The Sun. — London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

Ind eetwten France and this country, neat on to say that. While he rejeiced, in common with others, upon the present amicable position of this country with foreign countries, he h, gged to say, at the same time, he could 11 , ii e t,hy any means participate i n th e p ra i se w hi c h h er nenesty's Ministers had thought proper to give them rives, on th e cone l ue i en of the business of the country st session. —(Hear, and a laugh.) They praised the moderation anti wisdom with which they had conducted the public business. Now, for his own part, he could 8 " , nethine in the discharge ot . their public duty by the present tee‘ernuteet that could entitle thin to ad this credit f or the exercise of their wisdern ; neither could he Worthy of all this praise that they seemed so willing to lavish on their public conduct. (Hear, and laughter.) Yes, he would repeat it, he could discover no act of the Present Government that called for this excessive self t%deletion of their great wisdom and moderation.—(A 2 aii gh.) What wa g s the actual state of things whereon I. l e Present Mini s t ry too k so much cred i t to t h emse l ves ? A individual in the employment of the French Govern ment in a foreign country was suspected by the French !oretnander, of conduct tending to disturb the popular u'raneuillity in that country, and he was thereupon placed e n d r arrest, and eventually condemned to solitary con e-el:limit, and it was further intimated to him that, in the _ vent el' an insurrection breaking out in the country, he Would be held personally responsible in the event of its h ° ming necessary that blood should be shed —(Hear, ea .) It had been said that there were no sufficient loan It for this " gross outrage," as it had been called, trot this individual ; but the French authorities, , } c l i t content with this " gross outrage," had fur :Pr resolved that Mr. Pritchard should not be per ;Lifted to remain in the country. In all the eircum 4'ilees that had taken place in this transaction, there :peered to him (Lord J. Russell) to have been very 411.1" as divisions and misunderstandings. That the corn ander of the French forces in a foreign country should 1( 1 n it a Proper course for him to adopt, to remove from titeountry an individual whom he had reason to believe .etud be instrumental in pr educing an insurrection :7°cgst th e i nhabitants, he (Lord J. Russell) did not aan t ° dispute. 'I e French commander might have 1 : 111 ed th at a fair and legitimate course by which t, op ei,,se,an i nsurrection ; aad he (Lord J. Russell) would ti that an insurrecti o n i n th a t co untry lie would not by e ase ens wish t o see . B ut lie would say, that every t er ; sh ould be j u d ge d by i ts own mer i ts ; an d, th ere . st ot t.O e would say, that this French commander was i tu' under a ll the circumstances of the case, placed . . a t u t i tt tic which wou ld warran t hi m i n pl ac i ng t h e Indian "e had alluded to in solitary confinement, and to he th at indi v id ua l , t h at i n the event of an insurrection, likaticiald be r es p ons ibl e f or t h e pu bli c peace w i t h hi s e „' , W as indeed w h at i t h a d b een terme d, name ly, a Clirsa outrage," and demanded some explanation.— ef tt ii,r, hear.) Now, it seemec:, to him, that in the whole i n 'Qs transaction the present Government had not acted e et t e Tianner to deserve praise for wisdom. They had not tot promptly in it ; on the contrary, what were likely vientave been the consequences? Was not a space of four den Permitted to elapse before any decisive step was tirad e ? and during that time was not this country il le 7 great apprehension that a war would en halt :Under th ese c i rcums t ances , h e wou ld say t h at ask in' zi JestY's present Government were n o t entitled to co to ,;'r More than moderate and fair credit from the /4 for the part they had acted in this transaction. iti a -°lll d not see w h at t h ere was i n k eep i ng t h e country ti es hate of alarm for so long a time ae he had men thiejttiLto entitle the Government to praise; and he did V et ' 4O 3T were bound to show that it was to ensure the C en ,, g Y of th e French garrison that the course the French be e -ill ander had taken in reference to Mr. Pritchard had n a the "e•—(Hear, hear.) While upon the subject of Leh ' er leh Government, he would say it was . not his toll to allude particularly to the disputes which had tie l e „ n Place in the discussions in the Chamber of Depu te i:Pen this subiect.—(Hear, hear.) It might perhaps apeernvenient were he to do so now; but the corre- Se e y, e , n ce which had taken place upon the subject be. hi t h e 42 . Guizot and another individual, had appeared %th e e Public newspapers, and he supposed that was by an •°• By th a t it a pp eare d th a t a d eman d was ma d e eeth individ ua l, w hi c h was res i ste d b y t h e F renc h badf? e ri e ti es, and the latter demanded reparation for what e fth h so Now, he would repeat, that in the whole Myth: tr ansaction it did not appear to him there was r ,„ in g for whi c h h er M a j esty ' s Mi n i sters were ent i t l e d w its se for wisdom or moderation.—(Hear, hear.) Rit e ve ry well in discussing questions as to how much tO te s i s ow many isles each country should occupy, leg i t upon maintaining honour, but when they came to t ile tt n , l ' a tinns regarding trifling and individual interests, ,%. est it of honour could have little or nothing to t at it. He would insist upon having their rights, lightlto He to the :isolated question of honour, he le re it was better not to make a demand that was the e °4°ll able. Th e d eman d, h owever , h av i ng b een ma d e atte egociation ought to be conducted with forbearance ti k t tnn il i.oderation. Now it did not appear to him that the etet',l,4tion had b een con d ucte d i n t hi s manner . I t h a d , st: ti ti Linually . boasted at former periods that this un ere„Tg existing between the two Governments was f ront that of any other Government, either in ,erp ep li u or France. They formed, it was said, a union Vot e i ) e, tnal harmonwhich nothing could disturb. 'etl i i," L e Must sa the r events of the past year led him Pli t ik n ", 4 , there wa y s , no such good understanding as had Naee - "Y been represented, or in fact which ought to %Lei etisted. There was not that ready l e ecce on the one side, nor that readi ,llot, t "" i , expre s s satisfaction on the other. In e r t els,"" ° se tyro Governments had been divided by the the one side, and on the other by a course Linird :Particular negociation had taken. But they had Zttlii"enunciations against articles whieh had appeared *any ? t eas of France directed towards England. Now, ”eririiele s in the Ministerial Press of this country e'atio 4% to ne of violence and bluster towards the French ; ° : l24 o ) e w th h e i e,,h made him quite ashamed of certain por thot, eow,itanglish newspaper . press. He trusted, how th tw o mat this feeling of prejudce had passed away, er e nation s would maintain peace. He trusted ti t erwMild generally exist between them a feel e„'ellttl Mutual national interest—a feeling of fla ir ge ee s ,YMPathy a feeling tending to enhance e tr usts, Ob ject, namely, the good ind peace of both. ttiqn tt. o they might see that harmony restored be• Irp ese ue two countries which would lead to one great 4 11 s e of e and that purpose the consistent mainte• the interests of the two countries. eretith°:ever, he remembered that the late eulogised once ha rag which subsisted between England and produeed the present state of Spain, he n that it was a result which any minister, elLteu ete rl i tngland or France, ought not to boast . of. 16711th that the existing good understanding be at it w e t wo countries would not only continue, but 14 4 ,1 tli ttt ii id be ripened into still greater friendship, whencetu influence of the two Governments, wherever try Yneslier that influence was exerted, it would be e ep e ti h ur e, ibe Promotion of commerce, the increase of to n nressi ss e general diffusion of knowledge, .and the up o n" f slavery. There was one subject not Itr" in the speech, but upon which he antici s„-kin son should have some explanation from the t1; 41 0 t Z i • Gentleman opposite. He confessed that he s ainr, e ased with what he had hitherto heard upon er inte leo e‘ to whieh he had alluded, he meant the a,p ,ethe • t e °f a Commission to inquire into the powers fet'id no"' of search as established in 1831 and 1832. r esi a PPear to him that there was any necessity h ev ; st iin of the powers established at that time. ei t -i irh eery if the Government thought it right to bee nee rte agreement which had been come to between ~ untri k ee " ee i i es, there could be no doubt that it would e te mY. els obstacle to the maintenance of bar litljde of e e th ought they ought themselves, in the"; and ; 1, ' ° Pting this course, to have man- Oe : , 'thr ee entered into a negotiation between t th ey v°untries, and to have declared on what foot tel:eetl ii r , 3 Posed to place the right of search, as esta trisibilit"° , and 1831, instead of placing itupon the be f of a Committee of gentlemen of high honour en,Ly, te es , r o ra Certainly, this did not appear to him to se d :ne er t'LSantageous to the people of England. The . he. ,f th e ee tio i s ii country wished to see, and they on his tie s "'aye t d se were as anxious fur the suppression of Ig ll the N° any of those who voted for the resole eked "me Lord the Member for Liverpool, in re ls ten . th eY naturally look with some jealousy to e ke r W hich k it , 3 re could in the slightest degree reduce the er, 4 ,vvi to ted to for this purpose. The Hon. Gentle ltet`ce fl,„e!ended the address had alluded to the visit N ti n ti r wouizror of Russia. He said he hoped the Ern• Pee Would eentir ee that the sole interest of both nations de 1' w ould e IY upon concord and peace. That the Em that some of the restrictive duties th e tre e O r r gYsh produce diminished the trade and /i etic 4°l2 .o e 11 , 15 Own country. He quite agreed with , but he hoped the Hon. Gentleman :1;17n; ag"rfilerreetteitivne Ste,, e Em, w ith him when he said that it might happen ris e Iv o r e, r of Russia to reflect upon the subject which tl e Z Lite to !lie observation of the Hon. Gentleman, and Je w hefogelhits truth. But still the Emperor must G en tle etna n e complied with the wish of the Hon. l itti e ` t l ire e ' t t h ei knn, if his sister the Queen of England ci te ve duties e Ministers to take off some of the re -11 ei i rnPosed on foreign commodities —(Loud lion) e w ig Posed f not pass altogether to the conside keet4.e on : re ign affairs without congratulating the sub .) e nen ect whi c h , a te anhi e th although it had not been u , as et of nreech from the throne, had yet been 7th ~,t,he conversation in the country—he enS e t•nin ft _nred state of our commercial relations &Lear 44 ettih e tit rec o i l . hear)—and he could not do so hie f ecting that when his Noble Frien the tptliqteltalilltrkrojarjoinvsezion, said that he hoped that ours orn th et f tn China would open and improve te le at ° I . the trade and manufactures of this coun f st4tetnent w er as sid rece f ived with marked tokens of 0 11. 1 111.9 1Z , t °111 w t a b s e e o the House. That opinion, ar k d u ound to be perfectly true th e of o „ I t Was in a great measure to the e Press "r commercial transactions with China /4 4 r i t tend 101,0114 !ney to a revival in the commercial Llie ee e ,i l .-..( tie r ig interests of the country was to be g't m ore 'hei r at :% r, 11 .ar.) The speech next proceeded ee e , ns , Lenno beenomestic affairs, and reference vt a rertre i n o eLt m 1 arly made to the state of Ireland f r th at er ahl et era i_pt!:te Minister of the Crown, acting no o qiti to et i vit luk I'l:nation ho had received, had been . l i - 1 :A4 14 ;41 agit " t . her lvlajesty to state that the violence Viler , 41i d thaael°n and excite,tent had abated in that eon s rarts of h e of improvement manifested whiethilei country had extended to Ireland. himself had received from per 'ityiiiltlffea,l4''pre-gnetlisaitoenl3' lie econie from Ireland, referrtd, with te e t e the t , the neeele e tu , s Ymptorns which had recently asseeetees which s in that country. It was observed be: 0 t h e _le,rield that together, the ties which elr et zth u . en th :i either class with the poorer, the tie.; o ,,tre e r a loreh etisi priest class his flock, were loosened, and tll ki itle o r f whie`clit4ere entertained that those agrarian y had recently seen accounts, were t ek, -tl i ) t 4 ,, 4 ; ; 4 ; e o . lit j e _ h itt . there was no danger of any in -3 -firs Lee we. 4 u r ea! no ene couid doubt. That poli ago, 4 - Tv as vieient as it had been three or Ono euttid aver. But he wtthi say, that there did not prevail that general affection towards the Government and Parliament, of this kingdom which ought to prevail in a free country towards the Government and the Legislature. He could not help attributing much, although certainly only a part of this feeling, to the injudicious, and also he must say, unjust - proceedings, which had been taken agdinst some very leading persons in that country.— (Cheers.) The country had seen the spectacle of these persons put upon their trial, of a trial which had lasted a considerable time, and of sentence pronounced upon them. Those persons had been sent to prison, where they had been confined for several weeks, and whan the matter came to be examined before the Su preme tribunal of appeal, the whole of the proceedings had been reversed as irregular and informal. More than two of the judges had said that the proceedings with regard to the jury were unjust and unfair, although they did not rest their judgment on those grounds, basing the grounds fur the reversal of the judgment on the badness of some of the counts. Oue of those Judges, and that one no less a personage than the Lord Chief Justice of England, the highest common-law authority in the realm, had declared that those prisoners had not been fairly submitted to trial by jury.—(Hear.) It had been said, that if those sixty names which had been omitted had been continued on the panel the verdict might not have been a conviction but an acquittal. But the Chief Justice had said, that although he hai nothing to do with that, he was bound to see that every subject of her Majesty who was accused had a fair trial, and was not deprived of his rights, and more be had said. that if such proceedings were to receive countenance, and to be drawn into a precedent, a trial by jury in Ireland would be a mockery, a delusion, and a snare.—(Loud cheers.) Was it possible that the people of Ireland could have any con. fidence in a Government when they saw that in the con duct of that prosecution they had resorted to means which bad been thus condemned by the highest autho• rity—and when they saw the trial by jury, which was the safeguard of every subject of the Queen's, and by which alone they were enabled, out of that House, to discuss public matters freely, was taken from them, and a fraud substituted in its place.—(Cheers.) There was one part of those proceedings, however, to which he thought the particular attention of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Treasury ought to be directed. The right of challenge formerly existed, and formerly when the sheriff made an incorrect list, there was a remedy which in ancient times was resorted to. The Right Hon. Gentleman had, as he (Lord John Russell) firmly be lieved with the view to better the law regarding juries, made certain alterations. Lord Denman argued that that alteration did not prevent the subject from having a practical remedy, if the clerk of the peace, reeorder, or other authorities having jurisdiction over the jury -list, neglected ther duty ; but there were other authorities in West minster Hall, who did not take this view of the matter —(Hear. hear)—and that there was something in the statute which precluded the subject from a remedy. Now, upon a matter - of so much importance, there ought to be no doubt—(Hear, hear)—if any doubt did really exist on the subject, he looked upon it in the light of a great constitutional wrong. The privilege which the subject had 'in challenging the array could not be too clearly defined. If a doubt existed, it was incumbent on the Government to bring in some measure, enactive or declarative, so that the subject might have his remedy, and prevent the recurrence of such a wrong as occurred in Ireland, where a jury was struck off on a State trial, although sixty names of- persons competent to serve as jurors were left out.—(Hear, hear.) Another' subject which had been alluded to in the speech, viz., academical education, was hinted• at in such very general terms, that no person in the House, whatever objection he might hereafter make, would dissent from those general allusions. He did not expect that his Right Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Oxford even would have any objection to make.—(A laugh.) At the same time it was understood that sothe measure was to be proposed on that subject, to which that phrase had re ference, and which, it was said, had deprived the Government of the assistance of one of the ablest of its Members. That Right Hon. Gentleman who held the office of President of the Board of Trade, and who explained in so luminous a manner the changes in the tariff—(Hear, hear)—it was said, he repeated, that that Right Hon. Gentleman had left the Government on ac count of the measures which the Ministry were preparing on the subject of education. He trusted some member of her Majesty's Government would give some further explanation of a measure which had been productive of such a consequence—that disruption in the Government which evidently had been caused by the conscientious objections of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had ceased to be a member of the Government. He knew not what the nature of that measure might be, but he felt assured that of whatever nature, it would be liable to great suspi cion, and be probably received with hostility in Ireland as well as by a portion of the people of England. He had seen that, with regard to the mode in which the Bequests Act had been received. He gave his humble support to that measure. He believed it to be a good measure, and that it was framed with an honest inten- Lion. He thought it carried into effect, so far as the nomination of the Commissioners were concerned, and that was the only part which the executive Government bad to do—he: believed it was carried into effect, as the speech from the Throne said, " in the spirit in which it was conceived ;" but it was impossible to deny that that measure was not brought forward with that calm prepa ration which it ought to have received.—(Hear, hear.) It was mentioned early in the session. It concerned a most important and difficult point—namely, bequests to a cer tain portion of their fellow-subjects, professing the Ro man Catholic faith. One would have thought that that 1 question would have been brought for ward earlier, that those professing the Roman Catholic faith, especially that some of the archbishops or bishops, would have been asked their opinions. —(Hear, hear.) It would not then have been said that an attempt was made to en croach on the independence of their religion ; and those objections would not have been raised to a measure which the Government—he freely gave them credit for it— honestly wished to carry into effect. Instead of that, the measure was brought forward late in the session, in the other House of Parliament, so that it did not come down to that House till near the end of the session. Repeated alterations were made, amendments were framed, and suggestions offered, which, because there was no authority from the Roman Catholic prelates, were not satisfactory with regard to an Act intended for their benefit, so as to enable them to give their own money. and to bequeath property for Roman Catholic purposes. There was no judgment, there was no discretion shown in the mode in which it was framed.—(Hear.) Why, then, should they be surprised that certain parts of that measure were caught hold of as a proof of the intention of the English Government to attain some hostile in fluence over the Catholic Church? They had, therefore, done a great mischief. There were persons in Ireland whose influence ought to be cherished—such men as Archbishop Crolly and Dr. Murray. What had they done? They felt it to be their duty to accept office under the commission, but by the mode in which the Act was framed they had exposed them to hostility and insult, which they should be the last in the world to expose them to.—(Hear, hear.) But there was another point which he could not refrain from mentioning, be cause it was put forth before the people of Ireland, and he thought naturally put forward as a reason why dis trust should be felt. It was tbis, that for years and years together those who were now in power counte nanced every hostility and insult towards the Roman Catholics, of alienation and animosity against the Irish people.—(Cheers.) Those phrases were now returned on them. They knew perfectly well how sensitive the people of England were on this subject—how much the Protestant religion was endeared to them, and how unwilling they were to see anything like a Roman Catholic supremacy in this country. They knew the pride of the people of England, and how ill they would bear the statement that Ireland had not only her fair share in legislation, but that the Irish Members of Parliament governed the country. Yet, knowing this, they did everything they could to excite ill feelings, and to provoke animosities.—(Hear, hear.) Wherever they perceived the spark of religious intole rance, they blew it into a flame ; wherever they per ceived the plant of national prejudice growing, they watered it and trained it till the noxious and poisonous tree overspread the land.—(Loud cheers from the Op position.) Such was their conduct for years ; and now, when they adopted a better policy —now, when they wished those things to be forgotten —now, when they desired that Ireland should be conciliated—bow could they wonder that those who were the agitators of Ire land—that those who had led the people to unpopulsr victory, should remind them of the past ? How could they wonder that the phrases " surpliced ruffians," " demon priesthood," and others of the same kind, should be thrown back upon them, when they themselves wished that they might fall into oblivion, and that something more conciliatory might be devised ?—(Hear, hear.) Such was the retribution— (Cheers from the Opposition)—the not unjust retribu • tion---(Renewed cheers)—that fell upon men who, in stead of appealing to sound and enlightened opinion, endeavoured to gjt hold of some popular prejudice or some mistaken notion, and to find their power in mis leading and deluding their countrymen —(Cheers.) At the same time, he could not but feel satisfaction, with re spect to this subject and many others, in seeing that the present Government had adopted views which many of those who acted with him (Lord J. Russell) had long since adopted ; that with regard to Ireland especially, after endeavouring to force on that country a Bill which would deprive it of its electoral franchise, they had re frained from the attempt, and had admitted by their Bill of last year, although that Bill was a most defective one in itself—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Shiel)—had ad mitted that their former Bill was not fit for the Govern ment to carry.—(Cheers.) Yes, those were the very words used by the Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill for which the Conservative party had struggled for years—for which they had crowded to that House—for which they had, in repeated divisions, mustered in order to gain a majority, and to force it against the Government of the day, that Bill was now admitted to have been an injustice, and when they themselves proclaimed this, when they themselves admitted that such was their course, they could not wonder either that he should rejoice in the re cantation of the opinions which they then held, or that the people of Ireland should still feel a want of confi dence in them when they now said, "It is true that what was formerly offered to you was an injustice, but what we now offer to you is a boon." With respect to other quest i ons a lso—with respect to the question of educa tion, we were told that nothing was so dangerous as to give to a Committee of the Privy Council any power over the grants for the purposes of education. A grant was nearly denied for this purpose by the Hon. Gentle men opposite, and it was only by a majority of two in a Committee of the whole House, that the grant was ob tained. I need not remind the House that the doctrines held on that ncca'ion were of the must extraordinary kind. The Right Hon. Secretary of awe for the home Department was of opinion that if they gave such p•JIVVI - rf.i tlia Committee . a the Privy Council, it vvQultl be a despotic and - irresponsible body, and if that despotic power were used for the purpose of educating Dissenters, the Established Church would be in danger. Such was the nature of the doctrine held on this question by the Right Honour able Gentleman. The First Lord of the Trea sury held an opinion not quite so exaggerated, but still nearly similar to the former, and what do I see now ? To my great satisfaction, Sir,_ a speech that has fallen from the Noble Lord,. the President of the Council, in which he states that the transfer of the power from the Treasury to the Committee of the Privy CounCili was absolutely necessary in consequence of the increase of the business of this department. The Noble Lord is at the head of the educational department of that Com mittee, and he says, the transfer was absolutely essential. This is ae extraordinary speech, and I only wonder how the Noble Lord managed to slide over this transfer when, on the votes of the other House of Parliament, there was entered an address from their Lordships, presented by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the Queen, praying that any grants for the purposes of education might not depend on this House of Parliament only, but be founded only on a legislative measure. His Lordship in his speech slurs all this over, but I wonder he had not told us that the Archbishop of Canterbury and other Noble Lords had been entirely in the wrong. There remains one topic—a very gratifying topic, as it stands at present. It is the state of the manufacturing and commercial interests of the coun try. The Honourable Gentleman who seconded the address has given us a very interesting account of how every manufacturing interest, even the iron trade, which did not partake of the prosperity of last year, is now in a comparatively flourishing condition. But while that is perfectly true, and while we have every reason to be thankful to Divine Providence for the bountiful harvest with which we were blessed last year, there is another reflection occurs to me, which I do not mention either to damp our expectations, or diminish the forceThf what has fallen from the Hon. Gentleman opposite, but for our warning as legislators. In 1836, on the 4th of February, on the very day of the year on which we are now met, an Hon. Friend of mine who seconded the address went through the various items of iron, and wool, and silk, and cotton, and proved that there had been a large increase in the export of them all compared with the previous five years. He drew an elaborate picture of the state of the country—and at that time we had had, in 1835, a favourable harvest— but we must recollect, that however much we might in dulge in these anticipations, it happened that 1838,1839, and 1640, brought us to a very different conclusion ; that however flourishing our manufactures then were after 1836, when we had a bad harvest, when it did not please Providence to con tinue that state of plenty which we had enjoyed and taken advantage of, we suffered most severely both in trade and manufactures. No man can expect the course of the seasons to be altered, or to have in this country every year those bounteous harvests with which we have been blessed in years past. If we cannot ex pect that, can we do anything to remedy the evil which deficient harvests occasions ? I think we can; not by interfering with the course of Providence, but by look ing to another dispensation of the same Providence,• which enables men to exchange the produce of their own country for that of the distant regions of the earth. Let us, then, consider in the course of the present year, and endeavour to ward off the storm, which in some season of deficient. harvest may come upon us, by giving to the productions of other countries, which we can enjoy, a freer inlet into this country than our present laws allow.—(Hear, hear.) It would only be acting in consonance with the principles of, the present Govern ment, and of gentlemen en the other side of the House, who do not hold with the great society that met yester day—(Bear, hear)—that the protection of Brit'sh in dustry is the true way to obtain a permanent and flou rishing condition of the country. On the contrary, with respect to many articles they consider that principles opposed to those of protection prineiples, which if not entirely free trade are known as free trade, are those by which the intercourse of nations ought to be regulated. and by which this country ought to be governed. If then they continue to hold these.opinions—if they differ from the great authority of those who yesterday cele brated the principles of protection, let them give us the benefit of their convictions, though they might be called, as they have represented us to be, the enemies of agri culture.—(Hear, hear.) The question for them to decide was whether they should do in a season of prosperity, calmly, deliberately, and with all the dignity of legisla tors, that which we may have to do hereafter hastily under the pressure of popular clamour, when they might be unable to deny that which they might be afraid to grant.—(Hear, hear.) If they think it best, with respect to Ireland, to take advantage of the present time, and boast that Ireland is more tranquil, then, I say, when trade is prosperous shall we lose that opportunity ? I think that if you were -pressed by a foreign war, and internal commotion, you would give Ireland almost every thing she asks for, except repeal.—(Hear, hear.) If that is the case, take advantage of the present favourable opportunity, and show yourselves worthy to rule that great nation you are called on to govern.—(Cheers.) Mr. MILES said he should not have risen at all but from the understanding that on Friday week the Chan cellor of the Exchequer would make his financial state ment, and the remarks of the Noble Lord. What the Noble Lord meant to express with respect to agriculture, he was at a loss to understand. Did the Noble Lord mean to say that protection was the bane of agriculture ? (Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord entertained this opi nion when he was a member of the Government, or even last year, why did he propose a fixed duty ?—(Hear, hear.) Had he found it convenient to change his sentiments, or had he allied himself with the Anti-Corn-law League ?—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The Noble Lord had appeared to think that the agricultural interest was in a state of prosperity—(Cries of "No, no")—and he thinks this the very best time at which another alteration in the corn laws might be made. Now, if ever there was a time at which it behoved an Administration to be cautious— (Hear, hear, and ironical cheers)—this is that time. In the north of England the harvest might have been a good one, but in the south, west, and east, it had not been an average. As they were given to understand that the income •tax is to be continued, he rose to claim on behalf of the agricultural body, in any reduction of taxation that may take place, that their interests may not be for gotten.—(Loud laughter.) As to the speech from the Throne, and the address in answer to it, he had nothing to say against them; but though he gave a general con sent, still he would not pledge himself to any of the de tails. The Right Hon. E. GLADSTONE (who sat at the lower end of the House) rose amid a marked silence. He said, he was aware that it would be inexcusable on his part if he were to endeavour to relieve his Right Hon Friend at the head of the Government from the task of replying to the numerous imputations the Noble Lord opposite had chosen to bring against him, but he could not without apology intrude himself on the House with what related immediately _to himself. He would not venture on such a step were it not that the acts of public men were acts in which the public at large had an interest, and that however irksome and offen sive it might be to detain a public assembly charged with high functions with matters in - which self appeared to be prominent, yet the object was to remove misunderstandings by which great interests might be liable to prejudice. The Noble Lord would allow him to thank him for the kind manner in which, in spite of the difference of rank, sta tion, and talent, by which they were parted, he had thought tit to make reference to him. He now felt placed in a situation in which it was difficult to recon cile apparently conflicting duties. On one hand he fully recognised the claim of the House to be fully in formed of the motives which led the Members of that House to accept office under the Crown, or to undergo the scarcely less grave responsibility of qui.ting it. He, therefore. could not refuse to attempt some explanation of what had recently occurred with regard to himself. But, on the other hand, he could not help seeing great inconvenience in any detailed explanation, or of refe rence to measures not yet under the consideration of the House. He should, therefore, endeavour to state simply and frankly the motives which had actuated him in the painful step to which he had had recourse ; and he must appeal to the patient indulgence of the House to receive that statement, not as a controversial or party one, not as an argumentative justification of his own conduct, but as an explanation, which be trusted would prevent mis apprehensions that might be mischievous. In what he had to say he could cast no blame on any one. He had acted according to what he believed his own position and the situation of those with whom, and under whom, as a servant of the Crown, he had acted required. If any syllable should reflect on those whom he regarded and esteemed, he hoped such a feeling would be put aside and disclaimed by them.—(Hear, hear, hear.) At all events he might gain one object of public utility, by first stating what was stoT the cause of his resignation. He had not resigned, as had been supposed in some quarters, on account of any matters connected with that department of public affairs of which he was entrusted with the charge. He had not resigned on account of any question, so far as the intentions of the Government were known to him, con nected with the Established Church in Ireland. A cause which he was about to name to the House was the sale reason of his resignation ; and again he was driven to advert to himself, and what he had said and done in former years. He had taken it on himself, some years ago, whether wisely or unwisely was not now the question, to state ,to the world, and that in a form the most detailed and most deliberate—not under the in fluence of the moment—not in the heat and rancour of debate—but on mature consideration, the views which he believed were most conformable to the truth. With respect to the relations between a Christian State and the profession of its religion, and the policy with respect to it. Of all questions, perhaps, that could be raised, the question of that policy was, in its ultimate effect, the greatest and most important. The manner in which he took on himself the responsibility of treating it was most deliberate. But he bad never been guilty of the folly which some had charged on him, of holding that any theories, even in such st department of human of fairs, could be alike, and in all cases immutable and in flexible. But, on the other hand, lie had a strong con viction that those who had borne a solemn testimony to opinions of great importance on conscientiou . questions, ought not .to be responsible for the making any material departure from the principles he had so stated. Now it will be in the recollection of the House that his Right lion. Friend at the head of the Government, at the close of last session, declared in general terms the nature of the inquiry he was about to make int') the pos. sibility of extending education in Ireland. He like wise indicated the spirit in which he would treat that important matter. As he had said before, he was not in possession of more of the intentions of Government. He only referred to them so far as they were known to him, and with regard to what they contemplated with respect to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, he knew nothing that might not be fairly and justly inferred from what the Right Hon. Baronet said on that occasion. :Doe views were, he considered, a great departure from TRH SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 5, 1R46. what he thought the best and most salutary to maintain, in accordance with the state of the institutions and opinions of the people of this country. He did not wish to go into any controversy on his own opinions, or discuss what im portance they bore in his own eyes, or the consequences to which they might lead ; but he felt bound to state that he thought the measures contemplated involved material departure from them. Whenever those mea sures should come under the consideration 'of the House, he should apply himself to them without any selfish re gard for mere consistency, and with the single view of arriving at such a conclusion as, on the whole, the in terests of the country seemed to require. But it was one thing to discharge that duty for oneself, and quite ano ther thing, after what he bad declared would have been right, to be a party, as a Minister of the Crown, to the recommendation of such a change. He would not detain the HouSe• by explaining to them how difficult it was to form a correct judgment upon matters involving so many considerations, drawn from so many opposite quarters, yet he felt it his duty, in re turn for that public confidence which had been vested in him, to explain wily he was no longer a member of her Majesty's Government. Upon subjects which he under stood it was the intention of the Government to bring forward, he thought it would be right to place himself in a position in which he could exercise a free and unfet tered judgment, and, as far as might be, an unsuspected judgment. On that accou n t h e had taken a course most painful to his feelings, and separated himself from men with whom, and under whom, lie had long acted in public life, and of whom, he was bound to say, although he had no longer the honour of serving his Most Gracious Sovereign in association with them, that he continued to regard them with unchanged sentiments both of public regard and private attachment. He had now stated as much as was necessary to prevent any erroneous impressions, to discharge himself from th a t responsibility which devolved upon him, and at the same time had taken pains to limit his observations, so that premature discussion upon those topics might not ensue. They all knew that the subject of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, the College of Maynooth, - and things immediately connected with it, were regarded with very sensitive feelings by the people of this country. In ad verting to these things, he felt it his duty at the same moment distinctly to state that he was not prepared to take part in any religious warfare against the measures which his Right Hon. Friend might propose. He could understand the principles on which her Majesty's Go vernment acted ; and he had even ventured to vindicate the principles on which a Christian State allies itself, for religious purposes, with a Christian Church ; but as men's minds had become more liberal, and as political opinions and parties had undergone so much modifica tion, he felt himself bound frankly to state that he could not undertake to draw distinctions unfavourable to his Roman Catholic fellow subjects in Ireland, but trusted, with a fervent hope, that they would be regarded by the Government with the same favourable sentiments as members of any other profession of Christianity. He did not wish to say anything that might prejudge the question but would consider it fully and calmly when it was brought under the notice of the House. He would, how ever, again distinctly state, that he was not prepared to take part in any religious warfare against a measure such as it was anticipi ted might be introduced, nor to draw distinctions between Roman Catholics, on the one hand, and other classes of his fellow Christians, on the other.--(Bear, hear, from the Opposition.) It was un necessary for him further to detail his views to the House. He would reserve his own judgment on this, as on other matters. He was far from attributing any blame to his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Go vernment or any other member of it, for any dereliction or inconsistency in the measures about to be brought under the notice of the House, as far as he was apprised of them ; and he had only to conclude by thanking the House for the attention with which they had listened to him whilst he made explanations which recent events and public duty rendered necessary.—(Cheers.) _ Sir ROBER I' PEEL then rose amid profound silence and addressed the House as follows :—Sir, I feel confi dent that this House will show a generous regard for the strength of private feelings and personal esteem by bear ing with me while I allude to my Right lion. Friend, instead of commencing by adverting to subjects of deep interest, which have been intt educed in the course of this discussion. The subject which has been brought under the notice of the House by my Right Hon. Friend is one of deep interest to myself and to my colleagues. For the abilities of my Right Hon. Friend I entertain the highest admiration—an admiration only equalled by my respect for his private virtues.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers from both sides of the House.) I con firm, in every respect, the statement made by my Right Hon. Friend. My Right Hon. Friend did intimate at a very early period to his colleagues that it would:be im possible for him to co• operate with them as a Member of the Government, and with the responsibility and entire participation ehich that station implies, in the measures which the) had in contemplation with regard to educa tion. If my Right Hon. Friend did not :immediately press his resignation, I am entirely responsible, being unwilling to the latest moment of forfeiting the advan tages of a colleague who was capable of rendering such eminent services to the country, and who was so distin guished an ornament of this House. In order to pre vent all misapprehension, I think it right to state that my Right Hon. Friend did not resign on account of any question of commercial policy. For the three years that I have been connected officially with my Right Hon. Friend, and during which we have introduced several measures connected with finance and commerce, I feel it my duty openly to avow that it was impossible that any men could act together with so little divergence of opinion between them. My Right Hon. Friend, being no :longer a Member of the Government, felt himself precluded, by motives of delicacy, from ex plaining the nature of those measures which the Govern ment have in contemplation, but as I am not precluded by any such motives, I think it better distinctly to state the cause of the difference of opinion between us. I am sure the House will recollect that on the motion of the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Wyse) last session that I, as the organ of the Government, conveyed an intention on the part of the Government regarding the education of the Irish people to this effect—that the Government would, during the recess, apply themselves to the great question of academical education in Ireland. I admitted that looking to the population—looking to the state of that country with respect to Un i versities —looking to the state of Scotland, with respect to the opportunities there for academical education—and seeing that England had the great Uni versities of Oxford and Cambridge, and that in the metro polis another University bad been recently established —seeing that in Scotland there were not less than five Universities affording opportunities for academical edu cation—looking to the state of Ireland, with only one in that country, with the exception of the Belfast Insti tution, I was disposed to admit, that in Ireland there were not the same facilities for academical education that existed elsewhere.— (Hear, hear.) I did not make that statement to escape from any temporary difficulty. I made that statement with the full intention of fulfilling any pledge or engagement I might make or imply. I I do not shrink from those declarations.—(Hear, hear.) lam prepared to the full extent to fulfil them. We have considered the question, and at an early period of the present session, will lay before Parliament a measure giving increased facilities for academical education in Ireland, and open to all classes of her Majesty's subjects in that vountry.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) I stated also, with ref erence to t h at part i cu l ar grant, to which, as my Right Hon. Friend states fairly, much re ligious excitement- attaches—l say that at the close of the last session, notwithstanding the feelings with which this grant is considered by a large body in this country, I did not shrink from declaring that among other institutions connected with academical institutions, the state of the College of Maynooth would be brought under the consideration of Parliament. We intend to make a proposal to the Home, and I will frankly state on this, the first day of the session, that it is our inten tion to propose to Parliament a liberal increase of the vote for the College of Maynooth.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) When I was on the' Opposition benches a motion was made fo r th e purpose of taking from the College of Maynooth the allowance which has been annually granted. I stated theu, it is some years ago, that it appeared to me that an engagement had been entered into by the Irish Parliament, which was exclu sively Protestant,. to provide domestic education for the ecclesiastics of the Roman Catholic Church. I said I did not think that engagement was fulfilled by a merely nominal vote. The engagement was to sup ply the wants of ecclesiastical education, by the foundation of colleges for education. In that country the population has increased ; and such being the case, and the means of foreign education having been dimi nished, I say we are only acting in accordance with the implied and honourable engagements of the Irish Parlia ment, in supplying increased funds for the education of the ecclesiastics of that country. But I will also state that we do not intend to accompany that increased vote by any regulations with respect to doctrine or discipline of that Church, which can diminish the grace and favour of that grant.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Op position.) I rejoice in having this opportunity at the commencement of the session, for making frankly this declaration, because there is no subject by w hi c h reli eanyt be more easily exc i te d . I re f er of the Right H onoura bl e Gen gtoioutshe feeling reti rem m Gen tleman in proof of the sacrifice which we have made, by the danger to which I may possibly expose my colleagues, by the apprehensions which may be created among a large and sensitive class, notwithstanding the endeavours of my Right Hon. Friend to prevent it. I may, I ray, refer to this as a conclusive proof of the disposition of the Government on this subject. The Right Hon. Baronet adverted to the insinuations which had been thrown out by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), who could not resist the oppor tunity of taking a petty party advantage of the seces sion of his Right Hon. Friend, and attempting to poison the minds of the Irish people, and diminish the grace and favour of those projected measures. The Right Hou. Baronet adverted to the Catholic Bequests Bill, which he said had been introduced without compulsion, or even suggestion, by the Government, who had no other slew than to improve the condition of Catholic charities in Ireland. They had appointed those distin guished and amiable Catholic prelates, and did not at all interfere with the appointment of Secretary to the Commis sion. Who could wonder that feelings of national animosity were cherished by the people of Ireland, when a gentle man, of the Noble Lord's position, repeated such ex pressions as " surpliced ruffians," which he (Sir R. Peel) deeied most positively had ever been used or countenanced by himself, or any of his colleagues. Tile Right Hon. Baronet complimented, in a marked manner, the mover of the address, who, he hoped, would frequently dis play to the House the talents and discretion of which he had given so distinguished a proof on that night. Also the seconder (Mr. Baring), who, he trusted, would frequently inform the House upon those commercial affairs with which he was so intimately conversant. He repudiated the " small insinuation. " of the Noble Lord, which wholly arose from party feeling. lie rather thought that the Noble Lord's temper was disturbed by the contrast of her Majesty's speech that day with former speeches, of which the Noble Lord had beep the author.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The present speech congratulated the House and the country on the state of trade and commerce—the increase of manufacturing industry, and above all, the state of the revene--(NTinisterial cheers)--and -he supposed that • theSe allusions suggested to the Noble Lord reminis cences very distasteful to him, and calculated to disturb that temper in which the Noble Lord usually met the House at the beginning of a session. —(Laughter.) Ecce lacrymas istas quia non lacrymabilis ille.—(A laugh.) The Noble Lord had referred to a quarrel which had taken place, at a distance of 4,000 miles from Europe, between a gentleman named Pritchard and an officer in the French naval service. In respect to that quarrel, and the matters which arose out of it, the Noble Lord was of opinion that both Governments were bound to take steps to prevent so lamentable a consequence as a war between France and England. Now, the Noble Lord was also of opinion that the French officer was justified in taking measures to prevent revolt in ,an island of which France had the actual sovereignty; and if revolt was meditated, and that French lives were menaced, Mr. Pritchard being found to be active in pro moting the revolt and the attack upon the French, the officer had, by the law of nations, the right to interfere, and if necessary to expel Mr. Pritchard from the island. But the Noble Lord thought also that the manner in which the expulsion was effected was a gross outrage. Now, he (Sir Robert P,el) tho ug ht so t oo . —(H ear , hear.) He thought that the manner in which Mr. Pritchard had been treated, and the language which had been employed towards him, were such as to justify the language which he (Sir Robert Peel) used in Parliament last year, when he as well as the Noble Lord, said that a gross outrage had been committed. But the Noble Lord sail that the British Government ought to have required an immediate and thorough reparation—and should have got it. They did ask a thorough reparation, and they got it—they asked and they got no more.— (Hear, hear.)—And they did not want more.— (Cheers.) He (Sir Robert Peel) should deeply , regret that they had occasion to boast of having ob tained more than an immediate and thorough reparation. —(Cheers.) He should deplore that any reparation had been obtained which could be considered as r. ally humiliating to France.—(Cheers.) The Ncble Lord said that two months were allowed to pass before repa ration was received. Well, he (Sir R. Peel) must say that, to have effected a reconciliation under such cir cumstances—looking at the state of public feeling in both countries—he must say that, to have brought things under those circumstances to an amicable settle ment in two months, was not unsatisfactory.—(Cheers.) It could not be deemed unsatisfactory to have in two months rendered that reconciliation complete —or, ac cording to all evidence, so complete that the King of the French—after the minds of that country had been so inflamed—came to this Court on a personal visit of com pliment and friendship to her Majesty.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord said that her Majesty's Government should have lost no time in making their demand for reparation. He (Sir Robert Peel) affirmed that they did lose no time. They lost not one hour.—(Hear, hear.) They stated immediately to the French Government what had occurred, and further than - that, they stated only that they were fully satisfied that the French Government would voluntarily offer to this country the reparation to which we were entitled. Although he did not think it was always quite well to refer to the speeches made in a foreign house of legislature upon a subject of this kind, he would say that if the Noble Lord would read the speech of M. Guizot, he would find that, in point of fact, the Government of England made no demand, ar.d that although some time elapsed before reparation was made, yet still the confidence of the English- Government was unabated, and they assured M. Guizot of their confidence that the French Government would make the reparation of itself.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had also said that her Majesty's Ministers at the end of last session complimented themselves upon their wisdom. In that statement the Noble Lord was decidedly wrong. He (Lord J. Russell) thought it would be very unseemly on the part of the Ministers that they should advise her Majesty to compliment them for their wisdom; and the Noble Lord acc,irdingly was very angry with the Mi nisters for doing so. Now all that they had said was that this affair of Mr. Pritchard had been settled by the justice and moderation of both Governments—that of France and of England. Therefore, all that brilliant part of the Noble Lord's speech proved to have no fbundation whatever. His (Sir R. Peel's) opinion was still unshaken, that it was for the i n t eres t o f France— for the interest of England—for the interest of Europe —for the interest of civilisation—that a good under. standing, that cordial amity, should prevail between the Governments of these two kingdoms.—(Hear, hear.) It was the duty of both Governments to take care that all misunderstandings should be recor:ciled, and that they should not lead to war.—(Hear, hear.) But between France and England, he believed, there was but the alter native between cordial friendship and actual hostility.— (Hear, hear.) There was but a small distance between this island and France ; the breadth of sea was small, but this did not diminish the delicacy of our relations. We were closer to France than to any other nation of Europe. Our commerce was more connected with that of France, and our navy in closer proximity to hers than to that of any other nation. The intercourse between the inhabitants of the two countries was greater, and was constantly on the increase. The progress of steam diminished more and more the space which separated them ; and the more intimate became our relations with France, the more difficult it became to be on any other terms than sincere friendship or avowed hostilities.— (Hear, hear.) It was the interest of both that they should be on the best understanding, and that they should, by mutual concecsions, heal all differences as they rose, that so, by a cordial and amicable understand ing, the Governments may be able to appease the pas• sions excited by the errors of their agents in distant situations.—(Cheers.) There was not one of the conces sions which France had made that he would not counsel England to make, if the circumstances had been re versed. _ He was sure no one in that House would think it would be wise to ask of France any reparation which England would not be willing to make under similar cir cumstances. Let them look to the influence which France and England exercised in another hemisphere. Look to the influence of these Governments in the %Vest. Let them consider how important at that moment was their influence in respect to the South American States— (Hear)— and they would acknowledge it was of the ut most importance that that influence should continue, and that the good understanding should prevail which was necessary to maintain it.—(hear, hear.) He believed that in what he was stating he was only representing the general opinion of this country. He believed that there was a sincere desire on the part of the people of this country to maintain the most amicable relations with France. For his part, he would not retain those relations at the expense of honour or interest.—(Hear.) He would not in time of peace neglect to take precautions against the pcissibility of war. He would not neglect the defence of this country. But he would think it per fectlynompatible with these precautions and preparations to maintain the most friendly understanding with the neighbouring nation.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) had referred to the question of the Right cf Search. He (Sir Robert Peel) thought it would be better to postpone the discussion of that question until he should be prepared to lay the matter before the House in a definite shape, when the House would be prepared to fcrm an opinion whether any progress had been made in that cause, which he confessed ought to be an object of more importance than a mere political ques tion—he meant the suppression of the detestable traffic in slaves.—(Cheers.) He thought that after the sacri fices which this country had made, the Government was bound to make every endeavour, consistent with the law of nations, to effect the suppression of that trade.—(Hear.) But it was to be borne in mind that the French Chambers had twice decided against conceding this right of search. Public opinion in France was raised against it, and let what will be said the right of search had become, in a great degree, paralysed, when they saw against it the sense of the organs of public opinion, and of the repre sentatives of the nation; although, if it could be carried into effect with the consent of both nations, no incon venience whatever would attend it. But if the Chamber refused to give its consent, and called on the Govern went to find a substitute, it would be impossible that such an opposition should not paralyse the efforts of the subordinate authorities. Now what M. Guizot proposed was this, avowing the anxiety of his Government to abolish this traffic, and their participation in the anxiety of the English Government for that object, he asked the latter to consider if it were not possible to substitute, for the right of search, a measure as efficacious —or, in his own words—more efficacious, if possible, than that. Now, seeing what feelings prevailed on this subject it France, and how public opinion and the voice of the Chambers acted upon the subor dinate authorities, what course was open to this Government ? They said that they reiterated their sense of the obligation upon there to put down the trade in slaves; and that they must adhere to their opinion; and that the right of search afforded the best means for effecting that purpose. However, negotiations pro ceeded, and they had arrived at this point, that the French Government, on their part, had chosen a man who had shown himself ready to sacrifice power for the purpose of promoting this object ; he meant M. De Broglie, who, in 1817, had counselled the formation of a treaty to this end, and in the present reign had con cluded another for the same object—a man who had all his prejudices, not against the slave trade, but in favour of that object—that was the man offered by the French Government to consider with us, on their part, what was the best and most effectual measure to substitute for the right of search.—(Cheers.) On the other hand, the English Government had chosen Dr. Lushington— (Hear, hear)—a man whose whole life had been devoted to the extinction of slavery and the slave trade, and who had ever shown himself ready to sacrifice all political, professional, and personal feelings, to attain that object. —(Hear, hear.) Well, what was to be inferred from this? The French Government had chosen to represent them in this negotiation, the man who, as a French man, had shown the greatest anxiety to abolish slavery —(Hear, bear)—and who was his confederate ?—(Hear, hear.) Now, he hoped that if the Noble Lord dissented from the policy of the Government, he would bring for ward in express terms the reprobation of their conduct; and he would appeal to the British Parliament and na tion, whether the Government had not done right in inquiring if there could not be found a more adequate means of abolishing the slave trade than they had hitherto possessed?—(Hear, hear.) He was not aware that he had left untouched any other portion of the Noble Lord's been given that be would, on a very early day, take an ' to the house an outline of his o s p f e t e h c e h bro e x v e c r e n p m t e t h n a t. t wHhiechthaolulgudhetdthtaottnhoetifieneahnacdial already opportunity of stating r e l s— ier bu thant he April—or thought, commercial and financial policy. It had b een usual not certainlyto bring not untilf or w a rd that after in a measure of so much imp or ta n ce as the income-tax, it would be better not to follow established rules, but to take the earliest opportunity of stating the intentio n of the Government. He thought it was th e more statement h e est estimates—but incumbent to take an early opportunity t o State that intention when important changes were to take place. And certainly next week would not elapse, without his giving a genera! :aternsei, of his inter dons on this sub ject. With respect to the Irish Church (we understood the Right Hon. Baronet to say), it was not necessary for him now to occupy the House with any observations. He wished the Noble Lord would take the opinion of the House as to whether the Government had taken any steps derogatory to the honour of this country, or da maging to her fair name, in the arrangement which they had made with the French Government, and which the Noble Lord had denounced.—(Hear, hear.) Let the House consider the language which had been used in the French Chamber. He would not impute unworthy mo tives to the men who held the language most opposed to the views of this Government—men like M. Dupin—like M. Thiers. When they saw such rat n—who bad held eminent situations in the service of their country—accusing the French Government of hav ing dishonoured France ; and when they saw the English Government accused that night of having dishonoured England —it would be acknowledged that great difficulties would be thrown in the way of reconci liation when unavoidable differences arose. Whilst he de nied that- there was any grounds for the statement that the Government either of France or of England had done anything humiliating or disgraceful to either country, he would say look to their whole policy, and say if any concession had been asked upon the one hand or offered on the other, which would not have been asked and con ceded if the circumstances had been reversed. He wished the Noble Lord would, on some opportunity, take the sense of the House on the question, whether the course which had been adopted was not the most consistent with sound policy, and dictated by wisdom. As he had said before, the Government had indulged in no boast at the close of last session. They had taken credit only for having acted with justice and moderation.—(Hear.) They had applied the terms to the conduct of both coun tries, and in that there was no arrogance. The House would judge whether the statements made with respect to the state of the country—the improvement of trade— the continuance of tranquillity —and the absence of po'i tical anxiety in Great Britain at least, were not justified by facts which were an indication of that prosperity upon which her Majesty congratulated Parliament. Ile should shortly have measures of great importance, when it would be for the House to decide whether the honour and interest of the country had been neglected and its condition deteriorated —or, that her Majesty's present Government were worthy of that confidence from the House, without which no Ministry could subsist. Lord J. RUSSELL wished to explain what he had said upon a subject of so much importance to this country and to France as the case of Mr. Pritchard. Ho had given no opinion as to whether the reparation given was sufficient or not. Her Majesty's Government were satisfied, and be was, therefore, satisfied that the repara tion was sufficient. What he had said was, that when two Governments were on amicable terms and the best un derstanding, the question ought to have been settled without delay, and the chance of a rupture between the two countries have been prevented. Sir C. NAPIER, who was for some time inaudible from the noise in the House, expressed his thanks to the Noble Lord for having brought the case of Mr. Prit chard before the House. M. Guizot himself had ad mitted that the case of Mr. Pritchard was the case of humanity and justice. The Noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs had demanded a great deal, but nothing had been yielded to his demands. If a British officer had behaved to a French subject, under the same circum stances, in the manner in a which a French officer had, in this case, behaved to a British subject, lie had no hesi tation in saying that, upon a court-martial, he would have lost his commission. He would ask the Right Hon. Baronet why it was that all this had taken place ? Where was the British Admiral ? Why was he not at Otaheite to prevent all these eccentricities ? Why was there only a small ketch to represent this nation, when the French had a large force ?—(llear.) The only excuse for the very slight reparation which had been made was, that the present Gorernment had reduced the navy to so low a state that we dare net show a boll face to the French Government, and tell them that we would not allow such things to proceed. Why, at the very moment when this was going on, there was only one three-decker at Plymouth, and only an c O gun ship at Portsmouth, ready for service ; while the French had steam-boats which would have enabled them to bring over ten thousand men on the very next day after the English Ambassador should have left Paris, to destroy the dockyard of Portsmouth or Plymouth. He was ex ceedingly glad to find that the eyes of the Government were at last opening in reference to this matter. It was his belief that when they had a large navy, there would he no more insults, no more eccentricities, and no more aggressions ; and he did hope, there; re, that means would be adopted to render it thoroughly efficient. Mr. PLUMTRE said he should not have troubled the House with a single word, but for the announcement made with respect to the late President of the Board of Trade. With regard to the announcement made by the Right Hon. Baronet, he must say that to him that ex planation was almost unintelligible, and quite unsatisfac tory.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the announcement that it was his fixed determination, without any condi tion, to make further concessions to the Roman Catholics, though he was quite ready to allow that the Right Hon. Gentleman intimated, at the close of the last session, that he intended to make further grants, he was very much deceived, if the announcement made by the Right Hon. Gentlemen that evening would not create a very considerable sensation.—(Hear, from the Opposition.) He was quite satisfied that such a sensation would be excited ; and certainly, continuing to feel as he had ever done upon this subject, he should not consider it his duty to attempt to repress such a sensation. He deeply regretted that the Right lion. Gentleman felt himself justified in snaking the announcement which he had made to the house and to the country that night. He felt very sorry that he had not—if he might so speak— learnt that the course of concession taken by him before was an ineffectual course.—(lronical cries of " Hear, hear.") It was too plain that concessions had only led to further concessions. Concession had ever been the fruitful parent of demand. That it would be so in this present case, he was perfectly satisfied, while any thing remained to be demanded.—(Hear, and cheers from the Opposition.) The course proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman was one not only highly unsatis factory to himself, but he felt persuaded that it would also be extremely unsatisfactory to a very large proportion of the community of this country. Mr. WYSE said that when the Right Hon. Baronet, at the close of last session, intimated his intention with reference to the subject of Roman Catholic education, neither he (Mr. Wyse), nor those who acted with him, considered that he was promising a concession to the Catholic population of Ireland. He stated that the posi tion of things in that country, with reference to eccle siastical affairs, and academical education, imperatively demanded an improvement and extension of the means of instruction. Maynooth had been very carefully dis tinguished by the Right Hon. Baronet, from other in stitutions. That was an ecclesiastical establishment in tended for the education of the Catholic priesthood in Ireland, and as effectual for that purpose as any institu tion in any country in Europe. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated in emphatic language that the religion and political principles of the institution in Maynooth had been already to a certain extent recognised. The ob servation that if ever so small a sum were granted, it was as effectual an admission of the necessity of such an institution as if the largest grants had been offered by this country. That was an obvious and common sense view of the question. It was not a financial ques tion, but a question of high moral policy, and as such it should be treated. He believed that ecclesiastical education in Ireland could only be managed beneficially by leaving it in the hands of the Catholics themselves, in purely ecclesiastical establishments, otherwise the would neutralise a n d nega ti ve t h e b ene fi ts wh i ch they professed themselves anxious to confer.— (Hear, hear.) It would be premature in him to offer any lengthened remarks at that stage of the matter. But he hoped that means would be taken for giving any institution which might be established the highest moral character, and that its professors would have not only a religious, but an intellectual eminence aed dignity in the country, which would ensure for the Institution general respect. With reference to the ex tension of academical instruction in a secular sense, that was a subject that would demand the closest attention. He could not infer from the word " academical" whether it were the intention of the Right Hen. Baronet to em brace by his measures schools immediately coming in point of order between the elementary schools and the university-, or whether he meant to confine himself to university education alone; but thus much he must say in /inane, that if a mixed system should be found neces sary, it would be extremely desirable not only to pre vent the religious opinions of Catholics from being tam pered with, but also to avoid wounding the sensibilities of other portions of the community. He believed that the success of the measure would in a great degree depend on the observance of these particulars. One question of very great importance in connection with thislsubject was that of re-forming and opening the University of Dublin.—(Hear, hear.) Re serving those unquestionable rights which the Protestant clergy had to an efficient education of their own church, he did not see why the people of Ireland generally should not have the benefit of an institution so largely endowed.—(Hear, hear.) He would reserve all further . remarks on the subject u n til th e p ropos i t i ons o f t h e Right Hon. Baronet had been laid before the House. Mr. BELLEW said he cordially rejoiced that since they last met one great source of the amelioration of Ire land had arisenin the projected railways in differe c ut parts of that country. He rejoiced at this, not so much because capital would th us b e dispersed, a habits of industry and pea c e would be generate s x d e an p d en e d n i: en couraged. The benefit would be not in m ere thr ture of the moment,but in the persaanenti I yi m P roved habits n connection which might be confidentlyanticipated . with this point, he had the strongest hope that the re • port of the Landlord and Tenant Commission wo u ld prove very beneficial to Ireland. He had alway s be lieved that in appointing that commission her Majesty's results. Government had been actu ated n ot by a desire to divert public attention , but to sec i ure practical w ul i t t s. h Th e q uestion involved was one, ncomparison which all others seemed unimportant ; and this very a tt e mpt to improve the existing state of things deserved the gratitude of the country. With regard to the Charitable Bequests Bill, he had resided in Ireland for the last five months, and had never witnessed anything like universal opposition to the measure. Great un fairness and m i srepresentation were resorted to by its opponents ; while numbers who took part in this agitation, he did not hesitate to say, opposed the mea sure, not so much on account of its substantial demerits, as because they were unwilling to consider any measure acceptable which came from the present Government. There had been an immense deal of misrepresentation in Ireland respecting this Bill. It had gone the round of all the parishes in Ireland, that the clergy would no longer have control over their congregations, and that the ancient acts pressing upon Roman Catholics, which were repealed last year, were to be again re enacted this. No doubt there were many injurious and unnecessary provisions in ts thought, quite so bed e.s seem Ireland. lie trusted, theren ment, in bringing measures fi tion of the Roman Catholic the danger to which they supporting the principle of de the people of Ireland bad to the Commission consisted of Hon. Baronet had the power them. Now, no man in that House believed that such would be the case, but what had occurred during the trial of Mr. O'Connell, would fully justify the doubts and apprehensions of the Irish people. When they re collected the early promotion of Mr. Sergeant Jackson, Mr. Sergeant Lefroy, and Mr. O'Brien, when they recollected the Arms' Bill and the spy system among the police—when they recol lected the dismissal of the repeal magistracy—when they recollected all these things, they could not be sur prised that there was a great want of confidence in the legislation of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) But still it might be said, that a great change was about to take place with regard to Ireland, and he most sin cerely hoped that such would be the case. He believed that the Right Hon. Baronet for the last two years had been hampered in his operations by the views of his colleague*, but now that he was assisted with the co operations of an able Lord-Lieutenant and a talented Secretary, much might justly be anticipated. With re gard to the grant to Maynooth, he must say the mode and manner of that grant had tended greatly to enhance the reputation of the Government, and he should think must be a source of no small satisfaction to the people of Ireland. He, however, regretted that the Right Hon. Baronet did not intend, in any respect, to interfere with Trinity College, but still there was much for congratu lation in what the Right Hon. Baronet had promised to do, and he should look upon it as the first step to an im portant and extensive improvement in the condition of her Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects.—(Cheers.) The Hon. C. P. Villiers and Mr. Shell rose toge ther to address the House, but there being loud calls for Mr. C. P. Villiers, the latter gave way. Mr. C. P. VILLIERS thought the House was unwil ling to prolong the discussion, an d h e s h ou ld therefore tak up but a small portion of their time. When he considered the calmness and good humour in which the House had met on that occasion ; when he reflected upon the question which had produced that agreeable feeling, he could not help making one or two observa tions upon it. It was stated that great prosperity existed in the country, and this circumstance had been fully ad mitted by the Hon. Member who seconded the address. The Hon. Member went fully through the great change, the great improvement, which had taken place in the circumstances of this country, remarking at the same time up n the genial improvement in the commerce and manufactures of the country. The Hon. Gentleman not only admitted this improvement but proceeded to speculate upon the causes which had produced it. Now he mult say that, considering the divided opinion in that House, it was improper to begin the session with the discussion of such a question. A more important question to raise than that which had brought about a change from great distress to flourishing improvement— from great deterioration of labour to a more than ordi nary increased value-.-from a great depression of com merce to one of prosperity and improvement--could not be mooted on such an occasion. There had hitherto been two parties in that House who entertained decided opinions upon this subject. Each had enforced their views and supported them with peculiar energy in that House. The Hon. Gentleman who seconded the address belonged to one party, and he had the honour to be con nected with the other. The Hon. Member was dis posed to impose restrictions upon commerce, but he held an opposite doctrine. One of those doctrines had pro duced the change, and it now became important for the House to decide and determine which of those views were correct. He believed he might now state that every promise which the protective system held out to the country had been defeated, and that every object of protection had been disappointed. The protec tive system which composed the important party opposite had fortunately been relaxed, and the result of that relaxation Lad been fully stated by the Hon. Gen tleman who seconded the address. The object of this protective system was to maintain high prices, and every one must be convinced this c mid not produce the change. Had their combination succeeded, the change could never have been felt ; but to what, then, was the change to be attributed ? Why, it was to the blessings of Pro vidence, and to no other circumstance. He could not, therefore, congratulate the party opposite with having any credit for it. By the intervention of Providence, the purposes of protection had been defeated—abun dance had been created, and prices had been reduced. The Government congratulated themselves upon those results. They admitted that it increased commerce, be nefited the people, and made the revenue flourishing ; and yet they were allied to the protectionists. He thought it was most important to coneider this question, because an Hon. Member connected with the protective system had risen that night and expressed his alarm lest the Government should relax further this system. The Hon. Member who thus rose was unfor tunately one of a prevailing party in that House, and it, therefore, became more important for the country and the House to come to a correct opinion as to what was the real effect of this protective system—whether it was for good or evil—whether it had been beneficial or not, and he did trust that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government would be guided in his movements by no other influence but that which con tinued the present state of the country. 'the settlement of this question must determine their after prosperity as to whether to uphold this protective system was wise or not. It was quite clear that the Hon. Gentlemen who formed the majority of that House were disappointed that the whole country was prosperous, and e the labouring classes comfortable and contented. There was every indication of a continued improvement, but still Hon. Gentlemen who represented the majority of that House were disappointed, and they were complain ing. —(Hear, hear.) But it was most important that it should be made clear to the country whether they—the protectionists —were right or wrong. For his part he had no hesitation in say ing they had got nothing to show in support of their system. He, on the other band, showed that the country was prosperous. He asked the country gentlemen opposite what they had to point out in support of their system? Did they not complain them ' selves? Were not the tenants of their land complaining? Were not their labourers in a miserable condition? They could not point out any thing or any class that had prospered under it. He asked them, then, what ex cuse there was for confidence in this protective system? He had heard with great satisfaction the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, express himself against this system. The Noble Lord had proved it to be bad, and the Hon. Gentlemen opposite were clearly not entitled to its pro tection. The Noble Lord had watched its effects, and now very properly came forward to expose its evils. Protection was baneful, it was unjust, and ought to be abolished. He said, then, they must watch the mea sures that would be proposed this session, and unless they could be assured that they were calculated to abo lish this protective system, he said the Government could not expect to receive their support. He looked forward to the measures the Right Hon. Baronet was about to propose with some hope, because be believed the Right lion. Baronet must be satisfied that, so far as he had as yet proceeded, he had good reason to be satisfied of his declaration in favour of freedom of trade. The Right Hon. Baronet had reason, he said, to congratulate himself upon what had followed from it, and he had neve an excellent opportunity for still further pursuing this principle. He had little or no opposition—he had the whole country placing confidence in him if he would only merit it--(Laughter)—and he (Mr. Villiers) must say he would well deserve all the responsibility—all the blame, if he neglected to act up to this principle, now he was so fully satisfied of its efficacy.—(Cheers.) Mr. SIIEIL apologised for having rose to address the House with the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down. The Honourable Gentleman occupying one of the back scats, he was not aware that he had risen first, or lie should have given way immediately. Being an Irish Member, and being still of opinion that it was possible to induce Englishmen to take considerate and sympathetic views of the evils of Ireland, he might, perhaps, be permitted to say a few words and advert to some of the opinions which had been expressed that evening. The late President of the Board of Trade, who had placed himself lower down the House, or more properly speaking, in juxta position with his former seat, had deprived her Majesty of a valuable servant, in retiring from office.—( Laughter.) He could not help thinking that it was unfortunate that the Hon. Gentle man should have sacrificed the statesman to the author. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had good reason to exclaim, " Oh, that my friend had not written a book!" He had read the book of the Right t 1. ( 1 ) o h n a o v u e r a r b e l a e di twithoutGentleman, r a e n in d it b wa o - ri s o g i mp t h o a s t s p i b o l r e for hi m to of it that bore upon Ireland. It distinctly treated upon the g t rhatcll. hon. e said Gentlemanth the n Icroish oqouievset(iioint o w f a .N s f a ay q -n u o v o s t t h i 0 . n T o h f e c ß on i Parliament contracted for the permanent maintenance of Maynooth, it ought to be maintained in a manner be fitting the dignity of the nation, and the great task the institution bad to perform. If such a contract had not been made, then the maintenance of Maynooth must depend upon the vote of the British Parliament. Now, he contended that it was a matter of contract at the time of the Union. Care was taken to provide for this contract, and it had been satisfied by subsequent grants, extending over a long series of years ; and upon the Right Hon. Gentleman's own showing, it ought to be maintained according to the dignity of the country and the magnitude of the task it had to perform. In other words, the Right Hon. Gentleman said the grant ought to be large and liberal. Now, he would ask, was 8,000/. per annum a large and liberal grant to provide religious education for three millions of persons?—he meant, three millions was the number at the time of the Union, but now it had increased to the extent of eight millions. Having said thus much, he could not help expressing some regret that the Right Hon. Baronet in his speech had not more fully expressed himself with respect to the question of acade mical education. He had been liberal in his statements with respect to his intentions relative to Maynooth, but he was very brief when speaking upon academical education. He would tell the Right Hon. Baronet that he would have many difficulties to contend against in Ireland, unless he made some alteration in the academi cal education of Roman Catholics. The Roman Catholic population of Ireland were bound in honour to use every exertion to throw open Trinity College, and, until this were obtained, other concessions would be far from favour ably received. Mr. SHAW said Trinity College was already open to the Roman Catholics. Hon, Member for Mr. SHELL in continuation. s h the already University open. o f /l e t b d l i i s n s at t e i t m de a fvr t e e or s T m h t ft h e e hi s l li t os r ; T , shipr.Di iidtyt hCollege i was open Gentleman mean to say r th in lN f e a r o e t : the p y rofessorships open to were Roman Catholics a; ntooßnlnacnatChaotliiicosli?cs the Bil ..,- - -.'- - . 1 7. , ____ - le peo* • - - , 4- '.4 '•::-'' -- , , fore, a.- , :j•l4stf.- 4 -. forwa , ..• ! , -•••••_2: ,t 4 , , 'l.''' IZ clerg • . ii, 4 - , d,.. 4 ~... .-,- , ~,,r , had = . 4 , 4 .4. , ,. . ' Mii"" `V his B . ' •-•k, .., 1 ; Ztt ,Z• 0 the 8 . % , . -, °ll - , • 4.0.'%. )f good 11361.13 V , . "i , :.. . rat any moraent to . amiss