The Sun. — London, England, 1836-05-23 00:00:00

SPI IT OF PUBLIC JOURNALS. It is impossible to exaggerate the mischief with which the destructive measure of the Lords is preg= nant ; and it is the duty of those who have obtained for themselves the invaluable security of municipal pri vilegvs, to aid their Irish brethren in the task of ex torting the same blessing from the Lords. That branch of the Legislature has all along shown that beneficial measures are never voluntarily conceded by it, and we have the precedents of the measures for Emancipation and Reform to instruct us as to the means by which the Lords can be made pliable. It must be admitted that the system of a legislative body, always opposed, in the first instance, to measures of efficient reform, and only brought round by demonstrations operating on their prudence, is nor without its inconveniences. The peo ple of this country will some day ask themselves whether that is the best state of things, in which" what ever measure of importance is approved of by the House of Commons is resisted by the Lords, and only yielded when resistance is no longer safe. We are much mistaken if the answer will prove satisfactory to the Lords. Surely that political system must be capable of amendment, in which nothing beneficial is effected without demonstrations on the part of the people, which may not always prove so little injurious as they have hitherto been ! In the meantime, how ever, we have nothing for it but to try once more whe ther the Lords can be imbued with the spirit which made them Reformers in 1829 and 1832, and kept them from being Destructives in 1835.—Morning Chronicle. The "Lion" of agitation, having " aggravated his roar," if not to the tone, still, as we hase shown, to the importance of a " sucking dove," it is .natural enough that his jackall should give some demonstra tions of activity. Accordingly, while Mr. Daniel O'Con nell was inditing- that dullest of all his many dull epis tles, of which we disposed last Saturday, Mr. Shell, at a meeting at the Royal Hotel, in Dublin, delivered himself of some of that Irish eloquence by which he gailed distinctio:i in the days of the Catholic Asso ciation. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman, like his equally honourable and no less learned leader, directed his energies against the House of Lords generally, and in a particular manner against Lord Lyndhurst. After a plentiful measure of abuse against both, after " vaunt ing" about Irish million's, and " boasting" of Irish power, Mr. Shiel thus introduces the practical propo sition by which he wishes to meet the present emergency : " However, Ist us refrain from idle vaunt, and, instead of premature boasting, let us considsr what wisdom and deteimination require—what by the Ministers and by our selves should be dons. First, then, with respect to the Administration.; it seems to be clear that a dissolution of Parliament ought to be immediately required from the King—my reason for thinking so is this—if Lord Mel bourne were to resign at this moment, Sir Robert Peel rai e ;lit, perhaps, venture to take office, and try what a dis solution would effect fir him ; but if Lord 'Melbourne dis- . solve:a Parliament, calls a new House of Commons, re quir.s the King to create Peel., and on a rclusnl resigns, Sir Robert Peet wiil not vesture to seize the reins of Ge -1 ernmeot, because he would certainly - feel that his govern ment could not for a week he carried on. If, in his new Parliament, he was in a few days overthrown, in a Parlia ment called by Lord Melbourre what hopes of success co:11 be reasonably entertained?" , then, this constitutional lawyer lays it (lowa as I iciplc, that when the Lords reuse to be dictated the Commons, the lone' ought to he dietat l ed to Ministers. According to Mr. Shed, a disso lution of Parliament ought to be immediately required Irom the King. This is the true rough-shod rid ing of which we have already heard. But we ima gure Mr. Shed much miscalculates, when suppos io, our present Gracious Monarch weak enough to su!il:r his proudest prerogative to be wrenched from his Royal grasp. Setting aside this point,-however, wz are of.opinion that the Whig-Radical faction dare not appeal to the country, eyen' if his Majesty were disposed to alibid them the chances of a general elec tion. The more - respectable or the Ministry and their supporters would undoubtedly fall away from the fac tion,- irdestim:tion of the Peers were - made the mar-cry in a general election. The short-sighted folly of O'Connell in his so-called mission sonic months ago, in iia last and ridiculous letter, and in his still more ridiculous motion against the House of Peers, would render it necessary that this should be the great test of every candidate in the event of an eleetion any man in his senses believe that this monstrous pihiciple would be sanctioned by the elective body throughout these kingdoms ? This, then, of itself would be sufficient to warn the Whigs from the danger of a dissolution. But, even supposing the arch-rebel had not proclaimed his treasonable designs against the Constitution—that he had not, maddened by the toils in which he and the slavish Government under him are inextrizablv involved, denounced the Lords ; still the spread of Conservative principles during the last few months, and the continually deepening strength of the Constitutional party, must have convinced ' the Whigs that the present House of Commons is better suited to their purposes than any they could obtain from a fresh appeal to the country. So confident, however, does Mr. Shell feel of the wisdom of his pro posed dissolution, that he says, " If Lord Melbourne dissolves Parliament, and requires the King (requires again !) to make Peers, and, on refusal, resigns, Sir Robert Peel will not venture to seize the reins of go vernment." And .he goes on to account for this sup posed reluctance on the part of the Right Hon. Ba ronet by bearing testimony to the singleness of pur pose and honoutable patriotism of tha: distinguished senator. He says— " Sir Robert Peel is not a political adventurer ; he is not a needy, bold, bad man, without fortune or character, destitute of all public respect, and • of. honourable self esteem. He has at heart the interest of his country, as well as his own personal elavation, and with his talents and his wealth he has but to bide his, time in order ultimately to attain that position which, but for Ireland, would at this moment be in his reach. Ireland and her millions must be aroused ; of the might that slumbers in her arm a development must be made. From every district petitions to Parliament demanding justice must be poured ; thousands must assemble ; and, above all, the active system of or ganization devised by O'Connell, and which O'Connll is as ready as he ever was to work, must be strenuously. im mediately, and simultaneously applied. Call it by what name you please—association, board, committee, anything —let's have the weekly meetings, the appeals to the people, the exciting eloquence, the enthusiasm, the devotedness— again and again we shall beat down every obstacle before us ; and that the millions are, after all, invincible, afford another equally glorious proof." Here Mr. Sheil unconsciously draws two characters, though only intending to draw tone. " Sir R. Peel," says the Hon. and 'Learned Gentleman, "is not a political adventurer, he is not a needy, bold, bad man, without fortune or character, destitute of all public respect, and of honourable self-esteem." 'We surely need not name the person whose picture would be drawn in this one sentence, by substi tuting an affirmation for the negation therein ex pressed. We need not tell the people of England who is a political adventurer, who iy* a needy, bold, bad man, without fortune or character, desti tute of all public respect, and of honourable self esteem. That disreputable person is the declared enemy of the British Constitution, the destructive de magogue whose avowed hostility to . the Protestant Church and the British Peerage would, if unresisted, but prove the precursor of what we believe to be his ultimate design—the overthrow of the Monarchy it self. In furtherance of this man's schemes, Mr. Shell suggests that " the system of organization devised by O'Connell, and which O'Connell is as ready as • he ever was to work, should be strenuously, immedi ately, and simuligneously applied ;" and thus the mil lions, &c., arc terbe invincible. Now we, on ordinary occasions, should be slow to appeal to force, least of all could we feel disposed to do so for the decision of a question between two nations bound together by the sacred ties of a legislative union. But, if these Irish spouters think to bully the English people out of the institution of the English peerage, by blustering of the millions at the disposal of their " exciting do! quence"—we say, if this is to be the nature of the struggle, in God's name let it come at once ! Not in the spirit of conscious superiority, so much as in that of a continually-outrag e d forbearance which can en dure no longer, we tak e t hi s u l t i mate v i ew o f the question. IF Ireland will not be governed by law, she must be governed by force. In other words, if' the law in that country cannot be asserted by reason 1;1 11 of the resistance of these boasted millions, means must be taken to make that law respected and obeyed. Most of all, are we Englishmen justified, when a rebel lious proposition for the overthrow of one of the es tates of the realm is made to Parliament and the country, under a threat that, if rejected, the Irish " mil lions" are to 'assume an invincible attitude—most of all, we repeat, are we Englishmen justified in. re minding these invincible millions that what has been may be again ; that they have been vanquished once, and that rather than see those institutions in Church 1-and State which we have inherited from our fore fathers destroyed by the machinations of their insolent and heartless leaders, we must be compelled, however reluctantly, to vanquish them once more. It is painful, very painful, to us to employ this language with re ference to any portion of our fellow-subjects. But the duty is forced upon us. We, who have baffled all ho nourable foes by land and sea, are not to be "fright ened from our propriety" by demagogues brawling of their unreasoning millions. Within the walls of Parliament there is a fair field for the discussion of every great political principle. This Parliament is abundantly competent and admirably adapted to legis lating for all the real wants and reasonable wishes of a free people. Any man who has a political design, for the attainment of which such an institution is inade quate, has a design necessarily fatal to the existence of our Constitutional Monarchy. If such a man, seeking out of doors for that support to his views which he despairs of obtaining in the two branches of the Legislature as by law established, should excite popular commotion and vainly hope to extort from the fears of Englishmen that which their deliberate judgment has refused him, that man must be taught that fear is as little an element of our political as of our martial character. And when, with self deluding misrepresentation, he points to the conces sion of the Catholic claims as having been yielded by the fears of the Government of that day, we tell him that the Duke of Wellington did not yield to any thing short of that to which every statesman must bow—namely, the force of public opinion. If the Irish agitators, or any of their millions, could establish within the walls of Parliament, and in the country generally, a conviction that the destruction of the House of Peers is a question identical in justice, in expediency, and in generous ationality, with that of the relief of the Roman Gatlitlics from civil disabilities, their appeal to numbers might possess some claim to attention. But even then this question, now so purely ridiculous, would •havc to be decided in conformity with the recognized institutions of the country, and not by a senseless rabble, lashed into fury by the " ex citing eloquence" of unprincipled politicians and hire ling patriots. We hope we shall hear no more of these murderous threats, for such, in all their bare de formity, they are. But should the leading agitators, or any other persons, have again recourse to them, we are only uttering the determination of the English people when deela;ing at once calmly, yet explicitly and boldly, that a Constitution which has survived all ccnvulsions from within and tempests from without, is not destined to CT umble beneath the hand of a cowardly mendicant and his priest-goaded priest-ridden millions. —Times. Whether we attribute the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers during the .last week to mere folly, or to something worse—to want of proper understanding of their own duty, or to a corrupt understanding with Mr. O'Connell, there can be no doubt of the fact, that they have acted a part worthy of the heaviest censure. In stead of endeavouring to impart something like cer tainty to public views, and calmness to the public feel ing, before adjourning the Houses of Parliament for a greater length of time than is usual at this season of the gear, they have done all in their power to pro duce a precisely opPosite eff'ect. They make declara tions in . either House calculated to raise the strongest feelings of suspicion and indignation on the part of COnservativeS—of lively hope on the part of those who love disturbance, and the strife which leads to•revolutiOn ; and no sooner have they done this, than Parliament is adjourned, and the three king doms are to be - left - in all the excitement of vague, yet agitatin ,, anticipation, until Parliament shall re-assem ble. lii the House of Lords the leading Minister'for the time being, not having courage to oppose the amend ments of the majority of that House to the Irish Cor porations Bill, nor the good sense to submit with calm ness to what he could' not prevent, indulges himself with intemperate anticipations of the resistance which the other House of Parliament will make to decisions by which he, as one of the minority, should have felt himself bound. And this he does, at the very moment that he himself is moving the House to agree to the measure, which he hopes to see resisted in another place. He moves their Lordships to pass a Bill, not that it may become law, but that it may go to another tribunal, where his party is more powerful, to be 'over thrown. Instead of consulting, as a Minister ought, for the security and peace of the kingdom, whose Sove reign's servant he is, he thinks but of the triumph of his party, and longs to see that triumph achieved, though the whole fabric of the Legislature may be shaken in the " collision," through which alone it can be achieved. Surely the more honest, natural, and dignified course would have been either to abandon wholly a Bill which he could not carry in the form he approved, or to submit to the amendments, and leave the other House of Parliament, of which he is not a Member, to act for itself, without any hints from him. Next we find, in the House of Commons, the leading Minister following a similar course, as if his object were of a very different nature from that of preserving the monarchy and the legislative institutions in peace, se curity, and harmony. In a speech, which begins with an affectation of moderate views, the House of Lords is attacked with all the energy of which that Minister is capable. The degree of freedom of action which might have been szfedred in that Houk is con descendingly described ; but that to which it has pro ceeded, in undeferential opposition to the Ministry and the House of Commons, is pointed at with anger, and threatened with resistance. Surely there was no ne cessity for this. The House of Commons has as good a right to discus; the amendments of the Lords as their Lordships had to discuss the original enactments of the Commons. But it is these amendments, and not their Lordships' right to make them, which should be the matter of debate. Do we find the Lords threatening the Commons, or hinting at organic changes in the constitution of that Assembly, be cause they cannot agree with it ? No ; they take the propositions which it has affirmed into consideration ; but not the authority upon which they have been made, for that they know is a thing settled by the Constitution. And in like manner ought the Com mons to act by the Lords, but that the Constitution is not respected by the more powerful party in the House of Commons. The Ministers who belong to that party love their own way, or the way of those upon whose support they depend, better than the Con stitution, even with that reform in the Parliament which they held forth to the public as as not only effec tual, but " final." Along with these demonstations of the Ministers, which are either in the nature of mean bravado, to carry favour with the revolutionary party in the State, or of initiative steps in a contest between that party headed by the King's Ministers, and the party of the established Constitution, headed by the in telligence and property of the country—along with these indications of intemperate cunning or intemperate rashnesseequally unworthy'of Statesmen, we have the manifestoes, Parliamentary and epistolary, of Mr. O'Connell, and the elaborate excitement to " agita tion "of Mr. Sheil in Ireland. It may be that there is no direct and preconceried connection between the declarations of the Ministers, and those upon whose assistance they chiefly depend in that House of Par liament, where they have a majority ; but there can be no question of the sympathy of political morti fication, and desire for vengeance, at the expense of duty, which has produced the various attacks upon the House of Lords immediately previous to the adjourn ment. By the time that the Houses re-assemble, the result of this experiment upon the public mind will be ascertained, and, as in the meantime the Ministers will have no occasion to commit themselves further, they can then take the course which may seem most condu cive to the retainment of their places, and the gratifi cation of their spleen. We trust the public voice will show them that either one or the other must be sacri ficed, and that if they cannot prevail upon themselves to respect the independence of both Houses of Legisla- THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 23, 1836. ture, and to protect both against insult, or at the least to refrain from encouraging it against either, they must follow Mr. O'Connell's bidding in some other position than that of Ministers of the Crown.—Morn. Herald. A Ministerial evening paper has supplied what we must take to be an unofficial answer to a question said to have been put by Sir G. Sinclair, viz., " how a majority in the House of Lords could be over powered?" The reply is as flippant, impudent, and reckless as could have been expected had it been con cocted between Mr. O'Connell and Mr. C. Buller, with Dr. Wade and Mr. Savage, of the Circus Tavern, for their assessors. " Now we will assume," says the Globe, " and Sir G. Sinclair will not venture to assert that the assumption is an improbable one, that the constituent bodies of England, Scotland, and Ireland, which have the power of returning a majority to the House of Commons, are desirous of ex tending to the Irish people that essential element of free dom—local self-government. Should this be the fact, and the Liberal Members of the House of Commons know full well that it is the fact, then, on this vital question, it. is not impossible that the hostile majority in the House of Lords may be speedily, tranquilly, and constitutionally overpowered. Let us suppose the following case by way of illustration :—Early in the next Session, and before the Supplies have been voted, or the Mutiny Bill passed, the Commons send up a Bill to the Lords for reforming the Irish Corporations, which Bill the Lords again transform into a Bill for destroying these Corporations, and for abo lishing local self-government in Ireland. On this the Com mons vote a loyal address to the Crown, assuring his Ma jesty that the Supplies shall be granted, and the Mutiny Bill passed, as soon as his Majesty shall be graciously pleased to create such a number of Peers as may be sufficient to overpower the hostile majority in the House of Lords. This loyal and dutiful Address has the effect of an irresisti ble decree. It is forthwith intimated to their Lordships that if they do not consent to pass a Bill giving local self government to Ireland, the next Go.zettc will contain a crea tion of 150, 300, or 500 Liberal Peers, as the case may re quire. Their Lordships perceive that further resistance would be hopeless, and thus the hostile majority of the House of Lords is overpowered without its becoming neces sary to go the length of effecting an organic change in the Upper House, the necessity for which, we believe, their Lordships will not be desirous to create." There is much easy assumption at the foundation of this argument ; but there is not enough. It should be assumed not only that the constituent bodies of England, Scotland, and Ireland are desirous of creat ing in the Sister Kingdom " normal schools of agita tion," of which the Roman Catholic Priests, and lay demagogues under their command, shall be the pro fessors, which we may venture to describe as an ex travagant and absurd assumption ; but that the consti tuent bodies are so intensely anxious for the establish ment of such institutions in Ireland as to be willing:, for sake of this object, to destroy the British Constitu tion. Now, let us assume that a barrister wio never has the good fortune to get a brief, should threaten that unless the first jury lie may have the opportunity to address shall decide his way, he will positively shoot the fore man and hang himself, an assumption as exactly as possible parallel to that of our Contemporary : or let us imaeine that a pert declaimer at the Union De bating Club at Cambridge, were to say in that''so cietv, " If you do not decide every question under the implicit guidance of my speech, I will abolish your society by stabbing its leading members, and burning to the ground the building in which you assemble," another assumption in pretty much the same spirit— what, we a',k, would be the natural consequence of threats so silly, spiteful, and absurd ? Simply, that the person using them would be laughed at for his folly ; - cr subjected to the discipline of bread and water, a strait waistcoat, and the scourge, in the hope that his insanity was not incurable. The only difference between our assumptions and that of our Contemporary is that ours makes rather free with a briefless barrister, and a spouting boy, while that of our Contempoiary in sults the Commons' House of Parliament, and the ag e-res•te body of its constituents. The House of Com monso n " cannot threaten to stop the supplies or to suspend the Mutiny . Bill, for the purpose of advancing any ex isting question, without exhibiting in combination the wickedness of the assassin and the impious madness of the suicide. The assumption, therefore, that the House of Commons will resort to such a threat is in the highest degree injurious to that assembly. There is ho doubt whatever, in the mind of any man of common sense or information, that the first, or rather the only, effect of propagating the opinion, if it could be propagated, that the majority of the present `I -louse of Commons is capable of .such wickedness and folly as the Globe assumes, would • be to render the whole British people impatient for a dissolution of the Parliament, in order that they might obtain the oppor tunity of providing themselves with less vicious and more sober Representatives. In all that we have heard of late about stopping the supplies and sus pending the Mutiny Bill there is .a fallacy the absurdity of which alone has exempted it from exposure . So far from either the Crown or the House of Lords having any exclusive or peculiar interest in the neces sary supplies for carrying on the affairs of the nation, or in the maintenance in a state of well-ordered dis cipline, that . army which keeps together our colonial empire and maintains the public peace at home, it is the House of Commons, and the constituents of the House of Commons, who have not certainly an exclusive interest in the measures conducive to those important purposes, but an interest more urgent, direct, and imperious than any other order in the State. For sake of the nation at large, and especially for sake of the Commons of England, we sincerely hope that the advice of the Ministerial journal will never be followed by the Re presentatives of the people. But this we confidently say, that the necessary result of such a mad proceeding would be not to reduce the power of the Crown, not to diminish the influence and authority of the BritiSh Peerage, but to increase both to an extent utterly re pugnant to the principles of the British Constitution, and utterly incompatible with the existence for many future years.of public liberty in Great Britain. The Monarch, if stripped of the defence of the army, and deprived of the means of paying his servants, has still thousands and tens of thousands of subjects who would show themselves willing, and, for a time at least, able to serve the Crown of England, and, if necessary, to fight for its preservation, without pay. The aris tocrcy, the Tory aristocracy, of Great Britain, even if the Whig aristocracy were to stand aloof, which in such circumstances they would not do, for it would not be thiir interest, are, thanks to the liberal and confiding concessions of their independent revenues by successive constitutional Monarchs, in a position far stronger, and more elevated, even then that of the Monarch. While the army would have been converted by the treasonable vote of a House of Commons into a gang of lawless marauders, and while the constituents of the rebel House of Com mons would have begun in every corner of the land to make war and prey upon each other, the aristocracy of England would, in two days, have 10,000 gallant, loyal, high-spirited, and well-regulated yeomen in arms, fully prepared to protect their own homes and fami lies, ~ eoa e n o d : thhiasonsdep patriotic io t ou h t li e cd i r militialandlordshave been oe a un n l d d benefactors.oh.navede swollenby hundreds of 'experienced and skilful officers nifat In many N i T n e g rei c g l n o , se n t e o ve t r he s i o r d h e e a a r r l t y s d th is e ba e n o d m e l d nis a s r i i o n l y i , of wh t o h , eir bi s n o d prized as now, would cheerfully forego for a t i me that pay of which the House of - Commons had deprived them. What in the meanwhile would become of Manchester, and Liverpool, and Bir mingham, and Leeds, and Cheapside, and Thames 'street, and the London Docks? What of their pro prietors ? • What of the millions whose daily subsist ence depends upon the uninterrupted progress of these commercial and manufacturing processes, which the least disturbance of the social machine would suddenly suspend? But we have unconsciously been led to pay too much attention to the drunken driveller of the Globe. An irresistible decree truly I Such a vote as this idiot recommends would, indeed, for one purpose, be an irresistible decree. lt would be a decree con demning every man who voted for it to be hanged, a sentence which could not fail to be carried into speedy execution, amidst the general acclamations of the Bri tish nation.—Morning Post. Though there can be no doubt of the course of ac tion which it is incumbent on the people to pursue in the present momentous crisis, yet as it is desirable that even the semblance of rashness or precipitation should be avoided by the Liberals, we consider that the Par liamentary recess has most opportunely intervened, as it affords time for that calm deliberation which becomes the dignity of a people conscious of the power to give effect to their resolves, and which ever constitutes the best preliminary to decisive and energetic action. The first mode of procedure is by agitation and petition. The people of Ireland are already actively en gaged in organizing a plan by which public meet ings may be simultaneously called in every part of the country. The people of England and Scot land should immediately follow the example. The object of all these meetings should be a reform of the House of Lords—no other topic should be dis cussed. Petitions to that effect should be prepared, and at the termination of the recess every county and chief town, .from the Land's-end to John O'Groat's, from Cape Clear to the Giant's Causeway, should be prepared to lay before the House of Commons peti tions for the abolition of hereditary legislation. Till this be obtained no other reform can be full or ef fective. The House of Lords, as now constituted, will always endeavour, if they cannot destroy, to maim or mutilate every measure calculated to restore to the people the rights of which tyranny deprived them. What is the alleged ground of opposition to Corporation Reform in Ireland ? The population being for the most part Roman Catholic. In •1829 the Lords themselves assented to the promul gation of a law professing to remove Roman Catholic disabilities, and to be based on the principle of civil and religious liberty. This principle they now repudiate—so that ; by their own showing, to be con sistent, they should either grant a Reform of the Irish Municipal Corporations, or repeal the Act for the re ,ef of Roman Catholics ; there is no middle course. To profess to admit Roman Catholics to the rights of citizenship, and at the same time make their religion the grounds of abolishing all popular controul in Mu nicipal Government, is a piece of flagrant hypocrisy and fraud—it is keeping the promise to the ear, and breaking it to the sense. We shall not, however, at present dwell on the exposure of this aristocratic knavery—the great question is the Reform of the House of Lords, and for this consummation, so de voutly to be wished, we again call upon our fellow citizens, by every thing that is dear to them as free men, to petition, petition, petition.—Morn. Advertiser. STATE OF TRADE. ( From the Leeds Mercury of May 21. ) LEEDS.—There has been a much slacker demand for goods at the Cloth Halls durinc , the week than has been the case of late ; the stocks on hand very light, and little or no alteration in prices ; there has also been less doing in the warehouses ; this being the middle of the month, there have been very few of the London buyers in the market. . . HUDDERSFIELD, MAY 17.—We think there has been less business done to-day than for some time back in the Cloth Hall ; but still the amount is considerable, and neither buyers nor sellers appear to expect any 'decline in prices. Indeed the present state of the Wool market, and the prospects held out in Germany, discountenance any such expectation. BRADFORD, MAY I9.—hive-eighths, three-quarters, and four-quarter plain backs have been flat for some time, and remain so still, but the demand for six-quarters me rinos coiltinues good, particularly in low and middling qualities, although, owing to the repeated advances which have taken place since Christmas, the merchants are cautious in giving orders. There is little variation in the yarn market from the last two or three weeks' report. The purchasers complain of the prices asked for yarn, not be ing able to bring up the price of goods in the same propor tion ; consequently they do not give large mders, but con tinue to purchase only to supply their weavers. The stock of yarn is very small, therefore it is not likely, with the present demand, to lower prices, and the makers ought to obtain better prices, or they will be unpleasantly circum stanced. We can say nothing more of this day's Wool market than that transactions in the above article continue on a very limited scale, at a reduction of from .1- to Id. per pound on the highest prices. HALIFAX, MAY 14.—The amount of business trans acted in the Piece Hall to-day, has been about an average of the last four weeks. Lastings and merinos have been most in request, and have currently supported former prices. In the Yarn market there has been a pretty brisk demand ; 'out many are of opinion that there has not been so much business done in it to-day as there was last week, owing to manufacturers refraining from purchasing largely at present, in the expectation of buying it a shade cheaper in a few weeks. In the 'Wool trade there has been very little done to-day, and purchasers have been offering rather lower prices for some sorts, but we understand they have seldom succeeded in this respect, and when they have been suc cessful, it has only been to the extent of about ss. per pack. The demand for middle wether fleeces has been, like far other descriptions, much flatter during the last three weeks, and their average selling price here at present is about 17d. per lb. Various reports have reached us regarding the prospects of the ensuing clip, and the general opinion seems to be that in high dry districts the wool is equal in both quantity and quality to what it was last season ; but in low marshy grounds, the wool, though full stapled, is consider ably injured by the almost incessant wetness of the winter, and consequently a large proportion of the finest fleeced flocks is found upon examination to be tender. NIMROD'S VISIT TO THE HAMPTON COURT STUD. We next visited the stallions. I had not seen The Colo nel since the last day he ran, but having once seen him is enough to enable one to know him again. He is a noble animal, and his stock arc, like himself, very full of bone. Of their racing powers I can say nothing, that being now quite out of my line, nor did I ever know much about it ; but it appears that out of such a mare as Posthuma, he can get a runner—(Post-Haste, Colonel Peel's). Posthuma Was put into the Royal stud at the enormous sum of eleven hundred guineas ! Acteon is a splendid animal, and more like a modern race-horse than The Colonel. When we look at his stock, and see what they have done, we need no longer marvel at a thousand guineas having been given for him, to the Viscount Kelburne. But, in fact, they are all splendid animals—l mean the four stallions ; and of that stamp which offers a chance of their produce being good for something, if they cannot race. What a hunter would The Colonel have made if he had been used solely as such ! The brood mares are thirty-three in number. I saw them all but one, and a fine sight it was. At the head of the list stands the mater familias, poor old Belvoi rina, of the late King's stud, with a filly at her foot by Actaeon ; and followed by Elizabeth and Maria, her daugh ters, and likewise Fleur de Lis—those great favourites of his late Majesty—the following having a filly at her foot by Ca mel. I also saw Maria (whose picture lam this instant look ing at, and a great pet of George the Fourth's) heavy in foal to Camel, and apparently fresh and well. According to my idea of a race horse not upon a large scale, her form is perfect, particularly as regarded the shoulder, the position of the fore leg, and the fetlock. But I should occupy the entire of your pages if I were to say all I could say about these mares, than which I never saw a finer lot—particularly Scandal (the dam, by the bye, of that good racer, Intriguer), Pos thuma, Fleur-de-Lis, Peri, Wings, Miss Clifton, Gulnare, and Nannine. The colt foals, as they are properly called in the list, but which on the day this article appears will be year lings, are 13 in number, seven got by the Colonel, and one either by him or Tranby. Those out of Posthuma, Scan dal, Sister to Sailor, Galatea, and Spermaceti, are very promising indeed. There is also a capital colt by Bizarre, out of young Mouse, and by Taurus out of Miss Clifton. The fillies consist of seven, and they struck me as being, generally, superior to the colts. Finer animals for their age cannot I think be seen, than that by Sultan, out of Rachel, or that by The Colonel, out of Peri. The Camel and Priam fillies are also very fine ones. I was struck with the s ubstance—the kind of generally-useful appearance— of this young stock, which, if they cannot race, will make the sort of horses and mares which England now wants, and which, should racing be at an end to-morrow, she will never again want so long as fox-hunting continues. With the exception of the Bizarre colt, out of Young Espag nolle, of very racing form, but a little deficient in substance, I saw not any of the young stock, barring one or two, called Arabs, that were not likely to be valuable in case they may not race. But this I take to be, in a great mea sure the object of our present good King, who, I believe, cares no more about racing than I myself do ; and from the liberal price his Majesty gives for stallions and mares, the country is not likely to be just y et stri pp ed quite bare of its best horse blood, which foreigners appear to have the inclination to do, and we know they have the means. Your readers are for the most part aware, that nothing bred in the Royal stud is kept beyond the first year, and the annual sale is at Tattersall's, on the Monday during the first Epsom meeting, or, in more sporting language, " on the Monday in the Derby week." Although profit is not his Majesty's object, yet I have reason to believe remunerating prices have hitherto been generally obtained. On inquiry into those of last year, I learnt from Mr. Worley that the average amounted to 108/., which in these times I consider a saving price. Every thing appertaining to the stud ap pears to be done with great order and regularity, a sure sign of the " pennyworth for the penny ;" • and I was some what surprised to hear, that eight helpers were all that were used throughout the entire establishment._Ninirod in the New Sporting Magazine. HOUS .DS. APPEALS.—THE MARQUIS OF BREADALBANE V. THE MAR CHIONESS OF CHANDOS. Mr. IvoRY having concluded his arguments this morn ing, the ATTORNEY-GENERAL replied. In the course of the argument, the case of " Little Gilmour" had been re ferred to as an authority decisive of the question now be fore their Lordships, and in some of the opinions expressed by the Scotch Judges that case had been referred to as of unanswerable authority. The LORD CHANCELLOR, at the conclusion of the argu ments, took occasion to mention this circumstance, and said that he was surprised to hear any decision of an inferior Court cited especially by that Court itself as binding upon their Lordships. Such a decision might be entitled to very great weight, in showing what the law had hitherto been considered to be, and how it had • been applied in inferior Courts, but that Court was a Court of the highest juris diction, and had authority not only to examine what was the course of decision in Courts below, but also to see whe ther that course of decision was conformable to the princi ples of the law. No decision of an inferior Court could therefore be absolutely binding upon their Lordships, because if they found that it was opposedto the principles of the law, they had full power to declare what those principles were, and by that declaration to bind the proceedings of other Courts. At the same time that he made these remarks with respect. to the manner in which the Little Gilmour case had been quoted, he begged to say, that he desired to be understood as not expressing any opinion on the case itself. The question now brought before their Lordships was one of considerable importance, and he should wish for further time to consider it. Lord DENMAN likewise took occasion to observe upon the manner in which the authority of the Little Gilmour case had been referred to, and after making observations similar to those of the Lord Chancellor as to the power of their Lordships' House as the supreme tribunal of appeal in the kingdom to examine into the principles on which the decisions of inferior Courts were founded, he said that he had never before seen the decision of a Court cited by that Court itself as an authority binding on the judgment of that House. Certainly no such thing had ,ever been done by t the Courts of Westminster Hall. At the same time he too wished it to be understood that he did not now express any opinion on the Little Gilmour case, which was very well deserving of the deliberate consideration of their Lordships' House.—Judgment postponed. The House then adjourned to the 30th of May. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HO USE. On Saturday William B. Shaw, the driver of the hack ney-coach, No. 622, was brought before Sir CLAUDIUS STEPHEN HUNTER, by John Ambrose, one of the City police, under the following circumstances :—The Countess Poligna Niel stated that she lauded from the Batavier Rotterdam steam-vessel on Friday at four o'clock, at the Custom-house ; she sent from the searcher's office for a coach, and was assisted by Ambrose in depositing her lug gage in and upon the coach : the charge of Bs. 6d. was made for the drive from the Custom-house to Mansfield street, in the west end of the town, and the number of the coach of which the prisoner was the driver, was accordingly taken ; at six o'clock a box, containing jewels and a variety of elegant trinkets, was missed. John Ambrose stated that he assisted the Countess's waiting-maid to stow the luggage in and upon the coach ; there was another person besides the coachman upon the box. Application was made to witness afterwards to apprehend the parties who drove the coach, Lind he took the prisoner into custody ; the box which was missing was covered with leather, and marked C. P. N. on the lid : the other man had not been taken into custody. The prisoner said that he knew no thing of the box, and had delivered everything safely at Mansfield-street. The person who sat with him on the box was a person with whom he was acquainted, and be (prisoner), after leaving Mansfield-street, had had a fare to another part of the town. The prisoner was allowed to be at large upon procuring a responsible person to promise that he should attend on a future occasion. • MARYLEBONE. On Saturday Alexander Labotia, 15 years old, residing with his parents, at 19, Huntley-street, Bedford-square, was charged before Mr. SHUTT with having cut and maimed a fine little boy, named John Morris. From the evidence of the mother, it appeared that on the previous evening the child was playing near the door when the prisoner was seen to entice him away to some distance. In about half an hour afterwards he returned home crying bitterly and co vered with blood, and being questioned, he said that the prisoner bad taken him into a dark passage, and then putting his hinds up his clothes, inflicted several deep and dangerous (rashes on his person with some sharp instrument, after which he ran away and effected his escape. On exa mining the child he was found to be most severely injured, and no time was lost in conveying him to a surgeon, who dressed the wounds, which were of a dangerous character. In answer to a question from the Magistrate, the witness stated, that no person saw the inhuman outrage. Mr. Stfuvr said, that it was impossible that the child's state ment, though it might be true, could be taken, unless sup ported by other evidence. He then, after a severe lecture, discharged the prisoner (who said the child had cut himself with a scraper) upon the payment of the office expenses. Q UEEN-SQUARE.. On Saturday a foreigner of highly fashionable exterior, was charged befores Messrs. GREGORIE and WHITE, by. Charles Fitzgerald, Esq., of Parliament-street, Westmin ster, with having robbed him in the pit of the Italian Opera House of his purse, containing four sovereigns. Mr. Fitzgerald stated that he had lost his purse, and the prisoner was very shortly after taken into custody by Hand ley, the officer in attendance, who had directed an inquiry to be made into the circumstances. William Read, an officer attached to the Theatre, de posed that the prisoner had given his name Louis Bretton, and that his address was No. 12, Pulteney-street, Golden square. He had made stria inquiry at that place, and had found that the prisoner had arrived from Brussels about three months since, being then, to all appearance, in a very destitute condition ; but he shortly afterwards be came possessed of money, and dressed in the first style. Upon s earching him, 71. were found up on him, i n a dditi o n to which he had a valuable diamond ring and a handsome gold eye-glass. Mr. Capper, of the Alien-office, stated that the passport of the prisoner had not been lodged at his office. Read produced a quantity of fashionable wearing apparel and articles of jewellery, which he had found at the pri soner's lodging, together with a number of letters and cards of address. Mr. Capper interrogated the prisoner in the French lan. guage, hut he strongly denied the charge. The MAGISTRATES ordered the case to stand over unti Saturday next for further examination. WORSHIP- STREET. On Saturday./ames Willis, alias captain Willis, was finally examined before Mr. BROUGHTON, on a charge of steal ing 201., the money of Mr. Stroud, a corn-merchant, and others. A game of skittles for 201. was to be played be tween two crack players at the Bacchus, Hoxton, and the stakes were deposited in the hands of the prisoner, as a dis interested person. He did not appear to be know there ; but in the course of conversation he had given himself out as " Captain 'Willis," and no doubt was entertained of his being an "honourable" man. When the excitement of the game, however, had subsided, and he was looked for, he had disappeared with the stakes, and was apprehended two days afterwards in the Commeraial-road. He was stated to have been in custody before, and was now fully committed for trial. DISCOVERY OF A CASH-ROx.—Saturday morn ing forty or fifty persons were wading in the mud of that part of the Regent's-canal near the Tunnel, Isli,ngton, to catch eels, nearly all the water having been drained off that some re pairs might take place, and a good deal of merriment was oc casioned by the scrambles which occurred when a fine " conger" was in sight. A lad, named Mitchell, 'however, " fished" to some purpose, he being fortunate enough to pick up a cash box, which contained an immense sum of money. When it was opened a regular scuffle took place, and it is supposed that upwards of 2,0001. in Bank of England notes was snatched out of it and taken away, before protection was afforded to the lad and his prize by Mr. Bridgwater, of the Macclesfield Arms, Macclesfield -street, City-road, and Mr. Miller, inspector of the N division. All that now remains in the box (which is detained that some inquiries may be made ,respecting it), is a 10/. Bank of England note, dated 31st Aug. 1833, and No. 1,827, and annuity bonds, bearing the indorsement of " Isaac Maurice, surgeon, Westbro'-green, near Petworth, Sussex." It is supposed that the property had been stolen, and thrown there to avoid detection. The favourable change in the weather has been most auspicious for the country, and in all directions the beneficial effects are apparent ; the wheats are greatly improved within the last week, and the hops, in most situations, look well. The pear trees have generally shown a very fine blossom, and pro mise a fair crop in many places, though we have heard com plaints of the bosses dropping ; the apple trees in some parts of the country arc backward, the leaf and blossoms having scarcely appeared, owing to the late ungenial dry winds which so long prevailed ; in other situations we find there is a pro mise of an abundant produce of apples. The want of warm genial rain is beginning to be severely felt, particularly in the meadow, pasture, and 'orchard lands.—Hereford Journal. A somewhat curious discovery was made on Thurs day, in the Patent Slip Yard, at Whitehaven, by some car penters cutting up a log of English oak. The log was 18 feet long, and judging from the appearance of its extremities sound and perfect; but on cutting it through near the centre a small cavity was discovered in the core, surrounded by per fectly sound wood on all sides, in which were found a quantity of hazel nuts, apparently little worse for their confinement. jr ..^ SPORTING INTELLIGENC ALTERATION IN TIIE JOCKEY CLUB RULES. —At a late meet' ing of the Jockey Club it was resolved that the following rule be substituted for No. 33 of the rules concerning horseracing in general :-33. Where horses run a dead heat for a Sweep stakes or Plate, and the parties agree to divide the stAkes, all horses shall be liable to carry extra weights a s winners, and bets between such horses, or between either of them and ther field, must be se ttled by the money betted bei n g put together as the et and divided am on gst the parties, in the same p ro p ortion stakes shall hav e b ee n divided. If a bet be made on one the horses that ran the dead heat against a hor se that.evais beaten in the rac e , h e w ho backed the h or se that ran the dea a u heat wins half th e b e t. If the dead heat be the first event of double het, the het shall be void.—Leeds Intelligences. PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS. COURTS OF REQUEST. The returns recently ordered by the House o f Comm 0! orison , the motion of Mr. Hawes, shews that the j urisdiction these Courts is very extensive, and that they a ll, throughout! England and Wales, possess the power of imprisoning Pe sons whom they declare are debtors—excepting onl y Buck ing: ham and Huntingdon. Wolverhampton d . es not for im the only, however, because there is at present no p lace custody of prisoners. A similar remark applie s to the power 'rowel Hamlets and in the City of London ; since 1835 he has been dified. Every mo peram who knows any thing about the co ars e machinery, and very faulty constitution of these 44 C o urts . ,, must, we think, be a little surprised that they should stli! be suffered by the Legislature to remain in t heir prescinor' wretchedly • defective condition. They wield a po wer which such hands are wholly unqualified. M en not onbtlb 9. utterly ignorant of the rules and value of e vidence, who, for the most part are untaught, ignorant, and ts une a . g : caw(' men, with no more pretension to legal at tainmen than the merest lawyer's lacquey might lay claim to, are en trusted by the Legislature with the power of adjudicating ons e o n trusted all claims for small debts—and of incarcerating all pers who do not, as well as those who have not the mea ns of yield him entire compliance with their decree. We hope the 11°1; Member e for Southwark will renew his laudable exertions wit" a view to the better administration of j us tice to the poor" Courts of Conscience !" We might with a slight alteration apply to these Courts the language used on a well-known tc'e.: casino, and say that to our certain knowledge " conscience Jo' not been there for a long while." PUBLIC TVORKS (IRELAND.) l a 9 t From a return ordered by the House of Commons 1,9 r month, it appears that the total of all the sums iss" ca , public works, such as roads, docks, and bridges (the Eccie'f,r astical Commissions are included, they amount to 100,000/.) is 407,8631. 15s. 6d., of which 40,0731. 14s. 3 "" has been repaid. The securities on which Government sarfr tioned the issues are presentments and mortgages. RECOVERY OF POSSESSION. the There is now before Parliament a Bill for facilitating , recovery of the possession of tenements after the determirlatiotu. of the tenancy. By this bill objects of importance are s etig b be It is proposed that where a tenant or occupier of premises) t ► rent of which does not exceed 201. per annum, hol.ds 01 h e ; ; the landlord may go before a magistrate,'Who shall issue warrant directing the Constables to assist the landlord in re ; taking possession. If the landlord have not lawful ri g l t itle possession, an action will lie ; but where he has lawful to possession, no irregularity will make him a trespas_ s f As The landlord, on getting possession, may remove the g ° 7 - 0 of the tenant, to whom notice of the place of removal mus t , an then given. Where premises are held at a higher re•e 201. a year, the landlord, on bringing an action of e jecttn e " may apply to a judge for security for damages and costs. • f On Mondav night last, a young woman, a nativ e o Ireland, named Catherine Crow, absconded from the serviice b , ° her master, Mr. John Bean, landlord of the Punch Bow 1 3 „ 11 / /, lie-house, 'Hemlock-court, Carey-street, taking with he': 11 , tile property of her master, which she had stolen out of a Os it box in a drawer in her master's bed-room. The enkpri, t '.,, appears, effected the robbery by means of false keys, wit h R e she opened the drawer and cash-box, leaving evervtllitstVt g t - es found it, except the money, which consisted of two 10/. n, ° ", - : two sovereigns and six half-sovereigns, and 21. in s i '', ll " There were two of her relatives in the house 011 the s a. night, who are suspected of being concerned in the re bbrerl; The girl is short and stout, with dark hair and dark complexion, and, when she absconded, was dressed in a gown and black bonnet. The Chinese thus illustrate the advantages of 3 b l ; plication to study:—" A cauldron of water, after m y been long applied to it, will at last boil ; but if in the Ne at while vou change the water, and put in fresh, though= t deal of water will be partially heated, none will be mute ing hot." • THE VIOLIN.—A cheap little manual, addres s ' itself to all musical amateurs, and especially to Co; ll t e i§ of " the leading instruments," is about to be published • to the attempt of an amateur named Dubourg, with a cle`,. o . exhibit in a popular manner, a general account of the i ns ", to meet and its Professors, from the time of its earlies•! , u s " t i.• the present day, with numerous anecdotes, incidentE. l culars,.&c., so as to furnish a little work that may not two conduce to purposes of amusement, but may possili'Y s- t - ba the useful end of contributing to inform and al-lir:late rising student. ! at' HORRIBLE OU TRA GE.—A most diabolical to rage was committed at Hinton, in the parish of Ste PA Ashton, near Trowbridge, on Saturday morning last- p wretch called at the cottage of a labourer named ScePgg Sims (situated not more than 50 yards from other avt eil ';tic houses), and enquired of his wife whether there wr. s a IA" be house in the village ? Being answered in the Air ma 6 °' e d, repaired thither, and having drunk a pint of ale, - r eturn and demanded what time her husband came from 11" f 0 a c he The poor woman replied about two o'clock. I - Tardl y h a " s words escaped her, when he pulled from under his eloth:ber short bludgeon, with which he knocked her down. An to woman, who lived in the same house, in endeavenr i %eso call for assistance, received similar treatment ; he then vs' up stairs and broke open several boxes, and took thf:yefrf /il a title rious articles. Coming down stairs, and after ag tin bear, be the poor defenceless creatures in a most dreadful rnann e iber took from the finger of Sim's wife a ring, and 11 onsank c sod , pocket of about 16s. in silver ; he then locked ti in doer' icsO placing the key under a mat outside, decampe , .l. 011 a coming home to dinner, the room was literally c overa ll and blood, and the poor women (who are both between , b se asi' 70 years of age) were lying on the floor, in a st ate ofne re' bility. On examination, one of them was found to %% s ide° ceived a severe wound on the back part of her head the several other violent bruises on the neck. The fan ° ,7 0 0 0$ other was beaten almost to atoms, and it is feared sh e „ . survive, her jaw-bone being fractured.—Devizes Gaz:e" No living writer has shewn greater abilit:v in d e a s o c w itt, ing English scenery and rural manners, than Mrs. Of the one of the authors of that exquisite work, " The 13°0' pro,, Seasons." This lady is about to publish a ncr,v literara.7ol, duction, called " Wood Leighton, or a Year ira the C, ° o 1 ,101 of which the stories and characters are derived from t ' ou nt ° f where her early youth was spent, and which., on ac p c i f flea .0 its singular beauty and interest, formed a perfect sP e— r ic an English Arcadia. The narrations embodi•A in the io' not, however, be confined to subjects of rusticity, but " volve tales of strong passion and mystery. " --* *"Ai re ccA FINE OLD ENGLISH GENTLE3IA—• .00 t he have frequently had the pleasure of holding up to irnit lti c good old English kind-heartedness of George lit - 40 111 ; Esq., the model for modern landlords. A correspo n nots ne lj municates the following, and says that it is only o ne An ° o f of many like instances of genuine benevolence :- ar rear e f farmer on one of Mr. Fox's estates had falle , pea, r „it rent, and the more he struggled against the .tinias„,t - 7 and more miserable he became. What did Mr. r " k i i on s ' o , him up and turn him adrift, or send him to the lo r fligt o o No. He removed him to a comfortable cot tage ca nted ll: which, together with five or six acres of land , g b illinPip rent free ; and not only that, but allows hit n fi ve , v 5 ca Sie r oll week besides, so that the old farmer is bapp ier en,. nd his mind in his declining days than at any p.!riod whir, sop certain public occasions Mr. Fox is railed at. by the ad 0 .4 Radical Press as an " illiberal Tory," and denonnes yellbuis enemy to his country, because he refuses to we ar fo now ribbon. We wish those who abuse him. would rbt ot ' be example.—Stockport Advertiser.—[Witho ut the sli ro b ay yet i . $ sire to detract from the merits of Mr. G. Fox, w e p a rt permitted to doubt, whether five shillings for the s u i . :;r er y 1 1 7 1 1 farmer and his family during a whole week is SUCh a d i n dtr i A, and liberal allowance to a man, whose wealth an, have been sacrificed in the cultivation of his for d's l a w a° h e a day is no such mighty matter--and if the rent- frcetiioed, are not better than those by which the farmer v rag r had much better be without them.] - " ' ' • Goi-d 5 " - g/ 4 „ (ADVERTISEMENT.) —T. COX SAVORS &c., 47, Cornhill, London, informs the Public, t*,, , e s" SILVER WATCHES, on the celebrated PAT F. , a a te , ' int , CONSTRUCTION, (the most accurate on wh' , e l _ la test o i e s, be made) for SIX GUINEAS EACII, with all _tr'7 f o ur provements, e. the detached escapement, jewened..ll,. a nd capped, hand to mark the seconds, hard enamenecl and taming power to continue going while winding up. e gad N. 13. If in Hunting Cases, 10s. 6d. , extra. Watches purchased in exchange. ten O an n t t i lf n e thelstlBl t i i n i 5: Madras. ,atS tc Cavalry, a l l b r a y i: DIED. FA' Lieu, On the :;d inst., at Pia: Lucius'saF'grteThedd2a4:7r.li.ecsklClro;°tl,l-e'lir,7l-'sq"' t, p i pb19_..3 1.0'.,; On the 20th inst., Elizabeth Smith, w;Josv, of Ass - oft he P''• ' Mile-end, daughter of the late John Peprercorne, sil• f r place. _, r _. se ,o 4, On the 24th February, at sea , Lieutenant Georgecoioen`ei j. 12th , Regiment M. N. I. secon d son of the Freese, late /1 reese, Madras Artillery. ---,- s4o' ---..........-.......--....—.--, —r i G,o l of London: Printed and Published 1.. y MURDO YO U t he C J''' 112, Strand, at The SuteOflic,,,, No. 112, d, is of Middlesex. BIRTH. On the 14th inst., Mrs. Charles Eic ofd l gj::,-- e org MARRIED. ,Ge o On the 20th inst., at St. George's, Hanover -s' rare!, o e le Harding, Esq., of Great Russell-street, Bloomsb- op _,.. 1 0. 0 youngest daughter of the late S. Comyn bail ister-t, 1,0 _ t t - '. l b u ry , Charl, ..„,e, On the 19th inst., at St. George s, ii ooms . Logy' 3 Parker, Esq., of St. Aldate's, Oxford, to Jane .4, daughter of C. F. Barnwell, Esq., of liVoburn-Place• On the 17th inst., at St. Mary' Church, Swa .nsea , „ . wilki o ters, Esq., of Swansea, to Ann, only daughttx of u / Esq., of the same place. ---- Willisto 1,0, f