The Sun. — London, England, 1845-02-25 00:00:00

RAILWAY COMMITTEES. EASTERN COUNTIES BRANCHES. A Sub-Committee on Standing Orders assembled yesterday. Sir J. Y. Buller in the chair. The two following lines, which are promoted by the Eastern Counties Company, were declared to have complied with the standing orders—the Ely and Whittlesea Deviation Branch, and the Cambridge and Huntingdon Branch. In the Hertford and Biggleswade Ex tension Line, promoted by the same Company, the Committee declared that in one particular the standing orders had net been complied with. In some of the published notices the names of certain parishes were omitted. The agents alleged it to be an error of the printer ; but, nevertheless, the Committee had no power to amend it. BLACKBURN, BURNLEY, ACCRINGTON, AND COLNE RAILWAY. The Committee reported in favour of this line. It will form a junction with the Manchester, Bury, and Rossendale Rail way, near Haslingdon, and thus connect the towns of Black burn, Burnley, Accrington, Clitheroe, Cohie, and Whally with the town of Manchester. CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY. This Bill is intended to enlarge the power already possessed by this Company. The line commences at Chester, crosses the Menai Straits by means of a two-arehed viaduct, and terminates at Holyhead. It forms a junction with the Chester and Crewe and Chester and Birkenhead Railways, and passes through Flintahire, Carnarvonshire, and the Isle of Anglesea. The present Bill is to enable the Company to construct a branch from Llanellechid to Bangor, crossing the Menai Straits, near the Britannia rocks, and terminating by another junction with the main line, in the parish of Llanfair Prall Guyngyll, in the town of Anglesea. The Committee decided that the standing orders had been complied with. BIRKENHEAD DOCKS. The Committee decided that the standing orders had been complied with by the promoters of this undertaking. The Bill is introduced into Parliament for powers to con<truct docks on the Cheshire coast, opposite Liverpool, which docks form a continuation of the extensive works commenced last year be tween Woodside and Wallasenpool, on the same shore. The Birkenhead Docks, however, will be built by a distinct company. SHREWSBURY AND BIRMINGHAM RAILWAY. Mr. HAYWOOD appeared in support of this petition. Mr. BuRKE appeared to support several petitions against the proposed railway. The Committee did not go into the opposition to the peti tion to-day, but adjourned till twelve o'clock to-morrow. HORRIBLE MURDER and HIGH- WAY RUBBERY. LATEST PARTICULARS LAST NIGHT. THE THEATRES. HAYMARKET. A new and original comedy in three acts, so styled in the bills, entitied, The Sheriff of the County, from the pen of our old friend Peake, was produced here last night, with the most deserved success. In the olden time, when there were such things as three-act farces, this would most probably have been called a farce, but we will not dispute about names— farce or comedy, it is a most agreeable, lively, bustling affair, and kept the audience in a constant titter for more than two hours, and Peake may boast that he has done more than Majesty itself can do, created a high sheriff who does not, either by himself or his deputy, cause a moment's heart ache to a single individual. Mr. Hollylodge (Mr. W. Farren) the high sheriff of the county, is the most amusing of officials—a retired country gentleman, devoted to his garden and his poultry-yard. He eschews notoriety —he seeks retirement—how comes it then that Mr. Hollylodge is made high sheriff of the county ? Mr. Hollylodge has a:wife (Mrs. Glover), bustling, ambitious, purse-proud, to whom her neighbour, Lady Winkleworth (Mrs. W. Clifford), a high-bred aristocrat, is even as Mrs. Grundy was to Dame Ashfield, and Mrs. Hollylodge has a brother, Smirker (Mr. Strickland), a shrewd country attorney, who has an itching palm for the fees which fall to the lot of deputy-sheriff. "What would Lady Winkleworth say if I were the lady of the sheriff of the county ?" quoth Mrs. Hollylodge. " What sums could I not realise if 1 were deputy.sheriff," calculates Mr. Smirker, and accordingly Smirker goes to London, and by intriguing with the subor dinates in office, manages to get his brother-in-law nomi nated sheriff of the county. Poor Mr. Hollylodge stands in the last category of Falstaff's men of honour, and equally to his surprise and his annoyance, hears of the honour which has been thrust upon him. At first, he is inclined to pay the fine, but as Smirker kindly undertakes to perform all the duties of the office, in fact, to be the factotum, Hollylodge, much ts the delight of the ladies, consents to serve. The whole house is in a bustle; Nonpareil (Mr. Webster), who has been footman to three Lord Mayors, is brought down from town to drill the servants, Andrew ( Mr. 11. Widdicombe) a plain clodpole, and Pansy (Mr. Buckstone), a gardener, much addicted to the study of the History of England, and who is particularly anxious to know whether Jane Shore would be a proper person to undertake the office of governess in a respectable family. Banners are painted ; new carriages are built ; splendid liverieries are ordered, one of which is donned by the high sheriff himself, as his official costume, much to the amazement of Lady Winkle worth and the confusion of Mrs. Hollylodge. Par ties are given, and the high sheriff is completely put out of his way, and is in the high road to misery in conse quenee, when, fortunately, the intrigue of Smirker is dis covered. Smirker himself is struck off the rolls. Hollylodge is superseded, much to his own comfort; and the husband of Lady Winkleworth is appointed in his stead, much to the discomfort of Mrs. Hollylodge. These are excellent ma terials for the production of fun, and Peake has worked them up with the hand of a master. Puns, some excellently good, some ludicrously bad, but none indifferent, are bandied about in all directions. Hits at the prevailing follies of the day—all of which tell—occasional flashes of genuine wit, and frequent bursts of the most hearty and unctuous humour. abound in this very amusing piece, in the composition of which Mr. Peake seems to have con sulted the taste of all classes, for there is a sentimental un derplot, in which a young soldier is sentenced to death for having struck his superior officer, who had been offering an insult to his (the soldier's) sister. The soldier and the sister turn out to be the nephew and niece of the high sheriff, and of course the soldier is pardoned. The piece was evidently written for the Haymarket company. Peake has taken the measure of each member of it concerned in the production of the comedy, and has exactly fitted every individual. The comedy, therefore, goes admirably. The mise en scene is per fect, and at the conclusion it was announced for repetition every evening amidst the loud applause of a crowded house. In accordance with the request of the Coroner, Mr. Perry, the surgeon, immediately on his retiring from the inquest room, took steps for making a minute examination of the injuries which the unfortunate Mr. Delarue had sustained, and, the hair having been removed from the head, wounds were exhibited of a much more frightful character than they were first anticipated to be by that gentleman, and which he reported to the Coroner and jury prior to the adjournment taking place. The large wounds mentioned by Mr. Perry in his evidence, it appeared, on opening the head, had fractured the skull to a considerable extent, and had produced internal injuries exactly corresponding with the outward appearance. There was a great deal of coagulated blood near the place where this, as well as the wound on the right temple, was inflicted, and both had produced extensive extravasation of blood upon the brain. Mr. Perry states that either of these wounds are quite sufficient to have produced death, and that he still adheres to his previously expressed opinion that the wounds were inflicted by some blunt cutting instrument. Mr. Smith, carpenter, of Hampstead, stated that a few minutes before the unfortunate deceased must have passed, he was walking along Bellsize-lane, when he was met by three men, dressed as labourers, who demanded his watch and money. He proved to them that he had neither, and was permitted to go on. At an after period, Mr. Symonds, of Norfolk Cottage, De vonshire-hill, was stopped by three men, corresponding in dress to the description given by Mr. Smith, who requested him to purchase a hone, and, finding some hesitation on his part, compelled him by threats to do so. This was in the very same path in which the body of Mr. Delarue was found. His impression is that the men were dressed as rail way labourers or navigators generally are. The principal matter of inquiry during the secret pro ceedings was to ascertain how far the evidence in the de ceased's lodging would connect the female whom it was sup posed he had met by appointment, with the supposed mur derers. The police said that the privacy of the deceased gentleman's papers proved nothing. Evidence was certainly given of certain prints, which the constable considered highly indecent (we have heard an inspector term a Bacchante, by Poussin, which had once figured in a Police court, indecent), and of 10/. in gold, as also letters, part of a correspondence with a young lady in a boarding school in the neighbourhood of Hampstead, supposed to be one of his pupils. The CORONER, at some length, spoke of the necessity for a reward being offered for the apprehension of the murderers, and the jury, coinciding in the views of the Coroner, drew up a memorial, which he (Mr. Wakley) undertook should be delivered into the hands of the Secretary of State at the very earliest opportunity. The excitement that prevailed in the neighbourhood of Hampstead may be inferred from the fact that considerable sums were offered by " curious gentlemen " for the privilege of being summoned on the jury. IMPORTANT PARTICULARS. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 24. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack shortly after Five o'clock. SCOTCH BANKING. The Earl of ROSEBERY presented two petitions—one from the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures of Edin burgh and the other from the provost, magistrates, &c., of the royal burgh of Haddington—against any alteration in the Scotch currency. The petitioners viewed with alarm the in tentions of her Majesty's Government with respect to banking in Scotland. CHURCH-RATES. The Earl of RADNOR presented a petition from a Dissen ter in Chester, complaining of the course pursued with respect to himself, in consequence of his refusing to pay church-rates. The Noble Earl also moved for certain returns relative to the importation of corn, &c., which were agreed to after a few ob servations from the Earl of Dalhousie. TEMPERANCE. ADELPIII. Mr. Morton is the most indefatigable of farce writers. He seems recently to have taken a vast liking to infantile heroes : A short time since he produced Young England, at the Ifay market ; and last night he produced a farce at the Adelphi, which he might have called Young Jamaica, but which he does call Mother and Child are Doing Well. In the Young England, Buckstone is the victim of the " horrid child." In Mother and Child are Doing Well, Wright is the unhappy individual who is called upon to take arms against a sea of troubles, brotight on by having a mysterious infant forced into his arms. Of the two we think the sorrows of Wright are the more amusing. His Felix Huffy is admirable. He is a Cheapside grocer, suddenly transported to Jamaica, who cannot for the life of him see why he should not do exactly the same thing, at exactly the same times, between the tropics that he did in London ; and who, having heard a negro speak of the mudder and the piccaninny, has awful misgivings as to whether he has not been unwittingly made the depository of a dreadful secret relating to sonic mysterious murder perpetrated in Piccadilly. Then the child is brought and left with him in a mysterious way—secrets of divers sorts are half-confided to him by divers persons of whom lie knows nothing—until at last he is obliged to adopt a series of numbers, such as secret number one confided by mysterious stranger number one ; and even with the help of the numbers he gets involved in inextrica ble confusion. There was a rich and unctuous stolidity about Wright's personation of this character, which reminded us strongly of Liston. He has more of the quiet Listonian humour about him than any actor at present upon the stage. He was called for at the conclusion, and announced the piece for repetition in a strange sort of mysterious confiden • tial way, that set the House in a roar. The House was crammed. Earl FITZWILLIATIpresented a petition from Wellingbo rough, Northamptonshire, praying their Lordships to adopt some measures to prevent the growth of intemperance, and the sale of spirituous liquors on the Sabbath day. Lord SUDELEY gave notice, on behalf of the Earl of For tescue, of his intention, on the 27th of next month,to present a petition from Exeter and South Molton, praying for a revi sion of the laws relating to the rubric of the Church. RATING. _ _ Lord BEAUMONT wished to put a question to the Noble Lord opposite, and at the same time to draw attention to a very important document which had been laid on their Lordships' table. The question he wished to put was, whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Govern ment to make any alteration this session in the law of rating. The document to which he wished to direct attention was the report of the Poor-law Commissioners on local taxation. In this paper it was statel that the almost incredible amount of eleven millions sterling, was annually disposed of by local authorities, and, moreover, that there were twenty-nine different rates, every one of them raised on a different system for various and different purposes. So complicated was the law that it was totally impossible for them to conform to any general rule or law.—( Hear, hear.) In the same document it was stated that there were no less than 250,000 levies, none of which were subject to any law or regulation, and the property on which they are levied differed in nearly every case. Lord WHARNCLIFFF: was understood to reply that the matter would be dealt with in the law of settlement. The Earl of FITZWILLIASI said the law of settlement was a very different question to that which had been discussed by his Noble Friend. There were no less than twenty-four of these different local Acts, all of them founded on different cir cumstances. He thought it would be exceedingly advisable il the whole of these rates could be amalgamated. It caused a great deal of inconvenience to be obliged to sub scribe one shilling and sixpence for this, and one shilling for that, paying first on the Monday, then on the Tuesday, again on the Wednesday, and so on. It would be much better if the whole of these rates were abolished, and one general rate established, empowering the authorities to appropriate it to general purposes. He conceived this would be a great improve ment on the present system of levying local taxation. The subject then dropped. LAW OF DEODAND. Lord CAMPBELL, in pursuance of a notice he had given on a former occasion, laid a Bill on the table for abolishing deodands. The Noble and Learned Lord characterised it as a foolish and absurd law, and expressed his surprise that it should have been allowed to exist from time immemorial to the nineteenth century. He would briefly state what the law was which he wished to abolish. By the old common law of England, which was still in force, it was provided that all per sonal chattels which should tend to the death of a human being should be forfeited to the Crown, no matter whether the owner of the chattel was concerned in the affair or not, because in that case it would become m urder or manslaughter, and the law of deodand would not apply. Now, he thought it extremely absurd that if a man took his sword and slew another, that his sword should be forfeited to the Crown. He could give various instances illustrating the absurdity of the law, but he thought one or two would be quite sufficient. If an ox gored a man, the ox was not forfeited ; but if a man fell from the horse of another, and was killed, the horse became a deodand. The law of deodand, however, did not apply if the chattel were not in motion at the time the accident occurred ; thus, if a man climbing up a waggon fell from the waggon, the waggon was not forfeited ; but if the waggon is in motion, the ease became different. As the law now stood, if a person on the top of a coach being intoxicated, fell asleep, tumbled from the top of the coach and was killed, the coach and everything in the coach, including the luggage of the passengers, would be forfeited. The law made some very absurd distinctions ; thus, if a man fell from a ship into salt water, there was no deodand ; but if a man fell from a ship into fresh water, then the ship and cargo became forfeited to the Crown. The ancient law provided in the course - of last evening the most important informa tion was received by the detective force, that. the parties have been heard of, and no doubt is entertained of their being now in custody. From what has been communicated to the officers of police, little doubt exists that the three individuals mentioned in the first account of the horrid affair, one of whom is believed to be a deserter from the army, were the actual murderers of the deceased. that the chattels should be sold, and the proceeds applied to the performances of mass for the salvation of the soul of the de ceased. Now, he felt that this ought not any longer to be the case. It placed the coroner in a peculiar position. and imposed upon him the duty of inflicting a punishment—for he was, in fact, the instrument of the jury—when, in fact, be was only engaged in making an inquiry. He thought that the imposi tion of a deodand was, at least, contrary to the spirit of the law. The power, his Noble Friend said, was definite and in dependent ; but he (Lord Campbell) doubted whether the imposition of a deodand might not be revised by the Court of Queen's Bench ; and of the whole of the law of deodands he would not hesitate to say that they were a clog on the adminis tration of justice, and that, too, in cases where the application of the principle of recompence was sometimes the most ap parent. He (Lord Campbell) had on this subject consulted a most intelligent coroner—he meant Mr. Wakley—on this point, and he quite assented to the view he had taken. In many cases no cause of action could lie. In others the principle fell with peculiar force on the proprietors and directors of railways. The law in France, and most other continental countries, and, he believed, also in Scotland, avoided this abuse. In Scotland, however, the law was any thing but correct. In that country, if a man was thrown from a coach and was killed, no deodand could be imposed. because there was no one who could claim a pecuniary right in his services. While in another case, if a boy was thrown from a coach and injured, his father could claim recompence, though he believed that a case had occurred the other day in which a boy had been injured, and then a deodand was im ' posed.—( Hear, hear.) The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he believed the case to which his Noble Friend had referred, in which death had ensued, the individual who suffered was the man's wife and not his son. Lord CAMPBELL said, the correction of his Noble Friend was immaterial. All he was anxious to show was, that no cause of action would lie in many cases in which a deodand was imposed. This was evidently an absurdity whieh ought to be amended, and he therefore hoped that no opposition would be offered to the introduction of the Bill which he was desirous of laying on the table of the House, and which he should beg to move might ba read a first time that night. He believed his Noble Friend (Lord Littleton) had a measure of something similar character to lay before the House. What were the precise provisions of that Bill he was not aware, though he believed they were in many respects similar to those of his own Bill. He was, however, ready to meet any proposition of his Noble Friend, either to amalgamate the Leo Bills, to introduce such clauses of his own as might be necessary to render the Bill of his Noble Friend complete, or he would take the contrary course, and introduce such provi sions as the Bill of his Hon. Friend contained, but in which his own Bill was deficient. Or he would, as a third course, be willing to introduce the two Bills pari passu, and leave the House to deal with the clauses as they might deem best. The LORD CHANCELLOR did not wish to oppose the proposition of his Noble Friend (Lord Campbell). The system of deodand presented many instances of absurdity, and he thought that opportunity for them ought to be abolished. There were, however, some points which he wished to bring under the consideration of his Noble Friend. His Noble Friend was aware that deodands were considered to form a por tion of the extraordinary revenues of the Crown, and that pre vious to the introduction of any measure for abolishir g the im position of deodands, he thought that it would be necessary to obtain the consent of the Crown before the passing of the measure. He thought it would be better to obtain this con sent before the introduction of the measure rather than apply for that consent when the Bill was in its last step. There was also another point which he wished to brine under the con sideration of his Noble Friend, and that was—that as this was a Bill whichreferred to money, whether it was competent for the House of Lords to entertain the question of the abolition of deodands. He repeated, that he did not wish to oppose the in troduction of the measure of his Noble Friend, but merely to draw his attention to the points which he had submitted. Lord CAMPBELL said that so fully aware was he that the - consent of the Crown was necessary to the measure he had to introduce, that he had sent notice of his intention to bring in his Bill to her Majesty's Ministers, with a view to obtain their consent. With respect to granting compensation to those individuals to whom the value of the deodands had been granted by the Crown, he could not see how they were entitled to any recompence for the loss of a thing which was only of value so long as it had existed, and as a property in the nature of a deodand was always of uncertain value,and might subside by other means as well as by an Act of Parliament, there could be no vested interest in it, and therefore the claim to compensation was a groundless one. Another consideration which his Noble Friend on the Woolsack had brought under his notice was the impropriety of originating a measure of this character in the House of Lords. Had his (Lord Campbell's) Bill been a money Bill, there would, doubtless, have been an obstacle. But he (Lord Campbell) conceived that there was a material difference between this and evnoney Bill. A deodandwas im posed in the nature of a politalty for an offence, an not as a supply for the Crown. Deodands were instituted rikiginally, not for the sake of revenue Out Wets !given to pay foetnsuring ;1 the rest of the soul of the oaseds Iscrthat thouggstiis mea sure was introduced wit t consent; he shodkr:;not, he conceived, be infringing on , eirig.of the Crown. '.Several m easures analogous to this hadel4o9o4titrOluced "into the House of Commons during the Vreiiilendy,o# his 'Noble Friend Lord Canterbury, who had just enteredithOlduse. With the zeal of his Noble Friend all were acquainted, and all were ready to allow his great knowledge of the forms of the House, and of the extent of constitutional privileges. Yet he had never ob jected to the introduction of those measures, and he (Lord Campbell) therefore felt justified in bringing his measure be fore their Lordships, and moving the first reading of the Bill. Afer a few observations from Lord MONTEAGLE and the Loan CHANCELLOR the Bill was laid on the table. RAILWAYS. COWES, ISLE OF WIGHT. FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) OPENING OF THE STEAM-FRIGATE DOCK. This splendid dock (the foundation-stone of which was only laid in July last). was this day opened, and the Oriental Company's steam-ship Braganza docked, amid the hearty cheers of the assembled multitude; the Cowes band playing .4 Rule Britannia." The following are the dimensions of the dock : Feet. Length from head to gate 257 Breadth 62 Dept of water on the sill at spring tides Ditto at neap tides Height of block , 5 The dock is very substantially built with massive stone piers; it resembles in shape the interior of a ship ; the bottom is a solid mass of timber, resting on a bed of blue clay, at least 200 feet in depth; the entrance is completely sheltered, and so accessible that the Braganza was only one hour and twenty minutes from her leaving the wet docks at Southamp ton, to her being hauled into and squared in the dry dock at Cowes ! The largest ships may lay afloat off the entrance to the dock at low water. DEATH OF WILLIAM HEARN, ESQ. NEwronT, FEn. 22.—Many in our town were grieved at hearing of the death of this gentleman ; he had been ill a few days—was seriously so yesterday—this morning a corpse. He was town clerk of the borough, and to his exertions our present representatives are indebted for their seats; he it was who formed our famed borough boundary, he fought all the battles in the registry courts, he was the slave to his party, and they were slaves to him. He it was who saved the Tory corporation at the passing of the Reform Bill ; he saw they would stand no chance if left to the support they could obtain in Newport; he therefore introduced in his new boundary his Tory friends at Cowes ; he not only constructed the machinery but worked it afterwards. Whatever may be said about trickery, that he had both talents and tact cannot be denied, nor that he was a sound lawyer, an un tiring advocate, but a slave to party. Over-exertions of body and mind have killed him in his 55th year, leaving a wire and twelve children to deplore his loss. Mr. Hearn was one of the executors under the will of the late George Ward, Esq., to his vast estates in the Isle of Wight, to which the Rev. William George Ward, of Balliol College, is heir presumptive. NARROW ESCAPE AND FORTUNATE RECOVERY.— On Saturday afternoon, about a quarter-past three o'clock, the Sunbeam, Putney steamboat, was leaving Nine Elms pier, when Mr. llawkins, a collecting clerk, in the firm of John Mills, Thorne and Sons, ale brewers, Nine Elms, who had paid his fare by an iron boat, stepped on board the ves sel by mistake; discovering his error, he attempted, without the crew's knowledge, to regain the pier, but the boat was already on the way, and Mr. Hawkins, instead of landing on the pier, fell into about thirty feet of water. The captain of the Sunbeam immediately stopped, and reversed the engines, until he had brought his craft near to where the gentleman had sunk, when he again stopped. Every hand on board was supplied with a hitcher or line, and the piermen were similarly provided, awaiting his re-appearance above the water. Presently Mr. Hawkins rose close to the pier, and his clothing being caught by a hitcher, he was rescued, but in a very exhausted state. Mr. Hawkins, at the moment of his immersion, had a blue bag in his hand, containing nearly 400/. in gold and silver, which he was intending to take to the bank. This, it is almost unnecessary to state, was left at the bottom of ? the river. When Mr. Hawkins had in some degree recovered the effects of his immersion, he employed a number of dredgermen to search for the lost treasure. These men's operations were superintended by the Thames police, and after working the whole of Saturday night and Sunday morning until one o'clock, the bag was brought up, with its contents, all safe. Mr. Hawkins, who states that he is alone to blame for the accident, rewarded the parties concerned in saving him and recovering the money with the sum of 201. REPEAL OF THE WINDOW-TAX.—Last evening a meeting of the delegates appointed by the different metro politan parishes, to assist in agitating for the repeal of the window-tax, was held at the Marylebone Court-house, for the purpose of hearing a report from Lord Duncan of the state of the question. Aout forty delegates were present. Lord Duncan said that, on Thursday last, a petition had been placed in his hands signed by ninety-one respectable practi tioners in two days, who gave a decided opinion as to the injurious effect of the window-duty on the sanatory condi tion of the people. Ile intended to bring on his motion in the llouse of Commons on Thursday or the next convenient day, when he was fully prepared to be beaten, but that would not discourage him.—(Hear.) If he failed to-day, that was a greater reason for renewed exertions.—(bear.) Messrs. Gresen, Hewitt, Norman, Gomm, and others addressed the meeting, and a resolution was adopted, expressive of the pleasure of the meeting at the increasing favourable pros pects of the agitation. The meeting was then adjourned until Saturday. BROAD-STREET WARD.—EECTION OF A COMMON COUNCILMAN. —Yesterday, at two o'clock, a wardmote of the ward of Broad-street was held at the New Ward School, London-wall, for the purpose of choosing a Common Coun • oilman to fill up the vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr. G. Hastings Heppe], who has been thirteen years a re presentative of the ward in the Court of Common Council. Mr. Alderman Musgrove, the Alderman of the ward, pre sided, when Mr. Barton proposed, and Mr. Simpson seconded, the nomination of Mr. Thomas Willoughby If oster as Com mon Councilman for the remainder of the year. No other gentleman being named for the office, the resolution-was put and agreed to unanimously. Mr. Foster returned thanks. Mr. Abrahams then moved a resolution, which was carried unanimously, expressing the high opinion entertained by the ward of the deceased, and that the ward condoled with the family at the loss they had sustained. MONUMENT IN MEMORY OF THE LATE GENERAL SIR WILLIAM NOTT.—A numerous meeting was held at Carmarthen, at which the mayor of the city presided, to adopt measures for carrying out a project entertained by a numerous body of the most influential and respectable in habitants of the above place, to erect a monument in me moryme of the late General Sir William Nat. During the Eas e t tl i n n t i i i t t C w a a n s y s .a t n a y te n d et th on a l t y t h h i e gh C l o y u a r p t p o r f ov D ed ir o e f c t to h r e sof t scheme,e in view. Also fl i s N is ' but intended to his wish to be on the list -. o r f i tl o s f e t t a h i e nr a ificent donation towards the object course of formation, as well as t p o e c s m es nii Ellenborough had signified subscribete committee o t 1. presentin aid in of the the oo v L i L ee sts:ross.— funds required to defray the expenses. DEATH OF VICE-ADMIRAL Died on the 10th inst , at Bury St. Edmund' h s, is age. laston, in the seventy-eighth year of This officer entered the navy in the year 1781 , was made irLiaeunt tenant in 1790, Commander 1796, Captain 1801, Rear-Ad 'miral August, 1840, and Vice-Admiral of the 'Blue at the fast promotion in November, 1841. lie was midshipman of the Formidable in Rodney's actions. The Earl of DALHOUSIE laid on the table the report of the Railway Committee of the Board of Trade, with respect to the Manchester and Leeds and other railways. Earl FITZ WILLIAM did not wish to impugn the conduct of the Committee of the Board of Trade, as be thought the public were deeply indebted to them for the trouble they had taken. He was induced to take this opportunity of making these observations, because it appeared to him tkat that Board of Trade had not been fairly dealt with in other places.— ( Hear, hear.) He was himself clearly of opinion that it.would be better that Parliament should not entertain any of these Railway Bills until the opinion of the Board of Trade had been given upon it. He thought that the Government ought origi nally to have issued a Commission to inquire into the best mode of railway communication over the country. He did 'not mean to say that the opinion of the Board of Trade ought always to be adopted, but the greatest deference ought to be paid to it. He thought when the opinion of the Board of Trade was against a measure it would be conclusive, but he did not think it should be so when they reported in favour of the measure. He believed that the whole course that had been adopted by the Board of Trade showed the pure,t motives. He thought the traffic in railway shares ought to be put an end to, either by legislative proceedings or the conduct of the Executive Government. This was a subject worthy of the consideration of Parliament. It had been said that railway Bills were private Bills. Now, he thought it was a perfect monstrosity to say so, when it was considered that those very measures were the means of afford ing communication through all parts of the country. He was sorry that the authority of the Board of Trade had not been more looked up to than it had been in certain quarters. He trusted that their Lordships would lend their assistance to up hold that authority. He felt bound, however, to say that he considered the Board had not been properly constituted, to make its authority acquiesced in. He trusted that an efficient body would be formed, to take this important subject into con sideration. • _ t een be Earl of DALHOUSIE s aid that the power that had t thee Boardßo a Board of of Trade Trade, a d u with po n R Railways respectwa y had railways, been e 4 had been given as an exper i men t. D ur i ng th e l as t y ear the tComamn give nitte to Committee of the THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 25 1845. ceedingly pressed in consequence of the great number of rail way Bills that had been brought forward. He thought, there fore, the greatest latitude ought to be given them in preparing their reports. The whole of the proceedings of the Board would be before Parliament in a short time. The Committee of the Board of Trade had been treated as culprits, and as cul prits condemned. Now, all he asked was, not that they should receive pardon, but that they should be put again upon their trials. Lord CAMPBELL thought the Board was not supported by any authority. Certainly it rested upon the resolution of another House, but he believed their Lordships had come to no resolution whatever. It could not, therefore, be expected that the decisions of the Board should be acquiesced in until the reasons for them bad been laid before the public, and the matter had been examined in a Select Committee. He most distinctly and strongly protested against the report of the Board of Trade being looked upon as an absolute decision, for it was im possible the Board could havein every case been supplied with sufficient information to enable them to form a correct judg ment as to the merits or demerits of any particular scheme. Indeed, the Noble Lord himself had admitted that in some in stances they were groping in the dark ; and he therefore did not think it right that the decision of the Board should disturb the interests of persons who had invested in some of these railway speculations to the amount of several hundred thousand pounds. --(Hear, hear. ) The Earl of DALHOUSIE reminded the House that a Committee of the House of Commons had sat for a long time considering this question—whether there should be any parti cular inquiry into railway schemes by a Board in connexion with the Government, and this Committee discussed the matter in all its bearings. The d e c i sion they came to was—that there should not only be a Board of Inquiry of this nature, but that it should be entrusted to the Board of Trade, and not only to the Board of Trade, but to the railway department of the Board of Trade, to form this tribunal. Not only did they do this, but they explained what should be the functions of this Railway Board, the precise manner in which it should be regu lated. and, in order that there should not be the slightest room fur objection, the Committee stated what the Board should not do. They, therefore, not only defined what were the functions and the particular points to be discussed by the Board, but they went further, and detailed what were the points on which the Board should not be permitted to inquire. How could Noble Lords after this assert that the Board had been founded without due and sufficient authority? The subject then dropped, and their Lordships immediately afterwards adjourned. ROUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 24. The SPEAKEE took the Chair at Four o'clock. The Manchester and Leeds Railway Bill (Burnley Branch and Oldham and Heywood Branches Extension) was read a second time. The Hull and Selby (Bridlington Branch) Bill was read a second time. The Leeds and Bradford Railway Bill was read a second time. The Manchester and Birmingham (Ashton Branch) Rail way Bill was read a second time. The Leeds and West Riding Junction Railway Bill was read a second time. The Lancaster and Carlisle Railway Bill_was read a second time. LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN METROPOLITAN SUGAR DUTIES. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice of a motion on the sub ject of the differential duties on slave-grown and free-labour sugar ; but the Noble Lord read his motion in so low a tone, that scarcely its scope could be guessed at in the gallery. WAYS AND MEANS. On the reading of the order of the day for going into a Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. MILNER GIBSON said ti.at he rose to move the amendment on the order of the day, of which he had given notice. If the House would give him its indulgence for a short period he would endeavour, as briefly as was consistent with a clear exposition of the views he entertained, to explain the grounds why he thought proper to move the present amendment. The amendment was a resolution, and was as follows :—" That no arrangement of the sugar duties will be satisfactory and per manent which does not involve an equalisation of duty on fo reign and colonial sugar." lie was aware that there was an objection entertained by many Members of Parliament to the moving of what were called abstract resolutions ; and, certainly, if he were asked the question whether it were a de sirable course to move an abstract resolution without any prac tical result, he would answer that such a course would not be the wisest for a Member of Parliament to pursue, and in deed it would not at all be necessary to ask the assent of the House to what would be termed the " abstract prin ciple" contained in this resolution, because he believed that that principle had already received the full and un qualified concurrence of the Ministers of the Crown, and, as he believed, the great majority of the Members of that House. But it was because this resolution was a practical resolution, and indicated a mode for arrang ing the sugar duties on something like a permanent footing, that he undertook to submit it to the House. The course he had taken was sanctioned, fully sanctioned by precedent, be cause it would be in the recollection of the House that when the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool (Lord Sandon) had, when a mode of arranging the sugar duties was brought for ward by the late Executive Government, submitted his view in the form of a resolution, and in that resolution he indi cated what he conceived would be a fitting mode of placing those sugar duties on a permanent footing. The point to which he drew the attention of the House was the neces. sity of maintaining a distinction between sugar the produce of slave-labour and free-labour in the markets of this country. The Noble Lord contended that it would be consistent with the course hitherto taken by Parliament with regard to the slave trade so to arrange the duty on foreign produce as to give a direct encouragement to one or the other. But though the Noble Lord invited them to take that course, as something like a permanent settlement of the sugar duties, ex perience had proved that no gain was effected for the country in the nature of a settlement, for the question of the sugar duties was in a state of constant suspense ; and since that period the sugar trade was in a state of uncertainty and depression, and they had already had to pronounce their opinion on several dis tinct measures for arranging the taxation on sugar. And they knew well that nothing was so prejudicial to the sugar trade of the country as to subject the duty by enactment to continued alterations, because no person would engage in a trade which was subject to the continued alterations of the Legislature. The question which was to be introduced that night was, in his opinion, a strong argument for something which should lead to the permanent settlement of this question. His Hon. Friend the Member for Coventry had called the attention of Hon. Members, in consequence of a petition which he had pre sented to the House, to the loss which must be sus tained by the dealers in sugar, from the rise of duties on that article, by the influence of the alteration of duties on the stock in hand, and asking for some recompense for that loss. The Hon. Member for Norfolk had put questions of a similar tendency. He did think that when petitions of this character were presented to the House, that common sense re quired that the question should be so entertained as to place it on a permanent basis, and thus leave this great interest in such a position as to preserve it from continual changes. He was aware that in the course which the Right Hon. Gen tleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was obliged to take, he could not obviate the difficulty by a permanent Act of Parliament for the assessment of the sugar duties. He was also aware that this was contrary to the eon stitutional principle, but at the same time he thought that this interfered in no way with the necessity imposed by a great public principle ; on the contrary, he felt that this was in itself an argument for some measures by which the dealers in that great article of sugar should be saved from the continual changes to which they were subject. Though it was impos sible to pass an Act for the permanent settlement of these duties, yet there was a great argument afforded net only by the existence of this constitutional obstacle, but also by the peculiar condition of colonial property, for the settlement of the impost to which sugar was subject. If they would not pass a permanent Aet, they could at least so settle the question as to put every one dealing in this article in such a position as to know to what they would in future be subject. They might pass such a measure as would be agreeable to the common feeling of the House, and thus place a regulation on the hooks that might be renewed from year to year. The Right Hon. Gentleman had invited them to a Committee of Ways and Means to vote a supply to her Majesty. He had no objection to accede to that invitation. If a tax wasto be raised in an indirect manner he thought the duty on i sugar was a very reasonable duty. There could be no fair objection to t ; but to a different rate of duty between foreign and colonial sugar, a duty having reference to the place of growth, and the ii hole of that tax being paid by the consumer in this country--to that course, he said, he entertained an insurmountable objection. No doubt such a result might come from the measure based on the principles which the Right Honourable Gentleman had submitted to the House. Nothing was more clear than if they imposed different rates of duty, upon sugar, with reference to its place of growth, or upon any other such principle, the difference between the rates of duty went not into the Exchequer but into the pockets of some par ticular class. Two descriptions of sugar were in bond, say it equal value. It was necessary perhaps to define what he meant by equal value. He meant what it would sell for in the markets of the world. Take that value to be 245. : to the one sample apply a duty of 28s, to the other apply a duty of 14s. Now, what is the consequence ? It was quite clear that if the sample of sugar at the duty of 28s. be sold in the markets of this country, it must sell for 525., 525. being the total of 28s. the duty, and 245. the supposed original cost. This was a sample of what is termed slave grown sugar. Now the sample, when brought into our mar kets, fetched but 425. Now where did the difference go ? Not into the Exchequer, but into the pockets of the colonial grower. He would take a sugar worth 245., and a sugar worth 15s.— the two extremes. He would apply the 28s. duty to the sugar worth 245., when it became in the market .525. ; he would ap ply the 143. duty to the sugar worth 15s. ; and he contended that the sugar worth 15e, whatever the duty applied to it, would always maintain its relative value to the other. Just in the same manner that sugars of equal value must sell for the same amount in our markets, so sugars of different value would always maintain the same relation towards each other. Applying the duty of 28s. to the sugar worth 155., it would sell for 435. Deducting 14$. from 435., 295. would remain, and thus 14s. had been pocketed by the colonial grower, which ought to go into the public revenue. Whether, in fact, they took sugars of equal or sugars of unequal value, if they applied to them a different rate of duty, they put into the pockets of some particular individuals in this country the difference of duty, and prevented thewhole amount of taxation paid by the consumer from going into the Exchequer. The question which concerned the interests of the people of this country was not whether the identical duties taken at the Cuse tom-house went into the public exchequer, but whether the additional price paid by the consumer did so, and if it did not, then a gross injustice was perpetrated against the people of this country. He did not know whether Hon. Gentlemen would dispute, that if they imposed differential duties they attached to every description of colonial sugar the full amount of the difference of duties. If the amount of protection were 10s., they put 10s. into the pocket of the colonial grower over and above the addition made by the duty of 14e. He would take the duty at 14s. upon colonial sugar. First, 14s. was added by the duty ; and, secondly, 10s. by the pro tection, with respect to every description of colonial sugar. And what was the effect of such an addition to the price ? What was the extent of the fraud thus practised upon the revenue ? The Right Hon. Gentleman had told them the other evening that he expected that there would be 230,000 tons of coronial sugar admitted next yeas —at 10s. a cwt., or 101. a ton, that would amount to the sum of 2,300,00(1. That was the sum which they were invited to take out of her elafesty"a ,Eas chequer, and to pay to the West Indian and the east proprietors. 2,300,0001. was the sum which it was'proposed to take out of the pockets of the people and to give it to the colo nial producer.—( Hear, hear.) This was a monstrous act of injustice upon the face of it.—( Hear, hear.) He knew that there were Hon. Gentlemen who would contend that there was good reason why the colonial proprietors should be en titled to demaud this 2,300,0001. from the public exchequer. But, as a Member of Parliament repre senting the public interests, and not the interests of any particular class, he was certainly entitled to ask why the community should be called upon to pay this sum to the West and East Indian proprietors? He was entitled to ask that at least a ease should be made out, and that they should not be called upon to rush blindly on, as her Majesty's Government would have them do, and transfer this enormous sum from her Majesty's Exchequer to the pockets of individuals. He had no notion of any reason which could be adduced to justify the transferring of this enorinouvum of 2,300,0001. from. her Majesty's Exchequer into the iiockets of the East and West India proprietors.—(Cheers.) Why had it sot been mentioned in the first instance'—( Hear, hear.) Why had not the Right Hon. Gentleman given notice of it when he gave notice of his proposition ? They were called upon to:vote taioney for her Majesty's exchequer, not to vote money to go into the pockets of private individuals.—( Hear, hear.) He would be the last to advocate the principle he was advocating, if he thought it was a principle of injustice, and he hoped Gen tlemen opposite would not affix to him a charge, that because he was advocating the great principle, that national taxation should be levied solely for national purposes; that, therefore, he was actuated by any personal motive to any class of her Majesty's subjects.—( Hear, hear.) No man could be more glad than he would be to see the colonial interests prospering ; but he could not reconcile it to his conscientious sense of duty as a Member of Parliament to consent to the mea sure which the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed ; and if any one duty was more incumbent on a Member of the Legisla ture than another, it was to take care that a tax on the public should not be imposed for the mere benefit of private individuals. All taxes imposed on the whole of the nation should be devoted exclusively to defraying the national expenditure, and he hoped that he might be per mitted to advocate that principle firmly and boldly, without laying himself open to the charge of being actuated by peculiar animosity to the West Indian or the East Indian producers. It had been said that there were grounds for transferring that 2,300,0001. during the next year to the colonial proprietors. It had been alleged that by the legislation of this country at former times they had acted towards the colonial proprietors in such a manner as to give them a just and equitable claim on the Exchequer. If that were so, he confessed that he would prefer a more direct mode of meeting that claim than giving it to the West India and East India proprietors in the form of monopoly: He believed it would be more satisfactory to the public, for there was nothing which the British public wished so much to see as a balance with debtor and creditor fairly set forth, in a clear and perspicuous manner. He be lieved that if a just claim was made out, that the British public would not object to it, or object to give a fitting sum from the public exchequer. But he contended that no such claim had been made out ; and he also contended that no such claim could be made out. He contended that if a difficulty had been caused by the legislation of this country, compensation had been given in the shape of a grant for 20,000,000/. The Right Hon. Baronet opposite had, on a former occasion ' dis tinctly stated th a t th ey were en ti t l e d t o d ea l w ith th e West Indies in the matter of duties, as they had purchased that right. He (Mr. Gibson) presumed that on that occasion the Right Hon. Baronet alluded to that grant of 20,000,000/. But with regard to that difficulty, which it was alleged had been created by their legislation, and for which 2,300,0001. were to be given to the colonists at large, be would ask any man in that House whether it was reasonable to give that compensation to other parties than those who complained of the grievance? Was there not a complaint from the East Indies or the Mauri tius, sr some of the West India islands, that they had suffered from a want of labour by the legislation of that House, and yet they proposed to give this sum of money, indiscriminately divided amongst a number of parties, none of whom ever pretended to have any claim to the protection of that House. If they were to vote that 2,300,0001. in an indirect and un satisfactory manner, let them, at any rate, vote it to those who pretended to have a claim ; and do not let them give it indis criminately to parties who had no claim whatever, beyond their being West Indian proprietors. It was well known that labour in British India—and his Hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury would concur with him in the statement—that in no part of the habitable globe was labour more abundant or more cheap than in British India; and he believed he was equally correct in saying that in the Mauritius there was also a surplus of labour, and that, in fact, the labourers were wandering about there in search of employment, so great was the number of coolies imported there. This was a point which was not to be lost sight of in the event of the House deeming it right to vote this large sum of money to those West India propri, tors, en the grounds of reimbursement. would not be right to vote any portion of this sum to the East Indies, be cause there was abundance of labour to be had there. The island of Barbadoes was actually overflowing with labonr, and, therefore, it would not be right to grant any portion of the money to the growers of that island. Neither were the growers in British India, or in the. Mauritius, or in Antigua, entitled to any share of it. And what portion, then, was left amongst whom it was to be shared, if those were left out ? They were reduced to very few indeed ; and even reduced as that number were, he would ask the House to consider whether ever they would be entitled to any portion of those two millions. What was the alleged grievance of which those growers complained, in refe reuse to this deficiency of labour? They contended that they were entitled to it because labour was not abundant ; that the cost of the produce of sugar was increased by the difficulty of procuring labour, and the high prise of labour in consequence. Now, how stood the fact? In the first place the House should receive very cautiously the statement of in terested parties, when they come to consider the sues lion of the cost of producing sugar; and, therefore, if they were to hear evidence on this point, he should suggest that it'should be relevant and important, and should emanate from persons of authority and intelligence, and who were disinterested. He would then ask the Rouse to consider what was the cost of pro ducing sugar during the time of the existence of slavery, and also at the time when no very sanguine hopes were entertained as to the emancipation of the slaves. He would first take the cost of the produce, in the year 1828, of one hundred weight of sugar, with all the advantages of slavery in its most unmitigated form, and without the apprehension that slavery was about to be abolished. The authority he wished to quote on this point was a disinterested authority, was an authority that Parliament was entitled to receive with respect, an authority to which Parliament was entitled to pay the greatest attention. That authority was that of one of their own public officers, a perfectly disinterested man himself, who had writ ten a work on the sugar-cane and the cultivation of sugar—Mr. Porter of the Board of Trade.—( Hear, hear. ) What does he say in that work on the cost of producing a hundred weight of sugar during the period of slavery, previous to 1828 ? He says that the cost of producing it was about 9s. 10d. per cwt. But he would take the liberty of reading an extract from 11r. Porter's work, which would perhaps be more satisfactory :—" In the ten years from 1819 to 4828, the whole expense of a sugar estate attending its cultivation, in eluding salt provisions, provision grounds for the negroes, stores, repair of buildings, medical attendance, the salaries of overseers and attorneys, cost of planta tions, and stores and clothing sent from England, was 26,8511. ; the number of slaves was from 127 to 142, the average number 140. The produce consisted of 29,492 cwts. of sugar, and 164,285 gallons of rum ; now, if they valued the rum only at Is. 6d. per gallon (the price is now 2s. 4d. ), this would give 12,3211., leaving a balance of 14,5291., being at the rate of 9s. 100. per cwt., as the cost of the production of the suear." He was aware that there were statements from interested parties, that made out the cost of producing one hundred weight of sugar to be now materially increased, and that even at the time he mentioned, that it was much greater than the sum he had named. But he contended that in Parliament, if they were to have authorities, let (hem have that of experienced men, of Parliamentary Papers; let them not have merely the authorities that might be quoted from the loose and random assertions made before Committees of that House by parties who had a particular object to serve. The gentleman he named was incapable of any misrepresentation, and entitled to their respect. He was one of their own paid officers, and had had experience to guide him in making the statement he had pub lished; therefore, as a witness, he was worth five hundred fold more than any interested parties they could bring as having made assertions before Committees of that House. Now, he had given the cost of raising a hundred weight of sugar during the period of slavery, upon this authority. Ile would now give them the cost of producing a cwt. of sugar on authority that he thought must have great weight at the present time. The cost of 1 cwt. of sugar at the present moment, on two estates, subject to to all those difficulties which were now complained of, and which were looked upon ae for m i n g a gr O un d f or th e protection, was 10s. 6d. The quotation which he was about to read was from the Jamaica Royal Agricultural Reporter. That question had appeared i n an i ngen i ous p er i o di ca l w hi c h h e was sure her . Majesty's Govern men t mus t genera lly p eruse , th e Economist —(Laughter)—to which he was indebted for his attention being called to the facts ; and it was to fact, and not argument, he irould now call the attention of the House. The Jamaica Royal Agricultural Reporter of the 20th of January, 1844, contained a statement that the Royal Agricultural So ciety gave a prize of 20/. or a piece of plate of that value, to the manager of any estate in mak ing the greatest quantity of sugar at the smallest cost, from the Ist day of January to the 3lst of Decem ber, 1843, " all things considered." He begged the House to attend to the meaning of those words " all things considered." By those words it was meant that allowance should be made to those managers who should make sugar at com paratively the least cost. For instance, if a manager were subject to a greater deficiency of lab our th an anot h er compet i tor f or t h e prize, then the greater cost of production necessarily occasioned by that deficiency, would be taken into consideration in award ing the prize. What, then, was the difference of the cost of production? On one estate it was 10s. 6d. per cwt., and in another 6s. 9Ad. So that they had what appeared to be good authority for stating that the cost of producing sugar was, in the island of Jamaica, since the period of slavery, from 6s. to 10s. per cwt. ; and, at this present mo ment, it was about 10s. 6d. He asked whether that could possibly be a ground for giving thesis a bounty of 10s. on every cwt. which they produce ?—( Hear.) Why the protection was greater than the cost of production. But rumour said that, in reality, the protection was more than 10s.—( Hear.) He asked what possible ground, after the authority lie had cited, there could be for giving an additional 10s. for every cwt. which was produced in those colonies?—( Hear, hear.) If the Brazilian could produce sugar without any cost—if it were rained down from heaven— from the skies—without any effort of human industry — he would still be at a disadvantage is competing against this protection of 10s. per cwt.—( Hear, hear.) No person could deny the truth or justice of that argument, or that he had not based his farts on competent authority. If that were so, he would ask if they were, without further in quiry, without an attempt to resist this obnoxious tax, calmly to consent to and allow its imposition, and not call on the Go vernment emphatically, and in the spirit of remonstrance, to give them a clear and satisfactory account of what it was they meant by that 10s. protection. But then, with regard to the deficiency of labour in the West Indies, he would ask, was it a fact that such deficiency existed ? Would any member of that body get up and state there that any difficulty arose from the scarcity of labourers? Why the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies, and now a Member of the other House, had stated, :a year or two ago, that the number of labourers in the West Indian colonies was sufficient, and all that was ne cessary was, that their labour should be properly applied. and they themselves properly used. He thought he could show from the words of that Noble Lord that it was owing to the Emancipation Act not being carried out with true spirit that any difficulty at all arose in procuring a continuance of labour. The Noble Lord said:—" He would venture to say that with regard to the expense of cultivation, there was no single instance in w hich this natural consequence did not follow as effect and cause—viz., that where they gave the negro labourer an interest in the amount of work to be performed, or in the amount of produce raised, then they would obtain constant and industrious labourers, but when they did not give that interest, then they would not obtain them. The amount of competition carried on there at present was ruinous, and the planters competed with each other in such a way by employing the labourers at certain periods, and paying them accordingly, and not giving them an interest in their work, and rewarding them according to that work, that he thought that was the cause of the enormous expense the planters were now subjected to in the West Indiese" That was the reason why they did not get`' the negro freely to give his sinews in their service.=( Hear, hear.) If that were true, and he had the authority of Lord Stanley for saying that it was true, that Noble Lord, who was the great advocate for paying the 20,000,000/. compensation to the West India interest, how could they expect that the negro would work continually for them ? Why, if the same principle were applied towards the British labourer, he very much doubted whether they would not find the same result, and many branches of their industry failing for want of continuous labour. It was stated at a pub lic meeting a few nights ago that, notwithstanding this com plaint of the deficiency of labour in Jamaica and other islands, there was another most anomalous complaint. They complained that they suffered from the number of able-bodied paupers. Here was the same most strange anomaly. One party stated that they had not a sufficient number of workmen to perform the necessary labour, and other members of the same party complained of the expense they incurred in maintaining a num ber of able-bOilied paupers.—( Hear, hear.) Able-bodied pautiers and protection seemed to have the same affinity as some' chemical bodies. Monopoly and pauperism seemed inseparable.—( Hear.) He could not account fur it in any other way than when the greatest amount of protection was so destructive of industry, that pauperism ensued. He defied any one to show him where a great protective interest was main tained, that there were not great numbers of able-bodied pau pers. He believed able-bodied paupers must exist from the nefarious system in the West Indian colonies. It created a re pugnance on the part of the proprietors to make free men, and free men, as they were called, were, in point of fact, to a great extent, slaves. He very much doubted whether the con ditions implied in the servitude of the West Indian negro was not inconsistent with the spirit of the Emancipation Act, and at variance with the rights and privileges which that Act gave the negro a right to claim. Another reason assigned by the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies for the present de pression in the West India colonies, was absenteeism on the part of the proprietors. He said that the system was going on to such an extent, that it was in vain to hope for an improve ment ; and he further said, that these colonies would not be productive under any system of protection and monopoly. The great bulk of the West India proprietors lived away from their estates—they were perfectly ignorant of all the branches of industry, and who had been employed in the cultivation of their estates. They knew nothing of their own interests, and the poor negroes were left at the mercy of heartless overseers, and attorneys, whose only desire was to get as much toil out of the poor wretches as they could. Manufacturers, agricultu rists, distillers, and chemists, are all connected, in a great de gree, with the growth of the sugar-cane. He would ask his Hon. Friend the Member for Stockport whether, if he:were to reside in Vienna, and leave his print-works to be conducted by some overseer or attorney, he would not find it impossible, however favourable might be markets and prices, to secure a proper return for his capital. Such, he said, was the condition of the ‘4 est India planters. They levied money from their estates, and unlike the English landed proprietors, they did nut place those estates under the superintendence of a tenant who felt an interest in its prosperity. In their case the same per son was landlord, tenant, manufacturer, distiller, and in many instances merchant ; and then they came to that House and told them that their business was not profitable, and asked them to levy a large con tribution from the great body of the people, for the purpose of enabling them to meet the deficiencies which had been created by this absurd and injurious management. No man could deny that there was considerable force in this ob servation; and he would not claim for it that force if he had not in his favour, amongst others, the Noble Lord the Secre tary for the Colonies. He should be sorry to see the Hon. Member for Weymouth (Mr. Bernal) obliged to change his agreeable house in Eaton-place for a residence in Jamaica ; he should regret the loss of his society, and his being subjected to an unpleasant climate ; but he confessed he saw no hope for the West India body, unless those who were the owners of estates either attended to them themselves, or leased them to those who would have the same interst in them as tire proprietors. If no tenant could be found to act as a substitute for the pro prietor, there was then no hope for a better state of things unless the proprietor girded up his loins, and went out to his own property to manage his own busi ness. —( Hear, hear.) It was of no use. to bedancing attendance on the colonial-office, to be pi apng for thispribvi lege and that favour.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing remained but to adopt a better system of r.nauagemesit,a more cultivation.— (Bear.) application of labour, and an improved system,had stated that ;he . adoption( He a r . ) even Lord ofElgin, such a the plough would make a difference of fifty per cent in the amount of production. venrm-aGcehlineeraas _ - -( Hear, hear.) Yet the) were still to be told that there Via nothing to be done for the West India colonies except throaant protection and monopoly. Where was the use of an abutl(fr a supply of manual labour, if that labour was not made aroducwt,...a° by the us of machinery ? It was the argument of t hose undertook to regulata be hours of labour in the manufacturola districts, that if they could not obtain the use of manual lab . , e e u r a for so long a period as they had been accustomed t o do, te. must make up for it by an increase:l use of m achinery The English manufacturers were enabled to maintain theiryea sition in the markets of Europe, not by the extent of tbea, manual labour, but because they brought machinery, t o tha a t; of labour, so as to make that - labour more productive. 11P,sa they must do in the West lndies-( Hear, hear) -and h eO f observed in the Jamaica journals a very sensible speech- the Captain Dillon, who had endeavoured to inculca te into minds of his fellow-colonists the doctrine that it would be advisable for them to expend the colonial revenue i n l urch eo : . Mg, steam-engines and machinery from England, th an 10 deavouring to promote the immigration of fresh labou) He believed that that was the most sensible course tha t tbee lonists could adopt.-( Hear, hear.) For the last three cetiaT, ries there had not been the slightest improvement i n the e._"„ vation of sugar in the colonies. He believed that th e stearn ah"B gine would be found to be a most beneficial aid to la bour inl e t West India colonists-(Hear, hear)---for at present lthaei adopted precisely the same system of cultivation whie b as io had adopted three centuries ago, when the slave-trade was I existence.-( clear. ) He was afraid that the West n"00, were not inclined to adopt the principle of the British M a l iag facturers, and to apply machinery for the purpose of 11 ' lo co labour more productive.-( Hear, hear.) He bad late ly rest an excellent article on this subject in a colonial paper loot merit and influence-the West Indian, in which theieets said that it was the duty of the West India colonists teo,p r t he their attention to the introduction of machinery l'sae• purpose of rendering labour more productive. This was lie:ed. ciple which the West India colonists too much neg 040 To show how averse the West India proprietors were to sii, their industry productive, he would mention one fact. "aata way had been projected between Kingston and Spataish the It was well known that a great portion of the labourers e'aro. West Indies were employed in transporting-in conveyingi3,eh duce from one place to another. When the railway n'h aid he had referred was proposed, not a single gentlenianW;tlst been protected, who said that protection stimulated in°lll . not one gave their countenance to the proposal for thesitot way. Who were the parties who took up the P',;,r ° ,, 6 seer! and who found funds for making the railway ? "'l o oks' persons who had no confidence in protection, but who _ .41 t o forward to the adoption of free trade. Who looked f or exposing the West India proprietors to a free conaPet itle bobs i the produce of the world-those were the parties w t to ' found the money to make the railway from King:ha/Ili Spanish-town. Why, if the West India proprietors h tatais in their principles, they would have come forward tos u P P h e t ate railway. Perhaps they believed that protection wa s ; : e tre, cease, then why not give it up at once, instead of ke e P; 13 0 t9 . and manufactures in a state of suspense and anxiety. Oki believed that the West India proprietors were enealejeet protection. He believed that the only reason that th a ' s i t lef t was not adopted by colonial proprietors, Pe thel #o free traders to accomplish, was, tha t t.t were enervated by monopoly. He thong" be for' was a most important fact, and one that oueht not 1 0 10 aeri gotten. There was nothing which told so much witb,l%tabb°lll of Parliament and the British public as plain an d stbe facts ; and he thought, from the facts he had stated, oe - r tioa lie would see that there were some grounds for th e 0 04 which had been made on that side of the House, that in. 10 had enervated the West India proprietors, and it realla s a l : a rit/' the solid principles of competition to give them Prr.; (I OC!' Now, he would not dwell longer upon this branch a tion, because if the position he maintained werea good ea,,01(11; thee araument would be unnecessary, and the House e ft convinced that the importers in this country had a s g ° the stp to every advantage in this trade as the growers dp i Indies. His plan he rested on the broad basis of justi ce :ea. would say that this House could n t interfere with °J o , P a justice with this trade or continue this protective sote.ithara would contend for it that the Government should notl, this protection, in order to do equal justice to all her 0 , t ill subject's. But he knew that this doctrine was not %b e d! latable to many Members of that House, althoug h : he fre; l - 0 not appear upon the face of it an act of injustice 10 , 04 , of b it trader of this country. But let him take a short 'e l to g i p case. He would ask, did they increase the ing e a j et ? eta country by this continual protection to the West 1 11 " l a te ros should limit himself to the West Indies, because tl ie /00 0a rt id sident of the Board of Trade, in answer to the aao, ray that for Taunton, on the Brazilian O nes tbe r i m that his plan of protection was not intended r t ritius or for British India, but for the ° t he to therefore he would confine his argument to cd? the Indies, and he would ask have the imports increse t r iea of ila would take the period previous to the emalleiPa oa 000 slaves, and he would contend tor it that the prodilea t , 344 creasing bop for many years previous to I c e d, the emancipation took place. It al)Pe ar aycle 9- that imports from the West Indies had been gra daa ing though the growers had all the advantages of the c a rgos',. and slave-labour.-( Hear, hear.) For it must n ot be tbei that these protective duties were enacted whe n t ore owners of slaves themselves, and when their cold t 5 t bess players of slave-labour; it must not be forgotten or o f s ti tective duties did not originate from the new theortaor s of that had been laid down, that they were to cen se ' 0001 philanthropic considerations when regulating their, 0001 du ies. He repeated that these dillies were enacts a t he 1 were slave owners themselves; and at that time , w e- os°l,se. India colonies had all the advantages they th e ad e their imports were gradually falling off. And wha` trir the case since? Notwithstanding the vast increase ia pulation, notwithstanding the great augreentatiof t of . da mand for sugar, in order to insure the colltteroti°'be working classes, the imports had been neal n t be if, It might have varied from year to year , 'og, lieved he was correct in stating that the cla.o3elriot ported in 1834, the very year in which they ePi a tk e r d tta ) their slaves, was greater than in the year 1844, e b r e liel year in which the account was made up. He - I l e C ;(1' Right Hon. Gentleman, the first Minister a t _ as s' stated there had been no material increase in th e t ae sugar. When they considered the vast increase ia aa irleal i olt la tion, what a deficiency there must be when thel". • trar, limited supply among the greater number of pers ee bliee ° , / much smaller a share fell to the poorer classes of th u s/ nity ? Those who were in the enjoyment of iad e P s ooltall, comfortable incomes would not diminish their ee a „ g s6:1 • 01t 1 sugar, but in the division of a smaller quantity a ta king tt number, depend on it the comforts of the w P a r ie 0 1 , 0 , 1 b) must be materially diminished. How unreasons.oool# doubt that a great evil was inflicted on the e ° „ 10 00 1 confining the supply of sugar to their colonies '''satiiass' with the exception of a small quantity , ib e the was consumed last year was supplied from la cellat But the consumption of this country was tnaii:i'„ the p er' s the produce of our own colonies. Accordinotha CA ti t aga Price Currents, the average price of sugar 0 0 , 45 ,01 11 , 0 0: was 21s. per cat., whilst in this country it was f ar eno difference of 13s. per cwt. The quantity of '„ c e g re oce t tif'; here was '207,000 tons per annum. But the di''' . d W he t per cwt. made a difference of 13/. per teal, an so il >o" 207,000 tons amounted to 2,600,0001.-(l l e tt a r ' t ) par - 00 sugar consumed in„this country last year cost ai em ot e% P o than the same quantity would have cost if 1 4 leg ist. s4 o o Continent.-( Hear, bear. Did they call thi s ja ser y ot t a l the poorer classes ?-( Hear.) Was this acting eaa b faa e lioaa with the recommendation of the Queen in her 11; a grlc er apa; throne, that they should consider the wants o l o atbeife . ,, v labourers and the poorer classes ?-( Hear.) 1 31 ' t o the doctrine that the British artisan must pay w isi upon his sugar because we had large hr th e Ivo' lions in the West Indian Islands ? He thoeF j were mocking the sufferings of the working classes, al ies ,a) r ia, Bating themselves in the eyes of the world. --- k r aitf a in were always professing sympathy with the Arto4.oo'lo, and talking of cutting down the public exnen" tl O ea, wise doing everything to relieve the tax-paye rs st bstr: e r a tt's4e, and then upon a vague statement that certain ope aeo l ) sitions could not be practically applied, they a f tbe i t es f ; s t selves to the charge of mocking the m iseries alest:ab a t 'a/ whom they professed to be anxious to relieve. 01 rtto ea p He would contend that protection had n ot ben ts to t oo wer benefit to the manufacturers. Why the Indies were greater twenty years ago than thrkaatall 1794 the exports to the West Indies were / - :;‘,.;81, 1 ','"(1 In 1804. ........... 3,0 In 1629 ......... ••• 2ta plat s i o a a In 1842 elor In 1843 . ..... ...... • :a thite e i t ; til - t ier; If they compared the exports of 1804 aa aO OO/. i 4be ls, ea would appear that while they were over 4,0 0 ',J a w, in ' 0 ,0! be suer year, they were only upwards of 2,00 ' t 7 t - e e ti° cal teP -( Hear, hear. What benefit, then, was West" of 0) Why should they pay more to the We, sl " o a u r did not pay more for his bale llea le Manchester than tbe Brazilian ?- (Cries ? _ ea oe, He asked whether he had not made out of the re v t be e v e r fir 01 ott shown that this tax was not for the bene burde n h siauiterilesrts,theenyty eta of chequer, and another portion into the P reaene'via oo a w ere portion inflicting of t e a t a g a r i s e v v e o ll u t therefore that could not be said to be for t he ha d 00 a Di s fo r point of fact, defrauded the revenue. I b l_e_ aus e it o °t t he not for the benefit of our import trade, o t.es it , A ss ,;ese it! ea , means increased under it. He had show n t a " ur a o 4 ; 1 10 1 the advantage of our export trade, becaura'd s howaa tat al eae t colonies had been a stationary trade, an't P l e hod; 13 ...a ar sition to favourably influence productiotne Bi g ht '- or ele' bo ser it was not far consistency, because all. s ome po rt, f ip c h o a l d o , n a ial f eiwooeve n i ngsto, ba,(letinribetaed,vvrto.:,Prosl,ll:ll_,..ol:eist;tf. them that the present system was at b y thr tbe 0: 0 V 1 0 1 ' ciples-principles admitted and recognised th ag e e s ' am pr e ep t e er se m d s . Commons, and which were laid down lay the Pon r etie as p the o statesmen and the ablest and most p °sod ut: Oa t cti e " of the Crown, which had received the s_aneL i 7 no e tis s a,P :e h a i l r ea' °' ; mists. It was an arbitrary taxation inlP .abers in 0 y rs do of this country by ado uate real so b te at and for which they received no a r•'') this c i o Hear, e a take on t a lla t explanation.-(Cries of , to ' B ` . were g 5 position which he was entitte. argamen ts bar i t r e e' unless it could be proved that his .eus ta_, he was d ie the mere force of ntl.# tnaan 00 .00 And if his reasons were fallact h w hich e sie d--h e oot, ° t anything-if he had assumed an yt hing n wa y nli i _ ar. ) d or) titled to assume-if he had been n t a nd 1019a as tit upon his opponents for a refutatto ;.iter l a large. _ 1 ' 41 400 5 : 0 ,, tu t a Member of Parliament, represen s a she icor af oot , sr this r ` Hear' (le' f they failed in K ea t s o he was entitled to ask them, of legislatio a sk t he , ' 00 0 0 desist from this unwise system her entitled to . r , the n l i t vie.„ d he would be further "cafe time `" r erne'' cheers.) An a ppropa manufam in district, a grea.t body ot L.. hear./ by t ' " could not be desired.-( Hear, t and vihe restrained 1.0, The G avc t.. AP t hete s •ordinary suppor e mere alike f bound by their Tory, hear. ) ) The Rigel °av sist at once, because a more ' tration were Whi g or h e ar. she dicta _ atas great monopolist interests.- (-#a act according t o el , of Pa' ro ; t ara; Baronet should, however, cast aside the oink forwa,.oolo,o, own mind ; he ought te cselfdesertedin br . t _7: be suga r it g h el l t though he might findhime , , h final settlement penc e 0 she and permanent plan for byte virtue an d in.tala";tie, the i°' and permanent plan for the fina ' s'ce o 0 dePCI he would he applauded _t_n e iediet any ) "'slightest tea.rotars,;, try. He was unwilling 10 oral had the /wit , priar t ` h ece o f India interests- If his p p . •retice on We st wa rd ; b , e serei ti a ta wards inflicting any injus brought it for t he o re sett 56 declared he would not have of the producet r ., of the o f t h e he believed that the interes t s the mter chae l ' aboli ti° I h b ort the interests b the tota , m otion'. et- 11 the consumers, benefited y r d his tr icot t s of all classes, would be e torvia rn re r e ' flee s differential duties, he hretOteMtries were - r sa eria st o, rea e d the/ t rilyi had been told that foreignh. e s would be a g inane, art owe hs Great Britain, and that t thet f o r the ht be s ya m s events, the sacrifice of but de ; There lnl,g- ng , the s ly t p ol Thee dung the to oc e do what foreigners had n ot risers , t uen da 'o' whatever forelb . ble arb n ot abe s in that ; but was a r resera r oe G o ver bo u. ',- broken in upon us, and it minded foreign entr y s ad the/ the because some narrow-mii t commercial co , Bu t 101 T ept O! ,he restrict ion, that this grelea._( Hear. h T ea f r : g i e iriers fluenced by their exarap trary atiw n o rese at re thejace some examples of th n con tent.. A t the p od °Pe i; P r thi s case of the Dutch Govaet.ttng sugar witted top of to Dutch Government were a terms as they d a r actie 3l lal a re• duce of Java, on the same_ what was the p_ ed by fl . e_e d o f of Brazil and Cuba. And roclui,; ert" . 6 tow - tid h competition ? That the sugaring a I° l lo ° ' - alt i tfa e o 4 fair increasing.d that , 0 0 tolitgaa r sala a lst Java was gradually c umin, al) 0004 0 o f aa at m., under the influence of coirp •• tons to 1, sa ger hieb • d from 29,2 27 with m e ca se w", with ete it had increase full competition „g a no te • all a t it was exposed to , That % ld c aP ' r t h° pin e of Cuba.-( Hear, shear.) eaar tiow ° Oofe r free-labour s ne ipa , e satisfy them that e the " I I and bi t e grown. He wished to se the oalui - c urled out in all Par t 5 NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. PonTsmotmi, Far.. 23.—The Rodney, 92, Captain Collier, C. 8., has been taken into the basin to be fitted fir sea. her masts were taken out on Saturday. A recommendation having been sent to the Admiralty by the dockyard au thorities for the fore and main masts of this fine ship to be removed and stepped further aft, an order to that effect was communicated on Friday. She will consequently have to be clocked in order to undergo the required alteration. It is a great pity the defect of the masting of this ship was not made known to the Admiralty when she was paid off up wards of twelve months ago—she could then have been altered without so much loss of time, and causing so great an outlay as will now be the case, as she is wanted to join the line-of-bat t le-ship trial squadron early. The foremast will be removed, we believe, some thirty inches, and the mainmast about twenty inches further aft, which will make her a much easier ship on a wind in a head sea. The above alteration will not appear a very considerable one to the uninitiated, but it will require all the decks to be altered, and other contingent reformations. There is no doubt but that the change will much improve the ship, as in deed we believe it would almost all our men-of-war, great and small. An accident occurred on board this ship on Wednesday to two riggers, whilst gammoning the bow sprit. One of them, named Benham, had his jaw dreadfully fractured, and the other was knocked down and much in jured, by . the breaking of the gammoning, which is made of chain, instead of rope, as in former years. The latter is infinitely superior to the former, both in point of safety, ease of working, and other advantageous features. Benham lies in a most dangerous state, having been unable to take food through the regular channel. It is much feared lock jaw wi❑ ensue. The Fantome, 16, Commander Sir F. Nicholson, Bart., arrived from Sheerness this morning to complete her crew, and receive advance wages. She saluted the flag of Admiral Rowley, and brought up at Spithead. The Cemus, 18, Commander Thompson, arrived about two hours after the Fantome, saluted, and anchored at Spithead. The Eagle, 50, Captain Martin, arrived from Sheerness on Wednesday, to complete her crew (of whom she is short up wards of 150), and receive advance wages. Captain Rowley went alongside in the Admiralty yacht, on the arrival of this fine frigate, and took out her captain in his cot and con veyed him to the official mansion of his uncle, the Com mander-in-Chief, Sir C. Rowley, Bart., where he remains confined by illness, brought on by over exertion at the fire in Chatham Dockyard. The Royalist, 10, Master-Commander Parkinson, was at Singapore, last from Port Essington, on the 19th November. Three of her commanding officers having died within twelve months (Lieutenant Chetwode, and Acting Lieutenants King sky and Wells), and no official communication having been made to the vessel for upwards of a year and a half, the Second Master, Mr. Parkinson, was compelled to promote himself to keep the pendant flying. Her masts being both sprung, and her gear in a very dilapidated condition, Mr. Parkinson took her without orders to Singapore, where at the time our letter left he was waiting a reply from Rear• Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane, the Commander-in-Chief, to some dispatches sent to that officer explaining the woful condition and distress of the vessel. The garrison of Port Essington are anxiously looking out for a relief, having been in their present quarters six years. Lieutenant Graham Ogle was at Hong-Kong awaiting the arrival of the Royalist to take the command. The Cyclops steam-frigate, Captain Lapidge, at Tarbert, has hoisted the ensign for volunteers for the navy. The Lynx brigantine has also hoisted a similar ensign aeDingle. The Vindictive, 50, Captain Seymour, flag of Vice-Admiral Austen, is rapidly completing crew and fittings alongside her hulk. Her topgallant masts are swayed up, and she presents a serviceable appearance. The Vengeance, 84, is expected to be put in commission shortly. The fortifications are being repaired and strengthened. The old gun carriages on the King's Bastion have been re placed by new, and eight 32-pounders, instead of four, mounted. Blockhouse Fort, commanding the mouth of the harbour, will shortly display a double instead of a single (as formerly) row of teeth, and we believe it is contemplated to remove the old victualling store, upon which stands the old telegraph on the platform, in order to extend the Platform Battery to the Round Tower. Works will also be erected on Southsea-common, between the Castle and the King's Bastion. PI:0310TIONS. Commanders—N. Manger and J. Pasley, from the retired list of 1830 to that of 1816. -- Acting Master—G. George, confirmed as Master of the Tartarus. Mate--H. Bainbridge (1836), of the Caledonia, to the rank of Lieutenant. . Captains—J. BPDougall (b. 1836 ) APPOINTMENTS , to the Vulture ; Sir Watkin Owe n P e ll, t o the Royal Hospital, Greenwich, vice Husk iskm. deceased ; Gordon Thomas Falcon (1813), to be Superintendeut of Pembroke dockyard, vice W. 0. Pell. Commander —R. Barton (1833) to the Vanguard ;G. 11. B. Proctor (acting) to the Dwarf, vice Chamberlain, pro • rnoted. Lientenants—F. W. Sidney, to the Cyclops ; R. Tattnall, from the Vanguard to the Rodney, vice Lambert, to the Vanguard; J. G. Robinson, to the Firebrand; W. Armitage, to the Comus ; J. Carrel, to the Styx ; W. J. Saunders to the Vulture ; A. Kortright, to the Illustrious, for Surveying Service. Masters—J. Cater, to the Vulture ; G. L. Bradley, to the Fox ; R. 0. White (second) to the Rodney. Surgeons—G. W. Pritchett to the Vulture; J. Sloan to the Tory convict-ship ;C. A. Browning to the Theresa convict ship ;A. Kilroy to the China convict-ship ;W. Bruce to Deptford dockyard ; W. Loney, M.D., Additional Assistant to the Penelope; J. Gray (Acting Assistant) to the Pandora. Mate—J. C. Clark to the Rattler. Midshipman—J. A. Phillips to the Flying Fish. COAST GUARD. Removals—Lieutenant A. Cooper, from Cromer to Fishers gate, vice Hise, removed; Lieutenant M. Liddon, R.N.,from Southampton Water to Cockbush, vice Vincent, dead. GLASS MANUFACTURE IN CORR.—We understand that the glass manufacture is shortly to be revived in this city. It is said that ten thousand pounds is forthcoming to be embarked in it. At present there are some encouraging prospects for this trade, now that all duty is to be taken ofr, and a clear stage and no favour" given to it in both nountries.. l -Cork Reporter. Dispatches from the Governor of Sierra Leone, and 'also from the Governor of Gibraltar, were received yesterday, at the Colonial-office. EXTENSION BILL. On the motion that this Bill be read a second time, Mr. MACKINNON said ho had a few words to say on be half of certain parties who were interested in the property on the other side of Westminster -bridge. It appeared that the proposed line from Hungerford-bridge would pass Westminster.. road just where the turnpike formerly stood; and it was under stood to be the intention cf the Directors, instead of making one large span, to make two somewhat similar to the passages of Temple-bar. The consequence of such an arrangement would be an immense loss of property to all the parties interested in the property in that neighbourhood. Unless this were reme died, it was the intention of those whom he represented to oppose the third reading. Mr. HAWES (who had proposed the second reading) said he had no power whatever to pledge the Directors to any par ticular course ; individually, he had, of course, no wish on the subject which was opposed to the interests of his constituents. The Bill was then read a second time. The Birkenhead Dock Bill was read a second time and or dered to be committed. Mr. MASTERMAN presented a petition from London, praying that the tolls on the metropolitan bridges might be abolished. Mr. PATTISON presented a petition to the same effect. Mr. KEMBLE brought in the Richmond Railway Bill, which was read a first time. MEDICAL PRACTICE. Mr. J. PARKER presented a petition from the medical practitioners of the borough of Sheffield on the Medical Re form Bill, requesting that a clause might be introduced to re quire the possession of certificates to enable members of the profession to practise. MEDICAL REFORM BILL. Mr. W. HAMILTON presented a petition from the medi cal practitioners of the Isle of Wight against the Medical Re form Bill of last session. Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition against the House sanctioning the re-organisation of the class of medical prac titioners. DARTMOUTH ELECTION. The Earl of MARCH presented a petition complaining of Mr. Somes' election, and praying for the appointment of a Committee.—The 11th of March was appointed for impanelling the Committee. PARISH SETTLEMENT BILL. Mr. PAKINGTON gave notice of his intention to move, in the Committee on this Bill, the insertion of certain words in the 7th clause, having reference to the movement of per sons from one parish to another after five years' settlement. PRIVATE BILLS. Dr. BOWRING,on behalf of the Hon. Member for Mon trose (Mr. Hume), gave notice of his intention to postpone his motion, which stood for to-morrow, on the subject of private Bills passed last session, till to-morrow week. DUTY ON COALS. The How. MEMBER. also gave notice, on behalf of the Hon. Member for /Montrose, that, on the Customs duties coming before the Howe, he would move the abolition of the export duty on all coal. DUTY ON GLASS. Mr. J. BARCLAY gave notice of his intention to move, on the duty on glass being brought under the consideration of the House, that a drawback be allowed to the manufacturers on the stock on hand. THE SLAVE-TRADE. Sir It. H. INGLIS gave notice of his intention to make a statement to-morrow, on the occasion of his moving for certain papers relating to Sierra L eone and the Mau r iti us , re l a ti ve t o the importation of negroes into the island of the Mauritius IMPORTATION OF WHEAT INTO CANADA. Mr. G. BANKES gave notice of his intention, on a future day, to move for the amount of duty paid on wheat and wheat flour imported from foreign plrts into Canada. FOREIGN STONE. The HoN. MEMBER. also gave notice of his intention to move, at the same time, for a return of the amount of duty paid on foreign stone imported into this country during the last three years. DUTY ON AUCTIONEERS. The Hot.r. MEMBER then gave notice of his intention on a future day to move for a return of the duty paid by persons carrying on the business of auctioneers during the last three years, distinguishing the number of persons and the differen amounts paid. CHINESE RANSOM. Sir C. NAPIER asked the Chancellor of the Ex chequer whether the Canton ransom was included in the receipts of what was called the Chinese money, and if so, what had become of it ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the Canton ransom was received immediately after the close of the war ; the money that was now being received arose from the instalments which the Chinese Government agreed by treaty to pay as the indemnity to this country for the expenses of the war. Sir C. NAPIER asked what had become of the former money ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, as he had received no notice of the question, he was unable to give an answer to the Hon. and Gallant Officer. SUGAR DUTIES. Mr. WODEHOUSE wished to ask a question of the Go vernment connected with the discussion of that evening. He wished to know whether it was the settled intention of her Majesty's Government t o a pp l y the reduction of the duty on sugars tneto n t to all ha whatever esalikeand at th e same t i me , ma ki ng do betweendis large places like the metropolis, where the traders bad the advantage of bonding, and could draw out their stock as a demand might arise, and country places, who, not having the advantage, were obliged to hold larger stocks ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he had had notice of the question, and he could have no hesitation in dying that it had never been the practice to make any differ ence in the payment of duty between persons who bonded sugar in warehouses, and those residing in other parts of the country ; it was not the intention of the Government to intro duce any change in that respect. MEDICAL CHARITIES (IRELAND). Dr. BOWRING wished to ask a question, of which he had given notice, and as the Hon. Gentleman was familiar with the evidence, he hoped he would net decline to answer the ques tion. It seemed that in the South Dublin Union some poor law guardians had applied to the Poor-law Commis sioners on the subject of a rumour that had gone abroad of the negotiation of a sale of a medical office held under the Medical Charities Bill. That - communication was acknowledged on the part of the Poor-law Commissioners, and sent to the Guardians of the South Dublin Union. He wished to ask whether the Government weredisposed to lay on the table of the House the whole of the correspondence on the subject? Mr. HOPE—In answer to the Hon. Member, he begged to say, that the subject to which his question applied had been referred to the Poor-law Commissioners, and they said they would make the necessary inquiries and report upon it ; but that report had not yet been made ; when it had it should be laid upon the table of the House, and perhaps until then the Hon. Alember would have no olsjstion to postpone his motion, SUGAR DUTIES. - Mr. WILLIAMS said, he wished to ask the Right Honourable the Chanceller of the Exchequer whether he had reconsidered the determination to which he said, on Friday last, he had come, in reference to the sugar duties? The reason he asked the question was, that se veral eommunications had been received by him from sugar merchants, complaining of the haste manifested by her Ma jesty's Government in coming to this determination, inas• much as that those merchants had large stocks on hand, and they would therefore be seriously affected by the change, if a drawback were not allowed until they had disposed of their stock on hand. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he received daily several communications upon the subject of the Hon. Member's question. But there existed great difference of opinion amongst those who were most nearly concerned. It seemed quite certain that if a future day was named for the duties being taken off, no sugar would be taken out in the interval. Therefore, upon full consideration, and comparison of all the applications made to the Government, he thought it would be better to say nothing further at present than that he would, on Wednesday, be prepared to say what course he intended to take as to fixing a day for the resoluti on to take effect. INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT. Lord MAHON begged leave to put a question to the Right Hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury, respecting the negotiations which had been for some time pending with foreign Powers on the subject of international copyr d o ight. His Right Hon. Friend the late President of the Boarf Trade, had, in the course of last session, stated that some dissension had arisen, but that there was reason to expect that the negotiations would be brought to a satisfactory conclusion. What be (Lord Mahon) now wished to ask was, whether any and what pro gress had since been made? Sir R. PEEL said that negotiations had been entered into on the subject with France and Belgum, for the purpose of giving facilities to the book trade in those countries and in this. These negotiations were carried on for some time, but they did not lead to any final or satisfactory result. Negotiations were afterwards entered into with Prussia ; and after a certain time, it was alleged, on the part of Prussia, that the law of copyright in this country was defective, and ought to be amended. Since that time, two Bills had passed Parliament to amend the law of copyright. The negotiations with Prussia were now renewed, and in the event of their being brought to a satisfactory conclusion, negotiations might be entered into with other countries. If the result of the negotiations with Prussia should not be satisfactory, he (Sir R. Peel) would have np objection to lay the correspondence before the House,—(Hear.)