The Sun. — London, England, 1836-06-08 00:00:00

PRICES OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Bank Stock ... 910% llndia Stock — 3 , 0 x lAN; Ditto Bonds per Cent tied....... 1 pm. 3 per Cent. Conc.. — I South Sea Stock -- 314 per Cent.. - • 9BN ,L Old Annuities Ditto Red 981414 ;New Ditto — New 314 per Cent l3 per Cent. Annuities, 1751... New ii per Cent — ! Exch. Bills, £l,OOO ... ... 12 14 pm. Bank LongA nnuitiesto expire 1 Ditto 500 l2 14 pm. Jan. 5, IS6O ...............15% I l3-M Ditto Small Oct. 10, 1850 i Ditto Commercial — 5 pm. ^ 5. ISM. Jan. Jan. 5, 1880.... ..—.— ........ Bank Stock for Account — April 5, 1880 — !India Stock for Account — Jan. 5, 1870 — ' Consols for Acconnt 92 I 7 / 9 Omnium pm. I PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK Austrian Bonds —lPeruvian Bonds . — Belgian Bonds 102% , Ditto Account — Ditto Account . Brazilian Bonds 86%1 Ditto Account — Ditto Account 864 Ditto New Bonds Buenos Ayres Bonds I Ditto Account Bl% Ditto Account : Ditto, 3 per cent. — Chillian Bonds Prussian Bonds — Ditto Account — : Russian Bonds, 18211 ..... .... 110 0% Columbian Bonds : Ditto Account — Ditto Account Columbian Bonds, 1&24. 29% , Spanish Bonds — Ditto Account , Ditto Account .................. —v Danish Bonds Ditto Account Greek Bonds Ditto Bonds, 1825 ,--- 4 per cent........... — f. — c. 1 Ditto Account ---- 3 per cent. —f. —c. Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent — '---- Exchange f. —c Ditto Account — i Dutch, '24 per cent. 56% 7 1 Ditto, 6 per cent. Ditto Account 3.31 a : Ditto, 5 per cent 10 1 ,4% Neapolitan — I Ditto Account PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Share, Bolanos Mining Company Brazilian Imperial Mining Co. (issued at 51. pm.) 20 30 Birmingham and Derby Railway Company 5 9 Birmingham and Gloucester Railway Company 5 7 Y2N Birmingham. Bristol, and Thames Junction 1 I U Bristol and Exeter Railway Company 2% 61 51/ Commercial Blackwall Railway Company 2 214, Eastern Counties Railway 1 1 S' Edinburgh, Leith, and Newhaven 1 15i Great Western Railway Company 2O 4,1 i Rail • Company . 5 163,1 17 Brighton _ Away London and Southampton Railway C London and Croydon Railway Comps Plymouth and Padstow South Durham Railway Company South Midland Railway Company British North American Bank General Steam Navigation Company .... ;onapany .... tny 26 - 26 5 4 1!4 2 ( 2.4 4 5 1 1 10 10 %%14 13 27 COURSE OF EXCIL Amsterdam C.F. 12 Ditto, at sight l2 4 Rotterdam U. 12 6 .- .NGE YESTERDAY. Leghorn is 25 Genoa B5 Milan ll Venice 47 Naples 4O Palermo per oz. 129. Lisbon 56 1 A Oporto sfili Rio Janeiro '37 Bahia 26 Buenos Ayres Dublin, 21 days' sight 1 Cork l% ..... . Antwerp l ‘, 5 Hamburg M B l3 14 Alma l3 14 Paris, 3 days' sight O5 CO Ditto ... .... .............. 2 Us 95 90 Marseilles Frankfort on Maine, Lx. M 154 Petersbuigh, ruble 3 Us. 10 0 Berlin Vienna, effective ft 2 31. 10 10 Trieste ditto lO 12 Madrid 36 , 4 Cadiz 171 i Gilboa - 36!t; PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ, Portugal Gold, coin £0 0 0 Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9 New Doubloons Rarelona 16k; Seville 76Y% New Dollars Silver, bars, standard 0 5 0 Gibraltar COMMERCE OF THE BLACK SEA. This week will be published, in 1 vol. Bvo., with a Map of the re lative position of the Commercial Depots, and Statistical Tables of Imports, Exports, and Produce. REPORT on the COMMERCE of the PORTS of NEW RUSSIA, MOLDAVIA, and WALLACHIA, made to the Russian Government in 1835, in pursuance of an in vestigation undertaken by order of Count Woronzo. By JULIUS DE HAGEMEISTER. Translated from the original published at Odessa, • By T. F. TRIEBNER. London Effingham Wilson, 88, Royal Exchange. HAMBURG, MAY 27, 1836. ON the EVE of a RISE in PRICE and on AP PROACH of WEDNESDAY, 22d JUNE, the First Day of Drawing of the 68th HAMBURGH GREAT LOTTERY, HEINE BROTHERS, the CONTRACTORS, request those, desirous to purchase at the first Price, to LOSE NO TIME in ordering by one of the Mails reaching this before 15th JUNE. To those, whose remittances of £lO, £2O, or £3O, reach them before 15th June, HEINE BROTHERS will on executing the order return £2, £4, or £6, (viz. Two Pounds on each Ten Pound Note) by return of Post, Orders for more than Three Tickets must be declined, there not being Tickets enough remain ing unsold to allow them to attend to orders of greater extent. Orders for less than a whole Ticket will also not be attended to. DIRECT to HEINE BROTHERS in HAMBURG. The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day at Four o' Clock. k•-•• 4 2_ • - - ,), ~~ %~. e L." 111-1 LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 8, 1536. Fiom the proceedings which took place at the Par liamentary Meeting held yesterday at tb - e — rof - 61 - g - n Office, the country will see with pleasure that the Lords must either retrace their steps, or come into im medkte collision with the Commons. The differences between the two Houses are of such a nature, that they cannot be adjusted by a compromise of minor points. There must be a sacrifice of principle on the one side or the other, and the only question is, whe ther the Representatives of the people, or the Repre sentatives of the dark ages, shall make that sacrifice. That this is the true state of the question, is evident from the simple fact that it is not on matters of detail that the parties are at issue, but on the fundamental .principles of the Irish Corporation Bill. The Com mons have said that Ireland shall have the privileges of England and Scotland, enjoying the benefits of im proved Municipal Institutions, and that these Institu tions shall be founded on popular controul. The Lords have said that Ireland is unworthy to take her place by the side of England and Scotland, and that her Municipal Institutions shall be entirely swept away. Between principles so directly at variance, there can he no compromise. As we have already said, either the Commons or the Lords must beat a retreat from the position they have taken up. On which party it will fall to submit to the humiliation, we think it is not very difficult to anticipate. Bitter as the pill is, the Lords must make up their minds to swallow it; and as a little physic will do them good, they shall have the Irish Tithe Bill in the form of a draught to help them down with it. There is, however, a little comfort in store for them. The Commons will leave them a loop-hole--a small one to be sure—but their Ex-Chancellor can tell them that a Lord may creep even through a rat-hole— through which they may make their escape. The principle of the Bill will be restored in its full integrity, and a concession to hereditary wisdom will be made on points of detail. If the Lords do not come off with flying colours, let them thank themselves and the cham pion under whose conduct they have placed themselves. A Tory Meeting took place this day, at Lord FRANCIS EGERTON'S. Of course we cannot be expected to know what transpired, but we can pretty well . guess the nature of the conference. We can imagine that the former high Tory tone was con siderably lowered ; and that the words " compro mise " and " surrender " were in the thoughts, if not on the lips, of the majority of the Meeting. By the bye, we understand that Sir GEORGE SIN CLAIR was present at this forlorn assembly of Incorri gibles, though he has already paired off with Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL, and thereby virtually aban doned his Parliamentary duties for the remainder of the Session. We hear, too, that it is his intention to at tend in his place to night in the House of Commons ; but this we can scarcely credit, for surely, situated as he is, he cannot but perceive the impropriety of pur suing such a course. A long discussion took place in the House of Lords last night, on the subject of a petition presented by Lord LYNDHURST, from a Roman Catholic clergy man, who stated that he had been discharged from his functions by his Diocesan, for appealing to the law for redress of wrongs which had been inflicted on him by another priest of the same persuasion. Lords HOLLAND and MELBOURNE very justly argued that the petition ought not to be received, because the House had neither the right nor the power to interfere with the discipline of a Church which they did not re cognize. Their Tory Lordships, however, thought differently, and insisted—which of necessity was agreed to—that the petition should be received. Now, had this clergyman been a Protestant, instead of a Catho lic, these orthodox, High Church disciplinarians would have made a point of scouting his complaints against his Bishop, He would not have been a victim then, but a calumniator, and have been treated accordingly. But because he happens to be a Catholic, and their Lordships hate all Catholic dig nitaries—the more bitt er l y i n proport i on to t h e i r ele vation—they make a point of graciously receiving his complaint against his Diocesan. There does really, however, appear to be some hardship in the Gentle man's case, though this does not furnish the House of Lords with sufficient justification for interfering in t. They would be far more usefully employed in en- deavouring to render " equal justice" to Ireland, than in mixing themselves up with petty squabbles between Catholic clergymen. But this would not answer the purposes of faction, and their Lordships arc " nothing, if not—factious." The prorogation of the Legislative Session of the House of Assembly of Upper Canada will surprise no person who has paid the slightest regard to the efforts lately made by the PAPINEAU party to cripple the energies of his Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor. So long as M. PAPINEAU and his supporters looked only to the removal of the abuses of the Administra tion—so long as they confined themselves to the adop tion of Constitutional means of enforcing upon the Go vernment here the necessity of a greater freedom of trade for the Canadas—so long as they abstained from libelling individuals, under pretence of exercising a Legislative privilege, we lost no opportunity of rendering them all the assistance in our power. But we will not be par ties to the scheme which a knot of poverty-stricken pseudo patriots are now attempting to carry on, with a view to obtain for themselves place, pelf, and power. We now see clearly enough that it is a scramble for office, and that the most violent democrats in the House of Assembly would be the first to sell them selves, their constituencies, and the country, if they could only meet with a purchaser. They are pa triots on compulsion, though after the fashion of honest JACK, they are prepared to suffer martyrdom, rather than be obliged to give a "reason" for so remaining. Had they been honest, they would have hailed the arrival of Sir FRANCIS BOND HEAD among them, instead of meeting him, on the threshold of the House of Assembly, with a vote equivalent to a want of confidence in his Excellency's Government. The instant they found that the new Lieutenant-Governor was about to reform the popular institutions of the Colony in good earnest—that his Excellency's mission had chiefly reference to the eradi cation of such abuses as the House of Assembly had itself pointed out—that instant did the patriots set to work, with a view to retard the wise measures about to be introduced for the amelioration of their cuckoo grievances. Wise in their own generation, they knew that a ready compliance with past invocations would annihilate their political importance, and that they would, from furious declaiming red-hot patriots, dwindle down to mere vestry-club farthing candles. Ac cordingly, they set to work with all their might, to cast stumbling-blocks before the Lieutenant-Go vernor ; and though their real object is now well known, they have hitherto been tolerably successful. By one trick or another, they contrived to prevent every measure of vital importance from passing the Legisla ture ; they bullied, insulted, and endeavoured to brow beat the Lieutenant-Governor ; they most grossly li belled the Executive ; and they concluded by stopping the supplies, unless the Lieutenant-Governor would do what the Constitution and the laws forbade him to do—divest himself of his responsibility ! Accordingly public business being thus at a stand, Sir FRANCIS B. HEAD resolved to send the House about its busi- ness, and on the 20th of April he went down and for mally prorogued it. His speech on that occasion is now before us, and a most masterly document it is, em bracing a political history of the leading events in Up per Canada—of its communications with the imperial Government here—and of the unconstitutional manner in which the House of Assembly sought to thwart him on all occasions. With a frankness worthy of the Representative of a British SOVEREIGN, he submits the whole question to the House, and fearlessly appeals to the good sense of the Canadians against the mal practices of their Representatives. The following extract—though somewhat too long—does not extend to one-third of the Lieutenant-Governor's whole speech. It, however, includes the substance of it : '• GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, " Having at your request transmitted to you the corre spondence which passed between my late Executive Council and myself, and having reminded you that there existed a con stitutional tribunal competent to award its decision, and that to that tribunal I was ever ready most respectfully to bow, it is with surprise I learn that you have deemed it necessary to stop the supplies. " In the history of Upper Canada this measure has, I be lieve, never before been resorted to; and as I was the bearer of his Majesty's especial instructions to examine, and where 4/aw_s, ,Ausevevery to correct, the g►ievances' detailed in your report of last session, I own I did not expect to receive this embarrassment from your House. " The effect of your deliberate decision will be severely felt by all people in the public offices—by the cessation of im provement in your roads—by the delay of compensation to sufferers in the late war—and by the check of emigration. " In the complaints you hare made to his Majesty against me (in which you declare that my `ear is credulous,' my mind poisoned,' my • feelings bitter,' that lam despotic,' tyrannical,' • unjust,' deceitful,' that my conduct has been derogatory to the honour of the King,' and demoralizing to the community,' and that I have treated the people of this province as being little better than a country of rogues and fools'), you have availed yourselves of a high legislative pri vilege, intrusted to you by your constituents, to the exercise of which I have consequently no constitutional objection to urge, but for the honour of this province, in which I, though unconnected with the country, am as deeply interested as its inhabitants, I cannot but regret that, while I was receiving from all directions the most loyal addresses, you, in your legislative capacity, should have characterized his Majesty's Government, which has lately acted towards Upper Canada so nobly and disinterestedly, by the expression of Downing street law.' " I had made up my mind to stand against the enemies of Reform, but I have unexpectedly been disconcerted by its pro fessed friends. No liberal mind can deny that I have been un necessarily embarrassed—no one can deny that I have been un. justly accused—no one can deny that I have evinced an anxiety to remedy all real grievances that I have protected the consti tution of the province —and that, by refusing to surrender at dis cretion the patronage of the Crown to irresponsible individuals, I have conferred a service on the back-woodsman, and on every noble-minded Englishman, Irishman, Scotchman, and U. E. Loyalist, who, I well know, prefer British freedom and the Bri tish Sovereign to the family domination of an irresponsible Cabinet. " It now remains for me frankly and explicitly to declare the course of policy I shall continue to adopt, as long as I may remain the Lieutenant-Governor of this province, which is as follows : " I will continue to hold in my own hands, for the benefit of the neople.the power and patronage of the Crown, as im parted to the Lieutenant-Governor of this province by the King's instructions. I will continue to consult my Executive Council upon all subjects, on which, either by the Constitu tional Act, or by the King's instructions, I am ordered so to do, as well as upon all other matters in which I require their assistance. I will continue to hold myself responsible to all authorities in this country, as well as to all private indivi duals, for whatever acts I commit, either by advice of my Council, or otherwise, and will continue calmly and readily to afford to all people every reasonable satisfaction in my power. I will use my utmost endeavours to explain to the people of this province that they want only wealth and population to become one of the finest and noblest people on the globe—that union is strength, and that party spirit produces weakness—that they should, consequently, forgive and forget political as well as reli gious animosity, and consider as their enemies only those who insidiously promote either ; that, widely scattered as they are over the surface of this extensive country, they should recol lect with pride the brilliant history of the old country,' from which they sprung, and, like their ancestors, they should firmly support the British standard, which will ever afford them freedom and disinterested protection ; that, by thus tranquil. lizing the province, the redundant wealth of the mother country will irrigate their land, and that her population will convert the wilderness which surrounds them into green fields,—that an infusion of wealth would establish markets in all directions, as well as good roads—the arteries of agriculture and commerce; that plain, practical education should be provided for the rising generation, as also the blessings of the Christian religion, which inculcates ' Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good-will towards men.' " Taking every opportunity of offering these recommenda tions to the inhabitants of this province, I shall in no way attempt to enforce them ; on the contrary, I shall plainly pro mulgate, that if the yeomanry and farmers of Upper Canada are not yet sufficiently tired of agitation—if they do not yet clearly see what a curse it has been to them, it will be out of my power to assist them; that, if they insist on turning away the redundant wealth as well as the labourers of the mother country to the United States, I shall be unable to prevent them ; in short, that if they actually would rather remain as they are, than become wealthy, as they might be, my anxiety to enrich them must prove fruitless. " On the other side, whenever they shall be disposed to join heart and band with me in loyally promoting the peace and prosperity of the province, they shall find me faithfully devoted to their service. In the meanwhile, I will carefully guard the constitution of the country, and they may firmly rely that I will put down promptly, as I have already done, the slightest attempt to invade it. " With inward pleasure, I have received evidence of the invincible reaction that is hourly taking place in the public mind, and, for the sake of the province rather than for my own, I hail the manly British feeling which in every direction I see, as it were, rising out of the ground, determined to shield me from insult, and to cheer and accompany me in my progress towards reform. " I have detained youlonger than is customary, but the unpre cedented events of this session have made it necessary to do so." The Paris journals of Monday contain no official news from Spain, with the exception of the following telegraphic despatch : " During the absence of Cordell, the command has been THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 8, 1836. entrusted to Espartero. Cordova, it is thought, will return about the 10th. There have been some skirmishes without importance before San Sebastian." Annexed are extracts from the papers : PARIS, JUNE s.—Duke Charles of Brunswick is gone, as we hear, to London ; his journey seems to have a very im portant political object. The Prince hopes, at all events, that it will afford him an opportunity of urging his claims to his private fortune, of which he was deprived by the events at Brunswick in 1830, which caused him to lose his sovereignty. Whatever may have been saki, the most perfect harmony has not ceased to subsist between our Cabinet and that of London relatively to the affairs of Spain. Lord Palmerston has in structed Lord Granville to express to the President of the Council the entire satisfaction of the Government of his Bri tannic Majesty with what France has done for the execution of the treaty of the Quadruple Alliance. Lord Granville, we arc assured, has lately executed this commission, and in par ticular thanked M. Thiers for the effectual assistance which he has lately afforded to the Queen's Government, by means of which it has been able to obtain extraordinary resources. Letters from Valencay, received yesterday (the 4th) at Paris, announce that the health of Prince Talleyrand is im proving in a manner quite unlooked for. He begins to go out, resting alternately on the arm of his niece, the Duchess of Dino, and that of Princess Lieven, who intends to prolong her visit to Valencay for the whole time that M. de Talley rand shall remain there. The Prince has again taken a pass port for Germany. It is affirmed this time that he is really charged by the Government with a diplomatic mission of the highest importance. PARIS, JUNE 5.—A letter from Toulon, of the Ist of June, says :—The Menagere transport sailed yesterday with a cargo of 45,000 rations of provisions for the three ships of the line, the Ville de Marseilles, Scipion, and Suffren, employed in conveying troops from Port Vendres to Oran, the crews being reduced to bread and water from being so long at sea.—Mes sager, June 6. FRENCH FUNDS.—PaRts, JUNE 6. Five per Cents., 107 f. 95c. ESL sc. Four per Cents., 10If. 90c. Three per Cents., 81f. 70c. 75c. Bank Actions, -2,285 f. 2,290 E Rente de Naples, 1001. 15c. 10e. 25c. Roman Five per Cents., 102%. Spanish Actives, Spanish Differes, 19%4. Spanish Passives. 12%16. Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, 102%. Portuguese Loan, Five per Cents., Portuguese Three per Cents. 52 51U. Haytian Loan, 370 E 375 f. Boyasr., QUARTER TO FOUR.—The Three per Cents. opened to-day at 81f. 80e. buyers, and 81f. 85c. sellers, and remained at that price the whole day. Spanish Active Stock opened at 411, and has remained stationary at that price. No business worth mentioning was done at the Bourse the whole day. LAST PawPA.—Five per Cents., 108 f. 25c. ; Three per Cents., 81f. 85c. ; Five per Cents. Spanish, —; Three per Cents. Spanish, —; Cortes, —; Coupons, —; Gueb hards, —; Differes, 148 ; New Loan, —; Actives, 41k; Pas sives, 121; Ducats, 100 50 ; Romans, 1024 —; Pedros, 81/ ; Belgians, 1021 ; Dutch, —f. —c. ; Haytians, 375 f. —c. ; Miguels, —; Brabant ; Bank, —; Belgian Bank, 18i ; Con tinuation, —c. ; New Differes, 19i; Five . per Cent. Perpe tuolles, —; Royal Loan, —. We have received letters and Papers from Madrid to the Ist inst. On the evening a the 30th, Con.- Dove arrived in the capital, where his presence was most unlooked for by the inhabitants, who were en tertaining each other with tales of his conquests in the mountains of Arlaban. The Commander-in- Chief had taken care to have his victories all offi cially trumpeted before his arrival, lest the populace should mistake him for other than he esteems himself —a hero. What base intrigue is at the bottom of his sudden desertion of his troops we cannot tell ; but that the occasion of his journey to the capital is an in trigue of such a character, we are very confident. It was expected that the QUEEN, who was most anxious to see him, would confer upon him some special mark of the Royal favour. On the 31st a rumour prevailed in Madrid that General EVANS, through the media tion of Colonel WYLDE, had agreed to a suspen sion of hostilities between the British Legion and • the Carlists, till he had received instructions from the Bri tish Government, consequent upon the sudden change in the Cabinet of Madrid. In a private letter from Madrid, of the date of the 31st, the writer after noticing this rumour adds :—" Discredit is at tempted to be thrown on this report ; but having seen the fact stated in the hand-writing of the English Vice- Consul at Santander, in his letter of the 27th, in which he declares that this distressing information was re ceived by his Majesty's steamer Comet, I cannot doubt its authenticity." To us, however, the statement ap pears extremely improbable. First, because we have letters from St. Sebastian to the 30th, in which no men tion whatever is made of a cessation of hostilities. The writers of these letters are persons in daily communication : with Gen.EVANS, and therefore they would have known tile statement now made had it been true, and knowing it, their duty would have been to have communicated it. In the next place, because on the very day upon which the English Vice-Consul's letter is dated from Santander, General EVANS was attacked by two Car list battalions, which were repulsed and pursued by the Legion ; so that the armies were fighting probably at the instant the account of the armistice was being written by the Consul. And thirdly, General EVANS must have known the sentiments of our Government with respect to the change of Ministers in Madrid, some days before it was reported that he had thoughts of concluding an armistice with the Carlists. But it is useless to waste words with respect to a fact which must be known to be true or false in the course of a day or two at the farthest. The IsTußiz Cabinet is preparing to remove every person from office opposed to its policy. Not only is there to be a change in the Captains-General of Pro vinces, but that change will extend to the humblest clerk in every public department. Seventeen of the late Procuradores, who voted in the majority against IsTumz, have already been dismissed. IRISH CORPORATION REFORM• MEETING OF THE FREEHOLDERS OF THE COUNTY OF MIDDLESEX THIS DAY. A numerous and respectable meeting of the Freeholders of the County of Middlesex was held this day at Captain Hall's Riding-school, in Albany-street, in pursuance of a requisition to the Sheriff of Middle , .ex, calling upon him to call a public meeting to take into consideration the question of Irish Municipal Reform. The Sheriffs did not arrive till near one o'clock, and at that hour Sheriff LAINSON took the chair and addressed the meeting as follows :—.Gen tlemen, in consequence of a requisition very numerously and respectably signed, addressed to the Sheriff, we have thought it our duty to give to the freeholders of the county an opportunity of expressing their opinion on the subject of the Irish Municipal Reform Bill.—(Loud cheers.) In addition to which we have appended, to save the trouble of a fresh re quisition, the subject of a petition to the Legislature, with regard to the present monopoly existing in the coal trade.— (Great cheering.) A string of resolutions has been prepared, and will be submitted to your consideration. Sir J. S. Lillie will be the mover of the first resolution.—(Loud cheers.) Allow me to observe, that I hope every gentleman will be allowed fairly and candidly to express the opi nions which he entertains on this subject.—( Loud cheers.) Sir J. S. LILLIE came forward, and was received with loud cheering. He said, I have been requested to propose the first resolution prepared by the Committee, and I can assure you that I have great satisfaction in doing so, as I perceive by the demonstration of the spirit with which this meeting has been convened that y ou participate with your fellow-citizens all over the county, in the feelings of indignation which so generally prevail at the exertions making to frustrate the endeavours of his Majesty's Ministers to do justice to Ireland.—( Loud cheer ing.) I do not mean to say that the House of Lords have no right to express their opinions with regard to any Bill which came from the Lower House for their consideration; neither do I mean to say that they have not the power to amend and to make alterations and improvements in any Bill • but I do say, that when they convert a Bill, intend e d f or the improve ment of the Corporations of Ireland, into a Bill for the total abolition of these Coprorations, that it is a mockery of Legis lation, and an insult to the nation.—( Cheers.) I d o not con fine myself when I say this to Ireland alone—the repre sentatives of the people have been insulted who approved of this Bill, and the Ministers who enjoy the confidence of his Majesty have been insulted. The insult has reached the Throne itself.—(Great cheering.) Under these circum stances, it might be expected that the freeholders of this great metropolitan county should express their feelings of in dignation at the insult that has been offered to the Majesty of the Throne, and of the people.—(Tremendous cheering.) I will now let you know what the King's representatives—the organs of the Ministers feel on this subject. He would read what was said by Lord John Russell in the House of Commons. " That he observed in it the principle of contempt and degra dation of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. He foun e d x t a h m at pl i e of Fit was a Bill not founded on the Wh i g p rinci ples of liberty, nor on the Tory principles of rever ence for ancient establish ments, but a mixture of some fo rei g n ada p ta tion, in which had r b a e n e e n e a combinedthat vv whateveras mostd was e s t worstructiv ein her in the Jaco binical Republic, with all that was most despotic in her military empire. He therefore said he was obliged, in considering this Bill and his Noble Friend's amendment, to look at them in reference to the who le tenour of their policy. s no longer t o If, after the House of Commons had decided the principles on which Ireland should be governed for the fut ure , they were to reverse them, they would make the cu p so much the b m e or o e ffe b r i e tt d er t foro their eir having lips told them d th i e f m th t e h y w ati e t r ew a prepared t o t a k e a course inflicting on the Irish people degradation and a sense of injustice, they might depend on haying to contend with much opposition—with many obstacles —from the feelings of the Irish people ; and he believed, likewise, they would have to contend against the reason of the people of England. Their attention was now turned to Irish subjects, which for a long time had not attracted sufficient consideration, and he was fully convinced that Englishmen would be prepared on this occasion to do as they had always done, and act as they would wish themselves to be done by, treating their Irish fellow-countrymen with that regard which would insure their stedfast attachment, and cordial union to the British empire." He would now show that this was the very language that was used by the Tories when in office on the introduction of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill into Parliament. What did Lord Lyndhurst say in answer to Lord Eldon ? He spoke as follows : The Lord Chancellor Lyndhurst, as one of the responsible advisers of the Crown, said (as a reason for supporting this measure) that in consequence of civil disabilities, exclusions, and proscriptions, he found the condition of Ireland growing worse year after year, and that it would become infinitely more so if such a course of policy should be persevered in. His Majesty's Ministers had therefore determined on conciliation where severity had failed, in order to admit the Catholics to the full benefit and privile:es of the Constitution, and thus to put a stop to the grievous discontents which had so long prevailed in that country. He accused Lord Eldon, who had been 25 yeais in office, of never having, during that period, applied any effectual remedy to the distressed state of Ireland; but, on the contrary, it was during that time it had descended from bad to worse. Still he came forward with all his power to oppose the measure of his Majesty's Ministers. Is not Lord L. now perform ing the part for which he blamed ? He was one of those who would not support an ancient system merely for the purpose of upholding the preponderance of a party—what he asked did the Noble Lords expect to reap from the continuance of such a system ? Let their Lordships look to the evidence of history on this subject, and it would afford them the best information. Let them reflect on the rebellion of 1798, which produced so much misery in Ireland. The reason attributed for this measure never having been acted upon, was because they had been a divided Cabinet, a divided Parliament, and conse- quently an unwillingness on the part of the Crown to exer its power for the purpose of effectually tranquilizing Ireland But now there was a united Cabinet—let them do what justice required. He called upon the Government, the Legislature, and all the men of influence in the country to join in one happy union to accomplish that great object, the tranquillity of Ire land, which concession alone could produce. He quoted a de claration made by Lord Redysdale in 1791, when certain con cessions were made to the Catholics —" That the Penal Laws were a disgrace to the Law Books ;" and he further stated, that the Roman Catholics were men of tried honour and and loyalty, and most excellent subjects, though unfortunately divided from us by their religious tenets, in which sentiments he ( Lord Lyndhurst) most cordially concurred. As to the objection made to Catholics not respecting their oaths, he should think he was adding insult to injury, and outrage to oppression. What was it but their respect for their oaths that precluded them from Parliament and civil offices in the State ? It was therefore a shameless assertion. These were his sen timents, they were not the offspring of any crude and visionary theories, but of his most mature deliberation and reflection, and concluded by saying it was his greatest consolation to be asso ciated with their Lordships in thus securing upon a permanent basis the happiness and tranquillity of the United Kingdom. Was not Lord Lyndhurst now doing the very thing he accused Lord Eldon of?—( Loud cheers, and a cry of " don't quote any more"—" the coals are coming.") I have no doubt in the world these sentiments are very displeasing to Tory ears.- -( Loud cheering)--and for that very reason, Gentlemen, I will not confine myself to Lord Lyndhurst, but I will give you what Sir Robert Peel said on that occasion, for if we have a dissolution of Parliament, and the sense of the people is taken, the best thing the Ministers could do would be to print these sentiments, and circulate them throughout the country, in order to shew what inconsistent politicians their opponents are. Sir Robert Peel then contended " that the Protestant population (the majority he meant in point of property and influence), seeing a prospect of finally settling the question, would be as much if not more irritated than the Catholics at the rejection of the measure. He therefore consented to give them a full and fair participation in the advantages of the constitution, by a final settlement of the question and perfect equality of civil rights."—( Loud cheers.) I should be glad to know what it is that our Government requires more than what Sir Robert Peel on that occasion expressed his wish to give them ? I will say no more about Sir Robert Peel—but I will give you an individual whom I am sure the Tories will respect more than either of those two, and that is, the Duke of Wellington.—( Laughter, and cheers.) The Duke of Wellington said, "If he had been certain of possessing the means of putting down the people of Ireland in the manner some Noble Lords recom mended, he would not resort to those means, as, from his knowledge and experience of civil war, he would make any sacrifice, even that of his life, sooner than resort to it." Why, they want to drive us to civil war; but the people of England are too much enlightened to allow themselves to be roused to reconquer Ireland. Ireland stood by you in times of need in fighting the foreign foes of your country—lreland was never backward ; and the question was never raised what country you were from, or what religion you werc—( Loud cheering)—and if we assisted you in oppo sing your foreign foes, why should you not assist us in oppo sing our domestic foes ?--( Continued cheering.) The Tories have been driven out of the boroughs of England and Scot land, and they now take up their last position in Ireland; and they expect the people of England will assist them.—( Cries of " Never, never.") Now, for the satisfaction of the Tories, I will read a little more of what the Duke of Wellington says-nn the spbject :—" There is nothing which destroys property and prosperity, and demoralizes character in the degree that civil war does : by it the hand of man is raised against lois• neighbour, against his brother, and against his father ; the servant betrays his master, and the whole scene ends in confusiOn and devastation. Yet this was the re-source they must have looked to if they had not made the option of bringing forward those measures for which he held himself responsible. He referred to the opinions and decisions expressed by the other House of Parliament upon the ques tion as a reason for a concurrence by the Lords. Well, we want the very some thing now, and if the Lords do not have mercy upon us, may the Lord have mercy upon them— and for making such a concession as would put an end to the question, for he had always observed that any restrictions upon concessions had only the effect of increasin ,-, the demands of the Roman Catholics, and at the same time of giving them fresh power to increase those demands." The Duke spoke there more like a prophet than a statesman.—( Laughter.) He therefore considered it his duty to make the concession as large as possible, seeing clearly that anything that remained behind would only, gain o ffround fresh demands ;be was moreover convinced that the final settlement of the question would tend to the security of the state and the peace and prosperity of the empire." The Noble Duke then referred to the state of 'Europi, and said that in no part of it was there a distinction made between Protestants and Catholics. The Hon. Gentleman then went on to say that lie wished to make one observation upon the degraded state of Ireland, which was, that the white slaves in Ireland, who were British born subjects, had not the same protection from the British Legis lature which the black slaves in the West Indieshad. He had given them the opinion of the Duke of Wellington himself. If he had offered Radical opinions perhaps they would not have respected them, and perhaps if he had brought forward Whig evidence they would have found it was interested ; but he had brought forward the evidence of the Tories themselves, and he would say that upon their evidence they ought to con vict them. He would now read the resolution which had been placed in his hands : " Resolved—That the Bill recently introduced by his Majesty's Ministers for the Reform of the Municipal Corporations in Ire land, and which passed the Commons' House of Parliament, having been converted by the House of Lords into a Bill for abolishing the old Corporations, without substituting others, is, in the opinion of this Meeting, insulting to the people of Ireland, and tending to augment, rather than diminish, the prospects of establishing the peace and tranquillity of the United Kingdom." In proposing that resolution we are not Destructives, but those who would resist the progress of improvement, they are the Destructives ; and if they still persevered in that course, they will bring upon themselves that destruction which I for one would be the last to see.—(Cheers.) Mr. HOVENDEN willingly stood forward to second the firm and temperate resolution which had been proposed to them, because it contained no one sentiment or proposition to which any honest man could disagree.—(Hear.) By most corrupt means, which it would be needless to detail, Ireland had been induced to enter on a union with that part of the empire. If that union had been honestly and sincerely followed up it would have been a blessing to both parts of the kingdom ; but after having induced Ireland to surrender her own local legis lature, the pride of her local Parliament, and to become em bodied with that country, was it right to swindle her out of her fair share of her rights ?—( Loud cheers.) He knew he was speaking to a meeting of Englishmen, and he was sure none of those present would condescend to so dishonest an act. The measure proposed by the present Government went to give Ireland barely a fair share of local representation in the administration of their affairs—the Lords had sent back that measure as one of insult to the Irish people. He (Mr. H.) was so far a supporter of the principles of the Union, so long as it was maintained on a principle of justice ; but he did say, that after having obtained their share of the benefits the Union was calculated to confer, and which was de nied to Irishmen, they could only desire as a matter of prudence, and not conscience, the maintenance of that Union. A greater evil than the dismemberment of that Union, could not befal them ; and he (Mr. H.) would deprecate it most earnestly and sincerely. Let them but give fair play to that country, and no man would resist it more strenuously than himself ; for it was by union only that they could maintain the proud position they bad hitherto held among nations. He (Mr. Hovenden), had on a former occasion, when that unfor tunate blot in Earl Grey's administration, the Coercion Bill, had been introduced—(Hisses)—stood forward to advocate the cause of that humble and depressed people. He had then said that they should be ruled by law, rather than by the sword. The present Administration was disposed to do that, but they could not, unless they were supported by the voice of the people at large.—( Cheers.) The Reform of the House of Commons broke down the Tories, but did not annihilate them —they were still a powerful phalanx, with all the strength which wealth and position, and long associations, could give them ; they were ably led, and nothing but union, determined union, on- the part of the Reformers, could put them downr A convulsion mould put them down—he hoped they would not be driven to it. He (Mr. H.) had something to lose, and should not like it to ensue, but if the people of Eng land were driven to that unfortunate alternative, they would meet it, rather than go back to the old principles of Tory misgovernment. —( Tremendous and long-continued cheering. ) He (Mr. H.) had never received any favour from any Admi nistration, but he looked upon the present as the honestest Administration within his recollection.—(Cheers.) If the people did not come forward and support them, they would not be able to keep their places. Even without appealing to their justice, which was quite sufficient for Englishmen, he would appeal to the meaner motive of their protests, and he would ask, how was their taxation to be reduced unless they tranquillized Ireland, and thereby enabled Ministers to reduce the immense standing army which they were at present obliged to maintain in Ireland.—(Great cheering.) He felt himself called upon to support the present resolution, and he trusted that all those who wished to give their support to his Ma jesty's present honest Administration, would do so.—(Cheers.) file resolution was then put from the Chair, and Mr. She riff Lainson declared the resolution to be carried in the affir mative, only three hands having been held up against it. Mr. HUME then appeared, and was loudly cheered. He hoped the meeting would allow him then to address them, as he was anxious to go down to that place where their voices had sent him to represent them. He was delighted with the spirit they had displayed in the unanimous support they had given to the resolution, and for the demonstration they had given of their determination that Ireland should share in Mu nicipal blessings which had already been given to Scotland and England.—(Cheers.) He, seeing their unanimity, was anxi ous to tell them that the Reformers in the House of Com- mons had only one bond of union amongst them—that was justice to Ireland—(Cheeri)—to the most persecuted country in the world.—(Cheers.) It would be selfiTh in them if they were now, after having received the unflinching sup port of the Irish Members in their struggle for reform in their own Corporations, to desert Ireland. It would be cowardly, which was not a characteristic of Englishmen. When the Tories assumed the reigns of power eighteen mouths ago—the bond of union from the milk and water Whig down to the downright Radical—( Laughter)—all gave up their own indi vidual opinions in order to secure for Ireland the same measure of justice as the rest of the country obtained. It was on that principle they joined and turned out the Tories by a majority of ten—that majority consisted of Irish Members.—(Cheers.) When the Union with Ireland was formed, she was promised her full share of justice and the benefit of equal laws. Ireland had never yet received any of the rights and immunities then promised her—she had been governed as a province.— ( Cheers.) Instead of agreeing with Mr. O'Connell in his mo tion for a Repeal of the Union—the House of Commons agreed unanimously to a resolution by which justice was promised to Ireland—a participation in the advantages of British rule— that resolution was communicated to the House of Lords at what was called a free conference—where not one word was said. It was a sort of Irish conference—it was a farce. How ever, the House of Lords also agreed in that resolution, but were they honest when they now refused in the very teeth of that resolution, to give Ireland a fair share of Municipal Re form. They were of high rank, but again, he would ask, was such conduct honest ?—( Loud cheers.) Within the last twenty years he had seen such vast changes, that he called upon all to hope for still better ones. They were sure, by perseverance, to produce vast changes for the better yet. Let them support the Commons and the Government, and the Lords must give way. —( Loud cheers.) They hoped to drive the people to revolution, but they had more sense—they knew that, by union among themselves, they could obtain all they wanted in a peaceable manner.—( Cheers.) The day would come when the Peers would be made responsible. Was it to be endured that the Commons were to be responsible to the people —that the King was to be responsible through his Ministers— b It that the Lords were to be allowed to throw their shield of irresponsibility between the people and all Reform.— ( Cheers.) He pledged himself, as a Member of the county, to do all in his power for the purpose of obtaining justice for Ireland, and securing her a good Government.—(Cheering.) He most cordially supported the Resolution ; and he had no doubt that the good sense of the freeholders of Middlesex would lead them to adopt it.—( Hear.) So much with respect to the Irish Municipal Reform Bill. He would now say one word with respect to the latter part of the proceedings re specting the coal'trade. Since a meeting had taken place in Westminster upon the subject, he had obtained in the House of Commons a Committee to enquire into that important sub ject. That Committee would meet to-morrow, and he hoped that it would be the means of laying the whole subject before the public. He trusted the meeting would excuse him for running elsewhere, but he could only say his most anxious wish was to carry into effect every thing that would tend to the good of the country.—(Great cheering, amidst which the Hou. Member retired.) Mr. BARKLEY said that he had heard with very great de light and satisfaction the animated speech of his Gallant Friend, the philosophical speech of the Learned Gentlemen, and also the speech of their worthy, long-tried, and consis tent Representative. Coming after them there was but little for him to do in the way of speech-making. Nothing was so disagreeable to a meeting as a speaker playing round a truism, which was the effect of the resolution he was about to propose.—( Cheers.) He would now offer a few observations to certain high individuals, and he would tell them that if they attempted to prevent justice being done to Ireland, from that moment—from the moment they assumed the reins of power—they would throughout England have made some thousands of republicans.—( Great cheering.) That was plain language, but he did not shrink from using it. —( Cheers.) He did not, however, think the Lords would risk everything by throwing the country in a state of convul sion. He would take the liberty of sending another message ; it was this that all the Members of the House of Commons, who had achieved seats in Parliament by representing themselves to be in favour of the cause of the people, to be cautious how they acted with respect to this question. Ho thought many present would know what he meant. If they did not, they had better go to the Borough and inquire.— ( Cries of Harvey, Harvey.) The Hon. Gentleman concluded by proposing the resolution, the effect of which was,- that the meeting viewed with disgust the proceedin a ,...s of the House of Lords, with respect to the Irish Reform Bill. Mr. HARDY seconded the resolution. Nothing was more monstrous than to attempt to deprive Ireland of the justice which had been rendered England. Was Lord Lyndhurst to be the man who was to say to six millions of the Irish people that they should he deprived of their birth-right ?—( Cheers.) His Majesty's Ministers looked for support to the people, and, by the blessing; of God, they should have it. —( Cheers.) The resolution was then put, and declared to be carried una nimously. Mr. WEYMOUTH said that amongst all the measures of Re form that had been carried, not one brought more home to the feelings of the people of England every thing that was good and pleasant than the Reform of the Municipal Cor porations. But how was it carried? By the unanimous, strong, and uncompromising efforts of the people, and the efforts of an honest Administration.—( Loud cheering.) They had done their duty in supporting the resolution that had been proposed, but the object of the resolution which he had to propose was to call upon the Ministers of the country to do their duty. The Hon. Gentleman, after a few other observations, concluded by moving a resolution calling upon Ministers to fulfil their hopes, by granting all well. con sidered measures of reform.—( Loud cheers.) Dr. CARPUS said he rose to second the resolution. He had been called a Radical—he was a radical reformer. He wanted to reform every evil and to make the people happy, from the King to the lowest of his subjects.—[ Here Mr. O'Connell entered, and was received with tremendous cheering.] He would not longer detain them, but with this single observa tion, that unless Ireland was free, England could never be happy.—( Loud cheers.) The Resolution was then put and carried unanimously. Mr. YATES moved the next Resolution, to the effect that a petition be presented to the House of Commons, praying that House to reject the alterations made by the Lords in the Irish Municipal Reform Bill, and requesting the Members for the county to support the same in Parliament.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. YOUNG seconded the resolution in an able speech, and it was then put, and carried unanimously. Mr. O'CONNELL then came forward, and was received with reiterated applause. When the cheering had subsided the Honourable and Learned Gentleman pro ceeded to address the meeting. He came to them simple as he was—( A laugh)—to boast of the wisdom of the House of Lords.—(Great laughter.) They would not pass the Irish Corporation Reform Bill, because they were afraid of creat ing agitation—( Renewed laughter)—and accordingly this was the second meeting of Englishmen that had been agitating within the last hour.—(Tremendous cheers.) He had come from the great meeting at Finsbury—he had met that day another congregation of Englishmen—he had told them that he was Counsel for Ireland, and they had pronounced an unanimous verdict in favour of his country. If there had been an appeal lodged to that meeting, he thought that they would confirm their decision.—(Tremendous cheering.) And so they ought.—(Renewed cheering.) Would they feel less peaceful, or less secure, if the interests of sixteen millions of Britons, and of eight millions of Irish, were placed under the same sacred protection—if they were bound together by the same interests, and knitted up by a community of affection. But it was not to their interests that he would appeal—he would appeal to their generous, to their great and just feelings ? England had Corporate Reform—Scotland had Corporate Reform—and should it be refused to Ireland ?—( No, no.) All they wanted was perfect equality between the three countries. Was there not a Legislative Union ? Yes, there was a parch ment one.-- . L( Laughter and cheers.) For a considerable por tion of his life he had endeavoured to rend that parch ment union—why ? Because he was unable to raise suf ficient English attention to the real nature of the sufferings of Ireland, and the oppression she endured. Did he wish for it now? God forbid.—(Loud cheers.) He had wanted to alter the parchment union into a real union, and the House of Lords had, in their extreme wis dom, reduced the question to such a narrow compass, that no man in existence could misapprehend it ; they had reduced it to a question of right or wrong, tyranny or liberty, slavery or freedom.—( Loud cheers.) It had been said upon the discussion on reforming, the House of Commons, that if the House of Commons was reformed, the demagogues, and he was reckoned among them —( Laughter) —would immediately insult the House of Lords, that they would threaten and menace them and bully them, until such time as they forced a collision.—( Hear.) That had been said by Sir Charles Wetherell, who spoke for five hours without expressing a single idea, The House of Commons had not sought a collision, it had not attacked the Lords, on the contrary it had shewn great forbear ance—he would almost say timidity.—(Hear, hear, hear.) They had kept back as long as they could, but his friends, the Lords, had insisted upon collision ; and the collision had come. How were Englishmen to bear it ? They were upon their trial now. The House of Lords bad said there should not be justice done to Ireland. He heard with his own ears Lord Lyndhurst say, that Corporate Re form was not to be conceded to Ireland, because the Irish people were aliens in blood, aliens in religion, and aliens in affection.—(Cries of " Shame, shame.") Was there ever such a traitor to the Throne and the people as Lord Lyndhurst?—(Loud cheers and cries of " Never.") Was not that speech, a speech for the repeal of the union, as far as he could carry it ? As to religion, that was an affair between man and his God. - (Tremendous cheer ing.) And (exclaimed Mr. O'Connell) I bless my God that we are standing here, three of us, a Jewish gentleman on ono side, a Protestant gentleman on the other, and I a Catholic in the centre.--(Loud cheering.) It had en said that religion made men quarrel among t h e mselves, f o but that was the religion of demons—it was the religionr those who trafficked in pensions, places , and offices.---(H h a t the hear, and cheers. ) Lord Lyndhurst had said that Irish were unfit for and unworthy of Corporate Reformll . him nothing else before Englishmen, that he li ed in his tee e He would tell the miscreant Lord Lyndhurst, for be could ctahll. That might be said to be harsh language, but langua which Englishmen have used, if any man dared tohtaavi; them they were unfit for liberty ? Why, they would ha es, used no language at all, but have flung him into the Thames, and the Scotch—how many bright glamours would have shone s in the sun if he had dared to have used such language toward them ?—( Cheers.) Therefore they should not blame the Irish they for reviling, they used daggers in their words, because used none other. Why did they use such daggers? Because they looked to the support and justice of Englishm e n, d re- • Irishmen would not have borne the insu lts they ba or , ceived if Englishmen had not assisted them. —(Cheers. He had the pleasure to tell them that the King's Governme.: had done what became them, for they had dete rmined to kick out every word the Lords had put in.—( Loud che ers.) Not _ a letter of Lyndhurst's would remain in it—not a scratch o: his ugly pen.—( Laughter.) Out it should go—root and branc tag-rag and bob-tail. —( Shouts of laughter.) Huzza, then, for the Government !—(Tremendous cheering.) That wa! what the Government would do, and they deserved to be supported by the people of England. If a Tory stood forward to solicit their votes let them say , t° him, " Knave, you have robbed] the Irish p eople, and cannot be an honest man."—( Cheers.) The word Tory was Irish, and signified robber, and therefore the Tor ies were what the Lords considered the worst species of robbers—lrish robbers. He would not call them English, but un- English rob-: bers. The King's Ministers were determined to be right, and had put a little honey on the lip of the cup—they had given eleven towns perfect Corporations, and in the others the fran chise was to be diminished from ten to five houses ; and with these alterations the Bill was to go back. What then would the Lords do—that was the question ?—( Loud cries of " Hear, bear, hear.") He (Mr. O'Connell) would answ er it — they would swallow the Bill and no one would thank them for it.—( Loud cheering.) He had heard too much of the firm shout of Englishmen to have any doubt upon the sub ject—the Lords would yield to apprehension what they re fused to justice.--( Shouts of applause.) The Lords m ust yield to the wishes of the people, because, if not, they would bring on a collision.—(Cheers.) Tke representations of the people had, under the most unfavourable circumstances of election, twice sanctioned a Bill like the present, and if they now refuse to pass it they would insult the House of Commons—they would insult the City of London —they would insult that meeting and the people of England at large- If they dare do so let them look to the consequences.--( Hear.) When the House of Stuart and Charles I. had attempted to trample on the liberties of the people, they flew to arms. That was an unfortunate alternative, and a military despotism ensued, which left the people in a worse condition. They had done a foolish thing, by cutting off the King's head, for no man was ever the better of having his head cut off.—(Much laughter.) It was the worst species of correction. The people for that suffered under the iron reign of the Usurper Cromwell, and when James 11. afterwards attempted to trample on the rights of the people, they did not cut off his head, but they kicked him out, and left him to wander a beggar over Europe, exhibiting to the world the best possible proof that " Britons never would be slaves."—(Loud cheering.) The result was that the King was now safe, and never did any man deserve so well to be safe as he who signed the Reform Bill.—(Loud cheers.) That reminded him that the King was far more safe with the Reformers than with the Tories. They would all remember the year 1830, when the King, having then Tory Ministers, promised to dine with the Lord Mayor of the most loyal city in the world. Well, he did not go, and why? Because he was afraid? No. The House of Brunswick were bravc—( Cheers)—but because the Duke of 100 fights was afraid. The Tories were in power, and the people were excited. He had the finest troops in the world, the British Guards, but he was afraid. Did any of them think that if the present Lord Mayor were to invite his Majesty would he be in any danger ?—( No.) No, he would not. Even the gentlemen beside him (the Sheriffs) with their ornamental swords might protect him.—(Laughter.) Seriously he might proceed without a single soldier, and be received with love. That was the difference between the Tories and the Reformers.—(Cheers.) The reason was obvious—the citizens were wealthy —every one knew that the security and suc cession of his own property depended upon the security and succession of the King, who was now responsible through the Ministry. Well, then, they had reformed the Crown, which was hedged round by old associations—they had reformed the Com mons, and were the Lords alone to retain that power which was inimical to the people ? What was there about Lord Lyndhurst, what about Lord Wellington or the pious Winchilsea, that ren dered them sacred ; or what was there about the scented Lord Et lenborough—(Laughter)—that tribune of the people, who would not allow the people to be taxed, yet took 9,000/. a year from thorn for merely signing his name twice a year.—(Loud chee rs.) The Lords had been foolish—they had gone to their work of de struction too soon—they ought to have waited till the Irish Church Bill was sent up to them. He remembered that Jonathan Wild used to tell his pickpockets alvrays to attend when a Methodist preacher preached, for when his hearers turned up their eyes to heaven, then was their oppor tunity to go to work.—(Laughter.) The House of Lords--their Jonathan Wilds--(Loud and continued cheers) —had all the krucreri but not the wisdom—not the common-sense of wise Jonathan.-- (Laughter.) They might have had a little good sense and it would have told them to wait a little till the Church Bill came up, and then, when the cry—of Protestantism being in dan ger—came on, some people might have turned up their eyes, and then the tricks of the Lords might have escaped that prominent notice which was now fixed upon them. They wanted. the good common sense of Jonathan, and they had put them selves now in a very wrong position. As Counsel for Ireland, he asked, then, whether they would endure that for Ireland which they would not do for themselves ?—(" No, no.") That no would frighten the Lords. The proceedings of that day would reach their Lordships. and they would see that Englishmen would insist upon justice to Ireland. They all knew the truth he believed, or it might be the fable of the serpent and the bird in natural his tory. The Lords were the serpent, and if the birds—if the eagles of creation, would only, when they saw a Lord passing say, There goes a knave, b ecause an un j us t man , a d en yer of justice—there goe s a repealer of the union, because he will not make that union s' just one." Let them only suffer for one week in that 01 under the eyes of Englishmen, and they could not endure it' All great changes should be made by the expression of public ovi nion.—(Cheers.) Like the electricity of heaven, it would ' from man to man, and the electric shock within them W OO lead them to exclaim, Justice, justice, justice !"—( Loud cheers.) He had tried the experiment already and had found it succeed' he had been one of those who had succeeded in placing the Protestant Dissenters of the country within the pale of the Constitution—(Loud cheers)—even before those who profes se " his own religion.—(Continued cheering.) The country had sue: ceeded in putting down the hero of Waterloo, and the deceitful Peel.—(Great cheering.) How was that done ? By the f orce of public opinion, and a reformed House of Commons.—(Chee rs.) The House of Lords had placed themselves in the same positi° a and as sure as to-morrow's sun would rise, so sure, if they w e against the people, their downfall would come.—(Cheers.) 1 -' °° "" at Portugal, look at Russia, see what had been effected there; le t England only do ju s tice to herself, and she might defy all the tyrants upon earth.—( Great cheering, amid which the Hon. a n Learned Gentleman left.) Mr. YATES then came forward to propose certain resolutions with respect to the coal trade. The question for the considerat io l of the meeting was whether they should have coal at a fair al proper price, or whether they should be subject to the payments. 0% 30 or 40 per cent. more than the coal was worth ?—(Chee, He called upon the meeting, as friends of humanity and the po°r' to join in the resolution. of Mr. Under-Sheriff Pearson read the resolutions, the effect f which were to give to the city of London an unrestricted suppll c'e good coal, and increased facility for the importation of Seaborn coal. Mr. BULWER seconded the resolution amid cheers and his se a He had no doubt as Englishmen, even those who had hissed , would hear him.—( ) Hear and cheers. If he was befor e them as his own constituents, he should be happy to address them every part of his conduct.—(Loud cheers, and cries 0, o f pension list.) Aye, even the Pension List, and every farthing of it.—(Cheers and hisses.) Was it upon a question of this O that the meeting was about to cry down the man who representra; many of them. With respect to Irish Corporation Reform, o i' W th , whether the people were to be governed by the House people, or the House of Lords.—(Cheers.) It was not thefreli_- gion of Protestantism, but the policy of Protestantism, that wiais be maintained in Ireland.—( ' Cheers.) Shepherds were son tto the Irish flock, not to feed, but to fleece the pair" Ireland, and to deprive them of justice.—(Loud cheNerrosry, with respect to the coal question. Old mines were now in from which coal was obtained at an enormous expense; mines were now to be obtained from which coal was to be o btain.,_ at one half the expense, and the question was whethetir tril.3 people should have the cheap or the dear coal.—( ile s s for In order to explore the county it was necessary to have carrying out the coals. For this purpose two rail-roads wraereea?tr duced. and if they were carried those persons who had at present: monopoly in the coal trade would lose it. It could not bedo_utster! that every attempt would be made to defeat these measures Dei" o . f_tt° the House of Commons , This was th e p ith and marrow question before them. The Hon. Gentle man concluded by to. ing them for the indulgent hearing they had given him. _„.. Mr. Sheriff LAwsoN said that this was a question which lt pealed to every fire side, and he w as sure they would all suPr' it.—( Loud cheers. ) The resolutions were then put and carried unanimously. Mr. G. BING came forward, and was received with Lou n to He said he had always felt a p leasure in coming among themwould receive their instructions.—(Cheers.) He thought the nh hickr t. wish he was so fiftyk no years that a rs a ago. — i r (ve Cheers.)ry old eprrheesrcen was t a t i v n e o was qu e s t t li ,i o e tn s o a ,n v he could possibly feel stronger than on anything relat in, Ire o th or our he had always felt that Ireland must be either our streng l l treated. weakness.—(Cheers.) No country had ever been so . floy, a rid Everything that had been granted had been granted spa b r e i cordiallY it was inconsistent to believe that that country could (G real united to England if they did not do complete justice.a cheering.) He was entitled to it. He would therefore s r ? rt a t n h a y resolutions they had passed that day with their heart and 0 " as long as he was spared—as long as his heart beat — his best for them and for Ireland.—( Great cheering. ) Sheriffs, and the A resolution of thanks was then voted to the She _ ed thanks, vv., meeting, after Mr, Sheriff Salomons had return adjourned. to'' takes niace M. de Bcriot's Morning Concert . wo uld do morrow at the King's Theatre. A s the musicae have n antes he announces are very attractive, IN .he Concert will be well attended. e orm- Po rf doubt (finvEnTISEMENT• ) W A T C 11 B S. BROAD, Watchmaker, Deceased. 1' Cr) T. —X SAyoRY, 47, Cornhill, having purchased of the Executors of Wm. Broad, Watchmaker, lat STOCK, enhall-street , deceased, the whole of the SPLENDID consisting of GOLD and SILVER WATCHES, offers them at prices highlY advantageous to Purchasers. The whole are arranged, eacl. having the price attached, and may be seen by application to T. Cox SAVORY, Goldsmith, Silversmith, and Watchmaker, 47, Cornhill, London. London : Printed an d Published b y MURDO YOUNG. of S . ' 112, Strand, at The Sun Offices We. 112, Strand,in the coot,' of Middlesex. EMI