The Sun. — London, England, 1839-05-20 00:00:00

ErRNING EDITION. Sir B ob'i, who had earne d his money out o f th e blood rend bones of his tenants, stood in front of the bank, and 'when a n y o f hi s tenants came up w i th a 3/. , 1 1 th, ii, or a 100/. no t e to b e c h ange d, h e sa id t o an, " Get thee home, I will back the bank for a 7 Aillion." Tho next day he drew out every farthing he bad, the bank broke, and thousands of the industrious Glasses were ruined.—(Cheers, and cries of ' Shame.") Now, that I know to be a fact. I know, also, that the children in his factories were taught by their parents to add to their prayers, " And, 0, Lord God, curse Sir Bob."-4aughter.) And now, with reference to what has been said at this meeting, I say that the salvation of t'ne country lies in a Reform Government ; but they should go further—the Chartists have been blamed for striving after too much,but you will never touch the stars till you have reached the clouds ; and I think we should try to get all we can, fairly, honestly, consistently with love, law, justice, and Christianity.—(Loud cheers.) I shall conclude by moving, as an amendment, or addi tion to the resolution, " That we pray her Majesty to retain none but Reformers in her Councils, and that she drive feom her Councils all men opposed to the People's Cha;rter, and to universal rights." Mr. W. 11011.01:e (Secretary to the Chartist Asso ciation) rose for the purpose of seconding the amend ment. He said—Mr. Thomas has stated that is Ja maica only 2,000 persons possess the franchise, out of a population of 400,000. Now I can point out a country where there are but 600,000 electors, out of a popula tion of 27 millions? 'We have supported the Whigs long enough. Look at the game laws ; have the Whigs attempted to abolish them ?—(‘' Yes, yes," and " No.") Have the Whip attempted to reduce taxation ?—(Loud cries of " Yes, yes.") Mr. Fielden--(laughter)—says the Whigs, in three years, have raised taxation from 51 to .54 millions, for the purpose of giving money to the slave-holders in the West Indies, and they have also given 5 millions to the Russians to nut down the Poles.-..- (No, nos) Take the actions of the Whigs to test their liberaßty to the poor ; did they not try to make the poor live on coarse food ?—( No, no, no.) Mr. Cobbett Pledged his veracity—(loud laughter)—that the in structions to the barrister who drew up the Poor ILaw Bill were to make the labouring classes live on coarse food, and when he moved for more documents, Lord Althorp rema i ne d mum , an d li tt l e Fi na li ty Johnny Russell remained mum. As regards liberty, the Whigs have introduced a rural police Bill, to put down_ the right of the people to meet, and they have put 7.rms into the hands of the middle classes to shoot the •' working classes.—(No, no, and Yes.) Why, the Mayor ' in this city, has, on the authority of 150 requisitionists, suffered a public meeting to be held, whilst at the same time he denies the working classes to hold their meet ings.--("Armed meetings.") They were not armed except i with sticks, to keep off the sprigs of Tory nobility i and gentry, who are good for nothing but to ' eat, drink, and consume the produce of the labour of the working men, and who only wanted 1 to make a disturbance. We are told about the neces sity of being united, and of sinking minor differ ences ; if ever we unite again with the Whigs, I say on the authority of 150 freemen, it shall be on the principle cf Universal Suffrage. The speaker concluded amidst considerable interruption, by seconding the amendment, which was lost by an overwhelming majority, and the original resolution carried amidst repeated acclamations. The CHAIRMAN then said—The next resolution will be proposed to you by Joseph Smith, Esq., and I en treat you to keep silence. J. G. SMITH, Esq., then rose and said—lt is my duty to bring before you the next resolution, and it ' originates in the attempt made by Sir Robert Peel to remove front their seats a Liberal Administration, and to substitute one different in sentiment, character, and views. The resolution, if not in plain terms, yet by implication, declares our hostility and aversion to the Government being placed in such hands, and I trust that the reasons with which I am prepared to support the resolution, will ensure its being carried unanimously. Sir, we cannot conceive that the party which I have alluded to, have any desire or aim to bring forward any measures for the improvement of the people, or have ever manifested any desire to add to their enjoyments and happiness, as has been done by the Government which they sought to displace—l say this, although a Whig, and not concurring with the principles which have been brought forward to-day with so much ability, and ' in so proper a manner, by Mr. Metcalf and his respect able seconder, Mr. Morgan. I say respectable, and I sayso deliberately and sincerely, because I think so, and be cause I feel that a person is entitled to respect, when he de.dares his sentiments in the able and proper manner 1 in which they did ; and it is not because they come here with the soiled garments of honest labour, that their 1 sentiments are e n ti t l e d to l ess respect than those of any gentleman who comes from his house or his desk.- 1 (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, th oug h h onest l y diff er i ng from Mr. Metcalf, who carries his views to an extent ;1 o which I cannot go with him, as a Whig, I maintain that he has a perfect right to have his opinions heard, t to sustain and propagate his sentiments, so long as they are expressed in the able and moderate manner which he has pursued this d iy. But I would address to Mr. li.etcalf this one observation—he is evidently a man of "talent, he has seen much of the world, and has had much experience, and I would ask him and others, to weigh well the arguments adduced by Mr. Herapath. Let Mr. Met . calf extend his views abroad, and let him ask himself how many are there qualified, like himself, to exercise the suf frage. Would he not have reason to hesitate before he granted it to the whole population ? Let universal educa tion precede universal suffrage—( Hear, and long continued cheering.) If every man was, like Mr. Metcalf, of ma tured judgment and sound discretion, then, I say, it would be an act of injustice and cruelty to deprive him of his share in the representation. The Whigs arc not opposed to the extension of liberty to the extremest pant of constitutional safety. I believe those to be the principles of the Whigs ; they are my principles, and to them I h ave a l ways adhered. I have said that th e ob ject of Sir Robert Peel was to form a government op possl to those principles, and I would judge of him and his party n o t b y t h e i r professions, but by their acts. e hey are not favourable to the enjoyment, by the people, of constitutional rights, and therefore Sir Robert Pecl, in founding his attempt to subvert the late Government on the pretence of supporting popular rights, was guilty of gross subterfuge and hypocrisy, which those of lighter mood may smile at, and others regard with sorrow and indignation.—(Cheers.) What was the measure which lead to the resignation of the late Ministry ? It was a measure for the regulation an , ' settlement of one of our chief colonies, Ja- Indica, in which are 5,000 whites, and 350,000 blacks. The whites are represented by forty-five individuals, chosen only by themselves, in the election of whom the 350,000 blacks have no voice, but for se bom the whites, so lately their owners and masters, legislate. The rea sonable and proper conclusion to come to was, that they were not the proper persons to legislate under these circumstances ; but that does not rest on conjecture— try them by their acts, and you will find they have al weys exercised their office in hostility and oppression to the blacks. They have been ready to pass bad mea sures and to refuse good, as their conduct on the occa sion alluded to by my friend, Mr. Thomas, proves. The Government at home were desirous to preserve the rights and privilege s of all, and to protect the vast ma jlrity from th e gr i nding tyranny of the minority. Sir It. Perri knew that the measure was necessary, but then, he said, Jamaica had a Constitution, and it would be highly icn,t.roper to meddle with it : there was a democratical principle in it, he said, and it was upon that generous pub -1:c spirited principle that the Assembly refused to pass the Bill. But Sir Robert Peel knew that the act of Go. a ernment was to protect the rights, lives, and proper ties of the blacks, without infringing upon the. whites ; but on the miserable subterfuge of his attachment to constitutional rights, he opposed and defeated it. I say it is impossible to express too much scorn and contempt for these false pretences to gain a character for libe rality.—(Prolonged cheering.) And it was with con cern that I saw ten gentlemen who generally support Liberal measures join him. I lament the absurdity which could make any man, calling himself a Liberal, vote against his friends and with Sir Robert Peel.— (Cheers.) I would ask what part of the past conduct of Sir Robert Peel justifies his assumption of regard to popular rights ? There have been measures of Reform carried even by Whigs, many abuses checked ; whicn of these Reforms has not Sir Robert Peel opposed ? which of these abuses has he not cherished ?—(Cheers.) I would name a few which are in the memory of all ; Catholic Emancipation ; oh, but it will be said, Sir Ro bert Peel passed that : but how ? After strenuously resisting it for years, whether to retain place I know not ; but the consequence was, he did retain it. And when he passed it, he said he did not agree with it, he considered it dangerous and prejudicial ; he thought it wrong to admit five or six millions of Catholics to the same privileges with their Protestant brethren ; but the country Was for the measure, and he could resist no longer. That one Liberal measure, founded on con stitutional principles, is the only one passed by him, and it was passed under protest.—( Loud cheers.) Slavery, Reform, Municipal Reform, Tithes, &c. every one of which, indeed every measure which had for its object the bestowing of equal rights on his fellow-man, had been opposed by Sir R. Peel, who now claimed office under the false pretences of his zeal for popular privi leges.—(Loud cheers.) And how did Sir Robert Peel Propose to carry on his Government ?—(Loud cheers.) BY restraining the Queen, defying the Commons, and supported only by the Lords. Sir R. P ee l knew o f the difficulties he had to encounter, and to escape from, them he might, p er h a ps, have proposed th a t t o th e ''/Il'-ea wlaieh, knowinc , it would be impossible for her to grant, m i ght furnish' him with a decent pretext for g a i n v d in g al% Ireland was t o hi m an i nsupera bl e o b s t ac l e ; ' it ought to be and so it will be, so long as he would r u l e i t on his unjust and oppressive principles. I wool appeal even to those gentlemen who think worst of / the W higs, and ask them if the Whigs have not done justice . to Ir e l an d pi and that inste of the most enor mous difficulties ? Let them listen to the name of Mulgrave.—(lmmense cheering) —and ask any Irish man if he is not a man to be loved and trusted.— (Cheers.) Mr. Smith then adverted, amidst loud c!ieers, to the constitutional, firm, decided, and frank course taken by the Queen, the whole of which was i eminently calculated to ensure the confidence and af fection of her people, and after reading the resolution, resumed his seat amidst prolonged cheers. W. TOTHILL, Esq., in seconding the resolution, said—With the necessity of the Ministry proceeding prudently and cautiously in measures of reform, I fully concur, but I think there may be a pace too slow for safety as well as one too fast—(Cheers) —and, in my opinion, the pace for the last seven years has been too slow. Few of us can have forgotten the enthu siasm of 1831, on an appeal to the country in favour of the Reform B111;1 and we know that, of the first re formed Parliament, two-thirds of the representatives returned were on the side of a Liberal administration. We remember the dismissal of the Cabinet on Lord Spencer's death ; and we hoped the restoration of a Li beral Ministry would have provided more effectual means for the protection of the voter from intimidation. —(Cheers.) In that hope we were disappointed ; we found that measures were neutralised and rendered less efficient, to please the majority of Tory Lords. I will cite only two instances ; first, there was the Municipal Reform Bill—a great improvement, I admit, on the old system, but which Lord Lyndhurst was allowed to poison by the introduction of the non-elect and irrespon sible provision of Aldermen.—(Hear, hear). Then there was the abandonment, after three serious contests, of the appropriation clause.—(Hear, hear.) The failure of Ministers was then attributed to the concealed hostility of the Court, and deep disappointment was felt that, on the accession of the Queen, when that hostility was pre sumed to be removed, there was no indication of a popular movement. So deep, indeed, was the disap pointment, as to cast a shade of distrust on the Court ; happily, however, that shade is now cleared away— (Loud cheering) —and if it were only on that account, I heartily rejoice at the late occurrences. I sincerely hope we shall be no longer disappointed. There is a means, and only one, for the Liberal Ministry to recover their former popularity, and that is, by removing impe diments to the Reform Bill, by extending the suffrage, and by giving, in some s h ape or other, protection to the voter.—(Cheers.) In the hope that some effectual ad vancement will be made, I cordially second the raotion. T. R. GUPPY, Esq., in moving the next resolution, said—Fellow-citizens, we have never before met on so auspicious an occasion as the present, to rally round the Throne of our Sovereign. The retirement of the late Ministry has enabled her to prove her attachment to civil and religious liberty, and her detestation and ab horence of the principles under which the Government of the country was formerly conducted.—(Cheers.) I would say to a portion of the meetin g , there is not among you any on e more ar d ent l y attac h e d to constitutional liberty than I am, but I cling to the substance and not to the shadow. Your intelligent advocate, Mr. Met calf, who has been a diligent observer of various countries, has boldly told you that there is more real liberty in England than in America. My de sire is, that there should be still greater liberty in England, but it must be preceded and accompa nied by general education. I would say to such men as desire to confer Extended Suffrage, let us not be led away by those who advocate violence ; we know there is a very powerful body opposed to us, and if we excite their alarm, we place impediments in the path of re form.—(Cheers.) Do not seek by arming, and by mid night assemblies, to frighten the people. I speak as a master manufacturer, recognizing, among those present, many of my workmen, and I ask them whether they would not trust to my hands the assertion of their liberty to the greatest extent in wry power.—(Loud cheers.) Be not, then, urged to any ing at variance with that unanimity with which I hope the address will be car ried, and by which course only can measures beneficial to the people be secured.—(Cheers.) General LOMAX seconded the address with much pleasure. They had met on a very important occasion, and would,he hoped, set an example to the other parts of the kingdom. The Hon. F. H. F. BERKELEY rose, and was received with tremendous shouts of applause, repeated again and again. When the demonstrations of approbation had subsided, he spoke nearly to the following effect :—Mr. Cunningham.—Gentlemen,—Citizens of Bristol,—my respected Constituents :—A week ago I fully expected to be, before this time, in your presence, but not under the circumstances in which I now stand. I expected to be in your presence with my Hon. Colleague, Mr. Philip Miles. I expected, likewise, to be in your presence with Mr. William Fripp, or one of that fraternity— (Cheers and laughter)—ushered to your notice, proba bly, by that trio of whom I have before had occasion to speak—Messrs. Bush, Cookson, and Payne. Mr. Miles would probably have been proposed on the Tory interest, and so long as that party is as powerful as it is at present, I do not know that they could have a better repre sentative--that I admit fully. Mr. Fripp might have been tacked to the skirts of Mr. Miles—with what taste or reason on the part of the Tories, I leave you to judge —not to represent the Liberals of this city, but to mis represent them.—(Cheers.) Gentleman, had I been called upon to address you upon such an occasion, I should have attended with as much alacrity and with as much confidence as I do now.—(Cheers.) I should have claimed your suffrages on the ground that I had done my best to deserve them.—(Loud cheers.) I l should have claimed them on account of my adherence • to those great principles with which I originally com menced my canvass of your city.—(Cheers.) I should, as I did then, have asked you to put any questions to me touching the votes I might give or have given in Parliament.—( Cheers.) Gentlemen, I should have started for this city no finality man—(Cheers) —feeling as I do that the Reform Bill, much as it has done for the country, requires amendment ; and not only amend ment, but extension.—(Cheers.) I should have started, gentlemen, an ardent supporter of the Ballot, as I ever have been—(Cheers) --an advocate of an Extension of the Suffrage—(Cheers)—and a supporter of civil and re ligious liberty—(Loud cheers.) Those, gentlemen, are the principles upon which I would have started, and I would have told the Tories to do their worst.—(Loud cheers.) I trust that I may be pardoned if I here say that I have endeavoured lii,ewise to do my duty by you, in attending to the private business of this city.—(Hear.) Whenever the commercial interests of this great city have been concerned, I have made no distinction be tween Liberals and Tories—(Cheers—l might appeal to many moderate Tories for confirmation of this, if I chose to do so, but it is known that such has been my conduct, and, gentlemen, such it ever will be.—(Cheers.) I will now proceed to the business of the day ; the ad dress to our Queen upon the subject of the attempt recently made by the Tories to take from her the free choice of her society and friends—a power which all of you have. In the expression of our feelings and in the Address about to be presented to her Ma jesty, I do hope that you will be united, and it is with the deepest feeling that I call upon you to reflect upon her Majesty's own words, " As I stood by my people let my people stand by me."--(Loud cheers.) Gentle men, it is not my intention to enter upon those minor points of dispute which have arisen between the diffe rent sections of the Liberal party. Every man has a right to his opinion ; I have a right to mine —(Cheers) —and as long as those opinions are offered with mode ration and with a remembrance where it is written, " Mischief shall haunt the violent man," they are en titled to respect.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, this has been a crisis indeed. All have felt (and in speaking to the men of Bri s t o l I am a dd ress i ng those who have felt more than any in England, for they have known) what it is to suffer under Tory misrule and Tory domination. 1 —(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, we cannot look back to history without seeing such a long series of misconduct and misgovernment by the Conservative party as confirms the fact that they arc not fit to govern free men--(Great cheering.) Far be it from me to defend the slow and tardy movements made in the measures of Reform by the Whig Government ; but although I am convinced that it does not progress fast enough, still farther be it from me to put the power into the hands of the Tories to make the machine stand still.—(Great cheering.) Gentlemen, the Tory papers of the last week have shed a strong light upon the objects of that party, well worthy your consideration. Observe their tone—the tone of insolent Tory domination in which they have spoken of our beloved Sovereign. Take, for example, the Morning Herald and Post of the Bth or 9th instant, and you will find them exulting in the tears of our gracious Queen.—(Cries of " Shame.") There is no denying the fact—" Her Majesty deeply deplored the state to which she had been brought, in being obliged to accept their Administration, and shed tears." Yes this is the language. Those who can exult over th' tears of a woman, must be base indeed—(Great cheering) —but when those tears were shed by one so young and inexperienced, holding so arduous a situation, she de served doubly their sympathy. Gentlemen, I have nodoubt that it will be said that she wept, because she was about to be separated from those in whom she was personally interested. I will pass by the mass of dirt and filth which these journals have attempted to heap upon our gracious Mistress, and I will ask you to believe that her Majesty was influenced by much nobler motives. If she wept, it was because she saw the chance of her people falling under the power of that dominant party, which would be worse than slavery—(Cheers)—and if she deplored the events that were to happen, it was because she saw that those good works which had been progressing were likely to be overturned, and that the Tories, rabid and rampant, would come into power and grind the people to dust.—(Cheers.) It was because she feared that lavish expenditure would usurp the place of economy, ana Gagging Bills be substituted for, freedom of discussion.—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen Lord John Russell is, in many respects, a statesman—l admit that he has not progressed as fast as I could wish with measures of Reform ; but still he is, in many re spects, a statesman ; and there is one observation which was made by him at a dinner at Liverpool, that is well worthy your attention and approbation ; he said at that dinner he was a friend to discussion, and wished the people to meet and discuss their grievances as often as they deemed necessary, provided they did so with moderation, in a proper tone, and without violence.— (Hear). He said also that he had a full reliance on the g evil from d oodsenseof thioaesesie Britishe: because people, and that h e f ear ed no he was assured that by discussion the truth would be elicited, and that they would rather adopt that which a based THE SUN, LONDON M(NDAY, MAY 20, upon truth, than that founded on fallacy.—( Hear.) Nothing could be more constitutional, nothing could be more graceful, falling from the lips of a British Minister, than this. Gentlemen, I believe it fully--I believe it from what I have heard to day—l believe that there is good sense among the people, and that dis cussion will advance the truth.—(Cheers). But you will also allow me to say that discussion should be ac companied by moderation—violence retards Reform —it must progress, but violence shocks it and gives a hindle to its enemies—violence creates a weapon against yourselves.—(Cheers.) I must also say that the people have suffered much from democratic demagogues— (Hear)—demagogues who, not of the people, raise them selves by the people—(Cheers)--and who are ever ready to abuse the confidence reposed in them.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I can give you no stronger specimen of this than is to be found in the conduct of that renegade poli tician Sir Francis Burdett.—(Cheers.) What stronger illustration can I give you in asking you to beware of them ?—( Hear.) I remember the day when Sir Francis Burdett was an advocate for Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments, and Vote by Ballot ; I can re member seeing him in Westminster mount his car like a modern Juggernaut, with the people ready to immolate themselves beneath its wheels.—(Hear, hear, hear.) His was no peaceful track—it was marked by blood. Yes, the blood of the people was shed in support of the principles of Sir Francis Burdett.—(Hear.) What could dry the tears of the widow and sooth the sorrows of the orphan but the support and sympathy of the man for whom the husband and the father had sacrificed life.—(Cheers.) They shed their blood for him, but where is he now ?—laugh ing to scorn the very principles in behalf of which they suffered.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, if Sir Francis Bur dett can be likened to anything, it is to Trinculo in Shakspeare's play of the Tempest.—(Laughter.) Like Trinculo, he has been shipwrecked—not on the shores of an enchanted island, to be sure, but on the sunken rocks of disappointed ambition.—(Cheers.) Like Trin culo, too, he has found a monster, and has sheltered himself under the folds of his gaberdine, and there he is to be seen, night after night, hugging his newly-found Caliban on the Tory benches of the House of Corn mons.—(Cheers and laughter.) And, gentlemen, may I not say for Old Glory, as Trinculo said, when he took shelter beneath the gaberdine of the monster, " Mi sery makes a man acquainted with strange bed fellows ?"—(Loud cheers and laughter.) As I have resorted to the drama for a resemblance to one great demagogue, you will allow me to say that there is another who is suspected, at least—a man of splendid talents—capable of electrifying assemblies by his elo quence—sound in some points, but I am afraid, showing evidences of disappointment and pique—l mean Lord Brougham.—(Hear.) Look, for instance, at his con duct towards Lord Durham, and as regards Malta. I will not liken him to Trinculo, but I will say that he re sembles anothi'r character in the same play ; he has not, like Trinculo, sheltered himself under the gaberdine of the Tory monster, but, like Stephano, he has com menced a flirtation with the monster—(Laughter)— and has asked him to partake of his bottle.—( Cheers.) But the genius of the British people shall rise, like another Prospero, and chase the monster and his companions back to their den.—(Prolonged cheer ing.) It is not my intention to say much more, but I will let the last word be on the subject of our gracious Mistress.—(Cheers.) She has called upon her Ministers to stand by her now, and she expects the people of Englund to do so also.—(Great cheering.) But how are you to do so ? I have already stated that the Reform Bill requires amendment, and I am sure we are all sensible that the Registration Courts require amendment.—(Great cheering.) We may conjecture such a thing as an officer entrusted with the adminis tration of the law in those Courts, being a violent poli tical partisan—(Cheers)—we may believe that there are some men whose minds are so constituted as to admit of their going any lengths to advance the interests of their party, regardless of the dignity of their office and of the high and important duties which they arc called upontolperform.—( Hear.) We may imagine the possibi lity of there being a corrupt and venal officer, capable of perverting the law to the scandal of justice. This subject must come before the Legislature, and to this 'pledge rey. self, that whenever it does come before the House of Commons, Bristol shall form a conspicuous figure. I will now tell you what you can dc to show your devotion to the Queen. Hasten to the Registration Court ; suffer not your enemies to overpower you ; support those conscientious men who are ready to serve the city, and are friends of economy, in your municipal elections ; register yourselves ; do not let the Tories steal a march on you ; you have shown what you can do; do not go to sleep at your posts.—(Loud cheers.) We have had many compliments paid to our illustrious Queen ; one lately paid her by Sir Robert Peel, as handsome as it was deserved, forced upon him by the Queen's own merits. When Sir Robert was elected for Tamworth, he attempted to be complimentary to the Queen, hut his attempt was not so happy as it might have been. Gentlemen, he compared her Majesty to Marie Antoinette, who, as you remember, fell a victim at the period of the first French Revolution. If Sir Robert had compared her to the most beautiful woman that ever existed, her Majesty would have considered it gross flat tery, and turned from him with contempt. I am unable to account for his doing this, unless with the in tention of quoting Burke; but he should not have quoted Burke, the great orator though mistak e n politician, whose situation I now unworthi l y fill.—(" No, no," and cheers.) He should hay e quoted Burke, the fine writer, and there he would have found words in which he might worthily compliment the Queen. In Burke's " Essay on the Sublime and Beautiful," there is this passage—" By beauty I mean that quality which causes love." Is not Victoria then beautiful?—(Tremendous cheers.) I assure you that I shall feel honoured in laying your address at the feet of the Queen.—(Cheers.) You have named with me for that office a noble relative, and on behalf of Lord Segrave, I can assure you that he will feel it an honour conferred upon him by a meeting so numerous and re spectable as this. The Hon. Gentleman then sat down amidst the most tumultuous plaudits. After a vote of thanks to the Mayor for the use of the hall, and to the Chairman for his obliging conduct in the chair, the meeting broke up, giving hearty cheers for the good cause. MARYLEBONE VESTRY. THE ADDRESS TO HER MAJESTY. On Saturday, at a meeting of this Vestry, Mr. Flood the Clerk, read a memorial from the Parochial Commit tee (which consists of 500 members), in which they ap plauded the patriotic and prompt conduct of the Vestry respecting the recent Address to the Queen. On the motion of Mr. HOVENDEN, seconded by Dr. PRITCHARD, the memorial was ordered to be entered on the minutes. The CHAIRMAN (Mr. A. Daniell) having read the minutes of the Address to her Majesty, and the pay ment of 91. 141.9 d. for advertisements relative thereto, Mr. FOSTER (a Conservative) said the Vestry were bound to disburse the rates that were placed at their disposal faithfully and economically, and they had no right to apply them to political instead of parochial pur poses. It was quite 'clear that the Vestry Clerk had paid the money in his own wrong, and he should re luctantly move (but he did it upon principle), " That. the minutes, authorising payment of the sum, be non confirmed." Mr. WING seconded the motion. Mr. COCPIRANE said, Alien the public 'saw money cellected for one purpose devoted to political ends, he could not but believe that the precedent would be of a very mischievious tendency, and no person could fore tel where the evil would end. Earl MaNvEns should hold up his hand against the confirmation of the minutes. After some discussion, Mr. BAGSHAWE moved as an amendment, " that the minutes be confirmed."—(Cheers.) Mr. HANNAY seconded the amendment. Mr. Josurn characterised the proceedings of the fac tion to which Mr. Foster belonged as a gross attempt to deprive the Vestry Clerk of 9/. 14s. 9d., which he had paid out of his own pocket.—(Hear, and No.) Mr. FOSTER having replied, the question was put, and the minutes were confirmed by an overwhelming majority. Sir BENJAMIN HALL, M.P., explained that he had forwarded the address to Lord Durham for presenta tion, and that his Lordship had acknowledged the re ceipt of it in a letter dated the 13th instant. The Hon. Member then read the following letter, which he stated he had subsequently received from the Noble Earl " Cleveland-row, May 15, 183 9. " SIR,•-.-It appears by the Gazette of last night that her Majesty's Levee is postponed till further orders. I have therefore to repuest that you will inform me whether it is wished that I should forward the Address from the Vestry of Marylebone to the Secretary of State for immediate presentation to her Majesty, or retain it until I can present it myself at the first Levee. Your most obedient servant, (Signed) " Sir B. Hall, B ar t., M.P." '° DURHAM. A few observations between Mr. Young, Mr. Bag shawe, and Sir Benjamin Hall, then ensued, as to the course to be pursued respecting the Address, and it was finally determined that it should remain in'the hands of Lord Durham until the Levee, which takes place on the 22d instant, when it will be presented by his Lord ship. _ _ Some other business was transacted, and the Vestry broke up. Among the inventions of the day in the Tory Journals, we find it confidently repeated that Lord John Russell is immediately to leave the House of Commons, and to be raised to the Peerage. For our part, we have no hesitation in expressing our belief that there never was a particle of foundation for the report : and may we be permitted to add, that we should ♦iew with sincere regret now, or at any other time, the removal of such a statesman as Lord John Russell from the popular branch of the Le gislature.—Observer. THE FORCE OF A TORY QUERY. Of all the forms of speech for force and signifi cance, and a certain mystic charm—a je ne sais quoi of pleasing wonder—which it diffuses, or may diffuse, commend us to the interrogative. The poets know the value of it, and ever when they want to wake a reader thoroughly, it is by a question—a question in a place where no question was looked for—where the affirmative, not the in was the form to be expecte d. Th ere i s terrogative, not a greater agent of mystery than that same " little crooked thing that asks questions." By it the commonest sentence becomes uncommon— the washiest remark is invested with significance— the most obvious affair grows dark and fearsome. If instead of saying " It's a fine day, JONES,' BROWN should say " Is it a fine day, JONES ?" only observe what a sudden strangeness of effect ! By a mere verbal transposition, JONES finds himself thrown somehow upon an obscure responsibility—he hardly knows what he may not be accountable for—the weather ? impos sible I yet something is implied, Heaven only knows what, and meanwhile the consequence is, JONES feels uneasy in his mind till he knows what the devil BROWN means. We all remember the elctrical nature of that once popular challenge," How's your mother ?" a question never intended to be an swered, but purely gratuitous, according to the cri tical canon of Qv iN cTILIAN, in his I ns tit u ti ons (Book ix., cap. 2), where by the way, he places the Interrogatio at the very head of his list of powerful moving figures. 01 -,,LTINCTILIAN explains the prime force of this figure to be an invidious implication. He says that questions are asked with various motives, but first of all invidics gratia. Then he shows the great viktu6 of die interrc li -ative generally. Of the celebrated opening of the CA TA LINE Oration, Quousque tandem, &c., he remarks, how insipid it would be if divested of its interroga tion—if instead of saying " How long, 0, CATA LINE, will you abuse our patience ?" CICERo had said, " You have abused our patience, 0, CA TA LINZ, a long while 1" And he notices that use of the interrogative embodied in " How's your mother ?" which he says is not put for the sake of information, but with the object of stirring people up—" Non sciFcitandi gratia assumitur, sed in standi." We have been led into these marks of our admi ration for marks of interrogation by the masterly use which our honourable friends, the Standard and the Herald, have been making of them ; or rather not they, we believe, but certain intelligent and cautious —very cautio us--Correspondents of theirs. " 'We have been furnished," says the Standard of 'Thursday, " with the following queries by a highly intel ligent and very cautious Correspondent : " Is it true that the Marquis of Normanby was at Buck ingham Palace on Tuesday the 7th, from 10 o'clock A. AI. till 6 o'clock 1.. m , without seeing the Queen? " Is it t►ue that during the first interview Sir R bert Peel had with her Majty, Lord Melbourne was in an apartment immediately adjoining ?" If our veracious friend had begun " It is true"— the paragraphs would have had no effect at all, for a reason which he, probably, himself took into account—not without a pang ; for the reason, we say, that every reader would instantly have con cluded "it was false." But in modestly putting it as a question, and in still further removing it from the discredited source of his own authority by deriving it from " a Correspondent," our friend con trived to give it all the credit and importance which could possibly be attached to a paragraph appear. ing in a journal in the peculiar circumstances of the Standard. It is a matter of common observa tion respecting that class of people which (to avoid an uglier, though shorter word) we may call the thing-that-is-not-arians, that when their ordinary assertions are good for nought, they think their interrogations may pass for something. Our friend the Standard appears to be one of these. But the thing is unreasonable. What I when all his affirmations arc matters of question does he think his matters of question are to have the force of affirmations ? This should rather be an honour belonging to truth in the highest degree than falsehood's forlorn hope. Nevertheless, such is the efficacy of the interrogative, being, as QUINCTI-. LIAN says, totum plenum varietatis," that this effect is one not unusually produced by it ; a fact of which some papers in the peculiar circumstances of the Standard have of late not unfrequently, but hitherto unsuccessfully, endeavoured to avail themselves The Standard has so often bid the country beware of one wolf or another that never came, that lie could not now—and he feels he could not— command a moment's attention by his ordinary pro testations for any new wolf, however near and howling. Though th e PopE himself were in Hyde Park with 30,000 Roman Catholics in full armour, our honourable friend could not singly persuade anybody of that fact ; we might all have to go to mass next morning for anything he could do to save our souls. But how far this new plan of asserting things by way of question is likely to serve him, we dare not say. If our honourable friend had been the boy in the fable, we doubt not he would have hum bugged the good shepherd much more successfully. Instead of " The wolf's coming, father I" he would have tried it the other way about—" Is it true, fa ther, that the wolf's coming ei" and so would have sent the unfortunate man another fool's errand. But the moving questions of the Standard, found a response in the congenial soul of the Herald— at least that Irish sort of response, which consists in asking more questions. This venerable matron, after duly reciting the questions of the Standard, thus " cautiously " extends the mysterious cate chism : In addition to the above, it may be asked, was not Lord John Russell seen going into Bucking - ham Palace on Thusday morning, between the time of the first interview of Sir Robert Peel with the Queen on that morning, and his return with the Duke of Wellington ? And was he not in the Palace, in another room, during the period of the Duke of 'Wellington's conversation with her Majesty?" These questions remind one of those which Sir Christopher Hatton asks Sir Walter Raleigh in the Critic. Sir Christopher—described by Mr. Puff'a s a " cautious conjecturer," like the Stan (lard's Correspondent, begins thus importantly : " There is a question which I yet must ask ; A question which I never asked before"— But after asking this and various other cautious questions, it turns out that Sir Christopher did not, in fact, ask any one question, for his own infor mation," for he knew all before, the real object (as with our Contemporaries) being to " insinuate the plot into the boxes." We have only been surprised that the chain of inquiry begun by the Standard has not been con tinued further by other Tory Journals. It was so easy to go on adding more bits, and bits more, and linking them together by the simple expedient of—" In addition to the above it may be asked," that we eo4ess we expected to see the Standard's originlext transferred, in succession, to every Tory Paper in the country, wi t h new additions each time, till it became, like one of the minor classics, swallowed up in the volumnousness of the commentators. Such queries set the imagination all on fire, and posi tively invite the efforts of imitation. We have ourselves already some humble additions which we are tempted to make, if only to induce abler persons to follow up an inquiry of so much importance. We extract some of them from our note-book, wher e we set them down from time to time as they occurred to us In addition to the above it may be asked : Is it tr ue , t h at, during Sir Robert Peel's first interview with the Queen, Mr. O'Connell was stationed in the door-way with a barrel organ, playing " St. Patrick's day in the morning ?" is it true, that the sweep boy was up the chimney the whole time and heard every thing ? Is it true, that a detachment of the Life Guards was placed in the hall, and that the commanding officer had strict orders to poke Sir Rob: rt in the ribs, and say " Who arc you? as he came from the Royal presence? In addition to the above it may be asked Is it true, that the Great Mogul was in the wine-cellar playing at Beggar-my-neighbour with Sir John Cam 1 - lohhouse from 10 o'clock A. M. till 8 o'clock r. NI. on Tuesday the 7th? Is it true, that as the Duke of Wellington came out of the throne room he saw the American President sitting on the bannisters smoking a cigar? In addition to the above, it may be asked : Was the Pope in the parlour? rRURO.—ADDRESS to THE QUEEN AND DEFEAT OF THE CHARTISTS. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) SATURDAY, MAY 18, 1839. Yesterday evening a meeting was held in the Town hall of this borough, pursuant to a requisition sent to the Mayor, to consider the propriety of addressing her Majesty on the present political crisis, and to express a hope that the Ministers she has restored to her Councils will uphold her Royal prerogatives, and at the same time promote the cause of Reform. At the commencement of the business the room was not more than half full, but shortly after the meeting was densely crowded, and the greatest interest was manifested in the proceedings. There were some Tories present, and a very large number of Chartists, whose subsequent conduct exhibited a species of insanity that is unaccountable, seeing that they arc playing most completely a game for the Tories which that party have not the courage to attempt themselves. There is scarcely a meeting held in this borough in which some of the Chartists do not attempt to get up a "demonstration" in favour of the Charter; and thus, by causing interruption and feuds in all our meetings, they are, through their vio lence, driving from them all the advocates of order, peace, or good government. J. HODOE, Esq., Mayor, on the motion of J. F. Beu- NALLACK, Esq., seconded by J. BORLASE, Esq., took the chair. The CHAIRMAN opened the meeting by stating the cir cumstances that had taken place with reference to recent Ministerial changes, alluding particularly to Sir Robert Peel's attempt to controul her Majesty's household, and her Majesty's resistance of such a tyrannical interfer ence. In consequence of this, said his Worship, no administration could be formed by the Tories, and Lord Melbourne was sent for. His Lordship, and the other Members of the Wing Cabinet, would not allow -her Ma jesty to be left in the predicament of being without a Go vernment, and they therefore resumed office, and this meeting had assembled to vote an address of thanks to her Majesty, for her spirited and noble conduct in resisting a shameful attempt to shackle and control her choice of her friends and companions in a manner heretofore un- i known to a British Sovereign. He thought that the Queen had acted in a manner that every Englishman ought to be proud of.—(Loud cheering.) His worship then called upon the meeting to give every gentleman a fair bearing, and concluded by reading the requisition. ROBERT MICHELL, Esq., said he had been very unex pectedly called upon to move tho first resolution, aad he was totally unprepared to make any speech on the occa sion. Still he was quite ready to give his warmest con currence to the sentiments expressed .in the resolution that be was about to move, and he had no doubt, from the feelings manifested everywhere else on the subject that had occasioned that meeting, that it would have their entire approbation. Mr. MICHELL then moved the follow ing resolution " That the inhabitants of the borough of Truro beg leave to approach the throne with their tribute of grateful admiration of your Majesty's magnanimity and firmness on a late trying occasion, when an ambitious Statesman, taking advantage of your Majesty's gracious condescension in consulting him on the formation of a new Ministry, had the audacity to propose to your Majesty, and to insist, as an indispensable condition of his taking office, that your Majesty would dismiss the ladies of your Royal Household, the faithful and accomplished friends of your Majesty's choice."--( Loud cheers.) J. F. BECNALLACK, Esq. said he must make the same apology as Mr. Michell had made, but on an occasion of this sort he trusted that he should be able and ready to discharge his duty to his Sovereign. He felt that the breast of every Englishman must beat with indignation at the insult that had been offered to the Queen.—( Cheers.) The small majority that the Whigs had on the Jamaica question had rendered it necessary that they should retire, and Sir Robert Peel had been called upon to form a Ministry, but had failed. Ile (Mr. B.) was very glad of it, for he had lived long enough, and had seen enough of the domination of Tories, never to wish to see them rein stated in power any more.—( Cheers.) He remembered the time when, in that borough, my Lord could have re turned his coach horses as members if be pleased ; but they had outlived those days, and they would never return again to the Tories. He hoped that they would now have such a Ministry as would follow out the advantages that the Reform Bill conferred. Ile was one of the commu nity, and he wanted no especial right for himself; but be would take good care not to give the Tories an oppor tunity of depriving them of what they had obtained. He would make no compromise with them—he would hold no communication with them—they should have his continued and determined opposition.— (Loud cheers.) With respect to the Chartists, he would support no men who were not obedient to the laws. —( Cheers and hisses.) He would support no individuals who would not support the cause of Reform, which ought to flow on while any grievances remained to be redressed, as freely as the stream, and as rapidly as the light from heaven. But when they found those men, who were the advocates of everything that would tend to break up society, stalking through the laud, he could not help thinking that it was a pity that they did not consider a little more the improbability of their obtaining their objects by their present mode of pro ceeding„ before they attempted to excite the people.— ( Cheers, anti great uproar by the Chartists.) iie was ready to meet the Chartist in single fight or combat, in reason and argument, to support every constitutional power vested in the Government that would give better laws, greater freedom, and prosperity to the working classes ; but he would not support that equality'that went to the destruction of all property.—( Cheers.) Let them all meet to advocate the good cause of legitimate government, seeking to promote by every legal means whatever might be necessary to redress any grievance, and then they would carry with them the support of every lover of his country, and go on to a successful issue. The Learned Gentleman then went on to notice the conduct of Sir R. Peel, and ridi culed his assertion about having resorted to the " Red Book," in order to ascertain who formed the Ladies of her Majesty's Household, after which he noticed w hat had been the custom with former Queens when there had been a change of Ministry. With respect to the relative merits of the two parties, Mr. Beuriallack asked who incurred all the debt by which the country is now almost overwhelmed? Who had tried to reduce that debt in the best pos- sible way ?—( Cheers.) Who first opened the way to the respectable tradesmen of this country to give a voice in the return of Members to Parliament? He remembered when 343 Members went out of the House of Commons at half-past five o'clock in the morning in favour of Reform. What did Sir Robert Peel do then ? The very minute he found that the people were about to be e!evated in the social scale-4 Mr. Spur, the Chartist leader, " Not the people")—l am. said Mr. Beunallack, as much one of the people as you, Mr. Spur ; I do not wish to exclude you from any advantage that you can obtain by legal means—l will give you my support for a great deal that you require, but I like to see your cause bottomed on reason, and not carried out by violence.—(Loud cheers.) lam no advo cate for putting down any class of the community, so long as that class conducts itself in a manner that is peaceable end not dangerous to society.—( Cheers.) In reference to the question that they had met to consider, how differ ently they were circumstanced now to what they were that night week. They were then about to be delivered over to Tory thraldom, and if a woman had not interposed be tween the Tories and the people, they might have had a revolution to have brought them back to their former posh tion as bloody as the French revolution of 1,93.-4 Hear.) But they had by some kind fortuitous circumstances been able to effect a bloodless revolution, and they were now, he hoped, placed upon a pinnacle from which they , should never be removed. He thought. that the posi tion of Lord Melbourne was such as to defy any Tory enemy ; but if the support that he received in the House of Commons was insufficient to carry on the Government, he hoped Lord Melbourne would go to the country ; and he had no doubt his Lordship would be supported by the people.—(Cheers.) He called upon them to sanction and approve of all that her Majesty had done. She bad shown herself to be a true scion of the House of Brunswick—not of such men as George the Third and the Duke of Cumberland—(Groans)—but of William the Fourth and the Duke of Sussex—(Loud cheers)--of men who possessed the affections of the people. He hoped that the Ministers would carry out the cause of Reform, which had received such valuable support from her Majesty. The Learned Gentleman concluded by seconding the resolution. Mr. SPUR here inquired whether he might be permitted to move an amendment. After some discussion, he agreed to postpone it till the address was moved. The MAYOR then put the resolution, which was carried, there being about half a dozen hands held up against it. 0. Wieetems, Esq. moved the next resolution :—" That this meeting begs leave also to congratulate your Ma jesty and the country on the restoration of a Liberal Government, and at the same time we would humbly express our conviction that upon a strict adherence by your Majesty's Ministers to the principle of Reform, and the continued support and encouragement of Civil and Religious Liberty, must depend the stability of the throne, and the prosperity of the British empire ; and we hail with joyful confidence your Majesty's recent decision, as the strongest demonstration of your Majesty's sentiments on these important points."---(Loud cheering.) Captain KRUPE seconded the resolution, which had his cordial concurrence. The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which was carried unanimously. G. N. SIMMONS, Esq., town-clerk, then read the ad dress, which was formed of the two resolutions already noticed. JOHN PADDON and JOHN BAYNARD, Esqrs„ having briefly proposed and seconded the adoption of the address, Mr. SPUR rose, and said it appeared that the battle- was to be fought between Mr. Stokes and himself.—(Laughter. ) All the preceding speakers " had been going round the Church to see for the tower."—( Laughter. ) They had all to-night a duty to perform. Each of them, as men and as citizens, had a most solemn duty to perform. The address which was going to her Majesty the Queen was calculated to lead her either into right or into wrong. It either bad a tendency to make her course through life a comfortable, or on the contrary an unhappy one. A false step with her now might be her ruin, and a false step with them might injure the cause of the people and throw them back three or four centuries in the rear. He was sorry that be had no one to come forward to back him in the cause which he had espoused, and which he was there ready to fight for the people single-handed.—(Cbeers, and a voice, " There are plenty of Tories here.") He was not there to defend the common enemy of the people and of good government—the Tories; and, on the other hand, he was not there to support as base, brutal, and bloody, a fac tion, he meant the Whigs, as ever existed.—( Laughter. ) One of the motions submitted to that meeting stated that her Majesty had called back a Liberal Government. The gentleman who read that resolution knew that more illi. beret, more unpopular measures had never been brought forward than by that Government. They had formerly passed a vote of confidence in 'hat Ministry, and had given their support to Lord John Russell, but he had become a finality man, and the Editor of The Sun said that he had been obliged to give up the hope of his not being a finality man. Lord John had gone over to Sir Francis Burdett.—( Hear, hear.) It was a wonder that Mr. Beunallack had not pekted out the good deeds that the Whigs had done, but that was left for Mr. Stokes to do, and as he ( Mr. Spur) was determined that the meeting should not hear of their good deeds alone, they should have their bad deeds from him.—( Cheers and laughter.) When Lord John was beaten on the Jamaica question, which he ought to have been—(" No, no," and great up roar)—that was his opinion. No aristocracy went about reforming itself, and if the Jamaica Assembly was too aristocratic, Lord John, instead of depriving the island of its Constitution, should have poured into the Assembly a strong decoction of democracy. That would have been justice ; but instead of that he attempts to take away their Constitution. Then, when the Whigs resigned, who did they recommend? Oh, tell it not in Gath, publish it not in Askalon 1 They recommended Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington. Thus the very men who had been keeping back reform themselves, recommended the Queen to send for the Duke of Wellington and Sir Ro bert Peel.—(No, no.) That was the fact. He would give the Tories credit ; the devil must have his due.— (Laughter.) He admired them for their energy and their zeal, and he would to God that the Reformers would take a leaf out of their book. Mr. Spur then went on to de nounce the conduct of the Whigs in opposing the Char tists. They would tell the people, when they wanted to be carried into office, that it was their duty to arm; but, lo and behold 1 when the poor man attempts to get arms he was told that it was unconstitutional, that it was against the laws of his country. It was as much a constitutional right of the poor man to keep arms in his house as it was foe the rich man.—(Tremendous cheering.) They had been told by a high authority, that when the Govern ment made bad laws it was their duty to resist that Government.—( Cheers.) The Chartists maintained the right of every man to have arms, and aguinst that claim there had not been the shadow of an argument. The arguments of the Chartists had never been met. The people demanded nothing but their right, and nothing but what they would have.—(Great cheering.) The people had-beenenothing-less than a hack-horse—the Tories rode them one time and the Whigs another.—(Laughter.) What had the people to do with the Whigs or the Tories either? Let every man see that he has a good coat on his back, food in his house, and education for his children. The MAYOR—It must be an industrious man to do that. —( Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Stela admitted that; but the fact was that English men were too industrious—that was the evil.—( Uproar.) If that address went up to the Queen it would lead her to believe that she had a Ministry in whom the country had confidence ; but he would ask them whether they had con fidence in Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell ? (" No, nor) It was throwing the mantle of love over them to send up this address. However much they might respect them for their talents, they must hate and abhor them for their conduct, inasmuch as their dignity and ta lents had rendered them more powerful in oppressing the people. Mr. Spur then went on at great length to de nounce the New Poor-law, particularly those clauses that related to the division of the man from his wife. Then what did Lord John Russell do for the Dissenters ? He proposed to abolish Church -rates, and he ran away and left the Dissenters in the lurch.—(" No, no 1" and cheers. ) He would prove it. Supposing that they had been employ ing a number of men, and had given them good board and lodging and excellent wages, for the purpose of carrying a Bill to Chacewater, and after four years' employment they got up as far as the turnpike gate, and were there stopped by a few old women in lawn sleeves, who caused them to tuns back. What would be said then ? Why, that they ought to have done the same as Sampson did with the gates of Gaza—they ought to have taken up gates, posts, house, and all, and run away with them.—(Great laugh ter.) He then dwelt much upon the conduct of the Whigs towards the Canadians, said that they had h.creased the national debt 37,000,0001. in four years, had paid twenty millions for the emancipation of the slaves, and thereby acknowledged a right to property in man, and concluded by proposing that it is not expedient, under present cir cumstances to present an address to her Majesty. Mr. JOHN LONGMAID said he was sorry that the gentle men on the platform did not like to hear what Mr. Spur had said. Mr. Beunallack began by broyv-beating the character of the Tories, and now because Mr. Spur had been brow-beating the characters of the Whigs, they could not agree with him.—(Cheers.) Mr. Beunallack was at one time a very great Radical. He was then appealing to the people of Truro as to the principle of working out the Reform Bill, and on this particular occasion be was trying it on again. He had not done so for the interests of the working man ; if he had, he thought that gentleman would have come forward at the last meeting here, con• vened for the purpose of obtaining a repeal of the odious Corn-laws. That gentlemen never figured . on the plat form to try to get away that heavy tax on the life of the poor man. The CHAIRMAN called upon the speaker to address himself to the Amendment. He was now addressing Mr. Beunallack. Mr. LONGMAID said that, he was addressing his observa tions to the Mayor, but Mr. Beunallack might apply them to himself if he felt disposed.—(Laughter.) Mr. Long maid then seconded the amendment., H. S. STOKES, Esq., rose to suggest some reasons why the original proposition should be carried, and he had to congratulate the Chartists of , his town with the possession of two such hopeful charac.c r to represent their interests n the National Conventr.,, _Spur and Longrnaid, and, when they got to Birmingham, whither the Convention had now flown, they would foil that the prudent, the dis creet, the well-meaning of the Chartists had all deserted their posts.—(No, no.) They had heard a great deal of falsehood, of lies, of most atrocious lies.—(Great uproar, in which Mr. Spur, who had been particularly noisy all the evening, was very conspicuous, and continued to inter rupt Mr. Stokes throughout the greater part of his speech, denying most of what he said.) It was notorious that numbers of the well-thinking, the most intelligent, the most respectable, of the Chartists belonging to the Con vention, as they sat in London, had protested against the atrocious doctrines originated in that Convention, and had withdrawn their names.—(No, no.) He asked every man in that room whether they ever heard him say a thing which he did not believe to be true.—( Cheers.) He asked them whether any Chartists present could bring their minds to believe that an appeal to arms—that vio lence and bloodshed was the means to obtain freedom.— ( Hear, hear, and great uproar.) Listen to me, said Mr. Stokes, I don't wish to denounce your Charter. When I read it I was delighted with it, and if I dissented from the principle of Annual Parliaments, still I was charmed with almost the whole of the Charter, and I defy any man to read it without admiring it, but I ask you that belong to the working Men who carried the Reform Bill, whether you think that that Charter can be carried by the means that have been advocated. ( Hear, hear, and great uproar.) Is it not better to do as you did at the time of the Reform Bill agitation—to do as the two hundred thousand men of Birmingham did on that occasion.--( Spur, who war, like a madman, here kept calling out " Question.") It is most disgraceful 1 He has denounced Whigs and Tories one after another, and has given a number of reasons why the address should not be supported, and I now rise to say why it should be sup ported. If the object of the people is to get the Charter passed, let them do it by peaceful agitation—by such means as those adopted by the Birmingham men, who, when they assembled by hundreds of thousands on Newhall Hill, sung— " God is our guide, no sword we draw, We kindle not war's battle fires ; By reason, justice, order, law, We win the birthright of our sires." _ _ —(Loud cheering, and great uproar by the Chartists.) We never heard of pikes, and of instruments of the most deadly nature. By peaceful means was the Reform Bill carried, and that should be the means we should now adopt.--(" Will you help us ?") I will help you almost the whole way.--(" Will you sign the petition ?") I will sign for Household Suffrage, which is all at present that any honest man can require.—(" The lodger pays his taxes.") So will I sign that the lodger should have a vote when he comes to years of discretion, when he is SO years of age. But when you come to talk about lads who are not out of their apprenticeship having a vote, it is absurd. --(Great uproar.) I stand here to support the original proposition. First of all we congratulate the Qu een th a t she has not allowed herself to be domineered over, as re gards her Household, by Sir Robert Peel, and I ask every man in this assembly whether he does not approve most heartily of the conduct of his Queen ? There is not a man here that will say he does not.—( Cheers.) There is not a man here who will not admire the estimable qualities of that excellent Lady. She was asked to dismiss her friends ; she would not, and I ask you do you not approve of her conduct in abandoning the old barbarous maxim that " Sovereigns should have no private friends ?"—( Cheers.) The second part goes to congratulate the country on the restoration of a Liberal Ministry, and then it goes on to express a hope that those Ministers will follow out the cause of Reform in earnest--that there should not be, as the Duke of Sussex said the other day, any shuffling. (Loud cheering.) Now that is the way in which the ad dress is worded. If that address had been for the Ministry as it existed, I would not have signed it. It is nothing of that kind. It is worded so that we should congratulate the country at our escape from Toryism. It is next to certain that Lord John Russell will not be there.—(Loud cheers.) It is believed that Lord Durham will form a part of that Ministry—(Cheers)—and if he joins them there can be no doubt that we shall have the ballot, house hold suffrage, and triennial Parliaments. I ask every man, for the love of humanity and patriotism, to unite with me in carrying on the work of Reform, and help such an Ail ministration as that would be. It is by that policy that has been attempted to be played here to-night that men that would be the best friends of the people are driven from them—they are alarmed—they are disgusted when they hear of bloodshed and every other kind of violence. When they hear of such deadly instruments they think of all the horrors that disgraced the first French revolution. —( Hear, and great uproar.) We must avoid all thnt kind of thing. We must not only avoid the suspicion of having a desire to rob our neighbour and to shed his blood.—( Spur Who shed blood at Peterloo ?") Every man who wishes to have liberty must convince tl t.h oo e as nt a b n e t or w ' ee n propertym a man in England that he means to do and man ; that he only asks h!srirsjuh;s; and that he seeks only by peaceful means to obtain i those rights. Mr. Spnr here interrupted Mr. Stokes, and the greatest confusion prevailed for some time. The object of Spur was to get the reply to M. r. r. Stokes, but this was decid e d by the Chairman to be irregular ; and after much discus sion, Spur gave wa y, and Mr. STOKES then said he proceeded by Mr. Spur's per mission. The learned gentleman went on at considerable length to support the address, and adverted to most of th (Jr" 7471)-Fr) ON. points touched upon by the Chartists, all of st hich be treated in an able manner. At the conclusion of his speech he was loudly applauded. The CHAIRMAN then put the amendment. Agl eat number of hands were held up in its favour ; but the Cha'ir man declared the show to be against it. The Tories , o , whom there were now a great number present, were parti cularly active during the whole of the noisy clamour that was made in order to drown the voices of the speakers. R. MteuELL, gsq., moved that the address should be presented to the Queet: by Earl Spencer. The motion was seconded by Mr. Maocß, and carried. JOSEPIICS FEARIS move 3 and Mr. TEALOR seconded the next resolution, in the course of which Mr. Tealor said he would not say a single wort.. ( in favour of the Mel bourne Administration, for it was impssible that he could. There was only one trait is their character which he ad mired. When the Tories were going to lay their claws upon the young Queen they rescued her, and for that he forgave them all their bad deeds.—( Hisses., He did hope that they would see the errors of their ways a l , d still do good to the cause. Those present were old enoujh to re member that they lost cne member of the famiiii und er very suspicious circumstances, and they should a, so re member that there was but one step between the virgin Queen and his Majesty of Hanover.—( Hear, ai'd cheering.) There were thousands who long for the death of this young Queen, and he believed that if the Tories had been in office for six months, she would not have lived to oppose them.—( Cheers.) Mr. MICHELL then took the chair, and Spur proposed three cheers for the Convention, which were heartily given by the Chartists. Mr. Tealor then proposed three cheers for :‘ our glorious Queen," which every body gave but the Tories. Mr. SPUR proposed three groans for the Whigs and three groans for the Tories, which, as the audience were in a groaning humour, were also given with hearty good will. Mr. STOKES then proposed three groans for the Chartists, which were given by the Liberals con amore. Mr. TEALOR begged to congratulate the Tories on their connexion with the Chartists. At this time all was con fusion, when Mr. SAWLE obtained the attention of the meeting, and said in his opinion the Queen did not deserve all that praise that had been bestowed upon her, for she did not mind sacrificing the people to the Tories, but when her own privileges came to be attacked she then resisied and refused to concede to men whom she would hare other wise accepted. Mr. JOHN JAMES, a Member of the Society of Friendly proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which, having been seconded by several gentlemen, was unanimously accorded. The MAYOR returned thanks, and the meeting then gal• three cheers for the Mayor, three cheers for Mr. Took, three cheers for the amendment, three for Spur, and the same number for Mr. Sawle, The very quiet and peaceable assembly then separated. BIRMINGHAM. (FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.) SUNDAY NiO/IT. Since Friday evening, when Mr. O'Brien and other De legates addressed a large concourse of persons in Smith' field-market, no meetings have taken place, either in the town or at Holloway-head. The utmost tranquillity pre vails, and the apprehensions which were entertained by many from the excited state of the populace immediately after the examination of Messrs. Brown and Fussell, that the public peace would be disturbed, have now given way to the conviction that no further attempts will be made to collect meetings in the public thoroughfares, which are alone likely to lead to interference on the part of the so' thorities. Indeed, all classes of the respectable inhabitant s have reason to feel grateful for the forbearance which the Magistrates have exercised in the discharge of their duties, which were certainly trying and onerous in the extreme. Nearly the whole of the members of the Convention have separated for the respective stations assigned them through' out England and Scotland, and the meetings, which bave been called " simultaneous," will commence on Mond* and be held on various days throughout the present w eek. Friday is fixed for the great Birmingham meeting, and 115 the Whitsun fair takes place on Thursday, and continue till the close of the week. there is every probability, bow; ever it may lack in vigour, that there will be no want of numbers to add to its importance. As the long and accurate reports which have already appeared in your paper of tbe recent proceedings here may hare the effect of creatino an impression unfavourable to our commercial interestsy: may be well to make known, as extensively es Pe s°ib tit ,.. e through the medium of your valuable journal, that the most tranquillity prevails, and from the good feeling l as t t ea respectable and thinking portion of the working- c rious there is little reason to apprehend any ou tbreak of r the or permanent char ac t er . The resolution adoptedt.OThe Convention, and ci rcu l a t e d th roug h th e country "y ex _ Sun, deprecating the u se o f v i o l ent l a nguage, or th e at hibition of arms at public meetings, has already be e n tended with the best effects, and has given confidence to those whose fears lei them to apprehend consequences in jurious to the peace and prosperity of the country. I observe in two of the Morning Tory Journals of Saturday a statement that the police, in their search for Brown and Fussell, stumbled upon a person, at a house la Ffeeman-street, who represented himself as being . e Re" porter to The Sun Newspaper. As the impression tended to be created on the mind of any one read ing that statement cannot be easily mistaken, I thought it might be as well to make some inquiry into the circumstance, from which I learned that a " penny a liner" did " bed and board" at the house men. tioned. I also learned that_ this " penny a liner," although having the impudence at first to represent himself as being connected with The Sun, did afterwards acknow ledge that he had been sent from London by G: and mamma. This latter statement would appear to be cor rect, judging from the facts of the house in which he was found belonging to a tea-totaler, and Grandmamma being such an admirer of the doctrine of tea-totalism. No one could, therefore, give a better description than himself of his own beautiful countenance, which, he tells us, is " ferocious-looking) nor could any one of course better describe the tones in which he besought the police to "have mercy upon him :" but I caution him against, in future, representing himself as being connected with The Sun newspaper. I have also ascertained that this person, and a " liner " for the Times, known in Birmingham by the cognomen of " Jonathan, " went together to an ale house near the railway offices, where they concocted theft reports. This will account for their similarity.; COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen hell a Court on Saturday afternoon , at Buckingham Palace, to receive an Address on the Th"" tie from the Corporation of the City of Dublin, praying ~.prot ection of their rights and privileges, in reference to the Irish Corporation Bill, and also to give andiences to the Portuguese Minister, and Sir E. C. Disbrowe. The Deputation from the Corporation arrived at t he Palace at two o'clock. It consisted of the Right H ick the Lord Mayor of Dublin, the Right Hon. Fre derics Shaw, the Recorder of Dublin, Mr. Alderman Firgr p a r l i fe Mr.. Sheriff Grant, Mr. Ex-Sheriff Jones, Mr. Es''''" - a - a d Quinton, Mr. Wright, Secr e tary to the Lord MaY sr ' - Mr. Lyne, Freeman of Dublin. The Deputation were ushered by Mr. Martin s to the presence of the Queen, in the Throne Room, and advance,f between the ranks of her Majesty's Honourable CorPs Gentlemen-at-Arms, to the foot of the Throne. Th e Re. corder of Dubli n rea d the Address, and her Majesty rbe; turned a most gracious answer. All the Members ;.4 Deputation had the honour to kiss hands, and then reti re The Queen having entered the Royal Closet ga / d audience to Baron de Moncorvo, Envoy Extraordina r y. ,„ Minister Plenipotenti ar y f rom h er M os t Faithful MgJ es r the Queen of Portugal an d th e Al garve s, to present b credentials. His Excellency was introduced by Vise cluri f Palmerston, G. C. 8., he r Majesty's Principal Secre tary °, State for Foreign Aff i i r s, a n d con d uc ted by Sir R eber' Chester, Master of the Ceremonies. Sir Edward C. Drsbrowe, G. C. H., her Majes ty' Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at Hague, was presented to her Majesty at an audience, corning home, by viscount Palmerston Her Majesty gave audiences to the Earl of Ilchester, Viscount Melbourne, and Lord John Russell. The Court was attended by Lady Portman, the 13 L in Waiting ; the Lord Privy Seal ; the First I'll, of the Treasury, the Secretary of State for t",: Home Department, the Lord Chamberlain, the Ig?," ster of the Horse, the Captain of the Honouramer. Corps of Gentlemen at arms, Viscount C ° y e p, mere, Gold Stick in Waiting ; the Captain of the Vic men Guard, Lord Byron, Lord in Waiting; the sir Chamberlain, Hon. Edward Butler, Lieutenant a°,l Thomas Reeve, Standard Bearer to the Honourable Orli, of Gentlemen at arms; Sir Robert Otway, Groerlig; Waiting ; Lord Alfred Paget, Equerry in Waiting • f , James Bruce Curling, Clerk of the Cheque to the %le:: Corps of Gentleman at Arms; Mr. Martins, Gen tleau.- Usher in Waiting ; and Sir Benjamin Smith. h all ' was the Yeomen of the Guard lined the Marble , w as the Queen's Guard, with the Band of the Regimes" on duty on the Palace lawn, vine Her Majesty and her a ugust Mother attended D I I s t , Service yesterday morning in the Chapel Roya l ' of e James's. The sermon was preached by the London, who took his text from Ist John, chap. ver • B a rbaral 24. The prayers were read by the Rev. Mr. the lessons by the Rev. Messrs. Haden and Packman,!te the altar service was read by the Bishop of London. .•"_. musical service was Boyce in C. The chaunt Sanctus , Let and Commandments were Sale's. The anthem, 5 . God arise" (Green), was sung by Messrs. Wy lde, ger te castle, and Brabdury. Mr. J. B. Sale presid ed at t° organ. f tee The Dean of Hereford was the Deputy C lerk 0 _A, Closet in Waiting. The Royal suite consis ted of 1417. Portman, Lady Flora Hastings , Hon. Miss Pitt, Hend Miss Spring Rice, Lord Byron, Sir Robert O twa y , Lord Alfred Paget. 5 to Her Majesty and suite returned in three carriage at Buckingham Palace. The sacrament was adrainisterea the Chapel Royal by the Bishop of London. Her Majesty, attended by Lady Portman, took an airs Pg yesterday in an open carriage and four. Lord Hill had an audience yesterday of the Que en ' The Royal dinner pa r ty on Saturday included V iscetin Melbourne, Viscount Morpeth, Right Hon. George St,e'd yens Byng, Mr. George, and the Hon. Mrs. Anson, s" Colonel Buckley. Her Majesty' s p r i vate b an d was i n attendance after din ner, and performed during the evening. The Queen rode out on horseback on SaturdaY,usist; tended by the Hon. Miss Murray Baroness Lelizen, d Quentin, E ar l o f U x b r id ge , L o rd A Byron, Lord lfr° Paget , Ri gh t H on. Ge orge Sir George S. Byng , Hu n. C. A. ororragY,' o et Sir R o b ert O tway , C o l one l Buckley, and Si; Ge Quentin. cre d e n tials t° Baron de Moncorvo, after presenting his the Queen on Saturday as Portuguese Ministert o.cII•e" tr t, Court, went to the apartments of the Duchess and was presented to her Royal Highness. The Duchess at Cambridge ofaKenritd%ge House. isitedthe D uc hess of Camb rid g e Saturday,on —maim r H TIAN Cotstan and thn Open Tr' The T Chronic]; number L of thei THOUS The T to their ordering ; in Which To prig si °n 3 all Art ;hod iietteral D they are obtaining 4re No w TRIBUT ma ree CT. 4, ° G T .' 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