The Sun. — London, England, 1845-06-19 00:00:00

e at oturto meet the demand that might arise in consequence. easion as a pledge of what they were willing to do for the r" in the epponents wish to produce an unnatural future-(Cheers)-and we now know, through that effort of 0 th e fseseer market by withholding and delaying this justice • theirs, that this is no loncer a question for the statistician, or Pelledb_ • They say, wai• till Sir Robert Peel is corn- ' one of mere political economy. but one which will, in future, low eti ' ne we cry of distress to repeal the corn laws, because be the topic of the domestic circles in the hundreds of thou without some protection." These opinions sands of homes in this kingdom.-(Cheers.) I may be dis stYttY to t elist , 'Freed even ere weir , to the Ukraine, and to every country posed to aek your attention fur a moment to what has been tothievish'„ trash may be disseminated. Now, I have referred said by some who are anxiously opposed to this measure of free r atche t e l . :: only as it injures the farmer, but is there net trade. They say that we have exaggerated the advantages that i n j ori as ol . whose interests are affected ? Is this law not would result from the repeal of the cern-laws ; and this, too, and destructive to the great body of the people ? has been said by those who say they concur in the principle, iT e ° fl ye a nife:nt would not have taken place-we shocid not but are rather lukewarm friends to the practice ; but before all tt l?llorti on _'•e to originate associatim composed of a vast these lam ready to maintain that no man, however eloquent . had been intelligence in the population of this country, if or skilled in the powers of discussion he may be, can truly ne se the ‘ e . _ e a . mere questioti of political economy. It is he.- picture the evils and the cruelty on which those corn-laws are 6 firts s i st sti°n respects the food of all is not because it based--( Hear, hear.) I say there can be no safety in laws at atet. , , a landlord's quest ion. I speak not in their names, which tend to spread over the land a partial famine, for the 'Mill ° ne.e in the name of the great bode of the people, sake of the private interest of a law individuals.-(Hear. ) howit ti %e r h' oftl,, th . at the law is injurious. if I show that a large There can be no possible g..od in any law which shuts out the yea_ateti fairly y ople are unfairly ant unjustly treated, then I public front a full and fair supply of food-(Cheers)-but it is al entitled to ask for the total and immediate a law which does certainly and most imperatively resist and hit tae )e l aw.-( Great cheering.) Who ever said that interfere with the fret. exchange of the prope. ty of the vas !toe s? a', passed for the. - enefit tt e or. at body of the majority of the poi ula•ion of this country -I mean n al i t h l s to one. We have beard " i• said. 'indeed, heir skill and labour -( Cheers. ) On this subject I shall " i _i:et D u s " been attempted te argued. that ais now (mete for you the wores of a man, Wi-.0 is said to have "1 t o i'uliensstion tee the ler:4llord for seme peculiar bur- been as far-seeing a statesman as ever are', and who in wisdom tu e h , . as liable, bul es. have 'oust. tett that this is ante oratory has ',ever been suri•assest, I mean Edmund Rinke "mum •ittl le .; •- ( lot.ehter And cheers, 1 We moot eze rte the - (li. ar. i.eer. ) He s . 3 s, that t• monopoly is contrary to (es s ' s eiea's rarer, eaer th• m-( It., wed letiehtes naterel • jell, and that tree-trade was the !arse thing as the ks•s it le-rd mr,intain se injurio us tti% filet use of preeerty•"- (Cheers. ) We have always maintained " e. • 'th • .• , woo e ere. eft••r ell trio 2 r•,01)11 te the peer m ao h a d a s ult a ri g ht to all tho proceeds of his it we rm the' iineulatim, ef !he-e i=l t ds. labour as any man ha:l tee his property who wore a coronet, or Ye,;. i• the rime:Trion wheat ose fsv ..r.es tuled over Lae a c.itinry. - Hear, hear. )If the preperty of e h• ojured mass.-( tee' ch. men r. lint es h. , err the pr..; I ,, 's labour er. uA tie weighed in the s a:e against all the th It a a. ,lie 1„.,, „f nil plate. and land, and alt e:se .110.• aristocracy deemed ' been rased? It n e v e r ou; h t .ve , nio,t valtraVe, andformer %toed far ou w. igh all that the ri c h s g 're s s those wire did se oti e ht tit tide t o r vs,- .h eies hold most, dear.- ( Pear. irate) I will now call your attec f. (u i,. • that now ,re comallee tee demand the oe ,i d en . 0 a f e w fac,s which have been well authenticated, and 4 ot t ' t "heenne. jr.) eel, its it was wet eaesed for tle • he_ eh will se' ve io shoe teat our statements have not been as It 'ess,, er e Pes °Pie. why on • aihlt should flier not at enc.. tries ;,l ex; per tett as it hes been attempted to be asserted they were. I 10 ,er y ale some weer tete-est S r fl e a rt p e r i in my hand te urns of th rices of fried in the town fr ad m " of talkrng of th- eat and important ire e r e ets ; fieltot, in Lalicashire, at various periods. from the year 1835 to t t up under this law.-( Great laeehter, ) I 1845. Du; in s ; the yeas 1x35. 16.16, and 1837, the average ,4:11 5 (1 ; ',7::•t" and more import ant interests. whi c h sse new . price of wheat in that iown was only 445. Bd.; during that o il -r ateg). s..ae e e e,arth by the pressure of this law -I l u me n , time the town was in a state f grelt prosperity and all the eb s utr a , s ''" if they want . proof of this, why I t ir ing their labouring pepulation was employed. ihere was no ponr-rate, ' tw ee and lecretary wi h his prison retains and his statistical wages were well paid, cottages all occupied, rent well paid, thi l hal d ot .,P!at him into the witnese-hox. to show what the shopkeepers were stir. ing, and improvement was visible every -4)5tai......,.v5t0r that class which is the most numerous in where.-( Hesr, hear. ) From the year IS3B to 1842, the ti4 ' s e l e r the ( uheers. ) I apply for the total ant immediate average price of at in the same town was 645. 4d., being tp i l it ennta c ornslaws, on the ground of expediency, and he- nearly one-half more than it was from 1834 to 1836.-( Hear. ) le t / for i t now be bett , r effected than at another time. I During the the years 1e39 and 1840 the mills were working oil to e, is on the groun d o f j ust i ce, b ecause i f the law b e a s h ort t i me, b e i ng only engaged from three to four days in the til l m ould be at once annulled.-( Cheers) A n d w hat week. Severt establishments had stopped work altogether, eeie: s ' it ;ct on the great body of the people, when the and remained so till 1842 or 1843. Takicg twelve months in to tee w i nich Government contemplates-for they are 1839,40, and in 1840-41, and comparing shin w ith twelve ,Cvaroa, l' al the law in a season of distress ? And such a months in 1834-35, it was found that the los wages alone xtat come -aye, three weeks of showery weather, when was 130,0001., and the loss incurred in the price of food con k( hoe? i its bloem, will repeal this eorri-law ? sunset by the population of Bolton, 195,0150/ , making a total t s . NI We have the expera•rice of 1839. 1840, loos et 325.000/.-( Loud cries of " Ilvar, hear")-or a loss of y e eeli eete , and are the people of this country to .0001- every working day in the year. From 1835 up to i a ei , s4 w it to another such infliction before this law is re. 1841, 1,5110 houses and shops had been emptied of their tenants ire provision is made f.r such a calamity ? This is thousands were thrown out of employment, and wages had' Itiplitticeonsideration at this moment. D vine Providence fallen from ten to fifteen per cent.-( Hear , hear.) Pauperism o(lis'ler his by a bad harvest, but at present He had generally increased, and out-door relief was extensively iii t `N t i rs. Z his bounty the rigour of the landlord ' s corn-I.w. admoristered.ln 1838. the sum applied for the relief of the poor ' ll ti t I Well, supposing a reverse to take place, as was 1.558!. ; in 1811, the amount applied for a similar purpose e2ose last • e t her e h six years-convulsions such as the youngest was 6,258/., showing a fourfold increase in the amount die lhavo etetu. as seen during some part of his life-supposing tributed.-( Hear, hear.) In addition to this, soup-kitchens 'ra t e tole 'gain, what provision is made to meet it? None. were opened, and continued in operation for the casual relief of is s Yht re ' o n how much corn could be got in 1839, afte r th e th e p o or till' 1842. In the latter year the Poor Protection i s • ey i. tit of 1638 ; .and such would not be your supply Society of Bolton relieved 6,127 persons, leaving out. ta tti P 'nts,: maritime cities of the Atlantic are increasing in of view the other retirees of relief he had referred i nt i:au consuming more and more corn, and we give to. The effect of this state of things was seen in the rapid , t e t te e ernett to spread themselves abroad into the in- diminution o the funds ra sed for the relief of the destitute; the :4 1 1 0 4, 0 ;r:dote they are their and more in a condition to difficulty with which the people could be got to attend places [l eas : ereater than increase. -(Hear.) I heard of worshi ; and the neglect of the education of the children- Pa tt i v ery of Commons the other evening, Mr. Mitchell the schools being deserted. The whole town was in the con ttsit'i te e Peculiar speech on this subject-a speech which ditton of a fallen ruin. This was the time that Colonel Thump 11e. e i sek 3u s ol entio n of the House, as all speeches do, when a son addressed a letter from that town, descriptive of its mi- It'bell Yof what he well understands.-(Loud cheers.) serable alert desolate condition, in which he termed it. the e its as exPosed the bankrupt condition of this country " siege of Bolton." In 1812 the price of corn fell, and since rg ß C re st went. Where, in the event of a bad harvest, that time it has nly averaged 50s. per quarter. With the re % 'it t nrilain be supplied from ? Government gave no duction in the price of food came an improvement in trade and '4l. to que • th ei Co ti ld n. e It this were It ought, however, to orb thrust, upon manufactures. Places of employment were again set in motion, not have nerve enough ear the re- workmen again fully employed, while wages underwent an in- Pe rf :,_, to continually done.-( Cheers. ) Then, crease of from If) to 15 per cent. For the second . time in the 7 1 the the condition of the middle classes. True, the progress of the cotton trade an advance took place in the prices se hi as th e l r at effects, but the middle classe scarcity so well paid to the mule hand-spinners. I may state . that those are ef t , for the former in times of ity cannot the men in the cotton trade who always receive th . e highest 11%4' ; ie as donee aright to claim support from those above them. wages, and that there is always a strong desire manifested by t c c :L with the capital of the country ? Go to the other parties to get into it. The effect of this strife is to pre ,,lN'ehatentewneons, and in one of the lobbies there leading to vent wages anm rising in tine deprrtment, even when other t; 'it t b r 'eag ed e-r ° o ms, in one of which I have the misfortune branches of the cotton trade are flourishing. Hence the "s 'ls ' You will find railway speculations extending wages of this branch have generally fallen from the effect of p a a g r l . l , i , and a rta e t i e o f the land. ocenillog the atten. this cemoetition ; but in 1835 end in 1845 an increase took ais it l l sn h' ss . What effect would a bad harvest have on place from the great impetus which had been given to trade, tll:4' for have ex pended their thousands and hundreds of arising from the reduction in the price of provisions,. and this rep 41, „.railway shares. and have Pa d the r subscript on= rear the same result might be exyeeted, did the same cause i,hikii,aw would a bad harvest affect there? It es all continue to operate. The cheapening of the price of feed had t istY"elk e w. Everything is sunshine 't hey get shares .v..reorne the competition for employment, and the result is "a tt Nt isa `"eni to-morrow, and reap tor their labour '2O per seen in the increase ot wages to which I have referred.- Is e, e hhter. ) But the se sha es tern he held by some (Loud cheers.) Collateral with the increase of wages the I a ` i if we have a failing harvest, what is to be done otos .rates had fallen, shopkeeper , had increased in business, k 'Ps "Id recommend every seee.•lator in railway a re ' nil iron-foundries engineers' workshops , and machine esta- Old - bar r k k y ook- out on the bareineten-( Leuehter.) He' laialinietits that had 'peen Icing idle, were brought into active 4 ' 1: z ' two , apers, a railway piper and operation.-( Lou' cheers,) Cotton' midge that had beer, .1: "Pin t ,. 2 P r ess—( bee rs and latiehle - )-and when he strndeng still sitice 1839 end 1840. were now going, making an hantrke sti.. td shares then let him look at the price w heat increase altogether to Bolton, in the wages receited by its atti -- (Great laughter ) But if a bad harv. st eorking pepula.ion, of 2,a 824 wet kly, or an annual increase iq`e ts, "ill be the season to exhibit distress in ever, see. of 155.064/ -( Hear, hear.) And if each of those engaged pared with the previous period, !i , titi s . ve tire c o hro_rnunity. That ie the oint I e ant to urge on • . , eved a penny each day. as com ?a vie s te en, and on every memb r .of it. As a Geeton- it old make a further sum of 151,61361., whicii. added to a ti ali„.tle lt "r 'cc on them the re sponsibilit o And now, gen- the increase of wages, would show that the whole town was tlt,: Of v ., 13 the point th • concluding points ~f my „„„ i n b etter off by 306,730/ -( Hear, hear.) This shows whether Icts i e repeal of the corn-laws.-(Cheers ) .ts the pi °teethe' does best fur the working 1 food he 1, Rena •,. classes; weet..er -ear emer, that is ms case -( Laughter.) Now, tends to keep uo the rate of wages.. - ( Great cheering. ) 1 V l5 t 0 k now , ts , nes why we should net carry the repeal need not look et Bolton alone, for every town in the menufati- Vit e Crn laws now ? m ere ly b erm , t h ese men i nr i eg districts shared similar results, and, in some towns, itatrot uP their minds to say that they have been % crow ,. ti. er e was a still greater contrast -(lcer, hear.) Not only i bl ',' WaLt to do, is this-to open the door as th. a s have the manufacturing operatives been benefited, but the Nth t hct conversion of our opponents. I wi4h that egricultural labourers also. Contrasting the condition of the °ry. et err .eymi Hansard," and all other hooks of debate, .in order agricultural iabourers at the same periods of time, a conside- Na af aaht be aslowed to alter their course of policy. Bit Fable improvement had been effected. I have evidence of t ste 'lld of being taunted with saying something cliffs, several intelligent fa ers who admit this, and who say that the Ilt a i',',ite4rem what they should now. But why should they returns they Save h-7 11 1 at low prices, have remunerated them Itth t i evy .to acknowledge that they had learned ? I hope better than under the oth er system, and that they were in a i k au s‘ t h,at % t i t tl i a learn something . by this discussion to-night. I better position to reward the'r labourers-( Hear). While ttAl t eell e inay be induced to make a clean breast ef it, they had high prices from 1838 to 1842, pauperism increased Pr regi t ' i lio n ever be taunted afterwards.-( Cheers.) Now, and a state of thing;prevailed, showing a - much greater evil in "lit,Plant to say one word on the important subject operation than that which has, in the fancy of certain parties o.',_ e lleei ti 4 efore I sit down. The next registration will been ascribed to free trade.-(Lout cheers.) What is the tie b7 si ta)Z the fate of the corn-laws-(" Hear, heate . " case now ? lam in the habit at present of having a sort the 2 ,, l N therefore, let every one make it of levee with the ' farmers, three days in the di ree :llies,as much as the ledger . or counter . aeek. I meet w i th from nine to twelve intelligent farmers. S acie e "'lt Monte is the day for the counties. and 1 wilt %till whom I discuss the game-law question. What I ant . 4, if attention to Buckingham, where there are at about to state regal:ding them is th result of private Hasa, t 0 ` t ti te a n tit 2,000 bad votes. But nil one thinks of ob- tien, for what is said in Committee isnot allowed to be used tal IPa katel ai ' aa beeause some man is called the Duke of it is published. They all admit that the present state of things tha ta . w hY, if they would only consider th . is is much more . satii . i . actory than what it was six beta seven years pief Buckingham is not more formidable in ago. For this saeisfactory change there must, i Lsa;the p ''''', ll rt than any other person here.-( Cbrers.) cannot be the work of any party. It cannot be attributed either tile. aw % rite fibers of a great body, by the advice of whose to the single conduct of Sir Robert Peel, or of Lord John Rus- Wah l . to e t r' s 'neat, and you are aware that that body is in sell, or be ascribed to Sir James-Graham as an emanation of Otl 'es ' -c e You morally , legally , and in a pecuniary the Home-office.-(" Hear , hear," and cheers.) It was during t e ki (H ui th b te y % ant e reach of a hundred and fifty dozen Dukes the years of so much suffering . that monopoly existed almost e s 'oi t te '--(Laughter and loud cheering.) Now, in without , adulteration, and it did its work well; and the reason tej es. utir eee e t aUcceed e d ; but let me ask wh should they, why an improvement had taken place was not because mono sa.thZtiottet'' be allowed to return two monopi lists at the poly had been strengthened and extended, but because freedom !Zit el a s- c s tlear, hear.) Then there is the Borough, of trade tad been admitted and partially conceded.-( Hear, 4 MA of n , ; , b eth ; in both those places there is not one in hear.) If monopoly is good in itself, why should it not be a ktili t t lz t , ()se who are entitled to have a vote whose carried out ; if it is good for the working classes, why not 'is county list, while in the rural districts we (sive them the benefit of its rigid application. Let us see what '•). it Ale s o Well that there is not ore than one in every 'would be the result it that experiment were tried. Were such a 4an a e has not been registered .-( Hear, hear.) state of things carried out for ten years, there is no force or 4 1; t tee° ea r -1 of every man who has a right to be on the cohesion in society that could hold it together. Order could hitdt toe,that h e is so, and yet there are hundreds who not be preserved, and the spectacle would be most dreadful doing st o u e, on it who ever Bide themselves the trouble were such a principle to be carried out.--( Hear, hear.) The litNi ts elve;" it all•-(Hear, hear.) Now, we have pos- effect of such a system would be the . putting of every man on J- -a rid of Middlesex and we will take care of it- that allowance.-(Loud cheers.) Sir Robert Peel says the Vio a e o lesal there are other places of which we hope to improvement we have experienced in trade has arisen from two ttt t,teetalreeable account in good time. But even this causes-partly from a good harvest, and partly from his own ew L e e e r .doing much • for mark you we have another legislation -( Hear hear.) He is not particularly modest, it t l "sides the yew and . the ' increase of the alipears, in . .taking s . ' o much credit to himself.-(Loud cheers.) " have • e sts itOrtyi n ,. in view the possibtlity, nay, the cer- But, if legislation is to be taken as the cause, and I . admit . that 'o, t mty 4 riot ti ts some of the fighting counties.-(Cheers.) to a certain extent the statement is right, then it is to be 'e p tat „Zero t hY to, carry out our principles by contesting a ascribed to his going forward in the direction of free trade.- ? o , ‘ "'re we ' r e is a chance of success, as well as braving a (Loud cheers.) For the improvement which had taken place e ti. ts t ate ear.l are not certain the return will be in our fa- to legislation on this subject - but in a higher degree , to the l XlO or t‘ Why should we not have in every parish an seasons-was to be ascribed the change for the better that had h 4 1 -41 to ell ° wbo would make it his business to bring up been brought about.-(Hear, hear. ) If the ease I have this ster hts vote who was entitled to do se, arid night given of Bolton be not true, is it not clear that too much sava t , the 'flake that man exercise that privilege without evil cannot be attributed to monopoly?-( Hear, hear.) And et,_ candidat I,l`‘ l ia "ne oe eto any expense?-( Hear, hear.) If f the beneficial effi eta produced may he mainly attributed to l lai• tiratnkr could not only carry the Places we haze the cheapness of provisions induced by three good harvests, i s :t el t ( -a e ' hut we could also contest, at a compare- it too much to say that the abolition of the corn-laws would lii"u a rP e rise, those counties where we might cal- lead to a still greater improvement , and tend t o the permanent leg ti tee as r chan ce of sums , . -( Hear.) On the other prosperity of the pustulation ? A cheap and plentiful supply o f kiletait)helrit h the monopolist propose to reco4 , - food constituted the foundation of true prosperity; what. t it ow floessec set u m ghter. ) In what position does he present the parent of crime, and the cause of the me mature death of ` ty th ais a !inant for the popular -Import? Why, so thousands, who, in othe r and better circumstances, would have IVltig .! • • Ot t_ Wh o a( -turn of that sort, when he is returned, grown up to be useful members of society -(Loud Vs a ""eie be are returned upon the same interest, cheers.) I can show you the results, founded on the 'ts lt s a nd ~e , "`"i• ing each other in the lobbies and cum- authority of the Seereta'y fir the Fl-tire Department In 1836 1%, e 1) . 1 71 . .e5.-( Laughter.) One is accused . of the number of corned 'metes wee 2t , 000 ; in 1841 they R • t hu s t he 1, avid another of having toted ~ t 2alnst were 32,000, showing a gradual increase between the two pe t'? ht'gin to fight with each other se many re dye Now, what were the effects nan improvement had i t,,!p t ,, ! tt Laughter and cheers.) 1 say, there, it is the been brought about by the reduce ion in the price of food? . li,g p e l l, e a::e rati :: l interest of every man to give his attention In 1842 the commitments were 29 000 ; in 184 s they were d (1 , and see that it is effectively car: ied cut. 26,1.00 ; and if the present harvest turns out a good one, this Iter. ° ‘ibt n e , steadily and perseerit•gly. there is net sear v, no doubt shims another proportionate decrease. I e ut a nd „ repeal the even -laws wi'hin a very well elk, where is there a philanthropic society - like this 4 k isiat fu , nat. too, in a manner that will set a glorious Leagu:? It is good to visit. those in affetion, tee give them '.(4 4. he t th u , t be te time.-(Low.l cheers.) I was going to counsel and a-sistance. It is praiseworthy to educate. youth, Jt rts 4 F . iia t i,," Pardoned for saying it, that I hardly tem et and to assist with the had of benevolence the poor and the needy kit t i;to ; t d e e ° has continued so long. If the repeal of the iti the hour of distress 1 honour every man and every I t he, 'tar t t en carried in the years 1830, or 1840, or 1841, woman who engages in this godlike work.-( Cheers. ) tk,llllll4itithok.htuat agitation had begun then, eeiltaps it Yet how little can the efforts of single individuals do, compared !" 11. 4 ) en t4 diy, (' us that it s success h a d b een o wi t ag to sudden voth what this association aims to accomplish-the unlocking Vtit t hth 0 1 t l arnour ; but the agitation has gone on for of the granaries of the world, so as to give to the people fairly Nt4 t , ei ttw eh ti me steadily increasing, that it is now quhe that abundance which God intended all should possess ske ait t Y te a a " been teaching the people something mote Tremendous cheering)-to furnish industry with its due k , , yt iat h.hecessity of demanding a repeal of the reward, to effect the redemption of thousands from crime, and 4ihey tare been teaching the farmers to thiek well to save from infamy or a premature death those that 'ti 4 11 Y t about, and to look clearly and steadily at othervii4 would have fallen victims to this odious hear OR ii cn , merest. We have taught the too- and detestable law. The opposition to the principle on which thmif s ee "n,t much longer expect to persevere in his our present agitation is founded is gradually becoming weaker, ai tli , t I T l YPersevere as we have done, there can- and it is now difficult to catch a single fallacy. Sir Robert 11 e. s i va n ,uoubt that we will in a very short time, Peel, in his opposition to the motion of the Hon. Member for NN.II -4,,, b en we have been , organised to accomplish. Wolverhampton, could not oppose it on the grounds he had aie n er sat . r wa _ down amidst loud cheers. formerly stated, or on tßose tsken• by other parties on his side It ‘ki Y 'th next introduced to the meeting , and was of the House. He admitted th ait was impossible this country i l e t ‘ tt la ti e r e i' v et hi•lsose demonstrations of applause which oould supply itself wish a sufficient amount of food, and denied j'," a l e it a cry acea almeara nee at this meeting. He what had so Often been insisted . , nby the monopolists-that low t s nit . ' of our meeting together in this prices of sgrain necessarily implied a low rate of wages. t h e at se which °me that something has occurred during These questions were therefore settled.-( Loud cheers.) He I,: ) , e ° ,!sch' o t , h , wo s° l? i iies us with . some new cause for re - further admitted that the corn-laws could not be defended on no w other a i n `" 1 . 1 some additional reasons for congratu- account of mortgagee or incumbrances on land.-( Hear, hear.) a e P lispikatic,d .ee the previous meeting. Two months This showed a great change . in the opinions of the Right Hon. ' fl it h ' i nce the last re ular nieetin was held Gentleman, who, in 1838, said that the corn-laws were a part static' ca n e usual forms of g Chairman, fgSle.cretary,f. twined parcel of the Constitution of England, and must be main "t help lookin back with el and that the interests of the landlords should be pro- T4l tl 'at - i e si d trio be the extraordinary mee e trn i g ngs tha o t te a c in te e d , on account of the particular burdens they had to 1 5 at e cteri na e held in this hall for eighteen days bear, Now, however, there has not been a single I iti t i,n, be call (( Cheers. ) I think that meeting might word spoken about this constitutional corn - law, or ed a 10, Pers aos monster meeting.--( Hear, hear.) about the special burdens which the land was said to bear.-- le d su c h ''.lo visited the theatre during that time ( Hear , hear .) I have heard from a gentleman, a member a laltirttel'ortae, with great truth, for it was the laclargest the Royal Humane Society, instituted to save people from N sn. of all the free-trade assembly that g ha , drownin a g, that there is an annual dinner of . the members and ›(// e the %h it elta,,, ear, h i , Co mmencement of the agitation of that friends. When the dinner is over, and it is necessary to get up e tk e rad tie s e? of th ;sro) During that time we bad exhibited the subscription. the persons who have been saved from drown e eke 4 ° every- industry and ingenuity of our country- ing are made to walk in procession round the roam.. . When the their anch of trade, and the vast variety of symeathies are highly excited, then the subscription is set a- IS' t a t ' a o e ps ,C e s3ll there exhibited, seemed to me to going, and the experiment is found to be successful. Now, as aif or jhrful where to the Government of this the Royal Humane Society adopts the course I have stated, and 1ihif44ted........,,,v e millions by whom those specimens as dinners of the monopolists are occasionally held in Free teak T ad s, Prs. )We had specimens of the pro- mason's Hall, if it were wished to get up a subscription on the o t ate .n o se ate ' Only of this country, but from forei same princiole, for all the farmers saved by protection, how a its avyi shake Whose works they had, met face to face t ; long would be the procession ? lam sure it would be no diffi tth ac 'ked hands in mutual concordance of principle, cult matter to count the number.-( Loud cheers.) The (le tt, ° te• ° n at it toe nrl the progress the movement had been fence of the corn-laws, it was plain, could no longer rest upon 0t ta t ,st, s er ` 1 :: : 17, and to regard it as a symptom the grounds previously set forth. The growing intelligence Englishmen were resolved to of the people, and the improving spirit of legislation er i ed Pled m°ll etdtq v e r b !este " ! B°l enmlY taken, not to relax in their were equally opposed to their maintenance,-(Loud cheers.) ae rti ee ra , ictions upon their industry had been ree They had had an ,agricultural meeting in Wiltshire and it ii `aeY te e ?ns of i ., I need not here enter into any panegyric , though Ido not wish to speak hardly of the parties present at r, t e ril e _ LEW,. " Ott l -' the le e of our countrymen by whose extra- that meeting, yet if I needed a justification of the harsh things ts,', ta t _ snareceeshi, ate exhibition and the bazaar have been which had been slid by members of the League-if I needed Issue. In another place, where their any justification of the means which had been taken to accom 'ttta-a, to see 'anee are not known or appreciated, I plash the ends we have in view, I should turn to the circum las 'apt ° K..--•( Cheers.) But it may he enough stances which . occ . urred . at that meeting, and feel that I had 'Nei? ) . that from our hearts we thank them- found a full the n of everything we have said and 44 t We 1 09 k 11 Pon what they did upon that ot- done to free the country from a thraldom which has tyraa- ~i S LoNnpx, TH URSDAY MORNING, JUNE 19, 1845. nised over its best feelings, and destroyed the interests of !hot:sands. When I see that men, and that women, too, come forward, Red are repelled because they complain that fer working from sunrise to sunset, and often afterward', they receive no more than six, seven, eight, or ten shillings a week, for the support of a family of ten persons, I feel fully assured • thet no imputation can lie on the proceedir gs of this League, and I enjoy a consolation in the the abought, that we are en• deavourirg to work cut a greet and a good object. I will not speak of the differences which existed between the labourers in those agricultural districts and those whom we see in our fact( ries.—(Rear. ) They were repelled because they desired to have those things which from their !abour they have a right to have. And when I come to look the hovels which they inhabit, lam con strained to believe that there is as little consideration for the rights of the piaor, as there is of knowledge of what is good for the nation.—(Cheers.) I will not say that many parts of the country are not in a state of prosperity, but I do say that there has not been sufficient care for the interests of all the classes of the community, and especially whin I consider that the po pulation is steadily increasing, and that there are now a million and a half more of human beings to support than there were may four years ago. When I look at the state of the public mind only four :sears ago, and I i.ee how this prieciple has been growing, I am constrained to believe that the granting of all that we require cannot .be very long delayed, and if the public mind continue . to be agitated as it ices of late years, no Government,—not even that ef Sir Robert Peel, were it ten tie es as strong as it is, could long resist the emend tendency which the country has ac qui,.ed, and it must 3 ield that which reason and experience alike demand. In 01 his speeches on the repeal of the corn laws, Sir R. Peel had invar'ably shown a disposition to advance in the right path. I will not therefore find fault with him, because I believe that it is for this reason—His fortune was m'icle from those eclieate fibres of creton from which, as he believed, the e great changes in the world would yet eri-e, that would render totem, me the grand vehicle through which the civilization of the werlt must be effected. Sir Robert Peel was not exactly the man whom he desired to effect the great object of delivering commerce from the thraldom under which it bad been placed; but still from the necessity of his posi tion, he believed that he might be the great ins! ma eat of effecting this object. —( Loud cheers. ) The Prime Minister of this country possesed enormous power, and where there was enormous power there was enor mous respon • ibility. In the late di bate on Mr. Vil liers's motion Sir James Graham said that be should vote against the motion of the Honcurable Member fur Wol verhampton, but he should he very unwilling to take upon himself the responsibility of putting a restriction on the fool of the people of a great country like this. These are all symptoms of the settling of circumstances—(Cheers)—and he was glad to see that this settling was having its effect; and the time will come when posterity will look back with wonder on the struggle in which we are engaged. The claim which we make is a just claim, and, as it is reit..ra'ed again and again, , evion after session, with increasing power on our parts, and with increasing feebleness on the parts of our opponents, it must be manifest that the great change which is taking p'ace in the public mind must eventually—and that shortly—effect ail that we desire. It is the assurance of Divine inspiration that the earth is the Lord's, and the fulness thereof. The merehants of this great commercial city have inscribed the came sentiment on their new and royal and magnificent exchange.— ( Cheers.) What then is so clearly laid down in Holy Writ is surely consonant with the best feelings of human nature ; and we may confidently lock for the blessing of heaven en our efforts for the general good; if we are but energetic and careful in carrying out this giert work.—(Cheers.) Year after year the League has been going on increasing in power, and as it grows in power, it is acquiring new elements of greatness and influence. Yours it is to carry out the end we have in view. Yours it is to complete the work which we have begun, and to carry on that which we have so happily begun to a suc cessful issue. Our work will never be completed till our object is attained.—( The Hon. Gentleman then sat down amidst immense cheering, which continued for a considerable time.) Mr. Fox--I apprehend, Sir, that the anticipations of the last speaker will be well received, as I am sure they are well f itinded, and that free trader will, indeed, he a most unreason able persin who does not express himself satisfied with the progress and prospects of this great question. As has been well observed by Mr. Cobden to-night, I entertain little fear but that the majority which is now arrayed agair.st this great question in both Houses of Parliament, will soon be converted into a minority; and that, not by a triumph of party, but by the conscientious assent of all classes of the community. We have not, it is true. the vote as yet of the great leader of the House of Commons, but we have nine-tenths of his speeches in our favour. We have now the opinions of all classes of the community in our favour. Even the farmers who have so long been urged on to the opposition which they have set up to an enlightened policy are beginning to complain. Their opinions are changed. arid the whole sense of the country is moving toward the great object. The landlords were stated by the farmers to have deserted them, and if these protective eorn-laws are not the landlord's business, I should like to know whose they are. All argument in favour of the corn-laws had now been given up, and two newspapers. lately speaking of the ' ,leas which could be put in their favour, stated. that if there was an a•gument still i i existence, it was so closely concealed, that it was impossible to discover it. There is a mystery, in fact, about all these corn.law reasons, which it is nearly impossible to fathom, and it reminds me of the cus •om at Athens, in the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries, to lead an :18F about, coveted with a wldie linen veil, under which nobody must look. And this we' done so as at lost utterly to destr.iy the feeling of respect with which the citizens were accustomed to regard the animal, teat at last it came to be a common joke that the ass carried the mystery. So it was with reg,rd to the corn-lawst. I hey heard from day to day much of the mystery with which the burdens on land, and all the other pleas were enveloped, thid it so in ceased to be something won derful, anti reminded him of a caricature which had occurred at the meeting of a certain corporation. Whilst one of the members was speaking, another was observed to shake his head in a very signitican; manner ; and on being clos. I:7 questioned, Ind charged with this shameful hr...ach of corporate decorum, be had confessed that he did shake his head, but added that there was nothing in that.—(Loughter.) Such, too, was the case with regard to the mysterious burdens on land. We have bad the addition of many irrefragable arguments in favour of the abolition of this - injudicious and impolitic monopoly, and most truly do I desire that they may bear their full weight in the community; for this is the season when, of all times, the change could be best effected—when prosperity gladdened the country from one end to the other, and when no evil can befal any one, and great good must ultimately arise to every portion of the people. I trust the Al.nistry will see this ; for dreadful would be the havoc, fearful would be the symptoms which would follow a winter after a bad harvest—when, as a few years ago, the whole country was convulsed from the want of food, and the people driven to desperation by want and suffering—would quickly con vert the whole of this beautiful scenery, peace, and abundance, to one common spectacle of havoc and desolation. --( Hear, near.) But, I hope that the case will be otherwise, and that in the place of public contention and foreign con tention there will be peace with all nations abroad, and a free exchange of their food fur our manufactures—when, instead of hearng the bombardment of our towns and the invasion of our coasts, the only invasion we should have to dread would be the invasion of cargoes of corn, and the only reprisals we should make would be in the shape of consignments of cotton goods—when. instead of looking to the strong excitement of the tavern and the alehouse, the mechanic and the artisan shall look to the Athenaeum and the parks for their recreation and improvement—when, instead of attending to the midnight drillings upon the hills, they would look to the interchange of kindness and the mutual promotion of the common welfare. These are the moral influences which the agitation for free trade is likely to produce ; and I trust that every one who now hears me will use his best endeavours to carry on the good work. The Premier is with us, though at present he does not state so much openly ; but in order to keep him to his point, we must continue our efforts with unabated energy. Not a fibre must be spared, not a muscle relaxed. We must still follow up the same beautiful union of effort, v.hich was exhibited in the formation and conduct of the Bazaar.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) We must remember the few lines at the opening of The Miller and his Men : " When the wind blows, Then the mill goes, When the wind drops Then the mill stops." —(Cheers and laughter.) To make Peel go we must make Russell go, and to make Russell go we must make the Whigs go, and to make the Whigs go we must make the constituencies go. and to make the constituencies go we must make this League, which is the mainspring of all, go—go with unabated vigour and increasing energy. Sir R. Peel had, like the hero taken in battle, described in Mr. Sergeant Talfourd's new piece, put down the helmet, the buckler, and the shield of protection, but with this difference, that the fictitious hero laid down his armour to enter on captivity, while the object of Si- Robert Peel was to liberate commerce and enfranchise the intercourse of mankind. Air. Fox concluded his long and able speech to which our limits will not alluw us to do anything like justice, by a most eloquent appeal to the natives of the different foreign countries who might be present, calling up• n them, by those high and noble endow ments of national character, to remember and to use their interest and opportunities itipromot ng that great object which would be fulfilled by intire freedom of intercourse and which would fully justify every philosoi , her and philnthropist in using the term of the " Family of Man." He sat down after great and pro tracted cheering, The CHAIRMAN then said, that as all would hava much to do at the next meeting. he would call upon the audience to commence the registration with three cheers. Three hearty cheers were then given by the immense assemblage, and the meeting dispersed. PARLIAMEN VARY BUSINESS. TUESDAY, JUNE 17. The following Bills, with further amendments proposed, were referred to Eliv Select Committee on Standing Orders:— Londonderry and Coleraine Railway. Londonderry and Enniskillen Railway. Great Southern and Western Railway (Ireland). The Glasgow, Garnkirk, and Coatbridge Railway Bill was 7ead a third time and passed. Standing Orders Committee,—Resolution reported ; " That, in the case of the Epping Railway (No. 2) petition, the Standing Orders ought to be dispensed with : That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill." Resolution agreed to. NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE. Monmouth and Hereford Railway, —Select Committee cn Group.( P.) adjourned till Wednesday, June 25, at twelve. North Union and Ribble Navigation Branch Railway,— Committee on re-committed Bill, Friday June 20, at three. Eastern Counties Railway (Cambridge and Bury St. Ed mund's Extension),—Committee on Bill Wednesday, June 25, at twelve. FIRE IN THE BOROUGII.—On Tuesday morning, shortly before ten o'clock, an alarming fire broke out in the manufactory of Mepsrs. Taylor and Sons, emery, blacklead, &c . factors, 11, Bedcross.street, Borough. Flames were first perceived amongst a quantity of Manilla matting, and were then obtaining considerable hold. There being plenty of assistance upon the pre mises, the mats were hurled out of the windows, and thus the building and Its valuable contents were saved. About thirty dozen of Manilla mats were destroyed. The firm is insured. ROBBERY 111/ A DomEsric.---Tuesday morning, between one and two o'clock, on the return of Mr. Maitland and his family from Vauxhall Gardens, to their residence In Great Quebec.street, New.road, they were unable to gain admission to their house. After knocking for a considerable time without re ceiving any answer, Mr. Maitland got over the area railings and effected an entrance through the kitchen window, when he dis. covered that their domestic, Mary Edwards, had absconded, taking from his desk two 51. notes, 101. in cash, several silver spoons and forks, as well as articles of wearing apparel. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—AN EXTRAORDINARY CURE OF A DISORDERED LIVER AND STOMACH SY HOLLOWAY'S Pmts.—To Professor Holloway. Sir—Seeing that the Earl of Aldborough was cured of a liver and stomach complaint by means of your pills, I was induced to try them, and I have the satisfaction to inform you that your pills have certainly, in a very short time, done wonders for me in a similar complaint, when calomel and other medicine at last failed to give me any relief. I send you my name and address, but would rather that you did not make them public.—N.B. This communication is from a counsellor or barrister of great eminence of the Inner Temple, whose letter would be shown to any respectable person. Sold (also Holloway's o.ntment ) at Professor Holloway's Es tablishment, 244, Strand, and by Vendors of Medicine. IMPERIAL PAR.LIAMEWF. HOUSE OF COffillONS, June 18. The SPEAKEn took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. Mr. WILSON PATTEN moved', pursuant to notice, upon the motion that the order made on Friday, the 131 h instant, that the report from the Committee on the St. fiden's Canal and Railway Bid do lie on the tible, be read that the said order be discharged, that the Bill be recommitted to the former Committee. and that that Com mittee hare leave to sit and proceed, and report on Thunday. —Agreed to. On the motion of Mr. WILSON PATTEN, the Lords' amendments to the Blackburn, Burnley, Accrington, and Colne Eaten ion Railway BA' were agreed to. The Fr: - wasit Valley Railway Pill was reported, and the Bill crib-red t., be'ree , trtmitted. Mol ! neux's Et,tate Bill was read a thi r d t i me an d p asse d. Mr. WILSON PATTEN brought up the report on the Liverpool aria Manchester Railway Bill, which was crtiered to lie on the table. On the mottnn of Mr. MUNDY, it was ord red that the period for receivit g the report on the Bermondsey Improvement Bill should be extended to Wechtt•si:ty, the '2sth inst. The Lords' Amendments to the Chester and 1-I , lyhead Rail way Bill were egret d to. N _W ZEALAND. Sir R. INGLIS presented a petition from a gentleman of the nnme of Bu-by, of New Zealand, praying that the rights of the natives to the land they occupied might be respected in any future legislation. Mr. BA RN 1.3 D presented petitions from the hand-loom weavers of Kirk Eaton, praying fir a Ten Hours' Bill. • Several similar yeti ions were als , r presented by dfferent Hon. Members. On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, the Lords' Amend ment to the Watermarea Company (l'oor's arid Endowment Fund) Bill was agreed to. Th, Nob:e Lord also pres:rnted pe titions in favour of a ten hours' Bill. The Grimsby D vhs Bill was reported. Colorel WOr.'D brought up the report on the Forth and Clyde Navigation and Union Canal Junction Bill, which was ordered to lie en the table. The Midd:esborough and 'rdear Railway Bill was reported. The Tot nes Markets and Waterwork s Bill was reported. IRISH COLLEGIATE EDUCATION BILL. Mr. J. O'CoN N ELL presented petitions from various Tarts of Ireland against the Colleges (Ireland) Bill. THE TEN HOURS' BILL. Lord J. MANNERS presented a petition from Huddersfield in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. Sir C. NAPIER presented a petition from Stockport to the same effect. Mr. MONCKTON MILNES presented similar petitions from Gloucester. Mr. S. CRAWFORD presented a petition from Hudders field in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. THE BROAD AND NARROW GAUGE. Mr. PA CKE presented a petition from a•place the name of which we did not catch, in favour of the narrow gauge. NEW MEDICAL BILL. Mr. MONCKTON AIILNES presented a petition against th 36th clause of the New Medical Billlr GENERAL BILLS. Lord J. MANNERS wished to know whether the Bills which stood for consideration to-night were to be taken before the adjourned debate, for, if not, he thought that one day next week should be appropriate for the purpose, and perhaps the Government would make a Hous2 on Wednesday with a view of taking the discussion that evening. Sir G. GREY thought it would be unwiso to defer the debate f rr anv consideration. Sir B. H. 'INGLIS concurred in that opinion. Sir J. GRAHAM thought that it would be following a bad example to adopt the principle pointed out by the Noble Lord. The business was already fixed for to-morrow and Friday, and it could not, w i t bout great inconvenience, be altered. COMMON LAW PROCESS (IRELAND.) Mr. O%.3ONNELL said, that he saw three Bills in the orders of the day for amending the Common Law Process in Ireland. He wished to know whether the Irish Judges had been con sulted on these Bills, and whether they were brought in on the responsibility of Government? Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, that they were not brought in on the responsibility of Government. He believed that the Hon. Member for Cork had the care of them. Mr. O'CONNELL then supposed that the Irish Judges had net been consulted, and it would be better tc get rid of them. Mr. Sergeant MURPHY said, this's he was not the author of the B Ifs, but they had been put into his hands from the House of Lords. He had no fondue for them, and should be as glad to wash his hands of them as the Hon. and Learned Member could desire. COMMON LAW PROCESS BILL. Mr. Sergeant MURPHY moved the committal of this Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL moved, as an amendment, that it be committed that day six months. After a few words from Mr. Sergeant MURPHY, the amendment was agreed to without a division. COMMON LAW PROCESS (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion being put for the committal of this Bill, Mr. O'CONNELL moved that it be committed that day six months, which was agreed to. COURT OF SESSION (SCOTLAND) PROCESS BILL. On the motion being put for the committal of this Bill, Mr. O'CONNELL moved that it be committed that day six months, which w an agreed to. Mr. T. DUNCOM BE moved the second reading of the ARRFSTMENT OF WAGES BILL (SCOTLAND). The LORD ADVOCATE was understood to object to cer tain parts of the Bill. Mr., DUNCOMBE said it was most objectionable that a person, employing from 200 to 300 men, should b e serve d on Saturday night with as many summonses for the arrest ment of the wages of his workmen, and that in the event of his refusing to comply with them, that an action might be brought against him by the persons suing. Such claims were often made by these perstass when not one shilling was owing to them by the workmen. No course of this kind should be taken until the Court had given judgment in the matter. Then one-half of the costs of such proceedings should be paid by the pursuer, and the other half by the person pursued, and that in the event of no debt being ' due that the workman should be compensated by the person making the false vlaim. He was of this opinion, because the greatest extortion was practised on workmen, who would rather pay the amount claimed than lose a day's work. The arrestment of wages in Scotland had been productive of the greatest extravagance and of the greatest demoralisation, and was opposed by both the employer and the employed. There was no law of this sort in England, and why should there be in Scotland ? He brought in a Bill for the assimilation of the law of the two countries, and had very much regretted that he withdrew it. He would leave the matter now entirely in the hands of the Government, but would not be satisfied that the 13111 should be put off from day to day, and that legislation on the subject should be postponed. Sir GRAHAM said it was a subject most difficult to be adjusted. He had already given the opinion of Sir William Rae, which was against the law for the arrestment of wages, but at the same time Sir Wiiliam Rae thought it might be dangerous to interfere, and that the working classes would themselves be the first to feel the evils of this interference. He had no objection on the part of the Government to make some modifications of the Bill (as we understood), so as to render it more satisfaetory.— [The Hon. Baronet was more than usually indistinct.] Mr. RUTHERFORD was understood to approve of the course taken by the Right Hon. Baronet. He thought it ab surd that Gentlemen who were entirely ignorant of Scotland and Scotch affairs should school Scotch Members on this sub - ject.—( A laugh.) Captain WE3IYSS would not have said one word upon this Bill but for what had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet. He paid 400/. a week to 2.'to workmen, and he never made any deduction from their wages. The power of attaching wages would have the effect of encouraging shopkeepers who gave S then asked ND credit to profligate w or k men, to the prejudice of the families of the latter. The Bill was then re a d a second time, RAILWAY CLAUSES CON SOL IDATION BILL Mr. LABOUCHERE ' how) (CO long it was proposed to defer the discussion on the Railway Clauses Consolidation Bill (Scotland). The LORD ADVOCATE replied, that day week. Mr. LABOUCHERE wished the House to have an opportunity of discussing the principle of the Bill. He could never obtain an answer from her Majesty's Government, aye or no, whether they assented to the principle or not. What, he would ask, was the reason for postponing it for a week P He confessed he raw no reason for doing so. If the Noble and Learned Lord would bring it on to-morrow, he would be quite ready to discuss it. 'The LORD ADVOCATE then appointed to bring it on to-morrow. Sir It. PEEL said that the only reason he had for postpon ing it was to give room for the adjourned debate, and thus obviate any comp'aint that might be made of unfair advantage being taken. He would not then pledge himself to any defi nite course respecting the further progress of the Bill until he had heard the discussion. Mr. WARBURTON thought the whole conduct of the B:11 so I oculiar as to require further considera tion. It was first brought in without the clause ;in its pro gress through the House the clause was surreptitiously in serted ; the irregularity was discovered, the Bill was withdrawn, it was re-introduced without the clause, and sent up , to the higher House. Subsequently it was returned, the clause ' having been again inserted by their Lordships up stairs. He hoped, therefore, that either the clause would be withdrawn altogether, or another Bill be brought in by his Noble and Learned Friend. - Mr. BROTHERTON doubted whether it was not an in- , fringement of their privileges for the House of Lords to insert a clause which they had previously discarded. Lord J. RUSSELL suggested that the House would have an opportunity of discussing the propriety of the clause when ; in Committee on the f ill. Mr. RUTHERFORD thought the withdrawal of the clause very irregular. Sir R. PEEL considered the objection to the clause very reasonable. A rule applicable to England was equally tenable towards Scotland, and for that reason he had no reluctance in saying he was unfavourable to its insertion. Mr. LABOUCHERE inquired whether, then, the Govern ment disagreed with the conduct of the Upper House ? SMALL DEBTS BILL. On the SPEAKER'S suggestion, this Bill was ordered to be read this day six months. Mr. FITZROY KELLY then observed that he had con sulted with various parties in the country on the subject of small debts, and he should be ready to bring in a new Bill, containing amendments, on Monday next. UNIVERSITY COLLEGE (SCOTLAND.) Mr. ELLICE, jun., said, if it was convenient, he wouldwish to be informed whether the Government intended to oppose or support the Bill ? Sir JAMES GRAHAM was understood to say that he was not in a condition to state whether the Government intended to oppose the Bill or not. NEW ZEALAND—ADJOURNED DEBATF. On the reading of the order of the day for resuming the de bate on Mr. C. Buller's. motion respecting New Zealand, Captain ROUS said it was not his fault that the subject had not been brought before the House at ass earlier period. His object was to give the Directors of the New Zealand Com pany an opor, unity of explaining the charges which he and others had brought against them. He begged to compliment the Hon. and Learned Gentleman for the able speech which he made last night on bringing forward the subject, and regretted that he hail attacked the Colonial-office in the person of a gen tleman of pure philanthropy. He said that the New Zea landers were cannibals and notorious liars, and that he was desirous of bringing them to a state of civilisation.—( A laugh.) His Hon. Friend had given them terrible descriptions of the New Zealanders, which they did not deserve. The other day he met Mr. Browne, who informed him that last year he saw 400 acres of wheat entirely cultivated by the natives, and they were able to sell the produce at 2s. per bushel. He stated this to show the state of civilisation at which they bad arriv. d. The character of the East Anglians, in the time of Julius Caesar, would correspond with that given by the Hen. and Learned Gentleman of the New Zealanders of the present day. The Honourable and Gallant Member then went into a detail of various negotiations which had, from time to time, been made with the New Zealanders on the part of this country for commercial purposes. In 1834 they received a British flag from Captain Lambert, of (as we understood) her Majesty's ship Trafalgar. When the New Zealand Company was formed in 1838, the former society was merged into the new one, and 40,0001. worth of the new trade was made over to the old shareholders. Now he the 4 should oooo e 1. for r lad to know what fog if h he was not ar j a e t , considerationmistaken,e-a e a t g v h e e n ti me the new Company was established, the original soc:ety was no' po;sessstlof 'and in New Ze !and that was wt rth more than (001. labourersfi o n l I t ! ' l e vc m d a h:i k m e e n,L,wt hen it anesaCrero singularil d ne o l u N t lra 2 k e irfie'Culamdb circumstance out, e ss e thatn g t e t t ; :n e e and 900 did not know their destination till they called at an interme diateport. These cabin passengers were persons who had been accustomed to the luxuries of life in their own country, ant wet e landed on a barren land, amidst a population of savages, with scarcely, any preparation for their reception. It was most ex traordinary what negotiations had beet, entered into with human beings of the lon eat scale in existence, with tespect to the purchase cf land between the 41st and 43d degree of latitude— ( A laugh ) e -just es if tl:ey knew the meaning of such terms. Mr. Cart ington, the agent of the Nee' Zsa'and Company, said that the purchase-money was never paid, and that the promises of the New Zealand Company were looked upon with the greatest distrust. The nature of the ar ides that pa,sed in these negotiations was rather strange, comprising knive s , spoons, combs, and no less than 144.fews'-harps. In 1839 Lord Normanby appointed Captain Hobson governor of the colony, and sent out orders, graphic in composition, but not very sound in principle. ( The Hen. Member here read ex tracts from the document in question, which, from his posi tion, his back being turned to the gallery, were wholly inaudible.) If they, instead of issuing such choice instruc tions, had laid an embargo on the Company's ships, and not put—to use a homely expression —the cart before the horse, and if the Covet nor, instead of withdrawing to an uninhabited corner of the island, had settled where the great mass of the population were collected, they would not have stru k so fatal a blow to the vitality of the colony. By the treaty of Waitanga the natives were given all the rights and privileges of Englishmen, and a r'ght and title to their lands, but the Governor turned round and said to them, " You shall not sell your land to an Englishman nor to a native, but to me. at 75 per cent.," so that it was absurd to say that they had endowed them with the privileges of Briti,h subjects. What right had they to exact such a monstrous tax as this from the unfortunate natives ? Then the Government could not grant lands to the New Zealand Company which they themselves did not possess. No one in that House, or in the country, could understand the difficulties which any one, placed in a responsible situation in New Zealand, bait to con tend with. When Captain Fitzroy went out he found the treasury bankrupt, the colonial accounts neglected, that the English had fled before the natives in an engagement, and that 5,600/. , out of a debt of 25,0-001., were owing to Govern ' ment officers. I'laced then in such an embarrassing position, lie (Captain Rout) considered that lie had acted to the best of his ability—that he could not have acted better than he had done for the public good. He had another charge against the New Zealand Company respe sing the harbour duties which they had imposed, and which had had the effect of driving ships from the ports of the colony to those of the Society islands, and, besides, no country being so well adapted for smuggling, tobacco was sold by many of the natives at a shilling a pound, whilst honest shopkeepers could scarcely sell it at 2s. It was so with spirits, which were easily smuggled into the colony, and sold at reduced prices, so great were the facilities offered to smugglers. Would it not be more just to abolish duties which gave so inefficient a protection to the revenue, and to adopt in their place a property-tax. Capt. Fitzroy was blamed for not bringing the parties who took a part in the Wairou mas sacre, to justice. Why he did not arrive in New Zealand until a year after that occurrence. As he could not try the parties he thought it best to virtually acquit them. He believed that Capt. Fitzroy would gain golden opinions before he died, for his conduct in New Zealand. Then the New Zealand Company had received a large sum of money illegally, for they disposed of great quantities of land, and realised large sums of money before their charter was granted. They stated that their capital was 300,0001., whereas it did not exceed 160,0001. His next charge was equally serious, because it was their duty as Gentlemen to protect those who suffered from it. ( The Gallant Member then read a statement published by the New Zealand Company, stating that emigrants on their arrival in the colony would find the officer of the Company ready to give them useful advice and employment in the ser vice of the Company.) Was not this a strong inducement to ablebodied men to leave this country? Instead, however, of carrying out the promises which they put forward the agent of the Company found that he could not give those who had gone out sufficient employment, and was obliged to send them twenty miles into the interior for the purpose of being employed in the clearing of land; but they returned at the end of a week weary of the employment to which they had been sent, and means bad to be taken to obtain suitable employment for them from landholders who were paid by the Company for this purpose. These then were his charges against the Company, and all be could say was that if they were unfounded—that the documents which he had read were not true, he should be happy to make an ample apology for haling brought them before the House. With respect to the report of the House of Commons, he had given notice of a motion to the effect—that the Company had acted irregularly in disposing of land to emigrants in the manner they did. He was sure neither side of the House would allow the rights and privileges of the British Crown to be trampled upon, and he therefore relied with confidence upon their agreeing with him, that a factious party like the New Zealand Company ought not to be allowed to trample and tyrannise over those whom they had unfortunately got into their control. Mr. AGLIONBY would not deny that he had some pecu niary interest in the New Zealand Company, and perhaps it would be thought unbecoming in him to take part in the de bate, but he could assure the House that the considerations which had induced him to j'dn the New Zealand Society were far from being of a pecuniary nature. He had allied himself with the Society at the earnest entreaties of a number of re spected friends, who had represented to him the good the co lony was likely to do to a number of poor persons in this coun try, and having been now for three or four years connected with the Society, he could state that he had never for one moment regretted his alliance with it, because he believed he had all along been associated with an excellent body of ho nourable and high-minded men, for the purpose of carrying out what he believed to be a most benevolent object.—( Hear, hear.) The Gallant Officer had stated, in his usually clear and straightforward manner, the opinion he had formed of the proceedings and conduct of the New Zealand Company, and had no less frankly added that all he wanted was an explanation. Ho (Mr. Aglionby) fully believed him, and he could assure the Gallant Captain that his complaints e ere, one and all, foueded on misapprehension; but the present was neither a convenient nor an equitable time for him to enter into a vindication of the New Zealand Company. if he there fore merely now gave a plain and flat denial of the facts the Gallant Member had stated, it was from no disrespect for the chat acter and integrity of the Gallant Officer, but because if he were to attempt any vindication he should be met by unpleasant and unfair assertions frem some Hon. Gentlemen who might have received information on the subject from the same source as the Gallant Officer, which would no doubt be followed by counter assertions from the lion. Gentlemen con nected with the New Zealand Company, and thus the debate would resolve itself into a petty squabble of a personal nature.— ( Hear, hear.) But most of the points to which the Gallant Captain bad alluded had been fairly investigated before a proper tribunal, and that investigation had resulted in the entire and unequivocal exoneration of the New Zealand Company. At the proper time, however, even in that House, which appeared to him (Mr. Aglionby) a most inconvenient tribunal for entering into details, he should be prepared to enter into full and minute explanations, but this could only be done by him when the House felt disposed to go into committee on the matter. The Gallant Officer had evidently a misconcep tion, too, of the financial circumstances of the New Zealand Company, or the Gallant Officer would never have ventured to make so bold and sweeping an assertion as that the Company had swindled large bodies of people out of their money and out of their land. He did not know where the Gallant Officer had collected his details, but he wished the Gallant Officer, before going into committee, would refer to the various papers anddocu ments which had been published on the subject, and he was sure the Gallant Officer would find that he had fallen into error. But he could excuse the Gallant Officer, because it was quite evident to him that the Gallant Officer had been misled by parties who were in the habit of making Members of that House vehicles for their own misrepresentations. Down to the time of Captain llobson's arrival in the colony there was perfect harmony between the culouists and the natives ; so that they were, in fact, as one family. It was not yet too late to restore that state of things; but it could only be effected by an entire abandonment of the principles which have governed hitherto the colonial department of the Government. The colonists had suffered much. He hoped it was not too late to place them again in a state of security and prosperity. He implored the Government and the House not to go now into minute questions, but to consider the best means of promoting the interests of the settlers and the natives. He implored the House for God's sake to listen to the evidence on both sides, and not to be governed by the testimony of one party alone. Before he sat down be would refer to the case of Dr. Evans, who memorialised the Colonial office, praying to be informed as to the position in which those settlers would be placed who had made purchases from the natives ? The only answer he received was, that the Ministers were about to send out a new governor with full instructions. Was that a sufficient answer to an Englishman who had embarked all his property in settling his family in that country ?—( Hear, hear.) He again im plored the Government to reconsider their policy, and to take measures to promote the prosperity of the colony, and the wel fare of the country.—(Hear, hear.) When the Hon. Member sat down, several Members rose to address the House, but upon repeated calls for the" new Mem ber," who rose at the same time, they gave way to Mr. DARKLY (of Leominster), who said, that although he had no present interest in the Company, he shared with every Member of the House in an anxious desire to see our colonies flourish, and the system of misgovernment which had so much depreciated their importance put an end to.—( Hear, hear. ) He believed that the object of the New Zealand Company was to render a most valuable service to the country.—( Hear. ) Bu; he did not think that any just complaint could be made against Lord Stanley or those who co-operated with him in the Colonial-office.—(Hear.) He was well acquainted with the mode of doing business in that office, and he could speak for the urbanity, politeness, and attention of the Noble Lord, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies. He approved in the main of the Noble Lord's colonial policy, but he must express his regret, that the in consistent policy which was occasionally pursued at home, was followed in respect to our colonial possessions. The same policy which at one time encouraged the agriculturists to hope for a perpetual protection, and another time induce the free-traders to expect the speedy abolition of all protection was followed by giving to Canada a free importation of corn to this country. He would not undertake the defence of the New Zealand Com pany as a merely commercial body, but he thought that the fate of a large body of our countrymen, settled in a distant land, had a claim upon the grand inquest of the nation.— ( Hear, hear). He had no wish to attach unnecessary blame to Captain Fitzroy, but he must beg to call the attention of the House to the deplorable change wbich had taken place in the feelings of the nation since the arrival of that officer in the colony—the events which followed the massacre of Wairou—to the unredeemable paper currency, and to unpunished murders. They ought to give the inhabitants of New Zealand something more of what resembled an Englishman's idea of a representa tive institution, instead of the council that at present existed. send—(H n(dHtehaer m , a s hear.) u With sufficient en t force r regard s e t to their t h minds settlers, p e t r h fe e e y tl o y u a g t h e t a s t eo with respect to themselves and their families, or make them friendly with the natives. With regard to the natives, there ought not to exist the slightest feeling against them; he would have there treated with firmness, but at the same time with the greatest kindness. They ought to be treated as spoiled children. He did not admit that the provisions of the treaty should extend to the middle or southern islands, which were altogether admitted to be quite exempt from it. Witt'. respect to the missionary, he was not one of those who considered that the call of God and the conversion of the inhabitants ought not to be the first o' ject in the colonisation of an island. He had some experience of missionaries, but the intolerance of uneducated men, as many of the missionaries were, ought not to be entirely depended upon. He would give to them all that was due to them as ministers of the Gospel, but he would justly suppress their desire to interfere in secular affairs.— ( Hear, hear.) Worldly aggrandisement was manifesting itself in too great a degree in the grants of land. With regard to the Company the Government ought to be prepared to buy up all that would be sufficient to give security to those who resided in New Zealand. They ought to increase the grant, and make it an humble instrument in raising New Zealand to that high and important position among the nations of the world, which it was destined to fill, when perhaps the institu tions of this country may be indebted to the perseverance and gratitude of the descendants of the New Zealanders.—( Hear, hear.) There were few subjects on which he would have felt it expedient to have troubled the House for su h a length of time; he thanked the House for ite attention.—(Cheers.) Mr. HOPE made a few observations in explanation, after Which Sir R. INGLIS said that though he was riot one of those who were in the habit of complimenting young Members, he could not r i se w i t h out congratulating the Hon. Member oho had just sat down, on the tone, temper. and talent of the speech which he had just made. —( Hear, hear. ) He could oat, at the same time, say that he should concur with him in the conclusions which he had drawn, though he liked the manner in which he arrived at them. He would state haw mush he differed from the Hon. Mi tuber for Coekermouth, and still more from his Hon. Lnd Lear, eel Friend, to whose speech he listened with perfect attention yesterday evc [neg. The principal error in the speech of his Hon. Friend, and upon which he (Sir R. foglis) held that the falsity of his cnnelusione entirely depended. was the assumption that when they were dealing :with the New Zealanders, they were dealing with people with whom it was not possible nor fit that the people of England should put them selves on any species of equality. He described them as savages and cannibals, ivho, from their degraded state of ignorance, were totally incapable of appreciating the value of land, and truly incompetent to make a bargain, which they themselves pru.fessed to respect arid desired to preserve. He was not prepared to come to the conclusion to which the flenourable Member wished to lead tl.e House, that every acre over which the natives had not carried the spade or plougli aas as much the property of the New Zealand Company, or of any first comer, as if that Company were purely and absolutely the inhabitants. Several tears ago, when the question was first brought forward, he helieved in 1838. he ( Sir R. Inglis) was one of those who contended that they had no inure right to pro fess to colonize new Zealand than they had a right to prof. es to colonize the kingdom of France. He made that statement tinder no anticipation that any Honourable Member wouLl take that illustration, and adopt it as his own, as his Honourable Friend slid last night. From the moment when, whether right or wrong, they recognized the independence of New Zealand, from that moment they hail no right to deal with it as .he New Zealand Company now wished to deal with it. The first discovery of a country was sufficient to give the nation which had discovered it the right of pre-occupancy as against all other nations, but never had it been contended that they had a right to claim property as against the inhabitants of the soil. How different was that from the doctrine which his Honourable Friend laid down last night? He said that the New Zealanders had no idea of the sale of property, and then he rather incon sistently proceeded to maintain the statements of the New Zealand Company with respect to the purchase which they had made from those whom, by his admission, knew nothing of the sale of property. It was very convenient for the New Zealand Company to say that the natives had no knowledge of property ; but if that be true with respect to the area which still remained open, surely it must be equally true with respect to the property which it had become possessed of. The whole of the property purchased, consisting of some millions, had been obtained for the sum of 7,388/. 7s. 7d. The price which they sold it at, amounted to 128,1361. These were the protectors of the natives of New Zealand ; these were the per sons who complained of the missionaries for instigating the natives against them, and of Captain Fitzrey' for taking their part. With respect to the allegations made against the missionaries, he thought they could be met as easily as they were ramie. He agreed with the Hon. Member for Leominster that the glory of trod was the main object to be regarded in the conversion of these unfortunate creatures, and, he believed, that that was a truth recognised by the great bulk of Mem bers on both sides of the House. He would now ask any man to state what was the difference in the state of New Z Island when it was visited by Captain Cooke, or even later, in 1814, and its present condition ?—( Hear, hear.) So recently as 1814 a white man could not land on it, or walk alone in the country without endangering his life ; while, on the other hand, in the past year, the Bishop of New Zealand had walked 300 miles in the visitation of his diocese, and in a situation where it was impossible to procure a conveyance, and during all that time he experienced the greatest hospitality— hospitality that would do honour to the most civilised people in the world.—( Hear, hear.) What, then, he would ask, could this change be ascribed to but the influence of the missionaries? In the northern island there were even at present 33,009 Christians, 14,000 of whom were attending school, and there were no less than 3.200 of them regular communicants. He therefore thought that he had made out a case in their favour which entitled them to the gratitude of the House for those glorious results. It had been said by the Hon. Member for Liskeard that the missionarii s took the lead in speculations for the purchase of land, and these were Church of England mis • sionaries. He (Sir R. Inglis) was not in a position to say much of the missionaries of the Church of Rome, as their resi dence there had been but very recent; nor had he sufficient information to enable him to do so ; but there was this impor tant difference between them and the Wesleyan missionaries on the one hand, and the missionaries of the Established Church on the other, that the former were removable from station to station, while the latter settled down, with their wives and families, in a particular locality. There was, there fore, he contended, a necessity thus imposed upon them to in vest a certain portion of their salaries in the purchase of land. It had been stated that 196,000 acres were possessed by the missionaries; but when every deduction was made, it would be found that their portion was less than one-half of what the Government allowed to the other missionaries in New South Wales. The greater part, toe, of this land was described (and he believed most ac curately) as nothing better than moving sand. This led him to the proportion of cultivated and uncultivated land in New Zealand. It had been stated that there were 78,000,000 of acres altogether in the country, of which 60,000,000 were cultivable ; but he apprehended that that state ment could not be sustained by the actual survey. He had it on the authority of an eminent na turalist who had visited the country, that the proportion of cul tivable land was far less than in any other country in the world; in tact that there was not more than five per cent. of the whole island that could be cultivated. Supposing therefore, that Mr. Fairbairn or Mr. Taylor had received a grant of 5,600 acres of this kind of land, he did not consider that they had received a greater amount of remuneration than they would have received from Government, had they been situated in any other part of our South Australian colonies. Ile thought that they were entitled to be supported. There never was any irregularity proved against them, and he thought they did not deserve the running fire which had been kept. up against them in the speech of the Hon. Member for Liskeard. With respect to the son of Mr. W. Clarke he did not consider that he was entitled to the censure which had been passed upon him, unless it was for the atrocious crime of being a young man. He thought that no one could be got so well 4,ll,,litied to fill his situation. He had now to thank the House for the in dulgence which had been given to him in making these re marks in defence of the missionaries. He would now, therefore, say to the House that if there was one duty more incumbent on them than another it was that they should not avail them selves of their position—that position which had been conferred on them from on high for other purpo,es—to sanction an inva sion of the lands of a weak and defenceless people. Throughout the speech of the Hon. Member for Liskeard there was an utter disregard of all parties concerned, with the exception of the New Zealand Company, and of a certain por tion of their fellow-subjects who were in New Zealand. He was willing to admit there could be few public companies con- taining a greater number of respectable names; and he ad mitted, also, that they were not jobbers in the market, as the shareholders of other companies were. They were not gam bling or jobbing speculators. He thought that the gentlemen who composed that company had no unfair object in view in joining it but to gain an honourable profit; and he was sure they had no wish to invade the rights of others. He was not, therefore, one of those who wished to run down the New Zealand Company. He would now briefly advert to an other subject which he had already slightly glanced at, namely, the right of the natives to these lands. He bad it on the autho rity of one who had travelled among them, that there was no people in the world who possessed a more keen sense of the rights of property. They had, he might almost say, a here ditary sense of those rights. Was he to be told, then, that those people, who had a name for every hill, every valley, and every mountain in the country, that they had no sense of the rights of property ? He would beg leave to read a petition from Mr. Busby, a missionary, which he was pre vented from doing that evening, when he had presented it to the House. (The Hon. Member here read the petition.) He (Sir R. Ingiis) could not understand, after the unbiassed state ments of these respectable authorities, the grounds which had been put forward by certain parties that the natives had no right to the land of which they disposed, or that from their ignorance they should be deprived of its full value.—( Hear.) He had, in conclusion, to to thank the House for the kind in dulgence which they always extended to him, but especially to night, while he went through those minute details which he felt bound to refer to. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by giving his decided negative to the resolutions brought forward by the Hon. Member for Liskeard. Mr. HAWES said it was not often that colonial subjects oc cupied the attention of the House, and he was glad to find that the present one had come so prominently before their notice, as it involved not only the principle's of their policy in New Zealand, but indeed all their colonial policy. In taking a part in the discussion of this question he would not be influenced by any party factions or motives. Before lie went further, he would address himself to one or two points on which the Right Honourable Baronet had spoken in a manner calculated to excite prejudice, if not delusion. He had said that the New Zealand Company had put 1'21,0001. into their pockets, having sold land for I 2,00 'l., which they had purchased for little more than 7,000/. But it should be remembered that the 7,000/. was not to be considered the value of the land ; subsequent to their purchase, large sums of money had been expended upon surveys, roads, bridges, and other improvements, ail calculated to give a value to the land. He had had a paper put that evening into his hand containing but a sketch of the amount which the Company had expended upon emigration, transmission of ships, surveys, public works, wages, and trusts of churches and parochial charities. The sum . there mentioned was 377,000/,, but he had been assured, and he felt conrineed;of the truth of the statement, that that estimate was 200,000/. short of the sum actually spent by them. Again the Right Hon. Baronet said that nothing was mentioned by his Friend the Member for Liskeard, but the rights of the New Zealand Company. That assertion, he must be permitted to say, was not correct ; other, and equally sacred interests, had been discussed, but even if the charge were true, which he em phatically denied, his Hon. Friend had bnt considered the interests and rights of the New Zealand Company in volved in the right of forming missionary establish ments in their colony. He thought the Colonial-office had made serious errors, and to them he would now call, and, if possible, keep the attention of the House. A report had been laid on the table, expository of the course pursued by the Government towards the colony in question. In the spirit and intentions of that report he entirely concurred ; but changes had taken place, and changes of such a character as precluded the applicability of the recommendations of the report to the altered circumstances of the colony. The speech of the Under-Secretary of State had given him no satisfaction. He had expected that the Hon. Gentleman would have, at least, addressed himself to the evils of the colony, and admit ting, have shadowed out some means of remedying them. —( Hear, hear.) A part, however, of that speech it was incumbent on him to notice. He had raid that the Member for Liskeard had described the natives of New Zealand as debased. What he said was, that while they were not as morose, vitiated, or unsociable as the North Ame rican Indians, they were inferior in the arts of civilization and of war. But even these admissions of deficiency he turned into arguments in their favour. They were easily to be engaged in trade, and showed great capacity for all the arts of civilisation. Such wr.s the present state of the colony. But a few years since it had been prosperous. He had before him the accounts of the ships that left the harbour in tLe year 1844, at which period the inhabitants were thrivinir and its trade increasing. But, by a dispatch of Captain Fitzroy, dated October 15, he found the very reverse. It was there stated that there was no export, no funds. No titles to the land were issued. The salaries were several months in arrear, and the local Government had no resources. —( Hear. ) Surely, when such an alarming change had Occurred within a short period, the House ought to have heard hem the Govern ment the reasons or the remedies for the decline. Nothing, however, had been given. Th e ent i re speech of the Under Secretary was absorbed in a defence of the Colonial Office—a petty defence of the pettiest officers of the colony .—(He ar ) As the Governm en t h a d not ventured to touch up on t hese points, he would himself discuss them. It was the act ua l in flux of settlers i n t o t h e colony that yh ad been the pri me an d original cause o f a ll t h e subsequent disasters. In 1813, Mr. Busby was appointed president, and in consequence of the influx of questionable settlers, had been obliged to seek the interference of the Government at home. At that period the missionaries, of whom he wished to speak with all respect, but who, he must say, did not deserve the credit which the Right Honourable Baronet had accorded them, had oppo-ed colonization generally. " The internal wars," said Mr. Busby, " had depopulated the country." The missionaries could, therefore, have infu. eil but little to its; pint oi which should have pie-eminently di-tingui•hed I3usby's plan was then a conteoerai ion of native clii44, Sufi, a system was absurd, because the English would hariaiiritovait,-- retained their Governor under the guise of a native ruts..., Kat; Zealand never wits an indeoeneeney. The Pritish CeNrl4ll,ll l 7, invariably a ss e r t e d its supremacy 'here. The Compa n ylM (1 --NAI.-f but exercised the right to vi loch all Eoglisho en were eroi , .ieo of colonising an uoinhabited and dependant S ate. lhe Church 11iissionary society had beer. the first to oppose this in disputoble right. °nosed as it had alw s h en to colonisati o n general v. And why ? Bacause they hail become la. ge sessors of land, and, as interested porn, a, they ought not to have interfered with a Company which had ate et: ti e first to in trodoce British sovereignty into the island.. Siarti ioteife - rnce was unvi ise aod rofortunate. !f such was te e sta t)r the Government were not to be thanked for inter:e:ieg they had been driven to it, it. was their own its terest, and, after resisting and refusing all demands, they had been at length compelled to interpose. When the Bight lion. Baronet had said that a State larger than Great Britain, yet containing rot more than 100,000 persons, was so fitly occupied as rot to have any waste lands, he could surely not be serious. The colony comprised an extent of 7,-4,0011,000 of acres, of which the New Zealand Company originally possessed themselves of 20,000,000 aores. That right they had, how ever. waived, when the Government asserted the sovereignty of the island, and established its rule there. It therefore must be admitted by the Hight Hon. Gentleman the Under- a'eere tary of State, that the waste lands were either native right, or vested in the Crown. Mr. HOPE—No no. Mr. HAWES—Oh ! If the lion. Member denied that the title was vested in the Crown, the whole conduct of the Go vernment was manifestly unjustifiable. Some years agb, when supporting a measure which comprehended the whole gist of the propo-itions row advanced, he ( Mr. (lanes) totally diffar ing in politics, as he ever had, from the Hon. Member, divided in a minority, and he found on reference to the Par'ienacritary Votes on that occasion the names of H. Baring. G. W. Hope, and W. E. Gladstone—the question which those Members, in unison with him, supported, being the self-same HS that now propounded by his Friend the Hon. Member for Liskeard. In 1842 a similar vote was given by the Han. Member, but in 1845 he chose to forget that conduct, and showed a vacillation of which he could not have believed him capabla. That was the information he bad received, and which he had endeavoured to obtain from authentic sources. To this mo ment the affairs of the Company hail been left divided and in crinfasion, and they had not received one sing'e farthing under the agreement up to the present hour. Ile was induced to ask, what authority had interpi sed the difficulty which had lid to the present state of affairs in that colony? If the object of the Government was a single one, why had it not put things in order? He was persuaded that the whole of the bad ma nagement of New Zealand was, more or less, to be ascr.bed to the home Government. It followed from the system of colo nial legislation. They had too much to attend to, and they evinced a coldness to listen with interest to the concerns of parties in the colonies. That was a great fault, but oothing else could be expected from the present system of colonial ma nagement. The home Government were hope. fectly ac quainted with colonial usages and wants, and it was impossible that any other result could happen than what had already oc curred in New Zealand. He was one of those who some time ago associated with other gentlemen, generally to promote co lonisation, and they intended to promote a superintendence over the affairs of the colony, considering that that was a point to which their attention could he directed with advantage.—(Hear, hear.) They made application to the Government of the day for the legislative sanction to form them-elves into an independent as , ociation, but were refused because they were not a joint-stock company. The present New Zealand Company were actually forced to become specu lators in the land, and it was the Government who comp. l'ed them to it. They bad proposed to the Government to become an incorporated company, with large and liberal views, similar to those which had been founded in America years ago, and which had flourished ever since. The colony of New Zealand would never submit for a moment to the injustice of the Go ment at home if they possessed power to detend and assert their rights. As an instance of how colonies flourished when they were placed beyond the immediate reach and control of the home Government was the possessions in the Fast The East hidia Con.pany was a chartered association under an Act of Parliament, and the colony over which they had juris diction was notorious for having enjoyed a long and almost uninterrupted course of prosperity. He did not know a single instance of a colony in which the Government had interfered which was not brought into distress and danger and ultimately to ruin. What was the cause of the present distress in New Zealand? Similar causes led to similar results, and the constant interference on the part of the Govern talent was the primary cause. It was impossible properly to govern people at so great a distance, of whose wants and necessities nothing or but little was known. la was proposed to send out a new Governor to New Zealand, unfet tered by instructions from home. He was glad to hear it, for instructions to New Zealand Governrrs had led to a vast deal of laborious trifling. lie was not, however, pleased with a Governor being placed under the control of the Colonial-office, and he was sure the country would never be satisfied with such an appointment. He believed that New Zealand presented an opportunity for establishing a municipal institution, and thus laying the basis of a constitutional government, which, when left to itself, would realize a greater amount of property than could be looked forward to front any other source. The best had rot yet been done—the proper course bad not yet been taken. If the posi tion of these extensive islands in the southern seas was looked at, the establishment of an independent Government there would lay the foundation of a powerful empire. Ile trusted that something more than a mere vote bein g come to on the resolutions which had been proposed would be realised. He considered that the ceuntry was now in a better position to dis cuss the great question of Colonial Government than it had everbefore been. Theclaims of New Zealand for an independent Government would gradually fall with more strength upon the Legislature, until eventually they would be forced to adopt one of two courses, either an independent Governor must be ap pointed, or a system of representation similar to the British House of Commons must be constituted.—( Hear.) A spirit was springing up in different colonies, which would lead them to demand a greater share of independent Government than they now possessed; and he should be happy to see the time arrive, when the emancipation of these colonies from home in terference was accomplished. It had been suggested that from time to time all the statistics and other information connected with the colonies should be obtained, so that a digested report might be had of all the circumstances going on in these places. He was afraid, however, that the Colonial-office already had more business to attend to than it could well perform, and was satisfied that the sooner it was relieved of some of it, the better would it be for the interest and welfare of those colonies. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS said he had read all the volumi neus papers which had been presented to the House on the affairs of New Zealand, and he therefore rose to address the House with a due sense of the importance of the subject before it. He should not, however, occupy their time in re'errir.g to documents to bear out his views, as they had bees quoted at great length by the Under Secretary for the Home Depart ment (Mr. Hope), by the Hon. Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Huller), and by other Hon. Members. The subject of New Zealand had occupied his attention for many years, and he spoke with peculiar interest respecting it, as he had the honour to command the troops serving in that colony. No Member of that House, or any subject of the realm, could attach higher importance to a properly managed syst em o f emigration than he did. It was beca u se h e was this opinion, and because he had the interests of that colony, which was a fruitful one, at heart, that he deprecated and condemned that rash, that unauthorised, that ill-conducted lawless scheme of colonisation which had been attempted in that colony by the New Zealand Company, and the failure of which had been th e cause of all that had happened, and all that might happen, of a serious nature, in that colony. In support of this opinion he quoted a passage in the report of the Committee last year on New Zealand affairs, which stated that the Company were guilty of impropriety and irregularity in sending nut persona to the colony in the way they had done. For the words " impropriety " and " irregularity" he would substitute " rash" and " lawless." It was the duty of Lord Gltinelg to have stepped, and cf Lord Normanby to have adopted strong- mea sures to have prevented any colonisation without the Queen's authority; and had he (Sir H. Douglas) been there he would have sent those who attempted to carry out so objectionable a system to New South Wales.—(A laugh.) Lord J. RUSSELL—That would have been against the law. Sir H. DOUGLAS—He repeated that he would have sent them there until colonisation could be adopted with the Queen's consent, and until the course they proposed to adopt was not illegal. He then referred to letters sent by Lord John Russell and the Marquis of Normanby to Captain Hobson, recognising the strong claims of the natives, who had ma d e some progress i n the arts o f G overnment, and recommending measures for the proper management of the af fairs of the colony. The Company caused the Government to /adopt measures for its own protection and for that of the colonists. The Company proceeded in their undertaking with out the authority of the Government, and now called upon them to break the guarantee which they (th e Government) gave to the inhabitants of New Zealand. By what right had Sierra Leone been held but by the same circumstances ? and it was a new principle of colonial law re specting native rights which had been promulgated by the Hon. Member opposite ; a law not to be found in Vaughan or Black stone's Commentaries; he denied its authenticity, he suspected its origin. It had been introduced from the land where the black man was a slave, and the red mars hunt e d an d t rac k e d like the wild beast of the forest, end he knew how it had travelled from those parts. It was carrying out a principle adopted there; but the tenure of Canada was the reverse of that. He called upon the New Zealand Company to surrender their charter - and having thought much on the subject, and studied it much ' , he came to the conclusion that no good result in the way of colonisation wculd be effected, until the Queen's anthority was made paramount, with a colonial representation.—( Cheers. ) Lord HOWICK said that he concurred so much in the re commendation of the Hon. and Gallant Member, as to the ne cessity of giving to the colony the benefits of self-government, that he would not follow the Hon. and Gallant Member through the earlier parts of his speech. But he must say, that he had heard with great pleasure the speech of the Hon. Gen tleman the Member for Leominster (Mr. Barkley), who had addressed the House in terms and in a temper which left but one impression that the House would be greatly benefited by that Hon. Gentleman taking, in future, an active part s n their discussions.—(Cheers.) He agreed with that Hon. Member in thinking that it was not the case of the New Zea land Company the House had to consider, but the interest of the colonies of this country, separately and in the aggregate, He thought that the conduct of the Government towards New Zealand was faulty throughout, and ought t o b e retraced.-- (Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies had stated that the Noble Lord now at the head of the Colonial Department was unjustly accused for the faults of his predecessors. Now he (Lord Howick) denied that statement. lie was perfectly prepared to show that the policy of preceding Governments was such that the Noble Lord's policy was entirely adverse to it._( Hear, hear.) He did not think that any colonial Government could be entirely free from error, but that which appeared to him to be the most free from error was the policy of his Noble Friend, hist e Noble f Friendor London great p ( L r proofs J. slt ofah l s j u n sse t Russell,) . The e ) a Statesmanlikeppo int mv dispatches eenwtsooff h o i s Government. Th e f in efficient officers.—(Cheers. ) He therefore did not. blame Lord Stanley for anything more than the appointment of such A gen tleman as Ca l it•in Fitzroy. and that was fault enough.— (Cheers and laughter ) He would net at hat time of the ri;eht take up the time of the , House ba det iiling the disastrous con sequences of Captain Fitzroy's Government. 'these were suffi ciently exposed in the documents read by his Hun. Friend the Member for Lambeth. He would not now go into a discussion of thequestion whether the Company or the Gover. ment were mos to blame. But he thought that the country was indebted to the Company for having secured those magnificent islands o the British Crown.--( Hear, }tear.) He was bound also tie say. that he thought their Man of colonisation showed great wisdom in its design, and great perseverance, prudence, and moderation in the mode of carrying it out —( Cheers.) He was surprised to h ear th e H on . an d G a ll an t (Sir Gentleman H. Douglas) say that the di sas t ers o f N ew Z e aland were to be attributed to the rashness and lavishness of the Company, whilst the same Gallant Officer in the same breath recom mended that the whole of the Company should be of once transported to New South Wales.—(Ghee!s and laughter.) The facts were that the management of she Co m p an y wa s en tirely successful until the o in fficers oectehry way the Government mut ts eof shita system to thwart andann oy e danditteocureretruitheears,ithuea,tiro.n) o ln f thtehesentotlretrhaeurnecopmarst rf w er as e i o n w a i n n y g r t e o p t ec he t, m an is ti . man agement of the Government. There was a foe C° tt m a b P l an and y l a c d e i d t n h o e t r e mt i e t KV of if of atnhyethisilnagndwtrhoengCtoomokpapn N