The Sun. — London, England, 1845-07-24 00:00:00

share list. The Committee did not permit an examination of the share IM, bemuse the parties did not call upon them to do so. He thoesht it tight to state this, as it might be inferred, from *bat isodi siiirrently taken place, that the Committee bad notamid flak ineetien to their duties which they ought to hate done. The CH ANNELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that what imd fallen tom the Hon. Gentleman opposite will, I truss, have the effect of allaying that feeling of irritation which the exfpressions he made use of on a former evening appears to have occasioned. lam sure lam the last person in the world who would wish to pursue this subject, as such a course cannot Pail to be painful to all parties. Perhaps the Honousable Gentleman will allow me to avail my- self of the opportunity now afforded of suggesting to Hon. Members who sometimes violate what are the fixed rules of this House, which we are bound to obey, not to call into question the acts and conduct of Members of the other House of Parliament, who may have acted in their legislative capacity. lam sure the only mode of securing a proper feel ing of respect, and a proper observance of our own feelings, is to show that we are not desirous of violating them. I think we may do this, by abstaining from alluding to statements which have been uttered in another place. I have thought it nay duty to avail myself of this opportunity of making these observations to the House. Mr. ESCOTT said he had been in the House the whole of the time the lion. Member (Mr. F. French) was speaking, and never heard one single sentence of the speech.—( A laugh, and cries of " Hear, hear.") Mr. DARBY said a few words, but not with reference to the speech referred to. Sir J. Y. BULLER said that he objected to the expenses of this Bill being put on the County Rates Bill. Mr. M. GIBSON also objected that the clause was unne cessary to carry out the provisions of the Bill. Af'er a kw words from Mr. DARBY and Sir J. Y. BULLER, The House divided, when there appeared, on the division for the I Ith clause, that for the addition of the terms instead of the full and fair value of the property, the words " at the mate at which the property was valued to the poor," Fort the addition Against it Majority for the addition —32 The other clauses, up to clause 31, were then agreed to. Mr. M. GIBSON thought this was the proper time for moving the amendment of which he had given notice, and he should therefore move the following clause :—And whereas by an Act passed in the session of Parliament holden in the fifth and sixth years of the reign of his late Majesty, intituled, " An Aet to provide for the regulation of Municipal Corporations in England and Wales," it is enacted, that after the grant of a separate Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace to any borough, it shall not be lawful to assess any messuages, lands, tene- ments, or heredltaments, within such borough, to any county rate thereafter to be made, but every part of such borough Shall thenceforward be wholly free and discharged from con tributing otherwise than as thereinafter provided, to any rate or assessment of any kind, of and for the county in which any part of such borough is situated ; be it therefore enacted, that nothing in this Act contained shall extend to render any such borough, or any property situated therein, liable to be assessed, or to contribute to county rate, save as in the said recited Act is mentioned and contained. The amendment was agreed to. The other classes were then gone through, and on the preamble being submitted, Mr. HAWES wished to know if the evidence had justified the cone 6 )l3km at which they had arrived. Mr. E. DENISON said that it was certainly very desirable to know whether the lands appropriated to public bodies was to be considered as amenable to this Bill. Lord G. SOMERSET said that he could not be answer- able for the Goveraraent, but so far as his conceptions went, those lands which were not subject to the property-tax would not be subject to the provisions of this Bill. Mr. DARBY said, that the investigation ought to be made by those who had to ascertain the rack-rent, and not according to their figures, but according to the real value of the land. Mr. G. PALMER thought that the country ought to be altogether re-valued. The difference of value had led to such serious differences in the country that he thought for the sake of justice the country ought to be re-valued. Sirl. Y. BULLER said that the machinery of the Bill was perfectly easy. The Bill then passed through Committee, and the report was arcleie.d to be received to-morrow. The House having resumed, went into Committee on the Death by Accident Compensation Bill. After a few verbal amendments, Clause 1 was agreed to, as were also clauses 2,3, 4, and 5. Some a rendments to same of the clauses being withdrawn, the Hill passed through Committee, and the report was ordered to be received on Friday. The Deodands Abolition Bill then passed through Com mittee, and the report was ordered to be received on Friday. SLAVE TRADE. Sir R. PEEL took the opportunity to present some eorre sp.ontience with respect to the slave trsde which, on a former occasion, he aid not think it his outy to produce. NEW ZEALAND—ADJOURNED DEBATE. _ _ Capt. — Roi3S resumed the debate. He said that he wished to knew in what capacity the New Zealand Company came before the House? He wished to know whether they came there as supplicants, or as patriots- demanding redress, or whether they wanted a loan of a sum of money? The answer that he reoeived from the Member for Ceckermouth the other night was, Reit if he earn* to the New Zealand house he would show him the aceounts. He did not think that it was a proper busi ness far them to borrow money from the country when their capital was - said to he 300,0001., and they had not paid up 100,0001. He thought that they had forfeited all their char ters. The Honourable Gentleman then commented on the conduct of the missionaries of New Zealand, and said that he was bound to sa3 that though many of them were very exemplary characters, )et there were some who looked ton much to the gain of worldly treasures. He could not mention the merits or demerits of the New Zealand Company, but he would say, that the natives would not pay two-pence an acre for land, and they would not pay custom-house duties ; and if they sent out 10,000 men to the colonies they could not enforce them to do so. If the matters in New Zealand became worse, it would be necessary to keep AP a na:ive army and a large navy in New Zealand. Jealousy would thereby be created amongst the natives, and the most evil consequences would result. There were only two motives by which to keep the natives in awe, and those were fear and re spect. There could not be a better man in the world than the Bishop of New Zealand, but there was a set of low-minded men in New Zealand, who termed themselves missionaries, and those men had done all they could to poison the minds of the natives. They had, in the Mahore language, designated the English settlers as devils. What he (Captain Rens) would advise would be to send out a Brigadier-General with 1,000 men in two ships of war, and he would deprive the New Zea lard COmpany of their charter, but would give them a fair remuneration for what they hail done. He would guarantee 'Their land to the settlers, and give them remuneration for their labour hitherto performed, and he would abolih the protectors of the natives, and would appoint more protectors of Europeans. Mr. WARD explained that the 40,000/. to which the Hon. and Gallant Meer had alluded, bad been divided into 1,600 shares, and the title deeds had been deposited in the hands of the Honourable Member for Essex (Mr. H. Palmer.) He would remind the Honourable Member for Westminster. that when the New Zealand Company sold their land to the settlers 15s. in the pound of the produce of the land was paid to furnish labour for the land so sold. He was very , much disposed to agree with the Hon. and Gallant Member that it was not necessary to have a representative Government in New Zealand, and he was much pained to hear his lion. Friend the Member for Liskeard dwell se much upon that ;mild. If he had had the conduct of this question in the last debate aeon it, he would not have divided the House upon it. Re wcu'd hay.e rested upon the immense admission of the tnt Right Honourable Baronets opposite. This was a national guest on. Ten thousand men and women had left their native cc entry, and had given up the advantages of civilised life, anal it was painful to see their prospects blighted by these squalsblcs.—(Ceeess from the Ministerial benches, followed by come er-cheers trim the Opposition.) He need not say that ha dial not like that cheer. He could wish to see these squab bles at an end. The first duty of a Government, taking all the circumstances into consideration, was to take steps to put an end to the present evil system, and they could only do that upon clear and definite principles. What had been the, conduct of all the officials in New Zealand? Why it had been to treat all the settlers as enemies. He thought it a most unfortunate circumstance that the Go.- vernmeitt e.l this eeuntry should have been entrusted to such hanils as .C3 , ,itaio Hobson and Captain Fitzroy, the former pa• ralysed by disease,- and the latter with a mind harassed, if not deranged, by the circumstances which he could not controul. He did not make any distinction between the two Governors ; one was nearly as ba4, or at least as incompetent as the other. It had been said that if the Northern Star steam packet had no' arrived with '220 soldiers the colony might have been lost, end this was answered by quoting an opinion of the Noble Lord's near him, the Member for the City of London, that one n ee ifred soldiers were sufficient to preserve the peace of the island. —( Hear, hear.) That might at fist sight ap pear a very plausible argument, but the Noble Lord assertion had been made in reference to a country not divided with fearful virulence against itself, net when the people were cutting each other's throats, not Yams native and colonist wore inspired with animosity and engaged l'in downright ware far* bat of a country at peace both among themselves and among the foreign settlers.—( Hear, hear.) But how had the alarming state of the colony been treated by the Government ? Why, all regard for the property of the natives had been for gotten : the disputes were alone between the Government and the Company, disputes as disreputable to the one as the other. The Government did trot care for the practical matters of the case Involving the interests and safety of 10,000 English settlers, and a vast amount of native population.—(pear, hear.) This pettifoggieg condact was more especially unworthy of Lord Stanley, and he was sorry to see the two Right Hon. Baronets opposite adopting and defending that conduct. If allowed to carry out their own liberal views, for he was willing to admit the good and laudable intentions of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her Majesty's Government, and the Secretary of the liome Department. But they were shackled by their colleague the Secretary for the Colonies, who impeded their measeres and frustrated their best endeavours. Why did they not manfully resist such baneful influence, and boldly carry out their wishes. Lord J. RUSSELL—" Nec sine te possum, nee eheu vivere teenin !"—(Loud laughter. ) Mr. WARD—The Noble Lerd near him had suggested a quotation, " Nee sine te possum, nec eheu vivere very apposite he • d t he teenm." That was indeed too true, but conjure R i ght Hem. Baronets to protest against and repudiate the conduct of their colleagues, to deal promptly with the danger now in creasing rapidly in the colony, and, by an 'act of worthy liberality, protect alike the settler and the native. Mr. G. PALMER hoped, considering the situation of four teen thousand British subjects, that sufficient protection would be afforded. They had not even been allowed to protect them selves ; and ,from necessity they had formed themselves into militia bodieS, to resist the aggressions of the natives. He was quite certain that neither Lord Stanley nor the New Zealand Company would, with to promote any difficulty or disagree ments. If there were any complaints to be made let them be referred to the Government, and he was quite certain they would do all in their power to promote the proper interests of the colony. Sir C. NAPIER observed that the island of New Zealand was a most fertile spot, and susceptible of the highest improve meat, and he thought that the Government had not extended sufficient protection to its colonists. Several murders had been committed in th e vicinity of the Bay l e kwds, and the murderers, with one ex cep tion , s - had escaped unpunished. Wile only protection that w as aff orded of was derived from a Fr each frigate whi c h h appene d to, be in the b 4 et the time. Independent of those murders, several out. rages had taken place at Falkland, which also went unpunished. Jt didappear to him that the colonists, seeing the Government so supine in assisting them, had considered that they were left to defend themselves from the aggressions of the natives in the best manner they could. He had no doubt that the disastrous proceeding at Wairau, which went unpunished. constituted the primary instigations to further excesses. Having st a t e d his opinion of the great ne g lect of the Colonial Department in preventing the massacre at Waken, he would allude to the last c atastrophe that had taken pl ace. The first dispatch of Governer Fitzroy stated that the natives seemed to entertain a general dislike to the British Government. The natives cut down the flag-staff at Auckland four times, nor was it to be wondered at, when a half-civilized people saw that they could cut down a tag staff with impunity, they would cut it down a second, a third, and a tourth time. He would allude now to the Gallant Go vernor's dispatch, which was a most extraordinary document. Although he had said Auckland was in danger, nothing for its THE gtIV, LONDON, THITRSDAy EVENING, JULY 24, 1845. liberally delivered on his conduct ? He had not had an oppor tunity of reply, and yet he did not exhibit any other than a desire for friendly communication with the chosen deputies sent to confer with him ; and in order to prevent mistakes that had occurred before, it was suggested that minutes of the con versation should be taken, and that they should be considered a record of the interview. Now, as respected the general character of his instructions, he would refer the House to the dispatches sent to Captain Grey with respect to the New Zealand Company. In these dispatches he spoke of the policy of bringing the claims of the New Zealand Company to a fair and amicable conclusion. What could a Minister say more ? ( Hear, hear.) That Gallant Officer's instructions were similar to those given in a former instance to Captain Fitzroy—they bound him to no particular rule, but left him general powers. His Noble Friend had acted with a desire to avoid all cause of complaint in selecting Captain Grey. If they had selected some individuals from that House, it might have been asserted that they wished to build up family influence, by sending out a person there, with a handsome salary, who knew nothing of the country. But that could not be urged against the appoint ment of Captain Grey. If they were wrong in this, they at least acted from a sincere desire to settle the differences in New Zealand. But how did his Noble Friend conclude his dispatch ? He said that his general instructions to Captain Grey were— to remove all obstacles to the prosperity of the colony, and to bring so some conclusion, if possible, the discontent ex isting on the part of the New Zealand Company. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to say that he (Sir R. Peel), speaking in the House of Commons, and exercising his influence with the House of Commons, made a declaration and gave the House an assurance which his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies afterwards failed substantially to carry out. The Hon. Gentleman, in fact, had told the House that he (Sir R. Peel) had said that he thought that with regard to these distant colonies, the system of representa tive Government was the best that could be applied to them, for securing peace and tranquillity, but that he believed the best mode to be adopted at present for securing the contentment of the inhabitants of New Zealand was to establish local Govern ments. Now, that was not what he did say, but the particular declaration that he made was this—He said it was_quite clear, seeing how the settlers were spread over the northern parts of the island; that it would be no easy matter to apply the principle of representative Government according to the rule adopted in this country, and that he believed the best plan for them to pursue, was to form municipal bodies, giving them extensive powers of local taxa tion for local purposes; and these municipal bodies might afterwards form the germ of a future representative govern'. merit. It was impossible that these local bodies should have supreme powers, because it would be inconvenient and create confusion to have one law in existence in one part of the colony and another in another part. He apprehended that the constitution of the franchise, as respected these municipal bo dies, was exceedingly fair and liberal, for every male above the age of twenty-one was entitled to a vote for a muni cipal representative. That it might hereafter be found necessary to extend the system of representative Govern-, ment he was certainly not•prepared to deny, but this he would say, that the time had not yet arrived for the House to take that question into its serious consideration. He hoped he had now given a satisfactory answer with respect to the declaration which the Honourable Member said he had made on a former occasion.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") With respect to Auckland, he hoped that he bad proved to the House that he had said nothing which had not been fully borne out by the instructions of his Noble Friend. With respect to the treaties, he had said that nothing could be more unjust than to depart from those treaties. He believed that the whole ques tion before the House resolved itself into this—Was the Go vernment prepared to take possession of the land, or to secure to the New Zealand Company the property of the land which they had purchased? (Much cheering.) He admitted that the New Zealand Company had a right to be put in possession of their lands, provided that was not done to the damage of the rights of the natives.— (Cheers.) He wished to show the House that it would be un just to his Noble Friend the Secretary of the Colonial depart ment, if they condemned his policy in a matter which involved the question, whether the Crown had or had not a title to the lands upon the right of discovery. When motions adverse to his Noble Friend were made, he was entitled to ask upon what grounds they were made? The Right Hon. Gentleman then read extracts from the reports of the Committees of the House, respecting the right of the British Crown to the sovereignty of New Zealand. What construction was to be put upon those statements? Did they not place the Government of this coun try in a position which rendered it necessary to interpose? They had stipulated on the part of the Crown that, as the price and condition of their sovereignty, the natives should not be called upon to relinquish their land,excepting upon fair cession. His Noble Friend did not contend that there necessarily was, on the part of the native chiefs and tribes, a claim to all the waste lands, but his Noble Friend thought, after the engage ments which had been made, that the rights of the natives ought to be ascertained before they determined what lands the Crown should lay claim to. If the native tribes could establish any claim, it would he to the interest of the colony that that claim should be allowed. That was the spirit in which he had spoken on a former night, and that was the spirit in which he spoke now—a spirit not in hostility to the New Zealand Company, but a spirit consistent with a sincere desire to see that Company restored to prosperity. A pledge had been given to the natives of New Zealand, and that pledge, however unwisely given—and he admitted that it had been un wisely given—that pledge ought to be maintained. Conside rations of policy should induce them to adhere to that pledge. They might depend upon it that the seeds of future government in New Zealand would be very imper fectly sown if they did not do so. Let them beware of taking the same course as France had done with respect to Algiers. Taking all into consideration, he would put it to the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Liskeard, whether be would press this question to a second division? He would tell the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that he Irould not succeed in establishing a distinction between himself ( Sir R. Peel) and his Noble Friend. His Noble Friend was desirous of fulfilling the assurances which he ( Sir R. Peel) had given. He (Sir R. Peel) would not undertake to supersede, in the discharge of his proper functions, a Minister who, he believed, discharged his duties with almost unexampled ability and with a desire to promote the interests of every colony which had been com mitted to his charge. Mr. ROEBUCK explained that he did not mean anything offensive to the Secretary for the Colonies in the observations he bad addressed to the House on Monday evening, nor to the missionaries, whose cause the Right Hon. Baronet the Mem ber for Oxford had espoused. Lord J. RUSSELL said that before entering on the imme diate subject of discussion, he considered it due to make a few observations respecting the Hon. Gentleman alluded to by the Learned Member for Bath, the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and the lion. Member for Southampton. He _repeated that he considered it due to bear his testimony to the efficient and laudable conduct of an officer engaged in the public service. His (Lord John Russell's) experience only confirmed the testimony which had hitherto been given of his powerful talents, long experience in all matters of colonial government, and unrivalled capabilities for conducting the business of the office in which he was engaged.—( Hear, hear.) No one could deny this, but that eminent person did use hls talents; and his powerful talents, with an undue influence over certain interests, and was indisputably biass td by the Mis sionary Society in this country. He bore willing testi mony to the extent of that officer's ability and integrity, but he must, at the same time, state that the views and opinions of Mr. Stephens depended ma terially on the caprice or dictation of the Secretary of State. He thought that this debate had been made too much a question of debate between the Colonial Secretary and the New Zealand Company. He would take the sense of the House on the Go vernment of New Zealand, which, in his opinion, had led to the late disasters there. He was in hopes that the New Zealand Company, having been in communication with the Secretary of State, that the Company might have at length prevailed on him to take a more just view of the Company. Ile thought that the present was a question upon which it was now desirable to have the opinion of M,nisters. He would inquire what they had done since 1841 to 1845, to promote the prosperity of New Zealand ? Had that cottony made the progress which might have been expected ? Had anything been done in conformity with their resolutions from 1841 to 1845—he believed nothing whatever. It was said they sent out instructions for that purpose, but lie must say that those instructions fell lamentably short of what ought to be done.--( Hear.) His opinion, perhaps, went beyond that of others as to what ought to be done in the present emer gency. He thought that municipal institutions ought to be generally established, and that the fullest possible system of representation ought to take place. The council which had been called had found itself an insufficient representation. There ought to be some delegations from those municipal councils, by which greater influence, greater weight, and greater strength might be secured fur the purpose of taxa tion. That was the principle of the British Consti tion. Let them not forget that principle, which had been laid down by a statesman, whose name must be familiar to readers of British history. A discussion was related in the appendix to the Life of Mr. Fox, regarding Representative Government. In 1685, in the latter part of the reign of Charles II , a period not remarkable for the free expression of political opinion, Lord Halifax, in discussing the question as to whether the charter of New England ought to be renewed, said that it was repugnant to English habits that a Government, in which- the opinions of the peop'e were not represented, should impose taxes, and that a Government had no power to impose a tax on a free people, which did not arise from representation.—( Hear, hear.) He said he would not allow any man to take the money out of his pocket without giving him authority so to do. It was quite clear that there was a total want of confidence on the part of the settlers in New Zealand in the present Council and Government there.—( Hear.) Surely it would not he said that that had anything to do with the New Zealand Company. Had not a member of that Company a perfect right to call the attention of the House of Commons to the state of affairs there? Was it a matter to which the House ought to be indifferent, or was his Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. Bul ler) so " deeply responsible" because he ventured to say in the House of Commons that 12,000 persons had settled in the colony, and that they should endeavour that those settlers should participate in the benefits of free institutions. As regarded municipal institutions, the settlers in New Zealand were not now, in 1845, so far in advance as they were in 1841. Lord Stanley said that it was at present impossible to establish representative Government these. He said that it was impossible to give them the franchise. Unless they supposed the annihilation of the natives in a very short time, this argument against representation would have the same weight for the next century to come.—( Hear.) Here was a conclusive reason against municipal institutions. The Govern ment was very liberal in commending the principle. Nothing, they said, could be more desirable than a representative Government. There was nothing that they would not say in its favour, but there was nothing they would do for it. The Right Hon. Baronet would pronounce a panegyric on it in the most beautiful terms, and with the most highly finished periods, but declined to act in accordance with those opinions. With respect to the question of land, the view taken by him in 1839 was the view taken in 1831 and 1532 by Lord Ripon, his predeceaser .in office, from which' he could not well dewt. At the former period New Zealand was Acknowledged as a nation, and - its` independence was acknowledged by the Crown of this country. That might have been a wise or a foolish step, but they could rot, after this, have claimed land by right 'of discovery, and so renounce the act of the Crown:—(Hear, hear. )' He believed his Noble Friend, who, by the less of that great man, bears a title which will be ever memorable in English history—(Loud cheers)-hit Noble Friend had lately said that he did not approve of this step. The treaty of Waitangai gave the natives posiession of the lands, fisheries, and forests, but the construction he had put upon that treaty was those lands which the natives en joyed or occupied.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet said, in reference to the interpretation of the treaty, that it was a plain matter of faith; but the Right Honourable Baronet, i n en d eavour i ng t o su pp or t his view by a comparison with the treaty of Utrecht, gave the latter such a construction as its framers would never acknowledge. The Right Honourable Baronet, as well as the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department, said there might be some waste land to which the natives might not have claim, but the greater part they owned as much as the High landers of Scotland owned the Highlands there. They must adopt one of two lines of policy. They must either treat New Zealand as a civilized country, like the Cape of Good Hope and other colonies, or as an uncivilised nation. In New Ze a l an d th ere were vast tracts of land which belonged to the Crown, and which were consequently at its disposal. It was true they might adopt the plan of Sir James Gipps, and say " We may take these lands which belong to savages, and use them, as we will." Sir Thomas Wentworth said there was an immense tract of land, consisting of 100,000 acres, which were pur chased at the rate of one-eighth part of a farthing per acre. Were they then not right in saying that the right of pre-emption was in the Crown? No settler could obtain land from the Croon. If a person wished to go from this country to Auckiand, and sought a grant from the Crown, he could not obtain it, as he would be told that it did not belong to the Crown. With respect to mediation between the savages of New Zealand and this country with respect to their lands, parties in that case would no doubt try their fortunes in New Zealand, but then it came to this, that this arbitration might not be binding, although the Noble Lord, who was not easy to satisfy, seemed to think differently—that the land thus disposed of might be claimed by different tribes. One would come and receive a certain sum of money, whilst another would come and say that the other had no right to receive the money ; that he could murder the father and mother and brother of the chief who had received it; and that he had a pre ferable claim to It, se that those desirous of settling in the colony would stand but little chance of receiving the lands under such an award. Persons, instead of saying " They should like to go out to the colony, and three hundred more will go out with us—we shall take some capital in the hope of founding a settlement ;" instead of saying that, they would go to the Emjgration Commissioners and seek for land in Sauth Australia, or in any other colony than New Zealand. Captain Grey might say that now he was Governor, he would treat the natives with the kindness which they deserved as British subjects, but at the same time telling there that he would not be trifled into submission. He might say this, and condemn the policy of the Secretary of State. The question then before the House was this—whether the House wetid act upon its own unbiassed opinion, reflecting the untiassed opinion of persons out of doors without reference to party. He feared that New Zealand would be sacrificed to the Secretary of State, and that party interests would be consulted.—( Hear, hear.) But New Zealand—in spite of the taints which had been thrown out against it, the time would come when the Government would act in a different way towards New Zealand—when they would be un willing to sacrifice the interests of that important colony to prejudice or obstinacy, and when it would be placed on a simi lar footing with their other colonies ; but in the meantime they ex - posed that colony to the greatest dangers, and if they agreed that night that nothing else should be done for it, they would compel 'thoSe who had its interests at heart—would compel parties, session after session, to take steps to prevent the people of New Zealand fronz being treated as enemies, instead of friends. --( Hear; `hear. ) Mr. G. W. 'HOPE rose amidst cries for a division, and was understood to say that Captain Fitzroy was recalled on account of his conduct towards the natives. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the motion 155 Against it Majority for going into Committee of Supply—..-66 The House then went into Committee pro forma. The remaining orders of the day were disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. WEDNESDAY, JULY 23. The following Bills were read a third time and passed : London and Croydon Rairvray Enlargement. Manchester and Leeds Railway (No 2). West London Railway Bill,—Lords amendments agreed to. REPORT FROM THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON THE SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY (BRANCH TO DEAL AND EXTENSION TO CANTERBURY, RAMSGATE, AND MAR- G ATE) BILL. Mr. Lascelles reported from the Select Committee on Group A of Railways, that in the case of the South- Eastern Railway (branch to Deal and Extension to Can terbury, Ramsgate, and Margate) Bill the Committee had examined into the several matters required by the Standing Orders to be inquired into by Committees on Railway Bills, and had agreed to the following report: — First. That the capital proposed to be raised under the powers in the Bill is 187,0001„ to which extent it is intended 'to increase the capital of the South-Eastern Railway Company, and the amount of loan which they are empowered to raise is 62,3001., when one-half of the capital to be raised by the proposed Bill, and the acts relating to the South-Eastern Railway, shall have been paid up. Second. That the amount of shares subscribed for is 140,2501, and the deposits paid thereon amount to 7,012/. 105. That the second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth resolu tions did not appear to the Committee to be applicable to the present case, inasmuch as the work is to be made by an existing company, and to form part of an existing undertaking. Sevent'i. Teat the lines proposed to be made are in tended- to complete the communication by railway be tween Deal and the South-Eastern (Canterbury, Rams gate, and Margate) Railway, and to alter and extend the last-mentioned railway at the town of Margate, and so to connect Deal with Ramsgate, Margate, and the Metropolis,. and all the towns on the line of the South- Eastern Railway ; and the insufficiency of agricultural, commercial, and other purposes, of the present means of conveyance and of communisation between Deal and the line of the South-Eastern Railway, as well as between Ramsgate and Margate, and other places lying near or contiguous to the line of railway, has been satisfactorily proved. The present amount of traffic by land and water, with the average charges made for passengers and goods, and time occupied, appear froth the evidence given before the Committee to be as stated in Appendices.(4), (B), (C), (D), (E), (F), and (G). 1; Eighth. That the number of passengers, and the weight and description of goods, expected upon the pro posed branch railway and extension, are set forth in Ap pendix (H). Ninth. That the amount of income expected from the conveyance of passengers and goods, and in what pro portions, and generally the description of goods from which the largest revenue is anticipated, are stated in Appendix (I). Tenth. That the proposed Branch Railway is a com plete and integral line between D. al and the line of the South- Eastern (Canterbury, Ramsgate, and Margate Branch) Railway. Eleventh. That a report from the Board of Trade in favour of the objects embraced by tha Bill has been re ferred by the House to the Committee. Twelfth. That there is no plane proposed to be worked by assistant engines, either stationary or locomotive. Thirteenth. That there are no peculiar engineering difficulties on either of the proposed lines. Fourteenth. That there is no tunnel. Fifteenth. That the gradients and curves are gene rally favourable ; the - steepest gradient being 1 in 264, and the smallest radius of a curve being 20 chains. Sixteenth. That the length of the branch line to Deal is 8 miles 7i furlongs, and of the Extension to Margate 3 furlongs. Seventeenth. Tbat itis intended that;the said altered and extended line of railway should cross on a level one public road, and that the Branch Railway to Deal should cross eight public roads ; but the evidence adduced before the Committee established to the satisfaction of the Commit tee that, owing to the peculiar character of the country traversed, the crossing of such highways on the level was under all circumstances the most eligible mode that could be adopted, and that under proper regulations (which are enforced by clauses in the Railway Clauses Consolidation Act, the powers of which are extended to this Bill) no danger could reasonably be anticipated from that circumstance. Eighteenth. That the amount of the estimates of the cost or other expenses to be incurred up to the time of the completion of the railways is 178,0001., which appears to be supported by evidence,and to be fully adequate for the purpose. Nineteenth. That the estimated charge of the annual expenses of the railways when completed is 40 per cent. of the gross receipts, the adequacy of which was satis factorily . proved to the Committee. Twentieth. That the calculations proved in evidence have satisfactorily established that the revenue is likely to be sufficient to support the annual charges of the main tenance of the railway, and still allow a profit to the pro jectors. That the Committee are satisfied of the fitness in an engineering point of view of the proposed line of railway, and there are no other special circumstances of which, in the opinion of the Committee, it is desirable the House should be informed. Mr. Lascelles further reported from the Committee, that they had examined the allegations of the Bill, and found the same to be true, and had gone through the Bill, and made several amendments thereunto. THE SLAVE TRADE. PAPERS RELATING TO THE CONVENTION BE TWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND BRAZIL ON THE SLAVE TRADE. No. 1. H. C. J. Hamilton, Esq., to the Earl of Aberdeen. (Two Inclosnres.) British Legation, Rio de Janeiro, March 22, 1845. My Lord,—On the 12th instant, a notification was addressed ;time by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, that under the stipu lations for the slave trade conventions between Great Britain and Brazil, the convention of 28th July, 1817, would cease to have force and effect from the day following, and that conse quently from that date, namely the 13th of the month, would cease and determine the right of visit and search provided for by the said convention of 28th July, 1817, as well as all other provisions comprehended therein ; or in the additional articles, the instructions, &c., &c., annexed thereto; and the notifica tion also explained, that the Brazilian Government had agreed that the British and Brazilian Courts of Mixed Commission, established in this capital and at Sierra Leone, should continue in the exercise of their authority for six months longer, that is, until the 13th of September next, in order to a final arrange ment of all cases and questions yet undetermined, and of any others to be brought into court, that might have occurred pre viously to the said 13th of March. On the 15th instant, also, a notification of the cessation of the right of visit and search was made by the Minister of Justice to the supreme legal tribunals of the capital, and to the pre sidents of maritime provinces; but accompanied by an injunc tion, that until some specific regulation should be organised for th• adjudication of vessels captured on account of illicit trade in slaves, the ordinary courts of law of the empire should be competent to take cognizance of such acts. We have yet to see how far these new measures contemplated by the Brazilian Government for putting down the contraband may be successful. But thus far it cannot be denied, that al though they have been pledged by treaty to abolish it within a stated period of time, that abolition has not been accomplished ; that on the contrary, it has flourished, and continues to flourish, under the connivance of the authorities, on the face of all en gagements however solemn ; and it seems an admissible ques tion, whether, looking to this abandonment of their engage ments, the conventions on slave trade between the British and Brazilian Crowns ought not to be considered as remaining in full vigour. Of the two documents mentioned above, I have the honour to inclose copies. My answer to the first contained simply an acknowledgment of receipt, and an assurance that it should be laid before her Majesty's Government without delay.—l have, &c., Extract. ) (Signed) HAMILTON HAMILTON. TRANSLATION. As from to-morrow, the 13th of the current month of March, 1845, the fifteen years will be completed, during which, ac cording to the conventions between Brazil and Great Britain in regard to the abolition of the traffic in slaves, the convention of the 28th of July, 1817, still continued in force, and as from that day the right of visit and search consequently ceases, as well as all the other stipulations contained in the above-men tioned convention of the 213th of July, 1817, the additional articles, instructions, and regulations annexed thereto, the undersigned councillor of his Majesty the Emperor, &c., has received an order from his august Majesty to communicate to Mr. Hamilton Hamilton, &c., that, attending to the fact, that by an understanding between the two high contracting parties, it was agreed to allow the period of six months for Brazilian vessels employed in the traffic to return unmolested to the ports of the empire, provided they had left the coast of Africa before the 13th of March, 1830, on which day, according to the convention of the 23d November, 1826, this traffic was to cease entirely; the Imperial Government will not hesitate to agree that the Brazilian and English mixed commissions, established in this capital and in Sierra Leone, continue for six months longer, which period will expire on the 13th of September of this year, for the sole purpose of concluding the adjudication of the cases pending, and of those which may, perchance, have occurred before the 13th day of March of the current year. The undersigned avails himself, &c., (Signed) ERNESTO FERREIRA FRANCA. Palace of Rio de Janeiro, March 12, 1845. Hamilton Hamilton, Esq., &c. - defence had been done. A letter had been written from a ma gistrate in the Bay of Islands which required the presence of the Governor there, but he refused, on the ground that he could not leave the seat of Government. Such co duct was not in any way defensible. He was persuaded that if he Governor or any officer of experience had bean there, the olony would have been saved from the disastrous fate whic ► it eventually suffered. He would ask what would have been t e fate of the 125 British subjects in the Bay of Islands, if an American frigate had not been there to succour them ? Did not t s fact furn►sh a disgraceful reflection on the English Government? His Gal lant Friend opposite had said he thought that the Governor acted petfectfj right in remaining at the seat of government, but would it not have been better to have sent back the North Star to have armed all the colonists, to have imported more troops, and have attacked at once John Heki, and prevented him from taking possession of Auckland. He thought it his duty, as a British officer, to state these facts ; the only manner in which he could account for the con duct of some of the officers at New Zealand, was, that there must be something in the climate which infected their minds. Too much praise could not, however, be given to Captain Robinson for his gallant and intrepid conduct.—( Hear, hear.) Everybody in the Bay of Islands must feel indebted to that brave officer, and he hoped that the Admiralty would feel it to be their duty to promote and reward him for his brave con duct.—(Hear.) He regretted being obliged to comment on the conduct of any officers in the service, but he felt it to be his bounden duty, as a Member of Parliament, to do so. He would not trouble the House with further observations. Lord IN GESTRE said he was anxious to bury in oblivion every topic which could lead to irritation that had been men tioned in former debates. He felt bound to state that when the deputations waited on Sir Robert Peel, they were treated with the greatest courtesy and consideration. The Right Hon. Baronet referred them to Lord Stanley, and that Noble Lord evinced the utmost desire to promote the objects which the de putation had iu view. Much had been said about a loan, but • he was not ashamed to say that the New Zealand ;ennpany would, had the title to their lands been guaranteed by the Government, been anxious to obtain a loan, so that they might , more readily effect their purpose, and promote the welfare of the colony. It would have been most desirable to have re moved the capital from Auckland to Port Nicholson, for the inconvenience was very great, but Lord Stanley was averse to it. He would apologise to the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and the Under- Secretary for the Colonies, for any harsh expressions which he might have used towards them. He must say, that notwithstanding all the obloquy that had been cast upon the New Zealand Company, that he had never seen a bo‘ly of men act from purer or more disin terested motives to promote great national object. He would ,in justice to Captain Fitzroy say, that he believed his disposi tion was to do the best, though he thought the line of policy pursued by him had been injudicious.' Regarding the recent lamentable events which had taken place iu New Zealand, he must say, that he thought they would have been averted by a proper and decided line of conduct towards the natives.— (Hear.) As to the treaty of Waitangai, though willing to admit to the fullest extent the rights of the natives—he would not admit the construction put upon that treaty by the Government. Either the land belonged to the natives, or was under the control of the Crown. In either case the inter- pretation put upon the treaty by the Government could no be sustained. He did hope that, in spite of all the angry feel. ing which had been engendered by this discussion, all party feeling would be allowed to subside, and that course be mutually agreed upon, which would best secure the interests of the em pire, and the welfare of the colony. Mr. HAWES said he was most anxious that all party feel ing should be laid aside in this debate, and that the question should be entirely considered on its merits. He believed the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government was anxious to do what was right ; and he hoped the debate would not be brought to a close without an expression of opinion, on the part of the Right Hon. Baronet, which would be satisfactory to both sides of the House. He had always thought that the waste lands of New Zealand should be in the hands of the Crown. Because this had not been the case, New Zealand, in stead of being a flourishing colony, was in a de plorable state. He agreed with the Honourable Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) that local 'municipal institutions should be formed in the colony, from which Members of the Legislative Assembly should be selected, and who, as a matter of course, would bring much local knowledge to bear on the interests of the country. The policy which had been pursued towards New Zealand had led to occurrences of a disastrous nature ; and it was now time that another and a better course should be adopted. The Colonial-office, for instance, had pursued a line of conduct which plainly evinced that the policy of the Government was to destroy the utility of the New Zealand colony.—( Hear, hear.) This be could prove by a reference to various documents, if it were ne cessary to do so. Nothing could be more mischievous than the obstructions which were thrown in the way of this com pany. Great companies, like the New Zealand Company, ef fected great good, and brought about results which the Go vernment could not. achieve. He wished to speak with respect of the Colonial-office, but he could net divest himself of the belief that that department of the Government had been mis led by information supplied to it, and had consequently adopted a mode of policy towards that colony which could not be easily justified. They would now have to held possession of that colony by force of arms, instead of measures having in view the conciliation and the peaceful government of that colony. They would not effect any great good until the Go vernment asserted their right to the waste lands of the colony. And what was the opinion of the Committees of that House ? Just this—that unless the Government toak the whole soil of New Zealand under their control, confusion and strife would be the consequence. If they thought they could settle it by a reference at home they wou'd be mistaken. While this in quiry was going on they would have fresh disturbances and fresh outbreaks. They ought to have had a man of higher rank, such as Lord Ashburton, commissioned to settle all these disputes upon the spot. The expense would be as nothing in his mind. He felt strongly on this point, but from what he knew of Lord Stanl ay, he felt assured that this dispute would be speedily at an end, and the same prosperity restored which had fi-st marked the proceedings of this Company in its origin. He thought that it was necessary, to bring this dispute to a conclusion, that all the circumstances ought to be stated. Sir R. PEEL said, that before entering on the main question he wished to make one or two observations. His chief point was to d'sencumber the question of some of its minor difficulties. In the first place, he would say that Mr. Stephen was, in his conviction, an in • dividual of the highest integrity. From family con nexion, from personal position, and from all those things that distinguish the character of a man, there was every reason to b 4ieve that no imputation whatever could be thrown upon his character. Whatever might be the impression on the public mind, though he had no connexion whatever with Mr. Stephen, and did not even know him, yet this he would say, that a man of finer ability, nobler integrity, ,or of more amiable qualities, did not exist in the employment of Government. He felt bound to hear thistestimony to the character of Mr. Stephen. He would now refer to another individual equally meritorious, and for whom he entertained the very highest respect, an officer whom the Gallant Commodore opposite had, in his opinion, unjustly aspersed, lie meant Captain Robinson, and the manner in which that individual had conducted his operations in New Zealand, the efficient services he had rendered—services which, though in themselves not peculiarly distinguished by the amount of numbers engaged, were yet of more real importance to the country than many not confined to the same narrow limits, and he thought that the House would not. wish tosee ser vices so conducive to the public advantage, and merit and ability spent in the service of the country go unrewarded. That officer bad lately set a gallant example to others engaged in the service of her Majesty. He had been seriously wound,cl in a successful effort to quell a disturbance in the colony ; and here, on the floor of the House of Commons he (Sir R. Peel) begged to say that that conduct should not pass unnoticed. Hear, hear.) He repeated that that Gallant Officer should be rewarded, not merely because of the act of justice to him but for the encouragement of others.—( Hear, hear). He (Sir Robert Peel) felt it an act of duty to reward such conduct at the very earliest opportunity. (Loud cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member who brought forward this motion, said it was incumbent on the Govern ment to assign a reason for the course of policy they had pursued in New Zealand. After the recent discussion which had taken place upon this very subject, he ( Sir Robert Peel) thought that wale good and sufficient reason ought to have been shown for calling the attention of the House again, at this period, to the affairs of New Zealand. Certainly this mode of procedure was not calculated to allay or to reconcile differences; it had, in his opinion, rather a tendency to widen the breaches which unfortunately already existed between the two authorities in this country in whom the management of the affairs of the colony was confined. Such a reason was unquestionably re quired, for surely the Hon. and Learned Member should have been the most anxious to forget past differences, and to avoid—studiously avoid—useless discussion, and not to throw difficulties in the way of a harmonious settlement of that colony. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman admitted that he could not himself assign any sufficient reason for this motion. He ad mitsed that the present state of New Zealand, and the unfor tunate conflict which had th , re lately occurred, did not justify this motion. He (Sir R. Peel) thought that it ought rather to have been discouraged. But the lion. Gentleman said, " Now I will assign the real reason for this motion." He could tell the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that if it were not well founded he was incurring a great responsibility. —( Hear, hear. ) He ( Sir R. Peel) did not deny the perfect right of the Hon. and Learned Member, or of any other Hon. Member, to make this motion in the House of Commons. Ile did not deny their or his right to bring this motion forward in his or their places, as a Member or Members of this House of Parliament ; but he objected to this motion at this time, on the ground that the welfare of New Zealand, and the interests of this country would not be benefited by a discussion of the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The only ground, then, that could be assigned for this motion, was that language was held out by himself and his Hon. Friend (Mr. Hope), in the course of last debate, which was at vari ance with the policy lately pursued towards the colony of New Zealand. He (Sir R. Peel) was indeed acquitted of any in tention of gaining a majority, by holding out a delusive hope. But, said the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard, that language was calculated to have had bad effects, and Mem bers were induced to vote with Government, or at least not to vote against them.—( Near, hear, from the Opposi tion.) He said that the course of conduct subsequently pursued by the Government was at variance with their pre vious language. Hewes about to examine that, but should not relieve him from the necessity of dividing on the question.— ( Hear, hear.) He was about to defend himself and his Noble Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies, but should con fine himself to this point. He should enter into no examina tion of past differences with the New Zealand Company. He would remember that the New Zealand Company now existed, and that it was desirable for the public interest that a co operation shculd exist between them and the Government —( Hear, hear)—and he still retained the opinion he had formerly expressed, although late circumstances had forced him in some degree to alter his course of policy.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member fur Liskeard said that he could not refer to any particular expression in his (Sir R. Peel's) speech, his remarks would apply to the general tone. That speech he ( Sir R. Peel) freely admitted, might have been made in a conciliatory tone. It perhaps avoided all reference to past disputes with the Colonial.office. He wished to look forward to peace; he had no desire to look back upon differences and disagreetnents—( Hear, hear)—and he wished to promote an early and satisfactory arrangement of "those differences.—( Cheers.) But every word of that letter which he wrote to the New Zealand Company—every letter and every word in that letter—he was prepared to maintain._:_ ' (Cheers.) If the Hon. and Learned Gentleman expected some explanation on his part as to the topics in that letter, such explanation he was not prepared to give. He would not supersede his Noble Friend in the conduct of the Colonial-office, for in his opinion he most cordially con curred.—( Hear, hear.) He believed his Noble Friend to be influenced by a sincere desire to promote the welfare of the New Zealand Company as far as he could consistently with his duty to the Crown, and his faith to the country. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman asked if he meant to imply approbation of the whole of the past policy of the country as it respected New Zealand? That was not the point. The real question was, whether the correspondence which had taken place since his speech was delivered was at variance with the sentiments he had then expressed.—( Hear, hear.) He abstained from n nt!cing any other part of the subject. He would himselfcon tenthe had askingade in th uas o te ne , question, was any part of this communication at declaration variance Fo r his wwnithpartthhoe said no. Now with respect to the general spirit of that de claration he admitted that the general t one was conciliatory. Had his Noble Friend acted otherwise?—(Hear ,heara m Had he shown any indisposition to receive the deputation Company, even after the imputations wlueb bad been so HOP INTELLIGENCE. MAIDSTONE.-Our plantations are in the most lnxu rious state—the bine tolerably clean, healthy, and vi m a:d o e :e n v i e! gorous. oy r e h d e inh appearanceot I p i o s these continue averageushuees pd progressing o n rp g e the past week, BOXLEY, AYLESFORD, AND Bunuam.—The hops have s ;sing and free from every disease. be E en AS b T et t e 'a r it s L in E c i e Gu.— the y T e he ar h l o B p 2 s 6. in A ths parish n i abu have not ndantcropis expected. There is at some places a little vermin, but nothing to speak of, and free from mould. SEVENOAKS, &c.—Our correspondents for the western division of the county (comprising Sevenoaks, Seal, Otford, Kemsing, Chevening, Sundridge, Brasted, West erham, Chiddingstone, Hever, Ashurst, Edenbridge, Cudham, Down, Farnb.,rough, Farningham, the four Crays, Lullingstone, Shoreham, Longfield, Horton, Sut ton, Swanley, and Chelsford) inform us that they have visited not only the above parishes, but a number of parishes in the sister counties of Sussex and Surrey, and that " they find the hops stronger, healthier, and cleaner than they have ever in their lives knew them"—that the farmers genrally say " they never knew the bine so strong and healthy. O ur correspondents add, "We had heard of mould having appeared, but we find none ; fly there certainly is, but, as we before stated, to a very small extent—we have noticed them more par ticularly in the vicinity of large woods and pieces much shaded. We particularly beg to notice the Under-rivers . (seal). The Goldings' are remarkably strong and healthy ; fort some years past there has been an early failure here, but there is now every in dication of a first-rate 'Crop. We have now given to the best of our , jadgment, a fair statement, and consider the duti, AOCOrdin to present appearances, much over 200,0004" • ToNnamcF.,—There has been an increase of fly in this neighbourhood during the past fortnight. EDENDRIDGE.-.•'.ORC hops are, looking and growing extraordinarily well, without anything at present to in jure them, and seem quite clear from vermin. From the present appearance of this neighbourhood, if no un forseen check, the crops must be good and likely to pay a heavy duty, some say upwards of 200,000/. ; it has been backed at 200,0001.—Maidstone Journal. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —The Gentleman's _ _-ead of Hair, or Invisible Ventilating Peruke, is so close a resem blance to nature as to defy detection ; and to enable any gen tleman to see the effect, a large assortment is always kept for inspection, any one of which, if approved of, saves the purchaser both time and trouble. These splendid specimens of the per ruquean art, superior to anything to be obtained elsewhere, either in Paris or London, have only to be seen to be admired, and are the sole invention of Ross and Sons, 119 and 120, Bishopsgate-street, London. N.B. Splendid hair-cutting apartments on the ground-floor, the whole of the walls being lined with looking-glass ato nu* df raria. Real I TRANSLATION. Eitracefrom the Jornal do Commerceo of March 18, 1845. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. Most Illustrious and Excellent Sir,--The period of fifteen years, during which, as I have just been informed by the Mi nister for Foreign Affairs, according to the conventions between Brazil and Great Britain, in regard to the abolition of the traffic in slaves, the convention of the 28th of July, 1817, still remained in force, having expired on the 13th inst., and as the right of visit and of search ceased, in consequence thereof, after that day, as also all the other stipulations, instructions, and regulations thereto annexed, I communicate the same to your Excellency for your information and for that of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice ; as also that until a fit regulation in regard to the adjudication of captures made on account of the illicit commerce in slaves be adopted, such processes are of the com petence of the ordinary tribunals of the country. God preserve, &c., MANOEL ANTONIO GALVAO. (Signed) Pala s ce, - Mareh 15, 1845. To Senhor Jose Bernardo de Figueirdo. In the same conformity to the President, ad interim of the " Relacao " of the capital, and by circular to the Presidents of the Maritime Provinces. No. 2. The Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. Hamilton. Foreign-office, June 4, 1845. Sir,—The attentive consideration of her Majesty's Govern ment has been given to the subject of your dispatch, Slave Trade, No. 8, of the 22d March last, inclosing a copy and translation of a notification made to you on the 12th of that month by Senhor Ernesto Ferreira Franca, that under the con ventions between Great Britain and Brazil for the abolition of the traffic in slaves, the several stipulations contained in the convention of the 28th July, 1817, its additional articles, in structions and regulations would cease on the 13th of March last, that is on the day following the date of that notification ; but that the Brazilian Government would willingly agree that the Brazilian and British Mixed Commissioners established at Rio de Janeiro and Sierra Leone, shall continue for six months longer, for the sole purpose of concluding the adjudication of cases pending, and of those which have occured before the above mentioned 13th day of March. You will, immediately on the receipt of this dispatch, pre sent to the Brizilian Government a note, of which the draft is enclosed, and you will inform me of the day on which it is pre sented. You will see by the draft in question that her Ma. jesty's Governmen admit that the convention of 1817, with all its annexes, are at an end from the above-mentioned date; that they agree to the continuance of the mixed commissions until the 13th of September next, for the purpose proposed by the Brazilian Government; and that a declaration is made to the effect that her Majesty's Government, reverting to the rights and obligations which attach to her Majesty in virtue of the first article of the convention of 1826, are prepared to exer cise those rights, and will propose to Parliament the necessary legislative enactments to enable her Majesty to carry the pro visions of that article into full effect. I have addressed to her Majesty's Commissioners an instruc. tion, which I send to you under flying seal, acquainting them with the approaching termination of their powers. The commanders of her Majesty's cruisers will receive im mediate instructions from the Lords of the Admiralty as to the termination of the convention of 1817, and the cessation of their right to search and detain vessels under that convention, —I ara, eze., (Signel) Enclosure 1, in No. 2. ABERDEEN Draft of Note to be presented by . lr. Hamilton Hamilton to the Brazilian Minster. 'The undersigned, rkc., has submitted to the Government of the Queen his Sovereign the note which the Senhor Ernesto Ferreira Franca, &e., addressed to him on the 12th of March last, in which that Minister declared, on the part of the Im perial Government of Brazil, that they consider that from the 13th of that month the fifteen years will have been completed, during which, according to the coventions between Great Britain and Brazil, in regard to the abolition of the traffic in slaves, the convention of the 28th July, 1817, was to continue i n f a* . ; and that consequently from that day all the stipula tions contained in the above-mentioned convention of the 2 4 th July, 1817, the additional articles, instructions and regu lations annexed thereto would cease. Senhor. Franca adds, that as by an understanding between the high contracting parties which was entered into at the time, it was agreed that a period of six months should be allowed to Brazilian vessels employed in the slave trade, to return unmolested to the ports of the Empire, provided they had left the coast of Africa before the 13th March, 1830, on which day, according to the convention of the 23d November, 1826, this traffic was to cease entirely, the Imperial Government will not hesitate now to agree that the British and Brazilian Mixed Commissions established at Rio de Janeiro and at Sierra Leone shall continue to act for six months longer, namely, until the 13th September next, for the sole purpose of concluding the adjudication of the cases pending, and of those which may have occurred before the 13th day of March in the current year. The note of Senhor E. F. Francs has received the atten tive consideration of her Majesty's Government. The several provisions of the conventions of the 28th July, 1817, and of the 23d November, 1826, and the correspondence which has since taken place between the Governments of Brazil and of Great Britain respecting the execution of those engagements, have been carefully examined by them, and the undersigned has been directed to call the recollection of the Brazilian Government to the following facts. _ On the 26th of August, 1828, the Viscount d'ltabayana, the Brazilian Envoy at the Court of London, proposed in a note to the Earl of Aberdeen, then his Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that the term which was fixed by the convention of the 23d of November, 1826, for the final cessation of the trade should be extended. The British Government declined at that time to accede to this suggestion, and in the subsequent year the Brazilian Go vernment by a note of the 13th February, 1829, from the Mar quis d'Aracaty to Lord Ponsonby, then his Majesty's Envoy at Rio de Janeiro, declared that in making the above-mentioned proposal, the Imperial Legation in London had mistaken the orders conveyed to them, and that the Brazilian Government limited themselves to a desire that his Majesty's Government would give them a guarantee that British cruisers should not capture Brazilian vessels engaged in slave trade adventures, which had commenced within the term when that trade was still legal. Lord Aberdeen, in a note which he addressed to the Che valier de Mattos on the 16th of September following, signified the assent of his Majesty's Government to that request ; and the Brazilian Government, adopting the expression in which the assent was conveyed, issued on the 4th of November fol lowing a Portaria, declaring that they had received from the British Minister " the assurance that those Brazilian vessels employed in the traffic in slaves, which could prove that they had finally left the coast of Africa on or before the 13th March, 1830, should prosecute and finish their bond fide voyages direct from Africa to any port in Brazil without incurring the liability of being treated as pirates according to the con vention." _ _ Such, therefore, was the. understanding between the two high contracting parties as to the circumstances under which Brazilian subjects and vessels should be exempt from penalty, although found to be engaged in the slave trade subsequently to the 13th March, 1830; , and Senhor Franca will perceive that there was not, as supposed by him ' :any mentian of a speci fic term of six months, during which such liberty should be continued to Brazilian vessels.. Itiurther appears, upon an examination of the correspon dence between the two Governments,, that on the 4th of Oc tober, 1830, the Chevalier Mattos declared to her Majesty's Secretary of State, that the slave trade being totally forbidden to Brazilian subjects from the 13th March, 1830, and those who should thereafter engage in it being liable to punishment under the convention of 1826, by the 4,rdinary tribunals of the contracting parties, he was directed by the Imperial Govern ment to concert with his Majesty's Government the dissolution of the Mixed Commissions established at Sierra Leone and Rio de Janeiro, as having become entirely superfluous : the func tions of the latter to cease in December, 1830, and those of the former in June, 1831. The Chevalier de Mattos was answered on the 10th De cember, 1830, that the dissolution of the Mixed Commission Courts at the periods suggested wouldlp productive of much inconvenience, because some time must elapse before tribunals could be finally constituted for exercising criminal jurisdiction in eases of piracy under the provisions of the convention. On the 30th March, 1831, the Chevalier Mattos replied that the Mixed Commissions were instituted with the view of judg ing of the legality of the detention of vessels employed in slave trade, but that at the present period it is impossible any longer ' to dispute the legality of such a detention, as all traffic in slaves is illegal. On these grounds M. de Mattos suggested that" the neces sary remedies must be had recourse to," but that the illegal protection of the mixed tribunds ought not to be sanctioned. In answer to this, Viscount Palmerston, at that time Secre tary of State, stated to M. de Mattes that his Majesty's Go vernment could come to no other decision than that under the separate article of the 11th September, 1817, the Mixed Com missions might continue to exercise their functions until fifteen years after the 13th March, 1830, or until the two Govern ments should have agreed upon and completed the alterations contemplated by that article for adapting the stipulations of the convention of 1817 to the status of the total abolition of the slave trade. Lord Palmerston at the same time expressed the readiness of her Majesty's Government to enter into negotia tions for such alterations. Negotiations followed, and on the part of her Majesty's Government. with an earnest desire to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion, and one that should accord with the honour and interests of both parties, and secure the accomplishment of their common object. Repeated representations were made to the Brazilian Go vernment on the continuance of the slave trade of that country, and the necessity of more active and powerful measures for suppressing it; and in the year 1835, articles additional to the convention were actually signed by plenipotentiaries on the part of the contracting parties. Unfortunately, these articles were never ratified by the Crowa of Brazil. Again, on the 23d August, 1840, new propositions were made on the part of Great Britain, framed on memoranda drawn up by the Brazilian Government ; but when proposed by Great Britain, the Brazilian Government declined to accept them. On the 26th August, 1841, the Brazilian Government on their part proposed certain terms ; and in April, 1842, the un dersigned submitted to the Imperial Government proposals for modifying those terms so as to carry out effectually the intentions of the parties to the convention of 1826. But on the 17th October in that year the Brazilian Government thought proper not only entirely to reject those modifications, but to declare by a note under that date from Senhor Aure liano to the undersigned, that " the Imperial Government not only consider that other dispositions besides those which already exist are now unnecessary, in order to the total extinction of the traffic% but they regard it as prudent not to adopt any others." Accordingly Senhor Aureliano returned to the undersigned the draft of convention, refusing peremptorily even to enter into, negotiation on it. This occurred at a time in respect to which the British Commissioners had observed to her Majesty's Government that " at no period has the Brazilian slave trade been so extensively carried on as it is at the present moment in Rio de Janeiro itself." The Government of Brazil having thus, notwithstanding the necessity shown for the adoption of new and more decisiveinea sures of suppression, openly rejected all overtures for render ing the compact of 1817 thoroughly and permanently effectual, her Majesty's Government commanded the undersigned to make the declaration contained in his note of the Ist Septem ber,lB43, that if the Brazilian Government still decline to enter with Great Britain into formal engagements calculated to give full effect to the declared intentions of the parties to the convention of 1826, for the total and final abolition of the slave trade of Brazil, it will remain fir her Majesty •to take alone and by her own means the steps whi:th she may feel called upon to adopt for carrying into full and complete effect the humane object of the obligation imposed upon her Majesty by the Ist article of that convention. It is true that by a subsequent instruction from her Majesty's Government the undersigned was empowered to take advantage of any disposi tion which the Brazilian Government might evince even at that late hour for entering into the formal arrangements re ferred to ; but the undersigned regrets to say that he failed to perceive any indication of a disposition which would enable him to act upon that instruction with effect. The next communication of importance that passed between the two Governments upon the subject of their relations re garding the slave trade is the note of Senhor Franca of the 12th March last, which her Majesty's Government have recently had under their consideration, and in which the Government of Brazil require that the convention of 1817 shall be considered as ceasing from the 13th of March last ; proposing at the same time that the Mixed Commissions shall continue their functions to the 13th of September, for disposing of the cases pending, and of those which may have occurred before the 13th March last. Senhor Franga contends that Brasil having abolished the slave trade from the 13th of March, 1830, the fifteen years referred to in the separate article to the convention of 1817 have now expired, and that, consequently, all the stipulations of that con vention to which the additional article refers are at an end. It does not appear, however, that there is any decree or law of Brazil abolishing the slave trade generally from the 13th March, 1.30. The first law on the subject, so far as her Majesty's Government are informed, is on the 17th November, 1831, and the next in April, 1832, in neither of which is any reference made to the 13th March, 1830. The Brazilian Government, therefore, must rest entirely on the Ist article of the convention of 1826, ratified on the 13th March, 1827, and contend that inasmuch as between them and the British Government the slave trade by their subjects has been piracy since the 13th March, 1830, the stipulations of 1817 are no longer applicable thereto. The undersigned has been commanded to state to the Impe rial Government of Brazil, that upon a full consideration of the case, her Majesty's Government are disposed to think that the view thus taken of it by the Senor Franga is correct as between the two countries; and they therefore feel themselves b , und to admit to the Brazilian Government that the conven tion of 1817, with all its annexes, are and must be considered as at an end from the 13th March, 1845. This being the case, the undersigned is directed to observe that her Majesty's Governmeot have no longer any course open to them under the convention of the '23d November, 1826, than that of giving full effect to the stipulations of the Ist article of that convention, under which her Majesty has acquired the right to order the seizure of all 'Brazilian subjects found upon the high seas engaged in the slave trade, of punishing them as pirates, and of disposing of the vessels in which they may be captured, together with the goods belonging to them as" bona piratorum. Her Majesty's Government had hoped, to the very latest mo ment, that the Brazilian Government would, by a renewal and extension of the engagements between the two countries, have offered to Great Britain some other means of giving effect by joint operations to the convention of 1826. Unfortunately, this has not been the case; and the vigour and success with which the slave trade is now carried on under the Brazilian flag, leaves the British Government no choice but to appeal to the rights and obligetions which attach to her Majesty under the Ist article of the above- mentioned convention. The undersigned is accordingly directed to declare that her Majesty's Government are prepared to exercise those rights, and that it is their intention immediately to propose to Parlia ment to pass the legislative enactments necessary for enabling her Majesty to carry the provisions of that article into complete execution. With respect to the proposal of Senhor Franca for the con tinuance of the functions of the Mixed Commissions, although the example by which he supports his proposal has been shown in the early part of this note to be inaccurate, her Majesty's Government are willing that the British and Brazilian Mixed Commissions established at Rio de Janeiro and at Sierra Leone, Shall sit until the 13th September next, for the sole purpose of concluding the adjudication of the cases pending, and of those which may perchance have occurred before the 13th day of March last. Her Majesty's Commissioners will accordingly receive an in struction to that effect ; and the commanders of her Majesty's cruise: s will receive instructions as to the termination of the convention of 1817, and the cessation of their right to capture under the same. The undersigned, &c. I.:closure 2, in No. 2. The Earl of Aberdeen to her Majesty's Commissioners at Rio de Janeiro. Foreign-office, June 4, 1845 Gentlemen,—l herewith transmit to you a translation of a note which was addressed on the 12th of March last to her Ma jesty's Envoy at Rio de Janeiro by the Senhor E. F. Franca, declaring on the part of the Brazilian Gosernment that they consider that the convention of 1817 between Great Britain and Portugal, as adopted by Brazil with all its annexes, would cease on the 13th of March last, and proposing that the Mixed Commissions at Rio de Janeiro and Sierra Leone should sit to the 13th of September next, for the sole purpose of ad judging the cases which may have occurred previously to the above-mentioned 13th of March. I have now to acquaint you, for your information and guidance, that her Majesty's Government admit the view taken by the Brazilian Government of the termination of the eon vention of the 18th July, 1817, on the 13th of March last, and agree to the proposal that the Mixed Commissions at Rio de Janeiro and Sierra Leone shall sit until the 13th of September next, for the purposes described by M. Franca in his note. You will therefore be guided in your conduct by this intimation. —I ant, &c. (Signed) ABERDEEN. Her Britannic Majesty's Commissioners in the Mixed British and Brazilian Commission, Rio de Janeiro. No. 3. The Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. Hamilton. Foreign-office, July 2, 1845. Sir,—lt is with regret that her Majesty's Government have found themselves compelled to appeal to the rights and obliga tions attaching to her Majesty under the Ist article of the con vention of 1826, between Great Britain and Brazil upon slave trade ' • but the notification made to you on the 12th March last, by the Senhor E. F. Franca on the part of the Brazilian Government, that they considered that the convention of July 1817, as adopted by Brasil, must cease on the 13th of that month, and the apparent absence of all intention to join in any definite and practical measures for the performance of the en gagement by which they continue bound, has left to her Ma jesty's Government no other course than to provide for them selves the means of carrying those rights into effective execution. For it is unhappily notorious, that vessels intended for slave trade are fitted out almost daily in the ports of Brazil ; that of the slave ships met with in the African seas, three-fourths are under the Imperial flag, or are prosecuting the trade on account of Brazilian subjects ; that along the southern coast of the em pire there is scarcely a creek where a landing is practicable, which has not become known as a resort and refuge to slave dealers ; that the importation of human beings as slaves into Brasil, far from being discountenanced as a violation of law and treaty, is favoured by the local authorities, and that even in the Legislative Assemblies the trade is avowed as one in respect to which it is not necessary or even becoming that the Govern ment should keep the faith of their treaties with Great Britain. When, therefore, that Government declared its determina tion to relinquish the means hitherto adopted in concert be tween the high contracting parties for fulfilling the convention of 1826, her Majesty's Government found themselves called upon to choose between leaving the slave trade to flourish and increase, in spite of the obligations imposed and the rights con ferred upon them by that convention, or recurring to such other means as are open to Great Britain, for carrying its avowed object into effect. Her Majesty's Government have felt it their duty to choose the latter course ; and accordingly they have prepared and are about to submit to Parliament, a Bill giving to her Ma jesty's Courts of Admiralty the power to take cognizance of, and to adjudicate upon, all vessels captured for carrying on the slave trade contrary to the convention of 1826, a power from which those Courts have hitherto been specially debarred by the Act of Parliament originally passed for carrying that con vention into execution, in consideration that provisions were therein adopted for the maintenance of those mixed tribunals which the Brazilian Government has now determined to dissolve. Her Majesty's Government, however, are far from wishing this mode of adjudicating those vessels to be permanent. They will be ready, so soon as any measures of the Brazilian Government shall enable them to do so, to recommend to Par liament to repeal the Bill now about to be brought forward ; but whilst the present state of things continues, and until either the slave trade of Brazil shall have entirely ceased, or the Brazilian Government shall have entered into an engagement with Great Britain jointly to carry into execution the declared intentions of the parties to the convention of 1826, that course will not be open to them. You are already aware that the measure by which, in the opinion of her Majesty's Government, the Government of Brazil would best evince their determination to carry out the intention which they have so solemnly recorded, would be the negotiation of a treaty, similar either to that concluded between Great Britain and Spain in 1835, or to that between Great Britain and Portugal of 1842. Should the Brazilian Government show. any willingness to entertain the question of such a treaty, you will frankly declare that nothing would give her Majesty's Government more sin. cere pleasure than to find themselves relieved by the of it from enforCing the operation of the Bill which they s.r e _ now about to propose to Parliament • and you will assure th e Brazilian Ministers that it will be a source of real satisfaction t° her Majesty's Government to return to a good understandlns both on this and on other subjects,with a nation in %vhose wel fare and independence they have from the earliest tickles tal' en ., a lively interest, and whose growing prosperity and power the/ have witnessed with the greatest gratificatiofl. am, B,e• (Signed) ABE RDEEN. conclustos SOUH-EASTER RAIL Copy of the T Letter addressed by the N Secretary of State for 1 Home Departraent to Mr. Wray, the Receiver -General ta ° Metropolitan Police, in consequence of a report of a C°,,, mittee of the House of Commons upon the South -Es"— Railway Company's petition. Whitehall, July 19, 1845. e nt Sir,—l forward to you, for your information , in the el, of of your not having already perused it, a copy of the rePnr ! the Select Committee appointed by the Hous e of Conoll' t, inquire into the allegations of a petition from the South-Deaf. ern Railway Company; together with the minu tes of evid takers before that Committee. ill I have learnt with regret from this report , th at you were, the year 1836, while holding a responsible office under Goovrn: ment, retained as a paid agent of a private company t Pr e u f : mate the success of a Bill introduced into Parli ament on tilt; behalf; and that you were engaged to canvass Members of. House of Commons in favour of that measure during its Pr o gress through Parliament. It now becomes my duty to convey to you my strong d o probation of the course which you thus pursue d. I d u 0 / think it necessary, on the present occasion , to express. n opinion whether the due performance of the dutie s of Receir!.., General of Police might or might not have bee n, in tbe b utr instance, compatible with private practice as a barrister ; I can entertain no doubt that your interference, especially theal paid agent in canvassing Members, must tend t o weaken t confidence of the public inithe impartiality of the Governs:oo_ whose o ffi cer you are, and materially to impair your efficien3 in the performance of the official duties which are °nuns' to you. I am informed that for some years past you have abstaieed, from accepting any professional engagement as a barrister..:. approve of your having done so, and I expect that for the lu ture the same course will be invariably pursued by you. 0 1 I The duties of your office are onerous and important, s,er. consider it absolutely necessary that henceforth the Renelb"oo General of the Police should confine himself en tirel y to t „ duties; and any departure from this rule will b e regarded outr. me as a sufficient ground for your removal from the aPP°I ment which you now hold.—l am, &c., AM. IL ,- (Signed) J. R. G. GRA N John Wray, Esq., Receiver-General of Police. Copy of the appointment of Mr. Wray to the office be ho t (, . VICTORIA R. A ,,,a of Victoria, by the Grace of God of the United Kiegr" to Great Britain and Ireland, Queen, Defender of the Faith; our trusty and well-beloved John Wray, Esq., greeting Whereas the office or place of Receiver of the Eight Poll offices is now vacant, by the death of Thomas Venables, Enstitlio now know ye, that we have constituted and appointed, a hv 0 by these presents, pursuant to the power vested , in e.,,e "„ s t a i Act passed in the third year of the reign of his late rl - o b t s King William IV., constitute and appoint you, the eei d Wray, to be Receiver of the Eight Police-offices durieg pleasure. 07, Given at oar Court at Kensington, the sth day of Ju ' , Y' in the first year of our reign. By her Majesty's command , S (signed) J . RUS— John Wray, Esq., Receiver of the Eight Police Ofnees' VICtOILIA R, n.rriste r ' To our trusty and well-beloved John Wray, Esq. , at-Law : Whereas our royal predecessor, King Wilhanite the did, by warrant under his royal sign manual, bearingsiareigs, seventeenth day of November, in the first year of b is G e onie and pursuant to the provisions of the Act of the 10 t h of ue Be INT . ., chapter 44, appoint you, the said John Wray , to P o y e, ceiver of the Metropolitan Police District ; Now !‘ n ti vent; that we do hereby revoke and determine the saitl apPc' n ri ce ja and know ye further, that we, reposing great c onfid, o re , your ability and integrity, and being graciously pleaseae`ioted, new the said appointment, have constituted and 101 l# and do by these presents, in pursuance of the said Ae' , . d job!' virtue of the same, constitute and appoint you, the s a i ;i s trie t ' Wray, to be Receiver of the Metropolitan Police to 018 with power to receive all sums of money applicab le purposes of the said recited Act. DO tir Given at our Court at St. James!s, the 4th day 0.- ber, 1837, in the first year of our reign. By her Majesty's Qom-nand. (Signed) J. John Wray, Esq., Receiver of the Metropolitan Police District. HO T THE LATE FATAL STEAIVI---- . ACCIDENT. ve,°,l Last evening an inquest was opened, before Mr.,Jsjecr-;; the bodies of David Davis, aged 37, Benjamin Jareet a iog a ll and Thomas Richards, aged 28, the three men b e 'i a sT:o the Culloden, who were drowned by the upsetting ° P .. boat, some particulars relative to which appeared in of of yesterday. res9 icai r Enech Evans, and not Jones, as stated in our / 30 P - oe df . e n d yesterday, the man who was in the boat with the dece.perle 'Soadr sons when the accident happened, was first exaln i o f stated that he belonged to the Mary and Margaret, tool, Wales, and that at the time of the accident he " s c j s , ote l flo the mooring chain from the ring. Whilst so employe sired' boat passed, and the boat filled with the swell and sa_,P s t eris s : . ;" i jumped out, and was saved by catching hold of a boat. He saw the other men go down with the t t 0 0 ,'" e e the boat, in which they had been, sink. The a ce ' The not have happened if it had not been for the Cal lwc came over the stern of the boat and filled it. 1 " - ,t was the second vessel in the tier from the Surrey sh o re, ve nt William Williams, captain of the Milford Packet, 1216-400 e to the Culloden, in the same tier, said he was 1 1„,e to the his vessel into the boat. The men in it wer e c -- t oed b et mooring chain, when the swell from the steamer Oesred bed stern of the boat to get under the chain, an d Pre, pic:lo down into the water. He afterwards saw the ' 9 _ o ll t' up, and they were then dead. There was mor e general. osv i el' Ephraim Keeling, of 5, Sarnell's-place, HorsleY Geotrot about half-past ten o'clock he saw a small boat off tesa r `ira stairs, when he saw the Isle of Thanet Margate s ue ios o j pass at an easy rate, and did not make much swell. up the river and saw a great surf coming go o ro o the Prince of Wales M a oat steamer off Old at t $ it She was going at a great rate, and witness e a--1 d Obeli man to take care of his boat. He turned rou nd se a s boat with four men in it sink. The Prince of he Wa les bn st sa off the tier where the Cu'loden was lying. 'T f e et f e i ° l the four in it was not more than sixty or s eventY It 0.0 the stern of the Culloden when the accident hapren,. e wsle' the surf occasioned by the quick rate the Prince or iv ica r oe going that caused the boat to sink. It was his °P ro per far e was going ten or twelve knots an hour, a very i nv e n t of i ; to go at iu the Pool. It was the water that she 00 0 her that caused the accident, by the tightening of W o°l l o the Culloden. Whilst rowing to the assistance of the too t . t :o , the water, the Ruby, Gravesend boat, came down ' and /: 0 111 boat completely out of the water, and thus pre' e h e 0 0 1 There was more swell than he had ever seen before' The say that the surf rolled on the shore four feet h i g h ' host' tie r was about sixteen feet long, and was a regular shiP", ° Inspector Maddox, one of the Thames-police , ae " St e of witnesses, gave similar testimony. f Ofat e • Ce Mr. Buddy, secretary to the London and A f a r roo packet Company, said that he was on board th be ing po t Wales, on Tuesday morning, Captain Henry r" 1 d did ie ed command of her. He was on the paddle-Ito% 91)0 leave it from the vessel leaving London until s .,lse e at Blackwell. The time for her arrival at the lattei e r ori y .10 quarter before eleven, and her time for leaving I,(T ve o is t i o t ten o'clock, hut she generally gets to Blackvvall I °, ueole on before the quarter. He did aot hear of the accidee;ny os ribs (yesterday) morning. Neither the captain er „see' board the steamer knew of the accident when it 0 0 06 ,01, 0 1 0 vessel is a fast-going one, and was going at he r _ ar ne ° o p, The Isle of Thanet left Nicholson's wharf at the form er ,bbs, the Prince of Wales left London-bridge. The an y b i ` e o' arrived at Blackwell first. On the part of the The tb ° to express their deep regret for the accident. ten , O . " Thanet stipulates to leave Blackwell at half-Pas t A; ;taae ° Prince of Wales at a quarter to eleven. The ha If. o ckt London-bridge to Blackwell is six miles and a o 'cl The inquiry was adjourned until Friday at 0 further evidence. .fe rdsl , Lady Disbrowe and suite embarke4 morning,. at Blackwall Pier, on board the Gel"itatOeral rl i . oP Navigation Company's mail packet, Celunibine, PLATE ROBBERY.—lnformation r f e Gr oor a .•oo, Tuesday, that on Friday last the dwelling-house of c oo' s ' A P at King's Langley, was robbed of ajapanned p late-ch ess if° a great number of spoons and forks of the various ois'''roDDV,tt forks, a silver teapot, and various other article s. The 011' believed to have been committed by a match-seller' man, who had on a sort of grey coat. f l' ' BIBTHS. 101 l ° On the 17th inst., at Clapham-commou, t he ior e e" i Gabriel, Esq., of a daughter. On the 18th inst., at St. Mary Abbott ji o' ton, the lady of Augustus Waller, M.D , of aids l 'hO ' 3 On the 19th inst., at Ashley Rectory . , the Rev. Thomas Boys Croome , Wi t f 1 0,9° of a son. ~sire o f f On the 20th inst., at Beddington Lodge, th e . 01 ° B. Griffiths, Esq., of a son. el° On the 20th inst., at Howard-place, Edinburgh' afera' Octavius U. Trezerant, ESQ. of a son r 13 1513 On the 20th inst., Mrs.-joseph Fenwick , °- It° square, of a daughter. On the 22d inst., at Waltham-cross , gees, l'fll' of Shae, of a dughter. the lads On the 22d ins inst., at Kemp-town, Brighton, P. Boyd, Esq., of a daughter. _ sir. A to 1 1 , MARRIED. to A O On the 19th inst., at St. Peter's, Pimlico, -.- p . e st. . Dwarris, Esq., to Charlotte Augusta Sterky', r )till '" ,1,P,',, Legiorli,: coy ter of the late Rev. Alexander S e ky On the 19th ult., at the English Church, at TAPP' d Crossley Geale Seymour, Es q" to Caroline Ma r e saviiff, P i ; daughter of Captain Francis Baker, of the 1 0 ,,,Y,,,, - fl , ,h P r On the 17th inst., at St. Luke's, Church , "'" f le of e i f. B pn n o. .?sstsnfr,octofohfinvire,eiWalsall,Es9ttsmhci.i, Westminster, ons of Chelsea. ,h, el Mary sea. Hare, only d a 1 . 1 g ht e . i'' ' ' 1r / 0 ' 3 • f nell-park.road, Upper aq av t a o t sa S r t a . h M A a n ry n 's rn l i s t l h io j t gt ,i ° lol°'ood, ° f X11''"" Holloway. , st . 111„ co ,o , the O ß n e t v h . e 2 2 ,h l o st ma in s s i3 t. a , g a n t ai A l ullaSkoeur,lllC.l3.u,rcAn.tioisteerldoof t da ub Episcopal Chapel, St. Pancras, to Eliza Ald- rl4 ' i , Artvg ,- ter of the late C. APCalluin, Esq t viev I, a e lf. On the 22d inst., at St. Mary'. Bryanston-sq D O P Trollope, Esq., to Elizabeth, eldests' daughter of i Lucas, of Edith Weston Hall, Rutland. --- be O u l i a m th a e ry l9 p t i h .lif i o n i s d t ,:a a g t ed Aberdeen, B3. ;John Inn`"'" a il li r ; On the 19th inst . . in Paradise-street, Lambeth, (10'1 , TrelO d rt On the 13th inst., at Mill-bank, Fernley, Alp e Reid, Esq., aged 86. t 13, 13f1e ? On the 16th inst., at Preston-street, Br io _ 0 41., ti ge v, Widow, only daughter of the late M. Wilo" , ,,kson: L fr i' On the 16th inst., at Watford, Mr. E. 0. d , a. e o f '''' . , f' On the 17th inst., Frances Mary, the W uv 0 141 • ~a 0 0 0 Ilinxman, aged 29. s ect , - On the 18th inst., at Bath, Maria PhiliPP 3 .,-, 9 bort o f ing daughter of the late Vice Admiral Sir I ` l9 iirt b f e ~, ,i gerald, K.C.H. b., et ' On the 19th inst., at Farnham, Surrey , x' liza Will i ' 'n Alexander Brown, Esq. aP t3l O f ' On the 20th inst. , at Brompton-square, C 0 , Gordon, aged 66. • -,-,m3oiegto ,o, On the 20th inst., at Davidge-terrace, P- - tii A'if Isabel Ann El very, aged 86. fliz abe f,"' On the 20th inst., at Hayling Island, vioros, youngest daughter of the late Rev. i• ti re of Vicar of Evercreech, Somersetshire. 56 , j, yog il f ....- r tn..oo • j.10.,4 4 Lun , aou : Printed and Published bp DJ-L''" officattio Ow No. 112, Straw', Printer, at The 56 0 ,.... ,t he v: Strand, in the Precinct of the Savo'' , w .) Middlesex, Thursday, July 24, 1845. -- . coots Th or s e Pll tion, T „Ow an tritl 4 hill 1 forth tt • ''• • I'll( Pone ( little '" • ' annul lidera ! t ~~ti. the ci p r 7 t l the I , ri ); la) ' 4 ( tient to c h in C anita, 1 1111 Qa 1 1)1 e4cli t a j' 4 '4l( el ot e l k Ne e ' d es i . 1 Vp ' s ' ozkl .~ Part Pers 'Den enat, rrat Rey IninF Leal Stra I Weal MA( Slab, accu, redu, 11 11 0 ,4 mid ~s An. Pmt • , rl4 't