The Sun. — London, England, 1836-11-19 00:00:00

IRILA.ND. MPORTANT SPEECHES OF MR. O'CONNELL AND MR. SHARMAN CRAWFORD. ( Abridged from the Morning Advertiser.) DUBLIN, Thursday Evening, Nov 17, Half-past Six o'clock. The General Association met to-day at half-past two o'clock, and the proceedings, an ample report of which I send you, will be read with intense interest. Nearly twenty Members of Parliament were present, and the room was crowded to excess. Pierce George Barron, Esq., took the Chair. Mr. FRENCH announced that poor Reilly, the unfortu nate wretch who was imprisoned on a writ of rebellion by the Dean of Ardagh, for the n on-payment of ten shillings, the amount of four years' tithes, had died since the last meeting of the Association, from the effects of that im prisonment. • Mr. FRENCH then proposed the admission of Lord Mil town as a Member of the Association, and handed in his Lordship's subscription of 101. Lord MILLTowsr then entered the room, and was re ceived with loud cheers. His Lordship alluded briefly to the distress likely to arise from the suspension of exchanges by the Agricultural Bank, and urged that it was the great duty of all, whose power it was to do so, to alleviate it as much as possible. For his own part, if from the statement promised by the Directors to be made to-morrow, it ap peared that the Company had assets to meet the notes in circulation, he would direct his agents to receive from his tenants agricultural notes in payment of their rents. This announcement was received with loud cheers, and several gentlemen stated their intention of following this example. Mr. O'CosINELL here entered the room, and was received with loud cheers. They bad all seen the list of Sheriffs furnished by the Judges—he would just allude to that made out for the County Clare. One gentleman upon the Judges' list for that county was at present on the Conti nent, and was not expected to return for two years, and the other two had already served in the office of Sheriff ; and it was not usual to place the names of those who had served vain on the list, whilst there were others who were eligible. These two gentlemen were certainly men of respectability—one of them was Secretary to Lord Fitz gerald when he was in Sweden, and the other was also a respectable gentleman. But what was the fact ? The Sheriff had furnished Baron Foster with a list of six Roman Catholics and six Protestants, none of whom were selected by the Judge, who sent in a list of his own. They all, however, knew who Baron Foster was. Again, in the county of Kerry, a list was made by that Judge, and the names were those of three very respectable gentle men, but two of them bad been on that of last year, and had been pressed to accept of that office—one of them was then and now absent, from illness, upon the Continent ; and the other resided in England, where the greater portion of his property was, and as he was able to excuse himself then, he would also be able to do so. Then, in regard to the county of Waterford, two of those who were upon the list. there were arrant Tories.—( Hear.) In short, the melan choly exhibition of the system was, that although the Judges were free from any political bias, yet, if they were the most inveterate partizans or the members of an Orange Lodge, they could not have congregated a larger number of names connected with party than appeared in their lists. Mr. Sharman Crawford was then loudly called for, and the Secretary (Mr. French) accordingly read tile following (Mr. Crawford's) resolutions Ist. That in our opinion it is not compatible with justice to Ireland, and with the theory or practice of the British laws, as applied to either England or Scotland, that the great body of the people should be taxed to pay for the ' church of - the minor portion. And that it is equally in compatible with the principles of religious liberty that any "man should be compelled to pay for the ordinances of a Church with which he is not joined in communion. 21 That as under the present application of the tithe composition in Ireland, a tribute is levied from the whole nation for the uses of the Church of only one-tenth portion of the community, the people of Ireland are therefore jus tified in demanding the total extinction of an assessment so applied. tad. That whilst we demand relief from this ecclesiastical impost, we at the same time require, that as the tithe as - sessment was in its original institution a levy from the pro fits orkland for the public benefit, an assessment equal in amount shall be imposcd in just proportion on those pos sessing profitable interests in land, to be applied to the in struction, relief, or employment of the people, or to such other general purposes as Parliament shall hereafter appoint. 4th. That in our opinion any settlement of the tithe question which shall not be founded on the foregoing prin ciples, cannot be satisfactory to the people of Ireland ; and we call upon our countrymen not to desist from all legal and constitutional means of redress, till they have ob tained full and complete relief from this oppressive and degrading impost. Mr. CRAwFonn, when the reading had been concluded, said, I have 'to bespeak the indulgence of the association while I rise to call their attention to the resolutions, of which I have given notice for this day. I wish to show that the people of Ireland have no wish that the State should be deprived' of any principle of taxation which it has a right to for the common good of the people.—(Hear, hear.) But I also wish to show that Ireland desires to have a principle of taxation in place of tithes, established upon just principles to be applied to national institutions, and for the attainment of national purposes.—(Hear, hear.) It is a point that cannot be disputed, that the present tithe composition is grievous, not only in imposition but in appropriation, because it does not justly act upon tho landed property of the country in proportion to the value of that land.—(Hear, hear.) And, therefore, I say, that it is better that the principle of taxation should be extin guished altogether—( Hear, hear)—and that it be made a new taxation, such as we ought to have for national purposes ; and it should be founded upon a just and fair valuation of the land and property in the country.—( Hear, hear.) This is the nature of the third proposition. I wish to divide the fourth proposition in the followino• manner— " That in our opinion no settlement of the tithe question can give satisfaction to the people of Ireland which is not founded upon the foregoing principle, namely, first, the abso lute denial that the church now by law established, or of any other religious denomination in Ireland, has a right to claim the appropriation of any fund which shall be levied in any form by a principle of general or compulsory tax ation."—(Hear.) And secondly—" That tithe composi tion, or any assessment provided in its place, shall be appro priated in any manner, to any other objects but those which are calculated to serve the general interests of the nation, without any distinction or preference of religious persua sion."--( Hear.) I conclude with a fifth resolution, " That we call upon the people of Ireland not to rest from the application of all legal and constitutional means to procure relief from the impost, which is equally oppressive, as it is degrading."—( Hear.) I wish to bring the question to a discussion, and I wish to confine myself to that course which it is proper to adopt under the circumstances that now exist. I shall shortly, therefore, refer to the difference between the proposition I now lay before the Association, and that laid before Parliament.—( Hear.) My proposition was to say that the Church—which is the Church of a section of Pro , testants, but a fraction of the nation—shall be no longer sustained by a tax drawn from the nation at large.—(Hear.) My proposition goes to declare that the badge of slavery shall be torn from the breasts of Irishmen for ever.—(Hear and cheers.) The proposition made to you in the Bill brought forward by his Majesty's Government goes to the effect of keeping that nuisance of the establishment—tithes, for the sake of the minority—to establish that nuisance for ever upon the backs of the people of Ireland.—(Hear.) I admit the Bills says—" we will throw to you some crumbs from our abundance ;" and the proposers of it imagined that if the people got some of the crumbs of the rich man's table, their importunities would be stopped, and their ap peals terminated.—(Hear.) But that proposition, although advisable to take it as a prelude to better things, under the circumstances which existed--I would proceed to ask you whether it is fit and proper to adopt such a proposition as that under the present circumstances ?—(Hear,hear.) Now having stated what the propositions are which have been offered to you by his Majesty's Government, I shall next refer to the propositions which the Tories make. We have these propositions very clearly and shortly put before us in a speech reported as having been lately delivered by Lord Wharncliffe. His Lordship, in that speech, stated, that if the direct payment of tithes to the clergyman is ob v i ate d, the grievance no longer remains. If they handed the clergy the exaction themselves, then it would be a grievance ; but if it is received by the clergy through the medium of the Government, then 120 grievance at all exists.—(Hear.) They are to be protected and relieved from the direct pay ment of the tax, and it is conceived, forsooth, that the peo ple will be satisfied with this principle.—(Hear, hear, hear.) This is the species of relief whici: the Tory party offer you ; but there are other points in which the two propositions of Whigs and Tories agree. They agree in one point, that monopoly of the Established Church is to be sustained — that the people of Ireland are still to pay tithes to the Church of the minority. They agree secondly in the combina tion of rents and tithes—they disagree about whether a sur plus or not exists—they disagree about giving that surplus for the education of the people of Ireland. The Whigs say it shall be given for the education of the people. The To ries declare that it shall not, but that as much as was re quired should be taken out of the national fund.—(Hear.) They disagree about another thing—the Whigs say that the Established Church is to be satisfied by concession, and that by throwing to them a few crumbs you will be enabled thereby to continue that incubus. The Tories, upon the other hand, say, if you once make concessions, and if you give Irishmen once the taste of religious liberty, they never will be satisfied till they reign triumphant over monopoly.—(Hear, hear.) Our position is now changed— *Avw.• a LUG WM/ ..-- - other concessions that were being made to us have been rejected by the House of Lords, and rejected too with every mark of contempt and insult. You are told that Ireland is to be again reconquered, that her green fields are to be again desolated and laid waste, and her people butchered ; and I ask you, Sir, whether under such circum stances, it is not the bounden duty of this Association to declare, to come forward at once and declare, what are their views and intentions, what it is they demand, and what it is they expect ?—(Hear, and cheers.) I say, Sir, that this is necessary in justice to the people of Ireland ; the people repose full and entire confidence in this Association — they have given substantial proofs of this—from their poverty and their abundance they have given most libe rally to your funds.—(Hear, hear, and continued cheers.) I say that it is incumbent upon us to make such a declara tion in justice to the present Government. You justly praise and eulogise that Government. Sir, there is no praise or no eulogy that you can bestow upon that Go vernment, but in particular upon my Lord Mulgrave, that is not well merited ; and, therefore, I say it is your duty to him, and to them, to speak out honestly and candidly upon this subject. It is to be supposed that all this time the Government have been preparing a measure for the settle ment of this question to lay before Parliament when it again assembles ; and, therefore, it is not fair nor respect ful to keep them in the dark as to your views and wishes until they come before Parliament, the probable result be ing disunion and division amongst their supporters.—(Hear.) Let Government know what it is the Irish people want. Sir, there is another reason why it is imperatively ne cessary that this Association should come forward upon this occasion with a declaration of its principles. There was a resolution passed at a recent meeting of this body, calling upon the people to come forward and petition. Is it not rea sonable that they should know what it is that they are to petition for ? You should tell them whether it is whole measures or half measures they are to petition for—whether whole or half, there is no doubt they will obey the call, if you but tell them. There is another point in that resolu tion to which I would wish to call your attention. It pledges us to endeavour to obtain a final adjustment, in a satisfac tory manner, of the tithe question. The object of the As ' sociation being a final adjustment, all debates as to instal ments are set aside ; and it is therefore necessary that the Association should declare what that final adjustment is to he. Sir, on the question of instalments I wish to be dis tinctly u nderstood, as I think my views upon that subject have hitherto been mistaken. I do not object to instalments being accepted by the Irish people, so far as they will tend to the advancement of the great object which we all have in view. I only object to them where I think them calcu lated to retard instead of advancing it. It was on this ac count I objected to the instalment offered by the Church Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, there is yet another reason why this Association should come forward with such a de claration. It is of the greatest importance to the rights of Ireland generally that the foundation of such a decla ration should be the total extinction of tithes, as a tax upon the non-conformance to the tenets of any particular Church or sect. If ever there was a time at which Ireland had the power of doing herself justice, of asserting her rights, it is now, when Ireland has an association in which the highest ranks are amalgamated with the people for the one good cause, and if the rights of Ireland are not sustained now, how can you expect the confidence of the people ?—(Chsers.) If you do not assert the cause of the people, how can you hereafter call upon them to rise for any particular purpose ? The spirit of the people is with you now. Now is the time to declare that Ireland will not be satisfied except with justice in the fullest extent.—( Loud cheers.) This Asso ciation will have the power of enforcing these rights. It can never be dissolved until it has obtained justice for Ireland, or a legislative body—(Tremendous cheering)—a legislative body which shall truly and really represent the people of Ireland.—(Cheers.) So far as the tithe question is concerned it is brought to a course which makes me bold on the subject. The only thing upon which it has to depend are the writs of rebellion, and there is so much ex' pettse -attendant upon a plan lately introduced to combat these writs, and the difficulty of suing them out will be such as will, I think, deter any clergyman from using them. —(Hear, hear) There is another thing which makes it important for the people to bestir themselves now.—( Hear, hear.) The Government is a paternal one, and disposed to treat the people not only with lenity, but with justice.— Ilear, hear.) That Government should say to the clergy, You may have your pound of flesh, but you shall not have any blood : you may take the flesh of the people if you insist on it, but you shall not have their blood."— (Hear, hear.) Let the Government only say this, and the victory is gamed.—(Cheers.) A proposition might come from a hostile Government, which would have the effect of throwing the people off their guard, by inducing them to believe that they were benefitted by it, and it is to this As sociation the people must look for advice, and from this Association the people expect to be told what to do. I say to the people of Ireland, that no matter however good is our present Government, they (the people) have nothing to depend on but themselves. You must depend upon your selves, and yourselves alone.—(Cheers.) Under the direc tion of that great leader in whom you all place confidence, you will finally succeed, but you must depend only on your selves. In the words which he has often addressed to you, in the motto which he has in some measure adopted, I too say to you " Hereditary bondsmen," &c.—(Cheers.) I say to the people of Ireland, adhere to that adviser, he will lead you with credit and boldness, and you will soon, under his guidance, obtain all that you seek for.—(Cheers.) Only let them see that the people of Ireland are determined to work their own regeneration, and the thing is accom plished, and Ireland is freed,—(Cheers.) My opinion, Sir, is, Ireland ought to claim religious freedom to the fullest extent—she ought to see an end to the monopoly of the Church, it is the right of the people—lreland should emphati cally demand that to the fullest extent ; with regard to the clergy, they should come forward in amity, and not sternly insist on their legal rights to the fullest extent, under exist ing circumstances ; they should not insist on that principle, if but if they do persevere in exacting their full demand, if they prove insensible now to the state of this country, if they show themselves hostile to fair, and equitable, and speedy a rrangement—the final settlement of the tithe question, why then, Sir, let them get their rights as they can ; and if more blood be shed—if more slaughter take place—they will be as culpable of shedding the blood of the people as if they had armed themselves - with pistols and ;pilled) themselves. I understand that it is the intention of the Honourable Member for Kilkenny to propose that the re solutions which I shall have the honour of moving to-day shall be referred for their consideration, to the Standing Committee of this Association. I have no objection, Sir, to any proposition of that Hon. Gentleman, to any suggestion as to the mode of managing our object, or to any alteration in the wording of the resolutions that may be suggested by him. I will persevere in urging on the Government to adhere steadfastly to the great principle laid down in the fourth re solution, and to press that that principle shall be fully sustained and steadily demanded. I want to establish that the property possessed by the establishment is not the pri vate possession—not the right of the Church, but of the people—and that the relief to that people must be paid out of—not the Church's, but the people's property. The people must have relief from this tax. This is a principle, Sir, which I shall not abandon. I say, that as long as that principle is not obtained, the people of Ireland are slaves. I say the people of Ireland, for I, a Protestant, unite myself with them ; for no Protestant can consider himself a freeman while he permits the Catholics to con tinue in slavery.—(Loud cheering.) On these grounds, I think it would be a useless waste of time to refer the re solutions I propose to a Committee up stairs, the more particularly, because, if the Hon. and Learned Mem ber for Kilkenny suggest any alteration in them, except it affect the principle, lam ready to adopt it. As to the principle, I will ask, can Ireland reject it ?—(Cheers.) She cannot entertain the thought.—(Renewed cheering.) That the course she must in all honour take, may be the more clearly seen by her, I will refer to an injunction given to her in days that are passed, by one of her most illustrious patriots, the father of the Hon. Member for Meath— Henry Grattan.—(Cheering.) " Let ndt," said Mr. Grattan, " a slavish thought have harbour, even for a night's lodging, in your breast."—(Cheering.) I say now, if you harbour a slavish thought of compromise, or admit it to a night's lodging, it will retain possession, and oust the legal tenant of its rights.—( Hear, hear.) Do not, I entreat you, rest satisfied with any settlement, if you can avoid it, short of a full declaration and concession of your rights.— (Cheers.) Do not now rest satisfied with any proposition short of such a declaration. In conclusion, I have only to ask that, if in the course of the discussion any' matter should arise to require it, I will be conceded the privilege of a reply.--(Loud cheers.) Mr. P. LALOR (late Member for the Queen's County) rose to second the resolutions p ro posed by his Hon. Friend the M em b er for Dundalk, with great pleasure, as he con ceived there would be no opposition to their reception, hav ing heard the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny de clare the other day for the total abolition of tithe. That was the principle which prevailed among ninety-nine out of every hundred of the people of Ireland, and so strong was their determination on the subject, there could not be a sa tisfactory settlement but by a total abolition. It might be as k e d whether they bad any other plan to substitute in place of that which they proposed to destroy? In reference to this point lie agreed with the Hon. Member for Dundalk in the wish he expressed to provide for the existing inte rests in the church. He was willing to do this while lie ad hered to the principle that no impost i n f uture s h ou ld b e levied for the support of the Church on the Irish people. It was certainly true that the policy of the Catholic Associa tion was to take their rights by instalments ;but in this in stance if they conceded any position they could not here after look for the remainder with the same power as they could now look for the whole. This was a time in which TilE UN, LO it was necessary to sustain public opinion. If they broke it down they never could repair it.—(Hear, hear.) If the Association diminished their demands, the people would in turn diminish their assistance.—(Hear, hear.) The full determination of the people of Ireland was never to recog nise the principle of tithe.—(Cheers.) Mr. O'CONNELL suggested, in order that they might ac curately understand what they were doing, that the resolu tions should be again read, which was done accordingly. The two following were introduced in a now shape by the Hon. Member for Dundalk :- 4th. " Resolved—That in our opinion no settlement of the tithe question can give satisfaction to the people of Ire land which .is not founded on the foregoing principles, namely-Ist. The absolute denial and extinction of the right or claim of the Church now by law established, or of any other religious denomination in Ireland, to exclusive favour in the application to its religious ministry or ordi nances of any funds which shall be levied under any form or name, by a principle of general or compulsory taxation ; and, 2dly. That the tithe composition, or any assessment provided in its place, shall be appropriated in such manner, and to such objects only, as may serve the general interests of the nation, without distinction or preference in religious persuasion." sth. " That we call upon the people of Ireland not to desist from all legal and constitutional means of redress, till hey have obtained full and complete relief from an impost qually oppressive and degrading." Mr. O'CONNELL rose, and was received with loud and repeated cheers.—He said, I have often risen in this room under circumstances of deep anxiety for the event of the debate in which we were engaged. My heart has fre quently almost fainted when I rose to oppose some popu lar proposition, of obvious truth, addressing itself to the ' pride, the passion, and interests of the people. It happened to me when a young man, in years now long passed, and when, indeed, my feelings were unbroken in upon by the untoward events of life—it then happened to me to be ' able to resist those of more moral influence than I had, and in taking that course now, I appeal to the success of • that which I had formerly taken.—( Loud cheers.) I now • with greater pride make that appeal, for I have had the • Hon. Member for Dundalk himself appealing to the public ' to listen to me as their leader, whose counsel had hitherto ' been attended with success.—(Hear, hear.) If those counsuls have been previously successful, are they not as • likely to be so now ?—and let me ask you, during the entire of our former, memorable exertions, did I ever allow any body of Catholics to differ from the people by adopting a ' dishonourable course ?—(Loud cheers.) I did not. I • never attempted to carry any one proposition by the mere • shout of public applause. I never asked any one to vote for any measure of mine—l relied upon the deliberate support of the Association ; and if the resolutions of the • Honourable Member for Dundalk be examined and agreed to, in detail they will even seem to carry additional weight from • their heir' , " so adopted. Then they will be the deliberate act of the Association.—(Hear.) My friend, the late Hon. Member for the Queen's County, says if you reject the resolutions you will, by doing so, tell the people that they will be only relieved from tithe in part, and that the public spirit will consequently be broken down, although, by the bye, he himself discovers that such will not be the result, for he tells you that thelpeople will never again con• ) sent to pay tithe.—(Laughter.) He tells us the people I will differ from our course. That very idea makes me decide on the amendment I propose, lest the resolutions ' themselves should be misunderstood, and lest we should be misunderstood. One of the resolutions proposed by the • Hon. Member for Dundalk requires to be examined in detail, for it has not until this evening been before the A ssociation. The Hon.:Member himself deliberately i:i the first instance gave notice of three resolutions. He then ! deliberately divided thorn into four, and adds a new one.— (Hear.) What we ask of the Hon. Gentleman is to allow us that deliberation which be enjoyed himself—Hon. Gen tleman did I call him—will he let me call him Hon. Friend': • —(Great cheering.) Ido not mean to say he means to • oppose me. Mr. CRAWFORD nodded assent. Mr. O'CONNELL—Then my task is done. I can point out one resolution, upon which neither the Hon. Member himself, nor his seconder, Mr. Lawlor, said one word. Here it is. The Hon. Gentleman Cum read one of the resolutions, which was to the following effect :—" That whilst the Irish people demanded relief from the ecclesias tical impost of tithes, they required that the tithe assess ment, as in its original institution by which it was made a levy from the profits of land." Now, this, said Mr. O'Con nell, is a proposition which I shall be quite happy to dis cuss with both gentlemen in the other room. If it be a levy from the profits of land, which I deny, it is the land lord then that is a loser. But I contend that is a part of the gross produce. The farmer and the labourer are obliged to contribute to the maintenance of a foreign church out of their productions, and the parson may run away with the entire. He is, in fact, but a sleeping partner, and a lazy one, I believe, too, into the bargain. If tithes be a levy on the profits of land, why, then, the landlords alone feel its burthen ; and the Member for Southwark was right, in that view of the case, when he said that not one particle of the tithe came out of the pockets of the poor people ; and, on this principle, lie was also justified in seceding, upon this question, from the ranks of the Ministerial sup porters. This fillacy created at the time a very conside rable sensation in England ; but it is, in truth, a gross fal lacy. I do not wish to trespass at much length upon your attention, as the hour is a late one ; but there were some things of more than ordinary importance which fell from both gentlemen, and to which I think it necessary to direct your attention. They talked of the Church lands being valued at It. per acre. It was Mr. Lawlor—not Mr. Crawford—that said this. The Hon. Member for Dundalk talked of them as a resource available for the settlement of the tithe question. Between them both, they forward the Church lands under these two respects ; and the second of them had the sagacity to value them at but a pound an acre. Don't both Gen tlemen know, when they talk on that subject, that this va luable property is no longer at the disposal of the Church, but belongs to private individuals ; an arrangement which was effected by the Church Temporalities Bill, and which I hailed as a right good instalment ; for it was a change of great value to put an end to the Bishops' leases.—(Hear.) I know the Hon. Member for Dundalk alluded to letting these leases run out, and setting the land at its full value. But that could never be done ; because the leases are in most instances settled. The property is family property, and is considered as valuable as any other species of pro perty.—(Hear, hear.) What has been effected by that Church Temporalities Bill? It has encouraged the tenants to purchase perpetuities. Nine out of every ten of them have paid down the money, and their holdings have been converted into perpetuites. Hitherto you had no Church lands in Ireland well cultivated.--(Hear, hear.) They are now the best in the country—the title is secure. The value of all property consists in the safety of the title. I must, therefore, repudiate ; with all the firmness which is consistent with the respect in which I hold these gentle men, the bare possibility of changing the settlement effected by the Irish Church Temporalities Act.--(Cries of " Hear, hear.") (The Hon. Geatleman then proceeded to read the remainder of the resolutions, upon the terms of the first portion of which he had already descanted.) — Sir, said he, how important is the consideration of every portion of this resolution. It states that. we require that, as the tithe assessment is levied on the profits of the land (of this I have already demonstrated the fallacy), a sum equal in amount should be imposed in just proportions on those profitable interests in land, to be applied, without dis tinction of creed, to the instruction of the poor, &c. Mark me—if I were to decide on this question now, I would vote against it. I'll tell you why : it says—" You shall abolish tithes, but you shall substitute for them something equal in amount." Now, for my part, I certainly prefer the Establishment we are battling against to this some thing else.—(Hear.) What is this " something else ?" I don't know what it is. I am left in the darkest ignorance on that subject- Neither of my Hon. Friends has said one word upon it. How, I ask, would this meeting rationally decide upon such subjects, without having a ny opportunity of entering into a consideration of the details? In the other room we will have the details, and we will then come for ward here and submit our resolutions to the meeting, who will either adopt or reject them. I want the burthen lessened, not shifted. What matter whether you flog high or low, if you flog at all ?—(Hear, and laughter.) I can tell you my own plan. That I am quite ready to do. My own plan would be to abolish the tithes.—(Hear, and cheers.) If I had an assembly like this to d ea l with, I would put the question in three minutes. My own opinion is that the people will never rest sati s fied until tithes are abolished.—( Hear.) That is my opinion. That opinion I gave in the House of Commons during the course of the last Session. What I would wish to show in Committee is, that my plan almost completely agrees with this.—(Hear.) First, I would have an adjustment of the tithe compositions, and I would have the liberty conceded to the people of appealing, whereon they complain of unjust compositions. This they would have secured by the Bill of last year, if it had passed. Next, I would have the 40 per cent. off. Mr. (now Lord) Littleton's Bill gave that, but the House of Lords threw it out, though it passed 80 per cent. to the clergy, by an Exchequer Bill annually. They threw it out, however. I put it to the Hon: Member for Dundalk, whether we could not bring the remaining sixty into the arrangement he talks of with reference to rent. You have fixed the value already ; and by taking that up might not that be a practical way of putting the 60 per cent. on the landlords? These are the reasons for which I came here, determined to send these matters to the Com mittee for their deliberation.—(Hear.) I am emboldened by the answer which I received both from this Association and the Trades' Union, and put the question distinctly to them, " Have you confidence in his Majesty's Miuisters ? Have you confidence in Lord Mulgrave ? You could not have him but for the Ministers ! In endeavouring to ob tain a great good, do not destroy another gractical benefit, by acting directly or indirectly against the present Admi nistration. If they were wrong in principle, we would be bound to oppose them. If not, let them have our sup port."—(Hear.) The Trades' Union unanimously re sponded—" It is our duty to give our support to keep Lord Melbourne in power. We are critically placed. We are not the representatives of any part of the people, but trustees enjoying their confidence.' Let me tell you (proceeded Mr. O'Connell), that to reject the desirable in stalments is exceedingly injudicious. Why are they to be rejected ? Why, it is the doctrine I preached continually in the Catholic Association. I always said, " Let me have at least an instalment." When a question like this has been once raised—coming from the respectable source from whence it emanates, it cannot be set at rest until the opi nion of the people of Ireland has been taken upon it. But it would be most injudicious to rush on to any hasty deci sion, and my Hon. Friend has acted quite right in concur ring with us as to the propriety of going into Committee upon it.—(Hear.) But in going into it let us remember this, that it is our bounden duty to support the present Ad ministration against its enemies. —(Hear.) And if there be some amongst us who are fond of framing high and un bending resolutions in a lofty theatrical spirit—who say to the world, " We must have that, and nothing else,"—let it be remembered, that in five minutes after the arrival in London of the intelligence that a resolution of that descrip tion had been adopted, it might be carried thence to Brighton.—(Hear.) We know with what intensity of bi gotry England abounds. Have we not heard of thousands listening to that nameless creature, distinguished only for an " ingenious device," and to my old acquaintance, Morty O'Sullivan ?—(Hear, and laughter.) Does it not bespeak the existence of an immense power of bigotry floating through England, when such paltry means have been successful in collecting together so many foolish mobs, and shouting bigots ?—(Hear, hear.) This is the peril whish stares us in the face. The amount and the quality of this bigotry. If you would deprive it of its sting, sustain the present Administration ; sustain Lord Mulgrave's Go vernment. It would be a poor specimen of gratitude to praise him tohis face, and to do that in the mean time which will have the effect of packing him off by the packet-boat to Holyhead.—(Hear .) I often have said— . , " Hereditary bondsmen, know you not, Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow l" But I never compared the infliction of that blow to the conduct of a drunken Irishman in a row, who knocks down his friend, and gives him at the same time a black eye, in the very glory of meeting a friend.—(Much laughter.) We have arrived at an important crisis in our history.—(Hear.) We have formidable enemies in England. The Court is against us. The old Hanoverian cry of "No Popery" has been raised throughout the length and breadth of the land. It has been re-echoed at numerous meetings, at which many members of the first classes of society not only at tended, but took a prominent part.—(Hear.) The Lord Wodehouses and others of that stamp. It constitutes the stock in trade of the operative Conservative Associations. We have it from one end to the other of the chain of bigotry, which encircles England ; and the object with which this bigot cry has been raised cannot be for a moment mistaken.— (Hear.) Let us not contribute to the enkindling of the fatal flame in Ireland. Alas ! we are by no means free from its fatal influence. But, perilously as the vessel of our liber ties is placed, let us not, I entreat, raise a breath which, instead of wafting her onward, may sweep her into the rushing stream. Oh, Sir ! no men are less determined for being deliberate.—(Hear.) I have been tolerably sue. cessful in my career as an advocate for criminals in the dock ;in going for many years a heavy circuit. I was em ployed constantly in conducting the defence of criminals-- many of them took a fancy to me, I believe from my mode of cross-examination ; and I can truly say, thiit by the course I adopted, I obtained very many acquittals ; and there is one general rule in cross-examining witnesses, which, if I ever deviated from, I did so with regret ; and this was, that I never asked the witnesses a ques tion the direct answer to which could have injured the in terests of nay client.—(Hear, hear.) Ireland is my client now..—(Loud cheers.) Yes, Ireland is my client now, and I know the value to her of the continuance of the present Administration in power ; for I ask you, Sir, does not the maintenance of your station in society, exalted as it is now, depend upon the continuance of the present Administration in power ?—(Hear, hear.) It has been said that my object never has been to support a liberal Ad ministration, but to promote convulsion ; and that I would not support any Government. however liberal—yet in what position do they find me now ?—(Hear, hear.) Yes, and all sensible Protestants, however they may be affected for a time by any calumnies that may be utteredlgainst me, will, after a period of calm consideration has followed, and when they find that month after month I support his Majesty's Ministers as far as I can without a sacrifice of principle— when, I again say, this is found to be the case, we shall have a million of converts, and many of those who yesterday as sembled in Dawson-street will be found congregated with the Noble Lord (Lord Milltown) and with the many Members of Parliament who are now present here.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Yes, upon the continuance of the present Government in power the safety of Ireland de pends—(Hear, hear)—if it continues in authority, then the experiment for the tranquillity of this country may be worked out, or, on the contrary, the Lords will compel us to tear the Act of Union to tatters.—(Hear, and loud cheers.) I agree entirely with the Hon. Member for Dundalk, that no man has a right to pay in support of the church of another ; and if I thought that such a prin ciple could now be carried out at once to the full extent, I would gladly work with him—l would become one of his tail to achieve this object ; but this cannot be ; whereas prudence will enable us to procure it by degrees—(Loud cheers) —and who, I will ask, if the proposition for a total abolition of tithes were made in the House of Commons, would support the measure ? Why, perhaps, a dozen and a half of the Irish Members, and a few of the Scotch. All the Tories, and 75 out of a hundred of the Whigs would be against it, and so no practical result could be procured.— (Hear, hear.) I have said enough to show the practical sense of the course which I have proposed should be pur sued by the Association, which has been formed for two purposes, to obtain Corporation Reform, that will be an excellent instalment. There is a fable, in which it is nar rated that a man having received some boon from the great enemy of mankind, made a bargain with him that he would do any thing that he might require of him, and Satan then directed him to do one of three things, that he should either injure his mother, kill his father, or get drunk, and the man having chosen the last, got drunk, and then committed the other two offences. — (Cries of " Hear, hear.") Thus it is that I propose to postpone the question of the total abolition of tithe —no, the consideration of the question I mean. But give me Corporation Reform, and then I shall soon get the other.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) We obtained eman cipation by these means, and by the same course of conduct we shall obtain justice for Ireland, or a repeal of the Union. —(Loud and continued cheers.) I now, Sir, move that these resolutions be referred to the standing Committee, to be reported on this day week.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Henry Grattan, M.P., Mr. Dillon Browne, M.P., Mr. Lawless, and some other Gentlemen, afterwards ad dressed the meeting, which we left at half-past six o'clock. THE MONETARY SYSTEM. The question whether Bank of England notes be a legal tender in Ireland is set at rest by the following letter from the Vice-Treasurer and a Treasury minute, received this afternoon, just as the Dublin Evening . Post was going to press ; VICE-TREASURER'S LETTER. Vice-Treasurer's Office, Dublin Castle, 15th November, 1836. Sir-1 am directed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer to inform you that the Law Officers of the Crown have given it as their opinion, that Bank of England notes are a legal tender in Ireland.—l am, Sir, your obedient servant, J. L E AKE, Vice-Treasurer. TREASURY, MINUTE. My Lords, read the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown as to whether the Act of the 3d and 4th William IV., cap. 98, applies to Ireland and Scotland, so as to make notes of the Bank of England for Si. and upwards a legal tender in those countries. The Law Officers are of opinion that the Act does apply to Ireland and Scotland, so as to make Bank of England notes of 5L and upwards a legal tender. Write to the Bank of Ireland and the Provincial Bank of Ireland, that my Lords are advised by the Law Officers of the Crown that the Act does apply to Ireland and Scotland, so as to make Bank of England notes, of 5/. and upwards, a legal tender in those countries, and desire they will govern them selves accordingly in the receipt and transmission of the revenue. This minute is dated the 12th November, 1836, and has been transmitted for the guidance of the Vice-Treasurer. THE AGRICULTURAL BANK. (From the Dublin Evening Post.) It would be foolish to deny that the suspension of pay ments by this establishment has caused very considerable uneasiness, and produced some anxiety, as to the winding_ up of the concern. We should be very cautious in pro nouncing an opinion ; and, if we did not feel a conviction as to the correctness of that which we hold, in regard to this Bank, most assuredly we should not have ventured, at the present moment, to state it. It is, in one word, this —that, ultimately, the Note-holders will be sepured. THE ASSETS OF THE BANE ARE ; Bills due in November £130,000 Like in December 200,000 Like in January , ...... 350,000 That is, 680,000/. ; their liabilities arc not quite 400,0001. No doubt can be entertained as to the value of these securities. But, to meet contingencies of this kind, the Agricultural Bank have sundry available securities and cash, amounting to 130,000/. We leave out of the question the third instalment of 150,000/. not yet paid. But that it will immediately be called in, and immediately paid up, there cannot be the re motest doubt. In truth, a great mass of the property is pledged to the Bank. But we have a most creditable fact with regard to the Agricultural Bank to lay beforb our readers :—Notwithstanding the suspension of payments in Dublin—where, after all, none of the notes were, strictly speaking, payable—the Branch Banks in the country are all open, and, at present, promptly exchanging their notes for gold. Now we have little doubt ; in fact, upon a serious and deliberate consideration of the affairs of this Company, we have no doubt that they will speedily be open again in a few weeks, Some of the partners are now in London, making arrangements with this view. But when it is re membered that the whole amount of their circulation does not at present exceed 200,0004, there can, we repeat it, be no reasonable doubt entertained of the result. Notwithstanding some attempts of explanation which have reached us, we continue to be of opinion, that the conduct of the Bank of Ireland was not either friendly or judicious. As to the malicious and ignorant paragraph in the Mail, regarding this and other establishments, the time will spee dily come when it can be exhibited in its proper light. DEATH OF LORD FORBES—COUNT Y LONGFORD.—Lord Forbes is no more. In the course, then, of eighteen or twenty days we shall have an election of a new Member for the county of Longford. Mr. Luke White, a Tory, has taken the field already, and published an address to the constituency of County Longford. ORANGE METROPOLITAN CONSERVATIVE SOCIETY.— The meeting of this confederacy took place yesterday. After some harangues, the gentlemen dined at Morrison's hotel. The Freeman states a fact which occurred at this Orange orgie, that exhibits the kind of loyalty of which Tories have, from time immemorial, boasted the monopoly. " It is a fact," the .Freeman states, " which we challenge any man of truth who attended on the occasion to deny, that the great majority of the new Orangemen refused to drink the King's health—that so disgusted were the singers at this display of disloyalty, that when the ' Glorious Memory' was toasted, they refused to sing the Boyne Water,' al leging that they did not know the words—that the Rev. Marcus Beresford wrote the words for them, and, even still, they did not or would not proceed beyond the first verse. Major Acton presided on the occasion." ORANGEISM.—The Hon. Randal Plunkett, M.P., has subscribed 500/. to the funds of the Irish Metropolitan Con servative society, and, in addition to this subscription, has guaranteed the rent and taxes of the Society's house for three years. That the snake of faction has been merely scotched, not killed, is apparent from the following copy from Cork of an extraordinary summons for the meeting there of Lodge 983 :—" Royal York Lodge. Sir and Brother—You are requosted to attend a monthly meeting of your Lodge, on Monday evening, the 14th November, 1836, at the Lodge Room, at seven o'clock precisely, when the new system will be given. If it is not your convenience to co-operate with your brethren in discharginc , ' the duty you have undertaken, please to signify the same by note, either to the Worship ful Master or the Secretary, that a false estimate may not be made of our ability whenever the circumstances of the moment call for our assistance. By order, W. A. Clifton." CITY REGISTRY.—The Liberal party have taken nine days to gain two victories, and still neither is worth claim ing. The numbers registered yesterday were—Liberals 12, Orangemen 9. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRANCE. PARIS, Nov. 17.—The Eclarieur of Toulon, of the 13th, says—" The speedy departure of the Perle for the coast of Italy is announced ; it seems that the Duke of Modena is resolved to protect a Miguelite expedition, which is to sail from the ports of Italy, and that orders have been given to exercise the greatest vigilance on those coasts." A letter from Oran, of the 9th, gives some details of the preparations for the expedition against Constantino :—" The troops were divided into four brigades and a reserve. Jous souf Bey set out yesterday with the natives ; General Trezel moves to-day ; the remainder of the army will follow in two or three days. About the 18th or 20th we shall be in Constantina, unless the bad weather, which is now to be feared, prevents us." _ . A new telegraphic dispatch arrived yesterday, announc ing that the occupation of Constantina was resolved on. It was to be effected by a French battalion, 1,000 Turkish infantry, and four squadrons of Spahis. Pecuniary aid has also been granted to Joussouf for his establishment : w th this the expedition will produce good fruit. When tihis dispatch arrived the Bey was on his way from Guelma (half way to Constantine.) Captain de Mallure, of the Zouarecs, was immediately sent to acquaint him with the contents. On the 3d the Jupiter sailed for Tunis, having on board M. de Rance, Captain of the Marshal's Staff, Verdure, a native Sub.-Lieutenant of the regular Spahis, and Ibrahim Mustapha, a Turkish Kodja. It is thought their mission is to make some approaches to the Bey of Tunis on the part of Marshal Clausel. They will be brought back by a steam boat, and the Jupiter will remain stationed at Tunis till the end of the campaign.—Journal du Commerce, Nov. 17. FRENCH FUNDS.—PARIS, Nov. 17. Five per Cents., 105 f. 90c. 85c. 90c. Four per Cents., 98f. 50c. Three per Cents. 79f 15c. 2Cc. 10c. Bank Actions, 2,300 f. 2,297 f. 50c. Rente de Naples, 99f. 600. Roman Five per Cents., 99%. Spanish Actives, 204 19% 20. Spanish Passives, 5 /N. Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, 100% 101. Portuguese Three per Cents. 35%%. Haytian Loan, 340 f. EXCHANGE ON LONDON. One month, paper, 25f. 25c.; money, 25f. 22%c. Three months, paper, 25f. --c. ; money, 25f. --c. —Lours Authentique. BOURSE, QUARTER TO FOUR.—The Three per Cents. con tinued to rise at Tortoni's ; they were done at 791 15c., and on the Bourse at 79f. 30c. After the close of business they were offered at 791. 25c. Little or no business was done in the Spanish Active Stock, which remained between 20 and 20k. LAST PRICES.—FIVC per Cents., 106 f. loc. ; Three per Cents., 79f. 30c. ; Five per Cents. Spanish, —; Three per Cents. Spanish, —; Cortes, —; Coupons, Gueb_ hards, —; Differes, —; New Loan, —; Actives, 20 ; Pas.. sives, 5t ; Ducats, 98 60 ; Romans, 99k ; Pedros, —; Belgians, 101 ; Dutch, —f. ; Haytians, 340 f. —c. ; Mi guels, 14; Brabant Bank, —; Belgian Bank, 26; Con.. tinuation, —c. ; New Diffcres —; Five per Cent. Perpe tuelles, —"; Royal Loan, —; Three per Cent. Portuguese, 35g. SPAIN. ESTREMADURA PROCLAIMED IN A STATE OF SIEGE. The Marquis of Rodil has sent to the Government the following despatch, dated at his head-quarters at Truxillo on the sth instant :—" After stopping at Jaraicejo, 1 marched with the division of the Royal Guard for this city, where I arrived at sunset. I was then separated from the enemy by a distance of five leagues. It appears from the information which reached me during the night, and in the morning, that the rebels are marching with extraordinary slowness, and without any fixed plan. It is probable, how ever, that they will proceed in the direction of San Be nito. Conformably with the instructions which I yesterday despatched, General Alaix, who is in my rear, ought to join my division by forced marches, or inform me of his arrival in Alia. Thus the enemy, whether he stays at San Benito or marches on Merida, will have a choice of many courses of proceeding. If I attempted, with the division of the Royal Guard alone, to make him decide on ono of these courses without having first advantageously disposed of Gen. Alaix's division, extremely inconvenient consequences might result, for the enemy, in traversing the country which he has devastated, has succeeded in accumulating numerous means of transport, of which he could not fail to take ad vantage, and I cannot, besides, go far from the Tagus be f9re I get the money and the various articles of which I stand in need, and the want of which would oblige me to move with extreme slowness, or to diminish the number of my disposable forces. In a few days I should be able to receive these articles, and to dispose advantageously of the division of General Alaix. Then, as it will be possible to have my plans executed as I wish, it will only require a short time, I hope, to terminate this campaign, which has been paralyzed since its commencement. by a thousand ordinary and unfortun a t e ly i nev it a bl e causes . Th e pu bli c anxiety continually occupies my thoughts. I fully under stand the necessity of getting rid of the rebels, in order that the forces employed in this part of Spain may be en gaged in other points. This consideration, and the strong desire which I have to justify the confidence which is placed in me, would constitute a sufficient stimulus, if I did not possess the heart of a true and loyal Spaniard, to induce me to sacrifice even myself, in order to obtain the result so much desired by the country. Since I am ani mated by such sentiments, there is no need to send me other and urgent intimations, for they only serve to increase my inquietude, without producing any good effect ; whilst the physical means, the only sort I stand in need of, not to vanquish Gomez, but merely to accelerate that result, are not supplied me. The truly extraordinary conduct of the militia of Estremadura, at a moment when its co-operation had become necessary, and the manifest decline in the pub lic spirit, of which I have seen cause to be convinced during my march, have induced me to regard as indispensable the provisions of the proclamation of which I enclose a copy. I trust that this proclamation, and the other measures which I shall not fail to employ for the same purpose, will be productive of that fortunate effect which I desire more than any other person. The following is the proclamation I allude to :—` Her Majesty the Queen Regent, m the name of her august daughter, was pleased to confide to me at a critical moment the direction of the war. By her decree of the 16th of September last, she was pleased to confer on me extraordinary powers to term), nate the war in the mountains of Toledo and Sierra Morena as speedily as possible. Circumstances, which it is unneces sary to repeat, opened the plains of Estremadura to the rebels, and it is in this territory that is now established the theatre of operations in the South. The great re nown enjoyed by this loyal province in the history of free dom caused me to entertain the most brilliant h o p es ; but: whether from the rebels having been unfortunately allow° to traverse with impunity the country, or whether from too great an importance being attached to exaggerated rumours, despair and despondency appear to have stifled the feeling_ of patriotism. I expected to find myself in the centre of extensive and numerous communications. I r eckoned 01 seeing 10,000 bayonets belonging to the National Guae glitter in support of my division. How different is .tth_ real state of things ! lam without communications, wihrd out information, compelled, in spite of myself, to a mise rable inaction; and if any endeavour is made to mobilize the National Guard, the effort is speedily followed by sea° dalous insurrections, in proof of which I need only refer to the towns of Jeste and Cabezuela. I should prove unwort h y of the confidence placed in me by her Majesty, if I clic!, not do all in my power to accelerate the termination 01 the . civil war. Would to God I could effect this t ject without disturbing the citizens in their with"houses— recurring to odious and severe measures—without exacting o t efficacious and prompt s ac r ifi ces . But it is neces sar y cast off all lethargic apathy, and not only to punish , but to prevent such scandalous scenes as those which passed a , Jeste and Cabezu e la. Th ese sacr ifices must be su bmittea to, when the physical' * and political existence of th e c of try depends on victory. For these reasons, and in virtue of O f powers confided to me by the Royal decree of the 16th ° September, I order that the following provisions shall be carried into full and complete execution : " Article 1. The province of Estremadura in a state of siege. During my stay in the province raY ,au thority. shall be alone in vigour, and in my absence the Captain-General shall enjoy the same powers, until circuin• stances permit the abrogation of that extraordinary monsure: mobilized "2. Every National Guard, liable to be agreeably to the Royal decree of the 26th of August must, under penalty of death, present himself withilvi. hours after the publication of the present bend° to the dv, G en eral vision under my immediate orders, or to that of Alaix, if he belong to the province of Badajos, or to the that corps of Brigadier Don Diego Toloso, if he belong to is declared of Carceres. " 3. The National Guards, not liable to roobilizatlo:4 agreeably to the above-mentioned decree, shall preserve arms and accoutrements, and be held to perform the tary service required of them, and be subject to tbef penalties enacted by the military laws against infractions ° the said service. " 4. The Royal order of September 24, issued by tb e r Minister of the Interior, and the decree of the Cortes °I April 17, 1821, put in vigour by the Royal decree o f the 30th of August last, shall be rigorously enforced. " 5. All public functionaries, whatever m ay be th eir rank, are held responsible to express to my bead-quarters, i n this and to the other commanders of the active army province, all the despatches and confidential a dvises re" specting the position or movements of the rebels, as ' a ss t delay that may tend to their destruction. The ' e ":: delay will be punished as severely as circumstance s r °- ' require ; and the responsibility depend on the more less exalted station of each functionary. " Given • at my head-quarters at Truxillo, on the sth of their November, 1836, at 1 o'clock in the afternoon, GERMANY. VIENNA, Nov. B.—The English fleet which, had been /l for some time at an c h or a t V our l a , l e ft t h at h ar b ou r o t" 19th of September.—lts destination was no t known.---il air burg Papers Nov. 15. - HAMBURG BORSEN HALLE, Nov. 15. 1; il is. Mo gi "' Austrian Metalliques, 5 per cent. Ditto ditto 4 per cent. Ditto ditto 3 per cent. Ditto Bank Shares 1327 122 6 ,, Russian 5 per cents. Metal. Anglo-Russian Loan in , L , 1.02'76 , 2 Paper Inscription, 6 per cent — Russian Inscription, per and Co., 3d and 4th Series Ditto, Certificates Portuguese Regency Bonds, 5 per cent — -- Ditto, 3 per cent s9l4 32 Dutch 2% rer Cents. - Ditto 5 per Cents — Polish Bonds, 3 per cents. New Tickets 150% Des Anglo-Danish Loan, 3 per cents 7, .71% Norwegian Loan of 1834, 4 per cents. - Spanish, in piastres, 3 per Cents — -- Cortes Loan, 5 per Cent I9V, 19 Greek 4 per cents. 1933, guaranteed by France hU -- EXCHANGES ON LONDON. HAMBURG, Nov. 15.-13 736 ; two rnontas. 13 5%. CHRISTIANIA, Nov. s.—Three months, 4 118 ST. PETEESBURGH, Nov. 4.—Three months, 10 25-32. BREMEN ' Noy. Il.—Two months, 5i9. I.3uni.im,Nov. 52.—Threem4nths, 6.22. —Hamburg Pavers, Nov. li. RUSSIA. PETERSBURG, Nov. s.—We have received the following news from the Chinese frontiers :—" The troubles wh ie broke out in February in the Provinces of Hu-Nan are en' tirely quelled ; the ringleaders have been taken and P ly nished as their crimes deserve." AMERICA. (From the New York Express of Oct. 09.) ~„ f THE MONEY-MARKET.—Th e p as t wee k h as b een severe pressure upon almost every business man in t “ - community. Encouraged by the hope that the Secretal of the Treasury would do something to relieve or lessen t h h , pressure, stocks on Mond a y an d T ues d ay a d vance d a lit t i The hope, however, of relief from the Treasury Departn3e; was soon found to be false, and everything, if possible,,le worse than it was a week s i nce . Th e ra t es o f i n t e rest ai d very high, and confidence materially impaired. Som e our heaviest firms, unable to contend with the storm, ba n g been c o m p e ll e d t o yi e ld t o it, notw i t h stan di ng t h e i r nle a i o were abundant to meet all their demands. Our ba ° , 4 ,, have been compelled to be more rigid than usual in the mands ; it having become necessar y t o square uP iir til l, accounts, and curtail most of their business. street for the whole week has been flooded With Lt best notes in the city a t 2,2 i-, and in some cases 3 per C a-month. We see no immediate prospect of relief in money affairs unless it emanates from Washington. lee t have heard that our rulers i n t en d t o pun i s h to the fu mig ` extent in their power the whole commercial and line r `i; tile community for demanding th e p assage o f th e Dist' tion Bill. EXCHANGE.—For bill s on England the closing r us , for the 24th packets w ere , as on th e f ew d ays Prev':°„ce 10n to 108 per cent. Th e sa l es were mo d era te ; which there has been but little doing, and prices Wi t° variation. Bills on France sf. 25c. to sf. 30c. be MONEY AND STOCKS.—In another column may e st found our views of the money-market. It will be set, there has been no alterations to improve the stock-0 13 1% 1 r Far worse than ever bef o r e seem t o b e a ll mon i e d ins` l or tions ; for money cannot be raised o n any s t oc k s a t ri to able rates, by pledging them ev en w ith goo d notes ; a t sell is still worse, for then you must suffer a shave o ', :he least from 10 to 25 per cent. O ur stoc k sa l es w ill s hoo' 7, low ebb' of all. It i s unnecessary to enumera te til e. All western stocks seem to suffer the most." A Council is expected to be held at Brighton li th day jeit week, whe n P ar li ament w ill b e f urt h er prorogue d, anc l stated when it will meet for the dispatch of busin.3o The Bishop of Carlisle has been staying a t SOO l o el j Right Rev. Prelate arrived on Tuesday, Park, the seat of Mrs. Lawrence, where the 1 4 °"' Archbishop of York, at Bishopsthorpe. y, UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW.—The Toriesu. above-named city are rejoicing in what they term tile,,a action. In other words, having failed in electing TOY q e Lyndhurst to the rectorate, they have, after an im nie- 0 from a visit to the struggle, elected Sir Robert Peel—both of vl lll3 ' 9 'l P s doubt, care very little about the matter, as the already shown by declining some time ago to become 5 candidate. So far from being a re-action, this ele -eti • °° 0# shows numerically a considerable increase of Liberal P -1 0 ciples in the University. Earl Durham was rejected son/ two years ago in all the four nations, the gross numbers; students voting for him being 160. At this election John Campbell was returned by one nation, the Tron s ' °. • ana, and within seven votes of carrying the Londoniaroc: the whole number voting for him being 023, showingt.. actual increase of 63 votes on the Liberal side. 1 " ' a be ample means, were we disposed, to make an expose of the l a tter 'l a _ miserable shifts resorted to by the Tories in order 4",,c, sec u in this election, and make what in their sapience they es tee o g a re-action. A re-action among five hundred boys, ari l° whom we have shown an increase of Liberal princiPles • at As an instance of th e r espectability of the Tory had the this University, we ma y state, that at the meeting ilel d ,ha day before the election for the purpose of nominatin,, candidates, sev e r a l of this party, in a state of into sicatio ; made such disorderly interruptions when the L iberal 0 dents were speaking, that a dissolution of the meeting we'a necessarily resorted to. And further, the persons selec t d to announce their man, the pink of this distinguished classic p a rty, who are dying in love with Sir Ro bert's sell ° . larship, r ead aloud from the rostrum "Bobertus Peel, eqin . : vir admodum illustris et honor a bili s ." We congra tulate Robert on the chance of his getting a goo d birth as 6.0 sistant to the Professor of Latin, who is a ver y admitubl teacher, no doubt.—Morning Paper. Mr. Edward Lytto n B u l wer contradicts a parasraße, which appeared origin a lly i n the Lincolnshi re Ch,ronic % s tating that he i s un d ec id e d w h e ther he shall star ,d aliftr for Lincoln. He has no more doubt of stand:tit . ; again Lincoln than h e h as o f s i tt i ng for it. We are i n f orme d on goo d authority, that 'Lieuten_d of Colonel D un d as h as b ee fi "most honourably"' acquittc the ch arges pre f erre d aga inst him by Capta ja Rawlins, of the same corps.—Bengal Hurlcaru, May