The Sun. — London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

Are nearly as follows :—Sir, in rising to second the adoption of the address proposed by my lion. Friend eof l? My left, I t hi nk I shell best consult the convenience the House, an d s h all b est show my gratitude 100 the no tir confer-ed upon me, in selecting me as the sec, ue'esr if his motion, b y confining myself t o a f ew o b serva ti ons , "II saying that I fully coincide hi all that has fallen my r emark s I have o to make I r shall ced, avows in aveid e seu ew s ion to all those topics, v, hich he ii eels t a create V fee,. un necessary discussien, or inter:es-a tee present geed ui,henige.n...; (Hear, h ear. ) Sir, I truss \tat this will he a explanation o f my presumption in eccupying Es, e P 1 °541 . 0 11 I do at this moment.—(]leer, hear.) I hope, , tn aY be permitted to express my conviction 4 _, the present circumstances of this country are the es fully warrant the expressions contained in " t e address to her Majesty, and that these are are toi,eB touched upoa in that address ehich Pet Dorne out by the circumstances of the eJuntry. that ha t ' hear.) It is these prosperous circumstances tee , b s are made me fed proud at having imposed upon the the agreeable task I have undertaken, of seconding all the of that address, carrying with it as it does hltirl s B wei ght and the ability of the able and talented re lrhe,B my Hon. Friend. Sir, there were timueeer othei her present Majesty opened the Parliament under $ O , a nd less auspicious circumstances ; when e epe„se:of Commons was placed in a position that called e tee " 't for energetic measures, in order to meet the te b r p t e n,eies of the country ; when the Heuse was likely leas" called upon for the exercise of that full power th e ; s sesl by it, by which to maintain the supremacy' of v7eoldrevi.; even under those circumstances, this Heusi lest c arry to the Throne, in its address to her Ma- b e e ls the se sentiments of devotion and loyalty which ski et , it — Mean hear.) But, upon the present pc det„°ll, I feel happy to say that it is my pleasing e fereroto congratulate myself and this House on a af lasstt this things—(Hear)—and that the commence- Nar a °f ; Year has been marked by a state of erl al and financial prosperity. (Hear, hear.) thro l e it e c t me intention to follow the Hon. Gentleman . mss all the topics to which he has alluded, but I til t ; ask permission to make a few observations on those tatipett:lthe address which appear to me to be the most * U s -Lilts-(Reer, hear.) In doing this, however, I !NI guard myself. The feelings of ge- Poli t y tskaPProbation which I entertain for the a t ere :Tell has been pursued by her Majesty's Go '4ll:le7' fully justify me in coming forward to . expres; lei t t i z o t,usents which I now express, but in doing so to b e underst oo d as reserv i ng to myse lf f u ll p ower 11 , 1 1if, e 'ass the mer i ts o f t h e diff erent measures be at Gov ernment may propose,. whenever they may 4 tr o "itted t o our consideraom—(Hear, hear.) It is e %pm s ubject of congratulation to every country, more eve ti a l Y to a commercial country like this, fhat___ .. t .s er is lisesSY Prospect of the preservation of peace. T 111- meet for t ei n great . conra . tulation. The recent visits t Pk% Sovereigns tot his country should not, as it l to me, be considered as expressions of the per eke 'kespect borne by one Sovereign to another, ! tie& nothine can be more desirable than the %stse.„7"lllent oethat mutual knowledge and mutual 'Oete-Yor each other between sovereigns, to which t ette, vlB4 B are likely to conduce. But they are not I te h Nona' proofs of the friendship of these sove- Liekli s ' lt t of their attachment to the maintenance of sMit,l4„relations with this country. I believe that the ce 't - Layse sovereigns may be considered as betoken- Lieti ll s e W ish on the part of 'their subjects for an S'ASi te ; leith this country, and I rejoice in them, as Nt„.„"lfforded an opportunity to the people of this t,eirs.',ef d emonstrating their attachment to peace, and e t s. emi t t• with their sub , e ; „ 0 cultivate friendly relations " ; 11 1 , 4 when I consider the power of these nations, Zrt Tise character of these Sovereigns, I am all 'uat these visits may be considered Pss a dditional pledge for the continuance_ ass` ee, and I f ee l conv i nce d t h at t h e Emperor of li e e l l e°lll c l not ithoq • exists in -,h this country - to bind still closer t t haeld' s of amity which already subsi-t between b us - . % Nes thaot wish to see any stronger bond of peace e ,two countries than those feelings of mutual 1t me The Woich should naturally exist. It would L I N t iTc pleasure if the Emperor of Russia eat s lestal to modify some of those restric tterieh so much interfere with the imports- Itio tt e° s l enial produce—(" Hear, hear," from the Op teteeift. I feel convinced that the friendly feelings t the Qian ""ose countries will increase the receipts , of t a. p ee te venue, and be only injurious to those con r r. 4ttiNtiss.Ceers for wlism no sympathy can be ente ti i :ttl s ; T he visit of the King of the French _ s,,fe t if r us notice—a visit which so deeply interested ts - e se e n gs of the people of England. That visit was ote i stt after a period when apprehensions were silh t k o tt ,. e d far the peace of Europe. • The hostilities ~lb - -2eeo were terminated in a manner consonant dy i e "%our of Fiance and the peace of Europe. ! iti` tiet : t s i orl of Otaheite has been worn thread kite th at q'e French Chambers, and I regret t t o . of pied, t s( mte of the speakers there . have . a 4s.. ais ti ' oo e i hope unsuccessfully, to excite feelings 1%74 se al jealousy. I ain no diplo.natist, an h el . V s lt th v i lr eciate the motives of those persons who o e ar rangement of the Otaheitean question ; but IS Y l ei a ase n , in private matters, my notion is that where Ntkas their either through overzeal, or worse motives,. isiera ts ei r instructions, it is the duty of their em- Lto c ss e xPress di sa pp ro b a ti en at th eir p rocee di ngs , h a Nes ii'l"ellanify those who have tuffercd by them. trit.,,:s done this ; it could not do less with a just Oh,' what was due t o th e su b jec t s o f ano th er a!) ere W hich are entitled to full protection wherever eT / Placed. E u gl a nd cou ld ex p ec t no l eas , 14„ tt ire e°l3 less I d o no t t hi n k E ng l an d cou ld oe m ore. It is not unlikely that difficulties • it when the subjects of two . nations are 11 1 0 s esis t eto contact at such a distance, but 1411 10 „s i g . , differences unfortunately have occurred s li e ete e " ; ',", he treated by the respective Governmen s,,senss"atory dispo.-itions, and regard to the interests ,rane .LAtte s to the honour of each. The history of France es ti end A Of at the nowhere show that these countries have lt h i oti siia anY time actuated by feelings either ki - Pat —tt tion or eervility, insult or injury never . s lie t s , te ree le s itt lY endured by either. I hope all sources of 4,,N0r, - , a re now removed, and I fully agree in the ki th!' p,"esat distinguished statesman i n the French Ch mu- I ' , who said that though peace between England mee 41 04 ,s w orp, ght be said to be a guarantee for the peace t es ki nes _" the dignity, honour, or advaotan f either ti st g reie 0 ',7 be sacrificed, though everything that eo could N I Pat t i e to be done to preserve that peace. I _do D is k t Pate hi the feelings of those who say that be-- , Is t iLefe t lttl ee and England are on amicable terms, that, e th qe, a Pace with other countries is not fully com 41i belt by no means follows that other countries t h e re i s excluded from the advantages of such a pea . ce i . tith teetiallather country bond the Atlantic with which ki t h tl4, l ll to e s to be on terms' . of friendship. I am not re s . th e .ay that my private interests are bound up of eeet eh..,eontinuance of that friendship, and that the Ill u tt ‘t e; ‘4 ; fr iendship which I have for great numbers the l ll l , l ',. z e,ris confirm that feeling ; but I believe i l l i tei e j ri Vate interests are in concurrence with tae's se,V e of ',both countries, and that the advantage Ot t l at large will be best maintained by the lalls,,tl,l4,?f„frieedly feelings between this country and %ins, otates. And though titter newspaper p . ara . - h s the°4ll hostile speeches or violent resolutions, f -IA dispatches may see the lie ha t':lloks Scretaries of State, breathing no friendly i tli st 4 te Whi s Wards this country, expressed in lan- Vest - t lothi - " we all regret—(Hear, hear)—yet I trust een h il g will arise to check the peace which exists f %Oat ii (4 l tll countries ; and I rely on the good sense estpo letell94s of th e p opu l at i on o f t h at country, upon ad t I g e nce and di scernment , t h a t th e y will eo e ~ t e a the f eelings entertained on this side of the %Prie s d will see that the interests of both t hat I ,,,„ t tre concern e d i n t h e ma i ntenance o f peace , tss e : e is n de sire the continuance of friendly relations. listirliseen-Ilie element essential to the progress of good •la this country—in the United States, NAr • 1' ra n ce—l mean the public press, which (Olt Leuet wish to see restrained ; but a tit z fee% uhcation or a bitter speech may pro- SP? perms irritation for the . moment which are el' [ lent feelings of the nation. Though there fir ette e s si , z _g up a new generation who have not is a - Te horror s of we rare yet at the same time the - vetiti flass of men rising, and ' have risen, whose Vaiescr,`l3lPloyinent, and interest, are identified with r a „ ne , e ,of peace, and this class in all tt of is ks a lulng more influence. I trust that the t ete if it ise cln uaerce may be a new link of peace, and tittkoftivl necessary to augment the navy for the pro , Ay sr th e ! It cornmerce that the country will be %%Wing laterd easedincr burdens necessary for that purpose. is• b ttoe 8 national wealth, the public credit, and . ss • see n en, b e , n ) of the resources of the country, which I,,iehaPs thistried by Some years of depression, t° tak e coUntry was never in a condi kte-llPlleet more imposing attitude, either t te ses tetl a t t3 a). th ou dignity dieity or the . protection of her 1 ' i tch I Y , y et ". such calculations are happily un cloki n oile in ease a war should arise, in • !tla e P I R et our could be gainers, yet, I llt ee Woul d ° Ur insular position, and the shock kpOt ki , 4 .. be given to manufacturing and industrial ts th e 4(1 to all local and internal improvements, trtal • check • °e t lat e it would cause to the influx of oixtieus other countries, I cannot think that hlt tit r i l t of l a "id suffer less than %‘e. At the te ritsk i takst seseio n of Parliament, although improve ant Place some branches of our manufae kat t depaetss there was still a depression in two most it ern ha rtrnents, the iron trade and shipping interest. t te4e lit P tl P Y to say that the tide of prosperity has zp iiia tad e, the uth these branches. With respect to the i ll% o _ mines are now in complete work. The Zet4 4 , 4 h f un oneeted with the working of iron Ut, irooe'ePation at good wages, and the Oe i ts e II fact, h ave t . improved thirty or forte per hs bags a sta. , e iron trade is in as satisfactory and ttre.are sen t.e al any other. This great improve ptiAztltlon, ea mainly from the increase of the home ith a m the by the adoion of iron for vat ious rega great demand occasioned by railroads. kt e Ut egged to t h . that very d e shipping interest, that also le s ther e hePresaed condition, but lam happy to hap years b 'en a general improvement in 4 44 Dri ee ; Year, Ships are more saleable and at kIN I) ,,Y th e i T iv. ll .. e ., demand for them has been °Fee titZlie Opti on ''''"gd importation of various articles s. °a nt sa ' among others, the importation of •4 cre ase , he demand _ tea se (A • t tiltslight for shipping to a large e at lgh) The application of science, eis I Perien ei tl eti 'as e esby increasing the fertility of i,el4,, °o th er ° lll " rlY.effected that object, but has also t it e oe sat s , a st insportant branch of our commer totttoz ar r , ty or a m not about to trouble the House with liit ntrad e , th gureas but I may say, with respect to I ,e th e fits e at it was never in amore thriving state. ;,e1 the wages of have increased, and Nth mitt "gea of their workmen ; but, Sir, lam B a the mere are Pe o some of our manufactures " follad so large ts ma ]set 111)0) as some branches of the spinning trade. But taking the two, and calculating them together, I believe I am perfectly right when I state that, at no period in the history of our spilling and manufacturing interests, has the balance applicable to profits and wages been greater than during the past year. The application of capital in new mills, and the improvement of old ones and machinery, have alse been much greater in the past year. With re gard to the woollen trade, it is a source of no small sails facf on that an improvement has taken place in this branch too, because it fully bears out the statement which has been made of the improvement of the people. A great, in fact the larger, portion of our woollen trade is supported by the home market, and, of course, the increase of this market bespeaks an improvement in the condition of the poor man. The flax trade, I may state with confidence, has undergone a considerable im provement; indeed, I may state that the increase has been upwards of twenty per cent.; but it is very likely this increase is attributable to the removal of some of the restrictions on this trade. Still, the difference which has taken place in our flax manufacture speaks favourably of the improvement of the condition of the people, notwithstanding the difficulty that may exist to estimate the quantity applicable to home consumpt ion. It may be asked, have our foreign demands justified this increase in our manufactures ? Now, if we run through the articles of British produce which have Leen exported this year, we shall find that the amount of exports has been larger than in any former period. There has, however. been a falling cif in two items—coals and cotton twist. With regard to coals, I believe I may state that this has resulted not from a falling off in the demand, but from the strike among. t the workmen in the mining districts, which no doubt Hon. Gentlemen are aware of. With regard to cotton-twist, it will be seer. that the item shows a falling off of 50,000,000 pounds. I believe, however, that this difference in the exports arises, not from any indisposition on the part of our foreign neighbours to take this article of British produce, but to the great amount of consumption which has taken place in the home market. All our manu facturers in this article have been, I may say, more than fully employed, nevertheless they have been unable to supply the home as well as the foreign market. But we must look beyond this to ascertain the improved condition of the people; we must look to the consump tion of those articles which are regarded as the neces saries of life. The customs are, perhaps, a better test of the pewer of consereption than the excise ; but the excise may be considered as showing the people's power of expenditure ; and of melt, spirits, and soap, there has been an increase. Looking at the articles of tea, sugar, and tobacco, the gradual increase which was tak ing place afforded a satisfactory proof of the improved condition of the people. Although the returns of the savings' banks are liable to some exceptions, yet, as connected with other proofs of prosperity, the increase : in deposits, and the diminution in withdrawals, are very pleasing circumstances, Another satisfactory proof is the great increase in the returns of all tee railways—thus showing either an in crease in traffic for business purposes, or a greater power of expenditure for the purposes of recreation. It may, indeed, be doubted whether this prosperity be of a permanent character. I know that last year very great doubts were entertained, though I ant not aware upon what data they were founded, whether the improve merit which then manifested itself would continue for : any length of time. But looking at the state of trade, and the moderate price of raw materials, and looking also at the fact, that no foreign markets are glutted, and scarcely any overstocked, and considering, further, that there is an abundance of capital, which in every manufacture is the great element of prospe rity, I cannot see any reason to apprehend that there is any exaggerated spirit of speculation in con nexien with the trade and manufactures of this country. The new banking regulations, although their appli cability to the circumstances of this country can only be tested by •experience—(Hear, hear)—those regu lations have proved a salutary check upon an over spirit of speculation, I believe that that spirit of speculation has been absorbed by reckless railway undertakings. Although I am fully sensible of the importancelof such undertakings. and of the benefits I which they confer by giving employment to la bourers of various kinds, and otherwise benefiting I the country, I think is impossible to see the exaggerated calculations made as to the result of I those undertakings, without feeling that this is one of ' the dangers by which the country is menaced.— (Hear, hear) This is a danger also, to which, I under our manufacturing system, we are unavoid ably subject ; but for that evil there is no remedy except that of producing in the minds of the manufacturers a spirit of foresight, and in the minds of the operatives a saving disposition. Sir, the great pros- I perity of this country has undoubtedly acted upon its finances—(Hear, hear)—it has, undoubtedly, increased its resources ; but it is impossible not to see that this change of circumstances really originated in the adoption ' of the income-tax. I will not discuss the question whether it be or be not (as we understood the Hon. Gentleman) a convenient or proper kind of tax ; I only state th e fact that it has accomplished the great object for which it was established. Sir, I believe the excess of expenditure over income in 1842 was 2,149,0001., the surplus of revenue over expenditure, in 1845, was, I believe, 3,356,0001., while the advance require d from the Bank of England in January in this : year is only one Mir I of what was required in 1842. The value and price of securities resting upon Government credit have corresponded to the improvement thus ex hibited ' • and this improvement is itself the legitimate triumph of the wisest policy and the soundest economy on the part of the Government. Sir, I trust that the success which has attended the ef forts to produce a financial surplus in this country will operate as an example to other countries labouring under difficulties of the same character, and that it will prove to them that, however onerous or however unpo pular for a time such a line of conduct may be, honesty in the long run, for nations as well as for individuals, is not only the best but the securest policy.—(Cheers.) However productive may be the other sources of the re venue, it must be evident, that if there is any reduction in this tax there will arise a danger of deficiency. I confess that it appears to me, that if we are to have any relief in the shape of the reduction of other taxation, without considering whether any further addition may be necessary to our taxation, it would not be wise to give up such a source of certain revenue, particularly when we consider that a great portion of our revenue depends upon indirect taxation, which is affected by causes over which we have no control. In my opinion the maintenance of a surplus revenue is absolutely necessary to support the credit and reputation of the country, and, believing this, I consider it would be exceedingly unwise in this House to abandon such a certain source of revenue. It would be as unwise in the House and the country to rely on one year of prosperity, without referring to past years of adversity, as it would be in an individual to reckon upon one year of prosperity as the foundation of his ex penditure, without reference to adverse years ; and I trust the House will go along with me in considering that it is absolutely necessary to maintain an efficient surplus. I see much in the pre sent state of affairs on which to congratulate the coun try. I see much grounds for satisfaction with the pre sent—much for hope for the future. But I should have seconded the address of my Hon. Friend with feeling,: of less satisfaction, if I had felt any anxiety for the future, or if I thought that the House or the country would adopt any course which would jeopardise our power or the maintenance of peace, by adopting any measures which might convert a positive surplus into a possible deficiency. I thank the House fbr the attention with which they have listened to me.—(Cheers.) I apologise for having detained them so long, and beg to second the motion of my Hon. Friend.—(Cheers.) The address having been read from the Chair, Lore JOHN RUSSELL said it was with great satis faction that in the terms of the address proposed by the Hon. Gentleman opposite, he most readily concurred, neither scarcely to the observations which fell from those Hon. Gentlemen had he any thing to object. Neither to the Speech from the Throne, nor to the speeches which had been so ably addressed to the House, had he any serious objection. At the same time there were topics in the speech of her Majesty, and the address in answer to it, which, he thought, called for remark on the part of those Members of the House not immediately connected with her Majesty's Government. The first topic of the Speech to which the Ho nourable Gentleman alluded to, was the gratifying circumstance of three foreign Sovereigns having paid visits to her Majesty, their sovereign, in the course of the last year. That those visits might pertain to more amicable relations beta een those Powers and this country, and thereby tend to maintain the peace of the world, must be their most anxious wish and sanguine expectation. And though the Hon. Gentleman who moved the address, and who is younger and more ardent than he was, wished that those inert ased relations of commerce, of amicable and social intercourse, might rapidly put an end to the prospect of war, he did not think either that Her Majesty's Government held that expectation in so strong a manner as the Honourable Gentleman, for he perceived that at the same time that her Majesty's Government expressed their hope for the continuance of peace, they were taking precautions, in order, upon the event of war, to defend the honour and interest of the country. However, it was impossible not to acknowledge, and he did so with pleasure, that the prospects for the continuance of peace were not so clouded with those appearances which last year shook the confidence of the country in the maintenance of peace. He was happy, how ever, to congratulate the House and country, that the amicable relations which existed between other countries were not in danger of being broken. The Noble Lord, in allusion to the relative position of affairs between France and this country, went on to .say that, while he rejoiced, in common with others, upon the present amicable position of this country with foreign countries, he begged to say, at the same time, he could not by any means participate in the praise which her Majesty's Ministers had thought proper to give them selves, on the conclusion of the business of the country last session.—(Hear, and a laugh.) They praised the moderation any. wisdom with which they had conducted the public business. Now, for his own part, he could. see nothing in the discharge of their public duty by the present Government that could entitle them to all this credit for the exercise of their wisdom ; neither could he discover any act of theirs that could be deemed so very worthy of all this praise that they seemed so willing to lavish on their public conduct.—(Hear, and laughter.) Yes, he would repeat it, he could discover no act of the present Government that called for this excessive self adulation of their great wisdom and moderation.—(A laugh.) What was the actual state of things whereon the present Ministry took so much credit to themselves ? An individual in the employment of the French Govern ment in a foreign country was suspected by the French commander, of conduct tending to disturb the popular tranquillity in that country, and he was thereupon placed under arrest, and eventually condemned to solitary eou finement, and it was further intimated to him that, in the event of an insurrection breaking out in the country, he would be held personally responsible in the event of its becoming necessary that blood should be shed —(Hear, hear.) It had been said that there were no sufficient grounds for this " gross outrage," as it had been called, upon this individual ; but the French authorities, not content. with this " gross outrage," had fur ther resolved that Mr. Pritchard should not be per mitted to remain in the country. In all the circum stances that had taken place in this transaction, there appeared to him (Lord J. Russell) to have been very serious divisions and misunderstandings. That the com mander of the French forces in a foreign country should deem it a proper course for him to adopt, to remove from that country an individual whom he had reason to believe would be instrumental in producing an insurrection amongst the inhabitants, he (Lord J. Russell) did not mean to dispute. he French commander might have deemed that a fair and legitimate course by which to op pose an insurrection ; sad he (Lord J. Russell) would say that an insurrection in that country he would not by any means wish to see. But he would say, that every case should be judged by its own merits ; and, there fore, he would say, that this French commander was not, under all the circumstances of the ease, placed in a situation which would warrant him in placing the indivi dual he had alluded to in solitary confinement, and to tell that individual, that in the event of an insurrection, he should be responsible for the public peace with his life, was indeed what it had been termed, namely, a " gross outrage," and demanded some explanation. — (Hear, hear.) Now, it seemee to him, that in the whole of this transaction the present. Government had not acted in a manner to deserve praise for wisdom. They had not acted promptly in it ; on the contrary, what were likely to have been the consequences? Was not a space of four weeks permitted to elapse before any decisive step was taken ? and during that time was not this country under great apprehension that a war would en sue ? Under these circumstances, he would say that her Majesty's present Government were not entitled to ask for more than moderate and fair credit from the country for the part they had acted in this transaction. He could not see what there was in keeping the country in a state of alarm for so long a time as he had men tioned, to entitle the Government to praise; and he did think they were bound to show that it was to ensure the safety of the French garrison that the course the French Commander had taken in reference to Mr. Pritchard had been done.—(Hear, hear.) While upon the subject of the French Government, he would say it was not his wish to allude particularly to the disputes which had taken place in the discussions in the Chamber of Depu ties upon this subject.—(Hear, hear.) It might perhaps be inconvenient were he to do so now; but the corre spondence which had taken place upon the subject be tween M. Guizot and another individual, had appeared in the public newspapers, and he supposed that was authentic. By that it appeared that a demand wag made by an individual, which was resisted by the French authorities, and the letter demanded reparation for what had followed. Now, he would repeat, that in the whole of this transaction it did not appear to him there was anything for which her Majesty's Ministers were entitled to praise for wisdom or rnoderetion.—(Hear, hear.) It was very well in discussing questions as to how much territory—how many isles each country should occupy, to insist upon maintaining honour, but when they came to negociations regarding trifling and individual interests, the question of honour could have little or nothing to do with it. He would insist upon having their rights, but with respect to the ;isolated question of honour, he thought it was better not to make a demand that was unreasonable. The demand, however, having been made the negociation ought to be conducted with forbearance and moderation. Now it did not appear to him that the negociation had been conducted in this manner. It had been continually boasted at former periods that this un derstanding existing between the two Governments was different from that of any other Government, either in England or France. They formed, it was said, a union of perpetual harmony, which nothing could disturb. Now, he must say, the events of the past year led him to think there was no such good understanding as bad generally been represented, or in fact which ought to have existed. There was not that ready acquiescence on the one side, nor that readi ness to express satisfaction on the other. In fact, those two Governments bad been divided by the press, on the one side, and on the other by a course which a particular negociation bad taken. But they had heard denunciations against articles which had appeared in the press of France directed towards England. Now, many articles in the Ministerial Press of this country were in a tone of violence and bluster towards the French nation, which made him quite ashamed of certain por Lions of the English newspaper press, He trusted, how ever, now that this feeling of prejudice had passed away, the two nations would maintain peace. He trusted there would generally exist between them a feel ing of mutual national interest—a feeling of na tional sympathy a feeling tending to enhance one great object, namely, the good and peace of both. He trusted they might see that harmony restored be• tween the two countries which would lead to one great purpose and that purpose the consistent mainte nance of the interests of the two countries. When, however, he remembered that the late eulogised I understanding which subsisted between England and France had produced the present state of Spain, he must own that it was a result which any minister, either in England or France, ought not to boast of. • He trusted that the existing good understanding be tween the two countries would not only continue, but that it would be ripened into still greater friendship, and that the influence of the two Governments, wherever and whenever that influence was exerted, it would be used for the promotion of commerce, the increase of freedom, the general diffusion of lino% ledge, and the suppression of slavery. There was one subject not touched upon in the speech, but upon which he antici pated they should have some explanation from the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. He confessed that he was not pleased with what he had hitherto heard upon the subject to which he had alluded, he meant the ap pointment of a Commission to inquire into the powers of the right of search as established in 1831 and 1832. It did not appear to him that there was any necessity for a revision of the powers established at that time. But, however, if the Government thought it right to disturb the agreement which had been come to between the two countries, there could be no doubt that it would be a serious obstacle to the maintenance of har mony. He thought they ought themselves, in stead of adopting this course, to have man fully and fairly entered into a negotiation between the :three countries, and to have declared on what foot ing they proposed to place the right of search, as esta blished in 1830 and 1831, instead cf placing itupon the responsibility!of a Committee of g cntlernen of high honour tied integrity. Certainly, this did not appear to him to be fair or advantageous to the people of England. The people of this country wished to see, and they on his side of the House were as anxious for the suppression of the slave trade as any of those who voted for the resolu tion of the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool, in 1841. And they naturally look with some jealousy to any step which could in the slightest degree reduce the means resorted to for this purpose. The Hon. Gentle man who seconded the address had alluded to the visit of the Emperor of Russia. He said he hoped the Em peror would see that the sole interest of both nations de pended entirely upon concord and peace. That the Em peror would perceive that some of the restrictive duties placed on English produce diminished the trade and commerce of his own country. He quite agreed with the Hon. Gentleman, but he hoped the Hon. Gentleman would agree with him when he said that it might happen to the Emperor of Russia to reflect upon the subject which gave rise to the observation of the Hou. Gentleman, and lead him to feel its truth. But still the Emperor must desire, before he complied with the wish of the Hon. Gentleman, to know if his sister the Queen of England would direct her Ministers to take off some of the re strictive duties imposed on foreign commodities.—(Loud cheers.) He would not pass altogether to the conside ration of foreign affairs without congratulating the House on a subject which, although it had not been mentioned in the speech from the throne, had yet been the subject of much conversation in the country—he meant the improved state of our commercial relations with China—(Hear, hear)—and he could not do so without recollecting that when his Noble Friend the Member for Tiverton said that he hoped that our com mercial relations with China would open and improve the market for the trade and manufactures of this coun try, that statement was received with marked tokens of dissent from the other side of the House. That opinion, however, was now found to be perfectly true and just, and it was in a great measure to the increase of our commercial transactions with China flute the present tendency to a revival in the commercial and manufacturing interests of the country was to be attributed.—(Hear, hear.) The speech next proceeded to direct their attention to domestic affairs, and reference had more particularly been made to the state of Ireland. He was glad that the Minister of the Crown, acting no doubt from the information he had received, had been enabled to advise her Majesty to state that the violence of political agitation and excitea.ent had abated in that'd, country, and that symptoms of improvement manifested in other parts of the country had extended to Ireland. The accounts which he himself had received from per sons who had lately come from Ireland, referred, with much apprehension, to symptoms which had recently manifested themselves in that country. It was observed that the ties which held society together, the ties which connected the richer class with the poorer, the ties which bound the priest to his flock, were loosened, and great apprehensions were entertained that those agrarian outrages, of which they had recently seen accounts, were on the increase. That there was no danger of any in surrectionary outbreak no one could doubt. That poli tical agitation was now as violent as it had been three or four years ago, no one could aver. But he could say, that there did not prevail that general affection towards the Government and Parliament of this kingdom which ought to prevail in a free country towards the Government and the Legislature. He could not help attributing much, although certainly only a part of this feeling, to the injudicious, and also he must say, unjust proceedings, which had been taken agdinst some very leading persons in that country. — (Cheers.) The country had seen the spectacle of these persons put upon their trial, of a trial which had lasted a considerable time, and of sentence pronounced upon them. Those persons had been sent to prison, where they had been confined for several weeks, and when the matter came to be examined before the Su preme tribunal of appeal, the whole of the proceedings had been reversed as irregular and informal. More than two-of the judges had said that the proceedings with regard to the jury were unjust and unfair, although they did not rest their judgment on those grounds, basing the grounds for the reversal of the judgment on the badness of some of the counts. One of those Judges, and that one no less a personage than the Lord Chief Justice of England, the highest common-law authority in the realm, had declared that those prisoners had not been fairly submitted to trial by jury.—(Hear.) It had been said, that if those sixty names which had been omitted had been continued on the panel the verdict might not have been a conviction but an acquittal. But the Chief Justice had said, that although he hai no.hing to do with that, he was bound to see that every subject of her Majesty who was accused had a fair trial, and was not deprived of his rights, and more he bad said, that if such proceedings were to receive countenance, and to be drawn into a precedent, a trial by jury in Ireland would be a mockery, a delusion, and a snare.—(Loud cheers.) Was it possible that the people of Ireland could have any con fidence in a Government when they saw that in the con duct of that prosecution they had resorted to means which had been thus condemned by the highest autho - rity—and when they saw the trial by jury, which was the safeguard of every subject of the Queen's, and by which alone they were enabled, out of that House, to discuss public 'netters freely, was taken from them, and a fraud substituted in its place.—(Cheers.) There was one part of those proceedings, however, to which he thought the particular attention of the_ Right Hon. Gentleman at the heed of the Treasury ought to be directed. The right of challenge formerly existed, and formerly when the sheri If made an incorrect list, there was a remedy which in anc:ent times was res rted to. The Right Hon. Gentleman had, as he (Lord John Russell) firmly be lieved with the view to better the law regarding juries, made certain alterations. Lord Denman argued that that alteration did not prevent the subject from having a practical remedy, if the clerk of the peace, recorder, or other authorities having jurisdiction over the jury -list, neglected ther duty ; but there were other authorities in West minster Hall, who did not take this view of the mutter —(Hear. hear)—and that there was something in the statute which precluded the subject from a remedy. Now, upon a matter of so much importance, there ought to be no doubt—(Hear, hear)—if any doubt did re ally exist on the subject, he looked upon it in the light of a great constitutional wrong. The privilege which the subject had ,in challenging the array could not be too clearly defined. If a doubt existed, it was incumbent on the Government to bring in some measure, enactive or declarative, so that the subject might have his remedy, and prevent the recurrence of such a wrong as occurred in Ireland, where a jury was struck off on a State trial, although sixty names of persons competent to serve as jurors were left out.—(Hear, hear.) Another subject which had been alluded to in the speech, viz., academical education, was hinted at in such very general terms, that no person in the House, whatever objection he might hereafter make, would dissent from those general allusions. He did not expect that his Right Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Oxford even would have any objection to make.—(A laugh.) At the same time it was understood that some measure was to be proposed on that subject, to which that phrase had re ference, and which, it was said, had deprived the Government of the assistance of one of the ablest of its Members. That Right Hon. Gentleman who held the office of President of the Board of Trade, and who explained in so luminous a manner the changes in the tariff—(Hear, hear)—it was said, he repeated, that that Right Hon. Gentleman had left the Government on ac count of the measures which the Ministry were preparing on the subject of education. He trusted some member of her Majesty's Government would give some further explanation of a measure which had been productive of such a consequence—that disruption in the Government which evidently had been caused by the conscientious objections of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had ceased to be a member of the Government. He knew not what the nature of that measure might be, but he felt assured that of whatever nature, it would be liable to:great suspi cion, and be probably received with hostility in Ireland as well as by a portion of the people of England. He had seen that, with regard to the mode in which the Bequests Act had been received. He gave his humble support to that measure. He believed it to be a good measure, and that it was framed with an honest inten tion. He thought it carried into effect, so far as the nomination of the Commissioners were concerned, and that was the only part which the executive Government had to do—he: believed it was carried into effect, as the speech from the Throne said, " in the spirit in which it was conceived ;" but it was impossible to deny that that measure was not brought forward with that calm prepa ration which it ought to have received.—(Hear, hear.) It was mentioned early in the session. It concerned a most important and difficult point—namely, bequests to a cer tain portion of their fellow-subjects, professing the Ro man Catholic faith. One would have thought that that question would have been brought forward earlier, that those professing the Roman Catholic faith, especially that some of the archbishops or bishops, would have been asked their opinions.—(Hear, hear.) It would not then have been said that an attempt was made to en croach on the independence of their religion ; and those objections would not have been raised to a measure which the Government—he freely gave them credit for it— honestly wished to carry into effect. Instead of that, the measure was brought forward late in the session, in the other House of Parliament, so that it did not come down to that House till near the end of the session. Repeated alterations were made, amendments were framed, and suggestions offered, which, because there was no authority from the Roman Catholic prelates, were not satisfactory with regard to an Act intended for their benefit, so as to enable them togive their own money. and to bequeath property for Roman Catholic purposes. There was no judgment, there was no discretion shown in the mode in which it was framed.—(Hear.) Why, then, should they be surprised that certain parts of that measure were caught hold of as a proof of the intention of the English Government to attain some hostile in fluence over the Catholic Church? They had, there"ore, done a great mischief. There were persons in Ireland whose influence ought to be cherished—such men as Archbishop Crolly and Dr. Murray. What had they done? They felt it to be their duty to accept office under the commission, but by the mode in which the Act was framed they had exposed them to hostility and insult, which they should be the last in the world to expose them to.—(Hear, hear.) But there was another point which he could not refrain from mentioning, be cause it was put forth before the people of Ireland, and he thought naturally put forward as a reason why dis trust should be felt. It was this, that for years and years together those who were now in power counte nanced every hostility and insult towards the Roman Catholics, of alienation and animosity against the Irish people.—(Cheers.) Those phrases were now retnrned on them. They knew perfectly well how sensitive the people of England were on this subject—how much the Protestant religion was endeared to them, and how unwilling they were to see anything like a Roman Catholic supremacy in this country. They knew the pride of the people of England, and how ill they would bear the statement that Ireland had not only her fair share in legislation, but that the Irish Members of Parliament governed the country. Yet, knowing this, they did everything they could to excite ill feelings, and to provoke animosities.—(Hear, hear.) Wherever they perceived the spark of religious intole rance, they blew it into a flame ; wherever they per ceived the plant of national prejudice growing, they watered it and trained it till the noxious and poisonous tree overspread the land.—(Loud cheers from the Op position.) Such was their conduct for years ; and now, when they adopted a better policy —now, when they wished those things to be forgotten —now, when they desired that Ireland should be conciliated—how could they wonder that those who were the agitators of Ire land—that those who had led the people to unpopular victory, should remind them of the past ? How could they wonder that the phrases " surpliced ruffians," " demon priesthood," and others of the same kind, should be thrown back upon them, when they, themselves wished that they might fall into oblivion, and that something more conciliatory might be devised ?—(Hear, hear.) Such was the retribution — (Cheers from the Opposition) —the not unjust retribu tion—,Renewed cheers)---that fell upon men who, in stead of appealing to sound and enlightened opinion, endeavoured to get hold of some popular prejudice or some mistaken notion, and to find their power in mis leading and deluding their countrymen.—(Cheers.) At the same time, he could not but feel satisfaction, with re spect to this subject and many others, in seeing that the present Government had adopted views which many of those who acted with him (Lord J. Russell) had long since adopted ; that with regard to Ireland especially, after endeavouring to force on that country a Bill which would deprive it of its electoral franchise, they had re frained from the attempt, and had admitted by their Bill of last year, although that Bill was a most defective one in itself—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Shiel)—had ad mitted that their former Bill was not fit for the Govern ment to carry.—(Cheers.) Yes, those were the very words used by the Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill for which the Conservative party had struggled for years—for which they had crowded to that House—for which they had, in repeated divisions, mustered in order to gain a majority, and to force it against the Government of the day, that Bill was now admitted to have been an injustice, and when they themselves proclaimed this, when they themselves admitted that such was their course, they could not wonder either t h a t he should rejoice in the re cantation of the opinions which they then held, or that the people of Ireland should still feel a want of confi dence in them when they now said, "It is true that what was formerly offered to you was an injustice, but what we now offer to you is a boon." With respect to other questions also—with respect to the question of educa tion, we were told that nothing was so dangerous as to give to a Committee of the Privy Council any power over the grants for the purposes of education. A grant was nearly denied for this purpose by the Hon. Gentle men opposite, and it was only by a majority of two in a Committee of the whole House, that the grant was ob tained. I need not remind the House that the doctrines held on that occmion were of the most extraordinary kind. The Right Hon. Secretary of State for the Home Department was of' opinion that if they gave such power to the Committee of the Privy Council, it would be a despotic and irresponsible body, and if that despotic power were used fur the purpose of educating Dissenters, the Established Church would be in danger. Such was the nature of the doctrine held on this question by the Right Honour ' able Gentleman. The First Lord of the Trea- L sury held an opinion not quite so exaggerated, but still • nearly similar to the former, and what do I see now ? To my great satisfaction, Sir, a speech that has fallen from the Noble Lord, the President of the Council, in which he states that the transfer of the power from the Treasury to the Committee of the Privy Council, was absolutely necessary in consequence of the increase of • the business of this department. The Noble Lord is at I the head of the educational department of that Com mittee, and he say's, the transfer was absolutely essential. This is an extraordinary speech, and I only wonder how the Noble Lord managed to slide over this transfer when, ; on the votes of the other House of Parliament, there was entered an address from their Lordships, presented by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the Queen, praying that any grants for the purposes of education might not depend on this House of Parliament only, but be founded only on a legislative measure. His Lordship in his speech slurs all this over, but I wonder he had not told us that the Archbishop of Canterbury and other THE SUN, LONDON, 'WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1845. Noble Lords had been entirely in the wrong. There remains one topic—a very gratifying top's, -as it stands at present. It is the state of the manufacturing and commercial interests of the coun • try. The Honourable Gentleman who seconded the address has given us a very interesting account of how every manufacturing interest, even the iron trade, which did not partake of the prosperity of last year, is now in a comparatively flourishing condition. But while that is perfectly true, and while we have every reason to be thankful to Divine Providence for the bountiful harvest with which we were blessed last year, there is another reflection occurs to me, which I do not mention either to damp our expectations, or diminish the force of what has fallen from the Hon. Gentleman opposite, but for our warning as legislators. In 1836, on the 4th of February, on the very day of the year on which we are now met, an Hon. Friend of mine who seconded the address went through the various items of iron, and wool, and silk, and cotton, and proved that there had been a large increase in the export of them all compared with the precious five years. He drew an elaberate picture of the state of the country—and at that time we had had, in 1835, a favourable harvest — but we must recollect, that however much we might in dulge in these anticipations, it happened that 1838, 1839, and 1840, brought us to a very different conclusion ; that however flourishing our manufactures then were after 1836, when we had a bad harvest, when it did not please Providence to con tinue that state of plenty which we had enjoyed and taken advantage of, we suffered most severely both in trade and manufactures. No man can expect the course of the seasons to be altered, or to have in this country every year those bounteous harvests with ehich we have been blessed in years past. If we cannot ex pect that, can we do anything to remedy the evil which deficient harvests occasions ? I think we can; not by interfering with the course of Providence, but by look ing to another dispensation of the same Providence, which enables men to exchange the produce of their own country for that of the distant regions of the earth. Lrt us, then, consider in the course of the present year, and endeavour to ward off the storm, which in some season of deficient harvest may come upon us, by giving to the productions of other countries, which wo can enjoy, a freer inlet into this country than our present lass allow.—(Hear, hear.) It would only be acting in consonance with the principles of the present Govern ment, and of gentlemen en the other side of the House, who do not hold with the great society that met yester day—(Hear, hear)—that the protection of British: n dustry is the true way to obtain a permanent and flou rishing condition of the country. On the contrary, with respect to many articles they consider that principles opposed to those of protection principles, which if not entirely free trade are known as free trade, are those by which the intercourse of nations ought to be regulated. and by which this country ought to be governed. If then they continue to hold these opinions—if they differ from the great authority of those who yesterday cele brated the principles of protection, let them give us the benefit of their convictions, though they might be called, as they have represented us to be, the enemies of agri culture.—(Hear, hear.) The question for them to decide was whether they should do in a season of prosperity, calmly, deliberately, and with all the dignity of legisla tors, that which we may have to do hereafter hastily under the pressure of popular clamour, when they might be unable to deny that which they might be afraid to grant.—(Hear, hear.) If they think it best, with respect to Ireland, to take advantage of the present time, and boast that Ireland is more tranquil, then, I say, when trade is prosperous shall we lose that opportunity ? I think that if you were pressed by a foreign war, and internal commotion, you would give Ireland almost every thing she asks for, except repeal.—(Hear, hear.) If that is the case, take advantage of the present favourable opportunity, and show yourselves worthy to rule that great nation you are called on to govern.—(Cheers.) Mr. MILES said he should not have risen at all but from the understanding that on Friday week the Chan cellor of the Exchequer would make his financial state ment, and the remarks of the Noble Lord. What the Noble Lord meant to express with respect to agriculture, be was at a loss to understand. Did the Noble Lord mean to say that protection was the bane of agriculture ? (Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord entertained this opi nion when he was a member of the Government, or even last year, why did he propose a fixed duty ?—(Hear, hear.) Had he found it convenient to change his sentiments, or had he allied himself with the Anti-Corn-law League ?—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The Noble Lord had appeared to think that the agricultural interest was in a state of prosperity—(Cries of "No, no")—and he thinks this the very best time at which another alteration in the corn laNs might be made. Now, if ever there was a time at which it behoved an Administration to be cautious — (Hear, hear, and ironical cheers)—this is that time. In the north of England the harvest might have been a good one, but in the south, west, and east, it had not been an average. As they were given to understand that the income tax is to be continued, he rose to claim on behalf of the agricultural body, in any reduction of taxation that may take place, that their interests tn.ty not be for gotten.—(Loud laughter.) As to the speech from the Throne, and the address in answer to it, he had nothing to say against them; but though he gave a general con sent, still he would not pledge himself to any of the de tails. The Right Hon. E. GLAI)STONE (who sat at the lower end of the House) rose amid a marked silence. He said, be was aware that it would be inexcusable on his part if he were to endeavour to relieve his Right Hon Friend at the head of the Government from the task of replying to the numerous imputations the Noble Lord opposite had chosen to bring against him, but he could not without apology intrude himself on the House with what related immediately to himself. He would not venture on such a step were it not that the acts of public men were acts in which the public at large had an interest, and that however irksome and offen sive it might be to detain a public assembly charged with high functions with matters in which self appeared to be prominent, yet the object was to remove misunderstandings by which great interests might be liable to prejudice. The Noble Lord would allow him to thank him for the kind manner in which, in spite of the difference of rank, sta tion, and talent, by which they were parted, he had thought fit to make reference to him. He now felt placed in a situation in which it was difficult to recon cileHf t under apparently con fli c ti ng d u ti es . O n one h an d h e fully recognised the claim of the Hou s e to be fully bu t in or o m us e e d () of a t h e e e ep m t o o t ffi iv e ees wl led. ich the Crown, the A( o i r b Members undergo rs the scarcely less gr av e responsibility of q u i;ti ng it. He, t therefore, could not refuse to attempt some explanation of what had recently occurred with regard to himself. But, on the other hand, he could not help seeing great inconvenience in any detailed explanation, or of refe rence to measures not yet under the consideration of the House. Ile should, therefore, endeavour to state simply and frankly the motives which had actuated him in the painful step to which he had had recourse ; and he must appeal to the patient indulgence of the House to receive that statement, not as a controversial or party one, not as an argumentative justification of his own conduct, but as an explanation, which be trusted would prevent mis apprehensions that might be mischievous. In what he had to say he could cast no blame on any one. He had acted according to what he believed his own position and the situation of those with whom, and under whom, as a servant of the Crown, he had acted required. If any syllable should reflect on those whom he regarded and esteemed, he hoped such a feeling would be put aside and disclaimed by them.—(Hear, hear, hear.) At all events he might gain one object of public utility, by first stating what was NOT the cause of his resignation. He had not resigned, as had been supposed in some quarters, on account of any matters connected with that department of public affairs of which he was entrusted with the charge. He had not resigned on account of any question, so far as the intentions of the Government were known to him, con nected with the Established Church in Ireland. A cause which he was about to name to the House was the sole reason of his resignation ; and again he was driven to advert to himself, and what he had said and done in former years. He had taken it on himself, some years ago, whether wisely or unwisely was not now the question, to state ,to the world, and that in a form the most detailed and most deliberate—not under the in fluence of the moment—not in the heat and rancour of debate—but on mature consideration, the views which he believed were most conformable to the truth. With respect to the relations between a Christian State and the profession of its religion, and the policy with respect to it. Of all questions, perhaps, that could be raised, the question of that policy was, in its ultimate effect, the greatest and most important. The manner in which he took on himself the responsibility of treating it was most deliberate. But he had never been guilty of the folly which some had charged on him, of holding that any theories, even in such a department of human of fairs, could be alike, and in all cases immutable and in flexible. But, on the other hand, he had a strong con viction that those who had borne a solemn testimony to opinions of great importance on conscientious questions, ought not to be responsible for the making any material departure from the principles he had so stated. Now it will be in the recollection of the House that his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government, at the close of last session, declared in general terms the nature of the inquiry he was about to make into the pos sibility of extending education in Ireland. He like • wise indicated the spirit in which he would treat that important matter. As he had said before, he was not in possession of more of the intentions of Government. He only referred to them so far as they were known to him, and with regard to what they contemplated with respect to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, he knew nothing that might not be fairly and justly inferred from what the Right Hon. Baronet said on that occasion. Those views were, he considered, a great departure from what he thought the best and most salutary to maintain, in accordance with the state of the institutions and opinions of the people of this country. He did not wish to go into any controversy on his own opinions, or discuss what im portance they bore in his own eyes, or the consequences to which they might lead ; but he felt bound to state that he thought the measures contemplated involved a material departure from them. Whenever those mea sures should come under the consideration of the House, he should apply himself to them without any selfish re gard for mere consistency, and with the single view of arriving at such a conclusion as, on the whole, the in terests of the country seemed to require. But it was one thing to discharge that duty for oneself, and quite ano ther thing, after what he had declared would have 'been right, to be a party, as a Mini ster of the Crown, to the recommendation of such a change. i em He would not detain the House by explaining to t how difficult it was to form a correct judgment upon matters involving so many c onsiderati j o t nt is drawn from so many opposite quarters, yet he felt duty, . re turn for that public c onfidence which had been vested in him, to explain why he was no longer a member of her Majesty's Government. Upon subjects which he under stood it was the intention of the Government to bring forward, he thought it would be right to place himself in a position in which he could exercise a free and unfet tered judgment, and, as far as might be, an unsuspected judgment. On that account he had taken a course most painful to his feelings, and separated himself from men with whom, and under whom, he had long acted in public life, and of whom, he was bound to say, although he had no longer the honour of serving his Most Gracious Sovereign in association with them, that he continued to regard them with unchanged sentiments both of public regard and private attachment. He had now stated as much as was necessary to prevent any erroneous impressions, to discharge himself from that responsibility which devolved upon him, and at the same time had taken pains to limit his observations, so that premature discussion upon those topics might not ensue. I They all knew that the subject of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, the College of Maynooth,: and things immediately connected with it, were regarded with very sensitive feelings by the people of this country. In ad verting to these things, he felt it his duty at the same moment distinctly to state that he was not prepared to take part in any religious warfare against the measures which his Right Hon. Friend might propose. He could understand the principles on which her Majesty's Go vernment acted ; and he had even ventured to vindicate the principles on which a Christian State allies itself, for religious purposes, with a Christian Church ; but as men's minds had become more liberal, and as political opinions and parties had - undergone so much modifica tion, he felt himself bound frarkly to state that he could not undertake to draw distinctions unfavourable to his Roman Catholic fellow subjects in Ireland, but trusted, with a fervent hope, that they would be regarded by the Government with the same favourable sentiments as members of any other profession of Christianity. He did not wish to say anything that might prejudge the question but would ccnsider it fully and calmly when it was brought under the notice of the House. He would, how ever, again distinctly state, that he was not prepared to take part in any religious warfare against a measure such as it was anticipated might be introduced, uor to draw distinctions betw een Roman Catholics, on the one hand, and other classes of his fellow Christians, on the other.—(Hehr, hear, from the Opposition.) It was un necessary for him further to detail his views to the House. He would ressrve his own judgment on this, as on other matters. He was far from attributing any blame to his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Go vernment or any other member of it, for any dereliction or inconsistency in the measures about to be brought under the notice of the House, as far as he was apprised of them ; and he had only to conclude by thanking the House for the attention with which they had listened to him whilst he made explanations which recent events and public duty rendered - necessary.—(Cheers.) Sir ROBERT PEEL then rose amid profound silence and addressed the House - as follows :—Sir, I feel confi dent that this House will show a generous regard for the strength of private feelings and personal esteem by bear ing with me while I allude to my Right Hon. Friend, instead of commencing by adverting to subjects of deep interest, which have been introduced in the course of this discussion. The subject which has bet n brought under the notice of the House by my Right Hon. Friend is one of deep interest to myself and to my colleagues. For the abilities of my Right Hon. Friend I entertain the highest admiration—an admiration only equalled by my respect for his private virtues.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers from both sides of the House.) I con firm, in every respect, the statement made by my Right Hon. Friend. My Right Hon. Friend did intimate at a very early period to his colleagues that it would:be im possible for him to co• operate with them as a Member of the Government, and with the responsibility and entire participation a hich that station implies, in the measures which they had in contemplation with regard to educa tion. If my Right Hon. Friend did not:immediately press his resignation, I am entirely responsible, being unwilling to the latest moment of forfeiting the advan tages of a colleague who was capable of rendering such eminent services to the country, and who was so distin guished an ornament of this House. In order to pre vent all misapprehension, I think it right to state that my Right Hon. Friend did not resign on account of any Question of commercial policy. For the three years that I have been connected officially with my Right Hon. Friend, and during which we have introduced several measures connected with finance and commerce, I feel it my duty openly to avow that it was impossible that any men could act together with so little divergence of opinion between them. My Right Hon. Friend, being no :longer a Member of the Government, felt himself precluded, by motives of delicacy, from ex plaining the nature of those measures which the Govern ment have in contemplation, but as I am not precluded by any such motives I think it better distinctly to st a te the cause of the difference of opinion between us. I am sure the House will recollect that on the motion of the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Wyse) last session that I, as the organ of the Government, conveyed an intention on the part of the Government regarding the education of the Irish people to this effect—that the Government would, during the recess, apply themselves to the great question of academical education in Ireland. I admitted that looking to the population—looking to the state of that country with respect to Universities—looking to the state of Scotland, with respect to the opportunities there for academical education—and seeing that England had the great Uni versities of Oxford and Cambridge, and that in the metro polis another University had been recently established —seeing that in Scotland there were not less than five Universities affording opportunities for academical edu cation—looking to the state of Ireland, Kith only one in that country, with the exception of the Belfast Insti tution, I was disposed to admit, that in Ireland there were not the same facilities for academical education that existed elsewhere.—(Hear, hear.) I did not make that statement to escape from any temporary difficulty. I made that statement with the full intention of fulfilling any plsdge or engagement I might make or imply. I do not shrink from those declarations.—(Hear, hear.) lam prepared to the full extent to fulfil them. We have considered the question, and at an early period of the present session, will lay before Parliament a measure giving increased facilities for academical education in Ireland, and open to all classes of her Majesty's subjects in that vountry.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) I stated also, with reference to that particular grant, to which, as my Right Hon. Friend states fairly, much re ligious excitement attaches—l say that at the close of the last session, notwithstanding the feelings with which this grant is considered by a large body in this country, I did not shrink from declaring that among other institutions connected with academical institutions, the state of the College of Maynopth would be brought under the consideration of Parliament. We intend to make a proposal to the Honse, and I will frankly state on this, the first day of the session, that it is our inten tion to propose to Parliament a liberal increase of the vote for the College of Maynooth.--(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) When I was on the Opposition benches a motion was made for the purpose of taking from the College of Maynooth the allowance which has been annually granted. I stated thee, it is some years ago, that it appeared to me that an engagement had been entered into by the Irish Parliament., which was exclu sively Protestant, to provide domestic education for the ecclesiastics of the Roman Catholic Church. I said I did not think that engagement was fulfilled by a merely nominal vote. The engagement was to sup ply the wants of ecclesiastical education, by the foundation of colleges for education. In that country the population has increased ; and such bring the case, and the means of foreign education having been dimi nished, I say we are only acting in accordance with the implied and honourable engagements of the Irish Parlia ment, in supplying increased funds for the education of the ecclesiastics of that country. But I will also state that we do not intend to accompany that increased vote by any regulations with respect to doctrine or discipline of that Church, which can diminish the grace and favour of that grant.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Op position.) I rejoice in having this opportunity at the commencem. nt of the session, for making frankly this declaration, because' there is no subject by which reli gious feeling may be more easily excited. I refer to the retirement of the Right Honourable Gen tleman in proof of the sacrifice which we have made, by the danger to which I may possibly expose my colleagues, by the apprehensions which may be created among -a large and sensitive class, notwithstanding the endeavours of my Right Hon. Friend to prevent it. I may, I say, refer to this as a conclusive proof of the disposition of the Government on this subject. The Right Hon. Baronet adverted to the insinuations which had been thrown out by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), who could not resist the oppor tunity of taking a petty party advantage of the seces sion of his Right Hon. Friend, and attempting to poison the minds of the Irish people, and diminish the grace and favour of those projected measures. The Right Hon. Baronet adverted to the Catholic Bequests Bill, which he said had been introduced without compulsion, or even suggestion, by the Government, who had no other view than to improve the condition of Catholic charities in Ireland. They had appointed those distin guisbed and amiable Catholic prelates, and did not at all interfere with the appointment of Secretary to the Commis sion. Who could wonder that feelings of national animosity were cherished by the people of Ireland, when a gentle man, of the Noble Lord's position, repeated such ex pressions as " surpliced ruffians," which he (Sir R. Peel) denied most positively had ever been used or countenanced by himself, or any of his colleagues. The Right Hon. Baronet complimented, in a marked manner, the mover of the address, who, he hoped, would frequently dis play to the House the talents and discretion of which be had given so distinguished a proof on that night. Also the seconder (Mr. Baring), who, he trusted, would frequently inform the House upon those commercial affairs with which hp was so intimately conversant. He repudiated the " small insinuations " of . the Noble Lord, which wholly arose from par ty feel ing. He rather thought that the Noble Lords temper was disturbed by the contrast of her Majesg s speech that day with former speeches, of which t_he laugh.) The present speech congratulated Noble Lord had been the author.—(Hear, hear, and lated the House and the country on the state of trade a n d commerce— the increase of manufa c turing industry, and a bove all, the state of the revenue —c M i nisterial ' heers)—and he supposed th a t these allusions suggested to the No ble Lot reminis cences very distasteful to him, and calculated to disturb that temper in which the Noble Lord usually met the House at the beginning of a session. —(Laughter.) Ecce lacrytnas istas quia , non lacrymalnlis laugh.) The Noble Lord had referred to a quarrel which had taken place, at a distance of 4,000 miles fro m E urope, between a gentleman named Pritchard and an officer in the French naval service. In respect to that quarrel, and the matters which arose out of it, the Noble Lord was of opinion that both Governments were bound to take steps to prevent so lamentable • a consequence as a war between France andEngland. Now, the Noble Lo r d was a l so of opinion that the French officer was justified in taking measures to prevent revolt in an island of which France had the actual sovereignty; and if revolt was meditated, and that French lives were menaced, Mr. Pritchard being found to be active in pro meting the revolt and the attack upon the French, the ' officer had, by the law of nations, the right to interfere, an-I if necessary to expel Mr. Pritchard from the island. S But the Noble Lord thought also that the manner / ~,e, which the expulsion was effected was a gross outr • ~..aa Now, he (Sir Robert Peel) thought so too.-(11 e .1.7 fa;'..-'.. i f bear.) He thought that the manner in which e ie l i e,aaZei - Pritchard had been treated, and the language which Mil _..- I N---, , been employed towards him, were such as to justify tye a l language which he (Sir Robert Peel) used in Parham: i t ~ last year, when he as well as the Noble Lard, said that-- ---- a gross outrage had been committed. But the Noblhr 4.1 a Lord said that the British Government ought to have required an immediate and thorough reparation-and should have got it. They did ask a thorough reparation, and they got it-they asked and they got no more.- (Hear, hear.)-And they did not want more.- (Cheers.) He (Sir Robert Peel) should deeply regret that they had occasion to boast of having ob tained more than an immediate and thorough reparation. -(Cheers.)" He should deplore that any reparation had been obtained which could be considered as r, ally humiliating to France,-(Cheers.) The Noble Lord said that two months were allowed to pass before repa ration was received. Well, he (Sir R. Peel) must say that, to have effected a reconciliation under such cir cumstances-looking at the state of public feeling in both countries-he must say that, to. have brought things under those circumstances to an amicable setae aunt in two months, was net unsatisfactory.-(Cheers.) It could not be deemed unsatisfactory to have in two months rendered that reconciliation complete-or, ac cording to all evidence, so complete that the King of the Frcncli-after the minds of that country had been so inflamed-catne to this Court on a personal si.sit of com pliment and friendship to her I.llsjesty.- (Cheers.) The Noble Lord said that her Majesty's Government shou'd have lost no time in making their demand for reparation. He (Sir Robert Peel) affirmed that they did lose no time. They lost not one hour.-(Hear, hear.) They stated immediately to the French Government what had occurred, and further than that, they stated only that they were fully satisfied that the French Government would voluntarily offer to this country the reparation to which we ware entitled. Although he did not think it was always quite well to refer to the speeches made in a foreign house of lit,Tislature upon a subject of this kind, he would say that if the Noble Lord would read the speech of M. Guizot, he would find that, in point of fact, the Government of England made no demand, sad that although some time elapsed before reparation was m a d e , yet still the confidepee of the English Government was unabated, and they assured M. Guizot of their confidence that the French Government would make the reparation of itself.-(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had also said that her Majesty's Ministers at the end of last session complimented themselves upon their wisdom. In that statement the Noble Lord was decidedly wrong. He (Lord J. Russell) thought it would be very unseemly on the part of the Ministers that they should advise her Majesty to compliment them for their wisdom; and the Noble Lord accordingly was very angry with the Mi nisters for doing so. Now all that they had said was that this affair of Mr. Pritchard had been settled by the justice and moderation of both Governments-that of France and of England. Therefore, all th a t brilliant part of the Noble Lord's speech proved to have no foundation whatever. His (Sir R. Peel's) . opinion was still unshaken, that it was for the interest of ..France for the interest of England-for the interest of Europe -for the interest of civilisation-that a good under standing, that Cordial amity, should prevail between the Governments of these two kingdoms.-(Hear, hear.) It was the duty of both Governments to take care that all misunderstandings should be reconciled, and that they should not lead to war.-(Hear, hear.) But between France and England, he believed, there was but the alter native between cordial friendship and actual hostility.- (Hear, hear.) There was but a small distance between this island and France ; the breadth of sea was small, but this did not diminish the delicacy of our relations. We were closer to France than to any other nation of Europe. Our commerce was more connected with that of France, and our navy in closer proximity to hers than to that of any other nation. The intercourse between the inhabitants of the two countries was greater, and was constantly on the increase. The progress of steam diminished more and more the apace which separated them ; and the more intimate became our relations with France, the more difficult it became to be on any other terms than sincere friendship or avowed hostilities.- (Hear, hear.) It was the interest of both that they should be on the best understanding, and that they should, by mutual concessions, heal all differences as they rose, that so, by a cordial and amicable understand ing, the Governments may be able to appease the pas sions excited by the errors of their agents in distant situations.-(Cheers.) There was not one of the conces sions which France had made that he would not counsel England to make, if the circumstances had been re versed. He was sure no one in that Ikuse would think it would be wise to ask of France any reparation which England would not be willing to make under similar cir cumstances. Let them look to the influenee vs hick France and England exercised in another hemisphere. Look to the influence of these Governments in the West.. Let them consider how important at that moment was their influence in respect to the South American States (Hear)- and they would acknowledge it was of the ut most importance that that influence should continue ' and that the good understanding should prevail which was necessary to maintain it.-(L/ear, hear.) He believed that in what he was stating he was only representing the genre' opinion , of this country. ,H e b e li eve d that there was a sincere desire on the part of the people of this country to maintain the most amicable relations with France. For his part, he would not retain those relations at the expense of honour or interest.-(Hear.) He would not in time of peace neglect to take precautions against the possibility of war. He would not neglect the defence of this country. But he would think it per fectly compatible with these precautions and preparations to maintain the most friendly understanding with the neighbouring notion.-(llear, hear.) The Noble Lord (Lard John Russell) had referred to the question of the Right cf Search. Ile (Sir Robert Peel) thought it would Le better to postpone the discussion of that questioa until he should be prepared to lay the matter before the House in a definite shape, when the House o ould le repared to farm an opinion whether any progress had been made in that cause, which he confessed ought to he an object of more importance than a mere political co , s• tion- he meant the suppression of the detestable ti affic in slaves.- (Cheers.) lie thought that after the sacri fices which this country had made, the Government was bound to make every endeavour, consistent with the le w of nations, to effect the suppression of that trade.-(Hear.) But it was to be borne in mind that the French Chem)), rs had twice decided against conceding this right of sears le Public opinion in Fiance was rais ed agair.st it, and let what will be said the right of search had become,.in a great degree, paralysed, when they saw against it the sense of the organs of public opinion, and of the repre sentatives of the nation; although, if it could be carried into effect with the consent of both nations, no incon venience whatever would attend it. But if the Chamber refused to give its consent, and called on the Govern ment to find . a substitute, it would be impossible that such an opposition should not paralyse the efforts of the subordinate authorities. Now what M. Guizot propos, d was this, av:wing the anxiety cf his Government to abolish this traffic, and their participation in the anxiety of the English Government for that object, he asked the latter to consider if it were not possible to substitute, for the right of search, a measure as efficacious-or, in his own words-more efficacious, if possible, than thar. Now. seeing what feelings prevailed on this subject in France, and how public, opinion and the voice of the Chambers acted upon the subor dinate authorities, what course was open to this Government ? They said that they reiterated their sense of the obligation upon theta to put down the trade in slaves; and that they must adhere to their opinion; and that the right of search afforded the best means for effecting that purpose. However, negotiations pro ceeded, and they had arrived at this point, that the French Government, on their part, had chosen a Mtn who had shown himself ready to sacrifice power for the purpose of promoting this objtct ; he meant M., De Broglie, who, in 1817, had counselled the formation of a treaty to this end, and in the present reign had con cluded another for the same object-a man scholia() all his prejudiees, not against the slave trade, but in &veto' of that object-that was the man offered_by the 11-encis Government to consider with us, on their part, what was the best and most effectual measure to substitute for the- right of search.-(Cheers.) On the other hand, thts English Government bad chosen Dr. Lushiugton... (Hear, hear)-a man whose whole life..had been devoted to the extinction of slavery and the slave trade, and who had ever shown himself ready to sacrifice. all ,politietd e professional, and personal feelings, to attain that obi ro et. -(Hear, hear.) Well, what was to be inferred this? The French Government had chosen to represent them in this negotiation, the man who, as a French• man, had shown the greatest anxiety to abolish: /slavery -(Hear, bear)-and who was his confederate F--e(Haare hear.) Now, he hoped that if the Noble lewd eihteentall from the policy of the Government, he would brialtsfor ward in express terms the reprobation of -their conduct I. and he would appeal to the British Parli am entn o t d riehtnr, tion, whether the Governmenthte nn d a more adequate o inquiring if there could not be portion of the Noble Lord's means of abolishi n g t h h e e a s r llve H tra e d w e a t s ha n n ot th a e w y a h re ad hitherto possessed?- possessed?- ( Hear , • alluded c to the financial policy n yhi e och i th hought that notice had already s h p l ec le h f , t e u x n ee_ to pt uch th ed at a w n that be would, o th n e a h v o e us ry e ea a r n ly o d ut ay un , e ta . ; i m lei. of e e t n h e gi G v o e Government. umaith not opportunity o f stating policy. It had been commercial bring forward that statement earlier than, Aprile-er certainly not until after the estimates,-butehe ' thOughte in a measure of so much importance as the income-tax. it would be better not to follow established: ritlesi . bat to take the earliest opportunity of stating the intention of the Government. He thought it was the more incumbent to take an early opportunity to state that intention when important changes were .to take places And certainly next week would not elapse, without his giving a general statement of his intentions on this sub ject. With respect to the Irish Chnrcb (we understood the Right Hon. Baronet to say), it was not necessary for him now to occupy the House with any observations. He wished the Noble Lord would take the opinion of the House as to whether the Government, had taken any steps derogatory to the honour of this country, or da maging to her fair name, in the arrangethent which they had made with the French Government, and which the Noble Lord had denounced.-(Hear, hear.) ' Let Asa House consider the language which had been used- in. the French Chamber. He would not impute unworthy rap. tires to the men who held the language most opposed to the views of this Government-men like M. Dupin-like iM. Thiers. When they saw such .men- e who bad held eminent situations in the service of their country-accusing the French Governinent of have :ing dishonoured France ; and when they saw - 111 . 4 e English Government accused that night e of iltti g dishonoured England-it would be ackno a wl oteLa c ' ob -ut a it i : great difficulties would be thrown hi the se e . • y of gland had done n li i a e ti d o t n h w at h th en e u re na w v as oitb n l y e gro u differences ndsofro rottfrtEoh the s tate m Whilst en h t he the Government either of France , . Pas.dta de04.10 1 do Ilit I oi 030 cop . ,ne6s ths C [err