The Sun. — London, England, 1844-07-30 00:00:00

NEW ASYLUM for INFANT ORPHANS. • This first election of children to the new Asylum for Infant Orphans took place yesterday at the Hall of Commerce, Threadneedie-street. The proceedings com menced at eleven o'clock, when John Wilkes, Esq., was called upon to take the chair, in the absence of the Lord Mayor. Mr. Wilkes, in a neat and appropriate address, during the course of which he was much cheered, explained the objects of this most excellent institution. The Right Hon. the Lord Mayor arrived shortly afterwards, when Mr. Wilkes vacated the chair, which was assumed by his Lordship, who expressed his gratification in having been called on to preside over the meeting that day, and his high approbation of the ob jects of the charity. A communication was read from Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart, expressing his approval of the institution, and his intention of becoming an annual contributor to its funds. It was also announced that Mr. Pete, the eminent builder, had sent a donation of twenty guineas to the institution by the hands of Mr. Thornborrow, and that Mr. Richards, of Lloyd's, had sent a donation of ten guineas. The polling commenced shortly after eleven o'clock and closed at two o'clock ; and shortly before three o'clock the following were announced as the successful candidates :—J. S. Beresford, J. Haward, J. L. Kirk, W. J. Parker, and 0. T. Woollard. The meeting was exceedingly well attended, and there were several ladies present, who seemed to take a great interest in the proceedings. The most sanguine friend of the Society could not have hoped for a more grati fying, or a more promising commencement. Among those present we observed :—the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, Rev. Andrew Reed, D.D., J. Wilkes. Esq., David Salamons, Esq., Joseph Tritton, Esq., J. Prior, Esq., D. W. Wire, Esq., R. Gammon, Esq., and W. Thornborrow, Esq. STEAM-BOAT ACCIDENT. SEVENTY LIVES LOST. The following melancholy account is extracted from the Rio de Janeiro papers:— "At five o'clock 4 iri the afternoon of the 25th instant (May), about 200 persons had taken their passage in the Especuladora steam-boat, which plies between this city and Nitheropy (a pleasant village on the opposite side of the tharbour). The next day being Whit Sunday, and this the last boat for that evening, was crowded by respectable persons and parties intent on and anticipat ing a day's pleasure on the morrow, consequently were full of mirth and good humour._ . . . " The clock had just struck five, and the captain given the ortkr to cast off ;' but the moment the paddle wheels began to move round, a terrible hissing noise was heard, the precursor of several explosions, which succeeded each other like flashes of lightning and claps of thunder—the boiler had burst : at first no thing could be seen for a dense cloud of steam that covered the vessel, from whence issued the most dread ful groans and piercing cries. On the steam clearing off, a most horror-striking sight presented itself to view ; the middle part of the deck had been blown away, and a great number of human beings were discovend— men, women, children, old and young, blacks and whites, struggling in the hold, amidst the boiling water from the exploded boiler. " Some died instantaneously, and these were, perhaps, the most fortunate ; others, in their endeavours to extricate themselves from the horrid cauldron, caught hold of the hot bars and fragments ; but, obliged to let go their hold, fell backwards into it again. No words can describe accurately the horrifying scene of desolation. Blacks became white, and white people red. Amidst the uproar, one was calling out for a father, another for a brother, a third for a husband or wife, - and a fourth for a son or daughter ; the sea was covered with the dead and dying, or those endeavouring to escape from the devouring elements ; a few were so fortunate as to reach the shore, and many were picked up by the boats, which promptly rendered every assistance ; but notwithstanding all exertions to save them, several were drowned. Ah ! who can describe the agonies or imagine the pangs of so many unfortunate fellow-creatures, boiled, as it were, alive ; with pieces of flesh hanging from their bodies, literally scalded from head to foot—surviving a few hours in this state, and suffering the most ex cruciating torments ! " Soon after the explosion the chimney and main mast fell on the awning, and buried beneath it a num ber of the passengers, who were thus placed in the greatest jeopardy, as the boiling liquid was fast ap proaching them ; but,; hey were rescued by great ex ertions made—knives, razors, swords, were instantly used to extricate them. No praise can be considered too great for the assistance so promptly rendered. The Minist:Ts of Justice and of the War Department, with the head of the police, and a great many medical men, immediately repaired to the hospital, where forty-one sufferers had been taken, and were indefatigable in rendering them assistance and alleviation." The number of victims could not be ascertained, but from more recent information the deaths exceeded seventy, and several of the thirty wounded were still in a very dangerous state. _ _ The cause of the explosion had not been exactly as certained. From the rep4 , rt, however, of the engineers who examined the machinery after the accident, it clearly appears that great neglect must have occurred with respect to the safety valve, the wire of which was so corroded that the pressure must have been 1001bs. to the square inch when the explosion• took place—it ought not to have exceeded 51bs. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. raw' THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—There are two things which we consider Government' bound to secure to the inhabitants of our towns. These two things are air and water. There are abundance of other things which we consider them in no manner bound to secure. It is natural that those other things (including swarms of functionaries, with concomitant swarms of fees, besides 1,0001. a Mar salaries) s h ou ld b e th e thi ng s p r ovided by the etropolitan Buildings Bill now passing through Par liament ; and that air and water aforesaid should be the two little things not provided. These, we presume are amongst the hopes which the Duke of Buccleuch holds out for next session. Air and water are beggarly elements ; salaries and fees are much more substantial objects to a practical government—they are the manna in the wilderness which the " hungry Jews" of their ma jority have yet to traverse; and - if, as Coningsby tells us, no business is done on a grand scale but Jews have a finger in it—the more Jews are in requisition, the more manna must be so too. We cannot, however, help thinking that'the art of carving fees and salaries out of all human con cerns is one which requires a tact more delicate than this Government seems to exercise. It is needful, no doubt, that fees and salaries should be multiplied—to conserve Conservative majorities. The old way of doing this was to create salaries without functions, and con fer pensions without (published) claims. But sinecures have lost the odour of sanctity ; and pensions have become restricted, and raisonnees. What was to be done ? What remained but to evoke the foreign genius of functionarism? Sydney Smith enumerated the acts o: life (and death) subjecting Britons to be taxed. If we do not look better out, we shall soon have every act liable to be regulated. Now it is a matter of taste ; but we, for our part, had infinitely rather be taxed simply than taxed and teased too. Such, however, is the tendency of things, in this day of cant and twaddling. Our laissez-faire principle—our premiere amours, and to which we are faithful still—is unanimously doomed by the senate of beasts of prey, as the jackass that drew the judgment down. That is, at all events, to be an instant victim—and sacrificing priests are to be instituted, at 1,0001. a-year salaries, with lots o other pickings, in the shape of fees. Air and water !—give us air and water, because public regulation alone can do it—air, meaning thereby pure air, and not sulphuretted hydrogen—water, meaning thereby pure water, and not the rinsings of the gas-works and the choked church-yards. These things authority can do, and alone can do—and there fore is bound to do. A variety of other things it can not make people do—because they involve dispropor tionate cost to the objects. We, for our part, should like to see the work-people housed in Palladian palaces. It would improve their taste, and elevate their views of art. When the Jacobins took Lyons, they set the work people to live in some of the fine houses, and pull down the rest. They were more at home in their work, though a work of stupid destruction, than in their residences. But most assuredly we grudge the working classes no improvement of their houses that can be effected. Above all things, we demand, for their sake and the pub lic, that air and water shall he secured to their dwellings by act of authority. The former may be done by pre scribing conditions of space between rows of town-build ings. This is unquestionably within the competence of the public administration. The latter may be done by public machinery likewise, where necessary. Such pre parations as we see making far two ornamental fountains way be made as easily for the pur pose of supplying whole districts with a necessary of life ; and it would only be necessary, perhaps, for autho rity to set up a standard by example in one or two places, to spur private companies into efficiency and cheapness. Mr. Hawkesley's evidence, quoted by Lord Normanby last Friday, affords an instance of how much may be sometimes done by a joint-stock company, in the case of the Treat waterworks, for the supply of the town of Nottingham. The line we should draw for public agency and regulation in such matters is the distinct one of universal and evident public objects. It is a public object, paramount to all private proprietary interests, that buildings should not be huddled together in large towns in such a manner as to render ventilation and drainage impossible. Attention to these should be imposed in all buildings. But it is not a public obj ect to secure an arbitrary degree of solidity to private dwellings, nor to prescribe the dimensions of their apartments. These matters must, it appears to us, be left to be regulated by the means of the parties, or their expectations of re turn for their outlay. If the erection of houses of less than prescribed solidity or dimensions is prohibited, and if the number of houses erected is thereby limited, what is gained, except the crowding of the lab our i ng people more densely in those existing ? In these matters there is great virtue in active examples, and accomplished results. If buildin . g speculators take short-sighted views of their own interests, and source of profits—if they build in such a manner as to sacrifice the security of their own tenements and rents, and to diminish the prospects of the solvency of their tenants by impairing their health and character— there is an easy way of teaching them " philosophy by example." In this point of view, we agree with Lord Normanby with regard to the benefits which may be looked for from the sort of normal school of builders, which is commencing its operations. " There was a society," observed the Noble Marquis, "going on, sanctioned by the Government, and to which he was a subscriber, formed for the purpose of furnish ing at least specimens of better buildings for the poor. lie trusted that when this society had erected houses for the use of the working class, with the requisite sanatory conditions, the demonstration would be afforded that residence in such wretched dwellings as are now occu pied by the poor was no necessary and inevitable con diton of poverty." STANDARD.—We cannot envy the feeling of the political Dissenters, when they come to reflect seriously upon the influence of their proceedings upon the general interests of religion. Let us, however, here make a neces sary distinction ; in the class of Dissenters—whether po litical or peaceable—we do not include Romanists or Soci nians. These sects are Dissenters, no doubt, but they are something more ; they are enemies, not merely to the constitution and the forms of the Established Church, but to the Christian doctrine itself as we receive it, the first having a quasi polytheist religion of their own, the latter denying the fundamental truth of Christianity. These sects must therefore contemplate, not with indifference, but with high gratification, what ever of evil is inflicted by angry schism upon that religious faith which we and the ortho dox Dissenters hold in common. We must, however, repeat it, that the feelings with which a sincere Christian must observe the influence upon the general interests of religion of the course taken by many orthodox Dissenters, aided by Romanists and Socinians (and surely such aid ought to have been a warn ing), cannot be enviable. Nothing, indeed, except the words of the apostle, can place in a more striking light the guilt of schism than what we have lately witnessed. The poor are deprived in youth of the blessings of religious education—why? Because the Dissenters will be contented with no national scheme of instruction, by which the Church shall not compromise its character and its usefulness. Why are so many of the poor confined in union workhouses deprived of the consolations of religion? Because, not withstanding the earnest admonitions of the Govern ment, the Dissenters of the guardian boards in the unions to which these workhouses belong, sternly withhold the consolations of which surely none stand more in need than the destitute and miserable poor. This is the effect of schism, the young are left in ignor ance and sin, the old are condemned to close their days in sorrow and in darkness, because Dissenters hate au Established Church. We are sorry to be obliged to use so harsh a word as hate, but we cannot help seeing that the feeling of the political Dissenters goes far beyond mere alienation. Compare the sluggish, lukewarm opposition offered by Dissenters to the late Bill for wresting from them even their own chapels and charitable foundations, to be applied to unchristian uses—compare this slow and feeble resistance with the zeal, that we may not call it fury, with which they oppose every effort to extend the blessings of religion through the agency of the Church ; and it is impossible to doubt that to those inspired by such zeal or fury the Church is an object of implacable and rancorous hatred. There are some, we know, who rejoice at this mani festation of sectarian bitterness and folly, and point with exultation to its effect in rapidly thinning the ranks of Dissent ; but we cannot sympathise with their joy. We wish as much as any can to see all classes return within the fold of the Church; but we cannot be gratified by the improvement of one class which is made at the expense and by the deterioration of another. We do not wish that some Dissenters should exhibit unchristian bitterness and irrational extrava gance, in order that other Dissenters may become Churchmen. Quite the reverse; let Dissenters be like Baxter and Calamy, Watts and Doddridge, and they can hardly be too numerous, for there is still unhappily a large fund in the indifferent from which they may largely augment their number without any encroachment upon the Church. The misfortune, however, is that in our day Dissenters do not seek to raise the irreligious and. indifferent and heretical to the level of orthodox Chris tianity, in order to recruit their number they descend into the mire of these miserable classes, to court alli ances and to swell their forces against the Church. Ro manist, Socinian, Socialist, Atheist, any one is welcomed with the right hand of fellowship, if only he will declare against the Christian establishment. THE DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL. The following amusing article appears in the Church and State Gazette of Saturday. How Peel is supported by his friends! " It would be a work of supererogation to inform our readers in what way, and when debased Roman Christianity intruded itself into our country under the monk Austin, and finally became possessed of the Welsh, Scotch, and Irish endowments. The merits attending, and the advantages following, the conversion of a heathen Saxon king, we will not dispute; but the consequent forcible entry made into the British Christian Church was, in its character of intrusion, precisely similar to that of the Socinians into Presbyterian endowments. It was a fortunate, circumstance that at the Re formation there was no Minister to move a Popish Chapels Bill to legalise the Romish holdings of those things into which the Papists had intruded. If such a Bill had then passed (and if now, why not then ?) there would have been no reformation of either Church or State. The people would have em braced Reformation principles, and the Church and State would have decimated the people. But as luckily there was then no Government leader to plead the principle of the Dissenters' Chapels Bill as it now stands, the Reformation went on. Sir R. Peel thinks that the principle of his Bill legalises our present holding as intruders into Roman Ca tholic endowments. Mr. Sheil knows better than that. And we are convinced that he does so, from his assertion that the Romanists supported the Dis senters' Chapels Bill to a man. We are further con vinced of the better knowledge of Mr. Sheil and his party, from O'Connell's visit to London, simply to give his vote in favour of the same fatal Bill. The reason is obvious. The Queen has now signed the Dissenters' Chapels Bill, and as soon as O'Connell regains his liberty, he will agitate for making Popery the Church of Ireland, on the plea that the principle of his motion is already conceded to him in the Dissenters' Chapel Bill—as it is—thus : Popery under Henry Plantagenet, and Adrian, and Alexander, intruded itself into Ireland. It occupied and improved the Church secularities. It found itself, and continued for many years, unchallenged as an intrusionist. • Nevertheless, as an intruder, Popery was at length ejected. But this same Popery having never been since then for twenty-five years together silent as to its claim to recover its holdings—and Pro testantism, moreover, having constantly been made sensible by the Pope, the Pretender, the battle of the Boyne, the Irish rebellion, Guy Faux, and O'Connell, cum multis aliis, that Popish claims were alive and energetic—it would be unavailing for Protestantism to plead twenty-five years' quiet and undisturbed possession in Ireland, since the Reformation. Some other future Parliament, therefore, having in it, in addition to the present Socinian and Popish parties, a Government So cinian party, purchased by the Dissenters' Chapels Bill —these combined, in gratitude to the Romanists for their recent help to a man, will assist the latter to put Popery in Ireland in the place of the present Established Church. And they will do so according to law ; the Dissenters' Chapels Bill being virtually a repeal of the Reformation principle of the Consti tution, and the substitution of a principle which will eventually endeavour to thrust Socinian and Popish in fidelity in all our high places. Our readers may have observed with what attempt at effect the Synod of Ul ster (Socinian) have wa it e d u p on O'C onn ell in gaol t o thank him for his valuabl e ass i s ta nc e. The con junction of these parti es i s th rea t en ing to reli gion. The mischief to ensue will, if not checked by a vigorous political Trinitarian combination, eventually destroy the State organisation of Esta blished Episcopal Churches ; and also the organi sation of Presbyterian and Methodist-Trinitarian communities. A bounty is now offered to Papists and Socinians to do what they have always done, in fact, and what Charming did and countenanced his party in doing—that is, to enter other churches professing Church principles, until they have parti zans sufficient to throw off the mask and seize all. This is the history of Socinianism in Boston, and elsewhere in the United States. Channing, when first suspected of Socinianism, denied the charge, until eventually he found his party strong enough to stand in defence of their hitherto concealed heresy. No sooner had they achieved this position, than they came out boldly Socinian, and defied any attempts to dislodge them from their Trinitarian endowments. Popery is too crafty not to profit by the Government hint, or to lose sight of Mr. Channing's practice." A BREWER SUFFOCATED IN A PORTER VAT.—On Saturday last, an inquest was taken before Thomas Badger, Esq., coroner, and a highly respectable jury, at the Crown and Anchor Inn, in Bright- street, on view of the body of Robert Howe, an assistant brewer, in the employ of Messrs. Gilbert and Arnold, of the Milton Brewery, Sheffield. It appeared from the evidence of Mr. Gilbert, that the deceased (who was a very steady and sober man) had that morning incautiously de scended into a large empty porter vat in the brewery, for the purpose of removing the bung and clearing it out, when he was immediately suffocated by the car bonic acid gas in the vat. On discovering the accident, Mr. Gilbert tried the vat with a candle, which was ex tinguished when let down a foot only into it. The tap and bung were removed, and prompt steps adopted to dispel the foul air in the vat, and with some difficulty the body was got out, but quite dead. The deceased had been frequently cautioned of the danger of descending the vat, and desired never to do so, without first ascertain ing that no gas was present. He had risen very early that morning to get his work done, in order to go to Hathersage to see his friends, and to arrange about his marriage, which was to have taken place next week. The jury, after strongly impressing upon the men about the brewery the necessity of adopting great caution be fore descendi ng i nto t h e vats or working tubs, recorded a verdict of " Accidentally suffocated."—From a Cor respondent. NOTHING NEW U NDER THE SUN.—In Robertson's History of America, speaking of the ancient agriculture of the Peruvians, the author says, " They enriched the soil by manuring it with the dung of sea-fowls, of which they found an inexhaustible store in all the islands scat tered along their coasts." And in a note he adds, " The Spaniards have adopted those customs of the ancient Peruvians; they continue to use guano, or the dung of sea-fowls, as mature. Ulloa gives a description of the almost incredible quantity of it in the small islands near the coast." We had thus the name and use of guano fold us by Robertson seventy yeats Courier, THE NEW CHARTER OF THE COLLEGE OF SURGEONS The following is the petition of Mr. Guthrie, the celebrated army surgeon : " The petition of George James Guthrie, of Berkeley street, Berkeley-square, a Councillor and late Pre sident of the Royal College of Surgeons of London. " humbly showeth—That although your petitioner, in his collective capacity, has been compelled to accept the grant of a new Charter to the said College, a copy of which was lately laid on the table of your Hon. House, he considers several of the provisions of said charter to be illiberal, exclusive, and unjust. " That, independently, of its placing a bar on the poor man, preventing, in many cases, his obtaining by his own exertions such places of honour as there may be in the profession of surgery, it offers unnecessary advan tages to the richer student in the attainment of these offices, who may not possess half his ability, his perse verance, or his knowledge, it presses with peculiar seve rity on the officers of the public service, nearly the whole of whom are deprived by it of those privileges they hitherto enjoyed, in common with their surgical brethren of equal standing in civil life; whilst they will also be deprived in future of the hope of succeeding to these offices of honour or profit, whatever may be their ability, or the pre-eminence they may have acquired in the service of their country, from their talents or their labours. " Your petitioner has hitherto believed that a gentle man employed in the service of his Sovereign did not forfeit those rights which he had previously acquired as a citizen and a subject ; in virtue of which rights your petitioner has twice held the office of President of the College, but which he could not have done if this charter had been formerly in existence ; that, as the friend of many of the seniors, the teacher of many of the junior officers of the medical departments of the navy, the army, and the East India Company, they have called upon him to use his best endeavours to pre serve to them the rights and privileges they have hitherto enjoyed. " Your petitioner humbly approaches your Hon. House, in compliance with such call, on behalf of the whole of these officers. " Your petitioner believes there are few Members of your Hon. House who, in the persons of their fathers, their brothers, their children, or relations, have not had reason to be thankful for the professional services of the men it is now intended to deprive of their ancient rights and future prospects ; he has seen many of the officers of these services lay down their lives in the service of their country, suffering solely from their de votion to their duties and the privations they necessarily underwent. He is aware that many others performed very arduous duties with a coolness and precision, under circumstances of difficulty and danger, deserving of the greatest praise, and for which they, as well as their more martial comrades of all arms, have on many occasions received the thanks of Parliament ; that several of these officers who shared in these thanks, said to be the greatest honour a grateful country can give, now find themselves al together omitted from the privileges proposed to be granted by this charter, or placed belo 4 gentlemen who were not even born when these thanks were bestowed, and whose principal merit is, that they are living and can live in London with a reputation, which, however great and well deserved it may hereafter become, has yet to be acquired. " Your petitioner believes that the evil which has been thus committed has been unintentional, and that it can be remedied by a supplement to the said charter. " Your petitioner therefore humbly prays, that your Hon. House will not confirm the said charter by any Act or Acts whatever relating to medical or surgical arrange ments for the United Kingdoms until your Hon. House shall have granted your petitioner an opportunity of being heard, by himself or counsel, against them, or the particular parts to which this charter must neces sarily relate, either at the bar of your Hon. House, or in such other way as your Hon. House may be pleased to direct. " And your petitioner shall ever pray. " July 18. " GEORGE JAMES GI:THRLE." THE RAILWAYS BILL. The present Government is made of very squeezable materials. Accordingly we find in the instance of the Railways Bill, that the bold front which they at first as sumed is now altogether abandoned, and that instead of marching under the banner of the public welfare, they have faced about in the opposite direction. Future rail way companies are to have it all their own way for twenty-one years, while existing companies are to be left to themselves, and the people are to be consoled with the chance that the Parliament will, at the end of that period, take it into consideration whether the railways shall be revised or purchased at twenty-five years' value of their annual rate of profit, whatever that may be. And so the assumed zeal of Government for railway reform is little better than make-believe after all. Our objections to the original Bill were, that it did not go far enough; that it did not include all existing as well as future railways; that it did not make it imperative on all to run third-class trains of covered carriages at fixed rates and times; and that it did not make the option of purchase or revision apply whenever the profits reached ten per cent., and not at the end of fifteen years only. The powers of revision and purchase, which were the characteristics of the Bill, appeared to us to be the only ones which rendered it at all beneficial as a check upon practical monopolies of land transit, which, like the canal companies, might become a great and expensive drawback upon the internal traffic of the country. The objection of the quantity of patronage which a Govern ment system of railways would involve, did not appear to us of any great force;—first, because the chance of a railway holding out against the Government was re mote, and, secondly, because the lines would, in all pro bability, be leased by Government, if ever they fell into its hands. As the clauses which convey these powers to Government appeared to be somewhat vague, the present amendments have expressly enacted that they shall not be exercised at all without a particular application to Parliament. Thus, thee, the wholesome fear which would have prevented a grasping company from vic timising the public is withdrawn, and with the addi tional substitution of twenty-one, instead of fifteen years, as the period before which no interference of any kind can take place, it may be safely said that private in teres's have triumphed over the public welfare in this instance, and have succeeded in rendering the Bill little better than a nullity. As it stands, the Government may pretend that they have shown great regard fur the poor, by retaining an empty option of purchase, which is a mere brutum fe/men, but in reality nobody will be benefited by it but the railway proprietors. One weapon the mutilated Bill still retains against the old companies, and that is, the power of encouraging competition. We hope the Board of Trade will make use of this engine to bring refractory companies to reason. This Bill could not pass through Committee without giving Mr. Gladstone an opportunity of exhibiting his peculiar religious notions. Sunday travelling was to be forbidden to the poor occupants of third-class carriages, while it was permitted to the richer travellers by first and second class-trains;—but the House, on the motion of our townsman, Mr. Thornely, defeated the manoeuvre by a large majority. We must confess that we hardly expected to see Mr. Gladstone amongst the Pharisees. The sickening cant in which he indulged was well re• buked by Mr. Sheil's allusion to Lazarus and Dives, and an adverse majority barbed the shaft which quivered in the side of the Ministry.—Liverpool Mercury. DEMISE OF THE "CONSTITUTIONAL."—OIIF Contem porary, the Constitutional, has ceased to exist. It drew its last breath yesterday morning. Begotten between ultra-Toryism and High-Church fanaticism, it was but a rickety bantling from the first, and never enjoyed anything like robust health. What with changing its doctors and changing its regimen, it has, in its latter days, worn out a miserable enough existence. We regret its loss ; but we believe the parties more nearly interested regard its decease as a blessing rather than an affliction. It died without making any sign, and consequently we are left alto gether in the dark as to the immediate cause of dissolu tion. " Certain circumstances" and Captain Warner's experiment were the last things it complained of. Our poor Contemporary, however, was not ungrateful. To its friends it paid the following just tribute of thanks : " For such support as this journal has received during the seven years it has been in existence, we beg to return thanks."—Aberdeen Herald. DETERMINED SUICIDE OF MR. SULLIVAN, PRINTER, CHANCERY-LANE.--MT. Wakley, M.P., held an inquest on Saturday at the Duke of Wellington, Richmond terrace, Barnsbury-road, on the body of the late Mr. Michael Charles Sullivan, aged 32. From the evidence of his sister, whose feelings were so overpowered that she was almost inaudible during her testimony, and of his brother, it appeared that the deceased, who carried on the business of a printer, in Chancery-lane, but re sided at 2, Hemmingford-terrace, Barnsbury-road, had been for a long period complaining of his head, and was under medical treatment for it. He frequently said that he was unable to attend to business, that his life was worth nothing, and that every one was his enemy. Still they never suspected that he meditated self-destruction. His sister having missed him on last Thursday morning from home, although he left his hat and boots behind him, went to Chancery-lane, to inquire after him. She then returned, accompanied by her other brother, to make further inquiries. Upon her return, she found him suspended by the neck, and dead, from a beam in the coal-shed. Amongst other eccentricities, he hid his money partly under his bed, and partly over a cupboard, and in a table-drawer. V e rdi c t, " Temporary insanity." THE LATE FATAL ACCIDENT AT BLACKFRIARS BRIDGE.—FUNERAL OF THE SUFFERERS.—OH Sunday afternoon the mournful ceremonial took place of depo siting the remains of the three children of Mr. Breadcott, of Newgate-market, who lost their lives on Monday last by the breaking of the pier at Blackfriars-bridge. At half-past two o'clock the funeral procession, consist ing of three coffins, followed by the mother and father and other relatives, fourteen in number, left Mr. Breadcott's residence, in Newgate-market, for the parish church of St. Faith, in Watling-street. Long before their arrival the church was completely crowded by respect able individuals, and upon the coffins being placed upon the trestles in the centre aisle, and the mourners had taken their seats, a general feeling of sympathy pervaded the whole congregation, many of whom shed tears. The burial service was read in an impressive manner by the Rev. Mr. Barham, the rector; at the conclusion of which the three bodies were deposited in one grave, near the northern transept of St. Paul's cathedral, in the yard adjoining that edifice, which is the burying-ground of the parish of St. Faith. At the termination of the cere mony, on approaching the grave to take a last look, Mrs. Breadcott's agony was so intense that it was with diffi culty she was supported from the ground. During the assizes of Limerick, Judge Ball had the painful intelligence brought to him of the death of his daughter, a very interesting girl, in her aeyenteentla year, at Florence. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 30, 1844. LAW INTELLIGENCE. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, July 29. In consequence of the sudden indisposition of Mr. Commissioner Law, and the absence of the other Com missioners on Circuit, Mr. Nicholls, as senior barrister, presided. The COURT was occupied for a long time in hearing cases, in none of which, except the following, there ap peared any point of general interest. IF RE PIERRE CHARLES BRUNEAU CARE. The insolvent in this case, who is a native of France, and whose debts and liabilities were stated to be very large, applied to be liberated on bail until the day ap pointed for his final hearing. A very general impression seems to prevail that it is quite impossible for any person to obtain his liberty by even the most speedy adoption of the different tech nical forms under a period of six weeks or two months, but this case, notwithstanding the number of debts which appeared in the insolvent's schedule, afforded a striking instance of the quickness with which insolvents may take advantage of the present state of the law. The prisoner's attorney brought him into Court. and securi ties being found for his appearance on the day fixed for his hearing he was liberated, after being in prison for only eleven days from the date of his arrest. IN RE THOMAS EVANS. The insolvent had carried on an extensive business as a cowkeeper and dairyman ; he was opposed by Mr. Cooke on the ground of having made away with property; of having failed to account for a certain reversionary interest to which he became entitled after the death of his mother, and, also, with having vexatiously defended an action brought to recover the amount of an accommodation bill. Mr. NicuoLLs, after hearing very lengthened evi dence, ordered the case to be adjourned to compel the insolvent to amend his schedule and file more correct accounts. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (YESTERDAY.) BOW-STREET. Yesterday, a young man named John Joyce, described on the police sheet as a clerk, residing at 2, Watling street, City, was brought before Mr. Hall, charged with endeavouring to extort money from Mr. Frederick Randall, at his chambers, No. 10, Leicester-place, Wa terloo•bridge, under a threat that he wanted to take indecent liberties with him. Mr. Gwynne, solicitor of Chancery-lane, appeared for the defendant. The complainant stated, that he had been in the ser vice of a solicitor as a clerk ; but, in consequence of the bankruptcy of his employer, he had been a short time without any particular engagement. He had also been lately in ill health, and was about to enter into the wine trade with another gentleman. Some few weeks back, being in the Lyceum Theatre, he met a friend, with whom the defendant-was in company, and with whom he en tered into a short conversation, but in which the defen dant did not join. In a few days after he again met him Graeechurch-street, when the defendant accosted him, reminding him that they had met at the theatre with a mutual friend, and, after some conversation, they par took of some stout at a tavern ; but, as they walked down Fish-street-hill, having met some acquaintances, he parted with the defendant, without appointing to meet him at any future time. On Tuesday last as he was about to enter the Lyceum Theatre he saw the de fendant near the door, and, on asking him if he would accompany him, he replied he could not as he had some business westward, and they parted, the defendant say ing he might call in if he had time during the evening ; witness saw nothing more of him until Sunday evening, about half-past seven o'clock, when he was waiting for a friend at a wharf near London-bridge, whom he expected to arrive by one of the steamers from Gravesend, when the defendant joined him, and, after a short conversation, witness said he was in ill-health for some time, and, as he disliked being out late, he would go home to tea, and the defendant might come and partake of it unless he was particularly engaged : he agreed, and they went on board a steamer by which they were conveyed to Waterloo-bridge. On entering the chambers they found the tea-things set, and, some gin and water being on the table, the defendanrproposed partaking of it with a cigar. They then entered into conversation upon various topics, and, upon his informing witness that he had lately been at the Italian Opera-house, where he met his brother, with whom he was not on terms, he expostulated with him, as his means could not be sufficient to meet the expenses attendant on such amusements. In the course of conversation witness found he had known the defendant's father and other members of his family, and at ten o'clock he proposed that the defendant should proceed home, witness offering to accompany him part of the way, for which purpose he went up stairs to get his cloak, and on his return the defendant said, " I shall not leave the place, as I am determined to accuse you before the servant of having taken improper liberties with me ; for which you shall pay before I leave the room," upon which witness became very indignant, say ing, " I have been disappointed in the account you have given me of yourself, and unless you instantly quit the place I shall give you in charge to a constable, as no man can be safe in the company of such a wretch as you are." He then went into the street, leaving the defend ant in the room, and, having called in a constable, he was taken to the station• house. In answer to Mr. Gwynne, the complainant said he had no conversation with the defendant when he met him with his friend at the theatre, and when they met in Gracechurch-street he claimed acquaintance merely on the strength of having seen him with his friend ; but he neither gu.Ne him his name or address before they parted. When they met on Tuesday, it was merely accidentally, as was the case when they again met at the wharf. Witness took no portion of the gin and water, but smoked a cigar. The defendant, in the course of con versation said he was not on terms with his brother, but, being a ward in Chancery, he was allowed 100/. a year, and ss. a week for incidental expenses He also men tioned something about a bill of exchange, which led witness to say it was a swindling transaction, and he would acquaint his friends about it. In the course of the evening he did not exhibit any indecent prints. He solemnly declared nothing of an indecent nature took place between them, and he had since heard that it was not the first time the defendant had accused persons of a similar offence. The defendant, by the advice of his solicitor, said he would reserve his defence. Mr. Gwynne said, that although the charge, which was only a misdemeanour, was of a most extraordinary nature, he hoped the Court would have no objection to accept of bail for his client's future appearance. Mr. HALL said—l commit the defendant under the 7th and Bth "of George IV., chap. 29, sec. 8, and it is such a case that I cannot consent to accept of any bail. The defendant was then removed from the bar. CLERKEN WELL. Mr. Thomas Rule, 9, Fisher -street, Red Lion square, was charged with assaulting Mr. Henry Chester, an oil man in Blooinsbury Market ; also with assaulting po lice-constable Cattermole, 16 E. The policeman deposed that on Saturday evening last, at seven o'clock, being on duty in Red Lion-square, Mr. Chester sent for him to expel the prisoner (who is his brother-in-law), from the house. Witness entered the house, and attempted to remove the prisoner, who im- I vi w ol i e li n k t n b o l c o k w on the face. He your d—d head off," atmhneeddr im mediately kt exclaimed,o o w k i t h n i e m ss t a o ‘' the station-house. Mr. Chester also gave the prisoner in charge. The prisoner denied the assault, and alleged the po liceman was drunk, but the charge was unfounded.—He was fined 1/. James Madden, a ferocious-looking young man, was charged with stabbing Samuel Madden, his brother, re siding at Fletcher's-place, Islington ; also with stabbing Henry Mackness, 10, Battle -street, Lower-road, Islington. The prisoner was undefended. It appeared from the evidence that, on Saturday night, between eleven and twelve o'clock, the prisoner and the complainants were standing near the Half-Moon public house, Lower-road, Islington, when a quarrel ensued between the prisoner and his brother. Mackness strove to pacify them, but fruitlessly. The prisoner, finding that his brother was more powerful than he was, rushed into a house hard by, and, seizing a shoemaker's knife, returned with it into the street. Samuel, seeing the weapon, attempted to get away, but the prisoner stabbed him in the side before he could escape. He pulled the knife from the wound, which is not of a dangerous cha racter, and again brandished it. Mackness ran over, and grasping him, strove to wrest it from him, but the pri soner drew it across the palm of his left hand, inflicting a long and deep wound. Police-constable 56 N fortu nately came up and secured him. The knife was in his hand when the constable arrived. All the parties were sober. Mr. COMBE—What have you to say to the charge ? Prisoner (who did not evince the least regret)—Why, they would not let me alone, so I took this knife. There were five or six of them against me, and I wanted to be a match for them with the knife. In default of bailshe was:committed to the sessions. IV OR SH 1P- S TR E E T. Three men, named Thomas Pugh, James Day, and Robert Fowler, and a woman named Mary Ann Swan, were placed at the bar before Mr, Bingham, charged with the following outrageous and unprovoked attack upon the police It appeared from the evidence that a mob of disorderly prostitutes and men, having collected at the door of a public-house, at half-past eleven o'clock on Saturday night, Bryant, a policeman on duty there, desired them to move on ; the women did so willingly, but one of the men being intoxicated, for some time refused to do so, and Bryant saw him part of the way towards his home, and then left him, to return and look after the others. The instant he turned, however, he was met by the pri soner Pugh, who, without tittering a word, struck him a violent blow on the side of his head. He instantly seized Pugh, but the latter fought s o des p eratel y that he was obliged to call for assistance, and Kirshaw, an other constable, came up ; the moment he made his ap pearance, however, he was knocked down by Pugh, who called upon the mob, which had collected to the num ber of several hundreds, to help him, and five or six powerful fellows rushed upon the officers, and beat and kicked them dreadfully as they lay upon the ground. Bryant drew his staff to protect himself, but that was seized by Pugh, who tried to wrench it from him, and who also seized the hand of Mr. Addison, a neighbour, who came to assist the officers, in his teeth, and bit a piece of flesh clean out of it. The hooting, yelling, and violence of the mob now became excessive, and they exhibited such determination to rescue the pri soners, that several of the respectable inhabitants who witnessed the peril the constables were in game volunta rily forward to render assistance, as also did two other constables, Nos. 216 and 151 G, but both the latter of whom were knocked down and kicked, 216 receiving a violent kick on the side of his head. Pugh was at last captured, however, and taken up Old-street towards the station, to very nearly the door of which they were fol lowed by the rascals in the snob, who pelted them with brickbats and stones ; one of the officers being seriously wounded by a brickbat on the head ) and another con. tused on the arm by a Acne, which were seen to be thrown by Day and Fowler, they were pursued, and, after a desperate struggle on their part, taken, and identified as two of the men who had kicked the con stables in such a violent and cowardly manner while lying on the ground. The instant the two last-named prisoners were taken, the woman Swan rushed forward, and made such a furious attack upon the officers, that they were obliged to take her into custody likewise, raid the whole of them were then lodged in the station-house together. The prisoners, being called upon for their defence, denied the whole of the violent conduct imputed to them, and called two witnesses, who, so far from excul pating any of them, on the contrary, confirmed the greater part of the preceding statement. Mr. BINGHAM commented upon the prisoners' violence, and sentenced the three male prisoners, Pugh, Fowler, and Day, to a month's imprisonment and hard labour in the House of Correction, but liberated the female pri soner Swan, as the least guilty and responsible of the whole, upon the payment of a trifling fine. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 29. ROYAL COMMISSION. The Usher of the Black Rod summoned the House of Commons to their Lordships' bar to hear the royal com mission read for giving the royal assent to several Bills. The Lords Commissioners were, the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Buccleuch, and the Earl of Shaftesbury. The following Bills received the royal assent :—The Assessed Taxes Composition Bill, Detached Parts of Countiesßill, District Prisons and Courts Bill, Marriages (Ireland) Bill, Soap Allowances Bill, Sudbury Disfran chisement Bill, Actions for Gaming Discontinuance Bill, Parish Clerks Bill, Parish Constables Bill, Butter and Cheese Bill, Western 'Australian Bill, Loan Societies Bill, Colonial Postage Bill, Linen Manufactures (Ireland) Bill, Gaspe Fisheries Bill, Brighton, Lewes, and Hastings Railway Bill, Croydon and Epsom Railway Bill, Wells Harbour Bill, Wells Improvement Bill, London Gas Bill, Mariners Life Assurance Company's Bill, Mackenzie's Estate Bill, and Archbutt's Divorce Bill. Their Lordships resumed. The Land Tax Commissioners Names Bill passed through Committee. Lord HAWARDEN presented a petition from the Hull and Selby Railway Company against certain clauses in the Railways Act. GRAND JURIES (IRELAND) BILL. Lord GLENGALL moved the second reading of this Bill. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said he would nut oppose the Bill. But most certainly if the Bill had been brought on at an earlier part of the session, he would have moved the insertion of some new clauses and the omission of others. The Bill consisted of 157 clauses, and their Lordships would see the necessity of its being printed before they came to be considered in Committee. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be printed. DEBTORS AND CREDITORS BILL. On the motion of Lord BROUGHAM this Bill was read a third time and passed. JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES REGISTRATION BILL. Lord DALHOUSIE moved the second reading of this Bill, observing that he could not ask their Lordships to proceed further with it in that stage at present, as it had only just been printed. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE—COMMITTEES. Lord REDESDALE said that it would not be neces sary for him to press the motion of which he had given notice for the suspension of the standing orders for the purpose of enabling Committees to proceed with the presence of only three peers. The notice which had been taken of the inconvenience, had drawn the attention of Noble Lords to the subject, and the full number of peers had undertaken to attend to the Committees to the end of the session. One Noble Lord had written to him (Lord Redesdale), to say that he would, if his attendance would be useful, come up from a distant part of the country to give his services on Committees.—(Name, name.) It was Lord Byron.—(Hear, hear.) After a few words from the Earl of Wicklow, Lord Brougham, and other Peers, the notice was withdrawn. The Transfer of Property Bill was read a third time and passed. Messengers from the Commons brought up the Con troverted Elections Bill, and various other Bills, which were severally read a first time. THE UNLAWFUL OATHS BILL (IRELAND). Lord WHARNCLIFFE moved the third reading of this Bill. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that he and some noble friends of his were much dissatisfied with the present aspect of affairs in Ireland, and they were un willing that the session should close without their having an opportunity- of expressing their views on that subject. He thought that no measure could better afford that op portunity than the present Bill. It was not desirable that the Bill should pass before it was known what the Government intended to do in respect to the late trials, upon which it appeared that policemen acted as spies, upon the old system.—(Hear, hear.) One clause of the Act rendered any person liable to transportation if any unlawful "pass-word" were found upon him, and it ap peared on the trials, that persons connected with the police concealed such papers in the houses of innocent people, and afterwards prosecuted them. He hoped, therefore, that this Bill would be de layed until next week for the attendance of Irish noble men,'who would necessarily be absent for the remainder of this week. Lord BROUGHAM said that he thought he had as good a right to press the 13ill on now for his con venience, as they had to keep him in town next week and the week after, upon an Irish question. After a few words from the Marquis of CLAN RICARDE, Lord WHARNCLIFFE postponed the third reading till Friday next. The Party Processions Bill (Ireland) was read a third time and passed. Earl FORTESCUE gave notice that on Thursday he would present a petition from the trustees of the Tiver ton turnpike, complaining of certain Post-office regula tions respecting the mails. The Duchy of Cornwall Lands Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Thursday. The Turnpike Trusts Bill South Wales) was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Thursday. Lord BEAUMONT postponed till to-morrow, the motion of which he had given notice respecting the re port on the Catholic Penal Acts Repeal Bill. METROPOLITAN BUILDINGS BILL. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH moved the second read ing of the Metropolitan Buildings Regulation Bill. The principle of the Bill had been already assented to by the House in a former session. It was rendered neces sary by the imperfection of the Act of 1776, which was now in force, but which was quite inadequate to carry out its own enactments. In some cases its provisions were too harshly and oppressively en forced, and in others they were too much relaxed. The present Bill provided for the proper width of streets, alleys, and courts, for the secure build ing of houses, for the construction of drains for every house, for ventilation, the height of rooms, and the spaces between the rear of houses. It provided also measures for preventing the erection of houses in the metropolis unfit for human habitation. All surveyors under this Act would be required to pass an ex amination as to their qualifications. This was a very desirable provision, for, under the existing system, persons were appointed, who, however respect able in other respects, were wholly ignorant of the busi ness of a surveyor. It was proposed to appoint, with salaries, certain official referees, who should determine all disputes under the Act. There would also be a registrar, to whom the surveyors would be required to re port their proceedings once a month. In the present system it frequently occurred that a surveyor surveyed his own buildings. The surveyor was frequently a builder, and it was obvious that persons having houses to build within his district had a strong inducement to employ him as their builder. This Bill required that when a surveyor was employed to build houses in his own district, the official referee should appoint another surveyor to survey such buildings. The Act now in force was very unequal in the extent of its application. For instance, part of Chelsea was included, and the whole of Kensington was ex cluded froth it. He thought that the present Bill would best be discussed in Committee, and all he would now say was, that it would introduce great uniformity into the law, and would be simple and intelligible, and in many respects less stringent than the present law. He only asked their Lordships to read it now for the second time. Lord CAMPBELL objected to the pressing on this Bill at so late a period of the session. It had only come up from the other House on the 22d of July, yet it was as long as the Code Napoleon. —(Hear, and laughter.) It contained one hundred and eighteen clauses—(Hear, hear)—and was it to be ex peeted that their Lordships should sit down to examine these clauses at this season, to the entire ne glect of every thing else? In fact, the Bill could not go through Committee in less than a month or five weeks, unless the committal were a mere farce. Yet, it was important that the Bill should be thoroughly examined, as it would affect property and existing interests in the metropolis to a vast extent. As far as he had examined the Bill, he found it imperfect, in several respects, objectionable. Of course, he approved of the principle, but he entirely disapproved of the machinery. It was proposed to appoint a registrar, and three official referees, with salaries of 1,000/ a year, to be paid out of the county-rates. Again, he admitted that it was right to interfere with property when the public health or safety re quired it, but not otherwise. But the official referees would have a power which had been taken out of the hands of the Crown, to withhold the operation of a prohibitory law, and to say Non obstut. The re ferees would have the power of withholding at their dis cretion the operation of the 118 clauses of which this Bill consisted. It was quite clear that there would not be time to discuss the Bill adequately, and he should, therefore, move. as an amendment, that the Bill be read a third time this day three months. The Earl of CADOGAN was understood to say that he agreed with the Noble and Learned Lord, that the Bill was brought up at too late a period of the session to be sufficiently considered. The Earl of BESBOROUGH said that the Bill had been prepared with great care, and he thought it would be rather hard to throw it out on the second reading, without a discussion in Committee. • The Earl of KINNAIRD approved of much that was contained in the Bill, but he was still of opinion that it came too late into that House for this session. There were several enactments proposed in it, for carrying out which there was no provision. Amongst others, it was proposed to turn out all those who lived in cellars and other places in the metropolis unfit for human habita tion. But there was no provision for other dwellings for them, nor was it proposed to facilitate the erection of new buildings by juicing off the tax of ten per cent. on that land of property. He should be sorry to see the Bill lost altogether, but he thought it would be best to pstpone it till the beginning of next session. The Marquis fie SALISBURY regretted that the Noble and Learned Lord opposite had thought it neces sary to oppose the Bill. He hoped their Lordships would pass the second reading and allow the Bill to go to the Committee. At the same time he complained of the House of Commons loading their Lordships' table with important Bills so lati in the session—some of these Bills, like the present, containing 118 clauses. He hoped the Noble and Learned Lord would withdraw his amendment, and let the Bill be committed, with the understanding that it should not proceed further until the beginning of next session, an understanding that had been come to in respect to other Bills. Lord CAMPBELL said that if her Majesty's Go vernment would agree to the understanding proposed by the Noble Marquis, he (Lord Campbell) would withdraw his amendment ; but if the Noble Marquis was deter mined to press the Bill to a third reading this session, he would take the sense of the House. The Earl of WICKLOW agreed with the Noble Marquis near him (the Marquis of Salisbury), that it would be advisable to allow the Bill to go into Com mittee, in order that their Lordships might be the better able to deal with it next year. He did not think that the lateness of . the session was a good reason for re fusing to read a Bill the second time, because nobody could tell how long the session might last. Lord COTTENHAM said that he was surprised to hear the Noble Earl say that the lateness of the session was no objection to the second reading of an important measure ; whereas, when the Noble Marquis and the other Noble Lords round him (on the Ministerial side) sat on that (the Opposition) side of the House, it was a very frequent objection to important measures that they were brought up too late. —(Hear, hear.) This Bill was of very great importance, affecting a vast amount of property in a range extending to twelve miles round the metropolis. He was in the same condition as most other Noble Lords as to this Bill, that is, he had had very little opportunity of examining its provisions. He found that it would interfere in a very singular way' with the relations between landlord and tenant. It would alter contracts, and yet allowed either party to enforce the contract as so altered, even though the other party should desire that the contract should cease upon the alteration. The present law for the abatement of nuisances was to be superseded, at the same time that the Bill provided no practical means of abatement instead. For these and several other objec tions he should support the amendment. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH thought that the objec tions which he had heard were against the details of the Bill, and not against the principle. He had purposely put off the second reading of the Bill to this day, in order that Noble Lords might have an opportunity of reading it. But he found the same result in all cases. He found that no matter how early a Bill was brought into Parliament, no Member read it until the day it came on for the second reading—except some one who took a particular interest in it. He should consider it his duty to press the second reading of the Bill ; and also to move that it be committed, for he was convinced that, with very little amendment, it could be made a valuable measure. Their Lordship then divided, when there appeared— For the second reading For the amendment 8 Majority —23 The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow (this day). Several Bills on the table were forwarded a stage, and the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 29. MERCHANT SEAMEN'S BILL. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) The remaining clauses of the Bill were then agreed to, the House resumed, and the report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow. ROYAL COMMISSION. The Deputy Usher of the Black Rod summoned the House to attend the Lords to hear the royal assent given by Commission to various Bills (for which see Lords' report), the names of which were communicated to the House by the Speaker on his return. CRIMINAL JUSTICE (MIDDLESEX) BILL. On the motion of Sir J. GRAHAM the Order of the Day for the third reading of the Criminal Justice (Mid dlesex) Bill was read. Mr. MACKINNON postponed some objections he had to the Bill till the next stage, and the Bill was read a third time. Sir J. GRAHAM proposed an additional clause, the object of which was to give the magistrate the power of trying appeals eight times a year. Mr. BODKIN approved of the clause, the object of which was merely to restore to the magistrates the power of trying appeals, which they possessed till a recent deci sion of the Court of Q ueen ' s Bench, which decided that the exercise of that power was illegal. After a short discussion the clause was agreedJo, and the Bill passed. FARMS BUILDINGS BILL. The Lords' amendments to this Bill were read and agreed to. TRAFALGAR-SQUARE BILL. The Lords' amendments to the Trafalgar-square, Bill were read and agreed to. Mr. FELLOWES presented a petition from certain savings' banks praying for alterations in the Savings' Banks Bill. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL presented petitions from Clare and Armagh against the Charitable Donations and Bequests (Ireland) Bill. On the motion of Mr. HUME, the following return was ordered :—Return of the several establishments maintained for the prevention of smuggling in the United Kingdom in each of the years 1842 and 1843 ; stating under separate heads the expense in wages, salaries, vessels, houses, &c. ; the expense of prosecutions by the departments of Customs and Excise ; the amount of produce of seizures of smuggled and illegal goods, the share paid to the officers seizing them, and the amount remaining to the Crown ; also, all other incidental charges, so as to exhibit the entire charge, according to the order of the House of the 7th day of July, 1825. CHARITABLE BEQUESTS BILL. Mr. CRAVEN BERKELEY wished to know from the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether what was reported was true, viz., that it was not the intention of the Lord Chancellor to go on with the Charitable Bequests Bill. It was a Bill by no means popular. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he had not seen his Noble and Learned Friend on the subject. It appeared from the votes of the House of Lords that the Bill was read a second time, and if it was withdrawn he supposed it was in consequence of the opposition which it met with from persons out of doors. CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. BOOKS AND ENGRAVINGS BILL. The Report on this Bill was brought up and received. ART UNIONS BILL. Mr. WYSE moved the second reading of the Art Unions Bill. He said it was not his intention at that stage of the Bill to raise any discussion, but he would state that it was his intention to make considerable alterations in the preamble, and also to object to the 2d clause of the Bill. Mr. GLADSTONE said he hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would postpone the Bill until the Chancellor of the Exchequer was present. Mr. WYSE said that he did not mean that the House should stand to the principle of the Bill by consenting to the second reading. Mr. GLADSTONE said on that understanding he would not oppose the second reading. The Bill' was then read a second time and ordered to be committed to-morrow. CONSOLIDATED FUND BILL This Bill passed through Committee and was ordered to be reported to-morrow. WOODS AND FORESTS ACCOUNT BILL. On the motion of the Earl of LINCOLN this Bill passed through Committee. GRAND CANAL (IRELAND) BILL. The House then went through Committee on this Bill. The Customs (New South Wales Bill) also went through Committee.—Report to-morrow. The report on the Slaughtering of Horses Bill was brought up and received. The report on the Protection of Purchasers (Ireland) Bill was brought up. The report was agreed to, after a short discussion. COURTS OF COMMON LAW PROCESS (IRE LAND) BILL. The report was received on this Bill, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. CHARITABLE DONATIONS AND BEQUESTS (IRELAND) BILL. Sir J. GRAHAM in proposing the second reading of this Bill stated that he would shortly advert to the cir cumstances under which the measure had been brought forward. It was impossible to conceive any subject of greater national importance than this. There were three principal defects in the existing Act. The first was the constitution of the board, and the next was that of chang ing the uses pointed out by testators on the ground of expediency ; and the third defect was the absence of the power to endow with land in perpetuity. It was to re medy these defects that the present Bill was introduced. There were three principal objections to the law as it at present stood, which the present measure would remove. In the fourteenth clause of the Bill there was a limita tion for the first time introduced with regard to the thine of giving property, landed or personal, which should be within a short time antecedent to the death of the tes tator or donor. It was a question of public and general policy, and was quite open to discussion. He was of opinion that some such limitation was necessary, consi dering the influence that might be used over dying per sons. Now he was bound to state, that he could only an ticipate one objection to the measure, as not being entirely satisfactory to Roman Catholics, and that objection, he was told, arose from a difficulty peculiar to the form of the Roman Catholic ecclesiastical jurisdic tion, which was this—that the status of any person in holy orders could not be decided by a person not himself an ecclesiastic. He might, in passing, observe that it was open to the discretion of the Crown to select a per son who, with regard to all the circumstances of the case, should be the most entitled to the confidence of the Ro man Catholic body, and who would, at the same time, enjoy the confidence of the Crown. He must also ob serve that the last resort of the board, as it was now to be constituted, was not trust-worthy if a dispute arose. In the law as it stood at present, an appeal was allowed to the Lord Chancellor, who from the circumstance of holding the great seal must necessarily be a Protestant. Under the board, as it was to be now constituted, there must be one Roman Catholic dignitary on it, and it was quite clear that in the course of time either the Master of the Rolls or the Chief Baron of the Exchequer would be a Roman Catholic. This measure was framed in the spirit of peace ; it was framed with regard to the cir cumstances of Ireland ; it •was not possible to offer any eadowunatto the Roman Catholic clergy, which would Ibl )1 , • not be am, ptetl—(Hcar,Lear)-I.ut it was most desiT.,.. th•it a provision should be made to legalise the ofrelF P c voluntarily made for the purposes of the Roman Cit s'u ° ! t y religion. That it might mitigate the discord and os p er o which unhappily too much prevailed in Ireland hem_'e earnestly wished. It was tendered in the spirit of neet),'' —in that spirit he hoped it would be received. .tt,e ' hoped nothing had fallen from him to disturb that sPI P ,,, He trusted that this measure would form the corner so; the of that temple of peace which his Right Hon. Frie nd e • pressed a hope might arise at no distant time, wh ell 4 Queen of England should visit her Irish doininioint,„!,i, appear on her "throne of the West," actuated by l'ulr ings of kindness and benevolence towards all h er • jects, but in a particular manner towards a generowt gallant, and still a loyal people.—(Cheers.) The Mr. M. que O'FEßßALstion having L said tha been put, if this Bill was 111 ,10 ese l in a spirit of peace and conciliation, he m ust be allowe'sot observe that the terms in which it was conceived wer e tt o calculated to produce that effect. It was a great raisf °l. " ,a 1 that in every measure introduced with regard to Irels, o fit some clause was introduced which spoiled the spirit ieg however wise and good it might be. There were cie ll l o in this Bill that appeared to him most objectionable.o Ireland the greatest feeling existed against every t e l as e that touched the Catholic Church. In England th.f i ; t i l e was different ; but in Ireland they were imbued, "I,' vie rs deepest jealousy. The clause made the Comm be removable at the pleasure of the Crown, "I lle gal thought extremely objectionable. The -Righ t the Baronet had stated that it would be the pleasure lo t Crown to appoint prelates of the Catholic Church . ,„? int it might be the pleasure• of the Crown not to sPr er e prelates of the Catholic Church ; and if they 11 of to appoint Catholic laymen, the decisions the the board would not be received by t he bishops. He objected also to the constitution o f a pd board, which was to consist of eight Protestants ;a five Catholics. The Bill was by no means a c ee measure. In 1824 Lord Castlereagh had been it. ec t respondence with the Catholic hierarchy on the suulire. The measure which was then proposed was much e t r t ta rior to the present Bill, for it proposed to ere c ri Al Catholic clergy into corporations, giving them th e .:: of succession. He objected to the Bill because I t t at the first attempt at legislative interference witupar Catholic religion, and he would recommend the G° l- t ia ment to pass those clauses only which related t° ll 0 . charitable boards, and to leave those clauses %O le • in terfered with the Catholic religion to another sessieto for the Government had had ample time to consid e c lbsd effect of the measure, while the parties intereste 0$ not had sufficient time afforded to c on s ider what l s° be the effect of the Bill.—(Cheers.) be Lord ELIOT said the Government had reason 0 .4 lieve the measure would be acceptabl e t o the 1 1° ,',,r Catholic clergy of Ireland. The Bill had been, ," s o ported by Lord Normanby, whom the Hon. Gen tle d, had often said was dear to the Catholics of Ire the (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had alluded,r vs e, observations of a Right Rev. Prelate in the other P e s d and stated that they were of a sectarian c h ara ctert t 0 friendly to the perpetuation of the penal statutes; b i ded he (Lord Eliot) apprehended, they were only d it ( i put towards the support of the Established Church, n° f a ct in disparagement of any religion whatever. I l l o od was the Bill was permissive, and not WO' of and calculated to prevent concealment or Aue appropriation of charitable funds. In Francel hI ~a tria, and Belgium, no bequest could be accer - od the Roman Catholic body without the cognizan ce le consent of the Government of these countril• France a curate could not be appointed without tneoght sent of the Government. After the assurance of hi 5 0,100 Hon. Friend he thought the feelings of jealousy 0 ' were expressed regarding interference with P Catholics, entirely unfounded. N og ° Mr. BELLEW thought the measure was " ha o °. forward in a conciliatory and kind spirit, but tm - t beso vernment had not consulted those who could gi ye „bject the most useful and practical information on the 7 s itiL? The Government was placed in an unfortunate P, oelr —they had no Catholic in the Government, words and actions were so much opposed, 013 f el Roman Catholic body were natu ra lly s u spicious, ° e d,l o measure they brought forward. Th e Bill contin e t i c e his (Mr. Bellew's) opinion, b o th i nsu lt an d ini c 7stsl a Ireland. Roman Catholics were always jealous °Joel interference with their cr ee d. W i t ness , for so" the education question in France and in Belgl li r t jaitl of the junta in Gibraltar. The Noble Lord sin" 4p°' curate could not be appointed in France ;" the cognizance and consent of the Governm en pen they were very different cases indeed. Fran i q the Roman Catholic clergy, but England o l io If the Government expected co-operation fr c ior ° , Catholic body, they must recognise the atithe,,erfa the Catholic clergy in Ireland—it was too P ° fl e to be dealt with on merely " tolerative " princiP les t 4 would not vote against the second reading, b u n t n evie li same time would be very desirous for the postP of the Bill. the The Earl of ARUNDEL said he thought a fir e „ evinced a desire to conciliate the Roman Catholi ce st ,:l r, land on the part of her Majesty's Governmen t ' he should therefore support it. He did not think t " s tions which would come before the Commissionc o f th in any degree affect or interfere with the fa it ~f r people. s ati , •ty Sir R. PEEL said he had heard with great e dits) tion the speech of the Noble Lord—a spee ch cf.; e sq, to him, and just towards the intentions of her nTiaDe, Government. Her Majesty's Government wer,„ e •sie; onced by no desire whatever in bringing this . o ', 1110, forward, excepting a wish to correct that Whi ch understood had been complained of by the Rutil e : P . tholic population of Ireland, and to correct a fk, the present law in respect to Roman Cathoh 0011 quests. (Hear, hear.) He thought he ~,pee give the Noble Lord an explanation with soh l et i to this measure, which would confirm th e n res s , l Lord in the i:npression which he had ei t y" with that manliness and frankness so consistent J ive 0 , 1 ; on all occasions, whenever he was called on to g ot tY 4 opinion ; and so consistent also with the real fac ts i s ll3 case. He (Sir R. Peel) must also say, without dile to provoke any controversial spirit, that be 11 b whi c o f with regret, which equalled the satisfaction lil t to o t 6 he had heard the speech of the Noble Lord, the f rh o some of the speeches made on the other si de ; House. Surely they might consider the bea l o ot ll "ii intention of this measure without provoking „rel). l debate on the appointment of Mr. O'Driscoll. f was not necessary to refer in a debate on a.,P i 1 ' 0 ° 3 3., LD sort, to the appointment of a law officer in Ire- ti d e d 11 reference to such matters, in his opinion, l e t y show the spirit in which the comments w ere to r o f was said that they bad no knowledge whatevfe ire! Pt' feelings of the Roman Catholic population dol e d ,/ with respect to the existing law or its aa le a l lie Why. he, thought they might ascertalespo opinions and feelings of the Roman u o 4 11 r body' in reference to a publication 01 " - Aro received the sanction of the Roman Catholics eitig ciation. That publication was written bf.,11:110 lawyer—a man with a deservedly high reputa t weed at o publication had a great circulation, and was s o i l; bir r e v contain, in the fullest 'banner, the objections f a ", en s d l Roman Catholic body in Ireland with respect t g e jee'doi ments and laws which affected that class abet' de lie subjects. In that publication complaint was cati h i c o the state of the law with respect to Rolna li ,„ ao #' o ,4 w charities. He would just read the express:„ were made use of by Mr. Scully, a gentle/070y name was well known to Hon. Gentlemen oPP ro an was stated in that publication, that "no P e rOr e ill safely give or grant any land, money, or other!, pr l y to or for the permanent support of any Cath ° , los ° to house of worship, school, or other charita h ' e s t tion in Ireland, subject, as such donations n lli d a tio tj or serious doubts and difficulties. That such 11 15 ;0 1 would probably be diverted to Protestanotiou so f tions, directly contrary to the donor's et erl,o a prospect sufficiently disparaging to " 40 ' rational person from making such donations; 0 0 '0 with 'respect to the institution of the Board' ust tie s e' ble Trusts Commissioners, Mr. Scully we in c e 0 10 observe that this Commission deserved no tice , c a tli o o quence of its alertness in hunting &avo d) , t a charities. It was now a tt em pt e d to re e b e io ° , ‘ ,l4 defects, and a Bill was now b roug ht in to put A l fir,',g manner of doubt the l aw w ith res pect t° „„iltlot e bequests in Ireland, and to pr ov id e f o r the " the t Roman Catholic chapels, and to provide f,_ °r re o, ll l ,ete endowments of priests, so that henceforth W e ts , not be a question as to the legality of the trust c 054,1 was, therefore, a complete remedy for thing defects. They proposed to abrogate the 0 0 '114, for the purpose of substituting a new ono. t hat y r r` i j proposed to place three legal persons upon t he mission, the first of whom was to have be en t he t oP Chancellor. It was, however, objected th a st an,t , o Chancellor must necessarily be a Pr r o t f, s ty yielding to that objection. Her N a j t - he gait:" verment omitted the name of ;he . 6 .' t c l) ,"' Chancellor. They, however, retained o f eX e of the Rolls and the Chief Baron of the Coq" 4 Wer. tb ii quer, to both of which offices Roman Cathen e o re, gible. There was nothing sectarian, ther e to orlf slie f appointment of that part of the board. I tl . r ,,dge ° be t ° Bill they had not placed the name of a u- 31 01 : o sic * Perogative Court, but a Roman Catholic at ofe c ' oo se # Parliament had submitted that this was a g re s, and the Judge of the Prerogative Court av tl . be Cc ' e ae,„ , quence, placed amongst the members of sceriocill sion. Having yielded to that suggestion ti" e •lf o r p oen, taunted on the second reading of this upon the new Commission a man whos° 0 ; 5 API io te was made by the Primate of Ireland. Bu t frele e r l ;o o e ment had not been made by the Primate 0 140 4 P th on the last occasion of its being vacant, the bands ir e 4; of Ireland placed the appointment in the w i f° Government. He could not help alluding, t he I v stance, as he thought it was indicative a. J 0 0 40 n which the Government were now oPP° s „ e oo e c 3 , 00!„, offices, the occupants of which were to em n r„golohl i o f of this Board, were, a few years,.. e i 0 00 t Catholics, viz., Baron Rolfe and Sir ent fo ee h e There were to be ten other Commissionellico, P o . to "„? that number five were to be Roman Cath°rteeinecainete would ask whether it was not dish that sac,' d i lj s r • met in the spirit which had been evinee d he a e l a e lie o ( In the course of this debate reference , '" a Lord Wee ft l a measure which had been introduced by.e Prey pi ley, respecting which the Roman -ath ol ha nd to Ireland were consulted. He held in his b _ itt aa of that measure. It was, first of all su Murray. Sir R. PEEL said it was quite stial e 'b n aitt et i 0 5 a eille Mr. M. O'FERRALL—OnIy the oujiin:l;t ft°ol',9'ol.o. general outline of the measure had been t° c°, c ot- 4 0 Murray, in order to enable him to was 13ewor between that and the present Bill. ThatJ3rr frinebegio "An Act for providing places of wor o sh u i l ? and a Pr ise ri Catholic subjects in Ireland, and h the parish priests." Parish priests " esen t 13111' %P re5 used throughout the Bill. In the e so ra l se ti was brought into the House of Lot : ;', l e - ct i a n Won " parish minister " was used. An °i was J e d to this, on the ground that " mini ste luvu yiel d by rreebyterima couly. The GeYeru" J