The Sun. — London, England, 1844-05-14 00:00:00

ceeding--1 e certaial,l :I a sec °°‘ m id have I THE SON, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING; MAY 14, 1844. and purposely erroneous. There was one subject with respect to the operatives, that he was glad to see, and that was, that Honourable Gentlemen wished to know what the opinions of the operatives were. Formerly they petitioned the Houss by milli.sns, and were taken no notice of ; but now they were all important.—(Hear hear.) The Noble Lord had not given a fair impres sion to the House of the opinions of the operatives, nor had an lion. Member who had addressed the House that night, who visited the factory districts, in com pany with Mr. Horner (Mr. M'Geachy). That lion. Hon. Member should have stated that in at least one of the mills he had visited, where there was a large num ber of operatives employed, by far the greater number of them repudiated the Ten Hours' Bill, if it would have the effect of lowering their wages. A great deal bad been said about the opinions and feelings of the opera tives on this subject. An extensive manufacturer, who employed nearly 1,000 hands, asked his men if they were in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. One of them re plied he was. Then said the manufacturer to this man, work for ten hours and I will not disturb you. The man replied that he did not like to work alone. Then said the manufacturer, let all those in the same room work the same time with you, and you may continue this for twelve months, and I will not disturb you ; or, if all the hands in the mill wish to try it they shall have my concurrence. This propositition was made on the 27th of the last month, but none of the operatives—not one in the mill of this manufacturer—had yet tried the ten hours' labour. Another manufacturer, at Bury, not only gave his men leave to work only ten hours, but actually stopped his engines when ten hours were done. lie con tinued to do this for three days, at the expiration of which all his men told him they would turn out unless they were allowed to work twelve hours as usual. — (Hear, hear.) Some Honourable Gentleman had said that no delusion had been practised on the operatives, but he (Mr. Bright) had no hesitation in saying that a gross and cruel delusion had been prac tised upon them, and by men who, though not exactly employed by the Noble Lord, were yet connected with the movement against the manufacturers. A meeting was held in Manchester, in Nov. 1833, and resolutions were passed at that meeting, which he would read to the House. But he must tell them who were the principal persons who attended these meetings, which were, for the most part, composed of operatives, who were the principal speakers, and who were the members of the Committee. The Honourable Member for Oldham was one. The first resolution regarded the formation of a society for assist• ing the working classes in obtaining for eight hours' work a full day's pay ; and another resolution was, calling upon the people to desist from petitioning Parliament in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill, unless wages for twelve hours would be given. The meeting was attended by Mr. Fielden, as he had already stated, by Messrs. Doherty, and Mr. Higgin_ botham. More names were affixed to the paper he had read to the House—James Turner, Philip Grant, and lest, though not least, Robert Owen, Esq.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He did not quarrel with the Committee, or its resolutions; but what he objected to was, that these men should go about the country representing to the working classes that, by legis lative enactments, the period of their toil could be abridged. All that that House could do was to secure rights and pre vent wrongs. The fact was, the Noble Lord proposed to shorten the tether twelve yards to ten, and better their condi tion by narrowing their circumstances. The Morning Post told the farmers that if they grew three-fourths of the gross, they would get as much for it as for the whole crop ; and so it was, doubtless, under the operation of the present corn laws. Thus it was with the lion. Member for Oldham, who would only have ten pieces of cloth made instead of twelve, on the pi inciple that the increased price of cloth would make up for the increased reduction. The lion. Member did not con sider that increased price would be so disadvantageous to the community. He did not charge the Noble Lord with employ ing those disreputable persons whom he had mentioned, but he feared the Noble Lord had based many of his statements, for which he had given no authority, on their evidence. Seve ral books, too, had been published, containing the grossest ca lumnies upon the manufacturers ; and these books, it was said, had the sanction of the Noble Lord. Why, some of those per sons had been actually employed to foment disturbances in the manufacturing districts. They got up petitions, and meetings, and cabals, among the workmen, anti they raked up a variety of things, perverted statements, and sent these forward to the world as samples of the condition of the manufacturing dis tricts. Why this Doherty, to whom he had already alluded, had in the first instance obtained employment in Manchester on a forged certificate. He had been several times imprisoned—had been cencerned in the violent riots in 1818—he had been imprison'ed for offences against the Excise laws—he had been before the Magistrate for giving a false name, and for being drunk and disorderly, and yet he would ask the Noble Lord whether this man had not actually received money from a certain Society in London, for the purpose of promoting the Ten Hours' Bill ? Then there was Mark Crabtree, another of those who attended the Manchester meeting, and who was an active promoter of the views of the Noble Lord. -This Mark Crabtree had been brought before the Aylesbury Magistrate charged with stealing silver spoons and a salt cellar, the property of a publican in Aylesbury. This was on June the 26th, 1843; he described himself as a dyer and scourer, residing at 16, King-street, Long-acre, London. He admitted having taken the property, but said he was intoxicated when he did so, and that when sober he would have placed them again in the hands of the landlord. But who was it he sent for to give 'him a character? Why, Dr. Sleigh, and this gentleman stated that he had been intro duced to the prisoner by 'the Duke of Buckingham, and that the greatest confidence had been placed in him by the highest personages in the realm. The jury returned a verdict of guilty, but added " not with a felonious intent."—( Great laughter. ) They were sent to reconsider their verdict, and returned one of " acquittal." This man Crabtree, and a person named Turner, who stated that they were operatives, but were no operatives at all, met him (Mr. _Bright) in the lobby of the House of Commons a few nights ago, told him they were delegates from the operatives of Lancashire, and requested him to support the Bill of the Noble Lord ; at the same asking him " What will the Northern Star say if you refuse?" He (Mr. Bright) did refuse, and, accordingly, a column of the filthiest abuse had been heaped upon him by that most infamous of monopolist papers the Northern Star. He had no hesitation in saying that for ten who were in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill in the manufacturing districts there were 10,000 in favour of free tradeprinciples. After some farther observations the Hon. Member concluded by saying that the manufacturers of Lanca shire sought no favour from the Legislature—they would scorn to ask for any special reservation or exclusive regard to their interests; all they asked, then, was to take off those burdens which pressed so severely upon them—to at least equalise the burdens upon every class of the community, and not to make the poorest suffer to benefit the rich.—( Cheers.) Lord ASHLEY explained. He had not said that in the weaving department the labour had been doubled by the im provements in machinery, but what ho had said was, that within the last few years it had increased ten per cent,. The House would decide whether himself or the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down was the gross exaggerator. Mr. SHAW said he had no claim whatever to the attention of the House on this subject, and he would therefore not qhueesti explainedon, h e would his reasons a s delayons for the doing House s o . for Upon a attempt to follow th e H on . M em b er f or D ur h am ; b u t as he was about to give a vo t e aga i nst t h e G overnment upon this p f o e n the wm se several while he divi sions which had taken pl ace upon thii subject, lie had uni evnNhil e uni formly voted in favour of the ten ho I urs c ause. The question, as had before been stated, was one of degree, and not one of principle. The principle of interference had been acknowledged by the Government, and as the question of the necessity of limitation had been conceded, the only question for that House to consider was the extent of the limitation which they should agree to. Under these cir cumstances, he felt constrained to persevere in the course which lie had already taken. He did this reluctantly ; but he would remind the House of one sentence which had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury on a former occasion, which was, that he regretted the necessity of differing from some of his most esteemed friends ; yet he was persuaded that they would appreciate his motives, and believe that he was acting from his conscientious convictions. He trusted, therefore, that the Right Hon. Baronet would extend the same feeling of indulgence' to those who, on the present occasion, felt constrained to differ from him on this question. Mr. CHARLES WOOD did not believe that the proposi tion of the Noble Lord, if carried - nut, would have the effect anticipated by the Hon. Member for Knaresborough. On the contrary, he believed that the effect would be just the reverse, and that an ultimate and permanent reduction of wages would be the result. He would ask, what would be the effect of this mea sure upon the poorer classes, if the prices of manufactures should rise? What had been the state of the manufacturing districts during the last two years ?—( Hear, hear.) The distress i n these districts had never been equalled in this country. The labourers then worked less than ten hours a day from a sheer want of work ; and yet, after such dreadful experience, would they attenspt by legislation to bring about areturn of such a state of things? He granted, for the sake of argument, that for a short time the same amount of wages would be paid, but that amount would be divided amongst agreater number of labourers. That he contended was in point of fact a reduction of wages. There would also be a loss on capital ; a considerable loss on the fixed capital of all existing interests, and that must be made up somehow or other. If it was not made up by a re duction of wages, capital would be transferred to other em ployments, or be sent abroad; and if wages were reduced, he solemnly believed that those who would most regret the mea sure would be those who were then asking for it—the artisans themselves. He was perfectly ready to do all in his power to improve the condition of the working classes, but it was for' those who s.upported this measure to show that it would improve their condition. He did not believe that the reducing a, people to poverty would do anything towards improving their. state, either moral, social, or religious. The sanitory reports of the . large towns showed that they were in a bad state ; but the reducing the labourers to the verge of starvation would only tend to make them worse. He had no indisposition to promote every one of the ends the Hon. Gentleman who sup ported this measure proposed ; there were other measures for improving the health of the people, and bettering their dwellings ; and in these things the Legislature might properly interfere, if it was proved that they could not be effected by individual exertions. He was sorry that a difference of opinion had arisen; but having the choice he must do what he thought would be the least evil of the two to the class he was the most anxious to serve, and he should basely betray his duty to them, if at any request he did that, which in his conscience he believed would be most prejudicial to them, and which would be' destructive to the trade, the commerce, and the general commercial prosperity of the country. Mr. B. COCHRANE said that during the discussion of this subject—since it had been brought before the House—the Government had used every effort to insure a majority in fa vour of their proposition, and in furtherance of that had got up a strong agitation in the country. He thought that agitation was but a poor means by which men were enabled to come to right conclusions. The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department had admitted the princille of interference with labour, when he proposed his twelve hours' restriction of labour. What had been the conduct of her Majesty's Government in this case . ' It was not by any means a party question when it was first brought under their consideration ; but the Right Hon. Baronet had subse quently made it one. He believed that her Majesty's Govern ment would see the necessity of not sacrificing principle upon such a question as the present. Sir R. PEEL was sorry that a sense of duty compelled him again to' address the House on this question ; but, considering its great importance, he felt that he would not be discharging his duty conscientiously if he did not state his opinions. The question was whether they should, by legislative enactment, compel all the machinery employed in factory labour to suspend its operations for two hours every day. What was the charg . e of violating principle which had been made against her Majes ty's Government? If such a violation occurred, let them be at once frustrated in the present measure, but until that proof was distinctly established, he certainly could not appreciate the arguments of some Hon. Members. He had come to the ques tion of degree, in so far as the interference with labour went. They might have been wrong in introducing any enactment which would have the effect of restraining or governing adult labour, but still that error was no justification of others. He would ask seriously, was it politic to limit labour to twelve hours ? Some Hon. Gentlemen opposite had referred to the corn-laws. But what advantage was that in the present discus sion? They said that the corn-laws in England gave to foreign countries a vast advantage in the race of competition. Now, if a discussion were to arise on the question of the corn-laws, he should at once pronounce his opinion. He would grant their ar guments, and say that the restriction upon the importation of food night be injurious to the country ; but was that at all a logical argument why they should impose other restrictions? He felt that'the House of Commons could not attach too much import ance to this question of limiting the duration of labour by two hours every day. There was, at the present day, machinery employed in manufacturing labour which was equivalent to the power of 100,000 horses. He should not now touch upon their foreign trade, because he had expressed his opinions upon that subject on a former night, but from the data which had been laid before him in 1837, the steam power employed in manufactures was equal to the power of 97,000 horses. He did not think he was going toe far in esimating the steam power equal to 100,000 horse power. He would assume that four-and-a-half persons were equivalent to every horse. This would give 450,000 as the number of persons employed in factories. The average weekly wages of each person was cer tainly not less than 10s. That was about 225,0001. which was paid to those employed in factory labour. It was said that this was not a great number out of the whole population. But when they limited the labour of men employed in factory labour, that was no test of the degree to which they interfered, for one man directed a ma chine of wonderful power, and when they limited the number of intelligent men, they controlled not what those men would produce, but the enormous quantity of articles which those vast machines which they presided over produced— ( Hear, hear)—and which were given in exchange for foreign goods. It was not like interfering with a man who worked with the spade or any other simple instrument ; but it was in terfering with that which was far more perfect than the spade ; and this interference would affect all those connected in any way with the operation of this great machinery.—( Hear, hear.) There were 225,0001. paid weekly in wages. Sup pose the wages of the workmen would be curtailed in proportion to the diminished hours of employment, what amount of taxation would that be on the labouring man? It was 16i per cent. of his income.—( Hear, hear.) No per son would now contend that a man would get twelve hours' wages for ten hours' work. Ten hours' wages was all that could be expected for ten hours' work.—( Hear.) What, then, would be the weekly reduction at 16 per cent. on 225,000/. ? It was 36,000e—(Hear.) That was an enormous amount; but on account of the peculiar nature of the fixed capital, 16 per cent. was not the fixed maximum of the reduction of wages.--( Hear, hear.) It would have that effect on the pro duction of capital and the profits of the manufacturers, that in order to compensate themselves for their interference, the reduction in the wages of the labourers must be more than what would exactly correspond with the reduction of the working hours.---:(Hear.) But he assumed that it would only be the same, and the effect of that would be a reduction of 16 per cent. on the wages of the labourer. —(lean ) This would affect the consumption of articles, and operate on the retail trade. Let them calculate the effect of their interference on a single mill. He made inquiries with regard to a mill in the reighbourhood of Manchester, and the effect of their interference with respect to this mill would give a pretty fair test of its operation with regard to mills generally. The owner of this mill bad taken a lease of it five or six years since, and when he took it he never contemplated their interference with the hours of labour.— ( Hear, hear.) There was no reservation that the rent should be diminished if Parliament restricted the hours of labour. He would be bound by the lease. That was the first mode in which they would interfere with his property. '1 he owner of this mill worked twelve hours a day at 'present, and he employed 475 persons. Of this number 119 were adult labourers; conlequently, the number of persons now working twelve hours; and receiving payment for twelve hours' work, whose wages would be affected, and, as he thought, whose comforts would be curtailed, would be not less than 365. At present, seven persons out of those 475 were absent on account of ill health ; that was about one out of sixty-eight, or 1 per cent. of of the whole. About 259 out of the 475 resided in Man chester, an d were na tives of it. 216 had been brought from o the c ountry, allured by the hi g h w ag es, from which they thought th e y wou ld be able to lay up sufficient to guarantee them agai ns t pover ty and old age. Was he to interfere with persons, and say to them << you shall not work twelve hours ; you shall not be masters of your own labour ? " (Cheers.) Then, with regard to the moral question, he ad mitted their first consideration should be to attend to this. He was told, the other night, that he ought not to have referred to the operation of such interference upon those who worked in metals and other unhealthy employments. Well, then, what would be the effect of interference in other branches of trade connected with factory labour? What would be its operation if it imposed a tax of 16 per cent. on machinery? What would be its effect on hand-loom weaving ?---( Hear, hear.) It would give a stimulus and premium to the hand loom weavers—those very persons who so much occupied their attention four or five years ago. It would give them a short-lived prosperity. What did the Commissioners say of them—those whom they could not control by their legislation, unless they established a domestic inquisition? Mr. Mucke ridge stated that the ordinary time during which the hand loom weavers worked was fourteen hours a day, but that they could not always get work at this number of hours, and were sometimes three months out of employment. Mr. Hickson said that weaving as a domestic occupation among the hand-loom weavers, was carried on in circum stances much more prejudicial to health, and a greater sacri fice of personal comfort, than weaving in any other branch, The great majority of the hand-loom weavers worked in cel lars sufficiently light to enable them to throw the shuttle, but cheerless because the sun seldom visited them. He had seen them working in cellars dug out of an undrained swamp, and unfit for the abode of dogs or rats. Mr. Fletcher, secretary of the Hand-loom Weavers' Commission, gave similar testimony. He doubted, then, the policy of restricting factory labour, if the consequence would be to give a premium to another de scription of labour which was still more prejudicial to health than the system which was condemned. He would now shortly review the arguments by which the restriction of the hours of labour was supported. The first argument was that by limiting labour to ten hours, they would have as much work done as they had in twelve ; that there would be such an increase of activity, of animal spirits, and of attention to the business on hand, that ten hours' labour would give as much as twelve. He believed that assumption to be utterly without foundation. The assertion would be true of manual labour, but in the case of machinery, it was utterly impossible that ten hours' labour could produce as much as twelve. He hap pened to have hid the opportunity of ascertaining the return of labour for a single mill, which wokred under accidental cir cumstances, only ten hours. A mill was compelled to restrict its operations for a certain period, to ten hours a day. From March to July, 1842, that was to say, for a period of fifteen weeks, a mill which had always been in the habit of working twelve hours for five days in the week, and the usual time on Saturday, was compelled to work only five-sixths of the time—that was to say, ten hours instead of twelve, for five days in the week. The average weekly produce of the twelve hours' labour was 119,000 hanks of cotton • the average weekly produce of the ten hours' labour was 99,000 hanks of cotton. The deduction, according to time, would be 99,574. It was argued that there would be an increase in the increased attention and activity of the workmen ; but in this case, the proportional produce being 99,574, the actual produee was 99,132. He had every confidence in that calculation, which was made in the year 1842, without the slightest reference to the present debate; and be thought it afforded conclusive proof that the assumption that ten hours' labour would give the same produce as twelve, was entirely without foundation.—(Hear.) Another argument which was much relied upon, and, indeed, was considered by those who used it to preclude all further debate, having been repeated in every night's discussion, and apparently with great effect on the House, was shortly this : " That which is morally wrong cannot be politically right." Well, that was a sort of saying which was very much admired in certain circles.—( Laughter.) But, really, such arguments as these must be submitted to the test of reason; and his Noble Friend must not be offended if he claimed the privilege of sub mitting to the test of reason an argument which was con sidered to carry so much weight.--(Cheers.) " l hat which is morally wrong," continued the Right Hon. Baronet, " cannot be politically right. Well, now, what is the meaning of that? I can quite understand it if you apply it to some enormous act of injustice committed by a great State.—( Hear, hear. )—I can understand it if you apply it to the revocation of She edict of Nantes, or to the partition of Poland ; I can then understand that that which is morally wrong cannot be politi cally right. But is it politically right that I should interfere by law with that which is morally wrong?—(Hear , hear.) Is that the meaning?—( Hear, hear.) Is it true that it ought to be the rule of legislation that I should interfere by enactment with that which is morally wrong? I say that that is not the principle of legislation.—( Hear.) I will show you many things which are in themselves immoral, which I cannot interfere with by law,--( Hear.) Intemperance of various kinds is immoral ; envy is immoral; there are various immoral offences which we tolerate, because we do not feel that they are within the sphere of legislation. What rule is there for the Legislature to act upon universally? Suppose it to be true that what is morally wrong I must interfe re w ith by legislation, who shall decid e what is morally wrong ?—(Hear, hear.) In the grave con cerns with which legislation is conversant, where legislators have to discriminate between the balance of social good and social evil; 'where they have to consider whether the attempt to interfere by legislation will not produce greater evils than connivance and tacitness, how can I, in that case, apply the rule that it is a political duty to interfere with that which is morally wrong?"—(Cheers.) In a despotic country there was no act of oppression which could not be justified by that doc trine, if he who held power might determine what was morally wrong.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Ingei sition justified all its acts, upon the principle that ' that which was morally wrong ought to be suppressed by the exercise of power and legislation.—(Hear, hear.) In this he admitted that they ought to consult that which was for the lastieg benefit of the people, which conduced to their morality, and promoted their social conifert. He admitted that wealth ought not to be the exclusive 'object of legislation. But were they not to be left at perfect liberty to determine whether a particular mode of interference would have a particular effect?— (Hear, hear.) That was, in fact, the whole question at issue. He denied that, in that sense, it was morally wrong that per sons should labour twelve hours in the factory.—( Hear, hear.) How would they deal with a man who said that eight hours ought to be the limit ?—( Hear, hear.) When the Hon. Mem ber for Oldham said that ten hours' labour was too much for females, who were, perhaps, in a pregnant state, would those who contended for the rule that that which was morally wrong was not politically right vote for a proposal to restrict female labour to eight hours ? It would be more agreeable to him to see female labour restricted to ten hours ; but, balancing the evil with the good, consider ing the diminution of wages, the risk of the loss of commerce, and the probability that there would not be employment for the industrious classes of this country, he preferred ten hours to twelve. They had one man saying that eight hours was the period of limitation, another, that it should be ten. How could the principle of his Noble Friend apply to this case? Who was to settle where the immorality began?—( Hear, hear.) He ( Sir R. Peel) would not assert in the abstract that it was mo rally right that women should work for twelve hours a-day. His Noble Friend, however, had called on him to vote for this proposition on the commercial grounds. This surprised him more than the assumptionof the moral grounds. For he thought that this was precisely the question upon which they should last interfere. His friend should have said that this was an exception to the application of commercial principles.--( Hear. ) He had understood the Noble Lord to say that it was not an important question whether we could compete with America in the Chinese or other markets. He (Sir R. Peel) thought that it was in accordance with political economy, that it was a great advantage to that country which could purchase the commodities of another country at a cheaper rate, or in ex change for a less amount of labour than a third ono could. The Noble Lord said that it was of no consequence to us what amount of goods America might sell in the China market, as she was paid for the most part in tea, upon which the Ameri cans paid no duty. But it was said that there was a great competition in the China market, and he thought that in such circumstances it would be a great advantage to this country to be able to undersell America.—(Hear, hear.) It would in crease the demand for labour in this country, the accumula tion of capital, the increase of profits, and the employment of money.—( Hear, hear.) Was it not more clear that they could better enter into that competition if they were allowed to work twelve hours instead of ten?—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had said that the advantage of a country was to be measured by the imports. He ( Sir R. Peel) said that they should ex port as much as they could. It was to him a novel doctrine that the imports and exports did not depend upon each other.—( Hear.] The Noble Lord himself had confessed that it was a novel doctrine, He very little under stood.--( Hear. hear, and a laugh.) . He (Sir R. Peel) ad mitted that he was afraid of foreign competition if those regu lations were introduced. There had been a long peace, and the attention of foreign countries had been turned to manu factures. There was pretty nearly an equalisation of profits at home, and there was a tendency to equalisation of profits in this country and in the whole world.—( Hear, hear. ) For merly we had in this country a command of the materials of inanufactures—of coals iron, skill, and industry. But we had found it impossible to maintain our supremacy. We passed laws to prevent the export of machinery, but we could not keep at home the 'heads and hands that made it.—( Hear. ) There was a custom-house regulation that machinery should not be exported. Still it did go out, or the models went out— ( Hear, hear)—and the Legislature wisely came to the con clusion that it would be better to allow it to go out.—( Hear, hear.) lie held a book in his hand, which was the report of a gentleman employed by the Belgian Government, to exa mine into the subject of the, employment of children. The statements of this gentleman were well authenticated, and they showed that in France the weekly employment of children was from 72 hours to 64 ; in Austria, from 75 to 80 ; in America, from 72 to 86; and in Prussia 84; whereas in England the weekly amount of hours for the labour of children was 69. (Hear, hear.) Thus it was seen, that whilst the ma nufacturers of this country were so pressed by the competition of countries where the hours of labour were so much greater, it was proposed to reduce those hours still more—(Hear, hear) —to reduce them from sixty nine to fifty-eight, whilst in America they reached eighty-four. —( Hear, hear.) He thought that, for so serious a reduction, it required facts of unquestionable character, and arguments of the most cogent description. They had had the effect of forced reductions of labour. There was now a revival in trade, with the most desperate competition in new markets, and he would put it to the House whether, under such circumstances, it was desirable to restrict the means of employment, and to give still greater advantages to the competing countries.—( Hear, hear.) Soma assertions made on the subject of female employment made a great impression ; but surely that impresson should be removed if the statements wore untrue. It had been said that a woman walked as much as 37 miles a day in a cotton factory ; 37 miles walking in the day was impossible. Ile had some knowledge of factory labour. He would take it at 20 miles, at the same time stating that he believed then! never was an Instance of that known. He had the strongest impression that in no factory did any person walk 20 miles a day. He had seen calculations made with great confidence, but his firm impres sion was that it never exceeded 12 miles in 12 hours, but that it was oftener Bor 9 miles.—( Hear, hear.) Now, whether or no, a certain degree of exercise did not induce health, he should certainly think it would be better than the sedentary employment of the hand-loom. He did not think 8 miles would be prejudicial to health. Now to show the straits to which Honourable Members had been driven in vin dicating their votes. He heard a statement from the Honourable Member for Birmingham, of all places in the world—a town whose existence almost depended on the trade with foreign countries—last night that surprised him very much.—( Ilear, hear.) He had stated that if the foreign trade, of this country was ruined the country would not suffer much. —( Hear, hear.) Did not that show the unsoundness of the argument ?—( Hear, hear.) But then there were the Hon. Members fur Finsbury and Weymouth, who expressed their surprise that the Government should oppose the motion of the Noble Lord. The Hon. Member for Finsbury said they had better give way then, or it would be extorted from them shortly ; and the Honourable Member for Weymouth, a gentleman who had wisdom moderated by experience, said, and he (Sir R. Peel) deeply regretted to hear him do so, that in legislation they ought to follow the wishes of the people, because they knew best what was for their interests ; that they thought this measure was fur their interests, and were entitled to have it. Now, supposing the Government were to accede to this demand upon that ground, how long, he would ask, would it be before some other de mands were made by other parties, and which he could not re sist? He held in his hand a circular issued by the 'Miner's As sociation, in which the turned-out copper miners wanted to work eight hours a day, and no more ; to have 4s. a-day as wages, to have them paid every week , and something done for their protection. Now, if he was to accede to the present measure, on the ground that it was the wish of the people employed, and that they were the best judged of their own interests, he must equally accede to the wishes of the copper miners, and give them eight hours' work and 4s. a day, together with the other requests they made. They might depend upon it the people of a nation did not always know what was best for their own interests, and upon that subject the beautiful paraphase, by the great moralist, of Juvenal aptly applied in the present instance— " How nations sink, by darling schemes oppressed, When vengeance listens to the rash request." —( Hear, hear.) The Legislature ought not to say to persons who entertained the opinions expressed by the Hon. Member for Weymouth— Volenti non fit injuria, Volenti non fiat injuria. He protested against the doctrine that they must concede be cause the people thought it was for their interests. If they were satisfied it was not so, it was their duty to resist; but if the House was of a different opinion, if they were satisfied that in reason they could make the great experiment, if they thought the concession could be made, be it so, they might take that course. But if you pursue it (said the Right Hon. Baronet emphatically) you must do so under other auspices and other guides, who can see more clearly their way to a safe result amid the senseless clamour which prevails.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said the Government should not attach so much importance to this question—that there is no occasion for the Government to fasten themselves to it—that the majority is composed of con flicting elements, and that we ought not to insist upon acting on our own opinions; but I say we attach very grave import ance to this question, and that it is our duty to act upon our firm and conscientious belief.—( Hear.) We believe great evils would result from the adoption of the plan of the Noble Lord. We are bound, therefore, to resist it. There are occasions when it is the bounden duty of the Government to refuse to be made instruments for carrying decisions of op posite parties. I believe this case to be one of them. I know not what the result of this night's debate may be ; but this I know, that if it should be contrary to the opinions of the Go vernment and to my views, I will, with perfect satisfaction, re tire into a private station, wishing well for the result of your le gislation ; but, for myself, I am prepared to pursue that more rugged, but not inglorious, path of duty. I am prepared to resist this concession to the popular demand. I believe it would be injurious to the best interests of the public, and I must withhold my concurrence even at the expense of popula rity.—( Loud cheers. ) Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose, and said, it was not his intention to have taken a part in this debate, considering that after the declaration made by the Noble Lord after the with drawal of the first Bill, the question, as far as the House of Commons was concerned, was agreed to.--( Hear, hear.) When the Noble Lord brought forward his proposition in the first in stance, he was supported not only by many on the Ministerial side of the House, but also by a great number of his (Lord J. Russell's) Noble and Right Hon. Friends on that side of the House. Some of his Right Hon. Friends, with whom he had always acted with the greatest unanimity, had taken a different opinion from his, and he had never attempted for a moment to influence their notes.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the question was a great one, and which should be altogether separated from mere party strife.—(Hear, hear.) But after the declaration made some months ago, that this was a question upon which the Ministry would stand or fall, he thought it would be use less to argue the question further upon its merits, because the supporting the present law might prove destructive to the health, morals, happiness, and even life of the people employed in factories. Though the mortality was greater than any one had yet stated—though the law might be changed with per fect security to the employment in factories, and without danger to foreign trade—suppose all this was to be proved to demonstration, yet Honourable Gentlemen were prepared to say, that because the Ministers of the Crown would not consent, they therefore must oppose any alterations.—(Hear, hear.) That was the question, and it was needless to argue it. He was one of those persons who did not think it should be mixed up with a n y q ues t i o n of Minis terial confidence or want of confidence. The Ministers of the Crown bad not acted well, for they had,. in effect, said that so long as le g i s l a ti on is carried on according to our notions, we will continue in office, but as so on as you attempt to pass, or even alter, any measure to which we are opposed we will re sign. The bare possibility of the resignation of the Ministry would be sufficient to throw out any measure. In fact the consideration of Legislative measures was no longer for the House of Commons, but might be said altogether to rest w ith th e Ministry. He wi shed to justify the vote he was about to give to the House, as he had been charged with inconsistency. The Right f-lon. Baronet had told them that night, that in foreign countries, seventy-two, eighty, and ninety hours per week were worked by factory operatives ; why then should not the hours of labour in our factories be increased, so that all dread of foreign competition might at once be set at rest? But they did not agree to that, and they said that they would not adopt the 14, 13, or 16 hours of other countries. Immediately that they said that, immediately did they impose a restriction ; and he, therefore, said that they had no right to charge those who were in favour of the Noble Lord's proposition, with any opposition in principle, because the very same principle which they urged in their defence was the principle of their present legislation. Yet, they were told that if they adopted the Noble Lord's proposition, they would be throwing away Adam Smith. He (Lord J. Russell) saw no necessity for that whatever. He never heard that Adam Smith had placed a distinction between twelve and ten hours. He (Lord John Russell) believed that the piinciple they were advocating was a principle founded upon a regard for national health and morality.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord (Ashley) declared that children, as they were called in the law, or young persons—persons from thirteen to eighteen years of age—could not consistent with their health, or consistent with their instruction either in religious or in social knowledge, be employed for twelve hours in the day, and he therefore proposed that ten hours should be the limit of their labour, and that proposal he (Lord J. Rus sell) believed was founded upon national health and morality. He did not believe that wages would remain as high under a restriction of ten hoists as they were at the present time, but he entirely agreed with the Noble Lord who had brought for ward the amendment, that with that diminution of wages there would be increase of comfort—an increase of the power of ob taining instruction in domestic usages, and an improvement in the general condition of the labouring classes. A great diffi culty had arisen with respect to this proposition of the Noble Lord, which was with regard to foreign competition. Now he (Lord John Russell) was not at all inclined to speak lightly of foreign competition, but at the same time he must take into his consideration the calculations which had been made by competent persons upon this subject. He would not go into the particulars of the calculations which had been made, but he would merely state the results. It had been calculated that if this proposition of the Noble Lord were carried, the increase in the price of a yard of woollen cloth would be about one penny. Was this such a change as would totally ruin their trade in the foreign markets of the world? On looking at this question, he remarked, that by the Hand-loom Weavers' Commission, at the head of which were Mr. Senior and Mr. Jones Loyd, both men as well able to form an opinion on the subject as any in the country, it was stated that it was a very great mistake to suppose, because labour was nominally cheap, it was ac tually so; they said that 6d. a day was often more in one country than Is. a day to a labourer in another country, of greater skill and power. And they went on to say, that in many foreign countries the labourers em ployed were so inferior, that we had a great advantage over them in that respect. It was also stated by Mr. M'Cul loch, that competition with us by America was impossible; it was impossible that a country, having such a vast extent of unoccupied land should be able to send any large portion of her people to engage in manufactures. Then with respect to competition from Switzerland and Saxony, the same autho rity stated that these countries, situated in the centre of Europe, could only procure their raw cotton by a long and expensive land carriage from Marseilles, Genoa, or Ham . urgh, the very cost of conveying the raw . material of their manufactures was a guarantee against competi tion from Switzerland and Saxon Hear. ) But supposing this competition to be more formidable than he (Lord J. Russell) believed it to be, and he admitted that in some re spects it was formidable , yet were there not circumstances which, if they dealt with , would enable them to meet this difficulty?—( Hear, hear.) It was stated in the memorial of the persons who prayed for a repeal of the duty on raw cotton, that that duty amounted to S per cent. on the article. By the motion before the House, it was proposed to take about 7 per cent. from off the hours of labour. The duty on the raw cot ton applied chiefly to those goods of which the mate r ial f o rmed the greater part of the value, and those were the goods which were mostly sent abroad. Here, then, was a mode by which they might meet this foreign competition. There was another question which had been alluded to in connexion with this subject, which Hon. Gentle men opposite said ought not to b e b roug ht into the discussion. But he maintained that it was very fairly brought into the discussion; that question was one of the restrictions and the high duties on food brought from foreign countries.— ( Hear, hear.) That question came to this—if they found themselves pressed in foreign competition, if they found them solves obliged either to admit food at a low duty, or without any duty at all, or to make these young women work more hours than their health enabled them to bear, the question was to which alternative did they incline? Were these persons to go on working these two hours a-day for ever in order to maintain the corn-laws ?—( Hear, hear.) Or would they say they would rather give up the corn •laws than enforce these hours of labour? If that was the question, only let them consider in how odious a light they would put these restrictions on foreign corn, if they kept the people at work solely for these restrictions. He felt called on to state these opinions, because he had been taunted with having changed his views on this question. He avowed that he had done so ; on reflection and consideration he avowed that his opinions were changed.— ( Hear, hear.) But then the first consideration was, had lie, in this change of opinion, been influenced by any unworthy motive? —( Hear, hear.) There was but one lion. and Learned Member who,i n the course of this debate had insinuated such motives against him, and those who sat with him. With respect to that Hon. and Learned Member, he had nothing to reply to him, for h e h a d t a k en hi mse lf comp l ete l y out of the sphere of our mortal and peccable nature Great laughter and cheers.) That Hon. and Learned Gentleman, with great candour and great modesty, said that "Fools rush in where"— declining to give the rest of the line—( Cheers)—thus it was very clear—insinuating by way of what the lawyers call inuendo—that the Noble Lord the Member for Sunder land, who did meddle with the subject, was " a fool," and that " angels," thereby meaning such as the lion. and Learned Member fur Bath himself, were afraid to touch the subject, thus claiming for himself the benefit of the line. —( Great laughter and cheers.) Putting aside, therefore, any dispute with the Hon. and Learned Member, because he (Lord J. Russell) only pretended to be fallible and erring on the subject, he came next to the Right Hon. Secretary for the home Department, because he had stated to the House what were his (Lord J. Russell's) views formerly on this subject. He had stated those views in office, and he had stated them out of it. Did the Right Hen. Gentleman mean to say that per fect consistency on every subject was absolutely neces sary to the character of a politician ?—(Great cheer ing and laughter.) He might refer to great examples of former days, to men who were not afraid to state that they were inconsistent, and had changed their opinions on certain subjects. He regretted that he was compelled to detain the House at such a late hour with these remarks, but he felt convinced that the opinions and convictions which he had ex pressed upon this subject were the best that could be come at, and he thought, whatever consequences might be pro phesied to follow from the adoption of the proposition, of the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire, there were some others of equal importance. In saying this he was not at all actuated by an anxiety or courting for popular demonstra tion.—( Hear, hear.) He thought they were bound to consider what were the results which would be likely to accrue to the commercial and manufacturing interests of the country ; but still that was not the only thing which was to be considered. The Right lion. Gentleman had stated that there were 450,000 persons dependent upon manuractures, and it was on account of that large number being crammed together in large towns, who had not sufficient time to devote to educational purposes that he (Lord J. Russell) was in favour of the proposition of the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire. What he (Lord J. Russell) sought was that the people should have an opportunity of gaining such secular knowledge as would make them good citizens; persons who had reasons for respecting the institutions of the country. He asserted that if they neglected this subject, if they looked at nothing except the accumulation of manufac turing wealth—if they acted thus, some day or other they would awake from their present pleasant dream, and find the terrible reality of an immense population estranged from the Government of the country, and open to the incentives of the wildest demagogues, and to the most mischievous doctrines. He was in favour of a proposition which would enable the young of both sexes to receive that groundwork, by which their domestic affections would be strengthened, and to gain that education to which the people of every free State were entitled. For those reasons, and in this spirit, he felt bound to give his vote in favour of the proposition of the Noble Lord, the Member for Dorsetshire.—( Cheers. ) Sir R. H. INGLIS rose amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide," and was for several minutes quite inaudible in the gallery. As soon as order was partially restored we understood the Hon. Baronet to be pronouncing an eulogy upon Lord Ashley's proposal, because he thought it was reconcileable with the present principles of Christianity and philanthrophy. ( The cries of " Divide, divide," here became so loud that the Hon. Baronet was compelled to resume his seat.) Mr. COLLETT ( Athlone) rose amidst loud cries of "Di vide, divide." He said he should say but one word.—(Hear.) He was opposed to all interference with the hours of labour, and for this reason he voted for the proposition of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. lie would vote against the third reading of the Bill, and for „the same reason he would vote for the motion of the Noble Lord.—( Great laughter and cries of " Divide.") He thought a Ten Hours' Bill was better than a Twelve Hours' Bill, and he hoped the amendment, if carried, would get rid of this improper and pernicious Bill.—(Cries of " Divide, divide.") Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For Lord Ashley's clause ... Against it Majority against the clause -138 The announcement of the result was received with loud cheering, and with shouts of laughter. On our re-admission to the gallery, we found Mr. Brother ton and Lord Ashley on their legs, each attempting to address the Speaker, but with their voices completely drowned in the boisterous laughter. At length silence was obtained, Lord Ashley gave way, and Mr. BROTHERTON moved the introduction of a clause, which Sir JAMES GRAHAM said 'Was rendered unnecessary by the amendments that had been made in Committee. The clause was then negatived without a division. Mr. GRANGER moved several additions and alterations in clauses 4, 45, 69, and 70, relating to appeals against convictions. After a few observations from Mr. AGLIONBY, in which he begged of the Hon. Member not to divide on the clause, as they had seen what could be done that night, Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the House divided on the clause, when there appeared— _ . For the motion Against it .. 29 Majority On the question that the Bill do pass, The House again divided, when their appeared— For the motion Against it 7 Majority The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Two o'Clock. LAW INTELLIGENCE. HOUSE OF LORDS, May 13. Their Lordships sat to-day at twelve o'clock, in a Com mittee for Privileges. Among the Peers present were the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Shaftesbury, Lord Brougham, Lord Campbell, Viscount Strangford, Lord Sudeley, and Lord Kenyon. TILE WHARTON BARONY. Several witnesses were examined on behalf of the claimant in this case to the Barony of Wharton, and the further con sideration of the subject was adjourned sine die. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, May 13. (Sittings at Nisi Prius before Lord Chief Justice TINDAL.) ELIOT V. ALLEN AND ANOTHER. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) The jury ret ired to consider their verdict, and after an ab sence of several hours returned into Court with a verdict for the plaintiff—Damages, 4001. vac, that if they wee'“lel less they would get snore, that He had never supported the corn-laws., either in or out of they hal no•libe, 7 to do but to make what w as c h ea p the Heuse, exc2pt as a necessary protection to native dear to seeere better wages. They reversed the rube agriculture ; and he could not forget that the first claim upon which the eeenlry , hal been acting fur the last lam- upon their protection was from the weak and help'es.— dred year s . He behoved that they themselves would I (Cheers.) He could assure the Noble Lord, that how be the first to suffer—first in their wage:;, ever weak, he would find in him a sincere advocate of afterwards in the increased price of everything the measure which he had proposed. which they had to perehase, and lastly through Mr. LAI3OUCHEIZE said that considering the im the ~hock which would be e:iven to forcing a trade. The prtance of the interest then at stake he could not re- Hon. Member - for Liskeard complimented the Noble coneile it to his conscience not to say a few words by Lord caution displayed i n his proposal. Ile said way of restating th e reasons which would influence his that ti it'sing coel.l be ea , ier than fur them to retrace vote. He had listened with great attention to the de their WhY, he believed those wee hardly an in- bates on that subject, and Ivith special attention to the eta nee In Cie cemmereial history of this country in which speech of the Hon. Member for leambelh, believing that a lust trade ha 1 b- en recevered. lie was much more if he failed to convince him that his views were right, inelhal to sa, with the lion. Member for Pontefract, that nothing else could produce that result. But he con the Nellie Lord en I those who supported him, had lit a fussed that he was a good deal surprised at the ground Title h the c )untry, and lie was glad that that taken by his him. Friend. What did his speech amount ese had the pewer to put an extinguisher upon it. to? He said that this measure, taken singly, was He could not aeyee wish the Noble Lord the Member for fraught with the most appalling danger ; if the Sein lerlaed, th a t the Gn t overment ha acted in a despo- Ileuse were not prepared to follow up this measure by t meneer by refusing to take on themselves the respon- other great extensive changes, that this Hearse must re sibility or a mee,ure which they disapproved. He sort to other measures to provide against a reduction of theeeht they had aetel in a most constitutional. upright, wages. lie would yield to no man in a desire to and henourahle manner; they lied certainly greatly raised see the corn-laws of this country put upon, what thorn in hi s i:stimatlon by the course they had pus- he conceived to be, a sounder footing than they sued. here never was a question in which the feelings and were at present, but he shuddered at the prospect of ‘ , f: the people were more deeply interested, or a people thrown out of employment, and of all more ea . e.e.Y 'nought into energetic and vehement the frightful results which so great a change in the aetjolL trusted the present discussion would teal to manufacturing system of this country would produce.— the . ,ads) of free-trade principles, for he felt eon- (Hear, hear.) Even if remelial measures were adopted, winced, that when these principles were brought into be doubted whether they were justified in • interfering praetica! ()peeatien, when England would be the cheap- by legislative enactment with the labour market.—(hear„ es t " well as the mos t p ro d uc tive country in the w o rld hear.) Hon. Gentlemen said it would be all very well —whet' ford iv is abundant, and at a moderate price— to oppose the ten hours' clause if they ll° 'huger nee Ihe apprehended from foreign competi- had never interfered with factory labour at t i :e.!!; and - the operative would care little whether it was all, but having interfered in certain particular s, Ten Hoars' or a Twelve Hour."' Bill that was passed the question was now only one of degree, and no evil through thet House.—(Cileers.) consequence would result from extending the principle Mr. AI'GEACHY said he considered this a very of interference. He believed that by their interference the important question. He did not consider the arguments up to that point, they had done more good t h a n harm— ofßight Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for (Hear, hear)—but an interference so violent as t ha t pro the Rome Department, however specious and plausible posed, had never yet been attempted; and he, for one, they might have been, were on hetprinciples, would riot take upon himself the responsibility of voting f or ts , es . based the ," n'ght Hen. Baronet's argument, if good for any- for such an experiment.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed, j, - 0 1 „g2 showed the propriety of non-interference with la- he was astonished to hear Honourable Gentleman talk t - e - j' whereas the Right Hon. Baronet's policy had a di- of this measure as an experiment, and argue that if the faeteYeotstrary effect. He (lie. AUG.) visited several of the experiment proved a failure, they might easily retrace sev. .r3' districts in company with Mr. Horner, and put their steps. Did they really know what failure meant? of he questions to factory labourers; but the substance —(Hear, hear.) Failure meant the loss of trading ; and as week questions was this : Which would eon prefer, I•'s. foreign trade, once lost, was not easily recovered.— ~ fi it-we e k end work twelve hours daily ;or have lee (Hear, hear.) Failure meant the want of employment— was and work ten hours daily ? The general answer the demoralisation of the work. people. He entreated nisi. a preference for the diminished pay and the dirni- the House, then, not to legislate on this subject in the eh fle d hours of labour. A weaver, aged 32, when asked spirit of experiment.—(ll - ear, hear.) If they were sa e question, said he preferred the smaller wages and tisfied that the change would be beneficial let them at the lighter Work - for, said he, what I earn by the extra once yield to the Noble Lord's proposal ; but if they had hours I pay in doctor's bills.—(Loud cries of " Hear, any doubts on the subject, he entreated them to pause hear.") Another operative, aged 24, a dresser, had six before they enacted measures from which he believed children, three of whom could not work. He said he had there was no retreat.—(Hear, hear.) .Much had been talked over the matter with his wife, and they preferred said in the course of those debates as to the effect which lower wages and less work. The Hon ,Gentleman quoted a Ten Hours' Bill would have upon wages. He had, he the opinions of several operatives, all of which were in confessed, a great distrust of all nice calculations favour of the short hours aid the short wages. Amongst on subjects of that kind ; yet he thought it was others, that of a young woman, who was blind of an eye. not difficult to foresee how this measure would act. He and who supported an aged mother, and she preferred thought it had been demonstrated that the Noble Lord's shorter hours of labour, that she might have an reduction must, if not at once, progressively and cer oeportunity of go i ng t o church oftener. Really (said tainly reduce wages. They were told that this question the Hon. Gentleman), a much higher tone of philosophy had been fairly put to the operatives, whether they Prevails among the humble classes in the manufacturing would accept it even with the prospect of reducing district s th an is generally supposed. In short he came wages. Now he did not believe that this (pies bac+ from the manufacturing districts with the most tion had ever been fairly stated to the opera- Lvourlble impression of the intelligence and right- fives.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Oastler, at a meeting minded ness of the inhabitants. He had been assured held in Blackburn, told them he did not think the that Yo me men and women, even to the ages of twenty- change would reduce wages ; " but supposing it would," nsh.eo,a lsri, 1 c thirty, were constant attendants of Sunday- he asked, " were they, the men of Blackburn, willing to Selo and they preferred being pupils to teachers that support the Bill ?" The reply was, " Yes, we are." th e ny might have greater opportunities of improvement. Would any one say this was evidence as to what .There certainly wa s great difference of opinion among the feelings of the operatives would be in the master manu fi tcture rs regarding the propriety of case a reduction took place ?—(Hear, hear.) t ominishing the hours of laboar, but he must say, in He was afraid that the tendency of wages in this country Justice to this class, that there was a strong feel- was downwards. If they were dealing with a country l og in favour of a diminution in the hours of toil in which they were buoyant and increasing, the case Prevalent amongst them. This country had already would, he admitted, be different. lie believed that this voted twenty millions for the emancipation question, if carried, would not be confined to the facto of the slaves, and the Government went so far on that ries. Ten hours' labour meant ten hours' sale of coal, ?neesion as to regulate the hours of labour. Why, then, ten hours' traffic upon the canals and railways ; and let hesit a t e so much about putting the same principle into him tell the country gentlemen it also meant ten hours' o peration in the manufacturing districts, where it was consumption of provisions and of flour. It was said that " imperatively required? He trusted, as he believed in this country we had arrived at an artificial state of that there was a growing disposition in favour of the society, which called for a new course of legislation. He 1 11 " r, that the desire would increase, to carry out, was nut disposed to agree with that assertion. He was rati on reference to party feelings, measures of amelioe not disposed to displace from his library the works of fir the moral, physical, and intellectual condition Adam Smith, and to substitute for them those of Mr, of the people. Sadler and Mr. Oastler.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that Mr. M. SUTTON said the Hon. Member who had in an artificial state of society it would be more dangerous Just sat down had correctly stated the answers of the to depart from sound principles than in the rudest state. e l )er atires ; but he had not stated that by far the greater —(Hear, hear) It might be supposed from the state eumber of th e o peratives, seventy out of a hundred, in meats of the supporters of this measure, that women e f tet, sail the y wou ld not willingly bear a diminution in were never before subjected to toil, and that men were t zr waees. H e contended that the operatives them- never taxed in their labour beyond their strength. But e e 'ves gave but a qualified and partial support to the had they not read the beautiful lines of th e Latin, poet, e e 14 'Voshien of the Noble Lord. They believed, also, that written 1,800 years ago ? itees would rise by the limitation of the hours of labour. Sopitos suscitat ignes , however, believed that this was a result which could Noctem addens open, eastum ut servare cubile n ot tak e fence. The impossibility of wages rising had been Conjugis, et possit parvos educere natos, a • r `'dY fully established ; the proposition was a diminu - — (Hear , hear.) He wa s convinced that if the y inter oft;:d the productive power of the country, and to such posed in the way proposed they would make matters oxte nt than , that the whole reduction of the exports it worse an they were.—(Hear, hear.) He doubted that Louwould amount to 4,500,0001., or nearly one the measure was so much desired among the working 0! .. the wlople export trade of the country. Would classes as was represented. He was convinced it was the%'" tell him. then, that this was but an alteration in not so much desired as was some years ago a measure eeteils o f the system? With respect to the opera- regulating a minimum of wages.—(llear.) lie thought en e , 3 , lhetrrelves, it would have a most detrimental effect it should be the maxim of a wise legislator to act for the than "t, as it would subtract from their wages no less many rather than with the many ; and he believed that 83em 7 14eL , • The evil effect of this would not if this was carried the working classes themselves would Stop a 3 ear. wllei them, it would extend to the shopkeepers, and be the first to turn round and accuse the Legislature of '.. le whole trade of the manufacturing districts. He was yielding to demands which were founded in injust i c e a nd at alos t o conceive how the misery and destitution of would end in disappointment. the manufacturing classes could be alleged as a reason Mr. STUART WORTLEY said that the delusion :to for the diminution of their wages. It should be remem- which his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for the bored that the distress of 1841 was not caused by over- Home Department had alluded, was occasioned in some Work, but by the want of work and reduced wages. A part by the Right Hon. Baronet himself, who stated on proposition was once made in that House, by the llon. his own authority, that the proposition of his Noble Member for Knaresborough, for granting a million of Friend Lord Ashley would not have the good conse- M eney to the manufacturing labourers ; yet this was a quences expected from it. He (Mr. W.) was unwilling s um not much exceeding what it was now proposed to. to allow this debate to pass over without taking an up take from them. — (Hear , he ar. ) p ortunit y of statin g the reasons wh y he adhered to the Mr. B. HA WBS sail, the arguments of the Hon. course which he had already taken, although he felt Gentleman who had just spoken, had the common pain in opposing a Government in which in other matters N r i tee of all the areurneuts on that side of the question. had the fullest confidence. But as he had arrived at a j e ' ° same arguments would apply against all Legis- full conviction of the necessity for such a measure as interference whatever. The question he had to was proposed by his Noble Friend, he must support him, a sk himself was this—was the t hat a Practicable at whatever sacri fice of his p ersonal feelin g s. It was now measure ?—what were the evils that must ne c essarily forty-two years,since this subject was first brought under fl ow from it e—and were there any benefits to be de- the consideration of Parliament, by a man well-known to mired from it ? He did not look on it as a single, the House and the country, the late Sir Robert Peel. At Isolated measure, but as one of many measures that time children were employed only as piecers, W hich this House must be prepared to dis - but since then they had be e n introduced to other and cu ssi and p e rhaps, ultimately to pass.—(Hear.) more laborious departments, and women had been the had no doubt they might with perfect security limit employed to such a n e xtent, as to dis p lace the ? hours of labour if they had a free trade and a fair men from their proper place in society, and to 'eld for their industry.—(Hear, hear.) He did not lower their wages. In other kinds of employment — look on this question as an isolated one. Perhaps it such as carpenters, masons, &c.—the men were employed e n tlid .not be justified in itself, but he was sure that only twelve hours a day, including an hour and a half oilier measures must flow from it which would render or two hours for refreshment. Why , then , should chil e evils expec t e d as the consequence of it, vain and dren and women be required to work a greater number "aleatory. The object of political economy was to in- of hours ?—(Hear, hear.) But in many cases where the cre ase the w ea lth of a nation; but legislation must take children worked twelve hours, they did not reach home the morals of a nation as its object. (The Hon. Gentle- for two hours after their parents. But the fact was, mar l then quoted Mr. Mills to show that neither body nor that in Leeds and other places, some of the millowners lein d could be e ngaged in labour for too long a period had reduced the hours to eleven , and had found that by e 'inut . affecting the morals or happiness of a doing so they actually got more work done than when ee) He admitted difficulties surrounded the the time was twelve hours. He had himself presented e l l"it on all sides. Great evils had been a petition signed by 300 masters, in which they stated f t reelletea f rom the appointment of inspectors, and that twelve hours, wills the deduction of two e was said the manufacturers would give up their hours fur rest and refreshment, was as much. which in consequence of the supervision to labour as children and women should be subjected to. "'eh they were subjected, but none of those evils had When they saw that so many millowners could reduce bee n eo verified. No person liked to be restricted.—(lronical their hours of labour from twelve to eleven, he thought e t: er e-) Great stress had been laid on the reduction it showed that to establish that as a standard of labour eat Wages which would follow from this measure. He in mills would be attended with success. In Sheffield ‘-‘, fl itted th a t mitch reduction would take place, but it there liad been a shortening of the hours of labour for (f l u : l " the power of the House to more than compensate the purpose of equalising the work, and no bad results 01 1',? for that loss, as be would prove. The Mayor had ensued. He considered the Bill of the Noble Lord se Catlehester had published a statement which showed would have a great effect on the morals of the people in 1,4 1 . t pressed most on the means of the working classes. the manufacturing districts, and he would give it his Ite- articles which took most of their Wages from support. em Were bread and meat, butter, and potatoes.—(Hear.) Mr. BRIGHT then rose to address the House. Al vo u tile taxes on those articles were removed they though it might be inconvenient that so much time th save 22 per cent, of their earnings. He would should be taken up on this subject during the present emethmake this measure a lever, by which to effect session, yet he thought that t h e Hou s e would come m to greater good, and he had no hesitation in so the decision that no time had been wasted upon it as far a w i ng . use of it. The mother of the family would be as it affected the well-being of the country. The this, devote more of her time to her domestic concerns; House, he was sure, wonld not make any law Ail also, would be a saving to the working man. to interfere with labour in- factories, unless it was e tat, deal had been said of the loss of the foreign satisfied there was a necessity for it. When the Noble but k b ut Q Why the same thing had been predicted before, Lord first brought the subject forward, it was clear to e their foreign trade had not suffered. On him the House could not legislate upon it , because he t eesi e °ntrary, the foreign trade was never so ex- had placed the matter on the humanity view of the ques * if l b" . There was no fear of' their foreign trade ti on , throwing. out of sight altogether the commercial e eese e n Y would only remove those restrictions which at point of view of the question. He was sure it must be t confined and restricted it. There was no in- clear to every person that it would be useless to legis teoetd in which restrictions from trade had been re- late for humanity alone. In his (Mr. Bright s) opinion sPrifes that the trade of the country did not immediately the Noble Lord had made out no ease for the utter er e i se leeward. Such had been the effect of the policy ference of the House, because his statements had been xQ e • Iluskisson, and the same would prove true now. based upon documents with which be had been furnished h P e ,Z 1 , 141 give the Right Hon. Gentleman data, which by others, which contained most gross exaggerations tier, alto do well if he followed. This was not a ques- not borne out by facts. The Noble Lord had read to ,a i i it, ! l , lll t l o ll g i e lth ther of a Ten Hours' because the propo- the House a document purporting to come from the e Noble Lord was equivalent to an Eleven operative delegates in Lancashire, and which a T eri i; hut he was not sorry that it was treated as was signed by a person named Higgenbottom ; as ee ' T ours Bill. Looking to the measure, not and a document had also been laid before them coming isolated one , as h e before said, but f rom e i g ht o f th e principal millowners in Lancashire. eth er g at it as one that must be followed by The first document to which he had adverted com- Th e Intu n ! easures, believing that it would improve menced with an attack upon Mr. Ashworth, of Bolton, ina classes --that and intellectual condition of the work - stating that be was the foremost of the class of Lancashire c ount ' — that the trade and manufactures of the manufacturers who objected to the amelioration of the Teem rie,:n_evottld not be pl ace d i n d an ger if the Govern- condition of the working classes in that part of the - with slowed a sound and wise course of legislation country. The House knew the character of that gen lessee tho h to cora and sugar—that it would tend to tleman too well to require of him a refutation of those r hostility of the people to the social state (they statements, for that if it was necessary he might appeal ago, andeetohlloe:gtitihteilsetrike which took place a short time to the Rev. B. Noel, to many Members of that House, ise o disturbances had been put down, and to the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire sol th ese n th te i nt of the people still remained) ; looking to himself. But there was no necessity that he should do orded thins he thought that an opportunity was nosy so. It was sufficient for him to say that when Mr. nnd eee byevhich they might effect great social good, Ashworth went to the part he now resided at it was a t ie was convinced etke affections of the working classes. complete wilderness, and it was now a complete taight be su in his own mind, that whatever evils garden, with a great number of excellent cot rth, the ry rs i v a C a S tb ed tohue l r i , k likely to flow from this limitation of tages. Now in the document that purported they would honestly and sin- to come from the operative delegates of Lancashire, there no se Werashwsvouloudldb social improvement of the people, was a diagram, for the purpose of showing the distance nefits eas nothing compared with the be- the piece•ma.kers had to walk, and that diagram con -11. Lord POLLIN G TuIt from the change. veyed a most erroneous notion of what the facts were. ON said, that on every occasion If the Noble Lord hail ever been in a mill, he must be ithe r toof t h h e e h s ad e given i those ra went Which 0 Lord ; but when he found a Govern- walk thirty-eight miles a day, which was impossible. th e i r n;deeabseehne pheadrplaenxaelydsiend had never shown a disposition to force The Noble Lord had been invited to accompany Mr. 1 - NY ° plans against the opinions of the House, he Greg over his mill, but he declined to do so unless in Members of the t t h h e eg e mr x ea t ja r et e r m eite e ym . , During the Easter company with the delegates, and this Mr. Greg declined leliT the commercial towns empire, and the Members for t h o e vt d ,ns found i because those very persons had applied to him the most cities of the C supported he • and opprobrious epithets most undeservedly. No employment him that the e . period of tea h the sinews could safely Yorkshire, was more advantageous to the . workmen than those con- Medical men had informed netted with the power-loom in cotton factories in Lance muchs uosut sustain.— w ( a rl s been plainly intimated b as as shire. He had no doubt the power-loom weavers had less It h a d sal (Sir J. Graham) that toner —, --eat%) toil than the hand-loom weavers. With respect to the mill if the the Right Hon. Ba- owners' document, they had stated that which he (Mr. were carried, the Noble Lord's propo be corn-laws Bright) knew to be true. Seven of the millowners stated did say that if the ws must be repealed. Then • foundationthat the piece-maker walked 16 miles a day, while , he should b eeorn-laws did rest on so rotten a one stated it was 20 miles ; but as to 38 miles, it was vote for their repeal. first man in the Ho to • use the from the Opposition. impossible for any one to do so for days together. There ) were many other parts of the diagram that were equally COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday in the Royal Gardens of Buckingham Palace. His Royal Highness Prince Albert visited the Artillery Ground, Finsbury, yesterday morning. His Royal Highness was attended by Colonel Wylde, Equerry in Waiting. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice were taken their usual daily airings yesterday in the Royal Gardens. The Royal Dinner party at Buckingham Palace yesterday evening, included his Excellency le Marquis Villuma, the Archbishop of Canterbury and Mrs. Howley, the Duke and Duchess of Bedford, the Marquis of Granby, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord and Lady Dalmeny, Lord and Lady Lyt telton, and the Right Honourable Sir Henry and Lady Emily Hardinge. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager took an airing yesterday in an open carriage, in the parks. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager yesterday at Marlborough House. A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon at the Foreign-office. It was attended by Sir Robert Peel, the Duke of Wellington, the Duke of Buccleuch, Lord Wharncliffe, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Earl of Haddington, Earl of Ripon, the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, and Sir E. Knatch bull. The Council sat two hours. The Ecclesiastical Commission for England had a meeting yesterday afternoon, at their office in Whitehall-place. The Commissioners present were the Bishop of London, the Bishop of Exeter, the Bishop of Hereford, ,the Bishop of Lichfield, and the Bishop of Salisbury. Mr. Wickham, the Chairman of the Stamps and Taxes, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yes terday, at his official residence in Downing-street. Dispatches for the Governor of Van Diemen's Land were sent off yesterday from the Colonial-office. Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial-office from the Go vernor of the Gambia, and also from the Governor of Gib raltar. The Judicial Committee of her Majesty's Most Honour able Privy Council sat yesterday. The Lords present were Lord Brougham, the Vice-Chancellor Knight Bruce, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall, and Judge of the Ad miralty Court. Dr. Lushington gave judgment in an appeal from Bengal, " Tej Chund Bahadoor v. Sri Kaultin Ghose," that their Lordships were well satisfied that the decision of the Court of Sadder Adawlut was not contrary to the law of Bengal • the decree of the Sadder Adawlut must, therefore, be affirmed, and with costs. Mr. Fitzroy Kelly, (queen's Counsel, was heard on an ap peal from the Vice-Admiralty Court of Sierra L eone, "Christian Sohst , a c itizen of Hamburgh, r. the Quee,,,, relative to the ship Echo. The Queen's Advocate was heard for the respondent. The case was adjourned for further hearing. [ADVERTISEMENT.] --A CURE THAT MUST ASTONISH THE WORLD, BY HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.—Mrs. Lee, keep ing small shop in Brick-lane, Spitalfields, had for five y e ars suffered from piles, but more particularly from a general and fearful bearing down of the body, her health was conceived to be completely ruined, she was brought almost to beggary, by doctors' bills ; when she first com menced the use of these miraculous pills, her friends con sidered her past cure, but In two months by their means, she was made as sound and as strong a woman as ever she was in her life. Sold (also Holloway's Ointment) at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, (where advice may be had gratis), and by almost all respect able Vendors of Medicines throughout the civilised world. MEDERBY.—BeII ' s Life in London, of Sunday next, May 19, will contain :—Forewarnings by Pegasus—lndex to the Winner—The Derby Prophecy, and important pre liminary information. Contents of Bell's Life of last Sunday, May 12, 16 folio columns of sporting events. An epitome of the week's miscellaneous news, and a hundred advertisements chiefly connected with sporting matters. The insertion of a single advertisement in Bell's L i fe may be equally beneficial to that of half-a-dozen in some journals. A sixpence, or six penny stamps, to Mr. Clement, junior, 170, Strand, will at all times ensure a copy of Bell's Life by return of post. The weekly sale of Bell's Life exceeds 20,000 copies. It is pub lished in time for the Saturday afternoon railways. CHARITY. - At Clerkenwell Police Court, Mr. Combe re ceived:s/. from T. T., in a letter dated the Bth of May, which the beuevoleu tmor requested might be acknowledged. PROGRESS 0 GA' • Messrs. Miller, Ravenhill, new iron steamer for the Si intended to ply from Londoi in length, 18 feet three inch, dO-horse power engines, also boilers. As a river boat, h , perk syrrn...,ry— speed is the leading object, and her form is scientifically adapted to its accomplishment. The Meteor yesterday made an experimental trip down the Thames from Blackwall. There were on board, besides the builders, Mr. Benkhausen, the Russian Consul, a Russian naval captain, Sir C. Forbes, and between 20 and 30 gentle • men connected with science, the arts, and literature, forming a most, agreeable party, and the pleasures of the day were much increased by splendid weather. The experiment was altogether satisfactory. The Meteor is worthy of her name. Considering the power of her en gines, her speed is astonishing. With the tide she performed from 18 to 20 miles an hour. Her still-water speed was fully 156, miles an hour. the course of the day she was laid alongside of the Ruby, and several of the fast boats, but they had no chance with her. The grand point of interest was her contest with the Prince of Wales, which she met about ten miles below Gravesend in full steam, with a moderate quota of passen gers on board. While the Prince of Wales was in advance she gained in the ratio of one mile in fifty on the Meteor ; but when the Meteor led she had a similar advantage over the Prince of Wales. The result is, that the two boats are equal in speed ; but, then, the Prince of Wales is ten feet longer than the Meteor, and has two 70-horse power en gines, whereas those of the latter are only 40-horse power. As a specimen of river steamers, the Meteor is unquestion ably superior to everything up to the present time afloat upon the Thames. The Meteor left Blackwall about half-past eleven, and was kept in motion till after sunset. Her machinery worked with all the precision and effect of long practice. Messrs. Miller, Ravenhill, and Co. may well be proud of their achievement. The company on board sat down to an elegant cold colla tion, laid out in the ample saloon, and the best wines flowed in abundance. Mr. Miller presided; Mr. Ravenhill took the vice chair. Of course her Majesty was toasted; nor did the company forgot " Success to the new Steamer, and Prosperity to her Architects." In looking through the yard from whence were produced these unequalled " walkers of the waters," the Prince of Wales and the Meteor, we observed on the stocks two ♦ery handsome iron steamers in a forward state, one intended for the Nile and the other for the Rhine. FATAL STEAM-BOAT COLLISION. MELANCHOLY OCCURRENCE OFF GREENWICH. Yesterday forenoon an inquiry was commenced before Mr. Baker, at the Queen's head Tavern, High-street, Poplar, re specting the death of Mr. Samuel Theodore Lebatt, aged 23, oue of the principals at Hermangild Castellani and Co.'s, in Copthall-court, the Belgian Consul, who lost his life by fall ing from the Cameleon yacht, occasioned, it is alleged, by her being run into by the Royal Adelaide Leith steam-ship. Owing to the respectability of the deceased more than usual interest was manifested during the proceedings, and was in creased from the circumstance of there being some very gross neglect on the part of the crew on board the steamer. Prior to the evidence being gone into, the Coroner observed that he should like to be informed of a few of the facts of the case, as, in the event of there being blame attributable to those persons who had charge of the steam-ship, he should wish them to be in attendance. A young gentleman, whose name did not transpire, stated that he was one of a party who, along with the deceased, went on board the Cameleon yacht on Saturday, for the purpose of cruizing down the river for a few days. They were delayed a short time in Blackwall-reach, when the vessels in the Royal Thames Yacht Club sailing match being per ceived, they further delayed their cruize, and got up as far as Greenwich Hospital to see the yachts come in. Here, owing to the state of the tide and wind, they were obliged to anchor. They remained there till ten o'clock at night, and, having procured two watermen from Greenwich, de termined to proceed on their trip. As soon as the anchor• was hove up, and the vessel being what is called in stays, the steamer was observed coming down the river._ They hailed to shove on board, but her paddles were not stopped until she had gained within a few yards of the Cameleon, too late to prevent a collision, and the consequence was that she struck their vessel on the starboard quarter. The deceased had but a few minutes before gone down in the cabin to sleep for a few hours, singing, as he went down the companion ladder, the pilot's song, '• Fear not, but trust in Providence," and hearing some confusion he rushed upon deck, and, it was supposed, must have been thrown over board by the shock and struck by the paddles, as he was an excellent swimmer, and had saved two young ladies from drowning in Portsmouth harbour, for which heroism he had bean presented with a gold medal and vote of thanks by the Royal Humane Society. His parents resided at Ramsgate, his father being Lloyd's agent for that port. The CORONER here said that he should only take the evi dence as to the identity and finding of the body, and adjourn the inquiry for the attendance of the parties connected with the steamer. Mr. Joseph Norton Lebatt, of No. 3, Copthall-court, Bank, deposed that the deceased was his brother. He last saw him alive on Saturday afternoon, at his office, and was about to proceed on board the Cameleon, which was about twelve tons burthen. He was then in good health and perfectly sober. Witness has since seen his body, and noticed a redish mark, extending down the whole of his nose, and to his left eye, no doubt produced by the paddle-wheels of the steamer striking him. Henry Marston, Thames police-constable, stated that at about half-past three o'clock on Sunday afternoon he dis covered the body of the deceased gentleman on the banks, on the Isle of Dogs, opposite Greenwich. It had been left by the tide, and had no shoes, coat, or hat on. On searching him, IL Ils. 7d. was found in his waiscoat pocket, and the front part of his dress was disordered. The CORONER then formally adjourned the inquiry, and lound_over the several jurymen and witnesses to appear on Wednesday week to further prosecute the investigation. THE CZAR'S VISIT. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—Perhaps you have not inserted the letter I sent you on the 6th inst., because of its length. Now, I shall compress this as much as possible, hoping you will this time, in justice to me and Captain Jablonski, give, in your next, publication to it, as I am anxious to contra dict the report so detrimental to us and so misrepresent ing our sentiments on the subject. The paragraph al luded to, I believe, originated in a mistake of your re porter, and afterwards found it way to the Chronicle and other respectable journals. To show the real state of things, I beg to inform you that on the 3d of this month, on the occasion of the an niversary meeting of the Literary Association of the Friends of Poland, I spoke not a word of the Czar. It would be foolish, and against his interest, in a Polish exile, to wish to prevent the better part of the people of this country to express, in any way they like, their sen timents against the oppressor of Poland ; and I do as sure you, that my Gallant Friend spoke in a spirit quite reverse to that which the article alluded to represents him. I am, Sir , Your humble, obedient servant, 3, Queen-street, Golden-square, WIERCINSKI. May 11, 1844. To a deputation from the City, which recently waited on Sir Robert Peel, with the view of inducing her Majesty's Government to increase the amount of duty they have proposed to Parliament to levy on foreign coffee, the Right Hon. Baronet is understood to have given a firm but respectful refusal. BARBAROUS MURDER.—On Sunday week a hor- - rible murder was perpetrated in the parish of Cloone, county Leitrim, by a gang of assassins, during the hours of Divine service. In consequence of the illness of his wife, Mr. Thomas Nash, a respectable Protestant, was obliged to remain at home, contrary to his custom ; and at mid-day he was sur prised by an armed party entering his house and demanding his fire-arms. He resisted the demands of the lawless ruffians with determination ; but, grievous to relate, he fell in mortal combat with his assailants. His poor wife crept from her bed of sickness, and, with his sister, Mrs. Brown, assisted in the struggle against the assassins, one of whom struck Mrs. Nash upon the head with a pistol, and another, at the same moment, darted a sword through the body of Mr. Nash. Mrs. Nash exclaimed, "I am murdered !"—her husband re sponded, " I am gone !" and almost instantly breathed his last. An inquest was held on the body, but nothing calcu lated to lead to a discovery of the blood-stained monsters has been elicited. A Government reward of 801. has been offered for their detection.—lrish Paper. PONY MATCH BETWEEN LONDON AND BRIGHTON. The following somewhat extraordinary match against time was performed on Thursday last by Mr. Jenkins, of No. 28, Shoppertou-street, Lower-road, Islington who for a wager undertook to drive, in harness, a pony, thirteen hands high, from the Angel Inn, Islington, to the Prince George Inn, Brighton, and back the same day, the pony to start from the former place at six o'clock in the morning, and return there at by twelve o'clock at night, a distance of 108 miles. After driving from Highbury Mr. Jenkins made his appearance, with the pony attached to a light gig, at the place and time appointed, whence he started, and baited on the road to Brighton at the following places, viz. :—Streatham, Croydon, Godatone, and Linfield, and arrived at the Prince George Tavern, Brighton, kept by Mr. Roots, at one o'clock in the afternoon, where, after resting half an hour, the' pony was started on his road to London, making a stay of one hour at each of the following places, viz., Linfield, Grodstone, and Croydon ; and Mr. Jenkins arrived at the place he started from in the morning at twenty minutes past eleven o'clock at night, being forty minutes within the given time. But what renders the feat the more extraordinary is, that the pony is nearly eleven years old, and rather " groggy" in his fore legs. He, however, when in full swing, has a most re markable carriage, with no appearance whatever of the fault mentioned. On arriving at home after accomplishing this journey the pony did not - appear to be at all distressed, and looked as if he was then quite prepared to perform a similar task. During his journey the pony was refreshed with gruel and with a small quantity of port wine. We regret to have to announce the death of Alexander Johnston, Esq., of Shieldhall, M.P. for the Kil marnock District of Burghs, which took place very suddenly at Rothesay, on the morning of Thursday, the 9th instant, where Mr. Johnston had been residing for the benefit of his health. Mr. Johnston contested the Ayr Burghs, in 1834, with Lord James Stuart, and was only thirteen below his noble opponent, who owed his seat to the influence of the Argyll family. He sat for Kilmarnock since the last general election, having beat Mr. Colquhoun, of Killermont, by a majority of eleven. Mr. Johnston was a consistent an d zeal ous Reformer.—Scotch R =eformers' Gazette. THE LASH AT OOLWlCH.—Yesterday, before seven o'clock, another of those disgusting exhibitions took place at the rear of the Royal Artillery Barracks. The whole of the troops were assembled on the parade, to hear the sen tence of a garrison court-martial read, which had been held upon gunner and driver Bell, of the 7th battalion Royal Ar tillery, for having sold his regimental necessaries, also steal ing other regimental accoutrements belonging to his com rades, and also absenting himself without leave from his quarters for some days, till compelled to return under charge of an escort—of all which charges be was found guilty, and sentenced to receive 150 lashes, and then to be drummed out of the service. yesterday the culprit was tied to the tri angles to receive the punishment awarded him, and the scene of horror commenced. After the punishment was over, the culprit was marched off to the Ordnance Hospital; and when he is well enough to leave it, he will be drummed out of the service. On Wednesday morning, says the Quotidienne, about half-past eight, a gentleman was passing through the Rue Mazagran, when a man, pale and emaciated, came up to him and said, " I am dying of hunger, I have not eaten anything these two days." The gentleman took out some money, and giving him some, returned the rest into his waist coat pocket. " Give me all," said the man, "or I plunge my knife in your body." The gentleman, nothing frightened at this, attempted to seize on the fellow, but he took to flight and escaped. , 'l4 , STHAAVA I, and CoOiayll Med a ;tar Meteor, )11 to'Grav'eMdcl-: h )1170 feet lies in broilthOtkLearries two ) by tubular her model is perfect symmetry—