The Sun. — London, England, 1844-02-29 00:00:00

_GRAND WEEKLY 11.11‘i-Tel--C9-11,N-LAW LEAGUE ~ F }_.\ ._ among all classes of the people.--"( Hear: told the tenant farm ers in 1815 that wheat woulBdiits a quarter—in 1822, in 1828, and again in ti 14 ere feeding the farmers into the .same chinses_eni, eulations ; and now, when this system has ullio they are trying a n oth er l as t c hance on the g,oli and ignorance of the farming class, is the Trope n o injustice and mischief's of the corn-laws may 7 ' re ? tuated ter some years longer.—(Hear, hear-) these Anti-Leag ue mee ti ngs a re, of thews cient to procure a repeal of the corn-larls• 4o 0,11 o ,11 hear.) Wh a t d o th ese meetings consist el? Pm co lords of all degrees, landowners and squir a es ,0 magistrates, game pres ervers , and game _ l t . o at chairmen at quarter sessions, transporters and the unhappy portion of the clergy . of the Esc' Church. Church. They put a farmer in the cVair to be unaccustomed to public speaking- -- sae au b repe• " cite, having ;iteard monopoly fallacies so , o o f t en, • A base few Of their' ivith considerable hesitation. '• - - 111 ' n o t the Aitii-VeNtilaw League is the staple COsit e p , their sPeeelies. The assertions which they . 1 1 3 '; two things—either the utter dishonesty of t , •, e of , who make them, or . the profound ignoran. . 0 0 landowners . of this county .--(Loud cries ofhe„ .hear.") They - held a :meeting yoikshire,t 0 , 10 day, to counteract, I Suppose, one which was he hs Lord Harewood was in. the c hair. Thelarge e proprietors said there was_ no use - i n arguing 0,4 tion, as the time f o r argum e nt was g one hic - tg ter.) Putting aside, howev er , a ll th e argumen they used for and against c -for I will not take 'Li, time with them—let us see w h a t o n e of their ( T o o tions was. They stated that o ne -h a lf-of the r ib , if country would be thrown ont of em ployment 1 11,41 peal of the corn-laws. N ow , if I said '? r ag , monstrous at one of the League meeting's come to one afterwards.(Laughter.) If " he o re duction of the' produce of one thousand . 00 0 land from abroad would thr ow ou t of cultira u thousand acres of land in this country, how hsPr • s e d that the , enclosure of millions of acres 0' ofi t this country - has not thrown out of cultivationwPige acre of land?—(Loud cries of " H ear , hear.") 1 801 ,° read an extract from a newspaper publishedij l 4 lcO l i j Which this argument is disposed of. (The Hon.yrw o so then quoted from the article in which it Iva! 0 0; that there was no more reason to fear that the_ . , lll o o l tion of foreign corn would throw land out of elu s sl, than the improved system of husbandry which beY . 2 l *greater quantity of corn, and the increasedly acres which had been subjected to theplough-) the 11 ;4 0( of Haretvood spoke of ulterior designs art t iter!,, of the League ; if th e L eague h a d DO, t oll design, the course the se A n ti-L eagu i s t s are L would prove a necessity for suc h designs.--4 11e 'Issfr;; He says that we are merely a set of cotton s• os io, turers and mill-owners, and that it is cottl ie corn—that we are mere speculators—men h i es ehe'poor to nothing—that we are against the ela tel, and landowners ; and the n th e N o ble Lord_ . ., r d, of; circumstance which your Ch a i rman h as nienti7,„. Ir s anonymous farmer having a tt en d e d a meet'l cr°l, anonymous cpunty, who h a d hi s s t a cks ;$ burned; and he then says that there. maa. in his senses can d ou bt of the .g 1 ,5 so ne s of the Anti-Corn-law Leag ue .—(L aug hter.) for , I must have been asleep for th e l as t five Y e3rs ' e 131 '4 have been over every county in G rea t Britain, : i ",,gg , ; # 'held in that time more than one hundred wed circulated thousands of news p a p e m an res et of treats, which' explained f u lly an d .withe r t n ,gue o , what the intentions of the A n ti- corn -law r, and have been—the man ' cannot be in, try .f ro) or they must have serv e d hi m to a . purpose.—(l..aughter, and cries of " ges"aitiOls That Noble Lord knows nothing of the -el v esil the population of th e coun t r y in which he bo nche knows nothing of the impo r t ance o f th e great 4 t . " 1 ,1 national industry, the woollen manufacture I h /1 0 10 1 .,%; shire, which his legisl a ti on t en d s t o d e stroy- - ds, nothing of the peril in which that trade now ela n sre es r that great man knows nothin g o f t h ese great s e no w e. ; l national prosperity, of dignities and wealth he . .. ore, joys, and for which h e i s i n d e bt e d t o those el 0 0 1' 1 interests which he now affects to despise 311 Il e 1 and, by his legislation, endeavours to d es trols . , on e be only known as a large la n d e d p ro prietor t ip the legislators of the country, and has a s ea to House of Lords ; and, according as he choos es o d r 0 himself, is high or low down in the peerage'y cba i I forsooth, is the man who comes forward en i , 0 00. 0 11 6 1 us, the Anti-Corn-law League, with the raOs; vif o ref revolutionary intentions! But I tell my . Lor".o nett l e d ; that such unfounded and lib e llo us accus ationsy 4 to raise the character of the ari s t oc racy of this toted' and if he dares to charge u s w ith suc h . crim es 'sieru;si men in England no w w h o w ill ye t h um ble the to 001,4 to which he bel o n gs . (Th e meet i ng h e re ros e . to ot s and cheered for several minutes.) There,,,w fa s ,,id t ea Lord at this me e ti ng —L or d Faversham. I°loo°o the corn-laws were f or th e p rotec ti o n of the , fle 0 .4 classes, and t o prevent an overwhel ming ) ruinous competition with foreign countries: _ ere ri d what protection can there be when t f,doll 4 s no less than between three millions and four ":" e - tell s i paupers in the 'country? Why, if there I' i n fifteen millions of acres of good land, which was 00d 11 ,0 of nothing but ploughing and sowing to give a Aid ac t s vest, how, could there b protection for the isis fl o f 'of Lord Fave rs h am ? Th e sea enc i rc les - C":ince s s and we cannot go a b roa d to get food, .in eon s % the provisions of these infamous restrictiVe'_;, l .. distinctly ;that no law can operate asaprotee,seclotse there are at least three millions of persons l n i l li.o Sells t ljj . in a condition of pauperism. His Lordship truth in the next sentence, when he says that rota , affords protection in h av i ng l a b our trans ported t siff s to other nations. Why, th a t i s exaetly 0090 We , can produce enough, we have millions Of; laW cep anxiotts, for the fruits of our industry, but ti !, us out `- from these markets, while stlesf other s nations to compete with n' at P t be -fully in those markets, although not , l ) tie o f ot , one s half our skill, ingenuity, or industry, 14 ,.. 1j r ,. e r s h ist sl _ same time we are compelled to give a inuele',`; his ' -of the profits of our industry to the landlord 10 0 than what he would be entitled to, only for thT er of t le s (Hear, hear, and cheers.) There was an ot. the e ls tif nobility there—Lord Tyrconnel. He let o ut us io0 1 „ 0 0 hoof most distinctly. He said, of all the dol ed which the people w ere gu ll e d, h e loo dist e ll that of free trad e as th e gre ates t e , i , e ollll d as was attempted to be palmed upon " f f r ee' but because it was imp oss ibl e t o h ave a system this; fre e in a country which was - so heavily taxed as io hsve tse e, (said this scion of the nobility) if w i e cti a i r tueci e t ! slo p i reu o d trade, let us have it, not alone in agr but in everything else that can be produced t he I' countries. Earl Tyrconnel next alluded to ps holders, and hinted that there should be 5 ° emgeunittacboime,e and to suchV th , th s e th f a u t n t d h h ey olders wh ie ',. their ref might be ° t he el t i e o o share in the losses which would arise frontleparts o• state of things. I think that the man yew, r uth, f r ies° the straight line of honour, consisten6y,. and h is pr e phisi rally finds it difficult to come back arn to of t hat , u s ' line of conduct. My Lord Tyrconne is o ne incill str s ' s who have been plundering the homes of the oe wer t he and hardworking people of this country ib r d . .`thst e twenty years, and now when we fi n 0 0; 00 eourse thus pursued had produced nothing huff g is:e e r p,ss misery, and privation, and tell him that hem : 0 dog` 0 .0 right to plunder, we don't demand of him Ole ° es for that which is past cannot be reealleu• p ut tell him this, he turns round on us, and sass. r ob _ A t to on the fundholder—in other words, ' he st l Y s : t h re 5 P - W e It has been remarked, with much truth, wriobbect the monopolists, that some one must want to bring this most extraordinary lei t pith _ v e t ea . mind, and I will tell him, in your name , s hit e eo we will unite to put down monopoly, we yft,. t tv e,el 4 parties to help - him or any one else to / n s i e ' rs. ) , 0 0° any one -class of our countrymen.--(C h r ` to ihterL io rli' was also a "squire" at the meeting- - ( l4 ' n isthe s o l, hi ch Richard I3ethell, Esq., and he, presuming e tr uth it th e city of his audience, said, if there were any t hat n j po li t Was more self-evident than another, it was, en dent o rs interests of the nation were mutually ' l4 t here ee' one another, and when one suffered the i 1 1 5 0 , 1 , 00 be a consequent depreciation in his the., Why, I must again - say that !".. ate d. co ol' we have already so frequently role o s - the. he ts' wrong done to us, the industrial portiosiudioras_t, munity, must eventually fall upon the I sa id Al f /col selves at some future period. But this, , ta ken sle d then, was in the position of a man who h il lin whe epc y d; some one else what he had no right , . s ice to restore it, replied, "No, a great prineiPf. c an ',O l, society is so bound up together that no .ol iet io7 yo ur without involving others in the Same in you efl,b e .therefore, I shall.,bst, make restitution t e ,„_ . seth _,.ter handkerehief."-atTlatighter.) This nSlt he Qtts' iyi er . it remembered:US:me , of the Chairmen 0 0 1 1 , biro self Sessions,. andS'Alfefetitf,, do I steak feel ttogl a 'degree of " lakneration," which s t - utterly inadequate- ':toconvey to the ~: b- o vh oot , e, (Laughter) —for I recollect in my days 01 t . O h; v s , entertained a feeling, amounting:ell:n es the lie_n e jo g in wards the high finictionaries presiding an observance, of their conduct,jeeisions,?_,r- der.;;nces afterlife,' goon convinoed me. that in tt": i e rodeto his however those high functionaries - rnii„rht, o n st i oe , .!josi by law, they were but little i n fluenced s n e )Ll o o s , capacity of Chairman of tho Quar ter dite i nu tion ° too l vidual asked, had there been any en . r i e ul. t i n t he dusty'; or h o i r ch w p h r e e t s h s e e r c . l monostthheecaovniltyraurp; n at:!_e b y,: .hasnacianicalterolli ccoreutssuteyd,raatneds,Wwehreichtheyfellnsootledl)a.iulypoi;erteit. e terests, Were not a most oppreSSlVe any-, Ge nto to h e p n er s ota. iff,al3 tress Learned ,uro ore the station I occupy," said this / have '7, , ,rebi "as Chairman of the Quarter Sessions, fin d 1 ood 0 ns m toa e tt af that at beingth reason ec i t n a is f , o ni r ltyy tn . edratoens agriculture aret hes r e i sis t: 2 ll o ue j3: : ettp y rt • in,,,eret4oo s .:; The Anti-Corn-law League did not ai lsrur a out of tn i'vb ic • ° o burdens upon agriculture should be p char es _ O Ol solidated Fund ;and not one of the many d to die a ap thcceoaugnrti.e,,ultusruaelhiswtssebreeatrhewweroerdtossobt;htegir vi;orb„tehiynyicCewnh.jothajwiecirhoclaci: p o a f r Q ty uaz a te s r in Se t s h s e ion i s jous T e h o a f t tth takeet P Parliament i a a m n y e n m t canore taxes.giv give Commons. 11 have been ta s k La ell u ht li r & .upon the agricultural interests ha doe's• — 'ine" the last was that upon shepherds'ce . 0 t i VI) at lin o An Honourable Member belongin„ t of Wales, the other night rose_ to n l intre s h c o rticol e it intended for the purposes f ° some li ell '„ G e.r . lisri of exempted from toll; but there were thought, j i jou on, his own side of the House, who 0 ) 13 r backrwouel free trade o ttlnlaughter.) rat.,• 00 heard of hismotion.--(Cheers ant e the count nhoisto,b,rei justg q i u n quite e ln oowbsc; advisable u and n othing the t 0..1111r _ lte). rs,6 Bethel had talked of the increase the pry tm; o T f h ip o o s ac e r h a e t r e s s .,_; , bfardomintchr:akseeedp-4 is:l,7l,atfro - presii se:c e o e d e: a " 13$ aristocracy, and by sending to gaol_ dog, I s to be crossing a field, attended " MEETING AT COVENT -GARDEN- THEATRE The usual weekly meeting of the National Anti -- Cornelavir• League, was held last evening, at Covent : . garden Theatre, and notwithstanding the unfavour able state of the weather,.the" theatre was crowded in - . every part in five minutes after the door was opened. At seven o'clock, George Wilson, Esq., chairman of the League., took the chair. I-le was accOmpanied by. Richard Cobden, Esq.,, ALP.; John Bright, Esq., M:P.; James Patteson, Esq., M.P.'; Hon. Charles PelhaniVilliera„ 21.P. - ;' Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P. W. J. Fox, Esq. ; Henry Ashworth, Esq., of the Oaks, near. Bolton, and other distinguished mem berkof the League, who were all loudly che ere d as they made thei r a pp e arance. Among those present we , observed - in addition to the above-mentioned gentlemen :—Sir Valentine Blake 'Bart., M.P. ; Roger Cunliffe, Esq.; R. it. R. Moore, Esti.; W. A. Wilkinson, Esq. ' • Arthur Pattison, E sq . ; Pat tison, Esq.; Samuel Lucas,. Esq. ; Nelson Hancock, Esq.; William Evans, Esq., Manchester ; J. Goswell, Esq.; George Borrett, Esq., - Southampton ; Chris. J. 'Thomas, Esq., Bristol ; —Phillips, Esq. ; Effing ham Wilson, Esq. ; John' M`Lecl, Esq. ; Captain Ridout; George Crawford Heath, 'Esq. • George Scrivens, Esq., Ha s ti ngs ; Ch ar l es Scott, F;sq. ; J. Cox, Esq.; G, C. Dyke, Esq.;. W. - A. Smith, Esq.; W. A. Thomson, Esq. ; C. Layard, Esq. ; H. S. Shaw, Esq. ; George Smith, Esq.; R. L. Tweedale, Esq. ; John Hunter, Esq. ; George Ridout, Esq.; Sir William Baynes, Bart.; John Eckless, Esq., Southampton; J. B. Scott, Esq., Manchester; Francis Scheer, Esq.; Andrew Hall, Esq., Manchester ; R. Andrews, Esq., Southampton . ; James Wilson, Esq. ; W. Ibbotson, Esq., Sheffield ; H. E. Adair, Esq. ; W. Thornborrow, Esq. ; W. M. Burnie, Esq.; Adam Smith, Esq. ; Wynn, Esq.,.Wolverhampton. The CUAIRMAN called upon the Secretary to read the minutes of the last meeting. The SKCRETARY then proceeded to read the nai mutes. At the mention of the name of Daniel O'Con nell, Esq., M.P., for the county of Cork, as one of those who had addressed the meeting last week, the meeting cheered in the most enthusiastic manner for several minutes. The ladies in the boxes waved their handkerchiefs, and many a popular leader would have been proud of the applause which the ,bare mention of the name of Daniel O'Connell, drew forth. We believe that never before has the mere reading of the, minutes of _any preceding meeting elicited' ; anything ; like such an expression of popular feeling. The pre-' sent is a perfectly unique instance of such An oc currenee. On the motion of Mr. VILLIERS , seconded :by M r . COVEN, the minute s o f th e preceding meeti ng w e re confirmed. . The CILAIRMAN then came forward and said— , Ladies and gentlemen, a distingui s h e d m e m b er of the Admi n i s t ra ti on has been kind enough to inform the public 'that Leaguers meet in theatres—(Cheers) —and certainly-this meeting, although not so crowded as was the meeting of last week---(Cheers)—furnishes a confirmation of the accuracy of the information which the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Home Department, was pleased to give to the Mem bers of the House of- Commons.- 7 (Cheers.) • We are met together here, in perhaps greater numbers than the entire of the Monopolists meetings pat toge ther, which have been held during the last week —(Cheers)--and although, perhaps, .it may be no great compliment to say we are not much behind them in intelligence, yet I am convinced that _when lie objects which they ha ve i n v i ew are compared with those which we seek to attain, we shall stand much before them in the estimation of the generous hearted and intellectual portion of our felloW-coun trymen.—(Lotid cheers.) We have heard of many, of these meetings, and I am willing to admit that so far they are, indications of ' renewed activity and vigour en the part Of 'the More excitable pertion of that political party which.upholdsthe present system, so far they are important But, in point of numbers, with one or two exceptions, they are utterly beneathnotice, and, considered as an ;expres sion of the - opinions of the tenant-f armers, they are altogether foolish.--(Cheers.) - Why ? Because in the earlier meetings, - in - which the tenant-farrners were put forward, they did not by their speeches or by their acts support the objects of ,those mpetin gs , and - in the l a t er meet in gs the lords and squires have undertaken to perform those duties in the Time of the tenant-farmers, and have, taken upon themselves the entire management of these meetings. The, meetings h ave b een very small ; frequently have not beta held in public, and the tenant-farm have not in general attended them.7—(Loud sheer But we make no complaint of these close meetint we do not object to our fellow countrymen aneetil in any manner which they may think proper, to pr • mote a specific object, and to pass regulations in the. own way, But, , admitting this right to its! fulles extent, still those meetings cannot for one Moment be compared with, the meetings which Mr. Cobden held in the agricultural districts during the last sum nier.—(Loud cheers.) . Twenty-eight of those meet ings were held in the- agricultural districts, sand at twenty-seven of them, which were open meetings, attended by tenant farmers; .and held in the agricul tural districts, resolutions were passed in fay* of a totaland immediate abolition o f th e corn-laws.— (Loud cheers.) On the other hand, at the onl open meeting whi c h th e monopolists have ventured. o call, which wa s convene d in Somersetshire by th e Hi g h Sheriff, a n d over w hi ch the High Sheriff presided, t y resolutions were propmed, seconded, and p asse d, i n favour of 'a tot a l and immediate abolition of the corn laws, and a petition 'to Parliament,, founded 611 1 these resolutions, was , agreed - to.—(Lotid cheers.) I have, therefore, a right to say that those meetings fiirnish no - evidence to show that the tenant-farmer s are opposed to the National, Anti-Corn-law League.— (Cheers.) I had last week an opportunity of noticing the observati ons of a certain Noble Lord respect i ng the proceedings of the National Anti-Cohn-law .. League. This week a Noble Earl who resides in Yorkshire has. chosen 'to favour us with a notice. There was a meeting in York held last weelr, the Earl of Hare weo d in the - chair. The Noble Earl is . 'reported to have said that the ;nesting mig learn what were the obj ec t s o f t h e Anti-Corn-law League in the agitation • which ,they were . carrying On, b' considerimg what had happened to a farmer it Li' . eolnshire.' That farmer 'had attended a meeting . . Lincolnshire, and had-stood up and opposed the !Anti Corn-law League, and during the course of that ye night his stacks and hiS•ricks had been burnt or No man cou ld sure l y donbtafter that w h a t we e t objects and i n t en tio ns o f thegu , National Anti-C o -l aA i Leae !—(" Oh, o h," an d D r i es of " Shame! sha e I", 'foes the Noble Lord mean'to say th a t th eme be of the L eague s et f i re to this man's ricks ?—(C erg., s He has f urn i s h e d us with no information on th sub ject—(Cheers)-he: has net told us where this meet ing was held.—(Chfers.) He has not told Will) was the party . to whonith ese s t ac k s b elonged. The Noble Lord has . not descended to partieulars H ' was "%Tilling' to *stablish'artimput,ition against the L• , ague ' —he did . not consider, k necessary to enter int o any partieulaii for he knew his,audience well, an that they WAN be perfectky , ready to accept any ins nua tion whickhe mightthink proper to make again t the 1 Anti-Corn-law League.—(Cheers.) But I would have that Noble Earl to know that we, the meMbers of the L eague, h ave as grept a regard for the sacred rights. of property, and as much abliOrrence, of the diabolical acts of the incendiary as any Lord, Ezirl, or other member - of the .aristocracy,—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Earl lives' in Yorkshire, and, he cannot cast his eyes in any direstion without seeing ntimer ous towns !O ,Villa es and hamlets all indebted to, manufacturing capital fur their prosperity.—(Ch4ers.) Re cannot look around :him without knowing; that among the inhabitants of all those. tovvns, villagesi and hamlets, there are - persons of every station in socilety, high and low, who'areniembers of the National 4. ac firCorn. law L eague .--(Ch e ' ers ) Does he nli d cuse those persens o f h av i ng set this man's r are tel icksl and stacks on e ?-(Loud' cheers.) He is sea t e d i 4 the House of Lords on the bench opposite to that ort which sit the Earl of Ducie, the Marquis of Westminoter, the Earl of Radnor, and Lord Kinnaird—will he venture to accuse them of . encouraging and, as . sisting any person to set on fire those stacks or ricks? or will he are to accuse thiS'ineeting of - it ?—(feud cheers.) I hope that hit will be more careful for the future of the statements which he makes, and that • when he does make acharge, he will make it fairly, . and give particulars.— (Cheers.) Since we last met here meetings have been held in various part's of Yorkshire—at Richmond, at Knaresborough, at Northallerton, at Thirsk, at w hi c h Mr. Plint, Col. Thompson, and Mr. Prentis, of Manchester, attended as a deputation from the League. At Colne, in Lan cashire, a meeting was likewise held, during the last week, which was attended by the Rev. Mr. Massey, of Manchester, and at which 2001. was collected • for ' the League fund.—(Cheers.) At Gloucester, ,on Saturday last, there was an open count meeting,the Earl of Dude being in the chair.---(Loud cheers.) It was attended by a greater numher, of tenant farmers than I believe it would be possible for the monopolist party to get together at any meeting which they may think proper to hold in the same county.—(Loud cheers.) It was addressed by, Mr. Cobden—(Cheers)—Colonel Thompson---(Cheers)- - and Mr. Moore.—(Cheers.) A resolution was pre ' posed by Mr. Holland, a 'large agricultnrist, a farmer, and an extensive occupier of land, and seconded by . another tenant-farmer, approving of the proceedings of the National Anti-C orn -l aw League.—(Loud cheers.) We shall be addressed this evening by Mr, Ashwerth, of Turton, near Bolton--(Cheers)--by -ltfr, Milner : - .Gibson, the Member for Manchester—(Cheers) Mr. Gisborne --(Loud cheers)—Mr.o4ls6lllo4,Tn...4erzy to say, is unfortunately ditakfill at lie li e bj: , nidispo- THE SUN, LONDON, THIIRSDAY EV,ENING, FEBRUARY 2g - , 1844, sition, and will not be able to address you this even ing; but our excellent friend, Mr. Bright--(Loud cheers)—is here, and will address you in his place.— (Loud cheers.) The Chairman concluded by calling upon Mr. Ashworth, of Turton, near Bolton, to ad dress the meeting. Mr. HENRY ASHWORTH then came forward to the platform. He said it was no common sight to witness manufacturers from the North leaving their dwellings and their occupations to appear before an audience like the present. The Manufacturer had usually other employments to attend to, but he would appeal-to his fellow -countrymen when he felt himself wronged. The manufacturers were unused to agitation; they belonged to a class who studied practical science and the • mechani cal arts and their machinery, and they were therefore busily engaged at home if pernicious l eg i s l a ti on , a l. lowed them t o be so. In appealing to them in the character of a manufacturer, he felt a confidence which arose from the fact, that the body to which he belonged sought to possess nothing but their own. Manufactures were engaged in making hard bargains, and so were all prudent persons, themselves ,(the meeting) among the rest.—(Hear.) But it - could not be laid to their charge that they had got a com mercial house in Parliament-street where they could surround the community with their toils, and enable themselves to make both sides of the bargain.— (Hear, hear.) Manufacturers enjoyed no protection. They sought none, and they disclaimed the protec tive system altogether; all they asked, was to have all her Majesty's subjects put upon an equal footing. That was not an unreasonable demand. But the landlords said they must have protection—that they were entitled to a certain amount of protection for certain specific purposes. He would not now remind them of what those purposes were, but refer them for the information to Lord Mountcashel and Sir Edward Knatchbull. Those gentlemen could tell all about it. They said they must have pro tection to enable them to compete with, foreigners. He was not yet aware in what respect Englishmen were inferior to 'foreigners. (Hear, hear.) He was persuaded that the British farmer and farm-labourer would do as much work, and were as capable of competing with foreigners, as any class; and none, he was persuaded, could better comp e t e with them in agricultural labour, if the landlords would allow him to buy his food .rather cheaper. The manufacturers were exposed to foreign competition— and why not the landlords?, Manufacturers enjoyed no privileges—they required none. They possessed no advantages of machinery, which were not common 'to all the world. They obtained from other countries inventions and improvements in machinery, which they embodied in that machinery which they manu factured themselves, and then allowed those produc-' tions of their own skill to be taken out of this country and sold in any country in the world, at as cheap a rate as they had got them- themselves.—(Hear, hear.) The law which prohibited the export of machinery had been repealed . a year or two -ago, 'and 'although they were suffering severely in their business, and although many were of opinion that the export of their machinery, superior as it was of its kirid, would be hazardous to them, nevertheless with a spirit of fair dealing th e manufacturers never:demurred to the Act permitting the export, but allowed it to pass without hesitation or disturbance. Having, therefore, given up, in favour of foreigners, all protection; if ever they had any,- the manufacturers claimed to be freed .from= restriction of every kind. They took it that since they were exposed to foreign coMpetition, it was unjust that any other class—especially the wealthy landlord class—should enjoy advantages not common to all. With respect to manufacturers and mother classes of the community, they were told 'that the home market was an important market for their productions. He was prepared to speak to the value of the home market, as regarded his own trade, which was,the cotton trade. That was chiefly an export trade, there being only one out •of every seven bales consumed wrought for home consumption ; and thds, all the employment with the cotton trade, derived from every class of British subjects, amounted to onlyaane • sevefith of the whole, or about one day's work out of the week. That applied to the consumption of cla.sses; and, therefore, when one came to analyse what was obtained from the aristocratic- classes, who put forth the value of the home - market in such vaunting terms, it was found to amount to only some fractional parts of one day's work in a week ; and• for that they I were thankful as far as it went. As to the home consumption, the city of London alone consumed more cotton manufactures than all Ireland, and Manchester more than the entire county of Buckingham.—. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the export trade, from what he had already mentioned, they would see _ that they depended upon foreigners for six-sevenths of all the work they did, and those six-sevenths of Jar their productions being sold in the open markets pf kers the world, they were unable to enjoy any deseription 's.) of protection. Let them now look to the landlord, -3 ; and the manufacture which pertained "to his occupa 1g tion—the manufacture of food. There was no export - trade in that article. He had the best market :I* in the world at his own doors, and protection, t too, into the bargain. There was a time t when the landlords of this country exported their I own produce, but that day was gone by, and the po pulation of this country now consumed all the food they could raise, and required much more if they could get it. As much of this food was consumed by the large portion of the community engaged in ' manufacturing goods for export, it—that was, corn, wheat, and other agricultural produce—became the raw material of their manufacturing labour, and thas the goods exported consisted virtually of corn, wheat, &c., as much as of manufactured cotton. The landlords; who were merchants in their way, were by that means- become possessed of a medium of ex change for their products in foreign countries without , the trouble and annoyance otherwise necessary to convert their food into money. Hence it would be seen that the manufacturers of this country, inanu: factUring as they did under the corn-laws, were compelled, in the first instance, to pay an artifi cially high price for the food they and their labourers consumed, and afterwards, in the course of his export trade, to re-sell- it in- foreign markets, where, if sold in the shape of food, it would not fetch more than half the price it brought in its altered form. Thus they found that the manufacturers became the implements of the landlords to dispose of their goods and chattels at twice as much as they were worth, and at a loss of one half in the process. On the sub ject of the export trade, -they would have no difficulty y in seeing that it was a general axiom in relation to it tn- that importers were customers. The manufacturers in who dealt with foreign countries took, as the brae - rion of the prosperity of this country, not the ry amount of 1 exports, but of imports. He repeated that rn. imports were t o b e considered in the light of , cus le tomers. A vessel who, approached our shores, no w matter ' from what -country she came, was the impersonation of the foreign merchant with money a:s in his pockets, for the vessel's 'cargo WEIS easily con verted into money, and that money was put at the. disposal of the merchant's agent to purchase goods and thus, in a new shape, it was re-embarked and sent away again. Therefore, the more of those ves sels that came to our shores, the greater the number of customers for our manufactures. Goods imported into this country did not go at once from the ship to the merchant's warehouse, but were 'detained at the Custom-house to pay certain revenue •duties. That was only right a n d proper; but a di s ti nc ti on s h ould , be made between duties levied for the purposes of revenue and duties imposed for protection. Imports ought to be as free as the winds in an enlightened country. If they were to go t o a distant country and see an armed body of men, with ',muskets in one 'hand, and telescopes in the other, for the purpose of acting as a preventive service to restrict the import of foreign goods, would they not say that such a -State" was acting in a most suicidal manner ? The laws of which he had spoken admitted of the introduction of luxuries from - foreign countries, of wines, of silks; and of lace, whi c h were c hi e fl y ,con sumed by the rich ; and whilst the importation of those articles' which were required chiefly by the labouring classes was prohibited by the Legislature, , they protested against the protective laws as unjust to the rest of the community.—(Cheers.) Landlords told them that this was a manufacturer's question. They found that manufacturers were very actively it e ,a ri ma ts, t a h n e d the engaged m i n e f forts to ;et rid of res t r i c ti ve enact ree manufacturersthey. alone attempted were m i a 1 ' e nt outere slttehadt in the result. He denied that it was exclusive i y a manufactu rer ' s question; it was the labourers r' : s que e stlon ; the trad esman ' s question, everybod u e ' There was a ti me when the manufacturers vireiwsecl i.on ii as their own question. The law bore hard upon them, and they ' sought to obtain relief. But the more they searched into -the question, the stroAger was their conviction that those who were engaged in other employments were suffering equally with them selves; in some instances they believed that even greater injuries had been inflicted. It was not a question affecting any one part of society alone, but a general questions affecting the whole community.— (Hear, hear.) When the manufacturer found that his business was .crippled, and that his - work-people were starved, it b ecame his 'duty to compla in, as it would become any one to do when he saw that he was the subject of hard dealing.—(ffear, hear.) The landlords, not con tent with raising one cry, had started th a t of oVer production. Showing a great number of figures, they exclaimed, " Why, those manufacturers would clothe the whole world !” — (Laughter.) It would- be quite 49 well if they would_ give them the . opportrin l ity 'l-clothing the whole wo r ld.--(H ear, hear.) If, by so doing, they bronght .trouble upon them, it would be time.aneugh to complain when the trouble came. --(Hear, hear.) It would be as well, perhaps, t o examine this question a little more 'closely: Suppose it to be possible for them to clothe the w h o l e wor ld . Still they could not m4ke eyerlasting. calicoes:— (Laughter.) `taliC - oe - 4 woykisometime4'wear nutond they must then be renewed.—(Hear.) Hence there would be a constant recurrence of new demands. Having once got the world to wear calicoes, they must wait till they were worn out and they might then begin again.--(Hear, hear.) It would be rather a jocose circumstance, if, at some future day, a Man chester manufacturer should be seen upon these boards, weeping, like Alexander, the conqueror of old, not because he wanted another world to conquer, but because he wairacrinother world to clothe.— (Laughter.) At, all events, in the midst of all his grief, he would have the consolation of thinking that if the whole world were clothed, he himself surely deserved to be fed.—(Cheers.) He did not hear. any one complaining that they had got too many clothes. (A voice from the gallery " I've not."-LLaughter.) Cheap as clothing was, he had never heard any one lamenting that if was too cheap. The landlords occasionally lauded- themselves upon being patriots and benefactors, boasting that they had made two blades of grass grow where only one grew before. On a similar ground he himself, as a manufacturer, might claim to be considered as a patriot ; for he could make two shirts for a less price than one used to cost formerly. But he denied that either landlords or manufacturers, as such, had any titl e t o th ese appella tions. They both acted from one motive, and that motive was an enlightened self-interest.—(Hear, hear.) He had before mentioned the word ma chinery. This was another favourite topic of the aristocracy. They gave shrewd hints about machinery being at the bottom of all the evils of the country. He (Mr. Ashworth) maintained that machinery was one of the greatest blessings which this country enjoyed.—(Cheers.) Machinery was the hest guarantee for employment, the surest source of its permanence, and it also afforded the highest rate of wages.—(Hear, hear.) Moreover, by ma chinery, the body was exempted from physical exer tion, and the mind, which ennobled man, was deve loped to an extent which would otherwise be impossi ble.—(Cheers.) That was a subject upon which he might dilate for hours ; but he would content him self with noticing the facts.• In proof 'of what he had stated, he would advert to the result of his experience in his own county. In Lancashire machinery had been invented, and sys tematically carried out, to a greater- extent than it had been either in any other county in England or in any other part of the world. If, therefore, machi nery had displaced human labour, and impoverished the people, Lancashire ought to be the poorest county in the British domiikns.--(1-lear, hear.) So far, however, from machr Tiry , having displaced human labour in , that county, it had called for human labour to double the extent of the people of Lancashire, and , more than double their progeny for fifty years past.— In every county in England and Scotland where the . same system had been carried out, the same results had uniformly followed; work-people had bee% called for to a greater extent than before, and wages had kept pace with the increase of employment. On the contrary, in those counties where the spade and the plough were the only machines employed, they - found what -was called super abundant labour.—(Hear, hear) One half of the population of Lancashire had been attracted thither from other places. From what places could they come ? The only counties which could supply hands were the agricultural counties. Hence, those who flocked to Lancashire, and the other rnanufae turing counties, had left ag,ricultural pursuits. Now, in examining this question, as he had done for some years past, he had ma d e some o b servations in two parishes in alt agricultural district, not far from some of their manufacturing towns. He found that in these two parishes, in the course of seventy years, there had been, in round numbers, for every two funerals three - christenings ; and yet the population remained the same, the number of houses remained the same, and, in some parts of those parishes there , was only the same number of houses as appeared to , have existed at , the period of the Dooinsday survey in' the time of William the Conqueror.—(Cries of , " Hear, hear.") Perhaps the meeting would inquire,_ what, then, became of the people ? As far as he was able to compute, about 1,000 persons must have been drawn from those parishes to some other part of the country. In almost every housewhich he entered, the people eagerly inquired, "Do you know my bro the!? Do you know my. Cousin ?" observing that they lived in Manchester, in Bolton, in Preston, or in some other manufacturing town. It appeared, there fore, that about 1,000 people in all had left these two parishes, and betaken themselves to manufacturing ' employments.—(Hear.) If, then, manufacturing towns were all engulphed in one common ruin—an event, - the prospect of which, it would appear from the monopolist papers, had filled the minds of some— lie did not know what would become of all these ] people when they were found among the ruins.— (Heir; hear.) It might, happen, however, that if they survlved the shock, they would be heard, some fine morning, inquiring of the landlords where they might lodge ?—(Laughter.) The absence of these people from their parishes had been the means both of swelling the rent-roll of the landlords, and easing the burdens of the remaining inhabitants. But the agricultural dis trict to which he had referred was not the only part of this country which, had benefited by manufaietufe—s -labourers from 'the remotest parts of Ireland and England bad flocked to the manufacturing towns.— (Hear, hear.) Not a few had found their way there from that favoured county, Buckinghamshire, 'a con siderable number of whom were now employed in his (Mr. Ashworth's) service. There was one inci dent in connexion with this subject which he would relate to the meeting. A Noble Lord, a friend , of the Duke of Buckingham, who came into his part' of the country some years ago, happened to discover, on en tering his (Mr. Ashworth's) works, that some of the workpeople came from Buckinghamshire. lie en tered one of their cottages. Whilst speaking of these cottages, he could not help observing that they were not like the cottages in the agricultural counties, where a hole was dug in the side of a hill, and co vered with mud and thatch, and afterwards the whole was called a eottage. This gentleman found the 'work people generally living in good houses, but h e now spoke more partic u l ar l y of the one at which he called-- a straw built house, two stories high, with three bed rooms.—(A voice, " No bed. ") —(Laughter.) He would here obse rve th at the manufacturing papule tion wer e somew h at delicat e in their habits, and one thing by which they were distinguished was their attention to the cultivation of propriety and delicacy of feeling among their children.—(Cbeers.) As an illustration of this he need only mention that they deemed it indispensable to have three bed-rooms whenever they could obtain them.—(Cheers.) His Lordship inquired about their comforts and earnings, and amongst the rest he inquired if they would not like 'to'go back to Buckinghamshire. No," said one, " Got aWay, 'last," for he spoke very short to his I Lordship. , L-(Laughter.) "No, got away, last; and I all the horses of the Duke of Buckingham shan't ' draw moi hack again."—(Great latighter.) His Lordship inquired how it was he felt attached to the place. The man answered, " I could not g,et 901. a year, there."--(Cheers and laughter.) He '(Mr. Ashworth) supposed that was the money which he and his family earned. He would conclude his obser vations respecting the Buckinghamshire peasantry , by stating that the Noble' Lord went away quite satisfied, and said that he " would go and have a joke with the Duke." 7 --(Great laughter.) Ikwould, ask whether the egriculturists had ever sutrered, from want of hands ?—(Hear, hear.) He, had inquired, and he never had seen any man who said that he was short of labourers in agricultural districts; on the contrary, he found every farmer and landowner speaking of the %Men of the poor-rates, and of the number of la bourers in "the workhouse. They could not suffer very much,• for agriculture required no more hands now than in 1821, so that in* carrying out the manu facturing interest, Lancashire and Yorkshire,' and the manufacturing districts generally, provided occu pation, comfortable and permanent, for .a large class of those countrymen, and those who were left behind did not suffer by their absence. Possibly some of the audience who were accustomed to read the monopo list hireling writers, might wonder how it was 'that 'those agricultural labourers found their way to the North, and dared to encounter those mill-Molochs.— (Laughter.) They had been told how the menthe , turing labourers' were treated by those Molochs of ' Mill-owners. How, thee, must the agricultural la bourers have been treated when they ran away from the landlords to the millowners ?—(Laugh ter, and great cheering.) Surely they must have been very ill-treated.—(Hear, hear.) One test remained._ This could be proved. If those who cried out against the manufacturers had all the sym pathy which they professed, let them go hdme and I outbid the manufacturers in wages—(Oheers)—and let, them try whether those who fled, from them to the mills would go back to their " Arcadian abodes " for.7e. a week.—(Cheers and laughter.)- He would not detain them much loriger.—(Cries of" Go on.") He had endeavoured to give them an outside view of manufactures. If they wanted to know more about the matter let them follow him home. It was not a day's journey from them ; and many of them were accustomed to travel up the Rhine and the Rhone to observe the customs of distant lands, whilst they knew nothing of the things that were actually at their own doors.—(llear, hear.) It was true, Ile must admit, that they heard someti mes o f trouble and strife in the manufacturing districts ; but whenever they did they might rely upon it 'that those misfortunes were not without a cause. When restrictive laws stopped up the sources of 'their prosperity—when their com mercefailed-=--when their capital wa s exhausted, and h did they think it unreasonable that. he would ask -them, could they find in the whol e wor ld t t e the pe ople d should °ff°°d— be exasperated ?—(H ear )— and a--population \which passed through such trials an d of manufacturingt h e north, with sy s s l tr it o ti ti e bl o l tc aa ry th,L.m (ch ill p tem exhibit e d a s tine a specimen of moral and asso egsu.)latioonur ciative strength as could.be found in-any imPi of the world, and on. 0, larger scale. It was sustained by men in his situation of life, not by the aristocracy — the aristocracy never assisted manufacturers. f lie manufacturing interest was created and upheld by men of diligence in business—by men of skill energy, and enterprise. --- (Cheers.) They embarked their capital; which they knew they could never re cover but by industry and attention on th e i r own part, harmony with, - their - work-people and the honest co-operation of b o th f or mutual advantage.--, (Loud cheers.) It was their interest that the work ing classes of their countrymen should be kept up with comfort, and prosperity, and, independence.— (Hear, hear.) If the Capitalist and the Workmen were left to themselves, a good,- underst +Luling, of their mutual -interest Would 'always prevail, and side by side they would labour-mdustriotesly to carry out what was fur the permanent pros perity of both.—(Hear, hear.) The manufacturers, therefore, andithe piddle classes, had a luty and a. burden imposed upon them to maintain the, moral and social system of thee country, and to keep up -the rights of the working - elrtssee-as well as their own.— (Great cheering.) They had taken their, stand on the broad principle of justice. He had endeavoured to show that, in coming forward on this occasion, they did so in the spirit of justice ; and they called on those who composed the audience—the middle classes of this metropolis—to stand by their countrymen in these events.—(Great cheering.) They asked for the abolition of all monopolies. Th ey di sc l a i med protec tion from ti the for themselves, and' the prot ec ti on ofoth s inflicted i and they required t o be _ re l ease d upon them.—(Cheers.) Th ey demanded the total repeal of the corn-laws. They asked for, nothing less—they would be satisfied with nothing less.— (Great cheering.) Of the citizens of London, they asked for their co-operation—they asked that-in this great cause which they had undertaken, and in which they had made large sacrifices themselves, the citizens of London should be prepared to do the same.—(lm mense cheering.) Mr. M. Ginsox then came - forward, ' and was greeted- with repeated cheers. He said:—Sir, in open ing the proceedings of this evening, you drevi a com parison between the, present meeting and that which was held on the last occasion when the Anti-Corn law, League was ass em bl e d i n C ovent - gar d en theatre. Sir, Whatever may be said upon that comparison, I hold, at least, that the meeting which is now within these walls is as great and imposing an assemblage— (Cheers)—and I say that nothing but a deep interest being felt in the corn-laws by the public of, this me tropolis, could show such a number as I now see before me.--(Hear, hear.) . I am delighted also that at the last meeting the theatre was filled to repletion. 'I am glad that every crevice was occupied. lam glad also to hear that Ireland has appreciated the manner in whicha British audience—(lmmense and repeated cheering for several minutes)—l am glad, I say, to hear that Ireland has appreciated the manner in which a'British audience has received the great man for whom there now exists so deep a sympathy, and on whom the affections of his countrymen -are so intently fixed. —(Renewed cheering.) I was delighted , also as a member of the League that the representative of the opinions of the great body of the Irish pe?ple was here in person to tell us that Ireland dethred the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Great and continued cheering.) Now let me ask once more what can be the reason that men are found to make thetsacrifice (for sacrifice it is) of attending public meetings for the continued discussion of the same arguments on a public question.? Why is it that men are lling to leave thei r fi res id es , ' and that whole families will attend on wi n t er even i ngs to listen t o - speec es on a question whi c h th ey are t o ld is dull a n d insipid, and 1 containing Considerations which cannot interest the public mind ? Why are the meetings countenanced, not only by men, but by a. large portion of their fairer fellow subjects ? It is because they see in the corn-law question something more than an idle Speculation of political economy.- It is a question which affects civil rights.—(Cheers.) It relates to a pliey which restricts the supply of food.—(cheers.) The ladies of England see that they are advocating the cause of humanity, , the cause of the widow and the orphan, and that they are advocating_ the! means by which a greater, portion of food maybe placed within the reach of the industriou.s and the needy.—(cheers.) These are the reasons why men make sacrifices, and ladies are put to the inconvenience of attending these meetings. We believe that free trade is the right of free men, and that a free citizen is entitled to freedom . of exchange.—(Much cheering.) I believe that nothing but State advantage or State necessity, can entitle the Legislature to impose a duty on the- im portation of foreign goods.--(Cheers.) The! Anti- Corn-law League has been called a society attacking property ; it has been called an aggressive body ; I deny the truth of this statement. I say, that the Anti-Corn-law Lea gue i s no t an aggressive' body; ; it is a defensive body. The first attack, the first violence is committed by those who interfere with the freedom of exchange, by those who impose that yoke upon us; we are but assembled together to throw off that yoke, and to vindicate the rights, the inherent rights, to which we are entitled.—(Loud cheers.) We have been told that the societies on the other side are for the protection of agriculture. I ask, - What - have - they to do with agriculture? They are societies for the suppression of agriculture--(Cheers) —they are not concerned with the affairs of agricul ture.-(Cheers.) of Whateultcultivatin g :s ti e g the earth, in order t o make it produce the largest quantity of those 'vege tables which are consumed by human beings as food. What has that to do with putting duties on fer e i gn importation—what has that to do with the ascending aggressive body; the the societies—are and descending scale—(Loud cheers) —of graduated they do propose to in profess to interfere athireg duties? rceessr inv-el W abwo e d Leaguers,i a es r . e n l o v t e an tdhoe not hear-) We contend that English men have a right to become merchants if they choose, and to have the reward of their industry, -We also' agriculture, (fie a r, but othnaet c e la it s ile h r as clas s has a right to de w with it h trade. contend that they haee a right to cultivate the earth, and to have the full reward of their enterprise ; but , a right to interfere deny he e th th a e t r, an o y r monopoly of the market, or the exclusive mend a m w w i e tht privilege of supplying their fellow -countrymen' with' food.—(Hear, hear.) That, indeed, is , the *hole question.—(Hear, hear.) I say i t i s a !false pretence -to put fo rward, that these clntral societies are societies for the protection of agricul ture. I say, emphatically, that they are societies for. the destruction of trade. - -(tlear, hear.) They are societies for the maintenance of political ascendancy; —(Cheers.) They have 'nothing to do with the im provement of agriculture, they have nothing to do n with arts or sciences, they have nothing to do with anything generous, or with . anything deserving the consideration of the 'benevolent-minded man.— (Hear, hear,) They have simply to do with the at tainment of selfish interests and the maintenance .of political power.—(Cheers.) Now if these societies' really have the good of society at heart, it is remark- - able that the men who take the most leading part in these societies are not men who have distinguished themselves by an y proposal for the improvement of agriculture. "Where are the inventions, the scieetific works, with which they have favoured the world, in reference to the improvement of British agricultere ? It is remarkably the case, that these works have pro ceeded from agriculturists who advocate the cause of free trade—(Cheers)—:-and who repudiate the notion that they are to rely on any other resources than those furnished by their own industry, and their Own enterprise.—(Cheela.) - I do not for a moment pre tend to deny, and I am glad to follow the remarks of your excellent Chairman, that these gentlemen are entitled to meet together, and to advocate their opi nions fairly and freely. I agree fully in the right of discussiOn. If these gentlemen consider the Corn laws necessary for the community, they are juit as much entitled to their opinions as we are to ours. But what I have a right to complain of is this; that they call their secieties by wrong names—that they mislead the: public—(Hear hear)—that they call so cieties which only concern themselves, societies for' the protection of agriculture.—(Cheers.) It seems that they are determined -to maintain the' present amount of interference with trade. They say they will' not cease to restrict trade to the degree to which it is at present restricted. Now I should like them to see these great meetings. I' should like them to have an opportunity of „judging for themselves what is the feeling that is growing up in the minds of their fel low-countrymen on this question.—(Hear, hear.) I should like them to consider whether it will be safe much longer to continue a system of interfereece with. the civil rights of men without having any plea of national advantage, without having any excuse of State necessity, but simply the excuse—We have done it before, it has given us political advantages and political power, and therefore we will continue it— we will perpetuate the evil._—(Hear, hear.) I ask those gentlemen who are such advocates of order eild social harmony and peace, to consider whether it - is safe to persist in a system of injustice when that in-- justice has been found out ? I would ask them* to consider whether it is safe to persevere in doing this violence to the industry of the country, when men, are becoming conscious of their rights, and are determining daily, with increased power, never to cease till those rights are vindicated and fully obtained. A- distin guished nobleman has lately come fOrward, and has written a letter to you in the public papers on this subject—that nobleman was the Duke of Northum berland, and it was extremely wittily observed by the Times, the Duke of Northumberland would have been a very dangerous man if he had not had the ower of writing - a letter and putting in the Post.--(hanghter, and cheers.) But having written . this_letter, and stated the grounds on which he supports the corn laws, he ceases to be a dangerous man. The illus trious Duke tells us that we must not let in a foreign supply of corn, and that if we do we must neces sarily hifre a_ compulsory-emigration.-(Hear, Iran) Now, I lerreltetifed, that - fill e tine 'at sea, - when pro visions are short, it occasionally happens that they cast lots to know which of the grown persons'in the ship are to be thrown overboard ; that is what I con ceive to be a compulsory emigration.—(Laughter") But what I want to remind these illustrious Dukes of isihis before they d o draw lots in th e ca se_l. ha ve mentioned, .everybody. takes_ his chance, and, if we are to have a compulsory system of emigration, I hope these-Dukes and Earls will-be prepared to run the risk of taking their departure as well as others.— (Cheers.) In fact, it appears most perfectly rea sonable that such- - a: come -. should be taken, because in ease ,a compnlaary -emigration sh ou ld t a k e p l ace, by which persons Were 'to be transported from Eng land to distant climes; beams food was not allowed . to be brought to them, it will be necessary that society should exist in those distant climes in all its parts, and if Dukes and Earls are necessary here they must be necessary there also.—(Cheers and la ug ht er .) Therefore, I should propose, if ever this horrible notion of compulsory emigration should be re sorted to, at least it would • impose the ne cessity of some illustrious Duke going in company with poor labourers and enterprising manufacturers into distant regions of the earth, in order to maintain thatsocial harmony which they say is so necessary.--(Cheers.) - But there is a great deal of argument in this letter of the Duke of North umberland. He tells us, that a free trad e in corn would have the effect of throwing the light lands out of cultivation. Now lam not aware that it is any necessary part of our national policy to keep our burning sands or wet clays in wheat cultivation. But even if admitted that it is the object of legisla tion and Acts or Parliament to keep these sands and clays in cultivation, I want to know hOw it is that in. Belgiurn, in France, and in Holland, where the burdens on land are much heavier, and where the • average price of the produce of the land is much less than in this country, and where the labourers are quite as happy—perhaps more so than in this country—l want to know how it is that, under all these circumstances, the -light lands of Belgium, of France, and of Holland, are kept in cultivation. Low prices, heavy taxes, happy labourers, do not put the lands out of cultivation in France, Holland, and Belgium. Nothing -of the kind. Ori the contrary, cultivation is extending itself in those countries under the circumstances I have described. Judging from the analogy, there is not the slightest reason to suppose that the abolition of the corn-laws would put the light sands or heavy clays out of cultivation. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Administration has hinted that we may import guano, and might get foreign manures to put on these lands, in case they should go out of cul tivation. I quite agree with him. You ought to import guano if there was free trade. But I beg to inform him, that I was requested—and I did com ply with the request—to present a petition to the House of Commons from certain- - dustmen in Liverpool--(Cheers and laughter)--a bond fide petition from certain collectors of dust and rubbish in Liverpool, complaining very much of the proposal to import guano into this country. They said, No ; give us free trade in corn, and then you may import foreign manures; but we are collectors of manure in this country, and if you give protection to the landed interest, what reason is there you should not give protection to us ? So you see what difficulties we are involved in when once we recognise the doctrine that a Legislature is to interfere with trade. If we give protection to one, we must give protection to all; and if we ask for free trade, we must ask for free trade for all. As the first is impossible, our only alternative is to resort to the second. But I have no idea that a free trade in corn would have _the' effect of throwing any land out of cultiva tion in this country. But if it did, I contend' that it is no part of the duty of a Legislature to sacrifice the interest of the mercantile class or of any portion of the community for the purpose of keeping up any particular system of husbandry or cultivation on any. particular description of land. But I heard the other day that a Noble Lord at a public meeting said, that there were highly important considerations connected with the corn-law question which removed" it altogether from that circle within which they were entitled to - apply their principles ; there were certain important spiritual considerations connected with .the corn-laws which rendered it necessary to forget all the principles of political economy, and to look at it in the light of a question intimately connected with the religion of the United Kingdom. I-think that no man can be found who would agree 'to such an absurd sentiment, but I think also that I can' explain how he' arrived at his conclusion that the Protestant religion of England depended on the. main tenance of the corn-laws—(Loud cheering)—for what did the Noble Lord say—it was a sort of " house that Jack built," as thus : the Protestant religion de pends- on- the Established Church—the Established Church depends upon agriculture—agriculture de pends on the price of corn—and the price of corn de pends on the ascending and descending scale of gra duated • duties.—(lmmense cheering and laughter.) So here in point of fact we have the assertion that the Church of England, which we were always taught to believe was built upon a rock is' built upon' nothing but a sliding scale—(Great cheer ing and - laughter)—and that in vain would be the teaching of its m i n isters--in vain the efforts of its preachers, unless they were backed by that ascending and descending scale which regu ' laths the importation of foreign corn.—(Laughter and cheers.) Now, can anything be conceived more ab surd than such a doctrine? Why, if that is true— why, do,theY not impose an oath upon persons taking their seats in the British House of Commons ?—, (Cheers.) We all declare on -oath, as well -as the Catholics, that we will not make use of any priiilege we may acquire to shake the .'Protestant Church as by law established in England.—(Cheers.) I be lieae every, man makes a declaration on taking his seat connected in some manner with the safety of the Established Church.—(Cheers.) Now, I propose, if the maintenance of the Church depends on the corn-laws, that we should have a corn-law oath.--(lm mense cheering.) Now I will take the liberty of reading to you, the oath as it would run—" I hereby do disclaim, disaVow, and solemnly abjure, any belief in the abOrninable , doctrine that free trade is founded on common-sense.—(Cheers and laughter.) And 'I do . solemnly swear that it is not, one of the articles Of my faith tolsiry in the cheapest and sell in the dearest markets.—(Loud cheering and laughter.) And Ido renounce, reject, and abjure, as a dangerous heresy, the opinion that an abundance of food can be a bless ing to 'the people. (Loud cheers.) And I solemnly swear never to exercise any privilege to which I am, ;Cr May become, entitled to disturb the corn monopoly "bf'the United Kingdom, as by the law established: (Cheers ) Now. I would recommend'those gentlemen in consistency with the course they take on Other political questions—namely, that of placing reliance upon - oaths and declarations, that they suggest a corp-law "oath.--(CheerS.) , I think they have very little. safety in the declaration of their Prime Siinister, that he does not. now contemplate a change, but.does not know what may be possible.—(Cheers.) There is very little safety in the question, when his col leagucs in office declare th a t f ree trade is founded on common' sense ; • and I fear the day will'- come when' public opiniOn will be sufficiently forined, when these' gentlemen, who fear that the Church Establishment and . ' the Protestant clergy will be jeopardised by abolishing the corn-laws, will have to face the difficulties of their situation' and take the chance of all those dangers; for, depend upon it, no Minister of the Crowi will' be found who will support the interests -of the few--of the aristocratical few—in this county, when the great body of the' community come forward united as one man i n suppor t o f stern re= monstrance' to demand that there shall 'no longer be this interference with freedom of trade, the depriva tion of the reward of industry, the disappointment of the exertions and enterprise of their fellowscOuntry men.--(Cheers.) It would, perhaps, be unfaiT to discuss the merits of the - agricultural protection socie ties; for, as The Times has very wittily said, they have only just emerged from that alluvial mud and arti ficial, compost in which they were generated —(Loud cheers and laughter.). But this I will Say, we are far more entitled to assert that those societies have other and ulterior views, than they are entitled to assert that the Anti-Corn-law League has other views than those . we profess.—(Cheers.) We have great reason to know, from speeches' and- declarations made in times past in both Houses of Parliament, that there are other considerations influencing the supporters of those societies, than' the mere keeping up the price of corn—(Cheers)—or the interruption of the freedom of trade.—(Cheep.) I say there • is another ulterior view, and that is political ascendancy—(Great cheer ing.) You know that the poet Moore, in speaking of ascendency of this nature, and especially of the ascendancy of the landed interest, says that in read ing it we ought to lay the emphasis on the first syllable—ass-endency—(Laughter) —but that is the ascendancy aimed at by these Corn Leagues, by these - PsotectionSoeieties ; and I ask „you, the representatives of a large portion of the intelligent' population of the -metropolis—l Mk you, are you prepared to submit ' to the humiliating proposition- that you are only to exist upon the sufferance of the 'landed ascendancy? '(Great cheering.) 'I ask you, would you deserve the name of Englishmen if you consented to the proposi tion that there is no class in the community, hew ever wealthy, however distinguished by titles, hOw ever remarkable for other qualities, whether of igno rance or of knowledge- - (Laughter)--I ask you, would it not be humiliating to admit that there could be any one class, entitled to ascendancy over you ? ',(Cheers.) What is ,-involved in the proposition of avendancy ? Why, that you are the property of others.--(Cheers.) If you are not entitled to equality by the exertions of your own enterprise - and indus try, you are slaves—(Great cheering) —and if you do not exert yourselves to throw off this yoke, you de serve to be told that you are slaves.---(Cheers.) I trust that we may see a qrowing spirit of inde pendence in this community,"iiid - that we shall 'not longer have to complain of that servile adulation of mere rank. and wealth which has enabled the Legisla ture to impose this yoke upon your necks.—(Cheers.) I trust we shall see a recognition of the right of free men, and a determination to vindicate those rights, accompanied at thh same time by a sacred regard to property.—(Cheers.) _:Not :aproperty under Acts of Parliament, but property to which men are entitled, as the fruits of their industry and enterprise ; not a - regard for the vested interests created by monopoly, but for the vested interests created by the enjoyment of the gift of Heaven—(Great cheering.)—the pro perty required by the exertions of our sinews and our intellect. Those are the vested interests] to which men have a right, and which never cant be inter fered with withqut injustice.—(Cheers.) 'These are the vested interests we all are called' upon to protect, and there is no interference so great with these vested interests as that of the corn-laws and- the restrictive system.—(Cheers.) As they say, in so many words, we will only allow so much trade as suits our pecuniary i n t eres t s or political ascendancy; we will not allow you to have that free scope for your industry or that reward for your exertion, which Providence has entitled you to' enjoy.—(Cheers,) They say the commercial part of the community may rival us in political power and intelligence, and. other matters, but we desire to remain the only representatives of England, and to consider all other classes but as serfs and slaves to be used as the instruments of our power, our pleasure, or our convenience. —(Immense che er i ng .) Freedom- of trade will never be the gift of your rulers—liberty was never bestowed fairly by any governing body upon any people since the commencement of the world.—(Cheers.) Liberty is only "attained by the exertions of the people themselves.--(Cheers.) Com mercial freedom is within your power if you choose to take it, and y ou w ill never h ave it if you do not put forth your own hands and take.it.—(Cheers.) You will never see those blessings realised of peace and tranquillity throughout the world, and the diffu sion of the blessings of civilisation which must be the consequence of unrestricted commercial freedom, un less you put forth your own exertions to accomplish this great end.—(Cheers.) It w ill no t come upon you by the chapter of accidents, they are only to be ob= tamed by a steady and unflinching perseverance, and at the cost of many sacrifices ; and believe me, when I say that there is no greater truth than is contained in the old English proverb, " God helps them who help themselves."—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman re sumed his seat amid much cheering. The CHAIRMAN then announced that the Hon. Member for Durham would next address the meet ing. He was happy to state that, notwithstanding the flourish of trumpets about the petition against that gentleman's retur n , he was still the Member f or Durham. The parties, themselves, not havi ng th e slightest shadow o f a chance of impugning-the proper return of Mr. Bright, had last night abandoned the . petition.—((Gat cheering.) Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., then came forward to address the meeting, and was received with the most deafening cheers, which lasted some minutes. He said—l have' been called on unexpectedly to speak at this meeting ; but the difficulty I feel from the suddenness with which the call has been made, arises in no degree from lack of matter to speak upon, for, after all .the inquiry we have- made into the question, the only difficulty, when ever we stand up to speak, is to select from the abun dance of matter before us such as may appear most in teresting and most useful.—(Cheers.) This theatre was formerly, and is now occasionally, used for. purposes rather of entertainment than instruction ; we have done something to transform it into a theatre for instruc tion.—(Cheers.) We are a Political Economy Associa tion—(Cheers)--and our worthy President occupies the Pre fessor's chair—(Cheers)—and from this platform we take upon ourselves to expound certain - great prin ciples which we believe to be of the utmost importance to the people of this country, and to instruct those, who may come here—nand, through the press, those who may be absent—in that which we believe to be essential to the well-being, if not the very existence, of this empire.— (Loud cheers.) We are not alarmed at the symptoms which have exhibited themselves lately among our oppo nents, we never expected. the foul thing we banded our selves together to destroy, would give up its foul ex istence without a last and somewhat violent kick.— (Cheers and laughter.) We did not suppose that the landowners of this country, who enjoy, or some of' whom seem -to enjoy, the monopoly of ignorance on this great question—(Cheers) —and of selfishness besides, that they would give up their monopoly of the supply of bread to the people after having enjoyed - it nearly thirty years, without a desperate effort to shake us ofl: But all along they have mistaken us entirely—they say we are political agitators, and th a t w e m i g h t b e content with speeches in Parliament, and occasional-large meet ings, and the farce of petitioning the Houses Of Perna ment.--(Hear, hear.) They suppos - ed that by standing strongly bonnd together, and showing what they called a bold front.. to the Anti-Corn-Law- League, we would get tired of agitation—men would be weary of Meeting and working.—(Hear, hiar.) I have often asserted from this platform that they.were entirely mistaken; and it they still remain under this delusion, -they are as much mistaken as they were before.- - (Loud cheers.) They charge us with b r in g i ng the aristocracy of this country into contempt. Of all the works -of supererogation ever performed, I believe this would be the grossest and the most extraordinary.—(Great laughter, "and cries of "Hear, hear.") I have heard of a member of an aristocratic family, who attended some of our anti-corn-law meetings, and who was affected, not unto tears—for these gentle men seldom shed tears—but who was affected even to shuddering —that the anti-aristocratic feeling should be found so strong among the people - of the metropolis.— (Laughter and cheers.) Now, Sir, wehave a reverence for that true aristocracy which consists in all that is good —in a love of industry—in a pre-eminence of intellect and .a snperiority in virtue.—(Linid - cheer's.) This is the aristocracy to which we all bow, -and_which we all venerate.—(Hear, hear.) But there is another aristo cracy, which has been called a - bastard - chivalry —(Hear, hear)—an aristocracy which vaunt of_ never doing any thing for any body—an aristocracy whose greatest boast is that their ancestors have been from all times as they are—idlers--the largest consunting:and - the least produc ing part_ of the people of this country.—(Laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear.") I have been often charged with being hostile •to the aristocracy of this country— they have not dared to prove it, which they would have done if their case was good or their position sound. I avow J am hostile to the aristocracy of this country, in so far as resisting their attempts to .trample on the order to which I belong.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and great cheering.) The class - to which we are opposed is the idle and the noxious chiss of the aristocracy.-- (Hear, hear.) They are the- men who are bound by none of those ties which bind- other men—they are not particularly exemplary of all that - is admirable in pri= vale life and in public conduct. In the performance of senatorial functions we never discover -anything which calls upon us to be particularly respectful to them.--- (Hear, hear.) But there -is ;:an aristocracy whi c h we can I;aire no hope of bringing -into- contempt. - If I were to stand up here and mention some names, such as Westminster, Spencer, Radnor,: Du - eie, Fitzwilliam, Kinnaird, Howick, Morpeth—(Loud cheers)—how should Ibe received by this audience if I were - to attempt to bringthese men into contempt? (Ilear, hear.) How should I succeed-- 7 by what arguments could I prevail on you to agree with me, that these men were to be looked upon with scorn?—(Hear, hear:) What passage of their lives could I bring before you_ to 'Show that they were' ennobled but not noble ?—(Hear, hear.)- If we spoke of Earl Spencer and mentioned his conduct in the House of Commons, when it was allowed by 41 parties that he was too honest, too high 'minded, too candid for the po-_ sition which he occupied in that House, would it not rather excite your admiration than your dislike?— (Hear, hear.) If we were _to compare his manly, straightforward conduct—his -daring -to acknowledge that he had done wrong—his clear enunciation of the principles by which he was actuated, and if we com pared his conduct with the conduct, of the man who now occupies his place—(Hear, hear)--- should we be successful in heaping obloquy oh Lord Spencer?—(Loud cries of " No, no, 'and great cheering.) And if I spoke :of Earl Radnor, the friend of the people from his youth upwards, and to whom, now that he is fn his old age„. it must give the purest pleasure to see those print; pies which lie advocated in his youth spreading and Lasing root in the minds of millions of - the intelligent people of this country—if I were, I say, to declaie these things,. how could I throw contempt on-his name ?—(Loud cries of" Hear, hear," and cheers.) -And if I speak of liord Ducie, who is- not merely an agriculturist owning land, but is, in fact, a great practical scientific:. farmer—a man .who has done more for the agriculture -of this country than all the protective societies that - ever existed, or that ever will exist—(Loud and prolonged cheering) --could I heap obloquy on the name- of Ducie ?—(No, no.) Could I bring his character or conduct into contempt before this meeting ?—(No, no.) And then if I turned to Earl Fitzwilham, Lords Kinnaird, Morpeth, or Howick, and mentioned the leading characteristics of these men, surely nobody could charge me with bringing the aristocracy into contempt. No ; I would rather be - • boasting of these men as the noble among the people of this country, and in declaring their character and con duct I would be actually leading L you, my country men, to bow down and worship these -men, and exalt them tol a higher aristocracy thaw any to which they have,yetuspired.—(Great cheering - ,) The - monopolist landTord,, from the duke to the squire, are doing; our work most effectually--(Hear,-hear)—if the object be to bring them into contempt.—Xneinewed cries of " Hear, hear," and great laughter.) _ They profess to be honourable legislators of this -country: One 'man: de dared, in the county of Surrey; that it is•but reasonable that that class which -owns the Jan(f_shoidd be therulers of the country.—(Laughter.) - That -is but another mode of saying —that class which owns the land shall likewiseThwn the people.—(lleq, hear.). Some of them are certainly legislators by birth—at least in name; r and they think it g.rent condescension to allow a con stituency to send them to Parhainent. 'When they enteV the House they make: a 'solemn declaration that they will legislate without-favour or affection, and without any views of self-interest, and sol ely .. for the public good. 'lf they do that, all I Can sayis, that !be majority of the people of these countries are living under a most d e pl ora bl e d e l us i on .—(L a nghter an t i cries of " Hear, hear." No, Sir, they make laws for , themselves - in Parliament, and in private they confess freely that th ose l aws are f or t h emse l ve s, and the mins erect of them acknowledge it in public. - -(Hear, In this country these class legislatctrs are_ nggell stirring up the worst passions in the minds of the farmers, exciting the it hostility to the manufacturing classes,. l l9l,s, doing their Utmost to produce thi!t ve b r a .. P si f n e ge eling_ m y s t ., h; i g en ° they charg 9 _ shvy,bayg, no further back, practised a monstrous delusion on their tenantry, and encouraged this spirit of - - 4: . '• 4 11 , .1. In - be Ti tt