The Sun. — London, England, 1844-07-13 00:00:00

Obirbi Mixttion SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock THE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES BRITISH FUNDS. Bask Stock 199% Indian Stock. 285 3 per Cent. Red lOO% Ditto Bonds ...... ......... 94 pm. 3 per Cent. Cons. 3% per Cent. Red 102% Ditto New Annuities ... New 3% per Cent lO2 Ex. Bills, 1,0001. 1%d... 76 pia New 5 per Cent. i Ditto 5001. Long Annuities to expire 1 Ditto Small 7B pm. Jan 1410 12)4 Bank Stock for Acct.... Oct. 1859 l2 5-16 'Consols for Opg. 99X Jan. IWO ...... FOREIGN FUNDS. Austrian, 5 per Cent lPortuguese, 5 per Cent — Belgian, 5 per Cent....., ..... 104 ;Ditto, New Ditto — Brazilian Bonds Buenos Ayres, 6 per Cent.— Russian, 5 per Cent. ..... ...... Chllian, 6 per Cent ..... Colombian, 6 per Cent Ditto, 1924 ....... ... . ........... . Ditto, 3 per Cent 32% Cuba Bonds, 6 per Cent — Ditto, Deferred ..... ........ ..... Danish, 3 per Cent — French, 5 per Cent —f —c. Greek, 16.5, 5 per Cent — Exchange —f. —c. Mexican, 5 per Cent Ditto, 6 per Cent., 183'7 Dutch, 2% per Cent.... 61% Peruvian, 1625, 6 per Cent 26 ' Ditto, 5 per Cent ....,....101)4 SHARES. Birmingham and Gloucester (100 paid) 99 Chester and Holyhead ( 5 paid) Dublin and Cashel, 2% paid Eastern Counties (23 paid) ;.... .... Ditto Registered (816 s Bcl paid) Great Western (75 paid) Ditto Half Shares, 50 paid 79 London and Birmingham (Stock) London and Brighton (50 paid) London and South Western (411. 6s. 10d. paid) Manchester and Leeds (70 paid) ......... .......... Midland Counties (100 paid) 973 . South Eastern and Dover (33 2s 4d paid) ..... Ditto New Shares ( 4 paid) Trent Valley, '2 paid 9% Yarmouth and Norwich (18 paid) York and North Midland (50 paid) Ditto Half Shares (25 paid) : 5l Paris and Orleans (20 paid) IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. POOR-LAW AMENDMENT BILL. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM said the principle could be applicable only to the metropolis and to large cities, not to rural districts. He had endeavoured to word the clause so as to carry out this object, and this object alone. If, however, it was thought the words were not sufficiently stringent or precise, he would very willingly snake any alteration that might be desirable, in order to leave no doubt whatever upon the intentions of Par liament. Colonel RUSHBROOK said no county furnished better means of education by national and parochial schools than that which he had the honour to represent, and therefore the Hon. Me mber for Finsbury was greatly mistaken when he ascribed the recent incendiary tires to the deplorable ignorance of the people. Mr. It PALMER said he had yet to learn that it was desirable to extend to the whole of the poor children of England the same extent of education as was given in the school at Norwood. The great point was to make them good subjects and good Christians—(Hear, hear) —and that was all Parliament ought to attempt to do for them. Mr. BANKES said that the state of the poor in the rural districts was not quite so bad as supposed by the lion. Member for Finsbury. He spoke from his own experience of the decrease of offences among the juve ni;e poor in the country. as s :. HAWES was surprised to find that the clause did not apply to the rural districts, where there was far greater need of education than among the populous manufacturing localities, to which they were now told the etfect of the provision was to be confined. It seemed to him to be a matter of reproach and shame to the Government that they stepped in to prevent the education of the poor in the rural districts.—(Cheers.) For what purpose this was done he knew not, but to stint the education of the lower orders in the rural dis tricts appeared to him to be a cause of shame to her Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he was very anxious to exclude all unnecessary heat from this discussion ; but he could not conceive on what ground, if he had any regard for truth, the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had thought fit to make an attack upon himself and the Government, for shrinking from spreading education amongst any class of her Majesty's sub jects.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman admitted that it was a salutary principle that children should not be removed more than a moderate distance from their friends ; and it was an inevitable consequence of that admission that the clause could not be applied to the rural districts with due regard to the feelings of those concerned.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. HAWES said he did not understand the Right Hon. Gentleman. He said that he (Mr. Hawes) would not make a certain statement if be had any regard for truth. Did the Right Hon. Gentleman mean to say, that he was in the habit of making statements without knowing that they were founded in truth ?—(Cheers.) • Sir J. GRAHAM said what be had intended was, that if the Hon. Gentleman meant to make a deliberate charge against himself or the Government, that they s e;ahed to restrict the education of the poor, he made a charga which he could not substantiate, with regard either to truth or justice.—(Ministerial cheers.) Mr. IL.A.WES said the Right Hon. Gentleman had somewhat altered his words.—(Cries of " No, no.") The Right Hon. Gentleman now said that if he had made any such statement he was not able to substantiate it ; but it so happened that he had used no such words, and therefore the Right Hon. Gentleman was himself making a statement which had no foundation in truth. The CHAIRMAN was understood to say that the lion. Member having stated that he had not intended to make the imputation, the matter might be suffered to rest.—(Hear, hear.) Sir J. GRAHAM said that he never designed to give * ,-ersonal offence to any gentleman in that House; but the Hoe,: Gentleman had unnecessarily used a taunt against t h e G„ vernment, which did not appear to him to be jus tified b y ,-,, , nything which they had either said or done, and which is,as not founded in fact. If he had used the word " untruth ; " it was an expression somewhat stronger than the rules of the House permitted, and to t ' lose rules he was certainly bound to adhere.—(Hear.) Mr. lIAWES said no one had received more courtesy floe/ the Right Hon. Gentleman than himself, and he was g -Ip(1 that he had now removed from his mind a painful impression. —(Hear, hear.) Mr. ItARBY said the sole question was whether the principle of this clause was, or was not, applicable to the rural districts. He was certainly of opinion that it was not. fle hoped that his Hon. and Gallant Friend would with draw his opposition to the clause. He could not admit 11 ;aat education was neglected in all unions. He knew sey e. -al union schools in which the children were admi rably well taught. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary* for the Home Department was possibly right in th coui which he had adopted ; and if it were at e tempted to apply the clause to the rural districts it would t , e a facture. Colonel WOOD was not disposed to stint the educa tion of the people. In the workhouse with which he was ucamnected there was a schoolmaster and mistress, with G/. a year each, and board and lodging, and the mis ts Nees had an evening school for adult females.—(Hear, he. an) He withdrew the amendment. V. VERNON SMITH thought that in the rural distr lets such an education as was the object of this clause was more needed than in the large towns. In the rural s listricts, the education of the children was very much n , 'elected.—(No, no.) He did not accuse any gentleme, a of neglect in his own particular district ; but he found t. he greatest difficulty in the parish in which he resided t o promote education, and he met with every kind of obs truction. The interpretation which the Right Hon. Baronet put upon the clause, fame upon hi n.l (Mr. Vernon Smith) by surprises 'There was noth:n,'s in the clause which could lead any cane to think that t 1 e rural districts were to be excluded. Sir J . GRAHAn said that it was his object to ex clude the rural districts, • but he proposed to introduce an amendment in the 25th eine, which would enable rural parishes to unite for the' purpose of forming district schools.---(Hear, hear.) Lord J. MANNERS objected to the omission from the clause of may authority by whore the teachers were to be appointed, In the 38th efause, there was a pro vision to place the schools under the control of the Con'aniseioners. Why was that ? Whereas there was already in this country, a constituted and conse crated body, to which the education of the people ught to have been intrusted.—(Hear, hear.) T.'ie effect of this measure would be to spread over the whole country one general system of Dutch education. which would eraklica:e all those feelings of home and famil.,7 affection, n non which the well .being of the corn munitr mainly deisoded. Mr. ,M. MILNES ~'greed with his Noble Friend that the Church ought to haa'e the education of the people com mitted to their care. 13ut he also thought that it was the duty of the State to step in and supply the defi ciency of ths Church. He would not refusse to give the people all the education he could, if he coo 1d not give them all that he wished. He would give the abuse his full support. Mr. CHILDERS would certainly oppose the omission of the words. Mr. M‘GEACHY would, if he thought it were in tended to establish secular education, most decidedly aoppose the plan, but hoping that the Government would , nsent to the proviso, of which he had given notice, for a p t ,ointing cha plain, he should support it. asTr. VERIKION . SMITH thought as it was intended to co, 'fine the open Ation of the plan to certain towns, that it had better be so a tated in the clause. Aftels a few wor ds from Kr. Stafford O'Brien, Mr. Peter B t 'rthwick, and ..Mr. Gaily gnight, Lord HENNIKER s,':ated, in reply to the observa tions of the lion. Membes • for Finsbury, that the state of • education in Norfolk and Suffolk was much improved in comparit 'on with what it had been. With regard to the incendia rism in those counties, it had no snore to do with the pea ,r-laws than it had to do with any Hon. Member of th at House. Colonel SI BTHORP said he was really surprised to hear the inefli il,iency of education stated as the cause of the incendiary fires in Norfork and Suffolk. This was mot the cause. For his part he not only wished to see the poor well ea 'ucated, but ho wished to see them well.. homed and wa. fed.—(Hear.) That was a better way of hindering ince. ndiary fires than by turning the Poor law Commissionei 's into tutors.—(Laughter.) The gallery Wa then cleared for a division, and the House divideck, whe n there appeared — For this amea idment 26 Again st it ... lajoritys ----77 In answer to a question from Mr. S. O'BRIEN, Sir J. GR2 LHAM said it was not intended to extend the benefit of, these schools to children whose parents sv,sre not pa; s ee rs. Oa the c] , as amended, being put, Mr. 1. BORTHWICK moved that it be omitted. Mr. FERRAND had no doubt that the Government would be able to carry the clause; he therefore wished to put a question to the Right Hon. Baronet with re gard to it. He wished to know what was the meaning of the word " chargeable ?" If it meant the casual poor, and would apply to the children of the casual poor, it would make a great difference compared with the chil dren of permanent paupers. There were an immense number of the poor who were only chargeable once or twice a-year. Sir J. GRAHAM said the case put by the Hon. Member for Knaresborough applied to persons receiving out-door relief, and it was clear if they gave their con rent to their children going to the school, the clause did include them. Mr. FERRAND—Did the education cease when the parents ceased to become chargeable ? Sir J. GRAHAM said, of course, it would, except so far as they were excluded by the 39th clause. Mr. HENLEY said he was more:confirmed by this con versation in his resolution to vote against the clause. No provision was made by the Bill for a cler gyman of the Established Church having anything to do with the children, although the next clause positively prohibited any licensed Dissent ing preacher from having access to the school at all times. There was not one word authorising a clergy man of the Church interfering with the children at all, and it should be remembered, that in many of the unions there was no chaplain. He should certainly feel it to be his duty to vote against the clause. Sir J. GRAHAM said there was in this measure the introduction of no new principle whatever. He had proved that he was favourable to the appointment of chaplains by proposing a clause to that effect last year. He would now give notice that on clause 38 he would move that every district board should appoint within the said district at least one chaplain of the Established Church as one of the paid officers of such district, who should be empowered to superin tend the religious instruction of the infant poor, under the control of such district board. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the Committee divided, when there appeared— For the clause lO7 Against it 1 Majority in favour of the clause —lO6 Mr. WAKLEY gave notice that as soon as the Speaker should resume the chair, he would call the at tention of the House to something which had passed in the course of debate. Lord JOHN MANNERS, in relation to the division, explained that he was the unfortunate person who had gone out alone into the lobby on the division. Sir J. GRAHAM moved that the Chairman should report progress, and ask leave to sit again on Monday, at twelve o'clock. He proposed that the Committee should rise at four on Monday. Mr. FERRAND had given notice of a motion, that children under seven years of age should not be sepa rated frcm their parents, but as it was useless to pro pose any motion if the Government were determined to oppose it, he would, if the Right Hon. Gentleman stated that he should not agree to it, not take the trouble of proposing it, as it would be perfectly useless. The House then resumed, and the CHAIRMAN re ported progress. On the motion that the Committee have leave to sit again on Monday at Twelve, Mr. WAKLEY rose and spoke as follows :—I have been a Member of this House for nine years, and during that time, I don't recollect that any Hon. Mem ber has indulged in any personal insinua tion against me. My object has always been to confine myself to the question before the House, and never to utter a single word that should give any indi vidual pain. I cannot say that always such conduct has been extended to me. On one occasion only have I complained; but when matters connected with my pri vate life are touched upon—when imputations have been cast upon me which I believe to be ill-founded — it is my duty to ask for some explanation. It occurred to me to make so ne remarks upon the state of education in the rural districts, I alluded particularly to Norfolk and Suffolk. I think. I also mentioned Middlesex, so that I made no invidious distinction. I had no intention, in the remarks which I made, of reflecting on any Hon. Member, or on the connexions of any Hon. Member. —(Cheers.) (The Hon. Member was here considerably affected, and paused for a minute.) He then continued. I have had during my life my difficulties to contend with, I came to this town an unknown man, and had to fight my own battles.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I have reared a large family of children. I have to complain of the remarks which. the Honourable Member for Norfolk made in reply to my observations. The language which the Hon. Member for Norfolk used in the conclusion of his speech was this :—" No one is more capable to give an opinion on the subject of incendiarism than the Honourable Member for Finsbury himself." Now, Sir, it is too hor rible to suppose that any one, especially a Mem ber of the House, meant directly to accuse me of incendiarism, and it is horrid to suppose that any gentleman should do so without being provoked by any thing I have said. I know, Sir, that every man who has been engaged in the work of reform, as I have been, must be prepared for attacks on his public character. But I was not lrepared to expect an unfair attack on in) private character.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I never fought a battle unfairly in my life.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, there is not an act of my life, from the first moment of my existence, that I would not court inquiry into. And if any gentleman desires to go into the investigation, I will give him every facility in my power for pursuing the inquiry in the most minute manner. But, Sir, if I did not dare to ask for an expla- nation of these words, I could not dare to enter into this House again.--(Cheers.) Sir, I am quite ready to go into an inquiry of the matter to which it is possible the words of the Hon. Member might refer. I have nothing to fear from the inquiry, but I have everything to fear from the unanswered imputation, which is the foulest calumny that ever was cast upon the character of man. I do not want to make this a matter of private quarrel, but I have a right to ask the Honourable Member what meaning he attached to those words when he applied them to me. And before I receive the answer, I will state the circumstances connected with the transaction to which the Hon. Mem per's observation seemed to apply. I was attacked in my own house, which was on fire. I brought an action against the insurance company. Lord Tenterden was my judge, and every farthing for which I went against the company was awarded by the jury, arid was paid to me—(Loud cheers) — and one of the jurors, who was himself a proprietor in the company, after the trial, joined my friends, and joined with them in paying my expenses, as between attorney and client. That fact was stated in the public newspapers at the time. Sir, I suffered very much then, and have since suffered much film the aspersions which have been cast upon me. I trust that the House will not think that I have trespassed unnecessarily on its time.-- (Cheers.) I have made this appeal with the greatest pain, but I do not throw myself on the humanity or considera tion of the House but upon its sense of justice—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—and therefore I call on the Honour able Member for Norfolk to state the meaning in which he used these words—(Hear, hear)—and I ask him further, for my sake, not to shirk the subject ; but if he knows anything injurious to my character, to state it without reservation.—(The Hon. Member sat down amidst loud cheering.) Mr. WODEHOUSE said—l rejoice that I have af forded the Hon. Gentleman an opportunity of giving a distinct explanation on a subject which has so lung re mained in doubt. I have no hesitation in stating that I did refer to the occurrence upon which the lion. Gentleman has given the explanation ; and I do feel it to be my bounden duty to tender him an apology on these grounds, and on these grounds only. The Right Hon. Gentleman has stated in the face of the House, that there was not a single fact connected with that transaction which has not been brought before a court of justice, and sati.factorily determined. Having made this apology, I may be permitted, Sir, to tell the Hon. Gentleman, and those with whom he acts, and those who take the same course that he does, that they are too lavish in accusing landlords and their tenantry of selfish ness ; and I take this opportunity of declaring that these aspersions are such that we are not able to bear them any lorger. I hope the House is satisfied with what I have stated.—(Hear, hear.) The question was then put that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the Poor-laws on Monday, at Twelve o'clock.—Agreed to. The House then adjourned. BIRMINGHAM ELECTION. BIRMINGHAM, SATURDAY MORNING. The polling commenced this morning at eight o'clock, The following is the result at forty minutes past nine:— Scholefield 231 Sturge lO4 Spooner SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. GLOBE.—The proceedings of the past week in the two -_oils have been very miscellaneous, and none of them of marked importance. Progress has been made in important Bills, the discussion on which offer no lively feature; and on the other hand, unimportant matters have called forth some consi derabie excitement. Mr. Gladstone has secured the carrying of hip Railways and Joint-stock Companies Bills—the former after a debate occupying two nights, in which the subject has been treated with great ability by Members on both sides, and after co ntenting to 20Mit material alterations. Further progress has been made with the Poor-law Bill in Com mittee ; and after some oppition to a proposal to meet again to .day to proceed with the Committee, Sir Ro bert Peel made out so alarming a case o f probability that the session might yet last long enough to inter fere with grouse-shooting, as at once to silence opposi tion ; and the House of Commons is accordingly vigo rously at work, as we write, clearing the way for timely en joyment of the moors. The Bank Charter Bill has gone through Committee iu the Lords; and Lord Powis has formally with drawn the St. Asaph and Bangor Bill, but not without strong protests against the conduct of the Government in relation to the Bill, even from some Peers who had joined with the Government in opposing it on its merits. The condemna tion of Lord Clanricarde, a general opponent of the Go vernwent, was not more strong than that of Lord Mount.edgecumbe, one of their best and trustiest friends. An opposition of a very unusual character to the Dis senters' Chapels Bill is threatened to be renewed in the course of next week, on the question of agreeing to the Com mons' amendments; and it appears that Members of the House of Lords who had previously supported the Bill have since changed their opinions, runt are to join in this unusual mode of opposition ; but we rejOiee to know that the opposi tion will be fruitless. 4.nd the Bill is Safe, STANDARD.—We save copied from the Morning Herald a valuable statement (in continuation) of the comparative strength of this British lind French navies. The Herald had previously given th.e statement of the s hip s o f the line respectively belonging to the two nations. We entirely concur in the hope expressed by our morning contemporary, that such a statement will not be misunderstood as prompted by arrogance, or by any other motive Cum the wish to satisfy the THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 13, 1644. , country, that the great defence of the British empire is not neglected by its rulers. At home indeed the exhibition is in no danger of being productive of anything but good : with us it is proverbial that "strong men begin no brawls," for it is the Englishman's instinct always to repose upon the consciousness of strength and superiority, not to exer cise them. We are confident that the first conclusion drawn by nine-tenths of the readers of the article referred to has been something like this—Well, thank Heaven, there is little danger of war with any Euro ropean power for another thirty years. It is only when the safety of his country, or its honour, seems to be in doubt, that the Englishman is uneasy or irritable. Nor are we very apt to take alarm upon slight grounds. When, four years ago, M. Thiers took occasion to pick a quarrel with us, and took measures for placing about one million and a quarter of men under arms, the most perfect calm and good humour prevailed in Eng land—and even now we contemplate without the least dis satisfaction, a French standing army of 600,000 men ;—not certainly underrating the military efficiency of the gallant people who so lately overran the continent of Europe, but confident in the good sense of its intelligent classes, that they will not allow the resources of their country to be again squandered in conquests that must be, from the nature of things, but temporary, and therefore useless. The truth is, that we have long ceased to regard our neighbours as natural enemies, how haruly soever some of them may occasionally speak of us. On the other hand, we feel that we are natural allies in the most sacred of all worldly services, the service of civilisation and liberty. In this service each country has received from Providence its peculiar mission, explained in its special capabilities—France to protect the liberty and the civilisa tion of Europe, by her numerous and high-spirited popula tion ; but England on the other side may say to her neigh bour— " Non Him imperium pelagi scevumque tridentem, Sed mihi sorte datum." England claims by her commerce, her naval power, and her innate love of freedom, to emancipate and to civilise through gentle means the ruder portion of the human race. It is impossible to overrate the blessing to the whole of mankind of the entente cordiale between England and France, at which some of the incen diary party in Paris affect to be so indignant, and about which our English incendiaries are so facetious. This entente cordiale, however, can long subsist only between equals treating each other as equals ; and cer tainly it will be most secure in each of the parties knowing the actual amount of its own and of the other's power. Such knowledge is, however, best communicated by such pacific expositions as that we copy to-day. Sir Charles Napier, we know, thinks differently from us ; he would prove the power of England by a huge squadron in the Mediterranean, just at the moment when it might by accident fall into hostile collision with the ships of France, and at the time when it would certainly inflame the war fever and strengthen the war-party in the neighbouring kingdom. At a late meeting of the Chamber of De puties, a false suggestion that the British Govern ment had done that very thing which Lord Minto and Sir Charles Napier insisted upon its doing, namely, had sent a commanding fleet to Morocco, was made the ground of grave accusation against M. Guizot. The French Foreign Minister was happily enabled to assert• the falsehood of the suggestion, and thus the prudence of the British Govern ment gave to the wise Minister of the good and wise French King the power of defeating the anti-English party in France. These may seem slight matters, but, slight as they inay appear, the peace and happiness of the world and the lives of millions depend upon them. It is true that the Governments of the rival nations have little trouble to keep from quarrelling the English people, who are too conscious of their strength to be jealous; and too just and prudent to think of war upon other grounds. But all the vigilance of the Governments of both countries is required to withhold from the perverse war party in France pretexts for exciting , their too inflammable population. WILL of LORD RODNEY.—The will of the Right Hon. Lord Rodney, late of Berrington Hall, Hereford, has just been proved by the Right Hon. and Right Rev. Spencer Baron Rodney and the lion. W. P. Rodney, the brothers of the deceased. The will is too voluminous (upwards ofeixteen sheets) to admit of giving anything like an abstract. He gives to his brothers respectively 4001. and 1001. each ; to his neices, godson, and butler, 1001. each; to his s e rva nts, one year's wages (if they have been in his service five years). ' The bulk of his property seems to be left amongst various branches of his family; and in be queathing relics, &c, to friends and others, a s t o k ens o f hi s esteem, he particularly mentions " four brass ealmone, taken by my grandfather from the Spaniards," which have long been objects of peculiar interest at Berrington Hall. He expresses a strong desire to be buried either at " Somer set, Hereford, Southampton, or Kensal Green Cemetery," but leaves the choice to his executors. The funeral he directs to be strictly private, and his coffin "to be carried on men's shoulders." The will is dated September, 1843, and the personal property is sworn under 12,0001. PLUNDER OF Henry Os borne was finally examined before Major Allen, J. C. Strode and J. Borer, Esqrs., the sitting magistrates at Brighton, on Thursday, on a charge of procuring by fraudulent represen tations, a considerable number of copies of the Sussex Ad vertiser. It was elicited, in the course of the examination, that in October, 1843, Mr. Bacon, proprietor of the Sussex Advertiser, received a letter from James Osborne, Edward street, Brighton, requesting to be employed as a news-agent, with a quire of the papers weekly. The papers were accord ingly sent for several weeks, but no remittance following, in quiries were instituted, and the prisoner was found to have left Edward- street. Shortly after this Mr. Bacon received mother letter, from "James Horsfield, jun., Albion -street, Brighton," for four papers weekly, which were supplied. Again no remittance followed, and further inquiries led to the discovery of an extensive system of newspaper robbery, and the prisoner's apprehension. Proof was given that these let ters, and various others found in his house, in both names, and all requesting a supply of newspapers, were in the pri soner's handwriting. He had distributed his favours with strict impartiality, for during the fortnight he has been in custody, copies of nearly every paper in the kingdom, Lon don and provincial, have arrived, forming in the aggregate, as many as would fill a bushel. His plan was, to go himself, or send his children, to the post-office for the papers in a variety of names, and then to sell them at 2d. or 3d. per lb. After deliberating a short time, the magistrates remanded the prisoner, in order to give time for the preparation of the depositions ; and he was then committed for trial at the next sessions HONEST TRADE.—No less than ninety-one indi viduals were fined in different sums on Tuesday last, at Wol verhampton, before H. Hill and G. Briscoe, Esqrs., for de fective weights, unstamped weights and measures, and unjust scales. A sad deficiency in the balance of social honesty. The steam-engine and the schoolmaster may be up and abroad ; but slow going, "according to Cocker," really looks better than this.—Ten Towns Messenger.. _ _ A field of peas, seven acres, called the " Nimble Taylor," at Bemerton, adjoining Fisherton Anger, belonging to Mr. m. Cottlo, of the former place, has been cut and carried this fortnight. Both wheat and barley in the neigh bourhood of Salisbury are looking exceedingly well, and promise an excellent crop, and also an early harvest.— Sher bor ne Journal, July 11. The late William Stephenson, Esq., of Stamford, has secured by deed, for building a church in Deeping Fen, Lincolnshire, 4,000/. ; for keeping it in repair, 11001. ; for income for the minister, 5,0001.; total, 9,200/.—Doncaster Gazette. IMPEIttALPARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 12. Several petitions were presented against tho Dis senters' Chapels Bill. DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNkpre;;Ted petitions from various places in favour of the Commons Amend ments to the Dissenters' Chapels Bill. Noble Friend's notice, that he intended to enter into the question of the Sinde territory, but he thought that his inquiry would relate solely to the question of the Pun jeub. He (the Earl of Ripon), however, would advert the whole of the topics which had been introduced by the Noble Marquis. His Noble Friend had said thatle spoke entirely upon public rumour as to certain operations that were going on. Now, public rumour in this in stance, as was generally the case, had greatly exagge rated the truth. The rumour it appeared was, that an army of 80,000 men was collecting in the Punjaub for the purpose of invading and conquering that country. He could tell his Noble Friend that this rumour was en tirely without foundation. He knew of no army being in existence in that part of the world, except that which was under the command of Sir C. Napier. With respect to our military force in the north-west, it was right, perhaps, that be should rake a few remarks. It was perfectly well-known that within the last few years it had been deemed indispensably necessary that a large portion of the military force in the Presidency of Bengal should be concentrated in the north-west provinces. Everybody who was at all acquainted with India knew that that portion of our territory was most liable to sudden attack. It was, therefore, indispensably neces sary at all times that it should be an object of care, and it would be obvious to everybody who considered for a moment the actual condition of the Punjaub, that that part of our territory ought not to be left without ade quate means of self-protection, particularly when it was recollected that that country immediately joined the Sutlej. It would be recollected, too, that the affairs of the Lahore settlement were administered by an ind.pen dent chief, who ruled remarkably well. That country was now very flourishing, and cultivation, he understood, had greatly extended ; and this very circumstance was likely to prove a temptation to depredators. He said, therefore, that they were bound, in good faith to the Sikhs, and by principles of public policy and justice, to take care that our position in that quarter was secure. With this object, a force was maintained there by Lord Ellenborough and the Indian Government, and he (the Earl of Ripon) could assure the House that neither the authorities in India nor at home had any wish or desire to obtain one inch of territory in that country. Their views were essentially pacific. Nobody could say, under the circumstances in which that country was placed, how soon it might be necessary to defend ourselves. or at least to defend those for whose defence the British army was supported. He trusted, however, that he had said sufficient to allay the fears his Noble Friend entertained. With respect to Sinde, his Noble Friend asked if he (the Earl of Ripon) had heard the rumour that it was intended to extend our territory still further beyond the banks of the Indus. He had never heard of such inten tion having been entertained, and he could say that no such intention was entertained—(Hear, hear)—either by means of negotiation or anything else. It was perfectly true that in the neighbourhood of Shikarpore incursions had recently been made by an armed body, and there could be no doubt that they had committed great cruel ties. But the number was small, and he trusted that measures had been taken to prevent a recurrence of such a misfortune, and that means had been adopted by which the inhabitants would be protected, and confidence estab lished for the future. The last question his Noble Friend had put to him was whether her Majesty's Government would be prepared to lay before Parliament before the end of the session, detailed information as to the state of affairs in Sinde, especially with respect to the revenue, and the power of meeting the expenditure of the country. Ile (the Earl of Ripon) was not pre pared to give his Noble Friend that assurance, although her Majesty's Government were certainly desirous of giving every information they could upon the subject. But, he certainly was not prepared to say that they were in a condition to lay the information asked for on the table of the House. The Noble Marquis must recollect the position of this country with respect to Sinde. Holding that country so recently, it would be premature to communicate any information respecting it, which, after all, might be imperfect, and, if imper fect not valuable. With respect to the revenue, he could only say that it had not equalled the expenditure, but then it must be remembered that they had been called upon to administer a perfectly new system, that was to say, a new system so far as conducting the affairs of that country upon just and reasonable principles was concerned, and in doing this they were obliged to incur considerable expense. Sickness had occurred; but it had occurred as much amongst the natives as others, and, from all he had heard, there was no reason to expect that that sickness would be of constant recurrence. There were very few parts of India in which, from time to time, sickness which was fearfully destructive did not occur. He believed he had now noticed the whole of the topics touched upon by the Noble Marquis. BANK CHARTER.• The Earl of RIPON then rose to move the order of the day for going into Committee on the Bank Charter Bill; and in doing so he said he would briefly explain the grounds upon which this measure had been sub mitted to Parliament; and in doing this it would not be necessary for him to detain their Lordships at any length in discussing the principles of currency and banking, as that subject had frequently been under con sideration in their Lordships' House. It was, however, necessary for him to state to their Lordships, in the first instance, how it happened that this question was brought before them in the present year. In the last Charter Act provision was made that the Bank Charter might extend to the year 1855, but that after the expiration of the first ten years it might be competent to Parliament, after giving notice, to revise the regulations of that Act, if circumstances should occur to require it. It was quite clear, therefore, that Parliament, at the time they passed the last Act in 1833, did not consider that the provisions of that Act were so complete or so perfect as entirely to meet the object intended, and they no doubt considered that grounds might arise, after experience had been ob tained, for the recommendation of the provisions of this Act. The provisions of the law were, that notice should be given at the expiration of ten years if it should be thought expedient to make any change; but in case no such notice should be given, then the charter was to con tinue for the full 21 years. When the period, therefore, arrived, it was competent for the Government to recon sider this question. They felt that there were many con siderations which rendered it desirable that some step should be taken for the purpose of more completely car rying out the principles upon which the Act of 1819 was framed. When the last Act was proposed, many opi nions were expressed in favour of a system still more ex clusive in its character, as regarded the power of the Bank of England, than that Act was expected to be. Many persons expressed an opinion —amongst whom fdßonitatfnu)l was his Noble Friend, then Chancell or o f t h e Exchequer (Lord Spencer)—in favour of on e b an k o f i ssue i n the country. Many persons went the l engt h of say i ng that Government itself ought to be the b an k o f i ssue. B ut this opinion did not appear to ha ve b een generally enter thought this would have policy, if it would not have been a dangerous one. He th oug h t t h ere were con stitutional objections to it. He doubted very m uch whe ther, if the Government had th a t power, i t would really measure of E veryarl o have the power of practically controlling the currency so much as this theory would suppose. He thought that there would be great risk in the Government proceeding from time to time to relax the screw upon the pressure of a supposed expes di ency- That view of the subject, therefore, having been rejected before, was certainly not adopted by her Majesty's pres en t G overnment . But they certainly did think that, looking particularly to the effect of the law both here and throughout the country, they did think it was desirable that the Bank of England should become, not the sole—because, theoretically speaking, it would be so--but the main instrument for issuing paper, of creating a paper currency, and provid ing for the wants of the country. It appeared, and expe rience confirmed it, that the principle upon which the Act of 1819 was based, was not that of trusting everything to the convertibility of paper into gold, for it did not ap pear that that simple principle had the effect of prevent ing injurious fluctuation, as was shown in 1825, when the stock of bullion in the Bank of England was almost exhausted, and the credit of the Bank was only saved by the sudden arrival at Dover of a quantity of sove reigns from the Continent. The Government felt that it was indispensably necessary that something should be done to prevent the tremendous evil of fluctuation. It appeared to them that the only safe rule upon which they could rely was the foreign exchanges. If they were against us, the gold must go out. The present measure was intended to prevent the evil of fluctuation, and he believed that it had, met with general approba tion in all parts of the country. The plan of the mea sure was, in fact, to limit the circulation of the Bank of England in the first place, and to limit the circulation of the country banks in the second. The limitation of the Bank of England they proposed to effect in this way —that they should be at liberty to issue notes to the amount of the securities which they held, and is exact proportion to the bullion they might have in their coffers. In order to effect this the Bank would be di vided into two branches—one the bank of issue and the other the bank of deposit. The amount of issue, in the first place, would be fourteen millions. It was quite ob vious that the sum of fourteen millions would be a very inadequate provision for the wants of the country ; and, therefore, it was provided that the Bank of England should be obliged to issue notes fur all gold bullion that might be brought to them for that purpose. Their Lordships would see how this stood at the pre sent moment. At the present moment the actual issue of the Bank did not exceed twenty-four millions, so that if this scheme were now in force the actual issue would be fourteen millions on securities and seven millions upon bullion. But the bullion which they now held was very nearly, if not quite, sixteen millions, so that their Lordships would see that, so far from limiting them to 21,000,0001., they might, if they thought proper, extend that issue to 3 0,000,000/. ; but he did not mean to say that it would be desirable for them to do so. This mea sure proposed to limit the issue of country banks, but there was nothing to prevent a country bank—supposing it now issued notes of its own—to prevent it from giving up the privilege, and taking to the notes-- of the Bank of England. The country bank circulation would, there fore, pro tanto, be diminished, and power would be given to the Bank to issue another number of notes on securi ties, equal to about two-thirds of the paper that should be displaced. With respect to country banks, it was proposed to restrain new banks from issuing paper. He believed that no scheme could have been devised which, would not have had some prejudicial effect, and he be lieved that the limitation which had now been taken was just and reasonable, and would answer the purpo se f or which it was designed. The actual amount of currency which might be in circulation under the provisions of this Bill was about eight millions and a half, on an average of three months. There were provisions in the Bill for securing periodical returns of the issues, and these returns would be made monthly. This he considered a very important part of the measure. He had now stated the general provisions of this Bill. The Government had been anxious to introduce as little of novelty as possible. They might have raised a question as to whether the standard should be gold or silver, and pro posed various alterations which would have been palat able in some quarters; but they did not think it would bave been expedient to introduce novelties in this melt- sure. The more he reflected on the subject, the more convinced was he that all that was wanted was to give full and beneficial effect to the Act of 1819, and to secure that certainty which it was the object of this Bill to attain. Under these circumstances, he trusted their Lordships would be prepared to go into Committee on the Bill. Lord MONTEAGLE said he did not rise for the purpose of opposing this Bill; on the contrary, it was founded on principles which he had advocated on former occasions. He thought the Government deserved in finite credit for the manner in which they had carried forward this measure. What was more striking even than the courage of undertaking to legislate on such a question was the peculiar skill with which, by a con cession here and an arrangement there, without any material deviation from the principle on which this Bill was founded, a measure of this description and mag nitude had been proposed and carried through Parlia ment with the least amount of opposition ever offerei, he believed, to a measure of that nature. Nor could he help alluding to those high authorities from whom chiefly this measure had proceeded.—(Hear, hear.) He referred not to any Parliamentary authorities, except s:) far as those authorities were to be found in evidence before the other House of Parliament ; but he alluded more els , eially to the calm, sound, and practical attention which had been given to this subject by such men as Mr. Loyd and others who had devoted their minds to this question.— (Hear, hear.) Whilst, however, he concurred in the general principles of this measure, there were some parts of it to which he could not give his consent. The Bill had been properly called a complement to the Act of 1819. There was in this country a class of persons who objected to it on that very account, and who, for that rea son, considered it likely to be productive of evil conse quences. It was unnecessary for him to go at length into the discussion of the point of difference, but he thought no one could hesitate to say that, after the events which occurred in 1797, and which were con tinued till the restoration of cash payments, it was the absolute duty of thi Legislature to restore the coin to the state in which it had previously been. He knew it was said, "Aye, it was right to restore a standard, but, in restoring the ancient standard of the country, you inflicted a great wrong on the mass of the community." If they were to restore a standard at all, he conceived that they were limited to the ancient standard.—(Hear, hear.) They heard persons say, " What an injustice you inflict on the whole community by compelling them to pay in gold coin, at the Mint price, debts contracted in paper, subject to a depre ciated currency." What an extraordinary fallacy was there in that statement.—(Hear, hear.) Did not every one whe had considere4 the subject, know that although those debts might have been contracted in a depreciated currency, they were so contracted subject to the obliga tion of paying in the full standard at the period subse quent to the restoration. There was no standard to which they could honestly revert, except the ancient one. Before he quitted this part of the subject, he could not help saying, in reply to those who were against re striction, on account or its pressure upon the productive classes, that there never was a grosser delusion than the supposition that the productive classes of this country were interested in a continued depreciation of the stan d trd. The natural effect was a rise of prices. —(Hear.) Ultimately, indeed, there might be a rise in wages, but it followed, at a long and painful interval, the rise of prices. In a depreciated currency they had an evil of the most portentous magnitude to all, but the evil pressed more severely on the labouring classes than upon any other class in the community. On this subject, as on many others, they had of late made very considerable progress ; and they were enabled to discuss it with the aid of experience. Experience had shown that many remedies hitherto relied upon were altogether valueless. Between the year 1832 and the present time, the cur rency ofthiscountry had not been managed in away which was satisfactory to the public, safe to the Bank, or con ducive to the interest of the labouring classes. They were now called upon to consider a new proposition; and they would be rash indeed, if they were to predicate the re sult. The experiment was one which the Government deserved credit for making, for it was based on autho rity which fully justified its proposal ; but looking to the peculiar circumstances of the country, the state of the manufacturing interests, and its dependence on fo reign markets, and other matters, he could not agree with his Noble Friend that they were, by passing this Bill, laying the foundation of a perfectly safe and satis f ctory state of things. But if, after the passing of this Bill, there should still be periods of pressure and diffi culty in this country, he protested against the supposition that they were all to be attributed to the work ing of this measure.—(Hear, hear.) Now, a great deal of controversy had been carried on in reference to the principles upon which this Bill was founded. They were told by some that it was perfectly absurd to imagine that any issue of promissory notes payable on demand could act upon the exchanges, or upon prices? provided the paper was convertible, and that, therefore, the mechanism of this Bill was altogether unnecessary. He could not, he confessed, adopt this theory. Would any man tell him that the doubling of the quantity of gold in the country would not have an effect upon prices. If that were the case, surely the effect with regard to paper would be the same, if that paper were convertible into gold. But this Bill was founded on the very oppo site theory, viz., that by regulating the paper currency —the promissory notes payable on demand—they regu lated all. He doubted whether there were not other things besides promissory notes and metallic coin which acted upon the currency. He believed that bills of exchange and Bank cheques acted upon the cur rency—he believed that every ingenious commercial contrivance adapted for economising prices acted upon the currency. He wished to call the attention of the House to one branch of this species of currency, which was so entirely identical with promissory notes payable on demand, that it struck him as matter of surprise, that it should have been altogether omitted from the Bill. If it were right to regulate and restrain the issue of promissory notes payable on demand, he would like to hear how the Noble Earl would discri minate between an accepted post-bill at three or seven circulation missory si ght , w a i c t c h e p a t e d g be general f e o r r a e l i in left dnr s t e t e ß n a t k a , n a d n d a p u p t r n i n . note payable on demand. He felt some anxiety on this subject, lest through an omission the provisions of the Bill should be ren dered a dead letter. The first symptom of weakness in the Irish banks was the substitution of bank post bills for promissory notes, to such an extent that the former constituted one-third of the whole circulation. The Bill seemed to him to proceed too much on the fallacy that, by regulating promissory notes, they did everything that was required. The great merit of the measure was, he conceived, its approximation to a single issue. The first effect of a restriction on the part of the Bank of England would be to raise the value of money; but that would induce other banks to issue more money, because the profit would be increased. On this point the Bank of England had been just as much to blame hitherto as the country banks. They had seen its discounts increase just at the time, and almost in the ratio, in which its bnllion was diminishing. In 1839 the amount of bullion was 8,300,000/. ; in IR4O it fell to 4,200,0001. The discounts in 1839 were 3,700,000/.; and in 1840, when the bullion had diminished nearly one half, the discounts had increased to 6,200,0001—(Hear.) Mr. Horsley Palmer himself admitted the fact) that, at the period when the amount of bullion was diminish ing, and the pressure was most felt in the market, the greatest demand was made on the Bank for accommoda • lion. If the principle of the Bill was a good one, he did not think the proper means had been chosen for carrying it into effect. It had been his fate to be Chancellor of the Exchequer at a time of great pressure, and he had had no greater difficulty in his office than was occasioned by his interference with the issues. He should un doubtedly prefer to see the separation of banks of issue more completely carried out. The Noble Lord then read an extract from a speech of Mr. Huskinson's, of which the purport was, that the withdrawal of bank notes from circulation increased the pressure in a monetary crisis, instead of diminishing it. He would next draw the attention of their Lordships to the fact that the harvests had considerable influence upon the currency. He was very well pleased to see that in this Bill some consideration was given to that view, and that the depreciation of the silver standard was not overlooked. Gold was increasing much in quantity, and on the other hand, silver was becoming so scarce, that it might have a preference as a standard—if scarcity was to be the condition of a standard, then gold. There was one consequence of the Bill which he could not un derstand, namely, that if the Bank and the Government should agree to increase the issues, the Government should go shares in the profits. He was strongly op posed to any such arrangement. It would be small comfort to a man who found his means of purchasing necessaries curtailed by this Act, that it was a symboli cal system.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Noble Lord concluded by thanking their Lordships for their indulgent hearing, and assuring them that he had not trespassed upon them from any motive of personal ambi tion or mere vanity. Lord ASHBURTON was saved some trouble by the speech of his Noble Friend who had just sat down. He must, however, dissent from the statements of his Noble Friend, that the principles of banking were less under stood in former times than now. It was of the highest importance to the morality of the people to maintain a regard for the public credit. Every one who recollected the difficulty which the country had in returning to a metallic currency, would see the fallacy of the Noble Lord's dogmas, which were de livered in a tone of authority such as to lead to the in ference that all other persons were idiots except his Noble Friend himself. The period of paper money extended over the years from 1797 to 1810, which was said to be a return to the standard abandoned in 1797. But silver was formerly the established legal tender of the country. Any man might take silver to the Mint to be coined. The Duke of WELLINGTON—OnIy up to a certain sum. Lord ASHBURTON begged the Noble Mike's par don ; that was precisely the mistake that was generally entertained. In 1774, the Act of Parliament first limited silver as a legal tender to 25/. ; but that only applied to the worn and depreciated coin of the realm. Any debt might be paid in silver at the usual rate of ss. 2d per ounce. They had lately seen a similar principle in operation in the rejection of payments in gold, if the coins were beneath the proper weight. The Act of 1774 was renewed in 1776, and again in 1783, when it was lost sight of, and was not again revived till 1786. But in 1798, there was a real prohibition applied to payments in silver ; the issue of silver from the Mint was also stopped, on ac count of an alleged temporary reduction in the price of silver, and it was feared by Lord Liverpool that silver was becoming the substitute for gold The reasons given by Lord Liverpool for this opinion were very unsatisfac tory. He said that a rich nation ought to have a rich and valuable standard, as if a man six feet in height was to be measured by a different standard from the man of five feet!—(Hear, hear.) Against this he placed the authority of Mr. Locke, who says that " Gold not the common mo ne y o f th e wor ld , nor i s it fit to be s o ." He would IiOW come to the restomtion oral° 4tanclArd—to tipit which was the old standard of England, that was to say, the standard as taken before 1798, and More the tampering with the currency, either by the Act of 1797, or by Lord Liverpool. There might possibly be some degree of equity, on a return to a state of peace, in making some allowance for the altered condition of money ; but at all events, it was unnecessary to determine on screw ing the standard up, till the debtor was made to pay the creditor more than he was liable to in the year in which the Bank Restriction Act was passed. He Contended that the debtor was entitled to acquit himself according to the ancient standard, either in one metal or the other. If they had left him alone, and merely passed an Act allowing the country to go back to the standard that then existed, the consequence would have been this— that if he had owed the Noble Lord 100/. at that time, and the debt had continued up to the present moment, he could, according to the present price of silver, have acquitted that debt for 91/. 16s. Bd. This was a proof that the return to cash payments did screw up the standard. If there was any case in which, there should be a s t a t u t e o f li m i tat i on, it should be on the subject of the currency ; they might as well go back to the times of William 111. or Elizabeth, as go back thirty years. On the question of a silver currency, he should state what had happened during periods of great difficulty and panic, su .h as the year from 1825 to 1826, known as the great bubble year. He perfectly concur red with the opinion expressed by Mr. Huskisson at that time, that the inability of the Bank of England to right itself in such difficult periods was greatly increased by the inability of the Bank to use one of the precious metals, that one being the circulation of all the rest of the world. When bills were taken up in I'aris, Ham burgh, and Amsterdam, they were paid in silver. But the Bank of England having acquired that silver, was compelled to go and purchase gold with it,' in order to make the settlement; and the relation between these two metals, produced great differences in that which it was necessary to keep the most steady,, the unit of value, the pound sterling, which, in this country, was composed of gold and paper, and every kind of circulation. He alluded to the great fluctuations in the business of the Bank of England, that sometimes threw out money abundantly, and then held it in by a check, discounting at 2i per cent. at one time, and at 6 per cent. at another, and con tended that it was useless to insist on the philosophical argument that the difference between gold and silver was sometimes as little as 1 per cent. The consequenCe of the discussion on this subject which he had with Mr. Iluskisson was the evidence which he (Lord .Ashburton) gave before the C omm itt ee , to t h e general tenor of which he still adhered. He still thought the authority of Mr. Huskisson was quite equal to that of Lord Liverpool, and he stated that, to make the pound sterling fixed in value was a great mistake. There was an outcry in the • country against paper currency ; but, in a commercial nation, having such vast commercial dealings, having such an immense debt, that all the coin and all the bullion of the world collected together would not pay it off—it was necessary to deal largely by paper credit in various shapes. The great object, undoubtedly, was to take care that that paper answered the purpose for which it was issued; that what it promised to do should be honestly and exactly done, and that those promises to pay should be met punctually. But the basis on which they were issued ought to be made as broad as it could be. In stead of taking one standard—a fanciful one, though philosophically it might seem more certain- 7 they im mensely increased the difficulties of a difficult period, as the whole, rested on an insufficient basis. What had been done in the cases of the several crises which the country had undergone, and of which they hal great varieties? The• moat formidable, was that of 1825 to 1826. There was another in, the. year 1837-1838, in consequence of the derangement of affairs !in Ame rica. In the case of the panic of 1825 and 1826, it was very well known that the Bank was almost reduced to its last sovereign. It was just enabled to say that it did not refuse any payment. But he remembered that on one occasion the officials of the Bank were anxiously watching the clock to ascertain if they had five minutes more to provide for. Mr. Richards, the Governor of the Bank, stated himself that they were likely to be run dry ; yet, during the whole of that time the hank had silver in its possession, and was at that moment in treaty with Mr. Rothschild to exchange that silver into gold, in which the Bank was to make its payments. That silver Mr. Rothschild was enabled to put into circulation abroad ; and it was stated in evidence before the House of Com mons that the financier made somewhere about 100,0001. by his patriotic exertions in helping the Bank of Eng 18 land out of its difficulties. (Hear, hear.) In 36 and 1837, what was the condition of the Bank? It was saved from failing by the Bank of France. Now, if they had sustained two such crises in times of pro found peace, what difficulties might they not expect if they should ever be plunged again into a state of war ? That consideration induced him to state his belief, that two years of an expensive war could not be gone through without returning to the measures adopted in 1797. It should be remembered that, throughout the rest of the world, both gold and silver were convertible into each other, and were both equally available for the purposes of circulation, without the consequence, of one driving the other out of it. Throughout the whole of the Continent, the two metals were found circula ting in harmony with each other ; but if he were compelled to make a choice of one of the two he should prefer silver. He should take it on the broad principle, that it was most important to be in con formity, in the matter of currency, with the rest of the world. It was a great desideratum to have the broadest possible base for the currency of the country. He should trouble their Lordships no longer on that question, but should confine himself to three words on the new prin ciple established by the Bank Charter Act. He agreed with his Noble Friend, that the first part of this Bill— separating the Bank into two departments —was wholly useless in operation. It might be a harmless, regula e tion, but, in fact, it was a mere delusion on patties not acquainted with the practical management of the Bank. The present issue of the Bank and the management of the debt were divided into half ft dozen depart ments, all distinct from each other, and whatever Act was passed it would be the same. The Bill stated that the Bank should only issue 14,000,000/. on its own account, and then to the extent of its bullion. The Go vernment provision of the Act was the limitation of the circulation, and it contemplated the gradual stopping of all the issues of the country banks. Now, if that limita tion was desirable, he acknowledged that the thing was well, and carefully, and judiciously done. The Bill had certainly conciliated, the country bankers, as it had se cured them a monopoly, of business for the present. If they acknowledged the thing to be right in itself, he must admit that it could not have been more cleverly managed. With regard to the check on the,-issue of the Bank of England, undoubtedly the Bank had occasion ally been a great offender in the matter of its issues ; but he apprehended, after all, that this Bill was an ex periment, and its working might not turn out so perfect as was expected. The limitation of the Bank of Eng land was, first' to 14,000,000/ on its own paper, and then it might issue to the amount of its specie. That specie amounted to something like 16,000,0001, which, with the 14,000,0001. of circulation it was allowed, would bring the whole amount of its possible circulation to about 30,000,0001 —the real issue of the Bank being between 20,000,0001. and 21,000,0001. Thus the law would have no immediate operation at all. The Bank had a large margin of 9,000,000/ or 10,000,0001, which would prevent the restriction from having any immediate effect. The cheek on the Bank might operate as some check on the exportation of gold; but, for the borne circulation, the Bank might be drained of every• sovereign without a pound going out of the country. At the end of 18,26, what took place ? It was then proved that the demand for gold might arise from circumstances which could not be cor rected by the reduction of the issues. Saturday, the 17th of December, 1825, was the critical day to the Bank of England to which be had referred. The lowest return the Bank of England made of its cir culation was about 1 0 ,000,000/ The difficUlty cor rected itself before the Monday morning following, but the relief was entirely owing to Mr. Rothschild. From the 10th of December to the 17th they increased the circulation from 18,000,000/ to 24,000,000/, from the 17th to the 24th they further increase 4 it to 25,206,0001., and on the 31st ofDecember, the last day of the year, they had increased it tq 0,709,000/ They bad un doubtedly begun, like timid men, who stood in awe of the responsibility which they were incurring, but they went on boldly, and that issue of bank notes saved the circulation of the country. Mr. Tooke, 'who was a phi losopher of the same schwa with Mr. Lloyd— The Marquis of CLAWRICARDE—No, no ; he is quite opposed to him. Lord ASHBUR TON was happy to have such an authority on his side. Mr. Tooke had stated that that was a bold measure, but a most` successful one. One word as to the effects of the corn -laws on the circulation. Whatever might be the system of corn-laws, if, after depending for two or three seasons on the home supply, we should, in consequence of the bad harvest, be com pelled to import corn suddenly and largely from abroad, there would undoubtedly be a large demand for bullion, and they must run this risk under any system of aorn laws. One word as to the indiscretion which was charged againsit country bankers ; He believed that those who thought to manage the issues by the Bill would find it a more difficult job than they expected. The greet reproach which was made against Mr. Stuckey and the country bankers was, that they issued their notes without reference to the foreign exchangses. He had known Mr. Stackey many years. He was a most intelligent man, and perfectly understood what he was about, lie thought the framers of this Bill deceived themselves in reproaching the bankers with inattention to the foreign exchanges. The slightest fraction—a difference of one-eighth per cent. might cause gold to go out of the country, and the same difference might occa sion it to come back. If the country bankers folloived these minute fluctuations they would be grossly mis taken in their calculations. Their issues must be guided by the state of their neighbourhood. He looked at this Bill as no party matter. He believed it was originally a Whig scheme, and he had voted pretty steadily with his friends while he was, with them. But in all matters relating to the trade or 'commerce of the country, he had honestly considered the pro positions, and voted without any view to party interests. In thn event of country banks sus pending their issues the Bank of England might increase its issues in proportion._ an d the prodt of such issues were to go to the Government ; but how that profit - was to be calculated, he confessed he was at a loss to understand. The Government might be trusted with poWer to check the increase in the circulation, but they ought not to be under the temptation, or to have the power of extending it. In time of war, Government was always pressing the Bank for advances. In 1797 it was not the Bank which got itself 'into difficulti es , b ut i t was the Government prZesing the Bank. That pressure from then-easury was fatal to the independence of the Bank. 11 was never safe to give the Government an extending power over the issues of the Bank. This was a great experiment. It had been favourably received by the p44lic, and he 11%10 it would be sucoessi3/411. • n _ f r The Bar], of RADNOR had, in 1819, opposed Vio turn to the old standard, b u t h av i ng the stan_ _ . ...dur a be fixed, and h av i ng gone t h roug h a ll th e etinerwe ff thought it would be foolish to depart from it noe t io they were to have a joint standard of gold ( and, si cof l every debtor would pay in the cheapest coin. 1f. r .m e ... 01 1 pay a debt of 1001. by 96L ss. he would do so. it : ta w in fact, be giving every debtor an opportunity of co e dito r his creditor, and the effect would be' that the er e s o; would take precautions to defend himself by Yler ea t o. the rate of interest. I n F rance th ere w as no joint s dard. The standard there was silver. • m eeJ Lord ASHBURTON—G o Id can a l wa ys be Pr°' at an agio. jig° The Earl of RADNOR sa id th a t p r oved that s 0 , was the standard, because if you wanted gold you 4 :a buy it. It was absurd for us t o h ave a diff e rent still ar s from all other countries, and he had never besr a o ; r good reason for having the standard a gold one. . otio f great object of the Bill was to limit the circulet! paper. Now, according to hi s ' v i ew , it was unirl',l 0 limit the circulation—it was unw i se t o en trust any o ld son with the power of doin g so . Th e country . l i l always provide for itself th e amoun t o f circulet lu t i o ; wanted, and no more; and it w as an ac t o f ptesu ul . P O —he did not use the word in an offensive sense- -0 b ,; person to attempt to limit th e c i rcu l a ti on . A:great' t o in he believed, an unfounded a l arm , ex i s t e d in soqc of the country lest the circulation should be s ° nished as to increase the pri ce o f corn . H e thou s • feet convertibility would give p er f ec t security 7 h hat more paper would be issued th an was . requ ired, i. ° re the moment any depreciation t oo k pl ace , it would v i e 3 d turned to the issuers. lie did not think thlt the ,to of England an d th 6 coun t ry bankers .were acheus ble vi d the reproach of havin g Ito nec es loe te iv ' s ' their circulation. That increase had, in 110/ instances, arisen from c i rcumstances ov er they had no control, and if they had fallen into errors, and suffered from them, they were the likely to fall into them again. These difficulties t, mainly arisen from the corn laws, because vvheue re se ;l large importation of corn took place under the PA S . system, an immense quantity of bullion had to beer ported to pay for it, thu s a ff ec ti ng t h e course o f the cir changes. The Bank was then obliged to control /0 ert culation, until prices were so reduced that good s ' j a r, exported instead of coin. Now if articles of Il l ! e o such as wine and silk, had to be imported,;the r' s of f price would lessen the demand, but quite the a nt ,. was the case with regard to corn, because the du e s was the more necessary it was to have it, and the to /15 14 necessity there was to send out gold. Me. Jones ,•';'01 had fully explain e d thi s f act i n his recent paniphie"old the subject. The Noble Lord had said that such ° po t be the case under any s y s t em o f corn-laws. But suPifir they had no system of corn-laws, but an en tire trade. Would not that, by making corn a regul at e s ' title of trade, remedy the evil. The fact VS 0 1 0 they were attempti ng .t o i ntro d uce a sliding of for currency as well as for coin, and he thought th at 0 1 ,1 measure would on'y i ncrease t h e i r d i f f iculties. Itsba°lo' be recollected that, in ge nera l, t h ere was a large sal,i,irt of deposits in the Bank. N ow, when money .was in value, these depositors 'would demand their derTeo of course in bullion, which would still more incress e h id difficulties of the Bank. Th is was one of the leise'l of attempting to do that by legislation which had he. s o left alone. If they provided that no one should I t 'tY notes without their being convertible into gold option of the holders, they would obviate every tp cnity, and do all that was required. The Noble ' e, concluded by eulogising the Scottish banking a l - f t(r• which had given the greatest satisfaction, and been' ductive of immense benefit. hos l Lord ASHBURTON explained. His argument 3 ;0 1 the corn-laws was this. He contended' that tke,r e ;bee be times when we mus t b e ta k en by surprise, and "el an unexpectedly l arge d emand for foreign corn o'9o arise, which wo u ld require a considerabl e e ff o rt t c 'e , the demand for bullion which would arise in c enseg t no state of the law cou ld o b v i ate that, unless they e ° govern the seasons. If, f or i nstance, we had pv",,,-110, sufficient for our o wn consumpt i on for three or fourcet) and then had a b a d h arvest, a cr i s i s, such as the O" which he had alluded, would arise. The Bill then passed through Con:tettee The Sudbury Di s f ranc hi sement Bill wase . ead a see time. The Bills on the table were then forwarded a st4l ' and the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 12. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock., t . Mr. PLUMPTRE presented two petitions !„%130 better observance of tl* Lord's-day, a l so a pe t' favour of church extenston. Mr. GROGAN presented a petition respecting Irish jury list. tbe l/ Mr. ESCOTT presented a petition from the Sne o , Division of Hants, in favour of the existing corn -la Viscount PALMERSTON presented a petition # the engravers of London in favour of art-union s t itio complaining of the negl ec t w i t h which a former P e presented by them had been treated. GREAT SOUTHERN AND WESTERN RAIL (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion for further proceeding with t on the third reading, Colonel RAWDON compla i ned that there scio °5 O clause in the Bill w hi c h i nterfered with the vested I.; of Colonel Fit zg ibb on . H e moved that this clan s expunged. Lord ELIOT said the clause only applied W "Jot deposited in the Court of Chancery by this r-- I' , l company under the standing orders of that Reuse. °ve il fees of Colonel Fitzgibbon were only taken upon t e r , o o paid into the C our t o f C hancery by suitors in the ' rb i and therefore h e (L or d Eliot) apprehended tha t clause ought to stand. ye After a few words from Lord G. S omers et, f p Eliot, and the Solicitor-General, the amendment o) withdrawn, and the Bill was read a third tigi"„ passed. GREENWICH PARIi. esiD l Mr. AGLIONBY sa id h e h ad a petition to pr which he trusted w o u ld rece i ve the attention 0 f 1 Noble Lord at the head of the Woods and Forests'lii was signed by a number of persons residing, or .1 1111 , property c l ose t o G reenwich Park, and the " 411 0 1 ; which materially d e p en d e d upon the view into that ill' tiful locality. Th e pet i tioners stated that they . 1% „ ro not have presumed to approach the House upon oi° subject if public benefit was not concerned in it to r , 1 as great an extent as private interest. The l iar bir3P one means or anot h er, had been constantly dirnio6 4 and they prayed that a stop might at once be put to further encroachments, -LAW. Mr. FERRAN]) presented five petitions from t oli t ; ships in the West Riding of- Yorkshire agains t poor-law, NOTICE OF MOTION. Mr. WAWN gave not i ce that, on Monday n e tl ll ll should p ut a question to the First. Lord of t h e Ache i to ascertain ( as we un d erstood the lion. Gentled 0) t ) whether E ng li s h s hi ps were manned with a streak equal to that of ships in the Russian navy. LAND-TAX RETURNS. „Id Dr. BOWRING moved for *certain ret urns contt' c with the hind-tax.—Agreed to. MAYNOOTH GRANT. Of Sir G. CLERK gave notice that he should in k mittee of S u p p l y, th i s day week, move the ethic oioi s grant for this college. • . Mr. BRIGHT move d for returns of the number -e c r murders and a tt empts at murder which had bo ll f if witted in the county of Tipperary ; the number i dictments which h a d b een preferred on those ch a t, ' the number o f true bi lls which had been retuened vied, grand jury, and th e results ; showing the num b e r e d acquittals a n d conv i ct i ons, and the punishments in &ring the last ten years. —Agreed to. SALARY TO THE CHAIR MAN OF THE 319 DLESEX SESSIONS. oefr Sir C. NAPIER wished to ask the Right Hon. ..04 tleman, the S ecretary of State for the Home Depart,'" iir if it was hi s i ntent i on during the present session led iroduce a Bill g i v i ng a salary to the Chairman °f Middlesex Sections. cd Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he had a e 4 the the subject of the administration of criminal juste es. . the county of Middlesex ; and in the Bill there ', to provision for the appointment of -a paid magistra t preside over the administration of criminal justice. . tlii Mr. M. GIBSON wished Z to put a quest i on te e Right Hon. B aronet at the head of her Mair,ity'sv' vernment upon a matter of some itnportanc,e Infv f , tion had reached t hi s country that the Brazilian G°ltl)e ment had prepared a new tariff for - ,, t a opt i„ after to 10th of November next, proposing, a much higho 4l of duty on articles of British m An'afacture than e l pS' at present. He wished to ke 0 ,, , . Baronet whether he had•re,aeo n to believe that b a be tariff would be adopted tr,td was already b , Brsazirilinan. PGEoEveLrnmsarat.from the Rightn eh prepared , papers a st a t emea that he h a d seen i n the P ll w Eon. Member.,to the Immediately up on see i ng it, he allhe: '',, to the eff ec t o f t h at made bilieci titer -.Puist“,.gn.office for th e p urpose of knowing 10,0 such Inf ormat i on had been received, and he e s 0 I.,een htform e d t h at it had not. Perhaps by the tte mail he might be prepared to give some answer t° question. tlig Mr. MILNER GIBSON, wished to know whee,,,, , e ti f t eil Government had had any correspondence with tire v to o Government relative to the importation of jr ag ar 'of Java, and whether they had any objection to 1 4 , correspondence before the House. no er we S re ir in ß e . e P rr E es E p L eed sa ee id ee t w h iat t h h th e e r DAtliatliee:,s G over - - v e il , the subject, and also upon the ti 4 . ttierential duties ; de e he was not in a condition to P l .ace that corresPe° a '. Governmen t bi,' before the House. LAW OF F : , ETTLEMENT. 4 , WA' Mr. LIDDELL wished to k now f rom the Right oft" Gentlemau the Seere`,ary of State for the Home P e a til ° rnent, whether he 'was prepared with a Bill to aw eli i law of settlemer_a this session. or e Sir J. GR :IIIAM said that a Bill had been P re i l 0 ° on the subject, which was ready for introduction' o v %,.e0 would a 4 l t l eave to bring in the Bill during the Pr ea and i t could be considered during the re ACCIDENT AT BOLTON. h o'l' . Mr. FERRAND wished to know from the Rigii t e psr - ; Gentleman, the Secretary of State for the Home •'''„E tb; ment, whether he would buy the evidence takelo-leer" coroner's inquest, in the case of the persons W" killed at B o l ton, on the table of the House. t übj ec ; Sir J. GRAHAM said h e h a d cons i dered t he s, tits to which th e H on. Member adverted. He observed Tbg the verdict of the jury was one of manslaughter . s ire' notes taken would he transmitted to the Judge el e t, i ll before whom•the case would ultimately come, s° : 11 ;o0 e _ point of fact, he doubted of the possibility of th,_ Si h° . to compel a result of this description. H e muss.! e l be did not think it consistent with the ends of justw,;eea ffeorreththee judge e y s w h a e s el p d u h t e on lai h d is e t n ri t a h l e , t t h a a h t le th e e f notest, s q l ues e ' i and made matter of debate there.—(Hear.) BANK CHARTER. The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL presented a petition from the Society for the Emancipation of Industry, signed by Mr. Spottiswoode, their chairman, against the Bank Charter Bill. He would read the petition if their Lordships would permit him.—(Cries of " No, no," and laughter.) He would, however, read the prayer of the petition, which was that they might be suffered to be heard before a Select Committee, to prove the truth of their allegations, and to pray that the Bill might not receive the sanction of their Lordships. The allega tions which they sought to prove were, that the Bill of 1819, of which this was the sequence, had taken from the poorer classes 30,000,000 L annually ; and that the effect of the Bank Charter Bill would be so to increase pauperism, as to deprive the wealthy of the benefit of low price.—The petition was ordered to lie upon the table. AFFAIRS OF THE PUNJAUB. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE wished to put a uestion to the Noble Earl opposite on the subject of Indian affairs, which had recently, in consequence of he increased rapidity of communication with this coup • ry, attracted more attention than they had hitherto lone. It was generally understood that a large army was collected on the western frontier of our Indian terri tory. bordering on the Punjaub; that Sir Charles Napier was to take the command of that army; and that the Governor-General was about to leave Calcutta for the purpose of watching its operations. Now, it was impos9;ble to forget the results of the last operations of an army of observation commanded by the same gallant officer, and superintended by the Governor-General. He did not wish to make anytfurther allusions to a matter on which their Lordships had afire( d to suspend their judgment, but he wished to ask whether the friendly relations which had hitherto subsisted between the Go vernment of Lahore and the Government of British India still continued, and whether there was any rea son to apprehend hostilities from that Government, or from any of the other inhabitants of the Sikh country? In the newly acquired territory of Sinde, the state of affairs was such as to warrant great anxiety. Sir C. Napier had thought it necessary to call together a meet ing of the Beloochee Chiefs. He was not asking the Go vernment to tell them directly what were the instructions that had been given to Sir C. Napier as to the negotia tions he was conducting. But they should naturally be very glad of any information the Government could give them, and the more so, because it had been rumoured that there was a desire on the part of the Indian Govern ment to extend their territorial possessions beyond the banks of the Indus and the Sutlej. He was not going into the policy of the occupation of Sinde, but it ap peared that the Indian Government had entertained the idea of passing beyond the banks of the Indus, although the best authorities had laid it down that we ought not to seek to extend our territorial possessions beyond them. He wished to know whether Sir C. Napier had been instructed to acquire, by negotiation or otherwise, any addition to their territorial possessions on the banks of the Indus or the Sutlej. Sir Charles Napier had conquered the province of Sinde with five thousand men, but to keep it he required a force of 16,000 men, in consequence of its disturbed state, the natives being legs secure now than under a less powerful Government. He was not about to question the whole policy, but it was a grave matter, and one that did require the consi deration of Parliament. Ile hoped before the close of the sesion some information would be given to enable them to judge of the real state of Sinde. The expense of the military establishment of India fell indirectly on this country. But the expenses were not the only evil, for there had been great loss of life. He thought that Parliament ought not to separate without full informa tion being laid before it upon the subject. He wished, therefore, to ask whether the Government would be able to lay before Parliament, during the present session, any statement of the financial affairs of Sinde, and also of the amount of revenue the East India Company de rived from that country ? 'AP earl of RIPON had not anticipated from his eeived at Bolt, No Ws Brooki great n whom The time.. The Amend On c Capt that jm pal Ac guardit divide feeling a suggt cause ti Sir e] the sug Afte pher, out a d Mr. the effe within Sir .1 he cone form, h be inco Mr. : collecte of the elergyn should , Sir by the a just a Mr.( than g 4 officio g Lord difficult Pie am( Iiw . ;;; Mr. ] the qua their fit but upo as now, body of Mr. of the c Rouse I Would 1 !limner° After Mr. 13o: After On c: Mr. J Gentler wives o and mil footing After Sir .: no new husbaiii widow. woman, had des her in t her, if ! Afte: the elat On e] Mr. polio was no He thoi eertitici Sir J Would 1 Where the unit might 1 of. TI sight 3r Lor - (1 to shoe workh( four in danger, the sun of who 1 !ord -, three d " perso " idiot; ca sur It was bu 1 7,000 lunatic general Public Were t %tables of then en