The Sun. — London, England, 1839-07-02 00:00:00

EVENING- EDITION. METROPOLITANPOLITICA L SUMMARY. iThe Times of yest-srday morning, alluding, to Lord Mel bourne's presses itself to the following effect :-" This conduct of i his Lordship naturally suggests two , or three reflections. 1. In the first place, Lord Melbourne's consent to niche l ' the Ballot an open question, seeing that it never was ;given before, is not only a palpable departure from his former policy, which he had solemnly promised to adhere 4 to, without deception, but has been conceded for the mani 1, fest purpose of purchasing that Radical support which (as a conscientious opponent of secret voting) be declared that he never would accommodate his principles to l, conciliate. 2. In the second place, this new concession is t known by his Lordship, and is acknowledged by the Radi icats, to be the great initiatory movement, which, neces sarily leading to further demaii . ds, accelerates the ascen dancy of democracy more than anything else besides. Thu Ballot faction, as everybody sees, are alm.ist universally clamourers for short Parliaments and universal suffi age, declaring at the same time that the carrying of this project will inevitably ensure the adoption of its kindred innova tions. If ever the practice of secret voting be, resorted to, Lord Jahn Russell and Lord Brougham are both agreed that a large extension of the elective franchise must speedily follow it; and yet Lord Melbourne, while affect ing to deprecate concessions, disencumbers the Ballot, for the first time, of the combined resistance of Government." The Morning Herald expresses very whimsical chagrin at the House of Lords not speaking boldly out on the sub ject of national education :—" It appears strange and un i accountable to us that the house of Lords should remain so passive and quiescent as it does, allowing its share in the Government of the country, on so important a subject ' as national education, to be unceremoniously wrested from it, so that the rights of the Lords seem to receive no better treatment from the hands of the Whig-Radical , Ministry than the rights of the poor. The latter were placed at the disposal of three absolute bashaws at Somer sst House. The others are superseded by the autocratic authority of a- despotic d:van of Whig Privy Councillors. The one unconstitutional power was established by Bill— the other by a resolution of the House of Commons. The forbearance of the Lords in this matter w ill be relied upon hereafter as consent and participation when the Whigs plead the precedent in favour cf other and greater changes in the Constitution ; and, surely, the argument will be dif. ficult to be resisted." Tile Monthly Post thus launches out into praise of the discomfited Tory faction. Our Contemporary's praise reads very much like irony :—" The Conservative people do not want to govern, but to be well governed, and in this lies the essential difference between them and the restless self-sufficient Radicals. They are desirous and dutifully desirous, that the heads of their party should know what their feelings are, but they are very well sa tisfied that these leaders, abiding by the Cunstitutional principles of Conservatism, 'will do what is most fitting to be done according to the knowledge which they have. The Conservatives, who are worthy of the name, desire no such thing as a Conservative democracy ; that is to say a sort of Government which assumes the practical ahAtiality of the people governing the people. They are anxious to submit to a Government of able men, acting firmly upon intelligNe and Constitutional principles—a Government to which .t4e, Moral respect of a rational people may be awarded. Such it Gov: rionent they cannot hare until , they get rid of the present set of poor dexterity men wh o falsely pretend to govern the country.” ( The Morning Adeertistr, comments on the absura dity of the present law of libel in these terms :—" In consequence of an action for libel, t‘ Stockda:e v. Ilan ) ardi And the important question it involves, we are glad .o see a otice of a motion by Mr. O'Connell, for the amendment ai the present law of libel. The absurdity of the present law is not areater than the extent of individual and social INro;.g . which it i,„ 4 . tels. It is bottomed in false hood. Our law denounces truth a; , libel. Net satisfied with this preposition, s,,lne of one juin.:-.1 functionaries have gone farther, and asserted that the greater ii.:t truth the greater is the libel. Ail the evil consequences flowing fmojn the present law of libel may be traced to this polluted s atree. What legislation must that be which proclaims ! its vital essence to be falsehood." The Morning Chronicle, referring incidentally to an article er:titled Tne !JoltsAold and - the iNtinistr - y," that appeared in the last number of the " Quarterly Review," says :—" The public is threatened with further and formal discussion of this :=ubject. flints are thrown out of a motion iii the House . of Peers to ccnsure the Cabinet minute by which Ministers assumed the responsibility of liier Majesty's conduct. We shall not be sorry if the attempt be made ; nor if, in tat House, it succeeds. It is good that Torjism should show itself in its true colours. Let us see of :ghat the faction is capable. In theprogress of such an attempt the Queen may be enabled distuxtly to perceive who and where her friends are. She may leant to estimate the difference between being the Sovereign of a C9nfliting people, and the minion, tool, and slave of aristocratic l selfishness. The first onset she has been able alone to resist and repel. But the struggle for her subjugation will be renewed again and again." The Globe of last evening allut as follows to the dis consolate condition of the Tory party ;—" The Tories are doomed to mortification. Their sorrows come not singly—they tread each others heels. Every vacancy. how ever created. is supplied by a Liberal, and tho coffers of • the Carlton Club pour fourth their Pactolean streams in vain. Seats have become vacant for Hertford—Ludlow—Edin burgh—Glasgow; the two former contested with a disregard of expense and decency indicative of the importance which the, cries attached to their possession ; but were wrested • from their grasp, in away-which leaves them nothing to hope, and everything to fear, in future contests. In the latter places they wisely abstained from a contest, where nothing was to be gained but humiliating deftat. At Edinburgh the Tories arc ' clever, chic's' at a riot; they aid the work of uproar, and: lend their sweet voices' to drown the utterance of sentiments they could not confute; but at the polling boots they are miserably deficient—and at length they know it. EL!inburgh has given to the House of Commons, in the person of Mr, Macaulay, one who is in himself a host; and had it been possitile to have prevented his return, no expense would have been donned too great, or any exertion too arduous to have averted so dire a dis couragement to Tory hopes. Even the Glasgow Chart ists—' with all the a ppli ances an d means to b oot, ' w i t h which the Tories would have aided them—ventured no further than ' a show of hands' in favour of Feargus. And now the redoutable Mr. Bruen is placed hors de combat, Carlow is all but lost to the Tories. The Courier makes the following comments on the character of Tory loyalty t--" There was a time when Toryism, whatever might be the sins—numberless they even then were and of proportionate magnitude—which it had to answer for to the people, had ever the one boasted virtue of loyalty, worn as a graceful cloak to cover its in famy. Although its spirit was adverse to the national spirit, it was anything but an uncourtly one. Although it was wholly incompatible with and hostile to the very existence of popular rights, it had a profound reverence for the pre rog,atives of the Crown, and never defiled its lips with any sentiment short of implicit submission to the Sove reign and enthusiastic zeal and devotion in furthering the Sovereign's wishes, whatever way or to whatever objects they might tend. That time has gone by. The age of chivalry is not the old age of Toryism. It now appears that, the homage paid by the Tories to the Crown was homage }Hid, not to the Monarch as Monarch, but to the representative of their p-inciples and the patron of their policy." The Standard, remarking on the education question, says :—" If we may trust a very general rumour, our wish, that the course pursued in the House of Commons by Lord Stanley, upon tire education question, should be imitated in the House of Lords, is likely to be realised. An address similar to that proposed by the Noble Member for Lancashire will, it is said, be proposed by an exalted member of the Episcopal Bench. This is just what can be desired; the question properly belongs to the guardians of the national religion and it will be thus rescued from the seeming desecration of being employed in party service— an advaltaq,e which it could not possess in the House of Commons, where the national religion has no ostensible guardian or representative." CARLOW ELECTION COMMITTEE (YESTEREMY.) The Committee decided that the vote of Patrick Hanlon, objected to by the petitioner, was a good vote, and returned it on the poll of Mr. Bruen. Mr. AUSTEN then objected to the vote of .John Walsh, but applied to the Committee to postpone it until to-morrow, on the ground of the absence of a ma terial witness. ,• The CHAIIINfAN intimated that evident' must he ad duced to account for his absence. The clerk of Mr. Baker, the agent for the petitioners, stated that he had made every inquiry for the witness, but was unable to find him. He understood that he was drunk last night.—(Laughter.) Mr. WRANGIIAM said he was very drunk, and was at present in durance vile—( A laugh)—and he therefore did not object to thepostponernent after the examination of the witness who was at present in attendance. • Mr. AusTEN said that no good would result from examining that witness, and therefore he must press for the adjournment until to-morrow. The room was then cleared, and the Committee de liberated. On our re-admission, The CHAIRMAN said the Committee had decided that Mr. Austen must proceed with the examination of the witness who was in attendance, and the Committee would afterwards adjourn until to-morrow. Mr. Humphries, the Clerk of the Peace for Carlow was then called, but refused to take the oath on the ground that he had not obtained his expenses for loss of time. The CHAU:MAN said the Committee had no power to interfere with the payment of expenses which was en tirely a question for the examiners. The witness must therefore decide whether he would give his evidence or not. _ Mr. HUMPHRIES then gave the necessary proof of the affidavit on which Walih voted. A witness named Macdonald was then called, and his examination had not been concluded at four o'clock, when the Committee adjourned. THE LATE EXPLOSION OF A POWDER-MILL. —Two men have died from the effects of injuries received by the explosion of the powder-mill at Ewell, belonging to S;r Henry Bridges, as before noticed. FATAL ACCIDENT ON THE I VER.—On Sa turday afternoon, between seven and eight o'clock, a fatal accident occurred to a youth named William Porter, 17 years of age, residing in St. Clement's-lane, Clare-market. 1t appears that deceased, i n company with three other youths, was in a boat on the river opposite Norfolk-street, Strand, when it upset by running against a barge, and the deceased was drowned. The body was found in about au hour afterwardeand conveyed to the Swan public•house. MILITARY FLOGGING IN THE TOWER. [We copy the following from Suncloy Times. if the report is correct, it will do more to abate this cruel mode of punishment than all the speeches Major Fan court ever made or could make on the subject. We have taken the liberty of modifying some of the statements and omitting others.] Yesterday (Saturday) morning the Tower of London and the environs was thrown into a state of excitement and alarm, unequalled since the time of Burke, who was flogged by Colonel Jones (the " Radical" of the Times) 15 veers since, by the flogging of two privates of the Ist battalion of the 3d, or Fusilier Guards, who were brought from their place of confinement, the prison of the fortress, to hear and receive the award of a court-martial held upon them for insulting non,-commissioned officers. One soldier wee sentenced to receive 100 lashes with the cat-o'-nine tails, and the other 15'0; and long will it be reme.nlyred by many who witnessed it. The time et which punish. ments were formerly inflicted was five or six o'clock, and the place selected was generally the barrack-room, or some private part of the Tower. On this occasion the period chosen was ten o'clock, and the place the most public in the Tower, being no other than the promenade in front of the great or White Tower, between that edifice and the long building called the Train. The business of the Ordnance Department was partially suspended, and the communications between the Ordnance cffice end small gun stores were closed, while the horrible infliction, of which many were unwilling spec tators was going on. The first man brought out was a fine young man, named Jarman, whose crime was insulting his sergeant. fie was secured to the halberds by thin cords, which severely cut his flesh, and the dreadful and beastly infliction commenced. LIJ received his punishment with out uttering a word or a groan, although the punishment was unusually severe, the drummers being changed every ' ton lashes instead of twenty-five as heretofore, and the cat, the instrument of punishment, very heavy. After the poor fellow had received the hundred lashes, his back presented a mang!ed appearance, and the blood poured down his per son. On being released a great coat was thrown over hie lacerated body, and he was taken to the hospital. As soon as the first man left the square, the second man (Slade), a much slighter person than the other, was called to the front. Ile was sentenced to receive one hundred and fifty lashes. It was evident he did not possess the nerve of the other man ; he shook so violently that he was scarcely able to pull his jacket elf, and his terror was evident to all. Upon being tied up be shook from head to foot and the moment he was struck he began to shriek loudly, and ear nestly called out " Mercy, mercy !" which was heard very distinctly all over the Tower. Slade no sooner began to call out than the drums were beaten to stifle his cries, and re-echoed among the walls. When about seventy or eighty lashes had been inflicted, the poor fellow's head fell on his shoulder, and it was supposed he had fainted; but such was not the cse, as the commanding officer w allied up to the triangle, and, on lookinghim in the flee, he ordered the drummer to proceed. At thii time, with the exception of the drummers who were selected to flog, it took all the others to secure him, his back being literally cut to pieces from his neck to his loins. His cries for mercy were unavailing, until a hundred lashes had been inflicted, when it was found he was unable to bear any more, and he was ordered to be taken down. He was led away between two of his comrades, a truly shocking spec tacle of suffering humanity. The punishment of both was of a most dreadful description. Several men fainted away, and we could mention the names of several officers who did have humanity enough to loosen the stocks and coats of several privates. Many clerks and others belonging to the Ordnance department witnessed part of' the punish ment ; but, to use their own words, were unable to stand it out. The lady of the resident Governor happened to cro to her window, and, hearing the cries of &ade, fell into hysterics, and the whole family were for some time in great confusion. Several respectable civilians expressed their indignation, and said they would not live in the Tower if such scenes were repeated. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 1. The LORD CHANCELLOR, Viscount DUNGANNON, and the Earl of SHAFTESEURY sat to-day at Four o'Clock, to give the Royal Assent, as Commissioners', to the several Bills which had been passed since the date of the last Commission. The Usher of the Black Rod having been directed to summon the House of Commons, the Speaker, attended by two or three Members, shortly afterwards appeared at the Bar, when the Royal Assent was given, in the usual form to the following Bills :—The Bishops' Residences Bill ; the Windsor Castle Stables Bill ; the Waterford Fever Hospital Bill ; the Frazerburgh Harbour Bill ; The North Midland Railway_ Bill ; Edinburgh, Leith, and Newhaven Railway Bill ; Man chester and Leeds Railway Bill ; Bristol and [Glou cestershire Railway 13;11 ; Slamannan Railway Bill ; \Vishaw and Coltness Railway Bill ; Ballochney Rail way Bill , Croydon, Mcrstham, and Godstonc Iron Railway Company Bill ; Preston and Wyre Railway and Harbour, and Preston and Wyre Dock Bill ; Tyne Docks Bill; Birmingham Canal Bill ; Norwich. Ton nage Bill ; Bradford ( Wilts) Improvement Bill ; Aber deen Market and Improvement (No. 1) Bill ; Eden field and Little Bolton Road Bill ; St. Leonard's and Sedlescombe Road Bill ; Sawmill Ford Bridge and Road Bill ; Glasgow and Renfrew Road Bill ; South molton Roads Bill ; Balitchem Hospital Estate Bill ; Blunt's Estate Bill . ; Harrow School Estate Bill; Duke of Buckingham's Estate Bill ; Sharp's Estate Bill ; Ladykirk (or Robertson's) Estate Bill ; Earl of Darnley's Estate Bill ; Hodson's Estate Bill ; London Corporation Estate Bill ; West Croft (Nottingham) Inclosure Bill; West Backham and Alby (Norfolk) Inclosure Bill ; Almsworthy (Somerset) Inclosure Bill ; Hartishead or Dewsbury (York) Inclosure Bill; Not tingham Common Fields Inclosure Bill ; Code's Di vorce Bill ; Carleton's Divorce Bill ; Invanoff's Natu ralization Bill. The House then adjourned during pleasure. The LORD CHANCELLOR resumed his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. Messengers from the House of Commons brought up several Bills., to which the concurrence •f their Lord ships was requested. The Duke of Argyle, Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord Rose bery, Lord Radnor, Earl Harewool, and several others presented petitions from many places praying for a penny postage. NATIONAL EDUCATION. • Lord BROUGHAM postponed his motion on the subject of National Education till Friday next. The Noble and Learned Lord observed that he had particu lar reasons for doing so. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY moved that an humble address might be presented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty would be pleased to direct that certain papers, which had already been laid before the House of Commons, respecting education, should be laid on their Lordship's table. Also, copies of the Treasury Minutes of August 30, 1823 ; March 7th, 1834, and of the sth July, 1838, relating to the appli cation of sums granted by Parliament, for the purpose of public education ; also of the Order in Council ap pointing a Committee to superintend any sums voted by Parliament for promoting education, and copies of any minutes, and of any such reports from such Committee. It was the Right Rev. Prelate's intention to make a motion ot this subject on Friday next. The motion was agreed to. Lord BROUGHAM stated, that his Bill would be of a totally Iff-..Tent description to the nature of the Order in Council, and that he wished to keep them en tirely distinct ; thereore far the purpose of not interfering with the Right Rev. Prelate's motion on Friday, he should postpone the subject of his Bill till Monday next. Earl "FITZ WILLIAM presented a petition from St. Ives, praying that any system of national education might not be entrusted to any one particular party. JAMAICA. Upon the Order of the Day being read, The Marquis of NORM / 1 N BY laid on the table a copy of the laws relating to Jamaica that had expired since July last. The Noble Marquis stated that, during the short period he had had the honour of holding the office he now held, he had been frequently called upon to address the fliuse, under the painful disad vantage of having been almost, during the whole time he had been a Member of their Lordships House, ab stint from the House, and elsewhere on public duty. He hac! felt the embarassment occasioned by that. He had never heard a discussion in that House upon the present subject. But in one respect he had a counterbalancing advantage. He had some local knowledge of the island. He had had an opportunity of examining into the character of the negro, and into the state of that country ; and it would be from his own personal knowledge in that respect that he should have earnestly to impress on their Lord- . . I ships the importance of the decision they were then about to come to. The importance of that de cision had been to his mind confirmed by intelli gence he had this morning received from Jamaica, which informed him that that Bill had been re ceived by the popular party there, and by the newly emancipated negroes, as a great boon ; that it was felt b y them as giving to them a security which would protect them until they should be able to protect themselves, and he much feared that if their Lordships rejected this measure, or muti lated it, to which the negro looked for impartial protec tion to be extended to him, the impression would be that all parliamentary protection was withdrawn from him ' It would be his (the Noble Mar q uis ' s ) dut y to assure him as far as he could, that that was no t s o, al though h e f eared that his impress i on wou ld be that it was. Their Lord s hi ps Curb the ki n dl y r newly emancipat e d .eelion., 3 that existed bet w ee n th e were told that they ought not to d i s - Assembly. • I-1 —e (Lord Normanb ) would not be dealing candidly with their Lordships, Y. population and the House of not tell them that those if he did did exist. He sincerely trusted the change that had recently taken place would amalgamate kindly feeling; never that the House of Assembly acomplete change n i o n t th h e conduct only diffe rences to and b e attained by-gone by past would ail classes, anti event was of the House of Assembly, such as it hal the Emancipation Act, Their Lordships h s ad o h t;n d since advantage of hearing the agent pf that colon they the therefore had before them ail that the gre4tesYt;ta,tlee'aenlYt and experience, and certainly the most earnest could urge on behalf of the Assembly of Jamaica,against the Bill. Ile regretted that much of their Lordships' time had been -consumed on that occasion by considera tions with which they had nothing to do on the present question. They had been informed of a former quarrel with Governor Littleton and the House of Assembly— they had heard of the resistance to the examination of General Carmichael before a Committee of that House, and of a trivial mistake made by his Noble predecessor (the Marquis of Sligo), and their Lordships were told of the right of reparation. No two things were ever more unlike—that was a difference between two local authorities ; but was it to he alleged that the United Parliament of England was to make such reparations to the Jamaica House of Asssembly ? Were they to say, " you are right and we are wrong, we acknowledge our emit - , and we hope you will resume your duty?" The Learned Gentleman was also pleased to state that this measure must have originated in a general wish anti desire for change, li e (th Marquis of Nor manby) sincerely hoped that every thing in the Island of Jamaica would be changed, for if things remained as they were, Jamaica would not be what it was the wish of the British Parliament it should be. He con sidered the change proposed to be made was the safest, the best, and most praiseworthy change of all that had been effected in this age of progressive amelioration.— ( Hear.) They had been told of respect that ought to be paid to the established institutions there. Why, could they forget that slavery was an established institution— a plague -spot on every other institution, and that what it touched it contaminated ? Every institution, there fore, had to be examined, with a view to get rid of that plague-spot. The Learned Gentleman had thrown a considerable portion of the blame of the pre sent state of things on her Majesty's Govern ment. But was there not another culprit in this transaction ? He then stood in th e pre sence of the other culprit. Their Lordships were above all answerable for the state of things that had introduced the division between the Assembly of Jamaica and the Imperial Parliament. Their Lordships had originated the measure that gave offence. lie believed their Lordships were sincere in their con viction that the measure which had then been passed (certainly without much discussion) was necessary to remedy the state of things then existing in the Colony ' of Jamaica ; that brought him to the real question be fore the House, and that was, were they or were they not justified in passinei'the Prisons' Bill ?—( Hear, hear.) That was the only question, and then would fol low the question, did not the rejection of that Bill call for a remedy ? He candidly owned that he did not consider the measure he was now proposing to their Lordships as the best remedy which could be applied. He had on former occasions pointed out the impossibility of carrying out the great measure of emancipation in Jamaica, through the medium of machinery intended for another state of things and for a totally dif ferent purpose. The opinion he had enter tained of the necessity for a temporary suspension of the state of things then existing in Jamaica, he had formed while residing there, and which he communi cated to the Noble Lord, the then Colonial Secretary, shortly after his return. He was surprised at the expressions that had been used by the Learned Gentleman at the bar of that House a few nights since. Was it not, in point of feet, a mockery to talk of depriving the people of Jamaica of their elective rights, when the House of Assembly represented neither the population nor the property of the empire ? Was it not a mockery to talk of the benefit of free Govern ment when the representation was in the hands of those whose interests were opposed to the (Treat mass of thepo pulation? Such were his feelings with regard to the ineffi ciency of that engine, for carrying out the most mighty and the most delicate change which had ever taken place in the frame worrk of any society ; and he conceived that there was no choice left them but to pass the pre sent measure, the House of Assembly not having re turned to what he considered its duty. Making every allowance for - the statements of an advocate who was naturally disposed, when addressing an assembly not very well acquainted with the details of his state ment, to make the best of his own case, he was really surprised to hear the Learned Gentleman at that bar assert that the House of Assembly from 183 4 had always shown a willingness to attend to the improve ment of prison discipline in the Island. Why, he (the Marquis of Normanby), had had some personal expe rienee of the working of the system when residing there, and the abuses of the workhouses and gaols was of the most horrifyin g description. It so h appene d that he held in hi s hand an extract from one of his dispatches to the Colonial Secretary in that year, stating that the House of Assembly had refused to make any improve ment in the discipline of the gaols or Houses of Correc tion. The Noble Marquis then read several extracts from his dispatches to that - effect. Having often heard of the state in which the St. Andrew's workhouse was he went one day, - unexpectedly, accompanied by two officers, and they found a woman undergoing punishment, which the officers declared was more severe than any they had ever seen given to soldiers. He, as Governor had no power to dismiss the, individual who was guilty of such conduct,' but. he Made 're'ore.' sentations in consequence of - which a Vestry was held, but the individual was' merely reprimanded. In 1836, on the Ist of August in that year, the Marquis of Sligo, then Governor, was so convinced of the neces sity of home interference that he wrote to the Colonial Office, that all remedy must come from the Imperial Legislature —yet after all that, the Learned Gentleman for the House of Assembly said e‘er since 1822 they were perfectly willing to proceed with the public, business. Such were the terms in which the H ouse o f: Assembly had c h osen t o address the Imperial, Legislature, after it had passed the Prisons Bill, and those sentiments had been reiterated; by their Advocates at the bar of • that House. The effect of that was that if their Lordships did not! repeal the Prisons Bill any other concessions Would' not satisfy them. The House of'. Assembly, which ought to be the means of conveying through the.commu nity over which they presided, the doctrines of order, distinctly declared that that Act which the Imperial Legislature had passed, was not law, and ought not to have the force of law. They had distinctly declared, that they would not resume their functions, nor would they be satisfied with any thing less than the repeal of the Prisons Bill. Unless their Lordships were prepared to go to that extent, the House of Assembly had stated that they would not be satisfied. Under these circum stances, he considered that their Lordships were bound to supply the wants of the public service, and to do that which the House of Assembly rendered urgent, namely, to supply the means of legislation in case of the conti nued refusal of the House of Assembly to legislate for the colony. It had been stated that there was no urgency for this legislation. liow was the fact? Why, the House of Assembly had admitted that it was so. With regard to the contracts it was ad mitted at the bar that the present law was not such as the negro population would act upon. The negro had been advised not to sign any contracts. Allusion had been made to the influence exercised in that respect by the Wesleyan Missionaries. That influence had been given to them in consequence of their having been the first who prepared them for that great boon which they now possessed. He believed that that influence ha, been exercised beneficially, and thatiCtvonidle — Put; end to when proper provision was made for con tracts between masters and servants.—(Hear, hear.) But when so much had been said of Baptist missionaries, and when such a distinction had been taken between them and others, he could not but recollect that it was only a very short time since such a distinction in Jamaica was known, because one of his most difficult acts as Governor of that Island was to defend a Me thodist missionary when he was assaulted in the Court House by two gentlemen, one of them of great ix fluence, and he believed a Member—indeed, he believed both were Members of the House of Assembly. There fore, when it was said that all the missionaries were viewed favourably It the planters—he hoped it was so— with the exception of the Baptists, he could not but feel that that had not been very long the case. With respect to the Contract Law, a declaration was made which, he trusted, would go out to Jamaica as a confessio❑ of th it against which they should have to guard in reference to their confidence in Stipen diary Magistrates ; and he hoped the House of As sembly was pledged to see the same administration of impartial justice that would be administered by her Majesty's Government. The object must be to protect the negro who had not the knowledge to protect himself ; and, looking at the conduct of the House of Assembly, if their Lordships rejected this Bill, they must see there was no chance of obtaining that desirable end i f they left it exclusively in the hands of the House of Assembly. They had been told with reference to the Vagran,cy Law, there were several provisions in the Contract Law highly objection. able. He did not think it necessary that he should go into that, because the House of Assembly had admitted in their address to Sir Lionel Smith that the Contract Law was necessary. As to the Vagrancy Act, which authorised the whipping of females in pri sons, their Lordships had been told that that was re pealed. All he could say upon that was that the opi nion obtained from the Chief Justice of Jamaica, who administered that law, did not bear out the truth of that statement. Therefore, unless their Lordships pro vided another remedy, the extremity of the Vagrancy Act must be considt.red to be that which was legally to be practically enforced. Then, with regard to the waste lands, anybody who was locally acquainted with Jamaica must feel the provision in respect to waste lands to be a most unexceptionable one. But then it was said, why should that provision, and the Vagrancy provision be pressed on the House, bepause they were for the benefit of the planters. Now he did not admit that, but if they were at all that, while they were for the temporary advantage of the planter, they were for the perrnpent. benefit of the neuo. Again, it was said they were attempting to deprive the newly emancipated negro who had a free. hold that entitled him to vote. The House would re coreet that fifteen months must expire before they were entitled to vote. Lord EL LE NBO ROUGH—Fifteen months from , . . . _ Le passing of the Emancipation Act. The Marquis of No4mANBy was sure that all THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 2, 1839 who could have a right to vote might be counted within the walls of their Lordships' House. But it ought to be recollected when this cry was raised, that in 1836 the House of Assembly passed an Act to raise the fran chise to 101. a year, for the express purpose of limiting the number of voters, and another Act was passed last year, which raised that which was 101. to 151. With reference to the expired leases as to its not being necessary for their Lord ships to interfere in that respect, as no doubt the Governor would renew such laws as . were necessary, he did not feel it incumbent on him to prove that all the expired laws were necessary. But there were the appropriation laws—there were the rules and regulat ions of war laws e which nobody could dispute to be neces sary for such a Colony, and that the Governor Should not be left without the power both of raising a militia and of forming that militia with all the necessary regulations of war. Then again there was no provi sions for the Police. Sir Lionel Smith had re presented that the earnest desire of the missionaries was to press on the negroes the necessity of oh se.ving the laws ; and indeed, he had said that up to that time the missionarie s had stood in the place of the police —a fact highly credit able to both parties ; but that was not the state in which a newly enfranchised colony should be left. Then the additional pay for the officers ought to be pro vided for ; and there was the necessary provision as to the Insolvent Debtors' Court. Upon the whole, as to this part of the subject, he considered it sufficient for him to prove, that some of' the laws which had expired, were of the utmost importance to the well-being and tranquillity of the country. To return again to this bring a law to oppress the negro for the benefit of the planter, he bad this day heard that the negro had received the announcement of the former Act with the most grateful expectation of permanent pro tection from an efficient source ; and if their Lord ships should reject this Bill, he would entreat them to take care to qualify the disappointment that must arise from that rejection, by an assurance that they had provided a remedy for their grievances which should not be lung delayed. The enthusiasm with which the former Act was received by the negro, was r: sufficient refutation of the charge that his interest had never been thought of in that Act. After the passing of the Emancipation Act in 1833, the Noble Marquis had spent some weeks in travelling into every corner of the island, explaining that Act, and pointing out the necessity of patience until the period for their being emancipated arrived. From the state of his health, he was unable to remain in that country to see the effect, but he bad been informed that from that time to the Ist of August last, the slaves had never worked better or more willingly than they had done in that in terval. Their Lordships had heard a great deal of' the Ja maica interests being opposed to this Act. There had so doubt been meetings held of persons of great re spectability, and having a great interest in the colony, but then their Lordships ought to give credit to the feelings and views also of those who were locally ac quainted with the colony i who had interests there, and ago knew the working of the various measures in Ja maica. The House of Assembly was of such a cha racter that the respectable proprietors there had de clined to be Members of it. He knew that the most influential attorneys of the island had refused to become Members of it. His Noble Friend, whom he did . not 4ee in his place (the Marquis of Sligo),. and who had Acted so creditably to himself as an Eeelisla landlord— Hear, hear)----as lie had done, had a very considerable stake there, and he was highly in favour of this measure. thought it a m i s fo rtune t h at some o f t h e N o bl e Lords 1, 1 1 ) e pote having themselves many large concerns here, and sufficient usefully to occupy their time, should have lent such a ready ear to certain statements they had heard, as to have induced them to be unfavourable to this Act, because he was sure they would find they had been deceived, and that it would not be for the per manent interest of the colony that these matters should be left exclusively to the House of Assembly, He did trust that this subject would be approached without party feelings, In former attempts to provide a re medy for the evils and difficulties that had not been the case. He himself knew those who were favourable to the measure, but who were deterred, from party feelings, from giving their support to it. He trusted if they were to have a party fight, another field would be chosen for it than that of trampling upon the rational ground of humanity. Their Lordships would re collect that it was they themselves who had called on the House of Commons to interpose in the cause of humanity for Jamaica, and now that the House of Commons called upon them to assist them in carrying out their measures he hoped there would be no refusal. If the British Parliament enacted emancipa tion, it belonged to the British Parliament to ensure that enactment's Success, and unless they provided for that he would not advert to the costs that had been sacrificed with a view to obtain it, but he would refer to the benefits that might be conferred by the opportuni ties their Lordships now had, and the loss of the advan tages of oneof the J 1014084 40. i in : the cause of huma nity that any Legislature could ever have enacted for humanity. The Noble Marquis in sitting down moved thesecond reading. Earl HAREWOOD was sorry to hear the Noble Marquis speak as he had done, considering the difficelt political position in which that island was now placed. Not contenting himself with speakirg of the Imperial Parliament acting over the House of Assembly, a pro position which he (Lord Harewood) would not, of course, contradict, the Noble Marquis spoke of the Imperial Parliament acting in hostility to the local legis lature.. It was also most unwise in the, Noble Marquis talking of the imformation which influenced him, and which he had received from private sources. He (Earl Harewood) begged it to be understood that neither he, nor any one e'se connected with the West Indies, was not dispOsed to question the paramount authority of the Imperial Parliament over the House of As sembly, .but be thought that Parliament should use the greatest caution in the exertion of that para mount influences They should consider the island of Jamaica as having an independent legislature and a Constitution of its own, and they ought not to attempt to interfere with it unless they could point to an emer gency so great as to justify them. Now the point upon which the present proceeding turned was the Prisons Act —but that was -not all. The Prisons Act was but the crisis which brought out an extensive feeling upon seve ral questions. There had been a great deal of irrita tion in the island on account of the treatment they had received—f or t h e grea t es t i na tt ent i on h ad been shown by the legislature at home to the representatives of the colonists—every information was withheld from them about the bringing forward and the passing of the Prisons Bil.. Even in London nothing was heard by the agent fur Jamaica, who was the only representa tive that island had here, until the Bill had passed through several stages. The first information the. Assemby had of it was seeing the Act stuck upon the door of their own House.—(Hear, hear.) Now he would as sert that was not a way to treat any person.—(Hear, hear.) Respecting the legislature of Jamaica, the Noble Marquis said that complaints of the state of tile prisons in Jamaica were made in the year 1832, but be omitted to state that in 1834 the Governor corepli mented the Assembly on their irrnasures regarding pri sons—( Beer, hear) —and in fact the present Pt icons Rill was copied verbatim from the Bill of the House of Assembly. When Mr. Pringle was sent out as a Corn riussioner to inquire into the state of the prisons, the House of Assembly promised to act upon the sugges tions of his Report as soon as they should see it. Even then they had a Bill fOr the better regulation of the prisons in preparation, of Mr. Jordan, a Member of the Assembly, and it was then expected that it would be really read next session. But Mr. Pringle made his Report here, and the Bill was sent out without any consultation on the part of the Government with those were principally concerned. Put the question how the Noble Marquis might, the effect of this measure would be, as no doubt the inten tion of - it was, to supersede the House of Assembly ; and if they meant so, let them say so at once, instead of making an instrument of the Governor of Jamaica to come into collission with the Assembly.—(Hear, hear.) He (Earl Harewood) had no doubt the object of the Government was to put an end to the Assembly —( Hear, hear.) But if the Imperial Parliament wished to exert its paramount influence over the Assembly, why did it not do so on the occasion of the passing of the Emancipation Aet, which being a great national question it might have interfered with propriety ? ( Heer, hear.) But in this question, which was at first submittted to the Assembly, the Imperial-' Parlia ment could not properly interfere. Here he (Earl H.) desired to state that so far from being an enemy to the popular party, as i t was called i n J ama i ca, h e was a hiend to it, an d was therefore anxious to preserve to it its franchise.. 1-1 —0 wa s sorr y to perceive that inten tional inj us ti ce was done to the people o f J ama i ca. The reports fr om th e stipeadary mag istrates were like th ose from anoth er place, all on one side. — (Hear, hear.) 1 The Nobl e E ar l then, in a tone w hi c h conveyed but a few word s occas i onally to the ga ll ery, a d verted to the seventeen Acts a l ready ment i one d i n t hi s di scuss i on, seven of which b e i ng money Acts, this measure c ou ld not interfere w ith them. He also a d verted to the Po lice Act. The House of Assembly might have acted with improper b aste. Possibly the Imperial Parli amen t have also a c t e d i n li ke manner. If that were the fact, I,t them n ow ac k no W ledge their error, and . a few words of conciliation and kindness would have the effect of inducing the Members of the Assembly to come forward in the most friendly manner, and of resuming their functions. He would remind their Lordships that the House of Assembly had been prorogued from the, 3d of February until the present time, and that it had not been since tried whe ther they would go on or not. Let an opportunity be now giver; them, t h at i t might be S een w h at t h ey would do. He (Earl FL) s h ould vote against the sec on d reedit). ' of the Bill unless the second clause were so modified as to introduce that conciliatory spirit which he desired to see established between the Government and the Imperial Parliament, the House of Assembly and the people of Jamaica.-_( Hear, hear.) The Marquis of NORMA N B ' said in explanation that he had only rec e i ve d hi s information tlisor,l! the 1 ordinary soigCq. Lord BROUGHAM said that no doubt they were placed in a difficult state of affairs. For his part be was against the principle of the Bill. He h a d p ro t este d, an d st ill did protest against the principle of the measure. However, as something decisive must be done, he should vote for the second reading of the Bill. And he would advise his Noble Friend to state his objections to those clauses which he opposed specifically to-morrow in the Committee. The Noble Marquis had stated the objects of the measure he brought forward in a very able and becoming speech. He (Lord B.) was opposed to the principle of sus pending any Constitution, whether it were the Consti tution of .Tamaiea or of Canada ; but the objection of the Noble Earl seemed to be entirely of an insular cha racter, for he did not care about the violation of the Constitution of Canada, although he would not hear of the violation of that of Jamaica. This, however, might be accounted for by the fact of his Lordship being a Jamaica man.—(Laughter.) He would advise his Noble Friend to reserve his objections for the Com mittee. The Duke of WELLINGTON said he was placed in a singular position in this House, having op posed the Bill for the Emancipation of the Negroes, and he believed he divided the House upon it. But from that day to this he had done all in his power to assist their Lordships in carrying the measure into execution, since their Lordships had passed the measure notwitstanding his opposition, though he confessed it always gave him great pain to vote with the Noble Lord opposite. It was his opinion, however, that the House of Assembly should be conciliated by the Impe rial Parliament instead of being opposed by them. He had no knowledge whatever of the measure which caused the existing difference between the House of Assembly and the Government. He thought the House of As sembly should have been treated with greater attention and couresy, but he thought at the same time that the House of Assembly had acted wrong in refusing to per form their duties. He confess the speech of the Noble Marquis had filled him with great doubt, for it said in as many words, that it was his intention to destroy the House of Assembly. (Hear, hear.) He should, though with great pain, vote for the second reading. Property could not exist•there or anywhere else with out a certain degree of political power, and they might depend upon it that if they destroyed the House of Assembly of that island they must withdraw the white population.—(Hear, hear.) Ile wished the Bill to go into Committee, in order that it might receive those ant, nthnents which would make it palatable to the Heusi: of Assembly. It was the duty of those who were high in authority to conciliate—( Hear, hear) — to give the House of Assembly a chance of acting as they wished by. treating them with civility and kindness. He was sorry that his Noble Friend had moved the second reading of the Bill this day three months, be cause he wished the House to go into Committee on the 1111, to consider its clauses, and make those amend ments which their Lordships might think proper, with the view of sending it to the other House in such a shape that it might eventually go out to the island of Jamaica with the hope and prospect of success. Lord GLENELG wished briefly to explain to the Noble Duke the course pursued with respect to the Prisons Bill. During the years 1836 and 1837 the greatest complaints were made by Lord Sligo and Sir Lionel S m i t h respect i ng the abuses which prevailed in the workhouses and the goals in Jamaica, and also the discontinuance of certain allowances and various other particulars : but the most galling and revolting of ell were abuses in the workhouses and goals. The House of Assembly were called on by Lord Sligo and Sir Lionel Smith to investigate the subject, and it was pressed on the House during 1836 and 1837, and finally brought before this House in 1888. The Noble and Learned Lord near him (Brougham) in the course of his eloquent speech on the subject of slavery, ad verted to these abuses, alluding particularly to the workhouse system, and he established beyond doubt that it was the duty of Parliament to interfere and put a stop to these atrocities.—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord G.) was called on to state what the Government were prepared to do on that evening, and he said he could not but admit that the time was at length arrived when Parliament might interpose in its strength and majesty to repress atrocities equally revolting to policy, to justice, and to the common feelings of humanity.— (Hoar, hear.) As the House of Assembly had not remedied these, he (Lord G.) said that he was prepared to bring in a Bill for the express purpose of remedying all these abuses, and especially those in the prisons and workhouses of Jamaica.—(Hear, hear.) A tem porary Abolition Act was passed. but a per menent measure was necessary, and he (Lord Glenelg) said that he would bring it in as soon as the Report of Captain Pringle should be made. He (Lord G.) be. lieved the Abolition Act and the Prison Act to be es sentially the same. if the Abolition Act was a justis Liable act, on the same ground was the Prison Act— (Hear, hear)—and this House, in acceding to the tem porary Act, recognised the principle of the Prisons ' Bill. The Noble Lord opposite said that an Act of 1834 was passed by the House of Assembly.—(Hear, hear.) That Act, in its general regulations, was unex ceptionable ; but it had one fatal sin—it had the para lysis of non-execution—(Hear, hear)—and he stated to the Governor his general approbation of the princi ples of the Act, but pointed out the defect. To return to the temporary Act—the Abolition Amendment Act passed early last Session, and in that Act there were some powerful and stringent enactments respecting persons. The Prisons Bill only made permanent that which the temporary Act kid made for a time, and therefore it could not fairly be said that the Prisons Bid was passed rapidly through the House, without its knowledge and sanction, for he brought it in in pursu ance of the pledge which he had given to the House, and it was passed without observation, except from one Noble Lord opposite._( Hear, hear.) He merely wished to set their Lordships- right as to the opinion that it was a new measure, passed without the apprOprabation of the House, and in ignorance. It had hccn said that the Bill was promulgated in the West Indies in a very peculiar manner, but he should Suppose that it was proclaimed in the usual manner, for in the debates, some of which were as warm as the tro pical climate could supply—(A laugh)—he did not see any complaint of the want of courtesy on the part of the local Government. He had felt it his duty to make these observations merely to set the House right with respect to the proceedings which had taken place on the Prisons Bill. Earl ST. VINCENT said that the Noble Lord had waited for the Report of Captain Pringle before he had introduced the Prisons Bill. It appeared most un questionable that these prisons were not to be recor structed until he had made his Report, and this offered some justification of what the Noble Lord had set forth as to the neglect of the House of Assembly in regard to the correction of these evils. He was very ready to admit that the prisons in that country were not calcu lated for the state of society which was about to com mence, but how many prisons were there in this country which had been in a most disgraceful state up to a very recent period. The Noble Lord was not justified in inflicting so strong a stigma as he had upon the House of Assembly of Jamaica. The principle of the Bill was bad. lie had a strong objection to interfering with estehrshed rights, more especially when a few kind words would have sufficed to have induced the Assem bly to resume their functions. It was not his intention to divide the House against the secoad reading of the Bill, but he thought that the second clause was most objectionable. With regard to the Prisons Bill, one fact was most extraordinary, that although it was a Tax Bill, it should receive the initiative in their Lord ships' House ; and the other House, which was so jea lous of its own privileges, should not show any attention to it. Lord GLENELG explained. The Earl of HARE WOOD would not press his amendment to a division ; but at the same time, he would state that if the objectionable clauses, more par ticularly' the second clause, were not remodelled in Committee, he should certainly oppose it ; but he trusted that it would come out of Committee in such a state as would not force on him the necessity of opposing it. Viscount MELBOURNE under those circum stances, thought it would be more expedient to defer the debate, at the same time, he must say, that he thought the Noble Duke had, in his observations, treated his Noble Friend with great injustice. H e could not perc e ive an y thi ng lik e the violence, the in justice, or the insult which the Noble Duke had at tributed to the speech of his Noble Friend. He had not expressed any anxiety that the House of As sembly Lhould be suspended ; but could his Noble Friend with any consistency express any anxiety that the House of Assembly should continue to exercise its functions?—(Hear, hear.) The present measure had been forced upon the Government by the con duct of Parliament ; it was a course of action that they were of opinion would not be successful, and he was of opinion that they would ultimately be obliged to adopt that measure which they had now rejected. But the experiment should have a full and fair trial, and if the house of Assembly should, which he did not expect, be disposed to resume their functions, and to perform their duties, they would find every disposition on the part; of the Government to do all that might induce them to continue in their prudent course, to c irry out the great measure of negro emancipation ; but the course to be pursued must be determined by the conduct of the Assembly itself, which, he trusted, would do justice to itself, to the country, and to the colony. The Ni:oble Lord under the gallery had expressed his surprise that the House of Commons should have passed the Prison Bills of last year without observation. He was surprised that the objection had not struck the Noble Lord himself last year. Earl BT. VINCENT—I was not in the House. Viscount MELBOURNE —If the Noble Lord does not attend to his Parliamentary duties, he was not answerable for that. But the Noble Duke thought that Bill was an usurpation on the House of Assem bly. How was it that this did not strike him last year ? The Noble Duke was attending to the be siness of the House to the end of the ,Session, and he was extremely surprised that Can that occasion he h a d no t s t a t e d hi s c,iiiiitoh on the subject. He would reserve what ho • The Duke of WELLINGTON explained. The Marquis of NORMANBy, in reply, said he did not feel deserving of the censure which had been east upon him by the Noble Duke ; the Noble Baron had been pleased to divide his censure amongst all who had taken part in the debate, so that the best they could do would be to divide it amongst them. He was determined the experiment should have a fair trial, mid therefore had hardly thought it necessary to state that the Assembly would be again called together. The Noble Baron had characterized his speech as intemperate ; he would own he felt strongly .on the sub ject, as any one must feel who like himself had witnessed the evils of slavery, and the impediments that were placed by the Assembly in the way of placing the negro in a state of security ; and yet he could not tax his re collection with a single expression which he was not pre pared again to make use of. He had great doubts as to the course of conduct the House of Assembly would think proper to adopt. Much had been said of the ungracious conduct of his Noble Friend to the House of Assembly, regarding the Prisons' Bill. He did not consider such an accusation at all justified by his Noble Friend's conduct. Earl st VINCENT explained. Lord BROUGHAM wished to put a question to the Noble Marquis, connected with a subject that had gone the round of all the vehicles of public intelli• Renee in America, as well as Europe. It was said that five slavers had been taken in South America—in Rio Janeiro—on 25th March, where all on board were sold to eight years slavery at the price of 51. a-head. He (Lord Brougham) could not believe this to be true, and be hoped the Noble Marquis would contradict it. He had also been informed that a practice prevailed which deserved immediate attention—negroes were taken from those parts where slavery was abolished to those where it existed and there apprenticed. He understood that this practice prevailed particularly in Cuba. The Marquis of NORMANBY said that he received no information upon the subject alluded to by the Noble Lord. After a few observations from Lord WYNFORD, that were inaudible in the gallery, the Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed. COMMON PLEAS BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second reading of the Common Pleas Bill. Lord LANGDALE would not oppose the second reading, although he regretted the Bill did not go further. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the Bill was founded on the Report of the Common Lacy Com tnissioners. The Bill was then read a second time and ordered to be committed. The House then adjourned at Twenty Minutes past Eight o'Clock. HOUSE OF COIIIIIIOIVS, Jura 1. The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutes before Four o'Clock. The Deputy Usher of the Black Rod summoned the House to the House of Lords to hear the Royal Assent given to several Bills, for which see the Lords Report. On the motion of Mr. FRESHFIELD, Allison's Divorce Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. M. PHILIPS the Lords' Am' ndments to the Manchester and Birmingham Rldway Bill were agreed to. On the motion of Mr. OSIVA.LD the Black Quarry, or Anniesland Road Bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. PLUNIPTRE presented petitions against any further grant to the College of Maynouth ; and one praying that the soldiers in India might not be com pelled to attend idolatrous worship. Mr. GILLON presented a petition from Falkirk against any further endowments to the Church of Scotland ; and a petition from the proprietors of a coach running between Edinburgh and Dundee, com plaining of the unfair competition which they were ex periencing from their untaxed rivals, the Dundee and Forfar Railway Company, and also from steam-vessels. Lord GRIMSTON presented a petition from Hert ford praying for a tax on railroads. Mr. WALLACE presented petitions from Edin burgh, and from various parts of Ireland, in favour of a penny postage. Mr. T. DUNCOMBF presented a similar petition from the members of the Russell Institution ; and Mr. G. KNIGHT a petition to the same effect from Misterton (Nottinghamshire.) Mr. MILLS presented a petition from the Bristol and Gloucester Railway Company in favour of the Government plan for establishing railroads in Ireland, and regretting that it bad not been carried into effect. COLONIES. Sir S. LUSH L NGTON presented petitions from the freeholders of St. Christopher's, Nevis, stating that an Act of Parliament had passed for the better adminis tration of justice in the West Indies, and that the Le gislature of that Island had hitherto passed no Act to carry the Imperial Act into execution, and they there fore prayed the House to take the matter into their consideration. EDUCATION. Sir J. Y. BULLER presented a petition aginst the Government scheme of education. Mr. G. PALMER presented a similar petition from Essex. Mr. CARTWRIGHT presented a petition to the same effect, adding that the last plan was as objection able, and more insidious, than the former. Mr. HOPE presented a petition to the like effect, from the Sunday -school teachers of Gloucester. Mr. CLIVE and Mr. LOCKHART presented similar petitions. GLASGOW UNIVERSITY. Sir J. GRAHAM presented a petition from the Students of Glasgow University, stating that there were 500,000 persons in their country speaking Gaelic, and asking that a professor of the language might be appointed. Sir C. BURRELL presented a petition from Turn. pike Trustees of Horsham against the late Turnpike Bill (we believe). NEGLIGENCE OF COUNSEL. Mr. II A RV E Y presented; petition from an Attorney complaining of the precipitancy of a Learned Judge, and the neglect of two Learned Counsel. The peti tioner stated that he was attorney for the plaintiff in a case that stood for trial on Wednesday last ; that when the case was called on neither of his Counsel were present, on which occasion the Learned Judge insisted the case should be withdrawn ; on which the petitioner stated the Learned Counsel were then coming across Guildhall, and would be there to open the case instanter, but that his Lordship did not listen to the observation, on which he requested to be heard himself ; that his Lordship declined the request, the consequence was that the trial was postponed till next November, and large'and serious costs would be en tailed on his clients. He, therefore, suggested as a remedy that when Counsel could not attend the Attorney should be at liberty to proceed had to say on that subject to a future occasion, but he could not help expressing his opinion that the censure of the Noble Duke on his Noble Friend had been much too severe. Lord ELLENBOROUGH entirely concurred with every thing that had fallen from the Noble Duke as to the speech of the Noble Marquis. The Noble Mar quis had said the measure should have a fair trial—now his speech was calculated to deprive it of a fair trial, it was impossible, after such charges had been brought forward against the House of Assembly, that they could proceed to legislate with that calmness and tem per which it was desirable they should adopt. He re gretted the language and tone adopted by the Noble Marquis, and he also regretted the language and tone adopted by . the Noble Baron opposite, though, as he had now left the Colonial-office, it was of less importance.—(Hear, hear. He regretted the tone adopted on the other side of the House, and he was not quite without regret at the tone which had been adopted on his side of the House. The Noble Earl and the Noble Viscount had been somewhat too unqualified in their excuses for the conduct of the House of Assembly. He had been present when the Prisons Bill had been brought forward, and had given that measure his support, because he was satis fied the time had arrived for legislating on the subject in this country, in order to introduce a uniform system into the West Indies. He did not think the conduct of the house of Assembly could be altogether justified, but he still was not of opinion that the circumstances of the case justified the bringing forward such a mea sure as the Bill which had the other day been laid on the table, and which had now been withdrawn. He was anxious that the business of legislating for Jamaica should be carried on by the present Assembly under the existing Constitution. He felt the great difficulty at the time the Emancipation Act passed of finding fitting instruments for carrying on the Government in the existing state, but he saw such advantage from carrying on the Government by means of Constitu tional laws, and such perils from resorting to unconsti tutional expedients, that. ha was anxious such expe dients should not be resorted to. They could not put down constitutional forms of Government in other countries without suffering in this, as it interrupted all trains of thought on all matters connected with public liberty. A continued sus pension of constitutional Government would render a return to it impossible. Arbitrary power made its own continuation inevitable. He therefore objected to the measure which was at first proposed, as being destruc tive of all constitutional Government. If the Consti tution were suspended for five years it would be found impossible to revive it. They would find that men of property were degraded, that the constituency was changed, and that legislative interference would be necessary for the protection of the whites. He re joiced at the abandonment of that measure, because he was convinced that it would be destructiv e to the ex istence of liberty in that country, and prejudicial to it in this. He regretted the tone in which the Noble Marquis and the Noble Baron had spoken, as likely to prejudice the success of the measure, as well as the ultimate success of the great measure of negro eman cipation. EVENING; UDITION. with the case, and aftere arils call on his' Counsel to return the fees.—(" Hear, he , r," a el leugi,ter.) COUNTY COURTS. Sir JOHN. SEALE presented a petition from Dartmouth, in favour of the County Courts Bill.—Re ferred to the Committee. Als, a petit oa in t..“ our of a uniform penny postage. CHURCH RATES. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from John Thorogood, a prisoner in the Che:msford prison for non-payment of Church -rates, who stated that he bad been confined six month's for 5,;. 6d.—that he 'was treated as a felon and could not see his friends, and prayed the House to adopt such measures as might lead to his immediate discharge. The Honourable Member wished to know whether it was with the knowledge and sanction of her Majesty's Government, that this man was incarcerated in the Chelm:ford gaol as a common felon. Mr. FOX MAULE had never heard of the complaint before. If the party felt himself aggrieved he had much better have sent his petition to the Secretary of State than to that House, which, even if the circumstances were proved, could afford no means of redress. Mr. BAINES said he himself had, on a former oc casion, brought this case distinctly under the considera tion of the House. Sir GEORGE CLERK presented a petition from Dalkeith, praying the House to prevent the running of stage-coaches on the Lord's day. OUTRAGE ON THE BRITISH FLAG. Lord INGESTRE, seeing the Under Secretary for the Admiralty in his place, wished to repeat a question that he had put to the Hon. Member for Sandwich the other night, relative to an outrage on the British flag, supposed to have been committed in the Mexican seas. He wished to know whether the Right Hon. Gentleman had received any official knowledge of that outrage, and whether the midshipman had received the reprimand from Commodore Douglas, which had been stated. Mr. WOOD presumed that the Noble Lord alluded to a letter which appeared in the Times newspaper in the course of last week. Lord INGESTRE—A letter in the Hampshire Advertiser. Mr. WOOD—The statement was, that an English boat went on shore, that a Mexican subject took refuge in her, and that he was taken from the British boat by a French officer. No account of such transaction had been received, and, he believed, for the best reason, because, as he understood, no transaction of the sort had taken place.—(Hear, hear.) If the statement and dates as given in the ilimpshire Advertiser were correct, that it should have taken place was impossible, because the Vesta was not at Vera Cruz at the time. She arrived with Commodore Douglas on the 28th December, and as the taking of Vera Cruz was on• the sth, it was im possible that the transaction as detailed could have taken place. He might have hoped that this would have heen a satisfactory statement, but he was sorry to he com pelled to state more, because he would not lay under the imputation of concealing from the House anything which he knew. At the same time the statement he was about to make, was one which having only re ceived it at second-hand from an officer who had come from the spot, he could not voueh for its corn pletc accuracy, as the officer had gone out of town and he had not seen him to verify the fact. The state ment was, that two British officers went in a Mexican. fishing boat, in which boat they chose to hoist the BA tish ensign ; that this boat came amongst the French squadron, when a Mexican subject was taken out of the boat ; that some representation was made by Captain Clark to the French Admiral who said tlaat he would communicate with the Commodore. Whether that repre sentation took place or not, the Mexican who had been taken out of the boat was set at liberty. This he presumed to be the foundation for the story which had appeared in the papers. Whether that statement was correct or not. lie could not positively say. If it was, it was clear the English officers were in the wrong in hoisting- the English flag in a Mexican fishing boat. He was sorry to have thought it neces sary to make that statement., in order to avoid the im putation of concealing anything when such concealment might be misrepresented. If it were so, the Commo dore did not think it worth his while to report it to the Admiralty at home,and every one must be well aware that • many irregurarities might occur on foreign stations which it would be dangerous to the service to bring before the House, and might be exceedingly painful to the officer concerned.—(Hear, hear.) Lord I NGESTRE said, as to the rebuke which the Hon. Secretary had given him for bringing the subject before the House, he had done so from having seen the accounts in the public orga ns , and therefore invested with some probability. In those accounts it appeared that a subordinate officer, for doing what he deemed his duty, had been reprimanded by his superior. Was that a proper way of keeping up the discipline of the ser vice ? Hence it was he had asked the question—and the more especially, since the present WAS the third instance which had occurred in that part of the world within six months.—(Hear, hear.) He, was glad how ever to find that the Admiralty had received no account of such a transaction, and that the, stain did not rest upon the character of our Navy. Sir F. BURDETT rose tniid faint exclamations of ;00hihs, Noble He said for iidt,he country s h ou ld f ee l i n d e b ted putting the question.—(Hear, hear.) The account; referred to had appeared in very authentic pu'elic organs.—(Cries of " Order.") He trusted that no time would be lost by the Admiralty in making toe inquiry into the facts.—(Order.) • CLERGY RESERVES (CANADA). Lord ASHLEY said he had, on the part of his Hon. Friend the Member for Droitivich, to give notice that on Tuesday, July 16, he would move for extracts or copies of correspondence between the Colonial-office and Governors Arthur and Colborne, respecting the Clergy Reserves (Canada). SHIPWRECKS. Mr. G. PALMER said, considering the late period of the Session, and the importance of the subject, involving as it did, h un d re d s of valuable lives, he truste might be allowed to put a question to the President of the Board of Trade. In 1836 a Select Corn nittee had been appoipted to consider the subject of shipwrecks, with Report vjew r t h o ui their p revent i on, as f ar as possible, and ; particularly alluded to the dangerous custom of placing part of the cargoes on deck. Of that Report no notice had been taken. The Committee had again sat this Session, and made a Report a week or so ago. He wished to know if ;Any measure was to be introduced upon the subject during the 'present Ses s i on ? Mr. POULETT THOMSON said it was impossi ble for him to tell whether he could introduce any mea sure on the subject during the present Session. The' Report of the Committee had not yet been printed, and previous to any measure being introduced it would be necessary to have it circulated among Members of the House, and to have it go forth to the public. He could not therefore give the lion. Member any pledge, but he greatly doubted the possibility of introducing any mea sure during the present session. Lord I NGESTRE begged to know when the pa- . pers he had moved for during the last session would be laid upon the table. He also wished to know whether it was the intention of the Admiralty to build a line-of- • battle ship on the plan of the late Admiral Gage ? Admired ADAM said, the only answer he could give was that the subject was under the consideration of the Board of Admiralty. Mr. MILES wished to ask the Noble Secretary for the Home Department when it was his intention to proceed with the Bill establishing summary jurisdiction ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he intended to postpone the further proceedings on the Bill till the week after next. FACTORIES BILL. Mr. F. MAULE moved the order of the day for the House going into Committee on the Factories' Bill. Mr. W. PATTEN did not rise for the purpose of opposing the Bill, but rather in order to state the views of those manufacturers residing within the district which he had the honour to represent. He complained of the great powers to be given by the Bill to per sons called sub-inspectors —powers much greater than those exercised by Magistrates. The manufacturers would much rather that more inspectors should be appointed, and that no sub-inspector s should be allowed to exist. He wished to ask the Hon. Gentleman what salary was proposed to be given to sub-inspectors ? Lord STANLEY said that before the Hon. Mem ber answered the question perhaps the House would permit him to say, that in conformity with the views entertained by his Honourable Friend and Colleague who had just sat down, he was qujte satisfied the Government would facilitate the passing of the Bill and the carrying out of its provisions, if they gave a greater character for weight and respectability to the appointment of inspectors. The inspectors as at pre sent constituted had a most inquisitorial power, and it was necessary therefore to have persons of respectability. It was too much to expect that persons, with a salary of 350/., would be placed beyond the risk of tempta tion of bribery. He believed that the manufacterers themselves desired that the inspectors should be more efficient. The only chance for the success of the mea sure w: s, to make the law effectual, but not vexatious. Sir G. STRICKLAND said he had received some communications upon the subject, but the expressions of dissatisfaction which he had heard were of a different character from that described by the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord stated the dissatisfactio n to be on account of the inspectors being an inferior class of persons. He (Sir G. Strickland) had heard no complaint against them, but the complaint was that the manufacturers , disliked to be subjected to what th ey ca ll ed inspectors l aw4 .__(ilear, hear.) They were willing to obey the lads sanctioned by Parliament. The House would gratify the feelings of th e manu f acturers more by de priving i og laws, and telling them that it was their duty to obey the laws as well as the manufactures, and not make them. The law to which he alluded was that which gave three inspectors the power of making regula tions. He would take away this clause altogether, and specify the duties of inspectors, and see that they per formed their duties.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. M. PHILLIPS said the observations of the , I