The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-16 00:00:00

the petition said the first Minister of the Crown had been 1 guilty, he (Lord J. Russell), for one, even if he could find no one else to agree with him, would give a decided negative to the motion.—(Loud cheers. ) Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD was anxious to say a few words on this painful subject. He deeply regretted that such expressions, so insulting to many of his fellow-countrymen, as those which were to be found in this petition, should have been used in any petition presented to that House. And even had it been necessary that the petition should be printed, it would only have been with the utmost reluctance that he could Lave consented to such a motion. He was anxious on the pre sent occasion to express these sentiments because nothing could be more injurious to the onosition t the Maynooth grant than to have it placed on such grounds o . He voted against that grant because on principle he was opposed to the State esta blishing any religion. He was as reluctant as any man could be in that House to oppose that grant on principles insulting to his Roman Catholic fellow-subjects, and he, for one, would vote against the printing of the petition.—( Hear. ) Mr. LIDDELL would not have troubled the House if it had not been for the charge made against them by the Hon. Mem ber for Dundalk, of unnecessary squeamishness in refusing to print this petition. The Hon. Member for Dundalk had alluded to the Coronation Oath, and as the oath had been alluded to, he (Mr. Liddell) would read it to the House.—( The Hon. Gentleman here lead the Coronation Oath to the House. ) Now, he would ask the House if there was anything in the Coronation Oath at all resembling the expressions made use of in that petition? He might say that the Hon. Member's al lusion to the oath of abjuration was equally unfortunate. The oath of abjuration simply called upon a Member to abjure that doctrine which said that any person or prince who was excom municated or deprived of power by the Pope might be destroyed or murdered by any of the subjects. Would they pretend to sly that that doctrine was nut injurious and damnable. If it were true, he should like to know what security there would be to the life of the au . .jects of her Majesty.. Mr. REDINGTON said that he was still of opinion that her Majesty did declare that the worship of the Virgin Mary was damnable and idolatraus—now that was the doctrine of the Roman Catholics. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said, that the object the House had in requiring a Member to give notice of his intention to have a petition printed was, to induce that Member to make a notice of motion for some particular day. If a spe cific notice of motion were not necessary, he might have all the petitions printed without the intention of founding a motion thereon. If the Hon. Member for Knaresborough made a specific notice of motion, the House could not refuse the printing of the petition, and if the petition contained anything calumnious or libellous, it were better to have it printed for the use of the Members of the House only. The motion of his Hon. Friend behind him was the best course that could be taken for publicity, if that were his object. He took the best course to find these objectionable passages on his breakfast table to-morrow. Some kind friend from Dublin had favored him (Mr. Duncombe) with a copy of this petition, and he did not consider it of much importance, or likely to do much harm.---( Hear, hear.) There was a public feeling that the right of petitioning had been encroached upon, and they ought to be very cautious in refusing the printing of any petition. If the Hon. Member gave a specific notice that he would found a motion on the petition, he had a right to have it printed. Mr. FERRAND said that it was not his intention to make a distinct motion on that petition ; he would therefore with draw his motion.—( Laughter. ) • Dr. BOWRING presented petitions from Dissenting con gregations meeting in the towns of Blackburn and Oldham, in favour of the grant to Maynooth. Sir 11. H. INGLIS presented numerous petitions against the grant. Mr. S. O'BRIEN and Mr. COLLETT presented similar petitions. Lord WORSLEY presented above sixty petitions from various places in England against the grant. Mr. BRIGHT presented many petitions of a similar cha racter, and, among them, one from the Society of Friends at Worcester. Lord POLLINGTON and Mr. FERRAND preseated similar petitions. Mr. AGLIONBY presented three - petitions from as many parishes in Cockermouth, against the grant. The following Hon. Members also presented petitions having a like object in view :—Lord Claude Hamilton, Mr. John Stewart Wortley, Mr. W. Compton, Sir John Tyrrel (who said that one of his petitions was signed by a great many ladies, who were teachers in Sunday Schools), Sir G. Gore, Mr. Spooner, Birmingham ; Sir George Staunton, from places in Hamp shire ; Mr. Holdsworth ; Mr. Wiltshire, from places in Yar mouth ; Mr. Buck, from Devonshire ; Mr. Masterman, from places in the City of London ; Mr. Woodham, from Norfolk ; Mr. Estcott, from Oxford; Colonel Sibthorp, from various parishes in Lincolnshire ; Mr. Pattison, from one or two places in the City of London; Mr. Sharman Crawford, from Roch dale ; Mr. Entwisle ' • Mr. C. Berkeley, from Cheltenham ; Blewitt, from :Monmouth; Sir W. Clay, from Mile-end and Stepney ; Mr. Bankes, frora Dorsetshire ; Mr. 0. Dun combo, from Yorkshire ; Mr. Ward ; Lord Clive ; Mr. Tolle ma che ; Mr. Evans, from plates in Derbyshire and Notting hamshire ; Lord Castlereagh, from Belfast ; Lord Ingestre ; Mr. P. Stowart ; Mr. Hume, from Essex ; Lord Ebriugion, from Devonshire ; Mr. M. Gibson ; and Mr. Ilinilley, 110 from various parts of England. MAYNOOTH. The order of the day fer the second reading of the May note!' Endowment Bill having been read, Major BERESFORD said he generally gave a silent vote, but thought it right on the present occasion to express his opi nions. lie stood before them in a double capacity of an Eng lish representative and an Irish Protestant. He diseiaimed all intention of any offensive expressions towards his Roman Catholic fellow subjects, for which he felt a great regard. In 1823, when a young man, he had been offered a seat in Parlia ment, if he would vote against Catholic Emancipation. But he refused to do so, and remained out of Parliament. Let him not therefore be called a bigot. There were limits to con cession, and when concession had been made to the Catholics of Ireland, he would ask the Ilouse how it had been respoteded to? The Right lion. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department had stated that there was a limit to concession ; but it woull seem that there was no limit to concession. The motto of the Ministry seemed to he toajours en avant. As for the question of the compact, he denied that any such existed. I-he denied that there was any contract at all with regard to the support of Maynonth ; but there was at the time of the union a tangible and firm contract with the Established Church, which was lout little regarded. Had not ten bishops been swept away, and was not the in come of the ministers of the Established Church diminished one-fourth ?—( Hear, hear.) This was a new measure altoge. Cher—it was a measure for an endowment fur the first time pro posed, and he saw no special reasons why the Roman Catholic religion should be endowed, which would not equally apply to the endowment of other sects. On -hat principle he would oppose this grant. He did nut think the Parliament and peo ple of England would consent to give an increased grant to Illaynooth, which bad made such bad use of the means already at its; disposal. —( Hear, hear. ) He who was acquainted with Ireland knew that those who came out of Maynooth de voted themselves to the propagation of agitation, instead of the dissemination of religion anti loyalty. The spiritual head of the Roman Catholic religion was lately obliged to interfere to check their proceedings, while the Right Hon. Baronet was about to give them increased means of mischief. Both the one and the other put forward pretensions to infallibility ; and though the one checked agitation, and the other was inclined to foster ir, he could only reconcile their rival claims by sup 'menet ()icing permitted, as an Irishman, to commit a bull), that bath were infallibly right. He also opposed this measure because be feared it was but the beginning of further endow ment, and the payment of the Roman Catholic priests. The men who hid obtained a higher degree of education, and mere refined feelings, should be supported from other sources than those from which they derived their support at present. That was not his opinion—bon ;veils sermo. It was the general opinion in the House. But from what sources were the Roman Catholic priests to be put ? The people of England wo u ld no t su b m it t o an y fu r th er taxation for this purpoe, even if the present measure were forced upon them.—( Hear.) A general election would soon take place, and the peopl e of E ng l an d, th oug h t h ey might ab s'atnfrom vituperation for the past, wo u ld, h owever , exerc i se a vigilant caution with respect. to the future —( Hear, hear. ) Whet: other means of paying the Roman Catholic clergy failed them, he feared they would then have recourse to the Esta blished Church for the means, for it seemed that expediency was now better than prineiple.—( Hear, hear ) Here, indeed, they had scene-sh fters of a character that had seldom been equalled ; for now those who had brought it forward, having found that it was damned on one stage, would now have it -re enacted upon another with unbounded applause as the " Rival Catholic."—( Loud laughter and cheers frum the Opposition.) Besides the objection he had stated, there were minor ones, with regard to the time and mode of bringing forward this measure to which he wished to allude. With regard to the time, there never was a time when, it was well known, the Bill could be brought forward with greater facility by those who hail introduced it than the present, for now that party were under no control whatever. Another objection to the time was, that the Government had introduced it at a period when they had refused all aid for scriptural education in Ire land—( Cheers)—for the Government had refused the appeal of the Venerable Primate of Ireland for the means of educating the Protestants of Ireland in the faith in which they believed. --(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches. ) He main tained that the petitions presented against the grant i to May nooth were fully equal to the number presented n former times against the educational clauses of the Factory Bill. That was withdrawn, and he trusted this would also be withdrawn. They were told that these petitions emanated from agitation, and ought not to be attended to. He denied the fact, he re probated the inference, and he trusted the people would know who rejected their petitions. No part of the Established Church had more reason to complain of disappointed hopes and blighted expectations than the Protestants of Ireland. The Protestants of Ireland knew that it was a sound maxim of re ligion that whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, but they felt that to apply that principle in politics, and say " whom the Premier loveth he chasteneth,'' would be most disagreeable in theory, and oppressive in practice.—( Laughter.) The dis memberment of Maynooth would materially assist the stability of the empire. He trusted, that though he had spoken plainly and openly, h e h ad said nothing ' uncourteous to those who dif fered from hi m i n opinion - ' but he did consider that the Go vernment were bringing forward a measure diametrically op posed to the best principles of go o d governmen t.—( H ear .) Mr. BYNG wished to say a few words, and they would w , on be but a fe in the thi s subject. He had felt in terestedßomanCatholics of Ireland for the last fifty-seven years, and he could not all ow thi s opportun i ty to pass witho u t saying' a few upon . the question. He supported this motion, not only on political grounds, but What was far nearer to his heacra,tl6.religious grounds also.— ( Ireland had been (Cheers.) He thought the Europe— worse governed than any other sub' Scriptures that he was and he could not find in the saerjecletaSterni them all—that he was (Hear) ordered by the great God who had mad ordered by that great God to hate wasanye man nothing m of all this in a right to fered from him in religion. Therebecaus e he dif fered the Scriptures. He believed that ever c a o h a d he tholht worship God Almighty according to that i'ormanwhi'l Almight y would be most acceptable to the great God. knew when a man prayed to him aright. He was th of hearts, and He knew when they were sincere. Sincerityes what He loved and He would bear with nothing in els w as He ( Mr. Beng) . could not remain in that; g Hous e e . could not, conscience, retain his vote,. if he' did e not now give that vote in favour of the Roma Catholics.—(Hear, hear.) He thought th a t, on coming ton that House, he was on all questions to thi n k o f hi s fellow-men and think of them alone. He must not think of self, " And thank God," continued the Hon. Gentleman, " I can lay my hand upon my heart, and say that I have never selfishly voted, or voted in favour of that which I thought co n t rar y t o t h e happiness and welfare of this great country—never, never, never." He was sorry to see in this country so many Pro testants of all sects arrayed against this motion. He remem bered well that in former times they were arrayed in great numbers against a friend of his, Harvey Combe, who sought to introduce similar liberal measures. He (Mr. Byng) then asked the Dissenters, if they voted against the Catholics on that occasion, what would become of themselves next week ? He asked them then, if they thought the Church of England less barbarous to Dissenters than to Catholics? and he found that, instead of being against him, the Dissenters were altoge ther for him.—( Hear, hear.) The more he thought of :it the more convinced he was that conciliatory measures were the best means the Government could adopt to restore peace to Ireland.—(Cheers.) Let them consider who were the Ministers at present, the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel.—(Laughter.) And no two persons could dislike this motion worse than the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel.—(Continued laughter.) He did not ' mean co charge anything against these Ministers, for he was sure that they thought what they did was for the benefit of the country.—( Hear, hear.) But when he (Mr. Byng) thought of the 7,0;10,000 of his Roman Catholic fellow-sub- jects, having no endowment whatever, or at least what was scarcely worth the name, and compared that paltry ;rant with the munificent revenues derived from Ireland for t• e support of the religion of the remaining million of Protesta•its, he felt bound to give his cordial vote in support of this motion. The venerable Member sat down amid loud cheering. Colonel VERNER said it was not his intention to have troubled the House during this debate, but when he considered the general feeling which prevailed throughout the country, when he witnessed the pouring in of petitions to that table, he felt that he should not be properly discharging his duty as an Irish Member, if he gave a talent vote upon this question. He could not agree with the opinion expressed by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Newark, that those petitions did not represent the feelings of the people. He ( Colonel Verner) had always understood that there were but two ways in which the voice of the people could reach that House. One of the modes was by petition, and the other through their representatives. If different opinions, therefore, prevailed throughout the country, surely the supporters of this measure had the same facilities for making their opinions known as its opponents had. But had the petitions in favour of the grant borne any proportion to the petitions against it ? He had himself had the honour of pre senting a petition from Belfast against the grant, signed by thirty-seven ministers ; and he would read to the House the letter which accompanied it. (The Gallant Member then read the letter, addressed to himself by the petitioners, in which they characterised the grant as one mast mischievous in ten dency and unjust in practice.) He (Colonel Verner) had not heard from one Member in that House an argument worthy of the name, to prove that even this measure was ex pedient. He had observed with regret, for some time past, that in any measure relating to Ireland, the Protestants of that country were forgotten, as if their claims were not worth the trouble of investigation. He would tell the House that that portion of the population had evinced their loyalty under the most arduous circumstances, and in the most trying times. He recollected when the Protestant yeomen put down a re bellion in Ireland. They should look to the conduct of those to whom they were now called upon to grant what was called a boon. He hoped he should have heard something from the Right Hon. Baronet expressive of a good disposition on the part of those for whose benefit this grant was now to be made. His Hon. Friend the Member for Dublin had observed to the House the agitated state in which Ireland was two years ago, he might, indeed, have shortened the period, or even have stated that Ireland was not now in its happiest state. The House would recollect the expense to which the Government was put by sending troops to Ireland to suppress the repeal agitation, and the expense that was contracted in instructing the law officers of the Crown to take legal proceedings against the instigators of the agitation. Was there an individual Mem ber of that House who ;said that that body, though differing with the Right Hon. Baronet in political opinions, yet that they were desirous of putting down the agitation with him . ? It was no later than lest week that he himself received two communications from the Repeal Association, calling upon him to support their principles. He never heard of any disposition on the part of these people to give up these proceedings at the time that they were called up m to grant a sum of money for the education of their priests. Supposing that he himself could re concile it with his feelings to grant a sum of money for their support, he did not think that this was the most fit period. When Mr. O'Connell had received intelligence that this grant was about to be proposed, he in his speech said, " hurrah for Peel and repeal." Could there be any doubt that he meant that it was one step more in favour of repeal. Was there an Honourable Member in the House who would suppose that that was not what he meant ? This grant would do no good, it would be ill-received by the Roman Catholics, and it would excite more suspicion in the minds of the Protestants of Ireland that they were neglected. The Protestants of Ireland had continued their loyalty and attachment to the Crown, and displayed it more particularly en one occa sion, which he could not avoid reminding the House of. It was when a body of men, headed by several of the noblemen and gentry of both religions, were instrumental in maintaining the peace of the country ; and yet when it was the wish of the sovereign that that body should no longer exist, it immediately dissolved itself. But the time may come when the reunion of that body may be necessary ; and if they felt themselves neglected by those who ought to support them, it would not be surprising if they united to protect themselves. Mr. HUME said that he was anxious, on so interesting a subject, to offer his opinion on the measure brought forward by the Right Hon. Baronet. If anything in the debate could be more important than another it was the speech of the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman who had just sat down, who, from the speech he introduced, must be considered a fair specimen of the Irish Protestant. He called upon them to recollect what had been the state of Ireland. He told them that he had recollected perhaps more than they did of the proceedings in that country, and he detailed contests in that country between Protestants and Roman Catholics, rebellions and the suppres sion of those rebellions, and massacres which every Member must regret to have taken place. But what was the policy laid down, according to the statement of the Right Hon. Ba ronet last year? lie said that the first step to be taken was to remove the just grounds of complaint under which the Ro man Catholics laboured, and they would thus prevent the possibility of those scenes taking place, year after year, which disturbed the peace of the country for the last half century.— ( Hear, hear.) It was because the Right Hon. Baronet took that view that he would support this measure. Did not the Right Hon. Gentleman bring forward the Dissenters' Cha pel Bill, which lie ( 11r. Hume) supported throughout ? And he should say that he looked back at it as a question of great importance to the country, and would be productive of great benefits.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Hume) was afraid that the Roman Catholics of Ireland did not look with a proper feeling on the Catholic Bequests Bill. When he examined Mr. O'Connell on the state of Ireland, he stated that if Roman Catholics were allowed a partial management of their own affairs they would be satisfied. He (Mr. Hume) thought that the Charitable Bequests Bill had a tendency in that way. The Hon. and Gallant Gentleman told the Right Hon. Baronet that the Conciliation-hall was still in existence ; but the course the Right Hon. Baronet had taken was the only one which email put down that agitation which had arisen from the absence of that justice which the Irish had a right to re ceive. —(Cheers.) The Hon. Member for the University of Dublin took a religious view of the measure ; he (Mr. Hume) did not look upon it in the same light, and he regretted that a cry should be raised that the Church was in danger—the " No- Popery" cry—under the idea that Catholicism could not be placed on a level with Protestantism ; they were exciting the feelings that existed centuries ago. They ought to take into consideration the changes which had since taken place, and not seem to think that any danger could occur from any connexion with the Pope now-a-days. He believed that no race of men could exist together with benefit to themselvec or to the Government, unless they were on a perfect equality. He heard Mr. O'Connell state on those benches, that the hest means to satisfy Ireland was to remove the grounds of corn pl tint ; and he ( Mr. Hume) held this measure as one of those steps which tended to remove those grievances complained of. If they gyve the Roman Catholic priests an education which would enable them to bring up their parishioners in a moral and religious feeling—if that was to be the effect of this pro ceeding, he thought that it would be a most important mea • sure, and productive of great n itional benefits. Some had complained of the priests as educated at Maynooth. , What they wondered at was, that with such a o altry allowance they were able to bring up me n ca p a bl e o f 'filling the respectable situations which parish priests should fill on coming from May nooth. Now they should have money sufficient to give them that education which would empower them to improve their 11 cks ; and on that ground he looked upon the measure as one of great national benefit. If they looked to other continental countries, they would percsive that the Government of each thought it their duty to afford every sect, no matter what were its tenets, the m 'ens of obtaining fit education. In their own colonies the same principle was adopted, and in India every cla , s was treated, as to its religious opinions, with the greatest respect, and it was oil am-omit of that spirit of tolerance that contentment existed. He would take the occasion to say, that if they treated India in the same manner as they now treated Ireland, they wouhl not continue long in possession of those vast territories in that part of the world. In fact, the Mahomedans went further than even did the Eng lish people towards the Irish, for the Mahomer'ans were the very first who came forward to support the Roman Catholics in India, and on those grounds alone he would say that the Go vernment of this country ought to be ashamed to refuse this act of justice to the Irish Roman Catholics.—( Hear, hear.) While he was upon this subject he would beg leave to mention this fact, that in the year 1815 a certain Mahomedan chief granted a sum of twenty thousand rupees for the education of the Syrian Indians in the Christian faith.—(Hear, hear. 1 He had heard, with surprise and regret, the speech of the Hon. Member for Oxford; and he felt assured that no liberal man who had heard it but felt equal regret at hearing that Hon. Member declare that he would never concur in the payment of money which should he devoted to the propagation of what he conceived Ito be error.—( Hear, hear. ) 'that lion. Member ought to have reflected a little before he used those words ; for he was in some measure connected with India, and therefore he ( Mr. Hume) was sorry to think that the Hon. Member had not learned something of the kindliness of feeling towards his fellow-man, which his father, in his lifetime, so usefully and extensively practised.—( Hear, hear.) But after what he ( Mr. Hume) had stated in reference to India, he would say to this country, look at what a noble example the Pagan has set you, and are you not ashamed of yourselves ?—( Cheers.) lie looked upon the position of Ireland in reference to this question to be similar, in some respects, to that of the Christians in India, and therefore at least as much consideration should be shown them, in proportion to their relative positions.—( Hear.) Now let him suppose that Ireland, instead of having been con quered two hundred years ago, that event took place only hat January, would any man in England propose, as the first mea sure towards that country, that all their property should be taken from them, and the people left without the means of education ?—( Hear, hear.) They had not done so to Canada —in fact they had not treated any part of the world belonging to them in the same manner as they had treated Ireland.— ( Hear, hear.) When the returns that had been ordered should have been laid upon the table of the House, it would be found that England had been liberal in her grants of funds to every country dependent upon her, while to Ireland she had been quite the contrary.—( Hear, hear.) Again, he would contend for it that this was not a religious question, and that religion had nothing at all to do with it. lie would say that whatever country England ruled, the people of that country had a right to expect all the means necessary to do them justice and make them happy.—( Hear, hear.) It might be regretted that the Roman Catholics were so numerous; but that was not the towardsquest the ion;th s e a r p e po th r e t y of w t e h r e e,andas State, theyth eyshcoonutldribnuottebdethkeeiprtshinarae state of discontent and dissatisfaction.—( Hear, hear.) Now, if the House did not approve of this measure as a step towards removing their discontent, he would ask what other means did they purpose ?—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Gallant Mem ber opposite had threatened a renewal of those unions of par ties in Ireland that had long distracted that country ; but he (Mr. Hume) begged to assure the Gallant Officer that if only justice were done to Ireland, all such associations would be w quite i c u nne had discharged, e es s ar y—( Cheers. the Engli s h G overnment had oweda e w du od n t y u to t c h o e n t p e eo d fo p e o r f i n t ht d a hthey ec d—( H ear , h ear .) He would contend w e for it th at much etf Cheers.) u while they left their duty to Ire land t o t a ll y di sregard a l arge othferese li u g a io b n bl w in a g s othwaitngetxoisttehde mannerlre in which land en the subject share of th e p u bli c p ro perty had been di sposed of. I the gen era l discontent, then that were not t h e cause o f and see what i t wag, for the G overnment s h ou ld l oo k b ac k , continued sy s t em of deoTatdt must have o r i g i nate d i n a long on and i nsu l t , t h at no peop l e could endure.—(llear, hea land was a n oppressed coantrr.) He would say, then, that Ire and her people had become Ydi„ujrubtice had been denied her, vinced of that injustice.— hear. ed because they were con ( Hear, not pursue the same course toward) Be would ask, why adopted in England and Scotland? I Ireland that had been of the people, being Protestant, held n England the majority nance of their Church ; but let them m ro t p a e k rty for the mainte did not come when they would lose it. —(Hear.) care (e a that the day look at Scotland ; in that country the religion of the majority The n , was supported out of property belonging to the Church, all this support came from the p u bli c a f ter a l l.—( Hear, hear.) rßut in Ireland the property of the ch urc h was taken from her,. and, then, when the Prime Minister came forward with a pro position as a remedy for the removal of some portion of the load of injustice and oppression, he was met by not only every op position that could be offered, but also by epithets that did but very little credit indeed to those who used them.—( Hear. ) On the grounds that he had stated, he would support this mea lure, for he looked upon it as ono of public polio and as one that would give satisfaction to the Irish people, and a better education to their clergy.—( Hear, hear.) There was one point to which he would have objected if it were proposed, and that was, taking the means out of the Consolidated Fund. He would prefer that the fund should be supplied from the saving created by the abolition of pluralities and sinecures in the Established Church ; but as those funds, to the amount of 130,0001. had been otherwise applied, he would then suggest that they should be provided out of the Consolidated Fund until they could be saved from the other source.—( Hear.) He begged to say that he would most cordially support the motion of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Cheers.) Mr. NEWDEGATE did not think that the Hon. Member who had just sat down had been very convincing in his arguments, or very complimentary to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, in placing them in comparison with the idolatora of India. But he blamed the Roman Catholic priests of Ireland for much of the misery of the people of that faith. He did not consur in opinion with those who supported this measure upon the as sertion that, by increasing the facilities of education, and placing the student in _an easier position, the people would be grateful. He saw by a report in the newspapers of a late meeting of the Roman Catholic Institute, that the Provincial of the Jesuits was present and addressed the meeting. They might recollect that the Catholic Emancipation Act contained a provision which required all the Roman Catholic regular c'ergy to register themselves. He had endeavoured to ascer tain whether there was such a registry, but he believed that none existed.—( Hear, hear.) He did not think much of the argument derived from the poverty of the people of Ireland, for he thought there was great truth in the remark of the Hon. and Gallant Member for Weymouth, that when the people of Ireland sent 10,000/. to Lyons for the Propaganda, they could support a college of their own. The Roman Catholics of Eng land had no difficulty in supporting places for the education of English priests. When he looked to the destination of this grant, when he saw that it was going for the support of the active pioneers of a faith in which he did not believe, for the maintenance of active disturbers of the public peace, it could not be wondered at that it had his decided opposition; and he must confess that he little expected such a measure would be brought forward by the present Government. For the various reasons he had stated he would vote against the measure. Mr. PAKINGTON said that he could not agree in the conclusion to which his Hon. Friend who had just sat down had come to, with respect to this measure. He was of opinion that Protestantism would be better able to defend its position when the present measure was carried. He was sorry that the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh took up a narrow party ground in arguing this measure. He thought that the Right Hon. Gentleman was wrong in saying that the present Government made the " No Popery" cry the means of their getting into office.—(lronical cheering.) It was per fectly true they raised a cry to defend the Protestant religion when they thought it was in danger ; and he was ready to take the same course again. The Right Hon. Gentleman also said —and his Hon. Friend the Member for Northamptonshire stated the same sentiment more broadly—that the present mea sure lost much of its grace, if not of its utility, in being brought forward by the present Government. Now, he thought of all persons his Right Hon. Friend, who had carried Catholic Emancipation, was the person who had the best right to pro pose such a measure as this. He thought the argument put forward by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Dublin, and others—namely, that of the present measure being the forerunner of others—was a very feeble one. He did not see why we should be in a worse position to defend others, by consenting to the present one. He would not yield in his desire to uphold Protestantism to any one, and he voted for the present measure because he did not think the Protestant religion could be injured by it. He thought, with his Right Hon. Friend, that the worst course that could be adopted would be that of leaving Maynooth as it was. He considered the state of Maynooth was one of the greatest prac tical evils under which Ireland suffered. He voted for the measure on this ground, and because he looked upon it as one step in that wise conciliatory policy towards Ireland, which every Government in this country ought now to carry out.— (Cheers.) He believed that concession would be met by gra titude on the part of the Irish people. Entertaining these views, he should certainly give his support to the measure re commended by her Majesty's Government. Mr. P. M. STEW ART said he was anxious to say a few words in explanation of the vote he was about to give. After the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh, delivered last night, it would be presumption in him to attempt to answer the speech which had been made in reply to the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Edin burgh, by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Droitwich. In 1841, at the general election, the weapon used by the Con servative, now the prevalent party in this country, was the cry of "No Popery." That weapon was used by that party when in Opposition with the greatest effect. In this assertion he would be borne out by the con'tituencies of the country. At that time there was a general cry in the country of " the Church is in danger," and the cry was repeated ad illtil.5(11»t. Such was the extent to which that cry was carried, that he who was then the distinguished leader of the Whig party, gave utterance to the well-known expression—" that it was a heavy blow, and great discouragement " to the party then in power. He (Mr. Stewart) protested against the party opposite now throwing away the weapon they had formerly used or denying that they had used it. The Hon. Member for Droitwich had stated that if a measure were good in itself it mattered not who intro duced it. The Hon. Member could not have heard the forcible manner in which this argument had been dealt with by the Right Hon. Member for Edinburgh. That Right Hon. Gen tleman prefaced his remarks by saying that th e coun t ry h a d an interest in this measure, and they also had a deep interest in the character of public men. He went on to say, then, that if this Bill were right in principle now, it must have been doubly right at an earlier period of the sufferings of that country to whi c h it a,iplied. This was the argument used with respect to the policy of the party opposite now, and their policy some four years ago. He (Mr. Stewart), differing from those with whom he had the honour usually to act, sincerely wished that this Bill might never reach the statute-book of these realms. But, if it were to pass, let them not be told that the Bill in volved no question of principle, and therefore they ought only to discuss points of detail. His construction—his humble con struction was, that no Bill had ever been introduced into that House involving more direct and important points of principle than the 811 which they were then discussing. They had been told that since 1;95 a sessional grant had re gularly been made to the College of Maynooth. The Bill now before the House was intended to remove this annual grant out of the reach of Parliament—in the first place to treble the amount of the grant, and in the next place to give 33,0 .01. to the improvement of the College. Did not that in volve a question of principle? The country had so iaterpreted it, and in his humble opinion he believed they had judged rightly. He believed that they were, in making this grant, violating the protest which this nation had made against Popery. Those who had spoken in favour of this grant had all modified their opinions. First came the Bight Hon. Gentleman the Member for Newark (Mr. Gladstone). Then came the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath—strong, pun gent, and full of argument in favour of the Biq, and against those who dared to differ from it. How did that Ho nourable and Learned Gentleman qualify his sup; ort. of this measure? He said that if this bail been the first proposal made of the kind, if they had not been in the habit of granting annually a sum of money to Maynooth, he would not have assented to this measure. That was the qualified support which came from such a quarter as the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. Then came his Hon, Friend the Member for Lambeth, who said that unless the amount given by this Bill should be axed, settled, and drawn from the source which his Hon. Friend the Member lot- Sheffield, at a future stage of the Bill, intended to suggest, he could not approve of the Bill. Then Came the Bight Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ire land, who said that it was useless to meddle in this matter, for it was better to let well alone. The Right Hon. Gentleman then had the effrontery—he would pardon him for using such an expression —to say that there was no well in Ireland to let alone at that moment. Was there no " well" in Irel ind in U 5-11., when the Government was given into the hands of the present Adminstration ? Ireland was never in a more pros perous state than it was at the time when the late Government left office. He believed that this Bill, which was intended as a sop to the Catholics, would act as an inducement to them to make greater demands. What had Mr. O'Connell said in his admirable speech, which showed no failing of intellect, and no cooling of ardour in the cause of Ireland ?--( Hear, hear.) .L.',e said, "I take this as the first fruits of fear, and I am sure it. will not be the last. You may de pend upon it that the next thing will be to repeal itself from the eminent author of the Bill now before us. The Hon. and Learned Gentlaman called this a boon to misbelieve, and he said that they would mihetieve agoin, fort they were now beginning to reap the fruits of it. What ef fect could a measure of this kind have on Ireland, or the Irish people, when it was so interpreted by their Go vernment and eminent leader. The meastire would evidently be merely productive of further demands from the people of Leland. When he observed the fruits of agitation in Ireland, he almost began to regret that they had not adopted the same system in his o vn quiet country of Scotland. In that country they were looked upon as passive and as peaceable, and there. fore they were capriciously disposed of. As was stated by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the Member for Bath, on the previous night, tao years ago the people of Scotland came forward with respect to a great national cause connected with the Scotch Church. They wished to present apetition, not for motley, not for patronage, for they abhorred the latter and they did not 1 value the former. They came to the door of that House with a petition, the prayer of which was simply this, that in secular matters they might be held subservient to the law, but that in spiritual matters they should be freed from the baneful domina tion of civil courts and civil magistrates. Not only was that petition not allowed to be brought in, but it was spurned from their door. Was there justice in this ? He trusted that his Catholic Friends around him would not think that he had said anything in the least degree hostile to them or their religion. He admitted that the world was largely indebted to the Roman Catholics. Every one must admire the works and the charac ter of such men as Fenelon, Pascal, and the historian Lingard. But he was bound to say, that he would not lend a hand to anything which was calculated to risk the great principles of the reformation on which the Constitution of the country depended. There was no mistaking the opinion of the people at large upon this subject. They had heard some able speeches delivered on this question, and the ridicule that had been thrown on the multitude of petitions, and the acres of parchment with which thattable was covered; but he would tell them that on no subject ever petitioned upon were the petitioners more in earnest. He believed that the measure which was proposed to the House was fraught with evil, and could only be productive of very ' doubtful good to the country. He said, for the sake of the Catholics of Ireland and the Protestants on this side the Channel, that he desired, in his heart, that this Bill might never reach the statute-book, for he felt assured, that should it become law, it would be eradicated from the statute-book on the very first occasion. Although in this opinion he was in a minority in that House, yet he believed that the majority in the country were with him, and as the representative not of a particular community but of the people at large--of this Pro testant country and also of Catholic Ireland—for the sake of both Protestants and Catholics he entered his protest against the measure by giving his vote against it. The Earl of LINCOLN said he felt so convinced that the subject before the House was completely exhausted—that during the three nights over which the debate had been ex tended, every argument that could be urged, for or against the measure, had been so often repeated, that he might hesitate in rising to address the House, and might content himself by giving a silent vote on this occasion, but he was anxious to re move from himself any misconstruction which might attach to his silent vote. He was anxious to address the House, in ( rder to declare that he did not give the measure a hesitating or doubtful support, but that he was interested in its success, not only in its passage through Parliament, but for its success in Ireland, when it had obtained the sanction of the Legislature. So strongly was he convinced of the necessity and justice of the measure, that he only wished that, in the few observations which he would venture to address to the House, he could impress on those who did him the honour of listening to him for a short time, his conscientious conviction of the wisdom of the measure, which was so deeply fixed in his own mind. The Honourable Gentleman who last addressed the House appealed very strongly—especially in the concluding portion of his speech—to the religious feelings of the community. He was ready to admit that the religious feelings of the community had been roused. He admitted that there was a great deal of opposition to the Bill; he was con" 7 1 1ncd that no statesman could with propriety be rash enough to disregard such feelings • but it was the duty of a statesman . to carefully examine whether or not these relous feelings were based on justice. said that if the Government this measure their conduct. had Hon. Gentleman The Hon. Gentleman who last sat down had foreseen the reception which He (the they would have reconsidered (the Earl of Lincoln) imagined that the uthat exprestiou of have timult . meant to imply that the Government would religious feeling, and would not have dared to introduce the measure. He believed—in fact, he knew—that his Right Hon. Friend, not only when he brought forward the question a few nights ago, but when he gave notice of his intention last year, was well aware of the risk which he was running, and the manner in which it was likely to be received ; and he thought this of itself sufficiently answered the taunt raised against the Government by several Hon. Members, more especially by the Right Hon. Gentle man the Member for Edinburgh—the taunt of inconsistency. The Hon. Centleman who had last spoken had, he thought, answered that taunt when be said that there had been no call for this measure. If there had been no call, and if these feel ings had been anticipated, he should like to know what but the imperious sense of duty could have induced the Government to bring it forward ?—( Hear.) The question of contract in this matter had been repeatedly argued and re-argued, during three nights' debate. A great number of Hon. Gentlemen, includ. ing the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh, denied that any contract existed, or even, he believed, an im plied contract. He (the Earl of Lincoln) was ready to rest his vote upon the merits of the measure itself; but he did not at all agree with those who asserted that there was no contract, or that a contract had ever existed. He could not agree with those who asserted that there was no contract, any more than with those who declared that a new religious principle was in volved in the present measure. In discussing the question of contract, he felt, as he had already stated, that there were much higher grounds for defending the measure; but he felt con vinced in his own mind, seeing that two Acts of the Irish Par liament had created and sanctioned the measure—( Hear) — seeing that the acts of the Irish Legislature had been sanc tioned b y th e Imperial Parliament of Great Britain, which had devised regulations respecting the College, appointing trustees ; and he might remark by the way that those trustees had been appointed when the Legislature was Protestants ; and at a time when none but Pr ote s t ants could be trustees. In the rear 1809, and in the year 1813, this vote had been revised f of educationincreasing it, and for the p urpose o f g i v i ng a and an increas e d num b er of or the better purpose mode of o stu dents. He could not witness all these facts, without feeling that they had been committed to the principle, and that a contract had existed, not indeed a contract written in a formal manner, and having that legal force which would bind an in dividual, but such a contract as alone could exist between the Government and the governed. He had stated just now his disbelief that any new religious principle was involved in the measure. The Right Hon. Gentl eman th e M em b er for Edinburgh had sneered at the allegation that no religious principle was involved in the measure. What he (the Earl of Lincoln) asserted was, that no religious principle was involved. There was the same religious principle in the measure of 1795. The question was then settled and disposed of. It was now only a question of arithmetical calculation, with which religious prin ciples had nothing to do. In 1795 the measure had been pro posed that had been suggested by Burke and approved by Pitt. It had been laid before the :prelates of England for their sanction and approval, passed through both Houses of Parliament—a Parliament exclusively Fro• testant—sanctioned and received the force of law in the reign of George 111., a monarch whose memory Englishmen reve renced, but more especially extolled by those who maintained the principle of Protestant ascendancy. If, then, a measure was sanctioned and continued under such circumstances, for such a length of time, could they then, in 1845, in a reformed Parliament, with a House of Commons to which Roman Catho• lice had been admitted, and who were commingled with the legislation in all matters connected with the empire—could they, he said, pass a resolution for the purpose of discontinuing the ()rant altogether ? If they admitted and believed, as the Right Honourable Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh had admitted, they could not, with justice, discontinue the vote altogether, any objection fell to the ground against the proposal to increase it. Whilst upon this part of the ques tion he would quote the words of Mr. Grattan on a similar occasion. In 1811 Mr. Grattan said, in answer to the Chan cellor of the Exchequer of that day, that he was not aware of the strength of the Right Hon. Gentleman's argument. That although we adopted the original grant we were not obliged to allow it. "If (said Mr. Grattan) the principle be even al lowed, the limitation of the grant seemed only fixed by the cir cumstances of the time—to act otherwise would be nominally to adopt, but ultimately to defeat the principle." This grant had been continued for a number of years. He would not say that fifty years' usage made right wrong. He was willing to admit the force of the maxim, that no length of time could jus tify evil—that what was wrong in morals could not be right in politics. But then he was compelled to ask, was any such maxim involved in the measure before the House ? Was there any pro posal involving an infringement of religious principles ? Was the endowment of the institution different in a religious point of view from making an annual vote? He did not subscribe to any such opinions. If Hon. Gentlemen really believed that a religious principle was involved, he called upon them to act up to that belief. They could not stop here ; they could not be content with the rejection of the measure before the House. He be lieved that some among his Hon. Friends that had spoken on the question were willing to go further—were willing to repeal the Act of Parliament altogether ; but he did not think they would vindicate their consistency even by this step. They must go further. They must resist any contribution to the Dissenters of Ireland—the application of the Regions Donum. They must withdraw from all the colonies the spiritual assist ance of the priests of the Roman Catholic faith. His Hon. Friend (the Member for Newcastle) said, on moving the amendment, that lie was ready to make an exception in favour of the colonies, in consequence of treaties that bound them to those payments. Where then was the principle ? Let him remind his Hon. Friend that, if he considered this to be a religious principle, he could not but resist it. No ques. tion of expediency could step in where religious principle stood upon the threshold. Therefore, his Hon. Friend and those who thought with him should be prepared to act upon this principle, and to treat those treaties as mere waste paper. No consideration of temporal advantage to the colonies should withhold them from acting on such principles. He looked upon this question as unconnected with any principle of religion. He saw in Ireland a priesthood placed in :he midst of a people who were poor and ignorant. The priesthood must possess influence and popularity in precise proportion to their qualities and merits. He saw a priesthood placed in Ireland under these circumstances, and could he then hesitate seeing the immense moral influence they possessed to adopt means to educate the people. Could he hesitate to give in struction to those by whom alone the people of Ireland were willing to receive instruction ? He confessed he did not despair of seeing the hearts of the priesthood interested in the common cause of the empire. lle did not despair of seeing the Roman Catholic priesthood labouring with them in the common field, not of religion, but of the regeneration and improvement of the country. If such a consummation as this was to be attained, he would appeal to the Right Honourable Gentleman (the Member for Oxford) whether he would not make a sacrifice, short of that in which he thought religion was involved? But he believed that to such a consum mation this must be the first step. Without a measure of this kind, nothing they could do would be met in a grateful spirit. He believed that unless they passed a measure placing, in a better position than they at present stood, the priesthood of Ireland, the best edoi is of the Government would be thwarted, and nothing they could do would have the desired effect. Se veral Hon. Gentlemen who had addressed the House, more particularly the Members for Harwich and Warwickshire, had laid stress on what they conceived to he ti - et imperfect insti tution of Maynooth up to the present time.—( Hear.) Those Hon. Gentleman had said that the experiment had been tried for fifty tears—that it had failed .and that therefore it was the incumbent duty of Parliament to withdraw instead of increase the grant. But the lion. Gentleman who had come to such a conclusion had not inquited into the causes of the failure. He was not now about to go into any further detail, regarding the present condition of the institution, but he believed the assertion of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Perth, who asserted that Maynooth was in a condition such as any man could wish to see it, was incorrect. He would not allude to the system of religion or education practised there, but he firmly believed that the grant at present allowed by Parliament, from its limited na ture, caused the whole system pursued there to he illiberal, and was not likely to impress on the minds of the students any grateful feelings towards the State. Before they pro nounced. Alaynooth to be a failure they ought to increase the comforts of the inmates. It was said that no system of edu cation could succeed among the humbler classes, unless their physical wants were first c onsulted. The same argument an plied to Maynooth. He hoped the House would not attempt to interfere with the system of instruction pursued at Maynooth, nor attempt to raise up spiritual with temporal education there. Such arras the opinion of Mr. Burke. —( The Noble Lord then quoted the o pinion of Mr. Burke on this subject, which has already been given in this debate.) Suebt a course (continued the Noble Lord), would only have the eff'ct of making the laity bigoted, without making the clergy more liberal. The Hon. Memb er for Armagh had complained of the time at which this measure had been brought forward, and the Member for Harwich took the same line of conduct. He had stated that this was not the proper time for the intro duction of this measure, but he (the Earl of Lincoln) believed that it was precisely the time, because this was the moment when the grant ought to be made, and the manner of it lie con oeived to be of equal importance with the time at which it was made. 'Die Hon. Member for Dungarvon (Mr. Sheil) in a speech the other night, which was characterised with more than his usual eloquence, had reminded them that Mr. O'Connell in the whole of his speeches had asserted, that all the concessions that had been made had been extorted from their fears. I3ut, he would ask, could it now be asserted that this concession had been extorted from their fears ? and he conceived that this was the precise moment when this mea sure sh o uld be introduced. Agitation had been suppressed, the supremacy of the law had been vindicated, and the clamour for repeal had been hushed in the murmur of general industry and commercial prosperity. They had neither conflicts nor wars, none even of those little wars which Hon. Gentlemen opposite had left as a legacy to their successors—there were not even rumours of wars. If this measure were adopted, he believed that it would tend to promote the peace of Ireland. The House should remember that the question was not now in the position in which it stood before it was introduced. They had offered this chalice of goodwill to the people of Ire land, and he trusted that they would not frustrate those hopes. For himself he felt that his vote would be attended with a very painful responsibility, and it was not without much serious con sideration that he had come to the decision to vote for this grant to Maynooth, and that he had felt it necessary to express his sentiments upon it. During the twelve years which he had had the honour of holding a seat in that House he had never until now had the misfortune to differ with a majority of his constituents, but on this subject he felt it his duty—his most painful duty—to follow the impulse of his conscience and the dictates of his rea son.—( Hear, hear.) There were other reasons, too, which would make this vote a most painful one—(L oud and con tinued che er i ng )— w hi c h would make this vote a most painful one, but which it would be neither right or becoming in him to explain to that House.—( Cheers.) But he trusted that, however severe the trial, lee still was determined to do justice to his country, and persevere in the course which principle and conviction alike pointed nut to him ; and while he regretted the pressure to which many of his friends were subjected, he would yet, with all humility, urge upon them to act upon the a im oc p o r r e d ss t i o on t s b e w m hi ttihnegy esteem.—(Cheers,) t a e d e ado . tecdh,efoorrsi )notwithstanding the opinions that their constituents p mht at present express, yet they might m n i o g t h o t n f l e y el a a l s a s r u g red that they would act upon their future convictions, and, allowing the claims upon their respect e number of the body butL Lord f \ r V om Oß m S a L ny EY said that he had presented petitions, f from that of the Dissenting part of the county of Lincoln and he should not now have obtruded himself on the House on this occasion, but thaj he thought it would be both more honest and honourable to do so, rather than give a silent vote or absent himself from the House. He had also the misfor tune to differ from a great portion to°f"glia.i:sgfactol:lensts‘iVtucesnietYsanosn' this question. He had come to that House, it was true, un with which he was connected, pledged on this or any other subject—but his sentiments were not unknown, for not only had he declared them, but in ' of Bo3sndo n whenmo ecclesiastical vhis e fora ff N a o ir b s l e isne Friend, rcetl acn do m the mw ii t it t threeeamt view ieerw considerf o to r t h e City of the surplus fund for the education of the people at appropriate large, and declaring his intention of giving to all bodies of Christians, ancr he should therefore, with a s t a a n t d e view to follow out the liberal policy of his Noble Friend towards Ireland, vote for the second reading. But whilst thus the Bill, he must at the same time h s i a s y s t u h p a p t o , gr i t n t c o on th fo a r t the views that he had then expressed, he should support also m ex it t y en w t it t h o the proposition of the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward), and oppose the appropriation of the 26,0001. from the Conso lidated Fund. Mr. M. MILNES said that he he hailed this as the first step of a great measures—he looked on it as a step only towards carrying out the effects of a motion which he had placed on the boo La of the House hilt aelli9Pl for the endowment of the Roman Catholic priesthood in Ireland.— ( Hear, hear.) The question was not now whether they should add a few more comforts, or elev to the position of the Romish clergy, for he believed that on that point neither his Hon. Friend the Member for Oxford ( Sir R. Inglis), nor any other Member of that House, would entertain the slightest objection on that account to give a little more furniture to the rooms of the students, of a decent front to the building, or throw an air of cheerfulness over those gloomy apartments, by giving them some of the refinements of England. He did not think that there was any fear that the addition of such comforts, or the introduction of more wealth to the Roman Catholic establishments of the country would tend to advance the religion of Ireland, for if they did the Irish Protestant Church would not have remained in the same stationary posi tion which it had held fur the last forty years. He believed that even his Hon. Friend the Member for Kent (Mr. Plumptre) if he saw a Roman Catholic priest lying wounded by the wayside, would stoop down to help him up ; and yet if he did that he would be supporting Popery—( Great laughter ) and he never had been more shocked in the whole course of his life than when he heard the Hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford express a feeling that lie would rather see the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland suffering all their present deficiency, if they were likely to become such men as Bossuet or Dr. Wiseman. Something had been said about the contract. He believed that the terms of the contract had been fulfilled at the clo.e of the war, for the ob ject for which this grant was made had been to secure domes tic education for the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland, when England was fearful of injury from their foreign rela tions. But he believed that Mr. Pitt, who made that con tract, would look upon its spirit in a very different light ; and he thought that if the spirit of Mr. Pitt were hovering over them at that moment, he would view their proceedings with singular complacency. If there was one thing that could en hance the value of this gift more than another, it was the frank and honourable manner with which the Honourable Baronet had proposed it. Great reflection had been thrown upon the administration of the present Government in Ireland, but he believed that nothing was more unwise—nothing more unjust. That Government had gone the right way to conciliate the people of Ireland — (Hear , hear) — by the only way in which the Irish people would or could accept conciliation—and that was, by placing the priesthood in a position of respect ability and honour ; and if the Right Hon. Baronet wished to bring peace to that country, he would follow the good ex ample of his predecessors to the utmost.—(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) Yet in doing this he must so act as to save himself from the reproach from which his prede cessors had suffered, for he could effect all this without touching upon the privileges or the rights of the Protestant establish ments in that country.—(Laughter.) He thought it neces sary to say this, because the object of the Whigs had been the destruction of that establishment. —(Cries of " No, no," and " Hear, hear.") Well, he thought it necessary to state this, because he conceived that the motives of Hon. Members on both sides of the House shouldbe fully developed on this subject. If the question had been brought forward by the opposite side of the House he would have given it his fullest support.— (Hear, hear.) He believed that in all questions of politics ex pediency was the best ruleoe-(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) He thought that the question of principle was used as the most important in cases which we opposed, and expediency was adopted in all cases of which we approved. He was glad that this proposition had been brought forward at this time, and by the men by whom it was introduced.—(A laugh. ) The cir cumstances of Ireland required it. He was glad that his Right Hon. Friend, with the Duke of Wellington, who resisted Ca tholic Emancipation until that resistance brought on the threat of a civil war, now interposed their power and their wisdom, foregoing their previous determinations, and showing the world that it was not any spirit of misanthropy which actuated them.—(Cheers.) They sacrificed all previous views for the purposes of reconciling the interests of the nation.—( Cheers. ) They did not go on as the Government of a neighbouring coun try was going on, faintly endeavouring to work out good mea sures against a mistaken and factious opposition.—( Cheers. ) They proposed measures in which all that wished for the good of the country could agree. He hoped the House would assist the Government, and regard all measures, not with regard to the views of any faction, bot with regard to the general good of the country.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) He believed that all the opponents of the Bill were well-meaning men in the closet.—( Great laughter.) They were, some of them, men whom he esteemed in private life, but to whom he would not entrust the destinies of his country.—( Cheers and laughter. ) He hoped this measure would pass, and that there would be no occasion to revert to that:severity towards Ireland which, at all times, could only be regarded as an amiable misanthropy.— (Cheers and laughter.) He considered his Hon. Friend near him an amiable misanthrope.—(Great laughter. ) The grievances inflicted upon Ireland by this country was great. It was necessary to compensate them—(Cheers)—and if the loss of his own seat were the consequence of his vote, he would (to use the words of Hon. Members opposite) adopt the present occasion as the most auspicious for the sacrifice. Mr. Sergeant MURPHY had no doubt it was an exceed ingly entertaining thing for any person who stood in a position of political antagonism in that House, to indulge in matters of crimination and recrimination on one side and on the other—to contrast the conduct of persons on the present occasion with that of past years, but he felt, as a Roman Catholic Member for Ireland, that he was not in a situation to adopt such a course. It was for him to leave it to others who had before fought in the arena of uncertain politics to adopt such a course. He stood upon neutral ground to consider as a Roman Catholic what the proposition of her Majesty's Government was towards Ireland, and not in any spirit of crimination or recrimination which had been so freely indulged in by Hon. Gentlemen en both sides of the House. He conscientiously believed the measure before them would have the advantage, of paving the way to the permanent peace of both countries, and if it were sanctioned by the House in a cordial and liberal spirit, it would lead to the existence of a lasting unanimity between the two nations. It was in that spirit that he now came before the House as a Roman Catholic Member, to sup port the Government ; but if it should so happen that in the course of his address he overstepped in some measure that spirit in which he wished to view the question, he hoped the House would not look upon it in the light of obloquy, but attribute it to the natural fervour of an Irishman. Having said thus much, he would proceed very shortly, be fore coming to the principle of the proposition, to review certain speeches which had been made against the measure by Hon. Gentlemen who sat on the other aide of the House. The first speech, and almost the first arguments against the Bill he had an opportunity of hearing were those of the Hon. Member for Newcastle. That speech broached two proposi tions. One was that a degree of ignorance existed in the College of Maynooth, which was not only lamentable, but ac tually ridiculous; and yet the principal recommendation of the Hon. Member was to withhold any grant of public money, which was calculated to remove the evils of which he com plained. The Honourable Member next declared that there was something in the exclusive character of this institution which was truly repugnant to the feelings. New, if the Hon. Member for Newcastle had made that speech on Thursday evening, when the Hon. Member for Weymouth brought for ward his motion for throwing open the Universities of this country to the members of all religious denominations, it would have been exceedingly applicable to the occasion. —(Cheers.) In Ireland the feeling had long been favourable to the throwing open of Trinity College to all classes, but the zealous efforts of the people had never yet se cured that boon. They refused to throw open Trinity Col lege to the Roman Catholics, and the people, therefore, asked Parliament to make some provision for the education at Maynooth. And this brought him to the principle of the measure. He found that the proposition of the Go vernment was to give a certain earn towards the endow ment of a Roman Catholic College in Ireland. He had been told by some Hon. Members who opposed it, that there was no compact for making this provision; and, far his part, he never did consider that any existed. He merely looked to this grant as a matter recurring from year to year; but he would ask any person, whether there was no implied compact in the first instance? He would ask him whether there was not a tone and temper in the state of society in this country, at the time the grant was first made, as to lead to the belief that it was in tended to be permanent and fixed? Some Hon. Members did not object to the grant while it was kept at 9,000/. a year ; but when Government proposed to raise it to 30,0001., they opposed it beause the grant was encouraging error. Now he confessed this was the ft.st time he had ever heard that there was such a thing as a sliding scale in morality. He could not understand how that could be base at 39,00 C/., which was not so at 9,000/. The latter sum was evidently not sufficient to maintain the College; but the Hen. Member for Perth was of a different opinion. The Hon. Member for Perth thought the grant conferred every comfort on the in mates of Maynooth ; and in support of this opinion the Hon. Member quoted a passage from a work written by a Mr. James Grant, but his Hon. Friend the Member for Dungarvon appeared to give no weight to that opinion, because it was given by a Scotclernan, who might not be supposed to be the best judge of the comforts or the use of trousers.—( Laughter.) Now he (Mr. Sergeant Murphy) should very much like to have the notions of Mr. Grant on the subject of dress. He held in his hand a book which that gentleman had devoted to a description of that House, and certainly his delineations of articles of dress, and other matters, were well calculated to convince Hon. Members what amount of judgment this respectable Scotch traveller was likely to possess upon the merits and corn forts of this semi nary. He would commence with the description of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, whose per son and dress this gentleman had described in the most graphic manner. He was quite sure any one who heard the description would say at once, " there is the man." Mr. Grant said, " The Right Hon Baronet's usual dress is a blue surtout"—( Roars of laughter, in which the Right Hon. Baronet heartily joined)—" light waistcoat, and dark trousers. He generally displays a watch-chain on his breast, with a bunch of gold seafs of unusually large dimensions." —( Roars of laughter.) Now let the House, continued the Honourable Member, listen to what followed. He was sure that the Right Honourable Gentleman would feel that it was a calumny upon him. " He can scarcely be called a dandy—(Roars of laughter)—and yet he sacrifices a good deal to the Graces—(Renewed laughter). I hardly know a public man who dresses in better taste." That was the description of the Right Hon. Baronet. He now came to another description of a somewhat different character, the description of the Gallant Colonel the Member for Lincoln.—(Shouts of laughter.) He saw the Gallant Colonel in his place on the opposite benches, and as he ap peared, in The spirit of good humour, to appreciate the faithful ness of the other portrait, he (Mr. Sergeant Murphy) would make no bones about reading the description given of the Gallant Colonel himself by the veracious writer. He says " His countenance is altogether uniq ue .—( R oars o f l aughter) It stands out, in broad relief, from th e countenances of all the other Members.—(Continued laughter.) Two or three of the senators rejoice in tufts, a few more in whiskers, but the whis kers of the Gallant Member f o r Li nco l n l e f t in the distance, and out of all proportion, the w hi s k ers o f ot h er Hon. Members. You hardly know whether he has a mouth or not—(Laughter from all parts of the House, in which the Gallant Colonel heartily joined)—it is so completely buried amidst a crop of hair, until he begins to speak." But let them mark the "plums of the pudding." "He would do and suffer a great deal for his party and principles, but rather than submit to be shaved, he would see Toryism and party scattered to the winds."—(Shouts of laughter.) He would go a little further, and come to this sid e o f th e H ouse, an d h e wou ld turn to the description of his Hon. Friend, the Member for Lambeth.— (Laughter.) " H e speaks frequently—(Laughter)—and ge nerally on unimportant subjects—( Continued laughter)—and there is not one great p r i nc i p l e w ith Whi c h he is identified. He is a little man—(Shouts of laughter)—round-faced, and of a dark complexion."—(Laughter.) He should not keep the House much longer, but would just quote another of the graphic portraits from the book before him. He found it stated of the Right Hon. Memher for Perth, " that he was of extremely graceful proportions, and of retiring habits." Now, he was sure that no Hon. Member in that House, after hearing these descriptions read, could doubt the com petency of the authority quoted by the Right Honourable Member for Perth, in all matters of comfort, dress, and convenience.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) There had been two objections, which he had found generally urged to the House in opposition to this Bill. It was stated in the first place that they boasted of supporting their own clergy, and it was asked why they did not also instruct them themselves upon the voluntary principle ? His answer was, that they were willing to pay them themselves if the establish ment in Ireland were entirely changed ; but, as proved by the report of the Poor-law Commissioners, they had now in addi tion to their other b ur d ens t o m aintain a pauper population, amounting to 2,500,000.—(Hear, hear.) They were asked by the Hon. Member for Newcastle, how it was that they sup ported the voluntary principle, and yet accepted this grant from Government? He would tell the Hon. Member. In the first place, he would receive it because owing to other drown stances, he found a meritorious class in a state of misery and destitution whom this endowment would partially relieve. He would receive it, beeause he knew the difficulty and the labour, and the expense of receiving a proper degree of instruction in the seminaries of Ireland. He was also willing to receive it for a political reason. The House was well aware that it was not for the mere paltry consideration of 30,000/. that they ac cepted it, but the grant to them had a peculiar interest, for no matter what party held the reins of Government, they hailed this as a concession that England had at last met Ireland in something like a kindred spirit, by recognising the claims of her Catholic clergy to _protection. It was in this spirit that'she accepted the grant. They accepted it not as a great boon to the mere Catholic party, but as a greater measure of justice.— ( Cheers. ) It was in that spirit Ireland received the grant, and he prayed Hon. Members in that House who might be dis posed to oppose the second reading of the measure, to con sider well the consequences of dashing the cup from their lips. He would ask them if they were prepared to eradicate the friendly feeling at present existing in the minds of the Irish towards England.? An Hon. Member had quoted words which had been attributed to Mr. O'Con nell, and said to be delivered by him in Conciliation Hall. He was reported to have stated—" Conciliation Hall, I thank you—Agitation, I am: obliged to you—Maynooth ought to pray for you." He would parody those words. If a Minister like the Right Hon. Baronet at length were to think the time had arrived that conciliation should be used towards Ireland— if he introduced a measure like this, and if that measure were rejected, no matter under what form their opposition might have arisen, whether it assumed the form of evangelical or voluntary—he would say, in that case, that Mr. O'Connell should get up, and instead of saying, " Repeal—Agitation, I thank you," he would say, " British House of Conimons, Re peal ought to pray for you," for he (Mr. Sergeant M'firphy) was sure that nothing could give a greater impetus to repeal than the rejection of this grant to the College of Maynooth. He would rather, for his part, that the sum given to Maynooth should be given to the support of all creeds alike. But was the sum which would be saved out of the taxes of the country by the judicious distribution of this grant net worthy of their consideration ? Would the House let the opinion expressed by a clergyman of the English Church go forth to the people of Ireland as the sentiments of the English nation ? Those opinions would be supposed to be correct if the House rejected this measure. He found the clergyman he referred to using the following phrases :—He said that he would draw upon the historical annals of the country to show the evils which had resulted from the connexion of the Go vernment with Popery. He referred to the reigns of Eliza beth and her successor, and then he came to Charles the First. He (the clergyman) stated had made a Popish alliance, and had brought up up his children in the Popish faith ; and then he added that the lightning of heaven had blighted the splen dour of the English Crown, and that Charles the First had perished on the scaffold. And then followed the second Charles. He designated him a weak and sensual monarch, but not so deeply criminal as to draw down the vengeance of heaven on his head. Why ? Because he was not openly declared for Popery. Before that time was Oliver Cromwell, a guilty man, no doubt—a man of blood, but who had redeemed his guilt by supporting the Pro. testant cause. Then he came nearer their own times, for he came to the time of William IV. Within twelve months after the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act extraordinary changes occurred in this country. Soon after the Monarch's signature had been attached to that Bill he was hurried from the world. Such was the language of an English clergyman at a public meeting. He had no hesitation in giving that clergyman's name—it was Dr. Croly. Now he would ask what were the deductions to be drawn from these historical statements ? He meant that if they bad a leaning to Popery they should take example by those who had gone before them. He asked them if they rejected this measure, if they thought it would contri bute to the peace and good feeling which it was so essential Ireland should entertain towards this country 9 He entreated Hon. Members not to reject a measure which would strengthen the good feeling which ought to exist between the two countries. Sir J. HANMER (who was scarcely audible in the gallery) was understood to say—The different views that were taken by the majority of Hon. Members in that House, were such as to render it difficult for one to satisfy his mind as to the point of view in which that question was to be taken; according to his appreciation of the particular merits of the case, he would vote on the occasion. The question deeply agitated this coun try, independently of the spirit that was evinced by the many petitions which crowded the table of the House ; and whether the people of England were right or wrong in their opinion, he felt himself bound to say, that if they had triennial Par liaments, or if they had much shorter Parliaments than they now had, they would have a very larger majority of the popu lation against the measure. Reference was made to the time of Mr. Pitt, when this grant was thought to be expedient. He would ask them if the present time was at ell compa rable with that ? Was the time come to institute a connexion between the Roman Catholic Church arid the State ?—( Hear, hear.) What influence would be gained by such a relation—of what good would it be produc tive ? He thought that the only influence whieh they could have over the leaders of the Church of Rome—the lions of the fold of Judah, as they called themselves—was to be derived from that civil power, from their justice and equity, and not from an ecclesiastical relationship with them. Why enter into a connexion with them if they were not to exercise some ec clesiastical jurisdiction over them ? Supposing they associated this College with the State, that it was found necessary to bring that relationship closer, and that it was more strongly pressed upon them, he would ask, as a practical question, how they were to pay 3,000 priests of the Church of Ireland? He men tioned that number, for he had been told that there were 3,00' , Roman Catholic priests in Ireland, who were employed in the avocations of ministers of their religion. Well, then, he would ask, if such were the fact, how were those priests main tained? He ventured to say it would be found very difficult to give an answer; though it would he admitted that they were never known to be in want. He was one of these who was ready to admit that the Right Hon. Baronet the First Minister of the Crown had met the position of Ireland in a true spirit last year, by proposing that most useful measure, the Charitable Bequests Acts ; but he ( Sir J. Hanmer) did now protest against the Government going any further in making such concessions, or establishing what might be called col lateral ecclesiastical establishments, because he conceived that the Government should confine itself to ecclesiastical matters belonging to the State. He was one of those who believed in the wise and sound policy of Sir R. Peel, and he had no doubt but that his measure of last session, to which he (Sir J. Hanmer) had alluded, would have a good effect for a long series of years. The Hon. Baronet concluded by saying he disagreed in the policy of the present measure, and should therefore oppose it. Mr. ROSS next rose to address the Howe, but the noise and confusien created by a crowd of Members leaving the House at the moment,. prevented the possibility of his being heard with anything . like distinctness in the gallery. He was understood to say that two speeches that he had heard had made a deep impression on his mind, for he had heard them with keen attention. One of them was from the Right Hon. Gen tleman the Secretary for Ireland.—(H ear' ' hear ) Before he alluded to them further, he would say that he looked upon this measure in the light of a redemption of a pledge that had long been made to Ireland, and as a part of a great system that would; eventually open up the vast industrial and commercial resources of that country. As to the speech of the Hon. Member for Perth. he should say that he had hoped to hear that Honourable Member speak in favour of carrying out that justice which he appeared to prize so much. But he (Mr Ross) could not help saying that the whole of the opposition to this measure was not founded upon either reason or justice. In calling the attention of the House to the arguments used in the speeches he had mentioned, he would notice but few of them, and then he would ask the House in what position were the Irish Roman Catholic clergy before they were dependant on the English Government?—(Hear. ) The religious objections urged in the course of this debate ap peared to him to have no weight at all. Seeing that there was so much difference between the Presbyterians and the members of the Church of England, and so much difference between the members of the Church of England and the Roman Catholics, and looking at the existence of the regium donum to the Pres byterians, he could not see why they could refuse this grant.. He did not give much weight to the argument derived from the amount of money in this ease ; for if, by this measure they conferred peace on Ireland, the number of regiments which they could draw away from it would soon make up for it. He hoped, that when this measure and others like it were passed, the differences which so long existed between different classes of Irishmen would be destroyed, and they world put their shoulders together and struggle that their country should be placed on a perfect equality with England, and, till that equality was attained, he, for one, would not rest satisfied. He trusted the Right Hon. Baronet would per severe in the course he had entered upon, till ho had made Ire land united and prosperous, and the strength and right arm of England.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. M. GORE and Mr. Hamilton rose together, the latter for the purpose of moving the adjournment of the debate but the House having called for Mr. Gore he proceeded to say that if he considered the present measure as likely to im pair the principle of the Reformation he would oppose it as strongly as he should now give it a warm and cordial support.—(Hear, hear.) He had always voted for the grant to Maynooth, and in so doing he theught he had voted for the principle of the grant, and that there was, therefore, no new principle involved in the present measure.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that if they had aeted on the principle on which the Romans acted towards the Gauls, and the Normans towards the Saxons, Ireland would not be in the position she was now. Ireland for the last 350 years had desired to participate in the laws of England, but for 350 years our ancestors had refused to allow them to participate in such advantages. He hoped this was bat the commencement of a more liberal and comprehensive system of legislation towards that unfortunate country. He gave every credit to her Majesty's Government who had been actuated by the best motives, and also to that part of the Opposition which supported them ; and he concluded by saying that he would give the measure his most cordial sup port, and by expressing a hope that it would be brought to a triumphant conclusion.—( Loud cheers. ) Mr. ALEXANDER HAMILTON moved the adjournment of the debate. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned. [ADVERTISEMENT SUDDEN .DEATH of the MARQUIS OF DOWNSHIRE. TO THE EDITOR. is only when great people fall that the re s t o f mankind will reflect on their own situations ; this has been exemplified in many instances. We are satisfied that all sudden deaths proceed from a neglected state of body, and that such dreadful catastrophes would be of very rare occurrence if the world generally would reflect on this important point, viz., that all pains or diseases whatever proceed from some impurity in the blood, which impurity can only be eradicated by proper vegetable purgation. It is useless to look to any other re me d y . Every one, when he feels any pain or sickness, should immediately become his own doctor, by at once taking an efficient purgative, without going here and there for different and contradictory medical opinions —this is the great principle which Hygeists wish to inculcate, and they care not for the opposition of interested individuals who oppose it. Hygeists have had ample practical ex perience of the truth of it, and all the lea rn i ng i n t h e world cannot make it otherwise. It is the grand secret of health and disease—of life and death. If the truth could be ascertained we have no doubt that the Noble Marquis of Downshire had neglected his body, and had not done that which he ought to have done—he, like hundreds of other great men, trusted to false science and learning,* opposed to simple nature and truth, and has therefore fallen a victim. We are, Sir, your obedient servants, MORRISON AND CO., For and on behalf of the body of Hygei s ts, British College of Health, New-road, London, April 16, 1845. * Accomplishments, such as Greek and Latin, &c., have nothing to do with the cause or cure of diseases. «,# SALMON FISHING.—Season 1845 will be a dreary one in the calendar of our fishers, unless the waters yield better returns than they have hitherto done. The streams are so very unproductive as scarcely to meet the ordinary wages. aln,ion are eilliag at Aim ter le. 6tl. per 11:4 begrime Courier. LAW INTELLIGENCE• ARCHES' COURT, April 15. CLOWES AGAINST CLOWES. This was originally a suit of nullity of marriage by reason of fraud in obtaining the license, promoted by Mr. Edward Clowes against Harriet Jones, falsely calling herself Clowes, who had been married in the name of Emily Harriet Geraldine Terry, and repre sented herself as the daughter of Admiral Terry. Mr. Clowes, a young man, had become acquainted with this person in November, 1840, when she was only 10 years of age, at a certain house in George-street, Adelphi, where she went by the name of Harwood, and she agreed to reside with him as his mistress- On the llth of December, 1841, they were married, she having previously un posed upon Mr. Clowes, in June, 1841, a child, of which she al leged she had been prematurely delivered, during his temporary absence, as their own. After their marriage Mr. Clowes disclosed the fact to his father, and, in order to make him believe that the child was born in wedlock, by postdating, concurred in altering the certificate of its birth. The deceptions which had been practised by Mrs. Clowes having been discovered by the father of Mr. Clowes a suit was commenced to avoid the marriage, on the ground of fraud and deception ; but the Court held that there was no error de persona, and that the misrepresentation of name and circum stances was no ground for annulling the marriage. The wife en grafted upon the suit a prayer for restitution of conjugal rights, which was met on the part of the husband by a plea of adultery. and this plea was in its turn met on the part of the wife by a charge of malicious desertion by the husband (who had gone to reside abroad) and of persecution on his part and that of his family and agents, which have left her in penury and destitution and driven her, or rather entrapped bier into the commission of adultery with a person who went by the names of Cooper, Pardy, and Godfrey, and who kept, or was connected with, a place for the sale of dogs, called the Canine Repository, in Bury-street, Bloomsbury-squa re. The facts of this part of the case were detailed in our report of the argument. The Learned Judge was of opinion, the fact of adultery being thus admitted, that the articles in the wife's allegation which pleaded circumstances whence malicious desertion and persecution were sought to be inferred were left without proof, or were dis proved. These Courts had never decided that malicious desertion per se was a bar to a husband's suit for a divorce by reason of the adultery of his wife; the dicta went the other way; but in this case the point was not raised, as there had been no maliciou s desertion, the husband having been rather desirous (as appeared from his concurrence in the fraud practised upon his father and by his letters) of sustaining the connexion with his wife. It was certainly, the Learned Judge observed, a strange and ineX• plicable thing that Mr. Edward Clowes, the husband, should har e been imposed upon by the improbable representations of Dire. Clowes respecting the child—whirls it was clearly proved had been procured by her from Wales, she having never been delivered of child—and that he should net have made inquiries into the mattes'. But this had no effect as a bar to his remedy. With regard to Mr. Clowes, senior, and his family, no imputation whatever rested upon them ; they had had recourse to no other measures than were perfectly justifiable, though the Court might regret that the allow ance made by Mr. Classes, senior, to the wife, of 30s. a week, had. been withdrawn, since its continuance might have prevented this suit. But it had been withdrawn for very sufficient reasons, namely, the suspicious conduct of :Mrs. Clowes, in receiving the visits of an elderly gentleman, who made her presents, and wa s once admitted into her bedroom. There was no evidence to sho e ' that Mrs. Clowes had ever suffered from penury or distress ; on the contrary, she seemed to have had the command of money from some source. Upon the whole, he had no doubt in pronouncing that the wife had entirely failed in the proof of her allegation, an d that Mr. Clowes was entitled to the sentence of divorce he prayed ------- - SURREY SESSIONS-NESTERDA- 1. (Before Mr. PUCKLE, Chairman, and a Bench of Magistrates.) JOHN CHASE V. TILE REFUSAL OF THE JUSTICES OF THE NEWINGTOS DIVISION TO GRANT HIM A TICTUALLE:RS' LICENSR. Mr. Bodkin and Mr. Knapp appeared for the appellant; en d Mr. Wallinger and Mr. Corder for the Justices. The case has excited considerable interest, in consequen ce of the numerous statements which have already appeared in the papers. It appeared that Mr. Chase was the landlord of the Black Prince, Princes-street, Kensington, and had only recently taken possession of the house. In consequence of the numerous complaints again st the manner in which the house has been conducted, made by the neighbours to the police, the superintendent of the L division directed one of his constables to watch the house. and the COn' stable, in February last, saw a judge and jury club held there on Sunday evening. There was a great disturbance, and he heard trials going on very frequently. In consequence of this informa tion the superintendent felt it his duty to report the same to the Magistrates, and on the following day the Justices suspended th e license until the adjournment day. On that day the case was P ile into before the Licensing Justices in Petty Seesions, when it via ! proved that Mr. Chase permitted gambling in his house, and fa" fe red Sunday trading to a great extent. Inspectors Tapp and Ferguson proved that Sunday trading 1)0 been going on since December uo to the last fortnight ; that there had been disturbances between two and three &a''' . in "the morning, and there were cries of murder and Fancy balls and concerts were held twice a week, give fancy characters, in the costumes of clowns, were seen in front of the house. Mr. Matthews, a neighbour, who lived opposite to Mr. Chase ; complained of the great nuisance created by disorderly people 3, Mr. Chase's house. On one occasion a prostitute, of the name or. Caroline Turner, came out of Mr. Chase's house between two en! three o'clock in the morning, in a state of beastly intoxication, en ' it took the united exertions of four men to take her to the station' house on a stretcher. There were a great many disorderly glee. . and women in front of the house, who were creating a great di! turbance, and the neighbours threw up their windows to assert' what was the matter, there being cries of " murder," Sot. The Magistrates, after calling on Mr. Chase for his defence, Wh i : merely stated that he conducted his house as well a s he peo ib. : could, and denied that he permitted Sunday trading, WO ° e l dered to withdraw, when the magistrates unanimously reso lve d that the license should not be renewed, against which Mr. Cha se appealed. The appeal consequently came before the Court to-day, When evidence to the above effect was produced by Mr. Wallinger on be - i half of the licensing justices. The Learned Counsel called severl witnesses in support of the justices, who hilly confinned the charges brought against the appellant. Mr. BODKIN next addressed the Court at exceeding great length on behalf of the appellant, and said if the decision of the Court loi• adverse to his client it would involve him in utter ruin, l' avi i ° a g e embarked his all in the speculation. Mr. Bodkin said the fa e g i' should be ture never intended teat a licensed victualler and totally ruined. The 21st section of the Act said that for the first offence the defendant should be fined, for the second offenCe higher penalty should be imposed, and for the third complaint the matter should be referred to a jury, who had power to take aria! the license. The Learned Counsel then went on to show tha t there was not sufficient evidence to warrant the Court below in Wi tt _ t e • holding the license from the appellant, particularly when he h 5" such fearful interests at stake. The Learned Counsel wild, that bet t was not there to justify that it was proeer to hold a judge an ee jury club on a Sunday evening, but Mr. Chase ought to 1 ,3 ', been properly warned of the great impropriety of his conduct, e r '", said that proper notice had not been given the appellant to tb' t effect. The magistrates would take into their consideration t" the appellant had abandoned the holding of clubs and concert,' sudden y and therefore had done all in his power to comply with the Wis h !! of the Court; he therefore hoped that they would see fit to rene. the license. As to prostitutes, surely those poor unfortunat e cr e e _ tures, who were deserving of great commiseration, were not t°1 ?! denied shelter from the pitiless storm, and denied refreshments t: support their exhausted frames. This he hoped no humane the gistrate would ever make a ground for refusing a license. Learned Gentleman concluded a long and elaborate argureen t L. c e v" stating that the House had been shut up for some time, ; ' ,O probably the Court would deem sufficient punishment, and A C ' a warning to the appellant for the future. The Chairman and Magistrates then retired, and after some C ° :.; sultation, the former, on his ret4rn into Cou r t, an nounced - if the Court had cone to the unanimous determination to di ,ail° the appeal. The Decay of Teeth arises from various cause s . l l but, principally, it may be attributed to early neglect' a t health, or the use of tooth powders containing minefi and other deleterious acids, which give a monttn ° i white:less to the teeth, while'they corrode the enat tte r ,it —The extreme prevalence of this cause is too known to need comment. To this fact, indeed, is pri m eip!t!ly to be attributed the long botanical researe.., +Aiiich happily terminated eoy the mo,t felicitous ever given to the world for the Preservation of t r Teeth, Gurus, and Breath, viz.—llowland's Odonto, ,°, Pearl Dentifrice : this Powder now occupies disti . % guislied place at the Toilets of the Sovereigns and l a Nobility throughout Europe, while the general denol3i, for it at once announces the favour in which it is U° venially held. fi at( [ADVERTISEMENT.]—THE EARL OF ALDBORO.,- f. AND HOLLOWAY'S PILLS ! Aw ASTOUNDING Cnals ; I ; THIS MIRACULOUS MEDICINE, AFTER EVERY OTHEK 3111:0,4 HAD FAILED !—See extract of his Lordship s letter, d oor Villa Messina, Leghorn, the 21st February, 1845. * , To 1 ,. : 0 )§ fessor Holloway. Sir,—l beg to acquaint you that your k.",b,. have effected a cure of a disorder in my liver and ston i r,,ll which all the most eminent of the faculty at home, au' ell over the Continent, had not been able to effect, nay, not et the waters of Carlsbad or Mamenbad.—Signed, Ahiborouror These wonderful pills will cure any disease of the liver a stomach. Sold (also Holloway's Ointment) at Prd e j i o Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand (whe re advice 11 1 0,d had gratis), and by all medicine vendors thr o u g ho u t the At the Surrey Sessions on Monday Elizabeth 1 055 ' ~, a woman of respectability, and widow of a major in the le. was indicted for cruelty to a female child of six years of the The evidence went to show that the prisoner had taken child under her care with the view of adopting it as her ov,emo She, however, nearly starved the child ; and on witu e T being examined, she was found " Guilty" and sentence d imprisonment for six months. BIR TII S. _.e) On Tuesday-, the 15th inst., the lady of Charles He rm ' Elsley, Esq daughter. -Verd On the 15th of February, at Bona Vista, in the Cape ' Islands, the Hon. Mrs. H. W. Macaulay, of a son. , T „,,,0n On the 4th inst., at Rye-terrace, Peckham, Mrs. D. -- Morris, of a son. 10/ On the 10th inst., at York-terrace, Peckham ••lane, the - of Thomas Parker, Esq., of a son. of On the 12th inst., the wife of John Bawtree, Esq., .11*-' rust., the wire or i uuu 4,........, - . Colchester, of a daughter. .“. g t On the 14th inst., at King .street, Stepney, the wife of William Squires, of a daughter. lc 6 On the 14th inst., at Langham-place, Mrs. Frederi c Cope, of a son. Atool r On the 11th inst., Mrs. Christopher Cuff, of Haff--- street, Piccadilly, of a daughter. I tile ° On the 11th inst., at East Bourne, the lady of David - 3 Hall, Esq., M.D., of a daughter. f the On the I Ith inst., at Godmaustone, Dorset, the wife 0. Rev. T. Ferris, of a son. ___../ MARAIED. , n3 Ol O , On the 12th inst., at West Hackney Church, Mr. T.% Richard Lawrance, youngest son of Mr. James Lawrall 3 " a rd St. Helier's, Jersey, to Alicia, only daughter of Mr. R ic Webster, of Kingsland. drel On the 11th inst., at St. Mary's, Spital-square, --° (a rfp Trimen, Esq., architect, of Adam-street, Adelphi, to AL eldest daughter of J. J. Buttress, Esq., of Spitalfield On the 15th inst., after a short illness, to the inexPr 113 grief of his parents, in the 17th year of his age, Wi surviving child of Mr. W. C. Evans, Grand Hotel, G °Y garden. On the 13th ult., at Bow, Middlesex, Elizabeth, r elie the late Rev. Dr. Newman. Nvaa' On the 13th inst., Richard, eldest son of Richard Esq., of Albany-terrace, Regent's-park, aged 22. „jet ford' On the 14th inst., Edward Chinery, Esq., of Long Suffolk. 01 .111* On the 14th inst., at Bath-place, Peckham, Sara h the wife of Mr. John Fearn. On the 14th inst., at Twickenham, Mrs. E. Davies. 00 0 On the 12th inst., Emma Josephine, wife of Samuel TA' Jones, aged 22. toll' On the 13th inst., at Upper Brunswick-terrace, Ishng Mr. W. B. Broadwater, aged 34. Off r On the 9th inst., Oliver Colt, Esq., of RownhanA shire, aged 85. DIED IMINIMMINMOMMVILI•910.. 11 • 7 6•100.11.•••11 , Lor.Plon: Printed and Published by MURDO TO U , ) „ lit No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, rof Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Co' Middlesex, Wednesday, April 16, 1846. `McN T E SUN, LONDON, WEDNE AY EVE IN AO the 11 144 1 1 , T) tt ,quir( 0-1 V,, D14 Wa cb 1° 1)41 411 ;4, 11 q,i, 134 I