The Sun. — London, England, 1845-06-04 00:00:00

I written, Printed, and published, Kee' ' aeon and the Noble Marquis won Tres at liberty to make of it what use he pleased.—( Hear, hear. ) theThtla". Marquis Of NORM A.NRY held the printed report of h . , ....le's e arge in his hand, and he read from it extracts in which a llied !!' t e i... ll ,.rt Re.v. Prelate d . eum , inced the doctrines of Popery as stial stn s ,'" , ‘se ar id - soul-den - mires ' and urged his clergy to re ,,t to n much as possible their " flocks " from employing as serva nt . Oral' 3, or retaining as tenants, persons tainted with the . iin t 1 . I ` l "ral and pernieiou s creed. The Right Rev. Prelate wa- re.. " a- t i e Pr'sented also to have inculcated the doctrine of " exclusive ' a oe i ', dealing in the same addre( Hear, hear. ) The Notee liiie i nte r n uls was continuing to read the document when he was toll ''. r uPted by iti ' • tha l r he Bishop of CASHEL, who rose and said—l say that obi . a n d Is ; from beginning to end, an abominable falsehood oldcir ! io n se c s a _l arn nY—( Loud cheeers)—and Nobles say further, that it e. na`unts discreditable of the f I lt r l e a l r a uis, who mu•t q nd - have been well ,er• a entia `:' . _ position as Lord- Lieutenant os , th e_ trued with the character of the nisi' people, to have had th' 1. , eharge ha his pocket for the last two years, anever hare 'Toke n of it u send th e N oble e lf, till no ' ( Renewed cheers )—and I na ilk' recem- IA Marquis to be more cautious, and to read ten h ip me re attention any s t or i es h e may rece i ve f rom I re l an d, w hi c h het et. be sea. „ , te' • No inedned to bring forward the next %tine he is in tnt or a speech. (Cheers, and cries of tt Orde ) 0 Di Alar quis of NORMANBY—I believe I have shown the et Ott Reverend Prelate every courtesy ? Ef s t rt ori e l - 4° l , of CASHEL—No, Sir, you have not.—(Loud ~,,_ Ll' " Order, order.") ,e I ett ' e n r e Marquis of NOMAN BY said he only received the i' he had been reading yesterday ; and he would now pro sreed t° read it, as the letter of a person who had been present e en t he Right Reverend Prelate was delivering his charge, t 11:d ti m enveying 3 e the impression that charge made upon him at I 1 .. Th e writer was a Protestant clergyman. . f °l ' d }- lstslll F VILLE rose to order. He dii think th at 1 t l o l t 7 the denial Right ' Rev. Prelate had given a distinct it ttarte statement of the letter, as read by the Noble Marquis, Th e no t . , T ,. tbe fair or just in him to proceed. , 1, t ," Marquis of NORMANBY—The Noble Lord was th r-a ei g* The Right Rev. Prelate had not. denied the truth of tai e le , i ' ate ment. He del not say that there was nothing con e. ~ Tehee,n.the letter similar to the contents of the charge. sr? 2% ciu.l3lshop of CASHEL said he would send the Noble The Ilaa cop). of the chat ge. ° f fid th ere r r a i s s h o o f t NOß.N o l r A d N a ßY—lf the Right Rev. Prelate truth in the letter, why then, ,eibi;stue,ishheop(Lord I\Tiormanby) would be silent. CASHEL said that the printed charge was a charge he delivered. t4 e l ett a l arqtus of NORMANBY would now proceed to read l 'r 'r ite a s etl i e : : :in PY. o oo r rf der to show the impression made upon the T he 1 the charge at which he was present . tle tik ' tt tarl of WINCHILSLA rose to . or der. He did not this w o e n House should listen to the opinions of individuals in .? lesst(ee s Y if they did, he would ask, where was it all to end iei.-art hear..) - The Right Rev. Prelate ha d . stated that the eed . eontained what was false, therefore it should not be Tit--(Cheers, and criel of " Order.") tete t a Marqui s of LassnowsE and the Earl of Wicxeow tot,„e)3e to order, but the latter gave way to the former, who `4ls perfect that his Noble Friend (the Marquis of Normanby) sh o o t ing st rt 'atie in order in reading the contents of a . letter, th e • char I mpression made upon the mind of the writer by The eg e •-•-( Hear, hear. ) Ley to "earl of WINCHILSEA did not think it fair or just to T h an that such a course should be pursued. alit i: :la setais of .NORMANI3Y said the Noble Earl was th e rt - s ard er, and he would now proceed to read the letter of ..a3 otestant Pr e , clergyman, whose name he would give, who ...; cslis ste e r!t at the charge, and who, at that time, received the " g la 1 - °' t he Right Rev. Prelate for visiting a nationa l l' e • (Ch - ..11ei- eering.., let of ari of WICKLOW said the Noble Marquis was not b e et order, but he would put it to him whether it would not ther order, a sound discretion nut to pursue this course tur it-set near, hear. Pere: Marqui s of NORMANBY said he would now read that het eep a nf the l etter which referred to the personal encounter lu M kb' t he writ er and the Right Reverend Prelate. The in ar • e . %bat ems then proceeded to read the passage, which was tanif e i f a n i ce that the writer declared he could never forget the Mi d a ati e r ej t e ur il y ngs he suffered, when, after a residence of a quarter ee ln that parish (Clashmore) he heard himself thus heir, b osh,, bishop for caving visited a national school, and I f it e . E d that no Protestant clergyman should do so, even thee er e only for the ur oSe of geeing e rules. The writer 13 :'. e f" W r e ent ' l n to say h i : fo p uud he - had fo r g e er lost all chance of h e ' t 0 , -a ut; &e.---( Laughter and cheers.) He (the Marquis t l tv 'r is T ti an hY) heard the Noble Lord opposite cheer; but 'illy e ' ask him was that the treatment a clergyman of dha nds Sears' residence in a parish ought to receive at the . ye : t f his bishop, b t cause he had gone to see the rules in i'T'ttatitr;`?.....a, r sch ool ' estalslished by the n Government of his t , 9 th at kesectud cheers.) The w last. went on further to that e l " Right Reverend Prelate added that he would , ta slal s' r e ,," r?t , school at all in the country than the Na nd the'" °° ' 3. "' — (Continued cheers.) That was the letter, itekell.,32lisialb-ojerove,;rt7iteb(rii,ol it was the Rev. Mr. Maccassv, rector of ear, hear.) He would not follo w . up t.., • Prelat ) repeating the expressions used . by the Right uoe se e, which were too coarse for repetition in that ‘ed I an 't which s •••••( si the Right Rev. Prelat e . should never have 4 :',e f r \ ear, hear.) The Noble Marquis then rea . d a pas *he ' t. ° a lweetter from a Protestant c w lrg w y b m er a e n in Larne, isi s t re there the writer 141,4. i . h ere was no 12,000_ . inhabitants,a ii lr bio ners t, e s tee, ee , against the grant..—( Hear, hear.) He (the i me g , a ' .•Norinar.by) regretted that this measure had not " a Irer e Ilte d Whenethe repeal agitation was completely dea t asje r i t n d ; but even now he ho a id to see it carried by a large t Te e bq their Lordships' H 1), (Cht ers. ) '0 •- uke -, ouse. 7 ' i 4itat . °I . WELLINGI ON said that he made no allusion s lit' -Ns -ere '44 Or tr, • li k id D . - any meetings held in Dublin. These meet .t sa e t, O evo eot up for the purpose of compellin g the Legislature i t i lsettl,4 over of the countr y . to adopt th e measure of the the decision of i 2 i r orrl 'ae Union, setting aside altoge . t 'it's Les io n t li Ps' House on the Bill of exceptio h n e s r . That was his peal ca k e said that the Government was s trong on and the from was weak. He did:not say a esoyd . agitation, B ell e ott e l c ue could say what the course of agitation would be e e llere a Y to the next. He said the repeal cause too—not . 4 . 4 4 c r ‘ eak . sitholic cause—( A laugh)—that the repeal cause 4- 1, 4 ,g fl ees !le took care to say, that as their Lordships were .; til l 'ee Di,..' h 'nould not persecute those who were weak. k 11 4; 1: III:C I of . CASHEL, in explanation of the:remar s t e Ili tette L u igi r quis of Normanby, said that he would , show . to and o t u to the letter referred to. It was always painful comet -na 4 -teiv " a number of apolications for vacant livings, t Ihe eLdat O w t :' '' 14 e ever have a better chance for speakieg,in a - re s i e At ehbr s e ra atiner of himself than in such an application. thro e - " I N a, j un Pot DUBLIN said that he should trouble thir Iseefg,hailt a s as possible. From the language us ed . I s er e e p t 7 v ollr e h i e country it would appear that all those who Pi ; - nleile ete the grant were set down as indifferent . to , t li lt' it h . . „Re e se - c lthe Protestant faith, and dangerous latitud t i i i o ia n - , o ei.: oad (~-"'" say, in reference to the course of instr n u s c w _ 0 , i t' tl i q r • stl l dl e n a t ' s io ‘ n m ore than onee to examine perso h keis ii rot i .„ In Maynooth, and who . sought employment wh, wsLarit Church, having left their own. Also young 4 I T eri th • ere expecting , situations as tutors after they left 01.-e u r an u he was eisposed to think that . the th e al % b in i !ttn utiori there mus t . be o f . a very inferior , description. th at 4.1. Ne e e r,,, , u e ,, ii eu, from conversing with many Roman Catholics, 144 .,s ti aIu u te ege pas not well regulated as to the course of in le se i t ta u ght In it. He did not find fault with the college t lit s eet ec ight men to be Roman Catholics, for that was to itt s ,' and se i.( Laughter. ) With regard to literature, h.is titi,Nentt l e ;'et he thought it was susceptible of great m itt s - ' 1 an e s ., 'I making it a perpetual endowment they were al, s r ,,"attl e -Mrtant check to its being again brought forward ael,"‘ t ioe ' ri te und of party • It appeared that the system of 4 1 ' % le i a.oPted there wa s ' a shabby one, and he could not l '`,, QN , 15 „ 1 ''' gto th e conclusion, that it was, to a certain extent, ';n 4 ,7l;o tri ss t e - e e niggardly manner in which the college had ' 0 11.,t . ',," e - 4," He must say, on behalf of himself and his '); ' ; rl,' ,'" a t they were not ' to be considered es indifferent 6 1 , kk a ;, ,,t. ;lan; faith because of their refusing to join' this me esirrsse 'h"rincreased grant. ' He had the highest respect L i % .'"; bt it r h ° e . h;s Homa n Catholic brette en—( fir ar ,';:- to rn -- was not ' ' more opposed to t h e m ifian 4,'",:h , >4l d a r.'L of those Protestants who believed that the 'Del " r a t "'Me a re l igion up on its subjects. If the civil de ''''' Ra s oe e, t h e sto decide what the religion 'ltte%alLall err fate should make no difference between great ,d tat ''' sy C urs ; be' should exclude all sects that disagreed id e d oct s i t : e "l it adopt s ,' . He called upon those who he all esin7treeett unless follots out their principles . and denounc e be t s , ees th tness those for the Established Church. T o e 9 1 :Le gralleYt s hould do so. He did not however understan d It 1 1 i. - 001. could go against a . nran's consc l i f en a c i e l t ae b e e with his approval or acquieseenc b e. t "ev ei .,,,7i Said respecting Alaynoeth were true, e thou:sb . t 4t all7 le nt should rot tolerate the existence of the Col isiteie ner t he priest . themse lves, who were imbued with ' 4 les iN4 doctrines which s it . waseaid to inculcate. They ' the , ye n the re 'r e 1 sole , the Bishops, on pain of break ' A cre _!"!'ll VOWS, to denounce that grant. Is„ +elk different ways of driving out errors t et L ee 11„,l,r!i? their vows Was it by secular -4i4iis stan ce }' - th e sword? Sooner than do so he would re -4' erni4, and endeavour to earn his bread by the most i - eve ' nYraen t•—(Hear, hear.) Ile would not resort to 4'l4sitithost;d4cttnewlzereretiouilvliderendeavour to drive out those who were in , 14. °h who taught fake and dangerous doctrines. Roman Catholics, but he had over those 'loth netri rie on, and if he found ' among them any who tel)er, tit) sof one Church, and received the emoluments D e es s e be . would drive out.—(" Hear, hear, ' and p„_' of th e 30 doing he considered he would best acquit , 0 "' els,ohl:gation of his vows. There was a great dif lee ht n oets eo giNiner and granting an endowment. The re . of their te. `4re s; s. libelonged to the nation ; and as lung s.t 7re shoes tz Millions of persons, whom they might tell in e le aPartof the nation— ( A laugh ) it was rni.culou•, ' l l tqp;• l4/r de Manner as if the money had come from the ° tee ivate in dividuals.. It was a claim on the nation, and ~s 't. 4 Vath l' e i , 'le si.tot, 0 ics contributed to i ts funds it was wrong to t he tit " a Paltry endowment. He must also protest 4, 1 . 1: ` nr Y made against the word expediency.--( Hear, 1.. 1 ) et'sePerh°!es,sed. himself a votary of expediency.—( A ;' , litte wh 'stud like to know what any one had to do in 0 (14 11 a W as not a man of expediency.—( Laughter ) he fo ettioi rn a et there for the public expediency. There was e t l afety °I Public prayer that was said every evening it tiot tit ' and honour, and prudence of their Lordship's t 4. Oe sho u ld if that was not consulting for pu bl ic expe it oble like to know hat expediency was.—(Cheers.) 4 4 ,, h ee l -0 1'de. V% were incli ne d t o t hi n k d espon di ng l y o f th e , r irel s Ze it had been so much decried by the agita r4lalent a N Y n Y , he thought that, so far from that be t in . g eiiiit it ; forg:inst the Bill, it was rather an . argumen ie4.lwes an Measure which tended to pacify and resto re kt , 44 Btir t oneb censured by those whose trade was sti ll ') on °Pini prevailed that the Roman Catholic 101) reland was united as one man; but the fact was fiery,,: % t here was a handful of people to agitate in i-tir I. ) 'a lruig would th be aitators. The agitators, ht n umber se e e ' re calle d themselves the people. 'ale; This r e ' rniu w d a ed s him o f a say ing of Mr. Burke's, 15 king of a handfulof politicians thft spoke of them -lit e p eo , se ie r uead et t e °I . England, said they resembled grasenop -0;4 etho s which occupying a snug bank, made all the 111,t e NI , the sole ecnpants of the meadow, whilst the of " r iot t4ceuUleants, ruminated quietly in the shades. D Rnves ti t It upon himself to say which was the proper ' e ver e lug Ireland a difficult problem to solve, as a ;Is all Rrel t e sti] Ist Nee shi s , a e (Daly) had observed on the previous to of ne would say, that they should not consider ere I°llo raj a fe w' agitators as the voice of the . nation, e tho se "d the loudest clamour in Ireland aga inst the t o Pea ce Who considered every measure bad which had „r di si l o and conciliation —the designs of such men i '.. j te tl d E by l it te pe a:A. raise . a . hostile feeling between England 'rotß cv, petual agitation.—(Loud cheers.) e d e 'S rose amid loud cries for the Bi shop of de th e e ' e uded the conduct of the professors of May rentsgerasPersons which had been cast upon them and Iti.yi.oNvehait•ceurhraelloen, eanodf t c h o e ne m lu o d st ed by yin e that he thought healin sa g - , tr"anquillising, and ; qop, c e ctuld be devised for the advantage of Ireland. tYll,ltleei to EXETER then rose and said, that he ' 4 ,..at th,', e t le call which I:ad been made upon him, itk l e ro e re al question at issue had been much departed 4, ()11 4 " e ° f the present discussion. The origin of , if i t i i r ,eerned to have been forgotten, and it would 0 7e 'god i a d I?een founded and supported wholly by the ti of _u his hand a paper, from which it appeared, 4 1 . e l : ga las first established upon sufferance upon the 4 ti er , wh o t . ' Roman Catholic prelates, Dr. Troy among for theo ~Presented the memorial to Lord Westmore e, bee`.9rd-i of Ireland. The memorial *44t ie " j 's licence to establish a college wherein "cited for the Roman Catholic church, But it must appear that this licence was in the first instance, to enable Roman Catholics to endow the College. The Act of Parliament empowered them to receive donations, but the whole amount of donations re ceived by May noeth College from the Roman Catholics, tip to 1814, was 5,0001. , and not a penny since then. There was a charge of arseaable parsimony made against the Parliament towards the Roman Catholic college of Maynooth, which he considered wholly unfounded. `I he only miserable parsimony which he could detect was in the Roman Catholic squire archy of Ireland, anti it was for those the Noble Eari who spoke last night (the Earl of St. Germans) had reason to blush for the state of ruin and degradation to which May nooth had been brought. The words of the Act of Parlia ment proved that Maynooth was not regarded originally as a corporatien—it was an institution supported originally by mere chance endowments ; and Parliament did not, he re peated, originally recognise it in the light of an institu tion which hsd any claims upon the State.--( Hear hear. ) They were told that a visiterial power was to be exercised, hut what would he the value of visiting, when they had no right to interfere with the doctrines which were taught at Maynooth ? Visitors in such a case would be of nu value what ever.—( Hear. ) Again it was said that the reason why the insti tution was not properly supported was the poverty of the people. Tots could not be the case. There was no want of wealth among the Roman Catholics of that, country, especially among those of the higher classes. Wealth was increasing in Ireland, and he was clad of it, but it ought to be borne in mind that for the last twelve years the wealthy Roman Catholics of that country had contributed from six to seven thousand pounds to an insti tution for the propagation of the Roman Catholic faith in Lyons. If they were satisfied with the character of Maynooth, it was not necessary for them to go there with their money— they would not have allowed the state of things, the want of de cency, and the absence of proper arrangements for the educa tion of the students to have existed. He wanted to know what good the Bill promised to realise? The great want of Ireland at the present time was men to teach them the duty they owed to their God and their country—to remind them that their first duty was to pay respect to the laws, to live at peace with all men, and not only to cultivate peace themselves but to set the example of peaceable conduct to others.—( Hear, hear.) Reference had been made to the circumstances of Ireland, and their Lordships had been told that there was some excuse for the part the priesthood had taken in the political t roceedings of that country.—( Hear.) He was willing to make some allowance for those parties; but the re bellious and tumultuous proceedings which they countenanced and defended were such as, by God's blessing, he should never assist in communicating to the Christian character, least of all to a Christian minister.—( Hear, hear. ) 'I he evil was, that the character of the priesthood was taken from the character of the people, and the real origin of it was in the exclusive sys tem of education pursued at Maynooth College. He did not see how it was possible to educate 500 young men in a proper manner by shutting them up in a monastic institution, making them perfect serfs during the seven years of their education, without connexion with the people, or association with the superior classes of society. They led the lives of recluses, destitute of all those associations and advantages that tended to develop the manly character. They were not allowed during their servitude, at any time, the privilege of walking in the avenues adjoining the institution—to pass for a single moment out of sight of their superintendents. And when their slavery was at an end they passed at once from a state of complete servility to a state of absolute despotism. From slaves they at once were transformed into despots—( Hear, hear )—and went forth among the people as the representatives of God—vices genere Devon. In this country the education of the Catholic clergy took place with the young members of the nobility and gentry. This was not the case at Maynooth, and hence the great difference in the cha racter of the Catholic clergymen of England compared Is - Ith those of Ireland. There was no other institution in Ireland more productive of evil than May nooth, and for that reason he should vote against the motion before their Lordships for the second reading of the Bill. He was some the wealthy Roman Catholics of Ireland must be as desirous of sending their sons to be educated along with those intended for the University as were the rich Roman Catholics of England ; and the reason why they had not done so was, according to his judgment, because the system of education at Maynooth was so degrading. The next question was, who should nominate the students to be educated there? According to the proposed measure, the patronage was to be vested in the hands of the Roman Catholic Bishops. They were to have the appointment of no less than 500 young men. Would not this be putting a powerful ergine into the hands of the clergy?—a power which, he contended, should alone be vested in the hands of the Crown. It this would be considered giving undue power to the Crown, another course might be taken ; the Crown might ap point four times the number to be admitted, and they should afterwards be examined publicly by the Roman Catholic Bishops in Dublin. Great benefit might be realised it some thing of that kind were adopted ; but there should be no such monastic institution as that of Maynooth. In his opinion the amount of the money was scarcely worth a moment's con sideration if the system pursued were satisfactory. For his part, instead of one college he would have three or four col leges, somewhat analogous to those proposed in the other House of Parliament for the education of the Roman Catholic priesthood. But, he would have it a liberal educa tion, in connexion with the young men belonging to the nobility anti gentry, and altogether different from the monastic and exclusive system pursued at Maynooth. A Right Rev. Prelate had been reflected on the previous evening, because he could net name a remedy for the evils that affected Ireland. Such a proceeding was unfair and unconstitutional. The Rev. Prelate was not responsible for governing the country. That duty rested with the Government. The Ministry had voluntarily undertaken the duty of governing the country, and it was no part of the duty of Parliament to take the business of the Executive into its hands.—( Hear, hear.) It was for the Government to bring forward their measures, and then for their Lordships to judge of their value and efficacy. He thought too much of the wisdom of the Government to consider the present measure the best that could be introduced by them. The Noble Duke (the Duke of Manchester) had, in the debate of last evening, referred to the conferences of the Catholic priesthood, and there were proofs amply sufficient to show that the statements made by the Noble Duke were well founded. The common law inflicted the punishment of death by burning those who were guilty of the c r i me o f h e r e sy. He need only quote tl.e opinions of Dens, for the truth of this assertion.--( Hear.) If their Lordships would examine closely into the nature of the studies taught at May nooth, they would find that they were not opposed to these conferences, and at all events, they were such as ought to make their Lordships shrink from the pestilential stream they were assisting by this grant to disseminate over Ireland. The Right Rev. Prelate then proceded to read from Maldonatus, the favourite commentator of Maynooth, in order to prove the pernicious character of the doctrines taught there. A very respectable clergyman who had been educated at Maynooth had authorized him (the Bishop of Exeter) to say that if their Lordships granted the Committee sought for by the Noble Earl, he should be ready to appear before them, and to detail the results of his experience there. In an examination before that House, it was proved that Dr. M'llale, who was the very impersonation of Maynooth, having been educated there, having been a professor there, and not leaving it till he was made Bishop. It was notoriously a fact, that on his visit to Achill. he had cursed priests who had left their Church and joined themselves to the Protestant faith. But this was only the common spirit that actuated them throughout Europe, and he would instance the protestation addressed by the Roman Catholic Priests of Belgium, in 1815, to the King, when he wished to confer civil liberties on all his subjects, without distinction of sect. This showed at least the spirit by which they were actuated, and the same spirit was inculcated by the Catholic teachers of Maynooth. Baron Richards, at the Castlebar assizes, in the year 1838, had avowed the bigotry of the Roman Catholic priests, their sinister influence on the people, and the effects of the perni cious teaching at Maynooth, to which a great proportion of the crime of Itelai.d was to be trac , d. But the character of those doctrines need not be discovered by a referenee to ati authority so unprejudiced, yet unconneeted Dr. 5I hale. in an essa) on the subject of dispensation. had set the tenets there held be lond all dispute. The deposing power, as acted upon by Pope Pius XVII.. in 1801, in trying to establish the succession of Louis XVIII., and acknowledged by the Irish bishops in 1809, was equally and as incontestible the doctrine still upheld. The elas:-book de penitentia instructed nothing less than perjury in i;s most abhorrent and revolting form, and the question, there fore was, were the Government ready to endow, with the funds of the State, and identify with the Constitution a college that propounded and instructed a system of unqualified perjury? He, for one, trusted that the House, when put in possession of su , th incontrovertible facts, would exclaim " Non-Content " to the provisions of such a mea-ure. Lord BROUGHAM could not understand the discrepancy between the line of arguments adopted by the Right Rev. Pre late and the opponents of the Bill, either on the Ministerial or the cross benches. The two Noble Dukes who had so ve hemently protested against the measure, exclaimed in horror, " Idolatry, superstition, abominable doctrines, everything that the Minister ought most to discountenance, were to be en dowed." Such were their arguments, and to s.) , the least of them, they were intelligible—they were logical, and calculated to carry conviction. But the Right Rev. Prelate contended in a far different strain—" I object to a system that would endow one institution where the false ultra-montaine doctrines were propounded; but withdraw those tenets, purge the reli gi,n of such abhorrent views, and I will vote for the endowment of four colleges for the teaching of the Roman Catholic faith ! What, four colleges, for one of which the Noble Duke had ob jected so-strenuously. The Right Rev. Prelate had said also that the State did, in 1794 and 1795, not endow the college, hut gave the Catholic faith a power of voluntary establishing an institution which, though not endowed, was endowable by the State. But the fact was that, in 1795, the Act of Geo. 111. was passed, and in all hut the word co-operation, every trust, even powers for grants of money, and lease of property was accorded the Institution.—( Hear, hear. ) And as to merely holding of the trusts, it would not be suffi cient to make them a corporation, if new powers were not given to them in their eapasity of visitors.—The grand omission in the Act was that there was no mention of a corporation—that was all. The words of the preamble of the Bill, that " Wheraas there was a college fir the education of Roman Catholics, and the funds were insufficient, it was desirable to support and endow that college," &c. There were three Acts passed in the reign of George 111. —a Prince above all others distin guished for his attachment to the Protestant religion—a Prince who was most religiously opposed to the anti-Protestant doc trines of the Humanists. Under whose auspices was the last Act (the 48th of the King) passed ?—( Hear, hear.) It was under the auspices of Mr. Percival who succeeded upon Pro testant principles—( Hea., hear)—the Government of Lord Grey.—( Hear, hear.) It vias under his auspices that the grant was continued, and that in the new Act the word " en dowed" was introduced.—(Hear, hear.) He knew as well as the Noble Earl opposite that the grant was from year to year. But surely the fact that the grant had been given, year after year, and in every year for fifty years, was of greater impor tance in support of the grant than if it had been given at once and for ever.—( Hear, hear.) It showed a greater determina tion on the part of the Legislature to continue the grant, under the very name used in each successive Act, than if it had been made at once a fixed and permanent endowment. —( Hear, hear.) He placed little value upon the animosities exhibited at public meetings. He believed that those annual displays of fanaticism would be happily put an end to by the Bill before the House.—( Hear, hear.) It was no argument against this measure that it would go to promulgate the ob noxious doctrines taught at Maynooth ; for it was denied by no opponent, of this Bill that Alayneoth, with all its doctrines, must still be supported.—( Hear, hear.) Was it not better— as it had well been said by the Noble Duke op posite—that if the Roman Catholics of Ireland must be educated by priests, those priests themselves ought to be educated as gentlemen.—( Hear, hear.) He would read an extract from an English traveller, who said that on his visit to .11Iaynooth he found the condition of the pupils one of great deprivation. The union workhouses were palaces com pared to the College.— ( Hear, hear.) Nothing could exceed the povery and squalidity of the establishment. ( The Noble and Learned Lord read the extract at great length, depicting the extreme poverty of the pupils, and the filthy state of their accommodation.) It was absurd to say that doctrines were taught in the College which rendered the controlling power of the Crown nugatory.—( Hear, hear.) For in the Chan cellorship of Lord Plunkett, that Lord Chancellor did, as visitor, institute inquiries into the conduct of the pupils; and they, when examined upon oath, gave evidence which proved that they had no indoctrimation opposed to the obil,:atien of an oath, and the result of the inquiry was, that the abuses complained of, and proved, were removed.—( Hear.) lie did not wish to give any pain to Members of that House professing the Roman Catholic faith, nor to persons professing that faith out of the House; but he must declare that no opponent of the Bill was more opposed than he was to the doctrines of the Church of Rome, or more opposed to the power of aw hierarchy governed by a head with a triple crown.—( Hear, hear.) He did not like the hooks which were read in Maynooth College. He did not say that books were not to be read because he, or their Lordships, did not like them.—(A laugh.) He then went through a catalogue of hooks of various doctors, amongst whom he mentioned Thomas Aquinas, whose doctrines he did not approve, but whose works, he thought, might well he read with advantage. He differed from the Noble Lord oppo site in his views; for it was quite a mistake to suppose he could be correct in those views. There was no doubt that the books mentioned were in existence, and that they contained those bad doctrines that had been mentioned. But this was totally beside the question now before their Lordships, and if it were not so, he would be ready to vote for the Committee. He had heard a great deal about Maldonatus and heresy, and all that: but some of thus-' arguments went to prove that these bad doctrines were taught in Mat nooth. No doubt the dogmas taught in Maynooth were the Ro manist dogmas ; but what other could be taught there? Surely they were not. to invent new books—if so, then, they were to have their own books ; hut even so, the fact would be found that all those bad and dreadful doctrines would shrink into a page or two.—( Hear, hear.) And now let him remind their Lordships that the Church of Rome was not the only church that had fallen into error. He much feared that melancholy indeed was the condition of the ecclesiastical dis cipline of another church. He was not now alluding to the spiritual or ecclesiastical power of that church. That church to which he alluded had exercised a great secular power, not withstanding all that had been said about the Pope, and the Councils, and the priests, though he should certainly say that the former had never carried it so far as the latter.— ( Hear, hear.) In modern times that church had been as much distinguished for its tolerance as its piety, and this he had said of it fifteen years ago ; but he should peremptorily deny, that it was always as tolerant as it was now ; and if he took the trouble he could find writers amongst the old fathers, who furnished as strong illustrations against the intolerance of that Church, as any that had been adduced against the Romish Church. These things were not confined to the Episcopalian Church. The Dissenters and Wesleyan 11.- tholists were the loudest and most incessant in their outcry against it. Well might the bench of bishops say, that these religionists had no right to look for an extension of civil and religious liberty for themselves, since they had been so violent in their opposition when con cessions were made to Roman Catholics. They were the last, too, who should charge other religionists with holdng persecuting doctrines, for, if he selected a writer who of all others la .d down the doctrine of extirpation with more ela borateness—who even went so far as to say that the body of the heretic should even be burnt—who taught not merely the right but the duty of destroying the body to save the soul—he should say that that man was John Calvin.—(Loud cheers.) Among the various devices which that man resorted to for the purpose of carrying into effect his diabolical doctrines was the practice of letter-opening.—( Loud laughter.) The Noble Lord pro ceeded to state an instance of this man's cruelty in the case of a Spanish physican. He got him to come to Geneva, where, in consequence of his religious opinions, he was denounced, condemned, and burnt to death forty-eight hours after, without even the common forms of justice, and in mockery of every feeling that actuates humanity. The Noble Lord then went on to adduce another instance of the most intolerant persecution on the part of the Presbyterians and Calvinists, from an American author, Mr. Gerard Spottis woode, who described the sufferings of an individual whose only crime was worshipping in the Common Prayer Book of the Church of England. He would now leave this part of the subject, and he would ask who would think the worse of Glasgow, Edinburgh, Hackney, or any other college where Dissenters were taught ?—who would ever think the worse of them because there might be found among their dusty shelves a copy of the works of the persecutor and murderer of Geneva—the author of the most elaborate treatise on persecution that the world has ever seen—without any attempt even to efface the page, palliate its cruelties, or apply en antidote to the poison which it administered. Who, he would ask, would think of involving all the students and pro fessors of those colleges, and the system of instruction taught there, in the doctrines which were promulgated by Calvin ? It would be senseless and utterly monstrous to do so. Thomas Aquinas never could be compared, for a moment, to that vio lent and restless exterminator. Let him say- one word of King William, who ought to be revered in this country and Ireland, not merely because he founded civil liberty, but because he ' save them from Popery. His name might be made a watch word by fanatics, hut it was not in that sense he used it, and be heartily agreed with the Somersets and the Gudolphins of his stay, that hail their Lordships then lived they would have passed the penal code. Last of all, he was told that you cannot con scientiously give money for the propagation of error. In the first place, the money would be given, whether or no. Secondly, the money partly belonged to Catholics. Thirdly, Maynooth was only one of a number of establishments recognised and en dowed by the State. In Canada the Roman Catholic Church was established by this country. The Right Reverend Prelate was wrong in stating that there was any provision in the treaty of Paris for endowing the Roman Catholic faith—nothing was guaranteed in that treaty but toleration. Constant grants were made by the Legislature for the sustainment of the Catholic establish ments in the colonies, and at Malta even the regular clergy were paid by the State. In Malta the Roman Catholic Church was of the most rigorous and exclusive character, and yet it was supported by the Government, while no cry, voice, or whisper, had been raised against it. Before sitting down he would sly a word respecting the mode in which the grant had been met. His Right Hon. Friend in the other House, at the head of her Majesty's Government, had been reflected on for the course he had pursued on the present measure. It was said that one reason of introducing the measure was the great alarm expressed respecting the relations of this country with America. Another reason given was, that without some step of this kind agitation could not be put down. He (Lord Brougham) denied, as broadly and distinctly as his words would enable him to do, that any such appre hension had influenced his Right Hon. Friend in bringing forward that measure. His Right Hon. Friend might have referred to the relation of this country with foreign countries, and the difficulties connected with those relations, but he (Lord Brougham) denied that any such plea had been advanced as a reason for introducing the present measure, and for this reason, that it was a pure anachronism. For it would be re collected that last year, before any difference with America was dreamt of, his Right Hon. Friend, in answer to Mr. Wyse, distinctly announced his plan with regard to Maynooth, and also his views with respect to academical education. The al leging that the measure was introduced to still agitation, was equally unfounded. He had been represented to say that agi tation could not be put down by force, and he (Lord Brougham) said so too, for he held that it was impossible to put down agi tation by such means, until it broke out into violence or insur rection. But agitation in Ireland had verged upon that ex treme, and his eight Honourable Friend had used force, when force became necessary, and that force had been triumphantly successful.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") Agi-ation at all times was an evil, especially in thickly popu lated countries, and if the measure now introduced was calcu lated to quiet and improve that country, in this respect it was entitled to their support. He was told that the Right Rev. Prelate (the Bishop of Exeter) had made out a case against the grant to Maynooth, and Bishop Higgins had been cited to that effect. That Right Rev. Prelate had said, a few years ago, in a manifesto respecting the repeal movement, that he owed nothing to the aristocracy of Parliament but contempt, a few years before, on the occasion of the repeal of the Penal Code. How such a change had taken place in so short a period, he could not conceive, or how unbounded respect could be con verted into unqualified scorn ; however, his scorn and his re spect he valued in the same degree. That Right Reverend agitator had said—" Why should Ireland be thankful for 17,000/. a year, it was but three farthings a week !" Such argumentation he (Lord Brougham) had never be fore heard.—( Hear, hear.) Why, if 300,000/. a year had been accorded upon such a principle, the grant miel , t be said to be only fiv'pence a head, or less than a half farthing a week.—( Laughter. ) Hut Dr. Higgins no more represented the population of Ireland than Mr. Wilkes and Mr. Alderman Sawbridge when issuing their mandates from the London Tavern, and commencing " We, the people of Eng land," embodied or represented the population of this country. —( Laughter.) He felt gratified, however, that the Govern ment, conscious of its own integrity, and regardless of the cla mour of party, had fearlessly maintained its course, believing, as he did, that the popularity which followed a brave act was much more honourable than that sought after by spurious pre tensions, and that if they persisted in those brave acts they would deserve, as they would obtain, that enduring and invalu able applause.—( Cheers.) Lord CL NNCA RTY, amidst great odusion, and conflict ing cries of " Adjourn," "Go on," "Question, question," moved the adjournment of the debate. The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S was anxious though at that late hour to address—(here the Rev. Prelate was interrupted with reiterated cries of " Adjourn, adjourn," " Question, question," in the midst of which— Lord CL AN CA RTY protested against the irregular course adopted by the Right Rev. Prelate. The question of adjourn ment had been raised, and he for one would persist in it. The Bishop of St. DAVID'S—I wish to give your Lordships, in as succinct and short an explanation as possible, the reasons for my vote on the present occa.on. Lord CLANCA RTY (rising amid great sensation, and loud cries of " Order, order,")--I, my Lords, have moved the ad journment of this debate, because I consider it my duty to address a few words before the discussion terminates. Six addresses have been presented this night in favour of the Bill, while only two Members have spoken in favour of the amend ment of the Noble Earl near me (Lord Roden), and I have been anxiously waiting an opportunity to state my views upon it. Hitherto I have been unable to address your Lordships, and therefore it was that I secured for myself the tacit right of commencing the discussion to-morrow, by moving the adjourn ment of the debate.—( Loud cries of " Go on.") The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, I think it will be more consistent with the convenience of this House that the debate be adjourned till to-morrow. The greatest confusion here arose, Members not understand ing whether the Noble Duke intended this day, Wednesday (it being now one o'clock), or Thursday. Cries of " To day," " To-morrow," " Thursday," proceeded from all parts of the House, in the midst of which The LORD CHANCELLOR contrived to make himself heard, announcing that the House stood adjourned to Five o'clock this day ( Wednesday). Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, .June 3. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. The amendments on the Newcastle-upon-Tyne and North Shields Railway Bill was read and agreed to. The Glasgow Markets Bill was read a third time and passed. On the proposition of Mr. GREENE, the following motion, of which he had given notice, was agreed to :—" That in con sequence of the extraordinary pressure of private business during the present session, the time for presenting reports from Committees on private Bills be extended till Monday, the 16th of June." Mr. GODSON moved that it be an instruction to the Com mittee on the Manchester, Sheffield, and Midland Junction Railway Bill to consider the petition of Earl Fitzwilliam and others against the Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway Bill. Lord G. SOMERSET said that, providing the standing orders had been complied with, he could see no objection to the motion ; but he thought, at present, it ought to be post poned. After some observations from the O'CONOR DON, Mr. GODSON withdrew his motion. On the proposition of Mr. MANGLES, the following motion Ras agreed to :—'• That all the memorials,rpapers, and docu ments, presented to the Board of Trade, with reference to the several lines of railway referred to the Select Committee now sitting on the railways comprised in Group L be referred to such Committee; and that the evidence taken before the Committee on Railways, Group E (Northumberland lines), and ordered by the House on Friday last to be printed, be referred to the Committee on Group L." 11r. P. M. STEWART then moved that the amendments upon the report on the Great North of England and Richmond Railway Bill be received.—Agreed to. On the motion for the consideration of the report of the Leeds and West Riding Junction Railway Bill being put, Mr. CHARLES WOOD said that he bad no objection to the recommittal of the Bill, provided the parties were prepared to carry out the proposition they had made to the Committee. with respect to the modification of the tolls. If that was not done he should then move the postponement of the third reading. Mr. P. Al. STEWART was sure the directors of the company would fully carry out the spirit of the proposal they had made to the Committee. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDA I MORNING, JUNE 4, 1845. Mr. EN TWISLE said that the company, on making the proposition, distinctly stated that the charges they had agreed to were to be only on coals carried fifteen miles, and that for a less distance they Isere to he at liberty to make a higher charge. The com pany were quite willing to abide by the rule esta blished 1 y the Committee; and if the Board of Trade were to direct them to establish a closer position for their stations, they had no disposition to swerve from the line that might be laid down. If the Board of Trade were to issue a direction that the stations should be made at four miles distance instead of six, they were quite ready to abide by it. He had no authority from the company to enter into an arrangement with the Houle, but he had no doubt but that it would be confirmed. Mr. LASCELLES thought that the lion. Meraber might safely enter into an arrangement to make the stations at six miles. It was merely a question of agreement. Mr. STUART WORTLEY said that he had no power to enter into an engagement on the part of the Manchester and Leeds Railway Company, but he thought that after an interval for confirming this arrangement the directors had not thought proper to answer to the appeal which had been made to them, and he thought the Hon. Member for Halifax (Mr. C. Wood) might assent to the proposition which had been made. Sir G. CLERK said that the proposition of the Hon. Mem ber for Halifax would give a preference to this line of railway over the other, but it would depend upon the decision of the Committee whether the Leeds and Manchester Company should make their stations at six miles, four miles, or fifteen miles from each other. After a few words from Mr. ENTWISLE and Mr. C. Woon, the Bill was read a second time. BELFAST AND BALAMENA RAILWAY. The report on this railway was brought up, and the Bill was read a second time. The Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton Railway Bill was passed, new clauses having been added. Captain BERKELEY presented a petition, agreed to at a public meeting, presided over by Sir Edward Codrington, com plaining of the manner in which the merchant seamen's fund is managed. Also a petition from the surgeons of Gloucester, against the Medical Bill. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from a person named Scott. who had held a clerkship in the Perogative Will Office, complaining of abuses in the management of that office, more particularly with respect to the inconvenience entailed on the public with respect to wills. The Honourable Gentleman said he should make a motion on the subject on another day. TEN HOURS' FACTORY BILL. Mr. FERRAND presented several petitions from Manches ter, Salford, and other places, in favour of a Ten Hours' Fac tory Bill. SCOTCH POOR LAW. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Forres, complaining of the Poor-laws of Scotland. THE LATE TREATY ON THE SLAVE-TRADE. Sir H. INGLIS said he wished to put a question to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government with re spect to the copy of a treaty between France and England with respect to the slave-trade, which appeared in the Standard, and which was copied into the morning newspapers of yester day. Now he wished to know whether that treaty was rightly described in the newspapers in question, and when it would be laid on the table of the House ? Sir R. PEEL said any copy of the treaty in question which had appeared in the English newspapers was published without the sanction of her Majesty's Government. He had not read the treaty which had appeared in the newspapers, but it cer. tainly was not the one which he proposed to lay before R.rlia. ment. Before, however, he could do so, a short time mus elapse. LUNATIC ASYLUMS BILL. In answer to a question from Lord ASHLEY, Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he should move the next read• ing of the Lunatic Asylums Bill on Friday next. SIR HENRY POTTINGER. Mr. HUME,In rising to move for a Committee of the whole House to consider the following resolution, " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, that she will be graciously pleased to grant such a pension as she may think proper to the Right Hon. Sir Henry Pottiuger, Bart., K. C. 8., as a reward for his eminent public services, and especially for having, as her Majesty's Plenipotentiary in China, brought the war in that country to a conclusion by a peace alike honourable and advantageous; and to assure her Majesty that this House will make good the same"—said he regretted that her Majesty's Ministers had not saved him the trouble of bringing the matter before the House. He was aware that the motion implied a degree of censure on the Ministry, but, never theless, he thought a public officer who had performed very important and responsible functions to the satisfaction of every one, was entitled to some reward for his services. It might be asked whether it was at the request of Sir Henry Pottinger, or any of his friends, that he had brought the subject forward, and his answer was, that he had never had any communication with Sir Henry Pottinger, or any of his friends, and all he knew of the gallant officer he had gathered from the public sources of information. Whatever might be the result of this motion, it could not be said that Sir Henry Pottinger was responsible for it. The House would bear in mind that the opinion he now entertained of that gallant officer, was not an opinion formed in this or last year, for it was an opinion which he had ventured to submit to the House on the 14th day of February, 1843, when Ministers brought forward a motion of thanks to the military and naval com manders who had conducted the war in India. On that occa sion he ventured to ask the Government to move a similar vote of thanks to Sir Henry Pottinger and those who had been employed the with him Hon. himin B th a e ron e e x t ped o it p i p o o n site agai d n e s e t ply China, but re gretted that he could not concur in such a motion. Without casting any reflection on Sir H. Pottinger's successors, he would ask them to look back to the career which they adopted, which gave rise to anything but hopes of an amicable arrangement. So great was the disappointment of her Majesty's Government that they were obliged to look around them for some individual possessing experience. There was no one appointed to that important command who had filled the duties entrusted to him so much to the satisfaction of the public officers, and so highly to the honour of the country, as Sir H. Pottinger. When they found his conduct hailed by the people of England, Ireland, and Scotland, was a remuneration too much to look for? At this moment Sir Henry Pottinger had only 4191. per annum to support the honours which have been conferred upon him. It was the custom of this country to reward those who were the leaders of the armies of the country, while those who were the means of bringing about peace were almost always forgotten. The warrior was rewarded largely, while the pacificator and the man who was the mean; of putting an end to hostilities were passed over, and were unnoticed. This was one of the reasons why he had felt it to be his duty to bring this matter under the consideration of the House. He had done so without any communication with Sir Henry Pottinger, having been induced to do so from a sense of justice to that great man. He had known Sir Henry Pottinger for many years, both in his private and public capacity, and he could assure the House that his conduct would bear the fullest investi gation. While he was anxious to protect the public purse from any improper expenditure, he would say that withholding from officers in her Majesty's service that remuneration to which they were justly entitled did great injury to the service. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to Parliamentary returns, and to other documents, to show that pensions had been granted to those who had filled diplomatic offices. Sir Henry Pottinger was sent to China, not as an ambassador, for this country was not at that time on friendly terms with the celestial empire, but to negotiate for the restoration of peace, and he performed the important duties which devolved upon him more success fully than others who had been sent out with a similar object in view. No one had been able to accomplish so much, and those services were both recognised by the country and the Government. The Gallant Officer's business was to effect a treaty with the Chinese authorities, and he was enabled to fulfil his mission almost to the direct letter of the law. Everything pointed out to him was accomplished by the influence he gained over the Government of China. It was the opinion of those who were in China at the time that no other individual could have obtained the confidence of the Chinese authorities as Sir Henry Pottinger did. Was it no thing to think that he was the first man who had ever been able to complete a commercial treaty with China? Surely then he was entitled to hope he had made out a sufficient case for calling upon the House to support his motion. There were many men distinguished, but because he was a man of certain opinions they refused him honours and votes, or even a pecu niary reward. They had already drawn a line of distinction between civil and military officers—should they not now break through that rule and grant a reward which was deserved? He thought he had made out a fair claim to the House, and he begged to conclude by submitting the motion which he had already read. Lora SANDON seconded the motion, and said he would shortly describe what there was in the services of the gentle warra of n t the Parliament Gall ant in Gentleman, conferring gentle man, whose conduct h a d b een under di sc ussion in that House, to upon him. He would b r i e fl y allude to the manifold meritorious services which ext he had rendered raordinary rewards under peculiar circumsta nces , an d a t great pecuniary sacrifices and loss of health. He h a d fi n i s hed a war in China, under circumstances of great p a i n t o himself, and under stipulations of so important a nature as would drown the recollection of the cause of its commencement in acclamations to him who had effected so glorious a termination. He had preserved the honour and character of his country in a manner that no other man was capable of performing. He could not think that such services should be met with only a trifling pecuniary re compence.—( Hear.) For services neither precisely civil nor military, which opened to the world a free traffic with the most industrious people in the world , i t was not sufficient to award a yearly comparatively trifling sum.—(Hear, h ear. ) With regard to services of another nature he would not rely simply on a priori circumstances, he would look to the opinion of the whole mercantile world as to the growing intercourse arising from the treaty with China, effected by the Gallant Gentleman. He would also look to the great moral results arising from these negotiations, which, no doubt, would lead to the cultivation of Christianity among the Chinese people. He could not think that the Government, under these circumstances, would refuse to give him an ample recompence for the dangers he had undergone, and the difficul ties he had overcome, and the pecuniary sacrifices he had made in the public service, in effecting so much good. And he would call upon Hon. Gentlemen connected with the Crown, to come forward more freely in reward of services so ines timable. The question was then put from the chair. Sir J. HOBHOUSE did not anticipate any objection to the measure. He considered that the present was a special case, and it would be almost impossible for any individual to render in a similar ,manner such highly meritorious and useful services as had been rendered by Sir Henry Pottinger—(Hear)—and it was unlikely that any future occasion would arrive for which the reward for services, now about to be awarded, would con stitute a precedent. On the return of Sir Henry Pottinger, in ill health, to the seat of war in the East, he had made two stipulations only with the Administration—one was, that he should not have any colleague to act with him in his high capa city, so that the responsibility might be left to himself; and the other was, that the directions given him by the Government should be private, and no stipulation whatever was made for the reward of the services he should render. Sir H. Pottinger was willing to leave the reward for those services entirely in the hands of the Government. Lord Aberdeen, at a public meeting, in describing the merits of the Gallant Officer, had said, so great was the confidence of the Government in him, that he had been left in China to act almost entirely on his own discretion. There was no hyperbole in saying that the distinguished services and high honours of Sir Henry Pottinger precluded him from accepting a subordinate presidency as a commensurate reward. He was entitled to far higher re wards. He would say that the present income of the Gallant Officer was so ill-proportioned to his high station, that he could not live in England in a manner becoming his condition, and was precluded from entering that society to which he would be so great an ornament.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon Baronet then read a list of the different towns in the United Kingdom and in the colonies, which had presented votes of thanks to Sir H. Pottinger, for his services in China In nine hours the names of 14,000 working men, in Man chester, were affixed to an address expressive of their admiration of the great good he had conferred on them by re-instating the trade between China and this country. He was elected a member of a number of corporate bodies, and the City authori ties presented him with the freedom of the City of London and a geld boy at an entertainment at Guildhall. Lord Aberdeen had stated, in speeches in relation to the affairs of China, that he had for three years been in constant communication with Sir H. Pottinger, and that it was right to declare that his con duct in China gave him just claims on his country—that as difficulties arose he was able to overcome them by the firmness and energy which he displayed.—(Hear, hear.) As to the immediate benefits which he had - conferred on his country, the Government were more ton the Crown, and would support the motion of his Hon. competent to speak than he was. The Lord Provost of Glas- Friend (Mr. Hume). gow, at a banquet given to Sir Henry Pottinger in that city, I - Mr. P. HOWARD supported the motion, and said that this said that the manufacturers of Glasgow were deeply indebted case of Sir H. Pottinger was one which might be taken out to him, for increasing their intercourse with China, and that of the hands of the general rule, without giving rise to any dan though they could not thank him in fine language, they could ecrous results, and it would be much more satisfactory if this thank him with the sincerity and cordiality of British mer- vote appeared to come spontaneously from the Government chants.—( Hear, hear.) Every community which carried on without any interference on his (Sir H. Pottinger's) part. a trade with China might say the same with equal justice. Mr. HUME then made a few observations in reply. Others then, having done so, he hoped the House of Corn- The motion was then agreed to, nemine contradicente. mons would do the same, and trusted that the Right Hon. BURDENS ON LAND. Baronet at the head of the Government would not think it in- Mr. WARD then rose to move the following motion, of compatible with his duty, as the guardian of the public purse, which he had some time given notice :—For "a Select Corn even though it might be a little against precedent, to give Sir mittee to inquire whether there are any peculiar burdens Henry Pottinger some reward for the valuable services he had specially affecting the landed interest of this country, or any rendered to his country.—( Hear,shear. ) peculiar exemptions enjoyed by that interest, and to ascertain Sir ROBERT PEEL said, the speech of the Right Hon. their nature and extent." If it were not for the aspect of the Gentleman who had just sat down was, at any rate, a conclusive House, which foreboded its premature dissolution, he thought answer to a great part of the speech of the Hon. Gentleman by he might congratulate himself on the success of two motions whom the motion was brought forward. It might be inferred originating on that side of the House on which he sat. He had from the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman ( Sir J. C. generally been deserted when he brought forward any Hobhouse), who made many unjust observations that there agricultural question, by the agricultural Members of was a disposition on the part of her Majesty's Government to that House and the Agricultural Protection Society, underrate the services of Sir Henry Pottinger. No occasion but he thought, when they had no thirty-nine Members had ever offered itself in that House in which he had to protect them, and when they saw that, eventually, not cordially done him justice —( Hear, hear.) He did cer- his motion must be brought forward, he should be sure of tainly state, as a reason for not including Sir H. Pottinger in their attention. The policy of the Government had yet a the vote of thanks to Sir William Parker—and he said it was great deal to do, although they had done much which had with regret—that the occasions were so rare, and the services created a beneficial influence on the condition of the people; which rendered such a mark of public approval necessary so great, but such being the case, what strong arguments had they net that a vote of thanks was not proposed, rather on account of for going further ?—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Ward) did not the danger of establishing a precedent than from any desire to appeal to principles which they on that side of the House underrate the services of that distinguished man. He ( Sir had, a priori, put forth, but to principles advanced by the R. Peel) was prepared to repeat in that House all he said of Government itself. It was true that the Government had, by Sir Henry Pottinger. Having no personal acquaintance with its tariff, taken off the duties on upwards of six hundred him, but well knowing his name and his character, he should articles, but they had left them on those articles which were have as unbounded confidence from the Government as from most important for the comfort and happiness of the people of their predecessors. The Right Hon. Gentleman said it was this country. He might be told that they on that side of unfair to give a distinguished officer 6,0001. per annum after the House were always talking and not doing. Why, in long services, and to grant a similar sum to Sir Henry Davis. his opinion talking was doing, and they were obliged to talk But that was because a certain salary appertained to a certain for the sake of the character of the Right Hon. Baronet oppo office. site.—( A laugh.) His Hon. Friend the Member for Stock- Mr. HUME was understood to say that he did not draw that pert was, in his opinion, as much a member of the Cabinet as comparison. if he had a seat in it.—( Laughter.) His suggestions had, in Sir ROBERT PEEL said he understood the Honourable many instances, been acted upon, and even the Right Hon. Gentleman to say that Sir Henry Davis was not so Baronet had admitted that his Hon. Friend, aided by high and well entitled to that pension as Sir Henry Pottinger. important sentiments and motives, had rendered important ser- Sir H. Pottinger had shown the utmost discretion, and he gave vices to the country.—( Hear, hear.) That proved that his him the greatest thanks for the kindness with which he had Hon. Friend was right, though the House voted against him. treated the Chinese, and for the firmness and decision by —( Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. Ward) believed that one of the which he had brought about the treaty between this country most important services he had rendered was the course that and China, fur he ( Sir R. Peel) knew the difficult position in he had pursued with respect to the Imports Committee. In which he was placed.—(Hear, hear.) In one respect, Sir H. England land legislated for itself, which, he believed, was not Pottinger could say that justice had not been done to him. He the case in any other part of Europe. In Austria and France the took upon himself the responsibility of opening the trade with monarch legislated for it. He was sorry to say that the China to all nations, as well as to England. No doubt history of protection during the last session had been most he was desirous to form a treaty with other countries, hut lamentable and laughable.—( Hear, hear.) It was known that the first instruction which his Noble Friend at the head of the the Chancellor of the Exchequer would have a large surplus Foreign Department (Lord Aberdeen) transmitted to him in this year, and the landlords of this country had shown a firm 1841 was this :—" Secure and well regulate trade with China, determination to have a large slice of it.—( Laughter. ) They and constantly hear in mind, that we seek for no exclusive ad- cried out continually against the policy of the Government, vantages, and demand nothing that shall not be enjoyed by the and it had been declared at Hertford that as much as six subjects of all other countries."— ( Hear, hear.) Those were millions had been taken by it from the agriculturists of the instructions which were sent to Sir H. Pottinger by his Noble country. One gentleman, at a meeting there, alluding to the Friend before the signature of the treaty ; and, therefore, let course that had been pursued by th e G overnment , h a d, i n t h e it be said for the credit, not only of Sir H. Pottinger, and of words of the poet, said— the two great parties in this country who had administered the " That keen were their pangs ; affairs of Government for the last four years, since the diffe- But 'twas keener far to feel rences with China commenced, but for the credit of the whole They'd nursed the pinion country, that no wish was further from their in- That impelled the steel." tentions than to secure in their intercourse with --(Laughter.) The Hon. Member proceeded to refer to a China peculiar and exclusive rights.—( Hear.) Let it be meeting which had lately been held in Essex on the subject of known to Europe and to the world that there was no man in agriculture. The Tower of Babel was nothing to this meeting this country who wished to secure narrow and paltry advan- in point of unanimity. The parties who had attended this taxes to which the whole world should not be equally entitled. meeting did not know by whom they had been called and for —( Hear, hear.) Any one would infer from the words of the what they had been called. ' Was it not time to have done with Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Hume) that they had withheld from those sort of meetings? After all, the one question only had to Sir H. Pottinger some reward which it was in the power of be considered, and that was, had the land any peculiar burdens? the Government to confer upon him, and the Right Hon. If it had, let them grant the Committee which he then sought. Baronet (Sir J. C. Hobhouse) said that they had encumbered What was the use of postponing it for another session? They him with laurels. He (Sir R. Peel) did not say that he had could not do so beyond that time, it must come at last. Was been created a baronet for his services in China, but for long there stability in the present system? Could Hon. Gentlemen services to the country in various ways. He did say that they had opposite depend upon the continuance of the present corn conferred upon him the highest honorary distinction next to the laws? Why, principles opposed to those of protecs garter—a distinction which had been conferred on many great and tion were gaining ground every day on the opposite brave men—a Grand Cross of the Bath. That honour was side of the House. The Noble Lord the Member for conferred upon him by the approval of a gracious Sovereign. Pontefract had lately said that he, as a landlord, did not fear a —( Hear, hear.) Did not the Hon. Member consider that a repeal of the corn-laws. What was it that justified the con distinction, unless it was accompanied by money ?He (Sir tin uance of the corn-laws ?If anything, it must be peculiar R. Peel) believed that Sir H. Pottinger was proud of that burdens upon agriculture. Where were those burdens? honour, not because it was unaccompanied by money, but be- Point them out—this was all he asked. Lord Abinger, when cause it was a mark of the approval of his Sovereign. He Mr. Scarlet, said that land paid all the rates of the country, thought, therefore, that he had shown that the statement of or at least in the ratio of four to one. The Hon. Member the Hon. Member that there must be some reason why Sir H. for Norfolk had said the land paid all the poor-rates, and the Pottinger remained unnoticed, was an unjust insinuation—that Hon. Member for Somersetshire paid one-half of the income there was no foundation for it. There was no honorary distinc- tax. If all this were true, why not have a Committee before tion which the Crown had not conferred on Sir H. Pottinger, which the truth of these statements could be probed? He and he could not say, so far as the Crown was concerned, that found, upon reference to the returns, that the land paid he had been unfairly dealt with. Then they came to the pe • 1,323,3231. to the income-tax, while the trades and professions cuniary consideration—that the Crown having some power to paid 1,466,0001., being a difference of 143,0001., or that grant a pension had not exercised it. He did not hesitate to amount paid by trades and professions above the amount paid say, that if the Crown had been free to grant a pension, the from land. The Hon. Member then read from the reports Government would have at once advised the Crown to grant of the Poor-law Commissioners, to show that the land had it—( Hear, hear)—but in the case of Sir Henry Pottinger the gradually fallen off in the last twenty years in its Crown had not the power. What then bec ame o f th ese i nv i - contribution to the poor-rates, while the amount dious distinctions ( Hear, hear.) The last Government had from other sources had largely increased.—( Hear, hear. ) the power to confer a pension upon him, but the present Go- He would inquire why every householder in London should vernment could not legally exercise it. You say, continued the pay the poor-rates, the window-taxes, the police-rates, and Right Hon. Baronet, that the Crown is niggardly. Who im- other taxes, when it was proposed to amerce them in a Con posed that restriction ? Why, the House of Commons and the solidation Fund Bill. Before you can do this a police magis- Right Hon. Gentleman.—(" Hear," from Mr. Hume.) The tract' must be established under the inspection of the Secretary Crown could not grant a pension to any one, whatever service of State for the Home Department. But, supposing there he had seen, on account of diplomacy, except he had been in might be some little disparity in the result of the Committee's the service for fifteen years, and unless in actual service for ten deliberations to which he trusted the present matter might be years. And therefore the Crown had not had the power to referred. He then alluded generally to the duties paid on grant a pension to Sir Henry Pottinger. It was admitted by horses, horses let out for hire, sheep-dogs, and other matters the House of Commons that there were claims upon the gene- connected with the agricultural interest, and showed that the rosity of the Crown for various distinguished services performed reduction on the duties from 1816 to 1834 amounted to for the public good. Pensions might be granted for personal 34,000,0001. Now he would inquire, where were the duties service performed for the Sovereign, and pensions might also on land? Taking every manufacturing district, including the be granted as a reward for the performance of public services, iron and the cotton localities, it appeared that or for important discoveries in science, literature, and the arts ; they were creating produce without having any tax placed on and to provide for all these pensions, the House of Commons their industry. If the balance were struck, with land in one only gave the Crown 1,2001. per annum.—(Hear, hear.) It scale for a duty on corn, the balance would be vastly in favour did not, however, imply any reproach upon the Ministry, be- of the public.—( Hear.) Agriculture cannot at present find a cause they had not asked the House o f Common s to grant a single individual to advocate its exclusive interests, and any specific pension for this distinguished officer ; for, had they man placed in office on the Board of Trade ate' a short interval done so, it would have been establishing a somewhat dangerous invariably came out as a free trader.—( Hear.) If the Duke of precedent. But such a step on the part of Government would Newcastle should write another letter on the matter of free have been attended with great inconvenience, for scarcely trade with a view to ulterior advancement, he was just as likely a week passed but there were claims brought before him, to be elected the Pope as Premier.—( A laugh.) The Right which, he thought, speaking comparatively, were as just and Hon. Baronet had stated his opinion generally, he meant to per legitimate as the claim made by the Hon. Member opposite ; severe in the determination of producing free-trade, though he and how could they be provided for out of 1,2001. a year 2 should lose the support of his agricultural friends, and he (Mr. ( Hear.) He would take the case, for instance, of the late Sir Ward) could not see why the Right Honourable Gentleman William Nott.—(Cheers.) Look at the distinguished ser- should object to his motion. The party of the Right Hon. vices of that lamented and gallant officer—( Hear)—and Baronet came forward and requested his party to assist them see how easy, how quiet, how equitable, would be the in cheapening clothes, food, and other articles connected with claim of any Hon. Member to the consideration of Parliament, the comfort of the public, and why should not the Right Hon. were he to make an appeal to that House, on behalf of the Gentleman.come forward and assist him in the attempt to family of that distinguished and gallant officer.—(Cheers.) equalise commercial duties? He was perfectly confident as to What a strong case could be made out in such an instance as the result of his motion, and even if his hopes should be disap this. He returned home, after exhibiting abroad a constancy pointed, he would leave the decision to the country. and valour in behalf of his Sovereign and country which en- The question was then put from the Chair. titled him to the public approbation. He came home broken Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT complimented the Honourable in health, unable to receive that approbation, while others re- Member who had just sat down for the good humour ceived the highest rewards which the throne and the country he had shown in bringing forward his motion. He held could bestow upon them. But Sir William Nott's health pre- that his argument, that the agricultural interest of this vented him not only from enjoying the merit he deserved, and country possessed advantages over other countries, could not the admiration of his fellow-countrymen, but debarred him of be maintained, as there were burdens on the proprietors of the opportunity of being presented to his Sovereign, and re- land in this country which did not exist in any other. The ceiving her public thanks.—(Hear, hear.) Again, take the manufacturing districts were now in a state of great prosperity, case of men of science. How many there were who had strong and there was a greater demand for hands than could be satis claims upon the generosity of the Crown, for the useful dis- fled. With respect to emigration from those districts, he con coveries they had made in the sciences, the arts, er literature, sidered that the poor-rates were heavy, because, when em whose claims might be urged upon the House with as much ployment was scarce, they would rather avail themselves of force as those of Sir Henry Pottinger.— (Hear, hea r .) Why, those rates for awhile than emigrate. After glancing at other he was applied to the other day for relief by the daughter of a topics in the Hon. Gentleman's speech, he said he deprecated distinguished public professor, lately deceased, and if they were the repeated discussion of subjects of no practical utility, and to establish a precedent, would not Government run the risk which, after all, were speculative, and on which the majority of constantly having these and similar cases pressed upon them of the House had formed their opinion, especially to the ex by the House? He would not go so far as to say that these pro- elusion of subjects of great importance to the country. The fessors were as distinguished as the gallant officer, who was th e d e b ate on t h e reso l ut i ons su b m i tte d to t h e H ouse b y t h e N o b le subject of this discussion , but those; distinguished individuals Lord the Member for the City of London had, he thought, had sacriEced the interests and welfare of their families for the given an ample opportunity for the discussion of the subject in public good, and although their claims were not quite so strong volved in the motion of the Hon. Gentleman. He considered as those made out by the Honourable Member, they were that the motion would not lead to any useful result, and trusted nevertheless precisely the same in principle.—( Hear, hear.) that the House would not adopt it. In addition to this, he did But, considering the general feeling of the House of Commons not think it was the proper moment to take up the time of the on this subject, he was not disposed to interpose his opposition House by having a Committee sitting on propositions on which between the generosity of the Crown and Sir Henry Pottin- the House had formed its opinion ; and when the agricultural ger.—( Cheers.) The motion did not imply the slightest re- interest had not the slightest wish to have any of the measures proach upon her Majesty's Ministers, because they had per- proposed by her Majesty's Government modified, and had no formed a painful public duty in opposition to their apprehension, if they would only give them fair play. They were own personal wishes and inclinations. Nevertheless, he should investing their capital in improving their land, and as a matter be sorry, now that the matter had been brought forward, that of course employing additional labourers, and endeavouring to there should be any division upon a subj ec t o f t hi s k i nd, and he overcome the difficulties under which they were labouring. should certainly not oppose the motion.—( Great cheering.) Mr. COBDEN considered that the Hon. Gentleman who In compliance with the wish of the House of Commons, and had just sat down had not given a very distinct opinion on the contrary to his strict public duty, he should take upon himself questions which bad been submitted to the House by the Hon. the part of advising her Majesty to make some provision for Gentleman the Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward). He had this distinguished officer.—(Renewed cheering.) never listened for half-an-hour to a speech so difficult of Lord JOHN RUSSELL was rejoiced to hear the closing de- comprehension. The question before that House was whether claration of the Right Hon. Baronet, and he could not help tithes were not a burden on both the landlord and the farmer, saying one word upon this subject, after what had fallen from and whether the landowners contributed more to the support the Right Hon. Baronet. He wished to express his own feel- of the poorer classes than other portions of the community. ings upon this subject, and to state that he thought her Ma- With respect to a statement made by the Hon. Member for jesty's Government had always shown a disposition to reward Essex, in reference to Messrs. Storr and Mortimer, to show merit whenever they could consistently do so.—(Cries the diference in the poor-rates paid by landowners and mama of " Hear, hear.") And let not the Right Honourable facturers, he begged to say that if the manufacturers did notpay Baronet suppose the House had the slightest disposition poor-rates on their capital, neither did the farmers. Now he to throw blame upon the Government for the course they had could not tell whether the Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke hitherto adopted in the case of Sir Henry Pottinger.—( Hear.) last maintained the highway and county-rate were burdens He thought, with regard to this case, the House of Commons upon land or not. Let him, however, go and make inquiries was in some degree called upon to express its opinion, because amongst shopkeepers about the local taxotion imposed on that the Right Hon. Baronet had truly stated that the House of class of tradesmen, and he (Mr. Cobden) would venture to predict Commons had placed limits upon the power of the Crown to the amount of taxation imposed on them would be found to be grant rewards for diplomatic services. Government had been not very considerably less than that imposed on landlords, far. perfectly consistent in acting up to the general rule, but the mers, and landholders.—( Hear, hear ) But even if the land case before them was an 'extraordinary one, and justified an ex- holder paid all the poor-rates of the country, he did not believe ception to the rule.—( Hear, hear.) After what had fallen from their so-called protection, however much it might be increased, his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose it was impossible would be of any benefit to them, because it was an obstacle to for him to say anything more forcibly in favour of the distin- trade. It impeded the progress of commerce, and did more guished services of Sir Henry Pottinger. He agreed with the harm to the agricultural interest than all the taxes and local Right Hon. Baronet that they ought not to establish any burdens put together. —( Hear.) How then could this sort of pro fixed precedent for their guidance, but, considering the par- tection be a compensation for the peculiar exclusive or pecuniary ticular circumstances of this case, he did think it formed a case burdens the landowner had to sustain? He was glad therefore of itself, and the exception ought to be made in its favour. to see that every day they were coming not only on hist, but on Lord PALMERSTON could not allow this discussion to the other side of the House, to a better understanding en this close without expressing his sincere satisfaction in the con- subject, and the farmer and the manufacturer were beginning to in eluding declaration of the Right Hon. Baronet. He must say to feel that they had one common interest in putting he thought the decision which the Government had come to this baneful system of protection. Hen. Members a were n fpnd with regard to the motion of his Hon. Friend, was as honour- of quoting Mr. M'Culloch on this subject. able to themselves, as its result was flattering to the distin- his own part, he was prepared . to guished individual who was the subject of it. lie quite under- M'Culloch had never added statistical a isti s r i a ng le 1 information was stood, and admitted the force of the arguments of the Right political economy. assert new idea a t A p t. Hon. Baronet, that it would have been injudicious for the Go. certainly valuable, but h n n is i A s wz ni l s cs upon political Smith, and, like the corn economy were vernment to have made this proposition themselves.—( Hear.) merely commentaries o It would be satisfactory to the Gallant Officer who was the mentators on Shakspeare,rendered that obscure which had been subject of this discussion, that the reward which he was about clear before. to receive was not only a reward given by the Crown, but a re- Mr. NEWDEG.ITE denied that protection was either the ward given at the suggestion of the Commons of England.— bane or curse o n ot withdraw its remaining support from thatf agriculture, and expressed a h o p e th at Go (Hear, hear.) Government might rest assured they incurred vernment would no risk by establishing this precedent, because the case interest. Tithes, taking all the other burdens on land together, he he thought, were an exclusive burden son stood upon peculiar and exceptional grounds.—(Hear, hear.) land, and, He trusted that he (Sir H. Pottinger) might long continue in e estimated them at twelve millions per annum. It was clear, that state which would enable him to perform other services to therefore, the country. Every relation which it was his duty to fill he afforded to agriculture , it would be q uite im p o s si ble for either did accomplish • and considering the people he had to deal the landlord or tenant to contribute his share to make up this with, and the distance he was from the Government, he could amount of taxation. They thought that this country should not acquit himself in a manner more deserving of the approba- be independent of foreign countries. They did not w i s h t o see tion of the Crown. The instructions of Lord Aberdeen in the food of this country made a matter of ex c h ange or specu -1841 certainly justified Sir Henryd it Pottinger in inserting the lotion. He did not wish to delay the House, b u t h o ma d e article alluded to in the treaty an was one of the acts these few observations because the Hon. M em b er f or Shef which showed his high idea of the responsibility which he was field gave them some individual instances of p ar t icu l ar hard ' under. There was no man living more ready to acknowledge ship. He thought it his duty, on that account, to submit Hon. B a ronet those few statements to the • the services of those to whom the Right oppo- notice of the House.—(Cheers. ) site alluded to than Sir Henry Pottinger himself. The sue- Mr. V. SMITH said that he regretted that the Secretary cessful result which took place in China was not owing to Sir at-War had refused this Committee. He was of opinion that Win Parker, but to the conduct of thos e who preceded him. the burdens on land, and other descriptions of property, were It would be honourable to the House of Commons, to the Hon. pretty equally b a l ance d . Wh en the Right Hon. Gentleman Member who made this motion, and would give the greatest the Secretary. at-War spoke of the returns of the Commis , satisfaction to the country at large if the Government agreed sioners which were laid on the table of the House, he forgot 'to this vote.—( Hear, hear.) that there was a more favourable report made, which was Mr. JOHN ABEL SMITH supported the vote, and was of quite unattended to. Did any man know the amount of taxa opinion that the success of the motion would be the more ho.. tion in the country ? The general taxation was found to be nourable to Sir H. Pottinger, because he was neither directly fifteen millions, and the local taxation was ten millions, so that or indirectly connected with it. the local taxation was two-thirds of the general taxation. He Mr. ROSS would mention one circumstance where Sir H. believed that the rate-payers were perfectly ignorant of the Pottinger had risked his own charact,r, and the funds which 1 reasons why they paid rates, but they paid it on account of the were at his disposal, contrary to his instructions, by advancing manner in which it was imposed upon them. The Right Hon. money to the Hong-Kong merchants, because he felt himself Gentleman then enumerated the different rates which were bound to pay it in support of the dignity of the Crown. He made. Could, he would ask, anybody imagine greater c?onfu mentioned th e circumstance, in order t o s ho w th e c l a i m he bad sion than arose from different rates made f or similar results ?—( Hear, hear.) Ihe greater part of the out. cry against the poor-law arose from the retie& of small occupiers. That was one reason why he supported the motion for an inquiry. He would never shrink from supportiag a measure founded on a principle such as the Hon. Gentleman stated. One good result from this would be, that the agricul tural interest would feel themselves benefited by it. The Go. vernment ought to try and relieve themselves, not at the est pense of others, but ought to relieve themselves at their own expense. Sir JOHN TYRRELL—He thought if ever there was a subject that had been exhausted in that House, it was the die. cussion of the agricultural interest.—(Cheers from the Oppo sition.) He understood that cheer. It meant that the landlords had practised a sort of legerdemain upon the agricultural interest. That was not the case. He had met all the agricultural delegates; and if there was one point on which they were agreed, it was that the Government had betrayed their interests and not their landlords. On the part of the agriculturists, he utterly denied that they were in favour of high prices. If they were to have benefits, the manufac turing interests, he thought, ought to have them also. He be lieved, if the Committee was granted, the agriculturists would some out of it with clean hands. He was ready to go into the investigation, but be did not think the appointment of the Committee necessary. Dr. BOWRING . was sure that the appointment of the Committee would be productive of the best effects, as inquiry was only necessary to show the necessity of removing the evils complained of. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House di vided, when there appeared— For the motion Against it ..... Majority against the motion —73 Captain PECHELL moved for a copy of a letter from the Secretary of the Admiralty to the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting a - memorial from certain paymasters and pursers of the Royal Navy, relative to an increase of their half-pay, with a copy of the reply thereto from the Lords of the Treasury. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER resisted the motion. Sir C. NAPIER seconded the motion. Sir J. GRAHAM said that the whole case of the pursers had been fully investigated, and specific arrangements had been made with respect to their pay and half-pay. (be motion was then put from the Chair, and it was negatived. Mr. HUNIE then moved for an address for copy of any in. structions sent by the Government to the astronomers of the several observatories at home and abroad in the years 1837-8. Also, a return of the number of volumes of astronomical ob servations that have been made at each Observatory since that year: and a statement of the number of reports and communi cations from them to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, to the Admiralty, and to any other department at home. Dr. BO WRING then moved for an account of the finally audited receipt and expenditure for ordnance services, com pared with the sums estimated, for the year ended the 31st day of March, 1844, with explanatory statements of particulars, and balance sheet, in the same form as the return laid before Parliament fn the session of 1844 (No. 386), relating to tho Army. After some little discussion he asked leave to withdraw the motion. After the disposal of the other orders of the day, the Hosts* adjourned at a Quarter to One. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of C0171:7111rid. ) MONDAY, JUNE 2. COLLEGES (IRELAND) BILL. - _ Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time :"—Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upoia this day six months :"—Question put, " That the word now' stanil part of the Question." The House divided:— MAJORITY—AYES, 311. Acland, Sir T. D Forman, T. S. "coneys, Sir D.J. A'Court, Captain Forster, Matthew NortlilaiA Visconat Aglionby, H. A. Fox, C. IL O'Brien, J. Aldarn, William Fremantle, Sir T. O'Connell, M. J. Alford, Viscount French, F. Osborne, Ralph Anson, Colonel Gardner, J. D. Ossulston, Lord Antrobus, Edmund Gasket], J. M. Oswald, Jame& Archbold, Robert Gill, Thomas Parke, C. W. Arundel, Earl Gladstone, W. E. Paget, Colonel Astell, William Godson, Richard Pakington, J. S. Bailey, J., jun. Gordon, Captain Palmerston, Viscount Baillie, Colonel Gore, Montague Parker, John Baillie, H. J. Gore, Robert Patten, J. W. Bailie, Walter Goulburn, Henry Peel, Sir Robert Baird, William Graham, Sir J. Peel, Jonathan Barkly, Henry Granger, T. C. Philips, G. R. Baring, F. T. Greene, Thomas Philips, Mark Baring, Thomas Grey, Sir George Pigot, Sir R. • Barneby, John Grimston, Viscount Plumridge, Captain Barrington, Viscount Guest, SiniJohn Polhill, Frederick Barron, Sir H. W. Hale, R. B. Ponsonby, C. F. A. Baskerville, T. B. Hall, Sir B. rimed, W. T. Bell, Matthew Hallyburton, Lord Pringle, Alexander Bellew, R. Ni. Hamilton, C. J. B. Pulsford, Robert Benbow, John Hamilton, J. H. Rawdon, Colonel Bentlnck, Lord G. Hamilton, G. A. Redington, T. N. Blackburne, J. I. Hamilton, W. J. Reid, Sir John Blake, M. J. Hamilton, Lord C. Repton, G. W. J. Blake, Sir V. Ilanmer, Sir J. Rice, E. R. Blakemore, Richard Harcourt, G. G. Rolleston, Colonel Bodkin, W. H. Harris, Captain Ross, D. R. Bolden), H. G. Hatton, Captain Rous, Captain Borthvvick, Peter Hawes, Benjamin Russell, Lord J. Bottleld, Beriah Ilayec, Sir E. Russell, Charles Bowes, John Heneage, G. H. W. Russell, J. D. W. Bowles, Admiral Ileneage, Edward Ryder, G. D. Bowring, Dr. Henniker, Lord Sanderson, Richard Boyd. John Herbert, Sidney Sandon, Viscount Brisco, M. Hervey, Lord A. Scott, Francis Brooke, Sir A. }Uncle, J. H. Seymour, Lord Brotherton, Joseph Hobhouse, Sir J. Seymour, Sir H, Brownrigg, J. S. Hodgson, F. Shaw, Frederick Bruce, C. L. C. Hogg, James W. Shelburne, Earl Bruges, W. 11. Holland, Robert Sheridan, R. B. Buller, C. Holmes, W. A'Court Smith, Abel Campbell, J. ii. Hope, Charles Smith, Benjamin Cardwell, Edward Hope, G. W. Smith, T. B. C. Castlereagh, Viscount Howard, J. K. Smollett, Alexander Cavendish, C. C. Howard, E. G. Somerset, Lord G. Cavendish G. H. Howard, Philip 11. Somerton, Visceent Chapman, Aaron Howard, Sir R. Somerville, Sir W. Chapman, B. Hughes, W. 11. Somes, Joseph Christie, W. D. Hume, Joseph Standish, Charles Chute, W. L. liumphery - , Alderman Stanley, Edward Clay, Sir W. Hassey, Thomas Stansfleld, W. R. C. Clayton, R. It. Hutt, William Stanton, W. H. Clements, Viscount Ingestrie, Viscount Staunton, Sir G. Clerk, Sir George James, Sir W. C. Stewart, John Clifton, John T. Jennyn, Earl Stuart, Lord J. ' Cobden, R. Jocelyn, Viscount Stuart, W. V. Cockburn, Sir G. Johnstone, Sir J. Stuart, Henry Colborne, W. R. Johnstone, Hope Stock, Sergeant Collett, W. R. Jones, Captain Strickland, Sir 0. Collett, John Kirk, Peter Strutt, Edward Collins, William Labouchere, Henry Sutton, H. M. Coote, Sir C. Lambt on , 11. Tattered, 11. W. Copeland, Alderman Langston, J. H. Tennent, J. E. Corry, Henry Lascelles, W. S. Thesiger, Sir F. Courtenay, Lord Lawson, Andrew Thornhill, G eorge. Cowper, W. P. Layard, Captain Tower, Christopher Craig, W. 0. l.egh, G. C. Trail], Geor;e Crawford, W. S. Lennox, Lord A. Trelawny, J. S. Cripps, William Lennox, Lord A. Trench, Sir F. W. Curteis, H. B. Leveson, Lord Trollope, Sir J. Dalrymple, Captain Liddell, H. T. Trotter, John Darner, Colonel Lincoln, Earl of Tufhell, Henry: Davies, David A. S. Listowel, Earl Vane, Lord H. Dawnay, W. H. Lockhart, W. Vernon, G. H. Dawson, T. V. Lowther, Sir J. 11. Villiers, Viscount Denison, W. J. Lygon, General Vivian, J. H. Dennistoun, J. Macaulay, T. B. Vivian, J. Ennis D'Eyncourt, C. T. Mackenzie, W. F. Wall, C. B. Divett, Edward M'Geachy, F. A. Walsh, Sir J. B. Dodd, George W.Neill, Duncan Warburton, M. Douglas, Sir C. Mahon, Viscount Ward, H. 0. Douglas, J. D. S. Mangles, R. D. Wawn, John T. Drummond, 11. H. Marshall, William Welby, G. E, Dugdale, W. S. Martin, John Wellesley, Lord C. Duncan, Viscount Martin, C. W. Westenra, J. Duncombe, T. Martin, T. B. Whitmore, T. C. • East, J. B. Masterman, John Williams, William Eastnor, Viscount Matheson, James Wilshere, W. Egerton, Lord F. Meynell, Captain Wodehcuse, Edmond Ellice, Rt. Hon. E. MiMes, R. M. Wood, Colonel Emlyn, Viscount Mitcalfe, Henry Wood, Colonel T. Entwisle, William Mitchell, T. A. Worsley, Lord Escott, Bickham Montana, Sir J. Wortley, John I. Evans, William Morgan, 0. Wrightson, W. Z. Feilden, William Morris, David Wyse, Thomas Fellowes, Edward Morison, General Yorke, E. T. Ferguson, Sir It. A. Mundy, M. Yorke, Henry R. Fitzroy, Henry Napier, Sir C. Fitzroy, Lord C. Newport, Viscount Fitzwilliam, G. W. Nicholl, John Flower, Sir James .Norreys, Lord TELLERS. Young, John Baring, Henry MINORITY-NOES, 46. Acland, T. D. Granby, Marquis Reelilelib, W. Austen, Colonel Greenall, Peter Richards, Riehard Blackstone, W. S. Henley, J. W. Roche, E. B. Bradshaw, J. Hope, Alexander Rushbreolte, Col. Bramston, T. W. Hussey, Ambrose Sibthcrrp, Cedenel Broadley, H. Inglis, Sir R. H. Sotheron, T. H. Chetwode, Sir J. Knight, F. W. Spooner, Richard Clive, Viscount Law, C. E Taylor, J. A. Colvile, C. R. Lowther, Colonel Thompson, Alder / a m Corbally, M. E. Maher, N. Tollemache, John . Dickinson, F. H. Mainwarir g, T. Tumor, Christopher buncombe, 0. March, Earl Waddington, Y. S. Du Pre, C. G. Miles, P W. S. Eaton, R. J. Miles, William TILLERS. Farnham, E. B. Newdegate, C. N Manners, Lord J. Filmer, Sir E. O'Brien, A. S. Adare, Vtscou*t Glynne, Sir S. Plumptre, J. P. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. MONDAY, JUNE 2. The following Bills were read a third time, and passed : Midland Railways (Nottingham to Lincoln). Berks and Hants Railway. Midland Railway (Syston to Peterborough). Scottish Central Railway. Southampton and Dorchester Railway. The following Bills were read a second time, and ma. mitted, and referred to the Committee of Selection : West London Railway. Brighton, Lewes, and Hastings Railway (Hastings, Rye, and Ashford Extension). The London and Brighton Railway (Wandsworth Branch) Bill was presented, and read a first time. The Great Grimsby and Sheffield Junction Railway Bill, further amendments proposed, and referred to the Select Coca_ mittee en Standing Orders. The Middlesbro' and Redcar Railway MlL—Petition for additional provision; referred to the Select Committee on Petitions for Private Bills. NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE. Newcastle upon Tyne and North Shields (Tynemouth tension) Railway,—Amendments to be proposed, Tuesday, June 3. Aberdeen Railway,— Report, Wednesday, June 4. North Union and Ribble Navigation Branch Railway, Report, Wednesday, June 4. Bridgwater Navigation and Railway,—Report on re-com mitted Bill, Wednesday, June 4. Taw Vale Railway and Dock,—Report, Wednesday, J une 4. Birmingham and Gloucester Railway (Worcester Branch and Cheltenham Extensions),—Second reading, Friday, June 6. Preston and Wyre Railway,—Report, Wednesday, June 4. Londonderry and Enniskillen Railway,—Report, Wednes day, June 4. West Cornwall Railway,—Committee on petition, for ad ditional provision, Wednesday, June 4. Newcastle and Darlington (Brandling Junction) Railway, —A clause to be proposed on consideration of report, Tues day June 3. Blackburn and Preston Railway,—Report, Wednesday, June 4. Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton Railway,—Clauses to be proposed on third reading, Tuesday, June 3. OPENING OF COVENT-GARDEN THBATRE.—COVent. garden is at length about to be opened once more for dramatic entertainments. The Operatic Company of the Grand French Opera at Brussels have taken it for twenty representations. TM series commences to-morrow night with Les Huguenots. The list of the company has been published —none of the names are known to the English public. What of that ; the Germans were equally air known when they commenced their first campaign at the St. JAMES . .. and they gave us Staudigl. Let us hope that the Belgians, likewriM will introduce to us some first-rate, although hitherto =know*, artists. M. Laurent is the acting manager, and the r+ 'tiers of tbia company contains the gems of the French opera, aeriM sad F alb% EXETER HALL. Mendelssohn's St. 'Paul war Sacred Harmonics Society. soar circumstances of peculiar interest. he r s n and Prince *Thert, attended by a small suite, being present. Upon the entrance of her National Anthem was sung by the leading vocalists and repeated by par ty o ccupied the box on the right of the Majesty, who was received in a noble manner by the audience, the o th rc e h e e lt str or a us a . ss Dolby, Herr Staudigl, Mr. Manvers, anal sung by Miss Birch, Mi ndlre.hemilageadi until the end of the oratorio. The solos wars Mr. Alfred .Novello, and the general effect, though chequered with occasional inaccuracies, was far from being Uniaii.f.o3l7. The hal was crowded to excess.