hope it ever will be. Let them do justice to Ireland.—(Cheers.) But do they show any disposition to do so ? They come down with the insulting denomination of " convicted conspirators."—(Cheers) The renegades !—(Cheers.) There is Peel, who has sacrificed every principle —the renegade Stanley, who was the principal con triver for destroying the Reform Bill—(Groans) — the reluctant Sir J. Graham—(Groans)—wha sat first on one side of the House and then on the other.— (Cheers.) I call them conspirators, for they have conspired against the public.—(Cheers.) But let those who have desired to adhere to the law, who desire to have it cheap and intelligible—let those do all in their power to do justice to Ireland.—(Cheers.) By adopting that course a union would be rendered valuable by a domestic Legislature, and by a com plete combination of a firm and a loyal people. The Honourable Member sat down amidst applause, which lasted for several minutes. The following glee and chorus was then sung in excellent style : Tho' dark are our sorrows, to-day we'll forget them, And smile tliro' our tears like a sun b eam i n show i N There never were hearts, if our rulers wo u ld l e t th em . ' More formed to be tranquil and blest than ours!! But just when the chain Has ceas'd to pain, And hope has enwreath'd it round with flow'rs, There comes a new link, Our spirits to sink ! Oh ! the joy of such hearts, like the light of the poles, Is a flash amid darkness too brilliant to stay • • But though %were the last littl e spar k i n our souls, We must light it up now for O'Connell to- day. Contempt on the minions who call him disloyal ! Tholigh fierce to his foe, to his f r i en d s he s. true • And the tribute most high to a head that is Royal, Is love from a heart that loves liberty too. While cowards w h o bli ght Their Sovereign's right, Would shrink from the blaze of the battle array; The standard of green, In front would be seen— Oh ! my life on his faith ! were he surnmon'd this minute, Ile'd cast ev'ry bitter remembrance away, And show what the arm of old Erin has in it, When rous'd to defend her Sovereign's sway. She loves thia gr een Isle, and her l ove i s recorded In hearts which have suffer'd too much t o f orge t, And hope shall be crown d, and attachment rewarded, And Erin's gay Jubilee shine ou t yet ! m e gem may be broke By many a stroke, But nothing can cloud its native ray; Each fragment will cast A light to the, last ! And then Erin, his country ! though broken thou art, There's a lustre within thee, that ne'er will • decay • A spirit that, beams through each sufferi ng p ar t, - And now smiles through its pain on this happy day. The Earl of SHREWSBURY was then announced by. .;he Chairman to propose the next toast, and was re ceived with loud cheers. his Lordship said he could-not tell them how extremely he felt the disadvantage he laboured under, in - having so immediately to follow after the eloquent and instructive speech which had been delivered to them by their illustrious guest; but on this, as on other grounds, he felt he should re ceive what he so much needed, their kindest conside ration.—(Hear, hear.) The toast which had been assigned to him to propose was that of " The People," and in proposing it he was sure that the first idea which presented itself to their minds was the cause of the people of Ireland. That was a great and generous cause, for it was the cause of humanity—(Cheers)—the cause of right as opposed to that of wrong.—(Cheers.) They had arrived at a new era in the history of that cause, for they had at length embodied in it the sympathies and the feelings of the people of England. (Hear, hear.) The time was when the people of Eng land were foolish enough to imagine that their political rights and their commercial prosperity were distinct from those of Ireland. This delusion had been done away with, and they were now beginning to see that the way to make their own empire secure was to make Ireland her happy, her trusted, and therefore her prosperous ally--(Hear, hear.) They now were beginning to find out that the prosperity of England would never be stable and deep-seated-- that there never would be security for herself--unless she shared all her privileges and franchises fairly and equally with Ireland. Ireland was now universally ac knowledged to be one of the finest countries in the world, but she had been governed by persons blinded by prejudice, and thus her great natural advan tages had never been fairly developed.—(Cheers.) Yes, with every natural advantage that the heart of man could desire, her resources had remained unpro ductive, and the great masses of her popu lation had been suffering a state • of misery and destitution more deplorable than any people in Europe—such indeed as they were shocked to con template and ashamed to be obliged to acknowledge. —(Loud cheers.) That that fault was with their rulers, there could be no question ; for were they not also the rulers in England, but the difference was this, they in England were governed by another law and in another spirit than that which had prevailed in Ireland. —(Cheers.) They in England were comparatively prosperous and happy, while the people of Ireland were doomed to poverty, misery, and distress. And so they would continue to be till they had equal laws, equal rights, and equal justice with ourselves. —(Loud cheers.) But Ireland must no longer be allowed to fight her battle for justice single handed ; the people of England must rally to her help as generous, but he must also add, as interested auxiliaries.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) She deserved every assistance that it was p ossible for them aa Engli s h men to afford to her. Her liberties had been invaded.—(Loud cheers.) The weapon with which the Constitution had armed her for the protec •tion of her rights, and which, under the guidance of him whose courage and prowess they had that day met to do honour to, might have effected so much, had been just wrested from her grasp.—(Hear.) Did Mr. O'Connell attempt to seek the freedom of his country by this display of physical force without a just and paramount necessity?—(Loud cries of "No, no," and cheers.) He spoke of course of that sort of display which came within the limits of the law, or rather the spirit of the Con stitution, because it had now become neces sary to distinguish between legal and constitu tional obligations and duties.—(Loud cheering.) These displays of physical force, compared with moral power, and subject to moral guidance were their constitutional and legitimate right Magna Charta and the Bill of Rights were their title deeds.—(Loud cheers.) Let Ireland then never cease to demand, and to struggle for, justice and equality of rights. And might he (turning to Mr. O'Con nell), who had been truly called the Liberator of his country, who first snapped her bonds asunder— might he live to see his dear native land rise from her present depression and misery—might he, as the reward of his own untiring energies, live to see her enjoying her proper share of freedom and equal rights with the people of England! --(Great cheering.) The toast of "The People," was then drank with great cheering. GLEE AND CHORUS. Goddess of Freedom, from on high behold us, While thus we dedicate to thee our lays; Long in thy cause has principle enroll'd us, Here to thy name a monument we raise. Thus then combining, Hands and hearts joining, Sing we in harmony to Freedom's praise. Goddess of Freedom, in thy might E waking, Spread thy dominion over earth and sea ; Britons thy blessings giving and partaking, Own undivided homage still to thee, Thy spirit guiding, Thy power presiding, Britain shall flourish, united, brave, and free. The Hon. CHARLES LANGDALE proposed the next toast. Had he been called on at an earlier period of the evening, he might have been tempted to have oc cupied some portion of their time in apologising for so humble an individual as himself appearing before them on so great an occasion. But at that late hour he felt he should be wasting their time by offering any idle compliment on such a subject. But he had been called on by the Committee to propose a toast, and he hoped that neither on this, nor on any other occasion should he be found wanting in affording his support to the great cause to which they were met that evening to do honour.—(Great cheering.) He appreciated the motives of those who had ad dressed them, but he would candidly own, that he had an interest of a more selfish nature in appearing before them. He felt that Ireland and her Liberator, Mr. O'Connell, had claims on his gratitude of a peculiar nature. If he was now capable of raising his voice in the midst of an assembly of free men, of being equally entitled to political privileges with those he had the honour of addressing, he must attribute it to the exertions of Daniel O'Connell.— (Cheers.) A few years ago he was bound in the sam's political fetters that oppressed the people of Ireland, and if the penal enactments had ceased to affect him, it was owing to the voice of the" millions of Ireland, aided, directed, guided, and instigated by the great Liberator, to whom they were doing honour to-night. It was the meetings then held, and the petitions then presented, that secured the rights they enjoyed ; and he believed it was the fear felt by the same gentle men who were forced to yield their rights, that led them to attempt to put down those meetings, which had before accomplished the objects they had in view.— (Cheers.) It appeared to him that while they had not the courage or the honesty to redress the evils of Ireland, they could not bear the reproaches it cost them, at seeing the united hundreds and thou sands of the people who met together on those occasions. The toast he had to propose was, " The Seventy-eight Peers who supported the Marquis of Normanby's motion, and the Two Hundred and Twenty-seven Members of the House of Com mons, who supported the motion of Lord J. Russell." —(Cheers.) He believed if ever there was an in stance when vengeance took the place of justice, it was on the occasion of the State Trials. The first portion of the toast which he had to propose referred to the seventy-eight Members of the House of Peers who had voted for inquiry. It gave him great gratification to know that there were in that House seventy-eight who could he found voting for inquiry ; for he would not be doing his duty if he did not ac knowledge the responsibility which that House owed to the people for its almost universal opposition to the welfare of Ireland.—(Hear.) He rejoiced that some of most noble and ancient blood in the land was to be found in the minority. He rejoiced that his Noble Friend who had pre ceded him had appeared there that evening.— (Cheers.) He knew intimately his habits of life, and the effort which was required to bring him from his home ; and he rejoiced that the blood of the house of Talbot was found as the defender of the honour and reputation of . Mr. O'Connell.—(Cheers.) With reference to the minority in the House of Commons, he must say, that there was a time when he would willingly have added to their number—when he would gladly have added one vote to the too small minority in favour of redressing the wrongs of Ireland, though even at the risk of lengthening a protracted debate of nine days' dura tion, in favour of his fellow-citizens.—(Cheers.) The toast was then drank with loud cheers. GLEE AND CHORUS. And doth not a meeting like this make amends For all the long years I've been wand'ring away; To see thus around me my youth's early Friends, As smiling and kind as in that happy day ! Though haply o'er some of your brows, as o'er mine, The snow• fall of time may be stealing—what then? Like Alps in the sunset, thus lighted by wine, We'll wear the gay tinge of youth's roses again. But come—the more rare such delights to the heart The more we should welcome and bless them the more— They:re ours when we meet, they are lost when we part, LikC birds that bring sunset, and fly when 'tis o'er Thus, circling the ctip, hand 'in hand, ere we drink, Let sympathy pledge us, through pleasure, through pain That fast as a feeling but touches one link, ller magic shall send it direct through the chain. The CHAIRMAN then read the following letter from Lord Radnor : " Grosvenor-street, March, 1, 1844. " Dear Mr. Duncombe,—l have now for many years de clined attending at public dinners. It is for this reason alone that I have not sent for a ticket for the dinner at which you are to preside on the 12th instant, to be given to Mr. O'Connell. " To all the resolutions voted at No. 3, Cleveland-row, on Monday the 19th of February, I heartily subscribe ; and to no part of them more than to the expression of admiration for the constant advocacy by Mr. O'Connell of the rights and privileges of Irishmen.' " I am, dear Mr. Duncombe, your's faithfully, " RADNOR. "Thomas Shngsby Duncombe, Esq." He also read the following letter from Lord Kin naird " March 2, 1844. " Sir,—l regret extremely that my absence from town will prevent my being present at the dinner to be given to Mr. O'Connell, as I should have wished to have had an opportunity of expressing my abhorrence of the unfairness which has marked the whole of the proceedings of the Government towards Mr. O'Connell—a sentiment which lam sure is par ticipated in by every liberal-minded man both in England and Scotland. " By having permitted these monster meetings to con tinue, apparently for the purpose of entrapping the speakers into some unguarded expression, b 7 the employment of spies, worthy of the old times of _Cory misrule; by the quasi packing of the jury, owing to the dropped list, and the exclusion of Catholics ; and, to crown all, by the speech of the Lord Chief Justice, more like that of a prosecutor, than an impartial judge—(which even in the late debates there was no attempt to defend)—the Government must rouse the in dignation of the people of Great Britain, in whom the love of justice is inherent, and who, I hope, will show that they do not participate in the injustice done to Mr O'Connell, and, through him, to the Irish people. " Those so ingeniously termed ' convicted conspirators ' have been brought into the grasp of the law by an undue straining of it. The same principle carried into effect in this country would annihilate our liberties, by putting an end to all meetings for the expression of public opinion. I do sincerely believe that the repeal of the union would be detrimental to the interests of both countries. Yet, considering the way Ireland has been and is still governed, it is not surprising that Irishmen should look to the repeal as a panacea for the ills of their unhappy country. I trust, however that the sympathy which has been shown by the Liberal party towards Mr. O'Connell since his trial, will in duce the Irish to postpone their demands for the immediate repeal, till another election has given the Scotch and English constituencies an opportunity of proving whether they will adopt the enlightened views expressed by Lord John hussell and others, or support a Government, content with empty professions of good-will to Ireland, be lied by their acts.—Your obedient servant, KINNAIRD." The CHAIRMAN said he had felt it due to the two Noblemen, from whom these letters emanated, to read them to the meeting. Having done this justice to the minority, he hoped the meeting would allow him to do a little justice to the majority which over whelmed them.—(Laughter.) Among the majority of Peers who voted against the motion of Lord Normanby were to be found—wise men they must be, looking at the distance from which they voted—Lord Ellenborough in India—(Great laughter)—Lord Saltoun in China.—(Laughter)—Lord Tweeddale in Bombay or Madras.—(Continued laughter) —and Lord Sidmouth, who after a long life of political mischief, had voted against the rights of Ireland, even from his coffin.—(Great cheering.) And beyond all this, to the shame of public men, be it said, among the revilers of Ireland was to be found the name of Henry Brougham.—(Groans and hisses from all parts of the theatre.) Yes, he who had been con sidered the vile oppressor's foe, he who had been the esteemed of men, was now sunk into the mere mounte bank of faction—(Cheering) —and was absolutely bringing the very assembly to which he belonged into well-merited contempt with the people of this country.—(Laughte r and cheers.) Haying thus done justice to the majority of the House of L or d s , he would leave it to his Ron. Friend, Sir Richard Bulkeley, to acknowledge the compliment on the part of the minority of the House of Commons. Lord CAMOYS returned thanks for the minority in the House of Peers. He owned he was a volunteer intruder upon the time and arrangements of the even ing, having been appointed in the absence of those who were better qualified to acknowledge the toast. He was truly proud that he was one of those seventy-eight Peers who had recorded that vote which had met with the approbation of the assemblage. In the minority were to be found the names of some of the most ancient, some of the most talented, and some of the most patriotic Members of the House of Lords, names which had often been recorded in favour of Ireland, and which would be again recorded in its favour, whenever the necessities of that country should de mand their services. —(Cheers.) There was One point to which he could not help alluding: Who was it that enabled him at that moment to be returning thanks for the best portion of the House of Lords ? Who, but the eminent individual whom they had been delighted to honour on that occasion, to whom he was indebted for that very emancipation, which enabled him to fill the position which he then occupied ?—(Cheers.) There were no persons who felt so keenly the propriety of extending justice and equa lity to Ireland as those who had been in the condition of those who wanted them. He had come there as an Englishman anxious to show his sympathy in favour of Ireland, anxious to express his condemnation of that mischievous power which ran the risk of making England weak in order to make Ireland wretched.--(Loud cheers.) He had come there to express his indignation at those proceed ings which had brought, the judicature of Ireland into contempt, and which had desecrated the right of trial by jury, not only with regard to the accused, but with regard to the entire Roman Catholic population of Ireland.—(Cheers.) There was a disposition in Englishmen to be just, and he trusted that such demonstrations as that would have the effect of removing that ignorance and prejudice without which it would be impossible to refuse the redress of grievances.— (Cheers.) In this conviction he begged to thank them on behalf of the minority of the House of Peers. Sir R. BULKELEY returned thanks on behalf of the House of Commons. He expressed his admiration of that illustrious patriot, who had devoted all his energies to the best interests of the Irish people. He expressed his opinion that the Catholic clergy were intended to be treated on an equality with the Roman Catholic clergy ; and that the Protestant Church Establish ment must cease to be in connection with the State. He gloried in the Revolution of 1688, although he might, perhaps, by saying so offend some of his Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen, he still affirmed it ; but while that revolution had brought benefits to England, he would acknowledge that, as far as re garded Ireland, it had been productive of insults and oppression to the people of that country. —(Hear.) In Ireland it had produced a religious war. The conquerors had imposed hard terms upon the conquered. An experiment had been tried to Pro testantise a Catholic country; that experiment had signally failed, and the sooner it was desisted from the better.—(Loud cheers.) • Many persons dreaded any interference with the Irish Pro testant Church, because they were of opinion that if the Protestant Church of Ireland were to fall the Protestant Church of England would fall with it. He was a member of the Protestant Church of England, and was firmly attached to it, and sorry should he be if the stability of the Pro testant Church of England depended upon that of the Protestant Church of Ireland.—(Cheers.) The Protestant Church of Ireland had failed in its pur pose. It had not promoted either the religion or the education of the people ; and while they had clergymen without churches, and churches without congregations, that Church could conduce to no earthly good, nor could it answer any religious purpose. He hoped and believed that the day was not far dis tant when justice would be done to Ireland. He could not but recollect that in 1830 the House of Commons had, by a majority of 99, rejected a motion for a reform of that House ; and yet, in two years after, " the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," had been the rallying cry of the people and the measure of Reform had be en carried Cheers.) As one of the gembers of the House of Commons who had voted for Lord John Russell's motion, he begged to thank them for the toast which they had drank.—(Great cheering.) Mr. HENRY BERKELEY, M.P., for Bristol, then rose to propose a toast to do justice to which the eloquence of a Sheil or of an O'Connell would be scarcely adequate. They had testified their approval of the motions proposed by the Marquis of Normanby in the House of Lords, and by Lord John Russell in the House of Commons. He now rose to propose as a toast the principle upon which those motions were founded. The toast he had the honour to propose was " Justice to Ireland."—(Loud cheers.) He, however, could not say that he had any hope that that justice would be speedily attained. When he recollected the majority that supported those who were now in power, and that if a new election were to come on that majority would not be materially diminished—(Cries of " No, no,")—he could not hope that the wrongs of Ireland would be speedily redressed. The people of Eng land sympathised with the wrongs of Ireland, and felt for the Irish people; but, in order to assist them, they must have an increase of the electoral franchise for themselves. —(lmmense cheering.) There must be an entire change in the electoral system.—(Loud cheers.) The electoral system in England at this moment was a perfect mockery. As long as it continued they might sympathise with the people of Ireland, but they had no power of assisting them.—(Cheers.) Nor would they be able to assist the people of Ireland until the House of Lords had less to do with the House of Commons—(Cheers)—and until the House of Com mons had less power over its constituency.—(Cheers.) There could be no hope for Ireland as long as the pre sent party should remain in power ; they were the legi timate descendants of those who had introduced Habeas Corpus Suspension Acts and Gagging Bills, and what could be expected from them but that they would _consummate their iniquity by the last act of flagrant tyranny against that man— (pointing to Mr. O'Connell).—(Hear and cheers.) Those who studied in the school of suspended Habeas Corpus Acts, would not scruple to trifle with trial by jury. The toast of "Justice to Ireland " had his warmest sympathy, and he should only be too happy to hail the time when it should arrive. —(Cheers.) GLEE AND CHORUS. Raise the Song and strike the Harp, Send round the shouts of joy, For the Thunder of War is past, And the Fields of Erin are clad in peace. Raise, ye hundred Bards, the voice of joy, For the night shall pass in song; Till the beams of the morning appear in our halls Raise, ye hundred Bards, the voice of joy. Mr. MORGAN J. O'CONNELL acknowledged the toast. He said thit, at short notice, he had consented to acknowledge the toast ; but, under no circumstances could he have hesitated to have taken part in the pro ceedings, or to acknowledge with pride and gratification the honour they had done the country to which he belonged. They had practically shown that sympathy with Ireland which England had on all occasions exhibited since the proceedings which originated the assembly of that evening. He had spent a great part of his life in England, but it was a great gratification to him to see them throwing off that apathy, which they would pardon him for saying they had too long felt with respect to Ireland. This awakened sympathy was peculiarly honourable to them, it arose from that spirit of fair play, which, above all feelings, did them honour. : ---(Hear, hear.) The moment they saw a man or a country ill -used, whatever they had done before to excite their disapprobation, that moment they proceeded generously to take their part. He hoped that alienation and jealousies on both sides would cease. They might differ as to' what justice to Ireland consisted in; they might think it could not be done without giving the Irish the control of their own affairs but there was one thing they all agreed in, that it could not be done without equality of rights and identity of privileges. Let them go on as they were doing, and they would have the Irish people assisting them in removing all the in tolerant bigotry and grinding monopoly, and all the other forms of oligarchical oppression. He felt convinced that the people of Ireland were now thoroughly' enabled to draw the distinction be tween the people of England and the faction which, by flattering the prejudices of the people, or by the more substantial power of bribery, obtained power over them. The Irish could now draw the distinction between the people and the oligarchy. He thanked them for the manner in which they had received the toast, and hoped the proceedings would tend to create a good understanding between the two countries for the preservation of the common rights and liberties of the two people, and hasten the downfal of those factious persons, whether Ministers or in Opposition, who sought to divide the people of England and Ireland, and, by dividing, to oppress them both. Mr. GISBORNE, M.P., proposed the next toast. He said he had been asked in the House of Commons whe ther he was going to this dinner ; when he said he was, he was told by his questioner that he was going to a dinner given to a Repealer, and presided over by a Chartist.—(Cheers.) He cared no more for the allegation than if he had told him that their guest be lieved in witchcraft, and that their chairman was a believer in mesmerism. --(Loud laughter.) After nine nights' debate in the House of Commons, after hearing the Attorney-General of Ireland make are able, and he was bound to suppose, the best defence of the prosecution—he was bound to say, that in his opinion tyranny had be en p er p e t ra ted in Ireland, not only under, but through th e f or ms of law. — (At this part of the proceedings the Extraordinary The . Sun Was brought into the theatre, conainiTl s 11, full report of the speech of Mr. O'Corl r , the rapidity with which the report was toast'u Wished excited great sensation.) Th e iit w itiot a he had to propose was " Trial by Jury fraud," to which he had the honour to alV e , n the "Independent Edition a Bar of England and bolo-OA :1 (Loud cheers.) Had trial by jury riot fir . at the late trials in Ireland? Certainly not. '" of O'Connell had been tried by a jury that consistectibst Protestants and Tories and who could doubt such a jury would find him guilty? The „ r i a ,,`" Gentleman concluded by moving Trial by ow? without fraud, or suspicion of fraud." The toast was then drank with loud APPlaUge. GLEE AND CHORUS. Bid the festive glass go round, Harmony and mirth abound, Ev'ry social frolic soul, Call to share my cheerful bowl : Humour, wit, and sehse combin'd, To frankness and good-nature join d• These sr.cial friends alone invite To grace my Festival to-night. Then fill for them the goblet up, For while with them I drink the cup, I feel no want, my cares are gone, I live a thousand years in one. the Mr. Sergeant Munrwr, in acknowledg in g pe r toast, said that, at that late hour of the Ile ing, and labouring, as he was, under a 'e,ord3 cold, he must content himself with a very few ,orris , in reply to the toast. He had left his profess miles, avocations, and travelled a distance of 0° In u esti at once to show his respect to their illustrious and his gratitude to the English people for the ness shown to his countrymen.—(Loud e v hell, sr , It was his duty in his place in I vi hich ment to miimadvert on the way w hich ment the recent trials had been carried on, and to 101 suspicious circumstances which attended the stration of the law on that occasion. He still l'`anci tained that opinion, and should ever express i t ' 4 to there was another opinion he also felt h011,h., co'/v1 exp ress and that was, that the bar of Reim:lo raiseditself by the talent displayed on th e late c sion to the highest pinnacle of fame and honour . ro , Mr. HINDLEY, M.P., then came forward t°, pose the toast of " The Press." They were elc,„o, der great obligations to the exertions of the 4 0 0 and an example of the -great anti a'r ea rl y which could be made by the Press was -n - • 'net' that room, for they had a report of the including the speeches of the Choifl ua- c'harle / O'Connell, Lord Shrewsbury, the Lion' ( -4; 1 0 5 ; Langdale, and a portion of that of Lortl in an Extraordinary Edition of The Stt'll 1 " l a te, 07 paper. (Cheers.) Now, as the hour "°4. the all he could say was, considering the latenes s ° , t q,O hour, that he hoped the Press would use its hell e ,"„ - .‘ e cta " sincere exertions in cementing the union e l e v g ' t ics Great Britain and Ireland, and procuring — to Ireland." The toast of " The Press" was then Or' drank with three times three. lth °f Mr. O ' CONNELL then rose to propose the he; slice the Chairman. It was not in his power to d e ter to the sentiments of gratitude which he manner tained towards the Chairman, for the in which he conducted himself that h l,y and for the manliness with which he assoel' 9lc : e self with this cause, and put at defiance every looe' which was set against him. Every o ppresse„ l ; ; ,iso in him an enemy, and the dexterity of the it`,„ t iof o found no rampart against his persuasive deser'nero' of wrong. He belonged to no party, and was s ti r 0 0 0 to all.—(Loud cheers,) He never gave he which was not a record of his honour, and r c - 3 00 was found absent from his place when tn e en iblf of justice required it. He congratulated the osL oso on having so excellent a Chairman, and he t n iting they would heartily respond to his toast by """ his health in three times three. The toast was then drank amid acclamatio n. a The CHAIRMAN then returned thanks, an 0.0 that it was owing to the kindness of the theetiAc, he had discharged his duties well, if he had " (3 :01 1 : 3 , It was the greatest compliment ever paid too th 9 his political life, the being called to preside hi occasion. It was a compliment not onlY to „,or°` self, but to the constituency he had the representing, in being called on on this oecV,; - 0 40 ) preside, when the sympathy of the people of ati was expressed to the people of Ireland. There ht co t however, one toast, without giving which they till' to separate, namely, "The Fair Sex." He was e su-e fi . e lseu would exercise their influence in behalf e ir i,r h tl O with their relations and friends. to toast he would couple that of " The Stet a ' whom they were so much indebted for W e - meats of the evening.—(Hear, hear.) GLEE AND CHORUS. Fill a bumper to the Fair! Love and Wine defy Despair ; Wine can make a Grivard brave, LGve can make a Prince a Slave. ! Friendship ! Love ! and Sparkling v"'" Form a Diadem divine. Fili high, fill high, &c. Th ree The toasts were then dr an k w ith a pplause• oj the cheers were then given for Mi. O'Connell, ` .,hie band struck up " The sprig of shillelah," aft er the assemblage separated. NEWSPAPER REPORTIN G 0 37 ' Towards the conclusion o f the banquet a greatillllo4 of copies of The Sun Evening Newspaper , cc' ets g l iak includingnearly seven columns of the proceedings of the the whole of th e s p e ech of Mr. O' Ce . ll ; 0 0 ,' which was reported and pri n t e d within twenti $113(0 of the close of its delivery were distributed thr°l3.ol; the meeting gratuitously. The desire to Gbtfil on e / papers was most intense, and various sum s °E. : f l l oe ! were offered for them, which was refused. tl.e° of his speech on proposi ng the toast of " The e : e ft' Mr. Hindley alluded to this unexampled instanc b' rapidity of the press in conveying int e lligenc e ' ali o t he served that it might be taken as a specimen of ' 1 tIS' press could accomplish when occasion nai led .‘4. usual exertions. COURT CIRCULAN. ,j ga r° ice The Queen and Prince Alb er t wa lk e d in the rot toy of Buckingham Palace yesterday forenoon. bor e d His Royal Highnes s Prince Albert rode out l ir Eaytil yesterday. His Royal Highness, attended by herd Bowater, Equer r y in W a iti ng , p a id a visit to _ Cl Highness the Duchess of Kent at her resid ence, la House, St. James's. wa rt f Viscountess Jocelyn has succeeded Lady °r 0 11 ' il e ; Lady in Waiting o n the Queen. The MarquiisYtie oppo has succeeded Lord Byron as the Lord in } ti d e d Majesty ; and Sir Frederick Stovin has su cce- b r ;u: t, a iy" Sir Robert Otway, as the Groom in Waiting on c oY' Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of IV 'iii th e , Princess Royal were taken an airing yesterday' d f i ed; f gardens. he jeste, Her Royal Highness the Duchess of — en er - Is o i O 7 Fanny Howard, Lady in Waiti ng , dined with rd o ev e t and Prince Albert, at Buckingh am Palace, Yes te Her Majesty and his Royal Highness Din e " r oo,'"ir Mr. Moon the honour to inspect the fini,sl i p ed oy p ' e a Og g/ hi e : Doo's line engraving from the portrait of his „ e sro , # i j ot ' e by Mr. Partridge, in the uniform of the 11th -tith' iv ert v e he' was highly approved, and gracious permission should be dedicated to her Ma'esty At the °T y e 14 11 1. '00 Majesty commanded that the j ngra . Robinson, of the portrait of her e Ifaje v s in ty g , , es te 9 . to his Royal Highness Prince Albert. #og ,O h o sinholuiled be (19- r alif The Ecclesiastical Commission had a Ine e ' l ve v" • fr., h a, ty , afternoon at the Office in Whitehall-ple ce ,• n tericho ' P,ha sioners present were the Archbishop of " 3 , he Bishop of London, the Bishop of Bangor , T i c hu e ffi,f Chester, the Bishop of Hereford, the Bishop 0 ' . " 1 ,, 0;4 Bishop of Llandaff, the Bishop of Peterborouif, t he liotr f President of the CounCil, the Earl of BesborouVon, flieo Chichester, the Earl of Harrowby, the R i g ht ,' the 40 house, the Right Hon. Sir George Grey , a ll- ,bsci ea Westminster. a o ' 01 ", A Deputation of the Aborigines Protection sloei interview with Lord Stanley yesterday at the C. ° lie sge;ftell, present a memorial on the subject of the.Abor;P,,d, o,os and with special reference to those of New Ze-v 4 t - t ,, Pi o tatiou consisted of Dr. Hodgkin, Rev. J. Bur e ches l P / 10 - 0 Christy, Mr. J. Bell, Mr. A. Braithwaite, tb„,.° 4 .„01 1 ! h e lon, Mr. R. Young, M r . A. B. Wright, " R „ev. J. J. Freeman Kaw-an, a New Zealand chief, als o " Deputation. A I9A. ------ , .) G ib ra ltar ............. •• , st! ...... 4 Milan .............. Venice ... ........... , .'',. k GLegenhoaarn.. •........................ .. --' 2 . ° Lisbon, ........... •.:.... ~,, Palermo, 0..,.p..e.r...0..2;.:.:.•,:: 1 ?,,..2 1, i Oporto .......... • • ..,. ,••_', Rio Janeiro..... .•• . •/,,, &Ilia ............ . ..... „.., Buenos Ayres" .light NewYork,2.ldr" "" 0 2 , Philadelphia ............ r. , , 9 PRICES OF OV II I 5.3 l, 5 Foreign Gold, bin', 5 1!, 0 Portugal Gold Coin 0 e t 91 Doublns."' 0 7 11 New New Dollaroos ....... ••• 0 * Sil ve r in Bars ..... --.........—,........,. .....--...............---- ' , 0 CITY OF LONDO N SC 400, NO it, 0 f some years ago. by Mr. Thomas Tegg, The Corporation having devoted the fin e went A:e v' seller and publisher, to be excused from servin.g. 0 to ° o o] , -hibip° Om • i r Sheriff, towards the establishment of an eN bo ys c i the ell' tio etv. e 0 1 the Universities, for the benefit of pupils of the 3 0 apv c°l ;ll o3 Mr. Tegg has manifested his approval of such a t o ti , e it litY , t o h f e loo o / ) . m , a m n i d tt i ee n r e e f t t a h r e n tion by recently making the important additioi!of libel:tits/ S fo c r h s o o oltre shall in future be designated " The Tegg .' d his PI Exhibition." Mr. Tegg has also accompainei.o 50101.0' that,;(o.llllii'itis a number of valuable books for the library of t" ificipti 401 gaugiel an ne t t, esbi, of The Corporation has lately caused ne of the , 1 itist P ,., of dows in the building to be enriched by the insertloi:efoetel'et,t, glass of the armorial bearings of thifbllowing .?,,, i ,: cod $• the school, viz. :—The Corporation of London, I d i' i gr, . I ,' oo . to t e pLep b a i r is a h ti m on en b t y , J ll o l h r. n S c . arpent the late Sir James Saw, Bart., Mr. Tegg , 411 1 /1 add itl is it Hale, the Chairman of the Select Committee. wii i c ii i oe which an elegant statue will shortly be pat up o da ' n ill Clerk 0' 0 o Nixon,ro, the reign of Henry VI., and one of the exe , . .... fam • • ow Sir Richard Whittillgt oll . f Ttohwenorifinal r e o utt rod o f ti . COURSE OF EXCHA. Amsterdam CF. 12 6 Ditto, at sight l2 4 Rotterdam 2U. 12 6 Antwerp 26 Fiamburgh M.B. 1315 Altona l4 Oyu Paris, 3 days' sight 25 75 Ditto, 3 months 25 95 Marseilles 25 Bourdeaux 25 Frankfort on Maine.. 122 Petersburgh, 3Us 36 Berlin 7 Vienna, effec. fl. 31st 958 lrieste, ditto Madrid 364 Cadiz Bilbao 36 Barcelona 36 Seville — I THE SUN, LONDON, WEDN E SDAY EVENING, MARCH 13, 1844. wag% f al I,:t 0 „, tt i e N koq4 'IAI