The Sun. — London, England, 1844-03-21 00:00:00

GRAND WEEKLY ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE MEETING AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE. The usual weekly meeting of the Anti-Corn-Law League was held last night, at Covent-Garden Theatre. The meeting was even more numerous than several of the great assemblages which have heretofore taken place at the theatre. At seven o'clock the Earl of Radnor, who presided, entered the theatre, accompanied by R. Cobden, Esq, M.P. ; John Bright, E s q., M.P. ; Elli s , Esq., Esq,, • J. Pattison, Esq., M.P.; and several other distinguished members of the Anti-Corn-Law League, who were all most loudly cheered. Amongst those on the platform we noticed the following gentlemen:— The Earl of Radnor, in the Chair; Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P.; John Bright, Esq., M.P. ; Dr. Bow ring, M.P. ; Joseph Brotherton, Esq., M.P. ; Tho mas Gisborne, Esq., M.P. ; lion. Edward Bouverie ; Edward Ellice, Esq., M.P.; Rear-Admiral the Hon. D. P. Bouverie ; James Pattison, Esq., M.P. ; Sir William Baynes, Bart. ; E. Vickers, Esq., Sheffield; Lawrence Hill, Esq., Glasgow ; F. H. Toone, Esq. ; colonel T. P. Thompson ; James Wilson, Esq. ; IL R. It. Moore, Esq. ; Wm. Evans, Esq., Manchester ; Robert P. Collier, Esq. ; J. B. Scott, Esq., Manches ter; W. Lockett, Esq., Manchester; James Brother ton, Esq.; Summers Harford, Esq. ; Rev. J. Barfitt, Salisbury ; Charles Squarry, Esq., Salisbury ; Tho mas Lattimore, Esq., Wheathampstead ; James Chid well, Esq., Winchester; George Chidwell, Esq., ditto; N. Gedge, ' Esq. • W. Thornborrow, Esq. ; He nr y Whitwell, Esq. ; George Beacon, Esq. ; Henry Birk beck, Esq.; C. Green, Esq. ; Edmund Gurney, Esq.; George Ridout, Esq. ; Geo. Crawfurd Heath, Esq. ; Alexander Smyth, Esq., Glasgow ZW. Scott, Esq. ; Thomas Harbattle, Esq., Manchester ; J. M. Mus cott, Esq. ; G. Parsons, Esq.; J. If. Harwood, Esq. ; Anthony Austin, Esq. ; J. Barton, Esq.; the Lord Provost of Glasgow ; Alexander Johnston, Esq., late M.P.. for Kilmarnock ; Henry Lloyd Morgan, Esq. ; James Harvey, Es(k., Liverpool; J. Ackroyd, Esq., Bradford ; Heiner Stansfield, Esq., Mayor of Leeds ; Benjamin Walton, Esq., Wolverhampton; Henry Ashworth, Esq., Bolton. The minutes of the last meeting having been read, Earl RADNOR (who presided) came forward, and was received with loud cheers. He said—Ladies and Gentlemen, it becomes my duty to open the pro ceedings of this evening, and in doing so, I must claim your indulgence ; for, though not unused to public speaking, notwithstanding the practice I have had, I always speak with considerable difficulty. Another reason for which I claim your indulgence this evening is, that though not a young man, this is my first appearance on this stage. But having been invited to make mfappearance this evening, and offered the honour of presiding, I have not hesitated to do so, and I have willingly accepted the honour for several reasons—the first is this, that I was anxious to pay in as public a manner as I could the tribute of my ad miration and applause to the gentlemen who have been engaged in the same cause as myself, but who have taken a more active part in its proceedings than I have done—l mean the gentlemen of the Anti- Corn-law League.—(Cheers) I have been desirous of expressing, in as public a manner as I could, my admiration of the ability, perseverance, and courage with which they have for several years car ried on this contest with monopoly, and stood out for the principles o f f ree trade.—(Cheers.) I have been the more anxious to express that opinion at the pre sent time, because I wish to express my entire dis approbation and denial of all the abuse which has been lavished on those gentlemen.—(Cheers.) The scurrility and abuse lavished on them would be be neath our notice, but that there are one or two accu sations made against them of so serious and flagrant a character that they may seem to deserve more notice. They were accused of exciting incendiarism, a crime which lam sorry to see has been perpetrated in a county not very far from the place in which we are now assembled.—(Hear, hear.) This accusation has been made by more than one or two persons of emi nent rank. When I told a Noble Lord who made this accusation that I should make some observations upon it, he did not withdraw it. He admitted he made the accusation, but he did not come forward to justify the accusation, or state the grounds on which he alleged it.—(Hear, hear.) How my Lord Hare wood, or any other person, could justify such con duct, it was for him to explain.—(Hear, hear.) for one do express now, and I think you will all agree with me in expressing, my utter contempt for such an accusation--(Cheers)--and my assurance that it was perfectly groundless, .and that the gentle men against whom it was levelled were as incapable of it as the Noble Lord himself.—(Cheers.) Other accusations have been made agaiost the ge n tl emen o f Ole Anti-Corn-law League, inasmuch as it was said that they ere interested persons, and that they were urging on the cause for their own benefit, and to ac cumulate money in their own pockets. Supposing the accusation to be true, I am yet to learn that persons in any situation of life are not entitled—that it is not their bounden duty to consult their own interests, provided they do so without injury to others—(Hear, hear)—and I think I can show to you, in a few words ; that it would be to the manifest benefit of the whole community to have the - torn-laws repealed. Ido not know whether our adversaries can say the same for themselves.—(Hear, hear.) But I maintain that those gentlemen—admitting, for argument sake, and for argument sake enly,,that they have been carrying on this contest, as I called it before, for the purpose of supporting and promoting the cause of manufactures in general, as distinct from the other classes of society—are doing what will be beneficial to the whole country.—(Hear, hear.) I am old enough to remember the time when the war raged, and when the country was put into great difficulties, which theyoung portion of the company do not re member, and which I hope they will never expe rience. —(Hear, hear.) I remember well on those occasions when the Ministers brought forward their budgets for-the support of the war that their reliance was on the flourishing state of the commerce and manufactures of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It was on the rcseurces supplied by their means, and in consequence of the success of the industry of the manufacturers, that - they principally relied to obtain those sinews of war, and through which they ulti mately succeeded.—(Hear, hear.) I say, therefore, that, generally speaking, mnufacturers, on those grounds, deserve great encouragement. But let us consider-A little- more in detail what manufacturers do fot Ifs. This is a great eountry—very highly civilised—fully peopled, having advantages over others in all the arts mid refinements of civilised life —(Hear, hear.) But with all those advantages, it it admitted that the country, with its natural soil and climate, is not capable of supplying all the wants and satisfying all :the . desires of its refined and civilised population.—(Hear.) How then, are they to be supplied? From foreign lands. How are we to get them from foreign lands but by an exchange of the products which this country can give ?—(Hear, hear.) Our natural products are- little in compari son to what we wish to obtain from other countries It is only by working up manufactured articles which are wanted in other countries, and by the accu mulation of value which 'we throw into them by the excellenee_of Our machinery—by our skill and indus try, that we obtain the means of sending and exporting goods in exchange for the commodities of other coun tries required for our use.-(Cheers.) The extent of the exports of manufactured goods from this country in last year was 47,000,0001. Very little part of this was the raw material of the country—l will not say that no part of it, but a very minute part of it, was the raw material of the country, but the great value it acquired was owing to the labour, the ingenuity, and the skill of our manufact rs. —(Hear.) I say, therefore, that by promoting the manufactures of the country we increase the means of procuring those enjoyments, and those ar ticles of enjoyment which come from foreign coun tries.--(Hear, hear.) But is this all that manufac turers have done for the country ? Let us look to our own internal state. The population of the coun tTy increases every day at the rate of 1,000 persons. How are they to be employed ? What is to give em ployment to those persons ? Is it the agriculture of the country—(No, no)—which is sometimes talked of as the great fundamental support of the couutry ? But it is not so. Ou r manu f actures are.—( H ear, hear.) We knew that for some period past, a census of the people has been taken every tan years, and classification of the orders of the people were made. It showed that the agricult ura l population of the country hadbeen diminishing. It appeared from those returns, that that portion of the population of 'the country employed in agriculture was 352 out of every 1,000 in 1811. In 1821, the next period at which the census was taken, the proportion of the population employed in agriculture was diminished from 352 to 332 out of every 1,000. In 1831 the proportion was diminished to 281 out of every 1,000. In 1841, which was the last period al which the census was taken, no classification was yei made, but, supposing the proportion to go on at the same ratio, it would be 240 out of every 1,000. — (Hear.) You will easily perceive by this that it is a greatly decreasing proportion, and if these must have employment provided for them, it must be provided for them in some other way than by agriculture.— (Hear, hear.) If the diminution goes on at the same rate, the proportion in 1851 of those employed in agriculture will be 205 out of every 1,000, and but 175 in 186.1.—(Hear, hear.) Now, as the manufac turing interest has hitherto absorbed our increasing population, it is meet desirable, you will all admit, that no cheek should be given to those manufactures which may be called on hereafter to absorb a much THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 2l, 1844, larger proportion of the agricultural population.--- (Hear, hear.) Exactly in the same proportion as the number of persons employed in agriculture have dimin ished, the number of those employed in manufactures have. increased. I find that, so early as 1570, nearly three hundred years ago, some ac Bunt was taken of the population of the country. I find it was then pretty nearly apportioned in the different parts of the country. The country was divided into two separate portions, the agricultural portion being one, and the manufacturing and commercial portion the other; and it happened, singularly enough, that what may be called the manufacturing portion took in fourteen counties, occupying an area of the country which was one-third of the whole of these counties. Now, the agricultural portion included 29 counties, being two-thirds of the area of the country. Now, in 1570 the population was divided into the same proportions. The commercial counties were one third, and the agricultural counties were two-thirds. The number of the population at that time in the area of one-third occupied by the manufacturing por tion was 1,239,000 ; in the area of two-thirds occupied by tine agricultural portion the amount was 2,498,000, being as nearly as possible one-third and two-thirds ; but in 1801, the proportions were altered, and in the manufacturing counties, which was one-third of the country, the population amounted to 2,900,000, while in the agricultural counties, occupying two-thirds of the country, the amount of population was 4,400,000, not quite equally divided, there being 47 per cent. of the population in the one-third of the country occu pied by manufacturers, and 53 per cent. for the two thirds occupying the agricultural counties. This was, very unfair as compared with the different areas, but at each successive period the proportion was more unfair. In 1811 the proportion devoted to com merce and manufactures was 48 per cent. In 1821 it was 49 per cent. In 1831 it was 52 per cent., being more than one-half of the whole. In 1841 it was 54 per cent.—that is eight per cent. more than half of the whole, while it was only 46 per cent. for the part de voted to agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) This is a manifest benefit to the whole country.—(Hear, hear.) We know that the population of the country will increase. We know, from melancholy statements which have been lately made public—of which there has been no denial, no refutation—that the agricultural counties are overburdened with popu lation.—(Hear, hear.) We have lamentable accounts of cottages so crowded with people that they suffer both in health and morals.—(Hear, hear.) What, therefore, can be more advantageous for the agricul tural districts than that that portion of the country devoted to manufactures, which occupies only one third, should be able t o absorb the superfluous agri cultural population ?—(Hear.) That this is a great advantage to the agriculturists themselves will appear thus, that the poor-rates in the manufacturing coun ties are less in proportion than the poor-rates in the agricultural oounties. I have not been able to get the returns of the total poor's-rate for a later period than 1841 ; but that, you will recollect, was the time when the census was taken. From this, it appears that the poor's-rate paid in the manufacturing coun ties, occupying only one-third of the area of the whole country, but containing more than half of the whole population, was only 42 per cent., while the poor's-rate in the agricultural counties, occupying two-thirds of the area of the country, but containing only 46 per cent. of the population, was 58 per cent. of the whole poor's-rate of the kingdom.—(Hear, hear.) The result is, that the poor's-rate in the com mercial and manufacturing counties is only 4s. 10d. per head, whereas in the agricultural counties it amounts to 7s. 10d. per head.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore I say that the manufacturers, and the ma nufacturing interest of the country, are deserving of the support of the country, not only for the sake of the good things which they bring us from abroad, and which they have obtained in exchange for the products of their industry which they have exported, but for the actual good which they do to the great bulk of the country, particularly to the agricultural portion of the country—(Cheers)-- I by absorbing the increased population which must otherwise become a burden upon the country at large, more particularly upon the agricultural portions of it, so as to become very injurious to the proprietors, and likewise to the people themselves, who form a portion of this increasing population.—(Hear, hear.) There is also another good, on account of which, I say, the manufacturing interest deserves the sup port of all classes of the people of this kingdom; and that is the great skill, the great ingenuity, the great activity, the great science, the great perse verance, and the great industry which they exhibit in improvements which they are daily introducing into their machinery, so that those necessaries of life which pass through their mills are gradually be coming cheaper, and more within the reach of persons of small means.—(Loud cheers.) This appears in a still more remarkable manner when we consider the increased value of agricultural produce.—(Cheers.) I may be allowed here to say, that I am the less unwilling to institute these sorts of comparisons, because I am myself wholly and solely connected with the agricultural interest—(lmmense cheering)—and I have no connexion, except by pos sessing the acquaintance, and, I believe,.the good-will of many gentlemen connected with the manufacturing. districts—except, I say, that I possess their acquaint ance, and, I believe good-will, I have no connexion whatever with the manufacturing part of the coun try.—(Renewed cheering.) Many gentlemen who are present 'here to-night, I will not say many ladies, because to these things ladies are not, perhaps, much in the habit of paying attention—(A laugh)—but many gentlemen present know that annually returns are made to Parliament of the value of the exports of the kingdom. In these returns there are two columns, one representing the official value of the goods exported and the other representing the real, or the declared value. Now, about 150 years ago, in the year 1694, the practice first com menced of entering in the books at the Custom-house the value of the exports of the country, and a certain sum of money was put down opposite each as its va lue per lb. or per cwt. at that period. That has never varied up to the present period, but the real value of these articles has varied very much. Of course, it is very desirable to know the real value of the exports also ; and for many years past, the practice has been to give in these returns the declared value as well as the official value. The declared value is the real value at the present time; the official value, of course, gives you no idea of what the real value of any commodity is at the present moment, but it shows what would hare been its value in the year 1694. Now, it appears from these returns, and by com paring the declared with the official values, the value ,f manufactured articles has since the year 1694 de- Teased 60 per cent., whilst on the other hand agri cultural produce has increased in value 143 per cent.; io that any given amount of agricultural produce which in the year 1694 was worth 1001. is now worth 2431., while any given amount of manufactured goods which in 1694 was worth 1001., is now not worth more than 401.—(11ear, hear.) Now, after this I think that the agriculturists ought at least not to complain.—(Loud cheers.) The result of all this is, that at the present moment agricultural produce of the value of 1001. will purchase as much manufac turing produce as 600/. worth would in 1694. Now, I really think that ought to make the agriculturists rather wish that manufactures should thrive and flourish—(Cheers)—and if it does not make them do so, lam sure I do not know what will.—(Loud cheers.) The benefit is all on their side certainly.—(Renewed cheering.) For these reasons lam anxious, and I think that the country ought to be anxious also, that manufactures should flourish, and it was in order to profess that anxiety and to state the reasons why I felt it, that I accepted the offer which was made to me to address you from this place.—(Loud cheers.) If I am not wearying you—(Cheers and cries of "Go on")—I would wish to state to you two other reasons why I came here this evening.— (Loud cheers.) The first is that I felt great anxiety to express here, in the strongest possible manner, my adhesion to what are noiv called the principles of free trade.— (Immense cheering.) I believe that on the carrying out of those principles the happiness and welfare of the country depend.—(Cheers.) And I believe that the success of those principles depends mainly on the exertions which you and other persons are making and have made, on this and on former similar occasions, at the meetings which have been held in this theatre and elsewhere in support of f ree -t ra d e principles—(Loud cheers)— for it should never be forgotten that we have resolute and interested opponents. I believe that, as has been said by others, the p r i nc i p l es of free trade are the principles of common sense—(Cheers and laughter) — an d I also helieve that they are the principles of benevolence, of charity, and sound policy. —(Loud cheers.) I believe that they are the soundest principles on which the policy of any country can be conducted, and that they are the principles on which eventually the whole coun try will, be governed.—(Loud cheers.) I have heard it imputed to those who espouse these prin ciples, that they are hostile to the maintenance of the credit of this country, and that they will violate the national faith, because, it is said that if you carry out the principles of free trade, you destroy the national credit by taking away the means of collecting the revenue, from which we are to pay the interest of the national debt. I dispute that proposition altogether. I admit that if we were in precisely the state that we could wish, we might very well desire to have no taxes at all—(Cheers and laughter)—and, undoubtedly, it would be very ad vantageous to commerce that it should be debarrassed from all Custom-house duties.—(Cheers.) But that is not necesslry to free trade. Ali that is neces sary for free trade is, that no tax should be imposed except for purposes of revenue, above all that no tax should be imposed for protection—(Loud cheers) — for the purpose in fact of protecting one i n t eres t against another. That is really contrary to the prin ciples of free trade.—(Cheers.) But it is said by some, all those principles are good, true, and right in - the abstract—(A laugh)—but in the concrete — (Laughter)—at all events, they ought not to be ap plied to articles of food. The article of food, it is said, is so important that to it the principles of free trade ought not to be applied. Now, it strikes me that if the principle is right and good, the more important the article the more necessary is it, then, in respect to that article the principle should be enforced. — (Cheers.) If the principle is not good, why enforce it at all ?—(Cheers.) If it is good, why exempt from its operation the most importa n t a rti c l e ?—(Cheers.) It is said that agriculture wants protection, and that if it has it not it will be ruined. Whether or not it has been ruined under protection it may, perhaps, be worth while to inquire.—(Cheers.) Now let us see what is said on the subject by those who advocate protection. We are told that for hundreds of years past there have been always corn-laws. I admit that when I look into the statute-book I find that as far back as 600 years since I find laws regulating the trade in corn. But I find this peculiarity about the laws which were passed at that period. The corn-laws which were passed in those ancient times had but one object in view, namely, to secure a sufficient supply of food for the people—(Hear and cheers) —and to provide for the introduction of a plentiful supply of food from abroad when there was a scarcity of it at home.—(Cheers.) During the latter portion of that period, however, legislation has taken a dif ferent turn. Shortly after the restoration of Charles the Second, several clauses were passed for the pro tection of the landed interest—not for the purpose of securing a proper supply of food for the people of this country, but for the purpose of protecting the landed interest ; and they have gone on legislating in the same way: and for the same purpose, with one ex ception, ever since. The first Act giving protection to the landed interest was passed in the 12th of Charles the Second, and since that period there have been 100 or 120 different Acts of Parliament passed, regulating the importation and the exporta tion of corn. Their number alone is a pretty good proof that none of the doctors—(Hear, hear)—have been able to hit upon the right remedy.—(Cheers, and laughter.) Many of them have tried hard to do so, however; for at the rate they have been going on we have had, every two years and a half, or every three years, a Bill regulating the importation and the ex portation of corn.—(Cheers and laughter. Divers reasons have at different times been given for these enactments. At an early stage of the business there was no concealment whatever about the matter. The object was clearly avowed, In the 15th of King Charles IL, three years after the first Act was passed, an' Act of Parliament was passed, the preamble of which stated that, for the encouragement of tillage, and seeing that there were lands which could not be so well employed as in the feeding of cattle, and as vast numbers of cattle had been imported from fo reign countries, already fatted—the Act does not sax that the people did not eat them—(A laugh)—and that in consequence such lands had much fallen, and were likely to fall, in their rent and value—(Cheers) — be it enacted, that certain penalties should be imposed upon the importation of cattle.—(Cheers.) Here they fairly avowed that the importation of fat cattle had already caused rents to fall, and that the landed proprietors required the protection of the Legislature to prevent their importation.—(Cheers.) They con fessed themselves that this principle could not be car ried out effectually ; for, three years after, in the year 1666, they passed an Act, reciting the former Act,, and setting forth that as the rents still con tinued to fall, the importation of cattle should be re garded as a public and common nuisance —(Cheers) and should be so adjudged.—(Loud cheers.) The importation of cattle, therefore, was to be ad judged a nuisance, b ecause rents had fallen, and the Parliament so voted it. This is the earliest time at which we find Acts passed for the protection of the landed interest, and from that time to this the Legis lature has been employed almost every other year in passing Bills for the same purpose. A Bill was introduced in 1689 which pre sented a new feature in the history of protection. By that Act a bounty was given upon the exportation of corn. That must certainly have been very advantageous to the growers of corn, but to the public at large it was a general injury. Money was in fact raised by taxes upon the people of the country to; buy up the corn to send abroad, so as to raise the price at home. I believe that nothing ever prospered under protection. It was remarkable that during the course of seventy or eighty years they were obliged to suspend the operation of the law seventeen or eighteen times.—(Cheers.) In the year 1774 they passed an Act—which is the exception to which I have before alluded—an Act diminishing the protection to corn. That Act, in fact, did away with protection altogether, for it was enacted that after wheat should have attained a price of 48s. a quarter it should be admitted at a duty of 6d. That, in fact, continued to be the state of the law up to the year 1815, for although two Acts were passed, modi fying the provisions of the law of 1774, yet the price never fell so as to bring those Acts into operation ; so that from 1774 to 1815, we may fairly say that in (Cheers.) I country we had a free t ra d e in corn.-heers.) I believe that there is no period in English history in which agriculture flourished more than it did during that period. Towards the latter part of that period, notwithstanding all the heavy burdens which we had to bear to sustain the war—notwithstanding the great taxation imposed upon us, agriculture was in a flour ishing condition. In 1815 an extreme protec tion was granted to the landed proprietors. That law was repealed in 1828, and another was passed giving a protection not quite so great, but still very great, to the landed interest; that law, we all know, was repealed two years ago, and a protection some what less, but still very great, was again gra n t e d t o theth. Now, under all. this protection, I ask, has agriculture flourished ?—(Cheer s .) Why, during the whole of that period we have heard of no thing but complaints of agricultural distress, of distressed farmers, and of distressed landowners, and we have had Parliamentary Committees frequently sitting to consider the subject of agricultural dis tress. So that if free trade will not be beneficial to agriculture, at all events it appears that no system of protection for the last 150 years has answered its purpose.—(Loud cheers.) It is my anxious wish to see every protection removed—(Loud cheers) —and that is the reason why I wish to see a total aboli tion of the corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) I have been told of the ill effects which will be produced by such is measure; and it will, perhaps, be well to see what our adversaries say ofi the subject. There are few persons, I presume, in this assembly who are not aware that my Hon. Friend on my right, Mr. Cobden—(Loud cheers)—made a speech the other evening in the House of Commons, not exactly on the corn-laws, but on a subject connected with them. That,speech is admitted, even by his opponent, to have been a speech of consummate ability.—(Loud cheers.) Now let us take the speech made in answer to it by Mr. Gladstone, a Minister of the Crown, the President of the Board of Trade. Mr. Gladstone is a gentleman of great talent and ability, and I, there fore looked with the greatest anxiety to see what could be said in answer. I found but little, except to this effect :—" You, Mr. Cobden, think so and so— other gentlemen think so and so ;' the matter is of great importance—it is creasing great agitation in the public mind—there is the greatest excitement existing; and, therefore,"—l concluded that he would say, therefore we must inquire into the matter — (Cheers)—which was all that Mr. Cobden asked; but no!--" the matter is one creating intense anxiety—there are great doubts about the subject—it is impossible to say who is right or who is wrong, and therefore we had better hush the matter up, and say nothing more about it."—(Cheers and laughter.) That is the substance of the greater part of his speech.—(Cheers and laughter.) There is one part of it to which I wish to draw your attention. I will read the pas sage to you :—" The lion. Gentleman had argued the question in one way; now there were many Hon. Gentlemen who would argue it in the other. He had himself heard the Hon. lilember for Wiltshire argue, with great ingenuity and truth, that one of the immediate results of any change would be a sud den depreciation of the value of agricultural property." Now I know the Member for Wiltshire, and I know _ _ his feelings on the subject. His sentiments do not astonish me, for I remember that, before the Com mittee in 1814, on the Report of which the corn-law was passed, the object of which was to keep up the price of corn to 825., that gentleman gave it as his opinion, in evidence, that corn could not be grown in this country at a profit if the price was lower than 965. He would therefore, I presume, have had that fixed as the price by Act of Parliament—a pretty stout charge I think.—(Cheers and laughter.) The Hon. Member for Wiltshire reminded them that land- lords must live.—(Laughter.) Well, I for one, have no objection to that— (Renewed laughter)—but when I read that I was reminded of a story which I had read of Cardinal Fleury. The Cardinal was one day walking in his grounds, when he met a man who presented a pistol at his head, and demanded his purse. The Cardinal remonstrated with him on his conduct. " I must live," - said the man. The Cardinal, with great coolness, declared to the fellow that he did not see the necessity for that at all.—(A laugh.) Now I will not apply that saying of the Cardinal to the landlords.—(A laugh.) but the Hon. Member for Wiltshire goes on to say-- "The landlords must live, and, if they cannot get a fair rent for their land, they must make an effort to j effect that object by taking it out of th e p oc k e t s o f the farmers."—(A laugh.) Now, that seems to me very much like putting their hands in other men's pockets—(Loud cheers and laughter) --and although in that statement of the Honourable Gentleman there may be much ingenuity and truth, there is not much honesty, I think—(Hear and cheers). —and, with respect to the ingenuity, I dare say that, manywit hincaoucled be certain area o m f o t s h t is in p g l e ac ni e o , u o s r in of th t a h t is w t a o y m ._ - n, (Great laughter.) Well the Bight Hon. Gentl9p,n... went on further to say that, if they pressed upon the farmer, they would compel the landlord to adopt a cheaper mqiie of cultivation. That may he all very true; but it appears to me that the gentleman who farms his own land will be like the man who pleads his own cause in a court of justice—(Cheers)—have a fool for his client. The Noble Lord then proceeded to read several other extracts from the speech of Mr. Gladstone, and said—We sometimes read—mind you, I don't hear it, because, at these protection socie ties, all is a secret ; but it has been thrown out that these gentlemen—the manufacturers—have ob tained by their manufactures immense wealth.— (Hear, hear.) They say, here is Mr. Cobden, who has made his 303,0001. or his 400,0001. by his mills, but did you ever hear of a farmer doing that ? No; and the reason was, that they had not a cheap mode of cultivation.—(Cheers.) I believe, that if this question was settled, and there was any probable as surance of a certainty in the trade of agriculture— in the trade of raising corn—if there was the same certainty that existed in the trade of manufactured goods, that there would be plenty of capital— (Cheers)—that there would be plenty of money, of science, and of knowledge, ready to em ploy in it—(Hear and cheers)—which was not put forward now, in consequence of the uncertainty which the corn-laws occasioned. To put an end to that uncertainty is, in my opinion, and must be in that of every thinking man, a very great object.— (Cheers.) It is because great capital is employed, directed by great science, knowledge, and attention, that manufactures have risen in the way they have— (Cheers)—and I have for one thought that if the same science, capital, and indu s t r y, h a d b een em ployed in agriculture, it would have been productive of the best effects.—(Cheers.) Mr. Gladstone then went on to say that it was not wise or politic to change the present law, because it would cause a violent alteration in the condition of the farmers. Suppose it does, will it not be the best thing that could occur at present ?—(Cheers.) Their condition at the present moment, God knows, is not of the most envious description.—(Cheers.) The arguments of Mr. Gladstone put me in mind of a friend of mine who has a great aversion to railways, because he says they are subversive of inns, stage-coaches, and post-horses— (Cheers) —and many a time has he in travelling been some days on the road, because he thought that innkeepers and post horses ought not to be put a stop to.---(Cheers.) Mr. Gladstone further stated, that assenting to the mo tion of my Hon. Friend, the Member for Stockport, would displease the farmers and the rural labourers. —(Cheers.) Has any person present heard of the state of some of the rural population in Dorsetshire ? —(Cheers.) If they have, lam sure they will think that it will not be a great misery to alter their situa tion.—(Cheers.) I believe that nothing will be more beneficial to the agricultural labourer and the farmer than the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Great cheering.) I am afraid that I have detained you too long.— (Cries of " No, no," and " Go on.") Well, I must detain you a few minutes longer to state that, for the sake of the agriculturists, themselves—for their best interests I believe the re peal of the corn-laws is necessary—(Cheers)—and for their sakes I hope that event will soon take place. —(Cheers.) But there is a reason that weighs with me:more in expressing that hope, and that is, because I think the corn-laws and all protecting laws fly in the face of Providence, and deprive the people of the be neficial arrangements made for them by their Creator. —(Great cheering.) It has been most wisely arranged by Providence that one country should be supplied by others with the different necessaries of existence ; it brings men into amicable relations with each other— (Cheers)—it prevents hostilities ; and it makes na tions feel dependent on each other.—(Great cheering.) Some countries are united on one continent, while others are, as England is, separated by the great waters of the ocean—(Cheers)—the great highway of cogimerce.—(Cheers.) Now, I have never heard of any' island where the people were so little informed on the subject of navigation that they could not use the vast element of the ocean for the good of themselves and their fellow .men.—(Cheers.) That vast extent of water is the means of communication between different countries and different climes—(Cheers) — to cultivate friendly intercourse between mankind, is the design of an all-wise Power, and we counter act that if we uphold any duties or laws that deprive our fellow-creatures of their daily bread.—(Cheers.) We have now seen an era of peace for nearly thirty years, and I think it must be apparent to the whole world, that the feeling of Governments, of nations, and of mankind is, that war ought to end.—(Great cheering.) I sincerely believe and hope that that is the opinion of every nation upon the globe.— (Cheers.) The Governments throughout the world. are, I believe, inclined to that opinion —they are dis posed to peace and amicable relations with all States. —(Cheers.) But if Governments were disposed to encourage war, such is, I believe, the progre:.s of knowledge among the generality of mankind, that it would be found a most difficult task, on the part of any Government, to excite them to wage war.— (Cheers.) Nothing, I am convinced, is more likely to produce peace than the free intercourse between countries ; and that is to be produced mainly by the total abolition of all protective duties.— (Great cheering.) It was intended by Providence that one country should ;be dependent on another— (Cheers)—and of this I am sure, that nothing is more calculated to create greater peace throughout the world than putting an end to all restrictive duties. —(Cheers.) By doing that, we shall do more to civilise the lower orders of the people than by any other course, and will bring about that which must be the devoted wish of all manki n d—" Gl ory t o G o d in the onEarl learth peace a n d goo d w ill towar d s men." sat down am id s t t remen d ous highest,TheNo cheering. Mr. LarrimonE, of Whethampstead, Hertford. shire, a tenant-farmer, was then introduced by the Noble Chairman, and proceeded to address the meet ing. The Noble Lord who had taken the Chair that evening, had kindly introduced him as a tenant farmer, and if they entertained a doubt upon it, he should be most happy to solve it.—(Cheers.) He was a farmer by choice, he had adopted it from a natural bias and inclination.—(Cheers.) He trusted that as he had adopted that trade from choice, they would give him credit for not wishing or attempting to do any thing to injure it.—(Cheers.) He, how ever, entertained opinions like the Noble Lord, that keeping up monopolies, so far from doing good to the agriculturists injured them in the greatest degree.— (Cheers.) He was convinced that in promoting the cause of free trade they were promoting the cause of agriculture. '1 hey had heard some observations that had been made by the Noble Lord, upon the answer of Mr. Gladstone to the speech of Mr. Cobden, and from that they might see how the question of the tenant-farmers had been shirked.—(Cheers.) It had been said, that free trade would displace the present race of farmers ; he thought there would not be much harm if it did. But it was further asserted that they would throw a vast number of labourers out of employ, if the corn-law were repealed; his opinion was that the repeal of that law would give much greater employment and confer greater blessings on the country.—(Cheers.) He was sure that a committee of intelligent farmers would give that verdict.—(Cheers.) Then why was it not put in force, it might be asked ? Why, because there was the political part of the case—(Cheers)—and the farmer had no interest in that.—(Cheers.) They had no interest in the army and navy promotions.—(Hear, hear.) As a farmer he held that man as an enemy to his country who attempted to keep up that line of demarcation between manufacturers and agricultu ralists—(Cheers)—which the protectionists were pro moting.—(Cheers.) The Duke of Ricbmond, who was itt the top of all this, had said that he had all the farmers and agriculturists with him ; he (Mr. L.) denied that such was the case._ It might be true, that the Duke of Richmond had a few with him, but, with the permission of the meeting, he would analyse them.---(Cheers.) There was a certain class of amphibious fanners, land-agents, and auctioneers, who might be with him.—(Cheers.) There weae others also he might depend on, but the general farmer gave that Noble Duke no support—(Loud cheers)—and he only obtained it from those who lived in his immediate neighbourhood.—(Hear.) He wished to secure to the farmers political inde pendence; he wished they possessed it.—(Hear, hear.) But under the Chandos clause of the Reform Act they could not enjoy it. Would the Noble Duke of Richmond give them the ballot ? (Cheers.) That was the question.—(Cheers.) To prove the insince rity of the professions of the protection landlord., he invited the Noble Duke to repeal the 501. tenant-at will clause, or give the farmers the means of exer cising their votes conscientiously under it. Another little thing not talked of at these protection meetings, some of which he had had the pleasure, he would not was say much about the honour, of attending, the subject of game. The system of game-laws in this country did a vast deal of injury to the tenants, and destroyed a great deal of agricultural produce. There were thousands of tenant-farmers in this country who were almost ruined by the game system. The law itself was based on injustice, it was founded on a false principle ; it made the game the private property of the landowner, but it did not make him liable for the damage done by it to the pro perty of his neighbour; all must admit that this was very unjust.—(Hear, hear.) There was another law called the law of landlord and tenant ; by it the property of the first party was clearly recog nised by Parliament, denoting the influence of the landowners in it ; but there was no law recognising the property of the tenant, protecting it from injury from game; nor was there any protection for the conscientious farmer by the ballot. If that protection were given, he had some notion that they should get on better. He had some very strong opinions on that point ; he happened to have suffered. under olitical p erse cution. The basis of politital liberty wa s the free •exereise of the right of voting. The political landlords—for there was a great distinction between them—had endeavoured to carry out the idea of the monster Caligula, who wished that the people of Rome had but one neck, that he might destroy them by one stroke. They knew that the liberties of the people had but one neck—the franchise—and they endeavoured to sever that by one blow.—(Loud cheering.) The Noble Earl who presided over them that even ing, had lately been called on t o s p ea k on thi s sub ject. He happened to have a tenant who was unworthy, if he might say so, of such a landlord.— (Hear, hear.) This foolish man having some mis givings, instead of carryi ng o u t hi s own v i ews , wro t e a letter to the Noble Earl, thus giving him an oppor tunity of stating his real feelings- on the question. The Noble Earl, in his reply to that letter said, " You will observe that when you give your vote for a Member of Parliament, you are executing a sacred trust reposed in you by the Legislature, not for your personal benefit or advantage, not to indulge any predilection for one candidate over another, not to please the landlord, but for the benefit of the people at large.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) If you, ignorantly, give that vote in a manner not consistent with their benefit, the fault may rest with others ; but at the same time, if that ignorance is wilful, arising from a neglect of the opportunities of acquiring information, you are not by any means free from blame."—(Cheers.) These were the views of the Noble Earl, and he hoped he would never want a tenant who knew how to respect them and carry them out.—(Cheers.) He felt this the more deeply, because he had been told that his own pro perty—vested in the soil of another, though no political contract h a d b een entered into— was not to be reached by him; he was not to be permitted to realise that to which justice en titled him. Such was the contrast between these tw o species of landlords. It was necessary that he should now say a few words as to the present state of the farmers. _ When he was a boy, an old farmer, an experienced man, bade him mark him, while he told him that from his past experience he felt convinced that if the present corn-laws were continued for another twenty years, the present race—that was, the then race—of farmers, with their capital would be entirely annihilated. In the parish where this was said, he had recently calculated the number of those tenants and those farms ; the number of farms was twenty-one, and in the twenty years those twenty-one farms had had fifty tenants.—(Hear, hear.) He had calculated also what had become of the twenty-nine tenants who had ceased to be so. Some had gone to their last account, but others were in the union workhouse; some on the roads, in a state of miserable dependence, their property de stroyed, their hopes blighted, their families ruined.—(Hear, hear.) As a practical man he felt convinced that the next three years, under the present system of protection, would see more changes than any three years preceding them.—(Hear, hear.) With these facts before him, facts that nothing could controvert, if he supported monopoly he must be an unwise or a dishonest man. If the English farmers generally understood the system, and continued to support it, as the Duke of Richmond said they did at present, he must say they exhibited a suprising fond ness for it. " The beaten spaniel's fondness not more strange." The abolition of the corn-laws naturally included the abolition of all feudal privileges, the game-laws, and other things connected with them. They might fairly consider the corn-laws as a rent question ; instead of protecting the farmers, it only annihilated them, and swept them away from their occupation. Another point that had been touched on was the posi tion of the agricultural labourers. They were told that the corn-laws were necessary for the sake of the labourers. Now, if anything could reduce the labourer to a loser state than he was in at present, it must bring him very low indeed. It was to him a melancholy reflection, that in this country the re ward obtainable by industry was so small. They had heard something in this metropolis about the small price paid for making shirts to the poor women, who toiled day and night, and yet could scarcely obtain a miserable subsistence. But in the agricul tural districts the poor labourer, with his utmost exertions, was scarcely able to obtain a sufficiency of food. He knew cases in which a labourer, with a family of six children, had to vegetate on 9s. per week, 2s. 'of which had to be paid for rent, while poor-rates had actually to be paid out of the remaining 7s. There was another instance in which eight persons had to exist on 7s. per week ; they , might think it almost incredible, but it was the fact, and he believed th a t, h a d it no t been for the sympathy and kindness of those around them, they must have been lost for want. He should like to see the Noble Duke, or any Noble Lord who ad vocated the bread-tax, go into such a place and take his tax in kind ; if he could look upon the wretched and shrunken forms of those children, and the stamp of anisery that was upon their countenance, it would be a study for an artist, and he thought would form an excellent frontispiece to a Protection Hall. He had often thought—might Heaven forgive him if he were wrong—that more care was bestowed upon their horses and dogs than upon their poor.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, he did not be lieve that any advantage was gained from the poor laws by the labourer. He was not making any charge against the.• farmers for the small ness of the wages they paid to the la bourer; unless there was a greater demand for his produce, he could not give a higher rate. The advantages of a repeal of the corn-laws to the labourer consisted in this, that the- labourer had no thing to do with the prices. His object was only to obtain a fair proportion of the necessaries of life, and unless they gave that, all' the party sentiment they held out to him -was of no avail. He could not help remarking on the gross hypocrisy of those who ex pressed an anxious desire to promote the welfare of the poor, while at . the same time they lessened their supply of food. It was in vain they desired their mental improvement, unless the demands of nature were first complied with.—(Hear, hear, and cheer ing.) In the savage state, men advanced by slow degrees to civilisation, and from civilisation to refinement. Men in every state were always cooks before they were gentlemen.—(Laughter.) With these convictions, he felt that the only chance of raising the. condition of the labourer was the total abolition of all monopolies. There were other features in this case which ought to have their influence on the minds of every intelligent man. By the abolition of all monopolies they were taking the surest means of promoting a kindly feeling between themselves and every country in the world, because they were thereby making all nations in advance of intelligence feel a mutual dependence and sympathy with each other, which in time the Government would not be able to resist. The hostile tariff of America was caused entirely by the operation of the corn-laws. Take away this law, and throw open the trade of this country with America and the whole world, and they would soon see that the good n rise of :the American people would cause them to rescind this obnoxious tariff, and to hold out the hand of amity to. England. He said that, as a farmer, he felt that he was much injured by this continual call for protection. Was an occupation which had been honoured in all ages—which had been the em ployment of a Caesar—which had occupied the leisure hours of a Cicero—which had engaged the eloquent pen of a Virgil, a pursuit which had nourished the mind of thepatriot Cincinnatus, and which, in modern times, had been the occupation of a Leicester, of a Spencer—(Cheers)—a Ducie, a Kinnaird, and many others, was it not an insult to th e i n t e lli gen t farmers of this country to tell them that their goodly vessel of British agriculture dared not put to sea save under the rotten flag of protection—(Cheers)—lest some paltry bark of competition should board that stately vessel and make a ll th e crew prisoners ? He told them as an agriculturist, that they had resources within themselves if they would only abolish these monopolies, give them freedom of trade, unaccompanied by political degradation ; if they would unshackle them of their feudal privileges, which crippled and de stroyed their energies. He hailed therefore with delight the intellectual discussions which were con tinually taking place within these walls. He con gratulated them on their magnificent meetings, which showed that they wished to promote the interests of the poor as well as the happiness of the higher classes. He was confident of the issue of this struggle. If they allowed the principle to develop itself, provided it had its roots in nature, it was certain to wax strong, and bear fruit in due season, although that time might be a distant one. There was nothing in agriculture which made him look with envy on the happiness of another man. They were all dependent on one another, and it was their bounden duty to promote feelings of kindness and good-will, and to cherish them without any dis tinction of class, manufacturers or agriculturists. He would say to them, in the words of his celebrated namesake, "Be of good cheer, for by that day's dis cussion they had so suppressed discord, so crushed dissensions, and kindled such a flame of brotherly love, kindly feeling, and universal good. will, as he trusted, with the blessing of Providence, would never —never be extinguished."—(Loud cheers.) The Noble CHAIRMAN then announced, amid loud and general cheering that Mr. Hunt, another tenant farmer, a Quaker, would next address the meeting. Mr. HUNT came forward and was warmly received. He said that he did not appear before them on the present occasion from any conviction that he would be able to do much service to the cause the League met weekly to advocate. He came there at the re quest of some friends, and was willing to throw in his humble mite to forward the good cause.— (Cheers.) He did not intend to trouble them with many observations, but before he proceeded further he would state that he was a tenant farmer, and, com paratively speaking, but, a poor tenant-farmer.— (Load cries of "Hear, hear," and renewed;dieering ) Ali he possessed was invested in agriculture, and they might easily suppose that he would not wilfully do anything contrary to his own interest.—(Hear, hear.) He was one of those who believed there were many mistaken notions as to the utility of agri culture.. He compared agriculture and commerce to a pair of scissors, very good when properly united together, but when separate nearly useless. — (Laughter, and cries of " Hear.") And however in days gone by agriculture might have been of para mount importance in the kingdom, he - believed that state of things had gone by, and although, engaged in agriculture, he must say that he believed manufac tures were now of paramount importance. It was in the mistaken belief that agriculture was the para mount interest, that the corn-laws of 1815 were im posed. It was very well known that during the war it was an easy matter for the farmer to pay rent, and for the landlord to receive it—(A. laugh)—and equally clear that the landlords then, as now, formed a large majority in both Houses of Parliament—that th y passed the corn-laws with a view of increasing their own incomes, as they now supported that law with a view of securing them.—(Hear, hear.) The inconvenience of the principle which was then adopted had been, from the first moment of its opera tion up to the present moment, productive of the worst and the most unfair effects. All bad prin ciples, all vicious laws, were certain to produce injury:; and those laws which were passed with a view to benefit agriculture he sincerely believed were most injurious to its best interests.—(Hear, hear.) The landowners of the country had been trusting to these laws to secure their rents, instead of to improvements in the system of tillage, and in general management, and hence had resulted the present state of things. A great deal had been said about protection in and out of Parliament, and Protection Societies had been got up, but his opinion was that protection was a real injury. —(Hear, hear.) Let him for a few moments investigate the present condition of the landed interest of the kingdom, and particularly with reference to the tenant-farmers. Why, the landowners, instead of turning their atten tion to the improvement of their estates, had trusted to the corn-laws for their rents, and the farmers were led away by the delusion that it was by those laws they would be enabled to make up their rents. —(Hear, hear.) The consequence was, that the land lords held their tenantry in a state of great political vassalage.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheering.) He had been all his life engaged in the culture of land, and knew the farming class well, and he declared it as his firm conviction that the tenant farmers had no political independence, and that they had scarcely any political sentiments.—(Hear, hear.) There were high and bright exceptions among the landowners, as shown in the case of their Noble Chairman, but, generally speaking, the t en a n t s were driven hither and thither wherever their landlords pleased to take them.—(Hear, hear.) Nor had the farmers derived any pecuniary advantages from the present system, as might be reasonably expected, in return for the surrender of their liberties and privi leges, which, as reasonable beings, they had a right to exercise.. No • the condition of the tenant-far m e r was deplorably bad, and he was satisfied that it was not likely to improve under the restrictive laws now in force.—(Hear hear.) These laws had another effe c t —they lessened the national demand_ for agricultural labour, and therefore to the agricultural labourer they were especially injurious.—(Hear, hear.) The landowners, as Mr. Cobden had justly observed, held certain old-fashioned notions, which they could not bear to see any innovation upon. There was yet another very bad effect of the corn .laws—they caused a great deal of land to lie in an almost unpro ductive state. On his way from Bristol to this city he had passed by thousands of acres of land, which, by judicious culture, would be capable of producing more than twofold what it did at present In effecting those desirable improve ments it was clear that a large demand for labour would take place, and hundreds would be called into active and profitable employment who were now straggling about in starvation and idleness.—(Hear, hear.) All good farmers knew how much more em ployment, permanent and certain employment, tillage land gave beyond pasture —more than double the labour and much more than double the produce. Speaking of the agriculture of the kingdom, as a whole, he must say, that if th e best system of farm ing were adopted—he would not exaggerate, (for he disliked exaggeration)—where one labourer was at present employed three would then be en gaged, not in temporary, but in permanent, profit able, and useful labour; and further, the land would be much more productive, and the net profit would be vastly greater.—(Hear, and loud cheering.) If the corn-laws were repealed, a much larger amount of labour would be called into requisition, for the landlords were at present unwilling to encourage agricultural improvement, because of the uncertainty of the system. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, had said something about the landlords taking the farms into their own hands, in the event o the repeal of the corn-laws. 'Why, to be sure, some few landlords might do so, but they would not—they could not, as a class do so, because they had not the means.—(Cheers.) Again, farmers would not be willing t o th row th e i r capital, if they possessed it, into, their farms, except under the protection of long leases.—(Hear, hear.) But if the corn-laws were repealed, those leases must be granted, and there would be an end to that system ofpolitical tyranny so much felt a t present.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and great cheering.) He would like to show them how things went on under the present system. The farmer, were the land his own, might, no 'doubt, under the present system, improve land; but under the present yearly and uncertain tenure, how could it be expected that the tenant would throw his capital, his energy, his hopes, into his farm, which a conscientious refusal to vote at the next election, according to the wish of his landlord, might deprive him of ?—(Hear, hear.) Three or four thousand pounds, which the farmer employed in drainage, fencing, &c., on his farm, might be thus lost to him for ever. The election would come, and the agent would write a note to him, saying " The Duke of So-and so, or Mr. So-and-so, would feel obliged to Mr. -- for- voting for Mr. So-and-so at the ensuing election." And if he did not comply with the request he would receive a notice to quit. So that he must either sub mit to the degradation of voting against his con, science and his interest§, or be turned out of the.farth in which he had vested his labour and every shilling he possessed. The granting of leases, which must take place in the 'event of the repeal of the corn-laws, was, he believed, a great obstacle to that repeal.— (Hear, hear.) But let, then, the tenant-farmers ask the question, " What have we done for ourselves ?" None of them had got rich—a very large proportion of them were struggling, enduring great suffer ing and privation--(Hear, hear, and cheers)—not withstanding this much boa3ted protection. A great sympathy was lately evinced for the agricultural la bourers.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he was for benefiting the labourer of any description, and he gave -it as his opinion, that the agricultural labourers were in great distress—that those among them whoie cir cumstances were comfortable resided chiefly in the vicinity of large towns, and in the neighbourhood of manufactures ; and those who resided in purely ae.ri cultural districts had the lowest wages.—(Hear.) Why,tthe labourers in Gloucestershire and Dorset shire were living far below the usual standard at union worknouses. In Gloucestershire, hun dreds of families were living on seven shillings a week, and there were districts in Somersetshire where no more was given ; and the farmer then com plained of the frequent petty robberies of their gates and firming implements, which doubtless arose from the extreme poverty of the labouring classes. Taking the average of the kingdom, the expense of maintain ing paupers in workhouses was 2s. a week per head, not including any charge for rent. Now a man and his wife and four children maintained in a workhouse would cost 12s. a week; exclusive of rent—add is. 6d. for rent, it would be 13s. 6d. Had the .agricultural labourer any such sum to support his family upon ? (Hear, hear.) He had already pointed out num berless instances where the labourer had but 7s. He had been. lately speaking to one of the Duke of Beaufort's tenants on the subject of the distress of the agricultural labourers, but this farmer said, " Oh, don't talk to me about the distress of the la bourer, and about their, not tasting any meat for a long time ; why there are scores of farmers that can't get or afford to buy any meat."—(Loud cries. of " Ilear i _hear," and great cheering.) Yet all this was carried on Under what was called the protective sys tem. He believed that farmers would benefit by the repeal of the corn-laws, from an improved system of agriculture, which would be founded upon them.— (Hear.) A few years ago the iron trade in *cm m outbsbire was very brisk, and the operatives, being all in full employment, were living comfortably, and hundreds of capital daily left Bristol to be sent to the markets in Monmouthshire, where they were eagerly bought up to supply the wants of the mechanics—there was a constant de mand on the Bristol market. What was the case now? l i Vhy, instead of a demand in the Bristol market, the Monmouthshire farmers were inundating the Bristol market themselves with that stock, which formerly was not nearly adequate to the supply of their own. There was not a third of the meat consumed in that district at present that there was formerly. It was urged as an argument against the corn-laws, that a great deal of land would be thrown out of cultiva tion. Now, the Duke of Richmond, and those men who called themselves the farmers' friends, had turned out bad prophets on a former occasion, and so he apprehended they would prove on the present. The Duke of Richmond said that if the duty on wool was reduced, we should have no mutton and no sheep walks, but that duty was reduced, and the conse quence was that the stock of wool had increased, and , there was more sheep in the country than there had e'er been bAre.--;(Hear, hear.) The farmers of I this country at o ne -time - p e titioned that - the " roe" leading to this metropolis might not be inn v et because it wou ld l essen th e va l ue of land; • a' ase d the roads h a d b een i m p i roved, and with /per; facilities o f commun i ca ti on the value of land had the creased.—(Hear, h ear .) At the last election, tenant-farmers cried out "No surrender of the laws," and, under the influence of the landlords,- wt be returned a monopolist House of Commn_ believed that no set of men were everso deeelthe farmers had been six months after the passing, e eot . last Corn Bill and tariff. If those electors coulaiieved cise their independent and free voice, he firmly b e . 3 Sir that 99 out of every 100 of them would 'distills 11, Robert Peel as a b a d doctor, and call in alle the e r ers .) more skilful physician.— (Laughter and eh se lves Yet the very m en w h o h a d c onfessed the m li e d deceived on this question were now rallying, o ri the professed farmers' friends, in the slier ,L. l' or n cultural Protection Societi e s. —(Hear.) F Ol. part he rejoiced in the formation of these s' because he believed that their opponents mu' t , e pos either discuss the question, or confess then to beaten.—(Hear, hear.) Di s cussion would ter h oe o elicit the very same information 'which woulio,l been elicited by the Com m itt ee of their friend It c ear , Cobden, had that Committee been granted — ", ; , t o. hear.) In the d e b a te w hi c h t oo k place upon in: bad tion, an Hon. Member stated that a Mr. na/ t . t he been somewhere and shattered the arguments 0 av , Anti-Corn-law League. He hoped these prote e ht Societies would let in upon their dark minds th e i ou r b g ts of day. He confessed, ho w ever he had d 4 ,, 0 s as to their ability to do so. A few wees s "v ia3 (l county meeting was called in , Somersetshir° ~in though not living in that county, he atten d A order that he might pick up some inforraati o T more triumphant refutation of the principles e'.„Pd A tection he had never heard than at that i neeting , r s o more triumphant decision in favour of free trade o y never made. A few days after a Protection Se e tnen t was established in Bristol. From the advertis e veo l and s i e tur i s t calling a meeting for that purpose, he, brother farmers considered that every agrie u ,,, a s had a right to attend and take part in the o" ver , sion. On applying to the chairman, h, avve cti se. they soon found that such was, not tne di ,. —(Laughter.) Had the question been cussed, he had no doubt that the i n of those present would h ave d e t erm ined to ow , a society for the protection of a gr iculture, in, ter,) nexion with the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Lanc} ar h. With reference to this meeting, the 1 .; lane Express boasted of the attendance of 6 0 ' A mers, in a room which, however it might be era re ,, lD ter ) would literally hold no morethan 200.—(Laug';eli While, therefore, he rejoiced in the discussion ' 4 "" 0 - 4 would be elicited by means of these Societies, he t ee say, that he thought they themselves were but inclined to it.—(Hear, hear.) Had the time the mitted, he would have noticed at :some lengtil. s o arguments brought forward i n re f er ence to the l' en e imposed on agriculturists. H e wou ld noticean point. He did not believe that the farmers pay' inordinate or unfair proportion of the taxegeet (Cries of " Hear, hear.") What would be the °P es t of the remission of a certain portion of the i t 3l o „ii Landlords knew very w e ll th a t th e y _ coula b i c h reasonably expect the after the expensir rents from. the surpills, w the farmer produced e of cultvi A and his own maintenance had been provided for' 0 3 a riding-horse or a shepherd's dog were wallte a, co o a tax was, pail on this account, this tax Ina st ,o l it' out of the rent, and the landlords very wisely 'a o ger ted the taxes upon riding-horses and shepherds' loc h knowing that, in point of fact, this would be s e hen r.) augmentation of their own rent.—(Heart v ies From what he had said they would see that " e o• opposed to the corn-laws even from intereste e i l d l :o, tives, setting apart a n y hi g h er motive. --- ;_k p oe hear.) But he was al so o pp ose d t o them v e „' We, he believed them to b e i mmora l an d uneqd e d laws. He believed they were i mmora l, as re were the labouring populati o n ; h e b e li eve d they ex • inequitable, because they were maintained at I R A pense of the many for the be ne fit o f the few. hear.) Rather than li v e on th e wages o f the ' - vvo rk. trious himself, he would d o ff hi s coa t an d go te ,ieti to-morrow.—(Hear, hear.) The religious °"7, t tle, with which he was conne c t e d i n t er f e red hut ' 1 g ht comparatively speaking, with politics. I:Pith:ilk' this subject ought to be di scusse d ca l m ly an ‘ rately, apart from 'politics. Hi s creed NO S -N But, religious, and commercial equality."—(Cheersq.ould while he disclaimed any political feeling, be . L ' l o f candidly avow that he advocat e d a r e r — v vere these laws from a belief that they , r i o a 3 injurious to his own interests, that they were 1 1 V a i ti ,t. to the poor, .and also that they were decidedlY He wished his brother farmers calmly and oe' d i he rately to inquire into the effect of these laws ; an t ie hoped that the Anti-Corn-la w League woukillt.... lax in its endeavours to enlighten their mi n 7., 0 0 . (Chees.) If they could only employ a few t ac ei practical tenant-farmer s as l ecturers, h e be' t be they would do an amount of good, an d furthe r d e cause of free trade.. The minds of the farmers: v be• already alive on thi s su bj ec t . H e had reason t° is lieve that the effect, of the county ineetu&tbs Gloucester had been entirely to chang e o rs opinions of man y t enant -f armers, w ho s 0• before- opposed to the repeal of the corwl e tl age . • The principal element of real power was know i h - e et, and dnts consciences h ihe e ennc fa eh r se m dw e i c r ot s na tl become dedo. enlightened on this subs 7 1 y He as w k o th ld em ask to th d e o rn vv t h o a be t il i freemen in every sense of the word, and he, i a sa say to them," Remember that he only is a free whom knowledge on this question makes free. t he Mr. COBDEN then came forward to addles' f oe meeting, and wa s rece i ve d w i t h the most -voc)le'pli• applause, which was continued for upwards 0 1 , 11 , 4 nute. After the cheering had subsided, he said, thought they would now beat no loss to understs,n- i o ta it was that he was refused - a Committee to inqum e re re• the condition of tenant-farmers and farm-10°1%o (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He came before t t on a from that other Assembly, as a court of apP ea j;terd these were his two first witnesses.—(Great taus e ra They had he ar d t o - n i g h t two speakers who they the y bona fide real, li ve farmers.—(Laughter.) 11 ' Ayes:. talents as speakers, they must j•udge for the m ', of He had had the opportunity of visiting the fa t ri hs' i one ; the oth e r gent le man h e had no t Ye - 31r• the pleasur e o f visiting. He had been ov e lblre; Lattiniore's farm', at Whithampstead, in Hertfo ro v id and he challenged his brother farmers in that e° t hat mi t t o loir. s .lle a , y Le rhat l etf v to h irn: e dv t oso l ihrueeilrrdeh: was e was o ne n o o f t t h e correctbest practical t stating ios‘ars , s e s rs y Hertfordshire.—(Hear, undertake hear, and a a y n d m. ch h e is ers p .) resl;a c it e r : that on his farm he produced in a years ° II 0 0 average, one-third more than was produce 43 on less land in hi s p ar i s h, w hil e he employed d eu e ras many labourers as were employed on an T ee rs.) upon the same surface of land.--(Loud e`devcil Now, this was but the beginning of the revl,„,, the which they intended to lay before them i 1.° 1) ," tt eo mouths of practical agriculturists, as to th e which the corn-laws conferred upon their °I o f the (Hear, hear.) They had heard something b og agricult ura l l a b ourers. H e wished they eoul"foolt4 a few of th em th ere, an d l et them see the 0`;., 3 .-- - of those best o f h ome customers for manufa e , tu- then l (Laughter.) Their friend Mr. Hunt had tol d dis• that in th e p ro t ec ti on meet i ngs which we re f ir (41r• cussion w a s no t a ll owe d on t hi s su bj ec t. 13 frog'; Cobden) h a d i nv it e d di scuss i on at coun ty I ne : n ties I He had held 28 open meetings in as many ee- lad he had invited a ll corners, and he was alwayst, 0 g gr. find opponents. Mention bad been made ot e ,the Day of Huntingdonshire ; a n d a N o ble Thi" it , the • Duke of Richmond—had stated, in his Pd r lac House of Lord s , that he (Mr. Cobden) had un only from Day a t fluntingdon. Now, that was no t • t one of the slips of his Grace, for he W e.l. did n ° ' Huntingdon. It was the only place which hethe ,111 happen to go to—(Laughter)—and it 'Os : he tar place where they were out-numbered b.l" e dit t° jority. But he did not mention this as any e r t 0 1 0' himself, for he could account for the defeat at 1a33 tingdon on another hypothesis. Huntingu ° o:nr land. It I b t ee m n .as a lit a tle c b u e r h io i u n s d thheistootrhieoralcounties ° ne eed fact Ca n w her° with that czuntry, that it was the last Plac e / Great the v. burned old women for witcheraf t " t 'itga s laughter) —and it was a remarkable fact, hu preach me true, that up to this day a sermon was Pr e t,„ s olv e Huntingdon, in fulfilment of a bequest left . 0 0 .. Ca w charitable person, by a fellow of a college lid thei bridge, against witchcraft.—(Laughter.) Jl oo ne - , not think it would be a very charitable thing , J . , not her body would, in making their will, leave ue en foundation to send one of these fellows to ' w o ? College once again to preach against the corelln_ —(Laughter.) He did not see much differed tween burning old women for witchcraft, an hea r.) ing old women and little children.—(l je t 3 e f u nend l4 But whilst on the subject of the Duke of R . „ Id the high authority, Mr. Day, he might mentiont°,atiog protectionists had been very industriously circagreati with very ,e a pamphlet written by Mr. Day, pis 71 industry, and very great ingenuity —Ile l' Aour --ia could say with as much truth and can' t/00 ,0 which this worthy . gentleman had gone r . was tio' all their speeches for the last five years . slight task—he gave him credit for his In,u,,for o f ruhasza had .t alk ,„ ect (Laughter) —but of that heap he must confess that they out of-that heap of rubbish he had collected worthy a great deal of nonsense in past tlin ev e e b rioi thing he could find that was in the least 50 . 1 . being recorded ; and, by ingeniously transposln!_ A v e tences and suppressing dates, he had managed, to Ave often a totally different meaning to what the Ile_ o ne intended. He would not give them more tn,a i l en , s ) instance. He wanted to prove his (Mr. Con one inconsistency. How did he do it ? He quote speech, in which he told the operatives of Larle,'; eo ; that they ou g ht t o h a ve their land at one-thirc,„l3„, k' and he quoted a nother speech, in w hich he tills _lnners, na Bedfordshire, that he did not thin