The Sun. — London, England, 1844-03-27 00:00:00

'•\ Is ~birD Mbition SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. 1 FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. . GLOBE.L—The motion brought forward last night, so 'ably and dispassionately, by Mr. Hutt, has tested the sincerity of , the Cabinet declaration, that the colonies are henceforth to be treated as English counties. Let us.hear not another word of the policy of founding new colonies to trade with. Let us hear not another word a 'devoting public means to supporting settlements, which, some ' day or other, are to prove the best customers for our manufactures. The best cus tomers for our manufactures are those who will give us most for them. The Minister of Trade, and the Minister of Colonies, each told the House last night that there is a landlord in the path, who will not hear of our colonies giving corn for cottons. Ever so distant a ps3.spect of that calamity would create a land panic. Yet, confessedly and notoriously, the difficulty in trade with new countries is to get returns. Confessedly and notoriously, returns in grain would, very generally, be the most welcome. Confessedly and notoriously, what .we spin cottons chiefly for is food. What new Countries would give food chiefly for (after supplying themselves) would be cottons, and other manufactures. at is - this description of exchange that creates the whole reciprocity of interest between old and new 'Countries. It is this which is the most difficult to establish between them ; because it is most difficult to get enough from new countries for our exports. Bence the whole system of hollow credit, of in flated speculation, of paper or land bubbles in the money market. The efforts of those interested in new countries is to direct thither a flow of wealth - from the old one. The effort of wise government ought to be to encourage their means of returning the wealth they drain. All else is ephemeral delusion—capital goes abroad, indeed, but it comes not back again. A most unhappy, corrupt, crafty character is engendered, where life should be most simple; and (as Mr. Murray, .we, think, tells us of Port Philip) " colonial" is the oniy epithet which is thought necessary so' characterise any stroke of over-reaching in business. 'Arid then we amuse ourselves by satirising the " colo nial" character after we have formed it ;—after we have 'fostered, -by our credulous advances, and contracted 'policy, the very vices which inevitably spring from teach ing men to borrow, without teaching them how to pay again —nay, throwing absolute obstacles in the way of the sole payment they can make ! Such was long ..our American policy—though the United States, to all valuable intents and purposes, continued the most im portant colony we had, and might so have continued, had we encouraged her agricultural interest to look to England for a free market. What did we do instead ? `Encouraged the growth of paper, instead of that of corn. Inflated that immense wind-bag, which American. 'cultivators now view es their worst nuisance. Engen dered enmity (for your insolvent debtor is your enemy) ,instead of securing friendship (for your steady cus tomer, who looks to you for your custom, is your friend). .And now we see factories building in the United States, instead of wheat growing for us—rivals establishing, i*stead of customers established, as they ought long since to have been—and we shall probably again (when burnt fingers are a little forgotten) see English capital drained to feed American competition. The capital goes, the people stay—as many as cannot go .after it. Those who can, take off their little capitals after the large one ; and last comes " Syste . matic Colonisation," with its flying machine for the masses.- We know that capital has light wings to fly wherever speculation sends it ; we have learned of late that a new volatile principle is discovered, by which the millions of men can fly on the wings of the millions of money ; and if the machine could only rise off the ground again, after its late heavy falls, there is no doubt it might navigate air to any extent, and transplant na tions like thistle-down. We have encountered the ire of an . awe damnee of the Colonies-Flying-Machine school by - anticipating from Lord Stanley precisely the decision -.Lord Stanley last night uttered. It is now manifest that the talk of identifying our colonies with our counties was an empty boast—that, - as regards the vital article of subsistence—the article of all others which forms a subject of the most natural trade between old countries and new ones—we will not admit the notion of any regular trade with our colonies—first, because that trade would be of no consequence to us now, and secondly, because the landed interest believe it would be of too -. much consequence hereafter. Now we consider, as the - mover considered, both these grounds of rejection as • grounds for assent. 'lf the colonial corn trade is of no ' present consequence, the landlords have no pretext for present panic. If it is of future importance—then it is of future benefit to the colonies and the empire. STANDARD.—Our readers will, we are assured, ap preciate the considerations which dispose us to treat ra ther of the general subject, than of the details of Monday night's debate in the House of Commons. The Ministry is the best that the present generation of Englishmen has seen ; but upon the question discussed on Monday, it is altogether wrong in our opinion, in the opinion of its best friends, and, as we are convinced, in the opinion of the great majority of the nation ; but when • we see our friends seriously in error, it is no doubt our duty, in the first place, to give our humble exer t tions to withdraw them from their mistaken course ; but no less are we bound to abstain from exposing and magnifying those less import ant lapses into which a great original error is sure to lead. Meanwhile we must not overlook the gratitude due to men like Lord Ashley and Sir Robert Inglis, who embrace the righ t course, and prove their ability to defend it with vigour and with spirit ; they, however, would scarcely accept as the fitting testimony of gratitude a se vere and uncandid treatment of temporary antagonists, whom, for their general conduct, they respect as much as we do. The question debated so much and so earnestly during the last ten days would seem, at first sight, . to be thoroughly understood ; but, may we be pardoned for saying it, neither the Parliament nor the public is, in our judgment, as yet in a condition to decide upon it with any approach to certainty, so far as the commercial considerations are concerned. The moral question —the question of humanity—is indeed quite clear, and from its plainness, and the peremptory duty which it points out, we suppose it has happened that Lord Ashley and others have thought it unueces sary to refer to the consideration on the side of com merce ; but as all the objections come from this side it ought not- to be wholly neglected, as it- has been. If the , whole commercial view had been fairly taken, the • whole subject would have been ex amined in its integrity, and not, as it has been, partially, and in the detail of capriciously selected in stances. In dealing with such a matter we cannot generalise our information enough, but the vice of our present system of political knowledge lies in this, that while we are all for practical generalisation, we rarely generalise in the collection of proofs. One or two ex amples are thus made the foundations of a system: this is remarkably the case in the matter before us. What is the question in issue, considered as merely a commercial question ? The distribution of the hours of labour in manufactories, with reference to the pro portion between the hours of labour and of rest. Now, surely, the first step in the investigation of this question would properly be the amount of the hours of labour necessary during some period, which might be called a fair manufacturing cycle. We suppose five years will not be thought either way very far from such a cycle. Of this information, however, both the House and the country are, up to the present moment, altogether destitute, though it might be easily obtained. The number of mills employed in manufactures is, if we are not mistaken, returned by the factory inspectors, as well as the number of labourers employed in these mills—but to the num• ber of hours, or days, or weeks, or even months, durincs which each mill has been at work, we have no clue whatever, and here is the ground upon which we say that. the House of Commons is not in a condition to de cide the commercial question. Lord Ashley, and they support his Lordship, say that into that ques tion they will not enter. They stand upon the moral ground and the ground of humanity, as para mount, and they are right. They. are, however, an swered by a plea of commercial necessity ; but surely it' lies upon those who advance that plea to esta blish its validity, by showing that all the time they claim fur labour is necessary to support the manu facturing system of the country. Unless they do this their resistance is an insult to common sense, no less than to 'the moral and humane feelings of the people. Let, then, some opponent of Lord Ashley move for returns of the mills and mill labourers of the manufacturing districts during five years, and for :the number of_hours in each year in which each mill has been at work, a rewn easily obtained from the facto y inspectors, and ens which must be decisive of the whole commercial question ' • for if it sh ou ld ton out that the mills have, on the whole, wrought less than twelve hours a day for the 1,555 working days of five years, it is plain that, commercially, the twelve tours a day are not necessary; and if it should turn out, as we believe it would, that the mills have not on the average worked six hours a day for the five years Of the cycle, it must be quite manifest that ten !lours daily labour must be sufficient. Our conviction, the result of careful inquiry, is, that the mills on an average of the whole do not work six hours ; and we are more confident in. that conviction, because, though we have more than once asserted it. and shown its bearing upon the question now in issue, no one has yet ventured to contradict it. This assertion we shall repeat until some opponent of Lord Ashley calls for the returns to which we have referral, and those returns prove that we are in error. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Manchester Guardian.) MANCIIESTER.---OUr spinners and manufacturers are _ now reaping the bitter fruits of the unfounded and mis_ chiev OW speculations in the raw . material, at LiverpoOl - and in the United States, of which the public have • heard so much during the last two or three months. By those speculations, the price of the raw Material was forced up ; and prices in this • market gradually followed, to an extent, indeed, which caused the more prudent buyers to limit or entirely suspend their purchases, thereby causing an accumulation of stocks in the hands of the spinners and manufacturers. In this critical state of the market, • ! intelligence arrived of the coMplete breaking down of the -speculation in, the United States ; and the consequence, 'may be readily imagined, has been a great stagnation • of buiguf‘ti op t our Exchange, followed by a very serious • redtidtiotrOp*es. Yesterday was one of ihe gloomiest -and intiSt;aottresXd markets that have been experienced. tor onle i ii4o4* y st. Goods of all descriptions, except. b r i?, ,g09d,.., .49 : 401 4W „, gs (for which there has been a fair -Y-I**A4. ned in prim since last week ; and k :emitt:i•Aeier . f . Pt f yarn are selling at a mere . , shade tile eA tes of last year. 'We learn, however, \ 2.ll v a:A ct ns of price have caused some increase 14 a in the demand ; and, as soon as the cotton market be comes steady, it seems not improbable that a fair busi ness will be done. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, MARCH 25. —We have had a busy market to-day, somewhat similar to that of last Monday. There has been a numerous attendance of buyers, and goods have sold freely at last week's prices. In the wool market there is no change to report. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at . the usual hour. BIRMINGHAM CORPORATION BILL Mr. MUNTZ moved the secondreading of this Bill. Mr. DUGDALE said that he should oppose the second reading of the Bill. He believed that it was not agreeable to the wishes of the majority of the people of Birmingham. He should therefore move that it be read esecond time that day six months. 'The amendment having been put, Mr. MUNTZ said he did not see any reason why the usual form of referring the Bill to a private Committee up stairs should not be observed. The Bill would save the ratepayers of the town 3,5001., and therefore it was a matter of much importance to them. After a few words from Mr. NEWDEGATE and Mr. SCUOLEFIELD in opposition to the Bill, the House divided, when there appeared — For the second reading Against it Majority against the second reading —lO The Bill is consequently lost. On the motion of Mr. AINSWORTH, the Bolton and Preston Railway Bill was read a third time, and passed. Mr. P. HOWARD presented a petition from all the manufacturers of the city of Carlisle, praying for the repeal of the cotton tax. Mr. STANLEY presentee a petition in favour of pro tection to British agriculture. Mr. GALLY KNIGHT presented a petition against any alteration in the corn-laws. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Montrose against the New Prisons (Scotland) Bill; also a petition praying that the House would adopt some means to pre vent the present abuses and hardships which pressed upon the manufacturers of tobacco ; also another petition from Wells, against the Commons' Inclosure Bill. Mr. HOPE presented a petition from a place in Kent, against the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor. 67 \ THE SUN, LONDON, 7SVEDXESD4Y /EVENING, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 26. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack at the usual hour. Messengers from the Commons brought up the Inter national Copyright Bill and the Annual Indemnity Bill, which were read a first time. Lord KENYON presented a petition from Denbigh shire in favour of protection to agriculture. The Noble Lord gave notice that on Thursday next he would pre sent a petition from the University of Oxford against the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor. • Lord. CAMPBELL presented a petition from the pro vost, magistrates, and town council of Edinburgh, pray ing fer the:repeal of the Act of Parliament, which re quired that all professors in Scotch Universities should sign the Confession of Faith, .and be members of the Church of Scotland. ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS BILL. On the motion for going into Committee on . this Bill, Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from the Archdeaconry of Taunton, against that part of the Ec clesiastical Courts Bill, which related to the Arch deaconry of Taunton. Their Lordships then went into Committee. Upon clause 1 being proposed, Lord COTTENHAM said he hoped their Lordships would have ao objection to afford the same powers of jurisdiction to this Bill as those which he proposed in the Bill introduced to that House in 1836. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he was unwilling to deprive those Courts of the jurisdiction which they at present possessed. He had been told by gentlemen connected with Doctors' Commons, that the exercise of this jurisdiction was attended with many benefits, and at a trifling expense. The Bishop of EXETER said the power of excom munication was absolutely essential to the stability of the Church, and without that power it could not exist. If the Noble and Learned Lord had any other means by which he could support the discipline of the Church,' he hoped he would explain it to the House; but until then he would entreat their Lordships to scout any proposition which would deprive the Church of this jurisdiction. The clause was then agreed to; as were also clauses 2,3, and 4. On clause 5 being read, Lord COTTENHAM expressed an opinion that, as this clause went to convert donatives into presentatives, the consent of the .Crown should have been given. Ile also thought there was some unfairness in the arbitrary disposition of the propertY - of individuals. He was not prepared to move an amendment to the clause—no good would result from it—but he felt called upon to express his dissent to the clause. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the clause had been expressly recommended by those Ecclesiastical Commissioners whom the Noble and Learned Lord had so warmly eulogised the other evening, and in his (Lord Lyndhurst's) opinion was one of the most useful and necessary-clauses in the Bill. After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM and the Bishop of LONDON the clause was agreed.to. Clauses 6 and 7 were then agreed to. Clause 8 Was then proposed: Lord COTTENHAM said the Bill Proposed to establish throughout the country diocesan. courts; that was to say a court in each • •diocese of England and Wales., Now, this was a preposition condemned not only by all those individuals who had considered the matter, but it was condemned by the reports of two Commissions which had been appointed with respect to this subject. It had also been con demned by the reports of two Select Committees— one of that House, and one of the other. House of Par liament. It had also been condemned by many influential Members of the present Government ; and if their Lord ships decided in favour of this Bill, they would do so without having a single authority to support them. They would thereby perpetuate an evil to the coun try, without any reason having been advanced for it. This showed that although the Government had the power, they had not the moral courage to carry out a measure which they themselves acknowledged would be attended with most beneficial results. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he was quite wil ling to acknowledge his responsibility in taking up the Bill whiclehad_been introduced into the House of Com mons, and-in the same state as that in-which it. was left, because it would effect much of what had been sug gested by the Commissioners. If his Noble - and - Learned Friend, or any other Noble Lord, could suggest any further improvement, he would be glad to give it every consideration. He thought this measure would be attended with most beneficial results, if they took care that there were proper and competent pirsoes appointed to discharge the duties of judges in those Courts. When gentlemen of such high acquirements in the ecclesiastical laws as Dr. Phillimore and others Whotnlhe could men iton occupied the judicial bench in -those Courts, he felt confident that they must be attended with the best re sults. _ _ - Lord CAMPBELL said it was .true his Noble and Learned Friend had not - accused them of destroying the right of property, yet that if they succeeded in carrying this measure it would be an infringemint of the rights of property. His Noble and Learned -Friend was wil ling now to abandon what he formerly owned. He stated that the Bill had been framed in 1835, and that he then approved of the abolition of all those jurisdictions, and he acknowledged that he did the same last year, because he said that it was brought into the - House of Commons . with his approbation quite as much as with that of Sir Robert Peel. It was true these Courts had existed for one thousand years, and it was a long experience of • their inherent bad qualities which Called for - their aboli tion. The Noble and Learned Lord (Lyndhurst) had said that agreeing to the present Bill would not hinder Noble Lords carrying their improvements further on another occasion ; but he (Lord Cainpb.oll) was satisfied that if next session, or any succeeding session, an at tempt was made by himself or any ofi his Noble Friends to amend the present measure, the Noble and Learned Lord (Lyndhurst) would_ be he fiery first to treat such attempt with derision.- It- was impossible that in these diocesan courts they could have good judges, it was impossible they could :h a ve good advo cates, it was impossible they could have -good practi tioners. Why he appealed to all his Noble-and Learned Friends behind ' him whether a case had ever come up from York that was lot disfigured by -the grossest blunders? Lord BROUGHAM — And folldwed by - reversals.— (Laughter,) _ Lord CAMPBELL — Just so; and -followed by re versals: and yet these Courts were to - be retained, and though formerly condemned, were now to be loudly praised. :The inconveniencies -attending the jurisdiction t ( beir abolition. - annoyance thatdf suitors , he oo could d d n t the and practice of these Courts were enormous; but they mere pretence of the Noble w de e t r r l ni to en b t e o r f ei s in ti e e d e, t o o nia th tyh e ned a c a a n r d ry L a etr i n ll e e d nac Lo ti r n d g Lord-BROUGHAM said he agreed with every word that had fallen from his Noble and Learned Friends in condemnation of those ecclesiastical courts. They had neither eye nor head—neither bal. no judge—but yet they had a prison.—( l laugh.) -However, he (Lord Brougham) was one who wished to get on when he ' could, and if he could not travel at a - full - pace, he was always disposed to take such s t e p - p_ on w ar ds as h e cou ld . This Bill was certainly a great amendment on the ex isting system.' These courts were bad, very bad,—but then they were to be improved by the - Bill--(Hear and laughter.) Besides their Lordship& should_ recollect that they were not prevented from carrying-their amend ' ments further in future, and that the hands of the Le gislature-were not tied up because or the - preient mea sure. After a. short conversation, strangers were ordered to withdraw; and their Lordships divided, when the num bers were— Content - 47 Non-cOntent - 20 Majority On our re-admission to the gallery, we found that clause 9 was agreed to without opposition; as was also clause 10. . - - On clause 11 being put, - - Lord COTTENHAM said that-if a person were com pelled to institute a suit in the ecclesiastical courts, he was compelled to employ a proctor alone. He might have his own solicitor, inwhom he placed the utmost con fidence, but thatperson was not allowed to act personally, but was compelled to employ a preictor: To illustrate the hardship of this, he would state from his own knowledge that in one case the proctor pocketed upwards of 6,000 L for which he never did more than sanction the use of his name by the attorney, who did the entire business. He would, therefore, propose that some provision should be made, by which attorneys should be permitted topractice in those courts. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, attorneys were allowed to practice in all cases which came from the ec clesiastical courts by appeal to the P:rivy:Council. He knew that the gentlemen practising as proctors were in the greater number of cases men of high intelligence and education. His Hon. and Learned Friend mutt be aware that these offices were of ;such: a nature, that it would be impossible to abolish-them without making some compensation to the proctors; For many years a cry prevailed to abolish the office of Six Clerks ; and at length, the Parliament decided upon doing so, giving those officers compensation for the loss of their offices. Now, the sum required for this - compensation was up wards of 40,000/. ; and the chaige was so heavy that the Court, of Chancery found it.- necessary to continue the fees in this office. After a few words from Lord COTTENHAM, the clause was agreed to. - - - Clauses 10 to 12 were next agreed to-without oppo sition. Clause 13 was agreed to, :on the - understanding that the title of the Surrogate should be amended on bringing up the report. Clauses 14 to 58 inclusive were thini agreed to. On clause 59 being put, - - - The Bishop of LONDON proposed that certain sequestrations, the proceeds of which went to the fund called Queen Ann's Bounty, should _have precedence of all other sequestrations. " After a few words from the LORD. CHANCELLOR, the proposal was agreed to. Clauses up to 81 inclusive were agreed to. Clauses from 82 inclusive up to 89 were struck out. The remaining clauses were then agreed to, the House resumed, and the report was ordered to'bo brought up on Thursday. Their Lordships adjourned at Nine o'Clock. • SOUSE OF COMMONS, March 26. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'Clock. The Maryport and Carlisle Railway Bill was read a second time. BRIGHTON AND CHICHESTER RAILWAY BILL. Colonel WYNDHAM presented a petition against the Brighton and Chichester Railway Bill. ' Mr. PAKINGTON presented several petitions in favour of the Bill. Lord MARCH moved the second reading of this Bill.' Col. WYNDHAM o pp o s e d •the faiOiibii, and " lived THE STATE TRIALS IN IRELAND. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL presented a petition from Banagher, in the King's County, complaining of the con duct of the Government in prosecut►ng the late State trials in Ireland. THE INCLOSURE BILL. Mr. HENRY BERKELEY presented a petition from Bristol, against Lord Worsley's Inclosure Bill. TOBACCO DUTIES. Mr. HUME moved that all the petitions presented on the subject of the Tobacco Duties be referred to a Com mittee up stairs.—Ordered. The Bolton and Preston Railway Bill was read a third time, and passed. _____ DOVER HARBOUR. Mr. E. RICE begged to ask the Right Hon. Gentle man, the First Lord of the Treasury, when the Commis sion respecting the formation of a Harbour of Refuge at Dover would be formed ? Sir R. PEEL said that he had this day signed six letters to naval officers, requesting them to act upon the Commission. THE FACTORIES BILL. Lord SANDON thought it advisable to take that op portunity of requesting his Noble Friend the Member for Dorsetshire to state what course he intended to take on Friday night next, in reference to the Factories Bill, and whether he intended to follow up the challenge which he had thrown down to the Government? Lord ASHLEY said, Sir, my first impression—which has since been confirmed by the opinion of several friends —was, that I should not offer any opposition to the Go vernment's withdrawing the Bill on Friday night— (Hear)—and it is not my intention to offer any opposi tion.—(Hear, hear.) I know that in so doing I surren der many . advantages which I already possess. But I think it is my duty, when I can without compromis ing any principle, to consult the convenience of the House and the Government.—(Hear, hear.) I take this course on the understanding that the Go vernment will immediately introduce another Bill, and will take the discussion upon it on an early day after Easter.—(Hear, hear.) I presume that the House will not ask me now to state what course I may feel it my duty to pursue on that occasion--(Hear, hear)—but I beg leave to state that on Friday I shall offer no oppo sition to the withdrawal of the Bill.—(Cheers.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM—I may perhaps be permit ted to give notice that it is my intention to move on Fri day, that the Order of the Day for the House resolving itself into Committee on the Factories Bill be discharged; and atter that Order of the Day shall have been disposed of, I will give notice that I shall move for leave to bring in a Bill to alter the existing laws for regulating labour in Factories. If the the present Bill should be withdrawn, and leave to introduce a new Bill should be obtained, I shall move that it be read a first time on Friday, and printed, and shall fix the second reading for an early - day after Easter.—(hear, hear.) I, therefore, give notice, that on Friday next I shall move for leave to bring in a Bill to alter the laws regu lating labdur in factories.—(Hear, hear.) The first motion on Friday will be that the reading the Order of the Darfor the House resolving itself into Committee on the Factories Bill be postponed to that day six months, but I shall not be at liberty to make the motion of which I have given notice until the other Orders of the Day shall be disposed of.—(Hear, hear.) Sir R. PEEL—I rise, Sir; for the purpose of .correct ing a. mis-statement of a single expression made use of by me the other evening. I should not have made this correction, had not the misstatement to which I allude been made the subject of comment. I have no doubt but the misstatement was owing to myself, for I am aware, that I spoke in a very low tone, as I was suffering from exhaustion at the time I spoke. lam reported to have said that this was no party question ; now what. I really said was, that the factory question was no depart mental question.—(Cheers and laughter.) COUNTY CORONERS' BILL. Sir JAMES -GRAHAM said that before the Order of the Day for the further consideration of the re port on the County Coroners' Bill was read, he felt it his duty to move for the insertion of certain words re stricting the powers proposed to be given to magistrates at quarter sessions. He bad given notice of a motion for that purpose. On further consideration be was convinced that it would be impossible to restrict those powers by the mere insertion of additional words in a clause, but it would be necessary to introduce a special clause for that purpose. He, therefore, proposed to have the clause printed in order to give the House an opportunity of considering it, and he hoped his Hon. Friend would consent to the postponement of the mea sure for that purpose. Mr. PAKINGTON consented to the proposition of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and moved that the Order of the Day be read ;for the purpose of its being postponed until Monday. Mr. HUME said if the Bill was to be postponed till Monday, he hoped the discussion would be taken at an early part of the evening. Mr. PAKINGTON said he would endeavour to bring it on at an hour that would admit of its being properly discussed. MASTERS AND SERVANTS' BILL. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said, he believed the question now was, the reading of the Order of the Day ; if they allowed the Order of the Day to be postponed on one Bill, there could be no objection to its being postponed on another ; and he had an objection .to the Bill that stood No. 7 on the paper—the Masters and Servants' Bill, which he intended to' propose should be postponed till after Easter. This was one of the most important Bill that had been introduced during the present session, not excepting even tho' Factories Bill, or the Commons Inclosure Bill. The labouring popula tion had been taken quite by surprise by this Bill. The Bill was totally different in principle to any which had preceded it ; and it had been altered in almost every word, from the preamble to the last clause contained in it. The Government, under such circumstances, ought to discharge the order for its committal, and bring in a new Bill, as they proposed to do on the Factory ques tion. He had several petitions to present against the Bill, all of which went boldly to the point, by calling on the House to scout it from their consideration. Sir J. GRAHAM thought, after what had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman, he ought to state that the Bill was disclaimed by the Government as a Government Bill. There was but one new enactment in this Bill, and that was the 4th clause, which applied to contract work ; and he thought ithighly . expedient that it should be well con sidered. He (Sir J.: Graham) was for the most part favourable to the new enactment, but he was not at all pledged with 'respect to it. He certainly thought this Bill ought not to be proceeded with in the absence of the lion. Member for Somersetshire. • Mr. FERRAND said, he had that morning received numerous letters f rom persons i n th e manu f ac t ur i ng districts, a ll express i ng the greatest alarm as to the effect of the 4th clause of this Bill, if it should become law. That clause provided that if a working man should not fttlfll a contract— • The SPEAKER said the Hon. Gentleman could not ,go into the merits of a portion of the Bill upon the mo tion benrelfOMthNeCHoußseE ilir then . said he sh ou ld t h en move that. the. Order of the Day_ be read, for the purpose of having the. Bill disposed of. On the motion tharthe Order of the Day be read, " Mr. HUME objected to the Bill, because he thought it would tend seriously to impair the interests of the working classes. Mr. GALLY KNIGHT said the motive of this Bill was to enable magistrates to assist the working men in deciding the points of difference between masters and servants. He thought if Honourable Gentlemen knew as much as he did of the difficulties which surrounded a magistrate, in the cases between masters and servants, they would not oppose this Bill. Mr. FERRAND denounced the principle of the and said he was confident that before the Bill again came under the consideration of the House the table would be covered with petitions against it. Mr. HAWES thought the Bill in its present shape was much more satisfactory than when it was brought forward by the Hon. Member for Somersetshire. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that he had a perfect right to riress his motion, and if he stood alone he would do so. He did not Care a straw for any man.—(Hear, hear, laughter, and cries of " Chair, chair.") Mr. Hume attempted to address the House amidst loud cries of "Hear, hear," "Chair, chair," and great confusion. The SPEAKER thought that the Hon. Member for Finsbury and the Member for Montrose had a perfeo right, according to the rules of the House, to press their motion; .but the effect of it, if carried, would be to prevent the other Orders of the Day from being read. After a few words from Mr. DUNCOMBE and Sir R. PEEL, the motion was withdrawn. THE ESTIMATES. Sir GEORGE GREY wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in the event of the Factories Bill being withdrawn on Fri day next, he would bring - on the miscellaneous estimates? The CHANCELLOR of the. EXCHEQUER said he would take the Commissariat Estimates and the Miscel laneous Estimates on Friday next: • - - In answer to a question from Mr. BERNAL, .-Sir ROBERT PEEL said he would take the British Museum Estimates - on Friday night. - • THE INCLOSURE ACT. - Lord WORSLEY said that he regretted he had given many of his friends the trouble of coming down to make a House as he found himself quite incompetent, through indisposition, to the task of conducting his Bill in a Com mittee. He should, therefore, move the postponement of the Order of the Day to the 24th of April.—Agreed to. The Night Poaching Prevention Bill was read a_ third time, and passed. COUNTY COURTS. Sir JAMES GRAHAM gave notice that he should, on Friday next, move for leave to bring in a Bill to re gulate county courts in England and. Wales. The House then adjourned. COMMON LANDS INCLOSURE BILL: • We wish to draw public attention to the importance of Lord Worsley's Inclosure Bill, for when it is car ried, which • we suppose will be the case, it will be the basis of many similar measures. We assume the principles—First, that the land that we have ought to be turned to the most productive account ; and, secondly, that it is bad policy to force bad lands into cultivation at a great expense, when we can procure land-produce at a much less price from other coun tries. We believe • that a very large potion of the common land brought under culture within the last half century might, to our advantage, be again turned into wilds and wastes, and we are sure that a great many of the owners of these inclosed commons would be very glad to get rid' of their property if they could find a fair price,' or purchasers of any sort. But let Inclosure Acts be what they may, they ought not to trespass on the . rights of the poor. Lord Worsley draws nice distinctions between common and waste land, and commonable land. The end of these qUib blings is, that the poor are to be robbed of whatever they possess. Let lawyers quibble as they may about the extent of the poor man's rights, certain is it that of those rights he is to be deprived. Common and waste land is attached to certain tenements, and al though those who may take leases of tenements, with this'right attached to them, may not care to avail themselves of it, still, having paid the landlord rent in proportion to the aequisition, such tenants ought not forcibly to be deprived of that for which they have actually . paid. The principle is too clear to be disputed. Commonable land may be productive of corn, and some parts of it be productive of only grass; the arable produce is always claimed by some landowner or lord of the manor, whilst the pasturage is the personal right of the inhabitants. Here the cloven foot of lordly power is seen trampling on the poor, for whilst the rich can pasture their cat tle all the year round, the pooi can use the grasi for only two seasons. The Bill provides for the inclosure and improvement of common and,commonable lands. The exchange of lands, the division of intermixed land, and for the defective or incomplete execution of the powers of general and local inclosure Acts. No Bill ever brought into Parliament aimed at a hun dredth part of such arbitrary power. how is this tyrannical •Bill to •be executed ? Hitherto no inclosure, however small, could take place with out an Act of Parliament having • passed the Lords and Commons and having received the Royal assent. Now, Lord Worsley is to execute his law by a set` of Commissioners,' who, he assures us, will be unpaid. They need no payment, for they will have pickings and parcellings, 'allotments and opportunities, of preferences and denials, sufficient to make their places immensely profitable. But no man ever yet entertained the idea of a Commission with a power -of • superseding ; : Acts of Parliament. Lord Worsley's Bill is nothing' but an indirect prop to the corn-laws. He tells us that his Bill will call the industrious poor into 'employment, and pro duce a greater investment of capital in the land. There is too much capital locked up in land already, and- as to the poor'man s labour, abolish the corn-laws, and employment for our poor will be ample ; whereas Lord Worsley's Bill would not give to the poor through out England a four-pound loaf in a year for each in dividual. But food is not the only thing to be con sidered. The health, the ventilation, the recreations, the sports, and general enjoyments of the poor are to be taken into account. A • great source - of morals proceeds from early associations, and the poor man, in middle life, and especially in old age, is broken hearted at seeing torn from, and inclosed, in favour of the rich, the land on which he gambolled in his child hood, and on which, perhaps, his mother kept a goose or a pig. His Lordship's Bill holds out the lure of draining commons, in too many of which there is stagnant .water. This drainage ought to be effected by the magistrates, or the parishes ; but the new Commissioners having drained the land, take it all as possessions of the rich. A large common may have stagnant pools, pestilential to all persons around it ; but surely we are not driven to the alternative of letting the nuisance continue, or of sufferiug a landlord, in reward for draining the pond, to seize upon the land ? • The new Commis sioners are to let ground for burial-places, for chapels, and for schools; &c.; in fact, a Commission with more 'arbitrary or more extensive powers,' never was proposed to Parliament. The petty commoners go sadly to the wall. • His Lordship boasts that his Bill will throw no charges on-the Consolidated Fund. It need not do so, for it robs the poor to such an extent, that the Bill can pay its own expenses. Lands, in England, are much intermixed, that is to say, a humble man may possess a few acres, sur rounded by larger estates. He refuses to alter his course of husbandry to meet the wishes of his richer neighbours. This Bill presumes that such a division of land is inconvenient. Inconvenient to whom ? Of course to the rich man, and the Bill gives the Commissioners a power to alter the arrangement or possession of pro perty ; thus a humble man, who may be as proud of a small possession, inherited from his virtuous fore fathers—as proud even as ' those Dukes that inherit their large estates from the profligacy of their an cestral mothers with Charles 11., may be huitled out of his property with very little ceremony, whilst, if we attempt to invade the pensions, of immense amount, granted by Charles IL to his six or eight mistresses, we are reproached, with designs of attack ing the right of property. In the woodlands of England there are glades, or intervening small pasturages, of course belonging to the humble classes. The woods are' the possession of the rich, the small pasturages are the property of the poorer proprietors. It is urged that these owners of pas turages have an interest in injuring the wood. What is to be the remedy? The owners of forests are to be empowered to do what they please with the owners of the small pasturages. There is no appeal to a jury; no not even to the quarter-sessions. But the Commissioners are to do all—these Commissioners, of course, being of the upper classes, and having local interests, prejudices, and attachments. It is com pletely a Bill of spoliation. Great evils unquestion ably exist in our tenures of land ; but they are not to be removed by a sweeping measure of this sort.— Weeny Dispatch. WILSON'S SCOTTISH ENTERTAINMENTS.—It would seem that the public appetite for Mr. Wilson's delightful entertainments is sharpened by the numerous imitators that are constantly springing up, and as constantly evanishing ; for last night the Music Hall, Store-street, was crowded to excess, as usual, and every private box occupied, to listen to the Adventures •of Prince Charles, and the heart-stirring Jacobite strains, connected with them. This is one of Wilson's most popular entertainments, equalled only, perhaps, by his " Nights wi' Burns," and it went off with as much freshness as ever, this being only the first time he has given it this season. It will have to be re peated many times, of course; but the Scottish Minstrel will never give it with more thrilling effect than he imparted to every strain last night. We see by the provincial papers, that Wilson was at Liverpool, Chester, and Zlanchester, last week, and was greeted with his usual success in each lace. ROBBERY AT THE HAYMARKET THEATRE.—Yester day information was received by . the police that on the pre vious . night a gentleman belonging to the firm of Messrs. Hodge, Horne, and holesale druggists, Nos. 102 and 103, Blackman-street, Co., gouthwark, was robbed •in the pit of the Ilaymarket Theatre, between ten and half-past ten o'clock, of a brown silk purse, containing ten sovereigns and some silver, and a Bank receipt for the sum of 451. and 40/. in MR. O'CONNELL AND TII GOVERNMENT. People are - be - ginning to ask themselves what effect will the defeat of the Ministers on the Factory question have on the fate of Mr. O'Connell ? It was supposed to be a very hazardous policy, when Sir Robert Peel's Government was surrounded with the halo of undivided power, and appeared to have the support of the great majority in England and Scotland, to bring O'Connell up for judgment. It has lately been dis tinctly proved that the " convicted conspirator" is regarded by an immense number of Englishmen as Ireland's best patriot; and while the Ministry was strong, and, appa rently, almost omnipotent, they made common cause with him against the Government. But now the Government has suddenly become a mere rope of sand. It cavot hold its own followers together : it is damaged beyond healing. Half the Commons of England have decided against it. From the agricultural saints, led on by Lord Ashley, it is obliged to flee for refuge to the manufacturers who are opposed to it. In carrying the law into execution against Mr. O'Connell, who is supported by all Ireland and a great portion of England, it can only look for feeble assistance. Will this damaged Go vernment, then,•denuded of popular support, venture to give effect to a verdict which no person defends as just, after a trial which no man describes as fair ? It is concluded, therefore, that the Ministerial defeat on the Factory Bill will be a shield for Mr. O'Connell. The admirers of Fornasari will regret to hear that p h r e ev is en n t oN h v is saff sin er g ln n g ; so an se d ver it el i y s fr in om cn w n a ta tlr p o la n ti t o h n e t ch o e s s e t na as to for Tamburini, who will shortly be in Paris. The reigning Count of.Solms-Rcedelheim, died at Assenheim on the 18th, of pulmonary paralysis. He. was 54 years of age. MARCH 27, 1844. that the Bill be read a second time that day six months, as two-thirds of his constituents were opposed to the Bill. Lord ARUNDEL seconded the motion. He said this railway would destroy some of the best land in the county; and, if passed, would operate as a great injustice on the inhabitants of the county of Sussex. Lord A. LENNOX supported the 2d reading of the Bill. Capt. PECHELL also supported the Bill. After a few words from Mr. Goring, Mr. Curteis, Mr. J. A. Smith and Sir Charles Burrell, Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when the numbers were— For the second reading 99 For the amendment 4B Majority for the second reading —sl The Bill was then read a second time, and was ordered to be committed to-morrow. STRATFORD (EASTERN COUNTIES) AND THAMES JUNCTION RAILWAY BILL. An HON. MEMBER moved the second reading of this Bill. Colonel Fox, Mr. Hawes, and Lord Mahon, presented petitions against the Bill. Colonel FOX said that the alleged object of this Bill was to carry coals, but if that were the only object there were already two canals which were sufficient for that purpose. His constituents were opposed to the Bill, and he should move that it be read that day six months. Mr. HAWES seconded the amendment. He could name several persons of property who were opposed to the measure, and almost all the people of Stratford were opposed to it. As no public advantage would be de rived from it, the expense of going into Committee ought to be avoided. Mr. WARD knew of no ground which should pre vent a Bill going into Committee which had been allowed to go into Committee last session. He hoped the House would not prevent the Bill being committed. Sir W. JAMES said there was no cause for opposing the Bill. The amendment was ultimately withdrawn, and the Bill read a second time. The Cwrn Celyn and Blaina Iron Company Bill was read a second time. The Colchester and Harwich Railway Bill was read a second time. The report of the Norwich and Brandon Railway Bill was further considered for the purpose of introducing an amendment. ATMOSPHERIC RAILWAYS. Mr. SIIAW presented a petition from Dublin in favour of the principle of atmospheric railways. LONDON AND SOUTH WESTERN RAILWAY BILL. The second reading of the London and South Western Railway Bill (No. 1) having been moved, Mr. WALLACE protested against several of the clauses of the Bill, which enabled the Company to act as general traders, as Custom-house agents, as hotel keepers, as wharfingers, as steam-boat proprietors, and in several other capacities totally inconsistent with their office as railway proprietors. He thought that this Bill ought not to be allowed to proceed further till the ob jections he had adverted to were removed. Mr. ANTROBUS hoped the Honourable Gentleman would allow the second reading of the Bill to take place, and defer his opposition till the Bill went into Committee. Sir W. HEATHCOTE said that the clause complained of by the Hon. Member for Greenock had, he believed, been omitted by the Standing Orders Committee. Mr. LABOUCHERE would not oppose the second reading of the Bill, but he thought if the objection of the Hon. Member for Greenock was well founded, it might be pointed out upon the bringing up of the report. Mr. GLADSTONE thought the question was one for the Committee, and they had every security that the question would not - be overlooked there. The Com mittee would report specially whether or not the Stand ing Orders had been complied with. The House might feel assured that the matter would not escape the fullest investigation. The principle was one of the very greatest importance. There was a general disposition on the part of all joint-stock companies, who were intrusted with certain powers for certain purposes, to em ploy those powers for other, purposes. He hoped the attention of the General Committee on Railways would be directed to that point, and he hoped the House would do its utmost to check that disposition on the part of all joint-stock companies. There were cases in which an exception ought to be male. He was not prepared to say whether or not the case of the harbour't)f Folkestone was of that nature, but in every ease in which it was necessary to make an ex ception, the matter should be subjected to the most mi nute investigation. Mr. HUME considered that it was of the utmost importance that the principle laid down by the Right Honourable Gentleman as the one by. which the House was to be guided in its dealings with joint-stock companies should be known by the whole country. If they once departed from the principle, they would be open to all kinds of abuse. If the Committee did not strike out all the words enforcing the proposed powers on the company, he was satisfied that the Bill would be rejected. Mr. AGEIONBY agreed that great caution should be exercised in all these cases. The public ought to be carefully guarded, and they had many safe-guards. In the first place there was the Committee on Petitions— then there was the Standing Orders Committee—and then there was the Committee on Bills. In the present instance all the provisions not strictly analagous with the first application for the Bill were ordered to be struck out. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed. MANCIIESTER IMPROVEMENTS. On the motion of Mr. M. GIBSON, the Manchester Improvements Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. NOTICES OF MOTION—THE SLAVE TRADE. Mr. M. MILNES begged to give notice that he would on Friday next move an amendment on the motion of the Noble Lord the Member for Tiver ton (Lord Palmerston) relative to the slave trade, to the effect that it is the opinion of this House that the treaties between this country and foreign countries for the purpose of suppressing the slave-trade by means of a mutual right of search, should be considered as part of a temporary experiment, to be at all times under the control of the two Governments. POOR LAWS. Mr. MUNTZ gave notice that, in Committee on the Poor-law Amendment Bill, on clause 56, he would move as an amendment that "It is not lawful for the said Commissioners to interfere with the management of the poor in any parish containing more than 20,000 inhabitants, where relief had hitherto been given under provisions of local Acts, without first obtaining the consent in writing of at least two-thirds of the guardians, or of a majority of the rate-payers. Captain PECHELL wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department whether he would have printed with the Votes the amendments relative to local Acts ? It would be very convenient during the recess for lion. Gentlemen to know the sentiments of the Right Hon. Baronet relative to local Acts. Sir J. GRAHAM said he had last night stated his intention of posponing the Bill till after Easter. Previous to the Bill going into Committee, he would take care to have the amendments in the hands of Hon. Members. CATHOLIC JURORS. In answer to a question from Mr. BELLEW, Lord ELIOT said he had received a communication with respect to the Catholic jurors who were challenged by the Crown in a case at the assizes of the county of Monaghan, that had perfectly satisfied him, that those jurors were not excluded because they were Catholics, but that in every case there were valid grounds for the exclusion. He also stated that the Crown Solicitor, acting on the informations, could not have taken any other course than he had done. He was prepared to go into the details of all these Cases ; but the House would see that it could not be done without exceeding those bounds within which it was advisable he should confine himself. SCOTCH BENEFICES. Mr. HUME, seeing the Lord Advocate of Scotland in his place, begged to ask him when he proposed to pro ceed with the Scotch Benefices Bill ? The LORI) ADVOCATE said he had postponed the Bill till after the 30th of April. THE EASTER HOLIDAYS. Sir R. PEEL said, he last night gave notice that he should move the adjournment of the House for the Eas ter holidays on Wednesday next. But he found that last year he had moved the adjournment on the Tuesday evening, and unless he had reason to believe that his moving it on the same day would cause inconvenience to Hon. Members who had Bills to bring forward, he proposed to move the adjournment on Tuesday next. TURNPIKE TOLLS. Colonel WOOD moved for leave to bring in a Bill to exempt from toll lime conveyed on any turnpike road in the Principality of Wales. In stating the, nature of the measure he should not detain the House at any length. He wished the Bill to stand on its own intrinsic merits. Every description of manure, excepting lime, was ex empted from toll. In some districts the amount of toll was double the cost price of the lime. It was argued,' in favour of the toll, that without it many roads could not be sustaiaed. By Act of Parliament every description of manure, except lime, was exempted from toll. He considered that every road was a parish road, and being such, he considered it ought to be kept up by the parish. He thought he should be able to show that roads might be kept up without a toll upon lime. The Commissioners admitted that in England manure was exempt from toll, and the reason they gave for such exemption was, that the great proportion of articles used as manure were seldom transported to any dis tance ;_ that they were most frequently merely taken from one portion of a farm to the other. If that was the only reason the Commissioners could find for this exemption they took a very short-sighted view of the matter. Lime, the Commissioners stated, was of a different character ; it was very valuable, and could be profitably transported to great distances. Now they had heard a great deal of guano; that wa.sbrought from a great distance ; and was ♦ery valuable, so was Aberdeen waste, so was coal-dust, and yet all these were exempt from toll under the pro visions of the General Turnpike Act. Lime was the only manure subject to toll, and lime was the only manure within the reach of the Welsh farmer. He entreated the Government to concede the boon of exemption of lime from toll—a measure which more than any other would secure the tranquillity of the country. Colonel POWELL seconded the motion. Mr. HUME rose for the purpose of opposing the Bill. He dissented from the principle of allowing such exemptions at all. They had been made from time to time in consequence of the House being composed of agriculturists; such exemptiOns ought not to exist. Whatever they might exempt was a relief to the farmer -• whatever was a relief to the farmer was a benefit to the landlord. lie did not See why they ehOuld be relieved frow what other people were obliged to pay. The turnpikes had been established, and their own Commis sioners told them that the money that had been embarked in them could not be repaid unless the tolls were exacted. He objected to the Bill, therefore, in both points of view, but his chief objection was the one of principle. He did not see why the landlords should enjoy these ex emptions. Mr. MANNERS SUTTON supported the Bill. Mr. Ald. THOMPSON said that the whole system of local administration in Wales required amend ment. Ile had hoped the Government would come forward with some comprehensive and adequate measure to relieve those grievances of which the people of Wales so justly complained. If the Bill proposed by the Hon. and Gallant Member was to be the only panacea, he (Colonel Wood) hoped the House would reject it. For his part, he would op pose it to the utmost of his power, unless it was in tended to be accompanied by some more extensive mea sure on the part of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) Sir CHARLES MORGAN believed that however desirable it would be to relieve farmers from the pay ment of toll upon lime, yet in several dis tricts it would be found impossible to do so without abandoning the road. The Commission issued by the Government had had a great effect in calming the minds of the people ; and as he hoped that some sa tisfactory measure would be proposed by the Govern ment, founded upon the report of the Commissioners, he would recommend that a partial measure, such as that of the Gallant Officer, should not be persisted in. He was very much afraid that the Bill would go down to Wales; it would be known that the Gallant Officer had brought it in, but he was afraid the course the Go vernment intended to adopt with respect to it would not be equally well known. Why, what had the Hon. Under• Secretary declared? That though the Govern ment would consent to the introduction of the Bill, the Gallant Member must expect no further support from the Government. If such were the determination of the Government, he thought the House would do no good by assenting to the introduction of the Bill. He thought it would not be right to exempt lime entirely from toll, but unless something further was stated of the intentions of the Government on this subject, he should most certainly feel inclined to oppose the intro duction of the Bill. Sir JAMES GRAHAM was decidedly opposed to the exemption altogether of the toll upon lime. If, however, he was asked whether Ministers would sup port the Bill in its future stages, he must certainly say they would not. He, however, thought it would be hardly just to his Gallant Friend who had proposed the introduction of the Bill, not to allow it to be introduced and printed, and sent to the Principality, in order to know their opinion upon the subject. Mr. F. T. BARING was of opinion that the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman had not justified the course which the Government proposed to adopt. He admit ted that in a common case it might be reasonable to al low a Bill to be brought in ; but in what state was the Principalityof Wales at the present moment ?—(Cheers.) What unfounded expectations were they not raising of permitting this Bill to be brought in ?—(Cheers.) They admitted that the question of these tolls was exciting the greatest interest in the Principality, yet they permitted& Bill.to be brought which they themselves (teetered they would put an end to on the second stage. Now, at all events, this could not be considered as a wise mode of dealing with the question.—(Hear, hear.) The report of the Commissioners was no doubt at present under the consideration of the Government ; and yet, while it was still under their consideration, they allowed a Bill to be brought in relatingto a small portion of that report, and which went distinctly to reverse the recommendation of the Commissioners. Mr. MORRIS would not oppose the introduction of the Bill ; but although he was willing to support every measure for the relief of the inhabitants of Wales, he could not consent to do injustice to a large class of per sons. The revenues of the trustees of the roads would be largely reduced by the abolition of the toll on lime ; and they were indebted in a considerable sum to the Exchequer fur money advanced by way of loan. He trusted that on the second reading the Hon. and Gallant Member would be prepared to propose some scheme for granting compensation to those persons, and also that he would use his best endeavorrs to induce the Chancellor of the Exchequer to forego the repayment of these loans. He was glad that, during the course of the debate, justice had been done to a large class of persons who had been most unjustly charged with fomenting the recent disturbances in Wales—he meant the Dissenting ministers.—(Hear, hear.) Those persons were remark able for their peaceable demeanour, and for the respect which they invariably paid to the laws.—(Hear, hear.) Sir W. JOLIFFE said that lime was only partially exempt from toll in England. He knew a part of the country that suffered materially in consequence of the toll upon lime. There were three small trusts, in all of which tolls were levied on lime, and the consequence was that, although lime was the manure the most easily procurable by the inhabitants of that district, and the best suited to the soil, yet they were precluded from using it. He regretted that the Right Hon. Gentleman had not stated his intention of doing something with regard to the General Turnpike Act. A large measure of reform was wanted to remedy these evils. In one locality with which he was acquainted, the mortgagee had seized the gates, and collected the tolls to pay the interest of his money, while the parishes had to main tain the roads. There was little traffic there, and con sequently those persons who paid for maintaining the roads had also to pay the tolls. He could assure the House that, unless these grievances were remedied, the discontent which hall disturbed England and Wales would extend to other parts of the country. Mr. DARBY thought that the grievances complained of ought to be remedied rather by a General Turnpike Act than by such a measure as that which the Hon, and Gallant Member wished to introduce. He knew there was a great feeling on the lime question; but they ought not to deal hastily with the question, involving, as it did, so many important interests. Mr. G. R. TREVOR said, the greatest difficulty he had in dealing with this question was the necessity there existed for improving the roads in that part of the country in which he resided. A great deal of the in terest of the money borrowed for the purpose of im proving the roads was paid by the tolls on lime, and very little of that interest could be paid if the whole toll on lime were abrogated..He thought it would be better that his Hon. and Gallant Friend should abstain from bring ing in the Bill. He did not believes that this toll upon lime had anything whatever to do with the commencement of the struggles in South Wales ; for the gates through which most lime was carried, and nearest to the lime districts, were the last attacked. He should not oppose the bringing in of the Bill, though, as atpresent advised, he would vote against the second reading. Lord EBRINGTON said he thought it was a great grievance, and very unfair to the Welsh people, that the mail coaches should be exempted from all toll. This ex emption very much diminished the funds at•the disposal of the trust, and made the imposition of other taxes ne cessary. 116 should feel it his duty to oppose the bring ing in of the Bill. _ _ — After a few words from Mr. VIVIAN, in support of the Bill, Mr. SAUNDERS DAVIES said he would support the introduction of the Bill. Colonel WOOD said that, in answer to•the Honour able Member for Cumberland, he begged leave to say that Government were in no way connected with the in troduction of the present Bill. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the introduction of the Bill ... . ga A inst it MijoiitSr Leave was accordingly given to bring in the Bill. CORN-LAWS. Mr. HUTT presented petitions from merchants of the city of London, and from other places, in favour of the introdUction of corn frOrn the British' possessions in South Africa and Australasia at the same duty as corn imported from Canada. The Hon. Member then moved " That this House resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House on the Corn-laws, for the purpose of considering the following resolution—That it is expe-‘ dient that corn imported into the United Kingdom from the British possessions in South Africa, India, and Aus tralasia, be made subject to the same duty which is levied on corn imported into the United Kingdom from Canada." He would lay before the House, in as few words as he could, what he considered to be a great grievance. In the course of the last session a Bill had been introduced by the Government, by which certain dutie were taken off corn imported from Canada to this country. -The subject was very fully discussed, 'and received from the ordinary supporters of the Government a good deal of censure. The supporters of her Majesty's Govern- Ment being chiefly attached to the sliding scale, coin cided with their leaders on that principle, and attempted to lay down the proposition that it was the day of the Government to make the colonies entirely and solely sub servient to our own advantage. The Right Hon. Bart. at the head of the Government wisely rejected such a wild and impolitic notion. The measure the Rt. Hon. said would give great encouragement to the agricultu rists of Canada, and tend to cement the union between 'the colony and the mother country. It was precisely upon those grounds that he (Mr. Hutt) now came for ward to ask for a further relaxation of the corn-laws in regard to our colonies m Southern Africa, India, and Australasia; and be would show the House that these colonies had still stronger claims on our sympathy and indulgence than even Canada itself. They were at a greater distance from England, and consequently more exposed to the dangers which the vicissitudes of the sliding-scale occasioned. Again, they were farther from any corn:consuming country ; but the great argument was that the Legislature had already applied the prin ciples of free trade to a portion of our *colonial empire, and why should not those principles 'be applied to the Cape of Good Hope and to Australasia ?—(Hear.) -Why should not the inhabitants of those colonies r participate in those advantages of a liberal legislation? It was true these colonists had never risen against our authority as was the case in Canada ; they were mem bers of the same community—subjects of the same Crown, and ob e di en t an d l o y a l t o their Sovereign, and Why should they not receive as great favour as the Canadians? The case of these colonies. was not like Nova Scotia or New Brunswick, which the Government said should be excluded from the Bill regarding Canada, because they never produced sufficient corn for their own subsistence. The. Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government said that Canada was a corn producing country, and could export it. He thought he would be able to prove to the House that the colonies to he referred were in the same position. Australia, though the country about Sydney might be an excep tion, seemed to be very well adapted for the production of corn. In the southern districts, and about Port Philip,' Corn had been grown in great abundance, and at a trifling cost. But :the great granary of the Southern Ocean was Van Diemen's Land. It appeared from a return laid upon the table of the House, upon a motion of his, that a considerabl e quan tity ciwheitt was imported lad year - into this country - from Van Diemen's Land. It had been imported ln e • large quantities to the neighbmiring colonies in t il t Eastern Seas ; and, notwithstanding the fluctuatiol! the sliding-scale, 1,300 quarters of it were imported Inib.u. this country. This was the first time that wheat,. produce of Van Diemen's Land was brought into country; and considering the distance, and the disadvv.kt tages in its way, 1,300 quarters was no incon sidera bly quantity. It came into the country also in a remark.lV fine condition ; and after paying all the costs of frel L and the duty of 55., it left a handsome profit,_to fi porters. There would be an extended trade with I.'', country if the restrictions at present existing on the;::a portation of corn were removed.—(Cheers.) never seen corn equal in weight, and in the ;P e i ed ness of the skin to that which was thipo at from Van Diemen's Land. It was sold a price varying between 625. and 705., when the ave*" price in England was only 565. It appeared, from 1 . per which he had received from Messrs. Buckle and ;; of Mark-lane, that the price of wheat in Van Dienl i tt e Land was 385., the charges for freight were 1 05 . , ter , duty was 55., and other charges were ss. •a clu sr th ie• making a total of 58s. a quarter when imported into the. country. It sold at between 625. and 655. This w as On e 6th of October, 1843. He was informed that the cherl 4 of 10s. for freight was too low, and that the„sn owners could have but little remuneration. He WO 0 70, to find that there was a reduction of duty on ell articles which entered into the composition of Ye iS t e he, and he hoped the day was not far distant AO shipping interest would recover from its present depre..e sion. With regard to Australia, he had a letter befo7. him from Mr. Charles James Stephens, of Markt e l which stated that the wheat produced there was ~ e 7 j,e t . • to the best wheat produced in Essex and Kent, anu owing to the dryness of the country, it ," 0 1' very fit for exportation, and almost a s es, when landed in this country as when it 0 , shipped. He had other testimony to the same !fec.,e4, and various parties connected with Australia ben e : es , that if the duty was reduced to ls. it would be el l , the settlers for the cost of increased production. then, was the case with Van Diemen's Land. It cann a. with all the conditions which the Right Hon. Gent l6l - et e said that Canada possessed. Now with regard to 51,je Australia, which was founded about six years and 4 l 7, ago, and which before that time was merely a " lin lr " mi • ' wilderness," inhabited by wandering savages, it. e; sessed all the opportunities of carrying on protlate, industry. He referred with the greater pleasure tea , because he took an active part in the Bill under riot . the colony was founded, and had acted as one o `,. Commissioners afterwards. The corn produce& : 1 ". 0 1' was even superior to that produced in Van Diejate Land. It sold at 725. in this country, when . the•sT'ge: price there was below 465. It would afford a proatilehe trade with this country, if he succeeded in inducing el ) * Legislature to agree to his proposition. The Hote°liae tleman then read an extract from the South Auger Observer, for the purpose of showing the cortl-cej. ducing powers of the country, and that it pre d 4All. more than was sufficient for its own consumptl9Th t hey the settlers wanted was to discover places whey..e: :.nd e might export their superabundant corn. The Po' te ee, able Gentleman then read extracts from two let or from South Australia, dated the 27th of May auidnese 28th of June, 1843, to the same effect. He .woult'S refer to the case of South Africa, and the circutasw — t he of the colony were not in any way dissimilar frulT e r_ other colonies he had spoken of, except that lt t ee sionally suffered ,from want of irrrigation. on' t ee colony at the Cape exported corn. He now cache ti 3 .4 to: case of India ; and if the case was strong with re e t r Zie the other colonies, it was much stronger with r tje India. The agriculture of India had advanced verf,,,i; since their possession of that country, audits m anufeWed once so celebrated throughout the world, were inciltri. by the commercial and fiscal regulations of this co Here It was strange that the advocates of protectien_ftise quite silent with respect to India, and that the rw o. who would most oppose his motion were those Wititob tinually raised at home the cry of protection to , "''„ e fi; industry. ,It might be said that India would be ll little byzibe measure heproposed, inasmuch aa buts'oto flei quantitTa her corn would reach this countrP• te4 those who from close observation were. well aent.DL.Thet with the internal positibtOf India, were of a d10;0, opinion; and the press of that country were all d en : Ca, ing a similar measure for India to that granted ...who; nada. There were large districts in the neigh buu w r bleb of the Ganges as large in extent as Great Britain, ' he st 0 were entirely , a wheat-growing country, and .0,4(1 informed persons on the subject stated that when anode be shipped from the Ganges at between 165. t n pith per quarter. But wheat alone was not the 'lo' respect to which his measure would benefit Ind foth was an article that was imported into this countrY iroe , India in considerable quantities. There was a n 3° . tile speotable house in the City engaged extensively s i se - of importation of flour from India—he meant the 0 1 1 00 1 Lawson, Norton, and Co., from whom he learn e " ne of not less than between two and three thousand W i c,diet flour were annually imported by them fr o " '', oo el and that there was another house in 14,;:tioll also extensively engaged in the imp ort th e of that article from India. He called 01 1 Ito Government then to concede whit he askew 1.1.411 thought he had shown them that all the colo nies !hid ! he had mentioned had fulfilled the conditions on ,„ g ee they had consented to give to Canada the advn: "i e r which he now asked for those dependencies of ";li: ye ia , pire. He knew that the great difficulty of the Gu oio o meat was that there were certain influential P e f, s ,„ weft property in that House and in the country /r": strongly opposed to any change in the corn- e' , 0 10 1 he asked Ministers if, in their government of the nial empire, they would be guided by the visiont.tro(• of a few men, who looked solely to their own ifloo The measure that he now sought to have effec'*-050' one which common justice and policy called for f0,„404 lutely necessary. Let them govern th e colonies :riasl view to their interests—with a view to fair 101 ,. ne ve r dealing—and they might be assured they won't"' .1 seek to sever themselves from the parent couittlii ; let the Government neglect the interests of tholeitit:st settlements, and there was reason to apprehen d Ice' the first convenient opportunity, they would in hoe themselves for ever from the harsh rule of Government. to° l ', Mr. MANGLES seconded the motion. lei 11 ' w s lai A cr in a peculiar position, and had claims upon 116 D v or, were possessed by none of our colonies. Not tet o ; she support the army and navy, but she renutte di d o o country four millions and a half annually. 0e ego . o . o s think that India paid too dearly for the achreru'e ho ad'r enjoyed ; but, in common justice, we were "" afford her every facility for paying it. Mr. GLADSTONE said that, though he ° 0 00t sie r' accede to the motion, he was fully sensible of, jet portance of the object the Hon. Gentleman 07, He had no wish to prevent experiments from bee ta ll with regard to the trade of India and Australitively did not think the duties complained of were have that effect. The 'Hon. Gentleman founcleu.oo 2 o • guments very much on the conduct of the Outi o sbf ite ' with regard to Canada lastyear, and he undertou-atit• that the circumstances were analogous. He tbliTsoce E Hon. Gentleman had entirely failed to make oil.netits The proceedings of last year themselves conta clearest indications of the intentions of the Gu; 11! with regard to a motion of this kind. DI .40 4 with plausibility against the Government, in ', e t aiil" - o $ ' sion on the Canada Corn Bill, that it was lin t est e m • and impolitic to disturb a question of such ' W .: O fifd for the sake of any benefits which might aes; 4 o, the extension of the trade with Canada ; ancit",4 to that was not a general denial of the factl t neepv rence to the pledges which had been gieellsafe n tleFild vernment in a former year. The Hon. the therefore, was not justified in expecting ; 136 0 ; e ' l`td vernrnent would assent to this proposition. 1 : 1 " - Or hen • Friend the Secretary for the Colonies, NY O to 01 . C whether it was the intention of the.GovernmpoA l 0 e troduce similar measures respecting the 0t11e.,,,01;7 / 0 said he did not scruple to d ec l are that the, v Government was, that such a question as w e t . 0 ° ,0 0 E. ought not lightly, a n d w ith ou t grav e Calle , . 09 a- t bjii turbed. But were these colonies really iP tea 'ha position as Canada ? The Hon. Member 01 " eil; . r there were petitions from these coloni ef "haa. A o . . did not apprehend that any of then' . he g,ao titioned in the same sense, or by cor th o authentic organ, as Canada had • don e ' l iei 4P cry had petitioned by the highe,it.public .aut 1101 : a 0 i l r -pe• , colony for many years in succession, indicecliliesen!gfje strong and widely-spread feeling, whilst the i0.4;10% tition emanated only from individuals eng" of e s The Hon. Gentleman spoke in his resolutionfoo4 e tc the corn trade of these colonies on the sam e „,(10tX o ti• that of Canada ; but he did not propose to Inl tt vo l6 , o o' the importation of foreign corn into them tui e 7Civ acted in the case of Canada. Thus he oraitt7A to pes tial part of the arrangement made with regrd ! l . t/ 00 ; nada. The Hon. Gentleman asked where . th h i en de4 ito led to come from. He (Mr. Gladstone) arPr e- v T ino t eeln, this 3s. might be highly inconvenient to Ina n i 'O l cal in the resolution. The Hon. Gentlecosu,.., o o°_,,joei exporting colonies, but he thought that I, ll `. G- ti o them was entitled to that appellation. Take. of New South Wales. That was manifestlaio' seig' and not an exporting, colony. *The ‘l"ri o jo,por ste do Hope was becoming more and more ! Ili et ion and not an exporting, colony. The distin roost 8 , fact, that in the case of Canada there ViaS a ,„e - oro' pectation of establishing a trade of some elc_l7l.footitea which, though it would not produce any bo irsgMfig lent effect in this country, was still Worthy 0. of _ O •7 er e into consideration as furnishing the means e re, tt to in the supply of the increasing poPul other reasons which had induced the ti.,. ° o'ref i l j ,o, adore_ yero inelti e cl propose a change in that case. A pani c 7 1 ,, el, in.!Aiog in Canada, on account of the legislative C hang br atZ - og y and this was now an important reason. I";; . .a l e.t' e ifl for the extension of its trade. Now,. r__`). es :telg,, t if Gentleman a right to say that these colono, the mass were exporting colonies ? 1 ",. 10 1 obvious from their circumstances that they ov o to calculate upon any supply of corn o f taken into account in dealing with this sultleZ Oro Diemen's Land, and in New South Wales, l';', /s. 11? 0 ,0 corn, in 1839, was 15s. a bushel and Otn_ te rl year 1.840, the price of corn in Van.Dienieu.s4 g ot. in i f n r o . I m B As : i t t o w l2 a s s . bushel,a from 8 s o t,o r fr B o o in s. 6 a 4 q S. u t a o rt 9 e 4 r s ., : e r: and, stn%; the colony which was . the most favoUrabl 2.!0rj0, portation' of corn to this country. ThelY___,,D7tettnbe which showed the total quantity o f corn !1:1 . t he all countries, from the year 1828 to M o d, cn Hon. Gentleman would examine he woulu " Ail ittr o f first place, that they had actually sent to the -.`,..,0f,„ 0 corn than f; t o h m e y this had eroznetirvyedafrmomuchthegrse;stalf2,clivitticartepog last seven years of the period to which he e. ui tit 1),1 0 ,0 they had received no amount which was w 05 0'wase named. During the first seven years, the ci o n g .. ss colonies exported 2,589 quarters of wlleat.„,Of second seven years, they exporte d 19 Onex , l7L . ::. theflit to this country. During the fi rst seven 1.c:77n( ,4,0 ported 7,668 quarters of whea t in the t during the second 60Yell raze they Piai6l