The Sun. — London, England, 1844-11-25 00:00:00

SUMMARY OF NEWS ; Oubttr Optutort. " Who runs may read." i Ile Ring and Q ueen o f t h e F renc h , on T ues d ay even „n„g, received the Brazilian Minister, M. Thiers, Count te4fr aimledei:l.o Redorte, Count de Latourette, and Baron tillhe Prince de Joieville and the Duke d'Autnale, on 5 1 7th, emb ar k e d at Toulon for Naples, and were to kiln the evenine• Princ e and Princess of Capon, and their youthful re lli e ll Y , are still residing at Spa, Belgium, in comparative .e ( 13 0 ;;;;• ent i be le circumstances of toe Prince are said t ,e extremely un-leasant by reason of the continued between himself and his brother, the King prise feral Prim has been condemned to six years' im e.ises„, . • - "eat in a fortress. still Cu' ars of fresh plots against the Government were tr ard; ret at Madrid. At Malaga, on the 11th, tx- Geu '' h arY precautions were adopted by the authorities r "? sequence of the report that Espartero was at a ta x . all:eeollnts fro m B ayonne o f t h e 18t h state t h at t h e Jr: l :L a( ' of Zurbano, being hotly pressed by General battlit the head of teo squadrons of cavalry and a iit-'1" of infantr dispersed itself on the 16th. tlet,ter fro m V Y' igo .p of the 9th states that General Lo n - d ,, e had arrived there from Lisbon, on his way to to Join the ex-Regent. 'Lie 1 3th, says the Castellano of Madrid, the Civic and fell in with a banditti, on the road to Estremadura, ;had a severe conflict with them, in whioh they killed ,r the band, and made four prisoners. ar i d Cittadino brig of 300 tons, from Odessa, si'led for Algiers, with a cargo of corn, was driven c a t \ llel a,!e gales on shore in the Gulf of Vallinco (Cor t"„a' ra wrecked. The crew escaped . with the excep t), t) a Maltese, named Charles Mizzi, who was washed erboard and drowned. Se, ZILW AND POLXO2I. Sever rules nisi were obtained in the Bail Court, 11- 11 - ,nn various attorneys to show cause why they should ca ae struck off the rolls for misconduct. e tt l o a rn t e h! Court of Bankruptcy, Forte, who had been an at arhll, near afsbur, ne !an 41)Pacation for his ne final order. Sh Hisdebts and liabilities ittnounted to about 13,000/., but he had no available I )r t4 ', N 0 opposition was offered to his application . ; fled N i l • ,- omusissioner Evans said that no man was justa th_ s n getting into debt for so large an amount, without line, lightest means of paying the advances made to him, adiaoutrheeerdefo sing die. decision of the Court was that he be eoN Worship-street Ann M'Cormack was brought up reign"al e xamination, charged with having stolen a sove „, the property of Leah Aarons, her fellow-servant, s i m il e house of Mr. M. Gomez Silva, a West India mer sls:t' re siding in King-street, Finsbury-square ; and ters Kith the abduction of her master's daughter, an I'l - child, ten years of age. The depositions, which annex verY voluminous, having been read over, the . pri r or , , k , lie reserved her defence, was fully committed ther•sie charg e of felony, and in the event of her acquittal a gai e nn, the Magistrate ordered a detainer to be lodged 4rst her for the misdemeanour. with e n nng fellow name d J osep h C o ll ar d , c h arge d ase,,„,a,ring been one o f a gang of b lackguards who the i'uled at P arson ' s - green, Fulham, on the night of e d '4„ t g , and attacked several persons with sticks, was, in fr uity ' l ,_ t yer Paying a fine of 405., committed for a month O'l,atnnierstnith Police-court. I st ec , ri tab T e i''sty Thomas West, alias Thomas Field, a re looking middle-aged man, charged with obtain self alu neY under false pretences, by representing him es an officer of the Court of Chancery, was fully cuntinitted from Clerkenwell Police-court. Lo r d a utrafor—r.waxszon A 5.111446. try "d Lady Worsley, w h o , on l eav i ng th is coun went ) proceeded on a tour thro ug h S w it zer l an d, an d t h ence purp ose Fl orence, have s i nce gone to R ome, w h ere t h ey o so sojo urn i ng some weeks. rd C rewe has left town for Crewe Hall, his Lord `".P 's seat in Cheshire. Thus eae Fren c h A mbassador had a small dinner party on m clY, at Ma nc h ester H ouse . H is E xce ll ency B aron thecane antes, M, and Madame Van dee Weyer, Viscount Emba ssy, werei St. Aulaire, and the Secretaries to is a mong the company. , ur o unt Rielrnansegge, the Minister from Hanover, orders this country early in the ensuing week, re are • s l it 'ing been forwarded to re for his reception on Monday next. th a Hugh es , t h e American Min i ster at t h e C ourt of gue, who returned last week from his tour in Ire end, is about to depart for Holland, to resume the func tions o f his appointment in that country. Lady Daltner and her infant danghter are both doing remarkably 11 cording to letters received from Scotland. we ac 11414 074362.A3N31101111111. The Board of Admiralty has just promoted a very Meritorious officer, Lieut. Archibald G. Bulman (1828), to the rank of commander. Lieut. Bulman fitted out the Fair Rosamond schooner in April, 1841, and pro ceeded with her to the West Indies. In that climate he *4 . 4 for a long ti me w i t h out a medical officer on board ; tt(t Lieut. Bulman so well attended to his crew, that e u oy nlgh many were severely attacked with fever they re . ered under the treatment he himself prescribed. With aesreo t . dutiessecond officer to relieve him, he carried on the of his little vessel during the whole term of corn intlalon without having recourse to corporal punishment wh it e l 3' one instance, yet the very creditable manner in gave h he paid her off at Portsmouth a few days since she ample proof of the high state of discipline in which lad een k The e t. an b P nual dinner of the " Brill District Conservative a ssoc iation” ta k es place at Brill on the sth of Demur d t he he great guns are to be t h e M arqu i s of Chandos Duke o f B uckingham. tltiew a,o7lgvttottt density o f th e f og on Th urs d a y evertin g, Clapt on omn ib uses , w hil e procee di ng te e : t he Queen's. road, was upset in a ditch, with six jury Passe ngers, none of whom, however, sustained in hors_ The escape of the conductor, who was guiding the I Cerrl s ' w " providential. An omnibus belonging to Mr. lapt son, also came in contact with another vehicle, near fort a Z t 1 1 3 end• The omnibus was materially damaged, So_ e ynoaccident occurred. ov er f Ti r e speci mens of coal have been recently brought or k b n in New Z ea l and, that formed part of the ballast el„nyar roc gone whi ch arrived in the river direct from thata eag i ti ihneg ,e coal ld is in question traverses, in seams, the an gift . 1 . ks of the isl Ind, is exceedingly bl ac k, c l ean , Eieasily frangibl e ; an d a pp ears t o d 0 , , an ywise, inferi or i n qua li ty to t h e b est Walls and fa..k.atubton Muin samples in the London market, su perior t o the Burdwan coal of India. ______„...--.......—. it *Rai,,.. AILWAY RETURNS . 41 - Tu r 1 ... fo r the k flie following are the Total Receipts of ,•I)ective r,,,Past week —that is to say, up to the date to which the tek ja the ur ns are made, together with the receipts of the same __. e previous year : ---___ enda ug a •to • tF4 3 t (...) Last week. l0 '• 1G 18 liscel nation ies for ,n, for inha: siona, is an d ch eV 4 pro' which have verse ; nd an the raves!, y e o f NAME OF RAILWAY. Arbroath and Forfar .•• • ::. „ .... Birmingham and Gloucester. .. .. Brandling Junction • • .. • Bristol and Gloucester ••• • • .„ .. Chester and Birkenhead . • • *— . „ .. Dublin and Drogheda.. • • • „.. Dublin and Kingstown • • .. • • „ .. Dundee and Arbroath ... Durham and Sunderland ..• • • tdinburgh and Glasgow . , Eastern Counties and North Lasiern . :: Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr • • .... Grand Glasgow and Greenock— .• .... Junction ••••.• • • • • • Great North of England • • • • • , .. Great Western . • • • • • • • • • • • • .. • • Liverpool and Manchester •• • • • • ... , London and Birmingham • .•••• London and Itlackwall— • • • • London and Brighton. ... • .. • London and Croydon ... •• • • London and Greenwich . .• • • London an d South Western • • ...... • Manchester, tow, nd Bury • • • • • • Manchester, and llti • a n 1 •irint .• • • 31anclisister, Leeds,rnandi•6hiail Assoc.. Slidland Counties. • • • • • • •• • Newcastle and Darlington • • '• • • • • Newcastle arid Carlisle.... • • • ******* Newcastle and North Shields • • • • • • North Union and Bolton and Preston Paris, C an or bett, a nd Orleans...—. " • • e Paris d BoneMonett. •. • • Preston and }Pyre • ••• }P y r e • • . • • • • • '• Sheffield and South Eastern Manch.. .• • • •e ster— . • ••• • • • .. • • • • '' • • I.lster . .......... •• • • •• • • •• •' ****** Yarmouth Northorvri ... • • • ****** York and Midland ••••• 137 2,160 228 1,026 2,214 3,676 1,464 745 7,624 1,661 12,976 4,350 14,376 644 3,702 1,032 817 5,043 805 2,922 6,646 9,523 1,054 1,655 376 1,401 144 1,608 804 4,089 297 692 4,035 698 690 2,141 3,134 1,20 S 712 6,511 1,328 12,0(0 3,650 15,835 617 3,109 647 5,023 730 2,1:5 b,586 7,779 1,412 328 856 3,463 231 682 2,700 592 554 172 2,189 2.030 ------ --- pPIIE xaING OF THE FRENCH'S PRESENT TO . THE . F: t t i : bIiVIDSOR.—The King of the French's liberal the' poor of Windsor of 5,000 f. (200 L) will thus rit by Thomas Clarke, Esq., the aYr--100/. will be presented to the Windsor and •r•t(3. Royal Dispensary, and the remaining 1004 will be tliBtributed to the poor in coals, at Christmas. , Tazar. Ity JURT.—Not a hundred miles from Pe torborough, at a late quarter sessions held in an ancient Vtredttnvti-hall, it is said that a remarkable circumstance oc . On the trial of a prisoner charged with robbing _le Master of various articles, the business had proceeded .1"d'0 far as to leave the matter in the hands of the jury that body not being able to cone to a satisfactory gelertnination whether the prisoner was guilty or not, 4 , 4 '. 1 being locked up, the foreman proposed, in order to buorten the question, that the poker from the fireplace should Le placed exactly upright, and that if it fell to the light the prisoner was guilty, and if it fell to the left he % its not guilty! The poker so placed fell to the right, , an d the poor prisoner obtained three months' imprison klent in eonsequence.—Linedu Mercury. Shepherd Air . James Hogg, the only son of the Ettrick , sailed on Monday for India, seeking his fur- A l trlts in the East, as the sons of Burns and the sons of lltte Cunningham have done before him. Mr. Hogg , as bcen appointed to a situation in the Bank of Bombay. Ltlen4lis father's fame will be no drawback to his ad,,ance ,fhet, and he has our best wishes for health and success. only surviving son of Sir Walter Scott is now doing . . . to only wlth his regiment in Madras. How strange the dear MR Ply of genius ! ' Milton's son was parish clerk of 4 , when Addison's brother was governor of that ettlettleet.—Athenteunt. ti William Smith, another of the men implicated in t,`' murder of Police -constable Couchman, has been (-„1',, a ," 1 1 in custody, and was yesterday sent off to Multi lle, to take his trial for the offence along with the — . i4 rks now in prison there. Thomas Clark, the indi "gal Who atr nckefatal blow, is the only one of the eiltY parties now t large. Chronicle. IRELAND GREAT PROVINCIAL REPEAL BANQUET. LIMERICK, Nov. 20.—Any person who was present at the Monster meetings of last year, and who could have beheld the great assemblages which took place in Limerick this day, would have beheld the same perfect organiza tion, the same well-regulated machinery which terrified the Government last year at Tara or Mullaghmast. At an early hour the various Trades, Temperance Societies, and. Political Lodges, not only of Limerick but of EnniS, and other adjacent towns, assembled with their respec tive bands in full uniform, and marched along on the Ballinacurra-road, in order to meet Mr. O'Connell, and escort him into the city. At half-past one o'clock, the procession, which was accompanied by thousands of the peasantry, extended for two miles along the road, and the leading band had not long waited at the appointed place, before Mr. O'Connell arrived. He was seated on the box of his travelling carriage, and seemed in excel lent health and spirits, acknowledging the tremendous cheering in his warmest manner. Having made a circuit of the principal parts of the city, the procession halted at Cruise's Hotel, where Mr. O'Connell addressed them. Mr. O'CoNsreee, on making his appearance at the window of the hotel, was received with the most enthu siastic cheering. When silence was at length restored he proceeded—What a magnificent sight was then before him. What a glorious exhibition had he witnessed on that day. Never was his heart more free or more lively —never did he feel a stronger presentiment that the hour was not remote when the Irish parliament. would be re stored, and the odious Union repealed. —(Loud cheers.) He knew the word that would strike upon their hearts and reverberate in their ready shouts. (Renewed cheers.) He had seen many an exhibition of popular strength and determination, but never one to equal and certainly not to exceed the exhibition of that day.—(Loud cheers.) He had phy sical force enough before him to accomplish the worst of purposes if he had any such design. There was no monarch of Europe had a larger army at his command than the volunteer army by which he had been sur rounded that day.—(Great cheers.) But what was most glorious in the people of Ireland was that, with a power to do mischief, they had no other inclination than that of confining themselves strictly within the laws of order and propriety, they ware resolved to commit no offence against the ordinances of man—no sin against the law of God.—(Hear.) He did not know when he had seen so many stalwart, noble-looking, well-dressed men as he met that day, and where could - he have seen so many beautiful women.—(Cheers and laughter.) He had been told that the people were apathetic in the repeal cause at present. Ile would be glad to know was there a man who then listened to him who would net, if necessary, lay down his life to forward the repeal ?- -(Loud cries of "Not one.") But it was not neces sary; and, above all, it was not lawful for them to do so; and, instead of dying, they would live to see an Irish Parliament assembled once again in College-green.— (Cheers.) He stood there in a sacred spot ; he might be laughed at for the repetition of it ; but he would, notwithstanding, again remind them that the spot on which they stood was one that must cause burning shame to the English people, and redound for ever to the glory of Irishmen. There it was that their ancestors —not merely the men alone, but the Irish also—fought, and bled, and conquered for their country.—(Hear.) There it was that the treaty between the armies of Ireland and of England had been solemnlyentered into— a treaty that had never, up to that hour been performed, as far as the English nation was concerned, and shame be upon those who refused to fulfil their deliberate compact.—(Hear and cheers.) He was quite ready that the English people should have England, and was it not perfectly fair that they should ?—(Cries of "Yes.") He was ready to leave Scotland to the Scotch, and that was equally fair.—(Hear, hear.) But a little bird told him, half an hour ago, that there was an other thing equally fair, and that was, to have Ireland for the Irish.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) It was idle to suppose that they would not carry the repeal. A hundred thousand voices had that day told him of their readiness to persevere. He would then call upon them once again to organise themselves—to select repeal wardens in every district—to establish repeal reading rooms, and repeal libraries,—to adopt steps by which every man who can have a vote shall be registered—to agitate, agitate, agitate, peaceably, but determinedly, and they might be certain of soon having the repeal.— (Cheers.) One of the greatest evils in the present con dition of the country was the system of agrarian out rages that prevailed—the power which the law allowed the ruthless landlord, of converting populous and fruit ful districts into desert wastes ; but while he blamed the crimes of the landlords, let no one think he meant to excuse those of the tenants. A foul murder had, within the last few days, been perpetrated in. Clare, and none of the family of the murdered man wept his fall more sincerely, or more bitterly than he did. Did they not know that the red arm of God's vengeance was im pended over the murderer ? He was the apostle of a sect that taught that no amelioration—not even the in dependence of Ireland—was worth the shedding of a single drop of blood. Was there a man there who did not love Old Ireland ?—(Hear, and cheers.) Could any man there bear to have it said that they were unfit to govern themselves, and that England must govern them ?—(Cheers, and cries of "No.") Could they bear the insolence of the London newspapers,which insisted upon it that England must govern them?—(Cries of " No, no.") In answer to that, he said that she must not.—(Renewed applause.) The Queen was the Queen of Ireland, as well as of England. The people of Ireland were attached to the Crown, but to no other part of the English, as governing them.—(Cheers.) The Irish people would be good neighbours to the English, but they would not be their servants or their slaves.—(Cheers.) There were reporters from those English journals then present. Let them inform the English people in the name of the Irish nation, for he so proclaimed it as their universal sentiment that they were determined, without reserva tion, modification, or revocation, to have their Parlia ment in College-green.—(Loud cheering.) The Asso ciation would assist them in their efforts, and would watch over their political education. It would send them books and newspapers, and assist at the foundation and extension of repeal reading-rooms.---(Cheers.) He would advise them to attend to their religious duties, for he did not wish to have any man struggling for repeal who did not follow the practice of his Communion.— (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) He had given them his political sermon, which declared that no nation of 9,000,000 was so miserable as to be dragged at the tail of another; that seventeen of the independent States of Europe had not the numbers of the people of Ireland. — (Cheers.) Their physical force, strength—ay, their bravery—(Great cheering)—but, above all, their re ligious feeling and intellect—(Cheers)—that they would soon make the eighteenth—(Cheers)—by having their Parliament in College-green, with an Irish Queen, Irish Lords, and Irish Commons, enacting laws for old Ireland. Hurrah for Repeal !—(Loud cheering, amid which Mr. O'Connell withdrew.) THE BANQUET took place in the theatre, a neat and spacious building of an oblong form, elegantly fitted up for the occasion. The boxes were reserved for the ladies, and more than 500 of the famed Limerick lasses—the belles of Ireland, availed themselves of the privilege, so that the upper part of the house presented an array of beauty which could not easily be surpassed. Upwards of 800 gentle men, including several corporators and town commis sioners, in their robes of office, sat down to an excellent dinner. The officers of the city Corporation, with their maces, &c., stood behind the chairman, Mr. W. S. O'Brien, M.P. On the right of the chair sat Mr. O'Connell, Dr. M'Hale, Titular Archbishop of Tuam ; the Roman Ca• tholic Bishop of Elkhin, Mr. J. O'Brien, M.P, Mr. E. B. Roche, M.P., Mr. E. Kelly, M.P., Mr. E. Powell, M.P., Mr. M. J. O'Connell, M.P., Mr. H. Bridgeman,. M.P., Sir V. Blake, M.P., Mr. N. Maher, M.P., Mr. D. Cal laghan, M.P., and Sir R. Musgrave, Bart. On theleft were the Mayors of Limerick, Cork, Clonmel, Sir B. Morris, locum tenens of the Mayor of Waterford, Alder.. man Lyons, Mr. Steele, Mr. Barrett, and Dr. Gray. Immediately after dinner, the usual loyal toasts hav ing been drunk, • The CHAIRMAN proposed the toast of " Ireland and her people," to which Mr. KELLY, M.P., replied. The CHAIRMAN then, in terms of eloquence and feel ing, proposed the toast of " Mr. O'Connell," coupled with Repeal of the Union. Air—" O'Connell is free." Mr. O'Comeem. rose, and was received with the most unbounded enthusiasm, the entire company rising and cheering for several minutes. When silence had been at length restored, the Hon. and Learned Gentle man proceeded—This is, I think, what is called a com memoration, which means something joyful for bygone events. Now, I would always like bygon es to be by gones, and rather to think of the future.—(Hear, and cheers.) I never was fond of "glorious and immortal memories "—(Laughter)—l wish to think, not of what we did, but of what we will do, and I am come amongst you for that purpose—not exactly like a giant refreshed with wine, but like an agitator, invigorated by the sea breezes and the beagle-hunting of the mountains. — (Cheers.) I am, to be sure, as little fit to be treated as a martyr as any person I know of—l play the part badly. My appearance is, you may perceive, not at all suited for the Apothecary in Romeo and Juliet — (Laughter.) But if I have acquired more of strength and vigour, and more of energy of mind, it is because I see a clear prospect before me, that if we be but true to ourselves, Ireland must soon belong . to the Irish. John Bull, our sister country—for John is a sister, not withstanding his name—(A laugh)—turns on me, and says, What right have you to be a nation, or to govern yourselves ? Where did you get the charter, or when did I concede to you the privilege of allowing you to be men sufficiently honest to govern your own country ? Our charter is not derived from you, John. It is de rived from our nature. It has the patent seal of the Creator upon it, and we would be wretches it we did not vindicate our lawful right.—(Loud cheers.) I have much thought upon the impenetrability of truth into England. I solemnly declare that it appears to me as if a kind of adamantine wall surrounded that coun try, making it impervious to every approach of truth. It may arrive on the four wings of heaven, and with the force of electricity to every human being elsewhere, but the fact is most astounding that it never can penetrate into England.—(Hear, hear.) I am resolved to perse vere until I compel England to understand the grievances of which we complain. I am resolved that they shall do so, and no thanks to them. In the first place, they must learn to understand the grievance and the injustice of the present centralisation system. They call it centralisa tion, and yet they place the Government in the remotest corner of the kingdom. If they had fixed upon Chester, for instance, for that purpose, I could underst and it ; but instead o f doing so. they went to the farthest spot they could make out, and then John Bull, who never blun ders, calls that centralisatior. My complaint of centrali sation is that it t a k es away f rom I re l a nd all that would otherwise be earned by Irishmen in carrying on the Go vernment, and in the collection of the revenue ; where • as, now all is swallowed up by the centralisation system, without one shilling going into the pockets of Irishmen. On the score then of centralisation alone and of its ill effk cts, I demand a repeal of the union. —(Cheers.) I appeal to you again, was ever anything so preposterous and unjust as allowing the present limited number of Members of Parliament to Ireland ? England has 548. Ireland has but 105, and too of them belong to Trinity College, which may be considered as not being in Ireland at all. They certainly do not speak Irish there ' and they have still less of I r i s h f ee li ng among them. Lord Castlereagh admitted that Ireland ought to have 179 Members at the time of the union ; and I find by the last printed returns of population and revenue, that Ire land ought to have 175 Members. At the time of the Reform Bill I offered to take 150 Members. The Irish Members in Parliament at the time were willing to take that number, but they refused our demands, and Ireland got an addition of only five Members. But Scotland, with only two millions of inhabitants, got eight addi. tional Members, while Ireland, with eight millions of inhabitants, got only five.—(Hear, hear.) In England the Members were given according to the scale of popu lation. Every county in England having more than 50,000 inhabitants got an additional Member. Every county having more than 100,000 inhabitants got two ad ditional Members, and so on. Yorkshire got 8 or 10 addi tional Members, and other counties got 4, or 5 or 6 ; but not a single additional Member was given to any county in Ireland. The consequence is, that Cork, the county which I represent, has a rural population of 700,000 persons, and only two representatives. Wales with a population of 800,000, has twenty-eight Members. —(Hear, hear.) South Lancashire with a population of 28,000 inhabitants, has four representatives, while Galway and Mayo, with nearly 900,000 inhabitants, has but precisely the same number between them.— (Hear.) Again I turn to John Bull, and ask him— How dare you talk to me of a union, after the treatment that Ireland received in the measure of municipal re form ? You gave Scotland municipal reform two years after you gave England municipal reform. For five years you refused municipal reform to Ireland.—(Hear.) That is what you call justice to Ireland, but what I call an ingredient of separation.—(Cheers.) My next argument is derived from the financial robbery done to Ireland by the union, and I am sorry to find that that very able man, Mr. Sharman Craw ford, does not seem to understand this matter at all. At the time of the union England owed a debt of 440,000,0001,whi1e Ireland owed but 20,000,000/., and they since made us liable to have their 440,000,0001., while they generously took upon themselves half our 20,000,0004 Mr. Sharman Crawford does not appear to know that it was expressly stipulated by the union that Ireland never should be made liable for any part of the interest of this 440,000,0001., and that England should be taxed to the amount of 16,000,000/. a year on articles that were to pay no duty in Ireland ; and yet with the exception of the assessed taxes, which were dropped because they were found to be unproductive in Ireland, and the income-tax, which is a modern introduction, there is no tax in England that does not also exist in Ireland. But of all the evils of the union there is none more ruinous in its effects on this country than the absentee drain, which is daily increasing in its amount, and which already exceeds six millions a year. I tell England there must be a cure for this evil, and that the only cure for it is the repeal of the union. —(Hear.) I have detained you long.—(Cries of " No, no ; go on.") There is no use saying no, no—you can't put back the clock.—(Cheers and laughter.) Well, I have but a few words more to say to you. They are these :—The period of my life cannot now, in the course of nature, be long.—(Cries of " No, no.") Yes, I have fallen into the sear and yellow leaf, and the span of my life is measured by a few fleeting years, in all human probability, by far less ; but this I tell you, be the time long or short, I am determined, till the grave calls upon me, that not a week, not a day, not an hour shall pass, without my thinking how I may do good to Ireland, and acting for her independence.—(Cheers.) No matter what disappointment or treachery I was met with, I shall work on.—(Loud cheers.) Will you work on with me ?—{Cries of "We will.") Aye, well I know it.—(Cheers.) The brave, the religious, the moral people of Ireland, will work on with me. Even if we fail, is it not delightful to be engaged in a struggle for one's country.—(Cheers.) What do I feel course through my veins at the thought, which he who never has been in that struggle can never feel—(Cheers)--as he goes crawling along calculating on which side lies the profit Poor paltry wretch, if such there be, I tell him to reckon the throbbings of my heart as it beats with all its pulse for old Ireland, and to know what the plea sure is which I feel in struggling for liberty.—(Great cheers.) That is my duty and my happiness, and recol lecting that loved land, the fairest, sweetest spot on earth—more fertile, more populous than sixteen states of Europe—more powerful, I will say, too, than almost any state—for her tremendous physical force is concen trated in a narrow compass—can I doubt that such a country was fitted for one day, of prosperity and happi ness ?—(Cheers.) Aye, that day is near at hand. The morning star of independence has shone forth. I think the sun of liberty will soon appear over our horizon, and rise into the ascendant, giving light to all, and infusing the life, heat, and animation of liberty into old Ireland. Having resumed his seat amid applause, which lasted some time. Mr. O'CONNELL again rose to propose the health of the Chairman, which he did in terms of high eulogy, as the descendant of Brian Borroihme. The CHAIRMAN returned thanks. Other toasts followed, 'after which the company sepa rated at past midnight. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY MORNING NOVEMBER 25 1841. IRISH RAILWAYS-SIR ROBERT PEEL. DUBLIN, Nov. 21.—The Dublin Evening Post cen tains the following communication from its London cor respondent : " LONDON, TUESDAY EYENXNC.—The Government has abandoned the intention, if it ever were seriously entertained, of sending a cernmision to Ireland to report upon the numerous railway projects which have been started. The duty of inquiry and selection will be com pleted by the Board of Trade, which now have their hands quite full, on account of the immense number of applications from all parts of the empire from railway companies. The belief has become pretty general that Mr. Gladstone will, through motives of delicacy, retire from the Board of Trade, on account of the great extent to which his connexions are concerned with several of the railways." r ET VALUE OF MONET IN THE PUBLIC LARE.—The Robins. He had to sell freehold week by Mr. George e m x e c n e t e d w i n a s g l t y a • l l e i r t t a l b e Il v , a w l u e e l t t h e a a t t money ed a t t he A possessesacti Auction n a mo t las e xt per re e2d4sO cent. a per thirty-oneye year, for nfuomr years' whichup opur chase,n th e h outlay. To this was appended the reversionary interest gr ob t ained uonl and -rne7dno i s s t s 0,0 lessl: amounting which than hic in 77 years to about 1,8001. a-year, but all such as are conversant in figures are aware that the fee at such a prolonged time is worth nothing. At the same time Mr. Robins announced a peppercorn rent to be sold for 77 years, and after that period the fee simple to a public house (the Hope and Anchor Tavern, Lisson grove), of the annual value of 1001. The opulent brewer (Mr. Hoare), who holds the lease until the year 1921, and receives no rent during that period, became one of the spirited competitors for this reversion, and actually gave for it 100 guineas. A small portion of time devoted to calculation will demonstrate the fact that the interest and compound interest upon the said 100 guineas will amount to 4,6001. when it falls into possession. It will be seen that Mr. Robins, in his printed detail of this property (which we extract), prophesied something very like a faithful result :—" The time is exceedingly fa vourahle for investment, especially for those who have capital to remove from three per cents. to solid freehold ground-rents. It is by no means an improbable event, that in a few short years, the funds may make a retrogade movement, while the property under review is not merely a security that must every day increase in value, but it is free from doubt and uncertainty, and to those who have large families to provide for, every succeeding year increases the pleasing prospect that it is in view of ex changing a small ground -rent into a large annual free hold income. Many of those lots, separately viewed, will, in 77 years, be a competency for one child ; this will be worth a serious thought to all those who have families to provide for.—Morning Herald. THE FATAL ACCIDENT ON THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.—On Friday we noticed the serious fact that two men had been run over on the Great Western Rail way and killed during the fog on Thursday. The fol lowing further particulars are supplied by a casual re porter : On the morning of Thursday last a dreadful and fatal accident took place on the line of the Great Western Railway, near the station at West Drayton, Middlesex, by which two men, named Samuel Brooks and William Tuckwell, hare lost their lives. It appears, from inquiries made on the spot, that about half-past eight o'clock, six men, including the two men killed, were engaged in repairing that portion of the line of railway westward of the West Drayton station, ,nearly on the confines of Buckinghamshire, when the sound of an approaching up-train was heard in the , distance. Four of the men immediately got off the line altogether ; but the two men, Brooks and Tuckwell, instead of following their example, moved only from the up line to the down line. At the time there was a very thick and dense fog prevailing, so that objects could not be seen beyond a very short distance, in consequence of which the men were not aware of the approach also of the down train, which leaves the Paddington terminus at eight o'clock, until it was so close to them that all chance of escape was hopeless, and they were instantly knccked down and passed over by the train. The persons having charge of the train were not aware of the accident until their ar rival at the Slough station, when some of the railway officers observing blood on the tender of the engine, communicated the fact to the guard, when persons were immediately sent along the line to ascertain the cause, who found the bodies of the two deceased lying in a frightfully mutilated state on the down line between the Slough and West Drayton stations. Beth bodies were promptly removed to a shed at the West Drayton sta tion, where they still remain. It is stated that the bodies presented a most frightful spectacle, and that the watch of one of the unfortunate sufferers is driven into his body. Information of the accident has since been for warded to Mr. Wakley, M.P., Coroner for the district. CAMDEN CHAPEL, PECKHAM.—The ceremony of the consecration of Camden Chapel, Peckham, was on Friday performed by the Bishop of Winchester. Soon after eleven his Lordship, attended by his chaplain, ar rived, and was received at the door by the Registrar of the Diocese, and the district clergy. He immediately proceeded to the communion,table, where the petition praying for the consecration was read, and to which the Bishop consented. The procession was again formed, and his Lordship walked down the aisle repeating the 24th Psalm, the clergymen making the responses. Upon his return he offered the usual prayers, after which the sentence of consecration was read, signed by the Bishop, and handed to tho Registrar for enrolment. The lessons appointed for the occasion were next read by the minister, the Rev. Mr. Moore, and following the prayers the Bishop read the communion service. The sermon was preached by the Bishop, who chose for his text the 2d chapter of Nehemiah, 20th verse. LEAGUE MEETING AT ROCHDALE'. A meeting of the League was held at Rochdale on 'Wednesday night, in the New Hall, Baillie-street, Preceded by a tea party, which was most numerously and respectably attended. Indeed, so great had been the application for tickets, that it was found necessary at the tea party to divide the company into two rooms—the tables being removed afterwards so as to make room for the whole company in the Hall, to take part in the meeting. The gentlemen invited to be present, and who had accepted invitations to ad dress the meeting, were—George Wilson, Esq., (Chairman of the Council of the League), Richard Cobden, Esq , Wm. Sharman Crawford, Esq., John Bright, Esq., and John Brown, Esq. (late candidate for the county) ; and, in addition to these gentlemen, we noticed the following influential parties residentin Rochdale;—Mr. George Ashworth (magistrate), Mx, George Ashworth jun., Mr. James Littlewood, Mr. H. Scholefield, Mr. John Petrie, Rev. Mr. Thorburn (independent minister), Messrs. Holgate and Roberts (attorneys), Mr. Robert Heape, Mr. Benjamin Heape, Mr. Jacob Bright, Mr. Pagan, Mr. Turner, Mr. Frederick Lane, and' Mr. Gibson. GEORGE WILSON, Esq., in taking the chair, ad verted to the progress o f the League, and the nume rous fallacies it had lived to argue down. He con cluded his speech by saying—The battle of free trade must be fought on free -trade principles alone, and the man who should strike his opinions on the day of trial, under any pretence, was little better than a monopolist.—(Loud applause.) They had petitioned, memorialised, and sent deputations in vain to Govern ment for the repeal of this law ; they had now changed their course of action ; they were now deter mined to work out their object through the registra tion courts, and calling upon their friends who could afford it to secure a vote, they would become inde pendent of Ministerial caprice, or the patronage of lofty names ; they were determined to rely upon their own strength, and when the day of contest should come, they would thus be able to measure strength with their antagonists, and obtain for the people of this country the second charter of their liberties— unrestricted commerce.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. COBDEN, M.P., was received with loud and protracted cheering. He spoke as follows :—Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen—l was saying to my friend Mr. Bright that I never spoke so badly any where as at Rochdale, and I never came here yet that I did not give you a very bad speech, and a very short one; and I can promise you that I shall do no more to-night, and I can tell you what is the reason. When I have to speak, I like to fancy, at all events, that I have somebody to be convinced, or somebody opposed to me : I always had the impression that at Rochdale your minds were pretty well made up on the subject of the corn-laws, and your kind reception of me to-night convinces me more and more that I have no work to do here.—(Applause). It makes no matter what our errand may be; in going to some place to beg money one has to brace up one's nerves, and get up a face for the occasion ; but when we come to Rochdale to beg money—though lam happy to sky we have not come to beg to-night—(Applause)— I am always sure to be told that the money has been all subscribed and collected in Rochdale for days before hand.—(Applause). And now, when our ob ject, as my friend in the chair has said, is to induceas many people in Rochdale as possible to become free ho:ders, and qualify themselves to vote in this and the neighbouring divisions of counties, I am told that somebody in the room has a book in which there are already down somewhere about 100 names of persons intending to become freeholders, so that our work is done before we begin to talk about it.—(Applause). Our chairman has told you correctly that the labours of the League have hitherto been those of prepara tion ; that is, they have been trying to convince the minds of their fellow-countrymen that free trade is a good thing, and the corn-laws very bad ones. But something more than that must be done before we can convince the House of Commons ; for we have not all our own way there as here; there is plenty of anta gonism there to raise a man's spirit for him.—(Ap plause). lie will bear all sorts of voices and sounds, except those pleasant and agreeable ones with which you treat me here. We sometimes receive the treatment you would expect to receive amongst a body of newly-caught New Zealanders.—(Laughter and applause.) Now you cannot change that opinion by any argument ; you may, perhaps, convince some of them, but I never knew any con verts made by argument; if they are convinced, they still don't change. Only one argument goes down in that House ; it is, as Mr. Gisborne once said, a ma jority ; no other argument but a majority goes down there.—(Applause.) Now, we want to alter the ma jority in that House ; and that is to be done out of the House, and not in it. It is to be done not merely by converting some of those who make Member* of Parliament, but by adding as many as possible to those who are qualified to elect representatives. Hitherto we have been an Anti-Corn-law League, instructing the people, and agitating them about free trade; now, I really think we are going to take my friend Sharman Crawford's business out of his hands, and advocate an extension of the suffrage.— (Applause.) We want to persuade our fellow-coun trymen to buy the property that will qualify them to vote; and I most sincerely wish that every head of a family in this country was worth the money neces sary to buy that vote. But that is much easier done than many people suppose. Another meridian has dawned upon us within the last few months. We pledged ourselves some time ago to contest the boroughs and try what we could do to gain them ; but it never occurred to us that we could win counties in this country. And yet with 252 county Members in the House,sand not six of them voting for free trade, it has occurred to us that unless we can make some change there, we shall not be likely to get a boroughs. o r c o has a y been majority in that House.—(Hear, many ns tances, as hear.) Now I be lieve ou thehs . u Therent counties m a y ewo a great misapprehension, won in I have before said, muc h eas i er t h an th e littl e pocket g both as to the nat ure o f t h e coun t y re p res entation, i and the means by whi c h votes may be had for a county. We have all that sup ers ti t i ous no ti on about land owners and land, so that people in the towns have tacitly agreed to allow that to a certain number of lords and squires, who dress in top-boots, and waste most of their time in hunting or worse idleness, be longs the county representation—that this representa tion belongs to a totally different class from the town representation. Now, this is the old superstition de rived from feudal times, which it behoves us to get rid of.—(Applause.) What is the county representa tion ? Not the representation of acres, or cattle, or sheep. The very voters who compose the county constituencies go to vote for or against our interests in towns ; there can be no interests in a county apart from the interests of the towns within that county ; for counties without the towns contained in those counties would be about as valu able as the unreclaimed land in New Holland.— (Applause.) The counties belong to the towns, and not the towns to the counties; and to the towns ought to belong the county representation.—(Ap plause.) I believe England is the only country in the world having a constituency form of - government where the distinction has been kept up of votes for counties and rotes for boroughs ; in all other coun tries with which I am acquainted, the votes are given from sections of country, or by a population of par ticular districts ; but in no other country is the ab surdity continued of sending one description of re presentatives for the towns and another for the counties. We have derived this from our own feudal system • it sprung up at a time when there wa s a ge neral belief, and when probably that belief was founded on something like fact, that there was an antagonism between the interests of towns and the interests of counties ; in fact, when our representative system first dawned in this country there was an antagonism between towns and counties. The towns were the residences of men who had attained a certain amount of freedom, having escaped from the clutches of their feudal: lords ; the counties were still ii their hands; and whilst the towns sent up their citizens, their bur gesses, to vote in Parliament, the feudal lords and the counties sent up their knights of the shire to vote in Parliament also; and they were at times very much at war with each other, having separate and distinct rights. But all that is gone by; nobody pretends now that the people in eounties can have different interests from those in boroughs ; and what I want to bring to your conviction is, that as there is but one common interest in county and town, you have an undoubted right to take an interest in the representation of the counties; and, in fact, it cannot be a representation of the county unless it represents the large towns in the county.—(Applause.) Now, there has been another great misapprehension ; people have had an idea—" Oh, its out of my power to be an elector for the county ; it costs so much to be 'an elector for the county, I shall never be able to get a vote."—(Hear.) They have a notion that it must be a rich man with an estate to vote for a county, or some body at least renting fifty acres of land. Now a vote for a county may be much more easily gained, and much more cheaply kept, than a vote for a borough. How few of you , in this borough, now, can afford to take and keep a 101. house ; that is, how few to what there ought to be.—(Hear, hear.) But, how many more of you can manage to lay out 401. or 501. in buying a cottage, and getting 7 or 8 per cent. for your money. It is your own ; the purchase money is invested instead of putting it into the savings' banks; you get your interest and your vote besides; and you have not to pay something addi tional every year, but the investment is paying you something additional every year instead.—(Applause.) Now, seeing how much easier it is to have a county vote than a borough vote, we come here to agitate, to try to indnce you, first of all, every man to get a borough vote, and then to get as many county votes as you can in addition; and, next of all, to urge upon those who have not got a borough vote, to see and get a county vote as soon as they can.—(Cheers.) Don't let us talk about theories for getting the fran chise in some great 3 weep, which can be obtained some day, I don't know when ; but let us do some thing as well as talk ; let everybody who can manage to get a vote for the county, get it as soon as he can, and it will help him to get everything else right and just that he wants to get.--(Applause.) A little while ago there was an election for North Lancashire. Well, Mr. Towneley Parker, a leading man among the squires—not a very wise man you suppose—it does not require a very wise man to lead that order—(Applause and laughter)—in addressing the constituency at one of the towns, said, "I should like to see any one come forward here to oppose Mr. Talbot Clifton. Loek at the requisition that has been presented to him! it is signed by people whose in come amounts to 400,0001. a year, and A. should like to know who would contend against such an amount of influence as that." Nothing so easy as to contend against it ; and I'll show y ou how ; 400,0001. a year ; how many votes will that give the landowners—for that is what he meant ?—(Hear, hear.) We know that 50/. a year gives a vote; a rent of 50/. gives a rote to the tenant, and that vote the landlord puts in his pocket along with the rent.—(Applause.) But farms are not divided now into 501. each ; it is not convenient to do so. Mr. Towneley Parker's father finds it necessary to make up his land into farms of 400 or 500 acres, and to get Scotchmen with money to manage them, in order that he may get his rent. Now, I'll suppose that they have this 400,0001. a year let in farms of 1001. a year each, and that they had their 4,000 tenants-at-will; and we'll suppose that they command the votes of all of them. This 400,0001. a year of landed property represents a capital at thirty years' purchase (which land is worth) of twelve millions. Twelve millions of money, pay ing 400,0001. a year of rent, let to 4,000 tenants-at - will at 1001. a year, gives 4,000 votes. Now let us see how many votes may be owned in the towns in North Lancashire—Blackburn, Lancaster, Preston, Citheroe, and' a the rest, and what will they cost ? Why 4,000 votes at 50/, each, of capital, mind you (for you may buy a vote, I mean the property that will give you a vote, quite easily)-4,000 people might qualify themselves at 501. each of capital, which would be 200,0001. Thus, the mere investment of 200,0001. in cottage property in any town in North Lancashire would just give the same power to the owners of that property in the polling-booths as Mr. Townley Parker and his brother squires get,by invest ing their twelve millions in the land.—(Applause.) Well now, if these squires will come out, and swagger, and point to their requisition, and say, " See what an amount of interest it represents, how can you stand against such an amount of influence as this ?"—I say, " Town against county—plain pantaloons against top-boots and breeches, if you will."—(Loud ap plause and laughter.) And I have no doubt, if we can only raise our fellow-countrymen to that feeling of self-respect which I long to see within them, that that the towns are better prepared now to make a fight in this constitutional and peaceful way, against the squirearchy, who are attempting to retain a por tion of that old feudal barbarism which is exploded in every country in the world—money for money in the polling-booth—than ever our ancestors were when they knocked them out of those old castles of theirs, and brought their houses about their ears.—(Loud applause.) We have tried what can be done in South Lancashire, and don't suppose, because we happen to have so many large towns in South Lancashire, that therefore we fight those landed monopolists at so much greater advantage than the free-traders would have in some other counties. For it does so happen, that in Lancashire and Cheshire there is a greater num ber of large proprietors exercising a predomi nant sway in the counties than in any other part of the kingdom. That is acknowledged and understood everywhere. If you ask in London where the largest, and richest, and most powerful landed proprietors are to be found, they'll tell you in North Cheshire and in Lancashire, where you'll find your Lord Derbys, with their estates of eleven miles long ; your Scarris ' brick, where you may ride ten or twelve miles at a stretch over his property ; and your Egerton, of Tat ton, with a similar extent of domain—the largest and most powerful proprietors in the country.—(Ap plause.) And it is against them that we have had to contend in Lancashire, and to contend, too, mind you, before we had even thought of putting into force the plan we are now recommending, of bring ing up all the free-traders to be put on the register, by inducing them to qualify for this holy war against monopoly. Well, in South Lancashire, under all these disadvantages, we have tried our strength against the monopolists ; and you know the result.— (Applause.) And it has not been long in doing either. Thanks to our friend Mr. Brown—(Applause) —for having come forward to fight a forlorn hope; for I, having been behind the scenes, can tell you that neither Mr. Brown, nor some other people who must be nameless, had the least idea that we could win last time. I don't know whether, when I was here, I told you any fibs, and said that we should; but you know in electioneering, as in love, you. may say anything.—(Applause and laughter.) But Mr. Brown knew he had no chance of winning last time; nevertheless, he threw himself nobly into the battle ; he very admirably managed his canvass, and s h owe d the utmost munificence in maintaining his share of the expenses of the contest.—(Applause.) He knew he could not win ; but I think he has a shrewd guess now that he'll win next time.—(Loud applause.) Well, we tried our strength in South Lancashire and I'll tell you what happened. Every landed pro prietor of any magnitude, Whig or Tory, with the exception—and a splendid exception it was—of Lord Sefton, went dead against us.—(Hear, hear.) Th ere was one gentleman down at Liverpo o l, or the neigh bourhood, a Catholic, who had been so staunch a Liberal in times when the only test we put to people was " Civil and religious liberty all over the world," that he used to come into Liver pool and take the chair for the Liberals at Lord Molineux's Committee.—(Hear, hear.) At the last election they went to him naturally, and asked him to do so again. The answer got was, " This is quite another question now : thi s i s no t c i v il an d reli gious liberty ; ' and they learnt, in short, that the gentleman had turned corn-servative.—(Applause and laughter.) Yes, and a good many more turned corn servatives too.—(Hear.) 1 was in the polling-booth, at which I saw a gentleman there who used to be a flaming patriot of the " civil and Veligious liberty" school n22t more than eight years ago, and who took the chair at our committees for Lord Molineux and Mr. Wood, in Manchester. He came to the poll and he said—" Mr. Entwisle, I vote against the League— that's all."—(Laughter.) Now, that was a shabby fellow.—(Loud applause and laughter.) I'll tell you why ; because he had not the courage to say, like other men, " lam a corn-servative," but he tried to escape by picking a quarrel with the League.—(Ap plause.) All shabby men do that.—(Loud applause.) If a man wants an excuse for doing what he knows is wrong, he picks a quarrel with the League, and says —" lam against the League."—(Hear.) Now, this squire voted for Entwisle because he thought it suited his pocket to vote for Entwisle ; and he is not only a shabby man, but a profoundly ignorant one; he did not know his own true interest, or he would have voted for Brown.—(Applause.) That was the people we had opposed to us at the last election ; they all went over. And we had the traitors at our own door too, men of our own order—men who, as Mr. Bright says, opened the gates of the citadel by night, as it were, and let the enemy in.—(Applause.) We had then all against us. And now I will tell you what we can do ; we can put our foot, the foot of the Anti- Corn-la w League, upon the neck of every one of them. —(Loud applause.) Aye, we will say so to the proudest of the aristocrats amongst them who uphold this iniquitous system of corn-laws—" At the next election we will prove that you, by identifying your selves with this vile system, you, with your ten or twelve miles' extent of territory, have so forfeited the respect of those around you, that, devoted as the English people hereditarily are to rank and wealth, you have so alienated the respect and confidence of the great bulk of the propertied class—the middle class—round you, that you have no more poli tical power in the country than so many paupers in a union workhouse."—(Hear, and loud cheers.) Now, what has been done in South Lancashire— done, as it were, in a canter—is nothing to what we will do in futures They talk of recovering their lost ground next year : I tell them, for their consolation, bad as they are upon this registry, they will be a thousand times worse upon the next.—(Applause.) But this good system won't stop in Lancashire : already in the West Riding of Yorkshire they have caught the contagion, and they are meeting in every town and large village in the West Riding. I have no hesitation in saying, that North Cheshire will be as easily won as South Lancashire ; there are only 5,000 or so upon the registry there; not one-half of the people who are subscribers to the League and free traders in that county are upon the register. And why should not we, in Manchester, and Oldham, and Rochdale, send our contingent of free-traders across the Mersey to help them out of their trouble there ? —(Applause.) North Cheshire, the West Riding of Yorkshire, and North Lancashire, must be the next counties to follow the example of South Lancashire. 1 hen there's Middlesex ; I did not think the Cock neys would be easily moved, but I hear they are catching the infection in London ; they are proposing to add 500 or 1,000 fresh voters for the county of Middlesex before the 31st of January.—(Applause.) Now, it is a shame that there should be any doubt about the representation of that county. If the people of London had only a notion how easily they could qualify, and how they are wanted to qualify, they would have ten times the strength necessary to secure the county of Middlesex to the free-traders ; and I doubt not it will be effectually done. Now, we shall be told that this is very unconstitutional, if it is not illegal—that is, that we should be adding to the con stituency of the country. Why, what does Sir Robert Peel say ? " Register, register, register;" and we are about taking his athice.—(Loud applause.) But you cannot register, register, register, till you have obtained a qualification to be put upon the register. Now, the very plan that he proposed for increasing his strength, and the strength of his motley party in the polling-booth, is the plan we propose in our case; but we do not endeavour or intend to do that which the monopolist lords and squires have done; that is, not to make fictitious, to put spurious and fictitious rotes upon the register.—(Hear.) We have no conve nient gamekeepers, orpark lodgekeepers, whom we can cram on—no sons, or brothers, or nephews of farmers, whom we can compel to register, and to swear that they are partners, if necessary, when they are no more partners than I am.—(Applause.) What I say is this—lay out 401. or 501. in property which will bring you in 4/. or 51. a year, and get yourselves upon the county register, and have a v o t e . N ow , I was not born and bred a lawyer ; but I will defy all the lawyers in the land, including Mr. Smith, the Irish Attorney-General—(Loud laughter)—to prove that there's any illegality in a man buying a freehold property that will give him a vote, along with in terest for his money.—(Applause.) Whether it is constitutional or unconstitutional I don't profess ex actly to understand ; for I never yet knew anything good in this country got—whether it was abolishing the old boroughmongerin g s y s t em , or gett i ng r i d of Catholic disabilities, or of the Test and Corporation Acts, or abolishing the hanging of people for a matter of five shillings—(Loud applause)—l never knew anything good of that kind accomplished in the shape of reform, but there was one party in the State— that party who used to be led on by the venerable Lord Eldon—who were always sure to get out their white pocket handkerchiefs, begin a crying, and de clare that if that measure passed, the Constitution would be irretrievably ruined.—(Loud applause.) Now, I don't profess to know what is constitutional; but if there be anything unconstitutional in becoming a county voter, I think, as there happen to be already a great many 40s. freeholders, the constitution has been pretty much tried in that point already.—(Ap plause.) But I would guard you against supposing that there is anything like trick, or manoeuvre, or anything savouring of finesse, in endeavouring to increase the voters on the register. It is in accord ance with the spirit as well as with the letter of the law that men should aim at becoming voters. Why is 40s. mentioned, and not 101., as it is, unhappily, in Ireland and Scotland ? Why, because it is considered that a man, having the intelligence, and the spirit, and the desire to possess 40s. a year of interest for an investment, will be a prudent, careful, thoughtful man, who will be likely to send proper representa tives ; and, therefore the qualification is fixed at that amount.---(Applause.) It holds out an invitation to every man who has the means to qualify himself, and become a voter for representatives in Parliament. And I cannot Imagine anything more calculated to do good to that honest and large class of operatives who cannot afford to live in a 10/. house, and who yet ought not to be excluded from the franchise—l cannot imagine anything more calculated to raise them as a class in their own estimation (and you cannot raise a man unless by raising him in his own estimation), than by inducing and persuading as many of them as possible to possess themselves of the county franchise, by investing their savings in a freehold purchase.—(Applause.) You thus do good not only to those who are encou• raged to save money with such a prospect, but to a large class besides, amongst whom you scatter men who have themselves obtained a vote, and who will act as missionaries in trying to induce those with with whom they work—stimulating them by example and by a spirit of rivalry—also to become free holders, and therby have a vote in the representation of the country.—(Applause.) In every point of view, then, we see nothing. but good to result from the movement we have now undertaken ; I look upon it with the greatest interest, because I think we have tapped a new vein, as it were, in this agitation, one that I am sure will be productive of the best possible results, not only to our agitation (for many things want doing besides corn-law repeal, and others will do here no doubt better than we have been able to do this), but I see the greatest advantage to arise from increasing the basis of our representative system, by giving us many additional voters, and particularly by those whose desire of being enfranchised will induce them to lay by a share of their earnings, in order that they may obtain the necessary qualification. Gentle men, I don't think I need to say more on the subject to convince you, for I understand you are already convinced, and that a very large number are already prepared to obtain the qnalification. I don't think I need to say anything on the progress of our cause, or as it regards the main ar gumentsl,in connexion with our question. You know we have rather changed the aspect of affairs in this country; manufactures are now up in in this draw well ; the bucket of the farmers is going down empty, and ours is coming up a little more full. We are in a sort of intermittent fever in this country; the ague is at one extremity to-day, the cold shiver at the other extremity to-morrow.—(Hear, hear.) And this is the natural result of a system which sets the laws of nature at defiance. But bear this in mind : whilst your spindles are at work, if report speaks truly, profitably at work just now, there is that going on in the agricultural districts which will assuredly bring those spindles in a short time to a stand-still, or make them revolve with little profit. You hear at agricultural meetings of the want of employment for the labourers ; and the farmers cannot employ them because they have not money to pay them. Why cannot they employ and pay them ? They have had a good harvest ; every body admits that they have had a most splendidscrop ; and when they have been favoured by nature with an abundant harvest, how is it they cannot afford to employ their labourers and go on cultivating ? Simply for this reason—they have taken their land at a rent calculated at 565. or 60s. a quarter, and they are now selling it in the country places at about 425. per quarter.—(Applause.) But in those places where the farmers have taken their land on a corn rent— that is to say, to pay so many quarters of corn for their rent, whatever the price of wheat may be, as the farmers in a great part of Scotland are doing, and on Lord Radnor's estates :in Wiltshire—very much to that nobleman's credit—they are doing very well in deed, and making more money than when wheat was high. I have got here a letter from a leading farmer in Haddingtonshire, a district of the Scotch Lothians, where farming is carried to such perfection, and he tells me that the farmers were never doing better in Haddingtonshire, where they 'pay rent in proportion to their produce—that is to say, if a man engages to pay two hundred quarters of wheat as rent for two hundred acres of land, if wheat is 50s. a quarter, he pays 5001., if it is 40s. he pays on ly 400/. ; an d thus it makes no difference to him whether his produce is high or low, only there is this advantage, he always must prosper when wheat is low, and he is able to pay his labourers better after a good harvest than when corn is dear.—(Applause.) What does this prove ? That all the distress of the farmers in the south of England arises from their having been foolish enough to engage to pay rents calculated upon wheat at 60s. a quarter, while they only get 425. for it. And all that you hear about the malt-tax, and other devices that the farmers are apt to run after, is just merely a pretence to keep these poor farmers amused, and prevent them inquiring into the subject of rent. —(Applause.) But, mark me ; if the farmers are distressed, they cannot be cultivating their land. You hear of forty labourers in one parish trooping off to the union workhouse.—(Hear, hear.) Another case is where an unfortunate suicide occurred the other day, in the parish of Byslip, which contains 700 acres, and where there are only 100 men em ployed, at Bs. or 10s. a week. Suppose it is 10s. this only amounts to 50/. a week, or 2,5001. a year, of wages paid upon 700 acres o f land. Why the smallest of your individual concerns pay about as much wages as that parish of 700 acres. Do you suppose that land can be well cultivated ? No ; there can be neither proper ploughing, harrowing, nor sowing going on. And what will be the conse quence ? Just the same as has always ensued. In three years after an abundant crap, without an ex ception, I believe, since 1815, when this system of corn-laws began, we have had a reaction, or some thing like a famine ; and you have the seeds of that scarcity sowing now. It will come as assuredly as we exist; and when it does come, in consequence of the increase of the population,• and the extension of your mills (for they are building mills elsewhere as well as at Rochdale), you will be caught with a severer check, a much greater amount of suffering and disaster than you have ever been before. Now, this is the motive why you should work while you have the sunshine, and not neglect the present oppor tunity —(Applause)—and I am glad to know that in good seasons or in bad seasons, in prosperity or in adversity, the people of Rochdale are always true to this as to other sound principles, and that you at least are determined, if your exertions can avert it, that the system of corn• laws shall not continue to bring upon this district those heavy disasters which only within the last three or four years it has been our misery to undergo. The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst enthusiastic cheering. Wicrasst BROWN, Esq. (late candidate for the re presentation upon,presen t a a n t , i l o n r e c o e f i v ed South with Lancashire), late next enthusiasm. w dire e give called an extract from his speech. During his canvas, he stated, on several occasions, some facts regarding the c ommercial position of this country with the United States of America, and with their permission he would now further allude to the subject. In 1805, 1806, and ISO 7, our exports to that country were nearly 8,000,0001. per annum. The popula tion of that country was then six millions. It was --- ... nearly one-third of the whole export trade - 47* kingdom, if we took the official value. Emhat orders in council, and other deerces, interrripte trade for several years after that; and in 1815 t those abominable corn-laws, which were Bail 'i, tin , us out of the best markets of th e woe li4;" ndi I.____ inducing retaliation, were a positive injiiry - t to the manufacturers of this country hirsfte tear,; . ties fur whose protection and advantage they Were I designed.—(Applause.) Looking at the intercourse of this country with the United States from 1833 to 1837, he found that our exports had increased from 7,900,0001. to 8,400,0001., while in the succeeding five years it had fallen to 6,467,0861., and in the succeed ing year (1842) to 3,528,000/.—(Hear, hear.) And when he told the meeting that our corn-laws, and our heavy duties on tobacco and timber, had induced them to retaliate, by encouraging manufactures at home, so that it had been recently ascertaieed, on the authority of statistics collected by Government itself, that those. home manufactures amounted to 50,000,C0e1. sterling per annum, and that they had engaged at work nu less than 2,585 fulling mills, and 1,420 woollen ma nufactories, it would be seen to what an extent we had been injured by our unwise and insane protective policy.-- (Hear, hear.) But the markets of the United States would not have been long limited to even this population ; the population there was increasing at the rate of 35 per cent., and ere the end of a century would probably be equal to about 100 millions; and these were people we should not have sacrificed our trade with, when the only obstacle to their continuing to deal with us was the condition that we should take in payment that which alone they were able to pay with.—(Hear, hear.) He might give them some idea of what our trade with the States might ultimately have reached, when he told them that one of its rivers alone (the Mississippi), with its tributaries and streams, had a shore to which our goods might have been carried of upwards of 58,000 miles.—(Hear.) And did the landed interest pretend that our trade with that country would nut have promoted their prosperity ? Why, commerce had made them what they were—(Hear, hear) —and upon what principle would they argue that its further prosperity would work to their injury? It might be interesting to consider what a people under prosperous circum stances could consume of agricultural produce, and he found it stated that the consumption of the people of the United States amounted to about 27 bushels of grain per head, with five bushels of potatoes, while the consumption of this country was only 16 bushels of grain, with a proportionate amount of potatoes.— (Hear, hear.) The landowners fell into the error of supposing. that the consumption of the people was a fixed quantity; the example of the United States showed that the consumption of a people in food, a s well as in other things, was in proportion to their means.—(Hear, hear.) He 'found that the total number of houses in the United States was 1,300,000, while in England we had 849,147—n0t half the quantity in proportion to the population. lie denied the argument of the monopolists, that as we relaxed in our restrictions on commerce other countries would adopt a more stringent course, and as evidence he would point to the opinion expressed by the Prussian Minister on the subject, and to that 9f Mr. Adding ton, the American Minister; and even if Mr. C)2y, who was in favour of the ietaliative'system, were elected President, he much doubted if he would be able to carry out his object —(Hear„, hear.) Mr. Bemire, M.P., was received with most vehe ment cheering. After it had subsided, he said, amongst other things, the passing of the ,eform, Bill did little or nothing to promote the rePeal of the corn law. After that Bill passed, Lord Melbourne ,him self declared that no Ministry could touch the 'corn laws without settling its own doom ; and from the experience me have had since we may be quite sure that what he said was perfectly correct. But the scene seems altogether to have changed now. We ' have no sense of hopelessness now ; everything around us betokens that we are corning to the end of our labours.—(Applause.) We find accessions to our ranks every day, every hour, and defections from the ranks of our opponents; and we, who formerly thirst scarcely raise our voices in favour of this great prin ciple of industry, now find that there is no intelligent man in the country who upholds any opposite prin ciple, except upon some ground of temporary expedi ency. Political questions such as those which oc cupied the minds of this people some twelve or fifteen years ago, are of that exciting character as rather to drive the people from contemplating, with all the at tention which they deserve, questions of an econo mical character ; and yet it may be asserted, without fear of contradiction, that on questions of political economy the existence and the prosperity of this country depend. We may have a government main taining order—that I hold to be its first duty—and distributing justice with somewhat of impartiality to all the people ; that I hold to be also a very high and important duty of a government ; but we must have a government also which understands questions of political economy, and those principles which serve to preserve the national industry free; or, whatever be the theory of the Constitution, it is utterly impos sible that we should advance and be permanently pros perous.—(Loud applause.) Now we must bear in mind that the tyrannies of this age are not of the same character as those which existed in ages lhat are past. Our forefathers had to contend sword in hand for the liberties which they possessed ; they were aitacked by the sword, and they defended them selves by the sword; and many liberties, no doubt, they preserved, which, under the circumstances, per haps, could not have been otherwise secured. Bar barous ages had barbarous means of action. In this age, however, wrong and bloodshed are, to some ex tent, avoided, and we have tyranny corning before us in another shape, feebler as it becomes older; but if feebler much more subtle.—(Applause.) We have tyranny, cunning plausible, deceitful, insidious, through the means of Acts of Parliament ; and, under the pretence of benefiting a people, the most precious of the national rights are invaded.--(Applause.) Now, our grievances are, for the most part, of a class that may be termed economical. "SN e shall have other questions to settle, doubtless, when the corn-law question is disposed of; but there is no question in which the people of this country have so immediate and direct a concern as in the question of that trade. —(Hear, hear.) There are other public questions in some degree affecting the liberty of the subject, or the liberty of conscience, but they are not actually questions of that concernment that you cannot live until they are settled ; but this is one, without the settlement of which a large proportion of the people are pauperised and pressed down, so that from a vast multitude of persons you can receive almost no assistance in the battle you are waging with those above you for other rights of which you are de• prived.—(Applause.) The existence of monopolie and the unfair distribution of the national imposts, appear to me to be those evils with which we have more to do than with anything else. We have liberty in this country equalling the liberty of all other countries in some respects. We have the liberty o thought ; we are free to speak, free to write, free to meet to discuss all questions of national importance, and we may agitate and combine, and, by all peaceable means, force the Government into the views which we entertain. But though we have all this liberty— a liberty which few nations possess to so great an ex tent—we have not that very first and the foundation of all liberty, the liberty to work freely and to enjoy in security and unplundered the fruits of our own labour.—(Applause.) And what is the most extra irdinary part of the business, we have been argued into the belief that this very infraction of our liber ties was a benefit conferred upon us by a paternal and protective Government. There can be no doubt that nwltitudes of people in this country have believed that the protective principle had something in it likely to increase national and individual benefit ; and the same belief is in operation now to some extent. We are not to suppose that the men who are in favour of the corn-law are necessarily dishonest men. I believe there are landlords so extraordinarily stupid as still to believe the corn-law is beneficial to the land, and not injurious to manufactures—(Applause)— and it would be hard for me to assert that all the persons in our town—and there a few of them, middle-class men and manufacturers—who support this protective system, are dishonest in their views. I believe many of them are honest in what they do; but I believe they cannot be honest and intelligent if they support a law so wicked and mischievous as this.—(Applause.) But amongst the working classes this principle is now held to a very great extent ; and there are found in all towns of the kingdom combinations to exclude their own order from certain privileges, in certain trades ; and there are many regulations which, how ever m oreso injuriousto the totrade labourersand to thmtehe themselves. 'I of labour, are mention as a circumstance arising from the very mistake crept into the c o d e by which protec tive t s i a z e statutesspiri t, th e an very c a rne and enactments h of this and every other cou ntr y .— ( A pplause.) I be lieve no man has ever yet been able to assign any cause for the late period of depression but the recur- rence of bad harvests, and the existence of a corn-law preventing us from removing the evil effects of those bad harvests.—(Applause. We have trade now cona? paratively prosperous ; for a period there has been a better profit to manufacturers generally, and far more employment and considerably better wages for the workmen ; and I have no doubt whatever, if the shop keepers of this town were to meet together and com pare notes, they would find universally that, contraat ing their business now with what it was three years ago, other circumstances being the same, their busil ness had greatly improved, and that they had fewer debts in their books than they had at that period. —(Applause) I was speaking the other day with a gentleman who lives, or is often engaged in pusiness, in a part of this town where he has the op portunity of seeing people passing to and from a large establishment for the sale of furniture ; and he said he had noticed, for some months past, an amount i f business going on at that shop and warehouse which he had not seen for years before. 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